The Sun. — London, England, 1846-01-27 00:00:00

------ :CIT. Queeo lit the of copies ' t h )ropr i e t o r f state that 1!fl, nentarY Pr e TIT e is n 'e thesetinds ace to Irk nagement of tr a )wle(•ged tll. wort Isdepts E s to the MO: t h e ir kinda es r. ers of Tharsfao_ tto P ig a reP t b ly, p ot un to _A 11 1 ;re reeel ;fl . [ling."'" 'lir" G. ni much r$111 ; 0 11A hard an d ~?;,- . - t r of Good P'r t i o try bad W°4 -Arrd. 2 4 S 4, ! Olt In dland. callao ; 0 1 4 s, d 15th Mt. ;i g osis ; Glasgo w, John's, 14e 'at 0. 4 0 avily all col to Marse ill n, Kirklan d, Tt"Mathew,o d ißst., wit h bt 3 y gale ; " orkington , L y and thajfved t e amer, AM' At oo,, des, from m- ss o ' , / Vivid, flor a ,. Ow tmast, and T and chain. s• or 0 0. to from l,oo ;eorge Ett a our A. 11., as !d from tbo' It. Madras; sihjg Means ; Marl C ,r;13 0 '4, John's, •L• e • e on, etzer, Nalre, Bosh Sydney, j;e0171; Fys l . _,l , As d ; ow - n, Trnf ray, San"' op AO iza, Abe r° „, e Freak, I ,o —' fpr, tm, c a lcuttaL t Marl B r°w Madeira. IL,T it Lightfoot, - itom • gio .1.40 al mast-head ithTO n contact t i Or ; W.; bas "`". lon, bound osoll he East Fier , from Bailin' o af a ' ce, early th is o p ngerous sites ION• Nl ° its afternOr i t s elk through t bist° ';ace at A ble cons idersb b e, the catA st letelf rere so coll e ct t°, firmly atts c li cir treet, the P rj o f g r ; possession „ t b; third inhabit 0 , use was 11 5 e ci .., D 03:; as a store , "" e ig rooms, r ,t h s e e ratif •. Edward Li heed hg a Yr / s period , garrets, we tare mbustible 0 0 as in a kitel,),,„ e .ieti•.' endow exP'''oe he ran froV i , the when he ' 2 'i-ont w ails ($1 t i ber served his b r o L window, ' 1 , 2 4 10 7 11 , scattered :0300 escaped w'a bif a crity as.ist e [ate brother . d ive who was Pater lv buried. o af It was, 11° ' r (4r . iompson a ,n d ij a, e removed t' mystery', a n GO' Edwar d 0 0 vas in the ''„ ) , -, ( its urpentine,. s „r e combust ,°- s ta the ut lfOrt tl2 t ber after his b r h ° way throng," e o l e brother C'", pa/ a the suffere r it his knoWliat chamber. bat Ter, there 0, 0 4 ides being ',O) the the ruir,3 o cl „s e alme,st oulder, enu a be ii and r , Thump s ' „ bie of being cap i nent. Il e tbs noon, .las as a - t ngham ing by Cdi",, ti oe° the three P, IA I app,eared t" 0. 4 he road 01 40 the bricks I,qo j a moment del' g, I drew tnd side e of the y P stance. I be 11 1 - us, as to,.,oree m y poor Co l r eff vithout a PP sO le rtnno,..-4..9 ingu ished, l „o ve ins ahoula the ,unted for the I ',, o ite e of their tr° ss at 46 04 h n ot tt, altbourpoor ong; 1 " ( 0 4,V• %vas last „lo ci. aye been ,;,,earf , which iiklejed as cro 1 3 a , ul ,n, G.C. v ; * *vS in the en ooii rt. Austria ,- ifi der is, we L i .,f th e mwa tion co if Id occ u Pl r e at' )c there,' -:61), ' entertlatied t their tr! nv it L e d the N t sr es ; of /a d Coo l --der , irsMiss th Aosom n oy s ubf , eql 01 0 eigh l Y ; - t O le fist n'g b co itr; followi n g. rl of tllB k l -ir d Cliffor rd, G. Wood' iry on i r,ftfi; rA lancB4,.„- e ' r set, zruy Lora' ~,,g f or d tbd CfNTITZT CURCT7T.AII. 1; 11ei r Highnesses the Duchess of 61 , ,uccster and tine r~sited her uelle " of Cambridge, acconipat,ied by the Princess Mary, Majesty ysterday at Buckingham Palace. Queen and Prince Albert walked yesterday in the e 3'el Gardens, His Royal Highness Prince Albert afte.r -11:13 rnde out on horseback, attended by Colonel Bouverie, irrY in Waiting. j ir RnYal Highnesses the Prince of Wales, Prince . the' t h Princess Royal, and the Princess Alice were taken 134,Diecustomed airings yesterday, in the Royal Gardens of Velem Palace. the a e t r ,.. M.aiesty and Prince Albert honoured Drury-lane kit e . " with their presence yesterday evening. The Royal the ueaonsisted of the Viscountess Jocelyn, Hon. Miss Kerr, veri e. Nina of Ormonde, Colonel Buckley, and Colonel Bou- Their Orid Royal Highnesses the Duke and Duchess of . Cam - n tewr, Prince George, and the Princess Mary, arrived rn ir : Denied morning from Kew. The Duchess, "C6the ti eh Y the Princess Mary, visited her Royal Highness i:ilre:_ass_t;f.eGyloourceeignste.ro,ffiatee. Gloucester House. 'abinet Council was held at one o'clock yesterday after- Wei4galinisters present were Sir Robert Peel, the Duke of ;°n, the Lord Chancellor, the Duke of Buccleuch, Clu e of Haddington, the Earl of Aberdeen, Sir James th e Right W. E. Glad s tone, the Chancellor of oleneque, the E ar l o f Ellenborough the Earl of Ripon, b a ih'renville Somerset, the Ea r l o f Lincoln, the Earl of 4 114 t i e e ' the Right Hon. Sidney He r bert, and the Earl of The you D' neli sat three hours. biallirues Were the Governor of sent off yesterd Itar evening from the Colo- ee for b h bit ; lI RY-LANE THEATRE. ,„ A s t red l- h a J e atY and hi s R oya l Hi g h ness P r i nce Alb er t fh"rury-lane Theatre with their esence last even co nl de 'tifteme Performances consisted of a yeraof.3/arit ana , in which was introduced a grand ltd"eyleit,„ Breti74s bet ween Mademoiselle Flora Fabbri and n of th performance of Professor Lel titd his 'sons, and e of the Pantomime. The th —gG ssaon r , tY see med particularly delighted with the i, - sse t o of the Rider:, and Prince Albert applauded ''• hr""e echo, and, truth to say, they were worthy of ltd :7fitei:Lghout America and Europe have these talente Ost i„Te away the palm, and the Prince Consort (an ex wsil'erlll2eaT'ogfe of art) has, by his approval, confirmed the of th e me Lae rtistical world as to the transcendent 'se incomparable artistes. by OR , nr ING INTELLIGENCE. L to„,_ -.lth t . LA Z— YESTERDAY. fo r lfor th e 'c l ling the extraordinary number of accept )4„,.*Chemr ,wmalket Handicap, it was wholly negle . cted 4 1,1:insan t , r "Ilk on which a large amount of business 11 0 „7 - fro in ;at prices differing—very materially in some Whi n unse last reported. The " pots " were, Best to % %th e 4 •B tnne, Miss Burns, Sweetmeat, and Cataract ; etioid, ar age., at which we have qu i eted them, varied Orly para..,hle e xtent from thos e that r ul e d the betting in t'r the dav, we will mention the leading tr ,ns b4,.‘told '", to 10, 1 6001 to 30, 500 to 15, and finally 2,000 ,4 t her7; 4B t r , Best Bo ' wer, the last bet bing coupled with 14 8 .1 0gi 1 50 0 to 100 against Whinstone, who was to f 6 and with some eagerness : at 1,000 Rtnii ar `'n to 1, and at the finish, but in connexion tt a. ern s , oet agst Best Bower ; 1,000 to 40 was laid agst t)r" v ste s i', 4,o oo to 30 once, 1,000 to 20 several times, and I , 4 44,7 ; l iire e l t ' i ° n ° l 6 B to 25 . agst Sweetmeat; and 1,000 to 20, ,ou to , and in one instance 1,000 to 25 agst.Ca to,i 4, 1 ,000 ,„", , ras laid in two or three places agst Micky len'usr b et ; 2 5 agst Hope ; 2,000 to 50 agst Mermaid; 1 ,, of s maller amount at the odds returned un elolibllneren I t "! Derby and Oaks t ransact i ons were o f t oo Pric es call for observation. The following are the 6 to lenntrritrt CUP (ACCEPT OR NOT). o 7 to I !g i lt the I r i sh lot—taken, afterwards offered . 1 to - gat th e three via old--taken to 100/. 3/7 t ° 1 445 „ ‘ ,. 6 rd G. g.ntinck's Best Bower—t. 25 to 1 a, 4 . t0 s it 4eZ. sire. 11Ier . ry's Whinstene—take 30 to 1 a , , 0 1 tr. Irwin's Mickey Free—taken to / • Woffenden's Miss Burns—taken 4.„ rlest a o 1 .„, t I_rwin's Warp -taken, afterwards offered !ti I ~L'! Bennett's Hope—taken 4010 _ tot,: L tti_ to r ni . A. W. Hill's Sweatmeat—taken W. Hill's Mermaid—taken 40 to 11 agst i t : N E V. Scotts Cataract —taken 0 t agot hi •B . R. Clarks s The Baron—taken 1 000°1 / Lot r. Bell's Eboraum—taken 0000 ` l5 40 "," l r. Ongley's Roderick—taken t , agst Miss Burns and Best Bower—taken tr,sotreitid, wotibinathgstsntnTelien Bonaerobret ,and 2500 to 100 agst Best kteo ttter ieo.,, bird e field against the following 2.5 :—Best Littl ntrepid, Columbus, Rowena, Fitzallen, Voi„„e.„l,:lattipton, Jenny Wren, Whinstone, Pilot, TY4 ent, Hope, Mickey Free, Ould Ireland, vue, C orrect e:itrthur Cataract, Advice, Roper's Daughter, s,Card, Roderick, and Miss Burns. 11 14 e, 1 DERBY. 3 4 to -. agsgatt Lord lot— taken to 125/. ' t &gat n_ r 't L. Russell's Sting-600 to 100 taken 4, 0 1 a gst Shubrick's Brocardo—take 14 to 1 40 10 1• i t , ,Vr. E. Peel's Spithead—take 28 to 1 Eo I a ; LKilonel Anson's lago--t(1500 to 60 also laid) 5:10 0 to 1 hlr. Ramsey's Malcolm—taken to 401. t o so gst hlr. O'Brien's The Traverser—t and aft off. " a4st Mr. S tephenson's Sheraton—taken 12t 0 , Tau OAKS. ` a 16 t o ' a gst Sir C. M onck ' s Vanish—t 25 tOl Col. Peel's Queen Anne—t a 0 to agst Mr. Gratwicke's Cestus filly Dvi t gSt Mr. Littledale's Fantastic—t Ire gladSOM It k k e elliit SPRING MEETING. R,:noeubetivm_od_endd. that the innkeers of London have • t .Metti the ssful with their "Great nfo l r le n t t ro u r e l fi it r a s n t kl l. ll4 4 ll nder to a handicap to be run Itt l , red n ew management. etween three and 1 , t4 4 •"', expt u tit n ds ; had been collected yesterday, and there , t ttlg'es su in ",* that at the close of to-morrow even ' - not fall much short of SOO/. I°ll • ST PFPT HURDLE RACES, &c. e.e ace,st , a rses have been named for the free Hand s ft with 50 added, atomic I li 2 6 4th soya. each, vi r i v' atarch gte.• .y rs _iinsley's The Heir-at-law, 4—M.r. Griffith's .•31r. Heap's Chintz Printaptain Crofton's 4h„ ;sett,. ---Lord Chesterfield's Poor Soldier 6 y nt 3 t , l 4; t,Yrs, and New Brighton,. 6 ,yrs-7-M.' H. /I)4' teoo 4 • l4l e Era, 6 vrs—Mr. Sutcliffe s Alice, 5 31-s— -, ,tki,,:,„!. Grace Darling, aged—Mr. Shepherd's Mud :lol% p,;tr.: Irwie's Patriot, 5 yrs—Mr. Roberts' Quick `t,tl,4l Howith's Swilah, 5 yrs- Mr. Clifton's wka ,gbr o 7 s 6lr. C. Daly's Isabel, aged—Mr. Llornby's Ird Tottenham, 4 yrs—Mr, Duck iteLte-Ritchen,'s aged—Captain Allan's Tice Ex liitolr. q .• prwell's Delamere, 6 yrs, and Cracksman, 4„ yra„,:„„tut 8 Little Johnny, aged-3,1r. Brotherton's t' • al r k „lar. Lamplugh's Erabus, 5 yrs—Mr. King's k t 407111 W`l itt ger, and Mr. E. R. Cla,rke't! Sir Edward, 11, ird's Firefly, aged—Captain Campbell's 4 ho Ral ns Eyerton, 6 Deucebledr tintq ';' lll 'et,_ 6 yrs Mr. Fox's Ace 5 yrs 4xj,snnicle Peepe. — aged—Mr. W. Turner ns Sands, 5„, Magic, r aged—Mr. R. P. Couche's Amal -greo LoCkwood's Wandering Jew, 5 yrs, and , Vi ols Lockwood 5 yr, Ao,i s tvi? 'Steeple chase closed on Thursday. 4 'll at 8 et ET CRAVEN MEETING, 1846- ,„.retl tll , 10t,ft'r t he Newwarket Handicap Stakes, of 24 k a nd only 5, & c. , w ith 200 a dd e d, Cl ermont 1 1. a otii_mile and three quarters; the second to re- Igt4uet of the stakes. 133 Subs., 73 of whom de -441'8 I lice„e q t ,'lheritres s , 6 yrs, 9st 21b 11 ,„7"fo rd , t1 „ 11 Mab, aged, 9st I lb A la ei~l wma Uvranna, aged, 9st • k• ,„ %15 's 'l.,t a °l4. 4 yrs, Bst 10Ib A tk,,'Pej„„•! 4 ehoy, 6 yrs, Bst 10Ib 1 10. s k wa g l ah, 5 yrs, Bst 7lb !,. 