The Sun. — London, England, 1852-11-26 00:00:00

vened by him at Manchester, and at which the hoze member for the Tower Hamlets was present, the hon. member for the West Riding brought the question to the very issue that was now before them. He declared his intention to convict the Protectionists of inconsistency, and just let them see the position in which he should be placed, if he voted either for the resolution of the hon. iimmber for Wolverhampton or the Government. The hon. member said at Manchester, " we will place this question so plainly before the house, that our old adver saries the Protectionists, shall not have any chance of esca ping from an honest avowal of their opinions ; and if they have really changed, that they shall recant all they have said upon the subject of free trade and protec tion. But it must be emphatic. They must say that free trade does not lower wages • they must say that free trade does not cause a drain of gold from this country ; they must say that free trade has not thrown land out of cultivation in this country—they must say that the land of this country is still worth something; and they must say that wheat, good wheat, had not been imported into this country, and cannot be, at 245. a quarter. Those are a few of the things they must say, when they said the very opposite before. And we must have no accompaniment about ' compensation.' Do you look in your dictionary, and see what the word Compensation' means, and you will see, that if there is any compensation due at all, it is to those people who, from 1815 down to 1846, were kept upon short commons by the aristocracy." Such were the views of the hon, member and his party, and he rejoiced that the Government resisted the motion brought forward by that party. As men of honour, they were bound to resist it, but, as men of honour, they were bound also to bring forward remedial measures. Among all the changes and events of late years, that which we most deplored was the shock given to public confidence by the men whom the conservative party had placed in power, and if a second conservative Ministry gave a second shock to public confidence in public men, it would be far more injurious to them and to the country than anything that could be done by the worst set of demo crats. (Hear, hear.) He had confidence in the Earl of Derby when he submitted this question to the decision of the country, and had waited to see what measures they would take to test that decision. When the resolution approving of free trade came forward, he would leave it to those who approved of that policy to make it as far as they could the decision, but he and those who thought with him would leave it, and wait to see what course the Ministry would take on that resolution—a course that would decide, not only whether there should be compen sation, but upon the character of public men. (Hear.) Mr. GLADSTONE, with reference to the allusion of the hon. member (Mr. Cobden) to his vote in 1850, said that it had no connection with the question now before the house, and that he should consider himself perfectly unfettered in coming to the question of compensation by any previous vote. (Hear, hear.) Mr. STAPLETON (who was greeted by loud criesof "Villiers, Villiers," and was very imperfectly heard) said—Comparing the two resolutions before the house, he could have no hesitation in adopting that which in the most distinct manner barred compensation. His predecessor in that house was a Free-trader, but because he hesitated to declare against compensation he had been rejected; and in therefore supporting the strongest re solution, he should only be redeeming the pledges he had given at the hustings. Mr. VILLIERS said, that after the appeal made to him, and the discussion that had taken place, he must say that he did not recollect having seen anything of a similar description. He was summoned down to that house by a letter, which the hon. member for the Tower Hamlets was kind enough to send him about half an hour before the meeting of the house, as he had an im portant question to put to him. He had been waiting for some time to hear reasons assigned by some one or other who should withdraw the resolutions he had moved—resolutions of which it was said he was the mover but not the author. (Hear.) He had not the honour of paternity, but he had all the liability. (Hear, and a laugh.) In making his statement, it would be very simple. He had heard nothing in any of the speeches that night to show why his resolutions should not be acceptable, and which the right honour ble baronet the member for Ripon, in a friendly spirit towards him, had said he ought to be the mover of. But as it was agreed that some resolution should be sub mitted to the house, he had naturally asked himself and his friends what the purpose of that resolution was to be ? He might as well state that even by the admission of the Chancellor of the Exchequer himself, there was not a sufficient degree of distinctness in the Queen's Speech, on the subject of recent legislation. This reso lution was meant to supply the deficiency, and make up for the omission, and to provide for the verdict of the country, after the appeal that had been made, to its being solemnly recorded in that house. (Hear.) Well, then the real question—a question upon which Ministers seemed not to have made up their mind was, whether recent commercial legislation had been beneficial to the country, and had been so tested as that it should be maintained, extended, and become the basis of all future legislation. That was his view, and the view o f th e friends whom h e spo k e to on the subject; and in that view and spirit the resolution was prepared and pro - posed. In that fair spirit was it proposed, in that spirit it was drawn up, He did not deny that other gentle men sent new suggestions,—perhaps not less than ten or twelve did so,—but they were all very simple, and all of them included the terms or the statement, that our recent legislation had been just and beneficial (Hear, hear.) It never entered into his mind it never entered the mind of any one, tha the legislation which had been just and beneficia' could be designated by "odious epithets." (Hear, hear.) The right hon. gentleman the Chancellor of the Ex ehequer alluded to the very open way in which commu nications sometimes found their way from one party to another, but he ought to be tender in saying so, bocause he stated that to be a fact, from information of that na-' ture which was one of a most unfounded description. He stated it as if with authority, he stated it distinctly as a fact that the words, "wise, just, and beneficent, said to be incompatible with the honour of the gentle man opposite, as applied to the act which repealed the corn laws, were introduced into the resolution after the meeting at Lord Derby's. Now, he did not attribute any wilful mistake to the right. hon. gentleman, but he must give it as complete a contradiction as was consis tent with courtesy, and say it was most indisputably and unequivocally untrue. (Loud cries of "hear, hear.") All the resolutions drawn up on the subject contained these words, and his noble friend the member for the city of London in the draft which he drew up also in serted them. (Hear, hear.) He (Mr. Villiers) could not for the life of him see why it was that such a con struction was put upon them as that they were offen sive. (Cheers.) If hon, gentlemen opposite committed errors, let them take the consequences—(cheers)—it was rather humbling to them, no doubt--(cheers)—but many great and eminent men were to be found who con fessed the faults into which they had fallen, and he certainly never thought it offensive or odious to have such language applied to those who admitted they had committed a mist a k e . (H ear, hear.) He wanted to know what was so offensive in the resolutions. There was something or another intended by those who thought so—something concealed from view, which he could not guess at, for the resolution was proposed for the simple purpose of recording the opinion of the country upon the subject. (Cheers.) That opinion he (Mr. Villiers) held to be, that the recent policy pursued was wise, j us t, and beneficial, and if hon. gentlemen opposite did not see that before now, their experience ought to justify them in saying so now. (Hear, hear.) The hon. mem ber for Berkshire was proof against experience, but let him (Mr. Villiers) be told the side on which an, hon. gentleman7sat, and he could give a pretty good guess as to the manner in which he should vote. Why should not that house profit by experience ? They did so every day, and it was an open and fair course to take, that finding the c oun t ry d eclared, to state so unreservedly. (Hear') But then, it was said, that by doing so, they would be offending the consistency of hon. gentlemen, that the resolution proposed by him contained words incompatible with their honour. He was told to leave out these words for the sake of the recent conversion of the Government. He heard one gentleman after another rise behind the Government and exclaim " don't treat us so horribly as this—(laughter) —propose something to reconcile to us the adoption of this policy ;" and his hou. friend the member for the North Riding of York shire declared he would never do again what was impos 'ale for him to do. (Laughter.) The hon. gentleman who spoke from the opposite (Mr. Villiers's) side of the house laid great stress on the effect which the words must have at that moment ; they did not however, aban don their principles, and yet he was asked to be tende - of their consciences. (Cheers.) He did not draw up his resolution for them. (Loud cheers.) The question lay in a small compass : was the recent commercial policy "wise, just, and beneficient ?" (Cheers.) The majority of the house concurred in that policy, and it was pre- Z is elY because of the opinion of that majority that it was ch end to declare the opinion of the country. (Loud and .) The course he was bound to pursue was clear g7 t Paightforward, and h e s h ou ld therefore persevere a his resolution, wh a t ever th e op i n i on of certain hon. Sheeted may be. (Loud cheers.) 