The Sun. — London, England, 1846-06-13 00:00:00

eabtrZi VS=anion RAILWAY COMMITTEES (THIS DAY.) HOUSE OF LORDS. NORTH STAITORDSEIRE. The Committee cn the three branches of this line met again shortly after eleven o'clock in Room B (New Houses of Parliament). The Duke of Cleveland again took the chair. Their Lordships were all present. Mr. TALBOT, in answer to a question from the Chairman, said that a clause had been drawn up which, he thought, would meet the views of the petitioner (Sir Henry Every), and would meet the approbation of the Committee. Mr. Parke , , the Parliamentary agent, was called to give certain formal evidence. The evidence of Mr. Bidder was then proceeded with. It contained no point of interest beyond those contained in Mr. Talbot's address, of which a full report was given in The Sun of yesterday (Friday). Mr. TALBOT then read the clause above referred to, which was to the effect that " nothing in this Act contained shall authorise or er.able the said Company to purchase or take any property belonging to Sir Henry Every, in the parish of Eckington, without the consent in writing previously had and obtained of the said Sir H. Every, or his heirs," &c. Mr. Sergeant ALLEN objected to the use of the words " in the parish of Eckington," which he said would not restrict the Company from taking that part of the property which was situated in the parish of Etwall, adjoining the parish the Eckington. He therefore proposed the substitut ion words " in the county of Derby." Mr. Bidder said that there were no powers in the Act to take property in the parish of Etwall. Mr. TALBOT very strongly objected to the alteration, and a long discussion ensued, which ende d in the adoption of the clause with the alteration proposed by Air. Sergeant Allen. Mr. TALBOT then proposed a clause to refer the question as to Mr. Cartwright's property to arbitrators, which Mr. FLUND expressed himself prepared to accept with some alteration. Mr. TALBOT objected to this alteration and a long discus sion ensued, which ended in the room being cleared. In about a quarter of an hour we were re-admitted, and The CHAIRMAN said, that the Committee had resolved upon a clause by which they thought both parties would be satisfied. — Arr:FLuND, however, was not satisfied, and as the parties could not agree, The Committee ordered Mr. Flund to proceed with his case. Mr. FLuND said that before opening the case as to the injury to his clients he had to raise a very grave objection, which would be fatal to the further progress of the Bill. It was this; there was no estimate for the Uttoxeter and Stoke upon-Trent Branch, which diverged from the Churnet %alley line. Mr. AUSTIN—A mere standing order objection. AIL PARKES-It was disposed of in the Standing Orders' Committee, and they declared the standing orders complied with. Mr. FLUND continued—He would call their Lordship? attention to the 14th section of the 233 d Standing Order "for the consideration of Committees on Bills," in which they were directed to report the amount of the estimate for each branch, and whether they were of opinion that they were sufficient. Now, not only was there no special estimate for this branch, but he could prove that the estimate for the Bill was only sufficient for the main line (the Churnet Valley line), and could not, therefore, be said to include the branch. Mr. AUSTIN was about to reply, but The CHAIRMAN stated, that if Mr. Flund had any wit nesses to call, he ought to call them before Mr. Austin replied. Mr. FLUND then called Mr. Hopkins, civil engineer, who said that the estimate for the Churnet Valley line was barely sufficient for that line, and could not include the Uttoxeter branch. He believed that it was intended as an estimate for the main line, and that the branch was omitted from the cal culations. The branch could not be made within the esti mate. He was cross-examined by Mr. AUSTIN, who endeavoured to show that lie (Mr. Hopkins) was incompetent to make the calculations. The Committee, without calling on Mr. Austin to reply, ordered the room to be cleared. We were re-admitted in a few minutes, and The CILAIRMAN said—The Committee are of opinion that the 14th section of the 23.3 d Standing Order is complied with. Mr. Aux]) then said, that after the decision of the Com mittee, it would be absurd for him to attempt to oppose the passing of the Bill, and to say that this important district should not have railway accommodation. Neither would he set up a case that there might be a better hne made. In short, his case was now one of compensation. Mr. AUSTIN expressed his willingness to insert the same clause which he had previously offered, by which the case should be referred to arbitration. The Cmultm-vi—Why there are but two courses left—to refer it to arbitrators or to a jury. No clause was ne ce,sary. An agreement was then made between the parties, to the effect that the matter should be referred. Some other clauses were adjusted, and the Bills were passed. Their Lordships then finally rose. HOUSE OF COMMONS. GROUP XVII. MANCHESTER. AND SOUTHAMPTON AND ROMSZIr AND SLEDBRIDOSI BRAN CU (SOUTH WESTERN). The Committee met this morning at the usual hour. Mr. HOPE continued his cross• examination of Mr. Cope, the gentleman employed to take the traffic of the line, with respect to the mode in which he obtained the returns which he handed in, and was examined at some length upon yester day. He detailed the various items and the sources from whence he derived them, and explained that he had in his estimate doubled the traffic, a course which he was perfectly justified in adopting with respect to this line, as the fact had been so frequently realised or established lines—on the Manchester and Birmingham, for instance. Those whom he employed for the purpose of collecting the traffic were persons used to the employment. They were placed at various stations in the course of the line, each station being under the superintendence of a clerk well versed in his vocation. The witness was also examined by Sir T. PHILLIPS on the same points, and the Committee rose at three o'clock. STANDING ORDERS' COMMITTEES. HOUSE OF LORDS. Lord Shaftesbury was the only Member present at one o'clock, the hour appointed for the meeting of the Committee on their adjourning last evening. There were but five Bills on the list, and the decisions were as follows: NORFOLK (DEREHAM, WELLS, AND BLAKENEY EXTENSION). Standing orders complied with. LONDON AND SOUTH-WESTERN (HAMPTON COURT BRANCH). LONDON AND SOUTH WESTERN (CHERTSEY AND EG HA M . BR ANC H). These two Bills, which stood over from a former day, in consequence of the absence of a witness, were again called on to-day, and, the proofs being completed, they were passed. EAST OF FIFE. This case stood over on account of the deficiency of some formal evidence. CAMBRIDGE AND OXFORD. This Bill was passed. It is, perhaps, hardly necessary to observs, that in each of these five' decisions the Committee was unanimous. His Lordship having resolved himself into a Select Committee on merits, proceeded with the case of the East Lincolnshire Railway, the only Bill on the list. It was unopposed, and after some formal evidence had been given it was passed. The Committee adjourned at half-past two. SHROPSHIRE MINERAL RAIL WAY. SPECIAL MEETING (THIS DAY). A meeting of the shareholders of the Shropshire Mineral Railway took; place this day at the London Tavern, in order to receive a report of the committee appointed by the share holders at the general meeting of the Company, held on the 20th of February, 1846. The chair was taken at one o'clock precisely by Alderman Copeland. The CHAIRMAN then called upon Mr. Wilkinson to read the report. The report charges matter of such a grave and serious nature against certain gentlemen, that we will abstain from mentioning names, and confine ourselves to stating a fete of the facts as they are set forth in the report. A sum of 21,0004 was spent in the purchase of shares, drawn by cheques on the share holders' money, and that by parties mem b ers o f th e fi nance c ommittee. It appeared that there were no less than eleven members of the committee of management who never paid upon a si ng l e share. The committee also discovered that in two instances blank cheques were torn from the cheque book, andinzi(er o morandum was entered on th e coun t er f o il . It was was afterwardslad that one of th em , f or 7 , 0001 ., and that the name c f M r. Alder whoseJ favour it w men ohneon, of Da:rdll 7:is for ge d t o i t as the party in able to discover, it app ear j 4 far as the C omm i ttee were commenced in the month thtt_ the purchase of shares we re bought at 1.% premium, lu l dp le w ;b as : t r. sinratta : i l n :e g, shares and and 16th of October, 1,083/. ls. yea s 1 1-_ t 7 4 ° days, the 15th to the 28th of last month, with the Management, a to members of the Committee of Mane 0 1 3 Y o other On the 30. h of October a further sum of 7,B3 ll : l ,T ais t i l uv renci. ofshares through the mediu m of two " ted in the purchase cheater brokers. There was also turn 15s. charged for travelling expenses incurred during _t_h_e_above operations 8911. Another of the cheques amounted to ; and although there was no doubt that they had been returned by the bankers to the Company, yet they had not been produced to the committee, and they were consequently incapacitated to render an y f ur th er accoun t of them. The report also stated that an abstraction. of 3,034/. 15s. was also committed by three of the di rec t ors , b ut f or w h at purpose cou ld not be r precisely known. The report went on to say, that after great difficulty they succeeded in getting back the 4,800 shares, in volved in the outlay of the 18,000/., which the committee considered would be a great advantage to the Company. A resolution, adopting the report, was passed, and The CHAIRMAN stated that the persons connected with the abStr.act ion of the money were bound in law and equity to refond it, and if they did not do 50 voluntarily, they would be fozed to do so. They had taken eminent legal ad vice uyee the question, and they were assured that the whole of it should be paid back; and that if A or B were net able io do so, C or D should. The meeting then resolved itself into a general meeting of the subscribers; Sergeant Adams in the chair. The Cri'Alnm.m, who was wholly disconnected with the previous transactions, then addressed the meeting, and after having adverted to the painful position in which he eves placed, by being Chairman of a Company where such improper. ("induct ilad been pur,aed, read a number of resolutions to the nrceiu ,- .. the eff-cto f which were to wind up tbe coo ern and to '" r take legal and criminal pro. ceedinge against the guilty a tes Totes of thank s were then passed to Sergea n t Ad ams an d Alderman Copel an d, and t Cmeeting adjourn e d. QU EEN'S BENCI-1.