The Sun. — London, England, 1846-02-21 00:00:00

IM?ERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, Friday, Feb. 20. The Earl 01 Smarrxseunr, in the absence of the Lord Chancellor, took his seat on the Woolsack at Five o'clock. THE CORN-LAWS. Lord F d I3VERSHAM presented forty-six petitions from the worth Riding of Yorkshire against the repeal of the corn-laws, and in favour of protection. The petitions were signed by landowners, tenant-farmers, merchants, millers, manufacturers, tradesmen and mechanics, and others in the townships of Gains borough, Pickering, Easingwold, and forty-two other town ships in the North Riding. He (Lord Feversham) concurred in the views and sentiments of the petitioners, said he viewed with alarm the measure brought in in the Lower House of Par liament, and they prayed their Lordships when the Bill was sent up to that House that they would not assent to it. They alluded also to the practices of the uneonstitutional body Galling itself the Anti-Corn-law League. He considered that if the sense of the country were taken, it would be found that the prevailing opinion was in favour of protection. VAN DIEMEN'S LAND. Lord LYTTLETON requested the Marquis of Lansdowne to pospone his motion on the subject of Van Diemen's Land, which stood for Thursday next, to a future day, as further papers relative to the matter were about to be presented. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE postponed the motion to Monday week. IRISH GRIEVANCES. Lord CAMPBELL rose, pursuant to notice, to present a petition of very great importance. It came from the inha bitants of the city of Cork, and emanated from a public meet ing held in that city, and was signed by the mayor and alder men and so many of the inhabitants, that the petition had been charged to him 82. for postage, but whieh, by the courtesy of the Postmaster-General had been returned to him. The petitioners stated that they approached the Honourable House most respectfully, and that, ever loyal to the British Crown and the public institution, and mindful of the pledge entered into by the Sovereign , t hat the grievances of the people should be redressed, they laid before the House what they considered a very great evil —namely, the compulsory payment of a tax called " ministers' money." So little was known of the impost in England, that since he entered the House he had been asked by a Noble Peer of great st andin g and i ntelligence , if the im post of ministers' money meant the grant of Regzum Donum, which was voted to the Dissenting clergy by the Parliament. Now, the petitioners did not mean to interfere with the bounty of the Crown, nor was it their wish that the grant should in any way be intercepted or limited ; all they did was to lay a state ment before the:House of the weighty grievances that affected themselves personally. In the reign of Charles 11. an Act , which he should i pronounce a very arbitrary one, passed, by which thei nhabitants of certain corporate towns were subje cted to iseividual taxation for the maintenance of the pastors of the Episcopal Protestant religion in Ireland. A Nosia Loan—Yes, the tithe. Lord CAMPBELL should state that it was an impost quite different from tithes, and one paid to the clergy of the minority, by the Catholics and Dissenters. The late Secretary for Ireland, Sir Thomas Fremantle, had likewise admitted in his place in the House of Commons, that it was a very great grievance. Now, after SO universal a condemnation of this tax, the only question for their Lordships to consider would be, what means they should adopt to remove it. He was rather astonished that when the Noble Lord opposite introduced his Act respecting Church Temporalities, that this tax was not removed at that time, for though the pressure of it was lighter, that very circumstance made it a greater grievance. While the former amounted to about 60,000/. the latter did not come to more than 13,00 W. or 14,000/. a year, and for that paltry sum it was too bad that all the religious sects in Ireland should consider themselves aggrieved. He,did not wish to say anything invidious of the Church, but he earnestly implored their Lordships to take measures for its removal, that the odium of it might no longer attach to the Church. He did trust, therefore, that their Lorships would look favourably on that petition. He did trust that along with the measures of concession which were contemplated, that the removal of this would also .be included, for, under the circumstances of that country, it would have a most favourable tendency. He would conclude by moving that the petition do lie on the table. The Earl of ST. GERMANS willingly admitted that he had stated in the other House of Parliament that this impost was a practical grievance, but he did not admit that it was evil in principle. He looked upon it as simply a grievance of a practical nature, and not to be considered as an insult ing act towards her Majesty's Roman Catholic sub jects. The Noble Lord was correct in stating that the impost was eriginated for the maintenance of the Protestant clergy in certain towns of Ireland, but the Noble Lord ought also to have recollected that at that time the Roman Catholics were by law incapable of holding any real property, and therefore the tax fell exclusively on the Protestants. It was only recently that Catholics were per mitted to hold property in towns, and they purchased those properties subject to the payment of this tax. It was a grievance of a much lighter character than the tithes, inasmuch as it was levied on the occupiers of those houses in those towns. The basis on which it was levied had remained unchanged since the time of Charles the Second. In Dublin it so happened, therefore, that houses which in the reign of that monarch had been occupied by opu lent families, were now tenanted by the humblest families ; while the rates had remained, comparatively speaking, the same. The same held good in other large towns— in London, in Glasgow, and in Edinburgh, where an impost of a similar character existed for the maintenance of the Protestant clergy. He had more than once directed his attention to the subject ; and he had been in hopes of being enabled to submit some other provision in lieu of it. Difficulties had, however, supervened, and he was not at that moment in a condition to say whether her Majesty's Government were engaged in the considerations of introducing any alteration with respect to it. He was not aware that he had anything further to say ; he admitted that it was a grievance, buts, he hadbefore stated it was only a grievance of a practical nature and not one founded on principle, or in tended to insult the Roman Catholic subjects. Lord CAMPBELL had heard with great satisfaction the explanation given by the Noble Lord. Lord STANLEY could answer the question why ministers' money had not been dealt with in the same manner as the vestry cess. ' The ministers' money did not ap pear to him to partake in the slightest degree of the :nature of a personal tax. It had been a tax existing since the time of Charles 11., and was levied, not on individuals, but upon houses, and was as much a tax on house property as tithe was a tax 6n landed property in the country. It stood precisely on the same footing. It was in no way a capitation tax, but was an ad valorem tax. All house property was purchased subject to this tax, and to abolish it would only be to put so much into the pockets of the house proprietors, The d;fference between the vestry cess and the ministers' money was this, that the lath r was a certain tax, and the former an uncertain one. He ad mitted that the present mode of levying the tax was a defective one, but he did not see how it could be remedied. Lord MONTEAGLE fully agreed with the Noble Lord ' that ministers' money stood on the same footing as tithe. Ile would venture to say, that of all classes of the Irish clergy, those who had the most onerous duties to discharge were the least remunerated. He (the Noble Lord) was not then going to deal with the question of the principle of the law of tithes. All he should say was, that it gave rise to a most unhappy struggle between the pastor and the farmer, as regarded 'agri cultural produce ; for certainly distraining the furr!aure and stock of the poor farmer, and selling them bff, by public auction, was a most grievous proceeding. Now, the impost of minister's money differed from titlr.es in this way, that the former was levied under an old valuation, made as far back as the reign of Charles IL, the consequence of which was that the heaviest taxation fell on those parts of towns that were in the greatest state of decay, and in which resided the poorest class of inhabitants. His Noble Friend opposite had done himself grey, credit by stating that, when he had been chief Secretary for Ireland, he was most anxious to find a remedy for the impost. Many of the clergy were obliged in consequence of the difficulty of collecting the tax to give it up altogether, and in such a state of things he submitted whether it was worth while to allow it to remain any longer on the Statute-book. He was perfectly persuaded that if half the ingenuity which was bestowed last year by a Noble Lord on a Bill relating to landlord and tenant was devoted to this question, it would be satisfactorily settled. The subject then dropped. THE GAUGE QUESTION. Lord KINNAIRD gave notice that, on Monday next, be would put a question to the Noble Earl, the President of the Board of Trade, as to the intentions of her Majesty's Govern ment with respect to the report of the Gauge Commission. PROTECTION TO LIFE (IRELAND) BILL. _ _ - . . . . _ The Earl of ST. GERMANS said that he introduced a Bill a few nights ago for the better protection of life in Ireland, and since that certain suggestions had been made to him which he wished to introduce in the Bill in the shape of amendments. He therefore moved that these alterations be printed, that they alight be added to the Bill. Lord CAMPBELL suggested that the Noble Earl should withdraw the first Bill, and that a new Bill, including the amendments, be introduced. The LORD CHANCELLOR said that the alterations were off - a technical nature. The Bill was then introduced with the suggested alterations, and read a first time. The second reading was appointed for Monday next. Their Lordships then adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS, Friday, Feb. 20. The SPEAKER took the Chair at a few minutes before Four o'clock. Sir Ds; LACY EVANSNEW tookM EMB the oathsand his seat for West minst °fficeer, in th e room o f C apta i n Roue, who has accepted the qt one of the Lords of the Admiralty. The Hon. and 01,11 -ant Member, who was introduced by Mr. Bouverie and Captain Peelle% was received with loud c h eers on hi s entrance. Mr. Goocu took the room o f L ord He the oath s an d hi s seat f or E ast Suffolk, in Mr. FL OTEX nniker. their seat s f er the cou artd Mr. S z y maa a l so too k the oaths and and Mr. Sturt. County of D orset , i n the room of Lord Ashley RAILWAY BUSINESS. Junc Ation petiti ßail w w on as ay Billnted aga i nst the Aylesbury and Thame were ordered i to be ng Rail committed, Bils vvvizere rea d a second time, and ondonand Brighton Railway (Dorking B ranch). anchesfer,Buxton, Matlock, and Midland Junction Railway. old Junction Railway. worth and South Junction Railway. General Terminus and Glasgow Harbour Railway. Stirling and Dunfermline Railway. Edinburgh and Leith Atmospheric Railway. Bristol and South Wales Junction Railway and Ferry, Windsor, Slough, and Staines Atmospheri c Railway: • Aylesbury and Thame Junction Railway. The O'CONOR DON moved that it be an instructio n to the Select Committee on Petitions, that in all cases of Irish railway Bills, wherein the promoters shall have proved com pliance with the standing orders in the House of Lords, they do give priority to the investigation of the compliance with the standing orders of the House of Commons applicable to such Bills over all other cases which may stand for inquiry before them, provided due notice of the sitting of the Com mittee for such purpose has been given, and that the promoters .. of such Bills propose to prove the compliance with the standing orders, either wholly or in part, by viva voce evidence." The Hon. Gentleman proceeded to point out the difficulties at tendant on the present system, one instance of which he would point out to the attention of the House; it was the case of the county surveyor of Westport. who, having proved his case in the House of Lords, had been obliged to go back to Ireland in order to attend the assizes, and he would have to come back again, to prove the same case in the House of Commons. Another case