The Sun. — London, England, 1837-12-12 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. It is pleasant to hear the Tories taunt the Liberals with the divisions in their ranks. We are not all, it is true, of the same mind upon all points ; but still we have no discords among us that are not heavenly har mony compared with the dissensions that prevail among Sir Robert Peel's troops. In the Tory camp all is heresy and schism. In fact, the Tories can scarcely, with propriety, be called a party at all ; they are merely a cluster of factions, with as many colours as in Joseph's coat, or tints en the back of the chamelion— " Like youthful steers unyoked, they take their courses, East, west, north, south ; or, like a school broke up, Each hurries to his game and sporting-place." The Tories united ! In what, will somebody in form us? Is it in their English politics? Is it in their Irish politics ? Is it in their votes on the Pen sion List ? Is it in their proceedings on the Poor-law Amendment Act? Is it in their views of Lord Mul grave's Government ? Why, there was never half so much confusion in the tower of Babel. They are agreed upon no single principle—in no single opinion—as to no single fact—as to the propriety of no single line of operations. Their writers are at war with their speakers, and both their speakers and their writers areat feud amongst themselves—orator against orator —newspaper against newspaper. All are, no doubt, agreed to pursue the old game of harassing and tor menting Ireland ; but they have got so many conflict ing modes of carrying their amiable designs into exe cution, that one cannot help thinking of Curran's ac count of the fleas, who were so brisk and bold that had they only been unanimous they would have pulled him out of bed. The Tories labour under precisely the same obstacle to success. They are just as bold and just as mendacious; but they fortunately lack unani mity—a quality that seems to be just as necessary to Tory men as to Tory insects, if they would perform any great feat—drag a nation to ruin, or pull a tra veller out of bed. We could fill our paper with the discords, that prevail in the ranks of Toryism. We have the Wellington Tories, the Lyndhurst Tories, and the Newcastle Tories. There are Tories who are for moving backwards, Tories who are for standing still, Tories who are for moving for wards at tortoise-speed, and Tories who are for moving, in any direction, or at any pace, as their interests dic tate, always with a decided preference for the tardy, retrograde, and crooked modes of proceeding. There is one class of Tories. for repealing the Emancipation Act ; and another for simply rendering it a dead letter. There is one class of Tories for openly abrogating the Reform Bill, and another for clandestinely undermin ing it. There are Tories for Irish education, and Tories for Irish ignorance ; Tories for the mutilation of the Bible, and Tories for preserving the Bible whole, and reserving (after old precedent) the process of mutilation for the Popish priests. Then there are the new Poor-law Tories, and the Anti-new Poor law Tor:es ; the Tories who on the Pcns'on Limit fol low Sir Robert Peel, and the Tories who sit at the feet of Mr. Daniel Whittle narvey. Upon the Trish Corporation question, as we showed yester day, the varieties of opinion arc as much beyond arithmetic as the peals of laughter that hailed the debut of Mr. Benjamin Disraeli. Truly "it is a goodly thing for brethren to dwell together in unity." Talk of differences between Whigs and Radi cals ! It is pretty well known that Sir Robert Peel and his Irish supporters make no secret of their mu tual feelings of scorn and The leader is ashamed of his troops, and the troops are discontented with their leader. Sir Robert has too much discre tion to countenance men like Colonel Verner, while, on the other hand, men like Colonel Verner have every reason to expect succour in their distress from their Parliamentary chief, and complain with great justice that they have been exposed for several suc cessive nights to Lord Morpeth's powerful speeches, and the general hooting of the House, without so much as one cheering look from the captain of the party. "No protection, no allegiance," is the na tural language of these much injured men, who, it must be confessed, have now established a tolerably ' fair title to be enrolled in " the noble army of mar tyrs." At least, we shall answer for ourselves, that we should almost as soon be broiled, like St. Law rence, on a gridiron, as encounter the remorse less roasting than the Gallant Colonels Verner, Per ceval, and Conolly uniformly meet with from the Mi nisterial Benches every time their holy zeal urges them to address the House. To return, however, to Sir R. Peel—while we admit the prudence of his non-interfe rence in the desperate cases to which we allude, we must still hold him responsible, as a leader of the Op position, for the character and behaviour of his men. He may decline, if he likes, " to march through Co ventry" with his Orange Colonels ; but he is still their general, and it is his own fault that he cannot muster a more "reputable staff. Why has he not the manli ness openly to declare his opinion of them, like the fat knight ? We can easily, however, imagine Sir Ro bert's soliloquy : it differs extremely little from that of Sir John. "If I am not ashamed of my Irish regi ment, lam a soused gurnet. My Irish tail consists of militia colonels, Dublin corporators, and ex sergeants ; such as, indeed, were never decent fellows, but discarded magistrates, itinerant ora tors,' and tipsy toast-masters, the cankers of a quiet country and a calm peace. A mad fellow met use on the way, and told me I had emptied all the lodges, and pressed the grand masters. No ear hath heard such dinner-bells. I'll not march through Westminster with them—that's flat." Miserable it is to lead such a battalion ; still more miserable to lead and to desert them I We venture to assert that no parliamentary leader ever made so sorry a figure in the House of Commons as Sir Robert Peel has done this ses sion, Ashamed of his press, blushing for his fol lowers, unable to justify a single step of their proceedings, compelled by the dread of their open mutiny to remain rooted in his place during their disgraceful escapades, yet prevented by every feeling of self-regard from affording them a word of encouragement, or even a glance of sympathy. Pope describes the wretched situation of the Right Honourable Baronet to the life : " What drop, or nostrum, can this plague remove? Or which_must end me, a fool's wrath or love ? A dire dilemma! either way I'm sped; If foes, they vote ; if friends, they speak me dead. Seised and tied down to hear, how wretched I I Who should defend them, yet who dare not lie. To laugh were want of goodness and of grace; And to be grave exceeds all powers of face. I sit with sad civility ; I hear With deep-felt anguish and an aching ear." A word now—one word to the persecuted Protestants of Ireland. Most sincerely do we condole with them upon the scandalous want of zeal in their cause which their great champion has displayed so conspicuously on the first occasions that demanded his ser vices. Europe rings with the unutterable barbarities of which these unhappy men, whose religion is their only crime, are daily and hourly the helpless and too patient victims. The Times has detailed their sor rows ; the Standard has recorded their groans ; the fire-touched tongue of Burdett has chronicled their tribulations. Their trust was ~in Parliament and in Peel. Peel was to avenge their wrongs, and " deliver his darling from the lions." Parliament assembles ! Doubtless the first care of the great leader will be to cast his ample shield before