The Sun. — London, England, 1837-03-17 00:00:00

MIDDLESEX _COUNTY COURT, KINGSGATE-STREET. A TAILORING LOTHARIO -MRS. JOHNSON V. MISTER ROBINS.-The plaintiff was a very knowing-looking widow, not so handsome as the " Widow Wadman," to whom uncle Toby made his advances, but equally skilled in the art of at tack and defence, and having, withal (as the evidence proved) a heart alive to all new impressions. On the other band, de fendant was what Lady Morgan calls a " Sunday beau ;" his person was adorned with all the supernumeraries that It natic linendrapers and shopmen deem needful—imprimis, there was a bunch of gilt metal seals, attached to a silvery-looking guard, doubtless guiltless of a watch. There was a breast-pin duly mounted upon a real dickey, or shirt-front, and just behind his left ear, we thought we detected a morsel of linen struggling into light, whjch the Board of Health of 1832 would have speedily consigned to the " buck-basket." Such was the tailor, and now for his case—a case which he emphatically stated, on the word of a man (!) emanated altogether from " the green-ey'd cockney—jealousy." Mr. Commissioner Desots--What is the amount of your bill, Mrs. Johnson? Plaintiff—Lent money, Sir. As I'm an honest woman and a lawful widow, I pledged my spoons to lend him the sum of one pound one shilling and sixpence, to pay his club-money with, and then, on the 24th of January, 1 lent him six shillings and scvenpence, and then I lent him, six shillings to get his boots mended—(Laughter)—and sixpence for pocket-money—and then, besides all that, I lent hiill three and sixpence for his douse of call, which makes one pound nineteen shillings and a penny ; but its far more than what I've summoned for. Ido assure your Lordship " 1 took him in and done for him." COMMISSIONER—No doubt of it; and that, I suppose, is the reason he left you? Plaintiff (simpering) Oh, no, my Lord, it was nothing but jealousy.—( Laughter.) CommtssioNEa—Jealousy Good Heaven! what was there any courtship between you two? The plaintiff was about the age of forty-seven, and the defendant appeared to be a mere shop-board suckling of about twenty-eight years of age. She, however, with a hap-sided smile, owned the " soft im peachttent." COMMISSIONER-What do you say to all this, Mr. Robins? Defendant—(sighing like a furnace)-011, Sir, it is true, too true, that jealousy is the cause of all this here.— ( Laughter.) My feelings is 'urt, Sir; and as I've read somewhere in some book that somebody lent me, " The heart as is CommtssioNEß—Pray stop, Sir ; do you owe this money ? Defendant—All in good time, Sir, as I was going to say, " The heart as is COMMISSIONER-Really, Sir, we cannot be trifled with in this manner ; do you owe the money ? Defendant—Base is the slave as pays ; Sir, let me tell yer," The heart as is —" Plaintiff—Oh, Sir, this is only his " goings on." There Sir, that very hat in his band I bought, and I took up a talley bill to get it.—( Laughter. ) Defendant—Aye, and that there shawl you've got on your ugly shoulders I bought, didn't I ? Plaintiff—Never mind— you've got another woman, and so I'll make you pay me. Defendant—lf you was anything but a " vvidder" you'd be ashamed to look me in the face—but you arc ashamed of nuthink.—( Laughter.) Plaintiff—Nuthink, as you call it ; why you're worse than nothing—you're the first tailor ever k knocv'd, and you shall bo the last—(searcely anything could he heard amid the up roarious laughter which this colloquy brought forth.) Mr. Commissioner Dußois at length, with the concurrence of the jury, awarded a verdict for the full amount claimed— viz., 1/. 19s. " There my fine fraction," said the widow to the tailor as she left the Court, " I told von I should do for you." The tailor looked more sorrowful than did Sancho Panza when he lost his ass's furniture ; or, in the words of a lackadaisical modern melody— " Not a sigh did he breathe, not a word did he say, But he took up 1-is hat, and he waik'd away." During the last year a considerable increase has taken place in the number of fires in London. In the re ceding }•ear the number was 481, and in the year 1836 the number was 564, and attended with the loss of 14 lives. Mnny of these fires were very destructive, particularly two of them, that in the Burlington Arcade, and the other at Fenning's w•harf. London-bridgce The latter, it is said, was the largest that had occurred in the metropolis since the confisgration at Rltelifre in 1794. It is, however, to be hoped, from the esta blishment of one uniform body of firemen, under die super in tendenee of Mr. Braidwood, who are in readiness night and day, that fires so extensive and destructive will not, under ge neral circumstances occur again ; as it is the wish of the Lou don Engine Establishment to avail themselves to the utmcst extent of the suggestions of practical men for improving their present machinery, and of introducing ant thing new that pos. s”sses superior advantages. Ree, ntly a number of important improvements have been made in the cr7ines, accoutrements, and discipline of the men, with a view of rendering them quite efficient, both in the preservation of life and the protection of property. Additional sets of scaling ladders of improved con struction have been provided, and the men have been very ex pert in the use of them. These ladders, with the improvements made by Mr. Merryweather, 63, Long-nere, engine maker, f ,rm the simplest and best fire escape yet known, and have h-en extensively adopted by most of the metropolitan parishes, insurance companies, :.nd the Society for the Protection of Life from Fire. The greatest novelty. however, is the introduction of a -mol:o proof dress of Lieut.- Col. Paulin, who has fully es tal,liOled the eflicifncv of this dress by actual experiment. It vas submitted to the Committee of Managers of the Lonloh Fire-engine Establishment, when Mr. Braidwood tested it %vitt) the same successful results as M. Paulin &,tained. Tile Heir to the Austrian Throne is now in his seventh year. his father, the Archduke Franz Carl, the pre stnt Emperor's brother, is heir apparent ; his mother, the Arelithe Ness Sophie, a l'rinccss of Bavaria, is the m o s t dis. tioguished perseo in the younger branches cf the Imperial House. It is said that the present Emperor, conscious cf his ph) s'c:l and mentel deficiencies, would. willingly have abdi cate I in favour of his brother, if it had cot been foreseen th a t the Hungarian Nobles would have seized that change in the succession as a pretext for insurrection. The Princess Sophie has, with singularjudgrnent, caused her son to be exclusively educated in the Bohemian language, with the exception of - the lessons he receives front a French tutor ; nay, within the last twelvernoaths, she has herself beean the ard,tons task of learn ing Bohemian. Shortly before the death of the late Empe ror, the young Prince Franz wrote a letter to his grandfather in Bohemia, having his little hand (which in all probability one day bear the sceptre of these realms) guided by his Bohe mian nurse ; but what astonished the Court more than all the rest was, that the old monarch, whose good nature was equal to Us statecraft, mustered up Bonernian enough at the close of his days to write an answer in the same language to his grand son. The education thus given to an heir to the throne af fords some faint grounds for the hope that a monarch will one div ruie in Austria not wholly unacquainted with the manners and language of the most valuable parts of his dominions.