The Sun. — London, England, 1846-02-11 00:00:00

4s. and at St. Petersburgh the price was 121. 3d., and the freight 4s. iWttk these prices he could not see what chance the foreigner had of underselling the home producer. But let them see what had been the amount of imports since the present tariff had come into operation. Take the period from the 29th of April, 1842, to the 4th of January, 1845, and it would be.found that 518,620 quarters of foreign I and colonial oats were imported into this country at a duty of ls. 6d. per quarter, while, in the same time, Ireland sent 5,322,637 quarters.—( Hear, hear.) With these figures and these calculations, derived from men who had endeavoured to consequence was, that a finer quality of grain was produced, the husks were finer and yielded a greater quantity of flour. Thus the advantage to the Foreigner, over the wheat of this country, was not less than 201. per cent. Now, when he considered the diffe rence in the rate of wages, he confessed that it was not without uneasiness that he contemplated the com petition which could not fail to come, if the propositions of the Government were adopted. It seemed natural to conclude that a portion, at least, of the wheat lands of this country would be thrown out of cultivation on account of the impetus which would be given to the cultivation of wheat on the continent.—(Hear.) The question then arose—would it be a desirable competi tion, and one which they ought to encourage? It might perhaps be admitted that it would be more advan tageous to the people of this country to turn a certain portion of their wheat land into pasture, and to purchase a great quantity of grain from foreign countries, But this was not a question of political economy, it was a question of national importance. It involved their de pendence on foreign countries.—(Cheers.) He repeated that it remained to be teen whether they would depend on foreign countries for a large proportion of the food required for their own people. He adm tted at once, that a large supply came from Poland and the south of Germany. Those countries were enabled to give them food as they required it ; but would it he wise or prudent for the Ministers of England to place themselves in the power of those countries, so that they might stop their supplies by pro- . hibiting the exportation of grain ? (Cries of " Hear, hear.") They had had ex amples in the present year from which they might dra w an inference its to the consequences of trusting a Polish harvest. They had seen that the Russian Government had prohi bited the exportation of the inferio r g rains, which consti tuted the food of their own people, to this country; and they found that Belgium also bad within a very short period prohibited the exportation of wheat. There could be no doubt that it the Government of this cuuntry had found it necessary to open the ports, neighbouring countries—France, for instance—would have shut theirs, as a matter of protection to them selves, and this would very materially have compelled this country to depend upon their own resources. He bad endeavoured to show thet free trade had the dark as well as the bright side.—(Hear, hear.) And trusted they would take into consideration, befe,re coming to a decision on this question, its magnitude and importance, so that at once they would have all the circumstances before them in deciding upon the question. It would be necessary to take into consideration the serious evil that would ensue if a bug and protracted struggle were maintained on this question, on which the Interests of the great mass of the people were opposed to those of the nobility and gentry of the country. They must also take into consideration the actual posi tion of the question, not only in the country, but in that House. In the country they would find the community divided into two classes, who differed materially. One class resolved to have the repeal of all pro teetive duties, and the other class resolved to maintain those duties in existence. What was the position of the question. as it stood in that House ? All the great and leading statesmen en both sides—men of every party—were of opinion that some alteration in the existing law was ne cessary. Those who were anxious to maintain the sys tem of protection were avowedly unable to form an Ad ministration at all likely to have the confidence of the coun try. In this case they had no choice between two alterna tives—either to give support to the measure before the House, or to throw out the Government which now existed, and to make way for the Government of the Honourable Gent l .inen opposite.—(Hear, hear.) What would they gain by making such a change ? nothing ; and, therefore, he for one should give his support to the motion before the House, as he believed that in so doing he pursued the course better calculated ultimately to promote the interests of the country. Many Members opposed the measure either from a sense of duty or from a sense of consistency, but resistance would ulti mately tend to bring still greater misery on the country, without attaining the object they had in view. Mr. LEE I'.t )1" said he proposed addressing the House less generally than the Hon. Member who had ju,t sat down, but he did not consider that this measure would have the effect 07 improving the condition of the Poorer classes, or gi:e satisfaction to the landed proprietors. A number of Bills had been introduced by the Hon. Baronet, by which a large ,urn of money could be borrowed, and to carry on great public works, with a view to giving the people extensive employment. But he did not think they would have that effect. In the north of Ireland the people had contrived to secure a large amount of employ ment by the manufactures carried on there, though he could not say as much for other parts of that country. He would now state-his reasons, as an Irish represen tative; why it was that he would give his vote in oppo sition to the Government measure ; and in doing so he would say, that upon so important a measure as this no Irish county Member should hesitate to state his reasons, lest it might go forth that they had been led to their decisions by party influences. He had seen the announcement of the resignation of several Honourable - Members of that House, and in particular one Noble Lord, who made this sacrifice rather than vote for a measure which they could not conscientiously believe would benefit the country. There were so many things, however, in favour of the measure prop-used to be brought forward by the Right lion. Baronet, that he shrunk from taking any steps in opposition. He felt it was a measure of such vital im portance. the question which was forced home to the breast of every one must be, was it for the good of the country ?--(llear, hear.) It e:as not his inclination, nor (lid he f el it to be his duty, to go into the subject in all its bearings. Others were better qualified to do so than he was. He could not, however, refrain from referring to the injurious effects which must accrue to Ireland if it wer3 carried into effect. They had no manu factures there. Would that measure introduce manu factures into that country ? He thought that no man would be found who would venture to make such an assertion.—(Bear.) He would not trouble the House with the details of t lie imports into that country,but if the consequence of the nit-score should be a diminution of them, it to .1 t not but have u most injurious effect. If it should ttira a great quantity of the land:which was at present cultivated, and was abundantly productive, into pasture land, would not such a result be ruinous? Would not that state of Ireland, which was so elo quently referred to in that House by the Hon. Member for Rochdale—a state of trouble, and sorrow, and desti tution—he the inevitable accompaniment?—(Hear.) He thought it a most hazardous experiment.—(Hear, hear.) He had never followed a Minister, or given a vote upon any question which he could not reconcile with his conscience. (Hear, hear.) These were questions far above his comprehension, and others, who, like himself, had not either the talent or opportunities of investigating measures calculated to pro mote the good of the country. It became him, therefore, after having watched the conduct of those public men who had brought forward salutary measures for the benefit of his country to follow that leader who had thus acted. Upon this ground he should not give his support to the measures brought forward by the Right Honourable Baronet ; and. in so doing, whatever opinions might be formed as to the " fool's paradise," or anything else, he trusted that he would not be con sidered as one of those foolish birds who would be snared by the whi,tie of the betrayer. If the Right lion. Baronet informed hi-n that he had changed his opinions he con sidered it right that he should be informed of the reasons of that change o: opinion.—(hear, hear.) Under pre sent circurn , tancre; he earnestly hoped that the advice of the Itizht lion. Bat onet would be found perfectly safe. He trusted that the measures introduced by the Right Honourable Baronet would be productive of be nefits to his country. He could only say respecting the measure, that, should it pass, he would be willing to submit to it, lea: he would not by a vote take upon himself the responsibility of its enactment. And if it was proved in course of time that it was dangerous and destructive in its operation, he would feel satisfied of having entered his protest against it, deeply impressed with the convic tion that the men sure must prove fatal to the best inter ests of the couritry.—(Hear.) Lord CLEMENTS said that the Honourable Mem ber who had jug sat down complained that the measure would prove injurious to the landlords of Ireland. He (Lord Clements) had no objection to meet the challenge thrown out by that Hon. Gentleman, respecting the matter under the consideration of the House. In doing so he did not profess to be more of a farmer's friend than those on the opposite side of the House. During the last six years he had done his best to improve the agricul ture of the county which he represented, and he con fessed he had no tears of the measure under the con sideration of the House.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) When he heard the arguments of his Hon. Friend the Member fir Northampton (Mr. Stafford O'Brien) he Wes much startled at them. In pro - eesin g se much sympathy for the cotton spinners and as likely to be ruined, whom he represented, attention to Ireland. , d might have turned his ruun , the condition of the labouring enough to exente If he looked at them he would sec vet th--se h t a s d errnisc:ration without going else where; and yet to ruin them hying under a protective sys tem,that these changes further would be impossible. He considered the consideration of the landed were well worthy of interest of the House. He knew not what the and the Lords inten of ded might feelings of the Commons this to he was certain, that unlesstheyhut. prom ote the general advantage nt of the p eo pl e of Ire land, they had better t a h g i e s matter alone. Yet he e a oug ht to say that he was of opinion th a t not hi ng likely to advanee the condition of the population wich do not ge to the root of the evil. lie was aware that the me tsure which he was intending to advo cate wou ld not be favoura bl y received by the public. lle k ne w there was no t onl y a deprivation of the neeessaries of life, but that there was a total destitution, which existed not only in one house, but thr_eighout the length and breadth of . the land. He believed th at this report of deficiency was not over-steed. By the report that had be . ei made by Lord D,:von and the commissioners under hem a COffitilliSiOn which lied his most hearty con currence there was an evident case made out for the consideration of the Government. It appeared by this report of John Duke, El , that the eff.ct 3 of this Commission had not been at all in proportion to the anticipation of its advisers. There were some facts which rendered its report nugatory. It ap peared by that rep or t th a t th e r e had been no returns respecting the state of the people within 12 miles of our . district. He was aware who had been aretha he was one of the parties Positionof instrumental th in effecting a change in the commercial country,. but he felt that that ought to be no restrict ion On .. his proceeding on this question. The extracts Gentleman then proceeded to read some tirdoinerdleoe,tv thaton's report ta ken at Boyle. The t me c d t i s ca f l r ; m rec i i,V ethat =loft sa id, respecting the system of dividin g it was a common thing for a man who hd il f n r o c to five acres to subdivide it, and that in consequence eltw there were vary few large farmers in that part of per the country; and that they are now fifty Cent. verse than they were twenty . years ago. Nothing, said he, can equal their Wretched ness. On being asked what was the cause of their wretchedness, he said that commodities Were so reduced in price, that they Were not enabled to pay t heir rents In consequence. They lived in such a state that it could hardly be believed. They ha d no bedsteads ; they lay generally ott a small quantity of straw, with no covering over them. Here a Member made an observation which we understood to be.