The Sun. — London, England, 1846-02-27 00:00:00

stances, he voted for the measure of the Right Hon. Baronet— he would be ashamed of himself ; and had his opinions Changed, which they had not, he would at once have said so, and resigned his veat.—`,lsoud protection cheers.) Had he changed, he wo u ld h ave d one so, :and so have disposed of all .' h speeches.—( Laughter and cheers.) But it was his inten tion, to stand by the speeches he had made, and therefore he must vote against the Govern men t. The Noble Lord seemed to think that his not being opposed for the West Riding of Yorkshire was indicative of a change in the opinions of the p r otectionists, but he (Mr. Denison) hoped his Noble Friend w ould not deceive himself on that point. There were ma ny reasons which induced them (the protec tionists) to abstain from opposing the Noble Lord, but that was not one of them. If it had been a general elee tm, and if t h e people knew what they know now, the N o bl e ' l d may depend upon it that he would be opposed. When the subject was discussed, in 1841, a gentleman of considerable Intelligence told him that he would have then voted for the N ble L or d (Morpeth), but now he said the case was very 4iff ' re nt , he would not do so. This conversation took place !lie ether day, He (Mr. Denison) thought it only fair to tell tt i 'e Noble L or d t h at he must not d epen d toe muc h on cer t a i n w a L 'aes- Now h e wou ld say , w h en h e was re tu r ned to Parlia- C en t , he promised his constituency that he would stand true al c r °te etien ,and, in conclusion, he had only to say that he porttZt;F o ja r s ng a e y d in h g is mind, and he would not give them an op that be had forfeited his word of honour, and betrayed them.—( Loud cheers from the Protectionists.) M r. BROTHEBTON rase an d sa id th a t th e H on . Member for Yorkshire (Mr. Denison) seemed to think it was deroga tory • man changing his mind, but he (Mr. Brotherton) weru ctribered reading in a book, remarkable for its wisdom, that 81 st maa often changed his mind, and a fool, or foolish man, „r an, did. The Hon. Member had said that if the corn vsere not beneficial to the working classes they were un tensabtle, and that his only motive for supporting these laws het they were beneficial to the working classes, and that "did th net support there on the ground of being beneficial to the:aw.ndlords. He had also shown certain figures, to prove the" tit be beneficial to the community at large, because t he were fewer persons selling foreign corn at the present d t han whe the corn-laws were enacted. He was at ue vrith the H n o Member on that point, and if he referred leirthe:eturas made to that House, he would find that, in the 5 , one only in thirty of the population were fed on f 4 l :1 ? corn. That on an average of one in ten years, • twenty-two were fed on foreign corn ; and on an a w e a rt ge of ten years, up to 1841, that one in 16 14 th e f ed en foreign corn - and if the Noble Member would take casei of wheat" and lour imported into this country for the e e t, n t years he would find that one in ten of the population th; '`‘isea foreign corn. But the corn-laws had not answered Purpose for which they were enacted. They were enacted the " many honest persons voted for them because they suit ?ght they would beneit those engaged in agricultural pur teasl,---,M order to make " corn scarce and dear," but the es eeeau'r'e object of their establishment was, as he had said, to et tai ra g e agriculture, and on the assumption that the produce ---(//'• country was sufficient for all the wants of the population. ves; ettr t) Now the question was whether or not they had thsa' r ed the end for which they were passed. Ile held that thi r a s h ad not. He bad shown that during the last ate veara the people of this country had been fed - e katea en foreign corn than before the corn-laws consider ah eth a•s - --( Hear.) Then let Hon. Members hd tre te , e r the Government had no reason for the change that a - place in their opinions. Four millions of the people of b ed " subsisted principally on potatoes. The Prime Minister thi s Sta ted in that H ous e that the potato crop of that country al Y e ar would b e muc h b e l ow the average, and they all knew th e tt t he Price o f prov i s i ons h a d i ncre ased 50 per cent. during pr e year—that trade was in a state of stagnation. this ed lately rece i ved severa l l etters , w hi c h b ore h im ou t in year ( •l' in ien• He had erienessed the effects of the distress and out city which existed in. 1839, and he considered it was the per Parliament to pr ovido food for the people dui ing . such to fi nd ' °I want and suffer ing. He was,. therefore, astonished de s ., country gentlemen standing up in that House and en leeldering to prevent the 'Government from opening the ports a. 1 9 give food to a suffering people.—(llear, hear.) %);,,`" e Y might smile, but; what he had stated was true. The Ses n - a?ment was aware of the dangers of famine ; they had th at teat those dangers had not been over-rated ; and with foledeonviction on their ti ands, he considered that they had tied wisely in r p opoa ing a gradual repeal of the corn-laws, If, ha r elaxation on other articles of foreign produce. wera 4 heard a g rea t d ea l of c ant about having regard for the of th i ng classe s o f f ore i gn c ountr i es . H e had listened to many iq eew•osFeeches which had been delivered by Hon. Members t livest m our of continuing p rcetection. If those speeches were °'• all their mystifi cation and verbiage, the arguments aqd w be "tamest up in th ewe words :—The land is our own, tight t - have a right t o d o what we like with it ; we have a alas ° or , what we like wit 1t our territories ; you have food, 8 14 °11 are much better off than the serfs of Poland"; th' hear)--what have you to complain of Ikase what people had not the food they required. 'thou s . a t a terrible thin/ r it would be if the agricultural aPpe s r wer e thrown out of employment. This might all tia ra ' very humane ; but v. 'ho employed the labourer ? Let. tin ged look to the returr in which have been made.. He men le 1 82 1 , at there were fewe r labourers employed 1831 than Ilitisaras‘ssetr,ti%id fewer in 184 I than in 1831. Noss, that was ; let them disp, 'o ye it if they could. . Since the reel/t 21 there had been an increase in the population of four to fe' r► tu Who e m pl oye d t h In?—who paid for forcing corn burr f or em ? The pe o ple had a right to ask for compensa their r er being deprived of wh sit he (Mr. Brotherton) considered t aiis e d l ghts The law is mai t aained to be just ; but he main to be that it was unjust and inhuman, and he would prove it , Itit e e l Politic. Let them t of wages; if cheap food pro food , wages, then dear food tut increase wages ;so that dear for 1,i3" high wages must cot n e together. T he lion. Member Pre e :,,trriorland had said ti .t he was against the removal of rae t t - "tni on corn, but he wished that the Govern !Sails would reduce the duty on tea, sugar , and I 'l t s l; e° ' and the workin, classes would be benefited th:reuuction. if they we re! to benefit from the reduction by it -my on tea, sugar, and tobacco, would they not benefit ei ace a d heral reduction of the price of food ?. H . e was con :ats the present law Cl hold not be maintained on any theP ? Justice, humanity, and sound policy, as it kept went for improvement of agrici lture. The . best encoarage a„ed if te the agricultural inte rest was foreign competition ; Lea 'tee could get up a good t b reign trade the agriculture of pur e Entry would prosper. 1 a lels a piece of calico would The s I ‘c three bushels of corn ; lbut now a piece of cotton of , I m o three and quality woe I d not purchase three-fourths j a his, ; showing that ma n ufaetures had decreased in 'lnded• i 'uile food was at its origins it price. So far from the r i e lleis et rerest requiring compens,e ion, the commercial interest i t Y f "Pensation from the has downers. He would now fry ti e t " words with regard to, ginbn that fell 7,111 nett': il en- Member for Fin eb ma' speaking of the law 7,111 f ar -r jerit. When the Righ t lien. Baronet introduced a f or removal of Irish are 1 Scotch paupers, he (M . r. tad j itlt °o) conceived that the r measure was one of humanity :Nate to , lc ' t t and accordingly gas , it his cordial support. With - tile present measure pr posed by Government, it was of humanity and je so rice. The manufacturers do l 'unt; °ge the Bill, b u t ra ther support it. He was in the t 'llis e Y. a short time since and the chairman of a lasid ar l e n , i f arineel him that the measure was . generally • 11 to be a very • humane and politic one. 1 4 o. _ arid, where there were to ur millions of people subsist etanegelt?tatoes, it might be as gned that, after a five years' re eld I.' ll this country, being entitled to a settlement, many tb e attic strongly induced to cane from that country, and that he h` 44 voarer of England would consequently be effected. Now ! r ror ta n° inch prejudices, bet au se he believed it was a great 11 44 „aPprehend mischievom tre cults to this country from an Pric e a u t a Irish labourers •as as ell might it be said that the ''st i t C orn was affected by the in iportation of that grain when c. 4 op; ,as admitted into Engl sr d.—( Hear, hear.) He was Porti t it t !ri that the measures prep used were worthy of the sup- D k r ;P C, o o k s te t t r al e le eentry, and he should like the measures be: ter if they immedi a t e reneal el the corn-laws, because then th ° .Ject would be a i ccorni 'ished.—(Hear, hear. But 144 0 ; k a t : i .t might, he was cony iced that the measure, so . far . z lhti en 'g injurious, would cause increased employment, dimi tted h _ of . the poverty, sad be cur ducive to the general interest higr!Pliness of the communin --(Hear, hear.) ° II% a u iIIn sTOPHER was very desirous to offer a few L td tvakoons bef,ore the close of the debate, partly because he Isws°thmednnernilen interest in the 'question when it had been in -"ould a former occasion in a more modified form. He igd N rictorirrfoesws that his views of the whole question would be po sad were he to offer , ea)position to the measure pro the je t l e Crh Majesty's Governrr nt, because that they affected repress rest of the constituency whom he had the hornier to at t e itt lit i • But it . was because 'that he looked on the measure 'ealte re ° 'a and belie . ved . it to be , whether as regarded the agri or commercial interests injurious to the country, that i t, ° PPosed the measure, that he was prepared to resist tt s ttle t :" l " to give his mos t cordial support to the itiri t - tr ,", t nent proposed by his I. I•on. Friend the Member for uter i - Z -- (Hear, hear.) 'lle could say, that though it had t hat t c h " a rged against the agricul: earal gentlemen in that House his .e 1 had myst ifi e d t h e ques ti i on , yet he should say that, in who Pt ?'en, all the mystification proceeded from the gentleme n th vash e d to look at the counts en not as it existed at presen t, it larej e a t ee ull enjoyment of protect ion, but as it would be when hot he al with foreign produce. . -( Hear, hear.) He would B ury h a l t it h ha casting imputations upon his friends on the Tree- Dowerf"ev, even th o ugh, whet a th e y were at the head of a 'Mee t u l Opposition, they used t, h sir best exertions and ink lees y (re ject th e N o b le Lord the I dember for London and his "44 C o Power, and they soccer a l e d i n d o i n g so. Now, would Miel e lin reference to the year 1842, when the change was eate et t ? ' the prot ec ti ng d u ti es the i then existed to so great an !tons ~He would also pass er to more qualified expres a bf "' .3 / 4 in the speeches of on. Members upon the sub when Hoe subject last session. On the 10th of June last, t hat e mllject of the corn-I• ess was introduced again into *CV ( ' Z l4 ", he ferebere to it act-fere, because he thought it ' t( ier e d , e , imPrudent an d ince aeenie n t to do so, when he con tattiee the large amount o f ca , p i ta l w hi c h was t h en i nves t e d b y td *peculating in ;ern. Bat the reason he gas, 1 1,?t changed his opinions upon this question l on "l c aesa he had not heard a single solid littr iga g i ven by the Right lion. Baronet for the proposed It o . „ I,„t wits ef the utino, ,t importance that Noble Lords s co shs s . ' Members who had an interest in the welfare of the faete.i? and a large majority of whom had been returned upon skould I save bad more time to consider 4 ,1%1 it -ere. But, whateve r this House might think of it, d,oor s ~„,laht rest assured that t be great bulk of the people out of `Vith .'4Ui d Tint put the sa age construction upon their acts, N an teeard to ths mode of carrying ' on the affairs of the l' as.ss ' e. Y re i4 a an , advantageous nanner, he cons_idere r, (l ._ i i t r highly n aaieed the to have a strong Government. His nign 4 soe .e First Lord of the Treasury, was so trusted by the a a ." tlat be Iwas enabl' Id to bring the country to a a?.oki4Prosperousa state. But he must say that, es ‘tht e the the present 'measure, he certainly would h ad D r country was at Che mercy of such a Government I sh e seeded the Right al on. Baronet, than see such laws t he Ina Present introduced. Considering the time at which I t i 'leree t i w t ur .. ` of his Right Ho; a. Friend was introduced, he cond js. wes fos 's most hazardous txperiment—(Hear, hear)—an . , 1 8ht t l . - at reason that he would vote against it. His L'odu eti ,as Friend had laid iit down that, with regard to the any Z...interests of this coo retry, no protective duties would Ii Posed a e rtefit ; a n d t h at , cc nsequent l y, no duties should be 0, 1 00. Il es :"Pt for the expels'' , es of the revenue. The Right oq cert ain net Proposed to cont inue the duty of 107. per cent. WOoll. Ma nufactured artiel es, and a duty of 101. per cent. h Isra e l tre as e Pro ne . s es —t duty of 101. per cent. on metal articles, th e - 'es tO continue duty of 111. per cent. on silk sL; duty no s ,w, on the other hand, he proposed to discontinue sea s of !ie articles of agri