1\ %El Pn 4 vrs, Bst 31b 1 . 00,, 1 11 4 4 1 t ,,he0 e ; s 5 rs, Bst 31b ft. V 016,23 .akhar, a 's y Y rs, Bst 31b keNet.rt's 6' g- tin-Vent 5 yrs, Bst lib ~I~d G IzM Ev en tl een of Tyne, aged, 7st 13Ib t i 4 llb g e 'tt P , " i t st Ilb yrs, a acy,4 rs li3 7st 91b t f t' I rw . Ai Ohn n ware, aged, 7s Byrs, ‘ t st 7 7 lb lb ll.Lee tt ~Nee y' aged, 7st 71b 1.0°,11g Lochinvar, 6 vrs, 7st 71b yt kidt. to ° b 6 e 'and, 4 yrs, 7st 51b naPtain Flathooker, aged, 7st 31b Wee epurnont, 5 yrs, 7st 31b Pet P :•on', l b et * 6 Yrs, 7st 21b s t llo, ll n nku octor Husband, 5 yrs, ist 21b le.4110: ho ag i lt Ranger, 4 yrs, 7st 21b it',,Vt‘tsPelepo t luex, 6 vrs, 7st llb Lh/. 4 17,A , I Cesh e en nY Wren, 4 yrs, 7st - 41 ( 7, 1 , k im og, 4 yrs, 7 st 1 1,"11n 1 4,,, o , 4 l: ;lem i ll . ‘ u rtis, yr, 6st 131 b Iv %To ' h „." Yrs, 6st 13tb. Ar t . 3' Velocipede out of Amulet:, 5 yrs, ,k s Wi tia , b bury, 4 yr., 6st 91b :• (, ,,,'eta 4 I ,' a Itrii nl aa, 4 vrs, Est 91b sir.iyand Hill, 4 yrs, 6st 71b Il ltAN Arth l g . g°,7 Diddle, 5 yrs, Est 71b (4, i 9titt: Coe', yrs, 6st 61b lt:(1p:osnil nil fhe ISitzvn, 4 yrs, Est 51b k t b efence out of Nike, 4 yrs, 6,st 51b 11 14 . 11 ,, 44 ) 1 1. 1 % ' ` 4 1. 1/, , te t'i: hemie 'ai d 4 yrs, Est 51b ~C A tite -Rev Zile, 4 -41 1 4 yrs, Est 41b , 1 1; `"00,1,2 ‘Yrs, 6st 31b 4t,. 1 4 10 h's fip, 4 " reek, 4 yrs, Est 31b ti e3l3 -- `ltet.jra, Est 21b r'S64l er b° l ' ltis he , llb r M e , a p e.si _ yrs, 6st IN G gr f Ll', 4 yrs, Est llb s t_ l3 srer, I_ 4B . t, 4 yrs, sst 131 b I J sc 4, s not '' 0 ), 4vr sst 11lb 4 1 1 'lll btrd 3 yrs 5 ikL: 4 4 4 o4llt tl e h, otr ohe e r k k :s . - 4 s 3 t -rs sl , n sst 101 b rr s exto n, Pis of Conyngham, 3 yrs, sst 51b t, beh,_tt 4 e •n, 3 i,`'er k vg, rl i e s sst 5113 17.3'rsul,g5asrt Boy,. 3 yrs, 1 tt 1 , 1" 4 444 k . 0 5 v, f , b Y 134 Lirti e 3 1 / 4 4 t4) 8f b 4'llrd, out of Soldier's Joy, 3 yrs, 41st 111 b ~Geatit b y Retri4st 1:21b !'her t , 'tato, S ever , out of Emilia, 3 yrs, 4st 10Ib s p : r e by v el 3 :!e, 4st lolb. 3 y r; 4 1 _a_h_h, out of Pet, 3 yrs, 4st I.olb AT ~ 4 it t4 k vrt," -rtbk, aVEZ C ACCIDENT.---TON• k 1 , q4 (4,4 the 1 the last t lN G.—Owing t o the hear y fall 1 04),,i'eT °eeup atio - ,u!tys the waters that cover t Ay h °ridge near this town, that tc4,, kitlts hand which :as attended with such h i r eln.,! r lgie eep e s 0 greatly increased as to put 14' 4 ,p i lk ot ri p rt , 'II operations and the engin e and kit i 43. . r-g Y bUrled. 4, 4 , of M ajor -General PatsleY, a) ", eon,„ liallwayi came dow 11 on teei ar il k var lY with' kti o r. Mr. Barlo w, the re sident o to instituterrY, the superintendent the 41, te •'t th his • • , e llofficial inquiry, for the in 11,_,'‘.11,;atisfitot,°:,r,d of Trade, but was unable to 114,4theon account of the flood. The )o th a to, Was, that the 'd t had acci en i ' 4 , Wb wftilt "f judgment on the part o f the 1_ fs , i 0 eolltrUCt. th e lug the ballast pit o a the t , t e t a n ay, between the occupation 1 midge y 7. hi; e t as ad u.ndermined the river ban ks to tted th u _ rant the waters breaking thi :ough 4roilatii._e:, rushing under side bridge, et %need ~he fie 1 k 7 0 41 1 7 4 4 4. 11: on the other , and let down tngoticlge, the to bi! and . ;;: t e h being as great as those. frern streams meeting iramed*Fattely be 4,v , 1 , 015 a !rents were so fearful as to. root tEe ,Y . depth of several feet, as . If,rell a s t46la ridge te4,,;%tsuettdb. etitezisn.eofantdhetebndriecrkthaeb:t.r.Te:ittsg; ePe At t o give Way, and occasion. tue THE SUN. LONDON, TUESDAY mortNING-,_ JANUARY 27, 1846. tion of the corn-law. I could not be otherwise. I did it, and I knew it. —(hear, hear.) So f,O, then, thy Lords, I have accounted for my own conduct. The pro position of my Right Hon. Friend, although it will involve the material alteration of the corn-law, will be satisfac tory to the country, and satisfactory to the friends of my Right Hon. Friend, and will give such advantages to the landed interest as the landed interest have a right to expect in the general arrangements of the country. My Lords, my Right Honourable Friend is a great landed proprietor. Ilia pursuits are those of agriculture. He is connected by friendship and by associations with most of your Lordships. I cannot suppose that he would betray the interests of a body such as that of the landed interests. No, my Lords, I entreat your Lordships to wait until you see what the proposition is that he will lay before you. He will bring his measure before Parliament in the course of the next few days, and then you will see whether or not he has betrayed his duty either to your Lordships or the country. At all events, my Lords, whatever that measure may be, I— so highly rewarded as I have been by the people of Eng land—could not refuse to give my Sovereign all the assistance in my power towards the formation of a Go vernment. I could not refuse this when I was called upon, in order to enable her Majesty to meet Parliament and carry on the business of the country. On that ground I have now presented myself before your Lord ships. I have no doubt that the measure to which I have referred will give satisfaction to the agriculturists, and will meet with general approbation. After a pause of two or three minutes, The Marquis of CLANRICARDE rose and said, he wished to withdraw the motion of which he had last session given notice, with respect to the London and York Railway Bill. The Duke of BUCKINGHAM wished to know why it was that the Noble Lord and his colleagues, who bad undertaken the task of forming a Government, had not been successful in the attempt. He confessed the state ment just made by his Noble Friend was not satisfactory to his mind. The present Government was almost en tirely a free trade one, and he therefore wished to know why the Government, when it declined the task, and found Noble Lords ready to come forward to make a Government—why, as they had altered their opinions with respect to the question of free trade, they did not join the new Government (if such it could be called) that had always advocated free trade conscientiously and consistently?—(Hean hear.) He begged to ask the Noble Lord (Lansdowne) why they had been unable to form an Administration.—(Hear, hear.) He hoped the measures to be brought forward on the following evening in the House of Commons, by the Right Hon. baronet at the head of the Government, would be satis factory.—(Hear, hear.) For his own part he had not the most distant idea they could be satisfactory to the country or to the agricultural interests. Believing that the measures about to be proposed would be destructive to tee agricultural interests, it would be his duty to protect them as far as he was able, and to defeat any measures that might be brought forward by this or any other Government to introduce a free trade Legislature. The Duke of WELLINGTON wished to know what the Noble Duke meant by a free-trade Government. — (Laughter.) He certainly was staggered at it. Toe Duke of BUCKINGHAM observed he was staggered to find the Noble Duke now in the Cabinet, proposing measures which he formerly so strongly ex pres-ed his disapproval of. The Noble Duke and his friend upon a former occasion turned out the Govern ment, which attempted to support measures such as those now about to be brought forward.—(Hear, hear.) The Marquis of LANSDOWNE had been upon a former day perfectly prepared to state, at some length perhaps, the circumstances under which he in common with the Noble Lord, the Member for London, (Lard John Russell,) and others, had been called upon to form a Government, upon which the Noble Duke (Buckingham) had called - principles of free-trade." All the circumstances, how ever, had been so fully stated to their Lordships, and to the public, that he really did not feel himself called upon to relate all the occurrences that had passed, lie did not feel himself called upon to enter at any length into an explanation of the reasons which induced him to become a convert to free trade, because they had been fully stated in another place. After it had been stated by so important a personage as the Right Honourable Baronet at the head of the Government, that he would not consent to any measure involving the principle of a fixed duty, or any relaxation of the present corn-laws, he felt he had no other alternative than to resort to free trade principles ; guarding, at the same time, all the legitimate claims of the landed interests, as well as the other interests of the country. Had the proposition of his Noble Friend, the Member for the City of London, been adopted at the time when he proposed a fixed duty, a stability would have beeu given to trade, and the agi tations which followed would have been prevented. He had, nevertheless, never maintained the fixed duty on principle, but he contended that while remissions were made in other articles of commerce, it was absolutely necessary; considering the circumstances of the country, and, in particular, the failure of a material article of the food of the people, it became impracticable to bring a fixed duty before Parliament, and, therefore, it was necessary to resort to a free-trade measure. To continue an evanescent duty would only be perputating uncertainty and its attendant evils. The measure he and his Noble Friends would have brought in would have relieved the distess of the country, consistently with an alleviation, as far as consistent with justice, of the burdens bearing on the landed proprietors and occupiers of land in this country. He had been called upon by the Noble Duke, and he felt himself called upon to state the grounds which had led him to concur in the general views of those with whom he had consulted. These views he had stated to her Majesty when he had been honoured by command to attend her. He had felt, however, that nothing good could accrue from his Noble Friend, the Member for London or his colleagues, if they had not the influence of Parliament. He felt that if he undertook, or contem plated, this duty, it would be absurd, unless they pos sessed that confidence. It ought to have been their first duty to ascertain whether Sir Robert Peel could com mand the House, because, if he could not, it would have been an useless attempt to form an Administration. He thought it was unnecessary for him now to enter into details upon the subject. They have been sufficiently stated elsewhere, and your Lordships cannot but be cog nisant of the statement which has already been made. And I do hope, that for the future, no consideration, on the part of their Lordships will prevent an adjustment of this great question upon the most satisfactory terms, in whatever hands the Government may be placed—and I, for one, have no doubt that facility will be afforded for speedy settlement of this question.