The Sun. — London, England, 1837-02-10 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. A verdict for libel, as was seen by a report which t we published yesterday, was on Wednesday given in the Court of Exchequer against the Morning Adver tiser, for publishing the report of a case tried last Oc tober at the Thames Police-office, when the Magistrate, in the language quoted by Sir W. Follett from the re port, convicted Murray (the present plaintiff) in the full penalty of 51., for unlawful possession of lead, and condemned -1001bs. of it to the use of the Crown ! Notorious as are the anomalies of the law of libel, and monstrous as are its abuses, the result of this action must excite surprise. It shews, in fact, that a newspaper, in publishing the proceedings of any of the Courts of Law, is liable to be mulcted in damages at the suit of any party on whom these proceedings may cast aspersions equivalent to libel, which, be it re membered, may have its origin in truth as well as in falsehood, without affecting the legal character of the offence, or mitigating the penalty attached to it. In the present case, it was sworn by five witnesses that the report of what took place at the Thames police-office was substantially correct and faithful ; and yet damages to the amount of forty shillings were awarded against this journal—a sum trifling in itself, and but little efficient to compensate any loss of cha racter on the part of the plaintiff, but which inflicts on the proprietors of the Advertieer costs to an amount inconceivable by those who are not acquainted with such matters. It was remarked during the trial by Lord Abinger, to whose impartiality we offer out most ample acknowledgments, that— " As to the publication of criminal cases, the principle is clear. As the proceedings in these cases have for one principal object the effect of example, it would be a great disadvantage to the public if correct reports of them were not allowed to be published." But after the verdict given in this case, what pro tection have newspapers against prosecutions for libel for every criminal case they report Whether the decision of the Magistrate was correct or incorrect, legal or illegal, does not affect the question ; so long as A newspaper confines itself to a fair and impar tial statement of what takes place in a public Court, it should be protected. The whole press of Great Britain is compromised by the re sult of this action. There is not a single jour nal in the United Kingdom that does not every time of its publication render itself liable to one or more pro secutions similar to that brought against the Adver tiser. The publication of the reports of Police offices, by exposing the guilty and making society acquainted with the schemes and stratagems of offen ders, tends more to the suppression of crime than the whole judicial establishment in all its branches. Yet, by this verdict every publication of the kind sub jects the paper which contains it to the risk of heavy damages. To suppose that the report on which this action was founded was published from any hostile feeling to the plaintiff is altogether out of the ques tion, he being altogether unknown to the reporter and every person connected with the establishment. Be sides the report was proved on the oath of five wit nesses—whose statements it was not attempted to overturn—to have been fair and impartial, so that the ground upon which the verdict was returned was ut terly inexplicable. In summing up the case Lord Abinger stated : " On the second and third pleas, which alleged that the libel was a fair and substantial statement of what had taken place at the police-office—that Murray had been charged with having in his possession suspicious lead—that he had been convicted and fined 5/., and that a great part of the lead was forfeited, and another part restored—if the Jury believed that the report was, as alleged in those pleas, a fair and faithful report, they would find for the defendant in those pleas. His Lordship then went through the evi dence with great care, and pointed out the improbability of the five witnesses from the police-office corroborating the report in its substantial statements, unless it were correct. He did not agree with Sir W. Follett that the fact that Mr. Buckingham's name was omitted from the report was of any injury to the plaintiff, or any unfairness to the public. Neither did he agree with the Learned Gentleman in his censure of the legislature, the magis trate, the officers, or the proprietors of newspapers. He observed that the substantial matter for the consideration of the Jury was contained in those pleas, the second and third, namely, whether the report was a fair and impartial statement of what had occurred at the police-office." Now, it is utterly impossible to give a verbatim re port of every police case reported in a newspaper ; all that either the parties concerned or the public can ex pect are the leading facts, without the omission of any points tending to elucidate the case. The omission referred to by Lord Abinger was stated by his Lord ship not to be of this nature, nor calculated to aggra vate the plaintiff's case. What, then, has been the offence ? We cannot believe it possible that the Jury could doubt the credibility of the witnesses, and Lord Abinger stated, that if the Jury believed the state ment sworn to by those witnesses—namely, that the report was correct—they should find for the defendant, on what his Lordship termed " the substantial matter for their consideration." The result is a specimen of what the law of libel is capable of accomplishing ; but we must add that, with all our ingenuity and cogita tion, we cann o t di v i ne t h e groun d s upon which the Jury returned the verdict. In a few days we may be able to ascertain more of the matter.—.-Morning Advertiser. The debate on the Irish Municipal Corporation Bill was last night resumed in the House of Com mons ; but the merits of the question are so much exhausted, that unless in the skilful rounding of a pe riod, or the ingenious construction of fallacies by the Tories, there is scarcely anything original to be expected in the perusal. As on the preceding night, the question at issue appeared to be a matter of secondary conside ration, and the several speakers, with scarcely an ex ception, directed their abilities rather to the attack or defence of the acts of the administration, than to the consideration of the great question—whether or not the people of Ireland are in a condition to be endowed with Municipal institutions—whethe r or not they are to be considered as aliens, or admitted to the same pri vileges as the people of England and Scotland ? One objection put forward by the Tories against the exten sion of free :klunicipal institutions to Ireland, is that those institutions would become " normal schools of agitation," which supposition is, in fact, the strongest argument in favour of their adoption—as by giving public opinion a legitimate channel of expression, the necessity of abnormal agitation would be totally su perseded. Agitation is as necessary to the political body as exercise to the natural ; in both cases the healthy action of the system is best sustained by the moderate employment of the faculties, guarding alike against torpor on the one hand, or over-exertion on the other. In Municipal institutions, fairly open to all classes of citizens, is to be found the best arena for the exercise of those faculties which in their development . qualify for the