—Did he (Lord Clements) believe those statements? To which the oble Lord replied, that he could confirm every single statement that was made. He saw a mother with her four children lying on a floor with nothing but a thin rug to rover them. He had witnessed scenes of wretchedness and dis tress which required thestrongest nerves to be enabled to endure. The Noble Lord continued to read from the report before him, —" Many of the people would be disposed to emigrate if means were given them, the married as well as the unmarried." He then procesdede--Now that was a lamentable state of things ; and he should say that he felt perfectly satisfied of the truth of every statement made in the report. Since he came to know the country, there scarcely passed a summer that great distress did not prevail. In the month of May last an extensive failure was expected ; and but for the county Leitrim, the adjoining counties would have been in a state of the most awful distress. So constant had these failures become, that additional ground had to be broken in the last year ; and it was difficult to ascer tain what quantity of ground was brought into cultivation. The Commission appointed by her Majesty to inquire into the state of the potato crop, he was happy to state, had one good object, namely, that it forewarned the people, and showed them that ' they had only to depend on themselves, and not or, neigh bouring counties for assistance. In many instances those who could afford to do so laid in large stocks of (oatmeal ; but how many thousands of the poorer classes were there who could not afford to provide themselves with that article.— ( Hear, hear.) These were awful considerations ; and he might then inquire what was the good of protection to agricul ture ?—( Hear, hear.) Had it been of the slightest service to the farmers, or had it provided food fer the people ?—( Hear. ) Had it prevented the agricultural labourer from standing idle in the markets, as had been before asked b an Honourable Member, the Member for Northamptonshire ?—( Hear, hear.) To give the House a more concise idea of the state of the peo ple of Ireland, he would read the opinions of the trustees of a lease fund in one part of Ireland. The Noble Lord then read several documents to the effect, that there were several thou sands living in the most wretched hovels without the means of procuring food for themselves or their families. There were no less than 23,12,5 acres in the occupation of persons who could not pay any rent. He had been led to make these in quiries, and he now begged to refer them to the consideration of the Right Hon. Baronet. His convictions en the subject were very strong, and, as far as they were concerned, nothing could be more fair or more just than the measure proposed by the Right Hon. Baronet. In the inquiry which had been in stituted by Lord Devon as to the condition of the poor in Ire land, a plan had been recommended which he (Lord Cle ments) thought could be partially adopted with advantage. It provided that certain establishments should be made by her Alajesty's Government, for which the county should become responsible. He should certainly, in that case, make no ob jection, provided that the whole charge was annually brought before Parliament, and not be charged, as it at present was, on the Consolidated Fund. He would further earnestly pray that, if any representations should be made from the magis tracy requesting an increase in the police force, the necessary increase should be instantly made. He had watched with great anxiety the progress of the Bill, and he must say that, in most instances, the principal requirements were provided for. He now wished to call the attention of the House to the administration of affairs in the courts of assizes. If her Ma jesty's Government had investigated the matter, they could not but perceive that it was absolutely necessary for the security of life and property that the courts of assizes should be placed on a firmer basis. He would propose that efficient Crown officers should be appointed, who, from their abilities and standing in their profession, would be able to perform their duties in a proper manner, Many a criminal has escaped punishment in consequence of the ignorance or weakness of the Crown counsel. This was a shocking state of things. He (Lord Clements) knew personally of oue instance wherein the Crown council was unable to reply to a question of the judge, as to the particular Act under which a certain indictment was framed, and the prisoner, is consequence escaped. He looked upon the Crown counsel as holding his office for the general protection of society, and if he were unable to perform his duties properly, society was in a measure unpro tected. It was impossible for one Crown counsel to attend in a satisfactory manner to the business of an entire circuit. One officer was net sufficient, and he trusted the Right Hon. Ba ronet would take into consideration the alteration he had sug gested. He would beg, at the same time, while on this sub • ject, to call the attention of the Right Hon. Baronet, if it was in his power, as he was sure it was in his inclination, to contri bute some plan of relief of the agricultural population from the local taxation under which they laboured. From a return which he held in his hand it appeared that the taxation was most unequally distributed, and in many instances it fell directly upon the poorer classes. In the agricultural districts taxation was very severely felt, especially in a time of famine and distress. He (Lord Clements) was particularly anxious to press en the attention of the Right Hon. Baronet the charges which had been brought against the Irish poor, as to their antipathy to the poor-houses. He was perfectly ready to admit that much strong feeling existed on this subject. The poor-houses were not conducted in a proper manner ; much reform was needed, and it would, perhaps, be advisable to conduct their management in a different form. In doing this, however, many difficulties would have to be encountered and overcome. The funds for these alterations existed in various sources in Ireland, which might easily be made available. From a return of the Irish Reductive Loan Fund to December, 1844, there appeared a revenue of 9,9001., which could be applied for the purposes at which he had hinted. The Noble Lord then adduced various other sources whence a sufficient revenue could be obtained, anti went on to observe that at a time similar to the present a sum of 300,0001. had been subscribed from various parts of the world to relieve the wants of the poor in Ireland. He would entreat the Right Honourable Baronet to see to the proper ap plication of the funds which he (Lord Clements) had shewn might be made available. There were numerous socie ties in Ireland, which he believed, if the house were to appoint a committee to inquire into, could be rendered of great benefit to the country. He would not detain the House any longer than to observe that he should vote for the measure which the Right Hon. Baronet had brought forward. (Some confusion and much laughter occurred in the House at the conclusion of Lord Clements'specch, in consequence of several Hoe Members essaying to speak before the Noble Lord had quite fini-hed.) The Marquis of GRANBY believed that the Right Hon. Baronet had been actuated by a feeling of the most candid nature in introducing the present measure. He would, however, say at the same time, that if the Right Honourable Gentleman had entertained his opinions of 1841, he would have proposed this measure to the House with all the energy and talent he possessed, and not with the authority of a petitioner. As far as was known of the feelings of the people of the country, those feelings were in favour of the proposed measure. He had some difficulty in dealing with the matter, because the arguments are so various in their different bearings and application. The argument which appeared to prevail the strongest in the country was, that the labourer, in case of a repeal of the corn-laws, would be supplied with cheaper bread. If it was true that the labourer, in case of the repeal of the law were enabled to buy his bread cheaper, there was some shadow of reason in supposing that the corn laws were unnecessary. But that was not the question. The question was, supposing that the corn-laws are repealed, would the labourer be able to eat more bread than he does under the present laws. —( Hear.) They had been told that an ex perience of three years fully justified the alterations which had been proposed to the House. He would admit that three year's experience might be sufficient to test the eligibility of remitting protection, with one or two exceptions, on general articles of import, but a great question like that of the corn lam, involving the consideration of so many and so important interests ought not to be tested by an experience of so limited a period as a few years. The arguments of the Anti-Corn law League were as though they should say, " We want to put a shilling into every mart's pocket, by taking two shillings out of the pocket of every farmer."—( Bear, hear.) Supposing the agriculturists of this country to be driven out of the market —was it to be supposed that foreigners would allow prices to continue low in this country ? It was absurd to suppose that our foreign trade would be extended by the repeal of the corn laws. But even supposing that such an effect would be produced by such a cause, let them consider that the home consumption of our manufacturers amounted to 150,000,0001. a year, while the exports were only 50,000,0001., and would it then be wise to injure the larger interest to benefit the smaller ? It was on these grounds a he should feel it his duty to oppose the measure of the Govern ment, and to support that system which had produced the greatness, the wealth, and the independence of this count y. He would beg of those Hon. G entlemen around him, who in tended to support the Government, to pause before they plunged into the vortex of revolution. It might be said that protection was doomed, but his answer was that protection was just.—( Hear, hear.) He believed that posterity would thank those who had struggled in the cause of protection. Mr. GREGORY would declare at once that it was his in tention to give his support to the measure. Three years age a Right Hon. Gentleman had declared that the principles of free trade were the principles of common sense. He confessed that he was struck with these words.—(Laughter.) The more he had reflected the more he believed that those words were the words of truth. On these grounds he had supported his lion. Friend the Member for Gateshead last year, on his motion for the introduction of Australian corn. He however confessed that he did not think that a repeal of the corn-laws was so near. He had thought that it would have been better to impose a small duty on corn for revenue purpose!, and a proposition of that sort would have his support. The present measure, however, had only come a little earlier than he might have anticipated, but that was no reason for his refusing it his support. He believed that agriculture had flourished not through protection, but in spite of protection. It had been said that if this Bill were to rase, from that moment they would become dependent upon foreigners. He believed this to be a fallacious argument. Were they not in all times of scarcity indebted to the foreigner for supplies ? It was absurd to say that this measure was a concession to agitation. The Right Hon. Baronet might have had a large majority in favor of pro tection if he had appealed to the country ; and on the other hand the present measure could not be carried but by the as sistance of the Right Hon. Gentleman. How then could this be considered a concession to agitation ? It had been said by the Hon. Member for Inverness that the effect of this measure would be to throw land out of cultivation ; but he confessed past experience had not proved this, for on looking to the re turns, he found that when the remunerating price of wheat was fixed at the lowest figure, the consumption of the country bad greatly increased. In 1815 the remunerating price was fixed at 805. per querter ; in 1827, were gt ohu em 4 e t 655.; and in 11 342, 565.; and the average for the three years t 842, they ending 1846 had been 52.5. Now what had been the sales of wheat in the country markets during these periods ? In 1839, the sales in the country markets were 3,174,680 quarters ; in refutin gout ofcpt; cultivation.