The Sun. — London, England, 1846-03-31 00:00:00

oUnty iSiO° f 1 del' ", he I.l ° ` lavy, ucted. EJ. Th u rsd! , H. Sat'. wary in a (44 i e creta l ;. made EVA le purP i ti 3nt in 1 ring'"4, pointeu r the PT )ort rfolT /-0 the •--; iy flub) yould - been 1' ight 04 awar e ). Or the I e inforil l the ew, .or, 064 but , ry, - Lterior, :t t h e an: 020 ht 1! i g htd i e )ert),., • • t uai l / 4 ?in Lt in j n ' i t engi Led anY 3 d a tiou plaCe, i. TaS3ioll f ur ther ed in ,THoy~ o had "4 i ted in 9 , 1 7 : [(Hers' r i in dif fe e direr r' irect°L; d a reS" ' i. g rease sti"J,i• lcG " ~ • and fitl l `. t f tioo 0 long ! oda° bjce!' [oak R ( the stot* it beg e- ,t) grki t • t h .!cl ? triet s , i glA s ho- vit t hat beesu is so I, t. lost 0 vi° f°lo not t' bethe r v" i nt •Eg c°' ht g q tle nt I do lt re cisionfi e t e ll ;be ulit govila 10 yO O e r' 1 ' 45 ;0 . cot Rye 0 v sod •anchai pa3sed , ons SOO a Wel') Ler coil' !ks Bt _i n tb ! to ornii insert ) Grovj aster, fl fore ti LY. d plo' ayotir r of d led t" ,ords, nrnissicf liER al asst L ai 13iLl petite'' berdet Govql Lot lean( ,'' L ncssll m a jest),. t pee p r esent; favou r t* st numb eu gotr iOn fry, eeived deputations from the most influential commercial bidies throughout the length and breadth of the lend, which, in € qually earne , t language, entreated the House to interpose its eethority to prevent any unnecessary delay in this measure. it 'wee not in England alone that this delay was felt. T r i e bed received communicaeions from Ireland, from 'parties by no means favourable to the policy of t',,„ s „bi,„ t, depreeeting the delay that had taken 1 11 "1 and hoping that the H ouse would come to some der . : is, : en on the int a zure, as trade and commerce were et et steed still from the delay, and stating that s.speedy decision .„e come to on the measure would get worse, and the commercial interes of the; country would be in a very sid state. 'et ';r''e,g unnecessary for him to enlarge on the mischief w ,inch would be caused by the post ponement of t t 'is measure. He might be told that in making t'ois motion he was pursuing a course not usually adopted, and that he should not object to the first 'reading; of the Bill when sent down to the Lord', There were cases when they were not to listen t it th ese ru l es. H e b e li eved i t was competent for any leternher at any time to object to a first reading of /b re Bill. The Bill contained enactments of great seve 'rlty, and it suspended the Constitution of this country in Ireland ; and if those who disapproved of the mea sure were not to have the opportunity of dissenting from it, it would be useless to send the Bill for the cen , a ration of the House. Why were they then called upon to diseuss the measure, eer were the Government really serious in their intention on the matter ?—(Hear, hear.) Let him call the atten tion of the house to the mode and manner in which the Bill was to be brought forward He should ask his fellow-country men cc the opposite side of the House if they 'serio us ly thought that transporting a man from his family, tor being out of his house after a certain hour, would arrest the area of the noonday assassin, or did they think that such would avail ? (" Hear, hear," from the lainisterial, let nehes.) Now, as to the bill itself ;it was on the 22d day of January that her most gracious ittajesty, in her speech from the throne, called the at tention of the House to the state of Ireland and the 'unfortunate prevalence of assassination that existed therein. Now, lie wished to ask if it was not the first duty of Government to enact measures calculated to ensure -safety and protection for life ? (" Hoar, hear," from the Ministerial benches.) Now, supposing the Government to be sincere in their inten tions, and that they thought the present Bill would be effectual, ought they to have allowed a single day to pass, after the Bill had passed the Lords, Without introducing it ?—(Hisar, hear.) But what was the course proposed ? Was the measure brought on in the first week or fortnight ? Not at all. Was it brought in in three weeks after ? No ; and lt month nearly was allowed to pass before the Life Protection Bill (according to the notions of Ministers) Was introduced to their Lordships. And when the Bill had been introduced into the Lords, had there been any particular speed or dispatch evinced in getting it through ? By no means.--(gear, hear.) The rnewure was not introduced until the 10th of February to the Lords, 'also did not pass it before the 13th of March ; and here they were at that moment, on the 3eth of March, about to take the first reading. Now, was it by any means uncharitable to think, such being the circumstances, that the Government was serious in bringing on the measure at all?—( Hear, hear.) The Irish Members felt themselves called upon to interpose, as they could not consent to the first reading of the Bill ; and why, he wished to know, were they then called upon to enter into a debate on this disagreeable question, and thus cause delay to the progress of a measure (the Corn Bill ) in the weedy enactment of which the entire people of England were concerned?—( Hear.) He wished to address a few words to the protectionist party, and in particular to the Noble Lord (Lord G. Bentinck) the leader of that party.—(Hear.) lie Was aware that he had laid great stress upon the peculiar importance of the question of the corn-law. He knew that Many gentlemen opposite might not be so anxious for the corn law as gentlemen on that side of the House, and many might in consequence vote for any measure that would have the effect of postponing the corn-law. A Noble Lord opposite (Lord G. Bentinck) said that he would give every encouragement to the Government in carrying through the Bill if the ;corn law measure was postponed. Now, might he presume to entreat the Noble Lord to see in what position he was placed •by that proposal. The Government were about to do what he suggested they should do, and were ready to postpone for a few weeks its consideration. The party with whom the Noble Lord was connected, if they voted with the Noble Lord, would vote, therefore, on those grounds for the Postponement of the corn-law question. He (Sir W. Somer ville) hoped, however, that they would look upon this measure as a question to subserve political convenience, and that they would not trifle with the feelings of the people of Ireland by regarding; it in that light. It was possible that the Noble Lord Might have the Government of the country entrusted to him.— (Laughter.) Yes, it might be so, for it was impossible to say What might be the case in the future course of e ve n ts, an d h e hoped that they would not vote for the measure on any other grounds than the claims and merits which the Government would put forward on its behalf. Having said thus much, he thought it was bettor for him to decline making any further ob servations at present. The discussion would create angry feel iegs, and be a source of great irritation, anal he was of opinion that it would be better to postpone it than to embitter the good feelings which then prevailed in the House. It would be bet ter also for the Government to pospone it. The Bill never °could be sanctioned by the Irish Members on his (the Opposi tion) side of the House.—( Hear, hear.) He hoped that the Government would take advantage of the delay that must of necessity occur, and he called upon them to place upon the table of the House their other Irish measures.—( Loud cheers.) There was abundance of time to do so. The Government had told the House that they had in preparation a landlord and tenant Bill (Hear, hear) let them place it upon the table of the House. Let them also place upon the table of the House a Franchise Bill ; let them bring forward a for the amendment of the municipal corporations.— ( Rear.) A n d he was certain that if they did so they would bas a better chance of getting this measure passed, although, as he had before said, the present severity of the Bill never could be sanctioned by the Irish Members on his side of the Rouse. And if they did so, they would also prove to the people of Ireland that their attention had not been directed solely to the punishment of evil-doers, but that the well behaved, the well-conducted, and the patient, would have their share of consideration, on the part of the Government ; and that there were also Bills in preparation, not of severity alone, but such as would tend to increase the well-being of the country, and produce peace and happiness throughout the whole of Ireland.—( Hear, hear.) He had promised to at tend to the particular merits of the Irish Assassination Bill, and he had scrupulously endeavoured to do so., He had avoided, as far as he could, the introduction of any irritating topic.—( Hear.) He had been actuated, he could assure the Government and the House, by the sincerest motives in bring ing forward his motion. He conceived that if they pro ceeded with the first reading of this Bill it would be detri mental to the best interests of the country.—( Cheers.) He, therefore, begged leave to negative the motion of the Right Ron. Baronet. Mr. SMITH O'BRIEN then proceeded to address the House in a very indistinct tone of voice, and said, in the course of his observations, that if the Bill were proceeded with, it Would involve a contest that would last for months, and which, instead of bringing peace to Ireland,would only exasperate their feelings against the English Government. He would appeal to the Right Honourable Gentleman, whether it was well timed to bring in such a measure, when the people of Ireland Were in a state of starvation. Let him remind the Right Hon. Gentleman (Sir J. Graham) that he had only 120 supporters in that House, and he would therefore like to know how he could expect to carry a Bill of this kind against the formidable opposition which was arrayed against him. He could only calculate on the support of a small portion who sat on the lame side as themselves, as he ( Sir James Graham) did. He did not think he would enter into negotiations with Honourable Members on his side of the House, because the Right Honourable Baronet, the Member for Tamworth, had failed in that respect, and would go down to posterity as the dis avowed plenipotentiary. Then the Noble Lord the Member for Lynn (Lord G. Bentinck) said —" If von introduce this taeasure before Easter, and defer the Corn Bill, we shall sup ped you; but if you proceed with the Corn Bill, and defer this Bill until after Easter, we shall oppose you." 'Was that the support on which the Government relied for carrying a measure of this kind ? If they took the advice of the Chief Justice of England—the Most eminent authority in criminal matters they would assist them in opposing the Pill in all its stages, and afford those who now opposed it, on the ground he did, an opportunity of exposing their present bad Government in Ireland. But if they should succeed in putting the Bill on the Statute-book it would give those who were in favour of the repeal of the union the strongest reason for continuing their agitation. Under these circumstances, not wishing to say anything irritating,' he should conclude by expressing his intention of supporting the motion of his Hon. Friend. Before, however, he resumed his seat, be wished to read an extract from the " Sessional Orders," to show that the Government, by the course they were adopting, were violating the privileges of the House. The Hon. Gentleman then read an extract from these orders, setting forth that the orders of the day should be disposed of before proceeding with any fresh business. Now when a Minister of State called on them to set aside the orders of the House, were they not perfectly justified in moving the adjournment of the Bill ? Sir JAMES Gil AHA NI said that he thought it would be Most convenient to the House if he would submit to the con sideration of the Hon. Members the circumstances under which her Majesty's Government sought the introduction of the present measure, in direct opposition to the standing orders of the House. The present Bill had been sent down fro m the House of Lords, and it was competent for that House (the House of Commons),upon such Billsbeingsentdown, at once to refer them to the first reading, without any preliminary pro ceeding. In the other House it was open to lie upon the table of the House any Bill which any Noble Lord might think proper to introduce. No leave was required for the introduction of the Bill, and as a matter of course it was read a first time. The standing orders of the House of Commons were, however, dif ferent, as it was necessary to obtain leave of the House be fore any Bill could be introduced. But when a Bill came down from the Upper House, it was a general rule to read it a first time without any preliminary motion. All the other days for motions had been anticipated, and he could assure the House that after the long and protracted discussions upon the lat e Government measure, he really thought the time had arrived when, with reference to the security