The Sun. — London, England, 1846-04-28 00:00:00

sense it was a violation of the statutes. He therefore sub mitted that on those three several accounts the statute ex pressly went to restrain retail dealers, but not to wholesale dealers. Sir. T. Wilde was about to address the Court, when the Solicitor-General interrupted, and a discussion ensued upon the question as to whether the plaintiffs had a right to speak upon Waggoner's case in the statute of Henry VII. The RECORDER decided that new matter having been in troduced, the plaintiffs might be heard. Sir T. WILDE said, out of respect to the Court, he should be extremely short. As to the statute of Richard 11. it referred to certain kinds of goods, as merchant strangers might sell corn and other victuals spices and small wares, to whom they pleased, whether the King's subjects or other wise. But this was only to be done by freeman, for whom it was alone lawful to undo and cut parcels, and this showed the selling of entire parcels as imported, and it was evi dent that the reference was first to small wares, and then it came to great wares, which the citizens only were able to break and sell in small quantities. When they con sidered counterpanes, and curtains, the peculiar features of the case would be evident. Then as to the statute of Henry IV., which repealed part of this statute which authorised the selling, when his Lordship recollected the state of the times under those reigns, this would be still more evident. The Learned Gentleman then read other portions of the statute to prove his case, and to show the custom was as he re presented it, especially stating that burgesses and citizens were entitled to sell in gross as well as retail. So they can abolish what was selling in gross, and he was quite read by the exposition of the Act of Richard 11. bei as to abide to Waggoner,s case, the statute was as distinct as it could sibly be, particularly that part which said tha t no person u should keep a shop or other house for the p po thing might be done covertly, so t h eo yfi fr r e s e t r ra im e l e. po sh se o t u l ld a penalty, and then they laid down that nonn. keep a shop or other place for th e purpose of getting a living, in the City at the cost or expense of the country. Then, as if to inclu le everything, they used the term " art." His Learned Friend had stated that he would not quote Coke — but another edition, where,the matter was more distinct, and well he might , case, that no man was f to for it l''be as not in Coke— as to Waggoner's allowed to follow any art, trade, or mystery, which embraced everything. Thirdly, as to the o bjection that the mat ter there referred to g oods bou g ht a n d eold, and did not extend to tallow-chandlers or other arti ficers of similar kind within the realm, it was held by the whole Parliament that the 7th of Henry IV., chap. 9, which had been before explained, completely riled the whole of the case. Having read several extracts from the amended Act of the 9th of Henry IV., and commented upon it, he sub mitted that the defendant came within its province, and held that the jury must so decide. The RECORDER then proceeded to charge the jury. He said the Chamberlain of London, in virtue of his office, and in accordance with an act of Common Council, passed so far back as 1606, in the fcurth year of the reign of James 1., sought to recover penalties, because the defendant had violated the Act in carrying on the trade of a warehouseman , dealer, and chapman without being free, that he carried on the art, trade, occupation, and mystery of a w arehouseman. by selling goods and merchandise without being free. The question then which they would have to decide was, w the occupation of a warehouseman brought him within the act of the Common Council. He was of opinion that he followed a trade, but that of a wholesale dealer did not come within the province of this act. lle would not enter into the right of the Council to pass the bye-law,ta because in his official capacity he might have to defend t right elsewhere. t Having read the admissions of the deindan . ,he said the pay ment for goods by acceptances at fou r months, or b y ca s h at tw-o and-a-half per cent. discount, showed that his dealings were of a more extensive character than those of a retail dealer, the ordinary nature of whose dealings were, that he received the money for the goods he sold across the counter. The defendant further stated that he invariably supplied invoices with the goods which he sold, thus showing that his transactions were not of a retail character. If they had been, it was possible, and in fact was generally the case, that the goods so purchased by retail would have been paid for on purchase, the purchaser being able to per ceive that he was properly supplied wit the goods he came to buy. He further stated that he occupied premises at 90 and 91, Wood-street; that he received his goods in bales from Manchester, and from various parts of Scotland and Ireland, in the disposal of which he employed a number of clerks and other persons. It was nifortunate that they had not been informed of the size of the bales of cotton, woollen, because they were unable to judge whether they con tained only a few or a number of yards. The jury were, no doubt, conversant with the hnsiness of a warehouseman, and if the defendant exposed his goods for sale in bulk, exhibit ing one bale and then another, and employing persons who acted virtually in the capacity of shopmen, he should advise them to find for the plaintiff. He put it to the jury as traders in the City of London, and as men of experience, to say whether the defendant came within the province of a wholesale dealer or not. The facts were extremely meagre ; he was unable, therefore, to direct them better, because his personal experience of business in the City was not sufficient to characterise the difference more distinctly. He considered that the bye-law did not apply to wholesale dealings, and that a warehouseman did not carry ma an art, mystery, or handicraft within the meaning of the byelaw or act. After considerable discussion between the Counsel and the Recorder on mere points of form and exceptions, the jury retired at half. past five o'clock to consider their verdict, and returned into Court a t s i x o ' c l ock, with a verdict for ' the DEFENDANTS ON ALL THE COUNTS. The Court then rose. RAILWAY COMMITTEES (YESTERDAY.) GROUP VI. This Committee met to-day at twelve o'clock, Sir J. C. Ilobhouse, tliCrman. D TTI " . ---- DEE AND PEILTN. Mr ' ANDREws appeared for the promoters of the Bill, and after addressing the Committee, Mr. TALBOT said he appeared for the magistrates and town council of Perth , to object to th e li n e, inasmuch as it Was intended by the promoters to have a general termini far all the rail ways running into the town at a plaee called the " Inch." His clients objected to this ground being interfered with (amore patrice), as it bad been the property of the public for the last three hundred Years. It was a place which the inhabitants held in high veneration. It was the ground on which " Henry of the Wind" perfor:ned such wonders before one of the Kings of Scotland, and of which Sir Walter Scott gives so glowing a description. The Learned Counsel Went irk) the merits of the case at great length, and after some cross firing between the Learned Gentlemen engaged on both sides, The Committee ordered the room to be cleared. rpon readmission, the CILtIE,IAN said that the Committee had %greed to hear the opponents by counsel and evidence. The proceedings were then adjourned to twelve o'clock to-morrow, When the case will be gone into in detail. GROUP VII. The Committee appointed upon this Group met this morning in one of the new Committee-rooms of the new Houses of Parliament. Th , .. Committee consisted of Mr. It. Palmer, chairman, Mr. Stanton, Lord John Chichester, Mr. Seymer, and Colonel Powell. the following BMA have been referred by the Committee of Selec tion to this Committee —namely, Eant of Fife ; Glasgow and Dundee Junction ; Scottish Central (Alioa Branch) ; Edinburgh and Northern (Newport Railway and St. Andrew's Branch); Edinburgh and Northern (Kinross, Woodmill, and Newburgh Branch) ; Edinburgh and Northern (Lochgelly and Leslie Extension); Edinburgh and Northern (Dunfermline Branch); Edinburgh and Northern (Strath erne Deviation) ; Kinross Junction (1 and 2); Stirling and Dun fermline , Edinburgh and Perth; Scottish Central (Denny Branch) ; and Edinburgh and Glasgow and Scottish Central Junction. ILINROSS 31TNCTION! It was announced that the two Bills which had been introduced tinder this title had been withdrawn. EMINII77I2GII AND 17 ORTHMEN csTn.A.THER,N DEVII&TION). This Bill, for which Mr. Sergeant Binlasis appeared, was taken first. Before, however, it was proceeded with a discussion arose upon the construction of one of the resolutions proposed by Mr. Duncombe last week. The resolution in question was the one which requires that a return shall be made by the parties promoting a railway Bill of the past and present provisional committee, and all officers con nected with the company. Now the present line sought for was a branch of an existing railway, consequently there were no provi sional directors, and it was argued by the promoters that Parliament never could require the company to make a return of all their past directors, officers, solicitors, and all other parties that had been con nected with the company. By the opponents it was argued that the directors of the old com pany of course were provisional directors for carrying out the uew The point was reserved, with the understanding that it should be referred to the Speaker. The resolutions are evidently most loosely drawn up, and much inconvenience and delay will be experienced in consequence. GROUP IX, This Committee met to-day at one o'clock. Members present— Mr. Henley (chairman), the Hon. W. 0. Stanley, Lord Alford, and Viscount Eastnor. Absent, Mr Smith O'Brien. The following Bills have bean referred to this group :-- Slamannan (Bathgnte and Jalrerftig Branches). Wilsontown, tiferningside, and Coltness (Batlit:ate Branch). Wilsontown, Morningside, and Coltness (Improvement and Branches). Wilsontown, Morningside, and Coltness (Caledonian Railway Junc tion). Wilsontown, Morningside, and Coltness (Knowtou Branch). Airdrie and Bathgathe Junction. Edinburgh and Ilatligate E dinburgh and Hamilton. Direct. Lanarkshire and Lothi Sc ottish Central and Cal edonian Btirlingshire Midland. Junction. arnannan and Borrownsutet'Th Wisbaw and Coltness (Green:4l'7l Branch). Th e e list of Bills having_be read over, and none of the parties o'clock, adjourned till Tha rs h ay Sev gral of the Bill s, i t was intien ne ; t 'd,lvonid not b e proceeded with, and none of the oth ers would be ready till the day on which the Committee agreed to adjourn to. GROUP XIV. SaITT2I-EASTERN AND The Committee to which this Group is re f erred met to-day at twelve o'clock, in room No. 30. Present Mr. Protheroe (Chairman), Lord Einlyn, Mr. J. O'Connell, and Mr. Grogan. The CHAIRMAN expressed his regret at the absence of General Lygon, who was absent in conse q uence of the death of Lady Beau champ. Mr. Stephenson re-examined by Mr. ALEXANDER-llas made bor ngs in the neighbourhood of Otteram Creek, and the results of those borings show that the soil is favourable for the formation of a railway. ThG borings were made near the creek, in order that the most unfavourable ground might be at once ascer tained, as the vicinity of the creek would naturally cause the ground to be softer and of a more muddy texture. The gra dients between Faversham and London, or rather the levels between those points, are much better on the South-Eastern 'Luc than on the North Kent line. The South-Eastern line enters the Dockyard and Arsenal at Woolwich at a lower level than the yard itself. So that all kinds of stores, such as shot, guns, &c., could be lowered by cranes On to the waggons, and dispatched withoat any inconvenience. The CHAIRMAN asked if the South-Eastern Company intended to bring forward any evidence to show that the Government had de cided to give any opinion in favour of either of these lines,or was the Government indifferent on the subject. Mr. ALEXANDER said that he intended to call a militaryvfficer of eminence to show that the South-Eastern scheme with reference to the Dockyard was not only feasible but advisable, but ha could not may that tha` gentleman was authorised er commissioned by the Go- Yernment to express any opinion on their part. Witness (in centinuation)—Mr. Vig,no:e's plan for entering the dock-yard was more expensive than the South-Eastern plan. lied caused different borings to be made on the proposed route of the North Kent Railway in the tunnels through Boughton-hill. The turnings -ant showed clay to the depths of 26, 7, 13, and 7 feet respectively. At the eastern end of the tunnel there is a cutting of 1,402 yards in length. The borirgs show that the clay capping of 1 1: . other strata varies in depth from 23 to 9 feet. These. borings were all made within a distance of 350 yards . There is on the western a,. of the tunnel a cutting 1,400 yards in l e n g th, and the Deal thatnzsi ,Pada he li there gave 28, 6, 12, 8, and 9 feet. Is of o p inion made Nor The b r and the th Kent branch a branch bill cutting should never have been U n i on - s treet branch on the ton or the North e l' e rfectly useless. In the event of trio forma astc,..