The Sun. — London, England, 1846-04-25 00:00:00

people out of doors the greater necessity for the carrying of this measure. —(Cheers. ) And the only thing that can pos sibly be substituted for the proposition of the Right Hon. Baronet will be the immediate repeal of the corn-law instead of the three years' delay which he has proposed.— ( Cheers.) And when I hear the. Noble Lord, the Member for Lynn (Lord G. Bentinck), talking in the way in which he does, with all that unconsciousness in using arguments that have been often refuted, which must arise from his having given his attention exclusively to other subjects for the last twenty years—( Hear, hear, and laughter)—and which has made hint wholly unacquainted with public measures.— ( Continued laughter.) When I hear him talking that way, and when I hear him boasting of being backed by 240 of the gentlemen of England—when I hear them cheering when he talks that way—why, when I see such a grievous and ridi culous delusion existing in the minds of Honourable Gentlemen in this House, and stating that that delusion is the public opinion on this subject—l do feel anxious that if it were pos sible the Right Hon. Baronet could appeal to the country— (Cheers, and counter-cheers from the protectionists)—with out any great inconvenience to the trade of the country— ( Laughter from the protectionists)—without any incon venience to the private business of this House, I do say that I feel anxious that you should appeal to the eountry on this question. (Loud cheers.) The country will make such an example of Honourable Gentlemen of the country party as they do not anticipate.—( Loud cheers ) The proposition of the Hon. Gentleman is to open the ports for Ireland. Now, has he considered the practical effect of opening the ports for Ireland, leaving the ports shut in England?—( Cheers.) Has he not given us the details of a measure which he has in preparation to be brought i n b y himself and the Noble Lord opposite, the Member for Lynn ? I suppose then he will have some contrivance to prevent the introduction of provisions from Ireland into England.— ( Hear, hear.) Because, if he is not prepared with some plan of this sort, -eeing that we have no c ustom-h ouses between the two islands, there is no possible means of prevenng the free circulation of American corn by sub stitutin g American provisions for Irish provisions brought into this country. The Noble Lord has told us that in Ireland what is wanted is money, and not provisions, and I have hear d the assertion often repeated both by the Noble Lord and some of his sup porters who sat around him. New, if I understand the state of things in Ireland rightly, there is a positive deficiency in the necessaries of life ; and has there not been a partial, if not a total failure, of the potato crop, which forms the staple food of millions of the people of Ireland ? I presume there is no one here bold enough to deny that proposition. How, then, will money supply a deficiency of food? If the people of Ireland had gold in equal proportion to their perishing potatoes, it would not supply them with food. Oh, but, it is said, you have plenty of corn, had you money to purchase it ; and be cause you have not that money, this corn is being sent to England. Now, do I understand the Hon.': Member rightly ? Has he a proposition for stopping that corn being sent to Eng land ? If he has, what are the millions of people. who depend upon the 10,000,000 of Irish provisions, which the Noble Lord the Member for Lynn says annually come from Ire land, to do for their food ? The Honourable Member for Limerick leaves the people of England out of the ques tion altogether, and is endeavouring to stop the pro press of the measure of the Right Honourable Baronet. He is trying, by a compact with the Noble Lord the Member for Lynn, to have a bread-tax upon the people of England, while he opens the ports for Ireland. But I will not detain the House by going into arguments to show that Ireland, as well as England, would be benefited by a repeal of the corn-laws. Whenever I wanted a stronger appeal than another to make to the people of England, I produce the greatest effect when I instance the case of Ireland. You say yourselves that those people are livingupon water-cresses, sea-weed, and turnip-tops, and is not this sufficient to prove that the corn-laws have been a curse rather than a benefit to them? I agree with my Hon. Friend the Member for the county of Cork, that the repeal of the corn-laws will have the effect of extending manafactures in Ireland. They had the best possible proof of this. Establish free-trade in corn, and von open a trade across the Atlantic, with the United States of America. A people with these advantages must be idle indeed not to avail themselves of it. The Irish people, how ever, are not idle, they are enterprising, and will avail them selves, if the opportunity is given them, of the natural advan tages and facilities which their country presents for extending their commerce and manufacture. Manufactures will spring up on the west coast of Ireland beside those splendid streams which abound there, if you only enable them to purchase their corn from America, and to open an unrestricted trade across the Atlantic. I feel most anxious not to trespass upon the time of the House now. I have intruded but seldom in this debate, for I am anxious not to be a party to any proceed ing that may delay the progress either of the Coercion Bill or the corn-laws. I deeply regret, indeed, that these two measures should come into competition with each other, and I am quite sure that the people of England are vexed and distressed at it. During the recess I was called upon repeatedly to hold great public meetings in Manchester, and in London, in order to re monstrate upon the delay occasioned by this debate, but the question I asked myself was, " Who shall we remonstrate with ?" I did not know who to blame, nor do I now I can't blame the Government, because if I were disposed to do so, I see they are already blamed so much that I cannot add to the load the weight of my censure. Then again, I have no right to blame the Members for Ireland, for it is not for me to judge as to the extent to which they deem it to be their duty to oppose the first reading of this Bill. I leave them to be the sole judges, be cause I should claim the same right myself, of the course and policy which they ought to adopt. I deeply regret, never theless, that this obstruction has taken place. And I trust that Honourable Gentlemen, coming from Ireland, will, at all events, ask the co-operation of Gentlemen on their own side of the House. who are quite as near in alliance with them in endeavouring to get good for Ire land as the Noble Lord opposite. '1 ney ought not to blame and dispense censure upon the Liberal Members of the House, in the hope of seeking and obtaining the confidence of Hon. Gen, tiemen opposite; and, at all events, I hope that on this side of the House we may manage to preserve good humour. I do not despair that on another evening after this we shall be able to advance towards the corn-law question, in which seriously Ireland is more deeply interested than in anything else. Mr. W. MILES was quite ignorant of any compact exist ing between the Hon. Member for Limerick and the party which was so ably heady by the Noble Lord the Member for Lynn.He believed, according to the customary rules and cour tesy, the Hon. Member for Limerick gave his Noble Friend notice of his intention to put the question he has propounded this evening, and that was the only compact, if compact it could be called, which existed between the Hon. Member and the protectionist party. He had nothing whatever to do with the long speech whicn the Hon. Member for Limerick had made in putting his question ; but, of course, he and his party were pledged by the answer given by his Noble Friend. It would be remembered, that on the first night of the debate on the corn-laws, he stated to the Government that they were ready to throw open the ports, if it were necessary to re lieve the suffering of the Irish people, and they were now ready to take that step, if the Government required them. He was not sorry that this short debate had taken place, for it enabled all parties in that House to express their sympathy for Ireland, and it was gratifying to see that all sides were desirous of doing something to relieve the suffering of Ireland. Irish Members would always find the party to which he belonged acting with sympathy for Ireland, as far as it was possible for them to do so, and they were now desirous of taking the first step towards the social improvement of Ireland, namely, improving the lever orders of society. That was not the time for entering upon the question of the corn-laws, but he was happy indeed that the debate had taken place, because it would show the House and the country that however they might differ upon some points, they were desirous of seeing some improvement introduced into the sister kingdom. Mr. SMITH O'BRIEN said he wished to ask a question of the Right Hon. Baronet the First Lord of the Treasury. Sir R. PEEL—I can anticipate the question the Hon. Mem ber wished to put to me, and I will answer it without hesita tion. I apprehend the question to be whether lam prepared to accept his proposition to repeal the corn-laws in respect to Ireland for the period of three months? I say at once lam not prepared to agree to it. Mr. S. O'BRIEN was about to make an explanation, but being called to order he resumed his seat. Mr. B. DISRAELI—Before we go into a division upon the question before the House, I cannot help reverting to some of the observations made by the Hon. Gentleman the Member for Stockport. He has treated us with a definition which public men have often indulged in, and has threatened us with the public indignation , and held u p to us t h e h orrors of pu b l i c reprobation. He has imitated many great examp l es b y not shrinking fr om defining and using a particular term for the purpose of street an t t e oo r tld a, men_ definition L eg i s l ature. —(Hear. ) There is a celebrated of the same re m ( connec ted with three individualswhoLamugehttelin.) W a street in Stockpor t. )—( Hear, and without the slightest exception, that the people of England are persons who live in towns ; I think that definition, for I made a note of it at the time, was loudly cheered by a gentleman, the expression of whose opinion—of whose feelings, must always make a great impression on this Hfiorsutsemainnidsteornotfhtehe cocrown,untri. The Rright Hon. Gentleman, the the moment the Hon. Member for or in S d to ig c n k a p t o i r o t n , o h f el t d he up pe w op h l a e t , he called, the'. country party to the indulged in a loud cheer. The moment th e cou th n e try ß p ig a h rt t y H w o e n re threatened with the indigna tion of the peop e, Baronet the First Minister of En g land cheers most lustily; : i and let it be remembered, that the threat was followed . by . a . precise definition of what the p eo p le consisted of. The people were defined to be persons living towns, and this definition met with a very loud Gies cheer from the first Minister of the Crown. ( of .. No, no.") Yes, I repeat it ; immediately after the defi nition of the term people the Right Hon. Gentleman cheered, which struck me at the time as rather strange, remembering as I did that the cheer came from the same Right Hon. individual who was once so fond of being at the head of the country gene tleaen of England. The moment the Hon. Gentleman the Member for Stockport defined the people as being persons living in towns, and attempted, as he had often done before, to control public opinion, by holding out a threat of public indig nation, saying that this sentiment of indignation would arise from the people, who, in a most worthy and frank manner, he defined to be persons who lived in towns, the Prime Minister of England immediately cheered and accepted that definition. Sir ROBERT PEEL—I totally deny it.—( Tremendous cheering. ) Mr. B. DISRAELI—Sir, if the Right Hon. Baronet totally denies it—if he means to say any thing I have stated is false, of course I cease.