— British and Fore . .qn Review. The numerous frien,ls and admirers of the late Wil liam Cobbett, Esq., for Oldmae, having determined to cele brate annually the anniversary of his death by a public dinner, rss reh'ed T..esday evening to the number o upwa ds of 120, at the Dr. Johnson Hotel, 80lt -court, Fleet -street, for that pur pose. John Fielden, Esq., M. P., was in the Chair. lie was supported on his right by Mr. Williams, M.P., the Rev. Dr. Wade, Ald. Scales, and Mr. Wilkinson (foreman of the jury who acquitted Mr. Cobbett in 1831); and on his left by Mr. Rogers, Mr. Wells, and other gentlemen. After the cloth was drawn and grace said, the toast of " The People" was given. The Chairman then took a hasty review of the ponti fical conduct and writings of Mr. Cobbett, from the period of his quitting France for America, previous to the breaking out of the French revolution in 1793, down to the year 1335 ; and after adverting to his prophetic warnings of the evils arising from a paper currency, his zeal 'for the interests of the labour ing classes,-and his defence of the rights of the poor, he con cluded by proposing the memory of Mr.; Cobbett, which was drunk in solemn silence. " The Jury who acquitted Mr. Cob bat in 1831," Universal Suffrage, Annual Parliaments, Vote by Ballot, Payment of Members, and no Property Qualifica tion, &c. &c., were subsequently given and spoken to by Messrs. Williams, M. P, Wells, Scales, Rogers, Dr. Wade, and others. On Tuesday morning last the family of Mr. Fallon, of Bay's-bill school was thrown into a state of considerable ex citement and alarm. Between the hours of six and seven, Master Viner, a pupil in the establishment, proceeded to the bed-room of Master Watson, to inquire for his Greek gram mar ; supposing him to be asleep, he called to him several times, and then took him by the arm to shake bite, when he found him cold. He communicated the circumstance to Mr. Fallon, and the assistance of Mr. Murky was immediately procured, when it was found that life was extinct. The sto mach pump was resorted to, and a quantity of laudanum was removed. From the evidence given on the inquest it appears he had taken nearly an ounce and a half of laudanum. The deceased, who was between 15 and 16 years of age, had lat terly manifested great depression of spirits, arising from the absence of a mother in India, whom he loved with a strength of affection rarely squalled. Mr. James Fallon, proprietor of the school deposed at the inquest as follows :--" I have for some months particularly noticed a very great degree of melan choly about him, and a great want of that energy and spirit he used to have. He was - decidedly low in his spirits at times, which caused me to alter my conduct and that of my assistants , towards him, and to take particular notice of him.. He had never told me the exact cause of his depression, but I have collected it from circumstances which I know, and have heard of. His mother was married about 18 or 19 months ago, (August 13, 1835,) and afterwards left this country for Ben gal. I observed in him a much greater depression of spirits, more particularly since his mother has left the country, so much so as to the difference in which in which he did his school busi ness, and, knowing the cause of it, I never contradicted him, or spoke an angry word to him, intending to give up the charge when his mother came home. I never punished him, and had no occasion to do so, unless it was on account of his school business.! fHe has never to me expressed himself as to his mo ther's marriage ; he has once or twice. as I believe, come to me for the purpose of telling me what his grievances were, hut never did so, but said something frivolous. On one of these oc casions he had hid himself; be was at times in that despondine way as to forget himself. On one occasion he brought me a cal culation which was begun at the wrong end. I believe his mind was affected when he thought on the subject of his mother's marriage. When he was out at play he was like the other boys ; Et times he would sit and brood, not playing with the boys, he appeared so cowed ; at times he would not return a blow when he received one from the smallest boys, and would suffer himself to be joked and laughed at without resenting it, which he would never du before."—A verdict of " Temporary insanity " was returned. —Cheltenham Free Press. BANK ME ETING. (Concluded from our First, Edition of yesterday.) In reply to a question from Mx. Selwyn, The GOVERNOR. said that nor in of the dead weight had been disposed of. A vote of thanks was tl%rm passed to the Governor and Court of Directors, and the Court broke up. CORONER'S INQUEST. SINGULARLY DETERYANED AND AFFLICTING SUICIDE OF A 1 , RESPECTABLE FEMALF.—Yesterday afternoon an inquest was, held at the White Hall, Earl's-court, Kensington, before ?‘;',.r. Stirling and a respeztable jury, on view of the body of ititrs. Ann Potts, aged 67, who committed suicide by cuttiar,; her throat with a pe&.knife. Mr. John dupe Johnstone, a gentleman residing-, at Hamp ton Wick. and related to the deceascd, stated t, t , at s h e (de ceased) lei bad the charge of an insane laes of high con nections and considerable property for nine v,ears. The lady diccs last year, since which she (deceased.) had applied to Lady -Middleton, the administratrix of fne lady's property, for a small annuity during life, which l and been refused. A second application to Sir William M'llleton also met with a refusal. Witness considered thattliis preyed upon her mind, as the old lady had a dread that her future resources would be inadequate for her support. The Jury observed it was a very distressing case. Verdict —" Insanity." LORD JOHN SCOTT'S RESIGNATION.—This part of our local politics is not, the least amusing of late occur rences. It was currently rumoured previous to the Hon. Francis Scott appearing in the county, that Lord John Scott intended to resign. Wit lout any assigned reason, the Hon. Francis Scott put forth an address to the electors, and com menced a hole-and-comer canvass. Not a word about disturb ing the county, until Admiral Elliot made his appearance 'in the field, and becaase, forsooth, the Liberal party, in self. defence, chose to 'hold public meetings, and in the broad face of day, avow their determination to oppose Mr. Scott to the uttermost, we are thus taunted with being the " authors and abettors" of thevery disturbance and unsettlement of the public mind, of which Mr. Scott himself was the original and immediate cause. This is too bad on the part of Lord John and the Hon. 'Francis Scott. They concert this plan, and after unssct tling the county, Lord John comes forward, seizes hold of a Hayrick placard, and tells us that he never meant to resign, but adds that "he adheres to his former resolution, made at the time of last election, of not offering himself as a candidate for the county of Roxburgh, in the event of a dissolut'on." do not say that Lord John will not make this resolution in his own breast. We heard it rumoured, and currently stated, that he was a radical of the first water ; but we look back to his public declaration in vain, and with these alone have the public to do. Were the truth known, we believe it would turn out that the Hon. Francis Scott does not find it such plain sailing as he expected, and that be has fallen in with some squalls, which the Gallant Admiral has succeeded in weather ing better than himself. A more insolent attempt to hood wink a county, and to endeavour to establish it as one of the pocket burghs of his Grace of Buceleuch, we have rarely seen perpetrated. Some Cabinet secrets of Dalkeith Palace will peep out, ere long, if we mistake not. —Kelso Chronicle. A MODERN MUMMY.—The following story was in circulation whilst I was in Egypt, which, though I will not vouch for its " whole" truth, is not sufficiently improbable (considering the eccentric habits of my countrymen) to be al ' together regarded as fiction. An English traveller had a great desire to be mummified after the manner of the ancient Egyptians ; and having paid in advance to the operators, bound them by a solemn oath to do his bidding, prepared his sarcophagus, and, having written a long notice of his life and opinions, swallowed a dose of arsenic. He was, of course, "gathered to his fathers ;" his body underwent the embalm ing process, and, the papyrus having been placed on his am bitious breast, was enclosed in the red granite case, and de posited in a tomb that had been prepared for its reception. Not many years afterwards some roguish Arabs sold the pre cious relic to a Learned Frenchman, who carried it to Paris, vain beyond belief of having acquired such a treasure, which, judging from the splendour of the case, he thought must be a Pharaoh at least. A party of brother savans were ins ited to assist at the ceremony of enrolment, when, after some hundred yards of fine linen had been removed, the papyrus was discovered, which, in plain English, declared the great defunct to have been Mr. Peter Simpkins, of Fenchureli street and Camberwell. grove, sosp-boiier and salt-refiner to the llayal Family, and many years an inmate of St. Luke's. —Scott's Egypt, 4-c. In consequence of the head, and then the body, of a male child having bee:. found in emptying a cesspool at Ely, the greatest agitation has pervaded the whole community. On Thursday an inquest was held on the body at the Shire Flail, at which the miserable mother of the inra:tt made the following confession name is Elizabeth Scii2, and she is sixteen years of age. She requested to go into a private room, where she sail that the child was born alive, and was a boy—that she took a knife and cut off its heal. She then fetched an old piece of linen, which she wrapped round the body, and thr.•w it into the place where it was found—she also thrk w the knife there. The jury returned a verdictof " Wil ful murder" against her, and she was committed, on the Co oncr's warrant, to Cambridge gaol.—Cantbridy? Independent Pregs. 13ALLooNING.