The Sun. — London, England, 1837-12-26 00:00:00

PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE. Pellets-Citizens of Vie Senate, and House of Represen tatives : IVe have reason to renew the expression of our devout gra .• ftude to the Giver of all Good, fur his benign protection. Our country presents, on every side, the evidence of that cou . tinned favour, under whose auspices it has gradually risen from a few feeble aed dependent colonies, to a prosperous and powerful confederacy. We are blessed with domestic tran quillity, and all the elements of national prosperity. The pes tilence which, invadinr , for a time some flourishing portion of the Union, interrupted the general prevalence of unusual health, has happily been limited in extent, and arrested in its fP..tal career. The industry and prudence of our citizens are gradually relieving them from the pecuniary embarrassments under which portions of them have laboured—judicious legis lation, and the natural and boundless resources of the coun try, have afforded wise and timely aid to private enterprise, and the activity, always characteristic of cur people, has already, in a great degree, resumed its usual and profitable channels. The conditions of our foreign relations has not materially changed since the last - annual Message of my predecessor. We remain at peace with all nations; and no efforts ;on my part, consistent with the preservation of our rights and the honour of the country, shall be spared to maintain a position so consonant to our institutions. We have faithfully sustained the foreign policy with which the United States, under the guidance of their first President, took their stand in the family of nations—that of regulating their intercourse 'with ether Powers by the approved principles of private life; asking and according equal rights and equal privileges ; rendering and demanding justice in all cases ; advancing their own, and dis cussing the pretensions of others, witCcandour, directness, and sincerity ; appealing at all times to reason, but never yielding to force, not seeking to acquire anything to them selves by its exercise. A rigid adherence to this policy, has left this Government with scarcely a claim upon its justice, for injuries arising from acts committed by its authority. The most imposing and perplexing of those of the United States upon foreign Govern mer.ts for aggressitns upon our citizens, were disposed of by my prOeeessor. Independently of the benefits conferred upon our citizens by restoring to the mercantile community so many millions of which they had been wrongfully divested, a great service was also rendered to his country by the satisfactory ad justment of so many ancient and irritating subjects of conten tion ; and it reflects no ordinary credit on his successful ad ministration of public affairs, that this great object was accom plished without compromising, on any occasion, either the honour or the peace of the nation. With European powers no new subjects of difficulty have arisen, and those which were under discussion, although not terminated, do not present a more unfavourable aspect for the future preservation of that good understanding, which it has ever been our desire to cultivate. Of pending questions, the most important is that which exists with the Government of Great Britain, in respect to our north-eastern boundary. It is with unfeigned regret, that the people of the United States must look bask upon the abortive efforts made by the Executive for a period of more than half a century, to determine what no nation should suffer long to remain in dispute, the true line which divides its possessions from those of otl er powers. The natur 3of the settlements on the borders of the United States, and of the neighbouring ter ritory, was for a season such, that this perhaps was not indis pensable to a faithful performance of the duties of the Federal Goverrment. Time has, however, changed the state of things, and has brought about a condition of affairs, in which the true interests of both conntries imperatively require that this question should be put at rest. It is not to be disguised, that with full confidence often expressed, in the desire of the British Government to terminate it, we are apparently as far from its adjustment as we were at the time of signing the treaty of peace in 1783. The sole result of long pending ne gotiations, and a perplexing arbitration, appears to be a con viction on its part, that a conventional line must be adopted, from the impossibility of ascertaining the true one according to the description contained in that treaty. Without coinciding in this opinion, which is not thought to be well-founded, my predecessor gave the strongest proof of the earnest desire of the United States to terminate satisfacto rily this dispute, by proposing the substitutution of a conven tional line, if the consent of the States interested in the ques tion could be obtained. To this proposition, no answer has as yet been received. The attention of the British Govern meat has, however, been urgently invited to the subject, and its reply cannot, I am confident, be much longer delayed. The general relations between Great Britain and the United States are of the most friendly character, and I am well satis fied of the sincere disposition of that Government to maintain them ❑pon their present footing. This disposition has also, I am persuaded, become more general with the people of Eng land than at any previous period. It is scarcely necessary to say to you,", how cordially it is reciprccated by the Government and people of the United States. The conviction, which must be common to all, of the injurious consequences that result from keeping open this irri tating question, and the certainty that its final settlement cannot be much longer deferred, will, I trust, lead to an early and satisfactory adjustment. At your last Session, I laid be fore you the recent communication between the two Govern ments, and between this Government and that of the State of Maine, in whose solicitude, concerning a subject in which she has so deep an interest, every portion of the Union parti cipates. The feelings produced by a temporary interruption of those barmoniou; relations between France and the United States, which are due as well to the recollections of former times as to a correct appreciation of existing interests, have been hap pily succeeded by a cordial disposition on both sides to culti vate an active friendship in their future intercourse. The opinion, undoubtedly correct, and steadily entertained by us, that the commercial relations at present existing between the two countries are susceptible of great and reciprocally bene ficial improvements, is obviously gaining ground in France ; and I am assured of the disposition of that Government to favour the accomplishment of such an object. This disposi tion shall be met in a proper spirit on our part. The few and comparatively unimportant questions that remain to be ad justed between us can, I have no doubt, be settled with entire satisfaction, and without difficulty. Between Russia and the United States, sentiments of good will continue to be mutually cherished. Our Minister re cently accredited to that Court, has been received with a frankness and cordiality, and with evidences of respect for his country, which leave us no room to doubt the preservation in future of those amicable and liberal relations which have so long and so uninterruptedly existed between the two countries. On the few subjects under discussion between us, an early and just decision is confidently anticipated. A correspondence has been opened with the Government of Austria, for the establishment of diplomatic relations, in conformity with the wishes of Congress as indicated by an Ap propriation Act of the session of 1837, and arrangements made for the purpose, which will be duly carried into effect. With Austria and Prussia, and with the States of the Ger man empire, now composing with the latter the Commercial League, our political relations are of the most friendly charac ter, whilst our commercial intercourse is gradually extending, with benefit to all who are engaged in it. Civil war yet rages in Spain, producing intense suffering to its own people, and to other nations inconvenience and re gret. Our citizens who have claims upon that country will be prejudiced for a time by the condition of its Treasury, the in evitable consequence of long continued and exhausting internal wars. The last instalment of the interest of the debt due un der the convention with the Queen of Spain has not been paid; and similar failures may be expected to happen, until a portion of the resources of her kingdom can be devoted to the extinguishment of its foreign debt. Having received satisfactory evidence that discriminating tonnage duties were charged upon the vessels of the United States in the ports of Portugal, a proclamation was issued on the 11th day of October last, in compliance with the Act of May 25, 1832, declaring that fact ; and the duties on foreign tonnage which were levied upon Portuguese vessels, in the United States, previously to the passage of that Act, are ac cordingly revived. The Act of July 4, 1836, suspending the discriminating duties upon the produce of Portugal imported into this coun try in Portuguese vessels, was passed upon the application