The Sun. — London, England, 1846-01-23 00:00:00

. , but when . we take 'into consideration the vast in terests we have in --the East, the importance of such a 'consummation cannot be overlooked. I will now draw attention to a subject, respecting which her Majesty has had the happiness to obtain the co-operation of a powerful ally in pacification— I allude to the war which has long existed in the states of Rio de la Plate. These states were ori ginally dependent, as your Lordships are aware, and in achieving their independence differences have arisen to make a war, which has been one of a most sanguinary nature, and one which has been characterised by great barbarities on both sides. The result has been a great interruption to commerce and trade, and considerable inconvenience not only to her Ma jesty's subjects in this country, but also to merchants of all the world. It ought, therefore, to become, for every reason, desirable to terminate it France, in con junction a ith this country, has determined, and we have every reason to hope, as the Goeernments of both coun tries are perfectly disinterested, and have no ob ject of their own, or any desire to interfere with their internal relations, that their desire to establish independence rsay be successful. I also hope, my Lords, the freedom of commerce may be restored, and that there may be no obstacles in establishing it on a firmer basis. Your Lordships are aware that, in the course of the last year, a convention was agreed upon between this country and France to restrain the slave trade, and your Lordships will be glad to learn that it has been brought into immediate execution by the active co-operation of both parties. Feeling as I do upon the sub ject of the slave trade, it may be comparatively easy for me to dilate upon the horrors attending it ; but, as I know your Lordships do not require to be roused, and as I k-sow every information has been afforded on that subject, I shall refrain from doing so. Neither do I feel it necessary to enter into any historical account of the efforts that have been made by this country to abolish the slave trade. It was at one time considered thst this country could not devote so much attention to the subjeot, and that we ought to assert our own mari time rights, but I am glad to hear that so ardent a desire now prevails vs abolish this obnoxious traffic. But, my Lords, notwithstanding this, the feeling still exists, and, therefore, it must be satisfactory to know that Franca is now, for the first time, actively co operating with us for the suppression of this trade. My Lords, we must all join in that wish which has been ex pressed by her Majesty, that the cordial understanding which subsists between her Majesty and her powerful allies may continue; and we may also now hope that the statesmen of both nations will seek not to rival one another, but be actuated by no other motive than that of benefiting mankind. It may be said that we have purchased this co-operation rather dearly by the sacrifice of the right of search, which has hitherto been held as essential to the real carrying out any treaty for the suppression of the slave trade. But when I know that the French Govern ment are assailed upon this point for having given way, and that they are accused of having established a new right of search, as prejudicial as the former one, the conclusion I have announced is the only one to which I could come. For myself, I believe that a practical method has been discovered for putting an end to the traffic in slaves. It must be a subject of congratulation to your Lordships that the negotiations have been entrusted to the hands of two men—the Duke de Broglie and Dr. Lushington— so ably calculated for the purpose. We cannot hope for an immediate suppression of the slave trade, but we may expect that, by the vigilance of the united cruisers of France and Great Britain, an effectual check may he put to this dreadful traffic. My Lords, I now proceed to that part of her Majesty's speech re specting our relations with the United States of America. Your Lordships will, I am sure, cordially join in the regret expressed by her Majesty that the contlictiti s s claims which exist remain unsettled, and I am sure you will cordially approve of the stops which her Majesty may take to bring to an amicable conclusion the differences which exist. Speaking a common language, and of a common origin, I hope the negotiations will be attended with complete success. The progress of the negotiations may be at tenled with disadvantages, but they will be, I have no doubt, ultimat:ly overcome. My Lords, a Noble Lord has carried on a successful negotiation on a former occa sion, and I hays no doubt but a similar successful termination will be come to on the subject which at present threatens the peace of this country. My Lords, permit tile to express my confidence that in his hands it will he brought to an amicable conclusion. I now come to that part of her Majesty's Speech which an ra maces that some increase in the estimates of the army and navy are necessary ; and in doing so, permit me to say that it is necessary that such should take place to protect the increasing and widely extended :commerce of this great country. Such will be necessary for the pr.aection of our commerce, and will bs required to guard also . the interests of the national honour wherever it may be endangered. I now come to the next part of her Majesty's Speech, in which her Majesty calls upon Parliament to take such measures, in the present state of many districts in Ire land, as may be efficient to meet the exigencies of the case. Her Majesty regrets that she should be compelled to allude to such a painful subject, but the state of matters are such as to ask your assistance for securing a measure to meet the evil complained of. Your Lordships will have observed in the public journals, as well as we have learned from other sources of information, the necessary reports in reference to this matter, to which it will not be necessary for me to do more than allude ; and from those, I am sera, and feel confident. that you will sympathise with her Majesty in reference to this state of things ; and I also ass I certain that you will take her Majesty's recom mendation Leo your most serious consideration, with the 01 ., ,j -ct f deciding upon such measure as will effect a settle:llc- t of this state of things, and bring ab the happiness and security of this country, giving our fellow-subjects there an efficient remedy. Her Ma jesty has also brought under your notice the disease that has affected the potato crop ; and on that subject I am sure your Lordships will share with her in the anxiety on account of the great failure that has taken place in that, which has become an important noce , sary of life. Failures in the potato crops have been known before, but never one so fatal nor so exten sive in its operations. It not only visited this country, but also other countries, and is not only more destruc tive than any former visitation of the kind, but also dif ferent in its nature. No part of the country has been excepted, but England and Scotland are not so far affected as some other countries of Europe. I must say, ho acre:, that had England and Scotland alone been visited, perhaps we could have proceeded— trusting to the known industry and character of the people—to have met it by ordinary means, but the state of Ireland was such—the ravages of the disease in that country had been so great, as shown by the ac counts received—as to prove that some extraordi n 'ry remedy was necessary to meet the evil. Your L , r,lships, knowing these disastrous state of things, will, I am sure, feel deeply gratified that her Majesty, with her usual care for the welfare of her people, has suggested measures to mitigate the evil; and her Majesty, in the emergency, has gone to the full extent of the powers of the Crown in order to do so. I feel confident that you will cheerfully co-operate in carrying forward this good work, so as to provide a remedy not only to avert the present evil, but also to provide fir any future seasons of scarcity that may arise. I now come to that part sit her Majesty's Speech in which there is brought un''er your notice the prosperous state of the revenue, and the general improvement of the country, and they arc instanced as sure symptoms of the success of past pica-Aires respecting commerce, and recommend ing Parliament to take into their earliest con sideration whether the same principles may not be carried out with benefit to the country. And, my Lords, this part I approach with great timidity, having so little experience of Parliament, and having so lately become a Member of your House ; I therefore fe it presumptuous in me to express any opinion subject, feeling confident that I should thresor 13w tight upon the subject, and fearing that might arouse party feeling by bringing on a premature discus sion on a subject which the -.4morsit o f L ordships y your would consider more fit;:ine txs be disposed of at another and more proper hoar)—and one which. I have no d0,..0.n, when her Majesty's servants shall make Ig.."down their views respecting it, may be dis euSsed with the utmost unanimity, I- feel confident you will congratulate the Sovereign and the country on the prosperous state of the revenue and of the interests of j the country, and that every Noble Lord, whatever may have been his opinions heretofore respecting the mea" cures alluded to, will now rejoice that they have in: creased the wealth and the resources of the country, and undoubted evidence that they have produced these cffocts wilt be laid on the table of your Lordships.— (Hear, hear.) I feel quite certain, also, that when you do take into consideration the measures which will be proposed, you will do so with a disinterested desire of -deciding in the way which will be most conducive to the interests of the empire.