The Sun. — London, England, 1846-07-28 00:00:00

RA I [AWAY COMMITTEES. (1 ESTERDAY) HOUSE OF LORDS. nooin A. CORNWAX.L. This Committee met at the usual hour. Air. Brunel, engineer of the line, was examined with respect to the works, which he stated were not remarkable for any extraor dinary difficulty, considering the nature of the country in which they were to be constructed. There was a gradient of lin 60 for two miles. Mr. Rows cross-examined the witness at considerable length, to show that the central line was the better line. The questions put to the witness were pressed so pertinaciously that the Chairman expressed his intention of vacating the chair if this style of examination , were persisted in. Mr. Rows then opened the case for the opposition, and at the con clusion of his observations the Committee adjourned. Room 13. The members of this Committee, namely, Lord Portman (chairman), Lord Dc Hos, Lord Morley, Lord Mendip, met at eleven o'clock. NEWCASTLE-UPON-TYNE AND CARLISLE BRANCH. The Committee decided that the preamble of the Bill was proved, and the clauses were then gone through, NEWCASTLE AND DARLINGTON (PONTOP AND SOUTH SHIELDS PURCHASE), This Bill, being unopposed, the Committee declared that tn.- pre lim:ibis was proved. COCILERBIOITTH AND 17.TOTZKINGTON EXTENSION. This Bill being also unopposed, the preamble was proved. The Committee then separated. Room C .._... - SOUTH-EASTERN BRANCH (MAIDSTO: TO CHART.) The Committee re-assembled this morning; the Earl of Devon in the chair. Room D. GLASGOW, DITIVIPRIES,`AND CARLISLE. (Continued from our Afternoon Edition of yesterday.) Mr. Locke, civil engineer, examined by Mr. ,rs OCKBCAN—FIe rfrlB engineer of the Caledonian line, and perfectly familiar with the railways in Scotland. He quite agreed that the estimate of the `Caledonian Company far the Dumfries and Gretna branch was a correct one. He would advise the directors to-morrow to accept tenders for such works as those named in the 8111 sanctioned by Parliament.. The prices which Mr. Collister had attached to the 'various items were less than those paid on the Caledonian, and ho thought the latter fair , and reasonable, and was prepared to defend them. He agreed also in the evidence given by Mr. Collister on the cuttings, bridges, and permanent way. The rock on this line was similar to that on the Caledonian line. The particular rock which had been referred to was trap, or grawicke. The same ridge extended across the Caledonian line. He did not believe the works could be con structed for "less than stated by Mr. Collister. Mr. Miller's estimate for the Ilemfries and Gretna portion of the Nithsdale scheme was 251,0001. ; his was 338,751/. He had originally, at the recommenda tion of the Commissioners, given up Annan on the route of the line. neat so reluctantly, though he still calculated on the Annah traffic as belonging to the Caledonian, and so did the Commissioners. The came applied to Dumfries. He believed, also, that 48,0001. was as little as the line could be worked for per annum. Cross-examined—He did not know that Mr. Robert. Stephenson or Mr. Brunel had changed their systems. He believed Mr. Brunel let his works by competition, as did Mr. Vignoles and Mr. Hawk shaw. The last great work of Mr. Stephenson was not let by com petition. The whole estimate of the Caledonian line was 2,000,0001., but at that moment he could not say how much it was per mile. The levels sn the route of the Nithside line were very favourable. The line of railway recommended by the Commissioners in the year 1840 had a gradient of 1 in 113. This was the severest. The present Caledonian line had a gradient of I in 75 for four miles, and 1 in 80 for four miles. The severest gradient on the Nithsdale line was 1 in 150, which was a good gradient for general purposes, though not for a heavy ascending mineral traffic. Mr. Thomson, assistant to Mr. Locke, deposed that he had sup plied the quantities from the sections of the line to Mr. Collister, and they were correctly made up. Cruss-exam:ned—He had taken what was rock and what was not from the sections. He could not say who had written the words On the sections. He believed all the words werr written on at the time he made the calculation. With regard to the word '• trap," he believed it was written on the sections at the time he took the quan tities, but he could not say positively that it was. Re-examined—All he had to do in the present matter was simply to take the cuttings and slopes from the sections and calculate ac cordingly. He had nothing whatever to do with the marking of the rocks, or as to what kind of rock should be 'marked at particular places. - 31 r. COLLISTER, civil engineer, was recalled and briefly examined, to the effect that the writing in pencil on the sections, which had been referred to, was written on them at the time the calculations were made. As far as the outline and general character of the line were concerned, the plans and sections from which he had calculated were a perfect copy of those deposited in the Private Bill-oftlte. Mr. COCK BURN intimated that this was the evidence he had to Offer on the question of engineering and estimates. Mr. ANDREWS then said he proposed to recall M. lt..;:aler. Mr. COCKBURN objected, as the case for the Mr. Aleussws said he wished to recall 7..rnoters was closed. mat. Miller, to offer expla nations on the points alluded to .respe.::,: ing the line, and to prove that the price of the works on contraets were being executed at less prices on other lines. It would be recollected that his Learned Friend carefully omitted t crost-rxamine Mr. Miller on those points when he was before th. c mmittee. The CHAIRMAN I 'Atiinated that they did not think It necessary to call Mr. Miller, The room was then cleared for the deliberations of the Com m itt ee. After s, tile Minutes the parties were Called in, when The evtatitsteN said the Committee wished that Mr. Cockburn libeled be restricted to ene speech, and therefore they thought it well 141 intbrrn counsel for the Caledonian that tiey did not think the evi dence for the estimates of the Nithsdale line had been shaken by the counter-evidence adduced. The Committee were, therefore, now pre pared to hear evidence on the Dun:tries and Canoble branches of the Caledonian Company. The case on behalf of these branches was then resumed. Mr. Locke, civil engineer, examined—Deposed that the Caledo nian branch, between Dumfries and Carlisle, was shorter than the Dumfries scheme. In other respects it was the same. Tie thought k would be better for Dumfries that two COrapa.lies should meet there, rather than being plated entirely tinder one company. Re specting the Canobie Caledonian braucti whirls went to Langholme, It had better gradi en t s f or mineral traffic than the Nithsdale branch. Cross-ExamineAt—The inhabitants of Dumfries, he believed, were Very generally in favour of the Nithsdale scheme, and also the land owners along it. With retard to all traffic passing from Carlisle, through Deiratlies up Nithsdale, there would be as much incon veniciam from the two lines meeting at Dumfries as at Gretna. Re thoUr:nt his Dumfries line towards Edinburgh was much preferable to the Nithedale and Crawick branch. Re-examined—He did not think it would be possible to run trains from Dumfries to Edinburgh by the Crawick branch in connexion with the Caledonian, and thus there would be a considerable loss of time. The Caledonian line had a project which would have to some extent supplied the accommodation sought to be given by the Crawick branch—the Caledonian Extension. No doubt the-Caledonian in time would have supplied the district with lateral branches. Mr. Errington, civil engineer, corroborated the evidence of the previous witness respecting the branches proposed by the Caledonian Company, and their superiority to accommodate the southern and Edinburgh and Glasgow traffic, over the Nithsdale scheme, including the Crawiek branch. Mr. Brandt, banker of Annan, examined—He was In favour of the liithsdale scheme last year, because the Caledonian branch did not touch Annan. He thought the proposition of the present year would cccommodate Annan better than the Nithsdale scheme, in as far as communication with the north and Edinburgh and Glasgow wa concerned. Cross-examined—He seconded a resolution at a public meeting last year in favour of the Nithsdaie line, but that was before the Caledonian Company altered its proposal with regard to Annan. lie was a shareholder in the Caledonian, and also in the Nithsdale scheme. Mr. Elliot, farmer, in the neighbourhood of Dumfries, examined— Be said the opinion of a great number of persoos in his neighbour hood was, that the Caledonian branches would better supply um, morn populous portions of Dumfries than the Nithsdale scheme. Cross-examined—The Caledonian would not accommodate parties between Dumfries and Curnnock, or persons coming from Ayrshire, Tau Committee then adjourr.cd till to-morrow at eleven o'clock. Room E. EMETZR, YEOVIL, AND DORCHESTER. (Continued front our Afternoon Edition of yesterday.) Mr. Bedford and Mr. White were examined with regard to gene ral traffic. Mr. Jonathan Neill, examined by Mr. DENISON--Would not put Cattle on a railway, except they were very fat. Preferred driving sheep across the Downs to sending them by the railway, except ewes heavy with Lamb. Crom-examined by Mr. iIILDTAID—Have had a few smothered on the Southampton hallway. fir. Charles 3llsson colncided with the foregoing evidence. Cross-examined by Mr. HILDTARD—CattIe prefer the broad gauge Should rather walk them than send them by the narrow gauge Rad a bullock once smothered on the narrow guage. Mr. I)qcll;,ined by Mr. DENISON—CattIe are not comfortable on the narrow gaug,!. People might laugh, but their comfort ought to be eonsidered. Cross-examined by Mr. HUM - A:lD—Could not go to Smithfield and pick out a broad or narrow gauge bullock Lord De Morley, examined by Mr. DEN - mos—Was an original pro- Meter of the Southampton and Dorchester. Preferred the Exeter Great Western to the other. Mr. William :Moore, of ilmallbridge—Should not use the proposed railway. Cross-examined by Mr. RILDTAAD—CouId not use it In going to nepton Mallet. The chief market from Smallbridge was Poole. Mr. sly, malster and wine merchants—The most important Market , are Bath and Br.sta petitions had been si gne d at Wi ncan t on in Cross-examined —Two favour of the present line. Shafte b Mr. Richard mane, grocer, sury, considered that the effect would be ruinous to that town Should prefer the Wilts and Smiler r . accomm set line, which would bette of B, stole the Shaftesbury trade, which chb-tly lay in the direction . Mr. James Poole, land surveyor, at Desborough—Knew the landed d Yeovil. Kw er w. W thropey between alisbury an l .. was a great quantity oFtimber S bet Ween those two p aces. ne The Committee then