of that Government, through its representative here, under the belief that no similar discrimination existed in Portugal to the prejudice of the United States. I regret to state that such duties are now exacted in that country upon the cargoes of American vessels ; and as the Act referred to vests no discre tion in the Executive, it is for Congress to determine upon the expediency of further legislation on the subject. Against these discriminations, affecting the vessels of this country and their cargoes, seasonable remonstrance was made, and notice was given to the Portuguese Government, that unless they should be discontinued, the adoption of countervailing mea sures on the part of the United States would become neces sary ; but the reply of that Government, received at the De partment of State through our Charge d'Affaires at Lisbon, in the month of September last, afforded no ground, to hope for the abandonment of a system so little in harmony with the treatment shown to the vessels of Portugal and their cargoes in the ports of this country, and so contrary to the expecta tions we had a right to entertain. With Holland, Sweden, Denmark, Naples, and Belgium a friendly intercourse has been uninterruptedly maintained. RWith the Government of the Ottoman Porte and its depen dencies on the coast of the Mediterranean, peace and good will are carefully cultivated, and have been fostered by such good offices as the relative distance and the condition of those countries would permit. Our commerce with Greece is carried on under the laws of the two Governments, reciprocally beneficial to the navi gating interests of both ; and I have reason to look forward to the adoption of other measures which will be more exten sively and permanently advantageous. Copies of the treaties concluded with the Governments of Siam and Muscat are transmitted for the information of Con gress, the ratifications having been received, and the treaties made public, since the close of the last annual session. Al ready have we reason to congratulate ourselves on the pros pect of considerable commercial benefit ; and we have, be sides, received from the Sultan of Muscat prompt evidence of his desire to cultivate the most friendly feelings, by liberal acts toward one of our vessels, bestowed in a manner so strik• ing as to require on our part asgrateful acknowledgment. Our commerce with the Islands of Cuba and Porto Rico still labours under heavy restrictions, the continuance of which is a subject of regret. The only effect of an adherence to them will be to benefit the navigation of other countries, at the expense both of the United States and Spain. The independent nations of this continent have, ever since they emerged from the colonial state, experienced severe trials in their progress to the permanent establishment of Liberal po litical institutions. Their unsettled condition not only inter rupts their own advances to prosperity, but has often seriously I , . 10.1 b e, per THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY, DECEMBER 26. 1537. injured the other powers of the world. The claims of our citizens upon Peru, Chili, Brazil, the Argentine Republic, the Governments formed out of the Republics of Columbia and Mexico, are still pending, although many of them have been presented for examination more than twenty years. New Granada, 'Venezuela, and Ecuador have recently formed a convention for the purpose of ascertaining and adjusting claims upon the Republic of Columbia, from which it is earnestly hoped our citizens will, ere long, receive full compensation for the injuries originally inflicted upon them, and for the delay in affording it. An advantageous treaty of commerce has been conclu'led by the United States with the Peru Bolivian Confederation, which wants only the ratification of that Government. The progress of a subsequent negotiation for the settlement of claims upon Peru, has been unfavourably affected by the war between that power and Chili, and the Argentine Republic ; and the same even is also likely to produce delays in the settlement of our demands on those powers. The aggravating circumstances connected with our claims upon Mexico, and a variety of events touching the honour and integrity of our Government, led my predecessor to make at the second session of the last Congress, a special recommenda tion of the course to be pursued to obtain a speedy and final satisfaction of the injuries complained of by this Government and by our citizens. He recommended a final demand of re dress, with a contingent authority to the Executive to make reprisals if that demand should be made in vain. From the proceedings of Congress on that recommendation it appeared that the opinion of both branches of the Legislature coincided with that of the Executive, that any mode of redress known to the law of nations might justifiably be used. It was obvious too, that Congress believed with the President that another demand should be made, in order to give undeniable and satis factory proof of our desire to avoid extremities with a neigh bouring power, but that there was an indisposition to vest a discretionary authority in the Executive to take redress, should it unfortunately be either denied or unreasonably delayed by the Mexican Government. So soon as the necessary docu ments were prepared, after entering upon the duties of my office, a special messenger was sent to Mexico to make a final demand of redress, with the documents required by the provi sions of our treaty. The demand was made on the 20th of July last. The reply, which bears date on the 29th of the same month, contains assurances of a desire on the part of that Government to give a prompt and explicit answer res pecting to each of the complaints, but that the examination of them would necessarily be deliberate ; that in this examination it would be guided by the principles of public law and the obli gation of treaties ; that nothing should be left undone that might lead to the most speedy and equitable adjustment of our demands ; and that its determination in respect to each case, should be communicated through the Mexican Minister here. Since that time, an Envoy Extrac;rdinary and Minister Ple nipotentiary has been accredited to this Government by that of the Mexican Republic. Ho brought with him asssuranccs of a sincere desire that the pending differences between the two Governments should be terminated i❑ a manner satisfac tory to both. He was received with reciprocal assurances ; and a hope was entertained that his mission would lead to a speedy, satisfactory, and final adjustment of all existing subjects of complaint. A sincere believer in the wisdom of the pacific policy by which the United States have always been governed in their intercourse with foreign nations, it was my particular desire, from the proximity of the Mexican Republic, and well known occurrences on our frontier, to be instrumental in ob viating all existing difficulties with that Government, and in restoring to the intercourse between the two Republics, that liberal and friendly character by which they should always be distinguished.. I regret, therefore, the more deeply to have found in the recent communications of that Government so little reason to hope that any future efforts of mine for the ac complishment of those desirable objects would he successful. Although the larger number, and many of them aggravated cases of personal wrongs have been now for years before the Mexican Government, and some of the causes of national complaint, and those of the most offensive character, admitted of immediate, simple, and satisfactory replies, it is only within a few days past that any specific communication in answer to our last demand made five months ago, have been received from the Mexican Minister. By the report of the Secretary of State, herewith presented, and the aecompanying docu ments, it will be seen, that for not one of our public complaints has satisfaction bean given or offered; that but one of the cases of personal wrong has been favourably considered ; and that but four cases of both descriptions, out of all those formally presented, and earnestly pressed, have as yet been decided upon the Mexican Government. Not perceiving in what manner any of the powers given to the Executive alone could be farther usefully employed in bringing this unfortunate controversersy to a satisfactory ter mination, the subject was by my predecessor referred to Con gress, as one calling for its interposition. In accordance with the clearly understood wishes of the Legislature, another and formal demand for satisfaction has been made upon the Mexi can Government, with what success the documents now com municated will show. On a careful and deliberate examina tion of their contents, and considering the spirit manifested by the Mexican. Government, it has become my painful duty to return the subject as it now stands to Congress, to whom it belongs, to decide upon the time, the mode, and the measure of redress. Whatever may be your decision, it shall be faith fully executed, confident that it will be characterised by that moderation and justice which will, I trust, under all circum stances, govern the councils of our country. The balance in the Treasury on the Ist day of January, 1837, was forty-five millions nine hundred and sixty-eight thousand five hundred and twenty-three