The Sun. — London, England, 1837-08-08 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS We continue to give our daily account of gains and losses- The Reformers have gained— In Dublin . . . . O'Connell for West. • . . . Hutton for Hamilton. Carlow . . . Maule for Bruen. Sligo Roxburghshire . And they have lost— In Glamorganshire . Adare for Dillwyn. Newry . . . . Ellis for Brady. The loss of Wilson for Logan in West Suffolk is equivocal. The rejected candidate supported Ministers, it is true, on the Irish Corporation Bill ; hut he voted against them on the questions of the Speaker, the Church-rates, and many others. The Times admits that the towns are favourable to Ministers, and that the presumed re-action in favour of the Tories has only exhibited itself among the agricultural popula tion. " There may," says our candid Contemporary, " among the working classes in the towns be more vivacity of intellect than is shown on the average of occasions by the agricultural population. But if there be greater sharpness of wit, there is also greater profligacy of motive and violence of pas sion." The Tories have nearly had a monopoly ref the voters actuated by profligate motives, for their harvest has been reaped among the necessitous freemen in Li verpool, Norwich, Hull, &c. Of the respectable mid dle classes in towns, the far greater numbers are Re formers. These men have not only vivacity of intel lect, but independence, for it is only in large commu nities that public opinion can display itself. In large towns men discover by times that union is strength ; and as those who wish to profit by the plunder of the people bear always but a small proportion to the number of respectable citizens, intimidation can never be exercised to any great extent. The opinions of the middle classes in towns are, therefore, their own. But in the rural districts not only are the agriculturists without " vivacity of intellect," as the Times phrases it, but they dare not use freely what intellect they have. In all countries (with the exception of the United States, where from the abundance of land the labourer feels his importance), and in all times the agricultural population have been poor in spirit. The owner of the soil knows that the tenant at will having his capital embarked in his farm cannot quit his possession except at a ruinous loss, and he is therefore emboldened to call on the farmer to adopt his political opinion, and vote for the landlord's can didate. All attempts to form unions of farmers for mutual protection against the unjust demands of land lords have hitherto failed. The tenantry of an estate may know that should they all vote contrary to the wish of the landlord, they could not all be ejected ; but as no one of them can know whether he may not be the man singled out for ejectment, they are all afraid to display independence. Hence the prostration of mind which prevails throughout the rural districts. In the small towns there may be here and there an inde pendent voter, but except in times of strong excitement it is only necessary to know the state of property in a dis trict to know how the electors will vote. The man who tills the land of another is unecessarilv a slave. There are some counties in which property is greatly divided, as in Cumberland, the Wealds of Kent, some parts of York shire, and there the electors cannot be intimidated. It will be seen that Mr. Hodges had large majo rities in all the districts where the race of yeomen still exists ; and it will also be seen that the Cumberland yeomen will eject Sir James Graham from the repre sentation of the eastern division of that county. But these are exceptions to the general rule. The very word civilization means what belongs to cities. In cities all the arts which adorn life have their origin and their seat ; and a nation is powerful in propor tion to the number of its town population, compared with that of the rural inhabitants. Without large towns agriculture even is never prosperous. England is not the most populous country of Europe ; but it is the most powerful, because though some countries may be more populbus, yet her tep.vn population compared with the country population is by far the greatest. The present Ministry, therefore, have the sup port and approbation of the great majority of Inhabitants of large, towns, who constitute the strength of the nat ion. They hare with them the independence, intellect, and power of the country. But the Times tells ua, " That for Lord Melbourne to stand will be impossible.' He has not merely to fight the adverse votes in Parliament, but to encounter the moral influence of that vast progress of Conser vatism out of doors which has been demonstrated both by its growth within doors, and by the severe nature of every elective struggle where it , has just failed of succeeding." But Lord Melbourne will stand, he- CaU3C he will have a larger majority than he had in , the last Parliament, with a Court sincerely de voted to the cause of the people. The Conservatives dare not attempt the public business of the country ; arid if the Lords go on, session after session, rejecting and mutilating every Bill for the improvement of our laws and institutions, the people must see the cause of the obstruction, and it would be strange indeed if the Ministry suffered from a constant display of motives by the Conservatives, so little creditable to the party. The Conservatives, with die knowledge that the late Court was favourable to them, made great pre parations for an election struggle. With the Court in their favour, the exertions they have made during the present election would have been intelligible. But un der present , circumstances the expenditure of " money power and intimidation cannot by any possibility give them a majority ; and it is, therefore, after all, worse than thrown away. The patronage of the Crown re mains with Ministers. During the ensuing Parlia ment Ministers will gradually strengthen themselves by a wise and judicious exercise of patronage. Being without a large majority, it will be the more necessary for them to be on their guard in respect to the mea sures they bring forward, and in the general conduct of the Government. In another way, without intend- ' ing it, the Conservatives have strengthened Minis— ters. It is notorious that one great difficulty of Mi nisters - .during the last Parliament was occasioned by the extreme measures and opinions of the Move ment. But the Tories have on this election di rected their efforts chiefly against the advocates of extreiee opinions, as if their great object was to show that extreme opinions had become less popular. A number of decided Radicals have in consequence been thrown out, and, of those who have been re turned, many excellent men have been returned by small majorities. The effect of all this may be fore seen without difficulty. Ministers will be left much more at liberty to pursue their own course, and it will seldom happen hereafter that the Tories in the House of Commons will be able to boast that Ministers were indebted to them for a victory over the Radicals. The Tories, therefore, have spent their treasures and used their power to prevent