—(Hear, hear.) The Duke of WELLINGTON—My Lords, I wish to state a few words in explanation relating to the pro position which had been made to me as to whether I was willing to undertake the conduct of the Govern ment. It is perfectly true what has been stated by the Noble Marquis, that it had pleased her Majesty to ask me if I was di-posed to undertake the formation of a Government upon the principle of maintaining the exist ing corn-laws. My Lords, what others said I cannot say. I answered immediately that I could not undertake the conduct of a Government upon such principles. But, my Lords, when I made that answer I did it not only out of a feeling of diffidence in my own abilities, but also from the feeling that it was utterly impossible, according to my knowledge of the then state of affairs, to form a Government in which my colleagues could attain the full confidence of Parliament. The Earl of RADNOR stated that there was one point upon which he thought a little explanation was due to the House. He alluded to the interval which had elapsed since first her Majesty's Ministers had become acquainted with the failure in the potato crop, they had met, consulted, followed, separated, and left, and nothing had been done for the people—for those millions of whom the Noble Duke had spokea ; and they have left them in the same situation up to the present time. He for one should be very glad to see an alteration in the corn law 3, and the disease in the potatoes would be found to hasten that alteration. He would say one word—he could not see, although he had often heard of, the pe culiar burdens on land; but he hoped nothing would he done without an inquiry into the subject. The Duke of WELLINGTON—My Lords, what I stated to your Lordships, I think your Lordships will consider has been fair instructions in respect to it, and if my memory serves me right, I think the Noble Lord is mistaken. The Duke of RICHMOND rose to present a petition from Ware, against any alteration in the existing corn laws. lie humbly hoped that before their Lordships would pass any new plan, that they would have an in qthueir farmer and m er treble the taxation that Mr. Cobden paid. w h h e w p o a u i l d d a t h r e e n n t show nf3o () h i! s a N l o n b a l r e , w Friends b lteh to The Marquis of CLANRICARDE—The Noble Duke has named Mr. Cobden, and their Lordships may recollect, that he moved for a Committee to inquire into the peculitir burden on land ; and that as his arguments had converted almost every one out of that House, he hoped they would be successful in con vincing their Lordships also.—(Hear, hear.) He could never see the peculiar burdens on land, al though he had often heard of them, both in and out of that House. He never considered a quit-rent a burden on land.—(Hear, hear.) If that inquiry which was now recommended could be made, he should have no objec tion to it, though it would cause delay. Ile could not see why this Commission had not been favourably viewed by the landed interest, when proposed some time ago. 1 he Duke of RICHMOND—There had been an at tack made upon the landlords of this country, and he rose to answer it. The Noble Lord said that an in quiry had been proposed some time ago, but that the landlords of the country had refused to sanction it. He also informed their Lordships that there were no burdens on land. If high rates and poor-laws were burdens, then, indeed, were there burdens on that land; and he (the Duke of Richmond) was of opinion that, his own tenants paid more rates than all the Anti Corn-iiew League put together.—(Laughter.) His Noble Friend had said that the opinion of the country was well known upon the question of the corn-laws. This he'denied not, indeed, so far as their opinions were formed, but in so far as that those opinions were not yet taken. If the Noble Lord was of that opinion, he should advise her Majesty's Government to at once appeal to the country, and strengthen themselves by such a step. Lord BEAUMONT—The Noble Marquis had said that the landlords were inconsistent on the question of an inquiry into the burdens on land. He must say this —it was not inconsistent. At the time his Noble Friend alluded to, an inquiry was certainly proposed, but then that Commission of Inquiry did not propose to remove the burdens on land. That being the case, many op posed it on the ground that such a proceeding would but raise expectations which would not have been realised, and the consequence would have been a general disappointment, engendering discontent. Change of opinion had occurred which threatened such a dreadful revolution, that he not only wished an in quiry to be instituted into the burdens of land, but into the operation of the poor-laws, and the commutation of tithes. Ile did not, however, consider tithes a burden on the land, as they were placed upon real property in possession of the landowner, whether a clergyman or not. It he v. isi.e_d an inquiry into the commutation of tithes, it was for the purpose of treating those persons who had in this case behave d with a sense of honour highly to their credit—he meant the clergymen of the Church of England, who had not advocated either one side or the other of the great questions which at present occupied the public attention, as they had re fused to attend either protection or free-trade meetings. If the Noble Earl who sat behind him (the Marquis of Clanricarde) wished to know what were the burdens on land, he would refer him to two volumes now lying on his table on the subject, and to that admirable volume lately issued by the Commission of Local Taxation. He would ask him to read that passage which stated that 12,000,000/. were annually paid by the owners of real property. Was not this sum a burden upon land ? If they entered into this inquiry, they sheuld ascertain the distribution of these burdens, and the manner in which the proprietors of laud complained of the large amount received from them. Whilst he was speaking on this point, he might be excused for offering a few re marks with respect to the explanations which had recently been made, as to the proceedings of the Govern ment. He must say, candidly, that the Noble Duke had distinctly exp'ained the part which he had taken in these proceedings, _ but he thought curiosity might be well excited as t o t h e mot i ves and reasons which had influenced the other members of the Government in the course they had adopted with respect to the opinions of the Prime Mi nister. He thought their Lordships had a right to know—he did not, however, say they had a right to de mand the information—but he must confess that his cu riosity, and the curiosity+of others, had been excited to know, what had induced the First Lord of the Admi ralty to support the views of the Government. The same remark mqy apply with equal truth to the Noble man at the head of the Board of Control. He wanted especially to know the reasons which had influenced the conduct of that Noble Earl (the Earl of Ripon), as he remembered the speech which he bad addressed to their Lordship 3 last session in favour of protection. Again, he wished to know why the Noble Earl the Minister for Foreign Affairs (the Earl of Aberdeen)—(" Hear, hear," from Lord Brougham)—had consented to uphold the:opi nions of the Government, to the great danger of our rela tions on the other side of the Atlantic •: If they now removed protection, would there not be found in Ireland certain parties who would clamour for repeal of another kind ?—(Hear, hear.) He mightgo farther, and look to Canada. What would become of the Canada Corn Bill? Repeal protection, another independence and another annexation might arise in the west. The Earl of ABERDEEN said, that though feeling his situation in some degree different from that of his colleagues, he still felt it necessary to explain somewhat to the Noble Lord, in consequence of a question he had put. It would be unnecessary for him to trouble their Lordships with the reasons which had influenced him, but he wished to state the fact to the Noble Lord, that when his Right Hon. Friend communicated with him and with her Majesty's Goverment, in the beginning of November, he (the Earl of Aberdeen) gave to that pro posal his cordial and unhesitating assent. He repeated, that he need not give his reasons, but such had been his opinion then, and such was his opinion now. The House then adjourned. HOUSF. OF COMMONS, Monday, Jan. 26. The SPEAKER took the CI dr at Four o'Clock. ANSWER TO THE ADDRESS. The SPEAKER—I have to inform this House that the House waited upon her Majesty on Saturday last, when she was pleased to return the following gracious reply : " I receive with satisfaction your loyal and dutiful Address, and I rely with confidence on your support in carrying out the measures about to be proposed to promote the welfare of my people." NEW WRIT FOR rHE BOROUGH OF RIPON. Mr. YOUNG moved that a new writ be issued for the borough of Ricon, in room of Mr. T. B. C. Smith, who had accepted the office of Master of the Rolls for Ireland. CORN-LAWS AND THE LEAGUE. Mr. OCTAVIUS DUNCOMBE presented several petitions from the North Riding of Yorkshire in favour of protection to agriculture, and they prayed that some means might be taken to prevent the wholesale manu facture of votes by the Anti-Corn-law League. An Hon. MEMBER presented a petition from 870 oc cupiers-of land, to the amount of 104,674 acres, in the county of Leicester, praying the House to uphold the corn-laws, or at least to appeal to the opinions of the country before adopting any system of free trade. Mr. HOWARD ELL'HINSTONE presented a pe tition, signed by upwards of 3,000 persons, from the city of Westminster, against the corn-laws. ASHBURTON AND DEVON RAILWAY. An HON. MEMBER presented a petition, praying for leave to bring in a Bill to construct a railway from Ash burton to Devon. MANCHESTER AND SALFORD WATER- WORKS. Mr. BROTIIERTON presented a petition from the Manchester and Salford Water-works Company, praying for leave to bring in their Bill. Mr. G. BANKES presented a petition from the borough and town of Wareham, and from the Isle of Penbeck, in the county of Dorset, praying for a continu ance of the present system of protection to agriculture. to vote away a sum of money for the district where it existed. Sir ROBERT PEEL begged to assure the Hon. Mem ber that any information upon the subject he had men tioned which it was in his power to give, should be freely granted. With regard to the grant in question, he would also beg to assure the Hon. Member that her Ma jesty's Government were resolved to take care that it should not be expended 'otherwise than in the pro • motion of public works ; and when the time came, every information as to the manner in which this sum should be expended would be freely given. —(Hear.) But with reference to the past, it would be remembered that former Governments had the discre tionary power to make grants of this nature, while they did not consider themselves liable to be called upon for a disclosure of the manner in which it had been ex. pended. For several years past it had been the habit of Government to vote sums of money for public works, and surely the present was the last year in which such a proposition ought to be opposed.