The Sun. — London, England, 1852-11-12 00:00:00

y4II THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, NeOVEMBER 12, 1952. Majesty's Government. Is that, however, a desire to abrogate the laws which have been recently carried into effect as the fontadatic n of our commercial system. Is it I ;.;' ,, ectinni , rna ? Aryl I w.cild tok the whether the Noble Lord has any further 'or e chsrge hi has made of evasion. than those allu3iers to eufferiees interests, which he has himself endorsed by his own example and his own words, when he was a can didate for the City, and which many gentlemen sitting on his side of the house have themselves put forward in their representations? (Cheers.) I shall not on the present ecoasion pursue that topic further. I think the occasion will soon arrive when we can enter into these questions more fully. All I can say is this, that it ii the intention of her M , ..jesty's Government to take such claims, and similar claims into their consideration, and to endeavour to mitigate the injuries which have been oc casioned by recent legislation in the particular instances to which I have referred, and similar ones ; and we be lieve that we can propose measures which may do all that is necessary in that respect, and all that can be rea sonably required, without in any way disturbing that principle of unrestricted competition which has become a Dart of our commercial system. (Cheers.) The noble lord has referred to the course which has recently been Pursued, and represents himself and his friends as the re presentatives of a new and enlightened system of commer ciallegislation,and which has been invariably and bigotedly °PPosed by gentlemen on this side of the house. (Laughter and cheers.) The hon. gentlemen who have changed sides have not lost one of their weaknesses—amiable Weaknesses, I confess—which is, to cheer too soon. The noble lord has given an emblazoned catalogue of the great feats of the liberal commercial party of which he is the acknowledged chief. Free trade in corn, free trade In sugar, repeal of the navigation laws—these are the three enduring pyramids created by tho energy and en terprize of that party which the noble lord heads, and of the different individuals and different sections who side With the noble lord. (A laugh). But if we look his torically at the case—and I really am only in self-defence Making these observations, for I thought from the tone of the debate that it would already have terminated— I cannot help remarking that the Prime Minister who carried frf e trade in corn was himself opposed to free rade in sugar, and that the Prime Minister who fol lowed, and who was in favour of free trade in sugar, Was not at all disposed to have free trade in ships—that, in fact, the question was not taken up by the Govern ment at all, but forced upon the consideration of the house, and committees of the house, obtained by an in independent member—that the question was kept pro- Iniently before the house for two sessions before the noble lord con sen t e d to th e a brogation of the navigation laws; and when they were abrogated, they were abrogated i n so unsat i s f actor y a mo d e , that the noble lord, at a subsequent time, as I have reminded ‘° ,3 house, [when a candidate for the suffrages of the citizens of London, confessed that the shipping in terest, deprived by recent legislation of the protection they formerly enjoyed, bad been left with restrictions %lid burdens, for which that protection was the only co mpensation. (Cheers.) Neither I nor any of my col leagues have any intention to propose any policy which 411 give artifi c ial prices, or what has been called by the Bon. Gentleman on the other side, compensation for °BB es which have been occasioned by changes in the l egislation which regulated the commercial system of this country. But what we do say, and say in a manner il i a distinct as I can succeed in expressing it, with, I e Pes none of those misty words for which the Noble L ord has given me credit, is, that we think these same t Zunges have been effected without, at the same time, t rese necessary and corresponding changes in our finan sYstem. (Cheers.) And I say, notwithstanding W hat the Noble Lord has asserted, and notwithstanding 1„ th8 sympathizing cheer which he received from his col ;aKlies that these are our intentions: believing that a r r °Per revision of our taxation has net taken place, it is tie r • Intention to place before Parliament and the country c, (4 1• I ° l l - ey which will place our financial system more 6 t, e lollY with our commercial system. (Cheers.) And the Noble Lord opp site conceives that to be protec „o, he will prob a bly no t succee d i n establishing his Z ti u sitioo, when he may favour th e House with his opinions 4,,the proposition of the Government. (Cheers.) The ett n• Member for Montrose, in that tone of friendly pi,,' L lgalon which he sometimes bestows even upon thi Been he patronisrs—(a laugh ) — has made a most ; e n accusation against the Government upon the pre- Tu , occasion. The evasive paragraph respecting Free ra de, Which my Hon. Friend caught up from the Hon. e ltber for Wolverhampton (Mr. 'Tillers), appears ZIY to have impressed him with very little importance. l b B Whole mind of my Hon. Friel d was engrossed by hcome-tax. He said there r teeht to have been a V s : *graph in the speech announcing that there should te" continuation of the committee of inquiry on the perty and Income-tax. We have already had an in- Vduring two Sessions on the subject, and an im esenl quantity of evidence. My Friend wants still I",,nt he is a perfect glutton in this respect. (Laughter.) e i nfesa at once to my Friend that there is no pars- Ph in the Speech on the subject to which he alludes, 1 7 4 „ lor this reason—her Majesty' s Mi n i s t ers h a v e m a d e 4 , 1,t eir minds on the subject—(Cheers)—that subject Is s i ell appeared still to tax the abilities of my hon. l i,;: . end- Her Majesty's Ministers have arrived at cerain thSclusions upon that subject, and they therefore do t e ot 11 : 1 it it necessary to investigate it any further, and they Prepared to lay these conclusions immedistelp consideration of tho souse. My Hight lion. Friend Secretary of State for the Home Department has '%Zte'tted to the reasons why we have not to-day fixed the ta u " hour upon which we should solicit the attention of 4h e 'll meat to these questions. There are reasons which .7: prevented ns, reasons which for a few days neces is."9 make the arrangements of business in this house a dear and evident than they would have been under atl th at circumstances. But I believe if not misinformed, `be ady the Noble Lord at the head of the Government has 4 7; 1 4 announced in another place that I shall on the es lot the Government, take the very earliest day we ti t ; l avail ours e lves of to lay our policy before the Par tiotnent, and ask their verdict upon it. (Cheers.) The ta lti t • Member for Wolverhampton has already given gpi t e° of a motion, which really would be a motion re f se l eg an inquiry into the whole state of the country. rtainly have no wish to place any obstacle in the tai l / of the motion of the Hon. Gentleman. I do not t e e T With the utmost exertion, that I could possibly 22; a Government day which would come before the 11,,,%and if the Hon. Gentleman persists in his motion, a, course will take it. But I would put it to the Hon. „" 4 41 elnan that it would be far more convenient, more tae' I think more satisfactory to the country, that pa ir should have the opportunity of placing p 44 ; 1 : Policy before it. (Loud cheers.) The debate i n the motion of the Hon. Member must neces e?--such a m otion as intim a t e d by hi m — m ust 4 e "arily partake of very much the same character n e e debate upon the statement which the Govern s(,,,Lt Will make. It would therefore be much more con ih:Lent if the discussion could be so arranged as that Orate of the house should not be wasted upon two occasions, and one of which certainly, if the 14114ourable member persists in his motion, will be of a 11,_ practical character than the one which I shall have i a ' o .honour to bring forward. The hon. member for iverhampten can, with so adroit a master as he pos itales move an amendment upon the statement which I °Till have to make, if he finds the views of the Gove i r ki n e 114- / 4 unsatisfactory to himself an d h i s friends. pl eases gentleman can easily bri ng f orward, if ho a counter policy in the way of an amen d ment, t t take upon it as long and as elaborate a di scuss i on as t, e house may in its wisdom think fir. It is not for me da 4 ltPrnpt to dictate to the honourable member, but I 41 Pe he will not mistake the feeling in which I make this th e ggestion. I merely make it for the convenience of e s , house, and for the sake of saving time, as well a o : s r the sake of having a more satisfactory discus tki'st than we should have upon what, after all, Beeti be an abstract resolution of the hon. h it Tau . I hope, therefore, that the bon. member will et te 'ill her Majesty's Government can avail themselves tek e u e earliest opportunity, which they will immediately and that we shall have at least only one discussion tilti t ;',.a subject which really concerns th e genera l con 1C.414 of the country, and the future and permanent lieli,Plee upon which the financial and commercial et th f of the country ought to be established, I cannot tie , e Moment fix a day. but I should imagine, con. kaung the state of public business, that probably on 1 11 0 t the 26th—thus giving fair time to those gentle ‘l,:oo bad not yet been able to be present , her k : Va Government will have the opportunity, through to i s their organ, of calling the attention of the House • , Il k oensideration of our financial condition, and I • thr . i., 31 1 indicate to the House those measures which Ne o , s 4 ht ought to be adopted in the present situation of t l i tt ettP ltr Y• (Cheers.) I will not trespass upon the '.4 -O of the House by any general observations upon spec „, 4 of the Noble Lord the Member for the city tirt, oa - a '„° ll on this occasion. That Noble Lord has, in tli,"" l oased that there is only one paragraph of which Zat 4 1 413 Proves, and I think I have shown the House It e t disapproval is not well founded on the grou nds ue urged. I think that all must feel that if the oa° Ph referred to were really so evasive as some °aid a ule Gentlemen have described it, the House Z tt 'ttio u l n 8 0 quietly and tranquilly assent to the sage he erft ',' not having any amendment to the Address. iNc t b ) Reserving, therefore, to that occasion which tPostponed for more than a few ilium when I h :aee C . ° the opportunity of vindicating the course 171stitaeat : . t,he Government of placing, in a manner un po°l,lo, before the country the policy—the perms v`tiat tc :TY--which Her Majesty's Government think k l e ur b e adopted , adopted, I shall now no longer press upon 11, Otto 411011 , and I can only assure you that there is eseire ) 0 eta rid anxious to meet this great controversy than tl• rodual who has now the honour of addressing ides e 4 he ars.) I d a L ADSTONE—Sir, so much has been said, and Nee° upon tt sea i e te ron the solemn subject of the first pars e " 0 ra • % 0 gracious Speech from the Throne, that I i i _ B e wh o more than express my concurrence with ° U 'tt 1 te al It preceeded