cultural manufactures, and after eltveresnaerree years '.to bolish them altogether. If the . th en on, therefore, ve ishedl to carry out their own priori esTaatlttaeun those very p rinci pies, he would like to know why theaal hay not proter sett equally with manufactures. It ha mid ore the "' much better that they had adopted /41 4 1 4th Lord the Member for Tiverton, Alty. 7 ,! . year 1840 or 1841, he proposed the s tir ri Stilted " Noble Lord the Member for South Lan ro4 the Out he we old lens agriculturist and manufae lle tkliarne footing, . Iphe only difference, in his opinion, tial CO r t, Pmdsee d cone. and the other produced cotton. thi ne *ren t , l'°Phor) :Orkildered that there was a very mate in, nze , . b etween helm With regard to corn, the ma 44ie•te aCtll;e was of an expensive nature, and Zh it e h was ri the manufacture of cotton was net , th 4 , 'rq -ew es , of gas led by the aid of steam-engines. r e elt rat4 e t, the c , ( arn . ,/ la greater difficulties t o o m e i -o g n ed ten t t Q l n ato le ad a tu th ' e Taos'. s o f of h i c s o u tt n e e n y, .. l t a i l; was_ Gould not Tt is `',e supply t a - I C cOW trol the cireumatauees which affect -4 Masad a • I, a rC ,net, however, does not deal equally ettuer of S' corn anti cotton arid other good;. THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 27, 1046. To the manufacturers of the latter he still affords protection on a number of articles, but from the grower of corn he takes away all protection by removing the duty on the importation of foreign corn. They were prevented from cultivating tobacco, in order to afford a benefit to the colonies, buthe ( Mr. Christopher) was convinced that in the county he had the honour to repre sent there was soil which might he profitably employed in the growth of tobacco. Differential duties are also allowed in favour of the colonies in sugar and other articles,—(Hear.) In France also the cultivation of beetroot for the manufacture of sugar was carried on to a large extent, whereas soil of an infinitely more fertile character in the county for which he was member (Lincoln), and equally adapted for the growth of beetroot, was thrown out of the cultivation of that article to afford advantage to the colonies.—( Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Baronet had proposed to grant us certain benefits which he pleased to call compensations for thus depriving us of the protection to which they were entitled. He regretted the Right Hon. Member made use of such propositions. They were offered compensation, but let them consider what the compensation was. In the first place it was proposed that gentlemen with settled estates should have an opportunity of going to commissioners and borrowing money at a low rate of interest. Now he (Mr. Christopher) was sure that any gentleman of credit in the country would, if they were in a position to do so, prefer going to a neighbouring friend, than to Mr. Darby, where they should al low their title-deeds to be examined before a public board, to be then invested ; and they may not, perhaps, he good in law, and then people, wile, like himself, had the experience of a chancery suit, would rather submit to anything than place their title-deeds under the restriction of clerks in a public office. His Right Hon. Friend next proposed to alter the laws of settlement, and to prevent, after a certain time, persons from being remoued to their parishes. That he (Mr. C.) considered a very proper measure, although he would not pledge himself to support it, because, like his Noble Friends the Members for Lei cestershire, Worcestershire, and Lincolnshire, he doubted very much whether they would confer a benefit on the agricultural classes who had found work in the manufacturing counties. At the same time, he freely admitted that he was willing to view the measure, so far as the law of settlement was concerned, in a favourable light. No one could say these changes would be a benefit to the agricultural classes, for the effect of the mea sure would be to inflict suffering on them for many years, and that he thought, after taking the most favour able view of the proposition of her Majesty's Government. He was himself a magistrate, and felt the defective state of in ternal communication, but he considered that the proposed mea sures with respect to the highways of this country would in jure instead of benefit the poor. It was notorious that those highways maintained a great number of poor sickly persons who were unable, from their infirmity, to earn a subsistence in the fields, and who were set to this labour by parochial autho rities, in order that they might support themselves ; bdt the mo ment they appointed district surveyors they would be guided by that political economy on which these measures were founded ; and whilst the differences which could not fail to come between them and the local authorities were being ad justed, those who were earning their living in the way he had mentioned would be driven into the workhouse, thus increas ing the poor-rates and inflicting great injury on those who were compelled to pay it. It was said that the shipping in terest would be greatly benefited by the importation of cern into this country, but he was at a less to understand the argument which hail been advanced, that the agricul turists would be benefited to a similar extent.—(Hear, hear. ) He would not refer to documents, or occupy the House with a long quotation of figures, but this he would assert, that the real merits of the case were concerned ; that it was bringing the labour and large produce of the continental markets in a direct competition with the labour and produce of this country, on the produce of which so much larger and so much greater capital and labour were every year expended. Some fifteen or sixteen years ago thereemight have been a greater equality— a reason for a change in the corn-laws, but now the case was evidently different, and lie believed that it was simply owing to the proceedings in Parliament, andithe protection given to agriculture, that the people of this country were in the enjoy ment of a better supply of food and other necessaries than the people of any other country on Europe. It was well known that good wheat could be purchased in the agricultural districts—he did not say London or any of the large towns—but even there it was easily obtainable at 545. 3d.—(Cheers.) It was a fact that his own tenants in the east of Lincolnshire paid as much money in transporting that produce to Lancashire, or any other portion of the ma nufacturing districts, as the grower in the neighbourhood did on delivering his corn at any port in London. It was well known that the people of this country only consumed a certain quantity of wheat, and it was not proved that the country did not grow sufficient for the wants of the people. He did not wish to take an extreme view of the qaestion ; he would refer to a very great authority on political economy, he meant Mr. Deacon Hume. He was asked this question, Have you formed an estimate of the quantity of corn that would be imported un der the proposed tariff, taking one year with another ? His an swer was, taking all the quantities of corn and meal received into tke country, I think that from eight to ten millions will be imported evey year. Now Mr. DlHume would likely be able to form this opinion from his official returns. He was also asked what would be the effect of this increased importation on the home produce of the country, and his answer was, that a considerable portion of the country would be devoted to grazing purposes: Now, any tyro in agri cultural matters w ould be perfectly well able to inform them, if they once broke up pasture land, it would require 50 years to bring it to its former condition. At present such w as the im proved system of agriculture pursued in this country, that many poor lands, which formerly produced nothing, were now under cultivation for corn. He had endeavoured, as far as was possible, to enter this question without having recourse to any unnecessary arguments, and to treat it exclasively on its own merits. lie believed that if the measure were carried into effect in the sudden manner in which it was intended to be carried oat, every interest in this country, whether it con cerned agriculture or sundae ure, would be greatly itijured and disturbed. He believed that the first persons who would suffer would be the agricultural labourers ; the second persons who would suffer—according to his Hon. Friend, the Member for Northamptonshire—whose opinion bad been rather sneered at by the gentlemen on the other side of the House—would be the small farmers and occupiers. He believed that those who would suffer after the small farmers, would be the small landed proprietors whrs were not, generally speaking, men possessed of much capital, but were persons of small property and ancient family, and had succeeded in maintaining a respectable position in society. It was not those who were possessed of large pro perty and estates, and who enjoyed all the superfluities of life, that would be affected. No, they would still continue to enjoy those superfluities. He would oppose the measure, because it would inflict an evil on the lower and middling classes of society, and would prove injurious to the interests of the country at large. Mr. CA RDWEL L said, that though it might be his mis fortune to differ from his Hon. Friend the Member for North amptonshire, and also from the Hon. Gentleman who had just sat down, it would be his duty, in the course of the few observa tions which he had to offer, to avail himself of many of the opinions on which they seemed to lay so great weight, and to press into his service many of the features and illustrations which they had thought it expedient to employ. He would have no difficulty in admitting that agriculture had gone on improving in every part of the country, and that although they had had a constant relaxation in the protective system, all the prices of agricultural produce were very much higher at pre sent than they were during the commencement of the present century. Notwithstanding all the drawbacks, agriculture was in a prosperous and improving condition, and the general con dition of the people was satisfactory. On the other hand, however, he should not contend that' in proportion to the supply of the harvest, the general prosperity of the country had been affected. Neither would it be necessary for him to dispute with the Hon. Gentleman who spoke last, that the population had been greatly improved. As he (Mr. Cardwell) had not enjoyed the opportunity on any previous occasion during the debate of expressing his opinion to the House on the subject of the corn-laws, perhaps he might be allowed to state the grounds on which this measure, for the final adjustment of the various conflicting interests in the country, should meet with his cordial support. The opponents of the measure had held very strongly that protection was not intended for the exclusive benefit of any particular class, but was intended for the advantage of all classes in the country. The Government was dealing with the general welfare of the community, which important object those gentlemen so cor dially supported. The arguments that had been used in favour of protection were great arguments against it. It had been said that the existing measure of protection had secured do mestic agriculture against foreign produce, and that the land lord, the farmer, and the labourer, had each in turn reaped its advantages ; that it had provided for the rent-charge, and had protected the rate of wages. He would ask them, when they talked of protection from foreign nations, what was the meaning of the language they employed ? Do they know that foreign nations are the consumers of 50,000,0001. worth of native manufacturers? Were they aware, that for two•fifths of the imperial revenue, we were indebted to the taxes upon foreign imports? Do they remember the history of our country in former times? Do they not know that it was the manufac turers that brought them through the cruel contest of the late war ? Do they remember, that at the close of that war, we were in collision with America and with France, and by re ceiving cotton from the former country, and not from the latter, i the detciencies between the contending nations were mainly adjusted? Why, then, do they exclaim against foreign na tions? We all know what the distress of 1642 was, but what was that distress owing to ? Not to the deficient supply of food from foreign nations. The Honourable Gentleman then proceeded to review the condition of the foreign trade, to show that it had benefited the interests of this country. Where was that boasted unanimity in the agricultural interest ? Had not many followed in the steps of the late Lord Spencer and the present Lord Grey ? What the British farmer wanted was security against further change.—( Hear.) He would ask the Honourable Gentlemen, if they succeeded in their present oppo sition, if they frustrated for a short time the proposition of relaxing the operation of the present law, would they go down to their estates and offer the farmers long leases on the security of the present law ? The Honourable Member for Lincoln shire says, Ne. Could there bee greater test of the ineutllciency of that law ? It had been urged as an argument against free trade that the country was in a prosperous condition. It was the fret symptom of reviving trade, under the new tariff, in Manchester, that there was an increased demand for the su perior joints of meat sold in that town. It was said that, during the last year, there had been a falling off of 15,000 sheep in the London market. He would ask how many foreign sheep had been imported into this country during the last year? Why, not more than sufficient to supply one week's demand for the people's consumption.