The Sun. — London, England, 1837-02-04 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, FEnnuanr 3. The LORD CHANCELLOR took his scat on the Wool sack at Five o'clock. Mr. Woodhouse, from. the Court of Chancery in Ireland, presented papers in the cause of" Austin and Chambers" CHURCH RATES. The Marquis of HE ADFO RT presented petitions from the Dissenters of Derby, praying for-the total abolition of Church rates. Lord BROUGHAM presented similar petitions from Pic kering, in the county of York, and also from Horscley, in the county of Northumberland. The Noble Lord also presented a petition from a numerous body of the Dissenters of Edin burgh agreed upon at a public meeting assembled by public ad vertisement.. He was informed that no less than 1,500 per !OM attended the meeting ; but as the petition was only signed by the Chairman of the meeting and the two gentlemen who acted as secretaries be could only present it by the rules of their Lordships' House as the petition of those gentlemen. He thought it, however, his duty towards them and their Lord. ships' House, to state that he had been informed by persons who were present, that they had never seen a more respect able meeting assembled in the city of Edinburgh ; and their proceedings through a long debate had been marked by strict decorum, and by a degree of unanimity, rarely equalled. The opinions contained in the petition would, no doubt, not meet with the sanction of their Lordships, but, for himself, he was disposed to concur in the general statements of the peti tion, and also in its payer, which was that a law might passed for the immediate abolition of Church-rates, and to the discontinuance of grants of money to religions bodies. Some of those grants the petition referred to expressly—the Regium Donum, and the grant to the College of Maynooth. Upon the general subject he ( Lord B.) would have fre quent opportunities of stating his opinion ; but he had no doubt that the prayer of the petition would be so far complied with, that measures would be introduced accord ing to its prayer, which he had every reason to believe when introduced, as he fervently hoped, would receive the assent of both Houses. CRIMINAL LAW. The Marquis of CAI4SDOW NE presented a petition from Portsmouth, praying for a revision of the Criminal Code, and the abolition of capital punishment in all cases except murder. Lord BROUGHAM wished to ask the Noble Marquis a question on this subject—namely, whether or not the Govern ment had come to any determination on the question of abo lishing the capital punishment in all cases of forgery ? The Marquis of LANSDOWNE could not answer the question of the Noble Lord. He had Tio opportunity of com municating with his colleagues on this subject, and until thee he could not state what course the Government would follow. Lord BROUGHAM referred to this subject, because in a late case of forgery of a power of attorney, the capital pu nishment was not inflicted. CHURCH-RATES. The Marquis of CANMDO4 presented petitirin:. from Dissenting congregations, praying for the total aholiflot, of Church-rates. THE ADDRESS. The Marquis of CONYNGH AM presented his 'lVllajesty's answer to the Address, which was read by the ;Thance'ler from the Woolsack. My Lords—l thank you for this dutiful and, toyal Address, and I rely with confidence on your attaehme,ut to my person and Government, and on your zeal in the public service." PLURALITIES AND NON-RESIDENCE ECCLE SIASTICAL BILL. Lord BROUGHAM begged to lay on the table a Bill, which he alluded to yesterday, affecting the pluralities and non-residence of the clergy. He should have laid it oe the table yesterday, but he wished to take time to consider whether certain clauses contained in the Bill which was brought in on this subject about three years ago ought or ought not to be omitted in the present Bill. One of those clauses particularly called on the clergy to furnish an account of their residences. He doubted for a time whether it would be proper to compel them thus to give evidence against themselves ; but, upon the whole, he thought it better to retain those clauses : and, ac cordingly, the Bill at present was exactly what it was three year s ago. with the exception of one or two verbal alterations. The Bill was then orde.red to lie on the table. Lord BROUGHAM moved fOr an account of all sums of money standing, in the name of the Acc o u n tant-General of the Court of Chancery to the credit of any charities, distinguishing the charities. If it should be found on en. q'Jiry tl at th,.! ae(ounts were so kept as that the charities were not named, but that the trt sees were merely named, then there might be co is.iderable difficulty in complying with the terms of this motion ; but if such a return could be made, it would be highly expedient and useful, in reference to the Bill which be had laid on the table yesterday. With respect to this Bill, be should adopt a course not new in that House, and which would tend much to the elncidation of this subject ; v;z., have a full abstract of the clauses and provisions f the Bill printed and circulated among their. Lordships, so that they night have an opportunity of thoroughly understand ing them by the time at which he came to move the first reading of the Bill —( Cries of " Hear.") lie would also take the liberty of observing, that it bad been said the three Com missioners composing the Board, principally intended to work this Commision, were to be Members of the louse of Com mons. This was a mistake, the Commissioners were to be appointed by the Crown ; therefore the Statute of Anne would attach upon them, so that they could be Members of the House of Co umons, unless it was so provided by the Bill. This was not his object, as he was desirous of keeping the Com mission as free of p rty spirit as possible. The LORD CHANCELLOR did ❑ot see that there could be any objection to the return just moved for, provided it was practicable to obtain it; but if his Noble and Learned Friend would postpone his motion tit' Monday, he (the Lord , Chancellor) woul4l see the Accountant-General in the mean time, and ascertain in what manner the accounts referred to had been kept. Lord BROUGHAM had not the least objection. Motion postponed, and the House then adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS, FERRI.' LRY 3. The SPEAKER took the Chair shortly before four o'clock. Sir R. E. WILMOT presented a petition from Birming ham, praying for leave to bring in a Bill for establUin a Ilt:W Gas- ight Company in that town,—Referred to the Pri vate Bill C"mmittee. Major BE AUCL ERK presented a petition for leave to biing in a Bill fcr a Railway in the City of London. Mr. EWART presented a petition from Liverpool for a Bill to form an Apothecaries Company in that town. Sir S. W H ALLEY presented a petition from the parish of St. Pancras for leave to bring in a Bill to improve the paving Act of that parish. THE ARMY Colonel THOMSON gave notice of a motion, the terrn, awl propriety of which be should defend at a more convenient opportunity, that on the first motion day for Supply, he should move that the Government of the erms' as now con ducted was against all law, and that no man was bound to obe dienee thereto, and that no Supply should be granted till a re medy was applied.—(Cheers.) ABOLITION OF CHURCH RATES. Mr. WILK S presented petitions from the inhabitants of Little Baddow, in Essex, and other places, fur the Total Abo tion of Church-rates. The petitions were signed by several members of the Established Church. E A SE presented similar petitions from Barnard Castle. Mr. BL A CKBURNE presented petitions to the same effect from Tholfurness and other places. Mr. M'KINNON presented a petition from an individual, complaining of hiring received no money from the French Compensation Fund. The Hon. Member gave notice that he would bring the subject of the claims upon that Fund before the House upon an early day. Mr. BUCKINGHAM gave notice that, on the 16th of February, he would move for leave to bring in a Bill for esta blishing public walks and institutions; and, on the same day, he would move for leave to bring in a 13111 for the better regu lation of houses in which intoxicating drinks were sold. Mr. W. W. W YNN presented a petition, complaining of the practice of bastardy cases being heard in open Court. which, it was alleged, led to great expense. As Chairman of a Sessions, he could bear testimony to the indecency of the practice, and he hoped to see it soon altered. Mr. HUME presented petitions from congregations Bungay, Gainsford, Botwell, R a vens wor th, and four other places, praying for the total abolition of Church-rates. Also one from the parish of West Calder near Edinburgh, pray ing for the abolition of Church -rates, the grant to Maynooth college, and the Regium donum. He could not concur in that part of the prayer of the petition which would take away the grant from Maynooth college ; it was not at all analogous to the question of Church-rates, for the whole of the grant was applied to the purpose of education. Mr. BORTHWICK