—(Hear, hear.) My Lords, having now addressed you to the best of my humble agility---(Hear, hear, and cheering)—on the insissal topics of her Majesty's Speech, I hope that y total inexperience of Parliamentary business, and it being the first time that I have had the honour Lhis s iti n re s g e, sini nia g.so illustrious an assembly aa not have been betrayed into any expression whic hltm e ymightawaken a feeling of disappro bation in the hers of this House. Having touched subjects to up )n these the best of my ability, 1 therefore thank 'you fo a r tto y e la l ur consid erat i on w hil e I have tres sassed on yo ur and, with your per mission I will read the words of the Address. (The Ad dress was then read ; it was merely an echo of the Speech.) Lord DE ROS then rose to second, the Address, and said, I ant much obliged to my Noble Friend for the able ma nner in which he h a g m ove d for the Address, and I shall not, therefore, O ccupy your attention at any length. I shall commence by paying a just tribute to the Emperor of Russia, for the honour able manner in which he has assisted her Majesty's Government in e stablishing peace. It is a distinguishing festure of his country; the manner in which he en coureges the arts and science , ; and he himself has been distinguished in his efforts to as sist her Majesty's. Go vernment. With regard to the convention of the King of the French as to the slave trade, I concur with my Noble Friend that it will be the means of preventing great barbarity and many horrors, and will promote a noble emulation between the two countries. With re• teilet - •the iOrfon question, my Noble Friend has fZeU s Paa. opinicsn -se which I also concur, via., that ise a ' lt ' t - 61 'A:tuttYaon t side of the water may do to sspeernese . 4 eon the two countries, the good ' st e, s e :As e , and the knowledge that their .3,!_irase--7: 4 with ours, will enable her ‘, ) r7rt to come t o an am i ca bl e 74 at,ir the increase o f th e arm y an d ss • . vious to your Lordships that the du , .an bo t. of the colonial servicestrn too ha r dly on next topic aT are on the in crease, an. it would not b e fair to our soldiers and sailors there. The in her , THE SUN, LONDON FRIDAY_ MORNING, JANUARY 23, 1.846. Majesty's Speech is one in which I feel great interest— • the recommendation that some endeavours should be ased to suppress the system of assassination in Ireland. I should be the last man to propose any coercive measures to affect the general liberties of her Majesty's sub jects, but I do think that something beyond the ordinary efforts of the law is necessary for Ireland. Ido not wish to be misunderstood, for Ido not refer to the whole of Ireland, but only to those districts where the system is carried on ; and in those districts it is well known that such is the impunity with which the assassin escapes, that the price of blood is brought as low as three or four pounds. Under these circumstances, I do think that the state of Ireland requires your Lordships' serious consideration.—(Hear, hear.) I now refer to the scarcity in the potato crop. It has produced, and may be expected to produce, a great deal of misery. All who visit that country can speak to the unbounded hospitality in Ireland; but I think there is another virtue not sufficiently apppreciated, and which also prevails to a most unbounded extent upon all oc casions of national distress. This charity, exerted in so praiseworthy a manner, will, I think, pre vent the worst evils anticipated by the approaching distress. We also know that there is great room for employment in that country, and a great latitude for the outlay of capital. There was access to the interior of Ireland by water, there being no part of it more than fifty miles from the sea. With respect to the relaxation of the prohibitory duties. it is a subject far beyond my experience ; so I will content myself by sa) ing, that what has been done in this respect has not produced that evil which was expected. The importa tion of foreign cattle has not, I believe, been pro ductive of any injury to the British farmer, —(hear, hear.) I da not anticipate that any injury whatever will follow the other contemplated re laxations. All I will do is to draw the attention of your Lordships to the measure which may be proposed, and I venture to say that no measure will be produced that will not receive your just and dispassionate considera tion. It only remains now for me, my Lords, to second the motion which my Noble Friend has proposed. The LORI) CHANCELLOR then put the question, and declared that the Contents had it. After a few seconds, The Duke of RICHMOND rose and said—l am not at all surprised to see the desire which has been evinced to suppress discussion upon— The LORD CHANCELLOR—I beg the Noble Duke will not state that. I waited deliberately for a few minutes, and finding that the Noble Duke was not in clined to rise, I put the question and put it s l o wl y. The Duke of RICHMOND—I am perfectly in order. I should have listened with satisfaction to the speech of the Noble Lord who moved the Address, if he had not in part of his speech re marked that we should wait until we heard the statement of the Minister. I have heard, my Lords, enough in that address to know what the Minister intends to do.—(Hear, hear.) He intends to withdraw protection.—(lnterrup • tions.) I should like to have heard a more manly speech, and that he had mentioned the corn-laws at once. I defy Noble Lords to say that the Speech just read does not relate to the corn-laws.—(Hear, hear.) This is getting rid of the compact which Sir Robert Peel made in 1842 with the agriculturists, and which Mr. Gladstone, the Secretary of State, said removed difficulties, and was mado for the purpose of securing to the agriculturists a permanent law. It was to secure that permanent law that the agriculturists acquiesced in that sacrifice.—(Hear, hear.) My Lords. I wish to draw your attention to what Mr. Gladstone said in 1843. He then said it would be unjust to the agriculturists, and dis honourable to the Government and to the Parliament, if they made a charge in the laws which protected British industry without a great and adequate cause. Where is the cause? Decidedly not the potato disease in Ireland. No, my Lords, it was not so. The potato failure was assigned as the reason in the first instance, and promulgated in the Anti-Corn law League.—(Hear, hear.) I cannot for my life see why Mr. Cobden should not be made a Peer and sit on these benches.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) I wish to ask the people of England and those persons who disagree with me in opinion on the question of the corn-laws whether they approve of the course taken by the Anti- Corn-law League?—(Hear, hear.) I say their course has been unconstitutional and that they are the authors of this change. I hope this house will not so far abandon its duty as to permit itself to be intimidated by the Anti- Corn-law League, or by the money that body has raised. But what is the time the Government asks us to make this sacrifice to popular clamour ? We find that Sir Robert Peel has not produced tranquillity in Ireland ; but that, ou the contrary, murders and assassinations con tinue to take place every day.—(Hear, hear.) In this speech, Sir Robert Peel comes to us, and asks us to give way, and alter those laws which every man knows are for the benefit, not of-the agriculturists alone, but of every class in the community.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.) I shall now call your Lordships' attention to the statement made by Sir Robert Peel in the year 1839, when he wanted office from the agriculturists. He then said, "If you take away pro tection the farmers will ask you to get rid of all protec tion on every other article." Upon that occasion Sir R. Peel stated what would be the effect if pr otection to corn were abolished. The effect must be that all protec tion on other articles must be abolished.—(Hear, hear.) Are you prepared to destroy your Custom-houses, and by that means destroy the revenue that now goes to support the liabilities of the nation ? If you are, where will you get revenue sufficient to pay the public creditor ? If protection to corn is to be got rid of because it is a great monopoly, are there no other monopolies in this country ?—(Hear.) What do you think of the East India Company ? what do you think of the Bank ? and what do you think of the hundred others? If you consent to make a further inroad into and get rid of protection, you will have to pull down the house and rebuild it from the commencement.—(Cheers.) I will ask whe ther the Civil List will remain. I will ask if a single salary in this country will remain if you at once destroy the protective duties of this country. My Loros, I for one will not give your Lordships the trouble of voting upon an amendment upon the present occasion ; but I enter my protest, my solemn protest, against that clause in the Speech, which is contrary to every principle which the present Govern ment has ever brought forward from the Speech of 1839 up to the present moment. I know 'lathing of what their measure is, but. I have a right to speak strongly, because I happen to be one of those who are of opinion that no relaxation of the corn laws should be made. What have we said respecting these little mea sures brought before Parliament by the present Govern ment, against which I and some of your Lordships voted? Only that they were steps towards free trade. We, fortunately, voted against them; but Sir Robert Peel has contrived, by his eloquence and by his soothing speeches, to get a large number of Members of both Houses of Parliament to place con fidence in him. My Lords, that confidence may exist still in some quarters, but I beg to say that it exists not in the large body of the middle classes of this country. What is the fair, open, honest, English manner in which the farmers of this coun try have come forward on a late occasion ? They do not ask you to reject the measures to be pro posed. No ! But they come to you, ..trid they say to the Government, " You came into office pledged to pro tection ; you have thought fit—we know not why—we care not to impute motives—but we say you ought not to carry out these measures without appealing to the coun try."—(Cheers.) It must be a bad case indeed when a Minister does not dare to face what is called a popular question on the hustings.—(Cheers.) We ask foe more. We ask for a clear stage and ne e ask you to appeal to the - We whether or not these - country to lvnow be admitted, a- ' modern ittnocra , ;OtlS lute to be made to know ofhiAtler we ought to of dependatt upola foreigners for a supply that Which we can produce ourselves. I thi!ikt the House has a right to demand from her Ma ! le - sty's Government the reason of their sudden changes. I know not what to call them. These reasons are only known to some dozen individuals on the opposite side. I think the country has a right to inquire why they threw up their offices, and if the protective duties were in any danger.