—(Hear, hear.) This statement he could prove from authenticated tables,which any Hon. Mem ber might peruse, if he felt so inclined. The demonstration was mathematically correct, and the proof was not irrefraga ble. Another argument against the measure had been drawn from the peculiar burdens which had been supposed to bear upon agriculture. Whatever burdens had been laid upon land when agriculture was protected, ought, when that protection ceased, to be equally adjusted. He would not deny that the land did bear peculiar burdens, but it was intended to compen sate amply for any loss which might accrue to the agricultural interests. But he did not think that the agriculturists had any right to say that they were a burdened interest. If they were, it was a virtual argument for protection. Would the agriculturists say to the Government—" In spite of you we will remain a burdened interest, in order that we may have an argument for the protective system ?" That must lee the conclusion, and he must certainly say that it was one which could not be supported. He believed that he had now gone over every one of the main arguments that had been adduced by Honourable Members in favour of the corn laws. --(Hear, hear.) Ilis memory failed him if there were any besides those, with the exception of that which was called the " colonial " argument. He had gone over the argument with reference to dependence upon foreigners and security of the home trade, as well as that of securing a proper re/miners tien to the farmer for his industry, and also that of giving an increased rate of wages to the labourer. He had shown, or at least he had endeavoured to show, the increased amount of wages paid in the great manufacturing districts over the wages paid in agricultural districts. He had shown that the working people, instead of receiving from Bs., 125., and 15s. per week, were now the recipients of 30v. or even 40e. in the manufacturing districts. He had shown them that the wealth of the people had increased by the proces s which he had described. He had asked them to draw this necessary infer eves, that a. man who was in the receipt of 30s. weekly wages would require a great deal more butcher's meat, and a great deal more bread than the man whose weekly earnings amounted to no more than Ss., 125., or lbs. weekly.--(Cheers.) He had also asked the house to believe, that when a great pertiou of the agricultural population was drafted off into the menufac turing districts, the districts which they had left would br thereby in ; ranch better condition. Having thus byiedy tlC4i.' verted to all the main arguments in favour of protection, lie would now proceed to say a few words with respect to that which was called the colonial argument. Now, with regard to that argument, he would venture to say that the position in which they had put the colonies had been, as he always understood it should be, in the same relation to the British Crown as were the counties of Middlesex or York, or any other English county. But it was reserved for this debate that they should adopt a most fallacious policy, and one which was injurious to the imperial interests, merely for the purpose of serving the interests of the colonies. But he believed that the same reasoning applied to the colonies as to any other part of her Majesty's dominions. The colonial argument was greatly urged by his lion. and Gallant Friend the Member for Liverpool, as well as by the Honourable Member for Rox burgh. They quoted in support of their arguments the 'speeches of Mr. Pitt and Mr. Huskisson, as well as that of the Hon. Member for Shrewsbury. But when he (Mr. Cardwell) looked at the speeches of Mr: Pitt, he found him saying, that what was good for the mother country was also good for the colonies, unless the circumstances were very pe culiar and special. Having said thus much, he (Mr. Card well) would ask Hon. Members on his own side o; the House, whether they believed there was any strength in the argu ments which he that evening feebly endeavoured to lay before the house? If their arguments were not so absolutely irre sistible,and their facts not so perfectly conclusive as they had ap peared to consider them, what was the position in which they stood before the country ? Were there any strong argu ments against them? Were they not seeking to leave upon the food of the people a tax, a very small portion of which found its way into the coffers of the Exchequer ?—(Loud Op position cheers.) Were they not claiming to raise an arbi trary barrier in the way and proper course of trade ?—(Hear.) Were they not seeking to deny to industry its obvious right of disposing of its own productions according to its own dis cretion?—(Cheers.) He had not troubled the House with a single statistic, but he would venture to read an extract from am Smith, which he was happy to say was quite opposed to t views held by those Hon. Members who were in favour of protection to agriculture. The Hon. Member having read the extract, 'proceeded to say that an illustration had occurred to his own mind, in connexion with a different subject, which, if he might be permitted, he should like to mention to the House.—( Hear.) A young men who, during the late war, had made himself conspicuous in the defence of his country, had risen to be chairman of a commission for the consideration of the state of the maritime defences.—(Hear, hear. ) In the course of a conversation with a Gentle man, he said he was afraid that the wooden walls of old England were in danger of being thrown, in conse quence of the improved condition of the vessels of foreign countries. The gentleman, however, with whom he was con versing, met the difficulty by saying, that England need not fear if she only met foreign improvements in maritime forces by improvements in her own, and be prepared to face them at all times.—(Cheers.) The same should be the conduct of the agriculturists of this country—let them prepare themselves for the competition of foreign countries.—(Hear, hear.) Such steps would be the means of improving the condition of the agricultural labourers of this country. He would say to those Honourable Gentlemen who were afraid of the march of improvement, don't be afraid of it.— (Cheers.) In removing the protective duties from agriculture the Legislature would be increasing the amount of consumption ; and this country would, as the lion. Member for Shrewsbury had eloquently expressed it, become a country in which the demand for agricultural produce would ra pidly increase, and that they would find that by such a mea sure the interests both to commerce and agriculture would be promoted.—(Hear bear.) lie would now beg to bring another statistic before the House. From a work published in 1833, by Mr. Porter, it ap peared that the population of Manchester had increased 189 per cent., and that of Salford, 194 per cent. during the last few years. The quantity of butcher's meat and wheat which that vast increase of people would require for consump tion must necessarily be immense, and the interests of agri culturists must also be promoted by that increase of population. lie found that the populatien of Liverpool and other manufac turing places had increased in a similar ratio, and the effects were similar. A very remarkable speech was lately made at Liverpool, in which it appeared, that in 1815 the increase of vessels over the preceding year was nearly 4,000, and he (Mr. Cardwell) begged his Hon. Friend, the Member for Durham, to pay attention that. The increase in the East India trade had also been about t 4.0 per cent. despite hostile tariffs. Ho should think it presumption to come to the House of Commons and express sanguine anticipations, which he might be pleased to entertain, of the great increase of those commercial and manufacturing districts, with which he had the honour to be connected ; but the speeches which he had quoted, were the speeches of men. Those men said that they really believed that if the commerce of this country were left unshackled the results to the country would be most beneficial. —(lean) He for his own part believed that that merchant of Liverpool ho said that the benefits which would accrue to the country from free trade could not be calculated, had said 110 more than the truth. With respect to the timber trade, a few facts would show that it had increased since the removal of its protective duties. In 1841 the increase of vessels, engaged in the timber trade, was nearly 200,000 tons. And with regard to those concerned in the Baltic trade, the amount of tonnage in 1845, was 33,000, it being only 22,000 in 1842. Seeing the Hon. Member for Sunderland (Mr. Hudson) in his place he was anxious to disabuse his mind of a policy which he ap peared to labour under. We had received 2,000,000 quarters of foreign grain, and that had consequently increased our ex port trade. If the Hon. Member would permit so humble an individual as himself (Mr. Cardwell), he would venture to tell him what would be the result of that proceeding—it was this, that as the industrious navigators had been benefited by the importation of those 2,000,000 quarters of corn, they would invest a great portion of their receipts in railways, which would do a great deal towards promoting useful intercourse with different parts of the country. Such, then, were the conclu sions which he (Mr. Cardwell) had arrived at, and he believed that those conclusions were based on reasoning of the most mathematical kind. Those opinions he had always entertained in the abstract.—( Hear, hear.) He had never disavowed them, and he had never attempted to disguise them.—( Hear, hear.) He certainly did vote against his Hon. Friend the Member for Wolverhampton two years ago on this question, for he had always considered that great changes of this kind should be regarded as questions of time. And he (Mr. Card well) could riot deny that at the present time, above all other times, it was necessary to look out for a supply of food. He would not deny that this measure was brought forward to meet a great emergency, and he believed it was calculated to promote the good of the country.—( Cries of" Hear, hear.") There were 'Hort. Members in this House who had never dis guised the opinions which he had expressed, and he would acknowledge that there were a great commercial interest in this country, who had lent their support on the present occa sion to the Government. He believed that the people of Eng land were slow to learn from abstract documents, but they were quick at learning from experience—(Hear, hear)—they had had the experience of the last three years, and that expe rience had not been lost upon that great and reflecting people which they represented. He maintained that the support of the great and important commercial interest was essential to the true Conservative int erests of this country. He would frankly eel now ledge that the members of this large and powerful influence had ever shown a disposition to watch the ever- varying circumstances of this country.—( Hear, hear.) He begged to apologise for the great extent to which he had trespassed upon the kindness and attention of the House. He believed that in the di minution of prices, in the general removal of sources of dis cord, and a generous and discriminating regard to all the complicated interests of the country, that the present was a Parliament competent to decide.---( Hear, hear.) And if that House would decide in the affirmative, they would bestow upon the country, by passing these measures, great, lasting, en during, and inestimable benefits.—( Hear, hear.) Mr. FINCH said he felt great reluctance to address the House ; he would say, however, that the speech delivered by the last Hon. Member did great credit to his taste and temper. He did not think, however, that it was a speech cal culated to carry great weight with the country. His glowing de tails of the prosperity of the manufacturers would tell powerfully in farour of that side of the finase to which he (Mr. Card well) was opposed, for if they were in this nourishing state under a system of protection, why did they wish to change it ? —( Hear, hear.) lie (Mr. Finch) believed, however, that the prosperity would have been greater if there had been none of the alteration which had been made in the last tariff.— ( Hear, hear.) lie had noticed the speeches of many lion. Members made on the opposite side of the House, but in none of those had he been able to discover that they had succeeded in tracing effects to causes, nor had they shown how the tariff had wrought out the prosperity.—(" Hear , hear," from Colonel Sibthorp.) He considered that there were many reasons to account for the prosperity previous to the passing of the tariff. America was in a state of complete prostration, her credit and her finances were gene, and insolvency covered the land, and as a natural consequence great distress was felt in that country, both in America and amongst our manu facturers. Trade, however, revived, and with that revival came an increased demand for goods in the manufacturing dis tricts of this country,—( Hear, hear.) In addition to this, it had been stated that railway speculations had given a stimulus to native industry, and thereby caused considerable improve ment, and even produced great prosperity to the agricultural interests. Now, he thought it was going too far to say that those improvements were atteibutable to the tariff. lie be lieved that if they were to fellow the tariff through all its ramifications, it would be found eliat it had operated as a bar rather than a stimulant.—( Hear, lacer.) When he had the honour of a seat in that House, use occupied the opposite benches. The Noble Lord, the Member for the city of London, was then a strong protectionist, the question between him and the Right lion. Baronet at the laced of her Majesty's Government was not then one of protecti on or no protection, but only a difference as to the mode of applying that protection. hhe one party were in favour of a fixed u uty, and the other advocated a sliding duty ; but now, however, t here was a l strik ing upon which we h ad seen the Rig h t Hon. ng change ; the only slidin g scale that there wasi of in.--(Hear, hear.) r tl o o n w e t e s f l t i di T n a g s u lt t s e o e f m o e ffi d c t e o h a i n m d the leaders of the two gr ea t p arties.