me, and state how high a pri 1, It to be permitted to be one of those who, e▪ t oe Part o f ne se the people, carry to the foot of the t les, • e h a tribute of admiration to the memory of aspe ct lode the 4 Wan. I would venture, sir, humbly to tp :ee sen t i mentN o l o which I think was first promulgated Lord the Member for the city of London,' of t r i Ytio ns a t l a,ce, and say that I trust that, amid the ce- th t : 4 4 D u eulogies nu eulogies of the achievements and virtues 11 1 4 b sehtevof Wellington, we shall not forget that if e ements are placed beyond our imitation, r : n te d "Y of his virtues, and those not the least arm er est, .many those mental qualities, which made of? W eh nod made him dea to the heart of this on 0 . live not placed beyond the range of the I ev ea s ,ery man--that teat love of truth an d honour— ), 4 t devoti on to the pu bli c sere oi_r—th at single the esein e 's , 4 IVh iell ' i a ti : that noble contempt ef fraud, aro and °8 open to every one of us to cultivate, and k litotbidat of ( 1 ) 1 r o which will, I trust, not be forgotten in r (Cheers.u) lamentations and praises of the departed detaae The Noble Lord the Member for the city " has adverted briefly to a subject, tipon which, in my position, as a representative of one of the Universi ties of the country, I may be perhaps forgiven for von turin g a single sentence. I, like many gentlemen oppo ti e, was am wet *a..., who thought thit the Noble L eel rt , ; aa et •he v .:nresne FP - upon a hoe I may term a " (drown ot power" iu advising tho stet pointnient of a commission of inquiry into the Ueiver cities. But I see no inconsistency in admitting at once that the results of this inquiry must be considered upon their merits, wholly irrespective of the abstract or prac tical discussions as to the constitutional nature of the tribunal formed. I cone, however, to the main and important question. Much has been gained by this discussion— (cheers) —much has been gained by the speech of toe Hen. Member for Wolverhampton, to whom I tender my thanks tor his speech. (Cheers.) I do not doubt but that it was the intention of the Go vernment to make the announcement which had been made by two of :the prominent members of the Govern mens; but in the meantime we should have been totally in the dark on the subject if it had not been for the speech of the Hon. Member. (Ch era.) Now we have before us a paragraph in the Speech from the Throne and in the Address in answer to it, upon which the im - portant—l might almost say, in the present crisis, the ' all important—point of the commercial policy of the country is touched. That paragraph I confess excited in my mind—as in the minds ot others who have spoken—when I became acquainted with its na ture, disappointment and dissatisfaction. (Cheers.) I thought, and still think. that under the circum stances of the case —although I grant that rea sons such as have been alleged, as the solemnly of the next week, ought to be received with respectful consideration—yet, under the circumstances of the case, considering that this is the winding up of a great con troversy, which has had a place for a long period in the politics of the country, and is to have its place for ever more in the history of the country—considering that the general election was the final issue upon which that con troversy was staked—considering that the Speech from her Majesty on the Throne is the great constitutional occasion for recognising the great subjects of Govern ment, and the great principles of Government—l think that her Majesty's Government would have acted wisely, and have done no more than their duty, if they had give n us, in the course of that Speech, a declaration on the subject of the commercial policy of the country, which would have placed for ever beyond dispute the in tentions of the party from which that Government is composed. (Cheers.) I am confirmed in this opinion by the defence which has been set up on the part of the Right Hon. the Chancellor of the:Exchequer, for it ap pears to me that in defending that paragraph in the Speech, the Government have defended it upon two prin ciples, which are not only not in unison, but which are totally contradictory to each other. The Right Hon. the Secretary of State for the Home Department says that this was a paragraph suitable for the occasion. Suitable for the occasion, in what view ? With the special view, he says, of obviating the necessity for an amendment either from that side of the House or this. (Cheers.) Well, then. if you obviate the necessity of an amendment by declaring nothing that can raise the question of Protection, I want to know what becomes of the other defence ef this paragraph, which is—that it is not ambiguous—which is that you may easily draw an inference that it is not the intention of the Government to reverse the commercial poliey of 1846. Well, then, we must remember that in the language of the Chancel lor of the Exchequer, there is but one thing categori cally declared in that sentence, and that it, that unre stricted competition from this time forward shall be the rule of our commercial policy. But if it be understood that unrestricted competition shall henceforward be the rule of our policy, and if that is the thing declared—and the only thing categorically declared—l want to know what becomes of all this delicacy and all this tenderne-s for the scruples of Protectionists, of which we have heard co much, if they are prepared to acquiesce in an Address which declares, and which categorically declares, that unrestricted competition shall from hen eforth be the rule of our commercial policy ? (Cheers.) I say, if they do not stick at this, at what in the world are they here after to make a difficulty ? (Loud cheers.) Sir, that is in reference to the defences set up for this ambiguity. But I must confess I am driven to make a choice be tween these defences, fur it entirely passes my wit to reconcile them. The first defence is the best, in my opi nion; and that is, that this paragraph is ambiguous, and that it is ambiguous because the moment is unseasonable. Why, then, I may differ whether the moment is ensea soneble or not. But we are not here to waste our time in discussions upon minor points of form. Thy: question is this—do we know the sp-cial purpose for which the people have returned us hither ; and are we here to say that that purpose shall not remain fulfilled ? It does not appear to me that it is an ambiguous paragraph. The words whether "recent legislation, in contributing with other causes to this happy result, has at the same time inflicted unavoidable injury on certain important in wrests," have the merit of leaving everything open, everything undecided. They do not settle whether un restricted competition is a final decision or not, or whether we are to have an attempt to re-establish Protection. Each and every one of those questions is left in a much greater degree of uncertainty than it was before this paragraph had been declared. I do not mean to say that you have asserted principles contrary to the majority of this House ; but I mean to say that you thrown a shade and an obscurity about your inten tions. (Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer said that any motion which might be made would partake of the nature er toe street resolution ; and! admired the generosity of the Right Hon. Gentleman when he invited the Member for Wolverhampton to make his motion when the Right Hon. Gentleman submitted his measures to the coun try. That is, he recommended the Member for Wolverhampton to move an abstract resolution as an amendment to a practical proposition. (Hear, hear.) But I hope we shall not be driven from the pur pose which was essentially contemplated by our ccnsti tuents in sending us here, as it was by her Majesty in dissolving Parliament. I do not know whether under a term very different things are not often confounded. I do not wish to enter upon such discussions—what I want is, that we should have a full, a fiaal, a solemn sanction for the system of free trade. (Cheers.) I want that the party who are now responsible for the conduct of public affairs, shall now, once and for all, declare their views upon that subject. (Hear, hear.) When we con sider that six years have elapsed since the controversy of free trade was decided by the adoption of a policy— when we consider that that controversy has been resus citated, and its decision in a manner disturbed—and when we, moreover, consider the maturity which public opinion has reached with regard to that controversy, I say it is not too much, after such a waste of time, that we should at last make up our minds, and that we should, in the way advised by the First Minister of the Crown himself, place the question of free trade high and dry upon the shore, where no succeeding wave may touch it. (Cheers.) I do not believe that there is a doubt about the permanent effects of the great measure which has been adopted by Parliament. My firm belief is, that ever since the taunth of July, 1846, the restoration of the corn law* has not been a difficulty, but an impossibility. And I do consider that it is a great misfortune to this country that a party containing many men of the highest honour and the highest intellgtnce—a party most valuable as an element in the constitution of this country—that such a party should be held together upon a basis which has no foundation, and by a principle which it is beyond the width and power of man to re establish. (Hear.) I say that is an evil which it is time to put an end tc. Is is time that the people of this country should understand what is the meaning of this disturbance of the question of protection. It is time that they should know whether it is really within the reach of those who desire to change our system to reverse it, and to determine the question of the possibility of the restoration of protec tion. For my part, I believe there is no more probabi lity of a reversal of the system adopted in 1846 than there is of the repeal of the Bill of R:ghts, or the recto ration of the hepterc'ny (cheers). It seems to me that we want no abstract resolution upon the question; but we want to set the public mind at ease, by a solemn and formal acceptance, upon the part of this House, of the measures of free trade already adopted, and likewise a declaration that future measures bearing upon free trade will be framed in accordance with the principles therein laid down. Now I do not call that an abstract resole. tion. It is a rule of conduct which, in my opinion, the interest of the country re quires should be placed beyond the reach of further dispute. (Hear, hear.) And is it unreasonable that we should feel some jealousy upon this subject? Averse as I rim to refer to the particular circumstances affecting different individuals, I cannot forget the composition of the Government. We cannot forget the declaration made by several most respectable and honoured Members of it. I will go at once to the case of a Right Honourable Friend of mine, who has eßhogtwhhent opinionsthe Honourable he to i Ehraisenodnctehe Member professed for —lal N lu o d r e th to l m in y . a he heard the speech c a o b l l n e sh G ir e e I Gentleman the Chancellor of of the ee Right Exchequer, Honour in which he said that th e r e was one thing declareddeclare declared—and a t n h d e Speech from the Throne —categorically