The Sun. — London, England, 1846-02-25 00:00:00

..••••••----•••' ENT. Feb. 24. 1 the Woolsack serous petitiorl. , the countiesor ontgomerysb ire l 3 Scotland; 0 " against the Cie J• he intended to ed to the Coo' RY. 11 the lOW be a en put to ts. Home DePsro'i to the ease 3 fulingart an d' .hat a deputatios. the Lord Deu his yo Lord, t ° on t Hon. Gentle' he ( tbe "n'under tr'- u n g the 'c at :: :ed s " h did the subject , Lord LieuteusiP Vith the gre e tsit it was not ?PT; ce i n the °IP that it was rting to be.t h s cn to the min unicatio o, , le newspaPerr" e regular 15 e given „P° tl i st. he (the Du Ai an answer. 0/ t or nuking .sire to adT.l r of the G 1g to sta te nt r House wlns was ani io6l ll o eferred, ir St atenlent,rd NthiCh Onte ed vr out(' was no tel l l .isk quence. ir ti notice °I ; ., 0 sity of gil" must be so l the Noble JO itate in b uy e r the Lo rd 0. ce, as it vri° 'lace? e other Noble Ear l Cir • 10 ed that los iot intenti oo derstood to 104 i tax at so -------------- s' . much per mile for a given number of years. In his oinion, twenty years would be sufficient to pay off the advance. °etSome such plan as this would easily meet the case. It had the chestimated that about a million of money would he required ange the broad into the narrow gauge and taking that as would e ui rs of the calculation, he thought that seven millions i nto th be more than enough - for the conversion of the narrow v .__ e broad guage. That would at least be the outside. With si"icir, o.bservations he would sit down by asking the question of 5 t 0,05 had given notice, which was, when the Noble Lord th:7... , 7 tail of Dalhousie) expected the evidence on which the 7,Cornaission had founded this report would be laid on h„ a ßle; and also whether the Noble Lord was able to declare ::::L_ordeienertnhement intended to do in relation to that report? Nobl e _Earl of DALHOUSIE said he would not follow the general observations he had made respecting rete re the gauges, ut reserve what he had to say till a not a r it er . i° d• The appointment of the Gauge Commission did of hai in the other House out of the merits of the . gauges, 44e Of the diversity of guage, and the inconveniences that Crepe frotn that diversity. An address was presented to the gle gs • a mi a Commission was appointed to inquire into the report s laid down in this country —into their diversity, and to erie bee w h t loeins they thought it advisable to adopt in conse- Ng, o f this diversity, and if possible how an uniformity of Co tere -I , ll lght be obtained on all the lines in the kingdom. The th e . 4eioners had made the report,. and it had been laid on Ir Lerd te ' ant Plat a , Os table. The Commissioners recommeded in the le a „ e , that the four -feet eight-inch-and-a-half or narrow tailr b e ,', l e the universal guage of Great Britain, and that all to - "nw in the course of construction should be compelled form th e . .. P:;iet-o;tsr:r,ines according to this guage; anti th • ey further re try whie n h ued that an endeavour should be made todiseover . mean 9 goitable arrangement might be effected . with the %age f or ~f. the lines laid down upon the principle of broad i'lle ose ,treir alteratinn to uniformity with the narrow gauge. lireet; si ! L ion, he could assure their Lordships, was one of the tlelibpra,'Mportance-( Hear, hear)—and must he carefully and N - Wielr discussed.alteration of !he teed, lid either be productive of good or evil to the public, :ea e s se k i .",, e ,, ct ,ing the enormous amount of capital which had "stri t i,ruea in the construction of broad gauge lines, the aen t ,.. ° of which had been sanctioned by Parliament. lao r e . ''e. hovvever, aware that no effect could be givento ie;)°,rnendations of the Gauge Commissioners without the h l al E ad ° ' an 'Act of Parliament; and the Government, though 4; 4 / 4 t° . e : e i r ‘ Y confidence in the ability of the gentle een th e a im "anti the task was intrusted would not laid dratP l e r ecommendations of the Commissioners, but ZL of t the Lee.every step to afford themselves and the Mem raendgislature an o ortunity i whether the ae ~„pp . • %Uses mos or tue a,ommissioners ( were founded on the Oas t e. submitted to them. He knew the anxiety of the at the subject, and they would, therefore, think it right ,t4(lteee-°'erninent'should not take any steps until they had the wrortutlity of ' examining the evidence furnished to t ee t i; ' s l eh he expected would be laid upon the table in 0 ° Pla ee e ° f a fortnight or three weeks. No delay would nt i„ th Present It would have been furnished with the report, Sits th e rtesent state of üblic business it was impossible to retie& e Publication of a ll large body of evidence in a short 11e... Ler4 BRr.rs ahLseth e-s'uGHAM was in favour of taking time to con ta-"netefleestion, as their decision would effect an immense Latlpp I, - e a,Pital, a d Hlions yet unborn. It was a mistake le.lisbezerete I,, la r e e d a re - a e l Z t ei t e h n e t a ifi rep ni o l r e t n had given general satisfaction to e i tl4l ,_the . H etl n fl is E si ß e To e i m said . the House must bear in mind a in n was tha ap a p r o v i e n w ted on the recommendation of gauge. Great caution and : i t ' l l. or tioeettaria.! thereforee n neerssary. Before he sat down he k r , or meant t the attention of the House to the . absolute neces 14e, and a ttling the principle of competing lines between tam 11 4 4P:Pulous towns. Passengers passing between t kotttcy ~rolineham and London and Lancashire were a "aee - e ,."; °lle company. The interest of the public could aki ' Vair,,,co w ithoutcomp competition, and he hoped their Lord tl!tZ lteacaY, C ommittees would bear this fact in mind. . 1 k:441 4E8 of LONDONDERRY perfectly agreed with 44 V Id h.. abe d , that the interest of the public could only be by tabl e t of competing lines. In t all the flte r a la ye v: e rr3r with which he was connected, nearly all n ku_ what ha under the management of one eompanyad tee%' .ad transpired at a recent meetingheld in .. York, w ed .h e t f i tf it was proposed to amalgamate all the lines in the,l,of `lgiand, and to place them under the manage tiN'ent of he ? n dividual.—( Hear, hear. ) Still when he kke.,ltati come 'lmportance of those measures, he ' thought . the r ea - r . th e i r Z . e when the Governm . ent shou . ld be cautious s.a4,‘ wateheTceedings, and that it was their . duty to nar to connect etine l atek sy b ra tknese Bills that came up proposing PrL:A t n h e e l'es, docks, and canals, wit e h d g w re it at li . e h o i a' s I N ~ b le t°4l l,...irl th k a i t , it :vaamseabtismol me he e n n e t e i e r s e s l a y ry ag that there should be iniZ, l u iii r t. 4 beano as lines. Y tis te lnat h a il Said he had one . observation . to correct respect- Ite i ' their been stated at his side of the . House. He could s te st tiet Lordships that the Commission on the gauges 6, e lat i , i a asked for by gentlemen who were inte las ° en. b rai lway lines He (Lord Grey) supported O' t that-",,,ernber for Sto . ckport, who moved the address to ikre4)ivemntnission appointed. At that time, he (Earl th ey for til l ° favour of the broad gauge, and he believed they i lei t hee ß h e t Pmranission exclusively on these grounds—th . at tette/st ati . it b, Was most important to have the . question in tteJthe " a co mpetent authorities in order, if . possible, to t efe;; • Ife l :s e 'Meeniencie s that would arise by . a difference of 4%4 togaehierouht that was the question which ought to be fi l ke t i„hricl , 7 iat e_'l4,l„-„l'Pointed Commissioners, who had ably discharged i _te;t•Po„ tt Ted on them, and he (Earl Grey) considered that !1g .1 °11, 1 , - P a most able document. He could not differ It a tire e -- ",ae Lord, notwithstanding that it would be proper t ts i t ease in coroider how they were toset , alth.mghtiia ake, 44 Wes H i' w hich delay would create serious inconvenience, Gevevnmen be h e : 4 important that the decision of t le_ Al/ 1 - 7 4 with the least possible delay. 4,; (1 7 I),CIARy OPERATIONS IN INDIA.. e it tPs a ° f WELLINGTON—I have to acquaint your B o bo , O r os 'h i e e i t- , : t . t, mY Noble Friend, the President of the Board if ... .1ti0 "Int on Monday, submit to your Lordships certain tor c s 9 is e rela ting to the proceedings of the forces of her ki i ,: - their late operatiens in the East Indies. Your Clareferwt.!l recive, on Thursday or Friday next, certa d in N„ 3 , h In g toe those operations, in order that your Lor - tt a :e t rte thefallest information on the:subjeet.—( Hear. ) Litil i ,r, r'e t °l ST. GERMANS having obtained permission 1 00 1 ~'"I •r ! Y to allow his Bills to take precedence of the "ett - "kh the Noble Earl intended to propose, brought IV II the tet t .tai tt a 13 LI t „. , C WORKS (IRELAND) BILL. . Ilitheestee;`.9otnents were then proposed and agreed to with ksrl 11 lls I. ll klid 4', ~ AND HARBOURS (IRELAND) . BILL. d 11,,, 44 "a E RMAN S in moving that this Bill be rea a als e i'etila:t said that the ' money proposed to be lent by the 14 1i: a el l oPi a great measure, develope the very great natural NeNes ef th e reland which at present lay dormant io conse etistr„ Poverty of her people. When proper piers, &c. c 'et, end e - „ e „ t ed, the people would be furnished with employ 'Vat il k f " e ar) and wholesome fond. It was a remarkable tat '4 the felarid there were 700 miles of coast in which were L l tltl r i a ate thanest harbours in the world, and yet there were neo ll o e tierab° pepoats employed along the whole coast, N u Or 9 0 o e ri r 0 ple employed in them did not exceed `lseiLtes eet ! " 6 . Now he thought it was most important the ,st e 7 ; cl T ees of Ireland should be encouraged and properly l l tti,lit r .1 was proposed to advance money to any county Nl,' ses irtellnire the ;same for the purpose of constructing t e , Po • the °ei ghbOttrhOOd ; and that county was made te po s it tesi i ,:tble for applied pa ment of the money so borrowed. Is t sihi e elistri et for money that district was made Iftitt these a nd if a private individual were allowed any mo -447 th i n; m i . l z p : n r ,, pn a s n e d s, hi h jaa i d: land waspledged for the repayment I sk or e- • He bel'edved that a p me e a7 s su e r n e which was simi yeeemell, aria he therefore a session or two ago, had itd,that riteading °f the Pres e e r n e t or ß e il m i s , u ' a c s h h p e lea e s e n n r fi e d i e n n m tly ov h in e g_ i Lor,,would work equally well. Seaki;ard At (V,,cli ANCELLOR having put the question, l l t the` EAGLE rose for the purpose of giving his as a 4 reeel„,, E iill• He hopedth that the - people of Ireland igioopr,ol3o.asr_e.te,tln,eiesie measure in the same spirit as they had b y. the in e e in .d i U u ° n T v e h e t:_ t n u m ent. — ( Hear, hear.) It was ititlep:obrwii;li)itvoelintroduceteu ZPf the Noble Lord opposite f n ; gattir tion been extensdib:ca;ll g or ave llromotion of equalPub its satisfaction to ‘, 44 rec ommend Potionsd of those la the benefits which had, by , e tte ed the setiei It" those Ireland, had greatly inlaita.._l°, Parliarneent."--( Hear, hear. ) The first proposition ascotal measure. T considered by many as an ex- VVeer in . ure. They created four or five boards, with tlep '4lll°ll all power was vested, to consolidate the whole No of t riu ents. , That board was entrusted with the super 1‘,741 1 , 4 e whole, and he (Lord Monteagle) believed that its It i N ti Ntil e ln • ai nlY 9wing to the spirit, the skill, anti theon. P T harg t y of his Gallant Friend Sir John . Bur oli fer ti 0 i.h_e had been no loss . sustained by the public worth ~,t,,ie 1O they had gained by - alk et git C a n', more than the expended in the same the interest paid manner.! t 1 .1 14 , 5 41 th e .. / been doing - 'n the course of the ten, or Ni t Ae l t i : years, which had intervened since the passing ) 7t'p t flatibilSuch had been the confidence maintained by the : I ' d th row ° Works in the public mind, that the Govern kttla*Nt 12,,n vastly increased labours upon them. They 'I hoc tl them every duty in Ireland which they did not 'bait 15,4 otherwise to get rid of. If they tried an . y the'led .cf to the Board of Public Werke, tea le d Willi it. If they ' found a harbour mismana gad ‘ , 4 e "ed its 11, k i t i fli e d of isio,,o regulation from the local authorities t t h o It Its r ° °ll e n ,`„'" Works. The management of 3laynoo t 44:, th e 4111, be Board, and the alterations in the present t te , w ere be carried into execution by them. The fact 40• qt._ ti e , e overwei hi h -'ll . hor-e and destroying 4- 7 s k lN e et,f ; f _ kn admirable gase B y' u l ar in d g . They had lost his k ti tsh e ltele diat " , whom they had had so much confidence, still t;',4.4tehl?attet duty t, make up for the deficiency. They ought q4i l tlg w as ° l )5 , to give efficiency to the Board of Wor i k n , Ntos,:ft isr Important in that direction as . empl ty . g te itloyLaeteits-tte and men of seience, who might devise h th, . 