--(THIS DAY.' (Sittings in Banco.) LADD'S v. BRANSON. This was a demurrer by the defendant in an action for the recovery of a sum of money, paid by the plaintiff for the de fendant, for a number of railway shares, the defendant con tending by his pleas that the plaintiff was not entitled to re cover the amount, inasmuch as the shares the plaintiff had paid for for him were in railway companies that had not ob tained certificates of complete registration, which was neces sary to make the transaction legal. Mr. PASHLEY, whe appeared to support the demurrer, argued that the decision of the Court of Exchequer in Young V. Smith, was not correct, and asked this Court to come to a different decision. Mr. MARTIN, Q.C., whe appeared for the plaintiff; con tended that it did nut appear from the defendant's pleas that the companies in which the de'endant had been trafficking had not obtained certificates of complete registration, and when it was sought to get rid of a responsibility upon such grounds as those urged by the defendant, it was necessary to state it particularly upon the record. But he would apply himself to what he conceived to be the legitimate question the defendant sought by this demurrer to bring before the Court. The Learned Counsel then went on to argue the various sections in the Joint-stock Companies Act, and contended that it was quite immaterial whether the compa nies had obtained certificates of registration to entitle the plaintiff to recover in this action, that the Court of Exche quer, in Young v. Smith, had properly construed the meaning of the Legislature, and the law as it then stood was correct, and that if it was otherwise, all the sales of scrip and every scrip transaction would be decided to be illegal. As there are several other cases before th e Court in. which the same points are raised the Court took time to consider. EXCHEQUER.-(THIS DAY.) (After Term Sittings at Nisi Prins, before the LORD CHIEF BARO/4 and a Common Jury.) SAUNDERS v. CREAGIE. Mr. Crowder, w ith whom was Mr. M. S mi t h, appeared for the plaintiff, and Mr. Wordsworth for the defendant. This was an action brought by the plaintiff., who are half pay officer, and paymaster to the out bankers in Exeter, to recover the sum of 108/. from the south-west south-west of England. The d e bt was d p e a n n s t i , n w e h r s o i o s f a alleged to have been incurred by plaintiff overdrawing his account at the bank. After a lengthened examination of witnesses, the case was referred to arbitration. THE FUNDS-(CLOSING PRICES.) BRITISH FUNDS. ONE CLOsINo O'CLOCK. PRICES. Three per Cent. Reduced Annuities .. .. 9 5 % 95y, New Three-and-a-Quarter p er C ent. A nna. 96% 97% 97% Long Annuities, Expire Jan. 5,1860 .. 10 3-16 10 3-16 India Bonds, 1,000/. .. .. _ .. .. 20 20 Consols for Opening .. .. .. • • • • 95 %% % 95 U Exchequer Bins. 150. 116 d. 1,0001... .. .. • • 15 11 pm. 11 Ditto, Small .... 16 11 17 --Pm. 17 ONE CLOSING O'CLOCK. PRICES. FOREIGN FUNDS. Chilian Bonds, 6 per Cent .. Ditto, Deferred, 3 per Cent . Mexican Bonds, 1837, 5 per Cent .. Ditto, Deferred .. Peruvian Bonds, 6 per Cent. Portuguese Four per Cent Ditto, for the Account .. Spanish Bonds, 5 per Cent .. 24 Ditto, Passive Bonds 5 1 ,‘ Dividends on the above payable in London. Dutch Two-and-a-Half per Cent Ditto. 4 per Cent. Certificates .. .. 37% .. .. 46 45% .. 91% PRICES OF BUSINESSCLOSING RAILWAY PAID. DONE AT SHARES. PRICES. ONE O'CLOCK. 3,4 126 ..126 ....... .. Aberdeen Birmingham and Gloucester.. .. 100 Bristol and Exeter .. .. 75 .. ..... . Ditto New .. .. 5 .. • • 10 •• • • • • Buckinghamshire .. 425. .. dis Caledonian .. .. 10 .... 11% ll% Cambridge and Oxford.. .. 1% % ...... Derby and Crewe .. 2% .... 6% .. • Direct Manchester (Rastrick's) .. 5%.... • Direct Northern .. .. • • 1% ••••• • • • • • Dublin and Galway .. 4 .... .. • • ... 2 Eastern Counties ~ .. 141. 165..... 23%%% .. •• • • 23 ii Ditto New .. .. 10/. 165..... • • Do. Perpet., 5 per Cent. No. 1. 61. 13s. 4d. ••• • • Ditto, ditto, .. No. 2. 61. 13s. 4d. % p Ditto, York Extension 105..... East Lincolnshire 1% Edinburgh and Glasgow .. .. 50 .... Ditto % Shares .. .. • •• 10 .. 17% .. Great Southern & West. (Ireland) 20 .... 22 Great Monster 2% Great Western Ditto Halt Shares .. 50 .... Ditto, Quarter Shares Guildford, Fareham, & Portsmoth 5 .... 4% London an Birmingham . • • 100 ....227 Ditto Fifths .. 2 . ... London and Blackwall .. 161. 13s. 4d. .......... Ditto, New .. ........ • • London and Croydon • . ..131. 15s 0d... 21% % • • London and Greenwich .. 121. 158. 45. .......... London and South-Western 41/. 6s. 10d... .. •• • • - Ditto, New Consol. Eighths .. 34 .... 52% .......... Ditto, New .. • • .. 17%.... 29 .. London and York .. 2%.... 2 ...• • • .... Ditto, Half Shares .. .... .... ••• • • • Loudon, Salisbury, and Yeovil .. .. •••• • • • Manchester and Leeds .. .. • • 82 .......... Ditto, Fifths .. 3 .... .. •••• • • • • 31anchester and Birmingham .. 40 . 80 .. • .. • • Ditto, Quarter Shares (B) .. 4 .... 12%34 • • .... • • Manchester, Buxton, & Matlock 425. •• • • % 1 3 • •••• • • • Manchester and Southampton .. 2 .... 1% %•• • • .... 'Midland ..100 ....145 ........ Ditto, New ~ 18 • • 31 30% ...... Newcastle and Darlington Junct. 25 Ditto, New . 1 .... 8 Newcastle and Berwick .. •• 15 .... 24% Newark, Sheffield, and Boston .. 1% .... North British .. • . 22% 29% .. .. 0Z.... 11g .... i .. 1%.... 1%% DittO, Half Shares . Ditto, Carlisle Extension Ditto, Dalkeith Ditto, ditto .. North Staffordshire .. • Portsmouth Ilirect • • • Preston and Wyre .. • Scottish Central .. Shrewsbury and Birmingham .. 234 234 • • South Midland 425..... dis South Eastern and Dovor .. • . 3334 . Do., New (do. 151.) .. No. 4. 234 . South Wales .. 5 .... 114 • • Vale of Neath .. 2 .... ..... Warwickshire and London • 425..... .......... West Riding Union • • • . 425. .. 214 p.. r • York and Carlisle .. .... 115 1 • ...... York and Lancaster .. 2% .... 1% • • ........ York and North Midland .. 50 • • •. • Ditto. Extension .. .. 15 .... • - • - Do. E. and W. Riding Eaten... 1 .... 1034 • • FOREIGN RAILWAYS. Boulogne and Amiens .. 12 .... 10%.......... East Indian .. . Is. .. ••.. • - Luxembourg Namur and Liege .. .. 6 .... . Orleans and Vierzon .. 10 .... 15 Paris and Lyons Constituted .. 5 .... ... JOINT-STOCK BANKS. .. 25 .... 25w.......... MINES. • .. 425..... 31i94 4 p.... • .. N • anion of Australia Real del Monte, 17nrezistered —3% STATE OF TRADE. FOREIGN WOOL TRADE, LEEDS, JUNE 12.—Most descriptions of foreign wools have been in rather better request this week, and a fair amount of business trans acted. We do not perceive any tendency in prices to a further decline. ENGLISH WOOL MARKET, LEEDS, JUNE 12.—Saks of English wool have been quiet this week, and prices are quoted as stationary. WAKEFIELD WOOL MARKET, JUNE 12.—The wool trade still rules dull, and although quotations remain the same, sales are made with difficulty, and on hardly so good terms. YORK WOOL MARKET, JUNE 11.—There has been a very large show at this day's market, but the attendance buyers was only moderate, neither purchasers nor holders appearing very anxious to do business, and throughout the day the sales continued to be dull, which was no doubt owing to the great quantities exhibited, and lower prices in several cases were submitted to. The following are the nearest quotations :—Ewe 1O d. to I Id., hog and ewe I lid., 121, to /21d. per lb. HULL Wool. MARKET.—There was a fair supply of wool, and generally of good quality. The attendance of buyers was large, and nearly all was sold up at 275. to 28s. 6d. per tod. From the reports which we have received of the progress of shearing, a much larger supply is anticipated next week. IiECKSIONDWIKE BLANKET MARKET, JUNE 11.— The attendance of buyers at the market, both Monday and to-day, has not been so good. There is not much alteration in prices the last few weeks. Good samples continue scarce. BRADFORD MARKET, THURSDAY, JUNE 11.--The business dune in wool sales is very limited. The spin ners buy only for present consumption. There is, how ever, no fall in price. In yarns there is a lair trade, so far as demand goes, but prices are such as to give no en. coursgement to spinners to do more business. There has been no alteration in the piece market for the last two weeks. MANCHESTER THURSDAY EVENING.—A fear that the Ministry might be defeated on the Irish Coercion Bill, before the final settlement of the corn question, had an unfavourable effect on the market to-day, which was, on the whole, decidedly dull. Prices, however, remain un altered both for goods and yarn. THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY :EVENING, JUNE 13, 1846, HOSIERY AND LACE TRADE. RAILWAY COMMITTEES (YESTERDAY.) STANDING ORDERS COMMITTEE. HOUSE OF LORDS. Their Lordships met this morning in Room 1, House of Lords, a eleven o'clock, Lord Shaftesbury in the chair. The further consideration of the DIIMBLANE, DOUNE, AND CALLANDAR 50 was postponed till Tuesday : as was that of the % dis 14f; 1 34 dis p 1 The condition of the cotton atocking-makers is not in the least improved, the supply in almost every instance exceeding the demand. A sort of fever is again com mencing to emigrate to the United States, where the hosiery trade, it is asserted, is very brisk at German Town, Philadelphia, and New York, not only for stock ing -makers, but for frame-making, frame-smiths being in great request in the former place. This is entirely attributed to the heavy duty of 33 per cent., which is vigorously levied on hosi er y, t h e d ut y b e i ng d eman d e d th instant the goods are landed, and that not upon the declared value of th, importer, as in Holland and Great Britain, but upon such value as the American authori ties choose to put upon them, which is frequently so much above their real value, that we have heard of one house trading to New York that has been charged V ire n' he ' v na e o l trt of 10,0001. in duties over the sale price. trade would be i and more r h eard of a duty,great many frames being made, ,to be sent out to the States. The which is taken upon were it not for the 33 per cent. in value, and not mr n a Derby price, making freightage, an additional iscil'u worth in England 201., i s !ta r the New York or Philadelphia 00 mile carriage and „i th e . I .s`ttingham, ,r Le hu ic s e a st f e r r a , m o e r u r ed e l l t. customs at 351., upon which is cha rge i a t t 121., making 47/. The carriage toAmerican s a t il e kTeonwonu tab°byttai 3' Liv erpool, 3 about 43xe 23L, freight, land, and cartage would amount to 5/ , m o re s, ;CObsut but if the tthe frame same a f t ra G m e e rm i fifty makingguineas the and thus he would gain stockinger emigrant the cos, 0 b wouldy the only ade in imitation of state, and for extra fine gloves ? The cotton-glove trade still keeps in a pretty good Flemish flax articles, the demand is exceeding the supply. It is not generally known, but repeated experiments have proved that cotton will outwear a n y other fibrous article. A wheelband, or other band made of cotton , will wear double the time of silk, wool, silk grass ; but fine flax has a gloss and a b rillianc y that cotton can never arrive at. flax, hemp, or The silk trade, we regret to state, keeps retrograding. Fancy hosiery, except a few mitts, seems upon the point of extinction in this district, contrasting highly with the state of Leicester, which has an extensive run of worsted warp Jacquard shawls. The drawer, pantaloon, and shirt branch is not much amended. We must again repeat that we are perfectly astonished that the India-rubber web is not applied to the waistband, the knees, and ankles of these articles, though they have been applied by the French with great advantage for more than five years. The manufacture of this web is very extensive, employing more than three hundred braid machines, the greater part of which are in Lambeth. It has been carried on princi pally by four firms—namely, Messrs. Nickels, Lambeth; the Caoutchouc Company, London ; Messrs. Bedells, Leicester ; and Messrs. Ross and Bell, late of London, but now of Mount East-street, Nottingham. After a sort of war between the London hosiers and the Caout chouc Company, in which Sir P. Laurie acted as the bottle-holder, the Caoutchoue Company fell under the IMPERIAL P A RI,/ AMEN T. sole control, or very nearly s ,-, , of Mr. Leaf, of the Old TIOUS2 OF LORDS,Jun e Iq. slight e l c ? l w i c e s n k e i r e ms to o s h a i n n f , p e u r n s i o t n e. d s The Loan CHANCELLOR. took his se a t on t h e W oo l sac k at Five o'clock. w C i h t a h n N g i e e , s s m r , I i s . o N , after c f k t e e r l s s , o ‘ m v h o o but Messrs. Bedells, of Leicester, who, it is asserted, have MESSAGE FROM THE