was that of a friend of his, who having proved compliance with the standing orders in the other House, found that there were 184 cases on the list of the House of Commons to be heard before hi s case wou ld comp on, thereby putting him to great inconvenience by the del a y h e wou ld exper i ence. Mr i . GROGAN said his own motion on the paper was sub stantially the same as the one the Honourable Member had j ust proposed. It would be i : e u the recoll ec ti on of the House t hat at an early p er i o d of t present both session b branches of the Legislature a d opted a resolution to establish the prac tice of commencing Irish Railway iti. MemberthHouse of L or d s . of His own motion, and thatthe Hon opposite, was simply to carry out that measure raore practically tic offoctually, and cooing that it mulct facilitate rather letaeLd the progress of private business in that House, there could be hardly any objection to its adoption. Mr.O'CONNELL could see no reason why this motion should be confined to Irish railway Bills. It ought in his opinion to be extended to all priiate Bi!la relating to Ireland, and he should move as an amendment that the words " iish rail way Bills" be left out, and the words " Irish Bills ' be sub stituted for them. motion L ord G o f the Hon. SOMERSET Gentlemans d it was co quite uld he acceded impossible t t h o a , t andthhee although no one was more anxious than himself to facilitate the passing of Irish railway Bills, yet it was his d ut y to ask the House to resist the motion of the Hon. Gentleman opposite. Mr. STRUTT said that there were many parties intown week had who were the promoters of English railway ill to pay hundreds of pounds pertotßhe witnesses and o wh whomo his u they had brought with them from the country in support of their lines. The House, in opinion, should ld deli berate carefully before they ventured to give priority to any Bills of this kind, unless they received an intimation from the parties who were put to expense by the delay that it was their wish that the Irish railways should be proceeded with in pre ference.—(Hear, hear.) The H o n. M ember for Roscommon had proposed that all the Irish Bills should have priority over all English Bills, the consequence of which would be that the agents of English railway Bills would be kept in town together with all their witnesses, for several days, doing nothing, and at great expense. Such a course as that would most undoubt edly cause the greatest discontent. On the other hand, the Hon. Member for Dublin proposed that one Committee only should be engaged exclusively in dealing with Irish railway Bills. He (Mr. Strutt) should be disposed to give his sup.. port to the latter proposal.—(Hear, hear.) He eertainly wished, before the House came to any decision, and took upon itself the heavy responsibility which this matter would involve, lion. Members would carefully weigh the question.—( Hear. ) Dr. BOWRING was proceeding to make some remarks upon the motion, but was called to order. Sir IV. HE ATHCOTE said that unless a preference were given to the Irish railway Bills, the arranghment which had been entered into by the House of Lords, which gave such Bills the priority would be perfectly imperative. The expense which would be entailed by the pro posed priority to the Irish Bills would net be so great as represented by Honourable Members. Under those circum stances, therefore, he should give his support to the motion for giving preference to the Irish railway Bills.—(Hear, hear.) Dr. BOWRING said he was of opinion that everything in their power ought to be done to facilitate the passing of Irish Bills through the House. He considered that it would be a very great advantage to have the Irish Bills come down from the House of Lords, after having received the sanction of their Lord ships, and he hoped there would be no delay offered to such Bills, as there were a very great number of persons con nected with such lines now in town at vast expense. He considered that such persons had a claim to be first heard, as they were subject to great inconvenience in consequence of the distance they lived being so much greater than the witnesses attending on English lines ; and he hoped the Irish lines would be dispatched an preffgence to English ones, for the reasons he had stated. Sir JAMES GRAHAM ( who spoke in' a very low tone) said that he was of opinion the suggestion of the Honour able Gentleman was well worthy the consideration of the House, as the state of Ireland at present unfortunately required that some immediate steps should be taken. There was also in Scotland distress in one district of a very serious nature, and the proposed line passing through that district, he (Sir J. Gaaham) was of opinion ought also to pass the House with as little delay as possible. Mr. B. HAWES perfectly agreed in the propriety of the question just put to the Right Hon. Baronet the Secretary for the Home Department respecting the measure which had just been proposed by the Hon. Member for Roscommon. He thought it was necessary that some measure should be taken, in order to save the disadvantage which might possibly arise from the Irish railways Bills being began in the House of Lords. It should not be forgotten that great expenses would be incurred by following such a course not long possibly before it could be known that the Bills had received the sanction of the House of Commons. He was aware that there were peculiar circum stances which would guard the railway Bills for Ire land, which might seem to justify the adoption of any ex traordinary course, yet he thought it would be better that they should be submitted to the Standing Orders' Committee, for he perfectly agreed in the opinion of the Hon. Member for:Derby (Mr. Strutt), that the Chairman of that Committee would be fully able to do justice to all the parties concerned. Having passed the ordeal of that Committee and the Sub- Committees, which were all composed of gentlemen, he thought the suggestion might be adopted originating the railway busi ness for Ireland and Scotland too in the House of Lords. He agreed, therefore, to this extent with the suggestion, but he thought it would be unwise to pass any formal resolution upon the subject. The gentlemen composing those Committees would sufficiently perceive the feeling which had been expressed on every side of that House, and the matter might, therefore, be safely left to the Committe of Standing Orders. Sir GEORGE CLERK perfectly agreed with the Hon. Member that had just sat down, that it would be unwise for the House to fetter itself by a resolution upon a matter which ap peared to him to be already sufficiently provided for. The feelings of the House had been sufficiently shown to the ma nagers of the several companies and he thought it bett er , therefore, that the Bills should ' be sent up without fetter ing the Committee with any resolutions of the kind. Sir G. GREY considered that some measure should be taken by which railway Bills might be disposed of without waiting for the order in which they are at present arranged. Mr. W. PATTEN stated that he had caused notices to be given to the Parliamentary agents to be ready with their wit nesses on Monday next. The present number of rail wa y B i ll s had been formed - into 33 groups; and in the meantime the various Committees would consider which project it was ad visab!e to proceed with. Mr. FOX MAULE agreed with the Right Hon. Baronet that a discretionary power should be given to the Committees. In the case of the Glasgow Railway, referred to by the Right Hon. Baronet the Secretary of State for the Home Department, he considered that scheme should be proceeded with as early as possible, in consequence of the distress which existed in the parts through which the line was to pass. Mr. A GLION BY did not think there would be any diffi culty upon the subject of the classification. lie thought it necessary that the Bills should be proceeded with in their chronological order ; but if the Government should arrive at the conclusion that some particular Bill, on account of dis tress in the parts affected by the Bill, should be exempted from the operation of this general rule, they should mention th a t particular case to the House, and the House should then direct and instruct the Committee to take this particular case out of its order. The O'CONOR DON then agreed to withdraw his motion. Mr. P. SCROPE said that the present system of in quiring into the merits of different lines was very inefficient, and required some alteration. Last session one line of railway was 84 days before a Committn, and spent from 300,0001. to 400,000 i., and yet at the (ma of the session was very little far ther advanced than at the beginning. The most important works were, 'under the present system postponed, and of the discuseiori t o li f e timee a al ed with little or no opposition. The real fact was, that a Commission, such as had been appointed by Lord Grey at sesslon, should be formed, to analyse all railway projects 'placed before them, and they should at the meeting of Parties ment make their reports upon the undertakings. He would ask the gentlemen of the House whether they supposed that the average Committees of the House, consisting of five Members each, were at all superior to a. Commission composed of five of the most eminent men in the kingdom ? Mr. GI SBORNE wished to ask the Right Hon. Baronet the Vice-President of the Board of Trade, whether the Government intended to adopt any measures fottoded on the Gauge Com mission ? In their report he found a resolution to the effect that a gauge of 4 feet -% inches was the most efficient. Did the Government Intend to bring the sulijeet before the House? Sir G, CLERK said that he was not prepared to say that the Government was ready to make arty proposition at present. The Commission had presented a very voluminous mass of evidence, which was then in the bands of the printer. That evidence would have to be submitted to the Government in its printed form before any proposition could be laid before the House. Mr. HUDSON said it kppeared to him that the diffi culty complained of might be obviated by appointing two or three additional Committees to take those Bills into their immediate consideration ; but he would throw it but for the consideration of the House whether time and expense could not be saved by assimilating the stand ing orders of the House of Commons and the House of Lords. After a Bill had gone through one Standing Orders Committee, it was unnecessary to carry it through another. Under the present system great inconvenience was inflicted on the promoters of railways without answering any national purpose. Considering the great nu m b er o f ra il way Bills before the House the assimilation of threStanding Orders' Committee of both Houses would be of great advantage, inas much as it would save a great deal of unnecessary expense. The motion was then withdrawn. BOROUGH OF WIGAN. _ The SPEAKER said he had to state to the House that he had received a communication from the Hon. George Lindsay, stating that it was not his intention to defend his return. ARMY RECRUITS. Captain L AYARD gave notice that he would, on an early day, bring on a motion for the better regulation of the recruit ing service, with a view to inducing young men of a respect able class in society to enlist in her Majesty's service. THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, FEBRITARI 21.. 18d(. CROWN SOLICITORS IN IRELAND. Mr. PIGOTT, in pursuance of the notice he had given to that effect, to ask the Right Hon. Baronet, the Secretary of State for the Home Department, the following question : Whether appointments have been made of three persons as Crown solicitors for the Home Circuit in Ireland, or for cer tain counties belonging to it, in the room of the Crown Soli citor for that circuit, who has died ? If that question be an swered in the affirmative, then to ask—Whether the salaries or emoluments of those officers have been fixed, and if so, at what amount; when were the appointments made; when was it determined to divide the circuit into districts, with separate solicitors at distinct salaries; and whether there be any objection, on the part of the Government, to laying before this House copies of all documents relating to any alterations which have been made in the office of Crown Solicitor, or in the arrangements for the conduct of Crown prosecutions in Ireland? Sir JAMES GRAHAM said he had to state, in anwer to the question of the Right Hon. Gentleman, that there could be no objection to lay upon the table of the House the papers he had asked for. In respect to the other part of the Right Hon. Gentleman's question, he begged to say that certain appointments had already been made of some Crown Solicitors, about three weeks since, which would come into operation on the 31st March. The Home Circuit in Ireland consisted of six counties, and it was propos e d to a d d two other counties to that circuit, and that a Crown Solicitor s h ou ld he resident in one of th ose coun ti es . of th e l The salary should b e 50 0 1 . a year, two h un d re d a year to cover all expens es On the mot i on making 700 L for each, and an aggregate su m o f 2,10 a f or ,1 1l Itothlicitor..