The Sun. — London, England, 1837-02-21 00:00:00

LAW IN TELLIGENCE. MIDDLESEX COUNTY COURT. SUSAN HARVEY V. RoISERT MAHONEY.—The plaintiff in this case was a cook in a gentleman's family, residing in Queen's-square, and the defendant was a milliner's trotter (one who carries out caps in a huge wicker oil-skin'd basket) ; the amount sued for was his., alleged to have been lent at dif ferent periods of time to the faithless Robert Mahoney. Mr. Commissioner DUBols—What do you say to this de mand, Master Mahoney ? Defendant—Nawthin, your wurt ellip—nawthin. CONIMISSIONER—Do you owe the money ? Did you ever bor row it ? Defendant—The devil a bit, yer wurtehip—l barry'd nawthin at all at all. Plaintiff—Oa, Mahoney ! well, I never ; how can you say so? Defendant—Sure and what's give to mc's mine, and what's mine will niver be lint to me. COMMISSIONER—Pray, was this a courtship affair. Defend. ant—' Faith, not complately so. It's not mesilf that's after the likes iv' her. Plaintiff (simpering)—Well, Robert, if you'll pay rue back the money, I'll say nothing about the courting, though it's your self well knows what you promised me. Defendant—Faith, and it's mesilf knows too—and I sid I'd make Misses Mahoney of you so soon as iver Dan got the re pa) e ; for thin we'll all iv us do as we like ? CommissioNEß—Dan ! What Dan do you mean, sir? Why don't you pay this poor girl? Defendant—And what Dan do I mane now? Why sure, honey, it's mighty Dan O'Connell, your masther. Och, meesilf now that won't pay one brass copper ; and in regard of marrying, it's that same thing ice done—mavournen. Plaintiff—Oh, you good for nothing feller. I declare your falsest, story-tellingest, shockingest willin as iver took in a poor girl. Look at the wittles I gave you. Defendant—And look, me jewel, at the promises I made you. Plaintiff—And you never kept one of them, not one. Defendant--Sure, and there you're out agin, me darlint ; I've got all iv 'cm by me now. Plaintiff—Did'nt I get you three bran span new second-hand shirts ? Defendant—That same thing ; and did'nt I wear them, honey ? Plaintiff—And did'nt I lend you the money to buy the new hat ? Defendant—And did'nt I take the money and get the hat ? If you bother me all the day, you'll still find Bob Mahoney, know what he's afther. COMMISSIONER—Come, come, we must pot a stopper upon this logic of your's. Swear the plaintiff, officer. Sultan Ilarvey was sworn, and, among many other thingq, stated that the defendant had borrowed the 13s. while he mu courting her ; that he had promised to marry her, ,nd take her to Ireland immediately. Dan had got the repale of the union ; but that for this last six months he had totally deserted her, and married another woman. Under these circumstances, the jury ordered the immediati, payment of the money. The poor victim of the blarney and shuffling of Dan's admirer stated, that wi.ile waiting in the body of the Court, some one had cut away her pocket, in which was 13s. in silver. Mr. Commissioner Dubois caused inquiries to be made, but of course the thief could not be dis covered. A few shillings were made up for her in the Court, An attempt at murder was made in the Rue St. Germain-des- Pres, in Paris, on Saturday. M. Petit, a dealer is curiosities, being unwell with the prevailing epidemic, had just closed his shop somewhat earlier than the usual hour, when he heard a loud knocking at the door. He half opened the door to see who it was and what was wanted, hut no sooner had ho done so than a young man threw himself upon him, forced him to the ground, and inflicted several blows with a knife which he held in his hand. M. Petit, in endeavouring to release himself from his bloodthirsty assailant, received a desperate wound in the right hand, and the fellow then thrust his hand into M. Petit's mouth, to prevent his calling out. His groans were, however, fortunately heard by a grocer and a lemonade-maker, who ran to his assistance. They had a vio lent struggle with the assassin. who, finding himself at length overpowered by numbers, tcok flight at the back door and got into the street. The cries of " assassin !" and " murder I" tittered by the grocer and the lemonadier attracted the atten tion of the passers-by, who stopped the fugitive, and carried brim before the Commissary of Police. In his examination lie made a variety of contradictory statements. One of his stories was, that he had known M. Petit for some time; that on n certain occasion he had struck him a violent blow with an urn hrelli, and that ho went to his shop to revenge himself of the insult. M. Petit, who is not dangerously wounded, denied this statement. He knew nothing of the prisoner, nor had he ever seen him before. The prisoner then etid that he knew nothing of M. Petit, and that he could not tell what induced hint to commit the crime with which be was charged. The name of the fellow is Diard, and he is not IS years of age. Some false keys were found on his person. COI, LEC FIVE WISDOM AND CONSISTENCY.— On the fir.t day of this month, the House of Commons decided, by a rn.jorty of 172 to 11, that the Sergeant-at-Arms attend ing the House do, from tittle to time, take into his custody any stranger or strangers that he shall see, or be informed of to bc, in the House or gallery, while the House, or any Committee of the whole House, is sitting ; and that no person, so taken into custody, he discharged out of custody without the specie.: order of the House : and that no Member of this House do pre. some to bring any stranger or stringers into the House or gal lery thereof, while the House is sitting. Now, ii the Sergeant at-Arms were asked whether he had any orders to take stran gers into custody in the gallery, he would tell us that he ha , orders Nor to do it—and that his orders 're to see that strangers ARE admitted on a Member's ticket. The heads of bath the :nominal orders are thus broken at one blow. On Frichv lost a man nornel Benjamin Ch crimpleved on the Southampton Railroad, met with hi tiii.om the calling in cf a large quantity of earth, near St. `,George's Wevh.idge ; the poor f;‘llow was conveyed to ache Queen's Hen i. Weyfririfze, end medical aid promptly pro resrcd, but the vital spark had fled before he reached the house. On Saturday afternoon an inquest was held at the *Chequers, Duke-street, St. James's, on view of the body of . "Mr. Cornelius Leary, a newspaper agent, aged 36, who hung hiranelf with a rope under the following' painful circumstances. George Huggett, musical instrument maker, deposed that 1., lived at No. 13, Duke-street, the shop and parlour cf which house were occupied by the deceased. That morning, about seven o'clock, witness was alarmed by the deceased's wife, who called witnes to assist her in cutting down the deceased, who was suspended from the gas-pipe in the area by a rope. \Witness immediately cut the rope. There were no signs of iife, but the body was quite warm. There was a chair near him, which he had kicked down. Mr. Dawes, a medical gen tlernal, - attended, but could draw no blood. By the Jury— Witness is informed that the deceased was subject to the ii ‘bit of intemperance. He was also afflicted with an asthma." Mrs. Charlotte Leary, the deceased's widow, said that for tiv last twelve months her unfortunate husband had been in ve..J low spirits. During the winter he wan attacked with a v . :rr serious illness, since which his mental depression had been worse. By the Jury--" On Thursday he was present at the Debates in the House of Commons. He went to bed imme diately on coming home, but never closed his eyes. He said that he could have slept in the gallery of the house of Com mons, but would not for shame. He frequently suffered from excessive drinking, and was afterwards seen exceedingly de pressed. Ile frequently complained that his business was too much for him." Verdict--" Temporary Insanity." DUEL L ING.--Mr. Lambert Mahon Turner, of Galway, in mentioning the steps he had taken for preventing a hostile meeting in that town, says i--" Galway has been long renowned for shop-boys and attorneys' clerks desiring to signalize themselves in affairs of honour with entlemen, re presenting themselves as younger sons of old families, and often succeeding with officers and strangers. It is hoped that such proceedings may he checked; as, among gentlemen now, quarrels arc never known in this once-celebrated duelling county." _ _ HUMAN BONES.