'memb er W• CLAY o b served, that the hon. gentleman the f o tacy as to %Wolverhampton had fallen into an inaccu part of the : nature of the question he put in an earlier twelve o' c i ock ve t l i n a g- He had written to him a note at his motion, with at day, suggesting to him to withdraw resolution of the view a submitting to the house the any le lord, the member for Tiverton, and if he wanted l i t i l s i t e ificati on f or putting his ques tion, he would fi nd in otcourse of th a t discussion, be cause a large prop ort i on minent members i n t h e hous e usual l ea d ers, an d pro better to adopt the resolu tion of , th d e eelared it wou l d b e mneoblbe lord. (Cries (LouTi e e l- . for London ic N o , no.") The noble lord th e was in favour of such a course. of no.") It was adopted in substance b y th rl e es " No, baronet the member for Carlisle. (R enewe l , iight hon. " No, no.") The noble lord below him, the memberri_bte_on Tiverton, was in its favour, and so was the • for gentleman the member for the University ef g ox i f l ord: and the Chancellor of the Exchequer assented to it, with the addition of some words, on which his honour able friends near him laid so much stress. He (Sir W .. Clay) thought it s trange to be asked why,,,after this almost universal assent—(cries of "No, no )—why it was he put that question to his hon friend. He would tell hi m why. • He objected to his motion, because he believed it can't have the effect which he supposed it would have, and because in addition to his declaration, which h e was willing to make even in stronger terms, it insisted on adopting language to which the party oppo site could not be expected to submit. It was because he 'wished to have the unanimous consent of the House of Commons, and th at he believed differences of opinion wouldinflame instead of allaying animosities, and alien ate, instead of uniting, the friends of those great prin eiPleey that he wished his hog. friend to withdraw his THE SUN, - LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, NOVEMBER, 26, 1852. resolution. Did his hon. friend doubt his devotion to free trade ? He did not believe that any could venture to do so. Did he say that he (Sir W. Clay) did not be lieve the measure of 1846 was wise, just, or beneficent, when it was recollected that nine years before that period he proposed the repeal of the corn-laws in that house ? (Hear, hear.) Unless his memory deceived him, the consistent and honourable career of his hon. friend was commenced by seconding his motion on that occasion. His (Sir W. Clay's) objection to the present resolution was, that it called on men of honour to express in terms that they were wrong at a given time. (Cheers from the Ministerial benches.) Was such a course, he asked, consistent with common sense ? In private life, what did they do ? If they were joined in the pursuit of a common object, they did not ask those who differed from them that they should eat up every word they uttered. His noble friend, the member for the city of London, said it was justifiable to raise a discussion upon the meaning of an abstract resolution, but it was not that he objected to such a course that he was for its withdrawal, but because it was impossible to get the assent of a large majority, to pledge the house to its adoption. His honourable friend, the member for the West Riding, said it was not sufficiently clearly ex pressed, that measures would not be brought forward for compensation to the landed interest. Now, he had read the resolution of the honourable member for Wolverhampton, at least twenty times, and defied his honourable friend to find any words which prevented compensation being brought forward at any future time. It was beyond the reach of human intellect to lay down a priori some general proposition to meet such a case. The difference between him and his honourable friends was, that he objected to their inflicting a mor tification on their political opponents, for which there was no occasion. He, on the contrary, should welcome them with joy. He should be delighted to have there advocacy in the future development of free trade, and would not do anything which would prevent such a wished for union. He was sorry his hon. friend had not thought fit to accede to his proposition ; he believed he would have done wisely had he done so, and he did not know what course the Government would take ; he, of course, avowed that if his:hon. friend pressed his motion, it was impossible for hi m no t t o suppor t it . H e wou ld , however, take that course with deep regret, because he believed a union of all parties would best promote the success of those great principles to which they were all so much attached. The SPEAKER reminded the house that the debate was hardly in order. The question before them was, that the house do adjourn, but as, according to strict rule, that was a day when motions had precedence of orders of the day, they must proceed accordingly. Mr. BARROW believed he had a right to address the house on the question of a motion for adjournment. He rose principally that no mistake might arise as to his not having uttered his opinions. He was sent to that house because he had a strong opinion on the question of Free trade policy and its effect on the labouring classes, and more especially on the occupiers of land. He maintained that that policy was injurious, and not only injurious, but unjust, and that it therefore could not be " wise, just, or beneficent." He believed the right free trade would be, a free trade with moderate duties—(a laugh) —and certainly, if they were to have a competition at all, it should be an unrestricted competition, and a re moval of those burthens that now pressed on the occu piers and owners of the soil. Mr. STANHOPE had mixed much among the farmers of his county, and could assure the house that a great and permanent injury was sustained by the agriculturists of all classes since the year 1846 up to the present time. Labour had become cheaper and more difficult to procure, and what, he asked, did cheap food do for the people, when they had no employment ? and, if they had such employment, received low wages ? He was sent to that house by the independent freeholders and tenant-farmers, and not by any of the great landed interest, and he would not sup port any of the motions then before the house. Sir J. GRAHAM then begged leave to withdraw his motion, and it was withdrawn accordingly. TENANT RIGHT IN IRELAND. Mr. Sergeant SHEE obtained leave to bring in a bill on the subject of tenant right. In bringing up the bill some merriment was created at the expense of the hon. and learned gentleman, in consequence of his want of knowledge of the proper forms observed in bringing up a bill for which leave had been obtained. ADJOURNED DEBATE. The order of the day for resuming the adjourned debate was then read. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that perhaps the house would, in conformity with what he had already said, allow him to withdraw the amendment of which he had given notice. The (Government) amendment was then formally with drawn. Mr. BRIGHT took the opportunity of correcting an error which had got abroad in some papers, when he referred to the Lord Advocate's going to Lisbu rn . H e was repor t e d as having said he went there under the protection of the Marquis of Londonderry, whereas it should have been the Marquis of Hertford. Mr. GLADSTONE said that he understood the issue now before the house was the resolution, and the amend ment of the noble viscount (Palmerston). That amendment had not, however, yet been laid upon the table of the house. Lord PAT.M - FIRSTON then formally moved his own amendment : " That it is the opinion of this house that the improved condition of the country, and especially of the industrious classes, is mainly the result of recent legislation which has established the principl e o f unrestricted competition, has abolished taxes imposed for the purposes of protection. " That it is the opinion of this house that this policy, followed, maintained, and prudently extended, will best enable the industry of the country to bear its burdens, and thereby most assuredly promote the welfare and content ment of the people. " That this house is ready to take into its consideration any measures consistent with those principles, which, in pursuance of her Majesty's Speech, may be laid before it by her Majesty's Ministers." Mr. BOOKER resumed the adjourned debate. He said he could not give Iris acquiescence to the amendment in the terms of the noble viscount (Palmerston). He regretted the course adopted by Government. The speech of the right hon. gentleman, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, the other night was a most masterly exposition of policy. He was a member of that country party which he always understood to be bound together by a principle—that prin ciple he always understood to be protection to British in dustry and capital. He had always adhered to that prin ciple, and now he was called upon to recant the opinions of his whole life he hoped he might give a reason for the hope that was in him. He approved of the legislation of 1842. The" subsequent years to 1845 were years of great national prosperity. In the year 1846 there was the wildest speculations ; in 1847 there was a collapse and convulsion which shook the commercial world to its very centre. That took place under the boasted system of free trade. The year 1848 and 1849 exhibited great agricultural depression, unknown in this country. They suffered to the extent of millions. That was under the boasted system of free trade. That continued until Providence opened the immense stores of metallic wealth, and so Providence, and not the recent legislation, had produced the present prosperity. He felt that the battle had been fought, and that they had been fairly beaten. But the discovery of metallic wealth, unexpected as it was, had produced, far more than recent. legislation, the comforts the industrious classes were en joying. Feeling this, he could not support the amend ment of the noble viscount, yet he did not wish to embar rass Government, and he should, upon questions of their general policy, have his unreserved support. He was de termined to oppose the resolution. (Hear.) Mr. BERNAL OSBORNE said, that the supplemental debate which had just taken place was one of the most irregular that ever occurred in that house, and he hoped it would not be made a precedent of in future. (Hear.) His right hon. friend the member for the Tower Hamlets (Sir William Clay) was a most gentlemanly man—(a laugh)- - a man of fine and susceptible feelings. The resolution had jarred upon his feelings. His resolution Was sickbed o'er with the pale cast of thought." Laughter.) But if he brought these susceptibilities into that house, he would be more fitted to weep over the Sor rows of Werter than to debate in that house. (A laugh.) But to the situation in which they stood at that moment. He had no hesitation, on reading • those resolutions, as to the course which the house ought to adopt ; nor did he think the country would have any hesitation. This was not a question of words. (Hear.) The resolution was the foundation of the policy of Sir Robert Peel enunciated in 1842, and completed in 1846. Now, he - was one of those who considered what was wise and just and right, and not what was agreeable to gentlemen on the other side of the house. He was much surprised at the amendment of the noble lord the member for Tiverton (Lord Palmerston), but he was still more surprised at the speech in which it was conveyed. Some people were not surprised at the noble lord, who, as he was a sort of wet nurse of this ad ministration, they thought it not unnatural that he should step in and pat it on its back—(laughter)—and vidminister a mix ture of his own concoction. (Renewed laughter.) He took exception to the terms of his speech ; sure he was that people who sat on that side would feel that his sentiments were more united with the Treasury Benc h than with gen tlemen on his own side of the house. He had a great ad miration of the noble lord, and he had proved that feeling by his acts, and he, therefore, felt that bLe had a right to express