---( Hear, hear.) being 1001. per annum l ess tha n th e emolu mentsuntil Monday next, at the H ouse s h ou ld , at i ts r i s i ng, ad j ourn, Mr. BROTH ERTON • suggested that the House should a .o t twelve o'clock, in order that they might be enabled to o y al sit to-morrow ( Saturda teAc)riiento Committee on the impor " Move, move." throw b i‘ ei z o m re S t x t ft em d . e ..— ciineu tlof ;he l only ad nd b e wished extremely sand that it sir R ou o t ß th E e ß sug T suggestion, advantageous, both to th a agriculturatu interests of the countr3 ', that the sens rronsercial House should be taken on the prelimina r y 6( the but he did not see how th e s u ggestion of the Hon.Me atbeop' would accomplish his desires , o r w hat advantage could Mem ber rived from the House departit ig from its usual rules.—cH ea _ . , Mr. STAFFORD O'BRIEN suggested that a s 4: t e '., a long list of gentlemen on his own side of the me ,- e was House who were anxious to speak upon the subject of tl - 4e Government measure, the debate ought to , be kept open - Antil those gentle men had an opportunity of a• idressing the douse, The motion was then afire ed to. FOREIGI v POST AGES. Mr. ROEBUCK was un derstoor ..t to ask the Right Hon. Baronet, the First Lord of the colonies? the penny posta g e "system Treasury, if there were any being extended to the Sir R. PEEL replied in , the gallery. He w as h o . ,o low a tone as to be inaudible in ttever, understood to say that it was not in his power to give a positive answer to the question of the Hon. Member. THE POTATO DISEASE. Captain OSBORNE said that since the speech which the Right Hon. Baronet delivered a few nights ago, certain statements had been published with regard to thepotato blight, to which he begged to call the attention of the Right Hon. Baronet. Those statements had been published on Thursday, and re lated to the proceedings of the Horticultural Society, a meet ing of which had been held on Tuesday. Dr. Lindley, it appeared, had at that meeting exhibited some specimens of new potatoes, which had many symptoms of disease. The re sult was, that it might be expected that the crop of the coming harvest would be exceedingly deficient. He wished to know whether the Right Hon. Baronet had received any communication or information on the subject ? Sir R. PEEL said that when he spoke on Monday night, he stated that we had great reason to apprehend that the danger resulting from the failure of the potato crop would not be re ducing during the forthcoming autumn. But when he spoke on Monday night he had had no direct communication with Dr. Lindley ; he spoke from the communications which he had received of a general nature from various scientific gen tlemen, who said that they apprehended that the next potato season would be marked by a great failure. He feared there was every reason to apprehend considerable danger from using the diseased seed. It was said that some new potatoes could not be detected as diseased by the closest microscopic inspection. The plant was supposed to be sound, but from recent information received, he had every reason to believe that the disease was quite apparent ; and it rested with the Government to give timely notice of this fact to the country at large. CORN-LAWS. Mr. BRIGHT presented petitions from Essex, Surrey, Stafford, Newbury, Reading, and one from Sunderland, signed by 4,000 persons, praying for the total and immediate repeal of the corn-laws. Sir THOMAS ACL AND presented a petition in favour of protection. Mr. R. PALMER presented petitions from several parishes in the county of Berkshire, against any alteration in the corn-laws. Mr. WAKLEY presented a petition from the parish of Clerkenwell. The petitioners stated that the present corn laws operated injuriously to their interest, and prayed fur a repeal of those laws. ADJOURNED DEBATE. Mr. C. BRUCE rose and said that it had been stated in the course of this debate that increased opposition to the repeal of the corn-laws would give an increased force to agitation. He (Col. Bruce) thought that if by conceding or voting in favour of the present measure he could succeed in putting an end to agitation, much of his opposition to the present measure would be removed. He could not, however, so persuade himself. He believed that if this measure was carried discontent of a more dangerous character, and agitation more difficult to re press than anything with which we had now to contend, would be the result. He could not concede the point, that the passing of this measure would put an end to agitation. He feared that they could not but expect that the great masses of the people would be occasionally visited by distress. He feared that if the present cause of agitation were removed, there would not be wanting individuals who would point out other alleged causes of distress. There would be little diffi culty in indicating other of the most valuable institu tions of the country which would be exposed to the same danger as the corn-laws. The existence of tithes, the Established Church—the aristocracy—the existence of the great mass of property in the hands of the few, and the neces sary expenses of the Monarchy, would be made the most of by designing persons, in order to excite agitation. He certainly did not think that there would be much to be apprehended from such agitation, if they had a firm and steady Government, be. cause agitation always derived its principle from the weakness or strength of the Government. He for one could not attach such importance to the association of the Anti-Gown-law League as would induce him to withdraw the protective duties on corn. The experience of the Right Hon. Baronet must have shown him the danger of any concession. The experience of every gentleman in that House would tell him the necessity of keeping up the national institutions. The country was teeming with an energetic population, and an occasional popu lar agitation would arise, but they should not concede to it when their reason and judgment were not convinced. He thought that the advantages derived by the people were generally in an inverse ratio to the strength of the agitation. He did not intend to go into the question of the corn-laws, as so many gentlemen had preceded him in the arguments that he could use ; and if they went on at their present rate of discussion, they would arrive at a conclusion soon after Easter. He did not blame those Hon. Gentlemen who had gone into the discussion of the corn-law question, be cause " Quand le cceur est pleine, la bouche parle." It ap peared to him that ever since the members of the Government had taken upon themselves the task of acting upon the princi ples of political economy, they had made up their minds to act as if they had neither hearts nor feelings. It was upon this principle he presumed that the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of her Majesty's Government was now acting and when his Hon. Friend the Member for Northamptonshire had made the speech which he supposed might have been addressed to one of his tenants, he had assumed to himself the character of a political economist. Now the fact was, that the friends arouud him were in the habit of acting as if they had hearts as well as heads; and had his Hon. Friend the Member for Northamptonshire spoken in his natural character, he would, instead of his own, have uttered the speech that the Right Hon. Baronet had made for him. Now, if the Noble Lord the Member for London, when he failed in forming a Government, had declared that the measure now before the House would be carried—if carried at all—not by the votes of those who had the pleasure then of supporting the Right Hon. Baronet, but by the votes of those who sat around himself, he (Mr. C. Bruce) thought after the speech of the Right Honourable Baronet—which he could not help de signating as a most imprudent one—there would be less inclination i than ever on his side of the House to sup port the views which the present Ministry entertained Now he was not disposed to think that there were not ten or twenty men to be found in the country able to undertake the management of affairs—( Hear, hear)—for that would be re ducing them to the condition of his poor country (Scotland) after the battle of Chevy Chase, when all their great men were slain ; but when the jolly English monarch heard of the death of Earl Percy, his words were— " Now God be praised, said the King, Sith 'twill no better be, I trust 1 have within my realm Five hundred good as he." And he did not doubt that England was not in worse position than she was then, but that she could easily find many able statesmen to guide her destinies. He considered that it they did pass this measure of the Government, they would see before two years ele psed ah agitation which would compel them to repeal it. Ilut, in his opinion, those considerations were overborne by considerations of public morality, and by that respect and con fidence which should ever be maintained between constituents and their representatives. In his own case many of those who voted for him were tenants of the Gallant Officer to whom be was opposed, but they bad confidence in his support of the opi nions in which he sought their suffrage—namely the sliding scale. It had been stated by the Hon. Member for Bridport that the landed proprietors of Scotland were in favour of the proposition of the Government. Now, he (Mr. C. Bruce) was of opinion that they were extremely dissatisfied with it. In Scotland the carrying out of this principle had been the means of creating the greatest alarm amongst the tenant farmers, and, in order the better to prove the truth of this as sertion, ho would take the liberty of reading an extract from a letter which he had received from a friend of his, a considerable landowner in Inverness and Ross-shire. The Hon. Member then proceeded to read the extract, which was in substance to this effect : " That the announcement of Sir Robert Peel's measure had been the means of casting a gloomy sensation over the inhabi tants of that large district." And he (Colonel Bruce) had no doubt that that was the general feeling of the entire people of Scotland ; and he looked upon such a fact as a set-off against the assertion of the lion. Member for Redford. If he (Colo nel Bruce) were to pass an opinion on the attempt of the Noble Lord the Member for London, in his late endeavours to form a Government, he would say that his conduct was such as highly became an English gentleman, instead of so advance ment for office, as it had been called ; and, therefore, be was entitled to treat his Lordship's letter as a speech from the throne. The Noble Lord, however, failed to form a Ministry, even for the temporary misgovernment of the country. His Right Hon. Friend at the head of her Majesty's Government adopted the Noble Lord's letter. He found all that that letter contained was very true ; but he wondered the Right Hon. Baronet had not found it out before.—( Hear. ) (At this time the Right Hon. Baronet Sir James Graham entered the House.) He was glad to see the Right Hon. Ba ronet come in, because he wanted to tell him how exceedingly anxious he was to say how his speech of the other evening read as compared with his admirable and conclusive speech of 1839. He well remembered the cheering with which that speech was received by the Members on that side of the House. He (Mr. C. Bruce) acknowledged that he had him self cheered until he was quite hoarse. It had created an im pression upon him which had never been effaced—certainly not effaced by the speech of the other evening. He was ready to acknowledge that the speech of the Right Hon. Ba ronet of last year showed a great modification of opinion. He would apply to the Right Hon. Baronet the language which had been used by the Ayrshire farmer to a Scottish Noble Lord. The farmer happened to meet in the street the Noble Lord, the proprietor of the farm he held, and the Noble Lord, anxious, like all Noble Lords, to be exceedingly kind and courteous where his rents were regularly paid, invited the far mer to his table, where he was placed, an honoured guest be side her Ladyship. Unaccustomed to the spendour which surrounded him, he permitted the first cause to leave the table untouched; but when he got a little more familiar, he was anxious to express his satisfaction in the most delicate manner to the lady beside him, and turn ing round in the most engaging manner, he said, " I need na ask yer Leddyahip wha made the pudding."