The Sun. — London, England, 1846-04-29 00:00:00

etirb 7_2bition SUN OFFICE, Seven o'Clock. RAILWAY COMMITTEES. (THIS DAY.) GROUP IV. The Select Committee appointed to consider the merits of the Bills included In the group reassembled at the usual hour this morning, Mr. B. Hope In the chair. THE GREAT NORTE OT SCOTLAND. Mr. ANDREWS opened the case for the promoters of this scheme. The line was to run from Aberdeen to the south of Inverness, and was the last link of the chain of railway communication between London and Inverness. The effect f the formation of the line, therefore, would be to give a communication between the whole of the south of England and north of Scotland. It would pass through five counties, namely, Aberdeen, Banff, Moray, Inverness, and Nairn, which included 1,734 square yards of arable land, and a population of 318,000. The Southern terminus commenced at the Aberdeen ter minus of the Aberdeen Railway, and was connected with the docks of Aberdeen, the population of which town alone was 70,000, and ran on to Inverness, a distance of about 107 miles. Independently of this main line, there were four branches—one to Banff, another to Portsoy, another to Garmouth, and another to Barghead ; and the length of the main line and branches together was 137 miles. There were two other lines connected with this scheme —namely, the Eastern Extension of the Great North of Scotland and the Alford Valley Rail way, butthese would come laqbre the Committee at a subsequent stage of their proceedings. Out of the 137 miles they had 109 miles convince of assenting owners, and this fact alone was suffieient to coiv the Committee of the high estimation in which this scheme was held by the inhabitants of the different counties through which the line line, t h er e was no passed. Now, with regard to the me rits of and doubt the promoters were in the field first, a ample opportunities for selecting the best line . T h e e ngineer reported , detheir eng i ne er had ecommended the line now after a very careful survey, that the', districts admitted of four practical lines, but that upon the whole he r r. before the Committee. That engineer was the districts through Gibb, a gentleman well acquainted with Scotland, which this line passed, but the promoters particularly thought it advisable to have the four lines looked over by tleman who was not immediately a wi g t e h n the district, and they, therefore, connected with or acquainte— secured the services of Mr. Cu bitt. That gentleman , after care fully examining the whole of the four lines, came to the same conclusion as Mr. Gibb, and he recommended to the promoters the adoption of theline recomme ruled by Mr. Gibb. The estimated cost of the line was 1,500,000/. , while i t was calculated the working expenses would be 331. per cen t. on that amount, leaving an ample balance to bs appropriated to a dividend Now this line was opposed by the promoters of three schemes. The first of them was the Aberdeen, _Banff, and Elgin Railway, which competed with the first section of the Great North et Scotland from Aberdeen to Elgin, pursuing the routes of Tarriff to Banff, and thence following the line of coast by Portsoy and Cullen to Elgin. The second was the Inverness and Elgin Junction Railway, or a line from Elgin to Nairn, which ran parallel to the corresponding portion of the Great North of Scotland. The third was the Perth and Inverness, a line which commenced near to Perth, and passing the line of the Highland road across the (mountains, proposed to strike the coast at Nairn, from which point to Inverness it ran parallel to, and com peted with, the Inverness end of the Great North of Scotland Rail way. Now all these railways would be under separate manage ments, and would involve breakages of line and stoppages between the extreme terminus and the metropolis, while the Great North of Scotland Railway world be under one management, and would in volve no breakage or change of carriage between London and In verness. The ruling gradient on the Great North of Scotland was I in 242, but on the competing line some of the gradients were of so objectionable a character that the line at some parts could not be worked with the locomotive, while at some points there was only a single line of way. It avoided, moreover, the population of the district, and he might say it would only accommodate the grouse, while in the winter it would be liable to interruptions from snow drifts, none of which objections could be urged against the Great North of Scotland. On thewhole, then, he considered that tke Great North of Scotland would give better local accommodation, better stations, better termini, and better gradients, and in the end he confidently anticipated its competitor would be condemned to the tomb of all the Capulete. Sir Andrew Leith Ray, M.P., was the first witness called. He said he was decidedly of opinion that the Great North of Seotland Railway was the best that could be devised for accommodating the trade and traffic of the districts through which it passed. It was the shortest and most direct line between Aberdeen and Inverness. On cross-examination, the Hon. Baronet said he thought the rival line was more liable to be interrupted in the winter season by snow ,drifts than the Great North of Scotland line. The CHAIRMAN said it appeared to the Committee that there were Iwo lines before them for connecting Aberdeen and Inver ness which ran along the coast, namely, the Great North of Scotland and Aberdeen, Banff and Elgin, and Elgin and Inverness, and a. direct through line known as the Perth and Inverness, joining the second coast line at Nairn. Now, the Committee thought the best course to be adopted was for the Great North of Scotland to endeavour to show that the traffic of the districts would not justify the construction of two lines —namely, a through and a coast line, and that in tnis state of things their line was the best ; while, on the other hand, it was for the Perth and Inverness, and the Aberdeen, Banff, and r lgin, and Elgin and Inver ness Companies, to produce evidence tending to show that the traffic was quite sufficient to justify all these lines. Mr. Sergeant Ballasts said he should be prepared to show that there was sufficient traffic between Elgin and Aberdeen to justify the construction of a railway without having reference to a line running from Elgin to Aberdeen, and of course it would be open to him to prove that he t;rrat North of Scotland did not give so much accommodation to ti e pia e, as the Aberdeen, Banff, and Elgin. Mr. Sergeant WitaNunast , .id he appeared for the through line from .Nairn t , . Perth, which, as I,Aween Inverness and Perth, was 66 miles shorter than the Great North of Scotland ; but the promoters contended that the through line would nut remunerate them without they had the traffic between Inverness and Elgin in their own hands. Mr. Atimitaws said he had intended to follow out the views of the Committee, as intimated by the Chnic.can, by calling witnesses to prove that the traffic of the district ivy only admit of one line, and that under these circumstances tilt ,treat North of Scotland was the most favourable scheme. Lord Lovell gave evidence is r of the Great North of Scotland line. His Lordship, however, admitted that the Perth and Inver ness was the best for the through traffic. The Committee adjourned shortly after four o'clock. GROUP XIV. SOUTH-EASTERN AND BRANCHES. The Committee to which this group of railways is referred met to day, at half-past twelve o'clock, in Room No 30 ; present—Mr. Protheroe (chairman), Lord Emlyn, Mr. J. O'Connell, and Mr. Grogan. General Lygon was absent, in consequence of the death of Lady Beauchamp. Mr. Norton, of the firm of Hoggart and Norton, a valuer, was called on the part of the South-Eastern Company, by Mr. MEaas- WETHEIt. Mr. TALBOT (for the Nerth Kent Company) said that his Learned Friend had two or three surveyors present. It would be easy for the North Kent Company to call counter-evidence, a course which the Committee would regret. The Committee decided on hearing one witness on either side. Sir. NORTON stated that the property proposed to be taken by the North Kent, between Chatham and London, would cost 486,8161. The number of claimants would be 1,200 or 1,300. The sum mentioned included nothing but the value of the property to be destroyed, the rent of which is 17,400/. per annum. By 2.Mr. TALBOT—N - ever valued any town property for a railway eompany. Cannot say how many houses to be taken down were oc cupied by weekly tenants. Has taken that into consideration in his valuation. Houses let to weekly tenants are not worth 28 years' purchase. There are not 400 houses let to weekly tenants on the proposed route. Be-examined—Though the amount stated is 28 years' purchase, it was not 23 years' rental, but on quite another principle. Mr. G. Smith, a surveyor of Mercer's Hall, valued the whole of the metropolitan property of the Greenwich Railway. The value of the property to be taken by the North Kent was 491,7971. By Mr. TALBOT—Valued the property last year for the London and York. Valued the property to be taken at a distance of two and an eighth miles, from Battle-bridge, including a clearance for the station, and the removal of the Small-Pox Hospital, at 300,0001. By Mr. Mxisasyrwritsa —The land to be taken by :the London and York is clear in comparison with that of the North Kent. air. Wakley produced the table of the tolls required on the South- Eastern Railway. Mr. MzitxvinTuEa put in a letter from the Board of Ordnance, stating that in consequence of the introduction of a certain clause in the Act of the South-Eastern Company all objection on the part of the Board was removed, and also some correspondence with the Lords of the Admiralty, in which they agreed to the formation of the iron bridge over the Medway. Mr. Messy DAwsoN, who appeared on the part of Mr. Evelyn, a landowner on the proposed line, then called evidence to prove the damage that his client's property would sustain from the proposed railway. At the conclusion of the evidence, The Learned COUNSEL addressed the Committee at some length. Mr. CALVEBT then called evidence on the part of Mr. Angerstein, a landowner on the line, and proved the very serious damage that the line would cause to Mr. Angerstein's property. At the conclusion of the evidence the Committee adjourned until twelve o'clock to morrow. GROUP XVI. BOILTTB-V7ZSTERN (ALTON AND FARN HAM BILANCII). The Committee on this group (Sir Charles Don%las in the chair, and all the other members present) took the clauses of this Bill to day ; and after a few amendments, which referred to private pro perty, the clauses were passed, and the report was ordered to be presented. READING, GUILDPORD, Ave REIGATE. It having been ascertained that counsel were present on behalf of the several petitioners, the Chairman wished to know which line it was desirable to take, when Mr. Cockburn suggested that the longest line should be taken, and that was the Reading, Guildiord, and Rei gate line. Mr. Roe, who appeared for Dr. Fellowes, said, that he was inter ested in neither of the lines, but was about to suggest a particular course, when he was interrupted by Mr. CocssuaN, who conceived that his Learned Friend was quite out of order, and after some further conversation it was decided that the Reading, Guildford, and Reigate branch should be taken; and Mr. COCRUURN opened the case by putting in the formal proof, through Mr. Noyes, one of the solicitors of the line, who submitted the returns required by the House of Commons last session, in which the names of the several officials of the Company were stated. Tho capital was 000,0001., the number of shares 40,000 of 201. each, the whets of which were allotted. The deposit being 92,842/. les.; no shares being reserved for provisional committee. To the CHAIRMAN the witness replied, that about 6,000 shares had been allotted to the provisional committee, upon all of which they Lad paid. outlay. Mr. Giles Laing, a merchant, residing at Ilminster, proved , that mere were three coaches passing daily between Il minster and Chard, and Axminster and Taunton, and in his opinion the preposed con version of the canal would be of great public utility. On Cress-examination the witness admitted that these coaches au from difierent places to Crater, and, perhaps, it would be more The original subscribers' agreement was then put in and proved. The money in hand was 11,1971. 18s. 4d., deposited with the Ac strtaette:ti,s3o4,t. n ia z di a t n u d r e sta l2 t , i t e t y . 