full enjoyment of the rights of citizen ship in a free community. Mr. R. D. Browne, who commenced the debate, put the question in a strong light, when he said— Hon. Members opposite refused them Municipal Insti tutions upon the plea that they would he normal schools of political agitation ; but they must be either short-sighted, or politicians of that class who are influenced by other motives than one of legislating beneficially for the country. They affected to dread the evils which themselves created, and when they refused Municipal Corporations to Ireland, from a fear of their paternity, they gave birth to the fearful pro geny they so much dreaded. What, he would ask, was the character of the National Association ? Was the Associa tion composed of this party or of that ? Did it not take in a whole nation ? And he would ask Hon. Gentlemen op posite, whether the normal schools, which they last Session professed to dread, would have conduced more to agitation than that cause which had condensed a nation to a Society. He would therefore ask them to grant this measure this year for the same reason they had denied it last year ; and what they had refused in 1836, they should now offer as a boon to their political consistency. There was another rea son, however, why they should now concede Corporate Re form—there was another and a stronger inducement for them to concede it—the power and the consequences which would result from the Association." " The power" of the Association is already felt and admitted, but " its consequences" are in the womb of futurity—we profess not to foresee -what they may be; but we may venture to say that the greater the oppo sition given to the just claims of the Irish people, the greater will be the power arrayed i n t h e i r support, and the more extensive will be the changes which such op position will superinduce. The speech of Lord Mor th like that of Lord John Russell on the previous ni 3 O ht stands in conspicuous relief fro m th ose which eurround it. \V regret the want of space to particu -1 rise its points, but we trust those who yet doubt—if Clem be ally who conscientiously do so—the propriety f extending to Ireland equality of rights will give it a careful perusal. Sir James Graham was as lugu brious as usual, and made what he seemed to consider a decided" hit," in proving the opinions of Lord John ltussell to be more liberal than they were three years since —a fact ‘vhiell we receive as a high compliment to the Noble Lord's progress in the science of g overnment. It proves that the Noble Lord has profitted by the ex pression of public Opinion, while the Comber-land Baronet was, as it would appear, wrapped up in genial torpidity. Sir John Cam Hoblionse followed the Hon. Baronet, in a speech of great power and unan swerable argument; and Sir If. Peel did his best— but not pari passu—to overturn the facts and argu ments advanced by Lord John Russell and the Mi nisterial leaders. His speech was, however, plausible and ingenious, and was well received by the House, as it will no doubt produce some impression upon the weak minds of the country. Lord John Russell's re ply was short and decisive. The debate closed without a division—but there will be another upon the second reading, when it is generally understood, that the strength of parties will be tried. We pant for it, even as Sir Robert Peel panted for his own destruction and that of his party—and we fear not the result.—Morn ' ing Advertiser. Our task was yesterday to state, on grounds which cannot be, or at least which never yet have been suc cessfully controverted, what is the real nature of this Irish Roman Catholic Corporation Bill—how sense less it is to call such a measure a Bill for establishing " equal rights between Protestant and Papist, or a Bill promotive of " parallel legislation as between Great Britain and Ireland, or, in fact, as being any thing else than the commencement of a system of do mination by Popish priests in the municipal affairs of Ireland, auxiliary to the completion of that political su premacy long exercised by the same grasping and en croaching power. Before we enter on that specific sub ject which furnished their chief and most pungent fla vour to the debates of 17 hours, concluded yesterday morning —viz., the misrule of Ireland by Lord Mul grave, it may be well to recur for a single moment to the questions which were put with such signal force by Sir Robert Peel, in his unanswerable and contemptuous reply to the Ministerial advocates. In substance the Right Hon. Baronet's appeal was this—Do you mean to apply your professed scheme of "identity of legislation" to your whole system of Irish government ? Then, why not employ it with regard to two other depart ments of state policy, of more importance far than any thing relative to corporations ? Why legislate for the Church of Ireland differently than for the English ? Why propose for Ireland a system of poor laws, or pretended poor laws, wholly unknown to the people of Great Britain, yet " affecting interests as extensive, numbers as great, classes as much entitled to sympathy, as any political" (or sectarian) " parties that could exist ?" It, however, will be and has been said, in reference to such questions, " Oh, but the circumstances of the two countries are so different, we can't think of a like course of legislation on points in which they do so differ." Very well, then ; that admission is all we want, for it carries the whole argument with it. The Conservative objection to a municipal law for Ireland, similarly worded to that for England or for Scot land, is, that the circumstanees of the Irish nation differ so essentially from those of the Scotch and English, as to render an exact similarity of legislation for all three, with respect to corporate privileges, a fatal and mad experiment. The very measures which the Melbourne Whigs have adopted or intimated, under the respective titles of a tithe law, and a poor law, are founded on a recognition of that principle of referring to diversity ?I' national circum stances, which in the case of their Municipal Bill they echo the yell of O'Connell and his slaves, in denounc ing as an " insult to Ireland." Before we had seen a word of Wednesday night's debate, we charged the Ministers, on the merely negative evidence of their studied suppression of the subject both in the King's Speech and in Parliament, with having sacrificed to the shifting expediency of self-interest the far-famed " appropriation clause," on the back of which they had cantered into office, and with having forfeited that solemn pledge of forcing the spoliation Bill through the Legislature, which they put forth as their exclusive and paramount title to the support of a Whig. Radical majority. Our conjecture was a happy one. Towards the close of Wednesday's discussion, and of his own mas terly speech, Sir Robert Peel put the question directly to the Whig Home Secretary—" You are in power. What do you mean to do with the Church of Ireland ? Will you maintain it or not ? You aie bound to state that explicitly. Whether you mean to defer to that resolution of the Association which is directed against the Church tithe—that in which the Association de clared that it would continue in existence until the tithe should be abolished ?" What, then, was the declaration of the Noble Lord, dejected, prostrate, floundering in the mire into which his own exquisite arrogance and folly in attacking the Protestant aris tocracy of Ireland had plunged him ? Why, an ex