the persecuted Protestants of Ireland I doubtless the first voice to echo their ago nising shrieks will be his ; doubtless he will second with his ablest efforts every movement in their behalf ; he will take their cause upon himself ; he will not leave their sacred interests to the blundering advocacy of their " itinerant orators," and colonels of militia ; with his own tongue he will fight the battle of the faith ; with his own hand carry terror and destruction into the ranks of the Papists and the Ribbonmen. Who could have conjectured that so, wide a gulf separated Toryism in Parliament from Toryism in print ? Who could have anticipated that when the case of persecuted Protestantism came on for trial, the leading counsel would so abruptly throw up ,his brief, and leave his afflicted clients to curse the hour when they placed their affiance in a leader of whose perfidy they had old experience ? Colonel Perceval, Colonel Verner, and Colonel Conony are a deeply in jured three, end the representatives of a deeply Injured party. They see now, however (since there is nothing like adversity to open the eyes of men), that Lord Mulgralve'S ear is not the only ear deaf to their an- guish ; and that the only support, after all, they have to expect in England, is the bluster of a newspaper, and the twaddle of Sir Francis Burdett. We have, how ever, no consolation to offer these gallant, but unfortu nate gentlemen— " When Tory Colonels stoop to folly, And find too late that PEELS betray, What charm can soothe their melancholy ? What art can wipe their grief away ?" —Morning Chronicle. It is not new to the people of England, that the Whig Ministers of the present day have never had more than a single object in their contemplation—viz., their own maintenance in office, no matter at what cost of credit to themselves, or of solid welfare to the country over which they exercise dominion. We beg leave humbly to admonish them, however, that it is time they should enlarge their view, were it for no other purpose than to see, and measure more accurately than they have yet done, the real dangers which 'sur round those selfish interests, to which they hare here tofore exclusively directed their apprehensions and anxieties. The Ministers have had recent, and not very pleasant experience, of what some of their professed friends were inclined to do within the walls of Par liament. We recommend them to look out a little beyond those walls, and observe what tha ir quon dam partisans, converted by the necessary course of things into foes and persecutors, are attempt ing with regard to them—what a bed of roses they are in the act of preparing for the Whigs. No man in his senses has denied—the Mi ' nisters themselves have repeatedly been forced to ac knowledge—that the existence of Lord Melbourne's Government depended on the votes of the English Radicals and of the Irish Papists. Should either of those factions, or the half of either, run restiff and refuse to draw but for an hour, the lumbering wag gon of the Ministry, over the axletrees in mud, could not be moved forward by any skill or power that re mained at the disposal of its unhappy masters, but must at once be evacuated and abandoned. Now, , when two bodies of men set out with confessing that their ultimate objects were not merely unlike, but in consistent each with the other, it became obvious that a partnership for general purposes between them must be the most precarious thing in the world, and that its dissolution, at an early day, was inevitable. As between the Whigs and Papisto-Radicals the question was, not alone what pace they should conjointly drive at, but what would happen when the whole caravan should reach that anticipated point, from which one section of it had already in the beginning declared that it would not advance a step further, while the other section had been all along proclaiming, that to proceed only so far was nothing worth, for that every thing which they deemed of the slightest value lay beyond it ? It is manifest under such circum stances that one of three things must happen—either the party disposed to stop short must go forward, or the party for advancing must remain at rest, or, both continuing stetlf . ast to their purpose, a separation must take place ; one dependent on its actual resources, the tither trusting to those deducible from its future enter prises. At that point, therefore, it is now palpable that Whigs and Radicals have in fact arrived. If the declaratiJns of Whig Ministers meant anything—a bold hypothesis we admit—enough has been said by them within these few days to satisfy the country, that if there be no separation from the Radicals, the fault will not lie at the door of her Majesty's advisers, inasmuch as they, through Lord John Rus sell, have pledged themselves that in matters of funda mental principle they will go no further, and that they will not yield to the clamourers for revolution, by granting either short Parliaments, rabble suffrage, or the ballot. But " what if she should break her word r Now for the Radicals. Let us turn to them. What symptom have they shown of a disposition to maintain the alliance by making a burnt-offering of anarchy ? Not much. They have already baited the Whigs into a flagrant violation of their own most un ambiguous and solemn engagements regarding the Pension List. They have bullied the Whig Ministers into a support of that nefarious fraud originating with Mr. D. O'Connell, and by him engrafted on the new election law of Mr. C. Buller, whereby petitions of which the groundwork was laid under the existing law of . theland—namely, the Grenville Act—are to be tried, if the plot succeeds, by a tribunal which never before was heard of—through the medium of an ex post facto law. But these are slight illustrations of that system of Radicalism which in principle and design goes straight to the ruin and subversion of the Monarchy. The whole business began, be it remembered, with " Par liamentary Reform :" it was to be no " revolution" — no such thing, but a mere " restoration" of our re presentative Constitution to its first principles—a mere washing away of impurities and correction of abuses. What is the thing desired now? Do but listen to these hypocrites. A Radical paper of last Sunday inserted a letter from that sleek, speculative purist, the momentary sitting Member for London, Mr. George Grote, addressed to a gentleman in Liverpool, and accompanying that especial humbug, the Benthamite ballot-box of the Hon. sitting Member, which contains these significant, but not at all surprising, words : " Now is the time for a consentaneous effort, by which we may obtain the Ballot—the first step which is needed to effect a change in the CONSTITUTION of the House of Commons." Not a word more about " reform" of the House of Commons do these rabid Republicans now condescend to utter ; that which was ever the secret object of their machinations—the real but undiscovered, though conjectured, key to the cipher of all their political projects, is now unblushingly and daringly avowed. The Ballot too, the Ballot itself, is but a first step—no resting-place is the Ballot ; it is but the beginning of an end—but an " instalment" of the great debt of " justice to England," of which a second instalment—that, mark ye, being no more than an instalment—is a change in the constitution of the House of Commons 1 Do the wretched Minis ters yet open their eyes upon the gulf towards which these men are dragging them ? Have they not yet found out that the gulf has no bottom ? Mr. Grote is but one of the legion. The Bir mingham democrats have come forth with their manifesto likewise—the " new movement' . manifesto, wherein it is laid down that Government by property is an abominable grievance, and that it must and shall make way for " Government by numbers !" Then, we ask once more of Ministers, where is this to end ? When reform of abuses is laughed to scorn, as a state of things under which the nation groans—when nothing but organic change is talked of as meriting the name of Liberal policy—when universal suffrage is set up as the standard of " inalienable right," and power stated to be the birthright of all, whether all have or have not capacity to wield it otherwise than for evil—we demand of you once again, ye Ministers of the Queen of England, have you linked yourselves for aye to such fanatics and anarchists as these, or have you now, at the eleventh hour, soul enough to burst your fetters and be free ?