of life and property to Ireland, it was necessary that the opinion of Parliament sho u ld be given upon the principle of the measure introduced by her Majesty's Government. It would be vain to dissemble fro m the House the extreme difficulty of the position in which the Government was then placed. They did think it was Paramount, and of the first importance with reference to the condition of Ireland, that at the commencement of the session the policy of her Majesty's Government should be announced as regarded an immediate alteration in the corn-laws. The effect of that announcement certainly was the derangement of the Irish Government as re garded the persons charged with the conduct of affairs there. Por reasons which it was not necessary, for him to relate, he had lost the valuable assistance of the Secretary for Ireland. He had also been disappointed of the assistance of the Earl of Lin coln, and though he would not lay much stress on that circum stance, yet at the same time he thought it gave him some claim upon the consideration of the House, in taking the consideration of a measure of so much importance, the Bill for which had been sent down from the other House of Parliament, by as large 4 majority as that which had paved it. The quests m then Was, h ow far the usual principle of the House should be adhered to? Ho did not hesitate to say, and her Majesty's Government were perfectly sincere in the declara tion, that the decision on the Corn Bill should be come to as speedily as possible ; yet, whilst expressing this opinion, lie would not conceal the impression which they entertained, that 1 t was necessary to carry on the measure which had come down from the other House, without the least possible delay, for the protection of life and property in Ireland. He con curred that the moral effect of a ready declaration of the prin ciple of the Bill would be to prevent much disorder, and Possibly the sacrifice of life in that country ; while then, it was e xceedingly desirable that the Corn Bill should be passed as speedily as possible, it was also necessary, on the other hand, that the sanction of the House should be g iven to the measure Which had b een len t don to that How fronA the other branch TILE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, MARCH 31, 1846 of the Legislature by so large a majority, and that it should be roe' ley as large a majority as could be olstaieett fot it With the consent of the Hou-e, thsreforee ha should move for the firs reading of this Bill. He did this with a perfect conviction chat the Hon. Member for Limerick might he correct in his assertion, that in the present state of parties in that House, her Majesty's Government might be left in a small minority. But so long as they continued servants of the Crown, and so long as they continued in office, there was but one course which they could consent to pursue. They might give place to that minority, but they had, whilst they retained the power, a paramount duty to perform in providing fur the public security. If it should be the opinion of that House that they should continue the public servants of the Crown, it was their duty to express their impression of the course which her Majesty's Government might take. While, then, they fully conceived the necessity of carrying the Corn Bill as early as possible, they at the same time thought it necessary to avow their concurrence in the support of the Irish Bill. He felt it necessary 'o press on the House that his sincerity on this ques tion was unfeigned, and he was satisfied that the House would consider that it was for the interests of Ireland that the discus sion on, and the first reading of, this Bill should no longer be delayed. The Right Honourable Baronet, who objected to his motion, regarded it only as a consideration of policy, on which it was unnecessary to alter the usual course of this House. But the Honourable Member for Limerick had threatened a course of opposition against any infringement of the rules of the House on this measure. It would be very mischievous if any delay took place in re gard to this measure. He was satisfied it was for the public good to persevere in bringing forward this measure, and he should be unworthy of the cosfidence of the Members of that House if he thought of entertaining such a threat. Those Members of the House who, as individuals, opposed the pro gressing of this measure, mu.t be aware that the responsibility would rest with them ; but he thought the responsibility would rest with her Majesty's Ministers to do their duty by pressing this measure on the attention of the House by every means in their power, and by such facts and reasoning as they felt it ne cessary to adduce on the present occasion. It was necessary to inform the House of everything which would influence their decision on this measure, and that any indefinite postponement on the part of her Majesty's Government on a Bill so materi ally affecting Ireland would have a most prejudicial effect. He had told them the exact position of the case. He was aware of the position in which her Majesty's Government were placed. They were sincere in their determination to use every effort to obtain a decision on the Corn Bill at the earliest period, but, on the other hand, they were sincere in their proceedings in regard to this measure. He had stated his views to the House, and it was for them to determine what course they should adopt ; but his own judgment was unshaken, that a re fusal to entertain the proposal of Government would be in jurious to the interests of the country. Mr. F. SHAW rose, for the purpose of offering a few observations on the measure. Looking at the present lamentable insecurity of life, and property, and person in Ire land, if her Majesty's Ministers brought forward a measure which they deemed calculated for the protection of life, he should not feel justified in taking upon himself the resporisi• bility of opposing it; but he was not particularly sanguine of ,he success of the present measure, as the course pursued by the Government was no great earnest of their sincerity. — (Cheers.) The Hon. Baronet (Sir W. Somerville) stated that, though the House met on the 22d of January, yet it was near a month before the measure was introduced into the Hawse of Lords. Now, in the case of 1833, referred to by the Right Hon. Secretary for the Home Department, the House met on the 29th of January, and the measure was passed the Lords by the 22d of February following.—(Hear, hear.) Now for the manner in which the present Bill had been conducted through the Lords. He should say that it came to the Commons not the same Bill at all that it was.—( Hear, hear.) Nothing but a great necessity could justify any extraordinary infringement of a constitutional measure. If such existed, then the Bill should be adequate to such necessity ; and, in his opinion, the Government should not seek for more than they required, nor, at the same time, should they be content with less.—( Hear.) He believed the original Bill was totally altered—indeed, he might say, exchanged for another ; and he also believed that the Government did not possess sufficient moral weight with the Irish party at that side of the House to give the measure effect.—( Protectionist cheers.) He (Mr. Shaw) believed all the Irish Members would oppose it.—(Loud cheers from the Opposition benches.) He observed, on the night of the last great division in that House, that not more than three or four Irish independent Members voted with Ministers ; and he sap posed they would not have even that number on the present occasion. —(Cheers and laughter.) He (Mr. Shaw) should state that if the Government had from the first administered the law with firmness and temper, the existing law would be sufficient.—( Cheers from Irish Members on the Opposition benches ) lie did not think they had done so from the commencement of the monster meetings and agita tion to the present day. On the contrary, they showed a spirit of co nprouaise, a spurious spirit of conciliation—a passing by of their best men from unworthy fears, and a tampering with the inferior class on the other side, from equally unworthy hopes.—( Opposition cheers.) Yes, they had traded on the generosity of their friends, and on the meanness of their oppo nents.—( Cheers and counter cheers.) Under these circum stances they were without a party to give them support in Ire land. He did not blame the local and executive Government of that country, because no independence of action was left them, they being intrusted and directed imperatively by the Ministry at this side of the Channel.—( Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Gentleman, the Secretary of State, would say that his opposition to her Majesty's Government was owing to disappointment, in not being appointed Chief Secretary for Ire land. Now, if the House would allow him a few minutes — (Cheers)—if the House would indulge him for a short time, he would reply to that most unwarrantable attack on him.— (Cheers.) He would have no special pleading—no quibbling on words.—( Cries of " Order," and " Oh, oh.") The SPEAKER hoped that the Hon. Gentleman dis tinctly unders'ood that he could not, without the permission of the House, allude to a former debate that had taken place in that House. Mr. SHAW was aware that he could not do so without the indulgence of the House, but he submitted that this was an occasion when the House should concede to him that privilege. —( Hear, hear, and cheers.) He did not wish any quarrel about words, but if the attack of the Right Hon. Baronet meant any thing, it meant that he (Mr. Shaw) wished to job the office which he held as Recorder of the City of Dublin for the Chief Secretaryship of Ireland. That was the marrow of the charge. lie would not quarrel about words: he would give the widest latitude to his observations. With regard to the Recordership of Dublin, when the Right Hon. Baronet was settled in office in 1842, he (Mr. Shaw) was in constant communication with him, and he submitted at that timo a proposition to the Right Ho nourable Gentleman that the office required regulation ; and if his suggestions with respect to the local and judicial officers had been adopted, there would have been a saving to the country of 3,000/. per annum.—( Hear, hear.) But he admitted fully that the office would have been madis more in dependent and comfortable than it was at present. But he did not do that as a humble supplicant for favour.—( Hear, hear.) Ile felt the difference between the Right. Honourable Baronet, the Minister of the Crown, and an humble individual like myself, but still he conferred with him upon this and all other measures in a tone of perfect independence. He ad mitted that he did confer with the Right lion. Baronet at the head of her Majesty's Government on the occasion alluded to. He conferred also with the Right Hon. Baronet the Secretary of State for the Home Department, but he did not care if he published upon every market-cross in England everything he had ever said during those conferences.—( Hear, hear.) He hail conferred also with Sir Thomas Fremantle, and the other Members of the Government, and the result was this—they said that considering that the judicial office which he now oc cupied was now in the hands of the Crown, and lee (Mr. Shaw), as a Member of the House of Commons, had better be excluded from the House, as had been the case with Dr. Lush ington and all the Masters of Chancery. He never remonstrated against their proposition, he never complained ; it never gave him the slightest annoyance. But with respect to office, he had never in his life ventured to ask for the office of Chief Secretary for Ireland; and if he had, he felt that it would be unworthy for a Minister of the Crown, and unbecoming the ordinary dealing between gentlemen, that sech communications should be divulged for the purpose of producing a temporary effect to save the ends of a particular party, and he thought that the individual who would impute such unworthy proceedings was void of generosity ; but what would they say or think of the minister or man, when he declared that upon his word there was riot one word of truth in the charge that had been male against him. He would now make his appeal to the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of her Majesty's Government, for the purpose of clearing himself from the charges levelled against him. The history of his communication with Government was this—when the Right lion. Baronet had returned from abroad in the year 1834, and resumed the reins of Government, he asked him (Mr. Shaw) to accept office, but he declined, for the simple reason that he was the representative for the University of Dublin, and that he could not accept any judicial office which should compel him to give up hi s seat in the House. For many years he was in the habit. of almost daily communicating with the Right Hon. Baronet, and he co-operated with him under very trying cir cumstances, and in some painful difficulties, of which he (Mr. Shaw) believed he was not