Ministers from having an in crease of ten or twenty in their majority, which in crease would have been chiefly composed of the men whom they have always held up to the country as a bugbear, and as the chief reason for dreading Ministers. Like many other cunning persons, die Tories have outwitted themselves. It is impossible that the people of these kingdoms should be insensible to the advantages of having a wise and moderate Go vernment, anxious only to promote the general welfare. And all that Ministers have to do is to proceed in a cool and steady course, despising factious opposition, and trusting to the good sense of the country. The more the Tories bestir themselves the more will they lower themselves in the estimation of the country. By and by, when the election bills have been all presented, the Tories will find that they have paid a little too much for their whistle. There is a proverb that too much may be paid for gold ; and the Tories will have leisure to ruminate on the folly of the idle swagger that has cost them so much without bringing them one whit nearer their object. Money spent at one elec tion does not render it less necessary to spend at an other.—Morning Chronicle. It was said by a great commander, that English sol diers are awkward troops to deal with, because they never know" When they are_ beaten. _The Whigs o f th e present clay, though they have little else of the Eng lishapirit about them, are certainly entitled to credit for some bare of this quality- They are notoriously beet - et - I'in every part of the island, and not the slight est consciousness do they confess. They strut about like victorious men, and carry their heads, if not with all the dighity, jet with all the swagger of success. But is their bearing altogether genuine ? Are they I really as unconscious as they affect to be of their actual position ? Are they really unaware that the battle goes against them ? Amid the storm of blows that now batters upon them from the cudgels of the solid yeomanry of England, can they really be without some feeling of the disgrace, or, which they are likely to disrelish much more, of the pain ? We are inclined to give them credit for being somewhat less asinine. We suspect they have a policy, such as it is, in all this simplicity of theirs. They know that the majority of the people in our whirling world are either too busy, or else too idle, to inquire into the right or the reason of the rapid events that sweep along before their eyes ; and, with all that numerous class, the chances are, that the man who is loud and persevering will hare credit for being, in great measure, what he reports himself to be. Can dour, it has been said, is a very unprofitable virtue : if a man admit himself to be in the wrong to-day, people will be the snore ready to believe him in the wrong to-morrow. This your cunning Whig bears constantly in mind, and, like an expert offender as he is, he has resolved that he never will be convicted on his own confession. Accordingly he always gives an excellent account of himself. He is not only the most upright and the most able, but likewise, happily for himself, the most thriving of men. Not only is his the fittest party to govern the country, but, by a provi dential diffusion of discernment throughout the commu nity, that fitness is recognized by all the constituencies of the kingdom. As to facts and figures, they are of little avail against the thoroughgoing retainers of the Whig-Radical cause. Hovvever true your shot, that well trained pack, like the dogs of the curtal friar in the combat with Robin Hood, .will manage to glance the bolt aside. " For whether the men shot east or west, Or shot they north or south, The curtal dogs, so taught they were Caught the arrows in their mouth." It was a pleasantry of Mr. Canning, who very well understood this curtal genus of politicians, that, as touching Parliamentary statements and returns, there are two great axioms to be kept in view—first that all facts are false, and second, that all figures are equally true on the other side. And no doubt, in election matters, as in other political affairs, there is hardly any fact so dear but you may manage to cloud it a little by suppressing part of its actual circumstances, or by mixing it up with other matters which have no pro per connection with it ; and if the worst come to the worst, and disguise becomes impossible, a good bold broad flat denial will generally break you an outlet through the difficulty. Then, as to figures, if the ba lance happen to appear against you, you have only to embarrass the investigation by demanding deductions of certain classes of items in the column on the right hand, and claiming credit for certain allow aeces and alleged omissions in the column on the !eft, every one of which credits and deductions lays open a new field for assertion, contradiction and argu ment, and you will be more than commonly unlucky if, after all that, you do not succeed in mystifying the whole account sufficiently, at all events, to give your own partizans an excuse for adhering to your calcula tion. Never have these mystifying arts been more shamelessly practised than in the garbling of the cur rent election returns. But the results up to yesterday may be summed in a few plain words, of which every syllable is a death knell to the Ministry. On the total balance on the English borough elections, gain and loss, Conservative and Ministerial, the Conserva tives are winners of two. On a similar balance of the English county elections the Conservatives are winners of 15, thus gaining, in all, 17 to the present hour. Of the remaining English county seats, eleven possessed by Mlnisterialists are con tested by Conservatives, anti four possessed by Con servatives are contested by Ministerialists ; so that the Conservatives standing to win eleven, and to lose by any possibility but four, may fairly take credit for the balance of seven ; which, added to the foregoing 17, gives them a majority of twenty-four gains. Scotland will perhaps add a seat or two ; but suppose her to re main unchanged. Then, the only diminution on the English gain to the Conservatives will be their Irish loss. The Minisserialists say, that in Ireland they are sure of six seats ; very likely to gain two more ; not unlikely to get another couple yet ; and that even a total of twelve gains is not impossible. Let the worst be true, and to what does it amount ? We will answer the question in the words of a Sunday Whig- Radical print :—" In this general election there has been no enthusiasm for the principle of Reform. And what is the probable result ? That the Melbourne Parliament will be less favourable to Lord Melbourne th mn time Peel Parliament. We say less on the assump tion that the Ministerial gain in Ireland will be as great as their loss in England. For let it be well understood beforehand, that a mere prolongation of the Irish tail —a merely numerical majority in the Commons, arising from an increase in the number of Mr. O'Connell's followers—will, morally speaking, add rather to the weakness of Ministers, than operate in counteraction of the increased English majority against them." In the sister kingdom, " where the disposal of places is really all in all, Reform, as Lord Mill grave is called in Ireland, has not gone out of fashion. But. for how much longer are the politics of England and Scotland to turn altogether upon the hinge of a merely Irish policy ? This election, we think, puts an end to the system." " Lord Melbourne has played all his trump-cards, including the Queen ; has dis counted all his advantages, and is worse off than be fore. It follows that his Irish policy, which was his sole reliance, and which had all but failed him in the Peel Parliament, will not be sufficient to maintain him now. We put the case this morning to an out-and out Ministerialist, saying, ' Suppose your loss in England to be as great as your gain in Ireland ?' In that case,' he replied, ' the game is up.' So we should think."