The Sun. — London, England, 1846-06-29 00:00:00

Cibirb Z3teition SUN OFFICE, Seven o'clock. RAILWAY COMMITTEES. (THISDAYO HOUSE OF LORDS. Room B. STALLING JIND DUNFERMLINE. (Continued from our Afternoon Edition.) It was also proved by these witnesses that the railway did not go within a mile of the House of Mr. Clark. On the conclusion of this evidence, the Committee ordered the room to the cleared in order that they might consult as to the locus standi of Mr. Clark. On our re-admission it was decided that Mr. Clark had no locus standi. The case for the prosecution was then opened, and some evidence called pro forma, and the Committee declared the preamble proved. After adjusting the clauses of the Bill, the Committee rose at about three o'clock. GROUP C. HEECULANEUM DOCKS. ---- The Committee assembled to-day at eleven o'clock, Lord Ashburton in the chair, when they were addressed at great length by Mr. HILDYARD. Without an inspection of the model of the docks of Liverpool, which was produced to the Committee, it would be quite impossible to render the speech or the evidence intelligible to the public without a verbatim report, which would go to an extent which our space entirely forbids. Our readers, therefore, mus t b e con tent with a statement of the facts, that when the Liverpool Dock Bill was obtained, there was a provision that cer tain accommodation should be provided for the trade of Liverpool. To this they appear inclined, but with a view to divert the trade or to secure what is only a legitimate advantage to thems elves, the Birken head Docks Company and the Toxted Park Com pany, who are on the opposite side of the river, are desirous of forming a new dock, to be called the Hercu laneum Docks,and Mr. Rendel, the engineer of the Company, was called to show the real state of the ease. From the model he described, the place for the docks, and the property that was likely to be affected by their formation, one of the chief plans was the necessity to adopt the same system as that ob served in London, where the principle of classification and exclusion of the public is fully carried out. Mr. Sergeant KINGLAEE addressed the Committee on be half of seven thousand inhabitants of certain districts of Liverpool, who would be deprived of right of way from Sef ton-street, in the direction of the proposed dock, to the extent of eighteen feet where lc la designed to form a marine parade. It was objected to this that the system of exclusion would be prevented, and that the parade was unnecessary, as the public would not use it, and if they did use it, they would crowd in numbers to the wall of the marine parade just as vessels were warping in, and so grievously interrupt the business of the port. He asserted that that this Company were endeavouring to do that which was never done by the Liverpool Docks Company, and which I he would adduce medical evidence to show that it was abso lutely necessary for the health of the inhabitants, viz., the preservation of a walk by the waterside, which they now en joyed. Mr. Brooks, a magistrate of the county of Lancaster, who has property, and who resides withia a quarter of a mile of the proposed docks, stated that he knew the district from his childhood, and that during the whole of that time the part spoken of had been open to the public. Mr. Ryan, chairman for the Commissioners of the Liver pool Docks, testified to the same point. and particularly to a right to pass over some property belonging to Messrs. Vernon. Mr. Duncan, a physician of Liverpool, testified as to the necessity to keep the ground open for the sake of the health of the inhabitants in the neighbourhood. The Committee adjourned at four o'clock. GROUP D. sar.rrxErm AND I.INCOLNSIIIILE JUNCTION. The Committee assembled this morning at the usual hour, Lord Somers in the chair, when some witnesses were called in behalf of the opposing landowners. This closed the case, and the Committee next took that of the MANCHESTER, MIDLANDS, AND GREAT GILIDISWir JUNCTION. Mr. TALBOT opened on behalf. of the promoters, at very considerable length, describing the points which are hereafter to be elucidated by the engineer. After this Mr. Millins, Mr. Walker, and Lord Effingham were called. Evidence of the second of these gentlemen being to show that the business of the iron works in the neigh bourhood of Rotherham had been very largely increased, of late years. He was the constructor of the iron work of Southwark-bridge. Since the erection of which the Park gate. iron works, and several other large establishments have been erected and brought into play. The number of the in habitants of Rotherham is between 12,000 and 13,000, and of Shefli:!d about 120,000. The intercourse between this manufacturing district and the agricultural district is great, and will be much increased by the formation of a rail way. The chief assertions which told in this gentleman's evidence was one that the line of the Sheffield and Lincoln. shire Junction Company passed by a route that was fre quently flooded, and which had been under water this year, and the other statement that the line of the Manchester, Midlands, and Great Grimsby Junction Railway goes along the course of the old coach road, upon part of which the cross mail to the Lincolnshire district now travels. Mr. Martin, of Esterby7depOsed to the veracity of the re presentations in the petition of the Lincolnshire farmers, of the extent of their hardships, and the fidelity of their signa tures, and further stated generally that the inhabit ants of his own district were more favourable to the northern than to the southern means of communication. Mr. Topham, a considerable landholder and owner, gave similar evidence, after which the Committe adjourned till to morrow. HOUSE OF COMMONS. MONMOUTHSHIRE. The Committee on this group met again this day, at twelve o'clock ; Mr. Aldam, chairman. Sir T. Pittuari opened the case for the promoters of this Bill. The Learned Counsel proceeded to argue in favour of the line of railway as one which would confer great public advantage, as well as becoming a source of profit to the shareholders from the vast amount of traffic which it would open up, and, after some furthar remarks, concluded a very able address on behalf of the promoters. Mr. SXITHERS said he appeared for several coal-masters and iron masters ; amongst them were the owners of the British iron works, the Blenavon new furnaces, and others. Sir T. Plituirs said, that in order to remove the opposi tion of those interests, he would at once strike out of the Bill the powers authorising the construction of those branches which bad been brought forward by the promoters. This had the effect of doing away with the opposition. Some formal evidence was then adduced, after which The Committee decided that the preamble of the Bin, with the omission of that part affecting the opponents, was proved. The clauses were then proceeded with. GROUP XVII. PrIANCTIESTER AND SOUTHAMPTON. The Committee met this day at one o'clock, the Hon. E. Yorke in the chair. Mr. Fisher handed in the population returns of the differ ent parishes traversed by the Great Western and the London and Birmingham, and Mr. Smith those proposed to be tra versed by the proposed railway. The case of the opposing landowners was then proceeded -with. It appeared that the names of Mr. Alexander Elweys, of Colesborne, Gloucester, Sir John Guise, and Miss Masters were erased from the list of opponents, they having since the Bill was in Committee withdrawn their opposition, and given their ascent to the Bill. Mr. SMITH then explained to the Committee the nature of the opposition of the other landowners, and the way in which the proposed line would interfere with their property. They respectively prayed that the line might not be made unless there was some great public neces sity for it, which they held was not the case. After each case he proceeded to say- that the main ground on which the landowners opposed the project was that a better line of railway communication to the north, on the narrow gauge, would no doubt be made, by Oxford and Rugby, before this line could pass. Although eighteen miles longer, it was as short, in point of time on the proposed railway, as the gradients were superior, and the lines were in the management of companies who had always worked them well, and who were in a condition to work them well for the future. He therefore held that the expenditure of a million and half of money was not justified by the waits of the district. Besides, the shares of all great companies which had passed through Parliament, and received the royal assent, were at a deplorable discount in the market, showing the improbability of the necessary capital being obtained for the construction of this line. Then a deviated line from Salisbury 1 . 