said, in the absence of one of the Hon. Members for Worcester, through indisposition, he was en trusted with a petition of very great importance. It ap peared that a requisition was presented to the Mayor of Worcester, calling upon him to convene a Common. hall, to consider the question of Vote by Ballot, with which he complied. But when the electors assembled in obedience to the requisi tion at the appointed time, and the Mayor did not take the chair, the meeting, of its own accord, selected one of its members as chairman. Major Borthwick was the gen tleman who took the chair, and a petition was, under these circumstances, agreed to. The petition in its prayer is the reverse of what was originally intended : instead of calling for the ballot, the petition prays against it ; and the meeting consisted of from 400 to 500 of the most respectable inhabitants of Worcester. When the question for a petition in favour of the Ballot was proposed to the meeting from the Chair, there were not so many as ten hands held up in favour of it. The petitioners stated that they viewed with abhorrence that unconstitutional mode of voting, and it was clear from the experience of all ages this secret mode of voting had led to treachery and hypocrisy. They therefore prayed and en treated the Honourable House not to sanction any law that would disgrace the British Constitution. Mr. ROBINSON.—The parties who had sent that peti tion to the House were his constituents, andhe therefore hoped the House would allow him to say a few words, and to explain the circumstaces out of which the present petition arose. A meeting to petition in favour of the Ballot was called. When the meeting took place, the parties who called it stated that they were unprepared, and they issued hand-bills, stating- that the meeting was postponed. Another party then passed reso lutions of a different character from those originally intended, and hence arose the petition presented by the Hon. Member. It was well known that he (Mr. Robinson) had been always ad vesse to the vote by ballot; but he was an advocate for fair play, and disliked misrepresentation.—( Hear, hear.) This was the petition of an individual, and signed by an individual, although there were a great many in Worcester adverse to the Ballot, and many highly respectable individuals favourable to it. It was rather singular that a petition in favour of the Ballot should be entrusted to him, althoughtt was well known he was adverse to the Ballot, while a petition against it had been entrusted to another Honourable Member. Ile should have another op portunity of expressing his sentiments upon it, when he would be prepared to justify his vote. Before that time it would be his object to ascertain what the predominant opinions of his constituents were, not because any preponderance would de cide him, but it would to a certain degree, and always should influence him. He maintained that in that House it was the duty of every Member to give his own opinions and not those of his constituents, and thr.,t should be the course he should al ways adopt. Mr. BORTHWICK explained. The petition had been entrusted to him by the Chairman of the meeting, and he hoped the Hon. Member did not mean to include him in the charge of misrepresentation. SINECURE OFFICES. . ----___ _ Mr. Sergeant G ULBURN brought up the Bill for the abolition of certain sinecure offices in the superior Courts of Law, which was read a first time. WINDOW TAX. Mr. :-TALL said be bad placed his name on the Speaker's list with the intention of giving notice of a motion for the repeal of the Window Taxes, but seeing the Hon. Member for Bath had intimated his wish to bring the matter forward, he (Mr. Hall) would leave it in his hands. Sir SAMUEL WHALLEY begged to give notice of a , motion on this subject for the 4th of May. PORTUGAL. Mr. ROBINSON gave notice that on Monday next he would put certain questions to the Noble Earl the Secretary for Foreign Affairs, on the subject of our relations with Por tugal. THE ESTABLISHED CHURCH. An Hon. MEMBER then presented a petition, praying for a grant of public money, to aid in the erection of house 3 of wor ship in connection with the Established Church; Also a pe-, tition praying fora Repeal of the Soap Duty. ADJOURNMENT OF THE HOUSE. Lord JOHN RUSSELL moved cant the House s at its rising, do adjourn till Monday next. ORDERS OF TAE DAY. Lord JOHN RUSSELL ga - ft -- notice,that on Monday next he would move that Orders of the Day take precedence of motions on Mondays, Wednes dslys, and Fridays. Mr. HINDLE Y begged, to ask the Noble Lord if the precedence were given to. Orders of the Day on certain days, if he had any objecAion to its being printed in the votes what Orders of the Day 'were intended to be brought forward, in order that Hou. Mitrf.diers might know the day before, what business was to o'unte before the House. Lord .JOHN RUSSELL would endeavour to give notice of the Ordres of the Day intended to be brought forward. Either ho or some other Member of the Government would endeave - ar to give notice the day before.—(Cries of " Hear.") This practice had never been pursued, and it might be pro &revive of some public inconvenience ; therefore he should only say that he would endeavour to do what the Hon. Gen tleman wished, without pledging himself to follow that practice. The Noble Lord added, in answer to a question from Mr. Shaw, that Wednesdays might be considered open, unless particular notice to the contrary were given. EAST INDIA COMPANY. Mr. ROBINSON postponed his motion relative to the East India Company till Wednesday, the 15th March. DUTY ON SOAP. Dr. BC:WRING presented a. petition from the consumers of soap in Dumbarton, praying for the repeal of the duty thereon. REGISTRATION OF BIRTHS AND MARRIAGES THE SUN, LO/hCr;N, SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 4, 1537. ACT. On the motion of Lord JOHN RUSSELL, the Bill for the suspension of the above Act was read a second time. NATIONAL ASSOCIATION (IRELAND). _ _ On the House going into a Committee of Supply, Mr. Sergeant GO ULBURN wished to ask a question of the Noble Lord opposite, concerting the existence of an Asso ciation in Dublin called, he believed, the National Association. He wished to ask whether that, Noble Lord concurred in the opinion, which he had certainly beard of having been expressed in another quarter with great pleasure—whether he viewed with great regret and great concern the existence arid continu ance of that Association ; and whether he was free to admit there were many parts of the proceedings of that Association of which he disapproved? He (Mr. G.) was quite sure that, connected as that Noble Lord was in the administration of justice in Ire!and, ani bound as he was to uphold the law in that country, he wonid feel obliged to him for this opportu nity of telling the House, and, through the House, the country, that he concurred in those sentiments delivered in another quarter which had given so much satisfaction to a great por tion of the people of this country. Lord JOHN RUSSELL did not think that it would be consistent with public convenience that• he should state to the House, upon a question being put by an Hon. Member, upon a report that he had received of what had taken place in the other House, whether he (Lord John Russell) concurred in it or not.—(Great cheering, among which Mr. O'Connell's was most conspicuous). With respect tethe National Associa tion of Ireland, and with respect to Ireland generally, the Hon. Gentleman would have full opportunity of hearing his (Lord John lZu7sell's) opinion upon those subjects, if he would attend that House on Tucsdny next—( Cheers) when it. was his intention to bring in a Bill with respect to Municipal Corporations in Ireland, and when he should state fully his en- tire opinions with respect to the state of IrelaA, and for the opinions he should then state he should be responsible • but he could not undertake to say, from reports of what had delivered elsewhere, that he should be precisely of the same opinion. —(Much cheering). Mr. SergeantGOULDURN considered he was strictly in order in complaining of nay thing he might think wrong, when a mction for a supply to his Majesty was before the House.—( Hear, hear ) He was not singular in his opinion ; he agreed with the Prime Minister, for he viewed with very great concern and alarm the existence of this As sociation__( H ear , hear, hear.) Many of its acts were of a most airrming nature, an.l in his opinion were perfectly il legal. With great deference to the Noble Lord he must say that the answer he .had received was not an answer ; it had much the appearance of an evasion. Mr. HUME thought the Learned Gentleman had got as good an answer as he had a right to expect. During the whole of hip (Mr. Home's) experience in that House he had never heard such a question asked. He did not know that any such opinion as the Learned Gentleman had stated, had been given by the Prime Minister; but if so—if such an opinion had been given, he (Mr. II.) must say that it was a very indiscreet one.