—Many tons of human bones are every year sent from London to the north, where they arc crushed in mills, contrived for the purpose, and used as manure. Yet, with all this clearance, the number of the dead increases in such frighful disproportion to the space which we allot for them, that the question has been started, whether a sexton may not refuse to admit iron coffins into a burial-place ; be cause, by this means, the deceased take a fee simple in the ground, which was only granted for a term of years. A curious expedient has been found to answer at Shields and Sunder land. The ships which return to these ports with ballast were at a loss where to discharge it, and had of late years beer compelled to pay for the use of the ground on which the) throw it out. The burial grounds were full : it was recol lccted that the ballast would be useful there, and according() it has been laid upon one layer of dead to such a depth, that graves fora second time are now dug in the new soil.— Ar:hitectural Magazine. We had several heavy rains last week, which seem to have been particularly severe among the hills, as on Thurs day the Almond came down in a greater body of water than was ever remembered. The Tay itself was little affected until its confluence with the Almond, but being met by a stream tide on Friday, it overflowed its banks in this neighbourhood, and nearly covered both Inches, inundating several houses in low situations. The swell in the river was fully more than in the case of the last great inundation of 1814, but being free of ice, its passage was not obstructed, and less damage to pro perty was caused. —Perth Courier. Wednesday evening, as a man, named James Wil liams was at work on board the barge that supplies the steamers with coals, he let go the warp to drop astern, when hii foot be came entangled in the ropes, and he was unfortunately dragged overboard, and kept suspended with his head under water. Every effort was made to save him, but he was not got out until he had been in the water ton minutes. The deceased has left a wife and four children in great distres3.—Grevesend Journal. DENVER MURDER.—Previous to the committal of the three men who were apprehended at Doncaster, fresh evidence was adduced, viz., the finding of a coat at Whittlesea, belonging to one of the prisoners, which was left by him after the murder, and which was stained with human blood. A lad gave evidence to his seeing the prisoners burning shirts, stained with blood, the morning after in the neighbourhood at Whittlesea. These miscreants had been at work on the rail road in the neighbourhood of Paddington. A suspicion is afloat that they were concerned in the horrible tragedy enacted in that place; and it is certain that on the Saturday preceding the murder at Denver they were seen offering to sell some sil ver spoons at Ely.—Doncaster Gazette. In the Hull town council on Wednesday, on bring ing up the report of the gaol committee, a resolution was carried for allowing the prisoners, on their liberation, a por tion of their earnings while in gaol.--Hull Observer. SCOTTISH REFORM MARTYRS. the meeting was unanimously voted t Air. liunie, for his im partial, patriotic, and excellent con& act in the Chair. The meeting then separated. In addition to the Members of Parliament present at the meeting given above, we no a ced B. 'dull, Esq. Dr. WADE, in continuation from our First Edition of yes terday, said— Why the Whigs shrunk from defending these men, Skirving, Nlargarot, and Gerrald, he could not tell; but of this he was certain, that the Whigs of that day were guilty of the blood of those men, for they had allowed the Tory butchers to crucify them for their principles.—( Cheers.) The best Whir; makes a bad Radical.—( Laughter.) If he was a Radical he was no longer a Whig, held up by Lord John Russell. Was Mr. Fox? No, Mr. Fox was against first principles, as laid down by Paine. His words were these " Elementary principles were not to be talked about. You must only look to the views and objects of the present day." In that there was a total dereliction of first principles. In his opinion, the best Whig was not equal to the worst Radical. The worthy Clergyman concluded by trusting that the meeting by its unanimity would put it totally out of the power of their enemies to take advantage of them. Mr. WILLIANts then came forward amidst great cheers to move the next resolution. He said he had been uncx,- pectedly called upon to perform that duty. Nothing was more imperious on the Radical Reformers of the present, day than to come forward and do justice to those who h'cid suf fered in the cause of Reform.—(Cheers.) The resolution he had to propose was this :- 4. That we view with indignation the proceedings of the tri bunals which condemned these distinguished sufferers, and consider this recognition of their merits, though late, as a consolatory proof that, however the efforts of patriots may be misrepresented, coun teracted, or punished, they will not fail of ultimately obtaining the grateful acknowledgments of posterity, and, above all, the glory of having accelerated the downfal of tyr:lnny, and the establish ment of freedom. The persecutors of those patriots whose memory they were assembled to honour had had monuments erected to com memorate their greatness at the public expense, with money taken from the pockets of the people in the shape of taxes. So much had already been said on the present occasion upon the subject for which they were assembled that he could add but little. He would therefore only call upon them to come forward as brother Radicals, and join in supporting the ob ject of the meeting, so that they might have not only a suffi cient sum of money for erecting a monument in Scotland, but also for erecting a monument in the metropolis. The Hon. Gentleman concluded amidst loud cheers, by moving the fourth Resolution. Mr._ WEIR of Glasgow, seconded the resolution. He said it mattered not to honest men if they gained their object in a glorious cause if they fell in the attempt. The cruelty which to-day called forth their execration might again be attempted ; and there might befound at the present time tribunals in Scot land willing to inflict the worst consequences of judge-made law. The Tories were active in Scotland—they endeavoured to gain an ascendancy in that country ; but although they might find Judges to aid them in their designs, he would tell them that they would not find in Scotland a Jury who would, or dare to do, their bidding. In power or out of power, the people de fied them.—( Cheers.) The meeting would recollect the time when the entire of the Scotch Members, 43 in number, were at the beck and bidding of every Minister ready to vote away the liberties of Englishmen, and to be re paid by English money.—( Hear.) Now, however, the case was different.--(Loud cheers.)—He (Mr. Weir) had read the proceedings of the convention and other associations, and he regretted to think that at that time there were few who knew their rights, or knowing dared maintain them. He had read Mar garot's account of taxation without representatation—that ac count had gone forth through the land—men began to inquire into their situation, and a flame was kindled up, so that now where forty men could not be assembled together to talk of li berty, be (Mr. Weir) had addressed assembled millions.— He recollected, when the Reform Bill was in danger, to have seen masses of Scotchmen assembled together, determined to struggle for freedom. From the streets of Edinburgh he had seen, in the windows of Holvrood House, the ex-Court of France, looking as if in expectation of hearing the tocsin of the barricades, and he would say to the Reformers of the present day, let them not fail to advance—let them not go backward but forward in the march of improvement, and let Tories threaten as they may, on the masses let them fall. Scotland was ready for the encounter. It was not upon any form of Government, but upon the spirit of freedom, and the intelligence of the people, he relied. There was, in truth, a new body emerging into the political world. They had formerly bad the Parliament of the Aristo cracy, but another was to come; the industrious masses—the masses of the people—were yet to come into play.—( Tremen dous cheering.) That might not be in his time ; but, come what may, it must arrive, and they would then remember that the men whose memories they were met to celebrate had avowed in the worst of times the principles they would then enjoy.— ( Cheers.) One of the previous speakers bad alluded to the questions put by Margarot, but it was not so generally known that a simple aeclArntiol, of the statement contained in these questions had been embodied in a remonstrance by Gerrald, as a re mil why lie should not be tried by the same judge—but his appeal, and his offer to prove the facts by witnesses, were met with insult and mockery.