The Sun. — London, England, 1837-01-07 00:00:00

DINNER to the REPRESENTATIVES OF THE CITY OF BATH. On Thursday evening last the Members for the City of Bath, Major-General Palmer and Mr. J. A. Roebuck, were entertained at a public dinner, given by a body of their con stituents, in the large room of the Town Hall. The tables were laid for about 400 persons, and as soon as dinner was announced they were all fully occupied. The Mayor (Mr. W. T. BLAnt), who had granted the use of the Cor porate Assembly-room for the occasion, presided, and was supported on his right and left by the two Hon. Members in whose honour the festivities were celebrated. Amongst the guests present we noticed Sir W. Molesworth, Bart., M.P. ; Mr. Leader, M. P. ; Colonel Napier ; Colonel Charles Napier ; Mr. Bridges, of Bristol ; Aldermen Barrow, Mainwaring, Crisp, Ashman, English, Jones, Shenston, and Kent. In the course of the evening, the Chairman announced that he had received letters of apo logy from Colonel Gore Langton, M.P. ; Colonel Tynte, M.P. ; Mr. Grote, M.P. ; and Mr. Hume, M.P. The usual toasts, including " The King," " The Queen," " The Princess Victoria and the rest of the Royal Family," were respectively proposed from the Chair, and drunk with all the honours. The CHAIRMAN said, the next toast he had to propose was one which ought to be responded to in every free and enlightened country—he meant " The people, the only true source of legitimate power."—(Cheers.) The next toast was, "the Army and Navy."—(Drunk with all the honours.) Captain MAINWARING returned thanks on behalf of the naval branch of the service. Colonel C. NAPIER, in returning thanks on behalf of the army, would own that his principles were those of a Radical of 40 years' standing.—( Cheers.) By the term " Radical" he meant to convey that he was for annual Parliaments, universal suffrage, and vote by ballot.—(Loud cheers.) He contended also that the House of Lords was bad and rotten, and must be reformed. Of the species of reform that it re quired he was not prepared to speak—it was a question which lied received the consideration of many great men, but upon it they had not agreed in opinion. He was also most decidedly hostile to the enactments of the Poor Law Amendment Bill. He was opposed to that measure, if not in Practice, at least in principle. He held it to be wrong that the Whig Government should commence to legislate for effects, instead of legislating for causes.—( Hear hear.) Why, he begged to ask, should they legislate for paupers made poor by being robbed of at least half their earnings Iv taxation ?—(Hear, hear.) Instead of curing the causes of pauperism, they had provided means, not of relief, but for opening the Bastille doors to the wretched, as if poverty was a crime. —(Hear, hear.) But he had still another ob jection to this poor law measure—a point which Lord J. Russell should have borne in mind when he fixed the in come of a bishop at 10,0001. a-year. For put a case— A and woman go to church to be married—the bishop of clergyman joins their hands, pronouncing that those whom God had joined together no man should put asunder ; ant! yet these parties, on coming out of church, might be met fry a poor-law commissioner, who has been authorized under this bill to say, " I am greater than any bishop, for .1 ani empowered by law to put man and wife asunder."— (.fear, hear.) This was at least inconsistent, if not irreli gk us. But there remained to be noticed a still greater (if that be possible) breach of every feeling of religion and humanity—he alluded to the rules which separated a mo ther from her children when inmates of these new Bastilleq. .He had been in the West Indies, and he could state that the g-eatest cruelty that could be practised on a female slaws yo-vs to take -ter children from her, and if the poor law evt horized the practice in this country, he must denounce the .ineasure as cruel, tyrannical, and inhuman.—(Cheers.) th respect to Ireland, he was moat distinctly of opinion that a. system of poor laws was necessary in that country. revetted much to see that Mr. O'Connell was opposed to their introduction. In public and in private, he (Colonel Napier) had long been the firm and unshaken supporter of O'Connell, but he wa3 astonished when he saw that - „Mr. O'Connell had set his face against poor laws for Ire and gave as his reason that they were un necessary, as t h e poorest Irishman (such was his characteristic) would al".za,vs be ready to divide his last potato with a passing p ,,, u po.- in distress. Therefore, to save the people of Ire land fro.o the misery and want of which he had so often and energetically complained, he cast upon them the burden .of supportin,: their starving fellow-countrymen. From that hour he gave Mr. O'Connell up ; but let that gentleman pause in this portion of his policy . He could only' say, in the language a ttributed to King Edward, when he heard of the death of Percy at Chevy Chase— " Thank God, we have within our realm Five hundred good as he."—(Cheers.) (Colonel Napier) was rejoiced to find that in the per sons, of Mr. Sharman Crawford and Priest O'Malley two chac.m.'ions had started forward in the cause of the starving populat ion of Ireland.—(Hear, hear.) He felt confident that by .their exertions justice, in this respect at least, must be eventually obtained.—(Cheers.) The gallant officer, after again thanking the company for the high honour they ;lad conferred on the service to which he belonged, sat down amidst rapturous applause. The CHAIRMAN said, the next toast he had to propose to his fellow-citizens was, " The healths of Lord Melbourne anJ his Majesty's Ministers (a slight murmur at the lower , end of the hall), and may they continue in office as long as they advocate the cause of the people."—(The toast was received and drunk with manifest apathy by the majority of the company.) The CNAIRMAN next propcaed " The Healths of the D resentatives of the City of Bath."—(Tremendous ap i 13 1,, s e.) He could with truth, and without the fear of' coot! adiction, say, that all parties, friends as well as foes, adinit,ted that the conduct of those Hon. Members in Par liament: had been perfectly consistent with their declarations out of it.—(Hear, hear.) Their conduct had uniformly been manly, open, and straightforward, and they had ever supported those great measures which, in the opinion of the majority of the reformed House of Commons , w ere calcu lated to improve the institutions of the country and amelio rate the condition of the people.—(The toast was received with the utmost enthusiasm, and drunk with all the usual honours.) General PALMER, M.P., on presenting himself to return thanks, -was most loudly cheered. He would refer, in the fi r st instance, to the conduct of the Whigs with reference to the .Reform Bill. No other individual but Earl Grey could havta proposed and carried out that great and sweeping measure of Reform, which astonished both its enemies and its fri ends, and which he could venture to say went much further than many who voted for it either hoped for or ex pected. —(Hear, hear.) He certainly regretted, as much as his blon. Friend and colleague, the delay which had taken place in carrying out those further measures of Reform which svere expected by the country, but he really must state, in justice to the Whig Government, that he thought, under all the circumstances and difficulties of their situation, they - had done as much as could be expected from them. — (Cries of " No, no," with partial cheers.) He also thought that they had been fortunate in having done that which they had aeceiroplished. With all respect for Earl Grey, as a Statesman and a Refermer, he must say his retirement ;from office, while it was honourable to himself, was advan tageous to the country. The country had also to felicitate its if on its good fortune in the accession of Lord Melbourne to office, for no individual was more acceptable and less ob jectionable to all parties than that Noble Lord. He spoke from his own knowledge of the Noble Lord for the last 30 -years, and he sincerely and firmly believed, that whenever his Hon. Friend and colleague by his exertions and agita tio n had o pened the minds of the people to the necessity of vote by ballot, annual Parliaments, and the augmentation of the suffrage, and they should call for it, that Lord Mel bourne would be most anxious to carry it into effect. He stated this from his experience of the character of that Noble Lord. Mr. ROEBUCK, M.P., then rose, and was received with the most enthusiastic and vociferous cheering and applause. His Hon. Friend and colleague had observed that there neve, - was such a man to fill the office of Prime Minister of &gland as Earl Grey—his Hon. and Gallant Friend had 'forgotten, however, that Earl Grey brought in the Irish . Coercion Bill, and that he was turned out of office.