The Sun. — London, England, 1846-06-13 00:00:00

I ';_TP E 1 +. t, L F 4tll •'; f-!: 3. -SE OF 1.01? f'S • Ile lc. The LORD COAN - CELLoa took his, ,„, at on the Woolsack Five o'clock. aIESSA FR° Y . THE COMMONS. Messengers from the Cor:strions brought up certain Bills. Lord L YTTEL, r 0 N.. 7. laid n o on the table dale House cer tain papers cons siding. information respecting the colonies of New Zealand, /Australia, and Nee foundland. EDUCATION. The His's , jp of BANGOR presented several petitions from different pi .ices in Wales in favour of a better and inure ex tended sy, stem of education in Wales. PUNISHMENT OF DEATH. The Merquis of NORM ANBY presented a numerously_ signed r e e , ition from the county of Down (Ireland) against the punish ment of dea'h. CRIMINAL REFO7MATION. The Bishop of OXFORD presented sev• ral petitions from the deity of Oxford, praying their Lordships wsust take some mea sures for instituting a place of refuge for erimin .1s who had been liberated. and enable them to obtain an hcnst living. FORGERIES BY A CLERK IN IRELAND. The Marquis of CL AN RICA RDE. rose to draw the atten tion of their Lordships to the conduct of a clerk to a certai firm in Ireland, who had committed some very extensive for geries, yet who had been liberated without being brought to trial for such a proceedihg. PROTEt:TION TO AGRFULTURE. A NOBLE LORD presented several petitions from Salop and other paces praying tors their I, , ,rdships would give protec tion to British agricseture.—( Hear, hear. ) TENANT RIGHT. The Doke of RICHMOND gave notice that he would, in the Committee on the Corn Bill, move for the insertion of a clause for the purpose of allowing all tenants to vacate their leases and to receive compensation for their exhausted . crops. A Noble Lord said that he never had subscribed to the Cheshire Agricultural Protection Society, but he had the minutes of the Cheshire Protection Society before him, in which ho found Lord Delamere's name down as having sub scribed 251., arid as being an annual subscriber of iwo guiseas CORN IMPORTATION BILL.—ADJOURNED DEbATE. The Marquis of EXETER then oaened the adjourned debate on the Corn Inirortation Hill. but in so low a time to be almost wholly inaudible in the rep:rters' gallery. He ;vas understood to implore their Lordships not lightly to abandon the present protection to agriculture, and asked wha sort of arguments, had beer, adduced in supie.rt of the second reading of this hill--(" Hear "irorn the Duke of Ri hmond The Noble Lod then referred to the years 1792. 1 793, and 1794, when, he stated, the price of wheat was She, with a protective duty of 245., but owing to the extremely low tone in which he spoke, the tendency of hi: remarks were, as we have a till, inaudible in the The Noble Lord then went into a statistie,l ststeinent. tor the ipurpose of showing tlaat the free-trade primi f ile, as (level, pod in the lava tariff, had not worked so favourable as to ju.tily the deductions which 11,d been made by the Minister— that an entire free trade iu corn would be beneficial to the country ; on the contrary, he c , uld show that it Would have a most disastrous effect, by throwing land out of cultivation, it would not remunerate the farmer tor his labour, in consequence of the low rate at which corn would be sold. When the price of corn fell, rents were always found to decline in proportion ; and thus the land .wrier and the tenant Would be mtrually injured, while the country would lose the benefit of having a revenue which sh , ,ot,i be maintained In some sort, and the only way it could be Maintained would be by ;erns some heave tax upon property, which it would not be able to pay. Undor the old system agriculture had flourished and the country pro-pered, and he did not see with what reas m they sought to change it ; and, believing that the measure would be hurtful to the country and injurious to her interests, he would give it his most decided opposition. Several Noble Lords rose at the conclusion of the Noble Marquis's speech to address their Lordships, but there b_ing loud cries for Earl Delawarr, Earl DELAWARR accordirgly proceeded to address their Lordships, and said that he rose to perform a painful duty in reference to this question. From the first moment that these measures were announced to *he public, and at the 'commencement of the present year, he felt that be should be called upon, as an humble individual, to say aye or no to these measures in his place in Parliament, and he foresaw that he should be placed in painful and difficult circumstances. On the one hand, the question of severing himself from strong political attachments presented itself ; and on the other hand, stern requirements of duty and conscience. He felt that a ques tion of this magnitude and importance, involving fearful changes .according to his opinion, required that he should give, when called upon to express his opinion on the subject, a solemn and serious consideration. He had laboured hard and long with those who had brought forward this measure, and he felt that it was an honour to be associated with such a name; but he also felt that great as that honour might be considered, it was V far inferior importance with the duty of acting according 'to his conscience in reference to this Bill. ( Hear, hear ) The Noble Lord, who seemed much affected, proceeded to say that at that protracted period of the debate he would not enter into the details of the process which brought him to the con clusion to which he had ultimately arrived; suffice it to say, 'that all the attention he could command he devoted to the annsideration of the subject, but all the arguments advanced failed to convince him the there was anything is the exigencies of the present time to call for the adoption of such a measure, or that any irresistible circumstances had suddenly come upon us—he would not say to change the cur rent of their legislation, for they were told that it was but fol lowing in the course of their past legislation—but he held that nothing had occurred to induce them to draw up the 'flood-gates which stemmed its too sudden impetuosity. „ . Re would not impute any improper motives to the Right Hon. s _asaronet (Sir R. Peel), and the Noble Duke (the Duke of wellington), or to the other Members of the Government, for the course they had adopted had been taken, as on former °c ross', because they considered it would benefit the country. th ,_ thought they were mistaken, boat that never ., 'mg they had "":'carried it out ith a single 'less and sincerity of purpose.—(Hear, hear.) It had been said " what was the use of resisting the measure—what would they obtain by their opposition—public opinion was in its favour, an d if it was not carried thi s sess i on it wou ld be carried !II next ?" He begged to deny that. the public were in favour of it_( Hear, hear)—for it was well known that a great number a Noble Lords in th at H ouse, and Members of the • other House of Parliament, who had supported it, stated that they vet y much disliked the Bill in its prevent shape, and that a very large number in both Houses disliked the principle of the Hill altogether; and there fore it was not fair to suppose that the public were in favour of it, and he believed if their opinion were asked it would be found not to be in favour of it.—( Hear, hear.) He doubted 'Much whether it. weulil be found that the well disposed Portion of the community were in favour of any change in the present state of things. (Hear, hear. ) There was one important fact in connexion with this measure. that they were not allowed fair play in the expression of their Feelings. It was pushed forward as a party measure. If 'Noble Lords did their d sty and fearlessly, honestly and manfully 'looked at the measure as it was proposed to them, they might Yet escafrom the difficulties by which they were surrounded. He h a d endeavoured thus to discharge a painful duty, and to declare that he could not assist in passing a Bill that would be so detrimental to the lan led interest. The Bishop of ST. DAVID'S wished to be al l ow e d t o s a y a few words on the measure before their Lordships; and he could assure them it was not because he intended to enter into a discussion of the general merits of this great quest ion, which had been a l r eady so well done by ether Noble Lords,: but to state the grounds why he thought it necessary to address the House. He must say that the subject was so alien to his usual pursuits, that he did not put himself up as an authority of the slightest weight, and could aavance no new facts and arguments to those which had been already stated. It was from a different motive that he broke silence and claimed their attention. He spoke in his own iefence. It could not be forgotten that during the rec nt diseussi - in repeated refer tire was made to that portion of the House where he sat, and those references were of such a nature, and contained charges as to their motives and opinions on that bench which requi re d that be should claim, in explanation of the vote he had given, their attention for a short time. He wished it to be under stood that he was speaking simply on his own part. and he was not presumptuous enough to stand forth as their advocate, but in the statements which be would make he would have their Concurrence. Those charges, he was agreeably surprsed, only came from one party in their Lordships' House, and that was the party who opposed the measure. He would not have been surprised had those charges come from another quarter, and that it had been said that they wished to prevent the blessings of Providence frcm being spread over the land. There might have been texts of Scripture quoted against them in order to raise the popular prejudice, bat he admired the wisdom and the forbearance of the parties who proposed the present mea sure in not alluding to any arguments lake those. They were fallacien not the less so because they were brilliant and pointed, but because they took for granted the question in di spute. They took. for granted tha t these blessingsw of ould accrue from this measure—a question which was a m steer the most Se rious di s pute; but he was surprised that such arguments suould have been resorted to. as their Lordships must see that such arguments might have been used against themselves. In making these appeals those Noble Lords should recollect policy recolle which t hch what i were the consequences likely to result from h they assu me d to be the right one. They shousludbrmecitotleledcutntdheart the question submitted to that Committee was the supposition that the clergy sere tyAs representatives and coarse of their guardians- of the interests of the labouring p h o e pulation. They abeuld recollect that other Noble Lords , t Several speech's, had emphatically thrown , overboard every consideration of this matter as a landlords question • that they 11 the .nterests which bad given to the labouring pop h ul o a l t d i , on anl that they had simply they themselves professed to consider, d how far result might conduce to the general , - benefit. They had allowed the .. t v ht the intere-ts of the community at large were paramount. y,ab then, should they in taking the 'cle r gy as the representatives of the interests of the labour ing classes—and he believed that they were,uriehhat dims h c u o t n i svie der ri g them—why, then, did they take up with the u and insignificant point as that of the inter incens es of the clergy? This, at least, appeared to be unjust in itself. and injur:ous to the parties o f whom the y spoke. He believ e d th e clergy themselves, in the consideration of this question, w ou ld never con de:cend to consider s o unimportant a mantel. as the reduction of their own income s. It a pp eared to him th a t th ey were indications and they were the more valuable indication s because perfectly inv,lun'ary) of some thing which th o s e Noble Lords were willing to conceal. not oozy from their Lordships, but from themselves.—( Cheers. ) And he wished their Lordships to recollect the vehell" t language in which they were addressed by oiie of those Noble Lords, who held out some vain and indefinite threat of the con_ sequences that were to follow upon the Members of that (the episcopal) bench ; as he s ae i. h • count t ry eir no L t e t r i d e sh i desertedp t s erest‘e ie a lIIW —not the interests of their labouring population—nut any one of-th— pected to be dear and sacred to tit,„ost vhich might be ex (the Elisio) o ScaN or did character which they had to 811 8 ti i i n .