—( Hear, hear.) Mr. Weir concluded by thanking the meeting for the kindness with which it had heard him. (We are unable to give more than a few detached sentences of this speech from the remote and in convenient position in which we were placed.) Mr. Game JONES appeared amidst loud cheers. lie said that he should be wanting in duty if be had not appeared, feeble as he was, among the f,iends of that cause which was nearest and dearest to his heart. But he was not the only 1 aged reformer now present, for he saw on the platform that venerable reformer Mr. Rutt—( Cheers)—with whom he had fought in the year 1792, when every reformer was perse meted, and when, over the mantel-piece of every tavern— ( Hear, hear)—was a notice that no Radical could be ad mitted____( Loud cheering)--and when the Tower guns were kept loaded, arid bankers' Imuses were fortified.—( Hear, hear.) Without ostentation lie could say he had visited many a true Reformer in prison, and had comforted bias under per secution. Every thing that art could invert, or ingenuity devise, was raised up to prolong the reign of superstition aod bigotry.—( Cheers.) Monuments were erected to conquerors --to enslave us, to destroy us, and to the betrayers of of mankind—but he looked iii vain to find a pantheon erected to. the memory of the philanthrophist, the patriot, the philoso pher, and the inventor of modern arts.—(Cheers.) Now that fifty years had elapsed, however, for it ayes nearly hall a cen tury, lie fancied he could see the memory of those who had adorned the history of their country commemorated and car ried down to posterity. _(Cries of " Hear.") He would, with a little variation in the lines of Dr. Janson, say, " Let the British nation With patriotic merit just, Rear up the marble monument, A lel dedicate the bust." He wished to God that the name of Tory and Whig were buried in the grave.—(Cheers.) His fainting voice, his broken health, and his withered frame, he trusted, would speak the honesty of his intentions in the cause of Reform.— ( Cheers.) Ile well reinembered what these men had done; he had followed in their footsteps,' and in the words of one of them, when be placed his hand upon the monument to be erected to their me mory, he would exclaim—" Long live the people, to make good laws, and long live liberty !"—( Great cheering.) The resolution was then put and agreed to. Mr. MACLEOD, M. P., proposed a resolution to the effect, that a subscription be immediately entered into, and the co. ' operation of Reformers generally requested, in furtherance of the objects of the meeting. Mr. SCIIOLEFIELD, M. P., seconded the resolution, which was then put and carried, Mr. ALEX. GALLOWAY then addressed the meeting. He had the honour to be acquainted with Maurice Margarot and Joseph Gerrald, and had suffered a confinement of two years in Newgate for advocating similar pinciples. It was very singular that he held in his hand the identical documents that had kept him in prison. He had lived to see the realization of his political views, and that was almost a sufficient reward for all his sufferings. Although the present reforming Go vernment had not marched on so rapidly as they could wish, they should not forget the Government—he meant that of Earl Grey, and the succeeding ones, which had rescued the people from the gripe of the Tory faction—a faction that had drawn everything from them, and had ground them down with taxes.—( Cheers. ) He was glad to find that the people of England had at length called to mind the services of these men, that they were about to celebrate the triumph of the principles they had advocated, and to stigmatise those infamous men by whom they had been persecuted with that indignation and contempt they had so justly merited.--( Loud cheering.) He had the honour of knowing Mr. Margarot—a more excellent man both in his public and private charae tcr never lived—and he held in his possession a seal which he prized beyond anything on earth, and which had been sent to him by Mr. Margarot—it was a pebble from New South Wales, with the word—REFOßM— engraved upon it.—(lmmense cheering,). Another Gentleman who had addressed them (Mr. Gale Jones) lie had also the ho nour of being acquainted with, and to whose laborious exertions in the cause of Parliamentary Reform he was an humble witness. No man had acted more steadily, sincerely, and, he was glad to add, successfully, although he now lamented to see him broken down by age, and other untoward circumstances. He was sure that no man deserved the commiseration of the pub lic more than that worthy and excellent man. He understood that the widow of Margarot was in the gallery that day, and in that meeting he was satisfied that she would find her re ward, and that is would requite her for the seventeen long years she had spent in New South Wales, at a time when he believed no other woman would have undergone such sufferings and dif ficulties. He would not occupy more of their time, but would return them his sincere thanks for the manner in which they had discharged the debt they owed to these martyrs to the cause of Reform.—( Cheers. ) The resolution was then put and carried unanimously. The CHAIRMAN then read a list of subscriptions, which in cluded the names of about twenty Members of Parliament, Lord Brougham, Earl of Essex, and several other distin guished individuals, the announcement of which was received with loud cheering. A Committee was then appointed to carry into effect the objects of the meeting. The CHAIRMAN then intimated that the resolution which had been proposed by Mr. Fergus O'Connor would now be submitted to them, and that Mr. Bell would address them upon its merits. It being now a' .out a quarter to five o'clock, we were unable to give any mote ,f Gl° speeches, as we had to attend the House of Commons to report the debate on the Irish Muni cipal Corporation Bill. We have merely time to state, that the meeting was ad dressed by Mr. BELL, in favour of the resolution ; by Mr. Jolly CRAWFORD, against it; and by Mr. Isiicsiou.s, one of the working classes, after which the resolution was put, and carried by a majority of those present. Mr. HI KE then left the Chair, and Colonel Thomrsos was called thereto, when the thanks of THE SUN LON )ON, TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 21, 1837. HOUSE OF LOR DS- -MONDAY. The LORD CHANCELLOR, Lord IVY' NFORD, Lord BROUGHAM, Lord PLUNKETT, Lord BANDON7, n. A 1 I}' .1u ,LLENBOROUGH, ,at to-day to hear Scotch Appeala. INNES V. IN SES. The arguments in this part-he; .rd case were concluded to day ; after which their Lordships gave judgment, affirming the decision of the Court below. YIIILLIYS V. 7 INNES. Their Lordships also gave, judgment in this appeal, which was - argued a few day! ; ago. The question in this case arose out of the rr. , ,fus al of a barber's apprentice to shave on a Sunday. The Colt rt of Session, on the case coming before them, were of o pinion that the apprentice was bound to shave for his, master on the Lord's Day, and that in consequeuce of his having refused to do so, his father ought to make good any lctss that might be occasioned thereby to his master. Their Lordships affirmed the decisi pn of the Court of Session. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, FEBISUARY 20. The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the Woolsack at five o'clock. The Bishop of HERE FO'RD presented a petition from Bridgenorth against the provi 2 ions proposed by the Report of the Ecclesiastical Commissicmers, with which he entirely con curred ; the Right Rev. Pr elate also presented a petition (in the absence of the Bishop of Ely) from the Archdeacon and Clergy of the Archdeaconry of Ely, against the proposal to do away with Church-rates. The petitioners stated that it was an utterly false view of the question to represent those rates as an impost on Dissenters., because in reality they were a rent charge on property, which took its rise long before the exist ence of Dissenters. This petition also had his entire and un feigned assent. Earl RIPON presented. a petition from Lincoln and its neighbourhood, against any measure which should have the effect of separating the Church and State from Church-rates. The petition was numerously signed by clergy, merchants, and tradesmen, some of whom differed on political views, though they agreed in the prayer of the petition. Lord BE XLE Y presented a petition to the same effect from Swansea. Lord KEN YON presented a petition from a parish in Devon to the same effect. Lord STRAFFORD presented a petition from St. James's Chapel, Westminster ; also various petitions from different parts of the country (the names of which were not distinctly heard) praying for the abolition of Church Rates. Lord GODOLPHIN presented a petition from Glaston bury in favour of the abolition of Church-rates. Lord HOLLAND presented petitions from Drayfield ( York), Grinstead, Kingston-upon-Hull, Stowmarket, Not tingham, Woodford, and other places, in favour of the aboli tion of Church-rates. Earl SHAFTESBURY presented a petition from Ro chester and two other places, against the abolition of Church_ rates. EDUCATION IN IRELAND. Viscount MELBOURNE said, that understanding that a Noble Duke, whose presence he desired when he moved for a Committee to inquire into the system of Education in Ire land, was indisposed, and as that motion had been fixed for Thursday next, he would postpone it until the following Tuesday. Lord L ANGD ALE then moved that tho second reading of the Wills' Bill be postponed till Thursday next. Agreed to. CHURCH-RATES. The Bishop of EXETER presented a petition from the inhabitants of Penryn, in the county of Cornwall, praying that their Lordships would not consent to any measure for the abolition of Church-rates. The Right Rev. Prelate also presented petitions from the householders and landholders of the parish of Budock, in the county of Cornwall, and other places, who considered that their own interests were involved in the existence of Church -rates, as afroding them security for the means of worshiping God as they were accu7- tomed to do, and that it was the duty of the State to continue those means. IRISH ALIENS. Lord CLONCURRY said that he had a petition to pre sent from a large parish in the county Westmeath, in Ireland, and as it alluded to a Noble Lord who was now 'in his place, he considered it to be his duty to read it. The , petition was very respectfully worded, but it alluded with considerable feeling—with hurt feelings—to a speech made by that Noble Lord in that House.—( Hear.) The petition was from the householders and landholders of the parish of Ballymore, in the county of Westmeath, and prayed that their Lordships would take the Municipal Corporations of Ireland into their consideration, with a view to a reforn, of them as extensively and as fully as had been extended to those in England and Scotland. The petitioners ex pressed their regret that a majority of their Lordships' House had thought fit to refuse their assent to the measure to this effect, which hail been sent to them fi - om the House of Commons, thereby inferring that the Irish people were not capable of managing their own affairs.—( Cries of " Hear.?) In respect to the enormous abuses which existed 1 , 1 these Corporations, and the injury which resulted from them, arising from the want of a e. holesome popular control, they had been so frequently detailed, that the petitioners did not think it necessary to state them ; hut they could not avoid r:c ferring to certain expressions which had been used by an:n fluential Member of their Lordships' house, in which lie eatied the Irish people aliens in blood— Lord L YNDII UR ST ruse to order. He considered that no petitioners could allude to any expressions which had been used in their Lordships' House. The Marquis of CLANRICARDE stated it was his opi nion that the petition ought to be received. The terms of the petition did not state that the exprcssidts used were used in that House ; it did refer to expressions which might, or might not, have been used there. The terms of the petition were— " the petitioners cannot avoid referring to expressions which had been used by an influential Member of your Lordships' House." Non he did not mean to say that they did not refer to expressions used in that House, for he thought they did ; but it was only from inference that this opinion could be formed, and he thought it would be wide indeed if they were not to receive petitions in which allusion was made to ex pressions which had been used by a Member of that House, but which did not state that they were used in the House—this would be taking a wide range indeed. It was for their Lord ships' consideration, however, whether they would receive it or net; he, however, thought the petition should be received. Lord CLONCURRY said that as the petition had been confided to him, he would feel grateful to their Lordships if they would decide if it were to be received, for he had a number of petitions to present, in which the same unfortunate expres sion was alluded to.—( Hear.) He was not, however, suffi ciently acquainted with the forms of their Lordships' House to give an opinion ; but he could only say in respect to the expressions, that wherever they had been used they had created a strong impression on the minds of the peo ple of Ireland, and it was their opinion that the person using it must be an alien to the feelings which should result from the Christion religion, who could offend so many millions of people. (Hear, hear.) Whether the petitioners were aliens in blood, in language, and feeling, from the person who had used the expressions, he ( Lor4 Cloncurry) could not judge; nor could he judge whether or not the person who used them belonged to the country or not ; but lie wished respectfully to say, that he coincided in the opinion of his countrymen, that they should have the relief they sought, end that justice should be done to them, and he therefore left the petition to the mercy and good will of their Lordships, as to whether he could bring it forward or not.—( Hear, hear.) Lord HOLLAND said, that although the petitioners did not directly assert that the words to which they referred had been used in that House, yet if it was their Lordships' opinion that it was meant to imply that such expressions had been used there, he thought that the petition could hardly be received. The Marquis of CLANRICARDE said, that it often oc curred that petitioners were obliged to allude directly to what had been said in that House, and yet their petitions could not in some cases be objected to. For instance, when judicial de cisions were alluded to in the petitions— Lord LYNDHURST—Aye, in judicial cases. The Marquis of CLANRICARDE certainly spoke of ju dicial cases; but he thought their Lordships would find it very difficult to draw a lin e o f di s tinction, and to say in what cases petitioners should be absolutely precluded from attending, even by inference to expressions used, or supposed to hare been used in that House. Lord L YNDHURST had only offered a suggestion to the Noble Lord who presented the petition, that if the peti tion referred to any thing that had been said in that House, the Noble Lord would see the propriety of withdrawing it. Lord CLONCURRY was certainly not disposed to with draw the numerous petitions which be had to present, all complaining of the language which was quoted in that one which he had now offered to present, unless the House refused to receive them. In presenting those petitions, he was the re presentative of a large body of his fellow -countrymen, with whom he sensibly participated in the indignation which they expressed at the terms in which they had been designated. Lord MELBOURNE suggested that the petition should be read, in order that the House might judge whether it could be received. The petition was accordingly read. Having co mp l a i ne d that " an influential Member of their Lordships' House had . designated the people of Ireland as aliens in langua ge , a li ens in religion, and aliens in blood," the petitioners asserted that they spoke the same language as was spoken by their British fellow-subjects, that they believed in the same Christian faith, and that they had shed their blood in the same battles, and had equally contributed to the glory of the British arms. It concluded by calling on the Honse to pass the Bill for reform ing the Municipal Corporations of Ireland, which they last session rejected, and to confer on the people of Ireland the same popular control over local taxation and expenditure as was possessed by the people of England and Scotland. Lord MELBOURNE thought it could not be douLted that the petitioners referred to words which had been used in their Lordships' House in the course of debate. For his part be felt that it was really to be regretted that language should be used in debate which was calculated to give rise to so much ill-feeling amongst a large portion of the people. But under the circumstances, be would recommend his Noble Friend to withdraw the petition. Lord CLONCURRY accordingly withdrew the petition, after a few observations, which were wholly inaudible in the Gallery. THE POOR LAW ACT. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE had a petition to present from the Guardians of the Poor of the Union of Hoxtead (as we understood) to which he particularly desired to call their• Lordships' attention, inasmuch as it completely refuted the many unfounded fabrications which bad been spread abroad in various parts of the country, with so much industry, as to the working of the Poor Laws Amendment Act. The Union from which the petition came was situated in the midst of a populous agricultural district ; and in one or two statements it furnished a convincing, contradiction to the numerous false hoods which had been circulated upon that subject. In the year before last, under the old system, the cost of supporting the poor in the Union of Hoxtead amounted to 20,0001. In the course of last year the Poor-rates were reduced by 8,000/., and the present amount was not quite at the rate of 12,000/. a year. The petitioners further stated that the reduction of the expenditure had been accompanied by a proportionate improvement in the condition of the poor, as to morals, habits, and the comforts of life. When those gentlemen came into office the number of paupers in the union was SOO. In the very first quarter, the number of persons receiving relief in the workhouse was reduced to fifty-two, but at the end of the year it was no mcre than four—the whole remainder of the 800 having found employment at sufficient wages : and whilst the parishes were relieved to that great extent, the real objects of charity, the aged and infirm, were sheltered and fed much better than they had been under the old system. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE presented petitions from Devizes, and various places in Wiltshire, praying for the aboli tion of Church-rates. Lord L YND HURST presented a petition from Morden in Surrey, against the abolition of Church-rates. Lord BROUGHAM presented petitions from the Town Council of Chester, St. Austin (Cornwall), Warwick, Gains borough, Lanark, Market Harborough, Walsingham, Aberyst with, Northumberland, and various other places, all praying for the entire abolition of Church-rates; some on the ground that they were against conscience, others that they were against the peace of the Church, and others that it was a hardship on individuals to be compelled to pay to the support of a Church to which they did not belong. Lord A SHBURT ON said he had three petitions to present of a contrary nature to those which had just been laid before them. They were against the abolition of Church-rates. One was from Norton Fitzwarner, in the county of Somerset. When he said against the abolition of Church -rates, he used a general expression—he used a general expression to convey his meaning. The petitioners had no particular objection to the removal of Church-rates, or any other rate, merely as rates— Lord MELBOURNE—But had no liking for Church rates.—( Hear, hear, and laughter. ) Lord ASHBURTON—They had certainly no particular liking for them, but being alarmed, from the statements made, lest some measure should be brought forward to endanger the Established Church, they had thought it right to forward the present petitions to their Lordships' House. He had no doubt that a petition on both sides of this question might be got up from every parish in England and Wales ; and as there were undoubtedly Dissenters in every one of those parishes, it was not unreasonable to suppose that a greater number of petitions should be presented on the one side than on the other—still there was no great importance to be attributed to the preponde rance in point of numbers. The present petitioners having a friendly feeling towards the Established Church, and their pe titions being respectful, he felt it his duty to present them. Lord HOLLAND said that very many of the petitioners whose petitions he had presented were as friendly to the Es tablished Church as the Noble Lord, or any other Noble Lord in that House ; but they considered that the manner of main taining the Established Church was very injurious to the Church itself.—( Hear. ) Lord ASHBURTON did not wish to introduce any argu ment on a Bill which was not only not before the House, but of the nature of which their Lordships were ignorant. But the apprehension of the friends of the Church was that if the maintenance of the Church depended on the voluntary system, or if parish churches were not to be maintained by rates raised in the parishes, or by some known and defined fund, though it might have a great appearance of tolerance, yet every body mustfeel perfectly certain that in the end it must end in the distruction of the Church of England: Lord BROUGHAM extremely differed from the Noble Lord with respect to the feeling prevailing in all the parishes in England and Wales. He had no doubt whatever that there would be no difficulty in getting petitions from every parish on one side of the question, but he felt as certain that it would be no easy task to get petitions on the other side. As regarded one part of what the Noble Lord had said in reference to thin friendly feeling of the Noble Lord, petitioners to the Church of England, and of what was in these petitions, one might have supposed that it was wished by those who prayed for the abolition of Church-rates to have some measure introduced calculated to endanger the very fabric of the parish churches of this country, whereas no man living ever dreamt or thought of the introduction of such a measure. All desired that the Established Churches should be supported, and the only ques tion was what were the best means of supporting them. GRAND JURIES.--(IRELAND.) The House resolved itself into a Committee on the Grand Juries ( Ireland) Bill. In answer to a question from Lord B:ougham, Lord DUNCANNON admitted the necessity of making some immediate alteration in the system, by which medical charities in Ireland were now regulated, and said steps would be taken for that purpose. The report was then agreed to. SUSPENSION OF MARRIAGE Upon the bringing up cfthe Report of this Bill: The LORD CHANCELLORsaid there might be tome necessity for altering the Bill as sent up from the Commons, by making some verbal amendments. Lord BROUGHAM said without some change there could be no mariiage legally solemnized in England, between the Ist cf March and the 30th of June, unless by special license. The LORD CHANCEL LOR then proposed that the fol lowing words in the second clause be omitted, " such day as the registrar general shall direct."—Agreed to. The Report was then received, and the House adjourned.. HOUSE OF COMMONS, FICBRUARY 20. The SPEAKER took the chair at the usual hour. NEW MEMBER. Mr. WOULFE took the oaths and his seat for the 80. rough of Cashel, on being re-elected. The Hon. and Learned Member was introduced by Mr. Walker and Mr. S. Baring. HINCKLEY SMALL DEBTS BILL. Mr. HALFORD moved the second reading of this Bill, ►chich was agreed to. CARLTON AND LOFTHOUSE INCLOSURE BILL. On the motion of Sir J. BECKETT, this Bill was read a third time and passed. LLANWREST ROADS. On the motion of Mr. JONES this Bill was read a second time. BIDDULPH ROADS BILL. On the motion of Mr. WARBURTON, this Bill was read a second time. SOUTII UNION RAILWAY. Sir O.MOSLEY presented a petition in favour of this Bill. GREENWICH PIER BILL. On the motion of Mr. BARNARD, this Bill was read a first time. LICENSED VICTUALLERS. On the motion of Mr. HAWES, the Licensed Victuallers Assurance Company's Bill was read a second time. LIVERPOOL APOTHECARIES. On the motion of Mr. POULTER, the Liverpool Apothe caries' Company's Bill was read a second time. LEICESTER CORPORATION ESTATES. On the motion of Mr. Sergeant GOULBURN, this Bill was read a second time. FIRE INSURANCE. Mr. WILSON presented a petition from 300 of the inha bitants of Bury St. Edmund's, complaining of the heavy duty on fire insurances, which bore upon the poor more than upon the rich. CHURCH-RATES. Mr. W IL SON presented a petition from a place in Suffolk, ' praying for the total abolition of Church-rates. Mr. Clay, Mr. C. Lushington, Mr. Hindley, Sir R. Ferguson, kr. Baines, Mr. Hawes, Mr. Hutt, and Mr. Wilke, presented similar petitions. Mr. M. PHILIPS presented a similar petition from the inhabitants of Manchester, containing 38,i38 signatures.— ( Hear, hear.) Mr. BROTIIE RT ON supported the prayer of the petition. It was an extraordinary fact, proving the advantage of the vo luntary system, that since it had been acted upon in Manches ter, more money had been thus collected than by the compul sory rate.