The Sun. — London, England, 1846-02-27 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDOIq, FRIDAY EVENING, FEBRTJA RY Im4B. ateßilbt vr o " t e h e . 'tea f?w the measure of the Right Hon. Baronet— To the manufacturers of the latter he still affords protection ciao ashamed of himself • and had his o anions on a number of articles, but from the grower of corn he takes ende which they had riot, he would ' at once have said l ( away all protection removing the duty on the importation of t o .resigned his seat.—" Loud protection cheers.) Had e foreign corn. hey were erevented from cultivating tobacco, in te e a u , ne would sPeeehes. have Lone so, ,and so have disposed of or der-to aff,,rd f a r benefit to the colonies, buthe Christopher) . ' °4 sta aughter and cheers.was his inten- was convinced that in the county he had the honour to repre test , o , rg t by the speeches he had made, and therefore he sent there was soil which might be roiliabl employed in the to th ink t e ha apinst the Government. The Noble Lord seemed growth of tobacco. Differential duties r are y also allowed in Yerkshir - his not being opposed for the West Riding of favour of the colonies . in sugar and other articles.—( Hear. ) trotentisneisset:s but he a cange in the opinions of the In France also the cultivation of beetroot for the manufacture owe , he (Mr. Denison) hope his Noble Friend of sugar was carried on to a large extent, whereas soil of an ti e , p at decei ve hi mself on. that point. There ' were infinitely more fertile character in the county for which he tienlsts‘reasons which induced them (the protec- was member (Lincoln), and equally adapted for the growth of ba t to abstain th at ws _ s n one from opposing the Noble Lord, beetroot, was thrown out of the cultivation of that article to ;ioa, not eof th em . If it h a d b een a genera l elee- afford advantage to the colonies.—( Hear, hear.) The Right Loreif the people knew what they know now, the N . oble Hon. Baronet had proposed to grant thuserta benefits which tesr discussed,e j a e y et d w el a w a nd upon it that he would be opposed. \l' e.en he pleased to cal compensations for depriving us of the N e li g e nce told in 154 i, a gentlemsn of considerable protection to which they were entitled. He regretted the se ° le L arA ,„ him that he would have then voted for the Right Hon. Member made use of such propositions. They tt r r t e het, i: e k e a . i_o u ry . eth ), but now he said the case was very were offsred compensation, but let them consider what the h : would not do so. This conversation took place compensation was. In the first place it was proposed . that Ir. Denison) thought it only fair to tell • gentlemen with settled estates should have an opporturtity of ela °b it Lord th e e N __ t he must not depend toe much on certain going to commissioners and borrowing money at a low rate went, he p u ro w lili would say, when he was returned to Parlia- of interest. Now he (Mr. Christopher) was sure that to Ls rot eehan a s n e d d his constituency that he would stand true any gentleman of credit in the country would, if they . . s t ee s in conclusion, he had only to say that he were in a position to do so, prefer going to a rerte t L e "Rea his mind, and he would not giveonly them an op- neighbouring friend,than to Mr. Darby, where they should al aild h et ° I saying that. be had forfeited rfeited , his word of honour, low their t eeds to be examined before a public board, to fe. et .r• Pod them._( (Lou cheery from tee Protectionists.) be then invested ; and . they may not, perhaps, be good in law, for l'ore s h irs 'o9,RTON rase and said that the Hon. Member and then psople, whss, like himself, had the experience of a ie anr c ri l. lir. Denison) seemed to think it was deroga- chancery suit, would rather submit to anything than place !tee m _ a changing his mind, but he (Mr. Brotherton) their title-deeds under the restriction of clerks in a public s we ie au re a ei n • l , no t , no, gin a book, remarkable for its wisdcm, that office. His Right Hon. Friend next proposed to alter the laws ila eor a did 'W I changed his mind, and a feel, or foolish man, of settlement, and to prevent, after acertain time, persons from 1,44. s j w ere ot shen e e l - l a z i Member had said that if the corn- being remoued to their parishes. That he (Mr. C.) considered to the working classes they were on- a very proper measure, although he would not pledge himself to 11 :,.th et t t that his only motive for supporting those laws support it, because, Ike his Noble Friends the Members for Lei th.gid le tt en 7 were beneficial to the working classes, and that cestershire, Worcestershire, and Lincolnshire, he doubted very t h;letei oects PPoil them on the ground of being beneficial to much whether they would confer a benefit on the agricultural 114 be c had also shown certain figures, to prove classes who had found work inthe manufacturing counties. At timee were fewerueneficial to the community at large, because the same time, he freely admitted that he was willing to view e no el we persona selling foreign corn at the present the measure, so far as the law of settlement was concerned, in t ot : with t h e "„u the eorn-lawn were enacted. He was at a favourable light. No one could say these changes would be a y so g eret een nml. Member on that point, and if he referred benefit to the agricultural classes, for the effect of the mea f4leie, o ! . !ride to that House, he would find that, in the sure would be to inflict suffering on them for many years, and on cern lic onlyia thirty of the population were fed on that he thought, after taking the most favour er, la t p „, That on an average of one in ten years, able view of the proposition of her Majesty's Government. 147,1 e w`Yetwo were fed on foreign corn ; and on an He was himself a magistrate, and felt the defective state of in tlie' fed h en ! years, up to 1841, that one in 1614 ternal communication,but he considered that the proposed mea lot NG of wk re ign corn; and if the Noble Member would take cures with respect to the highways of this country would in estveieet le eat and flour imported into this country for the jure instead of benefit the poor. It was notorious that those th e tedo t , P i t he would And that one in ten of the population highways maintained a great number of poor sickly persons Perm Pit corn. But the corn-laws had not answered who were unable, from their infirmity, to earn a subsistence in led for which tit, ru se .they were enacted. They were enacted the fields, and who were set to this labour by parochial autho steZgat ti o d honest persons voted for them because they rities, in order that they might support themselves; bat the mo ts- es r,seould benefit those engaged in agricultural pur- ment they appointed district surveyors they would be guided eameills nob ear " t ee c'biect to make " corn scarce and dear," but the os- by that political economy on which these measures were st ee rage ees , _of their establishment was, as he had said, to founded ; and whilst the differences which could not fail to e„ f u t ? t ote r cUlture, and on the assumption that the produce come between them and the local authorities were being ad teiagelle.) kwassufficient for all the wants of the population. justect, those who were earning their living in the way he had the erect th e n w the question was whether or not they had mentioned would be driven into the workhouse, thus inereas tieJ hie end for which they were passed. He held that ing the poor-rates and inflicting great injury on those who tte tios. % we He had shown that during the last were compelled to pay it. It was said that the shipping in ese tie f the people of this country had been fed terest would be greatly benefited by the importation of corn eeted,....o7:ign corn than before the corn-laws we r e into this country, but he was at a less to understand tie se g erth e n d r.) Then let Hon. Members consider the argument which had been advanced, that the agricul reee-ir`'l'vernment had no reason for the change that had turists would be benefited to a similar extent.—(Hear, hear.) tee'a seh sis i t t heir opinions. Four millions of the people of He would not refer to documents, or occupy the House with a thi e st eled i n t Zt Principally on potatoes. The Prime ttinieter long quotation of figures, but this he would assert, that the real lb et l i s sr w eeler it House that the potato crop of that country merits of the case were concerned ; that it was bringing the th e "e u s e Mach below the average, and they all knew labour and large produce of the continental markets in a direct ll s ereeee;' °, provisions had increased 50 per cent. during competition with the labour and produce of this country, on tile It °g Year—that trade was in a state of stagnation. the produce of which so much larger and so much greater o w l/44 11. Y received several letters, which bore him out in capital and labour were every year expended. Some fifteen or eles en 'Yeshi e h li e had witnessed the effects of the distress and sixteen years ego there might have been a greater equality-- fOf p oii _ existed in 1839, and he considered it was the a reason for a change in the corn-laws, but now the case was to etlsot Was went to provide food for the people during such evidently different, and he believed that it was simply owing tlw;"ette etee and suffering. He was, therefore, astonished to the proceedings in Parliament, and r the protection given to ip t 2 gentlemen standing up in that House and en- agriculture, that the people of this country were in the enjoy er it s prevent the Government from opening the ports ment of a better supply of food and other necessaries than the o :l4they ini lt e t ve food to a suffering people.—(Hear, hear.) people of any other country on Europe. It was well known ee te e hne ee igut smile, but what he had stated was true. The that good wheat could be purchased in the agricultural ' t hee tha t thew" aware of the dangers of famine; they had districts—he did not say London or any of the e etwi ee eeietio se da ngers h a d not been over-rated ; and with large towns—but even there it was easily obtainable Se els e ! !' on their minds, he considered that they had at 5 4 5. 3cl.—( Cheers.) It was a f ac t th a t hi s own t enan ts i n s4 t t rel y m Proposing a gradual repeal of the corn•laws, the east of Lincolnshire paid as much money in transporting ee xation tra ta r a e a other articles of foreign produce. that produce to Lancashire, or any other portion of the ma eift el aes great deal of cant about having regard for the nufacturing districts, as the grower in the neighbourhood did le sp eee n of foreien cou nt r i e s. He had listened to many on delivering his corn at any port in London. It was well d tvs ;rot e . nies whieh ' had been delivered by Hon. Members known that the people of this country only consumed a certain ht of a,,"nt.inuing protection. If those speeches were quantity of wheat, and it was not proved that the coutry did zu ru n their mystification and verbiage, the arguments not grow sufficient for the wants of the people. He n did not tletP m ed Up in these words :—The land is our own, wish to take an extreme view-of the question ;he would refer to s al Ise° was right to d o w h a t we like with it ;we have a a very great authority on political economy, he meant Mr. , 4t 7ta tt are at we lik e w i t h our terr i tor i es ; y ou h ave f oo d, Deacon Hume. He w as as k e d thi s que s tion, Have you formed , t etr, flinch bett er o ff than the serfs of Poland': an estimate of the quantity of corn that would be imported tin '', the be ar)—What have you to complain oe? der the proposed tariff, taking one year with another ? His an gbue/rasa a Pe t ° P I P had net the food they required. swer was, taking all the quantities of corn and meal % ,.._ e r were errible thing it would be if the agricultural received into the country, I think that from eight to eery b thrown out of employment. This might all ten millions will be imported evey year. Now h etet: 4l l ulna " ; but who em iloyed the labourer 7 Let Mr. o.lHume would likely be able to form this opinion from his , th„ rook to the . I • ' ffi • ; his l 2l there returns which have been made. He men- o cia returns. He was also asked what would be the effect of ind were fewer labourers employed in le3l than this increased importation on the home produce of the country, )o s sem_ fewer in 1841 than in 1831. Now, that was and his answer was, that a considerable portion of the country tid y let th em di sprove it i f they cou ld .. Si nce t h e wou ld b e d evote d to graz i ng purposes: N ow, any tyro i n agri to ° bs • ` Av u efe had been an increase in the population of four cultural matters would be perfectly well able to inform them, if to es 'a fer the m ? ,employed them ?—who paid for forcing corn they once broke up pasture land, it would require 50 years to ,etti r e te „ ne people had a right to ask for compensa- bring it to its former condition. At present such was the im ,eastßititee a i aeyrivect of what he (Mr. Brotherton) considered proved system of agriculture pursued in this country, that many ' s he. twat i t A " lave is maintained to be just; but he main- poor lands, which formerly produced nothing, were now under qrap o l it . w as unjust and inhuman, and he would prove it cultivation for corn. lie had endeavoured, as far as was fond .. 4 tik et te *,_ Let them talk of wages; if cheap food pro- possible, to enter this question without having recourse to any fp r hatnen dear food must increase wages ;so that dear unnecessary arguments, and to treat it exclusively on its own 1% 4 p u n wages must come together. The Hon. Member merit's. He believed that if the measure intendedd into li te ,etie e -r lend had said that he was against the removal of effect in the sudden manner in which it was to be kt,` . 