The Sun. — London, England, 1837-04-26 00:00:00

oily- bankrupt ; and the trust-estates would have probably been involved in the ruin (see Charities). The saving al eady effected in salaries alone is, notwithstanding the juris dirtiin is double its former extents (,0001. per annum. from the sale of advowsous, the most objectionable species of patronage which such a body could possess, nearly 40,0001. will acrue to the city. " 4th. Public Confidence.—Onc of the greatest advan t ges which the city has derived from the introduction of tl.is law, is the absolute creation of what before did not airy where exist—public confidence in the local government. Whether the elements of this confidence consist of entire reliance on the parties chosen as councillors by the burgesses, or on that corrective nature of the constitution of the go verning body inseparable from the principle of representa tion, is of secondary importance, for its good effect is the same. Formerly any movement of the Corporation with reference to the public was always m:?.t on the part of the citizens by parochial meetings and central committees of delegates, then followed negotiations, in which ready suspi cion on the one band played at cross purposes with excited jealousy on the other, and the result always left the breach wider than before. Now, the debates in the town council give to public feeling vent enough ; the movement comes from,within, and agitation and its evils arc avoided. This feeling is shared by all parties ; most assert, none deny, the benefit of the change. " nth. Party vi; . uleizce has been softened down ; and not only party virulence, but sectarian virulence also ; this, in a moral and social point of view, is one of the happiest effects of the change of system. In no place have party and sectarian feeling ru❑ higher than in Bristol ; and in no place have more disastrous effects been in consequence pro duced. The operation of the change has been to throw party leaders together ; and, the first jealousy overcome, acting together in matters where party could be forgotten, they have learned to respect each others talents and virtues, and to forget distinctions of opinion, whereby they could only be -.remembered to their common injury. The conse quence is, that there is more and heartier union, and a bet ter feeling on subjects of common benefit ; and thus one element of prosperity has been, though indirectly, given to Bristol by this measure, which Bristol previously wanted, and suffered for the want of." Now, my Lords, I have also received reports of a similar nature from Leicester, from Norwith, from Liverpool, from Cambridge, from Ipswica, and from other places ; and al though they differ in sonde respects, yet essentially the writers of them concur with the writer of the report which I have just had the honour to read to your Lordships. They • declare generally that the administration of justice has been improved—that there has been a great diminution of public abuses, more especially with reference to police. It was on that last point that the Noble Lords opposite were the most apprehensive. They were afraid that the New Town councils would not place the police in a situation calculated ,to maintain the public tranquillity. It now appears, how ever, that the operation of the English Municipal Bill has been most advantageous with reference to the police. All this, my Lords, is a great good. Then I say that this great good we ought to endeavour to communicate to Ire land. It is on the working of the English that I recom mend to your Lordships the adoption of the Irish mea sure. It is not necessary to go back to the examples of Greece or Rome, the the more recent ones of the Ne therlands and other parts of the Contiuent. All these are in favour of the plan which I recommend , but the success of the English measure is a much more powerful mo tive. At present the members of the Irish Corporations • are too much in the habit of looking to the Castle, and of doing nothing for themselves. But there is nothing which unfits the Irish people for taking upon themselves the duties which this Bill will impose. Thus to employ them, thus to give them important duties, may prove a balance to what is at present considered deficient in the Irish charac ter. Really, my Lords, the question is reduced into a very narrow compass. It is contended by the opponents of this Bill that it is not applicable to Ireland, in consequence of the different position in which that country and England are placed—in consequence of the difference of religion in Ireland—in consequence of the violence of politics in Ire land, and of the social bitterness which that violence engenders. It is said by the opponents of the measure that we only propose to transfer power from one body to another". from the Protestants to the Roman Catholics. My Lords, I rather doubt that. From all I know, from all I see, and from all I have heard, I very much doubt if such will be the effect of the adoption of the Bill under your Lordships' consideration. But supposing that you give up some power to these new town-councils, let me ask your Lordships, what is the nature of that poWer? It can in no wise be dangerous. It is said that hope tells a flattering tale ; but fear tells as intimidating a one. It has been al ledged that these Town-councils will become " normal schools of agitation." Possibly political matters may be agitated in these town-councils, and on those matters they may be induced to present addresses to the King and peti tions to both Houses of Parliament. If that be the danger apprehended, I hold it very cheap indeed. If they step out of their sphere, depend upon it their influence will be very small. None are so weak as those who endeavour to go further than they have a right to go. There is, there fore, no danger that they can have any such bad effect as is anticipated. Public opinion would divest of all weight their proceedings, and if they stepped beyond the bounds of their duty they might be safely left to bring forward measures which would be only a proof of their own weakness and imbecility. With respect to the influence of town-councils, Ido not consider that even of such importance. But are there no other assemblies at present ? Are there no gene ral associations ? And I mention not these for the purpose of proviag that they may have much effect on Parliament, but I point them out to show that these associations have the means of influencing the return of Members of Parliament. I mention them to prove that by cor respondence, and by raisin , * funds for supporting can• didates, they may act as efficiently, and more efficiently, than town-councils in returning Members either of Con servative or Radical principles.—(Hear, hear, hear.) That ie the real object in view, and it therefore becomes your Lordships to take that circumstance into your considera tion. But it has been said that these new town-councils, under a popular Government, may be so constituted as to affect the stability of the Protestant Church. Now I can not think that much danger is to be apprehended on that account, because the danger, if danger there be, will come not from town-councils, but through the mediuni of Mem bers of the House of Commons.