The Sun. — London, England, 1852-03-13 00:00:00

.dOrr.''', THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, MARCH 13, 1852. BUCKINGHAMSHIRE ELECTION. (FROM OUR OWN REPORTERS.) Thaemmination was appointed for the early hour of ten yesterday morning, and by that time the small and dull town of Aylesbury began to assume a bustling and lively appearance. The George Inn was_aeleeted as the strong hold of the Disraeli party, and every room was crowded with sturdy yeomen, whose various vehicles and cattle completely filled the yard of this famous hostelry. A small brass band, which • played some enlivening airs, was stationed outside, and some half-dozen blue flags, with the name of Disraeli and some popular Protectionist mottoes inscribed upon them, were paraded about the market-place. The supporters of the Right Hon. Gen tleman wore blue and white favours, bat those of his opponent, Dr. Lee, neither exhibited colours nor made a display of any kind. Th e nomination tookpianeiet the County Hall, a small ancient -looking building, more resembling the interior of a' church or chapel than anything else. Mr. Disraeli and Dr. Lee entered the hail shortly before ten o'clock, accompanied by a few of their sup porters, and took their places on thehenches usually oc cupied by the magistrates. Precisely at ten o'clock the doors of the hall were opened to the electors, and there was such a tremendous rush that in a few minutes the small chamber was crowded to excess in every part. A portion of the gallery was allotted to ladies, and a considerable number of elegantly dressed ladies availed themselves of the place. Mr. SCOTT MIIRRA.T, the sheriff for the county, briefly stated the object for which the electors had been called together, and said they would either have to re elect the Right Hon. Benjamin Disraeli, or supply his place by returning some other gentleman. The UNDER-SHERIFF then read the writ, and also re cited the provisions of the Act against Bribery and Cor ruption. Among those present on the bench we noticed Lord Henry Lennox, Captain Archdall, Captain Vyse, and the Rev. F. Litchford. Throughout the proceedings there were occasionally ejaculations which evinced dissent from Protectionist sentiments and disapprobation of Mr. Disraeli's principles, but there is no denying that the Right Honourable Gentleman was the favourite. The powerful lungs of the Backinghamshire farmers and also of their employies, of whom no doubt there was a considerable number pre sent, effectually drowned all attempts at free-trade op position. The proposer of Mr. Disraeli made a neat, short, speech which was received with loud applause, but the seconder was not so wise, for he attempted to inflict a Protectionist disquisition upon the turbulent electors, which was every now and then interrupted by loud cries of " Cut it short;" " Time," SGC. A dramatic incident occurred in the course of his oration which elicited loud laughter and cheers. Though avowing himself an opponent to free trade, he admitted he entertained no unfriendly feelings towards his opponents, and in order to give more effect to this expression of his forbear ance, he bent for ward and warmly shook Dr. Lee by the hand. At length, however, patienc e could no longer submit to the tedious infliction—missiles were thrown about in different directions, and, among the first, en epple, which only escaped the head of the orator. This proved to be, in truth, an apple of dis cord, for immediately afterwards a row commenced, which never ceased until he had sat down. Mr. PONSFORD DIINCOMBE, of Missenden Abbey, then came forward to propose \lr. Disraeli. He said he felt L he could not better discharge the duty he had to perform than to do it briefly.—(Hear, hear.) During the time Mr. Disraeli had represented this county he had always advocated the interest of the constituency, and had done all in his power to restore Protection. —(Cheers, and a voice, " You don't think you'll ever have it again.) Mr. Disraeli WAS now a member of a Government pledged to support the Established Church, and determined to make a last effort to reconcile those classes who had been, too long estranged from each other.—(Hear, hear.) As a member of such a Govern ment, he bad strong claims upon the consti tuency, and remembering the great talents of the Honourable Gentieman himself, and the high office which he held, he had no hesitation in proposing Mr. B. Disraeli as a fit and proper person to represent the county of Buckingham in Parliarneat.—(Cheers.) Mr. CARRINGToN, - a Missenden Abbey, seconded the nomination. It was 110 motive of silly vanity that induced him to come upon the hustings, but it was to support a gentleman who de served well of his country.—.(g ear , hear.) He perfectly agreed with all that the proposer had said, and he only regretted that he had aot his power of voice to say a few words in favour of so great a man as Mr. Disraeli.—(Cheers.) No Member of the House of Commons was so able to give a good account of his stewardship, and he hoped the Honourable Gentleman would receive a fair and impartial hearing.—(Cheers.) For his own part, he was an old-fashione man; but though his sentiments might be also old-fashioned they were, at all events, sincere, while he believed they were the beat that could be adapted for the interest of this great country.—(Cheers.) All he asked for himself and the candidate he seconded was a clear stage and no favour.—(Heat, hear.) Every Englishman who was an Englishman would not retuse that request; and looking at the vast services which Mr. Disraeli had ren dered the agricultural interest, he was convinced they would most cordially re-elect hint.—(Cheers.) No man in all England had done more for the class to which be belonged. He fought their battle without deprecating the interest of any other, and, both in the House and out of it, he had never ceased to struggle in behalf of native industry.—(Loud cheers.) This was one of the principal reasons which induced him to advocate that gentleman's claims upon the constitu ency.—(Hear, hear.) Upon the great question of Pro tection he was fully agreed with the Right Hon. Gen tleman, and as far as he could gather the opinion of the Right lion. Gentleman upon the other great questions of the day, he believed they were in unison with his own and the constituency of this splendid county.—(Cheers.) He avowed publicly and unreser vedly that he was no Free-trader—[A Voice—" Who said you was?"]—and he was a supporter of her Ma jesty's present Government because they were favourable to protection.—(Cheers.) In case of a war they could only be prepared for the enemy by returning to the system which had made the country great, glori ous, and free, and he hoped, indeed he was convinced, the men of Buckinghamshire would with one voice re turn the champion e: teat mighty principle which he had endeavoured feebly to explain",—(Cheers.) The Hon. Seconder then, amidst a scene of much confusion, pro ceeded to insist that a duty must be re-imposed upon the importation of foreign corn of something like 55., which world only inereaSe the price of the quartern leaf by a halfpenny, while it would enable the Government to re peal the malt-tax and many other similar imposts of an inquisitors sl character.—(Queers.) Be, at all events, of this he was sqlisfied that unless free trade were SPeedily abandoned the country must go to rack and ruin, .and the lion. Gentleman concluded a tedious, • prolix speech amidst a shower of _ apples and rotten eggs, which appeared to afford.much amuse ment to the agricultural mind. • He heartily and cordially seconded the nomination of Mr. Disraeli, and denounced in strong language the tactics of the Manchester school, whose princi ple, rather than ouro.fural his opinion was perish agriculture the trnitactores should fall.—(Cheers.) Ur. Gnus, D r. iiee, who said Aylesbary eVews, next nominated art able, zealous, and hard thwoerk in b g at tn tle agist o e t ate ecaonvine:l neighbour, who had fought who Was ..,,, t ,„ 3szty tnY t4 and fic, reform at home, and placed in a differeet e lat it if he were (Lend cheers and cries of "Hear.") m il ,s e h d_idhre.o , t a dFspote the abilities of the Right Hon. Gence perhaps the cleverest man amongst them—(Cheers)--eet t here Rarity about his Cleverneas could e ld was a pecu hot::: _ stand and amuse them fur two would go away and not There were plenty know whyd yet he they clever, and vet none of amused le i tighter.) cf men who were' wry zee them would trust thew . W men the care a their money.. HetarY—unct- let it' he recollected that th e/ Ri ot g en. Gentleman , s-aa to control' and marisge thi fintineeeht the fide :he) in the Right Hoe. coentq. Now, had the y con. G. 21,41.2440 ees eSeet they pat their attetra in his hands?- - la.which-of his aedons Inad they contiden ee e_ 1 ""sili n ) . : Well, be would tell them of some of his actions; When a man appeared in all sort s o f colours and in' 'all chacac ter f a i t h cou:d they oi w i, h ,, at eznd Ete.;!,. hear. „ ) d'OF. Gibbs' tree. read extracts from Arr. ad-; ress r,O the cicctota of ISiiiiryfiibone amidst considerable; laughter.) Hiepreserit address was oi a very ambiguous kitsteription; but he stated that be hoped at no distant; ,peri,,cl to- establish those priueiples which he suite supported while in oplay3ition.--(Loud cheers ) Chet , Right Hon. Gentleman •wished to MX the poor in order to put money into the pockets of a ClEl44—"(Hear, and cheers,)—bat he (Mr. Gibbs) thought that the imposition of a ss. duty, which was talked of, was eething, more then a national sin. —(Dissent and latighler.), If the commercial policy of the country was reversed, here would be revolutions and disturbances .fretwoneend of it to the other.—(Hisses and laughter.) soma farther observations the Hon. Gentleman sat dowse amidst somo covering and hisses, Mr. JOSEPH SHAW, -eoal-merchant, Aylesbury, I 41k/tided thelitunination Of -Dr._ Lee. Mr. Disraeli then came - forward, and his Appe arimes Was the signal for loud and prolonged cheers. • When silence was restored, Mr. Disitaxm said—Gentlemen, I tan very sorry--; extremely aorry—gentlemen, that I should not have been at my post when it was my duty to advance.—(Hear, hear.) But I had anticipated en address from the gentleman who was ,about to second the nomination of my Honourable Opponent; and I was not prepared for the laconic brevity which we have just experienced. —(flear, and laughter.) Gentlemen, £0 much time has elapsed, that I shall at once, with your permission, 1) • roce ed to!business. — ( ll ear,-hear.) G en tl emen , I s h a ll not stop to vindicate my past career.—(Hear, hear.) If nothing can be Said against me but what I did and sa id tweptY . years ago, I think, gentlemen, it is some presumption that we hive a right to suppose that in4erv o i j bawe t , sid.ssfn'tl, done nothing that can be ea4ils , Gentlemen, whatever were nijr 43:4 indiberai,ion, they eoMm ewed in the county BaCkingham, 311 the eeruarlY'pf Buckingham hes 1 for ile m• - • , -(Efear and cheers.) I:l4i;iiited me Co tittme Gentlemen, in politics as in every t hing else, a man is not the wo rse f or h av i n g sown Ma w il d cats.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) And I am sure that you d o not t hi nk it necessary on this occasion, as I have do ne on every oc casion when Mr. Gibbs has made a speech to attack my early career, to enter into any reply now. Bat when, gentlemen, he talks of steadiness of conduct, when ho talks of steadine ss o f c h aracter, I thi n k I may appeal to 15 years passed in the House of Commons, where it cannot be said That at any time I have deserted a prin ciple or ever falsified a pledge.