— ( Loud cheers from the Oppoz-,ition, and cries of " Hear.") Ile had not the advantage, like the Learned Gentle_ min, of knowing all the acts cf that Assocation —( Hear)—hut judging from what came before the public through the usual vehicles, he entirely approved of its proceedings.—( Cheers. ) In his opinion that Association had preserved the peace of Ireland i,fter the atrocious insults which had been offered to her at the end of the last Session.—( Hear.) Let the opposite party say what they would, Ireland never was so quiet under any Govtyrnment as it was now. There has been no alteration in the laws.—it was by moral justice that the result had been brought about. She remained peaceable and quiet because they had a moral certainty that the Viceroy would do all in his power to put an end to the system of blundering and mistakes, to call them by no worse names, which bad preceded his Go vernment. The sooner the Learned Gentleman brought tho question before the House the better—it would be found there were more instances of good arising from the Association than of evil, and it would be also found that more of those who used .....__ ..-- to belong to the exclusive party were joining the present As sociation than had ever joined any former one.—( Cheers.) Mr. O'C 0 EL L not only highly - approved of what had been done by the Association, but he had heartily joined in A laugh)—he did not know whether the opinion alluded to by the Hon. and Learned Gentleman, had been delivered or not by the Prime Minister, nor did he much care. He rather feared that it had been exaggerated. At - 7 all events, he was highly delighted with the proceedings of the Association, and when any specific charge was brought against it, he would be prepared to satisfy the country that it was not only legal, but had been most useful. The Associa tion had this feature about it, that whereas the Catholic Asso ciation had not one-fourteenth of its number Protestant, this Association, on the contrary, had more than one• third of its members Protestant, and those, too, men of rank, property, and intelligence, and the number was increasing every day.— ( Loud cheers.) This afforded a hope that Ireland would at 1 length become one country, instead of being divided into a fac tion on the one hand, and the people on the other.—( Loud cheers.) The proceedings in that Association were open as day—they courted publicity in every discussion, and he would say that he believed the utmost possible facility was given to every person to know what was done amongst them. That Association had sprung from a just sense of wrong, aggravated by insult.—( Loud cheers from the Irish Members.) There had been found men audacious enough to assert that Irishmen were aliens in religion, in language, and in blood.—( Renewed cheers.) There had been found a party atrocious enough to join with the individual who had dared to make use of that insult, and though the blood of Irishmen boiled, yet they had learned in the school of adversity to controul and regulate their feelings. ( Hear, hear.) That Association was determined to obtain justice. (Cheers.) They were determined to obtain an equalization in the privi leges enjoyed by Scotchmen and by Englishmen, and if they could not obtain justice otherwise, they were determined to have it by a domestic legislature. The Union should not be a mere paper and parchment Union—it should not be a union of insult and degradation. The people of Ireland hoped for justice in a complete union; and if they could not obtain a complete union, he would never despair of the exer tions of seven millions of men iu obtaining justice for them selves.—( Loud cheers.) Mr. SHA W said that it was extremely inconvenient to have an incidental discussion on the subject of the National Asso ciation. At the same time he trusted the House would not consider that he shrunk from such a discussion, or that it should it be supposed for a moment that he acquiesced in the sentiments of the Hon. and Learned Gentleman the Member for Kilkenny. For his own part, he could not help saying that he believed that Association to be wholly inconsistent with the regular administration of justice, or the peace of Ireland. It seemed to him that that Association assumed to itself all the functions of Government--the power of raising taxes and assessing the people at their pleasure.—(Loud - cries of Hear, hear.) The Hon. and Learned Gentleman had charged others with making use of expressions of which he had himself often been guilty. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman had frequently called Englishmen Saxons, and Sasscnachs, and strangers ; and surely these expressions justified the insult of which the Hon. and Learned Gentleman appeared to be so sensitive. With regard to the observation of the Hon. and Learned Gentleman, that this Association was intended to pre vent a repeal of the Union, had not the Hon. and Learned Gentleman said over and over again —had he not written these words—" That under no circumstances, no matter what was done by England or by Parliament, would he ever be content without a Repeal of the Union."—("/ Oh, oh.) He could produce the • wor d s o f t h e on. and Learned Gentleman in which he , ries of Hear, hear, and li 2 said he would never be content, and that Ireland would. a ever, as he believed, obtain complete justice, if she were content with any other measure than a repeal of the Union. He (Mr S,) believed in his con science that the object of the est a bli s h ment o f t h a t A ss ocia-• tion was to repeal the Union bet w een t h e two coun t r i es , and to overthrow the Protestant rclig ion in Ireland. Mr. O'CONNELL said that the Hon. and Learned Gen tleman commenced his Parliame'a tart' career as usual with an at tack upon him. He ought to.: have had notice of it. He did not stand in the same situat ion as the Honourable and ' Learned Recorder. He (Mr. O'Connell) was merely an agi tator, but the Hon. and Learn e.l Recorder combined the ca pacities of judge and agitator. , He was a political judge and a political partisan. He mixed . agitation with his judicial cha actor, and enjoyed a pre-c aninenee enjoyed by no other man whatever. As the LtonouTable and Learned Gen tleman had quoted him, he, begged when he quoted him another time, he would quot n, 'him accurately. At different periods, he (Mr. O'Connell). 'h a d said that he did not look to this country with any hopes oC. 'obtaining justice. —( Hear, hear.) He had now some remnant h did not despair for Irelan op e,— if ( Loud cheers, —but he ) even England refused her jus tice.—( Loud chopsfror .4 the Irish M em b ers .) Lord JOHN nusv JELL did not rise to reply to what had the `don. and Learned Gentleman opposite, been said by (Mr.. Shay ,c). Be wished to state aga i n th a t he thought it Inc" v oenient to discuss questions in this incidental manlier he a but he would take so me op p ortun ity, in justice as .nu ht to Lord Mulgravc's Government, to state the case of that Government to the Ho use , and as no notice had be' en given of any motion of censure on Lord Mulgrave, or inquiry into his conduct, he thought that the best op portunity ho could take for introducing. the subject, would be on Tuesday next, when he was to move for leave to bring in a Bill with respect to the Municipal Corporations of Ireland. He would then state at full the case of the pre sent Government of Ireland ; and he would only say , now that for every act of Lord Mulgrave, and for every act of the Government of Ireland, he considered himself fully as respon sible to that House as those with whom he had the honour to be associated. Mr. S. O'BRIEN felt the inconvenience of discussing a question like this at present ; but after what had been stated he could not help observing, that he believed that Association to be formed to oppose the very policy which had been pur sued by the Hon. and Learned Gentleman opposite (Mr. Shaw) and his associates. And he would take upon himself to say, that if that policy were continued to be pursued by the other side of the House, it would go far to associate together the whole population of Ireland ; and then indeed it would become a question to be considered whether the just rights of , Ireland should not be granted even by the repeal of the Limon.— ( Much cheering.) He called upon Hon. Gentlemen therefore opposite to be warned in time, and not to proceed in a similar course to that adopted by them previous to the granting of Catholic emancipation, so that that emancipation was at last wrung from them in such a manner as to have left no ground for its having been considered as a boon.—( Hear, hear.) The resolution was then put and carried. GRAND JURIES—IRELAND. Lord MORPETH said he had given notice of a motion for leave to bring in a Bill to amend certain clauses in an Act relative to the Grand Juries of Ireland, and accord ingly he had now to lay that Bill on the table.