—(Hear, hear.) My Lords, I feel that your Lordships will take this question into conside.ation ) and will do your duty to your Sovereign end your country; and that you will banish from your minds the Minister who proposes these measures. My Lords, Ido not on this occasion intend to offer any factious opposition to the Address, but I do intend, and I do trust, your Lord ships will aid me, to offer every fair opposition to the proceedings of the Minister. We have heard a great deal about the disease in the potatoes, and we have suffered in England as sell as in Ireland. There will be plenty of opportunities for discussing this ques tion. But I beg to enter my solemn protest against that part of her Majesty's Speech which threatens the ruin of the agricultural interests, and this House, I think, is entitled to know the reasons why they hare come to such a decision. The Duke of WELLINGTON—My Lords, the Noble Duke states that he will not offer any amendment to the Address, as proposed. Ile has complained of the omis sion of all allusion to the corn-laws in the Speech from the throne. My Lords, it is not necessary in this House to follow my young friend in his observations on the conduct of the Ministry.—(Hear, hear.) Nor do I think it necessary to make any allusions to the Address moved by my Noble Friend, as I beg to in form your Lordships those measures will be brought before the House in a very few days.—(Hear.) I entreat your Lordships to consider whether now it is right to expect me to make any explanation such as that which the Noble Duke requests.—(Hear, hear.) I hope it will not be insisted upon that any such matters will be entered upon ; but I entreat you now to adopt the Address, and leave explana tions to another time. Respecting such a ques tion as that which has been put by my Noble Friend, regarding the resignation of her Majesty's Ministers ; the Noble D u k e who h as put i t, h as b een a privy coun cillor himself, and knows that a privy councillor of the Sovereign must keep the counsels of the Sovereign secret. I cannot, therefore, state here what has pas s ed in that pri v y council, without, obtaining the previous per mission o`' the Sovereign. asked the quest i on, e i my Noble Friend had tore iie,lsinoukl have given noti ce so of his intention of d o i ng order to afford an oppor tunity of the necess ar y permission from her Majesty preliminary to such explanation being given. H a d I known that such a questio n would have b should have obtained permission to make aeenb asked, I statement e in ans wer to it. But why should the quest i on o n the first night of the session ? S uc h a course is not usual. The public interests require that the counsels of the Sovereign should be kept secret. It is no doubt convenient that sometimes what takes Oaf .e should be revealed, but as a general rule the secre , of the council cannot be revealed without obtaining t/ pin re- rious permission of the So verei g n. This is the firs t ' stance in which such a qu estion has /seen P 4 without previous notice, and no one present can de Are that the secrets which it involves should be at pre ,. .. eot.stated. The Duke of RICHMOND ialdli e f ,youid hA glad to givepotice of his intention to ask the question, though he could not but wonder that his Noble Friend had nut ex pected that such a question would have been asked, and therefore have been prepared for it by obtaining the a w sk ou t l h d e no q w ue g s i ti v o e n no o - f previous liee thnt c t o o _n m s his Noble Friend. e o n r t r o o w f t n h i e g night u h e e e n w . o d e Lord STANLEY said, —Although he had the per. mission of her Majesty to make any statement in refer ence to the subject that was under the consideration of the House, in reference to the circumstances connected with his resignation, be thought the present time was not a proper one for going into explanations. Still, without going into details he would state briefly the rea son why he had separated from those colleagues with whom he had acted for the last four years. Althongh dif ferences had existed which led to his separation from the Ministry, he still entertained for those with whom he had hitherto co-operated the most unfeigned regard and esteem.— (Hear, hear) He could not state all the grounds that had led to his retirement, without also stating the measures that were then under the consideration of her Majesty's Cabinet. At the present he not go into details, and therefore he could not vindicate his conduct, or afford all the explanations necessary why he had abandoned the position he had held. Since that time those measures may have been altered and modified, or others may have been introduced in their stead ; but, in reference to them as they then stood, he would only make the state ment that on one measure, and one only, there was a difference between himself and his colleagues. On all the others they were agreed. The measure to which he referred had relation to the degree and nature of protection that was to be afforded to the agricultural interest.—(Hear, hear.) The measure pro posed could not meet with his approval without a sacra Tice of his consistency and convictions, which he was not prepared to make. The opinions of his col leagues during the past few years had undergone considerable change, but his own had not done so ; and he could not make himself responsible with them for the changes proposed. He therefore separated from the Ministry, being certain that to remain would be to sacrifice his personal character and consistency.— (Hear, hear.) Such he believed to be his public duty. He would not go further now than to state that on one ground alone, that which he had just explained, he had dissented from the rest of the Cabinet. The details of the measures under consideration, at the time, as he before observed, need not be gone into at present, as other opportunties would be afforded for that purpose. Those questions would be explained on a future occasion . The Earl of HARDWICKE said, he could not agree with every part of the Address, still he thought that. from sentiments of loyalty and good feeling, it should go without an amendment. He was glad that be had sat down and had given the Noble Lord an opportunity of making the explanation he had done. He wished to follow in his footsteps, and to enter as little as possible into the discussion at present, reserving such till another time. His feelings he could only say, at the present moment, were in uni. son with that Noble Lord, which was to give an opinion without any mental reservation whatever ; and that opinion was, that he thought that the measure agreed to in 1842, respecting the duty on corn, was at least for a considerable time a final measure. He con sidered the question settled, and in conse quence with it the wants and exigencies of the country. But, they had it in the same Speech that there never was a period in which the people were better off, better fed, or more cheaply supplied. If this be so, what should we do when we come to a time of difficulty ? He was desirous not to be led away upon this occasion, and, therefore, He was desirous to control his feelings, but he would rather stop short, that he might not give any offence to those with whom he had been associated for ten years. He deeply regretted that anything should have occurred which should have led him to differ from those Noble and Honourable Friends whom he looked upon as better fitted to guide the country than any men he knew ; but there was a change come over the spirit of their dream . He stopped where he was ; but it appeared to him that they had gone on in a course which, however right it might be, or proper it might turn out to be, appeared to him to b 4 wrong, for he did not know where it might stop. He would say no more about this . subject, or an, reasons which led him to dissent from those friend: who had put into the mouth of the Sovereign the Speech which they had heard from the Throne; but he felt it incumbent on him to give expression to his sentiments on this occasion. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE observed that ht was induced to rise for the purpose of saying, that on this subject he entirely agreed with the senti ments expressed by the late Secretary of State foe the Colonies. Like him, he expected that an explana tion would have been made that night on the motives which had led to the resignation of the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Government. He was delighted at the course taken by her Majesty's Government with regard to the question of America. Lord BROUGHAM rose also to express the great gratification which he experienced at the course which Government had pledged themselves to adopt with regard to America. He did nee wish his observations to take from that re spect which he, in common with all who had observeo his Noble Friend's public conduct, felt for him; but still he might express his regret at the course which his Noble Friend had adopted. There were some matters on which he differed from his Noble Friend, and there were some on which he agreed with him ; and he felt bound in fairness to take that opportunity of setting his Noble Friend right, if he thought anything that ho had said came within the scope of his observations. In 1839 he (Lord Brougham) had made a motion, in which he failed. He had made motion that evidence should be called, and that they should examine the whole of this question by means of testimony. It was his opinion that an alteration in the commercial policy of this country with regard to corn was necessary, but not for the purpose of lowering the price of corn, which he never expected it to do, and which he had endeavoured to shciw it had no ten dent) , to do, any more than the corn-laws, against which he had argued, had tended to keep up the price of food. But it was for the purpose of remodelling the whol, commercial system of this country that it might assume such a position with regard to foreign powers as would enable and make them open their markets to our manu factures and produce ; but in that attempt before. their Lordships were aware, he was so entirely defeated that he did not try again. He hoped, however, that h, had lived to see better times, and greater ihanges it , opinion, and he hoed and tru s t e d that b e f ore h e h a d done with that subject seine of