— Times. Our readers were'prepared by the intelligence we yes terday laid before them, for the glorious result of the Dublin election, which terminated on the fifth day in favour of O'Co nne ll an d Hutton. Never did the faction make a more determined and desperate struggle than here : it literally exhausted all its might, all its machinations, and all its money, to prevent the en lightened and independent electors of Dublin from having their opinions and wishes represented in the House of Commons, but happily without effect. In addition to the corrupt and infamous proceedings de tailed in our correspondence of the last few days, the Orangemen, when they found the battle going against them, attempted to poll a number of spurious freemen, whom that detested and despised fraternity, the Dublin Corporation, fraudulently invested with the franchise subsequently to the dissolution of Parliament, for the sole purpose of overpowering the Liberal voters in the present election. This outrage, however, was pre vented by the Assessor refusing to receive the surrep titious votes thus attempted to be foisted on the polling-book. And yet the conspirators who pro moted this attempt, who hired bludgeon men to pre vent the Liberal electors from proceeding to the polling booths, who had men distributing bribes in the open streets, now that all their villanies have been de feated, talk, as a last effort of impotent malevolence, of petitioning against the return I Try it by all means, gentlemen. If any cash remain in your hands after the wholesale bribery you have ernploved in the election, you cannot spend it more harmlessly, we might say usefully, than in exposing yourselves to further contempt and derision. It is worthy of re mark, that in all places wherein the greatest intelli gence and independence may be fairly supposed to exist, the utmost efforts of faction have been insuf ficient to prevent the return of Liberal representatives. Witness London, Edinburgh and Dublin, the capitals of the three great divisions of the empire, which lead the way in the paths of knowledge, and the improve. ments of civilised life ; not a single Tory has been suffered to disgrace their representation. This to a great extent redeems the national character from the obloquy in which the reverses sustained in other places by Reform is calculated to involve it. But, let not the cause of these reverses be misunderstood. Where they have occurred in towns, we admit they have been chiefly attributable to the electors not having the integrity or apprec i at i on of theirtrue interests to resist the temptation of a bribe ; but in the counties they are distinctly to be traced to the intimidation of landlords, and in both cases to the want of the pro tection of the Ballot. To talk of re-action in favour of Toryism, is to suppose the nation to be demented. TEIE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY, AUGUST 8, 1837 Were the constituencies, even with the present li mited franchise, left to the unbiassed exercise of their own free-will, we would stake our existence that there would not be one hundred Tories elected to the 1-buse of Commons. Let any party in the next Session of Parliament proceed on the suppo sition of a re-action having taken place in the public mind, mid the mistake will be speedily corrected by more indubitable demonstrations than even the result of elections ; but this vporiment would be dangerous, and had better not be tried. The losses of the Re formers arc in almost all instances to be traced to the want of the ballot. Upwards of fifty rejected Reform candidates owe their defeat to the want of this protec tion, and the operation in the counties of the Chandos clause of the Reform Act. These evils must be looked to and corrected in the ensuing Session. Ireland and Scotland, however, arc nobly battling for the great cause of British freedom. Scotland has already re turned thirty-six Reformers, and only eight Tories. Ireland has as yet returned but five Tories and twenty Reformers, having but one Reformer displaced by a Tory, and six Tories displaced by Reformers. These ate glorious indications of a triumphant result in these portions of the empire ; let them but progress as they have begun, and even with the partial advantages gained in the English counties, the Tories will ha v e lint little cause of congratulation in the general result of the elections.—Aforning Advertiser. To every reflecting politician the question must now occur, " How is the Queen's Government to he carried on ? " Except some few people here and there, who are perfectly crazy, and laughed at by all who listen to them—the whole country admits that in the general election the Ministerial, party has sig nally failed. No profligacy of misrepresentation can make head against that general conviction. For two years the Ministers struggled on, doing little or no thing, and always excusing themselves on the ground that the Parliament was Sir R. Peel's Parliament, and that, the King being determined not to dissolve it, they were obliged thus ineffectually to struggle on, though the country was really with them. Was this true ? Let the general election give the answer. It was not true. It was by a false representation that the Ministers for the last two years replied to the grave remonstrances of ourselves, our contenapo poraries, and our party generally, against the feeble, shuffling, disgusting manner in which they car ried . on a sort of make-believe Government— a Government which, as the Quarterly Review sharply says, took every mode of getting rid of business but the old-fashioned one of doing it. It is now seen that in a Parliament of their own calling —a Parliament in the election of which they cer tainly spared the exercise of o influence, fair or un fair, which a party in the possession of the Govern ment could possibly exercise—they arc worse off than they were in that Parliament of Sir Robert Peel's call ing which they so much objected to. As an Opposi tion, the Conservatives have gained upon their former achievement of January, 1835, when they possessed the powers and influences of Government. This is a position which no honest, no well-informed man can gainsay, nor will any one who is not frantic with Ra dicalism deny that in this one position is involved a Conservative triumph of the most decisive character. We do not