The Sun. — London, England, 1823-07-10 00:00:00

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AItTION of the ROYAL ACADEMY will finally CLOSE on SATURDAY NEXT, the 14th Instant, at Seven Velock precisely. Admission (every day from Eight o'Clock till Seven), Is. Catalogue, Is. HENRY HOWARD, R.A. Sec. Exhibitors are requested to send for their Works on Toes day, the 15th, or Wednesday, the WO. CONTRACTS FOR PAPER, LiCILLS, AND OTH Mt AR TICLES OF STATIONERY. THE COMPTROLLER of the STA TIONERY OFFICE hereby gives Notice, that he is ready to receive TENDERs for the SOpply of PAPER, 'UILLS, PENKNIVES. TAPE, CALENDARS, ALMA- N ACKS, WAX, INK-STANDS, RULERS,SEALS, POUNCE LOXES, and various other Articles of Stationery, of which `Samples will be exhibited at the Office of the Storekeeper, in James-street, Westminster. The Particulars of the Contract will be delivered to all Persons desirous of receiving the same, and of viewing the Samples, be the Storekeeper, every day between the horns' of Ten end Four (Sundays excepted!. until the 11th July in stant, on which doe, by Twelve o'Clock, the Tenders must be delivered. No Tender received atter that hour can be ad mitted. NEW MUSIC. - - Just published, by Messrs. BIRCH ALL, LONSI)ALE, and NULLS, 133, New Bond-street, price Qs. tid. AHYMN for Three Voices. Dedicated by permission, to the night Honourable the Countess of Liverpool. The AVerds by the Right Rev. KEGINALD HEBF.R, D.D. Lord Bishop of CALCUTTA. The Music bra LADY. RICHRELL-COURT, LAMB'S coNnurr-s - ntEET. TO be LET, by the Masters, Governors, and Trustees of the Bedford Charity, on a repairing Lease, fur 19i years, from Michaelmas nem, a HOUSE, No. I, Webbed-court, Lamh's Conduit-street. Persons desirous of taking the same are to send in Proposals in writing. sealed "P, to the Receiver, Mr. Gutohed, 82, Great Russell- Itteet, Bloomsbury, on or before the 2d of August next.---A 'form of the proposal, and a particular of the repairs, may be seen on the premises; or at No. 82, Great Russell-street, be tween the hours of eeven and three. Mews. BROWELL and (70. LONDON, JUNK 28, 1823. Feel pleasure in adding to the numerous tes timonials you have already received, my must omits:inflect approbation of your invention. I have given your PREPARED CANVAS a fair hut severe 'fiat, on board the brig Resolver, under toy command, for 'The last 12 months, in the West indict' and Mediterranean, having had a fore-sail, a main-sail, x top-sail. and three - studding-sails, made of Leeds Canvas, which had undergone your process, constantly in nee, and find, that in every re- sheet it possesses the valuable properties described in your advertistircots. I h ave likewise to remark, that in each of the 1/3iis shore mentioned were two or three cloths of the same Leeds Cana vas, but 11d. a yard dearer, which had not undergone you,- process, most of which cloths are more or less mildewed; but, all the Prepared Canvas is perfectly free from mildew ! I hare likewise to observe, that the Canvas which has under.' gone your process is remarkably soft and pliant, and 'het • consequently the sails may he reefed and furled much easier and neater ; also, that when stowed below they occupy less room.-1 am, Gentlemen, your's most cordially, JAMES PliaCH ARD. N. 11. The sails alluded to by Capt. Pritchard are now Ilitst in the Owner's loft, Messrs. Dowsons and Old, Linsehouse Bridge Dock. PARLIAMENT, HOUSE - OF LORDS, JULY About three o'clock his Royal Highness the Duke of Cu M., )1111ILAND, who had never been present since the Accossion of his Majesty, took the prescribed oaths, anti afterwards his seat. ROYAL ASSENT. Within ji quarter to four o'clock the Earl of Sir AFT tsn un v, the Lo ri n CHANcELLOR, and Lord ManYnonou G it, as his Mitiesty'S Commissioners, brought down, the Royal Assent to the Lotteries Bill, the Barilla Duties Act Amendment Bill, the Disembodied Militia Bill, and the Ireland Insurrection Act Continuation Bill, which latter Bill is to remain in force till the Ist of August, 1024. NEW BILLS. Mr. BitoonEg and others brought up the General Distil leries Bill, the Linen (Ireland) Manufacture Bill, the Cork General Sessions Bill, and some other Bills, which were after wards read a first time. Mr. Stet/gulling presenter; the Quarterly Report from the Commissioners for NVestritinster Bridge. An Account was presented of the charges and expences 1 at tending the building of New Churches, pursuant to the Acts of Parliament on that specific point. Mr. T ERN EY, from the Tax Office,. presented a statement 'of the expenc e s incurred by the Comm issioners for the Re , Aluction and Sale of the National Debt, front the sth of -A , Pr:4l 1022, to the sth of April last, pursuant to the Act of the 42d Geo. 111. The Duke of LEINSTER presented a Petition from the Freemasons of Ireland, who, appealing to their known loyalty. • 710 w prayed that the Irish Unlawful Oaths Administration Bill might not be construed to extend to them. !'he Bishop of NORWICH presented a Petition from the Clergy of the Diocese of Norwich, who expressed their opinion to'be in favo ur of the English Roman 'Catholics (Civil Offices) Qualification Bill. Two Petitions were presented by the Earl of StrAFTES , 11 .'"Y against the granting of any further concessions to the Roman C atholics; but nobody could gather who the Peti tioners were. After some remarks from Viscount Itlrt.vir.t.z and the Earl of ItOSSLYN, the Scotch Commissary Court Bill was amended in a Committee, and ordered to be printed. Lord VERULAM Presented a Petition from the Clergy of the Archdeaconry . of St. Alban's who prayed that no fur titer concessions might be grante d the Roman Catholics in any way. MA RRIAGES „ABROAD. Lord HOLLAND moved the third reading of his Bill for rendering more valid the Marriages of British Subjects in reign Parts. He had one or