The Sun. — London, England, 1846-04-04 00:00:00

57 r 4 Fl STT "C ti Bill. that that it was a landlords measure, was not founded in the trot!). Thetas sees a case represented by a steetlernan whose autivosi9y wits uneriessition* , esrAr. e Ntsgile, a stipendiary ma gisiiat, 'who 414 , s,iitte,i ',he .attack made nen a person hf Ihe - I,ame ot Ciark; which occurred iu the county of .Tipperary. The landlord was not here a sietirn, but the victim wits a farmer. uho took a piece of land, which offended a party who had previously occupied it ; and because the land ord had placed him in it, , he disaffected party took steps to wreack his vele geauce dgiinst this poor person. lie was a w ell-dispo-red industrious workman yet that did not protect him from being att ek , d, nil the eel- ivation of the' laud was c onse q uentl y sus petided. That part of Leland where this and s imilar out rages took place was greatly in the want of capital. But if such a state of things was to continue, how could they expect the surplus capital of the country to be expended there. If imports, a t capital was d e x a i d ie d n t d o e d r , h i e t w nn o p u r ld, nve n in o e t s ub o r f , greatly , b increase n t n ii i d e not come while such outrages took place, and such an organiza tion was in ex eteece as permitted such proceedings.—( Hear, hear.) He svoul l refer to another pace in the county of Clare, in welch n party of armed men entered a house arid ii•sith irged a blunderbuss in the face of the per-on who occupied it, besides otherwise abusing hint in a brutal manner. There were four een parties to this attack, and it arose hecau e seven years pre vious to that period one o - those who committed the present teat. raise had been ejected from this piece of ground. This person was identified by those in the cottage who had been subjected to the attack. He ( Mr. Sydney Herbert) was indebted to this information to Mr. Bailey. the resident stipendiary magistrate of Clare. Another case had been furnished to him tMr. Sydney Herbert) Ity one of tie head-constables of the county of Limerick, of a person who was waylaid by five or six men at night, when returning from the markee, and abused in a very serous manner, arising from a similar cause to that which tat iginated in the one he bad previously referred to. What he wanted to show was, that the peasants under the unhappy state of things which at present prevailed, were liable, not only to be attacked in their houses, but on their going backwards and for wards to the markets. The person to which he had just re ferred had been placed on a plot of land by his landlord, to whom he had been a servant, and after occupying it for some time he gave back the land, intimating that he durst not retain it or go to wo-k upon it. Yet the man had been a faithful servant, and both the landlord and tenant were Catholics. All these cases bore on the point that this was a law for the protection of the poor. Do not. let it be said that it was a Bill to protect the magistracy or the landlords. How many of the murders committed were us on the magistrates of Ireland?— ( Hear, hear.) Very few indeed. Few in comparison to those that happened among the poor. In the five counties where tto,e outrages took place to the greatest extent, this would be found to be the case. In looking over the returns of crime and out rage in those counties, he found that, while the number of mur era was equal, there were 85 cases of firing at persons, 135 cases of incen diarism, and 1,042 eases of threatening notices, amongst the holders of land. Row few were the cases in which the pro test on of the landlords was required compared to these. He did not deny but that the measure would afford the pro prietors of land tome protection, but the poorer classes would be found to derive the greatest benefit. His Right Hon. Friend (Sir J. Graham) eave a case, the other night, in illus tration of the state et society in 1832, and the benefits de rived from the former measure. Fie (Mr. S. Herbert) would place before them another illustration respecting the state of society at that period. In 1832, the state of things in some counties was as bad as it now is in the five counties com plained of. The illustration he would give was that furnished by Chief Justice Bust l e, in his charge to the grand jury of Queen's County. ( The Right Hon. Gentleman here read the extract, which was to time effect that outrages prevailed to a great extent ; that the plunder of arms was widely practised ; that witnesses were tertifiest from giving evidence, and juries Geier!, d from the performance of their duty on the pie of death.) The Lord Chief Justice further said, that this state of things was attributable to the agrarian fselings that prevailed, and not from the pressure of want or poverty of those who committed the outrages. He could nut recollect an instance in which want or poverty was the instigating cause. This was the state of society according to Chief Justice Bu,he in 1832. The Hon. and Learned Member for Cork (Mr. 0 Cannel) said . that the measure was only a revival of the o'd Tory system of governing Ireland, and that the previous measure had nit succeeded in its objects. He ( Mr. Sydney Herbert) must say that as far as the experience of the Act of 1832 went there was every reason to be sati,fied of its operation. .So far from it being inefficient, it had pro duced the greatest good.--( Hear.) However much the public of Ireland disliked the measure, it was found to give security to life and property, which did not exist before it was in 1e34. and again in 1836. If th y had read the ac counts furnished In 1834 by the inspector-general of police of Ireland, they would see the effect of the Act had been most salutary. It had not been rigidly applied, yet as far as it was carried our it was entirety successful. Mr. Green, a resident magistrate of Kilkenny, addressed a letter to Lord Melbourne, showing the beneficial results that had flowed from the measure. According to returns of outrages furnished from the Ist April, 1832, to April, 1833, the num her of cases was 1,59 d; from April, 1833. to the t•respondine peried in 1834, there were but. 331. showing a diminution of 1.259. There was one county, Queen's,County, which wa mote disturbed than almost any toner .county in Ireland, yet after the o perations f that Act a great physical and moral hn pror, ment took place, and a state of general prosperity ensued. Fie hoped that the House would clearly understand this, that of the outrages committed, the greater number were outrages c , mmitted in the humbler walks of life; and that in but few instances, comparatively sneaking, would this law be necessary fer t e higher classes of society.—( Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") He hoped than, in asking them to give their assent to the mea sure they would consider the necessity that made such excep titulary laws necessary, and that no hing but the strongest con siderations could suffice to render such an enactment justifiable.—( Hear.) He would ask them, with a due consideration of their duty, what it was best for them to do? Was the country and the people to be de; rived of all security, and divested of the benefits which a free nation ought to enjoy? Was not that a state of things with which it was proper fur them to interfere, where crime was committed with out any strong motives of provocation, and every tone and phase of society operated toe fearful extent upon the industri ous tenant, as well as the proprietor of Lind. Every well-dis peed man was interested in an end 'being put to this state of things—a system of terror. and outrage which operated not in proportion to the number of persons attacked, bat to the amount of alarm and fear that was generated and diffused. Let them look at the effects produced by such a terrib e tyranny as this—a tyranny under which a person who goes out is sy s bject to be waylaid and attacked ; or when sitting in his hors;, to have a blunderbuss directed against his life; end wh'oth not only operates against the individuaN so assailed, but by ',:he feel ings of alarm and intimi.iation it creates, leads to ri general derangement of society.—( Hear, hear.) Such wr a s a state of things that ought not to exist. Under such a system, when a man goes abroad, he knows not w'nat danger may assail him in his progress; conscious perhaps that he has • an accuser whom he cannot see, yet who is judge and jury in his case, and only seeks an opportunity when the executioner whom he may employ shall carry his mandate it Ito effect. It is a dreadfUl state of things, when a mon knows that he is ac cused by an unseen party, whom he cannot confront, but whom he knows watches his movemnnts, and again'st whom he is neither safe in his journies by day, nor in the v Falls of his cot tage by bight.—( Hear, hear.) He found that these outriges were inflictedin some cases, because a person w as in possession of land from which another individual had be to ejected some seven or eight years before, and this was dome, although the present possessor had no previous knowledge of his landlord. Surely under these circurnstar ices, the Rouse would not object to a suspension or the law in these districts. He eonsidered it a most fortunate circumstance that this state of society was ,confined to a small area in Ireland. He was glad to find that it was confined to Westmeath, and its neighbouring counties, but that only fur nished the stronger reason why Governmen t should interfere to restore order. lie trusted that the House, would louts fairly into that matter ; he trusted that they would not be led away by any specious declarations about curtailing the liberty of the subject- Why, what they, the Governmen t. wanted, was to restore security to, not only the higher, but to the very hum blest classes in Ireland. Ile trusted, therefto tr. that the Howe would not reject this Bill by ref ising to accedte to is first read ing. The Government asked them to grant this first reading. but if it could be shown that those evils did nut exist, it was in the power of Hon. Members to do so. If the r hail exaggerate , ' the evil, it was in the power of Hon. Alem' bers to point out where that exaggeration existed. _lf th ey thought thit that Bill was inapplicable •to th , t peculiar cir cumstances of the case, they a sere bound t, show wherein the iaapp!icability you sisted. All he requested the House was not to mix up this question with remedial measures for Ireland, which all par ties wished to -Pe carried into effect, but which slitend be 'held quite distinc• from this occesion. It was universally s.,tmitted that these outrages did not arise from a religious feeling ; it was ad mitted also that this was not what. might Vie termed a religious measure ; it was certainly not a political one, tsecause men of every shade of political opinion felt that 'there was a necessiti for its being immediately brought into practice. He hoped that no Hon. Member would allow himself' to be carried away by the argument that, because they could not trace these evi.s to anything in the social condition of Ireland, they should post .. _ ' the Wh, There were certain clauses in the Bill to which he wished to ! call the attention of the Legislature: Whit wiette the flonee say if some despotic ministereseme "neap of grest who might .be influenced,. ise,',:heWspeper s . peregrentee e is to come down to them, and, after resting two ur three murders from proyincial newspapers, s'ere'tn call en the Hierse to pass a Coercion Bill. The leg.slation for both couetries must be the same, as the interest. of the couetries could not be severed. What was eiitel for one was good for the other, and what was bad for one was bad for the ether. fie wished to call the atten tion of English Members to the 9th and 14th sections of this Bill, as also to the 6th, ith, and 6th sections. They all directed that certain sums shield be given as compensation to a certain class of persons named, and to the relatives of per sons who were murdered. Where was this money to be ad vanced from—fromehe Crneiolidated Fund ? The Right Hon. Baronet the Sec etary fur the Home Department would tusn round and say that the money was to be repaid. By the 9th and 14th clauses of the Act, the sums directed to be advanced from the Consolidated Fund are dis ewes! to be re: aid bt a tax on the occupying tenant-cotter, whether his tenors were above or below 41. Did any man, who hail had any dealings with the cotter tenantry id Ireland, suppose that such a rate could he levied? The Right Hon. Gentleman had told theca that these agrarian outrages inflicted on the tenant were ins cted on the landlord, and yet he was about to burden them with this taxation. He (Captain Is. Osb one) was intimate with the cotter tenantry of Ireland, and he was more a stonished at their patience than surerised at their crimes. Let the Right Hon. Gentleman recollect that physical destitution and moral degradation went hand in hand. 51en could not be de based In the scale of comfert without making them like wild beasts, and it was useless fir the Govern err to be framing coercion laws when they 'view that the vices of th people had been caused by their own bad legislation e . He thought that it was necessary to refer to a few sentences which fell from a Noble Lord the other evening. The Noble Lord thought it neci ssary to believe the Govern.