The Sun. — London, England, 1837-06-13 00:00:00

fiPoeseesd. the income of the Church depended entirely upon , If the plan of the Noble Lord were to be adopted p ut! lards at least of the income of the Church would be wou i d e peel, because no man who held under the Church tom i "ow renew expiring or expired leases. It would r e i ss i ) e telY defeat the recommendation of the Church Com or hir e rs• The Noble Lord complained of the operation El °wit Bill in reg ar d t o th e Bi s hoprics of Durham and Y. could If the p resent measure b ecame l aw t h e N o bl e L or d h . luai n i n a " to 'sing a similar song of sorrow over the re tail_ .Bishoprics in the country. Was this a time to ; et diverting the funds of the Church when pastoral ca.esrrtruetion for the destitute was so much needed ? To Jlhe Plan of the Noble Lord into effect there should i t yid "erelop ment of the pecuniary resources o f every in that "I l , holdi ng property un d er t h e Ch urc h. W o o Labe unattended with injury to those individuals ? Cries of Hear, hear," and cheers.) The Noble e L 'd had proposed also an inquiry into the tenure by which uur c h s o d 1 . 0 Property was at present held on old lease! — de e d r i .tuat purpose to institute a search into the title posy o , lti ! of estates. For what did he propose this ? Not to idate h„ any bargain of which the ancestors of the present e Ought to have been ashamed, but simply to brand of me mory with th e ac t. Was that a fair or wise course h e p r °ceedin g ? I t was for t h ose reasons t h a t h e (M r . Goul 4T) should oppose the appointment of the Committee. deemo itwever, he s h ou ld f a il i n hi s o pp os iti o n to it, he should . th e his d uty to propose an a ddi t i on to t h e mo ti on o f Noble Lord, for the purpose of limiting the application Dicefunds t o accrue from the inquiry to those ends for erea he contended they were strictly designed, the in tateseef religi ous i nstruct i on among t h e s pi r itually desti of p of t he Population, and the augmentation to that effect astoral superintendence. It was for the high and noble 'eject th e hi of extending to two millions of his Majesty's subjects well "sings of pastoral aid and religious instruction, as l ease rs fo r t h e protection of the Church and t h ose h o ldi ng t under it, t h at h e (M r. G ou lb urn ) oppose d th e mo ti o n. oeb, r i.C 4 . KNIGHT said, as he thought that inquiry could th e "eit th e t rut h , h e s h ou ld vote f or t h e ap p o i n t men t of e ' Committee. pose Nlr. lt. WASON said that there was no reason to sup thethat th e revenues of the Church were i nsu ffi c i ent f or d eny o f the spiritual destitution of which lie would not H e Y the exi s t ence, t h ough h e f e l t b oun d to say t h a t the _ u se bad no exact i nformat i on as to i ts extent . Th e H on . habMember th en read several statements, to show that t h e ac revenues of the Church were much greater than they h e eo'returned by the Ecclesiastical Commissioners. If : Property of the Church were fully and fairly applied to th at p t a,rPoses it should b e , h e (Mr. Wason) was convinced oar_ for would b e qu i te su ffi c i en t t o d o e verything neces tor the r e li e f o f d est i tut i on. theUolonel SIBTHORP would most decidedly vote against Pro Position of the Noble Lord, and against every other pr oposition for such a purpose as it intended. If the Noble hi mself Was such a sincere friend of the Church as he stated Ille mself to be, he (Colonel Sibthorp) called on him, as a r n i t ni t I ' 4 of the noble house of Russell, to give to the Com noi_ee an extension of its objects, and to facilitate an in 4tterY into the Church property held by his family. Every th e remembered the celebrated address of Mr. Burke on eurrsuuject in 1796, and he (Colonel Sibthorp) fully con the ed i n it. If the Noble Lord did this—if he allowed of Committee not alone to go into that inquiry as a branch o Tnineir purpose, but also afforded them the facilities for g - sif he not alone did that, but suggested to the committee, and recommended to the bead of his t a h o e ble h ouse, that all the property acquired by it, at a ,.exPense of the Church, should be given back to it substantial he would then really evince his feelings in the most h rte nt i a t way, and give the best proof of the sincerity of heeded to the Church. If that inquiry were pro ed with it would be found that upwards of fifty mil e:cis of Chu rc h property had been plugdcred b y a tyran t, 144 bestow e d on hi s favour i tes. I f that were ma d e avail as able i t would pre c l u d e th e nece s s ity of robbing the Bishops, e Plan o f t h e N o bl e L or d propose d to d o . Th e H on . and u v ," Galla n t M em b er then read a ser i es o f propositions to the effect abov e s t a t e d, an d conc l u d e d. Lord JOHN RUSSELL said that, as allusion bad been to to th e report of the Church Comm i ss i on, h e wou ld , s ave troubl e , ma k e a s h ort statement i n exp l ana ti on o f it, le would not say whether or not the inquiry were better Coducted by a Select Committee or by a Commission : at when th e p l an f or t h e management o f Ch urc h proper t y ~, "as first communicated to the Church Commissioners, they would not agree to be instrumental in any means of further ing it or carry i ng it out. When, however, it afterwards ca me before Parliament, there was a kind of compromise effected. Mr. VERNON rested his objection to the Committee u pon two grounds—the first was, that he thought it the allty o f the Government to take up the subject on its own responsibility ; and, secondly, that he was of opinion that all Church property ought to be applied for the benefit of the Church itself.—(Cheers.) He believed that the Noble Lord felt it to be impossible for him to go on with the ra easure he proposed, h av i ng on ly a ma j or ity o f fi ve i n th a t louse to support him.—(Cheers.) Therefore, the Noble Lord hit on this ingenious device of a Committee to get out of the dilemma he was in. If the Noble Lord would leave t he matt er i n t h e h an d s o f th e C omm i ss i oners h e did n o t do ubt that a measure might be carried out that would be Perfectly satisfactory. dill ord JOHN RUSSELL sa id th a t th e C omm i ss i oners red so widely from the views and intentions of theMem °era of the Cabinet upon this subject that it would be alto gether useless to have any meeting or explanation with them the subject. air. HARVEY sa id t h at t h e f r i en d s o f t h e Ch urc h h a d b een accustomed to describe the Church not as the richest uthe wor ld , b ut as the poorest ; but in answer to this s ertion h e wou l d refer to the report of the Ecclesiasti cald Commi ss i oners, which he bad been looking over that 2 3 '. In that report he found it admitted by the Com "'sioners t h at the net revenue of the Church, distin guished fro m t h e gross amount, was three m i ll i ons and a half, and he had not the slightest doubt that if the Church Property were strictly and honestly inquired into, it would a: all an annual net income of five millions. He did not to, see that the plan proposed by the Noble Lord would detrimental to the lessees, because regard was to be had 111 existing interests. He looked upon the proposition p a _ u e from the opposite side to leave the matter with the sure as a most insidious one. He was quite :_u,e that a Committee was the only means by which the ° .leet could be properly inquired into, and he hoped the Nobleile Lord would not be diverted from that inquiry. h oped, too that the inquiry would not be narrowed, e should very much like to know the names of those intended to be placed on the Committee, in order to see there sho u ld turn out to b e a surp l us not on l y to supp l y e amount of Church -rates, but a sum beyond that a mount,_ th en t h e remainder ought to be app li e d to t h e ed ucation and religious instruction of the people belonging the Church. All Church property ought to be consoli date d for Church purposes, and with this view the Church rates ought to be converted into a land tax. Let the mem bers of the Established Church pay Church-rates if they Pleased, and let the Dissenters pay a land tax. It was his ° Pinion that the Dissenters ought to pay a land tax, and get rid of the stigma cast upon them by the Hon. Baronet the Member for Westminster, who very classically said that they were influenced not by a religious motive in resisting Church-rates, but by their breeches pockets.