—Wc understand that Mr. Green doubts The possibility of stecrinn , the balloon. That it is be yond cur Pf,Wer at present, is admitted. But what steers a bird? What enables th .t floundering voyager, a crow, to steer perfectly at his will from fiLltr to forest, and make turnings among the branches, that would raise the envy of the Joelcey Club ? What steers and carries the wild swan, as heavy as an infant, a thousand miles ahead through the tempest and again 1 the tempest ? The united action of the w ings and the tail. The buoyancy of the balloon would render the wings unnecessary, except for addition to the steerage power. Tire true and only difficulty to be mastered is, that of enabling the balloon to go faster or skpret than the wind ; for it it only in such cases that the rudder can have anything to act upon. The steerage of a bird and of a fish exhibit the power of direction in a surround ing element. The means are complete in both, but varied, from the circumstances of the animal. The bird derives its buoyancy from the wing; the tail, whose chief or only purpose is steerage, scarcely aiding that buoyancy, and being scarcely moveable but in the lateral direction required for the steerage. The fish is generally buoyant by its nature. The tail supplies at once its progress and direction, and it is therefore a power ful and peculiarly active instrument. Either would answer the purpose of the balloon. But its buoyancy brings it nearer to the fish than the bird. Its requisite would be a rudder of such length and force as at once to accelerate (or retard) and guide. This rudder might he a long frame, with a wheel or vane kept in rapid motion at its cnd. For this, some modification of the steam-engine would be required ; but we have overcome so many of the difficulties of the steam-engine, that we are not entitled to doubt much of ultimate success even here.— Blackwood. TARDY JUST IC E. —ln the month of February, 1830, the Chamberlain de Qualm), Resident Minister from the Court of Denmark to the Grand Duke of Mecklcnburgh Schwerin, was murdered in his garden, within a few yards of the house which he was inhabiting at Eutin. The affair was shrouded in mystery ; but, after a variety of inquiries had been made, suspicion became fixed upon two of the servants, Koch, a coachman, and Wister, a valet, both of whom were charged with the crime, and thrown into prison, where they have since remained. The case was brought regularly before the tri bunals, and the evidence and explanations taken in writing, as they are in all German Courts ; but so prone is this mode of proceeding to circumlocution, and so efficacious in the pro traction of a result, that at the end of six years no real progress had been made in the discovery of the truth, whilst the writings were found to fill twenty-five volumes of folio. On the 19th of April, 18.36, the Court of Gottingen, despair ing of receiving any light upon the charge, proceeded to judgment, and acquitted the two unfortunate prisoners of the charge, and expressed an opinion that they ought to be indemnified for their long detention. This decision was, however, appealed from by the public accuser to the High Court of Appeal at Oldenburgh. Here the judgment was affirmed as respecting Koch, who was declared guiltless, and entitled to an indemnity ; but as against Wister it was held, that though not guilty, he had not made out a case to entitle himself to an indemnity, or an exemption from the costs. The cases of these men excited great commiseration.—Ger man Paper. A young girl desirous of procuring a sweetheart; consulted a gipsy lately ; and acting on her sage advice pro cured a sovereign, which she took to the gipsy, who proceeded to enclose it in the girl's stays, assuring her that the charm could not fail in procuring her a young man to her wishes. The girl, however, had the curiosity to inspect her stays, and found that the gold had; by the sorceress's art, been trans muted into silver, the sovereign having become a shilling. Not quite satisfied with this speciea of alchemy, she had the wise woman and her gang brought before the magistrates last week in Congleton, when they were committed to take their trial at the sessions. —Macclesfield Courier. •A woman, named Tarrene, the wife of a proprietor formerly residing at Prade, in France, and her two brothers, Aubert, have just been condemned to death by the Court of Assizes, at Perpignan, for the murder of the woman's husband. The body of the unfortunate man was found at the foot of a precipice by the road side, leading from Prade to Clara. From the examinations it appeared that the deceased had made his will, by which a considerable property would devolve to the wife after his death. From a feeling of impatience to inherit it, she proposed to her brothers to commit the deed. At first they refused ; but, a day or two before the murder took place, she offered one of them the sum of 2,500 f., and the other 1,040. This bribe unfortunately induced them to accede to her horrid proposition, which they accomplished by attacking their victim on the night of the 20th November last. A severe struggle took place, but the murderers succeeded in knocking their victim down by a blow on the head with a stone, after which they threw him over the precipice, where the body was afterwards discovered. No emotion was evinced by the pri soners on sentence of death being pronounced against them. A gentleman of fortune in Halifax being found in a state of intoxication in company with a lady of the pave, noted for her thieving propensities, an active officer of the town took him home. On the journey the gentleman knocked the officer down, who good-humouredly took no notice of the circumstance. On coming to himself on the following morn ing, he started from his bed with dismay, and exan.ined his pockets, in which he had some hundreds of pounds the day before, which to his joy he found to be a'.l safe. In the excess of his gratitude to the police-officer he sent for him, and treated him to a glass of ale !—Halifax Express. IMP:CRIAL PARLIAMENT. 31erioneth. IRISH LABOURERS. THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY, MARCH 17, 1837 HOZTSE OF LORDS, M.IRCH 16. The Lo C EIAR CELLOR took his seat on the Woolsack at Five o'Clc•ck. Lord STIOLFFO RD presented petitions in favour of the abo lition of Chur eh-rates from parishes in Cambridge and Wilts, Cram the Dissenters' congregation of Fenny Stratford in Bucks ; and from Dissenters' congregations in Somerset and Bedfordshi,... The P.ishop of LONDON presented petitions against e-.. abolition of Church -rates, from parishes in Suffolk, War wicksVae, and Gloucestershire ; from the inhabitants of Wansend, in Northumberland ; of Farnham, in Suffolk ; of the parish of Holy Trinity, in Gloucester; and from Bonham, in Suffolk, and other places. The Duke of CLEVELAND presented petitions, all of which contained the same prayer, although in different words. They requested their Lordships would pass a measure for the total abolition of Church-rates. The petitions were from the Dissenters of Christ-Church, Hants ; of Hammersmith ; of Frome, in Somersetshire ; of Weston, in Hants ; of Union Cha pel, Horsleydown ; of Northampton; of Newport Pagnel ; of King's Sutton, Northamptonshire ; of Charnbrook ; and several other places. The Noble Duke then said that he had several days ago presented a petition from the county of Durham, praying for the abolition of Church-rates ; and he had now another petition to present from the same place, and ho could answer, from his private knowledge of the place, that they were both most respectably signed ; that which he had now to present, however, did not pray for the aboli tion of Church-rates, but stated that the petitioners having heard that a Bill was likely to be introduced into their Lordships' House for the abolition of Church-rates, prayed that their Lordships would take care that the Church was properly main tained. The Duke of NORFOLK presented a petition from Shef field, praying for the total abolition of Church-rates. From the Noble Duke's connection with Sheffield, he knew that the petition was most respectably signed, and the number of the petitioners amounted to upwards of 4,000. He entirely con curred in the prayer of the petition. Lord DINORBEN presented a petition from Holyhead to the same effect. The Bishop of BATH and WELLS presented petitions from Bridport, Trent, Harrington, Monk Silver, and seve ral other places, against the abolition of Church-rates. The prayer of these petitions was, that their Lordships would not agree to any measure having for its object the abolition of Church-rates, because such a measure could not fail to be de• structive of the Church. The Bishop of BANGOR presented a petition from Ban gor, to