The Sun. — London, England, 1852-03-16 00:00:00

that Parliament_ need be prohinged.--:(Hearen As regarded' Protection, he could hardly reconcile the various declarations that had been made, but would accept those of Mr. Walpole, and avowed himself alike indisposed to the reversal and the Modification of the free trade policy. He had no right to ask Government what they intended to do in a new Parliament, but the demand he made was not an unfair one, from those Who knew they had a majority and he hopedethat Ministers would not drive the Free-traders to a disagreeable alterna tive. It. was, he reminded the House, not with demonstra tion but with a practical issue that they had now to do. They had so to act that, in a few months hence, Protection Might be spoken of as a thing that was past and gone, upon the deliberate verdict of a nation.—(Hear.) . • - Mr. B. COCHRANE addressed the , House for a few mi nutes, but the noise prevented his being distinctly heard. He was understood to say that Hon. Gentlemen on the opposite side bad asked Ministers to explain the principles of their Policy , but had given no answer to the question put to them as to the principle on which they grounded their opposition. The Bon, Member then referred to the conduct of the Noble Lord, the late Prime Minister, when in opposition, and having taunted some of the Liberal party for the. course they had pursued, referred specially to the. Hon. Member for Sheffield - the Andrew Marvell of the House—whom he accused of "daring audacity and fluent acerbity," and concluded by declaring that all he could say was, that he knew no more agreeable reading than the" His tory of the Whigs," by Roebuck, unless, perchance the " History of Roebuck," by Coppock.—(Oh, oh.) lie should cordially support the Government. Lord PAL tERSTON then rose and said—" I am anxi ous before this debate concludes to state very shortly, and in a few words, the view which I, as an invididual member of this House, take of the present position of Government, and of the duty which I think lies upon this House. The Right Hon. Gentlemen who have spoken from the Treasury-bench have disclaimed any wish to appeal to the forbearance of this House. I, on the contrary, sun willing, on my own part, and I think the House ought to be willing on its part to show to them all the forbearance which the peculiar position in which they have been placed, I think, in the present state of things entitles them to. Their position is' perfectly anomalous, and in principle unconstitutional. It is accidental. Therefore, no blame attaches to them, but they are a minority proposing and intending to carry on the business of the country in a House of ,Commons in which they form the minority. It is obvious that that state of things could not under ordinary circumstances last for any period of time whatever. The course which a Government under those circumstances would have properly to pursue would be, either to advise the Crown to dissolve Parliament and appeal to the country. or to resign office. They have recently / been placed in power by the resignation of that party which up to a recent period formed the majority, and still form the majority of this House. A resignation, therefore, would not be consistent with the decision which they formed wheel they undertook to form an Administra tion. Now a dissolution at the present moment in the state of business in this House is avowedly by the consent of all willies an impossibility. The House should, therefore, give them their forbearance until they can conduct the necessary business of the country so as to enable them to dissolve Parliament. They have stated some measures Which they think of importance. With regard to some of them I entirely agree with my Right Hon. Friend who has spoken recently from this bench, but there are one or two which are of importance; and they must, be carried. The measures, whatever they may be, which they propose to in troduce for the internal defences of the country, are measures peculiarly necessary if a dissolution is to take place. The very feet of a dissolution being in prospect renders it still More incumbent on them to carry a measure of that sort. With regard to . hancery, the prospect of a Chancery suit is not very encouraging to those who think that an early dis solution is desirable.—(Laughter.) I say, then ' the House ought to show forbearance to her Majesty's Government, until they shall have carried the necessary business of • the country to a state in which a dissolution can take place; but I do think that her Majesty's Government will, on the principle of good faith to the House and the Country, on the principle of regard to their own consis tency, and the principles they . have hitherto maintained, that they will lose no time in taking the sense of the country on the great . principle of our commercial policy, which they ,have avowed their intention at some time to take. Then, Sir, I think more, that, having taken the sense of the country, it is their duty to call Parliament together again at an early period, so that in the course of the present Beason the next House of Commons may c me to a final de cision on this grave question. •If this question is to be allowed to bang up until the ordinary meeting of Parlia ment in the commencement of the ensuing year, it is my firm conviction that such a course would be attended with the utmost inconvenience to the public interests. And there. fore. Sir, it seems to me that the Government ought not only to take the earliest possible opportunity, consistent with the course of Parliament:. to dissolve the House of Commons and appeal to the country; and, further, that there should be a clear understanding between the Government and this House, that so seen as in the regular course of things the Dew • Parliament should be assembled, the sense of that assemblage should be forthwith taken on this great and important question. —( Hear, hear.) Sir, what the result of a general election will be, I my se lf can entertain not the slightest doubt ; because I am convinced that the great mass of the intelligence of this country bits long ago made up its mind on the question at issue between the two sid es of the House. -(Hear, hear.) - It might, no doubt, have been a matter of argument at the time when the sliding scale existed whether a compromise might not have been effected in a moderate fixed duty, which might have lasted for many years, and satisfied the feelings and interests of all classes of the com munity. But it is quite a different thing when the question has been settled and decided six years ago; when the feel ings, interests, and hopes of the community have been adapted to the present state of things.—( Hear, hear.) It is quite a different thing to propose that the policy should be reversed, and that a duty should be placed on the food of the poor.—(Hear, hear.) Sir, I should hope that the unde fined prospect which has been held out to us of the possibility that in a new Parliament that question might not be brought forward, I hope, I say, that that prospect may be realised, because I would think it a grave and most mie• mentous proposition on the part of the GoVernment to re liflpose a duty on the importation of corn, even if the attempt tis do so was unsuccessful, firmly believing that the effect of, it would be to array the feelings of the poorer classes of the country against the superior orders, in a manner that would be most destructive of that harmony and good feeling which ought to prevail between all classes of the people of this land. (Hear.) I am satisfied that nothing could be more detri mental to the real and true interests of the country, than to attempt to raise the price of food on the poor, in order to add somewhat to the incomes of the rich.- (Hear.) Sir, the view which I entertain is strictly this : that the House of Commons ought to assist the Government in carrying such measures as may be necessary preliminary to the dissolution, of Parliament, and that the Government ought to hold them selves bound to dissolve as soon as the state of busineSs admits of their doing so, and as soon as the elections are over they ought again to assemble Parliament, in order that these controverted questions of commercial policy, on which the two sides of the House are at variance, should be at once submitted to and settled by the decision of the House of Commons.—( Hear, hear.) Mr. G. BERKELEY contended that instead of there being a greater demand for land than before, as had been asserted in the course of the debate, the value of landed pro perty had greatly deteriorated under the present system. With regard to their West India policy, all that they asked was that slave produce should not be admitted to this country on the tame terms with the produce of free labour. Mr. M. GIBSON said the question before the House was evidently that of urging upon Government the propriety of a speedy dissolution of Parliament ; and on the part of teose whom he represented he begged most strongly to impress upon the Government the necessity of a speedy appeal to the country, in order to obtain the verdict they stated they de sired upon the subject of their commercial policy. But if he properly understood the Chancellor of the EXchequer and the Home Secretary, they seemed to have chalked out : business enough to detain the House until July or August. When he Gibson) spoke of a " speedy dissolution," he meant that the House should go through the army and navy estimates and the Mutiny Bill, and that then the Govern- went shotild at once dissolve Parliament. When a dissolu- Von took place in June, IS the new Parliament on its assembling passed a resolution for taking up all the private business at the , point where it was dropped by its predeces sor; and by following that precedent on this occasion he thought the difficulty raised by the Home Secretary might - be compleely got rid of.' He denied being actuated by fac tions motives; and advised Honourable Gentlemen who re presented' the rural districts not to practise again upon the cLndulity of the tenant-farmers , or to hold themselves up as, t far mers' friends. for let them rest assured that thou g h they ' might, in a new' P ar liament, make some effort to show that their ma i ntainwed e er ; h rs r e o liad been honourable, and that they had rate fail i h . t t nonsistency in their conduct, they would at any if they attempt to re-impose a duty on corn. And giving rise t o "ing out hopes to the tenant-farmers, and fulfil, then, expectations f that they would be unable to veers not acting the conscience, he would say that they lay p t a o rt of the farmers' friends, but doing all that in them grathlaled improvement and content arrest the progress of agricultural of the land.- (Hear„ and ' c iZt . among the occupying tenants Sir J. TYRELL con the wonderful unanimity Lord John Russell upon the Hon. Gentlemen who then o rt e t emed to prevail amongst a sho o rt around him. W hen he recollected that it was only (tisr Ze u ablest of his ago that the Noble L or d co mmitted the mistake of co ll eagu es in the Gov ernment, and that the House and her ount Majesty's Ministers were placed in their present position Lord having • dissolved lc by reason of the Noble Cabinet for want of the necessary • am that House, he owned that the combination wit nessed that night struck him as one of the most extraordi nary in the history that had ever occurred y of parties. Honourable Gentlemen o pposite had endeavoured . to excite the feelings of the country ; but he believed that the good • o f England would give her Maje s ty' s C:ltii,Bl,lPpliseorotNvinn sense of the people Ministers a fair trial, and that they would not suffer the Government to be displaced by a combination of heteroge neous parties. (Hear, hear.) • . Mr. OSWALD said that the speech of the . Hon. Baronet who had just sat down had disappointed him ver he because he had expected he should have foundyßin could the Speech of a, plain country gent leman somet hin g ht to • be understand. He decide upt that on the thought that the country oug called upon at the earliest possible m oment to momentou s question at present at issue. He though lion. Gentlemen opposite ought to let it be known whether they meant to palter with the country as they were palter ing with their followers. The agriculturists of Scotland had surmounted the present crisis ; and he did not see why the agriculturists of England should not also surmount it, with , out the re-enactment of bad laws, for the maintenance of bad farming.