boast of the gain as being very great in amount, but .that matters not to our present argument —we have gained, with every circumstance (save the approbation of the electors as constituted by the Whig Reform Act) against us which was for 'us in January,lB3s. The present Ministers have with them the eclat and favour belonging to the commencement of a new reign—they have (if Lord Durham is to be believed) everything which Ministers can dciive from a Sovereign—they have an unparalleled amount of Go vernment influence, and no scruple at all as to the use of it ; and, with all this in their favour, they are not able to realize a particle of that Parliamentary strength which they alleged was waiting for them in the country as soon as a general election could be put it into ac tion. Can anything more strongly than this speak the sentiment of the people—the sentiment which (be it always remembered) is expressed through the channels which the Whigs chose for themselves, and legalized in the Reform Act ? Formerly they objected to the voice of Parliament, because, said they, the people are not represented there. The representation is now arranged according to their own hearts' desire, so that objection will stand no longer. More lately they objected to the voice of Parliament, because, said they, the House of Commons was elected under the influence of a Government hostile to us. They have now a House of Commons elected under their own Government, so that objection also crumbles into nothing. 'What is to be the next excuse, or, if there be none, how is the Queen's Government to be carried on ? The Ministerial papers, with an affecting sadness, intimate the disappointment of the Govern ment in election affairs ; but they also intimate that Ministers are resigned to their fate, and determined, in spite of all disappointments, to carry on the Govern ment. This is very amiable, no doubt, and the viituous resolution of Ministers to submit to any thing rather than the abandonment of their places will, of course, meet with great applause, especially from those who expect anything from Ministerial con sideration of their merits or services. But we want still to know how the Queen's Government is to be carried on. We do not doubt the will of the present Mi nesters to carry the Government, but we do not see how it is to he managed. It is very easy to say that they will do so and so, but if they have not the means in either House of Parliament the assertion is worth very little. Our readers will, perhaps, be amused with the mirthfully-tragic marsner in which the Chronicle at once announces the defeat of the hopes and the renewal of the perseverance of the present Government. " The Tories," says our Con temporary (untruly), " cannot diminish the majority in favour of Ministers. An addition of ten or twenty Members to the Reform party would have been desirable"—(Here three distinct sobs would have been inserted, but that the powers of typo graphy fail to represent that interesting convulsion) —" but Ministers will have a majority quite suffi cient to enable them to conduct the Government." Will they, indeed? What I without any addition to their majority in the last House, and without any excuse to the public for its smallness? We believe , the scale will be turned against the present Minis ; ters ; but we suppose we take it, on the sad assumption of the Chronicle, that the glorious majorities of 23 sometimes, and sometimes FIVE, will be repeated in the next Parliament-4ill this be "quite sufficient" to enable Ministers to carry on the Government ? The Globe seemed to tell a very different story, not many days ago. It -is true that the object then was to induce a different event of the general elec tion from that which is now certain ; but, no matter what the object of the statement was, the thing stated remains the same. Now the Globe did posi tively state that such a " tremulous and dancing balance of political p ar ties" as that whi c h existedt in the last Parliament was a thing exceedingly to be deprecated. The Globe said that the state- of parties in the last Parliament " rendered the Opposi tion presumptuous and the Government feeble." Are we to understand that affairs are to continue just in this way, and that the " presumption" of the Oppo sition and the " feebleness" of Government are to go on in secula seculorum? There may be, for aught we can tell, a pleasure in feebleness which none but the feeble know, and Ministers may be resolved to en joy this pleasure so long as they are permitted to do so. This would indeed appear to be their determination, but we suppose that some time or another they will be so obliging as to remember that the nation's consent is necessary to this indulgence of their humour. If in the slumber of their satisfaction at being Ministers of the Crown they should forget this the nation may perhaps take the liberty of awakening them with more roughness than Ministers who delight in feebleness would like.—Morning Post. Among the practical proofs which the present ge neral toa election m o r esober affordssr and o wholesome of the return state of the of feeling, popular mind and the exercise of a better judgment than what pre vailed some time ago, when the most extravagant and senseless doctrines were a ready passport to Parlia ' ment, is the rejection of such men as Hume, Roe buck, and Dr. Bowring—the zealous, indefatigable, and thoroughgoing advocates of wild theories of go , vernment, dangerous experiments, and organic changes. Is there no re-action here ? There is in deed the evidence of a great and salutary re-action— a re-action not against reform, in the correct and ho nest sense of that word, but against the destructive principle which. had assumed its name—a re-action in favour of safe and salutary reform, because it is a re-action against revolution. But let us only sup pose that the mind of Great Britain had not re covered from the delirium into which it had been dragged by the charlatans that make agitation a trade, and find " patriotism" a profitable speculation. Let us suppose that such - empirics in legislation as the persons whom we have mentioned had succeeded in inducing the " most thinking people" in the world to be guilty of the unutterable folly of destroying with their own hands those noble institutions—the growth of centuries—the precious bequest of the virtue and wisdom of their ancestors, which constitute the strength and glory of the British monarchy, and give to true liberty its vital protection. Let us suppose, we say, that such political empirics had succeeded in inducing the people of England to break to pieces the admirable machinery of their mixed and balanced Constitution, what, we ask, would they substitute for it ? Would they show themselves as able to construct as they are eager to destroy ? or would the modern Vandals, like those of former days, only prove their power by the destruction of the proudest works of genius and the most venerable monuments of ancient glory ? Would the destroyers of the constitutional monarchy of Great Britain—the subverters of the altars of our national faith, give the people more liberty than they enjoy under the one, and purer