The Sun. — London, England, 1837-11-21 00:00:00

SECOND EDITION. SUN OFFICE, Seven o'clock. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. (THIS EVENING.) HOUSE OF LORDS. The Howe resumed at three o'clock, and prayers having been again read, the Earl of Shaftesbury took his seat on the Woolsack. Lord Kinnaird, Lord Monson, Lord Arbuthnot, Lord Long dale, and some other Peers, took the oaths, and subscribed the Parliamentary roll. The House then adjourned during pleasure. The Lord Chancellor took his seat on the Woolsack at five o'clock, at which time there were about twenty Peers present. The LORD CHANCELLOR acquainted the House that the Peers appointed for that purpose had been to her Majesty with the Address agreed to by that House, and her Majesty had been graciously pleased to return the following answer : " My Lords, I thank you for your faithful and loyal Ad dress. I have learned, with great satisfaction, that you will devote yourselves to the consideration of the several measures I have recommended, and I rely entirely on your devotion to my service, and your zeal for the public welfare and tran quillity." On the motion of Earl SHAFTESBURY the Address and her Majesty's answer we :e ordered to be inserted in the Journals of the House. IRELAND. The Earl of RODEN, in compliance with their Lordships' wish last evening (and he was sure no one felt more sincerely than himself the importance of unanimity), had been induced to defer making any observations upon any part of her Majesty's Speech, or upon any part of the Address that had been agreed to and carried up to her Majesty. He had felt as forcibly as any of their Lordships, that on so auspicious an occasion it was most important that nothing should be introduced likely to occasion the slightest difference of opinion in that House.—(Hear, hear.) But he freely confessed that he felt the course it was his duty to pursue one of extreme difficulty, because in that Address there were expressions which upon► ordinary occasions he could not concur in. These expres.ions referred to the general tranquillity of the empire ; and if that expres sion was meant to include that part of the empire in which he ( Earl Roden) resided, and in which the Noble Earl opposite ( Earl Mulgrave) also resided, he certainly should, have felt it his duty to state his opinion in opposition to those senti ments, and have taken the usual opportunity on the Address from the Throne being taken into consideration on the first day of the Session to enter more at length upon the subject. But under the circumstances of the case he had felt it his duty to give notice to the Noble Earl opposite that on Monday next it was his intention to move for the production of certain papers connected with that subject. Earl Al LTLG RA VE was happy to find that the Noble Earl bad thought it right to give him notice of his intention, rather than introduce the subject incidentally. There was no doubt that he ( Lord Mulgrave) would be able to prose when the opportunity arrived, that the general tranquillity of that country was in as favourable a state as at any former perio !.—( Hear.) Adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS. The SPEAKER entered the House at a quarter before Four, and after prayers the gallery was opened for strangers, there being upwards of forty Members present. The Speaker ordered that those Members who had not yet been sworn should be admitted to take the oaths. About twelve or fourteen . Members, amongst whom we recognised Mr. Byng, Member for Middlesex, Sir S. Whalley, and Captain Boldero, entered the House in a body, and took the oaths at the table. An Hos. MEMBER, whose Larne we could not learn, ob tained leave to bring in a Bill to amend certain Turnpike road Acts for the county of Cambridge. . _ . _ _ SHEPHERD ebtAined leave - to bring in a Bill fJr a Turnpike-road in the neighbow hood of WarruinAter. Sir E. KNATCH BULL gave notice that he would move for leave to bring in certain Local Bills for tha county of Kent, the particulars of which we could not hear. Captain PECHELL presented a petition from 235 mer chants, factors. and tradesmen, of the Borough of Brighton, praying that the Bill of which notice was last night given, re specting the extension o' Sheriffs' Courts, be passed into a law. The Hon. Member also presentel a petition pravi,w that the Bill, for amending the law of Coverture, of which he had last night given notice, and which had so much amused some Hon. Members, might be passed into a law. In piesenting this petition he had to observe, that although it wa, the first presented to the House, it deserved to be a model to all others, for it contained no more than seven iines—( Hear and a laugh) —and as he had the honour to present it, he felt that in dc,ing so he was bound to imitate its ores which he Loped would he an example to other Honourable Members. (Hear, and laughter.) The Hon. M.'rnber then io..sented a petition from 87 innkeepers, hotel-keepers, and tavern.keepers in the borough of Brighton, comphining, of the law respecting their trade, by which thry were compelled to restore propel ty lost in their houses, although such property had not been placed in their hands, or in the hands of their servanti; and they prayed that the law would be so altered as to place them, in this respect, in the same situation as other tradesmen. BRISTOL ELECTION PETITION. Sir R. H. INGLIS presented a petition against the return for the city of Bristol. GUARDIANSHIP AND COPYRIGHT. Mr. Sergeant TA L FOURD gave notice, that on the 14th of December, he would move for leave to bring in a Bill to alter the law relative to the Guardianship of Children of tender age. Also one for regulating the law of Cipyright. General JOHNSON gave notice that to-morrow he would move for certain returns connected with the Poor Law Bill. FEES. Mr. HL ME presented a petition from Sir Robert Sidney, complaining of the Fees now payable on Election Petitions. The petitioner instanced one Committee of last year, where the fees alone amounted to 1,0501, and prayed for inquiry into the subject. The Hon. Member moved that the petition be printed and taken into consideration on Thursday next, when he would move that it be referred to a Select Committee. MILITARY PUNISHMENT. Mr. WALLACE presented a petition from Pello?kshaws praying for the abolition of flogging in the army and navy. POLICE. Mr. HAWES gave notice that on Thursday nrxt he would move for the appointment of a Committee to inquire into the subject of Police regulations. Mr. BARNABY gave notice that on Tuesday next he would move for a Committee to consider the laws relating to Highways : also one to consider the question as to the pro priety of Lunatics being confined in Houses of Correction and Gaols. Mr. G. F. YOUNG gave notice that, on the sth of De cember, he would move for leave to bring in a Bill to alter and amend the laws relating to mortgages on ships and vessels ; and on a future day he would move for a Committee to inquire into the expediency of erecting harbours of refuge on the most exposed cuasts of the country. Mr: STANLEY gave notice tbst on the 30th of November he would move for leave to bring in a Bill to provide for the education and improvement of the poorer classes in England ; and also he would move for leave to bring in another Bit to provide public walks in the vicinity of large towns. POST-OFFICE. Col. LEITH HAY presented petitions from Elgin and Banff, praying for reform of the Post-office arrangements, par ticularly in favour of Mr. Hill's plan. MANOR CO'JRTS (IRELAND). Mr. M. J. O'CONNELL gave notice that ho should on Friday next move for a Committee on Manor Courts in Ire land. CORN LAWS. Mr. VILLIERS gave notice that on the Ist of March he should submit a motion to the House upon the subject of the Corn Laws, with a view to their total repeal.—(Cheers.) LAW OF LIBEL. Mr. O'CONNEL L gave notice that he should, on the 14th of December, more for leave to bring in a Bill to amend the law of libel. PRIVATE BILLS. Mr. SHAW LEFEVRE g ave notice that he should move for a Select Committee on Private Bills to-morrow. On the motion of Lord JOHN RUSSELL, it was agreed that the House would receive no petition for a Private Bill after Friday the 16th of February ; that no Private Bill should be read a first time after Monday the 22d of March ; and that the House would not receive any Report on such Private Bill alter Monday the 11th of June. DUTY ON BRICKS. An HON. MEMBER, whose name we could not learn, gave notice that on Fridry, the 2d of March next, he should move a Resolution that, on the 30th of September next, the duty on Bricks should cease. ELECTION PETITIONS. Mr. C. W. W. WYNN inquired of Lord J. Russell what course he intended to pursue with respect to election petitions. Lord J. RUSSELL said he intended to propose to the House, that no election petition be taken before the holidays. He did not intend to propose that the House should come to that resolution now, it not being a convenient time to consider that question. He should therefore now move that the first election petition be considered on the 12th of December next, merely fixing that day for the purpose of proposing the adjournment of that and other petitions to a future day, with the view of their being considered after the holidays.