two amendments to make, although not important, which he should propose as riders to the Bill. lie found it was wished by some of their Lordships that the words " all doubts" should be substituted for the words " all Possibility of doubt," in the preamble of the Bill. The amendments were agreed to, when the Bill was read a, third time, passed, and messaged to the other House. Upon the motion of the Earl of Sitar T sit urn-, their Lord ships went into a succession•of Committees on the Reciprocity of Duties Bill, the Gaols Building Bill, the Ireland and Eng land Customs Duties Bill, the East India Half-pay Bill, the Equalization of Duties Bill ; the hand. Tax Commissioners Names Bill, the Ireland Malicious Injuries Bill, and some other Bills, the majority of which were reported to the House without any amendments. The Marquis of LANSDOWN presented a Petition from some twelve or fourteen persons now resident in the counties of Middlesex and Surrey, who prayed their Lordships to extend the English system of Poor haws to Ireland. The Petition had been put into his, ands since he came into the llouse, and he had undertaken to present it. ENGLISH CATHOLICS'. The Marquis of LANSUOWN observed, that there were two Bills before the House for the Relief of the Catholics of England, by placing them nearly en the same footing as the Catholics of Ireland. It was for the purpose of moving for the second reading of the first of those Bills, namely, " a Bill to Repeal so much of the Statute of William 111. as related to the Administration of the Oath of Supremacy to persons vot. ing.at Elections of Members of Parliament," that he now ad. 4ressed their Lordships. The greatest difficulty he experienced was in anticipating on what possible ground these measures cedil , be. opposed. It was necessary that their opponents should establish, either that Mr. Pitt and the Protestant Go. vernment and . rarliartietit of 179:1 were in error, when they ad. gritted the rriaii portion Catholics - to the- enjoyment of, the Elective Franchise, and to the eventual enjoyment of certain civil offices (which it was not likely they would attempt to do, as otherwise those who possessed the power would long since have proposed the abrogation of the Act of 1793), or that cir cumstances attached to the Catholics of England which did not attach to the Catholics of Ireland, and which tendered the former incapable and unfit to enjoy those constitutional privileges which had been with propriety and safety com municated to the latter. In the reply to the latter objection, if it were made, he would ask whether, on the most delibe rate view that could be taken of the condition and history of the Catholics of England, and of their uniform good conduct and peaceable demeanour, any thing appeared which could justify Parliament in withholding what nothing short of state necessity could justify them in withholding, the invaluable privilegeof being represented in Parliament, so necessary to the security of the British subject, and without which the British Constitution could scarcely be called a blessing ? Ile really did not know how to argue the subject. It was for those who thought there was something in the character of • the English Catholics which rendered it dangerous to grant them what the Irish Catholics had so long enjoyed, to point out the danger. For himself he was persuaded, that it there was any difference in the two classes of persons, it was (without meaning to cast any slur on the Irish Catholics) in favour of the Catholics of England. He knew it might he said, that the electiVe franchise had been in many 1661,01e:is abused in Ireland, that votes had been manufactured,and .10 shilling freeholders driven up in herds to the hustings.. But not a small portion of the blame of those proceedings attached to. the successive Governments of that country ; for whenever a commodity was found to be remarkable, it was not surpris• ing that human infirmity should avail itself of the possession Of that comniodity for purposes of personal interest. He trusted their Lordships would not be told that the subject was ; new, and one to which they were unaccustomed ; and that the proposition to place the English Catholics where the Irish Ca ' thanes was placed twenty or thirty years ago, was consequently one which it was difficult and hazardous to deal with. Nor, he hoped, would it he said that die Catholics of England had not petitioned for this concession, and therefore that it was not necessary to communicate to them advantages which they had Pot sought. Ile had always understood that when the privi- Mes of the Constitution were conferred on any class of h is Mjesty's subjects, it was not for the exclusive benefit of that class ; but for the benefit of the whole community. Therefore, although no petition had been presented from the English Ca tholics (and indeed, had he been consulted, he would not have advised them to present a petition for a measure so limited as the present), yet, if their Lordships thought the measure right, he did not conceive that that was a ground on which it ought to be. rejected. Their Lordships ought especially to hesitate beford they refused to place the Catholics of England on the same footing as the Catholics of Ireland, at a time when the intercourse and communication between the two countries was every day increasing, and when the inhabitants of both were more closely assimilated in every respect, even down to the clothes they wore, and the produce they consumed. It had been somewhere insinuated that this Bill would place the Ca tholics of England in a better' situation than the PrOtestaat Dissenters. It' it were so, he would decidedly oppose it.' lint directly the contrary was the case. Even if . the present Bills were passed, the Protestant Dissenter might still be eligible to certain offices