—( Hear, hear, andlaughter. ) r b e le w L as or a d t t h h a e t t N h e t) s lie did net think, howe ver, that the opinions of either sort of moral murrain among the Noble Lord or the Right Hon. Baronet could have much weight. If the conversion of the N oble Lord had been effected at railroad speed, the conversion of t h e Ri g ht Hon. Baronet had been effected with the speed of the electric telegraph. If the Right Hon. Baronet had, like a Noble Lord in the Upper House, comfortably ensconced himself in a chateau at Caens, in the south of France, and surrounded himself with all the ponderous volumes of Adam Smith, Malthus, M'Gregor, Macculloch, and all other political economists, he would frith greater haste have come to the conclusion which he had. He could theta come back to England, like the "fair penitent," or he would rather say, the contrite statesman • he might then have stormed the Cabinet , triumphantly regained possession of the seals of office, and his opinions might then have been entitled to some weight.—(Cheers and laughter.) The change in his opinions seemed to have been brought about by a combination of circumstances. There was the Anti Corn-law League mounted upon the boards of Covent Garden theatre. There was heard in the distance the sounds of battle, with the confusion of war and bloodshed in the Pa cific, the Atlantic, and the Western possessions, in fact a tremendous bugbear of a North American war. Then came the failure of the potato crop. Then in their affrighted ima gination they beheld O'Connell, at the head of his repeal legions, marching into this House, brandishing his javelins, defying its authority.—(Cheers from the -protectionists.) Under these circumstances, lie did not consider the change of opinion on the part of her Majesty's Government worthy of much weight. And, with reference to the Noble Lord the Member for the city of London, he had. no doubt, about this time heard of the dissensions in the Cabinet. He had heard, no doubt, that they were directing their -course in favour of free trade; he immediately passed his free trade into Scott's Lake, and wrote his famous letter to the electors of London , which caused so much sensation throughout the empire. He considered, therefore, despite all the speeches -which hal been made on the subject, they had just left the quention where they had found it. The Noble Lord, the Member for the West Riding, had read a very solemn lecture to the aristocracy of Britain. He reminded them of the immense) forests ef Amy rice, and its mines of inexhaustible wealth--he said nothing, however, upon the subject of American opinion respecting free trade. The Noble Lord must have known that the democratic party in America wore adverse to free trade, and that in Penn sylvania, out of 26 members returned to iCongress, 25 were against any modifleation of the tariff of 1841.. With reference to the speech of the Right Hon. Baronet made a few nights ago, the particulars of which were terrific few a Minister to utter—he would say that it possessed so little claim to a de liberative character, and so flattish ef the wildest enthusiasm, that it was perfectly necessary that it should be answered, in order to Alolm a complete which he feared not to assert were the opinions of nine-tenths of the farmers of England.—( Hear, hear.) The Hon. Mem ber for Finsbury, in the course of the debate, had been pleased to state that what the farmers required for the advancement of agriculture was not protection, but the shield of the ballot to protect them. Nose he should inform the Hon. Gentleman, and other members who supported his views, that they could not labour under a greater mistake in saying that the farmers were not in favour of protection.—(Hear, Le ir, from the l Protectionists.) He looked on the assertion as a R ailical shot fired at random by a gentleman who might be qualified to represent a metropolitan constituency, but who knew nothing of agriculturists.—( Hear, hear.) There were a few circumstances connected with the Dorsetshire elec tion which could not fail to prove that the farmers were in favour of protection, and which he begged to trouble them with._( Hear, hear.) When the requisition calling on him and his Honourable Colleague to come forward for the repre sentation of the shire was in progress of signature, some of the tenants who held under free-trade proprietors—three or four of whom held the largest properties in the locality— naturally held back and refused to sign the requisition until they knew what the wishes of the landlords were.—(Hear, hear.) He believed it was notorious that English tenants always wished to consult the opinions of their landlords; and in that they were not, in his opinion, t o bl ame . Th ey con salted their landlords, who, he was happy to state, did not interfere, the question being solely a farme r 's question, and the moment the will of the land lord was made known, they, without exception, came forward and signed the requisition.—(Protectionist cheers. ) That was a proof of his assertion that the farmers were in clined to protection.—( Hear, hear.) Another statement made was, that she small farmers alone were in favour of free trade ; or in other words, that class of farmers who, from their indo lence and ignorance of political matters, did not deserve to be farmers at all. Now, as far as his (the Hon. Gentleman's) ex perience went, he should say the very contrary was the fact.— ( Cries of " Hear, hear.") In his opinion all classes of farmers were protectionists, particularly the large farmers, the em ployers of labour and capital, and who, moreover, had leisure and inclination to master the details of political affairs.--( Hear. ) In the course of his canvas he had heard strong language used with respect to the Right lion. Baronet at the head of the Government.—( Hear, hear.) Farmers were plain men, and consequently used plain words, the introduction of which in that House might not be deemed Parliamentary.—(A laugh.) He had heard these observations made use of ; yet, though he bad been much amongst the farmers, he did not observe an atom of turbulence, or a single jot abatement of their usual loyalty arid peaceable demeanour, which could not be said of the gentlemen composing the Anti-Corn-law League.—( Hear.) Indeed, it was his firm belief, that if the farmers of England had been more seditious in their bearing and expression they would have had more weight w ith the Right lion. Baronet.— ( Loud cries ot," Hear" from the protectionists.) If the Anti-Corn-law League should at any future period be inclined to attack the ancient institutions of this country, they would find that the loyalty of the farmers would meet them in the spirit of opposition dictated by the loyalty for which they were proverbial, and with far more effect than they had opposed them on the present occasion. Having said thus much, he had nothing more to say than to thank the Howe for the patient lea ring granted him, and to declare his intention of voting against the measure before the House.—( Cheers from the Hon. Member's party.) Mr. VILLIERS had some difficulty in rising to address the House after the speech of the Hon. Member who had just sat down ; more especially after the manner in which they had been used to the course of Gentlemen addressing them on both sides of the question, for, if he was not mistaken, the Hon. Member, who had last addressed the House, said he was in favour of a repeal of the correlaws..--( Loud cries of " No, no," from the protectionists.) If the cries on the op posite side were correct, then the Hon. Member was greatly misrepresented by the papers, for there was not a paper which did not state that, if there was to be a repeal of those laws, he was for an immediate repeal.—( Hear, hear. ) Mr. SEYMOUR wished to explain. What he had said on the hustings was, that he was against the proposed change in the corn-laws; but that if there was to be any change at all, he was for an immediate repeal in preference to the measure of the Right Hon. Baronet; and such was still his opinion. Mr. VILLIERS was most happy to find that the accuracy of the gentlemen of the press was not called into question.— ( Cries of " Oh, oh," from the new Member's party.) He be lieved the Hon. Member was in favour of this measure.— (" Oh, oh.") He took the lion. Gentleman's own explana tion. He had stated that the farmers were in the habit of going to their landlords and asking their opinions , and it was really - wondrous how they had preserved their loyalty. — ( Cries of " Oh, oh.") The Hon. Gentleman had given proof that the farmers were generally loyal and well affected, and that was a proof that they were not under the influence of their landlords.—(Great laughter and cries of " Oh, oh.") lie believed they were loyal and not disaffected because they were not affected by the disloyal views of their landlords.—(" Oh, oh," and cheers.) He believed that the farmers were men who did not believe the stories of the interested landlords. As far as he had understood the Hon. Gentleman, the farmers were in favour of an immediate repeal of the corn-laws.—( Groans from a section of the House.) The point of the Hon. Member's speech was to show that the farmers were not under the influence of their landlords. The Hon. Member for Rutlandshire had said the same thing. The Hon. Member who had spoken last was like the gentlemen who spoke the chorus in the Greek play, which stated all that had taken place, and all that was to take place in the drama.—( Laughter.) He had told the farmers that they were to be ruined by the present measure, and all gentlemen on the protectionist side of the House had told them the same thing. He (Mr. Vil liers) felt great difficulty in rising to address the House after the speeches which had been delivered on the question, for there was nothing that he or any other lion. 111em1 er could say, which had not been already said by the Right Honourable Baronet at the head of her Majesty's Government. He could not help contrasting the attention shown to the Hon. Members who had addressed the House on the present measure, to the scenes which, on a former occa sion, when he (Mr. Villiers) brought forward the same ques tints at a former period. The groans and cries of parties in the house at that time still tingled in his ears.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") At that time, however, the country was in a state of areat suffering, and much disorder was the consequence. The gentry were crying out for time, soldiers surrounded the House, and the people were declaring that time had not been afforded them to present their petitions against the measure; and again, he would repeat that the measure passed the House with greater rapidity than any measure had been known to pass it before.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") Notwithstanding this, they were now to have this question postponed in the present session for a longer period than any measure that had been known before. For three weeks new had they been discussing the merits, and during the whole of that rinse they had heard nothing but the same arguments over and over again.—( Hear, hear.) What then was the conclu sion the public were to come to, but that a distinction was made in this House between the interest taken in the affairs of the rich and that of the poor.—( Hear, hear.) However, as the time was to be wasted—(Laughter)—in those discussions, he would proceed to express his sentiments, and he would say that he did not think he would be doing justice to his own feel ings, or the opinions of those whom he represented in that House if he did not declare that he hailed with joy and sa tisfaction the present measure, which he looked upon as one dictated by feelings of honour arid justice.—( Hear, hear.) It must, of course, be gratifying to every Hon. Member in that House to,have observed the number of Hon. Members who had become advocates of this cause, from a conviction of its utility, and many of those Hon. Members occupied positions which rendered their motives perfectly free from suspicion.— ( Hear, hear.) When the Noble Lord the Member for Lon don delivered his sentiments on this subject, in a letter to his constituents, he (Mr. Villiers) sincerely believed that the Noble Lord did so from an honest conviction that an imperative sense of duty called upon him to declare those sentiments, and that he was not in the slightest degree influenced by party feeling.—( Hear, hear.) He (Mr. Villiers) was also at a loss to understand how it was that the Right lion. Baronet oppo site deserved the reproaches by which his introduction of this measure had been received, because the Right lion. Baronet had not introduced this measure under the influence of any private or personal feeling, but solely because he believed it necessary for the benefit of the country ; and he (111 r. Villiers) did not think that the Right Honourable Baronet had any reason to be discontented by the manner in which the measure had been received by the public, because it was quite evident that 1-a had thrown insolent domination.—( and utterly disregarded the importu nities of an domination.—( Cheers.) The Right lion. Baronet had been told that if he persevered in carrying this measure to a division, that he would deeply regret it; but the Right lion. Baronet, with a characteristic perseverance for which he was remarkable, disregarded all those remonstrances, and he (Mr. Villiers) really did believe that the public were delighted to see the Right lion. Baronet throw off with so much determination those party trammels.—(Cheers.) An Hon. Member opposite had asked him how it was possible he could show his face to his constituents after giving the vote he intended upon that occasion ? But he would ask the Hon. Member in return, how he intended to act at the next election ? (hear, hear.) He was aware that some Noble Lords, mem bers of the Opposition, had declared opinions upon this ques tion as contradictory as any that had been assailed in that House.—(Cries of " Name, name.") He (Mr. Villiers) could have no hesitation in naming the parties ; one of them was the Earl of Essex, who had declared that the free gim portation of Indian corn into this country would be of the greatest possible benefit to it.