plicit assurance to the House of Commons, that al though in the way of sly pilfering and petty cheating he would endeavour to make his next Bill as unfavour able as he could to the Protestant Clergy, and as pro fitable to the public enemy—that is, by levying a harsher per centage than had yet been proposed by any former Tithe Bill, he was nevertheless satisfied to " let no false pride of his own stand in the way of a settlement of the great Tithe question e' in other words, he would make a burnt offering of the appropriation clause, having bound himself in a preceding sentence, not to introduce a measure which " would not have, at least, a chance of passing through Parliament." Now the House of Lords is still a portion of the thing called " Parlia ment," and very probably may remain so during the remainder of the present Session. Since the hereto fore follower of O'Connell, therefore, who has been nick-named leader of the House of Commons, must bring forward such a Tithe Bill as must be at least not on the face of it inadmissible by the House of Lords, it is an obvious consequence that the appro priation clause has been finally abandoned. So far so good. But what then becomes of the English volun tary-principle faction ? What will they do with these recreant Ministers ? What becomes of the Irish tail, that efflux from the rebel rent society ? To what old Irish melody will the master "howler" and his band of native choristers set their next chapter hululations ? We have heard queer stories of savage scowls, of convulsive gestures, of mute amazement, of curses deep, ending in exclamations of mingled fury and abhorrence, called into play by the last speech and " dying words of the poor ha rassed Secretary of the Home Department, and brought under the ken of a circle of amused bystanders, even before the House was cleared of its occupants yes terday morning. Now, with regard to the course of debate which was traced out by Lord John Russell on Tuesday, and which wandered far enough in all con science from the topic of which he had given notice, never was angry arid impatient rashness more memo rably or unrelentingly punished. The noblemen and gentlemen of Leland who felt that the whole body of loyal Protestants were aggrieved, oppressed, and im minently endangered by the system of misgovernment which had been pursued by Lord Mulgrave, under the open dictation of their Popish enemy, held a public meeting, discussed their grounds of complaint 'against the Minister, and embodied the statement of their ma nifold wrongs in a series of resolutions which were to serve as the groundwork of a general petition to both Houses of Parliament. An Association—what may fairly be called a permanent Association, of another and very different class of persons—had been meeting in Dublin for months before, not composed of men who professed to feel much reverence for the existing, Constitution, for the established Church, for the settle ment of property, or for the connection of Ireland with the British Crown. This Association had never deigned to exercise the humble, though ancient, right of petition. Its members, on the contrary, issued decrees, not supplications. They dictated appoint ments of public functionaries, proclaimed resolutions by which it appeared that the enforcement of the laws and the peace of the country were dependent on their will and pleasure. They dispersed agents in the form of delegates to the most distant counties, from the most distant parishes ; they collected taxes to aid the re sistance which they had organized to the tranquil ad. ministration of justice. They constituted i❑ fact, though not in na►ne, the College-green Parliament of which we have heard so often, and when the fit occasion should arise they would have but a few steps to march and take possession of that ancient building which the anarchy consequent on successful rebellion would soon render needless to its present owners. That Association has never yet been meddled with by the Whig-Radical Government. Lord Mel bourne faintly censured, but durst not molest it. Lord John Russell distinctly apologized for it, and threw the blame of its establishment upon the Con servatives of the kingdom. The avowed purposes of tl►i.s i►►surrectionary combination, he it recollected, are the destruction of the Church, the subjection of the House of Lords to the democracy, an extended suffrage, secret voting, short Parliaments, and that sort of equality between sects which can no otherwise be ar rived at but by a sweeping away and levelling of the oldest institutions of the monarchy. Now, every one of the above innovations have been declared by the King's Ministers to be objects of their disapproval and repugnance, yet the Association, which labours to effect them all, has been suffered by the same Ministers to pursue its career undisturbed. But the instant a meeting of noblemen and gentlemen, tnen of large property, of undoubted loyalty, of reverence for the Crown, of devotion to the Church, of obedience to the law, of attachment to Great Britain—the moment such a meeting is announced in the newspapers, and throughout society, from that moment every engine, machination, influence, power, artifice, is set in motion to prevent it ; failing that, to damp the zeal of its intended members ; failing that, to disparage and malign their motives ; failing all, to frighten them into a retraction of the sentiments which they had openly avowed, and of the resolutions which they had deliberately framed and published, by bringing ' them under the cognizance of Parliament, and subject ing them to what the Ministers absurdly hoped would prove an exposure of the fallacy of their representa tions, and the factitious nature of the grievances at which they murmured. Instead, therefore, of pro ceeding with his Municipal Bill, the Ministerial leader in the House of Commons quitted the high road, and gallopped off to an attack upon the Protestant meet ing. In the twinkling of an eye the whole order of battle was reversed ; the attack was defeated—the as- sailants fled—they hardly made a show of resistance. Never was, a party so humbled. There never yet was a majority so baffled. There never was a Ministry so covered with mortification and disgi ace. We shall not travel beyond the voluminous record of the debate itself, as reported. But to bring back the details, and fix them on the public mind, we hold to be a work of infinite importance, and we shall pursue it diligently in our next and following numbers. The tone, cha racter, and relative position of the two parties which are now in presence, cannot be made more intelligible to our countrymen, than by a reference to the above proceedings.