instruction than they derive from the civilizing Intelligence and morality of the other ? Let us judge, then, by what they had vaunted as their greatest work, the Poor Law A mend inent Act—and in what light does it exhibit their love for the liberty and happiness of the people ? In order to crush and effectually oppress the poor, the philoso phical and most liberal authors of that iniquitous act erected a triple-headed despotism, to which the power of legislation belonging to King, Lords, and Commons was transferred. Herein was their love of liberty and constitutional freedom shown ! Their Christian spirit was evinced by putting into practice the monstrous doctrine against which the God of Christianity has set the eternal canon of his mercy—that poverty should be treated as crime. Who most loudly applauded that principle of the atrocious Bill, when pro pounded by Lord Althorp, 'and re-echoed by Lord Brougham ? The pretended' admirers of extreme liberty, among whom the most prominent were Mr. Hume, who has lately been rejected by the constitu ency of Middlesex, and Mr. Grote, who, we believe, will soon be exhibited as the rejected of the constitu ency of London. Mr. Roebuck and such Radicals are also ardent admirers of this lair, by which the flinty-hearted economists convert our national institu tion of charity into a grinding system of oppression— swelling the patronage of the Whig Government with fat commissionerships, while the pangs of slow starva tion are inflicted on the deserving poor, and the coun try is covered with enormous bastiles at an expense of 600,000/. Have not then " the masses" of the people good reason to exclaim; " Deliver us from such deli verers, and leave us the consolations and charities of the Protestant Church, and the protection of the Bri tish Constitution !"—Morning Herald. LAW INTELLIGENCE. COURT OF CHANCERY, ,A.re. 7. JONES V. - . • Mr. LovAT in this matter presented a petition to have a sum of 5001., belonging to a ward of the. Court, paid over to her husband. The application was made under peculiar circumstances. The marriage took place without the con sent of the Court ; but it was positively sworn' by the hus band and the wife that they did not at the time believe that they wero guilty of contempt of Court, as they were both ignorant of the fact that the lady had been made award of the Court. The lady was still under age, but the ap plication for the payment of the money was made with the consent of the lady and her family. The petition was dismissed. VICE-CHANCELLOR'S COURT, Aug. 7. SMITH V. KINGSCOTE. Mr. KNIGHT moved to dissolve an ex parte injunction, restraining the defendant from making a railway over the plaintiff's land. The plaintiff was lessee, under the Coun tess of Newburgh, of extensive coal—mines in certain dis tricts called Amble and Hawiley, in the county of North umberland. Li 1629 the owner of this tract of country parcelled it - out, reserving the coal-mines, with way leave and stay leave, and the right to sink pits upon any part of the land. The plaintiff was the owner of some land in Amble, subject to this reservation. The lessee of the coal-mines had lately commenced a rail Way, under Lady Newburgh's right of way, from pits in passing over the plaintiff's land in Amble, and lerMinating at - the Iti%;er Coqaet, where a quay had within the last kw year's been constructed. The whole question was, whether the reservatio❑ of way-leave gave him this power, subject of course to making compensation. His HoNoutt was of opinion the injunction should be dissolved. THE DIAMOND BUCKLES. " A rich but niggardly old banker had a pair cf shoe buckles worth a thousand louis. He frequently paid an economical visit to the pit of the opera, and having selected a snug corner, he would seat himself with his back against the wall, to enjoy the master-pices of Gluck and Sacchini. One evening, during the performance of CEdipe a Colonne, an elegantly dressed young man seated himself next to the banker, and entered into conversation with him. He sud• denly stooped down, rested his foot on the scat before him, took the gold buckles from his shoes, and having rolled them in a piece of paper, put them into his pocket. Observing that these moyemeits excited some manifestation of sur prise on the Fart of his neighbour, he said, You are no doubt astonished to see me take out my buckles, Sir ; but you would do the same if you were forced to wear gold ones, in consequence of having been robbed, as I have, of a pair of diamond buckles worth 6,000 livres.' How, Sir, robbed do you say of a pair of diamond buckles— where ?" Here, Sir, at the Opera ! whilst all my senses were entranced by the strains of Gluck's celestial music, some thieves came and seated themselves near me, for the purpose of concealing one of their companions, who stooped down, and putting his hand under the seat, dex terously unfastened my buckles. Did you ever hear of such an artfully contrived theft ?' Bless me, Sir, you alarm me. Your buckles were worth six thousand livres. I would not give this pair which I am wearing for twenty-four thousand livres. You may, therefore, easily imagine that I should be very sorry to lose them. I had better take your precau tion, and then I shall feel easy.' The worthy banker re moved his splendid buckles from their place of safety, wrapped them in his handkerchief, and deposited them in his pocket. In ten minutes after they again shifted their places, and the banker's new acquaintance, whose compa nions were in possessions of the booty, politely wished him a good evening. The rage and mortification of the un fortunate dupe may easily be conceived. He never •again set eyes on his diamond buckles, and his only compensation for the loss of them was a dearly bought lesson of experi ene."—Erenings with Prince Cambaceres. TIIE WAKEFIELD RIOT.-It is utterly impossi ble to enumerate the broken heads and other severe wounds received by numerous persons during this lamentable riot. One gentleman, (and while we regret his untimely fate, 'we cannot but feel thankful that it is only one) has died. The name of this unfortunate individual is Mr. Carter of Ossett ; he was struck on the head with a piece of the iron railing, which fractured his scull severely. He was taken to the Strafford Arms, and prompt medical assistance was rendered, but his wound was past the reach of skill. He lingered through the night, and died on Tueday morning. It was ex pected that an inquest would have been held on the body yes terday, but it was thought advisable to adjourn it till after the election ; and it is therefore intended to hold it on Tuesday next. The deceased was among the crowd of Yellows in the Pit, when he received his death wound. —Bradford Observer. The Baron Geramb, once a man of no little notoriety in London, but who for many years past has led a life of se clusion as a monk of the rigid order of La Trappe, has within the last few weeks addressed a very affectionate letter to the Abbe de la Mennais, inviting him to accompany him to Rome, and there throw himself at the feet of the Holy Pon tiff, acknowledge himself a sinner, and entreat forgiveness for the past. The Baron's letter is a curiosity