adjourned. Room 11. AIRDRIE AND BATRGA.TE JUNCTION. The Committee met this morning at the usual hour. The Men. b e rg present were, the Marquis of Westminster (chairman), Lo r d jiannerS, the Marquis of Hertford, Earl Spencer, awl Lord Seagraye. The opposition to the Airdrie and l3athgate line having been withdrawn, Evidence was adduced pro forma for the preamble, and The Committee declared that the preamble of the Bill was proved. The clauses were then agreed to. • CALEDONIAN' • (GLASGOW. GARNlrryilr, AND COATIMIDGE PO'RCECASE). . . _ . . . R , sargeontlfstosirAtitr6u the part of the promoters, having Ittitorrhed the comtlttee that there was no Gpaltio to uze SW, 10,11,7 0444 i 55044444 and caZed tt..:= HILDYARD opened the ease for the promoters of the Bill. long discussion took place between the counsel as to the right of the corporation of the Newcastle Infirmary, a portion of whose ground was crossed by the proposed railway, to be heard. The Committee decided that the petitioners were entitled to be heard. Mr, John Moore was then examined by Mr. Irronsm, and stated that the level of the rails was below that of the entrance to the in firmary at Newcastle. This witness was cross-examined at length, to show that great annoyance must result to the inmates of the infirmary in question from the proposed railway. Mr. It. Stephenson, the engineer, was called, who confirmed the statements of Mr. Alexander respecting the estimates and gradients on' the line, stating further that in planning this Mid-Kent branch he had a view to the through traffic to the coast. There is a•linle already in working between Tunbridge and Tunbridge Wells, and an Act has this session been obtained for a line from thence to Hastings. In laying out these lines he had always considered Maidstone as a centre of operations, for that place was so situated that lines in all direc tions can radiate with great advantage to the country. The Fetlock Wood Bill had been lost in the - House of Commons this session, so that the communication with Chatham will not be complete, but that line will be applied for again, and then the scheme which had been devised would completely supply the whole of the county of Kent with railway facility. By the formation of this line the distance between Maidstone and Dover would be reduced thirteen miles, and the distance between the former place and Chart would be reduced nearly one-half. Taking Maidstone as a centre, the passengers from London would be saved twenty miles, and those(rom Maidstone would be saved thirteen miles. The district is now altogether without railway accommodation, and, in his opinion, as an engineer, the line was absolutely essential for the welfare of the Inhabitants. A Bill has been obtained this session for enlarging the station of Ashford, which it is now intended to use as a station depot, just as Swindon is for the Great Western line. and Wolverton on the Birmingham Railway. As the engineer of the London and Birmingham line, witness had had peculiar opportuni ties of observing the evils of a divided management, especially at Derby, where there were three different companies using the same station. The consequence of that fact was that a continual disunion occurred ; but an amalgamation of the three com panies who worked the line between London and Leeds took place, and the effect had been not only to obtain an harmonious co-opera- tion in the functionaries of the company, bat the expenses of one of the three parties had entirely • disappeared in the cash account, although the traffic has very largely increased. The c. untry be tween London and Maidstone is certainly very difficult, and good gradients could not be obtained. A Mid-Kent line was absolutely necessary for the through traffic from Dover, for the traffic from Chatham must be very freqaent, and would consequently interrupt the communication with the Continent.• On cross-examination, Mr. Stephenson stated that the line to Lewisham, the Bill for which was already obtained, deviated from the Greenwich Railway,. and running through Deptford. would give accommodation to that place, as well as to seve ral others, at present on to Lewisham, where it is about two miles and a half tram The Cros don line. In carrying out the whole of this scheme there - Would be twenty-nine roads crossed in a level, including that turnpike-roads. The tunnel at Farnborough would be 2,513 rigrrtis.lting: but the country was difficult, and he adopted this coatis as well as that of crossing the roads on a level, to save expense, the amount for that purpose being very serious in a hilly country. After hearing same further evidence, the Committee adjourned. THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, JULY 281 IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. MOUSE OP LORDS, July 27. ROYAL ASSENT. The Royal Assent was given to-day. by (lommission, at four o'clock, to no less than eighty-three Bills. The Commissioners were the Lord Chancellor, the Marquis of Clanricarde, and the Earl of Minto. The following are the titles of the Bills: Viscount Hardinge's Annuity Bill. Lord Gough's Annuity Bill. . Corresponding Societies and Lecture-rooms Bill. Western Australia Bill. Coalwhippers' (Port of London) Bill. Spitalfields' New Street Bill. Coroners' (Ireland) Bill. Dundee and Perth Railway Bill. Caledonian Railway (Glasgow, Garnkirk, and Coat bridge Branches) Bill. Sheffield, Ashton-under-Lyne, and Manchester Railway ( haley•bridge and Hayfield Branches) Bill. North Union Railway Bill. Buckinghamshire Railway (Tring to Banbury) Bill. Birmingham, Lichfield, and Manchester Railway Bill. London and Croydon Railway (Thames Junction) Bill. Newcastle 'and Darlington Junction Railway (Dur ham and Sunderland Railway, and Wearmouth Dock Purchase and Branches) Bill Great Western and Wycombe Railway Bill Ayrshire, Bridge of Weir, and Port Glasgow Junction Railway Bill. Ashburton; Newton, and South Devon Railway Bill South Wales Railway (No. 2) Bill. Gloucester and Dean Forest Railway Bill. Hull and Selby Railway Purchase Bill. Great North of England Railway Purchase Bill. Midland Railway (Leicester and Swannington Railway Purchase) Bill. London and Birmingham Railway and Birmingham Canal Arrangements Bill. Newry, Warrenpoint, and Rostrevor Railway Bill. Fleetwood, Preston, and West Riding Junction Railway Bill. York and North Midland Railway (Widening and En largement) Bill. London and Birmingham Railway (Leamington Ex tension and Coventry and Rugby Stations Enlarge ment) Bill. Ca'edonian Railway (Carlisle Deviation) Bill. North Wales Mineral Railway (Deviation and Branches) Bill. Shrewsbury, Oswestry, and Chester Junction and North Wales Mineral Amalgamation Bill. Guildford, Chichester, and Portsmouth Railway (No. 2) Bill. Huddersfield and Manchester Railway and Canal (Hud dersfield Diversion and Cooper. bridge Branch) Bill. Northern Counties Union Railway Bill. Grand Junction Railway (Huyton and Aston, and other Branches) Bill. Leeds, Dewsbury, and Manchester Railway (Deviations and Branches) Bill. Glasgow, Airdrie, and Monklands Junction Railway Bill. Newcastle and Darlington Junction Railway (Durham and Sunderland Railway and Wearmouth Dock Pur chase) Bill. Blackburn, Clitheroe, and North Western Junction Railway Bill. Blackburn and Preston Railway Bill. Sheffield, Ashton-under-Lyne, and Manchester Railway (Peak Forest and Macclesfield Canal Purchases) Bill. Sheffield, Ashton-under-Lyne, and Manchester Railway, &c. Amalgamation Bill. Ely and Huntingdon Railway (Bedford Extension) Coventry, Nuneaton, Birmingham, and Leicester Rail way Bill. Midland Railway (Birmingham Extension) Bill. Midland Railway (Purchase of Oakham Canal) Bill. I Tenhy, Saundersfoet, and South Wales Railway Bill. Lancaster and Carlisle Railway (Extension to Calefie4 nian Railway) and Lancaster and Preston Juiifo Railways Amalgamation Bill. Eastern Counties Railway (Stations Enlargement) Bill. Manchester, Bolton, and Bury Canal Navigation and Railway Bill. Leeds and Bradford Railway (Alteration of Levels ih Bingley) Bill. London and Black wall Railway (Widening) Bill. Shrewsbury, Oswestry, and Chester Junction Railway (Crickh, ath and Wean line) Bill. Shrewsbury, Oswestry, and Chester Junction Railway (Extension and Deviations) Bill. East Lancashire Railway (Deviation and Branches) Bill. Huddersfield and Sheffield and Manchester and Leeds Railways Amalgamation Bill. Oxford, Worcester, and Wolverhampton Railway Bill. Furness Railway Extensipn Bill. Ipswich and Bury Si. Edmund's hallway (Norwich Ex tension) Bill. London and Brighton Railway ( Wandsworth Branch) Bill. Liverpool and Bury and Manchester and Leeds Rail way sAmalgamation Bill. London and Brighton and London and Croydon Railways Cons'olidation Bill. Sheffield General Cemetery Bill. Heywood Waterworks Bill. Severn Navigation Bill. Bury Improvement (No. 2) Bill. Pow of Inchaffray Drainage Bill. - Dudley Canal and Birmingham Canal Companies Amal gamation Bill. Cromford Canal Bill. Chorley Waterworks Bill. Waterford Harbour (No. 2) Bill. Beltast Improvement Bill. Kilmarnock Waterworks Bill. Black Sluice Drainage and Navigation Bill. Rothesay Municipal and Police Bill. Wath-upon-Dearne Improvement Bill. Airdrie and Coatbridge Waterworks Bill. Glasgow Municipal, Police, and Statute Labour Bill. Hill's Estate Bill. Ludlow Charity'Estate Bill. Howell's Charity Estate Bill, and Ramsay's Estate Bill. Lough Swilly and Lough Foyle Draining and Embank ing Bill. The Earl of SHAFTESBURY took his seat on the -Wool sack at Five o'clock. withered, or if entirely abolished, whether they would revive that abcuiled trAftie. A question as vast evert iii its ednstitutional relation as thttt Which we have been lately discussing ; this, too, on the 27th of July, being later than any other previous termination of the Parliamentary year—(Hear) —this, too, also at a period when Parliament was jaded by a long attendance and the transaction of an amount of business unparalleled in the annals of Parliamentary proceedings, and exhausted by duties the most exciting they had ever - ' heard of —(Hear, hear.) It was under these circumstances they were called upon to enter upon this fruitful subject. This subject was not new. It had been brought forward occasionally in 1841, 1844, and 1845 ; but it was never really brought forward as a subject of a mere party running. counter to another party, and the sugar duties were now brought forward for the first time on its merits.—(Hear, hear.) It was whispered that it was better to have it now than at any other session. "It was sure now to succeed in the state of parties at present. When there was a scramble this (the present Government) had a chance." It was, next to thv sewerage - question, that upon which parties were united. Next to the drainage question, it was the great question of the day.