„.o,,pany wort line, an amalgamation with the South- Must be carried on. be the result, or else a ruinous competition Park, f _ By the CHAIRMAN—ShouId Wich line through Greenic have Adreiraitv. preferred continuing the Green line, but it was opposed by t i ll fo rmed plans for such a The CHAIRMAN said that la: sheet I • • - like to see the correspondence on that subject. L n e tted by the Admiralty was accommodation. It would in- Mr. STEPHENSON said that the a l n i c le y in tu 1;1 not interfere with a far interior one as to expense crease the expense 10),0001. The railway p riments already the instruments at the Royal Observatory bration. The Astronomer Royal said that the exPear.k, by an y vi made were not sufficiently conclusive, and he Mime experiments himself. proposed instituting Mr. John Clutton, examiued by Mr. MERREWETRER—I 4 a . yrn . and had valued the land required for the South-Eastern line. cost of the main line in land would be 304,26 51 ., and that of the loop 62,235/.From Canterbury to Dover would be 104,469/., and f rom Maidstone to Rochester el 6.511. Mr. (4. W a kt ey was the neat witness examined, after which The Committee wijourned until to-morrow at twelve O'CIOCkr GROUP XIX. Thz select Committee appointed to consider the merits of the Bills comprised in this Group, resumed its sitting this morning for the lint time since the Easter recess. Lord Harry Vane in the Chair. RID GEWATER AND MAID ENII Z AD. The CHAIRMAN announced that the Committee were of o, inion that the preamble to this Bill had not been proved. ment had come to a wise judgment, and that it had appeared in 1 the course of the discussion that nothing had been more foreign in the compilation of the Act than the want of foresight. It should be recollected that at the commencement of the last session the Board of Trade had declared that, under the circumstances, certain classes should be recommended as objectionable, that others should be delayed, and that others again should be recommended for ap proval ; but to this the Committee had turned a deaf ear, and a now classification had been adopted. There were, first, those lines which had obtained a certain standing in Parliament during last year. There were, secondly, those which were proposed by the existing Companies. Thirdly, those which were promoted with a view to the coast defences of the country ; and, lastly, those which proposed to shorten the distances between places on the existing lines. With regard to some of those lines it was stated, as in regard to the Great Western and the approaches to Exeter, that they went thirty miles round. There was no doubt but that it was highly de sirable to shorten these distances to the public, whenever that object could be accomplished with safety and economy. The Earl of NC ICKLOW hoped that an alteration would be made in the resolutions, requiring the meeting to be held be fore the committee on the Bill, instead of before the third reading. Parties would then be saved the great expense of bringing up witnesses and obtaining evidence. Lord REDESD AL E said that many alterations might be made in Committee, which would alter the character of the Bill altogether, and therefore it was essential that the meetings should be held after the Committees had disposed of the Bills. lie would just say, that in his opinion railway companies ought to be allowed to borrow money ; they ought to call up all their shares. The Earl of RADNOR objected to the resolutions alto• gether. He did not see why parties who in a gambling spirit had got themselves into difficulties, were to be relieved by Par liamentary interference. Parliament was stultifying itself by such a resolution as this. They had rules, and to those rules they ought rigidly to adhere. He looked upon these resolu tions as holding out an encouragement for a revival of the system which they had just passed through. He believed the resolutions were altogether unnecessary. Earl FITZWILLIANI did not object to the resolutions, but he must say that the state of things which had called them forth was a rather disgraceful feature in the conduct of the Govern ment. 'f hey were by this side-wind going to get rid of the difficulty in which they found themselves, which might have been prevented had proper steps been taken at the proper period. He approved of the resolutions, because they were a loophole by which the present difficulty could be avoided. But after all, they were trusting to the chapter of accidents, for they had no security that the good lines would be adopted and the bad ones rejected. He thought that a board for the control of these matters should be ap pointed ; and he only regretted that more confidence had not been placed in the Railway Department of the Board of Trade when it was in existence; but he trusted the Government would remodel it, giving it an efficient staff of engineers to work with. The Earl of DALHOUSIE replied, he did not believe that such a traffic in scrip would take place as to influence the meetings that were to be called. He had consulted those who were practically acquainted with the subject, and their opinion was that nothing of the sort could take place. As to another objection, that of scrip bring surreptitiously issued by pro visional committees, it must be recollected that no scrip could be available at the proposed meetings that had not been issued prior to the 31st of March last. With respect to the Bills which had reached the third reading being allowed to pass the House, it must be borne in mind that a resolution preciseiy similar to the one he now proposed had passed the other House of Parliament, and therefore any Bill which passed the third reading in the House of Lords would be subjected to the reso lutions of the other House of Parliament. The resolutions were then agreed to, and the House ad ourned. HOUSE OF COMMOIS, April 27. The SPEAKER took the Chair at Four o'clock. BRIDPORT ELECTION. Mr. C. WOOD reported to the House that the Committee appointed to inquire into the merits of the Bridport election had decided that Mr. Baillie Cochrane had not been duly elected to represent the borough of Bridport, and that Mr. Romilly had been duly elected to serve in Parliament for that borough, and ought to have been returned. The Clerk of the Crown was ordered to attend tomorrow to amend the report. GENERAL TERMINUS AND GLASGOW HAR BOUR RAILWAY BILL. On the further consideration of the report on this Bill, Mr. HuatE was about to make a motion, for the purpose of having the further evidence laid on the table, when the Hon. Member was interrupted by The SPEAKER, who said that it w o u ld not be in cattier to make such a motion until the second reading of the Bill. The report was then agreed to. Mr. ESCOTT moved that Mr. Smith O'Brien be ordered to attend on the Committee, of which he was appointed a member. Mr. SMITH O'BRIEN observed that he was there to re present his Irish constituents, and not to serve on the Com mittees of English railways. He should, therefore, refuse to attend. The result of the motion was that Mr. Smith O'Brien was ordered to attend. SECOND READINGS. The following Bills were read a second time, and ordered to be committed, viz. : Holme Reservoirs. Cambridge Improvement. Forth and Clyde Junction Railway. Scottish Central and Caledonian Junction Railway. Glasgow Municipal, Police and Statute Labour. Oldham, Manchester, Liverpool, and Birkenhead Junction Railway. Alliance Gas Company. Portbury Pier and Railway. Sheffield, Ashton-under-Lyne, and Manchester ( Whaley bridge and Hayfield Branches). Ipswich and Bury St, Edmund's Railway (Extension to Ely, with a Brach therefrom). London and Birmingham Railway (Weedon and Northamp ton). West Cornwall Railway. Oxford, Worcester, and Wolverhampton Railway. Wilts, Somerset, and Weymouth IlethNay. South Devon Railway (No. 2—Amendment and Branches). Midland Railway (Clay Cross to Newark). REPORTS. The following reports were brought up, the amendments and alterations agreed to, and the Bills ordered to be engrossed, yiz. : Electric Telegrah Company (further proceeding on considera tiun of report). Perth and Crieff Direct Railway. East Lothian Central and Tyne Valley Railway. Helensburgh Extension and Police. Helensburgh Harbour. Glasgow Union Arcade. Glasgow Harbour Mineral Railway. Colchester Navigation Improvement. Leicester Improvement. Great Western and Wycombe Railway. Great Western and Uxbridge Railway. Saint Austell Small Debts. Burnley Improvement and Waterworks. West of Scotland Junction Railway. Stafford New Gas. Eastern Union and Harwich Railway and Pier. Ashburton, Newton, and South Deyon Railway. London and Brighton Railway (Wandsworth Branch). Rugby and Stamford Railw a y. THIRD READINGS. The following Bills were read a third time and passed, viz.:— Scottish Midland Junction Railway Branches. Glasgow, Kilmarnock , and Ardrossan Railway. Edinburgh and Glasgow Railway Amendment and Branch es Clyde Dock and Harbour. South-Eastern Railway (No. 11)—(Rye to Rye Harbour). South-Eastern Railway (No. 7)—(Extension of Stations at Ashford). Exeter and Exmouth Railway. Midland Railway (S)ston to Peterborough Deviation and Branches). Glasgow, Paisley.liilmarnock, an d A yr R a il w ay—No. 1. Glasgow, Paisley, Kilmarnock, an d A yr R a il wa y—No. 2. Glasgow, Paisley, Kilmarnock, and Ayr Railway—No. 3. Weston-super. Mare Pier. Brighton and Chichester Railway:(Bognor and Littleharnptcn Branch). London and Brighton Railway (East Midland Branch). REFUSAL TO SERVE ON COMMIT FEES. Mr. SMITH O'BRIEN—Sir, I understood you to put a question from the Chair, to the effect that I should be ordered to attend a Committee of this House to-morrow. I stated at the time that it was my intention to attend this House as the representative of my con stituents. I deny the authority of the House to compel me to attend the Committees; and I beg leave respectfully to state that it is my intention not to attend the Committee to morrow. Alr. HUME presented a petition against the proposed amalgamation of the Edinburgh and Glasgow Railway with the Forth and Clyde Canal Navigation Company. Mr. GRAINGER presented a petition from Durham in favour of the Roman Catholic Relief Bill. Sir HOWARD DOUGLAS presented a petition from Essex against the union of the secs of St. Asaph and Bangor. Mr. DUNCOMBE presented a petition from Norwich against the Irish Coercion Bill. Mr. ESTCOURT brought up the report of the Standing Orders' Committee. Lord G. BEN I'INCK presented a petition in favour of the Erewash Valley Railway. IRISH FISHERIES. Colonel CONOLLY gave notiee that he would on to morrow present a petition against the Salmon Fisheries (Ire land) Bill, praying for a repeal of the same. Mr. POWER moved that leave of absence be given to Col. Westenra.—Agreed to. CRIME IN IRELAND. Mr. JOHN O'CONNELL moved that the returnse with regard to crime in Ireland, presented a few o, be presented.—Ordered. THE MARQUIS OF WATERFORD'S PROPERTY— EVICTION OF TENANTS. On the order of the day for the adjourned debate being read, Major BERESFORD rose and said, that having been temporarily t absent from the House, he took the present oppor nuonmitpLyr;agoinflrreteofseurrnmring to a transaction that happened the other night, when dlusion was made to the Marquis of Waterford's c property. Before, however, entering into that matter, he must protest against the doctrine, (though no landlord had re honestly discharged the duty than the Noble Marquis) that . every individual should be made subject to Parliamentary oninquiry and comment on mere prima facia evidence based In such sr as reports.—(Loud necessary a r of y t. h " . Hear, e the ar, personalheari friends and relations of the parties accused should come for ward.av in order to protect them wni a osn g ne a d in t s o t st t that c h u e s hadat Kilkennyiorinso. Memberah t e e s e ffor for bringing this case forward. 