12 2 5 ,3 . b_ 7 . 8 ; 6 01. ; deposits on allotments 92,7381. lOs 1 91 e . n i g a ineering and sala ries, commission, acc.;l 0931. 16s. 3d explained that the broker's .; a co ala- To Mr. P.I.V.VrITT, the witness mission was la. 3d a share, but and selling shares on behalf of the'tdiTettohrT, bpbDttleffsor.bmuylni,gra &ion amounted to about 1501. Mr. COCKBVE4T then proceeded to open the case, when in terrupted by Mr. Mellor stating that he should have to as he was t some questions respecting the returns of the last witness ; but slr. burn objected to that proceeding, and stated, that although the; ock- C Com mittee were perfeetly competent to question the validity of th re turns, after, howeve r, the returns had been received ; although the Committee would have the right to question the witnesses, they would only have the power to report to Parliament upon the returns, and that was the way prescribed by the resolution. To this Mr. ME.I.Loa objected, and after reading part of the reso lution which expressed t he rule, that in the event of counsel differ ing among themselves the Committee were entitled to decide the question whether counsel should be heard or nresolutionot, , and stated that Mr. Cocxerce replied by citing the the Committee ought to require the returns to be produced and to be verified. This had been don e by the witness; and if the Com mittee entertained any doubt about it, he was quite prepared to go into the whole cue. If the Committe e had any doubt whatever about the matter, they might exercise their power of cross-examin ing the witnesses with the utmost strictness. At this point the room was cleared, and when parties were re admitted, the Chairman declared that the Committee were of opinion that the counsel opposing the Bill have a right to cross-examine. To this Mr. COCKBUB.N objected, and said that he conceived if the power of cross-examination was to be exercised at all, It should be used now, or not at all. Mr. TALBOT stated that there was another alternative, and that was to adjourn the case and hand over the papers to the opponents for inspection. It was at last agreed that the opponents should have the right of going to the Committee Clerk's office, or to that of the solicitors to the company, and make what extracts they pleased from the returns. The Committee then adjourned till 12 o'clock to-morrow. GROUP XIX. The Select Committee appointed to consider the merits of the schemes comprised in this group re-assembled at the usual hour this morning In the Committee-room ; Lord Harry Vane in the chair. TZ:Z CHARD CANAL AND naix , WAY. The intimated that the Coniaiittee wer,.; now desirous taking tins case. Mr. sergeant . WaAxotiam said the object of the promoters in this case w The canal a.sto convert the Chard canal into a rai lwa y . of Chard, and th e pro connected the tow n o f Ilminster with the town communication with hposede railway would give to those places a Exeter Railway and the toniwetr°polls by means of the Bristol and proposed Stolford. The Ilse rii towns solf ftridgewater and Taunton and the , as it the route by which the traffic had uniformly passed ; while pert not in any way only required to fill up the canal and lay down the rails, it would any private right or private pro away, which was pro interfere with a tu nc;.i t oned by the Legis lature last session. It was suthci t e h n e t gr fo o r un h d i for not a spade had yet 13.2 en put into wlrle the proposed new branch ran in a circuitous diverted the traffic of the district from its natural channels. and esti mated cost of the proposed line, for which he appeared, was Ate and it was proposed to raise that sum by the sale of shares at " sent in the possession of t he Chard Canal Company, and it was calculated the traffic would yield a return of 8/. per cent. on the TiiiE SUN, LONDON , WEDNESDAY EVENING. APRIL 29, 1846 ••••• BAN COr n K B E i S I ak l e i e n d g th e carried, H on he Member woul d f 0 , t i e n fotrhteh the even v p e r n e o se f n Mt t t lirieasure? li r. stager intimated that he wo uld o pp ose the Bill in every Mr. BANKES hoped the Hon. Member for Oldham would persevere in his motion. Wednesday was, in fact, the only day on which public business was transacted, and he did not see why the Bill might not be taken. He had lately been applied to by several delegates of the opera tive classes interested in this Bill, asking his advice re specting the conduct they ought to pursue. He gave them his humble opinion, that the sooner the measure was pro ceeded with the better, as, on a former occasion the delay which had taken place was fatal to the measure. The Bill, after being carried by a vote of Hon. Members, was in consequence of the delay lost, and the House thereby brought into great discredit.—(Rear, hear.) Instead of meeting any suggestion fordelay, he trusted the Hon. Member for Oldham would bring forward the measure at once; and if they could not finish the discussion that day, it could be pro tracted till to-morrow night. If it was adjourned till to-morrow evening, he had no doubt the Hon. and Learned Member for Cork, and other Hon. Mem bers, who had motions on the paper, would give way, so as to bring the discussion to a conclusion. If the Hon. and Learned Member and the other Hon. Gentlemen who had motions did not interfere, he (Mr. Bankes) had no doubt the debate would be concluded by that time. He hoped that his Hon. Friend would persist in his motion. What he had principally risen for was to express a hope that the Right Hon. Gentleman would take the Thursdays to himself at once. Mr. FORSTER said this was a most important question ; but before it was decided he certainly thought that they should adopt measures for giving the people food. His Hon. Friend" the Member for Durham had, at the commence mencement of the session, prosented a petition, signed by 7,000 of the inhabitants of Shetland. He was not surprised that those people should have petitioned that House. He had, on Monday last, received a paper which detailed the state of distress which was existing in the Shetland Islands. The inhabitants of those islands were 32,000 in number, depending chiefly upon fish. Their agricultural produce was very scanty, and during the last season was more scanty than ever. The Hon. Gentleman here read a document which stated that great distress existed in the Shetland Islands. The inhabitants only traded in fish, and their chief customers were the Spaniards. The Spanish mer chants would be glad to send corn in exchange, but the corn law prevented it. A Spanish vessel was actually now on her way to Shetland in ballast, and she would have taken corn if the repeal of the corn-laws could be depended upon. Mr. COWPER rose to order. He thought this was an unfair mode of getting rid of the discussion on the Factory Bill. The SPEAKER was understood to say that the Hon. Gentleman was in order, as the question was whether the order of the day should be proceeded with. The Hon. Gentle man was at liberty to show that in his opinion another order of the day ought to be taken. Mr. FORSTER was again proceeding, when Mr. T. DUNCOMBE rose to order. He must say that the Hon. Gentleman's reading the document from the Shetland Islands, looked very like an indirect mode of defeating the discussion on the Factory Bill. Mr. FORSTER repudiated this charge, and said he had no such intention. The SPEAKER decided that the Hon. Gentleman was in order. • Mr. FORSTER proceeded. He had already said: let he did not deny the importance of the Factory Bill, but he thought their first duty was to legislate to give the people an increased supply of food. He could:assure the House that the utmost stagnation existed in commercial circles, in consequence of the delay which had taken place in the progress of the Government measures. He understood that a Noble Lord in another place, not very successful in his legislative measures, intended to hoist the standard against the Government measure? What would be the effect of any mutilation of that measure. It was a gene ral opinion among the great body of the merchants that something of that sort would take place. Commerce was a timid bird, and would not take its flight iu a storm. Mr. GIBSON—The question brought before the House was a pressing emergency—a question of present starvation—a question of people not having a sufficiency of food for their subsistence. The Factory Bill was not of such a pressing na ture as that of the Hon. Member's with reference to the Shetland Isles. Irish distress had been brought before the House, why should not the case of the people of the Shetland Isles be considered? He thought that Hon. Gen tlemen on the opposite side came down to the House for the purpose of putting the Government in a minority rather than to support the Factory Bill.—(No, no, and hear, hear.) The House should bear in mind that the people of the Shetland Isles did not come to Parliament intimating in their peti tion that they wanted a grant of money for the promotion of public works, or for giving the means of employment to the people of the Shetland Isles. All they ask is that the House would remove those prohibitions which prevented them from exchanging the fish which they catch for the corn and meal of other countries. It is their opinion that much of their distress would be alleviated if those prohibi tions were removed. Could the Right Hon. Baronet explain to the House the grounds of his refusing to allow these poor and starving inhabitants of Shetland, the power of ex changing their fish for the corn and meal of other countries? Had he provided them with ships or with fishing tackle, or in any way facilitated the progress of their industry ? Why did the Right Hon. Baronet insist upon their paying tolls on their fish for the benefit of himself and other landed proprietors of this country? It would be of great benefit to the people if they were allowed to exchange their fish for corn and meal. Many families were on the very brink of starvation. The potato crop had failed. There were Spanish ships which could deliver them a supply of corn if they were allowed to do so. Hon. Members opposite were delaying public busi ness night after night in that House.—("No, no, 'from the Op position.) The House was entitled to call upon them to relieve the starvation of the people. While they were persevering in their opposition to the Corn Bill they were contributing to the starvation of those people.—(" No, no," and cheers.) He was discharging a public duty in thus pressing on the attention of the House the condition of the inhabitants of the Shetland Isles, and he considered it was as sacred a duty as could be performed by any Member of that House. lie thought that the House should first settle the great questions which were then before them (the Corn and Customs Importation Act) before they proceeded with the consideration of other business. He hoped that the Factory Bill would not then be interposed between the Corn and Customs Bill. The public mind could not entertain so many measures at one and the same time, neither could that House legislate upon several questions at the same time in a proper manner. No delay should be allowed to intervene in the carrying out of the measures brought forward by her Ma jesty's Government. Sir R. H. INGLIS said that motives had been imputed to Hon. Members on his side of the House that it was their in tention to place the Government in a minority rather than to support the Factory Bill. He beg to state that they would not yield to any person on the other side in attachment to the sacred cause which had brought them down to that House to-day, and which had brought them together upon other occasions when they were more happily united, and when it was still more painful for them to differ from the Government. Mr. FIELDEN, after presenting two hundred and thirty petitions in favour of the Factories Ten Hours' Bill, proceeded to draw the attention of the House to the deplorable condi tion of the factory childeen. The Honourable Gentle man—as he always is—was perfectly inaudible in the gallery, and in consequence of his not having f a voured us in a similar manner as he did the other morning papers with a copy of his speech, we are wholly unable to give anything like a report. Mr. AINSWORTH seconded the motion of the Hon. Member for Oldham. He believed that if the Government consented to the passing of this Bill they would satisfy all parties. Some change was evidently necessary for the people employed in factories, scarcely any time being allowed tor their instruction. „ Mr. HUME said that this measure would no doubt be satisfactory to the greater part of those employed in the cotton manufactories. From the number of petitions that had been presented to the House, he was bound to believe that this Bill would be desirable to the working classes. But it was because he thought that a more dangerous proceeding to the interests of the country could not possibly be enter tained, that he thought it was the duty of those who be lieved that such a proceeding should be opposed, that he came forward to oppose this measure, which, in his opinion, was calculated ultimately to bring ruin upon the best interests of the country ; He had on no occasion shown himself indifferent to the inter ests of the working classes—( Hear, hear)—on the contrary. he prided himself on having, on various occasions, en deavoured, as far as he was able, to free the labouring artizan from all the trammels of monopoly under which he existed.