—(Hear.) Mr. HUME said he would not have made the ob servations that had just fallen from him, but for the fact that he had in his possession returns with regard to the manner in which public grants to Ireland had been applied, that were sufficient to remove all confidence from his mind as to the future management of this expenditure —(Hear, hear.) lie remembered when distress was so great in Ireland that a grant from Go vernment was given, and a large sum besides was sub scribed by the British public, a very large portion of ' which went to pay rents to landlords.—(Hear, hear.) However, after the assurances of the Right Hon. Ba ronet, he would not oppose the motion. Sir H. W. BARRON said he only regretted that this l s a u u ni gh 7 bu ass t h so s e would mniL—( a A sk was this a time, laugh.) Gentlemen mi m gh e t , when millions of people were starving in that country, to be haggling about some paltry fifty thousand pounds ?—(Hear, hear.) And when he stood up, was he then to be met by a laugh.—(Hear, hear.) He would say that this was a paltry sum, when it was borne in mind the awful state of Ireland at present, where thou sands and hundreds of thousands had at that moment no other resource or dependence than the Government of the country, and the charity of their neighbours.— (Hear, hear.) He stated this under the solemn conviction of the fact, and as the result of his own personal experi ence and inquiry in the counties he was connected with. He was told that the people of Ireland were not to be considered, because such a step did not agree with the axioms of political economy. He could only say, that it was bad economy to haggle about such a paltry sum, and he for one only objected to the smallness of it. He hoped at some future time to hear her Majesty's Minis ter come down to the House and demand that the people of Ireland should receive more effectual as sistance. Mr. WILLIAMS said that he was sorry that he had appeared to his friend unwilling to allow any assistance to the people of Ireland, as he wat, and always would be, the last man to hinder any such mea sure. He was as anxious as any man to see dis tress in Ireland provided against, but he thougth that there were means of avoiding it by introducing some measure that would afford the same security to life and property in Ireland as there was in this kingdom. By that means there would be a greater inducement for capitalists to make an outlay of money in that part of the empire. He knew that Ireland was as capable of improvement as any part of the United Kingdom, and afforded as good opportunities of securing money to account, and he hoped that means would be taken to in troduce that peace and confidence which was so essen tially necessary to its welfare. Lord CLEMENTS begged leave to find fault with some expressions that had fallen from the Hon. Gentleman, who appeared to forget, or to pay very little attention to facts. Ho forgot that a vast number of Irish landed proprietors were living in England and paying income-tax on revenues derived from Ireland ; and as that fact could not be disputed, could he object to a small portion of the tax being returned to the people of Ireland? There was little or no reason to suppose that such money would not be applied to the end for which it was bestowed. Nothing on the part of her Majesty's Government led to the supposition that any portion of the grant was to be laid out on ornamental works. Vast sums of money had already been laid out on works of that kind; but the grant now sought for was to be applied to works which were to be reproductive. Dr. BOWRING said that the Hon. Member who had just sat down did not seem to understand the objection of his Hon. Friend (Mr. Williams), who only wanted some security that the money would be applied to the purposes for which it was sought. It was necessary that some guarantee should be given respecting the proper application of the grant. He (I)r. Bowring) would offer his cordial support to any measure calcu lated to improve the condition of Ireland, only it was his duty to know that it was properly applied. With this explanation he would not offer any impediment to the grant. RAILWAY BUSINESS FOR THE SESSION. Sir ROBERT PEEL rose and said,—Sir, I rise on behalf of her Majesty's Government to state the course which they recommend in relation to the railway business of the session. Her Majesty's Government have felt it their duty to avail themselves of the earliest opportunity of calling the attention of the House to the various railway Bills that are about to be sub mitted to it, in order to take its opinion as to the best mode of disposing of them. The attention of her Majesty's Government has been called to this subject ; they have seen the necessity of making arrangements to meet it ; and I, as their organ, have considered the present time the proper one of call ing the attention of the House to it. In ordinary cir cumstances it might not have been so urgently necessary to call your attention so prominently to the question, but considering the great interests, I have felt it my duty to bring this matter under your consideration, and accordingly, I now make this application to the House for the appointment of a Committee in order to examine into and report on the best course of disposing of the rail way business of the session. The Government, under ordinary circumstances, might have been prepared to arrange the carrying out of the business in question, but, under the existing circumstances, they felt it to be their duty to ask the House to appoint a Select Committee. The Government have been making all the necessary inquiries, and they will be prepared to lay before the Committee all the information they have acquired, leav ing it to them to institute an inquiry, and to report as to the necessary course the House ought to pursue. Sir, the importance of the interests involved will be made apparent by me calling the attention of the House to the numbers of Rahway Bills passed during the last two years, and the amount of capital these Bills were empowered to raise. The number of Railway Bills passed in 1844 was 48, sanctioning the raising of a capital of about 14,708,000 L In 1845—that is last year—the House agreed to one hundred and eighteen Railway Bills, giving powers to raise a capital of not less than fifty millions. It is generally understood that it requires three years for the completion of a railroad. At least it is now a matter of experience that, for the formation of a railway in this part of the United Kingdom, three years are ge nerally required for the completion of railways of any length. If that time be allowed to be correct, we shall find that for the construction of the railways which have received the sanction of the Legislature, during the last three years it will be necessary to levy a sum of upwards of 70,000,000/. sterling on the capital of the country for the entire completion of these rail- ways ; that is to say, that in the year 1846 an amount of 23,500,000/. will be required to be drawn from the capital of the country, which is employed in the usual channels of commerce and trade for the completion of rail ways within the year. In the year 1847, also, there will be required the sum of 23,500,000 i. sterling, which can be found in no other source that I am aware of than that which 1 have just stated. And in the year 1848 the sum of 18,000,0001. must be drawn from the public for the same purpose. In making this calculation, I of course intend to except the railways which obtained the Bills authorising their construction during the last year; and, therefore, something is to be deducted from this amount, but including them, the crozzapituivut unaipttat re quired for the completion of the railways authorised during last session, and the years 1843 and 1844 is not a less sum than 70,000,0001. sterling. Now the sum of 23,500,0002, I think, it will be allowed, is a very large sum to be drawn from the ordinary course of its circulation during one year, and that so large a sum as this cannot b. thus occupied without detriment to the general advantage, and, as it appears to me, without serious inconvenience to the interest of the country. The expenditure of this sum however, has been sanctioned by the Legislature. I now turn to the number of railway schemes which have been deposited at the Board of Trade, and which are seeking the sanction of Parliament in the course of the present session. I am aware that the number of schemes requiring the sanction will be some time before they can get into the course of execution. The number of English railway Bills that have been deposited at the Board of Trade, is 606 ; the number of Scotch railway Bills, which have been deposited at the Board of Trade, is 121 ; and the num ber of Bills for Irish railways, is 88 ; will re fore, no less than 815 Railway Bills, which . quire the consideration 'and the sanction of Purim of these are ment. I am aware that many . . lines of rail opposing schemes for the . same give its . way, and that Parliament will not give its sanction to more than one. I am also aware that several of these there are, there with the standing orders.— (Hear,Bills cannot possibly receive that sanction from their will, therefore, also be aware that the number of these Bills wi ll be very considerably reduced ; but yet it should be remarked, that the plans deposited with the Board of Trade pro posed the construction of no less than 20,687 miles of new railway, and that the amount required for their com pletion is upwards of the enormous sum of 380,000,0001. It is impossible that the application of such an amount of capital to these undertakings can be sanctioned with out inflicting injury on the trad e an d money mar k ets o f th e country.—(Hear, hear.) I think it most important, therefore, at the earliest period of the Session tint the House of Commons should consider what principles ought to guide them in railway legislation. Now, no one can feel more strongly than I do the objections which there are to the interference either of the Govern ment or the House to stop legitimate speculation in ra il w ay or any other undertakings ; and with re spect to the railways of this country, I for one feel most favourably disposed towards the application of British capital to them, rather than to foreign un dertakings, so calculated as they are to the promotion of fair and legitimate enterprise, so calculated as they are to promote the con venience of the public, and to promote the general welfare of the people. The question then is, whether there are good and sufficient reasons for inter fering at all with the progress of railway speculation and if so what should be the principles which guide and govern that interferance.