—(Hear.) Mr. NEW DEGATE said if they were in such hot haste for a dissolution, they had it in their own hands—they had a majority in that House. They did not fear delay; but let those :,measures first pass which were necessary for the • country,and let them have their dissolution as soon as they liked. But let provision first to made for the safety of the country. If the Noble Lord insisted upon a dissolution ho fore that was done, he would risk his character as a states . man. He did not forget what the Right Hon. Baronet (Sir J. Graham) had said—that if the question of free trade was raised it might tamper with the loyalty of the army. They sought no violent measures, but justice to the great interests of the country. They would not/. be allowed to narrow the question to a fixed duty on corn. His party had proved themselves Protectionists' of the interests of the poor. The majorities for the Factory Bill were of their party. • They had protected the Christian character of the State. His party had proved Protectionists of - the Pretestantism of the State, British industry and British capital, whether at tome or on the ocean: They did not seek to enrich them , ;selves at the expense of those they employed. These were the great' questions at issue whenever the question of corn-laws was raised. The Right Hon. Baronet had said the corn-laws were a b o lished, and my rentals had not suffered. Why, as a landholder, I should be ashamed to re. • *sive the same rents as the Right Hon. Baronet.—(Hear, hear.) Had not the Duke of Buccleuch suffered? Their best farmers and their beat labourers were emigrating. The production of corn in the United Kingdom was less in, 1851 than in 1845 by 2,000,000 quarters. He would give another Attune of the effect of Ow late pOliCan _The export* from TILE . _ -Ireland in that year-were-7,776,000-4 - euarters, and in the last year only 1,100,000 quarters. There were hard upon 3,000,000 of quarters less grown last year in the United Kingdom than there wile the year before. Let theni dissolve if they dare. He had no fear for the•. result. Sir A. COCKBURN. said he would not toilets , the Hon. ' Gentleman who had just sat down. He would for a few moments address himself to the question before the House, which was protection on the one aide, and free trade on the other. It was clear, from the temper of the House, and from the turn the debate had taken. that an immediate appeal to the country was inevitable. The ques tion that had been put to the Right Hon. Gentleman (the Chancellor of the, _Excliequer), by ; hie . Hon. and Learped. Friend was a very simple one, and ought to have been fairly answered by . the, Right Hon. Gentleman.; and" the Right Hon. Gentleman set out with a statement that, he would, give a frank answer to the question, yet he gave no such an swer, for up to that moment the Government did not say what would be theite policy. They, in point of fact, had can policy, and were placing themselves in a humiliating and degrading situation•—(Laughter.) Yes, he repeated it, that the Government who went to the country without any fixed principles, of policy it was placing itself in a humiliating and degraded position before the country.—(Hear, and a laugh.) It was due to the country that the Government should say what its policy was. Tne Home Secretary, who was more ingenuous than the Chancellor of the Exchequer, said that they were not going to chaitge the existing policy of the country as regarded free trade; but that they were only going to modify it !—(A laugh.) 'What did his Right Hon. Friend mean by modification?, He contended it was the duty of the Government to state frankly what was to be their policy, and this had not been done. . Mr. BOOKER said he was satisfied that, however they might attempt to modify the laws applicable to free trade, he was sure they must get, ere long, rid of these laws alto gether. The Hon. Gentleman read an, extract from a pam phlet to show, what he described it to be, the cruel opera tions of the free-trade laws in Ireland. The question was then again put, that the Speaker do leave the chair, which was agreed to. ' • SUPPLY—NAVY ESTIMATES. The House then went into Coniniittee Mr. BERNA in the chair. On its being proposed that 33,000 Men be the number of seamen and marines employed in the service of the navy for the year 1852-3. Mr. HUME objected to any vote being taken on the sub ject at that late hour (half-past twelve o'clock); Mr. DISRAELI said if the vote were objected to he really must have ,quite misunderstood the whole character of the debate of that evening, for he thought it was the anxious wish of Hon. Gentlemen opposite to pass all those measures which the exigencies of the country required as speedily as _possible.— (Cheers.) Imputations had been bestowed upon the Government for attempting to introduce other measures. He, thought, therefore, at all events they would allow the Government to take those votes which were deemed essential to the public service. By taking this main vote the Govern ment would then endeavour to go on with the Mutiny Bill which had been so often mentioned during the evening. It, was in furtherance of the policy which he understood Hon. Gentlemen opposite had in view, that this vote 'was now proposed. Mr. W. WILLIAMS said that if this vote were passed it would in effect amount to the passing of the whole of the navy estimates. , Mr. HUME feared the Right Hon. Gentleman was begin ning wrong. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER explained that he did not propose this vote as a rule. It was an ex ception that proved the rule; and he thought that in pro posing it he was only acting in deference to the general wishes•of the House.' Lord J. RUSSELL' said ha willingly agreed to, this vote. He had never concurred in the rule attempted . to be laid down by his Hon. Friend, that after a particular hour busi ness should not be proceeded with. If there were any ob e jection to state to the number of 39,000 men, of course the Committee would be ready to hear it; but he did not think there was any. The Right Hon. Gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer had been offered to-night the opinions of many Members on the expediency of advising the Crown to a dissolution after the ordinary business should have been gone through. Before Friday next, when it . was propo3ed to go into Committee of Supply, the, Government might re consider their determination, concur in the course suggested that evening, and take such steps as might be necessary, without proceedi , g with the view of having a protracted session. Toe CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said the Noble Lord only did him justice in supposing that it was both his duty and his pleasure to listen to the sentiments expressed by Gentlemen on both sides, and to defer, as much as possible, to what he considered the predominant feeling. But he was sure the Noble Lord would not ask him on the sudden to come to any decision on this subject.—(" Hear, hear," from Lord John Russell.) He bad watched carefully the proceedin s . ot that evening; but whea the Noble Lord said all the Government required to do was to kopose the measures necessary. .for the public service, he might be re minded that a most important difference had arisen between distinguished supporters of the Noble Lord upon the ques tion as to what measures were necessary and what were not.—(A laugh.) For example ;the Noble Lord the AlernLer for Tiverton who was very guarded in his support, de scribed as of imminent necessity a measure to establish a militia force. Immediateiy after, a leading member' of the resuscitated Anti-Corn -law League denied that con clusion; he di t not. look on that important mea sure as necessary. While he (the Chancellor,, of, the Exchequer) readily expressed his wish to consult the predominant feeling of the House, and to give effect to what he conceived to be the general sentiments of Honour able Members, he thought it desirable, as an interval must elapse before the subject recurred, that the Noble Lord should summon his supporters again, and get them to come to some general agreement on the mea sures they considered necessary.—(Hear, hear, and a laugh.) The .Noble Lord, before lecturing him, an d expressing readiness to support measures of supply which were necessary, but not measures to waste time, ought to come to an understanding with his friends on the important question as to what measures were necessary and what unnecessary. Lord J. RUSSELL must ,explain that he never said any, measures brought forward had been so to waste time. But he thought there were certain measures which it would be necessary, in the view of a dissolution, to proceed with as soon as possible. There were otherswhich might be brought forward, not with the view of wasting time, but of having the session of the ordinary length, and which were not of an urgent nature. ' Mr. HTJME had wished , an opportunity of making some remarks on the distribution of the force to which the vote rel ited ; but, if Hon. Members were satisfied. he would not throw any obstacle in the way of taking the vote. After a few words from Mr. W. WILLIAMS, • The vote was agreed to. A vote of 1,469,0541. for wages of seamen and marines, and naval reserve, having been proposed, Mr. HUME remarked that, as he understood giving the vote would facilitate a dissolution—(A laugh)—he s hould not throw any difficulty in the way. The vote was then agreed to ; AEI WaS also a vote of 606,5781. for victuals to seamen and marines. The House then resumed. ' The Burghs (Scotland) Bill, the Charitable Trusts Bill, and the Copyright Amendment Bill were severally read a second time. SUITORS IN CHANCERY RELIEF (STAMP DUTI ES, &c.) BILL. The following resolutions were, passed in Committee, and ordered to be reported to-day : 1. That the fees payable on proceedings in the High Court of Chancery shall be collected by means of stamps. 2. That the following annual salaries sh all be payable out ... of the Consolidated Fund of the United Kingdom of Great Britain theand Llreerldancdh, Chancellor say £lO,OOO To To each of the Lord Justices of the Court of Appeal in Chancery ... --• "' ' To the Vice-Chancellor appointed under the Act 5 Vic., secs. 1, cap. 5 ••• To the Vice-Chancellor appointed under the Act 14 and 15 Vic., cap. 4 ... ••• 5,000 in lieu of all salaries now payable to such judges respectivly. able out of 3. m That the yearly suer of 8001. shall be pay the said Consolidated Fund to the secretary of presentations and secretary of commissions of the peace. 4. That compensation shall be made out of the said Con solidated Fund to the persons holding. certain offices in the High Court of Chancery, on the abolition of their respective offices. The House adjourned at a few minutes before . One o'clock. ROUSE OF LORDS, March 15. The LORD CILANCEI,LOR took his scat on the Wool sack preci.ely at Five o'clock. At that time there was an unusually large number of Peers in attendance, and a large concourse of Peeresses occupied the gallery as signed to their accommodation. The Duke of Welling ton was in his usual place, the cross bench between. the woolsack and the bur. POLICY OF THE GOVERNMENT. Lord BEAUMONT, in presenting a petition complain , ing of the injury irlitcted on the country by tho uncer tainty which exists as to the intentions of the Govern ment respecting the law regarding the importation of foreign corn, availed himself of the opportunity to put a question to her Majesty's. Government—whether it is or is not their intention to recommend to Parliament an alteration of the present ,policy with respect to the importation of cern as soon as a new Parliament could be assembled?