COMMONS. male terms with them. The fourth party have continu- Messengers from the Commons brought up certain Bills. ally hoisted the standard of defiance, and having obtAined Lord LYTTELTON laid upon the table of the House cer a patent in October, 1843, seemed determined to carry on lain papers co n taining information respecting the colonies of the manufacture. An injunction was served unon them ; New Zealand, Australia, and Ne A foundiand. but on the Bth ult. this was removed by the Vice-Chan- EDUCATION. cellor. The conjoined patentees are now proceeding at The Bishop of BANGOR presented several petitions from different places in Wales in favour of a b etter and more ex common law ; a writ and declarati on h as b een i ssue d f rom the Common Pleas, to which the Nottingham factory- tended system of education in W a l es . owners mean to plead, and a jury must now decide the The Mara o NORM ANBY presented a numerou,ly- PUNISHMENT OF DEATH. question. It appears th a t t h e met h o d was a communi- signed petitco ni n s fro f tn the county of Down (I re l an d) against the cation from Prussia. punishment of death. The manufacture of ribbed gloves is succeeding to the CRIMINAL REFORMATION. utmost wishes of the ingenious workman who has intro- Th e Bi s h op o f OXFORD presented several petitions from the duced them. This promises to be an extensive and city of Oxford, praying their Lordships would take some mea valuable trade ; as the article is sound, elegant, and sures for instituting a place of refuge for criminals who had good, and, we understand, is extremely difficult to make. been liberated, and enable them to obtain an honest living. The fancy bobbin-net trade has not improved ; and FORGERIES BY A CLERK IN IRELAND. The Marquis of CLANRICARDE rose to draw the atten is, however, so brisk in France, that we have bad several tion of . their Lord.htps to the conduct of a clerk to a certain of the machine-owners in Nottingham for the purpose of m in Ireland, who had committed some very extensive for. extending their arrangements. Prices have not lowered genies, yet who had been liberated without being brought since our last. to trial for such a proceeding. The warp lace trade is still worse, and the journey- I PROTECTION TO AGRICULTURE. men have been reduced with some houses another 2d. A NOBLE LORD presented several petitions from Salop and per rack yard, or frm Is. in March last to Bd, in June. other places praying that their Lordships would give protec- A good hand, working a 96 inch frame, making 24 tion to British agriculture.—( Hear, hear. ) yards, is said to receive 16s. ; but after paying a!1 TENANT RIGHT. charges for frame-rent, &c.. he has ss. 30. to take home The Duke of RICHMOND gave notice that he would, in to his family, and that for eighty hours hard labour.— the Committee on th e C orn Bill, move for the insertion of a clause f u r th e p ur p ose of allowing all tenants to vacate /Vet tingha nt%lournal. their leases and to receive compensation for their exhausted crops. A Noble Lord said that he never had subscribed to the Cheshire Agricultural Protection Society, but he had the roinutls of the Cheshire Protection Society before him, in which he found Lord Delamere's name down as having sub scribed 251., and as being an annual subscriber of two guineas. CORN IMPORTATION BILL—ADJOURNED DEhATE. The Marquis of EXETER then opened the adjourned debate on the Corn Imrortation Bill, but in so low a tone as to be almost wholly inaudible in the reporters' gallery. He was understood to implore their Lordships not lightly to abandon the present protection to agriculture, and asked what sort of arguments had been adduced in support of the second reading of this Bill.—(" Hear," from the Duke of Richmond.) The Noble Lord then referred to the years 1792, 1793, and 1794, when, he stated, the price of wheat was 50s. with a protective duty of 245., but owing to the extremely low tone in which he spoke, the tendency of his remarks were, as we have said, inaudible in the gallery. The Noble Lord then went into a statistical statement, for the purpose of showing that the free-trade principle, as developed in the tate tariff, had not worked so favourably as to justify the deductions which had been made by the Minister— that an entire free trade in corn would be beneficial to the country ; on the contrary, he could show that it would have a most disastrous effect, by throwing land out of cultivation, it would not remunerate the farmer for his labour, in consequence of the low rate at which corn would be sold. When the price of corn fell, rents were always found to decline in proportion ; and thus the landowner and the tenant would be mutually injured, while the country would lose the benefit of having a revenue which should be maintained in some sort, and the only way it could be maintained would be by laying some heave tax upon property, which it would not ba able to pay. Under the old system agriculture had flourished and the country prospered, and he did not see with what rests in they sought to change it ; and, believing that the measure would be hurtful to that country and injurious to her interests, he would give it his most decided opposition. Several Noble Lords rose at the conclusion of the Noble Marquis's speech to address their Lordships, but there loing loud cries for Earl Delawarr, Earl DELAWARR aecordirgly proceeded to address their Lordships, and said that he rose to perform a painful ditty in reference to this question. From the first moment that these measures were announced to the public, and at the commencement of the present year, he felt that he should be called upon, as an humble individual, to say aye or no to these measures in his place in Parliament. and he foresaW that he should be placed in painful and difficult circumstances. On the one hard, the question of severing himself from strong political attachments presented itself ; and on the other hand, stern requirements of duty and conscience. He felt that a ques tion of this magnitude and importance, involving fearful changes according to his opinion, required that he should give, when called upon to express his opinion on the subject, a solemn and serious consideration. He had laboured hard and long with those ego ha.l brought forward this measure, and he felt that it was an honour to be associated with .such a name; but he &so felt that great as that honour might be considered, it was of far inferior importance with the duty of acting according to his conscience in reference to this Bill. -( Hear, hear. ) The Noble Lord, who seemed much affected, proceeded to say that at that protracted period of the debate he would not enter into the details of the process which brought him to the con clusion to which he had ultimately arrived; suffice it to say, that all the attention he could command he devoted to the consideration of the subject, but all the arguments advanced failed to convince him that there was anything in the exigencies of the present time to cell for the adoption of such a measure, or that any irresistible circumstances had suddenly come upon us—he would not say to change the cur rent of their legislation, for they were told that it was but fol lowing in the course of their past legislation—b u t h e h e ld that nothing had occurred to induce them to draw up the flood-gates which stemmed its too sudden impetuosity. He would not impute any improper motives to the Right Hon. Baronet ( Sir R. Peel), and the Noble Duke (the Duke of Wellington), or to the other Members of the Government, for the course they had adopted had been taken, as on former oc casions, because they considered it s would benefit the country. He thought they were mistaken, but that never theless they had carried it out with a single ness and sincerity of purpose.—(Hear, hear.) It had been said " what was the use of resisting the measure—what would they obtain by their opposition—public opinion was in its favour, and if it was not carried this session it would be carried the next ?" He begged to deny that the public were in favour of it—( Hear, hear)—for it was well known that a great number of Noble Lords in that House, and Members of the other House of Parliament, who had supported it, stated that they very much disliked the Bill in its present shape, and that a very large number in both Houses disliked the principle of the Bill altogether; and there fore it was not fair to suppose that the public were in favour of it, and he believed if their opinion were asked it would be found not to be in favour of it.—(Hear, hear.) He doubted much whether it would be found that the well disposed portion of the community were in favour of any change in the present state of things.--( Hear, hear.) There was one important fact in connexion with this measure, that they were not allowed fair play in the expression of their feelings. It was pushed forward as a party measure. If Noble Lords did their duty and fearlessly, honestly and manfully looked at the measure as it was proposed to them, they might yet escape from the difficulties by which they were surrounded. He had endeavoured thus to discharge a painful duty, and to declare that he could not assist in passing a Bill that would be so detrimental to the landed interest. The Bishop of ST. DAVID'S wished to be allowed to say a few words on the measure before their Lordships, and he could assure them it was not because he intended to enter into a discussion of the general merits of this great question, which had been already so well done by ether Noble Lords, but to state the grounds why he thought it necessary to address the House. He must say that the subject was so alien to his usual pursuits, that he did not put himself up as an authority of the slightest weight, and could envence no new facts and arguments to those which had been already stated. It was from a different motive that he broke silence and claimed their attention. He spoke in his own defence. It could not be forgotten that during the ree- nt discussion repeated refer. ence was made to that portion of the House where he sat, and those references were of such a nature, and contained charges as to their motives and opinions on that bench which required that he should claim, in explanation of the vote he had given, their attention for a short time. He wished it to be under stood that he was speaking simply on his own part, and he was not presumptuous enough to stand forth as their advocate, but in the statements which he would make he would have their concurrence. Those charges, he was agreeably surprsed, only came from one party in them Lordships' House, and that was the party who opposed the measure. He would not have been surprised had those charges come from another quarter, and that it had been said that they wished to prevent the blessing,' of Providence from being spread over the land. There might have been texts of Scripture quoted against them in order to raise the popular prejudice , but he admired the wisdom m ma e n a d . ur s the ein notforbeara nce alluding to any arguments of the patlieaswuhmoepnrtos like sedthe presentthose.They were fallacies; not the less so because they were brilliant and pointed, but because they took for granted the question in dispute. They took for granted that these blessings would accrue from this meusure—a question which was a matter of the most se rious dispute; but he was surprised that such arguments suould have been resorted to, as their Lordships must see that such arguments might have been used against themselves. In making these appeals those Noble Lords should recollect what were the consequences likely to result from the policy which they assumed to be the right one. They should recollect that the question submitted to that Committee was submitted under the supposition that the clergy were the representatives and guardians of the interests of the labouring population. They should recollect that other Noble Lords, in the course of their several speeches, had emphatically thrown overboard every consideration of this matter as a landlords' question ; that they had given to the labouring population all the interests which they themselves professed to hold, and that they bad simply considered how far the result might conduce to the general benefit. They had allowed that the interests of the community at large were paramount. Why, then, should they in taking the clergy as the representatives of the interests of the labour ing classes—and he believed that they were right in so consi dering them—why, then, did they take up such a diminutive and insignificant point as that of the interference with the incomes of the clergy? This, at least, appeared to be unjust in itself, and injurious to the parties of whom they spoke. He believed the clergy themselves, in the consideration of this question, would never condescend to consider so unimportant a mattter as the reduction of their own incomes. It appeared to him that they were indications (and they were the more valuable indications because perfectly involuntary) of some thing which those Noble Lords were willing to conceal, not only from their Lordships, but from themseves.