— ( Hear, hear.) And he did wish to submit to the House what had been the consequence since that great and important change which be had been instrumental in effecting. He submitted, too, that if the House assented to this Bill, they would be acting in direct contradiction to the g reat p rinciple of free trade, which they had latel y ado p ted.—(Hear, hear.) This Bill was contrary to the common sense and the good sense of the House, to remove all trammels on the capital of industry whilst they proposed at the same time to impose trammels on what was equally important—the capital of the labouring man.—(Hear, hear.) It was not only an imposi tion on the capital of the labouring man, but also on the capital of the manufacturer, who employed him, and he ventured to say that if this principle were carried out it would end in the destruc tion of the interests of' both employer and employed. —(Hear, hear.) And it was on this ground that he opposed any compromise on this question. He objected to anything that would admit the principle that the House had any right whatever to entertain the consider ation of this most injurious measure.—(Hear, hear.) Although he had paid the greatest attention whilst the said. —(Cries r w ie h a at of h ‘ a ‘ Hon. Member who moved the second reading of the Bill was o v p a i r n e i d on i speaking, he could not hear one single word of what he opinions, o h th a e v r in g dafi en: Hear , eesaelalhoe ; I r e se a tfeph r r l . from reports oh H itemh e f He , e hisbol iai therefore , tinspeeches he opinions nees es e cc kh,)knewnaesewdd expressednethiho it - se. compelled to co i l subject. He was therefore by the Honourable Gentleman that had motion of the Honourable Member for Oldham.—(Hear.) But he hoped that they had arrived at that time when the principles of commercial restrictions would be clearly understood.—(Hear, hear.) It did not appear to him, however, if they put shackles on the manufactures, they would be able to meet the demand in the markets which has given employment to so many millions of their fellow-countrymen. The result would be, that they will be thrown out of employment and the manufacturers will remain idle. You will then have not complaints that they are over-worked, but that they cannot get work. Again. if the manufacturer is limited, what would be the result ? The millions must stand still, and they would re gret the• day when they besought you to impose these restrictions. He was against this Bill. No trammel should be imposed on the manufacturer save in the case of chit ren of tender age; and when a Bill was brought in for their protection, he well rememb ere d tellingthe Right honourable Gentleman th a t it would be used as a precedent, and the principle would not be limited, but would go on from stage to stage. If they agreed to a Ten Hours' Bill, they would have one for eight hours ?re posed before long. It was true it was a hard thing that men should be compelled to labour for twel ve hours, ani that, no limitation should be enforced to alleviate their hardships; if he considered that it was possible to enforce any limitation, he would be the very first to afford it—lie meant any alleviation which could be afforded with out destroying the principle on which their livelihood de pends. And it was because he could judge of results, and because he felt t hat if the y carried out their re q uest, t hat they would be laying the foundation of future distress, that he opposed the present gums. ure He would like to know on what principle they c claimed a right of interference in privat e He had three hundred people He would suppose a case. . , his people on estate; cultural labour; how would he than one hundred at agricultural employ the other two hun hich he could employ t 1 dred ? wh, by manu ac ures a one f un them less w There was no mode by rd to the produce of fo he was placed in a position, g on, r ' eg a employment i reign countries, countries, that he could give them ly his produce at a neactures. Unless he wag able to zupp rate by which he could compete with foreign manufacturers, the effect would be that he could not employ them in manu factures, and they would be driven back on agricul ture for support. With regard to a glut in the market, there would not be any, but the want of the means of purchasing. The cheaper the article the larger would it be purchased, and the greater the demand. It was net fair to the manufacturers of this country to be stopped in working their machinery two hours a day, when it was necessary they should do so in order to compete with foreign producers. It was the right of a manufacturer, in the first place, to attend to his own interest as a capitalist, and in the second place to regulate his affairs as to the parties whom he employed. In such circumstances it was not fair to step in and say that they must not employ their machinery for twelve hours a day. The present Bill confines a manufac turer only to work his machinery ten hours a day, or else not to employ parties, in which case the latter would be driven to the union. The principle which was inapplicable to one case was inapplicable' to the country generally ; and in his opinion they could not take a worse step than to interfere with the industry of the country. hence it was that, in a measure of much national importance, he suggested that it should not be discussed in a thin House and while so many Committees were sitting. He appealed to the House if such a principle of interference as he had cited was admissible, and if not, why seek to extend it.", to the whole country ?—( Hear, hear.) No (sae deplored more than he did the long hours and hard labour of the English operatives, and none could be more anxious to support any measure to expand their minds and elevate them in the scale of being, but he opposed the present Bill because he believed it would be highly . injurious. Master and labourer should be left at per fect liberty to make the best bargain they could without any interference. If such a measure was carried, it would be impossible to continue the same rate of wages. Mr. Senior, and three other gentlemen, had been sent down into the manufacturing districts, to inquire into the effect which the reduction of one hour per day would have on the capital and the rate of wages. They had inquired into the respec tive influence of 12 hours, 11 hours, and JO hours daily; and Mr. Senior had repeated that a large proportion of the profits of machinery arose from the 11th and 12th hour's work. If that was the case the House would see how vain it was to limit the hours of labour in factories. If Hon. Members on the other side would provide a fund to supply the wages of those who would be turned out of employment in consequence of such bad legislation, he would then be prepared to sup port the measure. He protested against any doctrine that interfered with the capital of labour. The Hon. Member concluded by moving, " That the Bill be read a second time this day six months." Mr. WARD seconded the amendment. Sir G. STRICKLAND was of opinion that many who had opposed legislation on this subject were rather shaken in their convictions. Even the Hon. Member who had last addressed the House (Mr. Hume) stood upon no very high ground, in his opposition. It' the law were to be left in its present state it would have the effect of requiring a labour of fourteen hours, instead of twelve. He thought the Hon. Member had done well in putting this as a case of humanity. Sir J. GRAHAM said that although upon personal grounds he was unwilling this morning to interpose himself in the course of this debate, yet, as the question now stood, it was expedient that some member of the Government should state the course that Government intended to adopt. The Honourable Member who had just sat down had truly remarked that this subject had undergone much consideration in the course of the present Par liament. On former occasions, when it had been fully dis cussed, it was his duty to state to the House the principles which guided him in coming to a discussion on the question which they were then debating. That question was of paramount importance, and most decidedly of great interest. It had been his duty carefully to re consider all these opinions upon the subject, and he was bound to state to the House that his opinions had undergone no change, after the most careful consideration he could bestow on the subject, and therefore it was his duty to concur with the Hon. Member fur Mon trose in resisting the further progress of the Bill.—(Hear.) Now, he would shortly refer to some of the topics broached in the course of the debate. It was urged by some Hon. Members, and particularly by the Honourable Member for Preston, that they ought to make some compromise on this question, but he thought that the time had gone by when it was prudent to adopt any such course. Already the Legislature had restricted the hours of labour for children to twelve hours, while children under the age of eight years were restricted altogether from working in factories con nected with four branches of the manufacture of ' the country—cotton, woollen, silk, and flax. The hours of labour for persons between the ages of twelve and sixteen were limited to t ATM, and in some factories the hours of labour for children between the ages of six and thirteen were restricted to six hours and a half per day, while the Acts of Parliament, which made these restrictions, provided most amply for the education of the children during the leisure hours. Having said thus much, he would entreat the House to consider the immense magnitude of the subject they were discussing. First, with reference to our trade. What proportion did the four branches of manufac ture he had mentioned bear to the exports of the country? lle said fearlessly that three-quarters of the value of the whole exports, amounting to between thirty and forty mil lions, were connected with these four branches of manufacture. Now, with regard to wages. How did these four branches stand? They paid in wages 225,000/. a week, while at least half a million of the popula tion of the country were dependent for their living on these four branches of manufacture. He iald, theTefore, if they committed an error in their legislation upon this subject if was no trifling error, as it touched the staple manu factures of the country—a great portion of the foreign trade of the country—affected the industry of half a million of the most industrious of their population, and touched also the circulation to the amount of nearly a quarter of a million per week.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") It was impossible, therefore, that they could consider a question of more frightful importance as bearing upon the interests of either the whole country or particular classes, but he objected to the time at which they were called to discuss this matter, or in its being discussed at all now, because it had already, in the course of the present Parlia ment, undergone the most full and ample consideration. — (Hear, hear.) It had been stated by one Hon. Member that the working classes were disappointed in the conduct of that House, but he for one absolutely denied that the House had ever pronounced an opinion in favour of a Ten Hours Bill. It was true, Lord Ashley, on a former occasion moved an amendment to a factory Bill that the hours should be limited to ten instead of twelve, but that amendment was negatived by a majority of 395 to 158. — (Cheers.) And this Bill, in fact, was to carry out that amendment of Lord Ashley. But, as he had before observed, there were circuinstandes which rendered the discussion of this matter at the present time most inopportune. There were in the first place, the Government measures of the present session, some of which had already come into operation, while others had not. The resolution authorising removal of the restrictions on the importation of corn, and articles• used in the making of bread, had not yet come into force, while our home manufacturers had at once been placed in free competition with their foreign rivals. Ten per cent. of the duties enforced on the cotton, and 15 per cent. on the woollen trade, had already been removed.