• ment accuunts of famine in Ireland, bat he placed itnnlicir reliance on the Government details of Irish etimee—e Loud cheers from the Opposition.) If Irish crimes had a more direct tendency to influence the Corn Bill, he should like to know if the Noble Lord would be more incredulous. The Noble Lord ttad remarked that any man who opposed the passing of this measure ought ni be held responsible, and was responsible, for every murder That was committed in Ireland, thereby arguing that any man who might feel it necessary to differ from the opinion of the Noble Lord was t esponsible for the outrages committed 'in Ireland. Whenever the Noble Lord " bolted" from the figures of rhetoric to the figures of speech, he was sure '. to disappoint his baceers, and run himself into distress"—( Laughter.) When the Noble Lord came down to that House he produced a newspaper, and, after citing from its columns two cases of murder, proceeded to argue upon the necessity of coercive measures for Ireland. What would the Noble Lord think if he (('aptain Osborne) were to take at random (so counties in England ? He would take Staffordshire, and he there found that a man named Brown killed his brother by beating on his head with a hammer, and then hid his body in a sandpit. The murderer held a farm under his brother, ant in consequence of the non-payment of the rent, the brother threatened to distrain, and it was the fear of being turned oat that induced the commission of the murder. Was it considered necessary to proclaim Staffordshire in con sequence of that murder? He would now turn to a village in eomersetshire, Bridgwater, where a woman poisoned her bro ther, and, it was supposed, three other relatives, and would any man in his senses deduce from that that the people of Bridg water were so brutal that a Coercion Bill was necessary. If he were to look into the provincial newspapers he might even find that some such facts had occurred In Lynn, and so accord ing to the Noble Lord's argument, rendering a Coercion Bill necessary for that place. The Noble Lord couldnot adopt a worse principle than to cut slips out. of newspapers to brine them forward as excuses for such measures. He must now say. and he said it with great regret, that he had same little quarrel with the Right Hon. Gentleman the Secretary for the Home Department. In the absence of the Irish Secretary some excuse might he made for his ignorance of the state of Ireland, when he said that there were five counties in that country in a state of abs lute disturbance, Tipperary being specially mentioned amongst them. It was right that the Right 'ion. Gentleman sh•itild know that it was only in the North-west Riding of Tipperary that these disturbances took place. In the South Riding crime was unknown. He spoke as a resident. and he anew that the landed troprietors there would defend their rights while they were not inattentive or unmindful of their duties; and it was therefore he now at tempted to do justice to the country. An Hon and Learned Gentleman near him had alluded very cursorily to the number of civil-bill ejectments, from 1839 to 1843. He said that the number of these ejectrnente in thee. five counties was 2,331 daring that period. Ttere had, however, heels 72,982 notices served, and, taking every family to consist of five, that would give a total of 364,910 persons. He would net, however, be so hurried en by news aper reports as to forget that he was in that House to leg stage for his fellow-countrymen. The people in England, on hearing this would make great lamen tation, and exclaim, " How horrible !" and yet no person ever thought of asking for the actual return of these ejectmente. The Noble Lord said that the House had no rieht to interfere with the ri g hts of property. What was every tax—every railway Bill that came before the House, and was passed but such an interference ? and yet such an interference was to be made with the rights of the subject. The truth was, however, that the man who was horn on the suit had a right to derive his subsistence from it. It was asked, how were agrarian outrages to be put down ? It was not by coercive measures, or Protection to Life Bills, that it was to be done, but by an altetation of the law of fixed property to re move the expense attendant on its sale, so as to render its transfer more easy, and to make way for a new set of pro• pi ietors. It was by a total revision of the law of landlord and tenant. The evils of Ireland were social evils, and therefore he must say tnat he thought the conduct of Government had been marked by great indiscretion. When the Lord Chan cellor of Ireland took upon himself to dismlss all those magis trates who professed the doctrines of repeal, he committed what was worse than a crime—he committed a great political blunder—for if any one thing more than another set the peasantry against the Bench, it was that dis missal. The Government had also committed another error, which was recalled to his mind by some observations made the other night by an Hon. Member. It was complained that the Protestant ascendancy in Irelard was gone. Let the House look at the long panel in t ipperary. That county was quiet enough in the time of Lord Normanby, but that was attributed to hie toadying the great agitator. The conduct of the Go vernment with regard to the grand jury was much to be com plained of. In 1839. there were on the long panel in Tip perary 118 Catholic gentlemen, and 100 names were on the list. In the year 1844 that number hail decreased to 43, and the names on the list were only 10 in number. In 1846 they had dwindled down to 17, and the names on the list were only 5; and at the last sessions, out of two or three Catholic gentlemen, only one was empanelled. That gentleman was decidedly a man of considerable worth and respectability ; but why were other gentlemen, of equal worth and respectability, omitted from the grand jury. If the Hon. Member for Tipperary were not then in the House, he ( rapt. Bernal 0-borne) would attest to his worth, and yet he was not on the gt and bury in consequence of his political opinion. There were also two Members sitiing near him to whom similar circumstances had occurred. Was it ,passible, therefore, for the peasantry of Ireland to look upon the law in any other light than a one-side and prejudiced judge? In undertaking to second the motion brought forward by the Hon. Learned Gentleman, he could not say that he participated in all his sentements, of which, however, he admired the sincerity and genius. He di I not agree with his (sir, O'Connell) opinions as to the separation of the English and Irish Legislature. He, as a resident iu the country, did not think that repeal was a panacea for its evils, but at the same time let him warn the House, that in passine a measure of a coercive character, that it must take into account. first, the power they gave the Honourable Gentleman to continue his agitation for repeal, and the effect that the measure would have en the public mind. Let the House discuss it as WI might. Men of all parties in Ireland were discontented with the English Government They said that it was ignorant of the Irish interest, and indifferent to to their prejudices. What was the effect of Lord Grey's Bill ? It drove many moderate met, into the ranks of the repeaters He (Captain B. Osborne) was favourable to the maintenance of the Union, but he mast say, that if the union was only to be maintained by such measures of coercion, he would rather see it at once repealed. He lamented that the Right Honourable Gentleman at the head of the Government, who had shown himself on a question of commerce able to shake himself from the trammels of party consented to take the old end oft-repeated story of Irish disturbances. The Honourable Gentleman had told the House that there was an evil genius in the t abinet. That genius was of an orange hue, and its spirit yet clime to the system of Govern ment in Ireland. and secretly encouraged coercive measures. Whatever power the Hon. Gentleinan might possess over the Government, he (Captain B. Osborne) called on the House not to be led away by a measure which would entrench on the tights and liberties of his Irish fellow subjects.—( Cheers.) Mr. S. HERBERT said that he would not revert in any way to the private teplcs the Hen. Gentleman had just intro duced. He would speak with great respect of all felonious ad: vaneed in that House by any gentleman who had spent a part of his time in Ireland, and who had done his duty in that Country towards the truantry under _him ;_ and, bow it would in any way env._ count .—( Hear, anise' _ .. h a , nparty expressions of the Honourable pone the measure until they had discovered' . ,at origin. hear.) That was the twentieth measure, as was remarkedut ~ -I :riitiii i n e g m ant , o the Hon. arid Learned Gentleman ( Mr. O'Connell) who a assured him that he did so without any if the House were to grant every concessime, they would find ago, that the Hon. and Learn e d Gentleman declared his t;onfi lytect, o r i n th e least degree disparaging the repetition of all these evils; u ti les, they- were to be in the deuce that the grievance was about to be redressed. There preceded him, that had been introduced since the onien of a coercive nature, and out of these twenty measures he (C a p, ~ which eniering.n h tehre p resen t e d. He booed t h at ever y m em b er , fi rst i n stance checked by the strong hand, other grievances was a commission appointed on that subject in 18 ',6, and the B. Osborne ) never heard that one of them had the effect of fie manner usedis di•ntssilos would adopt the calm and tern would s pr i ng up. What they wa e t ted at p i a sen . measure that was introduced was passed in this - llousei but removing the causes, or patting down the consequences of Irish wa„s Here 4,..,tte t b ,/ , th e H on . ta erit i aman i n brining it f or - was to give protection and libert, not only to hrown out, I think, in the other House of Parliament. Three grievances. grievances.—(Hear, hear.) The causes of bill crime were and he would not '"' these Party topics had been introduced, landlords, but to the po Jeer (laves of Ireland, who did l oo k or f o ur years were taken in the di sc ussion of the ern'asure, and it well known. Columns of evidence gave ample proot that the as he was alludecorn to them further than to say• that as far to Government as the source from whence the y were to receive is yet incomplete. After all the promises made to the people murders in that country arose out of disputes about land, as nothing would indu'eawhatever station he held in that House, some p ro te c tion from the evils under which they were labour- of Ireland at the Union and afterwards have been broken , it is was not the case in England. Yet the Government, knowine for such discussions. him to assist in making Ireland a theme . He was landlord • ing, so that they might pursue their industry --the true staple now only in the year 1646, that the Right lion. Baronet has all that. either through inability, ignorance. or laziness, weir' interest in the welfare of a himself and took an of the country, upon which, more than '•• • dthat the Corporations of Ireland shall be placed on the upon legislative enact - promise at the present moment more ready to resuseitate an infamous i n terest in its fate and the country. lie took the warmest mentor, the prosperity of Ireland depended.—(Cheers.) ,itne fortis as those of England. I say that that does and inoperative measure than to introduce one that would being a willing and pion an misfortunes, ono he could tray say that, Lord J. RUSSELL then rose and said—Sir, I rise with titsiw very great tardinees to do justice to Ireland. Does it not ..strike at the root of the evil.—(Cries of • •• :leer, hear.") flou,e, he held op adve p tit a e rty to th e measure before the deep anxiety. for the purpose of supporting the measure intro- in a great di , gree justify the mistrust which is exhibited. when Would it be believed that, in the sixth century of English the country. isle man was more t 4 an rigorous treatment of duced by the Right Itin. Baronet ; and it is with gre i t sa tie. you decl re yur wish to legislate for the good of l'eland ',rule in Ireland, and in the present enlightenedthat that an advocate of this warmlymeasure yti more reasonably f ac ti o n that Ido so. because the sp eches which trams been isitien you declare that you are as anxious for the good of Ire '. House was about to tarn a measure, one of the provisions of and hoped woulJ ultimately intrsdusenn he beLeved made on this subject. beeinning with the Right Hon. Baronet land as the Irish themselves, and that the psi which enatiled the tare to transtiort a man for being out of his between par lee In Ireland, a as.,,i.date • diffe b r etter feelosgs the Secretary for the Home Department, to those tty tubers of vii yes of Englishmeii you are ready to communi cabin after sunset?