his opinions would be more favourably received. They were, however, quite uncertain what the Minister's policy would be with regard to the corn laws. It would be folly to say that, because they had taken one course in 1842 they should not alter or change that course in 1846. Such was the doctrine of his Noble Friend, but it was no part of his policy i he had learned a different lesson. He must, however, express hiss disapprobation of the manner in which his opinions—important as the) were, and sincerely as he held them—had been received and supported. He had said to their. Lordships—and they knew well the grounds on which he wished to re peal the corn-laws in 1839—could he hate said to the public as an honest thahh that the repeal would make bread tAtep t Could he say now that the teem—laws, against •. - yhich he argued so strongly W ere , th e the cause of P. in te . muse of scarcity in the country 1 . .nine in the country, the cause of disease country? the cause of trimn in the country? or the cause of mortally in the teutitry Ile would rather put his tight hand into the tire, and see it consumed, than put it to any document which purported that the corn- ' laws caused famine, crime, disease, and death. He had sat for four years in her Majestis Councils. never saying a word to prevent crime and famine, disease and death, knowing that these things were the fault of those laws, and that their removal would be the advantage of • their repeal or alteration. He differed from his Noble friend and with many persons on the question, and hi was as much at issue with, them tin the one aide of the case as he was With his Noble kriend on the other. But there Was another class of persons connected with the question—he meant the agitators—for whom he en tertained no respect whatever. His Noble Friend might ask him if he were the friend and abettor, or perhaps the accomplice, of the Anti-Corn-law League. He said, God forbid. He differed infinitely more, ten thousand times more, from the conduct pursued by that hod) than he did from the corn-laws, and those who advo cated them. After long observation and much reflec tion, he was deeply convinced that a representative Go vernment was the form of Government which was best adapted to confer the greatest amount of happiness and freedom on the human race. New the nature and essence of that kind of Government was, that when power was delegated to representatives, the representatives spoke in future, and not the constituency, and this led him to answer the Noble Lord in reference to what he said as to appealing to the people. It was not a wholesome thing to appeal to the people when they were in a ferment. At that period it was wrong to call upon them to pronounce upon an exciting subject.—(Murmurs.) He did not mean to say that there were no exceptions to that prin ciple. He did not mean to say but that there might arise conjunctures when it would become necessary to make such appeal.—(Heal, hear.) When differences of opinion arose between the two Houses of Parliament, the only means of composing the different% Was to appeal to the people, but 12 on every question that interests Parliament they were to appeal to the people they ceased to be a representative Gov'ereitlent, but were entirely influenced by the Multitude, and even by the mob, Ira did not see in the whole circle of political questions one more objection able for such an appeal as that wbietk *Re at that moment occupying tbeit ittehlion. A continuance of such an agitation would expose them to the same dangers tts those which followed the agitation which was now being pursued in Ireland for the repeal of the Union. With respect to these agitators, he was about to state the course of conduct now in great vogue w;th that body, some of whose members were highly respectable, while on the contrary others were quite the reverse, as was customary in All large bodies. He found they were raising an iP:,mense sum of money with an avowed object. He 'admitted the object was lawful, and he ap pealed n the o t , h oick e sa llob . le Lords opposite clustering so thickly o yq —(Laughter.) These agitators broke no Act - of Parliament in thus collecting a large sum for',natter what pricise sum it might amount to) the purpose they had in view. Now, he "wo u ld ,ask, what was that purpose ? Their ob ject in collecting the large sum was to purchase votes in different counties.—(A. Noble Lord, "No, freeholds.") When he said to purchase votes, he meant to purchase the right to vot e . Thi s party of agitators boasted that in one county they had obtained two thousand votes, and that for the future they would be successful in securing able champions for their cause. They said they were now about to add' 2,000 "Vtitersiwthe Ybit for the county of Yorkshire, and a similar number for South Lancashire. By such means as those they avowed they would be enabled to return one hundred Members to Par liament. To obtain that end some send their thousands, others their five hundreds,and others their fives.—(Hear.) To those who were the members of the League—those who had been for some time writing upon Dukes, such as his Noble Friend the Duke of Richmond, who appeared to be considered by these writers as ferce naturce, and liable to be preyed upon, to them he would give the benefit of his opinion without giving them his 51., and that opinion was, that it was per fectly legal for them to act as they now did. The course they were pursuing violated no law, common or statute. If his friend Mr. Attwood, and other rich men like him were to subscribe a million of money to the purchase of freehold qualifications, they would have a perfect right, as the law now stood, to do so. They might purchase those free holds for the purpose of returning Members of Parliament. To such a course the law did not say nay. The late' Mr. Bentham used t o argue that there was no such thing as unconstitutional—that it appeared to - him that unconstitutional meant anything that anybody did not like. " Show me," he said, " any thing lawful, and that is constitutional ; show me any thing unlawful, and that will be unconstitutional." Now he (Lord Brougham) would adduce an instance to illustrate the argument he had referred to. The Sovereign might create five hundred Peers. He might march these five hundred Peers into that House, and as the prerogative was not confined to numbers, neither was it confined to rank. He might ennoble five hundred soldiers out of a battalion of Guards, and make every one of them Peers of the realm. It would be an undeni able and unprescriptible right for them to take seats, and to vote in that House, and the sovereign might march that battalion of newly-made peers into that House to overwhelm the Members of that House, and to carry any measure by a majority of a hun dred. It would be perfectly lawful. There would be nothing illegal—nothing in th e slighest degree contrary to law, in the exercise of this most undeniable preroga tive which the Crown possessed of creating peers. But if the Lord Chancellor should put the great seal to those patents of peerage, so surely as these fell on the ears of the Commons House of Parliament, the announcement of the act which he had done—the crime which he had committed—perfectly lawful, but p er f ec tly unconst i tut ion al —a gross breach of the Con stitution—a fuul violation of the Constitution—a high surely would the head of fact, at least by right and by crim ethat h i g a h n d officer—if not misdemeanor—son desert—fall for the crime he had committed. Re knew that if be was called on he would say they were not committing an unconstitutional act. If he were asked his opinion as a lawyer he would give it, tnd without requiring five pounds either—(A laugh)—if in that capacity he were asked which of the two acts were the most unconstitutional, he would say that act which raised money by voluntary contribution for guilty purposes. Ile would say that as a lawyer it was legal, but as a constitutional lawyer it was illegal— (Hear, hear)—and a break up of the Constitution. lie had not for the first time stated this opinion. He was once asked to aid in the creation of 500 votes, and his answer was distinctly that he would not subscribe ,ne farthing for such a measure. But be placed his ob jection on higher grounds ; he saw it was an unconsti tutional act to multiply votes. He would say one word on voluntary contributings. Those who thus sub •cribed and contributed to raise large funds to ,meate votes must be prepared to differ from .ome of the most constitutional lawyers in this ,:ountry. He did not say that contributions for the pur pose of enabling the Crown to defend the country was il legal or unconstitutional ; but, on the contrary, was a praiseworthy subscription, and was not a subscription rex. the purpose of subverti: g the established regulations )f the country. He alluded now t:' Ireland.—(Hear.) He supposed it was just as c o nstitutional as the policy adopted now —many people might think it a little , pore justifiable and more constitutional.—(Hear, hear.) Chose who considered it a legal act, will have against hem the opinion of the late Sir Philip Crompton, and will also have to combat a still greater opinion—he meant tile. Fox. They would also have to combat Lord Grey's ipinion, as well as Mr. Pitt's. On such grounds the Parliament had by its votes sanctioned the use of money raised by voluntary contributions. They may lave been wrong—that he would not express to opinion about. He considered that the course )f this country ought to be, to raise money iy consent of Parliament, and through the sworn Minis rers of the Crown. He did not like to see a trade car ied on with impunity, which would alter the founds. ions of their Constitution, by raising a new trade iii his country. His love of free trade was not very great— 'ist meant the trade which was driving for money—for base lucre, for filthy gains—and for that purpose he would not consent to such a plitical agitation. If that trade was not checked, there would never be wanted persons to trade in it, because it is of all trades the easiest car ried on, and the meanest. Of all trades it was the easiest :o drive, and they saw in Ireland what agitation vas doing, and now in England, in the repeal of the corn-laws, a good trade was also carried on. He had an equal dislike with his Noble Friends to what s called mob government. He would have this country governed by the Crown and the Parliament. He would have the measures for the safety of the people of Eng land discussed and propounded by wise men. He had been reproached with inconsistency for advising the Crown to dissolve Parliament during the agitation of the Reform Bill. But he cared not for the charge if he felt he was right. He had sat at the helm of the imperial vessel For four years, with others more worthy to steer, and he saw the vessel more than once in sight of breakers; -le had no desire to see them again.