—(Hear). What were capital and labour ? Somebody had said, " Don't treat this question as one of pounds, shillings, and pence."—(Hear, Lear.) What were wages, and what was capital? Was there any difference between them? They could not consider the questions of capital and la bour separately. And now, with respect to the effect of this measures, if they attempted to abridge th e hours, during which machinery was in action from 12 to 18 hours, they would diminish the time of labour one fifth ; and the effect of the measure, if they adopted it, would be a reduction either in the profits or the prices.—( Hear, hear.) He believed the intensity of foreign competition actually prohibited a rise in the price of all our great branches of manufacture—(Hear, hear)—and he, therefore, held that a rise in price was a part of this question. There must be a reduction in the profits or on the wages, And what would be the effect of a reduction of the profits. The capita list's only resource if his profits were diminished would be to reduce the wages of his work people. That was the only justifiable and necessary course for him to take.—( Hear.) Now he had heard something said about the possibility that the same amount of work would be produced even if the hours of labour were reduced from twelve to eleven hours per day.—(Hear.) Ile had heard an Hon. Gentleman cheer, and seeing the quarter whence that cheer came, he must say that he had every possible respect for the opinions of the Hon. Member. But he held in his hand a statement respecting the results of the experiments of Messrs. Horrocks, the extensive manufacturers, who had recently reduced the hours of labour in their mills from twelve to eleven hours per day That statement appeared in the Manchester Guardian of the 4th of April, and it appeared from that statement that the effect of the reduction of the hours of labour was a reduction of 6i per cent. in the amount of goods manufactured—(Bear, hear)—and he thought that he was quite correct in his calculations that the effect of the reduction of the hours of labour would, to the extent sought by the Bill, have the effect of reducing the profits of the manufacturer 16 per cent. But as he had already said, he believed that in a series of years the employers of the labourer in the manufao turinring districts would, in self-defence, propose a reduction of wages to the extent that this Bill was calculated to effect. Let them also take into their consideration the other view of the case. What would be the effect of that reduction of the wages of the labouring poor? The capital of the working man was his labur.—( Hear, hear.) It was the hard lot of man "that by the sweat of his brow he must earn his bread," and it was also the curse of mankind that in sorrow and hard labour was it that bread must generally be earned. Then let them take care that whilst acting, no doubt with the purest and most phi lanthropic motives, they did not increase th w a t, t. sorrow and toil.—(Hear, hear.) He knew of nohing nu honourable, higher classes than to admiration on the part of the of the patient endeavour to shorten the long hours classes.—(Hear, hear.) more laudable, or more worthy of the encouragement and and industrious of the labouring But let them take care that they did not throw any impediment in the way of the poor, patient, and hard working man, who strived to obtain a living for himself and his family.—(Hear, hear.) If they increased their poverty (as he contended the effect of this Bill would be), they would run the risk of corrupting their morals.—(Hear, hear.) If th ey degraded the i r s tation he was satisfied the y would corrupt their morality.—(ll ea r, hear.) Any measure of this kind was fatal to the independence,- of the working dlasses and the destruction of that independency would be surely fatal to their morals.—(Hear, hear.) Nothing could be more fatal to that independency than the alteration of the present system of labour. He had received several petitions from all parts of the country, stating that the effect of such a measure would be to reduce the amount of 16 per cent, the profits of the manufacturer. Whatever the mea sures of the Legislature might be, the effect of that measure would b e , not to mitigate t hi s ev il in any way. All he asked was, that th ey wou ld proceed with caution, arid not depart from a n y d es i s ion of their own laid down so as t o cause a violation of a principle . to which th e H ouse o f C o mmons had, in its legislati ve capac, already acce d e d. He, as a Member of t he Govern ment, acti ng i n conform i ty w ith the other Members , fel t it hie duty to ity . oppose this Bill. Mr. COWPER moved that the debate be adjourned. COLQUROUN thought that it would be better if the debate were continued till six o'clock. Dr. BOWRLNG said there were a number of other orders of the day to be disposed of, and he really considered that it motion would be hard if t h e d e b a t e should continue so as to make them dropp e d or d ers, Sir ROBERT PEEL did n ot see why they should adjourn the debat at so early a period, therby losing half an hour. p i was Llp t then n said,withdrawn. that Mr. h M. Mr. COWPER said if the sense of the House was against his motion he would no t perse vere with it, it was to prevent the _cther orders of th e d ay f ro m becoming dropped. T frequently as the present subject had been introduced there had been no attempt made by its a d vocates to d i sprove a f ac t w hi c h he considered o it f the utmost importance. In former times they were frequently attempted to be seduced into a support of the Ten Hours ' Bill by the allegation that there would be an equal quantity of work done in ten as there was then in twelve hours. But how the fallacy of that statement had been entirely exposed. Experiments had been made by ma nufacturers, and he was then able to stand up in his place, and say that it was utterly impossible with ten hours work to perform the same amount of business as was done in twelve. Well then, it comes to this plain question, can the persons employed in the different branches of trade live on tea hours' pay ?—(lDar.) He stated in that House formerly, that if they would take the question by ballot, of the working classes whether they would prefer ten hours' pay to twelve hours the question would be at once settled, and they would unanimously prefer the latter. It was very singular, in the number of strikes which had taken place among the working classes, if they were so anxious for the measure. that they had never attempted to obtain it. Taking the question in a political and economical point of view, he con sidered, that in agreeing to it, they could do nothing that would tend so much to inflict evil on the neighbouring com munity of this country. He cordially concurred in what had fallen from the Right Hon. Gentleman (Sir J. Graham), and he was persuaded the Government, in deciding to oppose the Bill, were doing the best thing, not only to protect the com mercial interests of the country, but also the best interests of those who lived by labour. On these grounds he oppesed the second readini of the Bill.—(Hear, hear). Mr. GEORGE BANKES then moved the adjournment of the debate till to-morrow night. The SPEAKER said it was not competent for the Hon. Member to move it till any precise time. Mr. BANKES then simply moved the adjournment. He hoped Hon. Members who had motions would postpone them in order to allow the debate to come off. He hoped also the Government, who had the Coercion Bill adjourned debate for the same night, would give way to this arrange- I ment. . _ Mr, HAWES said he had a motion, the first on the paper, to-morrow night, and as he had already twice given way he should certainly not do so on the present occasion. Sir R. PEEL would be willing to fall into any arrange ment that might become to, to allow the present debate to come off to-morrow night; still there was an understanding with the Irish Members, that if there iv-fv; any time to-morrow night, the debate o❑ the Irish Protection Bill should be resumed He must say, however, to Hon. Members, that when the Corn Bill was under discussion, there was no disposition shown to allow the eivision on that Bill to proceed day by day. Still he would be willing, with the concurrence of the Irish Members, that the debate on the Irish Bill should be taken on Friday, at five o'clock, so as to liberate to-morrow night. After a few words from Mr. T. Duncovnbe, Sir R. Peel, and Mr. Fielden, the debate was adjourned to Wednesday. The other orders 3f the day were then disposed of, and the House rose at six o'clock. NEWMARKET RACES. (THIS DAY-BY EXPRESS.) BY THE E &STERN COUNTIES ELECTRIC TELEGRAPH. Match. Physalis Cocoa. Nut . Match. Prospect Trebonius Handicap. A.F Footstool Petit MorePau Rowland Hill Fifty Pounds Plate; B.C, Wolfdog Maynooth Koppel RAILWAY Sti 1+ RE MARKETS. MANCHESTER, Arata 28. STOCK EICHANGE.—The sales are—Blackburn, Darwen, and Bol ton, 2 dis.—Buckingham and Bletchly Junction, 14 dis.—Chester and Manchester Direct, 11% dis.—Clitheroe Junction, 1 dis.—Derby and Crewe, 2 p. —Direct Northern, ILA dis.—Eastera Counties, 2314 —East Lancashire (No. 2), 2 p.—Glasgow and Dumfries, 3 4 dis.— Goole, Doncaster, Sheffield, &c , 34 dis. Great Grimsby and Shef field, 5 dis.—Huddersfield, Halifax, and Bradford, 1 1 /, p.—Hudders field and Manchester Railway and Canal, 3i dis.—Ditto, Extension, dis. —Huddersfield and Sheffield Junction, 44 p.—Leeds and Thirsk, 5 1 Ms.—Liverpool and Bury, 8 p.—Ditto, New Shares, 1% p.— Liverpool and Leeds Direct, 1, dis.—Liverpool, Ormskirk, and Preston, I Is. 6d. p.—Liverpool, Preston, Manchester, and Soutlip,rt, 11 dis.—London and Manchester (Remington's), 1 3 4 dis —Manches ter, Buxton, and Matlock, 1-16 p.—Manchester and Birmingham, 7834—Ditto, Quarters (A), B%—Ditto, ditto (B), p.—Ditto, ditto (C), Manchester and Leeds, halves, 1714 p.—Ditto, Quar ters, 7% p.—Ditto, Extension, 365. p.—Northumberland and Lance shire, 17s. dis.—North Staffordshire, 2% p.—Oldham, Birkenhead, &c., I9s. 6d. die.—Preston and Wyre, Halves, (B), 13-16 p.—Preston and Wyre Extension, 4 dis. —Sheffield and Lincolnshire Junction, 3s. 9d. dis.—Sheftleld and Manchester, Quarters (No. 2), 2% p. — Ditto, ditto (No. 3), 1 4 p.—South Eastern and Dover, Halves (No. 4), Is. 2cl. dis.—West Riding Union, 2 p. HULL, APRIL 28. _ _ . - - , STOCK EXCHANGE.—We have had a rather spirited market to-day in scrip, partcularly Hull and Barnsley. Heavy stock, of which little is offered here, was also more inquired after, at much better prices. The sales are—London and Brighton, 6414--Blackburn, Darwen, and Bolton, 21. Bs. 9d. —Huddersfield and Sheffield Junction, 12—Newcastle and Berwick, 20 —North British, Halt Shares, 8 1 /, —Ditto, Carlisle, 395. 6d. —North Wales, 153.—Armagh, Coleraine, and Portrush, 12s. —Bradford, Wakefield, and Midland, 305.—Chelms ford and Bury, 1 Is. 9d —Derby and Gab,sborough, 13s. 6d.--East Lincolnshire, 13s. 3d.—EaSt Coast, 225. W.—Grimsby, Louth, and llorncastle, 235. o,—i/till and Barnsley Junction, 263. 6d.—Hull and Lincoln, 21s. 6d. —Leicester and Tamworth, 20s. 61—North Staf fordshire, 41. 125. 61—South Midland, 425. 9d.—Shrewsbury and Birmingham, —Tean and Dave Valley, 14s.—West Biding Union, 4—Yorkshire and Glasgow Union, 235. LEEDS, APRIL 2S STOCK EXCIIINGE.-The sales are-Eastern Counties, York Ex tension, 27s Gd. p.-London and Croydon, 22-Manchester and Leeds Extensions, 2 p.-East Lancashire, No. 2 (late Accrington), 2 c. p. - Great Grims'ay and Sheffield, 414 dis.-Huddersfield and Manchester, 1 dis.-Ditto, Extensions, 1 dis.-Huddersfleld and Sheffield, 3% c. p.-Leeds and Bradford, 26% p.-Leads and Dewsbury, N p.- Ditto, New Branches, 7s. Gd. p.-Ditto, New Extensions, ss. p.- Liverpool and Bury, l % p.-North British, New Carlisle Branch, 15s. p.