that was that unrestricted competition wa s from ho hence forward to be the rule of our commercial policy—if he heard that speech, I ask him what construction puts upon it? How will it coincide with the declaration which my Right Honourable Friend made to his constituents upon the las t occasion he a pp eared b efore them? t ! l ld t o s not mean to stand upon any particular word or sentence. I refer to the tenor of his speech, which w as uniform, decided, and uneq uivocal. The Ri g ht Hono urable Gen tleman said:—" 1 am here to maintain un changed all the opinions which I have formerly urged to the finan cial and commercial p olic y latel y adopted,and which for twenty-five years I have professed." (Hear.) Sir, I frankly admit that I am in no condition to, and have no right to taunt another with change of ()Onion. Like others I have abandoned the inherited traditions of a party which, when I came to examine them, gave way beneath my feet, and I. returned to those better tradi tions which belonged to the party of Mr. Pitt. The Right Hon. Gentleman, upon the occasion to which I refer, said that he still advocated those principles with re gard to the constitution and financial policy of this court try which he had advocated for the last twenty-five years, and he said that he would use his utmost in fluence as a Member of her Majesty's Government to promote their adoption. I ask nothing from the Govern ment which would be disagreeable to them, either per sonally or politically. I want no profession of internal conviction—l do not want an abstract opinion upon the policy of protection—that is a thing gone by ; Re do not any longer ask a man whether he is a Jacobite. (Hear, hear.) But I do ask that those who are called to power in this country, these who are to represent this great country with foreign p wers, should defini tively, unequivocally, and finally abandon all proposi tions for a return to a protective policy (Hear, hear ) More I do not feel bound a) ask ; less, it seems to we, this country cannot honourably accept. (Cheers.) And this course is rendered the more necessary since we find that t h e Government is formed upon a principle which permits their leader i n t h e u ...Me of Commons to say that unrestricted competition is to be the rule of our commercial policy, while ono of his colleagues says that he is in the tiovarnment to defend the principles which he has advocated for the last five and twenty years. (Ha.-tr. her ) Si-. I ty, r ). that what: ver decision is c air to by the M. inter for oleerto he shall think or not think it necessary to urge forward his resolution, or whether be shall think the ne cessity at the present moment is obviated by the de claration of the Government —I hope that this House will never, in discussing a secondary and incidental question, lose sight of the great end for which we are here. I trust that whatsoever decision may be come to, or whatever course may be followed, withoutany reference to party combinations, the great question upon which the country expects your answer way not be lost sight of, but will receive at your hands an early and a final settlement. Sir, the peculiar circumstances to which we owe our birth, render it necessary that we should rest content with nothing which is open to argument or in ference either this way or that way—that we should not rest content with a paragraph, but teat we should know the determination of her Majesty's Ministers in plain English, intelligible to every class of the community, beyond the reach of cavil—not leaving it open for pro tectionists to revive the question at their pleasure. I de mand that they should give an assurance to the people of England that there is no party in the State prepared to defraud or deprive them of the inestimable boon which has, by the legislation of late years, been conferred upon them—which has not only conduced with other causes, but has been the main and grand cause of the present prosperity of this country—(Hear, hear)—which has spread abroad that satisfaction, that confidence in spirit and reverent attachment to our institutions which has been described as strengthening the foundations of the Throne from which her Majesty has this day addressed us. (Cheers.) . NEWISEGATE begged to tell the Right Hon. Gentleman who had just spoken what the determination of those societies was, which had for their object the protection of native industry, It was their determina tion, be the decision of her Majesty's Government what it might, that they would see the measures of the Go vernment fairly proposed to the House of Commons be fore they pronounced any opinion upon them. (Hear, hear.) There were some minds so peculiarly consti tuted that they could never remain easy unless they were resting upon some arbitrary dogma. This seemed to be the peculiarity of the Opposition. But he could assure them it was as much beyond their power to bind up the future as it was to go against the intellect of pos terity. Be the decision of the House what it might, it could not deprive the people of this country of the right, either now or hereafter, of legislating upon this question in such a manner as would meet the exigencies of their industry. He had no more to say but that the Protec tionist societies awaited the announcement of the policy of her Majesty's Government in the full confidence that it would meet the just revirements of all classes. Mr. CHRISTOPHER, after all that had taken place, would certainly not have ventured to address them had he not been so peculiarly alluded to by the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite. But after what had been stated, he did not think it would be consistent with his own character or his position in the House, were he not to make a few observations in reply. He did not believe that his Right Hon. Friend would even impute to him the conduct of holding out opinions to his constituents which he was not prepared to maintain in that House. In addressing his constituents during the last contest in which he was engaged, he invariably stated to them his opinions with regard to free trade, but at the same time he warned them, and he ventured to warn the constituent bodies of the country, that the reversal of a free trade policy did not depend upon an individual, or any set of individuals, but it must entirely depend upon the opinion of the country at large whether the principle of unrestricted competition or toe principle of protection should prevail. (Hear, hear.) And when the Right Honourable Getaleman ventured to twit him with holdihg opinions at variance with his Right Ho nourable Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer and the Noble Lord the First Minister of the Crown, he would tell them he was prepared, upon the fitting occasion, to show that he had not done that which was insinuated. lie had told his constituents, it the country, after two verdict;, declared that his opinions were no longer con sonant with the feelings of the majority of the people, that he would teel himself bound to bow to that decision of !the country. (Great laughter.) In spite of that cheer, he maintained that was a safe and a constitutional principle. For the same reason the Noble Lord oppo site bowed te'the decision of the country upon the ques tion of Parliamentary reforms. There was no question upon that occasion of the soundness of the principle. While he maintained that the principles proposed by Sir Robert Peel were unsound, he was at the same time ready to confess that a return to protection was im possible. But when his Right Hon. Friend twitted him with inconsistency, he had forgotten to mention one point. In addressing his constituents he had stated that if the country were to decide against the restoration of protection, that her Majesty's Government would then come forward and pro pose measures for the taxation of the country which might afford relief for the suffering interests. He trusted that ho might be permitted to postpone any further justification of himself to the time when these questions would properly come before the House. With regard to his own position in her Majesty's Govern ment, he had no hesitation in saying that he accepted office from a sincere conviction is hie mina, that of all (ho etatesmen in this count./ the Noble Lord was tee men most fitted by his great talents for the position of First Minister of the Crown, and the administration of the affairs of this great country. Gratified by the dis tinguished honour which the Noble Lord conferred upon him in asking him to join him, ho felt his own unworthi ness, and he had assured Lord Derby that whenever he might have occasion to strengthen his Administration by the introduction of a person more qualified, he would place his resignation most willingly in his hands. He would not be one of those who would throw discord into a great party with which he was connected, merely because his own views were not carried out to the letter. (Hear.) Upon a future occasion he trusted he might have a fuller opportunity of justifying his career as a public man, and defending himself from the imputation of deserting his principles. Mr. OSBORNE said : It appeared to him generally un derstood upon both sides of the House that the Queen's Speech was a mere matter of waste paper—that it was to be the occasion for a sort of shaking of hands before the great contest came on for decision—that the lion of Montrose should lie down with the lamb of North Essex, and that the Queen's Speech was to be welcomed with expressions of loyalty, bordering upon servility. (Cheers.) It was a pity that this doctrine was not remembered and acted upon in the years 1819 and 1850 ; for if he remembered right, having a seat in Parliament during those two years—if he remem bered right, the Right Hon. Gentleman who now deprecated any alteration of the terms of the Address, the Right Hon. Gentleman who now held the office of Chancellor of the Exchequer, having advocated the doctrine of Protection, that Right Hon. Gentleman moved an amendment for an inquiry into the burdens upon agriculture. He did not, upon that occasion, seem to have much confidence in his motion, for after one night's debate it was withdrawn. But in 1850, another Right Hon. Gentleman, the President of the Poor law Commission, moved an amendment to the Address, praying for an inquiry into agricultural burdens, and having more faith in his proposal than his leader, he pressed it to a division, and got disgracefully beaten for his pains. He alluded to these things, that new members might dispel from their minds the impression that it was an unconstitu tional course to move an amendment to the Address. He thought that they would be better doing their duty to their constituents, better advocating the principles of free trade, if they bad moved an amendment to the Address, which seemed dictated by the genius of rigmarole and traced by the hand of mystification. (A laugh). What was the mean ing of this studiously ambiguous and empty paragraph, meant to delude gentlemen upon both sides of the House ? Would any intelligent Englishman, when he read it fail to perceive that the question of free trade was reopened in this country? (Hear, hear.) It might be very well for them to say that the policy of free trade was accepted as the decision of the country ; but had the Secretary of State f ,r the Home De partment, when addressing his twenty-two