—(Cheers and la u g hter.) Hon. Members might shake their heads at that as sertion, but it was nevertheless true. hear.) He had heard, in the course of that debate, that it was for the purpose of raising a question as to a grea t principle, viz., the system of protection ; a s) stem of policy long . believed in this country, and which was now about to be abolished. Its friends were about to resist its abolition, and the object of their motion was to resist that abolition. This was the 11th day of the discussion of the system of protection, and. now he would ask, what was the system ? Had anything fallen from the Gentlemen en the other side of the House as to what the principle was—whether it had any rule, or whe ther anything would result from it? \Vas there anything to be dignified by the name of a system ? The House had not a single idea on the subject. Ile had asked on his own side, whether the system of protection could be universally applied? The answer was, certainly not ; it would raise the prices . of food and diminish the price of labour. There was no definite test by which protection could be tried. Was it o pp ose di that protection principle of protection? No ; for Lord Stan l e y hail r protection was competition subject to regulation- ,(Laueh liter. The prot ec) They hail no idea of what the system was. 1 that free trade might give. At leas t, so said the He l i n. I . ked, leer for Shrewsbury. He (M r. Villiers) dtv. d as ow tionists say that they did not want to oppose. all the advantages whether the system of protect ion had r i o t e speaking Member who had spoken on the subject had hardly been s five minutes before. he began to discuss the horrois . of tree trade in food. The question was whether Wiry should . continue the system n of the sliding scale—and that they call protection. Had there . been to an attempted continuance of the sliding hardly e. Every to , show that the system - of g N i , v i eL: i ib p o r u o t t p ec r t o i t o e n c i ti a e s n i t ,, o tc ag d r;u r l i t e t u tr i e n ? l — re h l a ttliireeysliiglekatred any way is st quoted. ' a f g h i ar ,i l l i t a , ; c o . nly n h e e , a , r o d u t l l d i a b d e sTn tagco us N o such quotation had been y e calamities n bleb free given—there was not a single man who had given any tradecapi ta N l v o o l o d t h c e explanation at all. Many . persons on the other aide of the House said that the principle of protection to agriculture de pended upon none of the causes he had stated, and that it did not u w s i e se to ? ash, had any agricul prote ropiire to be assisted or explained by an Act of rarliament. For the eti n o u n th , o , r a i s t y last two nigli;s there had been in the gallery of the House a gentle man said . to be ono of the largest occupiers of land in the kingdom-- man wao was s;-oken of as being a great author:ty on the subject of agriculture. That gentleman was in the House in order that he might give some answer to the silly statements which had been put forth. 'That gentleman occuptAl 3,200 acres, extending into six counties, and he received rent in eight counties. No wonder that they wsre so adverse to any inquiry by way of a Connnittee embodied by the House, for they knew that this person would come forward and give evidence against their views. —(Hear, hear, and cheers.) They never wished to refer the question to a Committee for fear this person should come and demolish all the arguments of their side.—(Cries of " Oh, oh I" fYom the Ministerial benches) They cried out " Oh, oh 1" but why did not they go be fore a Committee ? They were on their trial before their country, and they could not find any person in favour of their views. He (Mr. Villiers) would venture to say then what he had said before, that if they went before a Committee of inquiry they would find farmers from every part of the country to give evidence against their principle. They would thud land agents whose opinions were hostile to them. There was a society of land agents in this town, and the majority of that society were of opinion that the total and immediate repeal of the corn-taws would uo no barrio if it dt.t no eootir What wits the ease with the honourable Members for Essex . mid Suffolk—they both plumed themselves on their knowledge ot the subject, and they both spoke. The Honourable Apouringt . or Essex, After uttering some very questionable ,jokes, ended by quo.ting. t chapter of Mr. Arnold's work. The Honourable Menibe . ifo 6401 k, who was returutd to the House as the farmer'S lriend v , 1.0 l fallacy, and to detect the sophistry of his argument. But where could they find sufficient talent equal to the task? Where the penetration, the clearness, of perception, the cool ness , th e i n t e ll ec t, and the comprehen siveness of mind equal to the task. He (Mr. Finch) would undertake the task. Tim arguments which the Right Hon. Baronet adopted were such as these :—" There is a failure of the potato crop, we must throw open the ports." That they denied. " The ports being once opened, you cannot shut them again." That they denied. He (Mr. Finch) would ask of what use it could be to the Irish peasantry to open the ports ? It was no remedy at all. The Irish peasant, who could not give 15s. for oats at his own door, how could he be able to give 50s. or 60s. a qr. for foreign corn?—( Hear, hear.) Besides, the very arguments which the Right Hon. Baronet produced went against him; for he had told them that the ports had been opened, but he had never told them that the ports were kept open. Ha thought that the statesmen of this country were too much in fluenced by popular clamour and agitation. He thought that that man was not fit for a statesman who was riot clamour proof. lie had heard of a French canary bird who, by con- Cant training, became accustomed to fire off a cannon, and he ssbleyiya:rdetcelritai;naodotfouhftr:e..be would that oturf altddheil:loali not have ahg s t hag e vt r ee s n Hemnr:aienlgt. election, with .sciaott Baronet oo n nn ;ei b ith e e h m so (au l pi t per proposed rr u Fot n pi a ‘no, s csi s ieh a i de i ) hest: the had received. He believed that if the people of this country were left to themselves, they would soon throw the system of free trade into the British Channel. The Right Hon. Baronet, in his statement respecting foreign silks, said that since the reduction on the importation of that article the silk manufacturers had carried ell before them ; but he (Mr. Finch) thought there was no doubt but that the result would be the total destruction of the silk trade of this country.—(Cheers.) He had also boasted of the advance of ship-building in consequence of the reduction which had taken place on the importation of timber, arid of the number of peti tions which were presented in favour of the measure from ship-owners, but he (Mr. Finch) thought that some petitioned one way, and some another, and it appeared to him that a great mass of evidence was, on the whole, against the Right Honourable Baronet. With respect to feather-beds, the Right Hon. Baronet seemed intimately acquainted, although he (Mr. Finch) could hardly conceive how that could be. He could hardly understand how he had so much intercourse with feathers, because he thought, he and his colleagues were reposing for a long time on beds of roses.— ( Great laughter.) With respect to the article of flax, the ar guments used seemed to make as much against as for the Right Hon. Baronet. With respect to the linen trade, notwithstand ing the improvement which had taken place in the manufac ture of that article in Ireland, he never saw any Irish linen that could at all be compared with the linen of Alsatia. The Right Ilon. Baronet it seemed to him made an unfortunate allusion to Anacharsis Clooty. He was anxious, he said to amale gamete all classes, and to act with them on the principles of being citizens of the world. When the Right Hon. Baronet could gather round them Belgium, Holland, Germany, Prussia, Denmark, and every other state to deal with him on such principles, then he might fairly state that the country which would produce the best articles should have his custom. The Hon. Baronet would, ho hoped, permit him to refer to the splendid peroration of the Right Honourable Baronet in his speech delivered at Tarnworth in the year 1810.—(Hear, hear.) The Hon. Gentleman then read that portiere of Sir Robert Peel's speech, in which he stated, in reference to the corn laws, " That he could not think of obstructing that magnifi cent plan, for he found that there were great interests which could not be disturbed witheut creating many perils—(Great cheering from the protectionists)---and he would not consent to put his hand on those interests for the purpose of trying new and dangerous principles.--( Renewed cheering from the same quarter.) It seemed to him (Mr. Finch) that that speech looked like wisdom, compared to that which they had recently heard. He did not like to detain the House— ( Hear, hear)--but he was anxious, before he concluded, to refer to the speech of the Right Hon. Baronet, the Secretary for the Home Department, who had a very happy knack of expressing his opinions. (Loud laughter.) He gravely informed them that while the price of food was low in Poland, wages were high in America—(Laughter)--which might take place in any case. In a country like Poland, where the people possess no constitutional advantages, they could not, of course, be in as good a position as the lower classes of other countries. He thought they would admit that even in England there were various rates", of wages ; in some places eight shillings, in other places nine shillings, and ranging to twelve shillings. In some parishes that were over-populated, it was true that the farmers called the labourers together and made this proposal. They said they could not employ them all at full wages, and offered to employ them all at a lower rate of wages, or a portion of them at the usual rate, and the labourers generally accepted the farmers' proposals. The farmers were obliged to adopt that course in consequence of the home competition, and the soil being poor they were not enabled to give the same rate of wages. In some counties the price for labour was not always to be depended on as an index of prosperity, as in Buckinghamshire formerly, where silk was manufactured, and where the price of wages fell on its being discontinued. It was always known, as far as his experience went, that whenever the farmers were prosperous, the labourers were benefited in a like ratio. He found that that was the opinion of the Right Hon. Baronet, for he at one time stated, "that when there was a low price for corn, the manufacturing interest would be depreciated, and that low wages would always be the consequence of low prices." The Hon. Baronet went on to prove that when bread was cheap the ratio of crime diminished. He took a period of six years to prove his position, commencing with the year 1840, and terminating with 1845, This he divided into two portions, the one when the price of bread was high, terminating in 1842, and the ether when bread was cheap, ending in 1845, he then showed what was the amount of crime in the two portions, and he showed a falling off of eighteen p er cen t. i n th e l a tt er half. He also pointed out to the House, that in the first period, the price of corn averaged from GO to 70 shillings, and in the second, from 50 to 60 shillings. Now, he (Mr. Finch)' ad mitted the decrease of crime, but he attributed it to a far dif ferent cause ; it occurred in a period of great manufacturing prosperity, while the first period was the season of great manufacturing distress. The increase and decrease of crime were, therefore, dependent upon their manufacture' prosperity, arid the price of bread had nothing to do with it. It was, urged, however, by the Government that the sliding scale be came locked, and that it became necessary to make a change in the system. Why, it was the Government themselves that locked the scale. It locked fast enough until they commenced to talk of opening the ports.—( Hear, hear.) The report of their intentions having been whispered, it raised the price of corn abroed, lowered it at home, and raised the duty from fourteen to fifteen shillings a quarter. He again asserted that the Government had to blame them selves. It was also urged that this was a final settlement of the question. He could nut agree to such an assertion—an appeal must be made to the country either in that year or the next, and the question, no matter how carried, would he just as open as before. Supposing them easure were carried early in the next year or the present, there would be petitions for the repeal of the malt-tax—(Hear, hear)—and petition on petition would be presented for the repeal of the land-tax and property-tax— ( Hear, hear) and probably for some organic change in the Constitution ; *here would then be such a fear and panic among the fundholders, that the free traders would be burnt in effigy, and the whole question be settled by retiring to old British principles.—(Laughter.) The Right Hon. Baronet said that the principles of free trade were the principles of common sense.—( Hear.) That might he true in the abstract, and perfectly true in some planet which he is as not aware had been as, yet discovered, and which was never disturbed by war. But upon the earth they dwelt the principles of free trade would be discovered to be of uncommon nonse sense. Prussia could not be depended on, neither could France. Every one knew that the latter ccuntry was in every way op posed to the commercial policy of this country. The great passioc of the French people was glory, and the smallest possible circumstance was sufficient to induce them to gratify this passion by a sanguinary war of conquest or invasion. With regard to America, it could not be denied that she was desir ous to embrace the first opportunity to extend her posses sions—have uncontrolled empire wherever she had a chance of being successful. There was no country with which he depri eated wnr more than with America, as he firmly believed that they would ont be two years at war with her before they should be involved in a war with France, nor wonld they be two years at war with Fran ce b e f ore th e y wer e engaged in a war with America. In such an event look then at the consequence; de pending as they were on America for tobacco, cotton, and a considerable portion of their employment for the manufacturers.