—(Hear, hear.) The Hon. Member then sat down. _ On the qu es ti on b e i ng p u t for reading the order of the day for resuming- the adjourned deb ite on the Coercion Bill, M w r. MAURICE O'CONNELL move d t h a t the House do no mradjourn. —(Cries of " Oh, oh." giving . aSMITH O'BRIEN said he had now an opportunity of as elptation, which the House had just refused to hear. from Ireland, fotalay, from papers which he had received become so frightful n that the distress and suffering there had some decisive step shouldtb it was imperatively necessary that . taken to alleviate it. He, there fore, wrote the letter to which Noble Lord the Member foirehLyhnen , h vr ad ith a o lr u eady alluded to the the Irish Members, who in truth o were not a t ware consulting o f his inten tion no! tion till after the letter had been sent Mr. NEWD.P. GATE said hewTs.hed to know whether he Was right in tetienking that the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of her Maj tat y's G overnment that an assertion of his Hon. Friend, few minutes ago d ec l are d the Member for Shrews bury, was false ? Sir ROBERT PEEL—Certainly it words I used we , se, " I totall y d eny I believ e th e T Man says I cheers id a particular exp!enmsasionofLee G G e e n n t t l le e - - man the Member for Stockport, namely, that persons in towns had a riglet to dictate to the country party, and thus I accepted the lb in. Gentleman's construction of the, word "people." Agr in., I say, I totally deny it. The Hon. if lie thinks Gentleman the AI ember for Coventry i s in ey error, h 1 said anything tiled the Hon. Me m b er for Shrewsbury had said was false. I sa.id nothing of the kind.—( Loud cheers. NEWDEG. ATE begged to apologise for . having ee re. m ) • s. understood the Rig ht Hon. Baronet , but certainly the im pression upon his mind was that the Right Hon. Baronet had cheered the definition of the lion. Member for Stockport. Mr. PETER BORTHWICK said, it was evidenttherewas a misapprehension of the meaning of the Right Hon. Baronet, but he regretted ehe Right Hon. Baronet did not rise to ex plain at the time Ins lion. Friend the Member for Shrewsbury renewed his seat.----(Cries of " Oh, oh.") Major MACN AMARA thought the Right Hon. Gentleman at the head of heir Majesty's Government had already suffi ciently explained. He was not responsible for the speech of the Hon. Gentle:a tan the Member for Stockport, or any other Hon. Member, be t if he were, that was not the place to call upon him to enplo in it,—(Laughter.) Lord GEORGE BENTINCK was not in the House when the Hon. Member for Stockport made his observations ; but there certainly was an impression amongst Hon. Members near him that the Right Hon. Baronet cheered a particular expres sion. His Hon. Friend was, therefore, justified in the remarks he had made, but the Right Hon. Baronet having stated that they were labouring under an erroneous impression, this dis claimer must be taken as perfectly satisfactory.—( Hear, hear.) Mr. H. HINDE said, he certainly thought the Right Hon. Baronet cheered the definition, and he rose simultaneously with his Hon. Friend the Member for Shrewsbury to protest against what he considered very improper conduct.—(Oh, oh.) Sir JAMES GRAHAM s aid, that after what had fallen from his Noble Friend the Member for Lynn, it was very inex pedient and unnecessary to prolong the discussion upon this subject. But as he (Sir J. Graham) had sat next to his Right Hon. Friend at the head of the Government, he,perhaps was the person most capable of giving an opinion upon this matter. He must say that it was somewhat hard to call to account a particular cheer of any man. He had warmly cheered the very able speech of the Hon. Member for Stockport, and he had agreed in many of the sentiments which the Hon. Gentleman had expressed. He certainly did cheer, and he was not sure that his Right Hon. Friend did not cheer the declaration that whatever might be the opinion of that House with respect to the passing of the measure f or the freer importat i on of corn into this country, whate ver was the opinion of the represen tatives of the people, the people themselves had settled the question long ago. He had certainly demurred from the defi nition of the Hon. Memb er for Stock p ort, that the inhab itants of the towns constituted the people of this country. He dif fered from that definition when he heard it, and he was quite sure that his Right Hon. Friend abstained from cheering then. The Hon. Member for Shrewsbury was labouring under a great mistake if he supposed that the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Government had used any term which was in the least degree inconsistent with the rules of that House in positively denying the accuracy of the Hon. Member's impres sion. He had used no term imputing falsehood. He had stated distinctly and firmly that he totally denied it. Surely that was not inconsistent with the rules of the Howe when an erroneous statement had been made. Mr. MILES begged to corroborate what had fallen from the Right Hon. Gentleman. He (Mr. Miles) was looking at the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Government at the time this matter occurred, and he noticed that the Right Hon. Baronet did not cheer. Mr. J. S. WORTLEY also corroborated the statement. Mr. BROTHERTON said his impression was that the Right Hon. Gentleman did not cheer. He thought the Hon. Member for Shrewsbury had grossly perverted the whole matter. Mr. CORBALLY said he was looking at the Right Hon. Baronet at the time, arid he could state that the Right Hon. Baronet did not cheer. Sir R. PEEL—I totally dissent from the principle. I do not recognise any right in any class of the people—any sort of right to dictate to the country. Why then should I cheer ? Mr. COBDEN—The language which was used by the Hon. Member for Shrewsbury is now adopted by the Right Hon. Gentleman. I never said that the towns could dictate to the country. In speaking of the people, I spoke of the majority of the people,- and I apprehend that the majority of the people of these Islands live in towns. I by no means wish to say that they should dictate to the country, but in all constitutional countries, I apprehend, that the majority governs. Mr. DISRAELI said he had never anticipated any dis cussion upon the subject. Of course he had been mistaken. The Hon. Member for Stockport had made a speech, and in the course of that speech he ( Mr. Disraeli) had been given to understand that the Right Hon. Baronet had cheered a certain sentiment. He had been told by an Hon. Member that the Right Hon. Baronet the First Lord of the Treasury had cheered that sentiment in the most decided manner. He (Mr. Disraeli) said, " Are you sure of it ?" and he replied " I have not the slightest doubt of it." Now, so assured, he (Mr. Disraeli) had a perfect right in debate to refer to such a matter. Had such a cheer been given by him (Mr. Dis raeli) it would certainly have been immediately laid hold of by the Hon. Baronet. He was therefore surprised at the man ner in which the lion. Baronet denied his (Mr. Disraeli's) assertion ; and he was under the impression that the Right Hon. Baronet intended to be offensive in the matter. Under these circumstances he (Mr. Disraeli) of course immediately sat down. He was perfectly satisfied now that the Right Hon. Gen tleman did not cheer, and therefore he (Mr. Disraeli) had la boured under an erroneous impression.—( Cheers. ) Sir R. PEEL—I take it for granted that there is an end to this personal matter. Of course if a Member in my situation cheer any sentiment, any gentleman is at liberty to comment upon it. But the Hon. Member for Shrewsbury took this definition as mine. Mr. DISRAELI—In consequence of the cheer. Sir R. PEEL—In consequence of the cheer, and upon that I immediately rose, and said I totally deny it. Mr. M. O'CONNELL then withdrew his motion for the adjournment of the House. THE ADJOURNED DEBATE. At ten minutes to ten o'clock the order of the day for re suming the adjourned debate was read. Mr. J. O'CONNELL said he was sorry, after the scene of recrimination which they had witnessed, to re-open the war. In addressing himself to the subject before the House he would first of all turn his attention to the speech of the Honourable Member for Stroud (Mr. P. Scrope). In the course of that speech the Honourable Member had used what he (Mr. O'Connell) could only designate as unchristian doctrines. The Honourable Member said that the only way of relieving Ireland was by establishing a poor-law like the English one ; and the Hon. Member went on to say that the present system of charity in Ireland was ex travagant and useless. Ireland was not in a state to admit of a poor-law. What would they do with the labourer if they made his condition equally good as that of the independent labourer, whose struggle was such a life and death one that it required a large amount of moral energy to engage or persevere in it. There was one thing he defied them to do, and that was, to make the condition of the labourer under any system affording relief, worse than that of the inde pendent labourer.—( Hear, hear.) He would wish to say, with respect to the observation of the Noble Lord the Member for Lynn (Lord G. Bentinck), that the Members who advocated a repeal of the Union, repudiated the idea of a dismemberment of the empire. The Irish Members had been done great injustice to by the supposition that they advocated a repeal of the corn law in the hopes of benefiting by a side wind the object which they had in contemplation. But he assured the House that they would not stain their cause by being guilty of impeding the cheapening of the bread to the famished people—( Cheers) and with reference to the charge which had been made against them of delaying the progress of the measure ; but the charge did not rest with there—it rested with those who could dispense with the Coercion Bill. They could not give a facility for a Bill which was fraught with unmitigated evil to the country. English Members, and the writers for the Eng lish press, talked to them of public opinion ; but they gave proof of a foregone conclusion—namely, that they had no re gard for public opinion in Ireland. That opinion never en tered into their consideration. But the time was come, if the two countries were to go on together, there should be due regard paid to that public opinion.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") The people of England were not enlight ened as to the real condition of the Irish people. He would address himself now to the subject at present under the consideration of the House, and he would do so with a deep sense of his inability to deal with it, and, what he felt more acutely, with a disheartening sense of the effect of any entreaties or address he would make there. This was no ques. tion of mere coercion for a particular emergency. Whether they might think it or not—whether they might will it or not —in spite of themselves, the whole question of international relations—the whole question of the mutual position of the two countries must come under review. Why did he say so? There they were in the seventh century of the connexion of the two countries, and whatever might be the impression in this country on the subject, it could not be denied that it was re garded in Ireland with iron hatred. During that lengthened period he could not light upon a time—he could not lay his hands upon!a single spot, where the relations of the two coun tries presented any other aspect but that of the direst and most continued oppression. There they were in the 46th year of the Union—a Union accomplished by treachery and fraud—a union accomplished when the country was in a state of com plete prostration ; and year after year they were going on in a geometrical progression, the whole country falling into the most indescribable and increasing misery, approaching occa sionally to famine and pestilence. Their minds were so occu pied, and properly occupied he would admit, with English mat ters, for it was natural that it should be so, that they could not see the state of Ireland as it really was. Ireland was not now in the condition she was in some time since. She was then weak, powerless, and disregarded, she was now fast growing into importance and power. The people were banded together as a people were never banded before, animated with the spirit of one man, and determined to redress themselves their grievances, if they were not redressed. They were tried in the fire of affliction, and they were so schooled by systematic oppression, that he should mock that House if he did not say tftthehhaaaert the o t ep t de h , e cp y ol en w atoo e inf r n e nulee utterly disinclined