The Sun. — London, England, 1837-12-04 00:00:00

the enemies of the people? What influence can the Whigs hope to obtain by playing the game of the Tories ?—Cardiff Chronicle. When the Radicals told him (Lord J. Russell) to look to his position in that House, his answer evinced the disdain he felt at the supposition that he would seek to prolong his power as a Minister at the expense of his convictions as a man : he replied, that what he looked to was not his own position in Parliament, but the true interests of the country ; and that, not professing to be anxious to retire into private life, or even to be indifferent to his continuance in office, he would permit no personal considerations to induce him for one moment to take part in forwarding objects which he conscientiously be lieved would be injurious to the interests of the nation, and fraught with hazard to the stability of its institutions. The Ultra-Radicals now know, therefore, that, in regard to their three great stalking-horses, they have nothing to expect from the Government—they never had any right to expect amyl thing—and let them vote with the Tories, or abstain from voting, if they choose so to do.—Manchester Guardian. LORD JOHN RUSSELL AND THB BALLOT.—We trust that Reformers will not be discouraged by the rather hasty con clusions that have been drawn respecting Lord John Russell's permanent hostility to the Ballot. We have watched every declaration that has been made by the Noble Lord on the sub ject, and we do not see that what fell from him in the House of Commons amounted to a declaration that . he would resist the measure under any circumstances sn wh ich the country may be placed. We have no doubt—indeed it is evident from his language that he felt greatly annoyed and disappointed, as the leader of the House of Commons, in not being able to carry what he knew to be acceptable to his Royal Mistress— an unanimous Address from the Commons of England to the foot of the Throne. That Lord John Russell did, and we believe does think there may be circumstances in which it would be his duty to support the Ballot, we have only to refer to his speech, delivered at the Torquay Reform Dinner in September, 1832. Western Times. Those Liberals who expected Ministers to support the Bal lot and other measures for perfecting the Reform Act, have been disappointed. It does not appear to us that there has been any bad faith on the part of Ministers. But while we give them credit for sincerity and fair dealing, we must pro test against their pclicy. Bitter was the disappointment among the independent Reformers at the tone and substance of Lord John Russell's speech. We know that at the Reform Club, in London, there was but one opinion as to the disastrous effect it would have on the stability of the Administration. There was a general concurrence in the declaration made by Mr. Ward in the House, that Lord John had " signed his death warrant—and chalked out the grave of the Administra tion."—North Durham Chronicle. His Lordship seems to us altogether to have mistaken his way and to have forgotten himself and his country. His fool ish attachment to the Reform Bill has in it the very essence of Toryism. It is perfectly on a par with the slang in-which Tories have ever been wont to speak of " our Constitution, venerable institutions, vested interests, and things as they are." It bas at length become too evident that the Noble Lord so entirely misunderstands the principles and tendencies of his own vaunted measure, as to dream that the people of England will regard it as a final one. If, however, he sup poses that this mere scaffolding of Reform will satisfy those minds in which the fair type of the structure has so long lain and been cherished, he only proves he is a man intended by nature for little things, that he is only fit to he the insignificant pioneer of great generals and a mighty army. Take that Reform Bill even at the best, strip it of all those adjuncts which have made it little better than a nuisance, carve it into all the neat compactness characteristic of the mind of his Lordship, and, at best, it is but a plaything suited to the infancy of political regeneration ; it is but a promissory Bill, which the author himself is now prepared to dishonour. It is but tco evident that her Majesty's Ministers are content to shine by reflection from the Throne. They seem to dream that Court favour will prove a sufficient substitute for national approbation. It needs not, however, a prophetic eye to discern a day not far distant when this delusion, under which they are relapsing into a state of ill-disguised Toryism, will be dispelled by the irresistible rebuke of the people.—Leices tershire Mercury. Let not Lord John Russell, or any other member of her Majesty's Cabinet, imagine that they can stifle the voice of the British people. They may talk to us of errors in detail, but will they convince the people whether it may be a new or an old system which it is intended to introduce, that the present system works well ? Will a Minister of the Crown be per mitted to declare that it would be a most unwise experiment " to look for other and new securities for the representation of the people ?" Those who use language like Lord John's it humbly appears to us, seem to forget the principles upon which that measure was based, a representation of the real wealth and intelligence of the country. The Reform Act will be amended in its details, or if the Noble Secretary will have it, in its " principles," through the medium of popular feeling.—Kelso Chronicle. NORWICH UNION LIFE INSURANCE COMPANY. A very numerous and very highly respectable meeting of this Society took place on Thursday, at Norwich, in pursu ance of an advertisement calling the members together for special purposes_ Deputations frsm Bristol, Birmingham, Manchester, and many other places attended, and the greatest excitement prevailed. Mr. Recorder PRESTON bogged to be allowed to propose that Colonel Harvey should take the Chair ; he had done so at each of the former meetings, and he believed by the deed he was entitled to be chairman. Mr. PONTIFEX seconded this motion, and it was carried by acclamation. Colonel HARVEY hawing taken the chair, stated that the Directors had submitted a case fur the opinion of counsel, as to the right of admission to general meetings of those parties who held policies as assignees ; that case had been laid before Mr. Brodie, Sir F. Pollock, Sir W. Follett, and Mr. Sergeant Wilde ; and their opinion had been given, that no gentleman so holding a policy had any right to be prcs,rt, or to vote ; but the Directors were =tic us that the utmost liberality should be shown, and that the utms et freedom of admission should be given to every person who had any interest in the society.— ( Hear, hear.) He wa , proud to address a meeting so nume rous, and at the same time so highly respectable as this was. He would not inflict upon them a speech as regarded the busi ness of the day. All he should do was, to impress upon their good sense, as well as good humour, the propriety of abstaining from anything- of a personal nature in their discus sions. At the two former meetings there had been a tone of defiance and rcrimony--a ne which ought not to haAe ex isted. He I new he was addressing the friends of the institu tion ; and he wee persuaded they all meant to come to the same point, though they might disagree about the mode of doing so. One interest was paramount, when their comfort and convenience and blessing might be continued or lost by the stability or failure of so great a society as this was. They had waited some time in the bore that on illustrious gentle man (Mr. O'Connell) would have arrived, and he regretted he was not present, end the more so in consequence of the liberal and truly Irish expression he had used, that he wished there should be indemnity for the past. and correctness for the future.—(Loud cheers.) He (Col. Harvey), dis claimed this on the part of the Directors. He disclaimed any thing like indemnitv.—(Cheers.) He would be put upon his trial, and he would have the investigation reach himself, and his colleagues concurred in that sentiment. They con demned an indemnity. He might say, that his colleagues and himself had only been two years in office, and with regard to those who had preceded them, however they might have erred in judgment, he was sure they had no right to imagine that they were actuated by improper motives. There was an ordeal through which they must pass, and if they could not go through that test, the penalty was the most severe that could affect an honourable man—it was the censure and disappro bation of their conduct by honourable men.—(Cheering.) He should meet with the concurrence of those with whom he had acted when he said that they claimed investigation— (Cheers) —and the mode of that investigation was the only point upon which they differed. On former occasions there had been something like hostility, something like a stigma, that the Directors considered they had not deserved, but a full and fair investigation the Directors required, and he thought the public required it also.