—(Hear.) The Act was introduced last Session, and the amendments now proposed were not intended to bring forward any new matter ; they were all almost entirely formal, and it was very desirable that the measure should be completed before the ensuing Session. It was not necessary at present to enter into any detail of the particulars, therefore he should abstain from going into them. One of the amendments was calculated to extend the Act to children who had been deserted. The Noble Lord stated the nature of one or two of the other amendments, but in so low a tone of voice, and amidst so much noise and confusion in the House, that not only could we not hear distinctly, but several Hon. Members called out—" We cannot hear a word." The Noble Lord brought in the Bill. Mr. F.- SH A W made a few observations, which were in audible in the gallery. Mr. O'CONNELL thought it was absolutely necessary to alter the law, as it at present stood, with regard to medical attendance. In the most remote and thinly-peopled parts of Ireland, it was impossible to procure any efficient medical attendant upon the salary now allowed by the law. A great portion of the funds subscribed must necessarily be expended in procuring medical aid in all cases. He had great doubts about the clause respecting deserted children. The evils that had followed after the establishment of the Found ling Hospital in Dublin were enormous, and eventually led to the breaking up of that institution altogether. At present the parochial system was only in its earliest stage, but it was well known that children were brought from one part of the country to another, and there left destitute; and lie believed it would be better to rely upon individual charity, than introduce any system of that sort. He must protest, therefore, against the plan of the Noble Lord, who would have abetter opportu nity of bringing this subject under the consideration of the House, when he brought forward his Poor Law Bill for Ireland. Mr. LUCAS made a few observations, whith were quite inaudible, from the noise prevailing in the House. Mr. FITZSTEPHEN FRENCH regretted that the Noble Secretary fur Ireland had not concurred in the propriety of making some change in the system of re gulating Dispensaries in Ireland. He thought the present plan ought to be immediately put a stop to ; it was, in fact, nothing else than a gross job, by which an apothecary contrived to receive a large sum of money for distributing a small quan tity of medicine to the poor. if the Noble Lord would look over the reports of the Comniissioners on this subject, he might be inclined to introduce a clause remedying the evil. Mr. JAMES GRATTAN and Mr. W. S. O'BRIEN were undurstocd to concur in the propriety of immediate le gislation on the subject of diepensarics in Ireland. REFORM OF THE CRIMINAL LAW OF SCOT LAND. The LORD ADVOCATE rose to move for leave to bring in a Bill to amend an act of his late Majesty for restricting the punishment of leasing making, blasphemy, and sedition in Scotland. Ile said, that both by the common and statute law, the penalties aad punishments provided for political offences were peculiarly, severe.—(Hear, hear.) There was in the year 1579, a law, enacting the punishment of death to any person slandering, abusing, or doing anything for the pur pose of creating a misliking between the King and his sub jects ; and the terms of this law and of the crime provided against were so vague, and the punishment so severe, that it would have been thought that the severity would never have been increased.—( Hear, hear.) In a few years after wards, however, in the year 1597, another Act was passed. providing the punishment of death, if any person in conver sation or in writing said anything against the King or his Go vernment.—( Hear.) It would have been fortunate if these laws had never been carried into execution, but unluckily, they had been so in many cases—( Hear)---these laws had, however, been partially repealed in 1703, and subsequently, after many complaints, a Statute had been passed in the reign of his late Majesty, which laid down the important pro vision, that the offences alluded to should not be punished in Scotland otherwise than in England.—(Hear, hear.) The law of England had, however, been since altered. He considered that he had almost unnecessarily referred to those statute laws, which were a disgrace to the statute book, but it was very important i n times most favourable to public liberty that those severe punishments which formerly visited civil offences in Scotland should no longer remain in the statute book. (Hear, hear.) By removing them the stabi lity of country would be increased, and nothing would tend to diminish crime more than the certainty that punishment would follow the commission of it. Mr. HUME could not allow the motion to be put without expressing his conviction that every lover of liberty must be pleased with the process that was now going on. It was true many Acts remained in the Statute-books so bad that Govern ment dared not execute them ; the times bad been when bad Governments and bad men being in power executed law's with unusual severity.—(Hear.) They all recollected what took place in 1792, 1793, and 1794, when some of our early Reformers were destroyed under those laws for lending a book to be read. Among those victims was a Barrister-at law, a man of family and education, who was transported to Botany Bay, where he suffered all the infamy of a malefactor and a felon.—(llear.) He knew nothing more disgraceful in the history of our country than the Tory mis-rule of that day.—( Hear, bear.) He hoped the House would be firm in removing all those penal statutes, subject, as they had been, to abuse, either from the corruption of Judges, or the ignorance of Juries, he cared not which ; but he thought it did become a Reforming Parliament to get rid of them as fast as possible from the Statute Book.—( Cheers.) Mr. WILK S would take the liberty of reminding the Learned Lord-Advocate that whatever might be the nature of some of the laws still existing in Scotland, they had laws quite as severe and objectionable in England. To that very hour no person could be a professor not alone in any University, b ut i n any College established by charter, unless he bad previously, under the statute of Charles 11. , s i gned a declaration of his adherence to the Established Church. He trusted that laws of so objectionable a nature wou ld be in a short time swept away from the Statute-book.—( Hear.) The ATTORNEY-GENERAL was not aware that the law was so very severe in its operation as had been just stated by the Hon. Member opposite. This much he would say, that if he found there was any reasonable ground for putting such a construction upon that statute, he pledged himself to bring in a Bill before the present session had terminated to repeal it.—(Loud cheers.) Leave was then given to bring in the Bill. LAW REFORM (SCOTLAND.) The LORD ADVOCATE then moved for leave to bring in a Bill to make certain alterations in the duties of the Lords Ordinary—in the establishment of officers of the Court of Session, and the Court of Commissioners of Tiends in Scot land, and to reduce the fees payable in those Courts. It was not necessary for him now to enter into any discussion upon the subject, as he should have another opportunity when the prin ciple of the Bill came under the consideration of the House. After a few words from Sir G E O. CLERK, leave was given to bring in the Bill. The LORD ADVOCATE then moved for leave to bring in a Bill for the more effective recovery of small debts in the Sheriffs' Courts, and for establishing Circuit Courts for the trial of small debt causes by the Sherif f s of Scotland. He had made many anxious enquiries upon the subject, and he found that there was an anxious desire on the patt of the public for a measure of this kind, in order to save the vast expense which they were now put to in the recovery of small debts. After a few words from Mr. C. FERGUSON, which were inaudible, leave was given to bring in the Bill. Mr. STE U ART then moved for leave to bring in a Bill to regulate certain offices in the Court of Ezchequer in Scotland. He would not then enter into the details of the Bill, but would do so on the second reading of the Bill. He would only shortly state that the Bill proposed to consolidate the offices of Kin's Remembrances and Lord Chamberlain's Rem e mb ra nc er in that Court, which would eventually cause a great saving to the public. There was a power in the Bill to grant compensation to those who were removed from situations which they now held. Sir G. SINCL AIR said that his friend, Sir H. Jardine, who filled the office of King's Remembrancer, was perfectly ready and able to discharge the duties of the consolidated offices without further compensation. He trusted, therefore, that he would not be removed from his office and placed upon a compensation fund, which would add an additional burden to the expenses of the public. He would however follow the example of the Hon. Gentleman opposite, and refrain from saying more till the second reading of the Bill. Sir G. CLERK said that it appeared from the statement of the Hon. Gent. that it was the purpose of the Bill to conso lidate two offices in the Court of Exchequer in Scotland, be cause the business sod duties connected with them had so much diminished that they could be executed by one individual— he assumed that to be the fact.