—(Hear, hear.) Now, he did maintain that the system proposed to be adopted with regard to the agriculture of the country was essentially unjust. During the last fifty years more than 400,000,0001. or 500,000,000/. of money had been invested in land under the impression that protection would not be withdrawn from it. He could not, therefore, but think that it was essentially unjust that the agriculturists of this country should be now brought into com petition with the labourers of other countries, who were only paid at the rate of 6d. per day. Every country should, in his opinion, have a system of poor-laws (and Heaven forbid that this country should ever be without a system of poor-laws) ; but with those heavy burdens which were pressing upon the English agriculturists, he considered it impossible for them to be able to compete successfully with those countries which were not so burdeneal. They might be called upon to use machinery to a greater extent in agricultural operations anclisteam-ploughs, had been recom mended, but if this were the case, the first result would be the setting on fire of their corn-stacks. He contended that it was utterly impossible for them, under any circumstances, to com pete in corn with other countri , s, in ecnsequence of the low price of foreign labour. In a speech made by the Hight Hon. Baronet a few years ago, it was stated by him that the price of corn in Denmark for the twenty-five years preceding was only 'Bs. 10d., and that there was a surplus of 700,003 quar ters ready to be exported after the demands of that country were fully supplied. Now, if so much might be expected from Denmark, what, he asked, might not be expected from Russia and other countries ? The Right lion. Baronet stated that, in the course of three or four years, there would be a glut in the market, and in that case there would neither be rent for the landlord, profit for the tenant, nor wages for the la bourer. He made those remarks when it had been proposed that there shonld be a fixed duty of Bs., and he (Mr. Finch) would ask, i f t he Right Hon oura bl e B arone t ex p ec t e d such a complete glut in the market then, what geauslittlytty'salar he a r.) 'f here could be little doubt that might not be expected when the duty was abolished altogether? Right ha(iit ll i o n n. hi ß s a p ro o n w e e t r a to t tdhoe away head he contented himself with taking the duty off and relieve the agriculturists from it, but he had he reduced. his le la o r . id_t ( ax e • ar a , rid ea h n e wa e s T di h d e n re ot w d as o Neither of an b o e th a er bo a a c a t l o i f d i e n o ,g, f lia l t i sh e s r .th lt e l N a m j e then conclude by offering his opinions as to the result of would injustice. H id e h e•lien ) li li on. the division.—( the Right Hon. Baronet would hav e • a so pe ; rio G d o w ve h r e l n im th en e t fide minority. a nominal majority, but wlich, in fact, would therefore who had misrepresented . their constituencies had been Members majority, there from that c ould be no doubt that, in deducted the estimation o f the country, it would b e regar d e d as a m i n ority.— (Pro t e etionist cries of " Hear, hear.") As far as he (the Hon. M e mber) was concerned, h e wou ld ever b e f oun d battling on the pre sent side of the quest i on; an d , h e d ou b te d not that, on their first appeal to the country, which they would make on the first occasion fearl ess l y an d b a ldl y , t h ey would h a ve the majority LI the population with thein.—(f Hear, hear," tt Oh, oh," and laughter. ) The appeal would shortly be made to the nation ; and he feared not they would have the constituencies with them, when 300 protectionists would /he returned,—(Laughter.) The cause of protection was not lost. No, it was still dear to the hearts of the nation, because it was in consonance with their f ee li ngs an d h a bi ts .—( Hear, hear.) T h ey were strong in pri nc ipl e an d cons istency, anti they were pr epared to defend and support that principle as ' long as they h ad voices t o utter, arms to raise, or shots to dis charge.—(.Cheers and laughter. ) Mr. SEYMOUR said that on rising for the first time to address the House, he hoped to be able to enlist their sympa thies in his favour, and he was certain of being suc cessful, when he assured the m th at hi s speech would not cccupy more than a few minutes. —( Hear, hear, hear.) He was not going to discuss the principle of protection, which had been canvassed mush at that (the Ministerial) side of the House; and had not allusion been made to the opinions of the tenant farmers, he would not have risen then. It struck him, indeed, that some Hon. Gentlemen, who had been elected six years ago, appeared at that moment to be quite tergetful of their own opioions, as well as the feelings of their constituents. —(11e:1r, hear.) But he doubted not, the time was not far off when their memories would be thoroughly refreshed.— (" Hear, hear," from the protectionists. ) lie ( the Honourable Gentleman) had the honour of being elected on la t Thursday for Dorsetshire, and lie should the a ;taw the opinions of the farmers of that district, on the subject. He (Mr. Villiers) listened during his speech, and all that he heard was the reading of a speeech of the Attorney. Ge neral's—at least that was all he could collect. These persons would go any length, at any rate they would go great lengths, in throwing the Right Hon. Baronet from the head of the Government, though they were unable to give the House a single motion o: the way in which it would benefit agriculture. Mr. Wawn says that the farmers must take as their text low prices, and trust to an improvement in agriculture. That they must not look any longer to high rates, but endeavour to produce a larger quantity, so as to meet the reduction in the price of grain,— (Hear.) He would ask the Hon. Member for Norfolk how it was that, in discussing the merits of the protective system, so little reference was made to the fanners and labourers, However much they might be referred to out of doors, he did not find the farmers and labourers brought forward prominently in that House. There was hardly a word about the farmers there, though there was no lack of reference to them out of the House. He thought that a farmer who had prospered under the protective system during the last thirty years, would be a strange animal—an extraordinary bird, that from its rarity ought to be catched and stuffed, in order to be placed in. British Museum.—(Laughter and cheers.) It was, indeed, a rare occurrence for the farmer to thrive under this protec tive system. Again, had they heard any evidence respecting the condition of the labourer. He was aware that it had been said of the Goatacre meeting that it had been got up by the Anti-Corn-law League—(Hear, hear, from Conservative benches)—but he. knew well that the Anti-Corn-law League had had nothing to do with It.—(Hear, hear.) He knew it to be one of a series of meetings that had been held for some time in Wiltshire, at which the labourers assembled to express the miserable and deplor able condition in which they were placed. If they would look at all the reports on the agricultural districts that had appeared for many years—from 1824 to 1843—Hon. Members would find the same re presentations of the extreme distress and degradation of the agricul tural labourers. It was evident from all these that the condition of the labourers was as bad as bad could be—(blear, hear)—par ticularly in the most agricultural counties. He would call the atten tion of the Hon. Member for Suffolk to this statement, as the county he represented specially merited this charge. He (Mr. Villiers) knew of no comity that contained more gentry and clergymen, and yet the people of it were sunk in the lowest state of degradaion, demoralisation, and misery.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") The Hon. Member for Shrewsbury (Mr. Disraeli) had stated that the country had thriven wider a protective system, but he (Mr. Villiers) would meet him with these facts, which could not be gainsayed. A Noble Lord (Lord Stanley) had stated once in another place, on the hustings, at his election, he (Mr. Villiers) believed, what the pro tective system was. That Noble Lord said that it was a system to raise rents, and keep up the price of food, but it did not raise the condition of the farmer. That was what they had been fighting for for the last eleven days, in the present debate, and on which they were going to a division. That being the case, was he not justified in saying that a prosperous farmer was a rare bird, that ought to be stuffed and placed in the British Museum, and that the labouring population were sunk in the lowest state of degradation and distress? The Right Hen. Baronet, the Secretary at tire head of the Home Department, hart made a statement which they had no reason to disbelieve. He had shown the effects of the system on the people at large. And what he stated the other night, he also stated last year. The case the Right Hon. Baronet had placed before the House was such as fully justified the Government in the course they had taken ; and, instead of railing at them, Hon. Gentlemen on the opposite side of the House ought to have supported them by every means in their power. The Right Hon. Baronet stated the effects that seasons of scarcity and abundance had upon the people —how that a season of scarcity, misery, immorality, and disease extensively i►tcreased, while a period of abundance brought a mitigation, of all these evils ; and that therefore he could no longer, in face of this conclusion, support the system that kept up an artificial scarcity, and therefore perpetuated misery.—(Hear, hear.) To the present moment no answer had been made to the speech of the Right Hon. Baronet. The Right Hon. Baronet, last year, in reply to the speech of the Noble Lord the Member for London, in proposing his resolutions, stated the same doctrine he did the present year, and yet no one on behalf of the system of protection got up to answer him.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") When they said that high prices in provisions were good for the poor, and when they heard the Right Hon. Baronet rise and say that it was time this artificial system was abolished, because it militated against the comfort of the working classes, why was it that no one on that side of the House had arisen to deny It? He thought that before the debate closed some of them should answer the Right Hon. Baronet. They ought not only to look at the "price Current," they ought also to look to the mortality among the lower classes, and to trace the effect of high prices there. They would not then, perhaps, have to charge the protectionists with the misery that existed with the spectacle of a people willing to work yet wanting employment.—(Cries of "Oh ; oh !" and cheers.) He maintained that the Right Hob. Baronet had stated last year, and the Noble Lord the Member for London had reiterated the statement in a letter addressed to his constitueuts, that the consequence of high prices were co-existent with low wages. He wished to know how they were to get out of that difficulty ? They wished to keep up high prices, and the purpose of this law was to do so, otherwise there was no meaning in it.—(Cheers.) It was all very well for a Noble Lord on that side of the House to say—" God forbid that we should keep the prices high at the expense of the people," but how did the Noble Lord vote ? Corn had never been at a low price in the market, but they had Members coming to that House to complain that the agriculturists were being ruined. In the year 1822, the Hon. Member for North Devon might remember that it was a grievance of county Members that the prices were low. Some Hon. Member —he be lieved the Hon. Member for the West Riding—had said, in the course of this debate, that this made no difference ; bat let them look to the years 1822, 1825, and to the last year, when the prices were low, not arising from importation, but from the blessing, of God in sending them good harvests, than they complained that they had been deceived. Lord Castlereagh came down to that House and proposed a scheme for raising the prices of food. He proposed a vote of money to buy up what was called the surplus food. In the years 1835 and 1836 there were no grounds of complaint but what proceeded from a good harvest, yet the Marquis of Ckandos came down there and proposed a repeal of the malt-tax and a Committee of the House to inquire into the distress which pressed upon agriculture. What was the speech made last year by the Hon. Member for Somerset ? He said that the Right Hon. Baronet had broken his promises, because the prices of corn were low, there being a too great abundance in the home produce. The Right Hon, the Secretary for Foretgn Affairs had, however, said, that lie could not resist the conviction that low prices were a blessing to the working classes. But they wanted also pro tection to domestic industry. 