The Sun. — London, England, 1852-02-20 00:00:00

he !Yvon' , seht e n eeee l te,s the teed -rti'"'nn'ln7 ar e l 4ll,l .tuts the Ciitt , S a. t.. n (Cheers) - actions —(Chee the The editor of this no,-Tspftper— Werici—the Noble Lord s 'ye was a person who was a discredit to any newspaper with which he was con nected, and referred Co his previous c einexione, and although he acquits Lord Clarendon of any knowledge of the ,facts, he st a t es th at h e ce rt a i n ly oug ht to have "own them. N ow , fnr my owe part, the firs-. oceasien neon which I had ever heard or read of the World rraPeDer, wa s see i ng a letter which was writte n b y • Elliot who formerly held the position of secretary ! 0 the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, and who spoke ln the most complimentary terms of the nesse- Paper. The letter was date i S -p!eusber, 1842, and w as as tollows:—" Sir —Believing that the re•Jent Prosecution instituted against the World newspaper was ° w ing to th e di s pl easure with which some of the poli• al opponents of the prevent Government have viewed the course taken by that journal, I cannot but exceed ingly regret that the very independent support which You have given to the measures of the. Government, should Gave subjectedyou to this treatment. Dif fer; as -.e "a. you do from the Government upon many and 'Rct political opinions, I cannot hut think that your con as preprietor of the World, in baying considered and discussed their ants with imparislity and candour, °I very creditable to you. With these feelings I very willingly subscribe the . sum of 501. to the fund for pay ing the expenses of this prosecution." This letter was written at the very time that the Earl of St. Germans was Chief Secretary for Ireland—and the Earl of St. , e vermans is a man of the highest character—(Hear, bears I certainly never should have supposed, after seeing that letter, but that the editor of this newspaper was the editor of a respectable journal, capreseing his own impartial and independent opi nions. —(Hear, hear.) Mr. Birch had sent me copies of a number of other letters, some of them to the same effect, purporting to be from Earl De Grey, Earl Glengall, and others. I know not what authority those letters may have, and I shall not, tberefore, quote them. I received the letters to-day, and as I consider that the word of Mr. Birch is but of little value, I shall Be eline to quote them upon his own unsupported authority. Mr. Birch, it appears, in his statement to Lord Claren don, stated that it was very difficult to procure a sale for a paper which did not deal in the exciting topics of the day in favour of rebellion, and asked him for some money to enable him to get agents, and to pay for the expenses connected with increasing the circulation. That, it appears, was the first beginning of his re ceiving money, and Lord Clarendon at first let him have 1001 was , which as afterwards increased by various pay ments to 1,700/. But in the year 1849 the times had materially changed. At the end of 1849 there was no lon ger any danger to be apprehended to Ireland, and it appears that the Lord-Lieutenant did not direct any further stun to be paid to Mr. Birch. In the beginning b f 1 850, Lord Clarendon, having considered the matter over; asked some of his friends, whom he consulted, Whether it ought to be considered that the sums ad lenead to Mr. Birch were properly payable out of any putai 0 fund entru s ted to his disposal, or whether they should be paid out of his private purse.—(Loud cries of " Rear, hear.") The question was referred to the C hancellor of th e E xc hequer, and he was of opinion hat they ought to come out of the private funds of Lord Clarendon. —(Hear.) At the beginning of 1850, all pins taken out of the public fund were repaid to that e end, arid the whole charge of this expenditure was at t he sole expense of .Lord Clarendon.—(Loud cheers.) trut Mr. Birch being determined to give notoriety to these ans aCtiOLlS, or to extort money from the Government, demandede a stun of 4,000/. for his services. Lord %Aimee enon was advised that if the matter came before a "net of law as he never made any express stipulation bad Mr. Bit?ch, or entered into any contract, but as he no paid him from time to time, the jury might find a yerdict for a large sum, and that it would be safer for him to make some adjustment of the claim. In cone etieence of that advice Lord Clarendon paid Mr. Birch i" n 2°L, which with whet he had already received made dun, a sum much more than adequate for the payment hevey services he had performed .—( Cheers ) It would been thought that after these transactions his relationsdetermined with the Government would cease; but being me ternsined if he could, to extort more money, he p ro ceeded t o bring his action against Sir W. otnervill e , which was heard last Decemoer, and With the particulars of which the House is ac• rainted. Upo n t h a t trial Lord Clarendon was examined s 4 Wham; he declared that he never directed in any w ay what should be the course of the paper, that he never wrote a line in it, that he read the leading art icle duringthat afte th6 the excitement of 1848; but . I danger was over it was not his custom to read them. 1 c oOD:, t e n " to the transactions which are connect( d with ipresent motion. It suits the Noble Lord exceedingly m a d e e ta°r att all me n tion of those circumstaeces, which b g re at impression at the time, and which Mem , _ era of the In the floti. e will hardly forge - t.--(Hear , hear.) bA g iani ng of 1848 a democratic revolution took _ Place in France which destroyed the monarchy , set up a r ei l?nblic in its place, with democratic leaders, and pro- Tried, i n p the notnewhet amoieuoue t-rms, its intention to oppreseed nationalities in other countries. The a dvanta ge in I re l an d i mme di a t e ly e n deavoured to take of that circumstance. Clubs were rai-ed le areland expressly for the purpose of severing that Itutitttry from Great Britain. Clubs were es tablished for th e p ur p ose o f throwing off the *glance to the Crown, and a special mission Wis e sent to France, with the idea of securing te nch assistance fur the contemplated rebellion. This "'Ouse does not forget the withering reply given to p!estions put in this House by one who returned from at missi on . T o ena bl e th e H ouse t o remem b er st ill m ore vividly the circumstances to which I allude, I will !ad som e f ew, an d on l y a f ew, o f the extracts o f t h e Lu blin newspaper s w hi c h then circul a t e d, an d which, c on taining the m os t e xc iting matter, were read with the ie t tnost avidity, while those newspapers which supported h: w and order w e re either only circulated amongst the eolher classes of society, or else had a very limited cir e ! tint). These extracts will show what was the nature e h ne danger an d w h a t was it s e xtent. In the begin -o°g of March there appeared in an Irish newspaper ,_'emendations for s t ree t fi g hting, in imitation of had tak en pl ace i n P ar i s . Advice w a s g iven to t o e nP the pave men t s , t o p roc ure missiles, and how best ti.nestroy the soldie rs w h o were to defend the autho . ai i i s Y of the B r i t i sh Crown. After recommen di ng these te ee _ sl ica• this journal (the United Irishman) said:—" eiti7llliSSileS from windows and house-tops revolutionary cold :L : always add boiling water or grease, or better 'Ulmer' , if available; molten lead is good, but too We e •'' In the Nation newspaper the week after de,%)the 11th of March, it was said:—" We demand °elan) to onee . 11 fit to treat with England for our freedom— ohtteurepresenting the people, and whom the people wen W e On the same day the United Irishman, said: de eeee e i nitist utter and maintain the godsent tier h—the th e d t wit is in the hearts of us all—Hate England to ten ee e e a l th ." This was the language commonly used and the lit s Preild by these newspapers in Ireland. On new el* March a similar passage appeared in the same Earl . 11 1!, the U n it e d Irishman It was a letter to the tre ason ' v tarendon:—.' Aud, as for the same warlike and steaedau'e arti c l e s in this newspaper, they will be untilh y co ntinued and improved upon , week a f ter week, as teethes have produced their effect — the effect not of her at :' riot to disturb a peaceful meeting , but of a deli leap- :Ind universal armament, to sweep this island er British butchers, and plant the green flag on abl of se i n Castle. " The letter was addressed to " The Earl cieneeelarendon, her Majesty's Executiener-General, and 4 . ral Butcher of all Ireland." In another passage— 'eat e Don strong English reaping-hook is a capital wea be ' s andin case of s treet fighting let no powder t o o explosive, or no i nstrum ent be too hot for • e _ L a t i , r hand s to lift teed hurl down upon the enemy." This t Z e sthe ki n d of language Lord Clarendon hart to meet , These were th e c i rcumstaucee in which he thoug h t it advisable to spread an antidote against such poison. These were the eircutustances in which he aided and en cow u d r e a f g e e h d d a hi p s ub m li e c ri writer, not t o defend his conduct, not to defend the Cause i nf his administration, but thrs, or tet: Parliament, the cause of the e.te-d Kingdom, the cauee of nce of this empire.— (Loud cheers.) There was au x o t t ll e e % similar tone, in which it was age, written in ed i ci e r Wet to destroy the accursed B r i t i sh e _tnet their object were secured, centives had very great effect. Aet rre- These in- Pikes were as affiliated clubsf % number of manufactured, and there 111-4 in the different towns. as 4,41 were Ittl:lttlred throughollt the country districts, aeogee; Qe r nr Pose o f making an insurrection, driving °Li; the ueen'„ troops an d plundering' every man of primert 1 R the the ctreumstane. e h; coues e r y These were uncle); L °rd dlsreadon was called to govern Ireland. Gn the 22i of July. on a Saturday morning, I proposed In this Rouse to suspend the Islebeas Corpus Act, and 6 „ t ; * e'en o'clock on the same evening a Bill, with only night dissentients out of an assembly of three hundred, le.eaPending the Habeas Corpus Act, passed through all e rages.