__. be s ; did net the ird said, if they deserted them. he non to but, he care,atptebu„tietthßeisvhiotpb.lee) in know what retribution was to follow, n at the wished to draw their Lordships' of what was uppermost in the mind of his Lordship a time that he spoke. Why , i t was clear fro m Lord said, it was not a question of the labouring classes—not a question even of the tenant-farmers, but a question of the landlords. —( Cheers ) If it had been other wise he was sure that the Noble Lord would never have ad dressed such an appeal to their Lordships.—( Hear, hear.; Now, there was another circumstance that was still more re markable, and that was, that those Noble Lords should ex.. press so much sympathy for the interests of the clergy as to appear to understand their wishes and feelings better than the clergy themselves.—(Hear, hear.) Why, not only have the clergy, as a body, publicly expressed no feelings on this sub ject.—(Hear, hear)—not only had they abstained from ap proaching their Lordships' House with petitions—(Hear, hear)—but they had never, to the best of his (the Bishop of St. David's) knowledge, in private signified to them, the members of that (the episcopal) bench, any wish as to the course of conduct which they would desire them to pursue on that occasion.—( Hear, hear.) He considered that the clergy in so doing—(Cheers)— had earned the approbation and the respect of all who knew them. But what was the ten dency of the appeals which had been made to them by those Noble Lords. except that they . ( the Bishops) should volun tarily and officiously interfere in this question, and so place the clergy exactly in that. very invidious and dangerous posi tion which they themselves had dec lined to stand in ?—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) He should like to know, wou:d any of their Lordships say what would be the effect upon the public mind i' there had been a p. rfect unanimity in every sense emneigst the clergy coiettellater this Bill? Weal there have been two epii ien. in the mied r f s fly man in the country O'er the eiti-01' ai p'irt of then Lon its'nic'e,' liou-e at leas - had in en swayed, not by their own dispassionate and deliberate convic tion. hut by a senee of the interests of a particularelass ? ( Hear, hear. ) He must Fay that he rejoiced that there was net that unaniieity, but he rjenced that there was no unani mity an all upon thin tub eet in that part of their Lordships' House, because every impartial person must see that they as a body fo limed their ewn co vietions, and he might be permitted to allude to a very sineular fact in reelect to the division, that two of their own body, who were united not only by their ffiet. hit by their tiesef love, went on non eget' sides on the division on this Hill.. Hear. hoar.) The Nn ble Duke who woke , ast night stated to the T-Iniiee the result of his calcuta titins a: to the effeet whitth the measure would have upon the interests of the clergy wh n it hae been va•sed into a law, and he had cele u l a t e d t h e ma tt e r FO rXiCtly that he discovered it would produce precisely a diminution amounting to one-four!). Now, be did not pretend to be able to follow the Noble Duke in these catculatiens, re- to ascertain whether they were without foundation or not, hut he did conceive that the Noble Duke must have clearly on erlooked and put out of acceure anything in the share of a comp' nsation which 'he clergy might receive in order to make up this ti ficiency, in consequence of the affects anticipated by the opponents of the measure. And, moreover, he must be permitted to say. in reference to this, that whatever might be the const quences arising to the interests of the clergy, anti to whatever degree those anticipations of Noble Lords on the ero , s benches might be realised, still he thought the bad effect which had resulted and must result to the interests of the clergy would not principally be laid nn this measure, but resultec from one which was passed long beim. It was taking this measure in connexion with that for the commutation of tithes that the interests of th • clergy were placed on a '7ifferent footing from other classes interested in land. But he said, alth oug h it was pses ibl e t ha t t h e clergy might rece ive some loss, they certainly could not say that they had sustained any irjury from that Measure. because it wan undoubtedly pas se d w i t h t h e content of those who repres-nted them in thet W eise — en d not on l y that, hit it was ratted with the full understanding that here was a possibility it would he fellewed by the m-asure now under their Lordships' cenaitlere tion. He said t h a t some o f t h ose t h at too k part i n the cussion on that measure distinctly and expressly adverted to the pTsthility that et no distant period a repeal of the corn-laws might take place. Now he oely alluded to this circernetanee for one purpose, which was to show the uncertainty of calcula 'inns of this nature, for those who adverted to this possibility in connexion with this subject did en. not because they ived that in the event of a reneal of the corn-laws the intere t 3 of the clergy would be affected, but that that repeal ve old operate a- a grievance upon the owners of land. The Duke of RICHMOND—Oh. oh. The Ili-hoe of St. DA VID'S—I de not know, prneee led the R gilt Rev. Prelate. what the Noble Duke means, by that expressee. of dissent, but I venture to refer lim to the !Tee aecounts that cast he heel • f the discussion which teak place on that. ocel.imi, and I beg to assure him that that circumstance wee attir e " !eel to for that purpose. However, he said. he would not deal ping with this part of the subject and. if he had referred to it, it was fir the ohiect he had already stated. He was quite sure, however, that the clergy at all events slid not wish that this measure should he judged by any operation which might happen, and if he were to meet with env of the clergy alter this discussion, and to say them " I think I have deserved your approbation. b-cause the measure was one likely to promote the general interests of the country ; dill because I understand it was likely to operate injuriously to rut- in terests, i enmpliene with the earnest exhortations which I r e , ceived from many of your b st frisnela in the House of Lords to vote against it." He was sure if he were guilty of such a feeling of dishonesty, he -honld be far from earning the good will or the thanks of any of the clergy, neither should he de serve the good opinion of any man in the country. Rut he hail done with that part or the subject. and he could not say ht should not con-ent to pats this measure nn any such paltry anti miserable weunds as on a'-count of its effects on the TAW . - cular interests of sush a limited class as those with whom he was connected. He was sure in supporting this measure he was performing a public duty. He looked not to is effect on any particular interest, hut to it. it fluenee on the comforts end condition of the great body of the people —( Hear, hear.) The measure might he a great and fearful experiment, hut it was not a gratuitous and wanton one. With reg rd to the interests of a few the measure might be a perilous experiment, hut with regard to the interest for which Noble Lords professed sash great sympathy, he must say it was a question of life and death to the people of the country. Moreover the measure had one advantage ; it held nut Lope, which was the great sweetener of adversity. Rut should they resist the measure, and abide by the old system in operation. he should like to know what prospect Noble Lords would hold out of improving the condition of the people.—( Hear. hear. ) One thing which ought to claim their Lordships' attention was, the reason why. if they rejected the measure, they would create mistrust and discontent in the public mini? That was a subject which ought to gain their consideration, and it was perfectly worthy of their dignity. He did not look upon the measure as replete with a great deal of advantage. Had it been trumpeted forth by the Government, as it had been by the Anti -Corn-law League, he would have looked upon it with great mistrust, hut his confidence in it was greatly increased by the sobriety with which it was introduced to the House by the Mi nistry. It was stated by the Minister that one of the beneficial effects of the measure would be to create a steadiness in the markets. He could state to their Lordships that the poor people were unable to take advantage of a moral or religious education from the low state of their physical condition.' The reason they often gave for not attending their church, nr their school, was, that they had not clethes to attend. And if this measure gave them any facilitiee, if it bettered their condition. it would be no cunt ruptiele boon ; and even if it could be proved to him that the measure would not be fraught with the benefits to which he alluded, still he woull support it, as he did not consider !hat they should lay themselves open to suspicion. which would infallibly attach itself to their Lordships if they rejected the measure. He did trust that if there was an in jury inflicted on ary class by the measnre, that it was not nut of the reach of the legislative wisdom of Parliament to deal with that evil and remedy it ; and in this belief he comforted him self that in giving his vote for the measure he was coin ciding with the opinions of those eminent men who had given their attention to the subject. The Bishop of EXETER said he did not agree with many statements of the Right Rev. Prelate who had last addressed the Hou.e, and he coesidered that the clergy were bound not to look on in silence when the interests of the clergy were at spa -e—interests which it was their especial and bounden duty to protect. It was the custom of their Lordships, whenever their interests were invaded, to caul upon them tosupport them. That had been the invariable practice of their Lordships, and he thanked them for appealing to them upon the present quail tton. He considered that the measure would depreciate the moral and physical condition of the people, and that it would also lessen the property of the church. Was cheapness of pro vision the great point a ught by the ministerial measure? He considered that cheapness was not of such moment to labourers as high wages.—( Hear hear.) To raise the wages of the aericultuiist, or meehanist, the more you would better his con dition mortlly and ph,-ically ; and he considered that it was an unanswerable promettion that. the more they introduced foreign manutactures tne more they would interf re with and depreciate the labour of the home manufacturer. H -a experience taught hits so. and he believed that t to measure would not be attended with any of the benefit- which it was alleged would accompany it; and, impressed with opinion. he gave the measure his opposition. And he would conjure their Lordships to give th it vote upon this suhj net as 'hey would do (soon a judicial case—that they would lay their hands utann their hearts, anti say, "Not can era, ution me honour."—( Hear, hear. ) The Ili-hop of 'J. D ATM'S explained. The Ea' of WARWICK and the Bishop of OXFORD rote together, And after a few observations from Lord Raotmeram, Earl STANH ,PE, and the Duke of RICHMJND, as to who should be heard fir-t, duty.buf on the lesser one a expeeieney—and the reply was. that he had n ot got the money. `fleece duties were the great respoes:biiiees attend:lnt upon the possession of lard. 'rho peasan , re of the c-sentry saw their owe state and the stese of their children before them day after day, and they naturally looked round them for a remedy, and the only remedy that presented i'self was an improved condition of the country. Rut Noble Ler& said that the measure was not caleulated to im prove the condition of the country ; that the home market was the best field of operation, and that would be totally destroyed by this measure. If the aericul ural and manufacturing interest was really on the verge of destruction, and the effect of the measure would be such as was stated, what would be the isonsequence? Why. their Lordship; would have to re trace their steps, and that. would be the worst evil it would tbeev upon them. here was one fear, and the only one of which he tlmuelit th. it Lordships capable, and that wss the fear of beine thought afraid. They were afraid tt , at they s' null he thought to have changed their minds with regard to this measure through a fear which they del not wish even to se. mto fe. I. When Mr. Berke said at Brist tl that he would raise the woollen manufacture to suisply the world bv admit ting foreign competition, he was almost hooted off the stage with that sort of masked dissent to which many ;n that House were not strangers.