—(A laugh.) Therefore the Government was content to show that they were agreed on some question. They had a better chance now, because they had been promoting free-trade with respect to the home producers, and they were now going to take away the protection from the foreign grower. Why not then take the matter as it now stands rather than delay for a future consideration, and when the second reading would be pressing on their atten tion. Far easier to discuss this question—a stormy and a difficult question, as he must acknowledge— now, when it was but a matter of theory than when a permanent decision of the matter was to be decided upon. Surely it was better to take time by the forelock and discuss this question, rather than when there was only an empty House, to hear what was to be alleged on the subject. Oh; that he had the same House to discuss this question that he had to discuss the question of the corn-laws. He could not but say that he looked upon this matter with great alarm, with an alarm for the consequences which it was impossible to describe. Had he had such a House to discuss this question as he had to discuss the question of the corn-laws, for if so then might he tell his Venerable Friend, Thomas Clarkson, to be quiet, and that he might sink to his repose in the grave with a certainty that the victory which had been achieved over slavery and the slave trade would remain undisturbed. What necessity was there to take this measure up now ? Why should there be a proposition to take up this Bill now, when the year was already Aso far advanced, when the system of slavery and of its abolition was as yet untried ; when the knowledge of what sugar might be obtained from Singapore, from Manila, and from our own possessions in the West In dies, was as yet unknown ; when the effect of the late measures for the suppression of slavery and the slave trade were yet incomplete ? Surely it would be better to act according to common sense and consistency, and take the Bill for a year than legislate thus in a hurry, and endeavour to pass a per manent measure, when there was neither oppor tunity for consideration, or time for its direction. tie begged to call the attention of their Lordships to the peculiar moment chosen for giving up the home markets of this country to the slave-grown sugars of Brazil and Cuba. When he looked and saw the in formation which the Government possessed on that subject, and saw their haste and breathleis— ticnce to get through wit:. this measure, upon the eve of the passing of the corn laws, and before men could come to reflect upon the colonial interests, because the British interests are now just settled, without having had time to examine the case, and studying their own documents ; they would probably 'not take it in bad part if he told them one or two things, for the purpose of showing the preposterous mode cf proceeding, and the _particular time chosen for giving up their markets. He would first take the case of Messrs. Drake, Brothers, and Co. They state that there was a reduction of 7s. 6d. per cwt., 'or an equivalent to td. a pound two or three years ago, and representations were made by the suffering planters and merchants, their associates, to the government of that country to take some immediate steps for putting down the African slave trade—and why? becaUse, said Messrs. Drake and Co., who are stated by the consu'ar agent to be a highly respectable house at the Havannah ; be cause, say they, in their memorial to put down " the retrograde trade"—for that is the noted term .applied to the African slave trade—in order to get rid of the glut of sugars, and to open for the Cuba sugar a market in England, that was the bribe held out to them to induce their Government to put down the slave trade, because if they did that, and unless they did it, they would not have access to the English markets, and by this means get rid of the enormous glut of Cuba sugar. So in Brazil. " I have taken considerable pains," says the Consular Agent at Cuba, " to inform myself of the feelings of the Government upon this subject. I find that all persons connected with the country are antici pating the circumstance that her Majesty's Government (that is the Government of this country) are waiting negotiations for the renewal of the trade between Brazil," and quki pro quo. He begged to call the attention of his Noble Friends opposite to this. The quid pro quo for the admission of the Brazilian sugar is specified as being " at some period the emanci pation of the Brazilian slaves." The proprietors not only seem prepared for this, but satisfied with such admissions. He had mentioned these facts for the information of their Lordships, with the view of showing their Lordships what are the popular impressions on this subject. So the Cuba men and the Brazil men laboured under the delusion that when they emancipated their slaves, and put down the slave trade, the glut of their sugar would never be released by its access into an English market—(Hear, hear)—the British market, they imagine, will demand the abolition of slavery and the slave trade as a condition of letting in the Brazilian and Cuba sugars.—( Hear.) Oh, how little did these planters of Brazil, and Messrs. Drake, Brothers, and Co., of Havannah, and Mr. Cooper, the English Consul, and the Havannah House of Assem bly—how little did they expect at the time that they were thus expected to concede emancipation as the price of access for their sugars to the English markets. They were about to•have that given to them for nothings.— (Hear, heir.) They were about to be told that that ad mission was to be given on condition that they would not put a stop to the stealing of one of the unhappy wretches from the coast of Africa. Now, he felt persuaded that it was not necessary to urge further argument . on, this question. He had said enough. Nevertheless so rife was delusion on this subject, so constant was misrepresentation, so audacious was the falsification of the fact, and so incredible the as surance with which these falsifications were urged, so groundless the reasons put forward by the partisans of what was miscalled free trade by political en thusiasts, that he felt it necessary to add some thing more to these remarks of his on this question. Further they must consider that the object of this mea sure was to admit an additional quantity of sugar—say 30,000 or 40,000 hhds. into the English markets, which 'at present excluded the markets of Cuba and Brazil; for it was ridiculous to say that Lousiana, that could not add to the financ:s of America, could send to this country, and after paying a duty in America pay a further 10s. in England. To meet the demand for these sugars the earth wou require to be drained to the utmost, and wretches would be dragged from their homes in Africa, and exposed to the horrors of the middle pas saga to reap the grounds of Cuba and Brazil. The object of the Bill—and it would be so entitled when it came down there—was to enc mrso the plantersOf Cuba and Brazil to bring over yearly from Africa 40,000 human beings, who were at present free, and torn Ike them slaves. It may be said enough had been done to put down the slave-trade—that by the force of the treaty with France, and by exertions of the combined sqnadron, a great deal had been done for its suppression; and it was alleged that the increased price of the slaves was an additional proof of their suc cess. Their own commississioner from Havannah reported that there were 10,000 slaves imported last year, and he expressed regret that the hurricane and the glut during the preceding year had caused no diminution in the exertions of those who were engaged in the slave trade. He had the greatest admiration of General Valdez, a former Gover nor of Cuba, and his conduct contrasted singularly with that of General O'Donnell, who had done every thing in his power to promote the slave trade. The argument advanced in favour of the contemplated change was that they no longer had enough for the consumption of this country. When the question was of pounds, shillings and pence, of profit and cheapness, such an argument might be of some weight ; but when it was a question of good faith, of honesty, of hu manity, and religion, he despised such an argument, and denied - that such a consideration should occupy their attention one moment. But he denied the fact. He denied that they had an insufficient quantity at present for their own consumption. On the question of the corn-laws he never de. pended on the famine part of the question, and he appealed to his Noble Friend beside him (Lord Stanley), if he ever employed such an argument. But even if it were a matter of famine with respect to the sugar question, he would not depend on such arguments. He said that famine was a constant excuse to Go vernments for betraying their trust, and to indivi duals for injuring property, and for appropriating to themselves what belonged to their neighbours. It had infringed upon the manly minds and cou rage of the statesmen of the country till they deserted their principles. Accordingly the potato disease was talked of. He heard nothing of that disease now. (640 h, oh" ! from Lord Beau mont.) Oh I was the patient suffering still ? He was sorry to hear it. But there was no disease in the sugar cane. Now, he had seen estimates given in two ac counts; by the one the consumption was 220,000 tons; The import from the colonies in the West Indies was 125,000 tons, from all the East Indi a possessions 80,000 tons, from Manilla and Java say 20,000, and from the Mauritius 60,000 ; making about 250,000 tons. But another account was given ; it came from parties to whom he allowed little credit in the matter—from the sugar refiners_ who hoped by the present measure to get in sugar at a h th e at to ac ok cou t n h t at made low rate, so as to bear a large profit for their own process; report it w underith which the late the 250,000 tons. B u t Go vernor-General of India concurred, and that re port made it nearer 300,000 than 250,000. He said it was impossible to over-estimate the capacity for growing sugar of the possessions in the East Indies and the Mauritius. If time were given for further inquiry, this subject would be proved beyond all possibility of doubt. But they were already proved by a reference to the amount of imports for the last three or four years. He now come to another point ill which they were all inte rested. It might bp said by the planters ." You are con, Witt to tae 90cfee I r yotal will act take row. you •_ will allow the poor man to have his little coffee, but yeti Will not give hind the sugar to sWeeteti it;''—(Flear; hear.) He was fdr the pool' man hating his sugar as well as his coffee, but he must have it by lawful meatls, though it had been said that stolen sweets were the swee est.