his honest sentiments on the present occasion. The noble lord went too far when he said that such a course was creditable to the ministry. It - might have been a politic course, but he must dissent from :his assertion that it was creditable. (Hear.) When he said that the hon. member for Manchester (Mr. Bright) we,,: making this a party question, who, he would ask, for six: long years made this a party question but the noble lord as Id his colleagues? He thought that was a little too much a 'hen he said that the conduct of the Protectionist party wa s creditable. The noble lord had chosen to make an ame: cidment which by breaking up the united opinion on that :k d'de of the house, it was very natural that his movement f tiliould be looked upon with a certain amount of suspicion. But if he was surprised at the speech of the nobl J 3 lord, what was his surprise at hearing that delivered by b e Proteus of the Administration. He could only charactt t rise it by saying that the audacity of assertion was only equalled by the fluency of the diction. (Hear.) He' at ? peared to have taken a redoubted French author for his gri i de. (Laughter.) He slid not allude to M. Thiers, but ti' b 3 French gamin, rewho, when he was ask e d w h a t was th e sec r at of his success, iterated —audacity, audacity, audacity. (Loud laughter.) e ll : de b :Al asserted that neither Lord Derb: r nor himself had rather ia veined to reverse free trade. (Hear, 2 lean) He would i ntimate r that he was a Free-trader • but, if he was, he W as history of th heavy in the carnal part. . Ye had got last six yearke protection party and their ( muse during the apolo g y for ,_,ethat reminded him very : a such of Hume's upon as an apology for the Protectio party, or rather free trade. whaaltdl not, he said, end savour to reverse there no house in Itozaß there no witation ? Was -steet taken fc a- the purpose of disseminating tracts was the first movementof a tr o r of ote,ction ? What he hoped the house would b ear gall g • laugh.) Now chawincet am, for this must be a night of quotations. Th e of the Exchequer and the Earl of Derby said , they °r , aeve , encouraged hear.) ,Now, agitation. (Hear, fox what was the house in Bond-street taken ? (Hear.) Did they remember June, 1849, when there was a meeting at Drury-lane Theatre, to receive the report of the Bond-street Associa tion, the Duke of Richmond in the chair. The Duke of Richmond was very active here and there, and in fact all over the country. There might be said to be " six Rich monds in the field." (Laughter.) The first resolution was moved by a Cabinet Minister. These are the men who never endeavoured to reverse free trade. He said he was not one of those who wished Ministers to be obstinate in details, but to be obstinate in principle. A man without principle was dangerous. Only three months before the corn laws were repealed Sir Robert Peel had spoken in their favour. (" Hear, hear," from Major Beresford.) What became of his character as a public man ? It was not too late to retrieve the steps already taken. He hoped the time would never cease when free trade should be finally accepted as the policy of the country, but should that be so this country would soon return to its natural state—a weather-beaten island in a northern sea. (Great laughter.) And who was the speaker ? No other person than the present Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, the Earl of Malmesbury, who never did anything to reverse free trade. (Laughter.) That was seconded by another Cabinet Minister, who took a passage from his friend Disraeli, who also took from other people, and his friend quoted from him. (A laugh.) The cause of protected and regenerated England must triumph. He went on to show that the British Lion was a bold one —he was not easily aroused, but when you did get him on his legs, he was an awkward animal to put up. (Laughter.) He was in mistake, he found, when he attributed this to a Cabinet Minister. It was a Mr. Bosanquet. But there was George Frederick Young, their great friend, who con cluded his address by saying—" Agitate, agitate, agitate." (Hear.) So much for 1849. Let them follow them up: (Laughter.) That assiduous gentleman, the Secretary for the Admiralty, was everywhere. (A laugh.) They took the Crown and Anchor on May 7th, 1850; there was a pub lic meeting, and the noble Duke of Richmond was again in the chair, and the meeting was attended by the Earl of Eglinton, Major Beresford, and poor Mr. Christopher — (a laugh)—the Earl of Malmesbury, Mr. F. Mackenzie, Lord J. Manners, Sir John Trollope, Mr. Paul Fosket, &c. Now let them listen to this meeting. The chairman de clared that free trade had failed—he always said it would. They must then tell the farmers to persevere. Mr. Booker moved the first resolution. He need not read his speech, as it was pretty much what it had been to-night. (A laugh.) Here was his resolution—That the Free trade policy had caused distress to agriculture and com mercial suffering, that it was fraught with consequences most disastrous, and must prove fatal to public credit, and endanger the Throne. This was carried with great enthusiasm. Then there was the notorious Chowler—(laughter)—and his famous horse speech. (Re newed laughter.) He would not read that speech. (Cries of "Go on.") He said if the landlords would stick to them, they would stick to the landlords. (Renewed laughter.) Here, said the reporter, the whole assembly rose, and cheered enthusiastically, and Earl Stanhope got up from behind, and patted the speaker on the back. (Laughter.) " We have nine-tenths of the horses in the country, and men to ride them. We will protect her Majesty if she will protect us. (Vociferous cheering.)"—(Laughter.) The next resolution was one complaining of the indifference and hard-heartedness of this house. It was moved by a gen tleman whom he saw present—Mr. E. Ball. He believed it was the same gentleman. (Laughter.) Mr. Ball said— and he spoke out, as he spoke the other night, honestly, straightforwardly, and well, and if he (Mr. Osborne) dif fered from him, he felt for him and respected to the full a man who advocated his opinions to the last ; he said—" It was painful to speak in terms of disrespect of the landlords and their offices. They had fallen, not through the League, not through Sir Robert Peel, but because the aristocracy had swerved from the path of their duty. Would any one then tell him"—(listen to this and look at the hon. gentle man)—" a broken-hearted-man—(here his voice faltered)" —(laughter)—" passing into a state of miserable poverty, that he would yield to the threats of a demagogue like Cobden ? They, the tenant farmers, would be prepared to take those terrible steps which it was most frightful to imagine, but which necessity was driving them to contemplate. (Tre mendous cheering, at the close of which a gentleman on the platform proposed three groans for Peel, the arch-enemy of the human species.)" These were the gentlemen who had done nothing for protection. And were they to be afraid for wounding the feelings of those who proposed and acceded to "three groans" for the greatest man this country has seen? (Cheers.) The evening was concluded by Lord Eglinton, the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, who pr o p ose d a vote of thanks to the Duke of Richmond for his many ser vices and constant advocacy of the cause of protection, which was seconded by Lord John Manners amidst great cheering. Such were the proceedings of the hon. gentle men opposite out of Parliament ' • and did honour a bl e gen tlemen tell him th at they did not stand by and pat these gentlemen on the back, thai the Duke of Richmond, Mr. Ball, and the whole kit of them, would have done so, had it not been agreeable to Lord Derby and Mr. Disraeli ? We must speak out ; we must not adopt the language of diplomacy in order to suit the purposes of evasion. When he heard the speech of the Chancellor of the Exchequer the other night, he really began to think that the right honourable gentleman had attempted all along to reverse the policy of free trade in this house, and that he had dreamed his errors ; but on looking over the speeches of the right hon. gentleman, he again saw what had actually been his course. He would not read the right hon. gentleman's speeches ; he was ill, and they might make him worse. But he must recal some of the principal points. In January, 1846, he said—and let him mark this—that the Ministry whom he was addressing was an honest, upright, intelligent Ministry, whom it would be matter of rejoicing to see in office to-day, for though he often opposed it, yet he was at least confident of its sin cerity. The right hon. gentleman said—" Who does not remember the sacred cause of protection,' the cause for which Sovereigns were thwarted, Parliament dissolved, and a nation taken in? When one looks at the Ministry, see ing of what they aro composed, one is hardly certain whe ther the future, of which they are thinking, is indeed posterity, or only the coming quarter-day. Such was the language of the Chancellor of the Exchequer in January, 1846. On the 20th February, 1846, he made one of his attacks on the late Sir Robert Peel. It was on the occasion when he talked of the conversion of the Saxons, in the time of Charlemagne, when he said of Peel that "His life had been one great appropriation clause;" and he concluded, " I believe the country will not long endure this huckstering tyranny of the Treasury bench,—these political pedlars, that bought their parties in the cheapest market, and sold us in the dearest." The right honourable gentleman never opposed free trade ! When an amendment was moved to the Address, he said that free trade had had a fair trial, and he looked forward to the time when it would be reversed. In 1847, he said, "he believed free trade had failed." In February, 1850, he expressed " his unqualified condemnation of free trade." (Hear, hear.) The right • honourable gentle man had said that he never had made a distinct motion for the repeal .6f the act of 1846. That was true. But he took advantage of every circumstance to urge on his party. Ho said, " I ask you to protect the rights and inte rests of labour generally—in the first place, by allowing no free imports from countries which meet you with counter vailing duties ; and in the second place, with respect to agricultural produce, to compensate the soil for the bunions from which other classes are free, by an equivalent duty." And yet the right honourable gentleman came to the house in 1852, and with a face which he never saw equalled, even in the theatre, and dared to Ray that he never moved for the repeal of free trade. (Cheers.) So much for the Chancellor of the Exchequer. But he went fur ther. He said Lord Derby had never done so. Between the two, the Chancellor of the Exchequer is the safer man ' • certainly a discreet er man than the no bl e l or d at the head of the Government. What had been the course of the noble lord ? The other night he affected to resent what appeared to be a slight on his personal honour. It was a gross affectation. (Loud cries of " Oh, oh.") H e would prove it, harsh language though it seemed. In 1849 the noble lord broke up the Government of Sir R. Peel. " I had placed before me," he told the House of Lords, "the choice of separ a ti n g f rom my colleagues, or of sacri ficing my own individual opinion, and what I conceive to be my own personal consistency and honour. I had to consider the course which, in my opinion, my public duty and my private honour required. I tried to school myself into the belief that, under certain circumstances, the interests of the country might require even the sacrifice of r e tsoo r wp . h hue amr M tbi y y lia l s o )tf r iepn d dgo s to h icot e oe exclaims, dnn.etol u(stiaoortnu.yd” leladmannedontt personal babrilnegtomcoynscehtd(Letharoc I , ,t p lw u c b ao l su i would bring a man in his " DidO h , hon. "Shame," from the Ministerial . " gentlemen want any more proofs? Was criesb benches.) c h f s . not eve man satisfied at the he could in Parliament, that of L and ' it,e lord did everything trines of free tr a d e ? He did not to reverse the doc ant to hurt the feel ings of hon. gentlemen opposite, but he must give one more quotation, it was so apposite.