The Sun. — London, England, 1837-12-23 00:00:00

state now, that it is our intention, in the first place, to pro duce to-morrow all the information that can be produced, without injury to the public service, collected from the dis patches and information received from Lord Gosford. ( Cries of " Hear, hear.") That information being laid be fore Parliament, will necessarily require some time before it can be read and considered. It is further our intention, con sidering that Parliament cannot be immediately brought to gether directly after Christmas in sufficient numbers to con sider matters of such importance, yet at the same time, consi dering that we should not be justified in so long an adjourn ment as till the Ist day of February next—(Hear)—it is our intention to move that Parliament do re-assemble on Tuesday the 16th of January nett.—( Hear and cheers.) I therefore think it right to inform the Honourable Gentleman who proposes to make a motion on this subject to-night, that I certainly don't think it would be useful or expedient to enter, in any answer which I might give him, into a state ment of the affairs of Canada upon which any definitive resolution could be come to by the House, thinned as it is by absence. At the same time, I may add, that we do not wish to withhold any information from Parliament on matter so grave and important, but that in the middle of January we propose to meet Parliament, with a view to call on them for such measures as may be deemed necessary ; but whether the country is with us, aye or no, whether it will agree with us in our de termination remains to be seen ; but our resolve is, that the well-affected to the Crown in that country should be protected— ( Cheers)—and we are anxious that in any measure we adopt we should be not only acting by command of her Majesty, but with the full assent and concurrence of Parliament and the country. Mr. LEADER said that the Noble Lord had stated thai be should lay all the official documents on the table of the House, and he had further stated that in answer to any questions of his, he should not consider it necessary to enter into the subject, looking at the state in which they were at present placed. The Noble Lord was at perfect liberty to take any course in the discussion he might think advisable : but he thought the importance of the Ca nada question, and the great interest at stake justified him in pressing the subject on the attention of the House, and rendered it an imperative duty on his part to lay the statements he was about to do before the attention of the House, for the purpose of enabling them to decide on the course they would take, and to mark their sense of the course adopted by Govern ment.—( Hear.) He also wished the House to decide upon what course they would adopt consistent with the best interests of Canada and Great Britain. As things as present existed, the interests and liberties of Canada and the honour rind peace of England were in imminent danger. Such being the case, he now asked the Representatives of the people, and in (loin , so the Noble Lord could not consider his question ill-timed, how it was that a colony like Lower Canada had been driven into rebellion, by what means the evils might be mitigated, and in what manner a general war might be prevented throughout Europe ? It might be advisable, in the first instance, to give a brief sketch of the present uneasy state of Canada, and the cause of it.—( Hear, hear.) The Canadians were a weak people, contending against a rsiost gigantic power. For many years past the Canadians had been com plaining of many grievances ; they had year after year peti tioned the Colonial Office, and lastly Parliament for re drese.--( Hear, hear, hear.) But although every com plaint that they had made was acknowledged to be well founded, their prayers had been neglected. It had been felt that they were too weak to eefore redress, and therefore their prayers had been unheeded. Finding at last that their petitions were in vain, and that they could expect no justice from the Colonial Office or the British Parliament, they had recourse to the legal right which their Constitution gave them, and they refused to grant any money to the Govern ment, that had positively refused to grant them any redress. This, in his (Mr. L.'s) opinion, was a just, wise, and Constitutional course—they had a right to stop the sup plies ; and in exercising that right, they only exercised that which they had the Constitutional power to do, which Con stitutional power. it was to be remembered, had been given them by the Government of this country. It might be said that they had chosen the improper time—if such were the case, he would ask whether the Government were to be the parties who were to tell them when that time r a ? NI hat was the course pursued by the Government when the Canadians took the step they had done ? hy, they had determined that the Canadians should be coerced, and they had coerced them by the resolutions which had been passed in that House during the last Session of Parliament. The Canadians asked for redress, and the Government of this country, instead of giving them it, had sent over the Coercion Bill. —( Cries of " Hear, hear.") The consequence of those resolutions vies, that the Canadians seeing they could not hope for justice from the Government— seeiag that they must trust to themselves and themselves alone, and seeing it was utterly impossible to get even an acknow ledgment of their constitutional rights in this country_ and finding themselves in this dilemma, that they must either submit to the resolutions, and be slaves, or resist the resolu tions at the risk of a civil war—they took that alternative which every people that enjoyed any portion of freedom would, and determined on resistance. He must say they would have been despicable, and the people of England would have been the first to despise them, ic t.king the other alternative, they had basely submitted to the slavery the Government sought to impose on them. As soon as the resolutions were known in Canada, measures acre taken for resisting those resolutions, and as the Canadians of course anticipated the Government would endeavour to enforce the resolutions ; measures were concocted for armed resistance. Those measures were well taken and well executed. Public meetings were called. Speeches were made, indignantly denouncing the resolutions, and the Government that proposed them. Societies were formed in the country for the purpose of organizing the young men, that they might be mustered and drilled, and accus tomed to military evolutions. Those who took their differences to the regular courts of justice were denounced, and provisional local courts were established in their stead, to which every good Canadian was required by the Canadian Committees to take his differences to be adjusted ; and every man who, instead of going to the provisional local comes, applied to Vie regular courts of justice, was denounced as a traitor to his country._ (Loud cries " Hoer, hear" from the Radicals, and Counter cheers from the Ministerialists and Conseil atives. ) A regular system of commercial non-intercourse with great Britain was established, in order that, by not using taxed articles, they might injure the revenue ; and that by not using any article of British produce they might show their strong sense of the injustice inflicted on them. All those measures were to be enforced by Committees of vigilance, but those Com mittees of ilia:lnce had little or nothing to do, for 9- leths of the peeple were so exasperated against Government that he was considered the patriot who most resisted the detested ty rannical Government. Those measures had all been decided upon, and carded into execution. lie thought, therefore, any one might safely say, even if they had not the recent ac counts of to day, that Lower Canada was in a state of open revolt.—( Hear.) There was (ne point in those mea sures to which he must call the attention of the Hon. Members—it was the subject of commercial nos-intercourse. This was precisely the course taken by the Americans at the commencement of their struggle for independence. The British Ministers at that time thought they could not exist without articles of British produce. But he had no doubt the Noble Lord (Lord John Russell) remembered the evidence of Dr. Franklin, given on that occasion, who stated that the Americans would soon be able to supply themselves with the articles which they procured from Eng land, by their own manufactures; and that was precisely the feeling that now existed in Lower Canada. The Canadians, let it be recollected, had this advansage—they were met, as the Americans were, when they struggled for inde pendence, alone, upon that Continent—they had a powerful and friendly neighbour, anxious to profit by any struggle that might take place between Canada and England. There would be an extensive system of smuggling established, and in fact had already been established, along the American frontier, by which the Canadians could easily be supplied with articles which they now obtained from England. The Hon. Member wont on to refer to the riot at Montreal in respect of which great exaggerations had been circulated ; and it was pretended that the party called the " British," or the " Ascendancy " (for they were not British) party, could controul the great body of the Canadian population ; just as in Ireland, the Orangemen said they could put down the Catholics. The facts were, that a Society of young men at Montreal, called " the Sons of Liberty," had met a Tory club, and an encounter ensued—the Tories being compelled to leave the field. They returned, however, reinforced by large numbers, but finding their opponents quietly dispersed, they showed their courage by attacking the office of a Liberal paper, called the Vindicator, in which there was at the time only an old woman, whom they gallantly dragged out and then set fire to the office. It might be asked why did they not come back and defend the premises ? What use would that be ? for they knew well that they were burned, and they knew also the temper of the British Magistracy and the troops too well to doubt that if they did return the Tories would have been backed by them.