—(Cheers.) But, gen tlemen, when he asks who can trust me, I may be permitted to say at present I possess the confidence of my Most Gracious Sovereign, and that I hope before the sun sets today I shall also be the recognised repre sentative of the people of Buckinghamshire.—(Cheers.) Gentlemen, the Honourable Gentleman who proposed my Honourable Opponent has told you that, though you listened for a long time, and I spoke for a considerable period, you would go away without any definite idea of what were the intentions of the Government or myself as a single member of it.—(Hear, hear.) Now, if you will give me your patience, which I know from your disposition you will do, it shall not be my fault if you have not from me the most definite description of what is the intended policy of her Ma jesty's Government.—(Cheers.) This I can say without affectation, that it shall never be said I had obtained power upon false pretences. This Ido know, that all my promises have been earnestly offered out of power, and now that I am in power it shall be my earnest endeavour to put in practice the policy which I have recommended on the opposite benches.—(Cheers.) Gentlemen, I shall en deavour to convey to you without any equivocation, and with as little reservation as can possibly subsist be tween a candidate in my peculiar position and those whose' auffragea I have solicited—(Hear, hear)—l will endeavour to convey to you what are my intentions in a manner the most unequivocal, and what are my hopes.— (Hear, hear.) But I must, in the first place, gen tlemen, recal to your recollection the circum stances under which the present Government has succeeded to office.—(Hear, bear.) You must recol lect that it was on no motion that asserted the prin ciples which we have upheld—that it was not by a ma jority of the House of Commons sanctioning the policy which we have always recommended—that we were summoned by her Majesty to become her servants. —(Hear, hear.) Had it indeed been upon a vote of the House of Commons, which declared in a manner which could not be mistaken that the policy which we recommended in opposition should be imme diately carried into practice, there could have been no doubt as to what should have bean our duty under the circumstances.—(Hear, hear.) But you will be pleased to recollect that it was internal disease—that it was a division amongst themselves that caused the late Government to fall—(Hear)—it was from the arm of one who had long been their cherished col league and friend that the fatal blow :was struck, and unless we had obeyed the commands of her Majesty her Majesty must have been without servants and tho country without a Government.—(Cheers.) Gentlemen, there were duties to perform under these circumstances which it was impossible could be ne• glected.—(Cheers.) There were the urgent exigencies of the moment which required immediate attention— (Cheers)—there were certain things which must be done, whoever might be the Minister, or what ever might be the policy which he might ultimately place before the country. (Cheers.) And I wish to know what evidence has been given by the present Administration that they shrink from an appeal to the country i—(Cheers.) I wish to know whether the present Administration has yet had an op portunity to do that which all public men of all sides and shades of opinion agree it is absolutely neces sary for the public satety—for the public service— should be done before that recurrence to the sense of the nation should take place which is now on the lip or in the mouth of everybody?—(Cheers.) Well, then, gentlemen, it is our duty to fulfill that which is requisite and necessary; but while we are prepared to do that, while we cannot for a moment suppose that any obstacles can be raised to our doing that which every teen, whatever may bo his political eipuiens, feels to be absolutely necessary for the service of the State, rest assured that it is our wish that the policy of this country sheuid be such as we have re commended for -many years on the benches of the Oppo sition.—(Cheers.) " What opposition?" said the Hun. Gentleman who proposed my Hon. Opponent, with scorn and coritutnely; he insinuated that it was an opposition that had done nothing, and then with s i ngu l ar incon sistency he treated us to his own budget.—(A laugh.) He recommended the measures which he thought were necessary to relieve the agricultural interest, and every measure which he recommended in spirit, if not in form, is one of those measures which I myself year after year have proposed in opposition, and by the aid, support, and assistance of that opposition, I have yearly victo riously carried in a free-trade House of Commons.— (Cheers.) Gentlemen, it is my wish to express, without reserve, and in a manner which cannot b e mistaken, and in language which no perversion of faction can render equivocal, what are the intentions of Government upon this great point.—(Cheers.) Gen tlemen, it is our opinion—the opinion which I myself as }our Member in the House of Commons have frequently expressed—that when the great changes of 1846 were carried, they were carried in a spirit of great precipita tion—l might almost say of panic —and they were carried without a due regard to these impor tant productive interests whose fortunes for a time, as the event has proved, were sensibly affected.—(Hear, hear.) For example, in 1846, yOu repealed the old corn-laws. (A voice—" And a good thing too.") You repealed them without any condition. You repealed them without considering the burden to which the agricultu ral interest was subjected, and which they were always recommended to endure, because they pos ssssed those corn -laws.—(Hear.) You also, for example, altered the colonial system, to which one of my Hon. Friends has referred to-day.---(Hear, hear.) You changed the whole course of your colonial policy ;after having bowed to a passionate conviction of the people of Eng land and increased your national debt to terminate slavery, you opened your markets to slave grown produce in a manner which even one of your most celebrated Free-traders has declared to be most unjustifiable.—(Cheers.) So again, very shortly afterwards, you abrogated your maritime code, but while you forced British shipping, for example, into com petition with the shipping of all the world, you left upon the British seaman and the British shipowner restrictions of a very onerous and injurious character.—(Cheers.) And, therefore, theso:threesgreat interests, and I take them only as an illustration, were dealt with most un fairly, for while acting , under circumstances of great emergency, you came to a settlement, which, in fact, as far as these great interests were concerned, was no doubt unjusee—(Cheers.) Because, remember this, gentlemen, that so far as the three cases I have taken were concerned, even those who vindicate that peculiar system, whichl think is unjustly called a system of free trade, admit that the settlement was not carried into effect on principles of or political and financial justice.—(Cheers.) But what says the Hon. Gentleman who proposed my op ponent, reho was a Free-trader, and who has given us a lively and picturesque description of cottage life?—(A laugh)—ail of which might have existed and, indeed, did exist, wider the old system?—(Cries of " No, no.") I repeat that it did exist, and I will quote an authority which I am sure the Hon.' Gentleman will consider a very high authority, indeed. I mean the late Mr. Cobbett, whose descriptions of cottage life, when protection existed, were almost as lively as pic turesque, and as poetical as his own.—(A laugh.) But, gentlemen, don't let us be diverted from the argument by this slight circumstance. I say that, without reference to the agricultural interest itself, here is an uncompromising Free-trader who tells you that it is true and just that the question of the poors'-rate should be settled. Why, what is that but an edmission that, as respects the produce of British industry, which has been thrown into competi tion with the general produce of the world, the question of local taxation tehich he described as being so unjust and grievous, should have bean settled at the time the change was made?—(Cheers.) Take now the case of sugar.—(Hear, hear.) If I wanted to establish the in justice of the present system, should I go to the chair man or , the deputy-chairman of 4, protection society? Ne, I should go to Mr. Deacon Hume, the founder of the commercial syife — m — which the late Sir Robert Psel adopted.—(Hear, hear.) Nay, I might quote Sir Robert Peel's own words in reference to the repu diated measures of Lord John Russell in 1846, of which Sir R. Peel' id- not approve, because he stud sugar was cliketi oat of the category of free trade in consequence of the abolitioa of slavery, ' which would render it an act of inSuaticp, .._ if_ not of illegality, to place -the colonial producers in competition %trite the foreigcer.—(Hear, hear.) Why here are two admitted cases, without ref err i ng to th e s hi pp i ng case.— .i.Cheers.) But no one can deny —no human being has Z ind tr ;u :7ied, that our British seamen and shipowners, in v exation;. to lacedein competition with the entire world, there F i t b h , e . o Y s e e i t r r Ys v a h be entirely unrestricted, and be no longer subjected to all doeurisdcheree on naws which are still kept in force, crippling their resources and increasing, their ir juries.—(Cheers all side's.) Why, here are the traders admittingz.ttg me, —(A laugh.) Here are Free , _. 3 in which tin three great instancee, and kite "" eo the greatest amount of British capital is invested, namely, a aipping, aivndhy, theee colonial ent t l h iathi e rneo a u g sse r_i t c t ul l(eAm tu e ra nit l a , u,„h t h h a. e : been PreciPitate—that t has been unjust.— nt to me.— (149fihetetertsh.41 is w th h e 7:e t c h f er a eav i g Oppc . nie (A laugh., flea), Candidate? Wh • lit he : as i s t in w c e e r r e e respect nag " au individual fbr whom I elite?: us my Learned Friend —why from. the classic shades of Heartvvell flea to fight pulled, against, a men with whom he entirely agrees?—(citeerao A \Teem —They don't agree, M r. isil gydniticouns'tae which Then they ar e determined ! h t hey denounc e . (Cheers.) Now, gentlemen , permit: me to e ntreat a D to E support li.-T Ii an i contin uance of that, earnest patience which y ou have already bestowed upon me, but pray understand I ask you to listen, not from any vain W i s h 1 to addres you, but being one of her Majesty's Ministers i I am anx i ous that i t s h :iu ld no t bo said hereafter that I had attempted to conceal the policy which we intend to pursue. —(oh ' N --eers.) If you will give me your attention fir a moment I will tell y ou frankly and openly what we think and what we wish to do.—(Cheery.) Well, then, gentlemen, it is our opiniOn that in the years 1846 to 1849 great injustice wa3 done to many great interests in which a vast, an immense amount of capital is in vested, and upon which much labour depends; and it is also our opinion that justice should:now be done them. —that jostle© should, is fact, be done to all classes — (Cheers) —and if the premises I have stated be true, gentlemen, I am sure you will agree with me, that it is quite high time that justice should be done to the Bri-1 tish pr,Aiucer es well as the couou luei ....„, kLoucl cheer!'.); We are not ashamed to say it is our political creed that justice should be done ,to all classes, and if.that.be true you will agree with me that justicel should be - done to the British producer as will as to the British consumer.