—Times. the constitutional illegality of arrest on mesne process —(inasmuch as no post facto statute law can invali date the common _law of the land, as embodied in Magna Charta, and its confirmatory statutes) that the highest officer of the Crown (the Attorney-Gene ral, Sir John Campbell), in a speech which he made last year, announced that he took the same view, (in common with Lord Bacon and Sir Edward Coke) and pronounced arrest to be illegal. In making that speech the Attorney-General referred also to the two instances brought forward by Lord Denman, in proof of the dangerous mode in which the present operation of the law may be forced to violate personal freedom, and to jeopardy commercial faith. We have little to fear for the ultimate accomplishment of this excellent measure—however it may be delayed—with such authorities on our side, and such authorities op posed to it. Can anything be more absurd than the argument of the Duke of Wellington, who—while he admitted that the power of arrest injures com merce, by the creation of bad debts—by. the usurious victimization of entrapped improvidence—and by the creation of a rotten system of fictitious credit—ar gued that it was both the cause and the consequence of the great _commercial prosperity of the country ? This is the common argument of the Tories. The country is prosperous, and therefore its prosperity has arisen in consequence of its abuses, on which they have fattened, instead of having arisen in spite of those abuses, and of being likely to derive accelerated augmentation from their removal. We draw rather inauspicious auguries from the opposition made ; and we trust that the Select Committee, which the House has agreed to, will not be converted into another form of postponing andfinally shelving this most important measure. We trust with the Lord Chancellor that the Committee is not for the purpose of accumulating additional evidence on the mass of evidence already attained and extant. If so we may bid adieu to the remedy of the grievance for two sessions to come, or prepare for its postponement sine die. But it cannot be practically postponed in the teeth of the exposure which has been made of its illegality. The law of arrest cannot be much longer enforced. No law can survive the extinction of its authority in public opi nion. To conclude with the words of Lord Denman —" the principle must stand henceforth recognised, that the law of arrest is abolished."_Morn.Advertiser. The doings of the mobocrats of the Marylebone vestry surpass, in the cool assurance of " liberal" jobbing, almost anything of the sort that takes place in any other nest or den of unclean " patriotism" in the kingdom. The latest of the exploits of those worthies was to dictate to Lord Chancellor Cotten ham a list of fifteen persons to be appointed Magi strates of Middlesex, as our readers have seen from a report in our columns of certain proceedings connected with that affair, serving to throw much light upon the some r popular working of that great Radical principle — the democratic election of the magilset(rlachyy. parish () Off patron age of a tl g ie e ew le e c k tfi n fi ow ee n n ot t i h li u n s g, d'i )u st t inguisl w e dare say they are as respectable as those who are less obscure. Tquite hat, however, is not the question ; we have to do with principles rather than with persons. It is of great public concern that the appointment of magistrates should not only be pure, but above suspicion. But what can be said of magisterial appointments, when promotion is derived through so impure a source as that of a parochial junta of jobbing democrats, who would naturally select for office those only who obsequiously courted their favour, and who, in their opinion, would make the fittest tools of their petty power ? It is true they might sometimes be mistaken in this latter res pect, but that makes no difference as to the real me rits of the question. The administration of the law, even in its lower departments, of more or less the interests of all classes of society. It is too important— too sacred a trust to be made the reward of persons who qualify for such distinction by earning the approbation of the lowest demagogues, and courting that vulgar po pularity which " comes without merit and is lost with out a crime." But in the particular instance of the Marylebone parish, something much worse has occurred than a bona fide popular recommendation of a list of names to the Lord Chancellor for county magisterial ap pointments. The majority of the vestry have been tricked out of their supposed privilege by three of their own body, who having been commissioned with some others as a deputation to wait upon Lord Cottenham with a memorial, praying fur the appointment of additional county magistrates, took upon themselves to give in a " pocket-list" of their own, without being authorised by the vestry to recommend any particular names This usurpation of their power the vestry have natu rally taken in dudgeon ; but the magistrate making triumvirate, when called to account, brazened the thing out with the true demagoguish assurance. In deed, according to the report of the proceedings, the despotic triumvirate at Somerset Hoes could not treat a remonstrant " Board of Guardians" with cooler contempt than the Marylebone vestry was treated by the usurping fraction of their own deputation, who, emulating the fame of the " three tailors of Tooley street," issued their conge d'elire to the Lord High Chancellor of England to appoint county magistrates, with as. much dictatorial solemnity as if it commenced with the startling announce ment, " We, the whole people of Marylebone." This incident illustrates, as we observed, the prac tical working of the principle of popular appointment or designation of the magistracy. A jobbing two or three of the most pushing and least scrupulous of the political intriguers of the parish or borough generally contrive to get the thing into their own hands, and in stead of appointments of magistrates upon the responsi lity of the high officer of the crown—a gentleman and a man of education—we may have the great seal employed to register the edicts of some law intriguing junta, with whose obtrusive recommendations the English public have as little connection as the people of Timbuctoo In the case of the Marylebone hoax upon the first judicial authority in the realm, we observe that Mr. Young has, in a letter to the Lord Chancellor, denounced else impudent imposition, for the learned Lord naturally supposed the list of names had been authorised by the vestry. Though Lord Cottenham, politically speaking, belongs to a party upon whose principles and opinions we set very little value, yet as the head of the law, as the keeper of the Queen's con science, and as a Judge of pure and unsullied reputa tion, he is entitled to a degree of public respect which we would by no means wish to see diminished. After what has happened we cannot anticipate that such a man will degrade the office of Lord High Chancellor of England by allowing himself to be made the cat's-paw" of the little knot of political jobbers in Marylebone, whose attempt to impose their own nominees upon him as the popular choice, Mr. Young has so properly resented and exposed.