The Sun. — London, England, 1846-06-09 00:00:00

English law, and how were they to r smove that feeling? feelingsxee ptio Why, not by coercive acts, but by kind ; and p aternal gm:ern ,y their ment. &nee the union, a period who' T -re•;nd was not governed by a Coercion Bill, o He begged the Howe not to be lea rk aw . ' , . a / s very much stru c k in the discussion of this qtr:stion. with what fell from the Honourable IVlernber for the West Riding of Yorkshire on a former oecasi,,,, In &Wine- to the murder of the late Lord Norbury, he • .tepieted the shack which his feelings sustained by that nee , urrence. They all knew, bowever, how that crime w - 4s perpetrated ; but, stringent as the Rill was, it would be :ineffective to prevent the occurre nce of such horrible as ° :..ssinations. They had for a course of cen llll4.es endeav;ured to put the whole population of Ireland out of the pal;, of the law, and they could not expect, after such treat:nent, they could have a peaceable and contented body of people. The people of Scotland gave a proof of the inefficacy of keeping the inhabitants of a country in subjection when no care was taken to show them that they were the objects of the law's protection. Archbishop Sharpe, of Glasgow, Ml a vie tim to the mob in that city, when the people were influenced , Tsimilar exasperating circumstances as the people iif I re l an d. use the words of Mr. Burke, the Government " were fret ting the people of Ireland with a feverish existence." And they might depend upon it, that as long as they did not legis late for the interests of the people, and the protection of their rights, so long would they and their measures be regarded with feelings of hostility. He would not enter at greater length into the questio n , as h e h a d a l rea d y occup i e d thir at tention so recently on the specific merits of the Bill. It was said, the other night, in refe-ence to the diminution of crime in Ireland, that that was owing to the debates which took . place on the Bill in this House, and also to the terror caused 12y its having passed the House of Lords. He could assure the House, however, that the people of Ireland knew little of what took place in that House, and cared less. He could not close the few remarks he thought it his duty to make, without call ing their attention to the time during whieh this Bill was before the House. On the 22 , 1 of .January last the Bill was first alluded to in the speech from the throne, and her Ma jesty's Government nearly a month afterwards brought for ward this measure. After numerous delays and procrastina tions February was allowed to pass, and it was the end of March before the Bill received the sanction of the House of Lords. Irrespective of the merits of the Bill, however, he would ask if crime had been as prevalent in Durham, York shire, and ether counties of England, as it had been repre sented to have been in Ireland, would they for an instant have tolerated the Gcvernment to defer the consideration of a measure for its repression for the space of five months?— (Hear, hear.) He would ask the Noble Lord (Lord G. Ben tinck) would he have dune so ? After making an extract from the former speech of the Noble Lord to show that he would not, the Hon. Gentleman proceeded to say that if it were true that assassination was so prevalent in Ireland, they ought to have taken more decisive and immediate steps with regard to the present Bill. He did not wish 'co trouble the House longer. He was quite certain that the Bill was altogether unnecessary, and he trusted that the Noble Lord (George Bentinck) would follow out his own declaration, and oppose it. He very much regretted that the Noble Lord the Secretary for Ireland should have made this the first public act of his in regard to that country. He would conclude by moving a 2 an amendment, that the Bill be read a second time that day _six months. Mr. BERNAL rose to second the motion. He was free to C onfess, that when a similar Bill was proposed formerly, he supported it, but he was not confirmed, by any salutary expe rience he had of its effects, of the propriety of giving his sup port to the present measure. He asked them, was that the only remedy they had for the grievances of that country ? (No, no.) The Hen. and Gallant Member said "No." Well, then, what other remedies did they propose to meet the evils under which that country laboured? He knew of certain parts of Ireland which at that moment were suffering from the greatest distress, and indeed he must say, that all through Ireland very general distress existed. Mr. DILLON BROWN here moved that the House be counted. Strangers were then ordered to withdraw. On our return, there being 40 Members present, Mr. BERNAL resumed. He was sorry to find that during the discussion of a. question of so much importance to Ireland, barely 40 Memb,ers were present.—( Hear, hear.) He could not see that such a Bill as the present could have the effect of preventing crime in Ireland. If parties in that country were inclined to commit murder, this measure would not prevent them, aryl, therefore, the object for which it was introduced Was entirely defeated Her Majesty's Ministers said that in Februar y last midnight murderers were stalking forth in a for midable manner, and assassinations were taking place in many Parts of Ireland, and to put a stop to such crime they thought St to introduce the present measure. He could not see why it "ass that if the measure was for any good at all, it should have been delayed to the month of June. To put a stop to crime which existed in February, no legislative measure was brought !forward till t h at evening, and h thought that the long delay 'Which had taken place was a virtual abandonment of the Bill ; indeed, he had thought that they were to hear no more of it, and he was sure that at this period, when Ireland was in a state °r quiet, no such measure should be brought forward. Ile believed that if they were to take the feeling of the people of this country on such a measue, it would be found against it. The people of England were not in favour of sending the Irish Peasantry to Van Diemen's Land for crimes committed through the misery they endured ; for it was well known to the People of this country that starvation was at the bottom, in fact, the root of all the crime committed in Ireland, and they would be for preparing other measures for remedying the evils which afflicted that country.—( Hear, hear. ) Mr. DILLON BROWNE again moved that the House be tounted, when strangers were ordered to withdraw; but it having been found that there were forty Members present, Mr. BERNAL again resumed. The House could not be surprised at the crime in Ireland when it was to be taken into r a r deration that the juries in that country were not jasper thatr chosen without respect to creed.—( Hear.) He was te'.d of 3uch e people o f I re l an d pl ace d no faith in the impartif . ;lity hop e t ano those that came before them felt bu!,, little P e o f impartial justice, chosen as they were for their political partisanship. —(Hear, hear). What had they done for the people of Ireland? Had they brought forward any great question ? Had they proposed any great legi':;iative measure to relieve the distress which existed ? The Government told them that they were full of good intentions towards Ireland; but the House would bear in mind that tho , e intentions were never brought to bear in her favour.—( Hear, hear.) Year after year they were hearing of the distress in Ireland, and still nothing was done for that country. It was well known that the peasantry of Ireland had no settlement, no claim on the land, and from this fact had emanated many of the evils com plained of. It was well known the agrarian crimes committed arose from the unsettled state of the landed tenure of Ireland, and it was to this state of things that the Government should turn its attention.—( Hear, hear.) It was evident that this Bill was most untimely brought forward, for it had been re marked by several Peers who had voted for the mea sure that if they were aware it would have been delayed for this period they would not have voted for it. There must have been some reason for this change.—(Rear, hear.) It was quite a romance to think that a Bill which was brought forward to put a stop to midnight murders should be delayed to a period when no such crimes were committed. — (Hear. hear.) It was a measure more fitting for Mexico than for Ireland at the present moment, and it was because he saw that it. was uncalled for that he voted for the amendment pro- Posed. No Hon. Member having risen, and there being a cry of " Divide," b e sts v_Th S trangers were ordered t o withdraw, but no division t ook Place ; and on our re-admission to the gallery, Mr. OSBORNE was addressing the House. He said that the Noble Lord opposite knew nothing whatever of the country Or of the question at all. In fact, with regard to Ireland, there was n o t a man i n t h at H ouse more ignorant, with the best Islneteo utions, than the Noble Lord , the unsuccessful candidate for th ttlu g h am but he begged to tell the Noble Lord that __.:N n ay to deal with Ireland was not by maintaining an aristo- Ya a tt silence on the opposition benches. But he understood s in ion t Ille . Noble Lord accoun t e d f or hi s s il ence upon one occa. i reian uy d 3eeclarreing that a man would requi re t o b e s i x years i n Mode of l l fo he could answer a n y ques ti ons i n respe ct to the governing her. However, he (Mr. Osbore) would Pass over the Noble Lord's opinion in this respect, but he would call upon the First Minister of the Crown not to deal With this measure in this way, for he would ask, was it right or Was it respectful to Ireland , to deal with this measure in this way?_...( Hear, hear.) The Earl of LINCOLN said he could assure the House, and the Hon. Member who had last spoken, and who had made a speech which contained charges that he felt assured could not be justified by the circumstances, that thoug h he might be ignorant of Ireland, and Irish affai rs, he would wish, in reply to the Honourable M em b er , who had seconded the amendment, to address himself to the subjects touched upon by him, and to explain his views and the views of the Government upon this question. But here let bim remark, that when this House had been twice counted out within a few minutes, and when he looked at the benches op posite, and when he saw there only three or four of the repre sentatives of Ireland, he should soy it did appear to him that they did not bestow much attention to the measure; and he should add, that it would be acting a more becoming part, and appear more respectful to Irish measures, if he, however igno rant of them, yet as the Secretary for Ireland, had endeavoured to postpone to a later period of the evening those observations he had to make, and which he would not shrink from making at any time, upon this subject. Nothing appeared to him more proba ble than that he should be taunted with having risen at a time when nobody expected he would have done 80 , or that he had shrunk from the opportunity of raising his voice in favour of this measure, when a large number of the Irish Memt,ers should be present. When he had heard several volees cry out for a division, he did not wish to rise at that morJent, as he thought there might be others present who would wish to take a part in the discussion; but when he did not sr,e any other Member prepared to do so, be then rose, and he begged to assure the House it was per fectly immaterial to hi m a t what period of the night he ad dressede the House, rowded, for he was not so vain as to desire to see it • wtsile he was making a speech. Now , having made these 0 sravatibons in answer to the violent assault which had been m a d e illoaceled. doing oeinapply upon him by the Hon. Member opposite, be would himself to the subjec • t now under discussion, endeavour the a so be begged to assure the Hou se allusions. Hetrwoiedulll mention of irritating topics or party that he would this Bill' to confine what he to a defence of had to say contained. The Hon iv td a justification of the provisions it the honour to sayumed th at it mu naber f or D rog h e d a had d one him Lincoln) had ass the st have b een with pain that he (L or d could assure the Right T il t of Secretary for Ireland. He Baronet, that it was with much greater pain he had risen i n the discharge of his o ffi cial duty to propose this measure Was a duty he would etvhe Douse that when not shrink from it. He