—(Hear, hear.) That is the dominant body, and I think I am therefore justified in setting the one against the other. These town-councils might use the borough funds, it has been said, in strengthen ing a particular candidate ; but those who make this asser tion ought to recollect, that there would be a proper ma nagement of the borough' funds, that there would be a just and efficient superintendence of the accounts, which are under the controul and management of the town-councils elected by the rate-payers, and that there could be no opportunity of applying the funds to the purposes of cor ruption, as was done under the old system. As far, there fore, as regard the management of the funds, and the r atvona g e in the gift of the Corporation, I think their im portance has been greatly overrated—that the greater part of the influence arising from these will be withdrawn under a new and well-constituted system—and that, therefore, the arms which may be obtained from these quarters are not so formidable, nor can so much use be„made of them as some anticipate. I therefore call on your Lordships to accede to this measure. It is but a little to give, and a great deal to withhold—(Cheers)—and I implore your Lordships to con sider the subject carefully, and view attentively the large grounds on which it stands, before you reject the Bill.— ( Hear.) It will not do now to say that you will reject the Bill, bee tuse the great majority of the people of Ireland are of the Roman Catholic religion.—( Hear.) It is impossible to say that, and at the same time look forward to the future well government of Ireland. Is there any probability that the Roman Catholic religion will prevail less than it does now in that country ? Is there any chance of its diminish. ing—is it likely? If we look to all that has occurred for centuries—if we are to be guided by the experience of the past—it is impossible to suppose that any number of Roman Catholics can change that religion which has taken such a deep hold of their minds, and in which they were born and bred up. If lam to be guided by the opinions of learned divines, both of the last century and the present day, I cannot come to any other conclusion. I know that some say that Catholics are gaining on the Protestants, and that point has been urged in both Houses of Parliament, but I doubt it ; I think die natural apprehension of these indi viduals leads them astray on the subject, but certainly those best acquainted with the subject consider that there has not been and is not likely to be any great change in religious opinions. If not, why then make a law which shall inter fere so materially with the liberty, the feelings, and com munities of a people now in connection with this country ? I trust that nothing shall ever be done by England which shall weaken that connection, and that nothing ever will arise which can lead to the separation of the two countries. —( Hear, hear, hear.) That union has been sanctioned by time. The two countries have been bound together by mutual alliance—by intermarriages—by every relation of life—by the mutual possession of property, and by mutual advantages which affect both countries, whether we look to their operation in time of peace or the maintenance of our security in time of war.—( Hear, hear.) If we look to the history of the union we shall find of what advantage it has been in days of danger and difficulty ; and such an impressiOn has that made that an historian, perhaps of a superstitious and poetic character, has said that whenever the two coun tries have been nigh separation there has always been some thing like the unexpected hand of Providence to keep them . united. If we look to the history of the two countries we ildWselptpit e victory g ained on the field of A ug h r i m ceidental death of the celebrated French ea -7 i ..'"eisn's ded, and that on that account only the Ole T r i vf 44 . 46. ide4ata . favour of King William. Historians • -; : 7 .; Ai .11. ay there was but one tnan in the field who could have saved the army opposed to hitn, and that man was killed. If that was the character of the Union at that period, how much • more striking has it been since, when the country was at cne time in such imminent danger, when battalions of vo lunteers were raised at a moment when the safety of the :itate might be said to be hanging by a thread, and the danger was overcome by the patriotism and the prudence of those men at the head of the popular party ? The same circumstances occurred in the terrible days of tha French revolution. It is impossible not to see what dangers the union passed through at that time ; ard I therefore pray your Lordships not in any way to run the hazard of doing for yourselves what neither the legi:imate claim of King James, backed as it was by the existing religion of the country, nor the power of Louis the Fourteenth, nor the national calamities and disasters arising from the American war, nor the horrid events of the French re volution, were able to effect.—(Hear, and cheers.) I pray you to do everything in your power, tc preserve that union which has come through so much danger and diffi culty successfully and triumphantly.—(Cheers.) This Bill is one of great importance ; its object is to do away with the existing Corporations and establish others in their places. The details do not differ materially from the Bill of last Session, and it is therefore unnecessary to go into them. In conclusion, I pray your Lordships to give up that petty, harassing, and unseemly warfare : " Tuque prior, to gparce, genus qui ducis Olympo : Projice tela manu, sanguis meus." As you have the power, so exercise the grace of bringing the matter to a speedy, an immediate, and a satisfactory conclusion.—(Loud cheers.) The Duke of WELLINGTON sail it was his wis to give, according to the recommendation of the Noble Viscount, due consideration to the Bill, and to concur with him in having it read a second time as it was read a second time last year, and he would do soon the prin ciple that the existing Corporations in Ireland ought not to be continued. He believed that it was admitted by most persons who had written on the subject that these Corporations had been established with a view to protect and support the Protestant religion and the Protestant people of Ireland. Various attempts had been made to improve these Corporations, and to introduce, persons of other religions besides Protestants, but all such attempts had been successfully resisted by these Corporations. It was not his wish, or the wish, he believed, of any party in the House, to have municipal corporations exclusively constituted ; but there was a great difference between putting an end to the existing corporations and erecting others which, under the same name, would establish municipal councils equally exclusive in another sense, and bring about what might be called a revolution of the local establishments of that country. He was, therefore, surprised that a Minister of the Crown, who had totally failed last session in producing a measure which their Lordships could adopt, should come down this session and propose a second time, he would not say the same measure, but a similar measure, which the Noble Viscount said was not so pod as that he had proposed last year. Now what he contended for was, that if the Noble Viscount had intended to conciliate, or to obtain the support of their Lordships, he ought to have brought forward a different measure, and recommended one which was more consistent with the views of that House of Parliament, and at the same time have taken steps for re moving the existing corporations, and introducing a system of reform to guard against the abuses which now existed, and which, under such a Bill as that, were likely to exist. Now he had various objections to that measure. In the first place it handed over the Corporations to the lowest de scription of the inhabitants of towns. The Noble Viscount has adduced the Corporation Bill of England, and alluded to the state of the boroughs in England at the present time ; but if that new system was so good, why not make the qualification in Ireland the same as in England ? In England the 10/. franchise was universal. In the large towns in Ireland the qualification was to be 101., but in another schedule there were many towns in which the fran chise was to be only Si. And respecting the 101. fran chise, the Noble Lord and their Lordships ought to re member