1% 1 , 4 corn, but he wished that the Govern- carried eat, every interest in this country, whether it con ;1e0, ae u, reduce the duty on tea, sugar, and cerned . agriculture or ecanufac ure, would be greatly injured r e d u _ 4 . l the working classes would be benefited and disturbed. He believed that the first persons who would If s e d itty at-)tion. if they were to benefit from the reduction suffer would be the agricultural labourers ; the second persons 'loeaerai °n tea, sugar, and tobacco, would they not benefit who would suffer—according - to his Hors. Friend, the Member ti ws e e ductio n of the price of food ?He was con- for Northamptonshire—whose opinion had been rather sneered justice, law could not be maintained on any at by the gentlemen on the other side of the House—would be sad ' l tno .ta e r ir ejerns ; humanity, and sound policy, as it kept the small farmers and occupiers. He believed that those who ent of agriculture. The best encourage- would stiffer after the small farmers, would be the small landed agriculturalthe interest was foreign competition; proprietors who were not, generally speaking, men possessed of eftu.te7g get up a good foreign trade the agriculture of much capital, but were persons of small property and ancient "'et "uld rosPer In 1815 a Piece of calico would family, and had succeeded in maintaining a respectable position Of se•tae ex e bushelstu,_ of . corn ; but now a piece of cotton of in society. It was not those who were possessed of large pro lee ° Mel ; and quality would not purchase three-fourths perty and estates, and who enjoyed all the superfluities of life, Ndr4`.'hile f "owing that manufactures had decreased in that would be affected. No, they would still continue to enjoy i nter e t its . . si r tere et Was at original price. So far from the those superfluities. He would oppose the measure, because it S e p c ern requiring compensation, the commercial interest would inflict an evil on the lower and middling classes of ast e est lllitation from the landowners. He would now society, and would prove injurious te the interests of the w te e , orris with e% sloe. regard . to some . observations that fell country at large. 4 , llf or tneg t. Member for Finsbury in speaking of the law Mr. CARDWELL said, that though it might be his mis ,Lieteerthe • eerne w hen the Right Hon. Baronet introduced a fortune to differ from his Hon. Friend the Member for North eNtes:, e), nn uvel of Irish and Scotch paupers, he (Mr. amptonshire, and also from the Hon. Gentleman who had just ,ke, the that the measure was one of humanity sat down, it would be his duty, in the course of the few observa oeea th e accordingly gave it his cordial support. With tions which he had to offer, to avail himself of many of the 'st „sre , sf P' k e , erit measure proposed by Government, it was opinions on which they seemed to lay so ereat weight, and to StPate th humanityHill,rise but rather support it. He was in the which they had thought it expedient to employ. He would 1 1 7he tt ailfer tne r time s i nc e, and the chairman of a have no difficulty in admitting that agriculture had gone on i se lt s i t e s r l t o that the measure was . generally improving in every part of . the country, and . that although they e e d e a very humane and politic one. had hail a constant relaxation in the protective system, all the :tittl ea leetet oes cre there were four millions of people subsist- prices of agricultural produce were very much higher at pre tteN thi,' it might be argued that, after a five years' re- sent than they were during the commencement of the present i t str ene tu untry, being entitled to a settlement, many century. Notwithstanding all the drawbacks, agriculture was ar e , islY induced to come from that country, and that in a prosperous and improving condition, and the general con e 'a • et ase h gland would consequently be effected. Now dition of the people was satisfactory. On the other hand, 41 4 t o e Pre' • • • toe ae ape reh sudices, because he believed it was a great however, he should not contend thate in proportion to the Iri s h ?,d mischievous results . to this country from an supply of the harvest, the general prosperity of the country t tt heel% wa. aoourers ;as well might it be said that the had "been affected. Neither would it be necessary for p ‘ ' 441104 alas affected by the importation of that grain when him to dispute with the Hon. Gentleman who spoke last, that 1 e tre lu a th rmt ted into England.—( Hear, hear.) He was the population had been greatly improved. As he (Mr. t 't t eele the enti a t the measures proposed were worthy of the sup- Cardwell) had not enjoyed the opportunity on any previous '0:4 4 4 th e i g a t p,aud he should like the measures better if they occasion during the debate of expressing his opinion to the tart ol leet mediate repeal of the corn-laws, because then House on the subject of the corn-laws, perhaps he might ba e. titt as i t Would be accomplished.—( Hear, hear.) But allowed to state the grounds on which this measure, for the kg he was convinced that the measure, so far final adjustment of the various conflicting interests in the wounj uriousld cause increased employment, dimi- country, should meet with his cordial support. The opponents M r 4, 44,`'''ertY, sad be conducive to the general interest of the measure had held very strongly that protection was net Ciib,,of the community.—( Hear, hear.) intended for the exclusive benefit of any particular class, but t i "at; 'STop • 4 14 1 °es e el , HLR was very desirous to offer a few was intended for the advantage of all classes in the country. t i ta ere. , 4 ll tee ;eh the close of the debate, partly because he The Government was dealing with the general welfare of the a t er ta t e " interest in the question when it had been in- community, which important object those gentlemen so cor ceera former occasion in a more modified form. He dially supported. The arguments that had been used in favour sal g etro7, th at his views of epos whole question would be of protection were great arguments against it. It had been re • h were he to offer opition to the measure pro- said that the existing measure of protection had secured do , h ot er , ewN e test of 1 sty s Government, because that they affected meatic agriculture against foreign produce, and that the laud latsti'at. B 'ne constituency whom he had the honour to lord, the farmer, and the labourer, had each in turn reaped its ite r ,, , le, and it was because that he looked on the measure advantages ; that it had provided for the rent-charge, and had ep et ese: ee tt believed . it to be, whether as regarded the agri- protected the rate of wages. He would ask them, when the) ;a:term' interests, injurious to the country, that talked of protection from foreign nations, what was the , g ve measure, his that most he cordialw preparedauppett totoresthet finoreeaingtnnfn,otfiotnhsealiaenzaLentshuetLerms of pl o s y o ed oo ? o,o D o o w the , e; t k h n e o f w that '° g Posed by his Hon. Friend the Member for manufacturers? Were they aware, that for 50,000,040.?, worth of na the e ti:t• „ e lstre ee • et ts... bear.) He should say, that though it had imperiabrevenue, we were indebted to the taxes upon foreign ,7,eli la - ,,ticaaest the agricultural gentlemen in that House imports? Ito they remember the history of our country in - ; il t4 )ats'fied Ole question, yet he should say that, in former times? Do they_ not know_ that it was te manufac fwtahre late e e mystificAtion Proceeded from the gentlemen turer_s that_ tbroughtet remember,he them th r t o h u a g t h a t t h e t h c e r contestu e e l l ose ofthethaot tet e lali ee . at at the colintry, not as it existed at present, war? D h e t with of protection, but as it would be when were in. c o ollisio y n with Amrica and with France, and by re ) bte r. by tang produce. —( Hear, hear.) Ile would c h e e tvi r e cotton from the former country, and not from the latter, deficiencies between the contending nations were mainly I J et epfe ehe o ega ee t e t ua imputations they his friends o_n the Tre t e- t 00, te et e. sake ... ri though, when . were at t. the heed .l o , a ti r e lj t u a sted .) __ Why then, do they exclaim against foreign na t 1 4ers l: et r th ' s it is i e n i.ie thez er u d se th d e tl i i/i e r in b b e e s r f e e x r er Le io n n d s en an a d n We all know what the distress of 1842 was, but what his was that distress owing to ? Not to the deficient supply of tede s 0 ie P e m :er, and they succeeded in doing so. Now, would food from foreign nations. The Honoureble . Gentleman then 4 i ei t ? iheZ t r enc . e to the year 1842, when the change was proceeded to review the condition of the foreign trade, to show it, i t b Il e ectin g duties that then ex isted to so great an , that it had benefited the interests . of this country. Where was X I eeleti the also pass over to more qualified expres- that boasted unanimity in the agricultural interest? Had not e tt ,',Pror eeo ' n e epeeehes of Hon. Members upon the sub- many followed in the steps of the late Lord Spencer and the e' t he s tt `e"'s last session. On the 10th of June last, present Lord Grey ? What the British farmer wanted was i ii % t te, f t E ' ct of the corn-laws was introduced again into security against further change.—( Hear.) He would ask the 'Nue i ten g %rebore to interfere, because he thought it Hon ourable Gentlemen, if the y succeeded in their p resent oppo rtd~ t he r i . rutl ent and inconvenient to do so , when h e c on- sitton, if the y frustrated for a short time the proposition of "' sp a e - g e amount of capital which was then invested by relaxing the operation of the present law, would they go down et, slot 4 latin g in corn. But the reason he to their estates arid offer the farmers long leases on the security h h this question of the present law ? The Honourable Member for Lincoln etklen - "god Ifs opinions upon Zee - e l: 1 '4 1 ;Z he had l not heard a single solid shire says, Ne. Could there be a greater test of the insufficiency It , e Y the Riht lion. Baronet for the proposed of that law ? It had been urged as an argument against free e'tse - "•14 o f theu t most importance that Noble Lords trade that the country was in a prosperous condition. It was 71 . 04. 1)., 4 _ er a b e __ ,Ith i 'ee t i t ,..ci it I . ", who had an interest in the welfare of the the first symptom of reviving trade, under the new tariff, in ae:te et e t Pri en i' r ge Majority of whom had been . returned upon Manchester, that there was an increased demand for the su e y kv e . !tumid have had more time to . consider perior joints of meat sold in that town. It was said that, during Oats w elt teat But, whatever this House might think of it, the last year, there had been a falling off of 15,000 . sheep in ith ;kid assured that the great bulk of the people out of the London market. He would ask how . many foreign sheep 1 1 ° , 4 atre 4 Ord t u e t Put the same construction upon their acts, had been imported into this country during the last year? ' ?", e ets,_ • tn. Mode of carrying on the affairs of the Why, not more than sufficient to supply one week's demand for - 'atr:° h -vtri ta e manner , he considered it highly the people's consumption.—(Hear, hear.) This statement It lee g ous strong toovernment. His Right Hon. he could prove from authenticated tables,which any Hon. Mem o 'osTe that tr ht Lord ee _ of the Trea:Sery . , was so trusted by the ber might peruse, if he felt so inclined. The demonstration taw Prosp er was enabled to being the country to a was mathematically correct, and the proof was not irrefraga that, ble. Another argument against the measure had been drawn e t . at es state. But he must say e 4 4 th e th e certainly would from the peculiar burdens which had been supposed to bear tE „ present measure, he tt.ttal;Z.."Zientthry_ s . at the merc of sacha Government upon agriculture. Whatever burdens had been laid upon land k der tou r i n j_n_,ight Hon. Baronet, than see such laws when agriculture was protected, ought, when that protection k w e d it ef his tttieuced. Considering the time at which ceased, to be equally adjusted. lie would not deny that the tit o ;tilio st „night Hon. Friend was introduced, he con- land did ' bear peculiar burdens, but it was intended to compen erl th a t hazardous experiment—( Hear, hear)—and sate amply for any loss which might accrue to the agricultural t4,l,lletis,°llo•. P r y r eason that he would vteie against it. His interests. But he did not think that the agriculturists had I are., 'tit er _ had laid it down that, with regard to the any right to . say that they were a burdened interest. If they Posednee e6 ,7 l . its of g 'a(te„,,`, , and that country, p this no protective duties would were, it was a virtual argument for protection. Would the •. m e , r. lor th at, c onsequen tly, no duties should be agriculturists say to the Government—" In spite of you w ill remain a burdened •interest, in order that we may e t teir t " e t Proe e e xpenses of the revenue. The Right we ""elfi n r os. ' ° ' e tl to continue the duty of 101. per cent. have an argument for the protective system ?" That must be ' - dh - en s. "Teete r e • the conclusion, and he must certainly say that it was one which a ttio e pro e articles, and a duty of 10/. per cent. th e les. l' e ,°sed to et duty o f oe per cen t. o n metal articles, could not be s n ui e To e r f ted th . H e meabinelieavregdenitheanttahethhatad had d w gone been N ee rtit y twe e . , continue a duty of 101. per cent. on silk ever every o failed him if there were :Ct te e a Pse ° o l, the a ° e r t i ic t i he other hand, he proposed to discontinua adduced by Honourable . Members in favour of the corn les a te thr ee es of agricultural manufactures, and after laws.