need not, rtt7•-htiindit led were sub o the course they first this measure was introduced had said that this jected top ll manner of charges with as were adoing. Hon. Members opposite h: slat below measure was introduced without reason, or charges eyed too cation ; and those Hon. Members on his sid e e zeuse ' Or j"tifi the gangway, said that the measure had been long. Now, he conceived that the first of those been disposed of by the first discussion which had taken place had it had always been held good that it was not desirable press on such a measure hastily, and he thought he could app ea l t to the general policy of the present Government as a contra.. diction to the assertion that this measure had been introduced without reason, or excuse, or justification, for doing so. Let him remind the House that a similar Act to this existed in the year 1835, and yet the Government allowed five years to elapse without attempting to revise it. They had also allowed the Party Processions Act to expire; and though they had revised the Unlawful Oaths' Act, it had been deprived of many of its most offensive and obnoxious clauses. Then there was the Arms' Act, to which the Noble Lord, whom he now saw sitting at the bar ( Lord Clements), gave such strenuous opposition, that that Act had not been put in force in any offen sive manner. With regard to -he charge of having delayed this . . . Bill too long, he begged - to say he did not think that that charge lay at the door of the Government. But he would much rather bear with such a charge th in let it be said they were pressing it on too hastily. The Hon. Baronet opposite complained of this delay, an d yet he moved the postponement of the measure; and therefore if there was any offence in delay, the Hon Mem ber opposite participated in it. His Right Hon. Friend near him had been accused of not wishing to pass the Corn Bill, or he would not have pressed on the first reading of the WU— and yet they were charged with delay. This Bill had been spoken of as an unconstitutional measure, and it should be ad- witted that it was . soTbirt it could only be justifi , cl by a stern I necessity, and in such a state of things as where life and pro- Percy were not protected by the law now within the compass of , the Constitution. In fact, the only liberty that now existed in Ireland was liberty for murder and outrage; but there was no liberty for the protection of the peaceable and those who should be protected ; and let him remind the House that this mea sure was intended to be applied to five counties only, for the disca e, through epidemic, he feg,r-d was contagious in many cases also. The mea sures previooslf introduced had been successful, ! though they had not been brought into operation. They had been successful in operating on the minds of the people of Ireland. On the previous debate there had been so many cases adduced in support of the Bill, that he hesitated now in troubling them further. He knew, however, that it was more by cumulative instances, than by a few strong cases, that such a measure as the present ought to be grounded. The Right Hon. Baronet ( Sir John Somerville) in the course; of his speech observed, that he considered the Government were bound to do three things. In the first place, they were bound to show the necessity for the measure ; in the sec ind place, that the state of' things complained of could not be put down by the operation of the laws ; and in the third place they were bound to show that there was a fair prospect of the Bill being effectual and efficacious in working a change. He (Lord Lincoln) was ready to admit that this was a fair representation of the duty of the Governmen . t in intro ducing such a Bill ; and if they were not already satuified with the cases that had been given in support of the measure, he was willing to establish the case still further. But before doing so he must refer to a statement made by the Hon. and Learned Member for Cork (Me. O'Connell), who affirmed that the disorders complained of principally, if not mainly, were of an agrarian character, and were to be got rid of; by a Bill for regulating the position of landlord and tenant, and measures of a similar kind. By a careful examination of the criminal returns, he (Lord Lincoln) found this statement completely disproved ; and he should prove to the House teat though there was some connexion tietween these outrages and the land, the Hon. arid Learned Gentleman was not justified in stating that either the majority or a large proportion :of the crimes were of an agrarian character. They prove that not only the landlord and tenant are inter fered with, but that they enter into every other relationship of life. To use the language of the Honourable and Learned Member for Cork, the whole body corporate was diseased." To prove this, he could not go to a more unpre judiced source than the Commission authorised by the Govern ment to inquire into the state of Ireland, and which, three months ago, presented its report. The Commission to which he referred was that over which Lord Devon had pre side ; and he (Lord Lincoln) wished to call the particular attention of the House to the returr.s in the first volume of the appendix furnished by Colonel Miller, superintendent of police. These returns, he might add, were arrived at, with the view of establishing a fact that disputes respecting land were at the bottom of these outrages. This, however, was not proved by the returns furnished. The offences, as furnished in 1844 by the constabulary police, are given as agrarian, and otherwise. In that year there was the alarming number of 6,337 cases of outrage. Of this number 5,336 were not agrarian, there being only 1,001 which were of an agrarian character, or less than one-third. But of this 1,001 there were 417 which were not strictly agrarian, but were cases of threatening notices. These, strictly speaking, should be deducted. If they went into minute particulars, the 'case was stronger still. They would then see that crimes of the worst character were not agrarian, as the following would show:— Incendiary fires, not agrarian ,f „ agrarian Assaulting and threatening life, not agarian... 238 2, agrarian . .... 12 Aggravated assault, not agrarian 7, „ agrarian 4O Firing at the person, not agrarian 47 „ agrarian Homicides, not agrarian... 127 , agrarian ... • lB This clearly showed that the statement of the Hon. and Learned Gentleman the Member for Cork was not borne out by facts and figures. These returns had been classified as agrarian and not agrarian at the desire of the Commission, with the object of showing, no doubt, that agrarian outrages were at the bottom of these outrages, but this had not been borne out by the results. In further exemplification, he woulSe refer to returns which he had laid on the table of the House last Friday, and which had been printed that morning. Th.e'y were so voluminous that he did not apprehend Hon. Nlern'o , s , could have examined them yet; b u t they w o uld find, if they investigated, that what he h a d s t a t e d respecting the na 'care ot the outrages was more than borne out. He would !s si d a few extracts as bearing on the case. He had clas'afied them as far as time would allow, and they ex',mplified the real social state of the five counties cn which the outrages had most prevailed. The first c l .ass from which he would read was that relating to crimes asasing out of disputes between the landlords and tenants, but not strictly of an agra rian character.—( Hear.) He would remark that this was a very small class in comr,arison with he others. The first case he would refer to, was that of an attack of a person of the name of Kelly, whose house, on the 13th of December, was entered at n'ght by a body of men whose faces were blackened. They demanded Kelly, an,: were told that he was from home. They sent a search and, found his horse ; then they made a strict examination of the premises, when Kelly was found, and abused and tl . .reatened that his life would be taken if he did not treat his tenants with more kindness. The tenants referred to were patties living on the property, but refused to pay any rent. He. knew some of the parties, and was willing to lodge informaS;esns, but he thirst not move in the case until he had sold off, his stock, and he could not do so if it was known he wou'A proceed against the parties. No one would purchase frs,ra him. He would go from this class to another, compelling servants to leave their employment. On the 29th of January, in the county of Wicklow, six persons entered the house of a farmer and beat a servant of the name of Michael, because he would not leave. There was another case in which seven men beat a servant because he would not leave so as to afford employment for some other parties. The Noble Lord read several other cases of the same kind from the counties of Wicklow and Tipperary. He had one case which would show a minuteness of interference so strange as likely to excite a smile from Hon. Members. On the 28th of Dec., three armed men assaulted a female servant employed by Samuel Cowe, Esq., and that gentleman was fired at by the parties. The complaint was that the servant, a dairymaid, was too penurious in her supply of milk to the labourers. The next case to which he would refer was interference to compel masters to discharge servants. On the 27th July last, in the county of Tipperary, an armed party as saulted a gentleman, because he would not dis• miss certain labourers that were obnoxious to them. He would now proceed to another class of offences, namely, that to prevent persons ente r i ng i n t o part i cu l ar tra d es, or pre vers'cin,g, competition in the county of Clare. On October the `6th, at seven o'clock in the evening, the steward of a steam. boat was violently assaulted by five men, because he got his supply of milk from parties to whom they objected, and did not deal with those which they desired. Another case hap pened on the 25th of August, in the county of Leitrim of a similar character. In the county of Roscommon three car riers were violently assaulted by seven men, because they fed their horses at the house of a particular party, and not at a place where the assaulting persons were desirous they should do so. There was another case which he could quote contained in the returns he had laid upon the table of the House that evening ; but he thought he had already read a sufficient quantity ot these cases. He had read more of this class than he had origi nally intended, because they tended to show that crime could only exist where, by some means or other, society had been greatly disorganised. Now, with the permission of the House, he would read a class of cases under the heads of '6Pre venting the Recovery of Debts," and " The Enforcement of I Contracts." In January last, Michael Doctrine, in the county of Roscommon, was seriously maltreated because he had en forced a contract in returning a cow which did not turn our according to agreement. In February, a man named Mac Carty was waylaid and brutally ill-used because he recovered money on certain I 0 U vouchers. On the 7th April, in the same city, I. man named Thomas Croft was " sworn" to refund a debt which he had received ten years before. He felt he was trespassin too long upon the time and attention of the House with thes details, but it was necessary that he should go into them, is order that the House should see the necessity for passing thi• Bill. There was, therefore, another class of eases to whicL he must refer. They were comprised under the heads ot " compelling people to marry," " not to marry," or " to giv, fortunes to particular persons going to get married." On the 31st January last, Michael Byron, a comfortable farmer in Roscommon, was " sworn" to fulfil his promise to marry " certain female." On 21st February Richard Guyer's house was burned, to prevent a particular marriage taking place. About the same period a man named Turners was beaten, and " sworn to marry a particular female." The next class of cases to which he must call the at. tension of the House, arose out of giving evident against persons who violated the law ; but it would only b, necessary for him to read one case of this class. On the 22ne of September, a man named Smith, living in Roscommon, and his daughter, were seriously maltreated and beaten, for having given evidence in a particular case. Another case of the same nature had lately occurred in the county of Leitrim, where a widow was " sworn " to intimidate her son not to prosecute