—(A laugh.) lie could not see why landed property generally should be eased from the payment of Church -rates, to which it had been subject for ages.—(Cheers.) It was evident the Established Church had numerous and efficient supporters in that House, whereas the Dissenters were neither sup- Ported there by the Government nor by their own Mem bers. For his own part he acknowledged himself to be a issenter, but he acknowledged no leader.—(A laugh.) ' lO could no t cons id er , t o use a nother classical phrase, that r, the Dis sen t ers were em b owe ll e d in one Member.—(A g . n gli.) He did not see why Church•rates, or the mode n levying th em , s h ou ld b e so genera lly o bjected to, because o ' 'le Principle was essentially democratic. The inhabitants assembled and decided for themselves what amount was required, and how it should be raised. Surely this spas Purely se lf- governmen t. A s t o th e p r i nc ipl e o f Dis ,,at, the P rotes t an t s th emse l ves w e re Di ssen t ers f r om 'tie heresy of the Church of Rome. It was founded t:111 the principles of Luther and Calvin, which were .b e s r tht of private judgment founded on the Scriptures. "e Dissenters felt that they were not compelled to sup °rt. a Law Church. It had been said that the agitation got up against Church-rates was of modern growth, and the „ere offspring of political dissent, and that this agitation i : 7 B caused by on ly a f ew Di ssen t e rs, with whom the great P.roodydid not co-operate. Now, against this picture he tested, in the name of the great body of the Dissenters. great deal had been said as to there being nothing in the orks of Baxter, Robert Hall, and other eminent writers 4.1 that cl ass to sanction many of the op i n i ons attr ib ute d to h o e 13 issenter s , with respect to the support of an Establish nr 13 3 1 those wh o were no t mem bers of it. But as there Rau been a quotation from some of the works of Robert wi s h in suPport of the views of Hon. Gentlemen opposite, he ern.o to call the attention of the House to a work of that 4n!riet d divine, which had been published since his death, 'rhhich was expressly written on the subject of Dissent. in el ir. Gentleman then read an extract from the work question,tiuuw in which the author maintained that the reli ai,s " hu eP t lions of the Dissenters were so different that there agre d ones ntiment on which the whole body of them was against n amely, the assertion of the right of conscience religion all human control whatsoever, the conviction that "gion With Prospered better without an Establishment than a de ene, and the principle that all human laws were rather tritnent than p a benefit to Christianity. The Hon. - reotl t It e b t lean then stated that he had referred to the works of rt Rail, for the purpose of rescuing him from some remarks which had been made upon him.—(Hear.) But that he might not be met with the objection that that eminent Divine was only a recent writer, and that the pas sages he had alluded to contained modern opinions, and not those of the earlier Dissenters, he begged to refer Hon. Gentlemen opposite to a tract written long ago, by Michael Towgood, who was a great authority among the Dissenters, and who said that all non-conformists denied any necessary connection between religion and an Establishment.—(Hear.) But the fact was, the House had been led to underrate the numbers and resources of the Dissenters, who had been held up as persons of little note. This was a most unmerited imputation—(Cheers)—and it had now become the duty of that House to show what was the amount of voluntary contributions which the Dissenters annually paid towards the general support of religion. By a return which he held in his hand, which had been drawn up with the greatest pos sible care and accuracy, and which was divided into four separate heads, it appeared that the total amount which the Dissenting body annually contributed to the support of their various ministries, missions, schools, and in the purchase of books, was the enormous sum of 2,980,240/.—(Hcar, hear.) This was nearly equal to one-half of the whole ec clesiastical revenue of the country—(Hear, hear) —and it was surely too much to say that they were actuated by selfish views, that they were insignificant in numbers, and that they were not entitled to the kind consideration of that House.—(Cheers.) It was argued that the Established Church must fall unless supported by compulsory means ; but he denied and repelled the imputation, as far as the Dissenters - were concerned, that the voluntary system would be the ruin of the Church.—(Hear, bear.) He repelled, too, the accusation that the Dissenters wished to upset the Church, and to deprive the Establishment of its just emoluments. He had never heard any one Dis senter who had not expressed a wish that the Church should retain all her revenues.—(Hear, hear.) All they desired was, that they might not be compelled to support a system from which they conscientiously dissented.—( Hear.) A great portion of them concurred in the doctrines and views of the Church ; but the Dissenters, as a body, con sidered religion to be a pure and unearthly spirituality, and denied the right of one man to dictate to another the way in which he should hold communion with his Creator.— ( Hear.) Having made these observations, it was his inten tion to move an amendment, by way of addition to the mo tion of the Noble Lord.—( Hear.) He considered that by the course the Government had adopted, the Dissenters were now further from the attainment of their object than they were before. That course was, to say the least, a clumsy one, for it was impossible that Church-rates could be abolished by any other means than by the recognition of a great principle. Now, almost all the Members of that ' House were in favour of that abolition, but it was the diffi culty as to a substitute for the rates which threw so many obstacles in the way of carrying the principle into effect. Of all the substitutes which had hitherto been propounded to the House, that of the Noble Lord he considered the worst, as he had encumbered the question with the hostile interests of the Church lessees.—( Hear.) When the Hon. Member for Leeds brought forward a motion for an inquiry into the state of Queen Anne's bounty, and relative to the intent and meaning of the Statute of Anne, the Noble Lord thought it too sacred a thing to be touched, and said the House ought not to go so far back as the reign of Queen Anne ; and yet, on the subject of the Irish Church, the Noble Lord went as far back as that of Henry VIII. It was quite right to go back to the time of the Henries, but why refuse an inquiry into Queen Anne's bounty, for by it both tithes and the first-fruits of every production were liable to the support of the Established Church ?—(Hear.) According to the plan which the present Goverment had adopted the question of Church-rates would remain unsettled for years ; but as almost all parts of the House were in favour of their abolition, he wished,to see who was and who was not sincere in the expression of such a desire. All.those; he was sure, who were sincere in their desire to see these rates abolished would vote for his (Mr. Harvey's) amend ment. The Noble Lord had said that he did not connect this inquiry with the abolition of Church-rates—(Hear) — and therefore it was that he (Mr. Harvey) wished to brinc , the House to the recognition of the abstract principle of their abolition.