dollars. The receipts during the present year from all - sources, including the amount of Treasury notes issued, are estimated at twenty-three mil lions four hundred and ninety-nine thousand nine hundred and eighty-one dollars, constituting an aggregate of sixty-nine millions four hundred and sixty-eight thousand five hundred and four dollars. Of th's amount, about thirty-five millions two hundred and eighty-one thousand three hundred and sixty one dollars have been expended at the end of the year on appropriations made by Congress ' • and the residue, amount ing to thirty-four millions one hundred and eighty-seven thousand one hundred and forty-three dollars, will be the nominal balance in the Treasury on the first of January next. But of that sum, only one million eighty-five thousand four hundred and ninety-eight dollars is considered as immediately available for, and applicable to, public purposes. Those portions of it which will be for some time unavailable, consist chiefly of sums deposited with the States, and due from the former deposite banks. The details upon this subject will be found in the annual report of the Secretary of the Treasury. The amount of Treasury notes, which it will be necess;,ry to issue during the year on account of those funds being un available, will, it is supposed, not exceed four and a half millions. It seemed proper, in the condition of the country, to have the estimates on all subjects made as low as prac ticable, without prejudice to any public measures. The De partments were, therefore, desired to prepare their estimates accordingly ; and I am happy to find that they have been able to graduate them on so economical a scale. In the great and often unexpected fluctuations to which the revenue is sub jected, it is not possible to compute the receipts beforehand with great certainty ; but should they not differassentirdly from present anticipations, and should the appropriations not much exceed the estimates, no difficulty seems likely to hap pen in defraying the current expenses with promptitude and fidelity. Notwithstanding the great embarrassments which have re cently occurred in commercial affairs, and the liberal indul gence which, in consequence% of those embarrassments, has been extended to both the merchants and the banks, it is gra tifying to be able to anticipate that the Treasury notes, which have been issued during the present year, will be redeemed, and that the resources of the Treasury, without any resort to loans or increased taxes, will prove ample for defraying all charges imposed on it during 1838. The report of the Secretary of the Treasury will afford you a more minute exposition of all matters connected with the administration of the finances during the current year—a pe riod which, for the amount of public moneys disbursed and de posited with the states, as well as the financial difficulties en countered and overcome nas few parallels in our history. Your attention was, at the last session, invited to the neces sity of additional legislative provisions in roseect to the eel lection, safe keeping, and tranfer of the public money. No law having been then matured, and not understanding the pro ceedings of Congress as intended to be final, it becomes my duty again to bring the subject to your notice. On that occasion, three modes of performing this branch of the public service were presented for consideration.—These were the creation of a national bank ; the revival, with modi fications, of the desposite system established by the Act of the 23d June, 1836, permitting the use of the public moneys by the banks ; and the discontinuance of the use of such institu tions for the purposes referred to, with suitable provisions for their accomplishment through the agency of public officers. Considering the opinions of both houses of Congress on the two first propositions as expressed in the negative, in which I entirely concur, it is unnecessary for me again to recur to them. In respect to the last, you have had an opportunity since our adjournment, not only to test still further the expe diency of the measure, by the continued practical operation of such parts of it as are now in force, but also to discover what should ever be sought for and regarded with the utmost deference —the opinions and wishes of -the people. The national will is the supreme law of the Republic, and on all subjects within the limits of his constitutional powers, should be faithfully obeyed by the public servant. Since the mea sure in question was submitted to your consideration most of you have enjoyed the advantage of personal communi cation with your constituents. For one state only has an election been held for the Federal Government; but the early day at which it took place deprives the measure under consideration of much of the support it might otherwise have derived from the result. Local elections for State officers have, however, been held in several of the States, at which the expediency of the plan proposed by the Executive has been more or less discussed. You will, I am confident, yield to their results the respect due to every expression of the public voice: Desiring, howe ver, to arrive at truth and a just view of the subject in all its bearings, you will at the same time remember that questions of far deeper and more immediate local interest than the fiscal plans of the National Treasury, were involved in those elec tions. Above all, we cannot overlook the striking fact, that there were more than one hundred and sixty millions of bank capital, of which large portions were subject to actual for feiture, other large portions upheld only by special and limited legislative indulgences —and most of it, if not all, to a greater or less extent, dependent for a continuance of its corporate existence upon the will of the. State Legislatures to be then chosen. Apprised of this circumstance, you judge whe ther it is not most probable that the peculiar condition of that vast interest in these respects, the extent to which it has been spread through all the ramifications of society, its direct con nection with the then pending elections, and the feelings it was calculated to infuse into the canvass, have exercised a far greater influence over the result, than any which could pos- sib) , have been produced by a ccnflict of opinion in respect to a question in the administration of the General Govern ment, more remote and far less important in its b.7arings upon that interest. . _ I have found no reason to change my own opinion as to the expediency of adopting the system proposed, being perfectly satisfied that there will be neither stability or safety, eith' r in the fiscal affairs of the Government, or in the pecuniary tran. sections of individuals and corporations, so long as a connec tion exists between them, which, like the past, offers such strong inducements to make them the subjects of political agitation. Indeed, lam more than ever convinced of the dangers to which the free and unbiassed exercise of political opinion—the only sure foundation and safeguard of republican government—would be exposed by any further increase of the already overgrown influence of corporate authorith's. I cannot, therefore, consistently with my views of duty, ad vise a renewal of a connection which circumstances have dissolved. The discontinuance of the use of State Banks for fiscal pur poses ought not to be regarded as a measure of hostility to wards those institutions. Banks properly established and con ducted, are highly useful to the business of the country, and will doubtless continue to exist in the States, so long as they conform to their laws, and are found to be safe and beneficial. How they should be created, what privileges they should en joy, under what responsibilities they should act, and to what restrictions they should be subject, are questions which, as I observed on a previous occasion, belong to the States to de cide. Upon the rights, or the exercise of them, the General Government can have no motive to encroach. Its duty to wards them is well performed, when it refrains from legislating for their special benefit, because such legislation would violate the spirit of the Constitution, and be unjust to other interests; when it takes no steps to impair their usefulness, but so ma nages its own affairs as to make it the interest of those insti tutions to strengthen and improve their condition for the secu rity and welfare of the community at large. They have no right to insist on a connection with the Federal Government, nor on the use of the public money for their own benefit. The object of the measure under consideration is to avoid for the future a compulsory connection of this kind. It proposes to place the general Government, in regard to the essential points of the collection, safe-keeping, and transfer of the public money, in a situation which shall relieve it from all dependence on the will of irresponsible individuals or corporations, to withdraw those moneys from the uses of private trade, and confide them :to agents constitutionally selected and controlled by law; to abstain from improper interference with the in dustry of the people, and withhold inducements to improvi dent dealings on the part of individuals; to give stability to the concerns of the Treasury ; to preserve the measures of the Government from the unavoidable reproaches that flow from