— Agreed to. The petitions against the returns from Salford, Ipswich, Canterbury, Belfast, Petersfield, Bridgnorth, Sligo, Bristol, Honiton, Marylebone, and Longford (county) were accord ingly postponed for consideration till the 12th December. THE ADDRESS. Lord LEVESON brought up the Report of the Com mittee appointed to frame an Address in answer to her Ma ty's most Gracious Speech. Mr. LEADER, on the Report on the Address being brought up, said—l have some obse rvat i ons to offer on one portion of it, which I abstained from making last night, as I did not wish to interfere with the tenor of the debate. But some mention of the subject novv become s the more necessary, since the declaration of the Noble Lord. the Member for Stroud, that he would not consent to a reform in the representative system- . —a decla rat i on which i has taken from us all hope. It was ill-tined and most fatal to the Administration of which the Noble Lord is a member, an d he must not be surprised if it deprives them of the confidence of tie representatives of the people. —( Hear.) The eager joy displayed by the party opposite at that decl iration must have cot Minced the Noble Lord of these facts. They hail him as a part.;san to that compact which they consider for ever binding on ilk, two sections of the aristocracy, but which has not been ratifed by the sanction of the people.—( Laughter from the Or/ osition.) Sir, sneering allusions are made to the I THE ,SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY, NOVEMBER 21, 1837. peated that it was utterly impossible for them long to remain in office as a liberal Government, if they abided by the resolu tion of the Noble Lord to resist all reform of the Reform Act.—( Cheers.) - Mr. C. BULLER said he wished to call the attention of the House not simply to the Speech from the Throne, but to the debate of last night, every part of which, as a Reformer, and friend to the Government, he deeply regretted.—(Loud Cheers.) He had shown them how entirely he disapproved of the speech made by the Honourable Member for Finsbury who had chosen last night, in defiance of the request of those. who were quite as sincere supporters of Parliamentary Reform as himself, to bring forward the question in a manner, which even almost all the few who voted for it, declared to be unseasonable and detrimentalto thoseißeforms. Sir, it would be very difficult, with any kind of grace, regard being had to see the absurdity that took place last night, to give the palm to any particular person. He generally judged that a person on his side of the House committed a blunder, when what he stated was met with any approbation, by the other side of the House. Applying this test it was ex tremely difficult to decide which received the greatest ap plause from the Tories—the Hon. Member for Finsbury or the Noble Lord for Stroud.—( Hear, and laughter.) There was this difference, however, between the two, that there was no imprudence which the Noble Lord could commit that did not inflict the greatest damage on the Reform Bill and bit terly disappoint the hopes of the people. He differed from many of the opinions expressed last night by the Noble Lord, but he differed much more from him upon the point of the pro priety and prudence of the tone and temper with which he took what had been stated by the Hon. Member for Finsbury, and declared his unalterable determination not to amend or carry out any further the Reform Bill. From -the tone and temper of the Noble Lord, who was not soon moved to excitement, it appeared to him: that the Noble Lord had only wanted a pretext for quarrelling with a .great number of those by whom he had heretofore been supported. —( Cheers.) He was sorry to be obliged to say this, and e h d im t r h e e as N on ob to le th L in o k rd ot w he o was determined to take this course, he did right in avow ah r e o around r u cv ld ise yr bu g t iv i e f t h h i e m N a o n b d le t L h o o r s d e ing it.—(Cheers, and cries of " Hear, hear.") If he was tired of the assistance of those who had borne him into office, he was right in throwing away the orange after he had been refreshed from its juice. He (Mr. B.) only hoped he was on with the other side of the House before he was off with the side on which he was on.--( Hear.) But if he preferred the tenure of office by suffrance from the other side, rather than from the support of those who had hitherto supported him, he was certainly at liberty to make his own choice, only Let the Reformers of England judge.—(Cheers.)--The Reformers of England would judge, and would feel deep indignation at those who brought the other side of the House into power--( Hear, hear)—and the people would know that it was not the fault of the Reformers on his side of the House, but the fault of the Noble Lord himself. He must say, and by this he begged not to be understood as being at all personal t 3 the Noble Lord, that the language of the Noble Lord, with respect to two of the ques tions which' he was pleased to denounce last night, Isurprised him very much.—( Hear, hear.) When the Noble Lord wanted the support of the advocates of the ballot, he held a different language towards them. The Noble Lord, 1 when he brought forward the Reform Bill in alluding to the Septennial Bill and the Ballot, took a very different tone indeed. Instead of then talking of the finality of the Reform 13111, he said that those other questions to which he had alluded would remain open to debate ; but by his declaration of list night, the Noble Lord had violated that pledge. Did the Noble Lord suppose that if in that nicely balanced Parliament he had held such ,languag e as h e h a d use d l ast night towards the supporters of the Ballot he or his cal. leagues would have held office for one hour ?—( Hear, hear.) This was evident from the admissions even of the opposite party. When the Ministry relied on the number of peti tions presented in favour of the Reform Bill, why the taunt of the Right honourable Baronet and his supporters was that nearly all the petitions that were presented in favour of Reform, included a prayer for the Ballot.--( Hear, bear.) Indeed it was a matter that no one could deny, for on the petitions being separated it was found that nearly ten to one of the petitions presented for Reform included the Ballot.—( Hear.) He was satisfied that nothing had oc curred sinco then to alter the minds of the people with respect to that question.—( II eir.) I may off_nd, as, indeed' I fisheye I have before offended, the Noble Lord and his Colleagues by the. declaration which lam about to make. He said it, how ever, gravely and deliberately, and after mature considera tion—namely, that the Reform Bill, as it worked during the three last elections, was an inadequate test of public opinion.— ( Opposition cheers.) That the quantity of demoralization, cor_ ruption, and intimidation which it had given rise to was such, that it was impossible for any civilized community to go on under such a barbarous system.—( Ironical cheers and laughter from the Opposition.) Hon. Gentlemen opposite might laugh, for they ought to be proud of the uses to which they had turn the Reform Bilk It would remain, however, with the people of England to decide how long they had to laugh at the ("xis. teace of such an abuse.—( Hear.) He stood on the principle of the Reform Bill, he wanted not its letter but its spirit. Did the Noble Lord and the Right Ilon. Baronet suppose that the people in the support they gave the Reform Bill, gave their support to Schedules A or B, or any of the details. —( Hear, Ilea-, hear.) He emphatically denied that the people gave their ardent support to the principle laid down by Earl Grey that we should not have nomination but representation.—(Cheers.) Now there was in existence a viorse system of nomination than prevailed before the Reform Bill. He meant that the nomination was placed in more hands than before, but they had not the responsibility to public opinion . which prevailed under the old system. II e (Mr, Buller) was quite willing to leave it to the country to decide, whether those who thought with him that the Reform Bill ought to be ammended were destructives or not. On such a question lie cared not for the opinion of the Hon. Member for Tamworth, because however well he might be acquainted with politics he never was able to understand the feelings of the people not one great principle had he taken up from which he had not been driven by the feelings of the people..