-Ambergate, Nottingham, and Boston, 255. dis.-Bradford, Wakefield, and Midland, 21s. 6d. dis.-Chelmsford and Bury, 175. dis.-Direct Northern, 255. dig. -Essex and Suffolk, 15s. W.-Glas gow and Dumfries, 155. dis.-Great Eastern and Western, 275. 6d. dis.-Leeds and York, 233. dis.-Leicester and Bedford, 14s. 6d. dis.-Liverpool, Ormskirk, and Preston, 105. p.-London and York, 175. dis.-Manchester, Buxton, Matlock, and Midland, 2s. Gd. p. - Manckester and Birmingham Continuation and Welsh Junction, 17s. dis.-Northumberland and Lancashire Junction, 17s. dis.-North Staffordshire, 2% p.-North Western. 6s. dis.-Oxford, Witney, and Cheltenham, 17s. 6d. dis.-South Midlands, 6d. die. -Welsh Midlands, 225. dis.-West Riding Union. 31. 134.-York and Carlisle, 265. 6d. dis.-Yorkshire and Glasgow Union, 265. 6d. dis. GLASGOW, APRIL 27. STOCK EICHATZGE.-The sales are-Aberdeen, Banff, and Elgin, 265.-Ayr and Galloway, 315.-British and Irish Union, 435.-Cale donian Extension, 31s. Gd.-Caledonian and Dumbartonshire Junc tion, 30e.-Cornwall and Devon Central, 30s. Gd.-East Indian Rail way, 9s. 9d.-Edinburgh and Glasgow, 721.-Ditto, New, 16% - Edinburgh, Glasgow, and Dumbarton, 19s. 6d.-Edinburgh and Northern, 955.-Ditto, Lochgelly, 19s. 6d.-Edinburgh and Peebles, 275.-Forth and Clyde Junction, 355. W.-Glasgow General Ter minus, 91.-Glasgow and Belfast Union, 345. 6d.-Glasgow, Kil marnock, and Ayr, Quarter Shares (5 per cent. guar.), 181. -Glasgow, Dumfries, and Carlisle, 375. Gd. -Glasgow, Kihnarnock, and Ardros san, 27s. -Glasgow and Dundee Junction, 335.-Glasgow Harbour Mineral, 315.-Inverness and Elgin, 205. 6d.-Lauark and Lothians, 40s. Gd.-Larne, Belfast, and Ballymena, 125.-Lesmahagow, 425.- London, Bristol, and South Wales, 20s. Gd.-Midland, 1461.--Ditto, New, 311,6-Perth and Inverness, 31s. 6d.-Scottish Central and Caledonian Junction, 265. 6d.-South Midland, 395.-South and Mid land Junction, 205.-Stirling and Dunfermline, 355.-Wishaw and Coltness, 47%. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS. April 28. THE PROPOSED RAILWAY BILL. Earl FITZ WILLIAM said they were now about to enter upon the second reading of the Bill that had been introduced for the purpose of regulating all future railway Bills. He ap proved of the measure entirely, for he did think it was time to put an end to the disgraceful mania for railways that had existed, and which had been most mis chievous to the country at large. He would now beg to move that there be laid upon the table of the House an account of the total estimated cost of all railways for which peti tions had been presented in • this session of Parlia ment, distinguishing between the Bills that had been withdrawn and those tkat were now pending It was an absurdity to call these railway Bills private Bills. s differed since r e t a o l, ave They should have been dealt with with more da algearxwhetaeaeytnast number b e use d e w mes etn v bar i ebp e trlh w ri os tfoas, as Bills involving the means of communication with all parts of Great Britain. They were national Bills, aid should have been dealt with as such. He There would ie. m always e be a great dis position teorf that hni t lhawteraayi railways. communication.owtuhay n e country , y s , with Tahrielly e hd a a vi The to h a a p e g o e t n ) leerwa generall to osoysstspuht speculate lg y of aht a heof railways s d f las t , he th f a u t tu i r t e. was i too late now. Ile from the present railway Bills this session they wou ld h ear no more fitable investments. He believed it was not too late to take the initiative so far as it could be taken in the matter, by esta blishing a railway department in connexion with the State, Commission. The on the principl e o f t h e P oor-law The Duke of CLEVELAND fully agreed with what had fallen from the Noble Lord. Such a motion would have the effect of relieving many from the position in which they had placed them selves from the fever w hi c h seized them in railway speculation. The whole system of rail way legislation required a complete change. Nothing could be more frightful than the state of things which prevailed, promoting bankruptcy and gambling to a great extent, yet what had been done had been encouraged by the Government and Parliament. If they looked to the ses sion of 1844, leaving out of view the projects of the present year, they would find that more schemes were brought forward than had been projected from the formation of the first railway up to that period. The present system completely dissipated the finances of the country, as well as corrupted its morals. Last year they had stopped the gaming houses in Pall-mall and other places, and he could not see what difference there was between gambling carried on in such houses and that which had taken place in regard to railways. While in the former case it was limited to a few places, in the latter it had become widely extended. It was necessary, in order to cheek this gam bling, that Parliament should retrace its steps. During the continuance of the undue speculation, many persons who were wholly irresponsible took upon themselves the office of direc tors, not for the purpose of projecting schemes for the benefit of the public, but for the express purpose of obtaining money from the public for their own purposes. Why should there not then be a Board of Works, to whom the should be submitted, and who should give their opinion whe ther the railways ought or ought not to be made ?—( Hear, hear.) This, in his opinion, would prevent the promulgation of futile projects, and consequently render essential benefit to the community. At present, parties might take a map of England in their hands and project a line through any part of it which had not a railway; and they might do this, although persons possessed of neither influence nor capital, and totally unconnected with the locality for which they proposed a rail way. Landowners ought not to be allowed to oppose projects simply because they passed through their land, it it could be proved that they would confer benefits on the country, but they ought not to be at the mercy of engineers and solicitors in country towns.—(Hear, hear.) The Government ought to bring in a new Bill with respect to railways, and appoint such a tribunal as the one he suggested ; they would then have good railways instead of bad ones, and would put an end to all those bubble schemes of which they had heard so much. But if they did not adopt some such plan, they might rest assured that such projects would increase instead of diminishing. Lord MONTEAGLE said it was his intention to call for some further information bearing on the question. It was not always they could get an estimate of the cost of construction of railways; and even when they only got a list of Bills, they did net get at the root of all the mischief, because such a list would riot contain those projects on which money had been paid and expended, but which hail not come before the consideration of Parliament. The documents he wished for were these : — he would wish to have a list of all the motions for Bills that had appeared in the Gnzette; he would wish for a list of all the Bills of which notice had been given at the Private Bill-office; an account of all the capital proposed to be raised and to be borrowed ; and, as the most impoetant of all, an account of the number of shares issued in order to raise this capital. His object was to show the House the necessit y of p uttin g an end to this system of gambling. Lord CAMPBELL rose to speak to the motion, when The LORD CHANCELLOR proceeded to put the motion. Lord CAMPBELL still insisting upon addressing their Lordships, The LORD CHANCELLOR —Will the Noble Lord allow me to put this motion? He can then speak as the second motion. convenient for some of the passengers to have a line extending on to Croker. Mr. John Thorns, a merchant, of Iftainster, gave similar testimony. Mr. Humphrey Brown, the gentleman who made out: the traffic tables of the proposed line, proved that the traffic would yield a very ample per tentage on the outlay. The canal Acts ware then put in to prove that the Company had the power to raise more money than would cover the estfmate for the proposed railway. Some other evidence of a general character was adduced, and the Committee adjourned shortly after four c('clock. GROUP X.Y. The Committee met at twelve o'clock. Present, Mr. Bother= (chairman), Sir R. Plgot, Lord W. Bentinck, Mr. Ross, and Mr. Tancred. wrAnvzs AND RICHMOND. The returns necessary, according to the recent resolutions of the House of Commons, were handed in. Mr. M. CHAMBERS, Q.C. (with whom was Mr. Calvert and Mr. Cowan) opened very briefly the merits of the line. In consequence of the line which was being constructed between Richmond and London, the present project w.ts, in fact, a naetropolitan line. It was ten miles its length, and would be executed at less than 150,0001., although the proposed capital was 200,0001. The people of Staines were almost unanimous in favour of the proposed line, and were earnest to have it passed by the House ; for since the construction of the South- Western and the Great Western Railways in the neighbourhood, that town, through which sixty or seventy coaches used to pass daily, had suffered exceedingly ; and, moreover, the fact of the importance of a railway from Staines was witnessed by there being two other Bills before the House for the same purpose. The proposed line passed the Thames near Rich mond, and from that place proceeded on to Hungerford-bridge, by the Richmond and London Railway, through several important towns. The competing lines were the London and Hounslow, the London and Windsor, and the Henley and Staines ; but these were encum bered with great expense and engineering difficulties ; besides that, t w h o e u fl.donbedoen an m d ee W oh in e d e so n ; e p ui ro e po nt se d d is t t e r rm iet i f n e a r ti e ng sta at ti K ed ni es ghtsbridge, which a nt any of those commodities necessary for a community. respected eoMair. s Chambers said there were other opponents, private proprietors and others, and alluded generally to the character of their opposition, which would resolve itself into a question of compensation. Mr. T. R. Ward, a magistrate of Egham, and other gentlemen, were then examined before the Committee as to traffic on the eourse of Thethe p e proposed a u l t o n n e 0 . f witnesses had not finished when the Committee adjourned. GROUP XXVII. This Committee re-assembled this morning at the usual hour; Sir Charles Lemon in the chair. NORTH smarrostassinz (THREE LINES)• The engineering evidence on this scheme was resumed this morn ing by the examination of Mr. John Hawkshaw, the engineer of the Leeds and Manchester Railway, who deposed at great length to the practicability of continuing the line, and to the great accommodation they would afford to the traffic of the district. It was merely a cor roboration of the evidence given by Mr. Bidder, which we have already given. This closed the case for the promoters. Mr. TOWNSEND, counsel on behalf of Mr. Wood and Mr. Warren, two opposing petitioners, then addressed the Committee, and was proceeding to enter into the general question of railway communica tion for the district, and to urge considerations which affected the preamble of the Bill, when he was interrupted by Sergeant WaAxensst, on behalf of promoters, who contended that the opposing petitioner (Mr. Wood) had no right to enter into the general question at all, that his objection to the lino, as far as it affected his own property, was all that could be gone into ; and this, he again asserted, was merely a question for compensation. The room was cleared en the point, and on eur re-admiision, The COMMITTEE decided against the course proposed to be pursued by counsel for the opposition. Mr. SMITH then addressed the Committee, on behalf of Lord Begot and the inhabitants of Leek, against the Churnet Valley line, and contended that it would not afford the accommodation which the district required ; that it was not a bona fide undertaking, for the directors last year would give no guarantee (when called upon to do so) that it would be then carried out, and that the promoters were merely desirous to pre-occupy the district, so as to prevent other companies from laying down lines which would afford better accom modation. Mr. Challoner, solicitor to the Macclesfield and Lichfield Railway (a projected line lost this session on the standing orders), was then examined by Mr. Austin, for the purpose of showing that the pre sent