The Sun. — London, England, 1846-02-24 00:00:00

2 --~ ~~ _.~-~~ e -- 17„ 2-.~-_ _ - ----_ ?z_ / . ....., ..„ _ . .- • ~- / r . 1 0..,. '' • . .V: , • '2,i• •••('' - 2111.4. • I lirllN i- •!) --;,,,N. 7 ' ~' . - • ,: 4 4' , ,it.. ',, . & 8 5 ,, ,, r ' 4 1 1 1 . 5 'f * 430 1 , ., c .D4,', .,. .oStat .., • ' --- :'..: 4 6 4 . p.i ii 1 i ,P1 -----__L_____. -',.' ~ N .., 'S , '7y . if : , 7$ 0 !We. , ~ ...v. • ` - ' )t. * -)\_ - - --,z - ,. ; - '.,.,.- :. ' ‘. ' * ''' c) .i - - .!-).,.,,, , , „ - , li, - z, , , - --,, j j . , .., ~,, = ...,, ,_,.. 1 .. . r \ .- 7 ..-t' irOr".;;lr-. 3 ( ...f. ,", '-'.---. - \ X ( - I Y, ' M A I ••••• 1 iii!: 14 ~. ~,.. •,...,,‘ t ...• .9„,r,.. , 1 tiv,.-,.....; , i , ikt, • I- A ' '' -- • .•. • ' ~.., „.•;• c k 7 ‘',Fl - , - \.. 1 „ , : ,71 7 :., _4e''e . . 9, .- ' 4 •• ‘ ''s :` 1 1' .• 41) '' --2- "'" *-- k ‘ 1 ifi ..5..,,,,, ) i s, • eglitalr— ? .., ~.. 4 ,. y-_,:-. , j, I H. ' _.... ~...._ --,-,, eic.q--- - ‘/g - i ii ____,, l ,.. , - ~-, •qc . i / 4... . 01k t ‘ ' -4,. 1 .- ; '-___N—... . ^IP- ii ..,: \ --..--, - --•_--: ,, L„ .... /- c., - --,---''' O -. D 811 [4"- N OON AND BIRMINGHAM RAILWAY. tkeThe Public are re ques t ed to take notice, that on and after the Lil i . R. the EXP RESS TRAIN, now leaving London at 4 r.1,t., dispatched at 5 P.M., and that the times of arrival at Binning ._tseiverpool, Manchester, and Chester, will be one lE,ur later than at. .- s me grief' eave. (By ord Etaton Station, 18th Feb ,r 1846 rune. est R. CREED, Secretary. RAND UNCTION RAILWAY. 4, 4 The Public arJ requested to take noti ce , th a t on an d alter the 414,R, the EXPRESS TRAIN, now Leaving London at 4 P.M., 4 t4,lng el at 7.10 P .M., will be dispatched from London at ,5 ttanrcl t hat the times of arri va l at B i rmingham, Liverpool, Man , and Chester, will be one hour later than at present. (By order) Ifanager's °Mee, Limstreetl,lAßK Liver pool, 18th Feb., 184 e- 6. HUISH, Secretau. LONDON, T ES Arc ' - 0 N G S N 9 FEBRUARY 24, 1846. PRICE SD. bye!" No. 16,671. be so, 4 li,—""---;-----------------A em E -r WE RAILWAY. ~,,_..ie Directors of this Company are ready to receive Tenders „ ..4 of M • N. % o neY. m sums of not less than 1,0001., for a period of * " - .4tt a t t e t lrars, on the security ot Mortgage Debentures, bearing ii,l,i leati rate of 4/. per cent. per annum, payable half yearly. 44' I."`"calmonaYstabetiorde to tile undersigned, at the Railway ,..,:._ hTO p 41L ------ --------_______li, D " A Y PROPRIETOR' AND SHAREHOLDERS. ''SSRS. WICK Ilitld. and CO., Share t, Aannonetr, inf orm ko,,je sk i , ‘ , _..2 RAILWAY corm their friends a . zd the public, that their th2 o /ky ~„-",2.!_i.1 SIIAR H It s: , &e., Lo are held every I, I , CO MNI KIWI,: , rtttted G Z Altsc:ersi ::4lr T t.i i cirh i r t e4B , l : ad Lt odn i e4o.,,u,e i r i at_ h tl i ie l ce or to the office of the favours - street, and instructions are th, 4tt4 t ofat a ld sbare Certificates most be forwarded to or deposited t re ,_ - ` l / 4 7 or " o lt_Ue A. uetioneers, as above, at least the day preoedwg fib)titZ4l the.- e at'. aid adviees of the result of the sales will be Ap jp.„, ‘ , ll rSt Peet after the sale, and the proceeds home -0414 0 ,, - 7, - . of awarding to icistructious. -4,1 ' loot s',426l4.—Unde 201., Is. per share ; under 50/., ls. Gd. a ''' 6 + l . ; and 53. for r all above. CHAS. A. SAUNDERS, Secretary-, 40 E ., _ '"••3-LND STAR AND BLACKWALL 5 11 PACKETS. L_ltlia XOTIcE ck t , after T hu ,.,,, . -- ALTERATION OF TIME. oafl I't teket .'. l aY next, the 18th instant, the last Star and ,ke 4 , n will leave the Brunswick Wharf at 5 P.M , in It k elit, an d the Terrace-pier, Gravesend, at 5, in lieu of 4, pace, ,_Oraye.-,, • ( e.et an ,, wend, Feb. 15, 1846. h.fito u ;,,, !tallway Pare inchnZed in one Payment. i1t7, 4, „ 12)4,y„'"W TERRACE PIER, GRAVESEND. o ik Val u onda AY S--Ct s i l‘ t 8 1 . , 9Y,, 11% 1,2%, and 5. lettrk t 4 M 0,.„ -2%, and 4. - "nr , gs an. extra Packet at half-past 7, calling at tle W L Elt Oit S }3 rt, • ~_ tt 141 4 RU NIV ' i L t a IHARF , BACK. L . X ng S One C Quarter of an Hour before each of 4.4, tio c , these times. "Os ','" --- At 91, is, 10 1 , 7 , 12, 1%, 3%, and 5. . --- 't gli, 11, 1%, and 43 Por, n FARES : giti oo .;: a bln and Second Class Railway, 6d. . ana First Class Railway, 9d. TO Bt 1 * TO INNKEEPERS 4. 4 - - • 14 N ~,8 101 i;a 4 „IWITH IMMEDIATE POSSES tor -'d POsi ,, Z kk established FAMILY HOTEL; COMMERCIAL kite i . 4f ere, 11, 4 l a * i ? Di HOUSE. )), '_ - Ittain nara 3: to Mr. John Roderick, Auctioneer and Ap rYAL } Jib,. ii tee tl , 4l PO LYTECHNIC 1.447,11 u), daily CHEMI,TRY, with Brilliant Experiments, ; 1 4 , 4 44 ; ly edn Yat Half-past Three, and on the Evenings 01 e i t hek r a i el oftV,aYs : and Fridays, at Nine o'Clock. During el, Na n n ' ,, , TL RES on ASTRONOMY, by Dr. Bachhoffn!! 011 14 tratdT 4 F.venings et' Mondays, Wednesdays, and Fi.l -t, „3 , a beautiful DISSOLVING OItRERY. A daily 1 1 40 .1 ., kadoule ATMOSPHERIC RAILWAY, illustrated by a I - , e 'OLPA t . Q4 A rr ,.3 ll lg Visitors. A New and l'owerful Working fpt iv - Id (14, - n 'T'S PATENT . LOCOMOTIVE ENGINE, Iv hich i i ,Wg"'.iilOs en us Inclined I'lanes with one or more passengers. •I.l:Luillo l uPE, OPAQUE MICROSCOPE, DISSOLVING s i ;ki biq VPROPE, &e. Experiments with the DIVING ' 4 to , / f . i • Open from Eleven to Half-past Five, and Pre.Q.'•Past Ten In the Evening. ht -- ----- v - ` 4 nee, One Shilling.' Schools, Half-price. • t 111 . 1 . 11/ i Gatt, 0 , AN TRIPOD, or the THREE- A °P. CHILD, and FIItST RIPENS EVER SEEN or ;‘4141 1 .44311 ity , , 1 . 4 /1144 4 gentry, and the lovers of natural sciences, are re- W e . Child, o. view the following unprecedented phenomenon 4,:::..1:;, a natives Months old, by name JOHN BAPTIST DOS thZ , 4y . Tot.' v e of Portugal, having THREE LEGS and 104L 4 ad ii ve 'i , and being otherwise a very fine, well-made, ti`.l44Ot N. Y boY• He is a bipenis as well as a trisceles, and ~,t d,l, b ait it 0 e Xtraordinary gemination of limbs and organs, and i ,thi n i t4le tl „ B of their future growth and development, may wel; kceiteci ~,..4 for the speculations of the learned. alto , rery , ;in ,'-'ay (Sunday excepted) from Eleven to Five NI .". ‘ItTADR ANT, REGENT-STREET. I N ehild leg ) , win Admon, Half-a-Crown. \•, , ` ,.. Y ‘ , b j . a be shown privately at lie residences of the nobility N`-- D D l Yhtg to Antonio Dos Santos, at the same address. A 4., , -- -,-- ; elp. 4SAT, LAS-LIGHT COMPANY. 1. 4 lf,n k i ,_ - 4 ' t - -, 0 00/., in 5,000 Shares of 201. per Share. '‘tt N . ' 2 s. Per Share. in accordance with the Act. k ii ' iliew ( Provisionally Registered.) t i Lae lt e s :king Committee, iu whose bands the affair, of the 'll t ,Z;lett ki lie s ikY an Y are placed until fully registered. e is tl l4Yest % Professor Ryan, M.D., I.L.D. t L 1 , ei s -,,,_ Robert Nicholson, Esq. boa 'kb, Patentee Dominique Causse, Esq. • kaakakl. ' Henry Ault, Esq. ..Aq . J elm Kissick, Esq. I :)Lic Nse 43 4 l , lion—J. F. W. Fesenmeyer, Esq. t l ko, D ._ ,„,"as—Air Claude Scott, Bart., and Co. Co e raer a i '' formed for the purpose of carrying out, and bring ki4titti44lnaii,,,i4tile7t,urt,ia i nven ti on (secured by letters patent) for an of gas of a superior quality, and at much less t hte it 4e4 i t p as e nal cost, by an apparatus so simple in construe .,Llll,l_• . N,,i„ ndiuus in form, as to be available in any building ►,,7ati g :`re the ordinary supplies of gas are not accessible. 1 tit'l'l 1, 41 Oro 211.,t i ,,,. sPectus, which may be had at the offices of t i d e kt k _mtehLbeg e ;' r Y - lane, with forms of application for . shal es, an 1 4 40 -01 .-I , t he apparatus at work, and the brilliancy of the ••ee e „;, lr. Wlliam Nicholson, Secretary, to whom must "ananications, post free. ,Ulzli . , - z ---------- ~,t0.,E.,„--A - AL GAS-LIGHT COMPANY.— S k - a_ r kitie.. --- tTs TAKEN for lighting up with a superior GAS, k.. 'eli - "" rate, towns, villages, lighthouses, dockyards, hos- Isbi a ,j4ll l ,,' 18lblic offices, manufactories, printing-offices, prisons, btui N ''ith. 47- siatious asylums, schools, and other large d leak, ordinary- gas ' is not accessible. Letters to be ad d k ,40:1111ain Nicholson, Secretary, 159, Drury-lane. 1 AL LOAN FUND LIFE ASSUR ANCE SOCIETY, 26 , CORNHILL, LONDON. '4li l pew Capital 1•500,000. ..,,,,,ftPo'wered by Act of Parliament. Net a , _„,' - ' 4,1 Ma's important and substantial advan (4,, ~7, 4 1,,,7"' both td Life Assurances and Deferred Annuities if L lyi, .tr t ,T,,. ! , or) all occasions, the power to borrsw, without ex It,•t); "'re of th e Policy two-thirds of the premium paid , ' itirg i ttti se O pti on of selecting benefits, and the converslor h s cly ta ;" 'fleet other conveniances or neeessity. Assurances l 'ek't._ ' 841.6, granted on the lowest possible rates. 8 %41, 1,74ft .... DIVISION OF PSOFITI. S ik ' 4 04 '''". l increasing presiemity of the Settety has enablec k o L 4 I)IL 4 t lie last annual investigation, to declare a thire '' 7 1117,.-" I n Su to 75. per cent. on the premiums paid on ''-ed on the Profit scale. EXAMPLES. l ' J P ''lltko.,.. ...I 8... , added. hi , ei 4 l '' '" - ---..._ ' 10 0 . -------, 1 -, 7 11 .; d • 18 37 Xtgi 13 5 £B7 13 .5;a1317 1, ' ,, i " 4 . 18 38 165 13 0 74 13 101 11 8 6 l',, ' 183 9 135 13 6 61 14 3i 9 210 , Ve 1840 89 0 0 41 13 41 6 ti 0 1 t 1 t ...'116 0;1 ------- ° til e ° f Prog • pr.- ta is annual, and the next will be made in De. c‘ent year. t 4,211 ,15 F. FERGUSON CAMROUX, See. lit\ s ?' ' .,,. 11 - C LIFE ASSURANCE SOCIET , Y, R IDGE-STREE T, BLACKFRIARS, LONDON. l il l 'Ats "'aim, Established 1823. , 0r r.,, 1 Itoc......Thered by Act of Parliament, 3 William IV. i.,'fon,64tak,e_llightTHOMASF N .4 4, 4",,in g a-,:14-11EN RI FREDERICKgTIPPHENSONT, Esq. ILV I , :.,.ate, p are among the advantages offered ' by this Society : 'ilirareu to"mium titan those of an 3 other office,. which en -'4l. Participate in the profits, and considerably lower ti,t,, roplottnY other Mutual Assurance Society. klPlatou ti'li4l-1- 18 u r r Y c d Pa . r tlefPate in the . profits, the whole being divisible *4,, , , 10 ev, t a tled. after the payment of the Fifth Annual Pre -14 th ereon - °lie Y effected on the participating Scale, if a claim 11 4 % 44, ,prior to the next division of profits. 1 1 0 i tcou 4 ' s .? id 1834, averagedcent on the Premiums paid. 4 4 . ' 1 ' 4 -It-t° 1 " 9 , ditto 311. ditto since the e e l division. Peet useP tt° 1844 ditto 361. ditto since the 2d division. and Oil Particulars may be obtained on application to l i ttltheti o e w flor P s . t e th ac A. y tRe y e 4 UPBELL JAMES DOWNER, Secretary. ktlitti,t,.. Ituciecotion, deic.e ( ieb E hrg e t l: a OTES at HALT PRICE. Pa rt, iitainTll. t° -e coat* d Monthly), Price Is. 3d., Part I. of P1 7 1 1 :CY " ANECDOTES, printed unirorm ~ V IlCh 400,000 copies were sold at 2s. 6d. the same Engravings and Letter press fa* 4. Ite r . ger if i ' --o. 3'Well-street, Strand, and all Booksellers. kv; iv i. by Souter and Law, 131, Fleet-street. Itli tit,JLAs„. lt of HENRY PESTALOZZI, and his %lt.'l i r, w ith - of EDUCATION : being a n A ccoun t o f his Life and .I):4tr;Goeions Extracts from his Works, and extensive (le fty.° e Of the practical parts of his Method. By E. BIBLR, 1 4, • 14e. cloth. st t"> h am _ THE CHILD'S OWN BOOK. . L , 4 D. ' 46o :e volume, square 16in0., price 7s. Gd, bound in t t sloth. "tt eb 4l ,,, u ßlLD's OWN BOOK, k ii4,lsol tio :cd With nearly Three Hundred Engravings. The blti7b,.: l'rj'„*, Vrely - O xf . --,- . for Thomas Tegg, 73, Cheapside ; and Bowder t y "Ile, t 4 eir °rd-street ; where may be had, just published, with 11J/ ll ' Rditr o l.' i. T ßE GIRL'S OWN BOOK, by Mrs. Child, L kit eknt is . etf ir neket Edition, prise Is., by post Is. 6d. ~ , I, Aeon he or iti l ii - L n Y,ERWELL ON MARRIAGE, fern- - uo t t . ,----RAxcxs and OBLIGATIONS. ,- --0, -- ,., that is the question."—Shakipeare. ep t Zeit * * - 1 , 4 b . -m atriirionlal Eligibility and Unfitness--Lawn CO_ltiad; i ' l l ' Bl, a of Gestation — On Maternal Influence—©r --4 . &A . Dro ductivia Unions—Cariosities of Medic pe 'lt ill4 . t : • IL-. 