—(A laugh.) He must not, however, have that sugar from slave-grown produce, when they could be supplied from Jamaica, Guiana, Trinidad, and Mauritius, and above all from the West Indies, who were ready to meet any demand. He had no right to take advantage of the argument of an unskilful opponent, or the clumsy weapons he used. But he would supply hits with an argument. He would give them an answer who inquired why they should admit the sugar of Brazil and of Cuba ; why they should receive the slave-grown coffee of other states as well ? Why, this was one of the greatest fallacies that had ever been broached, one of the most pure and indefensible fallacies. If this were a new reason it would be a different matter. But even in allowing all the value of that consideration, he must be bold to say that, with his friend Thomas Clark son, he was none of those who were such advocates for a barren consistency as would induce any man to over look the advantages of a change when circumstances had altered. When he was asked why they admitted slave grown cotton, slave-grown coffee, slave-grown to • bacco and sugar from Cuba, he would reply, that admitting all the reasons of finance, of conscience, and of what he was quite unwilling to underrate the new science of political economy; still he Was:compelled tosay there was no sufficient reason for the chanee that was now proposed. Well did he recollect the efforts of his dear friend Sir S. Romilly, and his equally dear friend Sir James Macintosh, whose efforts, now,happily successful, were at that time so fruitlessly directed for introducing humanity into our system of punishments. Well did he r emember when his friend Sir S. Romilly endeavoured to appropriate freehold estates for the payment of simple contract debts; to do away with such anomalies as in troducing steaming into bleaching grounds a capital offence, as well as other measures of a similar kind; how he was met by Sir William Grant, who threw out his measure on that occasion, and by Mr. Canning who used on that debate the much ill-used term of the wisdom of our ancestors, when, as it is well known, our ancestors were younger is wisdom than ourselves. Did they say to him at that time, why bring in a Bill to abolish this as a capital felony, when there were five and forty others remaining, or why not, instead of stopping at touching freehold property, and making it available for simple contract debts, or why not, instead of taking the debtor to prison, pass a Bill giving power to the creditor to take the money of the debtor? If such arguments had been brought forward he would no doubt have said " Stop a little, perhaps I will go to that." That was the worstj possible answer that could he given to his argument. But again and again let him tell those who consider this great question that they were not then called upon for the purpose of rescinding what was established ; they were not undoing what was already done. He was not asking them to repeal a law enabling Brazilian and other slave-grown sugars to come into this country. He was resisting a law which was proposed to 'ape.* this county to the slave produce, and then they said, " Oh, you admit tobacco! Oh, you admit copper." Yes! but if he were called upon for the first time to let in those articles, then would be the time for questioning his consistency of opinion on the ad mission of these articles. But let any man show him a measure which would have the effect of doubling the quantity of cotton to be brought into the market, and he would then oppose that also. The great increase of the cotton from America had been pro duced by a population who had increased in a fair and natural manner, But from these remarks of his own he would call attention to thestatements of one whose candour and justice was only equalled by his steady consistency in his principles, and who could not for an instantbe sup posed to be warped by any kind of bias of reasoning, or by party or _personal considerations, against any mea sures proposed by the present Government. He alluded to the Lord Chief' Justice of England, and lie confessed when he reflected upon the high character of that great magistrate, and the pure and the spotless life, profession ally, politically, and individually, and to the proud situation which he had always held in the eyes of his countrymen, and above • all when he recollected that he could be labouring under no bias of political feeling against the measure introduced by his own political friends, he had the greatest reason to allow the greatest weight to his opinions on the subject. When he (Lord Brougham) was talking to his Lordship—and he had his authority for stating it, grieving as he did that he could no.. himself be personally in that House. Lord LYNDHURST—Where is he ? Lord BROUGHAM—Oh, he is too far from this. He is at Holyhead. Lord Brougham then con tinued—When they were talking of a Govern ment to be formed on the expulsion of Peel, they agreed that they could not go to the country with a great and %betel measure at that time.- (kris Tordship then read from a letter of Lord Denman's.) His Lord ship (the Lord Chief Justice) said that they had forgot that a liberal Government would be very popular if they proposed to restore the slave trade. They acted upon the principle of doing evil that good might come ; they gave a free passage from Africa to the Briizils for life — (Laughter) —and they added the free liberty of the lash. —(Rear, hear.) Why, argument in such a case was nothing. They should ascertain _what was the - right, and whether they could reconcile it with their duty to do a wilful and deliberate wrong—a wrong committed by England, too, which aff,c - ..ed to exercise a moral influence on the rest of the world. They argue "We cannot do all good, and therefore we are free to encour age some evil."—(Hear, hear.) As a great experiment was to he'tried between tree-trade and slave-grown sugar, he was convinced that: it would be decidedly in favour of the Litter. Slave labour was cheaper forty years ago, because it was always cheaper to buy than to breed, and now the experiment could never be tried on equal terms. The slave-trade could not be put down, and common sense had agreed that the de sire to do so should be termed fanaticism. Frequent changes of Government were assuredly evil, but what was this to be compared with the suffering inflicted by the success of ten slavers. But it was not the success of ten slavers that could enable these markets to cope with the products of the slave countries. Not less than 20 slavers would require to be successfully delivered, for 20,000 additional slaves would be required to supply sugars for the English markets. He also read another expression of opinion from Lord Denman, in which he wondered what Mr. Fox would have said if he had thought that those who had done their utmost to abolish the trade would be engaged afterwards in promoting it and giving a new stimulus to it, for the purpose of trying a new experiment in political economy? The withdrawal of protection, continued the Lord Chief Justice, from our own countrymen in Jamaica would be an injustice, both to black and white. He (Lord 'Brougham) begged to remind them that sugar was the article which more than any other encouraged the slave trade. Cotton and coffee went but a small way in the encouragement of slavery. He grieved to know that slavery was part and parcel of the institutions of a country which called itself the freest in the world. That, however, was t h e i r affair, and slavery being a status established in that country, he bad no right to interfere with it. He said the question of slavery was not before him now, it was the question of the slave trade.—(Hear, hear.)• In increas ing the quantity of sugar produced in Cuba and the Brazils, they encouraged not slavery but the slave trade, and that was the gravamen of his charge— the ground of his argument. He said he would not in flict the sorrow and the pain, and almost agony on their Lordships, partaking in it as he did himself, by recalling to their recollection the source of that execrable traffic, founded in fraud, pillage, rapine —the hunting of men, the treatment of them as wild beasts, crowding them on shipboard, and afterwards using them like so many irre sponsible beings. But suppose he should remind them of but one circumstance in that traffic—one circumstance of which, had he " the tongue of men and of angels," he could not do such justice to it as the bare recital—as the poet says, could he " warble in sweetest strains that ever seraph. eatig." ;- The death of a friend, his being• con signed to his grave in all nations—but more espe cially in uncivilised nations, who, if they saw not so largely, and felt not so long, yet felt mere deeply than those who, civilised, had more to divert their ideas—these men where almost frantic if visited with any affliction of Providence,—as the death of a brother, a wife, or a child ; these uncul tivated men, themselves, when on board of ship, if one of their relatives was to be consigned to the deep, celebrated the occasion with revelry arid unlimited joy ; because they found their relative was released from his sufferings, and an end had been put to his miseries. The guilt of these innumerable horrors—these inhuman crimes—did not rest with the captain and his crew ; but fell also on those who sent them to Leon and Pername buco for their cargo of ill-fated beings. They did this by opening their markets to this infernal produce. For it was known to theai that the sugar was the growth of Cuba—that it was procured by the assistance of slaves ; and, therefore, they were the abettors of this villainous traffic. They understood, too ' how these poo r na ti ves of Africa were tr e ated. Th e y had had letters on the subject from the various authorities. They had a letter too from the consul at Pernambuco to Lord Aber. deed, which stated, " That all the worst fe a t ures of slavery existed in that country. That there was the greatest degradation of intellect, and that even the laws assisted to transform the African man into the American brute."—(Hear, hear.) He now came to the last com ment he should make. Before concluding, he must make allusion to what astonished him, notwithstanding the experience he had had of fallacious reasoning and unsound doctrine. The very party he was speaking of had carried their arms into the enemy's country, and said, " We, the true abolitionists, give us our money and we shall soon abolish slavery."