'Mat was the meaning of the word " domestic industry? Did it mean something that the working classes were interested in ? Did the working classes agree with them in their admiration of the corn•laws ? Had they the authority of any working man to quote in favour of their schemes, or to acknowledge that they were benefited by these laws? He would venture to say that they had uo such authority from any town in England. He keld in his hand a communication sent by a working man since this debate had corn menced. A resolution was agreed to at a meeting at Sheffield, an open air meeting, that this law had deranged their whole mercantile system ; it had made numbers of merchants and manufacturers bankrupts ; it had checked the natural currents of trade ; reduced thousands of families to misery and starvation ; neither did the good to the great mass of the agricultural population, those who tilled the ground under these laws receiving but the slightest share of the blessings they produced. There was another meeting at Liverpool —a meeting of respectble artisans whose characters were avouchad by the leading merchants of Liverpool;; and they stated that the manufactures were in a state of great distress—that , things were getting worse, and that crime increased in proportion as food diminished. They stated that the working classes were unable to purchase articles necessary for their existence, because they found that as wages were low prices were high, and they affirmed also that when wages were high the price of food was low.—(Hear, hear.) There was another argument used by an Hon. Gentleman opposite, who, from his position in the country, would be looked upon as an authority, he meant the Hon. Member for Sunderland (Mr. Hudson). f hat Hon. Member was very much alarmed at this measure. He was afraid of the effect of a free importation of corn upon the ex changes. The Hon. Gentleman quoted several papers to terrify the country gentlemen and the Agriculturists, and he stated that he him self had imported grain fit for human food at 255. per quarter in the year 1837. It was impossible to doubt the truth of anything the Hon. Member for Sunderland said ; bat when he stated a fact of that kind, lie intended something, and he wished country gentlemen to draw the general conclusion Cleat wheat could be imported at 255. He thought the Hon. Gentleman should leave stated where he im ported his corn from, and what were the charges attending the im portation. Mr. HUDSON made some remark which we did not hear. Mr. VILLIERa continued—He believed that the Honour able Gentlemen would admit that we could import corn in considerable quantities from Poland and Russia. We could get a million, or two millions, or four millions of quarters of wheat an nually. Now it so happened that he (Mr. Villiers) had an authority as to the amount of corn imported, and the price in the year 1837. Now, the price of grain at Dantzic in that year was not lower than 295.--(Cries of "At Odessa.") The freight was never lest than 4s. 9d. per quarter, and yet the Hon. Gentleman said he had pur chased grain at 255. The price at Dantzic was 295., the freight to Liverpool and London never less than 4s. 9d., and in one case 65., and other eharges 35., and yet the lion. Genteman said he purchased grain at 255. Another peculiarity in that year was, that a very large portion of corn went from the Baltic to America. The Hon. Gentle man the Member for Sunderland was one of that school who had an objection to free trade, because they thought the imports would have to be paid for in bullion. Now he (Mr. Villiers) would tell the Honourable Member what was the state of the money market during four years in which we imported corn, namely, from 1839 to 1841. After 1839 we had 4,000,0001. in the Bank of England, and we imported 2,700,000 quarters of wheat; and during the year the amount of bullion in the Bank fell to 2,000,0001. In 1840 we imported 2,6015,000 quarters, and by the end of that year the amount of bullion had risen to 3,100,0001. In 1841 we Imported 2,800,000 quarters, and at the end of that year the bul lion in the Bank amounted to 4,580,0001. In 1842 we imported 2,600,000 quarters, and at the end of that year the amount of bullion had reached 10,000,0001.. What were the exports to corn growing countries? In 1837 our exports of manufactures amounted to 12,800,000. ; and in 1842, after four years of im portation of corn, the exports were to 16,800,0001.—(Hear.) The argument of country gentlemen was, that the home trade was better than the foreign. That was their case, and they maintained that nothing affected this market so much as the high price of corn, The lion. Member for Sunderland appeared to be of this opinion, that the home trade was better than the foreign. That lion. Mem ber was well acquainted with the midland counties, and he would just read to him the opinion of an extensivs manufacturer in Lei cestershire upon this question. His correspondent stated that the wages of the artizan were extremely row ; the distress and suffering which prevailed in the town of Leicester had never been known to be greater than it was at present. This distress and suffering was attri buted to the high price of provision, and his correspondent added that when provisions were high the Leicester manufacturing market was depressed; but when provisions were low, trade became brisk and flourishing. No. The fact was, the agricultural labourer, as well as most other labourers, were paid so low that when food was dear, he had nothing to spend on stockings andsuch like articles. ' Hon. Members opposite appeared unwilling to listen to this matter ; I but they might depend upon it that the surplus population of the agri cultural districts could never find employment in manufactories, unless the price of food was diminished, and the home manufacturing trade improved. The Hon, Member for Northemptoi sie , the leader of the protection party, and senor y pro w el i aime( f t their views to the world in that House, declared that the pr ce food should not be cheapened, and stood up for li a s l y i stem id whi b c c h prod on. em ran duced tbree-fourths instead of eve-fourths. 7 e his party objected to increasing the foreign trade, and called loudly for a diminution in the business of the manufacturer. With the aid of their Quarterlylleriews, their Standards, and their Heralds, they pro cities/4d to the world that if some of the manufacturing towns were razed to the ground, this country would be more moral, diminished o teuted, and more happy. With an increased population and employment, they wished to have fewer manufactories, and told the House anti the world, that if this measure was abandoned, theywould provide for the surplus population, and diminish the prevailing dis tress in the manufacturing districts. Now he wanted to ask them a simple and plain question—how did they propose to do all this ? Upon what did they depend ? From what had fallen from some of them, he was led to understand that they depended upon the present distri bution of the constituences and the House of Lords. Now that was the position of this question at this moment, and that was the nature of the intrigue that was going on with some Noble Lords upon this subject. They hoped to throw out this measure, and to form a Go vernment, and they hoped by the influence they could exercise over dependent voters to get a majority for the purpose of maintaining the present corn-law system. Now he wanted to know , whether Hon. Gentlemen had considered the position of this question? These corn-laws e must either be suppo r t e d b y force or by reason — (Cries of oh, oh," from the protectionists, followed by Opposition cheers.) They had tried force when this law was introduced and carried by force.--(Opposition cheers.) Four 3 ears after it was carried it was maintained by force. The people lied been cut down for the reirpose of maintaining this law. The people were cut down inManchester for resisting this corn-law in 1819, and they were attempted to be put down by force in 1830, but that was found too difficult a task. In 1839 they found the people discontented with the results of former years, and the Go vennuent was not able to per sua d e them to give up their opposition to the corn-law.' It was that agitation that first gave rise to the Anti-Corn-law League. Their protection societies were created for the express purpose of deceiving Use people, and those societies gave rise to the Anti-Corn-law League, which was induced to exhibit itself in the extraordinary manner that it had done, to circulate, net its own doctrines or views, as had been ascribed to it by Honourable Gentlemen opposite, but the deliberate convictions of the most enlightened men that ever wrote or ever existed in this country ; and by their extraordinary exertions, the members of that body brought about the opinion of the country in favour of the emancipation of trade, and the removal of the restrictions on commerce, and the abolition of the corn-laws.—(licar, heal.) And he maintained that that was the state of the question at this mo ment. They could not support the law by force; they could not support it by deluding the people, or by inducing them to quarrel with a minister who had conseicntious'y come forward with the present measure. Ile would ask them whether they had made any security for a period of scarcity; or if the people were to call for universal suffrage, or were to rise up in arms against the law, what position would the protectionists be in? He would onty ask them to imagine such a Government as they hind described with a Noble Duke at its head.—(hear, hearr) The country would be in a state of tumult, and Hon. Gentlemen opposite would . be responsible for the peace and order of the country.—( ilear, hear,) The state of the country would really be in a miserable position. And what would they do? They would do what they did in 1831. (Hoar, hear.) They would come upon their knees, praying Um Right Honourable Gentleman at the head of the Government to take office again.—(Opposition cheers.) Theta the H on. Gentleman the Member for ltntiandshire quarrelled with the Right and Hon la . ughter.) 13arone because he did not stick to his gnus .—( Hear, hear, w a Would the Right Mon. Member himself stick to his gu n"n"fthbe"eaople starving people before him? Would he attempt o down by force ? They dare net. That wee their po he s t i h t er ft was rea p ion, therefore, at the present moment. He would ask them w sonable to resist the demand of the pe..ple to rervineetthiolisi cowrna-slaeown?. The Right Hon. Baronet, in br ; iu ,i ging ns f u or:v ib a r rd it suiting the Interests of the agr.c—tuw.t.ch they would have the effect sought. It seemed to of giving them the protection for i him (Sir. Villiers) that the IlighuldHotzhi;sEtaHroctinte. t Wu 3 1 ti m be.r aint f a o i r ned Do ti rle ir t iiiteresta.—(llear, hear.) ,r ec kar to get into the Goverament ? Knish Fsrue'r;!Cha )ntlialollstt;-r-, 'T o urgot, in 1775, repealed the corn laws ae s°°ll '135 e went into office.— (Hear, hear.) That things t o be • -Minister said " There are two a voide din every (*mail it% and ii tier are not v o lu ted in this country we should have na ii-t;;;;t1 bankrtietcy and revolutiotk." That wa6 arteen IX- fore the revolution occurred. He said, " You must tire ('are that your revenue is maintained. and that you avoid scarcity."—(Cheers.) His very first Act in 1775 was to make internal trade free, and he put on record his views at the same time with respect to corn com ing from foreign countries. And he observed that the effect of the then existing law was to make the provinces dependent upon fhe season. They were always exposed to scarcities: lie also stated that it would improve the commercial interests of a country, by removing this prohibition on corn. Now, what was his fate ? He would mention it to the House, as it was not unlikely that the same fate would befal other Ministers. Condorcet says there was a com bination of all the people, All c l asses of the people iu the state — young girls and kept mistresses —all combined to drive him trom power, and every Minister who succeeded him, between the years 1775 and 1789 were driven in like manner from power, when they thus adopted measures to prevent the emergency which they fore saw. It is such men as those of whom the Hon. Member for Dor setshire is afraid lest they should come into power. Mr. Carlisle, in his " lilistorory of the French Revolution," states that the prevaleeft opinion among the Nobility was, that they could not live alone upon the rents which they derived from their estates ; they wanted something more. They could not parade themselves at court—they could not preserve their equipages—they could not maintain their proud position unless they had some exemption of privilege, In the 'B3 there was a scarcity, and in 'B9 there was a comprehensive scheme such as the Honourable Member for Shrewsbury (Mr. Disraeli applauded ; and the results of that measure wen known to all. He maintained that it was impossible to provide against the season of scarcity, or a famine, or a failure in the revenue. Ile there fore recommended Hon. Members opposite to consider whether the Right Hop. Baronet was not a real Conservative—whether they did not think he was really doing what he thought was best for their own interest? Hon. Members opposite had not one security against time of scarcity. They had heard the Right Hon. Baronet state his apprehension and kis dread of a recurrence of that time. After all this discussion, all the enlightenment of the public on the subject, it would be an impossibility to deceive them again. They had now an intimation of a famine in Ireland, and they had not the`least cer tainty that such a season would not recur again. If such an event should occur, what would they do ? It was a fact that the people were not fed, that the people were distressed, and what did they un dertake to do for them ? Did they mean to answer that question in the year 1847 or in the year 1848?