(Laughter.) from the celebrated speech whichthe lt was noble I the deputation of f armers w h o waited ord m a d e t o on him at St. James's-square. He said on that occasion— " If there be but one district in which a suspicion i s en tertained that I am flinchi ng f rom, or hesitating in, advocacy of those principles on whi c h I s t ood, in coni 311- e tion with my talented friend, Lord G eorge Bentinck, i authorise you, one and all, to assure th ose w h om you re present that in me they will find no hesitation, no flinch ing, no change of opinion. I only look for the moment when it may be possible for me to use the memorable words of the Duke of Wellington on the field of Waterloo (which h Mr. B. Osborne, be lieved he never said), and Up Guards, and at'em.' "say, Wa's there any member so young, so inexperienced in Par liamentary debates, as to believe what was e nor by the t s rad col ; 'ine'ehnds— leeshagunceesll, o n r or of hi t s h p e a E rt x y , t er k er, ete t p h e at to n re eit v h er er se the policy ? They did more : they deceived their among them a gentleman of high character—the,, Chancellor h b i e s li co ev n 'e sti lli tu ‘t : of the Duchy of Lancaster. (Loud cries of tMi hon.ni s t e gentleman bench couldes .) have' anygen gone ne disgusted that mt right ents and addressed them as he had done, if had known the views of Lord Derby? His address to them had been sent to him (Mr. Osborne) by one of the right hon. gentle man's constituents, who had since then been with what had taken place. Here it was : "I accept office under the Administration of the Earl of Derby, from a conviction of his sincere desire to reverse that financial and commercial policy which has proved so injurious to native industry and capital." And now, he would ask the house, had he made out a case? (Loud cheers.) Was the house, of opinion' that there had been no attempt to get back protection; that the right hon. gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer had, from fir s t to last, in season and out of season, been consistent in this particular, that he and his colleagues ha d been stren uous in the endeavour to reverse the policy of 1846 ? (Loud cheers.) The fact was that a cry was necessary. The cry " Protection" was taken up, and these honest men, these deluded farmers, were taken in. (Laughter.) What would be their next cry? Perhaps invasion in a month or two. He could not believe, and he was sure the house did not be lieve, that the course of the Government had been one that would conduce to the cause of public morality. Although he thought protection was now among the things which were which right hon. gentleman called "exhausted" and "obso lete," was the house sure of this? Was the country sure that these gentlemen were sincere ? Turn from that to the re markable speech made within the last fortnight by the Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster to his constituents. He said : " At the time my hon. colleague and I offered ourselves, there was a great struggle going on in this country, for the maintenance of Protestant and Protectionist principles. He did not know what connexion there was between the two, except that they both began with " P." (A laugh.) " I trust the constitution of the present Parliament is such as to leave no doubt they will fully uphold and defend our Protestant institutions; and, with regard to the other sub ject—protection—l have only emphatically to assure you that I entirely adhere to the opinions and principles I have always expressed. (Cheers.) I can see nothing in the pre sent aspect of affairs to alter my convictions that that which is called the protective policy' is the true and wise policy for the nation to adopt. . . . At the general election I stated that if the Goveripient were unable to substitute that protective policy, which woull. nOi--;x-c-oPT-1;;;Tin- corn from the operation of import duties—if the com plexion of the new Parliament should be such as to prevent her Majesty's Ministers from carrying out the principle, which would raise from the foreign grower a large por tion of the national revenue, and, at the same time, afford direct relief to a suffering class, then it would be their duty, by establishing such an equalisation and read justment of taxation as indirectly to some extent to effect the same object. You will have seen by her Majesty's Speech that we have been compelled to adopt the latter alternative. (Loud cheers.)" Could there be a doubt after this that this was a cut-and shuffle transaction; that her Majesty's Ministers were about to do indirectly what they had not the courage to do in the face of the house ? The house had now got a meaning to the " unreserved adherence " of Government to a free trade policy. It was an unreserved adherence to their seats. (Hear, hear, and laughter.) He took exception to such men carrying on the Government of this country. (Loud cheers.) I spite of what had been said by the noble lord the member for Tiverton, of the indifference out of doors, he objected to committing any cause to the hands of men who were opposed to it at heart. What was the theory of Parliamentary government which was first enunciated by the Chancellor of the Exchequer? What was his great argument against Peel? That he had no business to remain in office to carry out principles which had first been advocated by the hon. member for the West Riding. He based his opposition to another bill on the fact, that it was brought forward by a man who had no business to bring it forward, namely, to the bill for en dowing Maynooth ; and the passage in which he did so was so remarkable that he would quote it. He said— " I oppose this bill 6n account of the manner in which it has been introduced. I oppose, it also, on account o f the uen by whom it has been bro ug ht forward, &c. ; and to be told, because these men have crossed the house, and have abandoned with their former seats their former professions, these men's measures and actions are to remain unscruti nised, unopposed, &c. You have permitted men to gain power and enter place, and then carry measures exactly the reverse to those which they professed in opposition. I say that the Parliamentary course is for this house to have the advantage of a Government formed on distinct principles. No Parliamentary middleman, who bamboozles one party and plunders the other. Let us have no party question, but fixity of tenure. Let us dethrone this dynasty of de ception by putting an end to the intolerable yoke of official despotism and Parliamentary imposture." No man who had expressed these sentiments had any right for one moment to remain in office, to carry out prin ciples he had stolen from other people. Now he must say, since the lamented demise of that celebrated Oriental juggler Rahmo Samee, who could swallow broadswords, and do many wonderful things, he knew no one of such capacity for swallowing as the right hon. gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer. He had swallowed two amendments already to-night. But he called on the house not to be deluded by a great State conjurer. (Cries of "Shame.") Ay ! but there was no " shame" called out when he abused Peel ; you acknowledged to-night that he was a great and a good man, but when the right hon. gentleman attacked him, you cried no shame, but hounded your man on. (Cheering, and cries of " Oh.') He agreed with the noble lord the member for Leicestershire, that something was due to the past ; and when hon. members were called on to recollect their duties, let them not be behindhandin the duty which the working men of this country, who had raised monuments as tributes to the memory of Peel, had performed, and not at this moment hesitate to record by their vote the belief that the policy of Peel was wise, just, and beneficial. (Loud cheers.) Do not be alarmed by the threat that the Ministers would resign. The threat was not a new one in history, and he believed that if now carried out, the country would " bow " to Lord Derby's decision. (Loud laughter.) That noble lord had already shown how a Government might be improvised. He had no confidence in the professions or principles of the right honourable 'gentleman, and called on the house not to give adherence to a game of political latitudinarians—(cheers and laughter)—who e had no belief, politically speaking, but in the existence of the Treasury benches ; no hope but in the perpetuity of place.—(Renewed cheers and laughter.) He could not follow the noble lord, the member for Tiver ton, and would give his vote with confidence and sincerity , for the motion of his hon. friend the member for Wolver hampton—(Great cheering.) Mr. BALL lacked the great quality for success quoted by the hon. member for Middlesex ; but no greater illus tration of the force of " audacity" could be found than the speech of the hon. member. He defended the farmers of England against the assertion of their ignorance, made by the hon. member for Wolverhampton, and maintained that the skill and science put forth in agriculture, should have preserved them from so unwarrantable an imputation. The hon. gentleman then entered on the subject of the cheapness of food being no test as to the prosperity of a country. He had learned, he believed through Sir R. Peel, that in Russia the average amount of consumption of corn was five bushels a head ; in Germany, where it was dearer, it was six bushels ; in France, where it was dearer still, seven bushels ; and in England, where it was dearest of all, and where wheaten bread was almost exclusively used, the average consumption was eight bushels a head. He could not bring himself to believe that the great mass of the people were so deluded by the argument of the great loaf and the small one, as still to yield their confidence to false politicians. It was a most absurd thing—a most cruel thing—to represent to poor people that cheapness was a blessing. (Cheers and laughter.) Why, they made everything for us, and cheapness would diminish their wages. (Renewed laughter.) When they came forward and claimed reparation for the memory of the late Sir Robert Peel, he came