— Times. Never was triumph more complete than that of Mi nisters in the debate which closed yesterday morning. Against the principle of the Bill the Opposition had nothing to urge, but that the Catholics being the ma- j ority, to open Municipal Corporations to them would enable them to oppress the Protestant minority. The argument strikes at all Constitutional Government, for it is of the very essence of such Government that the minority should yield to the majority. If reli g i on ceased to be a ground of civil disqualification after 1829—if Catholics and Protestants are now equal in the eye of the law—what, in God's name, can religion have to do with Municipal Corporations ? The mu nicipal right is a purely civil right, and to refuse to confer such a right, because the majority are Catho lics, is practically repealing the Emancipation Act, and in effect declaring that religious inequality has not ceased. We have renounced the claim to treat the Irish as a conquered people ; we declare Catholics and Protestants equal in the eye of the law ; we say that the union between the two islands should be one of perfect fairness—that it should not recal to the mind of the Irishman, any more than to the mind of the Englishman, the ideas of dishonour and degradation ; and how then can we, with any show of consistency, confer corporate rights on Eng lishmen and Scotchmen, because the majority are Pro testants and the minority Catholics, and refuse to con fer them on Irishmen, because the majority are Catho lics and the minority Protestants ? We can under stand the meaning of abuse of the Catholic priesthood before the passing of the Emancipation Act, but from the moment that Act passed, the Catholic hierarchy ought not to be named. We are no more entitled to object to a measure for Ireland that advantage would be taken of it by a Catholic majority, than the Irish are entitled to object to a measure for Engiand that ad vantage would be taken of it by the Protestant majo rity. If it be said the Protestants have the power, and will enforce it, that is a departure from religious equality, and a return in effect to the claim of superiority over the Irish. We abandon justice in that case, and rely on brute force. The justice of the principle of the Bill was triumphantly asserted by Lord John Russell, who demonstrated that in the bestowal of offices and em ployments the only qualifications should be character and fitness, without reference to religious distinctions. To refuse the communication of rights because the Catholics might employ the power thereby acquired against the Protestant Church is to proclaim the ne cessity of despotism, because the liability to abuse is incident to all freedom, and we are not entitled to le gislate against all possible consequences ; but should liberty be abused, it will then be time enough to provide a remedy. The Protestants of Ireland are no doubt a small :minority, and it may no doubt be difficult to preserve an establishment for a " miserable minority against a large majority of another religion ; but to tie the hands of the majority because freedom might facilitate the overthrow of the establishment is to say in so many words that the Irish ought not to be allowed constitutional rights, because the use of them might not be in accordance with certain precon ceived notions ; in short, because being free they might act as freemen, and not as slaves If Lord John Russell by his enlarged statesman-like views triumphed over the Tories, when he left not even the ray of a principle to cover their nakedness, Lord Morpeth was equally successful in redeeming the challenge thrown out by the Noble Home Secretary. The Irish Government, the first Government that car ried out the principle of the Emancipation Bill, and practically set ascendancy aside, was proved by Lord Morpeth to have been guided throughout by a spirit of fairness and impartiality. The charges of the so calledNiVtrieillsee;lfiisirlhseoti:Ev n tnog t o lt b eh e Ta u t‘i% t n, t , e l r iv) l iy y i o g aiff r l o ao u srd i e i gi e e s a s t;ilo L l o re r d d a Protestant meeting, emb o di e d i n t h e i r lib e ll ous resolutions, t A o lu re lg co raLe ile is practical )lands demonstration a f t o l r i u i r t is pose n s o t an i o f oppression,irstrun instrument t in but ut a means for dispensing fair and equal justice. The cases so circumstantially described by Sergeant Jack son could not bear the ordeal to which Lor.l N.l orpeth subjected them. The appointments were made on the ground of fitness alone. The acts of the Government were not only just in themselves, but highly beneficial in their effects, if the diminution of crime, the putting a stop to the frays of fac tions, and the promotion of habits of order be benefi cial. But what shall we say of Sir James Graham, once a Radical of the first water, and still pretending to Whig principles, still boasting that he is a pupil of Fox, when he find him bursting with malice andma lignity towards the men whose great in hi s eyes is, that they h a v e h o nestly and conscientiously sought to carry out the principles he once supported, and still affects to entertain ? " I would ask the Noble Lord (John Russell)," says t h e former advocate for breaking faith with the public creditor, " if he ever heard of an Administration with all the symp toms of Gov ernmen t w ith ou t the power. It is in vai n f or him to cite t o me t h e aut h or ity of Mr. Fox in def ence o f such policy an d suc h procee di ng s. I demur to that point.i I contend th a t if M r . F ox h a d lived to see the day when the T e st an d C orporat i on A c ts had been repealed— when C a th o li c emanc i pat i on h a d been granted—when a Reform Bill had passed extending the suffrage both in Great Britain and Ireland—when the Protestant hie rarchy of Ireland had been greatly reduced, one-half of its bishoprics being annihilated—when the church cess had been cast upon the property of the Church, to the relief of the occupiers of the soil—if he had lived to see these things granted, if also he had lived to see pro posed on the part of that 4 exclusive minority to which the Noble Lord has referred the free and complete surrender of their exclusive' corporations, attaching only one con dition to that proposal, that the power which it is proposed to abolish should not be transferred from one body to the other—if lie had seen these things granted, and these things offered, I will not believe that when the claim, the prepos terous claim, was advanced in addition to all this, that vote by ballot should be established, that household suffrage should be granted, that triennial Parliaments should be adopted, that the Bishops should be expelled from the House of Lords, and that the constitution of the House of Lords itself should be revised—l cannot believe that on the principle of meet.) , every demand by unwearying conces sion Mr. Fox would ever be prepared to assent to any of these things." But Sir James here invidiously mixes up things of a very different nature. Why were Ministers recalled ? Because Sir Robert Peel could not in his own Parlia ment obtain a majority. The House of Lords were not called on to decide on the Ballot, on household suffrage, on triennial Parliaments, on the expulsion of Bishops. No one of these things have ever received the sanction of the House of Commons ; and when they have been demanded by a majority of the nation, and sanctioned by the nation's representatives, it will be time enough to enter on them with a view to the praise or blame of Ministers. Ministers have pro posed no measures to the House of Commons which did not receive the sanction of that House, and which were not a legitimate carrying out of the principles of the Reform Bill : and the proposal to reform the Lords, not entirely approved of by Minis ters, has been forced on a nation indisposed to enter tain it by the blind determination of the Upper House to place itself in collision with the Lower. The mo ment the pressure under which the Lords passed the Reform Bill was removed, they resorted to their old stare of hostility to popular rights, and sought as much as they possibly could to make the Reform Bill a dead letter. In the case of the refusal of Municipal corpo rations to Ireland an insult has been offered to the whole Irish nation, and it is because