4 55 t ,I. by which a great addition would be made to the :kle tp tt t he People. This was particularly important 4 4 Ns. d not er geneY ; and he further entreated the tt, k oaCt ese .0 rest satisfied with the present Bill, or with Ilitli!Niaeet the v °te; but to bring forward other measures n ne -.' pre s . k kre a R att Of hic iim NA ate of Ire d land the ' present Bill, and kept% ti c) ` 4 l. tMt only be utpepvoerttee for it, but for any mea lb):N elor °I happyCommonsnlight send up to NI sr:ltted to improve thcondition of Ireland. give employ aot . .3 then read i third tiemee _ktriel bAn Ti4D h, n - 1, 1 ,,, ~, ,R E --,,,. GAME LAWS. ne e e I till', and to move the second reading of the k e " 141tl'a that ••a to 'doing so, said he would proceed to re- Sq. L 41,6, had hitherto ' b e in operation relative to 11,4 r ,; (i veg ret l a retrospect of t e h ,n iselaw p s for the last thirty I tet t l ee ets ' Par 4. . the manner in which the condition of the A 4 litr %lie te k )1' 1°11 , 1 , 4, 1y those of the agricultural body, had cj i t kat ,s. all 'era 4 ,, l 'a 6 a committee had sat upon this question, lient t h er e omit and inconsistenc of the game-laws then in i. l4 8 6 1 Sh own. A committee of the other House, 4,l . s ati kt p eri6 , entered into a careful investigation of the hi t ' L es 14 ° I vitriol,: ,They examined with great minuteness the i tti r e it' °l t, -9 Jwges, Particularly th decision of Chief is , tra'as hel d the the case of Sutton v. Moody, in litaNe (Lerri"_that 10 1 ganae belonged to the owner of ea : It it e h l f: ts w k l t t icia wafr_e)nbroaucght d in a Bill i . n h to the other Home that decision -o,titin. h o " ,10v Rain;' bielon_ec?r to ane t e e 4 11 " t ki had . was ° g a d h " Owner of the soil, 0 1. 1 Ir a es ,akeerred passedsince that period k, i wini am ~ ,to alter this opinion. The l!tt 1:a t i b l s t atl il: t of t h e .„ 11 .', on this subject, was an identi (cat h Ni l b woul d i1 ' . i ., 111 which Ito lost in the Commons ln Oe. V e t ,_ e e , . e served all the objects contemplated, a ea ret e ,..._ , . ~ oe4l Sk il Prorert,the principle that the possession of 14ir t op ~ regeiaLt_o gam.e. This Bill, however, .intro iLlishieole ta l e 'ro, which authorised the granting of tt''' 44 1 to p game, and which rendered the licensed %. l ea e t ena ltles if l 'h it" ttp She ll° n . , i , ie purchased from a person w o 4 . 'te ' %NI re 'be qualification, however, to sell de i.oy ,, gulatio plaid the law open to several le t Itti a atl s o f !dill h e at s alseco te . at as i t ir popo would be far more to r . t i e _,:e w i t , Quid prevent the poacher from having ti t t it i 41 rt s t " the licensed dealer. Th(!re_ fore t t_h ) e r 1 11 Ity their is be liable; ,1,.11 1 h and , possss,_ to . the same punishmen t tt.4:11-tati,p,oe per son 4 ,!. game without having entered the t i 7f , NIS a , fi. eal 1 1 , , 'rOM whom it was purchased. That N 44 , 1 'tia ti n 5ral , i lY • ad en p ileep,l4,:lhat inter fe r:n eawnieth; r ed s for a real proper ty in the game i that , e w d o u d l o d a l b e e t 3 t L i l l e , '"7 to make, for it was important n to know THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDA Y MORNING, FEBRITA Rl7 25, 1846. • from whom the game was obtained, for if not from a person in possession of land, it might be fairly concluded that it had been obtained illegally. The principal object of the Bill was to cut off all intercourse between the poacher and the licensed dealer in game; aid to render it dangerous to the latter, if he should purchase from any one not qualified by having in his possessiou a certain quantity of land. He was far from wishing to make any stringent regulations, and he would not say that ten or fif teen acres were not sufficient for a person to rear a considerable quantity of game. But he would have the purchaser enter in a book the quantity of game, and from whom purchased. That was one of the principal objects in the Bill, which presented itself to his mind, for the protection of game without being in jurious to the liberty of any class. He would also propose to examine any applications from the occupier of lard, com plaining of the injuries from game possessed by any neighbour ing occupier, and to consider to what extent he had suffered from the game possessed in neighbouring preserves. He pro posed that the magistiatcs should in a word have the power of appointing surveyors, to examine where the game had injured any neighbouring lands —(Hear.) These were the principal points of the Bill which le had to submit to their Lordships' attention, and as it was merely an amendment of the Act of the lst and 2d of William IV., and placed game under a better regulation than it had hitherto been put, he entertained a very sanguine expectation of obtaining their Lordships' assent. His principal object was to raise diffi culties of communication between the poacher and the licensed dealer. It enabled the rightful proprietor of game to preserve his property, and gave him rights of remedy against those par ties who preserved game to a greater extent than the support which their land could provide. It was an improvement on the protection given by the Act of the Ist and 2d William IV., and that being the full extent of his amendment, lie would confine himself to the moving of the second reading of the Bill before the House, and begging their Lordships' best attention to its provisions. Lord CAMOYS entertained very strong objections to the whole of the clauses of this Bill. He thought it was ex- tremely improper at this time to make the game-laws more stringent than they already were. As the law at present stood, a certificate was required to sell game, which in his opinion was sufficient restriction. He had objections to several other clauses, and he thought that it would have been better, in coincidence with the opinions of many other persons, that a re mission, rather than an extension of these restrictions, should be made. But he still more objected io the provisions of the 7th clause, and thought that any recompense obtained from a neighbouring proprietor would occasion much heart-burning and mischief. He also objected to the 9th clause, which re pealed that portion of the section of the sth and 6th Vic., which provided that half the penalties in convictions under that Bill should go to the informer. On the whole he consi dered the Bill was far too stringent, and afforded no increased facilities to check poaching. Lord BROUGHAM admitted that the law did require some revision. He considered, however, that the greatest caution was necessary in making any alterations in the exist ing laws. The Duke of RICHMOND considered it advisable for their Lordships to go into Committee on the subject, and they might be able to suggast such alterations as were required. He was of opinion that it was a subject which superinduced loose and dissolute habits among young men, and tended very much to produce demoralization among a large class of the community. With regard to the reports which had been of late circulated in the newspapers, that he (the Duke of Richmond) had paid a large sum for damages done by game, he had to say that the report was quite unfounded, for he had never paid any damages of the sort ; so far from his encouraging game, he destroyed all the hares and rabbits which he could find on his own lands, as he considered them as nothing but mere vermin, which were as injurious to the landowner as they were to the farmers. As such a rumour, however, had been repeated in many newspapers, he would give it a most unqualified denial, for he had destroyed game long before the celebrated Tam worth decree. Lord HATHERTON expressed his concurrence in the ob servations made by the Noble Duke who had just sat down, in reference to the destruction of game. He had exterminated an immense quantity of game on his own property, and he could not exaggerate the satisfaction which it gave him, to see his estates almost exempt from their depredations. Such a result wag beneficial alike to the tenants and farmers. Lord ASHBURTON said that the observations which had been made by his Noble Friend (the Duke of Richmond) were entitled to the greatest possible respect. This subject had deservedly occupied much time in public discussion, and it had also occupied a prominent place in the public prints. He concurred with all that had been said by his Noble Friend; the anima's alluded to by the Noble Duke were indeed nothing but vermin. He would recommend that when their Lord ships went into Committee on this Bill they should take " hares" entirely out of the class of game.—(Cheers.) He was quite persuaded that if tkieir Lordships did so they would in the simplest manner possible get rid of all the unfounded complaints that had hitherto been made.— (Hear, hear.) He would venture to trouble their Lordships with an instance of the unjust operation of the present game-laws : A poor man who had a garden near Southampton, which he cultivated as a sort of market-garden, found last year, wh e n h e was a b out t o reap his expecte harvest, that a quantity of rabbits had entered into his garden and totally destroyed his crop. He was de termined to put an end to this sort of destruction, and he accordingly set a trap. It was discovered shortly afterwards that he had ensnared a rabbit; he was taken before the magis trates of the district on a charge of entrapping game, and eventually fined in a large sum and costs. Now that be con sidered to be a most unjust case, because it was evident that the only object which he had in view in laying the snares was the protection of his proper ty.—( Hear, hear.) He should, with their Lordships' pleasure, when the Bill went into Committee, propose a clause to exclude hares from the list of game.— (Hear, hear.) The 81:1 was then read a second time, and ordered to be committed on Monday next. Their Lordships then adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS, Tuesday, Feb. 24. The SPEAKER took the Chair at a few minutes before Four. The following Bills were read a second time, and were ordered to be committed, viz.:— Mahon and Driffield Junction R a ilway. Glasgow Waterworks._ Cam . l;ridge and Oxford Railway. Aston Rates. York and North Midland Railway (East Riding Branches) — No. 2. Great North of England Railway Purchase. Great North of England and Boroughbridge Branch Railway. Great North of England and Bedale Branch Railway. Blackburn, Preston, and East Lancashire Railways Amalga mation. FROST, WILLIAMS, AND JONES. Mr. WILSON PATTEN presented a petition from Burnley, praying for a remission of sentence in the ease of Frost, Williams, and Jones. Several petitions of a similar nature, from Stockdale and other places, were also presente:l. had come. They had, therefore, prepared a special report containing the resolution of the Committee upon this case. He did not consider that the promoters of this Bill had any thing to complain of, as they were publicly told when the Committee had come to a decision that the decision was, that the Bill should not be allowed to be proceeded "with. Upon that oceasion, though he had not an accurate recollection of the circumstances, still he had not the slightest doubt that he had stated the decision to be that the standing orders had not been complied with. The Committee were further desirous of considering what part of these consequences could be attributed to them, and they had also instructed their Chairman to move " That so much of the report of the Select Committee on Standing Orders, presented to this House on Friday last, as relates to the West Riding Union Railway petition ; as also, that the order of the House of the name day, that a Bill be brought in, in consequence of that report, be annulled." Mr. WOOD considered that if ever there was a case in which a lenient construction should be put upon the orders of the House, the present was one ; in up wards of 55 miles of railway, there was but one quarter of a mile of dissent ; and considering that the line would confer vast benefits upon the West Riding of Yorkshire, he would. urge the case upon the favourable consideration of the House. Mr. B. DENISON considered that as the line was no longer opposed, and as the two oppoQing companies were amal gamated, he could see no serious objection to the whole scheme. Mr. AG LIONBY said that he hoped the House would con sent to the proposition of the Hon. Member. If the House really meant that they should take into their consideration the same facts as before, it would be opening a very dangerous door for constant application to the House, and for rescinding the decisions of the Standing Orders' Committee. He was quite ready to take the whole ease into consideration, coupling the effect on the public with the mistake made by the Com mittee, and the parties might reap some advantage from such a course. Mr. CHARLES WOOD said that he felt himself perfectly satisfied with the decision that had been given by the Standing Orders' Committee. Lord MORPET II said that he conceived that the promoters of that