—(Hear, hear.) His Noble and Learn( d Friend had stated that after what 'lad taken place in former times, and after the opinions .vhich he had expressed, he held it inconsistent with his own honour to hold a different opinion, Lord STANLEY begged to correct the Noble Lord —his expression was, " holding the same opinions now as he did then." Lord BROUGHAM apologised. That was quite a different thing. lie was beguiled by the word incon sistency. It was not ineonsittency to act one way and hink another—(Great laughter) —it Was downright lishonesty. He had often heard the charge of ineofi istency ; but he . had no respect for, nor did he vish to court or belting to, the sect of that lass of persont who know years tO pass war them without any increase of knowledge, old who are toe proud tO gather *Weill frati length of years, or profit by the lessens of eN :ierience. To do this was not inconsistency. In conclusion, he wished to oipress his most •ordial approbation of that part df her Majesty's Speech Which recommended their Lordships taking the listurbed state of Ireland into their early consideration; The Earl of MALME§BtRY begged to prtiteSt against that part of the Lord's speeeh its which he reeoili uended an appeal to the people. He perfectly agreed that uchan appeal should be made on no trifling or trivial occa lon. If it was necessary to take the opittion of the people i let it be the cne Which thq aot,std it, 1841, Which ex dressed its a protectionist Parliament; He would sot suppOse that because the Prime Minister had changed pis views, that the, people .had changed theirs.—(Hear.) The Eaft of RADNR observed that it was a !natter of necessi:y to yield to public pressure from vithout, when they had not a Government who would lead the public mind. This bad been the Fractide of late years. lie would wish to ask the Noble Lord, be core he left his place, whether all the great ,neasures which he had seen carried had not been so carried by pressure filen without 7 .11111*otild ask, vas not the abolition of the slave trade carried by pres sure from without ? Had not Catholic Emancipation 'peen carried by pressfire froth Withbut 1 Had ;sot the repeal •of the Orders of Council 4een carried by pressure from without ? Had not the repeal of the Test Acts been carried by pressure from without ? He lamented to say that this was always the case wheti tile people ofitttriti itt ktto*- edge and enlightenment the Govertiiiitht of the ceintry. they should reflect that to carry out any great measure pressure from without..was required. Some reference lad been made as to raising mopey for such purposes, as being an unconstitutional act: In that base it would be in unconstitutional act .to subscribe 100,000/. for the purpose of a railway: There was also a subject .vhich at present Was otctlpying dohaidefahle attention —it was a scheme for improving the dwellings of the poor in the metropolis. To raise money for that purpose d according to the Noble Lord, would also se unconstitutional. Bo Would it be with raising sub .criptions for churches; in fact, it would place an em `,argo on many charitable purposes. The Noble and Learned Lord had also chosen to cast violent aspersions in the Anti-Corn-law- League. lie (Lord Radnor), however, had no objection to the name, however much it might displease the Noble Lord; but. he denied that hey raised money for unconstitutional purposes. He was t subscriber to that fund—(Hear, hear)--and he believed -hat in doing so he was subscribing for a charitable purpose ; for he believed nothing could be more chari table than effecting a repeal of the corn-laws, and car rying out this principle of free trades—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord had said that-the League bought votes with the funds they were raising. He (Lord Radnor) denied this. They bought no votes with the funds, but it was raised only to Barry on the agitation. They per suaded people to buy votes 7 —to lay out their money to give effect to their opinions, but they did not buy votes. The League, therefore, merely facilitated the getting of votes, but they did not make them. "(Hear, hear.) They opened an office to enable persons who wanted t vc a te t s * to hh get them from p t e ha rso t ns pr w iv h i o ie w ge er :_ (Hear; willing ear to sell h ; hear.) They did not make votes, as other parties had lone, by the 501. clause, by which they had divided their farms into four or five parcels for effectin g ,uch a purpose: The League slid nothing in secret, but their object was to carry cut a great poli tical object. The Noble and Learned Lord had objected to their agitating for a political purpose as unconstitu tional ; but had not the Noble and Lear ned Lord him self done so in his agitation on behalf of the abolition of the slave trade? If the one agitation was unconstitu tional, the other was also of that c haracter.—( H ear, te hear.) The Noble and Learned Lo rd bad charge League with being actuated by selfish considera ti o n s at alone. To that he (Lord Radnor) would answ er , there was no such evidence in their conduct, w hic h ha d pense of time and money, not to realise any p r generally. or advantage, but for the good of the pu blic wfoasunbdectahuesier shown on the part of the leading members airagtreeeath.eexe-t oroigrineigohf eight merchants e A re n h t an i-C ts or o ni nie when trade fell trade in a very bad state. At that ti , ed projects for the so much in 1838 or 1839, they form T se i V l L others in the same purpose The b ecame trade e y ecame trade from the ruin hanging over t h em' h t which was ood free traders, . and they found that t a _ g -- of rescuing themselves and large, and they in - • duced others to become free every way, and also traders.- He would support in I Ma Anti-Corn- law nc h League e s ter League. He was for themselves was good for others, and for . the public at defend, the • • Anti-Corn-law lea- in that ways. listen to reason they sorry that the GaonYver-n°llmeent.Bhw°ouukild—bneot must give in to opposition, and give in to the means which would be used instead of argument. His NoVe and Learned Friend had objected to agitaton, but in the begin ning of his speech he had recommended it. :He would ask how many years should they have been as they were now if it had not been for agitation?—(Hear.) Agita tion had, however, been produced, and the Government must yield to it, and if they did not do so woe to them and woe to the country. His Noble and Learned Friend had said that he did not believe that the majority of the country was in favour of the Anti-Corn-law League; but he believed that it was, awl that the Government would be obliged to _yield to it. They would not, as his Noble and Learned Fr i end had said, do anything illegal or uncor stitutional ; nor bad they any intention of doing so . : their agitation was only with the view of removing a law which was obnoxi and injurious to them and to the country. Lord BROUGHAM having offered a few words in explanation, The Earl of RADNOR was about to explain also, when The Earl of SALISBURY rose to order. The EArl of RADNOR then quoted the opinion of the Noble Duke opposite in 1829, who had stated that his views were not changed ; but then it was ne cessary to yield to the popular demand at that time to avoid a civil war, which, he said, of all wars that was the most horrible.—(Hear.) He would, however, contend that it was not the object of the Anti-Corn-law League to make votes for the people to give in their suffrages expressly for the repeal of the corn-laws, but in order to give efficacy to the promulga tion of their honest opinions. The Duke of WELLINGTON trusted their Lord ships would allow him to explain, in answer to an ob servation which had been made by the Noble Earl with respect to what he (the Noble Earl) had reported him (the Duke of Wellington) to have said in a speech delivered 17 years ago. If the Noble Earl would be so kind as to look at the records of the House he would see that he had not quoted his words correctly. The words quoted by the Noble Earl were neither the words nor the sentiments to which he (the Duke of Wellington) had given utterance. The Marquis of SALISBURY said, he always under stood that to conspire in any way, by manufacturing votes, to change the established laws of the country was an illegal act; but after the high legal opinion which had been delivered on the subject he should be silent on that head. The Noble Earl had been pleased to apply terms to the preseat corn laws which bad cer tainly never before been heard in that House. He had called that system of laws, the accursed corn-laws, which, to say the least, was very unmeasured language. The Noble Earl had also in speaking of the pressure from without coercing the Government to rescind the corn-laws, said that he himself would contribute to make that pressure from without felt in the House. This was a very strange doctrine for the Noble Earl to hold. He (the Marquis of Salisbury) could not admit that there was any prospect of famine ; neither could he allow that the relaxation which had taken place with respect to com merce had increased in any degree the prosperity of the country. The Duke of BEAUFORT observed that he must protest against the extreme latitude of expression with respect to commerce which had appeared in the Speech, from the Throne. He thought that such expressions would have a most prejudicial effect on the general in terests of the state. THE LATE RESIGNATION OF MINISTERS. The Duke of RICHMOND said he had no objection to putting off, at the request of the Duke of Wellington, the question why her Majesty's Ministers had resigned office, and shortly afterwards resumed it, until Monday next—more especially as he would then have the opportunity of knowing what Sir R. Peel had said in the other House on the subject The Duke of WELLINGTON observed that the reason why he asked the Noble Duke to put off his motion was be cause he might not have an opportunity of