--( Loud cheers.) Throughout his life lie-had been the able and eloquent but the most inflexible opponent of every species of Reform.--(Con tinued cheers.) He had no wish to embarrass her Majesty's Government—(Cheers)—but he wanted particularly to shew the country that there were in that House more than 20 Mem bers who were their friends. He wanted to show that there were many more than the twenty who voted last night, who were in favour of an extension of the franchise, he wanted to show that there were more than twenty in that House who would give protection to the voter.--( Loud and repeated cheers.) The Noble Lord hafi not merely objected to great and sweep ing changes, but he put the very worst construction upon his own words.—( Hear, and " No, no.") He must say that the Noble Lord had fallen into an error of presumption as great as that which the Duke of Wellington committed in 1830, after the result which he had witnessed from the declaration of the Noble Duke, he tells the people of England that he will not , extend to them the reform which they demand—that he will sot extend the Suffrage to the great body of the people—in a word, that there shall be no representative Government— ( Cries of " Oh, oh," and cheers.) Lord J. RUSSELL then rose and said—Sir, I feel it ne cessary to answer the Hon. Gentleman in respect to two points to which he has adverted—( Hear, hear)--not only in respect to the subject which was before the House, but also in respect to the allusion wnich the Honourable Member has made relating to myself. Sir, with respect to my self, I must say th a t I ver y muc h regret that the Hon. Gentle man, who, in the latter part of his speech made the admission, that what I had said must be taken with qualification, should say that in my speech of last night I sought occasion to quarrel with my own supporters, and that I was seeking excuses for an alliance with another party. Now, Sir, I must say that a more base imputation could hot be cast on the conduct of any public man, and Sir, in the face of the House and the country, I must say emphatically that the imputation is utterly unfounded.—(Cheers.) The Hon. Gentleman is right in stating that, when I spoke last night it was not altogether from the impulse of the moment or without pre meditation, but that I had considered beforehand what was likely to occur in the debate on the Address. I had duly considered what was' most likely to occur, and I came to the determination that if the debate should be confined to the the topics hf the Speech from the Throne, I should not thryw out any allusion to topics upon aslaich there miget exist the least possible differences of opinion.— ( Hear)—and which might be introduced by some of those Gentlemen on this side of the House, who have given th e Government the most di s i n t eres t e d and honourable support during the time that we have had the honour of holding the seals of office. But my determination also was that if topics were introduced, which I had every reason to suppose would be introduced, and which I could not fail to have a strong opinion—if topics which I disapproved of, such as propositions for entertaining questions which I think can not be entertained without inflicting injury then it was my intention, whatever imputations might be cast upom me, and whatever oblique I might incur not to withhold the avowal of my opinions.—( Loud cheers.) Sir, I know not whether the House will agree with me, but certainly as far my impression went, and as far as my intention went, I did think the speech of the Hon. Member for Finsbury and the Hon. Member for Leeds, and indeed of the speech of the Hon. Member for Kilkenny, were speeches as offensive—( Great cheering)--as well could be made by gentlemen in this House, who pretended to that character.--( Cheers.) I did likewise and, as far as my interest was concerned, I will answer for tt, in my reply to them, I did not mix up anything of a personal nature, but I confined myself to subjects of general interest. (Hear, hear.) Well, Sir, hut it seems that those opinions are opinions which the Hon. Member who spoke last, sod some of the other Honourable Members who spoke last night, say will be injurious to the Government.__ (Cheers.) Now I must say that I am not at all satisfied with the tone which gentlemen very often adopt friendly Council to the Government.—(Cheers.) Always basing it upon the topic that such a course of policy was the only to pursue to ensure the stability of the Government.— ( Cheers.) Ido not pretend, far from it, to say that lam indifferent to the continuance of the Government in office. (Cheers.) Ido not make any profession that I wish to hold office or retire into private life—( Hear, and cheers)—but this I do hope, if the question is between a continuance in office or between, being pressed and forced into opinions which I do not avow—(Cheers)—and supporting measures which I think could be injurious and destructive to the country. Ido hope I may at least be removed from the imputation of making a dis iouourable choice.—( Loud and continued cheering.) \Veil then, Sir, what waa the great topic of debate l ast t i g h t? It was a topic that was forced on wantonly, and a topic which did not hely the other topics in the speech of the Sovereign or in the answer which should be made to that speech. Th e different questions mooted last night might at any time have been brought forward in the shape of a Bill or motion; and there can be no doubt that they would then have received a dispassionate consideration; but brought forward as they were, and being obliged, as I conceived, to enter into that discus sion, I did not conceal from the House my opinion upon them.—(Cheers.) The Hon. Gentleman who spoke last, the Member for Liskeard ( Mr. C. Buller), seemed to think there was an. inconsistency in those opinions as regarded I . the Septennial Act and as regarded the Ballot, from the opi nions I gave at the time the Reform Bill was proposed. I stated ut the time when the Reform Bill was proposed, that the question of the Ballot, and the question of the Septennial Bill, were not included in that Bill of Reform; that it would always be in the power of the Government, or of any Member of this House, to treat that question as it thought fit ; that I did hope however the House would pause before it sanctioned a system which would give entire responsibility to the voter, and that if they made any change in the duration of Parliament, they would not make that duration so short as to be inconvenient both to the country and to the transactions of the business of Parliament. Such, I believe, was the substance of what I said and the effect of it was to encourage those questions rather than discourage them, but leaving them at all events open for future consideration.—( Hear, hear, hear.) Well, Sir, lam now ready to declare what I thought at that time. I did think it might appear, that the shortening the duration of Parliament, and the taking of votes by Ballot, might be a system which could be safely introduced into our Constitution, and thal in the course of the various discussions that might take place in Parliament, and in the country, that that might be the result which the Legislature might arrive at.—( Hear.) But I kept my mind ready to watch the progress and course of events, and judge, as I thought, what was best for the interests of the country, in that respect. Now, Sir, I am ready to say, that with respect to tha duration of Parliament, I have always thought that three years was too short, and I have r peatedly said that seven years was unnecessarily long, but that really the question was not of very great importance be tween five and seven years. With respect likewise to the taking the votes by Ballot, I do not attach so much importance to that question by itself as many others do. It is a question of very considerable importance; but I always thought that oincneeoy.....( f the strongest objections to it was its probable ineffi c Hear, hear.) Ido not think that by it sufficient security can be obtained, or intimidation prevented.—( Cries of " Hear, hear.") I make these observations not because I am going to enter further into these questions, but because I am going to remark upon what appeared contradictory in the late discussions with respect to these questions and others connected with them. The greater part of those who are advocates for the ballot say that at the same time the suffrage ought to be extended, many say to household suffrage. \Veil, then, if it was ex tended to household suffrage, would it be advisable to have it extended to the small boroughs ? A gentleman who gave evi dence before the Intimidation Committee, of considerable expe rience and sagacity, and who holds very strong opinions upon the subject, I mean Mr. Parkes, states that in the small boroughs, if the Suffrage was so extended, bribery would pre vail to a very great extent.