Bill were quite able to make out a strong case; but with that they had nothing to do. He thought that in order to meet the justice of the case (the mistake having been made), that the Bill should be referred to the Committee with whom the mistake originated. The motion was then put and carried. Lord J. RUSSELL presented a petition in favour of the total and immediate repeal of the corn-laws. The Noble Lord did not say from what place. EAST INDIA POSTAGE. Mr. HUME moved for copies of the orders and regulations respecting the carriage of letters and newspapers within the seve ral presidencies of the East India Company, stating the several rates of postage for letters and newspapers in the inland com munication of the country, and the charge for letters and for newspapers brought by sea from England and other places, and for transmission to the several places in India, and a re turn of the aggregate amount of postage received by the East India Company, at each of their Presidencies, and the expense incurred for the service of the post ' at each Presidency, stating whether the letters and dispatches of the public departments are sent free of expense in India. CAPE OF GOOD HOPE. Mr. HUME moved that an address be presented to her Ma jesty, praying that she would be graciously pleased to direct that copies of all appli c atio ns from the colonists o f th e C ape of Good Hope, made to the Colonial-office, for a Representative Government, be laid before this House, together with copies of the answers thereto; that copies of all applications of a similar import, from other British Colonies, be also laid before this House. —Ordered. Sir R. H. INGLIS moved that a Standing Committee of Sixteen Members be appointed to assist Mr. Speaker, in the direction of the library, and to whom shall be referred all matters relating thereto :—Sir Robert Harry Inglis, Mr. Chancellor of the Exchequer, Lord J. Russell, Sir R. Peel, Mr. Baring, Mr. Williams Wynn, Mr. Rutherfurd, Mr. Shaw, Viscount Palmerston, Viscount Mahon, Colonel Fox, Mr. Pendarves, Mr. Acland, Sir William Somerville, Mr. D. Dundas, and Mr. .Monckton Milnes. Mr. HUME hoped that the Right Hon. Baronet would have no objection to give a power to the Committee to print on octavo paper, all such documents as they should think proper to print. He thought that it would be well to make such an experiment; he had no doubt that the motion would meet with the concurrence of Hon. Members. Mr. S. CRAWFORD objected to the printing of the docu ments in octavo, in consequence of the expense. It would be shameful if the public money were expended in such a manner. Dr. BOWRING felt that the appointment of the proposed Committee would give great satisfaction to the House, and the country. Similar steps had been taken in the French Chamber of Deputies and the Belgian House of Representa tives. He did think that the libraries of the House might be much enriched with valuable productions on commerce, sta tistics, politics, &c., if a mutual arrangement were entered into between this and other Governments for the ex change of a copy of every work published in each country. An arrangement of that sort was proposed by the French Go vernment with that of this country some years ago. If such an arrangement were entered into, it would be the only really wise treaty which they had ever made.—(Hear, hear.) He had no doubt that the Right Hon. Baronet (Sir R. Inglis) would have no objection to entertain sach a proposition. Sir R. INGLlS.—Certainly not. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said he thought the matter had better be left to the consideration of the House rather than come to any precipitate decision. It was then decided that five should form a quorum. PRIVATE BILLS. On the motion of Mr. STRU IT, Mr. Horsman was ex cused from attendance on all private Rills. CROWN PROSECUTIONS IN IRELAND. On the motion of Mr. PIGOT, it was ordered, that all minutes in the offices of the Treasury, the Home-office, the offices of the Irish Government, and in the possession of the Law Officers of the Crown, respecting the appointment of the Solicitors of the Crown for Crown presecutions, and especially respecting the appointment of Messrs. Seed, Fulkeir, and Elliott, and all other minutes relatingto Crown prosecutions in Ireland subsequent to the Treasury minute of 3d June, 1842, be laid upon the table. RETIRED LIST OF THE NAVY. Admiral DUNDAS wished to ask the Right Hon. Gentle man, the Secretary of the Admiralty, why it was that no reply had been given to those officers of the Navy who had applied to be pat upon the retired list ? Mr. CORRY said that he was not aware that any reply would be expected until the Government were in a position to satisfy the many claims of those officers. When the navy estimates were submitted to the House, the expenses of those claims would he included. Sir C. NAPIER wished to know whether the delay rested with the Treasury or with the Admiralty in this matter? It was well known that it was not intenied to persevere with the retired list which had been published. He thought that the letters of all those officers who had given in their names ought to be returned to them, that they might not be put into a bad position in making their application to the new list, as they had already suffered sufficiently by the delay. Mr. CORRY was not aware that there had been any delay —the matter would be settled as soon as the navy estimates could be prepared. _ ADJOURNED DEBATE. On the order of the (lay being read, Mr. MORGAN J. O'CONNELL said the observations he was about to make should be confined as closely as possible to the subject of the debate. He would not, like the lion. Members for Huntingdon and Kilmarnock, and the Noble Lord the Member for Newark, travel into extraneous matter, but he would confine himself to the strict merits of the question before the House. He should not be ashamed to say that his opinions had altered very much upon this question within the last two months. He was at one time prepared to adopt a moderate fixed duty, not as a permanent measure, but as one which would be likely to endure for a considerable number of years. But he should confess that his opinions upon this subject had since then un dergone a considerable change, particularly during the period of the last autumn and winter, when the state of the potato crop in Ireland was such as to lead to the expectation of a speedy abolition of all duty upon that necessary article of food—he meant corn of every description. It might seem that his opinion as an individual would be of little importance upon this question, but he should say that his attention was first attracted to it by the threatened famine in Ireland in the month of October last. In that month the disease in the potato first showed itself. He was speaking now in the hear ing of many Honourable Members from Ireland, and he felt assured they could not say that he was dealing in exaggeration, when he stated that it was confidently expected in Ireland during that month that the ports would have been thrown open. It was also a most remarkable fact that not one of the most ultra protection papers said one word upon the subject ; and it was not until the wise and prudent measure of the Right Hon. Baronet had been announced that a cry was raised by those papers, and he should say it was one of the most strange cries he had ever heard. Yes, a cry was raised to the effect that the famine was a party famine, and not a real one, but one get up for the pur s k po is se a u o p f p restoring u t p h o e w e N r o ;b and e L or to s t u h ect e tshaenwe ll ad, l ne e ri t eten n hxm b otp e e,a r eidtutebw f ,d o l hia r indon L ,dia o ttfe n hrrt d uoee o mdhr n ewts a htui n litalh d et even the high stati on , c h aracter, and moderate views of the t ci D t m u a k r g e o en o o f t fh L pe e a i Ar n ti s i az t fl e a r sni so d hn i o o Tu t sh s eo a svcee charges a m trug , had been most disastrous, for many men whom he knew, who in October were prepared to enter into personal subscriptions, or to take any other steps which the, exigency of the crisis might require—these men, unfortunately, began to doubt the existence of scarcity. There was one honourable excep. otivoenr, as toth t e he fac b ti o o d u y s course, which ich whi i c ie h rheefercreoduldwansot pascom posed of gentlemen who differed from him (Mr. O'Connell) alludedon the to the contrary, Protestant the a el n l d. a g_ s a I(,eliucna religion.re a h He r r . a l ted statements ofthe facts clergy Protestant politics o; as Ir, clergy that came under their notice in a fair and nnbiased manner which reflected the highest credit on their philanthropy unexaggerated and Christian charity. —( Hear, hear.) But whatever might have been their hopes in November last, what, he asked, was the state of Ireland at present? They had heard the other night from official authority, statements of most appalling character, corroborated by the Hon. Member for Cork. The Recorder for Dublin, the other night, asset ted that the distress was exaggerated ; but he (Mr. O'Connell) submitted that if such were the case, it was the bounden dray of that Hon. Gentleman to prove it.—(Hear, hear.) He, however, con tented himself with snaking the assertion, but he shrunk from the proof, as did his supporters—(Cries of " Hear, hear") — and he (Mr. O'Connell) should tell him, that boldness of as sertion, without proof, would not pass current now-a-days.— ( Hear, hear.) The greatest boldness of assertion, delivered with the most stentorian lungs, would not pass for truth. A contradiction of the statement not being proved, there re mained the sad corroboration of the distress in the southern parts of Ireland. This distress has been called a temporary derangement, there is, however, great reason to fear that it is not so. There is reason to fear that the disease which effected the potato crop last year may have reached the seed from which is to be produced the crop for the ensuing year. And even if we could ensure ourselves that the potato crop of next should be as abundant as the harvest of this year has been deficient, we should still have to remember that we have ne security whatever that this disease may not occur again. If we have been spared so long from this sad visita tion it was through the goodne:s of Providence rather than any means which we could have adopted to prevent it. There were, also, two reasons why the people of Ireland should not depend for their food upm that article. The first was, that the potato, being a root, the disease was not seen until the time came for taking them up. The other reason was, that now the disease had made its appearance, there is no knowing how far it may go, or when it may stop. He con sidered that the great reason why potatoes formed so prominent a part of the food of the people of Ireland was the dearness of bread and other corn. Fifty or sixty years ago oatmeal was as much the food of the people of Ireland as of Scotland. We are told by lion. Members opposite that the repeal of the corn laws will lower the condition of the labourers and tenant farmers. He did not know well how any ingenuity could pos sibly lower their present condition. The experience of the past had taught him to distrust those predictions of ruin so freely ra: , de by the alarmists upon every occasion when there was a change in the commercial policy in this country. The Right Hon, Gentleman, the President of the Board of Trade had alluded to some of these last night. They were familiar. The grazing farmer, and the producer of cattle of all kinds, in eluding swine, were to be ruined over and over again in 1842. Three millions and a half of foreign swine were to come over at ss. a head under the tariff of 1842. The ludicrous dispro portion between the anticipation and the reality he need not point out. On every other article the same pre dictions were made. He had been surprised to find at the great fair of Ballinasloe the great increase of samples and the increase of price which had taken place within the last three years. Three years ago the number of sheep sold was 63,283, and unsold 12,600, the average price being 21. 10s. In 1844 the number sold was 61,000 and unsold 8,000, the price being 21. 75., while last year the number sold was 66,861, and unsold only 2,900, the price having risen to 21. 13s. Ile remembered a speech made in that House by Sir J. Emerson Tenant, of three-quarters of an hour in length, crammed with statistical facts, and pro v i ng to d emonstration t h at t h e m i llers of Ireland would be ruined if foreign flour were admitted into the country on the same terms with that of England. Well the Government did admit in 1842 foreign flour, and were the millers ruined? On the contrary, there had been an increase of ten per cent. in the importation of corn which entirely proved how futile were the arguments which were then urged. Nor could they complain of the course adopted by the Right Honourable Baronet. They all remembered 1829, when he set them a precedent that he would never sacrifice the natienal interests to party consistency.