electors at Mid hurst, shown any great belief in it, when he told them that since the adoption of a free-trade policy both crime and the poor-rates were universally increasing? But the Right Honourable Gentleman now came down, and told them with bated breath, that the policy of free trade was not to be reversed. Why is not that distinctly stated from the Throne? Why does not the Right Honourable Gentleman who is the light of the Cabinet, why does not he who has screwed up his courage upon many occasions—why does he not take his physic like a man ? (Hear, hear,) Why does he permit himself to be tied up with a bundle of incompetent Marquises. men of honourable but of questionable political principles? Why does not he come forward and say, " I am a free-trader; I hunted Sir Robert Peel to the death—l maligned Sir Robert Peel—but I see I committed a grievous error, and I embrace the doctrines of free trade." (Hear, hear.) Let them not talk to him of the spirit of chivalry which animated the Noble Lord at the head of the Government. He did not believe in it; it did not exist When that great man, Sir Robert Peel—who was the Wel lington of peace, as the other was the Wellington of war— was hunted to death, why did he stand by and hear those envenomed attacks of which he was the victim? Let them, then, not talk of his high chivalry or spirit. He had no con fidence in that chivalry or spirit—no more trust than he had in the sincerity of the creator of the party who sat in that House. He trusted that the Honourable Member for North Warwickshire (Mr. Newdegate), who ought to have held a high position in the Cabinet, would adopt a manful course, and acknowledge the impossibility of a return to Pro tection. That was the proper course for his party to adopt; and while saying this, he quite admitted that the member for North Lincolnshire. had no object to gain in joining the Cabinet—it was the mischievous love of party which had dragged him into the mess. As to what was looming in the future—as to the bottle problem which they had been pro mised—he would say nothing on the present occasion; but he warned the House, and he warned the country gentlemen, of whom they had heard so much in 1846, tbat the Chan cellor of the Exchequer might, after all, prove the Flying Dutchman of the agricultural interest; that they might find the Right H on . G en tl e man had no other object than his own elevation to p o wer, and that their expectations were miserably disappointed. (Cries of " Oh, ob.") Yes, but that was not hi s l anguage; it was on ly a par a ph rase o f the language which the Chancellor of the Exchequer himself used in 1846 towards Sir Robert Peel. (Loud cheers.) He remarked on that occasion that there was a difference be tween the leader of an Opposition and the Minister of a party—that the hours of courtship must not be contrasted exhausted he n b d l too strongly with the hou r o f possess i on—an d that the con trast at least demonstrated thi s , t h at t h e C onservat i ve party was an organized hypocrisy. (Cheers.) He had no heart t e ee L do o ,n r a Lord , thenhoabdl noble characteraenll da remarked ohfigthe that Duke - eulogy th e r Wellington. was well topics. nigh He T was, m i n d e d statesman, as well as a greati warr i or—an Englishman wor thy to be placed by the side of Si r R o b ert P ee l . k go e into o f o But he must take exception to the language of the Speech in that paragraph which related to Ireland. In that paragraph there was at anT rate no deception —no ex perimenrum in vile c)rpore ; ' and he much re gretted that her Majesty's Ministers had thought it neces sary to involve the whole of Ireland in a charge of turbulences i He denied that there was any turbnleace On the part of 511 people of Ireland. There might be agrarian crimes, and no man lamented them more than he could do; but what were the crimes there, compared to the crimes in this country? He would venture to say that for one crime committed - in Ireland there were fifty committed in this country. It did not l beconse a Minister of the Crown who wished to have n o ame , •drnent proposed, who wished that this Hones should wear the appearance of a happy and united family on a large scale, to place such a paragraph in the Royal Speech. He would not now enter into the subject, but he thought that when they talked of a liberal and generous policy towards Ireland, they might have been told, when the Landlord and Tenant Bill, which the Attorney-General for Ireland had promised them, was to be laid upon the table. (Hear.) They ought also to have been told whether her Majesty's Govern ment intended to have an inquiry into Maynooth whether there was any intention to interfere with the noblest and best institution in Ireland, the national education; for he saw in the recent appointment to the episcopal bench in that coun try of a man wbo, however estimable he might be in other respects, was only known to the public by his hostility to the national system of education—he saw in that appointment an indication that some new light had beamed upon the chival rous mind of Lord Derby, who had formerly established the system, and that he was now about to alter it. (Hear.) Ht hoped the Ministry would not change their minds on this subject, as they appeared to be about to change their minds on Protection. And with reference to this latter subject he must remind them that, if they advocated free trade, they must do so without entertaining the idea of compensation to the landed interest at the public expence. The country was determined that there should be no compensation—they denied that any injury had been dote. If the Ministry wished to retain power, it must be on these terms; if on these terms they wished to live infamous and contented, he did not envy them. (Hear, hear.) These were the expres sions which the Right Hon. Gentleman had used against Sir Robert Peel. He knew he could not imitate the eloquence of the Right Hon. Gentleman, but he had used them, he was sure, with greater sincerity and devotion to the cause he advocated. (Hear.) Mr. ADDERLEY deprecated these constant attacks upon the Ministry before they had had time to develop their mea sures. He felt that those attacks would ultimately recoil on those who made them; but he would appeal to honourable gentlemen, whether it would not be better for their own cha racter and comfort, and more in accordance with the dignity of the House itself, if they waited to have something to at tack, instead of making these debates a gratuitous outlet for the promptinga of pure and simple malevolence. It might be very well for certain organs of the Press, who were in want of information, and were in ignorance of the facts, to fabricate their intelligence, and to have recourse to fiction ; but such a course did not become the members of the Legislature. The conclusion he drew from the disputed paragraph was—that her Majesty's Government had entirely, and for ever, given up the notion of attempting to restore protective duties, but that they were about to test the opinions of the House, whe ther the removal of those duties had inflicted injuries upon any class, and if so, they would bring forward measures which were already prepared to give compensation for those inju ries. But who were the parties who were opposed t o th e Government ? First of all, there was the late Ministry. N ex t there was a party who were strangely in hostility to th e pre sent Ministry—the leaders and the staff of the old Conserva tive party, of which the present Government formed a por tion. And last of all there was the party who ought to have the full credit of the recent legislation—the party headed by the honourable member for Wolverhampton, who ought to receive the title of Friend of the Poor Man, and to have the credit of those measures for which so much credit had improperly been given to the late Sir R obe rt Peel. Now, for what was it that these parties blamed th e present Go vernment? For inconsistency and want of purpose. But he would seek, in the first place, what right had the members o f the late had G Government ms shown a to a talku theosfubinjecAlmoif hstteneeY ; what con sistency appropriation clause? (Hear.) What consistency had the N oble Lord shown only three cr four months ago on the subject of th e Militia Bill? What consistency had he sLowu on the sub ject of a dissolution of Parliament, when he first advised her Majesty against a dissolution, and whe n he p resse d for a dissolution in this House only a few days afterwards ? (Hear , hear.) Then, again, for what did the second party to whom he referred blame them ? Because they would not make such a recantation as Sir Robert Peel, when in 1846 he not only announced his intention to introduce a measure for the repeal of the corn-laws, but stated that ever y ar g u ment which he had used with so much convincing elo q uence in former years he now recanted. And what did the Right Honourable Member for Carlisle do? They would all recol lect how the House was electrified when he announced that the eloquence which he had employed in defence of the corn laws for a whole lustrum was to be swept away by one arbitrary sentence—and how they were called upon without reason assigned to take the new dictum instead of the old arguments. But this was a recantation which was little creditable to the sagacity, however creditable it might be to the honesty, of the Right Honourable Gentleman. (Hear, hear.) Then, with regard to the Free-traders themselves. They seemed to be like the children in the Market-place— there was no pleasing them. If the Ministry announced themselves to be Protectionists they were ne t pleased, and if they announced themselves to be Free-traders they were just as little pleased. They said that Ministers had given up the principle of protection. He denied that it was a principle at all. It was only a measure founded up on the far deeper principle of justice—the principle that all cla sses should be taxed alike. Now, he considered at first , and he still con eidered, that taxation pressed heavily upon the land, and therefore he had supported protection ; but now th at j p u r s o t t i e c c a tio c n all w ad as u t p h u ro n wn ta a e s m ide, ta the ad j u s st the same principle of inequality which the removal of Protection had introduced. (Hear, hear.) Let him remind the House how the party now in power was formed. It was formed, after many years of la bour, by Sir Robert Peel, and was perfected in 1841. When that great man left them, with honour to himself, as he (Mr. Adderley) had always maintained, in 1846, the balk of the party could not follow him in his alteration of opinion. and a re.. a.a; a -aettea a ee va.preseeu tuat the country gentlemen did not follow their leader in two different operations at a moment's notice. But while he admired the self-denial of Sir Robert Peel, and was satisfied that the country would appreciate the sacrifices he had made for what he believed to be right, still he thought it was hard on the part of those who admired only the last phase of that great statesman's policy, that they should condemn the country gentlemen of England for having been too much impressed with the argu ments and the eloquence of his preceding phases to be ready to give them up at a moment's notice. (Hear, hear.) He hoped, then, that the Government had said enough to satisfy the House, and that these attacks