'The Hon. Member had a e k d e so ag m ain u s e t h th e e found a statement furnished with the most circumstantial rela tions, and considering that the report was correct, had made use of it in the course of argument. The only remark he had to make was that he was a little astonished that the Hon ourable Member should be so ready to give credence to a report furnished from that source front which (if Lis m emory served him ri g h t ly) n ot a long time since some re p orts had issued w i t h regard 'to his Learned and Hon. father. The Hon. Member for Kilkenny was the individual, who in a public address, declared the statement to be false, and who published a letter declaring that the source from which the information was obtained was an incorrect one. Under these cirumstances, he wished that the Hon. Gentleman would have had some degree of caution in making his statements affecting the property of other people. With the permission of the House, he would read the state ment. The Hon. Meat' er here read from a newspaper an article, stating that a village en the estate of Lord Water ford, containing 150 families, or 277 persons, had been rased t o t he ground, and the f amilies turned out destitute. Now he would state the exact truth of the case. It seemed that about thirty or forty years ag o there were a numleer of small tenements let to a number of persons ; these occupying tenants permitted a great number of cabins to be built upon the prop er t y ; a grea t number of these p ersons came from a distance, and were not reared upon the property as it was stated. When the lease expired, the agent went t° Kilraaetomas, and offered to each of them a sum of money for P ulli ng down their own wretched houses ; the offer was thankfully accepted, and with their own hands they pulled down the cabins; the agent then went away, and after THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY MORNING, APRIL' 28, 1846. BRIDGWATER, AND TAUNTON RAIXAVA.T AND HARBOUR. The next case taken was that of the promoters of the Bridgwater i and Taunton Railway and Canal, which was opposed by the ß e .„ rit and Exeter Railway Company, who were represented by m Talbot and Orbin, and several navigation proprietors and landholders In the vicinity of the proposed line. if The th admiralty gavew i wished et their e t i o r bc consent n informed, the b e before it would be • were aware that posed harbour at Taunton. The partiesto ot. th th e e c p a r s o e . , consent. constructiongoingl into ther with Messrs. hawkers useless for the Committee to sanction the scheme without suet plied by producing a letter and Wells, appeared for the promoters,srieniing Mr. Sergeant Waascriasr, who, toge that the Lords of the from the Secretary of the Admiralty, - proceed at once with the case. The CHAIRMAN said then they v, the ease, said there were ' NGIIAM, in opening . Admiralty approved of both the lin o e u a l :n i d the harbour. Mr. Sergeant IN RA. some very peculiar circumstances. to the favourable consideration of Par • laich entitled it Committee, this project, w connected with the promotion of liavnent, and, with the ' Puemstances. So makerslog ago as 1811 an Act was 'ssion of the he would go into a detail of these cir c e ,niiipany to passed for enabling . a T aunt on , completion of so extensive a project, another Act • but it being subsequently found that the traffic would not justify the ed in 1524, limiting the undertaking between Bridgwater present Bill was for converting that canal A th bo e ut the same time the Canal Company ' a l n n a i d s o TauntonP aapassed railway. ; a" d ex pended 22,0001. in the improvement of the river Tone, and in 1842 they obtained an Act to make the Chard canal and docks ; and, in the end, the Company laid out 100,0001. in construct ing works for the public benefit. This money was raised by shares and loans, and up to 1842, the Company flourishing beyond all pre vious expectation, they were enabled to pay the interest on their debts, and a fair dividend to their proprietary. In 1342, however the Bristol and Exeter Railway opened from Bridgwater to Taunton and put a period to their success ; and, instead of now being able to pay interest and dividends, they could hardly receive a sufficient amount of traffic to enable them to maintain the canal. They therefore determined to apply for an Act to convert their canal into a rail way, and thus enable them to fight in the same armour used by their rival. They proposed to convert the canal into a railway, ex ten ling the line from Taunton on to Stollord, and to make a harbour of refuge there, accessible at all times and under all circumstances. The cost of these works was estimated at 390,0001., and to raise this money under their existing Acts of Parliament, which gave them power to raise in various ways 570,0001. ; but they had hitherto only exercised those powers to the extent of 171,2001., and hence the balance would cover the estimate of the proposed couversion and . . the construction of the other works attendant tkerespon. The formal proofs, in accordance with Mr. Duncombe's resolution last week, were then put in. Mr. TALBOT, on behalf of the opponents of the Bill, took a preli minary objection to the further progress of the 8111, ou the ground that even if the Committee granted the line, the promoters had no power to raise funds to construct it. `fhe Committee would remem ber that the first Act alluded to by his Learned Friend, was an Act passed in 1811, for making a Railway from Bristol to Taunton, but that Act was abandoned, and another passed for making a canal from Bridgwater to Taunton. Now the first Act gave the par ties power to raise 420,0001., but on the abandonment of this Act of course the powers ceased. The ether Act gave them power to raise 520,0001., and of that sum they had already used 171,2001., leaving a balance which in amount was 32,0001. less than the estimate for the construction of the propcsal works. Mr. Sergeant WBANGUAM contended that this was an objec tion which ought to have been urged is the Standing Orders. Corn mittee, and the present Committee had, therefore, no power to deal with it. Mr. TALBOT, relying upon the well-known Dublin and Galway ( aae, contendel that they had ; but the fact was the Standing Orders' Committee left this matter to be decided by the Committee on the Bill. Ultimately, after a long discussion, it was decided that the Com mittee should adjourn till to-morrow at twelve o'clock, and in the mealtime the decision of the Standing Orders' Committee was to be ascertained from the Chairman of the Committee before whom the matter was discussed. GROUP XXVII. The Committee, to whom the consideration of the merits of the lines of this Group was referred, met to-day at one o'clock, for the first time, in room 28 in the new:Houses of Parliament. The Com mittee consisted of Sir C. Lemon (West Cornwall), the Chairman, Mr. Marshall (Carlisle), Mr. Wawn (South Shields), Mr. Bright (Dundam), Mr. Hampden (Great Marlow). The lines in the Group were the Derby and Crewe Junction, the Leicester and Bedford, the North Staffordshire (Churnet Valley), North Staffordshire (Harecastle to Sandbach), North Staffordshire (Potteries), and the South Midland (Northampton and Bedford).; After the different :petitions presented against the lines were read over, a discussion ensued as to the order of precedence with regard to their consideration, when it was ultimately arrarged that the three Staffordshire lines should he taken first. Mr. TowNsExp objected to this arrangement, on the ground that the Amalgamation Committee had as yet made no report, and if the consideration of the lines be postponed till that report were made, such a course might save trouble and render any inquiry with re gard to them unnecessary. NORTH STAFFORDSHIRE (3 LINES.) Mr. _luaus, with whom were Mr. Talbot, Mr. Murphy, and Mr. Macauley, then opened the case on the behalf of the promoters of the three lines, after which Mr. George P. Bidder, civil engineer, was examined, when the Committee adjourned until twelve o'clock to morrow. IMPER,TAL PARLIAMENT. iIOI7SE OF LORDS, April 27. EMPLOYMENT OF DISCHARGED PRISON The Duke of WELLINGTON presented a petition, signed by a large number of the inhabitants of Winchester, praying their Lordships to take into consideration the state of dis charged prisoners, and provide some means for their employ- ■sent Messengers from the Commons brought up certain Bills. SEES OF ST. ASAPH AND BANGOR. Earl POWIS presented a number of petitions against the union of the sees of St. Asaph and Bangor. CORN-LAWS. The Marquis of SALISBURY presented a number of pe titions against any alteration in the corn-laws. SUNDAY TRADING. Lord CAMPBELL presented several petitions from different parts of Wales, praying their Lordships to adopt some mea sure for the prevention of the sale of spirituous liquors on Sundays. Earl FITZWILLIAM presented a petition from Halifax against the sale of spirituous liquors on the Sabbath. The Bishop of St. DAVID'S presented a similar petition from Lanroost. THE IRISH GREAT WESTERN RAILWAY. The Marquis of CLANRICARDE moved the third reading of this Bill. The Duke of RICHMOND thought the Bill ought to be postponed, as a petition had been presented fro .n shareholders representing 800,0001. of the capital, praying that the Bill might be withdrawn. The Marquis of CLANRICARDE said there could be no objection to postponing the Bill. He had moved the third reading, because he believed that those Bills which had arrived at a third reading would not come under the regulation re specting Railway Bills which had lately been established by the House. The Bill was then postponed to Friday next. THE CORN-LAWS. Lord BROUGHAM wished to call the attention of their Lordships to five returns to which he was about to move, con nected with the importation of foreign flour, and the importa tion of corn from Ireland. The production of these papers could not be objected to, because they had already been laid before the other House of Parliament. It would naturally suggest itself to their Lordships that he was rather premature in moving for these returns, which affected the discussion of a question which he was going to say they were about to enter upon, but which he did not think they would enter upon at present. This important matter, he perceived by the votes, had at various times, and in different manners, occupied the attention of the other House of Parliament for many weeks in the present session. He perceived by the same votes that no considerable progress had been made in this question during the last three or four weeks, partly from the intermission of all business during the recess—partly from the intermission of actual business since the recess. The situation in which the business of the country had been brought, according to the votes, which was the only record he hsd access to, was such as to excite grave doubts in the capital from which he had lately returned, respecting expediency. Many persons there, with whose political opinions ho did not agree, quoting, as they were wont to, that great author Tacitus, who said of a Government composed of King, Lords, and Commons, Regis, prinzores, et populus. The measure was easily commended, but feared more. He had endeavoured vainly to explain to them that what they looked upon as a radical evil in our system was merely of a passive and accidental nature, only to be accounted for by the various caprices of fortune which placed certain men in certain positions, of which they availed themselves, affct ing to be for measures which in their hearts they hated, and affecting to be against measures which in their hearts they loved, and which they only complained of because they did not go far enough, but using the opposition to the measures they loved for the purpose of postponing measures which they hated. He had given this theory to his French friends, but they had said in return, " Effects are against you—you don't get on — your business is stopped—week after week passes away—you do nothing there is an incapacity to carry on the business of your country. How long that is to last, and what is to happen if such a state continues, who can tell ?" His answer to this was—there is that in the nature of the British constitution, that when there shall happen to arise any temporary injury from accidents in the machinery, or a resitance to the medium in that machine, there is in that system of our great political engine the perfection of human policy, as I believe it is, which will regulate the