that it was net made up from one tenement, but by classing all the tenements in the owners' possession to gether : such was to be the nature of the franchise under this Bill for Municipal Reform in all the cities and towns in Ireland. But he begged their Lordships also to look at another part of the measure ; namely, the system of taxa tion which would be in the power of the town-councils to carry into effect. By the English measure the town councils were empowered to levy rates of the same de scription as the county rates ; but by the measure be fore their Lordships the town-councils were to tax the householders agreeably to the 9th of George IV., by which the proportion of the rate increased with the amount of the rental. For instance, houses rated at 10/., or below that, six-pence in the pound was the rate —for houses above that and below 2.04 nine-pence, and for houses above 20/. one shilling. Now as that was a clause which related to taxation, and which must be fixed by the other House, their Lordships would see that it could not be altered by their Lordships, however objectionable it might be. He considered such a mode of taxation highly objectionable, because many town-councils had nothing else to do but levy rates, and expend the money in the same way as before, and almost to any amount. The Noble Viscount was pleased to call their Lordship's attention to some of the towns in England, and to the great advantages they enjoy, and :recommended a similar system for Ireland. But they ought to recollect, that, as regarded many of the immunities possessed by those towns, many of the Irish towns enjoyed the same advantages, and particularly that of a good police. Some of the towns ih England were not so quiet as they ought to be, and it could not be denied that many of the large towns wanted a good police. But it ought to be known that that was not so much the case in Ireland. The police was established in every part of that country, and he objected to give the town councils or the corporations the power of establishing a local police, whose jnrisdiction should extend not only over the towns but over all parts of the country within seven miles of the town. In fact, it allowed the corporation power to raise armed men to carry on war, if they thought proper amongst themselves or against the county magistracy. He believed such a power would be given to tl►e Town Councils by the 9th of George IV. Now he thought such a pciwer very objectionable, and that the clause ought not to apply to any town but on the applica tion of a certain proportion of the inhabitants, when they consider it might be proper. But it might even happen that the inhabitants would refuse to submit to such a system of taxation. It would be much better, in his opinion, that such a system, if it was to be adoptod at all, should be effected by 'a private Bill, and the Town Councils should not have the power of taxing the inhabitants without their consent. Another great objection to that part of the mea sure was, that massy of these 10/. voters may have the power of laying on additional taxes, and that these perspns may be so situated as not to be liable to any taxation them selves under the 9th of' Geo. IV. For instance, a man may have a number of tenements of the yearly value of 10/, but not one of these may be worth 51. a year, and consequently, according to that Act, be would not be liable to pay taxes That part of the Bill was highly objection able, and he thought it would act most unfairly, because it would give the whole power to certain individuals over whom the population had no check, and not unlikely in many instances demagogues would be the persons ap pointed. He would not, however, for these reasons, give his vote against the second reading, because he was desirous to see such amendments made as would render it fit to pass that House. He would not, therefore, withhold his consent to the second reading, but allow it to go into Com mittee, in order to see what means might be adopted for rendering it a fit and proper Bill. Lord LYNDHURST said it was not his intention to oppose the second reading. He agreed with the Noble Duke that the Bill should be read a second time ; they were all agreed that the present constitution of the Corporations in Ireland was not such as was required, and that some re medy must be applied to prevent the abuses of these Corpo rations from being perpetuated. With that object in view, their Lordships ought to allow the Bill to be read a second time. Indeed, it must appear to their Lordships that they would be acting inconsistently with the course they pursued last Session, by rejecting the Bill on the second reading ; and they would also be acting inconsistently with their Address in reply to his Majesty's Speech at the beginning of the Ses sion. In that Address they said, with reference to amending tl:e Municipal Corporations in Ireland, that they would take the subject into their serious consideration ; end they would therefore be acting inconsistently, if they did not allow the Bill to be read a second time. There was another ground on which he required their Lordships not to oppose the motion of the Noble Viscount, and that was the language used by their Lordships, and the reasons urged, in a conference with the other House, when they took into consideration the amendments of last session. It appeared to him they would be acting inconsistently with their declaration on that occa sion, if they did not agree with the Noble Viscount in read ing the Bill a second time. It was not their Lordships' in tention or the intention of the Noble Viscount that they should enter into the consideration of the Bill, as he presumed the Noble Viscount thought that quite unne cessary at that stage of the Bill. He must, however, be allowed to say, most distinctly, that he never would agree to the passing of that Hear, hear.) How far it might be rendered a measure which could be ad vantageously passed for the safety of Ireland, the con stitution of the Established Chnrch, and the maintenance of Protestant interests in that country, would depend on the alterations made in it. All he would say was, that in voting for the second reading he hoped that it would be un derstood that he did so for the purpose of affording another opportunity for considering the details of a Jill to many of which he did not agree, and which nothing should iodopp him to acquiesce hear) Viscount MELBOURNE said the Noble Duke had expressed his surprise that a measure which had been re jected by their Lordships should be again brought under their consideration. Why he could refer to many measures which had been rejected repeatedly by their Lordships, and wv re afterwards ca7ricd.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Duke knew that ; he I new also that measures which he had in t educed were much more stringent, and went a great deal further, than those he had resisted when he led the opposition to them in that House ; but the difference was, that he (Lord Melbourne) supported that Bill, and therefore it was improper. The Noble Duke knew that there was a Bill which he had always divided in opposition to, and yet he was the very man to, introduce and carry that Bill which had been over and Over again rejected.