aware; and now, with confidence, he would ask if ever he had been actuated by selfish or personal motives ? But be that as it might, he (Mr. Shaw) solemnly averred this, that from the conversation he had referred to as having taken place in the year 1834, up to the present mo ment, he never did apply to the Government for any office whatsoever. He never contemplated the office of Irish Se cretary, nor any other under the sun, except the office which he now held, which was enough for him to preserve his in dependency. It was strange that the Right Hon. Gentleman had not before alluded to this subject. He allowed three days to elapse, and then came down to this House to open this adjourned debate, at a late hour of the night, premeditatedly to fix a charge against him (Mr. Shaw) which had not the slightest foundation in truth. It was a low vulgarism, and a mere talk of local newspaper. He challenged him to produce a scintilla, or the slightest tittle of evidence to prove the charge. The Right Hon. Baronet had also said, that seeing the Government about to fall, he (Mr. Shaw) sitting behind him, had thought proper to kick them. But if he meant that they, because they sat behind the Government, were to support the Government of the Right Hon. Baronet, they were greatly mistaken. The Government were fallen ; yes, he lamented to say, they were fallen both in power and in character. He believed the Right Hon. Secretary of State for the Home Department was the evil genius of the Government, and fully realised the prophecy that was made some years since, that no Cabinet of which the Right Hon. Baronet was a member would last long in England. He (Mr. Shaw) felt no resentment against her Majesty's Minis ters. He felt the greatest respect and esteem for the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Government, and only re gretted that he had fallen into the hands of the Right Hon. Secretary of State. The opinion he had of that Right Hon. Baronet he could not express in language which would be cor rect in the ears of the House, and it would therefore be the better plan for him to refrain of giving any opinion of his cha racter. ( The Hon. Gentleman sat down amidst loud cries of Order, order.") Sir JAMES GRAHAM said the Learned Recorder of Dublin had complained of the manner in which he had alluded to him on a former occasion. There were two charges of which he had been accused of having brought against him. H e ( si r James Graham) bad no objection to make any explanation. The allusion which he had first made with respect to the Irish Secretaryship, was made prospectively with reference to the formation of a protection Government. With reference to the second charge, the House would recollect that, in the course of the last Session, he had stated that he had never been his (Sir James Graham's) friend—that he had only a political and parliamentary acquaintance with him ; and he drew a distine lion between him and the Right Hon. Gentleman at the head of the Government. No confidential communication bad ever taken place between them. He was perfectly justified in act ing as he had done, with respect to the transactions which had taken place within three months of his acceptance of office. An application was made to him, that the office of Recorder of Dublin should be endowed with a retiring pension of 2,0001. a-year. He returned an answer that he could not be a party to any such agreement, and if the Right Hon. Gentleman referred to the Session of 1842, he found in the letter stated, why he could not agree to that proposition. He therefore considered, that being a public matter, he was fully justified in reverting to it. Sir BENJAMIN' HALL made a few observations, 'which were quite inaudible in the gallery, in consequence of the noise. Air. O'CONNELL would oppose the motion of tite Right Honourable Gentleman. He was actually ealling upon the House to trample upon one of its own teasional orders, That sessional order bad Imn made for the benefit of the public, in order that they might not be taken by sudden surprise. The Right Hon. Gentleman had talked of the moral effect on Ireland by the majority of that House. Did he not think that the Irish people would be much more affected by the suspension of their orders than by a ma jority of the House ? They were accustomed to hear of majo rities of that House on measures connected with their own in- tercets. He hoped that the motion would not be persevered in; he would say that no advantage would be gained by pressing this irregular motion. Mr. CALEB POWELL believed that the real opinion of the people of England was that the Corn Bill should take pre cedence of any other measure. lie should like to ask the Noble Lord the Momber for Lynn, what was the opinion of his party connected with this matter? Lord GEORGE BEN TINCK had no objection to state the feelings of the party with whom he was connected. He would only say that if the day should come when his party should be come responsible for the government of Ireland, protection would never be extended to the broad day murderer or the midnight assassin. Then protection would be given to the poor and honest man in discharge of his lawful duties and proper avo cation. W hen he looked at the statements made bya Minister ofthe Crown in the other Hoase, and when he saw that in ten counties offences against the person, offences against the pro perty, and offences against the public peace, amounted to 4,782, he should state that he concurred with the Marquis of Clanricarde, in the necessity for pressing on the present measure.—( Hear.) He also concurred with the Marquis of Lansdowne, in thinking that a measure for the protection of life should be the precursor of every measure of benefit. lie concurred with that Noble Lord, that it was of no use to pro pose measures of improvement so long as no man was suffered to pursue the occupation of his industry without being assailed by the hand of the midnight assassin and noon-day murderer. —( Hear, hear,) For these reasons it was the intention of Hun. Members with whom he acted to give their hearty and honest support to the measure of her Majesty's Ministers. The Right lion. the First Lard of the Treasury had told the House that the Bill was one for the suppression of assassina tion; and he ( Lord G. Bentinck) believed, that the blood of every murdered creature, and of every creature that would be murdered, would rest on the heads of her Majesty's Ministers, did they assent to further delay.—(Loud cries of " No, no," from the Opposition benches.) What was the state of things existing in Ireland ? Why, it was not alone those who had given offence that were assassinated, but also pregnant women were shot from behind hedges.— (Cries of " Oh, oh.") He repeated the statement.—(Cries of "Name, name.") Yes, he would name. There was the instance of Fanny M'Errell, the wife of a woodranger, shot for no other offence than that her husband was supposed to be over active in arresting tres passers upon the estate of his master.—(Cheers from the Mi nisterial benches, with cries of "Where ?" from the Opposition ) He could name the place—it was in the county of Tyrone. The unfortunate woman lingered for a few days, mitcarrled in child-birth, and then died of her wounds.—( Renewed Minis terial cries of " Hear, hear.") Was that a state of things to be endured?—( Cries of " No, no," from the Ministerial party.) But was that a solitary instance? How many days ago was it since Sir David Roche had been shot at, for no other crime than that of refusing one tenant to eject the widow of that tenant's brother, while yet her husband's remains were lying in the House nut quite cold ?—( Hear, hear.) Nor was that all, for the state of Ireland appeared to be that no man or aged lady could go to church without risk of being shot at.— ( Oh, oh.) Yes, there was the case of Mrs. Bennett, an aged lady of eighty, who was stopped on her way to church by two cowardly ruffians, one armed with a wattle and the other with a pistol, which was twice snapped in her face, and that be cause she refused to turn off two faithful servants, one of whom had been shot at and wounded despsrately on a former occasion. Had they not the statement of Lord Farnham, made in the other House of Parliament, to show that Mr. Bell Boothe,while coming from church with his two children, was murdered in the broad day, in the presence of hundreds, yet the murderers were suffered to escape?—(Hear.) They were told that the murderers were still in the country ; the houses they visited were well known, yet no person dared to arrest them.— ( Hear, hear.) Then there was the last account of the 7th of the present month, where they were shown how Mr. Ryan, his wife, ten children, and five servants, while on their knees at prayer, had a loaded blunderbuss discharged into the room, the assassin thinking that the best opportunity of making the shot more effective?—( Hear, hear.) Were they then to be told that, when they supported Ministers in putting down such an infamous system, they were acting from factious or party motives ?—(" No, no," from the Ministerial side.) He should say, that for himself, as also for the lion. Gentlemen who acted with him, they were determined that liberty and freedom should not be mockeries, but that every man should enjoy them, unawed by the vengeance of the midnight assassin and the broad day murderer.—( Hear.) Mr. C. POWELL said he had been informed that the minutes of a conversation between the Noble Lord who had just sat down and an accredited Government agent was in the possession of that Noble Lord, and he merely wished to know if it was his intention to produce it?—( Cries of " Order.") Lord G. BENTINCK, in reply, stated that his letter was in the hands of Ministers, and he had no objection to its pro duction.—( Hear, hear. ) Sir G. GREY hoped the House would not he led into a premature discussion on the question to the prejudice of the great and important measure (the Corn Bill) previously before their House.--( Hear, hear.) Doubtless the time would conic when the Right Hon. Gentlemen opposite would have to state the reasons that induced them to bring in such a measure, and also when the Hon. Members at large should decide whether or not the measure met the remedy which it proposed to redress. He was of opinion that the question put by way of amendment— whether the Corn Bill should have precedence of the Coercion Bill—was that on which they were called upon to decide. And for his own part he was prepared to press for a divison on the matter, as he was decidedly of opinion that the Corn Bill should have precedence.—( Hear, hear.) He assured the House that in adopting that course he did not do so with a view to obstruct the measures of the Ministry ; but, finding a Bill, the debate on which had exceeded the time occupied in debate by all others, then likely to be postponed, though within a stage or so of its final settlement, he could not act otherwise than in opposing that postponement, remembering the vast number, agricultural, manufacturing, and mercantile, who were anxious to have a final decision pronounced by Parliament on the question introduced by its leaders.---( Hear, hear.) Did they postpone the measure at present, it could not be re sumed till after Easter, when it would come on in the shape of a new question, and be again debated at increased length. Under these circumstances, then, and looking to the great. importance of putting an end to the uncertainty that existed, and the stagnation and paralysation under which trade and commerce laboured, because of the indecision of that House, he (Sir G. Grey) would feel himself compelled to support the amendment proposed by his Hon. Friend, to the effect that the Corn Bill should take precedence of all other measures.— ( Hear, hear. ) Mr. H. GRAI'TAN said that, in giving his support to the amendment of his Hon. Friend, he would at the same time do everything in his power to put down the spirit of outrage and insubordination that existed in some parts of Ireland. He would do so, not alone as he was a Member of that House, but as he was a resident country gentleman in Ireland; and not merely as landlord, hut also as a protsctor of the tenant, the labourer, and the peasant. At the same time, he was not going to censure her Majesty's Ministers for their tardiness in introducing the measure, though he should say that such mea sures had been found useless daring a period that ex tended from 1810 to 1846.—( Hear, hear.) Knowing that the measure would fail, and feeling that another and a diffe rent one was needed, he should give it his decided opposition. —( Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Ministry took care, in October last, to provide food for the people, and, at the same time, he might have provided also for the protection of life and property. He said that to show that, even should the Bill be delayed, there existed powers to enable the authorities to put down these outrages, without the inter vention of that libellous Bill.