would be desisted from, at least until the Ministry had declared the policy which they meant to pursue. Mr. COBDEN said he did not suppose it was necessary to impress his Honourable Friend the Member for Wolver hampton with the propriety of not listening to the advice which came from the other side of the House. He believed his Honourable Friend duly appreciated the position of the country with reference to this question. His Honourable occupied with Friend had faithfully represented the principl e o f F ree T ra d e in the House, and now that the country w as their discussion on this question, they expected t h at i t would be brought to some definite result. H e wou ld as k was their position such that the plain, h onest, simp l e, fair- - minded people of this country could Possibly say that this clause in the Queen's Speech was a suffi c i ent solution o f t h e fourteen years' controversy that, to hi s knowledge and ended an to , imeacin Why, if he read eti into eerience, r p i a e a n r a c g e ,r forma p h h a wd aright, w a c i st a r r not id to g o ei n nt ht e r Put the uestion nothing at all. How any thing. The paragraph began With pu t hypothetically, and might meaa ' 'f," it was co uld it be said, then, that this W ould satisfy the coun try on a question in which they we re He thought, therefore, that his Hoe°,irable Friend had very so deeply interested? w i s ely pledged himself bef ore the country fort night he would bring thi s question that within a understood substantially thath w Government Noble Lord at the he a d o f th e ow suppose Sta te d - it a I l b de truel a he what the Chancellor of it be true that the t H u o e u E se x . ch ßu equ t now had had said in an other place was confirmatory —supp ose Cabinet had resolved to ad o pt th e principle of unrestricted difficulty and the delay to commerce, where would be the , had given which his Honourable Friend's resolution unre stricted commerce. The Chancellor of the Exchequer He would undertake to say that bas tfrne the principle of unr9e Honourable Friend's re _ rise? aid solution would do no more than i.edGeinntleomneaushhoertwo would that was the opinion of the Cabie et. _. Very well. The Right up and second the mo goonnouufrahbisleHßoaur.oFneritehuaddtohn:yuttno get up for Wolverhampton— thehour—for he could promise — on a a not be troubled with many speeches afterwards—eh -- aquestion would be d . is posed of. (Hear, hear.) But then this.mtst „ not be mixed up with other questions. Th e Hon. !leinoet for Wolverhampton had too much experience of this Houle and had seen too een too much of what was required for t La Right h t er H ) he ' s uccessful advocacy of any mea sure, to allow one ro question to be mixed u p w ith others. They m ust have t e pure bleed simple Free Trade principle affirmed—a principle not blee d „ . l The "pon the casua prosperity of the present day. . _ Honourable Gentleman who last spoke seemed anxious to allow this question to be settled for the present. It was ee ls _ y to see how convenient that would be, because Hon. G Gentlemen would then go down to the farmers' table, and say ,3 "Oh, we only asserted the prin ciple for the presen t. 0 1 there is a time coming—only agitate, keep up your _ mee tings and your subscriptions to Protect i on societies—there is a time coming when, instead of the present prosperity of the manufacturing classes, they will be compelled to en dene adversity, and then we shall re verse the Kinciple of Free Trade, and adopt the policy of Protection. Yes, but tee Free-traders did not intend to allow that. The principle of unrestricted commerce was true, sound, politic, and Just in all times, all places, and all circumstances. (Cheers) If it was true, it would answer all these conditions—if not, it was not worth the fourteen years' struggle which bad been gone through to establish it in legislation. He had no objection to see a financialscheme broug ht forward. Pert from the principle of unrestricted commerce —apart from the abolition of protective duties—he thought there was a tide field open for an ingenious Chan cellor of the Exchequer in the modification of taxes. This process, to which the Queen's Speech invited them, was quite as interesting to his constituents in West Yorkshire as it could be to the landeet proprietors. Because his constituents, whether they were I tutnutacturers of stuffs or of woollens, were thrown into competition with the whole world; and, therefore, he could tot allow it to go forth that this ques tion of taxation vas a remedy for the injuries which a certain class had sustained in 1846. He knew what was the interest referfed to. He knew that the parties al luded to were engtged in agriculture. Bat it would open a wide subject if they touched the question of competition in land. First of all, be denied that any injury had been done. Had they proved their case? They had not proved it : and he would mention certain circumstances which stood in faeir way at the outset. There were several large landownele in the kingdom who declared they had net suffered at all fl'un the operation of free trade. The last they had heard on tie subject 'was from the Duke of Buccleuch and Sir James Graham, who both declared that they had not suffered. The farmers had not suffered either. Those who were engaged in grazing, in the raising of wool, in dairy farm ing, all tbena lad profited by the prosperity of trade and com merce. They talked of benefiting the landed proprietors. But they could not contemplate a modification of taxation to benefit the wheat growers without including in the bene fit the railways, the owners of house property, and, in fact, one-half of the real property of the country, which was not agricultural property at all. ( Hear, hear.) Besides, what were they to do with the seven or ten millions worth of pro perty in Ireland, which had been bought since free trade was established 1 The parties had bought the land on free trade conditions.-where was the need of compensation to them? Besides, there were millions worth of rearestate sold through. out the country every year—why should there be any re mission of taxation for them? It would be a clumsy thing to attempt to compensate the growers of wheat, and one or two ether things, by a measure which would cover all the real property in the country. (Cheers.) But he denied that the owners even of purely agricultural property could show any loss. Was the land worth less now than it was when Sir Robert Peel brought in his measure? ( Hear, hear.) Aud event if they established their injuries, he would show them that other people had sustained losses as well as them. They did not intend to compensate the lawyers for the loss of John Doe or Richard Roe. (Laughter, and loud cheers.) It was a well-established rule that where a class had benefited ey the operation of laws, that class had no right to compensation by the change of those laws. It was aid that the Corn-laws were a benefit to the agriculturists. He said that it was a benefit they held with blood-stained hands. Whenever they chose to bring forward the question, he would bring forward, on the other hand, the famines, the discontent, the turbulence, the misery which had occurred in 1816, 1819, and in 1839—a1l of which he clearly traced to the operation of the Corn-laws —(shears)—and he must say that if the law of 1815 had been in operation last autumn, when they were threatened with the failure of the har vest, instead of the present happiness and contentment of the people, they would have had the same misery and distress which they had in that year. Let them not ex pect, then, that the majority of the House would go into a financial discussion with the foregone conclusion, that certain interests were entitled to compensation. (Hear.) It was always difficult to follow the Right Honourable Gentleman the Member for the University of Oxford, as he seldom left anything unsaid—(hear, hear)—but on the pre sent occasion he thought the Right Honourable Gentleman had somewhat failed on the one point where he was least likely to err— he meant his casuistry. (Laughter.) The Right Honourable Gentleman laid down the principle that they were entitled to call upon Ministers for a declara tion of their policy, but that the House had no right to put them into the crucible, and call upon them for a declaration of their opinions and convictions. Now, if he had a steward, he would like to know what were his views on that business he was to perform, and, knowing his views, it might be concluded, if he were an honest man, that his practice would be in conformity with his views. It was on that ground he wished to know the sentiments Otte Ministers, because they were the agents and stewards of the people. Me believed that what there convictions were their policy would be, whenever they had the opportunity. To suppose otherwise would be to suppose that Right Honourable Gentlemen holding office would be willing to carry out any policy, no matter how opposed it was to their own convictions. Now that would be a very compendious mode of conducting party politics, in this re spect, that it would greatly simplify proceedings, and put an entire end to the migrations from one side of the House to the other; because when Ministers were once in oEce, what ever their convictions might be, there could be no obstacle to their carrying out the views of the House. He could more easily tolerate that doctrine if they had never given any reasons for their convictions ' • hut he could pot forget that the Right honourable theSChancellor of the Exchequer had told the House, tnot in the heat of debate in 1846, but ho had told them in 1849, that one :of the reasons why he was in favour of protection —why ho was especially in favour of reciprocity—was (and he gave the most elaborate arguments in proof of his reason), that Free trade according to the Manchester school, as he was pleased to designate it—(Hear, and a laugh)—meaning free imports and hostile tariffs, would degrade the labourer, lower the rate of wages, diminish capital, and produce pauperism. (Loud cheers). The Right Honourable Gentleman had told them that most empha tically within the Jest three years. He (Hr. Cobden) was the last to go back to " Hansard" to quote words against anybody ; but when he was asked to leave the Right Honourable Gentleman in office, he could not separate those arguments from what he believed were the present convictions of the Right Hon. Gentleman, and what would be his future practice if he could carry them out. (Cheers.) Besides, he could not forget that on the last occasion, when the Right Hon. Gentleman alluded to the sub ject of Free Trade, he told him (Mr. Cobden) very_ indig nantly, " I deny that I am come to this side of the House to betray the principles I professed when on the other side; on the contrary, I am here to carry out, if it be in my power, all those principles." (Hear, hear.) He then thought he was justified, and the country was justified, in asking the d gentlemen opposite what were their present convictions on this r e al to which ohueldlanteo Sir isrußbjoebcetrtthpeemeltwo when o ( t El he e y ar.) li e subjected he changed his opinions. (Hear, hear.) The Hon. Gentle man who spoke last, talked of his (Mr. Cobden's) side of the House unfairly assailing her Majesty's Ministers; but the Hon. Gentleman was mistaken, and must have been thinking of what occurre d