—Morn ing Herald. On Thursday the ceremony of consecrating the South Metropolitan Cemetery at Norwood was performed by the Bishop of Winchester. The Right Reverend Prelate ar rived at the ground at two o'clock, and was received by the board of directors and many of the most respectable inhabi tants of the neighbourhood. Had it not been for the severity of the weather the interesting ceremony would, no doubt, have been witnessed by thousands. Early on 'Thursday morning, and nearly through out the whole of Thursday, snow fell in this city and neigh bourhood ; at one time, the flakes fell " so thick and fast," that a deep snow was expected, but the temperature becoming much milder, a considerable portion of the snow melted on the ground.—H ereford Times. CHURCH RATE SALE DEFEATED.—The Dis senters of Leicester have achieved another victory over the in tolerant and biggotted Church party, not a single article hav ing been disposed of at the public sale last Tuesday. A gentleman inquiring if Mr. D'lsraeli s won drous" speech in the Commons, the other night, was his '• maiden" effort in the House, being answered in the affirmative, observed, " Ah, I thought it was Virgin on the ridiculous 1" A retrospect of the last thirty years presents us with a list of not less than six distinguished Statesmen who have sunk almost in the prime of life under the turmoil of their public duties, viz., Fox, Whitbread, Romilly, Liverpool, Cas tlereagh, and Canning. Mr. Ralph Docker has been elected Coroner of Worcestershire, after a severe struggle. The number of votes was for that gentleman 248; fur Mr. Waters, 135. The Postmaster-General has ordered that all post towns shall be furnished with dated stamps, so that the place and day of putting letters into the post may be at all times known to the receiver. Messrs. Horsley and Whittaker demanded of the Hull and Selby Railway Company the sum of 3,0001. for six hundred square yards of land wanted to complete the railway. The Company offered 136/., which was refused. On Wed nesday, a jury awarded 1021., as a compensation. —Hull Paper. We have some misgivings in announcing that the Imprisonment for Debt Bill is now passing the ordeal of a Select Committee. It will be seen, by the recent debate, that Lord Denman, as well as Lord Brougham, takes the same view of imprisonment for debt as we have taken. Any man's freedom, his Lordship said, is in the hands of any malignant or unprincipled indi vidual who would take a false oath. He gave two most startling instances of the oppressiveness of the present law ; its tyranny, as regards the person ; and its mischief, with regard to commerce. " Let them reflect (he said) upon the injury which an imprisonment did to the trade and to the credit of the party arrested, and let them say whether there was any action for false imprisonment which could afford compensation. An action for false imprisonment was no remedy, and often a party so arrested was injured for life. He trusted that a law which gave rise to acts of such great injustice as the law of arrest on mesne process, would not be continued in this free and enlightened country. He observed that these arrests generally took place for small sums. Two-thirds of those ar rested had been arrested for sums under 301. He ob served that parties were placed at the mercy not on!y of the creditor, but of the low practitioners of the law, who had no regard except for their own interests. He trusted that whatever alterations they might make in this Bill in Committee, and whatever substitute they might adopt for arrest, whether what was proposed by the Bill in its pr, - sent shape,- or any other substitute, he trusted that by the second reading of the Bill that night, it would stand re cognized that the principle of arrest was abolished." We omitted to state when on Friday last arguin THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY, DECEMBER 12, 1837 IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT HOUSE OF LORDS.—Dre. 11. The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the Woolsack at Five o'Clock. The Earl of ALBEMARLE presented a petition from the Mayor, Aldermen, and Corporation of Wisbeach, praying for an alteration in the Quarter Sessions Bill, and also for certain alterations in the Municipal Corporation Bill. The Earl of RIPON gave notice that on Thursday next he should present certain petitions relative to the incorporation of the Sees of Mann and Carlisle. The Noble Earl also gave notice, that on that occasion he should take the opportunity of calling the attention of the House to something, which was not distinctly heard in the gallery. MESSAGE FROM THE QUEEN. The LORD CHANCELLOR read a Message to the House from her Majesty, for which see Commons Report. Lord MELBOURNE moved that her Majesty's Message be taken into consideration to-morrow. The Marquis of SALISBURY held a conversation across the table with Lord Duncannon (as we understood) upon the appropriation of a part of the highway rates, but in so low a tone as not to be intelligibly heard in the gallery ; after which the Noble Marquis gave notice of his intention, after the rece, of calling the attention of the House to the ne cessity of appointing a Committee to inquire into the manage. ment of the present funds raised by the Turnpike-roads in re- ference to their apportionment. Lord BROUGHAM Presented a petition from the Mayor and Aldermen of Banbury, in the county of tailtUrd, in favour of an extension of the Bill for the relief of Quakers and Mora vian: to certain offices. The Noble and Learned Lord's own opinion was, that it would be absolutely necessary very con siderably to extend the provisions of that Bill ; but he should have abundant opportunity of stating his views upon it here after. ABOLITION OF SLAVERY APPRENTICESHIPS. The same NOBLE and LEARNED LORD presented a petition from the Baptist Missionaries now residing in the western par of Jamaica.. It was a very rare occurrence for those reverend persons to approach their Lordships on a subject which at first sight might appear to be political. But as it re garded the well-being and safety of those whom they were among, as well in reference to the operation of their religious works as to the planters themselves, he certainly thought they were perfectly justified in presenting this petition, the prayer of which was that immediate steps should be taken to put the apprentices of the Colonies on the footing of free citizens, as had been the case in the colonies of the Bermudas, Antigua, and some of the leser cold. nies. It was perfectly true that there was great cause for the complaint now made both in this country and in the colonies against individuals, and still greater cause of complaint against the Lee"isiation of those Colonies, for their delay in performing their part of the implied if not of the ex pressed contract upon which the public money of this coun try had been paid, though he could not go quite the length to which some people went on this question. That the operation of the Act had been in a • great degree ineffectual—that it had not done all that was intended, and that the progress of it ought to be accelerated, he was most willing to assent to ; but still he could not shut his eyes to what had been done, the effect that had been produced, and the progress which the opera tion of the Act was making.