—(Hear, h oar .) What must have been th in e e ng'er end the i mminent peril which would a have Bill ieliticed th e H ouse o f C omm ons to Pa'f"' which , e nding the liberties of the Irish people —an 'need them to act, such and such unwe ll:lite? Well, ct with epee( . Sir, measures , with other measures of L ee , these en Clarendon, completely defeated the intended orin surrection, It was intended to defer for some six weeks, W ab out the tim e o f the harvest, the outbreak. When leed ers found their persons were to be se i ze d , th e y d o forced into premature insurrection. Lord Claren diena! alive and vigilant to the danger. He instantly Wer ee — "'und General Macdonald into those parts which lethniethreatened; and the insurrection, according to the W ten of the Noble Lord, whichwas formidable a lopeefOre, failed utterly, and became utterly ridicu beenn,Pheers and counter cheers.) But why did it th e e — n ridiculous?—(Loud cheers.) Why was it that civil : e ntry was not subject to those sad disorders of ae que - er which took place in 1798, and the cruel eon s tae thss which follow e d it?—(Hear, hear.) It was be lt was the Gov ernment o f In-land was alive and vigilant. th 5 b ecause the Lord-Lieutenant acted properly that " -an 43att e mpt e at insurrection were defeated, and the s e ger av erted.—(Cheers.) I have alluded to the con_ • nstic,. tee,, aof the outbre a k in 1798. Every one has heard - elid with pain the scenes which were enected., and weit t niahment whi c h f o ll owe d . Si r , th e punishment of followed the . tot tof 1848 was totally diff e 'amp th • rent nature T actors were put upon ere trials for high treason—they were convicted of ee een !cason —no blood flowed uoon the scuff ,Icl the authority was not called in to complete what the civil senty h ad example of die etteney we Commenced, A gr at t d 9 shown, which had its effect, tied the rankling woe e - , which insurrection defeated, did tttue ot fester i I usually attends .n reland.—(llear, hear.) After a very short cet7e_n o lnegan to admit that the Government had acted it we -Y e .11:eniently.—(Cheers.) How•ver, next year 'Core s ! g a l a t h h t prudent to suspend the klab• as h e Pn ue , and it was suspended from the beginning of _ eat session till A m st, 1849 . 1 wish these facts to and _remarked, because there • 4 : 14 counsel for Mr, is a d, sire to ignore them, ' l4 all d Bir c h have endeavoured to show anger was over In 1848. Why, if that bad rnE SUN, 7 , 1'64 Tint hive readily a of tne llilt nit, ~f Ireland.—(fle4r , hear.) Well, then, Sir, I think it is k ren,rally a Inuit adinitted—that Lord Ctarecdon, in a time of great danger, great difficulty, and great pril, has shown ability, 'vigilance, prudence, and judgm.nt. and all the characteristics which ought to di.tinguich a Viceroy in a moment of diiiiiulty and cLiii.z,er.—(Chetrs.) FLA S,wereign readily admitted that merit, and thought him entitle , i to those distinctions given by the Crown, of which it was said— " Trio.3e emblems Cecil did invest, And gleamed on wise Godolphin's breast." Well then, Sir, it is attempted—after these services have been performed, after th se dangers are past—it is at tempted to affix a stigma on th a t character, and mark withindelible disgrace the man who perforated these services,—(Cuettre ) Why, we would think it var y strange if a ship was in great peril, and the captain by the exertion of toil, and judgment, and discretion, bad b.-Ailed the efflrts of the winds and waves, and saved the ve,sel from the storm, if some one who ha d not assisted in that endeavour crept out from the hold—(Tremen dous cheering)—and said, " I must inquire into the means by which the safety of the veer! has been se cured. I must see how you have contrived to weather the gale. and if I find that any one of your sailors who was employed, either in cutting away the mainmast or haling out the water, is an unworthy person, I will con, demo you, and pass unnoticed the great act by which you have saved the vessel."—(Cheers.) But lam still further astonished at the quarter from whence this mo tion proceeds. I could have imagined that some dema gogue who had hoped in the overthrow of existing institutions in 1848 to have obtained place or plunder, who had desired to invest himself in the insignia of a secretary of state of a republic—l could have imagined him coming back to vent his spite and indignation against the man who had beffied and overthrown treason and rebellion.—(Cheers.) But what I do not and what I cannot.underatand is, that a member of a Conservative Opposition ' after having shared in all the benefits of Lord Clarendon's wisdom and policy—and it was to that wisdom and that policy, and the energy which characterized both, we owe the safety of the people and the peace of the cnuntry —I say I cannot understand a member of a Conservative Opposition coming down here to arraign the man who has COnfeirred these benefits, and asking the House to agree with him in condemning the man to whom they ought to be grateful,—(Cheers.) I am sure that such will not be the feeling of this Holism. This House has done nothing—it has no opportunity of doing anything by which they can show their estimate of the services per formed. But they will not give their first expression of opinion on Lord Clarendon's administration by the se vere and unsparing condemnation contained in the terms of the notice. Never was the Executive stronger than in the bands of Lord Clarendon.—(Cheers.) Never was public authority more respected, even by his ene mies. —(Cheers.) Never was there a Viceroy carrying on the duties of that office with more fairness to all par ties, with more courtesy to all who came to consult him, with a more earnest wish to remedy some of the many grievances under which Ireland labours.—(Cheers.) But I have now stared what was the nature of the transactions with regard to this newspaper, the World. I do not propose to follow the Noble Lord into those statements of the merits of the various transactions to which he has alluded. I believe it was with the motive that he stated that Lord Clarendon accepted the services of Mr. Bitch when they were offered. I believe that he accepted them with the view that they might be of service is maintaining order when it was so grievously assailed—that he might be able to administer some antidote to the poison spread iug throughout the lend, a poison which might have the worst effects. Whether Lord Clarendon was right at any time, even when placed in circumstances of great danger, or when the danger was not so lowering, to spend public money on purposes connected with the press, I do not mean to combat with the Noble Lord. — (Hear, hear.) It you enter into that question, you ought to consult persons connected with the Govern ment in Ireland.—(Hear, hear.) We know very well that in this country it is not the practice to do what Mr. Corry Conneilan calls subsidizing the press.—(Hear, hear.) No Government could receive any advantage from such a proceeding. But if you want to know what is the practice in Ireland—if you want to know f.the po licy of that conduct—ask all the chie sretaries who have been there, and hear their opiniciec ns. Take the Earl of Derby—(Loud cheers) —and if the Earl of Derby were to declare that in no circumstances what ever were you to give public money for purposes connected with the press, that he had always care fully abstained from it, I would have the greatest respect and attac h ver y grea t weight to that opinion.— (Cheers.) I should lik e wise wish to hear the opinions of other chief secretaties, who could tell what has been the practice, and what were the grounds upon which it wet tukettled- For my own part, I have never been either locally or immediately connected with the Go vernment ot Ireland, so I cannot e xpress an opinion upon the point. I do not think it necessary to say more than that in my belief Lord Clarendon acted with no wish to benefit himself or to support his own adminis tration; he seems to have acted solely with a regard to the public good; and he also seems to have acted not niffsrently from those formerly in the government of Ireland.—(Cheers.) With regard to the further ques tion, immediate to this, whether Lord Clarendon should have given aid to an editor of a paper of so disreput able a character as the World, I have only to say that the Noble Lord in his speech givea full credit to Lord Clarendon's assertion that he was not aware that such was the character of the paper. And what do I find? Whe, that Mr. Birch being imprisoned for libel, many of the most respectable citizens of Dublin, amongst others Mr. Roe, had gone with a memorial to the Go vernment, asking for his release. This was not the conduct of persons who believed that this man was of a disreputable character. With respect to the further question—whether the Government acted wrong in giving sums of money, and whether Lord Clarendon should have paid that 2,0001 upon demand, without going before a jury—l am of opinion Lord Clarendon erred in not contesting the payment, and in not refusing the compromise. I only heard of these transactions lately, and I have framed my judgment upon them; but I do not think that an error of that kind, an error of no very grave importance, not so much to be weighed even against the weight of a feather, can prevail against the eminent, the undoubted, and valuable services which Lord Clarendon has rendered to his country.—(Cheers.) Well, then, here is a great question before the House. You have the character of a public man entrusted to your hands. I am persuaded that you will be of opinion that it is neither consistent with the dignify of Parlia ment nor with the welfare of the country, that ed you should pronounce the condemnation that is pray f. And for my part, as a colleague of Lord Clarendon —as terse who has e steemed him, and for many years has loved him—l am ready to place his character and his c o n duct in the hands of the Commons of England, and 1 am assured that he will obtain justice in their decision. —(Tee Noble Lord resumed his seat amidst loud and continued cheering.) Mr. DISRAELI—I wish if it is the intention of no other Honourable Member to address the House, to apply myself shortly to the unravelment of the ingenious so phistry of the Noble Lerd who has just addressed you. The argument of the Noble Lord, as I understand him, is this:—" Put down rebellion, and if you are successful, never mind the means, you may appeal confidently to the country for a verdict of acquittal." But is that the logic supported by Members of the d,fferent parties in this House?—(Cheers.) Is that reasoning to apply to other rebellious as well as those in Ireland, which have been equally unsuccessful, but in respect to which the Government had recourse to means in which those Hon. Members did not concur? This is not political mora lity; I might say that it was political immorality,•otly that in this House there is no need to have recourse to streng terms; it is a course which I am sure this House will never sanction.