—(Laughter.) The pudding which had been dished up for them by the Go vernment plainly exhibited the master hand of the apron and white paper cap of the Home-office.—( Continued laughter.) This measure, in his opinion, would touch most seriously in the department of the Chancellor of the Exchequer s and he should like to know what that Right Hon. Gentleman would have to say on the subject, because he knew of no one on whose opinion, experience, or ability he should be more ready to rely than that of the Right Hon. Gentleman himself, An illus. trious Duke in another place had announced that he sup ported this measure, not because his opinion had undergone a change, but because his feeling were in its favour, and he (Mr. W. Bruce) regretted exceedingly that that noble personage had allowed his better judgment to give place to his feelings. He thought that the Right Hon. Baronet had made one part of his speech plain, but in other parts he signally failed to show the truth of his position. He also thought that the Right Hon. Baronet had signally failed to show that corn would be subject to a much greater amount of competition when the corn-testa Kith such ainctint of corn as were abolished. He failed, in 'nls opinion ) to show that this country would not be d e l e , ge d effectually to destroy the riculture of this country.—(Protec tionist cheers.) Hith ag keyed that The Right on. Baronethad said that he he,. such would not be the case, but he had entirely failed t show any grounds for his opinion. lie had also failed t o .sow that he might not, with' perfect certainty of success, nave made a great modification in the existing corn-law, which would have met with the genera l assen t o f the douse.— ( Cheers.) Ho had also, in his opinion ) failed to show that there were circumstances in his position which, on his re sumption of office, justified him in bringing forward the present measure. He had f a il e d t o s h ow w h et h er i t would be either wise or expedient to leave thi s country d ependent or it s au port on foreign countries, whi c h h a d air— ecty adopted hostile tariffs with regard to the manufacte- • p s.: this country.—(Protectioniss - ~ed articles exported from (Mr. Bruce) to join --* .. cheers.) Far be it from him the Right Hon. ,eith any Huth Gentleman in accusing integrity to do so.—( forward his ssaronet of ahy improper motives in bringing p motives were high ro r,ti _t him of He S i e m ti p t r p op r:o m sa o L tives ; hade had a o do deeptoo s a t r o regard ng a regardfor the ...naractet of the Right Hon. Baronet to make any charge that the Right hitherto enjoyed the upright and honest. He well knew Cheers.) He believed that his Honourable Baronet had at alt times distinguished advocate ingthatehgacter of being the most people of this country. But whilst he honestly made this eon :lrese of the rights of the , fession, he doubted the policy of the present e i sen ( ta r rowsal of the Right Hon. Baronet.—( H ear , h ear.) every due weight to the obli ga ti on of consistency, artinnagaetthee opinions that emanated from such; at the same time he w as bound to say, that he could not recognise in the pres s st course of policy any such honeat observance of former'eers..• sisteney.—( Hear, hear.) He should say that he could io, urge anything like unfairness agoliit the Right Hon, Barent at the head of the Ministry ; and such being his conviction, he should abstain from a single observation at variance with these convictions. It had pleased an all-wise Providence, to visit the nation, and in particular the kingdom of Ireland, with a great calamity ; and if the corn-harvest in Ireland had been deficient, as was the potato-crop, why that would be some justification for introducing a measure in suspension of the corn-laws, and he, and the Hon. Member who coincided in his way of thinking, would have fully concurred in such ; but he could see no connexion between the failure in the po tato crop in Ireland, and the suspension --much less the repeal of the corn-laws.---(Cries of " Hear, hear," and cheers.) The true remedy for the distresses of Ireland was not to abolish the corn-laws, bnt to give the people the means of purchasing the food already in the country.--(Hear, hear.) What he complained of was, that they did not give their own law a fair trial. What circumstances had arisen to justify them in proposing to reverse, at the bidding of the League, the decision which the country had given at the last general election ? Was that the way they proposed to carry out the Reform Bill ? It cou ld ne t be denied that the question at the last general election, when so large a majority was returned to that House, was protection or no protection. It was really too bad, therefore, that this de cision should be now rescinded, and they should be ealled upon to yield to the dictates of the League. He would ask, had not the country prospered under the corn-laws? And if this had been the case, why then were they now asked to abolish them? The imposition of the income tax had restored the funds and re-established the public credit. It had given an impetus to speculation and to commercial transactions. All of these things had for a long time previously been in a state of depres sion. This was followed by tie mania for ra il wa y s peculation, which required from the nation the deposit of an immense amount of capital—more, indeed, than could be conveniently spared. That mania caused a greatly incr e a se d demand for labour, with an increased price for it. These things were, no doubt, very beneficial, but were they likely to continue so as to justify the changing of the entire protective policy of this country, under which this country had arisen to be the queen of all nations. He for one, therefore, could not consent to sacrifice his principles to the opinion of the Right Hon. Ba ronet. He - could not consent to embark with him' on the boundless ocean of free trade, to arrive at a distant shore, which no person had ever explored. E ven t h oug h t h e favour ing breezes of popular opinion swelled his sail 'and wafted him over the deep, he would not follow the Right Hon. Baronet to the promised land of abundance ; for he could not be sure that the luxurious vegetation would not by its superfluity breed a noxious atmosphere, which would be poison to the English constitution ; for he saw in the perspective the troubled ocean of angry dispute, and he feared to encounter the shipwreck and disaster which it threatened; therefore he should refuse to fire the first gun which, booming over the angry waters , s h ou ld give the signal for sailing. He thanked th e Pouse for the attention they had accorded to him, and resum e d hi s sea t, de claring that he felt it his painful duty to vote against the Go vernment. . _ Mr. POULET SCROPE said he was anxious to make a few observations. It would appear that the measure was brought forward for the purpose of debate, for the arguments used for and against the corn-laws it would be found were the same as those used for the last ten years. He thought the object of the debate was very truly desci ibed by the Hon. Member for Berkshire, who said the real question was whether protection was right or whether protection was wrong ? ( Cheers from the Opposition.) Hit was right let them main tain those laws, if it was wrong let them be abolished. These were the grounds on which they were to judge of the corn laws. When he understood a question, he had always the moral courage to act according to his opinions.—•( Cheers from the protectionists.) He should jay nothing of the potato rot in Ireland, because he consideredithe question in that House had reference to the condition of the people generally, and for their sakes it was to be considered whether a repeal of the corn laws was right or wrong. He should not follow the able statement of the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of her Ma jesty's Government, but he considered there were other reasons besides the relaxation of prohibitory duties for the increased prosperity of the country for the last three years. He consi • dered that the abundant harvests which Providence had blessed them with had a claim in that prosperity.—( Cheers. ) He maintained if that was the argument for a repeal of the corn laws, it was as strong in 1841 as now—in fact it was as strong 20, or 30, or 40 years ago. The corn-laws raised the price of corn, or they did not. If they did not they were of no benefit to agri culture, but were a gratuitous interference with the trade of the country which no arguments or no reasoning could justify. Take the other alternative—the coin-laws raised the price of corn, and it was urged that a law of this tendency was necessary to enable the farmers to pay the heavy taxes which the Legislature inflicted on them. Now, how could the farmer be the party who paid the taxes, when the consumer paid him an increased price for his commodities? In fact, it was the consumer, and not the producer, who paid the taxes whilst this system existed. " Oh," but said the protec tionists, "we give protection to every class of pro ducers; and in return for the high prices they pay us for our corn, we pay them an equally high price for their own produc tions." In his opinion this was an argument unworthy of being advanced in that House. They made them pay their heavy taxes, but they would not compensate them. There were hundreds of thousands of workers in cotton and wool in this country. They paid taxes upon beer, sugar, coffee, tobacco, malt, and other articles, that went towards the payment of the national debt. Did Hon. Members think that it would be any benefit to those persons to impose upon them a tax upon bread in addition to those other articles. There was another large class of persons, the moneyed interest, fundholders, annuitants, mortgagees, and other* they paid their share of the nation's taxes, but they could not be protected by protective laws, for they were not producers. Some Hon. Members seemed to have a notion, which he thought he could best illustrate by an anecdote. A farmer in the Highlands was building a house, a few miles from a very pleasant sea-port; he was met by a person who was on his way with a little scrubby pony, with a large deal hanging on one side of the animal, and a large stone on the opposite side. The party who met him inquired of him if it was his intention to build his house with stone ? He replied, that was not the reason why he used the atone ; it was to maintain a balance with the deal on the opposite side. He never thought however of cutting the deal in half, and thus making the two pieces of deal balance themselves. This was just the case with these protectionists ; they think that by adding another burden they are enabled to relieve the existing burden. He put it to the gentry of England whether they would choose to protect themselves from their share of any burdens which might be int , posed, in consequence of invasion or any other extraordinary expenditure, by the jugglery of a set of corn duties. He had vainly waited, during the whole of this debate, for a single valid argument in favour of protection, and he would ask the House whether the idle sarcasm sihich had been thrown out by the Hon. Member opposite was its favour of protec tion ? Why, he had always understood that it was ono of the very vital principles of all trade, and the very foundation of political economy to buy in a cheap market and sell in a dear one. This was, it was true, the maxim of political economy ; and what was there cold-hearted in that? He had made a pathetic appeal to the House with a view to prevent the in troduction of a lower rate of paper-hangings and silk goods. If Honourable Gentlemen on the other side of the House would only take the trouble to oarry their principles to the extremes they would see what crude absurdities they held for opinions. If they were to strip that Hon. Member of all that he had about him, which was not the produce of British in dustry—if they were to take from him all that he had about him of German wool, of Russian flax, of American cotton, of Italian silk, he would appear in his place Its a condition more fit for a state of savage nature than civilised society. And if he followed out the principles of the Hon. Member for Knaresborough, of abstaining from everything that was the produce of machinery, they ought to come down to the House clothed with skins, and they should follow their prey with clubs, tear it with their teeth, and grub up the earth with their nails. He would ask Hon. Members who had expressed their intention of opposing the Government measures, to sup pose a manufacturer whose warehouse was glutted with the goods he had produced, but which he could not sell ; whose correspondents were writing him from abroad that the foreign market was equally glutted. After having vainly struggled for a length of time against the difficulties which euvironed him, he put his workmen on short time, and then Or, short wages, until he finds it necessary to discharge them, and to shut up his mill. Let them also imagine the condition of men, women, and children, suffering from the want of food, and unable to obtain employment. Let them imagine parents giving up their children to any occupation by which they might obtain their subsistence—no matter how de grading or immoral. Suppose they came and so licited assistance from the manufacturer, be would say to them, "My friends, my heart bleeds for y nu , I regret it, but I cannot help it ; my capital is lacked up in yonder ware house, or my money is exhausted. I can send no more goods abroad, because, although 1 may obtain corn and other commo dities in return, I am prevented from doing so by the law."