— ( Loud cheers.) Ile hoped, therefore, that he had purged himself of every thing like disrespect, and convinced their Lordship; that his conduct in introducing a Bill which had been once rejected was as respectful as the conduct of the NOble Duke on that occasion. —(Hear, hear.) The Noble Duke and the Noble and Learned Baron said they were ready to agree to the second reading of the Bill, and he was glad of that, though their language did not hold out any large prospects of success. He hoped, however, that the further consideration of the Bill would lead to better results than he had reason to anticipate at tb; present moment. With regard to the police of towns adverted to by the Noble Duke, he would only say that by establishing a good system of police in towns it would have a corresponding effect in the surrounding country ; and as to the parties being unjustly taxed without their consent, he believed that was a subject which interested the rate-payers ; and if they had believed there was any such danger of abuse as that. alluded to, they would have instructed their representatives i❑ Parliament to oppose the . clause. Lord BROUGHAM said it appeared undoubted that they were to go into Committee on this Bill. He must say that he was rather sorry for it, because he was led to believe, from the tone of the Noble Duke and of his Noble and Learned Friend opposite, that they would only throw away some five or six weeks of their time in unpro fitable discussions on the subject, and in the end find themselves in the same situation in which their Lord ships and the other House of Parliament and the coun try were at the close of the last Session. If he had any reason to believe that during the months which had elapsed since that period anything had occurred to lead the Noble Duke and his Noble and Learned Friend to take a different view of the subject than they entertained last year, he should indeed take their agreeing to the se cond reading as a most blessed event, both to this and the other country.—(Hear, hear.) But until he heard something more from Noble Lords opposite of a kind to lead him to this conclusion, he must say that his expectations were not only not sanguine, but that in fact they were nothing at all, and that nothing probable or possible was to be gained by going through what he• was going to call a farce; but he would not use that term, but what he really thought must prove a very bootless proceeding indeed, both as regarded this measure and the\country. The Bill was then read a second time, and understood to be fixed for Committoc on Thursday week. The Millbank Penitentiary Bill went through Committee. SMALL DEBTS (SCOTLAND) BILL. The second reading of this Bill was moved by the Mar quis of BUTE. After a few words from Lord BROUGHAM, who did not oppose the second reading, The LORD CHANCELLOR did not object to the second reading, but said that as another Bill on the same subject, introduced into the other House, would soon be before them, he thought it advisable that they should not proceed in any further stages of this Bill until they had both the Bills before them. After a short conversation, in which the Earl of Had dington, Lord Brougham, the Earl of Roseberry, and the Marquis of Bute took part, the Bill was - read a second time, and the House adjourned. HO USR OF COMMONS, APRIL 25. In consequence of the ballot for the Carlow Election Committee, the gallery was not opened till seven o'clock. THE BIRMINGHAM PLATE AND CROWN GLASS COMPANY. Mr. C. P. VILLIERS proposed the third reading of this Bill. Mr. C. P. THOMPSON opposed this Bill on the ground that an Act of Parliament passed a few years ago under which parties could get the power of suinc , and being sued through one of their partners or officers, and therefore it was unnecessary to make such an application as the pre sent to Parliament. The course directed under this Act to obtain these powers was much more simple and much less expensive than by obtaining a Bill. Sir ROBERT PEEL concurred in the view taken of this and similar Bills by the Right Hon. the President of the Board of Trade. There was an importaht distinction between parties, seeking for a Bill for important national purposes, and those who applied for such a measure to invest them with great and exclusive powers in carrying on manu facturing processes. Mr. VILLIERS said that the parties preferred proceed ing by Bill before Parliament to obtaining letters patent, in accordance with the provisions of the Act, because the for mer course was less expensive, the cost of a Bill being only 3001., that of letters patent 450/. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL objected to the Bill. After a short further conversation the Bill was under stood to be withdrawn. The reduced list of the Committee on account of the Carlow Election, was then delivered in as follows : Messrs. T. Thornely, H. Walker, H. Wilson, T. Balfour, P. T. Baring, T. Martin, P. Howard, the Hon. H. Wil braham, Colonel Butler, Captain Boldero, and Sir C. Adam—and the Honourable Gentlemen were then sworn in at the table. Mr. PEASE then moved the suspension of the Standing Orders in favour of certain private Bills on the table of the House that day. The House then divided—Ayes, 28 ; Noes, 19 ; Ma jority, 9. CANADA. Lord J. RUSSELL postponed the bringing up of the Report of the Committee of the whole House on the Ca nada resolutions till to-morrow (this day). CORONERS OF DURHAM. Mr. A. TREVOR begged to ask his Majesty's Minis ters whether any measure of relief with respect to the coroners of the county of Durham, was about to be brought forward by the Government ; and if not, whether, if a measure having that object were proposed from this side of the House, his Majesty's Ministers would oppose it. The SOLICITOR-GENERAL said that this subject had been under the anxious consideration of the Govern ment for some time—indeed, several hours of each day had for the last week been employed in obtaining the necessary information, and it would be a great relief to him to bring the inquiry to a close. He could not name the day, on which he should bring forward the Bill, but he hoped to be able to'clo so in a week or ten days. CUSTODY OF INFANT CHILDREN. .Mr. Sergeant TALFOURD moved for leave to bring in a Bill to empower the Lord Chancellor and the Judges to make orders relating to the custody of infant children of tender age in cases where the parents are living apart, on the application of either of such parents, or on the order of writs of habeas corpus issued at the instance of the father. Tlic Learned Gentleman said that by this Bill he sought to empower the Judges to do that which he had often heard them deplore their inability to do. If there were no opposition to the present motion, perhaps his better course %ould be to reserve at observatiocs he had to make on the subject till the second reading. The - ATTORNEY-GENERAL did not rise to oppose the Bill, or to enter into any discussion of it at its present stage, but he begged to remark that the subject was one of such extreme delicacy and difficulty that he was apprehen sive the law could not be improved even by the Bill of his lion. and Learned Friend. He was glad, however, that the first step was taken, and that attention was called to the subject.—Leave given. COLONIAL ACCOUNTS. Dr. BOWRING moved that a Select Committee be appointed to examine and report on the state of the Colo nial accounts, with a view to their greater regularity, cor rectness, and completeness. The Hon. Gentleman com plained of the present state of the accounts, and observed that nineteen of the Colonies ►nac!e no return at all. After a few words from Mr. F. BARING, who was understood to say that the Go%ernment would not oppose ti►e motion, It was moved that the House be counted ; and there not being forty Me►nbers present, the House adjourned. CARLOW COUNTY ELECTION. House counted--,252 Members present—Parties called in—Older for Consideration of Petition of Walter Newton aul others, freeholders, read :—The Counsel for the Re turning Officer stated, that he considered that the present was a ease in which the Returning Officer ought to be per mitted to appear as a §eparate party, and to be allowed to strike th e li s t as a p ar ty, on accou nt of the serious ch arges preferred aga i ns t hi m i n th e p e tition ; and the coun se l f or the petiti oners h av i ng b een h ear d ; an d the counsel f or t h e Returning Offi cer h av i ng rep li e d ; th e counsel, parties, and agents were directed to withdraw :—Motion made, and Question proposed--..