—(Hear.) In the first place, then, I think there is great prob a bility, after making every reduction from the total amount of railway plans deposited at the Board of Trade, namely, 815, and from the 20,000 , miles of new lines whiuh they comprise— after making every reduction from the num ber of merely rival schemes, and from the number which will not pass the ordeal of the House of Commons, or that will fall through from other causes, I think there will certainly be such a number of plans left as to make it almost totally impos sible for Committees of this House, bearing in mind the other important business that will have to be considered, to devote that proper attention to them which their extent and importance deir , and.— (Hear, hear) A t all events, it will be utterly im possible to devote due and proper attention to them in the present year. Now it may be said, if the House of Commons cannot dispose of its business, we ought to con sider whether part of it could not be submitted to some other tribunal; but I think it is a great and impor tant question, whether or no we will permit or encou rage so large an application of capital towards these railway undertakings—whether it is consistent with the public ad vantage—whether it will be conducive to the best interests of society, or really conducive indeed to the satisfactory carrying on of the railway system.—(Hear, hear.) I repeat I should be more willing to encourage the application of capital to British railway enterprises rather than to foreign undertakings, but is it for the advantage of sound railway enterprises, that such an enormous amount' of capital should at once be ab sorbed by them? I doubt it.—(Hear, hear.) I doubt whether it wou l d not be discouraging, rather ' than holding out encouragement t o l eg i t i mate ra il way schemes, for I think it probable that, in consequence of the severe com petition which would be created by the great and ex traordinary demand for labour, and in the great rising . of prices which the application of such an amount of ca pital would occasion, the progress of the railway system would be considerably retarded, and I doubt whether some of the estimates would not be found greatly inade quate for the completion of tne undertakings themselves. 1 think that it would not be for the benefit of the public that so great an amount of capital should be diverted from the natural courses for the formation of railways, and 1 am of opinion that so extraordinary a demand as has been made fur money for railway purposes should not meet with the encouragement of this House.—(Hear.) But, as I said before, her Majesty's Government has thought that it was better that the sanction of Parliament should be necessary, and for that purpose, it is myinten tion to move that a Parliamentary Committee, composed of men whose opinions will be entitled to the highest respect, should be appointed, whose duty it shall be to inquire into the merits of the schemes which shall occupy our future conside:•ation. The plans of all the lines, as the House will be aware, have been depo sited, and they have been classified under different heads, and the plans which relate to the completion of existing lines have also been arranged ; for instance, where a line between the metropolis and a distant part of the country is now incomplete, either from there being a void or from some part of it not yet being finished, these plans, I say, are classified under a different head, and those of other descriptions arc classified under other heads. Under another head are classed railways connected with the internal defence of the country. The Committee will, therefore, be spared much labour which might have been necessary if no previous preparation had been made, I trust, therefore, that the House will approve of the proposal with which I shall conclude, namely, that a Select Committee shall be appointed, for the purpose of considering what course shall be taken with railwa . ) s proposed to be submitted to the House during the present session. I propose that the Committee that shall be appointed shall make re ports to this House from time to time of the result of their labours, and the conclusions which they shall have arrived at. The Right Hon. Baronet then concluded his speech by moving the appointment of the following Select Committee, to consider the mode in which the House shall deal with the Railway Bills proposed to be submitted to the House during the present session : Lord Granville Somerset, Sir George Gray, Mr. Strutt, Mr. Labouchere, Mr. Estcourt, Mr. Greene, Mr. Ewart, Mr. Colquhoun, Mr. Hodgson Hinde, Mr. Pukington, Sir George Clerk, Mr. Baring, The O'Conor Don, Lord Harry Vane, and Mr. Shaw. Mr. GISBORNE observed that he very much feared that the decision of the Committee would meet with no more respect than those of the Board of Trade did last year. He doubted very much whether the amount of money which would be subscribed for carrying out these undertakings would de• pend on the decision of that House. He would give them a case in point. About fourteen or fifteen years ago the Manchester Railway Company started their project. It was opposed on all sides, but, notwithstanding the public opposition, Par liament decided that it ought to be made, and although a Bill was passed to unable the Company to carry out their designs, that rail way was never made. He was very sorry that the Right Hon. Gentleman thought that interference was at all necessary. He was under the opinion that the amount of capital invested in these projects would wholly depend upon the state of the money and labour market. Upon them it would certainly depend what would be the amount of railways finally carried into ope ration. He had never heard a inure meagre explanation. He wished to know if the report of the Standing Orders, Committee, and the other Committees, would be sus pended till the Committee now proposed came to a de cision? Sir R. PEEL,who spoke in a very low tone of voice,was understood to say that the report of the Committee would be made in sufficient time to prevent any of those in conveniences which the Hon. Gentleman alluded to, and the report of the committee on the standing orders need not be suspended. Sir GEORGE GREY said that on this committee depended the most important results, lie also consi dered it desirable that there should be a tribunal of the kind just referred to for the purpose of obtaining a record of the facts which were to be ultimately sub mitted to the House. This would prevent the great ex pense of bringing witnesses up to London, and the work would be much better done. Sir ROBERT INGLIS said, that some better mode of proceeding should be adopted than that pur suA last session, for oftentimes gentlemen, after sitting for a most protracted period, could come to no decision which gave even themselves satisfaction. There would be three times as much work this session as there was last, even if only one-half of the projected lines were brought forward, and six times as much if they were all brought forward. He agreed in the suggestions made for an ambulatory tribunal, for he considered that 31. out of the 41. now spent would be saved if the investigation took place on the spot. On those grounds then he trusted that the Government would afford the House some further opportunity of con sidering the question before they came to a decision upon the mode in which they were in future to legislate upon it, and the rule by which railway committees were hence forward to be conducted. Mr. CHARLES BULLER said he looked upon this matter as one of so great importance, that be would make no apology, even at that period of the evening, for addressing a few observations to the House upon the subject. He trusted that the question of the railway management would be brought under the con• sideration of the House at a period when a comprehensive plan for a more perfect system could be taken into consideration. It should be recol lected that the act of appointing railway committees was in fact transferring the jurisdiction of the House, and that was an act to which great importance ought to be attached, and great attention given to it before it was done.—(Hear, hear.) lie could net but believe that if the House were to follow the proposal made by the two Lion. Members who had preceded him, it would be in terfering very materially with the authority of this House.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) The mode of forming election committers was a very different matter, and bore no analogy to this ; bet with regard to railway committees, he would say, that if the House were to give up its authority to the Government on the question, it would be parting with what he would call its local autho rity.—(Hear, hear.) A short time since, some gentle men waited upon him to request he would in terest himself in a railway aboot tr, t» mad. the neighbourhood of Liskaird ; but he told them he could not interest himself in any way, in consequence of being the Member for the town. Every question in which local interests were concerned are by the present system transferred to people strange to the country, and who had little or nothing to do with its interests. lie said that Parliament should delegate its authority to a committee of its own body. They would not be bound by the report of that committee, but they would pay great attention to its proceedings; and such a body would help to give information, and the final judgment might hiezeorfved Lordsf ot.. the House of Commons and the li Such a body would be better abl e , from its experience to take into cousidertion every questio n th a t c ame before it. On considering the ease as it was at present, it appeared preposterous that two inquiries should be made en the same question mons and one in the L or d s. The House of Lords was not so essentially diff erent from the Commons, that the whole question decided by the Commons should be gone through agai n b e f ore the Lords. How monstrous the system worked l ast session. There were three Members in the House who had felt its effects, and who were fairly entitled to the thanks of that House ; and, indeed, to the thanks of posterity.