the whole nation, with the exception of a " miserable minority," are de termined on having corporations, and not because the question has been agitated, like Some others, by a fraction of the nation and its Representatives in the House of Commons, that Ministers see the absolute necessity of carrying it. In fact, the distinguishing characteristic of a free Government is, that when the ma jority decidedly will a measure, it is ultimately carried. Nations may make mistakes, majorities are not always infallible ; but the Government which refuses to please the majority, and yields to the minority, is not the Government of a free people. Sir James Graham has deserted his principles, he has abandoned the Reform Bill, and taken refuge in the old boroughmongering oligarchy whom he once assisted in defeating, but he has not the manliness to avow his apostacy, and meanly seeks to wound his former associates with poi soned weapons. He even yielded to the poor spite of misrepresenting LoYd John Russell a second time (hav ing once before been set right), by imputing to him that be had said "if ever there was a nation that had grievances it was the Irish nation, and th e c hi e f o f those grievances was the Irish Church," Lord John having merely said that " they were bound to remove the just grounds of complaint of the people of Ireland, 4 kand one of those just grounds of complaint was the present appropriation of the tithe revenue in Ireland." We- should suppose the leading articles of the Times to be the composition of the Right Hon. Baronet, for his speech was a cento from those articles, and it requires something like a feeling of paternity to blind any one to the wretched reasoning and odious abuse of that journal. The mode of arguing of Sir James and the Times, if they be not one and the same, is to cull from the various speeches delivered at the National Association what ever is startling, and perhaps objectionable ; and be cause that Association seeks corporate rights, and Ministers are determined that Ireland shall have corporations, to infer that Ministers approve of all the passages in question. The measures of Ministers, if good in themselves, cannot be bad, because some of those who advocate them are not always infallible. It would hardly have been a sufficient answer to a speech delivered by Sir James Graham in favour of Parliamentary Reform to contend that because Sir James Graham once advocated the breaking faith with the national creditor, and the late Mr. Cobbett also wished to adopt the sponge, therefore that Sir James had the same idolatry of a Paine's bones, and would have deposited them among his heirlooms. We leave Sir James to the praises of those who take delight in civil discord, and love to fan the flames of bigotry. His malicious disclosure of what in common fairness to his former colleagues he of all men ought not to have alluded to, stamps his character with the country, and points him out as one with whom it is dangerous to be intimate. When a public man has not even the delicacy to feel that an appearance of fair play at least is due to former colleagues, there is no hope for him. It would not at all surprise us to see Sir James Graham in a few months distancing the Shaws and the Conollys; for when a heavy body, like himself, descends, it descends rapidly. He is novv pretty nearly the antipodes of what he was, when he threw all 'the Aristocracy into alarm by vaulting over the head of Mr. Hume, and proclaiming that he was determined to fly at the highest game—the receivers of large pensions. The savage Jacobin who sought distinction by involving the scions of Aristocracy in penury, is now as ready to lend himself to destroy all who wish to promote the public good, and to legislate on principles of equal and impartial justice.—Morn ing Chronicle. The American papers continue to speak of the " express mail," and news is constantly quoted in them as having been received by such means. Of the magnitude of this additional accommodation some idea may be formed from the fact, that besides previous arrangements, " within the last month there has been started an express mail from from Philadelphia to Mobile, a distance of 1,230 miles." According to the report of the Postmaster-General to Con gress, there had been new routes established 912 miles in extent. On alluding formerly to the establishment of this express mail, having taken the opportunity to urge on our post-office authorities the consideration of making arrange ments for a morning or additional mail, by means of which, among other advantages, the detention of letters passing through London might be avoided, and 14 or 15 hours' time gained, it is only just to repeat that it is expected that a forthcoming report of the Commissioners of Revenue In quiry (at the head of which is Sir H. Parnell) on the sub ject of the post-office will contain some important sugges tions on this head. ESCAPE OF Two PR ISO NE RS.—TWO escapes were last week effected from the gaol at Springfield, Essex. The first was made by a prisoner named James Monk, who, it appears, being diseased, was removed from his cell to an apartment appropriated to vagrants in that state. About, one o'clock on Thursday morning he succeeded in breaking away a window-farme, and then forced himself between the bars of the window, and got out into the yard, whence he climbed the wall, let himself down, and got clear off. The other prisoner who escaped was James Cordrey, com mitted on a charge of stealing a sheep ; he contrived his esca pe by deceiving the officer. On Saturday night he ap peared and answered to his name, and afterwards went into his cell. While the p r i soners were un d ress i ng , an d placing their clothes in the passage opposite to their cell doors, and the turnkey had gone up stairs to lock up the others, Cordrey placed his hat on the floor, and covered it with his smock-frock, which thus appeared to be his clothes placed in the usual mann er , an d t h e ce ll was l oc ked up. He secreted himself until dark, whenlie escaped by scaling the wall. IN hen the States decided, at one of their late sit tings, to renew the drawing of lotteries in this island, the Lieutenant-Governor, much to his credit, declared that he could not approve of the Act of the States. We have now the pleasure to inform our readers that an Order i* Council arrived by last Sunday's packet, disallowing the drawing of lotteries, and consequently, directing the States to recall thei r un p opu l ar A c t.--J ersey A rgus . On Tuesday a friend of our's was at Gorey, and, from the hill below the Castle, saw a boat apparently empty, drifting with the tide. He directed the attention of some fishermen to it, who went out, and discovered four men, who had been out all night fishing, lying in the bottom of the boat in a state of great exhaustion. They had all been attacked, almost simultaneously, with influenza, and had they not been providentially seen from the shore, must inevitably-have perished.—Jersey Argus. Yesterday afternoon an inquest was held at the Rising Sun, Lower-road, Islington, on view of the body of Andrew Paynter, Esq., aged 51, a highly respectable stock broker, who destroyed himself on Monday morning last, by swallowing arsenic. It appeared from the evidence that his mind had latterly been affected by pecuniary losses, and the loss of a beloved sister. Verdict—" Temporary de rangement," PRICES OF CANALS, DOCK STOCKS, ASURANCE COMPANIES, &c. &c. &c. LONDON, TUESDAY, FEB. 7. . . Number Dividend Price of per CANALS, per Shares. Annum. Paid. Shire 1,760 8 per cent. Ashton and Oidham....Average 97/. ISs. sh. 142 1,182 41. Ashliy.de-lc.lotiell Average 112/. sh. 65 1,260 Basingstoke lOll/. sh. .5i 1,005 W. Brecknock and Abergavenny 150. sh. 100 8,000 1-16.111. 