—( Hear, hear, and cheers.) The Hon. Member for Kilkenny is another authority on the sub ject, and he tells us that he is an advoeate for Household Suffrage. but observe he considers it only as a step Universal Suffrage. Another Gentleman, who was lately Member for Liverpool, I mean Mr. Evart, has addressed a pamphlet to the public on the subject of the reform of the Reform Bill, and the Honourable Gentleman, the Member for Westminster, advocotes very great changes, of which the Ballot forms a part and only a part. Now, taking all these circumstances together, even if now disposed to think that these opinions in favour of the Ballot were right, I am obliged to stop and consider, supposing Parliament were to institute the vote by ballot, would that ballot in itself form the termination of these discussions with respect to the constitution of this House ?—(ilear.) The Hen. Member for Liskeard says it is desirable, when we settle these questions, that it should be finally, and that there should not he a perpetual recurrence to them. Now this is the doctrine that all Bon. Gentlemen would de disposed to aclopt,be cause it is the doctrine of common sense, in order that the time of Parliament may be devoted to partial reforms with regard to the state, to finance, and other matters. 'that is the doctrine of all those who consider that the House of Parliament, if occupied in continual constitutional charges, must be lost to those other treful, effectual, and practical reforms. Why, then, agreeing with the Hon. Gentleman that such a ease is not desirable, I come to the conclusion that if the Bal lot were adopted ;stole, or 'if the shortening the duration of Parliament were adopted aloue at the present time, it would no either so far satisfy men with regard to the Reform Bill, or make it appear to them a complete act as that we should not be immediately required—and per haps very ratimially required—to have farther changes. For observing now with respect to this question of the Ballot itself, those who have not the suffrage, and complain of the li m it a ti o n o f the 101. su ffrage, they feel that though they have not the suffrage they have the power of knowing how each of their neighbours vote ; but I very much apprehend, that if that vote were secret, if the suffrage were secret they would then say, you are right in establishing secret suffrage, hut with that the franchise ought to be far more extended. I think it would be rational to say, why then, I can hardly enter upon one of those courses without lam prepared to pursue it. I saw very lately an ac count of a meeting in the newspapers, which took place, for the purpose of supporting the Ballot, which ended with some other person taking the chair, and its being declared that the Ballot would be :delusion on she public, unless there was a further extension of the suffrage.—( Hear, hear.) I must, therefore, really consider those questions together, and consider myself as now speaking, not in the year 1831, but as speaking in the year 1837, and seeing the experience I have seen, inquire whether it is, or is nut, fur the advantage of the country to adopt any one of those plans, taking for granted that if you do so, you must re-construct the Reform Act, that you must extend the suffrage ; that you must abolish, accord ing to one gentleman, many of the small boroughs ; and that you must consequently diisturb, according to another, what re quires care that harmony which exists between the agricultural the manufacturing and the other interests of the country. ( Cheers from the Tory side.) I may be entirely mistaken on that question —my views may be entirely erroneous—that the evils of the present system—as I do not think it de serves the epithets the Hon. Gentleman has applied to it—but Ido say it is better for us rather to try to amend the pres 'nt system in its delays, and to endeavour to carry out the business of the country under the Reform Act, than it is for us to attempt any new system of suffrage.—( Much cheering from the Tory side.) LEFT SPEAKING. THE LONDON GAZETTE THIS EVENING. DECLARATIONS ok . INSOLVENCY. WILLIAM BRYCESON, brass-founder, Great Queen-street Lincoln's Inn-fields. WILLIAM BIRD, innkeeper, Cambridge. BANKRUPTCY SUPERSEDED. WILLIAM MACKINTOSH, licensed victualler, Liverpool. _ . BANKRUPTS. JOHN OSBORN, horse-dealer, Upper Montague-street, Mon tague-square. DAVID BOAST, chymist, London-road, Surrey. BENJAMIN FULLWOOD, annatto-manufacturer, Iloxton. WILLIAM PETTIFOR, common-carrier, Nottingham. HENRY GODFREY, chymist, Leamington Priors. HENRY SHUCKBURGH, grocer, Bristol. a SAMUEL BALSDON, tailor, South Molton-sireet. iPHYLBERT HAMLIN ROBERTS, broker, Exeter. HOIIERT DUNCAN WILMOT, merchant, Liverpool. JOHN FERGUSON, manufacturer, Hanging Heaton, York• shire. JAMES DRIVER, hatter, Cambridge. JOSEPH YATES, dyewood-grinder, Manchester. THOMAS S'fOKES, innholder, Clevedon, Somersetshire. WILLIAM BURNELL, cloth-manufacturer, Wortley, York shire. RICHARD DONOVAN MURPHY, wine -merchant, Liver pool. JOSEPH H. WEPSTER, linen-draper, Lowestoft, Suffolk. SCOTCH SEQUESTRATION. JOHN SHARPE, grocer, Howe-street, Edinburgh, Nov. 24 and Dec. 8, at twelve, at the Old Signet Hall, Royal Exchange. COURSE OF EXCIIi Amsterdam C.F. 12 4.4 Ditto, at sight ....... ........ 12 2% Rotterdam 2 U. 12 5% Antwerp... Harnlsurg. M.B. 13 13 Altona .. Paris, 3 days' sight 2) 65 Ditto ....... .............. 3 Ms 95 95 NGE.-( THIS DAY.) qihraltar 4E Leghorn 3134 Genoa l5 Milan 31 Venice eg tiaples 39 Palermo per oz. 118% Lisbon Orono .5'2% Rio Janeiro 27. "42 M arst _ __. - illes. Pourdeaux Frankfort on Maine, Ex. M 152!6 Petersbuigh, ruble 3 Us. 10 Bahia 25 Buenos Ayres -- Dublin, 21 days' sight Cnrk IY 2 PRICE OF BULLION, PER OZ. Portugal Gold, coin .•3 14 0 Foreign Gold, in bars...— 3 17 9 New Doubloons _ . Berlin 7 3 Vienna, efrective fl ...... '2 M. 10 10 Trieste ditto lO P 2 Madrid 331 i Cadiz.... Bilboa .... . ' 4 Barcelona 'lt New Dollars ........... 0 4 9N Silver, bars. standard 0 0 0 Seville S4 IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. OPENING OF THE NEW PARLIAMENT BY THE QUEEN. From the SECOND and EXPRESS EDITIONS of The Sun oi last night.) HOUSE OF LORDS.—Nir. 20. The Duke of WELLINGTON then rose amid great cheering. He said—My Lords, it gives me the greatest satisfaction to rise for the purpose of giving my assent t o the Address that has been proposed by the Royal Prince, and seconded by the Noble Lord opposite. My Lords, looking a t the gracious Speech of he r M a j esty, and the Address moved by the illustrious Duke, I should have thought it unnecessary to address one word to your Lordships upon the subject, if it had not been that I felt bound to express my respect for her Majesty, and the illustrious mover of the Address.—(Cheers.) My Lords, I shall certainly follow the example of his Royal Highness, and of the Noble Lord who seconded the Address, in making no observations, either upon the Speech or the Address, which can occasion any irritation or difference of opinion on the part of any Noble Lord.—(Cheers.) I sincerely congratulate your Lord. ships that upon this, the first occasion on which her Majesty has addressed the Parliament called by herself, it is in the power of this House to return an answer which shall be unanimous. —(Great cheering.) It is impossible that any Noble Lord could have addressed himself to your Lordships with more judgment and discretion than the illustrious Duke and the Nobl e L or d who has just restless desire of change, and ridicule is thrown upon the idea of a reform of the Reform Act. Sir, to that I answer, that a people never asks for change through the mere desire of change—( Hear, hear, hear)—but because they find their situation uneasy.—( Oh, oh, from the Tory Benches.) A people, I say, never ask for change eagerly and earnestly unless they find their situation intolerable.—(Cheers from the Liberal benches.) And as to the ridicule thrOwn upon the Reform of the Reform Act, I say that the people are as determined to have that Reform as they were determined to have the Reform Bill itself. They succeeded in that, why should they fail now ?—( Here the Hon. Member paused for a few seconds, which gave rise to ironical cheers from the Tory benches, amongst which the voice of Col. Sibthorp was re markable.) Sir (continued the Hon. Member), lam neither surprised or disturbed by the ironical cheers of Hon. Gentle men opposite.