-- (Hear, hear..) Psis memory see.' tile ' 4 t, th l'ara to a b e t - h th em altogether. If the any besides those with with e t n h t. e ex H e e ept h i a o d n e g f et t s h e at ev w er hi t c h h e w ar a g s u c m al e le n d t 'IN 4 O ti lref or , , _ 13 0000111 14, e , h oe° wished to carry out their own princi- the . " I kk a ael h n sexy princiles he would like to know why with reference to ar se u p m endence upon foreigners and r se e c in u u r n it e y ra o - f Dr° Po t' s " sl bee uL Prgte cled equally with manufactures. It the home trade, as well as that of securing p giving er an A ' i of t n. m uch better that they had adopted tier) to the farmer for his industry, arid also that of dot; th e i ' i Noble Lord the Member for Tiverton, increased rite ofaes to the labourer. He had shown, a e tr e tlt . rayear 1840 or 1641, he Proposed the least he had endeavoured to show,. the . increased . amount of ~4 1\` e or, t i l te d th at ' h ° ble Lord the Member for South Line wages paid in the great manufacturing districts over the wages le ti the 1, 6 'anl e t o 5 Would Place agriculturist and manufac- paid in agricultural districts. He had shown that the working (..Al t "e one ~ „,, 6'in g• The only - difference, in d his opinion, people, instead of receiving from Bs., 125., and 15 4 . Per. week, tl upssersa%;serils3tneperere)eedcrn and the other pro ueed cotton, were ' now the recipients of 30s. or even 40s. in the chin let ri ' . hsed in i!tween them Considered that there was avery mate- manufacturing districts, He had shown them that the wealth ao ,tet e ee neenufs.... Wlth reard to eons, be ma- of the people had increased by the process which he had ulaitruetinn ac ure was of an expensive nature, and described. He had asked them to draw this necessary ideals. ;t i le tno , ri le d was , but the manufacture of cotton was not enc., that a man who was in the receipt of 30s. weekly wages t i h the °la ctew rs eaut y managed by the aid of steam-engine.• would require a great deal more buteher's meat, and a great 4 111v m -4 the of corn had greaterd i al hies to contend deal more bread than the man wheseweekly earnings amountell ihel it ! the toluttanufacturers of cotton, H. was obliged to to no more than Ps., 125., or lbs. weekly.—(Cheers.) He had th e 11 71 1 to the bait of Lis know . led4e meted not also asked the blouse to believe, that when a great portion of a t 'r % m eg, nor control the cireumatan , cei which affect the agricultural population was drafted off into the munufao- I kg* ° n• Baronet, however, does not deal equally taring d i s tricts, the districts which they had left would b' nevJ own and cotton and other goods. thereby in a much better condition. Having thus briefly ad, I verted to all the main arguments in favour of protection, he would TIOW proceed to say a few words with respect to that which was called the colonial argument. Now, with regard to that argument, he would venture to say that the position in which they had put the colonies hod been, as he always understood it should be, in the tame relation to the British Crown as s ere the counties of Middlesex or York, or any other English county. Vut it was reserved fur this debate that they should a,lopt a most fallacious policy, and one which was injurious to the imperial interests, merely for the purpose of serving the interests of the colonies. But he believed that the same reasoning applied to the colonies as to any other part of her Majesty's dominions. The colonial argument was greatly urged by his lion. and Gallant Friend the Member for Liverpool, as well as by the Honourable Member for Rox burgh. They quoted in support of their arguments the 'speeches of Mr. Pitt and Mr. Huskisson, as well as that of the Hen. Member for Shrewsbury. But when he (Mr. Cardwell) looked at the speeches of Mr: Pitt, he found him saying, that what was good for the mother country was also good for the colonies, unless the circumstances were ♦ery pe culiar and special. Having said thus much, he (Mr. Card well) would ask Hon. Members on his own side of the House, whether they believed there was any strength in the argu ments which he that evening fceb'y endeavoured to lay before the House? If their arguments were not so absolutely irre fallacy, and to detect the sophistry of his argument. But where could they find sufficient talent equal to the task? Where the penetration, the clearness, of perception, the coolne ss , th e intellect, and the comprehen siveness of mind equal to the task. He (Mr. Finch) would undertake the task. The arguments which the Right Hon. Baronet adopted were such as these There is a failure of the potato crop, we must throw open the ports." That they denied. " The ports being once opened, you cannot shut them again." That they denied. He (Mr. Finch) would ask of what use it could be to the Irish peasantry to open the ports ? It was no remedy at all. The Irish peasant, who could not give 15s. for oats at his own door, bow could he be able to give 50s. or 60s. a qr. for foreign corn?—( Hear, hear.) Besides, the very arguments which the Right Hon. Baronet produced went against him; for he had told them that the ports hadbeen opened, but he had never told them that the ports were kept open. He thought that the statesmen of this country were too much in fluenced by popular clamour and agitation. He thought that that man was not fit for a statesman who was not clamour proof. He had heard of a French canary bird who, by con stant training, became accustomed to fire off a cannon, and he had no doubt that Ministers might soon be made unassailable by clamour. If the Right Hon. Baronet had proposed the system of free trade at a general election, he (Mr. Finch) was sure that he would not have met with the support which he had received. He believed that if the people of this country were left to themselves, they would soon throw the system of free trade into the British Channel. The Right Hon. Baronet, in his statement respecting foreign silks, said that since the reduction on the importation of that article the manufacturers had carried all before them ; but be (Mr. Finch) thought there was no doubt but that the result would be the total destruction of the silk trade of this country.—(Cheers.) He had also bowed of the advance of ship-building in consequence of the reduction which had taken place on the importation of timber, and of the number of peti tions which were presented in favour of the measure from ship-owners, but he (Mr. Finch) thought that some petitioned one way, and some another, and it appeared to him that a great mass of evidence was, on the whole, against the Right Honourable Baronet. With respect to feather-beds, the Right Hon. Baronet seemed intimately acquainted, although he (Mr. Finch) could hardly conceive how that could be. He could hardly understand how he had so much intercourse with feathers, because he thought, he and his colleagues were reposing for a long time on beds of roses.— ( Great laughter.) With respect to the article of lax, the ar guments used seemed to make as much against as for the Right Hon. Baronet. With respect to the linen trade, notwithstand ing the improvement which had taken place in the manufac ture of that article in Ireland, he never saw any Irish linen that could at all be compared with the linen of Alsatia. The Right Hon. Raronet it seemed to him made an unfortunate allusion to Anacharsis Clooty. He was anxious, he said to amal gamate all classes, and to act with them on the principles of being citizens of the world. When the Right Hon. Baronet could gather round them Belgium, Holland, Germany, Prussia, Denmark, and every other state to deal with him on such principles, then he might fairly state that the country which would produce the best articles should have his custom. The Hon. Baronet would, he hoped, permit him to refer to the splendid peroration of the Right Honourable Baronet in his speech delivered at Tamworth in the year 1840.—( Hear, hear.) The Hon. Gentleman then read that portion of Sir Robert Peel's speech, in which he stated, in reference to the corn laws, " That he could not think of obstructing that magnifi cent plan, for he found that there were great interests which could not be disturbed without creating many perils—(Great cheering from the protectionists)—and he would not consent to put his hand on those interests for the purpose of trying new and dangerous principles.--( Renewed cheering from the same quarter.) It seemed to him (Mr. Finch) that that speech looked like wisdom, compared to that which they had recently heard. He did net like to detain the House— ( Hear, hear)—but he was anxious, before he concluded, to refer to the speech of the Right Hon. Baronet, the Secretary for the Home Department, who had a very happy knack of expressing his opinions. (Loud laughter.) He gravely informed them that while the price of food was low in Poland, wages were high in America—(Laughter)—whi c h might take place in any case. In a country like Poland, where the people possess no constitutional advantages, they could not, of course, be in as good a position as the lower classes of other countries. He thought they would admit that even in England there were various rates, of wages ; in some places eight shillings, in other places nine shillings, and ranging to twelve shillings. In some parishes that were over-populated, it was true that the farmers called the labourers together and made this proposal: They said they could not employ them all at full wages, and offered to employ them all at a lower rate of wages, or a portion of them at the usual rate, and the labourers generally accepted the farmers' proposals. The farmers were obliged to adopt that course in consequence of the home competition, and the soil being poor they were not enabled to give the same rate of wages. In some counties the price for labour was not always to be depended on as an index of prosperity, as in Buckinghamshire formerly, where silk was manufactured, and where the price of wages fell on its being discontinued. It was always known, as far as his experience went, that whenever the farmers were prosperous, the labourers were benefited in a like ratio. He found that that was the opinion of the Right Hon. Baronet, for he at one time stated, "that when there was a low price for corn, the manufacturing interest would be depreciated, and that low wages would always be the consequence of low prices." The lion. Baronet went on to prove that when bread was cheap the ratio of crime diminished. He took a period of six years to prove his position, commencing with the year 1840, and terminating with 1845, This he divided into two portions, the one when the price of bread was high, terminating in 1842, and the ether when bread was cheap, ending in 1845, he then showed what was the amount of crime in the two portions, and he showed a falling off of eighteen.p er cent. i n the latterhalf. He also pointed out to the House, that in the first period, the price of corn averaged from 60 to 70 shillings, and in the. second, from 50 to 60 shillings. Now, he (Mr. Finch) ad mitted the decrease of crime, but he attributed it to a far dif ferent cause ; it occurred in a period of great manufacturing ' prosperity, while the first period was the season of great manufacturing distress. The increase and decrease of crime were, therefore, dependent upon their manufactural prosperity, and the price of bread had nothing to do with it. It was, urged, however, by the Government that the sliding scale be came locked, and that it became necessary to make a change in the system. Why, it was the Government themselves that locked the scale. It locked fast enough until they commenced to talk of opening the ports.—(Hear, hear.) The report of their intentions having been whispered, it raised the price of corn abroad, lowered it at home, and raised the duty from fourteen to fifteen shillings a quarter. lie again asserted that the Government had to blame them selves. It. was also urged that this was a final settlement of the question. He could not agree to such an assertion—an appeal must be made to the country either in that year or the next, and the question, no matter how carried, would be just as open as before. Supposing them easure were carried early in the next year or the present, there would be petitions for the repeal of the malt-tax—(Hear, hear)--and petition on petition would be presented for the repeal of the land-tax and property-tax— (Hear, hear) and probably for some organic change in the Constitution ; there would then be such a fear and panic among the fundholders, that the free traders would be burnt in effigy, and the whole question be settled by retiring to old British principles.—(Laughter.) The Right Hon. Baronet said that the principles of free trade were the principles of common sense.—( Hear.) That might be true in the abstract, and perfectly true in some planet which he v• as not aware had been as yet discovered, and which was never disturbed by war. But upon the earth they dwelt the principles of free trade would be discovered to be of uncommon nonse sense. Prussia could not be depended on, neither could France. Every one knew that the latter country was in every way op posed to the commercial policy of this country. The great passioc of the French people was glory, and the smallest possible circumstance was sufficient to induce them to gratify this passion by a sanguinary war of conquest or invasion. With regard to America, it could not be denied that she was desir ous to embrace the first opportunity to extend her posses sions—have uncontrolled empire wherever she had a chance of being successful. There was no country with which he depri cated wnr more than with America, as he firmly believed that they would ont be two years at war with her before they should be involved in a war with France, nor would they be two years at war with France.before they were engaged in a war with America. In such an event look then at the consequence; de pending as they were on America fur tobacco, cotton, and a considerable portion of their employment for the manufacturers.