constitution. A power acting by means of a well-represented system ; there is a power within itself of self adjustment, self-correction, and self-education to the nature of the evil which has given rise to this temporary obstruction, and to restore harmony to the working of the great machine; and accordingly their Lordships possessed the power of applying a corrective and administering effectual relief, and if any person should entertain the desperate hope that they could have the power of frustrating the intentions of Parliament and of the country by endless vexations and delay, and that they could postpone the arrival of that great and, in my conscience, most salutary mea sure, till it should be too late to discuss the question—which God forbid, should be passed without—their Lordships had then the power of anticipating the discussion, and coming to a well considered and deliberate opinion. That was the reason for his moving for those returns, and, if in the course of a fortnight, or thereabouts, he should perceive the same obstruction to this and to all other business, he should then feel it his bounden duty—as their Lordships had an unquestionable right to discuss the question without waiting for the Bill—to give their Lord ships an opportunity of discussing so great and important a measure. When they had discussed it, he hoped, and he believed, he might venture to foretell that the passing of the measure would very soon follow. It was for this reason that he felt him self bound to bring the measure thus briefly before their Lord ships that evening. The Duke of RICHMOND presented a petition from the Synod of Aberdeen against the Bill for the abolition of tests. HIGH CONSTABLES BILL. The Duke of RICHMOND reported this Bill with amend ments. GROUP XXIX. This Committee assembled to-day, shortly after Twelve o'clock, in room No. 8. Present, Mr. Labouchere, (Chairman), Sir W. Moles worth, Sir J. Duckworth, Colonel Rawdon, Sir J. H. Smith. SOUTH MIDLAND, HUNTINGDON BRANCH. The CHAIRMAN said, he believed the Committee had agre e d t o th e preamble of this Bill under certain contingencies, and they were now to consider certain clauses in the Bill. Mr. MACAULEY, counsel for the Bill, having answered in the affirmative, The clauses were then gone through seriatim, and on coming to clause 24, The CHAIRMAN said that the Committee expected that the same ate of tolls should be inserted as they (the Committee) had agreed upon in another Bill. Mr. Macaut.ni said, that . if they were restricted to the same rate of tolls as the Lond on and Birmingham they could not proceed. The rate of tolls here charged was the same as that sanctioned before in Bilis by that company. It was subsequently agreed to that the rate of tolls should be allowe d as put forth by the company, coals being charged at the usual rate. 0.3 earning to clause 39, which made this branch dependent upon the main line, Mr. MACAULEY said he had to submit on the part of the promoters that this dependency should not be enforced. After some short discussion, the room was cleared, and on our re admission, The Cnatastax said that the Committee could not comply with the application, and must adhere to their former determination of making this Bill contingent upon the other. BOSTON, STAMFORD, AND BIRMINGHAM (STANFORD AND WISBECH). Application was made, on behalf of the Corporation of Bedford Levels and Wisbech, to postpone the consideration of this Bill until the parties outside who were interested should be heard. The CHAIRMAN said ho thought unless all parties were agreed he could not consent. Such was not the case, and the Bill was proceeded with. Mr. DANIELLS (on the part of th., promoters of the Bill) said, he considered it right to state briefly what were the circumstances of the present Bill. It was of ancient date. In the month of last April certain gentlemen in Birmingham, who origivated the line, found themselve deficient in communication eastward and westward from that town. It had a most imperfect commnnication with Leices ter, and there was an entire absence of seaport communication. It was evident, therefore, that in this case there was a call for improved facility of transit, which, as regarded these two places, would be afforded by the proposed line. Besides, the communication with the important towns of the district would he greatly facilitated. He would also show from the traffic tables that the trade here was ex tremely great, and they would be enabled to perceive from the route of the line that the Dill must necessarily bo advantageous to the dis tricts through which it proposed to pass. There was also a great want of a mere direct communication between the Baltic and Birmingham than by the present circuitous mate. It was well-knowu that "here were large numbers o cattle in Norfolk which suffe:ed severely from having to be driven from the ♦arious places where they were fed, consequently a railway communication, by affording improved facility of transit, would be of considerable advantage in that case. He did not think himselt authorised to enter into any details respecting the advantages of the line. lie must, however, offer a few further observations. The line pass sing through a level country - there would be no engineering difticul tes to be encotnitered. The great obstacles with which they had to contend were the fears that were entertained of their disturbing the range of the country in laying down their line. lint they had suc cessfully completed their plans without any detriment in this particular. The objections in the petitions relating to the ziver Menne were net sustained, and he could not help considering that, as there were some proposed lines which would also cross toe river, that the pre• sent had been mistaken for one of these, and hence originated this opposition, The fact was, that they had selected a crossing, which was the least objectionable of all. lie would be obliged to trouble the Committee with some evidence, which he would make as brief as possible. The estimate , 250,0801., had been subscribed. The works would be executed within the period stated, and sessional orders had been complied with. He, therefore, trusted that the Committee would consider the work in the same light in which it was received in the district through which it was to pass, namely, as one of considerable public advantage. A question here arose as to whether parties had a right to inspect the documents of the promoters lodged under the sessional order- of last Thursday, relating to this subject. The room was cleared, and on our re-admission, The (7n AIRMAN said, the Committee had considered the question, and would not object to any parties then inspecting the contents of these documents ; but would not allow their contents to be contra vened, or made matter of argument before them (the Committee). Some evidence having been heard in support of the Bill, The Committee then adjourned. *ROUP XXXIV. The Committee met at twelve o'clock. Present, Hon. William Cowper (Chairman), lion. Montague Gore, Viscount Duncan, ]lr. Walpole, and Mr. Sanders Davies. GREAT GRIMSBY AND SHEFFZELD (Humnzin rE7',3I,IES). Some doubt was entertained whether this Bill, which respected the ferries over the Humber connecting the railway, was Affected by Mr. Duncombe's resolutions ; and Viscouut Duncan left the room to consult the Speaker of the House. The Speaker wa3 of opinion that they affected all Bills brought before the Railway Committees. As parties were not ready, this Bill was adjourned till to-morrow. It was stated that the returns required by the resolutions lately adopted in the House, would be ready, in the case of the Great Grimsby and Sheffield (2) Extension, and the Hull and Lincoln Rai1,.,., ,.,., ha tft.morrow- Application was made to the Committee to have the consideration of the great Grimsby, Louth, Horncastle, and Midland Junction, Postponed till the 18th of May, that time- might be given for compli ance with the resolutions of the House, which •as granted. The Committee adjourn e d tin twelv4 to-morrow. Su The members of this Committee mittee met this morning at twelve o'clock, in No. 11 Room. Present, Captain Jones (Chairmen), Mr. Philips, Mr. Forbes, and Mr. Pakington. The lines before this Committee are —the 'Warwick and Worzester, Birkenhead and Llangollen, and the Kent Atmsspheric. The Committee proceeded with the Warwick and Worcester line. The formal process having been gone through, the Committee went into the allegations contained in a petition against the Bill, that the surface of the ground Was not correctly shown on the section.. Several witnesses were called on behalf of the premoters, who stated the error arose only from the shrinking of the paper. There was a difference of 134 chains between Ilse section of the levels and the plans. The Committee decided that the allegation was sustained ; that the surface of the ground was not correctly shown In the section, it being marked on the section as a cutting of 22 feet, whereas it should have been an. embankomeabt. Objections were then taken to some other portions of the levels of the line. Tlic remaining allegations having been disposed of, the Committee deelded that tile standing orders had not been complied with. BIZLEENHEAD AND Lzazraoraanz. The remaiug formal proof in this line were taken. Standing orders complied with. KENT ATMOSPHERIC (ADDITIONAL Pnovxstows, No. 2 BILL.) flooding orders complied wilh. The committee then rose at a quarter-paAt three o'clock. STANDING ORDERS' COMMITTEES. HOUSE OF LORDS. Their Lordships met this day at the appointed hour. The Noble Lords present were tie Earl of ihaftesbury (in the chair), the Duke of R.ehmond, and Lord Hawarden. LARNE, BELFAST, AND BALLYMENA RAILWAY. This case came Lefore the Committee on second reference, and as many of our reauers may not know what the meaning of second reference is, we will shortly explain it by stating that tine Company started into life at a period when a deposit of five per cent. on the pro posed capital was all that was required by the Act Parliament. But a subsequent order of the House having rendered a deposit of 10 per cent. necessary, the parties came before their I.ordships to prove the additional payment of five par cent. The certificate of the Accountant -General having been proved, their Lordships decided that the Bill had passed the standing orders. BALLY3IENA AND BALLYMONPY RAILWAY. This case came before the Committee on the same point, and having put in the necessary proofs, the Committee decided that the company had complied with the standing orders. 03IAGH, DUNGANNON, AND ARMAGH RAILWAY, This case was adjourned until to-morrow, for further proof. LONDONDERRY ANDRAILWAY. ENNISKILLEN EXTENiIION This case came before the Committee, in order to prove compliance with Lord Wherncliffe's order. And the necessary proofs having been entered, their Lordships intimated that the standing orders in this case had also beeu complied with. Their Lordships then adjourned, at five o'clock, Our Young England men have found imitators among the larirs, among whom a party has arisen called " TOktig 'War land,"ll,llo are eager for a couteat, with our colonist 4, CHARITABLE TRUSTS BILL. The Earl of ELDON presented a petition from Marlborough College, praying tobe exempted from the operations of this Bill. RAILWAYS. The Earl of DALHOUSIE then rose to propose the new sessional orders of which he had given notice with respect to railways. Since he had given notice, similar resolutions had been adopted by the other House of Parliament, in which cer tain alterations had been made; and as it was desirable the re solutions of each House should be similar, he had made the same alterations which had been made in the resolutions of the other House in the resolutions which he had now to propose. The Noble Lord then proceeded to state the nature of a num ber of alterations to the resolutions, which have already been published, namely, when they came before the House of Com mons, and concluded by moving their adoption. Lord MONTEAGLE thought that the sessional orders should not be altered upon any essential principle without pre vious notice. He thought it was not right that their Lordships should be taken by surprise upon the Noble Lord's proposition. The meetings where tl,e parties would consider their interests was the proper place to consider the question. He was op posed to relaxing the rule in favour of some Bills, and enforc ing it in others. The steps they had taken were neither wise nor manly, as they were throwing responsibility from them selves to other parties. Their duty was to see that thole railway Bills which