and detached from this coun t r y . H e b e li eve d i t to b e for the advantage of both countries Ireland were a s s he t u h l e d iar cttpoaunelthiiuneyd to a ue w , a b e u thhe n t aitgewde. repeal—and uldnet, he Firmlythatas attachment was as strong:as their attachment to life—their desire was to preserve th e connex i on b etween the two countries. This connexion was the best mode, he sincerely believed, of advancing their mutnal interests, but he must also say that England's strength would never be secure if Ireland was dis contented. Menacing as Russian despotism must be, and tyrannical as must be the conduct of the Prussian monarch, a barrier would be created by this union which the powers of the world would not be able to overoome. At what period, he would ask, was this Bill brought in? It was brought forward at a time when the country was resounding with the intelli gence of successes in war—at a moment, also, when they were going to confer benefits on England—such was the time when Ireland was threatened with coercion. By this course of proceeding they were awakening the recol lections that a period of success for England was one of op pression for Ireland, and that no concession of Irish rights expected unless Eng land was b e set with difficulty These were dangerous considerations to awaken. all reminiscences of the byg o ne history of am p T n a h i idgeth,idrtaaono be bgdjeetro avoid the shouldd ra ther be to blot out the memory of the d oppressions and afflictions which t choeumn tfroiresd;oinbgetiointhsteeatonoefiltihaatitoothHeyand, iiatodwrheaftretshheedy theth ert Never conn ected with blamedewcoollection of the than the Irish people were ; a land had Ire undergoneE eas ily conciliated o s g i n l ° a P c o e P d r . e sh e had the w m e i r s e pl o e f bme more o r the sound of a word even, or a promise, a promise, nor the that neither a word, nor They have had too long experi encewould conciliate them now. promise. would have conciliated them ; but s h o e un w d ou o l f c : l a t p e r ll om th i e s m e, held out were ever anything was not broken, and what hopes ere ofp professions; s conduct f for r f this what countryw orword t a o s p e l v a e c r e t ful moment, kaenpyt,dewpheantdpenrocme promise m therefore, to attempt to inflict article he had recently read in the was muck struck with an else but empty delusions?. Iftreswhatsyraannnuynugproane was said to be a Government Ireland.. He Observer newspaper paper) connected with (w th h e ie s h ucces yo:fa readingtt ende d the passage for the purpose their arms in India ; and he would take • number of the Irish soldiers passage, which stated that a large _ of connecting sesw hethh ehlibertyd better la t t e h i e remarks he had to make upon it.—( The Hon. Member here read the subscribed a large amount of money for thi. who were at present in India, under Sir Hug . h rel G ie o f u o g f h, th h e a i d r suffering countrymen at home, and had handed it to Sir Hugh Gough for remittance to Ireland.) They went to the field of battle after doing as this paper stated. Supposing, then, they were informed of what was preparing for their unfortunate country - -supposing they were told that a Coercion Bill was preparing for the further relief of their starving countrymen, what would have been their feelings then? —( Hear, hear.) Would they have turned their backs upon the enemy? No, they would have gone on—they would have shed their blood—they would have wrung victory from a bold and daring enemy.—( Cheers.) They were not the men who would then turn their backs upon a field of battle, where death stared them in the face. When the remnant of their force, how ever, came back, they would hear of what was doing for their country while they were fighting the battles of England.— (Hear, hear.) They would be told this—they would be told that their fathers, who had left their wretched homes to seek the priest for their dying mothers, to have the consolation of religon given them on their dying bed - - .(Hear)—they would be told, that while en deavouring to seek this consolation, they were seized and trans ported under the humane powers of an Dogfish law, termed a Coercion Bill, and not unjustly so testified. —( Hear, hear.) What met be their feelings then? He trnuld be NW ix that w H o o o u l s d e , h t e h Hat ma t d h e i s iowsoou such c n a o se t c be L t i h t e tle c , as i e r — ale t e h , tt wanereextcheopytioi in that House acquainted with the power of the minions of the law—of the subordinates, the police in that country. Such results, indeed, would not take place, if the justice of the Mem bers of that House was properly carried out.—( Hear, hear. ) And those who knew the police of that country were not cat ignorant ion of t h The o thef eir r means oveng t o o f l u vihi spirit.c they little t r o e sort for police otfh Irelandgr a grati fication were wouldeve ever ready to follow give lowup a e n x y pr m es a s n ion in o t t o hat hi c s ountry feel ings ; a no s wn dignifiedth atthose by t subordinates ttlo brief authorityf the l w looked uponl it was with whirl, themselves they well w e c r were invested ; and they looked for the a ma rked respect of the unfortunate people—(Hear, hear)--in fact they expected that every man should be ready at all times i w to take off their hats to those petty tyrants who were promoted for acts which very often tended but to the gratification of their own passions. He would appeal to the Irish Members of that House, if such was not the character of the Irish police, and if every word of what he had stated in reference to them was not true?—( Hear, hear.) He believed that the word of the Irish Members was worth something upon that head, and yet these policemen were to have the practical carrying out of this vile measure. This then would be the situation of the unfortunate peasantry of Ireland under the present Bill. He would speak to many other of the dangerous results of' this measure, but he would also speak to the danger which would accrue to this country from the effect of the pre sent policy of the English Government towards Ireland. They might think themselves safe, but he would warn them that they were on the blink of a dangerous precipice. It was a giddy height, and they looked down upon danger, and it may be ruin, though in the distance ; but that danger to the connexion of both countries was not the less certain.—( Hear, hear.) They might not think so, but he felt bound in his conscience to warn them, and he now did so, that this subject was a most dangerous one to this country.—( Hear, hear.) As a proof that he was not overrating the matter, he found that the probability of a war was occupying the attention and judgment of the military men of this country. He found that the mili tary engineers, in their anxiety on this question, were looking at the geographical position . of Ireland, and made, accordingly, observations upon her coast and harbours in the event of a foreign war. Would they allow Ireland to remain in this state—would they allow her to be at the mercy of such a Bill as the present, while they were hurl ing defiance at their foreign enemies ? Well, they might do so ; but they were mistaken if they wrapped themselves in the mantle of security, for they were anything but safe, under such a state of things in that country.—(Hear, hear.) To prove to the House that this danger was not unlikely, he felt bound to read an extract from a journal of very high authority —he meant the United Service Gazette. (The Hen. Member read at some length to the effect that, in case of a war between England and any other country, many of the harbours on the coast of Ireland were accessible to the ships of the enemy, and recommending that the attention of the Government should be directed to the defence of those places.) The Honourable Member continued—When France attempted a partial invasion of Ireland, General Massena was told that he could never think of conquering England by such an act of warfare; but the General replied, that he did not think of conquering England by such a step. but he was certain that a successful stand in Ireland would have ruined England, and that his intention was not to conquer but to ruin her. England, however, says, we are able to fight the world, and put down Ireland too. She might be able to do so, but it was not a very Christian-like boast.—( Hear, hear.) She had been so vic torious in battle, that she might not only fancy herself still the favourite of fortune, but she might in reality be so. He trusted she would long continue so—(Cheers)—but if she were able to fight the world and put dowry Ireland, what scenes of blood would not be shed—what ruin to her manufacturers— what ruin to her mercantile interests, would not follow en the heels of such a victory. (Hear, hear%) With what feelings would this country contemplate so fearful a result.—( Hear, hear.) The Irish Members in that House felt that they were bound to oppose this Bill, that they were charged by the other side of the House with causing unne cessary and unwarrantable delay in the passing of such a mea sure. Instead, however, of this opposition being unnecessary and unwarranted, it was an opposition asked for by the ob noxious powers contained in it ; and they would be acting con trary to the trust reposed in them, and contrary to the dic tates and convictions of their own conscience. The Noble Lord (Morpeth) who stated that, notwithstanding he would oppose this measure in its future stages, he felt bound to support its first reading. He (Mr. O'Connell) was really at a loss to account for this—he really could not find the logic of it.—(Laughter.) With respect to the Noble Lord who introduced this Bill, he found it stated in the papers, purporting to have reported the speech of that Noble Lord, sentiments which he could not agree with. This Bill was introduced by Lord St. Germans, who was sponsor to it. Now he would oppose this Bill, if for no other reason than because it had been stated by the late Secretary of State for Ireland.—(Loud laughter.) He recollected when this Noble Lord came to Ireland in his official capacity, he was talked of as a moderate man ; but the Irish people had un fortunate reasons to know the contrary. He was a man smooth in speech, but one of fatal contradiction in action. He told the Irish people that Sir Robert Peel's policy towards Ireland should be wise and moderate, that he would endeavour to pro mote the interests of Ireland by developing her re sources, and by combining wisdom with moderation in every measure affecting that country, and by trying to do justice to all. And yet, here was this " moderate' man now introducing a Bill which was calculated to trample on the few remaining liberties of the Irish people. This moderate man went to Ireland; and what was his first act? Let him (Mr. J. O'Connell) point to the election of Dublin, at which the Noble Lord the Member for Yorkshire was a candidate. In that case the grossest injustice had been practised. The sheriff had appointed a creature of his as overseer of a most important booth, and in which that creature gave every opposition to the Liberal voters. Appeals were made to the moderation and the candour and the justice of this moderate man; and yet what did he do? He gave no answer whatever ; he went away, left Dublin, and left the whole affair in the hands of Mr. Breasten, and that was the first slip of this moderate man.