—( Cheers. ) And he wished their Lordships to recollect the vehement language in which they were addressed by one of those Noble Lords, who held out some vain and indefinite threat of the con sequences that were to follow upon the Members of that (the episcopal) bench ; if, as he said, their Lordships deserted a law —not the interests of their country—not the interests of the labouring population—not any one of those which might be ex pected to be dear and sacred to them (the Bishops) in the character which they had to sustain—but the Noble Lord said, if they deserted them, he (the Bishop of St. David's) did not know what retribution was to follow, nor did he care, but he wished to draw their Lordships' attention to the point of what was uppermost in the mind of his Lordship at the time that he spoke. Why, it was clear from what the Noble Lord said, i t was not a quest i on o f t h e l a b our i ng classes —not a question even o f th e t enan t-f armers , b ut a other wise he sure as an t: tait.trh circumstance Noble rm st a L n o c r e d t w h a o t ul w d s n e s t v i e l lr moreerect: question c f t h e l an dl ords.—( Cheers.) If it had been ave dressed s uc h an appeal to their Lo r d s hi ps .—( H ear, hear.) Now, the w re as w mat kable, and that was, that those Noble Lords should ex press so much sympathy for the interests of the clergy as to appear to understand their wishes and feelings better than the clergy themselves.—(Hear, hear.) Why, not only have the clergy, as a body, publicly expressed no feelings on this sub ject.—( Hear, hear )—not only had they abstainedfrom ap proaching their Lordships' House with petitions—(Hear, hear)—but they had never, to thebest his (the Bishop of St. David's) knowledge, in private signified to them, the members of that (the episcopal) bench, any wish as to the course of conduct which th • ey would desire them to pursue on that occasion .—( in Hea r , b ear .) He considered that the clergy so doing-4 Cheers)-- hadapprobation and earned the the respect of all who knew them. But what was the ten dency of the appeals which them by those Noble L or d s had been made t o • . except that they (the Bishops) should volun tarily and officiously in this question, interfere • n, and so place the clergy exactly ip that very invidious and dange r ous posi tion which th ey t h emselves had declined to stand in ?—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) He should like to know, would any of their Lordships say what would be the effect upon the public duty, but on the lesser one r f expedieucv—and the reply was, that he had not got the money. These duties were the great responsibilities attendant upon the possession of land. The peasantry of the country saw their own state and the state of their children before them day after day, and they naturally looked round them for a remedy, and the only remedy that presented itself was an improved condition of the country. Rut Noble Lords said that the measure was not calculated to im prove the condition of the country ; that the home market was the best field of oeeration, and that. would be totally destroyed by this measure. If the agricultural and manufacturing interest way redly on the veree rf destruction, are! the effect of the measure would be such as was stated, what would he the consequence? Why, their Lordships would have to re trace their steps, and that would be the worst evil it would draw upon them. I here was one tear, and the only one of which he thought their Lordships capable, and that was the fear of being thought afraid. They were afraid that they should be thought to have changed their minds with regard to this measure through a fear which they did not wish even to set mto feel. When Mr. Burke said at Bristol that he would raise the woollen manufacture to steeply the world by admit ting foreign competition, he was almost hooted off the stage with that sort of marked dissent to which many in that House were not strangers.—(Laughter.) He hoped that they would not he misled by that eloquence which of late had tickled their ears, and by arguments which painted over facts, which had been proved to be nothing but rottenness and delusion. He did believe that there was in the minds of the English people a deep•seated conviction that their Lordships would act in the question for the good of the majority, and he en treated their Lordships not to disappoint that feeling. It was said, it would have been better had this question been first submitted to 'the electoral body of the country; but, in his opinion, such a course would have been fatal, if not disgrace ful, to the character of a great statesman. Besides, it would have been unfair, because the masses would have been led away by appeals to feelings rather than to sense. Class would have been pitted against class, and the whole country would have been thrown into a state of wild excitement and commotion, without removing the difficulties or evils this mea sure was proposed to meet. Let their Lordships remember, that the labouring classes of this country who had long borne continued suffering with a petient endurance of which no other nation in the world efferded an example—looked to them to do something to remove the evils under which they were suffering. He besought their Lordships not to disappoint these expectations—expectations roused by the vast wisdom, ability, and known justice of their Lordships. He entreated them not to mistake the quietness of the endurance of the people for anything like apathy or unconcern. Such quietness was a sign of the times in which they lived. The people had never evinced so little of anything like a turbulent spirit of dissatis faction as they did at the present moment ; but it was not because there was no suffering—it was not because the pre valent misery was confined to a few classes only, but because the people felt] that those who were in power had mani fested a disposition to do all they could to relieve their sufferings,--(Hear, hear.) He besought their Lord ships, then, not to attempt to stem the torrent of universal conviction, but, to be guided by wise and equitable principles. Do not, he implored them, let the people think that they had the power and the wealth of an ancient aristocracy without its virtues. but. by the division, of that night, show the country that the wisdom, justice, and impar tiality of their Lordships' mighty House still remained as great as ever.—( Cheers ) Lord ASHBURTON said in the course of the whole of this discussion he had heard nothing so personal, nothing so eloquently admonitory, as the speech of the Right Rev. Prelate; but he must confess, eloquent though the speech was, it ap peared to him to be totally devoid of all argument. It was something like a speech made during the French revolution, in which the speaker recommended his auditors to "respect property, but change its proprietors "—( Hear, hear, and laughter.) The Right Rev. Prelate told them, in the same breath, that their labourers and tenantry were in great distress, and the only means of removing it was for them to saerifiee half their property.—( H ar, hear,) He confessed he could not see wisdom in the force or applica bility of such a recommendation ; and he, for one, trusted their Loniships would not be influenced by the eloquence of the language, or the rhetorical fieures in which the advice wes conveyed.— , Hear, here.) The Right Reverend Prelate bad told them that the corn-laws were unnatural, and had ven tured to propound the prineiple, that the less they lute fered with the laws of neture the mere wise and efficacious their legislation would be. Why he had always heard it said that self-preservation was one of the first laws of nature; and nothing, he thought, could be more in favour of protection than this branch of the Right Reverend Prelate's argument. He then went or, to say how much thelaed might he improved. Bat at the same time it was an unfair reproach to say that the English farmer was behind-hand in the science of agriculture. Far otherwise—for the fact was that he produced fully double the quantity from the same portion of land than the farmer of any other coentry in the world. It was true that the British agriculturist went to the end of the world in search of artificial manures. But even if they passed this measure, they would ruin and take away his capital, and then could they call en him to improve his land ? What, might be the fate of the British farmer he could not say, but it was quite clear that the great mass of them must be ruined. Not only under the present system is the land made to produce more, but we have it on the best authority, that of the Leaguers themselves, that one English labourer was worth two of any other country. But they did riot want those incitements to promote native industry when her own people were so much beyond any other country. And then his Right Reverend Friend had observrd that it was wite in the Minister to make a serf's of exoeriments. He could not agree in such a doctrine. Much as he admired his talents and his eloquence, he considered it much better for churchmen to keep to their church; for if they advocated such doctrines,: and if they read such lectures on political eco nomy, they should not advance much in the science of legisla tion. The Learned Prelate had said that he considered this measure worthy of support, as it would tend to produce a steadiness of price in the markets. But he contended that, under the present system, as great a steadiness was obtained as possible, even if they legislated on the subject, and fixed a stated price. For even when the markets of other countries were disturbed—when the markets of France, of Spain, and of Holland rose, no fluctuation occurred, though it might be ex pected in this country. But if he considered this measure of the greatest possible advantage—if he were favourable to the principle, and if he thought it desirable to remove protection, he could not support the measure, as he believed it calculated to defeat its own object, and fatal to the end it proposed to ac complish. And as the Noble Lord opposite (Lord Monteagle) was fond of authorities, he would quote some. Mr. Huskissen, in the year 1825, in the month of May, foresaw an approach ing bad harvest. There were then 400,000 quarters of wheat in bond, and he proposed to let them out at a 10s. duty, the price being then 755. per quarter, but so cautious was he in