— (Cheers.) Next in the praises of his Hon. and Gallant Friend came the Government of Lord Melbourne—and he, it seemed, was in no danger of being turned out for doing that which his Hon. and Gallant Friend assured the meeting the Noble Lord would do if the people would only pro oerly get into a passion.—( Cheers and laughter.) Now, he begged and entreated the people to consider for what purpose all this flame of friendship and feeling for the Whig Government had been raised. Had the people, or indeed the assembly by which he was now surrounded, ever considered what was meant by the people and themselves when accused of appealing to the passions of a Whig Go vernment? If those he addressed had done so, he thought they would come to the conclusion that, considering the manner in which that Government had expressed itself, .and the support which, in consequence of those expressions ut had received, at least the people should have justice at -their hands. For that justice, and no more, he had asked. He and, those who thought with him said, that at this time there existod amongst the people of England a desire to increase the responsibility of the Government. They also said, that for this putposo, and in order to carry out that responsibility, certain flings were necessary and requisite, but that those requisites and essentials they were ready to put aside and not ask the Whig Government to effect ; but, on the con trary, all they asked was, that the Administration would allow the met nbers who composed it to be at liberty to ex press their own conscientious opinions on the various mea sures affecting the people which would be brought forward. —( Hear, hear.) They had not asked for the ballot— they had not asked for an extension of the suffrage—they bad not asked for a repeal of the rate-paying clauses of the TH_E SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY, JANUARY 7, 1837• Reform Bill—they had not asked for a reform of the House of Lords, but they simply asked the Government to allow any man who happened to be in their councils to give on those great questions in the House of Commons his consci entious vote.—(Cheers.) Be it remembered that if Lord Melbourne's Government shouldg• to pieces to-morrow, or in a short time after Parliament meets—and go tct pieces it would, if it did not answer the just demands of the people—it would be a suicidal act, and not the act of the party to which he (Mr. Roebuck) belonged. His party, he repeated, only asked for justice, and if they re fused justice—(cries of " Why, turn them out.")—Yes, said the Hon. and Learned Member, we will turn them out. He was one of that class of Reformers whom he dared to say many persons had in their eye when they talked of those persons who wished to go too far. Now, he begged to ask the present meeting—nay, he would inquire from his constituents, whether they objected to that line of con duct on his part which demanded of the Whig Govern ment so very little for the people?—(Cries of " Yes, we do.") That answer, then, convinced him that he did not go too far. He wished, however, to have that sentiment unequi vocally expressed and known, for he was not one who would pretend to be the representative of the feelings of his con stituents unless he did really represent their wishes and opinions ; but he would now say, that if his constituents would back him by thus telling him he was right, in believ ing that they demanded this justice at the hands of the Whig Ministry, he would demand it in their names, and let the Government at their peril refuse.—(Renewed and ge neral cheering.) But by some it might be said, that how ever just might be this demand, and however right and conscientious he might be in making it, yet so desperate was the condition of the party to which he belonged—so wretched was their lot, that if the Whig Ministry refused to grant the demand, that party must support them whether they liked it or not. Such was the intent and meaning of those who now said to them—" Mind what you are about, or you will let in the Tories." It was just such politi cians as those who thus cried " Wolf!" before there was any danger, that gave heart to the present Government to resist and refuse the demands of the people.—(Cheers.) Now, supposing the Whigs, who professed a desire to render so much good to the people, were turned out of power, what, he must ask, would the Tories do ? True it was they might get into place, but still it was in the power of the people to turn them out afterwards.—(Hear, hear.) But he fancied he could hear some one whisper, " Oh, not at all—we do not believe that the Whigs are the real friends of the people ; they, out of place, would not, therefore, join with us Radicals, but would make their peace with the Tories and join them in opposition to us." In other words, if the Radicals should demand of the Whig Government to make open questions of all the matters which he had men tioned, and if, by so doing, they should destroy the Govern ment by their own suicidal act, that then the Whigs would go over to the Tories, and— Colonel BAILLIE—On the part of the Whigs, I beg to deny the proposition. Mr. ROEBUCK resumed—The Gallant Colonel might deny it, if he thought proper, in any reply he might think fit to make to his (Mr. Roebuck's) observations, but the Gallant Member's interruption at this moment was not very decorous.—(Hear, hear.) He trusted that no more such interruptions would take place, and that Whiggery and courtesy would be allowed to go hand in hand.—(Cheeps and laughter.) The Rev. Mr. MURCH (an Unitarian Minister). — Surely ever freeman has a right to express his opinions.— ( Hear, and cries of " Order.") Mr. ROEBUCK again resumed.—The people must first determine what ought to be done if the Whig Government granted the demand made upon them as he had described, arid also ask themselves the consequieces if those demands were refused. Before that important question was settled in their minds and answered, the people ought to consider how dangerous it was to tamper with the truth. When he or any other independent Member of the House of Com mons went forth to say " Ay" or " No" to a question, he was called upon to express a clear and distinct opinion upon it, and the first question an honest man asked himself was, whether or not the vote he was about to give was really in accordance with his sentiments and opinions ; and on this question he should ask himself whether it really was his opinion that the Government which denied and abhorred the just demands of the people ought to be supported, and that he should hold his tongue and not say what he thought of them ? In like manner ought constituents to declare their opinions. This was no idle matter, for it would soon be brought to the test, not by himself or his Hon. Friends near him, but by the Go vernment itself.