—(Loud cries of " hear, hear," from the Opposition benches.) What! would they have the Magistracy and the troops to act as partizans in such a quarrel. This would certainly have been the case, for in Montreal there was as sembled a large number of troops, and it would aot have been merely the triumph of the Tories over the Liberals, but that of large and numerous military bands acting as partizans for the Tories and against the people. In the account of the recent collision which had taken place between the troops and the people, the same feeling of unfairness and partizanship bad been manifested. It seemed the last Governor had represented that Lower Canada was not generally disaffected, but that portions only of it were disturbed, and that the disturbances in those parts were headed by factious demagogues. Now he would take the statement of one of their own papers, and he would ask whether they were of opinion the province was only dis affected in part, or whether it did not extend to the entire population? It seemed that a party of the Montreal cavalry went out to seize certain disaffected persons, and having secured them they were escorting them back, when they were attacked by a large body of the peasantry who were assembled behind a breast-work, on the road side, composed of trees. A skirmish ensued, the cavalry were put to flight, and the prisoners rescued. Now, he would ask whether this did not resemble the disaffection of the entire po pulation ? It was precisely the state of a country in open in surrection. The houses were shut up, the women and chil dren carried to a place of safety, and the men were in open arms against the authorities. In order that it might not be supposed that he was overstating the case, he would read the statement of a paper, generally supposed to be favour able to the Government. [The Hon. Member then proceeded to read the account of the rescue of the two prisoners from the Montreal Herald; the extract being one which has ap peared recently in all the London newspapers.] Now he would ask any military man in the House whether those Canadians had shown military skill or not ?—( Hear, hear.) It was generally the fault with young soldiers to fire low ; but the Canadian riflemen had taken a lesson from their Kentuckian friend!, and went down on their knees to take aim and fire low. But it might be supposed that all this took place in a French district, and amongst a disaffected French popu lation. No such thing. It was in the township of Norfolk, in the district of St. John—( Hear, hear)—in a district chiefly inhabited by British settlers, and supposed by Government to be well affected.—( Hear.) Certainly it must be refreshing to the Government to look to the state of Upper Canada, and to repose upon its loyalty.—(Hear, hear.) But were there no meetings in Upper Canada at which men appeared in arms, and at which resolutions were entered into, pledging the inhabi tants of the Upper Province to go down to the assistance of their brethren in Lower Canada, should the oppression of the Go vernment compel them to have recourse to arms ?—( Hear, hear.) If Upper Canada were in so quiet a state as her Ma jesty's Ministers would persuade themselves to believe, why bad that paragon of Governors, Sir Francis Head, been re-called ? Why had the Government sent in his place a man who, if there were no rebellion, would be sure to force one?—(Hear, hear.) He knew nothing of Colonel Arthur personally ; he believed the Colonel was a brave soldier, but no man could be more unfit to govern a free colony. He (Mr. L.) would pass by the grave charges which had been brought against Colonel Arthur, and the petitions which had been sent to that House by the inhabitants of Honduras respecting his government of that colony. But his ten years govern ment of a penal colony was not the fittest prepara tion for that of a free people. Indeed he ought not to be called the governor of Van Diemen's Land, but the head jailor—( Hear, hear)—an office in which he had to en force a system of cruel punishment, which was not exceeded by the inquisition, or the penal systems of the most barbarous nations of antiquity.—( Hear.) But Colonel Arthur had effi ciently enforced that system, and kept the colony tranquil, to the satisfaction of the Government, and that was his qualifica tion for the office of Governor of Lower Canada. Was not the appointment of that person under such circumstances, galling to the pride of the Canadians ? The discontent of Lower Canada was ascribed to a French faction. But was there a French faction in Newfoundland ? —( Hear, hear.) The people of that colony could get no re dress of their grievances, and they stooped the supplies.— ( Hear, hear.) The Governm nt papers, in recording the event, remarked that no riots had yet taken place there, evi dently expecting that riots would be the natural result of the course which was pursued by the Government there as well as in Canada. If the Government were to act consistently it should send out a Coercion Bill to Newfoundland. In fact, it was not Lower Canada alone that was in volved in the present struggle, but the whole of the British Colonists in North America. Let the House consider the forces that were engaged on both sides. On the one side they had the Executive Government of this great country, but he would not say that the people of England were on the same side.— (Cheers.) He was sure the people would not sup port the Government in keeping en unwilling colony in subjection.—( Hear, hear.) On the other hand there was the people of Canada united in resisting an oppressive Government—being in the immediate neighbourhood of the United States, which held out hopes of succour to the re volted, and inducements to desertion to the soldiers. A Noble Lord had told him, the other night, that deser tion was very rare in the Colony ; but he believed the fact was, that soldiers deserted in whole companies. If the soldier should fail to quit the place, there would be plenty of hints given to him to do so by the Canadian Press The popular party in Canada had lands with which they rewarded those who assisted them. Those lands are confiscated and divided in 'proportion to the service rendered, and there could be no doubt that the Canadians would use that land for the purpose of rewarding the British soldiers who deserted to them. Many persons imagined that the American citizens would be prevented from rendering assistance—that was, in his opinion, altogether a fallacy, and he thought that the recent example of Texas had proved it. There was no Foreign Elistment Act in America it should be re membered ; and there could be no doubt that large and well organised bodies of American citizens would march over the border to assist the Canadians against the British forces. It had been said over and over again, and repeated in that House and in all the public papers, that the Canadians might he easily put down--that this was only an ebullition of a small p rty of English demagogues.—( Cheers.) They had been told that the account of the Governor was, on the whale, satis factory, and that even if a few silly people did rebel, they might easily be put down, and would cost the Government only a regiment or two, or one or two fligates.—(Cheers.) He wished to know whether the Noble Lord bad ever heard of a Paper by Dr. Franklin, intitulcd " Rules for Reducing the Great. Empire to a Small one." In that Paper there was one rule so applicable to the present state of the Canadian Government, that, with the permission of the House he wculd read it. It was rule No. 16. " If you are told of discontents in your Colonies never believe they are general, or that you have given occasion for them : therefore apply no remedy. Redress no grievances, for if you do, the parties asking for redress would ask you for it, for those things that are nut grievances. Grant no request that is reasonable, for if you do requests will certainly he made tint are unreason tble. Believe nothing you hear from the friends of the people—suppose all their complaints to be in vented by a few factious demagogues, who if you can catch and hang all will be well. Catch and hang them, and the blood of the martyrs will work miracles in your cause."— (Cheers.) These opinions might be well applied, in his (Mr. Leader's) opinion, to the present state of Canada. It would appear that the disgrace and distress of the American war was to he eitnes=cd over again ; as though Franklin had never written, or Washington never fought, against the power of Great Britain, in defence of an injured and oppressed country.