- ,24 ; and in the year 1845, they were " 70 .460 quarters; and yet, with ao great a reduction in the that average consumptionas s h e a o d rn m b o e r c e am th e a c n he d a o p u e b r le la d n , d th fe u l s i few words with n r . e --(l d iear, hear.) He wished now to say a prevailed garto Ireland, where the greatest appre hensionswould bring injury upo, amongst th t e he landedinterest that this measure were entirely wi t hou t but, in his opinion, their ap prehensionscommer- cial prosperity of Ireland, and t he foundation. The Ireland were identical; in fact, there e x iste d prosperity of pulsation in both interests. When they precisely the same demand for manufactures they had a had a brisk demand for agricultural produce ; ari a we n re equally e brisk an Irish peasant he would p refer fresh inlets for the commerce and fresh markets for the industr y of the countr y to all the and fresh markets for the industry of the country to all the pro p_ tection which the utmost stretch of a monopolising mind c o uld suggest.—( Hear, hear, and laughter.) Now he had taken the greatest pains to ascerta in the true bearing of this question, and he found that the greatest apprehension prevailed amongst those who traded in oats, live cattle, salt pork, butter, bacon and m utton, which were th e sta p le exports of Ireland. Now, with regard to oats, the remunerati ve p rice was fixed at 9s. 6d. per barrel of 14 stone, and he denied that the foreigner could un dersell them at this price.—( Hear, hear. ) In support of this opinion he would quote the price of oats at the principarplaces Dane o ic, mburvaneg, of foreign export, namely, St . P ete rsburgh, foats d and Elsinore. Now, in Hamburgh the price from 11s. . tq ifs. per quar ter, and the freight of the same article VMS from 2s. id. to os. In Elsinore the pried was from 12s. to 156., and freight from 3s. 6d. to 51. In Danzic the price was 125., and the freight Was 31, 6d. to collect the best information on the subject, and whose motives for doing so could not for a single moment be called in ques tion. before them, how could the House hesitate in the course they ought to adopt. The same results were shown by the re turns relating to the other articles he had enumerated ; and he, ror one, intreated the landed interest of Ireland to dismiss from their minds the foolish apprehension that the measure of the Government would prove destructive to their interests. The Hon. Gentleman, after some further remarks, which were wholly inaudible in the reporters' gallery, sat down amidst the cheers of the greater part of the Hon. Members on the Ministerial benches. Nearly a dozen Hon. Members on the Ministerial side rose simultaneously to addrsss the House at the conclusion of Mr. Gregory's speech, but there being loud cries for " Brooke," Lord BROOKE accordingly rose, and said that he fully anticipated that the honest expressions of a man of unbiassed opinions, and the representative of a large constituency would have their due weight with the House—( Hear, hear)—and with those feelings it was that he rose, not to enter into any lengthened detail upon this most difficult question, but merely to glance at the general features of it, to state in fact the reasons which had induced him to give a vote on this occasion. He deeply regretted the course which had been taken by many of the Right Hon. Members of the Government on this question.—(Hear, hear.) He could assure the House that nothing would have given him greater satis faction than to have been able to tender his most hearty support to the present measure of the Right Hon. Baronet—(Hear, hear)—but the difference which had taken place in the views of the Right Hon. Baronet had induced him to withhold his support on the present occasion.—( Hear, hear.) He (Lord Brooke) felt convinced that that change was cha racterised by straightforwardness—( Hear, kear)—bat yet it had been of such a nature as not to satisfy him of its cor rectness.—(Hear. hear.) Although he was willing to give every credit to the Right Hon. Baronet, and to those who supported him, he did feel and think that many of his sup porters could not lay claim to that straightforwardness of ac tion which the Right Hon. Baronet had adopted. —(Cheers from the Ministerial side of the House.) Tke Right Hon. Baronet for several years past had been changing his princi ples, but he had taken care to reap from his own party, and from that House the fruits of those changes.—(Loud cheers.) Those who had followed him in that varying course, had followed him suddenly ; he might almost say miraculously—(Loud laughter and cheers)—and the House might be almost at a loss to conceive how the Right Hon. Baronet had induced so many Hon. Members so suddenly to change their opinions, so as to chime with his on n. Had they not heard the speech last night of the Noble Lord the Member for Liverpool ?—( Cheers and laughter.) The reasons of their sud den change, as stated by that Noble Lord, were because, if they did not approve of the measure of the Right Hon. Baronet, they would lose the benefit of his high talent and of his great genius in conducting the Government of this country.— ( Hear.) But he (Lord Brooke) felt that if a man was con vinced that a measure, which might be brought before the House was injurious or hurtful to the country, no personal or other consideration ought to induce that man to vote for such a measure contrary to the pledges which he had given to his con stituents.—( Cheers.) The only reason that he could discover why Hon. Members on that (the Ministerial) side of the House followed the Right Hon. Baronet, was because they were afraid of a dissolution of Parliament. Now they all knew that when a man arrived at a great age he lost his faculties (Great laughter)—his memory failed him —( Continued laughter)—and they had at the present moment a fine example of memory failing men.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) They found Hon. Members in this Parliament forgetting the pledges which they have given in their youth and manhood, and sinking in the decrepitude of old age.— ( Laughter.) In that state they were called upon by the Right Hon. Baronet to make their will.—( Hear, hear, and laughter.) They were called upon to sign away their property and their possessions.—( Hear, hear.) They were called upon to sign away their rights and privileges to foreigners and aliens. He would not say that the course of the Right Hon. Baronet would be so tamely consented to by a new Parliament. (Hear.) He felt that a Parliament returned fresh from the country would not be so easily led by the Prime Minister of the Crown.—( Hear, hear.) If famine had been overhanging this country, there might then have been better reason for the introduction of the present measure, but such was not the case. If it had been so, he would most willingly have given the Right Hon. Baronet his cordial support.—( Hear, bear.) But he could not see any such danger as a famine befalling this country. The apprehended evil arising from the failure in the potato crop would be but casual, and it was also an evil which might have been remedied by the temporary openiug of the ports.—( Hear, hear .) The House would find that great reductions had been recently made in the duties on different articles included in the tariff, and the conse quence was a great increase in the importation of those articles. Now, when corn was admitted free of duty into this country, he felt convinced that native industry would be materially injured unless our exports were equal to, if not greater, than the imports from abroad. There had been another subject brought before the House in the discus !ion of this question, and that was the subject of the cultiva tion of the land. The Hon. Member who seconded the Ad dress said, that there was no limitation to the resonrces of this country. He (Lord Brooke) was aware that there were great portions of the land of this country which were not culti vated and left utterly unimproved ; but he could not believe that that want of cultivation was so extensive as stated by the Hon. Member. He could not properly understand the Right Hon. Gentleman, the Secretary for War, when he stated that there was no country which could successfully compete with this country. From the north of Europe, across France and Spain, and the whole of the other countries on all sides of Europe, if this measure were passed, we should be most successfully competed with.—(Hear, hear.) This country would then be in a most degrading posi. tion ; we should be left to the generosity of foreigners, and that he conceived would be a situation which no Englishman could wish to see this country placed in.—(Cheers.) The Right Hon. Baronet had said that this measure was one, not of justice, but of policy, and a matter which might be settled by compen sation. The only mention which he could find of remunera tion in the letter of the Noble Lord the Member fur London to the citizens of London, was the adjustment which would follow the removal of agricultural protection. What that remunera tion was to be, he ( Lord Brooke) could not see. As a Mem ber who was prepared to vote in favour of protection to agricul ture, he could not but deprecate the course of agitation which had been pursued by the Members of the Anti-Corn-law League. He felt that their aims and objects were far different from those who were members of the association for the protection of British industry.—(Hear.) The object of the Anti-Corn law Leaguers was to pull down and destroy.—(Cheers.) Whilst that of the protectionists was to conserve. If any one looked to the conduct of the League they would find that their measures were not in accordance with honesty and strict justice. He would not adduce particular cases, but if it were necessary, he was prepared to support his assertion. The way in which the Anti-Corn-law League had sought to extend the elective franchise was most unjustifiable.—(Loud cheers.) The agents of the League objected to an honest man's vote on the registration, and unless he came to defend his vote it was struck off the registry.—( Hear.) If a man, therefore, deter mined on defending his vote against the attempts of the League, he was subjected to much expense, for which the revising bar rister was not empowered to allow him compensation. — ( Hear, hear.) He would therefore say, that the condnct of the Anti-Corn-law League was such as no honest man should sanction.—( Hear, kear.) There was one other ques tion to which he wished to allude before he sat down. The Noble Lord the Member for the City of London, in his recent letter to bis constituents, had stated that the system of agri eultural protection had produced much mortality. A pam phlet had, however, been put into his (Lord Brooke's) hands the previous day, which showed that the contrary was the fact. It was there distinctly proved that the system of high prices in corn tended to decrease the amount of mortality.— ( Hear, hear.) The compiler of that pamphlet had no returns, but he took the averages; he commenced with the year 1780, and carried down his calculations to 1830, and he divided that period into ten portions. In the first period of ten years,! when the price of corn was high, the amount of mor-s tality was 152 less than that of a corresponding period when the price of corn was low ; in the next ten years it was 375 ; and in the third period 1,678 ; and down to 1809, the de-. crease in mortality in favour of high prices of corn, was 2,834. He had made these statements because he wished to show that he was about to give his vote on the question conscientiously. As the representative of a large constituency, he could not give a silent vote, and he would resume his seat in the belief and hope that he had honestly done his duty.