in its way, for it seems to breathe a tone of sincere affection for a man whom he has never seen, and upon whose works he looks with hor ror. Speaking of the celebrated " Paroles d'un Croy ant," he says, " When the book fell into my hands, I firmly maintained that it could not have been written by you, but as I sop be came convinced that I was mistaken, I would have thought myself happy, Sir, if, with all my blood, I could have effaced the greater part of that Satanically beautiful work." On Monday night a torrent of rain poured down upon the neighbourhood of Ceres, in Fife, occasioned, it is believed, by the bursting of a waterspout. In a few minutes the river which runs past that place overflowed its banks, and in a short time carried off six or seven bridges, besides a quantity of yarn and other articles from fields within it sweep. In the vicinity of Largo, a boy was also swep t off and drowned, and two women, who were overtaken by the apeat, nurowly escaped with their lirei...Glassrete Perak'. POLICE INTELLIGENCE • MANSION--HO USE. M. Gruan, who describes himself as Charge d'Affaires to the Duke of Normandy, the alleged son of the unfortu nate Louis XVI., brought to the Justice-room the letters from Dresden, relative to which some noise was made about three weeks ago, in order to convince the Lord Mayor of the absurdity of the report that the correspor►- dence contained the materials of a plot against the life of Louis Philippe. It•is proper to state that the packet containing the let-• ters, which it will be recollected, the Lord Mayor trans mitted to Lord John Russell, was returned to the former exactly in the condition in which it had been forwarded to the Secretary of State, the seal not having been disturbed, and without a word of comment ; and the Lord Mayor placed them in the hands of M. Gruen, who soon after wards came to the Mansion House, and requested that the letters might be read publicly. He was the more anxious to have the impression removed, as upon the walls of Paris were affixed placards, stating that a dreadful plot to assas sinate the King of the French was detected in London, and the French press contained histories of the diabolical conspiracy. Together with the packet, which contained all the letters but two, M. Gruan gave in a paper, from which the following are extracts : The address is, " M. Gruan, advocate, at Mr. Toul nin's, 6, Hart-street, Mark-lane, London," so that there can be no pretence for stating that there was a misunder standing upon the part of Mr. Smith or Mr. Frykman, that it was directed to the latter. There are six letters, four of which were sealed, and not one read by the parties, into whose hands the packet fell, nor by the authorities to which it was referred, so that the information of the plot depends upon the two letters which were unsealed in the packet, and which Mr. Frykman had read. Of the two letters not contained in the envelope one is from her Royal Highness, the wife of the Prince, written in German, the other is addressed to a lady in London, and has been sent to her by the two-penny post. As for what is pretended by the Prussian Government and the Duchess D'Angou leme, that the Prince is a Prussian, and that the heart of the true Dauphine had been offered to his sister, the public may read the abridgment of " The History of the Misfor tunes of the Dauphine, the Son of Louis the Sixteenth," at Dulau's, in Soho-square, where it will he found that the Prussian Gazette, official newspaper, asserts positively that the Pretender is not a Prussian, and that his origin could not be discovered ; and the same work proves that Madame D'Angouleme refused in 1814 the heart of the child that lay dead in the Temple, offered to her by Dr. Pelletier, because it was not the heart of the Dauphine, but that of the child who was substituted in the place of the eloped orphan of the Temple. The following are the letters which were handed to the Lord Mayor. The first is addressed to M. Gruan, and that gentleman considered it necessary to erase the names of the writers of all. " My worthy Friend, Sir,—An English Catholic, of a family of Peers, and a near relative to the venerable Car dinal lately deceased, was acquainted at Carlsbad with the whole affair, to which he paid most particular attention, attaching the most lively interest to it. He particularly wished to pay you a visit, and he had several interviews with Mr. about it. His conversation will, I think, be as satisfactory to you as to the latter. You will judge of it. Take courage and be resigned, and God will do the rest. " Ever yours, " 26th June, 1837. • " Miss begs you will be so good as to put her letter into the twopenny post." " My Lord Duke—Your Royal Highness overwhelms me with so many kindnesses that I cannot find words ade quate to convey my gratitude to you. I shall never cease considering it as my duty to devote to the children of St. Louis the humble services for which Divine Providence furnishes me with so happy an opportunity. My ancestors, of French origin, taught me, by their examples, to vene rate that Royal blood, and the kindnesses of Madame will never allow me to forget those precious lessons. " Yes, most unfortunate Prince, I bless the misfortune which shows so many virtues, and pray to God to put an end to it ; and I shall never cease thanking him for having pro cured me the happiness of serving you, and to assure your Royal Highness of the profound respect and sincerity with which-I am your most humble servant, " Most beloved Prince,—Our inseparable friend wished that I should not. separate my letter from hers. This ex cellent friend well proves to us every day by her actions how sincere she is in what she writes to you. We have been rather uneasy about you, and we incessantly pay to the Almighty, whose secret designs we are ignorant of, that he may soften the way, already so painful, which is to con duct you to a happy end. I likewise pray that one good angel may instruct you in all things useful to your family, and the particulars of which I cannot enter into, so much the more so as they have not hitherto assumed a serious im portance, and I hope they never will. " I regret much not having any news to give you, but as for you, who are acquainted with so many things, you no longer say anything to me. We are languishing in expec tation ; however, you have no cause for being silent ; you would make us happy by communicating to us whatever may concern you. " I thought I might as well write a letter, in rather favourable terms, to the Bishop, being desirous of furnish ing him with some means . of reconciliation, without, how ever, compromising in any way whatever justice or truth. He wrote me an answer on the 9th instant—you will judge with what inspiration, when you know that he had passed the whole precious day with Louis Philippe. It is a mis fortune which I deplore for him. I trust to God for every thing, and I never leave praying to him for your person, which is, and ever will be, so dear to us. I regret much that I have not the means of , fulfilling my promise to poor in paying for bins the 150 louis which will become due in July next. If the Government had not deprived me of all that belongs to me, about which the Bishop makes rather a lame excuse, I would have had it in my power to pay the above ; but God's will be done.