a charge which had been preferred against certain parties of having murdered her husband in 1844. He would no,s, with the permission of the House, read to them some de tails which he received yesterday in the ordinary course of his official routine. There were five cases reported to him, and three of them were cases of gross interference with the social and domestic relations of life. He hoped the House would understand why he had selected these particular classed of cases. He had done so because it had been stated by Hon. Gentlemen opposite that the outrages perpetrated in Ireland were principally of an agrarian character. There was one par ticular case of an agrarian character, which had recently come to his knowledge, and which he must read to the House. It occurred in the county of Roscommon, where three men, ar me d with pistols and bludgeons, broke into the house of a poor man, and demanded that be should go down on his knees to be " s worn." The man refused to do so without knowing why t h then i a w, and wherefore, and th e conse qu en ce was he was immediately fired at and woundedizt e h ss r i e o e n p i a o r f t a s v o o f u h r i o s f bo h d i y s body. brother-in-law, e r was_ jil ro ' w ‘ li sw o o h r a n d " o t c o cu g p iv ied t e up possession cottage and lands some seven years be fore. He thought he had sufficiently shown the House that there was no relationship in life in Ireland, either social , or domestic, which was not interfered with ; while, if the House would take the trouble to look into the c ses they would find that it was impossible in many parts of the country that public d be asked what was the en tered into these detal , he might couldu i ti s es be performed. Having ans wer that question. From the evidence before Lord Devon's ca use of these outrages, o but he regretted his inability to Commission, it wo uld out of an organised system nt he manner he had stated. He prevailing , in the country to avenge a Roman Catholic ses sional solicitor, that these outrages arose disputes and satisfy malice now came to another important p art of the statement he was anxious to make to the House. The Hon. and Learned Member f o r Cork, incidentally observed the other night, that since the introduction of this Bill crime had considerably 1 learned Member diminished i n I re l an d, an d the Hon. an at tributed that di m i nut i on t o the exertions Government were making to remove the distress which existed in many parts of Ireland. He admitted that to some extent crime might have diminished within the last three or four months in Ireland, but when he looked the days lee., did not think that • lie was ready to ad of this Bill. to the cause of that diminution, he Hitherto could be urged against the second reading lengthened d heqo it had been ascertained that as admit diminished. And to some extent Riving employment t mit that the measures of Government for to the destitute poor had tended to reduce crime in Ireland; but let him remind the House that both it. r eme d y e wa d s i , st t r h e e ss re a f n o d re t , he their dut w t a o s of a temporary character, and f t or the future. lie, to . this supposed di however, deeply regretted tli T at with regard the Hon. and o s f t the evening m'nution of crime, it was his duty to re fin a had felt f w e l l t t ich he, Learned Member for Cork. In the earl he laid upon the table of the House certai y n p pa r had alluded in the course of the observations papers duty to address to the H ouse; t h ey were the returns ot crimes perpetrated in Ireland from th e 31 st D ecember to the 31. t, May, the first five months in the present year. He regretted that these returns had rant been in the hands of Hon. Members to enable them to cheek or compare his statements with the de tailed returns, but the truth was they only reached him yesterday, and, of course, he could not lay them on the table before that evening. This was a return of all aggravated c: imes, assaults, and other offences which were committed between the month of May, 1845, and the month of May, 1846. It was only necessary, in order to substantiate the correctness of this comparison, that he should state that this return did not include outrages or injuries designated as assaults on the police; neither did it include murders or homicides—for this reason, that the Hon. and Learned Member for Clonmel (Mr. Pigot) moved for a return of murders and homicides during a corresponding period, and which was presented to the House on Monday last, and he oely regretttd that it was not in his hands at that mo ment. He would now proceed to make a comparison between the number of offences committed in Ireland during the first five months of last year and the corresponding period of the present year; and he must admit, at the same time, that in consequence of these papers not having reached his hands before the previous day, he was not able to make so accurate and precise a comparison as he could have wished, but if Hon. Gentlemen would have the kindness to read them over care fully, he was quite sure that, with the exception of Leitrim, the counties which had been noted for crime had not at all im proved with regard to their amount of crime within the last five months.—( Hear, fret. ) In the county of Leitrim he did rejoice to say 'and he congratulated the Noble Lord the Nlem ber for that county on this fact) that there had been a con siderable diminution of crime during- the last five months.— ( Hear, hear.) But he believed that the Noble Lent would be able, much better than he could do, to establish to the House good grounds with reeard to the diminution of crime in that particular county, and which in his ( Lord Lincoln's ) opi nion would tend very considerably to strengthen the arguments in elvour of this Hill ratifier than diminish them. And reiw with regard to the comparison of crime in these five counties, as compared with the whole of Ireland during the past five months. During that period there had been, in the whole of Ireland, of the class of crimes to which he had alluded, 2,093; but in the five counties in question 1,188 of those crimes hail been perpetrated, being considerably more than one-half of the crimes committed in the whole of Ireland. Now, without going into detail, because he had not time to do so, he would make a brief comparison in the gross between the number of crimes committed in the different counties in Ireland, and from the statement he thought the House would see that there had, in fact been no diminution of crime in Ireland during the last five months, with the exception of the county of Leitrim. In Clare there had been 171 cases of crime. In Leitrim 138. In Limerick (and he begged to observe, that with regard to Li. merick, the amount was very considerable in proportion to its population), 210 cases. In Roscommon, he regretted to say, there had been no diminution, but a very great increase, 378. In Tipperary, 286; making, as he before said, 1,188 cases for the five counties in question, whilst in the whole of Ireland there had only been 2,o 93.—(Hear, hear.) Now, as he had this return in his hand, and as he remarked to the House in a former part of his statement that these offences were of a local nature, he would read a few particulars as to the population of the counties now under comparis on . H e had already stated th at i n the county ofßoscommon, during the last five months, there had been 383 offences, and the popula tion of that county was 253,000. He was glad to see the Hon. Member for Kerry now in his place on the opposite benches. Kerry contained a much larger population than Roscommon, the number of its people amounting to 293,000; but in the county of Kerry, during the same period, there had been only sixteen offences, whilst in Roscommon there were 383.—( Hear. hear.) He would now refer the House to the number of offences committed in the county of Limerick ; the population of tt at county amounted only to 281,009, and vet the number of crimes was 210. Now in the county of Lei trim, as he before stated, the number of crimes was 138, whilst the population of that county was 155,000 In the adjoining county of Fermanagh, the porulation of which was 166,000, the number of offences was only . 14. In the county of Antrim, with '460,000 inhabitants, the offences were only 17. In the countyof Dublin, ea'AusAve of the city of Dublin, with a po pulation of 146,000, thee amount of offences was only four. Now he thought "chat these facts would clearly establish the grounds which h'e. raa ntained for the necessity of passing some coercive measure to affect the five counties in Ireland where crime was so r',se. He admitted, with the Hon. Baronet who moved ar eeendment, that it was th e d uty of any Govern thins k f he Peitroducing a m easure o f t hi s nature, to prove three rand. in the first place they were bound to prove that an evil mete d which ought to be met by some means or other. Now, he did think that if they would look to the proofs which had beeei laid before the House on the former debates on this Country, that the case was made out—clearly proving the et ence of such an evil.. He also thought that the poufs he h . rsr', laid b e f ore t h e H ouse that evening showed that there had -vien not any diminution in crime within the last five months, and he thought he might assume that the Hon. Baronet who moved this amendment could not complain that a sufficient iase had not been made out for enactments of this kind. The Hon. Baronet stated that it was the duty of the Government to prove that they had attempted to meet these offences by the ordinary law, and that they had failed in so doing. He alluded to the caie of Westmeath, to show that had special commissions been issued, the existing state of things night have been prevented. In referring to that case, the Honourable Baronet had forgotten to tell 'he House the circumstances under which that special commis -inn was issued. Now, the circumstances which led to the issuing of that special commission in the county of Westmeath, were these, that there had previously been not only a consider. dable accumulation of officers ; but what was, of course, of 0-eater importance as regarded the commission, a very consider» able accumulation of prisoners within the gaol. Under those eircumstances he believed that the Lord-Lieutenant was applied o by certain magistrates and gentry to issue a special com mission. The Government hesitated for some time as to the propriety of so doing. The Government doubted whether sufficient ground existed for the issuing of the commission, and they employed proper persons to ascertain whether such grounds did exist ; and the result was, that the commission was issued. But the Hon. Baronet asked why a special commission was not issued for the five counties. The answer was obvious, that al though the state of crime was so rife, and although the number of outrages was so great, yet the instances of detection were so few, the committals were so rare, that there would be no justification for the issue of a commission on those counies for it would in rea lit y en d i n nothing. But let 'him (the Earl of Lincoln) remind the House—when they were now taxed with not issuing special commissions—when they were now charged by the Hon. Baronet the Member for Drogheda, and also by the Hon. and Learned Member for Cork, with the negligence of duty in consequence of their not issuing special commissions—let him remind the House that those were not the views that had been entertained generally by Hon. Gentlemen opposite. Unless he very greatly mis took, Lord Althorp in introducing the Bill of 1833, dwelt particularly upon the total inadequacy of special commissions to meet crimes of the kind in question.—(Hear, hear.) That Noble Lord stated reasons which he (the Earl of Lin coln) thought were sound and good. Let him remind the House also that when in 1835 the Coercion Bill, of a less stringent character, was introduced, the Hon. and Learned Gentleman for Cork deprecated the issuing of special com missions, and stated that the Government having declined the attempt to diminish crime by such means, had, in his opinion, taken a wise and prudent course. In support of this statement he could quote Hansard, but he had no desire to do so. He must observe at the same time 'hat before they could show the desirableness of issuing a spe cial commission, they must show that they could produce the necessary evidence to prosecute. Now he was encouraged to maintain this position by reading a short extract from the evi dence of Mr. Cahill, given before Lord Devon. That gentle man was asked whether he believed that the perpetrators of agrarian outrages were known by the peasantry where they were committed, and his answer was, that he was perfectly con vinced that the parties knew everything of the transaction, hut that there was little disposition to give any evidence against the iierpetrators. He was then asked to what he attributed that disposition, and he replied that it was not attributable to any terror, but rather a dislike to injure those of the class to which they belonged.