opposition, though ostensibly from Lord Bagot and the inha bitants of Leek, was in reality from that Company, whose project was at present in abeyance. Mr...ktririx then submitted that the petitioners had no right to be heard, inasmuch as the petition was " got up" by the Macclesfield and Lichfield Company, and did not emanate from the inhabitants of Leek as a bona fidt. opposition to the line. Mr. M. SMITH objected to such surmises, and said that the opposi tion of Leek was not prompted by the Macclesfield Company, but that their opposition existed before that company was incorporated. The Committee decided that evidence in favour of a competing line could not be admitted. The Committee then adjourned. GROUP XXXVII. SHEFFIELD, ROTHERHAM, BARNSLEY. WAKEFIELD, HumnzusriELD, AND GOOLE The examination of Mr. G. Chambers (continued from our After noon Edition)—The town of Sheffield alone would save 83,0001. per annum in the cost of its coal for manufacturing and other purposes, by obtaining their coal by railway from this district. The railroads as yet formed in the neighbourhood having driven off the stage coaches, without supplying other means of traffic to the district, had done it considerable injury. The proposed line was greatly wanted, and would be highly beneficial to all the towns in the West Riding of Yorkshire. The witness was shown a petition in favour of the Bill, signed by 2,500 persons, who were, he said, the most respectable inhabitants of Sheffield. Cross-examined by Mr. PEasms, on the part of certain petitioners against the Bill —The Silkstone bed extended to Sheffield, but in a convulsed or disrupted manner. There is a coal-pit at Sheffield, from which the coal was sold for gas at 6e. 10d. per ton. There was a great demand for lime :for manufacturing as well as agricultural purposes throughout the district. But the cost of carriage was so great, that " they did not know which way to turn themselves for it," Projected branches of the Sheffield and Manchester line would give some accommodation to this coal district, but not sufficient. He was not altogether aware of the details of that branch. He was not here to oppose the Barnsley branch of the Sheffield and Manchester. As a director of the Company now before the Committee, he had moved a resolution that the Barnsley branch should not be opposed by them. This Company i took neutral ground in respect to that branch. There was an agree ment with the South Yorkshire Company that the latter was to make the line south of Barnsley. Cross-examined by Mr. LEE, for the Midland, Barnsley, Sheffield, Dewsbury, and Bradford line, which is the competing line with this, running parallel to it for a considerable distance. The witness stated although there was a circuitous water cemmnnication between Shef field and Barnsley, yet this did not touch the coal pits, which, in fact, had no canal accommodation. Sheffield received the largest part of its supply of coal from the estates of the Duke of Norfolk in the town itself or immediate neighbourhood. The Manchester and Leeds Company were to supply one-half of the capital. That was the ar rangement from the beginning. The Committee then adjourned at a quarter-past four, and will meet to-morrow in room No. 21. GROUP XL. The Committee met at one o'clock, Mr. Stafford O'Brien, chairman NORTH WESTERN. Mr. BAINES shortly laid the merits of the project before the Committee. _ It is proposed that the line should start from Skipton, where it joins the York and Lancaster and other lines, and passes by Kirby Lonsdale, through the north-west of Lancashire into Westmoreland, effecting a junction with the rail which lies between Kendal and Penrith. A branch leaves the main trunk at Clapham for the town of Lancaster, and another branch proceeds from Kirby Lonsdale to Milnthorpe, at the head of Morecombe Bay. The length of the main trunk is 36 miles, the branch to Lancaster 18 miles, and that to Milnthorpe 13 miles. _ . Witnesses were examined to show the amount of traffic in coals and Furness ore and manures for the land. Mr. WHATELEY opposed the Milnthorpe branch on behalf of the proprietors on that part of the line, and shortly addressed the Coin mittee. - _ The room was afterwards cleared. On being admitted parties were told that the Committee were of opinion that the preamble of the Bill was proved, except so far as it referred to the branch from Kirby Lonsdale to 311Inthorpe. The Committee then adjourned till to-morrow. VICE-CHANCERY.----(THIS DAY.) No case of the least public interest was heard in this Court to-day. QUEEN'S BENCH.-(THIS DAY.) This Court was occupied for a considerable portion of the day in bearing arguments, urged by the Solicitor• General in reference to an attorney's bill of costs. The subject did not possess a particle of interest except to the party concerned. BAIL COURT.-(THIS DAY.) The questions before the Court to-day were principally in reference to the legal rules and practice of the Court. EXCHEQUER.-(THIS DAY.) The arguments in the will case, which stood adjourned from yesterday, were resumed to-day in this Court, and had not concluded when our report left. • COMMON PLEAS.-(T HIS DAY A question of a tedious and uninteresting character occu pied a good deal of time in this Court, in reference to the returning-officer at the last Abingdon election, who it was alleged had refused to place an applicant on the poll, in order to enable him to vot 3 at the election. STATE OF TRADE. MANCHESTER, APRIL 28,—Although the accounts from London and other parts of the kingdom speak of an ameliora tion in the state of business generally within the last few days, the improvement does not seem to have reached this market. The demand for yarn to-day has been very limited, and, on some descriptions, prices are a little in favour of the buyers. In the goods' market, however, there is a little more activity, especially in the better qualities, but without change in prices, whilst the iaferior qualities remain in very limited demand. ROCHDALE., APRIL 27.—There has been a steady demand for flannels, but prices have been low and unremunerating to the manufacturer. The wool market has been in much the same state as last Monday. ._____..... e keep LEEDS, improving, APRIL and B2. —liV a very fair are quant i ty to of say bu., i n o e U s r s has marketsbeen done to-day. Wool is much firmer in price, and some low descriptions very much sought atter, and decidedly higher. iluoDausritu,APurt.2B.—We have had a good attendance of buyers to-day in the market, and sales to some extent have been effected, but at such prices as to leave little or no profit to the manufacturers. Several orders have been re ceived that will give employment for some weeks. The weather is such that we have but few buyers for the home trade. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT (THIS DAY.) HOUSE OF COMMONS. (Continued from our Afternoon Edition.) FACTORIES BILL. Mr. HINDLEY presented 58 petitions from various places in the neighbourhood of Manchester in favour of the Ten Hours' Bill. THE RIVER CLYDE. Mr. HUME moved for certain returns respecting the amount of debt, and the progress of the debt, of the River Clyde Trust, with the revenue and expenditure of the navi gation.—Agreed to. THE FACTORIES REGULATION BILL. On the order of the day far the second reading of Via Bill, Mr. HUME said he wished to ask the Hon. Member for Oldham a question, in regard to his motion on this Bill. It was important that the fullest freedom should be given to capital, and it was also an essential of commercial prosperity that there should be the same freed am given to labour. On that ground lie was sorry to see the system of attempting to interfere with the free application of capital which prevailed in certain quarters in the country. To that he was directly op posed, and seeing that it was going forward to such an extent he could not let the matter pass over without calling atten tion to it. In a question of such importance he begged leave to suggest that it ought not to be discussed in such a thin House, and at the time when there were tweety Committees sitting. Members could not in consequence attend, and in order that there should be the fullest and fairest discussion he thought the Government might be prevailed on to allow a Monday or Friday evening for the discus sion of the question.—(lronical cries of " Hear, hear.") Well, if that could not be arranged, then some other day might be fixed on. What he meant was, that the question should not be dealt with in such a thin House. On that ground it was that he had made a suggestion.—( Hear, hear.) Sir R. PEEL concurred with the Hon. Member as to the importance of the question, and would be willing that some other Government days should be set apart for the discus sion of it; hut, in the present state of the business, he could not mak e a prom i se o f any day. It was out of his power to giv_e_any_pledg,e in the matter. in r s the Corn H th ßi on il g h w t a t g h d e is ß p i o l s l edo might f. bTehpeosfatpcotonreyd question l s s t n io c n h time was next i n i mportance to that question, and it could come on in due course then. The motion was then put and carri'd. Lord CAMPBELL—I am very glad that we are able to jog on a little in our business. It certainly is not, however, owing to my Noble and Learned Friend. The part of the House in which he sits is generally the most irregular quarter of the House. The LORD CHANCELLOR—I have no authority, like the Speaker of the House of Commons, to call Noble Lords to order. If I had, I have no doubt I should have occasion every day to call the Noble Lord to order. —(Laughter.) Lord CAMPBELL 7 I . knevv my Noble and Learned Friend has no power to call Noble Lords to order, but he has the power of preventing disorder. The most disorderly quarter of the House is that which is nearest the woolsack.--( Laughter. ) The Noble Lord went on to say that he thought there should be a railway department in connexion with the Government. The loan appointed last year had failed, because their powers were not defined by an Act of Parliament. He trusted that the suggestion thrown out by the Noble Lord would meet with the serious attention of the Government. The Duke of WELLINGTON—The Railway Board of last session was appointed in consequence of the proceedings of a Committee of the House of Commons, and a report of the House of Commons. powers were limited in consequence of that report. It wa: a measure imposed by certain private transactions which came before Parliament, to enable the promoters of these transactions to carry them into execution. The Noble Lord might be right ; Parliament did not, per- haps, give sufficient power. Lord BROUGHAM thought the Government could not have done worse than getting up a report, but the Beard of Trade was materially crippled by it. He agreed with the Noble Lord behind him that a Board should be formed, for not only a railway department, but for all private Bills. He looked upon the manner in which such things were conducted by our continental neighbours. He was perfectly satisfied that the decisions of such a Board in every instance would make the law, and they would have constant and economical, but, above all, right and just decisions. It was impossible that the Committee at present sitting on railway Bills, could satis facterily perform their duties. It was better done in that House than in the Representative House, from their Lordships being a more judicial body; still it was not performed in the way that it ought to be done. He hoped that some such salutary measure as that he referred to would be adopted.