—(Cheers.) Lord WORSLEY could assure the Noble Lord, who last spoke, that he was not aware that he was a new Member, or he would instantly have given up. He (Lord Worsley) was anxious to address the House upon the subject now under con sideration. It was a question that had frequently been brought before their notice, but it bad never assumed such a shape as it had done at the present time, What was the actual state of the case ? It was now brought forward and supported by the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of her Majes'y s Government upon grounds of expediency. Me did not think they had brought forward the measure because they thought it right in itself, but on account of the peculiar situation of the country. The present Government had been elected in 1841, as the farmer's friend, and at the period of that general election there were no placards so prominent or nume rous as " Peel, the Farmer's Friend."—( Hear, hear.) He well remembered the arguments used by Hon. Gentlemen op posite when the subject of the total repeal of the corn-laws was brought forward on a former occasion. It was then that they stated that the landed proprietors were not to be frightened out of their propriety by claims of a delusive character. The Noble Lord proceeded to read some extracts from the speeches of Sir R. Peel and Sir J. Graham on the subject of protec• tion in the year 1841, the reading of which caused consider able laughter and cheering from both sides of the House. The Noble Lord went on to state that many Hon Members had gained their seats in that House by reason of their strenuous opposition to any change in the corn-laws. What had been the result? In 1842, the Right Hon. Baronet had proposed some considerable modification in the then existing corn-laws, and he now came down to the House under the impression that he still had a right to go on in that direction, and there fore proposed the present measure, assuring the House at the same time, that he was encouraged to do so by the encouragement he had met with on former occasions. When the question of a total repeal of the corn-laws was brought forward, three years ego, this measure was success fully opposed by Hon. Gentlemen opposite. Upon that occa sion there was no compensation offered to the landed proprie tors for the total repeal of the corn-laws. The Right Hon. Baronet might perhaps say, in extenuation, that now he was prepared with a measure for the relief of the burdens which pressed upon agriculture. The Noble Lord did not think the present measure was likely to produce a permanent settlement of the question. Before the three years would have elapsed, ' there would be a general election ; and he believed that the farmers of England, who had been told that it was not dis creditable to fear a total repeal of the corn-laws, would upon that occasion ask their Members to endeavour to obtain for them a revision of the laws affecting the im portation of foreign corn. He thought it unwise for the Governmentof the country thus to keep alive in the landed proprietors the hope that at the end of three years another Parliament would be elected from which they would be able to o tws h f ahl t et h en e wtthai ee they heard used corn-laws tha bt y c t t o hht u ehe l e d , enotß wPrimei ag settled.b itstule,,such n . Minister obtain justice. By such a system, he maintained, the question o Q urabl e surßpsr.rioszthatshtohueldc Government ent o übueenshotralalantgeulyar and danger GentlemanofWhenthe t o c from free trade , yppsraeyheant apprehended H was it not surprising that the Right out those eery measures?—(Hear.) Was it, under such cir cumstances,side of the House supporters of the agricultural interest who considered that the Governshould ce Government had deceived them . He would not say one hard word against man, but this he might be allovedte the blight lion. Gentle , thing for a person to be in the position of it was a serious Baronet.---( Hear, hear.) He at one ti the Right Hon. corn-laws were permanently settled, and that Zai l d ate that Is t e year 1842 ; - but he now came down to the House as itt'A tbern it was necessary to do a great deal more. He (Lord W.) could not think that because there was temporary distress in the country, that the corn-laws ought to be repealed Tlit SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, FEBRIJARI 11. 1846, nearer relation with the sound principles which regulate our commercial polity with respect to every other branch of in dustry. I will go still further, atid say lam not satisfied with the plan, and can be ne party to it, of setting up a separate in terest for the landlord and the farmer of this country ; I be lieve that their prosperity will, in the main, be found to depend on the wealth, the comfort, and the ease of the great body of the people of this country." Those were the principles which I avowed upon that occasion.—( Hear, hear.) The House, I think, will also remember the memorable motion of the Noble Lord opposite, on the condition of the working classes. I then stated to the House many facts which had come before me, which were, in my opinion, quite conclusive to prove that the comfort and well-being of the working classes in this country were mainly dependent upon abundance and cheapness, and their misery and distress were mainly occasioned by scarcity or by high prices.—(Hear, hear. ) I frankly avow, that if the course of events had not been interrupted by circumstances which it was impossible to foresee, I should very gladly have adhered to the policy of gradually and progressively diminishing the protection to agriculture, but steadily keeping in view that desirable period when the protection might altogether be re moved. But this brings me to the point of the utmost import ance to the consideration of this ease, namely, the unforeseen circumstances which did occur after the termination of the last session. First, with respect to the harvest of this country. It was a harvest, as was truly stated by my Right Hon. Friend the Secretary-at-War, of a peculiar character. In point of quantity it was not a deficient hersest ; in point of quality, I believe, in the experience of the oldest farmers, there never was so great a variety ; and the effect of that has been to point out and to establish the great imperfection of the averages under the existing law. I will not press this further. It was dis tinctly stated last night by my Right Hon. Friend, that is no former years, I believe, has there been such a variety of quality in the corn brought to market, the price varying from 40s. for the worst, I believe, up to 705., or 755., fur the best. An al teration was made in the law in 1842, in regard to the averages, which had a very decisive effect in one respect; it altogether prevented fraud. By extending the period, and multiplying the towns, in respect to which the taking of the averages, fraud was prevented; but as relates to the interest of 1 the consumer, this had a very adverse effect ; for fraud, whenever it had been exerted, was always in favour of the con sumer, and for the purpose of opening the ports ; and in my real opinion, the general defect of the measure of 1842, though it was not sa interided, was th it it rendered protection more stringent.—( Hear, hear.) This was demonstrated, I must say, by the operation of the scale regulating the duties in the course of last autumn. Prices w ere risin g ; the price of the quartern loaf in this metropolis was 9 1 ,4 d., and approaching to the war price. When the quartern boat had so risen, the duty indicated by the siding-scale was 14s. or 15s. per quarter.— ( Hear, hear.) In point of fact the sliding-scale would neither slide nor move.—(Cheers.) And that was its condemnation. —( Renewed cheers.) I do not wish to go into an historical statement respecting the corn-laws, or I might mention that from 1773 to 1792 the importation of corn was in point of fact free in this country; and it was a remarkable cuincidence, which Adam Smith points out when, without marking the cause, he mentions as a time when there was a great start in our manufacturing and commercial prosperity—exactly that period, from 1773 to 1792, when the importation of corn was free.—( Hear, hear.) I will also observe that really change on this matter was not a change of any fundamental principle. The corn-law had been changed and altered five or six times, and yet its avowed ' object had never been answered.—( Hear, hear.) I will now return to the point from which I digressed. I was speaking of the imperfect operation of the sliding - scale , and I may ad, that together with that, there did arise that which human fore sight could not anticipate, the general failure of the potato crop throughout the United Kingdom. This failure was by no means limited to Ireland. The destruction of the potato crop began in the south of England, and I believe that it was more fatal in the southern part of England than in any part of Ire land. In many parts of the southern counties of England the working population, though not altogether subsisting on potatoes, yet are in a great measure dependent on that article for their daily food. With respect. to Scotland we have the most accu rate information ; and from the parochial returns, we know positively, that in the south of Scotland one-third of the po tato crop was destroyed as early as the month of November last. will not go through all the precise details as to the extent of the failure of the crop in Ireland. Suffice it to say, that in November the Government received the report of Messrs. Lindley and Playfair, by which it appeared that one-half of the whole crop, though not greater than an average, had been destroyed ; that one-eighth of that crop must be preserved for seed; and that consequently, not more than three eighths of the whole crop remained at that time for the consumption of the year in Ireland. I had been at that time resident in the north of England, and had almost daily communications, in writing, with my Right Hon. Friend at the head of the Government ; and it did appear to me that this matter of coming scarcity, if not of famine, to be apprehended in Ireland, did have an immediate and indissoluble connexion with this question of the corn-laws. The Noble Lord the Member for Liverpool said last night that he could not see that connexion ; and the lion. Member for Northamptonshire, following the same track, has also said that he did not see the intimate connexion between the two questions. Will the House, then, allow me to state what was the effect produced upon my mind by this inevitably-coming scarcity in Ireland ? —( Hear.) I foresaw, and lam afraid rightly, that it would be indispensably necessary to give to the suffering community in Ireland aid from the public purse of this country to meet this great calamity. Already some advance of the public money has been asked for, and I am afraid that further advances may still be necessary. Then this great question presents itself— Can in fairness any Minister of the Crown propose to the people of Great Britain to take out of the taxes of Great Britain public money to aid in the sustenance of their fellow country men in Ireland, while artificially, by laws so designed, the price of the hood of the people of Great Britain is enhanced ? —( Hear, hear.) Other persons may be bold enough to make such a proposition ; but I confess that no power on earth should have induced me to be responsible for such a proposal.— ( Hear, hear.) I told my Right Honourable Friend, that if such a course should be necessary, I strongly advised the suspension of the existing law—( Hear, hear, from the Protectionist benches) — and that suspens ion I find is now generally approved of on this side of the House.—( Hear, hear.) The humane, the generous feelings of the landlords of England could nut tolerate for a moment that distress, such as that likely to visit Ireland, should not be met.—( Hear, hear.) But to give this aid to the Irish people, and at the same time to en hance the price of the food of the great community who contri bute towards the taxes of England, and who by their hard in dustry are only able to pay those taxes, living in some instances on potatoes, is a proposition which I never could have main tained as a Minister.