—(Hear, hear, from the opposition. ) He stated also that such murderers were harboured and protected, and, in point of fact, were looked upon as better men than othe rs , b e . cause they put down what they called a tyrant. They re ceived the character of what they called a" good boy."—( Hear. ) Chat showed the difficulty of obtaining evidence. Perhaps the Hon. Baronet the Member for Clonmell was entitled at his hands to a peculiar explanation. He could give minute information with respect to the number of offences in the five counties he had enumerated, and the number of committals. The total number of offences was 1,188, nut of which number here were•only 54 committals. In Tipperary the number of offences was 285, and 19 committals. In the county of Lime rick the number of offences was 210, and 12 committi Is. In Leitrim there was 133 offences committed, and 8 committals. le Clare the number of offences was 171, and the committal' were 7. In Rosscommon, where he was sorry that crime was on the increase, out of the large number of offences, 383, there had been only 8 committals, in consequence of the unwilling. ness of witnesses to come forward. The great majority of those offences were committed during the night. In the county of Tipperary between 130 and 140 of the offences were committed at night. Mr. DENISON—Not offences against life. Lord LINCOLN resumed. Between 130 and 140 were committed at night, and on the average between 60 and 70 in the day time, 'The same proportion prevailed in the other counties. The principles which were intended to be embodied in this measure were similar in effect to those which were already extended to districts in England when cases of rebellion or rioting occurred. In every case of riot the district was mulcted for the offences committed within its range. There was another provision which was essentially different from the Act of 1835, and that was to give power to the Lord Lieutenant to proclaim any district instead of vesting the power in the hands of the grand jitry and gentlemen of the county. He was astonished that any objection was made to that provision. He believed that in 1833 the Minister, in his place in Parliament, although he admitted that military tri bunals were very objectionable, yet still they were preferable to the grand juries in Ireland as they were then constituted. 'i'he Honourable Member for Cork had said that there was at present an opportunity for parties to traverse from the de vision of the grand juries, but there would be no means of traversing from the opinion of the Lord Lieutenant. But, he would ask, would not that House serve as a check upon the manifestation of any extraordinary or improper power by the Lord-Lieutenant ?—( Cheers.) Was not that - power sufficient to restrain any Lord-Lieutenant from improperly abusing the powers with which he might be vested. The penalty in this Bill was certainly more severe than in the former Bill. He had understood on the first reading, that the Noble Lord the Member for the city of London intended to move an amend ment on this clause in Committee, and he was surprised that the Noble Lord should now turn round so soon, and make this clause a reason for throwing out the whole Bill. Lord JOHN RUSSELL—I propose to omit the clause altogether. ford LINCOLN understood that it was his intention to move an amendment in Committee, and he should be glad to hear if he opposed the Bill on principle, at what period it was since the year 1835 that his opinions had changed upon the subject of coercive measures. It had been stated that the Government adopted coercive measures and had neglected conciliatory measures. He would ask whether the Charitable Bequests Bill was not a proof of the good spirit in which they had conducted the Government of the country ? Did not the Government introduce a measure for the endowment of May nooth, which gave considerable offence to their friends?Pknother measure was calculated to extend the system of national edu cation. Then, again, with reference to the landlord and tenant question. The Hon. Member, who complained of the Government not bringing in a Bill founded on the report of the Devon Commission, eculd not have looked very attentively on the paper or he would Friday seen that h he is h i a n d teo g i i o v o en to no to ti o ce ve a f t o a r date not later than neat, of the measures tei their e w n h d i e c a h v t o h u e r s. Government The y hadha d leave to introduce three h . B tr i e ll a s s f i e n un l d r e e d la o n n d, t t h h e e s i e r m o e p a p s o u n r e e n s. ts And d extent, food and employment They had had to endure the o reproach of former adoptedtgii,irio given with(i provided, d t h, toereferencethem dt to t e l not deserve ; they had would not have received out of the which he was sure they which h which they felt they did House—opprobrium wh had voted considerable sums for the for the people of Ireland. a f g rien party purposes. They to bear reproach in Parliament on te tl d iem lar f g o e r promotion of public works ;_ hadb n done .on what been friends, theyd on only d b e also cast d they would look back in after years u; in the present day by the Government as a proo f They had sane isturpi feeling of the Government towards them. quantities of Indian meal among the people of L o e f la t n h d e , g a e n o d d tw t h io oe n rk : s d a,r t t, he ,o.hf expenditure ch , individual when np o or f mo ie o et .o te o adr :/ w . for ou d t h involve promotion o n on f t a u y h l e i n e of half a million of money, and would, of course, give both food and employment for a considerable time to the people in the districts where the works were constructed, and would also provide a valuable return for the capital invested. He considered that although the Govern ment had done nauch,agreat deal could yet be done by private in dividuals, but so long as the country remained in its present disturbed state it could not b expected that the landlords would invest their capital. If Hon. Members opposite wished to deprive the landlords of any excuse for not remaining in the country they should pass the present Bill. He felt himself bound to make these observations in consequence Of the challenge which had been given him to Pilots; the necessity which existed for the present measure. It eas easy to charge the .3overnment with tyranny and oppreseian, and to make long and eloquee' speeehet cn the subject. He felt that if the. Government had proposed this measure as a panacea for the evils of IreWrid, that then they would have been j istitied in pursuing the course they had adopted; but the Governm en t b a d b rotlght i n this Bill avowedly as a corrective for a disorganised state of society—as a corrective without which any measure, however gocd in itself, could hays no satisfactory operation. The Government owned that they did not look on the Bill as likely to change permanently the social system of Iceland, but simply as a preparatory mea sure ; and it was on that view and on that principle that it had been introduced. He, for one, was perfectly ready to admit his opinion as to the impossibility of any longer permitting Ireland to iterate beiwe.en lawless despotism aid ultra con stet u tonal enactments. ( Hear, hear.) And when he made that a imission it was not at variance with the principle of the Bill, and he knew it was not at variance with the seer t aith hich the Government looked upon the measure. He wag prepared te give his pri cilia' support to it on this view, believieg !hat it was a measure calculated to restore peace and harmony to the (~urpry. And looking at the measure in this sprit he vet ore ! to call upon that House to prove by its votes to-nie ht. that they •Aill coca'rit, ho:vever reluctantly, to suspend the lee whenever lawless violence i rife, rather than all law should he set at varisece, and the lives and property of the sub jec's of the realm j..opartlised and endangered, and the peace ful security of the nrighb •urhood set at nought and destroyed, Mr. MORGAN IO:l N O'CONNELL—There was one ad vantage which the Neble Lord ago just addressed the Howe had over any si.ealter wile might follow him, and that was by the conciliatory tont , which characterised his speech, and he would himself endeavour to follow the example he had so eloquently set. If he believed ihet this Bill was what its title pretended it to he, no party consid , ra - ion, or no consideration of any other kind would prevent bite from giving it his support.—( Hear, hear.) But the arguments of the Noble Lord had failed com pletely to convince him, arid he had heard with very great sur prise the statement of the Noble Lord, that crime was rather on the increase in Ireland than on the diminution. He had, however, some constitutional mistrust of the reports coming from the constabulary, when those reports were calculated to bear out the views of Government, and he advised the Noble Lord now, and he advised any man about to be Secretary for Ireland, (and it would be very hard to say who might be Secretary for Ireland next year) to adopt for their first rule to distrust the constabulary ; and the next rule he would give them would be to distrust the law adviser for the Crown,— ( Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord used a phrase which gave him great surprise; he had told them that this Bill was a temporary remedy for a temporary emergency. But did they know that this temporary remedy was brought in as permanent in its nature in another place ? The Noble Lord had quoted largely from the constabulary returns, but a great proportion of these outrages were not agrarian. He did not know on what principle these returns were made, but he was afraid they were made in very nearly a similar manner to those which were made when the Arms Bill was brought forward. The first use made of that Act was to deprive of arms all who were repeaters ; in a county too, which was not a disturbed county. That was the first use made of it by an Irish magistracy in one of the counties of Ireland. He, therefore, warned the House that instead of using the new powers which were con ferred by this 13ill for the obj-et intended, the magistracy of Ireland would use it, not for its purpose of suppressing out rage, hut for destroying the liberties of the people, and sup pressing the freedom of discussion. Many clauses of the Bill were fraught with the most serious mischief to the people, and would entail the greatest injury if carried into effect. He believed that a law which would alter the agrarian system of Ireland would have more effect in doing away with crime in that country than if they were to introduce such a measure as the present for years to came. This was what was wanted for Ireland. Alter the landed system of the country, and they would find the go :d results of that alteration in the continued emseerity, and the Oval cessation of crime. —(Hear, hear.) He believed that whatever was good for the tenantry of Ire land would he equally gJod for the landlord —that which was goad for the one would be good for the other, and the whole country would feel the beneficial results of that all-important change.—( aear, hear.) He hoped the Irish representatives on both sides of the House, who during the whole period of the session had displayed a spirit of generosity towards their country, would not now be found wanting in substituting for the measure before the House that which would be a lasting good, instead of adopting that which would only entail more misery, and revive that crime which slid not now exist.—( Hear.) He hoped that he might be pardoned for alluding to one question, more especially as it might be remembered that he did not trouble the House much that session on Irish affairs. —(Hear, hear.) He was about to allude to the Established Church of Ireland, and in alluding to it he did not wi-h to cause anything like a division amongst the Iri h representa tives who differed with him on that question. He thought, however, that he might with great propriety impress upon them the necessity of taking that question into consideration, while they hart the opportunity of settling it amicably, instead of waiting till that period when they would be forced to concede much more than the country were now willing to accept.