seeing her Ma jesty before then. CHAIRMAN OF COMMITTEES. On the motion of the Duke of WELLINGTON, the Earl of Shaftesbury was for the thirty-third time elected to fill the office of Chairman of Committees for the en suing session. ADDRESS TO HER MAJESTY. The Earl of DELAWARR announced that her Majesty would receive the Address of their Lordships' House at half-past two o'clock on Saturday next. The House then adjourned till one o'clock on Saturday. HOUSE OF COMMONS, Thursday, Jan. 22. The SPEAKER took the Chair at twenty minutes to Two o'clock. Exactly at a quarter past two, at which time there were about 150 Members present, the Usher of the Black Rod, Sir Augustus Clifford, appeared at the bar of the House, and summoned the Commons to attend the House of Lords, in order to hear her Majesty's Speech read. The Speaker, preceded by the mace-bearer, and fol lowed by a considerable portion of the Members, imme diately left the House, in obedience to her Majesty's command. In about ten minutes the Speaker returned, and hay icg read the Speech, the House adjourned till a quarter to Four o'clock. The House re-assembled at Four o'clock, and the SPEAKER having taken the chair, the new Members for Wigan, Windsor, Walsall, Southwark, Warwickshire, Antrim County (Ireland), Woodstock, Hereford, and Hertfordshire, took the oaths and their seats. Upon the motion of Mr. YOUNG, a new writ was moved for for the boroughs of Selkirk and Newark, and also for the shire of Bute, in the room of the Hon. James Stuart Wortley, who had accepted the office of her Ma jesty's Judge-Advocate-General, Mr. TUFNELL moved for the issue of a new writ for the West Riding of Yorkshire, in the room of the Hon. Mr. Wortley, now Lord Wharncliffe. The Hon. Member also moved for the issue of a new writ for the city of Cork, in the room of Mr. Sergeant Murphy, who had accepted the stewardship of the Chiltern Hundreds; and for the issue of a new writ for the borough of Cashel ; in the room of Dr. Stock, who had accepted the stewardship of the :Intern Hundreds. Writs were also moved for thedivision of East Sussex, in the place of Mr. Darby, who had accepted a com raissionership in the service of her Majestyy and for Midhurst, in the place of Sir Horace Seymour, who had aeeepted the stewardship of the Chiltern Hundreds Lard 3. RUSSELL gave a notice which was inaudible Its the gallery. RAILWAY BILLS. Sir R. PEEL—I wish to give notice, Sir, that I shall, on Monday next, move for the appointment of a Corn ttiittee of the whole House, with a view to ascertain the course which the House shall pursue with respect to the Bills which will be submitted during this session for the malting of railways. COMMERCIAL POLICY OF THE COUNTRY. Sir R. PEEL—I also, Sir, beg to give notice that, on Tuesday next, I shall move for the appointment of a Committee to consider what should be the future com mercial policy of the country. LEGACY DUTY. Mr, MIME gate notice of a motion for a return, on an early day, of the amount of legacy duty which had been paid on personal property during the last year. INTERMENT IN CITIES. Mr. COLQUHOUN gave notice that be should shortly more for a Committee of Inquiry, similar to that which he had endeavoured to obtain during the last session, for showing the impolicy of making Interthents within the precincts of certain towns and cities.—(Laughter, and cries of " Order, order.") OATH OF SUPREMACY. Sir er : gAiLteliitoee t T ti nt E ti ant o LA t K th E e , spoke fr e o m s the uld gallmove that the oath of supret rinc y —that absurd oath — should be abolished, so fa r as it affected her Majesty, sth of s May h her heirs and successors, as well as her subjects. The SPEAKER said that the Hon. Gentleman should be tvrare that no notice of motion c ould be g iven f or a later tidy than the hth of April.— (Laughter.) Sir VALENT/NE 13LAKE—Then I will give notice for the 5t h to o f g F i e v b e r t u w ar o y. motions (2(l o n th February.—(More laughter.)esame subject. The SPEAKER—That is another motion, and it is impossible DISTRICT LUNATIC ASYLUMS. Sir C, NAPIER gave notice that he should, on Thurs day, the 2kli f move for a Committee to inquire into the subject of district lunatic asylums. SHORT TIME BILL Lord ASHLEY gave notice that he should upon some future day, bring in a Bill to reduce the time of labour in factories ; also, that upon some future day he should bring under the consideration of the House the state of the juvenile population of some parts of London and Southwark. THE SHIP ECLAIR. Dr. BO WRING gave notice that to-morrow he should move for copies of the correspondence upon the subject of the epidemic in the ship Eclair; also for copies of the cor respondence relative to the house of Keys, in the Isle of Man ; also to confirm the resolutions of the Committee upon colonial matters. ABSENTEEISM. Sir VALENTINE BLAKE gave notice that he would bring in a Bill on the subject of Irish drainage by ab sentee landlords ; also to appropriate the revenues of the Protestant Church to increasing the pay of curates and small incumbents ; also for a Bill to enlarge the elective franchise of Ireland, and also to make the legislative union of Ireland something more than a mere parchment union—a legal and proper one. THE ADDRESS. The SPEAKER then read her Majesty's Speech (for which see our report of the House of Lords). Lord FRANCIS EGERTON rose and said—l rise, Sir, upon this occasion, for the purpose of pro posing an Address to her Majesty in return to the Speech we have just heard. It is my misfortune that I cannot offer the ground for your indulgence which Hon. Members that filled a similar situation have fre quently had it in their power to give. Precisely twenty years have elapsed since, under the auspices of Mr. Canning, I acted in a similar situation to that which I now occupy in the House; but I can truly say that since the lapse of those twenty years I never rose to address an assembly with less confidence in my own discretion, or reliance on any power of mine, to deserve the indulgence or com • mend the sympathies of this House. I hope, therefore, that on other grounds—on the grounds of the import ance of the juncture which calls us together, and the difficulty which even the most experienced in this House Ittwhh with tnth h kc o toi p ttn e eswiudi al t el h ar naabtitemi moston the saenc an d i ndulgenc e no r H eu o rt hrueesnecoeoowo convenience the which, i n eot House.—( Hear.) i n sf e d lh 2e t H o ; feel in rising to address it under such circumstances— () which h congratulationi ch I ho peeo per haps,art n s e peo ting me ntio ned our re lations in I had the better claim to ask for.--(Applause.) I thatT The e a o b b r s i e e r f r review s b o e f h made er o Majesty the topics res meet my _ her rM a w je it s h ty :ra S n i e e e e a c r h e — m t : P tt i e c r swl to self, and must be equally so to :gentlemen on either side of the House, believing, as I do, that the peace and happiness of Europe—and more than the peace and happiness of Europe namely, the progress of civilisation, and generally of good government in all parts of the world, depends more upon the continuance of amicable relations between the two countries than any other measure which human sagacity could suggest. Rejoicing, as I do, at this guarantee for the general peace and happiness of the world, I cannot help looking with proportionate distress and anxiety to another part of her Majesty's address, which relates to our connexion with another part of the world. I cannot but look with the deepest regret to that part of the Speech which refers to the probability of England being called upon to maintain her honour and her rights, as well as to afford that protection which she owes to some of her loyal subjects in one part of the world, by a resort to other than friendly measures. I most especially should regret if any differences or diffi culties should render it necessary for us to termi nate our friendly relations with a community which speaks the same language as ourselves, and who have so many institutions in common with our own. But I am sure that neither the present, nor any other Govern ment, will be justified in looking to our relations in that part of the world to which I refer with any other feel ing than that of a cordial desire to maintain, by every means consistent with honour and justice, the rights of both nations, but, nevertheless, we shall still be able to continue, upon cordial terms of friendship, our inter course and amity with that great and im portant confederacy, the United States of America. Apart from all those considerations, and utterly inde pendent of them, I will say that there is r.o portion of her Majesty's Speech which I consider of more import ance than that part which refers to our national de fences. On this subject I will say no more than that if it were left out it would reflect little cr dit on those who had advised her Majesty. This question had deeply en gaged the public attention, and I trust that this subject will be received by the House with the attention which it deserves. I cannot dissemble from myself that I am addressing the House on a topic of more than ordinary interest—a topic which, as it may be productive of more than ordinary advantages, is, in consequence, of more than ordinary interest—(Cheers)—a topic, I will add, that is worthy of further consideration. That indication I cannot conceal from myself ; the interest and bearing of that indication coming in the train of political events, fresh in the minds of all parties in this country—coming, as I say, in the rear of these events, that indication to re consider the whole of those laws, laws which regulated the whole importation of commodities into this country, I am sure that this subject will meet with the attention which it deserves. I concur in the propriety of this in dication, and I could not indeed otherwise consistently un dertake the office which I have attempted to fill.—(Great cheers.) That concurrence I willingly give; but I would have been unable to stand in my present situation if my opinions had been otherwise, and if my opinions hid been such that I could not undertake this task. Still I would hesitate before incurring the increased responsibility by pronouncing my opinion, and saying that the subject was unfit for the serious deliberation which the House is called upon to give them.