—( Loud cheering.) Supposing even that the Canadians could easily be put down, what wculd this country gain ?—A disaffected province, ready to rebel again an the first opportunity.—( Hear, hear.) Montreal and Quebec might be occupied by a military force, but it would be impossible to occupy the whole country ; and how could the navigation of the St. Laurence, front Quebec and upwards, be protecte 1 against the attacks of small parties posted in the numerous islands that studded its surface, or on the heights that surrounded it? Supposing Lower Canada to be conquered, what advantages would be derived from it ? The benefits which a country derived from the possession of colonies were first an outlet for its manufactures, employment for its shipping, and a fair field for emigration. But there was not one of these advantages w hich could not be much better de rived from an independent country, as had been abun dantly proved in the case of North America.—( Hear, hear. ) If this country succeeded in the struggle with Canada, we should he obliged to keep military possession of that country. If C inada succeeded what would be the result? There would he a feeling of hostility against Great Britain that, for many years, the tide of emigration to Canada from this country would he almost entirely destroyed.—( Hear. ) The SPEAKER here interrupted the Hon Member, inti• own misgovernment driven into a state of open rebellion. As the Noble Lord bad stated there was to be a further discus sion on this subject, and that they were to meet on the 16th of January for that purpose, he would not now advert to the last news that had arrived from Lower Ca nada. He cnly wished the case had been entrusted to better hands, but he had laid the case as fairly as he could before a very unwilling audience.—( Loud cries of " Oh, oh," and " No, no.") When he said unwilling, he meant to say there were perhaps not more than ten individuals who felt as he did ; he would therefore not say unwilling, but adverse audience. He was going to thank them for having urged sentiments that must have been so disagreeable to their cars, with the atten tion and indulgence they had shown. The Hon. Gentleman concluded, by moving for copies of all dispatches which have passed between Lord Gosford and the Colonial-office, since the date of those last presented to the House. Mr. C. LUSHINGTON said, that although he did not intend to enter at largo into the affairs of Canada after whit the Noble Lord had stated he could not quietly sit down and hear the language which had been used by the Honourable Member for Westminster, without expressing his utmost indignation.—( Loud cheers.) The Hon. Gentle man had described to the House scenes of bloodshed and of hatred among their unhappy countrymen in a dis tant part of the world, and had dwelt upon them with feelings of exultation.—( Hear, and great cheering.) It must have been unpleasant and most cruel to the feelings of Hon. Members in that Assembly—but the Hon. Member for Westminster had not expressed the slightest cotnmiseration for the miseries into which this state of things must have in volved Canada. He had not deplored the bloodshed which took place, but he had indulged himself in exultation at treason, which he (Mr. L. ) did not certainly expect to hear from a Member of the British Legislature.—(Loud cheers.) The Hon. Member seemed to revel in the idea that the course of justice had been suspended, and preferred the law of a party of insurgents to the established law of the land. The Hon. Member had hailed with feelings of pleasure and delight the prospect of desertion from the British army, and had ad►erted to the advantages the insurgents had gained from deserters.—(Cheers.) He did not intend as he had stated when he rose to enter into the discussion of this measure ; but he had thought it his duty as a good subject of the Queen, and as a Member of that House, to express the dissatisfaction, indeed the indignation he felt, at certain passages in the Hon. Gentleman's speech. Mr. HUME said the Hon. Gentleman who had just sat down had expressed his indignation at the language used by his Honourable Friend, but Ise thought it would have been better if the Hon. Member had considered whether there was just cause for that indignation.—(Hear, hear, hear. ) le wished the Hon. Member had directed a little attention to - the causes of these things, endless( not begun by attacking his Hon. Friend for doing that which he considered to be his duty. He considered that his censure was unjust. The Hon. Member had applauded rebellion, and had alluded with delight to the desertion of the soldiers from the British army. He looked with deep regret upon a state of things where soldiers were called upon to support tyranny. Who was to blame for all that had taken place ? Not the citizens of Lower Canada, but the Colonial Government, who by their acts had forced the unwilling citizens to rise in arms to resist the oppression of the mother country. The No ble Lord had intimated the assembling of Parliament, to take the affairs of Canada into consideration. Why did he not take the advice given him by all parties years back ? Let him look to the year 1828, when petitions out of number were daily Laid on the table of the House of Commons, complaining of the manner in which Lower Canada had been treated. What was held out then—promises of redress, and that the evils of which they complained should be done away. Had those promises been performed ? Certainly not. It was the colonial policy of this country that was depriving her of all her colonies.--( Hear, hear.) Oppres sion and injustice were allowed to be continued with impunity by their Governors, as in the case of Colonel Arthur, in Van Diemen's Land. If the Canadians lice' yielded to the tyrannical resolutions of last Parliament, they would have de served to be treated as slaves.—(Hear.) The Canadians were to be oppressed, forsooth, because the majority of them were of French origin.---( Hear, hear.) In Lower Canada there were seventy-eight Members returned to the House of Assembly, and of the,:e not more than seven or eight had supported the resolutions of the British Parliament. He (Mr. Hume) knew from the opinions of many influential men in that Colony, that they wished for no revolution—that they sought no separation—and that all they asked for was a change in the system that bad been carried oa in that coun try. He could refer the House to the resolutions of various public meetings in Canada ; all of which plainly showed that the people of that country were deeply imprei.sed with the con viction that they had nothirg but oppression and injustice to expect from the - British Government. Let them look also at the effect which the resolutions of that House had produced upon them. Did the Noble Lord (J. Russell) believe that the re solutions of that House could coerce men who for ten years had been remonstrating against the injustice with which they had been treated ? The Hon. Member he, e referred to resolutions that had been passed at various public meetings in Lower Canada, from which lie read extracts, and proceeded. When Lord Gosford found that the people would meet to express their opinions on the resolutions of the House of Commons, he issued a proclamation forbidding them to meet.—(Hear.) The proclamations were torn 1 from the Church doors, but the Governor dismissed from the magistracy and the militia two persons who took hart in tearing down, or rather in removing these proclama tions from the doors. A member of the Assembly also, who had been requested to meet his constituents on the subject, was also dismissed from the Magistracy. After ths every officer and traeistrate who attended these meetings was simi larly dismlssecr. When this was found to be the system pur sued by the Governor a meeting of the inhabitants took place, where it was resolved that to hold a commission under Lord Gosford, under existing circumstances, would be disgraceful, and where a'l the friends of the Canadians, who held such offices, were called upon to resign them. This invitation was immediately acceded to, and scarcely one of the former niagis ti aey remained. Upon this Lord Gosford appointed others; but the people again met, and &elated that, as the newly appointed Magistrates were men who were koown as those who were in league with the oppressors of their country, they would not submit their cases to them, but appointed Magistrates of their own to act as arbitrators in all matters of dispute which might arise among them. Meetings of 1,200 and 1,400 persons were held to entertain the officers and Magistrates who had resigned their commissions. Here was a state of things which the most submi , sive meekness cou'al not endure. He agreed with his Honourable friend the Member for Westminster that there was a time when resistance became a virtue.—( Hear, hear.) Whether that time had arrived or not the Canadian pecyle were the judges. The only question was, whether the conduct of the British Government, tor the last ten years, had not produced that state of things from which the present lamentable con dition of the Canadians had arisen ?