4 : l lrit .v i . auto* to the sante, pries Is., by past Is. Gd. t - Z7piii';',! liA -4 ...,A•BUSES aid DISEASES (72. engravings). lei t ;111« ° pc t "sling little volumes are not intended for idle or in , ~eeti.f . - ~ ..., but they are earnestly offered to the attentive )Iq,:ittri. ter-- 11444 Who may be sore legitimately and perhaps 11 ' x , e 'N eB 2 2 te d• t,----, Pater noster-row • Carvallie, 147, Fleet-street ; 4 tkill 'illr4' o , a ndall booksellers, or direct front the lu i t i l l io 9 r, A .lr *t .....---- ---.............LAnd. At, home e daily till 2 ; livenings, 7 t a: 4 -ES'R tlit k C' 6 Nrs, ''" CANDLES, 54d. per lb. ; extra it t 44 4 % - ;;Itx, i: Wl elt Moulds, 6 1 4 d. ; best Sperm Candles, Is. Bd. ; 1 4:',1+2 "04, i.; 2 , (1 •; fine Wax, Is. ad. ; Transparent, Is. Bd. ; kl, ‘4 l 'lttel 5 8 - "l• ; Male's omposite, 9 34 ,1 . ; Yellow Soap, a.,10, ..er x,-4. Per 1121bs • Mottled, 60s. and Ges.; Windsor, -- 1 1 , doe. Bo 6,17 t ; Old Brown ' Windsor, Is. 9d. ; Rose, 2s. ; Al -1t•,41,(1 is t iling Wax, 4s. Gd. per lb.; Sperm Oil, 7s. Gd. per Nat 14 4 .1 ,3 at iik i , d i ltg, tti t er ii ci l : 6 2lte so s rieoeutio S , Ol ,e d Established Warehouse , 63, St. Mar -144. Fl 4l 4 a llern P4 , l : l.l l) and Co Wine Merchants—Office, Co, ; cellars, 27, Marshall-street, Regent-street. to m e to ateu i ti Well known to the public as the manufacturers of et l oil h elra ne r il l i Warq, ue o r t ~ Waters, which have been identified with their 'tli II kof x tY years, beg respectfully to invite :attenteni 1 0 , or ‘ l ,;' , Jaso n F OREIGN WINES, which they have been tor 104 hi Ines ~_ carefully selecting. It comprehends the whole :l owe ith cmot"a:Uall I„„._yin demand, and at prices graduating from N...... 5t Pri ce .' ".., attendant on; high and rare qualities, down to NaNthlt °AI': Which genuine unadulterated wines can be oi, • ~,,_ 1 cos cent on application. UL'S and - `10... it t Vete,.. 4 . LETOT of LLAMA CLOTH t,•gic_rri ne . ~.,'. 7 p. 5. Patronised by the Pilate qqll 4 7 . tre ca , sa r eer e gmentof Cambridge Esc. . ,„ thleity .r, ends itself to the Public generally by its ' 6 41 quiest c - 0 q lightness, moderate price, and able defence had i n L.natistant humidity of the climate of Great Britain. " only of the Patentees, 114. Regent-street. :101 Bonus in i 5 E Cash, 4. 0 g • 51 0,0 , 3 0t.,t1. 4 186' ' £395 Il 346 9? 296 13 4 '147 4J5 kir l A WL NT 4 tar t ittkt ht ,--• 1 Y 8 LOTION.—This t, Y 4 e, guiY appreciated 4;4 aapll,itn British toilet boa for well-known 4 - 7 1 04- or rio iry ha .. tnaintai arendligaleloefdthreep D'urlite of th e kin un t r o v g utation as a perfect N.. aatur-eati-ver and sus:aine ' r of the complexion of the mobt ether with the valuable pro , - t 444./.... _ , rem,, rin g e ver , trace of sallowness and discolouraticn, .., tuAgetleit the transn. Lo -r encY and brightness of the skin, which Ltkht. fib,Zen,,,,ar graces of a fine complexion. ti.t: Il e t' ‘ 4°n _ d on." is in white letters on the Government `,. fxl, 4- 47 4 1 1 , , a none is genuine. Price 2s. 9d ; ss. 6d. 14 '.---.._ . bY all Perfumers and Chemins. ,lir „Latiglbt,.7'lll‘4kßY MEETING. —O n Saturday last a %..)ter t p e '„?,f the Ilerni,:ers of the louse of Commons opposed . to )4;44 4:,,,, rttt , 8 Droposed trw-itsure for the lteration of the existing 44 41,4Zrit1e t ,, 4t 14 r. (1. Ilanksa's residence,in Palace-yard, v‘ hen the 4 ~ tin awl several of the ',tu c h friends to ttig farmer" tith,t, ;41e. meetingl. Lord Rendicsli s am a I) Lord Brooke, Lord Henry Ailr '/. °(l6llouse, Mr. Spooner' Mr. Benett, Mr. Starturd 41,4 ito bn ' t ipa. Aar. Ireland Black r' rne, &c., were present. llusilt,cit.,. pa. the Duke of Cambridge had a 'To( with Sir It.reti yeiltvrchly. •.. . Is rtna frock. said he, 4 0 : .. from 0 0 10 pt ion 0f 1 5 0 0 • 0 I° ..... • 0 1 •" '" 0 2 • • 0 19 • ...... : • • • 0.1 JsomelY b • "*. llg 3 • • " • • 0 la • • • • • *. 0 6 •• " • 012 • • • * " 0 11 • • • " ", 112 • • • " 16 • • • •• " 113 • • • • • 6 • • • • • " 0 12 '•• • " • Ol4 i lk Rltbfar Lll, Or • fl dion DraPg London. of it xet approll" 00 0 vent from t , revolo 4 a a , Ate g ua. ojiite xa: am leei n co ,cersi;l love 1 01151 0-- Bal d Cotlll of 54, 11' SIA fel l 's rants it Ave! ;Mal colo ur , 4 7 r, curly ' l :l 3 l.); m onis% Id stitinilp,l7 secore signs g i reseil e lf [l ent, e #. 4 - i t pa'l , l op 11 wherein if ci the hei r 11 4 lefe ll/ I to undertii. tlesad lt oloe, indiaser, d are i* „ the i iet o. o ,l 29,02 6 small) , I ' . : 0 0 1 'opriatore,olo old tit INI IERIAL PARLIAMENT. 110t7S'E OF LORDS, Monday, Feb. 23. Their Lordships assembled at Five o'clock. NEW HOUSES OF PARLIAMENT. The Duke of BUCCLEUCH laid on the table certain re turns relative to the new Houses of Parliament. GAUGE COMMISSION. Lord KINNAIRD said, that in consequence of the very important measure coming before the Ilouse that night, he would, with their Lordships' permission, postpone the question of which notice had been given relative to the Gauge Com mission. PROTECTION OF LIFE (IRELAND) BILL. Earl ST. GERMANS then rose to move the second read ing of the above Bill, and said—My Lords, the Bill which I have now to bring under the consideration of your Lordships' House is one which only the necessity of the case could justify the Government in asking, or your Lordships in adopting. That necessity seems to have arisen now. The Bill proposes to invest the Executive Government of Ireland with powers which no existing law invests them with, and which only existing circumstances justify them in requiring at your hands. Aly Lords, it is a matter of fact that the crimes of murder and assault have of late become very common in Ireland, but I do not think 'should be justified in asking your Lordships to assent to a measure of the sort which I have to submit to you without laying before you grounds for my motion.—( Hear hear.) I am bound to take nothing for granted— ( Hear, hear)—nor assume that your Lordships are cogn east of the facts, and, therefore, although I am about to occupy the attention of your Lordships with reading reports and returns which I have in my posession, still I think when your Lordships consider the importance of this measure you will be disposed to accord to me that indulgence and patience for which I shall ask. My Lords, I find that the returns which I hold in my hands contain an account of all the offences that have been committed in Ireland for the last two years— I mean of the offences that have been reported to Go vernment by the constabulary. Your Lordships are no doubt aware that it is the practice for every constable in Ireland to make a return of the different offences committed within his district to the general station. These offencereare classified in the following manner—" Offencesagainst the person," " offences against property," and" offences against the public peace." My Loids,in the year 1844, 44 homicides were committed ; in the last year, 137 ; aggravated assaults, 504 ; in the present year, 544 ; assault with injury to life, 251; in the present year, 342. I new turn to offences against property. In 1844 the number of robberies of arms Was 159; in the present year it has increased to 551 ; appearing armed, 79 ;in the present year, 89. Administer ing unlawful oaths, 58; in the present year, 223. Threat ening notices, or letters, 362 ; in the present year it has amounted to the fearful extent of I,944.—(Hear. ) aees of fire in dwelling -houses last year, 77; in the present year, 138. This makes a total of this class of offences in the last year of 1,495, and in the present year of 3,462. And, in cluding every class of offence—crimes against the person, against property, and of a public character, the number of crimes were for last year 3,102, and in the present year 5,281. It will be, however, consolatory for your Lordships to know that the statement shows that in eighteen counties crime hasehminished; in four counties it has been stationary ; and in only ten counties has an increase taken place. Those ten counties are Cavan, Fermanagh, King's County, Longford, Westmeath, Clare, Roscommon, Limerick, Tipperary, and Wicklow. In Cavan the number of crimes is, in last year, 109 ; in the present year, 257. This includes all the three classes of offences. In Fermanagh, in last year, 80 ; in the present year, 166. In King's County last year, 226 ; in the present year, 301. In the county of Longford last year, 205 ; in the present year, 772. In the county of Westmeath last year, 163; in the present year, 313. Jn the county of Clare, 275; in the present year, 327. In the county of Ros common last year, 264 ; in the present year, 716. In the county of Limerick, 321 ; in the present year, 416. In the county of Tipperary 908; in the present year, 992; and in Wicklow, The number for which was last year 228, is this year the enor mous number of 992. Having made this statement of the ranount of crime, it will be my painful daty to call your atten ion to some particulars in these returns ; and in the first place I will call your attention to some remarkable cases of homicide and outrage that have taken place during the last year, from which- you will be en abled to form a judgment of the causes of these offences and the nature of the remedy that may be required. The Noble Lord here read two extracts from the documents before him, giving in detail accounts of two murders, accom panied with great outrage, which had taken place in the early period of last year in the county of Limerick. ) Having given these cases, I will, said the Noble Lord, proceed to the county of Kildare. 1 shall call your Lordships' attention to another murder which wok place on the sth October, in Kildare, of a gentleman who, while returning home, was shot dead on the high road, in his own gig. The next case to which I shall call your Lordships' attention is that of a gentleman's steward who, whilst retiring to rest, there being no blinds to the windows, was fired at, and on the next day he died of his wounds. This occurred on the 6th October, in the county of Tipperary. In the county of Limerick Thomas M'Nevin was served with a notice, that if he did not comply with certain instructions he would meet with the punishment which his non-compliance would deserve. In a few days after receiving this notice he was found one morning dead by the road. side. In the county of Roscommon alicheel Shea was returning home with oats, which he bad purchassd at a sale, and was so violently assaulted that he only survived three days. I shall next proceed with the county of Tipperary, where, on the 2d of October, three men visited the house of Michael Quill; not finding him at home, they pro ceeded to the house of his next doer neighbour, and assaulted him su violently that be died the next morning. 