—(Hear, hear.) He was astonished at a the prosperitj of the country. In the sia ,,, eh erl o t r e t ia3 "% to the Government who had spoken last in the disc ession 1 retie to our fellow subjects en the , ther side the Channel. Government, p ro f ess ing so much concern for enlighteement, Gentleman I hathl had that the intention ,)f meeting Hon. readily confess that when cases are brought before us of the Sir, there.is another i m portant guestien, on which, perhaps. bringing forward a measure brimful of martial law and mss - measure by delay d hbeeenflognivet" up In the speech which tilt; sl many cr i m es committed in Ireland—crimes of a diet sdful cha- 1 should hardly have alluded,. . the_ h : e ,o G ve ,, rt e imen e t had niit be- i goeratie.—( Hear, hear.) ln 1824, he found that the present just been deliver(ei ... fi t t and mtC rlntleinan rather seemed to be ra t tler, comm itt e d in different counties—that we by our union conic debtors to I. eland u pi tt n ito it T the 'inure i r if ni ran n d t in a rrla n i t : e d. Cinsef Justice for Ireland, then Mr. Blackburne, in his evi- tor the unoppos, rs l i h 7 f tel r ints, reserving the dis- w lr,dand have taken upon our•elves the resit° , it:ibid.) , ot a Commission to inquirettn,e,„ through Velem!, and evidence legislating f or th e m, I admit that we are bound ,to afford That Commission took jo . &Incas before a Committee, stated, in reply to the question , cussion for the third. t wouldoft c e .s conventenc e of the.known that recommendations were to s, wh at measures are best calculated to improve the eon - House to discuss the applicability , .h' Bill to different story due protection to life on the one hand, v tithout un- was obtained. and it oat necessarily int • that every person expected some infringing " on the liberty of the subject on be male, and I believ to. . . d.tion a the people o f I re l an d?" that, generally speaking, classes, and not to make comparison between this Bill and the the oth•the existing relations of landlord other. t Hear, hear s eduitation and em pl o y men t were the best means ;" for, though other Bills brought in under different circumstances. Li no upon 'hem h • ) Such was the burden remedy would be give n in]that Bill Parliament can pass can so Coercion Acts might put down crime for a while, yet they observation of toe Hon. Gentleman who had spoken was there were bound y the terms of the union, and that burden they and tenant. That any. to bear. Nowwhen I tions that there will not be much to be left could not make the order of things he e ler." Then M 4. the least attempt to deny the case of emergency on whichtells ome that he wishes • s the Right Hon. Gentleman regulate these re a f —to the justice and sense of fair- Bill. The state- he says to be le t this Bill to be read a first time—when —the greater part Howley, an assistant barrister, stated in his evidence that the Government rested the necessity of the that he think's he has stated ration and go d sense of the landlords in the " the ordinary law, eend the Secretary for the narrative of crime to • sufficiently at length this ness, and mod a carried out and administered with temper, ment made by his flight Hon. Ft ind uc e the House t o a . i . • first first • tepee and partly go the tenant, no man can deny. would be quite sufficient fin. the maintenance t remained unchanged. The only allegation readin g 1 do, Sir, agree with him far, cc" to tie ins • order."— of peace and Home De .'of thin s makes it absolutely so that I t kink, also, Why, this vete R they necessary that ( year, hear.) Such Hon. Gentleman, that the first reading was the wr.tten evidence uf an made was that which was made by the . . of this measure ma be till do all can. It assistant - barrister tor a Tistate of society was sling so, Ido not hold myself relieved fromy taken; but in the Legislature sho..is necessary, in the of terary riding.—( Hear.) It would which seemed to prove that the. p b e first pities'. that where remedies can be given b legislation, y ihe in the recollectionrepresented to be. of stating, that so far as the Government the ld be iven• Then - cJecasion th e inecorit Hon . Gentlemen that on a recent not so much disorganised as it was repres' measure is to be ad that legtsla ma shou g • all that you can do in the existin g Is, er of Dublin gave it as his opinion. that. The state of society was such in Ireland that the greatest mitted, that is a question hereafter for this Hoe idecider . - of prevention 01 crime, and taking - is., to the way P away the cause of 1 the Looking to the Bill itself, there are many dau Parliament 0 tits-fiances, though was sufficient for the suppression of all dis- difficulty existed in regard to the obligation of leases; and d ses in it which, crime by any power p ssesses, should he ( Captain • 'i ion re uire to be rectified . be done that Learned and Right B. O s b orne ) did not know how subadiv,sion of land into small portions was enforced in such ain my oin ~ 9 an theren ire, although on the proposition of the Government, and by to the firs ' a statement with the y,t Hon. Ge n tl eman cou ld reconcile such wanner as produce the worst results. If this system went on, . this House s hould consent , reading of the Bill, I Bills laid with their consent, and framed The Right Hon, s i e given subseepiently by him —(Hear ) the inevitable result would he that the land would be rendered think myself bound to slatethat, in the fort ter stages of the the direction of the Houses of Parliament —( H . under des -aidin g ou th . ,,,‘,, ecr " t arY for the Home De ni t • * i ment whet' valueless and whole produce swallowed up toy the residence measure, -. a ' I eh.►ll have objections to offer A iliell ill " go to the I - '' " t before the second re ' • sat, I trust. nir, t iatear, hear. ) ading of this Bill • amount of - ne sir. gave hiniseif the trouble crime in Ireland, never, it would u p on it. If an y m an sets op in oppositi o n to tots a:ate ' rounuation o• -- ith that which they might '• ''' ' a i f I dli rd • Olio House with were to he atiributed.—(Haar.) to inquire sie what these crimes of thing., and struggles against it, he, that man, must suffer. , blame the Government wrespect to the law o an • and tenant, from which we hi m lbws; such was caused baart•) Now, why did it not occur to No man could perform the functions of a landlord unless he ' not, perhaps, be very well able to avoid 1 shall be enabled to gather what are th intentions of the Go —( Hear_hear, a t s •n 1n43 ) t ' h e he r nduet of Government itself ? h a d th e cons id era tion and en joyed the p ro tection o f th e L eg i s . ' mean t h e inerea.e of Crime in Irela'' II in my Ycrotnent upon this subject. In asking this, I think lam ask: and the excitement pro( uced in ;van Commission was issued, latore•—( Rear , hear.) But his ° W et was to show i" an s we r views these crimes are connected with a social condition of ing no more than Lord Althorp and Lord Stanley were ' ready Commission, could sot be overrat Ireland by the issuing of that t o th e s t a t emen t of the Honourable G e ntleman opposite, how I re l an d w hi c h . has arisen from time to time—whnl h ha s "hi" to pr o p ose when they render ed themselves responsible for the and the powers with winch it was e, as from its constitution far this Bill would oto Protect the poorer classes, It was bited a formidable front at several periods, ranging from eighty severe Coercion B ull of 1635. I was not then disposed to . greatest expectations were eaten a s t tuppo...ed to be inves•ed, the said that it was a g low for the benefit " f the land i " rd 's vears ago Soon after the rein of George 111. , crimes of this shrink from the reseonsibili . y of a Coercion Bill, as I thought at of the Commitiien wound iip h , s ued ' -- t. Hear.) The reportthe instead 'the weak, h. h - kind . dattention the House bun the causes the time it was necessary fort he purposa o f to protect strong o 'durance and sufferings nf the hi ithat " the pa•ient en . i n the i r „ ppress .i on ta w the poor. In answer to that of these crimes wire so doubtful that we ourselves had never I had too other feeling in acceding to the provisions of that * entitled them to the most serious ra eo l n ab id eurers of Ireland he though, fie wou ld s h ow t h a t t h e principle murders cem- considered what was the prosper remedy for the di tease. At measure, Inn I iim not convinced that 1 ,_ _it is recess Irthat you House ; and yet a Bill. founded on the rep,:rt 'ration of t- e mitted in Ireland, and th e ou rages t h at took p l ace , were not th i s momen t ever y s p ec i es o f c rime seems to he cot roniited in should have similar p ro visie t tis e tn_tne Rill to be proposed at the u the previsions of which were so ridlous that' the introduced, upon oersons i n the hi g h e r ran i, o f lif e , b ut amoni o th e poor that utihappy country ; but when we ask Ahst is the remedy to present time. I tnink that the h tl a il v l, with other provisions more - for the measure a sort of fixity of feure, as he ey establ-shed an d defenceless . E s p ec ially was this the case in the midnight be appLed, I own that the experience of all reflectit•g indivi- resembling those Acts w h i in E. e passed with respect to the • still lay a dead letter in the House where , it h a d b e b e eli , e ", it attacks, against which this Bill was intended more especially dualsseems to be that we ought net to be satisfied with eneasure s crimes of this nature, Pot ngland and Ireland, would be tro f o r the and laughter. The Ri g h t n - Z t In - to provide, and its provisions would be found of more value t o mere l y o f a coerc i ve nature, Sir , I t hi n k th a t when ere con- more effectual for the u r P ( P' e s Lod would be less liable to ex tary for the Home Department, citing the Hon.language -acre- the poorer classes than those for whom it was said to be pro. cider t h a t L eg i s l a tiv e A c t s o f thi s na ture h a ve been enforced from cite irritation and discontent, w hich are the very things they - Fox is 1797, said, " that Ireland should be legislatd r Mr. posed. The r i c h m a n could b mica& his doors and windows, the time of George I.—when measures were passed to restrain ought to avoid. Let us recollect that in legislating upon this a regard to Irish feelings and prejudi(,, Hear. or h ts .i e r th and, w ith th e a , s ,, tance 0 1 his arms and servants, stand a siege deer stealing in the neighbourhood of Waltham—it is impera- subject—although we aerte with the Rightßaronet from Sir James Graham.) Now he ( Captain B. Osbo e rn 'll I against th e m id n i g ht assass i ns ; but the poor man's life was five on this House to adopt measures, however severe they the Secretary of State for . the FLatne Department, and the did no: know what id -a the Right Hon. Gentleman enter_e) exposed w ith ou t th e l east p ro tection. His wretched cabin may seem, to restrain the outrages which have been exhibited Right Hon. Gentleman . wh ,t o last addressed the House, that twined of Irish prejiiiices and feeling-, but if any pried we . without wi n d o ws, and with scarcely an y cover i ng offere d to this muss in slid , viv id „A min . Th ese ou t rag e have gone i there can b herpes ore soma evil to the poor, as well as to the wanted to show that he entertained no idea of eith • were lim resistance aa• t the •d 'slit incsnctiar He ' lan t ovalence of the toe which had already existed Murders I rich, t i geniee bands either, it w as i hail s ins mi 111 , Y• beyond the enactments • • .who take the h and - • • the itnroduetienof the present Kill, a Bid so powerless that \ cabinno servants t o s t a nd by him, and the thatch of his h ave been committed, but I still think.that we ought to have case of every man, ric poor, into their des sions he did not think the G offeredls cases , and . Government were serious in their intes ' h an ego) , honey to the !lames It ought sufficient grounds before we exact the penalty. - I thitic before whose. secret trtbuna . are not weighed in the ton of passing it—so weak, inoperative -, t eretore to so was it, that it seemed i ofthe 'be distinctly borne inh ' but dished downand decided hand of mind t..at the night clau s es ttia . we oug h t t o have sufficient indications of the crinse. Take scale of just.e.e, • the eoneeetion a a weak present and vacillating cabinet.