—( Hear, hear. ) The people of Ireland would now be satisfied with a moderate reform in the Church establishment of that country, comparatively with that which they would demand at a future period, when the subject would be forced upon the consideration of Parliament, and when nothing less than a radical change in the whole system would satisfy them.—( Hear, hear.) With respect to the measure before the House, her Majesty's Ministers would do well to consider that the spirit of the age was not in favour of coercion. —( Hear, hear.) The spirit of the age was spoken out by her Majesty's Government, when, a short time since, they told the h H a c d ) use b e e that n t t h h e had a ey habit of aban doned ho n g t ,to s e principles in eette reformed which p h i r e i y t of the country.—( Hear, hear.) He called upon the House and upon her Majesty's Ministers not to make this Bill an ex ception to that new spirit of reform which had forced itself up on the Legislature ; and feeling, as he did, that it w as a measure calculated to do irreparale injury, and work more mischief than it could possibly put down, he should vote against it.— (Cheers. ) Lord G. BENTINCK said it would be in the recollection of the House that he gave his advice to her Majesty's Government, that if this measure was necessary for the suppression of crime in Ireland, it ought, to take precedence of many questions then about to be entertained. It would also be remembered that at that time it was a measure ofthan many others, an d i t would be remem beredor ethat emergency whnthe measure was brought down to that House, her Majesty's Ministers most solemnly impressed upon them the necessity of immediately passing it into a law. Not withstanding that necessity six weeks had elapsed before it was again brought forward. When this Bill stood for a first read ing there leas no House, and when it was remembered that there were two Government nights when it could have been brought forward, and on one of those nights the House ad. journedat nine o'clock, could it be said by her Majesty's Minis ters that there was any wish to press the measure?—(Hear, hear.) On the contrary he was of opinion that there was no desire whatever to press it, and those opportunities of bringing it forward were allowed to pass away. The casus federis hail now arrived when it behoved the party with which he (Lord George Rentinek) acted, to stand forward and prove to the Right Honourable Baronet that they were determined to act for themselves.—( Great cheering.) He could not help remarking that it appeared to him that crime in Ireland had diminished as the days had grown longer, and therefore, if this measure was to have been passed at all, it should have been passed when the days were short; but, in stead of that it had been postponed till the month of June.— ( Hear, hear.) Now, it so happened, that he found that, during the month of June crime had considerably diminished, for it appeared by the returns tha' in the month of June, last year, the various crimes amounted to 896, while in the same month of this year, they did not exceed 820, and in the month of May they were only. 708. Contrasting these returns with the amount of crime committed in the months of November and Deefinaber, they were respectively 602 and 607, so that the Noble Chief Secretary of State for Ireland did appear to he very well informed as to the state of crime in Ireland--(Hear, hear)—and when the Noble Lord came here for the purpose of rescuing the Government from defeat, he ( Lard G. Bentinek) did not this k he was very successful.— ( Hear, hear.) Indeed, the Noble Lord did not appear to have given muds attention to Irish affairs, when he appears to have been totally unconscious of the resistance of such a town as Caolebar.—( Cheers and laughter.) Now he (Lord George Ben'inek) should say he could see no cause for passing in the month of June a measure that was needed in the month of February. In com par i ng perlB4 6, he could not find that crime cent.,had and he would say th at such an increase would not justify the the increased year l 84 b 5 ey t o on that. of Government in passing such a measure as this, after havi ng brandished it b e f ore the people of Ireland so long with being in earnest in their desire to carry it.—(Cheers.) In comparing the amount of crime committed in each of the two years he had mentioned, he fiend that the crimes of incen diarisre, robbery of arms, firing at with intent to kill, threaten . ing no ices, and such like, amounted in the aggregate, in the first five months of the year 18'6, to 786; while within the last three months they amounted to only 554. In the first five months of last year those crimes amounted to 815; while in the same period of this year crimes of a more mitigated cha racter in the first five months of last, year amounted to 1,701 ; while in this year they did not exceed 1,500.—( Hear, hear. ) The Noble Lord had told the House that this was a permanent measure to meet a temporary emergency—that was to say, that it was a measure which was intended to have met an eine' , gency that had taken place five months ago.—(Loud cheers.) Now, these were some of the reasons which induced him to oppose this measure upon thi, occasion; but he had still much more grave and important reasons for doing so. One of them was, that he could assure the House that the gentlemen who sat around him would refuse to trust her Majesty's Government.—(Renewed cheers.) And if they hal no other reasons, he conceived they had quite enough in the double ' dealing which the Government had displayed.—( Cheers.) The House had been deceived by the statements that had been made by her Majesty's Ministers four months ago. They were told four moiths ago that there was a famine in Ireland, and that four millions of the people were starving there—( Hear, hear) —but after that had occurred he could not see how any man of sense could trust her Majesty's present Ministers.--( Hear, hear.) He would not now stop to discuss the merits of this measure, but h would ask if it were necessary f or th e peace of Irentiol did any man believe the Government would carry it ? Ile would say that they never meant to carry it. He would ask whither any oee who understood the forms of this House did not behave *hat the session would be long over before this measure would be dragged through the House of Commons?—(Cheers.) There might he some Hon. Members opposite who were under the imeression that such a measure might have been necessary, but they could rot believe that, even if it were passee, th e Go vernment ever tweet to carry it into l aw . —(hear, hear.) Therefore he would say it was a waste of time, a mockery and an insult to the people of Ireland, to brandish this measure in their face, which was never meant to be carried into a law, and therefore he would do his hest to prevent that mockery being done.—(Loud cheers.) The Government said that they were as much in earnest in carrying this measure as they were about the corn-law; but how differently had they dealt with R.— ( Hear, hear.) In the ease of the corn -laws all days were alike— Goverment days and all others—and it was forced on with all the zeal of new converts.—( Loud cheers.) They had short holidays and short notices of holidays. They were worked up till the eve of Good Friday, and then they only adjourned till the Friday following. gut no sooner was the Corn Bill through, and the Coercion Bill introduced, than there was an alteratiou. If the Ministers really believed the Bill was necessary for the protection of life and property in Ireland, why had they thus procrastinated it? Why had so much valuable time been lost in pushing it forward ?—( Hear, fo o e l t h . l hear, and chee rs . No sooner was t h e C oercion Bill intro ducedr than they had l ong h o lid ays—(Cheers) —and on Tuesday n h the, adjourned jt d! Hs o t u oy rt,isns House IR i a rni t di ,httaehlrefs- countrypa w s sevenetre in o enough e ck si n \V t h a t o e s introduction of this Bill ?—( H ear, h ear.) Believing that ' they were not in earnest, the sooner th e H ouse got ri d of the Bill and her Majesty's Ministers the better.—( Trem en d ous believeth and ere Thursday any that m a n he ti cheering from the protectionists.) With this view of the question he c , ,esidered he should delay no longer to state on the part of the friends around him the course they were pre pared to take. Th e y would have preferred to support a mo tion of no confidence, still he would accept the question as it wasbelieved before the House , and if the Government they to carry on the affairs of the t were not in a position country i t was time for them to re tire.T h y ail been told by Sir R. Peel, on a former occasion, that he would not consent to be a Miniver on suffnee. Wa s h e not such a Minis ter• e„ now ? :Sometimes depending on gentlemen on on one side of the House, and sometimes on those around him (Lord George Bentinok), and supiorted throughout by none EVENING, JtINP 0,164 d: hut his paid ianisiarieli.--(toud cheers from the protectionists.) Many of those who after voting expressed their shame at what they had been obliged to do. If such was the state of the Go vernment, it was time to speak out and declare their sense of , its conduct by totihg rigat'nst the measure. He asked the _night Ron, Bar onet if h e had not lost the confidence of every honest man in .that House—( Loud cheers)—and not only in that House, but of every hor est man in the country?—(Con tinued cheering.) In the course he had pursued, he had been inconstant to all with whom he had any con nexion.. He (Lord , Georg e member recollected how he had hunted down m the er t line f Ministry, in 1827, for a departure from though the consis tency on another question, rht in l ' ;on n Baron supported the same measure in 1829. In 1822 he told t he House, in supporting the measure, that he chang ed his opinion in 1825, w h en he was connected w i t h t h e Earlof Liverpool'st Government.--( Hear, hear.) .That, ho wever , di d vent him, i n 1827, separating from Mr. Cannin 's ndovperrne g ment. If it wa s b ase, and dishonest, and inconsistent with the duty of a Minister to the Sovereign then, to maintain opinions after h e h a d c h anged them, did not the Right Hon. Baronet stand convicted on the verdict of base and dishonest conduct, and of bei ng i ncons i stent in his duty to the Sovereign in the course he had pursued ?—( Loud protectionist c h . eers. ) Let them recollect hi s conduct in 1827, and compare it with what it was in 1825 and 1829, and bear in mind that coun trythee would not twice s u b m it to t h e same conduct. ( Hear , It was time the country should know—it was time Europ e should know—it was ti me th e wor ld should know —that treachery had been committed by the Ministers in power. They certainly did not represent the feelings of the people, for the corn-laws might be lost to the agricultural interest—do mestic industry might suffer—they might be betrayed. Europe must not think—America must not think—the world must not think that England was committed, or that England had par ticipated in the guilt of those who sat on • the Treasury benebes.—(Cheers.) The time had come, when those Gen tlemen who had been glad to avail themselves of the treason of the Right Hon. Baronet, and Honourable Gentle men who considered the Right Hon. Baronet to be traitor to his principles, to combine in denouncing, the conduct of her Majesty's Ministers, and in telling the Ministry that they should no longer presume to insult the country.—(Cheers.) The time had come when, by placing the Government in a minority, they could drive them from power, and thus wipe away that dishonour which had been forced upon Parliament by a renegade Ministry, and vindicate the character of the British senate in the eyes of America, in the eyes of Europe, and in the eyes of the world.