—( Hear, hear.) He was perfectly persuaded that the condition of the slaves had be came considerably improved, because he had the fact from the best authority, that they now purchased out of their own earnings a larger quantity of articles, and the comforts of life, and at all events of better quality, than they had enjoyed while they were,strictly speaking,in a state of slavery. Notwithstanding that, however, infinitely less had been done, than ought to have been done, and it behoved the Government and Parliament to take care that what remained to be done should be done at all events before the whole of the money which had been voted was paid array. This brought him to the Returns which he had celled the attention of his Noble Friend to on the last night on which ths House sat. He was surprised at the difficulty which had been raised in the way of making those Re turns. It was the same excuse which had been made in July last, not by his Noble Friend, but in the other House of Parliament. Between seventeen and eighteen millions of the money had already been awarded, and it had been deemed consistent with decency in the House of Commons, to state tint there should not be a Return made of the appropriation of that vast sum of money. He was astonished that there should have been the slightest doubt that the people had a right to know to whom so much of their money had been peed. Such an indecency never could be offered. Such an insult never could be offered to the Commissioners or to those whom they represented, than for any person to say to them, such a sum of money has been paid, but you sha'n't know to whom it has been paid ; you shall only know for youiscomfort, if that will be any satisfaction to you, that seventeen millions has been paid, but to whom it has been paid you shall know nothing. It had been said that to know this would interfere with the opera tion of the proceedings. Why that was just what he ( Lord B.) wanted. He wanted to interfere with the operation of the proceedings. He wished to have the opportunity of knowing in what way and to whom this vast sum of money had been ap plied before the whole of it was disposed of. His Noble Friend had said the Commissioners would require six weeks longer be fore they could give this information to the House. He hoped he had satisfied his Noble Friend that there was no pretext for such delay. But to take away even the shadow of that excuse, he was willing to have the order which had been made discharged, and to make another motion. He was willing (as we understood the Noble and Learned Lord) to have the Return now made merely of the sums awarded, with the names of the parties in whose favour the awards were made, and with the dates of payment. He trusted that this Re turn would be immediately made, because if they waited till the recess was over the whole eighteen millions rnightbe paid away, and there would be no chance of ascertaining whether those in whose favour the awards were made, had performed their part of the contract or not. Lord GLEN E LG, in his reply, spoke in so low a tone, that he was scarcely audible in the gallery. He disclaimed any intention to refuse:' information ; on the contrary, he said he was most anxious to . furnish that information as speedily as possible. But it was impossible to produce the returns which his Noble Friend had moved for until after Christmas. If his Noble Friend would call at the office, the Commissioners would be perfectly ready to supply him with every information in as short a period as possible.—( Hear, hear, hear,) To enable them to supply the information that was required more quickly, the number of Clerks in their establishment had considerably been increased. Lord BROUGHAM said he had not complained of a re fusal to give information, but of that information being delayed, and he had not yet been satisfied that that information might not be furnished before the meeting of Parliament after the recess.—( Hear, hear.) He wished his Noble Friend would show a disposition to urge a more speedy fulfilment of the promise of the production of these returns. —( Hear, hear.) In order to save time, if his Noble Friend had no objection, he would take this course. Instead of discharging the order it should be understood between his Noble Friend and himself that the sums awarded should be returned without the names of the parties to whom they had been awarded. His motion was not to cast blame upon the Commissioners, though he had no doubt that blame attached some where. In his opinion, the Commissioners had acted with too much diligence. The Noble Lord then presented a similar petition from a Con gregation of Wesleyan Methodists in Finsbury. NEGRO EDUCATION. The Earl of ABERDEEN wished to know from the Noble Lord opposite what had been done upon this important subject by her Majesty's Ministers. The Noble Lord had now held the office of Colonial Secretary for upwards of two years, and he thought it was time that the House should knew what had been done upon the important subject of Negro. education. When he had the honour of hold ing the situation which the Noble Lord so ably filled, he had been pressed severely upon this subject. In his opinion the Negro population ought .o be educated in such a manner as to render them fit for a state of freedom. Lord G LEN ELG said that although the papers upon this subject had not been laid upon the table of their Lordships House, they had been upon the table of the other House of Par liament, and sums of money had been voted by the House of Com mons for the purposes of general education in the Colonies. Those sums had been applied upon a principle which he had no doubt would meet with the approbation and sanction of the House. Those sums had been distributed through the medium of different Societies, whose object was to further education in the colonies ; and he could assure the House that there had been no laxity on the part of her Majesty's Govern ment to effect so desirable an object as the education of the negroes. It was intended to send out Mr. Latroche, the great traveller for the purpose of making inquiries upon this most important subject—( Hear, from Lord Brougham) —and he had no doubt that that person would make a re port upon the subject that would be highly satisfactory to the House and to the country. Lord BROUGHAM said, that if he bad been aware that it was the intention of the Noble Earl to put a question upon this important subject to the Noble Lord at the head of the Colonial Department, he would have prepared himself to give an answer to that question, which he had no doubt would have been most satisfactory. He happened, however, to have the means of giving an answer to that question as far as it related to one of the Colonies. He had before him two documents addressed by the Governor and the Legislative Assembly of Jamaica. In the first he, found this passage :—" I sent you down no less than four mes sages on the subject of an extended system of education, and as no measure on that subject has proceeded from the House of Assembly, can I do otherwise than conclude that you are indifferent to it ?" In another Message from the same Noble Lord to the same body there were these words:— " I informed you that this sum of 20,000/. sterling had been voted by the English Parliament for the support of educa tion in the Colonies, with a promise of further assistance. You have taken no steps to make that assistance available." Again, ie another part of that message his Lordship (we be lieve Lord Mulgrave) said to the House of Assembly, " I have transmitted to you despatches from the Secretary of State for the Colonies, recommending the repeal of the thirty-third Canon with a view to facilitat e t h e exten sion of religious education; but you ha ve re f use d t o re peal it." Their Lordships must see, then, that there was no want of funds for the purpose of education, at least in Ja maica. Funds had