114 Lords, this proves the feeling that exists,because those marauders did not find the object of their attack, and went to the next door and visited the punishment intended for another on its unfor tunate inmate. To this I direct your Lordships' particular attention as it shows the effect of the condition of the people. I shad now call your Lordships' attention to the Mining Com pany of Ireland, who were obliged to suspend their works from the 20th September, in consequence of the notices which were served on their stewards, threatening them with death if they did not comply with certain conditions. Now this board employed a large number of men, and because of their refusal to accede to the wishes of these people, they were obliged to stop their works and desist from car rying on their business. Another case of outrage was committed on a man of the name of Kearney, whose only crime appeared to be the faithful manner in which he discharged the duties of his employment. In the county of Armagh, also, it appeared that a party who called themselves Molly Maguires," were carrying on the same sys tem of outrages. They had entered a house there, had beaten (he inmates very severely, and when they had committed this outrage, they pulled down the house, and as they cent away fired several shots into it. The writer added, that if some remedial measures were not taken to check these out rages, there would be no safety for life or property, and no hope for the well-disposed unless they joined the "Molly Maguire" party. In the conty of Clare, also, on the 9th of January last, at half-past nine in the evening, some armed men, with their faces blackened, entered the house of a farmer of the name of Murphy, com menced beating him in the most dreadful manner, and only left off when they thought he was dead. His Lordship then proceeded to read an account of an attack which had been made upon an old lady upwards of eighty years of age. ,She was ordered by these ruffians to discharge two of her men. It seems that these two men, who hail lived a num ber of years in her service, had been intimidated before; one of them had been most brutally attacked while at his supper and been left for dead. This account was written not so much with a view to show the injury which had been inflicted, but in proof of the cowardly conduct of those ruffians, and the perseverance with which they follow up their designs. He then referred to another very striking case—the case of a person, who with his family, were attacked in their own dwelling-house. These ruffians, twelve in num ber, attacked him while in bed, and inflicted some very severe blows with the butt-end of a gun upon his head. His son, hearing the uproar, proceeded from an adjoining room to the room from whence the noise came. He, too, was attacked; and, in addition to the brutal treatment towards his father, they tired a pistol at him, the ball of which struck the wall in the rear, ald after breaking all the panes of glass in the house, arid doing all the damage possible, they went away. Not one member of time family, however, gave any information to the police on the subject, though it is believed that had they done so they would have succeeded in effecting a capture . of the gang. S uc h is the system of terr or prevalent in this district, that not a person dares to give any information of these atrocious acts.—( Hear.) His Lordship next alluded to the case of homicides. A person of the name of Ryan voluntarily resigned the half of his farm, alleging as his reason for doing so his inability to work the whole farm. He made no secret of the matter, and while on his way to the proprietor be was assailed by two men, taken from his horse, his head was frac tured, but not the least effort was made to identify the ruffians. The next case was one which had taken place in the county of Cavan, where Mr. M'Leod, one of the resident magistracy, had been murdered. Mr. M'Leod had began his career, and earned for himself a distinguished reputation, in her Majesty's army. He was appointed by the Government of which the Noble Lord opposite (the Marquis of Normanby) was a member, and he had the entire confidence of the Irish Government ; he was employed for upwards of twenty years in Tipperary, where he conciliated the regard, the good wit!, and the well, wishes of all in the county. It war thought proper to remove him to a more peaceful county, and he was transferred to Fermanagh, from whence, when disturbances again broke out, he was dispatched as one of the most effi cient, one of the most moderate, and ong of the most trustworthy officers in her Majesty's service. This is the manner of his death. Towards the close of November, 1841, disturbances being numerous in Cavan, the magistrates applied for an increase of the police force arid an addition to the s!i pendiary magistracy. Mr. M'Leod was in eonsequence sent to the disturbed locality. On the day before sSeted he ha.l been dining with W. Piercy, Esq., and had set out On his return to his own quarters; he found Mr. Piercy's gate shut, and he was in the act of desiring the driver of his car to of en it, when he was shot from behind. There was a light in the lodge window, and it is believed that the assassin had taken a decided aim at his unfortunate victim. It is a certain fact that notice of the murder was posted at Enniskillen two days before it was perpetrated. As some of the circumstances strongly implicated the gatekeeper, Ise was one of those taken into custody, but after a long and patient inf vestigation, the evidence not having been conclusive, they were liberated en bail. IDifferent motives were assigned for this murder, but nothing certain was known upon the subject. The next case was one in which a man named Patrick Smith. was murdered on the 17th of April. Ile had to give. evidence in a civil bill case ; some threatening expressions were used towards him by those who were chiefly interested in the case. He . wee . finally murdered to prevent his giving any evidence. The next case was the murder of John Walker, who was murdered on the 4th May. He was in the employ of Henry Gowan, Esq., of the county of Tipperary, said as he was returning, he was shot dead, withie , a few miles of his home by a man named Corn gan, who was likely to impeach him.—(Hear, hear.) Corrigan was taken into custody, and the examinations taken, but sufficient evidence to convict was Rqt forthcoming, and he was liberated. On May 14, James Gallagher, of the county of Cavan, was similarly disposedi of whilst collecting arrears from the tenants of Mr. Henry, his employer. Although he was assassinated before dark, end in the presence of several people, no information could be had which could lead to the identification of the assassin. 240 w, that is suffici ently'; dreadful, but the letters which I have will, I think, have greater weight with your Lordships in assisting me to c a r ry this measure. This letter which I hold in my hand, is from Mr. Battersby, a magistrate of Cavan, and is dated May 19th. He writes to a friend of his, that Mrs. Gallagher died on Wednesday last. She was so ahoeleed at the assassinati9u Ci her husband, that she scarcely spoke a sines word afterwards. The second letter is from the same gentle- ' man, and he says, " I have now to inform you that the mother of Gallagher, a strong healthy woman, aged fifty years, was so shocked at the murder of her son, that she scarcely spoke one word afterwards." I think it is impassible to conceive a series of horrors greater than is contained iu those statements. I could quote many more cases of a similar nature but, my Lords, I think these are sufficient to induce you to give your support to this measure. 1 did not wish to harrow your feelings by statements of this kind ; but I slid think it my duty to state ti em. ( item, hear.) My Lords, I beg your Lordships' indulgence Whilst I quote to you a very recent instance of a similar kind. This happened in January, 1846. There is another case, but the name of the parties I do not wish to transpire, in which a midnight outrage was committed. Th e guilty authors of the outrage were re cognised at the time by the wife and the eldest son of the ag • grieved party ; but they were prevented denouncing the authors of it from terror. They state that such is the state of feeling that they dare not give the criminals up, and remain in the country. They intend giving them up, but before they do se, they must sell their farm, stock, and produce; else, were they to make a public denouncement of the guilty parties, no one would become purchasers.—(Hear.) I could name forty or fifty other cases of a similar character, showing the impossi bility of justice overtaking these midnightdepradators. Among others, there is one to which I would particularly call your attention. It is a recent outrage, arising from the search after arms in the county of Tipperary. Five armed men entered the house of a person who farms about 70 or 80 acres of land. This was on Friday evening, and the superintendent of police hearing of it, he came over to the place on the follow ing Monday to make inquiries. Mr. Morgan, the super intendent, with a police force, went in pursuit of the men, led by the information derived from the family of Mr. Murray, the party whose house had been broken into. Four of the men were arrested at Roserea, and lodged in pri son. Biddy Murray was taken under an escort to Ros crea to give evidence against them, but on the way she was followed by her uncle, who shouted out to her never to become an informer. The result was, that the girl refused to give evidence against the men, and denied she knew them, though she had told Mr. Morgan she knew them well enough. This document was signed by Messrs. Prittie, Birch, and Jackson, three gentlemen of unimpeach able respectability. It is dated the sth of December, 1845, and fully illustrates the state of things at that time. The next case occurred at the works of the Shannon, which is very similar to the one I have already quoted respecting the colonies. It occurred no later than the 18th of February ; and it would appear that between eleven and twelve o'clock of the night of that day the patrol was fired at by a man whom they succeeded in arresting, but they were after wards attacked by his confederates, who were all armed, and who amounted in number to fifteen. On the party coming to his aid they immediately fired at the sub-constables, and one was struck with a bullet or slug on the temple, while a ball passed through the coat of another. The attacking i arty consisted of several men ; but, owing to the dark ness of the night, the officer in command thought his life and those of his men endangered, and went into a house close by, where they remained for the night. Mr. Burke and Mr. Rus sell, two magistrates, immediately attended on being sent for, and with the police scoured the neighbourhoood, but did not capture any of the party. The police fired several rounds, of ammunition and a pistol was found in the place where the attack occurred, and three men were next day arrested who were looked upon as the leaders of this party. One man named Cusheen had thirty bullets on his person, and a woman in a house adjoining the place of attack became so alarmed that her life was in danger. "No circumstance occurred for a long time which, in my opinion, tends more to improve the peace of the country than this occurrence," writes the chief consta ble, " as it evinces such determination'on the part of the police to put down outrages, for the people will have a confidence in their vigilance and success in putting down every description ef outrages." He also adds that the conduct and bravery of the police were beyond all praise. I mention these facts to show your Lordships the extent to which crime and daring are now carried on in Ireland. My Lords, I think your Lord ships will have remarked that a very great proportion of these crimes are committed by bands of armed men, bound together by secret associations for the purpose of intimidating the peaceable portion of her Majesty's subjects. In the list of 137 homicides, your Lordships will be, I am sure, surprised.to learn that only five were committed on the persons of gentlemen. The greater number of these outrages were committed on small farmers. The house of a gentleman might be truly said to be his castle. He was well armed himself, and the servants in his employ were also well armed, so that it seldom happened that his house was attacked. Your Lordships may therefore observe what the position of a small farmer must he under these circumstances. The fact of his being in the employment of a farmer, who was obnoxious to these mid night legislators, was sufficient to provoke their indignation, and whenever they chose to carry their diabolical intentions into effect, —mark the consequences. His door, which was but very insufficiently secured, was forced open, a band of those midnight assassins dragged him from his bed, and either murdered, or maimed, or mu tilated him in the presence of his wife. There was not the least exaggeration in this statement. The details which he had read bore ample and melancholy testimony to its truth. If the unfortunate victim also of these outrages was rendered incapable of labour and his life almost jeopardised, he dared not come forward to give evidence so as to convict the assassins of the outrage. 1 say, then, my Lords, that this is emphatically a measure for the better pro tection of life and limbs in Ireland. The laws which at present exist for that purpose are not sufficient to afford that protection, and I will show that every exertion has been made to.render them as efficient as possible. 