—( Hear.) Lord ASHBURTON perfectly agreed with the Noble and Learned Lord, and with the feeling expressed by their Lord rhips, that the whole system of railway legislation should be altered, and some responsible and efficient Board appointed. lie hoped that they would not have to wait much longer before the Government did something in the matter , or if they did lot, he trusted that a Committee of that House would consider some plan for meeting the state of things complained of. The Board suggested by the Noble Duke should be constituted so as to command the respect of those whom its decisions would affect. But he apprehended that it would not, be cause they had an instance in the Poor-law Commissioners— men of respectable position and influence—being made an ob ject which parties, whom their decisions affected, treated with considerable obloquy. He was afraid that such a tribunal would not meet with the approbation of the public. If the Committees, in deciding on the Bills submitted for their con- sideration this session, paid particular attenti' n to the amount of capital invested, and to the wants of the districts through which they were designed to pass, he believed that no projects save those required would pass into law. He could not sit down without expressing his strong conviction that the mea sure brought forward by the Government was loudly called for, and Would effect great good. Lord BROUGHAM said, although the Noble Lord ahusP,l roads, he ( Lord Brougham) could state, that they had been really improved during the last four or five years. The Earl of DALHOUSIE said, he conceived the House would not wish him to express any decided opinion on the Question bofore the House. He wished, however, to address a few words, calling attention to the fact, that his Noble Friends about him, and his Colleagues in the other House, were not responsible for the absence of any measure for conti offing railways In the very first session alter her Majesty's Ministers obtained power there was no appearance of a number of railway Bills at all, but in the next session, when there was likely to be a great demand for projects of that kind, her Majesty's Govern ment took the subject into their consideration, and in the very first week of that session a Committee was appointed on the subject on the motion of the President of the Board of Trade. The subject was minutely gone into by that Committee, and their report, after fully entering into the subject of railways, and their superintendence, recommended that a department of the executze Government should be entrusted with a certain preliminary authority on railway Bills, before their coming into Parliament. The Committee recommended that that department should be entrusted with some authority, and should report on the desirability, or not, of such Bills ; and in their recommendation the province of dealing with these Bills was assigned to the Board of Trade. He need not re mind their Lordships that at that time there was an extreme degree of jealousy on the part of the representatives of the people, and not less jealousy on the part of their Lordships, against any assurAption of control over those projects by the Government ; and, therefore, the Committee distinctly laid down the powers which should be given to that de partment—exactly what they should inquire into, and no more. He had the honour of being placed at the head of that department. He could state, with perfect confi dence, that no labour was spared on his own part, and on the part of those who acted with him, to discharge their duties in a proper manner, and with satisfaction to the public. It would be impossible for the gentlemen entrusted with the discharge of this duty, to have applied themselves to it with more assi duity, industry, or integrity, than they had; but they could not dare venture to go beyond the line laid down as that which limited their duties. For this limit they could not blame either the House or the Government. If there limits were to be enlarged, good and well ; but until they were, no blame could be attached to the Committee. He had now only to say, that a Committee had been appointed for the purpose of inquir ing into the subject, and he had no doubt the result would be such as would enable this House to come to some final deter mination upon the subject. In conclusion, he had only to say that there could be no objection to the returns moved for by the Noble Lord; but there might be some difficulty in getting some of them. Lord W HARNCLIFFE said that having been brought in contact with this subject in some measure, he would wish to say a few wards. He did not find fault with this Committee going somewhat beyond its limits. He rejoicrd that there ap peared a growing conviction of some organisation for control ing the operations of that part of the public business. He thought that such organisation could not be effected without some considerable difficulty, arising from the constitution of their Lordship's House. He thought it desirable such an or ganisation should be made. Tke motion was then agreed to. MESSAGES FROM HER 14IA.TESTY—VISCOUNT HARDINGE AND LORD GoUGH. The Earl of RIPON brought two messages to their Lord • ships whiah were then read. " Her Majesty having taken into her consideration the services of Viscount Hardinge, Governor- General of India, upon the banks of the Sutlej, and in the Punjaub, and being desirous of conveying some marks of her favour to Lord Hardinge, and the two next heirs male of his body, recommends your Lordships to adopt some measure for carrying the same into effect. Her Majesty having taken into her consideration the services of Lord Hugh Gough, Governor-General of the army in India, upon the banks of the Sutlej, and in the Punjaub, and being desirous of con veying some marks of her favour to Lord Hugh Gough, and the two next male heirs of his body, recommends your Lordships to adopt some measures for carrying the same into effect." The Earl of RIPON said that on Thursday next, he would move the consideration of the subject. THE RAILWAY DEPOSITS BILL. The Earl of DALHOUSIE moved the second reading of this Bill. He hoped there would be no opposition to the second reading. Lord CAMPBELL was willing to give every assistance to the Noble Lord. He, however, wished to call his attention to the 17th clause, which gave great power to the chairman of those Committees. If a chairman was to make a false return, or falsify the minutes, there was no redress, as the Bill at pre sent stood. This was an important pint, which he wished to point out for the consideration of the Noble Earl. There ought to be a review of such proceedings by the competent Court, ere the publication in the London Gazette was made absolute. It was most desirable that a tribunal should review, and have the power to reverse any decision that a chairman should falsely re turn. That granted, he agreed that advertisements inserted in the Land ,n Gazette should be a final authority as to the calling of the meeting, and the resolutions it had come to. He trusted the Noble Earl would consider the matter between that and going into committee on the Hear, hear.) Lord W FIARNCLIFFE wished to call the attention of the Noble Earl to one other point. It was in reference to the 19th clause of the Bill, which required that the parties pro moting a Bill should return the number of shares issued. Ile thought it right to be extended so as to be of a more perma nent character than was embodied in the Bill, there being at present no mode by which the parties most interested in a Bill could lessen the amount of reserve shares, or the manner in which they were issued. The Earl of DALHOUSIE said that with respect to the limitation of the Bill, he thought it would be better that it should be restricted to two years. With regard to the point respecting the registration of shares, he was desirous of its being carried into effect. In passing the Joint Stock Companys Act of last session, the object was to obtain a full account of the shares issued in the formation of companies, and other particulars in reference thereto. At present the Standing Orders' Committee also required information as t othc shares taken up, and the returns were he believed generally accurate, at least he did not think there was much trickery. These points however would have his best attention, though he considered a chairman would hardly rule the falsifying of the returns, as his proceedings would be subjected to the closest scrutiny. Still, in order that every precaution might be taken against such a contingency, he would consider the means of remedying it. The Bill was then read a second time, and ordered to be committed on Thursday next. COMMONS ENCLOSURE BILL. The Commons Enclosure Bill was read a second time. Their Lordships then adjourned till Thursday. HOUSE OF COMMOIVS, April 2S. LORD HARDINGE AND LORD GOUGH. MESSAGES FRONI HER MAJESTY. Sir R. PEEL appeared at t he bar of the House with a Mes sage from her Majesty. The SPEAKER read the Message as follows :—" Her Ma jesty, taking into consideration the great and brilliant Henry Viscount Hardinge, Lieu services performed by t en ant-General of her Majesty's Forces, and Governor- General of India, in the course of the rec , nt hostilities which have taken place on the banks of the Sutlej and in the Punjaub, is desirous to confer some signal mark of her favour for those and other distinguished merits of the said Henry Viscount llardinge, upon him and the two next surviv ing heirs of his body ; and she recommends to her faithful Commons the adoption of such measures as shall be necessary to accomplish that object. Sir R. PEEL then brought up the following Message, which was read by The SPEAKER—" Her Majesty, taking into consideration the great and brilliant services of Hugh Lord Gough, Lieu tenant-General of her Majesty's Forces and Commander of the East India Company's forces in India, in the course of the recent hostilities which have taken place on the banks of the Sutlej and in the Punjaub, being desirous to con fer some signal mark of her favour for these and other distin guished merits of the said Hugh Lord Gough, to him and the two next surviving heirs male of his body, recommends to her faithful Commons the adoption of such measures as shall be necessary to accomplish that object." On the motion of Sir R. PEEL, her Majesty's most gracious Messages were ordered to be taken into consideration on Mon day next. MR. SMITH OBRIEN. Mr. ESTCOURT brought up a report from the Committee on Group 11 of Railway Bills. The Clerk read the report, which stated that at one o'clock this day the Members comprising the Committee on Group 11 of Railway Bills were present in the Committee-room, and that Mr. Smith O'Brien did not attend within one hour, the time appoin ed. The' SPEAKER called on Mr. Smith O'Brien. Mr. SMITH O'BRIEN rose and said—Sir, I presume that the object of this House, in calling upon me, is to give me an opportunity of making an explanation to this House. I feel obliged for this opportunity, but I have alrea ly stated my views and intentions fully and finally in the correspondence which has passed between myself and the Co,nmittee of Se lection. Ido not think it necessary to add anything to the matters contained in thoJe letters, nor am I desirous of with. drawing anything from the substance contained in those letter The Hon. Member here withdrew. Mr. ESTCOURT said that he wished to state the grounds on which he should ask the support of the House to a motion which he should male, and to state to the House that, con sidering those circumstances, and the motion he was about to make, this was the most painful duty he ever had to perform. He thought he would be justified in the eyes of the House in making that statement, for so long as he held the situation which be then held, which has been since the Committee of Selection had been instituted by that House, this was the first and only time he had ever been called on to perform a duty sisnilar to t he present one. On the 12th of February last that House framed certain resolutions, and amongst them was one to the effect that the Committee of selection should form certain Committees of inquiry into the merits of railway Bills. The Committee of Selection by a resolution of this House were ordered to give ample notice to those Members whom they might choose to select, which notice was not to be less than fourteen days. The Committee accordingly thought it would be expedient to frame such a resolution, that they might be able to give the notice required, and before the Easter recess it was given to the Hon. Gentleman, who was one of those selected. He received notice that on the 27th of the present month his attendance would be expected so early as the 3d of April ; on that day he wrote a letter to me, as Chairman of the Committee, and in it he enclosed a copy of another letter, whick was addressed to me, when a similar summons was received by the Hon. Member; and the reason given for so doing was that he (Mr. Estcourt) might, by referring to it, know his reasons for refusing to comply with the summons, stating that he had not seen any reasons since. That letter was written to change his opinions. He received that letter on the 3d of April ; that was on a Friday. The first sitting of Committees of Selection was not until the Tuesday following, the 6th of April, and, of course, he could take no measures on receipt of this letter until