such a connection, and the banks themselves from the injurious effects of a supposed participation in the political conflicts of the day, from which they will otherivise find it dif ficult to escape. These are my views upon this important subject ; formed after careful reflection, and with no desire but to arrive at what is most likely to promote the public interest. They are now, as they were before, submitted with unfeigned deference for the opinions of others. It was hardly to be hoped that changes so important, on a subject so interesting, could be made without producing a serious diversity of opinion ; but so long as those conflicting views are kept above the influence of individual or local interests ; so long as they pursue only the general good, and are discussed with moderation and candour, such diversity is a benefit, not an injury. If a majority of Congress see the public welfare in a different light; and more especially if they should be satisfied that the measure proposed would be acceptable to the people ; I shall look to their wisdom to substitute such as may be more conducive to the one, and more satisfactory to the other. In any event; they may confidently rely on my hearty co-operation to the fullest extent, which my views of the Constitution and my sense of duty will permit. It is obviously important to this branch of the public service and to the business and quiet of the country, that the whole subject should in some way be settled and regulated by law ; and, if possible, at your present session. Besides the plans above referred to, I am not aware that any one has been sug gested, except that of keeping the public money in the State banks in special deposits. This plan is, to some extent, in accordance with the practice of the Government, and with the present arrangement of the Treasury Department, which, ex cept, perhaps, during the-operation of the late Deposits Act, has always been allowed, even during the existence cf a Na tional Bank, to make a temporary use of the State banks, in particular places, for the safe keeping of portions of the reve nue. This discretionary power might be continued, if Con gress deem it desirable, whatever general system be adopted. So long as the connection is voluntary, we need perhaps an ticipate few of those difficulties, and little of that dependence on the banks, which must attend every such connection when compulsory in its nature, and when so arranged as to make the banks a fixed part of the machinery of Government. It is undoubtedly in the power of Congress so to regulate and guard it as to prevent the public money from being applied to the use, or intermingled with the affairs, of individuals. Thus arranged, although it would not live to the Government that entire coatrol over its own funds I desire to secure to it by the plan I have proposed, it would, it must be admitted, in a great degree, accomplish one of the objects which has recom mended that plan to my judgment—the separation of the fiscal concerns of the Government from those of individuals or cor porations. With these observations I recommend the whole matter to your dispassionate reflection ; confidently hoping that some conclusion may be reached by your deliberations, which, on the one hand, shall give safety and stability to the fiscal operations of the Government, and be consistent, on the other, with the genius of our institutions, and v.ith the inte rests and wishes of the great mass of our constituents. It was my hope that nothing would occur to make necessary, on this occasion, any allusion to the late National Bank. There arc circumstances, however, connected with the present state of its affairs, that bear so directly on the character of the Government, and the welfare of the citizen, that I should not feel myself excused in neglecting to nootwiceersthetwmo. yearsl'he charter which terminated its banking privileges on the 4th of March, 1836, continued its corporate p more, for the sole purpose of closing its affairs, with au thority " to use the corporate name, st)le, and capacity for the purpose of sui's for a final settlement and liquidation of the affairs and acts of the corporation, and for the sale and disposition of their estate, real, personal, and mixed, but for no other purpose, or in any other manner whatsoever." Just before the banking privileges ceased, its effects were trans ferred by the Bank to a new State institution, then recently incorporated, in trust, for the discharge of its debts, and the settlement of its affairs. With this trustee, by authority o f Congress, an adjustment was subsequently made of the large interest which the Government had in the stock of the insti. tution. The manner in which a trust, unexpectedly created upon the Act granting the charter, and involving such gloat public interests, has been executed, would, under any circum stances, be a fit subject of inquiry, but much more does it de serve your attention, when it embraces the redemption of obligations to which the authority and credit of the United States have given value. The two years allowed are now nearly at an end. It is well understood that the trustee has not redeemed. and cancelled the outstanding notes of the Bank, but has re-issued, and is actually re-issuing, since the third of March, 1836, the notes which have been received by it to a vast amount. Ac cording to its own official statement, so late as the Ist of Oc tober last, nineteen months after the banking privileges granted by the charter had expired, it had under its control uncancelled notes of the late Bank of the United States to the amount of twenty-seven millions five hundred and sixty one thousand eight hundred and sixty six dollars, of which six millions one hundred and seventy-five thousand eight hundred and sixty-one dollars were in actual circulation, one million four hundred and sixty-eight thousand six hundred and twenty seven dollars of state bank agencies, and three millions two thousand three hundred and ninety dollars in transitu ; thus showing that upwards of ten millions and a half of the notes of the old bank were then still kept outstanding. The im propriety of this procedure is obvious, it being the duty of the trustee to cancel and not to put forth the notes of an institu tion, whose concerns it had undertaken to 'wind up. If the trustee has a right to re-issue these notes now, I can see no reason why it may not continue to do so after the expiration of the two years. As no one could have anticipated a course so extraordinary, the prohibitory clause of the Charter above quoted, was not accompanied by any penalty or other special provision for enforcing it ; nor have we any general law for the prevention of similar acts in future. But it is in this view of the subject alone that your interpo sitiun is required. The United States, in settling with the trustee for their stock, have withdrawn the funds from their former direct liability to the creditors of the old.banks, yet notes of the institution continue to be sent forth in its name, and apparently upon the authority of the United States. The transactions connected with the employment of the bills of the old Bank are of vast extent; and should they result unfortu nately, the interests of individuals may be deeply compromised. Without undertaking to decide how far, or in what form, if any, the trustee could be made liable for notes which contain no obligation on les part; or the old Bank, for such a; are put in circulation after the expiration of its Charter e and without its authority ; or the Government for indemnity, in case of loss, the question still presses itself upon your consideration, whether it is consistent with duty and good faith on the part of the Government; to witness this proceeding without a single effort to arrest it. The Report of the Commissioner of the General Land Of fice, which will be laid before you by the Secretary of the Treasury, will show how the affairs of that office have been conducted for the past year. The disposition of the public lands is one of the most important trusts confided to Congress. The practicability of retaining the title and control of such extensive domains in the General Government, and at the same time admitting the territories embracing them into the Federal Union, as co-equals with the original States, was seriously doubted by many of our wisest statesmen. All feared that they would become a source of discord, and many carried their apprehensions so far as to see in them the seeds of a future dissolution of the Confederacy. But happily our expe rience has already been sufficient to quiet, in a great degree, all such apprehensions. The position, at one time assumed— that the admission of new States into the Union on the suns ooting with the original States, was incompatible with a right of soil in the United States, and operated as a surrender there of, potwithstanding the terms of the compacts by which their admission was designed to be regulated—has been wisely abandoned. Whether in the new or the old States, all now agree that the right of soil to the public lands remains in the Federal Go vernment, and that these lands constitute a common property, to be disposed of for the common benefit of all the States, old and new. Acquiescence in this just principle by the people of the new States, has naturally promoted a disposition to adopt the most liberal