forward, too, to ask reparation for having believed in and been deceived by him. He admired his ability, believed implicitly everything he said, acted upon it without reserve, and suffered accordingly. They had a right to reparation for his having destroyed the laws under which they entered upon their occupation. He could read them hundreds of extracts from the speeches of Sir Robert Peel, as strongly upholding protective policy, as any to which hon. gentle men opposite had alluded, as having been delivered by members of the Government. Hundreds and thousands of farmers who have adhered to his poli tics, whilst implicitly trusting him, had been driven to a premature grave, or had been irreparably ruined. (Cheers, and laughter.) He for one, therefore, would never be a party to a re so l u ti on which declared that the happiness of the people and the prosperity of the country had been the result of free trade ; for he did not believe it. But he would say, that after the country had been appealed to with the understanding that its response was to determine whether they were to have free trade or not, he felt bound to bow to the opinion so expressed, and which was said to be against him. (Hear, hear.) However, he would not abandon the field if he could not leave it with the honours of war, or without being hooted at as he w en t ou t . (Ch eers. ) As to the re signation of Ministers, he felt that the destruction of the Government would be one of the most unhappy events that could occur. (Laughter.) When Sir Robert Peel threw over his party, and sent down to poverty thousands of his adherents, who cherished and almost adored him, multi tudes of them were obliged to violate the kindliest feelings of our nature, and to withdraw from him the attachment they had hitherto cordially yielded. Not so Lord Derby. Was there a word of reproach that any of them could utter against Lord Derby ? (Ironical cheers.) When the histo rian came to write of those two men, he would say that the one went down reprobated and condemned by those who were his nearest friends, but that the other, amidst the distress, the clouds, and the tempests which obscured his political horizon, had not lost the sincere attachment of any one of his friends. (Cries of "Oh," and laughter.) He acknowledged that they were completely beaten, but Englishmen did not scalp their fallen adversaries as Indians did, and it was for them to show that nobility of conduct which would certainly have been manifested towards them had they been unsuccessful. Mr. PHILLIMORE begged leave to state, very briefly, the reasons which would induce him to vote in favour of the resolution of the hon. member for Wolverhampton. He regretted very much that hon. gentlemen should be so far carried away by their feelings as to speak with disre spect of one whose memory they should all revere. How ever they might differ from Sir Robert Peel, it was hardly generous to remark upon that portion of his conduct which was most liable to exception ; for what was there in the conduct of Sir Robert Peel that had not been exceded He that of honourable mem b ers oppos it e ? (Cheers.) He would only observe farther, that they were a free-trade Parliament, and that they required to have a free-trade Government to direct their proceedings. (Hear.) Mr. G. BENTINCR said that as he hai the honour of representing one of the most important agricultural dis tricts in the kingdom, he trusted the house would con sider him not trespassing if he made a few observations on the subject under cons id era ti on . (Hear, hear.) Th e honourable gentleman the member for Middlesex, after administering a good deal of advice to the right honourable gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and recom mending him to take his physic like a man, proceeded to animadvert on the position of honourable members on that (Mr. Bentinck's) side of the house, who had hitherto maintained Protectionist principles. (Hear, hear.) The hon. gentleman said, that some gentlemen on that (the Ministerial) side of the house were so circumstanced, that they must either support the Government or give their vote milligshhtambeelfiuelvseilien existence nee the e lle(Mr to take either course. Th e h on . m ember for Middlesex nce . B of en t t h in e c di k) ffi las t n ie o s t in dis w po hi s c e h d the o party were placed, but he (Mr. Bentinck) eclat Judmus non ego." (Derision.) He wuiPdr hisot say,cc speech,itopist er was not in the: house wh en th e hon. member for Manchester made but he had been informed that the hon. gentleman had quoted a s ech of his (Mr. Bentinck's)., The hon. gentl eman seemed to doubt the accuracy of the pe report of that speech. He (Mr. Bentinck) was not able to say whether h e was correctly or incorrectly reported ; but whatever he had said, whether correctly or incorrectly, he was ready and prepared to maintain it in that house. (Boisterous merriment.) He was prepared to rest the defence of the Protectionist principles which he now held on the arguments of the late Sir Robert Peel, of the noble lord the member for London, and upon the written and spoken, and glowing and brilliant eloquence of the right hon. baronet the member for Carlisle. (Ministerial cheers.) He well remembered the time when those high authorities treated as little better than lunatics any man who advo cated the t o t a l repeal of the corn laws. (Hear, hear, from the Mi ni sterialists.) What would be the consequence, if the carrying of the motion of the hon. member for Wol verhampton would have the effect of removing her Ma jesty's Ministers ? (Oh oh ; that this motion was brought oh; and laughter from the Opposi tion.) He could not be forward in a f a i r and stra i g htf or ward spirit. It was not brought f orward to defend a pr i nc ipl e , b u t t o upse t an Ad ministration. (H ear h ea r, from the rn Government no other reason for it than sup- Niters.) tio n ? ? (Hear, could hear.) assign Niters.) After th e Speech from the Throne — after the de claration o f th e Prime Min i s t er — a ft e r the c l ear an d l uc id tshtaeteaemgeenrtaospf ir t a h t e io ri n g f h o t r hon. the Chancellor of the Exche quer, could any one think th e p n danger principle of free trade was cea If not, what was the object of the motion on the part of the hon. gen tlemen opposite. (Loud cries of " Divide , divide," which lasted for several minutes.) If hon. members of the Man chester school were once in office, they would not only pull down the aristocracy, but all the institutions in church and state. (Divide, divide.) Sir W. P. WOOD said an hon. gentleman opposite had stated most truly, that that which had at all times created the greatest disgust at the Opposition side of the house was an ambiguity of expression. He (Sir W. P. Wood) had felt extreme disgust at the ambiguity of the language em ployed by the right hon. the Chancellor of the Exchequer the other night. He (Sir W. P. Wood) felt deeply humi liated at the right hon. gentleman's appreciation of the moral sentiments of the houie, in supposing that he could _ be tolerated in as s erting, in the presence of so many honourable gentlemen, that the line of conduct ho had hitherto pursued, was the accepting of free trade as an established fact. (Hear, hear.) An hon. member had referred to the distinguished supporters of the late Sir Robert Peel, as havi ng u sed powerful arguments in favour of protection, but dici it never occur to that hon. gentle- man that those distinguished men had separated from the present supporters of - Governme4 for the very purpose of carrying out free-trade principles ? (Cheers.) The hon. member for Cambridgeshire, in a manly and straightfor ward speech (and it was a comfort in those days, to hear a straightforward speech), stated that the calamities more dreadful than had ever been recounted, had resulted from free trade. According to him the farmers were annihilated by hundreds, and the peasantry expatriated in shiploads. and yet he stated, in the conclusion of his discourse, that he had come to the resolution to support a Government which had determined to carry out that policy. (Loud cheers from the Opposition.) The right honourable gen tleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer said he was willing to bow to the decision of the majority, but surely it was not by bowing to the decision of majorities that any great statesman made his way in this country. He (Sir William Page Wood) belonged to a family some members of which sat in that house for twenty-eight years, and during the whole of that time were in a minority. They never bowed to majorities, but adhering to principle, they at last found themselves in a powerful majority. (Hear, hear.) He would tell that hon. gentleman to whom he referred that if the policy he bowed to was fraught with the mischief he had described—if ruin and beggary fol lowed in its train—if under it the farmers and agricultural labourers of England sunk down broken-hearted—did he think himself fulfilling his duty to his constituents by sup porting a Ministry who now promised to maintain it ? What was the position in which they were placed with re ference to the resolution before them ? Thit resolution had been met by an amendment proposed by the right honour able gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer, who had finally adopted the resolution suggested by the noble lord the member for Tiverton (Lord Palmerston). As far as the resolution was concerned, he could state that the greatest pains were taken of making it as little offensive as possible. (Laughter from the Opposition.) After the course which the right hon. gentleman (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) had thought proper to pursue, he (Sir P. Wood) did feel surprise at the resolution being treated as a factious movement. It did appear that, by some means, a resolution was procured in Downing-street, and it was said it was then resolved to adhere to the resolution. (No, no.) Yes, it was understood that it was agreed to accept the re solution. But then three odious words were added, and these were, that the measure was just, wise, and beneficial. (Hear.) Now, they had heard that night that these words were proposed by the noble lord (Lord J. Russell) long be fore the resolution came into the hands of Government. Now, if they had had the noble lord's resolution (Lord Pal , merston's) with the addition proposed by the hon. baronet (Sir James Graham), the house might have adopted it. They had, however, to choose between the two before them, and by rejecting the resolution of the honour able member for Wolverhampton (Mr. Villiers), because it contained the words professing the measure of free trade to be just, wise, and beneficial, and adopting the amendment, they would be deciding that the policy which they accepted by the amendment was not just, nor wise, nor beneficial. (Ministerial cheers.) Besides, the noble lord's resolution, which had been adopted by Ministers, went on to say that free-trade policy should be extended — so that the Chancellor of the. Exchequer, by that resolu tion, not only adopted free trade, but had consented to ex tend it—(hear, hear)—and in that way had agreed to ex tend a policy