—( Hear, bear.) He saw by a paper which had been placed in h's hand since he came to the House, that it seemed to be a question whether com panies of British troops were taken prisoners, or whether they had succeeded in burning villages or destroying the country. These were lamentable surnaises.—( Hear.) He fully believed that the Noble Lord ( leted John Russell) was ignorant of the state of the Colony when he proposed the measures which were adopted. He would remind the Noble Lord of an opi nion which had been uttered by a Noble Duke, who, in speaking of the possible consequences which might result from the continued oppression of Ireland, declared that he never could feel satisfied in his conscience if the result of per severing in oppression were to be civil war.--( Hear, hear.) — And who was that Noble Duke? Why, no other than the Duke of Wellington.—(Hear, hear.) Did any ono blame him for that announcement? No ; the whole country ap plauded the sentiment thus manfully expressed, and Ireland profited much by it.—(Loud cries of " Hear.") The fruit of the Noble Duke's timely concession was peace ; and was it too much to ask the Noble Lord to follow so salutary an ex ample ? When the Noble Lord saw how happy that country became after having been oppressed and trampled upon by the Tories, he ought to recollect that they had formerly been in variably told that Ireland never could be at peace, and that the people of that country were naturally rebellious, discon tented, and factious. No sooner, however, was the obvious remedy of yielding in time adopted, and granting that measure of relief which ought to have been long before conceded, than the whole appearance of things was changed.—(Hear.) And what had since been the condition of Ireland.—( An ironi cal cry of " Hear" from the Opposition.) He knew it was the fashion for Hon. Members on the other side of the House to represent Ireland to be in a state of greater distraction since than she had been before that period. But this only con vinced him how short-sighted some men were, and how un willing they were to open their eyes to the fact that Ireland had been, and was now, in a peaceful state. She waited, no doubt, for further concessions.—( Hear, hear, from the Oppo sition.) Had she not a right to them ? So long as one grievance remained unredressed, she ought never to rest contented.--(Hear, hear.) There was no reason why her people ought not to be placed on the same footing with those of England and Scotland. He could not understand the opinions of gentlemen, who said—" You see the conse quences of your concession ; it only acts as a stimulant for a still further demand, and thus you must go on from year to year adding to the grants which you have made." Why, he maintained that such was the natural course of things ; for every concession added to the power of the oppressed, and helped them to raise themselves from the state of suffering and degradation to which they were reduced.—( Cheers.) It was to him a matter of sincere gratification to see the change of policy adopted with regard to Ireland; and if anything could add credit to the Melbourne Administration, it was the course which they had adopted with regard to that country in opposition to that pursued by those who had preceded them. When Mr. O'Connell brought forward the question of the repeal of the Union, what was the answer to the motion ? Why, that Parliament would take into immediate consideration the evils of Ireland, grant them all just requests, and place them in as situation to benefit by , the union which had been formed. Ho entreated the Govern ment then to take the same steps with regard to Canada as those which they had so successfully followed in the case of Ireland. Let them not be ashamed of retracting the pro ceedings which they had taken, and which caused the inflic tion of so many wrongs and such great irritation. Let them not now persist, and be hereafter obliged to express their re gret in sackcloth and ashes. The Noble Lord (Lord John Russell) had declared that if the opinion of that House had not been declared by a large majority against the House of Assembly, he should not have felt justified in adoption, the measures which had been put in execution. If th e ; Noble Lord, then, did not expect that the House would alter its conviction, why should he not, now that he had triumphed, now that he bad a subservient House of Commons, and a power to command the majority which he desired, ad mit, without any of the hesitation that some persons felt in mating that there was a message from the House of Lords. Justices CoLertiooz and COLTMAN then advanced to the table, and informed the house that their Lordships had passed a Bill for regulating- her Maj: sty's Household. Mr. LEADER then resumed—There was this advantage in not continuing the connection of the Canadas with E ngland against their will. The pople of England were now taxed to an enormous extent to keep it up, and were com pelled to take from them a very inferior species of timber.—( Loud cries of " Hear, hear, hear.") More than three-fourths of the trade with the Canadas was forced and factitious, and could be proved to be highly injurious to British interests. By compelling the Canadians to continue subject to them, they would not only have this weight remaining upon them, but they would have the additional burden of supporting troops to keep them down.— ( Hear, hear.) It might be asked how they were to remedy these evils, and avert the mischief that was approaching. 13efere the resolutions which passed last Session had been sent out to Canada, before any of these disturbances had taken place, and before any blood had been shed, two courses remained open. The one to accede to the prayer of the Canadians to redress their grievances (that was now too late); and the other, the only one which remained open to them, for the Government to propose an amicable separation of the Canadas from England.—(" Oh, oh," from the Opposition Benches.) He saw that Gentlemen opposite were indignant at this proposition. He had no doubt that it would be highly advantageous for England to plunge into war, and above all highly advantageous and creditable to en gage in a war unjust and indefensible in principle. He, however, saw no other course to avert the evils of war, although perhaps the Noble Lord might have some other suggestion to make. The question now was not merely a Canadian ques tion—it ceased to be a question between the authorities and the people—between the French and the English party—or between the majority or minority. It had become the great and vital question, whether the Government of England would plunge the country into a war which was indefensible on the principles of justice ?—( Hear, hear, hear.) Then, again, did they suppose that they were strong enough to preserve their bold of the Canadas. They knew well the increasing resources of those provinces, and that in the natural course of events they must soon be independent of them. If there were such advantages resulting from the trade with the Canadas, they ought to reflect that in the event of their becoming independent they would forfeit those advan tages by pressing their hostility against them to such an extent. He had thus endeavoured to show by what means Canada had been driven into a state of rebellion. He had also endeavoured to show by what means the evils pending over Canada, and the still greater evils pending over this country and Canada, could be possibly averted, or at all events, be much mitigated. By the vaccilation and bad conduct of the present Government, all these evils had been produced. It was the present Government who, after ac knowledging the claims of the Canadians were well founded, refused to redress them ; it was the present Government who, when the Canadians called for justice sent them the Coercion Bill, overturning the first principles of the Constitution ; and it was the present Go vernment who, after' having by these measures driven the Canadians into an open rebellion, now sought, by the force of arms, to reduce them to a slavish submission. He rejoiced that Canada had resisted. The Noble Lord, no doubt, would remember by whom it was said, and on what occasion, " Could half a million of people be so dead to all the feelings of liberty as to submit to slavery." This was said 70 years ago by a great statesman. It was a warning that was indelibly stamped on the tablets of history. The Noble Lord's Government was now pur suing the very same course which the British Govern ment pursued more than seventy years ago, and he would tell them that if they obstinately persevered in that course, he trusted, and verily believed, that even if they should chance to escape immediate well-merited punishment, they would be held up to the scorn and execration of posterity, as men who plunged this country into a war with the example of the resistance of the Americans before their eyes, for the purpose of chastising a colony which they had themselves by their THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY, DECEMBER 23, 1837. confessing themselves to be in the wrong, that he acted for the best, but was mistaken ; that he expected the advice of the Commissioners would sanction the steps which had been taken, though they had been told that the Commissioners knew nothing about the matter ; and that if he had commit ted a fault, he only sinned in common with the House of Com mons, which, with the exception of fifty-six members, con curred in his view, which was fortified by the favourable opinion of another branch of the Legislature said to have great influence, with the exception of one man who dissented from the proposal, for passing thosa resolutions which had produced such a talismanic offect.