—(Cheers.) But the most remark able part of the speech of the Noble Lord is the position in which he places the journalist whose conduct is in qneseton on this occasion. According to the statement of i.he Noble Lord there was a great crisis in Ireland at the period referred to, and such a crisis that the very existeece of ihe empire was at stake.—(Hear, hear, and lauenten) The Noble Lord added that so strong was the inenug ot the House of Commons, and so keen their sense of d anger, that they agreed almost una nineouely to the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act in a single die,. It was in consequence of the patrietic energy of the House of Commons, and other means, argued the Noble Lord, that Lord Clarendon because be "rued Ireland. What were those other means? Mr. Birch. —(Laughter and cheers.) The Governor of Ire "(I brou g h t before the consideration of this House, lessen what says the placed himself in connexion with the editor of a local his i kti t rnal, under circumstances calculated to and authority its that country. But rebellion wa s put Nobled of that ceuntre, pp Lord? The Noble Lord says that in Ireland by the administrates 1 1p:te s t e d by the unanimous voice of the Parliamen't of d the Noble la .Z g would have What has th T at h t e o re do wa w s ith a the question?--(Hear, nadn.d Ireland t S v a e u d of their lives! " Lord, that every honest plundered, and, it protect and to prevent this great pme ar ya o abc be, a n d c e e p , r se honest people, that country World. —(Laughter to his coun cils cheers.) catastrophe, as well as to the Lord-Lieutenant of 61% the editor of the . orld. That Noble Lord, it appears, was the ace . occasion, for to prevent plunder and to sat life oat n oli D t h i d e c o o t nduct 3 700/ out of his own pocket.—(Cheers, laughtere,' paid 3,i of " Oh.") I only want to place the question fairly d the ,tllatetugthimtaenrdactlrates " Oh." 1 The ibsesfu'oe at stake is r e of the Governor of Ireland —(Cheers.) There are certain facts and circumstences the accuracy of which has not been denied, nor the truth of the Noble Mover who stated them challenged. Whether these facts and circum stances—these "transactions," to use the words of the • rnotion—" be of a nature to weaken the authority of the executive, and to rcii - ct discredit on the ad ' ministration o f p u blic affairs" in that country, is the question the House has to d.cide. Well, are they cal culan-d to strengthen the authority of the executive, or to /eft et credit on the administration of public affairs in Ireletel?—(Cheere.) Ha ve we or have we not , in these transactions, a dark inkling of a system of government in that country prejudicial to public morality, and dis creditable as well es disadventageoue to the administra tion of public affairs?—(Ch, re) The Noble Lord, with singular inconsistency, says that this was the result of an anomalous state of affairs,produced by rebellion, sad yet in the same breath he a' eal the practice a to . of other Chief Secretaries of Ireland pp f (Cheers)—Seca Caries under a normalor its justification— rt,e Noble Lord said that Lord Elint state of things. 1841, approved of :he caeduct of this journalist; and in n Lord Derby, the Noble Lord adds, woule answer whether or not of Ireland was subsidized—as a practice. Ifthe case question was a peculiar one—if the Irish Government o ay.is placed at the time in a peculiar position—then I agree with th. 4 Noble Lord that there would be grounds for deducing an inference not unfavourable to Lord Charenden's conduct on the Occasion under discussion. But the Noble Lord the First Minister of the Crown cuts away that ground himself, by stating that such transactions are ordinary transactions in Ireland.—(Loud cheers.) The Noble Lord cannot have the advantage of both positions.—(Cheers.) He must choose either; and it is because I believe them:to be ordinary transactions in that country—a conviction which the Noble Lord has not disproved—that I ask the calm and dispassionate vote of thin House on such con duct—that I ask their opinion as to whether these trans actions shall have their approbation, and whether or not they will perpetuate a system of a nature to weaken the authority of the Executite, and to reflect discredit on the administration of public affairs in Ireland.—(Cheers.) I have now brought back this discussion to the real point—the point from which it started, after the discur sive argument of the Noble Lord. Lord Eliot may have expressed his satisfaction with Air. Birch in 1842, but • that is an additional reason for the House expressing its own opinion in 1852.—(Hear.) Lord Derby may have had transactions with the Irish press when he was Chief Secretary of Ireland; but that is only another reason for this House expressing an opinion now. Every statement of the Noble Lord, in fact, destroys his own argument, and renders it more and more impossible for him to ride off his case by means of an appeal in justification to the existence of an extraordinary crisis at the period in question.—(Cheera.) If this, were, indeed, a motion brought forward for the purpose of casting a stigma upon individual character, as the Noble Lord assumes it to be, I very much doubt if my Noble Friend the mover, who has introduced so important a matter in so temperate a manner, and who is himself proud of being an Irishman.—(Hear, hear.) I very much doubt, I say, if he would have made any motion of that na• ure—(flear, hear)—and certain lam that I should not have been the individual to support it.—(Cheers.) If this was a transaction arising out of extraordinary circumstances, produced by the heat of political proceed ings, and not of a normal character, then I freely admit that every generous man would feel, disposed to oast a veil over it, and to say it has never occurred before, and probably may never occur again, and therefore it is not my duty to notice it.—(Cheers.) That very cheer is the best argument in favour of the motion.—(Cheers and laughter.) We have it on the confession of the First Minister of the Crown, however, that this transaction is part of a system. That every secretary of the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland pursued that system, and this ren ders it the more important on my part to ask the House if they believe that system to be, a pernicious one. It is not an affair of feeling or taste on the part of the House of Commons, it is an affair of public duty that we should examine these remarkable circumstances which the Noble Lord has referred to, and express an opinion upon them. Now, Sir, I have nothing to say as to the On , . duet of Lord Eliot—that Noble Lord has friends in this House ready, if necessary, to vindicate his conduct. But the Noble Lord (Lord J. Russell) has referred to all other secretaries, and in a marked allusive manner _ . he referred to Lord Derby, when he, as Mr. Stanley, was Secretary for Ireland. Now I remember to have read a book recently which throws considerable light on the mode of conducting Irish affairs at that time. I believe it was the fact that during the Administration of Lord Anglesea, now a member of the present Government, when party spirit ranged high in Ireland, when the press in that country—and no country is more influenced by the press—was divided between two great sections, the Orange and the Catholic party, or what we did call the Catholic party—l believe it was the fact that the Go vernment of Lord Anglesea, wishing that the temperate tones of a wiser policy should be heard by his Irish countrymen, did attempt, and not unsuccessfully, to es tablish a newspaper. Is there any one who will quarrel with the conduct of Lord Anglesea in this matter?— (Hear, hear.) Is there any one in a free country like this, which owes so much of its liberty to a free press— is there any Honourable Gentleman present who will say that such conduct was disgraceful? who will not, on the other hand, maintain that it was bold, wise, and proper conduct for a Government to attempt to establish an organ in order to express its opinions faithfully in a country where the public press was ranged between two hostile parties?—(Hear, hear.) I say I know nothing could be more legitimate, proper, and praiseworthy than for a Government to attempt to infuse a temperate tone into politics; and I say it was a wise policy for Govern ment, amid the exacerbations of party, to attempt to re gulate the public mind, and to soften it down to a safer tone, and to succeed in establishing for itself an addi tional amount of influence in support of the Adminis tration. I believe this was the case in the Adminis tration of the Marquis of Anglesea, and I believe it pro duced beneficial fruits. A newspaper was established by a respectable man, it was written by a not undistin guished man, a member of the Irish bar, and it had a salutary influence on public opinion. If, Sir, I chose to view the question merely in a party point of view—if I availed myself of the allusive remark of the First Minister of the Crown—if I chose to denounce that at tempt of Lord Anglesea, instead of meeting it with my sincere admiration—l might refer to the memoirs of Lord Cloncurry, in which strange revelations of certain noblemen are given, and there find a passage which would not at all have assisted, not what I will call the argument, but the brilliant explanation of the First Minister of the Crown. The Administration of Lord Anglesea was placed under circumstances of great diffi culty—it was in great straits—it was anxious to pursue a truly national policy, and therefore a newspaper was established, written by honest able men, who en joyed the respect of that society of which they were the ornaments.—(Hear, bear.) But who were the prime advisers of the Lord Lieutenant of that time? I am afraid, though it may mortify the Gen tleman to say so, that he did not exercise so much in fluence over the mind of the Lord Lieutenant as his talent entitled him to expect. There was a camarilla, Lord Cloncurry says, in the Castle at Dublin at that time. Three or four individuals entirely managed the Lord Lieutenant, but the Chief Secretary was not one of them. I recollect reading that, amongst these three or four individuals, the most eminent, the most influen tial of all, was George Villiers, now more distinguished as the Earl of Clarendon.