—( Hear, hear.) Now, he did maintain that the system proposed to be adopted with regard to the agriculture of the country was essentially unjust. During the last fifty years more than 400,000,0001. or 500,000,000/. of money had been invested in land under the impression that protection would not be withdrawn from it. He could not, therefore, bat think that it was essentially unjust that the agriculturists of this country should be now brought into com petition with the labourers of other countries, who were only paid at the rate of 6d. per day. Every country should, in his opinion, have a system of poor-laws (and Heaven forbid that this country should ever be without a system of pour-laws); but with those heavy burdens which were pressing rpon the English agriculturists, he considered it impossible for them to be able to compete successfully with those countries which were not so burdened. They might be called upon to use machinery to a greater extent in agricultural operations andisteam-pleughs, had been recom mended, but if this were the case, the first result would be the setting on fire of their corn-stacks. He contended that it was utterly impossible for them, under any circumstances, to com pete in corn with other countries, in consequence of the low price of foreign labour. In a speech made by the Right Hon. Baronet a few years ago, it was stated by him that the price of corn in Denmark for the twenty-five years preceding was only 2tss. 101, and that there was a surplus of 700,000 quar ters ready to be exported after the demands of that country were fully supplied. Now, if so much might be expected from Denmark, what, he asked, might not be expected from Russia and other countries ? The Right Hon. Baronet stated that, in the course of three or four years, there would be a glut in the market, and in that case there would neither be rent for the landlord, profit for the tenant, nor wages for the la bourer. He made those remarks when it had been proposed that there should be a fixed d ut y of Bs . , and he (Mr. Finch) n the ma r k e t t h en, w h at might would ask, if the Right Honourabl e Baronet expected a l glut i n the duty was aboli s h e d a l toget h er ? There was a period when theß igh t Hon. Baro ne t a t th e h ea d s g h h t not a be completeexedc expected e d h of her Majesty's Government had it in his power to do away with the malt tax, and relieve the agriculturists from it, but he did not do so ; he contented himself with taking the d u t y o ff glass. Neither had he reduced the land tax ; and h e was therefore guilty of another o t h ot e result of would then conclude by 0 erin -g Th his pinions a ere could be s ittl e doubt that the division.—( Hear , h ear.) the Right Hon. Baronet would have a nominal majority, but w' hch in fact, w ould be a bona fide minority. And when Hon. • resented their constituencies had been Members who had misrep 'oritv, t ere could be no doubt that, in deducted from that maj . the estimation of th e country, " would be regarded as a (Proteetionist cries of Hear , hear.") A s f ar as minority.— as concerned, he w ou ld ever he (the Hon. Member) w be found nt side of the question ; and, he doubted battling on the present the not that, on their first appeal to make on the first occasion fearlessly and b o ldl y, they would ' have the majority of the population _ with them.—(" Hear, hear," Oh, oh," and laughter.) The appeal would shortly be made to the nation , • and he feared not they wou ld h ave t h e 300 constituencies with them, when protectionists would lbe returned —( Laughter. ) The cause of pr o t ect i on was not lost. No, it Was still dear to the hearts of the nation, because it was in consonance w ith their feelings a n d habits...--(llear, hear.) They were strong in principle and consistency, and fend they! were prepared to de andand support that principle as long as they had voices to utter, arms to raise, or shots to dis charge.—( Cheers and laughter.) Mr. SEYMOUR said that on rising for the first time to address the House, h e hoped to be able to enlist their sympa thies in his favour, and he was certain of being suc cessful, when he assured them that his speech would not occupy more than a few minutes. (Hear, hear, hear.) Ho was not going to discuss the principle of proteetion, which had been canvassed mush at that (the Ministerial) side of the House • and had not a llusio n been made to the opinions of the tenant earmers, he would not have risen then. It struck him, indeed, that some Hon. Gentlemen, who had been elected six years ago, appeared at that moment to be quite forgetful of their own opinions' as well as the feelings of th e i r c on s titu en t s . —(Hear, hear .) But he doubted not, the time was not far off when their memories would be thoroughly refreshed.— (" Hear, hear," from the protectionists.) He (the Honourable Gentleman) had the honour of being elected on list Thursday far Dorsetshire, and he should thee state the opinions of the farmers of that district, sistible aed their facts not so perfectly conclusive as they had ap peared to consider them, what was the position in which they stood before the country ? Were there any strong argu ments against them ? Were they not seeking to leave upon the food of the people a tax, a very small portion of which found its way into the coffers of the Exchequer ?—( Loud Op. position cheers.) Were they not claiming to raise an arbi tr:zry barrier in the way and proper course of trade ?—(Hear.) Were they not seeking to deny to industry its obvious right of disposing of its own productions according to its own dis cretion?—( Cheers. ) He had not troubled the House with a single statistic, but he would venture to read an extract from Adam Smith, which ke was happy to say was quite opposed to the views held by those Hon. Members who were in favour of protection to agriculture. The lion. Member having read the extract, proceeded to say that an illus'ration had occurred to his own mind, in connexion with a different subject, which, if he might be permitted, he should like to mention to the House.—( Hear. ) A young man who, during the late war, had made himself conspicuous in the defence of his country, had risen to be chairman of a commission for the consideration of the state of the maritime defences.—(Hear, hear. ) In the course of a conversation with a Gentle man, he said he was afraid that the wooden walls of old England were in danger of being thrown, in conse quence of the improved condition of the vessels of foreign countries. The gentleman, however, with whom he was con versing, met the difficulty by saying, that England need not fear if she only met foreign improvements in maritime tortes by improvements in her own, and be prepared to face them at all times.—( ers. ) The same should be the conduct of the agriculturists of this country—let them prepare themselves . . for the competition of foreign countries.—( Hear, hear.) Such steps would be the means of improving the condition of the agricultural labourers of this country. He would say to those Honourable Gentlemen who were afraid of the march of improvement, don't be afraid of it.— (Cheers.) In removing the protective duties from agriculture the Legislature would be increasing the amount of consumption ; and this country would, as the lion. Member for Shrewsbury had eloquently expressed it, become a country in which the demand for agricultural produce would ra pidly increase, and that they would find that by such a mea sure the interests both to commerce and agriculture would be promoted.—(Hear hear.) lie would now beg to bring another statietic before the House. From a work published in 1833, by Mr. Porter, it ap peared that the population of Manchester had increased 189 per cent., and that of Salford, 194 per cent, during the last few years. The quantity of butcher's meat and wheat which that vast increase of people would require for consump tion must necessarily be immense, and the interests of rri culturists must also be promoted by that increase of population. He found that the population of Liverpool and other manufac turing places had increased in a similar ratio, and the effects were similar. A very remarkable speech was lately made at Liverpool, in which it appeared, that in 1845 the increase of vessels over the preceding year was nearly 4,000, and he (Mr. Cardwell) begged his lion. Friend, the Member for Durham, to pay attention that. The increase in the East India trade had also been about 20 per cent. despite hostile tar , ffs. He should think it presumption to come to the House of Commons and express sanguine anticipations, which he might be pleased to entertain, of the great increase of those commercial and manufacturing districts, with which he had the honour to be connected ; but the speeches which he had quoted, were the speeches of men. Those men said that they really believed that if the commerce of this country were left unshackled the results to the country would be most beneficial.—(hear.) He for his own part believed that that merchant of Liverpool who said that the benefits which would accrue to the country from free trade could not be calculated, bad said no more than the truth. With respect to the timber trade, a few facts would show that it had increased since the removal of its protective duties. In 1841 the increase of vessels, engaged in the timber trade, was nearly 200,000 tons. And with regard to those concerned in the Baltic trade, the amount of tonnage in 1845, was 33,(00, it being only 22,000 in 1842. Seeing the Hon. Member for Sunderland (Mr. Hudson) in his place he was anxious to disabuse his mind of a policy which he ap peared to labour under. We had received 2,000,000 quarters of foreign grain, and that had consequently increased our ex pert trade. If the Hon. Member would permit so humble an individual as himself (Mr. Cardwell), he would venture to tell him what would be the result of that proceeding—it was this, that as the industrious navigators had been benefited by the importation of those 2,000,000 quarters of corn, they would invest a great portion of their receipts in railways, which would do a great deal towards promoting useful intercourse with different parts of the country. Such, then, were the cenclu• sions which he (Mr. Cardwell) had arrived at, and he believed that those conclusions were based on reasoning of the most mathematical kind. Those opinions he had always entertained in the abstract.—( Hear, hear.) He had never disavowed them, and he had never attempted to disguise them.—(Hear, hear.) He certainly did vote against his lion. Friend the Member for Wolverhampton two years ago on this question. for he had always considered that great changes of this kind should be regarded as questions of time. And he (Mr. Card well) could not deny that at the present time, above all other times, it was necessary to look out for a supply of food. Ile would not deny that this measure was brought forward to meet a great emergency, and he believed it was calculated to promote the good of the country.—( Cries of " Hear, hear.") There were Hon. Members in this House who had never dis guised the opinions which he had expressed, and he would acknowledge that there were a great commercial interest in this country, who had lent their support on the present occa sion to the Government. He believed that the people of Eng land were slow to learn from abstract documents, but they were quick at learning from experience—(Hear, hear)—they had had the experience of the last three years, and that expe rience had not been lost upon that great and reflecting people which they represented. He maintained that the support of the great and important comm .rcial interest was essential to the true Conservative int erests of this country. Ho would frankly acknow ledge that the members of this large and powerful influence had ever shown a disposition to watch the ever-varying circumstances of this country.—( Hear, hear.) He begged to apologise for the great extent to which he had trespassed upon the kindness and attention of the House. He believed that in the di minution of prices, in the general removal of sources of dis cord, and a generous and discriminating regard to all the complicated interests of the country, that the present was a Parliament competent to decide.—( Hear, hear.) And if that House would decide in the affirmative, they would bestow upon the country, by passing these measures, great, lasting, en during, and inestimable benefits.—( Hear, hear.) Mr. FINCH said he felt great reluctance to address the House; he would say, however, that the speech delivered by the last Hon. Member did great credit to his taste and temper. lie did not think, however, that it was a speech cal culated to carry great weight with the country. His glowing de ails of the prosperity of the manufacturers would tell powerfully in favour of that side of the Home to which he (Mr. Card well) was opposed, for if they were in this nourishing state under a system of protection, why did they wish to change it ? —( Hear, hear.) He (Mr. Finch) believed, however, that • the prosperity could have been greater if there had bsen none of the alteration which had been made in the last tariff.— ( Hear, hear.) He had noticed the speeches of many Hon. Members made on the opposite side of the House, but in none of those had he been able to discover that they had succeeded in tracing effects to causes, nor had they shown how the tariff had wrought out the prosperity.—(" Hear, hear," from Colonel Sibthorp. ) He considered that there were many reasons to account for the prosperity previous •to the passing of the tariff. America was in a state of complete prostration, her credit and her finances were gone. and insolvency covered the land, and as a natural consequence great distress was felt in that country, both in America and amongst our manu facturers. Trade, however, revived, and with that revival came an increased demand for goods in the manufacturing dis tricts of this country.—( Hear, hear.) In addition to this, it had been stated that railway speculations had given a stimulus to native industry, and thereby caused considerable improve_ ment, and even produced great prosperity to the agricultural interests. Now, he thought it was going too far to say that those improvements were attributable to the tariff. He be lieved that if they were to follow the tariff through all its ramifications, it would be found that it hail operated as a bar rather than a stimulant.