policy in the sale of the public lands— a policy which should be limited to the mere object of selling the lands for the greatest possible sum of money, without re- gard to higher considerations, finds. but few advocates. On the contrary, it is generally conceded, that whilst the mode of disposition adopted by the Government, should always be a prudent one, yet its leading object ought to be the early set tlement and cultivation of the lands sold; and that it should discountenance, if it cannot prevent, the accumulation of large tracts in the same hands, which must necessarily retard the growth of the new States, or entail upon them a dependent tenantry, and its attendant evils. A question embracing such important interests, and so well calculated to enlist the feelings of the people in every quarter of the Union, has very naturally given rise to numerous plans for the improvement of the existing system. The distinctive features of the policy that has hitherto prevailed, are, to dis pose of the public lands at moderate prices, thus enabling a greater number to enter into competition for their purchase, and accomplishing a double object of promoting their rapid settlement by the purchasers, and at the same time increasing the receipts of the Treasury ; to sell for cash, thereby prevent ing the disturbing influence of a large mass of private citizens indebted to the Government, which they have a voice in con tr. fling ; to bring them into market no faster than good lands are supposed to be wanted for improvements, thereby pre venting the accumulation of large tracts in few hands ; and to apply the proceeds of the sales to the general purposes of the Government ; thus diminishing the amount to be raised from the people of the States by taxation, and giving each State its portion of the benefits to be derived from this common fund in a manner the most quiet, and at the same time, perhaps, the most equitable, that can be devised. These provisions, with occasional enactments in behalf of special interests deemed entitled to the favour of the Government, have in their execu tion produced results as beneficial upon the whole as could reasonably be expected in a matter so vast, so complicated, and exsiting. Upwards of seventy millions of acres have been sold, the greater part of which is believed to have been pur chased for actual settlement. The population of the new States and Territories created out of the public domains, in creased between 1800 and 1830 from less than sixty thousand to upwards of two millions three hundred thousand souls, constituting at the latter period, about one-fifth of the whole people of the United States. The increase since cannot be accurately known, but the whole may now be safely estimated at over three and a half millions of souls, composing nine States, the representatives of which constitute one-third of the Senate, and over one-sixth of the House of Representa tives of the United States. Thus has been formed a body of free and independent land holders, with a rapidity unequalled in the history of mankind, and this great result has been produced without leaving any thing for future adjustment between the Government and its citizens. The system under which so much has been accom plished cannot be intrinsically bad, and with occassional modi fications, to correct abuses and adapt it to changes of circum stances, may, I think, be safely trusted for the future. There is, in the management of such extensive interests, much vir tue in stability, and although great and obvious improvements should not be declined, changes should never be made without the fullest examination, and the clearest demonstration of their yractical utility. In the history of the past we have an assurance that this safe rule of action will not be departed from in relation to the public lands • nor is it believed that any necessity exists for interfering wish the fundamental princi ples of the system, or that the public mind, even in the new States, is desirous of any radical alterations. On the con trary, the general disposition appears to be, to make such mo difications and additions only as will the more effectually carry out the original policy of filling our new States and Territo ries with an industrious and independent population. The modification most perseveringly pressed upon Congress, which has occupied so much of its time for years past, and will probably do so for a long time to come, if not sooner satisfac torily adjustment, is a reduction in the cost of such sertions of the public lands as are ascertained to be unsaleablett the rate now established by law, and a graduation, according to their relative value of the prices at which they may hereafter be sold. It is worthy of consideration, whether justice may not be done to every interest in this matter, and a vexed question set at rest, perhaps, for ever, by a reasonable compromise of conflicting opinions. Hitherto, after being offered at public sale, lands have been disposed of at one uniform price, what ever difference there might be in their intrinsic value. The leading considerations urged in favour of the measure referred to are, that in almost all the land districts, and particularly in those in which the lands have been long surveyed and exposed to sale, there are still remaining numerous and large tracts of every gradation of value, from the Government price down wards ; that these lands will not be purchased at the Govern ment price, so long as better can be conveniently obtained for the same amount ; that there are large tracts which even the improvements of the adjacent lands will never raise to that price ; and that the present uniform price, combined with their irregular value, operates to prevent a desirable compact ness of settlement in the new States, and to retard the full development of that wise policy on which our land system is founded, to the injury not only of the several States where the lands lie, but of the Uli'tcd States as a whole. The remedy proposed has been a reduction of prices accor ding to the length of time the lands have been in market with out reference to any other circumstances. The certainty that the efflux of time would not always in such cases, and perhaps not even generally, furnish a true criterion of value ; and the probability that persons residing in the vicinity, as the period for the reduction of prices approadhed, would postpone pur chases they would otherwise make, for the purpose of availing themselves of the lower prices, with other considerations of a similor character, have hitherto been successfully urged to de feat the graduation upon time. May not all reasonable desires upon this subject be satisfied without encountering any of these objettions ? All will con cede the abstract principle, that the pfice of the public lands should be proportioned to their reldfive value, so far as that can be accomplished without departing from the rule hereto fore observed, requiring fixed prices in cases of private en tries. The difficulty of the subject seems to lie in the mode of ascertaining what that value is. Would not the safest plan be that which has been adopted by many of the States as the basis of taxation—an actual valuation of lands, and classifica tion of them into different rates ? Would it not be practicable and expedient to cause the relative value of the public lands in the old districts, which have been for a certain length of time in market, to be appraised, and classed into two or more rates below the present minimum price, by the officers now employed in this branch of the public service, or in'any other mode deemed preferable, and to make these prices per manent, if upon the coming in of the report they shall prove satisfactory to Congress ? Cannot all the objects of gradua tion be accomplished in this way, and the objections which have hitherto been urged against it avoided ? It would seem to me that such a step, with a restriction of the sales to limited quantities, and for actual improvement, would be free from all just exception. By the full exposition of the value of the lands thus fur nished and extensively promulgated, persons living at a dis tance would be informed of their true condition, and enabled to enter into competition with those residing in the vicinity the means of acquiring an independent home would be brought within the reach of many who are unable to purchase at pre sent prices ; the population of the new States would be made more compact, and large tracts would be sold which would otherwise remain on hand ; not only would the land be brought within the means of a large number of purchasers but many persons possessed of greater means would be content to settle on a larger quantity of the poorer lands, rather than emigrate further west in pursuit of a smaller quantity of better lands. Such a measure would also seem to be more consistent with the policy of the existing laws—that of converting the public domain into cultivated farms owned by their occupants. That policy is not best promoted by sending emigration up the al most interminable streams of the west, to occupy in groups the best spots of land, leaving immense wastes behind them, and enlarging the frontier beyond the means of the Govern ment to afford it adequate protection ; but in encouraging it to occupy, with reasonable denseness, the territory over which it advances, and