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) When, therefore, that distinguished individual went in his new name and his new capacity to Dublin, he was not entirely ignorant of the state of that country; and when adorned with that surpassing decoration which the Noble Lord had referred to, he was not entirely unac quainted with the Irish press.--(Hear, and laughter.) The Knight of the Garter condescended even to know a newspaper editor. Distinguished as this individual was in position and in ability—decorated as he was with his worthily won honours. I cannot believe that the Viceroy was ignorant of the men who pro dueed leading articles. I must, however, ex press my extreme astonishment at the mode adopted by that eminent person who, to use the language of the Noble Lord, and that I should make no mistake I made a minute of the words —" At a moment of peril and concern to the Crown and the British empire, the Viceroy of Ireland should have sought an antidote." The Noble Lord read one after another these leading articles, which led to so many public trials, and so much painful public punishment — articles which excited many persons to misconduct, and which produced acknowledged perils to the state. The Noble Lord wishing to find an antidote, and to encou rage some writer who would counteract those seditious efforts which imperilled the Crown and the empire—the Noble Lord with all his previous experience and ac quaintance with the press, when Mr. Villiers, as may be learned from Lord Cloncurry, falls into the trap of—Birch.—(Laughter and cheers.) lam the last man to depreciate the influence of the press. I respect and admire the press, for to the press I think we are indebted for some of the greatest blessings we enjoy, and I believe it affords the best security for liberty. But, at the same time, I do not take an exaggerated view of the power of the press. It is not clear to me that in either revolution or rebellion the very best leading article would save the country.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) Nay, I doubt whether the Noble Lord, in a moment of diffi culty and danger, would think that even a leading article in the Times, written with more than usual ability, would serve all the purposes he wished to ac comptish, and avert all the expected danger. But, certainly, it the Noble Lord went to the press for help, he would go to the Times, not to the Satirist.—(Hear, hear.) Here - we have fairly put before us these facts temperately expressed--'that the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, doing as the First Lord of the Treasury tells us was usually done, placed himself in communication with a newspaper—l do not say whether great or small, or whether its reputation was high or base—in order to gain the influence of that newspaper to support his Administration, paying that newspaper out of the public purse.---(Hear, bear.) And then we are told that this is not a subject for the House of Commons to inquire into, and the First Minister of the Crown rides and appeals to th e Lord Lieutenant's great deeds, and says we ought not to inquire into the circumstances involving a question of public morality, because the Noble Lord succeeded in putting down a rebellion. This is the old story of Scipio revived. Had the Noble Lord contented himself with this position the matter would have beers intelligible, coupled with the significant intimation that it was part of a system had always prevailed. Is it the op inion of this House that such a system should always pr evail?—(Hear.) Is which it the opinion of the House of Commons that it is bene ficial to the country that the Government of Ireland should subsidise the press from the public funds? That is the question we have to decide—that is the question in, which the country is interested. What the country is now watching for is, whether the vote of the House of Commons shall pat an end to a system which, in the language of the resolution, is of a nature to weaken the authority of the ex e c u ti ve an d t o re fl ec t discredit on the administratio n of public affairs —(Loud cheers.) Mr. HOW-MU SE. who ro s e . amidst partial cries for a division, said he had heard nothing in the arguments adduced on the opposite side of the House, or in the statements made, that had at all tended to show him that this motion w n as oo t t h i e n t t s u eh e r i e ra en t t o (, wa c eh a do s t to oaa embarrass o t not trra displayedeedbaorr me that t e r it of was the not Lo r o d f -L a i n e o a -- Ireland.—(Hear.) The Hon. Member ss t h e_m s leer for Buckingham etween,:ahse Cohuiresfereen during of public affairs in badendeavouredhiusual ability in the e to show that speech e r e w h a e s h a a dd distinction made) et oo o th theperiod when Lord Stanley Ireland and that taken by the present Lord-Lieutenant; for but he (Mr. Hobhouse) did not perceive any distinctionutenaut; between the two proceedings. In the former iLestaoc Government retained particular writers to advocatee the' cause, and this was all which had been done by the pries sent Viceroy. If thero were any difference between the two cases he thought the difference was in favour of Lord Clarendon, for at the time the latter had engaged the services of the newspaper, law and good order were very much at stake. He wigs informed that the Dublin Times, the paper alluded to as having be e n engaged while Lord Stat4ey was the Chief Se- LONDON,- - FRIDAY EVENING, came thear e n t il e s r , . t: a , t e forward( i receivedi eina r t, h c communications me hear) —and support a c r b a t d t o i o f n no s ortd: from era.s— i(na G teb o a v er e , r p n h,r m eesa e er a n.y : t and was supported by the secret service money of case, the pocket of a nobleman who disintere stedl y It seemed, therefore, that the o pposite had changed a little s ince e mii of gentlemen the e s dayse n f tlezon c e rd Eliot. At that time, because the World happened to be supporting their own opinions, it was a very respect able newspaper; but now the inghamshire trampled upon were to believe him, H on. Member for Back the Worldtt fallen man, and, if we the was the Satirist of the press. With regard to Government in high official appoin tm ents, Dublin Times, he was in formed that two of its writer s w ere placed by the then this was true or not? If it tvanrointeterueef,etlnhetetsiirt espoused and promoted the d even the judicial station upon one of them.— (Flear. w as , he believed, conferred hear,) He asked whether party; rr denied;' havingye n ; i a n d ed I but if it were true, do not let Clarendon for doing what they H on. Gentlemen come for ward with trivial ' and trum p ery brought against Lord Claren a don example or. But then it p r ess , chargeswbua but for f oarot h against fsovri ng havingL con nected d w ee , themselves had set the connected himself with the u said that the charge himself with an Hothouse) and profligate Rot, as the Hon. Member for w hether journal. Now he (Mr. which ib t l h ic is wr did, was beside the present say a word against the press ; Buckinghamshire said he ouse) was not going to question, and his opinion on the subject would probably have he admired it or of the in e ystem of anonymous little weight; but h w e ri c ti o ri n g liv o e f d th w a h t a s t ys h te a m d happened ssetcloutehnecier contribut ions, and by which truths which s to ta a n fa ce x w th a e s i t r h n e a c m o: p articular iwriters s refu refused e n d . i u u np f r a i r n t c h i e p r l a ed lie s e nd ef v d ic e i e o t u ri s e m es en wch c b a ica m hr cam e sometimes to write he had rather he s a e r e . 3 li u supported duu ht there r em wereen of certainb ette r stated would be re t s w t morals. The fact ad mitted squally as well when i e t r s w o n a s s character as by men of the tie equally indisputable from whos e e f ver e p b e y n p that three angles were equal to right angles was and so with general doctrinesef stated, bl td morality.. But there were certain doubtful truths a n d especially in the regions of politie s, doctrines, which by a bad man no doubt Bthe advocacy of brought dis credit on the cause with which he was connected. He did not see, however, why, in this ease, was and in defence of such a cause, Lord Clarendon wrong in availing himself of the ser vices of Mr. Birch, had been denouncing this u nfortuna te writcon. Gentlemen and holding him up to t he contem pt of this House, s House, bat he should take the liberty, in addition to the letter of Lord Eliot, of quoting the opinion of t h e Standard as to the character of this paper in former year& The Standard did justice and homage to an opponent, and its opinion was all the mor e worth y of their attention because it confessed in bestowing an eulogy on the World, that it did so on an opponent. (The Hon . .Gen tleman here read an extract from the Standard, in which it was stated that the World newspaper con ducted with great Ability and independence of spirit, and that it had been eminently useful to the peace cf the country; and this w as followed by a passage vindicating the conduct of Lord Eliot). The g rea t Protestant party it thus appeared, then, thoug ht well o fthe World, and if so, why should Lord Clarendon not have availed self of the services of that v er y paper?—(gear, hi hear.) The Hon. Member for Buckinghamshire stated that this was a question of duty; and he see med to insinuate, House though he did not openly as sert, that t he use had no alternative bat to say " Aye or "No '' tothe before them. He (Mr. Islobhouse) begged motion y to deny that principle, so far as he u n d er stood the course of procedure in const i tu tional assemblies. They course to take into account the whole cond uct , the whole were whole i character and policy, of a p erson stand Lord Clarendon's position. The y were t o standing in sur vey the e n tire case from first to last, and were not bound to give a distinct affirmative or negative to the ques tion.—(Hear, hear.) They were n ot there as a • Jury, t o say .. Ay" or e No" to a particular issue; they mig ht object to the issue, and he, for on e, did o bject to the one brought b e fore them on that occasion. — (Hear, hear.) Lord Clarendon had held the sc ales betwe en parties in Ireland with mo d er ation and justice, and had discharged his duty with ability, skill, and judgment.