—(Hear.) He would, therefore, without further troubling the House, propose as an amendment the addition of the following words to the motion of the Noble Lord : " And further, that whatever may be the re sult of this proposed inquiry, it is the opinion of this House that from and after a time to be fixed, Church-rates shall cease."—( Hear, hear.) Colonel THOMPSON briefly seconded the amendment Mr. C. PELHAM made a few observations, which did not distinctly reich the gallery. We understood the Hon. Member to express himself strongly opposed to the motion. Lord HO WICK felt bound to oppose the amendment of the Hon. Member for Southwark. He should do so because he had never professed himself favourable to the abolition of Church-rates without establishing an efficient substitute for them. He should vote for the appointment of a Committee, becaus2. a Committee would be able to point out how that efficient substitute could be best pro vided, and how the deficiency created by a different dis posal of Church-rates could be remedied. He should also feel bound to oppose the proposition of the Right Hon. Member for CaMbridge, for he (Lord Howick) thought the appointment of a Committee desirable for the purpose of giving the House information on the subject. To such a Committee he certainly did not think that it. ought to be left to decide what should be the application of any sur- plus that might be created ; but he thought that very great benefit would result from their inquiring into the nature of the different interests connected with this property, and what advantages were to be derived from an im proved management of it. The Committee would have to consider the real state of the question ; they would ascertain what the condition of the property of the Church was at present ; and whether an improved sys tem of managing that property would not be alike ad vantageous to the Church and the lessees of the Church. When the conclusions of the Committee were placed be fore the House and the country, he did not doubt that a measure for the settlement of this question would, when the House possessed more information on the subject, re ceive a favourable reception. An Hon. Member who had that evening addressed the House, had argued that this inquiry ought to be placed in the hands of the Ecclesiastical Commissioners. Now he differed from that opinion. Even if the Members of the Church Commission had refrained from expressing any opinion on the subject—if they had not expressed an opinion adverse to that entertained by the Government on this subject—he would not think the Church Commissioners as well qualified as a Committee of the House of Commons to investigate this subject. An inquiry before the Church Commissioners would to a great extent be private in its nature—there would not be the same canvassing of opinions as before a Committee of the House. It would not, besides, have the same effect as an inquiry before a Committee of the House. But the Church Commissioners had removed all doubt as to their opinions on this subject, for they had objected to the plan proposed by his Majesty's Goverment. They had objected to the Ministerial measure on two grounds. They had objected, in the first place, to the proposed application of any surplus revenue that might be produced ; and, in the second place, those connected with that Commission in the other House of Parliament had pledged themselves not to con sent to any measure by which the controul of the Church property was to be taken out of the hands of the dignita ries of the Church. He therefore was not willing to en trust the proposed inquiry to those who were pledged against any appropriation of the surplus which the Govern ment had thought might be created in the manner proposed. The second objection of the Commissioners made him still more decided against submitting the question to them. The very essence of the plan proposed by his Majesty's Govern ment for the improvement of the property in Church leases consisted in taking that property out of the hands of those who possessed merely a fleeting and transitory interest in it, and placing it in hands that would be disposed merely to I po o fr o o k tphe t er o t Cy i t h s wu p err e ce r h m t, o a i ntceonwnttaivsnaul impossibleu e e i n an t ha e improvement.ha t n h d a s ta o n f improved ow, i thisf dignitaries ma nagement of it could be effected.—(Hear, hear, hear.) Let them look to all past legislation on the subject to be convinced of the truth of this. If they wanted to adopt an improved mode of managing Church property they must place it in hands that would not have merely a temporary and short interest in it, but that would manage it with a view to its permanent improvement, and to the increase of its value for a long series of years. When the Ecclesiasti cal Commissioners had expressed so decided an opinion that the controul of this property ought not to be trans ferred from the dignitaries of the Church, it could not be thought that this inquiry ought to be submitted to them. He thought that the inquiry could only be advantageously conducted only by a Parliamentary Committee. As there were many Gentlemen in the House who might not have heard the objections of the Right Hon. Member for the University of Cambridge he was anxious to offer a few ob servations respecting them. The first objection that the Right Hon. Gentleman urged was to the enormous extent of the inquiry. He stated that the Committee would have to go into an examination of the circumstances of each par ticular estate of every Bishop and Dean and Chapter, and that, therefore, the inquiry would be interminable. Now, he did not join in that apprehension. He did not think it would be at all necessary for the Committee to go into the particulars of each estate, but, from an examination of the bearings and connexion of different interests, they would be enabled to come to a safe conclusion without the neces sity of such minute and detailed inquiry. Another ob jection of the Hon. Member was, that during this inquiry, there would be great inconvenience felt, inasmuch as the lessees Would refuse to renew, and that this would Subject the dignitaries of the Church to great inconvenience. Now, on this point he entertained quite a different opinion, and he believed that the tendency would not be so much to avoid renewals as to hurry on renewals, pending the inquiry before the Committee. His (Lord Howick's) apprehen sions were in quite a different channel. He felt that it was a subject on which it was particularly necessary that Par liament should speedily decide. Pending the inquiry, and until the question was settled, there would be a difficulty of managing this property satisfactorily. There was another point to which it was desirable that attention should be called, namely, the waste of the property of the Church which took place from time to time. It was notorious that several private Acts were obtained by which this waste was permitted to take place, and he thought it exceedingly de sirable that some means should be taken to put an end to it. It was astonishing how little check there existed upon proceedings of that description, and he was sorry to say that, by these means, the Church had greatly depreciated the property which it ought to possess. It was desirable to give to the property of the Church a secreity which it did not now possess, and the House was not perhaps aware of the enormous extent to which the waste of the pro perty of the Church was carried on. He would state a tact illustrative of this. A particular lease of property belonging to the Dean and Chapter of Durham, consisting for a great part of coal-mines, was held by Lord London derry since 1819 ; and there had since that year been paid for renewals of this lease a sum exceeding one hundred thousand pounds. And that was a kind of property which, when once worked out, was of no further value. The sur face property was stated to be of very small value, and scarcely sufficient for the support of the resident popula tion. By this means the capital of the Church was greatly sunk, as directly as if the fee simple of so much property had been disposed of, and thus, for the advantage of the existing members of that corporation, that which might produce an income of three or four thousand pounds a year was permanently lost to the Church. He would only, in conclusion, repeat that he felt it to be for the interest of the Church itself that the management of its property should be improved and altogether altered, and be did not see any means by which this object could be better effected than by the appointment of a Select Committee.