—( Hear.) Instead of producing peace, from the day on which they were promul gated every county and city was a scene of agitation and de struction, and no tranquillity existed for the period preceding the actual outbreak of civil war. Lord Gosford had acted with a want of judgment and knowledge of mankind which showed him to be incapable of discharging the high and important duties entrusted to him, and had been allowed to linger out in possession of his official station until a state of discontent and dissatisfaction was produced, which, in stead of being calmed by conciliatory steps, was inflamed by a firebrand cast into the elements of strife and discord from Upper Canada. The government of Upper Canada was placed in the hands of a few Orangemen ; and this produced all the evils which they were now called upon to remedy. What the result of the late changes in the appointment of Canadian governors would be he could not foretell; but he thought the troops, as far as he could judge from the accounts which had been received, were sent out to tyrannise and op press. Ho trusted, then, that the Government would see the propriety of retracing their steps before civil war was rendered inevitable. All he asked was, that justice should be done to the Canadians ; and the rights of the Constitu tion imparted to that oppressed people. He trusted that in a case which so nearly resembled that of their own country, the Irish Members would not, as many of them he was sorry to say had done on a former occasion, desert their posts during the approaching discussions.—( Hear, hear.) Par liament would meet on the 16th of January ; that time would soon arrive; and the Irish, Scotch, and English Members would be once more assembled. He had no hopes that Hon. Members on the opposite side would assist the cause of the Canadians.—(lronical cries of " Hear" from the Op position.) When the maintenance of misrule was the ques tion, his experience told him that it would meet with the most powerful aid from that quarter.—( Hear, hear.) If the gentlemen opposite would allow the Government and those who thought with him (Mr. Hume) to proceed with this business, there would be some chance of preventing her Ma jesty's Government from persevering in acts of tyranny and oppression.—(lronical cries of " Hear" from the Opposition, answered by cheers fram the Ministerial side.) Mr. GLADSTONE, though he concurred in the opinion that they were discussing topics exceedingly vague, and that they had entered into many particulars of a contradictory na ture, which it would be necessary to investigate before they arrived at any legislative measures on the part of her Majesty's Government, yet he could not reconcile it to his conscience or his sense of duty to remain altogether silent, when he recol lected what important interests were involved in this discussion, as it regarded the mother country as well as Canada, and how essential it was not to allow any species of party divisions to influence that House in underrating the magnitude of the mat ters which had been submitted, or in failing to consider them of deep concern. It was on that score that ho wished to re turn thanks to the Noble Lord, for having declared his resolu tion to shorten the duration of the adjournment. He was sure that opinion must meet with the concurrence of Hen. Gentle men opposite.—( Hear, hear.) He might be tempted to di verge into many topics, if he followed the example of the Hon. Member for Westminster, who, although he owed his seat in a great measure to the influence of the Government, legitimately exercised he admitted, addressed to the House a speech in which he dwelt on the dismemberment of the empire by the separation of Canada with a strong degree of satisfac tion, if not cf glee, and scarcely a single expression fell from him during his whole speech which seemed to indicate that he felt any concern at the accounts which had been received describing the state of things in the colonies.—( Hear, hear.) He con fessed, too, that he had listened to the speech of the Honour able Member for Kilkenny with astonishment. He had sup posed that Honourable Member to be a man of dry facts and figures, but the observations which he had made proved him to possess a most vivid imagiaaton. The Hon. Gentleman said " such were the oppressions which these parties suffered, that they were driven unfortunately to brave the rigours of win ter in a northern latitude." Now what were those oppressions ? for that was the pith of the whole queetion.—( Hear.) If the Hon. Member proved the existence of grievances, if ho showed that persons and property were insecure, that the great man was able to oppress the humble, and if the taxes were heavy and unjust, instead of being, he believed, none at all—. if, in any one of these particulars, it appeared that oppression existed in Canada, then he would sty, " Let no consideration of shame and pride—let no reliance on the superior power and resources of this empire hinder you from retracing your steps, rescinding your resolutions, and rendering full indemnification to this people."—( Hear.) He owned he was not terrified at the prospect of separation. He did not think that the pros perity of England was dependent on its connection with Ca nada. Ile was aware that there was an interchange of good offices and commercial advantages, but if any one were to look to the balance of the account, he would find, undoubtedly, that in point of commercial advantage England gave more than she received.—( Hear.) But that was not the question. The question was, whether in a country where no practical oppres sion was proved to exist—where person and property had been secure, and would be so at this moment but for the machi nations of popular agitators —where the law was duly admi nistered, and where the taxes were mild or none at all— they were, for the sake and on the ground of speculative and organic changes, which promised no advantage to the colonies, and which must prove utterly destructive of the analogy and harmony which had existed between the mother country and the Canadians, to be terrified from maintain ing that which they believed to be just on the first manifes tation of the spirit of insurrection.—(Cheers.) Pe trusted that, whether on the first outbreak or on the last, they would never show that they were terrified so long as their cause was just ; but on the other hand, that justice, and not strength, shou:d guide their proceedings, and that they would not suffer themselves to be swayed by threats or menaces, whether de livered in that House, or expressed at the other side of the Atlantic. There were those, too, in the colonies, whose inte rests they were bound to protect. Let it net be supposed that he meant to contend that this island should have dis:ant por tions of the globe for ever dependant upon it; but the time when a separation on the part of Canada might be bene ficial had not certainly arrived at the present period, when her population was divided into two parties of dif ferent origin, and inflamed by their passions into continual collision with each other.—( [hear, hear, hear.) In this state of things this country was enabled by her power to act as a mediator and umpire, and thus prevented contests which might be found still more fatal.—( Hear, hear.) The Hon. Member for Middlesex had referred to the cases of Ireland and the United States. He declined discussing the admi nistration of Lord Mulgrave in Ireland. He refrained from going into particulars relative to the insurrection in the United States; but he must say that the whole resistance of the American people was based on irrefutable fasts, and on statements of positive and palpable grievances; and the abstract rights of man, such as they conceived them to be, were appealed to in support of the facts which had been previously stated. Let it, then, be shown that practical grievences existed in the case of the Canadians. The Honourable Member for Westminster had ingeniously quoted the opinion of Dr. Franklin in favour of the opinion that this was a case in which the redress of grievances would not bo attempted. If this had been true, he should confess that disturbances would follow naturally in the train of legislative consequences ; but he found the case to be quite the contrary, for the attention of the Home Government had been actively engaged in consider ing, and the greatest care had been taken, and the most sedulous respect paid to, both the wants and wishes of the Canadian people ; and he was not aware that, during the whole course of the discussions which occupied so many nights of the last Session, one single instance of a grievance unredressed was laid before the House which was not instantly refuted.