—( Hear. ) and ßill offered the greatest protection to file pour, t rte example of persons who have been found with their faces i the assassin—while we agree that there can be no greater evil proved that the emu l ation urged so strongly affable the blackened, and with destructive arms in their heath , ; these, than this, yet in legislating for Ireland we must not forget the a. - -• •.. neat confident* could the people be expected to have in the administration of its provisions? —(Hear, hear.) Then tonne the State trial., in reference to which, he would ask, was there not a one-aided charge delivered' rinothat •occamon, -acid - o kAlt impression was that prone ediog calculated to lease upon the minds el the Irish people?—( Hear, hear.) Well, then, he would tell the Government that they were bound to make seine recompense for ail this misery, and injustice, and wrong. What had he suggested as such recompense? As yet he had siazgested nothing, but before he sat down he meant t ,d i eq. No doubt some erratic murders had taken place in Ire: 'int hut the great mass of crime entirely arose out of questions about the possession of land. He was sorry to say that there were exceptions to this, and that they had of late become mote numerous. But the great question, the great evil of Ireland had its origin in disputes about land.— ( Hear, hear.) Hitherto the Government of this country had done nothing for the protection of the rights of the Irish tenant, while they had passed numerous enactments by which they had increased the power of the landlord The 53d Geo. 111, cap. 88, was the first Act after the union that gave the Irish landlord a summary power of ejectment. Up to that time such an act was unknown in England, er in any part of civil ised Europe. Up to that time no landlord had ever ottempted to distrain the growing crop of his tenant for his rent— ( Hear. h ear)—but that Act gave him the power to do so. That Act gave him the power to distrain the growing crop; and until it was ripe and fit to cut he would place keepers upon the tin fortunate tenant, at al immense expense, for perhaps five or six weeks • and he (Mr. O'Connell) did not believ - that a more fruitful source of discontent and crime had ever been heard of than that which that Art had moved iu its operation. In some elves, where the wretched tenant was seized upon in this way, he had not the means of supplying his family with food, and if his wife went forth to beg it. she would be taken up and imprisoned; and let him ask, could such a law fail t-' be a fruitful source of crime ?—( Hear, hear.) The next Act for increasing the power of the landlord over the tenant was the st'th Geo. 111 , which not only gave the power of Civil Bill ejectment, but the power of turnii•g out the tenant; and the ist George IV., cap. 87, further increas• d that Power, by enabling the landlord to demand from the tenant security for the costs of an action before he could take defence in a case where he felt convinced his landlord was the aggressor —a system of law which, he believed, was unknown . and unheard-of in any other civilised coun tr y in the worid ( Hear, h ea r.) The let and 2d, and the 6th and 7th William IV., were next passed, and they still further increased the power of the landlord —as if the Legislature thought that their only interest was the interest of the landlord—( Hear. ) Well, then, the remedy which he would sugeest should be ap plied to remove all t:.ose causes of crime, and all those imple ments of injustice, was, that measure of full and complete justice to Ireland which she bad so often demanded.—( Hear, hear.) Ireland had not an adequate number of representa tives in that House ; she had not a fair proportion of the elec tive franchise. Grant her those and other measures of justice which he had so often enumerated, and that was the real way by which to coerce the Irish people. Coerce th mby their 'affections and their gratitude, and then they will be all that a Government could wi,h them.—( Hear, hear.) New, With regard to the landlord and tenant question, he woald ask, why not give the tenant at least a lease of twenty-one years of his farm? Recollect, that if the land on which the Irish antasant lived be taken from him, he is deprived of the means of life. Why should he not be allowed a fair compensation for the ex penditure of his capital end his labour in improving his land • lord's property? He (Mr. O'Connell) did not mean any ex travagent allowance for fantastical outlay ; there was little fear of that ; but he wanted to have the remunerated for his labour, forthe loss of his property; and it he improved the land he held, he should be allowed to have the full benefit of ( Hear, hear.) Ohl if this were done, only see what a stimu • lent it would he to ability and industry.—( Hear, hear. ) How happy and contented the Irish tenant would be when he felt that his labour was his own, and that he was working for him self.—( Hear, bear.) Let him have this, without encumber ing it with clauses and provisions, with which he might never be able to comply ; prevei.t that wild, savage " clearance" system, through whose agency so many crimes that affrighted the land had been committed, and he promised the House they would hear no more of those crimes.—(rlear, hear.) He would now refer to the Ulster tenant-right, and read an extract from the evidence that had been published in reference to it. That was the evidence given of the state of things in the north. How often had he heard gentlemen boast of the peaceful disposition of the people of the north ; but why were they so, but because they were better treated by their land lords ?—(Hear. ) The tenant going nut was allowed to seli the tenant-right, er dispose of it as he wished: he was not a wretched beggar, as in the case of less-favoured districts of the country. now, he gave the Government their choice between the conditions of the people of Ulster and Tipperary : the present was the moment to decide ; let them decide wiser for they might be assured their miserable Coercien Bill would not answer.—(Hear, hear.) There were, to be sure, many excellent landlords in I ipperary, but there was also a nume rous body of exceeding bad ones.—( Hear.) Then, there were many estates in the hands of the ,tenants ; but let the Legislature intervene; let the law take, al it were, the posie tion and situation of the land ord: lot it do but justice, and there would in a short time be an end of agrarian crime in Ireland.--( Hear, hear.) He (Mr. O'Connell) was nut ing the Governmont to travel into unfrequented ground ; they had the evidence of 300 years before them in respect of the tenant right in Ulstee, and let them act by it.—( Hear, hear.) He wou:d not then occupy the time of the House longer, as it would be idle of him to go into further detail. He had pointed out the evils that existed, as well as what he had conceived would be their remedy, and it then rested wilt the Government to tempt or reject those remedies as they pleased. Ulster was tranquil under the tenant right, while the south and west were disturbed because of the insecurity of tenure. The unhappy pusantry were reduced to the half-rutted potato fur their food, with tae water their only drink. Their houses were pervious to the rain ; they were ill-c:othed and ill.covered, but all that was known before, and he would not repeat it or add to it a single avoid, but conclude by proposing the amendment with which he had set out.—( Hear, hear. ) Captain B. OSBORNE ( whose opening observation+ did hot reach the gallery) was understood to say that, in rising to second the amendment so ably proposed by his Hots. and Learned Friend (Mr. O'Connell) he was anxious to guard himself from being misconceived, because, while he shared with the Right Hon. Gentleman the Secretary for the Home Department that feeling 01 horror at the crime of assassination in Irelands yet, as a resident of the country to which the present measure was intended to apply, and one deeply interested in her welfare, he deprecated its introduction, as being, in his opinion, inefficient. and strongly calculated to influence the complicated evils of that country. It was easy for Members of that House to come down, and, expressing their horror of mur der, call on the Legislature to enact more stringent measures for the protection of life. But in his opiaiou It would be much More worthy of the statesman if he first applied himself to the concoction of a measure that would go to eradicate the causes of these outrages.—( Hear, hear.) It there was one duty more imperative in a statesman than another, it was that of proving to the people of Ireland that he was ready to grapple with their condition social, political, and religious—( Hear), whilst on the other hand a coercive measure was a prof anti an acknowledgement of his incapacity as a Minister. —(Hear. hear.) The Right Hon. Gentleman opposite (Sir J. Graham) had, on a former night, referred to the language of Mr. Burke on the subject of free trade; and he (Captain B. Osborne) would then beg to refer him to the sentiments of that great man on a question similar to that then before the House. —( Hear.) Mr. Burke said, speaking of coercion, " God for bid, that on a worthy occasion authority should want the means of being enforced ; but where the hearts of the people do not go with the hands of the soldiery, you may call your Constitu tion what you like ; but it will, in effect consist of three orders, namely, cavalry, infantry, and artillery. "-(Hear, hear. ) If he (the Honourable Member) could allow his feelings to warp his judgment, and if he c , nsidered that the present measure was the least suited for the suppres sion of crime in Ireland, he confessed he would feel induced to give his vote in favour of the second reading of the Bill ; but he should declare that his feelings were nthetwise as to its result.—( Hear, hear.) He doubted net that there were many in that House who, from the superficial view they had taken o* the subject, were ready to commit themselves to its support. but if it should be shown that the provisions of the Bill were more likely to create discord than the contrary—if it could be shown that the Bill it self would be inoperative, he called on Hon Gentlemen i n t eres t e d i n t h e we lf are o f I re l an d not t o comm it themselve s to it s su pp or t.—( H ear , h ear .) Th e Ri g h t H un . e Home Secretary read numerous extracts, from reports furnished the Government, ent, of the state of crime in Ireland. Now (Captain Bernal Osborne) might fol low his example intituhee: i l i mite w i. ay, hut he would then merely confine himself to accuracy of those extracts, os in his opinion ther(etwan! vast exaegeration of the amount of crime in Ireland.— eu hear)ra. y l3 gut for the the .tat issatki. rs ; o f andsr - foment, he would admit the then he would ask how the Gevernmes.ttrieniended to meet th e . question? The Lord Lieutenant was o e d with a power to proclaim a district, and make it a tr msporite le off ence f or p er s o ns to be out at a certain time in the evening after sunset Such was t he principal provision of the measure R t ight Hon. intendedenoonday f it the pacification of I reland.--( Flitlarat would )Di deter de h secretary attempt t o show how nday murderer, how it would operate to induce persons to come forward a nd g ive evidence against him. -dicate the evil ?