--( Hear, hear.) I believe, Sir, that the popular party nowhere in England has now any hope of popular mea sures from the present Government ; and if their wishes are treated with indifference by the Noble Lord and his col leagues, what can be expected from the Noble Lord by the people of a country who have less claim upon his attention and less power to enforce their claim ?—( Hear.) The debate of last night has rendered imperative on me the introduction of the subject to which I am about to advert, and I regret that it should have fallen into my hands. That subject is the state of Lower Canada.—(Loud cries of Oh, oh 1 answered by partial cheers.) Sir, it is not that country alone that is inte rested in this subject ; but I wish to show the House that resistance on the part of the Government to the just wishes of the people can drive a quiet, moral, and peaceable people almost into open revolt. I trust that the example will not be lost upon her Majesty's Government.—( Hear, hear, from several of the Irish Members.) My Hon. and Learned Friend, who was so long the able, honest, and eloquent advocate of the rights of Lower Canada, is no longer in this House.—( A laugh from the Tories.) I deeply feel his loss, and the loss which the Liberal party, not only in Canada, but throughout the empire, sustains in his absence from the House. In undertaking to introduce this subject, I do not attempt to fill his place, but simply to bring the condition of the people of Lower Canada before the consideration of the House—a subject which has been frequently brought forward with unrivalled energy and eloquence by my Hon. Friend who is now absent. Allusion has been made in the Speech from the Throne to the subject of Canada—( Hear, hear,)—and the Noble Lord (Lord John Russell) has been pleased to tell us that conciliatory measures will be proposed ; but what conciliatory measures may Canada expect from that leader of this House who positively tolls us that he will resist to the utmost the wishes of the peo ple of this country, that he will not give here the redress which the people of Canada demand in reforming their representation.—(Great Cheering, and cries of " Oh, oh !")—That is the demand of the people of this country, and nowhere more than in the counties.—("Oh!" from Tories.) — Yes, and lion. Gentlemen opposite will be told that by the almost unanimous voice of the counties themselves.—( Vehe ment cries of " No, no.") The resolutions of last session were said to be conciliatory, and we must suppose that the con ciliatory measures of this session will be of the same character. If the Noble Lord who preposed these resolutions ever had a hope of their having any gond effect, he must have been much disappointed—le must now feel that his estimate of Canadian endurance was sadly erroneous. The resolutions were received in Canada as they deserved to be— with indignation and bitter animosity. The House of Assembly had asserted their just rights, and had declared that they looked upon the Resolutions as unconstitu tional and tyrannical. The people of Canada having lost all hopes of obtaining justice from England, now declared that their only hope was in separation from the mother country. The NoGlo Lord perhaps thought that the Canadian people, being a quiet and peaceable race, would take the insult quietly; but he must now he cured of that false opinion. When these Resolutions were under consideration, the Noble Lord ( Stan ley) had taunted the Government that though they showed their teeth they were afraid to bite ; and that taunt hal not been without its baneful effect, for there had since then been much persecution on the part of the Government. Meny meetings bad been held in Canada, at which the Resolutions were much condemned. Many of those who attended were deprived of their Commissions of the Peace. Some bad been prosecuted : one in particular had indictments preferred against him More the Grand Jury, who ignored them ; hut the Attorney-G slier d for Canada, not satisli sd with the conduct and finding of the Grand Jury, caused an ex infermation to issue against the same individual. That was one of the most tyrannical and vexatious proceed ings, end at the same time the most imprudent proceeding that could be had recourse to. The Canadians were, at the pre sent moment, in a state almost of revolt. That the House might _see that he was not a all exaggerating the unhappy state of that c aery, he would' read two or three extrac . s from docume.-na lie had in his possess on.—( Hoar ) They ha i been told in the last Parliament, that the question in Cana la was between the English and the French Cana dians, and had nothing to do with the discussion of popular rights. Is order to show that that %tea not the case, and that the English and Americans in Upper Canada feel for time Lower Canadians, and would act with them.— Ile would read the proceeding that had taken place in Lanark, in Upper Canada, where the people went about armed, in order to protect themselves. At that meeting it was resolved that the resolutions of the Noble Lord were unjust, and they were deeomieated the atrocious reso lutions brought forward by Lord John Ruasell —( Low] cries of " Hear, hear")—and it was further resolved that those who submitted to such oppression, were unworthy the name of freemen. The meeting determined to make coin mon cause with the Lower Canadians. At Whitchurch, in Upper Canada, the resolutions were received with hatred and abhorrence, and the Meeting determined if Lord John Russell expressed his determination to adhere to the resolution, that they would support the Lower Canadians. At Bahia, Similar meetings had taken place, and similar resolutions had been come to. Such was the manner in which the Noble Lord's conciliatory resolutions were viewed by the British po pulation of Upper Canada. It was desrable in all provinces subject to another country, that the Governor should be viewed with respect and admiration. Was that, he would ask, the case in Lower Canada ? Certainly not—( Hear) I for at a Meeting held there it was resolved that Lord Gosford had declared himself, by the course of conduct he had pur sued, to be an enemy of Lower Canada, and that he had dis graced himself by the deceit and duplicity with which he had acted ; and the only act for which they had to thank him would be his departure from that country. They had been told that the Canadians would have confidence in the Parliaments of this country, as they were convinced that they would do Canada justice. The resolutions, however, which had been brought forward by the Noble Lord, and which bad been adopted by the House, had taken away all such confidence, and the Canadians were now convinced that they had not much to expect either from the Noble Lord or the Parliament of this country.—( Hear, hear, and cheers. The following passage was from an Add ress t o th e S ons c f Liberty in the North' American Provinces, and he entreated the attention of Hon. 3lemberss to it, because it showed more than anything else could the feelings of th e L ower C ana di ans towards the Eeglish people. It was to the effect that the present degrading situation of their country being the result of mistaken reliance on British ho nour , i t would be criminal in them to confine their resistance to simple remonstrance.— ( Hear, hear, hear.) A separation had. commenced be tween parties which would never be cemented, but which would go on increasing until one of those sudden, and unforeseen events, which followed the march of time, af forded a fitting opportunity to them for assuming their rank among the communities of America. The Address concluded with these words, " Two splendid opportunities have been lost, let us not be unprepared for the third." lie (Mr. Leader) thought these words might be applied to the people of Eng land. Two splendid opportunities for obtaining a system of real representative Government had been lost by the people of England, and he sincerely trusted and hoped they would nut let slip the next occasion that might present itself.—(Hear.) Tney were told when the resolutions were discussed in that House last Session, that the Canadians were such a patient and enduring people, toat they would never think of fighting, and that they would never dare to oppose the power of Eng land. Did the House know what the determination of the Canadians now was ? At the permonent Committee it ha been resolved that the Reformers who had been to drill should form themselves in each parish in volunteer companies of militia under the command of officers elected by militia officers. There were also constant allusions in the American Papers to the American was of independence, and to their manner in - which the American troops fought against our troops there ; there were also constant allusions to the disasters of Burgoyne, and the numerous disasters that disorganised the British armies in the Ameriaan war of independence. In the Vindicator, of the 6th of October, there was the following passage :—" The 83d Regiment, it is reported, is to be stationed at Three Rivers during the winter—where will they be in the spring?" Those words were repeated on several occasions whenever there was any allusion to the movement of troops, or to the purchase of horses or artillery —the same warning was always given—" where will they be is the spring ?" After the declaration made by the Noble Lord last night, those words seemed to be very applicable to the present condition of Ministers. Where will they be in the spring ?