—(Hear, hear.) He stated, as a reason for asking this question, the - great uncer tainw under which the country laboured, and-especially the trading classes, as to what were the intentions of her Majesty's Ministers in reference to the existing 1 Policy l of free trade in corn. Having brir-fly adverted sentiments recently expressed by the No ble Earl, the Fis rt Lord of the Treasury, in this House on the question of protection on taking . office, Lord ( Lord on Beaumont) complimented Lord Derby the consist Noble Lord at the . head— sated the contented himself ofthe. Noble questione'oY with which he had advo. that occasion might C: whilst in opp nb i t i on 11.. 0 f protection to agriculture complained, however, of the the Government having' merely that this questionwith stating the country at some indefinite to the decision of taken the mere manly and ' B ) tr ti ' me, instead of having propounding frankly what the straightforward course of went were On this all-important fig 3 °f the Govern the event of an adverse - majority i subject, and in Commons of making a direct and ' n th® House of unrsediate appeal to the country. Had the Noble Lord taken that course, he (Lord Beaumo nt) would never have thought it his duty to take the st e p he was now taking.' Re charged the Noble Lord with an attempt to call upon the country to' agitate this question with the view of founding some ulterior measure on that agitation. That was not the conduct which a true statesman would have pursued, but was rather that of an - agitator out of doors. The only construction he (Lord Lleaumont) could put upon that conduct was that the Noble Lord wished to raise a quarrel out of doors, in order that he might stand quietly by and look on. Wa s not this creating an agi tation Out of doors, without there being any prospect of a settlement of the ques tion in r e iliament? There was the greatest possible confusion sod, difforence on this matter in the sentiments expressed' by the,inembere of the Noble Lord's Government on their recent reelec tions. The address of the Chandelier of the Exchequer to the constituency of Buckingham was especially mys tical. A "countervailing duty" wa3 frequently re ferred to in that Right lion. Gentleman's spe'xi't but . wbether it - was to be a ss. 'or a 7:r.he wanted nobody duty knew.—(A laugh.) Now she that• 3 uniont) (Lord lea . ~ con tended that the country was enAtted to know distinctly, whether or not it was the-, • nt intention of the. Uovernme to propose a fixed duty • of on the importa tion foreign corn. When a 'man entered two horses for - a race • 'Jac generally . k new wilieu, WM ~ to S,U LONDON, 6,000 5,000 littiklo Acting on - that principle, he (L-rd Beaumont) thought the Noble Lord , at the head of the Government should state to the country whether ho meant to win with a ss. or 7s. duty —(Laughter , ) The labouring classes throughout the country were never in a better position than they were at tho present moment. Looking therefore at the whole interests of the country, the activity in the manufActuring districts, and the advan tages now enjoyed by the people, whatever were his op!nions in the abstrict in regard to the burdens upon land, he was decidedly against all reversal of our commercial policy, for in such a reversal he saw great dangers ; he saw violent passions raised up, Class set against class, and that anithosity revived long slumbered and died away, He considered that if the Noble Earl at the head of the Government did not, give a distinct reply to his inquiries he would inflict great injury upon the country. Lord Beaumont con cluded by presenting the petition of which he had given notice. The Earl of DERBY then rose and said—My Lords, it will be most satisfactory .to myself, anal I know it will be equally so to your Lordships, if I take the short and sum-, mary mode recomthended by the 'Noble Baron, who has oc-s cupied an hour and ten minutes of your time with a discur sive question, whioh requires the simple expression of "yes" or " no" in reply;; but although I hope, not to,occupy so much of Your Lordship? time as the Noble Baron has oc cupied in putting his question, I confess that' I am not pre pared to give him so brief and categorical an answer as that. At the same time, my Lords, I shall be most ready to give to the Noble Lord and to your Lordships such explanations as are consistent with my duty, in regard to the course in tended to be pursued by her Majesty's Government, as may have been left in the slightest degree of obscurity in the course of the observations which I had the honour to submit toyour Lordships a fortnight ago. In doing this it is not necessary that I should follow the Noble Lord—and I assure him that I have no intention to do so—into the various,ar guments with regard to the policy of the corn-laws, the course which was pursued in 1846, the inci dents of burdens or of losses which fall upon the landlord, upon the tenant, or upon the labourer. And I shall not be led by the Noble Lord, and I trust that none of my Noble Friends near me will be led, by anything which takes place hereafter on this subject, into a most fruitless and unnecessary discussion on the subject of the corn-laws —(Ministerial cheering.) My Lords, the Noble Lord has certainly not done great justice to his clients ; be cause, although he commenced by stating that he should proceed to show to the Rouse the various evils under which these petitioners were suffering, the grievances which were afflicting them, and the anxieties which deprived them of their repose both by night and by day, yet to the close of his speech not one single word was said about the pe titioners, and it was not until a question was put by my Noble Friend near me, that we even elicited from the Noble Lord who those petitioners were, or what was the founda tion of the question of the Noble Lord. Well, now, the Noble Baron was kind enough to allow me a sight of thii petition after he had given notice of it. I speak with every respect of the petitioners. I have no doubt they are men of the highest respectability, but undoubtedly in point of numbers they are not exceedingly extensive.—(A laugh.) These, as the Noble Lord has stated, are petitioners who are not confined to a single district, or a single township, but a certain number of them I find are from the township of Snaith, and one or two others from adjoining districts. Well, now, what is the numerical force of these petitioners who are in this state of unparalleled uncertainty? What interests do they represent? What great bulk of property has come forward to complain to your Lordships of their unparalleled state of anxiety, the agitation into which the country is thrown, and the total confusion of all agricultural affairs wh ch arises out of this protracted uncertainty? Why, my Lords, the petitioners are just 13 in number—(Laughter).-- and they thus speak of themselves :—" The humble petition of the , undersigned owners and occupiers of land in the county of York " The Noble Earl near me has been kind enough to sum up the extent of the occupation of these peti tioners. One of them, no doubt a highly-respectable farmer, occupies 500 acres of land ; but the whole 13, including that gentleman, own and occupy only to the amount of 1,841 acres. I see that some of them are farmers, some of them very respectable gentlemen. Mr. Langley is one of them t but , amongst them I see Mr. J. Wright, the auctioneer at Snaith, and his occupation is 12 acres • Mr. , Pickering, the surgeon of Snaith, is another, and he occupies twenty acres of land.—(Laughter.) These, then, are the petitioners who come before you on the present occasion. Nov, take the case of the surgeon or the auctioneer one occupying 20 and the other 12 titres et', land. Take the auctioneer, who is a highly-respectable man, no doubt; I dare say he has made some money in his business as an auctioneer; and no doubt he has a snug little villa, shrub bery, and kitchen garden, with three or four cows; and he lives very comfortably, not on his farm, but on his business as an auctioneer. What is the amount of wheat, I should like to know which is grown by Mr. Jonathan Wright, the auctioneer oeSnaith, which is to be deducted from his house, his pleasure. grounds, his kitchen-garden, and his lawn —the whole to be taken, out of twelve acres of land? Yet that gentleman cannot sleep night nor day. Ile cannot rest for a single hour, oppressed as he is with his grievances, alarms, and anxieties?—(Loud laughter.) lle cannot tell how to estimate the value of his land; he cannot take a lease; he cannot agree upon the covenants which are necessary' for conducting his cultivation and his husbandry, because he does not know whether we are not or are going to put on a moderate duty on the importation of corn at some distant and indefinite period. Why, to, talk of the post ponement of the final settlement of this question for a : period of eight, ten, or twelve months, as interfering: with all the operations of agriculture, and preventing' arrangements between landlords and tenants, is —without any wish on my part to deprecate or diminish the mogui-. tune and importance of an ultimate settlement—to attach an exaggerated and fictitious importance to that which the Noble Lord alone demands, that is, an immediate and cate gorical explanation of the coarse which her Majesty's Go vernment intend to pursue. Why, in the cultivation of a, farm, do you not know in March, and may you not know in November, what is to be the course of proceeding ?—what alteration in agriculture would be made by the postponement of any declaration as to what is to be the import duty on a quarter of foreign wheat? I presume that even at Snaith they do not sow their Wheat in March or April, and that the cultivation of wheat in that neighbourhood will not be affected by a declaration now, rather than at the next harvest, of• what are the intentions of her Majesty's Go vernment, or, what is of more importance, the intentions of Parliament on this great question.—( Hear, hear.) Does the Noble Lord suppose, either, that the impo sition of any such duty as could be carried by any Go vernment would produce such an alteration in the rela tions between landlord and tenant as materially to interfere with the arrangements which subsist between them as to rent and the covenants under which they hold their land ? I have not supposed any amount of duty as being the duty that ought to be levied; but the Noble Lord has taken the sum of 75., or 55., indirectly referring,. I think, to what was said in a speech by a Right Hon. Friend of mine in the comity of Buckingham the other day. Now, I am not going to speak with regard to the amount of the increase of price which would be produced in the home market by any possible alteration of the duties on foreign corn. lam not going to re-open the subject upon which a Noble Earl oppo site put a question to me the other day, when he contended that whatever increase takes place in the price of corn or other articles in consequence of the imposition of a duty falls not only upon the price of that which is imported, but upon the whole amount of the produce of the country. What I contended for then was, and what I contend for now is, that whatever the duty may be, it is not the whole amount, but a small portion of that amount, which must be added to the price in consequence of the addition of the duty. Takes a duty of 45., bs., or 75., or whatever you please—let us take, for instance, that with which we are the most familiar—a ss. duty on the import of corn—that is an addition of 4s. to the present existing duty. Now, suppose the utmost pos sible extent of the augmentation of price in this country consequent upon an increased duty of 4s. to be ls. 6d. or 2s. a quarter, will any man tell me that to doubt whether that amount would or would not be imposed, and the subsistence of that doubt for some eight or ten months, could introduce the smallest amount of uncertainty with regard to the rela tions of landlord and tenant, and the permanent arrange- ments between them ? (Hear hear.) My Lords , I cer tainly have seen a statement, and I read it with some stir prise, which' was made by a friend of mine the other day, that he should take care to inform his tenants that if they obtained a ss. duty upon wheat he should immediately put on halt-a-crown, I do not know whether per acre or per quarter, upon their rents. - Now I .do not think this is a very generous course of proceeding. That gentleman is himself a farmer, and an extensive sheep-owner; and he is at this moment canvassing the city of Westminster upon the ground of ii s extreme liberal principles!