—( Cheers.) He could not conclude without giving his opinion as to the state of the Society, and he did so as a man whose credit was before the world, and he should be sorry at his great age (84, it was understood,) that a taint should now be put upon him ; but he would freely say that their lives and property were perfectly secure in the Norwich Union-office. The Directors wished to preserve the lives of the members,_ and they would tak e ca r e th ey s h ou ld h ave t h e i r property. He knew his duty that day was to collect the opinions of others instead of promulgating his own. He would request that there might be discussion and not dispute, so that they might act up to Mr. O'Connell's views. Let there be an amicable discussion, and let them come as near to it as possible, though gentlemen might find the atmosphere of Norwich was rather detrimental to that feeling. He would place himself at their disposal. He had no power but what they delegated to him, and if he spoke to order, he should expect to be supported.—( Cheers.) A desultory discussion now took place, accompanied by con siderable confusion, and lasting for some time. Sir E. Lacon, Mr. Paynter, Mr. Pontifex, Mr. Evans, and several gentle men of the different deputations addressed the meeting, but nothing like business took place. Some gentlemen wished to have the Reports of the Directors and the Committees read, but others would suggest that a motion for suspending the con sideration of the by-luws should be first put. Mr. Alderman FAREBROTHER would beg to address a few words to the meeting. The speech of the Hon. Chairman, desiring, on the part of the Directors no indemnity but in vertigation into their conduct, was what this meeting and every honourable man would have expected of him, and if the Hon. Chaim:lnn had not stated it, every person would have given him credit for such a sentiment. From the accounts submitted to the meeting, it was clear there could be no bonus, and it would be unjust and un-English to require it ; but what did that signify when they all looked so healthy ? they would have it doubled the next time. The Society, not the Direc tors, was on trial, and by their conduct they would pronounce its condemnation, or raise it higher than ever. He had felt it his duty to speak to their surveyor (Mr. Newton) on the subject of the securities, and Mr. Newton had told him that there was 781,6501. on undeniable security, 193,4091. on safe security, and 110,857/. on doubtful security, making a total of 1,085,9161. As to the latter head the security chiefly con sisted of houses and property in different parts of the kingdom, one portion being at Brighton, where property had much deteriorated in value, but upon a consultation with the surveyor it appeared that the rental far exceeded the interest, and therefore the surplus rental would be applicable to the re duction of the debt, and they should not, therefore, hurry the property into the market, and then, probably, by applying the surplus rent in diminution of the principal, they might ulti- mately get off quite clear. He felt confident that, upon in vestigation, everything would tend to prove the honour of the Directors, and the intelligence and respectability of the Sc- cretary. Mr. Brightwell, Mr. Leigh, Mr. Taylor, and Mr. Blundell then addressed the meeting, but still nothing was proceeded with, when Mr. O'Connell entered the room, about 2 o'clock, and was received with loud cheers. The CHAIRMAN said the meeting would be glad to hear that the illustrious Mr. O'Connell was present. Mr. O'CONNELL begged to protest against the epithet. Mr. PAINTER said, in order to prevent public discussion, he had bad a conversation with some of the Directors, and he thought even this might now be brought to a conclusion in a manner most satisfactory to the meeting. He believed the Directors were under a misunderstanding as to the course of proceeding. An atimated discussNiri 'den tool * plalce reladve'to reading the reports before the discussion as to suspending the conside ration of the by-laws was proceeded with. Mr. O'Connell rose, but the right to speak first was claimed by the Rev. Archdeacon BATHURST, who said that no deputa tion from all the towns in England would ever induce him to judge a man or thing without a hearing. It was so un-Eng lish, it was so unconstitutional, and it was so contrary to the principle of natural justice, that he protested against it. Was it reasonable to propose that which should impugn others with out first hearing those who were accused ? How did they know but that the amendment which might appear in the re- port might remove all objections? Mr. O'CONNELL had not known who the Rev. Gentleman was. He disclaimed any thing like personality. No gentle man had greater claims upon him than any member of the Rev. gentleman's exalted family.—( Cheers.) It was most desirable that there should not be any difference of opinion upon matters of property among themselves. They were all part ners. An unreasonable point ought not to be listened to, but that which was reasonable, and fair, and proper, ought to be acceded to. One thing was clear, that all of them were inte rested in this property. The public was always ready to at tend to the black colouring, but did not give the same atten tion to the favourable view of any subject, and more especially in pecuniary matters. They were now come to a crisis of busi ness, and if the accounts were satisfactory, no office would stand so high, and he was sure that in Ireland there would not be one good insurable life that they would not get, and means would be taken to prevent bad lives being insured in that coun try.—( Hear, hear.) The way to obtain their property was to agree quietly among themselves, and to see what ought to be done to satisfy the public upon the existence of the securities and of the general property. It was the first thing in the world that every one should know his own pounds, shillings, and pence. He did not think the interests of the Society re quired that they should be over-scrupulous ; let them know what they had to go on with, what their funds were, before they went into an unnecessary discussion on the terms of the by-laws ; let the public and the insured be first satis fied. It had been suggested that it was the wish of the Directors to meet the amicable feeling which he was anxious to promote, and he would suggest that two or three gentlemen on the side of the foreigners, for they were aliens there.—( Cries of " No, no.") He only meant that in joke ; but that a number of gentemen to be agreed upon, should re tire for ten minutes, and should come back with a plan for go verning the proceedings of the meeting.—( Here were loud cries of " Read the reports.") Mr. O'Connell had not the slightest objection that the reports should be read. It was a compliment due to those gentlemen who had prepared them. He had no notion of gentlemen taking so much trouble, and not to be listened to. The meeting was divided upon that point, but he would suggest that five persons on behalf of the Directors, and five on the part of the general body, should re tire and consult as to the best mode to be adopted. If they were unanimous very likely the meeting would attend to their suggestions ; if they were not unanimous, they would have no report to make. Mr. Alderman FAREBROTHER did not think this course would be attended with advantage. Mr. O'CONNELL thought the experiment worth trying. The Rev. Mr. COLLIER said there was a substantive motion before the Chair, and let that be disposed of. Mr. PaeNTER would withdraw his motion. Mr. Alderman FAREBROTHER said, if they separated with out coming to some decision they would be in the Court of Chancery, and would be ruined for ever. If the application was renewed in the Court of Chancery, and it was stated that there had been so many meetings, and the members could not come to a decision, the application would be granted. The observation of the Vice-Chancellor yesterday had been, " Go to Norwich and vote; the majority must bind the minority." But if they could not come to a conclusion they must go hack again to Chancery, and the motion would be granted. If the majority of the meeting were against him, he should think he was wrong, and should bow to their decision, but he would teke the opinion of the meeting before he would con sent that any body of gentlemen should retire from the room ; for if they did so, there was an end of their institution, and they would become children of the Court of Chancery. Mr. O'CoNNELL observed, that they could not make par ties for a suit, and he was convinced that a suit ought not to be persevered in. It was -important to come to an amicable arrangement ; it was not to be expected that the parties would give up the by-laws. After some discussion as to the parties who should form the retiring Committee, it was moved by Sir E. K. Lacon, Bart. seconded by Mr. C. Evans, and unanimously resolved, " That five directors, namely, Mr. Recorder Preston, Mr. E. T. Booth, Mr. James Winter, Mr. I. 0. Taylor, and Mr. F. Noverre, together with Mr. J. Greening, and Mr. T. Bignold, be appointed a deputation on the part of the directors, and Mr. O'Connell, M.P., Mr. Francis Lloyd, of Birmingham, Mr. Biundell, of Hull, Mr. Armstrong, of Manchester, and Mr. Moore, of Bristol, together with Mr. Paynter, and Mr. Pontifex, be appointed a deputation from the meeting, to agree if possible upon terms of arrangement, and that their report be not received unless unanimous." During the absence of these Gentlemen several persons observed that it would be one of the wonders of the world if 14 Gentlemen were unanimous. After a lapse of 20 minutes, the deputation returned, and Mr. O'CONNELL addressed the meeting. " Gentlemen, whether we are right or wrong, we are unanimous.