—( Hear, hear.) But it has been mated that, under these circumstances, Hon. Members gene rally on this side of the House would be glad to open the ports. Then arises the question—if you once suspend the present law, what is the proposition which, at the termination of that sus pension, is to be made? I have told you that I am satisfied, that even when scarcity has arisen, when the price of the quartern loaf was high, and when high prices ought to have been counteracted by the self-operation of the scale, that scale does not operate. I have told you that I thought the pre. sent an unsatisfactory law, and according to my opinion, I could not, after its suspension, have supported its re-imposi tion. I have always stated that nay objections to a fixed duty as a fiscal duty are insuperable, because I think that whenever the duty should be high, it would be impos sible to exact it, and whenever the duty should be low, it failed for the purposes of protection, and the agricultural interest would then incur all the obloquy of maintain ing protection without deriving any advantages from it. We might have proposed some small remnant of the sliding scale, and such a reduction of protection, which it would have been unworthy of the agricultural interest to accept, and still more unworthy of the Government to offer. Under these cir cumstances the abolition of the corn-laws was inevitable on its suspension. It was, as it appeared to me, absolutely necessary to suspend the operation of the law ; and I foresaw the neces sity, if you suspended the law, of its abolition ; and I again repeat that, in my humble view, our duty was, charged as we were with the responsibility of office, to meet this immediate necessity and to suspend the law. Nothing could have more gratified me than to see the general arrangements of this ques tion respecting the corn-law conducted by the Noble Lord op. posite.—( Hear, hear.) The question has been asked, " Have you any reason since 1842 for changing your opinion ?" I say that since 1842 those who were charged with the administra tion of affsirs, and who had watched the various circumstances which have occurred, have had experience, not to be mistaken, leading to conclusive consequences. We hail, first of all, the painful and lamentable experience of 1842 itself, a year of the greatest distress, and, since it has passed, I may say, of the utmost danger. What were the circumstances of 1842? Allow me just to-glance at them. We had in this metropolis, at mid night, Chartist meetings, assembled in Lincoln's Inn- fields. Almost for nearly three weeks there were assembled in all the environs of this metropolis immense masses of people, greatly discontented, and acting in a spirit dangerous to the public peace. What was the condition of Lancashire, the seat of our great staple manufacture, depending for its prosperity on unin terrupted tranquillity and labour? Such was the madness of the people on that occasion, that a great combination existed to stop machinery, and to put an end to the source of the labour, on which they depended for subsistence.—( Hear, hear. ) What was the duty of the Government under these circum stances? It was my painful duty to consult with the Horse Guards as to the precautions that were necessary for the maintenance of the public peace ; a large force was marched to Manchester, and the troops were actually called on to enforce public tranquillity. I can safely say that for three months the anxiety which I and my colleagues experienced with re ference to the public peace was greater than we ever felt be fore with reference to public concerns. Those were the days of high prices and scarcity. lam certain from what I have since observed, that that turbulent disposition, that dangerous disposition, mainly arose from the want of adequate sustenance, combined with low wages.—(Loud cheers.) What has been my experience for the last two years ? I don't take credit to her Majesty's Government for the altered circumstances. Our measures may or may not nave conduced to that great end ; but by the bounty of Providence we have had abundant harvests; with abundant harvests we have had cheapness and full employment ; and what has occurred ? I can safely say that for the last twelve months I have not bad a single interview with one of the Commissioners of Police with respect to the maintenance of the peace of this metropolis; I do not believe that for the last twelve months I have had one interview with the Horse Guards with respect to the move ment of troops for the maintenance of the peace of this coun try.—( Hear, hear.) Perfect tranquillity, comparative happiness prevailed; and that is a contrast between scarcity with discon tent, and plenty with social comfort, more striking than any I ever before witnessed.—( Loud cheers.) I will not trouble you with many statistics. The document I am about to read is short, but still, as an analysis with reference to crime, it is pregnant with instruction. 1 have taken the six counties which may be said to be the seat of our manufacturing industry ; I have taken the county of York, the county of Lancaster, the county of Warwick, the counties of Gloucester, Cheshire, and Staf fordshire, and have compared the commitments for trial in these counties in 1840, '4l, and '42, when the prices of wheat were 665. 4d, 645. 6d., 575. 3d., with those which took place in 1843, '44, and '45, when the price of wheat was about 508. Now, observe, in Yorkshire the committals were, in 1840, 1,867 ; 1841, 1,801; 1842, 2,598. The scarcity then ceased, abundance with low prices begins, and we have committed for trial in 1843, 2,3t)4; 1844, 1,691 ; 1845, 1,417.; showing a decrease of commitments in the last, as compared with the pre vious period of these years, of 149; per cent. In Lancashire the commitments in those years were respectively 3,506, 3,987, 4,497, 3,677, 2,893, 2,852, exhibiting a diminution of 21.4 per cent. In Warwickshire the commitments were I,oo' 1,046, 1,003, 1,045, 894, 769, a decrease of 11.2 per cen Gloucestershire, including Bristol, the number. were 1,236, 1,252, 1,186, 1,071, 920, showing a decrease of 9.8 per cent. In Cheshire the commitments were 1,042, 943, 1,066, 1,018, 777, 688, a decrease of 19.1 per cent. In Staffordshire the numbers were 923, 1,059, 1,485, 1,175, 885, 717, a decrease of 19.9 per cent.; exhibiting an aggregate decrease of 17 per cent.—( Loud cheers.) Upon the whole of these six counties, comparing the years 1842 and 1845, there is a diminution on the aggregate of 18 per cent. lam convinced with the Right Hon. Baronet, at the head of the Government, that it is a fallacy to contend that wages fall with falling prices, and rise with rising prices.— ( Hear, hear.) It was my Noble Friend the Member for Liver pool, I think, who last night contended that it was true in the agricultural districts that wages did rise with rising prices ; but he admitted that the proportion was not always equal. Now I beg you to observe, that to the labouring man the equal proportion between ths price of food and the rise of wages is a matter of life and death. But it was necessary to observe that the proportion should be concurrent as well as equal. If the rise in wages should lag behind the rise of prices life itself might be in danger. Bsit I have the experience ( Hear, hear.) The Government may attetiipt to carry the measure, but, as he said before, it would never he considered a settlement of it by the farmers and landowners of this country. (Hear, hear.) In 1842 no one expected—no party whatever expected, that they would propose an alteration again of those laws in 184.5. In the year 1842, the Right Honourable Baronet the Secretary fur the'Home Department. advocated protection to the agriculturists of this country, but he (Lard Worsley) did not know how he could reconcile his arguments then with the arguments which he was using now.—(Hear, hear.) He did not know of any one who had spoken out so strongly as the Member for Canterbury against any altera tion of the corn-laws, and yet he had latterly taken office under the Right Hon. Baronet. He said in 1842, that if the Govern ment took the duty off corn, the property would be sacrificed of one-third of the population, and that such an act would be the scheme of a Minister of a party, hut could never be the mea sure of the Minister of a nation.—( Hear, hear, and cheers.) It did appear to him, that if the Ministry did propose such a measure, there ought to be a dissolution in the first instance of the present Parliament, that the constituencies by which they were returned to office might again declare their sentiments. Upon ordinary occasions, it was true, the Parliament was elected for seven years, but when a subject came under its con sideration of such importance, he (Lord Worsley) considered that the country ought to be appealed to. After this Parlia ment was elected an eight shilling duty was proposed, but on the present occasion it was a question with them of corn-laws or no corn-laws.—( Hear, hear.) There could be no doubt what ever that there ought to be no alteration in the corn-laws before the constituencies of the country were appealed to. He (Lord Worsley) believed that if there was a dissolution now, some in their places in that House would not occupy them long.— ( Hear, hear.) He did not know whether it was in the recollection of the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite the Secretary for the Colonies ( who for some reason unknown to him was not in his plaee—( A laugh)—in that House,) that he stated in the year 1642, that the Parliament was pledged to protection. Here the Noble Lord read the speech of the Secretary for the Colonies, as reported in Hansard, on the sub ject of the corn-laws. The country fairly ask, as many have altered their opinions in this House, that an opportunity may be afforded the constituencies to see whether they had not altered their opinions also.—( Cheers.) He (Lord Worsley) had presented no fewer than fifty or sixty petitions against any alteration in the corn-laws, and also a petition praying that that House would place no confidence in her Majesty' Government. lie was never more surprised than on seeing the names of in dividuals to these petitions who refused him (Lord Worsley) their support, because he refused to place confidence in her Majesty's Government.—( Hear, hear.) But it did seem to him (Lord Worsley) extraordinary that these changes of her Majesty's Government were never suspected by any of their supporters. The Noble Lord the Member for the City of London (Russell) gave them warning in his answer to an address from Plymouth, when he said, thst " if the people were united, no power could prevent them from repealing the corn-laws."—(Hear, hear.) ( Here the Noble Lord ( Worsley) read the answer of Lord John Russell to the inhabitants of Plymouth, wherein he alludes to the corn-laws.) His Noble Friend gave that warning to many opposite, but they did not profit by it, but on the contrary they still sup ported her Majesty's Government. He hoped the Right Hon. Baronet opposite would listen to the advice of some of his supporters, and take the sense of the country on his measures.—(Hear, hear.) At present there was an oppor tunity for the Irish producer to send over their supplies of corn to this country, but if the present measure passed into a law, they would not make so much of their land as now.—( Hear, hear.) It was his intention to support the alteration proposed by the Right Hon. Baronet, with respect to timber, for when the landlord did not find the tenant timber, it was difficult for them to get good timber for trade. He (Lord Worsley) be lieved it would be for the advantage of the country generally to have cheap timber, but he believed it would be against the interest of the country generally to have any alteration in the corn laws, and he would consequently oppose that part of the measure.—( Cheers. ) Sir J. GRAHAM—Sir, I have risen to address you at this time chiefly in consequence of the aisle and powerful speech of the Hon. Member for Northamptonshire, who ad dressed the House this evening, and in whose sentiments I most cordially concur, that we ought not to allow this discus sion to degenerate into a mere fiscal question.—( Hear, hear.) When a great party is on the point of being dissolved, the Question, though in itself even insignificant, becomes a great rational one.—( Hear.) I think that no leader of a great party, such as that which has placed its confidence in my Right Hon. Friend, can be justified for one moment in treating this great occasion in any other light except as one of immense qational importance, and one that needs the frankest explana tion. This is a question that I hope also may not be treated altogether as a question of mere personality.—( Hear.) I can not at all blame my Noble Friend who has just sat down for the reference he has made to my former declarations on this subject. I admit that the past declarations of opinion made by * Member of this House, who either leads, or aspires to lead a party, and declarations made by a first Minister of the Crown, if at variance with the course he now adopts, are subjects not unworthy of reference, and which call for explanation.— (Hear, hear.) The Hon. Member for Northamptonshire made * direct appeal to the Government, and challenges us if we had changed our opinions, manfully to own it. I an swer that challenge. Ido frankly avow my change of opinion, and by that avowal I dispose of all the speeches— ( Loud cheers from the Opposition, with counter-cheers from the Protection benches, rendered inaudible the rest of the sentence.) Upon the advice given by the Hon. Member for Nottinghamshire, that if I were prepared to make that avowal it is my duty to do it ; I now make the avowal, and I only ask the House to exercise patience, and indulge me while I point to the reasons of that change.