—Farewell, beloved and dear Prince. May you soon be consoled for all your troubles is the most sincere wish of your ever devoted, " June 26, 1837." " Dear Prince—l must not trouble you with a letter, not having any news to communicate, but Miss Amelia tells me that you would feel angry were I not to avail myself of the opportunity. That is sufficient for me to hasten to request you to accept my respects, and to express, at the s ime time, the ardent prayers which I incessantly address to Almighty God for the success of your cause. "I am very much pleased and happy to-day, for my twenty-sixth year has been celebrated, and I am touched to tears for the many marks of friendship with which lam overwhelmed. You could not have helped laughing, good Prince, at seeing me with a croern of roses on my head, a nosegay on my side, and my eyes full of tears, emotion, and happiness. What do I say ? of happiness 1 Oh, no, it is not so, for there will be no true happiness for your friends, but when they see you in the midst of them. Until then, they can only be supported by the hope that God will shorten the time of your absence, and will at last restore you to the wishes of true Frenchmen. • " My good mother desires me to present her profound respects to you. You are well aware that her heart as well as mine will never change, and that whenever it may be put to the test she will always prove most devoted. As Madame writes to you I will not enter into any particulars respecting your children : they are all doing well. Miss Amelia is making great progress in the English language. When she knows as much as her mistress we must procure an English master to make her perfect, so that she may not acquire a foreign accent.—Believe me, dear Prince, most sincerely your's, " Dresden, 1837." " Dresden, June 26. "My very good Prince—l have the happiness to write to you from the bosom of your beloved family, in the midst of which I have been for this last fortnight. You will no doubt have received my last letter, dated from —, with that of Mr. --. It was only from -- that I was able to send to my aunt the letter which you did her the ho nour to write to her, because I had heard in passing through Paris that her mind had been worked upon against you, and I was desirous of having that bad impression cleared away by others previous to my making any demand from her. On the other hand, I have not fixed any sum to her, and in sending me francs for your family, she writes me word that she shares with you all the money she has in the house, as she is only to receive in two years' time various sums which she had lent. But do not be in the least uneasy about your family. You have asso ciated me in your paternal care ; they will then never want but when I am in want myself, which I hope will never be the case. My good, mother wrote me word lately that if your cause did not meet with the success we expect, she would sell all that she is still in possession of to come and live, and share her small portion with these dear and be loved children, whose fate touches us so much. " Madame's health has much improved since she has been taking the waters. She will continue to take them for three weeks longer. Miss Amelia has no further su f. fering but that of being so far from her excellent father ; to go and throw herself in his arms her filial piety would brave the dangers of the sea. She often sheds tears at that cruel separation, and I endeavour to console her by speak ing of you, and giving her those comforts she is so much in need of. Edward is coming to spend another vacation with us, during which I shall be his Prehnacnhhdeldniseassbctureirtp,tlii.atotnnlcesl m s t e h t a n him t g o u w ag r e i t , in ele vi t ; walks which we take togeth er in which s xon Switzerland. advanced. I " Constance, Charles, Edmund, and Therese are grow ing and are very well. Everything here • by the piercing shrill tones which they utter from derfully well. Their lungs are getting t 's on wo l n- , o r in ev m er o y rn ( in % till night, 4114 from the f requent use wh i ch t h ey ma k e of) some that organ I do not doubt but they will sing very we' day, like their eldest sister, who has a most charming voice. Such is the domestic news. There is that of another kind which is not less certain. I warrant it to you as such. " Austria, France, and Prussia unanimously are going to produce a manifesto or ordonnance, by which they banish you from the Continent as an impostor who avails himself of a few favourable circumstances to give credibility to his lies as to his pretended origin, as he is but a Prussian well known. That manifesto will be accompanied by a decla ration from the Duchess d'Angouleme, in which she ac knowledges that her brother died in the Temple, as his heart was offered to her, purchased at a high price from the physician who made the autopsy in the Temple.. Really, Prince, if, such are the arms of your adversaries, they must excite your pity. What weakness of reasonable means. Here are the great Powers of Europe, who say they know you, and who cannot give the proof of it. What pitiful persons ! Let us wait for them. My name has excited the attention of the Prussian Ambassador, who, thinking that I was --, demanded that I should be expelled from Saxony. He was made easy when he was told that I was but a very peaceable --. This, excellent Prince, is all that I can tell you by the good opportunity which presents itself at this moment. It is by the nephews of Cardinal --, who return for Carlsbad, and are well convinced of your identity. Ido not know whether you will receive them. They are very anxious to pay you their respects. I embrace you for all here with all my heart and with all the feeling of one of your children." The LOAD MAYOR observed that the letters appeared to him to contain the " mare's nest" which somebody said the persons into whose hands the correspondence accidentally MI had found. It appeared to him that there was certainly evidence of a conspiracy, but not against life. It was a con spiracy amongst Antooia, and Edmund, and Charles, and Theresa, to destroy—not life, but all power and tranquillity by the piercing shrill tones of the voice which it seemed they were in the habit of exercising from morning till night in the house.where they resided. BOW-STREET. Edward Williams, a letter-carrier in the employment of tl e G eneral Post-office, was yesterday charged with having stolen letters containing money, which had been committed to his charge for delivery. Sir F. ROE ordered him to be remanded until 'Wednes day next. HATTON-GARDEN. A rough-looking fellow, attired in a fustian dress, pre sented himself before Mr. LAING, sad sucking his teeth as if he had just finished his luncheon, and with a peculiar lisp having lost his front teeth, said— Pleaseth your Worship, I wants you to grant me a warrant. Mr. LAING—Who has assaulted you? Applicant—Mis ther Keith. of Sadler's Wells Theatre. Mr. LAING—Pray what is he? Applicant—He is one of the performers, olr Worship. Mr. Laing—Where was the assault committed ? Ap plicant—ln the theatre, your Worship. Mr. Laing—And pray what • yea' Appl:cant—l am one of the performers alltho. Mr. Laing (with astonishment)—You one of the per formers ! (A laugh). What do you perform ? parths. Mr. Laing-.