1 he number of police-constables was at present very limited, and exceeded_ by very little the number that was employed in 1835. (The Noble Earl then read a comparative state ment of the number of constables which were em ployed in the disturbed counties in 1835, and at present, which showed a small increase at the present time. ) There has been an increase in the number of stipendiary ma• gistrates. All has, however been in vain, and we are now com?elled to apply to Government for extraordinary powers to protect life, and thus to give to life that security which alone can make it valuahle. Your Lordships will fins! that the powers which we seek in this Bill will not violate the principles of the Constitution. Your Lordships will see by the first clause that power is sought to make a proclamation in the district, or such barony, or part, or parish in which the murder has been commuted, and also to enable the Lord Lieutenant to send into such district any force of the constabulary as he may think fit—the whole expense of such to be borne by the inhabitants of the said district. The next clause is of great importance ; it is of such a na ture that it would not be justifiable, except in such ex treme cases as the present. The victims of these outrages in Ireland are for the most part of the poorer and humbler classes, and it has also been noticed that these outrages are committed in the night ; armed men do not patrol the country except at night. I have, also, every reason to be lieve that these murders and outrages are deliberated upon by persons assembling in public-houses during the night. I therefore propose, under these particular circumstances, that the power should be vested in the Executive of Ireland, which is sought by this second clause. There is a pro vision in the Bill, as your Lordships will see, to enable the Lord Lieutenant to withdraw, or revoke, that portion of the proclamation which relates to that particular provision alluded to by the second clause. The next clause of any im portance to which I shall call your Lordships' attention is one which enables the Lord Lieutenant to order certain sums of money to be paid (as I can hardly call it compensation) to the relations of the murdered party. This is not altogether a principle unknown to the laws of this country. Independently of the grief caused by the death of the head of the family, his relations are reduced to the greatest amount of privation and distress. 1 should, therefore, propose to take power in this Bill to levy upon the district in which these murders should be committed a certain sum of money, to be applied to the maintenance and relief of those who are undergoing this state of distress. I do not propose to discuss in detail the clauses of this measure. Your Lordships will observe that there is a clause in this Bill to the effect, that the assess• menu are to be levied according to the poor-law valuation and that no individual, however small the amount at which he may be rated, shall be exempt from the payment of this rate, and that he should not be allowed to deduct from his rent any amount of rate so levied. Another clause is one authorising the justices to examine into public-houses where it may be supposed these associations are in the habit of meeting. Your Lordships will observe that this does not apply to pris ate houses. The concealing of fire-arms in the disturbed districts is to be considered a misdemeanour, and is to be tried at quarter-sessions or assizes. Your Lordships will observe that there is no new tribunal constituted; trial by jury is preserved, and the mode of csudiicting criminal pro ceedings is in no way altered. There is one thing, however, I wish to call your Lordships' attention to particularly, I mean the securing from intimidation those persons who have to give evidence on those trials. Ido not, however, think it necessary to say more on the subject of this Bill, because ample oppor tunity will be given to your Lordships to urge any , objections against it, and I may assure you that her Majesty s Govern ment will give these objections their fullest and fairest consi deration. I know that, with regard to the cause and origin of these disturbances, various opinions are entertained. Some contend that they are all to be attributed to political grievances. It appears to me, however, that one simple fact that I have related in the course of the observations I have made is sufficiently demonstrative of the futi lity of this opinion.; I have stated that in eighteen counties of Ireland crime has actually diminished. Now, if political griev alma are the cause of crime, should not those grievances produce the effect in ono part of the country that they do in another? Be these grievances real or imaginary, surely we ought to find them to the same extent and force in the county of Wexford as in Limerick, in Kildare as in Roscommon, in Meath as in Tipperary. But these outrages have no features of an insurrectionary character ; they are perpetrated on private grounds, and it cannot, therefore, be supposed that they have their origin in any political grievance whatever. It does not appear to me that continuing this dis cussion will lead to any satisfactory result. Her Majesty's Government have given sufficient proof in the Bills that they have passed, and those that are in contemplation, of their desire to remove any cause of dissatisfac tion which may exist with regard to the political condition of Ireland, I think that if I were adverting to the measures which are contemplated by Government, I should be distract ing your Lordship a attention from the subject under considera tion. Further opportunities shall be given to discuss the merits of the measure, and to limit the discus sion now cannot in any way abridge its consideration. With your Lordships' permission I will now come to another part of the subject. At the same time I may say, that I shall always be prepared, and I am sure the Government will also be prepared, in matters of this nature, when opportu nities present themselves, to state their view with regard to those measures which should be brought forward for the good of Ireland. This I will say, my Lords, and I say it without fear of contradiction, that no measure of Improvement, no measure whether it be a political or a social measure, will be effectual fur the improvement of Ireland or of its people until you have put an end to this system of terror to the people.— ( Cheers.) My Lords, it is perfectly true that many of these outrages partake of agrarian outrage. These arise, it is true, out of the present mode of tenure and occupation of land in Ireland. I think the copious a4 tsaets which 1 have read to your Lordships will be sufficient to prove that. Formerly landlords were in the habit of granting long leases, which prevented land going so much into the hands of middle men, and there was not so much subdivision of land. Subdivision of ) Re d, as your Lordships may be aware, has become very freqoenp in Ireland, and I am ready to admit that system has hcen Pf late very much abused in that country, and it has no 40;114 led to many of the evils which now prevail in Ireland. I thinli, ever, the great cause of the evils of Ireland is oisteAcp of thole secret and illegal asseciations_with which it is now afflicted.—(Cheers.) They do operate so as to alarm, and terrify, and intimidate the peace able and well•disposed, and to prevent them, in almost every case, applying to the magistrates for pro tection. And, my Lords, Ido think that it is nee.:lsary to meet those secret and illegal association , . I therefore call upon your Lordships to give your sanction to this measure. When it shall have passed, as I hope and trust it will— ( Cheers)—when it shall have passed, and enabled the Executive Government to put an end to the reign of terror, and to give the peasantry of Ireland, and to the wealthy of that country that sort of security which the English people, and which I am happy to say, the peasantry in many parts of Ireland do now enjoy, then,' my Lords, I think we may look forward to the satisfactory results which her Majesty's Government are at this moment engaged in adopt ing. My Lords, your Lordships are no doubt aware, that in the course of the present session no less than 448,0001. has been voted for the purpose of employing the people of Ireland in public works in that country. Your Lordships are also aware that in the course of last session no fewer than 13 railway Bills were passed, involving an expenditure of nearly 9,000,0001. All this will be employed in a mode which, it appears to tae, to be most desirable to give employ ment to the labourers of that country. .New, my Lords, I say it without fear of cotradiction, that it is impossible that any measures for the improvement of Ireland should be effectual until such a treasure as this shall have passed.—( Hear, hear. ) I will not say mere, but trust and hope, and I am sure I express the earnest prayer of her Majesty's Government, that, in pro posing the present measure, there is no wish that the law should remain allay longer than it is necessary for the protection of life and property in Ireland. The Noble Lord concluded by moving the second reading of the Bill. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE said the Noble Earl, in shoxin4 the necessity for the Bill before the House, had en tered into a statement that in many respects must have been as painful for him to give as it was painful for their Lordships to hear. He did not rise to offer the slightest oppo tion to the progress of the Bill—a Bill which, on the face of it, as stated by her Majesty's Government, was intended for the preservation of the lives and property of her Majesty's subjects in many parts of Ireland, for he thought the Bill should progress through the House without the least possible delay. So far from blaming the Noble Lord and the Government for bringing forward the measure at such an early period of the session, he come it after the de_ claration contained in her Majesty'seecfi - Throue,_ which declaration was unhappily warranted by the facts laid before the House in the Noble Earl's address, not a day should have been lost in submitting the measure to Parliament. Every day of delay after that declaration was a day lost. While he therefore felt it was the duty of her Majesty's Government to call the attention of the House at an early time to this important subject, in or der to devise a measure to meet this deplorable state of things in Ireland, he must not be understood to sup pose that this measure should take precedence of other mea sures for the relief of that country.