—. (Cheers.) If that were so, what became of the horrors— what became of the menaces, the anticipations, and the pro phecies of evil, which the prophets themselves contributed more than any other party to verify? He rejoiced to find the Hon. Member for Westminster confessing that, after a long series of speeches which might be supposed to convey the opi nions of the British House of Commons, there were scarcely ten Members present who coincided in his views. He trusted that that House would be ever ready.to listen to complaints of grievances, come from what quarter they might. The Honourable Member had referred to the American war, and quoted the language of Lord Chatham. The Honourable Gentleman had come forward with no case of oppression— with nothing but a demand for organic changes; and he modestly asked, as a remedy for the dilemma in which retha we were placed, that Canada should be sep arated from the mother country. Had the Hon. Gentleman forgotten that memo rablesev seventy years ears o a n go bi L s o l r a d st C g h r a e t a h t am app h e a a d ra p n ro ce n , ou a i n ic d ed d : d hiscla notwithstanding the oppression for which lie ever sought to procure a remedy, and the resistance which he rejoiced to have seen take place, he was ready to spend his dying ener gies in expressing a hope that consent would never be given to separation.—( Cheers.) The Hon. Gentleman, it appeared, did not concur in the recommendation of the authority to which he had heedlessly appealed.—(Hear ) He should no longer occupy the time of the House. Whether these mani festations of resistance were trifling, or on the other hand serious, he thought it was a subject on which there should be no exaggeration. He trusted that there would be not only firmness in their proceedings, but that a conciliatory spirit would pervade them ; and, above all, that nothing would be granted which would weaken the connection between Canada and the mother country, or that no act of apparent justice would be done otherwise than according to the laws of the country.—(Cheers.) Sir W. MOLE SWORTH—The Hon. Gentleman, who had just sat down, had asked what grievances the people of Canada had to complain of, and inquired if they were not its their person and property secure. He thought, if the Hon. Gentleman had listened to the debates of last Session, he would find that it was admitted even by the Treasury benches thatthere were many just causes of complaint existing with respect to the condition of the Canadians.—( Hear, hear. ) They complained first of all that the Legislative Council was a d v erse to the wishes of the people, an that every act of authority required from them an unwilling assent. Another evil under which they suffered was, that there were appointed corrupt and improper Judges. They alleged, too, the bank ruptcy of their Treasury ; but the last, greatest, and most severe grievances of all had been inflicted by the resolutions of that House, passed that year, to empower the Governor to seize the money of the Canadian people.—( Cheers.) He for one should ever rejoice that he was so fortunate as to oppose those fatal and wicked resolutions, which the Noble Lord, un happily for his future fame as a statesman, still more unhappily for his renown, as a consistent supporter of liberal opinions, had submitted last Session to the consideration of the House of Y Commons. for which measures it was likewise the Noble Lord's misfortune to obtain the assent of this portion of the Legislature, and the eager and cordial approbation of the House of Peers. —(Cheers.) Those resolutions marked both a determination on the part of the Government to disregard the grievances and wishes of the Canadian pecple, and an intention to violate the first and the most important principles of a free Constitution, in the defence of which not only was rebellion justifiable, but resistance became the sa cred and imperious duty of freemen—a duty which all who belonged to our race, whether on this or on the other side of the Atlantic—all in whose veins English blood had circulated, had never failed to fulfil.—(Cheers.) Nor, though of different origin, had the Canadians as yet appeared less determined to maintain their rights than other portions of the British empire. For as soon as the nature of these resolutions was known in their pro vince the indignation of the people was aroused, and they hastened to take the steps which would in future frustrate the effects of similar measures. The chief object of the resolutions was to enable the Government of Lower Canada to appropriate the monies of the people without the consent of the Canadian Legislature. In order to prevent similar acts of tyranny, the Canadians had resolved that in future there should be no monies for the Government to ap propriLte. With this object in view, they determined not to consume the articles upon which the customs of the province were levied. The greatest portions of the revenues of the province consisted of duties on rum and brandy, of the former of which articles a million gallons were annually con sumed, paying a duty of is. a gallon; of the latter 250,000 gallons, paying a duty of ls. 6d. per gallon. Instead of these taxed liquors the Canadians had determined to drink whisky and beer ; instead of tea they had substituted a beverage made from roasted barley, beans, or bread crust; instead of the sugar of the sugar-cane, they would use the sugar of the maple ; but in addition to this course, which they had adopted for the purpose of diminishing the revenues of the province, they had resolved to be entirely independent of this country, and not to consume the productions of a people whose representatives had treated them with such cruel injus tice. Instead, therefore, of the cloths and the woollens, in stead of the cottons and the linens of our manufacture, they would be clad in their own homespun, in the coarse products: of their own looms. Now, this was a most serious considera tion, for of these fabrics this country annually exported to British North America a quantity amounting in value to nearly one million pounds' worth—in another year this sum would be considerably diminished. The consequence would be, that our manufacturers, who were suffering se vering already from the want of a market for these articles, as he ( Sir W. Molesworth) could unfortunately testify but too well, as representative of one of the largest manufacturing communities in this empire—our manufactures, he said, and what was still worse, the labourers dependent upon them, would suffer still more severely than they now did, by a still further contraction of the market, and by the dimi nution of employment consequent thereon. Great additional misery, therefore, would be occasioned to this portion of the community by a quarrel with Canada. Nor let it be supposed that when these turmoils were over this country would, as a matter of course, again supply the markets of British North America ; for if the present disputes should end, as was most probable, in a civil war, and if that civil war should terminate as was still more probable, in the separation of the two coun tries, a considerable period must elapse ere commercial in tercourse would be recommenced; meanwhile the wants of the Canadians would give rise to rival fabrics in British North America, supplying the same articles as we were wont to supply ; the manufacturers would form an interest hostile to our trade ; they would expect, they would demand, protection:for their produce, and in a certain degree they would appear justified in to doing, and in claiming a recompense for services rendered during a period of war. Thus this country would not only be deprived of its present trade to the Canadian provinces, but be cut off from that future ex tension of it which must take place to an enormous degree if this country were to continue to supply the markets of that great and flourishing province, a portion of the world which was now most rapidly increasing in a population fitted by taste and habits to consume our manufactures, and whose in habitants this country could supply with the unrivalled pro duce of its manufacturing skill at the cheapest possible rate. He must beg pardon of the House for having dwelt somewhat at length on the possible consequences of a struggle with Canada, but he felt it a duty which he owed to the constituents who had so kindly placed him in his present distinguished po sition ; and he trusted that the representatives of the other great manufacturing emporiums of Birmingham, Sheffield, and Manchester, would equally feel it their duty to protest against a course of policy• which would inevitably raise up rival manufacturing interests in the north of America, and which would cause' the exclusion of our manufactures for a long time at least, to a great extent, probably for ever, from the markets of a nation which already annually consumed two millions of the productions of this country—he must pro test against a line of conduct which would make the Cana dian nation view us with detestation, and induce them on the first occasion, and most justifiably, to give the sanc tion of the law to that non-intercourse which they had already proclaimed against this country.