ought to pass were adopted, and to reject those which were unworthy of being passed. This was the course they ought to have taken at an earlier period. He certainly thought the proposed resolutions would do good as far as they went, but something further was required. Another thing he complained of was, that, under the present system, a railroad Bill that was unopposed passed almost as a matter of course, and nothing could ce more absurd than this ; for it very often happene that a line of great public utility was sacrificed for a line of secondary consideration. This would always be the case until some one was appointed to represent the Executive Government in those Committees, or until the Legislature took upon themselves more general power, and considered these matters in an impartial light. It would be improper for him to speak now of the best remedy for this evil, but he was sure that every Noble Lord who had listened with the least attention must be convinced that their present system was deficient, and could not possibly be defended. The object sought by the Government had been frustrated; their intention was to release shareholders from difficulties in which they were placed ; the resolutions of the House should not have been postponed till the present time. By this un necessary delay a director who had, say 1.000 shares, and who had reserved 500 of them, would be enabled to issue out in small parts those 500 shares which they had reserved, and 500 independent shareholders, who might wish the Bill to be sus pended, would be out-voted by the 500 shares of the directors. It gave the power of making what was called in Election Com mittees the creation of occasional votes. There never was a greater mistake made than by the introduction of such a mea sure as the present. He perfectly agreed with the Noble Lord in the object which he had in view, but still he thought that that object ought to he accomplished by some other means than those which he had proposed, and that if they intended to stop those projects before they came to their third read ing, they ought to have some plan by which to save expense to the projectors. They should recollect the expenses and the vexations to which those several pro jectors had been subjected. If his Lordship and the Govern ment had taken this view of the case, they should also recollect that they were, at the same time, putting a stop to those great public works of which the country appeared to be in want, and the principle of which they had already adopted—of those great works of which the country was in need. If these works were to be stoppe I, why not stop them at once? The Noble Lord had said, that they must go back to the House of Commons, but if they were to go back they should recollect that an enor rmeoasuosnewshpeyniste 00. should u 1 d n h o e t i b n e c u s r a r v e t d , d , and to the h e p r d o i j d e c i t i o o r t s saened any country. He remembered that in the last three years a great effort had been made to give effect to railway enterprise in Ireland, and he knew that within the last two years this had been successfully carried out ; but he deeply regretted that the Act had not been so constructed as to avoid the Irish lines. No one was more impressed than himself with the great in dustry, diligence, and and great merit of the Noble Lord at the head of the Board of Trade—(Cheers)---and with the exer tions which he had made in order to bring these matters into something like a manageable condition. But he d-eply re gretted at the decision to which the Board over whichhe presided had arrived. Still more did he regret the decision of the Committee, for if they considered and obtained their view of the case, from the want of means to accomplish the projects ald pwsceptoaeewuyreni theee::ho; companies aefp regard thelnaßyri edup accidentssat Ft r tao t hif rtrooserauterat thought Lstlhehhwotreearitydsthlspaiebos netefitsehtsut eehfbrEellf to l is Tr aetati r sratts e o hlokn a ß f eruer s it .neuPsht knew i r hepl a en y es r leei which had been laid before Parliament, he conceived that the 1 Irish lines might have been left out, and that the view which had been taken was erroneous on that point. The Duke of RICHMOND felt that great credit was due to the Noble Lord at the head of the Board of Trade, for the manner in which he had conducted the business of his office t mtr, during h haha e e, Bills a decisionsntr anythinghbci rider et a several e oor v fer t:e s hbhrai of the mendations of the Board, over which the Noble Lord re. sided, would have had their full effect with Parliament and thirdwt e e r were line, i f n o c u i , d reading.ed but to doingthHise he eo mustl could is• a noty assert, s w s, ea i with h t Board of Trade. It was upon this that the chief objections , tli t t b h a added to the Bill, he thought they would be unjustly dealt by. He said that under the circumstances of the case the Bill would be anything but justice without the rider attached. Suppose the House of Commons were to say, you shall go on with your Bill, because we believe that there are valid grounds for its passing; but it should be recollected that the mere in troduction of the clause which was of moment to theßil would entail exceeding expense, and he thought the Govern ' rnent ought to have made a provision for that purpose in the Act. If he understood the thing right, the purchase of the land was to be laid open for five years, which was a greater' advantage than the companies desired. He thought it would have been better to have made a temporary arrangement. Lord ASH BURT ON gave great credit to the Noble Lord for his exertions and industry in his official duties, and h e thought that the resolutions which had been propounded were at this moment exceedingly important, and entitled to the sup port of the House and her Majesty's Government, inasmuch for the exigencies of the as they made a provision . ease at the It was certainly true that the promoters of present moment. considered the consequences that were all the plans never . f likely to arise ' from them, except in so ar as they affected their had no relation whatever to the exi genciesown interests. They less did they care for the no of the country, still or means Government • and certainly it would seem with classification of the Gover , ilheiciwiaalhalaltdtei nineto'rteaebnoedmein..r co uld not by any means become par tieswith this impression they Noble Lord had read. With to the resolutions which the t that the o It ern- G v Ireland, he thought respect to Scotlagd and the expiration of sometime, when he returned, he was actu- 1 ally besieged by the yeoma nr y tenants to g ive them the same amount of money that they might pull down their cabins;also. He complied and the tenements were handed back to the original tenants, not one single one of them being turned out. The agent's own statement of the matter was, that on afterwards visiting the place the feeling there was quite otherwise than hostile. He had about ninety men draining, and three hundred men in Tullamore employed at the same work. He thought, therefore, that the Noble Levi should have some protection from those anonymous assailers who were ignorant of his character. Lord IN GESTRE rose to corroborate what fell from the Hon. Member who had just sat down, and he could do so with the more accuracy, as he had himself resided near the Noble Lord's property in question, and had been an eye-witness of the circumstances referred to. The Noble Lord then read a letter from the agent of the Noble Lord (the Marquis of Water ford), in which facts similar to those read by Major Bet esford were detailed, as also that every exertion was made to give employment by enclosing slobs, &c. In addition to this, it stated that several applications had been received from cottiers, whose houses were still remaining, that they would gladly pull them down on the same terms as the others whose houses were pulled down. A similar statement to that now made was made some time ago by the Honourable Baronet the Member for Waterford, which he (Lord Inzestre) contradicted at that time. He could give the statement now made a similar contradiction. Lord Waterford was employing 300 men on the river Suir, and had as many employed at Danger van, and wherever he had property the same desire prevailed to afford employment to the working people. He was glad of the opportunity which this circumstance afforded, to bear his testi mony to the conduct of the Noble Lord in gising employment. Mr. JOHN O'CONNELL said he thanked the Gallant Officer for the manner in which he:had dealt with this subject in reference to him.elf, and the manner in which he had brought forward this charge. But with regard to the charge itself, the Gallant Officer expressed his surprise at his (Mr. J. O'Con nell's) having adopted it, as he had done, without inquiry. The Gallant Officer had, however, done him (Mr. J. O'Connell) the justice to say that the charge had been before the public for two or three days, and had not been contradicted. Wi'h regard to other similar charge; they had met with prompt contradictions, but the one now in question had not. He was glad, however, that the Gallant Officer had taken up the matter in this way, and had afforded the explanation the House had just heard in reference to the conduct of the Marquis of Waterford. He was glad also to hear such testi mony borne to the Noble Marquis as a resident landlord, and he (Mr. J. O'Connell) could only wish that other Irish landlords were like him.—( Hear, hear.) With regard to the circum stance of the burning of his Lordship's stables and the poi soning of his hoands, he (Mr. J. O'Connell) had heard that that was the act of a refractory servant, and that the people of the district had expressed the strongest feelings of annoyance at the circumstance.—(Hear,hear.) After the explanation of the Gallant Officer, there was hue one course open to hire (Mr. J. Connell), and that was to express his sorrow for what he had said, and he had now great pleasure in adding that he was glad to find he had been mis taken.—( Hear, hear.) Mr. O'CONNELL said he could bear his testimony to the conduct of the Marquis of Wa t e rford as an excellent landlord ; and he had no power of language in which to express how grateful the people felt for the kindness of the excellent lady of the Noble Marquis.--( Hear, hear.) There could be no doubt of it that the Noble Marquis was one of the best landlords in Ireland, and it was in proportion as he was good that this charge was the more felt. He was not only an excellent land. lord, but his tenants were the happiest of their cla:s. But with regard to the charge appearing in the newspaper, that was he only source the poor had ; and when a charge appeared in hat way, it could be the more promptly contradicted if un• :rue, and in this case the contradiction would now go all over the empire. After a few words from Major BERESFORD in expla nation, Mr. P. SCROPE said the House ought to draw a more' from these cases of ejectment, and devise some means of de- fence for the population. He should like to ask why the House should have brought under its notice at all the ejections of tenants by their landlords, or why the newspapers should take up the matter, unless it was that the public sympathised wi.h the parties so ejected? There was no other reason. The tenants, when turned out, had no means of subsistence, and they were left to starve, hence it was that the public took an interest in them. He was quite convinced that the Marquis of Waterford was an excellent landlord, still that was no reason he should, under the circumstances, have acted as he had done. It did appear a harsh measure that so many should have been ejected, though it was said they went out willingly. He did not think it was so, for though they received two or three pounds, that was not the reason that induced them to leave, but the knowledge that they would be served with an eject ment if they did not do so. As he before said, he should draw a moral from cases of this kind, and give a defence to the tenants and the population of Ireland such as the people of England had enj iyed for centuries. THE BRIDPORT ELECTION. Mr. CHRISTIE wished to ask a question from the Hon. Member for Halifax, the chairman of the Committee appointed to inquire into this election. In the petition on which this Committee was appointed, it was stated that the grossest practices had prevailed—treating, bribery, and corruption—by which the election had been gained. And it was further stated that such was the extent of this bribery and corruption, that not less than