—( Laughter, and Hear, hear.) Not in their present condition as a Reform Ministry, independent of Tory support.—( Hear, hear.) He wished that the country and tnat House should be acquainted with the real state of Lower Canada ; therefore, at the earliest possible opportunity, he had igtroduced the subject. It was unfortunately the curse of tnis country to be involved in disgraceful warswitthhhceranco lonies through the executive. He trusted that if t h ere were e to be any conciliatory measure it would fully satisfy dians; bet nothing could satisfy them except the withdiavval of the resolutions, and acquiescence in the i r just demands. This he feared could not be expected from the present Go. vernment.—(Hear, bear.) If the rest of the Ministers mean; to abide by the declaration of the Noble Lord last night, against all further improvement: 'n the representative system, he (Mr. L.) would tell them that their tenure of office as a liberal Ministry would be short indeed.— (Hear, hear.) He la mented this for the sake of the Ministers themselves, for he had hoped better things of them.—(Laughter.) The Noble Lord (J. Russell) smiled at the idea of his (Mr. Leader) hoping anything good of him.—( Laughter. ) He ( Mr. Leader) could assure the Noble Lord, however, that he had hoped in this Parliament the Government would have intro duced really popular measures, and listened to the prayers of the people for the redress of their grievances, and the cry of constituency for protection fro..n the influence of corruption and intimidation which had ahnost driven them to despair. —( Loud cheers.) He lamented this the more for the fi o t ti n le d sake l of Ireland, l ria temporarycaimmpreedfroinr;T:nd far en . _ t t ( hat Cheers.) t . might throw in the w a y o f p eace thatposrkthioorvieoaf the Le countryre grettedal it ne had the present Ministry done :real good—had conferred real benefit on the people.—(Cheers.) Butwlia Ministry,tevermighhetrbe.. be the result of the loss of powef by the present sat down.—(Hear, hear, and cheering.) My Lords, his Royal Highness has been pleased to advert to certain circumstances, certain fortunate eircurnstauees which have taken place, and at which I was present at the same time with his Royal Highness.—(Cheers.) My Lords, I recollect, I proudly recollect, that event ; and I have also considered, with the utmost interest, the object of it.—(Cheers.) My Lords, I sincerely hope, that during every moment of the remainder of my life I shall witness the prosperity and happiness of her Most Gracious Majesty's reign.—(Much cheering.) My Lords, I likewise recollect the different measures to which the illustrious Prince has adverted, which were brought forward at the termination of the last Session of Parliament. I have by no means changed my intentions upon those subjects, and I will in conclusion add .that those subjects have been adverted to in the speech from the Throne, and also in the Address moved by the illustrious Prince, seconded by the noble Baron in such a manner as to ensure the greatest attention from this House.— (Much cheering.)—My Lords, I will not trouble your Lordships further, except by giving my most hearty con currence to the Address, and expressing my most sanguine hopes that it will pass your Lordships' House with the greatest unanimity. The Address was then put by the LORD CHAN CELLOR from the Woolsack, and declared by his Lord ship to be unanimously carried. His Royal Highness the Duke of SUSSEX and Lord PORTMAN then appeared at the table with the Address, which was ordered to be presented to her Majesty to morrow. On the motion of Lord MELBOURNE the Earl of Shaftesbury was unanimously re-elected Chairman of the Committees of their Lordships' House. The NOBLE EARL returned thanks, observing that he had held the honourable situation to which their Lordships had re-elected him for no less than 24 years. At twenty minutes before Seven the House adjourned till to-morrow. HOUSE OF COMMONS, Nor. 20. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER gave no tice of his intention to move for a Select Committee to take into consideration the Civil List. The HON. GENTLEMAN also gave notice of his intention to move for a Committee to take into consideration the propriety of establishing additional parochial schools in the Highlands of Scotland. Lord JOHN RUSSELL gave notice that on Thursday next he would move that the report on the Consolidated Fund be taken into consideration. The Right Hon. Gentleman also gave notice that on Thursday, December 1, he would bring in a Bill for the establishment of Poor Laws in Ireland, and also a Bill for the establishment of Municipal Corporations. Mr. C. BULLER gave notice that to-morrow he would bring in a Bill to amend the law with respect to controverted elections. Ceptain PECHEL gave notice of his intention to amend the law of Coverture.—( A laugh.) POST OFFICE. Mr. WALLACE gave notice, that to-morrow he would move a Select Committee to inquire into the late irregulari ties and delays in carrying the mails between Birmingham, Liverpool, and Manchester, and to Scotland ; also to inquire into the propriety of the proposed plan by Mr. Rowland Hill for cheapening postage, and of that for giving stamped covers to Members of this House. Colonel SIBTHORP gave notice that ho should, on an early day move the House to agree with him in a plan for the reduction of the Duties on Fire Insurances. He should also move for an inquiry into the amount of property alienated the Church. Sir ROBERT INGLIS gave notice that he should shortly move for returns relative to the Civil Government of India. THE BALLOT. Mr. GROTE gave notice that he should, on the 15th of January, move for leave to bring in a Bill for taking the votes of electors at elections by Ballot.--(Great cheering.) Mr. BROTHERTON gave notice that he would move that it should be made one of the Standing Orders of the House, that no new subject should be introduced for discussion in the House after twelve, and that any subject un, der discussion at that hour should be adjourned till the nex day. PENSIONS. Mr. HARVEY gave notice that on Thursday next it was his intention to move for a return of all sinecures and pensions of whatever denomination, and on what fund they were charge able. When that return had been presented to the House he should move for an enquiry as to whether those pensions ought or ought not to be continued consistent with the public interest and expenditure. Ile should also move on Thurs day, the Bth of February, for leave to bring in a Bill to amend the Act for the better Representation of the People in England and Wales. LOWER CANADA.. Mr. LEADER said that at the earliest opportunity he should call the attention of the House to the state of Lower Canada. SOAP DUTY. Mr. GILL ON gave notice that he should, on the Bth of March, move for leave to bring in a Bill for the total abolition of the Soap Tax.---(Loud cheers and cries of Hear.) On the 22d of the same month he should move for leave to bring in a Bill for the Reduction of the Stamp Duties en In dentures; and on the 29th of March he should move for leave to bring in a Bill to alter and amend the Laws relative to the Sale of Exciseable Liquors in Scotland. THE ADDRESS. The SPEAKER then said—l have to acquaint the House that this House has been to the Hoase of Lords, where her Majesty delivered a most gracious Speech, which I shall read fur the satisfaction of the House. The Right Hon. Gentle man then read the Speech. Lord LB VE SON then rose and said—Sir, I rise to move that adutiful Address be presented to her Majesty, to return our most humble thanks for her gracious Speech to this House ; and in so doing I trust that this House, when it reflects how inadequate I must be to do justice to the task which has fallen to my lot, I assure the House that I am not using a mere form of words when I beg that the House will extend to me the usual indul gence which, in this place on former occasions, with so much kindness, it has shown towards me.