1 l Aiggershall would effect a saving of four miles, save 50,0004 anutx.eptin one ca se , do no residential injury. Such arrange ments tyr,,,id not interfere l with the canal, which alone would cost 32,0001., g t z e urther saving to that extent, and which would be kept tor n e v a enience of the locality. After some further remark., h e : mittee not to pass the preami r al n e es o t f lir uc cled upon the Com ovoosition Bill. Mr Evidence in support of the other landowners occupied th e . Edwards and e the remainder of the day. GROUP XVIII. LONDON, NEWBURY, AND BATH st me . r. Mr. Sergeant WRANGIII3I requested the Commamittee t j adjourn till to-morrow morning, as he had no doubt that by that time some arrangement would be come to between the promoters of this Bill and the Great Western Company, which, if carried out, would tend most materially to shorten the labours of the Committee. No objection being made by the counsel on the other side, and The Chairman (Mr. B. Denison), Sir De Lacy Evans, and Mr. Hamilton having stated their opinion to be that it would te for the interest of all pa r ti es if so m e arrangements be w ;hne the r rr ties were agreed upon, Committee adjourned accordingly till twelve o'clock to- morrow. GROUP XXXVIII. summitsrxisrm AND MANCHESTER (BRADFORD ERANCH). The cross-examination of Mr. Gee, the engineer to the line, was brought to a conclusion to-day. Several other witnesses were examined on behalf of the promoters, one of whom, a landscape gardener, residing near Leeds, stated that a road passing on a viaduct, over a sheet of water in the centre of a park belonging to Sir George Armitage, would be a considerable improvement, and that he thought a park with a railroad passing though it, both for ornament and effect, was preferable to a park without a railway. Mr. TALBOT then opened the case on behalf of Sir G. Armitage ' through whose park th e li ne was p ro p ose d t o p ass . Several Witnesses were then called, who described the na • tore of the injury which would be done to the property in question. The Committee adjourned at four o'clock. GROUP XLII. LIVERPOOL AND BURT. (Continued from our Afternoon Edition.) ,4ttwas occupied daring the rema i n d er of the t, krgaments and evidence resp ec ti ng th e crow , i"8.7 -s. 7or p- • over the E a st Lanca s hi re li ne on a l eve l. 4 p . 2; -„ h e „.cr o ki t then adjourned, at a few m i nutes a f ter f our i.ip oacciirk : o'clock to-morrow. GROUP LII. 44-2 - ; , ,,, , -_ - 7 -...-,.:i . ••?_'' "' • • C 4 '4; l ° rinnitt# ,he - iiiiiNClit AND PRESTON EROOZ. - Coin - kilt met at one o'clock ; present, Mr. P. Miles N -:1 S (chairman), Sir Benjamin Hall, Mr. Halsey, Mr. Chute, and Mr. A'Court Holmes. The Committee merely met for the purpose of an ajoum ment, and the Committee adjourned until the 9th of July. GROUP LIX. The Committee on this group re-assembled to-day at one o'clock. IVIAISCILESTZX AND LEEDS EXTENSION. Mr. LAG opened the case briefly, and then proceeded to call evidence. The Committee, after hearing some evidence in support of the Bill, declared the preamble to be proved. The clauses were then proceeded with seriatim, and the Committee adjourned. STANDING ORDERS' COMMITTEE. HOUSE OF LORDS. Their Lordships met as usual in Room 1, New Houses of Parliament, Lord Shaftesbury in the chair. Present, Lords Hawarden and Redesdale. There were six Bills on the list, all of which were Railway Bills ; one of them was on second reference. IPSWICH AND BURY ST. EDMUND'S (NORWICH EXTENSION). Their Lordships declared that in this case the standing orders had been complied with by the promoters of the Bill. LEICESTER AND BEDFORD. In the absence of two of the witnesses, this case stood over till to-morrow, all the proofs not depending on their testi mony_ having been gone through. SHROPSHIRE UNION RAILWAY AND CANAL (NEWTOWN TO CREWE). This case also was part heard, and was adjourned till Friday. WEST LONDON RAILIVAY IMPROVEMENT AND EXTENSION. The standing orders were declared complied with. On resolving themselves into a SELECT COMMITTEE ON MERITS. Their Lordships disposed of the following Bills, which were all the railway Bills on their list. GREAT GRIMSBY AND SHEFFIELD JUNCTION RAILWAY AND GRIMSBY DOCKS CONSOLI DATION. _ _ The preamble of this Bill was declared proved. GRAND JUNCTION (HUYTON AND WARRINGTON). A similar decision was made in this case. LANCASHIRE AND YORKSHIRE NORTH-EASTERN. This Bill was also passed. GLASGOW, PAISLEY, AND GREENOCK (POLLOC AND GOVAN BRANCHES). The promoters of this Bill also succeeded in proving their preamble. Their Lordships then adjourned till:to-morrow. TATTERSALL'S-THIS EVENING. Six o'CLocK. LIVERPOOL CUP. 6 to 1 agst Mendicant 8 to 1 agst My Mary 12 to 1 agst Yardley 16 to 1 agst Cranebrook 17 to 1 agst Satyr 20 to 1 agst Jenny Wren GOODWOOD STAKES. 20 to 1 agst Jack Cade 16 to 1 agst The Hero 30 to 1 agst Orion 25 to 1 agst Plenitude 33 to 1 agst Pic Nic.: ST. LEGER. 6 to 1 agst Sir Tatton Sykes 7 to 1 agst Pyrrhus the First 8 to 1 agst Brocardo 16 to 1 agst Fancy Boy DERBY. 33 to 1 agst Sister:to Cobweb colt 40 to 1 agst Red Hart 40 to 1 agst Old Port 40 to 1 agst Boy LATEST from the RIVER PLATE. (From the Journal du Havre of June 26.) By the Coriolan, which arrived here this morning, we have news from Monte Video to the Bth of May, eighteen days later than our previous ad vices. The revolution which was being effected in the Government of Monte Video, had peace ably pursued its career. Restored to the possession of power, General Riveira, after having provided for the administration of municipal affairs, had left at the head of 500 or 600 men, of whom one-third were Basque volunteers, who followed him of their own accord. He has embarked and intends, it is said, to land at Colonia, in order to combine his operations with those of the army of Corrientes. On the other hand, it is stated that news had reached Buenos Ayrs from that provir.ce unfavourable to the cause of the insurgents. According to these rumours the Corrientans had abandoned the cause of General Paz, and had recommended him to quit their territory. Nothing has been heard relative to the expedition to the Parana since the announcement that its departure was fixed for the 9th May. It was expected to arrive at Monte Video by the end of the month. At the de parture of the Corialan, the French gun-boat, the Ma louine, had arrived at Monte Video from Buenos Ayres. From the postscript to commercial letters from Buenos Ayres, dated May 8, we learn that, during the night, an English and two Sardinian brigs had succeeded in evad ing the combined blockading squadron, and had reached the inner harbour. The English and French com manders, on discovering this flagrant violation, sent armed boats against the vessels, which were shortly afterwards captured. The two Sardinian brigs having run aground, were set on fire ; the English brig was brought out, and placed at the disposal of the British Commodore. An English officer sent to Buenos Ayres to negotiate, had bet n massacred by the excited populace. This event has produced the most lively sensation. It is not yet I known what step will be taken by the combined forces 1 to revenge this assassination.—Chronicle. THE EXPRESS EDITION• SUN-OFFICE, Half-past Eight. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. (THIS EVENING.) HOUSE OF LORDS The Loup CHANCELLOR took his seat upon the Wool sack a few minutes before Five o'clock. The attendance of Peers was more numerous than ordinary, and there was also a considerable number of Peeresses in the gallery. . . Lord BROUGHAM said that he had to put a ques tion to the Noble Lord the Secretary of State tor Foreign Affairs, with respect to some very favourable reports which he had seen in the public prints, regarding our relations with America. These reports were most flat tering, and he had no doubt of their truth. Lord ABERDEEN said that he had been frequently asked by several Peers on the other side of the House, with regard to their policy with the United States, and he felt that those questions were always put with the best possible feeling. With respect to our relations with America, the President had sent a message to the Se nate with a direct refusal to agree to the proposition of this country to refer the whole matter to arbitration. Since that proceeding on the part of the President, he (Lord Aberdeen) thought proper to adopt another course, which was to draw up another proposal, and send it to the British Minister. He had that morning received a letter from Mr. Pakenham, a portion of which he would read to their Lordships. The letter stated, that in conformity with what he had the honour to say in his dispatch of the 7th instant, he had presented to the Senate the message with which be was charged, and after a few hours' debate on Wednesday, Thursday, and Friday, the Senate, by a majority of 38 to 12, adopted the resolutions proposed by her Majesty's Government, and advised the President to adopt the terms offered by her Majesty's Government. Mr. Buchanan had sent to him that morning, and had informed him that the conditions offered by her Majesty's Government had been accepted by the Government of the United States without the addition or alteration of one single is ord.