—( Hear.) Now the persons who at present held those appointments, did so for life, and they were willing and able, either of them, to execute the du ties of these consolidated offices, and yet the Hon. Member told the House lie had the authority of Government to intro duce a Bill providing for the removal of both, giving them full compensation— ('No,' from Mr. Steuart)—well, providing com pensation, although in law and in equity they had a right to ex pected full compensation as they held their offices for life, and no thing but a legislative enactment could deprive them ; and yet a new officer, a stranger, was to be appointed to execute. the duties of the new office, instead of one of the individuals who was dispossessed.—( Hear, hear.) And this was the measure of economy the Hon. Member wished to introduce.—( Hear, hear.) Why, it would actually increase the expense to the country during the lives of the other two. If it were neces sary that the offices should be consolidated, let them be conso lidated ; but let one of the present officers be appointed to do the business at whatever, salary might be considered to be a proper remuneration.—( Hear.) Mr. F. BARING said if the Hon. Gentleman would postpone the discussion till a further stage of the Bill, he would be will ing to lay before them the papers upon which the measure was founded. The Hon. Gent. opposite had said that if either of the individuals who held the offices alluded to was willing and capable of performing the consolidated duties, he had a right to be continued under anv other arrangement. Now he ( Mr. Baring) was willing to take the issue on that point, and he would contend that in such a case as that referred to, although parties were found in office there was nevertheless a discretion allowed that they should not be continued if the parties were not considered to be properly qualified.—.( Hear, hear.) When the papers were on the table, however, they would be better able to enter into the question.—( Hear. ) Mr. HLTME said that the Hon. Baronet opposite had al luded to the Members on his ( Mr. Hume's) side of the House. He ( Mr. Hume) had found great difficulty in hearing the Hon. Baronet, although he had given every possible at tention to him—he had only heard a few words. He ( Mr. Hume) was sure that the Members on his side of the House would be glad to take the Hon. Baronet's recommenda tion, as no man in the House could stand up to deny the pro priety and justice of making every possible saving at that mo ment. He did not know the case alluded to by the Hon. Ba ronet, as having come before a Committee up stairs of which he ( Mr. H.) was a Member. He supposed it was the time when the Exchequer Court was altered, but he did not know whether the Hon. Baronet alluded to that or not. This he could assured the Hon. Baronet, that he would find full support on that side of the House, if any such imprudent or improper appointments as that stated by the Hon. Baronet had taken place. At the same time he thought that the fact of unfitness, after what had fallen from the Hon. Gentleman, the Secretary of the ,Treasury (Mr. Baring), ought to be proved before a Committee. It was totally impossible that men who were responsible for the duty should not be allowed to appoint proper officers. Major BE A UCL Elt K said that nothing could justify the Treasury unless they could prove that this individual was totally unfit for the office. If his unfitness were proved to that • House it was obvious that he was not entitled to compensation ; if he had compensation for doing what he was unfit for it was an injustice to the country. Either he was fit or he was not fit, and if not fit he ought not to have compensation. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that he would have been perfectly satisfied to have left the House in possession of this transaction on the explanation of his Hon. Friend the Secretary fur the Treasury, had it n ,, t been for the last observation made by the Hon. and Gallant Member for Surrey (Major Beaucicrk). He was not prepared to admit the proposition made by that lion. and Gallant Member. He (the ChanCellor of the Exchequer) would say that a case might exist, and had frequently happened, as must be evident to Gentlemen on both sides of the House, and those who were conversant with the discharge of public services, in which persons who were not fitted for new, large, and responsible duties, but who nevertheless at the same time had given their whole attention, and devoted their whole life to the duties heretofore entrusted to them—there might be in such instances a case for compensation ; and yet it might be proper that the parties should lose their appointments. With respect howeve -, to the facts, he did not think it -necessary to look into them, after what had been stated by the Secretary for the Treasury. He joined with his lion. Friend in saying that any examination which should be called for on this subject by Hon. Gentlemen oppo site, they should be indulged in to their very hearts' content.— ( Loud cheers.) They should have the papers ; and if the papers were not sufficient, they should have what appeared in a matter of this description, where it was necessary to have an investigation of the facts, and which assumed the character of a judicial proceeding, they should have a Select Committee.—( Loud cheers.) The Hon. Member for Middlesex ( Mr. Hume) might, if he chose, apply his acuteness and knowledge to the subject as a Member of that Committee, as far nt least as his (the Chancellor of the Exchequer's) vote was concerned. The Hon. Bart., the Member for Edinburgh should have the fullest opportunity of inquiring into the facts. He must say that the imputations thrown out in the course of the investigation were only just if the facts supported them ; but Hon. Members should not have reason to complain that they had been deprived in a matter of the opportunity of contradicting it if possible.—( Hear, hear,) The Government had had, before now, to consolidate offices. Since Parliament had last met, he had had to conso idatc two most important offices ' • that was a painful duty to him, be cause it affected the future prospects of an individual; but when the Government laid before the House the consolida tion which they had made, he would invite Hon. Gen tlemen to say whether, in those arrangements, favouritism had taken place—whether there had been any discharging of old servants for the purpose of placing in their stead new ones, as long as they had been competent to perform the duties of their of ice.--( Cheering.) The consolidation of offices had taken place in the Government of Lord Grey, and persons who had been in the public service had been discharged on the prin ciple, that they were incompetent to perform their duties. In the present case it was entirely a matter for investigation whether this individual was or was not properly competent to fill the situation he had had. If he was, then Government certainly had no right to appoint a successor; but if he was not corn, potent, then he would say, in contradiction to the Gallant Officer, that it would be the worst possible economy to continue this officer, who was incompetent to perform his duty, in his office, merely for the purpose of saving a few pounds of expenses. He hoped, as far as the Govern.. ment was concerned, that it would be considered that they had met this case fairly. They were willing to give all the information that could be required, and to meet it before any tri bunal it might suit the convenience of the House to appoint. With this explanation, he trusted that the House would not agree with the observations that had been thrown out by the Hon. Baronet. Mr. ROBINSON hoped that the question would be settled on general grounds, and not with reference to the case of any particular individual. He agreed in theobservations made by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, that if the incompetency of this person was fully established, it would be wrong to keep him in his situation for the purpose of saving a few pounds. —(Hear.) But he maintained, on the other hand, that the statements of the worthy Baronet were strictly correct with re spect to this gentlemap„ and if such were the case—if this gentleman was able to perform the consolidated duties of the office, it would be a dereliction of duty on the part of the Go vernment if they placed another individual in his room, giving him a larger income, and saddling the country with another pension. —(Cheers.) He should watch the conduct of his Majesty's Government with great jealousy, as the onus pro bandi lay upon them to prove the incompetency of this gen tleman. _ _ ..-........ Mr. SINCLAIR, on the part of Sir Henry Jardine, whom he was proud to call his friend, was authorised to give his most unqualified contradiction to the charges that had been brought against him, as to the manner in which he had dis charged the duties of his office. Sir Henry Jardine courted investigation, and he held in his hand a testimonial from the late Chief Baron, who stated that no man had more efficiently discharged the duties of his office than that gentleman. Mr. PRINGLE, on the part of the other Gentleman who had been alluded to (the Lord Treasurer's Remembrancer), would state, that he had on all occasions discharged his duty in the most efficient manner. He was a man in the prime of life, and no charge of incompetency could be brought against him on that score.--(Loud cries of " Hear" from the Oppo sition benches.) BUSINESS OF THE HOUSE. Mr. BROTHE ftl'ON having been called upon by the Speaker, was greeted on his rising by loud cries of " Hear," from all sides of the House. He commenced by observing that the motion which he had now the honour to submit to the consideration of the House was in his judgment so necessary, so reasonable, and so important, that he could not anticipate any opposition to it.—( Hear, and laughter.) He should only trespass on the indulgence of the House for a very few minutes, while he stated the grounds on'which he claimed their support. No one could deny that the late sitting of the House had been very injurious in its effects to the health of the Mem bers, and particularly that of their Speaker, who was compelled to remain there on all such occasions to a very late hour. He had no hesitation in stating that the interests of the country would be promoted if midnight legislation was entirely put an end to.—( Hear, hear, hear.) No legislative assembly that he (Mr. Brotherton) knew of in any part of the world transacted its business at night, and he saw no reason why that House should be an exception to all others by 'continuing its late sittings. He was aware that an objection might be raised to any fixed hour for the adjournment of a debate, but it was well known that, at present, many hours were wasted upon the question of adjourning and dividing upon that motion.—( Hear, hear.) His plan was free from objection, because he only proposed not to enter upon any new matter after twelve o'clock, and he hoped the House would adopt for mally that change which, as far as he was able to effect it, he endeavoured to bring about. He proposed that the debate should he adjourned upon the motion of any individual Member, but he wished that the other orders to which no opposition was given might be proceeded with. Much time would be saved by this plan ; there would be no partiality in it ; and indeed he must say, that, in all the motions which he felt it to be his duty to make for the adjournment of this House, he was not actuated by any feeling in favour of one side or the other, though he might hear with greater pleasure the arguments of Members on the Ministerial, rather than on the Opposition benches. He hoped the House would sanction the proposition, with which he should conclude. The Hon. Member then proposed— " That - it being desirable, except in particular cases, ?hat the sittings of this House should not be continued after midnight, when any motion is brought on for discussion after twelve o'clock at night, and a Member rises to speak to order, and moves that the further debate on such question be adjourned to a future day, Mr. Speaker shall im mediately declare the debate adjourned, without putting the question to the House, and proceed to the other Orders of the Day." Mr. E WART seconded the motion. He thought its adop tion would materially benefit Hon. Gentlemen, and would be of great advantage to the country. —( Hear, hear.) Under the present system the labour fell very unequally upon Hon. Gentlemen,and those who represented large constituencies were he should say much more attentive to their business than those returned for small places. Sonic Hon. Gentlemen opposite were not very particular in being in their places at late hours, except a few who deserved the character of his Majesty'sOpposi tian. Late hours,therefore, were not only injurious to the country and detrimental to Legislation in that House, but they were oppressive by their inequality; and his Hon. Friend the Member for Salford, and other Honourable Members, who sat long after midnight, came in for an undue share of exer tion, of which they bad a great right to complain.—( Cries of Hear, hear.) He was convinced that justice would never be done to the country until a portion of the day was devoted to the duties of legislation, and the best thing that could be done would be to devote two or three days in the week to the business of the House, instead of proceeding with nocturnal legislation. He trusted that the House would not stop with the present motion, but would go much farther as well for the benefit of the House as the satisfaction of the nation. Lord J. RUSSELL was not prepared to concur in the pre. sent motion, which would have the effect of taking away al discretion from the House. The practice of adjourning a twelve o'clock would, no doubt, be very convenient and agree. able to many Hon. Members ; but there were occasions when the important nature of the public business might demand that some particular motion should be proceeded with, not withstanding the lateness of the hour. In such cases, under the present system, the House generally saw the necessity of proceeding, and consented to the sacrifice of its own conve nience, in order that these discussions might be brought to a close ; but if the proposition now made by the Hon. Member for Salford were adopted, any Gentleman who wished to throw an obstacle in the way of any particular measure, however anxious the House might be to proceed with it, would have it in his power at once to stop the debate, and to delay the fu ture progress of the measure. At the same time he (Lord John Russell) must admit that he generally concurred in the opinions entertained and expressed by the Hon. Member for Salford with respect to the very late sitting of the House, and it was on that account that he had last year declared that he thought that Hon. Member had exercised an admirable discretion in the manner in which, throughout the whole of the Session, he had moved the adjournment.—( Hear, hear.) But he did not like to adopt any fixed and settled rule by which the adjournments of the House might be arbitrarily go verned, because he feared that on many occasions such a rule might be found to intcrfere very seriously with the dispatch of business. He might remark, indeed, that since the cus tom of adjourning at twelve o'clock had become common, so much public bnsiness had not been transacted as would cer tainly have been the case if the custom had not been adopted. He thought, however, that the practice was, upon the whole, a convenient one, and therefore he should not interfere with any motion that the Hon. Member for Salford might from time to time make for the adjournment of the House ; bnt he was decidedly opposed to the adoption of any fixed rule, which ho was satisfied would be found extremely inconvenient in practice. Mr. HUME said that if the Noble Lord looked bick to the last Session of Parliament, he would see that a great deal of time bad been wasted after twelve o'clock in discussing and dividing upon the question of adjournment. He (Mr. flume) knew that in particular cases it might be inconve nient to be forced to adjourn in the midst of a debate upon an important subject; but all that was asked upon the present motion was that no new matter should be debated after twelve o'clock at night. If Members of the House came down at eleven or twelve o'cl'sck in the day, as many were compelled to do to attend Committees, he begged to ask whether it was not too much that they should be required to continue in their places at a later hour than twelve o'clock at night. For his own part he (Mr. Hume) thought that the public • business would be advanced more rapidly and more sa tisfactorily if the lion. Member for Salford's suggestions were adopted.