—(Cheers) I have heard many speeches in this House; but have never heard one which was more applicable to all that this House had to consider. I hold this principle also with respect to my own course of conduct, and consider that, as the mover of this Address, I am not at all restricted or fettered with regard to the future course which I may pursue in relation to these subjects. Upon that principle I am not called upon to go into details as to my own particular opinions, but I may take this op portunity of stating that, with regard to those subjects which have so particularly engaged the attention of the country, and have been so particu larly brought under the notice of the House, my opinions have undergone a considerable change.—(Op position cheers.) lam aware that my opinions have not that influence and authority which the opinions of others, who justly enjoy a high reputation in this House, possess, and that, therefore, it might be considered improper in me to inflict on the Howe a long explanation of the reasons of that change ; still I feel that nothing but my own insignificance could shelter me from the necessity of answerieg that inquiry, which public opinion has a right to institute into the causes of the alteration of opinions of public men ; I say that, on this occasion, I shall not shrink from that investigation. This, I will say, no defence of mine shall rest on the example of others, cr be founded on the changes or modifications of opinion of those who may be looked up to as authorities. My changes of opinion have been owing entirely to myself, and with regard to any modification which my opinions may have under gone, I rest the defence of them solely on my observa tion of the course of events, and on my own considerations of what was required, and the state and prospects of the country.—(" Hear, hear," from the Opposi tion.) I have feared and hesitated hitherto to interfere with that system of restriction on importa tion which I have found interwoven with the whole of the relations of the country. I have hesitated for a long time before I could consent to interfere with what might be almost considered as one of the institutions of the country; but I have now arrived at the opinion that the time has at length arrived when we should take the opportunity to seriously and deli berately reconsider the whole course of the law regulating that importation, with a view ultimately of departing from that principle which has hitherto been observed—the principle of endeavouring by protection or prohibition to continue the restriction of the importa tion of articles from foreign countries with a view of increasing our home manufactures.—(Loud cheers.) When I use the term " home manufacture," let me not be misunderstood. I consider the products of the earth as intended for the food of man, and I think they should be considered as much a manufacture as any other. (Hear, hear.) I consider the earth as a machine, and I look upen the largest landowners in the country as nothing else than manufacturers.—(Hear, hear.) Holding these views, and consi.lering their application to the Government, and to all the public departments of the country, I trust, and hope, and believe, that without knowing what may be the nature of the measures about to be proposed by the Government, I say I entertain a hope that, when those measures shall come before the House, I shall be able to support the position I have taken, and to show that they are com patible with the broad principles I have laid down. (Hear, hear.) I have no doubt that these measures will be embraced and comprehended in a statesmanlike manner, and the various subjects that have dome within the terms of my proposition be grasped vigorously. —(Hear, hear.) A fixed duty on corn was a proposition which came from the Noble Lord Opposite. I have arrived at the conclusion that restrictions oinfOseelleu commodities shall no longer be upheld by the Legislature of this couutry.—(Loud Opposition cheers.) When the Noble Lord opposite brought forward his proposition for a fixed duty, and gave expression to the opinions which I then maintained, namely, that if restric tions were imposed on foreign commodities in order to secure a certain standard of remuneration to the cultivator of the soil, that would be the result of such a measure. I entertained those opinions then, and I sup ported them ; but I have since seen reason to change those opinions.—(Hear, hear.) lam not now about to detain the House with any details. It is not my intention to enter upon a statemen t of statistical facts. I shall not shrink from such a n investi g ation as would show the numerical relatio ns of this subject, but it is not at present a part of my plan, or within the scope of the particular argument which I int' rid to use. But it has been my lot to reside in the neighbourhood of a dense population, whose position and circumstances I could not do otherwise than observe ; and in the course of that observation I invariably found that the dearness or the cheapness of provisions had an intimate connexion with the employment and the happiness of the people.—(Loud cheers from the Oppo sition.; It was through no merit of may own, but through an accident with which merit had nothing to do, that I *OS made the minister for the dispensation of consider able Wealth among the population of that district. There was, consequently, a great opportunity afforded me of largely directing the energies of those around me, and as the dispenser of the wealth which had been confided to me, and without any merit of mine, I became intimately acquainted with their state and condition, end I observed that when the rumours of h a e difference with the United States was spreaid, and the commercial relations of the country were likely disturbed, and the employment of the peoplegew dearer, defi cient, that the prereistions a e w ty b a h s an roportionatel and the people were mor distressed. When trade again revived p in the follow ) : ing year the people were relieved, the price of provisions declined, and when the r eaction had fully taken place it terminate d invariab; it!e inhabitants an increase of the enjoyment and the happi ness of all tee _ of the district, and in what m i g ht be called their per manent relief. When changes again occurred , I to,:.'",ei that the difficulty was renewed, and the people again in distress. After that there were labourers enough to be had, but the difficulty then was to find labourers fit to do the work. I see, then, that this evil can only be recti fied by Parliament; and if I were to describe the matter in the words and on the authority of one far more competent to form an opinion than I am, and who, from his residence in Manchester and its neighbourhood, is lifar more competent to give an opinion than I am— I find from his report that at the end of 1841, when trade was beginning to revive, the business, as it in creased, also produced a beneficial effect on the state of the people, and that as it progressed both the labourers and the manufacturers,and especially the spinners, all im proved in their position, and a general plenty prevailel. But the main cause of this distress, whatever opinions other people may form upon the subject, has had its origin in a deficient harvest and the fai!ure of the potato crop ; and taken in connexion with the circum stance that this catastrophe has been generally felt abroad, it has been almost an impossibility to obtain any supplies from thence. I ask any person who is connected with the manufacturing districts, if their thoughts did not involuntarily recur to those seasons of high prices and distress which, I hope, will not again return in this country, if men's hearts did not fail them for fear of the prospect of anything like high prices recurring again? But, I may be told, and fairly told, that the abundance of which I speak, and which has, in some mea sure, contended against the evil of that time— that those restrictive laws which I propose to con sider had no effect in continuing those high prices. Others, again, will contend that abundance has been the consequence of those laws. Now, whatever change of opinion I may have undergone, I have no right to ques tion the sagacity, or still less the sincerity, of those who continue to entertain this supposition. But my observation is, that if you, as a Government, undertake to control the supply of subsistence for the people— (Hear, hear) —if you attempt to spread the people's table with whatever profusion you will, still you will find it impossible to satisfy the masses of the people, but rather you will send them away with appetites unsatisfied. The present abundance you may call sufficient, but no man can pronounce it to be excessive, as, after all, it is only a matter of comparison, and it is an assumption equally dee ger:4l6 and hazardous to the landed proprietors and to the protectionists.—(" Hear," from the Opposition.) I am not of opinion that we should be so depende upon foreign countries as some Hon. Gentlemen wale imagine. I have no fear that we shall be at the mere/ an y sem of foreign states. I am not afraid of danger, nor indeed can I see at' y ground for su ch rs fear. History tells me that no such danger will foils:Ot History tells me that when Napoleon was in the plenit ude of his power no such danger threatened, though et l e ! period there was much more grounds for such a resin t -(Hear, hear.) In the year 1810 there was a scarcai of corn, and the quantity imported into this country was 1,600,000 quarters, and of this amount tber came from France 500,000 quarters. I well know tor a certain marshal was raised to that dignit,Y th i e Napoleon, and he was one who benefited largely I;_ e a _ smuggling of that commodity; and this would be f to be the case again if anything like a war should are I wish I could rely on you that you would without corn' plaint pay some penalty for having maintained a sY k s te t which has been so repugnant to publieopinion ; u h ll o am consoled by feeling that there has % e r e a period in this country in which ten 3 l )° , l. 7 e . e '' causes would create so many opportunities and such is.ne r per etuity b t i ' s means to absorb the temporary and local su labour as the great public works in progress in lo ', country represent.— (Hear, hear.) again to extensions of our foreign there has seldom been a period w h o presented a greater prospect of more ‘M t ee en ie t intercourse between this and foreign countries. e`,.!4ii, wits it more necessary to preserve peace. and goon ",: o and prevent the effects of mutual animosities hettirs. this and other countries.