ninety-six individuals had been objected to on the ground of the bribery and corruption alleged. When the Committee met, after some skirmishing, it was determined to bring the matter to a scrutiny, and the result of that scrutiny was a transfer of one vote to the opposing candidate. This was, in fact, effected by an arrange ment between counsel. An Act was passed in the year 1842, at the instance of the Hon. Member for the City of London, for the purpose of providing against any compromise by which a case of bribery should be prevented from being brought unde r the cognizance of an election Committee. Th impression of the Committee in this case was, that there was a compromise to prevent such an exposure. The first clause of that Act provided that in every Committee for the trial of an election, and in which the petition shall have been withdrawn, or in which the eharge of bribery shall have been withdrawn, the Committee shall have the power of examining into the case, and calling such persons as would be likely to give any infor mation. The question he wished to as;; was, whether the Committee had instituted any inquiry into the circumstances under which the charge of bribery was not prosecuted, or whether they had considered it necessary to prevent any further inquiry into this case ? The borough of Bridport was the sub ject of one compromise prior to the passing of this Act, and it was right that the pure and independent electors should have the power of justifying themselves against the present imputa tion on their borough. Mr. CHARLES WOOD said that he had to acknowledge the courtesy of his Hon. Friend in giving him notice of this question. His Hon. Friends who were present with him in the Committee were not present, but he had no doubt that he could say on their parts, that they had no objection to make the fullest explanation. He was aware that an Act recently passed prevented any voluntary compromise, but he thought that it was the first duty of the Committee to do impartial justice between the parties, as in a legal tribunal. It was proved before them that a person who voted for Mr. Romilly was entered for Mr. Cochrane. The number of voters objected to amounted to ninety-six, some for bribery, some for improper registration. He would now come to the question as to whether they ought to have examined into the question of bribery. He had never sat upon an Election Committee in which there was not an allegation of bribery; so, therefore, there was no particular value in the allegation of bribery in this petition ; and there being no evidence whatsoever of the existence of bribery, he did not think they were called upon to inquire further into the subject. Mr. BANKES did not rise to complain of the discretion ex ercised by the Committee as to inquiring or not inquiring itno the allegations of bribery. He should hope, however, for the honour of the county with which he was concected, that the borough of Bridport was just as immaculate as any other borough on the question of bribery.—( Hear, hear, and laughter. ) He found no allegation of bribery in the petition. A vote was tendered for one party and entered for another, and the Com mittee did not inquire into the question of bribery. That was the reason why he wished the evidence should be printed. He did not desire to offer any remarks on behalf of the Member who had been unseated, nor had he any instructions to do so. What he wished in making those remarks was to exculpate the borough from the charges made against it. For that pur pose, he begged now to move as an amendment that the evi dence and the decision of that Committee be printed.—(lt was ere intimated to the Hon. Member that it was not competent for him to do so.) Then he would give notice that he would make a motion to that effect to-morrow. Sir GEORGE GREY said he would suggest that it would be well if the House did not interfere in this matter at all.— ( Hear, hear.) If decisions of Committees were to be mooted in that way in the House, and discussed here after they had been arrived at, the result would be th at Election Committees who decided upon their oath would nave no effect on public esti mation. Lord JOHN MANNERS said, that two charges had been made, one, that bribery had taken place, and the other, an attempt to compromise the charge. Now, the fact was, that the allegation of bribery had been aenied altogether, as well as any attempt at comproa ise. It was true that four or five thousand pounds had been expended in the progress of -the election, but that was merely to carry it on. Mr. CHRISTIE said he had not made any charges, he merely alluded to the decision of the Committee. Mr. BRIGHT said' hat in respect to the election at Wigan, a case somewhat similar arose. In that case the charge was extensive treating ; in that of Bridport, the charge was ex tene.ve bribery, and he believed there was some reason for be lieving the charge was correct.—(Cries of " Oh, " and laughter.) He hoped there was not; but if there was, nothing was proposed to be done in the shape of a remedy ; and so long as this state of things continued, the returns to this House would be little better than a mere farce, for a long purse was the test of admissibility to this House. He did trust before long the Government would look into this matter, and bring forward some measure which would reflect credit on the House and the country.—( Hear, hear.) Several Hon. Members having risen simultaneously to ad ress the House, The SPEAKER cried " Order," and said—l hope the House will see the inconvenience of discussing three or four questions at once.—(Laughter.) The order of the slay is the tirst reading of the Bill for the better protection of life in Ire land, and I have called on the Hon. Member (Captain Co nolly) to address the House, and he is, therefore, in the possession of the House.— (Hear, hear. ) Captain CONOLLY stated he wished to make some ob servations with respect to the statements of the Hon. Member for the city of Limerick (Mr. W. S. O'Brien). That Hon. Gentleman had stated in the course of this debate that seven families families or persons had been ejected from the estates e o! Francis Hopkins very recently. Now he (u . Conolly) held in his hand a letter fro m at t stateat gent; man totally denying the truth thment. Sir Francis Hopkins had caused a search to be made if any ejectments had been mad e during hismnority, and he declared that • during that time, there were two cases of ejectment, in which five in dividuals were remov ed. He (Ca p tain Conoll y ) thought the Hon. Member (Mr.%T. O'Connell ) had, however, brought it forward under the impression that the information he had received warranted him in doing so. Mr. J. O'CONNELL said he had no reason to complain of the Gallant Captain. He (Mr. J. O'Connell) had given full notice of his intention to bring the subject forward, and the Gallant Captain had a perfect right to defend the gentleman referred to. He (Mr. J. O'Connell) said the circumstances referred to had aepeared for a long time; and the other night he read a list of ejectments, but he did not comment on any thing in ref rence to Sir Francis Hopkins. He had moved for the returns before Easter, in order to bring the subject for ward, but he had put it off till after the holidays, in order to get information from parties who promised it. Most parties had not yet furnished it, but whenever they did so, and he brought forward his motion, the Gallant Captain would have the fullest opportunity of meeting anything that might be brought forward. OUTRAGES IN SHEFFIELD. Mr. CALEB POWELL said that he aseured his Hon. Friend the Member for Sheffield, that in the question which he should presently put to the Hon. Gentleman at the head of the Home Department, he had no intention to urge the Government to take any proceedings contrary to the prin ciples of the constitution, but he merely wished to display to the House and the country the great disparity between the treatment of the people in England and Ireland. The other evening, when he took the liberty of addres s ing a ques ti on to the Right Hon. Gentleman, calling his attention to a state.. went which appeared in a local journal, and which accidentally met his eye, he noticed the amount of feeling which he dis played whenever a paper was read containing any account of Irish outrage, while an outrage of a deeper dye in Sheffield merely excited a smile. The Hon. Member here read a state ment which detailed the destruction effected by an infernal machine formed of an iron tube, filled with powder, and placed under the warehouses of Messrs. J. and W. Marshall, in Sh- f field. Was not this more atrocious than shooting at a man from behind a hedge? and yet the attention of the House had not been directed to it. Was it the intention of the Govern ment to odor t any measures to prevent such outrages? Sir J. GRAHAM said, that when the question was formerly asked by the Honourable Member, he was not aware as to the real state of facts. He was sorry to say, that these infamous crimes had been perpetrated, but he was proud to state that Sheffield was the only town in England where this had been committed. With regard to the latter part of the Honourable Gentleman's question he would state that it was not proposed to include Sheffield in the Coercion Bill, but if he was informed that the laws there were not sufficient to repress eu'rage, he would have no hesitation. in his official capacity, to propose measures to meet the difficulty.—( Hear, hear.) Mr. PARKER could assure the House that the greatest regret, disgust, consternation, and alarm, were excited in Shef field by these occurrences, and an impression was very gene. rally entertained that if the offenders were not brought to justice the most disastrous consequences would follow, and tine trade of the town would be injured. Every one was most, ailateus that they should be discovered. Mr. WARD begged to add his testimony to what la I fallen from the Hon. Member who just sat down, as also to the exer tions made by the Right Hon. Barcnet to diseover the offenders in these disgraceful occurrences. There coercion, however, would not do. The best mode of meeting the case was by ap peals to the geed sense of the working-classes, and by pointing out the disastrous consequences which must result to the trade of the town by such disgraceful proceedings. The leading men among the working-classes saw that a continual-1-y of such a course would Drove rainous to the inte-est of the town. HEALTH OF TOWNS BILL. Lord DUNCAN wished to know if it was the intention of her Majesty's Government to introduce the Health of Towns Bill this session? Sir J. GRAHAM said, it appeared to him that this House had quite as much business on Its hard.; as it could dispose of in the present session.—( Hear, hear.) The Government was certainly prepared to carry on the measure in question, but various amendments were proposed in it, and if he saw any prospect of ite being carried he would introduce it, but at present he should decline doing so. CHARITABLE TRUSTS BILL. Sir G. GREY said that this Bill had been brought into the other House of Parliament, but there it lay and nothing was done with it. He wished to know if the Government would proceed with that measure in the House of Lords this session ? Sir J. GRAHAM said, it so happened that he had been speaking to the Lord Chancellor to-day. and be told him that it was the intention to proceed with the Bill this session. ADJOURNED DEBATE.