— ( Hear, hear.) Thus their intercourse with foreign nations was destroyed, or, if not destroyed, rendered almost abortive. In the Queen's warehouse, for instance, at the present moment there were hundreds of thousands quarters of foreign corn, which they were prevented from purchasing on account of the high duty exacted. Well, now he would ask, would it not be desirable to pass a measure that would remedy this evil? They had at present an ill-paid, discontented, and demoralised pea santry under the present system. Under the altered system would it not be desirable for the succeeding tenant to be a man who could afford to pay better wages than his prede cessor , an d employ more labourers? He could not see that there was anything very terrible in all this; and surely if the operation of the proposed measure would have this effect, it would be a most desirable measure to have passed into a law.—( Hear, hear.) The farmer then, instead of using his two-horse plough, and waste ing his manures, and persevering in a bad system of cultivae tion, and allowing the rains of heaven to lodge upon his lands until it had rotted his crops, and produced nothing but weeds, would adopt a very different and much more profitable system. He thought it was by such reasoning as that used by the Hon. Member for Stockport, that they ought to consider the import ance of the question. If, then, the Hon. Gentlemen who OF posed the abolition of these restrictive laws Could not cOnvitice the country that protection could be maintained for the mutual benefit of all, they could not do better than abolish those laws, and he could not but think that the motives which actuated the Hon. Members in opposition to her Ma jest} Government on this question were dictated by very sus picious motives.—(lronical cheers.) What he meant by sus picious motives was, that they were dictated by a patty and a selfish feeling, and to convince the country of the contrary, they should at once support the Right Hon. Baronet's measure, and thereby enable the people to purchase a sufficient quantity of the article of life at the cheapest possible rate. Mr. NEWDEGATE said, the Hon. Member:who had last addressed the House had attacked the consistency of the prin ciples and argiinehts of his H9u. Friend the Member for Northampton. in the absence of his lion. I'riend, he would endeavour to answer the Hon. Member. The Hon. Gentleman had said that his Hon. Friend was not consistent on the ques tion of buying in the cheapest and selling in the dearest market. He did not tindinstand the argtiment of buyi n g in the cheapest and netting in the dearest market as implied by the Hots. Member, the principle was indeed true as respecting trade, but it did not hold good in Legislature. H e denied that the duty of tIW country, he conceived rather that it was the and the Go vernmentwelfar functions of Governmeht were merely to increase the wealth of to secure the happiness, the peace, of the population. He denied that a case twhich when applied to when applied to trade was as universally true might be true to Legisla- Government. Were this principleapplied x ense provi ding now, could they justify ding for the national defence. Legislature to the justifica tion might be equally applied by the the military establish defence of labour and prosperity, that 0 f personal safety. ments would apply to the preservation army the eThee same y that they should buy in the cheapest market? No How could it be said in the case of d than at home, but could cheaper in some parts of the world Would the same them. they place the same dependence on _ ? It had been said that men possess the same motive or quality oaunbtttthey might get men d the prices of corn, not reduce them. But if they reduce The Hon. in the markets. did they not risk unsteadiness verlooked the fact that Member seemed altogether to have o e nsure steadiness of the repeal of the corn-laws must reduce the prices, or it must these laws were enacted tou bought in the cheapest prices. Even if they one, and the country market, might be an exceedingly e in the years 1841 might again find itself its the same state as was produced by their and 1842. The distress of these years d the reaction on the commercial relations with America an market, it might so happen that tredmgaarrket, even the cheapest mone tary system athome. He begged political e conomists, who were the strongest advocates for the extension of their trade, not to refer to this argument, because it wasa most unhappy one for themselves. But the Hon. Member said that it was very hard e•hat the manufacturers should pay a duty on corn in addition ,'to their other taxes. He was prepared to pr ove, in the first place, that the manufacturers paid - . only' those taxes which were compensated for by the corn-laws. If the mere question had been one of political economy, the Hen. Member and those who coincided with him would be required to prove I that manufacturers formed a majority of the country. But there was ample evidence before the Home that they were not a majority in it. What objection, he might ask, could there be to a law which protected the interests of the majority. He would now, with the leave of the House, refer to the other considerations involved in the question. He did not wish to go through the various subjects in the course of this argument ; he would not even charge the Government with its present change of opinion, After the Right Hon. Baronet had rendered this country sub ject to foreigners in respect to its monetary system, he could hardly have expected that the Right Hon. Baronet would render this country dependent upon foreigners for its supply of food. Although some of the leading Members of the Go vernment had repudiated arguments, facts, writings, and speeches of times lung gone by, and had committed a sort of political suicide, he was not aware that any of them had repu diated the speeches which they made in the last session of Par liament. He (Mr. Newdigate) listened to those speeches with deep attention, and he wished now to show from them how sudden this change had come upon the country. What was the substance of the speech which the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of her Majesty's Government, delivered last year upon the subject of the corn-laws. It was an able argument in favour of the maintenance of the corn-laws — it proved their tendency to produce steady prices without diminishing the activity of manufactures—it proved the great increase which had taken place in manufactures under the corn slaws—and it proved that in September, 1844, the price of wheat was 455. 2d. per quarter ; and he appealed to the repre sentatives of the manufacturing interest to say whether this was an unreasonable price. He used the argument that the landed proprietors of this country did not look upon their laud in the light of mere commercial speculations, and expressed his could wit beliefh htheis h present rei a t t it w ehnt t Hon. courseo ul d be t 3oG a great nf eat crtei evil oc no(ief Hear, thathe a e r y d. , feelinghi ar. Now, )I hw t sentimentho at speech the Right Hon. Baronet said that if they were to ex tend the principles of free-trade at home, they should extend them also to the colonies ?—( Cheers.) He (Mr. Newdegate) heard the Hon. and Gallant Member for Liverpool say in his speech, that such should be the result with respect to their colonies. He (Mr. Newdegate) could not conceive what were the motives which actuated the present policy of the Right Hon. Baronet for not adhering to the prin ciples which, during the greater part of his life, won for him honour, and for his country great commercial prosperity.— ( Cheers.) Was it possible that he sought to establish a direct bartering of the products of that country with those of any other? Suppose that even they could establish large exports, that was a principle that could not be advocated by any sensi ble political economist. That system would find its level in the way that bullion relieved your monetary distress, by an importation of it from abroad. They would now remove by such a measure as the present the only barrier between them and the distress which would be felt by their being unprotected. He trusted the House would excuse him while he explained the basis on which he formed his opinion of the measure now before the House. It was ad extremely disagreeable duty to differ from the opinion of the Right Hon. Baronet, but no personal considerations should induce him to act against the opinions of his constituency ; almost the whole of whom would be seriously injured by that measure, as some were extensively engaged in the hafting trade, and others in the manufacture of hardware.—( Cheers.) If they adopted those free-trade principles—if they carried them out—they would unshield almost every class of his constituency, and ex pose them to privations that their struggling trade could very badly endure. The great mass of trade, in the majority of instances, in this country will be found to be hindered in their progress by the application of the principle of abandonment of protection; and further, it will be necessary for this principle to be followed up until almost universal distress is produced. He would now enter upon the question of whether or not re laxation or prohibition had characterised the policy pursued with respect to commerce—whether or not protection had been abandoned and relaxtion adopted. The Right lion. Baronet the Secretary for the Home Department thought the policy for the last twenty-five years had been to impose prohibitory duties, and as they became burdensome to abandon them gradually until they had become relaxed. Mr. Huskisson wa' an advocate for protection, but not for prohibition. The Right Hun. Baronet had said that nothing but extreme emer gency should justify the retention of protection, and that protection should only be extended to some part of the country that was in a suffering condition. Was this paternal treatment from the Government of a great country ? It would not, in his opinion, bear the name of a paternal Government. The labour of this country had been obtained at an exorbitant sacrifice. The currency had also been depreciated up to 1820, and he would inquire, how much it had been appre , ciated since? The late Mr. Ricardo, before he died, said that the curreney had depreciated 15i per cent. The Right Hon. Baronet had also stated that the advantage which capital bad obtained over labour amounted to about 85 per cent. Previ ously to the year 1820 the depreciation in the currency amounted to about 10 per cent. According to returns from official sources, the rental of land amounted in 1814 to 39,555,7051., and in 1843 it was 45,753,6151., shewing an increase during a period of thirty years of about 6,347,910/. ; in this amount were included 1,500,6701. for tithes, which being deducted, would leave a result of 4,813,5451., being the real increase. The rental of houses in Great Britain and Ireland during the same period in 1814 was 16,259,3491. annually ; and in 1843 the rental was 38,475,73' 1 1., being an increase of income during thirty years of 22,215,339/. From these returns then it would appear that the value of land had increased 12 per cent. during thirty years, while during the same period the value of house property had increased more than 40 per cent. The Honourable Gentleman then showed that during the period between 1814 and 1843, the increase in the productions of the land had been fifty per cent., while the increase in the population had been rather more, about tifty-seven per cent. He would consider now whether no strain had been put on the labour of the country—whether capital had gained nothing during the perice, to which he had referred. If, according to the Right Hon. Gentleman, the depreciation be ten per cent. on house pro perty and land, the same principle would apply to money in its intrinsic value, as applied to the purchase of corn. Tin average price for five years, from 1815 to 1819, when the currency was returning to its proper level was 80s. 4d. per quarter. During the two years from 1819 to 1821, the corn-law being then fixed, the price of wheat fell from the average of 80s. per quarter to 445. 