—(Cries of hear, hear, hear.) The Speech, although holding out to us the directions which we had a right to expect, has set an example is its tone, not to follow which would, lam aware, be inconsistent with the feelings of this House, and I shall therefore avoid saying any thing which might give rise to anger in our debate.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") I congratulate the House upon her Majesty's de claration that she continues to receive assurances of the friendly dispositions of Foreign Powers, and when I look, Sir, to the pledges of her Majesty's present Ministers, at a time when the maintenance of peace was con sidered impossible, I have to congratulate the country that they have been enabled to redeem these pledges without any diminution of the national honour.—( Hear, hear, hear. ) Among the many advantages which we have a right to expect, we must not overlook that interesting fact stated to us by her Majesty, viz., the extension of our commerce with foreign coun tries. In such a Country as this, one which lives so much by manufactures, such an intimation as came from the lips of her Majesty, of the fact of this country having con cluded a treaty of commerce with the confederation of Peru could not be heard without much pleasure. Sir, it must be admitted, that trade in this country has lately received a violent shock—it was one of those shocks which were so natural to, and always must prevail in great commercial countries, and it was one which, in my humble opinion, could not have been either miti gated or avoided by any measures of the Government. The manufacturing classes in this country have gone through a period of very considerable suffering. When I look back to similar periods in former times, and consider the scenes of violence and destruction of property which then took place, and contrast it with the excellent conduct during their late period of suffering, I can not bat give my applause to them.—( Hear, hear, hear.) It pleases me, because it proves to me that they have a just confidence in the pre sent Administration, while it also proves a vast accession to their intelligence and sense. .Sir, I am sure that there is no one present who will not, with her Majesty, lament the continuance of the civil conflict in Spain. All will lament that that civil conflict has not yet been put to an end : still less I am sure that there is no one present who will not join in a promise to her Majesty that they, would do all that lay in their power to bring that conflict to an end. —(Hear.) The cause of Don Carlos, which was proved by recent events, is now almost hopeless. Instigated by his friends in other countries, Don Carlos lately attempted to march upon Madrid, but that attempt has most signally failed—( Hear, hear, hear)--and I am now not without hopes that, at the instance of, and by the mediation of this country, peace will be established in Spain ere long. I the more readily expect t hi s, f or I f u ll y b e li eve that France is most anxious to do all in her power to carry out her late policy towards Spaia in alliance with this country.—( Hear.) Sir, that alliance I take to be of the utmost importance, not only to the cause of p eace in Sp a i n , b u t th a t while it continues firmly cemented it will greatly contribute to the preservation of the peace of the world.—(Loud cheers.) There is one very important part of the Speech—that relating to Canada. As an individual, I most sincerely trust that Parliament will be ab'e to form some measures in a conciliating spirit—(Cheers)—so as to pro mote that good feeling which is so essentially necessary between a colony and the mother country.—(Loud cheers.) Sir, to those who took an interest in ameliorating the condi tion of our neighbouring country (Ireland), it must be a pleasing r e flection to them to see the improving prospects which are opening up in that country.--( Hear.) The ab sence of all outrages,—(Loud cries of " Oh oh, oh," from the opposition, which were re-echoed by the Ministerial Benches which continued for some t ime ) — to mark the absence of outrages—(lronical cheers from the Opposition Benches)—the removal of the stamp o f p o li t i cal disaffection. I cannot, Sir, but look with pleasure at the good feeling and loyalty shown by those who have been hitherto accused of too warmly advocating the interests of their country by the dissolution of the Association. They are determined to avoid even the appearance of agitation. Sir, I rejoice at the moderate language used by the Crown with respect to the measures of r e li e f t h at have been so long before Parliament. I can no t, h owever avoid saying, that no measure will be satisfactory to this House, that does not meet the reasonable wishes of the Irish people.—( Loud cheers.) With respect t o M un i c i pa l R e f orm, I feel that a majority of this House will hardly consent to any measure that does not place the Irish people on an equality with themselves.—(Cries of " Hear, hear, hear." In the same way as to th e co ll ect i on and composition of Irish tithes, I believe the laws relating to that subject require revi- to a p sion and a men d ment . —(Ch eer s.) I now come, Sirar t, House, and of the Speech more particularly addressed to this ratio,' '.which will tJ, cl.e of t!ie earliez,t questions f.lr on:* ,; il List. I mean the provision which must be made for the that — (He herar , Majestyh r.) h T a l s t House so pleased will h t a o v e p a hearde unreservedly; withCp lowasu, :suet the disposal of this House the hereditary revenues urd her predecessor first surrendered to the public; _. with still greater pleasure will the House lear:n:7_a_'' her Majesty has proposed every means for a fair e xat of this subject.—( Cheers.) I believe it will he found only that on all former occasion,, where there have been lo .p • happy differences between the Crown and the peopl f pecuniary matters, they have arisen from a Publicity proper explanation on the part of the Crown. on this subject is, I •am sure, the best way t o secure the con . 9 to fidence of the people.—(Cheers.)—Her Majesty tom from the throne under somewhat different circumstances .ro_ her predecessors, who had derived large revenues el! their foreign possessions. Those foreign posses sions have l: h meeu separated from the Crown. No one is less disposed than to regret that separation.—(Loud cheers.) The income de rived from them may be considered unworthy the cons i deration of a mighty nation like this.—(Cheers.) Yet when we come ver : to arrange pecuniary matters they must not be who ll y.° be looked. I believe that in this instance liberality $v e !"_, at found the best economy, particularly at the beginning t 7,.. we have every reason to believe will be, under Divine Pro" deuce, a long and happy reign.—( Cheers.) A contrary coot,`of conduct would tend to degrade the Crown, as in the end s.) must be injurious to the pockets of the people.—(C ile CL t h Sir, I might quote the most influential Members upon both sides of the House as to the desire of unanimity on the p reset occasion, especially when the House of Commons first meets,f..d to greet their Queen on her accession to the Throne.—( b ° ," as cheers.) The Queen, with reference to her early age , e " . _ ri told us that she places her reliance upon our co-opet ation, be n ee the love and affection of her people—(Cheers) — who heard the feeling and impressive manner in :Ivnhdicht that who portion of her Speech was delivered, will have no doubt that these were really the sentiments of theßoyal heart.--( Chee l ; 3 / . Of the affections of her people, Sir, she can have no d on Upon all the occasions in which she has shown herself to tni l public, particularly on a late occasion, when advised by her M! nisters, and attended by her Ministers, she paid her loyal el sizens of London a visit—(Loud cheers) —the enthusiasm of hundreds and thousunds of her subj e cts, must have satis fied l her of the affection of a loyal, and, I will say, a chivalrou nation.—(Cheers.) If these are the feelings of the penel l e; it will not, I hope, be unbecoming i n this House, upon vii I believe it is not unconstitutional to call a fit occasion for compliment between the Houses of Parliament of the So rereign—(Loud eheers)to agree unanimously in the Address which I have now the honour to move. The Noble Lord then read the Address, which was, as usual, an echo of the Spe ech ' Mr. GIBSON CRAIG then rose to second the Address, but the low tone in which the Hon. Member spoke rendered it almost impossible to catch a perfect sentence of what he said. As far as we could hear him, we understood him t° address the House as follows :—Sir, I rise to second the Ad dress that has been moved by the Noble Lord ; and in doing, so I feel that no one can so deeply require the indulgence or the House as I do. This is the first time that I e ye addressed the House, and unacquainted as I am with its forms , I trust the House will pardon any omission of mine. (Cheers.)