--( Hear.) Mr. G. F. YOUNG said that if the question were one that had reference only to the personal fatigue that the Mem bers of the House might be called on to undergo, he should not be one to support the proposition brought forward by the lion. Member for Salford ; but as he conceived that the public business would be much better done if that proposition were adopted, he should certainly feel bound to give his vote in its favour. All the worst measures that had passed through the House within his experience had been carried after mid igh t. —( Hear. ) After a few words from Mr. WARBURTON and the ATTOR NEY- GENERAL, which were not audible, the House divided, when the nu :gibers were— For the motion Against it Majority FICTITIOUS VOTES—SCOTLAND. Mr. HO R SM A N presented petitions from electors in Sel kirkshire, Roxburghshire, Stirlingshire, Pcebleshire, and se veral other counties in Scotland, complaining of the practice of creating and registering fictitious votes in that country, and praying for a Parliamentary inquiry. On the petitions being brought up, Sir GEORGE CLERK said, as they seemed to be of very grea t length, he would suggest that they should be printed before the subject was entered into ; at all events read at length by the Clerk. Mr. HOR SNI A N observed that the petitioners stated their grievance, and the object of the motion which he was about to bring forward was, that a Committee should be appointed to inquire into the best mode of remedying it. Sir GEORGE CLERK—But the House could not know what the nature of the grievance was unless the petitions were read. Mr. HO R SMA N said he was about to state what the grievance was, but he had no objection to one of the petitions being read. The Clerk then read one of the petitions, which, with se veral of the others, was afterwards laid on the table. Mr. HO RSM AN—The question which I am about to bring under the notice of the House is one of very serious import ance ; it is one on which much excitement is at this moment prevailing in Scotland, and I feel certain that had the ques tion been brought forward a little later, instead of during the first week of Session, every county constituency in Scotland would have petitioned upon it.--( Hear, hear.) They all feel, as indeed those who have already addressed you state, that, at this moment their very existence as elective bodies is not only endangered, but actually in the course of being extinguished. Such a grievance, so strongly felt, so generally complained o f, must be sufficient to arrest the attention of this House—and having once gained that attention, the few facts that I shall feel it necessary to bring before it, cannot fail to rouse its in terest, and call forth a prompt and decisive interference.— ( Hear.) The petitioners complain that they arc being de frauded—nefariously and iniquitously defrauded—of the bene. fits intended to be conferred on them by the Reform Bill. They find no fault—they allege no insufficiency against t h at measure ; on the contrary, their wishes, in this instance, ar e bounded to its fair and legitimate operation. But they assert that it is not allowed to operate as was intended_( Hear, hear)—that a scheme has been devised by its enemi es, and a system organised with a view to defeating its provisions; and so fatally successful have these eff orts been, th at already many of the counties are virtual l y dep rived o f the power so lately given them of choosing their own re p res entatives, and that every county in Scotlan d will ere lon g be bro ught to th e same condition.—( Hear, hear.) This is their averment, and whether it be a just one or not the House shall now have the power of deciding. Let me first recall to your recollection what was the end and intention of the Scotch Reform Bill, and what had been the elective system previous to that Bill, and what was the change then meant to be introduced. Was it not formerly the complaint that the people at large had no share in the election of their Representatives--that the pri vilege of nominating him was monopolized by a favoured few; and that these consisted for the most part of individuals who had no proper connection with the county that they voted in ; who had no property, no residence within it ; and who acquired their franchise by the holding of a merely fictitious superiority. And what was the principle of the Reform Bill ? That all that system should cease to be—that nominal representation should end—that monopoly should be destroyed—that non-resident electors should be swept away—that fictitious qualifications should never more be heard of. The choice of the representative, instead of being vested in the few, was hereafter to be given to the many. In place of the counties being overrun by voters who had no connection with the soil, the qualification was in future to be limited to the inhabitants, and in lieu of a nomi nal and fictitious freehold, a real bona fide property Was at all times to be held indispensable to the franchise. Such, Sir, and I appeal to the recollection and the candour of Hon. Gen tlemen on either side of the House—such was the principle of that Bill—such it was announced to me by the Minister who introduced it, and who declared it to be the intention of the Le gislature, that not one rag of the old system should remain. A. new one was substituted in its place, which em anc i pat i ng Scot land,was received with joy. The first general election took place under the operation of that Bill , and the voters on th at occa sion (with the exception of the old roll, whose pri v il ege h a d been preserved to them for their lives), were really and sub stantially the resident possessors of the subjects on which they had claimed in their respective districts. That election went against the party which had lately been in power, and it became evident to them,with the new order of things, their supremacy was at an end ; but it was equally evident, that if by any misconstruc tion or misapplication, or evasion or violation of the recent Act of Parliament, they could succeed in re-establishing anything approximating, to the former system, their influence must im mediately revive. Accordingly the effort was to be made— desperate in its character, and demoralizing in its effects, that effort has been made--and so systematic has been the plan adopted—so well organized and so comprehensive in its ar rangement—and so ready and resolute, and reckless the in struments selected for its execution—that at this moment some of the counties in Scotland, nearest to the metropolis, are as completely in the hands of the old monopolists as if the Reform Bill had never been introduced.—(Hear, hear.) The mode in which this end is attained is by a very extensive Manufacturing of purely nominal votes, and by such a series of frauds upon the law as will be sur prising, if not incredible, to Eaglish ssars. To enumerate all the devices through which the ingenuity df their authors has endeavoured to find some alleviation to their despair would be quite impossible; but, with the permission of tLe House, I will describe a few of the most notorious.—( Hear, bej..r.) The • ' first is by a system of joint tenancies—a farmer, paying a large rent and having several sons, is made to take them all into his lease. They may none of them be brought up to his line of life—they may not reside with him, or near him, or within an hundred miles 2f him—yet they arc all re gistered as joint-tenants. Nay, there are instances of men being enrolled in this character, who are following their busi ness as practitioners in the law, and merchants, and shop keepers, in distant towns—men who never saw that, or perhaps any other farm in all their lives, and who do net even know the parish in which it is situated. The second mode of creating these qualifications, is by the creation of a number of life-rent qualifications of some extensive landowner who, being un willing or unable to denude himself altogether of any part of his estates, makes over a portion of it in life-rent to so many individuals, who become joint-proprietors. By this transaction a dozen or score of persons who never saw or heard of one another in their lives before, and who aro all strangers to the county, become joint-purchasers of a subject. The sum to be paid for it is calculated by tables of annuity, ac cording to their respective ages. The agent in the trans action is usually the political agent of the candidate ; the disposition is dated the very last day of January, so as to be just within the sir. months required for registra tion.—( Hear, hear.) The parties themselves are very much ashamed of the proceeding, for it is kept quite secret, the deed need not be registered, and it is not known of nor seen by any one except for a few minutes, when produced before the sheriff, after which it may be immediately destroyed.— ( Hear, hear.) This contrivance was at one time much re sorted to, and the votes created by it promised to be very nu merous ; but it was soon put out of fashion by the restless cunning of its projectors, which, sharpened and improved by practice, and emboldened by success, led to the discovery of yet simpler modes, and the adoption of expedients of an easier and cheaper, and far more shameless character. The two next which I shall advert to are a proof of this.—(Hear.) And to the one lam now going to describe I boa to call the particular attention of Hon. Members, as it is the most flagrant and the commonest of all. The House will scarcely believe that it is a matter of common occurrence for numberless votes to be made on a single tenement, without any right, or title, or interest being acquired by the persons registering—with out any transfer whatever of the premises—without the occu pation being changed, or the ownership in any way interfered with, or a single sixpence being exchanged between the par ties. Yet so it is—it happens daily and hourly, and this is the manner in which it is brought about. An individual has ' some premises worth 100/. a-year, on which it is proposed to him to make ten votes, and being a good Conservative and fond of his party, be has no objection, provided proper care be taken of his own interests in the transaction. Ten persons are introduced to him as gentlemen who are willing to come to terms, and a political agent is employed to conduct the purchase. The price paid for the share of each is to be 200/.