—( Hear, hear.) But, to return to the conduct pursued by the Canadians in consequence of the arbitrary measures of the Government, for the purpose of enforcing the system of non-intercourse. In many of the counties public meetings were held, which were attended by the magistrates, the officers of militia, and other individuals of weight and importance. At these meetings re solutions were passed prohibiting the consumption of the ob noxious articles, and denouncing as enemies to the patriotic cause those who dared to disregard these injunctions ; resolu tions likewise were agreed to encouraging smuggling, as the easiest means of diminishing the public revenues, and of frustrating the views of the public enemies ; at the same time a general plan of organization was adopted and put in force throughout the country. Committees of vigilance were ap pointed in each parish and in each county to communicate with the Central Committee at Montreal. The object of the Com mittees of vigilance was to enforce the regulations of the non intercourse system, to which even the country traders had sworn obedience. The few persons who had acted in opposi tion to the popular feeling were admonished by the Commit tees to be more patriotic in future, and in some cases the offenders were punished by the destruction of their property ; but in general these Committees bad had but little occupation, so strong was the public opinion on the subject—so wifling were the people to obey, and to follow their leaders. Lord Gosford was, it would appear, alarmed by this conduct of the popular party ; on the 15th of June be issued a proclamation, in which he denounced as seditious and unlawful all meetings of a description similar to thuse just mentioned ; he com manded all magistrates, militia officers, and peace officers, to prevent these assemblages by every means in their power. This proclamation produced no effect ; meetings continued to be held, magistrates and other functionaries continued to at tend, and one occasion, it was said, the magistrates them selves tore to pieces the proclamation, in the presence and amidst the cheers of the assembled multitude. Militia officers were said to have acted in the same manner before their com panies, to whom they were ordered to read the proclamation. Lord Gosford then proceeded to take the step of dismissing every magistrate and militia officer who he was informed bad attended any of these meetings. He (Sir W. Molesworth) would not say that Lord Gosford was to be condemned for this conduct, but he would say that the persons dismissed considered themselves to be honoured by this act of the Go vernment ; and a number of magistrates, who found that a similar distinction was not conferred upon themselves, has tened to resign their commissions. In the county of Two Mountains, sixty commissions were said to have been returned at once. The functionaries who were dismissed or resigned on all occasions received the public thanks of the Committees of their counties. In consequence of these dismissals and re signations some of the counties were without acting Magis trates ; the people hastened to supply the want by appointing Magistrates of their own. The following was the account he had received of the mode in which this was effected in the ex tensive county of Two Mountains :—On the 15th of October, there was a general meeting of the freeholders of that county, at which " sundry wise and discreet persons were chosen by each parish to fill the office of Justice of the Peace and Paci ficator." The duty of these Justices was "to conciliate the differences and difficulties which may hereafter arise between the Reformers of their localities, with power to judge and de termine all complaints which shall be brought bvfore them." From the decision of the Justice-pacificator an appeal was in stituted to the permanent Committee of the county. To en force these regulations, " Reformers were declared bound in honour to bring their cases before the Justice-pacificator in preference to the Queen's Courts." Reformers who refused to acknowledge the authority of the said Justices, or who carried their complaints before the Queen's courts in preference to those of honour and conciliation now established, &c.' were to be " de prived of their votes at any public meetings," and " not to be elected by Reformers to any office ; were to be " censured publicly, which censure was to be exposed on the church doors." With regard to the militia, it was resolved— " That the Reformers who began to drill should form them selves in each parish into volunteer companies of militia, un der the command of officers elected by the militiamen, and shall be drilled in the management of fire-arms, and in light infantry evolutions and movements." It was resolved likewise that officers who had been dismissed be re-elected by the militiamen. Its the midst of these events, on the 17th of August, the • House of Assembly was called together. The governor, in his speech, officially communicated the yesolu tions which had been agreed to by the Imperial Parliament, informed the House of Assembly that the demise of the Crown would make no alteration in the councils of the Ministry, and concluded by asking for a vote of money to pay the salaries of the officials. The Assembly, in reply, maintained all its former positions, and refused to grant any money till the grievances complained of were redressed. The House of Assembly likewise in its address to the Go vernor very properly commented in the strongest and most indignant terms on the resolutions in question. The House of Assembly said, " It is our duty to tell the mother country that if she carries the spirit of these resolutions into effect in the government of British America, and of this province par ticularly, her supremacy therein will no longer depend on the feelings of affection, of duty, and of material interest, which would best secure it, but on physical and material force."— (Cheers. ) These plain words ought to make the deepest impression on our minds, and ought to convince us what would be the conduct of the Canadian people if we did not hasten to do them justice. The tone of the debate in the House of Assembly on the address was similar to that held at the public meetings throughout the country. The proclamation of the Governor against these meetings was denounced, the conduct of the magistrates and others in attending them was highly approved of, and the people were exhorted to adhere to the system cf non-intercourse, and to carry it out to its fullest ex- rt of tent. n A t . s s e T m h b e l s y e n determinedduced the proceedingsson t h prorogueepa t of August, after a session of only ten days. Si Molesworth) had already referred had been more petiod the system of organization to which he (SiranWdilmliaomte it o o f " n t h e e ee Houseta extended throughout the province. Riots bad taken there was every appearance of an approaching strugga was , _ blood had been shed, the troops had been called loeutpslauacceehd. was the state of Lower Canada ; but Upper Caned ana ,,,7_, no means tranquil—a Political Union was extensively Canada, throughout the townships and counties of U f ppe i r similar in many respects to the Committees okadVsgetilaanaceZ Lower Canada. The members of the Union parmopvlieneweh:icthhehyadkbaedenpefotiltlioowneedd bthyethceoirngfrrieesnsdsofoftkteheuloniwteear States for a free trade between Canad a and the te a neighbouringeaily en couraged States, and in the mean time they have s y sm couraged smuggling by every means in their poiter. What had been the conduct of the Gove rnment in this crisis t i" regardproviiieetowlfasppveareaCita.nadvva ? honi Th o e ug o h ffi t ce a of w isGeovaeurdnorretie n cttihati Ministry to have chosen to fill this most important pefs.timi Undoubtedly some person eminent fo r his talents, ta, more eminent for his high virtues, who would mended the respect of all parties. To whom bad re sponsible advisers of the Crown confided the task . of ing4 l ciliating the inhabitants. of Upper Canada, and ' them with regard for British authority? To the M ob noxious and unpopular person they could find in thi;:tiou___lt' try, with the exception of the gaoler of St. Helena— 11 a htehecOa gentleman whose conduct had excited the loudest Helena—(Hear)` s molt vehement complaints, and produced almost rebellion in . ea ve . r i g . colony over which he bad ruled.—(Hear, heals , _p.„ Whether these complaints were just or not he (Sir . V . Molesworth) would not pretend to say, but, whilst " existed, the policy of the Governmeat in selecting !" person for so delicate an employment seemed most dsuubiout,t But he condemned this appointment on other groundscit Dour condemned ir from having carefully studied the cent?.it Colonel Arthur whilst that gentleman was governor f Diemen's Land,,from having examined Colonel Arthur tref h self, and from his despatches to the Colonial-office, whi t , were laid before the Transp - ortation Committee of la st y ear ' of which he (Sir W. Molessvorth) had the honour to bare been Chairman. From that evidence it appeared that dull the last twelve years Colonel Arthur bad possessed desP° e c s powers for the sole purpose of framing a system of a troci t e be and unheard-of cruelty, such as stood unparalleled in o annals of nations; his sole object was to inflict pain—iu te s n sa pain—to render the condition of the convict most wretcses and degraded—to make Van Diemen's Land what it now wa sp a hell upon earth—a fitting abode for the criminals , whom ir by his tortures had converted into still worser fiends. Il e ; (Sir William Molesworth) would most readily admit t",!,, in se acting Colonel Arthur only obeyed the commands of tav Colonial-office, that he in nowise outstripped or even acted to the strict letter of those commands, and that he merely f old lowed out the necessary consequences