he had an opportunity of submitting the same to his colleagues the Members of the Committee of Selection. On the 6th of April this Committee met, and then he (Mr. Estcourt s, laid before them the letter with the inclosures received from the Hon. Member. The Committee of Selection found that the Hon. Member objected to serve on Committees having no relation to Ireland. And they also found that the Hon. Mem ber stated his reason for so objecting. He (Mr. Estcourt) believed that he could not better put the House in possession of the grounds on which the Committee had acted than by reading part of the correspondence which had taken place between himself and the Honourable Member. st he would draw the attentian of the House to rl t particular part of the Honourable Member's lever on which the Committee had acted. The Hon. Member said that as long as he continued to serve in that House as one of the Irish Representatives he would not until Ireland was placed upon a footing of political equality with England think of devoting his time to the business of this country. Then he went on to say that he had no wish to interfere with the affairs of England or Scotland unless those affairs were in some way connected with his own country. And he added, that he h a d abstained, while in that House from voting on questions of a merely local nature from the same motives. The Committee of Selection had instructed him again to write to the Hon. Member, stating that no reason had been assigned which was in their opinion sufficient to justify them in absolving the Hon. Member from those duties which were imposed upon other Hon. Members. He did write to the Hon. Member, informing him that the Committee could not recognise such an excuse, and they would not, therefore, be justified in exempting him from the perform ance of the duties which commenced on the 27th of April. An addition was made to the letter, to the effect that the Committee would be happy to make any arrangement to delay the Hon. Member's attendance till a later period, if it would be any accommodation to him to do so. That letter he sent to the Honourable Member the next day, and on the following day he received an acknow ledgement from the Honourable Member, in which the Hon. Member stated that his objection to serving on these Committees was founded on the relation which at present existed between his own country and Great Britain, and was in no way connected with his personal convenience. The Hon. Member, therefore, stated that his former communication announced his final determina tion. Ho (Mr. Estcourt) had not an opportunity of lay ing that letter before the Committee of Selection till after the recess, and then the Committee felt a sufficient excuse had not been given to justify the non•attendance of the Honourable Member, and they placed his name on the Committee appointed to consider the merits of the Bills comprised in Grout) No. 11. In ac cordance with the resolutions of the House, Hon. Members were required to make a declaration that they were not in any way interested in the Bills referred to them ; but the Hon. Member for Limerick neglected to make this declaration, and on Friday last he ( Mr. Estcourt) reported this fact to the House, in accord ance with a resolution agreed to by the Committee of Selection. Nothing further had transpired after that. He (Mr. Estcourt) had regretted that the Hon. Ge n tl eman , s i nce t h at l ast l et t er , had mae no communication to the Committee of Selection, and he had not attended the ommittee yesterday. He then found that it was his duty to make that motion, that the Hon. Gentleman should attend the House to-day. That motion was founded on the sixteenth res4ution of the 12th February last. His next step was to make Ibis determination known to the Hon. Gentleman yesterday. He was, however, disap pointed of his attendance, and he was consequently now com pelled to report to the Howe the resolution to which the Hon. Gentleman had come, in order that the House might express their opinion respecting it. The notice of the previous deter mination of the House had been duly sent; he was therefore compelled to bring the matter before them on the present occa sion, stating, firstly, the fact of the Hon. Gentleman's not at tending the Committee yesterday ; next, his not attending the Committee to-day, after the order of the House had been made known to him ; and lastly, his not attending on the House to day. Nen. Gentlemen were aware that he ( Mr. Estcourt) was not in the habit of frequently intruding:upon them— ( Cheers) — but he must take this opportunity of assuring them that he and the other members of the Committee of Selection were deeply sensible of the readiness with which their services were rendered, not only on the ordinary Committees of Private Bills, when their assistance was not compelled, but also on the more ar duous occasions, when their attendance was considered indis pensable. He could assure them that those services were duly appreciated both by the country and the House. It should be recollected that these Committees were only tem porary, te indure throughout the session of Parliament, and there v. zs therefore the less excuse for any Hon. Memo.. throwing the labour which he ought to bear upon the shoul ders of others. This resolution of the 12th of February on'.: .enpel the Committee of Selection to the unpleasant du• f , rolling upon other persons to do his duty. He could not sit 0 evn without taking that opportunity of repelling the charge that the Members of that House had not done their duty.—(Loud cheers.) He could bear his testimony that the Irish Members had cheerfully, kindly and ably discharged the duties intrusted to them, and he would especially refer to the Hon. Member for Cork—(Hear, hear, and cheers)—who had discharged his duties in reference to the Committees with great readiness and extraordinary ability ; and presented in his case. an example worthy of imitation.—( Hear, hear.) He must now make the motion, which it became his duty to make, and he was sorry that it should have fallen to his lot to do so. He now begged to move, " That William Smith O'Brien, Esq., having disobeyed the order of of the House, in refusing to attend as one of the Committee upon the merits of the line of railways comprised in Group 11, is guilty of a con tempt of the House." The ATTORNEY-GENERAL seconded the motion. Mr. O'CONNELL was sure the House would give him the credit of believing him when he stated that he would not rise to advocate the line of conduct adopted by Mr. Smith O'Brien on the present occasion, if that gentleman intended the slightest disrespect to the House. He was quite sure that the Hon. Member had acted from the strongest feelings of what he conceived to be his duty, and he would not lightly de part from it. The House ought to pause before they took any steps on this matter ; and there were two grounds on which they should give it the fullest consideration. The first was, whether the Act of Union gave the British House of Commons any authority such as that claimed over Irish Members. There Was no common law jurisdiction applicable to the case since 1793. The other point which he would impress upon the House was with reference to the Committee of Selection. Of course, he was not disposed—he was never less disposed than at the present moment—to say anything derogatory to that Com mittee. Before the 12th of February last, no stringent measure of that House had been adopted to compel the attendance of Members of that House upon Committees. Up to that time the attendance was voluntary, and, in many instances, it was still voluntary. Now the question was, whether the violation of a power delegated to a Committee was punishable as con tempt. The House had not the jurisdiction of the common laW to compel the attendance of Members. The only power vas s• atutory, and that statute was the 6th of Henry VIII., by which it was enacted that a Member of the House should be required to attend. If there had been a common law juris diction, that statute would have been totally unnecessary. The penalty mentioned in the statute of Henry would certainly not operate now, as it was the loss of the absent Member's wages.—(Laughter.) If there had been a violation of any rule, it was one adopted by a Committee which bad been appointed by the House, and could not be considered a con tempt towards the House. He hoped, therefore, that the House would pause before they decided upon the motion which had been submitted to them. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL said, he very deeply re gretted that this question had arisen, but it was absolutely nee cessary that the House should come to a decision, and be thought, under the circumstances in which they were planed, by the determination which had been expressed by the lion. Member for Limerick, that, there was no other course for then/ to take, but to adopt the resolution which had been proposed with very great regret by his Hon. Friend the Member for Ok' ford. That question now assumed a much more , serious character than when it originally arose, because it was now connected with the important considerations which had been shortly addressed to the House by the Hon. and Learned Mew: ber for Cork. They were not only there to consider whether they were to interfere with the Hon. Member who had rir fused his ~bedience to the orders of the House, but they wee' to consider the further important question now submitted the House by the Hon. and Learned Member for Cork. Whether there were not a portion of the Members of that House_ who were beyond it conriol, who had an lel dependent auth or i ty di st i nct from the authority the House over the other Members. The Hon. Member ha",, sent a communic a ti on to t h em refus i ng h i s o b ed i ence to. it"al order which c ompe ll e d hi s attendance on Committees ova an; subject not connected with the local interests of the country 10 , tshich he b e l onge d . L et the House cons i der for one Thwart,: in what position it was with respect to the general qu estie' then before it. In the month of February, 1846, it was OP.: sidered necessary, i n consequence o f t h e pressure o f hua i n e' arising out of the number of applications for railway Billet that this House should come to a resolution by which Cote' mittees might be formed of all those Members who had he ° chosen by the Committee of Selection, which was itself few:. lished by a resolution of the House in 1839. The BOO S should not forget that in the resolution it had passed, ever/ Member of that House was supposed virtually to have giv,' f his consent t o thei r adoption, and the Hon. Member u ef Limerick was as much a party to that resolution as any of °, Member from England or Scotland. The Hon. Membur le' that time Veer no objection, as he might have done, but Vi ce nutted to their resolution, which was passed for the conteenieli:er of the House, and which bound him as well as every Niee t t he of that House. The Hon. Member had been chosen by op Committee of Selection to attend on a particular c te e of railway Bills, and .he referred the Conert! t ia st in a letter which he sent to them, to a former letter °f on session, in which—he having been chosen to serve th ee private Bill—he reused to attend, for reasons which h e tier gave, and which reasons were fully incorporated in the em' addressed to the Committee this session. Thcrre were r e m' of that letter which it became imperative on the House O vib ielP sitter, because they were the foundation cf the reasons e" f i o re• the objection of the lion. Member der.ended. The vi bic* Member stated that he would express these opinion 4? p a r" had arisen from a long formed conviction, that a Britisu f t ne liament was not compitent, through want of knowle_r r_lg ,a e, ° l o, , ' people, or want of inclination, to legislate wisely for ',Jenne(' (Cheers from the Opposition.) So that the H 1 on• " ce t he a Member of the Imperial Legislature, anxious to adv" o jn interests of every part of the empire, declares that r. l i e . L eg it' competent to perform our duty, and declares that I'6;nd lation ought to be confined to Irish Members al one ' the 1 . 1 , 9 1; fuses to join with us, grounding his reasons on of ire ws s sertion that none but the representatives of it ration should legislate for Ireland. Now, " L i ne eri,,, competent for the Honourable Member for 4:4 f o r to de.line attending on any Committee, which has Dily opal object some local interest of Ireland, it would be equa 1