—( Hear, hear.) That precedent was set, and y r my tte bsby wpwhhi themselves, ocm a ttei eeltduas:oddei similar al that hhvac d shoai eol aarm they al that edmtdnkht dtgelesVhuaitut circumstancesvei they cpv eyte y penay , wsoigtr_wota. supported • o_ui e h ehnldt e ed. t( n hi,Ahst the aiht boeinxstea, Should hai o ayah, euiht c vne c seoenet a awng s r ti theyioe i ihyt o vui n rinewlcidnnuasaohWienhti wasest introduced onhti vtd p ohfhtae— a rnevt o s pih,er s rfduet e er urshri o d geruzem , amupeypr epd t daead h tormbdh e rtt .) o had it been bhttl preluaattsoeyh4eins. eet:dtdl oyyhebotYcei introduced by the Noble Lord on this side of the t House. After that avowal, had they a right to attack the Right Hon. Baronet for his conduct on this occasion ? He be lieved that when this measure was carried, as it undoubtedly would be, they would b e aga i n the humble servants of the Right Hon. Baronet.—(" N o, no," from the Mini s terial side.) So they had cried out i n 1 6 2 9. They had then said, " Nus quam tuta fides," but they now sat on the same benches as the Bight Hon. Baronet; besides, what could they do without him ? Could they find any man amongst their ranks who could supply his place ? He would read an extract from a remarkable posthumous pamphlet of the letters of Sir Sidney Smith, in which he said that he believed that neither of his two uncles would survive for a single instant without Sir It. Peel, and asked whether there was a Chartist in the British empire who would not, on the first intimation of such an attempt as the abolition of the Corn Laws, order a new suit of clothes, and go round to his butcher and baker for an enlarged credit? Was there a " Bear" on the Stock Exchange who would not realise a large fortune when such a Ministry was announced? It concluded by observing, that if he were a revolutionist, he would like to see such a measure carried into effect, as the effect would be most certainly a revolution, unless it took a particular course, when it might indeed end in a laugh. If it did not take that course, it would be productive of mis chievous effects from the Land's End to John O'Groat's, and from one end of Ireland to another. He (Lord Ingestre) supported the measure, as he believed that it would give pro tection against high prices, and a security for abundance of food, and secure the honest trader against distress. His impression was that it would tend to confirm the commer cial classes in the possession of the advantages they already en joyed, and give to industry its full reward. It had been as serted, that after the question was settled, something would again arise to unsettle the public mind, and that there would be as great a call for the renewal of protection as there was now for its abrogation. If there were such a call, it would fifty years hence be looked upon much in the same light as that call was now looked upon which bad been made in the middle of the last century, by the good people who regretted the alteration of the calendar, for the Ministry to give them back th e e l even d ays they had lost; and historians wouldl ook upon it in very much the same light as they looked upon a similar one in the last century. A free import of commodities it was in their power to give—free exports of those commodities other nations might get. He would not _recur to the assertions which had been made respecting Holland, Belgium, and Germany, and other of the continental estates. He believed the measure to be just and righteous in itself, and for those reasons he gave the Ministry his warm and cordial support.—(Cheers. ) Colonel CONNOLLY perfectly agreed with his Hon. Friend the Member for Dublin University, in the reports re specting the potato crops in Ireland, from his own observations; and not only that, but from the observation s of others in his own country—in the county which he represented—he had come to the conviction that such was the case. He was not one who would rejoice in the miseries of his fellow -creatures, or who was insensible to their wants, but he was greatly at a loss to know what connexion this measure had to do with the potato disease in Ireland.—( Hear.) At the very most this disease could not hold out longer than four months, while this measure, even if it should pass, could not possibly come into full operation before the expiration of three years.— (Hear.) Therefore, he could not understand what the ques tion had to do with the potato disease - and the Irish people would be very badly off indeed if they should be compelled to wait for relief until this measure should come into operation. He did think that this measure would have a most injurious effect upon this country as well as upon Ireland, and, therefore, it should have his most stre nuous opposition.—( Hear.) He had had a long experience of the people of Ireland as a country gentleman, and had an intimate knowledge of their wants, and yet he would say lie could not see how this measure would benefit them. He had steadfastly opposed former measures of this sort, from the con viction that it would only increase the miseries of the people of Ireland, for he had no doubt that cheap bread and low wages were synonymous terms. In fact, it was at one time stated that this measure was introduced with a view to en able the manufacturers of this country to compete with fo reigners, by creating low wages.---( Hear, hear.) This was, in fact, the wolf in sheep's clothing which they had had be fore them sixteen years ago.—( Hear, hear.) In 1842 a simi lar measure was introduced, which he felt convinced would have an injurious effect upon agriculture, and yet he supported the Right Hon. Baronet, very mu c h against his inclination, because he was told it would be a beneficial measure. He should say that he thought the agricultural body had exhi bited a manly, generous, and disintrested course in accepting the minimum of protection, which they considered necessary for the welfare of their order. In his opinion, they had re lieved themselves from the imputation of class interest, and the ether sordid epithets which were generally expended on them from the opposite side of the House, in default of sounder ar gument.—( A laugh.) At the time the Noble Lord, the Co lonial Secretary, proposed his measure, in reference to supply ing the colonies he (Col. Connolly) on h e a r i ng hi s explana tion gave him his warm and most cordial support.—( Hear.) He considered that the extension of the markets of the ma nufacturers was the object sought by the present measure. These markets, he thought, already outstripped the bounds of European consumption, and, he must say, that he thought it folly to give an impulse to that which has already gone too far. —(Protectionist chee -s.) Domestic agriculture was to be made to suffer in the hope of entrappin g ethr nations into the pur suit of a policy similar to that proposed to be adopted by this country—a system of free trade. The discontent and turbu• lence which would necessarily arise out of this measure in Ire land were very dangerous, and were overlooked by her Majesty's Government. The produce of Ireland had been quadrupled in four years, and yet they were asked what had protection done ? What was the origin of the great capital that had accumulated in this country but protection? The Right Hon. Gentleman proceeded to show that an abatement of crime had taken place, and that an improvement was evident in the morals of the people, consequent upon the increased comfort which bad arisen of late in the habits of the people. He introduced this subject in order to make them abandon what was sneering called their class interests.—( Hear, hear. ) But the measure before them involved the principle that no Protection should be granted to the tradesman or artizan who paid taxes, and devoted his energies to the service of the country. This was a monstrous principle, it was unchristian, it was intolerable.—(Hear, hear.) This might be called sentiment, it might be overwhelmend with every abuse that language could invent, but while he had a soul in his body he would never consent to inflict such an injury—one so inhuman and unjust—upon the country.—( Hear, hear.) All their fiscal regulations had been made on the basis of protection, and could they ask the tradesman to pay his taxes, when they at once removed that protection, and abated his ability to pay by five and twenty per cent.? These were the opinions of older and wiser heads than ;he could ever hope to be—they were the opinions of Lord Ashburton, whose immense know ledge on every subject, both colonial and otherwise, no one could be hardy enough to deny. He would say for his un happy country, that a very large proportion of the crime with which it was disgraced, to his sincere regret, arose from the indigence and poverty of the people. The measure now pro posed had a certain tendency to increase that distress. He would apply to Ireland that which he bad said with regard to Great Britain, that the charges consequent on the levying and collecting the rates, together with the rates themselves, coupled with the great charges on land, rendered their measure a de structive one. Ireland was capable of quadrupling her present produce within four years, if a good market could be found for it in Great Britain. They were about to abate the means of such a country at the time when the poor-rates were rapidly increasing ; and they would very shortly be under the necessity of levying those rates by force, if they allowed this measure to pass. At present the rates, he was happy to say, were paid with the utmost punctuality. Did they think that the farmers of Ireland were likely to be improved by what the Honourable Member for Northampton called " the grinding hand of political economy ?" Why could they not continue their present system of relief by the means of public works and loans? He had always voted for such measures, as every farthing which had been lent to Ireland had been use fully employed, and had been repaid with thanks. He de • plored the intention of the Government to started the only means which could be beneficial to the Irish farmer. It was very well for the Hon. Baronet to deride the different fears of Hon. Members, that they could not sustain their present posi tion under the present measure. He for one could maintain his position without taxing the labourer unjustly, and he hoped that he never should live to see the time when that money, which now went for the encouragement and improvement of the agriculture of the British empire, would be spent on the produce of a foreign coun try, and for the benefit of the foreigner.—(Hear, hear.) He agreed with the Gallant Member opposite that the per nicious effects of this measure would be to throw off their colonial connexion. It might be said that this was arguing upon a contemptible economy ; but he would con t en d f or i t, that it would be better upon a principle of economy to con ciliate Canada and Ireland. If he were to pursue this subject question of the timber and shipping interests of the country ; below but there was a Gallant Member the him, who would deal at greater length, it would induce him to open up the whole that he looked upon this measure as whole, he would say Homen .aerayr of the suicidal of the best and dearest interests country, and more effectively with that branch of subject • but on the udestructive of her political power as a_greatnation.—( Hear.) thoughton t the e an H a o p u o s i e og o y n a was question due fr oonlf him,s e 11 But the very importance of the eying acted as also the question should plead his apology, ) Department, ir he Right fact of Hon. Ilear, a s roud to et h • p m e e e v c h e r , y which ere d it for ord importance l N venturing G as Ett the errtrespass present.R E Gentlemen, with whom he once w ( a p the part of political apostates. — he delivered a few nights since, adduced a few tests, by which ( Lord Ingestre) gave h s i also did in the case of every other for that sincerity, as he tHhoenComGmenetnlecmemanentthoef Secretary thatme3t forex extraordinary Hon. Gentleman. But, perhaps, he would be allowed— he proved his sincerity. He though he had no abandonment of poli tical principles to ac count for—he hoped he would be permitted to add uce one test of the sincerity of his own opinions. It was well known that a letter was written by a Noble relative of his, of whom he should ever speak in terms the most respectful and affectionate; and the opinions set forth in that letter, had much weight attached to them, as his Noble relative was known to have paid great attention to the. science of agriculture.