— (Hear, hear.) The adoption of this treasure would not in the least degree relieve her Majesty's Government from the carrying out those other measures which were required to meet the state of Ireland—measures that better accorded with the feel ings of their Lordships, and were calculated to benefit and advance the social condition of the people of that country. He considered it expedient that their Lordships, whether in vited by the Government or not, should enter into a consi deration at no distant period of measures that were more calculated to give universal satisfaction than the one at present before their Lordships. —( Hear, hear.) He admitted, however, that this measure was necessary to enable the Government and the people of Ireland to accom plish the carrying out of more extensive schemes of legis lation, which would be more conducive to the future peace and prosperity of Ireland ; and he for one looked upon the present measure as the indispensable precursor of more im portant propositions. How, let him ask, could mea sures, which were dictated for the benefit of Ire land, were calculated to excite the industry of that country, and to produce local improvements ; nay, if some of their Lordships would have it, calculated to confer additional privileges upon the people of Ireland, be attended with any benefit or advantage to the people of the country, if mea sures were not adopted for arresting the hand of the midnight assassin ? (Hear, hear,andchwheehrise.) wereLe a Let th e m, then, at once enter into the consideration, after calculated the passing n in i a goflarge this s dege m r ea e t su o reof measures encourage the industry of Ire land, and to teach the poor man, notwithstanding what one class of Legislators might say on the subject, that his labour was his own property, and not subject to the caprice of, or only to be exercised at the will of his superiors. Nay, even if the privilege were to be extended—if the poor man was to be enabled to vote where he had not voted before-- and he be enabled to take part in municipal deliberations—of what value was that vote to him if there was a law in existence which dictated to him how he should exercise that vote, instead of allowing him to vote according to his opinion ? He, therefore, did not feel that the Bill which had been produced by the Noble Earl was one which would afford the poor that protection which they stood so much in need of. He had truly stated, its introducing it, that the crimes now per petrated in Ireland, extended to every state of society in which any improvement had taken place; that the present illicit law was not directed so much against the rich as the poor man ; for the rich man could guard himself against its consequences by withdrawing from the scenes affected by those daring arid systematic crimes ; they were directed against the poor labouring man, against the man who answering to the call of the Legislature sought to improve his country—( Hear) —to the call of, his landlord, who, it was hoped, encouraged him to improve the land which he held. Those crimes were riot confined to one county, but extended throughout the whole of Ireland, and would end in consequences of death, insectitity of property, and would cause capital in that country to be frif ,- tered away to its serious detriment. On these grounds, he felt that he should be ill doing his duty to Ireland, or to their Lord ships, if he did not express his opinion that the Bill brought in by the Noble Earl would be of great benefit to that country. By so doing, ho Never, he would not be prevented from urging on Her Majesty's Ministers and their Lordships the necessity of adopting measures to allevia'e the sufferings of that people. He trusted that the time was come when her Majesty's nisters would give that subject no unnecessary delay. Their Lordships would do right to pass that Bill, and he had only to say that he hoped they would give it all the considera tion which the nature of the measure required, in order to secure the liberty and independenee of the subject. He was sure that the subject would obtain, at their Lordships' hands, as little delay as possible, when it was considered that every day added to the list of crimes committed in that country. With reference to the particular previsions of the Bill it was not is wish to interfere.—( Hear.) He hoped their Lordships would consider the particular amount of punishment to be dealt out, and that the particular character of each county would be carefully attended to. He would not delay their Lordships with many observations, as he was sure there were persons better qualified to pronounce judgment on the subject. But on that occasion he thought that in the shape of p , nalties the expenses that would arise ought to be levied from the districts creating them, and that measures ought to be adopted for the purpose of protecting the Witnesses and the persons who might be instrumental in bringing offenders to justice. It did appear to him that the enactments of the " Arms Bill" had not been attended with the desired effect, for there had been a considerable increase in the amount of crime, and their pre sent measure ought to be considered with reference to that Bill. For the liberty of the subject, he thought that the measure ought to be passed now, for in many parts of the coun try it would be found to be of great practical benefit. Lord BROUGHAM agreed with the observations made by . . the Noble Lord who had just sat down, and particularly w his last observation, that the Bill ought not to be delayed for the smallest space of time unless what was absolutely neces sary for well considering its provisions. He would not act counter to that feeling by endeavouring to defeat it in any of its stages. He heartily deplored, he sincerely deplored, that there should exist in any part of the British dominions, and more especially in a part so near to themselves, a state of so ciety (confined, he would hope, to but a few districts), which. if not strongly and energetically put down, to talk of social improvements, to talk of any amelioration in the condition of that country, and still more to talk of any legislative beneficial effect, was as wild a fancy as ever entered into the mind of man. —( Hear, hear.) The first duty imperative on their Lord ships was to make Ireland an habitable country. The picture given by his Noble Friend did not take him or their Lordships by surprise, conversant as they were with the general features of the case, though not as fully acquainted with those hideous details that picture which made it impossible to say that Ireland was an habitable place for any peaceable subject. The first duty of their Lord ships was to prevent this frightful state of crime which was stalking abroad over the country, reducing county after county to a state that made the denizens of the South Sea Islands a preferable people to live among than the inhabitants of Ireland. He lamented that one provision was not in the present Bill. Bet by the recommendation of the Noble Doke, whose advice in most cases amounts to the force of a command, he (Lord Brougham) was induced to withdraw his measure. He re ferred to a measure to render it possible to obtain convictions of crime, by having the trial of the accusation in a part of the country where the jurors are not subject to the shot of the assassin. He did not think that this measure should be confined to Ire land, and if it were reckoned less invidious, he would rather it were made a general than a particular and local measure. It was clearly and without hesitation his opinion, and he be lieve.' he had the authority of some of the most emi nent lawyers and judges of the country, and also the true constitutional principles of the country on his side, that there should be power given to the pro secutor, under due regulations, as regarded the expense of the defendants, of trying the case at the option of the prosecutor. In the case of Ireland the Government, as pro secutors, should not be confined to the county or place where the offence was alleged to be committed, but that they should have power to try the case in Dublin or Londonderry. It is an every-day practice in England, in smuggling cases, where the smuggler could not be committed, and the penalties for contraband trading could not be obtained. All these prosecutions, it is well known to your L or d s hi ps, are tried in London. In Scotland it has been from time imme morial the custom of try in g every descri p tion of cases , from the greatest offence do wn to the lowest misdemeanou r , all are tried at Edinburgh , wh ere he himself had see n this principle of the administration of j ustice carried out in e very day's occur minal Court at Ed inbur g h. No bene fit could accrue to persons by bei n g tried in th e neighbourhood remote northern are orth tried ernan b d efore the High Cri- southern parts of ' S e Scotland all Fromoffencesthe whatever where they are known. It is better for them nine times out of ten, and better for the administration ten times ten that they should be tried at some distance from the place where they were known. When a ju ry Comes to the jury box impregnated with al l the tittle-tattle of th e neighbourhood, they were not in a proper condition to give a true verdict. He was referring to the law of the country. The old law was, that man should be tried by a jury of his neighbours. It was called voisseau, and from this term comes the term venu, now in use in legal phraseology. The criminal was, according to the old law, to be tried by hundreders in the hundred or hamlet in w hi c h the offence was committed. In the reign of Queen Anne an appeal was made to the Court of Queen's Bench to set aside the verdict of a jury. The ground of the appeal was, that the jury were witnesses of the fact—the Court granted the rule in that case. That was the explanation and origin of the law, which required a jury to be impanelled on the spot where the crime was com mitted. His hope and trust was, that before many days were over, the Government would be able to use effective measures for putting down these disturbances and he threw out this suggestion, because he thought it would add acme what to the usefulness of the present measure, and because he thought that the Bill would, of itself, he ineffectual without it. He did not wish to prolong the discussiim, brit he might be permitted to hope that some alteration would take place in the penal enactments against such persons as might be discovered out of doors after sunset. Lord FA RN HAM trusted their Lordships would allow him to speak on this subject, connected as he was with one of the most disturbed districts. If he had been asked some fourteen months ago which was the quietest and best conducted county in Ireland, he would with pride have referred to his own county of Cavan, but he was now sorry to say that since that time matters were widely different. At the commencement of the last year the outrages in the county of Cavan were principally marked by threatening no tices served on the smaller farmers, or the persons in the next class. This was followed up by attacks on the houses of the lower orders, robbing them of tire-arms, and other out rages of that description, until at last they were terminated the by murd-r. Large bodies of men paraded the country with fire-arms, swords, pistols, large pitchforks , and wattles. The light under of e,a day ant through o h u i g s h t friend, he t 0 Mr.wnof Cava Hamblin, made to murder him. Na attempt was made •by those present to raise the hue and cry, and he, although then not resident ab n l , ;h ‘ e v n u the walking in attempt was in the country, felt it his duty to return home in order to assist in suppressing the disturbances which existed. He hoped that their Lordships would give their support to this measure, which was calculated to give some sort of secu rity to those who still remained in the country. Immediately on his arrival in the county of Cavan, the first intelligence that was communicated to him was, that as Mr. Bell Booth was re turning from church the previous Sunday with his two sons, he was brutally murdered. There were a number of persons pre sent, he believed, at the murder; at all events, they were close at hand when the murder was committed. No individual attempted to arrest the murderer, who did not fly from the spot, but walked deliberately away. The murderer of that gentleman had never been dis covered. Ile (Lord Farnham) arrived in Cavan the day after the funeral of that honoured gentleman. The cause of Mr. Bell Booth's death had never been ascertained. Mr. Booth was a gentleman of small pro perty, and he farmed the whole of it himself. He was a very humane man. There was no party spirit involved in the cause of his death.—(Hear, hear.) He had assisted him (Lord Farnham) most strenuously in recommending the dissolution of the Orange Society in 1836, and on every oc casion when he recommended the discontinuance of party processions he gave him most cordial support. Ile (Lord Farnham) made those recommendations because he conceived that they only tended to separate man from man; and keep-up --that-religious animosity which was stirred up on every such occasion. 