which he believed to be neither wise, nor just, nor beneficial. (Ministerial cheers.) The only argument he (Sir P. Wood) had heard used against the adoption of the words in question was that it was not gentlemanly. (A laugh.) Now, his lordship's (Lord Palmerston's) gen tlemanly demeanour was known, by means of his diplo matic intercourse, throughout the whole of Europe ; but they were not met to bandy compliments when they were assembled there to discuss a great public question. (Hear, hear.) He held it to be a matter of great importance that a legislative assembly should have a high character for integrity, and a Government also ; and at the present time it was a matter of the highest moment how public men conducted themselves. It had been at tempted to tell them that no such thing as a Protec tionist party existed since 1846. Were all the meet ings and speeches since that time to go for nothing ? (Hear, hear.) They were told they were to go for nothing, and that they (the Ministry) were about to adopt a policy which they had previously reprobated. (Hear, hear.) Now there was great danger to the character of public men by the exhibition of such conduct. (Hear, hear.) The Go vernment came into power in consequence of their being so active—as a great united party, banded together on ono great point, namely, protection. Their whole energies were directed to obtaining such majorities as made it impossible for the late Ministers to carry on the Government. They knew it would never do to propose measures to do away with free trade. They singled out individual members of the Government. If a member sat in one house he was attacked in another, when he was not present to answer. Who would ever forget that in that way they attacked the noble lord (Palmerston), that in that way they attacked Lord T orr i ng t on . an d that in that way they attacked the late Lord Lieutenant of Ireland ?—(hear, hear)—and in that way they contemplated an attack on the noble earl (Earl Grey), which did not come on. But the object was to force individual members out of the Govern ment. But what did these hon. members do when they came into office ? One noble said he had no principles at all, but that he had confidence in the Earl of Derby. Now at what time had he confidence in that noble earl ? Was it when he was a member of the Reform Go vernment in 1832, or was it at the time he sat with Sir Ro bert Peel, or when he left that ministry ? In 1851 the noble earl was still a Protectionist, and when he came into power he said he would go to the country and see what the country would say. Was that conduct for a minister go verning a great country. (Hear, hear.) He (Sir P. Wood) had no objection to go to the country, but a Government should be able to say what principles they were prepared to carry out. Instead of that they found a continual mis leading of the public mind. The hon. and learned gentle man then referred to the speech which the noble earl at the head of the Government made at the Mansion-house, for the purpose of counteracting the damaging effect of speeches made by members of his party elsewhere, and said it was important, i n consequence o f the notions entertained by some of the agriculturists, that the question before them should be directly met. (Cries of " Question, question, divide.") He thought he was speaking to the very essence of the question. He was not sorry that the question was brought to this point. He believed that one result of a compromise would have been that the people of the country would have felt that they were not honest on the question of free trade. (Hear, hear.) They ought to show that they had no com munity of feeling with her Majesty's Government on the subject of free trade. They were there upon the requisi tion of honest men, and it was their duty to act in a straight forward and manly manner upon the great question in re ference to which they were called together. (Hear.) Sir J. PAKINGTON rose amids cries of " Divide." He claimed the indulgence of _the house while he addressed them, and he could assure them he would only do so a few moments. (Hear, hear.) He should not have done so had it not been for the observations addressed to him by the honourable gentleman who had just sat down. He had nothing much to say on the question before the house. After what had taken place k between the noble lord the member for Tiverton and the Govern ment, and after the course pursued by the noble lord the member for London, he could not address the house in the language and with the spirit which he should have done if he had spoken before these proposals were made to the house. The discussion as it stood was not creditable to the house. (Hear, hear.) There was, in fact no question before the house. The only object honourable gentlemen seemed to have was to try how they could cast more or less vituperation on that side of the house. (Hear.) They appeared only anxious to secure the insertion of words in a motion which might give pain to honourable gentlemen who differed from them. The Government met them fairly and frankly, they admitted that, the country was against them, and if they were contented with the admission of the fact, they would have adopted the amendment of the noble lord the member for Tiverton. (Hear, hear, and ch eers. ) Although he entertained strong opinions upon the policy of free trade, he yet bowed to the opinion of the country respect ing it ; . but when pressed upon this point he could not agree that free trade was a wise, a just, and a beneficial measure. (Opposition cheers.) It was very easy to judge of a subject after the result. But on a general question of commercial policy, it was a difficult matter to decide as to its value when first brought forward for consideration. (Hear, hear.) Honourable gentlemen on his side of the house said that if the corn laws were passed there would be no gold left in the coffers of the Bank. (A laugh.) And yet there was now more gold in the Bank than was ever there before. (Hear, hear.) Well, but the advocates of the abolition of the corn laws made some equally extra vagant assertions. He mentioned these things to show the difficulty which existed in arriving at a correct conclusion on questions of commercial policy. (Hear, hear.) In 1846 he was in favour of a fixed duty, but that proposal would not be received by any class of politicians at that time. (Hear.) However right the abolition of the corn laws might be, it was absurd to say that it had not produced distress to some parties. The sugar duties had caused dis tress to certain interests, and the abolition of the corn laws had caused distress among the agriculturists, for he knew men who had been comfortable farmers who were now glad to find employment as day labourers. (Hear, hear.) His friends treated the Free-trade question as a labourer's question ; and he admitted that they were mis taken in the views they had taken on the subject. (Hear, hear.) But even admitting that the labourers were bet tered by the success of the Free-trade policy, it was still a question whether the labourers were to be benefited at the expense of other classes. Honourable gentlemen on. the opposite side of the house could not fall back upon their constituency in respect to this question. He had fre quently gone into the lobby with the right hon. baronet in support of protection, and up to 1841 Lord John Russell was in favour of a fixed duty. Although he opposed Sir Robert Peel in 1846, he always respected that distinguished person. He challenged any one on the opposite side of the house, or anywhere else, to point out what he had ever done or said inconsistent with what he now stated. (A voice—" Sugar.") He knew who was interrupting him ; but he could tell that honourable member that he would find, when the time came, he was never more mistaken in his life than he was as to what were his intentions in regard to that system. He was now, however, speaking about the corn laws, and he had always held that after the change which had taken place, it would have been im possible to have retraced their steps, unless they set them selves up as indifferent to the voice of the country. The hon. and learned gentleman who last addressed the house alluded to the noble earl at the head of the Government in terms which he was sorry to hear him use. (Hear, hear.) The hon. gentleman said that the noble earl accepted power without a principle. He could only treat such a declaration as an absurdity in itself. . (Loud cheers.) He thought it unworthy of the hon. and learned gentlemen to have used it, for he did not believe that ever any statesman enun ciated principles more distinct—(laughter from the Oppo sition benches)—or more worthy of his high and noble character, than the Earl of Derby. (Cheers from the Ministerial benches.) Then the honourable and learned gentleman had asked, but he thought he would have with greater propriety put the question to those behind him, why had such a resoluti on b een b roug h t forward ? Now,' the noble lord, the member f or L on d on, h ad said that the ambiguity of the Queen's Speech, in respect to the free trade question, justified the introduction of such a resolu tion, but to his mind nothing could be more intelligible than the paragraph of her Majesty's Speech in reference to that subject, and therefore there was no need of any such reso tion. He had his fears, ho wever, that there were other reasons for the introduction of that resolution at the pr esent time, and he had his suspi c i ons th at it was the same reso lution with which the prese n t G overnment was threatened in April last, and that it was now brought forward for the purpose of combining the four distinct parties on the oppo sition side of the house again s t th e G overnment, this be'ingthe only subject on which th e y cou ld b e combined for such a p ur p ose . (Cheers and laughter.) The great object was to get such a resolution bro ug ht f orward before Govern ment enumerated their measures, but he was glad to say the good sense of the House of Commons had deprived the party who introduced it from affecting the Government in that respect, and he had no doubt that• it would be re jected by the house by a large majority. (Cheers.) Mr. MILNER GIBSON then moved the adjournment of the debate, which was adjourned to this day (Friday.) The house then adjotumed A a quarter to ono o'clock, LAW INTELLIGENCE. COURT OF CHANCERY—Nov. 25. (Before the Master of the Rolls.) IN RE THE BRITISH AND AMERICAN STEAM NAVIGATION COMPANY. Mr. R. Palmer moved in this case that Mr. Aaron Asher Goldsmid be struck off the list of contributories. At the beginning of 1836 a prospectuS was issued of a company to be called the British and American Steam Navigation Company, with a capital of 500,0001., and it stated that a charter was to be applied for for limiting the responsibility of the shareholders. Mr. Goldsmid applied for shares, and received a letter of allotment, stating that ten shares had been allotted to him, and requiring him to pay a deposit of Si. per share. Ac cordingly, on the 19th of same the month, he paid 501. into the bankers of the company. Nothing more was done by the company until the 21st October, 1836, when a