— (H ear, hear.) The next act of this moderate man was to ap point to judicial situations on the Bench men who had made themselves remarkable even in this House by their vehement opposition to any measure of liberal tendency for Ireland. His next step was that of the dismissal of the liberal magistrates. The Hon. Member then called attention to the circumstances connected with the proclamation that had been issued for the prevention of the ,meeting that was intended to have been held at Clontarf. He would contend for it that that proceeding was one, if not of cold-blooded cruelty, at least one of cold-blooded heedlessness. And the excuse for suddenly issuing that proclamation was, that there had not been time to correct it. He would say that anything more mocking than this excuse he had never heard. Let the House look to the conduct of Lord St. Germans, who was a party to the appointment of O'Driscoll to the magistracy of the county of Galway, the man who had been dismissed, and was unwor thy to be again appointed. The Lord St. Germans was a party to the appointment of Lord Lucan to the Lord-Lieute nancy of Mayo. Lord Lucan was the man who rescinded the order for allowing the Sisters of Charity to visit the prisons and hospitals. These ladies had denied themselves every comfort and luxury of life, and consented to live in po verty, to benefit their fellow-creatures. They faced for that purpose disease and death in their most terrible forms, and exposed themselves without fear to contagion. That order—he said so in no sectarian spirit—that order would have been respected in every man's heart, and Lord Lucan refused in the most contemptuous man ner what would not have been refused in the most Anti- Catholic part of this country. The Protestants themselves were so convinced of the utility of these foundations that they had instituted some of them themselves, and yet Lord Lucan was rewarded by the Lord-Lieutenancy of Mayo. Throughout the three or four years that they had the misfortune of having Lord Lucan as secretary, he sacrificed all his feelings to parti zanship. He yielded all his feelings to party purposes, and supported the Government in all their harsh measures, and yet that man came forward—as it has been reported in the newspapers—and spoke feelingly of the crime of Ireland, and how he felt grieved at the measures of repression which the Government felt compelled to apply. What were his last words? That the Government regretted to interfere with the rights of property to such an extent, but they had no remedy. Of course they could not do so, as long as the law remained on the statute-book, but they could remove the law and introduce measures to make the landlords respect the rights of property in the tenant, as much as the House respected the rights of property in the landlord. There were Hon. Gentlemen in that House who had been such as to call for a consideration of the measures they had proposed. With regard to the Right Hon. Baronet the Secretary for the Home Department, he (Mr. J. O'Connell) referred to him, because he had not remedied his former acts, but he had declared his repentance of them. His expressions seemed to hofd out hope for Ireland, and to promise that some measures of good for Ireland should be adopted. His sentiments seemed to come mere from his heart this year, but he was contravening his own declarations in bringing forward the present Bill. His former conduct towards the people of Ireland remained bitterly im pressed on their memories, and anxious as they were to accept words of conciliation, yet they must call on him not to leave them with mere words, but to show by his acts that he felt a sincere repentance, and conceived a new line of policy better adapted to the wants of the country. With regard to the Right Hon. Gentleman the First Lord of the Treasury, he had not given them these assurances ; he had not held out the same language. It might be the difference of temperament, that he was not willing to express those feelings, but kept them within his own breast. Still the omission was im portant, because it related to the offence charged against him. If the Right Hon. Gentleman would recall to his memory his conduct towards Ireland, he would find that it began by an unjust and tyrannical persecution of the press. He would remember that during his Secretaryship in Ireland, the Orange system obtained an organization of the most flourish ing and permanent description, and that had been attributed to him. He (Mr. J. O'Connell) did not charge the Right Hon. Baronet with it, because he (the Right Hon. Gentleman) was anxious as he was willing to believe he stood well with the people of Ireland—but it was mainly to his fostering that the system obtained the ascendency in Ireland ;, so much so, that every young gentleman of property, and who was of the Pro testant persuasion, as soon as he came of age was sworn in as an Orangeman. The Right Hon. Gentleman had on several occa sions shown sy m p a th y towar d s wrong pr i nc i p l es, an d h a d, in the H ouse , represented these excesses of his party as the loyalty. his Ther elif e was io one Irel a thing h he had been which w e e as , t hatthroughout leagued with those who were constantly and strongly opposed to the rights of the people of Ireland, and went with all their measures. He had opposed unflinchingly, for a series of years, with the great talent he has known to possess, and always dis played, the modification of the restrictions on Catholic liberty in Ireland, nor did he relent until the progress of the measure forced him to do so ; and when the bringing in:of the measure forced him to give up his former opinion, he expressed his opinion fully against the freedom of his fellow-subjects. What he gave he gave unwillingly, and the measure of relief he conceded had not effaced the effect, in the minds of the people of. Ire an d of the opposition he had made to them whil e t here. whether in or out of office, was not His conduct since then, calculated to improv e the impression. —(Hear, 'ear.) No one was more ready than h e was to urge the Whigs forward against the people of Ire l a nd in 1833• He recollected the cheers which he gave that party then, and the old and isolated facts he raked up and presen t e d with all the dramatic effect purpose ; warping and _ and illustration of which he was cap able, to serve his pto effect misleading the judgment of Isis hearers that end. The two Right Hon. Baronets opposite had also done their best to violate the elect oral ri g hts of the people of Ireland, t assisted by Lord Stanley , . in of wh vice, to attempt they attributed perjury and briber y , and every other them. The people of Irela nd recollected all these deeds, and knew that, ever since they came into power, the party that is r, their object had been to give ascendancy rightsthe an of Irishmen. That while they privileges of the great body people of England, had, Janus like, one face of liberality to the they presented another of injustice, and tyranny, and cruelty to the people of Ireland. Th ese were the men who were to administer this law with the assistance of their subordi nates. Was it any wonder, then , that the representatives of Ireland opposed the measure? For himself, if there were no other objections to the measure than that, it would be rdministered by such parties, even admitting that it was ne cessary, he would strenuously oppose its passi n g into a law. He now came to the measure itself, He woul d ask, had the Government fairly tried the powers already in their hands? Had those powers been fairly tried? If they had been, and failed, however much he might be overwhelmed at the sense of the hideous crimes committed by his countrymen, he would feel that he could not mitt the graining of. new powers. TEE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING. APRIL 25, !B4d. Bat he denied that they had exhausted the powers at their disposal. They had the power of special commissions ; had that been tried and failed? It was said that it had been tried in the case of Brian Seery, and failed. This was not so, f or th ey execute d t h e i r man. They secured their victim, though there was a deep feeling of doubt and mystery regarding that affair in the minds of the people of Ire land. The Special Commission had succeeded. There were only five counties in Ireland in which the horrible crime of assassination prevailed, though that was not to the extent that had been represented, an d t h ey m i g ht try a Special Commis sion in each of these.—( Hear hear.) This would be a cheaper, fuller, and better means of meeting the evil than by the Bill before the House. Until they had fully tried them, they were not in a position, fairly and equitably, to ask for such extraor dinary powers. Th e y cou ld also i ncrea se the police ; and they had other powers which they eould call into operation. Therefore, until they tried these, and others like these , under the existing l aw , h e cou l d not C onsert to their asking for such a Bill as that before the House. Their case was not complete until all the se h a d b een tr i ed an d f a iled. At present their case was— " But half made up, And that so lamely arid unfashionably That dogs bark at them as they pass by." But it was to those wl.o had been aptly termed the under takers of Ireland that they owed the present Bill. They hated the people of Ireland on account of the Maynooth grant and the Corn Bill, and they now made tools of the two Right Hon. Gentlemen opposite. They had, in consequence, the Government, on the one hand, attempting a noble revolution, and at once abandoning the errors they had formerly professed ; and, on the other hand, sunk in the mud and mire of cruelty, tyranny, and unchristianity in respect to Ireland.—(Hear.) He had said that Government had net used their power for the advantage of Ireland. They had not even in the cause of that desolation—they had not, in the whole course of their legislation, once touched on the causes of crime in that country.—(Hear, hear.) What were those causes? He would tell them, not in his own words, but from the very re • cords of that House. He would show them that the outrages of the landlords had induced the outrages of the peasantry. The extermination of the tenantry led to the assassination of the landlords.—( Hear, hear.) The state of that country neithertere ha m d or h e eeh no l r 4,l l oo y ess e jetehtamnehttsh,at of a national system of murder b e t ween these c l ass es, and he found in the appendix, that f rom t h e ears 1827 to 18 33 (five years w in as all) there popu lation of 40,100 turned out of their houses. The a eisHcon. Mem ber then proceeded to read at length quotations from the charges of Lord Chief Justice Pennefeather, from the evi dence of Messrs. Howley and Lloyd, Sergeants-at-law, and others, with the view of showing that the legislative Acts which had reference to Ireland were drawn up to favour the landlords, while they oppressed the tenants. He did not wish to detain the House too long—(Cries of " Oh !" and ironical cheering)—but he could not help thinking that it evidenced the feelings of the Government towards Ireland, when not one Irishman was considered worthy of holding a situation of trust in that country. He would, with the permission of the gentleman H ouse, intimately read, acquaintedis, o o m h e d qn ao acted ; we t d i t o h n a t fr s om nn ot t rh for e re and evidencelargeestates o h f of f tlreland,h er gentleman eaa n d who was therefore competent to form an opinion upon the matter. He meant Mr. Wiggins. The Hon. Member read quotations from that gentleman's evidence to prove his argument that Ireland was unjustly dealt with. The example of the Marquis of Ormond was often pointed to, and what was this example? Why the performance of his duty. There was a volume of Irish history in that. The general rule in Ireland was for the Irish landlords to disregard their duties, although they so closely observed their rights. He held in his hand a heart-sickening detail of exterminations in Ireland. The first case he would refer to was that of Mr. Shea, of Blackmore Lodge, in the county of Kilkenny. ( The Hon. Gentleman then read from a pamphlet, which detailed a course of persecution which had been adopted by an Irish landlord for the purpose of exterminating certain of the Roman Catholic tenantry.) The proceedings of Government had already engendered crime in Ireland, and this mea sure would drive the people to worse crimes. He held in his hand a copy of the Cork Examiner, from which it appeared that from the Gerrard property 80 families, including 457 individuals, had been ejected very recently; from another property in that neighbourhood, 19 families, con sisting of 95 individuals; from Sir Francis Hopkins', 37 families, including 218 individuals ; from another property nine families, including 53 individuals; from another property one widow and her family, consisting of eight individuals ; from Lord Waterford's property 270 individuals; and from another 170 individuals, making a total of parties evicted recently in the neighbourhood of Cork, of 1,271 human beings, who were in fact exterminated by their landlords from the land of their birth.—( Hear, hear.), Those were the fir s t f ru it s o f th e i r Coercion Bill—that was the prestige of it.