not letting it out hastily upon the market that he let it out in the proportion of thirds every month. He adverted to this to show the caution which was requisite upon matters of such a nature, and he wished to contrast it with what they were about to do. They were going to let out two millions of quarters, and that not in the proportion of thirds, but at once— not at a lOs. duty, but a 4s. duty per quarter—at a season too when there was the prospect of a good and an early harvest. The market would necessarily be swamped. He, therefore, believed that this measure was not suited in any degree what ever to accomplish its own object ; and neither did he believe that its principle was good, he would, therefore, oppose it. They talked of free trade—it was a very fine expresrion, but was that free trade in which they opened their ports to every one, and no one opened to them ? Was that the principle of mutuality ? Was that the principle of reciprocity? Or did it prove that the principles of Creetrade were the just ones? He would rather say that they were the principles of uncommon nonsense. They were about to open their ports to the rest of the world. The e:mcequertee would be that when there was a scarcity they would not receive any advantage from so doing —they would receive no favour. Other countries would be equ , lly benefited, and the only advantage which would remain to England would be that when shut haul a plentiful harvest, France, and Spain, and Mintz c would help to drug her markets, and send their wheat when it was tiot wanted. And now he wished to offer one or two observations on a very important question. He meant the colonies. And he begged to recall to their Lord ship,' recollection what had been stated with respect to the feelings with which the Canadians would receive the inti ma inn of this legislative measure. They were all aware that Lord Cathcart wrote a very urgent letter to the Government, stating that it would create feel ines of distrust and disaffection amongst the Canadians; and what must have been his conviction upon this subject when he was so urgent in his remonstrances? It was seldom that Governors-General had the hardihood to tell the whole truth to their masters ; and the Noble Lord who last night addressed them did not make any explanation but his speech ; showed them how little explanation be had to offer on the sub js.( t, and that the feelings of the Canadians were in opposition to the measure. They could not, he was sure, think of these alternatives w thout being sensible of the care with which it was their duty to examine the question, and of the firmness with which they should act upon the determination to which they should come. Lord MONTEAGLE said, in matters of trade, as well as of liberty, the great p o i n t reste d upon individual' action. He would not follow the Nobte Lord who had just spoken on the burdens of land. The Noble Lord had again referred to the tithe being a binder on the land. He (Lord Monteagle) thought that this was a question so completely settled that no rational man would have attempted for one moment to re-pro duce that statement. The late Mr. Sidney Smith, who was more distinguished for his strong practical good sense than his wit, put this question in a clear light.—( Tne Noble Lord here quoted an extract from a pamphlet written by the Reverend Gentleman about the time the great excitement existed about tithes some years ago. The Noble Lord then proceeded to read extraets from docu ments he held in his band, to show the difference between the agricultural and the manufacturing population, which he con. tended exhibited a decreasing per centage of the agricultural population, and an increasing per centage of the manufacturing population. He next, quoted from the work of a Mr. Jones, to the same effect. He then went, on to say that be would prove to his Noble Friend (the Duke of Richmond) that protection to all--not protection to agriculture merely, but to all articles, was the greatest fallacy that he had ever heard of.—( Hear.) He had heard it said that general protection was general robbery. Now he did not wish to use bad language, and therefore he would call it general nonsense. The Noble Lord then quoted the opi nions of several persons who had written against the corn laws, in order to illustrate his argument. He said he had heard much said about the changes which had taken place in the opinions of the Government; but he would ask how many Noble Lords in that House were there whose opinions had not also undergone a change upon the same subject? His Noble Friend had objected to this new corn-law as an experiment ; but he ( Lord Monteagle) would ask what were the original corn-laws but a series of ex p er i men t s ?—(Hear,. ha The last Bill on this s ubj ec t t o w hi c h th e y were called to ad here was, by his N o bl e F r i en d in 1845, stated to be calculated to lead to the result th a t th e te n antry of England would be in future in a more prosperous' condition ; b were in distress, and had expended theireas l another subject to which he would refer, as it had often f t t a a f t , that and t would e re quire they some time to realise it. There wa b een referred to before— Tha t d e pendency existed now, anfr he alluded to our dependendcyby ontboiselaivictouwnoturidesb. e removed. In the present state of the law that dependency existed, and it was for them to alter it by rendering the law more certain, and less a vehicle of fraud and specula ion. His N o bl e had said, that for the 19.4 two or three years there had been scarcely so y imputation that was an assertion again s t t h e main argument which had been used, for if they required the fo reigner to produce corn for this country, it was necessary to encourage him, and the people of thi s country would then b e Y t looked upon as customers; b u t if corn was only taken en now and then, when immediate ex i gencies required it, our corn trad e would be looked up on w i t h suspicion, andy. we might b- at fault when we most requ i red a sup el lie having tresipassed would a p o l og i se to their Lord s hip s f or so long, b ut h e un d er .. stood that h e i nter f ered with .one, as it h a d b een arrange d that there should be n o di v i sion that the atte n ti on o f the House to the effectes voefnitnhge. lielsieentwould proposed Bill upon I re l an d . H e did not think that perfectfrreedomPoftrade woald be prejudicial to Ireland. He would not tread upon the unstable ground of fixing prices, for that would not be warranted by the results of former predictions on the subject. He believed that the effect of the measure would not be so much to diminish the general average of prices as to diminish the fluctuation in Ireland within a year, or from year to ye ar . That fluct ua ti on was most prejudicial to Ireland, fur the greater the amount of fluctuation the more it caused a greater e mount of tendered rents. He was sorry to hear it stated that the dis. tresses of Ireland had been spoken of with some degree of ridi cule ; but he wished to say, that, in his opinion, there had not been one Peer who had spoken without the deepest feelings on mind if there had been a perfect unanimity in every sense amongst the clergy concerning this Bill ? Would there have been two opir.ion3 in the mind of any man in the country that the episcopal part of their Lordships' House at least had been swayed, not by their own dispassionate and deliberate convic tion, but by a sense of the interests of a particular class ? ( Hear, hear.) He must say that he rejoiced that there was not that unanimity, but he rejoiced that there was no unani mity at all upon this sutseef in that part of their Lordships' House, because every impartial person must tee that they as a body fodowed their ewe co viol ions, aid he might hs permitted to allude to a very sintsu'ar fact in reseect to the division, that two of their own body, who were united not only by their office, but by their ties of love, went on opensite sides on the division on this Bill.- -( Hear, hear.) The Noble Duke who spoke last night stated to the House the result of his celcuia tions as to the effect which the measure would have upon the interests of the clergy when it had been passed into a law, and lie had calculated the matter so exactly that he discovered it would produce precisely a diminution amounting to one-fourth. Now, he did not pretend to be able to follow the Noble Duke in these calculations, or to ascertain whether they were without foundation or not, but he did conceive that the Noble Duke must have clearly overlooked and put out of account anything in the shape of a compensation which the clergy might receive in order to make up this deficiency, in consequence of the effects anticipated by the opponents of the measure. And, moreover, he must be permitted to say, in reference to this, that whatever might be the consequences arising to the interests of the clergy, and to whatever degree those anticipations of Noble Lords on the cross benches might he realised, still he thought the bad effect which had resulted and must result to the interests of the clergy would not principally be laid on this measure, but resulted from one which was passed long before. It was taking this measure in connexion with that for the commutation of tithes that the interests of the clergy were placed on a different footing from other classes interested in land. But he said, although it was psssible that the clergy might receive some loss, they certainly could not say that they had sustained any injury from that measure, because it was undoubtedly passed with the consent of those who represented them in that place—and not only that, but it was ;sassed with the full understanding that there was a possibility it would be followed by the measure now under their Lordship? considera tion. He said that some of those that took part in the die cession on that measure distinctly and expressly adverted to the possibility that at no distant period a repeal of the corn-laws might take place. Now he only alluded to this circumstance for one purpose, which was to show the uncertainty of calcula tions of this nature, for those who adverted to this possibility in connexion with this subject did so, not because they con ceived that in the event of a repeal of the corn-laws the interests of the clergy would be affected, but that that repeal would operate as a grievance upon the owners of land. The Duke of RICHMOND—Oh, oh. The Bishop of St. DAVID'S—I do not know, proceeded the Right Rev. Prelate, what the Noble Duke means by that expression of dissent, but I venture to refer him to the best accounts that can be had of the discussion which took place on that occasion, and I beg to assure him that that circumstance was adverted to for that purpose. However, he said, he would not deal long with this part of the subject and if he had referred to it, it was for the object he had already stated. He was quite sure, however, that the clergy at all events did not wish that this measure should be judged by any operation which might happen, and if he were to meet with any of the clergy after this discussion, and to say them " I think I have deserved your approbation, because the measure was one likely to promote the general interests of the country ; still because I understood it was likely to operate injuriously to your in terests, i complied with the earnest exhortations which I re ceived from many of your best friends in the House of Lords to vote against it." He was sure if he were guilty of such a feeling of dishonesty, he should be far from earning the good will or the thanks of any of the clergy, neither should he de serve the good opinion of any man in the country. But he had done with that part of the subject, and he could not say he should not consent to pass this measure on any such paltry and miserable grounds as on account of its effects on the parti cular interests of such a limited class as those with whom he was connected. He was sure in supporting this measure he was performing a public duty. He looked not to is effect on any particular interest, but to its ir thence on the comforts and condition of the great body of the people —( Hear, hear.) The measure might be a great and fearful experiment, but it was not a gratuitous and wanton one. With reg rd to the interests of a few the measure might he a perilous 4 xperiment, but with regard to the interest for which Noble Lords professed each great sympathy, he must ssy it was a question of life and death to the people of the country. Moreover the measure had one advantage ; it held nut hope, which was the great sweetener of adversity. But should they resist the measure, and abide by the old system in operation. he should like to know what prospect Noble Lords would hold out of improving the condition of the people.