—( Hear.) And that I may stand in the position of a man worthy of confidence, I will 'only glance at a few considerations explanatory of the course I now pursue, instead of leaving the matter to rest on the indi vidual honour of the person who makes the avowal. If you look at the tests by which change of opinion must be tried, on the part of a particular Member, you will find that the first which should be applied is this -- does the change of opinion promote his personal interest? Perhaps, under the circum stances, I may be allowed to glance at my personal position. All that I possess is as a landlord. I have nothing to hope for except from the possession of landed property.—( Hear, hear. ) I have inherited by that property a large tract of land of inferior soil ; and I congratulate myself that, by my position as a landlord, if the proposed change be dangerous, it exposes me to as great risks as any landed proprietor in the country.— ( Hear.) So much with respect to my personal position. Now as a Minister of the Crown, allow me to ask you to apply a test equally conclusive. Does a change of opinion on the part of a Minister of the Crown increase his strength or consolidate his power ? Can there be a doubt, after the unhappy scene which we have witnessed during the two last evenings in the conduct of the debate on this side of the House, that my Right Hon. Friend, before the commencement of this session, being (as is allowed) a leader of great talent, possessing the confidence of a great party, and of powerful and immense influence out of the House, has lost—has, as it is now said, almost dissolved that party, by the conduct which he, from a sense of public duty, has pursued ?—( Cries of " Hear, hear.") I will try another test upon that subject, and it shall be the last. Has the Minister, by a change of opinion, acted unfairly towards his political ad versaries, and availed himself of that change of opinion to ex clude them from office ? I think it is not expedient, at this time, to touch further upon that subject ; but my Right Hon. Friend, with my entire concurrence, frankly tendered to her Majesty the office which he held as the head of the Administration. I certainly concurred in that resignation ; and I can truly and sincerely say, it was my earnest desire that this measure should have been brought forward by the Noble Lord opposite, in whose hands I think it would have been more properly placed.—(Hear hear.) I state that. un feignedly and frankly, Ight, after all that has occurred, it would have been better for the public, better for public men. —( Loud cheers.) lam stating my sincere opinion —I think it would have been more for the public advantage, and for say, anti I am t I o the truth of the credit of public men , if what has been p ro posed , as it has become our duty now t o p ro p ose it, had been brought for ward by t h b e y theN Noble ob L le o Lord will Lord testimony and st in. o I may sure what I am saying, that both in writing and verbally I assured the Noble Lord that if he, as a Minister, brought forward a measure such as was indicated in his letter to his constituents o f London, I, as a private Member of Parliament, would have given to that measure my frank and cordial support.—(Cheers.) Now, having disposed of that which more personally related to myself, I may perhaps be permitted to refer to some of the points touched upon by the Hon. Member for Northampton shire ( Mr. S. O'Brien), and the Noble Lord ( Lord Worsley). The Noble Lord asks me—is this measure brought forward merely because we think it expedient ? He appeared to doubt whether we thought it right. I say that we bring forward this measure, not because we think it expedient, but because we think it right, and because we think it necessary.—( Hear, hear.) Then the Noble Lord proceeded to state, that the time had arrived when this question must be settled. I per fectly agree with him, and I juin in the alternative he put ; he said it could only be settled in one of two ways, either by ab solutely refusing to go into Committee upon this question, and to entertain any further proposition in relation to agricultural protection, or else that you must proceed as the Govern ment now advises you to proceed, to the total abolition of protection to agriculture.—( Hear, hear.) An Hon. Member has put the question, as I think, shortly and fairly; he said, the question to be decided is, is the abolition of pro tective duties adverse to the poor ? The Noble Lord the Member for Stamford (the Marquis of Granby), who ad dressed the House also with great ability, put in terms equally distinct ; he said, the question is, will this alteration in the corn-laws not only give cheap bread, but give a greater quan tity of cheap bread, to the working classes ? I must say that this is the issue which I think we have to try—this is the great question we have to determine.--( Hear, hear.) The Hon. Member for Northamptonshire addressed the House with so much ability, that I really was surprised to hear him, even in a passing sentence, speak contemptuously of political eco nomy ; he said that the object of political economy, in his opi nion, was the accumulation of wealth. I had always under stood that the great object of political economy was the distri bution of wealth—[Mr. S. O'Brien—" I said the distribution of wealth."] —Will the Hon. Member allow me ?—in my humble view the great object of political economy i 3 not the accumulation, but the distribution of wealth, and the applica tion of capital to industry on principles which science and ex perience shall have proved to be conducive to the happiness and welfare of the greatest number.—( Hear, hear.) The question, then, which we have to determine is, is the main tenance of the existing corn-laws conducive to the interests of the greatest number of the community? Will it insure them an ample supply (Hear, hear.) The Noble Lor d who has j ust sat down, of food of the cheape st and best kind ? rather apologised for reading extracts from speeches, be cause he thought they were not very palatable to the House ; I must say that the extracts he read appeared to me by no means unpalatable.—( Laughter. ) Will he allow me also, in per fect fairness, to read just two extracts ? The Noble Lord im puted to my Right Hon. Friend that not intentionally, but without intention, what had fallen from him on former occa sions had by no means prepared the House or the public for the course which he now takes , a nd he referred particularly to a speech made by my Right Hon. Friend in 1839. Allow me to read a short extract from that very speich. My Right Hon. Friend, then a leader in Opposition, and a candidate for power, said—" I consider this statement, that the condition of the labourer has been rendered worse by the operation of the corn-law, a most important one ; and I have no hesitation in saying that, unless the existence of the corn-law can be shown to be consistent, not only with the prosperity of agriculture and maintenance of the landlord's interest, but also with the maintenance of the general interests of the countr y , and espe cially with the improvement of the conditi on of the labouring class, the corn-law is practically at an end." That was the declaration of my Right Hon. Friend , as earl y as the year 1839. —( Hear, hear.) It may seem presumptuous in me to refer, in addressing the House, to what has fallen from myself in a former debate, but after what my Noble Friend has stated, perhaps in fairness the House will not refuse me per mission to do so.—( Hear, hear.) On the occasion when the Hon. Member for Wolverhampton (Mr. Villiers) moved for going into Committee on the corn-laws in June last, I said, " It is decidedly my opinion that the prosperity of agricul ture must always depend on the prosperity of l ag other branches of the native industry of this country, and that the public prosperity ii on the whole beet promoted by giving a fair and uninterrupted current to the natural flow of national industry. I will go further and say, that it is my ( pinion that, by safe, gradual, and cautious measures, it is expedient to bring our laws, with reference to the trade in corn, into a In ,045, of Sir John Waltham, who long had the charge of the dis tricts of Norfolk and Suffolk, himself an extensive landed pro-the dProceedings of the House e PARLIAMENTARY 8U51.14fi.c.E2.).5..) (From V otes an prietor in the county of Hereford, and who, in the West TUESDAY, Frt• 10. Bple Riding of Yorkshire, assisted the Poor-law Commissioners, and he tells me that he has never known that wages have nror , r e ed f° t i o lu b w e il b lg ro r u e e t h l brought o i t y fur th, Railways i a l ru v e e r d e , i li e o p an o:e d 31 1 ;IT Hudson. risen beyond from 83. to 10s. and I Is. in certain counties, Newcastle and Berwick —Mr. and from os. to 13s. in other counties ; the utmost rise beingben I s , t_he r 25 per cent. ; while he has seen at the same time the grand Ji t et s i a o sol i i i d ( uo liuy ton and llNl'itun•drri'ig:'tiorn. 13 13;a11 , fatten :1(1 South-Western (Farnham and Alloy Branch price of corn rise from 455. to (Ps. It is unnecessary to say, London and iitimble and Sir AV. Ileatlicetc. in reference to this point, that the rise of wages in those dis- Mr first tricts is not at all commensurate with the rise in the article of Windior, Slough, awititaines Atmospheric—Mr. Nevitl Manchester and Binningham—Lord F. Egerton, first necessity.—( Hear, hear.) But, as truly stated by my Mr. M. Philips. Kerable And Right Hon. Friend the Secretary-at-War, whatever may be London and Brighton (East Grinstead Branch) -31f. e a , nd 0. the ease in the agricultural districts, the converse of the asser ete3sisr• El i Phii n tu le " a ' retn Darlington Junction (Thirsk and MalWni— tion is true with respect. to the manufacturing districts. Inca.- D ' u c t a tco st u e dee al , Sir J. Lowther, fti and Mr. Hudson. riably in the manufacturing districts you will find low prices accompanied by high wages, and high prices by low wages. I CoL mentioned some circumstances which recurred in the month of November with reference to Ireland ; but I have not the whole geld. of the case with respect to that time. From a report which I have received from Mr. Sanders with respect to the West Riding of Yorkshire, I find that at that time there was not merely a rise in prices, but a strong apprehension of still higher prices in several parts of the West Riding, particularly in Bradford, and that several works were put on short time. In several of the cotton districts, also, I learn the mills were about to be put. on short time. When, therefore, we looked to the circumstances of the whole country in the months of November and December, we had no option left, as the general guardians of the condition of the great body of the community, but to pursue the course which we have pursued. We have been told of the danger of being dependent on foreign states for the supply of food ; but when we consider that the population of Great Britain in 1615 was 18,000,000, and that at the present moment it is 23,000,000, it seems to me that the time has arrived when it may well become a question, not whether Great Bri tain can alone supply the amount of food necessary for the population, but whether it will not be difficult, at a moderate price, to secure food for the whole of that pre pulation, even with the aid of foreign countries.