from which the Catholic would be extluded. The Bills would not even place the Catholics of England on precisely as good a footing as the Catholics of Ireland, for the former'Would still remain exposed to the operation of the Test Act, from which they could be relieved only by an annual In demnity Bill. For all. these reasons he should move their Lordships that the Bill be now read a second time. • Lord ItEDESDALE opposed the motion. • To give the elective franchise was to give a great political power. That power had been productive in Ireland of great agitation. Of the two Bills he would rather concede that which rendered the Catholics eligible to certain civil offices, as the less inconveni ent and dangerous. .The consequence of granting the Irish Catholics the elective franchise had been the creation of two in-. terests at every election, Protestant and Catholic, in violent 116%414 to each other. He could never consent to any mea sure which had a tendency to overturn that Protestant Esta blishment to which every loyal subject (loyal in his sense of the word, which did not confine its meaning to loyalty in the Sovereign) was bound to maintain. Nothing should induce him to risk the sacrifice of a single point which he thought went to the conservation of that establishment. Let their Lordships look at the preamble of the statute of William, which ft was sought by this Bill to repeal. The necessity of that statute as a security to the Protestant establishment was there unequivocally declared. In his opinion the necessity was as great in the present day as in the time at King William. As to the Oath of Supremacy, he denied that by an existing law it was distinctly enacted that the Oath of Supremacy should be remitted to the Catholics of Ireland. The Noble Lord concluded by moving, that the Bill be read a second time that day three months. The Earl of 'WESTMORELAND said it was with great satisfaction that he saw the claims of the Roman Catholics of England brought before Parliament, divested of all considera, dons connected with Irish politicsand Irish party. The excellent conduct of that body, during so long a period of time, entithAt them to every Concession which could be extended to them eon , sistently with the spirit of the Constitution. There was no ar gument which could be urged in favour of granting those privileges which had already been conceded to the Catholics of Ireland, which did not apply with double force to the propriety of conceding them to the Catholics of England. lie was so far from thinking that the agitation of the Catholic question was calculated to do mischief, that he was persuaded it rather tended to tranquillize the state of public feeling in Ireland. If" the whole of the Catholic question, however, were gr anted to morrow, he did not believe that it would have the slightest effect upon the peace of that country. lie believed that the . Catholics were in general a loyal body. It was said that if this measure were carried, it would give the catholics an influence in the deliberations of Parliament ; but such an influence was no inure tban so large a body of his Majesty's subjects was en titled to. lie had not altered his opinions as to the impolicy of granting further concessions to the Roman Catholics of Ireland, and it was for that reason that he supported the present mea sure, which went only to place the Roman Catholics of England upon the same foothig. - The Bishop of NORWICH said that the general question involved in the Bills now before the House had been so fre quently discussed, that it would require little short of inspir ation to suggest arty new arguments in support of the pro priety of concession, or even to give a new colouring to the arguments which had been already employed. Much as this question had been discussed, the result, however, had not been such as . might have been reasonably hoped for from the liberal,.and enlightened spirit of the age—front the progress Of intelligence in every part of the United Kingdom—and front the more extensive diffusion of the mild and tolerant principles of Christianity, ,by means of . various religious institutions, and especially those of Bible Societies. Ile should not, indeed, have presumed to trespass upon their Lordships' attention, if he had not felt himself called upon to embrace the opportunity—the last, probably, which at his aged he could. expect to have—of protesting most strongly, in his own name, and 'in the names of many Learned and excellent Clergymen of his diocese, against the assertions contained in some of the Petitions which had been recently laid upon the table. lie protested against such assertion, because he was firmly persuaded that the security of the Church of England, or of any Christian Church, could never be endangered by tiding upon Christian principles; and that the security ofour cavil instititutions could never be en dangered by uniting the hearts and hands of all Subjects of every denomination in the ties of gratitude and affection. which were the firmest bond of peace. The cry of innovation had succeeded to the more noisy and wicked cry of " No Po pery." Happily for the peace of society both these cries bad become harmless and ineffectual, for there were very few in the middle ranks of life, anti not many even in the lowest, who did not perfectly understand that to these most dreaded innovations we Were indebted for many of the greatest blessings which we enjoyed. The Revolution was an innovation ; Christianity it self was a glorious innovation. The Historian of the Roman Empire informs us that in the reign of Valentinian, a Heathen High Priest pronounced an oration before that Enipeior, in which he. warned him of the danger of innovation and intreat ed him not to suffer the Gospel to be preached in Rome. " Re. verend Sire (said the sacerdotal- Petitioner), 