been voted on this side of the water and the intentions of the British Legislature were frustrated, and its liberality rendered unavailin g by th ose to w h om we had given so many millions. The neglect of education then was not owing to their being no funds, but to the refusal of the Legislature of Jamaica to repeal the intolerant Canon, and their continued disregard to the appeals made to them by the Governor. Lord GL ENE LG said that if his Noble Friend supposed that education had been totally neglected be cause the House of Assembly was opposed to its exten- sion, that opinion was not correct. The Government had persevered to promote education, and to apply to it the sums voted by Parliament, and had also been much as sisted by the several Societies. Lord BROUGHAM explained that he had not reflected on the Government, and that his complaint applied only to the conduct of the House of Assembly. MUNICIPAL DECLARATION BILL. The Duke of CLEVELAND presented a petition in favour of the Municipal Corporations Declaration Repeal Act, and praying for the insertion of a clause, ex tending the relief given by this Bill to the Jews. The object of the petition was that a clause might be intro duced in the Bill to confer upon persons of the Jewish per suasion the same privileges as were enjoyed by the Quakers and Nloravians. _ _ The LORD CHANCELLOR acquainted the House that her Majesty had commanded a Commission to be issued under the Great Seal, appointing Lord Shaftesbury and Lord Den man Deputy Speakers of the House of Lords, in the absence of the Lord Chancellor. The Commissions were then read at length by the Clerk at he Table. On the motion of the LORD CHANCELLOR, the name of Earl Radnor was added to the Committee on the Bill for the Abolition of Imprisonment for Debt.—Adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS.—DEc. 11. The SPEAKER took the Chair shortly before Four o'Clock. Colonel SIBT HO RP said that he would take that oppor tunity of correcting a statement supposed to have been made by him, which was reported in one of the newspapers of Saturday. It was his wish that whatever fell from him, however humble or unworthy it might be, should go forth to the world with accuracy and truth. The statement to which he alluded was in the Globe of Saturday last ; and according to the representations of that Paper, he was made to state that the son of a Noble Duke (the Marquis of Granby), was upon the Pension List. Now, so far from his making any such assertion, it would be in the recollection of the House that he had never in the slightest degree mentioned the name of the Duke of Rutland. He had certainly mentioned the names of one or two Noble Lords, but he had never intro duced that of the Noble Duke.—( Cheers.) He begged therefore to saythat . the . report_was totally without foundation. HAND-LdONI WEAVERS. Mr. FIELD EN presented a petition from the hand-loom weavers of Manchester, complaining of distress, and praying for relief. The Hon. Member was proceeding to make some ob servations on the petition, when he was interrupted by cries of Order." He had no desire to take up the time of the House unnecessarily, but he had long been requested to take the case of the petitioners before the House, and (as we understood) he considered the present occasion a fitting opportunity to do so. The SPEAKER interrupted the Hon. Member and said that ho ( Mr. F.) had better, if he had a motion to make on the subject, reserve his observations upon the matter of the petition until he brought forward his motion. Mr. FIE LD EN said he at present had only to move that the petition be read by the Clerk at the table, and be printed. —( Cries of " Bring it up.") The petition was accordingly brought up and read as follows : " To the Honourable the Commons of the United King dom of Great Britain and Ireland, in Parliament as sembled, the Petition of the Hand-loom .Weavers of Manchester, in the county palatine of Lancaster, hum bly sheweth— " That your petitioners have been trained to the occupation of hand-loom weaving, a description of labour at which your petitioners could formerly earn a sufficiency for their comfort able maintenance ; an occupation, too, essentially necessary to the community, and one that your petitioners have not the means to turn from. _ " That the goods your petitioners weave are many of them of a description consumed by the rich and wealthy ; a class that could afford to pay a remunerating price for the labour which your petitioners perform ; a class, too, who your petitioners have reason to believe would rejoice to see some measure passed by Parliament that would effectually relieve your petitioners, and avert the awful consequences to which the starvation your petitioners are enduring, is certain to lead if a remedy be not speedily applied. " That the hand-loom weavers of this district have, from extremely low wages, suffered severe distress ; that this dis tress has been proved over and over again before Committees of your Honourable House to have surpassed what the Mem bers could have supposed to exist, and also to exceed the re presenta•ions of it that have been made of it by your Peti tioners in their Petitions to your Honourable House ; and in the Report of the Committee of 1834, they did unanimously declare that they feel deep regret at finding the sufferings of so large and valuable a body of men (the hand-loom weavers), not only not exaggerated, but that they have for years conti nued to an extent and intensity scarcely to be credited or con ceived, and have been borne with a degree of patience un exampled.' " That the distress of your petitioners has been more severe in the present year than at any former period. That in Man chester there are computed to be at least 6,000 weavers, some of which have been visited by proper persons appointed. The following fact 3 are the result of their inquiry :-876 families have been visited, containing 3,274 persons, depending on the income of 1,740 looms employed, whose average earnings for the present year do not exceed weekly 3321. 6d. 3d., leaving an average to each person of 2s. Old. per head per week, afterwards having to deduct Is. 2d. per head per week for rent, fuel, soap, and candles, leaves the average for food and clothing per head per week 10,4 d. each, or lid. per day ; which your petitioners are prepared to prove before her Ma jesty's Commissioners, when they visit Manchester. The num ber of families relieved (out of the number visited) by the Overseers, does not exceed 100, the relief afforded to each family does not exceed Is. 3d. per week. "Your petitioners, therefore, humbly but earnestly implore your Honourable House to take their case into your serious con sideration, and immediately pass a law that will raise the wages to the standard that will support your petitioners, and enable them to maintain their families with comfort and respect. " And your petitioners, as in duty bound, will ever pray. Signed by the Committee on behalf of the Hand loom weavers of Manchester. Mr. MARK PHILLIPS and Mr. HINDLEY supported the prayer of the petition. Mr. FIELDEN then moved that it be printed with the votes ; but, as he was understood to say, that he meant to postpone his motion on the subject till after the recess. The SPEAKER said the Hon. Member must be aware that the rule is that no petitions can be printed v.ith the Votes unless it is to be made the subject of discussion on a near day. If, therefore, the Hon. Gentleman means to postpone his mo tion till after the holidays, it will not be necessary for the petition to be printed with the Votes, as it will doubtless be printed under the direction of the Printing Committee. Mr. FIELDEN then gave notice that he would bring the subject forward on the 21st