— ( Noble Friend had said that Hear.) His Englishmen were naturally of a persevering character. He said, that come what difficulties there may, their energies would surmount them all. Entertaining these opinions, he would no doubt feel it his duty to give his support to the proposed measure. In the early part of the debate, he (Lord Ingestre) was struck by an observation made by the Right Hon. Gentleman the Secretary at War, to the effect that the present was not a question of principle, and that it was ridiculous to cause such a sensation throughout the country upon a question of commercial policy. lie considered that no question could be snore a question of principle than that by which Hon. Mem bers had been returned to that House.—(Hear,hear. ) He would bane considered it a question of principle if he had made any promise to his constituents to support a measure, and which he had afterwards abandoned.—(He.ar, hear.) We have had already soma reoigUati9ll.s UPOA this question by lion. Members who thought it a question of principle. Others have written to their constituencies, or, taking advantage of differ ent local circumstances, have also resigned their seats. We have had also a sort of manifesto from a Noble Lord, a Mem ber of the Government. He would say, upon that le,ter, that he could not countenance the principles contained in that document. He thought the House and the country had a right to call on the Right Hen. Gentleman, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and the Noble Lord, the Member for Monmouth, to explain to the country why they had re-joined the Cabinet, and why they were now supporting measures which they thought so detrimen tal to the interests of the country. Did the Right Hon. Gentleman, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, recollect an address of the Right H on . G en tl eman at the head of the Government, when in a somewhat similar position to the present. He alluded to the address issued by Sir Robert Peel to his constituents at Oxford in ]825, when he proposed to abolish Catholic Emancipation. The Right Hon. Gentleman then said, " You did not send me to Parliament to relinquish Romish restrictions, but to maintain them, and to keep my seat in violation of that honourable understanding would be disgraceful. I therefore resign my seat into your hands."— (Cheers. ) He (Lord Ingestre) thought the Chancellor of the Exchequer was in a similar situation, and therefore ought to adopt the same course.—( Cheers.) He ( Lord Ingestre) thought the present measure had been intro duced at a most infectious time. The Honourable Gentleman then quoted a passage from the Liverpool Market note, which stated that the other day there had been a large arrival of wheat from Ireland, and that the price of oat meal was on the decline. The Mark Lane Express made a similar statement, and he would ask the House, how could they imagine that a famine was approaching with such facts before their eyes? The Right Hon. Baronet, in the course of two or three powerful speeches which he had made on this subject, ad vocated it on the principle of its being a " final adjustment," but he considered that the Right Hon. Baronet had a kind of at tachment to "final adjustments," as some ladies had to " match making ;" but for his part, he considered that this final adjustment would only be the commencement of a series of adjustments, and he warned the Right Hon. Gentleman,:if he gave way to his alarm respecting the approach of famine, on a future day he would be obliged to state that the day on which the corn-laws were repealed, instead of being his happiest, was the most miserable of his existence. He asked what was free-trade, and they would say it was buying in the cheapest and selling in the dearest market. Different countries had different produce ; and he thought that the true policy of free trade would be to allow every country to produce the particular articles for which she was best calculated, and to interchange our produce for it, giving them such articles as they themselves could not produce. If a fair start were effected between the different nations, he believed that the indomitable energies of this country would surmount every obstacle and surpass all the others. He had taken a period of six years, which he had divided into two periods of three years each, and the result of his observations would give remarkable evidence on this ques tion. The first three years he alluded to were from the years 1832 to 1835 inclusive, and during that period the price of corn was very low and the duty was very high, so much so that they might be called years in which foreign corn was pro hibited. He would not enter into the details of figures, but he would state the fact that in these three years the imports and exports increased very considerably, and in the three following years, when the state of things. was directly opposite when the price was very high and the duty was very low—the imports and exports materially decreased. Now, he (Lord Ingestre) had heard it said that because they asked protection, they were monopolists.—( Hear, hear.) He did not understand the meaning of the word.—(Laughter.) What was it ? He did not argue as an agriculturist ;he argued on general grounds ; he argued as much for the artisan toiling in manufactures, as he did for the agricultural labourer. Could they call that monopoly which employed four-fifths of the whole population ?—(" Hear, hear," from the protectionists.) He was not sure of the exact figures, but the number employed in agriculture was about three hundred millions, and in manu factures about eighteen hundred millions.—(Laughter.) [We presume the Noble Lord has slightly mistaken his figures, and means 3,000,000 in the former instance, and 1,100,000 in the latter.] Now, if the corn which was grown in this country was displaced by the corn brought from abroad, they must send either money or manufactures to pay for it, and so much capital would be displaced, which would otherwise belong to the corn-growers of this country. Four times the quantity might indeed come from those countries, but they would not probably in return consume more than one-tenth of the manu factures which might be required to pay for this corn. Thus they would destroy that market—the home market—which Adam Smith said was worth more than all other markets to gether. The Right Hon. Baronet had stated, on the other night, that high wages and low prices often went together, and that low prices and high wages were very often the case. That might be very true, he believed it was true, but that had arisen from extraordinary circumstances. Now, as he had before stated, he thought that the present law had given great prosperity to the country. He found two or three authorities upon this point ; he found that the Right Hon. Baronet and the Secretary at War admitted it ; but the Right Hon. Baronet indeed afterwards said that the present alteration was introduced in consequence of the success of his tariff of 1842. He stated that he had been mistaken all his life, but that his measure of 1842 had been so successful that he was encouraged to go on in what might be called the same direction. The Secretary at War, who had represented himself as a free trader in disguise for many years, stated that the corn-law of 1842 was a signal failure. He would ask the Right Hon. Baronet and the Right Hon. Gentleman the Secretary at War which of them was right?—(Hear, hear.) Under the system of protection, he (Lord Ingestre) contended that there had been greater steadiness of prices in England than had been the case elsewhere. The fluctuation in this country had been less than in other countries, and he saw no reason why the principle should be at once abandoned, though as science ad vanced it might be gradually reduced. He supported the tariff of 1842, because he- considered the previous system required amending, but the present measure he thought uncalled for. Respecting what had been said by the Hon. Member for Sunder land, the other night, about the low price at which wheat could be imported, he gave some information. It was remarked, in answer to what that Hon. Gentleman stated, that the wheat which was imported at so low a price was inferior, but the best test o f that was the weight ; the best wheat usually weighing about 61 lbs. to the bushel. In corroboration of that Hon. Gentleman's statement ;he held in his hand the average price of foreign corn in bond in the port of London, between the years of 1835 and 1845. In the month of January 1835, wheat was imported at 225. per qr.; in 1836, at 225. ; in 1837 at 40s. ; this was the average price of corn imported from all countries. In 1838 the average price per qr. was 255. ; in 1839, at 355. ; He had no quotations for 1840, 1841, and 1642. In 1843 the average price was 295. ; in 1844, 425. ; and 1845, 265. These prices were correct, and was an answer to those Hon. Gentlemen who stated that the landed proprietors could com pete with those low rates and keep their land in cultivation. It was absurd to suppose that the present breadth of land would remain under cultivation, and that to effect this there would exist any security that present prices would be maintained. He did not want to advocate the interests of one class and to exclude the consideration of another, hut he wanted to advocate to some extent the cause of the landowners, who would suffer more than any other portion of the community by the adoption of the measures promulgated by the Government. It had been said repeatedly with great truth, both in print, at public meetings, and to some extent in that House, that this was en entirely a landlords' question. There could be no doubt of it, and he would prove that this was so. He would allow an ave rage of 22 bushels of wheat per acre, and it was well known that five loads yielded 24 bushels of flour. Each acre gave 19 loads of wheat, which yielded 340 loaves. if these loaves were charged at 6.1. each, those nineteen bushels would realise 170 s. He put the average rent at 255. per acre. Now, if they were to abolish the whole of the rents paid by the occupiers of land, the consumer of the bread which they produced would not be saved more than one-sixth of the present price of the quartern loaf. But if they were to abolish those rents, what would become of the landowner?—how would he be able to improve his land, and how would he be able to purchase the goods of the manufacturer ? He objected to the measure on the grounds he had stated—that it would be highly injurious to Ireland ; in fact, they could not conceive an act which would be more suicidal to the country, because to de stroy its best markets, which had been so much encouraged by the trade of this country ; and he for one was at a loss to know how they could benefit the pent le of Ireland by destroying the best and most regular market they had. Then he considered that the partial failure of the potato crop in Ireland was an in sufficient reason for destroying the principles on which the commerce of this country had been conducted. Why, if they were to send an abundance of corn from foreign countries into Ireland, the people would have no money to buy it. He also objected to the measure because it would be a substantial injustice on the colonies, especially on Canada. In 1843, when the Noble Lord the Secretary for the Colonies (Lord Stanley), introduced the Canada Corn Bill, he said that it was necessary, but they now proposed to admit corn into this country under a system which w ould inflict great in jury on our colonial possessions. He gave the Right Hon. Baronet credit for all sincerity in proposing this measure, but he might rely upon it that neither he nor any other Minister could ever succeed in governing this country without party—not a party of that House, but of the country. He was much dis tressed to hear the Right Hon. Baronet recant at the red box all the opinions which he had often heard him express upon protection, but he wished to ask some of those Hon. Members who had undergone so sudden and miraculous a conversion, whether they would not have been equally vain in their support of the Right Hon. Baronet had he proposed a reasonable protection to agriculture.