—( Hear, hear.) The sherriff had the command of the entire posse in every county in Ire land ; and if they, aided by the gentry of the county who were resident, and not absentees, aided that officer in the repression of crime, there would, in his opinion, soon be an end of all disturbance. • But when gentlemen absented themselves, alum. doned their duty, and rendered themselves unpopular by such conduct, they then came forward and united in a cry for the proclamation of a district, where nothing save their own conduct made them unpopular.—( Hear, hear.) Let the gentlemen of Ireland but do their duty, which they did not do, and there would be an end of all disturbance. It was idle for them to look for power, and police, and military, to pro tect them from the ebullitions of an unpopularity which they brought on themselves. Moreover, he would not stigmatise his country by voting for the enactment of a measure which branded thirty-two counties with infamy, when only five or six were affected by the mania.—( Hear, hear.) Mr. S. HERBERT (whose opening observations were in audible in the gallery) was understood to say, that though he fully agreed in the paramount importance of the corn measure, still, at the same time, he should say, that no man who had watched the state of society in Ireland could entertain a doubt of the necessity that existed for. instantly press ing, on the measure introduced by the Ministry for the better protection of life in Ireland.—(Hear, hear). The Noble Lord made a statement with regard to the state of crime in Ireland, and if the House disbeaeved the truth of the statements it should go into a discussion upon them, and say whether they were or were not tree. He must say, looking at the statements that were made elsewhere, that nothing was so horrible as the state of social disquietude in Ireland. Nothing was so complete as the abrogation of legal authority in some parts ; and was it possible for Ministers to allow other mea sures, of whatever great importance they might be, to interfere and not to postpone them until a decision was taken upon the principle of the measure which proposed to arrest this state of things in Ireland. There was a feeling in that House, that this measure was not required, or that other measures should precede it, so as to more certainly interfere with the commission of crime. He trusted that the House would not confirm the motion of his Hon. Friend. It was not true that Government had attempted to suspend, or give the right of suspending, the order of the day with a view to take an unfair advantage. The Right Hon. Baronet himself, said that it was a most difficult case, and the course he proposed to take was the most legal and the most ordinary course that could be proposed. He did not attempt to take the House by surprise ; he merely proposed that the orders of the day should be post poned by the consent of the House, after having been read, and that the discussion on this question should be taken if the Hoagie was w illing to accede to the proposition. The course the Hon. Gentleman had taken was a very unusual one. He trusted that the House would refuse to sanction the motion of Isis Hon. Friend ; and without in the least degree undervaluing or underrating the importance of the measure before the House, he trusted they would see the necessity of passing the measure which proposed to give security to life and property in Ireland ; and those persons who could be attacked by the Bill had a right to demand from that House that the subject should be taken into their earliest consideration. Lord JOHN RUSSELL—With regard to the general question of the precedence of the Hon. Member's motion, or of the orders of the day for the Importation of Corn, I should be satisfied to rest it on the state ment made by the Honourable Member for Devon, but there are one or two circumstances which have occurred in this debate, of which I feel myself compelled to take notice before going to a division on the subject. I will not interfere, one way or the other, with the charge made by my Hon. Friend , the Member for Lynn ; or the defence made by the Hon. Gentleman opposite, with regard to the delay said to have occurred in bringing forward this Bill. I trust that my Hon. Friend, who disclaims the name of a leader, and yet does attempt to speak the sentiments of tho majority of this House on frequent occasions, will not do so rash a thing as to make any accusation, whether against the party in possession of power or the party which has long differed from the opi n i ons o f h er Majesty's Ministers, or to expect that this question will pass off without some great opposition. 'With regard to the question before the House, I must say that the Right Hon. Gentleman the Secretary of State for the Home Department and the Right Hon. Gentleman who has last spoken have placed it on a different ground from that on which it ought to be placed. The other evening, he was saying that he wished the principle of this Bill to be af firmed by the House, considering the moral effect it would have on parties in Ireland. Sir, I cannot consider the ques tion before the House, as my Right Hon. Friend justly placed it, as a motion for any unusual purpose. It was to prevent the time of the House being occupied; and to affirm that the more convenient course that the House could pursue for the sake of the public is to proceed with the discussion of a Bill which has been long under the consideration of the House, and to post pone until a future time a subject which has not been under con sideration. My Right Hon. Friend is justified in saying that the case would be altered if Government said that they wished to advance this Bill through several stages for the im mediate protection of life in Ireland, but they sa y th a t they will resume the discussion on the corn question, and that the second reading of the Protection to Life and Property in Ire land Bill shall not take place for some weeks hence—until after the Corn Bill, the Customs' Bill, and the Poor's Removal Bill have had the consideration of this House. I ask, what can be the moral effect of taking the first reading of a Bill ? I ask, Whether the Irish will commit less outrages—whether the murderer will be deterred by knowing that a Bill has been read for the first time? I ask, whether there is not consider able danger—when we are to have the reading of a Bill, and the discussion consequent upon it, without the benefit of en eactmehtessif all the Virtue to be given to the existing powers by the Bill are to be suspended, and an exciting effect caused upon the population? These are the reasons which the Right Hon. Baronet has given for proceeding with the Bill, and they are reasons which tell entirely the other way, and entirely in favour of proceeding the other way. Let him say that he does not consider himself justified in voting for the motion of my lion. Friend the Member for Drogheda. It will be the part of the Right Hon. Gentleman to show the state of outrage existing in Ireland—to show what are the crimes that have been committed—aud to show that the Bill will have the effect of preventing them. That will be the case the Right limn Gentleman will have to make out, and if the House should refuse to sanction the motion of my Hon. Friend, it will consider it necessary that some case for the first reading of the Bill should be made out. I hope the House will not consent to the proposition, and will post pone this Bill until some future time, even though it should be carried in its present rash shape—so as to give the Government an opportunity of proposirg more remedial measures. I ask for no measure beyond those on which the Government has declared its intention to legislate—namely, to alter the law as regarded la, dlerd and tenant, and the Municipal Corporation Bill. I wish that the list of Irish grievances could be summed up in these topics, but they are more extensive. Ido not ask the Government to propose any other measures, but to proceed when it is time for proceeding, and to obtain peace. When we come to consider the crimes of which the Hon. Member for Lynn has given a sample, we are bound to consider whether or not the measure might in some degree remove the cause of them. / I beg leave to say, with regard to newspaper accounts which the Right Hon. Gentleman has referred to, I also have read an account in a newspaper of a whole village, containing 275 houses, having been razed to the ground, and the inha bitants sent adrift in the high road to seek a shelter, and even not allowed to remain under the hedges or the ruins of their houses to boil their pots of potatoes. I saw that in a Dublin newspaper, in the statement made by a gentleman, a re porter of the paper ; and in that statement he said that the circumstances were pet sonally known to him. It is necessary to take up these subjects together, after the consideration of the Corn Bill has been disposed of, as the condition of landlord anal tenant is not improved, and to give the Executive Government power to check the progress of murder and assassination. Without these powers I say that there will not be any great moral ad vantage or any limit to outrage, unless you are determined to use force fully against assassination, and have a• feeling of de termination to stop the causes of these outrages by some alio' measure as well as this Bill. The present Bill may be en forced, and a foundation laid, so that fur ever after a necessity for these Bills may be avoided. Sir R. PEEL—In determining the course which the Go vernment will adopt with respect to these Bills, to which I attach great importance, Government is in a situation of pe culiar difficulty, on account of its present position. 1 certainly did not expect to hear, whatever might have been the discus sion, any doubt expressed as to the sincerity of her Majesty's Government with regard to the Corn Bill. I must refer to the circumstances under which it has been brought forward—to the loss which I have sustained of the confidence of Hon. Members. When the time does come, the Hon. Gentlemen shall see whether her Majesty's Government are sincere with regard to the Corn Bill, even in the event of a failure. The accusation with regard to this case I have always denied. With respect to discussion, as to whether power should be given with regard to this Bill, let the House look at the facts of the case. Certainly, with regard to the full de claration I have made before, in answer to a question addressed to me by the Noble Lord on Friday night last, I feel no dis position to alter it. I said that the course her Majesty's Government felt it necessary to pursue was to consider whether it was possible to obtain the first reading of the Bill for the pur pose of obtaining a division upon it. No man can feel more than I do the extreme importance of the agricultural interest—of a de cision being taken on the Corn Bill. I said that I would take this Coercion Bill after the second reading of the Corn Bill; and, as suming that the division would take place on Friday night, I intended to propose this first reading, If the division of the House was in favour of the first renting, I intended to proceed with the Corn Bill, permitting no Government measure what ever to interfere with its' progress. I said that for the in ' formation of all parties, in answer to the question of the Noble Lord, and to that declaration I must still adhere. I feel it my duty to ask the decision of the House with regard to the first reading of this Bill. It has been on the table of the House since the 16th, and I supposed that the first reading would be a matter of course. 1 say, that so far from the Hon. Gentleman wishing to proceed with undue precipi tancy, with regard to this Bill for Ireland, he proposed, that for the first time the Bill should be read at once, and after that, that you should have a delay given to you. If you con sented to take no steps whatever, my Right Honourable Friend must have another oportunity of laying his Bill before the House. What other reasons induced him on the part of the Government to propose such extraordinary precautions against assassination in Ireland? what n ould be the inference that would be drawn, if he had departed from the course which he had adopted? Although the House of Lords had passed the Bill, and although her Majesty, in her speech from the throne, have reminded the House that this was a subject for their consideration, they would not, for the first time, consent to the first reading of the Bill,' without any discussion, but with a disregard to the common courtesy to the House, hail endeavoured to postpone it. The decision of the 1-louse on the first reading would not be conclusive. The discussion might not lead to any particular result, but what would be the inferences that would be drawn from any departure from the uniform and esta blished rules? But the - Government were indifferent to this subject. With respect to the course Hon. Gentlemen may pur sue on this subject, I can assure them that they are free to deal with the case. They are under no obligation to give their support to this measure. I know that thej Government is situated in a peculiar situation. The Noble Lord the Member for Lynn said that we are responsible for every murder com mitted in Ireland, and for the death of every person that might die of starvation. After a mature deliberation, we could not consent to a definite proposal. We wished that the House might be bound to adhere to the first reeding of the Bill. Every species of delay had been thrown in the way of Government. The course they wished to pursue was, that Hon. Members might propose measures. We wish to leave it to the representatives of the Commons of England to dispose of this measure. I know the power individuals generally pos sess of causing difficulties, and of the power they had of con tinuing the debate by resorting to the extreme measure of ad journing. That does not relieve the Government from the re sponsibility of proposing such measures as they might deem necessary. I should be unworthy of being a Member of the Government, were I to permit the abuse of the powers possessed by individuals, to vary the course deliberately come to on the part of the Government. On Friday last we stated the course we intended to take, and that we should ask you to take the first reading to-night. I deeply regret the course that some Hon. Members purpose to pursue, of procrastinating the passing of the Bill, by offering opposition to it in every stage of its progress. This is not acting in a worthy way by the measure.