“ That the Returning Officer be per mitted to appear as a separate party :"—And the House being informed, that Sir Watkin Williams Wynn was taken unwell, and desired to be allowed to retire, Mr. Speaker di rected the Serjeant to open the door, and allow Sir Wet kin Williams Wynn to retire. Amendment proposed, to leave out from the word " That" to the end of the Ques tion, in order to add the words " it appears to this House, that in this case there are not more than one petition pre seote4 pq 4i5090 ip!creso 7 or complaininf of the return and election on different grounds," instead thereof :—Ques tion put, " That. the m ords proposed to be left out stand part of the Question"—The House divided ; Ayes 128, Noes 118 :—Main Question put : The House divided ; Ayes 115, Noes 131 :—Parties again called in—Petition considered—Names of Members drawn ; and the number of thirty-three names being complete, the list was delivered to the parties, Who then withdrew. RAILROAD COMMITTEES. LONDON AND BRIGHTON.--.STEPHENSON'S LINE REJECTED This Committee met yesterday at 12 o'clock, to decide upon which of the competing lines was deserving of the preference. Nothing could exceed the anxiety of the parties inte rested to hear the result of the deliberations of the Committee. About three o'clock an Hon. Member stated that the Committee had divided upon a motion to this effect— " That Stephenson's Line presented greater facilities as a railroad between London and Brighton than any of the competing Lines." For the 'motion Against it Majority against the Line —9 The Committee did not decide upon any other line. 26 WIGAN MEMORIAL. The following Memorial to Lord Melbourne, from the in. habitants of Wigan, was presented on Monday by R. Potter, Esq., M.P. for that borough : TO THE RIGHT HON. LORD VISCOUNT MELBOURNE. The inhabitants of the borough of Wigan and its vicinity, in public meeting assembled, at the Commercial Hall, in the said borough, on Monday, April 10, approach you, as the re presentative of his Majesty's Government, with the following Memorial :---Your Memorialists arc of opinion it is impolitic and unjust to tax the members of one religious community ft)r the support of another, and hail with satisfaction and delight the proposed plan of his Majesty's Ministers for the abolition of the Church-rate impost. Your Memorialists also feel it a duty to tender their unfeigned acknowledgments of obligation to your Lordship, and the other members of his Majesty's Government, for devising and preparing a measure so conciliatory and equit able.—Signed in behalf of the meeting, _ _ R. BEVAN, Mayor. IRELAND. DUBLIN, APRIL 24. The Pilot of this day contains a letter addressed to the Editor of that journal by Mr. O'Connell, who feels it ne cessary to state, that although he had at an early period of his life been a mason, be many years ago unequivocally re nounced freemasonry. The ecclesiastical censure of the Roman Catholic Church of Ireland prohibiting the taking of masonic oaths, determined his secession from masonry. The letter contains a compliment:to Temperance Societies —institutions which Mr. O'Connell says are deserving of every encouragement. POPERY IN THE ASCENDANT.—The evening organ of the Irish Orangemen confers the above title on a creation of its own fancy, the high and rational aim of which is to prove that " Popery is on the rise. Dictating terms, to Kings and Princes abroad—it is cherished, courted, and served at home by Ministers and their subordinates." The ingenious writer relies for making out his assertion on the following paragraph, which he arrested whilst going its rounds, and also conjointly on a circular containing damning evidence of the horrible fact. Wo give both parag' a7h and circular, and if they are of no other use, they may perhaps show how weak is the cause whose sup porters are compelled to have recourse to such means for propping up their party. Than the order of Lord Mulgrave for the provision of religious consolation to convicts nothing can be wiser or more humane. Will our readers join with the Mail in its censure of the following document : " Dublin Castle, April, 1837. " Sir—l am commanded by the Lord Lieutenant to de sire that you will, without loss of time, communicate any order which you may receive for the removal of convicts to the Roman Catholic Chaplain of the gaol, in order that he may have an opportunity of administering the rites of their religion to the convicts of his own persuasion.—l am, Sir, your obedient servant, " The Governor of " T. DRUMMOND. Gaol." We really can see nothing in this circular of which any Lord Lieutenant ought to be ashamed. The paragraph picked up by the Mail is curious certainly, but proves any thing but the ascendancy of Popery. The permission given by the Pope is a concession to Protestantism, and a relaxation of religious rigidity in favour of the Church of England. But here is the paragraph—let our readers judge whether our Contemporary has not entirely failed, and be not put out of court : " In the permission which the Pope has just granted for the marriage of the Duke of Orleans with the Princess of Mecklenburg, a Protestant, is the following proviso :—' On the express condition that our well-beloved son, the Duke of Orleans, &c., shall every day pray and exhort the woman who is about to be united to him, and shall endeavour to bring her back into the flock of the Church ; on condition, also, that all the children born of this marriage, whether male or female, shall be brought up in the Catholic, Apos tolic, and Roman religion.'" IMPORTANT DEClSlON.—Yesterday, in the Court of Exchequer, in the cause of the Rev. Martiford Longfield against Daniel O'Connell, Esq., M.P., Mr. Dickson, K.C., applied to the Court to have the answer of the defendant, already filed in the proper office, taken as received upon the terms mentioned in the defendant's notice of Feb. 28 and March 11' last, whereby the defendant's attorney offered and undertook to pay the costs of process, rejoin gratis, and appear for the defendant at the hearing of the cause, with out service of subpoena, so as that the defendant's answer, filed on the 23d February last, might stand received. The Learned Counsel then proceeded to state, that the Bill in the cause was filed on the 7th of June, 1836, for recovery of tithe composition claimed to be due by the defendant to the plaintiff. The time for answering having expired on the 17th of January, the plaintiff served notice that the bill was amended, and refused defendant's copy, in order that it might be made conformable to the bill as amended. On the 21st of the same month the defendant served notice of a motion for a week's time to answer, and in one week af terwards the order to set the cause down upon sequestra tion was obtained by the plaintiff, and notice served in the usual way. On the 7th of February the plaintiff obtained a conditional order for a receiver over the defendant's pro perty. On the 23d of the same month the defendant pleaded his answer, and, by notice, offered to pay the plaintiff the cost of process, and to enter into the terms of appearing at the hearing without service of subpoena, and to rejoin gratis, which were the usual terms imposed by the Court, and to which the plaintiff did not accede. The Learned Counsel thereupon called on the Court that the defendant's answer, filed in the proper office, might stand received, upon the terms offered. Mr. Sproule, for the plaintiff, opposed the motion, on the grounds that no affidavits of merits had been made to support it, and that the consequence of complying with the defendant's motion would be, throwing delay upon the plaintiff, which was evidently the object of the defendant. The