meeting was held, at which it was determined to reconstruct the company, uniting with the St. George's Steam Packet Company, which had been formed at Liverpool, and increasing the capital to a million ; and at the meeting a deed forming the company was pro duced and signed by a number of the subscribers pre sent. Mr. Goldsmid was present at the meeting, but it did not appear that he took any part either by protesting or agreeing to the resolutions, which, according to the minutes, were unanimously passed. He did not, however, sign the deed, nor did he pay any further calls, or have anything further to do with the company, till the 25th of April, 1852, when he was summoned before the Master to show cause why he should not contribute to the calls made to discharge the liabilities of the com pany, which had come under the operations of the Winding-up Act. It also appeared that on the 30th June, 1848, the directors of the company had carried the 501. paid by Mr. Goldsmid to the account of profit, and they had never treated him as a shareholder in the company. Under these circumstances the learned coun sel contended that Mr. Goldsmid was not a shareholder of the company, and was not liable to contribute. The Master of the Rolls held that there was nothing in this case to show that Mr. Goldsmid had become a shareholder in the United Company ; and if in 1849 this company had been as prosperous as it had been unfor tunate, and Mr. Goldsmid had filed his bill in this court to compel an account, and that the company should pay him dividends in respect of these shares, his bill would have been dismissed. The result was, that in his opinion the Master was mistaken in this respect, and that Mr. Goldsmid must be struck off the list of contributories, but he should not give any costs. QUEEN'S BENCH—Nov. 25. THE QUEEN V. MULCOCK.--CRIMINAL INFORMATION, A rule having been obtained in this case, calling upon the defendant to show cause why a criminal information should not be exhibited against him for printing and publishing a certain scandalous libel, Mr. Chambers, Q.C. (with whom was Mr. Willes), now showed cause accordingly. The learned counsel stated that Mr. Mul cock was overseer and churchwarden of the parish of St. Mary, Newington ; and that the placard, in which the al leged libel was said to be included, was printed and pub lished before a vestry meeting of that parish. The attack complained of was of a double nature ; firstly, upon the legal profession generally ; and, secondly, upon Mr. Ged die individually. The placard was an address to the parishioners of St. Mary, Newington, calling upon them to beware of " cormorant lawyers " gene rally, and to " rise up and take " certain funds applicable to charitable purposes, " out of the clutches of those who rob the poor," by which it was asserted Mr. Geddie individually was pointed at. The Court upon this stopped Mr. Chambers, and called on Mr. Collier (who, with Mr. Hawkins, appeared for Mr. Geddie) to know how he proposed to get over this legal difficulty. Mr. Collier said the affidavit was quite new to him, and he was consequently unprepared to attempt to clis prove'it. He urged, however, that Mr. Geddie, by his amendment, was not taking the sense of the parish upon the libel. Lord Campbell—No, but he defended himself from what he called a calumnious charge. Suppose he had addressed a letter to a newspaper, vindicating his Cha racter, could he then have come to this court ? Mr. Collier—Possibly not. Lord Campbell—Then, if he addresses a meeting, and properly defends himself, there is no material difference between that and writing to a newspaper. Mr. Collier urged that if his client had written to a newspaper he would have addressed himself specifically to answering the charges in the placard. In all that appeared in the affidavits to the contrary, Mr. Geddie might have alluded to the placard, merely stating that on account of its calumnious character he should apply to the Court of Queen's Bench for protection. Lord Campbell was of opinion that the rule should be discharged. If the prosecutor had merely incidentally referred to this placard his lordship would have thought differently, but the fair construction of the affidavits was calculated to show that he vindicated his conduct and retaliated upon the defendant. The learned Judges concurred. Rule discharged with out costs. CONSISTORY COURT.—Nov. 25. STORY V. STORY. In this case the defendant, Wm. Story had been de creed to take home his wife and treat her with conjugal affection. The court had further fixed three o'clock on Saturday last, and the office of Mr. Cricket, the proctor for Mrs. Story, as the time and place at which Mr. Story should receive and take home his wife. Mr. Story now tendered an affidavit signed by two per sons to prove that he had been obstructed in obeying' the order of the court by Mr. Cricket. Dr. Lushington—Do you mean to say that you have been ready and willing to take home your wife, and that you have been prevented from doing so ? Mr. Story—l do. I have been ready and willing to take her home ever since the 30th of April, but I have more than once been obstructed by Mr. Cricket. Dr. Lushington consented to receive the affidavit. It appeared that Mr. Story, being unable to attend at Mr. Cricket's, had sent the clerk of his attorney and another person to conduct Mrs. Storey home, but she had been denied to them. Mrs. Story, who was in court, stated, in answer to Dr. Lushington, that she had declined to go with the two men, but that she had gone to the place described as her husband's home, and had lived there ever since, her wants having been supplied by persons whom she supposed to be her husband's agents. Dr. Lushington—Very well, then, I can do no more, but I shall not dismiss either of the parties. I shall keep the case open until I am able to determine what ought to be done to meet the ends of justice. Mr. Story—l hope, sir, that you will do me some justice. I have given notice of a motion to the registrar to fix a day on which I may be heard as to a complaint I have to make against the officers of the court. Dr. Lushingtan—Then you must file affidavits, in order that there may be some preliminary evidence to justify your charge ; and if your charge should turn out to be false, you will have to take the consequences. COURT OF BANKRUPTCY.—Nov. 25. (Before Mr. Commissioner Evans.) IN RE WASS. The bankrupt, C. W. Wass, was a picture dealer, in New Bond -street. This was an adjourned last examina tion meeting. The accounts, which are extremely volu minous, have been filed. The bankrupt was examined at some length as to the state of his affairs at the beginning of April, when the first notice in bankruptcy was served on him; It, ap peared an execution had been put into his premises at the suit of his father's trustees • and this exe cu ti on h a d been satisfi e d by mor t gag i ng a lease. Shortly after the messenger in bankruptcy went in ; but in the interval the bankrupt had sent away all the pictures not his own which were in his possession ; and with respect to one of these, "The Spaniel and Frogs," by Landseer, valued at 240 guineas, the question was raised whether he had any property in it, but this the bankrupt denied. His Honour said it was quite clear that Mr. Hooper was entitled to take away his picture, and if the bank rupt had attempted to prevent him, he would have been acting very improperly. When the execution was satis fied by the mortgage of a lease, it was clear that he had a reasonable expectation of getting through his diffi culties ; and that being so, he was perfectly justified in attempting to get rid of the execution. The penal sec tion of the act did not apply, because it was quite clear that he was under pressure from the trustees. He would, therefore, pass his last examination, and the pro tection would be continued. COUNTRY MARKETS. DERBY SMITHFIELD—Nov. 23. the The supply of fat beasts to-day was large, an quality generally good, with a fair demand for the b e , things, while those of an inferior quality were heavy sal! The sheep pens were well filled, most of which were di?: posed of ; fat pigs were plentiful, and a shade lover r price ; calves numerous. Beef, 43d to 5d ; m utton, 50 6d ; veal, 5d t o sid p er lb. ; pigs, 7s 6d to 7s 9d per amore rough fat, 4s 3d per 14 lbs. ; hides, 2d per lb. ; 2d to 3d per lb. BOSTON—Nov. 24. The supply of wheat was liberal, and though ther e considerable anim a ti on i n the trade, no quotable adv 34 was realised. Barl e y an d oa t s i n l ess reques t, and to sales easier rates were submitted to. Beans and pel ts ; steady demand at previous rates. Wheat, red, 3 3 s t° white, 408 to 455, extra 47s ; barley, 26s to 32s ; oats, to 20s ; beans, 32s to 398 ; peas, 31s to 34s per qr. NEWARK—Nov. 24. At our Corn-exchange to-day we had a good attendal: and a fair supply of grain of all descriptions. IS T „: S t o white, 44s to 48s, red 38s to 43s ; barley, grinding , 1, 0 t o 28s, malting 32s to 34s ; oats, old, 24s to 265, now - 14 .0 ; 228 ; beans 38s to 42s ; peas 30s to 31s ; malt 50s to 60s. per qr. tares 40s to EDINBURGH GRAIN—Nov. 24. o d We had a good supply of grain in to-day's dull for all kinds, except wheat, which sold well, and i .,P,, 11 4ey down. Wheat on the top 6d and the average is Id up ; ':;ts o 0 on the top same as last week, and the average ld down ; °`,. t o p the top 2s Od, and the average 8d down ; beans on V12_613 market' del li . co 2s, and the average id down. Unsold, 25 qrs. wl' eat qrs. barley 244 qrs oats—and 20 qrs-beans. Top of Wheat ............ 64i lb 50s 6d Barley... ....... ~ . ...... .... 5 , 741 b 3 2 s °d Oats • Beans 65 4:i 1b b b 225 38 s oLd Wheat Barley, Oats ... Beans. Total' Supply and Sales. 882 qrs 2328 qrs 1506 qrs ~... 114 qrs ss o o o d d d d 1! 9 5 2: 7 q4:11.11.54: AVERAGES PER IMPERIAL QUARTER. Average of wheat £2 6 1 2-174 b u of Barley Ditto of Oats Ditto of Beaus DUBLIN —Nov. 23. mark e t There was but a moderate supply at the corn day ; wheat and oats met a brisk demand, but barley not so lively. The following are the quotations 256; White wheat, 25s 6d to 27s 6d ; red ditto, 23s °" seiP barley, 12s 6d to 15s Od; oats, lOs 6d to lls 6d; rt e ,lol:° 21s Od to 23s p er ; b r l ; oatmeal, lOs Od to 128 Od oos flour, 13s Od to 16s p er cwt ; Indian corn, 308 O d t o per 480 lbs. CORK—Noy. 24. Brix. ~....,.,.e n cT, , e , ulL "' 20 9 "' 15 White wheat 23s Od to 24s Od Os Od-- 55 Red wheat 16s Od to 24s Od .70 clo• - -Ditto OOs Od t o 00 s 0422 0 6d--- Ditto O s Od t o Os Od 108 Barley Ditto. OOs Od to OO s 4d}.l4s 2d--- Ditto OOs Od to OOs Od 13 Bere l2s 6d to Os Od Os 04 198 Oats 9O 6d to 9s 10d do. 187 Ditto 9s 10d to lOs Od}. 9s 10d 190 Ditto 10 s Oct t o lOs 5d eft" 288 Pigs . 29 s Od t o 35s Od 3 - 3 s ca pe r Quantity sold at the highest prices : ; 55 10 barrels whit e w h ea t ; 6 red ; 22 barley ; ° be te oats ; 10 pigs. ...., Quantity of grain and number of pigs sold last we eig i . ,7l s ' Wheat, 1,375. Barley, 2,068. Bere, 0. oats, Pigs, 1,280. PRICES OF BUTTER. CANT. cuRRENcY• First quality Second quality Third quality 72s Third quality ...... Fourth quality Fifth quality s6s Fifth quality Sixth quality 46s Sixth quality...... Return of cattle sold for week endino. Nov. 20 Pigs, 1,000. Sheep, 248. CAvs, 204. 