—PROTECTION TO LIFE (IRELAND) BILL. Mr. M'CARTHY said that at this stage of the debate, after the subject had been so fey dismissed on both sides of the House, he should not occupy their attention to any length. or trouble the House with any statistical documents He wished simply to confine himself to those observations which should arise spontaneously on the subject. The first consideration which would naturally suggest itself to the mind would be, what was the origin of the evil ? New it appeared to be admitted on all sides that the origin of these distresses was to be found in an agrarian cause. This had been admitted by all Hon. Members who had addressed the House on that subject. It would be impossible to take even the most cursory view of the history of Ireland without arriving, a priori, at the coneusion, that the system which had existed for so long a period was in evitably allied to the worst principles, which had tended to bring about those miseries from which Ireland, as a country, was at the present period suffering. The class of the larger proprietors had estrange I themselves from t h e affect i ons of the people; those sympathies which bound the p eo pl e together, from the rich living with the poor and alleviating their sufferings, had been entirely destroyed. The class of larger proprietors found themselves in a state of hos tility with the reople, and beine aware that their incomes would enable them to live abroad, they abandoned the - land, and left the people to live as they liked, and as they could. Another class , of proprietors arose ; these were the small landed proprietors. These men, from their narrow circum stances, could not imitate the conduct of the great proprie tors who had abandoned their country. They continued to live among the people, but their means were inadequate to supply their wants. He would ask, did this 811 propose to adjust those perilous relations between landlord and tenant which were so productive of evil ? Had it suggested any remedy for the prevention of those crimes which have of lite been se fre quent in various districts of Ireland ? How did it endeavour to prevent crime ? It was said that the peculiar characteristics of these assassinations in Ireland were, that they were committed in the open day, and to prevent these crimes it was intended to shut up the people after dink. But would that cause assassinations by day to be less, or would that prevent those ruffians who stalked abroad at night from meeting upon a lonely glen or mountain heath ? No, it would have no such effect, but he did believe that if this Bill were passed the effect would be to shake the foundation of property in Ireland to its very base. The more he reflected upon the provisions of this Bill the more clearly he saw their inadequacy to meet the exigencies of the case. It wanted that fitness for its end, it lacked that adaptation of the means to the end. It was the misfortune of the present Administration, and also of those who had preceded it, that the Government or Ireland was committed only to a body of law officers. May be some Noble Lord, who was excellent as the head of his estate in the country, was selected to fill the office of Lord-Lieutenant, or perhaps the office might be filled by some Gallant Officer whose only qualification to fill the office consisted in his having fought the battles of his country. But one and all of those who went over to Ireland knew nothing of the country, were unacquainted with the people, their character, their wants, their passions and their prejudices. And they were wanting in all those elements which must enter into the mind of any man who knew how to govern the people. This was the description of every Lord-Lieutenant who was sent to govern Ireland. He was assisted by a chief Secretary. They must seek advice. Then the law officers presented themselves— the Attorney-General—the Solicitor-General ; then the Coun sel for the Crown appeared. Those were gentlemen who were deeply read in law, and in the knowledge of the practice of the law courts. They were men deeply read in the law history of the country. They were perfectly conversant in white-boy trials, coercion acts, and state trials ; but beyond that their knowledge how to govern was very limited. Depend upon it, if Ireland was to be governed for the benefit of that country, and the advantage of this nation, it must be governed through the affections of the great majority of the people. What, he would ask, had been done to gain the affections of the Irish people? The Emancipation Bill had not been granted until the pressure from without had become too strong to be resisted. It was compelled by necessity, instead of being the voluntary offer of justice. The people of Ireland were still refused the boon of being placed upon the same footing as the people of England. They had an establishment thrust upon them, ads pted to the wants only stor onesideventh portion of the popu lation, and it was refused to apply the surplus revenue of that establishment for the benefit of the majority of that people. That was an anomaly which was pointed at by the whole civi lized word. They had seen the man, whom they had been accustomed to look upon as the instrument of obtaining what ever of good they possessed, subjected to persecution and imprisonment, and the sentence which had been pro nounced upon him had been afterwards pronounced, by the highest tribunal in the la n d, t o b e ill eg al and unjust. See also what they had done in refererce to the magistracy. Because several of that body had sympathized with the people, they had been struck off the list, and the people were forced to go before tribunals made up of parties who had ever been opposed to them in religion and politics. Could that secure the affections of the Irish people ? They applied with one hand a salve to the wound of Irish distress, but with the other applied an irritant to the constitution ; and when the people were excited to madness the disease was said to be inherent in the patient. —(Hear, hear.) He was not to be led away from the consideration of the evils of Ireland, by the engaging smiles of the Right Hon. Gentleman, the secretary for the Home De partment, for not only the general feeling that pervaded the Government, but the tone that prevailed in another place forbade him to hoses for anything like an adequate redress. He had seen sentiments in the newspapers attributed to a Noble Duke, and to a Noble and Learned Lord that usually acted as Mentor to the Government, which, if they were to be taken as the guides of the Government, put an end to all hope of the people of Ireland receiving any redress from that quarter.—(Hear, hear,) The Noble and Learned Lord had referred to the system of clearing estates, and he called it a great evil, but then " they must not interfere with the rights of property, as that was the distin guishing feature between the civilised and savage man. They were not to interfere with such sacred rights. But he (Mr. Macarthy) would say to that, that property and rights were but the creatures of society, and were to be committed is, agreement wish the public weal—t Hear, hear)—and to be prevented from destroying the source from whence they flowed. tie would admit of no rights ( f property that were inconsistent with the well-being of the State. Then the same Noble and. Learned Lord said the Church Establishment was an anomaly the greatest one in all ecclesiastical history, and the greatest evil under which Ireland laboured. But because the anomaly was so great, the evil so enormous, they must not remove it. If the people of Ireland asked for redress, they were told that the evils were too great to be removed, and their remon strances neglected. But he would tellthem they might manage to exert a power and a force over the land, but they would never prevail over the inhabitants of Ireland ( Hear, hear.) They might act on the principles of Elizabeth, and carry out the policy of Stafford, but over the people they would never ,ucceed.—( Hear, hear.) They knew not how to deal with the peop!, of Ireland ; they did not understand their true character. He would call their attention to the opinion of an illustrious foreigner, one high in wisdom, as to the elle reciter of the country. M. Thierny said that in Ireland blood was still shed for the old ground of contest. A quarrel, in which the spirit of the people had been sustaine h d i. t r iare lo ur ages against their conquerors, and a recollection. of i d st t examples o ib f r a ties preserved, presenting one of the _e Hear, hear.) Let not people in the history of the world. —( hractr he lost sight of. They this estimate of that and they had failed. If they must not make her the battle field to • They had sought to govern peoplethe 's peoplecia ,oafnltr Ireland governa s an rinferiorlan d, race, they must do her justice.. dasthaatpoorftiotnheowf haogler.e—at empire, on whose 11 (Hear, hear.) They had tried all the means of force and of party and fawcetie)..ni.,,binugt tdreeaptenn(ekr, penal en actments they could devise , in order to govern Ire land ; but had they tried what conciliatory measures could do ? He had entered that House independent of either of the great parties of the state, neither a Whig nor Tory, but as belonging to the party of the nation, and he wished to see justice done to the country which he represented. He had witnessed with great satisfaction the conduct of the Right Hon. Baronet, i n reference to great commercial interests of the country, in which he had disregarded all party considerations, for the pur p se of obtaining a great national good.—(Cheers ) In pro posing that measure for obtaining a great national good, he had shown wisdom and ability worthy of admiration; and he (Mr. Macarthy) now called him to exhibit the same in deal ing with the wrongs of Ireland.—( Hear, hear.) Let him not follow the dictates of party, nor those who sought to govern Ireland on the old principle of force, but apply to it the same comprehensive views which he had displayed on the commercial interests of the country. Having supplied the (Ch: wants of commerce, let him also sa ppl y t h e social and poli tical wants n A i o L f Ireland, LiE w iwished e and t o thus emulate kea few Mr. himself.—(Cheers. m se•f observations, which he would not emu l a t e other lion. Gentlemen in ee doingrs) in going into details on the qu es ti on . Wh at t h ey had to cons iderwati whether the Bill was necessary in the present state of Ireland? Unless the Government was prepared with a case to that effect, he could not support the granting of such extraordinary powers. In his o pi n i on th e G overnment had made out sucha case, though Hon. Members opposite said not. It had been said by several of them that as great an amount of crime pre vailed in England as there did in Ireland. He was not going to enter into a discussion as to the amount of crime that pre vailed, but he would just call their attention to the difference which existed between the two countries. In Ireland it was almost impossible to bring a criminal to justice. Thsy never heard in England of murder taking place during the day with out a hand being stretched out to arrest the murderer; of secret associations to deter witnesses from giving evidence in such cases, or of organised assassination societies. Under such circumstances, he could not see how, in justice, they could re fuse giving increased powers to the Government, seeas to pro tect life and property. Some Hon. Members on the other si,le said the Bill was required, but that it should be accompanied by remedial measures. He would ask, what measures? Some Honourable Members named as a remedy an extensive system of out-door relief ; but if the Hon. and Learned Member for Cork, and those who supported him were asked to assist in passing such a measure, they would say, no. They were even opposed to the present modified sys tem of poor-laws in that country. The fixity of tenure, and a tax on absentee landlords was another panacea, while other Hon. Members wanted a measure for remedying the defects of the law for regulating landlords and ti sleets. Where such a diversity of opinion existed, even among Irish Members, it was difficult for the Government to bring forward any measure of relief that was likely to be supported. For himself he would say, if any improvement in the poor•law was proposed, he hoped the absentee landlords would be taxed.--( Hear, hear.) But the Hon. Members who represented Ireland talked of re medial measures—why did they not state what those measures were which they conceived calculated to do justice to the people of that country? But as long as the representatives from Ire land confined their observations to repeating, and reiterating the complaints calculated to excite the passions of the Irish people, they must not be surprised if their motives were mis represented by the people of England, and if they were con sidered to be wholly indifferent to the calamities of their countrymen, Colonel VERNER said that though it was very easy to blame tho landlords of Ireland for the disorganised state of society exieing in Ireland, yet he could prove that they they were perfectly innocent of this crime, for he could prove, on undoubted authority, that there was an extensive organisa tion on foot, which had existed for forty years, to extermi nate the Protestants, and to effect a separation between Eng land and Ireland.