—( Loud cheers.) It is open to the meeting to determine whether we have acted wisely." Mr. PONTIFEX then read the following propositions, which had been unanimously agreed to : " Suspend the confirmation of the by-laws until the report, hereafter to be made, shall be presented. " That the proceedings in Chancery be stayed ; that coun sel shall attend and state that the suit has been settled to the entire satisfaction of all parties, and that the bill should be dismissed without costs. " That Mr. Alderman Farebrother, Mr. Timothy Steward, and Mr. Francis Lloyd be the examiners as to the sufficiency of the securities and the investigation of the accounts ; that their reasonable expenses be paid ; and that they report to a Special General Meeting to be called for that purpose ; that the expenses incurred by the London and other deputations be defrayed out of the funds of the Society, not exceeding 7001." It was then mrved by Sir E. K. Lacon, Bart., and seconded by Mr. C. Evans, that the same be adopted by the meeting. On the resolution being put to the largest assemblage of Members that were ever paesent, it was unanimously agreed to and carried with acclamations. Sir E. LACON then moved that the meeting to which the examiners should make their report should be held in London. —( Cries of " No, no.") Mr. PONTIFEX said, by the deed, the meeting bad not the power to determine on the place where their meetings should be held ; but the Secretary had the power to name it. Mr. BIGNOLD.—The Vice- Chancellar stated so yesterday, but it is a power I did not know I possessed. Mr. PONTIFEX would therefore put it to Mr. Bignold, whether, all things having been so satisfactorily settled, and as London was a more convenient place of meeting for the great body of the members, he would not meet the amicable feeling which had been displayed by fixing London as the place where the report should be received.—( Question, question.) Mr. PA TNTER observed, that he had been fortunanate enough in some degree to be the pacificator, and he must say that Mr. Bignold must find it difficult, situated as he was with his Norwich friends, to pledge himself to call the meeting in London. He thought it would relieve him by taking the sense of the meeting. Mr. BIONOLD would have much pleasure in placing himself in the hands of the meeting. Mr. Alderman FARABROTHER would suggest that the report should first be presented to a meeting in Norwich, and then to another meeting in London. He thought that would be satisfactory to all parties. Sir E. LAcoiv having pressed his motion that the next general meeting should be in London, The CHAIRMAN put that motion, but being unable to decide, Mr. O'CONNELL undertook, at the request of the Chair man, to be teller. He counted the hands held up in favour of the London Meeting, and declared them to be 77. He then counted those held up for the Norwich Meeting, and de clared them to be also 77 ; but at the same time he stated that if he was guilty of any error, he thought he had undercounted the Norwich.—(Loud cheers.) It was then moved by Mr. Alderman Farebrother, and se conded by Mr. Pontifex—" That two meetings of the Society be held, one in Norwich and the other in London, to receive the Report of the Examiners." The Reports of the Directors and Committee were then read. Mr. Alderman FARM:MOTHER said, in performing the duties which the meeting had imposed upon him, he should not take the word of any man. He should judge for himself ; but he should be happy to receive advice and assistance from any gentleman. Mr. LLOYD felt the responsibility of the duty he had under taken. If in their Report they failed to satisfy the members, he felt assured they should have to deal with a generous con stituency. He had been armed with a protest on this occa sion, and he had come with complaints from the assured, but he was happy to say the proceedings of the day had dispelled all his previous impressions and suspicions, and he should go into the investigation with the most friendly feeling towards the Secretary, the Directors, the Auditors, and all the other officers.—(Cheers.) Mr. STEWART felt sure that the result of the investigation would be that the magnificent institution of the Norwich Union Life Insurance Company would be placed on a base firm as the rock of ages.--( Loud cheers.) It was moved by Mr. PONTIPEX, seconded by Mr. O'CON NELL, and carried unanimously, " That the report of this day's proceedings be advertised in four London papers, two morn ing and two evening, and the Norwich papers, and sent to each of the Society's agents, for as large a distribution as possible." It was moved by Mr. TAYLOR, of Manchester, seconded by Mr. LEIGH, of Taunton, and carried unanimously, " That the thanks of the meeting are due to the examiners, who have kindly taken upon them the duties referred to." It was moved by Mr. WALLER, seconded by Mr. PONTI- Fax, and carried with acclamations, " That the thanks of the meeting are due, and be hereby given to Mr. O'Connell, M. P. for the great service rendered by him on this occasion." . . The Rev. Mr. COLLIER wished his motion to be put. Mr. BIGNOLD stated, that at a former meeting be had said that, as regarded his emolument, he should place himself in the hands of the Directors, and that determination be now repeated.—( Loud cheering.) It was moved by Mr. Alderman Farebrother, seconded by Mr. Pontifex, and resolved unanimously,—That the thanks of this meeting are especially flue xo the Chairman, for his manly, dignified, and able cdhduct in the chair: The meeting then dispersed, being highly satisfied with the result of their conference: • WESTMINSTER MEETING. (THIS DAY). A meeting of the electors of the City of Westminster tom place this day at the Crown and Anchor Tel-ern, Strand, in consequence of the declaration made by Lord John Russell in his place in the House of Commons, against the extension of the Suffrage, Triennial Parliaments, and Vote by Ballot. The meeting was very numerously and respectably attended. Among the gentlemen on the platform we observed—J. T. Leader, Esq., M. P., Otway Cave, Esq., M. P., Sir William Molesworth, Bart., M. P., R. Dillon Brown, Esq., M.P., Sir Wm. Brabazon, M. P. Henry Warburton, Esq., M. P. , D . W. Harvey, Esq., M.P., Daniel O'Connell, Esq., M. P., W. Ewart, Esq., J.' A. Roebuck, Esq., Carteret J. Ellis, Esq., Howard Elphinstone, Esq., George Rennie, Esq., Dr. Car pue, Mr. Prout, Colonel Thompson, &c., &c. At a quarter-past one o'clock, Colonel De Lacy Evans, M. P., attended by the Gentlemen of the Committee, entered the Room, and was received with loud cheers. On the motion of Mr. PROUTT, seconded by Mr. ELLis, the Chair was taken by Colonel EVANS. The CHAIRMAN said—Electors of Westminster, I feel highly honoured at being called on to fill the Chair on this occasion. No man who recollects what Westminster has been on all oc casions, when the public interests or the public rights were concerned, but must feel highly honoured at being placed in my present high situation. However, I have a strong feeling of reget that a Noble Lord who had discharged those duties infinitely better than myself has been prevented from fulfilling your wishes by presiding upon this occasion—l mean Lord Brougham.—( Loud cheers.) His letter, declaring his strong adhesion to, and ardent support of, the principles you are convened to express your opinion upon this day, will be read to you, and I have no doubt will give great gratification to those assembled.—( Hear, hear.) Gentlemen, the declaration made by a Minister of the Crown a few evenings back in the House of Commons regarding the three most important ques tions which the liberal part of the public, who comprise the great mass of the people of this country, are most anxious about, has been the cause of this meeting. The Reform Society of West minster have thought fit to convene this meeting, and if any ob stacles or difficulties rise in the establishment of the principles we have at heart, it appears to me that in no part of the Kingdom ought the commencement of the declaration of our adhesion to these principles more properly come than from this place. Gentlemen, my business is very brief ; it is to perform the duty to which you have called me. You will, I have no doubt, perform yours with firmness and resolution, and by your con duct this day I have no doubt that you will promote the cause of reform throughout the kingdom; not only by your deter mined and honest devotion to the principles you profess, but by the steady, temperate, and determined manner in which you will have performed them. It is a few years since I was here before, but I cannot enter the room without recol- fecting that it is almost classical ground in relation to popular principles.