the same effect. A flight Reverend PRELATE, whose name we could not learn, presented a petition from a parish in the county of Merioneth to the same effect ; and gave notice, that on Monday ncxt he should present a petition from Anglesea, relating to the appropriation of tithes which belong to the Bishop of Bangor, in the event of the union of that see and The Bishop of WINCHESTER presented petitions from Winchester, and several other places, against the abolition of Church-rates. A Message from the House of Commons brought up the Small Debts' ( Scotland) Bill, and two others. Lord PORTMAN presented petitions from various pa rishes in the counties of York and Essex, praying for the abo lition of Church-rates. The Bishop of CIIICIIESTF,R presented petitions from Burwood and several other places, against the abolition (.f Church-rates. The Duke of RICHMOND presented a petition from the inhabitants of Cork, praying for some Jegislative enact ment for the relief of the unemployed Irish labourers. Also a petition from John Caldwell, of Cork, to the same effect ; and a petition from the innkeepers of the borough of Brighton. pray ing. to be relieved front the responsibility attending property lost in their houses. CHURCH RATES. The NOBLE DukE then presented a petition from the Dis senters of Ebenezer Chapel, Chichester, pray ing for the abo lition of Church-rates. Although he could not agree in the plan proposed by his Majesty's Government, he felt it his duty to present the petition. Lord DE GR EY presented petitions from Stavely, Ripon, and other places, against the abolition of Church-rates. Petitions to the same effect were presented by the Duke of Wellington, Marquis of Downshire, Earl Minto ; and by Vis count Melbourne, prayino: fur the Abolition of Church-rates. Lord RE DE SDA LE presented a petition against the abo lition of Church-rates from South Lambeth, and one to a si rnihr effect from Arlington, in Northamptonshire, which in ad dition thanked their Lordships for their conduct last year, and prayed that they would pursue the same course in the present Session —( A laligh.) Lord BROUGHAM ,presented a large number of pe titions against Church -rates, amongst which were petitions from the Dissenters of Sherburne, in Dorsetsiiire ; from the Baptist Congregation of Huddersfield; from the Indepen dent congregation of Stafford ; from the Baptist congrega tion in Seagate-chapel, Dundee ; from the Dissenters of Shade:ell ; from the Baptists of Huston, near Hackney ; from the congregation of Bristol-street, Edinburgh ; from the Bap tists of iiichmond, Bedfordshire ; and of Southam, in the same county; from the congregation of the Old Mecting,Bcdford; the prayer of which was that their Lordships would sanction the abo lition of Church-ratcs without the transfer of them to any ether fu d, and also that their Lordships would not sanction any grant of money to any congregation of Dissenters or Roman Catho lics.—( Hear.) Lord WIiNFORD presented a petition from Staton in Cumberland, praying that the Poor-law might not be ex tended to the northern counties. The Bishop of EXETER presented petitions in favour of Church-rates from several places in Cornwall and Devonshire; also from the Deaneries of Plympton and Tavistock, and from. the city of Durham to the same effect. The Duke of BEAITFORT presented a petition from a pariah in the county of Gloucester against the abolition of Church-rates. Earl SHAFTESB URY presented petitions from the county of Dorset to the same effect. Lord ELI, ENBORO UG EI presented a petition from the county of Worcester, the county of Gloucester, and the county of Northumberland, to the same effect. Lord CANTERBURY presented a petition from various parishes in the county of Somerset, to the same effect. The Marquis of BUTE presented petitions from various places in the county of Forfar to the same effect. The Bishop of L L ANDA FE hoped the House would for give him for occupying its attention for a few minutes, but he could not help expressing his surprise at a remark from a Noble and Learned Lord yesterday, that the number of petitions presented in favour of the abolition of Church rates was greater than the number which had been presented against this ma .sure ; and that, even if that were not allowed, the number of signatures attached to the former would far exceed the number attached to the latter. Lord BROUGHAM said that he might set the Right Rev. Prelate at ease on that point at once, by informing him that he was labouring under an entire mistake, because what ho had stated was just the reverse of that which was now imputed to him.—( Hear, hear.) He had said that the number of petitions against the abolition of Church rates no doubt greatly exceeded the number in favour of the abolition, but that the number of signatures attached to the petitions in favour of the abolition very much exceeded the number of those attached to the petitions against it. The Bishop of LLAND AFE felt obliged to the Noble and Learned Lord for setting him right in that respect. Lord BROUGHAM—Nor was it yesterday I said so, but sometime before; so that you are wrong there, also. The Bishop of LL AND AFF was prepared to contend that the signatures of persons who did not pay Church-rates did not merit much regard.—( Hear, hear.) The griev ance did not fall upon them, but upon those who paid the Church-rates, therefore it was but fair to throw out of the consideration of the petitioners all the non-rate payers. Undoubtedly the House could not ana lyse the petitioners in that way, but he wished for the sake of the general impression that might be made on the public that that should be observed.—(lleac, hear.) With regard to the petitioners against the abolition of Church -rates, that observation was not applicable, be cause there the non-rate payola were most entitled to be heard, inasmuch as they would be most interested if the Church-rates were abolished. The non-rate payers, therefore, who became petitioners against the abolition of Church rates, and especially the poor, merited the attention of their Lordships.--( Hear, hear, hear.) As to the others, they might be divided into two classes, and those alone upon whom the grievance fell were entitled to attention. It might be said that a person had a right to come to their Lordships' House, not to complain of an injury or a p ersona l grievance, but to complain of a national grievance. If that were so, they could only come to their Lordships in the cha racter of advisers, and so far they might 'be entitled to be heard. As a matter of grievance, he was sure the distinction made in favour of justice, the Noble and Learned Lord would rea dily admit. There were petitions of that character presented by a Right Rev. Friend of his from labourers in Devonshire, praying that they might not be deprived of the privileges they now enjoyed. It was said by his Right Rev. Friend, that that petition was attempted to be counteracted by a wealthy indivi dual. In his opinion, those who complained of being deprived of that which they considered more valuable than money, were entitled to far more consideration and attention than those who did.--(Loud cries of " Hear.") The number of signatures to petitions was but an indifferent test of the extent of the grievance of which the petitioners complain. In conclusion, he would say, that under the disapprobation which had been expressed by the petitioners against the Church -rates, there was this further and more important principle—the pe titioners objected to Christianity being recognised or sup ported by the State. However that might be coloured over, it was at the bottom ; and it was for their Lordships to consider whether they would give countenance to a proposi tion of that nature, or whether they would not openly avow, that their determination was not to consent to any ,wasure that had for its object the prevention of Christianity being pro tected by the State. He was sure that their Lordships would sooner surrender their birth-rights than give tip that union which had so long existed. The Right Rev. Prelate then presented several petitions from different parts of Wales, against the abolition of Church -rates. Viscount MELBOURNE said lie could not but say that he could not agree with the distinction drawn by the Right Reverend Prelate between the classes of .petitioners, for in the well-being and the welfare of Christianity all had an equal interest, and an equal interest also in the set tlement of this question on the principles which would promote the peace and welfare of the country. (Hear.) He, there fore, could by no means acquiesce in the distinction drawn by the Right Rev. Prelate between the classes of petitioners. All had an equal right to lay their opinions before their Lordships' House, as to the measures which they thought necessary to be adopted by the Legislature, or which were under the consideration of the Legislature.