—( Hear, bear.) Lord J. LENNOX gave notice of, his intention to move for certain returns connected with the Marine Force. Dr. BALDWIN presented five petitions from parishes in Cork, praying for the total abolition of tithes, and one in fa vour of the Mr. C. LUSHINGTON and Sir R. FERGUSON pre sented petitions praying for the reduction of the duty on In surances of Life and Fire. Mr. HARDY presented a petition from Bradford, in fa vour of a ten hours' Factory Bill. Colonel BUTLER presented petitions from Cariglecn, and o ther places in County Kilkenny, praying for the total aboli tion of tithes. Mr. SANFORD presented a petition, from a place in Somersetshire, against church-rates. Mr. SHARMAN CRAWFORD presented a petition from the united parishes of Fahan and Dysertagany, County Done gal, signed by 792 names, praying for a measure of Municipal Reform for Ireland, similar to that conferred upon England and Scotland. Mr. HINDLEY presented a petition from Warrington, signed by upwards of 2,000 persons, praying the House to pass the Irish Municipal Bill ; also five from different congrega tions against Church-rates. Mr. J. O'BRIEN presented several petitions from parishes in Limerick county, praying for the total abolition of Tithes, and one praying for protection to the Salmon Fisheries of the Shannon. Mr. G. F. YOUNG presented a petition from Teignmouth, praying for the abolition of Church-rates. Sir G. CLERK presented a petition from Dundee in fa your of Church-rates. IRISH CORPORATIONS. Mr. lIUTT presented a petition from Hull, praying the House to pass the Irish Municipal Corporations Bill. The Hon. Member presented a petition from the same place against the Poor Laws Act. Mr. S. BARRY presented several petitions from Cork, praying the House to pass the Irish Municipal Bill, and also praying for the abolition of tithes. IRISH POOR LAWS. Mr. AGLIONBY presented a petition from Cockermouth, expressive of the greatest satisfaction at the measure of Irish Poor-laws. Colonel SIBTIIORP presented a similar petition from Lincoln. MANCHESTER AND STAFFORD RAILWAY. Mr. AGLIONBY brought up the Report of the Committee on this Bill. CHURCH-RATES Mr. PENDARVES presented a petition from Radruth, [braying for the abolition of Church-rates. TITHES. Mr. T. GRATTAN presented petitions from the county of Wicklow, praying for the abolition of Tithes, and in favour of Municipal Reform. BRIBERY AT ELECTIONS. Mr. HARDY gave notice that on Tuesday, the 26th of March, he would move for leave to bring in a Bill to prevent bribery at elections. POST OFFICE. Mr. L ABOUC II ERE laid certain papers on the table re lative to the Post Office inquiry. CHtiliefl RATES. Mr. PATTE SON presented a petition from the congrega tion of Tottenham Chapel, in favour of the total abolition of Church-rates. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL presented a numerously signed petition from a congregation in Edinburgh, praying for the total abolition of Church-rates. Mr. FITZSIMON presented a number of petitions from parishes in the county of Dublin, praying for Municipal Re form. Lord JOHN RUSSELL presented a report from the Commissioners appointed to enquire into the state of Lower Canada. The NOBLE LORD then moved the Order of the Day for the House to resolve itself into a Committee upon the Irish Municipal Bill. CANADA. Mr. ROBINSON would be obliged to the Noble Lord if he would mention the day when he proposed to take the dis cussion upon the affairs of Canada. Lord JOHN RUSSELL bad just laid the Report upon the table ; and lie had before stated that it was his - intention to bring the subject for Ward to-morrow se'nnight. Mr. WA SON said it would be very much to the conve nience of many Hon. Members if the Noble Lord would to morrow, or next day, place on the votes the exact amendment in terms, which he meant to move as an amendment to the motion of- the Hon. Member for Berkshire, respecting the working of the Poor Laws. Lord JOHN RUSSELL had no hesitation in saying the amendment he intended to move was for a Select Committee to inquire into the operation of the New Poor Laws, under the regulations issued by the Commissioners. IRISH MUNICIPAL REFORM. Lord FRANCIS EGERTON then rose and spoke as follows :--Mr. Speaker, I can hardly hope that the cir cumstance of this being the second occasion on which I have undertaken, in deference to the wishes of those with whom I usually politically act, to do that which the House knows I very rarely presume to do, to offer any suggestions of mine as to the course we should pursue upon a subject of great public interest and national concern—l can hardly hope that this circumstance, though it may call for undivided attention on the part of the House to the observations which I have to offer—l can hardly hope that it will amount to much allevia tion of the embarrassment and difficulty I feel in presenting myself to your notice. On this occasion so many incidental topics have been—for reasons which I do not complain of—introduced in the first instance by the Noble Lord, the Secretary of State to the Home Department, who brought forward the subject, that it becomes extremely difficult for any Gentleman, who deals with the subject at all, to treat it abstractedly and in that manner which is most essential to the merits of the question which is before the House—l mean the Bill proposed by the Noble Lord opposite for establishing municipal corporations in Ireland.—(Bear.) I may find a difficulty, in common with others, altogether to avoid the introduction of those incidental topics which unfor tunately have a tendency to lead to much public animosity, and to controversy foreign to the immediate subject. I will endeavour to avoid all unnecessary introduction of those topics, and I know not whether I may repeat what I expressed on a former occasion that I would undertake the task with the best of my ability; but that I hope to be able to avoid any unnecessary infusion of any topics which can give offence to the other side of the House. Sir, there are many reasons of a personal nature why I ought not be anxious to come forward on this occasion, but in any thing that may fall from me I beg to be understood as unwilling to give offence to any one. The resolution of which I have placed a notice on the books of this House will be suf ficiently understood by the Noble Lord opposite, and by those who supp or t hi m , t o b e th e s ame as I bef ore asked the house to concur in, and inasmuch as, with some slight ex ceptions, the Bill introduced by the Noble Lord is the same as that of last year, the course which I and those with whom I have the honour of acting, propose now to fol low, without any deviation, is similar to that which we fol lowed on the former occasion. And if I could, in justice to the arguments which were then used on this side of the House, trust to the recollection of the Noble Secretary for the Home Department as to what occurred in the debate, I would willingly take his version of it rather than my own. In the speech in which the Noble Lord introduced this question ; he was pleased to call to the recollection of the House the topics and the argu ments then advanced at this side, and he put into our mouths his own version of the arguments brought forward, and the expressions he used. He said the only argument in support of the views that were entertained here was this—that because England was inhabited by English men, and Scotland by Scotchmen, but Ireland being inhabited by Irishmen, it was not fit to receive municipal institutions.—( Loud cheers front the Minis terial benches.) Sir, that cheer shows me how neces sary it is for me, humble an individual as I am, to disclaim such an argument and such expressions, couched in language so extremely offensive to the people of Ireland. It obviously suits the purpose of the Noble Lord, whose tenure of office and of power rather depends upon the degree of the political ther mometer at which the excitement of the people of Ireland on public subjects can be kept up, to give such a representation to our expressions and our arguments. Without meaning any thing personally offensive to the Noble Lord, I would say that this little Parliamentary representation may be found to serve the into! ests of his party, well calculated, as it is, to awaken the national pride of Ireland, and to arouse a sense of injured honour which I would be the last to undervalue.—( Hear.) I never said, and I believe I may say for this side of the House no Gentleman ever said, anything that the Noble Lord ould have the right to strip down to the naked and offensive proposition he has done.