—( Cheers.) For 30 or 40 years, or even half a century, it was here that the torch of liberty has been illumined with the greatest brightness, and from this room it has cast its light more beneficially on the cause than in any other part of the kingdom.—(Cheers.) I feel great pleasure in coming into this room upon such an occasion, and although I have frequently advocated those important measures of the Vote by Ballot, Universal Suffrage, and the shortening of;Parliaments, I believe that to-day, in point of fact, we are only about to commence the struggle seriously and ardently. For my own part, as your representative, I need only assure you of my con stant adhesion and entire devotion to the principles which I have professed on the hustings before you.—( Much cheering.) The Secretary will now read for you the letter of Lord Brougham. The SECRETARY then read as follows : " Gentlemen,— I deem myself greatly honoured by the de sire, of which you have been the bearers, that I should preside at the meeting of Reformers in Westminster; and I am ex tremely sorry to be under the necessity of refusing to comply with such a request. This is the course which I have been obliged to pursue, with very few exceptions, for many years, and of late without any exception whatever. But let it not be imagined that I am indifferent to the great subject which brings you together. At no time within my re collection have the friends of improvement and reform had more ground for anxiety regarding the prospects of their cause. That they will act firmly, as well as temperately, I confidently expect. That they will shun to the utmost of their power whatever may widen the breach among them, I ear nestly hope. That they shall always find me in my place while I have any means of helping them to further the best interests of the people, they may rest assured. Upon all the more important matters which occupy the minds of men, there appears now to be a general coincidence of opinion. That the duration of Parliament should be shortened is confessed by all who can descry the natural operation of a six-years' security upon the conduct of the nation's representatives. Put more frequent ap peals to the country may be of little avail, while a mighty body of our fellow citizens are excluded from all share in the manage- —...-.. ment - of their own affairs, and left without the power of en forcing opinions which they have at the least as much capacity to form, and at the very least as much independence of spirit to assert, as those who at present possess the elective franchise. This exclusion I certainly regard as the worst of grievances now complained of. Nlly for whom I entertain the greatest respect hold another opinion, but to them I freely admit that the means must be pro vided of restraining those corrupt practices so disgraceful to the age, and of protecting the elector in the exercise of his right, to the end that the law may no longer foster corrup tion, and the subject may no more be mocked with the per mission to choose whom he pleases, provided he pleases to select those whom others shall choose. The effectual control of the constituent over the representative body—protection to the voter in the possession and in the exercise of the fran chise—an extension of that franchise to all whose intelligence and respectability enable them to use it beneficially for the State—these are the objects of all the efforts which remain to be made for reform. May Ibe allowed to add what can only be of any importance to myself, because it relates to me alone ? My opinion in favour of the Ballot has been forced upon me slowly and with extreme re luctance by the experience of later years ; the enormity of the evil universally complained of in the cruel sufferings of honest men ; and the hopelessness of finding a less objection able remedy. Upon the yet more enormous injustice, the incomparably more perilous mischief of excluding so many thousands from those political rights which they are so un questionably entitled to enjoy and so well fitted to exercise, I have again and again declared my fixed opinion both in Par liament and to the country. I am confident of having done so repeatedly while I was carrying the Municipal Reform Bill through the House of Lords in 1835. I distinctly recollect having done so in that House both early and late during the last Session ; and I addressed to the great Manchester Edu cation meeting six weeks ago, the same sentiments which I have just now expressed to you. Nothing in the occurrences of the day has affected these sentiments in any manner of way ; nor increased nor lessened my attachment to those prin ciples which have ever been the guide tof my public conduct. " The events of late years, indeed, may have severed the ties of ancient friendship, and weakened for a season those of party connexion ; but neither time, nor chance, nor change can ever estrange me from that people in whose ser vice, under the guidance of a judgment unfettered by any dictation, my life has been passed; whom, and as I have never flattered nor ever deluded, so have I never either deserted or betrayed that people whose confidence I know was never withdrawn, because it never was forfeited, and for whom my affection can never be impaired. " I have the honour to be, Gentlemen, " Your obedient and humble servant, ( Signed) " BROUGHAM. " To Messrs. Prout, Kemp, and West." Letters of apology were also received from Mr. Flume, M. P., Sir S. Whalley, M.P., Mr. Ward, M. P., Mr. Grote, M. P., &c., &c. D. W. HARVEY, Esq., M. P., on rising to move the first resolution, was loudly cheered. He said—l feel peculiarly gratified and honoured by having been selected by my fellow citizens to move the first resolution. It is impossible to over rate or to exaggerate the objects which have called us toge ther—whether we look to the circumstances under which we meet, or the causes in which the meeting originated.— ( Cheers.) As has been correctly stated by our honoured and gallant Representative, the electors of Westminster have been in all times, notwithstanding peril and tribulation, foremost in the work of Reform.--( Cheers.) Many whom I have now the honour to address have, with myself, been accustomed, during many a long and dreary year, to meet in this place for the advancement of the great object of Parliamentary Reform. Often have I deeply deplored the defections which have been made in the ranks of the Reformers.—( Cheers.) In past times this great cause has resounded with the stirring and in dignant eloquence of men who have led us on to noble pur poses, not less by their strong and exciting language than by the high objects to which they directed our attention.— (Cheers.) We have had men here to address us who have told us that they were not to be deterred from the great cause of the people by the fiat of King, Lords, and Commons.— ( Cheers.) Yet the " Pride of Westminster" has at length sheltered himself behind the dark canopy of Conservatism._ (Loud and repeated groans)—while another, if possible still more eloquent in his oratory, the leader of Demo cracy, who took up his abode in a neighbouring prison, to vindicate the justice of this cause is now waiting silently in a Cabin e t f or t h e acc id en ts of pay or peerag e .......(Loud cheers. ) Now, it is time that the people should rely upon themselves, and no longer on the broken reed.—( Hear, hear.) Now it is time they should arise and take that station in the land, to which not only their numbers but their intelligence entitle them.—( Hear.) What a high compliment to the sovereignty o f the people is conveyed in the eloquent letter which has just been read? But on the other band—he to whom is con fided the peace of the land—who is the chief civil authority of the state—the leader of the House of Commons--second to no one in the Cabinet—he has put forward a most valuable Proclamation.—( Hear, hear.) He has told us that the cause of Reform is in danger.—(Cheers.) He has told us that the people must arise, and follow out that example, which iu 1832 saved the Whigs and the Reform Bill.—(Great cheering.) But, my friends, if late circumstances throw a shadow over our cause—if we see, with regret, that distinguished men have deserted from our ranks—it remains only for those who have followed in the rear to press forward into the foremost ranks, and the people will not be betrayed. I rejoice to see such a meeting as this. I look upon this as a great conference assembled to deliberate, not only what we should do in this great city, but what advice we shall give to less fortunate bodies of our fellow-citizens ; for as we act, so will great masses of the people act in remote parts of the country.—( Hear.) I look upon this as indeed the modern Runnymede, in which we are met to draw up the new Charter of our liberties.