—( Hear, hear.) I will admit of every fair delay and opposition, but in doing this I wish to uphold the authority of the House, and that respect which is due to this the popular and democratic branch of the Legislature.—( Hear, hear.) Depend upon it, if a small body of Members set themselvi'es up in opposition to the majority of this House, and set at nought the usual rules that regulate its proceedings—depend upon it, in doing so, they are taking a course which is most unwise, and opposed to the advancement of, the very objects they seek to serve.—( Hear, hear.) Ido hope that you will submit to a decision at once, and that my Right Hon. Friend (Sir J. Graham) will be allowed to make his statement to the House. The Noble Lord the Member for Lynn has given a not unfair statement as to the injustice of aa thed ttake a m t o h t o e o n t h t e o leave a tl a s f e c the o n s (1 4 11 1 e y r a thatt io of n foli a t w h present Thisres en t Bill, would not be seemly in the present state of Ireland. But while I wish the Bill to be taken in the course I propose, and while 1 do not wish any opportunity of stating objections to its pro visions, I must protest against motions of the present kind, which arc only of a technical and frivolous character. I have no wish to excite angry feelings on this question, on which is the question hso muchqaasin before torongfee the ling hrai exists ? stssalreft is a m already tsatillpelrmiaug withstas what its forms for a particular purpose, and one on which the mea sure to be considered cannot be debated conducive with the rules of the House. The Hon. Gentleman has moved that the first reading. of the present Bill be waved, and that the other orders of the day be proceeded with. But to that 1 will answer, that I cannot take the other business, under present circum stances, and if the amendment is agreed to, and the motion tejscted, I do not feel at liberty to persevere with the other orders of the day. Under these circumstances, considering the importance of the Bill, and that no unfair advantage had been taken in its introduction, I do hope that my Right Hon. Friend ( Sir James Graham) will be allowed to make his state ment. Ido hope this course will be agreed in, and that any discussion on the subject, will be taken after that statement has been made,—( Hear, hear.) Lord G. BENTINCK said ho had been misunderstood by the Noble Lord (Lord J. Russell), the Right Hon. Gentleman the Secretary at War, and the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Government. What he did say was, that her Majesty's Government and that House were responsible for every mur der committed in Ireland, owing to any unnecessary delay in the passing of the measure that her Majesty's Ministers had introduced for the protection of life in Ireland.—(Hear. ) Sir R. H. INGLIS said that the Noble Lord, the Member for the city of London (Lord J. Russell), had stated that, inde pendent of the decision of the House on the present measure, there should be no time lost in forwarding the remedial mea sures for the state of Ireland. But what was the object of the present Bill ? It was to repress outrage ; and if so, it could not be passed too soon. He agreed with the Noble Lord (Bentinck), that he did not find fault with the Government in introducing the Bill, but that they had not introduced it some time ago. Her Majesty's Government ought to have intro duced it some months since, instead of allowing the evils to continue without a remedy. Lord WORSLEY wished to explain the vote he was about to give on this question. On the question of the corn-laws he had differed with the party on that side of the House with whom he usually acted ; therefore he wished to explain why it was he would now support the proposition in favour of the Government. Since November last great alarm had prevailed among the agriculturists respecting the expected alteration in the Customs, and the consequence was that trade and agricul ture suffered. Any delay in the settlement of the corn ques tion would perpetuate the state of uncertainty and alarm, and, therefore, he would vote for the first reading of the Bill, re serving to himself the right of voting against it in any of its future stages. Colonel RAWDON considered that the Irish Members who objected to the present Bill might very well speak, when they had been blamed with the death of the unfortunate men who had been killed in Ireland. He utterly disclaimed the imputation. The Noble Lord who made it had shown himself a good tactician, as he would be able now to make two speeches on the measure, having gone somewhat into it in the one he had just made. He (Colonel Rawdon) would advise the Irish Members not to expend their ammunition at present, but, at the proper time, to use it against the measure. His feelings had been roused by a speech which had been made in another House of Parliament by the Duke of Wellington, on this Bill, which he (Colonel Rawdon), as an Irishman, repudiated. The SPEAKER called the Hon. Member to order, for re ferring to a speech of a member of the other House. Colonel RAWDON said that the Noble Lord who had just spoken (Lord G. Bentinck) had referred to the speeches of the Marquis of Clanricarde and the Earl of Lansdowne, and therefore he (Colonel Hamden) thought he had a right to refer ' to the speech of the Duke of Wellington.—(Cries of " No.") The SPEAKER—The Hon. and Gallant Member is out of order in alluding to any speech made in a debate in the other House of Parliament. Colonel RAWDON—Then he would allude to no debate whatever, but only say that the Duke of Wellington had ex pressed himself in terms which he (Col. Rawdon) altogether rejected. He could not agree that the union between Ireland and this country was a legitimate compact, or that the obliga tions were such as had been represented. It was a union to which the people of Ireland had not been a party, and of which he did not approve. Mr. J. O'CONNELL rose to address the House, amidst 3eud cries of ° Divide, divide." He said that no answer had been given by the Government, and Hon. Members on the other side of the House, to the strong representations of the Irish Members against this measure. He knew the reason, and the people of Ireland also knew the reason. The Right Hon. Gentleman the Secretary at War (Mr. Sidney Herbert) had spoken in a deprecatory manner of the opposition promised by Irish Members to every stage of the Bill, and by every form of the House. But he would tell that Right Hon. Member that they did not choose to allow the last remnant of liberty left them to be taken away without a resolute struggle, and he would further tell him that by passing that measure, the Go vernment would trample out in the minds of the Irish people Whatever little feeling might yet remain in favour of the legis lative union.—( Hear, hear.) He would inform him that they (the Irish Members) would fight the battle firmly, stoutly, and openly, even though they were a small party, They were a small party, and of that they had complained for the last forty-five years—ever since they had carried out the execrable union against the people of Ireland. He complained they were a small party ; but to that they were indebted to the union, and that was one matter which, with many others, they sought to redress. Solemn promises had been made to them, but which had never been fulfilled. They had been promised that Ireland should have given to her all those constitutional privileges which England possessed. But this had never been fulfilled, and hence it was that they sought to have their own Parliament back again, and a repeal of the legislative union. The promises made to Ireland had been most bountifully broken, and not the slightest disposition shown to do justice to that country. But, if the Irish Members in that House were a small party, he could say they were strong in the affections of the people. They now came forward and taunted them with being a small party. True, they were a small party; but they had eight millions of Irish hearts at their backs, and they feared not for the issue. The only answer that had been that night drawn from the Treasury Bench was one in answer to the Noble Lord at the head of the protection party, who seemed— if his own speech that night were to be taken into account— to imagine that he was to be the future Minister of England, and already determined to mislegislate for the Irish people. He was also the leader of a very small party, which would in time be still less, because they were opposed to the policy of giving cheap food to the people. They were told by the Noble Lord that the course adopted by the Right Hon. Baronet that evening was a common practice. He thought that something more than a merely common practice might be introduced when the liberties of a nation were to be infringed on. But what did the Right Hon. Gentleman ask ? The Right Hon. Gentleman who was leaving the House now—( Mr. Sidney Herbert, who was , passing the bar at the moment, re turned to his seat on the Treasury Bench. )—(Loud cries of Question, question.") If it were the pleasure of the House to adjourn, he was very ready to do so. The Right Hon. Gentleman—and he was very sorry that he had belt' obliged to detain him—told the House that they were ',liable, by their conduct, to' the charge: of sanctioning crime in Ireland. To that imputation, he with the same strength with which the assertion had been made, threw it back on the party who ad vanced it. He charged them instead with sanctioning crime in Ireland with the measures they were then proposing, The Noble Lord on the one side accused them of sanctioning the crime of assassination by postponing the Bill, while on that side they were charged with the crime of adding to the present miseries of the Irish people by delaying in any way the passing of the Corn Bill. He charged the Noble Lord with doing both ; and now he accused the Right Hon. Baronet and his friends in the Treasury Bench of being accessory to the crimes of the peasantry. Only two years ago they, the Irish Members, came over to this House, on the occasion of the Landlord and Tenant Commission in Ireland, and their language on that occasion was not of supplicating men ; their language was this— " Mind what you are doing for us, and for Heaven's sake take care what you are doing with this ommission; you are rousing the most sanguine hopes in the minds of the desperate peasantry of Ireland; you are exciting hopes in their minds, hopes which shall not be afterwards realised, and it is no use telling us here that you are only sending out that Commission to ask for in formation." They told the Right Hon. Baronet then that he could not reason with starvation—that he could not reason with madness. They told him to go on, if he so liked, till some fortunate chance occurred, when he might claim the merit of wisdom, instead of by that course adopting measures which would only lead to disappointing the minds of desperate men, the wild hopes they had by these measures been led to conceive. Has not their words come true ? He did not blame the Com missioners; for, to the honour aril credit of those gentlemen whose names appeared upon it, they represented things in Ireland very fairly ; but he maintained that their words ought to have had some effect on the mind of the Right Hon. Baronet. The Right Hon. Baronet had used some expressions towards Ireland with which they had some right to be offended. But, as he had given an apology, he would not again refer to them further than to say that it was an apology which was justly due to them. But he had an objection of his own to the present Bill.