91. 9s. Birmingham, 1-16th share gl:. & 711. 217 4,000 Ditto :cid Liverpool Junct...l2s/ sh. 100 p.l ti-.?..1 600 . Bridgewater and Taunton —.lOO/. sh. all pd 64 400 4/. Chelmer and Black water.., 1001. 4h. lit 500 18/. Coventry !00/. sh 4,543 Croydon . Average 311.2 s 101 sh 2,000,1 4/. Os. Dudley . 6410 71. Derby 100/. sh 20,000 Danube and 7,layne 4l/. 13s. ld. 3tl/. pd 3,575; 3/. Elosmere and Chester Average Ms/. sh. 231 40'. Erewash 1,297 28/. Forth and Clyde A. erave 11;0/.1C.s. sh. 11,5101 124 Grand June - Wu/. sh. 2, 9 49 i 1/, Grand Union 1001. sh. 1 50' Grand Surrey 1:20, ow, 41. pt‘r cent. Ditto (optional) Loan 101)1. 3,4,96 Grand Western tital 13/. I.N. 8.1. Glainorgatishire, Average cost 1721. 13s. 1-.1, 749 101. Grantham 150/. sh. 6,234 1/. 15s Hudderstitld Average 571. Os. 6cl sh. lilo Kensingl in 100 sh. all pd. 25,328 11. 2s. Kennet ,t. ad Avon, Average 391. 18s. 1041. sh. 2,n97f 20/. Leeds and Liverpool 10u1. sh. 5451 121. Leicester l4Ol. sh. 1,397 - 41. 10s. Leicester and Northampton... Aver 431. lil 3. 2,400 10/. Monmouthshire lOO/.sh. 50 181. Melton Mowbray 100/. sh. 500 25/. Mersey and Irwell 100/. sh. 3,0410 11. 10s. Macclesfield 100/. sh. all pd. 217 171. Neath 100/. sh. 1.780 30/. Oxford 100/• sh. __, 2,400 5/. Peak Forest Average about 0 , 1. sh. 21,418 12s. Regent's (or London) Aver. :W. 10s. M. sh. 5,0i9 61. per cent. rmchdale Average MI. sh. 500 8/, Shropshire 1'2.51. sh. 800 91.105. Somerset Coal ISO!. sh. 3,4100/. 41, percent. Ditto !Awl Fund Stock l2/. 10s. sh. 700 40/. Stallbrd and Worcester l4O/. sit. 5041 04 Shrewbui y 125/ sh. 300 8/. Stourbridge 3,047 0/. ,e, Stratford-on. A voi. ...Average 791. Os. bd. sh. 533 121. Swansea lOti/. sh. 3,7112 I/. Is. Severn and Wye and Railway ...Av 35/. sh. 2,60-451.. 321.105. Trent and Mersey, -1. share llOl/. sh. 8,149 1,0005h.1 i 5/. Warwick aid Birmingham lOO/. sh• 1,00015h.3 ' . 990 193. Warwick and Sapton lOOl. sh. 6,000 41.05. Worcest .1 - alio Birmingliain-Av.7B/.8.. sh. 5,000 22a. \Vilts an.. Ilerks .. Average 071. 10s. 8.1. sh. 800 31. Wyrley and Essington 125/. sh 126 Wisbeach lO5l. sh. 905 U. Wey and Arun llOl. sh. DOCKS. 2 ' 6e " } 3 n c. Commercial 100/. sh. 1,06515 h ' ' 09,6671/. 6 per ct. East India 11.238,31014 50s. p.ct. London Stock Ditto Bonds 1,380,000/. 5/. per et. West India Stock 2,209 2/. 19s. Bristol 68,3244 R. per cent. Ditto Notes, various amounts 1.332,752 4 per cent. St. Katharine Stock 500,000 41 per cent. Ditto Bonds 200,000 4 per cent. Ditto Bonds for 10 years Shoreham Harbour 2.500 .... .... Deptford Pier 2O/. sh. 3/. pd BRIDGES. 1,600 ICs. Haminersm.ti. 5O/. sh. 7,231 Southwark, Old Av, (431 2s. 80 sh. 1,700 11. Iss. Ditto, New, of 71 per cent. 5O/. sh. 5,000 ... ..... W a t er loo lOOl. sh. 5,000 18s. Btl . . Ditto, Old Annuities of fil. 5,000 16s. 40. Ditto, New Ditto of 71 40/. pd 60,000/. 54 per cent. Ditto Bonds 6,000 17s Vauxhall Average 704 10s. 3d. sh. AS IiItANCE COMPANIES. 2,000 3/ 103 Albion 500/. sh. 50/ pd s°'",'''',,, 5 per cent. Alliance,Rritish& Foreign 100/. eh. 101/. pd and 15s. 50,000 6'per cent. Ditto, Marine 1001. sh, 5/ pt. 24,000 11 per sh. Atlas 501. oh. 51. pd 1,200 Ish, 51. Birmingham t ire 00/, sh. 55/. pd 20,000 41 per cent. British Fire 2501. sh. 50/. pd 12,000 61. per cent. British Commercial 501. sh. 5/, pd 5,000 51. per cent. Clerical, Medi .al,&c. Life, ICO/.sh. 12/10s pt. 4,000 21103 County 100/, sh. 101. pd 20,000 ss. Eagle r 5 per •ent. Economic Life lOOO/. sh. 2501. pd Land 301 bs.l 2,271 225. per cent. European LI i.: 20/, sh. all pd 22 50,000 2s. Ditto, New OO4 sh. 2/. pd 2 1,000,0004 71. per et. Globe Stock 152 20,000 51. Guardian lOO/, sh. 271/ pd 331 40,000 6s. 6d. Hope 2,400 5/. 7a. 61. Imperial Fire 5001. sh, 504 Pd 125 7,500 9s. Imperial Lite 100/. sh. 10/. pt. 91 4 13,45$ 19s. per sh. Indemnity !Marine 1004 A. RI, pd 1 2,090 3/ lOs Kent Fire 501. &h. all pd 92 3/. Ditto Life. 79 10,000 ' 16s. Law Life lOO4 sh. 10/. pd 28 5,000 10s. London, Fir. 23/. sh. 121. 10s. pd 15a 3,900 10s. London, Ship 0 54 sh. 12/. 10s. pd 1 30,000 51. per cent. Palladium Life 50/. sh. 21. pd 2/ 811 50,000 Protector Fire 2O/. sh. 21. pd 18s 6d 2,500 11. Provident Lite lOO/. sh. 10/. pd 20 100,000 5/. per cent. Rock Life 201. sh. 2/. pd 61 689,2201 5/. per cent. Royal Exchange Stork... 220 6,000 5 per cent. University Life 'OO/. sh. 51, pd 51 50,000 4 per cent. United Kingdom Life 2/. pd JOINT STUCK BANKS 25,000 Agric. and Comm. of Ireland 251. sh. 101. pd 5,000 Australasia 4O/. sh. 401. pd 10,000 10 per cent. Bank of Birmingham 5U sh. 101. pd 10,000 10 per cent. Birmingham Bank 50/. sh. 51. pd 30,000 4 percent. London and Westminster-1001 sh. 204 pd 3,000 4 per cent. Lancaster 1004 eh. 20/. pd 25,000 Liverpool 1001 sh. 10/. pd 50,000 6 per cent. Manchester and Liverpool' 100/. sh. 151 pd Discount 20 ,000 71 per cent. Manchester . lOOl. sh. 25/ pd 20,000 ..„,.•.. Provincial Bank of Ireland...loo4 sh. 25/. pd 20, CO .. ...... National Bank of Ireland ...501. sh. 171/. p d 10,000 5 per cent. National Provincial Eng. ...lOW. sh. 251. poi 10,000 Gloucestershire ' 50/. sh. 104 .pd 6,000 10 per cent. Hampshire GAS LIGHT AND COKE C0MP 2 A 5° 51 51 .. / .1 1 .53. 8 E h.5 h 22.. 5 4, .: 00:.. . /.. Pd phhd: 2 ,500 115 s 6d Bath 204 sh. 164 pd ,000 British 4O/ sir. 164 pd 5 000 r 51.percentl Ditto Provincial 20/. sh. 19 pd . Land Bs. ss. 929 5110 s Birmingham 5O/. eh. 4,250 21 Os Bristol 2o'. sh. 1,500 St 108 Brighton 2Ol. sh. 750 31 les Ditto, New 201. sh. 181. pd 2,471 5 per cent. Brighton General 20/. sh. all pd 4,000 4/. Continental Cansolidated lOO/. 6214 pd 1,000 10/. City of London lOO/. sh. all pd 1,000 64 Ditto, New 4,01)0 4/.los. Equitable 4214 pd 10,000 21 per cent. Imperial SW. sh. 800 51. per rent. Isle of Thane( 2,350 61 . per cent. Independent 3O/. sh , all pd 9,000 3/. per cent . Phoenix .. 5O/. sh. 39/. pd 1,000 4/. per cent. Rateliff 100/ sh. 604 pd 4,000 ..... .... South Metropolitan 5 04 sh. 19/. pd 8,200 51 . per cent. United General 5O/. sh. 461. pt. 501. sh. 12, 4 1 1 , 85111 per p w e r , cc ee nn tt. W WW e aa srktwemfikv?ki. Wakefield te r Chartered 504 sh. Ditto New 6,000 12s. 54 /. sh. 104 pd EGO Yarmoutli ......... ... 2O/. sh. 18/ pd WATER WORKS. . . 4,800 N. Birmingham 25/. sh. 251. pd 1,443 61. Fast London lOW. sh. 5,;7. 21.1.010.6 Liverpool Ju 1 n i e 1 t 0 i . m . : e ........A . ~..v. e .. r .. a . g .. e .. 4 .. 1 . 1 : Kent 2,000 21 . 100/. sh. 2/ 10s Now River London Bridge Water Annuities 6 I , • 5 4 ( 8 1/ 1 / ISt WManeseth.Aelsittiearlosaned.S..a.l.fAoryder.z.; ........... 00 .d / . ...5 h 1i... : 4 00 4 per cent. South London ............................ 100/ sh. 5,204 31, 1.360 11145 York Building Co. Lessee Prop 100/ h IRON RAILWAYS 2,500 BirminghamA ß ß y i r r lm m e i bn n ug g rh h ya a n I m . . ' ,. aa. B n: dr:i sit33oe;:lr,ll.'ieldli.l:::h...47m:4l::..J.h.:ilitllllo(cltlP4--loPdxini 9,500 Bristol and Exeter ............ 100/ sh 5 7,500 Western...!o.o.4 sh. 21. 1• 2/ pd 15, 0 00 660 Calcutta Cheltenham and . S. n a d ug G u . r i ..... .............. ... .................................................................... ip p pl d i 7,500 3,000 C C o la rn re m n e c r e ei . ; 12,000 s • 8,000 D ublin Ho(Ecr:e:santt et, Great North Eastern ° l oci : . lito d iu ~. K n.oo:f i i. l iie k E.. . e .t.i n ...g.. 1..:). ~....n.......4..........................1.....0.i0 1.. s h h . . in 500 1 0 :/ . .. pet 1 1 60,000 G LeH r uet e l a lis t aan W nd ' d e se s N ti a r )y n n . c.h .. e . ........ 