—(Great cheering.) There is now no ab stract question to divide our judgment, and create differences of opinion, or justify any pleadings for delay. Those considerations which heretofore induced Re formers to be cautious are now at an end. Who could now stand up in behalf of the Government and say that they are checked in their course of reform by those obstacles which used to meet them at every step as they paced the palace of their ancient master?—(Great cheers.) There is no reason now why they should not advance every measure which is com prehended under the name of good Government.—(Cheers.) For my part, I am thankful for that light of discernment in myself, which saved me from the delusion in which others were involved, for you know that for five years past your ablest advocates have been whispering in every form of language eloquence could supply, that it was impossible to urge on the bark of reform ; that it was floated on a sea of corruption—( Cheers) —that every person who had access to the Royal closet, or could influence the Royal mind by those secondary agents by which they had surrounded him, were the enemies of Reform. The Ministers found themselves, we were told, surrounded by the enemies of the people, and they were treated by their master with coldness, distrust, and sometimes with positive dislike.—( Hear, hear.) We were told that we should not urge them - we were told that they consented to remain in office, which was thus made so disagreeable to them only through their exceeding patriotism. We were told to wait until they should have a monarch not less friendly to Reform than they themselves, when they would unite with the people and the Sovereign to carry out the great purposes of Re form in all their amplitude.—( Hear, hear and cheers. ) They were obliged to the Ministry that hitherto the people had been deceived, and that the Government had only used them for the purpose of keeping them in place and power as long as possible. They had been formerly deceived, but now eeader of the House of Commons told them, and that with out being goaded by irritating language, but after a night's sleep—( Cheers)—Lord John Russell came forward with a mind which seemed incapable of irritation—he came forward with a mouth which might have been closed in his official capa city, and told the people that the tide of improvement should no longer flow forward.—(Cheers.) Thanks to Lord John Russell for his candour !—all hail for the tardy conver sion of Lord Brougham !—(Cheers.) They would give his Lordship many occasions to show his sincerity.—( Cheers.) Tardy conversions were often the result of much study, and therefore they hail his Lordship as a sincere friend to the measures which they had met to support.—( Cheers. ) It was almost unnecessary for him to dilate on the questions to such a constituency as had sent his two Hon. and able Friends into the House to represent them.—( Cheers.) They were told it was their special duty to agitate.—(Mr. O'Connell here waved his hat amidst loud cheers.) They must not be content to trust to a broken reed—they were not then crowding some county hust ings, or some miserable polling-booth, for the purpose of shouting out the name of some wealthy neighbouring gentle man, and praising his private virtues ; they had a nobler object in view—a much nobler and higher object in view than any such trifling matter. They were to act for greater re sults. Then as far as in us lies, so far as it is possible to adapt existing powers to remote contingencies, the people might talk of their final Bill.—(Loud cheers.) There are so many objects for the Legislature to effect, that nothing can be so mischievous as bit by bit Reform.—( Hear, and cheers.) There might be a time when this might be justified ; but that is at an end now, and we cannot be too thankful to the Government for telling us so. If there bad been am biguous terms resorted to, if we had heard a few whispers, as we did at the end of the last session, that the time might come when the Government might adopt the Ballot, or if there had been an intimation, that if they were not friendly to the Ballot they were to the extension of the Suf frage, or for more frequent Parliaments—( Loud cheers) — if one or more of these things had been stated in intelligible terms, though we might not have believed this, yet it might have allured us. —( Cheers.) But one and all alike of the Government tell you they will abide by their nomination boroughs.—( Cheers.) Let it not be forgotten there is as rank a spirit for nomination boroughs now as there was under the old system.—( Cheers.) There are now eighteen Mem bers returned by the metropolitan districts with a vast consti tuency, and there are upwards of one hundred members re turned for nomination boroughs, where the constituency are not more than six thousand, and in many cases only 300.—( Cries of " Shame I") This, we are told, constitutes the excellency of the final measure —( Grea t cheers)—while Ministers have declared that they will not shorten for a day the existence of Parliament.—( Cheers.) It is nothing to tell us that within the last seven years we have had five Par liaments.—( Cheers.) What we want is a Parliament that will represent us, and not the holders of nomination boroughs. Gentlemen, I am the more anxious to impress on your minds, and through you to the country, what it is we seek, that we may not be divided in our House ; for however much in the higher walks they may be divided amongst themselves, let the united millions stand forth as one.—( Cheers.) There is no thing we cannot accomplish, only let us understand each other; let us know who are our friends and to what extent they are such, whether they are mere timid calculators or firm and un flinching friends of the public cause. I know that some friends and Reformers, in and out of Parliament, think it would be well for the people to confine their agitation to one object, that there ought now to be meetings in all towns and boroughs urging Election by Ballot. However valuable that may be, and I am not here to say anything to its disparage ment. If we were called upon to select which of the three objects would be the better, if we could not have the other two, I shall entertain great doubts myself whether that or the Ballot is the best. But be that as it may, I tell those gentle men whose sincerity and judgment I do not suspect, I tell them they cannot excite the people throughout the country. —( Cheers.) They cannot draw the people forth in those formidable arrays which rendered them so fearful and resistless in the year 1832, merely by calling your attention to the Bal lot, because we know the parties to be benefited by the Bal lot on the present constituencies.—( Hear, hear.) But what are the present constituencies, if they were all combined toge ther into one solid mass and one solid object; unless we can bring the broad arm of the people into action our efforts would be useless.—( Loud cheers.) And allow me to say, that we arc just as likely to get one as all.—(Laughter.) What was the argument of Lord John Russell the other night? He said, " If I were prepared to give a willing ear to the Ballot, would you stop here ?"—( Cries of " No, no.") Unreason able as you are, would you stop there? No sooner would you get the Ballot as an instalment, then you would say we are now for more frequent Parliaments; and, having got that, the , next cry would be—we are for a more extended suffrage. Where, in this field of evils, will you stop ? He says you will never be content, until you have got what you say you ought to have—and we never will be content. There is one other point to which I am anxious to draw your attention, because I wish, as far as I can, to anticipate and to answer those remarks which will be made not only in this room, but far away from it. He would say, Agitate agitate ! agitate !—( Loud cheers.) — We are told to agitate. " Agitate, agitate" is the word, but what will that avail ? They have got a lease of six years and by the expiration of that time, how much shall we be the better of it? The present moment is the life of man. It may be said that by that time the eyes of the people will be opened, and truth and reason will be vindicated ; but I will ask, have not the eyes of the people already been opened by experience—havo they not seen the abuses and corruptions which have crept into all the institutions of the State? Listen to me, my friends, on a subject which I cannot consider but as a painful one. I say you can do nothing worth while with the present Parliament.—(Cheers.) It is utterly im possible. The only comfort which suggests itself to us from the formation of this House is, that it can do no mischief.— ( Hear, hear.) The Tories will tell you " we are not seeking power; we have titles and estates ; we do not want the emolu ments of office ; we want alone to protect our rights and pro perties from the encroachments of the Democracy. It is for this purpose we sit here from night to night; it is sufficient for us that we can keep them from doing mischief, and we seek not power until that time shall arrive when the Government shall have so completely disgusted every one that, like the blasting influence of frost, every leaf shall have dropped from the tree of liberty, and left nothing but a barren and sterile stump."