—(Hear.) If we can show —and it is not dif ficult, for all acknowledge it—that there are great classes , of producers in this country who are suffering because , they are placed in unequal competition, it is not only our policy as a party, but our duty as English statesmen, to see that that interest is placed in its legitimate position.—(Loud cheers.) I must confine my observations, because Ido not wish :to extend them to any great length, to that interest, because it is the interest in which you are mainly concerned. But don't sUppose that in talking of land my thoughts centre in land. When I consider this question I consider—and this I say most sincerely and frankly—what I take to be for the advantage of the commu nity; but if I confine my argument to the agri cultural interest it is only because you are mainly inte rested in agriculture and the products of agriculture, and because, being familiar with the subject, your minds will easily grapple with the observations and reasons which I may be 'permitted to give you. — (Hear, hear.) Well, I consider, then, with regard to agriculture, that it is our duty to bring forward mea sures which will permit the British cultivators of the soil to enter into fair competition with the producers of foreign countries.—(Cheers.) We have not the slightest wish to restrict the energy and enterprise of the foreign producer, provided, when he comes into competition with the English producer, the English producer is not overwhelmed.—(Hear, hear.) That is all we want. There is, I apprehend, a vast majority in this country who agree that there is a pressure of taxation on the cultivators of the soil which is not experienced by any other class in the country. But, I candidly tell you, there are people who say that is not the case. But, if you will permit me, I will place before you, in a few sentences, and with extreme brevity—not attempting to exhaust the whole question —some of the most prominent facts, and if answered by any Free-trader who is present—and there is none more capable than the Learned Gentleman (Dr. Lee), and whom I would listen to with greater pleasure—if, I say, he will answer me, the meeting to-day will not be without profit, and I assure you I will communicate the information I receive to the next Cabinet meeting. You, the Free-traders who are present, will, doubtless, give weight to what I say, for, after all, being Bucking hamshire men, you are men of sense and spirit.— (Cheers.) The income-tax in this country is raised on income in round numbers to something more than 200 millions a year. Now real property, which con tributes exactly half of the revenue on which the income-tax is levied, viz., something more than a hundred millions a year, is a moiety of the great national income. Real property, besides contributing to the general taxation—the imperial taxation of the country— pays in great Britain alone ten millions per annum extra. It is, therefore, quite clear on the surface that if a hun dred millions out of two hundred millions, pays ten mil lions extra, it pays five millions more than it ought to pay. It is then said that real property consists of something else besides land. I admit it does. I will put the case with great fairness. Supposing that real property, as sessed to the income-tax, is something more than one hundred millions—l will take fifty millions as a moiety of it, as applying to land—then it follows, land pays two and a halt millions more than it ought to do. It is clear, therefore, by the system of local taxation, upon the question as stated by the Free-traders, that lend pays two millions atid,a half more per annum than any other class in the Aftimunity.—(Cheers.) Well,. that is a very great burden—a very great harden indeed, when you are calling upon the cultivators of the soil to enter into unrestricted competition with the cultivators of the soil in all other countries.—(Cheers.) Is that so or not?—(" Yes" and hear.) Now, let me ask you this question—what is- yOur legislation when you call upon the • occupiers or owners—for if there be justice or injustice in this respect in your le gislation, it matters not whether it falls upon the occu piers or owners, for these distinctions exist no longer ; but let me ask you under what financial sys tem the cultivators of the soil in Great Britain were asked to bear this additional burden ? Let me put before you your financial system in this re spect, under which you were encouraged to produce one of tbe most valuable articles which the soil brings forth. I allude to wheat; but of late years you are told, that since the repeal of the corn-laws the British termer complains that the mice he acts for a quarter of wheat is no longer fdlinunerative to him. You are ale° told that the British tirtner ought not to produce wheat.that he produces -- tee much wheat, and that ho ought to give up the pro duce of wheat as much as he can. That advice was -given to the British farmer by Sir R. Peel, and re-echoed by Lord John Russell. It is the common formula of all writers on political economy, and is suggested as a means of curing the evils to which the repeal of the corn-laws has given rise. Their advice is that you should discourage as much as you can the production of that article which under other circumstances was your most valuable crop.—(Hear, hear,' and cheers.) Now, I ask my free-trade friends whether I put the case fairly? If that be so, then, naturally, you would suppose the financial system of the country would encourage the British farmer in the production, of some other crop, but what is the case? When you go to the . next superior crop which British Ministers advised to be grown in the place of wheat, and to which the soil in this country is generally fa vourable—when we come to the next superior crop, barley, what does the Legislature do? Why it raises on barley a revenue amounting to 11 000,000 sterling—(Cheers)—equal to the revenue of powerful monarchies and ancient empires, for that amount is raised upon barley under the Spirit Acts, Well, I say, that is monstrous.—(Cheers.) That system could, no doubt, have existed when an artificial price, as it is called, was given to wheat; but we say, when you tell the farmer we have subjected you to such severe competition that you must give up growing wheat, you are bound to take care that an inferior crop is not loaded with heavy re strictions [and severe imposts.—(Cheers.) Is that the truth?—do Free-traders support that system? But I dare say it may be said that this tax of eleven millions is not of the slightest importance to the producer, as it is paid by the consumer and not the producer. Now, Ido not think that elevep millions on one article can be paid by the consumer without checking the production of that article.—(Cries of " Hear, hear," and load cheers.) If it were possible to produce eleven millions from an inferior crop by a tax, without checking consumption, what would become of the argument of the tax upon wheat? It is quite clear we cannot have it both ways,. and he was gleal to hear a Free-trader say, candidly and honestly, that' they could not.—(Cheers.) I am in formed this Free-trader carries my colours, and I be lieve you will find a good many Free-traders carry ing my colours.—(Laughter.) Now, gentlemen, the question has arisen how to retain unrestricted importation, and yet adjust the balance, so that no in justice be doze to the British producer? That is the question; and if you will listen to me, I will give you some informadon on the subject. First of all, we have the opinions of Freo-traders, and I will give you the opi nion of the most eminent one. The gentleman to whom I allude has only this year published his ob servations with regard to the recent commer cial legislation of the country. Recollect' his opinion is that of an uncompromising Free-trader, of the .highest literary a uth o rity, as a Free-trader, and whose works use constantly referred to in the House of! Commons, anCl are perpetually thrown in our face.— (Hear, hear.) He is the literary executor of Ricardo, i and the editor of Adam Smith. Now, will such an autho- 1 rity satisfy you?—(Hear.) I refer to a now edition of the celebrated work of M'Culloch on Taxation, and I find that Mr. 10Culloch says in that book, that it is of the greatest importance that the malt-tax should be re-I tamed; but that it cannot be retained with perfect just Lice to the English producer without a countervailing! duty; and Mr. M.`Culloch says, sooner than give up the malt-tax, though it restricts the industry of the faruser i and checks consumption, he would propose a different ; course; and hie adds, it is of the utmost importance' to keep that great arm of finance, and that it would be best to give the, farmer a countervailing duty of 2s. 6d. on barley.—(tlear, hear.) But he says more—he thinks that the present si stem is most unjust to the, cultivator of the British soil, and he states there is nu doubt that th e best way of settling the question is by a countervailing duty of seven shillings on; every quarter of wheat, and by a modified duty,' for other speci as of grain. This is his opinion in 1852.— i (Cheers.) But he •-eays stilt more—that though the, British farmer, the 'ocenpier and owner of land in Great Britain, accord.'dng to the present system, are placed in a; most unjust position, yet so much prejudice exists oni the subject at are present moment that it would no longer be wise to do that justice to which they were entitled: But I cannot heehaw) myself that the country will remain quiescent while a great body of the industrious and hard working porticen of the community have to support burdens from which other classes are exempt.-- ( heers.) "Yevu, the Free-..raders, must agree with U 9, that that society is nut safely established where any 'considerable body of the producers of the country carry on their industry under unfair fiscal chesucastances : —(Cheers.) I will now tell you my opinion:, ragOte with Mr. M'Culloch thus far, that the ches,post,,easieat mode, and the least expensive to the community of settling the question, is by a coun tervailing day. 11. think no one will deny that in the aggregate) that countervailing duty. would give the F. nglish - producer much less than he was scientiEtallaretipitled to, and knowing the cha racter of the Feeglish people he was disposed to think that they would not, object to a compromise of this kind. He did not speak for the agricultural interest alone, but for the whole cc mmunity, when heisaicf he believed ehat the cheapest, ere hest,and most effective a n d l eas t on erous manner of pa) , ing their debts—fur it really came to that—was to follow the .advice given and the policy recommended ley Mr. APCulloch.—(Cheers.) But if the people of E rigland aro determined to adhere to what I consider prejudice and short-sighted views—if the ge neral body of th a community have a prejudice against settling the clues time in a manner which has been recom mended by the h ighest authorities, I am not going to pledge the existence of a Government or of a policy on s r u cd ch re a ss. m_e ( a c au h r e e e . r — s :Laughter.) The policy which I think no Government ought to shrink from who have acceded and Cheapest mode toI am m e to office under th circumstances we have done, is to secure to the agrioultural interest ample and complete the nationP°cihtioto—se(sCo c f o opinion i community that thethe o one e im w p h l i e e s h t this great political economist has recommended. The :o:onntrtyh:ill soon peeve an opportunity of expressing its opinion. But it cannot be said I speak with any reserve minus to the study which the not . to sanction the policy -highest authority- _which of " 0 . 