or 22d instant ; and the petition was then ordered to be printed with the Votes. DUTY ON WOOLLEN CLOTHS. Mr. WALKER presented a petition from some town in Yorkshire, praying for a repeal of the duty on woollen cloths and olive oils. POST-OFFICE. Mr. WALLACE presented a petition in favour of Mr, Rowland Hill's plan for cheapening the rates of postage. JEWISH CLAIMS. Mr. A. WHITE presented a petition from the Corpora tion of Sunderland, in favour of extending to the Jews all the civil privileges enjoyed by persons of other persuasions. The SPEAKER begged to acquaint the House that Henry Simons, who had presented a petition on the 4th of November last, against the return for the borough of Reading, had not entered into the recognizances. BALLOT. _ . _ Mr. WAKLEY presented a petition from the town of Shefford, in Bedfordshire, in favour of the Vote by Ballot, which town was not far from Woburn Abbey. The petitioners stated that they approached the House with the most heart felt sorrow and the most bitter disappointment, for the pur pose of stating the Reform Bill had miserably failed in its object, and so far from securing independence to voters and benefit to the country, they regretted to state that the last election had exhibited a scene of corruption, bribery, intimidation, and violence, that would have disgusted a savage, and alarmed those who lived in the more remote ages of barbarism.—( Loud and continued cheers and laughter.) They further stated, after praying the House would grant the Vote by Ballot, that although a small part of the people of England, yet they believed they spoke the senti. ments of the whole, and that this was their fervent and final prayer to the House. The petitioners also stated that with the Ballot they would be content to abide by the Reform Bill, but that without it they begged the House to resume the franchise it had conferred, because in its present mode of exercise it was only a libel on independence of principle, and furnished marks of political persecution and personal revenge. CANADA. Mr. LEADER begged to ask the Noble Lord the Secre tary for the Home Department a question relating to Canada. He begged to know whether Lord Gosford was coming home, and whether he had resigned or had been recalled, and whe ther any successor had been appointed, and who he was?— ( A laugh.) Lord JOHN RUSSELL.—Lord Gosford had for some time past requested leave to resign, and an order had been sent out from the Government stating that he might be sent home. The Government of that Colony consequently de volved upon Sir John Colborne, and no successor had yet been appointed. Mr. LEADER begged to ask whether any proclamations had been issued against public meetings in Lowcr Canada? Lord JOHN RUSSELL.—There have been proclama tions regarding infringements of the law generally—(a laugh) —but not against public meetings specifically. Mr. YOUNG presented a petition from Teignmouth . against certain clauses in the Fisliguard_Harbour CONTROVERTED ELECTIONS, Mr. O'CONNELL had obtained leave to bring in a Bill a short time since to amend the laws relating to controverted elections. He did not intend to have that Bill clash with another which had been introduced for the same object ; but he now found that the second reading of that Bill had been pogtponed to such a period that there would be few opportu nities to discuss it, and he wished to set himself right with the House by stating that it was his intention on the first day after the recess to proceed with his Bill. The Hon. and Learned Member then gave notice that immediately after the recess he would bring forward a Bill for abolishing the religious tests administered as a qualification to office. In answer to a question put by an HON. MEMBER, whose name was not known, Lord MORPETH said, the Government in Ireland had received a memorial complaining of a serious riot at Waterford, in consequence of which the Protestant service was alleged to have been suspended, and the clergyman driven from the pulpit. It was further alleged that some of the police were present, but neither they. nor the , authorities had taken any steps to put an end to the riot. A. soon as the memorial reached the Lords Justices, they .re turned for answer that they had directe d an immed rate and full inquiry into all the alleged circumstances, and. that every exertion should be made to bring the guilty parties t!) justice—(Cheers)—and that the Government Would not fail to call upon all those whose duty it was to p reserve the peace' to explain their conduct in the matter. —( H ear.) A cop! of tha' , a nswer had been sent to the Mayor of Waterfo rd, with a reqhiw,st that he would make any remarks upon any p a rt of it, wch_ he might feel it necessary to do, and the Inspector Genera of Police had received ordersto institute a most rigid in into the conduct of the Police upon the occasion. RATHCORMAC. Sir F. BURDETT said there had been a notice upon the paper ever since 1834, which had been put off from time to time upon various grounds. He thought it very important that it should be brought forward immediately. He therefore gav,e notice, that soon after the recess he would move for an la tin t gation into the unfortunate circumstances wh i c h took place Ireland at Rathcormac.—( Hear, hear, and laughter.) Mr. S HEIL—WiII the Hon. Bart. name any particular day ? It would be convenient. if Sir F. BURDETT did not know how his pap ers stood: the Learned Member would name any day he would be gia. All he would say was, the sooner the better. Lord J. RUSSELL, in answer to' a questi on from Mr. Fielden, said that he should have no objection whatever to grant a return of the number of policemen that were sired to Bradford, provided the names of the parties were not requ PENSION LIST. Sir GEO. SINCL AIR gave notice that he should, ur' the motion for the appointment of a Committee o n the Pen sion List, move that the name of the Hon. Member for South wark should be inserted, and if it appeared that there % i ll a preponderance of Members who had voted for inquiry, he silo' move that other names should be substituted, in orde r to make the numbers on each side equal. ST. PAULS AND WESTMINSTER ABBEY . , at Mr. FLUME moved for a copy of the correspondence tn,,, had taken place between the Dean and Chapter of St. and the Dean and Chapter of Westminster, relative to tn°' establishments being open to the public. ECCLESIASTICAL COURTS—(ENGLAND AN P WALES.) Mr. PARROTT not seeing the Attorney-General in place begged to ask the Noble Lord the Secretary of Stew, for the Home Department, whether it was the intention' l the Government to introduce a Bill for the reform of th Ecclesiastical Courts in England and Wales ? Lord JOHN RUSSELL said that it was the i n tention Government to introduce such a Bill ; but, as no notice ho' been given by the Hon. Member, he could then state when . CATHOLICS OF NEWFOUNDLAND. 3 Mr. HUME gave notice that to-morrow he would present a petition from the Catholics of Newfoundland, praying for protection from the oppression which they now suffered. Mr. HA RVE Y gave notice that to-morrow he would pre sent a petition from 20,000 of the inhabitants of Glasgow, °lll plaining of the incarceration of five of their fellow-citize ns. Mr. WALLACE wished to ask the Honourable Barone:a the Member for Caithness, if it was his intention to pro° 'I, with his Bill for the abolition of lay patronage in the Chore of Scotland. Sir GEO. SINCLAIR said it was not his intention to pr l o-: teed with the.-Bill, as the question had been taken up by t° General Assembly. IRISH CHURCH. Sir G. SINCLAIR wished to ask what was the intention of her Majesty's Ministers with respect to Ireland ?