1 beseech you in. my old uge to reverence our old Institutions ; these rite's drove Hannibal from our walls; disturb not the repose of my de- Ainingyears by. the introduction of any innovation; softer us to retain the undisturbed poss ession of a religion which has flourished for so many yearit.The reasoning of this high Priest was fully as conclusive as that of the .Christian High Churchmen of the present day, who were alarmed az the bare, mention of any innovation is Church or State r however Deco- THURSDAY, JULY 10, 1823. saryur advisable it might be.. Both the High Priest and the High Churchman seemed to have forgotten that, a blind, doting, obstinate adherence to old establishing*, reso lutely opposed to all reform, was as weak anti dangerous as a wild and irrational desire of change. If we twined to fo reign countries, we should find that in Russia, Prussia, and he believed in Austria, the Jews had been lately ad. witted to those civil privileges, from which our Catholic brethren were excluded. In . ITrance lie had never heard of a single Petition having been_presented from the Catholic Clergy against the admission of Protestants to any civil situation of honour, trust, or emolument. The Established Clergy of Eng land were the only body, the great majority of which, in the 19th century, openly avowed their intolerance. Against such a spirit of persecution and intol e r anc e, said the Right 11ev. Prelate, I will never cease to raise my voice, flues Mentor ipso duottpirius he; rcgil nrtua. That he might not incur the imputation of censuring men whose opinions were entitled to much there weight than his Own, he would conclude the few obseniations winch he had ventured to make with a passage from one of the most learned and practically disc men who had ever sat on the Bench of Bishops —a Prelate who enjoyed the distinguished honour of being the personal friend of that en lightened, liberal, and magnanimous Pri n c e , William 111. lie alluded to Bishop Burnet, the great oblect of whose long and useful life, as well as that of King William, was to unite in .one great social and civil bond 411 loyal subjects, on the *lle ground of their tried allegiance and fidelity, wirbout..referenee to their religious opinions. We have lost many opportunities, said Bishop Burnet, since the revolution ; of healing our breaches; but let us not suffer the present opportunity to slip from us on account of th e fears which are harboured by a few sour and narrow.minded men, who would close the door on conciliation, and make those breaches perpetual. Ile would only add that two Petitions had just been put into his hands, one from Norfolk, and another from some of the Clergy of the Diocese of Norwich, against granting any further concession to the Catholics. It was needless for him to say that lie hoped their Lordships would turn a deaf ear to the prayer of these Petitions: The Bishop of ST. DAVID'S had always objected to the admission of Catholics to offices of profit and trust, because their principles were inconsistent with the safety of the lista !dished Church and Constitution. The possession of the Elec tive Franchise would be still inure dangerous, as It would give them an influence in the formation of the laws. Ile should therefore cordially give his vote against the two Bills at present before their Lordships. The LORD CHANCELLOR declared, that unless he thought the measures proposed consistent with the public good, no consideration on this side the grave could induce him to give them his support. He had. known the Rev. Prelate opposite (the 'Bishopof Norwich) during a lon g p ort i on o f a l ong li fe, and entertained due respect for him ; yet he could not under. stand how that Reverend Prelate could reconcile to his con science the sentiment which he had expressed and maintained, that there was no other Body than the Clergy . . of this country which was unwillin g to grant th e C a th o li c Chums, But there seemed to he something peculiar in the See of Norwich, which led to singular opinions; for he had seen a Statute, passed some centuries ago, on the express account of a Bishop of Norwich, from the operation of which all the other Bishops were excepted, although they were told to look into it.— The opinion of the Reverend Prelate, that the opposi tion to the Claims of the Catholics had , decreased, was un founded. He was sure that it had been increased on the con trary, in a tenfold ratio. With respect to the present • Bill, OM forbid that he should say that it had been brought forward at that late period of the Session, in order that the country should : know nothing of it, But the proceeding was not fair to'the Ilouse, nor consistent with its dignity. And what was the nature of those Bills? The first was the most ex, traordinary piece of legislation which had ever been seen on the subject in thal House. It' it were meant to release English Catholics from the Act of Williatit the Third, let it be said so in the preamble. But if it were intended so 'to weaken the security of the Establishment as to allow Catholics not to take the oath of supremacy, let' it be said clearly thut no one but Catholics should b e r e lieved fr o m the n ecess i ty o f taking that oath ; for as the Bill now stood the relief would be extended to every clam Dissenters. lle knew that this might be altered in the Consoiittee,..but it was impossible for tam to d m i t t h e p t h s eiple that any man held true allegiance to the Crown who denied Its -s•er-m..sr rr.sitiee count to.: s p . ptove of the hurried manner in which these measures were Pressed et the close of the session. He had not the slightest objection that matters of thet kind should be debated t he only wished them to be debated with due consideration and by adequate numbers : but for the last twenty years not one had dared to