—(Laughter.) One railway project had occupied some of the members 84 days, anti then went before the House of Lo;ds with so good a prospect of another 84 days, that the matter was dropped. It was strange that the two Houses should go through the same process on the same Bill. It would be infinitely better, if they could agree to it, :o have matters enquired into by a commission, which would report to the House upon all bills that came before them with far greater confidence and ability than under the present system. He did not mean to say that they were the perfection of human nature in that House, but they availed themselves very little of the wisdom they bad got. A set of gentlemen were put into a railway com mittee, and they had to go through their A, B, C, in the usual proceedings. They entered upon their duties, and by the aid of counsel and engineers, they acquired some little knowledge on the sulject. Let them suppose the Committee of the London and York Railway—the gen tlemen there had some opportunity of obtaining a know ledge of the proceedings, and of what use was that knowledge to them? they were turned loose upon :.ociety.—(Laughter.) Ile supposed the House would cry out very much if any of those gentlemen were to be employed this sesion, and the knowledge acquired was o I no avail whatever to any one. The advantage of . a commission would be that a set of persons, who se busi ness it was to inquire into these things, would get shorter ae cunsstomed to it, and get through the bu siness in a time.—(Bear, hear.) Under the present of system, committee started with the fundamental principles railways, and after going Cu for thirty days, they save place to another set of g entlemen.—(Hear, hear.) what was t h e e ff ec t of this system ? To waste both IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, Monday, Jan. 26. Their Lordships assembled •5 Half-past Four o'clock. CORN-LAWS. The Earl of RADNOR presented several petitions against the corn-laws. The Earl of CLARENDON presented a petition from the Chamber of Commerce of Manchester, praying that all duties on articles of food may be abolished. ANSWER TO THE ADDRESS. The LORI) CHANCELLOR the❑ read from the Woolsack her Majesty's answer to the Address pre sented from the House of Peers, which was as follows : "I receive with satisfaction your loyal and dutiful Ad dress and rely with confidence on your constant desire to co-operate with me in my endeavour to promote the happiness of my people." On the motion of the Duke of WELLINGTON, her Majesty's most gracious answer was ordered to be in serted on the journals of the House. LAND R EGISTRATION. Lord CAMPBELL then asked leave to lay on the table of the House a Bill for the purpose of establishing a general system of registration of land. He would merely move that it be read a first time, and he would de fer the second reading until the exciting questions which at present pressed on the attention of their Lordships had been disposed of. But as soon as those questions were settled, he should lose no time in proposing its second reading. The Bill was then 'read a first time. CORN-LAWS. The Duke of RICHMOND rose to present to their Lordships' House twenty-eight petitions from places in Kent ; from Kelso, in Roxburgh ; from Alford, in Aberdeenshire ; one of them signed by 977 tenants and tenant labourers in the county of Sussex ; also from Yorkshire ; from the Isle of Thanet; from Derbyshire; from Somerset, and other places. In presenting these petitions, and in stating his intentions to support their prayer, he begged to state to their Lordships that the petitioners hoped and trusted that their Lordships would consent to no alteration in the present corn-laws, and, whatever might happen else where, that their Lordships would not consent to such alteration until they first appealed to the constituencies, to test whether they had chaeged their opiaions on this subject. He still would wish to keep inviolate the com pact entered into with the agriculturists in 1842, and he hoped that their Lordships would not permit themselves to be intimidated by the Anti-Corn-law League or their emissaries. Lord DEVON presented similar petitions from the county of Devon. The Duke of RICHMOND wished to ask the Noble Duke (the Duke of Wellington) if he had received her Majesty's permission to state to the House the reasons for her Majesty's Ministers' resignation, and for their again accepting office? The Duke of WELLINGTON begged to inquire whether the Noble Duke inteuded to ask any further questions ?—(Laughter). The Duk of RICHMOND replied that he thought it would be more convenient to the House if, instead of making a speech, he contented himself by asking a ques tion, as he was sure the House would be anxious to know the grounds that led to the resignation of the Ministry, and also to know the grounds upon which a Government, which decleenel itself one day un able to go on, undertook the Government of the country ten days afterwards. The Duke of WELLINGTON—I beg to state, in answer to my Noble Friend's question, that in making the statement I am about to do I can only answer positively for myself and for my own motives. I shall, however, state to the House what generall% passed in her Majesty's Councils. In doing so, I may have to detain your Lordships for a tew moments, but you may rely upon it I shall keep you for the shortest possible time. My Lords, when accounts were received from Ireland, and from different parts of Great Britain, of the state of t- e potato crop, in the course of the last autumn, and of the consequences likely to result from this failure in different parts of the country, my Right Honourable Friend at the head of the Government considered it his duty to call together his colleagues in order to take into consi deration the various reports that had been received. My Right Hon. Friend called his colleagues together, and having laid before them the reports I have alluded to, made to them a certain proposition for the adoption of measures which he considered necessary her Majesty's Government should adopt, in order to avoid or remedy the evils likely to occur in his opinion in consequence of this misfortune. One of the measures suggested to my Right Hon. Friend was, that her Majesty's Ministers should recommend, by an Order in Council, to suspend the operation of the existing corn-laws, so as to open the ports for the admission of corn duty free. My Lords, it is not necessary that I should discuss the motives stated, or the grounds on which that recommendation was founded, I was one of those who considered that it was unneces sary to adopt that measure. I considered that a mis fortune had undoubtedly occurred, which had the effect of depriving millions, I may say, of a large portion of provisions upon which they relied for food. But still there was a fair supply of foed in the country. It was my opinion arrangements should be made similar to those made in former years, for finding employment for the people, and for finding means of rewarding them for that em ployment. And, my Lords, beside that, it appeared to me that the existing corn-laws made provision for throwing open the ports, should that measure be deem ed necessary.—(Hear, hear.) That law enacted, that when the price of wheat or grain should reach such an amount as that there should appear to be a deficiency or want, then the law provided that grain should be admitted at a nominal duty.—(Hear, hear.) Under these circumstances, I judged it necessary to suspend those laws, and upon that ground it was that I objected to that proposition. At the same time I was must anxious that the Government should adopt measures immediately to form a commission in Ireland, and instruct that commission as to the measures to be adopted for giving employment to the people, and for procuring food for them, and for rewarding them in payment of that employment, and all those measures which, on former occasions, have been found to be bene ficial and effectual. My Lords, I believe that all these measures had been adopted on former occasions. They are not new to the public servants in this country ; they have been effectually adopted. My Lords, in the course of the discussion on this mea sure, it was intimated that a suspension of the corn laws might endanger a renewal of that measure, or that it might be necessary to make a very essential altera tion of it. My Right Honourable Friend inti mated his opinion of the necessity of making an essential alteration in the corn-laws. I be lieve every one thinks now that some alteration is necessary—an alteration in certain pcents was necessary, and was now admitted by all.—(Hear, hear.) It was necessary to make an essential alteration in the existing laws. Many Members expressed a strong difference of opinion on the subject. As for my part, I was certainly of opinion that it was necessary to ' make an alteration in the corn laws. But my Lords, I confess that in my opposition, I considered that a division in the Cabinet might endanger the safety ee the Government itself, and having served in England for more than fifty years in high places, I considered it my 'duty to endeavour to do all in my power to reconcile the difference of opinion amongst my colleagues ; to preserve a Government which enjoyed the confidence of the So vere i gn , o f t h e peop l e , an d, to a great extent , recon ciletdhe the r e d thiet confidence my yff duty e differences tcy b e t t oh of Houses opinion, pi mn i o eyo f vne P :s a y o r a l ys i ee a rffo metihernetnt to_b best ut co e n ar si ser vice I could render t o ) In this attempt I did succeed. The r esu l t g wss that . ' I advised my colleague to tender to her Majesty his re signation, and to recommend her to form a new Cabinet. My Lords, it was necessary after his again taking office, to come down to this House and advise Parliament to make some alteration in the corn-laws. But previous to his informing her Ma jesty of the difference of opinion in the Cabinet, I strongly advised my Hon. Colleague to tender his alteration in re signation,wonia be aalftleorwedfirstto asking make a h l e ty r whether he those laws. The great difference, however, among m y colleagues made me of opinion that it would be better for him to resign his office under the cir• cumstances. All the members of the Cabinet were of the same opinion I know I was. My Hon. Friend followed the advice of the members of the Government, and he tendered his resignation to her Majesty, and advised her to form a new Cabinet. Her Majesty asked a Noble t.ord to form a new Administration, but that Noble Lord dis7. l . not succeed, and the consequence was that her Majesty :eked his Hon. Friend at the head of the Cabinet to :eniin in office. My colleague wrote to me inft_7olng me of her Majesty's wishes, and then ii became neces sary for us to act under the circumstances, and my Hon. Colleague having been of opi . ,7len that an alteration of the corn-laws was necessary, severitt mem bers of the Cabinet agreed with him in that opinion. I do not say that all were