—(Loud and continued cheering.) Mr. SIDNEY HERBERT said he had upon a previous oc casion ventured to trespass upon the time of the House for some length, upon the subject of the Bill which had that night for the second time been discussed, upon which had arisen so much of acrimonious debate, and during which so many charges had been urged against the Government—(lrorical cheers)—charges which were seldom urged—charges which were couched in language little heard in that House—( Renewed cheers)— charges and language which he confessed for the sake of preserving the character of the House ought seldom, if ever, to be used—(Renewed cheering)—charges which he would not repeat, urged in terms which he would not retaliate so long as he had any self-respect for his own character—so long as he had any respect fsr the character, the temper, and reputation of that House.—(Continued cheering.) Nor would he impute to others motives which he scorned to be influenced by himself ; nor would he, under any temptation whateve r import into th a t House terms, language, and insinuations w hich were better suited to some other arena - than that in which gentlemen of station, influence, and character were assembled to discuss calmly, deliberately, and dispassionately measures vitally affect ing the great interest of this country.—( Cheers.) The Noble Lord had stated that her Majesty's Ministers could not be in earnest in pressing this Bill. The Noble Lord founded that supposition on the fact that now, in June, when he had discovered that the days were long they were pressing on the measure, but the Noble Lord forgot how upon another measure he and his party wasted night after night with long speeches, devoid of argument, put forward to meet facts which could not be contradicted.—( Cries of " Oh, oh.") But granting that the speeches contained argument— granting that the facts were capable of being shaken by the trifling experience, or the seeming eloquence of the Noble Lord, he put it to the House whether it was possible for the Government to have brought the second reading of this Bill forward earlier than they had done.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord had said that the Government should have brought this Bill forward before the Corn Bill —( Hear, hear.) That might be the opinion of the Noble Lord, but it was not the opinion of the country. The Noble Lord, whose powers of in credulity were so great—( Cries of "Ohl oh !")—now told the House that there was no necessity for interfering with the liberties of the people of Ireland. He now told them, after three weeks' experience, that the course which:he had taken a few days ago was utterly unsound.—(" Oh oh I") He (Mr. S. Herbert) conceived that his conduct in that House had not disentitled himself to its attention—( Hear, hear)—and he thought he might be permitted to make a few observa tions with regard to what had fallen from the Noble Lord, and he thought that even the Noble L. would admit that he was not disentitled himself to its attention.—( Hear, hear. ) As he had before said, the Noble Lord now, ,Iter three weeks' experience, told the House that there was no necessity for any interference with the privileges of the Irish people ; but a short time ago he was so keen for this Bill, that he could not allow the discussion to go on in the regular course, and in sup port of the Bill he cited cases in which women had been at tacked, fire-arms discharged into poor men's cottages, old ladies attacked as they were returning from church in the broad day. There was no language sufficiently strong to express his indig nation at the conduct of the Irish people.—( Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord said that on the heads of those who opposed the passing of this Bill would rest the blood of the murdered men of Ireland.--( Hear, hear.) Upon whose head did the blood of the murdered men now rest?—(Hear, hear.) Suddenly, upon no change of circumstances in that country—at three weeks notice—the Noble Lord turned round short, and said, " We were anxious to prevent these atrocious crimes against God and man, but now our opinion is changed; this ehange does not arise from any regard to the welfare of the country— there are other reasons for our conduct—(A laugh)—it is not that we love Ireland less, but that we hate more the men who at present hold the reins of Government.—(Laughter, cheers, and " Oh, oh," from the Protectiodist benches.) Did the Noble Lord now take this course because he conceived it would be necessary for the benefit of the country ? No; but because there were 'Other reasons which' prompted him to do so. The Noble Lord had made use of sin gular logic on this question, and he (Mr. Herbert) conld not have any affinity' with the political opinions of the Noble Lord. The Noble Lord had said the other night, that because a gentleman, who in his opinion had qualities which entitled him to reign in the hearts of the people of Ireland—(Hear, hear)—so great was his respect for those qualities which would so attach him to the whole of that people that he (Lord G. Bentinck ) was ready to sacrifice his opinions whatever they might be—(No, no)—in order to carry out his views on this subject.—(No, no.) If it were deemed neces sary, he could quote the exact words of the Noble Lord. The Noble Lord had said, because the Hon. Member in question (Mr. W. S. O'Brien) had reigned in the hearts of the Irish people, he was prepared to'make a proposal to him on the sub ject of his Bill on the corn-law. The Noble Lord said, " It you will propose to this House that the corn-law shall be sus pended, though I believe there is no necessity for it, and though I believe it will do harm—(" Hear, hear," from the protectionists)—yet such was the logical inference to which the Noble Lord came, that although he believed there was no necessity for the measure, and that it was totally wrong. be would vote for it, because, as he said to the Hon. Member, " you are the man who reigns in the hearts of the people of Ireland."—(Cries of "No, no.") He therefore, saw some consistency in th e course which the Noble Lord was now taking. The Honourable Member for Limerick, who reigned in the hearts of the people of Ireland was bitterly opposed to this measure, and yet the Noble Lord, who was ready to vote, was prepared to vote for the measure because it was supported by that Hon. Gentleman, and because it was wrong. The Noble Lord was now ready to oppose this measure, because it was likely to be opposed by that Hon. Gentleman, whose popularity was great amongst that por tion of the people of Ireland who were disposed to dismember the United Kingdom. Now he ( Mr. Herbert) would not go back into every case which the Noble Lord had adduced. They had had enough of discussion already on the subject of the Corn Bill, and he did not think that the House would go over the same ground. The Noble Lord might make his accusations of treachery, and he might say that in consequence of their conduct, they had forfeited his confidence—( Hear)—but he (Mr. Herbert) must say that if the present Government was to cease holding office—(Pro tectionist cheers)—after the exhibitions he had seen—after the willingness he had seen—on the part of the Noble Lord to sacrifice his opinions at three weeks' notice, and to ally him self to a political party with whom he could not have any faith, as to the loss that they were threatened with, the least that he should care for would be the loss of the confidence of the Noble Lord.—( Hear, hear, and laughter.) The Noble Lord had said that the Government were not in earnest in pressing forward this Bill, arid he quoted cases with that unfortunate love of arithmetic which disposed of human life as it did of tallow and hides. He said that there had been 552 homicides; only in such a tone as to intimate, that in his opinion, those cases were not worth the notice of the Government. He had also said there were so many threatening notices ; and his whole tone had been to the effect, that the Government had not the slightest reason to interfere in the manner proposed.— He (Mr. Herbert) thought the people of this country would judge between the Noble Lord.—(Cheers, and counter cheers.) The people know full well and will know how to value the professions—(lronical cheers) -of the Noble Lord, who but a short time since hurled his threatenings with so much force against his own party with whom he is now allied. —(Great uproar.) We have introduced the mea sure, because we think it necessary to do so --(Loud cheers, and cries of dissent.) H ow was it t h e N o bl e Lord, who vote:l for the first reading of the Bill only a few nights ago, now turned round suddenly, without any fresh statement?—(Uproar.) He would tell the Noble Lord for his satisfaction, that the Government would persevere in the measure in spite of all his sarcasms and factious combinations. —(lmmense uproar.) He made no charge against Hon. Members opposite. Those gentlemen who had opposed the measure before were bound still to do so.---(Loud cheers. ) He spoke only of those who had changed their course so sud denly. If he might be allowed to refer to the rumours which had been about the town for the last two days, that a proposal had been made to a Noble Lord to bring to his assistance a certain number of Gentleman, who were most anxious to divide with him, and that Noble Lord received the proposition with a silence which might amount to what might almoetbe called contempts.—( Cries of " Name, name."( Gen tlemen who wished for the names might look after the divsion on the list, and they would see the names.—(Name, name.) He had made no charge against any individual.—(Oh, oh.) He was speaking of a party by their aets—(Great uproar). and he did not know why he should be called upon to name a particular individual.—( Uproar.) He could only add that the Government would press the measure forward to its second reading.—( Hear.) - He knew not what ihe might Nehie beL Lord de whof at e of the measure.—(Ch eers an d uproar.) charged the Government with insincerity in bringing forward the measure, knew littl e o f the moti ves men in the di sc h arge o f their duties—(w hich act ua t e d public " Oh, 011.")._ trusted that House would never and he departure from that honourable spirit in which the of fic es of a Government should be conducted. He for one would always regret being placed in the hands of a man who seems incapable of understanding that public men have a higher than party object t o ma i n t a i n , an d who sh o uld b e rea d y to sacrifice an ything ything in order to support ppi what th e y cons id ered for the happ i ness, of the coun t ry. peace, and prosperity The Marquis of GRANBY considered that language had been used upon the present occasion which upon a more mature con sideration' might no t have been used. He thought i t unfair that they wh o h a d b een so little used to speaking in that House should be charged with using such language. They had de layed it for six weeks, and he did ask the House whether they could suppose that there was any necessity for pass ing this Bill, which he did b elieve, when be voted for its first reading, existed. They felt sure that the Government were in earnest, that it was incumbent on them to pass the measure, and that the blood of the murdered victims in Ireland would be on their heads if they refused to Pass it. But when the corn-law was allowed to pass through the House instead of that more important measure, he became convinced that there was no truth in its alleged 'necessity. And they were now prepared to vote against it because they had no longer confidence in her Majesty's Government. They had but little when they first supported it; but that little was rendered still less by the course which they had pursued with reference to the Bill, and the course which they had pursued with reference to the Poor-law Settlement Bill had diminished that confidence in a greater degree,—(Rear, hear.) They had --■ • been told thLt night that they had entered into some compact with the Noble Lord who conducted the opposition, but he believed that the ( nly compact which existed between them was that they had no confidence in her Majesty's Govern ment.