—(Hear, hear.) Gratifying as that intelligence was, he felt it an act of duty and justice, and it was a duty of as much pleasure as justice, to pay his tribute to the friendly and conciliatory course which had been adopted by the United States Minister of this country. He had long known him, and had had reason to respect him in an official capacity some fifteen or sixteen years ago. He was certain that by every means in his (the American Minister's) power he had contributed to the present result. He was certain that there was no person in that House or this country who more cordially participated in the satisfaction which they might experience than Mr. IPLane, the American Minister. RESIGNATION OF MINISTERS. The Duke of WELLINGTON—I have to an nounce to your Lordships that her Majesty's servants have tendered to her Majesty their resignation of the ilvemv , s which they have held in her Majesty's service. In cona e ttsteneeof ‘ that, her Majesty has sent for a Noble Lord o,4til l of the Government rriv,etwhito form an early administration dso:ltuot7. As the affairs ofthis thi n k u s m t f h o a rnaation will probably Lordships my to measures which are country are now, induce your to suspend the discussion of those that it will be desirable likely to become measures of cont roves un til those who hav e the honour of being th h i s er no! se Ma jesty's servants , shall have an opportunity of form ing their' arrangemen ts, and shall be able to come down to this House to transact the public business. One ques tion has been voted for the consideration of this House on Thursday next. My Noble Friend near me has given notice of his intention to move the second reading of the Bangor and St. Asaph Bishopric Bill on Thurs day, and I submit to my Noble Friend the necessity of postponing the second reading until her Majesty's servants can come down to this House to attend to the discussion upon it, as her Majesty is interested in this measure. There are other measures which will require your Lordships' immediate attention, and one of them may be laid upon the table this day—l mean the short Sugar Bill for the con tinuation of the duties on sugar for one month from the sth of July next, and which it is desirable should pass this House without delay, whoever may be her Majesty's servants. It is desirable that, under these circumstances, I should propose to your Lordships nut to adjourn, but to con tinue sitting from day to day for the con sideration and the passing of this measure ; but the consideration of those measures, which must be matters of controversy, should be postponed until the new Government shall be in a position to attend to them. TEA -TIN, LONDON, MONDAY EVENING, JUNE 29, 1846 Lord BROUHAM signified his readiness to poitpone his motion. sure the adoption of the principle by' other countries. Sir, I shall of course, reserve to myself the course I shall pursue with reference to the measures which may be proposed by her Majesty's Government until they are stated to the House. I don't mean by this that I shall extend my support to them on every occasion, and that this will overrule the course I shall adopt on any subject. I generally speak with respect to measures having reference to the industry and commercial policy of the country, and I trust any step which will be taken will be towards the relaxation of restrictions.—(Loud cheers.) I, for one, shall not urge upon them the hasty or precipitate adop tion of principles, even sound in themselves, if they are likely to injure or cause great disarrangement of our affairs. I shall bear in mind that great experiments have been made under the present Administration—that the surplus amount of revenue is small—smaller than I could wish it to be, and less in consonance with the permanent interests of the country ; and therefore, while I offer my cordial support to the general principles of commercial policy which have re ceived the sanction of Parliament in the present session, I shall not urge them to any such simultaneous and precipitate adoption of them as may either be injurious to the interests of the country from special circumstances entitled to some continued protection; nor shall I urge them to any such rash or precipitate measures as can injure or cause a derangement of the finances of the country. Sir, I am not aware in speaking thus—l am bound to say that I am rather speaking with regard to my own intentions as to the course I shall pursue, than speaking after having had an opportunity of conferring with the Noble Lord as to the measures he should adopt. I can not doubt, however, after the course which the Noble Lord has pursued this session, that measures of a similar character to those proposed by the present Government will meet with his sup port and acquiescence. —(Cheers.) Sir, I do not know that it is necessary I should make any other declaration than this . I wish to draw no invidious distinctions. I wish to make no unseemly boast, but I cannot surrender power without making at least this observation—that I do hope, that during the five years full power has been committed to our hands, neither the public interests nor the honour of this country have been di minished.—(Loud cheers.) I think I may say with truth, that during that period the bur dens of taxation have been equalised, and that that pressure which bore unjustly and severely upon various branches of industry has been removed. — (Hear, hear, and cheers.) I think I may say with truth, that many restrictions upon commerce, injuriously affecting the trade of this country, have been removed. — (Continued cheers.) I think I may say that this has been done without at all interfering with legitimate speculation, without at all paralysing or derang ing the commerce of the country. I think I may say with truth, that stability has been given to the monetary system of this country.—(Hear hear.) I allude particularly to the cordial support which was given, without reference to party distinc tions, to the measures which I proposed with regard to the Bank of England, to joint-stock banks, and private banks of this country in 1843. Sir, I trust also that the country has not suffered by the reductions which have taken place. There has been great and considerable reductions made on the general restrictions in trade. I hope, Sir, that these reductions will be more than compensated by the increased consumption of the articles upon which the reductions have taken plaee.—(Cries of "Hear, hear.") I may say that there never was a Govern nment which had less occasion for using anything like prosecutions—there has been a submission to the laws, and that too at periods when the high price of the necessaries of life caused great suffering to the pour. I shall allu to to one member of the Government, and although he has not taken a prominent part in debate, he was one who deserved the very highest honour which his country could con fer on him. That member of the Government was one, who, with high Christian feelings, was against resorting to war till he had exhausted every means to preserve peace.—(Hear, hear.) He could most consisistently carry out that principle .:with out at all neglecting the interests of this country, and while he had done so, he was ever ready to maintain the rights, and privileges, and high honour of this country, even at the risk of a war.—(Hear, hear.) Sir, I do hope that we leave the foreign relations of this country in a satisfactory state—that I speak not only ~f France, but of the other great powers of Europe. ['here is a confidence in the intention of this country, 4nd a real desire on the part of their Governments to co operate with us in the maintenance of peace. It is that mutual confidence in the honour and intentions of public men which so much facilitates the preserving of the public tranquillity. We come in contact with them —for instance, with France in distant parts of Europe, where hi ated partizans are naturally jealous, and per haps justly jealous of the honour of their respective countries. Partizans, who must be warmed with the spirit of jealousy, would, in their anxiety to maintain the national honour, be the cause of war desolating nations, unless the councils of the great powers of Europe were presided over by those who feel peace to be the true interest of a civilised Go vernment, and who are determined that the heated passions of angry partisans shall not involve the respective countries.