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") For myself, I have no apprehension of any great fall of prices from the abolition of the corn-laws. I think that both the hopes and fears of many people on the subject are greatly s gerated. Ido not be lieve that the abolition of protection, as matters now stand, will materially lower the price of corn ; but I consider that to the great body of consumers it will be a security of inestimable value against high prices when the harvest happens to be deficient in this country. That is my view with regard to supply, With regard to the commercial principle there can be no doubt whatever. The Hon. Member for Northamptonshire described a state of things where a certain individual has the walls of his House covered with French paper-hangings, furnished with articles of German hardware, and who rides in a Brussels carriage, while workmen are crowding the market with nobody to hire them. How does the Hon. Gentleman think those carriages are to be obtained? Whatever may be the form of the trans action by which they are obtained, that transaction of neces sity resolved itself into a bargain. Directly or indirectly there must be an exchange of commodities, and you must in the long run export some of your own home productions to pay for what you have got from abroad. I am quite satisfied, if you extend the sphere of your commerce and do not attempt by fits and starts to force its expansion, that the prosperity of all classes will steadily advance with the increase of your exports. The Hon. Member for Northampton (Mr. S. O'Brien) referred to the case of a farmer, whom he de scribed in the most pathetic terms, for the purpose of illus trating the consequences which the Hon. Gentleman pre sumes will flow from the measures of her Majesty's Mi nisters. But another picture was given last night by the Noble Lord the Member for Liverpool (Lord Sandon). The Hon. Gentleman represented his farmer as petitioning his landlord in vain for a reduction of rent. The Noble Lord considered the condition of the farmer as peculiarly helpless and exposed. He said this unhappy man had constantly had held out to him the expectation of prices which he had never realised—prices which were made the basis of calculation, when he agreed to pay a fixed rent ; then he comes to the landlord with " bated breath" and most humble demeanour, seeking an abatement of rent. The landlord grants somewhat less than the farmer requires; an abatement of 10 per cent. is found quite inadequate ; and at last the farmer is forced to take refuge from all his difficulties in some lower occupation. Such are the results, as described most accurately by the Noble Lord himself, of this system of protection and of disappoint ment.—(Cheers.) The abundant crop, the diminished pro tection, and the fixed rent, have been a failure. —(" No, no," and " Hear, hear.") From the very spot where the lion. Gen tleman stood when he addressed the House I heard such a representation given of the condition of the farmer ; and I am quite satisfied that the great bulk of that class are more likely to be injured by the continuance of the existing law than by its repeal. I have no apprehensions whatever that the abolition of that law will render this country dependent upon any foreign country. But, as a landlord—and on this point I agree with the Noble Lord the Member for Lincolnshire—l am certain that the settlement of this question is with reference to the interests of landlords of paramount importance. (Cheers.) How can ss e have a settlement? with the feeling of the great bulk of the community on the subject as at present, there is but one settlement.—(Cheers.) There are various classes whose interests are involved in this question, and their views have undergone a change on the principle of protection. I will riot dwell upon the meeting in Wiltshire. It may have been suggested, but still that meeting is a remarkable fact. I pass, however, from that, and apeeal to every gentleman in this House who has had opportunities of observation, whether he c an contradict me when I assert that till lately t he o p inion , prevalent among operatives was, that low prices would in variably lead to low wages. I say they have changed their opinions.—(Cheers.) The experience of the last three years has not been thrown away upon them ; and if that be so—if the masters and the men are quite of one mind on this point, they will settle—and I may tell the Hon. Member for Knaresborough so—they will easily and amicably settle those questions which are likely to arise between parties placed in such a relation to each other. I can very well understand how those working men should overtax their in dustry, and even call on their wives and daughters to work, that they may obtain subsistence. Necessity might drive them to such resources. But if they can understand that by a change of your law they may be able, without working so long them selves, without requiring their wives or daughters to work as they do now, to live in greater comfort than they have ever known, I have not the smallest doubt that arrangements will be made between masters and men as to the period of labour, and so every ground or pretext for legislative interference will be taken away.—( Cheers.) It will, I should say, l be one of the most pleasant and happy day s that ever occurred in England, when, on account of an alteration in your law rendering a shorter time necessary to procure wages atte • quate to purchase the comforts of life—it will, I repeat. be one of the happiest days of England when, on account of such an alteration, the masters and the men shall, without legislative interference, come to an agreement on that subject. ..._(Cheers.) lam glad to see that the Noble Lord the Mem ber for the West Riding of Yorkshire ( Lord Morpeth)—with whom I have often differed, but whose absence from this House I never ceased to regret—expressed on the hustings sentiment' closely akin to those I have endeavoured to convey.—( Cheers. ) As to the agricultural interest—the interest with which I am myself connected—l would say, let us have certainty with re ference to the value of our land. That certainty you will have, as far as it can possibly be given, from a change in the law. But in addition to certainty, you will have peaceful enjoyment. You will have that peaceful enjoyment without, exciting the jealousy of your poorer neighbour. And Ido not think that landlords will have to make any very great sacrifices ; but, entertaining the opi nions which I do, founded on the experience I now possess, I say, were the sacrifice' ten times greater, I for one, sooner than that it should be said of myself, or any of the class to which I belong, that our object was to secure for ourselves an increase of rent, and not to promote the welfare and happiness of the great body of the community—sooner than leave any room for such a suspicion, I should say, speaking for myself, that would I descend to a lower estate, and abrogate my inheritance. — (Loud cheers.) It is said a great perty has been dissolved. It is said old political ties have been severed. It has been said that social relations have been disturbed. It is anticipated, and it is probable, that an Administration may be dissolved.-- (Cheers. ) And, though I should regret the former part of those consequences, on my conscience I believe this proposi tion will save a great and powerful nation from anarchy, misery, atid ruin. [The Right Hon. Gentleman resumed his seat amidst great cheering.] Lord CLIVE said he assured the House that he would not, at that late hour of the night, attempt to trespass upon its attention but for a very short time ; but he would beg leave to say, that front the circumstances thathad occurred, it did ap pear to him, from the short time that had elapsed, it would be impossible for the country to have had an oppor tunity of coming to a correct decision upon this question. His Right Hon. Friend, the Secretary-at-War, stated his full and sincere conviction in the speech which he delivered, and in which lie vindicated the course which he felt it his duty to pursue. He had stated his conviction that, if it were shown to the gentlemen of England interested in agricultural affairs that by the abolition of the corn-laws they would be minister ing to the wants and necessities of their fellow-creatures, that they would cheerfully accede to the adoption of such a mea sure. That was the ground on which he (the Noble Lord) stood.--( Hear, hear, from the Ministerial benches.) If the Government could show, as they stated they could, the overwhelming necessity ; if they were at present impressed with the conviction that. their new plan was not as futile and leaseless as their former, they would give the agriculturists of the country an opportunity of proving whether or nut the matter was conceded to the wants and necessities of their fellow-sub jects, or whether it had been forced upon them by the dexte rity of two discordant cabinets.—( Hear, hear, and cheers.) He was aware that by a dissolution on the present question great excitement would be engendered, and great strug gles between classes would follow ; but these evils, had as they were, would pass away, and would be less enduring than the anarchy and confusion which he believed would ensue from the course which her Majesty's Ministers were at present pursuing, and which, he believed, would be far more pregnant with evil.—(Hear, hear, from the Ministerial benches. ) There fore, being apprehensive of such an evil, though many sur rounded the question, he should feel it his duty to vote for the motion of the Hon. Member for Bristol._(Cheers.) In doing so he would have the satisfaction of experiencing, when he should come before his constituents a different reception from that with which the Right Honour able Baronet at the head of her Majesty's Government taunted the Right Honourable Baronet the Member for Edinburgh, in the year 1840, that he had been deservedly treated by his clas sical constituents.—( Hear, hear, and cheers.) Several Hon. Gentlemen rose, but were met with loud cries of " Adjourn, adjourn," and " No, no," amid which Sir R. PEEL rose, and was understood to say (the con ' fusion at the moment being very great) that he thought the best course to he adopted was to adjourn the further considera tion of the question to Thursday.—( Hear, hear.) Mr. COLQUHOUN agreed entirely with the Right Hon. Baronet, but he should at the same time say that if any lion. Gentleman wished to address the House, he thought he should be heard.—(Loud cries of " Adjourn.") The debate was then adjourned. DRAINAGE (IRELAND) BILL. The House went into Committee on the Drainage (Ireland) Bill ; and, after a few observations, clauses from 1 to 20 were agreed to. The other clauses of the Bill were then agreed to, and the House having resumed, the Chairman reported progress, and the report was ordered to be brought up to-morrow (Thursday). The other orders of the day were then disposed of, and the House adjourned at five minutes to One o'clock till Twelve o'clock this day. ______-------- anti The following Railway Bills were prese nted, read a first time, ordered to be read a second time : ..___ , for icrk awl North Midland (Whitby and Pickering ExtenslOn) 'a tend enabling t• e York and North Al idiand Railway Company • ,- ; 1 , ( „,,' the Line of the Whitby and Pickering Railway Poor nearCasll;'.)u. Loudon mid South-Western (Epsom Branch)—" to enable 6 I , don and South-Western Railway Company to make a Branch way to Epsom, in the county of Surrey." orn th e Blackburn and Preston —" for making certain Bra.ncliesfr , 0 . Line of the Blackburn and Preston Railway, in the isounty of ' caster, and for ainending the Acts relating thereto." , ~,,,in the Liverpool, Orniskirk, and Preston—" for making a RairectsY , -' t „ ( i Liverpool and Bury Railway to Preston, and to the 131sekb sirl?!'1;-, Preston and North Union Railways, with Branches thereefrom. to called • The Liverpool, Ormskirk, and Preston Railway. ic ith North Kent—" for making a Railway from London to Dover, Branches therefromfrom the North Kent (City Extension)—" for making a Railway ... tho Rail proposed North Kent Railway, in the borough of Southwark, city of London." A gal ," lifeY Ashburton, Weston, and South Devon — " for mAking .owo m fro Ashburton, in the county of Devon , to j oin the south Railway." Gr, intslo7,‘ Fast Lincolnshire—" tbr making a Railway from treat ca lled by Louth and Alford, to Boston, in the county of Lincoln, to he ' The East Lincolnshire Railway.' " r Rail" North Staffordshire (Churnet Valley Line)—" for ttleYr",l 4 leic' , way front the Manchester and Birmingham Ritii,lttY nt A". 4 .,,‘;i1,0, 1 ! to join the Birmingham and Derby Line of the Micllah" `— with a Branch to Stoke-upon-Trent." North Staffordshire (liarecastle and Sawbach Llne)—n ipoislil a Railway from Harecastle to join the Manchester And ' - ' lll2 Railway at or near the Sandbach Station thereon." p r os-1 11 ,4 e11. Epsom and Dorking—" to enable the London and --,,,,,- lon way Company Company to make a Railway, in extension of the "`"' Epsom Railway, to Dorking, in the county of Surrey•" " for Making NOTICES OF MOTIONS. Mr. Hume—That all Rills for the formation or imrroTs", Harbours and Wet Docks, Navigahle Canals wed Works u i ', tbe kind, on lands within high water mark, should be refer ov olti ee Board of Admiralty for their re p ort thereon, before the on the Bill shall report to the H use (Thursday, Feb. 1 2 )• „ eo ecil r. ume—Coies of all eports andorrespondence . 