—(Hear.) This then was the argument which they used, that the slave trade in Africa would certainly be increased by the abolition of the duty on foreign sugars. That was the argliinent. This was the monstrous argument used by the advocates for this new system of political economy. They allowed that this trade, for a time at least, must be increased. The admission of foreign sugars would in crease the horrors of the slave trade ; and this they did while perfectly aware of the consequences that must ensue from their conduct—this they did in cold blood ; and fully aware of the amount of misery that must ensue to the miserable victims of this horrid trade. He must say that in the whole course of investigation into the annals of human presumption, he had never found a more gross act of presumption than that which the ad vocates for this measure held out as a justification of their conduct. They asserted openly that they were aware that this measure would have the effect for a time of in creasing the horrors of the slave trade, and they were ready, for the sake of carrying out their views, to un dertake the great responsibility, he might say the guilty responsibility, of increasing the slave trade ; whilst the poor wretches who were its victims, were hunted, captured, murdered whilst this experiment of political economy was being tried. Yet - truly terrific as was this aspect of the affair —truly as was the terrible future laid before the world by the future thus presented —there was in it something ludicrous, which in its act ovecleici the terrible, aid whiolt•oveg, soitoged the auciulty of those by whom it was exhibited. It had been stated that free labour would supplant slave labour. He agreed with the proposition that It 'Would do so if in equal ciittunstances, because persons would work with greater teal when worhing under a system of free labour than when under the terrors of the lash in slavers. The. A B C of the abolition society was that tee laboar would supersede slave labour, but only when upon equal air cumstanres. That principle had been recognised by Mr. Pitt and Mr. Wilberforce, It was most profitable to work out the negroes. It was frightitAl to talk of human beings in that manner ; but they were not responsible for that, tile fault rested with the owners of slaves, then, to take care of therci. Thsy had access to the coast of Africa, and could always obtaid a fresh supply of slaves. —(Cheers.) I have now nearly dories I have ac. complished a task which I felt it my duty to undertake. I have reminded your Lordships of the general features of the case, and I have run over the ground at more length than I wished to have done. If I had had more time to prepare my speech, I should have reduced it to narrower bounds. I ihay perhaps have a future time to speak, in th e meantime all I have to say i, this, I do most earnestly and fervently hope that your Lordships will not treat the question as one merely of commercial policy, but as one which involves all the best interests of this c )entry, and of mankind, religion, justice, and humanity, and policy, and above all the national character and credit and reputation of our country; and, using the language which had been adopted by an eloquent advocate upon a former occasion, that national honour is in our mind inferior to the course of justice, humanity, and virtue." National hnnour and national credit is, I am sure, Welt - VOur Lordship;' hands, and the prayer of the petition, whose society I represent, and their venerable president, will not before your Lordships-have been urged in vain. The Noble Lord sat down amid laud cheers. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE then said, that in rising he was prepared only to offer a very few word , , for he entertained an opinion in common, not only with the majority of their Lordships present, but he believed with the Noble and Learned Lord himself, that this was not the best time or the fit occasion for discussing a measure which was at that moment introduced into the other !louse of Parliament, and which was yet to receive that full consideration that it must before it came before their Lordships.—(Hear, hear.) His Noble and Learned Friend must have been himself of opinion that this was the least convenient period for a debate on this great question, when he himself had placed on the order b ,ok of their Lordships' House a notice for discussion on this question, and had after wards, in the course of a few days, postponed it, on the grouted that it was not yet brought before the other House of Parliament. He, therefore, thought that al though his Lordship was unquestionably entitled to take any opportunity, by giving forty-eight hours' notice be fare his r , esolution should be received by the House ; yet he certainly thought that although the Noble and Learned Lord had, with his usual eloquence and ability, introduced this question, still it was the wrong period to do so on teat occasion, when every argument brought forward in the other House would require to be met by anticipation.—(Hear, hear.) But his Noble and Learned Friend, in the petition which he had presented, had bestowed a great part of his speech, net in supporting the petition, but in answering the arguments of petitioners. The prayer of the peti tion and the speech of the Noble Lord were in direct contrast, The petitioners called upon their Lordships to adopt the policy of refraining from all commodities which were slave produce, but the whole tenor of the speech of. the Noble Lord was to avoid the ground of the peti tioner; to adopt the most untenable ground on which any motion ever attempted to rest its policy, and to limit the consumption of slave produce only to certain articles. He wished to tell his Noble and Learned Friend that her Majesty's Government and himself, who, as his Noble Friend knew, had been at every period of his life zealous for the suppression of the slave-trade, were stillainatious for the extinction of it by every legitimate means by which it might be 'effected by cruisers on the high seas, where it could b e d one accor di ng t o t h e pr i n • ciples of morality as well as the principles of policy. But, at the same time, he must say, on the part of the people of this country, who had a right to intercourse with those of other nations, from whom Were bought those luxuries now almost become necessaries of life, that the Government had no right to withhold them from the people, and thereby virtually to extingeish those principles which but lately had been adopted by Parliament. They would certainly use all proper means for putting down that trade, hut they were av e rs e t o in terfering with the interests of other States, or with the principles of their policy; which, however unfit their Lordships might deem them—however er roneous--these nationsalone had a right to consider; and Im_ava.s ISA that by holding out threats wi h a view to leading them to adopt those principles which this country cherished, and has cherished for' the' last twenty years, but in reference to which this country, fifty years ago, was as much in error' as they, so far from accomplishing the desired effect, they would only tend to perpetuate the system which they sought to destroy. There were more horrors committ e d in i Lousiana n one day than in Africa in a whole year. When this question came to be discussed he trusted that they should hear ifrom his Noble and Learned Friend What was that morality which looked to any particular country, consistently with 'the principle upon which it was based.,—(Hear, hear.) On the subject of time, after the discussion upon discussion which had already taken place,it would appear almost unnecessary to add a word. Notwithstanding what his Noble and Learned Friend had said in such contemptuous terms about the sugar 4 famine that subject had occupied the attention of every Government for the last twenty years. Her Majesty's Government did not think it right, under these circumstances, to allow this subject to float on the surface of legislation, but to fix it on a firm and permanent basis. If, however, the matter had been brought forward on a motion, instead of a peti tion, there would have been an ample discussion given to the matter, and when the time arrived for that dis cussion it would be entered into.—(Hear.) Lord BROUGHAM said he rose merely to explain, that though he was in intimate connexion with the Anti-Slavery Society, he was not aware of the fact to which his Noble Friend the Marquis of Lansdowne had alluded. With respect to cotton, that was a question on which he was at issue with his Noble Friend. Several Bills were then forwarded ; stage, and the House adjourned at Twenty minues after Seven o'clock. HOUSE OF COMMONS, July 27. The SPEAKER took the Chair at ten m i nutes before Four o'clock. Mr. T. MAITLANP, the Solicitor-General for Scotland, was introduced by Mr. Fox Maule and the Lord-Advocate, and took the oaths and his seat upon his re-election for the county of Kircudbright. The following Bills were read a third time, and passed : Australian Agricultural Company. Barr's Estate Bill. Edinburgh Paving (No. 2). Fleeming s Estate Bill. Londonderry and Enniskillen Extension Railway. Park's (or Yates's) Estate Bill. Philps' Charity Estate Bill. Sheffield and Lincolnshire Railway. Stamford and Spalding Railway. ROYAL ASSENT. Sir Augustus Clifford, the Es1;e;:of the Black Rod, appeared at the table, and summoned the House to the House of Peers to hear the Royal assent given to several public and private Bills. The SPEAKER, attended by several Members, then left the House, and upon his return, after an absence of forty minutes, the Right Hon. Gentleman read the titles of the Bills to which the royal assent had been given (for which see Lords' report). Lord John Russell entered the House, attired in deep mourning, at a quarter before five o'clock. SHEFFIELD AND LINCOLNSHIRE JUNCTION RAILWAY. The Lords' amendments to this Bill were considered and agreed to. LANCASTER AND PRESTON JUNCTION Mr. C. King, the manager of the Garnkirk line, who stated that the line was laid out as a mineral line: When the Caledonian line passed, agreements were entered into between the companies that the Garnkirk Company should alter their station and gauge to suit the Caledonian Company ; in the event of their obtaining power for an amalgamation, such a circumstance would materially bene fit the cotnitry around it. The - Committtee then declared the preamble proved. EDINBURGH AND GLASGOW, AND SCOT- TISH CENTIit.2I.I. The Committee then heard the opening address of Mr. AusTlN, on this line, and proceeded to hear evidence in favour of the line tip to the hour of their adjournment, at four o'clock. Room 5. IMPORTANT DECISION. SHEFFIELD. ROTHEILUAIVi, EARNSLET, wAsErrzzah Ertranzitsrxzza, AND GOOLE. The Committee on the above Bill met to-day for the last time, in Room No. 5 (Abingdon-street). Lord Radnor took the chair, as usual, and all the other members, namely, the Duke of Leinster, the Earl Clancarty, and Lords Caithorpe and Keene, were present. The hour appointed for the meeting of the Committee was half past four, but :heir Lordships were in attendance a little before that time. The whole business was disposed of in a few minutes. The amendments, &c., having been settled, and the whole of the clauses