- combined with other eircumstanees which tended to show that they were engasserl in utilawful conspiracies which connected them vrinl.a s fln . s induc d the 1 rilh ,Farieun el enk to pa s a lerenerinergig such en uceediegs ill al. they 'ongiat: surely, to have some indieeticns which would ten oco p - • - t risi mins parses before they 1 roceeded :gains! th e m. They ought not to take nigh er indiea ions of crime than had been taken at former perim's When such Bills as that before them. er Bills of a similar character had been passed fan the purp se of restoring peace in Ireland, it was necessary that the district so affected should be prodaimed by the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, for many instances had occurred where ora l many innocenttrigth of time. personsme.B had at beenitis ,u transported forsport pedearnsodns,imprisonedto f districts of Ireland, to be out after sunset in winter, autumn, and spring, for purposes that no one can blame them for. It may be that their cattle have wandered, so that they are re- Tined to be seen after, that their rences are broken ; it may be that the' are attending a wake, or the funeral of one of their friends or relations; and are we to punish these persons hecanse they, under these circumstances, are out after sunset ? Under ail these circumstances persons are very fable to be nut alter sunset ; 50,1 ire t• ey to he taneo up by toe polite, to be br ught before a magistrate. and. tinhuss thsa can show c hat they have been out for a lawful purpose:—are they to be committed by the magisat ate for trial ? I think that the Bill may be ameneed so far that induc dein% may be required to show that persons found out atter sunset, lenore they are punished. must have meditated a crime. Sir, I wish this cleuae to he ex pressed in a totally different manner from what it is at pre sent. I should wish filet the clause would speedy persons out. under "suspicious circumstances,” which would justify the magistra e in committing them. With respect to other parts of the Bill—wish respect to those winch enable the Lent Li-inenant to impose a rate on persons with the view of payine an increased ciinstabuiary, I think that is a wise matter to be considered in Committee. I know that same objections have b 'en made to that, yet I think it is de sirable to base au increased constabulary in those disturbed districts, and that it is desirable the Bill should go to the Com mittee for the purpose of considering that clau-e. Hat, now, Sir, there is another question arises, and upon this subject I cannot hut refer to the Bill as it. was originally introduced. I hold in my hand a paper, published in this town. giving aft account of the five stages of this Bill, as passed by the House of Lord.. I cannot. but remark, that when this Bill was first introduced, it wis of a perinanent character, and contained no clause by which its duration should be limite I. Sir, it has been my fortune to hold a si - nation in which I was to a certain degree connected with the Government of Ireland, in which, though I dill not interfere actually in that Government, I considered myself responsible for that Government, and I took care to he infirmed of every step that was taken with respect to it. Nuw, during that time I agreed to a Bill of a annilar character to the present, but I agreed to it in the persuasion that means would be found of so executing the law—of so administering the Government of Ireland, that it would not be necessary to put that Bill in operation. The Bill of 1835 is the one to which I allude. I do not remember whether any case whatever occurred in which that Act was put in operation during the five•years which it re mained in the statute. book. The Right Hon. Gentleman who spoke last said, that confidence was a plant of slow growth on subinta of this kind. I quite agree with the Right Hon. Gentleman in that natement, and it was being convinced of the soundness of that opinion that I agreed to any measure of this k'nd. But during the time in which Lord Normanby was Lord Lieutenant of Ireland—in which my Noble Friend near me (Lord Morpeth) was Chief Secretary for Ireland, and Sir Michael O'Loghlin, Chief Justice O'Grady, and Chief Justice Wolfe, held distinguished situations, as law officers of the Crown ; it was their endeavour —and I had the satis faction of rather witnessing than superintending their endeavours—and I haul the satisfaction of witnessing their earnest, patient, and continual endeavours, in connexion with my lamented friend, whose memory I shall ever hold in respect-1 mean the late Mr. ',rummond—and I had the satis faction of seeing their efforts from day to day inspire confidence in the ordinary administration if the law—to induce the people of Ireland to believe tb It if those quarrels, which they are apt to dispense of by a bloody arbitrement, were brought into the courts of law, they would have justice; and that by that means the ordinary power of the Constitution would be sufficient in Ireland, as it was in England. I hei the satisfaction of think ing that, in a great measure, these efforts succeeded—(Cheers) —that altheugh in the short period during which the attempt was made, it eld nit succeed in giving that perfect confidence, and mat constant reliance on the power and mpartiality of the law, yet'a great progress was made in establishing that which I think was a stable foundation of the future welfare of Ireland. The Right Hon. Gentleman. who has just speken, has de nounced. or rather protested, against all party allusion on this subject. The Right Honourable sientleman, ant those who act with him, did not always dui so.—( Cheers.) I was rather astonished at a speech said to have been deli vered by the Right lion. Gentleman to his constitueets, in which hteestated that the late Government h•id lets I r eland i n a :tote of e surrection, and the endeavours of the present. Go vernment had restored it to tranquillity. I quite acquit the G o ve r nment of having, by any act. of theirs, produced a state of crime in Ireland, yet I cannot think that the Hight Hon. Gentleman did justice to our e xertions, or that those ash° act with him have ever fairly r e presented the state of Irelen 1 as it was under the late Administrate on. And, Sir, I was in hopes that when that Bill of 1535 expired it would not be necessary to ask for any other Act of a sir, ilar nature. lam orry to find that the Government at present do say that it is necessary. lam sorry to hear that the Right Hon Gentle man like-A ise tritest against any mixture of questions of re me nal measures with the present Bil. Sir, I think that there again is a serious, I had almost said a fatal, mi-take. The Government must be aware, conneeteft as they are with a panty in Ireland which is but a small minority in that eotratry, that they should eitdeaveur by every means to make an impression in Ireland of their fairness and im partiality—( Hear, hear-- and they should have avoided anything like a suspicion that they were not bringing forward remedial measures at the same time that they bring forward this measure. Observe this is not a Bill which they brought fuvirward on the first day of the se-sion, and declared should be passed hastily because it might be the means of preventing murder. It is a Biil which we cannot pass for one, two, twee months and a half, or few months from the first meeting Parliament. Ido regret that with a measure of this kind they vvers not ready to introduce aremedial measure at the same time. Allusion has b uen made to the Bill called the Coercion Act, introduced under Lord Grey's Government, for which I, for one, as an adviser of the Crown, was responsible. That was a more severe measure than the present one. It was untended to meet a very serious and calainitoas state of thing=. But he Government that brought it forward were by no means insensible to the necessity of remedial measures at the same 'ime that they introduced that measure of severity. It was stated by the 12leht lion. Gentleman that Parliament met on the 29th of January, and the Bid was introduced on the 2nd ca February. The House will recollect that the King's speech was not delivered until the s'h of February. tint on the 12th of February, one week after the meeting of Parliament, Lord Althn p introduced a measure which was a great reform of the Protestant Church of Ireland, and ex empting the whole of the Roman Catholic community of Ire• land from the payment of church crass, which was a great grievance and burden to them: On another day Lord Al thorp declared his intention of bringing before Parliament a Jury Bill which had been brought into this House in a pre vious session, and had been allowed to drop in the House of Lords. On the occasion of the first introduction of the Coercion Bill it was referred to by the Hoa. and Learned Gentleman who moved the amendment, and he asked Lord Althorp what was his intention with regard to the remedial measures. fie sad he haul already stated several remedial measures, but he trusted the House had sufficient confidence in him and would be ready to approve the measures which he should introduce. The Hen. and Learned Gentleman was not satisfied. He asked, what expectation there was of carrying these measures in the other House of Parliament, and Lord Stanley at once declared that unless time remedial mea sures were rarried, there would he an end t the Government. That was the spirit in wind) Lord Stanley, as a Member of Lord Grey's Goveinment. acted. I cannot, theiefore, approve of the declaration of the tight lion. Gentleman, that we are to east this measure, and that asremedial measures were matters of diffieulty, they should lit be considered. There was another declai anon made by Lord Althorp, which some how or other .eem, to have fallen into forgetfulness in those who were then his colleagues. It was a declaration with iespect to the Mimi cipal Corporations of Ireland. Lord Altherp proposed a Com mittee. and said that from that Committee a Bill had been introduced for the purpose of reforming the Cot poration of eico , land, and he hoped to refer the c orporation of England and Ireland to the me Committee. He gave the reasons for •seferi nee the matter to the same Committee. and the first rea on was that it was r xeeedingly desirable feat the two countries -nould be assitni wed as much as possible, and as a general rule ri confer the same rights wi;h respect to the corporate bodies in Ireland, as these betties possessed in Engl a n d. That was th e simple and plain, bin emphatic and deci declaration of Lord Ahhern. Then on the 14th, two days after, he ha d intr o . lured his measure for the abolition of the c hurch roes, and eight days before the Coercion Hill in that House. I find that Mr. O'Connell said he knew of no greater gtievance iu Irel int.. than the existence el the Corporations in question, and nothing was mime satisfactory to the people of Ireland than the approaching cer tainty that the g r ie v a n ce 'ould be redresmd. That was in the year 1833, thirteen years „.. whole history of that country. I will not now occupy that length of time which even a glance at some of the principal topics would require, but. I Irish to keep m mind the main eon sideratiim. The attachinnneand affection of the people of Ire= land ought to ee preserved, by sour strewing the utmost care that you are not disposed to negleet their interest-that you are not disposed to punish crime in that country by a di erent mea sure from what you would punish it in Englasid, and that you are willing to take into your serious consideration the many grievances of the Irish people; and here. ath6ugh I do not eish to enter into a party discussion I cannot but express my regret at the course of the present Government. Even when they had the best intentions, ..t had not been such as to inspire in Ireland confidence in your juatice and respect to your policy. The time when tranquillity prevaite t had been allowed to go by. When the present Governme .t came into office, they found contentment .and tranquillity prevailing in Ireland, but they waited until agitation arose-until compla.nts and remon strances were made to them, befere they proposed to redress some of the grievances which pressed upon that country. But I hope, throwing aside the desire to conciliate the Catholic clergy on the one f and, or tonermieate agitation on the other, they vain seriously consider what were the promises made by this and the other Houses of Patliament at the time of the union edeteed by 'elle Pet, and acquiesced in by both Heuses of Parha eon , ; th .t they will look to and see wherever these promises have h. en kept, and if they have not been kept, fulfil them et once, riot in the way of cosces sions, but simile as the fulfilment of an act of justice. air. SIDNEY HERBERT apeke a sew words aitross the table in explanation. which did rant reach the gallery. Mr. H. BRIDGEM AN centrarlicted the statement that:had been made with respect to a Mr. Wilson. Air. KELLY said he could nut give a silent vote against a measure which cast se much indignity upon hie naive land. Within the last fe-st nnabta he had heard from lion. Members on the other side of the House e xpressions of sympathy and con dolence with the state of their native country, caused by the diseaee, he might say almost by the total decay, of that rem which constl wed the food of the maj ,rity of his fellow-coun trymen. He had heard so many speeches . from all sides of the House, but mere particularly from the flight Honourable Baronet the Secretary of State for the Home Department, and the Right lion. Gentleman the First Lord of the Treasury. advocating the necessity of giving employ ment to his suffering fellow-countra men, that he had been in duced to put a question to himself, and to ask, can the charge which he hail so frequently heard, that these parties were im bued with a hostile spirit towards his country. be trite ? Could this be the House nl Commons which he had so frequently heard charged with a total inattention to Irish interests and Irish measures? Could tLis be that portion of the Imperial Legislature which he had heard was deaf to the cry of suffee ing humanity ? Surely, he said to himself, the individuals who made these ch ‘rgtss must have been labouring under some mis take. But when the Right lion. Gentleman, the Secretary of State, introdueecd this Bill, he found that he had not insert deceived by his informers. It would have been better had the Right Hon. Baronet the Secretary of State for the Home De partment, aad the Rioht Honourable Gentleman the First, Lord of the Treasury, delayed expressing their sympathy and condolence with Ireland till after the first read ing of this Bill, which insulted and branded this country with the charge of being assassins and murderers. He found that in exchange for the abundant supply of corn and other agricultural produce which England received from Ireland, the Right Hon. Baronet the Secretary of State for the Home Department was about to give the people of his native country muskets, c trbinea, and cartridges-( Hear, hear)-and that he was also about to give them an armed soldiery, a licentious and insolent police force.