—(Hear, hear.) If anything could have induced me to get a decision on the part of this House prematurely, to determine the anxiety of Government, it would have been the re ceipt of the intelligence we have lately had from the United States. That gives the result of our last act. You know that there had been such difference between the countries, that unless they were speedily determined, they would have been the cause of war. The House will probably recollect that after we had offered to the United States conditions which were rejected, the President of the United States sent a message to the House of Con gress of that country, which led to a discussion with re gard to that convention which provided for the temporary adjustment of our differences, at least for the temp Tary avoidance of war, and to enable the two coun tries jointly to occupy the territory which is called the Oregon territory. We did not hesitate, therefore, to do that which in the present state of that question was most expedient. We did not hesitate to decline renewing any lengthened or protracted negotiation, but to propose at once to bring the proceedings to a termination. A definite proposal was consequently made by us to the President of the United States; and however strongly he might be committed to a contrary policy, he proposed at once to refer our pro posal to the Senate of the United States, and the Senate, acting in the same spirit with which it had been proposed, at once announced the adoption of the terms offered.—(Loud Cheers,) Perhaps from the importance of the subject, as well as from the circumstance that this may be the last day of my addressing you as a Minister, I may be permitted to go into a little detail with respect to the negotiations between the two Governments on this subject.—(llear, hear.) (The Right Hon. Baronet here read the first article of the convention which was sent over from this Goverament, and which specified that the 49th parallel of north lati tude should be continued as the boundary between the territory of this country and that of the United States.) The second condition of this engagement related to the navigation of the Columbia river, and in endeavouring to obtain for this country all the rights to which it was justly entitled, they had endeavoured to secure for Great Britain all the benefits of that river, where its course flowed above the 49th parallel ; but in assenting to the regulation which provided for this, the Ministry had intimated to Mr. Pakenham that it was not their intention or desire in any way to interfere with the Government of the United States, either as respected their interests, or in their regulation of the navigation of that river. And this they did in a spirit of frankness and fair dealing, and in a way that should at once assure the Government of the United States of their good faith and support of the honour of this country. (Cheers.) On the very day when he was addressing that House as a Minister, and when he was stating the resignation of the Ministry who had succeeded in ef fecting this agreement, he had the satisfaction of receiving the official letter from Mr. Pakenham, which contained the dispatch confirming the agreement. (Cheers.) Mr. Pakenham, writing on June 13, says to my Noble Friend the Secretary for Foreign Affairs, My Lord,—ln consequence of your instructions, which came to hand on the 7th, I lost no time in submitting f the conditions which they contained, to the Secretary r b e r ta o r ug t State of the United States, and which we under the consideration of the Senate : I n it e h a e ch l o B f th th o e f May. After a few hour s ' deliberation, three days, Wednesday, Thursday, and Friday, during which it was discussed, that assembly votes,ssembly of recommending cametoa dechicn by a majority of seventy-eight ac cept of the ter ms proposed by her Muses to the Pr esident, to On the next morning Mr. Packenham says that Mr. Buchanan sent for him, and stated that the President had acceded to the wish of the Senate, and had accepted the proposition of her majesty's Government without the limitation or altera tion of a single word. Thus, by the intervention of not to ensure their success, at least to giro the country an opportunity of pronouncing its opinion upon them. In that case I should have Mt myself justified in advising her Majesty to the extreme course of dissolving the present Parliament ; but there was no necessity for such a course. Those who dissented from these measure had withdrawn, I am bound to say, their opposition to them ; they had eventually giren these measures their consent, and they had therefore passed into a law. Under these circumstances, I do not feel that I should bo justified in order to pass any inferior measure, I say I should not have felt myself justified in advising the Crown to exercise its prerogative, because I feel strongly this, that no Administration is justified in advising the Crown to issue that prerogative unless there be reason ; I shall presume even a strong moral conviction, that in the Parliament succeeding that dissolution the Government will be able to ad minister the affairs of the country by the sup port of a party sufficiently powerful to enable them to do so with advantage to the public.—(Hear.) The power of dissolution is a great instrument in the hands of a Government which should be only resorted to under such circumstances as I have alluded to. I think a dissolution • should not be taken for the purpose of deciding whether we were justified in proposing those measures of cem mercial policy which we had proposed at the commencement of the session. I do not think that a dissolution even ut that time would have been justifiable. The only ground upon which we should have advised a dissolution weuld have been, that we should have been enabled to give effect to those measures which we brought forward. Now, I do not mean a support founded on a feeling of mere temporary sympathy with our situation, or of concurrence upon the great questions of domestic policy, however important they may be, I think we should not dissolve without a full assurance iu our own minds, that we should have the sup port of those who differ from us upon almost all the questions of public policy, and who were with us upon one question, but that we should have the support of a powerful party, united to us by general ties. I am bound to say, in the general state of division of parties, that I did not entertain that confident hope that the dissolution of Parliament would have given us a majority. I thought also, in common with the rest of my Honourable Collagues, that after all the excitement which has taken place, after the stagnation which would continne consequent upon our suspending the business of the country, it did appear to us that a dissolution of Parliament /was an evil which should not have been allowed to take place.—(Cheers.) We were beaten on a question connected with Ireland. I shall lament having been beaten upon this question, not merely because it was an Irish question, but I should deeply lament our being beaten on a question connected with Ireland, if it should be thought that the measure we proposed for the repression of outrrge in Ireland, was an indication that her Majesty's servants held any different opinions as to the policy to be pursued towards Ireland from that which I declared towards the close of the last session of Parliament. These opinions which I then avowed—those opinions which had a practical effect given to them by the Cha ritable Bequests Act, the additional vote for the endow ment of Maynouth. To these opinions both myself and my Hon. Colleagues still subscribe. We brought forward that measure believing that resistance to the contagion of crime and a vigorous re pression by law of those offences which I am sorry to see disgrace some parts of Ireland, was not a measure calculated permanently to improve the social condition of that people, but we thought it was a measure calculated, if taken in conjunction' with other measures necessary for the liar the purpose of giving effect to Legislative measures of another kind, Parliament has, however, decided dif ferently on that subject. Of that decision I say nothing. I deprecate only any inference being drawn from our conduct, that because we pro posed the measure which some persons call coercion, but which we call a measure for the protection of life to Ireland. I only deprecate any inference, which would be most unjustifiable That our views as to the policy to be pursued towards Ireland bad undergone any change Speaking of myself, I do not hesitate to say that there ought to be established in Ireland, complete equality— (Loud cheers)—in municipal and political institu tions.—(Cheers.) I say complete equality, as far as it is practicable to carry it out, in the present political and religious aspect of the country.