—(Cheers.) He would assure the party Who were opposed to the present measure that if a period of famine should arrive it would not be a question of corn-laws ; if the people were driven to a daigerous extremity he was quite sure that it would be very much for the interests of the aristocracy that before such a period should arrive that that question should be settled. He thought if there came a period of famine, confusion and distress would fellow, and the people wooled look to the cause, and would come to no other conclusion than that for the last forty or fifty years the aristocracy of the country were using the powers of legislation against them, and that they had been faithless to their trust, and he (Mr. Villiers) therefore urged them at that moment to reconcile themselves with the people by giving their hearty compliance to that measure, by voting in tote for the aboli tion of the corn-laws. If they did that he would venture to predict they would follow only that course which would win for them the respect of the country and the people over, whom it ought to be their guide and glory to rule with mercy and with justice. (The lion. Gentleman sat down amidst loud cheers.) Mr. HUDSON rose (amidst loud cries of " Adjourn, adjourn)" to explain that he could give the name of a gentleman who iniported grain at 225. - Mr. FERRAND rose and said that he was informed that he was grossly attacked by four Members of that Molise that evening, during his absence, and he begged to state that to-morrow evening he should be in his place to defend himself from any charges that might be brought against him.(Loud cheers,) Mr. BANKES then rose and moved the adjournment of the de bate, when Lord JOHN RUSSELL rose and said that he hoped, as it bad con tinued so long, it Would be brought to a conclusion to-morrow evening. _ Colonel SIBTIIOItP observed, that having failed in many endea vours to say a few words on the subject of the present Measure, ha hoped he should not be out of order in putting a few questions to the Bight Honourable Baronet.—(Hear, hear.) The country at the present moment was in an extraordinary situation, in fact it was be coming a laughing stock to the nations of the earth.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) There was no Secretary for the Colonies—thefb was no Secretary for Ireland—there was no Attorney-General for Ireland—there was no Solicitor-General for Ireland within that House ; what an anomalous condition was *at, when Honourable Gentlemen, who, like him, were anxious to put a question to these gentlemen, had no opportunity of deng so. lie had a right to presume that the Secretary for the Colonies was a very important person in that House. His salary was not less than 5,0001. a year, yet he was not there ; and the Secretary for Ireland, who had promised himself success in Nottinghamshire, where he (Colonel Sibthorp) thought it his duty to go to oppose him, had been re jected, a pretty plain proof that the Prime Minister was not very popular among the agriculturists. He felt an honest pride that not a tenant of his was bound down to any particular course ; he had no communkatlon with them, nor did he know which way they voted, but he had no doubt—(Laughter)—that they voted in the manner most conducive to their interests, namely, by supporting protection too agriculture. There was a Lord of the Admiralty, where was his seat in the House ? (Hear.) Why the Minister should have little weight indeed who could not secure him one, though he received a salary of 1,2001. a-year. They were informed there were two vacanctes in the Lords of the Treasury, at 1,2001. also ; where were they ?—(llgar. hear.) Of the gentlemen who held the offices and resigned he held the highest opinion for their highmindedness, and the independence of the course they pursued in throwing off the Government livery under the circumstances.—(Hear, hear.) There was the Commissioner of Woods and Forests at a large salary, where was he, or what became of the salaries ?—(Hear, hear.) He thought it the duty of the Right . Hon. Baronet to satisfy the country of its present condition, and the likelihood or its future condition.—(Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Baronet had said in his speech " that never should the year 1841 be effaced from his memory ;" but he (Col. Sibthorp) wished that the Right Hon. Baronet would not permit the year 1839, when he first embodied the Conservative body to escape from his memory. Mr. SPOONER said after what had fallen from the Noble Lord (Russell) as to the debate closing on the next evening, he conld not think QC disagreeing with the views of the Noble Lord,„but he could not agree to that • without expressing his Opinion that the debate should not close without giving an op portunity to Hon. Members to express their opinions xpou the measure before the House.—(Cries of "Go on, go on.") He was not at that time of the night prepared to go on, but on the next night he would be enabled to inform the Hon. Member for Wolverhampton why it was that he was opposed to the present measure. He was in favour of cheap food, but he was not in favour of a measure which was nothing more than a delusion. The debate was then adjourned. The other orders of the day were then disposed of, and the Itougs adjourned at a quarter to One o'clock. DRURY-LANE THEATRE. A new grind opera, In three acts, entitled The Crusaders, the music by Benedict, the libretto by M. de St. Georges and Mr. Bunn, was produced here last evening with the most triumphant success. The Playbill contains the following notification:—" isTotwithstandillg the various novelties which have been produced in the course of the pre sent season, the preparation for this opera (which was entered- upon at the end of last summer) has never been suspended • it having been deemed essential, while every necessary care has been bestowed upon other entertainments, to pay minute attention to the produc tion of a drama more elaborately and expensively worked gut than perhaps any other previous performances which have been fortunate enough to obtain such favour at this establishment." For once the playbill does not exaggerate. This dramais more elaborately and ex pensively, and, let us add, tastefully worked out, than any that has ever been produced at this establishment. The scenery, by Grieve and Telhin, is exquisitely beautiful ; the costumes and proper ties are magnificent, and the spectacle gorgeous in the extreme. To attempt to do justice to the splendour of the scenery would be im possible —suflice It to say that it is a perfect realisation of some of the most splendid descriptions of Tasse. We have, for instance, in the first act, " The enchanted wood;" and, in the second act, " The ' planting the cross on the walls of Jerusalem," descriptions wlilch any lover of poetry knows by heart, and which he will here see re alised. But the Crusaders is not a intro spectacle—as a musical composition it is certainly the greatest work that Benedict has yet produced—learned, profound, fully instrumental, elaborately worked out, as every composition by such =accomplished musician as Bene dict must necessarily be. The Crusaders surpasses all his former compositions in originality, variety, mid dramatic point. There is, moreover, a rich vein of melody running through the whole (Im position, which we seek in vain in lets former productions. There is an unity and a purpose about the music of the Crusaders which stamps it as, par excel:owe, an opera. . . . . . It is a work which will undoubtedly enjoy not only an English, but an European reputation. The following is the east of the cliaractwrs: _ _ Conrade (King of Jerusalem), Mr. 11Owell ; Boliemood (Prince of Tarnetum), Mr. W. Harrison; Raymond (Count de Toulouse), Mr. Borrani ; 'William (Archbishop of Tyre), Mr.lVeiss ; Hassan (Prince of the Assassins, surnamed " The Man of the Mountain"), Mr. Stretton ; Ismael (a young Fedavi, or follower of the Seat of the Assassins), Mr. D. W. King; Alma (a Sumnite Girl, of the Sect of the Assassins), Miss Romer ; Iseult (Daughter of the Count de Toulouse), Miss Rainforth. The opera opens with a scene of revelry in the palace of Tyre, on the occasion of the coronation of Conrade as King of Jerusalem. Various Sumnite girls arc seeking to intoxicate the Crusaders, and plying them with wine, and dancing around them. The Archbishop in terrupts the orgies, orders tke Sumnites to leave the city, and the Crusaders, recalled to a sense of propriety, renew their vows to march to Jerusalem ; and the scene concludes with an gnergetic chorus, without accompaniment," On, Chieftains on." a dllightful compoSitlan, which was deservedly encored. Bohemond refuses to permit Almea to depart, and swears to protect her, and while the other Crusaders go to:attend the coronation, he returns to her, tells ker love, which is returned, and she gives him an assignation in the wood of Alamen. Ismael, who loves Almea, and has accompanied his by order of the old man of the mountain, now drags her off; as he is doing so the Crusaders enters terrified. Conrade has been stabbed by an emissary of the old man of the mountain, and by his side has been found a parchment threatening every future king of Jerusalem with a similar fate. They cast lots for the crown, and it falls to Bohemond, who, undeterred by the fate of his predecessor, accepts the dignity proposed to him. The next scene is in the forest of Alamen—the abode of the old man of the moun taiu—who, as Mr. limn informs us, in his preface, is now introduced for the first time on the English stage. Almea reports to him her love for Bohemond, and at the same time beseeches him to put his enchantments in practice for the purpose of so intoxicating the senses of Bohemond that he may become hers. Bohemond now enters the wood, and here is the realisation of the beautiful clesct ip lion of Tasso, in his 18th canto—Almea, of course, being the Amide of the scene. Bohemond, however, escapes from all the snares, and salmis to Tyre. In the second act we ting e as King of Jerusalem in the camp near the city a t n e which Is mael, us A o i th no e n r g a l s i s i as s sainsrmydiasgrueistedhe z i ld er m .ae o rs f I,haenmdoLta,ei is idlliisisg-. siege.v a r o her power over Ismael, she to assassinate guised as a J,33,u,inifinkonnigdh, o Sl k iLo w v i e n r g hears Hassan directing Ismael If he will save s e ol i l l ss i I daughter elnll h h e t e u r l e i t n ( i t s t r h e a n . h was very tastefully sung by D.W. King and Miss Reiner . a h afilanced of Bohemond) now arrive camp, a. ere s hperamnutiisfueldtuoebteincoting shciesnwelifvehic The Count of Toulos i s n se t duced a delightful ballad "In the heart's early dream," which svds so exquisitely sung by Miss ltainforth as to call forth a rapturous encore, and which very narrowly escaped a second encore. It is c ertainly the most exquisite ballad in the Opera. This is followed by a duet equally beautiful, which was given most effectively by Harrison and Miss Rainforth. Ills love for Iseult huh returned ; he has forgotton poor Almks, and indulging in pleasing reveries of his love for Iseult, he has sunk into repose, when Ilaasan enters, and dragging in Ismael, commands him to assassinate Bohe mond. He is in the act of so doing, when Aimee rashes fotwsrd, and uttering a scream, snatches the dagger from his hand. Hassan hurries out Ismael, and Almea is arrested as the assassin, and con demned to die, notwithstanding all Bohemond's efforts to save her. We then have a gorgeous spectacle of the assault on Jerusalem, and the planting the cross on the ramparts, which is another realisa tion of Tasso. In this scene Alma, is saved by Ismael, who comes forward and confesses that he was the assassin, and is led out for execution, while the Crusaders determine to attack Hassan ha his stronghold. The third act opens with a pretty chorus of female voices attendant on Iseult. Hassan, dis gnised as a Christian Pilgrim, informs her of Bohemond's love for Almea, and she determines to reject him. At the slime time, Bo hemond receives a communication offering to deliver up to him tile old man of the mountain if he will marry Aimee, and thus smite Slip European and Asiatic races. He consents, and Hassan. who lA . taken poison, delivers himself up, and dies, but not ant% he Mae heard that Almea is turned Christian. She overhears a sessile between Bohemond and Iseult, and discovers that Bohemond still prefers Iseult. The last scene is the grand marriage procession of Bohemond. Alines approaches covered with a bridal veil, but whets she takes it off she is discovered ifs the costume of a nun ; she has taken the vows, and gives Iseult to Bohemond as his bride. The final is a duet between Miss Rainforth and Miss Romer, iii width both ladies sung most exquisitely, which was deservedly enceped. Ilenediet and the two ladies, and Haulms and Biuns, were all called for at the fall of the curtain. The house was crowded to' mtffocation, and a more successful piece has not been produced for years. We heartily eonsratulate M. Benedict. The Crusaders is worthy of the pupil of WOW. SPORTING INTELLIENCE. TATTEnSALL'S-7rsnanAT. An unusually thin attendance, and business flat in the extreme. The only fluctuations were in Scott's lot and Drocardo, who were at a discount ou the last quotations, and Tibthorpe, again* wito ,ll tk highest offer was 25 to 1. We have but a sorry of prow t o submit : ---- - LIVERPOOL STEEPLII CILASE. 6 to I agst Mr. Murphy's St. Leger 7 to 1 agst Mr. Brooke's Eagle 7 to 1 agst Mr. Hey's Lancet. .d Mamehike, mid Even on the field agst the above three, Velutl, an even on the neld agst thenrst four and Carlow. CAESTER CITY'. 18 to 1 agst Mr. A. W. Hill's Sweetmeat —taken to*. & aft. off. 22 to 1 agst Lord Ilowth's Mermald—taken and atll. oilered 25 to 1 agst Mr. Merry's Whinstone—taken and aft. offered 40 to 1 agst Mr. Woffenden's Miss Burns---taken to /AL 40 to 1 agst Lord G. Bentinek's Discord 500 to 1 agst Mr. Ongley's Roderick — taken 50 to 1 agst Mr. Worley's Columbus—taken to 1001. o- 1. and 2o ' t all () I" lt aß tlv e o ff r a tt.o. DERBY. 9 to 2 agst Lord E. Russell's Sting i o , t b — ric t l ak ,s e j n k t o o cu lo d o timed 17 13 t i c :, 1 1 agst lien. G t3co en t . t' S s h i 20 to 1 agst Col. Anson's lage--take 22 to 1 23 t• 1 agst Mr. W. Scott's Tibtkorpe—take 30 to 1. BRIGHTON, FEB. 25.—The General Steam NARgi"' tion Company's steamer Menai arrived this morning from Dieppe, after a fine passage of nine hone. Among the passengers were Mr. Coxe and family, and the Hon. ]fir. Peel, son of the Premier, who was the bearer of dispatches from her Majesty's Ministersin Madrid and in Palle, ibr Lt4c l . Aberdeen. To Gentlemen who shave themselves the fellowit% query is proposed— Why do all the first eztlt P;ilg' recommend Saunders' Four-sided T:ll,let g.uarf;l44 ,- ie simply because it is the only one that givll t9 a wain 51110otlx tdge. Alauufuctory, 25, Strand.