'the funeral of Mr. Bell Booth took place about twelve miles from the place where he was murdered, and was attended by thousands of armed persons, who came from different parishes in the county. The town of Killishan dra was for 36 hours in the possession of armed assassins. The local constabulary force was considerably increased, because those anniversary processions which Orange. men were accustomed to hold on the first of July, were about to happen in eight days afterwards. Forty magistrates were assembled in the town of Cavan, col lected from various parts of the country, and their recom mendation was, that none of the lodges should walk in proces sion. It would be satisfactory to tell their Lordships that all the lodges obeyed the recommendation with the exception of two. the Noble Marquis had truly stated that this was a Bill to protect the poor. He knew himself there were many landed proprietors in Cavan who felt that property had its ditties as well as its rights, and there • fore whose tenants were comparatively well attended to. But the difference between the rich man and the poor farmer was, that the rich man, however great the inconvenience to himself could leave the country, but such was not the case with the poor man. 'the farmers of Cavan were principally poor people, occupying small portions of land. Twenty acres was consi dered a large farm. In order to be able to go elsewhere in case of these outrages, they would be obliged to sell their furniture, but in that case who would dare to purchase it ? The life of the person would not be safe who made such a purchase. It was his (Lord Farnham's) opinion that all the mischief arose from the ribban societies, the object of which were not con fined to disputes about land, but which extended to the carrying out of personal revenge and everything of an annoying and criminal character Those of their Lordships connected with Ireland well knew the nature of ribbon societies, but perhaps many of their Lordships did not know what their constitution was. In that case he could not do better, in conveying a knowlege of what this constitution was, than by reading an extract from the speech of a Noble Friend who had great weight with their Lordships—he meant Lord Plunkett. Lord Plunkett, in a charge to a jury in a case involv ing the ribbon societies, stated that no person of consideration or wealth belonged to these societies, but that they were com posed of the humbler classes —men, ignorant and uneducated, yet nevertheless prepared to do any act to forward their own interests, and to carry out any measure on the attainment of which they had set their minds. (The Noble Lord here read an extract from the speech, to this effect :—" And further that the constitution of the ribbon societies was such that its mem bers would stop at nothing, however revolting in its nature, in order to realise the objects for which they were associated.) In conclusion, he begged to state that he should support the measure, because he thought it was calculated to give pro tection to life and security to property in Ireland.—(Hear.) 'I he Marquis of CLAN RICARD E declared that he should vote for the measure, although he differed with some of its details. He had addressed their Lordships on this matter, and the observations be addressed to their Lordships had been made the subject of some very severe remarks, and because, forsooth, he had ven tured to call upon the Government to protect life and property in Ireland. He denied that there Ins a ion between this measure and the larger and mones which bore upon the future prosperity, and while e regretted that any observations of his should haie given offence to any one, he could not but support a measure which the Government declared was absolutely neces sary for strengthening and maintaining the law in Ireland. It had been said that the Irish people required equal rights, the extension of the franchise, and religious equality, and he might be of opinion that they ought to concede these things, but he was at a loss to understand the necessity of introducing them into the question before their Lordships. Nothing could be more absurd than this species of reasoning. According to it an Irish farmer might say, " I have not that franchise to which I am entitled," and they might say, " We know it, and we shall take care that you are worse off than you are at the present moment." To which it was possible he would reply, " But protect my property and my life;" to which they would reply, " Because you have not the franchise, we shall leave your pro perty exposed and your life in danger." In his opinion some law like that proposed by the Noble Earl was necessary in order to afford the people of Ireland the enjoyment of those civil rights to which they were entitled by the constitutional Government under which they laboured. But there were parts of the Bill to which he could not agree. fie decidedly objected to that portion of it which set forth that it should be permanent. In introducing it, the Noble Earl stated, that at an early period he expected the Government would be enabled, on account of the improved state of Ireland, to propose its repeal.—(Hear, hear.) But, in his opinion, it should only be passed for a limited period, for he should despair if he thought it was necessary always to continue such an Act, in which the power given was undoubtedly of an arbitrary nature, and he was against giving such a power for an inde finite period. Its continuance should be fixed by a clause, and when that period expired the Legislature might ex tend it for a further period, if the state of the country rendered it necessary. There was another part of the Bill to which he objected. He agreed with those Noble Lords who had spoken on that side of the House, that punishment ought not to be inflicted on those who were indirectly and not directly concerned in the commission of murder, by imposing a tax on them and the districts in which they resided, in order to reimburse the wives, children, and other relations of the murdered man._( Hear.) He admitted that this tax should be imposed on affected districts ; but they ought to be careful of committing an injustice by not making a proper distinction between persons convicted and not con victed ; for a lunatic might take away life—he might commit se veral murders, or other crimes of less magnitude, for which he would be immediately convicted; but it would be extremely hard, where no combinations, and no crimes like those pointed at in the Bill existed, that the Lord Lieutenant should order a pension, in the shape of compensation, to the rela tions of the person deprived of life.—( Hear, hear.) He considered that if the inhabitants rose up and arrested the man who committed a crime, they ought not to be punished by the infliction of penalties for such crimes. It was worthy of their Lordships' observation,that in courts of justice it had been proved that many of those crimes were committed by strangers from other counties, and he (Lord Clanricarde) thought that where it could be proved that the perpetrators of crime were brought to justice no penalty ought to be imposed. There was another point also, which was, that he thought that L the power of transportation for life should not be given by the Bill, without the signature of the Lord Lieutenant being previously obtained. With respect to the change of venue, he thought it was very often a disad -1 vantage for a man to be tried in another county. If a man was a bad character, and was convicted, he thought it important that that conviction should takeplace in the county where the act was committed. There ought to be, also, a reference to the gentlemen of the county to take the circumstances into consideration. But these were mat- ters of detail. He rose to say he was more and more confirmed that such a measure was necessary; from what he had heard, the Government were tardy in doing their duty, but he would give them his cordial support. The Earl of WICKLOW said he was not in the least disposed to give any opposition to the Bill, because he thought it an exceedingly useful measure. With respect to the observations of his Noble Friend re specting the permanency of the Bill, he (the Earl of Wicklow) begged leave to observe that, as the Par liament met every year, it was in the power of the Govern ment, or any individual Member, to move the repeal of the measure whenever desirable. He would take that opportu nity of giving his opinion that there are two great objects to be attained for the prevention of crime in that country, and it appeared to him that the Bill was well framed for the purpose. There was another for the purpose of bringing •to justice the perpetrators of crime. His Noble and Learned Friend alluded to that subject. He (Lord Clatsricarde) considered that it was quite as necessary to secure the detection and conviction of criminals as it was to prevent the commission of crime. Their Lordships saw the result of this in the details which had been read to them, from which it ap peared forward, that it was impossible to find witnesses to come or jurors to convict. In other coercion Bills which had been enacted, and in the last one, brought in by Lord Grey, there was a provision to secure the conviction of criminals. He did trust, therefore, that the Government would introduce clauses to this effect into the present Bill, or would bring in a Bill specially on the sub ject. He would not at this stage of the proceedings make any objection to the Bill, but would content himself at present with these few observations. Lord woulde that The Earl of CLANCARTY did n o t w i s h th e di scussion to be brought to a close without ma ki ng a f ew o b servations on two of the provisions of the A c t. I n t h e fi rst c l ause of the Act it was stated, t have d, h the at power when of sending murder do or % s na an n ad ditional - tempt to murder w a s comm itt e d i n any di str i c t, th e Lieutenant number of constables and magistrates to that locality. He did not think that this was the most effectual mode of meeting the case, for local knowledge was an object of greater consequence than numbers of policemen and magistrates. This, unless the stipendiary magistrates were to be a perpetual burden to the country (which God forbid), the Noble Lord considered could not be obtained by them. The local magis trates would feel a greater interest in the preservation of the peace of that district. They would, and could, give more as sistance In such cases as these, and it would be more likely to further the ends of justice. The police giagistr4te had not the same local knowledge, nor does be feel the same • interest in the well beinii of the district. If the police courts of Ireland were placed is more immediate relation with the local magistrates, no person would have more ready access to information than they would; to none would information be snore readily conveyed, provided he were looked upon as an accredited officer for maiutainingthe peace of the country. He did not mean that sort of information held in such abhorrence by the people of Ireland—information made for the purpose of obtaining the rewards offered by Government, but he referred to that information which a poor man may make to his landlord, who, as a magistrate, might turn it to some account, for the prevention of crime; which he (the Earl of Clancarty ) maintained, would be much better than vindi cating the justice of the law after the commiesion of crime. fie did not wish to cast any imputation upon the s'dpendiary magistrates ; but could their Lordships listen to that la: ge catalogue of crimes, those unclaimed rewards, and those offences which had hitherto gone un punished, without coming to the conclusion that, notwith standing the great increase in the administration of justice, crime had, nevertheless considerably increased. fie thought a reference to these circumstances mi,glit raise the I question, whether a paid or unpaid magistracy were the proper persons to be entrusted with authority in Ireland. Again, in farmer times there had been causes for dissatisfac tion. These were the grievances of the penal statute. 'These had, however, all been removed. Again there existed no longer exclusive privileges. They had had seventeen years of conciliatory measures, they had had Cathoilc eman cipation, tee Reform Bill, Protestant associations had been abolished, the tithe had beets comparatively extinguished, the public funds had been withdrawn from the Protestant I schools and placed at this disposal of a board which leant more to the Roman Catholic than to the re formed faith. lie might add that the Chureh of Rome had been sanctioned in Ireland, and last, not least, the college cf Maynooth had been endowed. He thought that these Acts showed at least a disposition oil the part of the Government to Co-operate in the establishment of peace i n Ireland.