fi ve years ago, when Sir R. Peel avowed a change of opinion, (Loud cheers.) The late Right Hon. Gentleman was not allowed to remain in peace with his new convictions, though he abandoned office as the price of his conversion ( Hear, hear, hear) —and he (Mr. Cobden) did not think the Right Honourable Gentlemen opposite had any reason to complain of the retribution with which they might be visited. (Hear, hear, hear, and cheers.) He had felt often, and had often been on the point of saying it, and he would not hesitate to say it now, that he thought the personal friends and political colleagues of the late Sir R. Peel had shown more forbearance towards his assailants than they had any right to expect, or than he (Mr. Cobden) should have been disposed to extend. (Hear, hear, hear.) But if the right honourable gentlemen opposite would, upon the motion of the honourable member for Wol verhampton, come forward and give in their adhesion, and say they had changed their views, he (Mr. Cobden) would give his solemn pledge they should never hear one taunt or one syllable of condemnation from him. (cheers.) But if, without that declaration, they were asked how they were in clined to trust gentlemen who professed one set of principles, and carried out another in practice, he could only say for himself, representing as he did a constituency the largest in the empire, having a population of a million and a half, whose opinion was unanimous on the subject—(hear, hear) —they should never remain in office a day with his consent, or a day after he possessed the power to turn them out (loud cheers.) He had only to repeat to the right honourable gentleman that if he would bring forward a substantive resolution, as the right hon. member for the University of Oxford had said, embracing the right of the people of this country to the free and unrestricted importation of corn—if he would avow the principle of Free Trade, and say it was just and politic, and that it must be maintained and extended in every practicable manner, or if he would endorse that resolution, he should never hear a taunt from him; but if the right hon. gentleman opposed it, he and his colleagues should have his eeetiuuest eoputaisuu 50101 b az they remained iu vane. (LUUII cheers). Mr. E. BALL said he would not hesitate to avow, even if he stood alone, that he had not changed his opinions; that his views were unaltered; that he was still a Protectionist. (Opposition cheers.) He might be ridiculed for maintaining those doctrines—(No)—but he should have some consolation in knowing that there was not a single nation upon the earth save Great Britain, which did not respond to the principles which he now advocated. He should have some satisfaction in recollecting that the greatest men both in America and in Flues agreed with him, maintained his views, and carried out in those countries principles which he believed to be sound and right. (Cheers, and counter cheers) He should be farther supported by recollecting that this country had attained that pre-eminence and superiority which she enjoyed by a maintenance of a protective policy, and under those principles which it was the fashion now to despise. (Ironical cheers.) He concurred in what had been said in the course of the debate, that they had now arrived at a period when it became necessary for men of all parties distinctly to avow what their opinions were; but he also agreed with the Home Secretary that this was not a night to be devoted to political and party discussions, but a night when they were met to tes tify and prove their attachment to her Majesty by receiving the Speech, and responding to the Address now laid before them. Surely the case was not so urgent, the matter was not so pressing, that they could not brook the delay of the few days asked by the Chancellor of the Exchequer. (Hear ?) The Noble Lord who represented the city of London, whilst giv ing his adhesion to much in the Speech, had said there was one paragraph in it so mystified, so unintelligible, one part professing one species of principles, and the other ad vocating another species of principles, that he was disposed to divide the house, or at leastthat he very much disliked it. He (Mr. Ball) could understand how a policy might be good for one portion of the people and not good for another por tion. He could understand how free trade might have ad. vanced some interests, and might have damaged other in terests; and he had only to go back two sessions, when the Noble Lord was in power, to find in the Speech from the Throne a recognition of the distress prevailing amongst one class of the community, and a suggestion to the House of Commons to take their position into consideration. He thought in the same Speech was an acknowledgment that certain principles were doing good to certain parties, and were adverse to other parties, but although the Noble Lord did recognize that preposition, he (Mr. Ball) had not to thank him for having undertaken to remove the distress under which one interest were suffering. (Hear, hear, and Ministerial cheers.) The Hon. Gentleman who represented a million and a half of people having but one mind—(a laugh)—a million and a half of people among whom were no dissensions —a million and a half of people who were in ac cordance with him in opinion, the great town of Liverpool joining in it— (laughter from the Opposition, and an Hon. Member reminded Mr. Ball that the Hon. Member he was alluding to represented the West Riding of York :hire)—the Hon. Member who enjoyed this unanimity of feeling with so large a constituency, said, "How can you, when no part of the community is suffering—how cm you come and ask for any redress ?" (Cheers from the Opposi tion.) He (Mr Cobden) stated that the farmers were not complaining—that the wool farmers and the sheep breeders were obtaining remunerative prices; but he (Mr Ball) said those were indications of the destructive policy of Free Trade principles. (Laughter.) Why were the wool farmers and the sheep breeders making money? When the policy of tree trade was first introduced, sheep were imported in such numbers that it created a panic among the sheep breeders. (Oh, oh, and laughter.) They brought a disease, the small pox, among them, they tainted all the English mutton, and what did the sheep breeders do? They killed off their stock —(Loud laughter)—they ceased to breed in such numbers, and the very consequence of having imported those horrible and diseased sheep had been that the stock had decreased, the supplies had fallen off, and the price had advanced, and that,was just the history, in a few words, of why mutton was now remunerative. (Derisive cheers.) The same consequence would follow free trade in corn. Less wheat was sown year by year, and year by year the amount of wheat decreased. By and-by a blight, mildew, or blast would pass over the Continent--corn would then be as mutton was now, remunerative to the producer—and the country in its rain would only have to thank its own folly for having destroyed that principle under which she had risen to prosperity. (No, no.) He had nothing to conceal—nothing to with-1 draw. lie stood before the House, as he stood before his constituency, a Protectionist, and he would not hesitate to advocate those principles on all occasions, although Hon. gentlemen opposite said they were opposite to good sense and good policy. (Hear, hear.) He was not prepared to deny that our position as a country with regard to the ques li tion of Free Trade was different now to what it was two years ago. But was that the result of the Free Trade policy? Did Free Trade discover the gold of Aus tralia? (Loud Ministerial cheers.) He would not trouble the Hous e now with a statement from the " Quarterly R eview " _(a laugh) but in the review of a little work—" Three Years of Free 'Grade",—addressed to the electors of Great Britain, it was shown that the poor-rates in England, which were 13,500,0001. in 1845-46, were nearly 15,000,000/. in 1849-50, , whilst the increase in Scotland was muc h g reater ; th at on a comparison of the same years the convictions for crime were much more numerous; and that the deposits in the savings' banks had decreased 62,000,000/. to 55,000,000/. n o believed, also, that, without exception, France, Prussia, the whole of Germany, and Russia ha d taken less of our manu factures since we had free trade tha n before. (Hear, hear, and laughter.) If these were facts, why should he abandon the principles which he had professed, and incur the odium which would justly attach to him ? (Hear, hear.) N ot hi ng, he conceived, could give greater pain than for a man, coming to that House as the representative of certain principles, to read his recantation, and to avow that he abandoned them all. In conclusion, he repeated that, notwithstanding the taunts of Honourable Gentlemen opposite, he was a Pro tectionist, aissi by that flag he would stand so long as it should remain unfurled. (Cheers and counter cheers.) Sir. J. V. SHELLEY congratulated the House that they had found one man bold enough to avow the principles of protection. (Hear, hear.) He trusted, when the Honourable Member for Wolverhampton brought forward his motion, that Honourable Gentleman, whatever Her Majesty's Go vernment might do, would give them an opportunity of h a ving a discussion, and that he would oppose that motion. He Must say he gave the Honourable Member credit for the manliness with which he had stated his conscientious opi nions, but the honourable Member would allow him, as an old Free-trader, entirely to disagree with the reasons he bad given for those opinions, and especially that the stock of sheep was rapidly diminishing. (Cheers and a laugh.) He believed the agriculturists of Cambridgeshire were vurortunate enough to have the small-pox among their sheep; but he thought the Honourable Member's constituents would laugh when they heard the cause to which was attri buted the increase in the price of mutton and wool. (Hear, hear.) To all persons having anything to do with agriculture it was notorious that, instead of the number of sheep bred in the country having greatly decreased, the contrary was the fact, and that the prices of both mutton and wool had advanced in consequence of a great increase in the demand. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) When also the Honourable Gen tleman took upon himself to say the quantity of corn grown was less than in the days of protection, he was equally inac curate, and he (Sir J. Shelley) could take upon himself to a.sure him that r ever were such improvements being car ricd out in agriculture as had been carried cut since the introduction of free trade. (Cheers.) After they had been told, as they had been to-night, that never again would the Government lay protective duties upon corn, he trusted the Hon. Gentleman the Member for Cambridgeshire would be prepared to give hi s oppos i t i on to h er Majesty's Ministers. (Hear.) With rega r d t o th e quest i on to b e b roug ht before the House by the Member for Wol v e r h a mpton, he entirely agreed with - those who thought the country looked to this House that the question should at once be settled either one way or the other. (Hear, hear.) For himself,he was satis fied nothing had done so much injury to agriculture, had so truly been the bane of agriculture, as that protection to which the Hon. Member even now adhered, and whenever that sub ject should be before the House, h a wou ld ta k e an oppor tunity of entering more largely than at present into the argu ments by which that opinion was supported. (Cheers.) Lord PALMERSTON rose and said—Sir, I wish to make one or two observations upon the Address and the Speech prepared by her Majesty's advisers; and I cannot refrain at the outset from joining my voice to those who have spoken already, in bearing testimony to the good taste and good feeling which have led her Majesty's Ministers to place in a prominent part of the Speech a just tribute to the memory of that great man whom we have just lost. (Hear.) Of him at present I shall content myself by saying that I believe that never was there any other man in any country whatever whose lot it was to render such great and important services to his country, or who had the good fortune to lire so long in the enjoyment of the universal and unbounded love, respect, and admiration of his countrymen. (Cheers.) Sir,;l am glad to find, talking of the principle of protection, that at least one application of that principle h as succ e e ded, an d that hoc majesty's Ministers have been able to realize the expec tations held vut as to the voluntary enlist.muc, of inea n,r Lila militia service. (Hear, hear.) I certainly feel peculiar gratification on that point— (Cheers)—inasmuch as it always was my opinion that voluntary enlistment would answer the purpose, and that a sufficient number of men could be found ready to join the ranks of the militia, on the terms which Government were prepared to offer. (Hear, hear.) I have received, sir, great satisfaction from the statement which the Speech contains in regard to the acquiescence and co-operation of the Government of Brazil in measures taken by this country for the suppression of the slave trade. I am happy to think that the suspension of those measures by which that co-operation was obtained—stated to be only temporary and contingent on that co-opera tion—will be of a more lasting character. (Cheers.) I should have been glad if her Majesty's Government had been able to state that the Government of Spain had equally co-operated in putting an end to the importation of slaves to Cuba, and I trust that either this evening, or on some future occasion, her Majesty's Ministers will be able to inform us, in what degree, during the year now expiring, the slave trade, by the good faith of the Spanish Government has either been reduced or put an end to. ( Hear, hear.) On that great question, which has been the main topic of debate this evening, I think if any doubt could have existed when we met to-day, as to the necessity of some declara tion on the part of this house, aye or no, on the question of protection or free trade, that which has passed in debate this evening would have removed that doubt altogether; be cause, that although it appears that her Majesty's Govern ment thought the question might be passed over sub silcntio, and disposed of in a paragraph in the Speech, which resem bles, in its ambiguous terms, the oracle, " Aio to tEalcida Romanes vincere posse," which, according as it is construed, may be taken either on. way or the other. (Cheers and laughter.) And although I do not blame the Ministers for the arrangement of that Speech, after the excellent reason given by the Secretary of State, " That it was known there were gentlemen who might have objected to a frank and explicit declaration as to the policy to be pursued." (Rmewed laughter.) Yet, sir, we nave heard to-night that there are Protectionists still in the House. (Laughter.) And if the verdict of the country is to be inferred simply from the debate this evening, it may go forth that doubts may be entertained what is the opinion of the majority of the House of Commons on that gsea t ques tion. And considering the :formal manner in which that quest ion was by htr Majesty's Ministers referred to the de cision of the country at the late general election, I do think it is necessary for the public interest that there should be some formal declaration of opinion —not simply by the mem bers of her Majesty's Ministry, satisfactory as that has been, so far as we have heard this evening —but a formal declaration by the House itself, establishing permanently and decidedly that which no doubt will be esta blished—the concurrence of the Commons' House of Parlia ment in the sound policy of that system of commercial Go vernment on which legislation of late years 'has been con ducted (Vehement cheers). And, sir, I cannot agree with the Honourable Gentleman who spoke on the other side that free trade is a measure, and not a pr inciple (Hear, hear, hear). No doubt the imposition or repeal of duty on a par ticular article such as corn may be a measure—a measure emanating from a principle ; but the principle of free trade is of larger and more extensive application, and must be con secrated by the vote of this House as the foundation of all fature legislation (Loud cheers). And, therefore. I heard with vrPat 0 , 34:4C.44:64. 41..6 Li., ,iuc,tuu 13 LO ne brougut uistinctly and separately under consideration. That being the case, and feeling that *hall undoubtedly join my Tote with others who are prepared to affirm that principle, I shall not further intrude, but only express my concurrence, not only in the propriety, but the absolute necessity for such a proceeding. (Loud and continued cheering). A great number of Members left the House, and no one rising, the Speaker put the question, and was proceeding to read the Address, when Colonel SIBTHORP rose, and proceeded to say, that he had intended to express his great disappointment, if he had not used the expression disgust, at the course adopted by those whom it was his great wish and anxiety to have sup ported. (Oh.) He thought himself called upon, after being so many years a Member of that House, to express briefly, independently, and fearlessly his opinions. He was from heart and soul a Protectionist; he came into that House as a Protectionist, and he would continue in that House alone as a Protectionist. When he could dare to change those opinions which he had so often professed in that house, he would at once resign that situation, and confess his constituents had reposed an unworthy confidence in him. He regretted deeply being called on to express those feelings. He said most distinctly he was unchangeable in opinion and un changeable in conduct. He confessed he was astonished at the manner in which that party, to wnich he had been proud to attach himself, had venture i to express themselves in that House. (Opposition cheers.) He had heard the word " du plicity." He was sorry to say that was his—(The word used to conclude the sentence was lost in the derisive cheers of the Opposition.) He quarrelled with no man for his political opinions, whether they be free trade or protectionist; but let him know who his man was, and on which es le of the House he was called on to take his seat. He knew he ought not to have trespassed on the House; but, as an honest man, he was anxious to do his duty fearlessly, and he could not have retired to rest without expressing his disappointed feelings, and his determination to uphold his own principles. (Oppo sition cheers.) The resolution was then agreed to.:and a deputation, on the motion of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, as appointed to present the Address to her Majesty. The House immediately adjourned, at"` ‘ half-past nine o'clock. UNIVERSITY OF LONDON, 1552,-211.8. SECOND EXAMINATION. FIRST DIVISI ,, N, Medical Schools. Bridgewater, Thomas King's College. Cammack, T. Armstrong University Collage. Hornidge, Thomas King, St. George's Hospital. Jodan, R. Coane Roberts King's College. Li3tor, Joseph, B.A University College. Littleton, Thomas University College. Rivy, Frederick William Guy's Hospital. Rooks, Thomas Morley..., Guy's Hospital. Trouncer, John Henry University College. SECOND DIVISION. Gaye, William Thomas-- University College. Pat fitt, Henry King's College. Rice, Bernard St. Bartholomew's Hospital Roberts, Elias Jones Richmond Hospital, Dublin In accordance with the recent regulation of the Senate, that the examinations shall be conducted "by demon stration from preparations, and by requiring the candi dates to report on cases of actual patients." The examiners in physiology required the candidates to name and describe microscopic specimens, illustrat ing important points in physiological anatomy. In surgery, the candidates were examined ny demon strations from dry and wet preparations, illustrative of various surgical diseases and accidents, and of their treatment. The examiners is medicine required the candidates to examine patients in th e war d s of a metropolitan hospital. and afterwards to report in writing . on the cases, and also to examine microscopically various specimens of morbid products. ------ HIGHWAY ROBBERY AND ATTEMPTED MURDER. ' —A daring outrage took place in Sutton, near Maccles field, on Saturday night last. About half-past ten o'clock, on that night, as a man named Joseph Wa is worth, silk weaver, was returning home from the mar ' ket, he was overtaken on the high road to Leek, by a Young man, about twenty years old, named John Riley, silk weaver, of the Watercotes, who is considered by the police to bear a bad character. en Riley p asse d Wadsworth a short distance, and bun returned and en t ere d i n t o conversat i on with R ley said he was employed at Broad's Gardens, as ttr of the ceremonies ; and kept pace with Wa 1 moss Poo l ' tun they arrived at a lonely spot near the c. , o _, lab moriltbs, He then pill, his arm round Wadsworth's neck, k a a nd dagger or stab bed him with some sharp instrument—eith ©r an incision an ' a knife just above the windpipe, inch and a quarter long through hismlneaefket k i : l ea - „ re b justicr Lie ssi thong g stabded Wadsworth through the ma d e five cats in the the great artery of the head, scalp at the buck of the head,. Tii•Unient from Wadsworth's and enhalt an inch deep. Du ring th scuffle to keep the Wadsworth's hands, almost throat, Riley drew it throuignb In the whole, 14 wounds outing off the right thum b . _ a worth's person. Wadsworth were inflicted on " to r Riley and begged for his life, went ou his knees a wife and family, and Riley's reply for the sake of ! hi nt finish you. The cries of mur was, ~ you d -- . , - h assailant ft they a contained, - der was not hea k rd eis l: s a n t d t alltaeking Wadswhoaritfhp'senpnoyc, a purse.. .and two knives, 1 decamped, pence Wadsworth dripping with blood. )3 y some and left means Wadsworth scrambled to the ne arest house, and wa i,,k en home; but no perso n d ared venture to fetch me dical aid from the town until e ar l y next morning, an d he now lies in a very precarious state, his recovery being doubtful. Information was conveyed to the police, who fortunately succeeded in finding Riley, with the knives and purse, in his father's house; and his shirt was found much died with blood. He was brought up on Tuesday at the county policy office, before Dr. Swan- i wick, and was remanded f or a week. - I it fry • 4, COUNTRY MARKETS. • zy .4 , A 1) EDINBURGH GRAIN, NOV. 10,—We had a large suppl t -1 2 , of grain in to-d a y' s mar ket ; sa l es b r i s k an d p r i ces up. „.? 5 ,>„ . 