Learned 'Counsel then referred to an affidavit made by the plaintiff's attorney, and cited authorities to show that the application of the defendant ought not to be com plied with. Mr. Dickson replied, when the Court, after having observed generally upon the case, made the following de- cision : " In this case an affidavit of merits is not necessary, and the delay complained of has been occasioned by the plaintiff not accepting the terms offered by the defendant, which terms were fair and equitable, and we are of opinion that the defendant's answer should stand received, without pay ment of costs." No final hearing can take place now for nearly "twelve months ; besides, both in point of law and of fact, this de cision is of great importance—first, as relates to the prac tice of the Court in such cases, as the same course has bean invariably followed by Reverend tithe plaintiffs, where their object was to harass and ruin defendants by costs : and, secondly, it is a triumph that the law has been set right in the person of Mr. O'Connell, and that his kind hearted pastor is left to pay the enormous costs which be thought to saddle upon his parishioner for the good of his soul. Mr. Buckingham, M.P., requests us to state that there is not the slightest foundation for the announcement made in the public prints, of the American President having offered him a secretaryship ; Mr. Buckingham never having entertained any wish or intention either to seek or to accept of any office or employment in the United States. His in tended visit to that country is wholly unconnected with any such object or expectation. MONEY MARKET.—The American Bank Bonds, respecting which so much interest was excited in the City yesterday ( Monday), have to-day commanded comparatively little attention, and what sales have been made of them have proved at the less favourable quotation of 61- to 6 per cent. discount. The supply of money is by no means scanty ; but as farther quantities of this description of paper will find their way into the market upon the arrival of each succeeding packet for some time to come, and as, in the event of the offer of the Bank of England to open a credit in favour of the United States Bank for two millions sterling being accepted, remit tances of a more negotiable character will follow, capitalists do not, for the present, care to extend their investments in them. Another reason may be assigned for their indisposition to pur chase beyond a certain limit. The produce markets are now at a low ebb, and it is thought that many are reserving their available funds with the intention of speculating in merchan dize the moment they discover symptoms of improvement., Morning Post. The deer are suffering severely from the length of the winter, and the great scarcity of food. In Whittlebury forest they have barked nearly all the young trees, and this last resource failing them, numbers are daily found in the riding starved to death..—Northam on Mercury, FRANCE. COURT OF PEERS. (Continuation of Sitting of 23:1.) TRIAL OF MEUNIER. The President now called on Madame La‘aux. She was accordingly brought in. She is very young and very pretty, and was elegantly dressed. On passing before her husband, hasty looks were exchanged between them, but neither betrayed the least emotion. She replied in a firm and intelligible voice to the questions put to her. President--You have been called on by your husband's counsel. What is your name 2—Cecile Heloise Lavaux. Your age 2=-Twenty-two. Your profession ?—I have none. • Your residence ?—No. 30, Rue Montmartre. Did you tell your mother-in-law, Madame Barre, that Meunier, Lavaux, and Lacazo, had drawn lots between them as to which of them should kill the King ?—I did not ; I could not tell Madame Barre a circumstance that never occurred, and of which I consequently could have no knowledge. This witness then retired, and the counsel of Meunier was next called on. M. Delangle—Gentlemen, when appointed to defend Meunier, I had not reflected on the means of defence, nor whether his flagrant guilt and arrogance admitted a word in his favour. But it became my duty to examine the accusa tion, and seek some grounds of favour for him. I have done so. Folly may be offered as an excuse for crime, but to prove the folly by the crime itself, would be enervating the law. In the prior life of the prisoner I shall seek proofs that he had long been deranged, and that he was not conscious of the evil he intended. (The advocate here analyses the depo sitions, which exhibit Meunier as void of reason, a buffoon capable of any extravagance, and then proceeded.) If Meu nier before the crime was as he is depicted, there is nothing in the crime that can alter an opinion of him. The evidence leads to but this conclusion—Meunier is a madman. The Procureur-General himself admits him to be incapable of plotting a crime. Where is then the directing hand that instilled into his soul the germ of evil pa ss i ons ?— w h o h as abused his weakness, and urged him he knew not whither? Meunier has declared it. Oh ! if this declaration is a plot to betray the innocent, to betray Lavaux his relation, La caze his friend, he has committed a greater crime than he stands accused of—l abandon him ; let him be pronounced guilty. But if his evidence be proved true, if he has been a tool, let allowance be made—let not the most irrevocable of all condemnations fall on his head. In the first case, let him die—in the second, let his punishment be proportioned to his previous conception of *the crime. M. Ledru Rollin commenced his defence of Lavaux with a brilliant and powerful appeal to the Court not to suffer their minds to be prejudiced by the first pretended revelations of Meunier, who, in imitation of Fieschi, had attempted to create a belief that he had been urged to the attempt by a perfidious instigator. Lavaux, he said, was never known to engage in politics, and was without any pre vious stain upon his character. He was at the height of his happiness, at the head of a lucrative business, and on the eve of marriage with a lady to whom he had been at tached for two years. Could it, therefore, be believed that he would have entered into a conspiracy which would involve him in the terrible fare of a regicide, and that within a few days after he was married to the woman of his heart ? Unfortunately connected with a man who had nothing to lose, and who, finding himself at the very foot of the scaffold, this man, Meunier, hoped io save his own head by throwing the innocent into prison. The Learned Advocate called the recollection of the Court to the expres sion of Meunier, " Lacaze will, speak, because he will be desirous of saving himself, as I am ;"—words which the counsel insisted were full of explanation, and completely un masked the whole of Meunier's accusations and hopes. M. Ledru Rollin next proceeded to examine the point of the drawing of lots, which he maintained never took place at all. If any doubts remain, gentlemen, you must place it to the account of the insufficiency of the defence. The defence cannot, like the prosecution, draw evidence from all parts of France in support of their cause ; it is impossible for us, on the eve of a trial, to know who will depose in favour of the prisoners. M. Chaix d'Est Ange rose in defence of Lacaze, which he said he should found entirely on his previous character and political opinions. As to the first, he stated that his client was industrions, and free from all bad habits ; was one of a respectable family, and received a good name from all his employers. The only reproach that could be cast upon him was his having formed an intimacy with Meunier. How then does it happen that he stands accused of having taken part in this plot ? Because, one evening, after working at Barre's, and while drink ing wine with Meunier and Lavaux, he is said