—(Cries of " Oh, oh," " Question, question.") A deputation of persons—he could not call them gentlemen, because he thought them undeserving of the name of men—went up to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, en the subject of the disturbances in that country, and he understood that they prayed of the Lord Lieutenant to oblige them by taking the blood of a man whom his countrymen believed to be innocent—he meant the unfortunate man Seery. He (Mr. John O'Connell) had placed a notice on the books of that House, giving to the deputation what he believed was their proper title, but he was remonstrated with in private in a quarter from which he had always received the utmost kind ness and courtesy. He marked his sense of their kindness, by withdrawing and not repeating the expression. The sheet on which his motion had been placed was altogether cancelled, on the ground that it pledged the House to an expression of opi nion, before it had given its vote on the matter. Now, what was the case here. This Bill was presented to the House with a false and calumnious title.—(Hear, hear.) It was stated to be a Bill for the more effectual preservation of life and property in Ireland. It was net so. Property would not be better protected by the bill ;—life would not be so well protected—because the measure itself would aggravate the cause of discontent in Ireland. Why, then, should the Bill be introduced before the House with this title? —a false title, because it stated itself as for the better preserva tion of life and property in Ireland. It had been said that night that theirs was a factious opposition, because they were determined, by every form of the House, to defeat the Bill. They were justified by their consciences in doing so. They did it with the sanction of the people of Ireland, and their constituencies approved of it. They would persevere in their opposition to the last moment. If this was a factious opposi tion they gloried in it, because they were opposed to the de struction of the last liberties of the Irish people. It was an opposition carried on with the view of defending their country men from a measure of mere wanton and useless tyranny. There was another charge trumped up against them, out it wa almost too trivial to be alluded to. It was that they (the re peelers of Ireland) were anxious for the repeal of the corn-laws because it was one of the few advan tages which the union had given to Ireland. The charge did not require to be refuted. A few words more to the Noble Lord opposite, the future Minister of England. The Noble Lord had endeavoured to influence the judgment of Members in that House by his speech on the motion for reading the order of the day. But he would ask the Noble Lord, if he had supported a Coercion—or if he had said one word in favour of a Coercion Bill, at the period of the riots in Wales? Until a poor woman had been murdered, no extraordinary powers were asked for. He had never supported strong measures then. He had never adverted to that case then, but he had brought forward the case here. Was this the kind of chivalry which was to distinguish the opposite party—that the poor man's bread should be taxed, in order to uphold the power and wealth of a pampered aristocracy. Every form of the House should be used to stop the Bill ; and he told that Right Hon. Baronet, that the consequences of the delay of the Corn Bill would be upon him alone. Mr. COBDEN—From the remarks which fell from the Right Hon. Baronet, I was left in some doubt whether the proposed statement, which is to be made by the Right Hon. Baronet, the Home Secretary, shall be gone on with to night, or whether it is the intention of the Government to press a division on this question ? Sir R. PEEL—We shall proceed with the first reading of the Bill. My Right Hon. Friend will make his statement, then we shall leave it to the House to judge what course they will pursue. When I said that my Right Hon. Friend would have an opportunity of making his statement, I did not mean to imply that that was sufficient, and that there we should stop. Mr. COBDEN—Before we go to a division, I cannot help expressing my sincere regret at the course adopted by her Ma jesty's Government. I think it will he a great calamity both to England and to Ireland; for although the Government bring this measure of coercion forward, as a measure which will pacify Ireland or contribute to the peace of Ireland, we must bear in mind that those who represent the Irish feeling in this House—those who have the greatest influence in Ireland—have a distinctly contrary opinion ; whereas, on the subject of corn, that great question of giving food to the people of England and Ireland, no difference of opinion exists. If I understand rightly, the Hon. and Learned Gentleman who, I may say, represents Ireland, came over expressly to surtain her Ma jesty's Ministers in their wish to give increased subsistence to the people of England. That question, I think, should have taken precedence of the coercive measure, inasmuch as those who understand the interest of Ireland know that the best way to pacify Ireland is by giving the people food. But have the Government considered what will be the delay that will be caused by proceeding with tho Bill now? If you go into the discussion to-night, the Honourable Member for Li merick county has told you that the Irieh Members themselves are prepred to sustain their opposition to the first reading for three nights. This might be a Govern ment night ; Friday and Monday following are Government nights, and these three will be occupied in the discussion. You cannot reckon upon those nights occupied by private members —you cannot reckon upon these for the debate on the Coercion Bill. You must have Thursday night in Committee—) ou must have the following Tuesday night in Committee. Private Members will not give np their notices in order to ac commodate the Govrnment on this subject. You therefore, cannot take another step on the Corn Bill before Laster. The Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Devonport stated most truly that Hon. Gentlemen opposite would come up again after Easter, trusting that we shall have forgotten all their tedious arguments, and repeat the same thing over again.— ( Laughter.) In all human probability that Corn Bill will not reach the House of Lords before the beginning or the middle of May, and when it shall pass out of that House, heaven only knows.—( Hear, hear.) I think this is a great calamity. Ido not attribute any motives, such as those which have been hazarded against the Right Hon. Baronet arid the conduct of the Government. But there is something which actuates them which I cannot understand. Their reasons have not been explained in this House. We have had no reason to warrant the course they are pursuing. 1 believe there is no compact between the Government and certain Hon. Gentlemen, and do not believe those conversa tions which are published in to-day's paper, sad which ought not to have been published, even if they had taken place. Ido not believe there is any such compact. The Right Honourable Baronet at the head of the Government has acted upon the decision which he gave four or five days ago, before any Irish Member had spoken upon the subject. He now knows what will be the feelings of those Members should he press this Coercion Bill before the Corn Bill. He does not, in my opinion, impeach the sincerity at all of his determination to carry this measure I rejoice, and the country will rejoice, that the Right Honour able Baronet has this night declared, that nothing shall prevent him showing his sincerity in resisting any obstruction or mu tilation of the Corn Bill; and I have a full conviction, a most earnest conviction, that he will deeply regret the course he is now takin g , because I think the present state of the country— the manufacturing districts, from which we hear every day— the agricultural districts, the inhabitants of which, as the Noble Lord the Member for Lincolshire has stated, are anxious to have a settlement, and do not care for the amount of the settlement so much as for a speedy settlement of the Corn question. Under these circumstances I deeply regret having to go into a lobby to vote against the Government on such a question as this. Strangers were then ordered to withdraw, and the House divided— For the amendment For the first reading 147 Majority for Ministers ........ . ........ —39 Sir J. GRAHAM then rose and said that, in the absence of any member of her Majesty's Government more immediately connected with Ireland, it was his painful duty, on that occa sion, to propose to the House the first reading of the Bill which came down from the other House of Parliament. The Hon. Member for Stockport had said that there was some mys terious motive in pressing this Bill. He hoped the House would indulge him with a patient hearing, while he endea voured to state to them cogent rellons, which, in his judg ment at least, appeared conclusive that no time was to be lost in passing such a measure u this. There were, however, some reflectidrs vihich were consolatory in proposing this measure. ' He would not make a sweeping accusation against the Irish peop'e generally. This Bill was only reqeirest for certain dis tricts in Ireland. They had been accused of bringing the measure forward abruptly and prematurely. He might be permitted to state that ter nearly five years the Government had conducted the affairs of the country in difficult times, and in adverse circumstances; and they had never had recourse to extraordinary powers. Until that moment they had dis charged their duty relying on the execution of the existing law. In more than one instance they had relinquished the existing laws. They had not felt it their duty to apply to Par liament for the renewal of the enactment with respect to Ire land of an aggressive character. On some occasions they had removed some which were of an aggressive character. Let them, for instance, look to the Unlawful Oaths Bill. There were provisions in that Bill liable to be abused, and they were removed. With respect to the Arms Bill—the clause requiring blacksmiths to be licensed had been withdrawn. He must also be permitted to remind the House, that the vari ous measures which had been brought forward by the Govern ment in the course of the last two years had been received in a spirit of unfriendly feeling by the great majority of the people of Ireland. He knew that a great difference existed as to the practical effect of those measures, which were intended as peace offerings. He would more particularly refer to the Bequest Bill, which afforded great facilities for the endow ment of the Roman Catholic clergy, and for providing for religious houses and sites for chapels.—(Hear, hear.) He would also refer particularly to the Bill which he had the honour to propose with reference to the provision for the education of Roman Catholics in the College of Alay nooth, which gave great offence, and which, he was sorry to say, gave great offence to his supporters on his own side of the House. That measure he, in unison with his colleagues in office, thought it his duty to bring forward. The bringing for ward of those Bills was, to his mind, a conclusive proof that the Government entertained no hostile feelings whatever to the Irish people.—( Hear.) The Board of Education in Ireland had also been made more effectual during the last year, and there were at the present momentbetween 400,000 and 500,000 receiving a good education under the superintendence of that board. Provision had also been made for the thorough educa tion of the children of the middle and higher classes. Then. again, the Government had introduced a Bill for the purpose of regulating the laws relating to landlords and tenants. That Bill was one of extreme difficulty, and the other House of Parliament considered that, in the state in which it was tendered to them, not sufficiently matured, and they therefore did not extend to it their sanction. During the recess the Govern ment had bestowed much consideration upon the question of providing a better law for the tenants of Ireland. They had done all in their power for the purpose of co-operating with the Commission over which Lord Devon had presided, and of which four Members of the House formed a constituent part, and he was authorised to say that either he or some other M em bers of _ . the Government would have the honour very shortly of intro ducing a measure founded upon the recommendations of thw board Then he must observe that with reference to this mea. sure, painful as it was, and unconstitutional as he admitted i to be, he for one, foreseeing the necessity of the introduction of some such measure in the early part of the present session, be felt that it was a matter of primary importance that provision should however be first made for the physical wants of the people of Ireland, so far as those wants could be relieved by the Government ; and he certainly could not be a party to the introduction of this measure unless it had also obtained the sanction of his colleagues, and unless some measure had beer previously introduced, for the purpose of affording the people of that country food at the cheapest possible rate. Now, he must also be allowed to observe that the effect of the measures of last season were already perceptible in Ireland. He was re joiced to be enabled to state that the admission of maize, free of duty, had already produced the most beneficial effects on Ireland.