__(Hear.) The Noble Lord had come in contact with the old tilt Protestant l e aven of bigotry; and he showed, in ultra- Protestant leaven of the Orangemen, that he was no t disposed to see the Irish Government treated with disrepect or in a manner unworthy of its dignity. He woul d not say wh ether that w as the cause of the present motion or not, but he believed that if the Noble Lord (Clarendon) had played a little more into the hands of t h at party, the House would have heard less pf the present vote of cen aure.—(Hear, h ear .) He thought Lord Clarendon had deserved well of his country, and was entitled to the ap probation of that House and the country; and had the Noble Lord a t th e h ee d of the Government met the mo tion with a direct negative, be would have been disp posed to bring forward an amendment , c alling for in quiry into th e w h o l e c haracter, principles, and conduct of the Noble Lord's government in Ireland. Under the most trying provocations . he had succeeded in repressinS rebellion, and throughout he had done all that lay in his t power to pro mo t e th e we lfare of Ireland.—(Hear, hear.) might be all very well for the Noble Lord who intro. du ced the motion to cast ridicule now on the danger thatwes then tre a t e d as so very serious, but the House was not likely to forget what the circumstances really were.—(Hear, hear.) At that time the ultra-Protes tants and the Conservatives came forward with addresse of congratulation t o L or d Cl a rendon, and he thought is wasalittle inconsistent on their part now to come for ward with the language of censure.—(Hear, hear.) For these reasons he sh ou ld d eem it hi s duty to vote against the motion of the Noble Lord. Mr. S. CRAWFORD cons idered the question before the House to be, whether t he Government was justified in subsidizing or bribing thepress. ele had great re spect for Lord Clarendon, and on many points he agreed with him. He had been most useful in advancing the linen trade in Ireland, tend, on a late occasion, he (Mr. a Crawford) had been pa rty to presenting him wit h a testimonial for his exe rtions in that matter.—(Hear, hear.) As one sent there to protect the rights of the people, he regarded a fr ee press as the great palladium and security of- liberty; and he believes that i f the y permitted Governme nt t would destroy the o ta mper with the pres s, the y confidence of the pu blic in that great engine. —(gear hear.) Tampering with the press was defended on the ground that it had b een the cu stom of all Governmen ts in Ireland to do s o. That was the very reason why qu estion. He believed t his hi he now took his sta nd on this 8 had been the custom of all Governments, and lee feared th a t on a very important b e ar.) He deprecated all such present subsidized.—(Hear, such i practices, and hop ed they wo uld receive the most Suppose the Noble Lord was censure of that House. was to be charged with subsi dizing the press of - this England for a moment country, would the p eople of not. Then, wh y sho t . bear suck a thing? Certainly (Hear, hear.) He me tt e h a it be tolerated in Ireland? — regretted the course he felt bound to take on the p r would prevent hireasent occasion; but no considera tionmotion.—(Cries of " Dividfrere giving his vote for the Mr. G. H. MOORE ob serv ed,e• ') honour of a seat in that, that since he had the anxiety as to its decision 'Reuse, ho never had more than at that moment. That question was, whether - would be consielereci a nyobje ct i onable amount of misconduct which committed in Ireland wliteitlionable in England should be ought not to be allowed impunity.—(Hear, hear.) It to be said that while in every ot h er assembly in the country such an act wou ld be re overlooked. The people 1 e it would be palliated and , 1 ) ; England and of Ireland did not, perhaps, agree in all that they were as one in th is, but he did not doubt a public violation of dece nc y ls, that they would not allow if such was practised in hi g h places, and decorum, especially If that House allowed a n egb" places, to go unpunished. bad been that night tef that description, such as would not be raising detai l ed,thetnee to pass u ncensored, they Ives in the estimation of the country. What were the f o f the case? Why, simply acts-theplain, pa l pable facts corrupt and this, that Lord Clarendon did not scruple to paper as an organ of the and pay a man to use his paper was of the most disrepu table lrish Government—which not even put it in comparison character. He would a similar case had occurs:du with the Satirist; and if have been thought of th e Nnb t h England, what would Government to support esaa• le Lord at the head of the and order, and to blacke n t he was pleased to call law Even on the trial respecting this ease, which took place and defame his opponents. in Dublin last autumn, Air ' B rew who was in re ality Lord Clarendon's counselster, stated that the proprietor of t on _that occasion, bad done as much as man e the World, Mr. Birch, public mind. The Noble Lord ever did to poison the vernment had read quotations from t the head of the Go vernment and he had got quotations innumerableseveral Irish papers, show that it was of a, bad and mabo from this one, to it had in fact been expelled from ioeus character, while Dublin ; and what, then, were they to Y erY club-room in of Clarendon taking such a paper into think of the Earl maintain the cause of law and ordete his service to that Lord Clarendon had great difli It had been said with—that that there was a deep aalities to contend spiracy throughout Ireland for havingwide-spread con . vered from this country—that the Idea Ireland :disse the most part leagued with the instigatorspress was for spiracy, and that therefore ho was ob li ge d ,of that con course to Mr. Birch, and his paper, to s upport to have re of law and order. But was such the faeut?Part the cause sane man in Ireland, who believed that Was there a ther e thing like an insurrectionary spirit aa way any road? the time the Irish people were utterly why, at were more incompetent to aid or take ...rstrate ; they insurrectionary movements than they p art any such before—the Roman Catholic clergy of Irelandeen for ages known to have been as much opposed to were well Ireland party of that day as they were to thethe Young Red Re publicans of Italy of the present day; and what then wa s this terrible power , a nd this dee p laid and w spread conspiracy which Lord Clarendon h a d with? Why, a small knot of individuals,towho contend did not possess a trifle of influence over the Irish p e e . ople, and whose doctrines were so opposed f that on certain town in Ireland, to propegate them g they mg into a mobbed and beaten by that very democracy. were whose cause they were said to be the champio ns.—( Hear, of hear.) But to look a little farther into this consp iracy, and the conduct of Lord Clarendon respectin g . it. It was about October, 1848, that Mitchell set up in Dublin. Inthat journal he informed the Lcardozenal tenant, that on an early day it was his intention to it take possession of Dublin Castle , and drive him from his government. Now there was no doubt about the poi • nt there, for it was downright treason, and admitted by t h e writer to be so, for h e went on to tell the Lord-Li tenantOU that " either I will put you down, or y 0 u will put me." But after all that strong langua g e and after the feelings it was well calculated to excite had been well roused, two policemen, with a magistrate's warran t were f oun d quite su ffi cient to put down the United Irish man.—(Hear, hear.) These articles , however, were al lowed for a long time to circulate throughout Irela nd, and Government taking no ste p s to repress them, men FEBRUARY 20, 1852. began to think that John Mitchell's sayings and doings were right and proper. For months a state of the greatest uncertainty prevailed as to the intention of the Lord-Lieutenant, and Dublin was kept in a stare of fear and anxiety, while all the while ho did not hesitate to say that Lord Clarendon was as much the dupe of the lunacy . of Mitchell, as he was of the villany of Birch. What ever Lord Clarendon might have beea doing all this time to resist rebellion, he did nothing to put it down; he allowed matters to go on, and rendered them still worse by the disgusting articles which appeared in the papers he had taken into his pay. He believed that if it had been possible to have caused blood to have been shad in Ireland at that time, no better course could have been adopted for doing so, but the people had more sense than to be stung to madness either by the inculcations . of Jacobmen or the intrigues of state. Supposing there were difficulties to contend with, was it a proper means of getting over them to employ such an organ as Lord Clarendon did in defence, as he called it, of law and order?—(Hear, hear.) it was said, moreover, that his Excellency was not aware of the character of Birch, but that was an argument which could not be held good evEn by the most Credulous. for though he might know no thing of him personally himself, he was surrounded by men who knew him well; and was it possible that during all the period he was connected with him, no one should ever have said a word to him respecting his character? But this was not the first plea of ignorance that had been put forward as an excuse for the actions of Lord Claren don. They all remembered the story of Capt. Kennedy and the Orangemen, who asked the Lord-Lieutenant for arms in order that they might put down the rebellious.— (Hear.) On the application of Captain Kennedy, arms were given to these Orangemen, - and next ses sion, when a sum of 5901. was voted to Capt. Kennedy for the cost of them, Lord Clarendon said that he knew nothing-at all about it—that the 5901. was given to Captain Kennedy for a book that he had published; but as to the arms for the Orangemen, he knew nothing at all about them. Now, although he might make up his mind to believe one impossibility in one Englishman, he must say that it was putting to him more than the utmost stretch of his credulity could permit to make him believe two. It had been said that these motions (such as that now before the House) were intended to get rid, _ . by a side wind, of the Reform Bill of 1852; but say, rather, that the Reform Bill of 1852 was intended to get rid of such motions as these; for the new Reform Bill, he considered, was nothing but a miserable shift to enact that farce which had been enacted session after session, in order to keep the present Government in power. After taking advantage of every national preju dice, Louis Napoleon having disappointed him in his in tended invasion, and' protection no longer being repu diated, the Noble Lord now came forward with his Re form Bill, and told his followers that if they did not keep him in office they would lose their bait, and their enemies would come into office.