—( Hear, hear.) The Government had talked of the moral effect of this coercive measure, but the effect of it was this, that the moment the landlords of Ireland learned the intention of the Government to introduce it, they commenced evicting their unfortunate tenants, who were driven to desperation. This Coercion Bill had in fact encouraged the most immoral acts.—(Hear, hear.) Let the Government go on with their Bill; let them push it forward. It was a measure for which they could patch up a majority from all sorts of discordant elements. They could certainly pick up something like a majority to coerce the Irish people and the Irish Members, but the Government and those who supported them must take the r esponsibility—the responsibility of the death of the people would be upon their heads ; but the said grief, and misery, and desolation of the country would be with the poor of the laad.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") He would wish to make a few observations with respect to the in efficiency of the coercive measures that had hitherto been in troduced by the Government. He could quote to them authorities from their own reports, Commissioners, and Blue Books, to show that such measures, instead of pacifying, have driven the people to despair. The people of those portions of the country where coercive laws had been in force had been examined before Commissioners of the Government, and they unanimously stated that the effect was to enrage the people, and the consequence was, that the number of crimes and outrages were far greater than before those laws came into operation. And the Right Hon. Mr. Blackburn, the Master of the Rolls in Ireland, had given evidence to the same effect. He regretted that the night had so far advanced, because he had abundance of evidence to adduce in support of the stand which he had taken against the Bill, and there were several Hon. Gentlemen behind him who had also mountains of evi dence to adduce against this most odious measure.—( Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Gentleman the Secretary-at-War had, in support of this measure, brought forward as an argument that the narrower the ground was, the greater was the neces sity.—( Hear, hear, and laughter.) He conceived that that was a fair deduction of the argument of that Right Honour able Gentleman. It certainly was an argument wor thy of the cause. He wished to ask what man would be safe if this measure were passed?—(Hear, hear. ) Every rank would suffer, but the lower ranks particularly, be cease the wealthier classes had now ample means of protecting themselves against its clauses. The peasantry weuld be con fined to their cabins, their smoky and unwholesome huts, from sunset to sunrise, and if they dared to leave them, they would be liable to the horrors of transportation.—(Hear, hear.) The powers of the stipendiary magistrates of Ireland were already sufficiently great, but this measure would enlarge them to a most unreasonable extent.—(Hear, hear.) The Hon. Member then read a series of documents for the purpose of proving the increase of crime in England as compared with that of Ireland. During the last four years murders had increased fully eight per cent; arsons had increased twenty-eight per cent. There was just one circumstance to which he would allude be fore he hurried to a conclusion.—( Great laughter.) He could not object to Honourable Gentlemen laughing, but he con sidered they had no reason to do so, as he bad not the power of rising to address the House at an earlier period of the even ing. What, however, he referred to was the state of the tenure of land in Ireland. The present Lord Chancellor of Ireland had introduced a plan that had been found to work well. He introduced the system of giving leases of thirty-one years in those tenanty cases that came before him ; and he (Mr. O'Connell) thought that if a similar plan were adopted gene rally the best results would follow. He had now to thank the House, and he did so sincerely, for the attention and silence with which they had heard him in discharging what he con ceived to be a solemn and imperative duty. Captain JONES said he could assert that not a single eject ment had taken place on that property. Mr. H. GRATTAN said he had heard that 277 families had been ejected from the property in question. After a few words from Mr. S. O'BaZEN and Mr. M- O'Cosarent, Lord GEORGE BENTINCK said he believed there was not a more humane landlord in the country than the Marquis of Waterford, and he hoped he would have an opportunity of re futing those charges. On the motion of Mr. M'CARTHY, the debate was then adjourned. The ether orders of the day were then disposed of, and the House adjournd at Half-past One until Monday next. PARLIAMENTARY BUSINESS. (From the Votes and Proceedings of the House of Commons. FRIDAY, APRIL 24. The following Petitions for Railways were reported, and th• Bills •rdered to be brought in by the undernamed Hon. Members : Thames Haven Dock and Railway (No. 2)—Mr. Bramston, Mr. G. Palmer, and Mr. R. Hodgson. Trent Valley, Midlands, and Grand Junction—Colonel Anson and Lord A. Paget. on Mond ay RAILWAYS. Select Committee on Group No. 27. Mr. Marshall, Mr. Bright, and Mr. Hampden selected, and added to the Committee, vice Mr. Edward Ellice, Lord C. Hamilton, and Mr. Rashleigh, discharged. Select Committee on Group No. 20. Sir T. D. Acland and Mr. P. Carew selected, and added to the Committee, vice Mr. Redin&ton and General Morison, discharged. The Committee of Selection have nominated the following Select Committees on Railway Groups : me A y. C e o i n i :m m i r t . te T e . co p i . is w is i t i i i n ie g m o . f , — an C d ol t o i n le el ll F en o . z ii V . is m cou c n h t o C ii li n v o e ,s, , , C oefi a e p ßy t a, a ut in o. whom they have referred the Bills comprised in Group No. Rail way Bills, viz. : Caledonian and Dumbarton Junction, Scottish Grand Junction. meet Monday, May 4, at twelve. Direc t, f—Sir W. Clay, Earl Jermyn, Viscount and Mr. Curteis, to whom they have re- D}, Caledonian euTrhtbh eiateSelect rdle, cDClydeocuoiimej, Northern eaiunt cited:i:col eaitgiaz i o A Committee cons Group Bills comprised in No. 13 of Railway Bills, viz.:— and II I' : Extension, Caledonian Railway . oDnednal3s-o'n, Lord Both= Mr. J. f l e n i g r e e s d tr t e h , e h ß lr. Ainsworth, Glasgow and Belfast Union, y ( 4 4. , a i t „i h tz a w lf- i p: ia t m l2. Glasgow, Dumfries, and Carlisle, N NS,Cicy o :o r rrte t tstdi h :leißh ß rneir r sai i ir t ini i l s d(th h :Ge( ( uG C :rnl a r:efrio r t l w i ne s aa l s e yßß, E rr it aann t Extension), 5 : 1 ., 0 n ) , Caledonian (Langliolm Branch). to in Group No. 18 of London and Salisbury and Yeovil Ju.nletatiiim(t,w,loirß.llisr),,, ,es, wA 1. A l io 'l l i it Se llel Committee e yt c . Select l Committee s, seconsistingl rep feerei o cto i hynf of--Dig. meet iv, i o , na. s comprised Railway Bills, viz. : Wilts, Somerset, and Weymouth, London, Newbury, and Bath Direct, Exeter, Yeovil, and Dorchester, Exeter Great Western, (Nottingham and (1-fantham Ju ' il v Aio * n --- ), London and South-Western (Basingstok e and Salisbury), Soinersetshire Midland, sir A. L London, Bristol, and South Wales Direct. The Select Committee to meet on Monday, Tray w4,haot;ne. th ' i. have * ylle:l A tcyr,r Committee lllks c e o ci l ue t yi s , i ; s p t ar i ii i i i sd g eds o i f ir, — GT l r. l o i l . . p N 0 . 35 co Railway Bills, 'z' East Coast, and Boston, Ambagate, Nottingham, I G lo r ti i i, u N n e ie w e a , rk, and Sheffield Midland (Clayeross to Newark), Midland (Erewash Valley Extension), Nottingham, Mansfield, and Midland Junction, Midland (Nottingham to Mansfield), Midland (Erewash Branches). The Select Committee to meet on Tuesday, M ay 5, at half-past 12. A Committee consisting of—Mr. W. Miles, Sir T. E. Colebrooke Mr. Barklßills comprised y, Mr. Bellew, nd 3,lroup r. Chapman, to wh om th ey have re : forged the a hi G No. 43 of Railway Bills, viz.:— Leeds and Thirsk (North-Eastern Extension), 5, at one. drallierrasyton, Mr. W. Bahl% East and West Yorkshire Junction, Leeds and Thirsk (Nidderdale Dale), York and North Midland (Whitby and Pickering Extension), Great North of England (Bedale Branch), Great North of England (Booughbridge Branch), Leeds and Thirsk (St. Helen's Deviation). meet onnt e of—Viscounta Viscount 'Villiers, Mr. Douglas, and Colonel Reid, to whom' they have referred the Bills comprised! k h i ir G e roup No. 44 ofßailway Bills, viz.:- 1 Lancashire and North Yor lc % , The h C s onl Selectmi Committee t Committee ee Liverpool, Manchester, and tl liorthumberland and Lanca§hiro Junction, wcas e-uaoll-Tylae Junction, consistint; York and Carlisle, Yorkshire and Glasgow Union, Blackburn, Clitheroe, and North-Western Junction, Clitheroc Junction, Fleetwood, Preston, and West Riding Junction. The Select Committee to meet on Tuesday, May 5, at one. - - The Committee of Selection have appointed the Select Committers on Groups 22, 23, 26, 31, 52, Si, and 55, to meet in the week com mencing Monday, May 11. RAILWAY COMMITTEES. (YESTERDAY.) Su-Commitee . This Committee met at three o'tclockNo 2. , pursuant to adjournment, Sir J. Y. Bull er I n the chair, and proceeded to give the postponed decision ou the 33 r 33 EP ORD AND TAVIS TOC . The case was heard on Thursday. and some points were reserved for consideration. The CHAIRMAN now stated that the Committee had resolved to re port that the standing orders had mot been complied with. The Committee then adjourned sine die. Sub-Co This Committee met shortlym mittee after one o'clock, in room No. S ;cloisters), air. Aglionby in the chair. NORTE' DEVON. The ease of this Bill was partly considered before the Easter recess, and was now resumed. The allegations not previously gone into were considered ; and after hearing evidence the Committee resolved to report that the sianding orders were not complied with. The Committee then adjourned. Sub-Committee No. 6. WARWICK AND WORCESTER. This case occupied the whole day. Several allegations were sus tained, and the standing orders were not complied with. ELEVENTH REPORT FROM THE SELECT COMMITTEE ON RAILWAY BILLS CLASSIFICATION. The Select Committee appointed for the Classification of Railway Bills according to the Resolutions adopted by the House, and who are empowered to report from time to time ; have further con sidered the several matters referred to them, and agreed to report as follows : Your Committee recommend that the East and West India Docks and Birmingham Junction Railway be placed in Group No. 56. FRIDAY NIGHT'S GAZETTE. WHITEHALL, APRIL 23, 1846. The Queen has been pleased to appoint the Right Honour able George Earl of Aberdeen, K.T., to be Lieutenant and Sheriff Principal of the shire of Aberdeen, in the room of William George Earl of Erroll, deceased. WHITEHALL ; APRIL 24. The Queen has been pleased to direct letters patent to be passed under the Great Seal of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, granting unto Matthew Charles Howard Gibbon, Esq., the office of Richmond Herald, void by the promotion of James Pulman, Esq., to the office of Norroy King of Arms. DOWNING-STREET, APRIL 24. The Queen has been pleased to appoint Alexander Stewart, Esq., to be Master of the Rolls for the province of Nova Scotia. FOREIGN-OFFICE, APRIL 21. The Queen has been pleased to approve of Mr. Thomas Roberts, as Consul at Milford Haven for his Majesty the King of the Belgians. The Queen has also been pleased to approve of Mr. Thomas Haire, as Consul at Gibraltar for the Grand Duke of Mecklenhurgh- Schwerin. FOREIGN-OFFICE, APRIL 22. The Queen has been pleased to approve of Mr. James Henty, as Consul at Launceston, Van Diemen's Land, for his Majesty the King of Prussia. Commission by the Queen. 