—(Hear.) The Radicals, therefore, he repeated, would not destroy the Whig Government, but the Whig Government would destroy themselves by the refusal, because, if they consented to grant the simple and honest proposition made to them, they would have the people with them and still remain in power. They professed to be the friends of liberty ; if so, let them make the small and simple sacrifice to liberty which was asked at their hands ; they boasted that they held office only for the good of the people ; the Radicals prayed from them only a small boon for the people. But no, the Whigs did not like that the demands of the people should have a fair field to fight upon ; they were averse to these important ques tions being fairly discussed, or that each man's weight and opinion on both sides should be honestly and con scientiously given ; but, on the contrary, they, holding from the imperfections of the Reform Act the power in their hands, were determined to withhold the expression of the opinions of their own friends upon questions which the people required and demanded to have settled.—(Great applause.) But there was also another man who would certainly oppose him (Mr. Roebuck) in this matter, and that man would say, not like his (Mr. Roebuck's) Hon. and Gallant Colleague, that Earl Grey was one of the best of the governors this country had ever seen, but that Earl Grey was a man who made the King of England speak " a bloody and a brutal speech."—(Cheers.) He would say that the Radicals of England put down Earl Grey because he brought forward a Coercion Bill for Ireland, and be would add, that because Lord Melbourne had done what he would be pleased to call justice to Ireland, his Lord ship's Government deserved support at the hands of all England.—(Renewed cheers.) He need scarcely say that the man to whom he alluded was Mr. O'Con nell, of whom he could never speak but with respect —(Hear, hear)—he believed him to have lived a long life of usefulness to his country—to have achieved by his ability, and he would add his courage, that which no other man could have accomplished ; and there fore, if he (Mr. Roebuck) should express opinions not gratifying to Mr. O'Connell, it was contrary to his feelings towards that gentleman. His judgment, however, com pelled him to do so. He knew well that Mr. O'Connell would say that the Administration of Lord Melbourne were doing justice to Ireland. He (Mr. Roebuck) denied it.-4 Hear, hear.) He contended that justice to Ireland did not consist in giving places both of honour and profit to one section of the Irish gentry.—(Cheers.) The sum and substance of the good done to Ireland by the present Government consisted in fair promises and some good ap pointments.—(Cheers and laughter.) But no law had been yet passed in favour of Ireland—(Hear)—and, so far as the existing law was concerned, to-morrow might see the whole state and face of that country changed, and the enor mous evils which formerly existed again perpetrated.-- (Cheers.) Now, he and the Radicals contended that no Government would do justice to Ireland that would not give the Commons House of Parliament the power of en forcing by increased majorities its sentiments. There should be such a majority as to make it dangerous for the other House to refuse to accede to the wishes of the people as expressed by that majority. Governments might go on to the end of the world, but no permanent good would be ef fected either for England or for Ireland, unless the House of Commons was strengthened by the introduction of the real Representatives of the people. For this purpose the Ra dicals claimed the help of the Whig Government to ac complish this object ; if they refused, the friends of Ireland must pursue a course by which the Whig Government would fall to pieces.—(Hear, hear.) No person could en tertain a worse opinion than he did of the Irish Church Establishment—an establishment so rotten and corrupt as to render pestilential the very atmosphere around it.— (Hear, hear.) He saw the members of that Chnrch cling ing with gloomy tenacity to all its corruptions—holding on to its fabric fearlessly, and utterly careless of all the dread ful consequences which threatened them, merely for the sake of pecuniary gain. It was true they were backed by the aristocracy of England and the aristocracy and the Orangemen of Ireland, and what was to put down this un holy compact, this unholy alliance, but the Commons of .England, fighting as well for justice to Ireland as for justice to England ?—(Cheers.) The fact was, gloss it over as it might be, that a dangerous crisis had now arrived. If the Whigs were so wicked as to drive the Radicals to it, the latter would have only one of two things to do—either to give up their own honest convictions and cease to be the representatives of the people, or they must compel the Whigs to do justice to both countries.—(Cheers.) Let those he now addressed weigh well the result of the consequences of this conduct of the Whigs, and let them remember that the Whigs had themselves driven the Radicals to these alternatives.—(Cheers.) Thus had he been put upon his trial, and such was his defence. He hoped and trusted, that so long as he should be one of thee cheeringrepresetatives o f th e p eo ple, he should receive the sam and, if so , taalfernatisl body whic h h e wuoa ß u u t u r p epo promised e r hr t amd t a lh. s had greeted him that evening ; e assembly present, that all the given him—all the strength which thould ever b e exe rted in their service. The Hon. Member ge neral and very long-continuedes plaudits, his seat amidst 'tts,butrosagtoainpraos. soon as the applause bad subsided, i and empowered said, that by the permission of the Chairman, he was pose a toast. It was " the health of his honoured and respected friend, Sir William Molesworth, Sir W. MOLESWORTH, M.P., most cordially coincided with his Hon. Friend in the opinion he had expressed as to the course of conduct which the Members of the popular party in this country ought to pursue in the ensuing Ses sion. He trusted most sincerely that they would take up a position of independence,and prove their determinati•n to act up to the principles they had professed. Hitherto but too many had abstained from expressing their sentiments and opinions, lest they should endanger the security and the existence of the Government. Many others had but too often been induced to abandon measures of vast importance, lest by persisting they should surround the Ministers with difficulties ; while other independent Members, somewhat bolder than the rest, when they had compelled the House of Commons to listen to their statements and 'opinions, found themselves in small minorities, deserted by those on whom they had placed reliance, but who had been scared from an adherence to their principles by the threats, en treaties, and prayers of the hangers-on of the Ministry. —(Loud applause.) This was the consequence of the position in which the popular party had placed itself with reference to his Majesty's present advisers, and this course of conduct, feeble as it was, had been productive of disappointment in the minds and feelings of the people ; it had created an indifference and kind of apathy towards the leaders of the popular party, which their opponents had now termed, and most unjustly termed, a reaction in the feelings and sentiments of the great mass of the people of this country.—( Hear, hear.) He (Sir W. Molesworth), however, contended that there had been in the people no change from Liberal to Conservative principles—(Cheers) ; —but, on the contrary, that a vast and mighty change had within the last few years taken place in exactly the opposite direction.—( Applause.) Institutions and forms of govern ment formerly respected and venerated were now considered most imperfect, and of them a reform was most loudly de manded.—( Hear, hear.) It bad been made apparent to the country by the conduct of the House of Peers thut the hereditary government of the aristocracy was bad.— (Cheers.) And it was, he must own, to him matter of earnest and most sincere joy that this conviction was rapidly gaining ground.—(Applause.) The eyes of the people were, he rejoiced, now being opened, and they were becoming fully sensible of the evils which must result to all from the irre sponsible government of those whose interests and inclinations were wholly distinct from those of the people at large.— (Loud cheers.) By the rapid development of popular opi nions, and with those feelings prevalent in the nation, the time had now arrived when the Members representing the Liberal party in the House of Commons must assume that independent position, and make the union between themselves and the Ministry one of fairness and equality.