adjusted and read over, their Lordships passed the Bill and agreed to report it to-morrow. They then rose. SOUSE OF COMMONS. The Select Committee appointedGßOUP LXVIL to consider the merits of the Rills comprised in this group re-assembled at the usual hour this morning, Lord Lincoln in the Chair. EASTERN COUNTIES (CITY EXTENSION). Mr. Angrix opened the-case for the promoters of this Bill. It was for extending the Cambridge lino of the Eastern Counties Company from Tottenham to the north side of the City-road, just above the Regent's Canal, a distance of four miles and four chains. It was originally intended to eontinue the extension on to Farringdon•street, but the Metropolitan Commission having ,reported against this part of the scheme, it was abandoned by the promoters. The extension was to accommodate an extending and increasing traffic coming from Norfolk, Lincolnshire, and Cambridgeshire, and it was estimated that it would not cost more than 800,0001. Mr Duncan, the solicitor of the company, gave general evidence of the importance of the project; and its engineering features were afterwards described by Mr. Robert Stephenson and by Mr. Borth wick, the engineers of the Eastern Counties Company. The Committee then adjourned. GROUP LXX. This Committee re-assembled this morning at the usual time ; pre sent, Sir George Clerk (in the chair), Colonel Peel, llon. Captain Car negie, Hon. Mr. Smythe, and Mr. Tower. The case of the DUBLIN AND ENNISKILLEN was resumed by Mr. George Hall, one of the messengers of the House, deposing that he had not been able to meet with the three gentlemen of the name of Little, and another named Butterby, whose attendance the opponents to the Bill consider necessary to substan tiate their allegation of fraud on the part ot the promoters in the sale of shares in London. Mr. SergeantMuarnir said that, if the Committee thought It worth their while to inquire into the charge, he would undertake to say that the witnesses would be in attendance to-morrow morning, and the Committee might in the meantime proceed with the Dublin and Sandymount Atmospheric. Mr. MURPHY said that he was prepared to proceed at present, without the testimony of the Littler and Butterby, and he hoped the Committee would allow him to call evidence accordingly. The Committee consented, and Mr. John Spiller, clerk to a law stationer, was called to prove that the promoters had acted dis honestly in procuring signatures to the subscription list.' Mr. W. V. Bloxam gave evidence to the same effect. He had " rigged " the market with the shares of this company under the direction of Mr. Hemming, the London solicitor to the company. ZIT'. MURPHY said he did not know whether, after such evidence fa 'he had much more of the same description), his Learued Friend would proceed with the Bill. Mr. Sergeant MURPHY said this evidence had certainly come upon him by surprise, and he hoped that the Committee would allow the case to he adjourned till to-morrow, in order to afford him an oppor tnnity of communicating with the promoters as to the course he should adopt. The Committee accordingly adjourned the Bill till to-morrow, and Proalkled with the ---- DITBLIN AND SANDYMOUNT, which was briefly opened by Mr. Sergeant Muantr. The object of this Bill, he said, was to construct a line from Brunswick-street, in the city of Dublin, to the town of Sandymount, which, as the Com mittee must be aware, was about two miles and a half distant from Dublin. Its terminus at Dublin would be In Great Brunswick-street, close to the Bank, Trinity College, and In fact all the principal buildings of Dublin. It would accommodate two class of persons—those who resorted to Sandymount in the sum mer time for the purpose of healthful recreation, and those parties who were employed in banks and public offices in Dublin, and whose residences were at Sandymount. The total cost of the line would be 83,0001., which would include stations and every other expense. The Bill was opposed by the Grand Canal Company in the neighbourhood, but he was of opinion that the Committee would, after they had heard the case, declare the preamble to be proved. The usual formal proofs having been put in. Mr. John Reynolds, an alderman of the Dublin Corporation, was called to show the disadvantages under which the people of Dublin and Sandymount laboured, in consequenceof not having such a communi cation as this line would afford. The people of Dublin and Sandymount were in favour of the line, as also was Mr. Sidney Herbert, the pro prietor of the soil. The subscribers either lived in or were connected with the neighbourhood. The witness was cross-examined by Mr. Salm, the solicitor to the Grand Canal Company, and said that the Kingstown Railway Com pany did not afford the people of Dublin sufficient facilities for sea bathing. The Dublin Corporation were unanimously in favour of the line.. The resolution which they had passed to that effect ' was propcsed by the late Lord Mayor, who was a promoter of the Bill. He was of opinion that the opposition to the Bill, on the cart of the Grand Canal Company, was carried on at the instance of the Dublin and Kingstown Railway Company. He believed that the prOnioteri would be enabled to convey the people of Dublin to Sandymount and back for threepence. . _ Major Palmer, Mr. George, and Mr. Walter also proved the de• sirableness of the line. Mr. John P. Morris produced the traffic lists, which he had been employed to take on behalf of the company, He felt certain that there was not a railroad In Ireland that would pay so well as this. Tie erection of the station at Dublin would not Involve the destruction of any valuable property. Cross-examined by Sir. SMITH—The account of traffic was not taken by himself personally, but two individuals would be employed. Property to the value of 12,0001. would have to be taken down in Dublin for the purposes of the line. Mr. W. R. Le Fann, assistant to Sir John 31'1 4 TeIL the engineer in chief to the company, detailed the engineering features of the line, the construction of which he said involved no difficulties. This witness having been cross-examined at great length by Mr. SMITH, The Committee adjourned at four o'clock till twelve to-morrow. POLICt?. INTELLIGENCE. ILI A 2V S 1 ON-HOUSE. ' Alderman Hughes Hughes was engaged during a great part of Saturday in examining witnesses in the following serious cases of robbery by a servant, and receiving the stolen goods by the brothers of the accused. William Slater, aged between 15 and IG, was charged with having stolen a quantity of silk handkerchiefs. the property of Messrs. Keen, Tebbutt, and Rippin, of Wood street, Cheapside, and With having embezzled several sums of money, which he had been intrusted to receive for the firm; and his brothers, Thomas and John, aged severally 17 and 19, were charged with having received the goods and money, knowing them to have been stolen. Mr. G. E. Radford, cashier to the firm of Keen, Tebbutt, and Co., stated as follows :—lt was the duty of William Slater to account to me for the several sums of money which he had collected. I gate him a list of the debts to collect on the 10th of July, but he did not account for any Money; neither did he return to the warehouse, and was apprehended the; following day. This morning he told me that, be had been persuaded by his brothers to steal the money, that they had previously wished him to steal on several occasions, and on the morning o f t h e 10th he met them at their lodgings. The arrangement was then made that he was to rob on that day; that he met them accordingly in Whitechapel-road, and gave them the whole of the money he had received up to that time, cheques and all, and that they went together to Tottenham; that he had no portion of the money himself, nor had they, when he left them, spent so much as a sovereign of it. H e a l so told me that he had, from time to time, stolen various silk hand , kerchiefs from his employers, having been persuaded by his brothers to commit the robberies, and he received only a small portion of the proceeds, one or two shillings at a time; that he took the property early in the morning, during the time he was sweeping his portion of the warehouse, and he carried it off the premises in his hat or cap; and that he had stolen a gold pencil-case, the property of a young man then living in the house, which pencil-case a pawnbroker named Cotton detained. About 12 months ago I observed one of the prisoners, whom I believe to be John Slater, walking outside the warehouse, and whistling for his brother to come out; and in consequence of that William was prohibited from. holding any intercourse with his brother John. After some further evidence in corroboration of this state ment, William Slater, upon being asked whether he wished to say anything, said, "All that Mr. Radford has stated is quite correct.' The two other prisoners said, "We have nothing to say at all." The prisoners were then committed for trial at the Central Criminal,Court. ... _., • WORSHIP-STREET. Hannah Barker was brought up for final examination be fore Mr. Broughton, charged with having feloniously admi nistered a quantity of oxalic acid to her husband, George Barker, a journeyman shoemaker, with intent to murder him. The facts of the case were fully detailed in this paper. The prisoner was fully committed on the capital charge. WHOLESALE Swowna.—George Rose Keale, alias Kean, and Richard Haggard, who stood charged with having ob tained from various tradesmen a vast quantity of property by false representations, were placed at the bar for final ex amination. The depcsitions in several charges, including two cases of forgery against Keale, having been completed, both the pri soners were committed for trial. , SUICIDE OF AN ANTI-PREDESTINARIAN. —An in quest was held on Saturday evening at the West London Union workhouse, West-street, Smithfield, before Mr. J. Payne, the deputy-coroner, on the body of George Clayton, aged 62, a butcher. According to the evidence of the wit nesses, the deceased was very 'fond of metaphysical or philo sophical argument, and not long ago, while engaged in a controversy of this kind, one of the company argued in sup port of the doctrine of " predestination," a doctrine which the deceased strenuously opposed with the principle of " free will." The discussion growing warm, and the deceased becoming excited, he pulled out his butcher's knife and stabbed himself in the side, in order to gain his point that man was a "free agent.' He had been for a long time past living with a woman of bad character, the wife of his nephew, and on Saturday week stabbed himself in the same Ilace as before, in consequence, as he said, of the woman rob bing him of all his goods and running away. lie remained locked up in his room until Tuesday without food, and was then taken to the workhouse, where he died on Thursday, Verdict, " Temporary Insanity." AN Lisa NOTION OF H )GUERY.