—(Laughter.) He hoped that they :could not he misled by that eloqu , nee which of late had tickled their ears. and by arguments wt ich painted over facts, which had been ploy- d to be nothing but rottenness and delusion. He did believe that there was in the minds of the English penpie a deep- seated conviction that their I.ordships would act in the question for the good of the majority, and he en treated their Lordships not to disappoint that feeling,. It was said. it would have been better had this question been first submitted to the electoral body of the country; hut, in his opinion, such a course would have been fatal, if not. disgrace • ful, to the character of a great statesman. Besides it would have been unfair, because the masses would have been led - away by eppeals to feelings rather than to sense. Class would have been tot ed against class, and the whole country would have been thrown into a state of wild excitement and c,sinmet'on, without removing the difficulties or evils this mea sure was proposed to meet. Let their Lordships remember, that the labouring classes of this country—who hail long borne con inued suffering with a patient endurance of which no other nation in the world afforded an example—lneked to 'hem to do something to remove the evi's under which they were suffering. He besought their Lordships not to disappoint these expectations—expectations roused by the vast wisdom, ability. and known justice of their Lordships. He entreated them not to mistake the quietness of the endurance of the people for anything I.ke apathy or unconcern. Such quietness was a sign of the times in which they lived. The people had never evinced so little of anything like a turbulent spirit of dissatis faction as they did at the present moment ; but. it was not because there was no suffering—it wss sot bemuse the pre valent misery was confined to a few classes only, but becemes the people reit' that those whe were in power bed mani fesosd a dispoeition to do all they could to relieve their suffsrings.--' Hear, hear ) He besought their Lord ships, t; en, not to attempt to stem the - • the t. but some levity might have been caused by the !o , c nermance of a debate calculated to excite so murai ai al , f e lines, anti, in their cooler 111.111,11t5, they wese, there fore, more eispesed to listen to stories olio it the bunibtie of Irish flinine. One word before he sat down. ticariking their L reships for having given him so much of their attention. It waa sa:d that concesk-ions of trade were all ten one side, and this ceurere got !Whines in return from foreien rations. . hut the qa-stion for : , hem to consider was whether their t xample eau :d net produce its effects on foisegn states in inducing 'hem to make eerie 'scions on their part. Now, the expe• ience of !he east preyed to them that it did. In 18.24 the corn-laws stoked in the way of concessions. which the United States , were ready to make to this tome ry about that time. Ageiu, ,rt tote e . P.s2 of Prussia, the corn and time.-r duties were the oily ohs t ss'es in the way of amicable commercial arrangemetets teeee-ec• ; iact country acid the ; and these obseicles always woutc. x-s. so long as a petty protective eastern prevailed io Eriglaiel. He had already stated he did not anticipate any great reelnetien in prices from the adoption of this measure, .and mccuy peat aril eminent authorities agreed with him ;n thiA cipirron The effect he anticipated it would have would be to teaulere the trade of this country with all the world, but more par tic ulacl to regulate the corn trade. But then it might be asked what good the measure could do if it did not reduce prices? Wh k , it would have the great good of placing the trade of this country on a sure and safe footing, and inotect it from tense distinctions which the disputes of nations had of late so often threwn in its way.—( Hear, hear.) Lord STANLEY said, having intruded on a former occasion at an extreme length on their Lordships attention, lie did not again intend to present himself before their Lordships, but after the painted manner in which the Noble Lord who had just sat dawn had addressed same of his observations to him, he felt it to be his duty to offer a few words in reply.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") And in the outset he migit remark, that this was the first time a t attempt had been made to reply to a speech he delivered a firtni , ,ht ago, but for his own pa-t he did not f-el that he shouid be justified In at.ecw ing a single moment to pee by without pointing out some of the iacoesistencces which the Noble Lord's reply presented. Ia the first place the Neble Lord argued as if he rested the de fenee if the protective system upon the wisdom of their aa cestora, and to atone extent he admitted that he did. But the Noble Lord brought forward a pirticular Act of the reign f Edward IV., by which protection, which existed even at fleet time, was aaolishad. The Bill, however, to whicti his Neble Friend had a•luded, related to the internal, and not to the foreign Ira& of the country. It related to parties who were subject to their own legislation, and under their own control. and it was rateer ton bad that his Noble Friend should have su; pressed that fact.—( Bear, hear.) The Noble Lord had said free trade ought to be the rule, and ptotection the exit:P{ o lon ; while a High , Reverend Prelate had rema,ked that the nearsr their legislation approximated to a state of leisure, the more perfect it became. But, unfortunately, in Jet world they coma met always reach a state of nature, and befere they could estatilish free-trade upon this principle, all two anti all nations must come uncier the same control. It was a very good theory, tie aktmittecl, but in legislating upon it they mu.: take into consideration the difficulties which were in the way of its being put in practice. Arguing in this way was just the same as a man saying he had discovered or invented an inge nious system of pet piqued motion, without takitig into considera tion the action of the air and atmosphere on his invention, The Noble Lord then proceeded to express his astonishment, that he had defamded the sliding-scale, but he did nei impuen iris arguments, which proved that the slid , egas e 1- had pre served a sliding in the market; he did not peeve tam hit argil manta were false.-- (Hcar, hear.) Creed n be shorn t.,at Prussia 'lad rsduce.l her duties en English no tot a hvn they reduced their timber duties ? She had not. and , hey had no reason to -up. ose [hat if they reduced their clutitss on cent, that it would lead to a reciproeation from other countries. He was rouch sty prised to hear from his Nobli ew (f Fi l i h e:u p l o , the Linter. iaec , elaky of State for the Colonies, that they were to be c tic sit'ered more as an eu' let for the overfl e country. But if he locket upon the coloni .s in such e tight he world thei o n f ti e la x t te t i h ,d ey ing we t r b e ei u r se e le o s i l: c . i is i t, they were less sca they were a burcen. But they were not so. 1 hes we:e for the purpose con nexiona. The Noble Lord said he was addressiee •he House under disadvantages because the matt, were not received from Canada.—t Hear, hear. i Why, ile eould wish 'oohing better than that they shcinld eaat, - rill that they should wit until the country had (teetered open the measure.—• Lmd cheers.) Had they teetisultee Lard Met calf ? He believed that they had not. He was not aware what his opinions were respecting the measure, hut he del itot that they were favourable to the measure. Lee them lois t o the feelings of the Canadian Legislature-let th m sse the opinions of the Attorney-General and Solicitor-General of Canada, and they would see how they received the measure ; they would find that tiny declared that it was fraught with ruin to the Canadas, and left no resource to them but to throw themselves into the arms of the United Stay s.—( Hear.) The distress in Ireland did not arise from want of food. but from the want of employment. The want of employment begot mutiny, which prevented the introduction of capital, and the consequent circulation of money sartich it would produce.—( Cries of " Hear, hear.") They had in Ireland an impoverished landed proprietary, w ith h eav il y mortgaged estates; and what were they about to do? They were about to reduce, at least temporarily, the price of corn ; for he believed that their one-sided free trade would produce the greatest fluctuation, sometimes causing great temporary diminution of price, arid at other times raising it to au extrava gant height. Such would be the greatest evil the labourer could endure, as their wages were fixed geeerally by an average, and not by a fluetuation. And he believed that the landlords would not be affected by the measure in so great a degree as it was imagined by some. He considered that it would press heavier upon the labouring classes, aid, with that feeling, he opposed it. This measure was not only injurious from its tendeuey on the price of corn, hut it was also inj irious on the grounds of its ireertecence with the incomes of the clergy. The church would have been b tier provided for had not the Commutation Act passed into a law, for then they would have bad an in terest in the improvement of the land. There was a vast dif etence between the parochial clergy and the Right Reverend Bench.—( Hear, hear.) The parochial clergy were dependent on the price of corn, while, on the other hand, the Right Rev. Bishops had their incomes fixed.—( Hear, hear, and " No, no.") There was one interest which would derive a benefit from this Bill, namely, that it would increate the price of money one-fifth, and the effect of this would be to increase the national burdens of the country in connexion with the national debt.—( Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") One Right Rev. Prelate said that this Bill would have the result of keeping alive the hopes of the people. He warned their Lordships • against any such fallacious course as this.— < Hear, hear.) Hope long deferred maketh the heart siek.— (Hear, hear.) It was a dangerous thing to feed up the hopes of the people. It was a most pernicious thing to feed the people with sweetened hopes, which, when disappointed, would be found to be worse than any evils which might other wise arise, even supposing those evils to exist, which ho contended did not exist.—(Hear, hear. ) fie warned their Lordships against the measure before the H ouse,--( Hear, hear.) .M my of their Lordships were in clin-d to Volt upon this measure as one which should not call for their opposittore because it was to be passed whether they should vote or not. He should be sorry to say that they should not bow to the decision of the Legislature, bat they should bear in mind that they would, by voting for the me .suce, be voting against their conscienees —( Hear, hear.) If this was a measure which was necessary to t e preservation or well being of the country, why was not the opinion of the coutary taken upon it ?—( Hear. hear.) In a short time it. would he necessary to take the vr‘ice of the people, and why not wait for t hat ?—t Hear, hear.) If it were demanded bs the country at large, it would then be hi h time to answer that demand—but even if the whole this ( li c - o a u r n ' t r hear.) if they voice of th e p eop l e d ec l ared in favour of it. he questioned W‘e titer they could th en l eave the agriculture of this country without prozett...ti,.n. t t ha w ' 'l l s e s i c ' become th e l aw of , alter the voi ce o f th e country was taken upon it - ( Hear, haart a i r.? lf, were however, t i p„, —they could thee bow to that demand of he cou-ary with a good grace.—( Hear, hear.) He warne.i them, however, against passing toe present measure without he mig backea by the demands of the people. It was not asked fog by then emu at large, but, on the eo't - ary, it was opposed ; and, if it 'a as desired, let the question be tried at o:iee.—(Lou , i cheers. ) Earl GREY, amidst considerable cries id adjout u, and much confusion, rose to address the House. After ..r der had been restored the Noble Lord proceeded. The Noble Lurd who had last addressed the House eomtnenced his speech by alluding to that side of the House, and charging the Noble Lords who were in favour of the measure with not having answered the arguments advanced by the Noble Lord on a former occasion. He (Earl Grey) considered that the Noble Lord's speech had been answered by his Noble and Learned Friend ( Lord Brougham). It was true his Noble and Learned Friend had not gone into all the arguments advanced by the Noble Lord, but those which he did follow he (Earl Grey) was of opinion that he had succeeded in tearing the Noble Lord's arguments to tatter,. He would not at that late hour follow his Noble I.riend through all the details of his speech. His Noble Friend however had referred to one point which he weulti just glance at. He said that the late slidirg scale had been productive of steady prices, he (Lord Grey) denied that such was the fact, tor in contrasting the !dices of this country with tore'gn countries, he took the Gazette price for wheat in this country and the market price for corn abroad.