—(Hear.) The question of the ballot, and other great questions upon which the two parties have been and are at issue must now be made open questions. Fair play must now be given to popular principles, and the measures adapted to carry out those prin ciples must now be submitted to the consideration of the House of Commons.—(Great applause.) This done, and then it would be for the unbiassed intelligence of the nation to decide whether or not the wishes of the Liberal party should be complied with. Such was the position which the Libe ral Members of the House of Commons ought to assume, and then they conscientiously could and ought to support the present Administration by every means in their power, so long as the course pursued by that Administration was one iota better than could be expected from a Conservative Mi nistry.—(Cheers.) While the representatives of the people ought to attempt to change the imperfect measures of the Government into complete measures of reform, still it would be their duty to give, in opposition to the Conservatives, their sincere and cordial assistance to the present Admini stration ; for in this manner they would do so without im putations being cast upon their intregrity—without sacrifice of honour without compromise of principles.—(Hear.) It had been urged that by such a course of proceeding the stability of the present Government would be endangered— that a chance of the return of the Conservatives would thereby be hazarded. So far from that being the case, lie (Sir W. Molesworth) believed that the means he had thrown out were those by which alone the Conservative party could be successfully opposed ; they were the only means by which the energy and enthusiasm of the people could be again excited, and he was confident that those were the best and truest friends of the present Government who urged them to pursue a bolder course.—( Hear, hear.) His (Sir W. Molesworth) hatred to a Tory Government was uncompromising and unquenchable—( Hear)—and he should indeed regret to see such a Government again in power ; but if, in order to keep a Whig Government in existence, it were necessary that the popular member should co-operate with them in doing nothing—should shrink from attempting to carry out their principles—should suppress their avowed sentiments, and thus produce on the minds of the people doubts of their zeal, suspicions of their honesty, and engender the baneful feeling that their leaders were mutu ally compromising their principles for the sake of power and the good things connected with office—if such, he re peated, were the only means by which a Whig Govern ment could be kept in existence, then be should say the sa crifice was one of principle—a sacrifice which he would never make.—(Loud cheers.) It had been said that minor differences of opinion ought to be overlooked—that slight shades of distinction might produce disunion, and therefore ought not to be considered—that they ought to rejoice if they obtained as much as they could.—(Hear, and a laugh.) Now, undoubtedly this would all be right, provided by so acting they did not sacrifice the means of obtaining more. —(Cheers.) But he would here beg to ask, was the ques tion of the ballot merely a minor difference of opinion ? Ask this of the tenantry of the counties, the shopkeepers in the towns, and their answer will be, that the elective franchise, without such protection, is to them an evil and a curse.—( Hear, hear.) Was an extension of the suffrage a minor question ? Were the repeal of the rate-paying clauses of the Reform Act—the abolition of the Corn laws—a reform in the army and in the Universities—the abolition of the Irish Church and of English Church-rates — were all these questions of minor import ?—(Applause.) Again, he must ask, were the feelings of the masses with respect to the House of Peers merely a slight shade of dis tinction to be overlooked ?—(Cheers.) Were the ques tions upon which the representatives of the people most loudly and energetically declaimed on the hustings, and thereby obtained their elections, in Parliament to be sup pressed with their votes, on the plea that the discussion of such topics might be injurious to the Ministry ?—(Applause.) Such conduct on the part of the representatives of the people ought not to be tolerated ; neither ought they to be permitted to act in so discreditable and servile a manner.—(Hear.) He (Sir W. Molesworth) did most sorrowfully but firmly believe, that if the present Government did not pursue a different line of policy than hitherto had marked their ca reer—if they did not consent to a fair and equal union be tween the popular party and themselves—if they did not make the ballot an open question, their tenure of office and of power would be but of short duration.—(Hear, hear.) If they failed to alter their policy, though, in deed, they might linger on for a brief period, they could never hope again to excite the enthusiasm of the people, but, on the contrary, would become weaker every day, and at last fall, a reproach to their friends, and a laughing stock to their foes.—(Cheers.) A. feeling of dogged resist ance to the Tories, of antipathy to the Conservatives, had been mistaken for approbation of the conduct of the present Government, but such approbation did not exist, for amongst the people there was no strong feeling in favour of the Whigs. —(Hear, hear, hear.) Though both Whigs and Radicals concurred in hostility to the Tories, yet that hostility originated from very different causes. It had been said that if the popular party pursued the course they recommended, Ministers would either re tire into private life, or would join with the To r i es i n oppo sition to the Radicals, and by such an union bid defiance to, and indefinitely postpone, all reform. For many r eason s, he wholly disbelieved that any such results would ensue. Union amongst the people was necessary ; there should be an unity of purpose in clearly and distinctly determining the means by which the power of the people cou ld b e established, and in supporting at the hustings those only who would advocate necessary measures. Any other union would be false and fallacious in principle, inasmuch as it would expend the energies of the people in a fruitless sup port of those who, when difficulties arose, would be found against them in the ranks of the Conservatives.—(Loud cheers.) The conflict between the Conservatives an d t h e popular party being one of principle could never be recon ciled ; it was a contest between the people and the aristo cracy—it was a contest between those who considered that the poorest members of the community have the same stake in good government, in the accumulation of capital, and in the security of property as the richest—(Hear, hear) —who believe that the vast majority of the people are suffi ciently aware of the importance of these facts, so that power may safely be placed in their hands. The present was, he repeated, a contest between th ose who entertained these opinions, and those who maintained that the mass of the people were made to plunder and to destroy, and who be lieved that person and property could not be secure unless the ruling power was held by the a ristocratic classes.— (Cheers.) It was a s t rugg le between the principles of aristocracy and democracy—a part of that struggle which has existed since the commencement of society—a struggle in which democratic principles have ever acquired fresh strength and vigour. How grossly ignorant, then, were those who thought the popular party could ever league itself with the Tories ; and still more ignorant were those who, slighting the popul ar par ty, th e Tory-Radicals , enter tamed the notion, that by f ear le ss ly a sserting and resolutely acting up to its principles, it was aiding and assisting the Conservative cause.—(Cheers.) In conclusion, the lion. Member urged upon the meeting the absolute necessity of their party making known their principles by reiterated arguments and repeated discussions on every possible occa sion.