5h ....................................................................... pd '- pd ... 25,010 2,0110 LeLeeiedesstaenrdaSnedlbsyw...zi.i.,g.. ............ . .... 50 ... i ... ................ 8000 10,000 7,100 ...... ••• k r tro 10 per cent. London L. .. i iD) v n e iidt r tott p oio o , o a: l inid: 1 1 :; 1311 1 erArlgashnh.eclly.i Brighton ......... i0(. 100 / . i s . h . .. , I . 00/ ,551/ .. 1 0 11 Ditto 10,000 tl ia it e t k o , ( v l a l i e i nnie) . 5 5 0 0; . s o li l . 3 31 1 . p p: 45,1 1 00 Dittoo „ d i : ( (: u i n li d hs y ;) .. .... :1 20 00 1 1. sh. sh. 31 1/ . . o pt. 16, 0 00 8,11},0 2 1 0 2 :000 0°0 3 per cent. London and Greenwich 0 0/. ch. 204 pt. 25,000 i n ) and an fl S. Bi TuTh in am gl p la t ra on7 l . l . " oll : h t... 73507/.. pd pd 20;00 7,000 London and Croydon 201. sh. 131. pd 12,000 10,030 !Manchester South Union lot/. sh. 51. pd North Midland 1004 sh. 1. , / pd ...... ... Nortlie.•ll and Eastern lOOl. sh. 3/. pd 2.600 Preston and Wyre 50/. sh. 84 pfl 28,000 ... South Eastern and Dover . 71. pd 1,1110 64 per cent. Stockton and Darlington lOO/. sh. 0,000 6,003 ...... ... York and North Midland 5O . sh. 34 pd MINES. 181 154 118 2.1 f 139- 51i 43 11 Jai 9 0: 2 1,000 Albion Copper 5/. sh. 2/. pd 0 4,000 Alien 15/. t h . 12 /. lOs pd 12 10,01 „, ..... Anglo Mexican, iss. 5/. pni....1001. sh. all pd 3. Ditto Subscription 5/. pd 2,000 801..n0s 150/. oh a ll pd 1 25 10,000 11. ID Brazilian Imp. iss. 5/. pin. '331. sh. 20/ pd , 9 6,0.0 Macatibas & Cocaes United...2sl.sh. 231/. pit G. 11,000 Ditto St. John Dal Roy "01 . sh. 811. pd 3 ' 10,000 Bolivar Copper Company .0/. oh. 20/. pd 8, ...... ... 10,000 ...- .... Ditto Scrip 14 sh. b/. ixl 9 ' 20,000 .... ..... British Iron 5Ol. sh. 50/ 14 41 6,000 British Copper Cata Branca 9/. pd el Candonga 10,000 I/. Copiapo 2O/. sli 121/ pd i , ColumMan, iss. Si. pm. 8,500 2,850 3/. English 12/ Its. lid V 2 20,060 General Mining Associati on. .. 2o/. sh. Rd. pd 9 Mexican Company 100/. sh 5131. pd 11 6,155 Polherou Consols ............... „AO/. oil 8/. pd 7- :1,000 Real del Monte, Unregistered ... - 11,500 ............... . 161 Ditto Loan Notes ................... 150/. d 150 United Mexican, iss. 2 pin _AO/. sh • all r l i l d . WestDitto i)tt ' : - .o S N r c k e r . t i : li.).Strip .;..;............................5...?:,......::, ............. ......... 35 3 2 .1 1 30,000 l ' j .l . L i k ° e l t 'l . ... ....... 7 . 5 p. oh. i i i ,c l ai l d .: o rt i i i t , I t t v Y itt l i Bronze 11,()0(2 1, 7 . 00 Roosell .„.. . ................................... 25g sh. 8 King' l( SC o , l r ,le A l g ... e t ri l24: l ff ra ii; . g: : :; ...... ..... . .............. I'd 35 3 8 : 10,030 15s ' B A r u it s i tN s rl l; ll 4 i lmeri " ca . n . band Coin () 61 per centpany ... I t .o . pd II ,oii . 10 4. sh. 24/. pd 37 CanaC ty ' l l 3 a ,)n C d (°' : an , nl i a( l lll ) a e Y r ce n t ................... „ - ..... 10 t )0 5/ per cent. Upper . ..................... . ....... . .J 5 I oan 15,000 11. O s. General Steam Navigation ...15/. ,h, 6/. pd 25 per cent. 2 1 0),11 )() 61. 11. Caoutchouc Contpany ...... . •.25/. sh. 21/. I'd 3 2 5 : ( :: 101. per cent. Lo l-lu , .l i s n o n n' c s o ß n i .i t . y sSatioeckii ............................. A . v . . 7.,...),. . ; . 1 . , .. 19 8,000 New Brunswick Land Company ..... :2 8 ! IA 251 Pd 130 2,754 per cent. Reve[sit_ia e r w y 1 tit erest Soc.- 1 1 1 , 10 1. 1 i .. sh. 1 4 01 5 1 1 1 : pd 80; ~633 51. per cent. Di to N 50/. sh. all pd 4,0111 ..... ... Van the am's Land 1004 sh. 17/. • 10,000 - 1 'I haineo 1 unnel it w Ixl 13~ LIST OF SCOTTISH COMPANIES' pR icE ,, JAN. 4, 1837. BANKS. p. t 13111 1 1 01 Scotland S 3/. 66. 8,1. sh. all pd psi . 1,500,0 0 Ili 641,' p. ; ,t . .. . val of Scotland 2, 5 0: /41,1)..1(14041: 04 p. - 4 -. r l { lr ° ct is h Linen l Company ~;215(x.)001)0,1 , I v IO : . ...1 : ss / s l ii . hhh. s s : l l 3s . . 4o 7 . :11 41 .. 1. all 11 1 1 1 , ' , 1 1 2 36 1 :; 4;i 1 : 3,000,04/. lit. p. ct. Cononercia 5,000,000/. 5 p. et. National . 5./ ct. Glasgow Union PA NIES. I:oTra/ . . - 4 - ' I ' s . . ct. . INSURANCE o N t c.: S E co c tl o an4 251-000611 qp. ct. Scottish Union 2O/, 611. 1/. pd 258 ,5 04 sp. ct. I lercules lOOl. sh. 104 pd 1 1 Iss. 1 ,,,, ,000 sp. et. Insurance Co. of Scotland ....10/. sh. all pd IV. 50, 000 6p. ct. North British 2OO/. sh. 10/. pd 15/. 1,000 sp. ct. Caledonian Eire 1001. sh. 10/. pd Mt Og 1 1 0 0 1 1 . . i i )) c I d 9 1 i 4 / 1 , 5 . a s 14:roo 6 ,, I). ct. West sntboulrgScholtliafriel- .............................. s . i . .. IS,IISCELLANEOLIS .... 4,810 F.din. and Was. U Cana1...50/. sh. a ll p d 221. Ditto A110cated........ 9c/. sh. all pd 65/. 5 , 400 5 per cent. Edinb.:Joint Stock Water.... 25/. sh, all pd 401. Carron Iron Company 2501. sit. all pd 414. 2,0005 b 15 per cent. Shotts Iron Fourmery ......... 501. sh 3 , 1. pd 471 100000 3 per cent. Edinburgh & Leith G1a55....201. sh. 164 1,,1 714 4,500 10 per cent. Edinburgh Coal Gas 9 5/, sh. all pd 59;/. 4,4: - ,0 10 per cent. Glasgow Gas •l'il. sh. all pd 61/. 750 71 per cent. Leith Coal Gas 20/. sh, all pd 451. 1,203 Edinburgh and Dalkeith Railway...so/.6h. 55/. 3,000 5 per cent. Equitable Luau Company 251. all. RI. pd 104 IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, FEBRUARY 9. ' The Lola) CHANCELLOR took his scat on the Woolsack at five o'clock. Lord STRAFFORD presented a petition from Chester wzainst the Poor Laws Amendment Bill. - The Duke of NORFOLK presented a petition from Burleigh,yrayiog for the abolition of Church-rates. The Earl of BURLINGTON- presented a petition upon tl►e same subject, and also one for the 'better observ ance of the Sabbath. The Earl of WINCHILSEA presented a petition from Romney-marsh in Kent, praying for a repeal of the Poor Laws" Amendment Bill ; also petitions from Milton, Stam ford, Si. John's, Hertford, St. Michael's, Newington and other places in Kent, and from Alderbury in Oxford, in sup port of the House of Lords. CHURCH RATES. Lord BROUGHAM presented a petition from a parish in Northampton on the subject of Church -rates, and praying for their total repeal. He had also a number of petitions from other parts of the king dom nearly similar in prayer, and praying generally for some measure for the entire extinction of Church -rates, without imposing the same rates upon any other fund. The Noble Lord having stated the places whence the petitions emanated, said that he declined reading them at length, not from any want of respect to the numerous and respectable bodies by whom they were sent forward, but from a wish to save the time of the House. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE presented petiiiong on the same subject from the inhabitants of Woburn, in Buckinghamshire, and from the Moderator and Presbytery of St. Ninian, with a similar prayer. Also a petition from the guardians and officers of the Milton Union, statin g the ad vantages which h a d b een d er i ve d f rom the New Poor Law Bill, not only to the rate payers, but to the poor themselves. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE laid on the table an important document, being a continuation of reports al ready before the House, the purport of which was to bring before the House a complete view of the export anti import trade as connected with the Home and Colonial Depart ments, relating to the man u f ac t ures o f th i s country. The Noble Marquis also laid on the table the two last reports in Council, relative to the carrying into effect the recommendation of the Ecclesiastical Commissioners. Lord BROUGHAM moved, according to the notice he had given, for certain returns relative to the amount of monies standing in the name of the Accountant-General, in the Court of Chancery, to the credit of Charities.— Ordered. The House then adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS, FZIMULRY 9. There not being forty Members present at Four o'clock the House stood adjourned till to-morrow. 'ICE INTELLIGENCE. BOW-STREET. Yesterday Richard Charles Claremont Smyth Parker was brought up for re-examination. The prisoner, it will be remembered, was brought in cus tody to this office on Saturday last, charged with having de frauded Mrs. T. Hutchins, the wife of a clergymen residing at Swansea, of some money and jewellery, while she was living at the Belle Sauvage Inn. Mr. MINSHUL L told te prisoner that be had on that morning received two letters, and from the information con- Shined in them, he must be again remanded until Tuesday. The letters were read. They were from shopkeepers at Gloucester. The first, from Mr. Williams, a watchmaker, stated that the prisoner had obtained a gold watch and chain of the value of 25/. from the writer, who requested that he might be detained in custody until he should arrive in town. The second was from a Mr. Houghton, who stated that the prisoner had contracted a debt of 27/. with him for board and lodging, for which he had given a check on a banker at Bristol, which was dishonoured. The prisoner admitted that he had contracted a few debts while fox-hunting at Gloucester ; but declared that he in tended to discharge them honourably in June. lie was again remanded. Jenzima Ponifrey, a tramper, was charged upon suspicion of having stolen a purse, containing a considerable sum of money, from a person unknown, in the neighbourhood of Sevenoaks, Kent, and Alexander Johnson was charged with having received a portion of the money. The prisoners were apprehended by Keys and Ballard, the officers, on some information ; but it appears that the name and the precise residence of the prosecutor are un known. The prisoners were remanded. A canvas bag was found in the possession of the female prisoner, with a considerable sum of money, and no less than thirteen gold rings were taken from her fingers. - THAMES-OFFICE. Yesterday John Jupp, a lighterman, was charged with stealing a sack of barley on the river Thames. On Wednesday evening the prisoner brought up a barge laden with oats alongside a lug-boat, containing 48 sacks of barley, moored off Mark Brown's wharf, Horslydown, which a private watchman, named Parker, stationed on the quay, was appointed to guard. About one o'clock yesterday morning the prisoner was observed by the watchman to get out of his own barge into the lug. He removed one of the sacks of barley, and shoved it over into the barge. The watchman asked him what he was about. He replied that was only removing a bundle of sacks, and immediately went into the barge. The watchman jumped into the lug-boat, and seized the prisoner, and called for the police. The pri soner then offered a bribe to Parker to let him go, which he refused. A surveyor of Thames Police and his men com ing up, the prisoner was given into their custody. The prisoner, who gave a general denial to the charge, was committed for trial. His Royal Highness the Duke of Sussex continues improving in health, and is sufficiently well to receive the visits of his friends. Two new candidates have declared themselves for Gateshead, viz.—R. J. Surtees, Esq., of Hamsterley, and J. W. Williamson, Esq., of Whicklam. There can be no doubt that Mr. Vigors will be the new Member for the county of Carlow, thus giving the Liberal Irish party in the House of Commons, an additional vote, and decreasing in the same proportion the ranks of the Tories. Mr. R. Howard, one of the Members for Wick low county, refused, when asked to sign the protest of the Irish Liberal Representatives, against the proceedings of Lord Downshire's late Orange meeting in Dublin. The Liberal electors of that county will remember this at the next election. PRIZE CUP S.—New and Second-hand SILVER PRIZE CUPS are offered at very Reduced Prices, and selection may be made from a great variety, both of Sizes and Patterns, at T. COX SAVORY'S, Goldsmith, and Watchmaker, 47, Combat, London. A Sheet of Drawings of Cups will be forwarded by post, as a single letter, in answer to a post-paid application. BIRTHS. On the 7th inst., the Lady Howard, of a son and heir. On the 7th inst., the lady of Hugh Johnston, Esq., of Damon, of a son. On the Bth inst., at Streatham Common, the lady of John Rogers, jun., Esq., of a daughter. MARRIED. On the 9th inst., at the Charter House, William Strahan, Esq., of Ashurst, Surrey, to Anne, only daughter of the late Sir George B. Fisher, K.C.11. On the Bth inst., at St. Mary's, Bryanstone-square, Major-Ge neral Boardman, to Mrs. Elizabeth Beaumont, of Montagu-street, Mont ago-square. On the 7th inst., at St. Paul's Church, Bedford, henry Lacon, Esq., late of the lion. East India Company's Civil Service, to Mary E. Bartlett, eldest daughter of the late J. Roberts, Esq., of Buckingham. DIED. On th• 7th inst., in Harley-street, Cavendish-square, Mrs. Winter. On the 2d inst., in Broad-street-buildings, Mrs. Hastie, aged 63. On the Bth inst., in Nelson-street, Blackfriars'-road, 'Miss Louisa Mead. On the 7th inst., Emily, wife of Mr. W. Hare, King-street, Cheapside. On the 31st ult., at Malta, Mrs. Harper, the lady of Mr. Chas. Harper, of the Civil Service in that Island. On the 7th inst., at Hastings, Hester Beavis, widow of Henry Smith, Esq., of Peckham-house, surrey, aged 76. On the 7th inst., aged 46, Mr. Thomas Nichols, of Gray's Inn lane, and Stone-house, Cookham, Berks. On the sth inst., Elizabeth, wife of Mr. E. Hastings, of Upper Norton-street, Portland-place. On the 10th ult., in France, J. Atholl Hammett, E sq ., age d 34. On the 7th inst., aged 66, Mary, the wife of Mr. F. Yates, of Easton. On the Bth inst., Mr. William Gilbert, of Walwirth-common, formerly of Upper Ground street, Blackfriars, aged 72. On the 7th inst., at the Parsonage, East Dulwich, Surrey, the Roe. Edward Newton Walter, Hector of Leigh, Essex, aged 74. On the 6th inst., at Pit-house, Beddington, Surrey, John Priest Bristow, Esq., aged 37. On the 7th inst., in Hyde Park-place, Henry Robinson, Esq., aged 75. On the 7th inst., in Montpelier-row, South Lambeth, aged 84, John Hodgson, Esq., formerly of the Excise. On the 7th inst., at. Dalston, Samuel Marshall, Esq. aged 85. On the 24th ult., at Clapham, near Worthing, Elizabeth Calvert, relict of H. Smedley, Esq., of the Sanctuary, Westminster. On the 9th inst., in Bedford-square, Thomas Richardson, Esq 9 of Gray's Inn, aged 70. On the sth inst., aged 77, A. Mathew, Esq., of The Lyth, in the county of Salop. On the 7th inst., at Haunchwood House, Nuneaton, Warwick shire, P. U. Williams, Esq., formerly of Fenchurch-street. On the 30th ult., at Shewalton, Ayrshire, John Boyle, Esq., of Shewalton. On the 10th ult., in Edinburgh, W. J. Sands, Esq., late of di* lion. East India Company's Civil Service. London: Printed and Published by MURDO YOUNG, of Nu" 112, Strand, at The Sun Office, No. 112, Strand, in the count! of liddleStA s —Friday, February 10, 1t:137. THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 10, 1837.