—( Hear, hear.) This made a very material difference, and operated most injuriously for foreign prices, as compared with prices in this country. His Noble Friend had also referred to Ireland. His argument, however, on this head was very untenable, for they had no right to keep up the prica of land in Ireland by a continua ion of these protective duties. If there was one part of the king dom more than another which would be benefited by the re moval of these restrictions, that part was Ireland. Every one eimitted that excessive competition in land was the great bane of Ireland, and it required no argument to show that this great evil would be abated by the repeal of' the corn-laws. Lord BROUGHAM hoped that his Noble Friend (Lord Stanley) would no longer say that his speech was unanswered. After the excellent reply just made by his Noble Friend (Earl Grey ), that brilliant effort would be no longer regarded as having passed without an answer , in asmu ch as e v ery part of that elaborate harangue had been most satisfactorily refuted. One of the moat irregular a nd absurd blunders he had ever heard committed on any subject had been committed that night by the Noble Lord on the subject under discussion. The Noble Lord said there was to be a fall in the price of corn after L • the passing of the Bill. Well, let them admit it ; but the Nobleord added. that with t he tall in the p rice of corn the p r ice ol all other commodities would fall, with the exception of bul lion ; and this falling of prices and rising in the value of moue) would add a fifth to all th e p ublic burde ns.--. ( cou ld anything, be more a bsurd than thi s --l ie was going to say Hear, h e a r .) N ow , argument—but argument it could not be called?—( Hear.) of those who had fixed incornea would rise in value, and it would do so in this way. The prices of corn and commodities having fallen, a person with a fixed income could get for his money double what he got before. Lord BROUGUANI replied that he took it in that light, but how count the falling of prices add to the burdens of the man who hail a fixed income? Here was the absurdity, and he was elect tre House perceived it with him. He rejoiced that they lived in the times of a repres ntative Government, while he denounced the unconstitutional principle of those who were represented interposing. after they had delegated their trust to the Ministry to settle particular questions, nut only lair them selves, but Vr these whom they had elected as their represen tatives.—( Hear, hear.) Thk, in his opinion, was the gr., o,st evil that could fall on a country governed by a representative Government. anti he felt it his duty to warn tie pro•cetittnist party that they were by their present course ge,,erating the evil. Well, theta, it was said that an appeal was to be made to the people by dissolving the Parliament; and it weer).; 1)..! said that appeal was to be made upon a most important question; but the intrigues of party made the most trumpery question a question of " paramount importance." The Mayttooth grant was made a question of " paramount importance;" but though t,us t e h gn e nt r : e dt was no their r n e o sr ee d a lo t l a u sn t „d i n o i n wbh o :( f .nk P t:ho r e l py i a.r wenti n , , il.manetw. down (0 11 11 ;1 e he m ae heihear.)oridb opposite,e en The mentioned, s . u e t ct h oily of o ta h s i a s asnan Nobleattemptaanswer Friend, werto a a nt h L aa o tl r l ti uosfi A ot l nh o n et to Noble eaigtl_e, t. ino ( Laughter )—and sad it was a sp eec h i n defence of those who h Lord STANLEY — No; but who had chan ge d th e i r vo t es . Lord BROUGHAM — WeII , then, he would a d o pt the dis tinction, iande ti chan ged n,but their it reminded h o isted on, who did n ot wish to be ,allfd an old ma id, b u t an elderly unmarried lady.—( Laught er .) H is reason for pre ferring the t o t a l re p eal of the corn-l a w s; against which he was o oKing• : him of that w hi c h an o ld ma id once fully aware there were several arguments--.among others the ev i ct of the est:avast; he Vit§ setilible that since the tor , ont of universal conviction, but, to be guidNi by wise anrl equitali.e principles. Do not, he implored them, let the people t‘,tok that !hey had the power and the wealth of an ancient arstocracy without its virtues hut, by the rtivision, of that night, show the country that the wisdom, justice, and impar tiality of their Lord.hips' mighty House still remained as great as ver.—( ) Lo-11 Sl-IBURTON said in the cour=e of the whole of this discussion lie had heard nothing, so personal, nothing so eloquently admonitr•ry, as the speeeh of the 11 , 09 Rev. Prelatc; but he must confes , , eloquent though the sprech was, it ap i eared to him to be totally devoid of all argument, It was something like a speec!, made during the French revolution, in which the speaker recommended his auditors to " respect projierty, hut change its proprietors "—( Hear, hear, and laughter.) The Right Rev. Prelate tt ld them, in the same breath, that their lahoorers and tenantry were •n great distress, and the only means of retnevirg it was for them to sarrificie half their pmerty.—( ar, hear,) He contessed he could not see wisdom in the force or applica bility of such a recommendation ; and he, for one, trusted their Lo-dships would not he influenced by the eloquence cr , the language. or the rhetorical figures in which the advice was conveyed.. i Hear, herr.l The Right Reverend Prelate hal told them that the corn-laws were unnatural, and had ven tured to propound the principle, that the less they interfered with the laws of nature the more wise and efficacious their legislation would be. Why he had always heard it said that self-preservation was one of the first laws of Nature; and nothing, he thought, could be more in favour of protection than this branch of the Right Reverend Prelate's argument. He then wenton to say how much thelar.d might be improved. But at the same time it was an unfair reproach to say that the English farmer was b.-hind-hand in the science of agriculture. Far otherwise—for the fact was that he produced fully double the quantity from the same portion of land than the farmer of any other country in the world. It was true that the British agriculturist went to the end of the world in search of artificial manures. But even if they passed this measure, they would ruin and take away his capital, and then could they call on him to improve his land ? What might be the fate of the British farmer he could not say, but it was quite clear that the great mass of them must be ruined. Not only under the present system is the land made to produce more, but we have it on the beat authority, that of the Learners themselves, that one English labourer was worth two of any other country. But they did not want those incitements to promote native industry when her own people were so much beyond any other country. And then his Right Reverend Friend had observed that it was wise in the Minister to make a seri s of experiments. He could not agree in such a doctrine. Much as he admired his talents and his eloquence, he consider d it much better for churchmen to keep to their church ; for if they advocated such doctrines,' and if they read such lectures on political eco nomy, they should nor advance much in the science of legisla tion. The Learned Prelate had said that he considered this measure wor by of support, as it would tend to produce a steadiness of price in the markets. But he contended that. under the present system, as great a steadiness was obtained as possible, even if they legislated on the subject, and fixed a .dated price. For even when the markets of other countries were disturbed—when the markets of France, of Spain, and of Holland rose, no fluctuation occurred, though it might be ex. petered in this country. But if he considered this measure of the greatest possible advantage—if he were favourable to the principle, and if he thought it desirable to remove protection, he could not support the measure, as he believed it calculated to defeat its own object. and fatal to the end it proposed to ac complish. And as the Noble Lord opposite (Lord Monteagle) was fond of authorities, he would quote some. Me. Huskissen, in the year 1825, in the month of nag, foresaw an approach ing bad harvest. There were then 400,000 quarters of wheat in bond, and he proposed to let them out at a 10s. duty, the price being then 755. per quarter, but so cautious was he in ,iot letting it out hastily upon the market that he let it out in the proportion of thirds every month. He adverted to this to show the caution which was requisite upon matters of such a nature, and he wished to contrast it with what they w re about to do. They were going to let out two millions of quarters, and that not in the pi °portion of thirds, but at once— tot at a 10s. duty, but a 4s. duty per quarter—at a season too when air re was the prospect of a too t and an early bars-st. l'he market would necessarily be swamped lie. therefore, 'relieved that this measure was not suited in ant degree what ever to accomplish its own object ; and neither did he believe that its pristriple was good, he would, therefore, oppose it. They a keg of free trade—it was a very fine excres , ion, but was that •ree trade in which they opened their ports to every one, and so one opened to them ? Was that the y , rir.ciple of mutuality ? Was that the principle of reciprocity? Or di.l it prove, that the principles of freetrade were the just ones? He would rather -ay that they were the prieciples of uncommon nonsense. They were about to open their ports to the rest of the world. Th eonsequenee would be that when there was a scarcity they would not receive any advantage from so doing—they would receive no favour. Oi her countries tvould be equally benefited, and inrtoanEnglandwould he Spain, would remain harvest, F and Dantzic would help to drug he r markets, and send their that thet when only advantageshe had a which plentiful wheat when it was not wanted. And now he wished to offer one or two observations on a very imp trtant question. He meant the colonies. And he begged to recall to their Lord ships' recollection what had been stated with respect to the feelings with which the Canadians would receive the inti ma ion of this legislative measure. They were all aware that Lord Cathcart wrote a very urgent letter to the Government, stating that it would create feel ings of distrust and disaffection amongst the Canadians; and what must have been his conviction upon this subject when he was so urgent in his remonstrances? It was seldom that Governors-General had the hardihood to tell the whole truth to their masters ; and the Noble Lord who last night a Idressed them did not make any explanation but his speech ; showed them how little explanation he had to offer on the sub jet t, and that the feelings of the Canadians were in opposition to the measure. They could not, he was sure, think of these alternatives w thout being sensible of the care with which it was their duty to examine the question, and of the firmness with which they should act upon the determination to which they should come. Lord MONTEAGLE said, in matters of trade, as well as of liberty, the great point rested upon individual action. He would not follow the Noble Local who had just spoken on the burdens of land. The Noble Lord had again referred to the tithe twing a binder on the land. He (Lord Monteagle) thought that this was a question so completely settled that no rational man would have attempted for one moment to re-pro.. duce that statement. The late Mr. Sidney Smith, who was more distinguished for his strong practical good sense than Irs wit, put this question in a clear light.—( The Noble Lord here quoted an extract from a pamphlet written by the Reverend Gentleman about the time the great excitement existed about tithes some )ears ago. The Noble Lord then proceeded to read extracts from docu ments he held in his hand, to show the difference between the agricultural and the manufacturing population, which he con. tended exhibited a decreasing per centage of the agricultural population, and an increasing per centage of the manufacturing population. He next quoted from the work of a Mr. Jones, to the same effect. He then went on to say that he would prove to his Noble Friend (the Duke of Richmond) that protection to all—not protection to agriculturc merely, but to ail articles, was the greatest fallacy that he hail ever heard of.