find its best defence in the compact from which it presents to the Indian tribes. Man of you will bring to the consideration of the subject the• antages of local knowledge and greater experience, and a will be desirous of making an early and final disposition of every disturbing ques tion in regard to this important interest. If these suggestions shall in any degree contribute to the accomplishment of so important a result, it will afford me sincere satisfaction. In some sections of the country, most of the public lands have been sold, and the registers and receivers have very lit tle to do. It is a subject worthy of inquiry whether, in many cases, two or more districts may not be consolidated, and the number of persons employed in this business considerably re duced. Indeed, the time will come when it will be the true policy of the general Government, as to some of the States, to transfer to them, for a reasonable equivalent, all the refuse and unsold lands, and to withdraw the machinery of the fede ral land offices altogether. All who take a comprehensive view of our federal system, and believe that one of its great est excellencies consists in interfering as little as possible with the internal concerns of the States, look forward with great interest to this result. A modification of the oxisting laws in respect to the prices of the public lands, might also have a favourable influence on the legislation of Congress, in relation to another branch of this subject. Many who have not the ability to buy at pre sent prices, settle on those lands, with the hope of acquiring from their cultivation the means of purchasing under pre emption laws, from time to time passed by Congress. For this encroachment on the rights of the United States, they ex cuse themselves under the plea of their own necessities ; the fact that they dispossess nobody, and only enter upon the waste domain ; that they give additional value to the public lands in their vicinity, and their intention ultimately to pay the Government price. So much weight has from time to time been attached to these consideratians, that Congress have passed laws giving actual settlers on the public lands a right of pre-emption to the tracts occupied by them at the minimum price. These laws have in all instances been retrospective in their operation ; but in a few years after their passage, crowds of settlers have been found on the public lands, for similar reasons, and under like expectations, who have been indulged with the same privileges. This course of legislation tends to impair public respect for the laws of the country. Either the laws to prevent intrusion upon the public lands should be executed, or if that should be impracticable or inexpedient, they should be modified or repealed. If the public lands are to be considered as open to be occupied by any, they should, by law, be thrown open to all. That which is intended, in all instances, to be legalized, should at once be made legal, that those who are disposed to conform to the laws may enjoy at least equal privileges with those who are not. But it is not believed to be the disposi tion of Congress to open the public lands to occupancy with out regular entries and payment of the Government price, as such a course must tend to worse evils than the credit system, which it was found necessary to abolish. It would seem, therefore, to be a part of wisdom and sound policy to remove, as far as practicable, the causes which produce intru sions upon the public lands, and then take efficient steps to prevent them in future. Would any single measure be so ef- festive in removing all plausible ground for those intrusions as that sea. Additions have en made to our squadron on the the graduation of price already suggested? A short period West India stat i o n, wherille large force under Commodore of industry and economy in any part of our country would Dallas has been most actively and efficiently employed in pro enable the poorest citizen to accumulate the means to buy him tecting on- commerce, in preventing the importation of slaves, a home at the lower prices, and leave him without apology for and in co-operating with the officers of the army in carrying on settling on lands not his own. If he did not, under such cir- the war in Florida. cumstances, he would enlist no sympathy in his favour ; and The satisfactory condition of our naval force abroad leaves the laws would be readily executed, without doing violence to at our disposal the means of conveniently providing for a public opinion. i home squadron for the protection of commerce upon our ex- A large portion of our citizens have seated themselves on tensive coast. The amount of appropriations required for public lands, without authority, since the passage of the last such a squadron will be found in the general estimates for the pre-emption law, and now ask the enactment of another to naval service for the year 1838. enable them to retain the lands occupied, upon the payment I The naval officers engaged upon our coast survey have ren of the minimum Government price. They ask that which dered important service to our navigation. The discovery of hrs been repeatedly granted before. If the future may be i a new channel into the harbour of New York, through which judged of by the past, little harm can be done to the interests our largest ships may pass without danger, must efford im of the Treasury, by s ielding to their request. Upon a critical portant commercial advantages to that harbour, and add greatly examination, it is found that the lands sold at the public sales to its value as a naval station. The accurate survey of since the introductiodof cash payments in 1820, have produced, I George's shoals off the cost of Massachusetts. lately cam on an average, the net revenue of only six cents an acre more pleted, will render comparatively safe a navigation hitherto than the minimum Government price. There is no reason to considered dangerous. suppose that future sales will be be more productive. The Go- Considerable additions have been made to the number of vernment, therefore, has no adequate pecuniary interest to in- captains, commanders, lieutenants, surgeons, and assietant duce it to drive these people frem the lands they occupy, for I surgeons in the navy. These additions were rendered neces the purpose of selling them to others. sary by the increased number of vessels put in commission to Entertaining these views, I recommend the passage of a answer the exigences of our growing commerce. pre-emption law for their benefit, in connection with the pre- Your attention is respectfully invited to the various sugges paratory steps towards the graduation of the price of the tions of the Secretary for the improvement of the naval service. public lands, and further and more effectual provisions to pre- The report of the Postmaster-General exhibits the progress vent' intrusions 'hereafter. Indulgences to those who have and condition of the mail service. The operations of the settled on these lands with expectations that past legislation Post Office Department constitute one of the most active ele would be made a rule for the future, and at the same time re- ments of our national prosperity, and it is gratifying to observe moving the most plausible ground on which intrusions are with what vigour they are conducted. The mail routes of the excused, and adopting more efficient means to prevent them United States cover an extent of about one hundred and forty hereafter, appear to me the most judicious disposition which two thousand eight hundred and twenty-seven mile, having can be made of this difficult subject. The limitations and re- been increased about thirty-seven thousand ene hundred and strictions to guard against abuses in the execution of a pre- three miles within the last two years:. The annual mail trans cmption law, will necessarily attract the careful attention of portation on these routes is about thirty-six millions two hun- • Congress, but under no circumstances is it considered expe- dted and twenty-eight thousand nine hundred and sixty-two dient to authorize floating claims in any shape. They have miles, having been increased about ten millions three hundred been heretofore, and doubtless would be hereafter, most pro- and fifty-nine thousand four hundred and seventy-six miles lific sources of fraud and oppression, and instead of operating within the same period. to confer the favour of the Government on industrious settlers, The number of post officers has also been increased from ten are often used only to minister to a spirit of cupidity at the thousand seven hundred and seventy to twelve thousand and expense of the most meritorious of that class. ninety-nine, very few of which receive the mails less than The ;Accompanying report of the Secretary 'of War will once a week, and a large portion of them daily. Contractors bring to your view the state of the army, and all the various and postmasters in general are represented as attending to subjects confided to the superintendence of that officer. their duties with most commendable zeal and fidelity. The principal part of the army has been concentrated in The revenue of the Department, within the year ending on Florida, with a view, and in the expectation, of bringing the the thirtieth June last, was foer millions one hundred and wsr in that territory to a speedy