to have drawn lots which of them should kill the King. As a proof, however, of the non-existence of this fact, the Coun sel reminded the Court of the contradictions between the written depositions of Meunier and his statements in Court, which clearly showed that he uttered innumerable false hoods. The Procureur-General replied briefly to the arguments of the prisoners' Counsel, and insisted upon the culpability of all the three. The Advocates for the prisoners stated to the Court that they were prepared to reply, and requested that they might be heard to-morrow (this day.) The Court assented, and adjourned accordingly. SITTING OF 24TH. M. Ledru Rollin, Counsel for Lavaux, demanded the examination of a witness named Donzery. Called in ; Donzery said he was usher at Timenet's school when Meunier was there in 1832 ; Meunier was ar ranging books once, these little history books for the use of schools ; one of them was open at the reign of Henry IV. Meunier spoke of Ravaillac's crime, and blamed it, Henry IV. having been a good King ; had he been a bad King, he would think otherwise ; he then spoke of Philip Egalite, father of the present King ; why was he guillotined ? Be cause he vtas false to the equality and the principles which he professed ; he deserved his fall, and his son takes after him. Louvel, who killed the Duke of Berry, would have done much better to keep his poniard for Louis Philippe : Meunier spoke and did every thing by fits and starts ; he said he would like to be one thing one time, another ano ther, and he talked of being a soldier ; witness observed he was not fit ;"Ah !" said Meunier, " let me alone—l could kill any man." The Procureur-General then stated his conclusion. He demanded against Meunier as guilty of a capital crime ; capital penalty against Lavaux, who aided in the prepara tions of the crime ; and against Lacaze, who, though igno rant of what immediately preceded it, was still privy to it, the penalty set down in Articles 86, 87, and 88, of the Penal Code. M. Ladru Rollin insisted on the complete innocence of Lavaux. Meunier had evidently accomplices—accomplices whom he screened—and he threw the blame upon Lavaux to screen these real accomplices. Meunier admitted that he had forty accompliceA that he was No. 2, and that he was impelled by a secret society. His name was found on the lists of these secret societies. He was r ecogn i se d b y a witness as belonging t o th em . He confesses his wish to belong to them. For many years, long before he knew Lavaux, it is proved that Meunier spoke of and meditated regicide. Meunier was evidently more cunning, had more power of mind, and had received more education than La vaux, who could not write his name. The advocate re ferred to the past life of Lavaux, avowedly unconnected with political connections or societies, regular in his pe cuniary affairs, as the evidence proves, in despite of all the attempts of the family of his father-in-law to ruin him. M. Chaix d'Est Ange rose for Lacaze, and said that the sole plot with which he was charged was. a supposed plot, preceding the drawing of lots. The true origin of the crime. of Meunier is evidently in hearing and reading of Fieschi's crime, and of all its dramatic circumstances, when he owns that he first spoke and dreamed of it. Meunier's was precisely the stubborn, odd, and disgraced spirit to be struck with the itch of imitation. M. Chaix d'Est Ange concluded by saying, if these men were condemned merely on the testimony of Meunier, the conscience of the mem bers of the Court could never find repose. The President, after asking the prisoners had they any thing to add to their defence, declared the sitting sus pended. The Court retired to deliberate at twenty minutes after two. The accused were also withdrawn. The Court, not hiving been able to come to any decision respecting Lavaux, adjourned, at about a quarter to five, to ten o'clock on the following morning of Tuesday. I stood in Oxford-street, Manchester (says Mr. Mackrale, of Leeds), and observed the stream of operatives, as they left the mills at 12 o'clock. The children were almost universally ill-looking, barefoot, and ill-clad. Many ap peared to be no older than seven. The men, generally from 16 to 24, and none aged, were almost as pallid and thin as the children. The women were the most respectable in appear ance ; but I saw no fresh fine looking individuals amongst them.' Here I saw, or thought I saw, a degenerate race— human beings stunted, enfeebled, and depraved. It is the intention of the Commander-in -Chief to order six horses per troop of the 3d Light Dragoons now under orders for the East Indies, to relieve the 11th Light Dragoons to be given up to the latter regiment, the recruit ing troop of which, now, at Maidstone, will march to Canter bury, and remain there, still under th e comman d of the com mandant of the cavalry depot in charge of the horses. A whale of the largest dimensions was seen in the channel on the 11th instant, by some fishermen of Cherbourg. The unseasonable severity of the weather only can account for the appearance in our latitudes of this monster of the Polar deep, 'The medical officers of the Lunatic Asylum have given a decided opinion that Greensmith, the wretched man who strangled his four childrek4 at Basford f is iosane • - • Ol'effin WINDSOR-TUESDAY. We regret to state that the Queen will not be sufficiently well to accompany the King to town to-morrow, and that consequently Princess Augusta will hold the Drawing-roomon Thursday instead o f h er M a j es ty. The King will go to St. James's to-morrow f o r th e L evee , and will return to the Casale in the evening. His Majesty will also go to town f or the Drawing-room on Th urs d ay , an d re t urn to Windsor the same evening. It is als o ex p ecte d th a t th e King gn to town on Friday and S a tu r d a y— on F r id a y t o visit the National . Exhibition. Viscount Falkland left till Castle yesterday morning for the Clarendon Hotel, Bond-street. Viscountess Falkland is, we are happy to state, rrfeetly recovered. Her Ladyship took a drive yesterday afternoon with the King. The Hon. Captain Curzon left this morning for town. This afternoon the King drove out, accompanied by Mac': D' Este. COURT CIRCULAR. Yesterday was the birth-day of the Duchess of Gloucester, Her Royal Highness received congratulatory visits from the Duke of Cumberland, Princess Augusta, and other members of the Royal Family in town. Many of the Nobility and Gentry called at Gloucester House during the day, and left their names for her Royal Highness. The Princess Augusta and the Duke of C um b er land joined the party assembled at Gloucester House on Monday, i n the evening, Mr. — Stevenson, the American Mini ter, transacted business yesterday at the Foreign Office. Mr. Lambton, and a Mining Deputation, had an interview yesterday, with the Chancellor of the Exchequer, in Downing street. Col. Arthur, Mr. Ryerson, and Capt. Sir G. Gipps. had interviews yesterday witli Lord Gleneig, at the Colonial Officio. M. Wallez, the Belgian Charge d'Affaires, transacted busi' ness yesterday, at the Foreign Office. Sir R. Bateson, M. P., and Mr. French, M. P., had an inter view yesterday, with the Chancellor of the Exchequer. The Marquis of Lansdowne had a dinner party on Monday, at Lansdowne House. The petition of the Baronets relative to the Ulster Bade will be presented to his Majesty to-day by a Deputation of tn , Order, the Secretary of State having communicated to the , Committee that his Majesty will then be graciously pleased 1 0 receive the petition. BRIGHTON-MONDAY. The Marquis of Bristol is protracting his stay at Kemp-town' Lady Boyd is a guest at Gilburd's Hotel. Dr. Wilson is residing at No. 9, Cannon-place. Col. Wellard has taken possession of No. 35, Marine-parade. - The Hon. Misses Beresford are about to vacate