—( Hear, hear.) But he (Lord Melbourne) was still more unwill ing to acquiesce in the statement with which the Right Reverend Prelate concluded his speech. The Right Rev. Prelate had said that if the prayers of the peti tioners were acceded to, Christianity would not be any longer recognised as the religion of the country. He ( Lord Melbourne) begged leave to protest against such an imputation being east upon those who had petitioned their Lordships' House, and he felt sorry that it had come from a quarter which he (Lord Melbourne) respected.—( Hear. ) The Bishop of LLANDAFF said that he did not intend to charge the petitioners with a wish that Christianity should not prevail, or that it should not be generally received as the religion of the country ; but he contended, that if the prayers of the petitioners were acceded to, they would lead to the separation of Christianity—the petitioners said religion—from the Govern ment and the country ; and if these prayers were acceded to, then it would go forth that the Government regarded re ligion with indifference, and as a matter of no concern. That was the legitimate inference to be drawn from the prayer of the petition—it was that the petitioners wished to disparage religion, and it thus involved consequences which be hoped their Lordships would never consent to. Lord BROUGHAM said, that in all the petitions he had presented, the grounds put forward for the abolition of Church-rates were religious, and not political.—( Hear.) The Right Rev. Prelate has most justly said in the admis sion with which he had closed his speech, that he did not mean to impute any lukewarmness on the subject of religion to Dissenters, and certainly if he had done so, be would have committed a very great error.—( Hear.) It was on the ground that they considered the rate :njurious to the interests of religion, as well as oppressing to them individually, and hard upon them conscientiously, that the great bulk of the prayers of the petitions were founded. —(Hear, hear.) He entirely agreed with his Noble Friend, (Lord Melbourne) that whether they had an interest or not in the question, they had a right to come to thj House and make known their sentiments and their wishes. As to persons of a certain description not paying rates, or not being of that class which might be supposed to be best capable of enter ing into the discussion of high and difficult points of policy—whether the class of persons who had signed the petition which the Right Reverend Prelate had pre sented were qualified by their habits to discuss questions f a high and difficult nature—he would really not take it upon himself to say.—( Hear, hear.) He was not disposed to pronounce them incapable of discussing those questions. The Bishop of LLANDAFF never objected to any class of men stating not only their grievances, but their opinions on every political question. He only stated that the petitions of those who had paid no rates came from those who suffered no grievance, and that therefore they were not entitled to great consideration. CANADA. The Earl of RIPON, having noticed the state of Canada, wished to know if it was the intention of Go vernment to proceed with reference to the affairs of that colony by way of Resolution simply ; or to invite the consideration of their Lordships to any specific legislative enactment that might be sent sent up from the other House of Parliament. Since that period there bad been documents laid upon the table of the House, and it also appeared from the votes of the other House of Parliament, that certain Re solutions had been submitted to that branch of the Legisla lature, which resolutions he (Lord Ripon) presumed were to be taken as explanatory of the views taken by his Majesty's Ministers, or as the foundation of some measure which it was intended to submit to Parliament on the subject. The ques tion, therefore, which he wishe4l to ask his Noble Friend was, what was the mode in which it was the intention of his Ma jesty's Government to bring that subject before the House of Lords ? And whether they intended to introduce it into their Lordships' House by way of Resolutions, or was it to be considered when a specific measure, founded thereon, might be sent up from the other House of Parliament ? He should be sorry to say anything calculated to embarrassthe Government or Par liament on the subject; but having himself had something to do with the relations between this country ,and the province of Canada, he felt some anxiety to know the course which his Nlajest)'s Government intended to adopt. It was obvious that there were two courses which might be followed— either that the House of Commons, if it concurred in the reso lutions now before it, should send them up to this House, and, wish their Lordships to assent to them, or that, having agreed to the resolutions, it should proceed to pass a Bill, and send that Bill up to this House in the usual way. Prima ,facie it appeared to him that there would be considerable advantage in adopting the first alternative, because, looking to the way in which this proceeding might affect an independent Legislature in one of our Colonies, and the solemn mode in which the attention of Parliament had been called to the subject, it would seem to be correct and judicious to proceed in a way calculated to secure the acquiescence of those int:Te..ted in the subject on the other side of the Atlantic, in a series cf resolut ions havin g the sanction of both branches of the Legislature. At the same time he felt that that course was not free from difficulty, be cause if the resolutions of the House of Commons should be— which, however, he hoped they would not—such as this House would not agree to, and such as it would only adopt with im portant amendments, the whole advantage to be expected from that course of proceeding, so far as regarded the purpose of influencing the judgment of the Legislature of Lower Canada, would be lost. He had no difficulty in conceiving that many persons might be prepared to vote for a specific measure who would not assent to a previous.declaration of principle, in which they might not concur. He wished to ask, therefore, whether his Majesty's Government had made up their minds as to the course they would pursue ; but if his Noble Friend thought that the slightest disadvantage or inconvenience would arise from answering his question, he begged he would riszt reply to it. So much then for the question he had to put. He should now proceed to the motion of which he had given notice. The information for which he intended to move was, an account of the expenses of the Commission which had been sent to Lower Canada. He sought this information upon general and upon special grounds ; general, because it was obvious that the ex pense had a considerable tendency to increase. Amongst the various productions which were springing up in these days in the profusion of the political soil, nothing was so remarkable as the luxuriant crop of Commissions, and he thought a mo derate degree of vigilance in watching the growth of that species of production would not be misplaced, because other wise it might be found that the crop of Commissions hadgrown into a crop of evils. The special grounds upon which he moved for this information was, that he entertained considerable doubts as to the necessity of appointing that Commission at all, and had also doubts as to the propriety of the mode in which it was composed. He was sure there was no lack of in formation on the whole subject in the office over which his Noble Friend presided, and of which it had been his (Lord Ripon's) lot to have the charge. There was a gentleman who was a sort of quad representative of Lower Canada, M. Vigie, and certainly the voluminous documents which that gentleman had supplied to the Colonial-office, showed that no man could work harder for the salary of 1,3001. a year, which the As sembly of Lower Canada was so obliging as to pay him. There was also, in this country, many persons who were never back ward in laying their opinions before the Government ; but, above all, there was an individual to whom his Noble Friend could never have applied in vain for the mnst accurate and precise information that could possibly be drawn from any source—he meant Sir James Kempt, who had presided as Governor in the colony, and bad shown himself as competent to guide the Civil Government in the Council Chamber, as to guide his Majesty's troops in the field. He (Lord Ripon) was at a loss to account for one anomaly in the constitution of the Commission, and that was the combination in one person of the offices of Commissioner