—( Cries of " No, no.") He could prove it. He could refer to sentences delivered by Hon. Members re presenting counties in Ireland in that House, which would amply justify the people out of the House in keeping alive feelings of resentment. The Hon. Member for Cork had ad mitted that no doubt murder had increased, and that all the measures of Government seemed to give an increased impetus to crime. Now, what would he have done if he wished to put down this state of things in Ireland ? He would put down agitation and agitators. He would put down all secret societies, because they were in a primary degree the cause of every evil. He would put an end to all concession—( Hear. hear, and Oh, oh)—and conciliation.—( Renewed cries of " Oh, oh.") (The Hon. and Gallant Member read quotations from the National, to show that the concessions made to Ire land were not productive of any improvement in the social state of Ireland.) He would refer to a petition from the Re peal Wardens of Wexford, which had been printed with the votes, and in that petition he thought the House would find abundant evidence to support the view he took on this gin s tion. He did not think it would be necessary for him to say one word more upon the subject. Mr. HAWES said that he could not agree with many . of the opinions advanced by the Hon. Member (Mr. H. Heinle.), who who had spoken that e ven i ng , an d s till l e s s cou ld he concur in the opinions of the H n. and Gallant Member who had last spoken, that the best way to put down agitation in Ireland was by the passing of strong measures. He should have thought that the party to which the Hon. and Gallant Member be longed had had enough of strong measures.—(Hear, hear. ) • He distincty maintained that Government had not made out the case for this Bill, and upon this declaration he would take his stand. Had crime increased in Ireland of late? Most as suredly not; and if the House would bear with him for a while, he would convince them of this. Now, the Right Hon. Baronet the Secretary for the Home Department had laid a paper upon the table of the House, showing the number of criminal offenders committed for trial in 1845, and this paper showed a considerable decrease as compared with former years; indeed, it exhibited a decrease of 43 per cent., and this decrease extended itself to all classes of crime, and as regarded the crime of murder, there had been a decrease of 28 per cent. Now, there was nothing in this to show a necessity for a Coercion Bill. But he might be told that it was true crime had decreased in Ireland generally ; but that in particular counties it had increased.—(Hear, hear.) And this Bill was only intended to give power to proclaim particular counties, and in this way it might be said that a case was made out for the Bill. But how s t oo d th e f ac t? H e wou ld t a ke th e counties mentioned by the Right Hon. Baronet, and see whether the returns exhibited this increase. If the House would take the trouble to look at the returns, they would find that the follow ing were the results, so far as detailed murders were concerned : Years. Tipperary. Roscommon. Letrim. Clare. Total. 1841 22 4 1 4 31 1842 10 8 2 52 72 1843 18 0 11 0 29 1844 21 10 2 3 1845 30 0 1 4 35 So that, as regarded the particular crime of murder in these alleged disturbed counties, they could find no justification for a measure of this description. Since this return, however, was made, another had been produced, which was called for by the Hon. Member for I_ iskeard, and which contained a return made by the police of offences committed in Ireland during the years 1842, 1843, 1544, and 1845 ; but he bslieved nothing would be found in this return to justify the passing of a Coercion Bill.— ( Hear, hear.) The return gave the number of outrages com mitted which had come to the knowledge of the police, under the three great heads, namely, offences against the person, against property, and against the public peace ; and from this return he gathered the following results : Years. Person. Property. 1842 1411 2190 1843 1442 2201 1844 1700 2321 1845 1608 2216 Peace. 2187 2315 2282 4161 There was a branch of offences, in respect of which he ad mitted the return exhibited an increase. The crime of send ing threatening notices had incjeased in Ireland of late and in the following ratio :—ln 1642 the number was 1,216 ; in 1843, 1,212; in 1844, 13,332; and in 1845, 2,645; but Ministers could not for a moment contend that this was a justi fication for the passing of their Bill.—(Hear, hear.) It might be said that undetected crime in Ireland had increased , but he found, on looking to the returns, that the committals of 1845 bore an equal proportion to the committals of 1844. He wanted to know, then, upon what grounds this Bill was to be justified? Since the Union, seventeen blots of this cha racter had dropped upon the statute-book ; but in no instance had they accomplished the end for which they were intended. They had, however, the example of a Government who tried the experiment of governing Ireland with a Coercion Bill ; and the result, he was happy to say—and the House and the country must be happy—to find that the result was met sue' cessful. It was only necessary to refer to the Administratio n of Lord Norn.anby to find evidence sufficiently conclusive of this, and in the report of the Lords' Committee on the state of Ireland, they had the testimony of individuals of known experi ence and ability in Ireland, who declared that during that Admi nistration crime diminished, and the country flourished to an amazing extent. And all this was attributed to the improvements introduced into the administration of justice. Now, he thought he had sufficiently shown that the returns of crime in Ireland did not justify the passing of this coercive measure ; while, on the other hand, he had directed the attention of the House to a period when Ireland was governed without a Coercion Bill, and yet peace and tranquillity prevailed, and crime diminished. They ought, then, to be guided by this experience, and not to resort to strong and vigorous measures unless they were justi fied by circumstances of the most aggravating description: Those circumstances did not exist at the present moment, an he could see no reason for the passing of this Bill, unless it were to increase the discontent which already existed in the sister country. In July, 1814, the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of her Majesty's Government introduced a Bill of 3 similar description, but it failed then ; ar.d he thought the experience which they had had in the interval was sufficient t i o . convince them that coercive measure s s e ld o m or never met wit' success. There was nothing to justify this Bill, either in the outward appearance of the country, or in the documenta r Y evidence which came from Ireland. The measure, or rather a similar measure, was opposed in 1814 by Mr. Warner, and tha! great and good man, Sir Samuel Romilly, who declared Oa' measures of this description never allayed excitement, or pro' duced respect for the laws; and it was in emulation of the , ' bygone philanthropists that he now, to the utmost of his humbh ability, opposed this unjust and unnecessary measure. He 04 determined to join the Irish Members in their determined 0p position to this Bill.—(Hear, hear)—and he conceived that iv should be perfectly justified in so doing. This measure 14 brought down from the Lords with a full knowledge of its ten . dency, and though the Right Hon. Gentleman had withdraict the declaration which he had made when he introduced it, b' (Mr. Hawes) still could no t h e l p t hi n ki ng th at h a d this met with an unanimous reception, it would have produced] great moral effect upon the people of Ireland—(Hear, hear) and that, on the contrary, the measure had lost all its v irtue s . if it had any in the eyesof the people, in consequence of the in ° tifisbly determined opposition with which it had been met.", ( Hear, hear ) He firmly believed that it was a useless an unnecessary Bill.—( Hear, hear.) Its moral effect had go ne All the popular representatives of Ireland had denied the lien' racy of the statements made by the members of the Govere . merit in support of this measure, and they had also unal n mously told the House that it would be perfectly useless; ( Hear.) And from the number of threatening notices 'sit, had been sent since its introduction , he firmly believed t° ' that assurance of the Irish representatives was grounded facts. It would , therefore , be useless for the House to per sere with it.—( Hear, hear.) He could hope that the Me' s bers of the Government would not think it inconsistent Nit. their duty, under the present circumstances, to withdraw ill-timed measure.—( Hear, hear ) Its object had decided 0 failed ; and he therefore ventured to hope that the Governtn e . would not deem it inconsistent with the suggestions contain; in the eloquent and able speech that had been delivered in course of that evening by an Hon. Member (Mr. M‘Cart b i r as to the withdrawal of this Bill.—(Hear, hear.) He ( lk t b Hawes) would call upon the Right Hon. Gentleman at d head of the Government to look at the difficulties of Irelan o and he need not add to the difficulties of England also , in eft, sequence of the delay of the Corn Bill; and he thought that it would , re the adviseableness of not t ressing the Coercion 8e upon the Members of toe Legislature. He would ask hint riously to consider whether it would be inconsistent with public duty bese.h—trorsi shrink Ic ceasehof who sat from im i s uct steadily s e s du n pegohne th eer i pii s nte m rlres. e ri) a s s t u siin r ldg e te upon the attentic e o the House of Commons, for it would most assuredly be opP ° 0 stage by s tage—(Cheers)—clause by clause—(Cheers) ---$ tine w in ei tw ioeu opposition lbtiki yi notemi line.—(Continued to this measure.—( Cheers.) H stage. The theirt r ee i w , u H he l ad e d ne i ) un uYt say est o re i h r that it would be aip H r e u a d r e . n h t e s a tc? . ) on T th he e s p ta a t r e h t ione o o f f the Govern ° , - es t t h o a w t i t t i h ie dr H aw ou i s t e .— would of gallant Member (Captain did not justify it, and he did most sincerely hope and "a oppose co s Osborne) r i n n o e vheardy saidst g that he had rootdies to prop ose as soon as this measure was passed, and he,: re Hawes) h a d a l rea d y alluded to them i n the coarse o f tb marks. It appeared that one great remedy proposed n,lact Hon. and G a ll ant M em b er was the suppression o f a ll Oe' l ti ef or party associations in Ireland. But there were grea t : r e' Lions which would have to be duly weighed before a meg' tae that sort received the sanction of the Legislature. He mai lit it that the q ues ti on o f th e was t e l an d s o f Ireland was of wor e portanee to her peace and prosperity than the c ar of such a measure as had been proposed by the 11° 0 % itie. Gallant Member.—( Cheers.) There were many" , le i measures, includinz no less than eight, ten, or twelve s be down before Lord Devon's Commission, and which, " h ie t lieved, would be eminently practical as well as acceat°,s the Irish people.— ( Hear, hear.) They were calcul°,4 tb t confer great benefits upon Ireland, and he had no den y ,,, e oY l if they were carried out the peace and happiness of th e ,'" of that country would be the result. He believed, in e a - o tti o , that the people of England would not much longer °a t ati„ the present injustice to Ireland.--(Cheers.) The ,alsti people were not ignorant of the present heavy taxation t 0,4 ai they were subjected for maintaining the present polic e tar force in Ireland. The Hon. Member concluded iyitt peatin. his hope that her Majesty's Government woul d „ r oc e . , , draw the present harsh and unnecessary measure, arT a r i sso t i at once to the proposal of some remedial measures, tc b . l t , have for their tendency the real interests and pros P ert ' r Ire h people.—( Cheers. ) , Go t b i f e Sir R. PEEL—Sir, whether or no her Majesty ;0 ment would obtain more popularity by persevering aditti ! measure, or by abandoning it, is hardly a considerata° in n i tr ought to lead a Government responsible for mainta be 0 peace of the country.—( Ministerial cheers.) It n'olieseet that more popularity might be gained by a willing acqwes), in the proposal of the lion. Gentleman (Mr. B. H° far. thatwou would popularity sacrificew ou l d f be th g os a e ine: ho a t are a cost] responsible sa et i t i e t ; a; oi l taining the public peace.—(Ministerial cheers.), „op also be at the sacrifice of increased injury to life an°. r g jo' in Ireland.—(Cheers.) I should think I was acen, 9 t i aelo u , respect to the people of that country to which this tOl refers, and to the importance of the subject, if r ot dn . , the remarks of the Hon. Gentleman who has just And 7 to pass without some observations on my pe r ; t ",„ she would hope, after what has been sa id during