—( Hear, hear. ) One thing which ought to claim their Lordships' attention was, the reason why, if they rejected the measure, they would create mistrust and discontent in the public mini? That was a subject which ought to gain their consideration, and it was perfectly worthy of their dignity. He did not look upon the measure as replete with a great deal of advantage. Had it been trumpeted forth by the Government, as it had been by the Anti •Corn-law League, he would have looked upon it with great mistrust, but his confidence in it was greatly increased by the sobriety with which it was introduced to the House by the Mi nistry. It was stated by the Minister that one of the beneficial effects of the measure would be to create a steadiness in the markets. He could state to their Lordships that the poor people were unable to take advantage of a moral or religioits education from the low state of their physical condition. The reason they often gave for not attending their church, er their school, was, that they had not clethes to attend. And if this measure gave them any facilities, if it bettered their condition, it would be no conteniptiale boon ; and even if it could be proved to him that the measure would not be fraught with the benefits to which he alluded, still he would support it, as he did not consider that they should lay themselves open to suspicion, which would infallibly attach itself to their Lordships if they rejected the measure. He did trust that if there was an in jury inflicted on any class by the measure, that it was not out of the reach of the legislative wisdom of Parliament to deal with that evil and remedy it; and in this belief he comforted him self that in giving his vote for the measure he was coin ciding with the opinions of those eminent men who had given their attention to the subject. The Bishop of EXETER said he did not agree with many statements of the Right Rev. Prelate who had last addressed the House, and he considered that the clergy were bound not to look on in silence when the interests of the clergy were at stake—interests which it was their especial and bounden duty to protect. It was the custom of their Lordships, whenever their interests were invaded, to call upon them to support them. That had been the invariable practics of their Lordships, and he thanked them for appealing to them upon the present ques tion. He considered that the measure would depreciate the moral and physical condition of the people, and that it would also lessen the property of the church. Was cheapness of pro vision the great point sought by the ministerial measure? He considered that cheapness was not of such moment to labourers as high wages.—( Hear hear.) To raise the wages of the aericulturist or mechanist, the more you would better his con dition morally and physically ; and he considered that it was an unanswerable proposition that the more they introduced foreign manufactures the more they would interf re with and depreciate the labour of the home manufacturer. His experience taught him so, and he believed that the measure would not be attended with any of the benefits which it was alleged would accompany it; and, impressed with that opinion, he gave the measure his opposition. And he would conjure their Lordships to give their vote upon this subject as they would do ueon a judicial case—that they would lay their hands upon their hearts, and say, "Not content, upon ms' honour."—( Hear, hear. ) The Bishop of 'IT. DAVID'S explained. The Earl of WARWICK and the Bishop of OXFORD rose together, And after a few observations from Lard Baeuotraec, Earl STANHOPE, and the Duke of RICHMOND, as to who should be heard firet, The Earl of WARWICK was allowed to address the House. butfohre t c h o e u b i d e best o i t n h t e p n i t H i o e n g s a i n v e b t r i ierr, gins Majesty's forward entertaening the opinion that n o necess ity whatever existed for Government this such a change as it contemplated. He would ground his ob jections to at in the words of Lord Bacon, who said, " It is not good to try exeeriments in states unless good grounds exist for tee change." He denied there was any necessity whatever for the present Bill. A great deal was said about the agitation for it, but the agitation was greatly over-rated, and was confined to one class , . It was the most blasphemous and disgusting agitation that ever disgraced the land. The Noble Earl then quoted the circulars of the Anti-Corn-law League, and an address to the electors of the country, which contained the most inflammatory and exciting remarks. For his part, he would say " Not content" to the Bill in all its future stag es. The Bi shop of OXFORD said he would wish to explain the reasons which influenced him to vote as he intended upon this question. A Noble Lord had said that the House looked to the Right Reverend Prelate on the bench he occupied for les sons in morality and religion ; but he did rot think that the appeal of the Noble Mat quis who commenced this debrte was at all calculated to promote the cause of eithor religion or mo rality. He did not think that he and other Rev. Prelates sa in that House merely for the purpose of benefiting the clergy, but for the purpose .of the general benefit of the country.-- ( Hear, bear.) It was not without the deepest conviction, and the most painful redaction, that he voted as he had done upon this qteltion, and should vote in the same way upon ail future stage- of the Bill. He was aware that this Bill was a great exiieriment ; and he would ask, what were all great legislative measures but experiments ? And they had the authority of Lord Bacon for saying that all such experiments were only to be justified by the exigeeey of the occasion that called for them. He would contend for it that all legislation was only an interference with the operations of nature ; and where it was so, or where it acted so inju riously it : should not be permitted to exist. He had heard a cheer from a Noble Lord ; but be would ask him did not this fact suggest itself to his mind, that in proportion as the labourer he employed gave him value for the wages he paid him, so did the labourer compete with the foreign labourer, and keep him out of the market. The Noble Lord might laugh ; but he (the Bishop of Oxford) would still con tinue to maintain this argument, even though the Noble Lord should laugh to the highest pitch of coneatination.— (Laughter. ) He had now heard the Noble Duke on the cross benches speak upon the subject of the protection of agriculture, and he argued that protection to agriculture would not be the result of this measure. The Duke of RICHMOND said that all his life he had been devoted to the,protection of agriculture. The Bishop of OXFORD said he might have misunderstood the Noble Duke's principles ; but he regretted that the Noble Duke bad not been so clear in his arguments as to have pre vented 'him from being misunderstood. But it had been said that all those who supported this measure were giving way to agitation and clamour, and to the claims of the League; bu• he would ask, was the House of Lords to be deterred by such a body as the League ? He haal a different opinion of the august assembly he was now addressing.—(Hear, hear.) He was aware that a great agitation had been got up in favour of this Bill, but he would ask was that a reason why the clergy should be deprived, not of any of their luxuries of life, but of many of its necessaries ?—Hear, hear.) Had the clergy been silent on a measure when they knew that the Bill for the union of the sees of St. Asaph and Bangor was an especial favourite with many leading Members of the Government? Had the knowledge of that fact hindered the expression of their opinions? And, in this cane, why had they been silent? It was because they could have no just ground for opposition to this measure. They had refused to joined in clamour which they might most ingeniously have swelled. They had set tth all classes of th e commun i t y an e xample that theremoney, f was something still more valuable than _ or it and they w o u ld receive a greater reward than the reward of their annual income.tffeTritore by thiscould be no doubt that the clergy .would o measure, and no doubt they included I insthatt had been which would be extended to et been said that one of the effectso of this proportion ue of w would be on his farm in order to improve to induce the farmer to outlay a larger it, and enable them to compet e with The Noble Earl who had sp o k en (the Earl of Stanhope) had anticipated h im thein re other evn questioneio g the foreign grower. - which he was about to ask. The N o bl e E arl had, t with a simplicity of language which he would not attempt to imitate, put the case of a man whose property was mort gaged to the deepest extent, and had asked, in a tone of sepul chral demand, " Where is the money to come from ?" (Laughter.) It happened to him the other day to be inquirin g into the moral condition of a cert a i n par i sh, and the answer given by the clergy was, that it was in a state of the lowest moral degradation. He asked the reason why the principal landowner did not interfere --not Only on the higher ground of KILMARNOCK AND TROON. 2“4 5% ST. ANDREW'S BRANCH). EDINBURGH AND NORTHERN (STItATHERN DEVIATION, EDINBURGH AND NORTHERN (DUNFERMLINE BRANCH EDINBURGH AND NORTHERN (PETTYCUR BRANCH). 91% FERRY, the standing orders were declared complied with. The same decision was made with respect to the Bristol Water• works, and some other Bills of a local character. EAST OF FIFE. This Bill waa passed, and ordered to be specially reported. CALEDONIAN AND DUMBARTONSHIRE JUNCTION. Standing orders complied with. WILSONTOWN, MORNINGSIDE, AND COLTNESS (BATH GATE BRANCH). WILSONTOWN, AtORNINGSIDE, A D COLTNESS (IMPROVE MENT AND BRANCHES). In both these cases the decision of the Committee was that the standing orders were complied with. SLAMANNAN (BATIIGATE AND JAWCRAIG BRANCHES). Standing ciders complied with. EAST AND WEST YORKSHIRE JUNCTION. Standing orders complied with. LONDON AND .BRIGHTON (WANDSWORTH BRANCH) 164 226 34 24% STAFFORDSHIRE AN LL SHROP SHIRE JUNCTION RAILWAY. An adjourned meeting of the shareholders of this Com pany took place yesterday, at the Offices of the Company, Abingdon-street, to consider the best means of winding up the affairs of the Company. At one o'clock the chair was taken by Mr. Brainton. It appeared from the statements made at the meeting, that a great deal of disreputable conduct had taken place in the ma nagement of the affairs of the company. A number of parties had been elected on the committee of management to vote sums of money for the purposes of the Company, who never held a single share; and it also appeared that cheques had been issued to the officers of the Company to the amount of 2,500/. for the purchase of shares, or, as it is termed, "rig ging the market." It was alleged that a sum (,f 300/. had been received by Mr. Kemp, the former chairman of the Com pany, for which he had never accounted, and when asked for an explanation, lie only wrote a letter to Mr. Brainton, saying he was guiag to Paris. It also appeared that the sum of noney paid up in the way of deposit was 17,000/., of which )nly 8 000/. remained, while that sum was liable to some erious claims. 