—(The Hon. Baronet sat down amidst loud cheers.) Mr. ROEBUCK, in brief but appropriate terms, proposed the health of another distinguished guest on the present occasion—that of Mr. Leader, and he begged to couple with that gentleman's name the independent electors of Bridgewater. Mr. LEADER, M.P., rose to return thanks amidst loud plaudits. Let them look at the House of Lords, giving it all due precedence ; for while it stood first in the common acceptation of rank, it also stood first as the supporter of every abuse—(Hear, hear) —it stood first as the oppressor and insulter of Ireland—as the opponent of the wishes of the country—as the obstacle in the way of all improvement —and it also stood, if not first, at least amongst the first, of abuses, which must be reformed.—(Loud cheers.) It would be a waste of time to enumerate the evils which the House of Lords had occasioned, for there could be but few Reformers now in the country, who yet remained blind or insensible to the vices and absurdities of irresponsible aris tocratic hereditary legislation. It was true that, despite the strongest proofs to the contrary, the people were con stantly told that no difference existed between the interests of the Peers and those of the people. But let any man who, after the events of the last two years, still remained unconvinced of the fallacy of the proposition, and still be lieved the unfounded statement, merely refer to the sta tute-book of his country—the book peculiarly of the aris tocracy—its contents imagined for the most part by their creatures, drawn by their lawyers, made law by their legislators—let any man look at that book and see if it is not full of aristocratic laws against the people's interests. Let him look at the laws relating to the descent of real property, and bestowing privileges on the posses sion of landed estates, the laws requiring property qualifi cations for members of Parliament, and other offices of trust and honour. Let him look at the game laws, and, above all, let him look at the corn laws, which pressed on the po verty of the people to the profit of the aristocracy. Did not these and similar enactments most abundantly show — nay, were they not matters of record, that the interests of the people have ever been sacrificed to those of the aristo cracy ? Nothing could be more mischievous or erroneous than the notion which existed in the minds of many peo ple, that the prosperity of this country was in some strange way or other derived from the House of Lords, and inex tricably interwoven with the existence of that branch of the Legislature. This notion conferred upon the Lords most unmerited estimation, and tended to mislead the peo ple as to their own powers.—(Cheers.) What, indeed, had the Lords dune for England's prosperity? Had they by their enlightened patronage encouraged the arts and sciences, or by their energy and talents established manufactures ? Had they fostered the advance of trade, or enlarged the commerce of this country? Ask the men of Manchester and Bir mingham if they are indebted to the House of Lords for their extensive trade. The answer must be in the ne gative, and away, therefore, with the fallacy that to lordly legislation England owes her prosperity. He would ask was Locke one of the aristocracy—were Newton and Watt of the order ? Was Arkwright an hereditary legislator ? No, England owed her commercial prosperity, not to the Lords, but to men like these—to men possessing qualities despised by the hereditary great, and those qualities were plebeian industry, plebeian enterprise, plebeian intelligence, and plebeian perseverance.—(Cheers.) It was but an un satisfactory answer to the people when they demanded a share and participation in the Legislature, and a reform of abuses, to tell thbm that they bad the good fortune to be blessed with an elegant and refined aristocracy ; for, indeed, some men looked with so intense an admiration upon the Corinthian capital as to overlook the column which sup ported it. Of all the institutions, he must sav, the House of Lords was, both in theory and practice, as bad as a Legis lative body could well be imagined, and therefore its reform must be one of the main objects of all sincere Reformers. With respect to the House of Comnions, though the knife of reform had pruned away many abuses, yet it was either blunt or used with a weak hand, or some of the abuses were too tough to be cut away in the first pruning. Should those remaining abuses, now sprouting with fresh vigour, be allowed to flourish ? Should Reformers be restrained by the cry—" The Reform Bill was a final measure, and the law of representation must not be touched ?" That cry might serve as an excuse for waverers and trimmers to desert the banner of reform, but it could not impose on the understand ing even of the most ignorant. The Reform Bill was but the first step in the path—one of the means to a great end —redress of abuses and good government, and, though a good measure, it was by no means perfect. Many of the abuses which it was designed to remove still continued to exist—the degrading dictation of great proprietors to a de pendent constituency had not been abolished—as the con stituents of Caine, C',ippenham, Christchurch, Eye, Har wich, Helston, Dorchester, Newark, and many other places could prove. Again, in many of the counties the electors were still coerced—the superstitious by the parsons, and the worldly by the landlords—into submissively voting ac cording to their will and pleasure. Neither had corruption been crushed by the provisions of the Reform Bill. The proof that it still existed was afforded by the recent cases of Ipswich and lork. Still less had the system of intimida tion been destroyed, for it was to be found in some shape or other wherever there was a constituency. Now, for these evils there was but one great and sufficient remedy—namely vote by ballot. That was a question in behalf of which Re formers ought to agitate and put forth all their energies— a question upon which they ought to make a trial of their strength, for it was one which came home to every man's feelings and understanding. Ballot and the Reform of the Lords must now be the rallying cry ; for, until the respon sible chamber had been made really representative, and the hereditary irresponsible chamber had been reformed, it was almost impossible that any real good measures could be passed—(Loud cheers)—for, so long as the Legislature was bad, it would be absurd to expect good government. Let but the popular parties of England, Scotland, and Ireland, remain firm and steadfast in their purposes, and faithful to Reform, and most assuredly would they triumph over the machinations of any faction or any Ministry which might attempt, and vainly attempt, to hold the reins of government against the will of a majority of this great nation.—(Loud cheers continued for some minutes.) The CHAIRMAN, after a warm eulogium upon the mili tary conduct and literary labours of Col. Napier, proposed that gentleman's health, and coupled with the toast " Jus tice to Ireland." Colonel NAPIER, after returning thanks for the compli ment he had received, proceeded to address himself to the sentiment which had been coupled with his name. He was not one of those who regarded Ireland as being se parate from the rest of the empire—he did not look upon Ireland as an outcast upon whom both Whigs and Tories could try experiments for ascertaining how far oppression might be carried with impunity : but he held Ireland to be part and parcel of the great British fa mily, and he believed that justice would only be done to that country when justice was done to the whole British people—(Hear, hear) —and that would not be until great measures were proposed without the Government asking it self whether it affected Churchman or Dissenter, Protestant or Catholic, but simply whether the measure was founded upon the eternal principles of justice.