14 oh," and cheers.) If (of the subject--which men wh. , o were Free- traders long -which men who have give a their te el eore brawling i ree -traders existed — (A laugh)—which students who • had never sought to make themselves the prominent fidv° - ca,tts of free tre .. one -- And all recommended -- if. th e country, , 6 . 94 which I believe to . insadvisPie Pfeil v 4 *! ) unimpassioned SCr • vints of the cone= unity—she j uis' the distinguished writer to whom I,bi .vereferred—the country I. lust he prepared to take th e consequence.—(Hear.) If the people will not, in. tb o manner which I recomm end, do eioiliee to the agricultural interest they must submit to a revision of the taxation of the country, clod they may depend upon it that tho redress which a sense of justice will ultimately permit us to alfird the agricultural interest will he attained far more coarsely and by means far more expensive.— (Cheers.) Perhaps the perverted ingenuity of political opponents will induce them to say that to-day I have not spoken frankly.—(Cries of " Yes," and " Oh.") I believe the just, least expensive, chespest, and easiest mode of settling the question would be to ascertain a oountervaling duty, and that the atmosphere of the agricultural world at present is such that the agricultu rists would be induced to accept a compromise of this nature in a spirit of conciliation.—(Hear and cheers.) If the mode recommended by the highest authorities is not one which] pleases the taste of the country, why then the country will once for all decide the question; and if it reject the proposition, and I shall not credit such a result until the verdict is given—then I will do that which more than once I have partially attempted to do.—(Hear, hear.) In supporting a compromise it was with the hope of putting an end to that strife which has existed between town and country, for we know of enemies ecough out of England to encourage dis sensions among different classes of the people.— (Cheers.) I say that the Parliament of England must g i ve it s mind to the settlement of the question—per haps in some degree in the spirit of the very remarks which have been to-day made by a Free-trader—but I trust and am assured that though it may not fall to My lot to terminate this quarrel, and make this adjustment —a duty which I should be proud to discharge—such is the crying na ture of the evil, such the sense of justice in all classes of the community, that though it ma d y not am fall to nay lot to make a settlement, I trust, n assured, that the next Parliament of E ng l an d ,will have that duty f orce d u p on it . —(L ou d c h eers. ) a J admit there is a prejudice against what is termed a i tax on the food of the people.—(" You're quite right.") ;Let me give you an illustration A person goes to a coffee -shop, he orders a mutton-chop, and devours it. He orders some bread to eat with the chop, which he a devours, and the keeper of th e co ff ee - s hop chargescm a l also ns e stathat ashtra is , 2s. 6d. fur the l u n c he o n. The Why, I cannot pay 2s. 6d., be taxing the food lof the people."— , (Cries of " Oh," and " ridiculous?) Yes,- it is ridicu lous as a Free-trader remarks, but eecolleet ridi cule is the t ea t o f trut h . —(Laughter and cheers.) Why this is exactly the case. The analogy is complete. It is exactly what the Free-traders said two years ago - that the people of England have been eating a farmer every night for supper._( Laughter.) Have your cheap bread, and have your foreign flour, but have them by the exertions of your by unjustly ta x i ng your f e ll ow - coun trymen to produce it. our commercial system will injure that commercial prosperity which we ar e a ll so g l ad to w i tness . In the first place, I Gentlemen,d own en industry,thatif and the gains of your own industry, and not it has been also said that any interference with we followed the policy which would recommend a countervaili ng d u t y, i t wou ld b e a ny interference with our commercial system.—(Cheers.) But you must recollect this, that it is idle to suppose that all the commercial prosperity of the present day has originated merely in our permitting products at hom e . U nques ti ona bly the moment you opened exports to this country to compete with our taxed the ports of the country a grea t expansion of the foreign trade took pl ace . Ido not remember that in the great con troversy puted that c onsequence . We all admitted that there of 1846 any one on the Protection side dig would necessarily be a considerable expansion of the foreign trade, but we said that that expansion would be accompanied by considerable suffering, which would over weigh our great and important interests at home.—(Hear, hear.) No doubt much that was predicted on both sides as the result of the measures of that period has not occurred. —(Hear, hear.) But allow me to say, that much that was then predicted has happened.—(Cheers.) For instance, the stress on the farmers was predicted ; and ucquestionably that has o ccurre d. I a d m it—and it is with unfeigned ple a . ih hasas n improved.—(Renewed p s r u o ff v e e r d e . 1 ( 1 but ß that,dew d cheering.) plea sure that I admit it—that the labouring population of Eng land oonthecontrarßnt who cany, th e i r con d t,d now suppose what would have been the condition of the labouring population of England if the fierce competition with them on the part of the Irish labourer had still con tinued ?—(Hear, hear.) You must remember that that has happened since 1846 with regard to Ireland which never happened before, and which I sincerely hope may never happen again—by which that stress on the labouring people of England has been not only mitigated but removed, I mean that fearful emigration which has reduced the popula tion of the sister isle by millions. I admit, too, that the people of England have not suffered as we thought they would suffer from the drain of gold consequent on free im ports.—(Laughter.) Why, did the gentleman who laughs foresee that which Sir Robert Peel himself did not foresee— that within two years after the repeal of the corn-laws, the greatest discovery since the days of Columbus and of Cortes would have occurred, and that the precious metals which had been hoarded up in England from generation to generation would have poured in in such quantities as to change the value of almost every commodity ?—(Loud cheers.) Who could foresee that? —(Cheers.) It is well known to every man of business, whatever his political principles may be, that last year the gold which came to us from America went through the Bank as through a sieve. There was a greater drain than in 1847, and you would have had a panic as great as you had in that year. Why, you had failures scarcely less in amount 1 Liverpool alone lost six millions.— (Loud cheers.)—but this interference (as I may well call it) of Providence saved you; and the consequence of that dis covery has been not only to mitigate, but has a tendency , still more to mitigate and to soften the result of the mea sures of 1846. [A Voice—What about the paper money ?] If my friend will tell me what he means I will endeavour to answer him ; but I suppose he is in favour of the country banks, with unrestricted issues. —(Cheers and laughter.) I beg to inform him, if that be so, that her Majesty's Government is not going to propose a measure which will entitle it to the support and confidence of that gen tleman. Now, I hope I have laid before you clearly, and without equivocation, what are the intentions and what is the policy of her Majesty's Ministers. The policy of her 1 Majesty's Ministers is to do justice to the land, to bring in) measures of redress for all those great producing interests; which are suffering that injustice which is now almost uni versally recognised. It is our belief that the best way, so far as the agricultural interest is concerned, would be to; adopt that mode which science has recomm en ded, and whi c h I we think only passion and prejudice oppose.—(Hear, hear,' and loud c heering.) But if the country will not have re course to those remedial measures, we bow to their decision ; but though we may sot be Ministers, still, as Members of, Parliament, we will labour for other measures of redress.l We will, though in opposition, exert ourselves to the utmost to obtain those countervailing and compensatory regula-! tions which justice dem ands.—(Cheers.) And I warn you again if you force the whole system of your taxation to be revised, you will find that though the means of redress for the agricultural interest may be discovered. and obtained, you will obtain them by a far more costly Process than that which our policy—our immediate mends. policy Now, perhaps you will permit me to make one or two observations, and they shall be but brief, upon the. position of the present Ministry with respect to Parliament, and with respect to the people. There seems, I think—very artfully devised and circulated—there seems to be a rumour about, that her /Slajesty's Ministers shrank from appealing to the people. I take this earliest opportunity of giving to that rumour the flattest contradiction. I feel, gentlemen, as all of you would feel, considerable delicacy in speaking of an act which can only be brought about by the exercise of the prerogative of our Gracious Sovereign, and w hi c h it a ppears to me indecorous and indecent to speak of as an act which can be r ecommended, or wh i c h can b e carried into effect by any body of men. But if Ido allude to rumours of a dissolution of Parliament, it is only because they have been distinctly referred to by the most eminent statesmen- of the day, and because I know well that if to day I speak without the completest frankness on that subject I shall be liable to imputations which I know to be unjust. And, therefore, again expressing the regret with which I treat of a subject of so much delicacy, I trust to your good feeling and to the good sense of the community to hold me harmless if I speak on the subject without reserve.—(Hear.) When Lord John Russell very suddenly quitted office, or rather when-be announced to the House of Commons that he had ceased to be a Minister, it appears upon his own con fession that he called his colleagues together the following morning, and, after consultation, they came to the determi nation that it NVIIS inexpedient in the then state of ,the country and Europe to recommend her Majesty to dissolve Parliament. It was under these circumstances that we suc ceeded to power ; and it is known and admitted by all that it was totally impossible that when we did succeed to power we could recommend a dissolution of Parliament under the space of less than two months. Such was the state of public business—the Mutiny Bill not having passed, the supplies not having been voted, it was totally impossible, and ac knowledged by all, that no dissolution could take place until at least two months had elapsed. I cannot believe the rumour which has reached me to-day, that Lord John Rus. sell is about to impugn the conduct of her Majesty's Go vernment because they have not dissolved Parliament, or are not prepared to recommend a dissolution of Parliament as early as is posaible or convenient. What, shall the Minister who, upon quitting office, announced to Parliament that, in the then state of the country and of Europe, he did not consider that he was justified in recommending a dissolution of Parliament—who then went to his Sovereign and recom mended the Earl of Derby—(Hear, hear)—as his successor —i s it possible, I - say, that he can tarn round upon that very successor and challenge him to do the very act Ivhich he has himself described as one injurious to the country? But we are not going to ride off on the admission of Lord John Rua. sell.