—(Hear, hear.) It may not be possible to carry out complete political and religious equality according to the letter of the terms but it may be done according to the spirit. Bu: I speak of the spirit, and not of the letter, in regard to the franchise, in regard to municipal rights, and in regard to other great questions relating to Ireland.—(Cheers.) There is a strong desire in the minds of many, that the people of Ireland should be placed in possession of the same political and religi ous rights, as those of England and Scotland, and I admit the correctness of the principle. Not only do I admit the justice of the prin ciple, but I am of opinion that a complete assimilation of Ireland to England and Fe eland in political and religi ous privileges, should not be defeated by any jealousy and suspicion on our part. With regard to any question involving the rights and privileges of the people of Ire land, I say distinctly that I think there ought not to be a different rule applied to Ireland to that which is applied to the people of this country--(Cheers.) It is impossible for me to say that there should be submitted with regard to Ireland a different rule of action tr. that which is applied to England.—(Cheers.) Re garding the Executive Administration in Ireland. 1 think the powers of the Crown should no; be exercised so as to occasion any real ground of complaint in regard to religious distinctions. It may be that we may have given offence in some some instances in availing ourselves of the opportunity of appointing Roman Catholics to office. It ma y be said that we should have taken different means to carry out our policy ; but to that 1 will answer, that I hold. it to br the best and wisest p olic y to carry on the affairs ' of Government without reference to any differences on religious questions, and that it should make its appointments accordingly. (Cheers.) With regard to the spirit in which legislation must be directed, I must say for one, I am prepared to co• operate with those who feel that the present social condition of the people of Ire land in respect to the tenure of land, and the rela tions of landlord and tenant, and are anxious to remedy the existing state of things.—(Hear, hear.) It may be impossible by legislative enactments to apply an im mediate remedy to the state of things which now exists ; but even if the benefit to be derived from legislation be extremely remote, yet if the benefit be of a permanent character, then I shall feel it to be my duty to support them.—(Hear, hear.) What I have now said applies to the tenure of land ; and, again, with respect to legislation upon matters connected with the relations which at present exist between landlords and tenants. While upholding the rights of property it ought to be our ob ject to direct our immediate attention to the consi• deration of that most important subject.—(Cheers.) There is no determination on our part to consider that question in any other manner than that which is calculated to produce beneficial effects, and in that spirit, and with the hope of accomplishing that object, I shall be ready to support the Govern ment whieh is to succeed us.—(Loud cheering.) Sir, I have reason to believe the Noble Lord, the Mem ber for the City of London, has been commanded by her Majesty to repair to her Majesty's presence for the purpose of hearing her Majesty's commands upon the subject of forming that Government.—(Hear, hear.) Sir, I presume that the general principle upon which the Government to be formed by the Noble Lord, will—that is as far as its commercial policy is concerned —be to continue the application of those principles, which tend to give us a clear and unrestricted commercial intercourse with other countries. I presume I may confidently exprct that that will be their com mercial policy, and, Sir, if it is, I shall feel it to be my duty to give to the Government, with the view of carrying out the execution of that great principle, my most cordial support.—(Cheers.) Sir, 1 presume her Majesty's Government, acting upon the ex perience of the past, will act upon those principles, notwithstanding that other countries may choose to buy in the dearest market. (Hear, hear.) I hope the knowledge of such a fact will prove no discouragement to them to promote the great principle of buying in the cheapest, and selling in the dearest market. I hope, too, Sir, they will not for a single moment think of returning to that principle which both they and we have felt the baneful effects of namely, of haggling with foreign countries, but that they will act in the spirit of independence, and take that course which they believe will be conducive to the welfare of the country. — (Hear.) I hope, rather than return to such a system, they will trust in the influence of public opinion on other countries, and they may rely upon it our example, added to the benefit which we derive from acting upon the opposite principle, will at no remote period in- The Earl of POWIS also signified a similar inten tion. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE entirely subscribe d to the propriety of the course proposed by the Noble Duke, of postponing for the present all business likely to involve public discussion, .and hg thought that the Parliament was indebted to her Majesty's Government for keeping in office till the measure respecting the sugar duties be passed. He would suggest also to the Noble Duke the propriety of dispensing with the standing orders for the purpose of expediting the passing of the measure. METROPOLITAN TERMINI. The Report of the Commissioners of the Metropolitan Termini was laid on the table. SUGAR DUTIES BILL. After some delay, the Bill for continuing the Sugar Duties for one month longer was brought up and read a Srst time. The Duke of BUCCLEUCII gave notice that he should move to-morrow the suspension of the stand ing orders, in order that the Bill may he read a second time. Their Lordships then adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS. The SPEAKER took the Chair at Four o'clock, when there was a very large attendance of Members. The Peers' Gallery and the Strangers' Gallery were also very full. REPORTS. The following reports were brought up and agreed to, and the Bills ordered to be engrossed :—Archbishop of York's Estate Bill—Caledonian Railway (Clydesdale Junction Railway Deviations)—Caledonian Railway (Polloc and Govan and Clydesdale Junction Rail ways Amalgamation)—Clonmel and Thurles Railway— Cork, Blackrock, and Passage Railway— Crornfurd Canal—Dublin and Kingstown Extension Railway— Great Southern and Western Railway (Cork Extension) —Huddersfield and Manchester Railway and Canal (Oldham Branch)—Huddersfield and Sheffield and Man chester and Leeds Railways Amalgamation—Killarney Junction Railway—Liverpool and Bury and Manchester and Leeds Railways Amalgamation—Llynvi Valley and South Wales Junction Railway—Mallow and Fermoy Railway—Midland Great Western Railway of Ireland (Liffy Branch and Longford Deviation) New Zealand Company Norfolk Estuary Oldham, Manchester, Liverpool, and Birkenhead Junc tion Railway—Severn Navigation—Sheffield, Ashton under-Lyne, and Manchester Railway, &c., Amalga mation—Stocki:ort Improvement—Waterfimi, Wexford, Wicklow, and Dublin Junction Railway—Whitehaven and Furness Junction Railway (Whitehaven Extension and Kirksanton Deviation). SHEFFIELD, ROTHERHAM, BARNSLEY. WAKE FIELD, HUDDERSFIELD, AND GOOLE RAIL WAY BILL. On the motion for the third reading of this Bill, Mr. CAVENDISH moved as an amendment that the Bill be read a third time that day six months. Lord ARUNDEL seconded the motion of his Hon. Friend, as the decision of the Committee had caused the greatest dissatisfaction amongst the coal owners of the north. Mr. LASCELLES supported the third reading of the Bill, as the line was called for by the exigyncy of the country, and the coal districts in the north. After a few observations from Sir M. Lopez, Lord Seymcur, Mr. Entwisle, Mr. Fitzstephen French, Lord Morpeth, Mr. Wortley, Mr. Monckton Milnes, Mr, Bright, Mr. Denison, Mr. Ellice, jun., and Mr. Estcourf the gallery was ordered to be cleared fora division. On our return the numbers appeared — For the third reading For the amendment 53 Majority —93 The Bill was accordingly read a third time and passed EAST LANCASHIRE RAILWAY BILL. This Bill was read a third time and passed. COLCHESTER NAVIGATION AND IMPROVE MENT BILL. Sir JOHN GUEST moved that the Committee on the Colchester Navigation and Improvement Bill be revived, and have leave to sit on Thursday next, and that two selected Members form a quorum.—The motion was agreed to. TEMPLEMORE AND NENAGH RAILWAY BILL. Mr. ESTCOURT moved that it be an instruction to the Committee of Selection to refer the Templemore and Nenagh Railway Bill, being an unopposed Bill, to the Chairman of Ways and Means, and Members to he added by the Committee of Selection.—Agreed to. COVENTRY, NUNEATON, BIRMINGHAM, AND LEICESTER RAILWAY. This Bill was read a third time and passed. WEXFORD, CARLOW, AND DUBLIN JUNCTION RAILWAY. This Bill was also read a third time and passed. SUGAR DUTIES. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said, it would probably meet the convenience of the House, if the order of the day for the third reading of the Sugar Duties Bill were then moved. The Bill was then read a third time and passed. RESIGNATION OF MINISTERS The private business having been disposed of, the greatest expectation was manifested for the appearance of S r Robert Peel. The House never on any occasion presented such a thronged and animated appearance, and we observed that several ladies were in the vicinity of the Speaker's gallery. At twenty-thret minutes past five o'clock Sir Robert Pcel entered the House with an anxious air, and after a few moments' consultation with Sir James Graham, he rose and ad dressed the House as follows: Sir ROBERT PEEL—Sir, I feel it to be my duty to avail myself of the earliest opportunity of notify ing to this House that, in consequence of the position of her Majesty's Government, and especially in consequence of that vote to which the House came on the night of Thursday last, by which the House refused to give to the Government those powers which they deem necessary fur th( repression of outrage and the protection of life in Ireland, her Majesty's servants have felt it their duty to tender their resignation to their most gracious Sovereign. The resolution to tender that resignation was the unani mous resolution of her Majesty's servants, adopted with out hesitation. Sir, if I had any complaint to prefer wits respect to the course pursued by the House, this i s not the occasion on which I should prefer it. It is im possible to feel that that occasion by which a great change takes place in the councils of a great empire for weal or for woe, the welfare of many millions of the Queen's subjects in almost all parts of the habitable globe—it is impossible to feel that it is not an important, and, I might almost say, a solemn occasion, and that it is not such an occasion, that one ought to avoid preferring any complaints, Sir, such controversy would be ill-suited to the magni tude of the occasion. I must also say that a provocation of any such controversy would be wholly at variance with the feelings which influence me in addressing this House.— (Hear, hear.) This feeling would rather prompt me to acknowledge with gratitude the many occasions on which, speaking of the great bodies in general on this side of the House, at periods antecedent to the present session, I and my colleagues have received their generous and cordial support. This feeling, also. would rather prompt me to acknowledge with gratitude the occasion on which gentlemen opposite, in oblivion of party differences, have accorded to her Ma jesty's Government for the measures of which they approved, a cordial support ; and I trust, Sir, that nothing will escape from me in explaining the course which her Majesty's Government has thought it their duty to pursue. which would run the risk of pro voking those controversies which I deprecate. Sir, her Majesty has been pleased to accept that tender of resignation, and her servants now only hold office until their successors shall have been appointed• Sir, I said that if I had complaints to prefer, this would not be the occasion on which I would prefer them, but I must also say that I did not propose those measures connected with our commercial policy at the commencement of this session, without foreseeing the great probability, whether those measures succeeded or failed, of the dissolution of the Government of this realm. Sir, I rather rejoice that her Majesty's Government has been relieved from any doubt, by the early decision of this House, as to the course which it was their duty to pursue, for I do not hesitate to say that I would not, even if the late vote had been in our favour—l would not, even then, have consented to hold office by the sufferance or permission of any party — (Loud cheers)—believing, as I do, that it is for the public interest, that a Government remaining in power think that, in a G th o o v s e e rn w m h e o nt h w adas should be enabled to give practical effect to the mea sures which they may believe it necessary to the natural withd p ra a w e position in good her Majesty's placed by the withdrawal—perhaps introduce for the public ood ; and I do hiltl,er—to even d na them—l do not vc it Ilisgeeee r t h i ll il eo g r ')t think it improbable that, o n t t e had been in our favour, her Majesty's Government administrationhe interests of o t f h epucountry, affairs.to _co(nGtirneuaet enabled, with credit to themselves or wit would adva b n e We therefore felt it our duty to ad might have been Crown to Majesty to accept our resignations without adopted, namely, natmhaetly,alrteeeronmamtiveendiwnhgictho the exer cise its prerogative and to dissolve the present Parlia ment. We preferred the immediate tendering of our resignations to the adoption of that course. Sir, I do not hesitate to say, speaking with that frankness which I am sure can offend no one, that if her Majesty's Government bad failed in carrying through Parliament, in all:their integrity, those measures of commercial policy, which it was ray duty to recommend, I do not hesitate to say that there was no exertion which I would not have made—(Tremendous cheering)—in order, if these two great-men, impelled I believe by nothing but an earnest and disinterested desire to promote the welfare of their several countries, and urged en by the force of public opinion have brought this great dispute to a close without, I believe, the com promise of the slightest point of honour, and which, if it had been continued, might have involved these two great nations, which have sprung from the same race, in a war that would have involved the whole of the civilised world in its horrors. A war which in the course of two months, nay, of one month, would have proved more expensive than the worth of the whole of the district for which the contention would have been excited. This, then, I have we brought, without the slightest compromise of interest or honour either on the part of the American Government or of her Majesty's Ministers, to a close this great cause of dissension ; and this was dime at a time when it was anticiputed by the Government of this country that the dis pute in which the Government of the United States were at that time engaged, would, in all pro babilty, lead to a war with Mexico. Notwithstanding this anticipation, instructions were sent out to Mr. Paeken hare stating that her Majesty's Government had not changed their intention in the slightest degree, and that their desire for the settlement of the dispute was not in the slightest degree altered. Mr. Paekenham was fully in possession of the sense of his Government, and know ing their sentiments, he had persevered in the spirit in which her Majesty's Ministers had always acted, in bringing :this dispute to a termination. Yet he wisely thought that an occurrence of a war with Mexico was not one of those cases to which we had adverted, and therefore most wisely did he tender this offer of peace on his own dis cretion. (Hear, hear.) And let me observe that before we were aware of those hostilities between the United States and Mexico. Before we were aware of the reception which this offer on our part would meet with, we tendered to the United States our good offices for the purpose of mediating between them. Sir, I do rejoice that I had the opportunity before surrendering power—(hear, hear) —that I have the power of giving them the formal assurance that every cause of quarrel between two great and powerful countries is terminated with honour to the British people.—(Cheers.) Sir, I think I have exe• cuted the task which my public duty imposed upan me. I hope I have said nothing which can be misconstrued.—(Hear, hear.) I can say with truth that her Majesty's Government, in proposing those mea sures of commercial policy which have disentled them to the confidence of many of those who formerly coinciped with them, were influenced by no other desire than to consult the interests of the country.—(Hear, hear.) Our object was to avert dangers which we thought were imminent, and to prevent a conflict which would have placed in hostile position two powerful classes. The love of power was net an object, for, as I have said before, I have had not a doubt but the carrying of these measures would be the termination of the existence of the Ministry. Sir, I am not sure that it is an advantage to the public that there should be such a with drawal of confidence from the Government for the time being. I admit that the withdrawal of confidence by many of our friends was the natural result of these measures, and I do think that in proposing measures of that nature, and under such circumstances, it is but natural that Ministers should be charged with incon sistency. I believe, upon the whole, it is advantageous for this country, and for the general character of public men, that the proposal of measures of that kind under such circumstances should entail that which is supposed to be "a heavy blow and a great discouragement." —(Laughter.) Sir, Ido not complain, I think that it would be impossible to continue to maintain office under such circumstances.