—( Hear, hear.) When he had the honour of a seat in that House, he occupied the opposite bench-s. The Noble Lord, the Member for the city of London, was then a strong protectionist, the question between him and the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of her Majesty's Government was not then one of protection or no protection, but only a difference as to the mode of applying that protection. ; fa but u now,f o fiLe v d e r d , u t t h y e , r, a e n vi d , a t s h a e s o t t r h i k er . that upon which we had seen the Right Hon. Baronet sliding a i r n dl i o c co h an a tee n t g r e ar ; stly t i d he Tneg o r n ed l slidingy uitny scale that there was w left was out of office and the Noble Lord sliding in. —( Hear, hear.) It seemed to him that there was a sort of moral murrain among the leadersof the two great parties.—( Hear, hear, and laughter. ) Ele did net think, however, that the opinions of either the Noble Lord or the Right Hon. Baronet could have much weight. If tl.e conversion of the Noble Lord had been effected at railroad speed, the conversion of the Right Hon. Baronet had been effected with the speed of the electric telegraph. If the Right Hon. Baronet had, like a Noble Lord in the Upper House, comfortably ensconced himself in a chateau at Caens, in the south of France, and surrounded himself with all the ponderous volumes of Adam Smith, Malthus, M'Gregor, Macculloch, and all other political economists, he wouldlith greater haste have come to the conclusion which he had. He could then come back to England, like the " fair penitent," or he would rather say, the contrite statesman ; he might then have stormed the Cabinet, triumphantly regained possession of the seals of office, and his opinions might then have been entitled to some weight. —( Cheers and laughter.) The change in his opinions seemed to have been brought about by a combination of circumstances. There was the Anti Corn-law League mounted upon the boards of Covent Garden theatre. There was heard in the distance the sounds of battle, with the confusion of war and bloodshed in the Pa cific, the Atlantic, and the Western possessions, in fact a tremendous bugbear of a North American war. Then came the failure of the potato crop. Then in their affrighted ima gination they beheld O'Connell, at the head of his repeal legions, marching into this House, brandishing his javelins, defying its authority.—(Cheers from the protectionists.) Under these circumstances, he did not consider the change of opinion on the part of her Majesty's Government worthy of much weight. And, with reference to the Noble Lord the Member for the city of London, he had, no doubt, about this time heard of the dissensions in the Cabinet. He had heard, no doubt, that they were di r e c ting thei r course i n favour of free trade; he immediately passed his free trade into Scott's Lake, and wrote his famous letter to the electors of London, which caused so much sensation throughout the empire. He considered, therefore, despite all the speeches which had been made on the subject, they had just left the question where they had found it. The Noble Lord, the Member for the West Riding, had read a very solemn lecture is the aristocracy of Britain. He reminded them o f th e i mmense f ores t s o f Ame rica, and its mines of inexhaustible wealth—he said nothing, however, upon the subject of American opinion respecting free trade. The Noble Lord must have known that the democratic party in America were adverse to free trade, and that in Penn sylvania, out of . 26 members returned to Congress, 25 were against any modification of the tariff of 1841. With reference to the speech of the Right Hon. Baronet made a few nights ago, the particulars of which were terrific for a Minister to t oter—be would say that it possessed so little claim to a de lihers,tive Character, and se mush of the wildest enthusiasm, that it was perfectly necessary that it 1 skould be answered, in order to show a complete which he feared not to assert were the opinions of nine-tenths of the farmers of England.—( Hear, hear.) The Hon. Mem ber for Finsbury, in the course of the debate, bad been pleased to state that what the farmers required for the advancement of agriculture was not protection, hut the shield of the ballot to protect them. Now he should inform the Hon. Gentleman, and other members who supported his views, that they could not labour under a greater mistake in saying that the farmers were not in favour of protection.—(Hear, he tr, from the, Protectionists.) He looked on the assertion as a R adical shot fired at random by a gentleman who might be qualified to represent a metropolitan constituency, but who knew nothing of agriculturists.—( Hear, hear.) There were a few circumstances connected with the Dorsetshire elec tion which could not fail to prove that the farmers were in favour of protection, and which he begged to trouble them with.—( Hear, hear.) When the requisition calling on him and his Honourable Colleague to come forward for the repre sentation of the shire was in progress of signature, some of the tenants who held under free-trade proprietors—three or four of whom held the largest properties in the locality— naturally held back and refused to sign the requisition until they knew what the wishes of the landlords were.—( Hear, hear.) He believed it was notorious that English tenants always wished to consult the opinions of their landlords; and in that they were not, in his opinion, to blame. They con se. ted their landlords, who, he was happy to state, did not interfere, the question being solely a farmer's question, and the moment the will of the land lord was made known, they, without exception, came forward and signed the requisition.—(Frotectionist cheers. ) That was a proof of his assertion that the farmers were in clined to protection.—( Hear, hear.) Another statement made was, that Ihe small farmers alone were in favour of free trade ; or in other words, that class of farmers who, from their indo lence and ignorance of political matters, did not deserve to be farmers at all. Now, as far as his (the Hon. Gentleman's) ex perience went, he should say the vrry contrary was the fact.— Cries of " Hear, hear.") In his opinion all classes of farmers were protectionists, particularly the large farmers, the em ployers of labour and capital, and who, moreover, bad leisure and inclination to master the details of political affairs.--( Hear. ) In the course of his canvas he had heard strong language used with respect to the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Government.—( Hear, hear.) Farmers were plain men, and consequently used plain words, the introduction of which in that House might not be deemed Parliamentary.—(A laugh.) He had heard these observations made use of ; yet, though he had been much amongst the farmers, he did not observe an atom of turbulence, or a single jot abatement of their usual loyalty and peaceable demeanour, which could not be said of the gentlemen composing the Anti- Corn-law League.—(Hear.) Indeed, it was his,firin belief, that if the farmers of England had been more seditious in their bearing and expression they would have had more weight with the Right Hon. Baronet— ( Loud cries of " Hear' from the protectionists.) If the Anti-Corn-law League should at any future period be inclined to attack the ancient institutions of this country, they would find that the loyalty of the farmers would meet them in the spirit of opposition dictated by the loyalty for which they were proverbial, and with far more effect. than they had opposed them on the present occasion. Having said thus much, he had nothing more to say than to thank the House for the patient hearing granted him, and to declare his intention of voting I,gainst the measure before the House.—(Cheers from the Hon. Member's party. ) Mr. VILLIERS had some difficulty in rising to address the House after the speech of the Hon. Member who had just sat down ; more especially after the manner in which they had been used to the course of Gentlemen addressing them on both sides of the question, for, if he was not mistaken, the Hon. Member, who had last addressed the House, said he was in favour of a repeal of the corn.laws..--(Loud cries of " No, no," from the protectionists.) If the cries on the op posite side were correct, then the Hon. Member was greatly misrepresented by the papers, for there was not a paper which did not state that, if there was to be a repeal of those laws, he was for an immediate repeal.---( Heti., hear. ) Mr. SEYMOUR wished to explain. What he had said on the hustings was, that he was against the proposed change in the Bern-laws; but hat if there was to be any change at all, he was for an immediate repeal in preference to the measure of the Right Hon. Baronet ; and such was still his opinion. Mr. VILLIERS was most happy to find that the accuracy of the gentlemen of the press was not called into question.— (Cries of " Oh, oh," from the new Member's party.) He be- on the subject. He (Mr. Villiers) listened during his speech, and all that he heard was the reading of a speeech of the Attorney Ge aeral's—at least that was all he could collect. These persons would go any length, at any rate they would go great lengths, in throwing the Right Hon. Baronet from the head of the Government, though they were unable to give the House a single motion of the way in which it would benefit agriculture. Mr. Wawnaays that the farmers must take es their text low prices, and trust to an improvement in agriculture. That they must not look any longer to high rates, but endeavour to produce a larger quantity ■ so as to meet the reduction in the price of grain,--(Hear.) He would ask the lion. Member for Norfolk how it was that, in dimming* the merits of the protective system, so little reference was made to the farmers and labourers, However much they might be referred to out of doors, he did not find the farmers and labourers brought forward prominently in that House. There was hardly a word about the farmers there, though there was no lack of reference to them out of the House. He thought that a farmer who had prospered under the protective system during the last thirty years, would be a strange animal—an extraordinary bird, that from its rarity ought to be catched and stuffed, in order to be placed in, British Museum.—(Laughter and cheers.) It was, indeed, a rare occurrence for the farmer to thrive under this protec tive system. Again, had they heard any evidence respecting the condition of the labourer. He was aware that it had been said of the Goatacre meeting that it had been got up by the Anti-Corn-law League—(Hear, hear, from Conservative benches)—but he knew well that the Anti-Corn-law League had had nothing to do with it.—(Hear, hear.) He knew it to be one of a series of meetings that had been held for some time hi Wiltshire, at wsich the labourers assembled to express the miserable and deplor able condition in which they were placed. If they would look at all the reports on the agricultural districts that had appeared for many years—from 1824 to 1843—110 n. Members would find the same re presentations of the extreme distress and degradation of the agricul tural labourers. It was evident from all these that the condition of the labourers was as bad as bad could be—( Hear, hear)—par ticularly in the most agricultural counties. He would call the atten tion of the Hon. Member for Suffolk to this statement, as the county he reprissented specially merited this charge. He (Mr. Villiers) knew of no county that contained more gentry and clergymen, and yet the people of it were sunk in the lowest state of degradaion, I demoralisation, and misery.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") The Hon. Member for ,Shrewsbury (Mr. Disraeli) had stated that the country had thriven wader a protective system, but he (Mr. Villiers) would meet him with these facts, which could not be gainsayed. A Noble Lord (Lord Stanley) had stated once in another place, on the hustings, at his election, he (Mr. Villiers) believed, what the pro tective system was. That Noble Lord said tkat it was a system to raise rents, and keep up the price of food, but it did not raise the condition of the farmer. That was what they had been fighting for for the last eleven days, in the present debate, and • on which they were going to a division. That being the ease, was he not justified in saying that a prosperous farmer was a rare bird, that ought to be stuffed and placed in the British Museum, and that the labouring population were sunk in the lowest state of degradation anti distress? The Right Hon. Baronet, the Secretary at the head of the Home Department, had made a statement which they had no reason to disbelieve. He had shown the effects of the system on the people at large. And what he stated the other night, he also stated last year. The case the Right Hon. Baronet had placed before the House was such as fully justified the Government in the course they had taken; and, instead of railing at them, Hon. Gentlemen On the opposite side of the House ought to have supported them by every means in their power. The Right Hon. Baronet stated the effects that season of scarcity and abundance had upon. the people —how that a sTason of scarcity, misery, immorality, and disease extensively increased, while a period of abundance brought a mitigation, of all these evils ; and that therefore he could no longer, in face of this conclusion, support the system that kept up an artificial scarcity, and therefore perpetuated misery.—(Hear, hear.) To the present moment no answer- had been made to the speech of the Right Hon. Baronet. The Right lion. Baronet, last year, In reply to the speech of the Noble Lord the Member for London, in proposing his resolutions, stated the same doctrine he did the present year, and yet no one on behalf of the system of protection got up to answer him.