—(Hear.) He had heard it said that general protection was general robbery. Now he rid not wish to use bad language, and therefore he would call it general nonsense. Tins Noble Lord then quoted the opi nions of several persons who had written against the corn laws, in ord,r to illustrate his argument. He said he had heard much said about the changes which had taken place in the opinions of the Government ; but he would ask how many Noble Lords in that House were there whose opinions had not aleo undergone a change upon the same subject ? His Noble Friend had cchjected to this new corn-law as an experiment ; but he ( Lord Monteagle) would ask what were the original corn-laws but a series of experiments ?—(Hear, hear. ) The last Bill on this step& to which they were called to ad here was, by his Noble Friend in 145, s , a'ed to be calculated to lead to the result that the tenantry of Eagland would be in fu , ure in a more prosperous condition; but at that time they were in distress, and had exaended their capital, and would re quire some time to realise it. There was anther subject to which he would refer, as it had often been referred to before — h allu led to our dependency on foreign countries. That de pendency existed now, and by this law it would be removed. In the present state of the law that dependency existed, and it was for tb-tn to alter it by rendering the law more certain, and less a vehicle of fraud and specula ion. His Noble Friend had slid, that for the la t two or three tears there had been scarcely any imt.utatinn that was an assertion against the main argument wit ch 'tad been used, for if they required the fo r:latter to produce ern for this country, it was necessary to enrourase him, and the people of this country would then be looked upon as oustomers; but if corn was only t i a i k u s. r ‘n nit n r o tt w tr a a n d t e l we might b at fault suspooon, ~goad be looked mein He would apollnise to when we most required a supply.trespassed so long , but he under 4iips for having; then, when immediat wi e exigencies re a q nd t tip ir Lord evening. e I H uld that there shi old be no division that „f ,h, I resent prop Ted l l th • attention of the . ou-e' to the c &els e edo.n of rade did tot slunk *hat perfect sr B 11 upon Iceland. He stood 'lust he in erfered with no one, as it had been arranged would be prejudicial to Ireland. He would not tread upon the unstable ground of fixing price, for that would n ot be warranted by the results of former predictions on thesubject. , He b e li eve d that the e ff ect o f t h e measur e would not be so much t o d im i nish the general average o f prcea as to diminish the fluctuation in I re l an d w i t hi n a sear, or from year to year That flletu a ti on was m st prejudicial to Ireland, for the greater the am flint of floc e t 1 t, th more it caused a greater amount I-1 of tendere s t rents. u e was sorry to Near it t ittd that the dig. tresses of Ireland had been spoken of with hsome degree of ridi. cute ; but h e wished to sayhatin his opinion , hion, there had not bees one Peer Who h a d - t ' woken without the deepest feellhoa on The Earl of WARWICK was allowed to address the House. He gave her Nlajesty's Government credit for the best inten tions in briuiting fot wat d this measure, hut he could not hel;) enterta ning the opinion that no necessity whatever existed for such a chancre as it conteroviated. He would ground his ob jections to it in the words of Lord Bacon, who said, " It is not good to try ex- eriments in states unless good ground exist for tre change." He denied there was any necessit3 whatever for the present Bill. A great deal was said about the ag itat ion for it, hut the agit at ion was greatly over-rated, and was confined to one class. It was the most blasphemous and di gusting agitation that ever disgraced the land. The Noble Earl then qnoted the circulars of the Anti-Corn-law League, and an address to the electors of the country, which contained the most 441 tmmatory and exciting remarks. For his part, he would say " Not content" to the Bill in all its future stages. The Bishop of OXFORD said he would wish to explain the reasons which influenced him to vote as he intended upon this question. A Noble Lord had said that the House looked to the Right Reverend Prelate on the bench he occupied for les sons in morality and religion ; but he did not think that the appeal of the Noble Ma.quis who commenced this debnte was at all calculated to promote the cause of either religion or mos rality. He did not think that he and other Rev. Prelates sat in that House merely for the purpose of benefiting the clergy, but for the purpose .of the general benefit of the country.-- ( Hear, hear.) It w.,s not wittioat the deepest conv'cti in, and the most painful reflection, that he vot. d as he had tone upon this question, and should vote in the same way upon al fu ure stages of the Bill. He was aware that this Bill was a great e: 'eriment ; and he would ;el, what were all great legislative measures but experiments? And they had the authority of Lord Bacon for saying that all such experiments were only to be justified by the exigency of the occasion that called for them. He would contend for it that all legislation was only an interference with the operations of nat u• e ; and where it was so, or where it acted so inju riously it should not bit permitted to exist. He had heard a cheer from a Noble Lord; but he would ask him did not this fact suggest itself to his mind, that in proportion as the labourer he employed gave him value for the wages he paid him, so did the labourer compete with the foreizn labourer, and keep him out of the market. The Noble Lord might laugh; but he (the Bishop of Oxford) would still con tinue to maintain this argument, even though the Noble Lord should laugh to the highest pitch of eoneatination.— ( Laughter ) He had now heard the Noble Duke on the cross h aches speak upon the subject of the 'protection ~1 aariculture, and he argued that 'irotection to agriculture would not he the result of this measure. The Duke of RICHMOND said that all his life he had been devoted to the proteeti.in of agriculture. The Bishop of OXF tRD said he might have misunder-tood the Noble Duke's prinliples ; but he regretted that the Noble been so clear in his ..r a , r t g o u o m d ents ß a u s t to it h h a a v , e , b p e e . e .n .. said that all ‘ D.eunkt:lhal:i:o'fromb?"'g p rn' r s t u e n ci d this me . asure wee givirg ' , ay to agitation boss aT d w hoo,sth supported ° a n n o d u, t e o a t f h e Lo c r l d a s i m t s o o b f e th d e e , e League; rrem i b y bu e? He hail a different opinion of such a body as the Leag e u w4s no w adOetissing.—(Hear. hear.) the a-gust asse.libly h he would ask. wa He ask was that a reason i:by he clergy of this Bill, but he would as of their 'unities of Me, but of was aware that a g reat agitation had been got up in Limur Should be deprived , no t of so y silent on a measure when they knew tardtheofeei an especial f=v iurite of the sees of :.4. Asaph and Bari _or was many of its re cessarnss? —Hear, hear.) that t l i i le ad ß t i h il e to i . r i e the r'r' union i e o n n knowledgewith many o e f i d irig that !]embers e a e m t b er s hinderedo t . the G th o e y e e r: i m re e s n . t i, ? rn , Had _ theirte opin:on.? And, in this ca.e, why ha I they been silept? I was because they could have no jos , ground for opposttion to thist. mea sure- They had refused to joined in clamour which alltwu a e s ysts o l: : : ettnhoei.:g l and they w ou ld r • than the rew than ne community an examele that there valuable mo y . , measure, and no doubt eirmore a a nnu g d e l eat i e n r com r e e . war T d here for coul i d t th e clergy .would ruffer by this be no doubt that which would be ea e t y en w d o e u d ld been said that one of the effects of tthois"mheearsculraenewso. be included in that com pensationuldltbehatdo induce the farmer to outlay a larger proportionhm t of capit a l on his farm in order to i m p rove it, andenable compete with the foreign grower. Th e N oble Earl wiieohlod s the other event g (the - arl of St an h ope) h ad anticipated hke4 in the question which he was a b out to as k . The Noble Ealm-I had. with a -implicii y of language which he would not attempt to imitate, put the case of a man whose property was mom_ gaged to the deepest extent, and had asked, in a tine of sepul chral demand. •' Where is the money to come from ?" (Laughter.) It happened to him the"other day to be inquiring into the moral cond.rion of a certain parish, and the answer given by the clergy was, that it was in a state of the lowest moral degradation. He asked the reason why the principal landowner did not interfere—loot only o 4 tlaelighet ground of THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY MORNING, JUNE 13, 1A46. Year /771 - there had heed refl frca trade in the country, with the sr'xbeen : lee:ti''i;t.fe' i;s ape-;,lion had hN have dr : xl'iu e' r, more fradnal —if ::::::e'a.hfa.7ll‘Fv'nnerP . sslaybinhvelemiaedne:l' th em sen- trot,ble in earl-tine- .his measure to a conclusion, if th..y had taken thecourse that he had adverted to lie was for !h : •itital e.-p. al, beeause he thought it was a final act ;he trusted this ninnwur e would be passed beeliee it would restore conti *-elee to t.. .e commerci a l relations of this great country. The N:.l,e lo r d might be aware that there were millions of money lie- ,, e1; up which eveuld not he in nee till this ques!ien was fir eits *ii , pesed of. Not one eninea went out then, hut if they it' riikkhrig this question final, and vet!iing it, every one of teo-e guineas that were now lo ked up eould go out for the purpose of land, for leasing property, and for improvement. These were his reasons for supporting this question, and he would, therefore, support the motion f.r the House going into Committee. The Duke of RICHMOND said that it had not been his in tention to take up the time if the House en that evening. and he was, thererore, glad th a t h e h a d eiven plac e t o the evening . and Learned Lord. anti he was the more glad of it, because, al-hough the Noble and Learned Loro's speech was not very full of argument, it was still an amusing di play. He should net, h mever, have risen that night were it not for he attack which had been made on hie by the Right Rev. P:elate ( the Bishop of Oxford ). He had li tenet with great pleasure to the Right Rev. Prelate. He could well understand the gratitude whch he felt towards Sir Robert Peel. He thought the Right Rev. Prelate shoul.l not have alluded to the meetings in the terms he did, of the peasants drinking healths out of empty glasses. The Bishop of OXFORD rep to explain. Anything which he rcidht have said lie ho ed would not be considered ac offen sive to a Noble Lord. With rererorwe `o the mketing_, what he intended to say was that the proper wav to discover the real f•elinus of the reisatitry was to follow them to their homes, ant not to judge of !Ivir feelitig• by their manner at these public mee logs. he amen,iment was then wiltd•awo, and the House ad iourned r.t two o'clock till Monday next, when the House will go into Committee. uous.f- np ( - ;),1/1/0.); F. June 12. The CPFAKER at FMr O . CIOCk. NEWCASTLE UP()IN TYNE I‘II 3 POVEMENT BILL. This Bill was real a third time and passed. I the first reading of this Bill. He h.al listened, with the closest attention, to the statement made by the Right Hon. Baronet, end had finally,.on'Considering the circumstances put forward, felt it his duty to give such a vote. His vote had nut been given on account of the severity of the Bill, nor was it on account of the inconvenience it would occasion to the dis trict placed under its operation. It was not on account of the innocent persons who would he inconvenienced, for he thought that if a Government was convinced of the strong necessity for such a measure—if they I did find it necessary to depart from the la ws an d consti tution of the country—it was the part of a wise states ! man to adopt etich measures as would most speedily re store trarquillity. He had heard, in the first instance, a long bead-roll of atrocious crimes committed; Ire the Go vernment had now changed their grounds, and the Noble Lord, the Secretary for Ireland, had brought forward a list from which the more atrocious crimes were carefully omitted and the smaller species •of offences had been alleged. ; Would the Government pretend that such offences as those alleged in the Act before him were a sufficient justi fication for the application of such a measure?... would it have been done in Scotland or England? Every one knew that the more serious crimes had been very much on the decrease lately. Even if they were net, would such a measure restrain those assassins who committed these crimes in the broad noondao—(Cries of " Hear.") The Noble Lord (the Earl of Lincoln) had admitted that