2d or Eastern Regiment of Norfolk Militia—Captain W. P. K. Browne, from the 49th Regiment, to be Adjutant, vice Guthrie, who retires, April 2. Commissions by the Lord Lieutenant of the County of Norfolk. The Hon. E. T. Wodehouse to be Deputy Lieutenant, April 9; the Hon. B. Wodehouse to be Deputy Lieutenant, April 10 ; W. Norris, Esq., to be Deputy Lieutenant, April 14; T. Kerslake, Esq., to be Deputy Lieutenant, April 15. Commissions signed by the Lord-Lieutenant of Surrey. To be Deputy-Lieutenants—John Courage, Esq., George Scovell, Esq., Samuel Palmer, Esq., Algernon Perkins, Esq., and James Forbes Young, Esq., March 21. Commissions by the Lord Lieutenant of Middlesex. Royal East Middlesex Regiment of Militia—G. M. Innes, Gent., to be Ensign, March 26. Royal Westminster Regiment of Middlesex Militia—S. Ralfs, Gent., to be Lieutenant, April 2. Royal West Middlesex Militia—W. C. Clayton, Esq., to be Captain ; A. R. Ridgway, Gent., to be Lieutenant ; W. B. Parker, Gent., to be Lieutenant ; H. Austen, Gent., to be Ensign, April 23. Commissions by the Lord-Lieutenant of Northamptonshire. Northamptonshire Regiment of Militia—Q. Vivian, Esq., to be Major, vice Lord Burghley, promoted, March 26; J. S. Capron, Esq., to be Captain, vice Davison, resigned, April 3 ; R. T. Clarke, Esq., to be Captain, vice Christie, resigned, April 4; W. Christie, Esq., to be Captain, vice Young, re signed, April 18; E. Griffin, Gent., to be Ensign, April 4. Commission by the Lord-Lieutenant of the North Riding of Yorkshire. North York Regiment of Militia—R. W. Jackson, Gent., to be Lieutenant ; W. W. Harland, Gent., to be Ensign ; R. B. Booth, Gent., to be Ensign, April 15. Commission by the Lord Lieutenant of Devonshire. East Devon Regiment of Militia-4. C. Harris, Esq., to be Captain, vice the Hon. N. Fellowes, resigned, Feb. 28 ; H. Churchill, Gent., to be Lieutenant, March 31 ; G. L. Dade, Gent., to be Ensign, Feb. 11; C. C. Wills, Gent., to be Ensign, March 19. North Devon Regiment of Militia—E. Moore, Gent., to be Lieutenant; T. H. Harrison, Gent., to be Lieutenant, Feb. 6. Royal First Devon Regt. of Yeomanry Cavalry—J. M. Wolcott, Gent., to be Lieutenant, vice Cockburn, deceased ; E. Ethelston, Gent., to be Cornet, vice Wolcott promoted : A. K. E. Hamilton, Gent., to be Cornet, vice Barges, pro moted, April 2. Commission by the Lord Lieutenant of Lanarkshire. Royal Lanarkshire Militia—W. J. C. Anstruther, Esq., (not W. J. C. Anstruther, Esq., as stated in Tuesday's Gazette), to be Captain, vice Everard, resigned, March 23. WHITEHALL, APRIL 17. The Lord Chancellor has appointed Charles Marsh Lee, of New Sarum, in the county of Wilts, Gent., to be a Master Extraordinary in the High Court of Chancery. BANKRUPTCIES SUPERSEDED. Thomas Reynolds, cheesemonger, Cow-cross-street. William Beynon, button manufacturer, Birmingham. BANKRUPTS. Edward Clifford, wheelwright, Minster, Kent, to surrender May 2, at eleven, and May 30, at half-past eleven, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Follett, official assignee, Sambrook . - court, Basinghall-street ; Butterfield and Venour, Gray's Inn square. Philip Kieft, cheesemonger, South-street, Manchester square, April 30, at two, and May 30, at eleven, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Follett, official assignee, Sambrook court, Basinghall-street ; Spiller, Camomile-street, Bishops gate-street. William Chamberlain, grocer, East Dereham, Norfolk, May 5, aud June 5, at twelve, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Belcher, official assignee; Storey, Gray's Inn-place, London; Gillman, Norwich. Thomas Williams,'merchant, Fenchurch-street, May 1, at eleven and June 5, at one, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Pennell, official assignee ; Peile, Great Winchester-street. Thomas Elisha Deacon aud Frederick Day, brewers, He mel Hemstead, Hertfordshire, May 7, and June 11, at eleven, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Turquand, official assignee, Old Jewry Chambers; Gresham, Castle-street, Holborn. Robert Bone, grocer, Durham, May 4, at eleven, and June 12, at one, at the Newcastle-upon-Tyne District Court. Wakley, official assignee, Newcastle-upon-Tyne; Crosby and Compton, Church-court, Old Jewry ; Thompson, Durham ; Hoyle, Newcastle-upon-Tyne. Thomas Jackson, worsted spinner, Salterhebble, Yorkshire, May 5 and 26, at eleven, at the Leeds District Court. Hope, official assignee, Leeds; Jaques and Co., Ely-place, London; Stocks and Macauley, Halifax ; Courtenay, Leeds. Thomas Buckworth, mercer and draper, Nottingham, May 8 and June 13, at eleven, at the Birmingham District Court. Valpy, official assignee, ; Sale and Worthing ton, Manchester; Motteram and Knowles, Birmingham. William Henry Wilson and Richard Vause, merchants, Hull, May 6 and 27, at eleven, at the Town-hall, Hull. Ky naston, official assignee, Leeds; Hick, Gray's Inn, London; Holden and Son, Hull. Benjamin Bensley, printer, Monmouth, May 5, at one, and June 9, at eleven, at the Bristol District Court. Acraman, official assignee, Bristol; Nicholas Monmouth; Bridges, Bristol. J. Buttrey, commission-agent, Manchester, May 6, and June 10, at twelve, at the Manchester District Court. Pott, official assignee, Manchester ,• Gregory, Faulkner, Gregor and Skirrow, Bedford-row, London ; Hampson and So Manchester. William Miller, commission-agent, Manchester, May 7 and 28, at twelve, at the Manchester District Court. Hobson, official assignee, Manchester; Gregory, Faulkner, Gregory, and Skirrow, Bedford-row, London ; Cooper, Manchester. PRICE OF SUGAR. The average price of Brown or Muscovado Sugar, the produce of the British possessions in America, computed from the returns made in the week ending April 21, 1846, is 345. ld. per cwt. [Dividends, Sze., in our Next.] LAW INTELLIGENCE, ROLL'S COURT, April 24. PINCIIERILLI V. PHILIPS. This was a motion to dissolve an injunction, which had been ob tained by the plaintiffs, Messrs. Pincherilli and Co., merchants of London and Smyrna, to restrain the defendants, Messrs. Philips and Co , merchants, of London, from making use of a bill of lading for twenty-five chests of opium, which they had consigned on the de fendants. It appeared that the plaintiffs (who had become insolvents) were indebted at the time of the shipment of goods to the defendants in a general account of 2,3001., and the defendant had been in the habit of accepting bills of exchange in liquidation of debts arising o blot' orders that had been executed by the plaintiffs. On the resent occasion the defendants considered that it would be more advisable to depart from their usual practice, and set the amount of the opium to the credit sidejof their account with Messrs. Pincherilli and Co. The plaintiffs then obtained the injunction which it was now sought to set aside. The arguments having been concluded, Lord LANGDALE, in delivering judgment said, that in July, 1845, the plaintiffs suffered severely froit a fire that occurred at Smyrna, and to such an extent as to be unable to pay the demands against them. However, being persons of credit who had carried on business respectably for a considerable time, they hoped,and not without reason, to obtain sympathy and assistance from their friends, notwithstanding he losses they had sustained. In this they succeeded, and amongst the lends who assisted them were the present defendants, who advanced them a sum of 1,5001., for the payment of which they stated they would afford them sufficient time. There were two bills given for this sum, one for 4001., the other for the remainder of the loan, and it was alleged that the former was to be paid at the time it be came due, and with respect to the latter it was of course natural to suppose that, though the defendant was anxious to afford accommo dation to the plaintiffs, he did not resign his right as a creditor. Accordingly it was expressed in a letter to tho plaintiffs by the defendant that he entertained a hope that remittances would he made ft oni time to time o:i account, There appeared on both sides a desire for mutual accommodation. A letter had been written by the plaintiffs, whu resided at Smyrna, to the defendant, which stated that it would be for their mutual advantage, if there were time granted for the pay ment of their account. This showed the position in which the parties stood with relation to each other, and the knowledge the defendant possessed of the state of the plaintiffs pecuniary affairs. They must now come to the correspondence that took place, which was adduced as evidence of the contract which the plaintiffs al leged to exist. The first letter respecting the transaction out of which the present proceedings had grown was dated the 27th of January, 1846, and was from the defendant to Isaac Pin cherilli at Smyrna, giving an order for twenty-five chests of opium, stating that he would give him the usual reimbursement on their ac count. Now, under ordinary circuinstanee, it could not be supposed that the words " usual reimbursement" had any other meaning than that the defendant meant to regard the opium as a payment of his account. But, this occurring shortly after the circumstances of the plaintiffs had become known, and after the receipt of that the plaintiffs should be: considered, by the defend antble to make a shipment of the extent as being a it. Mr. Isaac Peneherllli required without being paid for a letter to that effect, it could scarcely be expected purchase the opium, paid for it i acted he on this drawing bills of exchange. His Lordship having gene in d ad by saying, that he saw no ' which was very voluminous, soneluded tion and ordered that the motion Alietud reason to dissolve the Co ,__ _ _ 111. aimoottanta, eo view, verien d w as ay h , 1,0 dieMl4ed, and At M PIO VY VICE - CHANCELLOR'S COURT, April 24. EAST v. EAST. This case, which was one chiefly of accounts, came on this morning for judgment and further directions. The Master's report found a large amount due for capital and interest from the executor to the estate of the plaintiff, who attained his majority in 1832. The Court proceeded through the de tails, remarking on them at great length, and in the main confirming the finding of the Master, but disallowed the claim" for interest on the balance calculated from 1826, one year after the death of the testator, holding the executor liable to be charged with interest only since the time of the heir attaining his majority. There were three items of 4001., 1,150/. and 1,000/., which particularly engaged the attention of the Court in delivering judgment. They all appeared against the executor in the Master's report, but for the 4001. a promissory note had been put into the hands of the pl a i n tiff on his attaining the age of 21, in 1832; and, since then, up to 1842, he had used no effort to realise the proceeds. The Court, under these circumstances, could not hold the,execu tor liable unless it were proved that the note could never have been liquidated. On the 1,150/. no interest could be allowed, for it was the debt of the deceased co-executor. The defendant always believed the 1,000/. secured by a mortgage, but whether a mortgage existed at all did not appear in evi dence, he was, therefore, chargeable with that sum, and the Court ordered a reference to the Master, to inquire, into that debt, with liberty the defendant to take proceedings to get in this suns of 1,000/. due to tke plaintiff's estate. PARK V. OYLBY. Mr. LEE said the easeVas - bein - Ten a husband, the plain ,who sued in formd pauperis, and his wife, who was pos eased of considerable property. The details that would have to be disclosed were of the most painful character, and on that account he made a proposal before at the bar with a view to closing the suit, :on which he had been consulted sat very lately, but he was met with defiance. After %gain considering the character of the disclosures that would have to be made, and the little hope there was of obtaining a decree favourable to his client, he had unwillingly deter mined to decline opening the case in consideration of the parties concerned on the other side, and in this his coadjutor in the cause agreed with him.