-What do you mean by all parts? Appli cant—l am an actor of general utility. (A laugh). Mr. Laing—A what ? Applicant—l am what they termths a general utilithist. Mr. Mallett said he was a person engaged to make him self generally useful in the theatre. Laing—Let him have- his warrant. The applicant with affected dignity " lisped" his, thanks, and strutted out of the office, exulting at the idea of having revenge for the " vile blow." Two women namea Sullivan were charged with stealing a shawl, the property of Jane smith. Mr. Laing asked the constable of G division, whether he had found the property ? Constable (looking vacantly. and producing some trifling articles)—Ees, I zarched the place, and foind these ere. Mr. LAING—They arc not the shawl. Constable—Noa but I find these ere. Mr. LAING (to the inspector)—How long has he been a constable ?I—lnspector Penny—Not long, your Worship. Nothing relating to the robbery has been found. Mr. LAING—It is necessary that you should give him a good drilling.—(To the constable) What countryman are you ?—Constable (with a peculiarly vacant gaze)—l be a Norfolk mon.—(Laughter.) The prisoners were remanded, and the fresh-caught con stable, who wore a high false shirt collar, with his coat but toned up, and who was at a loss how to move himself in his new ‘-‘ uniform;" tied up his bundle, and walked out of the Court with a comical gait. MA RY LEB ONE. Richard Bates, a country-looking joskin, was charged by police constable T 99 with being drunk in the .Edg ware-roqd on the preceding day. The constable said be found the prisoner speechlwa, and in such a glorious state of for getfulness that be was obliged to be carried to the sation-house. Mr. RAWLINSON—What have you to say, Sir, to being drunk on a Sunday ? Prilioner—l'd been to the funeral of a friend, and it being a disagreeable case took some brandy after starting, and on coming back we went, as is the regular rule, to settle the funeral matters at a public house, where we drank to the memory of our departed friend till I lost. my own memory ; therefore I hope that a an excu,c.—(Laughter ) Mr. RAwLiNsoN--Well, I never heard of that rule, Lot my regular rule is to fine all Sunday drunkards, and that rule I shall now put in force. You are therefore fined be• The fined was paid. During the time Beaumont and Fletcher were writ ing The Maydes' Tragedie (lately revived under the title' of The Bridal) they had occasion to leave London, and stopping at an inn, where they slept, Beaumont durino , the night dis coursed with Fletcher on the subject of the unfinished tragedy , and they could not agree who was to kill the king : one saying that it would appear more terrible to the audience to be as he proposed ; with which opinion the other disagreed. Some persons who slept in the next room overheard a part of their conversation ; and not doubting that by talking of " killing; the king," they were concerned in a conspiracy to assassinate Jaines 1., lost no time in giving information that there were traitors in the house. Beaumont and Fletcher were quickly' roused from their slumbers by a guard of soldiers coming t? , arrest them, and they were consigned to " durance vile. Some time elapsed before it was explained that the dramatists meant to kill the King in the Maydes' Tragedie, and not,tbe King of England. James I. on hearing of the affair laughed heartily. Last Friday morning a person from Bury presented himself at the polling-booth in Bridge -street, accompanied Is/ some of the friends of the Tory candidates, and on being re' cognised as one who had pledged his vote to the reformers , suspicion arose that he had not been fairly gained over, and the bribery oath was put to him. On being asked if he had re' ceived or been promised anything for his vote, lie turned pale! hesitated and then exclaimed, " I cannot swear I have not. I have the money in my pocket." Joseph Brotherton, Esq. , M. P., was the next voter who presented himself, and Mr• Wanklyn, smarting at the loss of a vote to each of his friends, had the insolence to put the bribery oath to the Hon. Gentle' man. These things need no comment.—Manchester Times. A great deal of privation is suffered by the o pera' tires of Bradford. A sum of nearly 2,0001. was munificent l y subscribed by the wealthy inhabitants to relieve the distres?, but owing to the great number who applied for aid, it is nearly exhausted. The distress would have been greater but for the season, great numbers having found employment in haymaking' —Bradford Observer. EIGHT-D AY CLOCK-3' tl strike the Hours and Half-hours, Five Guineas each. They ar e in elegant cases, about 7i inches high, suitable either to stand 0° bracket or mantel-piece, and are Warranted, at T. COX SA . VORY'S, Working Goldsmith, &c. &C., 47, Cornhill, L on don. N.8.--A pamphlet containing drawings and a detailed list e 1 th e prices of Silver Plate, Plated Goods, Watches, Clocks bcc. may be had gratis, or will be forbNard ed in answe r to a post-paid apt:hotpot. On the 6 th in st., at Heckfi eld , Hants, the lady of Fritncio Pigott, Esq., of a daughter. On the sth inst., at Brixton, Mrs. C. Tompkins of a daught er ; On the 3 1 st ult., in Moray-place, Edi n b urg h , t h e H o n. li'I i ' Coulson, of a son. On the 29th ult., at Lee, Kent, the lady of Robert Boyd , °" I " of a son. fien On the 3d inst., at Broomfield, Middlesex, the lady of d Philip Powys, Esq., o f a d aughter. On the 6th inst., at Hearne -hill, Mrs. Robertson, of a son. 0. On the 4th inst., at Foxeote, Warwickshire, the lady of C. Stoner, Esq., of a son and heir. la" On the sth i nst., i n Chandos-street, Cavendish-square, the of Thomas Paley, Esq., barrister-at-law, of a son. MARRIED. T yi c iate , On the 25th ult.., at Bally sax Church, is the county of i'l r o , J. G. Hudson, of St. Geor ge ' s -te rr ace, Hyde Park, to Car ° '': (laughter of G. Watts, Esq., of Jockey Hall, Curragh of Kik (a f r o & 13 On the 6th i ns t., at S t. Luke ' s, Ch e l s e a, H utc hi nson H. ' 1 ” - Esq., to Rachel Annette Prince. 00 the .sth inst., at his house in P all-mall, Sir M. Wood, B at t 3 j. A. On the sth inst., Harriet Elizabeth, wife of the Rey Wright, Rector of Merstham Surrey. ire"' On the 4th inst., at I3eddington, Surrey, Charlotte, the W the Rev. J. B. Ferrers. f J oll° On the 4th inst., at Woolwich, Mrs. Vivian, widow °- Vivian, Esq., late Lieut.. Colonel Royal Regt. of Artillery. f On he 4th inst., at Gravesend, Anna, eldest daughter ° Charleton, Esq., of St. John's-grove, North Brixton. r of IV. On the sth inst., at Wilton-crescent, Sarah, only daught e Watkins, Et.q., aged 10. a n n s e s ; On the 4th inst., at the house of Mr. G. G e dd e s, at =• -r , r lo- Adam Hogg, Esq., of Manchester, i n th e I s l an d o f J a maica , $ Earlstone, iu Berwilcshire. 1;1 0 ' London: Printed and Published by MURDO YO tJNY' coot/ 112, Strand, at The Sun O ffi ce, No. 112, s tran d, in we of Aliddloses.—Tuoiday, August 8, 1337.