—( Cheers.) We never said there was anything in the national character of Irish men that would disqualify them from accepting any bene fits that might be conferred on them by Parliament. What we said was, that there was a condition in the state of Ireland which, in our judgment, made it unwise to apply to it such mea sures as had been proposed by the Noble Lord. The Noble Lord spoke of his measures as measures of justice and peace to Ireland ; we told him, we thought they would inflict injustice, exasperate strife, and make things incurable.—( Loud cheers. ) The Noble Lord spoke of the destruction of monopolies. We told him that the measure he was bringing forward would lead to their resuscitation.—( Cheers.) Ho had quoted jus tice to Ireland as identified with giving them self-government by means of local corporations ; in answer to that we quoted the instances of Birmingham and Manchester, and we showed him the petition from Belfast, and denied that the terms were synony mous. The Noble Lord spoke of identity of legislation ; we spoke to him of the Assistant Barristers, and his own Police Bill. —( Cheers. ) And I now have to thank the Noble Lord for supplying me with another topic—with a measure about to be introduced for the establishment of Poor Laws in Ireland. I believe the measure is not yet printed and be fore the House, but the Report and its particulars are at all events in the hands of Members ; and I must say, whether looking at the speech of the Noble Lord, which did him infi nite credit, or the Report founded on it, it would not be difficult to say it was an increasing proof of the difficulty of applying that identity of legislation which the Noble Lord advocates.—( Hear.) If you take, for instance, the union of parishes, Mr. Nicholls observes if it were desired to establish in Ireland parochial relief it would fail.--( Hear. ) The Noble Lord wont on to say that the difference between the measure for Ireland and that which was in operation in Eng land had been adverted to in the speech of the Noble Lord opposite. The Noble Lord had alluded to the difficulty of appointing ex-officio Magistrates on the several Boards of Guardians. There was one feature in it on which he had had oc casion lately to require one of his constituents to make some inquiry nbout, which, he was afraid, would press itself on the Noble Lord more strongly than he should wish; not, he hoped, more strongly than he would find it possible to meet—he meant as to the introduction of the present Poor-laws of England into those districts in the North in which it had not as yet been fully established. A correspondent of his had told him, that for the last two years he had never failed attending one of the Boards which had been formed in the county which he represented. That correspondent was a clergyman, who, in the discharge of his reli g ious duties, did not neglect the interests of the poor, and he believed that, in the country, it would be found clergymen were valuable assistants in the working of the Poor-law Bill. But would it be contended that clergymen of any persuasion in Ireland could interfere as the clergymen of England did in their usual avocations? Was there a stronger proof of the difference in the state of society in the two countries than this, that in the measure of the Noble Lord, precaution had been taken that no clergyman of any per suasion should act as a member of the Board of Guardians in Ire land? The House, he was sure, would not thank him either to cite from memory or read from Hansard the precise words which he had found it necessary to use upon the former occasion when he brought the same motion before the House. Supposing the Noble Lord to be still unconvinced by the arguments which had been used in opposition to the Bill ; and supposing those on his (the Opposition) side should still feel the same objections as before, notwithstanding the reply of the Noble Lord, he would admit there remained two very important questions. He at once told the Noble Lord that he did not rest his opposition to the Bill upon any inherent blemish or defect in the Irish character— that might be a good argument to be used by a Virginian Planter in Congress, while speaking on the slave question, but it would not do for an Hon. Member of that House, while talking of his Roman Catholic brethren.—( Hear, hear.) The first of these questions was, whether the Bill contained any al terations or modifications which could reconcile them (the Opposition) to the Bill ? The other question was, whether the state of Ireland had altered—had been so much im proved since last year, as to reconcile them to the Bill on that ground. To tho first question the Noble Lord would at once answer, that with one material exception, the Bill was the same as that of last year. That exception was as to the appointment of Sheriffs. In the Bill of last year they were to be elected by the Town Councils, subject to the silent approbation or rejection of the Lord Lieutenant. Upon that occasion an amendment was suggested by his Right Honourable Friend, ( Sir Robert Peel), which was at on agreed to by the Noble Lord. The Bill was now again modified. The recess afforded leisure for reflection and for taking advice. It was on that ground he supposed that the Bill was now again altered, and instead of the old mode, the Sheriffs were to be taken from the lists that were forwarded to the Lord Lieutenant by the Town Councils. He could easily imagine that the Noble Lords opposite (Lord J. Russell and Lord Morpeth) anticipated that no possible in convenience would arise out of collisions in the Irish Town councils, as long as they held the Government of Ireland.-- (Hear, hear.) Really the opinions of the present Govern ment in Ireland appeared so .extremely liberal, on the sub ject of qualification for offices of trust and confidence, as made it appear within the compass of probability, that the persons proposed by the Councils would never meet with any serious objection on the part of the Lord Lieutenant. It was perfectly obvious, that the circumstance of an individual so proposed being a notorious and eager political partisan would form no such objection. He could imagine that an occasional violation of the law even would form no such objec tion ; and he might, therefore, easily conceive that in the Noble Lord ( Russell's) contemplation, no inconvenience in the working machinery would arise out of this provision. But he might be allowed to imagine the possibility of a Government being established in Ireland holding somewhat different opi nions upon the subject—he did not mean a Tory or an Orange Government, or any particular Government what ever ; but he could imagine the establishment of a Govern ment which should think that a certain degree of political agi tation was in itself rather a disqualification than a recommen dation for officers of trust and confidence, or which was largely concerned in the administration of justice. The present Government might act upon the presumption that an occasional violation of the law qualified an individual for its due administration—that the casual experience of its minor penalties was likely to lead to its merciful administration. (A laugh.) This was a principle upon which cer tain country gentlemen occasionally act when they ap point the principal poacher of the neighbourhood to the office of gamekeeper—(Great laughter)—or the principle upon which the bandit of Italy became the escort of the mail, or the French brigand the guard of his Sovereign. He did not offer any imputation on the motives and views of his Noble Friends opposite. He wished them to legislate for all possible and contingent Governments, and not for that particular' one which now existed. The next question was certainly a more important one, namely, whether any change had occurred in the state or circumstances of Ireland since the Bill of last year ? The Noble Lord opposite (Lord John Russell) in introducing this subject, drew a very flattering picture of the state of Ireland very different from the usual melan choly one which that country generally presented. This topic was material in the consideration of the subject so far as the state of crime was concerned, with reference to those crimes which had their origin in political animosity, or which might be attributed to Government. In the first place the Noble Lord had taken credit for the Irish Govenment for the suppression of those disturbances which went in Ireland by the name of " Fair and Faction Feuds." He heard with surprise that these strange disturbances were rather encou raged than discouraged by the local authorities, and were looked at with something like favour by the central Govern ment in Ireland, in deference to the maxim of divide et impera Lord MO RPETH—You do not quote correctly. Lord F. EGERTON begged the Noble Lord's pardon ; but he thought he distinctly heard the Noble Lord use these words in speaking of the central Government of Ireland. He did not know what might be the feelings of the Noble Lord ; but he (Lord F. Egerton) without attempting to defend the local magistracy, would not serve an hour in the Adminis tration of the Chancellor,, who had refused to dismiss from the Commission of the Peace those who were found to have acted as described. With regard to the sin gular cessation of the disturbances in that country, he was glad, .for the sake of the unfortunate persons who without any cer tain reason engaged in them, to hear that such was the case. But he might be permitted to express a doubt on one or two features of the case. As to what they bad heard of the miraculous and sudden suppression of outrage, he questioned that it would be enduring, because he recollected, when the Catholic Association was in the plenitude of its power and of its influence, the same thing was said ; and somehow in a very short time after the granting of Ca tholic Emancipation, they again broke forth and remained in full vigour and strength until now, when it was found conve nient again to assume the appearance of peace and tranquil lity.