—(Hear, hear.) Sir, I said before, and I said truly, that in proposing these measures I had no wish to rob others of the credit which is justly dne to them, and I must, with reference to Hon. Gentlemen opposite, as I say to ourselves, that neither of us is the party which is justly entitled to the credit of these measures.—(Hear, hear.) There has been a combination of parties, and that combination and the influence of the Government has led to their ultimate success, but the name which ought to be associated with the success of these mea, sures is not the name .either of the Noble Lord the organ of that party opposite—(Hear)—nor is it to mine. The name which ought to be and will be associated with the success of these measures is the name of a man who acting, I believe, from pure and disinterested motives— (Cheers)—has with untiring energy by appeals to reason enforced by an eloquence—(Hear, hear)—the more to be admired because it was unaffected and unadorned — (Hear, heat.)—that name which ought to be associated with the success of these measures is the name of Richard Cobden.—(Tremendous cheering.) Sir, I now close the address which it has been my duty to make to the House, thanking them sincerely for the favour which they have shown to this last act of my official career. Without referring that the power which I have held for the period of five years will be surrendered into the hands of another without complaint, with a more lively recollection of the support and confidence I received from lion. Members on both sides of the House. I shall leave office I fear with a name severely censured by many Hon. Members who, on public principle, deeply regret the severance of party men—who deeply regret that severance, not from any interested or personal motives—(lleac, hear) — but because they believe that the existence of a great party is necessary to the maintainance of a powerful an influential Government in this country.—(hear, hear.) I shall certainly retire severely censused by many ho nourable men, who, from no interested motives, have ad hered to the principle of protection, as important to the welfare and interests of the country. (Hear.) I shall leave a name execrated by every monopolist who, from less honourable motives maintains protection for his own individual ends—but it may be that I shall leave a name sometimes remembered with expressions of good will in those dwellings which ere the abodes of men whose lot it is to labour and to earn their daily bread by the sweat of their brows ; that is a name re membered with expressions of good will when they shall recruit their strength with abundant and untaxed food— (Cheers) the sweetened, because it is no longer leavened by a sense of injustice. (The Right Hon. Baronet then sat down amidst immense cheering which lasted for several minutes. The cheering having subsided, Sir R. PEEL again rose, and said that he had re ceived a communication from the Noble Lord who was charged with the formation of her Majesty's Govern ment, and he hoped the House would unanimously agree with the earnest wish expressed by that Noble Lord that the House at its rising do adjourn until Friday next. Lord PALMERSTON rose, but from the number of Members leaving the House his opening observations were but indistinctly heard. He said—Sir, I will abstain from entering upon any discus sion bearing on party differences, or repining to party disputes—but still I must be allowed to say, that, therefore, it is not to be understood that I subscribe to every thing he has stated in the course of his address.—(Hear, hear.) The Right Honourable Baronet must not be led away by the feeling which has been manifested by this House to-night, or by the assistance he has received in the carrying of the measures he has recently submitted, that we agree with the policy his Government has previously pursued.— (Hear, hear.) A different opportunity will be afforded to the present one, when I will enter upou that dis cussion. For the present, I wish to state to the House that if I abstain from following the Right lion. Baronet in the consideration of all the topics connected with his five years administration, I must not be understood as agreeing with him in the policy he has pursued.—(Hear, hear.) There are many parts of the policy of the Go vernment with which I cannot agree, though I acquiesce with the general recommendation of the House that the discussion of them should be postponed.—(Hear, hear.) But there is one thing in which I do agree. I agree that the Right Hon. Baronet has shown a proper and be coming deference to constitutional principles.—(Cheers.) I think the Right Hon. Baronet is right in his opinion, that the present would not have been the proper occa sion to have advised her Majesty to exercise her prero gative sltancidusitesoadgirveiededwiithn is o n n o rational t i w o n eak ica ajor probability it3 that a dissolutio n or g eneral election would give a 79 dissolving w h where r e a lire Government e se. him, gat v e that in n qu ite agree with him in th e opinion that it i in ts party, rlain e t n h t a: a n i d t w r h e e s n t s =Jo _ to pursue the cour se w hi ch her Majesty's there only iGs illy, I r r n es m ai : t n have g pursued. Si r, t h ere are some parts o f the Right Hon. Baronet's speech which gave me the greatest pleasure. I was glad t° hear from him those p r i nc i p l es wh i ch he announced as those by which the G overnment of Ireland should be con.- ducted. I was indeed glad to hear from the Right Hon. Baronet that equal rights, political, civil, and municipal, should be awarded to Ireland, in the same proportion as they were bestowed on England ; and .1 was glad to hear from him that differences of religious opinion should not debar the employment of men in political situations, for which they are otherwise duly and properly qualified. Were I disposed to treat the speech of the Right Hon. Bart. with different manner, I might make a few passing remarks, or express my regret that these opinions and sentiments had not been , acted on by him in his - administration of the affairs o Ireland. Upon the reasons I have stated, I shall not go into the question of cue policy of the Government:of the Right Hon. Baronet with reference to the Indian Em pire; and whether it has, or has riot, recived the unequi vocal approbation, in all its parts, of Parliament. I will not touch upon another topic alluded to in the speech of the Right Hon. Baronet, but I must be allowed to say that I think the Right Hon. Gentleman did not quite execute the purpose which he announced at the outset of his speech, and that he did not altogether so state all lie had to say, as not to afford any ground for difference of opinion. I should have been sorry indeed to have allowed one of the latter topics of the Right Hon. Ba ronet's speech to pass unnoticed without an expression of cordial approbation on my part. The announcement he then made will be received with satisfaction, not only by all Honourable Members of that House, but even in the remotest corners of the empire. I refer to the an nouncement that these unfortunate differences which have sprung up between this country and the United States have been brought to an amicable adjustment. It would indeed be the greatest calamity that could befal the civilised world it two great nations, like Eng land and the United Stutes, should be at enmity with each other—two nations whose interests are identical, and whose people stand in the relation of brothers. I am therefore glad to avail myself of this opportunity of stating the degree of satisfaction I experienced when listening to that portion of the Right Hon. Baronet's speech which touched upon the Oregon ques tion.—(Hear, hear.) Sir, the Right Hon. Baronet well said, in conclusion, that the merits of the great com mercial measure which he has succeeded in carrying is not so much due to gentlemen on this side of the House or to gentlemen who at present occupy the Treasury benches, as to the talent, the ability, the perseverance, the enterprise, and the untiring energy of my Honourable Friend tie Member for Stockport. — (Cheers.) The Right lion. Baronet has paid a just and deserved compliment to Richard Cobden ; and I think the House and the country will look on beyond the point to which the Right Hon. Baronet has directed attention, and see in Richard Cobden not merely the zealous and enlightened advocate of a great improve • ment in our commercial code, but will see in him one of the most distinguished results of that great measure of Par liamentary reform carried by this side of the House, and which, in truth, has been the means by which the Right lion. Baronet has been enabled to carry his own great measure of commercial reform.