to inquire, and of Governor to administer. He bad foreseen that this would place the Go vernor in an awkward position, and the result of the Commis sion showed that his doubts were unfounded. Lord GLENELG entirely agreed with his Noble Friend as to the importance of this subject, and he most readily ad mitted that the observations which his Noble Friend had made could come with greater propriety from no Noble Lord than from him. He might also observe, that the knowledge which his Noble Friend possessed of the position and interests of Canada, the weight to which his opinions were entitled on such subjects, and no less the candid and friendly manner in which his Noble Friend had brought the matter forward, would naturally induce him ( Lard Glenelg) to receive with the utmost respect any thing that he said. With respect to the question put by his Noble Friend, he (Lord Glenelg) was nct insensible of some of the difficulties to which he alluded ; but he could state that the course intended to be pursued was that first alluded to by his Noble Friend. There were, as he stated, resolutions now before the House of Commons expla natory of the general views of his Majesty's Government, and preparatory to further measures. Some of those resolutions had been already passed, and he hoped the others would be likewise agreed to ; in which case he believed the resolutions would be communicated to their Lordships' House. With regard to the expenses of the Commission, he saw no objec tion to the production of the accounts called for by his No ble Friend, and should cordially accede to it. His Noble Friend had said that he did not wish to raise any discussion on the subject. He had, however, made some observations rela tive to the composition of the Commission. His Noble Friend would not suppose that he (Lord Glenelg) was wanting in the respect due to his observations, if he thought it better to avoid any discussion until the subject was regularly before the House, and therefore declined entering upon his Noble Friend's ar guments. He was only desirous that the subject should be fully before their Lordships, and he would then endeavour to sntisfy his Noble Friend both of the necessity of the Commis sion and that its composition would be defended on grounds that would fully exculpate the Government. The Earl of ABE RD E EN observed that although some of the resolutions has been agreed to in the House of Commons, the consideration of the others had been adjourned until the evidence taken before the Committee of 1834 should be ob tained. The Government had thus placed themselves in an awkward predicament, for they had virtually acknowledged that they had proposed those resolutions on defective evidence. As he understood that evidence was now before the House of Commons, he would suggest to the Noble Lord that, lest their Lordship's deliberations should be suspended in the midst by a motion for additional information, it might be as well to send a message to the House of Commons, requesting it to communicate that evidence to their Lordships. Lord G LE NE L G said he was prepared to prove that the information already before Parliament was sufficient to justify the resolutions without the evidence alluded to ; but as some Members thought that evidence ought to be before the House, it was not for the Government to withhold anything that would tend to the elucidation of the subject. He had no objection to the message suggested by the Noble Earl. After a few words from Lord BROUGHAM, the mot: , ..n was agreed to. Lord REDESDALE presented a petition against the abo lition of Church-rates, from the parish of Gillingham, in Norfolk. _ MUNICIPAL CORPORATIONS ACT. The Municipal Corporations Act Amendment Bill went through Committee, and the Report was Ordered to be re ceived on the Friday after Easter. Their Lordships then adjourned. HOUSE OF COIII3IOIVS, MAncir 16. The SPEAKER took the Chair at Four o'Clock. Mr. CAVENDISH brought up the Report of the Com mittee on the Newbold (Derby) Inclosure Bill. General ARBURTHNOT brought up the Report of the Committee on the Rochdale and Burnley Roads Bill. BRIGHTON RAILWAY. Mr. CURTEIS, in the absence of his lion. Colleague, wished to draw the attention of the House to a question very much like that under their consideration yesterday. He had yesterday stated there were five competing lines of Railroad from Brighton to London, and he was informed there was a general understanding between all parties, that no objection should be taken as to the strict interpretation of the Stand ing Orders. The decision of the Committee against Mills' line was only carried by the casting vote of the Chairman. The resolutions respecting Railroads were he thought so ex tremely lax, that it was impossible to understand them. The Select Committee reported that the Standing Orders had not been complied with ; but he believed the point upon which they so decided was, that the engineer had not put in the large scale the names of all the lands through which the Railroad was to pass. He understood, however, that it was not in tended that these lands should be interfered with in any ma terial degree. He did not wish to trespass on the House, and hardly knew with what motion he ought to conclude. He was entirely in the hands of the House, and ho would will ingly adopt any suggestion which might be made. He moved that these petitions be. referred back to the Committee. Mr. R. PALMER defended the course pursued by the Standing Orders Committee, and pointed out certain informa lities in the plans which had been lodged, which he contended fully justified the Committee in deciding that the Standing Orders had not been complied with. lie admitted that there was some difficulty in complying with the rules of the House in that respect, but it was the duty of the Committee to abide by these rules. Sir E. KNATC BULL said that, as he understood the motion of the Hon. Member for Sussex (Mr. Curteis) it was, that this petition might be referred back to the Standing Orders Committee. To such a motion he felt bound most decidedly to object. Sir GEORGE STRICKLAND rose for the purpose of moving an amendment which he trusted would meet with the concurrence of the Standing Orders Committee. That amendment was that the Ilouse would permit the parties to go on with their Bill. He believed that in consequence of some mistake with respect to the interpretation of the four Standing Orders with respect to Railways, great injustice would he done to the promoters of the Bill, if they were not allowed to proceed. The Standing Order Committee ought to have given the parties every indulgence, considering the difficult situation in which they were placed. The Hon. Baronet concluded, by moving that the parties be allowed to proceed with their Bill. Lord GEORGE LENNOX felt it necessary to explain a statement which had been made a few nights previously in that House, relative to an understanding having been come to by the promoter of four of the Brighton Railway Bills. He had taken the trouble of making inquiry, and could state that there was no understanding between the parties so far as Ste venson's line was concerned. After a few words from Mr. SHAW LE FE VRE, Mr. ESTCOURT said this case was precisely similar to one which had been formerly under discussion, and the devia tion noticed by the Standing Orders Committee was similar to that which had occurred in a case that underwent consider able debate, and where several Hon. Members bad suggested the great inconvenience resulting from a deviation from the rules of the House. He thought it would be a bad precedent to sanction a motion for referring the matter back to the Stand ing Orders Committee, and lie hoped the House would not permit such a course. Mr. E. L. BULWER said that the Hon. Member for Berkshire had himself admitted that it was extremely difficult to understand the Standing Orders. The only question, then, was whether they would make these people the first martyrs. After a few words from Mr. POTTER, which were not heard in the gallery, Captain PECHELL - believed that the whole of the land holders along the line were opposed to this Bill; but as the petitioners came to that House making allegations and de manding justice, lie certainly would vote for the Amendment of the Hon. Baronet the Member for Yorkshire. Mr. CURTEIS had no objection whatever to the amend ment proposed by the. Hon. Member for Yorkshire, and he trusted "that the House would not put him to the trouble of dividing upon the motion. Mr. \VILKS did not see why the proposition of the Hon. Member for Yorkshire should be resisted, and he should there fore support it. Sir J. WROTTESLEY felt himself compelled to oppose the motion of the Hon. Member for Sussex upon technical grounds. As a Member of the Standing Orders Committee, he protested against any question decided by that Committee lhing, referred back to them. The Committee had taken great pains in considering the subject now before the House, and whether the opinion they had come to was a right one or not was for the House to determine. The Committee had given the subject the most attentive deliberation possible. Mr. GRE E4E regretted the time of the House should be occupied in discussions of this description, and thought it ought not from day to day come to decisions upon questions which had been already investigated and settled. Mr. A GLIONB Y thought the public were interested in this discussion. This course of proceeding no doubt would very much lessen the utility of the Committee appointed, and therefore he hoped the House would take some step to pre vent it ; but as long as these questions were brought before the House they must be discussed upon their merits. Had they the power to decide as a Court of Appeal on the deci sions of Committees? A great part of the inconvenience at present experienced arose from the House not under standing upon what it had to decide.