7d. per quarter In 18'22 the tern-law was again altered, and the price of wheat had recovered to 01e. per quarter, fell again to 565. 2d. The average price from the year 1822 to 1827 was 575. per quarter. During the years between 1828 and 1641 the average was .58s. 11d., and the average for the last four years to the present time had been 525. per quarter. It thus ap peared that since the peace, with abundance in the country, while the rent of land had not comparatively increased, the price of corn had fallen 5 per cent. If we tak, the official value of corn ; which is the fixed, we can appreciate the difference of the increase. It is a singular fact, that it 1819, the declared value, which was also the official value, am which during that year had been less than the free-traders' value, fell below, and has never since recovered the amount. The amount of difference was very great. In 1819, the official value, which was the tiled value, had exceeded the declared and actual value by about 9(1 per cent, or, in other words, money had gained a value over produce and labou, of more than 96 per cent.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") Had not therefore the value of labour in this country been ii, some degree depreciated ? The character of this period hae been marked by an unequal distribution of property. Labour had fallen in value in the hands of the great capitalists. He would now address himself to another part of his subject. L was his firm belief that the burdens upon the land amounted to 12,100,000/. annually, in which sum was included the paymere of tithes. It was sometimes argued that tithes did not con stitute a burden on land. The Hon. Gentleman then quote Ricardo, M'Culloch, Dr. Pavey, and Dr. Smith, to shoe that tithes were a burden on the land, inasmuch as they im peded the improvement of the soil, and were obnoxious to the interests of both landlord and tenant. The total amount of taxes paid by the land ) including the property-tax, amounted to 12,339,064/. Tte Hon. Gentleman having specified the items of this amount, proceeded to say that it was impossible. by any argument, to gainsay his statement as to the exis tence of burdens on the land. It might, perhaps, b, supposed that he was willing to have these burdens commuted ; he would accept free-trade for a eominu• Cation. To these he would reply, that compensation would not only be improbable, but it would be impossible Before he sat down he wished to express what he understood by the meaning of the word protection. He did not under stand that it meant prohibition, but it meant the regulation of trade. Taking protection in this sense, he believed it was the duty and function of the Government to afford protection to the trade of a majority of the community, but in such a manner as not entirely to sacrifice the interest of the minority. Now in relaxing this system of protection, it ought to be done rather with a view to its relaxation than a view to its abandonment. He could not conceive that it was profitable ; in a constitutiona: point of view, for the majority of that House to give to , opinions which they had advocated and entertained for years at the dictation of a Minister who had proved himself to be the master and dictator of his own Cabinet. When he heard the expressions which fell from that Right Honourable Baronet in respect of the aristocracy and the monarchy of the land, he could not help looking at the ensign of the authority of I the House, and reflecting that the Right Hon. Baronet would have acted with more wisdom had he paused a little longer ere he gave utterance to such sentiments.— ( Hear, hear.) He, for one, did not admire the manner in which he had trampled upon his supporters, and by using threats had overpowered their better judgment—it was not the conduct of a constitutional Minister, but was subversive of the freedom, liberties, and best rights of the subject. Unless, therefore, the Right Hon, Baronet subjected his conduct in changing opinions to the proper and constitutional tribunal, namely, an appeal to the people, he should say that the Right Hon. Baronet was the Minister of her Majesty by necessity, who hid already indicated her choice by calling another to her councils; and likewise that he was the Minister by necessity of the country, but net of its choice.—(Cheers.) The Right Hon. Baronet had told them that if they did not yield now, they would have to yield hereafter by force. He confessed he should not have been surprised to heir such an argument from a leader of a band of agitators ; but when a Minister of the Crown turned round upon his faithful supporters, and, seisting them by the throat, demanded that they should yield up their principles or he would force them from them, he was in truth alarmed. But let them see what this force was, and he for one told the Hon. Baronet that he was not afraid to look it in the face. Such terms must certainly be unbecoming a Minister of the Crown, and he was sure if the broken-up party with which he was connected per sisted stedfastly and firmly in their constitutional apposition to this Measure, they would only be preserving the rights and liberties of the people from the grasp of ruthless agitators. The Hon. Gentleman concluded by saying that whilst the agriculturists had such men as the Mileses and the Barings they need not entertain any doubt as to their ultimate success. (Laughter on the Opposition benches, and cheers from the protectionists. ) Mr. BARKLY (who was very imperfectly heard in the d o rt branchesanee. gallery) said that he was so circumstanced as to be able to enter upon the 'consideration of this great question as calmly and deliberately as he should do upon any other question of equal true magnitude that was aesqual connected with t commercial or h social e in dustry, and he must also own that those who had done him the honour to send him to that House as their representative be lievedthat he would give his support to agricultural protec tion. But those were only reasons why he should be more likely to be free from the bias of prejudice or self-interest.—(llear, hear.) The question which pri sent e d itself to his mind, in Le consideration of this subject, was, whether it would be more conducive to the interests of the British empire to carry out those doctrines with regard to freedom of trade which had been alluded to by the Right Honourable Baronet, or to continue the present protection to agriculture, which had existed for centuries past. The ques tion should be approached with the greatest caution and de liberation. It had been said that the Hon. Members on his side of the House had changed their opinions upon this ques: tion merely because the Right Honourable Baronet had thought proper to change those which he had so long advocated, but he (Mr. Barkly) would beg to tell those who had ventured to say so, that he himself was influenced by no such; motives. He would not be influenced by the opinion of any number of men, however high their character fur wisdom and experience. It did strike him that the simultaneous advance which had been lately made by the two great leaders in that House in the direction et free-trade was a very remarkable fact. —(Hear, hear.) For he maintained that it was not a real change, but merely an advance of opinion in favour of free trade. The Hon. Member for Wiltshire had, the previous evening, said that he had listened to hear •from the Right Hon. Baronet the reasons of his change. But could there be • any doubt that the fear of a bad crop, and an alarm of a do- i ficaancy in the wheat harvest, had produced the change? That ' apdrehension might be well founded or ill founded—time alone could show. But it served as an awful warning to the people of this country not to place too much reliance on the political conduct of Cabinet Ministers. The Hon. Member went on to say that it was absurd for the Anti-Corn-law League to pro fees superior enlightenment and intelligence on this subject than the agriculturists. The real fact was, that it was self interest that influenced the members of that body in all their deliberations.—(Protectionist cheers.) At the same time, he would maintain that the manufacturers of this coun try were entitled to a fair share of consideration from the Members of that House. If it were simply a question be tween the manufacturers and the agriculturists of this country, the question would not possess half the importance which was attached to it ; but the fact was, that on the issue of the question depended the national honour and prosperity of the country. All the trading interests in this country were directly or indirectly concerned in the resolution to which the House might come.—( Hear, hear.) The Hon. Member then pro- , (-ceded to make - a few remarks upon what had fallen from the Hon. Member for Sunderland (Mr. Hudson) on Tuesday night. The Hon. Member then drew a comparison between the con dition of this country and the people of Holland, who paid Lices to the amount of 265. per head; but in consequence of the low tone of voice in which the Hon. Member delivered this part of his speech, his remarks were quite inaudible in the gallery. The Hon. Member, as we understood, contended that the arguments which had been brought forivard against the repeal of the corn-laws on the ground that it would make this . country dependent for its supply of food upon fore gn countries . was wholly untenable. He stated that we had imported greater quantities of wheat in seasons of comparative plenty, P.nd argued that we were, in consequence, dependent in some measure for our supply of food. And as to the question of in dependence, in the time of a general war it was only a question of degree, because this country had already imported 600,000 qrs. of corn. A general war (continued the Hon. Member) is not likely to burst upon us in a moment. The farmer would have time afforded him for turning his grass-land into arable. He did not attribute the present miserable condition of agri cultural labourers to the operation of the corn-laws. He apprehended that the small farmers of this country, who were obliged to cultivate their land with limited sesources, would be the class that would most suffer by the change. He was sure if they took the benefit of the tenant-class of farmers into consideration, they would not pass the measure in its present shape. In conclusion, he would say a few words on the effect which a repeal of the c wn-laws would have on the landed interests of this country. [Here the Hon. Member turned round and addressed himself to the protectionists sitting at the lower end of the House, and we could not in consequence catch his observations.] We understood him to say that it was i mistake to suppose that the people did not take a great interest in the measure now before the House, and that if they (the pro ,ectionists)thought other wise, they were egregiously mistaken. Me confidence that was placed in the Right Hon. Baronet ay a great Conservative party when he came into power re mained unshaken.—(" No, no," " hear, hear," from the Oppo ;Rion benches.) That confidence was placed in the Right Ron. Baronet, because it was felt that he would never bring orward any measure which would create such financial changes if he had not the support of his own party, and he (Mr. Barkly) would venture to predict that that support would re main undiminished. The Hon. Member concluded, by saying, that he would give his support to the measure. Mr. BENNETT (Member for Suffolk), who was very in distinctly heard in the gallery, was understood to say, that not withstanding the able statement made by the First Minister of the Crown, in his speech the other night,—and notwithstand ' mg the ability with which he conducted the financial affairs of the country, he could not place his confidence in him, as he had so often changed his opinions, and because he had seen him desert the Protestant religion in this kingdom, and repudiate the sentiments he once expressed so eloquently in defence of that establishment. And when be beheld him unsaying all that he had ever expressed before, he looked with the utmost alarm AS to what would be his next desertion of principle.