—( Hear, hear.) In this country the aristocracy enjoyed no immunities, and if he could venture to give an advice to the Noble Lord opposite (Lord Morpeth) he would take the liberty of reminding , him, that the noble blood of Howard was flowing through his veins, and also of reminding those who were acting with him, that institutions, such as those they were now attaching them selves to, ought to be a warning to the members of the aristo cracy. —( Hear, hear.) Before he sat down he was anxious to prove that the fever which was felt respecting the diseased potatoes was unnecessary, as he held in his hand new potatoes what were produced from the eyes of diseassd potatoes. (Here the Hon. Gentteman, amidst great laughter, took from his pocket a small packet of new potatoes.) These potatoes had been grown by Mr. Chapman, a market gardener, and he (Lord Ingestre) took this opportunity of mentioning that fact; he hoped in future, the potatoes would be turned to better use, and that it would be :no longer said that all potatoes were diseased. With these observations he would conclude was heard. y thanking the House for the attention with which he Mr. TRELAWNY would ask the Noble Lord what cer tainty there was that the potatoes which he had produced were grown from diseased seed? The proper course for Honourable Members to have adopted was to have proposed an amendment that the ports be opened. They seemed, however, to fancy that their views were better advanced by the criminatory lan guage which they had all along adopted. Ile would ask, had they not at first used the cry of "Protectioa to agriculture," and then, finding that they had no hold on the affections of the country, had they not changed their cry to " Protection to native industry?" He could understand in some measure the line of conduct pursued by Hon. Members, if they were pre pared to say that they would put a duty on their exports as well. It appeared to him, however, that Honourable Mem bers entirely lost sight of the great point on the present question. They had spent a great deal of time ar.d a great deal of eloquence in vituperating the Right Hon. Baronet, but in his opinion they lost sight of the great question which they ought to have kept in view. That point was whether the repeal of the corn-laws would be really iNjurious to the agricultural interest. He thought that the protectionists were acting unfairly towards the Right Hon. Baronet, and he thought they were acting somewhat illogically too in charging him with the criminality of having changed his opinions. They complained of him as if this was an act of treachery, after having entertained other opinions for a great number of years. What would be said of a philosopher who, after believing in certain dogmas for a long period, found reason to differ from his previous sentiments, if he refrained from acting on the altera tion in his conviction , ? Ile read the speeches, he thought all the speeches, which had been made on this subject, and he had been unable to meet with anything that could convince him of the utility of retaining protection. He thought it was a pity that the aristocracy of this country, an ancient aristocracy as they were, should rest all their usefulness to the conntry on a mere question of rent. The Right Hon. Baronet, and the Noble Lard the Member for London (Lord Juhn Russell), should throw their previous conceptions overboard, and pro vide those measures only which were likely to be for the general benefit. In the case of a great war with Amer:ea, he should be very sorry to trust the safety of the country to the talents of all the Dukes. A few years might make this mea sure not only convenient but necessary. It appeared to him that the coarse of observation indulged in by the Honourable Member opposite was not a constitutional course. He coal not conceive how it could be constitutional for that party of which the Hon. Member was a supporter, to send up here certain Members as delegates from the protectionists.—(No, t no.) Had it not been stated that th e y were pl e d ge d t o suppord the agricultur a l i n t eres t, as it h a d b een ca ll e d ; b u t t h en h a not the Right Hon. Baronet apposite been bound by a higher pledge--a pledge to legislate for the benefit of the whole country ?—( Hear, hear.) And, if so, then, no minor pledge could be regarded as such. He had heard a great deal about the League ; now, he had never been a member of that body, but he was aware that it had done a great dead of good ; and if the Government had not introduced some such measure as tkat before the House, he should have joined it. Mr. PACKE said that though he had for many years the honour of a seat in that House, yet he did not feel at all times anxious to take a part in its debates. But the present question was one of such importance, and, in his opinion, so ruinous to the country, that he could not consent to give the measure a silent vote. He was not going to follow in the course of obser vations of the Hon. Gentleman who sat down, but he would confine himself to the snbject-matter ef the debate. It was with very great pain he found himself obliged to differ from an Administration, which, since he had the ho nour to enter the House, he cordially and invariably had supported.—( Hear, hear.) He did not for a moment impute to the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of her Majesty's Government a single impure motive. He believed the Right Hon. Gentleman was actuated by the sincerest conviction of the necessity of the course of policy he was pursuing, but, as he (the lion. Member conceived that course to be ruinous to the country, he felt himself compelled to make a few passing observations. One of the most startling assertions which the . Right Hon. Baronet had made, a n d one t h a t struc k hint par ticularly, was, that the course of policy then about to be pur sued by the Ministry was a Conservative policy.—(Hear, hear, from the protectionists.) The Right Hon. Baronet then stated that he could no t c h arge himself with having acted incon sistently with true C onservat i ve principles, and suppliantly inquired if to put down agitation was an act inconsistent with true Conservative principles ? He (Mr. Packe) could not conceive how the Right Hon. Baronet could thus address the House, when he m us t h ave been axare at the time that the agitation with which the Anti-Corn-law League had menaced the country during the seven preceding years, had in creased to a greater extent d ur i ng the present year. If he ( Mr. Packe) rightly understood the meaning of the term " true Conservative policy," he should say that it meant an adherence to fixed principles. And if he un d erstood the meaning of the principles upon which the Hon. Member on the opposite side acted, he should say it was an ever-varying principle.—(Pro tectionist cheers.) The Noble Lord the Member for the city of London has, by the sacrifice of his arinciples, been enabled to keep his party together, while the Right Hon. Baronet has changed his principles and sacrificed his party. He had heard men say that we should not rake up old speeches, but it was by these, he maintained, th a t " t rue C onservat i ve principles , could be proved. However unpalatable it would be to some Hon. 'Members, he must trespass on their attention for a short time, while he read a few extracts from some former speeches. When the Hon. Member for Montrose (Mr. Hume) brought forward a motion, he said to Hon. Members on this side of the House, " If you will leave us alone to settle this matter, I shall be much obliged to you." He (Mr. Packe) should like Honourable Gentlemen on the opposite side of the House to leave him and those with whom he acted to settle the present question with the Right Honourable Baronet, and he had no doubt they would be able to arrange the matter satisfactorily. The Hon. Member went on to say that all Parliaments had been in favour of protection, and that the Hon. Member for Wolverhampton (Mr. Villiers) had always been the consistent advocate of the repeal of the corn-law. In 1838 the Hon. Member ( Mr. Villiers) moved for a com mittee to inquire into the laws relatirg to the importation of foreign corn. Upon that, as well as on a subsequent occasion in 1839, that motion was opposed by the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Government, the Noble Lord, the 'Mem ber for the city of London, and the Hon. Member for Man chester (Mr. Gibson). At the assembling of the Parliament in the commencement of her Majesty's reign, the Hon. Member for Liskeard (Mr. C. Buller) stated that the House was at present ignorant of the principles upon which the Right Hon. Baronet meant to carry on his Government, if he succeeded to office. He (Sir R. Peel) then made the following declaration—" I would not shrink from the expresssion of my opinions. If I saw reasons for changing my course I would d o so. I have not changed my opinions, not withstanding :the combination which has been formed against the present corn-laws, either for the purpose of procuring their total repeal or the substitution of a fixed duty in place of the present sliding scale. Notwithstanding the present agitation which is going forward, I do not hesitate to avow my adhesion to the opinions exp..e sed by me last year. On thebth of June following this announcement, when 628 Members were pre sent, a division was taken, and a vote of want of confidence in the Ministers was carried, by a majority of one, owing to this declaration of the Right Hon. Baronet. At the accession of the present Government they found themselves in a majority of 91 Members, who were pledged t o su pp or t th e corn-lawin tact. The Right Hon. Baronet had said, when the Hon. Member for Wolverhamton had brought forward his measure in 1813, " 1 think that any alteration in laws of this kind are to be deprecated. I think also that the existing laws afford us a fair adjustment of the question. He would go on to state what the Right Hon. Baronet had stated during the followingyear : —" I have a strong f ee li ng , s p ea ki ng genera lly, that agriculture is entitled to protection. It is entitled to protection from a sense of justice, for the land sustains peculiar burdens. Look at the populati on o f I re l an d , w hi c h d epen d s ent i re l y on its agri cultural produce. lam not prepared to alter the amount of protection." He was certain there was not a man, either in that House or oat of the House, who prior to the 22d of January, could have been prepared for the strange and sweeping change which the Right Hon. Baronet had proposed in the corn-laws. He would now advert to the reasons which had been brought forward in support of the proposed measure. Firstly, the principal reason was the failure in the potato crop. He must say that that subject was almost worn threadbare, so that it was hardly necessary to show why a new project should overthrow a fixed principle of 200 year's standing.—(Hear.) The second reason was, that the prosperity of the last three years was a sufficient induce ment for a further relaxation of duties. In his opinion, the prosperity that now abounded under a moderate protection was a great reason why it should be continued, and not de stroyed. Then, again, they had been told, that the wages of labour were not dependent on the price of corn. As far as he could remember, he was perfectly persuaded, that the wages of agricultural labour depended very nearly on the price of corn. In his own neighbourhood such was the case ; and whenever there was a sensible rise in the price of corn, the amount of wages were always affected by it. In the next place, they had been told that the abject of the measure was to reconcile the differences and animosities between the dif ferent classes of her Majesty's subjects. Now, whether that was an allu ion to the Anti-Corn-law League he could not say; they were, however, only like soldiers in a theatre , hat kept i marching round and round the stage, n order to give an ap parent multitude to their numbers. The Hon. Member then briefly alluded to the compensation which the proposed measure prepared for the agriculturists, and said he would allude to a circumstance in which the Irish Members on his side of the House were somewhat concerned. He had seen it reported in the public prints that the Noble Lord, the new Secretary for Ireland, had satisfied the Noble Lord, the Member for London, of the liberal policy which the Govern ment were about to adopt towards Ireland ; consequently, he would say, if the Noble Lord, the Secretary for Ireland, had satisfied the Noble Lord, the Member for London, of the mea sures which were to be brought forward for Ireland, the Irish Members ought to be on the look out with respect to the in tended policy towards that country. The Hon. Gentleman then concluded, by thanking the House for their kind attention to the observations which he had thought proper to address to them. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that he feared he must commence with the opening sentence which had characterised the speeches of most of the Hon. Gentlemen who had addressed the House—namely, at that protracted pe riod of the debate he could not be expected to offer any new observations which could claim a right to occupy their atten tion. He could assure the House, that under these circum stances he would confine his observations to the narrowest limits which it was possible for him to do, in the discharge of the duty he had undertaken to perform. As to the question itself, it would be unnecessary to enter into any argument, after it had been so ably discussed by so many Hon. Gentle men, and especially after the great ability which had been dis. played in treating of it by the Right Honourable Baronet at the head of the Government, and by the Pre sident of the Board of Trade; who had left no arguments untouched, and who had completely refuted argu ments which had been brought forward on the other side. —(Cries of " No, no. ") Yes, they had established beyond the power of contradiction, the fact, that the removal of restrictions and the progressive development of the relaxa tion of protective duties, had, in every instance, been attended with results permanently beneficial and advantageous to the country.