---(T °11 cheers.) When Honourable Gentlemen opposite sat ell that (the Opposition) side of the House, nothing was heard of but of Irish Tithes and the Appropriation Claes''' . (Cries of " Hear hear, hear," from the Tory Benches) but when they got into office nothing more was heat about those topics until the closest the Session. Ra ilroa& bills and public measures, which when out of office Minister," had treated as of no importance, were pressed forward to th exclusion of the Tithes and Appropriation questions, e: as yet in the present Session no intimation had been g ive of the intention of her Majesty's Ministers. He b ` 3# lieved the reason was, that they had neither the manlineSt to come forward with an effective measure, nor the modesty t$ acknowledge their inability.—( Cheers from the Tory Benchet, arid laughter from the Ministerial side.) The House et Lords had undergone every species of insult and intimOr tion, on account of the noble stand which it had mal e against the proposition of her Majesty's Government agaiast the Irish Church. —( Cheers and laughter.) He thought nothing could be more satisfactory to the House and elsewhere than that her Majesty's Ministers would declare explicitly what the meant to do with respect to Irish Tithes.—(Hear, hear.) I ; l _ ff therefore took that opportunity of asking the Noble Lord, tu i Secretary for the Home Department, when would he bring tbst question forward ? Lord J. RUSSELL said as soon after the recess as possible' Mr. O'CONNELL—I beg to ask whether the Hon. Me ri t ber for Caithness is disposed to settle the question of hit' . Tithes ?—( Cheets and laughter.) Sir G. SINCLAIR—Most certainly.—( Hear, hear.) Mr. O'CONNELL—Then I can assure the Hon. W I Z ber that the only way to settle the Tithe question, is to Sat il q the Irish people. —( Great cheers and laughter.) The Order of the Day for Municipal Corporations (Irelanl) Bill was postponed until Friday. SALMON FISHERIES (IRELAND). Mr. BARRON asked if the Chief Secretary for Ireland was prepared to bring in a Bill this Session for regulating the Irish Salmon Fisheries. Lord MORPETH said it was his intention to introduce $ Bill for the regulation, generally, of the Irish sea fisheries' but he did not mean to propose legislation oa the subject a salmon in particular.—( A laugh.) 14 Mr. BARRON gave notice, that after the recess he would move for leave to introduce a Bill for the regulation of thhi salmon fisheries of the Rivers Nore, Suir, and Barrow, 11 ° Ireland. The House was for some minutes without any bushes , before it. During this period a singular circumstance eel, curred. A stranger—we believe a Noble Lord, a member el the Upper House—being engaged in conversation with se Hon. Member, unwittingly trespassed within the Bar; but was quickly ordered to retire, by the Speaker. RIVER SHANNON. Sir FREDERICK TRENCH, seeing the Chancellor at the Exchequer in his place, begged leave to ask him w hether he was about to take any steps with regard to the improv e meat of the river Shannon, and the repairing of the bridge of Athlone ? The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said the Report relative to the river Shannon had arrived in town tb il day. That Report would be laid on the table to-morrows when the whole matter would be before the House, and h° hoped the House would pay its earliest attention to the subject. Sir F. TRENCH hoped the Right Hon. Gentletase would take into his consideration the importance of keeping the river Shannon in a navigable state. MESSAGE FROM THE CROWN. Lord JOHN RUSSELL appeared at the bar with tb following Message from the Crown, which the Speaker reef the Members being uncovered:—" Victoria Regina-- 11 by Majesty taking into consideration the provision made law for the support of her Royal Highness the plebe, of Kent, her Majesty's beloved mother, recommends this sub; ject to the care of her faithful Commons, with full confiden b c .. in their readiness to adopt such measures as her Royal Hig ness's rank and station, and increased proximity to the Thr oe , may seem to require."—( Cheers from the Ministerial Benches./ Lord JOHN RUSSELL gave notice that he should, to morrow, move that the House resolve itself into a Coinnlit te , e ' ° for the purpose of taking her Majesty' s mos t grac i ou s Messa° into consideration. The CHANCELLOR ef the EXCHEQUER moved fr f returns of certain Reports m a d e by th e C omm i ss ioners ° I Woods and Forests, for the years ending March 183 6 $ll March 1837. The RIGHT H ON . G ENTLEMAN th en gave no ti ce that to-r°l; row he should mo v e f o r l eave t o b r i ng i n a Bill t o amend t Slave Trade Compensation Act. CIVIL LIST. The CHANCELLORof the EXCHEQUERthentI ; %I that that part of her Majesty's speech relating to the 'l ' ve List be now read by the Clerk, and that the House do r es e itself into a Committee of the whole House on the Civil L i lo Mr. HUME would be glad to know what was intended t? 0, done, because they were placed in a very awkward situ atto o , having only got the Report in their hands that day, and a rt? t o ber of Members had stated to him their inability to take . 111 _ , consideration the subject of the Civil List on so short a notio`o, The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER sa id R d ,( quite true the Report had been only put in the h a° g i de Honourable Members that day, but every effort had been , f be to give it publicity and circulation. He would willinglY% o ry was about to propose anything which would not afford ' b c t oppot tunity for discussing the Bill, postpone his mot ion, he if Hon. Members would allow him to move his resolution, 0.4 would reserve any discussion for whatever day would be gill. co nvenient to them, and that would be in Committee on the bo He would pledge him se lf th at t h e O r d er o f the Day iv° full brought on at such an early and convenient time that ,re‘ opportunity would be afforded for discussion. At tile s :An-. sent moment he merely wished to move a preliminarY r e bet s tion to enable him to bring in the Bill. Hon. Men : 0 1 ' 7 were aware that being a money Bill it took a consid r t _ is time to go through its stages, and he hoped, therefo!ce, v 7,4 Hon. Friend would see no objection to the course h n 40 about to take. His resolution was founded simply o s ' lc a Report which was now in the hands of Hon. M he discussion in the Committee would take placeht° thing day next upon any points that Hon. Members Tlig Ho g. proper to bring under the consideration of 'tne, _ Hoti o Mr. HUME—As the resolution did not pledge the had to he '' to :my specific sum, lie would reserve any remarks make to a future opportunity. The The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER', _ m ore House would certainly be precluded from g ran o ttof fem b t T than the sum allowed in the Committee, but theii si_y_l_. would be at all precluded from moving to reduceeur,":• Members' ,Pri, On the question that the Speaker do leave the . _ u u wben the ,o Mr. HARVEY gave notice that on Frirodaiv ti' he Bill' be Chancellor of the Exchequer proposed to cora the ornwall an d as to their intention relative to the Duchies . e _ ro , sos ed . would certain]) require a definitive answer from the c Lancaster. He would then also ask how tia ari y si 4 r fro,' in" deal with that part of her Majesty's income id, ° 5 testate estates. HEQUER ' a the The CHANCELLOR of the EXC . perhaP s $ co‘ question, • ou the last question was rather an intricate i,,,, it to W I the Hon. Member would put it in writing, and g .. swer iron' fo . an a. satire"' , the House. He would endeavour to get prove re e"' Lords of the Treasury, which he wouldtrustedr m i g ht P tory ; if it did not prove so, the Hon. Me n . rda kt 013° his question on a future day. fel! t' -- Governmenct Mr. GROTE had intended to offer a ,s