—( Hear, ' hear.) He represented an agricultural county, and he bad lived constantly in an agricultural district, consequently he had an opportunity of witnessing the kind feelings which existed between the yeoman, the labourer, and the country gentleman—( Hear, hear)—whilst Hon. Members on the other side of the House were not acquainted with the habits of a : country life.—(Loud laughter, and cries of " Oh, oh.") There was not a country gentleman of his acquaintance who I looked to the measure which they were then discussing as merely affecting their rents. They looked to it with the most kindly i feelings in order that they might be able to make the labourer l more comfortable.—( Hear, hear.) He wished to see the • Learned Solicitor-General in his place, in order that he might ask him had he changed his opinions on the subject of protec tion, for he held in his hand a speech made by the Learned I Gentleman when returning thanks at a dinner given to him • when elected for the borough of Cambridge, in which he speaks of the folly of those who advocated a free-trade policy. ; —(Hear, hear.) He would not trespass further on the i House, but would conclude by expressing his intention , to vote against the proposed measures of commercial policy. ; Mr. MUNTZ said, that during the last thirty years. no change had come over his opinions with respect to the present I question. He often differed in opinion with the Right Hon. I Baronet and with those Gentlemen beside him, who called themselves philosophers (Laughter)— but with all those , differences of opinion no man in that House was more desirous than he was that the present Bill should pass into law. It f was gratifying to him to see, however, that this question was at length coming to an end. He had often told the Right I Hon. Baronet that there were two courses open for him, and as he had taken the wrong course now, he would take every opportunity to support him in carrying it out.—(Laughter.) Hon. Gentlemen might laugh, but he thought there was no reason whatever for laughter, for anything was better than ' that things should remain in the state of uncertainty in which they at present existed.—( Hear, hear.) The past cry, which was raised by the Gentlemen opposite, was protection to . lor lab,ur. He defied any man to say that he had ev e r pro ne advocates for protection had, he admitted, protected cer aFgorricuhltisure.ownNo h w e a s w i protection shed th a t t o native they h ad the full length and protected all native industry ; but they did not, however, do so. They only pro part, he sorted a portion of it, and that was one reason why he was I induced to support the present measure. The Hon. Member Or Newcastle had stated that he (Mr. Nluntz) had only paid one-sixth of the amount which he had paid thirty years ago I fited by exacting labour from the poor man at an inadequate remuneration. He might pay now one-sixth of what he paid thirty years ago, but the variation in the remuneration for • abour between this and that period, was in the same ratio. I ain portions of native industry. They bad given protection 'a carpenters, smiths, and other trades, that were immediately connected with domestic industry, but they had not protected hat industry which came into the foreign market. They had aeard speeches from the Right Honourable Baronet at the head of the Government, from the Right Hon. Gentleman , he Secretary for the Home Department, and from the Secre tary at War—all to the same effect. The latter Hon. Gentle man indeed went a step further than the others, but he ( Mr. aluntz) would go a step further still. He would ask, of what u-e was the repeal of the corn laws unless it reduced the price of corn ? If he did not think that this effect would follow, he would not vote for the present measure, and that was the very reason why it should receive his support. The real reason why the present measure was proposed was, because the prin ciples of free-trade must shortly regulate the commercial po licy of this country. It was not the famine in Ireland to which this great change must be attributed. It was all very well for Gentlemen to make an outcry about the misery of the country, bet that was not the reason for bring ing forward the present measure. He would ask, did the Whigs, when in office, do anything to alleviate this misery ? Did they do anything to sympathise with the afflictions which were acknowledged to piavail when the Government of the country was in their hands ? 'nay did net. When he (Mr. Mentz) alluded to it they sneered ai his statement, and re fused all relief. The retribution was now come, and it was quite impossible that any other course could be adopta than that now proposed.—( Hear, hear.) For thirty years they has protected themselves, and now when they saw the game was tip, when protection could be maintained no longer, they came forward with an affectation of great generosity, and said that " honesty was the best policy," and that they would give up those laws from which they had hitherto derived so much advantage.—(Hear and laughter.) Their conversion it must be admitted was a sudden one.—( Laughter.) He would not, however, be captious, but he called upon them to give the Right Hon. Baronet a straightforward and manly support, or a decided, unmistakeable opposition. Either the Right Hon. Baronet was right or he was wrong. But in any case, they should not be propping him en one side while they were undermining him on the other.—( Hear, hear.) They should either approve or condem n , an d ex hibi t a conduct ' consistent with these opinions. The Right Hon. Gentleman (Sir R. Peel) had stated that the tate of wages for the last few years had nothing whatever to do with .the price of corn. In reference to this point he would take the liberty, with the permission of the House, to read them a few ext rac t s f rom Adam Smith.—(The }lona Gentleman here read . several quotations from Adam Smith on the relation which existed between the price of corn and the wages of labour.) The House would remember that there had been a very mate rial change since 1841 to 1845; between those periods there had been a very great depression. During ' those periods we had an undeniable depression in the revenue. Since then how ever the revenue had materially increased. The Chinese war made a great increase in the revenue. There was then a great deal which added to the prosperity of the country. There was the increased demand for labour by the spread of railways, and he was sure that if they were to do away with railways they would cause iron to fall fifty per cent.—(Hear, hear. ) The railways in this country made a very great increase in the wages paid by himself. There was one great reduction caused by the general depression, and that was in the manufacture of zinc. There was now so considerable a re duction in that article that it was scarcely worth working. Some time ago the peice was much greater, but so considerable a reduction had taken place in that brought from abroad, through the reduction in the tariff, that it was manufactured to no extent:whatever in this eactritry.— (Hear.) He did not, how ever, mean by this argument to have it inferred that he Wes against a repeal of the corn-laws ; on the contrary, he was entirely in favour of the repeal of those laws.—( Hear, hear. ) By adverting to this depression he was only showing that the change in the policy of the country had been detrimental to many trades. Indeed, it was not to be denied that foreigners could get their work done at prices so much lower than in this country that an injurious result must naturally be the con sequence. Why, on the continent iron could be had at 41. per ton, while in this country it could not be had for less than about 141. Now, with respect to the Right Hon. Baronet, every one thought him right in his policy till very lately—in fact his own supporters thought him infallible—but many of these had said to him (Mr. Muntz), how is it that the Right Hon. Baronet has all at once changed a line of policy which he has followed for forty years ? And they added that if he was now right, he must have been wrong all that time.— ( Hear.) Having failed, then, for such a time, could the Right Hon. Baronet now deny that he had deceived himself, for most undoubtedly, if he was at that moment right, he must have been wrong for forty years.—(Hear, hear.) Well, then, his object was to get all that lie could into his boat, and the reason he asked them to join him was because they well knew his plans, for he had never made a secret of them. —(Hear, hear.) If, then, the Right Hon. Baronet would join him (Mr. Munta)—would enter his boat—be would engage that he would land him in a place of safety.—(Cheers.) Mr. B. DISRAELI—Sir, 1 believe that the Right Hon. Baronet, in the first year of his present Ministry, settled the currency, and he is now supported in that measure. ( Hear, hear.) But in order to understand that measure well we must refer to the speech of the Noble Lord the Member l for Liverpool. ( Hear, hear.) There is one point , how ever, upon which no doubt any longer exists. Whatever may be the opinion of the two great parties which constitute this House upon the general merits of the measure —whatever may be our conviction upon the subject of protec ti m—however sanguine our expectations may be of the benefits to be conferred on the Constitution by this measure, there is one point at least upon which we are all agreed—a point upon which no misunderstanding can exist, and that is, that her Majesty's present Ministers have changed their opinions.— (Cheers.) Whatever may have been the opi nions which for merly prompted the measures they proposed, it is quite certain that they expect to benefit this country more by the question now before the House than any wh ich preceded it.—(Hear, hear.) That is the question which we are now called upon to declare in favour of—that is the question which I shall now consider, and upon which I propose to offer some sugges tions,_ which I hope will have the e ffect of induci n g this House to hesitate before they accede to the great change 1 which the propesed measure will bring about.—(Hear, hear.) I will endeavour to show this House that the system of pro e tection is not the odious system it has been designated. and has been long assumed to be. I pledge myself to meet the argu ments against it on their merits; and though I may not be able to meet those arguments with the talents that characterise them, I shall not . shrink from the endeavour to do so. But while I presume to offer this consideratiOn to the.Houee , in support of that system, it would be more convenient to notice the arguments that have been offered by her Majesty's Government in favour of the changes that are proposed. To clear the course, to illustrate the way ; help me to that end which I aspire to reach, and you will thus facilitate the discus sion very much.—( Hear, hear.) We have been addressed in support of the measures of Government by no less than thtr of the Ministers of the Crown ; and it is but due to the RIP , -Hon. Gentleman at the head of the Ministry—fron, his position, as also from the more . comprehensive • statement he made—that perhaps I should le Cour tesy, first notice what he said. (Hear, h ear ' ) The Right Honourable Gentleman affirmed that the greater. part of this discussion had been wasted in party and persona' , attack. I have no wish myself to enter into the subject, nor should I have noticed it bad not the Right Hon. Gentleman seemed to entertain ideas different from those which influence the gentlemen who sit on these benches. Sir, we have iridex heard from these benches many comments on the conduct o f nerty but, for my part, I associate different ideas with th word "party'? from those which the Right Hon. Baronet fetus , to entertain. Ido not understand party as anything me re than the embodiment of public opinion—(Cries of " Hesrj e hear.") There are, to be sure, distinctions between po litic opinions and embodied opinions ; but the embodiment of Pule 1:c opinions, whither the opinion of the majority or tee minority, represented a great section of the community. —( ge ar ' hear.) In this country, Sir, where the nation is divided in . t° parties, where great results are brought about by pu blic cussion, and by the e t h e agencies of material interests, by titT o agencies of reason and probity, we arrived at a solution of s_ controversies. This is a beneficial consequence of th ese agencies; and however the question may be agitated, the Isat i c d yet will find, when the question has once been set t bie by the legitimate exercise of what the Right Honours al Baronet calls " party," but which, in reality, is the nsti °9 ‘ , organisation—the nation is content and satisfied, and the qua Lion is not again opened.