introduce them at no earlier period than the pre sent, lest there should be time to discuss them.. The Reverend Prelate, who had declared himself' a friend td inrovation, had said that the Revolution was an innovation : he (the Lord Chancellor) contended on the contrary that it had only restored the ancient rights and Constitution of the Country. Bishop Hoadley had said, that " the Reatoratlon Would have been no blessing without the Revolution." The ;peat blessing of the Revolution consisted in its havin g established the Church and State, effected their union and settled their supremacy for, without some difference between th e P rotestant E s tablishment and the Dissenters, there-Would liave been no toleration; and before the Revolution there had been nothing but a constant clash of claims for power. A man who denied this Supremacy Might be a very moral, a very worthy, a very good man ; but he never could be a loyal man. If h e s h ou ld have to give a vote upon this question, which he should regret being cont. pelted to do, it should be for reading the Bill a second time that day three months ; and it not called upon to give a vote , he should say that that House had been treated with indignity in having ,such a measure sent for its consideretion at such a period of the Session. The Earl of HA RILOWBY contended that the state , or public opinion respecting the measures proposed ought to be toed, not by the number. of private representations on either side, but by the conduct of those public bodies who had been in the habit of declaring their sentiments. He knew it would he said that they knew nothing of these measures ; but if they did not, it was their own fault. For these very Bills, which his Noble Friend complained had been submitted so late to their Lordships, had been between two and three pionths befbre the Other .House, and the immense pressure of business which had occupied that !louse to a late houf every night, was the tole cause of- their having reached their !Joni ships at that period of the Session. But the principle of these hills was not new ; it had been almost annually submitted to their Lordships for the last twenty years: in a different shape It was true, and in connection with more extensive meAsures, but still it was the same, and therefbre required no d eep in vestigation before an opinion could he formed. He was really perfectly at a lass to conceive on what grounds, except those that applied to the general Catholic Question, the first of these measures could be opposed. Would it be said that the exten• sion of the elective franchise in Ireland to the Catholics had produced her disasters,..and must not be conceded to t h e Eng lish Catholics, lest it should be attended with similar evils to this vortntry. But if it had created some evils, it .hart also done considerable good in Ireland, and would have p ro d uce d un mingled benefits, - it', as the Catholics themselyesreLpti l highereetes it e t l h a c i,s ot. elective l.rce fr h a o n k til e t rs i se granted there . The infinite :on of land wou ld thus have been prevented ; the Catholic :Freeholders would . . have been raised in the uptown of the .peopl e an d of their neighbours ; and the knowledge that such a privilege was attached to a higher amount of property than the common, would have acted as a stimulus to In - ditto Then herds of Catholics would not have been seen flocking to the market of an election. The evils which had resulted to Ireland did out arise from their admission us Catholics, but froin their admission rue paupers. Here no such danger existed.. Ought a 'unity of one hundred y ea rs to he rewarded by b e i ng kept But let them in an inferior state to that i oeufgttihte t C o atti e di eli o n f c l ,4 rel t a o n it lL Noble and Learned Friend defined loyalty to he a rwrrcet at. tael:menf to every thing . in Church and State, ( L or d iiarrowhy) thought that an 4, with his hand on his look to t il v t it o rt ry ls : would find that under the Most trying circumstances the of the English Catholica to o f invasion or internal King and State had been ummpeached and unimpeaddd e , dangers he whom it WM indispensable. And he defied any man to - stand tips heart,- to say that in Mile would not entrust the defer:es Of his country with its mu c h fitlenett to the Roman Catholics as to any of the Noble Lords at present in that House. Why, there was nothing to -p re v ent a French Catholic General frown becoming commander. of the armies, ora French (! at h o lie . ildmiral leader of the navies of England, and yet they were afraid of trusting an, rnolish ca• tholic - with a 4 6,,. free h o ld, g i v ing him a vote to Parliament ! The LORD NCE It asked whether it. would be as the - Dill proijosctl to allow Roman Cattiolict to give a vote without taking an oath declaring ; :that the King of this country must lie a Protestant ? • The Earl of LIVERPOOL was anxious to explain the opl ! nion which he should give, as it would differ in some degree' from that of his Noble Friend by his side (the Earl of W est morland), and that of his Noble and Learned griend on the Woolsack. The first 11111 it was his intention to suppert : tea, the postponement of the second, be should be under the ne.: cessity of agreeing, if the Noble Marquis should insist on its being read a Second time. That Noble Marquis had not placed the question on its right footing, witch be had consi. dered Parliament bound to give to the English Catholics the same privileges as those enjoyed by, the because it had not deprived the Irish of those privileges, on account of the evils which they wete represented to have produced . He ought to have felt th e di ff i cu l ty an d i m p ropriety of re. moving what bad once been granted, without an overbear. ing wealthy: lie ought to have recollected that the Union had intervened, and although it contained no immediate provi sion on that subject, it would have been impolitic and un. worthy to wish to place the Catholics on a footing inferior to that on which they stood previously to the introduction of that measure. 