—(Minis terial cheers.) Sir ROBERT PEEL was not surprised at the impa tience that was manifested to escape from this question.— (Cheers.) He bore in mind the reminiscence furnished to the House by the Hon. Member for Southwark, who stated that the main question had already been debated in the House for five nights. It seemed to him, however, as if that Hon. Member regretted that for those five nights he had not an opportunity of delivering his sentiments on this subject, and that he had taken the present opportunity of rescuing the House from the disadvantage of not having heard him express the opinions that he entertained on this question.—(A laugh.) The real question was, whether it was fitting th it they should consent to the appointment of a Committee, for the purpose of enabling his Majesty's Go vernment to escape from a difficulty.—(Hear, hear.) He well knew how plausible a proposition it was to ask for the appointment of a Committee. He knew well that if there was some object to be carried how easy it was to prevail on individuals to assent to the appointment of a Committee. Now, he (Sir Robert Peel) considered the appointment of a Committee for the purpose proposed so objectionable in principle, so bad in precedent, and so inexpedient altoge ther that, no matter what difference of opinion might exist upon the subject, he could not, for one, acquiesce in the ap pointment of that Committee ; and a Committee for what purpose ? For the purpose of performing the duty of the executive Government of the country.—(Cheers.) It was a dangerous precedent, which might be acted upon in any season of political difficulty, when a Government felt it de sirable to escape from a pressing embarrassment.—(Loud cheers.) There was a great question brought forward by his Majesty's Government, and made the subject of repeated discussion in that House. A greater number had divided upon the question than on any previous occasion during the session. It was impossible to overlook that in the second instance the division had been taken upon the principle of that measure—(Cheers.) What was the principle of that measure ? Whether this property should be preserved to Church, or whether it should be diverted to other purposes? Now, if his Majesty's Government felt that the opinion of House was in of their measure—if they felt that the plan they had propounded was one that they ought to per severe io—why did they not go forward in the course they had proposed to adopt?—(Cheers.) Instead of that, for the first time they were called upon by his Majesty's Go vernment to consent to the extraordinary proceeding of re ferring a great public question to a Select Committee, and a Committee, too, of their own nomination.—( Cheers.) Why, if they consented to establish such a precedent as this, what would it lead to ? In any future time, if a Government found themselves on a great question supported only by a very small majority, and if they wanted either the manliness or the perseverance to go on with their measure, they had only to come forward, and on the 12th of June ask the House of Commons to concur in the appointment of a Select Committee to inquire into the subjeet.—(Cheers.) Why, what was the meaning of this ? It was neither more nor less than the appointment of an Ecclesiastical Cabinet.—(Laughter and cheers.) And this Cabinet would possess the advantage, too, that it was not to be appointed by the Crown, but by the House of Commons —Loud cheers)—and the appointment of. this Eccle siastical Cabinet was intended to relieve the Executive Government from all responsibility,—(Cheers.) He hoped that they would so manage as not to appoint too numerous a Cabinet.—(Laughter.) He ventured to sug gest that it would be a matter of some importance that the House should be put in possession of the names of the individual members of the new Government.—(Laughter.) He thought at all events the chairman should be named, and let him have the appointment of his official col leagues. He should endeavour that there should be no elements of discord—no conflicting opinions, which in the new Cabinet would be exceedingly undesirable.—( A laugh.) He supposed that the discussion of the great principle of the measure would be left an open question. If the new Cabinet were selected from different sides of the House, • there might be some inconvenient difference of opinion, where it was so desirable to be unanimous.— (Laughter.) He saw nothing better than that they should leave the great principle of the measure an open question for the new Government, which it was now proposed to establish.—(Cheers.) By the express terms of the refer ence, they did propose to leave to the Committee the con sideration of a great and -broad principle ; for the Commit tee were to decide on the probable amount of any increased value to be derived from the improved management of Church lands, with a due consideration of the interests of the Established Church, and of the present lessees of Church property. Now he (Sir R. Peel) would at once say that a due consideration of the interests of the Established Church was a proper subject for the attention of the King's Government, as well as the consideration of the interests of the lessees of Church property ; but this Committee was to consider not merely whether or not the surplus de sired to be realised could be obtained, but whether it could be realised consistently with those two principles of which also it was to judge—the interests of the Church, and the interests of the Church lessees ; and until they had decided upon these two questions of the respective in terests of the Church and of the lessees it was impossible for them—nay, he defied them—to come at the probable amount that could be realised from the improved manage ment of Church lands.—( Hear, bear.) Must not this po sition be quite clear ? The Noble Lord said that the Committee would have to determine what were the present instances of the abuse of Church property by private means, and that when it had discharged that part of its duty it could proceed to consider the more important mat ters that would be brought under its consideration — namely, the increased value which might be given to Church lands by an improved management of them, a due consi deration being had to the interests of the Established Church and to those of the lessees of Church lands. Why how would it be possible for the Committee to ascertain that fact without a minute inquiry ? How could it ascertain the probable amount of increased value to be added to Church property from an improved manage ment of it without some local inquiry into the value of the property, and into the increased value that might be given to it by new arrangements, depending upon local circum stances ? Now if the Committee were to do all this no thing could be more apparent than that the final close of their labours must be very much protracted. Assuming for a moment that further inquiries were necessary, nothing could be clearer than that inquiries of this kind could be conducted with more effect by the Executive Government. —(Hear, hear.) It might be necessary for the Govern ment to obtain more information on what they held to be the workings of the present system, in order to reconcile the public to the changes they proposed to make. But the inquiries by which that information could alone be gained must of necessity be local ; and, surely, the Executive Go vernment would have more effectual means at their com mand than a Committee of that House. He remembered the Committee on the English Municipal Corporation question, over which the Speaker presided. That Com mittee sat some time, and great delay took place. At last it was discovered that local inpuiry was necessary, and the result of the whole was, that the Government were obliged at last to have recourse to the alternative of appointing a Commission to make those local in quiries.