00' the loss H of the emigrant p ship R Cataramse, in Bass' Straits , o 6 last, having 369 emigraxts on board. Copy of the' sio " (ton! officer at Liverpool, on the state of the Cataraque before „fose*, 1.5 Liverpool in April, 1 845 : — Wheth e r the ca p tain and mate.hentlair! a ny examination, and how long the cap tain had been 5 i day, Feb. 12). NOTICES GIVEN AT THE PRIVATE BILL -v TUESDAY, FEB. 10. n Fe tid* Eastet Counties and Harwich Railway — C o mmittee oa postpone I fromiThursday 12 till Friday, Feb. 13. COMMITTEES ON PETITIONS FOR R AILWAY WEDNESDAY, WEDNESDAY, FEB. 18. „oliA' 4 Birkenhead and Llangollen. W ar wickshire and London (Hampton and Abehurch Line)' .10 1 Glasgow and Dundee Junction. I, 0 1 ' Cameron's Coalbrook Steam Coal and Swansea anA Loug- ° ~, in; . It. York and Itorth Midland Railway (Whitby and Picker 0 sion—Second reading, Monday, Feb. 16. ta g/ 1 • coil , ' r Blackburn, Charley, and Liverpool Itailway-4e Monday, Feb. 16 ----- , 1 1 S. RAILWAY SHARE MARK , BRISTOL FEB. 10. 1011C e'vt STOCK EXCHANGE.-The sales are- liirMillgllarti ant, ,30 -Caledonian, 15-Ditto, New, 4-Taff Vale, Nor, l,l' MANCHESTER, FEB. 10. O a f er 0 ,,,e11ef , d r 1 STOCK EXCIIANGE.-The sales are -Blackburn, ,--- yfa , . , verpool, % dis. --Blackburn, Darwen, and Bolton, 2% P'.,, r 0t0, 11 ;0 1, cashire, No. 1, 4 p.-Ditto, No. 2,4% p.-Fleetwood, , od''',lfY. , West Riding, !,4 p.--Iluddersfield and Manchester Raillyn:i. ortaPot 754 p.-Lancashire and North Yorkshire, 1,4 p.-LiverP4,lol,lpril' and Preston, 2 13-16 p.-London and South Wales , 3° , . -- dif.'" p.' and Birmingham, Quarters, 8% p. cNorth Eastern , 7.1_ • t, Staffordshire, 3% p.- Sheffield and Lincolnshire Jlinc ° lrs f° l ' Sheffield and Manchester, Quarters, No. 3,3% p.-SliroP.,ivek 14 dis.--South Eastern and Dover, No. 1, p.-Trent Valley, Midland, and Grand Junction, yi -?)ley. ~. 0 1 1 LEEDS, FEB. 10. „, i Leo'', or, STOCK EXCIIANGE.-The sales are-Manchester 11.., - "„. 10w43/4-, Shares, 11% p. -Ditto, Extensions, 4 p.-York and .1 , 41 , 1 , ,,' East and West Riding, 9 1 ,‘ p.-Great Grimsby and . 93 ' e .... ..yee , ;irtr Ditto, Docks, 4 -Huddersfield and Manchester, 74i p; , c.''''O'i Dewsbury, New Shares, 21 , ,i p.-Leeds and Thirsk , ...,. - 1.,,,,ick5 , ,, , pool and Bury, New, 31. 3s. 6d. p.-Newcastle and P e , 0 04 1 : North British, New Carlisle Branch, 2%-Boston, . 6 p 01 ,-0 , Sheffield, •;s. 6d. p.-Direct Northern, 2 4 -Glasgow 2, 1 ,,, iii g 1 ,;06 ; 3N p......pitt0, 21i - Liverpool, Ormskirk, and Preston, 5% -West .o , ' 0.1 ' I: , fi' 64 -Buckinghamshire (late Rugby), is. p.-LancasbirevoterliA'A Yorkshire, 3s. p•-Lancashire, Yorkshire, and Nord ! " t er o 7l• ll,. dis.-Leeds, Wakefield, and Midland, 7s. 6d. p.--Leine! J0%4 ford, 7s. 6d. p.-Liverpool, Manchester, and liewcistiessnif.„ -Manchester, Buxton, Matlock, and Midland, 325. p „ -,,, and Birmingham Continuation and W e lsh Junction, `,s , "', , gV Midland and Thirsk Junction , 15 s dis.-North Western, . cue,?' Midlands, 2%p.-South and Midland Junct ion, 7, ' shire and Glasgow Union, 10 s. dis. It r ' SHEFFIELD, FEB. 10. ,21/ : 90 STOCK EXCIIANGB.-The sales are-Eastern Conlin Le" --Great Grimsby and Sheffield, Extensions, 21. les. on "01 field, and Mid!and, 2/. rs. 6d.- M anchester, Sheffield's 9P,t 0,, Junction, 3 3 ,4-Manchester, Midland, and Great (iroefillriV Manchester and Lincoln Union and Canal, 2 1 . 95 ..." - tePO PI Lincolnshire, 41. Os. 6c1.-Sheffield and Linsolushirs ,1' -South Yorkshire Coal Railway, 2%. HULL, FEB. 10. ll'irofi T o r ok STOCK Excitatiar.-The sales are-Hull and Sell3l , __, 41 . 27 -North British, Carlisle, 31. Is.- Armagh, rush, 255. 6d. -Axholine, 2 -Bradford, Wa4eflelcl, 1.00114, 355.-Buckingliainsinre, 445. 6d.-Derby and Gaings).ol Cole ii i ' s P a 11,... East Lincolnshire, 2,1,', - Grand Union, 325. -Leiceste r d. 1/. Os. 6d. g NEWCASTLE-UPO.S-TYI,7E, F E B . FD I °' d 11g STOCK EXCHANGE.-The sales arts-Newcastle an 1 22 p.-Newcastle and Bernick, 12% p. _, P o / YORK, Ina. 10. ~ vs.,' ..,.., STOCK EXCHANGE.-The sales are -Ipswich so,."' h ire, '' . 1 1 7,f slon (Norwich), 2 i-I.ancashire and North YO ll- ' - p rwi c; o Malton and Driffield Junction, Vi-Newcastle and ', pri JIVI. Newcastle and Darlington Extensions, 111.1-No1;;"4 c', V' lisle Extension), lelsh Midland, 185. - o ' l o Midland Extension, 34 ex all.-Ditto, New (PO I 5 lug), 10%. - IC ' L gilk (10 4 ' SP 1, , 4 l io r iov, Fe- ,c ro e .., do ST. JAMES THEATit; The Ethiopian Serenaders commenced an e l3 ',c - a. this theatre last evening. We have already r o o6t",t ticn of the delightful performances of these tu e b oe , „0; cal representatives of negro minstrelsy who tin jo ti t tit ',eared in this county. Rice, and Sweeny, a l t o/1 0 1 p have alr,ady given us various negro conic ° ir e 0 Ethiopian minstrels prove that the negro° r ti, ticients in instrumental music-witness their Ile se c 'o• time celebrated bravura, from Era Diarola, on h i c b ? e ti t ot the banjo, the tambourine, and the bones, wt.,,vneo,„. strument might be in many instances most e t ; ti ti o l 'l , : if troduced into the regular orchestra, as a Sa ta gi I P' I tie l `i,ile clanging cymbals, or the reverberating clout" i t 0 froa . Legro musicians understand harmony as a ,l e a ort o ; c ;jir and their performance of the glees, ~ and • io sing," "You'll see them on the Ohio, be e ift,i p le ger's life is always gay," would 11°t 1 g j eilf o able to the most crack glee or ins drig re 4 ls l3 o eg ro of the metropolis. Moreover, the Ethiopian mili gt ,, of 'bro, li ) I us acquainted with the more serious Phas e y % the i ,1)2f,!, and have opened up to us a view of the Min r .ooo 6 pi . t,,„r heartedness, the utter withering of the an of offrjpiri, incidental to the state of slavery. The songf,, gr• rO3 O Ol which was given with most telling pathoS u i , A 11 e 50 3 o ft' toll, is in itself a tragedy. It is the lament id blo, l li fO r i over his sweetheart. They loved-he was 6° A V ° ,00;0 1 ' . to a distant plantation, and Lucy Neal dies o f ..., e t ii„,,, id l Here are materials which in the hands of bey y tt',o l , ~f 1 nisi' forth a tragedy which, acted as it migh t ,et.stif fortif, even in the States, create such a feeling ofd 0 0l 0 tip slavery, that the slave-owners themselves t t0 ... Ai1l shame learn to be rnAtiful, and n ° b y ;il l _, e itiol the best feelings of our common nattildiogiii,Vd husband from wife for the mere purpose of a" dv, W e . • P r ill r .f gotten, their iniquitous gains. Such a trag e 41:1 11 ;ed g i , " and well-acted, would do more to convert time s l ot ,Is to ie e, America to a just appreciation of the horO r t hat Ill e ore' all the preachings of all the abolitionistsiceft,ooripi' braved the dangers of lynch law in the fsi r osa off e re' of the evening, however, was the " I ll u i t icee t p,v o l o , which is one of the most marvellous i t ,n s e tbo c te o tO r painting that has ever been composed. P e o 0 10 teot 1 : 0 and all the scientific composers who Pthe 1 Ile e pc i o paint natural objects iu music, musty iel",„s 13titan ~.„1 Ethiopian Serenaders. No one Indloo4Piii_staite:ciFor " Railroad Overture" can form the powers of sound in representing the object'were house was well attended, and the Serenade° ' Ore to the echo. ,0S , ta tor, ---------- 51. - t / e,e olf d e [ADVERTISEMENT.] -DEFECI .II4 t ole° P e p';,: , HEARING RELIEVED. Instruments and Se e 3 0111'40V country by post, 39, Albemarle-street, ri ec ,e 0 1 0 ( P c t. ,r 1 vented Srectaeles, Powerful Telescopes, °P e 'l l ‘i4 r OfPiti g t , scopes, &c.-Patronized by his Majesty th e a, tise t be v e jse f e her Grace the DoWager Duchess of Bed b ijec, lkqiii/ps Archbishops of Canterbury, York, and P u b, se o l ne tit i oc' Devonshire, Norfolk, Argyle, Marlborol.,bia A vl e til if er Bishops of Exeter, Lincoln, Cork, r aro c jo,o { Messrs. S. and B. Solomons, Oculii t ' e s P e p e , ' f ,‘ 4 have invented Spectacle Lenses uP ( r ed be el 4 ll ",t e el lion. - Immediately they are Pia c old l y 0, 0,0 4 :ect vision, either by day ^r ho 01. 1 0 4 1,iiiV mist and dullness which appear before t „a (1 0 , 0 3 0 . ',OB removed, and every object becomes clear b a r ' iti bt ; if tS610; 0 1) the most aged defective sight become° d o rie v rt t rii:j and is krought to its youthful, natural, an „ 5 , P c : i 0 the most Powerful Achromatic TeleseToeit,l,, - A ift t d , Microscopes, Invisible and all kinds Of ',,jeSt" t etc; o o o te for relief of extreme deafness. Cautin n 0 1 5, ig i V,re di Solomons, Opticians, are not in all edicts ‘ t " 0 0 ir ~0 o tf person of the same name in their irnn i pre fe o ibe e t r t, 1, nor in any art p of the country • f° r 59, AOO , eautious, and obnl be had s_ Piccadilli, opposite serve-O the Yor y kto H o tel, an d , street, Edinburgh. ,6 -- ----- 0 ' fO - BIRTHS. ,„, 10'61 1,,, On the Bth inst., the lady of AUgu''" fo rdr jiP 0 , 41 f c P of mm 6011. of o'll on the Bth inst., Mrs., Robert Ircabe , of , off. v ac ie square, of a son. ~, ..,s,,dU o ',..tfell. 0 , u . On the Bth inst., at Balaton, Mr!. `" g ,:ti P s: 3 : or 0, „,:re ., ' 0 , Y e, On the 9th inst., at Grosvenor - Fiat sol' , ili • of a son. On the Bth inst., at Hawley-rolid, Whiter, of ft daughter. , aroflf" ,Or 94' wee , ' t op- .e, 011 the 21st ult., in Upper Brook , f uo o ff of George Jell', Esq., of 15011 and hid e lady o f +' ~ On the 21stAstley Ball, On ! 4 _"•,: oo , i , o cia i Esq., High Shertff of Worcestershire, o . l2` e loiy I 44'4 1, V o r On the 224 ult., at Montagu-square, , u ~,,l, A J Wu' ow 4' of a daughter. 110° Ist P NA iiitt4lop, I f : Ic l Sfi i ite 10 On the sth inst., at Brace Meolc , t d og I f ~a t Sr . 1 4 ? Oakley Lodge. Fulham, to Sarah, sides A 13 0t ' t. 00' el ' Esq., of Red-hill, in that county. gtratOr".i.c.str Too f tl , r On the 7th inst., at St. Mary's. of l isr•Th Mr , tern tref,s smiler Adams, to Miss Emily Oliver,,,_oeintai%ogit_,, 4* On the 7th inst., at St. James's, ti!, 011 " 1 , ,,5t" to Miss Leonord Charlotte Sastenan.-, ivi onous r, 0. Sustenance, Esq. i -01 , 3f icial' etli ' j f ,, On the 7th lust., at }[ oars • t° .. 00 0. _ soo t , o f Princes-street, Hanover-square, , w ewo rth , L. ' ist°, l ' 7 f. V t ter of Charles Moore, Esq., of h" churc l '' te 1 Z" ' , of% ' On the 9th Inst., at Maryleboma _,,, e iff, t. u s o r to Louisa Catharine, third daughter 0, gee''' . 50 111' NEP% g a la , 00 - o s at, On the let inst., at the Illgliwait 11 045 ,11 0 ' e ft• A l r, aite,4 o ,4 ' Infant son of Dr. John Jallleaoll. all, Ile f ~.., li r- .01-- ' o n the 24 inst., at Nunsbury _ .r ot,: _. OOO ~, „tit, 1 ' ' d r i , Dell, second daughter of the late:_otite f.._,.,tc, .. . On the 4th inst., Miss Mary li- , Cep, Wl' ~ e rri, ..0 : 7 4 , I 1, , j , On the Ctli Inst., at Grove-rorlu, ' yooltiolorely de( " 1 of )Ir. tichard Nichols. _ii.molset,u'ioot rose, ,or' (41 the Otil inst., in Leadenn..r,,,,,wee, fo' rli-g itOr e ' e' On the 9th lust., In Beth° t r , Ctilli lle OM Y , Turner, Esq. f ort° a Plil , ~ n ett, " s tree t -• elder twintlme 59001 nifititst..,N,nti,lotlt3her":l::_ p.p. of Colas . / Olt the 9th inst., in 1.7PPe.,„ Th en3g!', s ort , .aillY' On the I Oth inst., _ ro c) t ils,,t.r , Hoonnoritnhe; N9Vithfeinoig'tt.heiikriiiteAlty.irow, e12ectur„...4,..., Ina_ ,a.lirv.,irdiil,"4 wife of T. Gardiner, Ems' __------- DO I a d, ! ' ---- ',ICS t ttro „ON ' ----------I.ubuahed b/ Tio• I" We' London : Printed and_ so , Offiet, d iese ),, Strand', Printer, at County of 31 ,, to the uv of time Savoy, 11, 1841;,, EAEYERTISEMENT•i—ASTHMA, SHORTNESS OF FittIEATIT, Concise, AITD COLDS.—A TRULY SuararstNa CAM—The Rev. David Williams, the resident Wesleyan minist( r at Beaumaris, in the island of Anglesea, states, in a letter, dated the 14th of January, 1845, that " He recom mended Holloway's Pills to a poor man of the name of Hugh Davies, who at the time was almost unable to walk for want of breath, that he had only taken them a few days when he appeared quite another man—his breath was easy and natural, and he was incre asin g dail y in stren g th." These wonderful Pills will cure any cough, cold, or asthma. Sold at Professor Holloway's Establishment, 244, Strand ; and by almost all respectable vendors of medicine throughout the civilised world• TAKE OF HERRINGS.- -- We are happy to stare that the greatest take of herrings within the memory of the oldest in habitants of this island, has occurred in our bay (Dugort) during the last three weeks. We may safely state that up wards of 300,000 herrings were caught, and sold at fair prices, averaging from ls. 3(1. to 3s. per hundred. The fish were of more than ordinary size.—Achill Herald. I. a ; CIL oT hat Tnut that ti e 7 r ! to :1 , 1 ; tf 1 13 Ti Gentle 1 . 1,,1 8 ;,1 1 5 You, It ig 'urn ' t tn i Y du , ti,,!,,SoYer( k, mtnist u, and dapp, the it nao: ' 7 11 ever ) v„ }_ "l . 14 . 4 X. pt li , ;tit ~` 01 th e , th 1 411., t14 ti