—(Loud laughter.) , Now, I confess that it appears to me the sheep are not the ' only portion of his proporty which this gentleman seems disposed to fleece.—(Renewed laughter.) But I believe the example he has set, .or has announced his readiness to set—for Ido not believe he would do it—is an example which would not be followed by country gentlemen gene. rally.—(Hear, hear ) I grant, however, that this question should remain in abeyance no longer than is absolutely ne cessary.—(Cheers.) I admit that most frankly. But with regard to the uncertainty—my Lords, there is a very large party in this country, as is well known, who have declared is the most emphatic terms that it is not until the next elec. tion that that uncertainty should be removed—that at the next election the question must be settled, and settled defi nitively, .and to' that election they refer on their own part, confident in the strenghth of their case, but ready to submit to the judgment of the country should it be pronounced against them.—( Hear, hear.) So that whether the change of Government had or had not taken place, that uncertainty as to the final decision of the country, and of Parliament following the country, must have equally remained, but with this difference, that in consequence of that change of Govern ment the period of the duration of the uncertainty will be diminished, and the dissolution of Parliament, which might have been postponed for a period of two years, in the ordinary course of things—l trust I need not offer any apology for al luding to it—must take place within a period of six or eight • is concerned with regard to the final so far as uncertainty the eriod of that uncertainty is months from this time.— (Cheers.) Therefore, my Lords, C t h Th h f Government, remember, not a en ) place upon any decision o f the country, mewm ibther ihheass P u b not extended but diminished.—( eers.e c anise o question connected at the ect of the land. And Igo that the appeal possible, and p elritood bardenghtd e t o t b o e ; assort nonntr as y as a reg for the great interest (Hear.) But I say further, that of the country will permit. — taunt, no challenge, no diffi so far as it depends on me, f o u u r g t h h t e r t , o and be made say a i s early shall induce me to recommend to which I May be exposed, _ however culty to which I may my Sovereign that that dissolution of Parliament, •shall take place one hour anxious I may be for the decision, be snuobjected, and no mortification to to look renders necessary.—(Loud cheers.) Let me venture which her back for a moment to the circumstances under _ _ sooner than regard to these great and paramount interests Majesty's present Government have assumed—the Noble Lord, was good enough to say have taken upon them—power. I Least of all, did they would correct the expression, and say, have assumed the late Government an fe d ll th by e dnuotaiedsvoefrsoeffi9icoet.—ion( ofa _(Hear, . s hear.).— . T. (Cheers.)he question i f n all th b e y : ha n p y . e the question of protection to the landed interest.—(Reiterated pressing that cheering.) Patiently and steadily we have abstained from adverse v d e r s e e c motion o t protectionlon in vo upon the attention of Parliament.— (Hear, hear.) will not, I think, venture to say that ' from The Noble Lord sit posits to him in this House, or from those those who op who sit opposite to his party in the'other, the late Government encountered by a factious opposition or byasir had been t them from oilice. By what did they fall? Theydesire e to eject them by their own internal weakness.—(Cheers.) Th ey fell by their d confessed an n otorious inability to cond uct the businessof the country.—(Loud cheers.) They fell by the n f their friends.—(Hear, hear.) They fell by havin s g eceo quar relled with their colleagues.—(Cheers.) Th e y f e l l by their inability to muster C ommons 130 gentlemen in the House of to give them 'support upon a question which they de cla red to be fatal to their existence.—(Great cheering.) My Lords, it was under these circumstances that we were called upon tic! ant 1 . 149, ifiC9 j and I for one, and I thank my Noble EVENING, -.TTIESDAY „, Friends and-my colleague .in the Government for tharoall'a ness with which they answered to the call, felt that. in the then state of this country, internally and externally, the country might not, 'and should not, be left without a Go vernment.---(Loud cheers.) My Lords, when that division took - place which was - the --ostensible canoe - of the fall of- the late 'Government-the real came was very diffe rent, and, perhaps, th e N o bl e Earl opposite, whom I sea taking a note (Earl G rey ) , may be somewhat aware of that cause-(Laughter, an d;H ear )- w h e n, I say, the late Govern ment had been placed in that minority, the Noble Lord at the head of the Treasury announced to Parliament, that sub-, sequently to that decisi on h e h a d co nsulted his colleagues as to the propriety of their resignation, or of a dissolution of Parliament, and thati he had come to the eonclusion that under the circumstances of the country a diesOlu ti ° ll was in expedient.-( Hear, hear.) Inexpedient for whom, my. Lords? Inexpedient for the Noble Lord and his colleagues, or inexpedient for the interests of the country ?-( Hear, i hear.) I will not so far impute such unworthy motives to the Noble Lord as to suppose that it was to the convenience i or advantage of his colleagues and himself that he looked.-:- (Hear, hear.) I must consider that he and his colleagues had come to the conclusioo that a dissolution of Parliament at the present moment -whatever results it might have upon the future constitution of parties-that such a dissolution of Parliament was not °lily inexpedient, but that it wou l d be most dangerous to the interests of the country.- (Hear.) Then, my Lords, I ask with e hat face can any man or body of men who had declared that a dissolution was inex pedient-who had declared that they were unable them ue oestitti.eosr3i; selves to conduct the Government-who had advised the Queen to send for me to undertake the duties of responsible Minister of the Crown- with what face, or upon what pre they know, if they succeeded in d text, I say, can any man, or any body of men, call for a pre mature dissolution of parliament which they themselves had condemned ; or seek to embarrass that Government which estroyine, have the means of re-building, or of building another in its of e i thetb either r c w o ren ought. laws. place.'-(Loud cheers.) But the Noble Baron said that upon to have declared that, having now obtained office by the t t a h k is eu pa o r u t e ic o u f lit t r wo q support of those who call themselves the Protectionist party, we threw down the ladder by which we have mounted to office, and in that case he would be the last man to taunt us with our inconsistency ; or else, that we ought to come for ward at the present moment, state in the fullest and coni nletest detail the course which we intend to recommend to Parliament, and which course we have ourselves declared that we have no intention of recommending to Parliament until another Parliament has fiEsembled.-(llear,. hear.) I will ask the Noble Lord to look back to the last occasion when a change of Government took place in this country. In 1846 the late Sir R. Peel's Government was ejected from office by an adverse vote upon an important Irish question, which was introduced and supported by the gentlemen who succeeded Sir R. Peel in the Ministry. In 1846 a motion in opposition to the policy of the then Government was carried successfully against Sir R. Peel. There was the usual inter vening period between the fall of the old Ministry and the formation of the new, and at the end of a fortnight's time, precisely the same as under the existing circumstances, Lord J. Rosen appeared in the House of Commons as First Mi nister of the Crown, and stated what those Bills lying on the table of the House were •with which he intended to proceed, and what those were which h e , proposed to abandon. On th a t occasion Lord J. R us sell was taunted by one of those Hon. Members who is now supporting him-the Hon. Mem ber for Finsbuty, and he was called upon by the House to state the principles upon which he intended to conduct his Government, and the course which he intended to pursue in r egard to a particu lar meas ure. Nowi commend to the attention of Noble Lords opposite the very clear and elabo rate answer made then by Lord J. R usse ll , stan di n g in the position of Firs t Minister of the Crown. He denied the right of Parliament to put suc h questions to him, and he denied that it was the duty of the Government to answer them.- (Hear, hear.) He declared that upon those questions he would give no answer w h atever. He re f use d to pledge himself to a particular course in regard to im portant measures of reform, and of those relating to the ar•) But the Irish Church. - t l ae . Noble Lord went further; for with regard to the measure relating to the Church of Ireland, he used these remarkable expressions :-” I do not say that I am satisfied with the ex i st i ng s t a t e o f to things. I may desire reduce the revenues of the Protestant Church ,in Ireland • I may desire to endow the Roman Catholic Church in Ireland. I reta i n th e opinions I have expressed upon both those questions; but the people of England entertain different opinions, and I will be guided entirely in my course by the recorded opinions England:-( Hear ' of the people, o f _ hear.) And I will not pledge myself a . s to the course which now, hereafter, or at any time I will take upon the important and vital its questions-the ma intenance in integrity of the Protestant Church in Ireland and the endowment of the Roman Catholic Church."-(1Iear; hear.) Now, these were the doctrines of John Russell in 1846. These were the doctrines in which the Opposition of that day acquiesced, and willingly ac quiesced. Th ese were the principles, without let or hi narance, upon which Lord John Russ ell an d his Government took office in the middle of a session of Parliament. These were the princip. l es ' u pon which they were pe rm i tte d to go on to the close of the session without any factious interrup tions, and to di s pose of the business that was pr esse d upon s of the immediate consideration Parliament. My Lords, I ask for no one m easure, I ask but for justice not to me or my co lleagues-but justice to the gr ea t in terests of our common country.-( Hear, hear.) I ask not to be nrecladed from making the necessary financial arrangements for the public service. I ask not to be pre cluded from placing this country in a permanent state of internal organisation against the danger of foreign invasion. I ask you not to permit any unnecessary interruptions to the progress of public or private businesalor any interference with those useful law reforms which have been already so ably sketched out, and upon which the hearts and the minds of the people are fixed.