of transportation, al; enforced a system of punishments whose existence wag t deepest disgrace to this country. r ßut he ( Sir William Molesworth) contended that the feelings, the habits, a nd t dispositions of a gentleman who twelve years had wield ed the most uncontrolled authority, and for that period bad ac hninie ; tered and could administer such a frightful system of ev il, mac make him unfit to be the constitutional Governor of a free pro vince, inhabited, not, as the Australian colonies were , b y the ruffians, felons,! prostitutes, and outcasts of England, but b y high-minded and a moral race, who would feel most indig. - nant at this insult. Nor were the other colonies of Noryg. America in that state of political repose and placid tra n q uil lity which would be most agreeable to the feelings of the Noble Lord who calmly slumbered at the head of the Colonial Department. Newfoundland had refused to grant the sup:. plies. Was a Coercion Bill rzady for that province Were the resolutions to seize its revenues prepared ? Nova Scotia and Prince Edward's Island had both de' clared in favour of an Elective Legislative Council; and in New Brunswick the most perfect harmony did net exist between the assembly and the executive. No reliance, therefore, could be placed on these provinces in a struggle between this country and Lower Canada. But to return t Lower Canada. The events to which he had referred proves' that the Canadians were determined not to submit to the ma" - dates of her Majesty's Ministers—to prevent injustice by force—and, if needs be, to defend their rights by an appeal t° the sword. Now, what course did her Majesty's Minis ters intend to pursue? It seemed to him that they could Va s ; dently and wisely adopt but two courses. They orb it either to attempt to conciliate the Canadians by acquiescing in all the' demands of the Legislative Assembly which were not inconsistent with the connection of the two countries ; they ought to grant an elective Legislative Council, and by these and similar measures they might prolong for some tirtil, the dominion of this country over Canada; the other ala"' perhaps, the wiser course would be now to propose a separa" tion of the two countries, as the mass of the Canadian people' no longer desired the dominion of this country; and vibe"' the greatest portion of the population of a colony felt dissatis fied with the authority of the mother country, then it ar pered to him (Sir William Molesworth) that the period was arrived when a friendly separation would be beneficial to the interests of both countries. These were the only alter • natives which could be beneficially adopted—the remaining alternative, the one which he feared Ministers intended to pursue, was to adhere to their past policy, and to assert the supremacy of this country over Canada without redressing the, grievances of the Canadian people. The inevitable result of such a course would be a civil war, unless the people of this country were, as lie trusted they were, wise enough to forbid it, and to hurl from power the administration who would date to propose an appeal to arms. He feared that it was the ill" tention of Ministers to pursue the course which would lead to a civil war, because he -found they were sending troops to Canada. Could the Ministers, he would ask, depend upon the soldiers in Canada? Desertion, he understood, was pig on to a great extent, especially in Upper Canada ; hardly week passed that the muster-roll of each regiment wa s ' not diminished in this manner; thirty soldiers in one week deserted from Toronto alone ; parties were obliged to be stationed at the points of easy egress to the Arne' rican frontier in order to prevent desertion, and theso, parties (generally sergeants' parties) sometimes deser te l themselves. The 24th regiment, he had been informed, II," nearly been wholly renewed since it had been in Cana" - Nor was desertion to be wondered at when the rate of wee: and the demand for labour across the lines were known. " labourer could obtain from fifteen to twenty dollars a mon th; and as rich lands cost only a dollar and a half an acre, tb° labourer can, by a few months' savings, make himself index pendent. With regard to the demand for labour, advertise meets of the folloe hag kinds were not unfrequently to he seen in the Canadian papers :—" Five thousand labourere wanted an Indianopolis, Indiana, at from fifteen to moll dollars a month, and board." It seemed to him that British soldier would he patriotic to a romantic 4 e.; gree who would not, even in time of peace, prof e' twenty dollars a month and board in Indiana ° sixpence a day and the privilege of being flogged Id the British army ; but in time of war, in an unjust a" unholy war as this would be. the patriotism of a soldier 0 1° would remain in the British service one moment longer than he could help would be miraculous, tempted as tu s ° ,, soldier undoubtedly would be by an offer of a portion of t "; territories of the anti-popular party, for instance—by a sh a r i , - o ill the fertile possessions of the Land Company, or in t rich fiefs of Beauharnais. In all even ts, therefore, w • with Canada would be attend e d w ith the greatest difficul ties ; " I shudder, sir," said h e , " at th e id ea o f the conseque nc i : e of a civil war with Canada ; it would Undoubtedly iriln • this cowry in a contest with the United States of Ailiti e t i r e' first, it would bring our Government in collision with Governments of the States bordering on Canada, for vOle ° 0 ; teers by thousands would swarm into Lower Canada T., Maine, Vermont, New York, and Kentucky, animated tu b 'e would be by the love of adventure—animated still more t i t the desire of driving the last relics of Monarchy from N .. o n i d s , America, tempted likewise by the promises of rich cr , by the possessions of the anti-p o pul a r party ; in this re s s o o, I say, let Texas be a warning of what we may expect America in the event of a struggle for Canada. " °- Be this interference in the affairs of Canada would •1 at fir st a te confined to individual Americans, it would not teruill i ser l there ; the conduct of American subjects would not be Ptoo. over unnoticed by our Government; complaints and i*,.,'"oiou strances would be made to the Union, and the ees , would be called upon to prevent its subjects from "were ing arms against our troops ; this, even if i t og ler willing to do, it could not effect, for how powerful s tiett ft the central government of the United States may be w`f.ceeli goes 'along with the wishes of the people, it is roost ri p, when the people are opposed or indifferent to its coult"°, of or when one or more of the sovereign St a t es are desilt the evading its decrees; it is exactly in a case like this!: r sea central government of that republic is weakest, to anxious suffer it may be from general views of polieY,S st ilitte s vent all interference in the affairs of Canada—al l ogle but w i t h this country —y e t. it s p eo pl e w ill s e e in this str u t , & nee , a repetition of their own glorious struggle for indeeer'canda they will behold in the conduct of England toward a l i t tle the sequel of those despotic and unjust principles whie u e g our more than half a cen t ury ago cause d t h em to shak e awl s ga yoke—they will r e j o i ce i n th e t r i um ph of the Canawsrld--- the great and final victory of democracy in the New .deerer s they will sympathize with their northern brethren as d bl an iate in the same great cause of liberty ; and h ey _ these noble, these good, and generous feelings, se the take a part in that conflict, which, whatever Inel ti ll our temporary vi c i ss it u d es o f war , w ill never term inal that (it) ; dominion in America be for ever destroyed. Tha f o r 0 0 minion should now be brought to a conclusiceit4a__ /j oie! , most sincerely desire ; but I desire it should terminate p t`:_ t and friendship, leaving behind it the I rr , i m e y m nesses and mutual benefits, paving the tcorYnienitviereaTtud,orli.a:nro., intimate connections, arising from commercial trade, le nt the opening of new channels of beneficial creasing marketto thi s for countryotir manufactures,al I the advantagesrewi Mete 5 r " vexation, and expense of governing a at u• r this country ld b e countries, and great would be the honou and great wou sing would be the advantages of an amicable separa wo u t h o U r f t e : i t v o h a n e s . tbaurld r ; ., l l ,o ; reap in consenting to such a separatione•rive from Pr"P o ° l . o the renown which a Ministry would d the b a l o t o v a l such a measure. I can hardly endure ld be, are not the g e re rnust and of treasure, great as they war will engender; w s , w hich quences of a forcible separation. among the evils which such . a ., (*rest it . 5 the odious antipathi ; calculate the baneful prejudice k a t oe l x o p o e k ad i i i t t ur t c h n's whose mutual iat. veer, it will produce amongst. remember more than half : a betwe e " to cultivate kindly hear.) We must the bad feelings_ e Americo hardly sufficed to obliterate feelinig'atmtowards one the tw one w hen a respe c t independence ; now, , e „ „ ink _ struggle for mutually, to ad TAD to all think have country and America, which andresulted from t" 0 ea tion s have begun, as they ought, 2"thecre.nterY 11: another, it must be a matter of the deepest regre, :may 1