—(Cheers.) The ques tion then arose, how was such a Government to be obtained ? There were men who on attaining office had promised well, but performed nothing—(Hear)--and of such men a just conclusion could only be arrived at by the comparison of their former professions with their after conduct. Experience, as in other matters so also in politics, was the only sure guide. With this view his hearers ought carefully to recall to their recollection the leading political events of the last six years as from them some valuable historical lessons might be learned. It could not have escaped their memories that the Duke of Wellington, in one of those movements of darkness which will sometimes obscure the brightest intel lects, declared that the Constitution• under which this country was governed was the acme of perfection, theore tically not to be improved, and the wisest that ever man c onceived.—(Hear, hear.) Neither could it be forgotten, that on that declaration the British people rose and told the Noble Duke that that very Constitution was impure, cor rupt, and oppressive, and that no Constitution pretending to be free needed more reform, and that reformed it must be.—(Cheers.) It was a glorious outbreak of liberty against oppression 7 -it was the insurrection of reason—it was the voice of God speaking through the whole people. At this thunder-roll the Tories receded from power with clinched hands and with imprecations on their lips, and the Whigs, who trembled also, but expressed joy from their teeth outermost, came fawning to the people, and offered to lead that movement which they were determined to mislead ; and at their head came Earl Grey, whom he, to his surprise, had that night heard praised as a Reformer. That very Earl Grey in less than two years modified his views of re form, and expressed his resolution to stand by his order. — (Cheers.) He had, however, offered himself as a leader to the people, and they, good easy souls, accepted him. What followed ? Why the moment he took the helm, the wind was taken out of the sails of Reform, no progress was made towards the promised haven, and delay and difficulties were raised on every side. The people were first told that the King was against them, but his Majesty soon gave the lie to that calumny. Then, it was said the Court objected, and next that the obstacles were the power and determination of the House of Lords, the talents, influence, and firmness of the Lords' nominees in the Commons, and the rabid madness of the children of corruption out of the House, at the head of which body were the parsons. But the people did not hear then of the treachery of the Whigs, and the de lays and difficulties which the Whigs raised as subterfuges were not ended until the people told the whole crew of oli garchs, Whigs and Tories, that they would be trifled with no longer—that if their voice was weak, their right arm was strong, and they were ready to act.—(Cheers.) The Reform Bill was thus torn from him by the cry of the people. Here was the first historical lesson shown, that the great name of the Duke of Wellington—the aversion of th Court—the ~ ~. he , 'V dignity of the Lords—the talents of their nominees—were all mingham, and that, for the sum of Al. per annum each t equally powerless against the expressed will of the people.— were there fed, housed and taugia. i eathe Into (Cheers.) But Earl Grey told the people the Reform Bill operation, and the board of guardians thereby constituted, was a final measure. Now, was it such a bill as the people had in the parish in question, dragged these two unfortunates a right to expect at his hands, or was such a bill of British from the asylum, and placed them in the workhouse, there freedom as was required to the state of civilization at which to live and die like brutes—for without education, brutes England had then arrived ? No such thing. He had from they must have remained. This was done under the plea Whig professions expected a bill conferring, if not universal, that no out-door relief could be allowed. This enormity at least household suffrage. He had next expected it to afford had, however, been abated, not by the Poor Law Corn the protection of the ballot ; and, lastly, he had expected it to missioners, but by the exertions of two noble ladies, the co ntain provisions for the shorter duration of Parliaments.— one the wife of a Tory noblenian, and the o ther th e s i s t er (Cheers.) Now, the bill which Earl Grey said went much fur- of a Whig peer, by whose united efforts one of the children ther than he wished, was silent upon each and every of these had been restored to the asylum, and the other, whose ed uca three great principles ; and the measure was still made worse tion was finished, remained at the workhouse. Such, how for its absurd and complicated machinery, for registrations ever, were the Whig measures—their Tithe Bill gave satis served to diminish instead of extending the franchise. Who faction only to the bishops and archbishops—to the were these revising barristers who came armed with the odious Corn Laws they still adhered—to the penny power to deprive a man, nay hundreds of men, of their stamp on newspapers they had adhered, and they had elective franchise ? They were the hireling advocates of opposed the charitable exertions of the late Mr. Sadler, th e Government, paid by the Government, inimical to li- and of Lord Ashley, on behalf of the children l a bo ur i ng i n berty, and appointed by the Judges.—(Hear.) What was factories.—Cheers.) Thus he had shown that the Whigs the next measure of Earl Grey, who by this time had were not to be trusted—they bad already trusted to their love seized upon all the good things of place, and poured their of justice, and the Whigs gave them a Coercion produce into the pockets of his own family and connexions their love of humanity, and they had provided a hostile with such a greedy avidity as to acquire for himself the ap- for the poor. If the people wished to touch their fears pellation of the Minister for domestic relations—(Hear, they ought to tell their Radical Members to leave the and a laugh)—and who, when he gave the signal, was at Whig party, and let them know that the people formed a once surrounded by the Whigs, like Southdown sheep round state machine no t t o b e d a lli e d w i t h.—(Ch eers. ) Il e an old bellwether ?—(Laughter.) About 30 years ago the knew only of one difficulty at this crisis, and that was union between this country and Ireland was carried. Earl because Mr. O'Connell and his Irish friends had de- Grey opposed it, and said it was a measure founded in dared that they would stick by the Whig Ministry, and blood, carried by corruption, was unwise, impure, and Mr. O'Connell had himself menaced those English Re impolitic—that it would not be endured by the Irish dicals who should quit that p arty . H e cou ld not t hi n k t hi s. people, who would eventually demand its repeal.—',Hear, either just, fair, or politic, on the part of Mr. O'Connell.. hear.) When the Irish patriots, after a long night of It was not wonderful, he admitted, that the Irish people sorrow and suffering, saw the gleams of liberty again should cling with attachment to the mild government of their (by the accession of Earl Grey to power) dawning in the present Viceroy, Earl Mulgrave, or that th ey s h ou ld argue East, they felt that the time was favourable for demanding that if the Tories should again come into power, Orange that justice which they had not received from other English prosecutions, and all the evils of bad government, would Governments ; they said, " Give us equal rights—equal be renewed, and the country again deluged with blood. benefits with England, or give us our native Parliament, It might be said by them also, that in such an eveAt‘Mr. that we may do justice to ourselves." What was the reply O'Connell and other leaders might either be judicially war of Earl Grey's Whig Government? The Whig Ministry tiered, or become the victims of assassination. The Orange. said, " No : we will give you civil war—( Hear, hear)— newspapers had held su c h l anguage t o wards M r . O'C onne ll, that he had a right to call them ass ass i ns .