—(Hear.) He wished to call the attenti in of the House to the provisions of the Act. He thought that the clauses which provided for the families of persons murdered in the present state of the country should be recast. An alteration in this particular would add to the utility of the measure. He thought that their Lordships should pia vide some enact ment to which the poor should be compelled to resort, instead of remaining as mendicants upon the face of the country; and he would say that if their Lordships did that, they would do much more than this Bill could do fur the peace of the people of Ireland. Had the poor-rate been applied to that purpose— had the mass of the poor of that country been relieved, the preesure . of destitution which at present was so fearfully felt, and which in so great a measure tended to demoralise the people, would have been considerably lessened. They were impoverished, and forced to associate with de praved characters, and thus were brought about those instances of bloodshed, the details of which had been laid before ;their Lordships. Under other circumstances those murders would not have been committed. But s o long as a number of destitute persons pervaded the country, without any stake or interest in it, and led a medieant life, they need not be sur prised at such a state of things as had been detailed to them. So long as misery and wretchedness prevailed in Ireland so ong would the peace of the country be destroyed, despite such measures as the present. He could not sit down without expressing his very deep regret that the case of Ire land should be year after year dragged before the country, which was calculated to give such an unjust impression of the character of its people. As an Irishman he felt indignant, because the impression that was thus created in the minds of Englishmen was very much the reverse of what they truly deserved. They were not such as their Lordships might infer from the details which had been laid before them. The Government ought to bring forward such measures as were calculated to make the people comfortable and well fed, and they might then expect the country to be in a peaceable ronditition. Such measures would effect its peace muds more than any coercive measure which they could pass. Lord CAMPBELL thought that the observations which had fallen from the Noble Lord who had just sat down were worthy of the greatest consideration. He wished to make a few observations on what had fallen from his Noble and Learned Friend (Lord Brougham). He would not presume to offer any obstruction to the Bill, but to express his opinion against a doctrine propounded by his Noble and Learned Friend. He must protest against the doctrine, that in the prosecution of such cases as was con templated by this Bill, parties should be tried at a distance from the place of their abode. That there might be a state of things in which it would be necessary to do so he would not deny—cases in which juries would slot do their duty, and witnesses declined giving their evidence. But such a course was not to be taken unless under extraordinary circumstances. But he had no difficulty in saying that such a course, if it was made a standing law, would be ass invasion of the rights and privileges of the people. He defended that maxim of the common law of England that the accused party should be tried in the neighbourhood of the place where the offence was committed. The advantage to the individual in being tried in the neighbourhood of the place was, that he had a better opportunity of establishing his innocence among his neighbours, who knew his character, than in a distant place. Besides, if he was dragged to a distant part, the difficulty would be to produce his witnesses. It might he said that the Government should be compelled to pay the expense of these witnesses. But it would be impossible in many cases to take witnesses from their employment to dis tant parts, and then the accused would suffer from want of exculpatory evidence. Besides, the trial and conviction of a criminal in the nighbeithood where the offence was committed would hare a greater effect than it could have its a distant part, where that case had never beets heard of. If the Executive Government always had the power of selecting Else place of tt ial in political cases, they might commit the most arbitrary acts.—(Hear, hear.) A man who would be considered innocent in his ovsn neighbourhood, and might really have committed no offense, must be carried to a distant part of the country, where prejudices existed against his se ntenents, political or religious, and he might be unjustly con y icted of, arid punished for an offence he had never committed. His Noble and Learned Friend had stated, that practically this was the law of England, but it was not so. The law of England provided that the trial should take place only in the county where the offence was committed, subject only to the wholesome provisipn, that upon cause being made out, the Supreme Court of Queen's Bench might change the venue, and order the trial to take place in the county where a fair trial could be had. Thecriminal law of Scotland, he regretted to say, was very unfavourable to the criminal. The civil law, how. ever, of that country was the best in existence, and the law of England had often borrowed many important improvements from it; but the criminal law of Scotland was arbitrary and severe in the extreme. The Court of Justiciary in Scotland, it was supposed could do what they pleased with criminals, and it was to be regretted that they did not always act accord ing to the precepts of prudence or justice. 'fill lately, in Scot land, the judge selected the jury, he took the panel, and named those who should be upon the jury ; and within the last six months the Court of Justiciary in Scotland declared that they had power to create any new offence which they might think contrary to expediency, policy, or justice. There was a differ ence of opinion with regard to the punishment which ought to be inflicted for the offences which had been referred to. Some said, shorten life, but at length it was agreed that the punishment should be transportation. Lord Cockburn was the only dissentient to the alteration. But he hoped that the prac tice which prevailed in Scotland would not be a conclusive ar gument for its adoption in Ireland.—( Hear. ) if the Govern ment had made out a strong case fur giving them this arbi trary power, they might have been entitled to it. But lie apprehended that the measure introduced by the Government would answer all the purposes required. lie strongly concurred - in the objections which had fallen from many Noble Lords against continuing the measure for ass indefinite instead of a definite period.—(llear. ) If the state of the country at the expiration of the law sought to be established was not in a fit state to allow its abolition, there could be no difficulty in continuing it. .... Lord BROUGHAM wished to say a few words in explana.. tion. He certainly never said the law of England was similar to the law of Scotland with respect to the violent crimes sought to be put down in Ireland. He said that, under the law of Englandthere were cases in which it was difficult to obtain a conviction. This was notorious in smuggling cases, for in stance. He was sorry his Noble and Learned Friend (Lord Campbell) had taken the trouble to show what a bad law ex isted in Scotland. With respect to them, however, he simply showed that good might come out of evil. His Noble and Learned Friend's argument was the same as that used by him with respect to the privilege question, in which it was main tained that they might make any punishment they liked for a violation of the privileges of the Houses of Parliament. He said it would be a great general improvemant if it were the law generally. He was quite sure, if his Noble Friend looked into the Act, he would find that a similar one had been proposed by him ( Lord Brougham). There were two Acts, and he recommended his Noble Friend (Lord Campbell) to refresh his memory by reading them. He felt it his duty, when in troducing those Acts, to create court-martials to try all offences, and giving a power to condemn a man to transportation for life. In the 79th clause of the same Act his Noble Friend would find what he had stated to be correct. He did not enter into these general questions at all. But the venue Act, which was nut opposed, passed in the mouth of August, and he (Lord Brougham) was quite sum there were not such excesses as at present. Lord CAMPBELL said he would not enter into any con troversy with his Noble and Learned Friend, for it was well known he was a Scotch advocate, and it would be very much for the advantage of his country if he had never changed his intentions.—(A laugh.) In his Noble Friend's Bill, h e rn i s . understood what was its intention, for as they say, th e i r Lordships did not make the law, but were only to de clare it. Earl GREY said, before the Bill was read a second time, he wished to say a few words, and he was bound to remark that his Noble Friend had made out a sufficiently stron,, case to justify Parliament in arming th e G overnment with additional powers. He deplored and he regretted that a case had been made Gut for passing stringent measures, but he could not but remember that that was not the first Bill of that description that they had been called on to pass, For the last half century since the union took place there were no five consecutive years in which the ordinary law of the country was sufficient. A suc cession of Acts had been passed at different times for the purpose of arming the Executive with additional power. With what effect towards the pacification of the country, the fearful state of things which the Noble Lord depicted in introducing the present Bill was evidence, the tendency of which no one could mistake. After that statement it could hardly be supposed that this Act, which was of a similar nature, would be suf cient to repress the insubordination which existed. They had no other alternative left but pecuniary grants. So tar as eleemosynary relief could meet the distrenez of the county y, Parliament afforded that relief ; but, notwithstanding all the Acts which had been passed Ice the purpose of repressing outrage, and notwithstanding all the grants for relief that had been made by the imperial 'Parliament, no permanent or effectual improvement had taken place in that country. This proves that they ought not to continue in that line of pro cedure. They were bound to go to the root of the evil, not merely to repress by arbitrary power the commission of offences against life in that country, but to take away the spirit of disaffection which prevailed. He therefore thought that Parliament would not be doing its duty if it did not pass a measure of the kind he referred to. lie was well aware that the second reading of the Bill was not the time for the discussion of those mea sures ; but, he sad, that if before that Bill left the House some measure of the description he alluded to were not introduced— if, before the third reading of the Bill, we are not given some full and wise policy which her Majesty's Ministers meanto adopt—in that case it will be the duty of this House not to t thoseo de lay the passing of the Bill, not to refuse the Government powers which are necessary for the protection of the poor man even more than the rich, but, at the same time, by a solemn vote to record our opinions upon the necessity of coupling with ') this measure measures of the kind to which he had alluded.