—(Cheers.) I know that many acute and able men, who feel strongly and speak feelingly on this sub ject, labour under the apprehension that the present Govern ment will be supplanted by a Tory one. These men appear, however, to forget that if the Tories are so numerous in the House of Commons as to prevent the Whigs from doing mis chief, the people are sufficiently numerous to hold a check over both.—(Cheers.) If the Tories come into power to-morrow their first step should be to dissolve Parliament ; and I do not apprehend, that with a consciousness of the delusion that has been practised upon them, and a knowledge of who are really their friends, and who are their enemies, that an appeal to the people under such circumstances would, be attended with worse results than when the franchise was swamped by corruption and intimidation. How did they act in 1832? How did the abused freemen of the towns and boroughs act ? Did they not come around the Reform candidates, to surrender their vested rights into their hands ; and are we to suppose that those who were brought into being by the warming influence of the new Reform Act, will not follow an example so splendid and deci sive. Gentlemen, I have now explained to you, as briefly as I could, what appears to me to be the object of this meeting; and it is important for you to consider, from one extremity to the other, that in proportion to the magnitude of the object, so is the necessity for your pressing forward on its behalf strenuously and decidedly. There must be no hesitation. Why, any friends, what mighty consequences—what mighty benefits might we not have derived, up to the present time, from that ill used and much misunderstood country over which I was almost about to say my Hon. and Learned Friend near me (Mr. O'Connell) presides.—( Vehement cheering.) Even his giant mind and unsubdued and ceaseless energies, would have been inadequate to these great objects, if it were not for the powerful manner in which he had been assisted by the associations of that country.—(Cheering.) We also, my friends, must have a British Association.—( Vehe ment cheering for some minutes, in which Mr. O'Connell heartily joined.) We must infuse into somo metropolitan association the same energies which animated the Associations of Ireland.—(Renewed cheering.) There must be a justice rent here as well as there.—( Cheers.) In short, there must be no rivalry between the two countries, but that great struggle of who shall outstrip the other in the career of public improve ment.—( Applause.) Gentlemen, I speak guardedly, for I know not how soon a Whig Government may send its Whig Attorney-General among us.—(Groans and hisses.) I shall not, therefore, speak of corresponding associations, but there must be a complete union, intercourse, and communication between all the branches of this Asso ciation, of which there must be one in every country in every town and in every hamlet. —( Great cheering. ) Combine then, and agitate—agitate and prosper. The Hon. Gentleman was here interrupted by sonic person in the body of the Meeting, who asked the Hon. Member a question. [The interruption occasioned much confusion.] Gentlemen, I think that Gentleman asked me, what these Associations were to do? [A voice in the crowd,—" No, no, I asked you why it was there, although you sanctioned Mr. Wakley's amendment on the address you left the House without voting ? —( Cheers, and some confusion.) Gentlemen, although it is not usual for a speaker to be interrupted in the course of his remarks, yet it is no interruption to me to have a question put which I can so easily answer.—(Cries of " No, no.") That gentleman must recollect that I am not addressing the elec tors of Southwark, and that I have already appeared before my own constituents, and rendered an account of my conduct. I feel, therefore, that I would be acting an unbecoming part in frittering away the object of this meeting, if I turned aside for so idle an object.—( Hear, hear, hear.) But, Gentlemen, without suffering ourselves to be diverted by even the best intentioned inquiries, I will conclude by admo nishing you, and, through you, the people of the entire coun try, not to suffer this occasion to pass away as an idle day—not to go along the streets linked in each others arms—asking each other what do you think of the meeting? or, who was the best or rem the worst speaker, but think what you can do your selves.—( Loud cheers.) You cannot expect your generals to do everything.—( Loud cheers.) In all great efforts the citadels of power, whether of corruption or policy, have fallen before the giant arm of numbers. It is the people who must invigorate the feelings of their :elders in the House of Commons. The Tories and the Whigs are powerful there—the liberal party, though feeble there, is resistless in the nation.—( Loud cheers.) Therefore do I call upon you rightly to appreciate the duty which falls upon you, which consists in doing all in your power to protect the rights that have been conferred on you by your predecessors, and send them down improved to your successors.—Agitate and combine—combine and agi tate.—(Tremendous cheering.) Let there be no place where the banner of kindred freedom is not unfurled.— ( Cheers.) Let the purpose for which that combination and agitation take place not be the victory for a man, or for an isolated principle, but for a measure which shall carry in itself all the elements and all the capacities of good government. —( Loud cheers.) Then shall we have achieved an object which illustrates this great principle, that in doing justice to all, we do injustice to none.—(Tremendous cheers.) The Hon. Gentleman then read the first resolution, which was as follows :—" Resolved, That the paramount objects sought by the people from Parliamentary Reform at the passing of the Reform Bill, were to secure to the people of the United Kingdom the right of choosing their represen tatives in Parliament ; to guarantee to them the free and conscientious enjoyment of that right, by protection against intimidation and corruption, and to provide for the re sponsibility of their representatives. That this Meeting look ing at the corruption and intimidation practised on the Elec tors at the last election, is confirmed in the conviction, that the changes in the Representative System, introduced in the said Bill were improvements in the abuses which had before prevailed ; yet unless the constituent bodies materially enlarged, the electors protected from perni cious influences, and the representatives rendered responsible by shorter Parliaments, the great objects contemplated by the Reform Bill must be defeated. That this meeting deplores that the party who introduced the Reform Bill, and who enjoyed for five years political supremacy in the councils of the empire, almost without interruption, have made no attempt to place the electoral system upon the solid basis of an extended suffrage, freedom of choice, and the frequent appeals to the constituency."—( Loud cheers.) Mr. Eernieseoee, M. P., rose to second the motion. He deprec ited and most deeply deplored the recent decla: ation of Lord John Russell in the House of Commons. He was one of those who thought that the Ballot and a very great exten sion of the franchise were absolutely necessary for the purpose of securing good government. It was only by such measures that the opinions of the Government could' be assimilated to those of the peoplc.—( Cheers.) A slight reference to facts would prove to them how much they had been mistaken in the results which had flowed from the Reform Bill. They were told that the constituency would amout to a million and a half. How deficient they were to that had been told them by Mr. Harvey, but he could assure them by calculations he had made there were not 14 out of every hundred grown persons who had the franchise. Such results proved that the Reform Bill never could be considered as a final measure.—( Cheers.) He was aware that there were many who called themselves Re formers, who looked upon an extension of the franchise with much distrust. He was not one of those. In his opinion the franchise ought to be extended to every person who could read and write.—( Loud cheers.) He would go further than Mr. Harvey had done, for he was aware that there were 56 Mem bers in the House who were returned by a smaller constituency than that which had done honour to itself by returning their gallant chairman, and his friend Mr. Leader.— ( Cheers.) In Scotland the case was worse, for there the county constituencies of not more than 400 to 500, and one county, Sutherland, had the bad pre-eminence of having only 125 electors. He thought that system should be put an end to, and there ought to be an Order in Council, that when any district ceased to contain a certain number of electors it should cease to have Members.