'Whether the elective franchise had originally been rightly or wrongly granted to the Catholics, was a closed question on which their Lordship had no option ; but they had an option as to granting it to English Catholics, and if proof were adduced to spew that it had produced nothing hut <vil in Ireland, they had a right ,to say that they would not intrtaloee it into England. The question must theretbre be stripped of all considerations of consistency in every point between the two countries. Let their Lordships look at what- he feared must be considered the two sounder parts of the British Empire, England anti Scotland, and they would find that they Were governed by totally different laws. Vet would any one contend that the laws of Scotland should be destroyed, because they were not similar to those of England ? The question of anomalies must therefore be put entirely out of view. One of the great causes of evil to Ireland was the disposition of Parliament to give her things, merely because they aided in England. they might be good in one country, but inapplicable to the other. Ile considered the present question as a local one applying to Great Britain alone : yet though it was closed with respect to Ireland, it was curious to examine how it had been settled at the time in that country. A Petition bad been presented in 1792 by the Ro. man Catholics to the Irish Parliament, requesting, to be admit. ted to the exercise of the elective . franchise tin higher qualifi cations than the Protestants. The whole Protestant interest of Ireland immediately rose against the measure, with the ex. ception of Mr. Grattan and thirty other Members, and it was thrown out by an immense majority. In his opinion a more imprudent opposition had never beets made ; for it had led the next year, without any change of Administration, to give more than the Catholics had. demanded, whilst the conces sions, accompanied by the restrictions originally proposed, would have produced the greatest good. Whatever objet. tions might be entertained to granting the whole Catholic Question, they existed with tenfold force against a State in which the Catholics did not enjoy a degree of infhtence pro portioned to the property which they held. One of the most unfortunate events which had occurred in . that country, was the refusal to grant to the Catholics the concessions which they had asked in 1791 As to the Bills now, licfore their Lordships, he saw no possibl e obj ec ti on t o them in point of principle or practical inconvenience, and he knew what he was abouL In no elections were ever the oaths al . luded to administered or, if they were, it was only ii;r one purpose, that of delay. With respect to the exercise of the elective franchise, he therefore conceived that the aims pier the oaths were made, or even if they were reduced to one, it. would be the better. lie trusted therefore that the fitat Bill would pass, with any alterations in the Committee which might tend to remove the objections of those ,by whom it was op. posed. He had no objection likewise to the objects of the second Bill, to extend to the English Catholics the privilege of tilling; a number of civil offices which they could not n o w oc citplby law. His only objection watt to the mode in which that object was attempted to be accomplished, not by saying what offices they were to be admitted to till, but by exceptions. —Now he did not know whether those were all the exceptions that should be. He wished, therelbre, that whilst the, principle was adopted, th e offices which the Catadies tyere to be allowed to fill, should be clearly named instead of the exceptions. On t e l e t h t e 7n s i glitfantg% repb ' sliin It it t :' I were Pro"' Viscount CLIFDEN urged the propriety of granting the claims of the Catholics to the last letter Whilst they were peaceable. The Earl of LIMERICK. explained that the apparently in consistent conduct of the Parliament of Ireland in rejecting, in 179t1, what it passed without opposition in 1793, arose from the suggestions and directions of the 4‘linistry of England, who, in 1793, wished that the bill should pass. Viscount MELVILLE approved of both the Bills, but should move in the Committee on the second reading some words to exempt Scotland from its operation, as it would vio late the laws of that country and the Act of I Inion. The LORD CHANCELLOR explained. The Marquis of LANSDOWN, in reply, expressed his intention to postpone the second reading of the second Bill to another Session, in consequence of the assurance of the Noble Lord opposite (Liverpool) that he was friendly to the principle s and would not Object to another Bill operating through a di& fer(nt mode. The LOAD CtIAXCELLOR and the Earl. of TiIvERPOOL having mutually explained, the House divided...- Contents Present 43 Proxies 30—Total 73 Not Contents . 