their rest'- ' dence, No. 84, Marine-parade. Mr. and Lady Mary Ann Vaughan have engaged the WO' sion of Sir Charles Blunt, in Cavendish-place, for five y e ars. The Dowager Lady Vaughan, after a stay of five months, has vacated her residence, and returned to 'Worthing. The Duke of Norfolk is about to diminish his yacht ests' blishment at the Isle of Wight. The Dieppe Journals mention several instances of robber/ and sacrilege which have been recently committed in the enli' rons of that place. A few nights since some thieves entered the church of Avesna, by means of removing one of the win' dows, and discovered and broke open the poor-boxes and the box of the tabernacle of the altar, the contents of which tbel took away, together with a silver chalice, of the value of 1,000 francs. A meeting, on the subject of rail-roads, was held at the Town-hall, on Friday, for the purpose of addressing the Le' gislature on the subject, when, after a lengthened di sc ussion and a good deal of spa rr i ng b etween t h e advocates of the dif ferent lines a resolution of a very judicious character was adopted, expressing the preference entertained by the inhabi tants for a direct line before any other; but declaring also their desire that if the Committee of the House of Commons should reject the direct line, that they would please at all events to pass some line or other this Session, to put an end to fur ther litigation, delay, and expense. Some pretty warm alter cation took place between Mr. Briggs, of the Direct, and Mr. Somers, Clerk of Stephenson's line ; the effect of which riot Is probable, may be to m a k e th e pu bli c b etter acquainted w it' the mode in which shares are subscribed for, and to render them, it may be, cautious of investing their money in specula tions of this character. SPORTING INTELLIGENCE. NEWMARKET FIRST SPRING MEETING. Mondaht. In the second race R o s a b e l ma d e p l ay to the cords Nig where Caudia challenged, and, after a desperate race, won by a bead- She was claimed. In Vulture's race the last betting was 6 to 4 agst Madeira, 4 to 1 agst Vulture, 4 to 1 agst Rioter, and 4 to I agst Idiot. Vulture went away with a strong lead, was never caught, and won in a canter by two lengths ; Champion, Idiot, and. Havil dar were beaten off. In the last race Tom Beazeley had it to himself after the first mile, and won by thirty lengths—he actually walked in. In the course of the day the betting on the Portland Han' dicap and Derby, without being heavy, was very interesting; for the Handicap V en i son was b ac k e d freely et 7 to 2, and In some instances at 3 to 1 ; Ellis and Hock were supported, but with less spirit, at 4to 1, the odds being afterwards offered; Elis's party was not very numerous, and some of them u rea seemed to doubt whether he would run. Jack-in-the-Green rose to Bto 1, after being backed at 9 and 10. A more portant change will be found in the Derby. Acbmet keeps his ground, but neither Jcreed nor Mango are in such good place as on Thursday last. Hybiscus tried on Saturday, as ,re are informed, rose to Bto 1 (highest offer), his companion. Dardanelles, dropping off two or three points. Critic we° backed as low as 30 to 1, and is obviously on the rise. Seve ral inquiries were made after Caravan and Wintonian, sutl only 20 to 1 offered agst Defender. The prices at the close were as follows : TWO THOUSAND GUINEAS STAKES (TO-)IORROW). 6 to 5 agst Lord Jersey's Aohmet THE PORTLAND HANDICAP (WEDNESDAY). 3 to I agst Mr. J. Day's Venison —taken 4 to 1 agst Ld Lichfield's Elis—taken, and tafterwards offered, 4 to 1 agst Lord Egremont's Hock—taken, and afterwar d offered 6 to 1 agst Mr. Walker's Gipsey—taken and afterwards offereg,. 7 to 1 agst Mr. D awson ' s L ocomotive —taken and afterwartw offered 8 to 1 agst Lord Tavistock's Jack in the Green—take 9 to 12 to 1 agst Mr Robertson's Lucifer—offered After the above was written, Lord Lichfield's Elis and Mr. 3 1 °.' tyn's Birdlime were declared not to run. THE 11ER.BY. 7 to 1 agst Lord Jersey's Achmet—offered 8 to 1 agst Lord Exeter's Hybiscus—offered 10 to 1 agst Colonel Anson's Jereed—offered 10 to 1 agst Mr. Greville's Mango—offered 15 to 1 agst Lord Exeter's Dardanelles --offered 17 to 1 agst Mr. Wreford's Wintonian_offered 18 to 1 agst Lord Suffield's Caravan --taken 20 to 1 agst Mr. Bowes's Mickle Fell—take 25 to 1 20 to 1 agst Mr. Sadler's Defender —offered 30 to 1 agst Lord Chesterfield's Critic—taken 1,000 to 25 agst Mr. J. Day's Mustee, and Mr. Wreford's Yio toria colt—taken Even betting on Hybiscus and Jereed agst Mango and Aehreet•_ The weather has u n d ergone a f avourable change, and t b g town received a considerable accession of visitors. TUESDAY. THE PORTLAND HANDICAP, P.P. 5 to 2 agst Mr. J. Day's Venison 3 to 1 agst Lord Egremont's Hock 7 to 1 agst Mr. Dawson's Locomotive—taken 8 to 1 apt Mr. Walker's Gipsey—taken 10 to 1 agst Lord Tavistock's Jack in the Green—taken 10 to 1 agst Mr. Houldsworth's Felix —taken DERBY SETTING. 7 to 1 taken about Hybiscus, and even between him and Achree t ' 3,000 to 45 agst Sweet Pea. The King's Plate of 100 guineas for mares; four years old e,,,s r f' rying Bst. 41b ; five, 9't. 41b ; s i x, 9st. 10lb ; aged, lOst. ft."l. Duke of Richmond's Pussey, 6 yrs Lord Egremont's Helga, 4 yrs Mr. Forth's Louisa, 6 yrs .................................... 4 Mr. S. Smith's Ea g l e , aged ........ ................................. 5 to 2 agst Louisa, 5 to 2 agst Eagle, and 3 to 1 agst Pussey' Won by a length. Sweepstake, of 100 sovs . eac h , h. ft., for fillies, B,t. 51b. n• /If. 4 Subs. 1 Mr. J. Day's Chapeau d'Espagne ....... ....J. Day g Mr. Batson's Voluptuary ............. ........... ....................... Lord Exeter's f. V e l ure ......... . . 1 . . 0 7to 4 on Velu re —t a k en f ree l y, and 3 to 1 agst Voluptu ary Won by a length. The Two Thousand Guineas Stakes, of 100 sovs. each, h. ft. , f 2 l three years o ld ; co l ts, Bst. 711); fillies, Bst. 41b. 11.31. Subscribers. 1 Lord Jersey's Achmet Mr. J. Day's Mustee ................. 3 Lord Exeter's Troilus ....... The following were not p l aced •—Lord Exeter ' s Dar d a ileu m , u i c k. Mr. W. Edwards's Gil Blas, ou t o f B equest; M r. Wilson's "‘o.of Silver, Sir M. Wood's Bla n k ne y, M :. P age ' s c. Mt4ey, 0 tit of Young Sweetpe a , an d Si r S . G raham ' s c. by Shakspeare, ° Merrinia. 1 10 1° Betting--6 to 4 agst A e h me t, 7 to 2 agst Troilus, and _ nd t o agst each of the o th ers; 10 to 1 agst Achmet winning this and th ast each of the others; 10 to 1 agst Achmet winning this perbl Derby—taken ; 50 and 60 to 1 offered agst Gil Blas for the before this race, and 20 to 1 laid agst Troilus. Tuesday. Night. THE PORTLAND HANDICAP (TO-M[OAAOW)• 7 to 2 agst Lord Egremcnt's Hock—taken 7 to 2 agst DL. Dawson's Locomotive 4 to 1 agst Mr. J. Day's Venison 8 to.l agst Mr. Walker's Gipsey 8i to 1 agst Mr. Houldsworth's Felix—taken 10 to 1 agst Lord Tavistock's Jack-in-the-Green TItE DERIIY . . _ 6 to 5 on Mr. J. Day's lot agst Achmet—taken 5 to 1 agst Lord Jersey's Aehmet 6 to 1 agst Lord Exeter's Hvbiscus 10 to 1 agst Mr. Greville's Alango 13 to 1 agst Colonel Anson's Jereed 15 to 1 agst Mr. Wreford's Wintonian 18 to 1 agst Mr. S. Stanley's Rat-trap 30 to 1 a,gst Mr. Bowes's Mickle Fell—taken 40 to 1 apt Lord Chesterfield's Sambo---taken 45 to 1 agst Lord Berners's Brother to May-day_th en 1000 to 10 agst Lord Exeter's Corban—taken No oned. 4 Seven of S co t t ' s house others s have left menti for Epsom, includi n g Jeree' Mickle Fell, Capulet, and Vacuna. On ;' • riday last some of the p art i es connected'ith 01, one of the notorious hells in Pickering_place, street, were tried, convicted, and sentenced to fine Apo.;01 prisonment at Clerkenwell. On Saturday at this idea" house 41 11C40110 lotttices were again in erst i°lh cull 0 1 3 •St. 40N OW WED NI-4]S DA , APRIL 26, 1837