—(Cheers.) I say, then, without hesitation, that we are perfectly prepared to face him, or any one else, before the country.--(Loud cheers.) Only let the country fully understand what they will lose by our following this course o f policy for which we are prepared, and which we are told we are i m mediately to be forced to adopt. Remember that there are some things which, it Parliament is dissolved and meet—which again it probably would not do before July-- and you can all judge what can be done in a second session of July—remember that to enjoy this costly luxury the people of England must submit to some sacrifices. You are in want of defences for your own coast, and all parties have agreed in expressing their opinion that some measure of de fence of our own coast should immediately be adopted—if Par liament is dissolved, do not complain to us afterwards that we have neglected fulfilling that important duty. There is a great and passionate feeling in the people of this country in favour of a reform In Chancery.— (Cheers.) The report of the Commissioners into the state of the Court of Chancery was laid upon the table of the House at the commencement of the cession. That report was made by the most eminent lawyers, assisted by two eminent laymen, Members of the House of Commons, one Sir James Graham, and the other a distinguished colleague of my own, the President of the Board of Trade. I remember that the recommendations of that Commission are of the most sweeping character, and s if carried into e ff ect the " Old M an o f the Sea," whichwould so long pressed upon the back of the Eng lish p eople, be removed for ever, I remember that t he recommendations of that Commi ss i on are so swee ping that the wno le system of the " Master's etawhich has been so lo n g Her once, the pest and torment of th e E ng li s h people, would cease to exist. Majesty's late G evernruent l e ft us no Bill nor any evidence a t" ions that they intend e d to act upon the sweeping recommend of that Commissi on. I anno unce to you, wi thout reserve, that it is the int ent i on o f h er Majesty's Governm ent .to act upon this sweepi ng measure.—(Cheers.) But observe this, if Parliament i s di sso l ve d Ch a ncery reform m ust be given - up. Ido not wi s h to oppose t hi s dissolution you desire pay for it. it, but under s t an d t h e cos t which you i h (Cheers.). Is St. Albans again to r e turn, through the to the interference of M r , Edwards, tire Members that new Parliament? I am informed, upon authority, her Majesty's lat e Mi n i s ters do n ot intend to proce e d St Albans. j with the - Bill for the disfranchisement of S announce also with au thority that it is the intention Majesty's present Government t o proceed with that mea sure.—(Loud cheers.) I shall take the earliest opportunity of announcing to Parliament what we intend to do with the suffrages which will be thus forfeited, and the proposition which I shall make will I doubt not be one which will please and satisfy the great body of the peonle. But you cannot have this Bill of disfranchisement it Parliament is dissolved. You will still have Members from St. Animas in this Free Trade Parliament, which you hope to assemble. Are you prepared that the whole of the private business of the session—every railroad and road Bill, every Bill connected with private business, I doubt not Bills affecting many gen tlemen who are present—that all these should be swept away and this year be a perfect blank in legislation? Ido not ob ject to it if you wish to make the sacrifice. But understand what this sacrifice is —(Hear, hear.) I know well the diffi culties which we have to encounter as a Government. I hear that the late Administration, or their friends, perhaps, are anxious that the country should give an immediate decision on the subject of the relief of agricultural burdens. But allow me to say that, so far as lam concerned, the issue shall not he narrowed to mere questions of commercial legislation. —(Cheers.) I shall ask the country to decide upon the policy of the late Government in every respect and in every de partment. Upon that foreign policy which we attempted to check two years ago, which we were defeated in doing, and which the late Premier, only two months ago, virtually an nounced we were right in opposing. I shall ask the opinion of the country upon the colonial policy of the late Adminis tration—(Great cheering)—the decision of the House of Com mons upon which they escaped I will not say, but which they evaded by the " local " militia. (Cheers and laughter.) I shall ask the opinion of the country upon that question of law reform to which I have adverted. I wilt ask the country whether they are in favour of the recommendation of the Commissioners for the reform of the Court of Chan cery being carried into died or whether they are not. I will make the issue wide and multiform, and, whatever may be the character of the House of Commons which may then be called together, that Parliament shall be one which, at least, shall represent that decision of the people of Eng. land not upon a single question, but upon all those great principles which should give a colour to the policy, and form to the conduct of a strong administration.—(Loud and long continued cheering.) Gentlemen, I know well the difficul ties we have to encounter, but though I confess our position may be critical, I for one do not believe it is perilous. I have listened to a great deal of bluster within the last fortnight. That does not frighten me. I have read tirades of resuscitated leagues. I shall leave resuscitated leagues to settle their quarrel with the amalgamated engi neers.— (A laugh.) Confident myself that in taking office we have at least resolved to do our utmost for the advantage of the country, I shall feel 'that the conscientiousness of that duty will at least sustain us during the exigency of the day.—(Cheers.) And, Gentlemen, I can say that when the Noble Lord who is at the head of the Administration attested Providence in the Senate of his country, he was influenced by no personal feeling in accepting the post of danger which he now fills. I also may express my hope that, whatever may be the fate of the Government, when we leave office there will at least be, among all temperate and impartial men, a sense that, however humble may have been our efforts, we have endeavoured to do our duty to our country, to our Sovereign, and to our God. The Right Honourable Gentleman sat down amidst loud and prolonged cheering. Mr. BARRY, after same introductory remarks, asked the Right Hon. Gentleman whether he or any other member of her Majesty's Government had any intention, at present or hereafter, either directly or indirectly, to place a duty upon the importation of corn ? Also, whether he was fa vourable to giving electors the protection of the ballot?— whether the Government intended to introduce the militia laws ?—and, lastly, whether he or her Majesty's Government had any intention of bringing in any measure for the separa tion of the Church and State, or for the repeal of the pre sent laws affecting church rates? Mr. DISRAELI, in reply, said—l have great pleasure in an swering the questions of the Hon Gentleman. When her Majesty's Government intend to bring forward any Bill like the Militia Bill, they will give due and respectful notice, as is the custom, to Parliament ; and I do think it would be respectful if my Hon. Friend there should have the previous information in this respect.—(Cheers and laughter.) With respect to the question about church rates, I shall be very explicit. I think there is one great objection to doing away with the present system of levying church rates. If it were abrogated, my Hon. Friend there would have nothing to talk about. (Laughter.) He has been making speeches upon that subject upon each occasion that I have had the honour of meeting him ; and really if church rates are abro gated "Othello's occupation will be gone "—(Cheers and laughter.) With respect to the ballot, I should like to know, in the first place, from my Hon. Friend whether he would recommend the ballot with the present constitvencies? Mr. BARRY stated that he would certainly recommend the ballot to the existing constituencies, for he was acquainted with his fellow-farmers, and knew that not one in a dozen of them ever gave conscientious votes. There was not a man among them who dared to go against his landlord.—(Oh, oh, and great confusion.) If the ballot was given to the present constituencies, he believed they would soon have a very dif ferent kind of Parliament. (Addressing. Mr. Disraeli)—l have now answered the question; have you any further question to put to me?—(Laughter.) Mr. DISRAELI—It is rather an unusual and certainly a somewhat Irish style of doing business when the Honourable Gentleman asks me a question, to ask me whether I have anything else to ask him.—(Laughter.) _ Mr. BARRY, with considerable warmth, said—Allow me, sir, to observe that I came forward here with the view of eliciting a plain and honest declaration of what your inten tions are. lam not possessed of talents or abilities equal to yourself, but [ trust I am possessed of as much honesty and integrity. All I want from you is a plain and simple answer to a plain and simple question.— (Cheers, and some confusion.) Mr. Barry then retired, and no further answer was given by Mr. Disraeli. Dr. LEE then stood forward, and in an address of consider. able length went through the various articles of his political creed. He stated that be was a member of the Protestant Alliance, of the Peace Society, the Peace of Nations Society, the Bond of Universal Brotherhood Society, the Ocean Penny Postage Association, and the Aborigines Protection Society, and cordially concurred in the various beneficial objects which those associations had in view. In addition to these princi ples, he was in favour of the extension of the suffrage to fe males whose husbands already possessed the franchise,or who were possessed in their own right of " forty-shilling free holds," and he had no doubt whatever but that they would exercise the privilege equally as worthily as those who were now well plied with beer, and brought up by the" Man in the Moon" to the poll. There could be no doubt that such ladies as Miss Herschel], the astronomer; Miss Barbauld, Miss Strickland, Lady Lovelace, Miss Martineau, and a number of other accomplished and talented ladies, would exercise the franchise quite as purely and independently as many of those who now possessed that right.—(Cheers and laughter.) He regretted the scene which had taken place in that court between their respected High Sheriff and the Lord Chief Justice, and cordially trusted that the noble and memorable reply of the High Sheriff would cause his Lord ship to see and regret the error into which he had been led. He trusted that upon the occasion of the next assizes for the county he would take the opportunity of again bring ing his chaplain with him, and he believed that Lord Campbell would not again dare to interfere with him on the subject.