—(Hear, hear.) He also remembered his Right Hon. Friend the Member for Bute proposing the appoint ment of a Committee to inquire into the state of religious instruction in Scotland about this time of year, he be lieved. But the Right Hon. Gentleman was then told by Hon. Members opposite that no progress whatever could be made in Committee, that the Committee was not the proper medium of instituting the inquiries. Warranted by the result that had attended the former Committee to which he had alluded—the Committee on Corporations — the Noble Lord anticipated what would have been the re sult of the appointment of a Committee. He refused the THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY, JUNE 13, 1837. Committee and appointed a Commission, with the result of whose labours, however, the House was still unacquainted. —(Cheers.) Now, to apply the same illustration to the present case, suppose the same course pursued with regard to this motion that had been pursued in the case of the Corporations ; suppose a Committee were appointed ; sup pose it were to commence its labours, find that in three or four instances there had been abuses in the appropria tion of Church property, but when it came to detect the scheme of the executive Government should perceive that the interests to be affected by its agencies were se various, the positions of lessees and properties in dif ferent parts of the country so dissimilar, that the mere exa mination of a surveyor brought up from one pare of the country, and be able to speak only to the state of that parti cular part of .the country, the examination, perhaps, being adjourned until the following Tuesday, and meanwhile in tersected by the examination of another surveyor from an other part of the country. That such incongruous and un satisfactory modes of inquiry could not possibly lead to any result commensurate with the objects sought to be obtained by the Committee, what would be the probable period be fore the Committee could report.—( Hear.) And was it intended that until that period arrived, the final settlement, or even the legislative consideration, of the Church ques tion should be suspended ?--(Hear.) How these Hon. Gentlemen who considered the settlement of the Church rate question—its immediate and final settlement—abso lutely necessary for the public quiet—how those gentlemen could contemplate, with any degree of complacency, this motion to support a Committee on the 12th of June, for the purpose of taking a first step in the question which they thought ought long since to have been disposed of, he (Sir R. Peel) was at a loss to conceive. —(Hear, hear.) He objected to this mode of escaping from the dif ficulties that must occur when parties were divided, this transfer of the duties of the House of Commons and the Government, to a Committee, whose decision could be of no authority or weight at all. That Committee must either be nominated by the Government, and have their confidence, or it must be equally composed of the two parties whose opinions differed on this question. In either case what chance was there of a satisfactory decision ? His objection was this :—Either the Government would be re lieved from the duties properly belonging to them, which might be stopped or protracted according to their conve nience. —(Hear, hear.) He also objected because he con sidered the appointment of such a Committee as this, after what had passed as to the Ecclesiastical Cammission, as tantamount almost to a breach of faith.—( Hear, hear, hear.) He thought that Commissions ought not to be re newed without a distinct intimation on the part of the Government that they might thereafter propose to find out of the Church property, to which the attention of the Commissioners was directed, a substitute for Church rates.—(A laugh from Lord John Russell.) The Noble Lord laughed. He (Sir R. Peel) did not know what the Noble Lord meant by his laugh. It might perhaps have greater weight than his argument. He was going on to say that it was the duty of the Government to apprise the Commission that they did mean to find a substitute for Church-rates in that way. That Commission was ap pointed on his (Sir Robert Peel's) recommendation to the Crown. The Noble Viscount now at the head of the Go vernment succeeding to office, the Commission was re newed, though all the original members of the Commission who had held political offices under the former Govern ment retired from the Commission, their places being sup plied by members of the new Government. The Noble Lord expressed much satisfaction at these appointments. The Commissioners made proposals for Church reform. They reduced the incomes of some Bishops, augmented those of others, and transferred portions of sees from one to the other. A Bill embracing some of these alterations was introduced and passed—the measure was carried into execu tion. The Noble Lord in bringing forward the measure, and hoping for the consent of Hon. Members in opposition, urged as one strong reason which had given hiai the induce ment to press on the plan, and at the same time to forego some further changes which he would have been in clined to make, that, as no measure of Church Reform could be satisfactory which had not the approbation of the heads of the Church, so this measure was particularly free from objection because it did possess that valuable sanc tion. The Noble Lord then said he did waive some de tails in the plan, because he so much desired the co-opera tion of the heads °lithe Church.—( Hear.) Last veer only it was that the Bill passed into a law. Yet the Noble Lord, notwithstanding that these transactions were so recent, did now propose that the innovation which the Ecclesiastical Commissioners had sanctioned should lead to still further innovations, without having given to the heads of the Esta blishment any intimation beforehand of his intention so to do. What was the language held by the Noble Lord last year ? The Noble Lord said that, in respect of the emoluments of the Bishops, they were not to be looked on but as in a situation very different from that of the Chief Justice of the King's Bench or the First Lord of the Trea sury, who received a large and full salary in order to enable him to meet the expenses of office. He did not wish to see the Bishops placed as stipendiaries on the State, with nothing but their duties to perform in return for their sti pend. Such were the principles of the Noble Lord in 1836, when bringing in a Bill which he regarded as being pre-eminently useful, from its having had the sanction of the heads of the Church. Yet in 1837 he came forward and proposed one which was wholly destructive of this principle so laid down in 1836, and which actually made the Bishops nothing more than mere stipendiaries for the performance of certain duties.—(Hear, hear.) He (Sir R. Peel) repeated that this measure was nothing more nor less than a transfer to a Committee of the House of Com mons of a power, which, if exercised at all, ought to be ex ercised only by the Executive Government. Undoubtedly if the Noble Lerd had told the Ecclesiastical Commissioners that he would, one year from that time, propose to the House of Commons a measure to revise the mode of letting Church property, and the effect of which would be to divest the Church of all right to manage its own property, he never would have gained their assent. He (Sir R. Peel) was not so sanguine as his Right Honourable Friend near him. He did not expect that this question would be viewed in the same light as that of Church-rates. He believed that many persons, seeing the dangerous position in which Church property was placed, would not be in duced to acquiesce in a proposition which was in itself de structive, but which to them would appear to afford a tem porary palliation for the evil. But he (Sir R. Peel) could not give up nis objections to those opinions, and foreseeing, as he did, the effect they must have in disengaging co-ope ration in measures of reform, he would rather find himself in a minority of ten than subject himself to the conscious ness of having assented to a proposition so destructive to the interests of the Church.