—Edward Lonergan was found guilty and sentenced to fifteen years' transporta tion at Waterford, last week, fur burglary and robbery. The prosecutor, a poor farmer, stated that two men, the prisoner and another, broke into his house at. night and demanded his money. One of them went over to the bed where his wife lay, and took a spranten. (a little purse) from under her head ; but not satisfied with what it contained, fell to beat ing the prosecutor with a stick to force him to discover where the rest of his money was concealed. The other thief, who was armed with " a blunderbush," went " mouching about" till he found in a hole in the wall 5/. 55., with which they decamped, telling the lawful owner that he was "a devil of a rogue to hide his money in that manner." TREATMENT OF THE POOR IN EDINBURGH.—An aged couple disabled by disease from supporting themselves, re ceiving 3s. a month for their support, applied for an in crease; their case being recommended by a clergyman In the district well acquainted with the destitute condition of the people. On next pay day the petitioners were surprised to find that, in place of getting any addition to their money, a j rn 3ieoc i mitred. d . 11181 it mistake, reduction was made of ls. On getting the diminished sum, they expreesed a fear that some mistake had been corn luttatanthey were given to understand that there was this way th e poor .are n d ne tl:A wnn at if id th p e a y rh m a a p d a e b a n ny w c h o n t l n ly pla w i . n a t h o d n ra t w h it e sub ject do as they leafs deterred from complaining of the in adequacy of theft allowance?, and the inspectors of some tie roll ; for whom. ? alas I''t?:lth the miserable creatures on • ref g—T eErd:inhbt7ithranSctoottris,,fi;enr:a law affords so small re the Chiroplast (a machine for facilitating the meclianical study of th e pianofo r t e ), di e d lately at POW, it the sise of 65. RAILWAY. On the bringing up of the report on this Bill, Mr. E. BULLER entered into a lengthened statement of the position of the company, and pointed out to the House that in the early stages of the Bill the promoters were desirous of introducing a clause allowing them to take high and extravagant fares, but the Committee to whom the Bill was referred, and of which he was chair • man, refused to sanction the clause, and an adjournment took place to enable the parties to reconsider their position. At the expiration, however of the ad journment, the p a rti es declined to make any altera tion in their rates and charges, and the Committee thereupon determined to make a special report to the House. recommending the House not to allow the Bill to proceed further He moved that the report be con sidered that day six months. Mr. GREENE said that the Committee, having passed the Bill, recommended that the Bill ought not to be passed.—(Hear, hear.) The Committee had no power to alter the tolls, but the Committee, being aware of their want of power, compel the company to come before Parliament to sanction the tolls. The preamble had been proved, and the standing orders had been complied with, but of what purpose was that, since the Committee did not wish to sanction that upon which they were not called upon to determine. Now he, therefore, rose to defend the decision of the Com mittee, but not the recommendation contained in the report. ' Mr. AGLIONBY said that the Hon. Member for Lancaster (Mr. Greene) had stated very fairly that it was extremely natural for him to support his consti tuents' views. The Hon. Member supported the views of a canal in which his constituents were interested. But whilst it was natural for the Hon. Member to sup • port the views of his constituents, it was also natural to the . Members of that House to support the views and interests of the public ; and he (Mr. Aglionby) considered that they would be supporting the interests of the public by agreeing to the motion of the Hon. Member, the chairman of the Committee to whom this Bill was referred. That committee were unanimously of opinion that the tolls proposed to be charged by this railway company were far too high, and after having de sired the promoters to reconsider their Bill they still re• fused, and as long as they had so conducted themselves he thought that the House were perfectly justified in saying to them, "If you refuse to reduce the tolls to a moderate and reasonable rate, you must seek some other remedy; you must withdraw your Bill." Mr. B. ESTCOURT spoke, but, from the confusion which prevailed in the House, his observations did not each the gallery. WWr a few words from Mr. E. BULLER, The House then divided, when there appoared..... For the adoption of the report 6 For the amendment 7l Majority for the amendment... —65 The report was consequently lost. LONDON AND SOUTH-WESTERNItArtirA‘Y. The Z 134 of IaCOLN mond that tae Committee on the London and South-Western Railway (London" bridge Extension) Bill, have leave to report forthwith and that the standing orders, Nos. 119. 120, and 13?' be suspended, and the said report be taken into consi deration on Tuesday, if the amended prints have bee? deposited with the door-keepers at least the day pre y ' ous.—Agreed to. NOTICES OF MOTION. Mt, SHARMAN CR AWFORD gave notice that. the motion for going into Committee on the Rateable Properties (Ireland) Bill being made, he should wove that it be an instruction to the Committee to Tes ke provision that the county and poor-rate be levied ups the same valuation instead of two separate valuatiot provided by the present Bill ; also that landlords be made chargeable to the county-rate in the same pror tion that they were liable to pay for the poorerate. Mr. HUME gave notice, that to-morrow week be should move a resolution to the effect, that to p refs drunkenness and intemperance amongst the work in g; classes, it was the duty of the Legislature to leo, the British Museum, the National Gallery, and sin public places on Sundays, at such hours after morienel service that gin palaces and public-houses were a lloy( to be open.—(Hear.) THE STATE PAPERS. quite Mr. E. DENISON wished to know whether the Papers could be put in a more convenient form for std than they were at present He found that the es, lli ebs t for printing a volume (Class A), was 5741., an° the expense of nrinting 2,000 copies was ove r 4,00 0 ,, Lord PALMERSTON said that the subject haott;., copied his attention . , and that .he did hope,,nezt Uv gl be'ae to have thi.m put in a much smaller form. COURT OF COMMON PLEAS. bet Mr. STUART WORTLEY desired to know t o l;ajestv's Government intended to take any me ss° for opening the Court of Common Plea'. The ATTORNEY GENERAL said that he could nee pledge himself to pass any measure this session, b,140 would do the utmost to pass such a measure which considered to be most ueeful and necessary. THE WELLINT4TON STATUE. t oo On the motion of Sir F. TRENCH. a copy ° „ f f ei , report from the sub-Committee or the Wellington the tary Memorial, inclosed in the letter from his G race D e, Duke of Rutland, IC.G., to the Viscount Melb °ll , r e , dated 14th of January, 1839, was ordered to be sented to the House. SUPPLY OF FOOD IN IRELAND. ' In reply to Mr. O'CONNELL, t said 110 The CHANCELLOR .4 the EXCHEQUER sa.- -- ,„ et t the people in the distressed districts of Ireland had relieved by means of employment given by the and also by the people in their immediate neight,l hoods. Government had also furnished supplies of at a cheap rate in various parts of Ireland. iI t v o ci curred in what the Hon. and Learned Gentlemu n „e said about the beneficial effects of the forded to Ireland, for, from all accounts"e''be he had had the opportunity of seeing sine he had the I , onour to hold the situation he then filleofitef was impressed with the beneficial effect of that r e f' , in saving the .people from the evil of famine and , 13 ., 0 0 serving the peace of the country. It must at the tt time be observed, that much as the measure mig' to t beneficial in affording a temporary relief, it must r at be imagined that it was to become a pert"9"fif system, and thus induce the people to - r..ce on the Government permanently for food, for su p . a feeling would be a great evil to the country• of some parts that feeling was already beginning to g: e i -up,-and therefore the Government, thinking it net° t he to mark that it was not its intention to continu e , be system, had given instructions that the supply wa s "" It rtopped as much as possible on the 15th of Augus t ' 0 0 was at first the intention to stop the suPl 9ll de 3 the Ist of August, but that period was ceten De 'to the -15th, in order that there might b e a sl pressure on the people. The Commissary-G en i i - 0, in Cork had written a letter to ,to a part of Which he would take the liberty of readiel'd the -House.- It, was dated - the 12th of July, and 9 f ts ,, oil that considerable consignments 'of-Indian corn wee ere their way from England to that country. There „ o es half a dozen vess‘ls in the port, and if their ee r ' p sil were left much longer on board, they woul d ; l er) from the heat. He (the Chancellor of the Exehe c l, 1. 4 felt that they must be unwilling to land their cargoelbe they could not • enter into competition with hirer Government,' but if the Government reduced its ate oft it would give an opportunity for private enterprise to P food into the country. as tow Oit'hCdOraNwNinEgLthLetrheoliteigfhfrtomthetyheornrgihsht. ptoeobpeic*eetatb" Mr present time. Before the middle of Septembefforthe might find that the measure was still as n eeessarll te stli preservation of the people from famine as it had 9' been. u" Mr. HUME-wished to know whether theresc9„rsifti any objection on the part of the Government to: r it , a return of the amount which bad been exprndea_,d lief of the Irish people—in money, in provisions, ere work. It was desirable that they s h ou ld have b turn placed on the table, to know whether it We' be necessary still to go on affording relief. Chao Mr. P. SCROPE was desirous of asking the be tbf r ar x r e c tll h iye e v q bt ; 1;e par rpffi a a vo rar q tdtle u y e ca s obn t n i yy o t r n gie , brxuapnt It 'was inf w ear .to a : s tro:fro w bri „I.oeof tb flAni cellos"i Tv it hwr meritas h o h a r i s the a intention nd p E mode in which the people of Ireland heal he en " e e , I ' v' u a t t i i o x n io s us w t e o re kn t o o w t s h va o s s , e st! p tl i t: am y oe'll . e co b pr ntributions o r the , lt vote individuals • - ortion't? the ivre, t r , aibs in order to know whether the jr.eldiefbaffit.ral‘e'e:-, of was at all in Pr°P they- „ i e these individualsproperty whi ch sessed? The re priv y details were su bed,PP in order to know whether p contributions were at all equal to the distresses to relieved, s fied unless Vl' e tt Mr. F. FRENCH said that 1.00,000 L bad the counties in Ireland, in order to be s i .PP u r r ? le P s . re A; n r i placed at the r di l s - pt e ts o a u l ld o n f ot t b h e e sl:rieasurers ortisto, under the present Tenant and Grand No part of that he found was in existence at th e P be d moment. The distress was still great, and he o ' l for be know really whether all had been distributed, could scarcely credit that it had been so. ssi t ! The CHANCELLOR of the EXCIIEO'4 r with regard to the question of the Hon. Oc zn- 0 .01_ 4 ° Montrose, he had no objection to make thi? er i , quired, and he was also perfectly ready to -uu the table of the House an account of private ° ,4 . 