—(Cheers and cries of " Question.") If returned to Parliament he weuld endeavour humbly and faithfully to carry out the principles to which he had referred, and strive also to promote the interest of all classes. (The speaker was frequently interrupted by the remarks and questions put to him by persons present, and retired amid considerable cheering from his own immediate supporters.) The HIGH SHERIFF having then called for a show of hands, declared the majority to be in favour of Mr. Disraeli. After consulting for a few moments with his friends, Dr. LEE stated thet he delined going to the poll, and the High Sheriff accordingly declared Mr. Disraeli duty elected. Mr. DisaaEfet then said—l return you my_most sincere thanks for having a second time sent me to Westminster unopposed as your representative in Parliament. I have already had occasion to express to you in much detail the views which animate me and the Administration of which I am a member, and it would be presumptuous en my part if I were again to trespass upon your attentiou. A long tine will not elapse before you will again be called upon to exer cise the great privilege which you have been summoned by your respected _High Sheriff this day to fulfil, It is my belielf that when that general appeal is made by our Sovereign to the country, those who now advise her councils and are responsible for the administration of the country will receive such support from the community that they will be able, with an augmented majority, to bring in those measures which in their consciences they believe will terminate that strife of classeswhich all must deplore.—(Cheers.) I shall appeal to you upon that occasion with confidence, remembering that upon this, as on previous instances, you have returned me unop posed, and because I have a right to infer from such a display of confidence upon your part that you have admitted that I have humbly endeavoured to do my duty to, the people of the county of Buckingham.—(Cheers. ) Mr. Disraeli then moved, and Dr. Lee seconded, a vote of thanks to the High Sheriff, which having been replied to by that gentleman, the crow d dispersed. The Right Honourable Gentleman then, headed by a band, was chaired in triumph through the town, and upon returning to the hotel where he was staying proceeded to a dinner which was attended by between 200 and 300 of his supporters, and which was presided over by W. Lowndes, Esq. Upon the removal of the cloth, Mr. Disraeli addressed the um. pany, but his speech afforded no further information as to the intended policy of the Government upon the important subjects which now agitate the public mind. Mr. Disraeli, accompanied by his wile, immediately after the dinner returned to London by an early train. HER MAJESTY'S THEATRE. The question which has so long interested the fashionable world," When will the Opera open ?" now receives a satis factory answer. The opening night is fixed for the 25th inst., that time being selected to correspond, as nearly as possible, with the closing of the " Italiens" at Paris, whore Mademoiselle Cruvelli has achieved such brilliant triumphs. This distinguished vocalist, whose' success was the great feature last year, will likewise be prima donna this season, together with Madame Sontag and Mademoiselle Joanna Wagner, the German " star," who is said to have taken the place of Jenny Lind at Berlin. Ferlotti, known as a singer and tragic actor, and the baritone Bassini are also im portant among the new engagements. The _princ s ipil danseuses at the opening of the season will be d adF l n lioiel i ßosati and Madame Guy Stephan, and the leas i are at after wards be taken by Cerito. Further arrangements present unknown, but the name s of the three p rime donne are a sufficient guarantee that the season will be one of no ordinary OLYMPIC THEATRE. 0 1131 ' • ballet, entitled The Fi en d On Thursday a very pretty petit here f o r the first time, with com pletell t is laid on the banks of ne of the ba e of Earth, The see success. was performed T h e see spot upon which we dare th e Rhine, that p not say how ma ny ballets have not been laid. The bill tells us that t h e ballet is new, but, if our recollection be not t reac h erous, we re member to h av e seen poor George Wiel an d sustain the p r incipal part in this very ballet, or one v ery lik e it, some ago. The ballet consists of th e usual materials ; we yea rs • h av e a pair o f lovers,Rodolph Bir man and Carline, a crusty o ld papa, and a rejected lover. Th e lovers are, of course, made happy through the interventi on o f a fairy, who, to c onfuse their opponents, summonses the fiend of earth, Mr. E. Edwards, and most successfully does he do so. Towards the conclusion of the ballet we have a very beautiful pas de trois by Miss Lees, Miss Coleman, and Mr. Forrest. The ladies dancing was extremely graceful, and fully merited the complimental applause which it drew forth. The dancing of Mr. Forrest is good in some things, but there is a great fault very predominant, viz., an anxie'y to do too much. If he would but abstain from this glaring defect, he would be, for a young man, a very excellent dancer. With the performance of Mr. Edwards we were much pleased ; it was exceedingly clever, and deserved all the applause it received. There were some very prettily -arranged dances executed by the corps de ballet, which, together with the excellent music and beautifully painted scenery, contributed in no small degree to the perfect success of the ballet. The house was very f u ll y an d fashion ably ably attended. COUNTY RATES.—The Bill, as amended by Cola• mittee, to consolidate and improve the laws relating to county rates in England—their assessment and collection — was yesterday printed by order of the House of Commons. It now contains fifty-three clauses. t.-Eii,IAL PA REN T. HOUSE OF LORDS, March 12. The LORD CHANCELLOR took his licat ou the Wool sack shortly after Five o'clock. Lord BEAUMONT gave notice that on Monday night ho should present a petition, complaining of the injury to trade resulting from the uncertainty existing as to the intentions of her Majesty's Government as to the re-im position of a corn-law. The Earl of ESSEX regretted that from illness he had not been present when the Noble Lord at the head of the Government hed made his statement on a previous evening. For himself, he should not hesitate to support this Government, as he would any other, when it pro posed measures of public interest. THE PROPOSED LAW REFORMS. Lord LYNDHURST said he ruse to call their Lordships' attention for a few moments to the many important measures, as to a reform of the law, Ns hich were now pending in this and the other House of Parliament. He was induceed to do so in consequence of the reports which were in circulation with regard to what had passed at a gathering of parties which took place the day preceding, and also at a congrega tion of certain agitators previous to that. He used the title " agitators," because these persons:had assumed it themselves, and had assembled for the purpose of endeavouring, by the influence of large numbers, and by the parade of pecuniary subscriptions of a large amount, to effect, if possible, a speedy termination of the present Parliament.—(Hear.) Now, their Lordahips must be aware that if the Parliament were to ter minate in the month of April it would be impossible that a new Parliament could assemble for the transaction of the business o f the country at an earlier period than the end of June or the beginning of the month of July. It would follow, therefore, that all those measures of law re form to which he referred, or, at least, the greater portion of them, would be inevitably postponed until another year a result which he conceived would he regarded by the nation as a very great misfortune.— (Hear, hear.) Moreover, with respect to the private business which was now depending before Parliament, it happened that, at the present moment, there were upwards of 250 Bills of a private nature in this and the other House of Parliament; but it was not to be supposed that these related merely to the interests of indivi duals —on the contrary, many of them applied to local dis tricts of great extent; several. of them also concerned so cieties and associations which comprised large bodies of per sons, and comprehended very great pecuniary interests. He would leave it, therefore, to their Lordships to consider what great inconvenience and mischief, what delay and expense, would arise from. postponing measures of this description un til another session of Parliament. He would pass over this, however, as of comparatively little importance, and direct their attention to certain public measures, which were of the deepest possible interest; and first, with respect to that most important measure, the reform of the Court of Chancery, upon the footing of the report of the Royal Com missioners. Their Lordships were aware that the public looked to that measure with eager and intense interest.— (Hear, hear). A Bill for the purpose of carrying it into effect was at this moment in progress of preparation ; and under the auspices and superintendence of his Noble and Learned Friend on the woolsack, who was in every way so well qualified to give success to such a measure, he was perfectly confident that, if the sitting of Parliament was not brought prematurely to a close, this valuable measure would come into operation in the present session. But if, on the other hand, the session was to be curtailed, and Parliament to be dissolved in the month of April next, then, consider ing what must necessarily be the details of such a measure, it would be perfectly impossible to pass it this session. It must therefore be postponed until another year, and he could not imagine any thing greater than the disappointment which would affect the whole community in consequence of the delay. There was another measure, which was of hardly inferior importance to this, depending in their Lordships' House. It related to the amendment of the proceedings of the superior courts of common law at Westminster, and the ob ject was to simplify the proceedings of the superior courts and to lay down a system of well-defined law as a popular foundation. Another measure of considerable importance was a measure that passed their Lordships' House in the last session of Parliament, and related to charitable trusts. Their Lordships must be aware that in every part of this country there were charities in existence, of immense amount in the aggregate, but individually so small, that they could not by possibility be made the subject of consideration in any court of law, and hence great abuse had arisen. It was essential, therefore, to establish a chief tribunal for the purpose of preventing abuses in the administration of small charities of this nature,. and the Bill to which he referred was framed upon the report .of a Commission appointed by the Crown, and was well calculated to remedy the inconveniences inei dent to the present state of things. It was a measure of great importance. It affected a large class of poor, indigent persons. It had been called for by Members of both Houses of the Legislature; and it was now in such a state that it would probably in the course of a few months become the law of the land. Another-measure to which he would direct their Lord ships' attention affected the interests of a numerous and valu able class of persons, - all of whom were connected with manu factures, hinery engineering, and sc i ence i n all its parts. He alluded_to the measure for amending the law of patents and inventions. This Bill had been read a first time, it w as of the highest importanc e t o t h e i nterests but no further proceeding s h ad been taken upon it. Un doubtedly e law of the land as spedily as possible ; of the persons to whom he had referred that this measure e n t a li ture of its details it was i mposs ib le that i t a b h u o t u f l r d om become should do so if a dissolution of Parliament were to take place in April, whereas, if a dissolution did not take place, it would become the law of the land before the end of the session., But there was yet another matter, not referring to the amendment of the law indeed, but the pressing inas portance of wnich was even greater than that—he referred to the military system which was necessary for the defence of the country.