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") When they said that high prices in provisions were good for the poor, and when they heard the Right Hon. Baronet rise and say that it was time this artificial system was abolished, because it militated against the comfort of the working classes, why was it that no one on that side of the House had arisen to deny it? He thought that before the debate closed some of them should answer the Right Hon. Baronet. They ought not only to look at the "Price Current," they ought also to look to the mortality among the lower classes, and to trace the effect of hight prices there. They would not then, perhaps, have to charge the protectionists with the misery that existed with the Spectacle of a people willing to work yet wanting employment.—(Cries of " Oh ; oh ! " and cheers.) lie maintained that the Right Hof. Baronet had stated last year, and lieved the Hon. Member was in favour of this - Measure.— (" Oh, oh.") He took the Hon. Gentleman's own explana tion. He had stated that the farmers were in the habit of going to their landlords and asking their opinions, and it was really wondrous how they had preserved their loyalty.— ( Cries of " Oh, oh.") The Hon. Gentleman had given proof that the farmers were generally loyal and well affected, and that was a proof that they were not under the influence of their landlords.—( Great laughter and cries of " Oh, oh.") He believed they were loyal and not disaffected because they were not affected by the disloyal views of their landlords.—(" Oh, oh," and cheers.) He believed that the farmers were men who did not believe the stories of the interested landlords. As far as he had understood the Hon. Gentleman, the farmers were in favour of an immediate repeal of the corn-laws.—( Groans from a section of the House.) The point of the Hon. Member's speech was to show that the farmers were not under the influence of their landlords. The Hon. Member for Rutlandshire had said the same thing. The Hon. Member who had spoken last was like the gentlemen who spoke the chorus in the Greek play, which stated all that had taken place, and all that was to take , place in the drama.—(Laughter.) He had told the farmers that they were to be ruined by the present measure, and all gentlemen on the protectionist side of the House had told them the same thing. He (Mr. Vil liers) felt great difficulty in rising to address the House after the speeches which had been delivered on the question, for there was nothing that he or any other Hon. Member could say, which had not been already said by the Right Honourable Baronet at the head of her Majesty's Government. He could not help contrasting the attention shown to the Hon. Members who bad addressed the House on the present measure, to the scenes which, on a former occa sion, when he (Mr. Villiers) brought forward the same ques tion at a former period. The groans and cries of parties in the House at that time still tingled in his ears.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") At that time, however, the country was in a state of great suffering, and much disorder was the consequence. The gentry were crying out for time, soldiers surrounded the Howe, and the people were declaring that time had not been afforded them to present their petitions against the measure; and again, he would repeat that the measure passed the House with greater rapidity than any measure had been known to pass it before.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") Notwithstanding this, they were now to have this question postponed in the present session for a longer period than any measure that had been known before. For three weeks now had they been discussing the merits, and during the whole of that time they had heard nothing but the same arguments over and over again.—( Hear, bear.) What then was the conclu sion the public were to come to, but that a distinction was made in this House between the interest taken in the affairs of the rich and that of the poor.—(Hear, hear.) However, as the time was to be wasted—(Laughter)—in those discussions, he would proceed to express his sentiments, and he would say that he did not think he would be doing justice to his own feel ings, or the opinions of those whom he represented in that House if he did not declare that he hailed with joy and sa tisfaction the present measure, which he looked upon as one dictated by feelings of honour and justice.—( Hear, hear.) It must, of course, be gratifying to every Hon. Member in that House to have observed the number of Hon. Members whe had become advocates of this cause, from a conviction of its utility, and many of those Hon. Members occupied positions which rendered their motives perfectly free from suspicion.— ( Hear, hear.) When the Noble Lord the Member for Lon don delivered his sentiments on this subject, in a letter to his constituents, he (Mr. Villiers) sincerely believed that the Noble Lord did so from an honest conviction that an imperative sense of duty called upon him to declare those sentiments, and that he was not in the slightest degree influenced by party f ee ling.—( Hear, hear.) He (Mr. Villiers) was also at a loss to understand how it was that the Right Hon. Baronet oppo site deserved the reproaches by which his introduction of this measure had been received, because the Right Hon. Baronet had not introduced this measure under the influence of any private or personal feeling, but solely because he believed it necessary for the benefit of the country ; and he (Mr. Villiers) did rot think that the Right Honourable Baronet had any reason to be discontented by the manner in which the measure had been received by the public, because it was quite evident that he had thrown over and utterly disregarded the importunities of an insolent domination.—( Cheers.) The Right Hon. Baronet had been told that if he persevered in carrying this measure to a division, that he would deeply regret it ; but the Right Hon. Baronet, with a characteristic perseverance for which he was remarkable, disregarded all those remonstrances, and he (Mr. Villiers) really did believe that the public were delighted to see the Right Hon. Baronet throw off with so much determination those party trammels.—( Cheers.) An Hon. Member opposite had asked him how it was possible he could show his face to his constituents after giving the vote he intended upon that occasion ? But he would ask the Hon. Member in return, how be intended to act at the next election? ( Hear, hear.) He was aware that some Noble Lords, mem bers of the Opposition, had declared opinions upon this ques tion as contradictory as any that had been assailed in that House.—(Cries of " Name, name.") He (Mr. Villiers) could have no hesitation in naming the parties ; one of them was the Earl of Essex, who had declared that the free im portation of Indian corn into this country would be of the greatest possible benefit to it.—(Cheers and laughter.) Hon. Members might shake their heads at that as sertion, but it was nevertheless true. (Hear, hear.) He had heard, in the course of that debate, that it was for the purpose of raising a question as to a great principle, viz., the system of protection ; a system of policy long believed in this country, and which was now about to be abolished. Its friends were about to resist its abolttion, and the object of their motion was to resist that abolition. This was the 11th day of the discussion of the system of protection, and new he would ask, what was the system ? Had anything fallen from the Gentlemen en the other side of the House as the Noble Lord the Meriaber for London had reiterated the statement in a letter addressed to his constitueuts, that the consequence of high prices were co-existent with low wages. Ile wished to know how they were to get out of that difficulty ? They wished to keep up high prices, and the purpose of this law was to do so, otherwise there was no meaning in it.—(Cheers.) It was all very well for a Noble Lord on that side of the House to say—" God forbid that we should keep the prices high at the expense of the people," but how did the Noble Lord vote ? Corn had never been at a low price in the market, but they had Members coming to that House to complain that the agriculturists were being ruined. In the year 1822, the Hon. Member for North Devon might remember that it was a grievance of county Members that the prices were low. Some Hon. Member—he be lieved the Hon. Member for the West Riding—had said, in the course of this debate, that this made no difference ; bat let them look to the years 1822, 1825, and to the last year, when the prices were low, not arising from importation, but from the blessing of God in sending them good harvests, than they complained that they had been deceived. Lord Castlereagh came down to that House and proposed a scheme for raising the prices of food. He proposed a vote of money to buy up what was called the surplus food. In the years 1835 and 1836 there were no grounds of complaint but what proceeded from a good harvest, yet the Marquis of Chandos came down there and proposed a repeal of the malt-tax and a Committee of the House to inquire into the distress which pressed upon agriculture. What was the speech made last year by the Hon. Member for Somerset ? He said that the Right Hon. Baronet had broken his promises, because the prices of corn were low, there being a too great abundance in the home produce. The Right Hon, the Secretary for Foretgn Affairs had, however, said, that he could not resist the conviction that low prices were a blessing to the working classes. But they wanted also pro tection to domestic industry. What was the meaning of the word " domestic Industry ? Did it mean something that the working classes were interested iu ? Did the working classes agree with them in their admiration of the corn-laws? Had they the authority of any working man to quote in favour of their schemes, or to acknowledge that they were benefited by these laws? He would venture to say that they had no such authority from any town in England. He held in his hand a communication sent by a working man since this debate had com menced. A resolution was agreed to at a meeting at Sheffield, an open air meeting, that this law had deranged their whole mercantile system; it had made numbers of merchants and manufacturers bankrupts ; it had checked the natural currents of trade ; reduced thousands of families to misery and starvation ; neither did the good to the great mass of the agricultural population, those who tilled the ground under these laws receiving but the slightest share of the blessings they produced. There was another meeting at Liverpool —a meeting of reapectble artisans whose characters were avouchod by the leading merchants of Liverpool; and they stated that the manufactures were in a state of great distress—that things were getting worse, and that crime increased in proportion as food diminished. They stated that the working classes were unable to purchase articles necessary for their existence, because they found that as wages were low prices were high, and they affirmed also that when wages were high the price of food was low.—(Hear, hear.) There was another argument used by an lion. Gentleman opposite, who, from his position in the country, would be looked upon as an authority, he meant the Hon. Member for Sunderland (Mr. Hudson). That Hon. Member was very lunch alarmed at this measure. Ile was afraid of the effect of a free importation of corn upon the ex changes. The Hon. Gentleman quoted several papers to terrify the country gentlemen and the agriculturists, and he stated that he him self had imported grain fit for human food at 255. per quarter in the year 1837. It was impossible to doubt the truth of anything the Hon. Member for Sunderland said ; bat when he stated a fact of that kind, he intended something, and he wished country gentlemen to draw the general conclusion that wheat could be imported at 255. He thought the Hon. Gentleman should have stated where he im ported his corn from, and what were tile charges attending the im portation. Mr. HUDSON made some remark which we did not hear. Mr. VILLIEIS4 continued—lle believed that the Honour able Gentlemen would admit that we could import corn in considerable quantities from Poland and Russia. We could get a million, or two millions, or four millions of quarters of wheat an nually. Now it so happened that he (Mr. Villiers) had an authority as to the amount of corn imported, and the price in the year 1837. Now, the price of grain at Dantzie in that year was not lower titan 29s..—(Cries of "At Odessa.") The freight was never less than 4s. 9d. per quarter, and yet the Hon. Gentleman said he had pur chased grain at 255. The price at Dantzic was 295., the freight to Liverpool and London never less than 4s. 9d., and in one case 65., and other charges 35., and yet the lion. Gentleman said he purchased grain at 255. Another peculiarity in that year was, that a very large portion of corn went front the Baltic to America. The Hon. Gentle man the Member for Sunderland was one of that school who had an objection to free trade, because they thought the imports would have to be paid for in ' bullion. Now he (Mr. Villiers) would tell the Honourable Member what was the state of the money market during four years in which we imported corn, namely, from 1839 to 1841. After 1839 we had 4,000,0001. in the Bank of England, and we imported 2,700,000 quarters of wheat, and during the year the amount of bullion in the Bank fell to 2,000,000/. In 1840 we imported 2,600,000 quarters, and by the end of that year the amount of bullion had risen to 3,100,0001. In 1841 we imported 2,800,000 quarters, and at the end of that year the bul lion in the Bank amounted to 4,580,0001. In 1842 we imported 2,600,000 quarters, and at the end of that year the amount of bullion had reached 10,000,0001.. What were the exports to corn growing countries? In 1837 our exports of manufactures amounted to 12,800,000/. ; and in 1842, after four years of im portation of corn, the exports were to 16,800,0001.