—( Hear, hear. ) He understood there were fifteen objections, every one of which was taken out of the consideration of the House by the Standing Orders Committee. He wished to ob tain authentic information on the subject. The one case excepted was, that where it was decided that the Stand ing Orders could not be dispensed with, because the house and garden which would be taken in by the Rail way was within a hundred yards of it, and was so set down in the book of reference. He wished to know, were there other modes of obtaining , in the Standing Orders Committee, authentic information byond the book of reference and the notices ? Strangers were then ordered to withdraw, and the House divided, when the numbers were:— For Sir George Strickland's motion , . 22 Against it B3 Majority —6l Mr. H. HUGHES presented a petition from a gentleman of the name of Gilbert against the City of London Railway Bill. Sir CHARLES BURRELL presented a petition from the Commissioners of Westminster Bridge, against the West minster and Deptford Railway Bill; also, a petition from a Gentleman of the name of Watts, a large Timber Merchant in the City, against the City Railway Bill. Sir R. VYVYAN presented a petition from Bristol against the Severn Navigation Bill. Mr. PRYME presented a petition from an individual, com plaining of the same practices having existed with re spect to the Hammersmith and London Railway as those complained of in the Greenwich and Deptford Railway. The Hon. Member moved that the petition be printed, and gave notice of his intention to bring the subject under the consideration of the House to-morrow. CORN LAWS. Mr. CL AY presented numerous petitions, praying for the repeal of the Corn-laws. Mr. WALL ACE presented a similar petition from Douglas. Petitions, praying for a repeal of the Corn-laws, were pre sented by Colonel THOMPSON and Mr. ROEBUCK; and by an other Hon. Member, whose name we could not learn. Mr. CLAY, in rising to bring forward the motion of which he had given notice, should express his regret at being obliged to ask the attention of the House, after the very fatiguing debate which lasted for three nights—but it should be borne in mind that it was not always in the power of a Member who had undertaken to bring forward an important question to postpone its discussion. It would be further recol lected that he had twice given way on this subject, once in 1835, in order not to interfere with the progress of the En glish Municipal Reform Bill,and last year on the understanding that he should get a Committee to inquire into the matter. He was, however, amply repaid for the delay by the important evidence taken before that Committee. Having thus stated why he urged forward the debate on this subject, he would at once proceed to its consideration. He would only remind Hon. Gentlemen that in the early period of the history of this country there was as great an anxiety to prevent the exportation of corn, as latterly there had been to prevent its being imported.—( Hear, hear.) Up to the reign of Henry VI. corn was only allowed to be imported at a certain rate ; from that time up to the reign of Charles 11., no alteration was made in that law ; in the reign of Charles 11., duties were first imposed on the importation of corn. In 1773 the importation of corn was allowed with the duty of 6d., when the price was but 48s. a quarter. Upon that law, Adam Smith said that, with all its imperfections, though not the best in itself, it was the best society would permit of, and it might prepare for a better. He did not know what that great man would have said if he had lived to see the law as it at present existed. In 1815 an Act of Parliament was passed, which prohibited the importation of corn until the price reached 80s. That was signalised in its progress through the Legislature by riot, and scarcely a night passed that it was not necessary to protect Hon. Members going to and from the House by an armed force. In 1828 that law was repealed, without a single voice being raised in its favour. The constant aim of the Legislature had been to regulate the price, and he would ask by what right was it that the Legis lature made any such attempt ?—( Hear, hear.) The prices of other commodities were left to the causes which might govern the prices. Two principles might be recognized in our fiscal code by the importation duty—the first was to raise a revenue for the exigencies of the State, and the second was protection against foreign competition_; but with respect to corn alone a third might be recognised—namely, the fixing by a pe culiar mode of levying the import duty a price be low which it was not to fall—a principle widely dif fering from, and going far beyond, the mere imposition of a protecting duty. The principle upon which the duty on Corn was imposed was not applied to any other a. z;cl,.. Tuku of Silk goosls, for instance. The Legislature had assumed 30 pek cent. to be the duty which would enable the English manufacturer to further eom com pe te andte with there no l av,,. m manufacturers, akio b g ut em it danout y s f s a • went or manufacturer. fall according . to the price of the home n H vo e ul t d ho r u io g t ht re i d t oc w o ro t n h g e pititicothoef bread, although s t a h y ey that or tb n e conside rably reduced the amount of wages recCsived by classes.—(Hear, hear, hear.) It was si? legislated charge brought against Parliament of haa:ng eg a that without regard to the interests of the lower classes, to s c Y corn. the laws, as they now existed, did not keep up the price • a answer He was willing to admit that a Legislature composed ). the wtoktihe great degree of persons connected with the agricultural 'lib' tricts might have enacted the Corn Laws, under a ea)" viction that they were doing what was right; but yet there w:s that in human nature which gave to a body of men a bias iL legislating on any particular subject connected with their own interests, without a consciousness on their parts of any such feeling.—( Hear, hear, hear.) He asserted that restriction on the frequent importation of Corn must have the effect of raising prices above their level in proportion to the extent of population in any country, and that he be lieved was the intention of the framers of the Corn-laws. Another object they had in view was to excite an extraordi nary degree of cultivation. It would not, he was sure, be denied that cheap bread was an advantage to the commu nity, and dear bread directly the reverse-4 Hear, hear.)