—(Hear, hear.) Everybody admitted that the state of our military defences was at present most defective—that it did not secure us from insult or invasion and that it did not enable us to support our authority or influence with foreign states.—(Hear, hear.) It was neces sary, therefore, that a remedy should be applied, and that that remedy, for the sake of the honour and dignity of the country, should be applied as speedily as possible. The necessity for such a measure was strongly felt and insisted upon by the late Government, one of .whose first measures in the present session was the introduction of a preparatory resolution, upon which a Bill was founded and brought forward in the other House of Parliament, and this was indeed-the ostensible cause of the retirement of the Ministry. Now he could not think it possible that any man who wished well to, and felt for the houour and dignity of the country could be anxious to press forward a dissolution of Parliament before this great and important Measure was sa tisfactorily disposed of---(Hear, hear)—and he should say that any person who was_desiious of forcing on a dissolution of Parliament, in the present state of the nation with respect to its military defences, would be guilty of a weak and foolish indifference to the public security. Having enumerated, amongst other measures - which were now before Parliament, the Registration of Insurances Bill, and the Bills of a sani tary character—relative to the supply of water to the me tropolis and extra-mural interments, the Noble and Learned Lord said ho would pass on to advert, in the next place, to the subject - of the administration of justice in their Lord ships' House. At that moment there were a vast number of appeals which stood_for _hearing, and their Lordships had now been sitting for several weeks, yet a very small impres sion indeed had been made upon the list. Take two months f ro m off the session, and the consequence would be that the greater number of those causes must stand over for another year. He would leave their Lordships to imagine the anxiety and distress which would thereby be occasioned to the suitors in that court._ But let their Lordships look also at the consequences whiCh would ensue to the inhabitants of this metropolis, if, contrary to the principles of the constitu tion, the administration of justice was in this manner un necessarily ielayed. Their Lordships were aware that the tradesmen of London had their dull seasons and their har vests.year, during the Great Exhibition, unfortunately thei Lt haraysest was not an abundant one. And if a dissolu tion were to take place in the middle of the present session, let them remember that the loss then sustained would be much increased, and that it would press most severely on a valuable class of men. Those considerations which he had stated Familia., to their Lordships had very great weight with him. They had led him to think that a dissolution of Parliament, under these circumstances, would prove a great national calamity. And if any person or persons—for party or factious .objects, for party interests, or with the view of exciting clamour out of doors—should press for a measure of that description, he was sure -that such conduct would rouse the indignation and resentment of all the sober-minded reflect ing, and intelligent portion of the community.—(Hear, hear.) In conclusion, the Noble and Learned Lord moved for a re turn of the number of private _Bills now before their Lord ships' House. - The LORD CHANCELLOR then rose and addressed the House, but throughout his speech the Noble and Learned Lord was most indistinctly heard in the gallery, whilst many :of his sentences were altogether inaudible. His Lor a dtP .. lose to state what were the intentions of her Majesty' wn tr ch .vernment with respect to the measures of law retorm He must say that there n fitter opportunity had been recently broueh e , ;er be m fe a r s e a th t e ini ir e L w o h r e d u sla a m m s' a ll n o w u n desired a retorm of the law had a beetter or ntoeffect. It was not only tout he was supported in lae m s ight say by the nation than the present for carrying his vi n ew nh s a i natal opinion out of doors, but Government,oand anxious s un i s o n a n o d f course by th d e gthee cahrardy .ibn.eteoneffaelc4t always p a rltayr.g_e Hear.) o e r a r u o p o Her a t r h m i j s en u s b mi k . encstttbh, be to were orhe as law advisers of that Govere ' for latera reform w qni a t s e o f the law • and 7 t s o tance for the public good, he knew s th should now breecebiivntesaeltftheir h and; inasmuch r m a a a a d syaras which n could,vy: necessarypucermeesbl well ul bumble a s s e. measures i i tt g oh h : t yr h r r e iee q ch u o i mh r ready to lend his In addressing e a m d ea b s e u e Opposition . benches.) fullfelt emonefiusduernet ntfhaats:retsahnocue taking ri,n n c s r e ed m it eas fo u r re t s h b e himself to-this question, he desired most carefully to guard (Hear, hear, from mended by commissions —commissions was himself aboutggtaoi against refer. which he must say had been not only wisely sent forth, but wisely di re ct e d and wisely executed by learned men ;tho re peated, had been either recommended by these ms ecommissions,easures, he y or brought to matu r ity s i nce the reports o f the commissions were made. And so far, therefore, as the late Government were ready to adopt them, the present Ministry could not take credit for them. but this credit he might be allowed to take to her Majesty's Government, that he believed no set of men ever existed who were more warmly disposed than they to facilitate and carry into execution every neces sary measure for the re f orm of our judicial institutions, both in the procedure and in the laws affecting property, and, in affecting property, affecting the happiness and the homes of every man. One of the measures to which he would refer was entitled the Suitors in Chancery Relief Bill. That Bill was at present before the other House of Parliament, and its object was g reatly to curtail th e officers who had been usually inattendance in that ratified the diminu court. It lowered their salaries, and . Lord Chancellor himself to the extent of the salary of the be e Now, he should very sorry to be extent of one-third. - to every understood asbinding himself single provision of that Bill;. but as rega r d e d everything that affected t h e L or d Chancellor, either personally or as it respected offices, the appointments to which w ere vest e in him, he beg ge d to say that he had not and would not appoint to any office the abo lition of which was co ntemplated by that Bill ; and that w i t h were d to the offices whichto be retained, and to regard d ado which he had made PP he should strictly adhere of allowance ' to the precise scale which waslaid down in that Bill, the same as if, instead of passing through the ether H ouse of Parliament, it was at this moment the law of the land. With regard to the Lord Chancellor himself, he would make this observation. He had already stated to their Lordships the reduction which had taken place in the Lord Chancellor's salary, and to that he had no objection ; and he trusted that he himself; and his successors, might have the moral courage not to attempt to surround them selves with the dignity or the circumstance which might have . belonged to former Chancellors under a different -state of things, but accommodate them aa- they ought, to the altered.. c ircumstances of tde bffice,and - tt te-position -in which theY.Y 7 4.9-neW:,l4fte ed- There was one alteration which had recently been effected with regkrd to tl ce judicial inuctiena of the Chancellor; and it wee supposeu, because lords justices hail seen appointed , that the Lord Chancellor had now se much time at his coin- r. nand that there was no longer any pressure upon hiin. Un- doubtedly he had been relieved of as painful a pressure as : any man could experience, and it was the pressure which - every man felt who devoted himself heartily and sincerely to the performance of his duty—that of knowing, whilst sitting in the House of Lords, that the suitors in the Court of Chancery were neglected, and could not be heard, or whilst sitting in the Court of Chancery, that the suitors at the bar of their Lordships' House were neglected and gourd not be heard. True, the Chancellor had not that prssure upon him any longer; and he now knew that whilst sitting in this House the business in his own court w as being cone ducted by able, enlightened, and intelligent men. Still le con ought to be known that, so far as his labours were cerned, the Chancellor was not relieved ; for, from morning till night, they extended over six days i n the weei Having referred to these details, he would next call their Lordships' attention shortly to the Bill alluded to by hi il s . 'Noble and Learned Friend (Lord Lyndhurst). That Bl related to the common law proceedings, and was , doubt, a measure of the utmost importance. It was no before a Committee of their Lordship's House, and, sn, 1. , 3r from any impediments being thrown in its way, be k tae Lords Lord Chancellor) knew that the Noble and Learned who attended the Committee on the Bill were actuated bY.a as possible in single desire to make it work as beneficially carrying out the recoramendations of the Commission an Upon that Bill there was no orher difference of opinion then._ such as would necessarily always rise on large and importane measures. Another and most important measure to vrhicie. the attention of the country had been wisely directed, wase! without Bill for improving the jurisdiction and procedure of ten Court of Chancery. This subject was referred by the CrowS to a set of Commissioners who ma le a leer elaborate, and excellent report, and he had 11e derstood that a Bill was prepared in P atella of their recommendation. He believed, howeve r, that ee portion of that Bill was actually prepared, and that te work remained to be done. But within the last f ew der he had received a sketch of the heads of so much of the 11; posed Bill as related to th e Masters•office, and it " the intention to bring a Bill into their Lordship's House upon le subject at as early a period as possible; or if the detain., required more than one Bill, to take charge of it biro. to and to endeavour, as speedily as possible, to carry it Ind execution.—( Hear, hear.) A long course of practic,eria made him well acquainted with the subject, and he ee_ willingly go with the stream which would lead to iniprovr.: ment. For want of greater power to compel men to . 