a great portion of the offences which were committed in Ireland Sock their origin from agrarian causes. If they had equal rights with England with regard to electo rial and municipal matters, and ecclesiastical arrangements, based upon common sense, and agreeable to the feelings of the erect majority of the people of Ireland, they would want no coercion, nor would England hear so much of her complaints and crimes. He believed that an Irishman was tee contented an animal ; he thought it would be better for his interest if he was not so. If he had but a roof over his head, and could meet his friends with a good basket of potatoes and salt. he would be as happy as any Hen. Member in that House. The external situation of the Irish people was similar to the condition of the French peasants under their seigneurs and Norman barons in the middle age ! . Th e fi rst remedy which he th oug h t should be adopted for this state of things was a just and equitable arrangement of the question of compensation to tenants, and a fair adjustment of the law of tenant rights. Many Hon. Gentlemen had taken great interest in the waste lands' question. He believed that by a wise legislation on that subject much substantial goad could be effected to the peasantry of Ireland, and a race of yeomen raised up which, instead of becoming convicts, would be in time an ornament to the country. If measures of amelioration and improvement failed to produce their proper effect, then there might be some grounds for the strong hand of power to interpose. He hoped they would soon see the dawn of better days and better times for Ireland. In deed he thought, from the present tone of the Legislature to wards that unfortunate country, that improvements would soon develope themselves, and the people become more contented with their condition, and more patient under coffering. Mr. :st. MILNES said that the Bill had come down to them under rather curious circumstances. It was to the moral effect of the measure, and not to its political effects, they had been told to look. They had further been told that it was not desirable for them to reject the consideration of the measure which had been proposed to them. He conceived that of late circumstances had changed. If the effect of the proposed Bill was to put down the outrages which, unfortunately, had taken place in various parts of Ireland, bow was it that the Irish Members, who might be eupposed to be best acquainted with the means of suppressing those outrages, were one and all of them strongly opposed to the Bill? A measure of the present kind derived a great deal of its authority from the parties who promoted it, and he did hope that if the Ministers retired from office on this unhappy question they would go with the conviction that this measure had not been calculated to do justice to Ireland. The direct consequences of the rejection of the Bill would be, perhaps, the resignation of the Ministry ; but should such an event happen, he would maintain the opinion which he had all along maintained, that it would not be injurious either to the Ministers themselves or to the country. —( Hear, hear.) If the Bill were lost it would be by the co-operation of those Hon. Gentlemen who had all along been most severe in the policy pursued towards Ireland. He hoped the time would come when the Irish Ministers would consider themselves as linked in one, and regard themselves as a part of one great and undivided empire, under the beneficent rule of one sovereign. Mr. P. SCROPE observed, that her Majesty's Government contemplated a double object in their proposed measure ; viz.. to put an end to criminal outrage ; and, secondly, to protect life in Ireland. It was said that disaffection in Ireland was a chronic disease, but the disease did not exist in the outrages but in the cause of them. These outrages, it was universally admitted could not be aseribed to sectarian or political feelings; to what cause, then, were they to be ascribed? It was to the struggle for the means of existence which was going on among the peasantry of Ireland. They had not a right to life; there. fore, they endeavoured to secure that right by combinations among themselves, which eventually led to outrage. It had been stated that not one-sixth of the outrages were agrarian, were not connected with land ; but it would appear by Lord Devon's Commission that at least five-sixths were agrarian. The evidence of Colonel Miller would not bear out the state went, of the Noble Lord. (The Hon. Member here referred to the statements of the Gallant Colonel, with reference to outrages resultng from the enforcement of the claims of con acre, and which he considered as purely of an agrarian cha racter.) The Hon. Member considered, that out of the 895 crimes alluded to by the Noble Lord in the report, as com mitted in the counties of Leitrim, Clare, Limerick, Ros common, and Tipperary, 490 of them were agrarian outrages. Lord LINCOLN—There are 1,120 cases mentioned in the report. Mr. P. SCROPE had perhaps omitted a page, or by mis take turned over two at once. It would not, however, affect his argument, the mistake would be as good for one side as the other.—(Laughter.) The Hon. Member went oa to say that he considered a considerable number of outrages, contained in the report under the head of " cause unknown," arose from the present high price of provisions; indeed, he thought that nine-tenths of them could be included under that head. Extracts were read by the Hon. Member from the minutes of the evidence taken before Lord Devon's Com mission tending to show the large majority of the cases of agrarian outrage over every other form of outrage, and the in disposition of persons to give evidence against any persons committing these outrages. He (Mr. P. Scrope) contended that the proposed measure would not stop these outrages. The Bill was called " Protection to Life " Bill. The Government should remember that life in Ireland was destroyed by ether means than that of the assassin. The system of effecting wholesale clearances such as those which had lately been made upon Mr. Gerard's estate was literally a sentence of death upon these poor persons. They had nowhere to go, they could not be on the highways nor lie in the ditches. Dr. Doyle had traced thirty families, who had been ejected by this means, who had been compelled to crowd together in a small hovel, where the foul air generated fever and other fatal diseases, and in a short time only twenty-one of the thirty families were left alive. He did not blame the landlords for making use of the I power which the present law gave them. He blamed the law which gave such power to the landlords, and did not afford any protection to the helpless evicted tenantry. Landlords thought themselves justified, and were entitled by the law to do so, if they thoUght it beneficial to their interests, to clear their estates of a number of their tenantry, and leave them, in con sequence of that Act, to starve or per4h for want. It was not to the interest of the landlord himself that he should do so. Such was the state of things in Ireland ; and he maintained that while the people or that country paid their rents, and cultivated their farms, it was most improper that they should be driven off in the manner which bad been the case with so many. As an illustration of how the landlords of Ireland ought to conduct themselves, he would reter.to the case of a landlord in the county of Kildare. who, finding that the tenants on Lis estate could not meet their engagements or pay their rents under their old arrangements, set about to make a new arraneement. He did not drive the poor creatures forth, but instead of doing so, he remodelled and consolidated his farms, and set those that were disposed, to work on the waste lands. Not a single person die he evict. A gentleman who visited the locality last year. described the parties set to labour on these waste lauds as in a very flourishing condition. Another genCeman, in the county of Galway, in the Management of his estate, had acted in a similar manner. This was the way in which the landlords of Ireland ought to cleduct themselves.— ( Hear, hear.) The land of Ireland could not only support the present population, but five times the number. Professor Kane and Mr. Blacker had shown, that by the present system of agriculture it could support forty millions of people. The land, therefore, was useful for the maintenance of the people, and the landowners ought to be coerced to allow the people to cultivate the soil, instead of driving them forth. He had spoken strongly on the subject, but he considered it was ne cessary that correct opinions should be placed before the House on the question of the state of Ireland. The labours of the Devon Commission, as well as all other inquiries, had shown that the contest for subsistence, and the mode in which property was employed,, were at the bottom of nearly all the outrages that prevailed. He was satisfied that hefore long public opinion would operate to bring about a healthy and proper state of feeling ow the important question on which he had occupied the attention of the House. Lord BERNARD protested against the reflections employed against the landlords of Ireland as proceeding from ignorance of the real state of things in that ceuntrv.—(Cheers. ) He was quite persuaded that the landlords of education and stand ing in Ireland were quite as well disposed to act humanely and considerately towards their tenantry as any landlords of the same class in this country. To show the influence for good of the gentry of the large county in which he resided (Cork), he would refer to a ,harge of the late venerable Judge Burton, who in it complimented the grand jury on the peaceable nature of the county. which he attributed to the character and con duct of the landlords residing in it —( Hear, hear.) But sup- I posing the landlords of Ireland were such as the Hon. Member for Stroud (Mr. Scrope) had described them, still that was no valid objection to this Bill. He supported the Bill because he honestly believed it necessary for the protection of life and pro perty in Ireland, and calculated to prevent the outrages of the five counties complained of extending to the peaceable and well-disposed counties of that country. He supported th e measure as an Irish Member, and he put it to the Noble Lord the Member for Lynn, to consider it calmly, and not be led away from any feeling of hostility to the policy of the Govern ment on another question, to deny protection to the people of Ireland. The Noble Lord had said that crime had reduced in Ireland since the Bill was introduced, and that the Bill was no longer necessary • but to that he (Lord Bernard) would say was net that im provement sied the result of the moral influence of the mea sure h aving the House of Lo r d s ? — (H ear, hear.) If it were not required to be put into full effect, it could not be denied that the fact of such an Act being in existence would exercise a moral and salutary influence over the minds of the penile, and do much to diminish the amount of outrage and crime in that country. On these grounds he supported the Bill before the House. The Noble Lord opposite had failed in his policy towards Ire land mainly because he and his party truckled to the Hon. and Learned Member for Cork.—( Hear, hear.) That parry failed because they abandoned the principles loch the peoole of England had expected them opposite mightarryou d t ; and en although Honourable Gentlemen indisputable that the y the fact, he believed it was late Government failed b ecause they abandon e d th e Protestant principles—( Chee rs. an d d e, i t a r u n g , : t i i t v e e r ) t — n be th c e aus e e hu th re e n y brought forward measures most of Ireland—(Hear) —they b rought forward me asures w hi c h were considered as detrimental to the interests of the Pro testants of this country. ( Hear, hear.) And he would as k Hon. Gentlemen oppo'ite whether they were prepared to transfer the Government cl this country to ot her parties than those who at present inherited the Crown of this country—were they prepared to transfer the Government in accordance with the wishes of the enemies of the Protestant Church in this co untry ?—( Hear, hear.) One of the Hon. Gentlemen who spoke the other evening the Hon. Member for Kerry._ alluded to a case which was merely of a local nature. The Hon. Member alluded to a case which he alleged had taken place in the county of Cork. on the subject of the Arms Bill, and he said that the magistrates there had, in that instance, proved themselves guilty of political partisaenhip. Now, a statement more utterly unfounded was never uttered in that Hewe. The simple fact of the case was that a session of that county was held, and out of 700 ap pli can t s for licence to po s se ss ar ms, only four were denied their request. and of that number a few were members of the Repeal Association—they were mostactive members of that dangerous orgard'ation. They might say that such a measure was not necessary, but he could not forget what hal occurred a few pine No in the county in which b resided. tie mid sot REPO ;:TS, The follo,ting report. ve , re hronu.,` . 