-(Hear.) I call upon you, my Lords-indeed, I ought to beg pardon of my Noble and Learned Friend on the bench below me (Lord Lyndhurst) in alluding to this subject, because the Noble and Learned Lord the other day, in dwelling upon these important questions, made a most able and elaborate statement, in which he showed all the inconveniences of a dissolution at this period of the year. And lam conscious how, incapable lam after such an eloquent and unanswerable speech to press those topics upon your consideration, and to enumerate the evils that must arise from a premature interruption of these pro ceedings. If Noble Lords opposite, and Hon. and Right Hon. Gentlemen in the other House of Parliament, have really no objection to wait for the pronoucement of the verdict of the country, I ask where is the anxiety-where is the alarm where is the uncertainty that are said to prevail in the public mind as to the policy of the existing Government?- (Hear, hear.) I have already told your Lordships that in regard to financial measures I do not intend to make any proposition that could in any way- disturb the present state of things. I tell you now, as I have told you before, that the next election mus t fi n ally and conclusively decide the course which we shall take, and-that in the meantime we shall not propose any measure that could call for such op position as is now threatening us. I shall s a y ao more ; b u t if the busine ss o f Parliament be i n terrupted-factiously in terrnpted-in this House 'I have no fear of any such interrup tion, and I trust that in the other House better councils will prevait.--but, I repeat, if the Government are to be inter rupted by discussions upon mere abstract questions-if the necessary naeasures waiting for our consideration are to be impeded in their Istogreess-then I say, the just censure of the country ma st , fall upon the heads _ of those who have so wantonly interfered ' any government being in preventing carried on. But v ie told that there is much anxiety, alarm, and uncertainty arein the public mind as to the intentions of her ,t prevailing Majesty's Ministers. where, I ask, are there any indications of - riu s c ' h feeling? The country ap pears tranquil, peaceable, and there a more accurate bar ofpublic apprehension than moment the public f un d s at this rometer? And yet will the Noble , Lords opposite • Pinta out a single moment during the whole • held office when period in which they the public securities were so steady, or had shown a greater tendency to advance than at this moment? Yet, accordin g to the Noble Lord's statement , t he c o untr y is in a perfect panic,-_( Hear hear.) Now the question of the t commercial and - financial , concerns . of this country is not, as the Noble Lord seemed to infer, a mere question of the impo sition or no n -i mposition of a mo d e rate duty upon foreign corn, nor is there a 1137 question raised as to the total reversal of the policy of the late Sir Robert Peel as far as regards the imposition of a duty upon fore ign corn, or the repeal of the navigation-la ws, or any of those great measures in the po licy of which though I do not concur, yet I do not desire to see reversed. Ido thinkver, h ver, that that policy has been carried t o an unn ' , owe dangerous extent. The himself NOble Lord him ecessary and a admits that to one great class of the community they have occasioned serious evil, and that much injury has been suffered by such class, in consequence not only of the adoption, but also the mode of adoption of the principles of free trade. My Lords, I think that other inte rests have suftered-equanv with the land, not to the same extent, perhaps, but i - count do I desire tomanner. But on that ac count the same . . few' years?all legislation of the last a go back upon A recollect perfectly well at the time the measure for the repe a l discussion, Inavigation-laws was under warned of the . . your Lordships against adopting that measure, and' among your adopting i t 1 a s i t urged d other reasons ud did b by i r r la e re r e i u n c s e t to the impositi on of ti t l h o a se t whatever duties, tbyo e principle of that b measure respecting the navigation • -a I ws if once assented to would be final and irr re evocable, and you could never again hope to reverse it. 1 opinion now.-(Hear, hear.) Ido not desire Pe t a oir t go the back same to the law of 1846 as regards corn. Id o not de • to go back to the law of 1842. t 8 I desire your Lord h' se Ps and the country to consider-not by ' means of a gitation-not t through the agitation of persons who, -no . . perhaps, make more noise than they possess influence, • wh o bring down large amounts of subscriptions upeie, Paper who have exercised and perhaps still exerci se a ' most dangerous influence upon a portion of the community, and who may succeed by such influence he creating local apprehensions; but I say it is a question which ought t o be considered b3' Parliament deli berately and calmly discussing,much whether a mode of relief might not be adoptedt by imposing not so a moderate duty upon corn, but whe not to the reversal of our ther nu will apply your minds, commercial suc h modifications might not be system, but whether hether lighten made in it as shall g the blow and alleviate the • • Injustice inflicted upon those interests which you confess have suffered by our recent policy.-(Hear, hear.) I have announced frankly my opi nions upon this subject, and I believe ues coincide with me iii these-views. I expressedmy cellos g y nion that for the relief of the farmer, without any In serious o- difficulties and expenditure being incurredby thrown upon other classes, ,• and the . I. a moderate !mon ion of duty would produce a lar ge revenue, and thereby enable other taxation t o be taken ° ff.-(Hear,hear.) That such a duty would hardly produce appreciable effect upon the price of food, a n d th • an at it would thereby be the most just, economical, suet for the country the most advantageous mode of affording relief.- hear.) But at the same time I think that that ' (Hear? which no Minister should bring forward is a proposition unless he was sure of its being called for not only by a - largee majoety in Parliament bu also by the concurrent opunon deliberately i expressed throughout the country.- '9•-( Hear, se-ear, bear. 1 Lords, I a But, my say that that is Only one portion of a great ues tion-I say it is the duty of the Minister who feels and thinks with me to devise and carefully to deliberate upon such measures as lie thinks best calculated to alleviate the injustice, and to mitigate the distress, of a large portion of the country. But, I say, that in taking into 'consideration the course which the Government ought to pursue under such circumstances they are bound-not, as was suggested by the Noble Lord oppo site, to fling down some months before a definite and fixed proposition as to the precise mode of ,operations which for five or six months to _come may give rise to angry agita tion-but to commend the cause of the suffering interests, not to certain advocates, but to the calm, deliberate sense of the country.-(11eala) They should ascertain the deliberate sense of the people upon the question, and upon such base those measures which they Propose as remedies for the evils complained of, even though, abstractedly, • and in their own m ind, the Government m i g ht no t think them the most desirable that could be framed, yet such as they feel they could carry i n t o effect with t h e general Parliament and • nista , concarrence of , . without raising attar a like rehend that this is a h tatesman muc more 5 feeling. I aPP hich th a gg name, ests -course than that w _ e N oble Lord opposite s urpose ly, that of introducing a prop os iti on f o r the p to the of being negatived, 0I tived, and then hastily appealing . _ en t of the e l e ctors for the Pu r p ose obtaining we judgra MARCH 16, 18V2 country upon it.—(Hear, hear.) But that is not all. It is not the mere questionwietbet 'a paltry' duty should be imposed upon this or, that foreign .produce. It .is not the whole of, the commercial (pection, great as it is, that is in volved. That is , not the .question on which I would make an appeal to the country. I intend, my Lords, that that' appeal shall be made. I._recal with regret auc ..cuaPrise -Cue proceedings that have taken place not very, long ago. I suppose I am bound to make the same circumlocution,in speaking of Chesham-place as in speaking of another place. —(Laughter.) I saw, my Lords, with some surprise, that proceedings have recently taken place in Chesham-place which I think bid fair to render the Chesham-place compact a rival to. the Lichfield-hou t se compact.—(Laughter.) The Noble Lord who. preceded me in office, it appears, had sum moned together klarge body of his 'supporters to 'consult . with them on the course which they Ought 40 take in'opposi tion to' the existing Government Looking at the circum stances under which the Noble Llird has quitte - office, 'I should' have hoped that the last object he would have' in' view as a statesman and as a patriot was to organise an op pos,tion against that Government which eirciunstances com pelled to succeed him.—(Hear, hear.) I confess` that my surprise and regret were much increased when I saw' the nature of the association which the Noble Lord has formed for that purpose. I saw on that occasion that' the Noble Lord was attended by 168 /vlembeis of the Hoire of 'Com mons. Now, where, I ask, were thoie 168 Members when the Government fell in consequence of its own weakness ? (Hear. ) Where were those supporters of the Noble Lord and his Government on that occasion ? It appears, that, not being disposed to support the Noble Lord on that trying moment, they absented themselves from attendance, and although they permitted the Noble Lord's GOVernment to,fall, they now willingly join in the cry of raising an Opposition for the mere purpose of thwarting and impeding the course of any future GovernMent. These supporters of the Noble- Lord, though they have shown their unwillingness to support their chief as First Minister of the"Crowr, are quite' willing ,to render, if possible, the existence of Any Go vernment impossible.—(Hear, .hear.) I may lie wronging the Noble Lord. I am speaking only from public intel ligence whidh has appeared in papers favourable to .the Noble Lord's policy 1 but I apprehend that which had passed at that time in Chesham-place is not -a matter of secrecy or doubt. It is reported that the Noble Lord has concerted his plan of operations with Sir James Graham on the one side and ➢lr. Cobden on the other. Sir James Graham, however, was undoubtedly not present. Mr. Cobden, Mr. Bright, Mr. Villiers, Mr. Hume, and one or two other gentlemen appeared to take the principal part in this united assembly.—(Hear, hear.) And in that as sembly the Noble Lord, who was hardly a week out of office—who was the author of the Reform Bill which was laid before Parliament by the assent of his colleagues for the purpose of settling, as he called it, the representation of the country, and who was subseqently called upon by his sup porters to amend that nugatory and absurd Bill which he committed to the consideration of Parliament—this same Noble Lord had no hesitation in stating at that meeting that, if called upon to form another Cabinet, he would do so upon a different and much wider basis than the last.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) There now, my Lords, is the position in which her Majesty's present and late Governments stand. The head of the old Government, unable to maintain his place, thinks it not unworthy of his high character and station ,to associate with, those who had before strenuously opposed him, for the purpose of rendeiing the difficulties of the present Government absolutely insuperable; and he has led the country to suppose that the neat Administra tion shall not be a Whig Administration, but one upon a much wider basis.