—( Cheers.) If he could have formed any possible excuse for the ill-judged decla ration of Lord John Russell, he should have been sorry to have made any comment upon it, because it must be ad mitted that in former times that Noble Lord had done great service to the cause of Reform, but he looked upon this de claration as his Lordship's premeditated intention to depart from the cause of the people and stand by the Aristocracy, that always was against the people and their interests.— ( Cheers.) He considered the object of Lord John Russell and the section of the Whigs that went with him were not the objects of the people.—( Hear, hear, and cheers.) Their object was to foster and promote a particular party ; they wished to support the landed gentry. Wile; the people wanted was they should support the cause of Reform, that it should gradually but progressively proceed, and that no class of the community should be subject to different laws.—( Cheers, ) Under such circumstances he considered it the duty of a large meeting like the present to impress upon Members cf Parlia ment, who called themselves Reformers, the necessity which there was at the present time for them to take an independ ent and manly line of their own.—( Cheers.) They should separate themselves from bad :leaders, and show the House and the country that the professions of Reform which so many of then made on the hustings were not!mere words --(Cheers.) It was with these feelings and impressions that he considered the people ought to he active and exert themselves. He be lieved that there were very few men in the House of Com mons who would act up to the people unless it was for the sake of promoting their own individual interests. Feeling, how ever, that there were many in that House who were capable of taking a manly course, he called upon the meeting by their expressions, and by the adoption of other meetings like the present, to strengthen them in their right course.—( Cheers.) It was clear that the leaders of Reform had deserted the cause of the people ; and if the people tacitly acquiesced in that, they deserved to be deserted by any leaders which they might hereafter choose.—( Hear, hear.) Let them express their opinions on the conduce of their present leaders promptly and strongly, and those whom they might hereafter choose would be warned, by the fate of those whom they succeeded, not to pursue a similar course.—(Cheers.) He concluded by second• ing the motion. The Resolution was then put from the Chair, when a forest of hands was raised for the affirmative, and the negative being put, one hand was raised against the Resolution, but we thought from the countenance of the dissentient, that this was done playfully, and to make the assent of the meeting more marked. —There was great laughter and cheers, and cries of " We have one Tory at least,"—"Oh that's an honour,"—" Much obliged," &c. Mr. LEADER (who was received with vehement and re peated cheers)—ln addressing his fellow-citizens and consti tuents, the electors of Westminster, he took it for granted that every man taking to himself the name of a Reformer would agree with him, that certain reforms were neces sary in the Church and the State.—( Hear, hear.) He fancied, also, that every man who wished to gain those ends would agree with him, that certain means were necessary for their attainment.--(Hear.) Without a thorough reform of the Reform Bill—that is wrong—without a full and free representation of the people, it was impossible that those reforms which they desired could become the law of the land. Hear, hear.) One of those reforms was that the elector should be protected in his vote—the second reform, which was indispensable in the Reform Bill, was, that the representative after short intervals, should come before his con stituent to be judged for his conduct ; the third, and not the least important change in the Reform Bill was, that the fran chise should be extended to those masses of the people whom that Bill had left unrepresented. To all these Reforms Lord John Russell, speaking he supposed for the Cabinet, had declared that he is decidedly opposed. He asked the meet ing whether, after that, they could haee any confidence in the present Administration ?—( Loud cries of " No, no.") Of course tdey had not—(laughter)—of course they could not have confidence in men who, out of office were the very strongest advocates of those very measures.—( Hear, hear.) Now that they were in office they said, " We made a corn. pact with our aristocratical friends on t he other side of the House that the Reform Bill should be a final measure.—(Hear, hear.) In the short time that had elapsed since the opening of Parliament Lord John Russell—speaking, he supposed, for the Cabinet; for no member of the Cabinet denied that the Noble Lord spoke his sentiments—had made three proposi tions as much opposed to reform and to the wishes of the people, as ever was uttered from the mouth of the most rampant Tory.--(Laughter and cheers.) The first of these was a de claration against the reform of the representative system ; th e next was his declaratio n against a national system of education. —( Hear, hear.) But did not every man know that nothing was more wanted than such a system as would give to every man born in this country the means of obtaining that know ledge, without which man is little better than a brute. Hear, hear.) What did Lord John Russell say about Education ? Why, that the subject was so beset with difficul ties, there were so many obstacles to it—that the High- Church party was so much oppos e d t o one sc h eme , an d o th er persons would be dissatisfied if the schools were not large enough, and that in short it was such a disagreeable subject, that it would be too much to expect any Government to take th smatter in hand. Now after all the severe declamation they ha re heard from Whig gentlemen about the necessity of a great scheme of education, and after the people had been led to expect for years that one of the first measures of a Whig Government would be a National System of Edu cation, but after having been in office for five years the Whigs now told them this vital religion was not, at least for b th . e pre sent, to be brought under the notice of the Ca inet ..c. (Cheers, and laughter.) That was declaration, No. 2,. which third de was quite as bad as declaration, No. 1. The h, claration did not perhaps touch the meeting so much, but their the ny personal w oul d interests—thefeel third same a distant celcny.—( Cheers. ) The other night he asked Lord John Russell when he meant to bring forward his measures 2 his conciliotory measures—(Laughter)—for Canada ? The r Noble Lords answer was, he could not tell, but that whenevle_ he did bring them forward, they would be measures to upho 01, that party in Canada which was well affected to the Crown of deacslariaftioitn it-leildatitvLoeucto.h Great Britain.—( Shame, shame.) Now what was the mean ing of that declaration ? It meant that he was going to 1113 5 ; hold the small minority against the majority —that heC r ies going to uphold the officials against the peop le.—( of r " i H m e d ar g , ive h n ea a r n ." a ) nsn it er as a gasthneestsiaomnefroams t Mr.ohe,conieeb,lile_ Cheers' L ) as to what he meant to do in Ireland, and had a. meant to uphold the Orangemen in Irelan d.—( and cries of " Shame 1") After those declarations, it yi: n : utterly impossible that any set of men cal lin g cou ld he selves the representatives of the popular p art y . have any confidence in the present Government, or g:lv . them their support in party measures against the Tories, ors cause it became a matter of indifference to whether the Whigs or Tories sat on the Treasury benches: He was well aware that a declaration of that sort might be.re, ceived with a good deal of displeasure, and perhaps indignatien_ and he had no doubt, if they at all discussed what he ir doing. they would say he was doing a great injury to Refe r ,: and that it was the duty of every reformer to su pport i t bt Government.—( Hear, hear, and laughter.) Why tbeY,gd a just as well have had a Tory Government ruling s would have He would ask them to consider what the Whig done if the Tories had proposed such measures for Can with They would have had public meetings in every district, wg: Reform the Whig gentlemen agitating against the despotic measurel .; they would have had inflammatory discourses in Whig sty e n' against the despotic Tories, who were oppressing their thebrethre in . Canada, and who, because the Canadians were Whig s ' us s Tories thought they might safely deprive them of their .1, _,, rights.—( Hear, and a laugh.) They were told, forsooth, tata; it would be a very terrible thing for the cause of Ref crin 0 destroy the present Go vernment . H e wou ld s ay that he for l e his . part, often felt very unc om f or t a bl e w h e n supporting tra Whig Government, and longed m an y t i me s to bring f °rwa measures and declare certain p r i nc ipl es i n th e House of Co ,m mons, hut had been persuaded not to do by Geutleme so a t hat saying it would damage the Reform Government , ocl their friends in office would do them a great deal g lut He knew a great many who entertained the same feeli n g i L the present Government was destroyed, and he wished t ° T - o ° o - En who had destroyed ? Why, positively, in spite of all the'rtwo treaties to the contrary, in spite of the Reformers baying fate, or three times saved them from their unhaPPY bier,) they were determined to commit s u i c ide.