4 up and agreed to, and 11, Bills ordfred ta he ~, ur.., l l—lrdnosau Municipal, P.lice and Improvement—E»fi d and Edmonton Railway— H A l.,,wcrth at m N0r, , ,; ( ,-. 1?. , .1 ,, ,,v.-I ; •wirgi and Bury St. Edninnd'g 119i1% , ,v IN , . •w ,, -1) Ex mision) Ipiwith, Norwich, and Yarm. 11,i1,,-1, esmir and Beecles Railway and Dminne-- Fron‘iol ( S.owm?rket,Wymond h-rn. and Attipl-,ron u h rr,n,h) North Wale 2 Mineral Rail way—Wayetwy Valley and GI- at Yarmnuth Railway—West L"ntloli 2allAay Improv.nv.nt and F.xten.,•;on. I'..VING BILL. Mr. GREENE moved that the Edinbligh Paving Bill, which s ewe' tor the tl7iid r,aoiiig on Wednesday, the 10th, be read a third time on 31onday, the 15 , :h day of this instant June ; en,l , hat g ire No. 121, a., far as relates to certain 4rnentltr:oits tot (D) at.d E), rendered ne rEsslry ,lterat of th.• numb , rs of the sections, be then :Wade.-- . lh: mo+i: , y, was Ave- d MIDLAND It IILWAY. Mr. GRF.,E\ E moved that i. he nu instruetion to the Com mittee on Group No. 3i, to entertain all petitions a(zainst the RTlwav ( Birmingham and Glrueester Btanches) Bill, which live been pre,, nted to the House on or before Frifiay. the 5 h dad of thisinstant June. —Agreed to. hh mm ion was ag!-t•ed to. PO,iTSMt:IS Hi HARBOUR PIER BILL. Thi ,, in was read a third time and p sped. SIR GEOIIGE DI'NHARS ESTATE BILL. This [tb wa.= lead d time and pass 4.4. LONDON AND SOUTH- WrSTEIIN RAILWAY ACTS AA/ENDIIEN I' BILL. This 1311 was also reed a tl.ir.• tim. aod pa.ced. LIVERPOOL SANAT 11E.A1LATIONS BILL. Sir HOWARD DOUGLAS moved the third reading of lii 11t11, ehich aas agreed to and pa•red. GLASGOW, AIRDRIE, AND MoNKLAND JUNC TION RAILWAY BILL. This Bill was read a third time and parsed. LEITH PAVING BILL. This Bill was read a third time and pis,:ed. SOUTHPORT INIPR ^ NEMENT BILL. The Lords' amendments on this Bid were considered and agreed to. YORK INIPROVE‘IENT BILL. On the motion of Mr. B. DENISON, this Bit was read a third time. Up to five o'clock the time of the House was occupied in the reception of peti;ions on ; rivate affairs. EDI CA . I lON IN WALES. Mr. WILLIAMS rest nted a petition from a place in Rad norshire. praying the House to take into consideration the state of education in Wales. RAILWAYS. Capt. POLHILL gave notice that on Friday next, he should more for the appointment of a Select Comra.ttee to inquire into and report upon certain railway Hills now before Parliament. TOBACCO DUTIES. Dr. BOWRING moved for c , ipies of memorials on the sub ject of the tobacco datit.,, adaies-ed to the Fir,t Lord of the - Treasury, on the 9th day of Dee , rober, 1845, and the 31st day of January, 18-16, whicit vraa a greed to. LAW OF SETTLEMENT. Mr. T. BARING presented a petition agamst any alteration in the law tf setttemcnt. THIRD READINGS. The following Bill, were read a third time and passed : Earl of Blesinton's E , tatr ; Glasgow Airchie, and Monkland Junction Railway ; Guildford, Chichester, and Portsmouth Railway (No. '2); Leith ; Le,ittabagow Dalserf, and Coatbritige Mineral Junt.ton Itailo.ay; LverFool Sanatory Regulations; Lonoori and South Wes , ern Railway Acts Amend m :‘tir ; New eAst le- u no Improvement ; Portsmouth Harbour Pier ; Sir George Dunbar's Estate ; Worcester New Gas ; York Improvement. B EI'ORTS. The reports on the follJwil,g Bills were considered and agreed to : Glasgow Municipal, Police and Statute Labour; Newport and Pnlgwenlly w aterworkv ; Lough Swill} and Lough Foyle Draining and Embanking. The Lards' amendment on the Sou•hort Improvement Bill was taken into consideration and rejected. DROPPED ORDERS. The dropped orders of the day for yesterday were re.. appointed. PROTECTION OF LIFE (IRELAND) BILL On the mo , ion that the or,ier o: th,• di for Ihi!t BM be read, THE LA I E IN NORFOLK. An HoN. 11ILMBEit IShed t•. ask the Right Honourable Baronet the Secretary fir the flow Department whether he could say if any report had been received at tht ticrne-offiee with respect to the ree, nt cases of poison ing in the c.iun%y of Norto!k. and also, whether it miaht not be proper that the Rogi•trar-General should i.sue in.,:rwtinns to the registrars of the districts not to issue any cerlifi,ate of burial in eases of sudden death where no in yu t hail been held ? _ _ Sir J. GRAHAM said that the circum,tance to which the Hen. Gentleman referred had been the subject :If investi• gatien bef ire the coroner, and he believed that investigatton hail chased, hut he had not yet received the result of it. reference to the registrars of death. it was their duty to obtain the certificate of the householder of the place in which de.ith occurred, containing a statement of the cause of eea. h. Positive instructions bail been issued to the registrar,: n. he cautious in the performance of the miry, but still it was , t the duty of those persons to refuse to enter atiy death. He thought, on the contrary, that the refusal of the registrar to enter any death on his entertaining any suspicion would be vex tious and reprehensible. He must take that opportunit3 of stating to the House what he thott4ht a very serious cause of complaint, arising from the intrequeney of inquests held in this country. It appeared that no less than twenty persons had died as there was rea•on to believe from the effects of poison administered by one individual, awl yet no in quest had been held in any case. The law with regard to holding an inquest was, that any party having rea son to suspect that the - death oceurrid under unfair circumstances, was entitled to call upon the Coroner to hold an inquest. It was the duty 01 every constable in every parish, if he had reason to heli,ve that the death occurred under suspicious circum,tance,, to call upon the coroner to per form his functions. In the last few years, however, so much, jealousy had arisen at the quarter sessions in re ference to the charges of coroners, the payment of those charges had been so much grumbled at. that inquests had not been held in many cases in which by the law of the country_ they ought to have been. Toe magistrates of the coun ty of Devon have come to the resolution not to allow costs of any inquest in which the verdict 01 the jury should be "Died by the visitation of God " This case was now under the consideration of the Court of Quern's Bench, and during that period many representations had been made to the Home Office with regard to cases in which inquests ought to have been held. As soon as the m igistra . es came to Ibis resolution, one of the coroners of the county of Devon brought the case under the consideration of the Court he bad referred to. Such a resolu• ion was hostile to the performance of the duty of the coroner, and inquests had not been held where they should have been held. This was a most serious grievance ; and though he could not adopt the suggestion of the Hon. Member with reference to the registrar, he agreed that some alteration in the law was neces sary to remedy this , e vil, IRISH COERCION BILL. On the order of the day for resuming the adjourned debate on this 8 , 11 being read, Mr. O'CONLN Et.L expressed his regret that he was unable to attend last night to hear the speech of the Noble Lord (the Earl of Lincoln). He should have had great pleasure in lis tening to that speech, characterised as it was by atone and temper which was entitled to his warmest approval. Had he been pre. sent he should have fe.t it his duty to say a few words upon the subject. He would now, however, take the liberty of saying that his Bill was merely prospe c t i v e , and xa w 7ns a adt s se d n ht he o eti therefore oe a tur l h c era u feot l er a pe t oa e fr d tt ht of meet the evils which at present existed in that country. Now, the great object was . to produce tranquillity in Ireland. ..._( Hear, hear.) lie wished to call the attention of the Noble great Lord tporothspeetrei prosperity and ig t h u t t n i t ? u i U n l i s t t y e r w , which hicii e, Ireland. Tnis 80l did nat long for that sub mitted to the. Noble Lard .hat the law as it at pre sent stood requ'red considerable improvement on that heart, POOR L MS. Mr. CHRISTIE said he wished to ask the Right Honour able Baron , t the Secretary or State for the Home Depart ment a t j uestion relative to two poor women who were ex pelled from the Bakeweil and Ledbury unions, with their two illegitimate children, under circumstances of 'ae i e n xt t r h a e ord u i n nLy , a a ti n d d d s i e nf d i r t e tu n re w .. ere , h , e u y pp h : a i d o4 b w ee it n h c eou b fi it i h ie n d the rh ile they remained there • but on their expulsi on th e child, en were .stripped of their clothing. It would be remembered that the Hight Honourable Baronet., in answer to part of his quott ion. read an extract fro.n a letter ad , lressed by the Poor-law Comrei-sioners to the masters of union workhouses, in which they were .recommended t, at on einergenci-s like those he had stated to supply wo nen with c!otleirig for their infants.—( Hear. ) Ile would ask the Right H tn. 13 Irotiet the Secretary of ti;,::te two queeims The first was, whether he was aware of the, existence of a letter from the Peor-law Commissioners pre vious to the Bth of April, directing that no clothing should be given to infants on leavieg the workhouse? The second was, whether he was aware that, when he stated that the Poor-law Commisstoners had taken a legal opinion upon the subject of the construction of the clause in the Poor law Act, relating to this subject. they had not received any o w ii su n ii i rd on jsa. f y ro cit m hßat. a N n tlih yl ve % e; hl al advi.er upon the subject, except from for, and would be laid their Assistant-Coronesti.mers ? t u h t :i o t ti a t e h a s e etahbaled ofh e t i h i e su ti b ,, ln us i days. With reference to the second question. he would say to lay such opinion Generals ;red Clarkson, but he declined to o l. o ' ,f i i t t h thhe r e efr a e b n ie ce of t correspondence h th e e ti fi ho r au s d t s eb q e u e.,i e nn s u t m_ i a_ ora fv_se h eawd e_ MESSACJE FROM T submitted th H e E At L to o rt ß ie D y ands. Messengers from the Lords brought do.su Viscount Har• dingt . aid Lord G .ugh's Annuity 13111 with amendments, and. several other Bitl4. PROTECTION TO LIFE (IRELAND) BILL. Air. :loco *W.'fat be bed OlVgiaa 1011 t Wtes_asikiut forget the monster mee ti ngs t h a t were h e ld i n t h at part o f t h e I country—meetings which were sanctioned and aided by the clergy of the Church of Rome residing in that county, which showed that they had e ith er l os t th influence which they formerly poso-ssed of restraining the people, or that they must have urged them on in their clamour for repeal. And he would here beg to read an extract from the address of the ma. gistrates of that county, addressed to the Lord-Lieutenant, en the subject ef those monster meetings. They stated that if such a state of things were to be per mitied they should not have any security for their lives or property, and that as many of them as could do so would be oblige.. to leave the country, for the most alarming demenstra tions had been continually made. Si g nal fi re s were frequently to he seen b.irning on the top of the hills, and the peaceable and loyal portion of the people might welt be alarmed. Now it was said :hat similar outrages to those committed in Ireland were also perpetrated in this country, but Hon. Gentlemen who said so lorgot the circumstances that mete the outrages in Ireland of a far more appalling character. There was a fearful mystery connected with outrages perpetrated in Ireland ; they were of that description of crimes which had been termed agrarian. They were not mere party fights, they were not sudden impulses of revengeful feelings, but they were plotted by midnight legislators—they were the results of an organised system of ribbon conspiracies in Ireland.—( Hear, hear.) He solemnly believed that it was the ribbon conspiracy that pro. duced all these frightful outrages in Ireland, that conspiracy was at the bottom of every one of them.