—( Hear, hear.) He did not know whether or not the Shanavests were now throwing themselves into the arms of the Carareets, or the black-hens embracing the magpies ; but he thought it would appear that the peace and tranquillity upon which the Noble Lord congratulated the House might be owing to other causes than the Government of Earl Mulgrave, or perhaps that others would lay claim to having established it. With respect to the general statement of the state of crime in Ireland, drawn from the returns fur nished to the Noble 1 ord, he did not mean to question their nikb e accuracy, ar but county,he would Tipperary, a refer to thes sheaving case t o what of that tan unfortunately r extent order was re-established. He apprehended that it would be evident to all persons how false could be the hope of so de sirable a result; for it appears from the returns that there were committed to gaol in that county within the last 12 months, 1,557 persons—(Hear)—and allowing for all the dit7a ficulties which present themselves to the successful prosecu tion of crime in Ireland, there were no less than 1,350 of these persons convicted of the offences with which they were charged. He hoped—indeed, he did not mean to deny—that the returns for the present year would be found more favourable than those of the last. If a diminution was found to have taken place in the catalogue of crime, no one would more heartily rejoice than he would ; but from what he had stated it would be seen the condition of Ireland was not such as to justify the expectation held forth by the Noble Lord.—(blear, bear, hear.) There were many details connected with that with which he might easily detain the House, with some slight advantage ; but as they did not bear directly on the subject he would not trouble the House with them, but pass by. There was another feature in the present state of Ireland which it was far more pain ful to deal with than with subjects that did not con cern any individual either present or absent ; but it was impossible to dismiss it from contemplation without . the remark—that was the establishment, the rise and progress of that Association-( Cheers)—which appeared to him to have exchanged its former name of Catholic for one not much improved, as it was borrowed from a revolutionary phrase —the Catholic National Association of Ireland. An HW,i. MEMBER—No, the National Association of Ireland. Lord F. EGERTON—He had thought that it was the former ; but it was very much to the credit of the Association, if it had begun with the other name, and changed it for the present one. He believed it was un necessary for hint to trouble the House with any very accurate description of the measures and objects avowed and professed by the Associatioe, for that description had already been given very fully and very accurately in the course of a former debate. There was one feature however about it that was re markable ; it might have been expected under the popular Government of the Noble Lord at the head of the Govern ment in Ireland, that that Government, controlled as it wall in the exercise of the administration of the law, by the strong disposition to clemency, so lately exhibited by the Lord Lieutenant, it might have been expected, whatever the poli tical views of the Association might be, they would have left Ireland to the exertions and protection of the Government, as far as regarded the pacification and tranquillity of that country. Tho Noble Lord had put forth the name of Lord Mulgrave, as the preventer of confusion in Ireland. What does the Association say ? Why, in my opinion, they treat his power with the utmost disrespect.—( Loud cheers.) They sent down one of their resolutions, drawn with the greatest minuteness, to every parish in Ireland—( Hear, hear) —with a view, as they called it, of pacifying the whole coun try. He did not know whether the individual who had drawn that resolution with such scrupulous minuteness was not even now advising the Lord Lieutenant in the administration of the law—(lmmense cheering)--with regard to some of those tithe cases which were so frequently subjects of dispute.—( Hear, hear.)—lt had been said by the Hon. and Leal ned Member for Kilkenny that that association was formed with the object of tranquillising Ireland—(Hear)—but the resolutions which it passed relative to the' establishment of election agents and its general organization led him (Lord F. Egerton) to think that something like the same tranquillity was produced by it as would be produced by the adoption of the Corporation Bill of the Noble Lord opposite.--( Hear, hear, hear.)--- It was said that it was advisable, by means of the present Bill, to create a species of local aristocracies in the Irish towns. Now, he was no friend to the centralization system, as practised in France or anywhere else ; and could it be said that, while such an organization as he had described was encouraged by the Irish Government, those local aristo cracies would invariably direct their operations in favour of the Government rather than in furtherance of the objects of the National Association ?—( Hear.) When such an arena for political discussion in the towns was established, would any man, knowing the power of agitation in Ireland; be so bold as to think that the-result would be anything but destruction to the Established Church of Ireland ?—( Hear.) It was to prevent any tendency to such a result that the attention of the House ought to be directed in the consideration of this Bill. —(lronical cheers from Mr. Roebuck and other Radical Mem bers.) The Honourable and Learned Member for Bala had acted in that cheer with the same candour and honesty which characterised the rest of his conduct.—(Great cheering.) The Hon. and Learned Gentleman was at one and the same time the open and candid opposer of the Established Church, and the supporter of this Bill.--( Hear, hear, and a laugh.) The Noble Lord (J. Russell) had expressed it to be his wish to give support to the Established Church. To him (Lord F. Eger ton) the Noble Lord's manner in expressing such 3 wish had appeared to be the result of a cool and careful exa mination of the case, and he seemed, upon the balance of every circumstance in connection with the subject, and after a do consideration of all the reasons that had been brought to bear both in favour of and against it, to have made up his mind to support the Established Church.—(Hear.) He was more pleased to hear such a determination on the part of the Noble Lord, after cool and considerate calculation, than if it had merely been the result of his religious opinions. The Noble( Lord had referred him to an argument which was constantly employed by H o n. G ent l emen on hi s s id e o f t h e H ouse , and which would, he admitted, have weighed strongly with W s ; if he did not regard ft as a mere chimera. That argument was comprised in a few words—it was " Justice and peace f?! . Ireland." The Noble Lord told them that the object of l' i v ; measure was to get " justice and peace for Ireland." 14° , there was no political opinion which h e (L or d Egerton) enrich tamed, there was no attachment which he felt for party, wh, ` c o . he would not willingly sacrifice if he thought that by so he could accomplish these objects—he could give justle_ and peace to Ireland.—( Ch eers .) " J us ti ce and peace for Ire land." What did the se wor d s mean ? Would the 1 0 :1 1 , Lord, or any other Hon. Gentleman opposite, do him