—(Lang,„ e nt n As to the fear of Tory rule, they had had a Tory Gova n-- ice for a great many years.—( Cries o f to o man y.) But s pite of that they managed to get those me a s u r es of Reform M o ra , they insisted upon ; they managed to get the Test and Corr,, i r, tion Act repealed ; they managed to get the Emancipaticer, and they managed to get the Reform Bill.—(Cheers.) tole ,s t hey they not in a better situation now—and was he to be -be. were to refrain from upholding the cause of the penP l ; i ''sirlif cause forsooth their doing so might )ring back theTories iu , f o r the business of the people was not to be f r i g ht e ned by \'",.; a ily Tory power, their business was to look to what thei ' - hat wanted ; and when they had made up th e ir minds as to n n , i the really wanted, then to be combined and organized, a nd ab- s . tate throughout the country in order to satisfy those wa t, It was impossible to argue with the unfortunate and in fatu ade gentlemen—they were unhappy in their minds—and sic t i b B t they would commit ; and he (Mr. Leader) verily believe u .„ 0 the verdict of the public within a fe w y e ars hence T o to be given, it would be " temporary insanity, eau s n, r ) a little favour shewn them at Court."--.(Great lauguq,: In many of the Papers which called themselves Reform but /aces had blamed the Radicals for blaming the G ove rnments after the declaration of Lord John Russell, it was imposs'p o t for the Radical portion of the House to set the Gefer r lo.. Co upon its legs—it was impossible fir them to save the vernment from its fare. All that was in the power of t Radicals was to supasrt them and share in their d'sg ra F e g They had all heard of the two friends who were returturlsa from a convivial party. Orie being rather more fresh tb the other, fell into the gutter.—(Laughter.) He called uPeiF, his friend to help him out, but, said his friend, I canno t be ) you out, but I can and will lay down with you."—(lsaug hter a• The Radicals were in the same p os iti on a s the frie_4•ll They could not possibly keep the Government on their 1 7; but they might tumble into the guttel with him.—( Ch and laughter.) If the people were satisfied they would e s u ,s port the Government and condemn the Radicals—but i '' t so he expected, they were not satisfied, they would support od Radicals, and they would assemble, th e wou ld agitat e 5 00 g organize, and cover the table of the House of C oll3 ,, il 'lag with petitions until it gr oane d, p ra yi ng f or an d dein a 'i n cl e, such measures as the people want e d.—(L ou d ehee r 7 o ie Being, as he was, a sincere and ard e nt f r i en d to the P e c lig and their cause, he should despair unless the peo ple no ! pa r(' something for themselves.—(Cheers.) Th e y . all bad 70 of the spaniel, who, when chastised by his master, shore ] if teeth and slunk back to his corner. So wo u ld the P,.. e° P;ra' they did not now withdraw their support from the kfri c o se inent, after such a declaration as that of Lord 'r,/ Russell—they would show no more spirit than the 61 '0 ( Hear, hear, and cheers.) Let the people knock a t f bel door, and it would be opened to them—whatever ' c lia desired they could effect ; but when they ne ltt „ er' . knock, let it be in a manner which could n o t be „ be stood -( Loud cheers)—and when they made the deraand trusted they would never be contented until they had ne'" - t bei the whole of their demand.—( Cheers.) He trusted that isef would take their proper position, and then they woult1:-osel must—put an end to the two aristocratic factions whi c ",hieb misgoverned the country—(Cheers)—the two factions 0,) were now frittering away the rights of the country.—(C hee He had much pleasure in moving— r p " 2. That to secure one of the great objects of mentary Reform, viz.: a faithful Representation of the : t he pie in the House of Commons, a further extension n' suffrage is required."—( Cheering.) m eet' Mr. ROEBUCK, next presented himself to the 1 - . 0 0. ing, and was received with the most enthusiastic aPP',:isle' When silence had been restored, the Hon. Gentlema n 5- oo rse i We are here to-day, my friends, to consider the c e that ought to be pursued by the people in conseou,ericie o f the declaration made by Lord John Russell in the 11° „ u c ithi s Commons the other night. I have been invited to att e " t meeting, and I suppose that it is intended by i t hB- s bs l. ; vitation, that every one who comes here this uai bo arei give the opinion which he really holds.—(Hea r ' (LEFT SPEAKING.) cl ""( The following arc the other resolutions to be proP °s ;,sse 0 ' 3. That to protect electors in the conscientious e %c ",, - r Aicelo the Suffrage from the influence of intimidation and ee r i r s - o 'ece another of the great objects of Parliament Reform, i t il 'id be bf sary that the voting for Members of Parliament s i° - way of Ballot, of 4. " That in order to render the Representati ves ad' people responsible for the duo discharge of the trust re s t i s Pe" them, another great object of Parliamentary Reform' cessary to shorten the duration of Parliaments." that it se .. That the declaration of Lord John Russell , so t the object of the Reform Bill to give a preponderance Os ended interests over the other interests of the Countrtat io o9 declaration at variance with free and equal represe° 0504 o and likewise at variance withe principle avowed by th e P jos ° Ministry, in their Government of Ireland, where this oa' profess to oppose the undue ascendancy of one Pa rt ° o e' tion over any other part ef it. 6. " That a petition embodying these resolutions h'bioo. sented to House of Commons, and that it be presented, o de r : Representatives, Colonel De Lady Evans and J. T. h P re o. Esq., who are hereby requested to support the prayer t ., oti r [We shall give the conclusion of the meeting I Second Edition.' - _ de —_, The great Spanish Grandee, the wealthy -.- 1/Ll fro' ll l'lnfantado, who was expected to arrive in this cowl, Madrid, in consequence of the 'Political crisis in Spa Aide rived at Bordeaux, in company with the Marquis de 1 15 4 0 "t rillas, late tutor to the infant Queen Isabel. The P se fe° l'lnfantado has acted as Regent of the kingdom at et . epochs. 0 Lieutenant Bland, the eldest son of that or'f; o the r chanting ballad-singer, Mrs. Bland, who married thfiquindior, of Mrs. Jordan, is one of the Naval Knights of gel/ which honour was conferred upon him by his Dit e eigh t King William, who instituted the order. There af e .„ o lo o ' these Naval Knights ; their residences are in swab " L a year' c e h x u ec re u h te a d t a N t v t below Windsor Castle, and their emoluments about 3° Ls jti st Richard Wcstmacott, ' jun., the sculptor, Pe; Perr"c'' finished, in alto relieve, the monument of the late Jani ce e of the i h m e b e lc x d p o e n n rw a h n e d re members of the Fox Club. It is intended to be Pit! wa s butiel 2. ,.sl; THE PLAGUE.—BUCHAREST, Nov. , sos icietlis cent accounts from Odessa say that there are a cu 0 an 40 uiNnidre.rptehrerysuperintenueecd in t• _, number of cases of plague (about 100 are spokene_ „ o artv_e is by no means checked ; new cases occur, but onlYlt.ici`ispePo with which all communication is cut off. The r a b P e l o chi ii .be of the disorder in the beginning is said to have barrac ks on 110 caused by the flight of the women from the ost of iris first news of the breaking out of the disease.. ,f of Aust o f foreigners left the town immediately. On tbe h :S na tiers re , 8,000 are ordered to form a Canton spect to strangers from Odessa, who had of the 24t11 •0 14 0 of Buckowina. Every precaution is of cou:s_i; atrdcoii,,t,eucisi;ipSbasioefti, the Austrian frontier. Letters from All letters , the plague from Southern Russia. , r s P . country are fumigated. n ight, i a o• Wednesday v w a ter . state th a t mea s ur es are taken to preVviee:tuathe introfdruo About half-past five on . • he ban t a e 'cliog down Johnson, of Lancaster-place, was ri • lit , a ccomP ae l ight ll ' road, the horse of a gentleman s w thigb in a r . 5010 took fright and ran against his that it removed th e 5, bo y manner. The shock was so great et off at full sPe g e s cos: from the back of the horse,. which s yi n Johnson :I ced 0 0 was stopped at the turnpike-igafte• delay, and re ee • veyed back to his residence vrit iou . _ or av required. 0 e%to on medical treatment as his case • which Was s. ea son. „ The garvie or sprat fishing, d for this r keit',. ,commence m lil le hie" narily successful last _ boats brought fro .. I ,_ 0 $, Wednesday. One of the ferry rl ten crans of tbe s sexb' e r tb ; ing Bay to Newhaven, that —ay, . at l e ast 5 • "1 0 100 , sold readily at Iss. per crag--a price wer e then on; they .. pijot. they were ever sold at last seas Scotto', may be remembered, as 2s. a cran. coo tot THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY, DECEMBER 4, S. flu je ( be co a; II(