—(Hear.) They might talk of the relations of landlord and - tenant, but if they were wrung let them alter it by aproper mode of legislation... ( Hear, hear)—and not deceive the people by holding out to them assurances as to remedial measures whi c h t h ey never in- - tended to fulfil. Let them first vindicate the law—( Hear, hear)—and then, he trusted, they would follow up their coercive policy by the introduction of remedial measures for Ireland—remedial measures not of a political character, which would only be followed by fresh demands—(Cheers and . counter-cheers)—each political concession had had that effect. Let them look at what had been said by the Hon. Member for Kerry, when his Noble Friend, the Secretary for Ireland, alluded to a measure which he (Lord Bernard) deplored, and which he had opposed in that House —he meant the grant to Maynooth.- 7 (Loud cheers and •. s laughter.) Hon. Gentlemen opposite said that didtheyeknew. not thank the Government for it.—( Hear, hear.) Well, b that that was the case—he knew that nolroliiiealmeasure what" ever would have any value whatever in Ireland. .All previous D cof o ce zh es e i d o a ns sai h d a , d wou sig id o t a h ll e y y a fa d i o l p ed. The Hon. Menher for were i n t h e same state as Ireland a ? sim ß i u lu t ife°YuorserksihfikY:wi'Merehiritte that st ate o wtiuld not the forms of that Ha a se be suspended for purpose of t hepassing with all haste such a Bill as that which was then before the House ?—( Hear, hear. )' ' Would any fierce . opposition be given to it ?—( Hear, hear.) Would there be any coalition of i l iar e ty re to w e a n s d o ea n v e ou srub j to ec u t ps i e n tj a h i e n lo i v y ern bro me ag nt ht ( Hear, hear.) l forward by the Hon. Member for Limerick, in his address to Ihe House late on the last evening of this debate • when he taunted the Right Hon. Gentleman the Secretary . at-War for attributing to . a Member o f hi s party the imputation of attempting to dismember the empire. Now to that Honourable Gentleman, or to any of the Repeal Association, he need not fur a moment impute any but the most perfectly loyal feelings towards the Sovereign of this empire. But would any one connected with Ireland, or any one who had read her former history, say that the pro ' gress of repeal would gradually lead to the dismembering of the empire.—( Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord then proceeded, amidst cries of " Question, question," to complain of tartain corporate officers in Irelaud attending in their robes tor the purpose of paying honour to the Hon. and Learned Member fur Cork, whilst he was undergoing a sentence pronounced upon him by the highest judicial court in Ireland, for having attempted to separate the two countries. He also charged those individuals with having abused their trusts by handing over a portion of the corporate funds to the purposes of the Repeal Association. He then proceeded to defend the judicial appointments of the present Government, and particularly eulogised ire conduct of Air. Justice Jackson. Another lion. Gentleman had alluded to the dismissal of mae gis ' trates in Ireland; he did not believe that the administration of justice had suffered from that consequence in Ireland.— ( Hear.) There was another question to which allusion had been made in that House, and on which he wished to offer a few ob servations—viz., the Church in Ireland. He bad the evidence of the Hon. Member of Cork, and other Members, as to the eligibility of admitting the Catholic claims with respect to relic gion, and this opinionwas concurredin by Lord Monteagle, when Mr. Spring Ri ce . Th a Ch urc h of Ireland, t h ey had been told, was the great grievance in that country. He could speak from personal knowledge, that the Protestant Church was in creasing in Ireland ; and the clergy, though they did not preach politics from the altar, were fully efficient to discharge the du ties of their office. A great deal of blame had been very justly thrown non the absentees of Ireland, and the ill effects had been endeavoured to be met by laying a tax on the absen tees, but a greater fallacy never existed than to attempt a re medy by such unequal measures. There were other evils which no law affecting the land vreuld ever remedy—namely, the absence of thole in possession of ii3tded property. A suf ficient remedy might be friend, if the good feelings of those who absented themselves from the country were appealed to. Their patriotism would be found the best reiource, after all. He would ask, " Lives there a man with soul so dead, Who never to himself has said, When coming from a foreign strand, This is my own, my native land ; . Whose heart has ne'er within him burned, As home his footsteps he has turned?" Coercive measures would not suit the genius or the people of Ireland. He would implore the House to develope the native resources of that country, to cultivate the great moral maxim, " Know thyself," and render the social soil more amenable to a social system. He could not but hope that the day was not far distant, when there should be only one common danger and one common safety in that country, and that union should pre vail throughout. Mr. REDINGTON wished to know what there was in the speech of the Noble Lord which had to do with the question before the House? He would advert to the very few points which bore upon the question. The Noble Lord had said there was a conspiracy throughout the land. He would maintain that no conspiracy existed, but merely the natural desire to be protected from oppression. He had been informed that the Land Commission had moved for certain returns which would show that the great majority of the crimes in Ireland were , agrarian. He believed ' it to be so ; but he did not think that ' that new idea could be justified when every little pickpocket offence was included in the category. In his opinion, - the Ministers were fully justified in pressing their proposed mea sure. The returns upon which Hon. Members were called upon to pass the present Bill were not at all correct. (The Honourable Member here pointed oat several dis crepancies.) He (Mr. Reding ton) had had a note sent him, threatening to shout him, but subsequently he received another offering. upon payment of the sum of 305., to withdraw carrying the threat into effect. He would call the attention of the House to some of the outrages detailed in the return. One of these outrages, called an outrage on pro peep, was on a house, the owner of which refused to illuminate the house on the liberation of Mr. W. S. O'Brien. He (Mr. Redihgton) did not know how far the House would sympathise with such an at tack. It certainly was . not of the nature to call for a Coercion Bill. He considered that the present ill feeling which existed in Ireland between the landlord and tenant arose from the confiscations which had originally taken place. In the province of Ulster, for instance, there was scarcely one landowner who was not of foreignorigin. He thought this was a•pont worthy of observation in making a comparison between England and that country in the relation of these parties. To justify himself for referring to these facts, he would take the liber y ef reading the evidence of a Conservative gentleman with reference to agrarian outrages. ( The Hon. Member here referred to the evidence of this gentleman, from which it appeared. that in his opinion, the t•truggle which was going on between the tenants -and the small proprietors for the possession of the land, added to the cinamstance that both these parties were of different religions, ' greatly contributed to produce this unhappy result.) The lion. Member went on to say that he thought Parliament owed something to Ireland for allowing a continuance of such a s3stem of things, He considered that the humane motives of some Hon. Members could not be carried out always by the landlord with reference to removing the occupiers of land from one portion of his estate and locating them upon other portions of the estate. He would not for a 'moment defend those wholesale ejectments which had lately taken place. He 'bought it was the most difficult position for a humane person to be placed in wbo wished to remove from his estate a number of individuals and interests which had grown up around him. He did not deny that much evil and crime existed in Ireland, but he denied that any such a Coercion Bill as the present would cure them. The law ought ,to be vigorously exerted to meet the disease, and they ought not to be continually calling in the aid of special measures. Mr. Valentine, the Crown Solicitor of Munster, gave it as his opinion that the best mode of dealing with the outrages in Ireland was by a stringent ap plication of the present laws. That opinion was entertained by.every well-infermed person in Ireland? If they attempted to enforce the provisions of the present measure. they would find they could not succeed, and that it. would generally pro ve a failure. Let them prove that the existing law was ..s. insuffi cient, before having recourse to these extrao r dinary s, p: m w m er on Special Commissions had already been tr i e d in and e lsewhere , f f oun d ~ ,c c a e n s i s i ful t . hey Le b t ad the n m ot c h n e f e o n rce eo t m ho pla e in al d tin o g f, la b w u s t v vv ig er o e rou g s w ly " , and he had no doubt but they would be found au-, ces.ful.—( Hear, hear.) The Earl of LINCOLN wished to make an explanation le garding anmething that had fallen from the Hon. Member as to w hat be (Lord Lincoln) had said the other evening respecting him, as a member of Lord Devon's Commission. One of the last things he should think of doing, was to imply that he or any of the members of the Commission were actuated by a feel ing of partiality. What he did say was that he had a precon ceived opinion on the question involved in the inquiry, and therefore leant in a particular direction in this matter. Mr. SHAW wished to explain the vote he was about to give, as, if the division did not take place that night, he would not have an opp or t un i ty of speaking on another evening. He intended to vote for the seco n d reading of the Bill. Seeing the disorganised state of Ireland, he was bound to take that course. If report spoke truly, the Noble Lord who perhaps soon would be in office, and who had been in office a short time people Hea r , last November. Had he succeeded in forming a Ministry, he disposed hea wouldr.) the Bill would he really effective -- ha g .rpthoepos'aekde aofmthaeehpeamceoreabslerianngdenwt. me asure.—( well-disposed Ireland he must s upport the . measure; still he was bound to say he did no; think sh at he saw the Bill was the want of a cony , rt..nt tribunal to sit in the disturbed (Hear, bear. ) The great detect which in • . districts, and take cognizance of cases for which the ordinary means were not competent. He thought if the Bill.did not pass--if it was defeated—the Government would have them. selves to blame. It was introduced at the beginning of the session into the Howse of Lords, where it was much diluted, a nd after a very slow progress, it had art i ve d a t i ts presen t stage. The Government had in fact shown no desire to pule forward the BM, else it might have been the law of the land two months ago.—(Hear, hear.) Th- Give 'orient. instead ef doing so had. fo rwar d e d t h e Corn Bill w i th t h e - grea t es t possib'e speed, while this Bill had been kept in the back ground. The Government, in fact, had not shown any real disposition to carry the Bill. lie did not vote for the Bill trent any confidence in the Ministry; he ha :no confidence in it, 1 -to ti. c--use the state of Ireland required some measure of the kind. He did not care whether the Ministry went out upon the Bili. or the Noble Lord the Member for the city of London came w He had DO predilection for the Whig polic prevail. he would much rather have still. if Wh g poli cy was to ve it openly from the Noble Lord than from the present Government, which had been elected on other principles. In the memory of living man Ireland was never in so happy a state, and yet the Coin Bill was carried through that House by means of the gross exaggera tion respecting the poverty of that country, —;Hear, heal.) I The present Government bad the knack of making themselves more urpopular than any Government which prec , ded them. and he really believed that, in their Government of that country, they had reversed the maxim, .. be j be just towards u st and fear not for from fi rs t t o l ast they bad feared to Ireland.--(Hear, hear.) Th ey b a d rule d tin the old Anglo. Saxon principle of " divide et imperil." The Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Government could not satisfy his opponents, and he pre, , ded forthwith to introduce measures which Lad 'the effect of dissatilfting . his friends.. The truth was, they knew vet y tele -abnuelre land.—( Hear, hear.) In nis opinion. they knew less a the I . manners, habits, of the most ,remoteten.uistxy in feeling.. and character of the people of that tu cot e tn i tz li sh ...( an of ear th: ueer. inhabita nts . nay lad &maw. , us min 04 .. w• y