—(H ear. ) Th e A O u 'C oc o i n at n i e o l h l obfavitireg we will give the sword to smite—the torch to burn—the succeededtim e had iin however organising arrived the when e at i A n l a r l . whip to torture—and the halter to hang you with."—(Tre mendous cheers.) They gave them the Coercion Bill— (Renewed cheers)—a measure which, by Lord Stanley, land—an association which embodied the great wealt i o—all they declared to be so odious, detestable, and infamous, the physical strength—all the spirit, talent, and intelligence that it ought never to be drawn into a precedent.—(Hear, of Ireland—increasing daily in strength, and already suffi hear.) Such was the conduct of the Whigs towards Ire- ciently strong to resist an ephemeral Tory Government— land, which had not known anything but oppression for ought to consider that the Government of Earl Muigrave the last forty years. It might be asked what motive the in Ireland was the result of mere accident—that that Noble. Whigs could have in this transaction. Earl Grey and the Lord might die or be recalled to-morrow (for he was too. Whigs knew very well, that if a native Parliament was honest long to belong to the Whigs), and that therefore he again established in Ireland, it would, according to the had better t r h e e s t R on ad t i l e m als gr o e f at E m ng a l c a h n in de he had in allin formed,calling 11po d e temper of the times, be so established, not like the last, but join with somewhat on the principles of the vote by ballot, universal Whig Government to give them vote by ballot and poor suffrage, and frequent Parliaments—and they knew full laws for Ireland.—(Loud cheers.) This he ought to do, instead of giving his support to the double-dealin g Whi gs , well that a House of Commons, so constituted, would soon lay bare all the injuries and miseries inflicted upon unhappy _.(Applause.) The House of Lords must be reformed, Ireland, and would endeavour to do what the Whigs never and care must be taken that they did not become as locusts dreamt of—namely, to heal them.—(Hear, hear.) , The on the land.—(Hear, hear.) He did not wish to have them Whigs knew that in such an event the unjust and partial cast away, but that they should at least be warned, lest tl- i n judge would be removed from the bench—that the secta n cry should become " Up with th e p eo pl e , d own with 'the rian sheriff would be no longer allowed to pack the jury box Lords." Before that cry was r a isal lie trusted that, th e with the bloodhounds of corruption and Orangeism—they people would see full justice done to England and knew that Protestant ascendancy, which means jobbing and and that it prevailed over the whole world,(L on d an d corruption, would be put down that tithes would be long General contin u p e A d L c m h E e R e r i r n r go.posed the health (l ith e Mayor, ) o a i r at of n a and quarter A a i t r h . , which Aldermanlitco h t l , s v wits E, e suitably hog , a leftck n u tne 7- abolished, not put into the pockets of the landlords—( Hear) ,Al-. and they know also that that scarlet strumpet of the Irish n and nd C n then, u Council a church would no longer be permitted to play her bloody and ee Mayorby the my lish. fantastic tricks before a frowning God.—(Great cheering.) 'The They knew that the ministers of that church would be Chair; and the company shortly afterwards sepa'cated. no longer permitted to steep the Bible in gore, and thrust it reeking to the nostrils of the orphan and the wi dow.—(Renewed cheers.) The Whigs plainly saw these things, and they knew that in:England the same course would be followed, and that by the creation of a similar House of Commons—a House containing the real representatives of the people, some strange and curious exposures might take place here—that Church-rates would not be collected, nor the Dissenters oppressed—that tithes in this country would be altered for the better, that the Bishops might be re lieved from their duties in the House of Peers, and that the House of Peers (to adopt an expression used by Earl Grey) might and would be set in order.—(Cheers.) But what they dreaded most was, that the office of Minister of domestic relations would be done away with, and that those costly pices of machinery, Whig Commissions, created for the purpose of providing for hungry expectauts, without en- ' trenching upon the established clerks of the Treasury, without whom it was well known the Whigs were incompe tent to carry en the business of the country for a single week would be destroyed—they saw these things as plainly as Belshazzar did the writing on the wall, and they needed not a second Daniel to teach them that the rage of corruption would pass away. Thus he thought he had shown that the Coercion Bill was more directed against England and real reform, than against Ireland and the repeal of the union. —(Hear, hear.) But it appeared that Earl Grey, the eulogised Reformer—vigorous old Grey, as Cobbett desig nated him—Earl Grey, who sent these Commissioners about the country, and whose successors sent the Dorchester labourers into exile—( Hear, hear)—went too fast for some of his colleagues. His followers found the game was up, and they forced him to resign. He did so with the more readiness, because he had now gorged his relations, and be cause he left behind him men of more cunning than him self, whom he thought able still to cajole the people.— (Hear.) A new Ministry was formed, and what followed? Lord Morpeth went down to Yorkshire to secure his elec tion ; and what said he ? He asked the votes of the elec tors, not, as he said, to keep out the Tories, but to put down the Radicals.—(Loud cheers.) Though this declara tion was not very wise, at least it was candid ; the secret was let out, that the object of Earl Grey's, and the suc ceeding Government was to put down the Radicals. But the people of England, who had shewn themselves too proud to submit to the views of a Wellington, were too cunning to yield to an Althorp, and thus they added con tempt to their pre-existing hatred for the Whigs.—(Loud cheers.) The next events worthy of attention were the attempts made by the Whigs to retard the progress of Reform. Lord Melbourne came into power. Of that Nobleman he (Colonel Napier) had often said and declared that he was an honest English gentleman.—(Hear, hear.) He said so still ; but the Noble Lord had colleagues of whom he could not say so much. But two years of his Government had shown that Lord Melbourne wants that fury, that energy, that enthusiasm of patriotism which ought to belong to a leader of the people at this day. — (Hear, hear.) He fights the battle well against Lord Lyndhurst in the House of Lords, but he did not fight against corruption out of the House.—(Loud cheers.) He was either too apathetic himself, or overborne by his col leagues, or he was afraid of the people ; and in any of these cases it was time the people should tell him that he must change his tone or give way to better men.—(Cheers.) The Whigs, it is true, had been lauded for the measures they had passed. Look at them. The Emancipation of the Blacks had been at an expense of 20,000,0001. to England and was not immediate in its effects. Of the Constitution they had given to India nothing could as yet be known be yond that the measure creating it had given the Whigs the patronage of three appointments, each worth 12,0001. per annum. And again, there was the Municipal Corporation Bill, which was as thoroughly Tory in principle as they dared to make it. Insufficient as this Bill was, its provi sions were refused to the people of Ireland. The fault of this was laid by the Government to the Lords, who said, " Down with the people," and when the people had girded up their loins for the fight, saying, " We are ready— down with the Lords," the Government stepped forward —in the person of Lord John Russell, the organ of the Whig party—who, shaking like the figure of a Chinese manderm, in small monotonous tones told the people of England that he was opposed to all organic changes— (Hear, hear,)—and that he would not suffer the House of Peers to be disturbed in the exercise of their un doubted rights. Here was the iniquity of the Lords pleaded in bar to the rights of the people, and the Whigs stepped in to shield those Lords from the vengeance of an insulted people: —(Hear, hear.) With regard to the Poor Law amendment Bill, he knew it had been supported by many men who had the best interests of the country at heart. He, however, thought it a bad Bill. It was, he conceived, strictly a landlord's Bill—it was objectionable both in principle and operation. In principle it was wrong, because it went on the assumption that the poor have no right to relief, and that poverty is a crime which requires punishment.