— ( Hear, hear.) So strongly did he entertain the opinion, that if no other Noble Lord of longer standing in that House, and more entitled to claim the attention of their Lordships, should be prepared to bring forward such a measure, he should take upon himself the task, when the present Bill was to be read a third time, to submit to their Lordships, in what shape he had not yet sufficiently considered to be enabled to state, a resolution in an address to tier Majesty, calling upon their Lordships not to rest satisfied with the present measure, or with those other measures of immediate relief, to which be would give his cordial consent, and to look more deeply into the present condition of the people of Ireland, and to endea vour to apply some remedy commensurate with this evil. He considered it better to reserve any remarks which he might have to make upon the details of the present measure. He would, however, just say that he cordially approved of the prin• ciple of that part of the Bill which sought to throw upon those districts of the country in which effesiees took place the burden of providing for the support of the bereaved families, and the expense of giving rewards for the discovery of offences— ( Hear, hear.) He believed this was a sound and wise princi ple, and he hoped that Government would render this clause them ai i t y t r b ri e m a n l t e e n r t at e i o n t a l ct s m o o e g n i t i s t . Ile couldopeortfebeetipairrid. to introduced by a Noble Lord. The effect of the alter.. te m st a i k n e g a.tii:n would be to intluee juries to find persons guilty upon insufficient ev:dence, because by finding these persons guilty the district to which the persons who composed the juries belonged would be relieved of all expense. He con sidered that there might e a temptation which might act upon the minds of the juries to relieve the districts in which they lived by unfair verdicts. He thought that, in the shape in which the Bill then stood, an inducement would not be given to jurymen to convict parties, and, therefore, he thought the amendment sought for by the Noble Lord would nut be an im provetnent. lie agreed, that though the cost of those crimes on the district in which they were committed was perfectly roper and reasonable, the population had great means at. c mmand for the prevention of crime, if they were inclined to supyort the law, for crime only recurred because it was unpunished. It was his opinion that the district should bear the pecuniary expenses which arose in consequence. There was another point to which he particularly wished to call the attention of their Lordships. He thought that a clause should be inserted in a Bill to limit its duration. A Noble Lord had suggested that the Bill should be repealed. He thought that his suggestion was the better one, because no Government would propose its renewal, unless circumstances were such as to justify them in asking it. In the present stage of the Bill, he was not prepared to disse n t from it ; but he hoped that the clauses which had reference to the puni,hment of persons out between sunrise and sunset would be considerably modified. After a few words from the Marquis of WESTMEATH, the Bill was read a second time. Their Lordships then adjourned. aAILBAY I3UreSaldN a ' HOUSE OF COM . 1.1 0-V S, Monday, Feb. 23. The SPEAKE R t oo k t h e Chair at a few minutes before Four. E se S e S o . nd time, and were Numerous Railway Bills were ordered to be committed. The names of the Bills are as follow Exeter and Exmouth Railway. _ Taw Vale Railway Extension. Eastern Union and Iladleigh Junction Railway. Slamannan and Borrowsteuness Railway. Wilsontown, Morningside, and Coltness Railway (Improve.. ment and Branches). Slamannan Railway ( Batligate anti Jawcraig Branches). Wishaw and Coltness Railway (Greenhill Branch). Wilsontown, Morningsale, and Coltness Railway (Knowton Branch). Edinburgh and Northern Railway (Pettycur and Perth Har bour Branches and Deviations). Edinburgh and Northern Railway (Branches from the Dundee and Arbroath Railway and Tay Ferry Improvement). Edinburgh and Northern Railway (Strathearn Deviation). Edinburgh and Northern Railway (Lochgelly and Leslie Ex tensions). Edinbugh and Northern Railway (Kinross. Woodmill, and Newburgh Branches). Edinburgh and Northern Railway (Newport and St. Andrew's Branch). Lancashire and Yorkshire North Eastern Railway. Perth and Crieff Direct Railway. Ayrshire, Bridge of Weir, and Port Glasgow Junction Railway. London and Croydon Railway ( Thames Junction Branch). North Western Railway. Saint Helen's Canal and Railway. East and West Yorkshire Junction Railway. Midland Railway (Syston to Peterborough Deviations and Branches). South 'Midland Railway (Northampton and Bedford Lines). London and Birmingham Railway (Newport Pagnell Branch). London and Birmingham Railway (Saint Alban's and Luton. Branch). Cheltenham and Oxford Railway. Glasgow, Dumfries, and Carlisle Railway. West of Scotland Junction Railway London, Hounslow, and Western Railway, South Midland Railway ( Huntingdon Branch). Exeter, Topsham, arid Exmouth Railway. South Eastern Railway ( Tunbridge Wells to Hastings and Rye). South Eastern Railway ( Branch from 'Reigate to Dorking). South Eastern Railway (Maidstone to Strood near Rochester). South Eastern Railway (from Canterbury to Dover). South Eastern Railway (front Chislet to Margate). South Eastern Railway (from the Godstone Station to East Grinstead). South Eastern Railway (Rye to Rye Harbour). Glasgow, Paisley, Kilmarnock, and Ayr Railway Amendment and Branches (No. 1). Glasgow, Paisley, Kilmarnock, and Ayr Railway Amendment and Brandies (No. 2). Glasgow, Paisley, Kilmarnock, and Ayr Railway Amendment and Branches (No. 3). Norfolk Railway Extension (Dercham, Wells, and Blakenfty). North British Railway and Branches (No. 1). North British Railway (No. 2—Hawick Branches). North British Railway (No. 3—Carlisle Extension). North British Railway (No. 4—Gretna Branch). BILsTON GAS-LIGHT AND CO r:.E BILL. Mr. SPO. NER opposed the second reading of this Bill, on the ground that one gas company already existed in the town, and that it was incompatible with the convenience of the inha bitants that another company should be alhawed to be formed. Now the first objection he entertained towards this Bill was that they wished an , House to recognise the prin ciple of sending a Bill through Committee, confirming an agreement, without the house knowing one of its provisions. He contended that they ought to know whether any power ought to be givcs. to this or not. As far as lie knew Bilston was served with gas in the must economical manner. The old Company had been constituted under the Registration Act fur neap ly twelve months, and they knew that when a Company of such art extensive character was formed there were certain necessary expenses incurred ; now, if they passed this Bill, by one of its clauses they limited the liabilities of the shareholders in the elder com... pang 0)51. per share. Ile (Mr. Spooner) did not know whe ther the amount so limited would be sufficient to pay the debts already incurred. He thought that the public creditor ought to at least have had notice of this alteration of the stand ing order. He was not aware however that such notice had been given, but there was another objection which he con ceived was even more formidable than those he had enume rated. The Board of Trade had always laid it down as a rule that in large works like these the profits should be limited to 101. per cent. He understood that the Bilston Gas Company supplied the inhabitants at the very . lowest price, namely, (is. per 1,000 cubi c f ee t ; and, looking into all the cir cumstances, he thought that th house would be justified in throwing out this Bill. It would even be a saving of expense to its promoters. He should, therefore, move that it be read that day six months. Mr. Al UNTZ, in a 'few words, which were inaudible in the gallery, seconded the Hon. Member's motion. Lord INGESTRE hoped the House would adopt the original motion, that the Bill be then read a second time. Mr. VILLIERS. in reply, said that it was untrue that no petition had been presented to the House in favour of the Bill, fora petition had been presented the other evening, signed by every householder of liilston, praying the House to pass the Bill.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") The Honourable Member (Mr. Scrope) had said that the price of gas in that neighbourhood was 6s. per thousand cubic feet. Now, the fact was, that the lowest price was Ss. per thousand feet.—. ( Hear, hear. ) There were 03,000 inhabitants in Bilston, anti they were all unanimously in favour of the present Bill, and they stated in their petition that at present they lay under considerable disadv a nt age i n consequence of the Gas Bill. _ -7,-;;..K.7.-;;,' Colonel AN SON quite concurred in all the expressions of the lion. Member who had last addressed the House. He sin cerely hoped that the house would allow the Bill to be read a second time without the least delay.—( Hear. ) Mr. T HORNEL Y supported the Bill. It was not fair that the inhabitants of Bilston should be compelled to pay Bs. per 1,000 feet for gas, when in NVolverhampton it was but ss. 6d., and in Liverpool, where he resided, 4s. tid., and about to be reduced to 4 Seeing that every gas consumer in the town, with the exception of three, - had signed in favour of the Bill, it would b at absurd in the House to reject it. Mr. DUGDALE was of opinion that another Gas Com_ pany was not wanted at Bilston. The inhabitants at present paid Os. per 1,000 feet, not Ss. as stated ; and the only advantage held out by the new Company was the promise to supply them at ss. After a few words from Mr. AIORRISON, the amendmeet was negatived without a division, and the Bill was road a second time. LONDON AND rAeßsNeßnclGitit)llaßTpAoetilNtiLeNn\SANfVryeAm.NDSWOßTH Dr. 130WRINGBRp te the opponents of this measure, praying for leave to be heard agair. - At the Bill by counsel. • WELSH MIDLAND RAILWAY. Ayr. COLLINS incoented a petition in favour of this project. DIRECT NORTHERN RAILWAY. M.. HUME presented a petition from Montrose in favour of this scheme. .._ Mr: BANNERMAN presented a petitien in favour of the measure proposed by her Majesty's Government. (The name of the place from which it came was inaudible.) Air. J. O'CONNELL presented a petition, signed by &large number of person in Lancashire, in favour of the Ten Hours' Bill. Mr. DUNCAN presented a petition from the shipowners of Dundee, in which they expressed their dissent from the peti tion of the ship-owners of London, against the measure pro posed by her Majesty's Government, and begged that the measure proposed by Sir R. Peel, and now under the con sideration of the House, might pass into a law. CORN-LAWS. Mr. DICKINSON presented a petition praying that this House would not pass the present Government measure, and praying that the burdens on agriculture should be relieved by an additional income.tax. Mr. RASH LE IGH presented several petitions from Corn wall against the present Government measure. Mr. HUME presented a petition from Bingley, in Norfolk. praying for a repeal of the corn-la ws . Mr. T. BATESON presented eleven petitions from Lon donderry against any alteration in the corn-laws. ENROLMENT OF THE MILITIA. d Mr. BARCLAY presented a petition from S signed by 1,490 inhabitants of that town, against the enrolment Sunderland, nrolment of the militia. Mr. S. CRAWFORD presented a petitionfr p o e m tit ß io o n c s h f da re l l e a , signed by 5,381 inhabitants of that town ; also several other laces to the same eff ect. Mr. MITCHELL also presen t ed a petition to the sa me effect. THE ITT presented l a ST pet C it O io N n V pr l a C y T in S i Mr. BL E W for a mitiga tion of the remainder of the sentence p assed o n rost, and Jones. RAILWAY. RI DING UNION NOTICES OF MOTIONS.—WEST Mr. ESCOTT said—Sir, an error having occurred in the report of the Select Committee on Standing Orders, it is my intention to-morrow to move that so much of the report of the Committee on Standing Orders, presented on Friday last, as relates to the petition for leave to bring in the West Riding Union Railway Bill be annulled, and that, the notice that the West Riding Union Bill would be brought in, be expunged. - METROPOLITAN PRISONS. Lord SANDON gave notice that on an early day hq eihnid ~.