—(Hear.) The argument of country gentlemen was, that the home trade was better than the foreign. That was their case, and they maintained that nothing affected this market so much as the high price of cons, Tile lion. Member for Sunderland appeared to be of this opinion, that the home trade was better than the foreign. That Hon. Mem ber was well acquainted with the midland counties, and he would just read to him the opinion of au cxtcnsivs manufacturer in Lei cestershire upon this question.. His correspondent stated that the wages of the artizan were extremely low ; the distress and suffering which prevailed in the town of Leicester had never been known to be greater than it was at present. This distress and suffering was attri buted to the high price of provision, and his correspondent added that when provisions were high the Leicester manufacturing market was depressed; but when provisions were low, trade became brisk and flourishing. No. The fact was, the agricultural labourer, as well as most other labourers, were paid so low that when food s was dear, he had nothing to spend on stockings and such like articles. Hon. Members opposite appeared unwilling to listen to this matter; ' but they might depend upon it that the surplus population of the agri cultural districts could never find employment in manufactories. unless the price of food was diminished, and tile home manufacturing trade trade improved. The lion. Member for Northaggetronsyh ail roc]aimed the leader of the protection party, their views to the world in that House, d a e n cl i ared that the price of food should not be cheapened, and stood up for a system which pro duced three-fourths instead of ffve-fourths. The Hon. Member and his party objected to increasing the foreign trade, and called loudly for a diminution in the business of the manufacturer. With the aid of their Quarterly Reviews, their Standards, and their Heralds, they pro- Ostia: ed to the world that if some of the manufacturing towns were razed to the ground, this country would be more moral, more con tented, anti more happy. With all increased population and diminished employment, they wished to have fewer manufactories, and told the House and the world, that if this measure was abandoned, theywould provide for the surplus population, and diminish the prevailing dis tress in the manufacturing districts. Now he wanted to ask them a simple and plain question—how did they propose to do all this ? Upon what did they depend ? From what had fallen front some of them, he was led to understand that they depended upon the present distri bution of the constituences and the House of Lords. Now that was the position of this question at this moment, and that was the nature of the intrigue that was going on with some Noble Lords upon this subject. They hoped to throw out this measure, and to form a Go vernment, and they hoped by the influence they could exercise over dependent voters to get a majority for the purpose of mahltaialug the present corn-law system. Now he wanted to know whether lion. Gentlemen had considered the 'position of this question? These corn-laws must either be supported • by force or by reason,—(Cries of " Oh, oh," fro m the protectionists, f o llowed by Opposition cheers.) They had tried tor te w h en this law was introduced and carried by force.—(Opposition cheers.) Four 3 ears after it was carried it was maintained by force. The people had been cut down for the purpose law. The people were cut down in Manchester f for resisting t t h hi i s s corn-law in 1819, and they were attempted to be put down by force in 1830, but that was found too difficult a task. In 1839 they found the people discontented with the results of fernier years, and the Go vernment was not able to persuade them to give up their opposition to the corn-law. It was that agitation that first gave rise to the Anti-Corn-law League. Their protection societies were created for the express purpose of deceiving the people, and those societies gave rise to the Anti-C orn- l aw League, which was induced to exhibit itself in the extraordinary manner that it had done, to circulate, not its own doctrines or views, as had been ascribed to it by Honourable Gentlemen opposite, but the deliberate convictions of the most enlightened men that ever wrote or ever existed in this country ; and by their extraordinary exertions, the members of that body brought about the opinion of the country in favour Of the emancipation of trade, and the removal of the restrictions on commerce, and the abolition of the corn-laws.--(Hear, hear.) And lie maintained that that was the state of the question at this mo• ment. They could not support the law by force ; they could not support it by deluding the people, or by inducing them to quarrel with a minister who had conscientiously come forward with the present measure. He would ask them whether they had made any security for a period of scarcity; or if the people were to call for universal suffrage, or were to rise up In arms against the law, what position would the protectionists be in? He would onty ask them to imagine such a Government as they had described with a Noble Duke at its head.—(Hear, hearr) The country would be in a state of tumult, and Hon. Gentlemen opposite would be responsible fbr the peace and order of the country.—(Hear, hear,) The state of the country would really be in a miserable position. And what would they do? They would do what they did in 1831.—(Hear, hear.) They would come upon their knees, praying the Right Honourable Gentleman at the head of the Government to take office again.—(Opposition cheers.) Then the Hon. Gentleman tile Member for Ratlandshire quarrelled with the Right Hon. Baronet because he did not stick to his gotta.—(Bear, hear, and laughter.) Would the Right Mon. Member himself stick to his guns if he saw a starving people before him? Would he attempt to put therefore, he 11i° down by force ? They dare not. That was their position, at the present moment. lie would ask them wh ether it was rea sonable to resist the demand of the people to remove this was co rn-law ? The Right Hon. Baronet, in bringing forward his ffe have con sulting the interests e th e agriculturists, fori it would they sought. It seemed to the ect of giving them the protection for which him (Mr. Villiers) that the Rig ht 110 . Baronet had maintained their interests.—(Hear, hear.) Would the H o n. Member for Dorset Necker to get into the Government ? Wis" such a man as •cairgot, in The • French atinistsrs . — 177 - 5, • repealed 9dti 7, 4 1 1 " went into onlec. , hem'.) lawS fal Poa n Minister maid " There are two things to be avoided in every eetnnall nity-, and if they are not averted in this country we should have na tional bankruptcy and revolution. That WM seld flftten yews be. to what the principle was—whether it had any rule, or whe ther anything would result from it? Was there anything to be dignified by the name of a system ? The House had not a single idea on the subject. He had asked on his own side, whether the system of protection could be universally applied? The answer was, certainly not ; it would raise the prices of food and diminish the price of labour. There was no definite test by which protection could be tried. Was it opposed to the principle of protection ? No ; for Lord Stanley had said that protection was competition subject to regulation. (Laughter. ) They had no idea of what the system was. he protec tionists say that they did not want to oppose all the advantages that free trade might give. At least, so said the Hon. Mem ber for Shrewsbury. He (Mr. Villiers) bad asked, t w o h a e n th e a r t t t h e e m p s t y e s d t e mr continuance t in protection uanee of t h h a e d sl n i d o n g d w s i ea n d E d v o e w r n y l ing fi ln f li o i vo e ed m .m b thi w tee h sl o ,bi had iroe s n p hl o ve k n e sb wg in ine t t it l , f oe e r d s u its b he j eu e ys e st shouldhh a e d h h o ci a o ; d on r been ec free en the s tprsera, system of the sliding scale—and that they call protection. Had there been the slightest information given about protection to agriculture?—had they heard any way in which protection assisted agriculture by capital or otherwise? They had only heard the calamities which free trade would cause to agriculture. He would ask, had any agricul tural authority been quoted to show that the system of protection was advantageous? No such quotation had been given—there was not a single man who had given any explanation at all. Many persons on the other side of the House said that the principle of protection to agriculture de pended upon none of the causes he had stated, and that it did not require to be assisted or explained by an Act of Parliament. For the last two nights there had been in the gallery of the House a gentle man said to be ono of the largest occupiers of land in the kingdom— a man who was spoken of as being a great authority on the subject of agriculture. That gentleman was in the House in order that he might give some answer to the silly statements which had been put forth. That gentleman occupied 3,200 acres, extending into six counties, and he received rent in eight counties. No wonder that they were so adverse to any inquiry by way of a Committee embodied by the House, for they knew that this person would come forward and give evidence against their views.—(lie,ar, hear, and cheers.) They never wished to refer the question to a Committee for fear this person should come and demolish all the arguments of their side.—(Criei of " Oh, oh !" from the Ministerial benches ) They cried out " Oh, oh !" but why did not they go be fore a Committee ? They were on their trial before their country, and they could not find any person in favour of their views. He (Mr. Villiers) would venture to say then what he had said before, that if they went before a Committee of inquiry they would find farmers from every part of the country to give evidence against their principle. They would find land agents whose opinions were hostile to them. There was a society of land agents in this town, and the majority of that society were of opinion that the total and immediate repeal of the corn-laws would do no harm if it did no good. What was the case with the Honourable Members for Essex amid Suffolk—they both plumed themselves on their knowjedge of the subject, and they both spoke. The Honourable Member for lissex, after uttering some very questionable jokes, ended by quoting a chapier of Mr. Arnold's work. The Honourable Member for Suffolk, who Ras returned to the House as the fernier's friend, spoke weesee.eeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeneteeSelloMeW;;;;;Z: fore the revolution occurred. He geld, "You must *5 eaSe that your revenue is maintained, and that you avoid scarcity."—(Cheers.) His very first Act in 1775 was to make Internal trade free, and he put on record his views at the same time with respect to corn coin ing from foreign countries. And he observed that the effect of the then existing law was to make the provinces dependent upon the season. They were always exposed to scarcities: Ile also stated that it would improve the commercial interests of a country, by removing this prohibition on corn. Now, what was his fate ? He would mention it to the House, as it wes not unlikely that the same fate would befal other Ministers. Condorcet says there was a com bination of all the people, All classes of the people is the state — young girls and kept mistresses—all combined to drive him from power, and every Minister, wko succeeded him, between the year's 1775 and 1789 were driven in like manner from power, when they thus adopted measures to prevent the emergency which they fore saw. It is such men as those of whom the Hon. Member for Dor eetehire is afraid lest they should come into power. Mr. Carlisle, in his " Mtstorory of the French Revolution," states that the prevalreft opinion among the Nobility was, that they could not live alone upon the rents which they derived from their estates ; they wanted something more. They could not parade themselves at court—they could not preserve their equipages—they could not maintain their proud position unless they had some exemption of privilege, In the 'BB there was a scarcity, and in 'B9 there was a comprehensive scheme such as the Honourable Member for Shrewsbury (Mr. Disraeli applauded ; and the results of that measure wee known to all. Be maintained that it was impossible to provide against the season of scarcity, or a famine, or a failure in the revenue. lie there fore recommended Hon. Members opposite to consider whether the Right Hon. Baronet was not a real Consersettive—whether they did not think he was really doing what he thought was best for their own interest? Hon. Members opposite had not one security against time of scarcity. They had heard the Right Hon. Baronet state his apprehension and his dread of a recurrence of that time. After all this discussion, all the enlightenment of the public on the subject, it would be an impossibility to deceive them again. They had now an intimation of a famioe in Ireland, and they had not the‘least cer tainty that such a season would not recur again. If such an event should occur, what would they do? It was a fact that the people were not fed, that the people were distressed, and what did they un dertake to do for them ? Did they mean to answer that question in the year 1847 or in the year 1848 ?—(Cheers.) He would assure the party who were opposed to the present measure that it a Period of faMine should arrive it would not be a question of corn-laws ; if the people were driven to a dangerous extremity he was quite sure that it would be very much for the interests of the aristocracy that before such a period should arrive that that question should be settled. He thought if there came a period of famine, • coafusion and distress would follow, inel the people weutl look to the cause, and would come to no other conclusion than that for...the last forty or fifty years the aristocracy of the cotmtry were neaps the powers of legislation against them, and that they had been faithless to their trust, and he (Mr. Villiers) therefore urged them at that moment to reconcile themselves wills the people by giving their hearty compliance to that measure, by voting in to?