--- There were many fallacies upon that point, such as that 'O O matter how dear corn was, it did not signify, provided per , sons had money to buy it. But these were fast vanishing. It WO evident that in proportion as any part of the earth's surface was densely peopled, the verdant parts were occupied, and recourse must be had to the worse parts, and greater labour bestowed upon their cultivation ; awl the result must be, that in propor tion to the amount of food required, an additional amount of labour will be required from the labourers and citizens for their daily food. The character and object of the Corn-law s were to restrict the supply in that way, and they were, there fore, unjust in principle, and dangerous and impolitic in t:2c lr , application. The Hon. Member went on to say—Sir, we an. told of the value of the home market to the manufacturer. But by whom are we told this? By those who would by their own showing keep the price of corn here 100 per cent. above the price abroad: Their attempt to alarm the manufacturer by the prospect of losing a market in which his 100 pieces of broad cloth produce him 100 quarters of wheat, when he is to get in exchange a customer who will gladly give him 200 quarters, is reckoning, as it appears to me, not inconsiderately on his credulity. Akin to these assertions of the value of the home market are the professions of anxiety for the welfare of the manufacturing classes by the same parties, and the earnest declarations of their belief that the interests of those classes and of the landholder are identical. It is high time that this talk should be put an end to. The landholder and the manu facturer have a community of interest under a system of free trade in corn ; they have not a community of interest under our present system ; on the contrary, their interests are in direct op position ; our present system renders high prices necessary to the prosperity of the agricultural classes, whilst low prices, at least prices on a level with those of other countries, are es sential to the manufacturer. These respective classes, accord ingly, have never prospered at the same time since 1815. I bole in my hand documents which completely prove this assertion. But then, it is asked, how should we employ our agricultural labourers if we eat cheap foreign cern instead of dear Eng' lish corn? If their labour be at present wasted, we had bet , ter maintain them in absolute idleness than employ them ill wasting capital as well as their own time ; but in truth there would be employment for them in the thousand channels which, in a thriving community, and with rapidly increasing wealth, are open to industry ; independently of the consideration that the repeal of the Corn-laws would change the nature rather than alter the amount of the demand for agricultural labour. Again, it is said that high prices of agricultural produce are necessary to enable us to bear the burden of taxation, and that the Corn-laws, therefore, are wise and just laws, as producing that effect. Never was there a mistake so gross, I had almost said so ludicrous, as this. The power to support taxation de pends wholly on the net income of the community—on profits that is, after defraying the cost of subsistence of the labourer , and replacing the funds of the capitalist. A net surplus of in. come is the only fund on which an individual can permanentlY rely to endure any burden on his finances, and as the cost ni his subsistence is lower, so will his surplus be larger. That which is true of one man is true of a nation, and if we could with a free trade in corn procure the amount of bread now consumed in the empire by the labour of 500,000 fewer men , we should add annually to the national resources the wholo produce of their labour (a produce l little short probably, of the interest of the national debt) now, on that supposition , utterly wasted. But does this proposition rest on theory alone I On the contrary, it is supported by the unalterable logic 0 1 facts. If it be true that high prices of agricultural product are necessary to enable us to support taxation, then the reve nue would be flourishing when the prices of that produce were high, and decay when they were low. How do the Pico for the last twenty years agree with this hypothesis? The revenue of 1815, from the four great sources of the income of the State—viz., Customs, Excise, Stamps, and Assessed Taxes, was £75,045, 885 The revenue of 1819 from the same sources 54,257,06( Being a diminution of But in 1816, 1817 s 1818, and 1819, taxes were 20,788, 82 • 7 - repealed amounting to £17,862,848 Taxes were imposed amounting to 3,486,707 14,376,141 Actual falling off of revenue... . - C6,412, 68 ' Now, during the period in which the defalcation occurred, wha t were the prices of corn ? Low, of course, if the hypothesis to which I have alluded be sound. They were, on the contraryi by very far the highest which have occurred since the peoc ° ' and almost equal during a portion of the time to the highe sl price of the war. The me '.n price of 1816 was 765. 2d. per quarter. 1817 94s. Od. 1818 1819 Mean price of the whole series 81s. 6d. The prices of the next four years were as remarkably lori% viz..— ....... . 1820 mean 535 . . 5 1 Oa , 13±2, And during this period the condition of the revenue was as f° , -,i i ‘ lows :—Revenue of 1819, as above stated £54,257,!.),,.,'" Ditto of 1823... 54,465,0 Being an increase of £20 9,76 ' 1 But in the four years there had been taxes repealed Less ditto imposed ... 183,040 6,617,_........896 Real increase of revenue So that, with a price of 81s. 6d. (the price, be it recollecteui at which it was hoped, expected, and intended that tivhe should remain under the law of 1815), the revenue fell 6,400,0001. in four years ; with a price of 535. 10d., it irri ; proved in a period of similar duration 6,800,0001. A colliP'a rison of the state of the revenue with the prices of wheat du ri° :, the years since 1823 does not present results so striking 71 those I have already stated ; but it yet affords results w e ct worthy of the attention of the House. Still, taking P eri° of four years, the results are as follow : Revenue of 1823, as above N. Apparent diminution Ditto of 1827 Price of 1834, .625. Otl. Taxes repealed, 7,528,825 ~, 0 1825, 665. 6d. 02v,- :: Less imposed 307,832 7,-' 1826, 565. 11d..-----"" 1827, 565. 9d. ----- ,9 9E Real increase of revenue, £4,79 0 Mean, 60s. 6d. ----- ...------ A 4( ... £52,0 1.1, v- Revenue of 1827, as above Ditto of 1831 4 8,04, , Apparent diminution Price of 1828, 60s. sd. repeale 5,837,188 1829, 665. 3d. Less Taxes d, imposed 1,325,556 4,a > 63% 1830, 645. 3d. 1631, 665. 4d. Real increase 516,1 of revenue Mean, 645. 4d. x 4 8,04. , 96i 0 47,6 46 > Apparent diminution Price of 1832, 58s. Bd. 1833, 525. I Id. Taxes repealed, 4,335,339 _ 1834, 465. `2d.Less imposed 395,046 - - /_; 1835, 395. 4d. 040 Real increase of revenue x- , ' , "" Mean, 495. 3d. It will be observed how invariably the revenue fluctuat ed ii i e l d versely as the price of wheat—rising as the price f ell , Corn falling as that rose. The advocates of the e xisting Act Laws have mainly relied on their tendency of the l' beri e , 1828, that is, to produce steadiness of price ; their, .. wa rd ficial effects in this respect were brought prominently, it' es , in the Report of the Committee on Agricultural Do" °o p' 1833. Sir, the Committ e e congr a tul a ted themselves ° h ell what prematurely, the fluctuations since 1828 bavig l B3 6 ' from 755. 3d. in November, 1828, to 365. in Janua r Y , I will only now observe that the slightest variation li"d price of wheat which this country has known for a P. er ° tits / 1.10 years was from 1773 to 1791, the only time period in which we have had a free trade. The favouriteii gurnent, however, of thc advocates of restrictions 0 0 , t durni.g 5 17 portation of corn is, that we may be independent ei ; de ." nations for our supply of food. Now, if this incleP e he hare reference only to natural causes—if i t e gsi e ti - e tended to assert that we shall be more secu re .11 t" ti , the defects of deficient harvests by growing, i t ft o ,,, corn we consume than by drawing a portion ni its fej ie , other countries, the proposition is false, almost by el int o terms. You ensure the regularity of any result preci t. s w"ci yo ol degree that you multiply the instances from . e no e t y induction is drawn—one field will yield a leas ee rtal a ° coil e o produce than a whole farm, a farm than a countY' o etill e o than a kingdom, a kingdom than a continent, a _ ca nt 1 , 0 than the world. But if by independence be rather w oo t ri, independence of the caprices of foreign governara r e ' f' t re e position, although n o t ca p a bl e o f so strictly logic of s • tion, is to the full as un t ena bl e . Under a syste; isi oe or , trade sonic portions of many nations, with every pd riety of situation and of interests, would be engag e ° , le its ing, corn for our use; it would not be wantonly , , n , d i s tres s t to that the Government of any one such nation wou ld ne rtio t l y/ subjects by depriving them of a commerce se ' ll i l r an eel l i t of them. Is it conceivable that all would do so siniu th is ta r The very supposition is an absurdity. But, Sir, he rs ? independence is unworthy of us, either as philosliodioo to , gislators.—( Cries of " Hear, hear.") As among' f tlit% o f and families, so among the greater familiesrY basi bic h man race mutual dependence, which is the „v_e_ i f i ,gsv/ se cl the social compact, is the prolific source of the le is e ten ce ; c ob elevate, and the enjoyments which sweeten, ot, it oo 4 1c• precisely in proportion as nations are depend to'Our ()Wei' the Lapp:iiess of all be increased, and , t a i b e le oc e t bo able calamities of war be rendered of less pN e ltte e to ream But, Sir, if the Corn-laws do not col" Revenue of 1831, as above Ditto 1835