41 4 - 39-- 00 Majority agshist the Bill - • - TITHES COMPOSITION BILL. When strangers i;eie74ltlniiiied, 7 777 Lord CLIFDEN was moving that it should be an instruc tion to the Committee on the Tythes Composition Bill, to ini troduce a clause, giving power to, the Lord Lieutenant to up. point Commissioners Mr settling the composition with respect to the amount of tythes, according to the sum actually paid in a certain number of yes:4 'The Earl of LIVERPOOL thought it likely that a compul sory provision must eventtially be made ; but, in the first in stance, he thought it right to give the, voluntary adjustment a trial. lie opposed the instruction merely . because he thought the experiment which he had recommended ought first to be made, and net because he was adverse to the principle of a corn poison, measure when proved to be absolutely necessary, Lora KING drought the measure, without the. compulsory clause, would be wholly nugatory, •ovid he should therefore support the motion for the proposed instruction. Ile .briefly commented on the evils which oppressed Ireland, in conse quence of the situation in which tits people *ere .placed be tween the Established and Catholic Churches. The one by its exactions subjected the people to sufferings, which almost doomed them to a hell in this world, while the other threatened diem with hell in the next. Lord ELLENBORMIGII objected to the present Bill, and would rather allow the evil intended to be corrected to remain as it was for the present, than sanction the adoption of a rues, sure '§o imperfect as that then under the consideration of their Lordships. The Earl of LIMERICK supported the Bill. The Earl of DARN LEY would vote for the Bill, of Opinion, that though it could not accomplish touch, it would be taken as an earnest of the wish of the Legislature to afford relief to the people of Ireland. The property of the Church ought never to be toadied. The Noble Earl concluded by saying he should vote for the proposition of the Noble iscount. Lord HOLLAND said, necessary as the motion of his - Noble Friend Was - to carry into effect the 'good object Of ale Bill, he could not avoid saying a few words us to the motive . which would induce !dui to give his vote. The Venerable and Leaned Prelate who had spoken on an inrportant question that night with eloquence, and truly honourable liberality, had stated an anecdote respecting Ilishop floadley. Mr. Iloadley said, the RefOrmation was no blessing without the Itevolu titm. It-might also be said, without the clause proposed by his Noble I riend, . the Bill would he no blessing. The NOW Baron opposed the argument of the Noble Earl, who would not allow tithes to be any thing but Property. There was another part of the Bin which had been ably discussed by his Noble Iteration. The Noble Baron alluded to taking the averages. He felt objection to that clause, hut did not - know how to deal with it before the House went into C'brutuittce o n the Bill. Tbe statement or the Noble hord, with *street to Lay Impropriators was to be looked at with some doubt. To the Bill itself he acquiesced, on the ground that it was aft ail- vance towards the measure which Ireland requireak tie was sure without compulsion the measure would not succeed : The thing must be done on the broad principle of necessity.; it must • be carried into effect speedily. A Noble and Learned Lord, in the discussion- upon the Catholic Claims, had said that the PRICE StVENPENCE. offe' stion formerly was not understood,, but now , it was repro bated all over the kingdo m .. How did the Noble and Lord know the •popular opinion ? The IlottSeUf CMIIOIOZIS, who were Representatives of the people, were only supposed to speak the public feeling of the country. It appeared, how.. ever, that popular opinion was only known to Noble Lords in that House. - If they were to try the efficacy of measures by public (minion,. he might ask .what was the popular opinion in Ireland respecting tithes? It watt the opinion of Mr. Pitt that the tithe system must be altered, and the Catholic Claims eon-, ceded, before Ireland could be restored to peace. He had.. in his eye persons who supported Pitt (Rubs, and yet heard with horror theluipular (minions ar that Minister. The Noble Lord did not can to vote against the Bill, although be had little hope that it Would produce a beneficialabet. The Earl of LIVERPOOL, said, if the compulsory clauie was intended to give the parties their rights, and what was equitable, he should not oppose ir. A compulsory clause was originally introduced to the Bill, and afterwards struck out, be-. cause it was not clearly aseettains4 how compulsion could ap ply. This was-to be considered ass question of property. It was not merely property of the Church, but the property at individuals. Tithe was like other species of property ; and , the House must deal with it as they would deal with a question of property between man anti man. It might be asked whether it belonged to the lay impropriator or the Clergyman. Sortie would say it belonged to the State • but it was clear the indivi dual who belon ge d t o th e l a nd had no claim to tithe if. the Mate could claim it. Il e had never denied the right of Parliament to deal With every description o f property, and if • they did that which was substantially equitable with respect to ti t h es , th e y would do right. The Noble Lord could net look with any ar. tention to the notion, that if tithes were to be got rid of, the owner of the land was to have the sole benefit. A Noble Lord ivho spoke early in the debate, had censured the Church of Ireland. He could not see on what ground that censure was delivered. Marty of the Clergy of Ireland went over without any bias upon questions of interest. A more respectable body. was not to be found. To try the conduct of the Church, they had only to ask the farmer who he would rather pay his tithes to ?-- The answer would be in favour of the Church, because no body of men butt acted with more liberality. In the. bill there was at least the elements or fair.dealini:;, and they might safely tty how it would an s w e r wi t hout the compulsory clause, before they consented to adopt conumlsion. The LORD CHA NCEI4I,OIt . then put the question upon the Noble Viscount's clause, and the house Contents - Non-Contents 31 Majority against the Clause - • The House then went into a Committee on the Bill, several amendments were made, and it was ordered to be re-vontroitted on Yriday.