—( Cheers.) Mr. ROSS moved the adjournment of the debate. Mr. JOHN O'CONNELL rose to put a question to the Secretary ar. War. The Hon. Gentleman had used an ex pression towards an absent friend of his, which would denote him as a person wishing the dismemberment of the• empire. If that expression applied to the Honourable Member for Limerick, it also applied to all those who shared his opinion on the subject of the Legislative union, and it was one which they must meet with the shortest and fattest denial. It might appear ridiculous that they should be sensitive on the point, but he could not allow any one to impugn his loyalty, and, therefore, he for one could not suffer the expression to pass without demanding, an explanation. They did not wish the dismemberment of the empire, but on the contrary, they wished to see Ireland placed in' a closer con nexion with England, upon a fair and legislative enactment. Mr. STAFFORD O'BRIEN rose to ask in explanation, which the Hon. Gentleman should consider not an un reasonable demand after what had passed. The Hon. Gen tleman had said, that there had been a proposition made by Gentlemen below the gang-way, to the Noble Lord who conducted the Opposition, which proposition had been treated by him with something which it would be considered unparlia mentary to term contempt.—(Hear. hear.) If the Hon. Gen tleman had made the assertion in the heat of debate, he (Mr. O'Brien) felt perfectly sure that he would be very glad to get up and offer an explanation ; but if, on the contrary, he had expressed it firmly and advisedly , he also felt certain that he would have n o h es i tation in naming the party. He did not wish to a dd one word of bitte r ness, but he certai n ly him to teiema7ndoulada n explanation. d d part of widithfeethl eirpeirnmciusmsiobuentofonthehi Hous e that corre s p on d ence , and if his Noble Friend had written re in a spirit of p ro ph ecy , h e could not have made it m o re ap i - plicable to the pr esen t c i rcumstances. (The Hon. Me mber here here read an extr ac t f rom a l etter of the 21st of March, which the Noble Lord stated that the measure was a curfew and unconstitutional measure, and that no grounds whatever existed for its adoption. ) From that letter it would be seen that the cases firderis did not rest with the Noble Lord, and he put it to the Noble Lord himself to state whether anything had really occurred. Mr. SIDNEY HERBERT said that what he had alluded to were rumours which had come to his knowledge through the ordinary channels, but he did not refer to persons. He did not assert of his own knowledge any of the facts. He made the statement from rumour that certain communications had taken place between Hon. Gentlemen on that side of the House and the Noble Lord the Member for London. Ii there had been any blame to the party in taking such a course, it was not for proposing to take it, but for actually taking it.—( Oh.) Mr. E. YORKE trusted that the House would not think him out of order in making the present application. A statement had been made that a certain application or overture was made to the Noble Lord (Russell ). Now, he felt that if any such application h a d b een ma d e , i t must have been made by some person.—(Laughter.) It was necessary, then, that the name of the person who had made such a statement to the Right Hon. Gentleman should be given. Lord J. RUSSELL said that in answering the Hon. Gen tleman sitting on that bench (Mr. Stafford O'Brien) and the other Hon. Member who had just sat down, he could state that no such application was made to him by the Noble Lord the Member for Lynne, nor by any other Hon. Member. The Noble Lord the Secretary for Ireland might have remembered that on the first reading of this Bill he (Lord John Rus sell) had stated that he had an objection to that portion of the Bill which confined parties to their houses after certain hours in the evening. He stated then, that though he would vote for the first reading of the Bill he would reserve his opposition to another stage, and t t i h m a t a thee friendswo u l do o p f po e his o w t h a e s questi onked hi on cn ( Lordthe second John Russell) reading. what- his intentions were in respect to this Bill, and they also wished him to state whether he had any objection to their stating to those with whom they acted what his intentions were with re spect to the measure. Certainly he did not treat those friends with any contemptuous silence, and he told them that he had stated his intentions in the House on the first reading of the ( Hear, hear.) But he would not say that he had not stated anything which he had not stated on a former occasion, and he again repeated that no application was made to him for a coali tion from Hon. Members on the other side of the House.— ( Hear, hear.) He opposed it on public grounds, for it was a Bill, in his opinion, which would be of great injury to life and property, thus having the opposite effect to that which it was intended. Mr. SIDNEY HERBERT said that after what had fallen from the Noble Lord, he had but to state to the House that the rumour which he had beard was without foundation, and be therefore begged to withdraw the statement he had made founded on such grounds. The debate was then adjourned. BUSINESS OF THE HOUSE. Sir R. PEEL rose to move that on Thursday, the 18th of June, orders of the day should have precedence over notices. At the present period of the session a third day bad usually been conceded to the transaction of public business, and he begged leave, therefore, to move that on Thursday, the 18th instant, and all succeeding Thursdays, orders of the day should have precedence. Mr. JOHN O'CONNELL objected to such a motion being made at that moment, in so thin a House. If a greater num ber of Members were present he would enter upon the grounds which induced him to think that the House ought not to enter tain the motion, but he should now move that the debate on the motion be adjourned. Mr. REDHEAD YORKE thought that the course pro posed br the Right Hon. Gentleman was the course which had been usually adopted, and was also the natural course, and therefore, if the House went to a division, he should vote with her Majesty's Government. Mr. FOX MAULE also declared his intention of support ing the proposition of her Majesty's Government. The motion was usually made at this period of the session, and if it was necessary in any session it was especially necessary in the pre sent, when from protracted debates the business of the country was considerably in arrear. Mr. JOHN O'CONNELL said that if the Right Hon. Gentleman would promise not to, use the Thursdays for the purposes of the Coercion Bill he would withdraw his motion, or even if the flight Honourable Gentleman would promise that he would not u s e the Thursdays for the present stage of the Bill, the second reading. After a few words from Dr. Bowring, Mr. Borthwick, and Mr. B. Hawes. Sir ROBERT PEEL observed, that in bringing forward this motion, which was a customary one at this period of the session, he had acted, not through a desire to consult the con venience of any member of the Government, but merely from a sense of publie duty and with a view to the facilitation of the public business, which was still very much in arrear. He must decline entering into any such stipulation as that proposed by the Hon. and Learned Member for Kilkenny respecting any particular order, but he assured the Hon. Gentleman that in declining to do so nothing was more remote from his intention than his desire to take any unfair advantage with regard to the discussion on the Iri h Bill.— ( Hear, hear.) He brought forward this motion without any special reference whatever to the Irish Protection Bill, and would have brought it forward though that measure had never been introduced.—( Hear, hear.) After some further discussion, Mr. M. J. O'CONNELL, in deference to the feeling o of the House, withdrew his motion. The original resolution was then agreed to. The other orders of the day were then disposed of awl the House adjourned at Half-past One o'clock. THE _SUN, LONDON, TUESDA SUGAR. A Return of the Amount of Duty received on Sugar during the Financial Year 1845-1846; specifying the Amount re ceived under the different Rates of Duty. Year ending sth April, 1846. Amount of Duty received in the U. Kingdom. Sugar unrefined— Of the British Possessions in America, of Mauritius, and of those British Possessions within the limit of the East India Company's Charter, into which the importation of Foreign Sugar is pro hibited : Not equal to White Clayed 3,460,607 Equal to White Clayed 24,132 Of British Possessions within the limits of the East India Company's Charter, into which the importation of Foreign Sugar is not pro hibited : Not equal to White Clayed Equal to W hite C1ayed...... .. Foreign— The produce of free labour, or admitted at the same rate of duty under treaty: Not equal to White Clayed... Equal to White Clayed...... Other Foreign Sugar...... Deduct Repayments of Duty 89,294 794 231 3,578,637 98,479 Net Receipt o unrefined Rates of Duty chargeable per Cwt. Duty on Sugar ........................... X. s. d. 0 14 (i 0 16 1 3,575 4 0 IS 8 '1 1 9 1 3 4 1 8 0 3 3 0 WIAIII IRVING. Office of the I nspector-General of Imports and Exports, Custom house, London, May 30. ARLIAMEN TAR Y DIV IS] ON (From the rotes and Proceedings of the House of Commons ) MONDAY, JUNE 8. STAINES AND RICHMOND JUNCTION RAILWAY BILL. Bill be O rde r read for resuming adjourned• Debate on question, " That the re-committed to the for mer Committee :"—Question again proposed; Debate returned 7— Question put. The House divided : MINORITY —AYES, 61. Ackers, James Duncan, George Molesworth, Sir W. AgllollbY, H. A. Duncombe, T. Muntz, GF. Allix, J. P. Arkwright, Cr. Arundel, Earl of Dundas,Dundas F A . dmiral Neville, rphaitpi sootnt ; James jalophh Elphinstone, H. Reid, Colonel. Austen, Colonel Forster, Mathew Scott, Francis Bailey, Joseph G ore, W . 0. ',dile, Sir W. Bailey, J., jun. Grosvenor, Lord B. Beckett, William Hastie, A.l Bodkin, William H. Hodgson, F. Bowring, Dr. Hodgson, R. Bridgeman, H. Hope, Sir I. V TTTS Trn l7l:rnec o bnrari n eeacir , d3C G g'hße . eTii: H .SiThir . oarhEdn. Hudson, Georg. Watley, T. Bretherton, J. Hume, Joseph Wilshere, W. Busfeild, William James, William Butler, Colonel Carew, W. P. Christie, W. D. J o hnstone, Sir J. Winnington, Si r T. Keinbie, H. Wood, C o l one l Lockhart, W. Chute, W. L. W. Mackinnon W. A. TELLERS. Collins,Co William A 11 111 1 ia 7 nn a ge r si t e, tic R. 'at. A lexanderD. Wood, Colonel o e l h on ar e l l es T. Douglas, Denison, MAJORITY-NOES, 68. Antrobna, Edmund Gore, Robert Repton, G. W. J BaiHie, H. J. Hall, Colonel Ricardo, J. L. Baldwin, Barry Hamer, Sir John Russell, C. Baring, F. T. Hill, Leid Marcus Seymcr, Henry Rer Baring, W. B. Jollitre, Sir W. H. Seymour, Lord Barrington, Viscount Langston, J. H. Smythe, George Bell, John Lascelles, E. Somerset, Lord G. Bentinck, Lord H. Lascelles, W. S. Stanstield, W. R. Blackburne, J. I. ' Layard, Captain Stanton, W. H. Cavendish, G. H. Leslie, C. P. Stuart, Lord J. Chelsea, Vise. Loch, James . Strait, Edward Cholmondeley, H. Lowther, Sir J. Trollope, Sir J. Clerk, Sir G. Matheson, James Turner, Edmund Collett, John Mauls, Fox Villiers, Viscount Craig, W. G. • Mitchell, T. A. Wall, C. B. Cripps, William Mundy, E. M. Wellesley, Lord C. Denison, J. E. Ord, Willi am Williams, W. Dugdale, W. S. Oswald, Alexander Wrightson, W. B. Entwisle, W. Parker, John Wynn, Sir W. Estcourt, T. G. Peel, Jonathan Wyse, Thomas Heiden, William Pendarves, E. W. Fitzroy, Henry Plamridge, Captain TEL Flower, Sir James P o lli ngton, Viscount Dundas, LER David . Gill, ThemesPuleford, Robert Berkeley, H. F. ALLEGED MURDER -IN SHAD WELL • On Monday Mr. Baker resumed the investigation into the circumstances attending the death of Anne Sloman, in the house in Labour-in Vaiu-street, Shadwell. Evidence has been given that the still - and apparatus' which were in the house were hastily removed by a man and his wife, named Darlow, just before the police broke open the door, and discovered the dead body, lying in the passage, where the prisoner, by his own account left it while he went to the residence of the Darlows, and directed them to remove the still.