—The Bill therefore was dis missed. COURT OF EXCHEQUER, April 24. (Sittings at Nisi Prius, before Baron Abuzz-son.) itOBINSON V. GLASS. This was an action brought to recover the amount of a bill furnished by the plaintiff to the deibudant, for clothes. The defence set up was, that the defendant's father was always in the habit of paying these bills. The father had become a bankrupt in 1844, and the son sought to shield himself under that bankruptcy from payment of the hill ; it having, how ever, appeared in evidence that the father had, previous to 1844, warned Robinson not to furnish certain clothes to his son, assuring hi m that he would not pay for such, if they were; and it also having ap peared that the son, who had before been supported by his father, had been appointed to a Government situation, The jury returned a verdict for the plaintiff for the amount sought, 391.85., with costs. RENTI4 V. WEBS. Mr. Jervis and Mr. Hayes appeared for the plaintiff, and Mr. Chambers and Mr. James for defendant. This was what is technically called "a miming down case," and the action was brought to recover the amount of damages sustained by the plaintiff, on the 3d of January last, by having a valuable horse killed, his gig broken, and his shou:der dislocated, by the colli sion of a " tilted cart," the property of.the defendant. It appeared..from the evidence of the plaintiff, that as he was re turning home, about five o'clock in the evening, to his residence in Camberwell, keeping his own side of the road, and going at an easy pace of four or five miles an hour, his horse was struck- by the shaft of the cart belonging to the defendant, which had been coming in an opposite direction. - About a foot of the✓ shaft entered, into the, breast of the animal, which immediately died of the injury. t, The plaintiff was thrown'out of the gig, and his shoulder• had suffered a serious injury, aid his allele was so much bruised , that it was sworn he would never after recover the perfect. use of it again. The horse was valued at 'from 46/. .to 501. The plaintiff was a commission agent, jand the defendant was an. „egg merchant, residing in the neighbourhood ofiLambetti, who employed the tilted cart-in the transmission of his goods, and it was in the care 'of one of :his servants when the accident - occurred. The case-forsthe defence was that the plaintiff was - not on hissown side of the - --road, andithat im mediately after the accident, he admitted the same, and that it was an inevitable occurrence. • Evidence was then given that the 'testimony of one of the wit nesses was at variance with a previous statement made by him at the time of the accident. Baron ALDERaoN • then charged the jury, who, after some consi deration, returned a verdict for the defendant; The Court adjourned at half- past four o'clock. ADMIRALTY CO URT, April 24. SALVAGE.-THE AMERICAN. In this case, the American, of 600 — tons, with a valuable cargo, ran on the Ridge Sand on the Ist of January, while on the voyage from London to New York, the latter being her homeward port. She had met previously with most tem pestuous weather. The salvors, who were Deal boatmen, were out to aid vessels in distress, and at daylight saw the ship with a signal flying for a pilot and assistance, and was soon boarded by the salvors, and got off with little damage. The value of the ship and cargo was admitted at 6,0001. For the services rendered a tender of 100/. was made and re fused. Dr. Phillimore and Dr. Harding appeared for the salvors, and contended that the tender of 100/. was insufficient for the services rendered. Dr. Addams and Dr. Robertson, for the owners, submitted that the tender, under the circumstances, was most ample. Dr. Lusnruarobr said this, an American vessel, with a valuable cargo, left London for New York on the 12th of December last. The weather was most unfavourable and tempestuous, and after beating about, she got, in the middle of the night, upon the shoal, having been exposed to great danger and difficulties for six or seven days. It was, in deed, a most providential mercy that she had dragged over the shoal. The salvors went out in their lugger from Deal, in the praiseworthy object of rendering assistance to vessels in distress. She was descried at daylight and boarded, sig nals for a pilot and assistance having been raised. The Court, after going over the facts of the case, held the tender of 1001. insufficient, and awarded 160/. to the salvors,' with costs. SALVAGE.-THE CHARLES WILLIAM. This was a case in which another American ship, valued at nearly 5,0001., was in distress, and received assistance from a pilot-boat while passing through Nichol's Gap, when she was taken into Yarmouth. The salvors were the crew of the Caroline fishing-smack, which sustained damage in rendering aid, to the extent of 45/., and lost employment in her usual avocation. A tender of 75/. had - been made and refused. The action was entered for 700/. _ _ The Queen's Advocate and Dr. Jenuer, for the salvors, considered the tender a paltry one, the ship being laden with iron and steel, and leaky, and urged the Court to give a more liberal reward to the owners and crew of the Caroline. Dr. Addams and Dr. J. Phillimore, for the owners, sub mitted that pilotage only had been performed, and conse quently the tender of 751. was sufficient for so slight a ser vice as had been rendered in this case. The COURT went over the facts, and decided that the tender was insufficient, and gave 105/. The Learned Judge held it to be of the very first importance that every inducement and encouragement should be given to salvors, who, as in this case, abandoned their voyage, lucrative or not, as it might be, to render aid to vessels in distress. The Court, at the motion of the Queen's Advocate, apportioned the amount to all parties interested. gALVAGE.-THE EDWIN. The value of the property saved in this case was 1,200/. A tender of 301. was made and refused. The services were rendered on the Ist of December last, off Harwich. Dr. Addams appeared for the salvors, and considered the tender, under all the circumstances, was not sufficient. Dr. Bayford, for the owners, argued that the tender was sufficient, and prayed the Court to pronounce accordingly. The Learned JUDGE went over the facts of the case, and pronounced in favour of the tender, which was sufficient& Costs were not given. MARKET INTELLIGENCE. (From the London New Price Current of April 24.) SUGAR.—To-day there was a good business transacted in all kinds of West India Sugar, considering the scanty show, and the private purchases amounted to 400 hhds and tres, for which rather higher rates were paid, making the advance for the week Is, and in some cases is 6d per cwt. The total quantity disposed of during the four market days has amounted to 2,220 hhds and tres. The market closes very firmly for all kindsof home-trade Sugar. REFINED.—To-day Refined Goods were extensively dealt iq by the home trade, and advanced rates were paid, brown lumps selling at 64s to 64s 6d, and standard lumps at 65s to 65s 6d per cwt. In Bonded Crushed Sugar a good business was transacted, but the Refiners were compelled to take 33s 6d to 34s per cwt for first quality. MAURITIIIS.—The demand has increased for all descrip tions this week, and although the market has been largely supplied, chiefly with the better sorts, still an advance in prices of is per cwt has taken place. Several parcels have been disposed of privately for grocery and refining purposes, and the public sales of 13,872 bags 473 casks went off with spirit. EAST Nl:al.—This afternoon Bengal was in excellent re quest, and four parcels offered at public sale, amounting to 3,967 bags, were all sold at an advance on former rates of Is. per cwt. FOREIGN.—The market has presented a firmer appearance for yellow and brown Havannah this week, a fair business has been transacted privately, and the rates paid exhibit a small advance on those previously current. Holders of Brazil have refused to further reduce their prices, and refrain from offering any at auction this week. White has been purchased with caution; brown is, however, wanted, and the parcels sold privately were upon former terms: there is a less quantity of all descriptions on offer. All kinds of Foreign are cheaper than they were last year, white sorts in parti cular, and the stock is still less. TEA.—There has been a much better demand for Congou of all descriptions this week, but at present no advance has taken place in prices. In Pouchong there has been rather more business transacted, and holders evince more firmness. Hyson has been in mach better demand, and there art not sellers upon former terms. Twankey of common qua lity is dull of sale, but the better sorts are wanted. Young Hyson sells more freely. A larger business has been trans acted in Gunpowder. For Pekoe Tea the market has a dull appearance, and prices are on the decline. Souchong has been in fair request. Bohea is dull of sale. COFFEE.—This afternoon 253 bales, and 267 bales Mocha Coffee, were submitted to public competition; the trade evinced little desire to operate, and the sound was nearly all taken in at moderate prices. Rica.—Morextrict attention has been paid to Bengal Rice since our Oast publication, and white descriptions have brought prices rather above those that previously existed. SPIRITS. —There has been an extensive business trans acted in Calcutta Rum this week, and an advance on former rates of Id to 2d per gallon has taken place. Demerara has been in good demand, and stiffer rates are given. There has been a strong desire evinced to purchase Jamaica, and a further advance in the value has taken place, but the supply at market is far from ample for the demand. For Leeward Island prices are still on the advance, and business has been checked by the scanty supply at market. Although Brandy is offered upon further reduced terms, still exporters and the home trade have operated with much caution. INDIGO. --Up to this day 11,670 chests have passed the hammer, of which the proprietors have withdrawn 3,932, and bought in 1,452, leaving 6,256 actually sold. The attendance of foreign and home buyers were exceedingly small, and the sale, during the bre, four days, was very languid, and prices very uneven. [ADVERTISEMENT.]—Do you wish to avoid all the torture " which shaving has entailed upon your chins ?" then hasten and try Ross and Sons' newly-invented Railway Strop; so named, as it enables you to shave yourself at a railway pace , and with as little friction, making even the commonest razor cut well. The composition is entirely new, and s urpasses everything hitherto invented for the purpose. Likewis% In e ; stead of paste, which few can apply properly, theirs is pi .obe for renovating the strop, and can be used by aehl ,roprietors, had, wholesale, retail, and for exportation of the Ross and Sons, 119, and 120 , Bishopsgateistreet. ALDBORAHGH [ADVERTISEMENT.] —THE EARL 0 ding cure by this miraculous AND HOLLOWAY'S PILLS.—An Aston] ] pod see extract of his medicine, after every other means had fa g Le li . orn, Feb. 21, 1845 : lordship's letter, dated Villa Mess ina , to acquaint you that — " To Professor Holloway ,—Sir, I beg your pills have effected a c ure of a disorder in my liver and stomach, which all the most eminent of the , faculty at home and all over the IQontinent, had not been able to effect—nay, not even the waters of Carlsbad or Marienbad. — (Signed) Aldborough." These wonderful Pills will cure any disease of the liver or stomach, Sold (also Hol loway's Ointment) at Professor Holloway's Establishment, 244. kt ra nd,land by all IntalCilile vindin thimg /4914 1 11 9 CiTiliticd world. COURT OF COMMON COUNCIL. On Thursday a Court was held for the dispatch of public badness. ADDRESS OF CONGRATULATION TO THE SING OF THE FRENCH. The LOUD MAYOR said, it gave him much pleasure to in form the Court, that the Court of Aldermen had, on Tuesday last, unanimously adopted an address to the King of the French, upon his Majesty's deliverance from the hands of an assassin. —(Hear, hear.) Mr. WIRE said, he rose with the greatest pleasure to move that the Court should concur in an address of congratula lation to his Majesty the King of the French, for his recent providential escape from the hand of a cowardly assassin. Every one must detest and abhor the crime of assassination. All must agree that the preservation of the life of so great and so illustrious a man was a source of gratification to all good men, in all countries, and a fesh cause of thankfulness to Divine Providence for saving the life of one on the con tinuation of which depended, in a great measure, the peace and the happice ss , an d th e c ivilisation of the world.—(Hear, hear.) He was glad to see that the universal feeling of horror and indignation which pervaded all France, at the atrocious attempt, was shared by all true-hearted English men. While peace was a blessing, all would rejoice to see that England and France were joined in preserving it, and that the only rivalry which existed between ourselves and our gallant neighbours was, which should most accelerate the march of improvement; which should sooner develope the resources of their respective countries, and give pledges to the world that not France and England alone rejoiced in the interposition of Providence on that occasion, but that all nations participated in the feeli ng o f gratitede that a life so dear to France, so valuable to all, had been spared.