of the same opinion, but this I do know, that a great number of them were, and myself e enong them. I came to the resolution that let what wou:d happen I should support him most cordially, and I am of t::.e same resolution still. I applauded the conduct of my Right Hon. Friend on that occasion, and I deter mined that i for one should stand by him. Because, my Lord, I fe:t it was my duty to my country to do so. And I did think' that the formation of a Government in which her Majesty would have confidence was of infi nately greater importance than opinieeas of any indivi dual of the corn-laws, or of any other laws,--(Hear, hear.) My Lords, my Right Hon. Friend snOtee to me, desiring that I would attend their Cabinet, which would be held that evening, which I did. I there apeJlane:etd the conduct of my Right Hon. Friend. I was delighted with it—because it was exactly the course I should leave pursued myself under similar circumstances, and I there fore determined to stand by him. My Lords, at the same time that I did this, I knew well the position in which my Right Hon. Friend stood in relation to the present corn-laws. I knew well that, in consequence of his having resigned his office into her Majesty's hands, because he could not prevail on the other Members of the Cabinet to support him in a material alteration of corn-laws,tGheernm who were employedent rr t , ha ust t those h a y. to form a Government ' obtained a knowledge of the particular circumstances under which my Right Hon. Friend had resigned. on therefore beg to ask, my Lords, how my g Friend could enter the House of Commons and a g ain defend the corn-law, which he brought in himself —as Riht H he had done only in the preceding July.—(fienr, hear.) How could he go into Parliament and defend the eeorn-law against those gentlemen who were informed of his opinion that it ought to be altered, and who, of course , would have reproached him for the fresh a lteration of opinion he had come down to support. I knew well that I should have acted as I did, and I therefore told him that I should stand by him in the resumptioli of his government. I also knew well that, in doing so, I must be a party to the proposition of a material alol3- CORN-I Aws. Mr. BOUVERIE presented a petition from the borough of Reading in favour of the abolition of the corn-laws. Mr. B. ESCOTT presented several petitions from Somerset against the corn laws, and in favour of the re moval of all restrictions on the importation of foreign food. RAILWAY BILLS. Several petitions were presented by Hon. Members in favour of the North Kent and other railway Bills. NOTICES OF MOTION. Lord DUNCAN gave notice of his intention, on the 20th of February, to move for a Committee of the whole House, with a view to the repeal of the window taxes. Dr. BOWRING gave notice of his intention on a future day, to move for certain returns, showing the effect of commercial restrictions on the exports and im ports of the Isle of Man. Mr. MUTT gave notice of his intention to move, on a certain day, a resolution respecting the Excise Laws. Mr. BROTHERTON moved for a return of the number and names of the persons summoned for offences against the Factory Acts, between the Ist day of January 1845 and the Ist day of January 1846 ; s p ec ifyi ng the date of the conv i ction or hearing, th e place of hearing; by whom each conviction was made; the offence in each case; and the manner in which the penalties and costs were appropriated ; also, a su mmar y of the total number of informations and convictions, and the amount of penalties and costs. Mr. W ODEHO USE moved for a return,in continuation of previous returns, showing the highest and lowest prices of corn in this country for a period of several years past, and comparing them with the prices of corn in every other county in Europe. The Hon. Gentleman said this return would extend the aggregate returns over a period of 150 years. DUTY ON FIRE INSURANCES. Colonel SIBTIIORP said he rf gretted very much that the returns for which had moved during the last session, respecting the amount of duties received by Govern ment on fire insurances, had not been presented to the house.—(llear, hear.) lie begged to state that he would renew the motion on that subject during the pre sent session. THE NAVAL RETIREMENT. Admiral DUNDAS wished to know what had been done by the Government with respect to the number of naval captains who were anxious to retire from service ? Mr. CORRY, the Secretary to the Admiralty, said that the number of captains who had applied to be dis charged did not justify the Government in carrying out the intentions which they had held on this head, but satisfactory arrangements would be entered into as soon as possible. COMMITTEE OF SUPPLY. it be came or k s ° t w as I were o b e Mr. CARL) WELL moved that the whole House re solve itself into a Committee of Supply. Sir THOMAS FREMANTLE mo ve d that a g r a nt of 50,thaoi. be made for the purpos es o f carr yi ng out p u bli c works in Ireland. Sir H. W. BARRON said that such a sum would be s securities for f o for the purpose but as a drop of water was to the ocean. Sir 1. FREMANTLE said that that sum would not be expended unless a similar sum was levied to meet and further the same objects. WlLl.lA th M ey S w w o i u sh ld ed tak to o ask theu a l the u Right Hon. Ba ronet Al. whether r the repayment of sums raised for the purposes public works in Ireland. Sir THOMAS FREMANTLE observed that the present sum was to be an abso lu te g rant, but that there were other sums which would be lent u p o n loan. The neces sary t Irish loans had alway s been ver y p unctua lly paid. The Government were willin g to afford every f ac ili ty for the carrying out of these works. Colonel SLR-THORP said he did not wish thin gs t o be done in the dark. How was this money to be a pp li ed? Was it to be given for th e furtherance of that j o b of all jobs, the Shannon Har bour ? He should like toknoawt whether the 50,0001. now proposed was to be in addi tion to the sum which was already g ranted. Sir T. FREMANTLE r e p lied that the sum no w pro posed was in addition to wh at was already g rante d. rho form t o former vote gra the nts p m were nearly en ta exhausted, ountote a ry ;and the w necessary, however, for Hono urable Members no t to in- He de c id e dl y gclraumrtsdue.. HUMS wished to a sumswihichwere loans w ß itht t h9" whic h non. Baronetthe head of the Government whether it was t o be re cgoivgenuiseeluaysfoarptrhienecimppleiot:imateitihtoefpthueblpiecopmleorf wa s he question n at present for their considerat ion was, for wh at purpose the mem y was to be applied ? He doubted w hether any go( d had ever resulted from a n y former g r ants which protested, therefore, against a n y mone y b eing given had been voted for a similar p ur p ose. for the employment of the poor, when other causes were allowed to exist which prevented that employment. In England and Scotlan d every man was employed, and there was no necessity fur Votes of public money; but in Ireland this was not the case, lie could attribute such a state of things to nothing else but bad legislation and misgovernment. He really feared that by granting the money w i t hout inquir y into the causes which led to the want of employment, they would be lending themselves to perpetuate that state of things which arose out of their misgovernment. W hy did:hey not make grants to Stockport, Paisley, an d other places. Ile did not know how the former grants had been applied, and he protested aga i nst the Imperial Parliament voting this money with out inquiring into the causes Of the want of employment. He protested, therefore, : against the grant on that ground ; for he considered it would be affirming a pernicious principle, unless it was thought desirable on every occasion of a scarcity of employment time and money. The instant that Committees we re formed, counsel were employed, and the same kind of speeches were made by counsel that had so often been told before other Committees of the House. The time of the Members of the Committees was thus wasted, and great expense entailed on the promoters of the Bills. That done, counsel went to another Committee just formed, and wasted its time in the same manner he had done on the previous one in which he had been engaged. This great waste of time, and these long speeches of counsel, had led him to support the institution of a per manent body to sit and examine into railway Bills—a body that would exert an influence so as to put an end to this waste of time and money. In that case he would be bound there would be no trifling with time. There was another topic which he would mention. He had heard it said that considering that all these inquiries involved large considerations of capital, and that the Members of that House were largely in terested in the amount of property disposed of, they should do away with all suspicion by having an independent tribunal. He had merely men tioned this, and would not say more on the topic. The plan that he proposed would obviate this difficulty. The House would recollect that last ses sion these inquiries were to some extent in the hands of the Board of Trade, and every one objected to the decisions of that Board, but the reason of that in his opinion was that that Board had not sufficient power. They had only the power of report iag on a third or a fourth part of the question, not upon the whole. They only collected engineering evidence, and reported on it to the House, but they did not examine evidence affecting individuals. They left out three-fourths of the evidence, which it was necessary to hear properly to make a report to the House, and took only one-fourth. The fault was not that they gave the Board of Trade too much power, but because they gave it too little.—(Hear, hear.) This was his great objection to that Board, merely giving it power to report upon one portion of the case. He thought that the plan now followed was the very worst that could possibly have been devised, and though he could not in any way impugn the honesty of the motives of those by whom the duties of those Committies have been discharged, yet he Mt that the mode in which this business was managed was a disgrace to Parlia ment and the empire. lie did conceive, therefore, that by the appointment of such a body of men as he had just suggested, there would be a large amount of expense saved, and the system would work in finitely better than any private Committee of that House could possibly do. If the consideration of the expense were to be taken into account, they might follow the example set them by several of the other judicial institutions of the country, and throw the cost of the proceedings on the promoters of the several Bills which were to be submitted to the Le gislature.