—(Cheers.) I was par ticulary anxious, my concurrence in the general senti ment of the Right Hon. Baronet, however I may differ with him on some points, and to take this, the earliest opportunity, of protesting against its being supposed, by my silence, that 1 was opposed to the policy which the Right Hon. Baronet had latterly pursued. Mr. HUME said, as an humble member of that House, he could not allow that opportunity to pass without say ing a word or two upon the policy and speech of the Right Hon. Baronet, with whose opinions upon two important points of policy he had long differed. He thought the Right Hon. Baronet had accomp lished that which would redound for ever to his characte r. I t would be a source of great gratification to him , in h i s retirement, to know that he found the country o n his coming to power in a state of war, and tha t he left it in peace—with peace at home and abroad, with the industry of the country freed from commercial restrictions.—(Hear, hear.) He had done as much—nay, he had done more than any of his pre decessors had been able to accomplish. He (Mr. Hume) said, with the most unfeigned delight, that he had con ferred the greatest benefits on his country and on the civilised world. It was on these grounds that he ex pressed with the most unfeigned regret that circum stances should compel him to leave the helm at that hour. He was sure he would retire from power with the regret of millions of his countrymen. — (Che ers from both sides of the House.) He bel ieved no Mi nister ever left office favoured with so much sympathy on the part of the people ; and he would venture to pre dict that those Hon. Members who had consistently op posed the measures of the Right Hon. Baronet—who hadulfe, beforeltthem manyselve yearssobligedhatod passedofferr oeslvsetrantcheeico theads,hem regret the course they bad adopted, for there could be no doubt he had done all in his power to promote the happiness and comfort of the peo ple. He himself felt that he derived the greater credit for the patience and for the perseverance he had evinced in his capacity of Minister of the Crown, .and he believed the same opinion was entertained by millions of his countrymen. Sir ROBERT INGLIS rose to speak to the motion that the House, at its rising, should adjourn until Friday next. There were some passages in the speech of the Right Honourable Baronet which he might desire to reply to, particularly in the perora tion, but in the few words which he wished to address to the House he should purposely abstain from any reference to them, and limit himself to the technical question then before the House—whether it should or should not adjourn till Friday next.--(Hear.) He was opinion that it would be very inconve nient to the private business of the House, if snch an adjournment took place, and therefore although -no public business could be carried on before the formation of the new Ministry, he saw no reason why the private business before the House should be interrupted. As Bills are before the House in which universal interests were involved, and as to-morrow was the day for receiving reports, he considered that they might meet at twelve each day, that the private business might be proceeded with without interruption. Sir ROBERT PEEL said, he might be allowed to say that be made the motion for the adjournment of the House with the perfect concurrence of the Noble Lord (Lord John Russell), but the Noble Lord stated, at the same time, that if it was necessary that the House should sit fur the termination of the private business, he should not object to it. Since he spoke he had received a note from the Noble Lord, stating that he had no objection to the house sitting until Friday. Mr. L A BOUCHERE considered that if' private busi ness, in which parties, perhaps, had some direct interest, were carried on by a thin House, the worst consequences could not fail to ensne. If the Right Hon. Baronet the President of the Board of Trade (Sir G. Clerk) would have the kindness to attend there during the pri vate business, and assist the deliberations of the House with his influence and authority, such evils might be obe viated. Sir G. CLERK would do his best to watch over the private business of the House, but he hoped soon to have the assistance of some of the Right Hon. Gentlemen opposite.—(Laughter.) No doubt the private business would occupy a great deal of the attention of that House. Mr. GREENE suggested, in order to obviate par tiality, unopposed Bills should be taken. The Chancellor of the EXCHEQUER had intended to have followed up the motion his Right Hon. Friend had made to the House, with theconsent of the Noble Lord, with a motion that the railway Committees should sit notwithstanding the adjournment of the House, and that all reports should not be taken until Friday.—(Hear.) After a few words from Mr. SHAW and Mr. F. FRENCH, the motion was put and carried. Lord S ANION wished to ask the Right Hon. Baronet the Secretary for the Home Departmrnt, whether the Corporation of the City of London intended to take any steps for the improvement of the prisons under thei r jurisdiction ? Sir J. GRAHAM (as we understand) said that the Corporation of the City of London bad adopted some measures with that view, but he did not know whether they had done all that was desirable. COMMONS INCLOSURE (No. 2) BILL. On the motion of Si r JAMES GRAHAM, this Bill was read a second time, and ordered to be committed on Friday next. The several Bills on the paper were then postponed , until certain days in the next and followine. week. Several reports were then brought up and ordered to lie upon the table. The House adjourned at Half-past Seven o'clock. APPEARANCE OF THE NEIGHBOURHOOD OF TIIg HOUSES OF PARLIAMENT.—RECEPTION OF THE DU KE OF WELLINGTON AND SIR ROBERT PEEL.—This even" ing, shortly before five o'clock, Parliament-street was crowded by well-dressed persons, anxious to express their sympathy with the Free-trade Ministers. From the residence of Sir Robert Peel, in Whitehall-garden' , to the entrance to the Houses of Parliament, the streets on each side were crowded, leaving merely a clear gangway for the passage of horses and car riages. The Duke of Wellington rode down Parliament-street shortly before five o'clock. His Grace was greeted with enthusiastic cheering along the whole line, which he acknowledged by his usual military salute. At 20 minutes past five the Duke returned from the House of Lords on horseback, to the surprise of the public. The fact was he said only a few words in the House, announcing the resignation of Ministers, and then left. bi l' s 'ere state and the moment Si r Robert who did o'clock. The Tl in ia ak ß e i hthills appearance Baronet chpaaem T lefla h ,p e d:os p tlv u nhfi b public g Honourable with raptures of recognised the m affected. most enthusiasticplaudits burst firth all along the line until he reached omenthe was of Commons. t that the doorway of the House moment the crowd passed forward The sih applause, and his feelings were deepl9 l altogether was very interesting, 311 '' the feeling intense.g RECEPTION OF SIR ROBERT PEEL ON LEAVING VIE HousE.—Sir Robert Peel Lett the House at half-pa" seven o'clock, and procet-ded on foot, between the Chancellor of the Exchequer and Sir George Clerk, to his residence in Privy Gardens. On I aw ing the Members' entrance he was received with demonstrations of applsnse, and was accompanied to the doors of his residence by upwards of 2,000 per sons, who cheered him repeatedly. The Right Hon. B$ ronet repeatedly acknowledged the plaudits, and ar peared much affected. The crowds about the two Houses of Parliament did not separate until the House had adjourned. DIED. On the 28th inst., In George-street, Hanover-square, Christina, the wife of T. Lamie Murray, Esq. On the Bth inst., at Malta, Frederick Annesley James, second anct youngest son of the late Bishop James, of Calcutta. On the lath inst., at the Tower of London, Henry Dealtry Thosnst l eon of the Rev. henry Thomas, of Calcutta. On the 21st inst., at Crouch-end, Hornsey, John Grant, Esq. On the 21st inst., at Vioux Luc, Calvados, France, Mans, the In fant daughter of Lieutenant-Colonel and Mrs. Carmichael. London: Printed and Published by IIitURDO YOUNG, of No. in, Strand, Printer, at The Sun Office, N 0.112, Strand, In the Precinct of the Savoy, le the County of bliddlens, M•ll6Sts 29, 1846. a • , ,; . 7, fo p . •-• ;!:4; tf In •• fo; th ::; r , Or • 01 01 . fb to R. hi i • - 'IP jX~ ,t ~i `i: w .-`~ :1:::::1‘ ' ;;m '',... ,pi ! -7* ;^ / '5 l, :ssit,;4ll c +