—(Hear , hear.) Now, he was prepared to maintain that the right of the poor to relief was as well founded as the right of any man to his property—it was founded on the law of the nation—the laws of property. — (Cheers.) In operation he objected to it, because it pro vided no real protection for property—it added insult to injury—it provided a Board of Guardians of the poor, so called—but they went not to the Guardians of the poor, but guardians of the rate-payers--(Cheers)—the guardians of their own interests, strong against both j us ti ce an d c harity. —( Loud cheers.) The galant officer here proceeded at great length to draw a most vivid picture of the working of this Bill, with reference to the separation, in the workhouse, of husband from wife—mothers from their offspring ; for which, from the crowded state of our columns, we are wholly unable to find room. The delineation, however, drew down loud plaudits and strong feelings of disapprobation of the measure. Having drawn several imaginary cases of hardship and op pression, Colonel Napier said, there was one fact to Which he could not resist calling the attention of the meeting- 41 fact vouched for by authentic documents now in Ilia' hand, bearing the signature of Mr. Chadwick, the Secretary to the Board of Poor Law Commissioners, VT.= them it ap peared, that for some time past two, orphan children had been placed by a parish in an sylolo for deaf wad dumb at Bir- IRELAND. DUBLIN, JAN. 4. TITHE SLAUGHTER,--An account has been received, i hat the military in Wexford left the town yestei day, at a ilinute's notice, on cars. It was rumoured that a tithe sale as attempted at Blackwater, and that. some lives were lost. PARLIAMENTARY.—The followirg is a copy of the Ainisterial circular, the issue of which we alluded. to -,3sterday " Whitehall, Dec. 28, 1823. " Sir,—As business of great importance will be broug,' . ht forward immediately upon the meeting of Parlianient, and 31st of January is appointed for that purpose, I. earnestly !quest your attendance at the opening of the B,ession. " I have the honour to be, your very obedie l i t servant, " J • R USSELL." LONGFORD.—It cannot be too often reitwated, that the ocent triumph in Longford was effected. through the in , trumentality of the old constituency, INliich had returned ae late Lord Forbes and Mr. Lefroy as Memt)ors for that. county. The constituency, during the last six months, has r,:ceived a considerable accession of Reform electors, who ere not available at the last election. To t h e majority for Mite, of 93, have to be added the majorities for the Libe. rlls at the summer registry, 11, and the October registry, 4. It appears that the registries just terminated have fielded the Liberals a clear majority of 2 k4 ; total, 83. In , itrling the majority of 93, the Re r .ormers now have a • weeping majority of 176 in the county of Longford.— Aublin Evening Post. THE EXTRAORDINARY AFFAIR.--The visit of the roh -1,,- or madman to Mr. Wise, at his house on the North Mall, on Friday last, as detailed in our paper of Saturday, ed to an " awkwardness" in the course of that day, which thus described in a Morning Contemporary, the explana e)n being offered, as is stated, to assuage the feelings o f the party " unintentionally wounded" :—"Conryactecl with this affair is a circumstance which has occasiorAed some annoy ance to a respectable gentleman, at present resident in this city, and to the magistrate concerned in, his arrest. The: qentleman alluded to is Mr. Scott, son to the late banker .)f that name in Waterford—the magistrate Sir Anthony- Perrier. Sir Anthony was on Saturday taken to the bourse of Mr. Clerke, the spirit-dealer, in Winthropp-street ; the door of a small office was opened, and inside was an indivi dual who, Sir Anthony was informed, was the person who had obtained the signature from Mr. Wise. This individual! Sir A. once recognised as Mr. Scott, and iritimated to the gentlemen who accompanied him that they re.ust be mistaken; that he was well acquainted with the individual pointed out to him, and that he was as incapable of the act imputed to him as any gentleman in Cork. Mr.. Wise's butler, how ever, seeming satisfied of the identity, Sir Anthony ap prised Mr. Scott of the offence with which he was charged.. Mr. Scott denied that he knew any thing of the transaction,. and expressed his readiness to afford any facilities in his power towards its i n vestigation. At Sir Anthony's sug gestion the party proceeded to Mr. Wise's. The butler still persisted, wo understand, in his confiden ce respecting Mr. Scott's identity ; but, the instant Mr. F3cott was intro duced to Mr. Wise, that gentleman said, that neither in voice, dress, face, nor figure, did he bear any resemblr.nce to the individual who had favoured him. with the vis'A on Friday, and expressed his regret at the 'annoyance occasioned, to Mr. Scott by the mistake which had been coniniitted.'„ —Cork Reporter. The Distillers of Ireland propose to meet on the 21 at instant, to take into consideration the best mode of hav'mg the recommendations of Sir Henry Parnell's Commission carried into immediate effect. Distress and suffering among the poor aT:e dreadfully prevalent ; the details are heart-rending. In the south the charitable donations of the Duke of Lein Ater, Lady Fitn gerald, and a few others are spoken of ; but, generally speaking, the rich proprietors, especially the absentees, ap pear Neither to know nor care anything about the vonditicas of the famishing thousands on their estates. Th e Earl of Carlisle is to haire the vacant Garte.r.— Evening Paper. Th e Duke of W e lli n gton arrived at nurghley-louse on Sund a y night, and at noon on Tuesd ay passed through Stamford on his way to Belvoir-castle. Idis Excellency General Bj°rnst,:jerna intends spend.- Ina a few weeks at Dover, to compete the recovery of his health. His Excellency General Sebastiani has reache xl Paris with his usual expedition in travelling, in spite o f tl ae bad state of the roads. His Excellency was the first to pass ove r the road opened with so much labour through the sn ow betwixt Rochester and Canterbury. Her Excellency , wa s so far recovered from her recent illness as to be able to acco mpany the Ambassador on his vo:‘, age. We have heard that, after a recent performance a th e Opera Buffa, the Lord Chamberlain sent to express t th e active partner in the lesseeship, Signor Puzzi, the grati fication of himself and hls circle at his highly successful efforts. His Grace ex , ;ftressed his surprise at the inzpresai having been able to affect so much in so short a notice, in spite of every obstacle, and added that. he would extt an d the term of the performances this season to the utmost, in his power. MR. C. KED4BLE.—The Garrick Club give a: dinner to this distinguished performer on Tuesday next, a,l the Albion Tavern. Sir G. Warrender is expected oo preside on the occasion. The clerks and other official persons at the Admi ralty have been busily e n g aged the whole or this week preparing the new Brevet for publication, which is 4ttend , :d with much trouble, and repeated references to theklist of eau navy, to preve.'. - it mistakes. Commander Lapidge, of the Ringdove, has be-n promoted to be Captain ; and Lieutenants Otway and Le Hardy, of the Comet and Saracen, who distinguished them - selves in the a ctions 'leading to the relief of Bilboa. lave been promoted to the rank of Commanders. The Athenwum Club House has been at length'. re opened to the members, after many mouths employe,} in its repair and embellishment.