--( Hear, hear.) The demand for that article of food was very great. It was cheaper than oatmeal ; it was supersed ing oatmeal ; and the effect of its introduction into Ireland, he confidently believed, would have the effect, if not in agreat, at least in some measure, of superseding the use of the potato among the people of that country, and gradually, but surely, as he hoped, of giving the people a better means of subsistence than they at present possessed. The Government had else brought forward measures for the purpose of encouraging public works in Ireland; and the demand for loans was great, and the effects, he believed, most beneficial to the people of Ireland And the beneficial effects would be still further increased by a judicious expenditure of the moneys lent by the Government. The moral effect, and the social improvement, produced by the encouragement of public works in Ireland were most palpable. The people isho lived in those districts where those works were carried on, would have better and more permanent em ployment, and they would in a short time be enabled to attain the independent position of the working classes of this country. Then he might ask, what would be the effects of the education of 400,000 or 500,000 children by the officers of the Govern ment ? On all these grounds he was therefore confident in his anticipations, that the future position of Ireland would be a most prosperous one. The effect of their social improvement would be recognised by the Legislature, and the Legislature would with great confidence bring forward measures for a people who had fortunately become much happier and elevated than they now were. There could be no doubt that in a few years the Legislature would be guided by a more calculating and kindly spirit with regard to Ireland. In the mean time they had to deal with a case of ur gent and pressing necessity, to which he could scarcely find any parallel case in the history of these kingdoms. He had before said, and he then wished to state, in the most distinct manner, that he did not stand there to impugn the character of the Irish people generally. Quite the contrary. He had the pleasure of stating that in the 32 counties of Ireland—in the majority of these he believed that it would be found, by statistical ac counts, that life and property were as secure as in any portion of Great Britain.—(Hear, hear.) He was happy to say that, in at least 18, out of those 32 counties, crime had con siderably decreased within the last year.—(Cheers.) He thought it would not be necessary to detain the House by going into a specific detail of the amount of decrease of crime, or of the names of the particular counties. Suffice it to say, that in 18 out of the 32, there had been a considerable decrease of crime within the last year, 1845.—(11r. O'Connell, " County Tyrone" ?) In the County Tyrone, there had been a very large decrease of crime. —(Hear, hear.) The crime in Tyrone, according to the reports of the Constabulary force, had decreased in the last year from 108 to 40. He would go still further, and say, that if it were not for the present state of five of the counties of Ireland, he could not conscientiously propose this Bill.—(Hear, hear.) He would state at once the names of those five counties, al though he was afraid he shonld have to trespass upon the indul gence of the House for a short time—el-leer, hear) —for in proposing a measure of so unconstitutional a character—( Hear, hear)—he felt it to be his bounden duty to bring before the House the grounds on which he proposed it.—( Hear, hear.) Now the five counties to which he had alluded were, Tipperary, Clare, Roscommon, Limerick, and Meath. In those five counties crime had increased to a considerable extent. There were also five other counties in which crime had been fearfully progressing during the last year, and the names of those counties were Cavan, Fermanagh, King's County, Longford, and Westmeath ; so that it appeared that at present there were, out of the 32 counties of Ireland, ten in which un lawful doings and crimes of the most frightful character were being regularly carried on. In the county of Cavan, crime had increased within the last year from 44 to 109, in Roscom mon from 264 to 716, Limerick from 321 to 460, and Tipperary from 908 to 992. But he thought he could present this matter to the House in a light which appeared to him to be most con clusive, and which would show that crime was raging in dis tricts of Ireland to a most alarming extent.—( Hear.) By the last return which had been made to the Government, it ap peered that the whole population of Ireland was 8,175,000, and the population of the five counties to which he had store par ticularly referred, viz. Tipperary, Clare, Roscommon, Limerick, and Leitrim, was 1,412,000. The population of those five coun ties therefore, was a little more than one-sixth of the whole of Ireland. Now the crimes to which he would direct the atten tion of the House were of a most insurrectionary character ; they comprised crimes of murder, and the destruction of pro perty. He had made a selection of those particular crimes. The crimes had been arranged as follows—homicides, violence to the person, aggravated assault, assaults endangering life, in cendiarism, killing or maiming cattle, demanding and robbery of arms, appearing armed, administering unlawful oaths, sending threatening notices, malicious injury to property, and firing into dwelling-houses. Now the number of homicides com mitted in 1845 throughout the whole of Ireland was 92, and the whole of those committed in the five counties to which he had more particularly directed their attention was 47, being one third of the homicides committed in the whole of Ireland. Assaults in those five counties 190, and in the whole of Ireland 350, being two-fifths of the whole number. Assaults endan gering life 110 in those five counties, and in the whole of Ire land 127. Incendiarism in those five counties 139, and in the rest of Ireland 329, being two-sevenths of the whole number. Killing or maiming cattle in those counties 108, in the rest of Ireland 164, being two-fifths of the whole. Demanding and robbing of arms in the five counties referred to—and this was a crime of the most malicious and fearful kind-420, and in the rest of Ireland 131, being four-fifths of the aggregate. Appear ing armed in those counties 66, and in the rest of Ireland 25, being two-thirds of the whole. Administering unlawful oaths in the same districts 193, and in the rest of Ireland only 33, being six-sevenths of the whole. Threatening notices in the same 1,( 43, and in the rest of Ireland only 901, being eleven twentieths of the whole number of crimes of a similar number committed in Ireland during the year 1845. Malicious injury to property 104 in the five counties, and 306 in the rest of Ireland. Now he would observe that one crime particularly had been greatly on the increase during the last eighteen months. The dreadful crime of firing into dwelling-houses at night, for the purpose of wounding promiscuously any member of a family, had been, during that period, in those five coun ties to which he had called their attention, 93, and in the rest of Ireland only 45 —( Hear, hear )—being seven-tenths of the whole number. He had in his possession reports which showed the state of these five counties during the months of January and February of the present year. The number of homicides in that period, it appeared, was 8 ; robberies of arms, 18 ; setting fire to dwelling-houses, 69; sending threatening notices, 69 ' • and malicious injury to property, 14. And in Limerick (exclusive of the city of that county ), 3 murders, 12 incendiaries, 25 robberies of arms, 50 threatening notices, and 18 attacks on property. In the county of Clare there had been 1 murder, 7 incendiaries, 20 robberies of arms, and 17 threatening notices. And in the county of Roscommon within the same period (the last two months), there had been 1 murder, 3 incendiaries, 31 robberies of arms, 6 threatening notices, and 42 administrations of un lawful oaths. Now, it was his painful duty to bring under their immediate notice some more facts relating to the dis turbed portions of Ireland. It would be impossible for him to give the House anything like general statements, but it ap peared that these crimes were not of a sectarian or political character. Roman Catholics and Protestants, Orangemen and Repealers, had alike become the victims of the lawless men of the disturbed counties. And he must also state that the crimes which he bad mentioned were by no means new is the par ticular districts to which he had alluded. Unhappily, they had prevailed for several years past; and it now remained for the Legislature to exert itself, for the purpose of eradicating the species of crime to which he had referred. It was true, that much had been done, but all their efforts had, as yet, signally failed. Crime, of the species referred to, had been more, during the last eighteen months, than during many years previously. He implored the House to consider seriously the disgrace to which those crimes subjected the people of these realms. They were crimes dis graceful to this country, this age, and the Government under civil polity. Ours was said to be a refined age and a civilised coun try, and yet crimes were daily committed in the 'later country which were a disgrace to any country on the face of the earth. In order to illustrate what he had before stated, he would read to the House a number of cases, w hich he had prepared and classified according to the principies he had just stated. The first class to which he would refer were cases of murder, or in juries inflicted upon per son in consequence of themselves or their relatioes h a ving taken, or refusing to give up, land. He would refer first to Tipperary. On the 24th of May the friends of the deceased wife of a party who ocraipied a f ew acres of land in Tipperary wished to obtain poiseision of the property. Notice had been served by the ruffiahs to give up possession of the property. Notice not being attended to, the unfortunate man was waylaid while returning front Done gal to his own home, and brutally murdered. Another person, quite unconnected with either party, was also knocked down ; his head was fractured, and he died from the effects'of the injury received. In another case in the same neighbourhood, four men, with their faces blackened and otherwise disguised, entered the house of a person occupying land, and presented pistols to the heads of the peaceable inmates, and asked them why they did not obey the summons which had been sent, and after committing gross acts of barbarity they went away. •He avoid also allude to another cue, which alio took plus in Tipperary on the 18th of January, in the year 1845. l'h name of the party murdered was Mr. Samuel Smith. He was discovered lying upon the road with his head fractured and other very severe injuries. It was the opinion of mechseal own that he had not fallen from his horse, and that his death could not have been ascribed to any effects of such an accident.. The only reason that could be assigned for the commission el such an art of atrocity, was that it was understood that he was bout to discharge two of his tenants. He would allude to county Clare. On the 31st of,October last, Mr. Peter Clerk was :hot at by two men, while riding round a domain which he had just purchased. Now it was considered by Hon. Members op posite, and in that opinion he (Sir James Graham) fully coin cided, that absenteeism wet a great evil. They wished to encou rage resident landlords, but how could they expect in such a state of things that any gentleman would go down to reside upon such an estate, or expend his money in labour in improving his estates. This gentleman was, it appears going to settle some disturbances among the tenants on his estate. He had not left his own premises when he was shot at , and fatally wounded by two ruffians. He would now refer to the case of Mr. Lynch, in the county of Limerick; it appeared 'hat he was a middle man, and for some offence which he had given to his tenants, he also, in the month of January, 1846, was fired at and killed. In the county of Clare, on the 7th of February, 1845, seven men, disguised as usual, entered the houses of James Mallony and others, and fractured the skull of one of the inmates, and also inflicted very severe wounds and injuries upon others of the party. It appeared in all these outrages that not one of the ordinary feelings of socia l life seemed to have the least influence upon the conduct of these ruffians. The only reason assigned for this outrage was that in the year 1843 some lands were divided by an order of the Court of Chancery, upon which there were upwards of three hundred tenants, and that one or two of that number were deprived of their land. He would read another case, which occurred in the county of Limerick. Seven men in the usual disguise, and armed, entered the house of a man of the name of Lawrence Lee ; they rushed at him and beat him down. This was a ease of cruel barbarity. When the man was upon the ground, his wife threw herself von him, in order to protect him from their violence. One of the fellows placed the gun close to his legs, while his wife attempted to shelter him. Regardless, however, of the position of the wife, they discharged the gun, the shot of which narrowly escaped the woman, and shattered the head of the unfortunate man. The murderers then retired. The only reason for this brutal outrage was because he had paid his rent, contrary to the wishes of these parties. On Jan. 21, 1841, Mr. Walker was also fired at and otherwise brutally attacked, the only complaint, it appears, being that he held about three acres of land, known by the name of Coobrah, the name of which was several times repeated by the assassins while on their mur derous occupation, Ile would now call the attention of the House to an ober class of outrage—that of magistrates in the execution of their duty. Mr. APCleod had been selected by the Government to suppress some disturbances on the borders of Leitram. He was returning home, and when in the act of desiring the driver of his car to get down and open the gate, he was fired at by an assassin, who had concealed himself for that purpose, and expired immediately. There must be in these cases some horrible confederacy, for it appeared, with re ference to the latter case, that notice of this murder was posted at the town of Enniskillin two days before the murder was committed.