—(Hear, hear.) Colonel SIBTHORP felt a little surprise that so humble an individual as himself should have been thought worthy of any particular notice on the present occasion. He was aware, however, that it was well known that he bad a great distaste to what were called commissionerships, and he felt this distaste because he had invariably found, that these same commissioner ships generally drew enormous sums from the public, and were almost invariably neither more nor less than jobs, proposed though they might be by both sides of the House. Now he had greater objection to this com mission, because it was said to be for the good of what were called these important schemes, though, in his epinion they were anything but important schemes. He was the more convinced of the truth of this impres sion, because he saw that the Hon. and Gallant Member —(Laughter)—the Hon. and Learned Member he believed he ought to call him—had so made his pro position, that these commissioners, however assidu ously and earnestly they performed their duty, could not receive a single sixpence of their pay until the title to it had been certified by another commission, appointed to supervise their conduct. He had, therefore, the less to object to the Honourable Gentleman sug gested by the Right Honourable Baronet. He stood there as the representative of an impor tant commercial city, to discharge impartially a public duty, and he demanded, on behalf of the public of England, that all the members of the railway Committees should not be interested, either directly or indirectly, in any of the schemes that might come beforo them. He did not wish to speak disrespectfully of any Hon. Member, but in his opinion it wou ld b e li t tl e b e tt er th an dis honesty for an Hon. Member to tit upon a Committee ap pointed to consider the merits of two schemes, in one of which he was immediately interested. Many of the projects, although their promoters said they brought them forward for the benefit of the public, were nothing but gambling schemes, and in the last session of Parliament, while the Railway Clauses Con soldiation Bill was under consideration, he did his best to make the promoters of these schemes more responsible than they were for some of their acts and deeds.—(Cheers.) lie felt it his duty to make these observations, but he sincerely hoped that no Member in the House would consider that he was eonneeted either directly, or indirectly, with any railway scheme. For his own part he did not wish to be connected with any railway project.—( Laughter.) He would rather put his hand into the fire in fact than purchase a railway share.— ( Continued laughter.) Mr. GEORGE HUDSON said he considered it his duty to make a few observations, in consequence of the remarks that had fallen from the Right lion. Baronet (Sir R. Peel). He would suggest to the Right Hon. Baronet, that the schemes which should come before the House, should pass through a certain ordeal, viz., that all the dersits should be paid in prior to their being enabled to pass through the standing orders. ( Hear, hear.) It it were not so, the committee might comraend many schemes, the promoters of which were not in a competent position to carry them out.--( Hear, hear.) lie was not alarmed, like the Right Honourable Baronet, as to the amount of money which might be required in the execu tion of the contemplated lines of railway ; because that money was not going out of the country.—( Hear. ) One-fifth nearly of the money expended in the making of the proposed lines would go into the pockets of the landowners, and it was likely that they would invest that money in the rail ways which passed through their districts; they would, most probably, invest it in mortgages to the companies. The iron mongers, and other parties concerned in the making of mate rials for the lines, would also receive another large portion of the money expended in railways.—( Hear, hear.) The Right lion. Baronet had spoken of the distress in Ireland, but surely the making of new railways would be the very best thing to alleviate that distress, for the superabundance of labourers in the country would be thereby afforded employment. The Right Hon. Baronet said that the amount of money to be ex pended in railways should be limited—but was it possible to de so? He should imagine the case of a line proposed to pass through the West Riding of Yorkshire, in which, of course, there was great necessity for easy means of transit through the different parts of that district. why, to deny the right of these persons to make their railway would be an immense hardship. It seemed to give the Committee a power which he did not quite understand. He might be told that it would only be a report of a Com mittee; however, though not a proficient in Parliamentary business, he had learned sufficient to know that a report of a Committee gives a weight with which it is impossible to con tend. Were these lines of national importance ? Were they laid out in such a manner as to afford abundance ? If they were • he did not doubt but money and means would be found in abundance to carry them out, provided always that the money was not called out of the country for other objects, pro vided it was not called out on South American Bonds, or to buy foreign corn—(Loud cheering from the Ministerial benches.) He did not wonder there was some alarm that there would be a deficiency of money when measures like that he alluded to were proposed. And it behoved them, if they were carried out, to button up their pockets until they should see hew they would turn out. He was quite certain that if the House applied itself to the consideration of those lines with which it was competent to deal, they would be able to transact the whole business which would be brought before it. There might be defects, it is true, in some of their de cisions. He, himself, might have been very frequently grieve d . at many of them—( Hear, hear)—but he, always, on calin fet re flection, felt that those decisions were honest, and always the utmost respect for them, and he ever was prepa red by them. Let them not take an y . measures unti l they o abideknew Bills,w t et f e o r r the e w parties s ayof these p s r c o ehw c eo e imt e fh d et hs w hewo i t ntie h rooeu t u h rt e te i 0: r m r t a ti i i n e occupy thatt t h h e e y a t n w im d ould get through notorious w ere that n a o business with satisfacti on to public, and not in f a ei condition e the I fe f c t t h iv ey e' . did this he themselves. Mr. FOX MAULE congratulated the House on having se. cured the services of so valuable a Member as the Gentleman who had just sat down. He thought the Committee proposed one of the most important that was ever appointed in that House. He also consid ere d that all districts where rail ways were to be made s h ou ld b e fairly represented in the Com mittee, tor tie had to complain that, with ormer Committees who had been a pp o i nted to decide upon ra i lways, there was not a fair repr esen t at i on. Scotland had not got its fair proportion of representation. The only Member representing a large constituency wh o Honourable M em b er s — e oi ra e i a l r w , ap hear. w ) as W t i h th e w f a o s r D o u n m Dumfries.— se i t e h s o . reference to the other points, viz., as to the ascertaining matters of fact connected with, the different projected lines. He agreed with the Hon. Member for Devonport, that a re cord of them might be made up by persons authorised by both Houses of Parliament, or by any other body appointed for that purpose ; and he considered that such a tribunal would be much preferable to the system formerly adopted. He con sidered that the decisions would be more correct, as they would be obtained with more care, and a heavy portion of the business which passed in former sessions on Committees of that House would be discharged with more ease to all the parties concerned, and with greater advantage to the public at large. With those observations, then, and trusting that the Corn mittee would be framed in such a manner as would ensure the fullest confidence, he would not enter his protest against the question ; but it would be too late to object when the names should be called, as that would be making what might appear invidious distinctions. Mr. CHARLES RUSSELL said he did not participate in the apprehension that the mode of selecting the Committee would be regarded with distrust or dissatisfaction, or that the mode of investigation would create the same feelings. this Committee, if he understood it, was not intended to investi gate the merits of any line, but to regulate the manner in which a general principle could be applied to the mode of conducting those investigations—( Hear, hear)—and he had no doubt but that this duty would be discharged with justice to all parties, and satisfaction to the publie.—(Hear, hear.) Cone nected as he was with railways, it would not be for hi.n to sug• gest what the principle ought to be ; but this he would say, hope that if any preference were to be given to any, he would . that that preference would be given to Irelan d — ( Near , h ear. ) Believing, as he did, that the evils of that countre were not frozo. people owing to religious or political differences, butt enti rely t h a t country.— want of employment for the poor t h a t they should ( Hear, hear.) lie did think it was time that into that take means for pouring some of their sur p lus country.—( Hear, hear.) Lord JOHN RUSSELL sa i d that he had a very important question to remark upon. There s were two Members fo rwhota the House entertained ve ry grea t respect, and who enti re l y differed in their opi nion on t h a t question. The Hon. lli em b er . f a railway communicat i on said, that between for Sunderla nd t w o towns were required, and if all the landholders on the Ina . Tina were ready sent, and parties w with their f ( as ere ready to ad vance money fo r the project—supposing th e w h o l e to be in that state of advancement — yet Parliament had the power of placing i s veto on that project, and hindering its construc tion,Member for Readingsaid The Hon. that the exercise aae tion. of that power would cause great derangement in the money ' ' ma rket and in the labour m ar k et, and very great evils would follow in the event of Parliament stopping such projected line., and that very great evils would also follow the attempt to co nn struct too many railroads. He (Lord John Russell) own a that the question assumed a grave and important character, AD ought not immediately to be referred to a Committee. T'g e Frst Lord of the Treasury, or the Chancellor o( , the Exchequer, ought t o come to the House, aw stat • what public inconvenience would, in their opinion, 41 4 , se f rom he construction of so many railroads, and what ine . ,i ts Quo, • ~~