—(Hear, hear.) My Lords, I shall go, then, to the country, when I feel that it is consistent with my duty to my Sovereign and my country to do so, not with any narrow appeal upon a question whether there shall be a duty upon corn or not—that is a question which I leave to the calm and deliberate judgment of the country to determine—(Hear, hear)—that is a question which I leave to the general concurrence of the country, without which I will not bring forward any proposition.— (Hear, hear.) I say, my Lords, I will not flinch from the performance of my duty from the fear of any_person or party. If the general sense of the country and Parliament be with me in support of any measure which I believe to be useful, I shall have no hesitation in bringing it forward, but I will not overstrain the influence which may belong to a Government, nor abuse the high position in which my Sove reign has placed me. I will not press the opinions of con stituencies, nor will I, by a bare majority of votes, force on the country a measure against which a great portion of the country may entertain objections. We are quite ready to maintain the institutions of the country, and to afford relief to the suffering, classes. I de sire not to turn away from us the valuable assistance that we may receive from those who agree with us in supporting those various interests, though they may differ from us in the specific mode we may suggest in affording that relief. No, there are higher interests at stake than those I have already alluded to. We are threatened with far more serious consequences than the result of the impo sition of a 4s. or ss. duty upon corn. I s t is a question whe- - ther the government can be carried on at all, not upon what principle it can be carried on. When I appeal to the country I shalt appeal to it in such language as this—Will you, be you Free-traders or Protectionists, who value the interests of the country, will you place confidence and give your sup port to a Government which in the hour of peril and danger did not hesitate to take the post when your helmsman had left the helm ? Will you support the Government which is en deavouring to-place your country in such a position as will render it perfectly capable of resisting any hostile attack, and to maintain the peace of the world ?—(Hear.) Will you support a Government which is determined to uphold the Protestant institutions of this country, and to spread'to the utmost of their power religious and moral education throughout the laud, and which will exert itself, I do not hesitate to say, to oppose a barrier against that current of continually encroaching demo cratic influence which threatens to overwhelm the whole power and property of the country—an influence that is nominally in the hands of the masses, but is pradtically lodged in the hands of a few demagogues, who exercise it over the unthinking people ?—(Hear, hear.) . Will you sup port a Government which will preserve inviolate the prero gatives of the Crown, as well as the rights of your Lordships' House, and the rights of the freely-elected House of Com mons?—(Hear, hear.) These are the questions which, when Igo to the country, I will make the appeal on. 1 will ap peal on behalf of myself and the country, and in the words of the meanest felon in the dock, which are not unworthy of being uttered by the First Minister of the first Sovereign in the world—l elect to be tried by my God and my coun try.— (The Noble Lard resumed his seat amid tremendous cheers.) • Earl GREY next rose, but was for a considerable time in audible. He said he thought that the criticism of the Noble Lord upon the petition jest presented was most miserable and quite unworthy of him. The Noble Lord had told them that this question was merely one of a paltry duty upon corn. If so, why did the Noble Earl and his party make such great efforts for five years and a half to' eep up this cry of protection ? They had heretofore described this to be a vital questi on with their party. Although the Go vernment went out upon the. Militia. Bill, they felt the greatest regret that the discussion - upon the affairs' of the Cape had not taken place, for the purpose of "affording an opportunity to their lately appointed Under-Se cretary for the Colonies of distinguishing himself (Mr. F. Peel). The late Government no doubt fell for want of sup port; and the reason why they could not command it 'was the objections constantly raised by the Protectionist party in the other House, which had the effect of arraying against them a formidable party.—.(Hear, hear.) He did not con tend that the Opposition had been a factious one; but it was by adopting the cry of protection, and by telling the far mers that the Noble Earl and his friends would restore protection, that the object had been attained. Through the instrumentality of public dinners, and by every practicable means, pains had been taken to convince all persons con nected with land that by the assistance of Noble Lords opposite protection would be restored. Not two years ago the Noble Earl (Derby), in answer to a deputa tion of farmers, had told them to trust in him, as he knew how they could succeed; and, using the language once adopted by the Noble Duke at the table (the Duke of Wel lington), he said to them "Up, guards, and at them, and protection would be restored." The Earl of DERBY—I ' told them to trust to them selves.—(Hear, hear.) Earl GREY (in continuation) —To trust to themselves, but still to rally round the flag of protection. Now what hail been the consequence of holding such language? Why that many of their Lordships, intimately connected with the Whig party, withdrew their support from his (Earl Grey's) Noble Friend, avowedly on the ground that the then Government were opposed to protection, and that it was desired to get it back at the hands of the Noble Earl oppo site. tln the House of Commons the opposition was even still greater. Many who concurred with the late Govern ment on the question of free . ..trade, differed with them en other matters; and, on the other hand, many concurred with the Noble Earl opposite on the sub ject of protection who differed with the Govern ment with regard to ether topics. The party to which he (Earl Grey) belonged had been affected by nothing so mach as by the stress continually laid 'upon the restoration to pro tection. In many counties and boroughs persons ready to give s general support to the Government were prevented coming into Parliament by the opposition offered on the ground of protection ; and by these means the ranks of the Government becaspe weakened, whilst those 'of their oppo nents acquired strength. But this was not all, By this cry of protection the Noble Earl had kept together a powerful party in the House of Commons. He (Earl Grey) did not say that a factious use had been made of that party, but the Noble Earr bad led it as a very decided and a very eager party. The opponents of the Government not only attacked them on the score of protection, and on commercial ques tions (which he admitted they had a right to do), but they seized upon all foreign, colonial, and domestic questions for eager attack. Attacks, cont i n ual and repeated, were t not n k y— confined to one House of 'Parliament; and he did not h ould the Noble Earl—the avowed leader of a great pa deny that he had directed thos e attacks. It had rt b ee n ru moured—indeed, he believed it was no secret—that the last at tack upon his Noble Friend below him (the Earl of Clarendon) had emanated from the Noble, Earl opposidte, a n w d c h h a t was t h e reso l u ti on condemnatory of L or d Claren forced upon the unwilling adoption of the No th b e le N L ab o l r e d E no a w a Secretary for Ireland, had been written b y himself. The Earl of DERBY—There is no truth in that state ment.— (Hear, hear.)party Earl GREY continued—At all events, itE w l aa d . a ected it. move ; and it was rumoured that the Noble he For the credit of party and of Parliament,as (Ba ir d Grey) by a considerable rejoiced to find that the motion rejectedwas position of the Noble majority. With regard to the p Earl, it was not fair for him to say that the Government had been forced upon him : it had devolved on him as a conse quence of his successful oppos ition to his predecessors. It could not, therefore , contended that the manner in which the Government had been been formed constituted a reason for departing from the ordinary rules to be observed in such cases. When an opposition kept together for a considerable period of time by a°PPcon curre nce of opinion on any particular ques tion, what was thecmouprbsaen, for t ansudcheaalnladopupapesintiotn assume to to take triumphant, when it found itse lf th e re sponsibilities of ofr ice? Why, naturally, to endeavour give effect_ to the views it had expressed when in • and, therefore, he should have power to when in opposition , s expected that the Noble Earl on coming into o ce (as he said he would last year) would have d eclared, that, ret a i n i ng hi s former opinions, be could not, as an honest man, make a sacrifice of them. Their Lordships might remember that in • February of last year the Noble Earl had at tempted to form an 'Administration, and that upon the failure of that attempt he explained to their Lordships the reasons which had guided and the motives which had influenced his conduct. In the speech of the Noble Earl on the occasion was to be found the following remarkable pass age in reference to agricultural distress :—" It would be impossible for me, even if my convictions were less strong than they were—it would be impossible for me, as an honest man, to take office without a full determination to deal with that distress, and endeavour to apply to it, as a . minister, effective measures of relief. My Lords, I. stated that, if I could so far forget myself as to sa "fi honest con ce my own , victions, the loss of honour which would be luvolved in such a course of proceeding would make my servic • es worso than valueless. I said to her M lentertained, and that ajesty that Govern- I retained, the opinion that it was the duty of the at all events to ment, if it were impossible to do itillitistiC' I take stepsfte;wards m'tieeting the injustice under whieli the owriers anal occupier or land in thin country were suffering. I did - - reerWrid mi elf - to afty - stinelfie• - ratisuree,rbuttl tint state that I Would riot take office on any other condiLion 4-than that of endeav our i ng , Lora f ide, to give effect to my oWn conviction 'of•the .neeeeeity of legislating for the relief of that class of her Majesty's -subjects." And-a few aentences further on the Noble Earl proceeded to say :.