—(Hear, hear.) We do not e n !' plain that the Right Hon. Baronet has changed his opinions"e what we complain of is not that he has detested too much , . public opinion, but that he has outraged public opinie n i te t ( dear, hear, cheers, and laughter.) That be has prevensi4 that legitimate action and settlement of the question by th e to s of party—that he has aimed at and may achieve a reo lt ..es may not sati,fy the community- is complained of with reasea by the great mass of public opinion which we represent , e" by whose aid the Right Hon Baronet was raised into e l m . and by whose aid a Parliament was elected that supported h in such power. —(Cries of " Hear, hear," and loud cheeeli; If the Noble Lord who represents another section of P, u t esS opinion—if he and his friends had succeeded in being in el s majority, and had settled this question, public opinion le° t , have yielded, because they would believ e th a t the legitiata; and constitutional freedom of expression .of opinion bad bas at carried into effect. But what they complain of is this-- t .,, the question is not settled, nor can it be settled, in a cons ti ls tional manner.—( Hear, hear.) For though we haveetv, spectacle of the Premier surrounded by a majority , $0 while they accord him their support, profess in their hearts Its aversion to his policy, the public opinion professes to represent has not been fairly dealt w! t " te cl (Loud cries of " Hear, hear," from the Protectionists, re'es e e with " No, no," from all parts of the House.) Sir, wh en c e( complain of the Right Hon. Baronet not treating his fairly, we do not speak of the three hundred gentlemen. of sit on the benches at this side of the House.—( Cr leet it Hear, hear")—but we allude to the great party l e i , lo s they . represent outside the House.—(Hear, hear.) ac t. that is the only observation I will make on the se"eso I conceive that the Right Hon. Gentleman, in his dessriPoos of what should be the proper subject of discussion, at,. „ ir e described and indicated the fallacy of his position and the d sad character of his policy. The Right Hon. Gentleman ha hes t that they were not met t. 9 discuss a party question, but to co , an emergency, and to construct a system, if it could he, t is be strutted, more complete than it had hitherto been: I° o at once the position of the Right Hon. Baronet. At t h : ae step he counsels us to a course which , 1 ' for consider it as the policy of a Minister otter. a foreign country, .we could not look upon , Lord wise than as a great mistake. I think if the Dreb le ci save opposite had to deal with a national emergency, it weld or been unwise in him to have laid that he had temporary a 1 0 sures to meet the emergency, but that he came fervor /to make a permanent measure to meet it. What shall we tt o , a Minister who asks us to re-construct our commercia l s/ see' and says that. we must do it in opposition to what we e'" 1 ,0) our duty. Will you second the Right Hon. Baronet elteesl a proposition ?—( Loud cheering from the benches.) As regards the present emergency' ss bicb the state of Ireland, that is a subject on, a nt I have never spoken without attention or wt!' s oliel i levity. What I have spoken of with levity is the feeh le .. i rse o that has been adopted with regard to it. The great c O . bad , policy proposed by the Right Honourable Gentleman byre That and same other points I will pass, as will some .wr se .tre 3 ' of the Cabinet. I believe that there is no other fr e ' r e , s Member in the Cabinet—( Hear, hear)—and if the, t hat perhaps we may b e f avoure d w ith th e o pinion ,e" Member. It is a i e ma r kabl e c i rcums tance 1 ' ) 10 56 present anomalous state of affairs that c ce ri d ! at the same time a protectionist Cabinet a ; h e free-trade Minister. The point I wish to press 0 1 : 1 ,7floo . ,' tention of the House is the fallacy under which the Big",;ersi Baronet labours in his proposition of changing our c° ° ,:" 1 0 " system. The Right Hon. Baronet had said that l' e s tie r , wished that the measure should have been proposed hYo;,ese. parties; but at the same time he informs us that he P r , r r y this measure to the Cabinet long before he felt it 0c e , ° ,, 5 : th at break up that Cabinet.—(Hear, bear.) He st a ''',To he proposed this measure, and in conseelle a " tee% the opposition he received, he was induced t° asst up the Cabinet. How does he reconcile this statetnex'brtooell the assertion that he wished that this measure bad bee°. d , ) forward by others ?—( Cheers from the Ministerial s'etegolle will notice the commercial principles on which the R i g'? Pc ° Baronet seems to have founded the measure to which adverted. With regard to an emergency, the Right nao • r tleman was right to do that which would be considered Pro m by the constituencies, and which P ar li amen t woolao hat mend. lam prepared to assist in doing for Ireland„ r eat human judgment can do, but I d o no t u°7 to t he the position of the Right Hon. Gentleman with resP d e ,; - G e ' e d subject. his involved in great obscurity. Th e Righy' t ," lb taV° tleman says that he was for opening the port s , and 'he 0)4 ; a rapid review of the commercial state of the county} it , he e i , that whenever the ports have been opened the r e-° tha t been beneficial. He then turned round and told tbea! iy s of was very welt to cheer him for his resolution, he C ella") th e° 11 ,1 e 0 prepared to open the port s, but he was nor prepared to 3 diooP,i again. The Right Hon. Gentleman was gniteprepares,s. the ports, but he had resolved, in the bottom of his heiT, see d the present system of the corn-laws should ceaee.---eks ,01 . ,e .from the Ministerial side.) Compare this fact with thou went and declaration made by an Hon. Member, 1, hustings, but before the constituency of the Midland ese'? . What is the declaration of the Secretary for Irelan' tb ee , B said that he wished this proposition should be ma" t p re' another party ; that was to say that the pres,e n d a liament might have gone on and might have ' 4 r sst' ol newel of its seven years' lease of the Cee-,e a 1 majority, but now his own declaration was prematuretile rrf; making no charge—l am throwing out no hints s o d %pr o ; tectionist member of the Cabinet, who may rise a° to his opinions in the course of the debate; but I went serr et: f r ; whether it was not the foregone conclusion that the el rbe for Ireland was not authorised to make this charge on yi bea it liament was dissolved.' The Right Hon. G en tletuse , fo oncl i o first proposed this rsteasure to the House, seemed !°,, I , 4tt on the last eturns, and took the posi!:7,1o0:: of he seemed to adopt in his last speech. He said, f ien be on the returns for the last three years, but, taking s i t the commercial state of the country for many Ye 2l l,'ffecte 4 , seen that a relaxation of the protective duties has " re esee e sO iiXrease of the imports and exports. It is very' ag,„' n et t ot hear tLet fact stated, and if the Right Hon. r 3 s7 et e making an i:Nome-tax, I would not object to the et tore dss te it, bat when a great commercial ine h e e tl'r founded on. it, it . becomes the duty of. t -- p rollor to be very cautious, and to endeavour to trace thew o ol d cause of these measures. There is one cause whic h hie h been mentioned in the course of this debate, and ei e ecle „ o f account for the increase of trade. I will throtrit 1 ; 0 4 0 .' 0 1 exuberant harvest, the magnificent railroads , and refe s oi , that nature, and go to one thing that has never be'tpe b r at to. It has been acknowledged by every person tha t ei of the Right Hon. Baronet's argument was:too lite': s;ff et l ib There was an important agency omitted by th e tbd Baronet in relation to the commercial prose s •s• at country. Nothing effects the imports and the e%l3' siteo country so much as the seasons. I will call Ye e ee r 05, 4 4 to a case relating to our exports and rsiove" im such will illustrate the principle I am sl! e e th e ire' to impress upon your minds. Look at the'exportOne the4sl, ports of the past year. There was a great increasecto hire portation of sugar from the Mauritius and as le wi e!! tv ports. It is impossible to attribute this grea t hee' p traffic to the alteration of the sugar duties. ,f t er be accounted for by the abundant crops to flea ere in in the Mauritius and the East Indies, and which ' bile ea. cargoes of that article being imported. Nevli tb fr e W e lt shad been a great-abundance in the sugar crop On o f ser ifc e arid the Indies, there was a total deficieneY, feibi e o ibr j the Havannah. I will now trace the inaportans W ith en d the seasons on our commercial relations deP . . r el • countries. In Russia, sugar refiners for their supplies on the Havannah. What the_l P An Imperial decree was issued by the Govertl e n a ods n of: authorising the importation of sugar from Exl a rge 1 practical effect of this was, that while there was a the 1 15 ; tation of sugar from . the Mauritius an. d . the er lio, e " Indies, on account of the deficiency '" se.esd ainlY owe - 10 vannah, from which Russia was ° I foe tri t there was as great increase of exportation frO_creoee,,e; Russia. The imports and exports were thusjorre;re fl 0 .0 influence of the seasons. No one can say that t d e tail s o sitt ° A t in consequence of the tariff. I know that these the and uninteresting, but I am bound to enter °P . °-- 1 tret e the though I represent fallen party.—( Hear, hee,f 7 1 Ms . !, gain the attention of Hon. Gentlemen seplefi„seeeice statement... Suppose that there had been e , fro g, iv 0 1 0 _, 1 4 cotton crop of the United States of America , that , the e e ' s tn mainly derive our supplies, do you mean to el.l ce ed el' et etsfe reduction you have made in the import duty " . io iose e 007 wool would have s led the great increale seesvo.. which has taken place in the prelem year ? 1.) , 1 1, Y 11 tP e r e that there would have been an increase a. , ri eete f ra ) , bales? No. But that increase must be tt_ a ro, favourable season alone In the wool trade ve e es e?; t : o t r; the influence of season. In fact, in all our g r e at ou ll PM foreign imports, cotton, wool, sugar, and eefte,(heaqateataetatiti; season is a most important consideratio.ne. ✓ ans.thee...tha base, risk of wearying the House I wish to make c allec ( , e , of f c ' te e The Right Hon. Baronet referrewdetob:ur7oe. e : saor c , a: ittiet ee cl 100" e, of the silk trade, and said that whenever ~t uh e t for w . tr i u ck allu o b,,• trade advanced -their principles, of the silk trade. The Bon. Member t r to wha t , as ope to this subject, and I will make reference to e. Honourable Baronet stated in referencerocitive suyisttfo'n tration of how the relaxation of the . 13 te in ca le 6d. t° f r o. rated against it, I will not include fra tt d ia t he refuse or waste silk imported, and averaglkg avers :oral 8 2-4 , 1 / will e we , in woo a pound; but only the best ) 15s. to 255. per pound.—( w hat the ,g 441 importation of raw silk last yelt:reaevnita,l64,oool.oo., en e l a sse The amount imported in 1824 was vie years l eo of r sta te' twenty - a u l ndet .„ c oo the fo under the protective system, twenty years after that period, differs fr o n th The tion, we imported 4,260,0001b5. en n, but 1 m ake . i tro te " r ote s ' ments of the Ftight Hon. Gentlema t w i t e do do t ee P ar ta' thority of those well conversant is, i Ti P 0 °I t statement tve system,of t e h r e t ßight he fo Ppearrioo and u nd ed er ar i nn " et eee hte l tion of raw silk was 3,000, 000 r e e r ie le r. ont l3 : h n e erea se6l. -eA j3; the R i g... Iluch tbe ".°tar ti' P h' il l relaxation, 6,000,000 lbs. tha t al' s emal e vouring -to make it appe ar , „„„ 00 0 per de i.int; ta to k rr ia , ce s t u ak p e p n osi p n i g ae a e n fro in m e l, re ' ll ° a ° d ° of the pe ople, ha ss.......(g e l t ered' de s energies and perseverance lates cornieercci; . pros ie. cannot the Right Hon. Baronet _ trace it t e : tem i of I t ' WWII . it to the principle that regdu and e le, an d on . If the country has prospere d , 107 th e ..."f i L.traO t 00. 1 1 is attributable to the h a e ct rotection % en try f of ei ercl a pendently of either t she a.. e teee „ l eer . ciple.—( Hear, heir.) . vu es r vu"'s w ith to and I beuer vrineiple be in operation ; • ' has prospered, but • will Pr „ tow, ,w.f;o° ll.l