_ dischargel can assure the House that I shall occupy its attention b ut for a very short period, in the of the very grate ?' duty that has devolved upon me.---( Cheers.) From the abi lity with which the Noble Lord who moved the Address bes, entered upon the different considerations and topics in the Speech of her Most Gracious Majesty on the Throne, my task in seconding the address has been rendered light in deed—(Cheers)—and I feel that it is not necessary fer me to detain the House with any observati o ns of mine. (Cheers.) Her Majesty has, however, in the earlier p art of her speech introduced a subject which I cannot piss o ver without remark, namely, the necessity o f supplying re lief to the poor of Ireland.—( Hear, and Cheers .) In making alterations in the institutions of a country, it is desirable that the minds of the people should neither be elc cited by angry feelings, or swayed by prejudice.—( fle a !? hear.) The remainder of the Hon. Gentleman's speech was totally inaudible in the gallery, from the low tone in which he spoke. The Hon. Member concluded by seconding the address. The SPEAKER. then read the Address, which had been moved and seconded, and was proceeding to put the ques tion, *hen Mr. HARVEY and Mr. WAKLET rose together, and pre sented themselves to his notice. They stood for some time amid conflicting cries of " Harvey, Harvey 1" " Wakicit Wakley until at length the former Gentleman gave was. Mr. WAKL E Y being called on by the Speaker, acid—Sir , I rise on this occasion to discharge the humble duty of acquaint ing her Majesty's Ministers, that they have some Radical sup porters in this House—(Cheers and laughter from the OW' sition side)--a circumstance which, I ant sorry to say, they seem to have altogether forgotten.---(Cheers and laughter.) I have seen several copies of the Speech, but nntil I heard it read from your lips, Sir, I did not believe it was the Speech which her Majesty was to read from the throne. I wish to ask what reason her Majesty's Ministers had to be so anxious in 1835 to eject the Right Honourable Baronet opposite from office.—( Vehement cheering from the Tory benches.) I really feel bound, Sir, in honour and candour, to ask this question—( Renewed cheers from the Tories)—and I hope that in the course cf this night's debate her Majesty's Minis ters will answer the question as frankly as I put it to them.--( Loud cheers from the Tories.) I came into this House to support the cause of the people, and not the cause of party and faction.—( Loud ch eers f rom t h ose a round Mr. Wakley.) Party and faction have been the curse of this country for centuries—(Cries of " Hear, hear")—and if we follow the course which her Majesty's Ministers this night mark out for us, we are not likely to remove that curse. —(Cries of " Hear, hear.") When the Right Honourable Baronet opposite produced his Speech in 1835, the friends of the Ministers told him that the Speech from the throne dealt in vague generalities—that there was nothing speci fic in it, and nothing to satisfy them what reforms the Right Hon. Baronet intended to propose. They have nOW got their friends in office, and there can be no reason for their not saying what reforms the country needs, and what specific reforms they purpose to effect.—( Loud cheers.) But they have omitted everything of the kind from their Speech ; they are entirely silent upon these subjects ; nor is there a single enunciation of oe of their reforms in the whole (" Hear, hear," and " Oh, oh," from the Min pe isterial benches.) I say, yes (continued Mr. Wakley)—l have the Speech in my hand, and I must say more, that I never read a Speech from any Sovereign of this country more vague, more general, or less precise.—( Loud cheers and laughter from the Tory benches.) I hope that the Right Hon. Gentleman op posite will not cheer too much. I assure him I have no desire to see him in office ; on the contrary, I hope I am doing . a real service to her Majesty's present Ministers. I have al ways told them that I thought they were " squeezable" com modities—( Laughter)—and I still think we may press them into something.—(Cheers and laughter.) But, looking to the other side of the House, I see only the enemies of Reforms and therefore of the people.—( Hear, hear.) I tell them that they are made of petrified materials, out of which nothing that is good can possibly be moulded.—( Hear, and a laugh.) In 1835 the Noble Lord now at the head of the Government moved an amendment in the House of Peers ; he stated then that he wanted something more specific than what was con tained in the Speech. The Noble Lord, the leader of this House, used very similar language. He then said, " think it far better that this House, as the organ of the people, should speak in our own language to the Thro ne. If we yield t o th e l anguage used in the Address we may lose the very essence of Reform. We must send up our own demands, and let the Throne know what measures we deem necessary for the welfare of the country. NO W, Sir, I wish to k now w h ere are t h ose d i st i nct an d a pe mention of Reform in the speech from the Throne. We all have come fresh from our constituents; then are yo not aware that the Voters of England require protection ? (Cheers.) Is the word Ballot in the Speech ? (Laughter fr om the opposition.) Th e M em b ers on that side of the !louse may laugh. The Speech is just such a one as you your selves would have made on a similar occasion. I demand for the people of England an extension of political rights' At the commencement of a new reign—with a young Queen, edn: catei as ours has been, the people were entitled to expect the!, something more explicit should have appeared in the Speec h : will ask, Sir, is the elective franchise extensive enough I say no, and the people of England, Ireland, and Scotiand say no. They grind their teeth under the infliction, and I an; afraid will never be reliev e d w ith ou t the introduction of their grievances specifically into the Address. Ido not r.ex pect that I will get that done on th e present occasion, but I think this is the proper time t o t es t the House. You have all just come from the hustings, where even you, gentlemen (th e Tories) were Liberals.—(L aug h ter .) At Liverpool, ne indeed throughout the whole country, the same lang was used—(Cries o f " H ear, hear")—all were there the friends_ of the people, yet as soon as any spec ifi c pro p o sal is broue t forward than nea r ly a ll o f us fly from it and leave the p eople' at the mercy of th e Aristocracy. At Liverpool at an opera; tive Conservative Dinner, the Noble Lord whom I do :id see in his place (Lord Sandon), is reported to have said " That those who did a great part of the labour should sl?aL in the triumph ;" and That the poorer classes had a dew u interest in upholding the institutions of the country, and 0 h_ .. to have a greater voice in the country. The Noble Lord :e n, clared himself a friend to the extension of suffrage, e° d / ha d disappointed at not seeing him in his places fur toe, hoped to have had him for a seconder to my nd the Really I was going to apply to the Noble Lord to seco amendment that I am going to propose.—( Honourable Gentleman then read another e xtract c ,Trn s . the Noble Lord's speech, in which ho express ic:ti;;s, gratification at the growing intelligence of the Ho . with respect to their own interests. 'No doubt, saeld.t_.ld not Laughter.) pl__nai Member, that is the truth, and it is strange that . h s.uf ia m ister e, have before perceived it. I ask her iVlajesty's from under will they allow the ground to be taken Oppos ing them by their enemies ?__.(Elegy, hear.) Thheall test the party profess themselves friendly to Reform. I being . the sincerity of both by my amendment, and its object_ er , from his extension of the franchise, I am sure the Noble rd liberal speech at Liverpool will be the first to record lad gla d to favour of it.—( Laughter and cheers.) I should Ma est) a know how, under cx sting circumstances, her h ear. ' 't ters propose to retain themselves in office.—( ina j a r e i Y should be glad to know how they propose maintai.l r - 0 in this House.—( Hear, hear, from the Opposition- favorable most ma are the majorities to come from ? Under the r a m ote circumstances they will not be a bl e to at the Ut find jority of more than twenty-five or thirtycertainly 3rd his vote in. most, and in untoward cases they will the two rto * themselves in a minority. Is it proposed that , l rus h in, a ties who have now been so lop , separated A , ' there s how each others embrace ? Is it intended, in short, that •ri