1 4, „ Wheat on the top 61 down, and the average 9d up. Ilk Barley on the top the same, and the average 33 up. p artrip 7- 11 ""w • Oats on the top 41 up, an d t h e average 8d d own . B ean s lat • on the top is up. an d t h e average 81 d own. Usnold— sdßAt 37 qrs wheat, 333 qrs barley, 185 qrs oats, and beans all sold. Tup of Wheat ... Barley.• Oats 4541b 23s Od ... Beans GLAsGow GRAIN, Nov. 9.—During the week past the trade has been quiet, and except in wheat and flour, not many transmtions of importance; but prices of all articles keep steady, and the tendency is rather upward than otherwise. Wheat meets a brisk demand and flour of good quality i s much inquired for and brings full prices; barrels scarce, and in request. NEWARK, Nov. 10.—At the Corn-exchange to-day we bad a good supply of grain of all descriptions, and there was no material variation from last week's prices. Wheat, white, 443 to 48s ; red. 38s to 44s ; barley, grinding, 27s to 295 ; malting, 32s to 35s ; oats, old, 24s to 26s ; new, 183 to 22s ; beans, 38s to 415 ; peas, 32s to 34s ; tares, 38s to 41s ; malt, 56s to 61s per qr. 80/TON, Nov. 10.—At to day's market there was a good supply of train. For wheat the demand was less active than of late, and previous rates were barely main tained, except for very choice samples. All descriptions of spring corn met a steady sale at last weeks prices.-- Wheat, red, 34s to 41s ; white, 402 to 453; extra, 475; barley, 26s to 30s ; oats, 143 to 20 ; beans, 32s to 38s; peas, 28s to 33s per qr. DERBY SMITHFIELD MARKET, Nov. 9.—The supply of fat stock to-day was about the average ; high prices were asked, and most of the beasts were disposed of.— The number of sheep was not so large as on some pre ceding markets, most of which were sold. The show of fat pigs was good, without any alteration in price. Fat calves were scarce. Beef. 4kd to 5d ; mutton, 5i to 61 ; lamb, 61d ; veal, si-d to 61 per lb.; pigs, is 9d to 8s Od per score. Rough fat, 4s Od per 141 b; hides, 2d per lb ; calf skins, 2d to 3d per lb. CORX, Nov. 10. Barrels. Currenol 67 wi.u.....1...s 23s us to 25. Od ous Ucl-20 stifle. 86 Red wheat l9s 6d to 22s 3d ) 56 Ditto 221 3d to 231 Od 23, Od-20 do 69 Ditto 45 Barley 13s 6d to 13. led 197 Ditto l3s 10d to 14s Od 13s 10d-.16 do 85 Ditto ...14s Od to 14s 3d 5 8ere............11s Gd to 00s Od Os Od 636 Oats 9s Od to 9s 8d 616 Ditto ... 271 Ditto lOl Od to 10s 8d 316 Pigs 9 8s Od to 36s Od O's Od per cwt Quantity sold at the Highest Prices:— - 30 barrels white wheat; 3 red; 24 barley; 0 bere; 8 oats; 5 pigs. Quantity of Grain and Number of Pigs sold last week:— Wheat, 1,491. Barley, 3,052. Bere, 0. 0at5,10,144. Pigs, t 387. - - PRICES OF BUTTER. CANT. CURRINCT. First quality Second quality Third quality Fourth quality Fifth quality Sixth quality 461 Sixth quality Return of Cattle sold for week ending Nov. 6. Pigs, 902. Sheep, 239. Cows, 309. Coal.—Floor—First 131 Od to 141 6d ; extra 166 0.1; seconds, 12.60 d to 138 Od ; households, 108 Od to Ils Gd ; thirds, 7e to 103 per cwt; Meal—lndian meal, 78 9d to 83 Od; Oatmeal, 108 Gd to 11s Od; wheat meal, 103 Gd to 118 per cwt. In'lian corn, 71 103 Od to 71 15. Od per ton. Bran, 41 173 6d to Si per ton. Ilay—Farmers, 22s Od to 308 Od; averae, 265; dealers, 3160 d to 386; average 03, per ton. Straw—For. rusts, 12s Od to 248 Od; average, 206: dealers, 00s to 003 Od . average, 00s Od per ton. Bread—Wheaten loaf, td to OJ ; household lox`, 5d to Od per 4ib. Fresh butter, 91 to tOd per lb. Eggs-58 3d to 5s 4d per hundred. Coals— , Newport 17s Od ; Lydney 186; Landore 00s ; Cult°, 14s Od per ton. Tallow 456 Od to 006 per ow'. Whisky, 25 o. p., 6s Od per imperial gallon. Moat —Bet.f 4id to 7d; mutton 5d to 6id ; veil 4d to 6d ; pork 4d to Od ; bacon 6d to 7d ; sausages 6d per lb. Hops 71108 to 01 Os per ewt. Bangor slates, 2117 s 6d to 310 s pe. ton. Bark, red 71to 81103 per ton. Fleece wool 16s to 00e per stone. Hemp 29/ to 34/ per ton. Fish—S...otch herrings 16s to 00s; red ditto, 24s to 00s per barrel ; NeWfoundland, 10( Os to 11/ per ton. Timber—Memel, 703 per ten ; red pine, 315 s ' • yellow ditto, 3/ 15, per ton; dea r s, 15/ t o 18/ p er 100. Hide:— Market 226 to 28s; salted 248 to 306 per cwt ; calf skins 334 d to Od per lb. Potatoes, white 93 to 10d; pinks, Ilu to 12d. Guano—Peruvian, 10/ 10s to 11/ per ton. Tar-- Archangel, 19s per barrel. RAILWAY SHARE MARKETS. LIVERPOOL, Nov. N. STOCK EXCHAMIE.—The Share Market is duller to-day, and prices have slightly declined. The committee's autho rised list reports the day's operations as follows —Birken head, Lancashire, and Cheshire 221. shares, 21,i dis. ; Black burn (late 8., C., and W. Y.), 7 1 4 ; Caledonian, 28%, %; Lancashire and Yorkshire, 87, Gyg ; Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincoln, 31%; Midland, 79 1 ,; 0 9, 87,,, 79 ;'Korth British, 9 3 / 8 ; Shrewsbury and Chester Preference, guaranteed 8 per cent., 17 1 / & ; South-Eastern and Dover, 23%; 'York and North Midland, 281/1, MANCHESTER, Nov. 11. STOCK EXCILINGE.—Business was far from brisk to-day, and prices had a downward tendency. The sales were-- Birkenhead, Lancashire, and Cheshire Junction, 6% dis.; Caledonian, 28:N, ; East Lancashire, ; Fleet wood, Preston, and West Riding Junction, 7% dis. ; Lan cashire and Yorkshire, 861; ditto Fifths, 3 dis.; ditto 161. shares, F, % prem. ; London and North-Westerh, Man chester and Birmingham Quarters, C, ',7A prem. ; Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincoln, 31%, ; Midland Railway Consols, 791, 9, %, 9; Shrewsbury and Chester Preference, guaran teed 8 per cent., 171 ; South-Eastern, 23 9-16 ; York and North Midland, 2SI/2. BIRMINGHA6I, Nov. 11. STOCK EXCHANGE.—The Railway Share market at its opening this morning was firm, and in the shares of some lines there was an improvement. The market closed batter than it opened. Shrewsbury and Birmingham were done at 63 4 ; ditto (London and North Western (uarantee), BRISTOL, Nov. 11. grocK EXCFIANGE.—BristoI and Exeters were done at 105 1 4 ; 951,i. SEABORNE .41AILS. [ti signifies that the malls aro sent Prom the General Post-Office by the eight—and M by the morning—dispatch.j When made up is , k'rbm what PLACES. Generairost-ofllw' purt die- When London: patched. due. America (by Brit. pkt.) N Nov. 12 .. , Liverpool .. I Nov. 14 America (by U.S. pkt.) N Nov. 16 .. 'Liverpool .. Arrival America (by U.S. pkt.) N N ov . 10 Southampt. Nov. 20 Australia (via South ampton) .. M 20th of each month Southampt. Nov. 24 Ditto (via Marseilles) N 24th of month Dover .. Nov. 17 *Ditto, viaC.of G.llopeN 2d of December Plymouth.. Nov. 30 Africa (West coast).. N 23d 01 the month Plythowth Nov. 4 Alexandria* ........ N 19th & 30th of me.,Dover .. Nov. 18 Belgium .. •• N Daily .. Dover .. Daily Itiraxil.. • • .. 31 3th of the month Sonthampt. Nov. 16 Buenos Ayres .. 3th of the month Southampt. Nov. 1G California(viaChagret) 31 id & 17th cf month 'Southern pt. Nov. 16 Cape of Good Dope N 14th of the month Plymouth.. Oct • v 4t6; Cape de Verde .. N 14th of the month IPlymouth • . Oct. 26 Constantinople* •• 17thl7th 27th of mo Dover .. .20 Central America .. NfZd & 17th of mon. , Southampt. Nov. 16 Channel Idler • • .. N Mon., Wed., & FrLSouthampt.l Tu. Th .8a . id & 17th of mnth Southampt. Nov. 16 France 31 N Twice daily .. .. Dover • • Twicedaily Grouser N l 7th 17th27thof mo Dover .. Nov. 20 Elamburgh N(Tuesday & Friday London .. Taus. Sat. BS Wednes. & Satur.londen .. Sun. Thor Honduras N l l7th of the mouthlSouthampt. Nov. 16 Ireland al& N Twice daily , Holyhead.. Twieedally India (via Sonthamp.) M 20th of tho monthlSouthanapt. Nov. 24 India ( vies' arsoilles) & a N +th 24th month Dover •• Nov. 17 India, Via C. of G. Elope N 14th of month Plymouth.. Nov. 26 Mauritius 14th of mouth Plymouth.. Nov. 26 ited , :c. - rane.m (via Southan"pton) •• 1N 10th of the month Sonthampt. Nov 24 Mediterranean (via Marseilles) N .4th& 24th of month Dover .. Nov. 17 31 Mg ai aexid t e a r : I Tiadt:tholl(;li2hli,odlf7:,),:mtthpitht.ii Southampt. NN D o e v c.. 41 1 8 oVisr ov• Naples* .. h s th 15th 25th ofmo Dover .. )Nov. 12 Papal States* N .sth lath 25th of mc, Dover .. Nov. 12 teuinsula .. 7th 17 ft 27th of En o , Southampt. Nov. 16 Peru •• •• •• • • bl i ld & 17th o f mut t Southampt. Nov. 16 Tuscany* •• N sth lattrsath of mol Dover •• N o II West Indies id & 17th of truth ISouthampf- - I, °' • "' Van Die.nen's Land (see Australia). * The mails for Australia via the Cape of Good hope Are made up on the second o f every alternate month. Thos e made up on the 20th and 24th of each month via Southampton and Marseilles are sent by sailing vessels at present from Sin;apore, but next year they will be sent in steamers. t Mails are also made up on the 2 d o f every alternate month for the Cape of Good Hope. * The mails to those countries thus marked ( 5 ) arc conveyed by French packet to Marseilles. „„ Duke of , c e fef o o f rt t h ak t i o ng ve su d c e h .. ITALIAN VAGRANTS. ---108 issued a decree, dated the 27th ult., forbidding his subjects to entrust children under tutelage, or under the authority of persons who make a trad ill, and b • purposes p f aosrsep ig o n rti c i ou fo n r tr c ie h s il f d o r r enarehen o lucre, and who are known to treat them ring them up to misery and childrento their paren ts, to p vice. No heparents li ver ed, except to t foreign countries,having. such minors under theirauthority 8 1 ) &11 restore them within six months, on pain erty sequestrated until their return, independently of having their prop ependently of the penalties they may have incurred, acc d . l a ws, in the above vocation. Persons or ing to the existing a bove, to be taken to foreign countries, deliverin g children as them, shall be liable to imprisonment or those r e ceiving and fine not exceeding I,ooof, not exc ee di ng one y ear THE AGM& PHI& GOLD MINING terday the first annual CoMPANT.—YeS- Gold Mining Company general meeting of the Ague Fria 11. Price in the chair was held in the London Tavern; Sir held on the 29th of March The minutes of a special meeting that 45,00 N. of were approved. The announce mentand yielding a the capital was satisfactorily invested the purpose of favourable rate of interest, until required for working the mine, was received with applause, as were alto a w id ows _ r _ , proposition for making an allowance to the UL mechanics who had died in the company's service, and a declaration on the part of the directors that they de c. lined to receive any remuneration until the mine is in wor k . A statement of receipts and expenditure was subjoined, showing that the total receipts were 67,585/.; and the ex penditure, included for preliminary expenses, 1,2071.; charges on account of machinery, plant, and tools, freight, Sce., which together amounted to 8,514/.; for outfit and passage of direc tor, engineer, and stall; 1,812/. ; for preliminary expenses, purchase of specimens, and to Messrs. Palmer, Cook, and Co., 6,000/. The report was adopted. A curious property was to be seen at the Auction Mart on Monday last. The "King of the Nuggets,” weighing 330 ounces, and of the purest gold, and several others of smaller size, wo re offered for comp et i t i on b y Mr Collier. The first bidding for the Royal Nugget was 1,400/. Several offers were made, bu t a f ter some com petition it was ultimately bought in for 1,5001. The proprietors of the Panorama of the Australian Gold Fields purchased two of these beautiful specimens of Australian gold, which they intend to exhibit to the public. ~: I ■