-7-" cannot, as - an honest men, = abandon the "attempt to. relieve the existing distress by retracing the false step which has been taken, and to remedy the wrong done by the imposi tion of a moderate import duty upori Corm" That was the declaration of the Noble Earl last year, :and protection baying been made the lever by which the opposition had acceded to office, it was right to ask the Noble Earl whether he ' intended - to adhere to his expressed opinions or' note— (Hear, hear.) 11 . the Noble Earl adhered to the opinions just quoted he (Earl Grey) admitted that he was_ justified 'in saving that be could not bring forwird such a policy in the present House of Commons. - But if he intenJeci to adhere to that : policy, and propose it to another Parliament,,,it wad only natural that the precedent of IS4I should be followed, when-the Goverment having , been placed in a minority-, were told they ought at once' th take the sense of the coon: try upon the question at issue. Upon a subject of such, in tense interest as that now before the coentry— a tiu'eject of moment • with all classes. and cousideeed •et as vital consequence by the Free-traders, he thought the Noble Earl was bound to follow the course adopted in 1811, and at onceto take the sense of the country on the question of Protection. If .he did so no obstruction would be offered by either House of Parliament; but, on the contrary, everything would be done to facilitate the business of the year, in order that the dissolution might speedily be brought about. The Noble Earl said 'that responsibility would rest on those who offered obstruction to those great . measures which it was the duty of Parliament to consider. Without denying the inconvenience which might arise from delay, he `(Earl Grey) was still of opinion that such inconve nience must be incurred in" order that the opinion of the country on the all-absorbing question of free trade might be expressed. In 1841 Sir Robert Peel had said that when the days of a Parliament were numbered it was not in a condi tion to consider important measures, and he recommended disiolution and the formation of another as soon as possible. In that opinion the Noble-Lord at the head of the late Go vernment concurred, after his constitutional scruples were removed; so that there was a precedent set for taking a similar course at the present • moment.. If her Majesty's present adviser., meant to bring for ward the question of protection s they ought to 'follow the course taken in 1841 and dissolve Parliament. If they meant to abandon protection, they were bound frankly and fairly to announce such to be their intention. WhateVer reproaches their followers might cast on them for deserting their opinions and disappointing the expectations of their friends, such reproaches would not be • lessenede but might be calculated to, give infinitely more pain, if the Noble Earl evaded the course which his followers had been led to expect from him. Let their Lordships reflect upon'the extraordinary position in which the question was placed. The Noble Earl had stated to-night that although he retained his views with regard to protection, he would not attempt th impose a duty upon corn without the full concurrence of the country —that it was not to be carried by a bare majority—that the consciences of supporters and constituencies should not be violated, but that he would leave the question to be settled by the clear and deliberate voice of the country. Now was that ther this eany was man g o i f vi c n o g p m u mon _ understanding who did not see the question? As had been said by such rose-water tha the support eb-eimv ipgoosui this?atrisonwhich o f with reference to some bygone subject,- could it be settled that brin g even to bear with a nt D hve i ddNuatoynbylobenodEcyoa mighteu v l d e rn rl be oo l be accomplished without great difficulty? He (Earl Grey) thought that the good sense of the country would rej ect the reversal of a: policy which had been triumph an t for six years. If the Noble Earl meant to give up protection, why did he not say so ?—(Hear, hear.) But the fact was th e Noble Earl canvassed the counties in one way and the bo roughs in another. The Right , Hon. Gentleman now Chan cellor of the Duchy of Lancaster canvassed the electors of Linconshire pledged to reverse the policy of 1846 ; whilst another Hon. Gentleman canvassed Macclesfield as a deter mined opponent to the corn-laws. In fact, the Noble Earl desired Protectionists to canvass counties, and Free-traders boroughs.—(Hear, hear.) . 'When the friends of the Roble Earl found their expectations falsified, would their com plaints be diminished by a review •of the conduct of the Noble Earl and his party during the last five years ? Would his supporters in the country he less inclined to complain now they found the queStion left open? The Noble Earl and his friends had been severe upon the conduct of the late Sir Robert Peel. Now, if Sir Robert Peel was amenable to any - blame :with -respect to the corn laws, it was because .prior to 1846, and during_ the previous discussions, he had withheld his change of opinion. It might either be said- that the withholding of an earlier admission of his conviction of the unsoundness of the corn-law was a want of foresight or a want of candour. Prior to 1846 that was the only charge that could be brought against Sir Rcbert Peel. Looking at the sacrifices•which he made in 1846, at the personal and private ties which he severed, it could only be held that the Right Hon. Baronet was actuated by a sincere desire to act for what he believed to be the good of the country—it might be added, the safety of the country. No one would now deny that this was a correct judgment upon the motives and conduct of Sir Robert Peel. If the Noble Earl (Derby) were at this moment to abandon protection, if he were to tell the farmers that they had been all along under a delusion, that they had better awake from their dream and adopt other means for ensuring their prosperity—that protection was an impossibility —did anybody b e lieve that the holding of such language would be inconsistent with the Noble Earl's real opinions? By boldly holding such language to the country the Noble Lord would make the best amends for persistence in a contrary view. The only reproach to which the Noble Earl would be obnoxious now—and to a far greater ex tent than Sir Robert Peel—would be, that for five years he had knowingly used protection as a political instrument, knowing that ultimately the restoration of protection would be impossible. With regard to the Noble Earl's con victions on this subject, he (Earl Grey), looking at his lan guage at public meetings, and to the whole course - of his conduct with regard to his party, thought it would be diffi cult to prove a want of foresight. It would be easier to show a want of candour. The presumption against him was increased when he said he abandoned the idea of restoring protection to the farmer, and yet shrunk from adopting the course taken by Sir Robert Peel. If after five years up holding of protection the Noble Earl now left the matter in doubt he would stand convicted in the estimation of every man of common sense in the country. He (Earl Grey) protested against such wanton playing with the dearest in terests of the country; and he said further, that by thus wilfully and deliberately keeping up the quarrel of protec tion between different classes of the community, when the Noble Earl must know in his heart that' the contest was really at an end, he was incurring a fearful responsibility; and &the Noble Earl persisted in such a c ourse he (Earl Grey) must express his firm belief that the whole Parlia mentary and political annals of the country . would not afford such another instance of public interests being sacrificed to party feeling.--(Hgar, hear, from the Opposition.) Lord ABINGER urged that the loss which had accrued to the landed interests by the financial alterations of late years had amounted to not less 'than thirty millions a year, or about three-fifths of the whole • revenue of the country, a vast sum to abstract from one interest. He had privately remonstrated with Sir R. Peel against doing such an injury to so large a body of the people:, It was impossible to deny that the class of labourers in some districts had received benefit by the change, but it was not the less a confiscation because it enabjed the people to - eat cheap food at the expense of the capitalist. Some evils were so great that it was impossible to remedy them, and in this case all that could be hoped for were palliatives. He would advise the farmers not to promote agitation, but to en deavour to lessen their expenses and meet the evil as they best could. The Marquis of CLANRICARDE said that the remarks of the Noble Lord who had just sat down had pleased, as much as the speech of the Noble Earl (Earl of Derby) had pained him. The Noble Earl must excuse him for saying that a more =statesmanlike speech had never been de livered by any man holding office. The Noble Earl's advice to the country was to agitate this question to the full extent on the one side and the other, and then he promised, no matter what the, result might be, to act upon the decision to 'which the country might come. He (the Marquis of Clanricarde) had understood the Noble Earl to say that unless he had not only a majority in Par liament, but a very general concurrence of the country, he would not attempt a proteetionist policy. The Earl of DERBY—The Noble Marquis has misunder stood me. I said as to the question of a duty on corn I do not think it a question which the Government ought to propose, unless satisfied not only that they would be able to carry it by a large majority, but that they would have the general concurrence of Parliament.—(Hear, hear.) I strictly confined it to the duty on corn; I did not at all apply the o bservation to what the Noble M ar q uis calls " protectionist policy ;" or the doing of that which, under any circum stances, whether of a majority or a minority, I am bound to do, to endeavour to mitigate the distress of the agricultural interest.—(Hear, hear.) , - The Marquis of CLANRICARDE said, he - considered the declaration equivalent to an abandonment of protection, as it was not at all likely that in favour of its restoration such a general concurrence of opinion would be obtained in and out of Parliament. For his part he deprecated any revision of our commercial or financial policy, which, :f c ourse, could only mean an alteration . and reversal of it, believing that it had raised the prosperity of the coun t ry to an unprecedented height, the result - of which was fe whatet tranquillitythos those perilous; and circumstances that h e r n e o t t o a t which dissolution understand rhe N s t p o a e b n r l d: Earl had alluded as a reason for not resorting to a issolution : of the country. although, no doubt, Parliament would cordially concur in any proposition to improve the defences When, however, the Noble Earl asked where were the pad might rest assured he would have plenty ort ; tions against protection ?—did he wish for them? revival of an agitation which he (the Marquis f Clanricarde) did not If so, he desire to see restored. The best pecedents in our constitu tional history were in favour of a prompt -dissolution on the a change of Government, accompanied by a occasion of by Mr. Pitt in 1784, by the great change of policy. Such b u y n tinLoosrtdionJa.ulhad been the course pursued unquestionably opinions policy Duke of Portland in 180 Y, and utterly opposed to those 1835. The present Government on which the verdict of the count change 01 Government really of their predec a esso ra, that coauntontour commercial. I t o the change s of policy, compelled ht to be at once taken, instead of encouraging agitationo neither credit able nor successful, for et country would not bear playing fast and loose - with great questions of policy, and the Noble Earl had incurred the responsibility of a most mischievous course, - and without any chance of suc cess, for surely he could - not conceive that the people would relinquish the benefit they had received from our present commercial policy. The Noble Earl had ridiculed an import duty on corn as of comparatively trivial im portance. But the Noble Lord (Abinger) , had estimated its result as no less a loss to the landlords than 30,000,0001. he to annually, all all of which h ad gone -into the :pockets of the masses of the people, and ? did t There Noble .expect could ,be no ratio al suede them to give it up Eby a frank abandonment of Protection, osect of that oli bein overthrown, and the of a use- Noblarl p would have doneelt to avoid the rev welt ival e r edounded as much to his o wn honour as have l w e h ss iob ag w it o a n t l io d n the advantage of the country. The Earl of HARROWBY expressed his belief that if t h e Noble Lord at the head- of the Governm en t attempted in any, degree to put a duty on foreign corn he would damaghe e his Administration. Let the duty be great or smell, t very fact of imposing a tax on the food of the people would be ruinous to him. It was utterly impossible, constituted as this country was, that, for the sake of one clais enter, all the other classes 'were t o suffer the loss and ine f* -„ ve nience of having the p r i ce o f cor n raised again.; If the v shieh farmer could be relieved f rom t h ose burdens in parti ho doubt pressed unfairly on the landed' interest, then let the Noble Earl turn a. favourable and intell and the country, which always !Nine to the ire of not and fairplay,ig9it eye 'in that direction. would go along with him, but wuld not food of the P peop lv le it . ll --t hint people.