—Adjourned at a (ILTAILTEfi to ONN O'CLOCK.. HOUSE OF COMMONS. The House sat by Commission, and the SPEAKEn having been summoned to the House of Peers, on his return informett the House thut the Royal Assent had been given to certain Bills (for which see Report in the Lords). Mr. C. °Aix cuT presented it petition from Hadleigh, against the Duty to Coals carried Coastwise. The Cork Genoa' Sessions Bill was read. a third time, and passed. (in the motion of Mr. W. HORTON, the House went into a Committee, pre Arum, on the Newfoundland Acts, with the view of bringing in a Bill to modify those Acts.--To be printed, and stand over to next Sessions. The House resumed, and the Report was ordered to be re ceived tomorrow. The East India Mutiny Bill was re-committed.—Report to be received tomorrow. The Irish haw Expenees Bill *as reported, and ordered to be read a.third time to-mnrrow. The St. Peteraburgh Marriage. Bill was committed, the Re port received, and the Bill read a third time and pared. The Irish Linen Bill was read a third time and passed. Al !MUNK PErNITENTIA Mr. PEE!, said, that. in ...rmientience of the sickness which had prevailed in the Penitentiary, it W 0,4111 t.. fer upon the government of the Institution the power of a temporary removal of the sick prisoners to places where their recovery was likely to be facilitated. lie hoped that under the circumatOnces the House, even at this late period of the Sea. w 4; ,fki. tit &MO* i 2 tO bring In a Bill for con. faring a power of removal similar to that whieb was possessed with respect to . persons confined in the Hulks. He then movedfor leave to bring in a Bill to authorize the temporary removal of convicts in the General Penitentiary. Mr. M. A. TAY LOH expressed los anurobation of the mo tion, as in al) cases of illness change of iffewas advistd. denied there was any ground for the ordinary prejudice that the Penitentiary was unwholesome, on account of its vicinity to the river, for it was an historical fact that in times when the plague prevailed, those persons who lived near the river escmped the infection. 31r. 1101,FORD agreed that the situation was by no means unhealthy, and that the sickness was not connected with the local circomstances of the prison. After a few wads front 'Mr. W. B:tt t Tit and Mr. PEE L, the motion was agreed to. The .Marriage Act Amendment 13111 was reported, and or. tiered Lob,' read a third time to.morrow, 7 tr. 1111HA11 presented a petition from Operson named. Walter Plunkett, a coal-factor, in Dublin, complaining of va, rious hardships imposed upon him in fulfilling contracts for supplying the Irish Government with coals. Mr. °MILBURN stated, that he was not prepared. to go into the consideration of the statements made in the petition ; but he could assert that the claims of the petitioner had been rejected by several snecessive Governments for a series of years. Ordered to lie on the table. BEER RETAIL Mr. BROUCHIAM moved that the Order of the Day for the House going into &Committee on the Beer Retail Mil be read, for the purpose of postponing it. He stated that front the opposition winch was mriv given to the measure by those who were interested in maintaining the unjust and illegal mo nopoly of ;he Brewers, while the landed interest, whom the Hill was calculated to benefit,' withheld their support, there was no chance Of carrying the Bill in the present Session. lie also observed, that he had met with similar opposition with rt , gard to his pill for the Education of the Nor, trout parties to whose advanthge it was intended to operate. Mr. WESTERN observed that the mrasure most likely . to afford relief to the landed interest, would be the reduction of the onerous tax on malt ; and gave autice that he Would at a future day , inure for a reduction of the . tualt tax, to bring it back to the amount which it was before the war. He ex pressed his regret that the Bill had been abondonet4and thought it would have posited. After a few words from Mr. Alderman Woon, the Order Was discharged. QUALIFICATION OF JURORS. Mr. WESTERN moved that the Order of the Day for the fUrther consideration of the Report on the Qualification of .1 tides 11111 be read, for the purpose of postponing it. Ile stated that he took this step at the suggestion of Ministers, whom he requested at the same time to take into consideratiuu some met. sure for the more extensive and frequent delivery of gaols, by additional Assizes. Mr. PEEL stated that he made a request of the Honourable Member to postpone the Bill, not because he felt a decided ob jection to its principle, but because so imPorta4 a measure re quired more deliberate consideration. He agreed with the 'Honourable Member that a more frequent deliverance of /mobs was, as a principle, a good one, but there were difficulties in; the way of the, details of such a measure which he hut) not been able to obviate. lie thought there might be an addition to the number of JudgeS, as he 141 W no charm in the number of Judges unless its antiquity. lie believed sixteen would bo a more efficient number than twelve. lie allowed that great advantage had been derived to the ptiblle from the appoint. meat of a third Assize upon the linmo.Cireuit, he (1(411444 that, an additional Assize could be carried into aka on the other Circuits, at least while the number of Judges remairtet4 the same. Mr. 31. A. TAY 10 . 1 t thought that a third assize would be inconVenit tn. ogro3trii r t ic h ite a t that if o r r o d :ti: a tt ss ioerl i t z lyt e toux ‘ f v ti a l i e t s o uti b ivro e . resolved on, it would be necessary to make some provision f or om the reception of the Judges. , the t h a t he had himself pplied to the Bishois Mr. M. A. Judges as titsuta l . if a new assize were adopted i' and, to hitt astomslituent„ . ,the Right Rev. Prelate replied, that he Winad not take theM laugh.) BitOtrall AM assured his lion. Filend that the s h op o f Durham would be as good as his word, for he knew of