—(Hear, hear.) He ap. pealed, however, to the Reformers of England whether they would be cheated in that way, and he appealed to the good sense and justice of Englishmen to repudiate such conduct as the motion now before the House had reference to.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. ROCHE would state strictly the reasons for the vote he should give on this question. He considered that after the speech of the Noble Lord, the First Mi nister of the Crown, the question as regarded Lord Cla rendon had been very much reduced indeed. The Noble Lord in the commencement of his speech alluded with great eloquence to the general policy of Lord Clarendon in Ireland, and with regard to that general policy he was not disposed at present to find fault. He admitted that during Lord Clarendon's administration there had been an incipient rebellion in Ireland; he admitted that that rebellion had been put down, and that those employed in it had been punished with considerable moderation; but he denied altogether that Lord Clarendon was the only man in Ireland who was the means of patting that re bellion down. The truth was Lord Clarendon was aided by the Roman Catholic clergy in Ireland, a class whose merits did not find much acknowledgment in that House, but they greatly aided him in putting down that rebellion, and to their con duct must be attributed much of the good results which flowed from his government. But the policy of Lord. Clarendon bad very little to do with the subject before the House—(Hear, hear)—the question simply being, whether his conduct in respect to the infamous paper could be borne out as prudent and just. That question the Noble Lord the First Minister of the Crown had himself settled, for while he defended Lord Claren don's policy, he admitted his imprudence in respect to the newspaper in question, Well, then, that being so, the next question that presented itself to him was, had Lord Clarendon been sufficiently punished for that im pudence? Al regarded that question, it must be borne in mind that the accusation was brought against him in a place where he could not defend himself, while, had the motion being the production of a Noble Lord in another place, it could have been brought forward in his own House, where he could have met it personally. To his mind he had received ample punishment, for while he had been attacked behind his back, he had been but indifferently defended by his friends.—(Hear, hear.) Then came the question, had the motion no other bear ing than a censure upon the act of Lord Clarendon? He believed that it had.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) He believed that it embraced a far wider range, and bad more meaning than what actually appeared from the mere wording of it. The motion was brought for ward with much parade. and after long notice given. The press in England and Ireland favourable to the views of gentlemen opposite, had heralded from end to end of the land that the existence of the Government would be tested on this subject; and he bad no doubt that a man of the Noble Lord's prudence did not under take to bring forward such a motion without being pre pared for the consequences.—(Hear, hear.) What, then, were those consequences? Why, if the Noble Lord carried his motion Ministers must resign, and Gentle- men opposite must take their places. Now before' he adopted that alternative and made up his mind to that change of policy, he must inquire what are the claims of the Upposition party. In the first place he observed, that during the present week a meeting of Members of that House had been held at the Earl of Derby's, and that it had there been decided without allowing any discussion on the Irish Reform do their best to throw it out o Bill, that they were to of the H use —(Hear' hear.) Should they get into office, therefore, they might expect that measure would be shelved, and he was not prepared to give such a vote as would give them a chance of doing so. Then, gain, at the commence ment of the session he ok a u erv G ed that the Earl of Derby found fault with carrying out the Ecclesiastical Titles ever nment for not —(Hear, hear.) He was one of thoseßill acted improperly whino Ireland.oppose opposed that measure; he believed Government in applying it to Ireland. but havin g committed that foolish act, he thought they had done the next best thing they could—never to enforce it in Ireland.—(Hear.) power, But if gentlemen opposite got into paw the morning after the news reached Ireland that they hail done so, the common informer would be let loose, and the whole country would be thrown into a state of confusion.— (Hear.) He was not, therefore, preparedto take himself such a responsibility as to:give them the chu" upon of office--(Hear, hear)—for he believed that were these men in power Ireland would soon be in such a state of agitation and turmoil that it would not be worth. hold ing. —(Hear, hear.) The present Government were also accused by those who were bidding for theif• places of not putting a stop to the agrarian outrages in some parts of Ireland by suspending trial by jury, and intro ducing coercive measures. That policy he must also oppose, and on that ground also he must vote against the motion. The speech of his Hon. Friend opposite who last addressed the House reminded him that in stating these views he was at variance with many of his Friends opposite, but he thought that those Roman Catholic Members who were joining in the support of this motion were following a wrong course—(Hear, hear)—and were committing a great mis take. They no doubt believed that in doing so they were marching in brigade order to the defence of their country, but they were mistaken.—(Hear, hear.) They were simply joining in an Orange toray in order to in jure a man who, whatever other faults he might have, had the courage and the honesty to keep down Orange ascendency in Ireland, by attacking one of its chiefs, and for a time to disgrace him.—(Cheers.) He was not there to defend the acts of Lord Clarendon, but he was not prepared to vote for a motion such as this, which, if carried, would place in power a party who had been all along opposed to the Roman Catholics of Ireland, and he warned his Roman Catholic friends who were now joining that party in this motion that, however their aid might now be courted, so soon as that party gained their object they would throw them off and spurn them. —(Hear, hear.) That party was, no doubt, old and constitutional, but their prejudices against Roman Ca tholicism still remained the same; and they only wanted opportunity to act towards it as those prejudices actu ated them. lie should therefore oppose the motion. Colonel SIBTHORP thought the thanks of the country were due to the Noble Lord for his moral courage in bringing forward so important a motion. It was a step in the right direction. It was a clear case of misappro priation of the public money—of that portion of it to which he had more than once directed attention —secret service money.—(Hear.) No man had a greater respect than he had for the public press, though it did some times censure him. The whole transaction would have been a reflection on any Government, and though he did not deny the ability of Lord Clarendon, his conduct in this affair showed that though a man might do agreat h deal of good. yet he might at the same ti he died the c ountry a great deal of harm. F or his part, be Noble Lord at the head of the Government more arne sponsible for that dangerous course of rocee t ei t ui n g a , n d the very reprehensible descriptio n of governpmen , Noble Earl himself — the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland. ht direction The present, however, was a step n g ecame of the and they might soon hope t o n England thhestrbi w and Ireland.— se cret service money both in definition which he (Hear, hear.) Secret service wasi hated, and anything which put an end to it he thought ought to be supported.—(Hear, hear.). Dr. POWER said he h litened with great attention to the speech of the Ne Lord who had introduced that motion, and to the speeches of lion. Members on the other side of the House who supported him, iu crder to discover how far those transactions referred to ,4 had weakened the authority. of the executive, or refloated discredit on the administration of public affairs," and he confessed he lied heard no reasons Or arguments ad duced to show that any such had been the resnla If th© authority of the executive in Ireland had been affected in the slightest degree by these preceedi - s, wou ld they not h ave p etitions explainin g such a sta,e gof public feeling in that country, and calling upon the Par liament to lend its aid in the removal of Lord Clarendon froth the position he now held? He did not mean by an y means to say but that t h e act of Lord Clarendon in that respect would not bear the teat of severe morality (elser)—but when they considered the pressu re of the t i me s in which it took place, and all the difficut . ctrcurir stances surrounding him, they wou ld find " mu pal liate, if not to justify the act. t ? —(Hear.) Again, he would ask, when they took into account all the painful and harassing Circumstances of the case, was it just or generous to seek to slander a man's character because, for the interests of peace and good order, he applied to a public journal to counteract the poison of I Socialism with which the general press of Ireland was for each a long period teeming? That was the head and front of Lord Clarendon's offending. If the Noble Lord opposite, instead of bringing forward this resolution, introduced a motion for the appointment of a Select Committee to inquire into all circumstances connected with the employment by former Governments of such agents and spies as were deemed requisite, he would find that they were not very particular as to the characters or morality of the parties they employed. For his part he could not bring himself to vote in favour of that motion. He could not forget that Lord Claren don was one of the best Viceroys that ever ruled in that unhappy country—that he lost no opportunity of pro moting in every way its best interests, whether in agri culture, manufactures, education, or the general deve lopment of its resources.—(Hear.) Bat there was one thing above all others for which the Noble Earl was entitled to most conspicuous credit, and that was the" effectual manner in which he had chained down the monster of Orangeism.