* for the aboli tion of the corn-laws. If they did that he would venture to predict they would follow only that course which would win for then the respect of the country and the people over, whom it ought to be their guide and glory to rule with mercy and with justice. (The Hon. Gentleman sat down amidst loud cheers.) air. HUDSON rose (amidst loud cries of "Adjourn, adjourn)" to explain that he mild give the name of a gentleman who imported grain at 225. Mr. FERRAND rose and said that he was Wormed that he was grossly attacked by four Members of that HouSe that evening, during his absence, and he begged to state that to-morrow evening lie should be in his place to defend himself from any charges that might be brought against him.—(Loud cheers,) Mr. BANKES then rose and moved the adjournment of the de bate, when _ lA;rd JOHN RUSSELL rose and said that he hoped, as it had con tinued so long, it would be brought to A conclusion to-morrow evening. . _ Colonel SIBTHORP observed, that having failed in many endea vours to say a few words on the subject of tho present Measure, he hoped he should not be out of order in putting a few questions to the Right Honourable Baronet.—(hear, hear.) The country at the present moment was in an extraordinary situation, in fact it was be coming a laughing stock to the nations of the earth.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) There was no Secretary for the Colonies—there was no Secretary for Ireland—there was no Attorney-General for Ireland—there was no Solicitor• General for Ireland within that House; what an anomalous condition was that, when Honourable Gentlemen, who, like him, were anxious to put a question to these gentlemen, had no opportunity of deftng so. Ile had a right to presume that the Secretary for the Colonies was a very important person in that House. His salary was not less than 5,000/. a year, yet he was not there ; and the Secretary for Ireland, who had promised himself success in Nottinghamshire, wheire he (Colonel Sibthorp) thought it his duty to go to oppose him, had been re jected, a pretty plain proof that the Prime Minister was not very popular among the agriculturists. Ho felt an honest pride that not a tenant of his was bound down to any particular course ; he had no mammal - 010n with them, nor did he know which way they voted, but he had no doubt—(Laughter)—that they voted in the manner most Conduellredie their interests, namely, by supporting protection to agriculture.. There was a Lord of the Admiralty, where was his seat in the „House ? (Hear.) Why the Minister should have little weight indeed who could not secure him one, though he received a salary of 1,2001. a-year.. They were informed there were two vacanctes in the Lords of the Treasury, at 1,2001. also ; where were they ?—(ll9ar, hear.) (tithe gentlemen who held the offices and resigned he held the highest opinion for their highinindedliesf, and the independence of the course they pursued in throwing off the Government livery under the circumstances.— (Hear, hear.) There was the Commissioner of Woods and Forests at a large salary, where was he, or what became of the salaries ?—(Bear, hear.) Re thought it the duty of the Right lion. Baronet to satisfy the country of Its present condition, and the likelihood of its future conditfon.—(Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Baronet had said in his speech " that never should the year 1841 be effaced from his memory ;" but he (Col. Sibthorp) wished that the Right Hon. Baronet would not permit the year 1839, when he first embodied the Conservative body to escape from his memory. Mr. SPOONER said after what had fallen from the Noble Lord (Russell) as to the debate closing on the next evening, he could not think of disagreeing with the views of the Noble Lord„but he could not agree to that without expressing his opinion that the debate should not close without giving an op portunity to lion. Members to express their opinions upon the measure before the House.—(Cries of "Go on, go on.") lie was not at that time of the night prepared to go on, but on Se next night he would be enabled to inform the lion. Member for Wolverhamptert why it was that he was opposed to the present measure. Ho was in favour of cheap food, but lie was not in favour of a measure width was nothing more than a delusion. The debate was then adjourned. _ _ The other orders of the day were then disposed of, and the lii.uss adjourned at a quarter to One o'clock. DRURY-LANE THEATRE. A new grand opera, in three acts, entitled The Crusaders, the musi c by Benedict, the libretto by M. de St. Georges and Mr. Bunn, was produced here last evening with the most triumphant success. The playbill contains the following notification :—" Notwithstandiet the various novelties which have been produced in the course of the pre sent season, the preparation for this opera (which was entered• upon at the end of last summer) has never been suspended ; it having been deemed essential, while every necessary eare has been bestowed upon other entertainments, to pay minute attention to the ?reduc tion of a drama more elaborately and expensively worked gut than • perhaps any ether previous performances which have been fortunate enough to obtain such favour at this establishment." For once the play bill does not exaggerate. This drama's more elaborately and ea penSively, and, let us add, tastefully worked out, than any that has ever been produced at this establishment. The scenery, by Grieve and Tel bin, is exquisitely beautiful ; the costumes and proper ties are magnificent, and the spectacle gorgeous in the extreme. To attempt to do justice to the splendour of the scenery would be im pos,dble—sittlice it to say that it is a perfect realisation of scone of the most splendid descriptions of Liss.. We have, for instance, in the first act, "The enchanted wood;" and, in the second act, " The planting the cross on the wails of Jerusalem," descriptions which any lover of poetry knows by heart, and which he will here see re alised. But tile Crusaders is not a mere spectacle —as a musical composition it is certainly the greatest work that Benedict has yet produced—learned, profound, fully instrumental, elaborately worked out, as every composition by such au accomplished musician as Bene dict must necessarily be. The Cres'adem surpasses all his former compositions in originality, variety, and dramatic point. There is, moreover, a rich Teill of melody running through the whole own position, which we seek in vain in his former productions. There is au unity and a purpose about the music of the Crusaders which stamps it as, par excellence, an opera, It is a work which will undoubtedly enjoy not only an English, but an European reputation. The following is the cast of the character.es Conrade (King of Jerusalem), Mr. Howell; Bohemond (Prince of Tarnetum), Mr. W. Harrison; Raymond (Count de Toulouse), Mr. Borrani ; William (Archbishop of Tyre), Mr. Weiss ; Ilassaia (Prince of the Assassins, surnamed " The Man of the Mountain"), Mr, Stretton ; Ismael (a young Fedavi, or follower of the Sect of the Assassins), Mr. D. W. King; Aimee (a Sumnite Girl, of the Sect of the Assassins), Miss Romer; Iseult (Daughter of the Count de Toulouse), Miss Rainfortb. The opera opens with a scene of revelry in the palace of Tyre, on the occasion of the coronation of Conrade as King of Jerusalem. Various Sumnite girls are seeking to intoxicate the Crusaders, and plying them with wine, and dancing around them. The Archbishop in terrupts the orgies, orders the Sumnites to leave the city, and the Crusaders, recalled to a sense of propriety, renew their vows to march to ,Terusalefil ; and the scene concludes with an energetic chorus, without accompaniment, "On, Chieftains on," a dtlightful composition, which was deservedly encored. Bohemond refuses to permit Alines to depart, and swears to protect her, and while the ether Crusaders go to:attend the coronation, he returns to her, tells her love, which is returned, and she gives him an assignation in the wood of Alamen. Ismael, who loves Almea, and has accompanied his by order of the old man of the mountain, now drags her off; as ha is doing so the Crusaders enters terrified, Conrade has been stabbed by an emissary of the old man of the mountain, and by his side has been found a parchment threatening every future king of Jerusalem with a similar fate. They cast lots for the crown, and it falls to Bohemond, who, undeterred by the fate of his predecessor, accepts the dignity proposed to him. The next scene is in the threat of Alamen—the abode of the old man of thelnoun tain—who, as Mr. Bums informs us, in his preface, is now introduced for the first time on the English stage. Alines reports to him her love for Bohemond, and at the same time beseeches him to put his enchantments in practice for the purpose of so intoxicating the senses of Bohemond that he may become hers. Bohemond now enters the wood, and here is the realisation of the beautiful descrip tion of Tasso, in his 18th canto—Almea, of course, being the Arsnida of the scene. Bohemond, however, escapes from all the snares, and returns to Tyre. In the second act we h find bins, as King of Jerusalem in the camp near the city to vr . bic he ta is . lying s a h r , i s ny dis ag ia t e l d ie as old ,r m uus a .i n e o ars l n t , h dan e ir m edc o alu u: mg c,r i as n m , dai s se - .1 m clo a7l, s v ie a g go . us A o l l i l l l o c n r g as il s i as s t g o ul as se s d ass as ina a te 3 B - Me g n i' io n n ig d i ! t a . nd Sl k i n e o o w v i e n r g hea he rs r Belauils,l'esyenirsuooingvwc.r Ismael, site by D.W. King ife There is is beautiful due promisesti s a R th om 't'eln e e r i)t . nh es ' h 2h e ies C n o we u ij o ef f hi T l O . a ul - o lvj u le s r e syl a tva n es d t his daughter Iseult (the and of Bohm:wild) now arrive in the canal), and here is intr.- (bleed a delightful ballad in the heart's early dream," which was so exquisitely sung by Bliss Itainforth as to call forth a rapturous encore, and which very narrowly escaped a second encore. It is certainly the most exquisite ballad in the Opera. This is followed by a duet equally beautiful, which was given most e ffectively by Harrison and Miss Rainforth. His love for Iseult hire returned; he has forgotton poor Ahniia, and Indulging when Hassan reveries of his love for Iseult, he h as sunk into repose, enters, and dragging in Ismael, commands him to assassinate Bohe mond. He is in the act of so doing, when Aimee rushes felweard, and uttering a scream, snatches the dagger from his hand. Hassan hurries out Ismael, and Almea is arrested as the assassin, and con idNerem t n h e e d n thoavdeiea, gneorgtweietahastaapnedeitnageleallaltgeaneisoanuTtsteffauvaeozdnrtseor(a)ea.rreretainivsem, her. t t l ie te n pl e arit T ig as t s h e e . cross on o t n his the sca ra n m e pa iline v' a ti i c s h andl a s a e who cornea forward and confesses that he was the assassin, and is led out for execution, while the Crusaders determine to attack Hassan is his stronghold. The third act opens with a pretty chorus of female voices attendant on Iseult-. Hassan, dis guised as a Christian Pilgrim, informs her of / 3 ohemond's love fbi - Almea, and she determines to reject him. At the same time, Bo hemond receives a communication offering to deliver up to him the old man of the mountain if he will marry Alines, and thus unite the European and Asiatic races. He consents, and Hassan, who lurA taken poison, delivers himself up, and dies, but not until he has heard that Aimee is turned Christian. She overhears a seems between Bohemond and Iseult, and discovers that Bohemond sWII prefers Iseult. The last scene is the grand marriage procession of Bohemond. Almea approaches covered with a bridal veil, but when she takes it off she is discovered in the costume of a nun ; she has taken the vows, and gives Iseult to Bohemond as his bride. The final is a duet between Miss Rainforth and Miss Router, in which both ladies sung most exquisitely, which was deservedly encored. Benedict and the two ladies, and Harrison and Main were all called for at th e tall of the curtain. The house was crowded to suffocation, and a more successful piece has not been produced for years. We heartily contratulate M. Benedict. The Crusaders is worthy of the pupil of Reg. SPORTING INTELLIGENCE. TATTERSALL'S—TrarknbeY. An unusually thin attendance, and busineam flat in the extreme. The only fluctuations were in Scott's lot and Brocardo, who ware at a discount on the last quotations, and Tibthorpe, against whom th highest offer was '25 to 1. We have but a merry list of Prig' t ° submit : LIVERPOOL STEEPLE CEASE. fi to 1 agst Mr. Murphy's St. Leger 7 to 1 agst Mr. Brooke's Eagle • 7 to 1 agst Mr. Hey's Lancet. Even on the field agst the above three, yelntl, Ara Maineluke, and even on the field agst the tlrst four and Carlow. CHESTER Cu?. 18 to 1 agst Mr. A. W. 11111'S ii4Veetment—taken tols/. & att. off. 22 to 1 agst Lord Howth's 31ermald—taken slid aft. offered 23 to 1 agst Mr. Merry's Whinstone—taken and aft. ofthred 40 to I agst Mr. Woilbnden's Miss Burns—taken to bikl, 40 a r k i s — c r a a k e n 500 to o a a g g s s t t 3 L i o r rel a.. ong i ß e3 e , n 4 ti rt n cod ck c 30 to 1 agst Mr. Worley's Columbus—taken to 100/. rlwaißdrarty two ° or Lye DERBY. 9 to 2 agst Lord E. Russell's Stin g 13 to 1 agst Scott's l ot—taken to 100/. and 4 ' lo l 17 to agst Gen. Shubrick's Brocardo-20 to times 20 to 1 agst Col. Anson's Lap—take 22 to 1 1.5 t• 1 asst Mr. W. Scott's Tibthorpe—take 30 to 1. BRIGHTON, FEB. 25.—The General Steam naviga tion Company's steamer Menai arr i ve d this morning from Dieppe, after a fine passage of nine hours. Among the passengers were Mr. Coxe and family, and the Hon. W. Peel, son of the Premier, who was the bearer of dispatches from her Majesty's Ministers in Madrid and in Park, for Lerd Aberdeen. To Gentlemen 'a -no shave themselves the query is proposed—Why do all the drat 111 t • • ' recommend Saunders' Four-sided Tablet 1319i0r ' - is simply besause it is the only one that sires to'a • • smooth edge. Manufactory, 25, Strand.