-( Hear. hear.) Those were the means by which the Right Hon. Baronet was anxious to promote confidence between the two countries. -( Hear, hear.) This measure was one of those by which that. Right Hon. Gentleman expected to prop up that totter ing fabric the legislative Act of Union-( Hear, hear) -but he would tell that Right Hon. Gentleman that he was very much mistaken-( Hear, hear)-and that this measure would only have the effect of destrnyine that ruinous fabric at a more speedy rate.--; Hear, hear.) He must say that he was very much surprised that when this measure was first introduced the whole of the English Members did not rise up in a body and protest against it-( Hear, hear)-as heieg calculated to militate against their sense of justice, and their notion of free institutions.-(Herr, hear) -He objected to this Bill, because if it were carried into a law it would completely subvert and destroy all constitutional law in Ireland.-( Hear, hear.) He also objected to it because, in his opinion-and he was sure in the opinion of every man who surrounded him-the Right linn. Baronet had not made out a sufficient case to autherise that House to pass such an unconstitutional measure.-( Hear.) He objected to it on the same ground that Hon. Gentlemen would do to a similar Bill introduced by the Right lion. Baronet for the purpose of outlawing the people of England.-( Hear, hear.) But he would not bring forward such a measure for England on such grounds as he had adduced on the intro tuition for this oppressive measure towards Ireland, because the Hon. Members of that House would meet it with one shout. of execration -( Cheers) -and he knew very well that the Irish Members would he amongst the first to join in that shout.-( Cheers.) He objected to this measure hecau-e it had not been sufficiently ; roved by the Right Hon. Baronet or his colleagues that the laws at present in force in Ireland, if carried out with justice, were net stiffic:ent to meet the present emergency.-( Hear hear.) He regr stted that he was obliged to admit some of the statements that had been made as to the present state of crime in Ireland were something Ike the truth, but the great majority of the statements had been greatly exaggerated.-(Hear, hear.) What would the Right Ann. Baronet or the House say of that law which permitted the late dreadful tragedy at Alullingar? An individual was put upon his trial ; the jury on that trial disagreed and what was the course pursued by the Government? Why, that unfortunate individual, after having been once discharged, was again put upon his trial for the same offence, under the same commission.-( Hear, hear.) in empannelling the jury who tried that unfortunate individual, thus put upon his second trial, the officers of the Crown challenged and struck off three of the most respectable men in that diserict.-( Cheers.) One of them, he would fearlessly say, was the most respectable man in that part of the country. Hear, hear.) Anti what objection had the officers of the Crown aeainst the three gen tlemen whom they had thus struck off the jury fist ? Merely this, that they were Members of the Roman Catholic religion. -(Hear, hear.) Gracious God ! Were they living in the nineteenth century, or in the blo ely days of Elizabeth and Mary ?-( Hear. hone ) Was the R g t lion. Baronet arid his colleagues about to renew the dismal scenes of religious tyranny and persecution ?-( Cheers.) If this Bill were passed into a law, he would net be ie the slightest degree surprised if the Right Hon. Baronet and his colleagu -I were to have posted on every jury box in Ireland sue)) a placard as had been posted on the gates of Bandon--. Turk, Jew, or Atheist may enter here. but not a Papist.”-(Hear, hear ) lie objected to this Bill, because there had not been sulflitient proofs adduced by the Right. Hon. Baronet of the alleged csime iu Ireland to justify such an unconstitutional measure. If proper commis sions had been instituted in the counties that were disturbed, they would have been sufficient to suppress crime to a great degree. To justify the Right Hen. Baronet in bringing for went such a measure, he ought to have male out a stronger case. He objected to this measure, because it had been brought forward without any accompanying remedial mea sures.-( Hear, hear ) It would al o give an arbitrary power to the underlings of the Government. The Right Hon. Baronet had come forward, and stated a long list of crimes avid outrages which had occurred in Ireland, hut the conduct of the Government on previous occasion; had afforded an evil example to the people ief Ireland. The Government themselves had, on a recent memorable occasion, themselves violated the law, and how could they expect the people to be punctual in the observance of them ? Yes, in spite of what had been said by the Right Honourable Bar 'net in reference to the Law Lords, every honest man must say that the Hon. and Learned Member for Cork hod not had a fair trial.- (Cheers ) Why did not the Bight Hon. Baronet, instead of bringing forward the present measure, restore to the commis sion of the peace those magistrates whom he had supersede:l, merely because they made tnernselves conspicuous iu the agita tion for the repeal of a certain Act of Parliament ?-( Hear, hear. ) The Irish Members should oppose the measure, be eause it would destroy even the little tranquillity that yet re mained in Ireland. Those Hon. Members who opposed this measure were, of course, quite as anxious as the Right Hon. Baronet could be to preserve the peace of Ireland.-( Hear. hear.) Their effectioes, their families, their properties, and their nearest and dearest ties were connected with the green isle.--( Cheers.) And they, of course, could not for their own interests' sake be -the men to oppose any measure that might have a tendency, to further the peace and prosperity of their native land. -( Hear. hear.) Under all these circumstances he 'could most cheerfully support the amendment of the Hon. and Learned Member for Cork.-( Cheers. ) Mr K. SEYNIOUR challenged the Hon. Member who bed just sat down, to quote a county in England were murders were committed in the noonday as they were in Ireland ; and if he could do so, he t Seyrneur) would not have the slightest objection to a Bill being introduced for the better protection of lite in England.-( Hear, hear.) OI 1;30 persons that had been charged with the horrid .crime of murder in Ireland during the last year, only eight suffered the extreme penalty he law, which showed that there must be something wrong in the carrying out of the law relating to murder in Ireland. The great difficulties in Ireland ene the large amount of crime, and the indispestion of juries to convict. He thought it might be as well to suspend the trial by jury in the disturbed districts. Toe Hon. Member then referred to the case of Bryan Seery, and c ate mented upon the conduct of a certain Roman Catholic clergyman, who had sent a letter to one of the Irish tapers, to the effect that he was innocent. He then proceeded to read an account of the burial of Bryan Seery, which appeared in the Freeman's Journ:ll-6 journal edited by Dr. Gray. and headed the .• Mullingar Tragedy." He considered that the conduct of the repeaters was a strange anomaly. Their society was called a loyal" one-their ball, a Conciliation Hall ;" and it was in this hall that the orators of the loyal association harangued the people inter a state of discontent and howility, and then deputed an officer. called the •• Hea i Pacificator," to allay the disturbances. The Hon. Gentleman concluded by expressing a hope that he had not been offensive to any gentle man in giving utterance to his ()pintoes. Mr. P. S BUTLER said that he should occupy the atten tion of the Howe but a very lew moments, oh Ist he would lay beitire them a few observations which occurred to him daring the course of th's cehate, and he should endeavour to adhere to the sound principles of corn eon sense, which he had ever found to have some influent-it with a British audience, and he would say that any opposition which he would feel himself called upon to give the present Bill, would not be grounded on the fact that the proposed measure was opposed to that first principles of the constitution, and was unfriendly to those principles of liberty to which they were all attached,. - ( Hear, hear ) He had no hesitation in declaring that if it was proposed to suspend the habeas corpus Act, and institute domiciliary visits-that, if he considered such a violation of the constitution likely to produce a diminution of critne, such a proposition would have his cordial support. He would relate an anecdote to the House which would illus trate the treatment which the peasantry often received. There was a Nobleman, whom it was not necessary to name, who had a large property in the county of Kilkenuy. That property fell out of lease, and the lease was dependent on a single life, after which the property reverted to a nephew. The tenants were comfortable and happy--occupying a station much higher there, and being of a superior class to those whose case was brought under the notice of the He. use by the Hon. Member for l.imerick. The tenants were resolved to go over to London to see their landlord, who was then residing there, ' but an agent residing in the neighbourhood desired them to entrust their case with him. He went over - got the lease for himself - came home and turned out the tenantry. That gentleman was murdered soon after as he was returning home one night. Six men were found guilty, and were executed for that mur d..r. Now, what was the result of that grand display ? Within three months 01 that occasion, the nephew of that person was murdered within a quarter of a belle of the place of execution. He (Mr. B.) found that this Secretary of State for the Home Department, in a speeeh very different in its tone from what was usually made by any member of the Government with regard to Ireland, said that the measure was brought forward with the best possible intentions. The Right lion. Gentleman also alluded to some former measures to the Maynooth grant, to the Arms Bill, to the Colleges Bill, and other measures-but when detailing these, he totally forgot the other side of the question. lie forgot to mention whit the Government had omitted to do. He forgot to mention that 74 magistrates had been disintsed from the commission of the peace, the mist popular, the most efileient, anti the most able of tt e magistracy of Ireland. lie ( Mr. Butler) himself was among the number, and he regretted ibis summary' and unions tutional proceeding, for to the want of their efficient exertions, and to the leant of confidence in the administration of justice with which this est ins t nrQd the people, Might ittri nted many of those crime and outrages which were enumerated in the statement of the Right Honourable Baronet. He also forgot to apologise to the Gentlemen of this House who were so unjustifiably and harshly treated by the Government. He meant the Hon. Member for Cork and the Hon. Member for Kilkenny. He had not gives even an apology to those Gentlemen fur that treatment. The Hon. Gentleman the :Member for Dorsetshire made a quotatic n from the Nation newspaper, but neither that paper nor the F reeman's Journal represented the opinions of any Gentleman whine saw around him. The public press was as liable to give expressions to erroneous opinions as the representatives of the people were. If he wanted a proof on this side of the Channel of this assertion, he would allude to a paper that had a large circulation in England, and over Europe. In that newspaper he fund such expressions as " surpliced ruffians" and a " demon priesthood" applied to the Catholic priesthood of I. eland, who, he could testify from his own knowledge, were a body of men distinguished for the practice of every Christian virtue. In a paper pub'ished in Ireland a few weeks ago there was a comparative statement of the relative amount of crime it, England and I•eland. He found that in a report of crime in England for 1833, the murders were great, and generally committed on women and eeildren. There were many ea es which, if he were act ua'ed by vindictive feelings, he might quote; bet he would not do se , fearful that it might be so construed. He found it stated in the Times newspaper, that life in this cuun'ry was less safe than in the worst states on the Continent, 'or even in China. This, then, being the case, what was the contrast with the state of crone in Ireland, where starvation was at the door of the peasant.