16ai oat CORK.—Flour—First, 13s 6d to 14s Od ; extra , 50, seconds, 12s to I3 s Od • • households, lOs 6d to lls 6c L ; t P' 7s Od to lOs Od per cwt. Meal—lndian meal, 7 0 °' oatmeal, lOs 6d t o U s ; w h ea t mea l lOs O d t o lis gv,i,rto Indian corn, 71 lOs to 71 Iss p er t on .' B ran , 41 17s %erg,' Os Od per ton. Hay—Farmers, 19s Od to 32s 0d ti r ti/r„ 265 - ; dealers, 21s Od to 358 Od • average, Os per ton. 2 4 5 o p Farmers, 168 Od t o 24 s Od ; average, 20 ; ; dealers, 2 : 5 0 r, Os 00 ; average, Os. per ton. Bread—Wheaten lo af ' Sa Od ; household ditto, 50 to Od per 41b. Fresh butte , oee r, 10d per lb. Eggs, 6s 10d to 7s Od per hundred. Me at t 4a t f, 41d to 7d ; mutt on , 5(1 to bad ; veal 4d to 6d ; Pf;!foit. Od ; bacon, 6d to 7d ; sausages, 5d per lb.—Fish, Ne Ou'' land, 101. Os to 11/ O s p er t on ; Scotch herrings, 280 0010, Red, do., 24s per brl.—Potatoes, white, Cu 8d to 9 d;, lld to 12d.—C oa l s , N ewpor t , 17 s ; Lydney, 18 5 ; uolif, l l Od per ton.—Whisk e y, 25 0 . p., 6 s o d per i m perial g Hides, market, 22s to 28 s ; S a lt e d, 24 s t o 30s per c skins, 3.id per lb.—Bangor slates 2/. 17s. 6d to 3 1 . P e 4ol. Fleece wool, 16s to 00 s p er s t one .—H em p, 371- to 1 day ton—Timber, Memel, 3/. lOs ; red pine, 31. 5s ; ye llo DO' 31. Iss. per ton ; deals, 15/. to 18/. per hundred.-- 1331 71. to 81. 10s. per ton.—Tallow, 45s to 46s per o vt ' -- ace . ' 71. lOs to 0/. per c w t.—T ar , A rc h ange l, 19 s . per brl. -- Peruvian, 101. 10s to ill. per ton. .••••" 6 91 6s l 3 91 . • •'' RAILWAY SHARE MARKETS. OLD COURT. Mercy Steer, 18, was indicted for the wilful murder of her female illegitimate child. Mr. Lilley proscuted, and Mr. Cooper defended the prisoner. The following evidence was accordingly adduced :--- Eliza in nbesottla Sussex, and depos e d th a t s h e res id e d at Billing hurst,and the pris o n er ' s s i s t er l o d ge d w ith her, and she was in the habti of visiting her. She re membered seeing the prisoner i n th e mon th o f S e pt em be r last, and she heard th e prisoner's sister at that time ask her if she was in the family way, and she replied that she was not, and that she was as innocent as she was herself. The prisoner went to London and remained there about three weeks or a month, and when she re turned she came to witness's house, apparently very ill, and she said that she had caught a cold in going to Londo n b y t h e ra i lway. Witness asked her if she had been to the Lying-in Hospital, and she said that she had not, but that while she was in London she was in a very respectable situation. After this the prisoner became very ill, and at length she admitted that she had been delivered of a child at the house of her master, at Peck ham, but she said it was dead when it came into' the world, and that, in order to conceal it, she had cut the body to pieces with a carving knife and forced the pieces through the pipe of the water-closet of her master'shouse. Baron Alderson said the charge of murder could not be supported upon this evidence. The first thing to be done was, to satisfy the jury clearly, that the child was born alive ; however, if it was not born alive, it was clear it could not be murdered. He thought, therefore, that the jury might direct their attention solely to, the charge of concealing the birth. The Jury said they agreed with his Lordship in think ing that there was not sufficient evidence to show that the child was born alive, and they therefore acquitted the prisoner of murder, but found her guilty of conceal ing the birth of the child. The prifioner was sentenced to be imprisoned and ;opt to hard labour for one year. Southamnton......M Ditto (via Marseilles).N Mexico ............M Madeira ............M CENTRAL CRIMINAL, COURT . Malta* .Nf LIVERPOOL, Nov. 25. ' STOCK EXOIIANGE.—The market continues verY t : r t v iv and prices h ave aga i n i mprove d . The following no til; day's quot a ti ons :—Caledonian, ; Eastern 0S jig 12 13-16 ; Leeds N or th ern (l a t e L ee d s and Th i rs "" London and North Western, 125 : } ; Midland, M' 2 1 i North British, 10 ; South Eastern and DoveP oi d, lt" York and North Midl an d, 308, ; G reat L uxe " dis. MANCHESTER, NOV. 25. attL . STOCK EXCHANGE.—There was a firm business prices, however, were not very fir m , and severa l 1 : 13 00ii closed somewhat weaker. The s a l es w e re :- 13 r ke Lancashire, and Cheshire Junction (late Ch este ief' P Birkenhead), 21 1.3-16 ; Blackburn, No. 1 (Class ir /: 26 ; Bristol and Exeter, 108 • Caledonian, °_,,,"'C011 )3 ,4 East Anglian (Pref. 6 per cent:), 3 9-16 ; East ties, 12 13-16 ; Lancashire and Yorkshire Fifths, 1 , /oft: dis.; ditto (W. R. Union), 24 dis. ; London an d beg o4 Western, 1251, ; Malton and Driffield, 7 Ma' v 4-, r eo, c t i Sheffield, and Lincoln s hi re , 32 3 ; ditto 10 1 . Pr ion , 114, 7-16 ; ditto Man c h es t er anti Lincolnshire u tlsffrg. 6d; Midland Railway Consols, 791, g ; North i aW shire, 4 3-16 dis ; S ou th-E as t ern, 24 , 146 ; and Altrincham, 3 prem. BIRMINGHAM, NOV. 25. nu sns ll ;, STOCK EXCHANGE.—The Sh are mar k e t Was animated to-day, and a large amount of business w .. ., — pr o acted at improved prices. Shares of local stocks ""iteti A t • ticularly in demand. The following sales were relt, , ".7w 'Change :—Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincoln ~8 111. .""a l tiO' North Staffordshire, 4} dis.; Shrewsbury and Bin" 66i and 67. . BRISTOL, Nov. 25. A 1 , 1 °1; STOCK EXCHANGE. The Share market to- d ay esh but little activity. The transactions were Nl' s. Bristol and Exeters, which were done at 107,4) iP SEABORNE MAILS: • ro6 t-19. [N signifies that the mails are sent from the General by the night—and M by the morning —dispatch.] 10 Daywhen made up From W--hat ape. COUNTRIES. in General Post- port Office, London. dispatched. N 0.% America (byßrit.pack.N Nov. 25.......... Liverpool • • • America (by United Sts. packet) Noy. Liverpool • • • 4 America (by U. States packet •• • • .......... Southampt on oe° 64 Australia (via South ampton°cc .... M 20th of each month SouthaMP to - - n De.. I Ditto (zia Marseilles) N 24th of the month Dover .• • • • *Ditto (via Cape of Good s'of• Hope 2nd of December.. Plymouth •• Dec. ;8 Africa (West Coast) N 23rd of the month. Plymouth • • Alexandria* Belgium Daily Dover •• • pee' 1 6 Brazil M 9th of the month.. SouthamPO - Dee' Buenos Ayres .. M 9th of the month.. Southampt on Dec' California 2d & 17th of month Southall:lP , ;ref' 6 Wane of Good Hope N 14th of th e month.. Plymou th • • • 1 ,70. 3 3 Cape de Verds N I4th of the month.. Plymouth , ' • SO' Constantinople* N 7 th l 7th27thormon. Dover .• 1 .45 • Central America —id And & 17th of mon. SouthaMP' ° „'" vi • Channel Isles N SouthamPn pee' o ,lsly , Chili.... M 2d & 17th of m on th qouthan3l , " ft " I'vei c 30 , France M N Twice daily Dover .•• • ' • sn•e• Greece* 7 thl7th27thollnon. Dover • • • • • Pl e 'i:fdir . ' Hamburgh N Tuesday & Friday London •• • • SO' 16 , Holland Wednesday & Sat London • •: 0 • 1 ; pe'aiL Honduras 14 , 17th of the month. SoinhaMP` Tvi ie Ireland M& I? Twice daily Holyhead vee• India (viaSouthampt.)M 20th of themonth.. SouthainP"' DO. 1 India (via Marseilles) N Bth& 24th of month Dover • • •" • India (via Cape of Good Sm• 14th of the month.. Plymouth ." SO' Mauritius .. N 14th of the month.. Plymouth •• • 2 4 Mediterranean (via ton De'. 1 Southampton 20th of the month , SoutharoP Pe c • Ditto (via Marsellies).N Bth & 24th ofmontb Dover • • •i on • De c ' ;6 Mexico And of the month . SouthaMP, o , Madeira 9th&23dofthe non. SouthanW` /6 nh,l7tb,l9th,27th, 1. 1 5' / Malta* •••• • • 2 ' &30th of the mo n th Dover • • • Pe'" Naples* ..........N s thlbth2sthormon. Dover ••• • • • Pec , ; . 96 u • "1•1 Sth ls th2sthofmon. Dover •• •: o • ° ; Peninsula ..........M th l7 l t 7 h t 2 h 7t o k r o m fm on o t n i . , Sz u u t t i, hr rop Pi on p p e c c e: Peru Tuscany; d & • N s thlsth2sthof mon, Dover • • •;, o • pe e ' West Indies 2d & 17th of m on th SouthaL o Pw Van Diemen' s Land(see e ' IP Australia .. •••• • • • • _..p dtrie ___.- I - --- (0 111 ; u o e it rer lP !a il • The mails for Australia via the Cape of Good - Po e up , e - '' r on the second of every alternate month. Those In g oon fest 20th and 24th of each month via Southampton And tJO ~ Du far sent by sailing vessels at present from Singapor., . O 'IP 011 t t ' t h e t y wr w a i i l is sb are e n a t l s i o n m s t a e d a e m u e p r son the 2d of every ei tergat-. itt:le the Cape of G of ood Hope.—The ma il s w hi c h ou ght to b e le d the 14th will not be dispatched before the 25th. 0 coale * The mails to those coun t r i es thus marke d— til I no French packet to Marseilles -le UP ' ln WEST COAST OF AFRIC A.— Th e mails will not be n''`" 4th of next month. _.-..._.t.e-"1 On the 23d inst. at Wl . wife of Lieut. Martyr, BIR THS. t itaraggs the OF A sox. to, 9(1 4 OF A DAUGHTER. 52d e r eg g i to m n e - n e t r7 m ce . R N :r . On the 22d inst , the wife of J. B. St. Croix Crosse' 31st Reg,iment • MARRIED. NV' On the 17th inst, at at St. George's, Ilanover-g111,10061 H. Brodhurst, Esq . , Bengal Civil Service, to 14. 1 ,r4 1 1,10 1. daughter of Edmund G. Hallowell, Esq., of Chatze DEATHS. Pci'' On the 19th inst., at Brighton, James or' ... aged 80. C o ns table , Yorkshire , 14eW" On the 21st inst., at Burton Arthur Clifford, Esq. 1 1 - 144 On the 22d inst., at Dublin, Mounts Bell, EA . ' of aged 70. S c aril , °cl.' On the 21st inst., Frances , relict of J. the Flash, near Shrewsbury , aged 77. of ntrS a " London : Printed and Publis hed by MITEDO li No. 112, .Strand, Printer , at The Su C° Sun OfSce , 4°' Strand, in the Precinct of the S a voy, in the 3licidlooex, Friday, November 26, 051 the e ab ove Pr( pa h? °l4 Wat 4,; t. . r : ex The above i nforrnet Ogti tl of the ? anim a or to the Inrss ...,.......____lL 81313 MA .IcE , 01, 4 1 )0 , 7 oft Qo m anc in the CE 0 Rages fo ‘4111141, LOU ao ' ES r ] troo l Pr) P 5 to 20 s n) es Whi an d Itioi," l ,!ldera 1 411:4 1 .7cel Ithor n TRO: A k i r t t ort -,,Ps F. th e "Nate e c ; Z i irte c CZ , o t t he 1 : date (la o teha qt r Z s i d ts'ia l t , Dect jernc batect thts 2 i 1' NuirTh:sltlaabkielnit-T: Anert er n has " J ' 4 Phi Th i arles rae li ; Society in r Li f (l 4. lt s, emt 8: 0 ° ,1 0 ' cl u e Ti a ; 'l%l come Aiithporta' \\,„„; ,rot ecti The r . "` 111 he a and a • 0 11oNvi n th ew e°,llPari, the Ci that ttii; 1. e rgy, !th ey "ucies 01 '4 2 3: ..4 asurao eArl C 4 , Ved tt 4t tentf o " destr . 1,1,044%801 EtZ 4 ... t ageo s u s n' 4';'• A., F. atait °Rota tene t' st bean) 1. 0 „ 3 and are ad vances t ozDe tt , eB i t4 c 7 e Lh om ° l ll ; D - Tnen Zoasin g ' 6 er t one litto n lettber o t 'albi 'nB 01 T, D4 4lt il t' cl ~ Life Wei r -- ass w ., loZtrai) , 4 to PrlitziTi , 4 ), 411 0 - caley 4 e4:Claik e -00 de tt ellh iers, jj, Crack: 4 e - Xne;' dle l °ri ge, Stag; 4 1cler Mai A t , la4l : Prt tobe rt - Zest. 11 1 , F 3elnia d n re; or SPerling F 1 s,w wg, Es( b r e : s eua gin an r ' ch • ,Cei ha a Wil uara Tho bei ) 4, 04 blie I)3' Sls stet I '•L tuld N I •L. Parativ 4 4% 8 3 u ;, 1) eZt b 44ces tzrmun, IR. 68, 3d.1 11.10 Od 1310 tA,141 incase 4t11!