—(Hear hear.) Let the Noble Earl -speak out . if he proposed a tax on, he will lose , nothing by it he_ placld on no . false plainly on the question and et the i h t e t e st o o f the Gcuntry stake, but let a distinct policy be marked out and the issue would not long remain doubtful.--( Hear, hear.) Lord BEAUMONT eakt- the •Noble -Earl -ha not given a dirpet answer to.tilo queetii,n :which had beet proposed to him, but had indirectly climered .t; tor. irippeareci from whathe said "that protection wa s to b e a b an d one d. What; effect would this have on • the yeomanry of Essex, the far mers of Lincolnshire, or the Protectionists of Bucks? What could they think of all the fide speethes they had heard, and all the subscriptions they had paid to leeep up a protection party? The consequence of the course pursued by the Noble Earl was that some of his friends might go to the counties upon protection, and others to the cities upon free trade. This, he contended, was really a most unworthy course on the part of the Government—wantonly agitating the coun try, and setting class against class—for no useful object, and with only the feeling described by. Shakspere at the close of Mark Antony's speech — .7l • .. 7 Biischief! thou art now afoot ! " And take what course thou wilt!" Lord WODELIOUSE said he was surprised that the Noble Earl, whose eharacta he always tliougtit frank and open, should have taken on this occasion a course neither frank nor open, but most hostile to the interests of the country in conimenclug an agitation for the reversal :of that policy Which had caused no reach prospaity. The present Admi- "nistration. hid - , - when out of c , inassently attacked the late Government, and on the ques ion a exclusive burdens on agriculture obtained within fourteen votes a majority. The Ea.l of DERBY— Hear, bear. Lord WODEHOUSE continued—lt was now believed among the farmers that the Noble Earl intended to restore protection, and nothing could be more dangerous than to abandon in cffice a great class whose interests bad been ad vocated out of office. The Earl of POWIS said the Noble Lord at the head of the Government had clearly shown that the constituencies would have a certain issue to try, and therefore there was no ground for the p re t ension that by not proclaiming now his specific measures he was endeavouring to take the country by surprise. It was no part ol,the Noble Lord's intention un duly,to postpone taking the sense of the country.—(" Hear," from the Earl of Derby.) It was sincerely to be hoped that moderate men would be found in both Houses who would support him in concluding the business of the session, and thus expediting the period when the general election would take place. Their Lordships then adjourned, SPORTING NOTES. No, CLXXXVIIL WARWICK SPRING MEETING, Bce. TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN. Sin—My accounts this morning state that the Trial Stakes, run to-day, , are a certainty for Koh-i-noor or the Prime Minister; this being the case, an investment on the - former's chance for the Chester Cup, at the present odds, will be anything but a bad speculation, if for no other purpose than hedging. This " Mountain of Light," which I believe to be the translation of the Persian word "Koh-i-noor," i s i n splendid form, and may probably tarn out to be a second Truth. To-morrow's races commence at half-past one, with a Sweepstakes of 5 sous. each, 25 added, for three years old and upwards, over the mile course, which, with the Debdale and another stake, closes to-night. The Castle Stakes, over the mile course, will hardly pro- duce a race, as KOIL•I-N00/1 is almost certain to make a walk over it; Black Audrey however is at the seat of action. , . . . _ _ " - illeTivo Years Old Stakes of 10 sovs. each, with 50 ad ded, five furlongs, will, in all probability, attract the :—Colt , y ld S y i l, °m and follow ing out perhapsof the fifilly Cathe rinebyOakley, sister to Lizzy, and another. The race is anything t o Hayes, the post E but an open affair, as CATHERINE HAYES and the SIMOOM °Il COLT are almost certain to be first and second, and if I put E'thelbert in the third position, I think I shall not be at all wide of the mark. The Great Warwickshire Handicap, out of its thirty-one nominations, has eighteen acceptances, the odd eight of whom will probably comprise the field, namely :—Doubt, Herbert, Comas, Selina, Snook Knoll, the Settler, Ethel wolf, and Cleveland. Another or two may also go, but if they do it will be to very little purpose. As I remarked last week, Doubt from the top weights, Comas and Bum& Knoll from the middle, and Fthelwolf and Cleveland from the light weights, would either frighten the rest out of the field or beat them hollow if they figured in it. The probable list of starters has proved inv words to be true. I am by no means so sauguine about knook Knoll's chance as his imme diate party are; I think he will ran forward, bat not turn out the winner. ' Doubt I consider very dangerous, but as her party are, to use a sporting phrase, anything but" sweet' s upon her, I must take Lord Lurgan's Crimes in preference to her. Cleveland's running' last year was very so-so, it is reported, however, that he has improved consider ably since then ; if he has, he may perchance bowl ETHEL WOLF and Cbrxers over; but should he not do so, one of this last-named couple, I fancy, will prove to be the winner. The Steeplechases I shall touch upon to-morrow. The betting this morning, although excessively brisk, re lates for the most part only to 'to•day'a races—the transac tions on which it will be superfluous to give. On to-mor row's events the quotations are as follows :—Great Warwick shire Handicap —4 to 1 agst emus, 5 to 1 agst Ethelwolf, 5 to 1 agst Cleveland, 6 to 1 agst Knook Knoll, 8 to 1 agst Selina. Two Years Old . Stakes-6 to 4 agst Catherine Hayes, 2to 1 taken freely, 3 and 4 to 1 offered agst any other. Castle Stakes-2 to 1 offered on Koh-i-noor. I am, Sir, yours, &c., THE SPIRIT OF THE TURF. March 16, 1852. SPORTING INTELLIGENCE. TATTERSALL'S—YEsTERDA.Y. Business was so limited that, in most of our quotations we have been governed by offers; they show an improve ment in Backbiter for the Metropolitan Handicap, in Scarecrow and Hesse Homburg for the Chester Cup, and in Augur and Claverhouse for the Derby; 5 to 1, laid in the morning agst Hobble Noble to 0001., was offered this afternoon. WARWICK TRIAL STAKES. 2 to 1 agst gr. E. Phillips's Koh-i-noor—taken WARWICK HANDICAP. 5 to 1 agst Lord Lurgau's Cnwas—taken 8 to I agst Mr. H. Stebbing4's Knook Knoll WARWICK TWO YRS OLD STAKES. 6 to 4 agst Mr. Wauehope's Catherine Hayes LEAMINGTON STEEPLECHASE• 4 to 1 apt Captain Forster's Oscar NORTHAMPTONSEIRE STAKES. 6 to 1 =get Air. Williams's Chid Justice, 5 yrs, 7st 51b 12 to 1 agst Mr. J. Stanley's Storyteller, 4 yrs, 7st 12 to 1 sgst Mr. Grevillo's Cariboo, 5 yrs, Bst 31b 14 to 1 agst Mr. J. M. Stanley's Teddington, 4 yrs, Bst 131 b Landgrave and Hesso Homburg are scratched. METROPOLITAN HANDICAP. 10 to 1 agst General Anson's Backbiter , _ aged, Bst 31b 20 to 1 agst Lord Lurgan's Captain Flash, 3 yrs, 43t 121 b 33 to 1 agst Mr. Morris's Haresfoot, 4 yrs, sst 71b Any odds agst Hesse Homburg CHESTER CUP. 20 to 1 agst Mr. Greville's Scarecrow, 3 yrs, 4st 71b—t 20 Mr. Pilling's High Sheriff, 3 yrs, s s t 61b 3 Duke of Bodford's Hesse Ho m b urg , 4 3 t t o o agst gst yrs, 7st—taken 40 to 1 agst Mr. Pedley's Cossack, aged, 7st 121 b—t 45 to 1 egst Mr. E. Phillip's Koh-i-noor, 3 yrs, sst —rtstke 50 to 1 50 to 1 agst Mr. Hesseltine's Unity, 4 yrs, 6st 41b—t DERBY. 5 to 1 agst Mr. Merry's Hobble Noble —taken and afterwards offered 15 to 1 agst Lord Zetland's Augur—take 16 to 1 18 to 1 agst Lord Eglinton's Claverhouse—t 20 to 1 20 to 1 agst Lord Ribblesdale's Kingston —taken 33 to 1 agst Mr. J. Arnold's Little Harry —taken THE COUNTRY MARKETS. The following is the official statement of the quantiti corn, &c., received in the port of London from the poi Essex, from the BthlMarch, 1852, to the 13th March, : both inclusive : ies of .b 2 s 4.1 • ›, I NZ 9 . t d ... Ca 0 XI CD 0.44,) Colchester... 8 170...... . 620 Harwich ............. . . 5361 123 940 LeMigh ................. . 3691 — 57 3 145 13 31: 1070 — ............ . 10391 9 11 700 Wheat, MARCH 12.—Prices • t o -day were as follow: Wheat, white, 458 to 51s ; red, 39. to 44s ; barley, 268 to 295; chevalier 28s to 33s • grinding 21. to 275; malt 559 to 5 68; chevali er 5 58 to 58s' oats 18s to 25s ; peas, partridge, 27. to 308 ; whit e, 2 8s to 30s ; boiling, 299 to 32s ; dun, new, 26s to 28s; beam, tick, 268 to 305; harrow ticks, 278 to 31s; mazagan, 24s to 288. COLCHESTER, MARCH 13.—Wheat, white 46s to 508; red 42. to 45s • oats, 209 to 235; beans, mazagan 27a to 288 ; middle and sm all ' 30s to 335; peas, white 34s to 38s, grey, new 28s to 303 ; barley, 30s to 34a per qr. KIREALDT, naocu 13.—The following are the quotations for grain Barley. Oats. 1 Wheat ec 22. 04 Third 364 1 . 4 155 s ciod O a d 222498a5s Od 2 1 5 8 : 04 S Od Oatmea l, per bag of 28015 s imperial, HADDINGTON, MARCH 12.—The follov grain at our market to-day : Wheat. I Barley. First ............ 46s Od 378 Od Second 428 4cl 1318 6d Third ......34 s od 26s Od Total quantity of Wheat in market Do. Barley do. Do. Oats do. Do. Beans do. Beans. -S Od Peas. .—s Od Od Od lis Cd. prises of -8 Od /—s Od 30s Od to ing are th, Oats. 26s Od 23s Od 20s Od 383 qrs., 228 qrs., 699 qrs., 24 qrs., Beans. 36s Od 333 2d 29s 6d 359 sold 194 sold 589 sold 227 sold ;T • -•-YESTIRDAY. BlidPd':'ees °fG°C°Ali Me Coal p Bat e a West Hartley.. 12s 6d ern MASKS t Chester Main .... . . . . 129 3d Howar; s W w . . B EL arti. Ne eY t .. 1:. 1 1 2 2 5 9 6 6d d Longridge'sW.Hartley 12s 6d New Tanfield ... ..... 13s Od North Percy Hartley.. 12s 6d Redhetigh Main ...... 1 6d T an fi e ld Moor ......... 13s Od Tanfield Moor Butes... 128 9d Walker's Primrose ... 108 6d West Wylam ......... 12s Od Wylam .... .............. 138 9d Wall's End, &o. Byker •.. 12s Od Bell and Brown 13s Gd Brow n .... ... l2s OJ Hebburn Hedley ... .. Ships at market, 138 061 Walkerß iwed;Northumberland close ii o . t . . .e . ... market . 12s 9d Wharncliffe ....... 13s 3d Belmont. Baton Haswell Lambton ............. Plummer ...... 158 61 Russell's Hetton Cassop Heugh Hall North Hartlepool l2B 6d South Kelloe.. l4s 31 De rwentwaterHartley 128 61 Nixon's Merthyr and Cardiff Sidney's Hartley 264 Sold, 88. [ADVERTISEMENT; Holloway's Ointment and -- Pills, a most eaci?llpnt remedy for Abscesses and Old Wounds. —Thomas EdWardi, V.' labourer in Portsmouth Dockyard, re csisecheitsevere hurt i n his thigh, about four years back, by a piece of timber f a lli ng on him. An abscess formed in conse quence of the inj ury, to heal, and h e was consequently pronounce d incu r abl e , an d put on which defied the most eminent surgeons superannuated list with a pension. Bei ng now at the liberty to try other remedies, he commenced using Holloway's Ointment and Pills, which have so effectually cured him that he enjoys good health, and is as well able to work as any man . —Sold by all 'venders of medicines, and at Professor Hollo way's Establishment, 244, Strand, London. Dispatches were received yesterday from the Governors of Newfoundland and Sierra Leone. ►, i 4 1 64 44*.