—( Hear. hear.) It was stated in the journal of the world, the Times newspaper. that I.fe in thi s cou ntry was on the same scale as in Lacedse coma and China.—( Hear.) The Bill ',reposed by the Government would tot put down crime in Ireland ; if it would, be would support it, but that trot being the case, he would offer the measure of her Majesty's Ministers his most decided opposition. Mr. R. A. FI I'ZGERALD was of opinion that the Bill before the House would, instead of putting down crime in Ire land, but exasperate the people. In fct the landlords of the north of Tipperary looked upon the tenants on their estates as so many machines by which money was to be made fbr them ; and they did not think that nature es , r intended them for anything else, or that they were bound to look upon them in any other light. But when the tenant appealed to the landlord, he found no • _protector in him Now, was it not singular that such a state of things should be permitted to exist at this period, when civilisation had at tained so high a pitch. It was really too bad, that a country so blessed by God should be so cursed by man ; and how to account for such a state of things was utterly impossible. The reign of Elizabeth was certaiely a most glorious one for England, but a most disastrous one for Ireland. The Govern . - ment of the day, to advance their own interests, had their emis saries everywhere, who represented the merest conversations of the people as treasonable; and the consequence was, that their lands were declared forfeited, and the proprietor of a tract to-day might, in a few days atter, be a serf or a labourer on the same tract.—(Bear, bear. ) Under the Whig Government, the people of Ireland improved rapidly in their conoition and morals. The judges in nearly every county in Ireland congratulated the grand juries on the very much decreased state, and in some cases on the tots. absence, of crime, and could there be any doubt that these things were caused by an altered Administration which attended more to the condition of the people of Ireland? This was the state of things in Ireland. The people had no confidence in the administration of the law. He opposed the pre sent Bill, because he did not believe it would realise the end that was sought to be obtained. He had recently read some remarks in a journal that had great influence, and was well known throughout the civilised world, with which he entirely con curred. The Times said the great evil of Ireland was the want of sympathy with the administration of justice.—(Hear, hear.) That struck him at the time, as a true picture of the state of the country. The people wanted confidence in the conduct of the English Government, and that was the reason why seven millions of people in Ireland had banded together to effect the repeal of the union between the two countries. The real cause why those who acted with the Hon. and Learned Member for Cork opposed the present measure was, that it would not effect the object sought. He hoped, therefore, that Hon. Members on the other side of the House would see the propriety of the union, and see the wis dom and propriety of taking the same view of the question. In the vote he should give upon this question he should not be actuated by any personal motive whatever. If Honour able Members on the other side of the House would consult their own judgment they would not altogether depend on the opinions of the only two Irish Members on that side; they would consider the circumstances of Ireland more, and endeavour to do justice to that unhappy country. On the motion of 11r. CARE W, the debate was adjourned. RAILWAY DEPOSITS BILL. This Bill went through Committee. Report on Monday. The orders of the day were then (imposed of, and the House liourned at a Quarter past One o'clock. rAiILIANI LN TA it - 1 BUSINES:;L (From the Votes and Proceedings of the House of Commons. FRIDAY, AMID. 3. The following Petitions for Railway Bills were reported, and the Bills ordered to be brought in by the undernatned Hon. Members:— London and Birmingham (Weedon and Northampton Branch)—Colonel Anson and Mr. Currie. Oldham, Manchester, Liverpool, wal Birkenhead Junction — Mr J. Fielden and Mr. Brotherton. Oxford, Worcester, and Wolverhampton—General Lygon, Mr. Pskington, and Lord 11. Hill. Scottish Central and Caledonian Junction—Mr. Forbes, Mr. W. Baillie, and Mr. Bonverie. Sheffield, Ashton-under-Lyne, and Manchester (Whaley Bridge, and Hayfield Branc:tes)—Mr. Parker, Mr. Bro thert ,n, and Mr. Buckley. Portbury Pier and Railway—Mr. W. Miles and Mr. H. Berkeley. Public Houses (Scotland)—Committoe nominated:—Thp Lord Advocate, Mr. Fox Manic, Mr. Home Drummond, Mr. Cripps, Lord Dalmeny, Mr. Forbes, Mr. Bannerman, Mr. Francis Scott, Mr. Duncan, Sir John Hope. Mr. P4mlett Scropc, Mr. Stuart Wortley, ➢lr. Richard Hodgson, Viscount Dune" and Mr. Forbes Mackenzie. STANDING ORDERS' COMMITTEE. The following Resolutions were reported 'rum the above Committee :- 1. 'that, in the case of the Oxford, Witney, Cheltenham, and Gloucester Railway petition, the standing orders ought not to be dispensed with. 2. That, in the case of the Paisley, l3arrhead, and /Jurist Railway petition, the standing orders ought not to be dis pensed with. 3. Th.it, in the case of the Hamilton and Strathaven Rail way petition, the standing orders ought not to be dispensed 1411• 4. That, in the case of the Wilts, Somerset, and Wey mouth Railway petition, the standing orders ought to be dis pensed with:—That the rallies be permitted to pi oceed with their Bill on correcting the errrors on the sections; and that the Committee on the Bill de examine, in the .fret place, how far such order has been complied with, and do report the same to the House on the report of the Bill. Fourth resolution agreed to.—Report to lie on the table. SECOND READINGS OF RAILWAY BILLS. MONDAY, APRIL G. Inverness and Elgin Junction. • Dunblaire ' Donne, arid Callander. Hull and Lincoln Direct. East and West India Docks and Birmingham Junction Railway (by order). London avid Windsor (by order). TUESDAY, APRIL 7. Cameron's Coalbrook Steam Coal and Swansea and Loughor. RAILWAY SR MARKETS BRISTOL, Aram 3. STOCK Exenartox.—The sales are--Birmingham and Gloucester, 125- Ditto, Quarter Shares (issued 7% dis.), 31—Midland, New, 2114 -Noith Staffordshire, l —Soutli Devon, 32 1 A—Taff Vale, New Quarter Shares, 1 ork and North Midland Extension, 31 % - SHEFFIELD, APRIL 3 STOCK Excusifoc-The sales are Midland, Sheffield and Ro aerham, 34-Sheffield, Buxton, Leek, Potteries, and Crewe, I Is. MANCHESTER, Aram 3. STOCK EXCIIANOE.-The sales are-Birkenhead, Lancashire, and Cheshire, 13.16 p. - Blackburn, Darwen, and Bolton, 114 die.- Derby and Crewe, 1 1-16 p.-East Coast, 114 dis.-East Lancashire, No. I, 14 p. /fo. 2, % p.-Essex and Suffolk, I die. c.- Fleetwood, Preston, and West Riding, % dis.- Huddersfield and Manchester Railway and Canal, 1 dis.- Lancashire and North York shire, dis.-Leeds, Dewsbury, and Manchester, 1 p.-Liverfol and' Leeds Direct, 14 die.-Liverpool, Ormskirk, and Preston, % p.- Liverpool, Preston, Manchester, and Stockport, dis.-Liverpool, Warwick, Manchester, and Southport, 21s. dis.-Lontlon and Man chester (Rem.), 38s. 9d. ,lis.-Manchester, Buxton, and 'Matlock, par -Manchester and Birmingham, 7514---Ditto, Quarters (11), G p. - Ditto, Quarters (C), 534 p.-Manchester end Leeds, Fifths, t 3 p. - Northumberland and Lancashire, 255. ful. dis.-North Eastern, 1 % die. c.-North Staffordshire, 1 9- 6 p. - Preston and Wyre, Halves (B), Gs. 6d. p.-Ditto, Extension, y dis. - Sheffield and Lincoln shire Junction, 14 dis. -Sheffield and Manchester, Quarters No. 3, Is. 6d. die. -South Eastern and Dover, 34 -Ditto, Halves No. 4, 5-16 dis.-Trent Valley Continuation and Holyhead Junction, J dis. -West Riding Union, 1% p. • LEEDS, APRIL 3. STOCK ExcnANGE. - The sales are-- Eastern Counties, 20%-Ditto, York Extension, 10s. p.-York and North Midland, East and West Riding, 714 p.-Great Grimsby ant Sheffield, 70s. dis. - Builders -11,11 and lattehester, ss. dis. - Huddersfield and Sheffield, 2% p. - Leeds and Bradford, 21 I.eede and Dewsbury, 1 1 4 p.- Leeds and Thirek,_7os. die -Ditto, New, 645. die. Newcastle and lierwi At, 7p. - Goole and Doncaster, 7s. Gd. dis. - London and York, ans. dis.-Li verpool, Ormskirk, and Preston. 15s. p.-West Riding Union. 3/. 35.- Ambergate, Nottinghatn, and Boston, 255. dis.-Bradford Wakefield, and Midland, 22e. 6d. dis. -Essex and Suffolk, 19s. Gd -Grand Uniol, 17s. 6J. (Vs.-Leeds and Liverpool Direct, 7s. Gd. dis.- Northumberland and Lancashire Junction,dis.-Nortit Stafford shire, 11. 14s. 6d.-North Western, 3s. 6d. dis.---South 311diends, 4s. dis. NULL, AM', 3. STOCK EXCHANGE.--A great quantity of London and York shares was thrown on the market to-day, and it was with great difficulty sales could ho effected at 245. ; prices generally range lower. The sales are—iludderstleld and Sheffield Junction, 10s.--North 13r1- Usti Carlisle, 32e 6d. — Amberga te, Nottin g ham, Boston, &c, 114 — Armagh Coleraine, and Portrush 10s. 6d.—Boston, Newark, at d shetlirld, 245. East Lincolnshire, 18s. 641. —Grand Union, 9s. Gd. Hull and Barnsley Junction. 23s Gd. - North Staffordshite, 3/. Os. —Rugby and Huntingdon, 15s. rA. IORK., APRIL 3 STOCK FxcuaticE.•-The sales are—Great Grimsby, Louth, &c., 11.2s.—London and York, l —Wcst Riding Union, 3% —York and North Miami, New (East and West Riling), 7%. EDINBI110;i1, Argil; STOCK ExcnANGE.—The sales are--Airdrie and Bathgate, 39s. — Ayr and Galloway, 29s —BantY3hire, 20s.—Caledonian Extension, 26s.—Carnwath and West Linton, 21s. 6d.—Direct Northern, 325. 6d.—East Indian Railway, Gs.—East Lothian Central and Tyne Valley Junction, 21s.— Edinburgh and Bathgate, 393. 6d.—Edinburgh and Northern, 50s. Gd.—Ditto, Newport, 10s. 6d. —Ditto. Lochgelly, 14s.—Edinburgh and Peebles, 21s.—Forth and Clyde Junction, 325. 6d.—Glasgow and Ayr, Quartets, 171. 10s.—North British, Extension to Carlisle, 32s.—Perth and Crieff Direct, 295. —Perth and Inverness, 255. - Scottish Central, 131. 10s.—Ditto, New, 51. 7s. 6d.—Scottish Midland, 61. GLASGOW, APRIL 2. STOCK EXCHANGE. —The sales are Aberdeen, Banff, and Elgin, 25s.—Ayr and Galloway, 31s. British and Irish Union, 365. %I.—Caledonian, 7% —Ditto, New, 30s. —Caledonian Extension, 26e. 6d. —Caledonian and Ayrshire Junction, 39s.—Caledonian Direct Northern, 365. 6d.—East Lothian Central and Tyne Valley, 30s.— East Indian Railway, I Is. Edinburgh, Glasgow, and Dumbarton, 18s. ad.—Forth and Clyde Junction, 33s.—Glasgow General Ter minus, ION —Glasgow, Kilmarnock, and Ayr, 701. - Ditto, New, 235 -- Glasgow, Dumfries, and Carlisle, 21s. —Glasgow, Kilmarnock, anti Ard , ossan, 24A. 6d. —Glasgow Ilarboui Mineral, Pls.—Kilmar nock and Ayr Direct, 29s.—Lanark and Lothian+, 38s.— Lesina hagow, 325. fid.—Scettibh Central, 13% —Scottish Southern, 35s. — South Midland, 365. 6d.—Stirling and Dunfermline, 245. [ADVERTISEMENT.] - SIGHT AND HEARING. 39, Albemarle-street, Piccadilly. —Newly-Invented Spectacles, Tele scopes, Opeta Glasses, Microscopes, &c. Patronised by Generals Sir Edward Paget, Sir Evan Lloyd, Sir John Keatings, Maiston, Frederick Goodfellow, Clayton Grosvenor Morrison, Dyott Robert son, Mackenzie, Galway, Riggs, Woolf, Murray, Walker, Fox, Price, Lindsay, and Thackray ; Major-Generals Sir 11. Elphinstone Sir John Rose, Sir James Cockburn, Adman P. Fyers, D Macleod, Hamilton, Turner, %Veiny's, and Cock ; Lieut.-Generals_ Sir Henry llouverle, Sir J. Macdonall, Sir R. Barton, Sir T. Dallas, and Slr Wm. Eustanze ; Admirals L rd John Hay, Sir G. Cockburn, Sir George Munday, Sir George Martin, Sir James H. Whitshcd, Sir D. (kid, Rose, Alexander, Curzons, Tompkinson, Hollis, and Price ; Vice-Admiral Sir F. Austen; Rear-Admirals Brown and ftibouleau, &c. Messrs. S. and B. Solomon', Opticians, have invented Spec 7 tacle Le!.sel upon a new construction. Immediately they are plac et*oedre before imperfect vision, that mist and dullness which a ppear h the eyes is at once removed, every object becomes clear ardal.drlientliati,cit,t, so that the most aged imperfect sight becomes beght a t . , c. Also, and is brought t , its youthful, nstural, and origina l Achromatic Telescopes, Opel& Glasses, Microscopes. stnreme (Wallies& kinds of Acoustic Instruments, foi rell:f of in•Viree rot In any way Caution —Messrs. S. and Solomoos, OVUcinn. immediate neigh connected with a person of the same nain:3o; , and observe-0 1 1 1 y to visio/e and all beurhood. To prevent mistake.. b. Q pposlte the York Hotel. be had at V 9, A.lbemarle-strest, Piccadll IRELAND.'" - THE MURDER OF MR. PATRICK CLARKE. Duamt.r, Arm 2.