—( Cheers.) Before he entered upon the general question, he considered it to be his duty to respond to the calls which had been made upon him by many Hon. Gentlemen in the course of the debate, to state the grounds on which he was disposed to support the measure that had been brought forward by his Right Hon. Fl iend. Some Hun. Gentlemen had sup posed that he differed from his colleagues on the measure measure the House, and that he was going to support Heelieved that this opinion on their part, after the statements the T a against the convictions of his own principles . he should make to the House, would be entirely disabused.— (Hear)—and would prove as fallacious as the arguments which they adduced against the measure itself.—(Cheers.) He would simply state to the House the course which he had adopted. It was known that during the middle of October a general opinion prevailed as to the failure of the potato crop in Ireland and in this country, and that disease had very greatly extended itself; and on the Ist of November the Government deliberated as to the measures necessary to be adopted under the circumstance of the case. He (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) had been informed by his Right Honourable Friend that he had intended, either to open the ports by an Order in Council, or to relax the duties on corn by a Legislative enactment. On both of these ques tions he had differed from his Right Hon. Friend. He thought that in such a case the direct interposition of the Government by an act of the kind would be an interference with the established law of a dangerous nature, and an act which could only be justified by an immediate and urgent necessity. He could not avoid perceiving that the state of Ireland was not one that required that stringent course of action. He thought that the matter might be dealt with by legislative enactment at a future period, and that it was not expedient to open the ports at that time. It was impossible for him not to consider that the Government were not called upon for a suspension of the corn-lams for so long a period as that suspension was con fsoidrewraerddnteocetshsearoyiterHioirs a e d oo vi s c e e tio to en t e h e e s Goof the vernm s e te n p t wmaisl,ieth he o they k y a w t e t r h e aatbpoeurti period w t a o k o e. ld h l a t v w e a h s h e eo i s opinionto suspendth atthteo due een operationthe the law. It had further been stated that on previous occasions the suspension of the law had not entailed any evil consequences whatever. He knew that in antecedent periods of our history the ports had been opened by an Order in Council, but the effects of that measure had always been represented to have been injurious to trade and commerce, and were only to be justified by the emergency of the case. He had always understood that the benefit of the sliding scale, which was introduced in 1828, was intended to produce a sufficient supply of corn, without having recourse to these continental interferences on the part of the Government, which had been found on all former occasions to be hurtful and inconvenient ; and also he could not put out of his consideration, that, on all occasions on which recourse had been made to an Order in Council, the benefit of the sliding scale was opposed to the fixed duty. The great argument that had been brought forward against a fixed duty was that when the time of trial and famine should arrive, it would be necessary to depart from the principle of the law, and allow of this interposition of the Government in Council, in order to admit corn into the country.—(Hear. ) Finding, then, that the consequences of these interpositions must necessarily terminate in the abrogation of the law, an additional argument of the strongest nature was furnished why that abrogation should not be effected by an Order in Council. Considering also the existing feelings on the part of a great bady of the community, it was necessary to leave the ) power of the Government un s hackled, at the meet - I ing of Parliament, to pursue any ultimate measureaot to which it might tie c o nsidered necessary . For this reason ther e f ore , he opposed the propeeitioetno admit foreign corn into the country through the medium of an t 1 the an alternative Government. proposed • terna tive ;he sugges ted in Council. But his Right Hon. friend at the . head of the imme diate assembly of Parliament for the purpose of effecting the of a legislative enactment. To opening of the ports by e_ eren grounds. the preposition objection rested upon that proposal he equallydarnoldaeir'esdt an objection, ahough his ob- was submitted to the Cabinet on the Ist of November. At that time the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, and a number of other parties had received accounts of the fearful extent of the potato failure in Ireland. Those ac counts rested upon considerable authority, and the statements were made so as to create considerable alarm. At that period of time the Irish crop of potatoes had not been dug, and there were no means of actually ascertaining the extent of the cala mity. He felt, then, that with those differences as to the ex tent of the calamity which was coming upon the country, it was probable that there might be prevalent a doubt upon the minds of others as to the expediency of at once opening the ports. It was his duty to withhold giving his assent to any legislative measure which might affect the corn-laws until time were allowed for a further investigation of the subject. That the extent of the misfortune then coming upon Ireland was nothing like that which they now knew to be the real fact, it was impossible to doubt. He thought that when the questions was before the public there would be no doubt of a more general concurrence in the support of some measure for the suspension and subsequent alteration of the corn laws at that time, than if they proceeded at once to thedis cussion of a subject which had now created so much alarm. For those reasons, therefore he entered his protest aga i nst the immediate as s e m bli ng of Parliament for the purpose of suspending the corn-laws.—(hear, hear.) He might have been wrong, or he might have formed an erro neous judgment upon the question which was then submitted to his consideration. He saw, or at least he thought he saw, that the danger with which we had to deal was a question which would not be encountered until at least an early period in the spring. He felt the greatest anxiety that this question, which so largely affected the interests of the people of this country, should be supported under its diffieni ties by the greatest possible number of How. Gentlemen in that House, as well as by the general opinion of the people of this country—( Hear, hear)—and therefore it was that he pre ferred delaying the commencement of operations, in order that, when they were commenced, they might be carried with a weight and an authority which would put an end to all cavilling and opposition.—( Cheers.) He had been told, that in refusing to accede to the proposition for the Order in Council, he be trayed a want of that coldness which a Minister ought to feel in dealing with great commercial questions. He might be told, perhaps, that he was in want of that sagac'ty which ought to have enabled him to see so long before-hand the extent of the calamity with which Ireland was likely to be afflicted. He might be told also that he had manifested yet more want of that knowledge of his Hon. Friends near him, and that he ought to have known that they would have willingly assented to the I suspension of the corn-law Act of 1842, if the proposition had been submitted to them. He might on all those points have been in error, hut this he would say, after the lapse of the periods which had since intervened, and after reflecting upon the course which he then thought it his duty to take and ad vise, and which he thought in his cons c i e n ce was th e b es t that he co u ld g i ve ; he did not feel, after a reviewal of the transaction, that if it were now presented to him in the shape in which it then stood, he should give a dif ferent opinion from that which they gave.—( Hear, hear.) After this difference in the Government upon this particular point, it was agreed that the question should be postponed for a limited period, in order that further information with re spect to it might be accessible to every one. That further period brought with it undoubtedly the strongest possible argu ments for a change in the corn-laws. They had very shortly afterwards laid before them a report of the Commissioners who had been sent into Ireland to inquire into the nature and ex tent of the calamity. The Commissioners in that report de tailed their views of what was the extent of the crop of potatoes, and what was the limited amount upon which the people would be compelled to subsist. The accounts of those Commissioners were confirmed by actual experience when the potato crop came to be dug in different parts of the country, from which it appeared that in some places one-half, in others one-third, and in others three-fourths had been abso lutely destroyed. Nay, there was a general and universal feel ing, and one which he believed was founded in justice—that the preservation of the inhabitants of some pants of that country depended entirely upon the fineness or wetness of the weather. —(Hear, hear.) The case then resolved itself into the reliev ing of Ireland from the difficulties with which it was then in his mind encompassed ; and although he felt deeply that the adoption of the course which his Right Hon. Friend (Sir R. Peel) had now submitted to the House, would be attended with a dissolution of party connexion—( Opposition cheers )--and would probably cause his ( the Chancellor of the Exchequer), separa tion from many of those with whom he had for many years been connected, and whom he hoped he might still be permitted to call his Honorable Friends—( Hear, hear) —although he felt that that might be the necessary consequence of the measure; yet he also felt that there were duties imposed upon one holding the responsible situation—(Loud Opposition cheers)—which went beyond the feelings of party and of class, and that being convinced in his own mind that an alteration in the corn laws had become a question of inevitable necessity, be was pre pared to give his opinion that under the circumstances which he had mentioned, the corn-laws ought to undergo some change. At the same time, he felt that that change had been better effected by other persons than his Right Hon. Friend at the head of the Government—( Hear, hear)—and he entirely concurred in the resignation of that charge into the hands of others, who, from their long maintenance of the opinions by which they were actuated, were better fitted to discharge the duties, and perhaps better calculated to carry this measure.— (Hear, hear.) He would only say, that when he tendered to her Majesty the resignation of his office, he had no more idea that he should have had to deal with this question in any other capacity than that of a private individual than he had of any other probability of which he had not the slightest anticipation or idea.—( Hear, hear.) If Hon. Members doubted the ve racity of his statement, he could, by most complete evidence, o • ve to them that he did not at that time contemplate anything of the kind.—( Hear, hear.) He did, indeed, at first entertain some doubts as to the time when the measure for the alteration of the corn-laws should be brought forward, but as to the necessity of some alteration in the corn laws, he entertained not the slightest doubt.—( Cheers.) He thought that such a course would be best calculated to promote the interests of the country.—( Hear, hear.) He was, there fore, at that time prepared to vote upon this question in his pri vate capacity, in the same manner as he was now about to do in the capacity of a Member. On these grounds, therefore, he thought that there was no inconsistency in his conduct when he resumed office.—(Cheers.) That was, in a few words, a short history of the transaction as far as he was concerned. He trusted it would satisfy his Hon. Friends; and although diffe rences might exist between them and himself with regard to ' this question, he yet hoped th a t th e y wou ld b e rea dy to believe him when he said that, in pursuing the course which he had, he was doing what was best calculated to promote the interests of the country.---( Hear, hear.) A Noble Lord, a Member of that House, had told him, that in his opinion, he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) had acted inconsistently with his duty to his constituents, which he had the honour to represent when he accepted office after he had tendered his re signation.—( hear, hear.) And he called upon him to make some explanations to his constitutents at Cambridge.