close. The necessity of thirty seven thousand and fifty six dollars and fifty nine cents.; stripping the posts on the maritime and inland frontiers of and its liabilities accruing within the same time were three their entire garrisons, for the purpose of assembling in the millions three hundred and eighty thousand eight hundred and field an army of less than four thousand men, would seem to forty seven dollars and seventy five cents. The increase of indicate the necessity of increasing our regular forces; and revenue over that of the preceding, year wes seven hundred the superior efficiency, as well as greatly diminished expense and eight thousand one hundred arid sixty six dollars and forty of that description of troops, recommend this measure as one one cents. of economy as well as of expediency. I refer to the report for For many interesting details I refer you to the report ,of the reasons wnich have induced the Secretary of War to urge the Postmaster-General, with the accompanying paper. Your the re-organization and enlargement of the staff of the army, particular attention is invited to the necessity of providing a and the ordnance corps, in which I fully concur. more safe and convenient building for the accommodation of It is not, however, compatible with the interest of the pea- that department.. plc to maintain, in time of peace, a'regular force adequate to • I lay before Congress copies of reports submitted in pursu the defence of our extensive frontiers. In periods of danger ence of a call made by me upon the heads of Departments, for and alarm, we must rely principally upon a well-organised such suggestions as their experience might enable them to militia; and some general arrangement that will render this make as to what further legislative provisions may be advan description of force more efficient, has long been a subject of tageously adopted to secure the faithful application of public anxious solicitude. It was recommended to the first Congress monies to the objects for which they are appropriated; to pre by Gen. Washington, and has been since frequently brought vent their misapplication or embezzlement by those entrusted to your notice, and recently its importance strongly urged by with the expenditure of them ; and generally to increase the my immediate predecessor. The provision in the Constitu- security of the Government against losses in their disburse tion that renders it necessary to adopt an uniform system of ment. It is, needless to dilate on the importance of provid organization for the militia throughout the United States, pre- ing such new safeguards as arc within the power of legislation cents an insurmountable obstacle to an efficient arrangement to promote these ends, and I have little to add to the recom by the classification heretofore proposed, and I invite your at- mendations submitted in the accompanying papers. tention to the plan which will be submitted by the Secretary of By law, the terms of service of our most important collecting War, fur the organization of volunteer corps, and the instruc- and disbursing officers in the civil departments are limited to tion of militia officers, as more simple and practicable, if not four years, and when re-appointed, their bonds are required to equally a'lvantageous, as a general arrangement of the whole be renewed. militia of the whole United States. The safety of the public is much increased by this feature A moderate increase of the corps, both of military and topo- of the law, and there can be no doubt that its application to graphical engineers, has been more than once recommended all officers entrusted with the collection or disbursement of by my predecessor • and my conviction of the propriety , not to the pub lic mone y , whatever ma y be the tenure of their offices, say necessity, of the measure, in order to enable them to per- would be equally beneficial. I therefore recommend, in ad form the various and important duties imposed upon them, in- dition to such of the suggestions presented by the heads of duces me to repeat the recommendation. Departments as you may think useful, a general provision, The Military Academy continues to answer all tilt purpo- that all officers of the Army and Navy, or in the Civil De ses of its establishment, and not only furnishes well-educated partment, entrusted with the receipt or payment of public officers to the army, but serves to diffuse throughout the mass money, and whose term of service is either unlimited or for a of our citizens, individuals possessed of military knowledge, and longer time than four years, be required to give bonds, with the scientific attainments of civil and military engineering. good and sufficient sureties, at the expiration of every such At present, the cadet is bound, with consent of his parents or period. guardians, to remain in service five years from the period of A.change in the period of terminating the fiscal year, from his enlistment, unless sooner discharged ; thus exacting only the Ist Oct to the Ist of April, has been frequently recum one year's service in the Army after his education is com- mended, and appears to be desirable. pleted. This does not appear to me sufficient. Government The distressing casualties in steam-boats, which have so ought to command for a longer period the services of those frequently happened during the year, seem to evince the ne who are educated at the public expense; and I recommend cessity of attempting to prevent them, by means of severe that the time of enlistment be extended to seven ycears, and provisions connected with their Custom-house papers. This the terms of the engagement strictly en f orc ed. subject wa's submitted to the attention of Congress by the Se- The creation of a national foundry for caunon, to be Corn- cretery of the Treasury in his last annual Report, and will be mon to the service of the army and navy of the United States, again at the present session, with additional details. It will has been heretofore recommended, and appears to be required doubtless receive that early and careful consideration which in order to'place our ordnance on an equal footing with that of its pressing importance appears to require. other countries, and to enable that branch of the service to Your attention has heretofore been frequently called to the coatroul the prices of those articles, and graduate the supplies affairs of the District of Columbia, and I should not again ask to the wants of the Government, as welle as to regulate their it, did not their entire dependence on Congress give them a quality, and insure their uniformity. The same reasons in- constant claim upon its notice. Separated by the Constitu duce me to recommend the erection of a manufactory of gun- lion from the rest of the Union, limited in extent, and aided powder, to be under the direction of the Ordnance office. The by no Legislature of its own, it would seem a spot where a establishment of a manufactory of small arms, west of the Al- wise and uniform sy stem of local government might have been legheney mountains, upon the plan proposed by t he Secretar y easil y adopted. This district, however, unfortunately, has of War, will contribute to extend throughout that country the been left to linger behind the rest of the Union ; its codes, improvements which exist in establishments of a similar des- civil and criminal, are not only very defective, but full of ob cription in the Atlantic States, and tend to a much more etc- solete or inconvenient provisions ; beine formed of the por nomical distribution of the armament required in the western lions of two States ; discrepancies in the laws prevail in dif portion of our Union. ferent parts of the territory, small as it is; and although it The system of removing the Indians west of the Mississippi, was selected as the seat of the General Government, the site commenced by Mr. Jefferson in 1801, has been steadily per- of its public edifices, the depository of its archives, and the re severed in by every succeeding President, and may be con- sidence of officers mauled with large amounts of public pro le sidered the settled policy of the country. Unconnected at first perty, and the manage•nt of public business, yet it has never with any well-defined system for their improvement, the in- been subjected to, or received, that special and comprehensive ducements 'held out to the Indians were confined to the greater legislation which these circumstances peculiarly demand. I abundance of game to be found in the West ; but when the am well aware of the various subjects of greater magnitude beneficial effects of their removal were apparent, a more phi- and immediate interest that press themselves on the considera lanthropic and enlightened policy was adopted, in purchasing tion of Congress ; but I believe that there is not one that ait their lands cast of the Mississippi. Liberal prices were given, peals more directly to its justice than a liberal, and even ge and provisions inserted in all the treaties with then', for the nerous, attention to the interests of the District of Columbia, 4pplication of the funds they received in exchange, to such and a thorough and careful revision of its local government. purposes as were best calculated to promote their present wel- Washington, ,Dec. 5, 1837. M. VAN BUREN. fare, and advance their future civilization. These measures have been