—The trial of two men , P atrick Rice and Patrick ' Hayes, charged with conspiracy te_. murder Mr. Patrick Clarke, in the month of October last,cOmmeneed at Nenagh assizes so far back as Tuesday week. and was not brought to a conclusion until yesterday. A host of witnesses were examined for the Crown, the principal 'being an ap- prover named Burns, two of his sons, very young men, and a daughter, a little girl between twelve and thirteen years of age. The prisoners were ably defended. Mr. ??stice Ball commenced his charge at half-past twelve o'clock on Ttidsday, and adjourned the Court without going through the whole of the evidence. On Wednesday (yesterday) morning his Lordship resumed his charge, and at eleven o'clock the jury retired. At ten minutes past two o'clock th e y returned into Court with a verdict of Guilty against Rice and Hayes. The most awful sensation prevailed in Court. The pri soners appeared unmoved. Mr. DWYER itnmediately demanded an arrest of judgment. His Loansuie inquired his grounds? Mr. Anms - re. I.to (Mr. Dwyer':: colleague) requested time from his L.,rdship have the grounds on which he and his LearneA Friend retie I engrossed. He was allowed till the adjournment of the Court for the purpos THE GREAT WILL CASE.. The remarkable ease of Kelly c. Kelly, which has excited great interest in consequence of the enormous mount of pro perty in dispute, was brought yesterday to an•:tbrupt and unexpected' conclusion, at the adjourned assizes for Ros common. It was an ejectment brought to recover from the defendant the property denominated Rockwood, whic'i had been left to the defen,!ant by the will of her late liushtwd, but which plAintitf claimed tln his heir at-law. The issito involved a question of property to the amount of 600,0054 on, of the largest properties in I reh.nd The case of eject nvnt affected tr.-ehold property of abut 4,0001. Mr. H. Moore, QC.. opened the case for the defendant. It will be recollected that the defendant is Mrs. Sarah Kelly, of the county of Galway, who was married to the late Edmond Kelly, a gentleman, who made an immense fortune, at his profession of attorney, and who by his will left his whole fortune to his wife, amounting to the enormous stuns above mentioned. The plaintiff and his brother were, it ap pears, di.taut relations of deceased, and next of kin, and they impeached the will of deceased, on the grounds that their late relation was not in such a state of mind as to ren der him capable-of making a will, and that the defendant used undue influence over deceased by getting him to make a will in her favour. The trial had continued for three days; the witnesses exit- Witnesses were produced to sustain the defendan..'s case. mined being all on Mrs. Kelly's part, when towards the clase of the case The leading counsel on both sides left the Court, and after half an hour returned, when Messrs. Moore and Mona han said they would save the Court and jury some trouble, as in all human probability the case would be settled in ten minutes. This announcement caused quite a sensation in Court. sen i t l b e e v m er a d d ic e t a was rule of th Shortly after Mr. Doom~, who had again retired, entered the Court, an d sa id—My Lord, we have agreed that you should direct a v er di c t f or t h e d e f e ndant, and that this con pion handed the j ur y 38 guineas nisig enterede ~ Arius.ea s A compromise, it is said, was fur consent, three and days, a attendance. n a c m e - . effected by the defendant paying 7,500/. to the plaintiff. MARKS r INTELLIGENCE. (From the London New Price Current of April a) To-day the business transacted in the West India Market was extremely limited, only 100 hhds and tres finding pur chtvers. REFINED.—To -day Refined goods were purchased with caution ; 63s to 63s 6d are the rates taken for Brown, and 648 for standard lumps. Bonded crushed sugar is little wanted, and first quality can be obtained at 34s 6d per cwt. Loaves are neglected. M u arritYs.—This afternoon the quantity of the Mauritius Sugar offered at public sale was large, and amounted to 10.411 bags 29 hhds and 633 casks. Nearly th• whole sold upon former terms. EAST INDIA —This afternoon Bengal Sugar met with at tention, and 2,25:3 bags at auction were all sold at steady rates. Rim—To-day Bengal Rice met with little attention, and the sound of 1,293 bags at auction was all taken in at lower rates. COFFEE.—This afternooon there was little desire evinced to operate at a public sale of 2,576 bags of Rio Coffee, and the sound was all taken in at about the former value. TEa.—Tbe biddings were very languid at the public sale held yesterday, and of the 3,248 pkgs offered, the small proportion of only 650 found purchasers, upon rather lower terms. SPIRITS.—There are few buyers of Jamaica Rum; fine has sustained the former value, but for all other kinds rather lower rates are taken. Leeward Island has met with little attention. but stiffer rates are insisted upon. Demerara has been in much better request, but prices have not improved. In Calcutta only a limited business done, but prices are firm. ['here has been little inclination shown to operate in Brandy here, and rather lower rates are taken. Fine Genera for home e n ,umption is still much in request, at 2s 9d to 3s, but the common export sorts is little wanted. BANK OF ENGLAND. (From last Night's Gazette.) %II Account, pursuant to the Act 7th and Bth of Victoria, Gap. 32, for the Week ending on Saturday, the 2 , th day of March, 1846. ISSUE DEPARTMENT. Notes issued .• • ...... 27,26,245 Government debt .. 11,015,100 Other securities .... 2,981,900 Gold coin and bullion 11,558,964 Silver bullion .. .. • • 1,710,281 £ 27,269,245 i # 27,269,24 5 M. MARSHALL, Chief Cashier. lated the 2d day of April, 1846 BANGING DEPARTMENT. Proprietors' capital • • 14,553,000 Government securi- Rest .. ••• • • ••••••• 3,789,971 ties (including Dead Public deposits (in- Weight Annuity) .. 13,136,731 ending Exchequer, Other securities •• .. 22,181,392 Commissioners of Notes .• National Debt, SaV- Gold and silver coin • • 718,290 . ings-banks, and Di vidend accounts)• • Other deposits • • • • • • Seven day and other bills •• • ...... ••• • • 953,579 7,319,625 17,183,928 £ 43,720,103 Z 43,720,103 M. MARSHALL, Chief Cashier. Dated the 2d day of April, 1846 COURT CIRCULAR. The Queen will hold a Privy Council on Monday afternoon at half-past two u'cicck, at Buckingham Palace. Her Majesty, accompanied by the Princess Royal, and attended by the Lady in Waiting, took an airing yesterday in a carriage and four. The Equerry in Waiting, the Hon. Colonel Grey, was in attendance on horseback. Her Majesty visited her Majesty the Queen Dowager at Marlborough. House. His Royal Highness Prince Albert presided yesterday afternoon at a meeting of the Commission for promoting and encouraging the Flue Arts in the rebuilding the Palace of Westminster. His Royal Highness Prince Albert arrived at Gwydyr House at a quarter before three o'clock, attended by Lieut.- Colonel Seymour. The. Commissioners present were Viscount Canning, 'Viscount Mahon, Sir Robert Harry Inglis, Mr. Henry Hallam, Mr. B. Hawes, and Mr. Wyse. The secre tary, Mr. C. L. Eastlake, was in attendance. The meeting broke up at five o'clock Their Royal Highnesses the Prince of Wales, Prince Al fred. and the Princess Alice, were taken airings yesterday in the garden of the Palace. Mr. Angas had the honour of submitting drawings in South Australia, New Holland, and New Zealand , yesterday , to the Queen and Prince Albert at Buckingham Palace. Mr. Angas was accompanied by James Pomara, grandson of the Chief of the Chatham Isles, New Zealand. Her Majesty a nd Prince Albert honoured the performance of the French *Plays with their presence yesterday evening. The royal suite consisted of the Viscountess Jocelyn,_ Lady. C aro li n e Cocks, Lord Rivers, Hon. Colonel Grey, and Lieut.. Colonel Seymour. Her Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent, attended by Lady Augusta Bruce, Sir George Cowper, and Captain the Hon. James P. Murray, and her Royal Highness the Duchess of Gloucester, also honoured the performance with tler presence. Mrs. 'fiturneycroft took her final sitting of their Royal Highnesses the Prince of Wales and the Princess Royal, whose statues she is preparing fer her Majesty. Her Royal Highness the Duchess of Gloucester visited the Duchess of Kent yesterday at Clarence House, St. James's. Lord Redesdale and Mr. John Wood, Chairman cf the Excise, had interviews with the Earl of Dalhousie yester day, at the Office of the Board of Trade. The Commissioners for the reduction of the National Debt had their quarterly meeting yesterday at the Treasury. There were present the -Chancellor of the Exchequer, the Governor of the Bank of England, and the Deputy-Governor, Mr. Highatn, Secretary, and Comptroller General, attended. Di-patchel were sent if last evening from thealso Colonial the - office nir the Gove rnor -General of Canada , and for Governors of the other North American provinces. The Earl of Selkirk and Lurd Sandon had interviews with Sir George Clerk yesterday, at the office of the Board of 'Trade. The Chairman of the Excise had an interview yesterday with the Chancellor of the Exchequer. TRAVELS IN A LOEIR AND 'ruNIS IN 1845.—" We have hate two most interesting and entertaining volumes upon Northern Africa, under the rule, or misrule, of the French. The gallant author, Captain Kennedy, who, in conjunction with Viscount Fending, has recently travelled through Al geria and Tunis, gives a most graphic and picturesque ac count of his adventures, including those among the wild Arabs and Bedouins of the Desert. Captain Kennedy and Lord Fending appears to have visited. every place cf note. "Tunis; Stax, the rose garden ok the Desert; Kairouan, one of the most'sacred cities of the Mahometans, and to which scarcely any Europeans had previously been allowed ta penetrate; the site of ancient Carthage; the magnificent amphitheatre of El Jem ; as well as many other localities of almost equal interest. At the present time, when the recent unhappy events in Africa have attracted so much attention, we feel especial pleasure in recommending this entertaining work, as one which throws mush light on the customs and, condition of a brave but unfortunate people, and affords much valuable information as to all that is remarkable in the country they inhabit."—Hood's Magazine. ADVERTISEMENT.] —CAPTAIN KRAMER, OP TEE BARQUE WILMEIMER, CURED OF • DREADFUL SCORBUTIC COM PLAINT BY lior.LowAT's OINTMENT AND ruzi3.—ln this astonishing case the whole of the body and legs were covered with lumps nearly the size of Tonquin beans, and had been so for the last three years. Surprising o relate, this terrible disease completely disappeared from the system in the course of a month, by having large qantitlea of the Ointment well rubbed in every night and morning, and taking Leo Pills in copious doses. This cure is known to many respectable ple, as the vessel was discharging her cargo in the ThßTllCS i oz o tl i y . about a fortnight since. o ldF by all druggists, and at Professor I oway'a Establishment, 244, Strand, London. MONUMENT TO WALLACE.—“ On Thursday t,etvheen i co n at the end of the nut part of Mr. Wilson's ant eluding song of which was 'Scuts wing hae twi:nel:grtililtiacceenTest'figa g ra it . tleman came to Mr. Wilson, and said tlia apace, the hero who had powerthliy impressed Min with the fact,wici.t commendable to Scot land, that there was not a inoutnnent gaWve his name for 50/. to head a done so much for his country. erjt}v"rii,uitritent to Wallace on the Abbey subscription for the erection of Wilson, who has done so Craig: near Stirling , and r by k e eping alive th se parts of her much for the songs of Scotl and, to g ive publicity to the intended monu ment,history recorded In sun g i 1 an d low, rich and poor, might have an that all rank4;bontiog to it. No spot in Scotland could be • opportunity magnificent for a monu fixe ,4 on r e Abbe Craig — it would be an honour to Se m o e ti n a t n t4 d, m o o'. ca?onpropr3l.ate Or more Wallace than the ornatnent to the district rendered classic to the heroic deeds of the f the Wallace and the Bruce. It may be mentioned that the gen tientan who luta made this generous offer has been thirty-four years absent from his native country, and has just returned to it."—Cale donian Mercury. LORD DUDLEY STUART. —We learn that " The Friends of Poland" have determined to give an entertainment to Lord Dudley Stuart, as a mark of th , dr appreciation of his Lcalship's unremitting zttal and advocacy of the rights of that dismembered nation, and that the banquet is to take place the second or third week In the ensuing mouth, at Willie's Rooms, St. James's. Viscount Morpeth, M.P., has consented to preside.