1) ,.. A nate ceed with their causes, the Masters offices had and ven satisfaction. Hence arose great exPe llse ' mi unnecessary delay. Whoever understood t el lie s s tere, ject would feel no alarm at abolishing the ° wag but they would feel alarm if they did not know wbat 0 ., to stand in their place. His (the Lord Chancellor's) Prop sition was to abolish the Masters ; but in doing te",. it would be necessary to consider how and in what ine ue e f;hed to him, and to which he had alluded, was to take place. In the sketch which had been fur . be, after a certain day, the Masters should cease to operate, ...'f. retire on full salaries. That, however, was a prop ough t which required very great consideration, and lee t e ca ° lrs that it would be his duty to make such use of the I ' lB- beet as would tend to further the administration of justiceiwasters they continued in receipt of their salaries. Th e e k u ipore were men of high character, and performed high en" ' n ot taut judicial functions; and nothing could be more reP u i lhich to her Majesty's Government than to do say act fucero would have the effect Of lowering the position of h e av y ° are of justice. He could not, therefore, be a partY tierue it was proposed t a _., rangement of that kind. The Masters, or a sufficient busyness at ber of them, must necessarily remain whilst the che rne present in their offices was continued. And if the new 5 m ust was to have any chance of working well the in d l e e s se bole begin upon an entirely new foundation. ee not the irs the 10 .' scheme would fail. There were a great many, case s a nd Masters' offices under the Winding-up Act, for instance iles e in these the Masters had an or i g i na l jurisdiction , en... 9000 be left to complete them ; b u t w i t h ou t further consider_ not he (the Lord Chancello r ) cou ld not sa y that there ise e r t e fee l other important duties whi c h th e M a sters woul d a nd themselves degraded by continuing to ee r '" —i se'bilet which they would not - be ready to execute. __,,her o the new scheme was being tried a sufficient n", of of the Masters might superintend the managernem est estates, eases of receivership, and other matters of the det c h importance to suitors in the Court of Chancery', b et h w ehen had never yet been sufficiently attended to, thong" were were still within the pr ov i nce o f t h e M as ters.. Th ese hie matters in reference to w hi c h h e d es i r ed to resets e „ opinion, for they required great consideration • but he . ce n i o tainly thought the Masters ought to be abolished andfer, vacancies filled up—(Lord Brougham, " And no ne w r de e to them. But he had this proposition to make. ences made to them ?") And no new references ma. - eit would be impossible to work the two systems toget her, i e s to tell the person who had been already involved _„h Chancery suit that he should go before the Master nuv;`lo written interrogatories, be put to great expense, and l efe ee great delay, whilst the man who filed his bill to-r l- 0 0 should go on in an unnecessary manner and haveoeerL unnecessary statements to make, and no delays interP __,, That would not do. What he proposed, tlaerefore, -To immediately after passing of this measure, at Onc e t r „, abolish the whole course :of proceeding in the Mae e e ies offices, and let them adopt precisely the same r ets as those which were now adopted in chambers., d:"Z He felt to , a n d the present constitution of the Court of Chancery tie's ll t o does not transact any business in chamber. There vi!r e ' the doubt, many reasons for altering this arrangement, 10°,rtene physical as well as mental exertion occasioned bet 3C° yelf sitting of five hours together in a court listening Wenn 3 (muchte arguments in one particular case, wa s, perhaPse e s i i as could be expected from a judge charged with su t to i mpor tant functions; but it was proposed that in res„.Peell be cer t a in matters the judge shall sit in chambers , and snake assisted by two clerks. It was proposed that these ella shall have the same powe. as masters in ordinary.. l . eee Commission proposed that they should tran sact their nne'red ness at the Masters' offices until other offices were -Pr°ctubese for them. He, however, confessed he thought that ._e from the clerks sitting at Southampton -buildings would be with injurious consequences ; they would be stem would be stem wou control or influence of the judges, and aSy the present adopted which would be as liable to abusedaoubted much oue, which was so much condemned. He unless it was whether any scheme could work satisfactorily judge , 5 Of thel one that placed these clerks under the ee e adjoiniog himself, by obliging them to occupy a rooT absolved that of the judge, The judge props not to ~..e„,'`e d. fee (the Lord Chancellor) was of opinion per e"e from seeing that their duties were ly ru s hould attenyea be heard in chamber that could be beard in . to dedi judge, he was sure, would be always found willinogf such 3 cate his time and attention to the carrying out rote . a chat measure as was contemplated, and he hoped and t r h i s ju this union of characters would not be found to I°w° dinicult dicial office. It was, however, to be considered how Pow ers it was to find united in the same person the differen t it:a ro-- that it would be necessary for him to possess. It way ts to cases Bible to deny that they might be opening the Cour se apply of fraud. It was impossible to make rules that won ha ve to every case. ' nose which would be laid down mu:deepest that nothoiontftt. The general application. The next point was one of P . 300 by importance—namely, the mode of examining O' _testanes written interrogatories. There were persons Galled ex! to whom the witnesses told their own story. That . i t slow, expensive, and by no means satisfactory was impossible to cross-examine the witnesste they cause the opposite party did not know what a eot hat said. He proposed, though he confesse . row" without some slight misgivings as to the up . that those written interrogatories should be giv e / . it They were invited to imitate America upon this sublet th ,,t was said that that country had the most perfect sys tem their could be invented. They had abolished the Mastersen.teses courts of equity—they abolished all written exam ' n_ lee% and the examiners - but it appeared to him (the Lord Un d. cellor) that they did not after all apply the proper rem ... n il /a In respect to this country, the proposition was, that, in s i",,. processs . be was written interrogatories they should have written affidavit, But the Americans had discarded all affidavits, and in e vi veg, comepon case there was a jury summoned, and men ~..„ brought from their homes without any remuneration to tr y the most trifling cases, as well as to give evidence. NI how dangerous might be racter, and it was easy to imagine by an attorney, the results. The affidavits were prepared the alteration proposed here was of the very opsite chs d°ersta d g g ' little f n s very o often the party who swears them a - affidavits were generally crammed their contents. These who put the statements down in his n own lan ua e and verV the business of the Courts of Bankruptcy was conducted affidavits As far as they were concerned he with irrelevant and impertinent matter. In former tiny wholly by ascertaining , h in A • point of dispute. Althoug America they had abolished the masters, and the judge was called upon to pronounce certainly could not see much difficulty in • • the every hour of every day his opinions upon the cases that came before him , ye t all q uest ions of peculiar difficulty h e e t h e court who was required to do the business of the r eferred to a ref eree. And wh o was that chosen referee c` old Now he (the Lord Chancellor) Masters? Why, the old Master himself, who had been found so competent in his office as to entitle him to hold the office of referee of the court.wbollY objected to the system efdele • and duties which ap • gatieg to any p la pertain to the surior judge. America theie was a state of thine in which there vesee e blending of law and equity-8 gentleman frum that was a l s t k had ed wtetu together. Mr. Field, an abbehen left America pal t of the world, stated that when ill , there were from 3,000 to 4,000 cases in 'e Court of Chancery then waiting to be heard ; and a case w - c l after r . properly beard until two or three years had elaPs e erson the powers of complicated the set e d e o o w s e n q for o eh e a e r gwu would t . h e This a g f e o, r n o t g l e M e. sa a isde icated character were brought before it. He s d that if there was a case involving a tbousan items brought before the court, a tho and if each item were no be proved by one witness, it might occupy mein _ days. Now one of the first things proposed we be done was to rescind all the present orders of the we be Chancery, and to reduce them to one simple set of l ee without reference to any other orders. He thought it bad to their Lordships, and to the position which he then t n e e n, the honour told, to make a statement of what the l n . oct . tions of the Government were in reference to this 8 t ii i be The measures were not yet prepared, but they he shortly placed before them. There was no step he Chan-should shortly inure than the appointment of more e• cellors. Such an appointment would create, additional bar and body of attorneys. Great inconvenien;ee would thus be created, as regarded the general interest i.. their clients. His sincere desire was to facilitate the bi i ; e ness of the court, and to reduce as much as possible the t In and expense attendant upon the applications to it. ee . reference to the subject of wills, the law of the countrydr;t quired that the signature of the testator should be Oil be , the head and foot of the document, and should be tests ~e ee s two witnesses These simple words had caused excef.ll;,,h to be taken to thousands of such documents alth''s e e body ..e , there might not be found a single flaw in the it, and yet they had been declared void. The object s as it wereef e , held good if the signature were found at any distance t _.7 . the place which was considered to be the foot of thest7'o`f As a familiar instance be would mention the case of a __n ore a former Vice Chancellor, who was a barrister. fle,w,,` 0 his will to the bottom of the first page and continued lb There was more than an inch space from the end of the ewe_ at the 119., the second page, and ended it by appointing two executoLs: cument to where he signed his name, which was .. ~,,e d ginning of the third page. He then used the words' ! sl u g a ' roe by me, in the presence of these witnesses," placing h is s not , un d er neath. That will was declared void b ecause it we °l , 4. s i g ned, not et the foot of the page , but at the tcp 1.0%. Such objections as these , he though t, ou g ht, to De Y vided against. —Wear.) oneel lt Lord BROUGHAM said he could not delay one m se d Lore.' telt at the declaration of the Noble and Learneeeorn sre , e in exprersing the great and heartfelt satisfaction whi ch ,' ' namely, that he intended to adopt the principal r . e i" 7 3 7„ powerful and invaluable aid to carrying into thoseeffece detail °f dations of the Chancery Commissioners, and to lel m os important suggestions. As to the particularus d in the the mode and manner by which those alteratiotoo than law were brought about, lie would not venture substance: avowed that the plan of the Commissionerosl f land effectual occasion to discuss. The Noble and Learnedu ph like be carried honestly and entirely into f for the present Affidavits were to be substituted n-e fed ernatterve operation. systeni in uncontested intittelp,; _Wit, in, cgs' s s ir this great there ought to be a viva voce "exarninati oiL Lord would , plan should succeed, the Noble and Learnedee the las: endimea s ". undoubtedly accOluplilh a great AM Lonrd bed , _