—(Elear, hear.) considy tion of these questions, the labouring classes s hould re a; If rielatioin; foremost in the minds of the Members of the Legis hltti dep but if I look higher, I believe there is no clas s in . o& country who will reap greater advantages from 11 . 1 . 4 . settlement of this much-agitated question than nufacturers of food.—(Cheers.) Whatever maY opinions of Hon. M em b e rs, I believe that their reintligis tion would be ample in removal of the dissension W oe present agitates our country.—(Cheers.) I cantle!, o f template this subject without the greatest solenen"Ybice feeling. This brings me to a part of the subje ct w it is difficult for me to enter upon without per bePs i k peculiar circumstances, incurring the suspicion alp. Honourable Members ; and the; reason fps would be sufficient to me to induce 133 e„ t he refrain from originating any difference of opini on '''„ell House on this occasion, for I hope that the floa s ro io be, at least unanimous in replying to the Spee r ace the Throne. I hope, I say, that I shall not in" any topic whi c h s h a ll d egenera t e into a°• ap ps , discussion. And, f o rtun a t e ly, it is °, eo; cessary for me to do so on this occS' e eel. and I ask, what have you to expect from such In'n d os ings? Think you that they will improve the CO diopi of the country?—or do you suppose that bribery chicanery will do more for us than ingenuity and C VO Hence? It was a warfare most unwise, from fluiteb, nothing but a disastrous result can come, and w 1 ; 0 . should it come, as come it will, if this warfare i s tr o tinued, will only rend and convulse the country • one end to the other, and give our common enecilesto opportunity of stepping in and invading land. —(EL ar, hear, and cheers.) These, in my 0 1:" Pi el s° are considerations well worthy the attention of Parlissje and this House, and I trust they will re p m that full, deliberate, and dispassionate investigaiiie which their importance deserve. Such a step a s c lis• would put an end to the dangerous and useles„ 07,n cussions which are taking place out of , 11 01 which, if continued, I must be allowed to say. " -ci te ,/ evincing any unbecoming or disrespectful feeling f manufacturing body—whose good opinion I we 'OO desirous of maintaining—will cover the face of the naoc with waters that will ultimately flow back, and leal he d. great national landmarks uninjured and unto° del I doubt whether this would be the case with 'flos abodes of peaceful industry. There is this difforferdi between your machinery and that which comes Ate• from its great Creator.—(Cheers.) The trade 0 41 of tion is not a very me sterious one—it is Do re difficult acquirement, and, unfortunately, it re commends itself to the popular taste. -- ("' , - b I can imagine no better tutor in that 7400 than a man of liberal education, of ruined means, 'boo principle, whose sense of real or imaginary wrongs,Ljef s-nse of his fallen fortunes makes him a fittingrdit for this agitation in the manufacturing districts. tor• man, choosing his time, is certain to become 14 t iol Such a man, choosing his time, must c reate it yi greatest confusion throughout the country ; tio g. I with others dread this system of egitli air It is directly opposed to our whole social system; ° o i l , to we look to the views which they inculcate, if we l e l es the purpose which they are intended to promote, if look to the individuals who give their leisure 0 ,0 0 agitation, who move air, earth, and water to c o bf their ends, surely we would be performing our dini o p ridding the country of a law which leads f lie es, much contention.—(Hear, hear.) Sir, it is with ~e a t 4 views that I have endeavoured to express my concor;, o e, in the propositions contained in her Majesty's SEO and thus it is that I have undertaken the office w,." . .„" t ior have so inadequately performed. I will not ll' t es trench on the patience of the House by referring W. of other topics contained in the Speech ; I believ e tba'rwits involve nothing which can lead to any , 11 , e bee o discussion in this House, and I believe I shefAaressi discharge my duty by at once moving the , 1 001 The Noble Lord concluded by moving the Au which was, as usual, an echo of the Speech. the Mr. B. DENISON then rose and said—Sir, I hope House will not think me guilty of great presume tit rising to second the Address which has been we e Noble Lord the Member for South Lancashire. she only apology I can off e r f ur p r esuming to occupyje attention of the House on the presen t occasine f e that, in consequence of the lamented decease 0 01 Noble Lord who recently filled the off ic ! e gls President of the Council, I am the al-ije county representative of the largest const ituencY log kingdom, the population of which is upwa rds ere 00 million and a half.—(Opposition cheers.) They s o cif industrious population, and their industry is to ce Pied in agricultural, in commercial, and in mand, sc ieol inn pursuits of almost every description.—(Cheeraq beesit i s beyond all doubt tnat this population has Sol looking with more than ordinary anxiety °roc Majesty's Speech from the throne to her 4 09 liament on this occasion. —(Loud Opposition e" Perhaps I may be justified in stating that the 0 : tbl tuency have evinced the greatest anxiety to .r br o tso nature of the measures which her Majesty's , we e ie. intend to propose for the prosperity of this It' Ato e ' explained, and that they await with great interest 7 1 0 velopment of those measures.—(Hear, hea r. / tat/ her Majesty's Speech from the throne, sh e that she continuo to receive assurances fro m i 5 ThePi foreign Powers of ale continuance of friendli, 4y cordial feelings. With regard to the conduct e h, Emperor of Russia and the ,King of the Frelloies must say that this kingdom is under 0-000, obligations to those monarchs for theepe o f • they have taken in preserving tog Pe7 Or, the world—for I would take the liberty of asltillaf could more effectually arrest the prosperity oi' f great nation than a bloody and expensive er —(Hear, hear.) The King of the French entered into an alliance with our gracious Sovereifro, the suppression of the horrid slave trade. 01 1', withstanding their friendly assurances, we canoe" 00 0 failed to observe that some danger threatens 115 ,4 . the western hemisph e re. I trust that i l „w re s, will be left undone by this country to prevent a '''doe r , of the present friendly feeling with America, for nesoilF the whole world would suffer by such a breach ; do "' is my opinion, and I trust the opinion of this r 4 , 0 00 1$ that we are bound to use every effort to prevent a i ti ter A with our western relations.—(Hear, hear.) .. ip iets,./; taming those views. I think, her Majesty's h` •. are justified in asking for additional r esouree n which to place the army and navy inctif effective state.—(Hear.) God grant that we may 0 ; called upon to use those forces to preserve the lout,: 017, ence of this kingdom.—(Hear, hear.) I have V . , to allude to Ireland,—l may say unhapri land; for within the last two months W e r eesi s seen that country under apprehensions of OS and murder. With regard to the famine, tros‘ool# that has been overrated ; but in regard to U1 . .0 (1 ; ders, we have seen by the official returns from °re,. r, happy country, that the murders have been stic`l o elv warrant the Government in seeking for r ee- elit as will prevent such shameful and unheard e' to 'P ries and misfortunes.—(Hear.) With regar d apese ll ; allusion contained in the latter part of the P t PSI I believe I am correct in stating that in the lit' s 07 years there has been a reduction of the Custt Excise duties to the extent of between four and p e 'p e rel l e er lions sterling. I believe that by this reduction t" - 0 0 P, been an immense increase of the trade of the °Ail pmerally, and a large import of foreign corn re ) , im ei this kingdom.--(Hear, hear, and loud dice ;,is h ave „sften heard of great facts—l believe s'ollll be one of the greatest and most est a eli c e) f ie that ever came' to my knowledge.—(Loud must repeat that it Js to ine an astounding feet' s itisee, the faceof so immense a reduction of fiscal ineriol a i the amount of the revenue should have been se . ,o 0 1 5 and the foreign imports increae, ed. I sincerely U rge t? her Majesty's Ministers will perm vere in a eoTe coo has already been productive of such ill''nefit to ff at i of try, and in saying thus much, I fee; boo of a same time to assert that the retunell o re e li t e proceedings entitle them to what 1 P ll ooS hope they still obtain, full measure of tf confidence.—(Loud cheers). Now, her Mai es ol r i advised they should continue to pursue the sain e ro ib g and I feel compelled to acknowledge that Oe n t o drives me—(Laughter). Hon. Gentlemen of other side of the House seem amused at my 11 ' 1 %0 ° ,4 such an impulse; but I should be ashamed if 1 1/- 10oro to say that experience teaches me to value the y which I learned from this great fact; and I sinc ere oi trio that her Majesty's Government will, in the sP t i f ele they have hitherto regulated their conduct, 013 ,0 0 s make such reductions on the import of foreig e ,e to 1 0 ) § 0 dities as will be just to all parties and cond uc '„,' general welfare of the people. Sir, entertaio"Nog opinions, I know nothing, and want to know n te a,)„ o , the intentions of the Ministers.— (Great lea*„-tetitwno say, Sir, that I want to know nothing of the ay • of the Ministers, for from what 'has 011 : 6 , i ce. curred I have full confidence in their prtattioivo, triotism, and integrity—(Cheers from the OeP e „ - r est i v e and I trust they will persevere liberally to al a s sb la without injustice to any, to reduce those d c ,t l l l- „, Fero press upon the comforts and the energies in 'volt. apf At the same time, Sir, I reserve to 1:13 :10,t most entire liberty to vote for or at - Pe" i 0 measures which they may propose to tis e eeei t jo But, Sir, while stating thus much, I ask the, pre o e , the name of that great community which i t , of . : 0 14 honour to represent, to meet them in 5 1 3 :7:„. forr ii p ciliation and fairness whenever they bet:',' o itne' o ef those measures which her Majesty turn' Trade will revive, prosperity will again ', - ; 0 10P el , • of no limit which can be placed upon the 14, of the industry of the United iiiiigdom•