—(" Hear, hear," from the Radical benches.) The Noble Lord opposite and the Hon. Member for Bucks might perhaps come into office, as the result of the division upon that motion; but he would warn the Noble Lord and Hon. Members that a great many of his present supporters would soon expect them to repeal the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill, give tenant-right, arrange the revenues of the Established Church, and do other things which they might not find so convenient. — (Hear.) All he could say was, that if Hon. Gentlemen opposite made these concessions, they would have no more strenuous supporter than himself (Dr. Power). Under all the present circumstances, however, he could not give his sanction to any measure which might tend to the removal of the best Lord-Lieutenant whom Ire land had ever seen.—(Hear.) Mr. NE WDEGATE was not surprised at the political morality of the two Hon. Members for Cork, who said they would vote against the motion before the House, because if it was successful it would place the party to which he had the honour to belong in power. But that party would not accept power on such terms.—(Minis terial cheers.) While he admitted the eloquence and statesmanlike qualities of the Noble Lord (Lord John Russell), he must say that his powers as a partisan were equal to his other qualities—(A laugh)—and these powers were displayed effectively that evening. What was the real state of the case? Why, that the Irish Government were reduced to the necessity of employing a convicted libeller—Mr. Birch and the 7 imes news paper—(Laughter)—the World newspaper, to support it. If the House, carried away by the eloquent address from the Noble Lord at the head of the Government, successfully opposed the motion before it, the people of England would, notwithstanding, remember the facts of the case must always be prejudicial to the Go vernment. Colonel THOMPSON said, that in listening to the speeches on the other side of the House, he had come to the conclusion that the Hon. Counsel laboured under the disadvantage of having had the wrong briefs deli vered to them, for the main portion of their eloquence had been applied to blacken with intensity of ingra titude the character of their worthy client, Mr. Birch. —(A laugh.) For himself, the only question he had conscientiously to decide was, whether he should take aide with this convicted libeller,—he borrowed the term from the gentleman's own advocates,—with the man who was stated to be notorious as practising the art of wielding threats of the betrayal of public and private confidence as a means of making money, or with this man's victim.—(Hear, hear.) That Lord Clarendon had been imprudent no man more clearly saw and ad mitted than Lord Clarendon himself; and Lord Claren don, were he present, would probably apologize for his imprudence, in much the same terms that had been used the other night in the House by an Hon. Gentleman who admitted that he had been guilty of one fault in re lation to a certain borough, which fault was that of hav ing ever gone near the borough—(A laugh)—there could be no doubt that Lord Clarendon quite as clearly recog nized his mistake in having ever gone near Mr. Birch. The short statement of the case was, that Lord Claren don had made a false step, an e fallen into a quagmire —(Hear, hear)—H.on.Gentlemen opposite scarcely meant to propound that public men were to bo debarred from all communication with the press; nor would they pro bably affirm that when they or theirs had been hereto fore in office, they had never had recourse to the aid of the press; though, of course, they had always taken the utmost care to secure the perfect purity of their press agents.—(A laugh.) Lord C. HAMILTON said it was because Lord Cla rendon had fallen into a quagmire, that he supported the motion before the House. In doing so he violated his own private feelings, to carry out what he believed to be his public duty; for knowing Lord Clarendon well, and enjoying the privilege of being upon intimate terms with him, he knew that Nobleman was most anxious to promote the welfare of Ireland, and history would hand down to posterity with honour and credit the name of Lord Clarendon.--(Hear, hear.) Such then being his feelings, he could only give his support to this motion with a feeling of regret. He had heard nothing from the Noble Lord to induce him to suppose that Lord Cla rendon had relied upon any extraneous assistance than that of that despicable paper the World. Ho had altogether overlooked the loyalty of the Irish people, and had attributed everything to the effect of those articles. Voting, as he intende to vote under those circumstances, in favour of the resolution, he hoped he should not be told that he was giving a party vote. As an Irish Member, he felt that he owed a deep debt of gratitude to Lord Clarendon, bat at the same time he felt that he should be placing a stigma on the whole course of his public career, were he to mix up this affair with it. He was convinced, too, that that high-minded nobleman deeply regretted the whole circumstance. There was a remarkable fact, and one which the press especially—the mighty organ of the public—should keep in view. The Noble Lord at the head of the Govern ment, and another Noble Lord high in office, had loudly inveighed against the independence of the press, which had since won much praise in asserting it nobly, repu diating the charges brought against it, and criticising the language in which those charges were conveyed. The Noble Lord was pleased to censure the way in which the unbought press of this country had criticised the acts of foreign Goveruments, and it was a corollary of that censure, that on the first occasion on which, in the present session, the forces of parties were marshalled, the Government should endeavour to obtain a majority directly in the support of the principle of buyirg and rendering venal the public press of England.—(Hear.) Sir D. NORREYS observed that the opponents of Lord Clarendon praised him to the tides, and his friends supported him, though not with respect to the intrinsic merits of the question under discussion. God bless Lord Clarendon. (Cries of " Hear, hear," and laughter.) Never was a man so singularly defended al Lord Clarendon. The Noble Lord was attacked for having recourse to the public press. Many an honest man had sought the aid of the press, but Lord Clarendon it was said, forsooth, had had recourse to a convicted libeller. The Noble Lord who brought forward the re solution, when ho described the paper as libellous and scurrilous, did not show, as ho ought to have shown, that the political talent of its articles was extraordinary. What else did Lord Clarendon want?—(Hear, hear.) Only look at the press of this country. Did not 999 out of every 1,000 of the people delight in the press as the speaking and thinking machine of the nation? Did men in general think for themselves?—(Cheers and laughter.) Was it not a fact that 999 out of 1,000 were guided by the press, and was a public man to be blamed because he thought to gain the assistance of such impor tant means of securing the approval of the public? On that ground he had taken his stand there, and de clared that Lord Clarendon had acted rightly. He would not stand forward as the apologist of Lord Cla rendon, and acknowledge that there was a blot upon his character: He repudiated such an argument. Any public man who felt confidence in his opinions, was ja Clarendon had in having recourse to the moans which be l thoughtoo best suited to give effect to them, and Lord sre had taken the right course, for he had availed himself mself of the assistance of a journal circulating oug the very classes of the people who it was m ost desirous should v:: o p la i e n brought ion did theyto acquiesceenter entertain o i n o h f i s te Government. press ia thisßu t what opinion ujDidortahles it ycownassiduenrpiatrtdoobneablileke toa voiorrtruoopnt, and virtuous wo man,with whose fame it was horrible to tamper ?—(Great laughter.) No such thing. Such an idea was not to be realized, and he repeated that he could see nothing dis honourable in the offer or acceptance of literary services under the circumstances. He thought that Lord Claren donea a n r e a t s had done nothing more than any stateaspmp justified in doing. He had been unfortunate, tatto certainly, bheiymon d tha in having had to do do with Mr. Birch, who h av e no honourable feeling whatever, greeted with almost not the smallest moral censure aavttiancghfeodr Lord PALMERSTON (who was a o r aenandootn recon cile' pri universal cheers) said—Sir,---en o av ffi in ci n' alrelatio n the advantage and the honour of Lord ars had 8 been closely and directly s,cl many ye ovo a n te ne f e ri t e e n d d w sh it i h p, hi a m nd by h Lee a silent negative to the it to my feelings to • motion of the Noble Lord.—(Cheers.) (Cheers. ) I feel bound, Sir, to bear my testimony to the private: worth, and to the personal honour, and to the public value of Lord Claren don as a servant of the Crown—(Cheers)—and to ex press my deep regret that he should upon this occasion have been selected as the object of a personal attack. — (Cheers, and 6 , No, no," from the Opposition.) Noble Lord who made this motion disclaimed its being a personal question. Sir, if this be not a personal ques tion,question is.—Sir, the I am utterly at a loss to understand what a personal measure of the(C h e G e r o b ; 0 ) r n In en This t attack uo n Administration, a but the Noble Lord brings under the decision of the House, and he calls upon the House to censure, a is or no t t he an strictly personal act of the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland. —(Heer, hear.) Now, Sir, I hate personal attacke.— (Cheers.) I think it is an unworthy mode of political warfare—(Cheers)—but, at ell events, if any Hon. Mem ber considers it his duty to bring forward a personal attack upon a public man, I think he ie bound to st e that the grounds on which his attack is founded are broad, clear ' and substantial.—(Cheers.) No w , Si r , I appeal to those who have heard whet has passed this fling, to say whether the Noble Lord has succeeded in laying any suc h grounds before you?—(Cheers.) I confess, Sir, that it has never been my lot to see so un substantial grounds laid for so grave and serious an ac cusation.