—( Hear, hear.) But there are two ob stacles to the transaction. None of the buyers have got 2001. ; they are not in a situation of life to have it. Some of them are grooms and lacqueys in a neighbouring establishment—some of them are clerks or dependents of the agent himself—nay, some of them are as low as farm-servants, So far from having 2001. apiece, they have not got 200 pence amongst them ; and even if they had, the premises are essen tial to the present owner for the convenience of his trade, and he cannot let them out of his possession. Here, then, aro two impediments, apparently insurmountable, at the very outset of the business ; but by the intervention of the agent afore said, they are thus nimbly surmounted. He suggests that the purchasers, instead of paying down 2001. a-piece, shall give a bill to that amount, and meanwhile pay five per cent. inte rest upon it; and he suggests also that the seller, instead of yielding up the premises, shall continue to occupy them as te nant to the buyers P - the rent he pays each of them being 10/. a year. Accordingly he gives them a life-rent disposition of the property, and they give him back a life rent lease. He pays each of them 101. a year of rent on his lease—(Hear, hear) —but they pay him back exactly ten pounds a year of interest on his bill—( Hear, hear)—so that for the sum he gives out from his right hand, he receives an equivalent in his left. And thus, by this very fair and honourable expedient, which is afterwards completed by an oath before the Sheriff, that the parties are bona fide possessors of the property, ten additional freeholders are added to the poll, who come forward at the next election to attest the superior purity of Conserva tive principles, and prove to the unbelieving what a re-action has come upon the country.--( Hear, hear.) Now, Sir, can the House hear this with patience? or can it doubt what fol lows—that votes of course are registered in numbers propor tioned to the facility—and from the most unfit of all possible characters? Persons who are well known not to be worth a single sixpence make oath that they are worth 101. a year.—( Hear, hear.) Whole batches of servants in a nobleman's or gentleman's household—regiments of butlers and grooms and gamekeepers may be supplied with these fictitious; qualifications by their masters' orders—and by such extraordi nary persuasion, and upon such frivolous pretences, have tiles° parties been at all times induced to claim, that they have many of them refused to appear to be examined before the Sheriff; and some of them, when the oath has been tendered, have refused to take it. The last plan I have to describe, is one that has as vet occurred but in one county. It does not go even the length of feigning a possession in land or houses; it is a simple bond of annuity for 101. a year, secured over an heritable subject—so that as many Jul. a year as an individuals. estate is worth, so many votes can he create without alienating an acre. How such annuities have been hitherto procured, I know not—but how they may be procured I know well. They may be purchased precisely like the subject in the last-men tioned case a bill may be given for the price—the interest on that bill may be an exact equivalent for the annuity—and the whole transaction, fraudulent and fictitious. But the parties, nevertheless, swallow the oath. Having thus shown the na ture of these devices—and there are many others with which I shall not deem it necessary to occupy the House, it now only remains for me to prove the extent to which they have been practised. I will take for this purpose the six c e o o u u n n t t i y es adjacent to one an o ther in the neighbourhood of Edin. burgh, v i z . : — t h e t h ree Loth i ans, R ox b urg h , S e lki r k an d Peebles,o of and Edinburgh,will atin present confine myself to them in the 1832, the constituency amounted to 1,126 ; non-residents, 61 ; life -rents, 42. In the present year the life-rents had increased to 146. —( Hear, hear) — and the non-residents amounted to 141—(Cheers)—but this county was not a fair sample, because many of those among the non-residents resided in the city of Edinburgh. Ile would next refer to the County of Haddington, the constituency in which amounted in 1832, to 513 • the non• residents were 27, that number had si nce increased to 151 ; at first they were but one-nineteenth of the whole constitu ency, but at present they amounted to one-fourth. The life -rents in 1832 were 29, in 1836 they increased to 75. The present constituency was 714. The next county was Lin lithgow in the year 1832, the constituency was 532 ; the non-residents, 112. The non-residents were now increased to 202.—( Hear, hear.) The life-rents, in 1832, were 23 ; non-residents, 4. This year the life-rents were 66 ; and, out of the 66, the non-residents were 63.—(Hear, hear). — He would then take the county of Roxburgh. In 1832 the number of the constituency was 1,188, and out of this body not one-seventh were non-residents. At the present time the number of lion-residents was not less than 444. —(Hear, hear). The number of life-renters in 1832 did not exceed 33, and all these were residents in the county. The number of life-renters enrolled this year was 89, and of these 87 were non-residents. The total number of life-renrers in this county was 112, and of these 107 were non-residents.- -(Cheers. ) 'He should have stated that in the observations he had addressed to the House he had confined himself to six counties in the South of Scotland, because they laid togetl er, and also because he believed that in them the system had been carried out to the greatest extent. He alluded to the three Lothians, Roxburglishire, Peebleshire, and Sel kirkshire. In 1832 the constituency of Peebleshire was 301. Since that time a great number of persons had been enrolled as voters; for at the present moment the constituency amounted to 576. Out of the list of voters in 1832 there were 15 non-residents ; the number of non-residents at the present time was 218—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear)—being nearly equal to the original constituency. There were only eight persons in the list of voters as life -renters in 1832. The number of life-renters added this year to the constitu ency was 137—( Hear, hear)—and of these 121 were non residents. The list of life-renters at the present time was 160, and of these 132 were non-residents--( Hear, hear)—so that, in point of fact, there were only 28 resident life-renters, and 22 of these were entitled to be registered in conse quence of offices they held as clergymen or schoolmasters.— ( Hear, hear.) In Selkirkshire, in 1832, the constituency was 180. The number since registered was 444, being nearly double the amount of the constituency in 1832. The whole constituency was now 562, being more than double the num ber enrolled the year after passing the Reform Bill. In 1832 there were no non-resident voters ; in 1836, the number of non resident voters enrolled was 288—( Cries of " Hear")— being more than the original constituency. In 1822, there were no life-renters, excepting the clergy and schoolmasters, in number about 12. During the present year, 89 life-renters had been placed on the list of voters, and of these 87 were non-residents.—( Hear.) The whole number of life-renters at the present time was . ] 12, and 107 of these were non-residents. Now, Sir, these are facts by which I think it necessary to il lustrate this part of the question. Are they not sufficiently convincing ? But they are not all—the worst is yet to come— the crowning point of all—the perfection of this machinery has yet to be arrived at. I have hitherto described the system in its two first stages only—the third and last yet remains. I have shown that it began by the bong, fide purchase of proper ties by non-residents --and that it next proceeded to drop all that was honest in the transaction, and combined non-resi dence with a fictitious qualification. But the House has now to hear of all these counties being drawn into one net—( Hear, heaie hear)—of the constituencies being bought up and made up one concern, of a company of trustees and speculators in votes being established, who monopolise them all, and who, though not numerous enough of themselves to form one sepa rate constituency, in reality engross the power, and exercise the functions of several. Such is the last scene of this strange eventful history, and until this was consummated, the plot was only half successful, and the thraldom of the people but imper fectly secured.—( Hear, hear.) Joint tenancies had their in conveniences and their risks, and even the infranchising of do mestics was neither so safe nor so satisfactory as could be de- sired ; for farmers might become independent of the Laird,