—(Hear.) He knew the feelings of amity and friendship which existed between our own beloved Queen and the Bing of the French. He felt happy that that feeling was growing and increasing between the wise and good of both nations, and he trusted that henceforth whatever gave occasion of joy or sorrow to the one would be participated in by both, and that while those Sovereigns lived in friendship the people would dwell in peace.—(Cheers.) He was indeed gratified to find in the acclamations of the Court so hearty a response to his remarks, as he felt satisfied that the best interests of our species were promoted, extended, and secured in proportion as peace prevailed—knowledge was diffused and religion was spread. He knew that the King of the French had dedicated his valued life to the promotion of these objects, and that under his sway France was daily growing rich, prosperous, and happy. In these riches, that prosperity, and that hap piness we must partake, and therefore he proposed the adoption of an add ress of congratulation to his Majesty on his escape from the blow of the assassin. —(Loud cheers.) Mr. Asnmerost felt the utmost pleasure in seconding the proposition. The feeling of congratulation was expressed in language of the most animated character from one end of the kingdom to the other, and every Briton participated in the sympathy which the attemptdiabolical had excited. The Lnglish were as deepl y concerned in t as hat the eh Frenchpre se r i e r o e n of the life of the King of the French se l ves.—(Hear. ) He trussed goad friendship which existed b e t ween thet h t e wo lana an rch l s , and between the two nations, would b e of uninterrupted con tinuance. Let the two nations be rivals in the art and ability of giving peace to all the rest of the world—the great bond by which the glory and felicity of both would be established.—(Cheers.) When he considered the attempt which had been made, and the exhibition of feeling whi c h followed, he could not say that he regretted what had oc curred, for it gave to the French people an opportunity of evincing their affection for their King, and the English an opportunity of proving how sincerely they sympathised with. their gallant ueighbours.—(Cheers.) Deputy STEVENS heartily joined in the sentiments just expressed by Mr. Wire and Mr. Anderton. He did not feel. regret at the attempt, because it showed that so completely was the King of the French established in the hearts of hug people that there was to be found only one solitary being who entertained a thought of inflicting an injury upon him. —(Cheers.) That solitary individual might be mad or in fluenced by motives of private vengeance to the perpetra tion of so desperate a crime. The act was not instigated as former attempts had been, and there was no reason to appre hend anv future attack upon the life of a man who was the friend of peace and the glory of his people.—(Cheers.) Mr. W. JONES observed that the feeling of congratulation did not exist in England alone. As a Welshman, he could. bear testimony to the warm sentiments of respect and affec tion entertained by the inhabitants of Wales to the illus trious-King. The motion was then unanimously agreed to ; and the Court having been cleared of strangers, the address, which was moved on Tuesday in the Court of Aldermen, was read and unanimously adopted a s th e a dd ress o f th e Corporation. RAGGED SCHOOLS. Mr. BENNOCK presented a petition from the committee o the Ragged School Union for a grant in aid of their funds He calculated upon the unanimous support of the Court in a case which called so loudly for the exertions of the bene volent. The ragged schools were established for the ex press purpose of receiving and giving education to poor children, the victims of the neglect of abandoned parents, an important class, shut out from the benefits which other chil dren enjoyed, by the very excel sof the calamity by which they were overwhelmed. He instanced the wretched children who inhabited the close, and filthy, and miserable lanes and alleys about St. Giles's, Saffron-hill, Shoreditch, and other localities, with the horrors of which but few who were present could be acquainted. In London there were, he said, 100,000 chil dren, under fourteen years of age, who were wholly destitute of the rudiments of education. It was to ask the assistance of the Corporation in the benevolent plan of improving the moral social, and religious condition of those helpless fellow crea tures the committee came to the Court. Mr. Bennock here described the efforts made by the numerous unpaid teachers of the thirty schools now in active operation. He argued upon the importance of an economical, as well as a moral and religious point of view, in changing the condition of the wretched children who belonged to the class from which the prisons were peopled. He had, he said, visited most of these schools, in which the poor children, perhaps for the first time in their lives, heard the accents of encouragement and kind ness, and to which they crowded with eagerness and hope; and he trusted that such objects would not plead in vain to the Corporation of the City of London.—(Cheers.) He con chided by moving that the petition be referred to the Coal, Corn, and Finance Committee. Mr. Kum seconded the motion, which was carried unani meu.sly. THE GAME-LAWS. Mr. W. S. HALE, the Chairman of the London School Committee, rose to move that the Court should petition Par liament for the repeal of the game-laws. lie said it was im possible to read the details of the terrible consequences ot the iniquitous game-laws in the newspapers without being impressed with the opinion that the sooner they were totally abolished the better. He rejoiced that Par liament were engaged in an investigation of the in-. jurious effects of the system which was adopted for the amusement of a few at the fatal expense of the many. The moral consequences to the poor were mess serious, as appeared from the multitude of committals which took place in all parts of the country in which the temptation, from poverty or other motives, existed. Was it to be for a moment supposed that a man whose family were almost starving could see a hare cross his path without making an effort to supply his wife and children with food by possessing himself of what he considered as much his property as it was the property of the man of fortune, who pursued it with impunity? Some people argued that the individuals who were tried for transgressions of the game-laws were not the most moral in any part of their conduct. But what rendered them loose of morals but the existence of those cruel laws which deprived them of their liberty, and dismissed their families to the workhouse for an offence which, though criminal in the eye of the law, could not be made by any in genuity other tkan venial, if regarded in a moral point ot view?—(Hear.) It was also said that the inhabitants of a commercial city were not justified in opposing laws which had no operation as regarded them ; but he called upon the Court to express its condemnation of every thing calculated to op press any part of the population of the empire.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. WILLIAMS seconded the motion for the repeal of laws which originated in class legislation, aid are calculated to harass and oppress the poor. The: result of every session bore testimony to the unjust and tyrannical operation of the game-laws. Mr. H. TAYLOR supported the motion, and pointed out the prisons all over the country as evidence of the demoralising tendency of the game-laws. The chaplains who attended the gaols in which were deposited the mdividauls who had violated those laws, stated they found no other kind of de pravity amongst them, and that it was quite impossible to in duce them to believe that they had committed any crime.— (Hear, hear.) Neither morality nor religion intimated to them that they bad not as good a right to possess themselves of game as those who were out of the reach of necessity. It was seen in what multitudes labouring men came to town to the unions. Was it to be wondered that the want which drove these multitudes to London which driveshould adoption of those unlawful practicesoften n them e to t the o t h e commission o f more those dreadful conflicts which awfulo ffn involved e ce offences? Letmu murders, r s Court , and l rer k m a i - t a l e o remark n seu e n a c b e l s o fact, that men who w ere nated in execution. ( He x ec u ted or t fh l e t fat was a of those conflicts were o b j ects of commisseration, and not of the abhorrence and detestation which marked the departure of a criminal found guilty of murder under other circum stances. The Legislature were, in fact, by continuing the game-laws, manufacturing poor people into criminals. Deputy CORNEY opposed to motion. It should, he said, be recollected that the honest labourers were seldom or never poachers. The idle and the dissolute, who would not hesitate to rob the farm-yard of poultry, were the persons who devoted themselves to the exercise of that nefarious trade.—(Hear.) Mr. KM agreed with Mr. Corney, that the idle vagabond and not the industrious man was the poacher who killed game, and afterwards killed his fellow-creatures.—(Hear, hear.) He had no sympathy for such depraved characters. He had no objection to petition Parliament for some altera tion of the game-laws, but he could not think of the annihi lation of the game-laws, and he had no ambition to hear it asked in the House of Commons, of himself and his fellow citizens, "What are these fools about ?"—(Laughter.) Under all these circumstances, he should move the previous question Mr. BOWER supported the original motion. The best writers agreed in calling the game-laws a fruitful source of misery and crime. If Parliament laughed at the Corporation for petitioning on such a subject, the laugh must be extended to nine-tenths of the public, who joined in condemnation of so oppressive a system.---(Hear, hear.) Mr. T. 11. HALL said that his feeling went w ith those who had pointed out the game-laws as an immense source of dan gerous evils, and not with those who rose to make game of the question.(Hear.) He called the attention of the Court to the evidence, which proved that 44 persons had been committed to prison by one young gamekeeper, and he strongly expressed his disregard for the ridicule which might be visited upon the desire and intention of doing good. The previous question was then negatived. Mr. KING then moved that instead of " repeal," the word "alteration" should be introduced. Mr. PRIOR seconded the amendment, which was, however, negatived, and after sonic further discussion the original motion was carried by a very great majority. LORD FIELDING ANITCASTAIN RENNEDYS TRAVELS Is ALGERIA.—A popular English work on the subject of Algeria (says the Athenceum) was much wanted : and we are glad that Viscount Fielding and Captain Kennedy undertook their jouniev, and that the la tterhas been so prom p t in la y in g the record of - their ramble before the public.. Algeria has remained with the g ener t a e l e i t t h y , o m. f .h r i e c a n d h er a s s ale left of dreamland of romance. It is not merely our insular self-occup at i on but the a lcian s si t at'i ro °csa : e g i le twh th mh e ill'e e .n Z inis o to f i:ll: w r c h 'f h t h he is fri n g o h t tf ‘ t : ' et beguu ; uni versal jir,?farontratle of the French * Journalists, and of the French peo-, 1 1c, the strange mixture of anecdotes of " tire, famine, and slaught er ,' fashions, the realities being all all the tlie l w 'a h ri n s e ian be r y ag en e d fo o r ar A k r e a n b . Then Abd •el-Bader, with his vanishings, .and his re-appear andes—his energy and his mysterious power—is more like the .bila:odgrabirl iosr i to o some Oriental tale of magic than a flesh and adversary,ewhodmo battled isciplwini. disciplined m. thtroops go forth from the Place du a u S Pto wasFlE)B' 1311RIAL-GRoUND.—Mr. Bramwell, barris ter, who appointed the arbitrator in this matter by the Court of Queen's Ranch, has concluded the reference, and will in a short time make his report to the Court. The object of the reference was to ascertain whether the ground is a nuisance to the neighbourhood, and in what manner it should in future be conducted. There have been a good many e xaminations before the learned referee, but re porters were excluded, he having decided at the commencement that the proceedll4l 1110Rld not Dii made 15011% until ha had u t4 c o his award, comparatively life in ite of