1 13 s butions, but he was not prepared to say that he, to give the names of the contributors, s pecifYil i Pbet/ amount they had subscribed. He might renaurl', be v ever, that the landed interest of Ireland g enera: r 9 ; si come forward and liberally assisted Governmen t t o lieving the distress of that country. With regtly: to , is last question of the llon. Member behind k'd begged to state that the' whole of the 100,000/. n e e tai fully distributed, as w e ll as 30,0001. more t 11) „, 0 A tir second Act passed this session. He could a s 9r House that the att en ti on o f G overnme nt b all closely directed to th e s t a t e o f the cr n r Ireland. They received re p or t s f ro m 9 .,1 il ;O f of Ireland day by day, and the attention of GoV er fo sts; was constantly directed to the subject. He however, that Government would never be ca „ 9 ov er to take measures to avert any coming evil, bu t theless they should be prepared to act with v igour Ow Mr. HORSMAN wished to ask the Noble L s ub First Lord of the Treasury whether, i n case thesetOP resolutions passed, they would take effect without Pa m 1 ,1 for the Bill to pass? Lord JOHN RUSSELL was understood t o "aor he intended to take the same course that Was P with respect to the corn-laws . 4 0 1 THE SUGAR DUTIES. A number of petitions were presented for and °:1 0 the Propo se d Gov-rnment measure in regard ~ sugar duties. Amongst others (1 1 ' Mr. GIBSON - - i 0 presente4. a petition from t er d rectors of' the Commercial Association of Manche_ .o , B tiOP favour of the proposed Government measure resflit o ;,' sugar, arid praying that the Measure May paSs - ihr° ll A ote'' Mr. HOPE presented a retition from 31 s n o . c ote,; against the proposed Government scheme respeetTb r eog, d The petitioners prayed that no measure would tbs . ; the sanction of the House which would not 3 116 ;0 0 1 time to procure additional labour for their pla n efile and which w ou ld not perm i t t h em to compete °n t oad s terms with sugar ad m itt e d f or th e us e of home , spirits. he io Mr. MACAULAY present e d a petition from a o e habitants of Edinb u r g h, i n f avour o f the proP°E e sure respectin g sugar. ord er ge Lord JOHN RUSSELL having moved the o il the day for the House resolving itself into sec° of Ways and Means on the Sugar Duties, of ifj% Lord G. BENTINCI: rose and said, that in ol ds 0 the resolution which was in the Speaker's int„ e l3 tte ci ; an amendment to his' i bi l f e hial a dil l v tuye i l n ngo g erni bnc t h eteoi e nl c fa h unb a lte i h r rae , d h vho k ai l lt e :s l;l 4 : 66o p t n l o i ( e n) i twf n ehh t le e ti r ldmt e le r oe e hpt s iel t ' i lla o ts.h f kehe t a n drde o s s great mercantile s ecelsq c It s : c E oa a nv s er t i e acatnetdl less ‘ w V i e at s hb t l et l h n ea d d i s e vi s ca) , :e a st e n d that other P g re : t h regretted that on this occasionnhetthioiAesefriicniistnaer-sateesveißri°l3:osl64 the y h il e e ad felt of a b t e fore. t,he confident otfhtahtat Governmenthis Noble gif e would t P b e himal!! credit fin' truth when ho s 3 ic i td brought f.rward this motion with no hostile feel; ill wards her Mijesty's Ministers.—(Hear, hear.) P A an o cv occaion, the question of the sugar c.luties o fitle,g of slavery had been mixed up with a vote of c in her Majesty's Ministers, but he could trulY to 5 7, on this occasion, though he did not le et r, , s lo l o o that he could place his confidence in her aleie s :' s ) tors, it was not his intention to mix up with th! s o .00 any considerations of confidence in her Ntik? 0 0 1 u cl alb of Indeed, he felt that, 0 -got , je tt of such great interests as those of the ; no Yiw ee , West India planters, and above all on a que s triott p concerned the liberty and happiness of the Al est ion A be it would not be proper to mix up with this clu h od, _ Jr party consideration. But while, on the 01 1 F _ 0 ,01 4 disclaimed introducing any motion hostile to ticks whw) ment, he must vindicate himself from the tileart had been made upon him and his party. — ‘,. wee° 5 He could not deny, and he did not s iaveg, je o; deny, that the effect of the ema ncipation W est cr do rifY , very much to diminish the produce of the „ 5 .,00 he could not deny that whilst, for some y, e i e yeelP 9 oo the six years previous to the emancipation el s n 19 0, t he West Indies, the average produce was bet sin e s ine, t o and 200,000 tons of sugar. That producttp.ofeanno oil e d emancipation of slaves was completed, e% ce of such an extent that at one period it 0 ; „vac h ue 170,000 tons, whilst it was admitted that frt . „d the West Indies did not exceed 145,000:futr2is f . a/_ 1 11 7 . 5 manner it was the natural consequence ° ; Efea r, 12 1,0, off in sugar that the prices had risen.---oi. of pr attaer, hear.o, t o He found, when he took the the which had been furnished to ° li ii o ug oe t u , t be Grocers' Company, that the six yea_ryse, _r ea rv rs gn 5 100 emancipation of slaves, and- the- twell jic , l ei 1 4„ii average difference of the prices had Den in d f ial the two 151. pez GWt. Lie lad WA 7.7 . _ • • LUNATICS ASYLUM BILL. Lord REDESDALE presented a petition from certain rate-payers in the county of Wilts against the Lunatics Asylum Bill. COMMONS INCLOSURE BILL. On the motion of the Earl of CLARENDON, the Commons' amendments on this Bill were or d ere d to be printed. RAILWAY BILLS. Lord Portman and other Noble Lords brought up reports on several railway Bills, which had been re• ferred to Select Committees. METROPOLITAN BUILDINGS ACT. Lord PORTMAN gave notice that, to-morrow, he would ask her Majesty's Ministers a question in refer ence to this Bill. POOR-LAW (IRELAND). The Earl of CLANCA RTY, in presenting the report of the Committee appointed to consider the Poor-law and .tier laws relating to the poor in Ireland, hoped that the condition of the Irish poor would occupy at an early pe riod the attention of Government; and whether concilia tion or coercion was adopted, he hoped that impar tial justice would be done to that people. He believed it essential to the welfare of the Irish people to have the Poor-law carried out properly, and to have medical relief in connexion with these laws properly adminis tered. He also thought that the question of mendi cancy should receive early consideration. The Noble Bari concluded by moving that the report now laid on the table be printed and circulated. Before he sat down he wished to remove an impression generally pre valent, that he intended to introduce a Medical Charities Bill this _session,. believing, as he did, that it was "lather the'iirovince of the Government to do so. The Duke of LEINSTER thought the report was well worthy the consideration of the House. SLAVE TRADE. Lord BROUGHAM said, in pursuance of the notice which he had given the House, he had now the honour to present the petition of one of the most venerable in dividuals at present left on the earth. The petition was from the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, but, according to the rules of their Lordships' House, it conk] not be received as such; consequently, it must be received as the petition of an individual, but that indi vidual a man, as he knew, and as all their Lordships knew, pre eminent above all others for his great per formances in the cause of justice, humanity, and sound policy. When he recollected the history of that distinguished individual, when he reviewed that history for a period of three score years ; that that individual, who had attained the extreme verge of human life, re maining steady to his principles, without looking back on the past, except to profit from experience, or diverging to either side, except to collect materials for his gallant force looked forward r. still to the promoting th e h app i ness of his race. He said; when he considered this, he 'felt that in presenting the petition he was entitled to their Lordships' respectful sentence. That petition prayed that if a measure should be presented to their Lordships' House—a measure for introducing sugar from foreign and British colonies, not only where there was free labour, but where the produce was manufactured by manacled hand 3-- their Lordships would give it their decided opposition. —it prayed that their Lordships would express their dissent from that measure, however it might be intro duced into that House recommended on expediency, and on, so caller], human policy, virtually admitting again into the country that traffic which long ago ap peared so horrid as to merit condemnation all the world over. That man was an advocate, as were those whom he represented, for the repeal of the differential duties between foreign and British colonial produce, and for letting all in on precisely the same terms, provided al ways that that produce of foreign colonies was not the manufasture of the victims of that nefarious system of slavery which sixty-one years ago he began to abolish. The present measure gave rise to a sad sentiment, but to a sentiment also of another kind ; there was a senti • ment of wonder and astonishment, which in his mini found no bounds, that their Lordships should be discussing the subject at all in the year 1846 ; that it should now be matter of doubt whether their Lordships were to give the slave trade their countenance and encouragement,—that it should b 3 the slave trade which they were discussing was enough to fill his bosom. When he considered one thing, it staggered him more than all, and that was the date, the time of the year that he was reluctantly called on for the hundredth time to enter upon this discussion. The discussion was im portant, it was important in a commercial view ; in a financial view it was of no mean importance that a revenue of some millions should cease to be levied by one vote of both Houses ; and constitutionally, therefore, it was a discussion of no small importance. The petition referred to a measure which was to introduce into the markets of Europe the produce of slave colonies —of our enemies, perhaps, as the chance might be, if th e peace were broken ; and the question before theit Lordships was whether they, would encourage the slave tit*, whose strength they WI greedy .