- On Monday the following additional evidence was given : William Darlow, of Jamaica-place, Limehouse, scum boiler, stated that the deceased had worked for him in that trade for two months np to her death. Gibbins cohabited' with the deceased. On the morning of Monday, the Ist of June, witness proceeded to the house in Labour-in-Vain street with his cart, and Gibbins assisted him in removing some coke and treacle from the cart into the house. The witness admitted the still was his, and that his wife gene rally worked it. The treacle was brought into the house for the purpose of illicit distillation. On the afternoon of Monday, the Ist of June, witness again called at the house in Labour-in-Vain -street. The deceased and her mother, the wife of witness and his child, were also there. Gibbins had previously left to fulfil an engagement to turn a swing in Stepney fair. When he last saw the deceased he gave her at her request 25., and she handed one of therm to her mother. The deceased said she would go to Stepney fair, and see if her husband (Gibbins) had anything to eat. The deceased was allowed ss. per week to clean the place, andkeepanid child nquisi fr tive etn thepeople houseoutof the en mheonudseey. eHveeneg, end removed i his wife the deceased was then from home. He returned in his tes and said the deceased had c h a ie rt w to ife H t ig e h- th st e re i e le t, es S e ha in dw L e a ll, he a u b r o in ve -v n a m in e -e o t ' r e e l e oc t. k, a s n h d e se r n e ! turned in about ten mum , not returned. He then went home On Tuesday morn ing, about seven o'clock, Gibbins came to his house and said, "My wife is dead. I sent her home at one o'clock in the morning, and I came home at three myself, and found she had falle n d own s t a i rs an d b ro k en her neck." A juror —Are you certain is to the time? Witness—Yes, I am. I then asked him if he had told anybody of his wife's death ? and he said, " Only one party, and that he was going to make his wife's mother acquainted with the affair directly.' a J n u d st e a a s rt, heacwcoams g pa oi n n i g ed o b u y t a m t 3 t , h i e vif d e o , or, he said, " Bear a hand, ir e and get out t h ese things for God's sake; I don't wish to do you n- any - h t a r e m t -I o m immediately n wh o p wasrtoescteatenhdde house d with my horse a " nd aw us through her dwelli ng, N o. 7. I got over the palings into standing n a L d a m b i o t u te a Labour in-Vain-street, va n the yard of the house No. 6, and a voice said, " Make haste, make haste; the police are breaking open the door." I then got in at the window, and handed the still out to my wife. A juror—Did you get it out easy? The witness—Yes, very easy.. A juror—Are you aware of a water-butt being under the window ? Witness—l can't swear whether there was a water butt there or not. There was a small ladder raised against the wall, and when Gibbins came to my house he said he had left the door unfastened. ‘Vheu I heard a noise at the front door I made my escape through au empty house. My wife came to me half an hour afterwards, and I went to Tooley street and left my child there. By the jury—The still was at work on Monday afternoon at three o'clock, under the direction of my wife. Gibbins appeared like a mad person when he came to me on Tuesday morning. I did not see the body in the passage. I was in too much of a hurry to remove the still. . _ _ Martha Darlow, - the wife of the last witness, confirmed the evidence of her husband. The inquiry was again adjourned until to-morrow (Wed nesday) at ten o'clock. The jury desired the coroner to forward a requisition to Sir James Graham, the Home Secretary, to have the prisoner Gibbins brought before the Court on the next inquiry. The CORONER said he would comply with the request of the jury. It was very desirable the prisoner should be pre sent to hear the evidence. POST-OFFICE NOTICE. THE FOREIGN MAILS. The following notice, relative to the arrival and departure of the foreign mails, was yesterday affixed at the Chief office, St. Martin's-le-Grand : .... - . - The Peninsular, &e., Mails—The next mails for Lisbon, Madeira, Portugal, Spain, and Gibraltar, will be dispatched from hence on the 17th instant. The above mails of yesterday, Bth inst., dispatched by the Madrid. India, &c., Mails, viii Southampton—The next mails for Gibraltar, Malta, Greece, lonian Islands, Egypt, India, an d China, vid Southampton, will be dispatched from hence on the evening of the 20th inst. West Indies, &c.—The next mails for the British colonies in the West Indies (except Honduras), Bermuda, Madeira; the foreign colonies (except Havannah), Chagres, New Gre nada, Venezuela, San Juan de Nicaragua, &c., will be dis• patched from hence 17th inst. - The Clyde due 22d June. Madeira, Brazils, and Buenos Ayres—Her Majesty's brig Seagull will sail on the arrival of the letters posted in Len don up to Saturday, the 6th. The next mails will be dispatched on the 7th July. Her Majesty's brig Penguin, due on the 20th May, has not yet arrived. - America—The next mails for British North America, Bermuda, and the United States, will be dispatched on the 18th inst. The Britannia, due on the 15th inst., will convey the above mails. holland—The next mails will be dispatched by the Co lumbian on the morning of the 10th inst. Holland—The next mails dispatched by the John Bull on the evening of the 9th inst. (this evening). Rotterdam—The next mails dispatched by the Batavia on Saturday the 13th inst. RAILWAY SHARE MARKETS. LIVERPOOL, JUNE 8. NEW STOCK EXCHANGE.—TII6 Share Market still continues quiet Grand Junctions are quoted higher. Very lea , transactions have taken place. The sales are—Birkenhead, Lancashir,, and Cheshire Junction, 30s. 9d p.—Bristol and Exeter; New Shares, 5 p.—Buck inghamshire. Is. dis,—Derby and Crewe, Os. 3d. p.—Eastern Coun ties; York Extensions, p.—Grand Junction, 226—Ditto, Quarter Shares, New, 294—Great Grimsby and Sheffield, Quarters, % dis.— Leeds and Thirsk, 5 dis.—Leicester and Bedford, 55 p.—Liverpool and Bury, New Shares, I%—Liyerpool, Ormskirk, and Preston, % p.—London and Birmingham, Quarter Shares, 274—Ditto, Fifth Shares, 23%—Midland Stock, 180—Newcastle and Carlisle, 105- - North Staffordshire, 3%p.—North Union, Stock (A), 208—South- Eastern, No. I (at 18 dis.), 4% p.—Ditto, New Half Shares, % p. South Midland, 3 4 dis.—West Riding Union, 2% p.—Glasgow and Dumfries, 4 dis. MANC El ESTER, JUNE 8. STOCK EXCHANGE.— The sales are —ilUckiiikam and Bletchingley, % p.—l) and Crewe, 3% c. p.—East Lincolnshire, dis.— Great Grimsby and Dock Extension, 1% dis.—Lancashire and North Yorkshire, % dis.—Manchester and Leeds, Fifths, 9% p.—Rugby and Huntingdon, 18s. 3d. dis.—Sheffield and Lincolnshire Junction p.—Trent Valley Midland, &c., % dis. —West hiding Union, 2% c. p.— Paris aad Lyons Constituted 1 p. NEWCASTLE-UPON-TYNE, JUNE 8, STOCK EXCHANGE.—The sales are—Eastern Counties, York Ex tension, % p.—North British, Halves, Carlisle, 7s. p.—Newcastle and Carlisle, 104. LEEDS, JUNE 8. STOCK EXCHANGE.-The sales are-Eastern Counties, York Ex i tension, I Is. p.-Huddersfield and Manchester, I Is. din. -Leeds and ' Dewsbury, 1% p.-Leeds and Thirsk, New, 3N, dis.-Manchester and Birmingham, Quarter Shares (C), 8 p.-North British, Halt Shares, p. cash.-Ditto, Carlisle Branch, 9s. Gd. p.-Bradford, Wakefield, and Midland, 20s. dis.-Buckinghamshire, 1 p.-Direct Northern, 12s. dis.-Grand Union, 16s. dis.-Glasgow and Dumfries, 10s. dis.- Great Eastern and Western, 30s. 6d.-Lancashire and North York shire, I Is. dis.-Leeds, Wakefield, and Midland, 9s. dis.-Leicester and Bedford, 3a. Gd. p. -Lincoln, York, and Leeds, 255. Ms.- Liverpool, Ormskirk, and Preston, 14s. p.-Loudon and York,-U die. -London and Manchester (Remington's), 2s. dis.-Manchester. Buxton, Matlock, and Midland, 18s. p. - Northumberland and Lan cashire Junction, IGs. dis.-North Staffordshire, 3% p.-North Western, 3s. p.-South Midland, lls. dis.-Welsh Midland, 275. dis. -West Riding Union, 4%- York and Carlisle, die. • 511 EFF I ELD, JUNE 8. STOCK EICHANGE.-The sales are -Midland (Sheffield and Ro therham), 353(-Sheffield and Manchester, Quarter Shares, No. 3 (Scrip), Ils. 6d. p.-Grimsby and Shetkel , , dis.-Ditto, Exton sion, Ile. dis.-Ditto, Quarter Shares, 6s. 6d. dis.- London and York, 3s. 6d. dis.-Blanchester, Midland, and Great Grimsby, 15s. Gd. dis.-Shefileld and Lincolnshire, 2s. p. There is no truth whatever in the report that Costa is likely to return to her Majesty's Theatre, the present direc tor gives the greatest satisfaction both to the singers, the band, and the public. FORD ABBEY MONASTERY.—Tbe greatest feature of itsth e n s l e a aS gn o i n fic A e l l l t l ly be fi lf o r andßobin's ancient i e n n e t x t m s o al n a s e , t lo e ' ry r Ford nd Abbey,dewith n oa n o. It is denominated very properly " the Great Leviathan of the West," presenting both without and within an abbey so inconceivably fine that none other throughout England can approach it. The historical account that Mr. Robins has appended to his voluminous particulars of sale, will be found unusually.interesting, and the drawing of the Abbey which is now in course of distribution, confirms the impression w bad gathered before, that it would well repay a journey of 500 mites to go to see it. It has been hinted in certain a g t u ia a s r i t o e n rs , a tl n ia d t n ß e o x b t in p a os h se aa sso a r r w ea il d l y be be o e f n th in e C stru at c h t o e l d ic tpheart the sale must of necessity be peremptory. THE PRESENT VALUE OF LAND.—The alteration, whether it be to have increased or diminished the value o f land, has not being fairly put to the test this season; indeed the Corn Bill, with its good or bad results, is still in embryo, and will continue so until the 16th instant, when Mr. George Robins will appear in support of his recently. developed sen timent in favour of the variation that necessity has imposed on Sir Robert P( el's measures to adopt. The Leviathan of all the landed interest (as he is now entitled) will appear for the first time this season in all his glory at the Auction Mart, next Tuesday, when he has to transfer the Pet Estate of Willenhall, in Warwickshire, into the hands of a rich capitalist; for its size (about 60,000!.) there is nothing in e s l3l o n et R w n it g h la it n . d t m ha r t . R c o a h n in b s e te c ll o a ns u c a ien i tru h s i l s y that it is the most compact propertvlin England; presently see), first goes on to demonstrate it (as 's or t' oir oPlelavceerd 2 n c o mn andcp ea our high pane observing that a microscopic eyeww'eotuold realise discover h. h a thing out goings—and extra-parochial. But even this is not . all, " AND t s not, nor has there been, an arrear of one witithisinwaithriiingtwofeonnemeLlews fence—without o C u o t ve ti n t t h ry a city—entirelysore," F therei r pane gyric:—First, HEAR IT, TE OF LITTLE FAITH IN THE PRODUCE OF THE guinea during the last ten years, and eve r y tenant can pur chase hisot b estate, too high.te,whichis Na toowlertabbelycisuuesretiocnriwtairlilobne,thwe what t nt i s s havenot r w c h h a a t pisroiptewrtoyrtiptddeowss minanthe years' strict purchase, sense o f the word) — so low that at least 2001. a year will be added to u it P°l2 ? Surely t from thirty-two to thirty-five years' purchase is not too high. Mr. Robins, when be transferred Lord Ormonde's estate, in 1826, to the extent of 500,000 L, near to Coventry, sold two farms, not altogether so eligible as these, at thirty five years' purchase; the Three per Cents. being at 96, and now at more than 97k. But the 16th day of this month will illumine us better than any special pleading before hand, and. settle the knotty point—lf the value of the soil has, or has not increased, and to what extent. [ADVERTISEMENT.3—BOTANIC WATER. AND BEAR'S GREASE.—When the hair is becoming thin, and falling off, the only effectual remedy, besides'shaving the head, is the use of the tyro above-named articles, applied alternately—the bo tanic water to cleanse the roots from scurf and as a stimulant, and the bear's grease as a nourisher. If any further evidence was required of the virtues of bear's grease for renovating and preserving the hair, Mr. Catlin's account of the quantity used, and the length of hair obtained by some of the North Ame rican Indians, would be a sufficient answer. Ross and Sons, 119, and 120, Bishopsgate-street, who first introduced the use of bear's grease in this country, and who fat and kill the ani mals, recommend the public to purchase none other but with their names and address printed on the pot, or the chances are their obtaining a spurious article. All vegetable oils applied to the hair are worse than useless. [ADVERTISEMENT.]—CURES OF FEARFUL ULCEROUS SORES IN MALTA, RV liol.,LoWAy's Raul tcp..olNTDi d E e b k "T. Tr rrs. Duncan, whose hitsband is employed in her Majesty's Y. at n:twoc Corfu, and e f n ro d m was ulc t e r ro ea u ted s so h r y es th h e i b l iz er t fendrealt.ta,Bshuefferfoednfeorriymroerseidthea iteTirelef.ftrUheth,,o "Malta whatever, when, alter using five or six y practitioners there, from . whom, howe be ve x r, es s an he d d p e: ts lved ef u n e o ue be w n a lt statement is so no Pills and Ointment, t a ori i o )e u r s fe i c n t Alcualretawtahsat this effected.the ed Mail" newspaper was induced to insert the particulars of the ease 1545. —501 d by all druggists, FA it 24f t Strand, London. in ohitussoprariperenoofwayoTeb:trolliss,lliutt