—(Cheers.) What is it that the Noble Lord has established? On his own showing, what is the charge which he brings against my Noble F r iend? It is this: —Ina moment of great public peril, when danger o f the greatest magnitude threatened that part of the empire of which he was the responsible governor, a newspaper editor comes to him and says, "I a g ree in the policy which you are carrying on—l wish to support the cause of m onarc h y , t h e ca w a loyalty and order, which you are charged to have a paper which has but a email I am willing, if you can assist . . it a greater circulation, to endeavour to tensively the opinions which I conecipni and which are favourable to the system that you aro desirous of carryini out. Sir, that if my Noble Friend had shru t the editor that support he would have o blame than he is for having afford, :. means of rendering the public a sera It may be that the editor was in -vet unworthy of the confidence which my Noble Friend re posed in him. Sir, it is the misfortune of generous minds frequently to fall into the error of trusting too implicitly those who afterwards prove themselves un worthy of the confidence placed in them.—(Cheers.) But, Sir, I must say, that for my part, I should not think that I was doing myself credit or honour by taking advantage of information given me by a man who had beetes•) attemptp m proved himself so unde s e rv ing of confidence; and it must be recoll ec t e d th a t t h ose w h o en d e avour to throw dirt upon oth ers may sometimes soiLtheir own hands.— (Cheers.) confess that part of the pain which the de- Date of this even i ng has occasioned me arises from see i ng the Nuble L or d , for whom I entertain personally great respect, b ecome t h e instrument of so unworthy an at,- temper r to , fc censuring thesn s h a 4H l ri l on s u a ge y e noy that m aNt o o r bt e hl . ei s F l urn s i from j e eu e ns , dt wan will ttuhancewk tone ( and utterly fail—(Cheers)—and I am persuaded that the de bate which has taken place, and the sense and opinion which this House will pronounce upon the motion of the Noble Lord, will leave my Noble Friend standing in the hi g h position which he has hitherto maintained, as a most distinguished servant of the public, and a man who has rendered great services and performed great benefits for his country.—(Loud cheers.) Lord NAAS replied. He did not intend at that hour, and after the lengthened debate Which had taken place, to trespass for any time on the attention of the House, bpt he stood there to repel with indignation the asser tion that this was a personal attack upon Lord Claren don.—(Cheers, and " Oh, ob!") He quite agreed with the Noble Lord who had just sat down that, if he had made a personal attack upon Lord Clarendon he should be unworthy to hold a seat in that House; but he con tended that be was justified in bringing under the notice of the House the public act of a public individual, pa r .. ticularly when that act was justified by himself upon public grounds.—(Hear, bear.) It was not the act of Lord Clarendon, bat the act of the Lord-Lieutenant and the whole of the Executive Government of Ireland that he impugned. He thought, then, that no one could for a moment maintain that this was a personal attack. If he had been so unfortunate as to give it that colour— which, however, he did not believe—all he could say was, that such a thing he had never intended. — (Hear, hear.) He appealed to the fairness of the House whether, in the speech of the Noble Lord the First Minister of the Crown, able and eloquent as it was, he had controverted one fact of the case. He (Lord Naas) had maintained that the act of the Irish Go. vernment in this case was reprehensible and dis graceful. His resolution had been opposed by all the but all ability and talent of the other side of the House ; had failed in disproving any of his facts, or in vindicating the act which they were about to sanction by their vote. He left the issue calmly and with perfect fearless ness in the hands of the House; but he must remind theta that the vote they were about to give was one which might hereafter be turned against them.—(Sear, bear.) They were going to establish this dangerous precedent—that the House of Commons approved of the abstraction of public money from the public purse for the purpose of subsidizing a venal press.—(" Hear, hear," and No, no.") Turn it as they would, that was the question they were about to vote upon; and he was cer tain that if they came to that decision they would soon have occasion to repent it.—(Hear, hear.) The House then divided, when there appeared— For the motion ... „ 137 Against it ... ••• ••• 229 Majority against the motion ... —ee The announcement of the numbers was received with loud cheers. Various other motions on the paper were then de ferred. The second reading of the Improvement of Towns (Ireland) Bill was postponed till Monday next. The House adjourned at Half-past Ten o'clock. 1 %1 O 038 . EAgi ) 7''4 1* 1 sirs l , ; ,•::, 1 dlike , . ,- 1",.'" tiously r 1 -- • , 'rv. o , f ;; L . 7, 4 un, , ..,--<,,,, be "e‘ • - 'i rded . to vq, rvice.—( 7: - . ...-•"" n some respects COURT CIRCULAR. The Queen and Prince Albert walked yesterday in the grounds of Buckingham Palace. His Royal Highness Prince Albert rode out on horse back yesterday, attended by Lieutenant. Colonel the Hon. A. Gordon. The Royal Family took their usual exercise in the garden of Buckingham Palace yesterday. The Royal diluter party yesterday, at Buckingham Palace, included the Marquis of Breadalbane, Colonel the Hon. C. B. and Mrs. Phipps, and Major-General Sir George Bowles. A deputation, consisting of Lord Jocelyn, Mr. James Caulfield, Mr. Chichesser Fortescue, Air. R. M. Bellew, and Mr. C. P. Leslie, had an interview with Sir George Grey yesterday, at the Home-office. General Bell had also an interview wish the Right Hon. Baronet. Dispatches were sent yesterday from the Colonial office to the Governors of Hong.liong and Ceylon, and to the Lord High Commissioner of the lonian Islands Dispatches were received from the Lord High Commis sioner of the lonian Islands yesterday, at the Colonial office. The Judicial Committee of the Privy Council sat yes terday at the Council-office. Present, Lord Cranworth, Sir J. Knight Bruce, Dr. Lushington, and Sir Edward Ryan. Rainy's petition for leave to appeal (Sierra Leone), and Lowes's petition for extension of patent (part heard) were heard. Afterwards the appeal from the Admiralty Court, Vaux v. Sheffer (the Immaganda Clausina), part heard, was concluded and judgment given. The Lords present being Baron Parke, Lord Cranworth, Sir J. Knight Bruce, Sir J. Patteson, and Sir E. Ryan. AMALGAMATED SOCIETY OF ENGI NEERS AND THE EMPLOYERS. We have procured the following return, showing the number of men who have resumed work in the shops of the members of the Association of Employers in Lan cashire, so far as concerns twenty-four fi rma w h o h a d made returns up to Monday morning avers Millwrights, fitters, turners, planers, and machinemen Smiths, boiler-makers, &c. 354 Moulders 297 O t h e rs, including labourers Total On Wednesday, at ten o' clock, Mr. D y son, coroner THE CATASTROPHE AT ROLMFIRTH. for the Halifax district, and the jury re - assembled, pur suant to adjournment from Friday last, at the Town hall, Holmfirth, for the p u rpose of further prosecuting the Government; Mr. Jacomb, solicitor the inquiry into the causes of the late dreadful calamity, °d ( o l,a i ncl clerk to the commissioners fth e r witnesses were examined . by which nearly 100 lives have been sacrifietd. HoinigoCkaoupendtardbeienesrheMrafivliolirs, was present on behalf of that l.:ody great nd numbery terd y es terday, , w a i n d the a on inquiryWed was to be re sumed this morning. nesAclay RAILWAY SHARE MARKETS. BRISTOL, FEB. 19. STOCK EXCHANGE. —The market continues active, and shares command advanced rates. Bristol and Exeter were done to-day at 87 —Midland Stock, 5 74—Taff Vale, 15454. LIVERPOOL, FEB. 19. STOCK EXCHANGL—There has been a fair amount of business done to-day, but prices in most cases were lower yesterday. The transactions were as follow :—Lancashire and Yorkshire, 66 —Ditto, Fifths, 7 dis.—Liverpool, Crosby, and Southp ort, 1N dis.—London and North-Western, 118 4 c.—Ditto, New Quarters, 3% p.—Midland 56%-80uth' Eastern and Dover, 201 4—Dutch Rhenish, 4 7-16 dis. MANCHESTER, FEB. 19. STOCK ExcRANGE.—A moderate amount of business• has been done to-day, without material alteration t. in The transactions were as follow :—Eastern Counties, Lancashire and Yorkshire, 7 dis.— Ditto, 2 13-16 Ditto, Preference, 13;4—East Anglian, 6 Ps_ 8 Ditto, Pre- Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincolnshire, s z w tern, 118 ference, 121 ,4—London and North-Western, 1% p. _ South cheater and Birmingham (C), 65%—Ditto, Quarters, Mau- Western, 87—Fast Lan- Eastern and Dover, 20 7-16 — cash ire, Preferenceß,lLialuartersG,HAmNres, MFsidlna.nld'9. 56 . STOCK EXCHANGE. —The share market was steady to day, the h b s a u sl t etsaff o reportedr a d m si u re n ,w t r o ji a _ bu s_L dis.ia n n e c r o an w d as yo m r k l h e i r r a e t , e 6 . 53i T e RAILWAY TRAFFIC RETURNS. EXETER RAILWAY._. Traffic for the week P a ssengers Goods Parcels ending Feb. b 4' l7 Mails ••• • £2,381 7 4 • 1,220 15 9 ... 137 16 10 ▪ 223 4 2 Total ... £3,963 4 1 SHREWSBURY AND CHESTER RauLwar.—Traffic receipts for the week ending Feb. 15 : Passengers • £471 16 1 Parcels, horses, &C. 32 4 4 Merchandise, min:wale, 950 1 11 Total £1,451 2 4 Corresponding week last year ... 1,344 17 5 MANCHESTER, BUXTON, MAT LOCK, AND MIDLANDS JUNO.. TION RAILWAY.—Return of traffic for the week ending Feb. 15 ••• £lOB 4 5 Corresponding week last year ... 97 7 7 SCOTTISH CENTRAL RAILIVAT.—Traffie for the Week ending Feb. 15,185 2 : arcels, horses P assenger s (6,379), p, and carriages ... Goods, cattle, tsc. ... £745 1 1 ... 844 4 9 Total -- .. 1,589 5 10 Corresponding week in last year... 1 ,495 19 7 18, 1852. Perth, Feb. - --- - GREAT SOUTIIERN AND WESTERN (lALLAND) RAILWAY (18S miles). Return of for the week endi ng F e b . 14 : Passengers, parcels, &e. ..£2,948 15 7 Merchandise and cattle ... 1,097 15 2 Total .. ....£1,046 10 9 Corresponding week last year ... 4,729 17 5 THE BAR MILITANT.—The lawyers are about t 3 form themselves into a r ifl e corps, for wh i c h th e y are well fitted by their peculiar p ract i ce, and the i r qu i c kness in dis covering the objects that are worth powder and shot.— Punch. MILDNESS OF THE SEASON.—Primroses and violets have been gathered in this neighbourhood (Newton Abbot) In abundance.— TVesten Luminary.