2 04 ' 11% 30 1 4 6 4p 3 1 ,6 30 Mr. TEMPLE, Q.C., explained that he was not aware when he was on the committee of management that the cheques were for the purpose of purchasing shares. Much disapprobation having been expressed by the share holders, a resolution appointing a committee of investigation into the accounts, and ascertaining the liabilities of the Company, was appointed, and the meeting dissolved. BANK OF ENGLAND. (From last Night's Gazette.) An Account, pursuant to the Act 7th and Bth of Victoria, cap. 32, fol. the Week ending on Saturday, the 6th day of June, 1846. ISSUE DRPARTMENT. Notes issued •• • • .... 28,325,000 Government debt • • 11,615,103 Other securities .• • • 2,981,900 Gold coin and bullion 12,192,710 Silver bullion .. .. .. 2,132,290 X 28,325,000 Dated the 11th day of June. 18 1 X 28,325,000 M. . MARSHALL, Chief Cashier. BANKING D: /EPARTMENT. Proprietors' capital.. 14,553,000 Rest .. .. •. .. 3,379,044 Public deposits (in cluding Exchequer, Commissioners of National Debt, Sav ings -banks, and Di . vidend accounts) 5,753,512 Other deposits Seven day and other bi 115......... 852,008 4 40,464,577 Government securi- Dated the 11th day of June, 1841 ties (including Dead Weight Annuity) 12,988,065 Other securities •• • • 18,321,641 Notes •..• Gold and silver coin • . 686,691 440,464,577 DiAlifillA.LL, Chief Cnnhier. MARKET INTELLIGENCE. (From the London New Price Current of June 12.) SUGAR.—To-day there was a fair business transacted in West India Sugar, and the rates paid were 6d per cwt above those of this day week for Refining sorts, and in several cases yellow kinds brought prices rather above those of that time. REFINED.—To-day Refined Goods were much sought after by the home trade, but few parcels are to be had. Brown lumps are firm at 68s to 68s 6d, and standard lumps at 693 per cwt. The market for bonded Crushed Sugar is firm 33s 6d for first quality. MAURITIUS.—This afternoon there was no public sale, but privately a fair business was done, and at prices showing a small advance on thosa of the last auction. EAST INDIA.—This afternoon Bengal Sugar was in good request, and at public sale 2248 bags were all sold at full rates. OREIGN.—YeIIow !Havannah Lai been sought after, but holders insisting on an advance on former rates of is to 2s per cwt, business of moment has been prevented, and the only sale is that of 800 chests of low yellow quality at 21s per cwt; had there been sellers at a slight advance on previous prices, it would have led to large trans iet ions. For white stiffer rates are insisted upon, but there are few buyers at present to be met with. There has been a good desire evinced to operate in brown Brazil, but the stiff rates asked prevented much business from being done ; the few parcels of white dis posed of were at rather higher rates. There are not sellers of Porto Rico excepting at improved prices. Mcd.AssF-s.—All kinds of West India are in demand, and would command even further improved rates; but business of moment has been prevented by the scanty supply at market. COFFEE.—This afternoon there was no public sale of Coffee, and privately little business was transacted in any kind, the value of good ordinary native pale Ceylon is 423 to 43s per cwt. Cocoas—With West India the market has been much bet ter supplied this week, and the demand having been limited, prices have slightly given way. Foreign is cot offered upon lower terms, but there has been little business transacted at present. There is, however, a less quantity offered for sale. TEA.—The demand for black and green Tea has been con siderably checked by the announcement of the large quantity of 40,000 pkgs for public sale on Tuesday, and former rates are with difficulty to be obtained. There has been little business transacted in any kind, as the trade seem to think that if merchants are sellers at the approaching sales, that a decline in prices will take place, as the stock of black and greea in the banded warehouses is large. RICE.—To-day Bengal Rice was wanted, but rather higher rates being asked, operated against business. SPICES.—With Cassia Lignea the market has been abun dantly supplied this week, but merchants submitting to a decline on late nominal rates of is to to 3s per cwt caused the demand to be active. Cassia Buds have nearly sustained the former value. Black Pepper is still purchased with caution by exporters and the home trade, notwithstanding the low rates. Of African and East India Ginger several parcels have been disposed of privately, and at somewhat better prices; the supply is still falling off. Jamaica has been in fair demand at the previous currency—the middling kinds have been the most in request privately. Pimento is wanted, and the par cels sold privately were at firm rates. Nutmegs have suf fered no further depression, and privately several parcels have been sold at 2s 8d to 4s 2d for brown, and at is Ed to 3s forlimed. The supply is less than it was, especially of the better kinds. Mace is wanted, but we have no further ad vance to notice in prices. In Cinnamon little business has a o y fa r i j e a e r r e g a fo e car ameranregno been transacted, low as quotations are. Cloves are heavy of disposal, notwithstanding the low rates that prevail. FRUIT.—In Currants lately there has been a large busi troeq3os,uest—ottewldchCeaheinsme ness doing, and the deliveries for home consumption great; Cephalonia and Mores Fruit 46a, Patras 46s to 47s per cwt; parcel of the former taken on speculation, and an d t e o s a or r i r p iv ti e on at s th of e s ß a a m is e in p s ric h e av re e fu b s e e e d n ; t i h n e ni lO o i r V e - BRAIiDY ANDISiinOSL Ra e Raisins,. cases, 295, Valentias from 263 i. A ziD barrels s..... 33p h r cases h as Bs b s een a better Rum, demand for all descriptions the rates paid have enful iDf Jamaica Rum this week, and the quantity sold has been ex o al to those of last Friday ; public sale 38 c as k s of Madras Ruin were s.This a f ternoon at sold at is I Id to 2s ld for proof to 11 per cent over. proof. COCIIINEAL.—This afternoon Cochineal was in better re quest, and 116 bags of Honduras were offe re d at auction, and chiefly sold at full rates, viz., at 5s 7d to 6s Id per lb for low to tine silvers. INDIGO. --The market has a very dull appearance for all descriptions of East India, and if parcels were to be pressed fur sale, the rates of the last quarterly auctions would not be sustained. I n Spanish there has bee n li tt l e passing, low as prices are. ~ .ALTPE 'rim —To-day the market was bett er supplied ka . parcels offered at public sale amounting with Rough the p to 3,889 bags of Calcutta, there was a much bett er d emand, and the whole sold mi • at full rates for the low and middling sorts brought 6d per cwt advance. whilst the better kinds ._ . made tallow prices connue to go TALLOW.—For home but at 40 to large supply; s 40s 6d per down, there being a cwt nett cash the demand has been very good, and thi s i s cheaper than Russian. A us tralian the demand has on l y For been for small parcels, and h o ld er s experience difficulty i n getting 37s to 42s for low to fine q uality. American is little wanted. Russian on the spot has been purchased with much caution, but in the value little variation at present has taken place. For forward delivery there are few buyers to be met with. The case of the STIRL INGSHIRE MIDLA ND JUNCTION was postponed till Monday. EDINBURGH AND NORTHERN (NEWPORT RAILWAY AND These four branches of the Edinburgh and Northern Railway were passed. In the case of the BRISTOL AND SOUTH WALES JUNCTION RAILWAY AND This Bill was also passed Their Lordships then resolved themselves into a Select Committee on Merits, in order to proceed with a list of Estate, Gas, and other local Bills, and one Railway (namely, the East Lincolnshire), all which were unopposed. No point of public interest arose, and at about a quarter to five o'clock their Lordships rose, and adjourned till to-morrow at one. the suhje• t, but some levity might have been caused by the long continuance of a debate calculated to excite so much deep feeling, and, in their ccoler moments, they were, there fore, more disposed to listen to stories about the humbug of Irish famine. One wcrd before he sat down, thanking their Lordships for having given him so much of their attention. It Wei said that concesiions of trade were all on one side, and this country got Nothing in return from foreign nations. But the question for them to consider was whether their example would not produce its effects on foreign states in inducing them to make c one •s s ie es o n their part. Now, the experience of the past proved to them that it did. In 1824 the corn-laws stood in the way of conce.sions. which the United States were ready to make to this country about that. time. Again, in the case of Prussia, the corn and timber duties were the only obstacles in the way of amicable commercial arrangements between that country and this ; and these obstacles always would exist so long as a petty protective system prevailed in England. He had already stated he did not anticipate any great reduction in prices from the adoption of this measure, and many great arid eminent authorities agreed with him in this opinion The effect he anticipated it would have would be to regulate the trade of this country with all the world, but more par ticularly to regulate the corn trade. But then it might be asked what good the measure could do if it did not reduce prices ? Why, it would have the great good of placing the trade of this country on a sure and safe footing, and protect it from !nose distinctions which the disputes of nations had of late so often thrown in its way.—( Hear, hear.) Lord STANLEY said, having intruded on a'former occasion at an extreme length on their Lordships' attention, he did not again intend to present himself before their Lordships, but after the pointed manner in which the Noble Lord who had just sat dawn had addressed some of his observations to him, he felt it to be his duty to offer a few words in reply.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") And in the outset he might remark, that this was the first time an attempt had been made to reply to a speech he delivered a fortnight ago, but for his own part he did not feel that he should be justified In allow ing a single moment to pass by without pointing out some of the inconsistencies which the Noble Lord's reply presented. Ia the first place the Noble Lord argued as if he rested the de fence of the protective system upon the wisdom of their an cestors, and to some extent he admitted that he did. But the Noble Lord brought forward a particular Act of the reign of Edward IV-, by which protection, which existed even at that time, was abolished. The Bill, however, to which his Noble Friend had all u d e d, re l ate d to the internal, and not to t h e foreign trade of the country. It related to parties who were subject to their own legislation, and under their own control, and it was rath er t oo b a d that his Noble Friend should have suppressed that fact.--( Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord had said free trade ought to be the rule, and protection the exception; while a Right Reverend Prelate had remarked that the nearer their legislation approximated to a state of nature, the more perfect it became. Bat, unfortunately, in this world they could not always reach a state of nature, and before they could establish free-trade upon this principle, all men and all nations must come under the same control. It was a very good theory, he admitted, but in legislating upon it they must take into consideration the difficulties which were in the way of its being put in practice. Arguing in this way was just the saine as a man saying he had discovered or invented an inge nious system of perpetual motion, without taking into considera tion the action of the air and atmosphere on his invention. The Noble Lord then proceeded to express his astonishment, that he had defended the sliding-scale, but he did not impugn his arguments, which proved that the sliding-scale had pre served a sliding in the market; he did not preve that his argu ments were false.—( Hear, hear.) Could it be shown that Prussia had reduced her duties on English cotton when they reduced their timber duties ? She had not, and they had no reason to suppose that if they reduced their duties on cora, that it would lead to a reciprocation from other countries. He was much surprised to hear from his Noble Friend, the Under- Secretary of Orate for the Colonies, that they were to be con sidered mere as an outlet for the overflow of the population of the country. But if he lo.:ked upon the colonies in such e light he would tell them that they were useless. N a y, they were less so, they were a burden. But they were not so. They were for the purpose of extending their commercial cone nexions. The Noble Lord said he was addressing the House under disadvantages because the mails': were not received from Canada.—(Hear, hear.) Why, be would with nothing better than that they should wait —Arad that they should wait uetil the country had declared upon the ineseure.—(Loud cheers.) Had they consulted Lnrd Met calf ? He believed that they had not. He was not aware what his opinions were respecting the measure, but he did not think that they were tavourable to the measure. Let them look to the feelings of the Canadian Legislature—let them see the opinions of the Attorney-General and Solicitor-General of Canada, and they would see how they received the measure; they would find that they declared that it was fraught with ruin to the Canadas, and left no resource to them but to throw themselves into the arms of the United States.—(Hear') The distress in Ireland did not arise from want of food, but from the want of employment. The want of employment begot mutiny, which prevented the introduction of capital, and the consequent circulation of money which it would produce.—( Cries of o Hear, hear.") Th e y bad in Ireland an impoverished landed proprietary, with heavily mortgaged estates ; and what were they about to do ? They were about to reduce, at least temporarily, the price of corn ; for he believed that their one-sided free trade would produce the greatest fluctuation, sometimes causing great temporary diminution of price, and at other times raising it to an extrava gant Height. Such would b e t h e greatest ev i l t h e l a b ourer c ould endure, a: their wages were fixed generally by an average, and not by a fluctuation. And he believed that the landlords would not be affected by the measure in so great a degree as it was imagined by some. He considered that it would press heavier upon the labouring classes, and, with that feeling, he opposed it. This measure was not only injurious from its tendency on the price of corn, but it was also inj u ri o u s on th e groun d s of its interference w ith the incomes of the clergy. The church would have been better provided for had not the Commutation Act passed into a law, for then they would have had an in terest in the improvement of the land. There was a vast dd.- ference between the parochial clergy and the Right Reverend Bench.—( Hear, hear.) The parochial clergy were dependeset on the price of corn, while, on the other hand, the Right Rev. Bishops had their incomes fixed.—( Hear, hear, and "No, no.") There was one interest which would derive a benefit from this Bill, namely, that it would increase the price of money one-fifth, and the effect of this would be to increase the national burdens of the country in connexion with the national debt.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") One Right Rev. Prelate said that this Bill would have the result of keeping alive the hopes of the people. He warned their Lordships against any such fallacious course as this.— ( Hear, hear.) Hope long deferred maketh the heart sick.— (Hear, hear.) It was a dangerous thing to feed up the hopes, of the people. It was a most pernicious thing to feed tke people with sweetened hopes, which, when disappointed, would be found to be worse than any evils which might other wise arise, even supposing those evils to exist, which he contended did not exist.—(Hear, hear.) He warned their Lordships against the measure before the House.—( Hear, hear.) Many of their Lordships were in clined to look upo n thi s measure as one which should not call for their opposition, because it was to be passed whether they should vote or not. He should be sorry to say that they s hould not bow to the decision of the Legislature, bat they should bear in mind that they would, by voting for the measure, be voting against their consciences.—( Hear, hear.) If this was a measure which was necessary to the preservation or well being of the country, why was not the opinion of the country taken upon it ?—( Hear. hear.) In a short time it would be necessary to take the voice of the people, and why not wait for that ?—(Hear, hear.) If it were demanded by the country at large, it would then be high time to answer that demand—but even if the whole voice of the peoele declared in favour of it, he questioned whe ther they could then leave the agriculture of this coun'try' without protection.—t Hear, hear.) If, however, it was to become the law of this coun t ry, if they were to pass that law, after the veice of the country was taken upon it—(Hear, hear) —they could then bow to that demand of the country with at good grace.--( Hear, hear.) He warned them, however, against passing tee present measure without being backed by the demands of the people. It was not asked for by the nation at large, but, on the contrary, it was opposed; and, if it woo desired, let the question be tried at once.—(Loud cheers.) Earl GREY, amidst considerable cries of adjourn, and much confusion, rose to address the House. After order had been restored the Noble Lord proceeded. The Noble Lord who had last addressed the House commenced his speech by alluding to that side of the House, and charging the Noble Lords who were in favour of the measure with not having: answered the arguments advanced by the Noble Lord on ai former occasion. He (Earl Grey) considered that the Noble Lord's speech had been answered by his Noble and Learned Friend (Lord Brougham). It was true his Noble and Learned Friend had not gone into all the arguments advanced by the Noble Lord, but those which he did follow he (Earl Grey) was of opinion that he had succeeded in tearing the Noble Lord's arguments to tatter:. He would not at that late hour follow his Noble briend through all the details of his. speech. His Noble Friend however had referred to one point which he would just glance at. He said that the late slidiog scale had been productive of steady prices. tee (Lord Grey) denied that such was the fact, ter in coutrasticg the prices of this country with foreign countries, he took the Gazette price for wheat in this country and the market price for corn abroad.---( Hear, hear.) This made a very material difference, and operated most injuriously for foreign prices, as compared with prices in this eountty. Hrs Noble Friend had also referred to Ireland. His argument, however, on this head was very untenable, for they had no right to keep up the price of land in Ireland by a continuation of these protective duties. If there was one part of the king dom more than another which would be benefited by the re moval of these restrictions, that part was Ireland. Every one emitted that excessive competition in land was the great bane of Ireland, and it required no argument to show that this great evil would be abated by the repeal of the corn-laws. Lord BROUGHAM hoped that his Noble Friend (Lord Stanley) would no longer say that his speech was i,e r n i a e n n s d wered i After the excellent reply just made by h Grey), that brilliant effort would be no e part of that long is e N r e iga y rded as having passed without an answer, inasmuch as satisfac r tonly refuted. elaborate harangue had been abs most ord blunders he had ever One of the most irregular an had fa been committed that night subject under discussion. 'he heard b y the 'Well, let them admit it ; but the Noble admit its; of corn after rising th t i h n e t e h x e c v e s p l t n i oen of of ns n b n u e l y - Noble Lord said th_ere . the with the tall in the price of corn the • committed Noble Lor on d any subject a th t e d b s o e i price of fall, with all other com m odi ti es passing Lord a ded 'othtal 7 o .. m ill ore absurd than this —h e was going . bul lion ; and do of would prices ant gu m e e x n p tl explained ed couldtha that o h t e b ecal meantled that called?—(Hear, ea r thepublic Id add a fifth to all burdens. _( Hear, hear. ) Now,, could anythi n g to , say 9 fall in g the , dioney of those who had fixed incomeswould • • a r Vo n ; d e nt STANLEY buta would do so in this way. The prices of rise in value, and it corn and commodities having fallen, a person with a fixed • income could get for his money double what he got before. Lord BROUGHAM replied that he took it in that light, but how could the falling of prices add to the burdens of the man who had a fixed income? Here was the absurdit and he was glad the House • it with him . Y., perceived they lived in the times of he a representative Government, while denounced the unconstitutional principle of those who were represented interposing, after they had delegated their trust to the Ministry to settle particular questions, not only for theta aelves, but for those whom they had elected as their represen tatives.—( Hear, hear.) This, in his opinion, was the greatest evil that could fall on a country governed by a representative Government, and he felt it his duty to warn the protectionist party that they were by their present course generating the evil. Well, then, it was said that an appeal was to be made to the people by dissolving the Parliament; and i.t would be said that that appeal was to be made upon a most important question; but the intrigues of party made the most trumpery question a question of " paramount importance." The Maynooth grant was made a question of " paramount importance ;" but though there was no dissolution of Parliament, many Mem bers resigned their seats, and when they went down to their constituents they were not sent back to Parliament.--(Heart hear.) The speech of his Noble Friend, Lord Monteagle, had been mentioned, not as an answer to that of the Noble Lord opposite, but only as an attempt at an allusion to it-- (Laughter)—and still it was a speech in defence of those who had changed their opinions. Lord STANLEY—No; but who had changed their votes. Lord BROUGHAM—WeII, then, he would adopt the dis tinction, but it reminded him of that which an old maid once insisted on, who did not wish to be called an old maid, but an elderly unmarried lady.—( Laughter.) His reason for pre ferring the total repeal of the corn-laws, against which he was fully aware there were several arguments—among others the extent of the experiment, for ho was sensible that since the