— ( Hear, bear.) Now, he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) thought that the duties of a representative differed entirely from those which had been mentioned by the Noble Lord. He did not pretend to say that if Honourable Gentlemen at par ticular elect.ons had pledged themselves, wider all circum stances, and upon all occasions, tomaintain particular laws, they might feel themselves bound to adhere to those pledges and opinions. But he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) stated to his constituents generally his views upon particular subjects, if these subjects came under discussion ; he, however, re served to himself the fullest right to take upon all other questions that must come under consideration in Parliament that course which he thought most conducive to the general interest. And however it might be sanctioned by some great examples, however it might be conformable to the views which some Gentlemen who had pledged themselves might take, he for one did not admit that , it was in any respect the duty of a repre sentative, acting in opposition to his constituents upon particular laws that might be submitted to the consideration of the House, to make that opposition the ground of his resigning, or even tendering his resignatior, if required to do so by his con stituents. He (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) had; given no pledges with respect to the corn-laws at any period to his constituents. He had never expressed any sentiment that might be construed into an expression in favour of a per manent adherence to the existing laws, which Hon. Gentlemen seemed to have given to their constituents when they were elected. And on those grounds, therefore, he thought it would be abandoning the character of a representative in l'arliament. lie thought it would be depriving himself of the capacity of acting in accordance with the views of the constituency of the whole country (which they undoubtedly really represented) if he were to be bound on all occasions to vote in accordance with the views of his immediate constituents.—(Cheers.) Now, so far he was sure he detained the House too long upon matters which related to himself personally—(Cheers)—there ieh was nothing, he was sure, more p a i n f u l or l ess agreeable upo n h to speak, and he wou ld now , th ere fore, proceed to addr ess him self shortly to th T e he s q u u h e j s e t e io t n wl w ii h ch ich was immediately ey the b m e ; fore the i h n a ' s before edi a t .t was one, as it appeared to him, which might was ight simplybef iurdtobe comprised in a very narrow compass. I whether respect lie course te th e whichrelaxation they ohfadfor m years they e would p r m o Lk e e d e p d ro i g n r , pro tectiveso duties; or whether they would he content, n o t m ere l y e w ss ith m to remain where they were, but to retrograde in the course which they had hitherto taken. Ile knew that in the course of this debate many Hon. Gentlemen had supported the Go vernment up to this period in the course which they h pursued, and yet they declared that they were bound to with draw their support upon this question. Those Hon. Gentle men argued that if this measure were passed, the interests of this country would be injured. They argued that what the Go vernment had hitherto done was exactly what was judicious and just, and, therefore, that for all time things should remain as they now were. But when he considered the arguments of some of his Hon. Friends near him—when he heard that some of his Honourable Friends had stated that the corn-law which was passed two years ago ought to be suspended—when he heard that sentiment cheered as if it were generally assented to by several Hon. Gentlemen of that House —when he heard other lion. Members state their opi nions that the corn-law might be modified in certain parti culars so as to meet the inconvenience which resulted to the country from its present shape—when he heard other Hon. Gentlemen who went some steps further and some who did not go quite as far upon these particular questions, he thought that they would find it very difficult to account for the reason why they resisted the motion which was then before the House.— ( Cheers.) lion. Members had said that this measure would materially injure the shipping interest.—( Hear, hear.) But he could show to the House that since the protective duties had been removed with regard to the shippiug trade that trade had become far more prosperous.—( Cheers.) The Hon. Member for Donegal was one of the Hon. Members who had joined Hon. Members in this statement, and instanced particularly the Irish trade ; but in the year 1842 the tonnage of trading vessels belonging to that country was 2,600,000 in 1842, and in 1845, 3,669,000, being an increase of 1,000,000. It had been stated by Hon. Blernbers opposite that the in crease of British shipping employed in the Baltic trade had borne no proportion to the increase in our department of the shipping interest, and they argued from this circumstance that the re moval of the duty upon Baltic timber had thrown the shipping trade into the hands of foreigners, anti that they bad in tbcon sequence been benefitted more than the shipping f countrye—( Hear.) He considered this fact to be . to ss e ° s_tr e o c n . e reason why the present measure should be carried e it . l eour u ,ge L . He knew of no mode in which lie could give that proportion of British Members would see, if they looked at comparedtheeproii with other ar ticles.ment mere effectually than by passing those measures. 110 . shipping engaged in carrying corntadsiate it must be sent by When the demand is immediate, which could return laden ar riving freighted with merchandise,llle:nhers looked at the proportion ships that are in port—they cannot ' wait for Britsih ships with corn. And if Hose there was a vast prepo n - He thought, nothing b e t w een the number of Britisi t s h a a s t ad foreign ships employed in this trade, they would s ee derance. in favour of f o reign shipping. chance to the shipowners whose advocated than by pasting the present The number of ships laden with corn which passed measure. I was I 118 foreign, and 501 British through the Soul], , icnottellr'fistasfill'iradd baeenbet ships. —( Hear, hear.) If, then, he wished to tr , Yore the employ ment of British shipping, let them give an increased freedom of trade to commerce, and by this means cause those articles which are casually sent to become regular freight. Another objection which is raised to this measure is that the diminution of the duty upon Baltic timber would injure the Canada trade, and our other colonies, which sleseald be the ob',ect of our tenderest care. The Hon. Member who brought forward this argu ment had fallen into an error, which had been largely shared in the course of this debate. They imsgined that advantages given to one were necessarily disadvantageousto others, whereas a a inverse would be the ease. What had been the effects of the alteration in the late tariff as regarded the Werth American WILLIAM ELLIS, Several petitions were presented from places in Lancashire and Yorkshire, praying the House to recommend to her Ma jesty the free and unconditional pardon of \Vdliam Ellis, Is ho was convicted of setting fire to a house, on what the petitioners believe to have been false and malicious evidence. Tile peti tions were all ordered to be laid on the table. Mr. O'CONNELL wished to correct an error he had fallen into in his address yesterday. He had stated that in the case which he had laid before Mr. Baron Pennefather, he had made a point in his (Mr. O'Connell's) favour. Now he wished to correct that statement, for he had said directly oppisite. Having corrected this mis-statement, he would not trouble the House any further. HOUNSLOW AND GREAT WESTERN RAILWAY. Mr. AGLIONBY gave notice that, as by some mistake the second reading of the above Bill, which stood on the paper for yesterday, hhd not been moved, he should do so to-morrow. THE CHARTIST CONVICTS—THE TEN HOURS' BILL. Mr. BAINE presented two petitions—one of them from Greenock—praying for the liberation of the Chartist con victs, Frost, Williams, and Jones ; the other (as we under stood it) in favour of the Ten liours' Bill. GLASGOW, PAISLEY, KILMARNOCK, AND AYR RAILWAY. Mr. WARD presented a petition from this Railway Com pany against the recent decision come to by the Standing Orders' Committee, involving the point that landlords who decided on the merits of competing lines should have Ihe power of charging such companies for the liberty of making surveys, and in proportion to the extent surveyed. He would also move that the petition be printed with the votes, and taken into consideration on Thursday next. FROST, WILLIAMS, AND JONES. Mr. H. BERKELEY presented a petition from Gloucester in favour of the liberation of Frost, Williams, and Jones. COMMERCIAL POLICY. Sir R. PEEL presented a petition from the American Chamber of Commerce of Liverpool in favour of the Govern ment commercial policy, and setting forth that the uncertainty which existed excited great embarrassment. EDUCATION IN WALES. Mr. WILLIAMS postponed his motion on the state of edu cation in Wales to that day fortnight. THE CASE OF SEERY. Mr. O'CONNELL gave notice of his intention to move for the production of certain correspondence between the Lord Lieutenant and Dr. Cantwell, respecting the case of Brian Seery, who was recently executed at Alu!Ungar. The Hon. Gentleman also gave notice of his intention, on an early day, of introducing a Bill for the amendment of the criminal law of Ireland, and to prevent a person being twice tried for the same offence. THE CHARTIST CONVICTS. Mr. T. DUNCONIBE postponed his motion, that an hum ble address be presented to her Majesty that she will be gra ciously pleased to take into her Majesty's most gracious consi deration the petitions of the people presented during the pre sent session of Parliament, in favour of a restoration to their native land of Frost, Williams, and Jones, till this day fortnight. THE RECENT WAR IN INDIA. Sir ROBERT PEEL gave notice that, on Monday next, he should move that the thanks of the House be given to the Governor-General of India, and to the officers and men of the British Indian army, who were employed in the recent operations in India, and the left bank of the Sutlej ; and in order to make those operations more intelligible, and the policy of the Indian Government more clear, it was his intention on a previous day to lay upon the table of the House some dis patches recently received from the Governor-General of India with regard to h is policy.—( Cheers.) THE WEST RIDING UNION RAILWAY. Mr. ESTCOURT brought up the report of the Select Committee on standing orders, in which the Committee stated that the announcement in the votes of the House on Friday evening last, that the Committee had decided that the standing orders in respect of the P • etitio of the promoters of the West Ridi ng U n i on Railway n ought to be dispensed with, and the parties allowed to proceed wi!h their Bill, had originated in error, and the Committee now beg to report that the standing orders in respect of the West Ridirg Union Railway ought not to be dispensed with. The report was agreed to. Mr. ES PCOURT rose and stated, that on Friday last, in the report of the Standing Orders' Committee, there was a clerical error, to which he begged to call the attention of the Hou=e, In that report it had been stated that the Committee were of opinion that the standing orders in this case ought to be dis pensed with, whereas the decision of the Commiues was, that the standing orders should not be dispensed with ; the Bill should not be allowed to be proceeed with. By some error, in which lie as Chairman of the Committee must bear some part, through some indifference, he hoped not negligence on his part, the report was sent away without his having examined it as he should have dune. This was the first error which had been committed by those who were acting under the standing orders of the Committee. Under these circumstances the subject was brought under he consideration of the Committee this day, and, as in all railway cases, it was of the utmost importance that such errors should be corrected at the earliest opportunity, he had ventured to give notice last night that he would move that all the proceedings in the case of the "West Riding Union Railway" should be annulled, as they were founded upon error. As chairman of this Committee he ( Mr. Estcourt) had felt it his duty, at the earliest opportunity, to bring under the consideration of the Committee the effects of the case. The Committee applied themselves to the investigation of thccase, and having satisfied themselves this error arose from a clerical accident, considered the best course they could adopt to rectify the erroneous pro ceedings of this House on Friday would be to report to-night the accurate report of the resolution to which the Committee