—(Hear, hear.) Supposing the House could determine, and it was just possible that some Hon. Gentleman might have more confidence in the Committee than in the Government—(a laugh)—in the appointment of the Committee he did hope that some Gen tleman who was favourable to the appointment of it would record his opinions, in order that the views with which they entered on their office might be understood. If the Com mittee went into the case on the principle laid down by the Noble Lord, they would go into it in the spirit of a foregone conclusion.—(Hear, hear.) They must find that there was a fund of of 250,000/. ; for unless they could realise that, the project of a substitute for Church-rates must fall to the ground. 100,000/. would not be enough, because it would leave 150,000/. still to be provided from some other source, that must trench on the relief desired to be afforded to conscientious scruples.—(Hear, hear.) How then could the Committee enter on the enquiry influenced by any prejudice, so as to be able to come to a fair conclu sion ?—( Hear, hear.) He rested his objection to the mo tGiii 000nvu Government re n n_m t the ae e n t groundought principlet n h o t a to t t oi h v r ev e ho s 1 p lI; o ce n s eo i nn b t i ea l i r t tc y a io o nm f e ma t hi the eeExecutivede cided that congratulateT amidst ii c loud ch ti e l e er ß in i objection. (The Right Hon. Baronet sat down CHANCELLORcheering.) Ho n. of ß a t r h o e e E t X o n C the E n e Q tv U E lights must that had broken in upon him on this question. The Right Hon. Baronet would have it that the Committee was proposed in order to shift upon it the responsibility of the Government. — (Hear.) But what had been the practice of Lord Liverpool's Government on this very point ? Why, the most difficult and disputed of all political questions—one involving the mode of governing a large and important part of the empire—was re ferred to a Select Committee, and the Right Hon. Baronet and himself (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) were mem bers of that Committee. What more important question than the Government of Ireland could be referred to a Committee ? But that was not all. So long back as 1816, when at least there was no fear of revolutionary projects on the part of the Government, the subject of the mode in which English tithes ought to be leased to the landholder was brought on. It was a period of great agricultural dis tress, and it did not suit the Government to resist the pressure put on them by the agricultural interest. The question then was referred to a Select Committee, and the Right Hon. Gentleman, then Secretary for Ireland, took part in the debate on the question, and expressly claimed the benefit for Ireland of the same proceeding as regarded Irish tithes, and the Irish part of the question was made a portion of the reference to that Committee.—( Hear, hear.) But there was a more recent example still—that of the Canada question, in 1828, when the great interests of that important colony were referred to a Select Committee of that House. Yet no one now accused Mr. Huskisson of a wish in so doing to shrink from responsibility. So much for the Right Hon. Baronet's argument as regarded the re ference of this question to the Committee. But even were there no precedents he maintained that the circumstances of the present case were a sufficient justification. They (the Government) had stated their case—they had moved their resolution, and they were still ready to abide by it. Let them not be supposed to have abandoned it ; on the contrary, he felt assured that, sooner or later, the principle must be admitted.—(Hear, hear.) It had already done much to quiet the long-agitated question of the Church— it had already proclaimed that justice would be done to the people of England : and, assuredly, when thoroughly under stood and dispassionately considered, it would take a greater hold on the public mind than did that proposal of the Right Hon. Baronet in 1835, when he held out the removal of Church-rates as a bait to the agricultural interest.—(Hear, hear.) They (the Government) took their ground on a much higher principle. Their plan was not less one to give additional security to the Church than it was one to give satisfaction to the Dissenters. His object. and his wish, then, was, not to dissociate.himself or his friends from the resolution, but to justify and abide by it. Dissociate from it ! Why, if they were afraid of it, or of inquiry, would they now come forward to seek for inquiry ? It had been said to the lessees that they would be unjustly treated. If so, why did the Government seek for inquiry into the facts ? Their financial facts were disputed, and it was by some sup posed controverted. Then why not at once accede to that mode by which those facts might be ascertained beyond the possibility of de.ubt ? Why, then, were the Government taunted with the desire to throw off the responsibility of the measure ?—( Hear, hear.) . The Right Hon. Baronet had made use of one argument with a humourous ingenuity— he had argued that this Committee would supersede the Cabinet ; and it was a very amusing argument indeed. But his (Mr. S. Rice's) lion. Friends around him were not to be led aside by any such arguments or insinuations ; they would still continue to give the measure their support. The Right. Hon. Gentleman objects to that portion of the resolution in which it is affirmed that the inquiry should be conducted with a due regard to the interests of the Church ; but if they had omitted that phrase how would they have been taunted by the Right Hon. Baronet ? If, also, they had omitted to state that the Committee should carry on their investigation with a due regard to the interests of the lessees, they would also be liable to the same charge. He could not, therefore, see how the Right. lion. Gentleman could find fault with that portion of the resolution. The Right Hon. Gentleman had not dealt fairly with his Noble Friend with regard to the application of the word stipen diary. How stood that question ? The Bishops were not stipendiaries to receive though they were to pay ; and if they looked to the meaning of the word in Johnson's Dic tionary they would find that it was not used in the sense which had been imputed by the Right Hon. Gentleman. But if the rights of the Church were guaranteed by the State he did not see how the Bishops would be in a worse condition. They knew they had considerable difficulties to contend with on this question. They had first to combat with those who would consent to no alteration. They had then to meet the objection of those who even admitted that some change was necessary in the system by which Church property was regulated, but who differed with them as to the mode of appropriating the surplus. And, lastly, they had to meet the objections of the lessees, who laboured under an im pression that their interests would be injuriously affected by the measure. To each and every one of these parties he would say a Committee of Inquiry was the proper tri bunal to ascertain the validity of their objections. Their object was to do justice to all parties, and particularly to protect the interest of the lessees. To those who differed from them as to the mode of appropriation he would say, go with us into Committee, and then propose any plan which you may consider preferable to our own. Mr. HARDY should be glad to vote for the resolutions of the Noble Lord if he could give him an assurance that he would not persevere in diverting any surplus which might be found from its proper channel, or applying it as a substitute for Church-rates.