—( Hear.) There was also the case of Mr. Boothe, who, when returning home ,n company with some portion of his family, were fired at by some persons ; and although he was within two hundreds yards of the village, and numbers of persons were passing by the spot en their journey from divine service, riot one of them offered 'o render the least assistance, either to the wounded man, or in attempting to secure the murderer, notwithstanding the offer of a large sum of money by the wounded gentleman if they would capture the assassin. There was another case to which he would call the attention of the House. Not only were these atrocities committed, in cases of the possession of land ; they took cognizance, and interfered with the most minute cir cumstances of life—the case of masters and servants. If anything should transpire which they considered demanded their interference, immediately threatening notices were sent ; and unless these notices were attended to, summary ven geance would be taken by those secret and organised bands. As tending to illustrate the interference in the case of master and servant, he would instance the case of a person in Tipperary, who was about to be superseded in a situation by another party. His master, on the 4th of May, 1845, was fired at and died in a few days from the effects of his wounds. There was no other offence alleged against him. Another ease of a similar kind was that of a discharged steward of the Rev. Mr. Batson, who was shot through the lungs in con sequence of not obeying the order of these tyrannical maraud ers to leave his employment. He would not have referred to a case alluded to by 'the Noble Lord the Member for Lynn, had he not made special allusion to it. It was a meat atro cious case. It was an outrage committed on a woman who was pregnant, and who was shot at in open day in the county of Tyrone. She was the wife of a woodranger who made himself obnoxious to these assassins. On going along the road with her child, she was fired at. The child was seriously wounded in the brain, and the mother died a few days after wards in consequence of the injuries she received. (An Hon: Member on the Opposition benches here asked the Right Hon. Baronet if this occurred in the day time.) Yes, it was in the day time. Here was another case which occurred in Tipperary on the 17th of January, 1848. It was that of a man of the name of Murphy, who was fired at in a most barbarous manner. The Noble Lord, the Member for Lynn, also alluded to another case. These tyrants, it appeared, wished the mistress of an establishment to dismiss her servant, and in consequence of her not complying with their desires the ser vant was barbarously attacked, and his life was placed in *he most imminent peril. He now begged to refer to the effect that this organised system of outrage had upon the social condition of the people of Ireland. In November 26th, 1845, the secretary of a company called the Mining Company of Ireland gave notice in the county of Tipperary that the works would be suspended in consequence of the outrages which had been committed, and in consequence of the threatening notices which had been served upon the workmen. Now the tendency of capital was to flow into Ireland, and it was his opinion that the real remedy for the grievances of that country was the application of capital, and yet unless those crimes were put. down no capital would flow there, no increase would take place in the means of employ ment, and crime, murder, and rapine would continue to per vade the land. He would not apologise to the House for going into those details, for circumstances made it imperative on him to do so, and it was evident that the state of crime was such as to require extraordinary means to be adopted for its suppression. He would now give a few specimens of crime which had been committed on parties wishing to give evidence to bring parties to justice. In December, 1845, a man, named John Ryan, was subjected to the most barbarous usage from this cause, and shortly after died in consequence of the wounds he had received, So great, however, was the reign of terror, and such fear prevailed for the safety of his friends, that he .tared not disclose the names of those who he well know were concerned in the outrage. Now, here was a man struck down by assassins. Two persons were taken into custod charged with the crime ,but in consequence of the terrorism which existed the injured man would not give evidence against them, and preferred to die before he would disclose their names.—(Don Caleb Powell asked how Sir James Graham could know what his thoughts were. )—The dying man gave that explanation at the time. He (Sir James Graham) did not, however, believe that in these five counties the great body of the people were tainted. He believed that the conspiracy extended but to a small portion of the community; but that portion, though small, was well organised, and the rest of the eommunity were kept in a state of terrorism by them. In Galway, a person came there to give evidence in a civil bill case, and in conse quence of some expressions made use of by him, the relative of defendant maltreated him in a most shameful manner. An other case occurred in Tipperary on the =26th of June, when a man was murdered. The friends of the murdered man prosecuted the supposed murderer, and in consequence a party of 12 or 15 men grievously assaulted them, and a man of the name of Egan, who was cognizant of this circumstance, denied that he had any knowledge of the parties when the police came to investigate the case. He would trouble the House with only one more case of this description...lt was im possible to deny that fear of giving evidence existed to a very great extent. On the 12th of February last a man of the name of Gleeson, who had a large family of five sons, was attacked by a party of 12 men, one of whom fired a shot which wounded him. After a struggle, they subsequently forced the room where the sons lay, and treated one of them as they had the father. Now, although this outrage was notorious over the country, not one informed the police of the circumstance ; and if this had been done, there is but little doubt that the criminals would have been brought to justice. He would next read a report which he had received from a resident magistrate, who stated that he believed the system of terror to be so great in that district, that if even Old Gleeson had been murdered, not one of his family could be induced to come forward and prosecute the murderers. He would not de tain the House by entering further into details, but there were i one or two cases which he should mention as illustrative of the system. By a report be had received on the Bth of De cember, it appeared that a party of police constables were out on patrol, and were fired at from an adjacent wood; they re turned the fire, but one of them was badly wounded. This took place at eleven o'clock in the evening. Now he stated this ease in order to show that the most atrocious crimes were committed w ithout the least possible provocation. He would next read a notice of rather a novel description, which had been served upon a farmer in the county of Clare upon the 24th of the present month. The notice was to the effect, that unless the party on whom it was served used his interest to procure for the party threat ening a farm, which had been recently held by certain parties who had been transported, it was presumed through the infor tnation of him (the threatened), the forfeiture of his life would a b e n t a h t e u r c e o n o s f e q i u n e t e n r e f e e . re n T e e h The t e h x t domestice eh e w o udl sta t e w arrangements,as o w n h e i c o h f c w i a s ed s r e w a a l l s y s a u t ffi r o c c i i e o n u t s , t o a b n e d a w t h d i o c w h n s h a o l l w e t d h e that l e t h s the f tyranny i e n x t e e r r -.. course. It was tried at the last Clare Assizes. It appeared that the commander of a t l on the Shannon, was in the habit of purchasing milk from a woman who attended the ves sel. He complained to her on one or two occasions that the milk was bad, and he should discontinue it. He did so, and thereupon this woman told him that he would be sorry for it. In a short time after, upon the arrival of the steamer at the quay, after all the passengers had left, this man came ashore and was seized upon by four or five men, who beat hine severely, and fractured his skull. Mr. O'CONNELL—Was that by day ? Sir JAMES GRAHAM—It does not appear , by the re turn, at what period of the day it took place. Mr. O'CONNELL—But the parties were tried and con victed, were they not ? Sir J. GRAHAM said they were, at the last Clare Assizes. He then proceeded to state that he had already presented to the House petitions from the high sheriff and a majority of the grand jury of the county of Leitrim, praying for the sup- , pression of this species of outrage. He would, next wish to refer to the addresses he had received from the five counties he had been speaking of, all of which prayed for the suppression of crimes. He held in his hand an address from the magistrates of the county of Tipperary, which had been presented by the Lord Lieutenant —by Lord Doaoughmore. He had another from the county of Roscommon, and from several other counties, to the same effect ; but he would not weary the House by going into them all, but, amongst t h em , was one from Limerick, containing resolutions adopted at a meeting presided over by Lord Guillimore and presented by Sir Lucius O'Brien. .But now, having stated the unhappy condition of these five coun' ics in reference to the amount of crime committed in them. he would next proceed to state the heads of the Bill which had been sent down from the House of Lords, as a measure intended to aid the Government in the suppression of crime in Ireland. He did not mean to enter into any discussion of the merits of the clauses at present, but when the second reading should come un, he' would then be prepared to defend each clause at length. The first clause was to the effect that the Lord-Lieutenant should have the power to proclaim any district, and to send down an additional stipendiary magistrate and police force at the expense of that district, though in ordinary rases it was intended that the police force should be paid out of the public funds. It might be said that the power given to the Lord Lieutenant was arbitrary in levying the payment of the additional con stabulary force off the proclaimed district. Now, it might be remembered that, under the provisions of thegenitral Con stabulary Act, the Lord Lieutenant had the power, to increase the salaries of the constables, and had also the unlimited power to create as many stipendiary magistrates, at unlimited salaries. as he deemed actually necessary. With respect to the clauses that empowered the arrest of persons found without their houses in proclaimed districts after the legal time, he would refer them to the language of the Hon. and Learned Member for Cork (Mr. O'Connell) when a similar measure was before the Howe in 1633.—(11ear, hear.) That Honourabis e ........... CoUT