attended thus far the happiest results. It will be seen, by referring to the Report of the Commis sioners of Indian Affairs, that the most sanguine expectations of the friends and promoters of this system have been realized. The Choctaws, Cherokees, and other tribes that first emigrated beyond the Mississippi, have, for the most part, abandoned the hunter state, and become cultivators of the soil. The im provement in their condition has been rapid, and it is believed that they are now fitted to enjoy the advantages of a simple form of government, which has been submitted to them and re ceived their sanction, and I cannot too strongly urge this sub- COWES ; ISLE OF WIGHT. THE ROYAL YACHT SQUADRON Last summer numbered 143 members, 588 honorary mem bers, and 97 yachts afloat—of which about one-half were built at this port. There are five al4ove 200 tons, and 33 above 100 tons—altogether measuring 8,646 tons, and employing up wards of 1,100 able-bodied seamen, who would be of the greatest service to the country in case of emergency—indeed, it is one of the first nurseries for seamen in the kingdom. There arc now building at this port a ship for his Grace the Duke of Neweastle, a cutter for Colonel Beach, one for Colonel Madden, and one for Mr. Cooper—a yawl for Mr. Saunderson, and one fur Mr. Lane. Several candidates are to be balloted for at the next general meeting ; and we understand a large squadron of yachts will proceed to the Baltic next summer. It has blown a heavy gale from the S.W. during the night, with thick weather, during which a vessel drifted on shore near Atherfield, at the hack of the Island. Reported to be a Swedish brig, loaded with salt ; crew saved. Numerous robberies have been committed in the Island during this winter—more, indeed, than were ever before known, such offences being very rare here. On Sunday the 17th inst., a young man of the name of Edward T ucker was apprehended on suspicion of stopping Mr. Joseph Richards, sen., of Cowes, on the Newport road, and demanding his money, on the preceding evening. The old gentleman de fended himself, till the sound of a carriage approaching alarmed Tucker, and he made off. No robbery has since taken place ; it is therefore hoped the thief has been detected. ject upon the attention of Congress. Stipulations have been made with all the Indian tribes to the them beyond the Misaissipi, except vs ith the band of Wyandotts, the six nations in New York, the Menomonees, Mandans, and Stockbridgcs in Winconsin, and Miamics in Indiana. With all but the Menomonees, it is expected that arrangements for their emigration will be completed the pre sent year. The resistance which has been opposed to their removal by some of the tribes, even after treaties had been made with them to that effect, has arisen from various causes, operating differently on each of them. In most instances they have been instigated to resistance by persons to whom the trade with them and the acquisition of their annuities were important ; and in some by the personal influen: e of interested Chiefs. These obstacles must be overcome ; for the Go vernment cannot relinquish the execution of this policy with out sacrificing important interests, and abandoning the tribes remaining east of the Mississippi to certain destruction. The decrease in numbers of the tribes within the limits of the states and territories, has been most rapid. If they be removed, they can be protected from those associations and evil practices which exert so pernicious and destructive an influence over their destinies. They can be i , ,duced to labour, and to acquire property, and its acquisition will inspire them with a feeling of independence. Their minds can be culti vated. and they can be taught the value of salutary and uni form laws, and be made sensible of the blessings of free go vernment, and capable of enjoying its advantages. In the possession of property, knowledge, and a good government, free to give what direction they please to their labour, and shares in the legislation by which their persons and the pro perty of their industry are to be protected and secured, they will have an ever present conviction of the importance of union, of peace among themselves, and of the preservation of amicable rela tions with us. The interests of the United States would also be greatly promoted by freeing the relations between the Ge neral and State Governments frem what has proved a most embarrassing incumbrance, by a satisfactory adjustment of conflicting titles to lands, caused by the occupation of the In dians, and by causing the resource; of the whole country to be developed by the power of the State and General Govern ments, and improved by the enterprise of a white population. Intimately connected with this subject is the obligation of the Government to fulfil its treaty stipulations, and to protect the Indians thus assembled " at their new residences from all interruptions and disturbances from any other tribes or na tions of Indians, or from any other person or persons whatso ever," and the equally solemn obligation to guard from Indian hostility it cwn border settlements, stretching along a line of more than one thousand miles. To enable the Government to redeem this pledge to the Indians, nail to afford adequate protection to its own citizens, will require the continual pre sence of a considerable regular force on the frontiers, and the establishment of a chain of permanent posts. Examinations c.f the country are now making: with a view to decide on the most suitable points for the erection of fortresses and other works of defence, the results of which will be presented to you by the Secretary of War at an early day, together with a plan for the effectual protection of friendly Indians, and the per manent defence of the frontier States. By the report of the Secretary of the Navy, herewith com municated, it appears that unrcmitted exertions hare been made at the different navy yards to carry into effect all au thorized measures for the extension and employment of our naval force. The launching and preparation of the ship of the line Pennsylvania, and the complete repairs of the ships of the line Ohio, Delaware, and Columbus, may be noticed as forming a respectable addition to this important arm of our national defence. Our commerce and navigation have received in creased aid and protection during the present year. Our squadrons in the Pacific and on the Brazilian station have been much increased, and that in the Mediterranean, although small, is adequate to the common wants of our commerce in At a meeting of the committee of the Stroud Ballot Association, held on the 7th inst., an address from the Bir.. mingliam Political Union was read, when the following reso lutions were unanimously agreed to :-1. That the committee fully agree with the Birmingham Reformers, that the recent determined opposition of Lord John Russell to the ballot, has. rendered him unfit any longer to be our representative in Pan liament. 2. That the late statement of his Lordship, that it was the intention of the originators of the Reform Bill to give a decided preponderance to the landed over the manufacturing town, and commercial interests, is altogether repugnant to the just claims of the latter; and, in the opinion of the committee, furnishes one conclusive argument fur the revision and entire re-construction of that important measure. The late Counsellor Caldbeck, of the Irish bar, who drudged in his profession till he was near eighty, being st. king's counsel, frequently went circuit as judge of assizo, when any one of the twelve judges was prevented by illness. On one of those occasions, a fellow was convicted before him at Wex ford for bigamy ; and when the learned counsel came to pass sentence, after lecturing the fellow pretty roundly upon the na ture of his uxorious crime, added, The only punishment which the law authorises me to inflict is, that you be trans ported to parts beyond the seas for the term of seven years ; but if I had my will, you should not escape with so mild a pu nishment, for I would sentence you for the term of your Me tural life—to live in the same house with both your wives. - - An editor is but a creature of the imagination. No body ever saw an editor. Nobody bath known him. He is invisible, impalpable, immaterial. He is not an individual being, for he is as a wE ! An I, is a defined, substantial entity, which all can understand who have a looking-glass before them ; but a ATE, a singular plural, a militant in parvo, is a mystery that cannot be comprehended by common brains. A witness cannot recover expenses incurred by at tending at a trial in which he slay be subpcencd by an attorney, unles3 there be a special contract between them. The at torney is only the agent of the client, and against the latter only can the witness have a claim ; but co witness is bound to attend unless his reasonable expanses arc paid before hand and if he is not paid he has a remedy against the party after wards. This was the decision given the other day by the Court of £chequer in a case Robies v. Bridge. Wednesdav last was the wettest day ever experienced in Huddersfield and its neighbourhood, the rain falling in tor rents the who of the day. Many cellars were nearly filltd with water iniarious parts of the town,- and considerable damage done. I ns a ,1 0 ‘ rni? fr° ; tor t/ 056- 30 0, be t e