---(Hear, hear.) Would the Noble Lord or the Right Honourable Gentleman give this pledge ?—( Hear, hear.) If the majority the other night had been fifty-five instead of five, would he have the hardihood to tell them that they should ever have heard of that motion for a Committee ?—( Loud cheers, and cries of " Divide.") The resolution, in his (Mr. Hardy's) opinion. was nothing more nor less than a gross,delusion.—(Conti nued cheering, and cries of ," Divide," during which the Hon. Gentleman resumed his seat.) The House then divided, when there appeared— For Mr. Harvey's motion Against it Majority —431 When the Gallery was re-opened, we found Mr. GOULBURN concluding some proposition with respect to the manner (as we understood) in which his amendmentthat any surplus revenue, arising out of an improved system of letting Church lands, be appropriated for the further increase of Church accommodation and spi ritual instruction—should be disposed of. The Right Hon. Gentleman concluded by requesting that the debate should be postponed. Lord J. RUSSELL said it was his wish to have the debate decided, and would take that opportunity of saying that the course pursued by the Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Goulburn) in urging the proposition which he made was a very extraordinary one. The question on which the House was now about to divide was whether it would grant a Select Committee to inquire into the state of Church property, with a view to see whether an improvement could not be effected--(Hear)—and the Right Hon. Gentle man proposed that any funds arising out of an improved ma nagement of the property should be devoted to particular purpose. This was a proposition which would come in more properly when the question was taken on the resolu tions of his Right Hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Ex chequer, which proposed a mode in which the contemplated surplus should be disposed of.—(Hear.) Now, when the lion. Member for St. Andrew's made a proposition for a different appropriation the Right Hon. Gentleman refused to accede to it. The question now was not as to the appro priation of any surplus revenue , but for a Commi ttee to in quire whether the revenue could be increased. The Right Hon. Gentleman omitted to make his proposition on an oc casion when it would have been appropriate, and brought it on an occasion where it was out of place. He did not know how the Right Hon. Gentleman intended to act., but for his own part he did not wish any further continuance of the debate. He would again repeat that the motion which would have been in place on the resolutions of the Chan cellor of the Exchequer was quite inappropriate here. — (Ministerial Cheers.) Mr. GOULBURN said that it seemed to him to be essentially necessary when an inquiry was set on foot with respect to the surplus revenues of Church lands that some mode should be adopted to provide a remedy for the evil of want of religious instruction. The words of his motion he took from the second report of the Commissioners to which the Noble Lord's name was attached. The gallery was then cleared for a division, but none took place. On our return to the gallery we found Sir R. PEEL concluding some observation, the purport of which as we caught it, was, that it would be inconsistent to take a preliminary division on one part of the question and not to decide on the whole. The House then divided, when there appeared— Ayes Noes Majority for the Committee --83 On our re-entrance into the gallery strangers were again ordered to withdraw, and the House divided upon the pro posed instruction, when there appeared— For 265 Against Majority —26 The other Orders of the Day were then disposed of, and he House adjourned at Two o'Clock. IRISH MUNICIPAL CORPORATION BILL. List of Proxies given in favour of Lord Melbourne's motion, that the House resolve itself into a Committee on this Bill. DUKES. EARLS. BISHOP. 1 - 1. R. H. the Duke Derby Lichfield & Coventri of Sussex Durham BARONS. Bedford Errol Auckland Brandon Essex Belhaven Cleveland Ferrers Clon'urry Devonshire g o r L I f n o a r r d d Dorchester Leinster Dormer Marlborough Granville Dunally MA RQUISSES. Huntingdon Dundas Anglesey llchester Erskine Bi eadalbane Ludlow 6 lenlyou Sligo Mulgrave Holland Winchester Ranfurly King EARLS. Shannon Plunk et Besborough Suffolk Sherborne Carlisle VISCOUNTS. Western Charlemont ' Bolingbroke TIIE ARETHUSA; A TALE OF THE SEA. BY CAPTAIN CHAMIEII, R.N., Author of " Ben Brace," &c.—A twelvemonth has now elapsed since we were called upon to review " Ben Brace," and in that review we pronounced the work to be one of the best of its kind ; we have now the grati fication of recommending to the public " The Arethusa," as superior to any book yet produced by its author. It is, in deed, by far the best of Captain Chamier's productions, and may fairly be placed yard-arm and yard-arm alongside of any naval-novel of the present day. With this tribute of applause we take leave for the present of " The Arethusa," trusting before long to pass again within hail of the gallant frigate, when she hoists the Commodore's pendant of a second edition. —Metropolitan Magazine. On Sunday last a young man applied to the parish clerk of Cranfield, to inform him that, as he should be out asked that day, he should wish to be married next morning ; the clerk requested him to appoint the time, when he very in nocently replied four o'clock, as he must be at Newport by six ; on being informed of the unreasonableness of the time, and that it could not be complied with, he answered, " Then I must be married to-day as soon as I atu out asked."—Bed ford Mercury. Captain Alexander has just published an interesting Account of the Colonies of Western Africa, illustrated, with plates, after drawings by Major Michell. Very little is known of the new settlements on the African frontier, and it is a matter of surprise to us that no work, except Mr. Martin's, has been published descriptive of the establishment and rapid rise of these acquisitions. The volumes before us contain a great deal of valuable and interesting intelligence, and a very animated description of the proceedings of the British and native forces.—John Bull. DUBLIN.-FRIDAY " In faith and hope the world will disagree, But all mankind's concern is charity."—POPS. The gloomy anticipations created by the packet of this morning—and for which the state of his Majesty's health, as announced in your Journal of Thursday last, had in some degree prepared us—are not calculated to remove the calm and suspense that pervade men's minds for some weeks past. The preparations for a development of pub lic opinion, partially exhibited by the recent co unty meet ings of Waterford and Galway , w ill remain in embryo till it shall have pleased the Almighty Disposer of Events, and the Ruler of Kings, to intimate to his f aithful subjects in Ireland what limits he shall prescribe to the mortal career of their beloved Monarch—William the Reformer. Nor can the crude calumnies, and repeated denunciations of Lord Lyndhurst against the people of this country, on Fri day evening, provoke such indignation as might intercept their orisons this day for the welfare and happiness of him whose reign has been the true epoch of practical emanci pation to so many millions of Irishmen. In this state of public feeling and sentiment, it may not be amiss to direct the attention of your numerous readers in this country and elsewhere, to that topic of common and universal interest, on which there is least difference of party or political opi nion—l mean charity towards Ireland. It is vain to dissemble, or entertain a hope that any great measure of practical benefit to this country, except the Poor-law Bill, can pass the Legislature during the pre sent Session. It would be equally vain and mischievous to disguise the fact, that the provisions of that Bill, though perhaps the very best that, under present circumstances, could be framed, are not generally acceptable. The subject is so surrounded with difficulties that the most zealous ad vocates of a Poor-law regard it only as an experiment. But is it too late to render that experiment as well adapted to the exigencies of the times and the condition of the coun try as possible ? Is it not yet susceptible of amendment, before it becomes the law of the land ? And may not every well-intended suggestion that is offered claim the at tention of the Legislature ? Some delay may yet take place before the measure receives the Royal assent, and the in terim cannot be better employed than in collecting the wishes of those numerous and different classes of society who are to be affected by its provisions. With this view I send you the speculations on the sub ject of some intelligent persons in this city, which I have col lected within the last few days. It appears that the Represen tatives in Parliament (of a very considerable portion ?) of the people of Dublin, accompanied by Mr. Fox, had an interview with the Chancellor of the Exchequer the other day, respecting the Dublin Charities. Many persons here are at a loss to conjecture the precise object of that inter view, or the nature of the Charities alluded to ; but they hope it may be for the purpose of alleviating, as much as possible, the assessment about to be imposed under the Poor-law enactment. There are, no doubt, considerable funds for charitable purposes connected with this city, that have never been rendered executory of the intentions of their granters. A favourable opportunity now presents itself of having these funds inquired after and made benefi cial to the community at large. The Commissioners, or other officers to be appointed under the Poor-law Bill, should be empowered to make inquiry, and consoli date their amount, as far as the terms of the ori ginal grant will permit, with the assessment to be levied under that Bill. Mr. Dalton, so favourably known for his antiquatian researches and statistical knowledge of this country, published a " Digest" some time ago, of the various funds for charitable uses in Dublin. He showed that nearly 20,0001. a-year, exclusive of all casual and fluctuating funds derived from Parliamentary or other such grants, were available to charitable purposes in this city alone. Of that sum between 4,0001. and 5,0001. was specifi cally allocated for the support of the poor ; the remainder was for education ; not, however, including the College funds, supposed to be about 14,000/. a-year. The proper and due appropriation of this sum amongst the poor of the city would afford much relief, if we may judge from the benefits conferred by the " Mendicity Institution," whose funds no not exceed 10,000/. It is hoped that Messrs. West and Hamilton may have suggested something on the subject. But Mr. Dalton's researches have not been con fined to Dublin ; he extends them over the thirty-two counties of this kingdom. He has, however, confined his proofs or demonstration to Dublin, giving an account of the object, the sum granted, the name of the granter, with the date of the instrument by which granted, and ether obser vations. As to the other grants of Ireland, including the County of Dublin, lie offers only a conjecture founded on a hasty perusal of his manuscripts on the subject. If, how ever, he be correct, and from his attention to, and accuracy in such matters, not less than from the fact of his state ments not being contradicted, as I can learn, though pub lished at the time in The Sun and in several Irish news papers, his assertions are eminently entitled to considera tion at this moment. He says that upwards of 80,0001. a-year are available throughout Ireland for purposes simi lar to those proved to exist in Dublin, that is, for subsist ing and educating the poor. Commissioners of Inquiry into such matters were instituted many years ago under a Tory Government, but at the suggestion of Lord Brougham, as we recollect, in England. Whether their labours have compensated the expense of the appointment, I know not ; but it is suggested that if a similar power were now given the Poor-law officers for Ireland, it might, without any additional costs, be productive of good. It would show at least that Government are not disposed to lay new bur dens on the people of this country, without at the same time examining into the means at present available to alle viate distress, and purging them of whatever abuses and corruption length of time and an ascendant party may have brought upon them. I have only to add, that the move ment of Messrs. West and Hamilton, if rightly under stood, is looked upon, by all parties with whom I have conversed with on the subject, satisfactorily, it not being supposed that they can contemplate any sectarian or exelu ' sive object by it. SHIPPING OF LONDON. AN ACCOUNT OF THE NUMBER OF VESSELS LYING IN THE RIVER THAMES AND AT THE WHARFS AND QUAYS BETWEEN LONDON-BRIDGE AND BUGSBY'S HOLE ON THE BTH JUNE, 1837, AT EIGHT A.M. UPPER STATION• NORTH SIDE OF THE RIVER. SOUTH SIDE OF THE RIVER, Vessels lying in the tiers... 110 Vessels at the tiers At the wharfs and quays ... 56 At the wharfs and quays Steam vessels 2l St eam vessels Colliers (called traders) ... 18 Colliers (called traders) .. 13 Hulks 4 Hulks 1 MIDDLE STATION, Olt COLLIER. POOL. Colliers Vessels at wharfs and quays 13 Vessels breaking up 4 Coasters - Coasters ....................... 6 LOWER STATION. Colliers Steamers .. Foreign and Coasters Yachts Hulks ...... Seaman's Hospital and School Ship... . 148 detained. 114 11 above 20 ton!, 299 miscititANEcus. Upper Station Middle Station 172 Sailing ditto ditto Lower Station .. - Steam vessels building S 940 Ditto of iron ditto 2 Miscellaneous --- Total 1006 CHARLES ROWLAND. Harbour-Master's Office, Gree The thunder and lightning were very awful at \Vhittlesey in the afternoon of Tuesday last : the electric fluid struck and shattered the wings of a gate and the posts upon the farm of Henry Haynes, Esq., and scattered the pieces to a distance of about forty yards from the foundation. The earth, also, was wonderfully torn up by the rapid demo lition of the gate-posts.—Hull Observer. NEW WORK ON THE HOLY LAND. —WC are re quested to state that Mr. Robinson's " Travels in Palestine and Syria," in 2 vols. post Bvo, with new maps and plans of every remarkable locality in those countries, many for the first time accurately laid down, is published this day, by Mr. Col burn, of Great Marlborough-street, and may be obtained of all booksellers. Agents : —For Scotland, Messrs. Bell and Bradfute, Edinburgh; for Ireland , Mr. John Cumming, Dublin. There is now an establishment in full activity at Gorey which promises to be a useful acquisition to the oyster fishery. A large quantity of oyster s are now being prepared for exporting to the East Indies ; for this purpose they are shelled, and after undergoing a certain process, they are placed in small tin cannisters of about a pint, which are then herrue tically closed; it is said the will keep fresh for two or three years. —Jersey Argus. ENGLISH CICERONES. —WC were much amused with a remark of a good woman, who opened some of the doors above. There were sundry directions to visitors to St. Paul's to pay certain stipulated prices, only for seeing the different parts of the edifice. All the English cicerones have a formal sing-song manner of going through their descriptions, that is often the greatest source of amusement one finds, but which nothing but downright mimicry can make intelligible to those who have not heard it. The woman in question, w ithout al tering the key of her ordinary mode of speaking, concluded her history by saying, " By the rules of the church, I am en titled to only twopence for showing you this, and . we ar twopence e strictly prohibited from asking any more ; but gentlefolas com monly give me a shilling."—Cooper's England. The accounts of the salmon fishings o n the Clyde a nd the west coast are of a ver y unfavourable description ; they have proved a serio us loss to the fishermen —Ed inburgh Courant