The Sun. — London, England, 1837-02-24 00:00:00

and my predecessors have ate, drank, and slept, with out feeling the want of Greek, and therefore Greek may be very well dispensed with." No person attempted to show that Manchester, and Birmingham, or the me tropolitan districts, suffered no inconvenience from the want of municipal corporations. Dr. Kay has shown that abuses of a frightful kind prevail in Manchester from the want of municipal government ; and on Wed nesday night Mr. Brotherton stated— " That the fact was, that among all classes of inhabitants, and in every degree, it was the unanimous desire to obtain an improved system of local government, on the basis of Cor porations.—( Hear, hear, hear.) The difficulty had been in making an arrangement which would prove satisfactory to the townships which constituted the town of Manchester. There had, however, been a meeting held, and a Committee ap pointed to consider the subject ; that Committee had made a report which he now held in his hand, and with the leave of the House he would read the concluding part of it.—( Hear, hoar.) It was that :--4 In conclusion your Committee beg most respectfully, but earnestly, to impress upon their fellow-townsmen the importance of an early arrangement of this important subject, and they think that the present time is a most favourable opportunity for effecting it. The subject should not be viewed as a party question, but as one which should have the good of the community for its sole object, by the constit u ti on o f a l oca l government , w hi c h w ill sustain the acquirement and be worthy of the character of the town. The interests of every part of the borough, which are' one and the same to all intents and purposes, ought to be strengthened by consolidation, instead of being weakened as they now are by subdivisions and distinctions inimical to the general good.' He thought, therefore, he bad proved that Manchester was de sirous of having municipal government.—( Hear, hear.") So that the apology for injustice merely amounts to this, that certain situations are so highly favoured for the prosecutio n of cer t a i n b ranc h es o f industry, that they attract a great population to them, who thrive in spite of the absence of municipal advantages. The Catholics were slaves. Whether they could have been retained in subjection is now an idle question—they have been emancipated, and cannot be again enthralled. To deny them corporate privileges on account of their religion, is to fly in the face of the Act conceding to them the privileges of the Constitution. Whether the Protestant Church of Ireland ought or ought not to be maintained is a question to be decided on its own merits, but which it is not allowable to mix up with the question of municipal institutions. It might with as much justice be urged that Parliament ought to impose a heavy tax on Catholics to keep them poor, because an increase of riches might enable them to effect more easily the destruction of the Established Church, as that valuable institutions should be withheld from them for the same reason. The Irish are entitled to every civil advantage which the English and Scotch possess ; and to interpose the Church as a bar between them and the communication of equal and beneficial rights cannot strengthen the Establishment, while it will supply the Irish with powerful motives for seek ing its destruction. A word before we conclude with respect to the majority of 80. It should have been 82, for two Liberal Irish Members, Mr. Cornelius O'Brien and Mr. Fitzstephen French, left town the very evening of the division, to attend the grand juries of their respective counties. In our judgment they would have better discharged their duty to their consti tuents by remaining for the close of the debate. Their votes here might have been of use ; their presence at Ennis and Roscommon could have been dispensed with .—Mo rning Chronicle. Few, we think, will dissent from our observation, that as concerns the Irish " Municipal Reform" Bill, brought in by the present Ministers, or the principles on which it purports to be founded, or the real conse quences which would enevitably flow from it, were the measure now to be passed into a law, no particle of light has been sh e d by th e t h ree d ays ' di scuss i on which ended on the morning of yesterday ; nor did the nature, or provisions, or professions of the Bill excite, for their own sakes, the least perceptible interest in the minds either of those who took part in the debates, or of those who heard or read them. And why was this? Not merely because the subject in all its bearings had long since been so completely thrashed out and disposed of, that not another word remained to be said upon the general merits of the Bill--nor merely because every. body was conscious that the pretended measure for " tranquillizinsflreland" was a wretched make-believe---- a sheer abortion, which would never come alive into the world, but because, whatever might have been the intrin sic qualities of the Romish Corporation Bill, or its re moter consequences as a legislative Act, whether for good evil, there was a specific influence by common consent and understanding affixed to it, and one so practical, so pungent, and so biting, as to supersede in its hold upon the sense all claims to notice derived from its ab stract political tendencies. They who last year intro duced this measure under the name of a corporate " Reform" Bill, but under the pressure of a grinding necessity imposed on themselves by a fierce task master, did not foresee what was likely to happen be fore the expiration of ten short months—namely, that the appropriation clause, dropping lifeless from their arms, they would be forced to make shift with the Bill for incorporating Popery in the place of it, and by putting priestly supremacy in the front of their Minis terial battle. Last year the Melbourne Whigs were to stand or fall with the appropriation clause, but finding that the clause in question had not itself a leg to stand upon, they have now, in the chival rous spirit which belongs to them, let it fall alone. Something else whereby to " stand or fall " became indispensable. The Popish Municipal Bill, in a less advanced stage of mortality than its predecessor, was at hand. The league, offensive and defensive, was announced by Lord John Russell shortly after its formation. Never were nuptials celebrated in a tone more sepulchral than by the noble essayist on the Bri tish Constitution, who invoked a rash paradox of Mr. Fox, as if eager to fling a sarcasm at the memory of that eloquent, but impetuous, bold, and headlong de- letter, while he (Lord J. Russell) proclaimed to the House of Commons that the Irish Priest Corporation Bill was " vital to the present Ministry." The Noble Lord, it seems, and his colleagues, were only hoaxing' us last year, in their promises to stand or fall with the appropriation clause. "We but trifled with John Bull in the Session of 1836, and it is well we did so, or by this time we might have been kicking our heels at the Reform Club,' instead of still panting for quarter-day ; but now, now, we arc in earnest ; now we do positively mean to go (if we cannot help it) — now there shall be no mistake. If we cannot carry the Romish Corporation Bill, out—out (alas ! is there no recalling it ?)—out—out—we go." Very well, was not this enough to spread a broad and flowing interest over the debate on the Irish Corporate " Reform' . Bill ? But it was an interest obviously quite apart from any that could have proceeded from the substance of the Bill itself. In fact, it transformed the whole question under discussion from " what sort " of municipal forms shall we have in Ireland" into these—vii., on what principles shall the general po licy of the British Government towards Ireland be founded, and in what spirit administered, and by what class of British and Irish statesmen shall that Go vernment be carried on ? In was inevitable, therefore, that had no attack been made by Lord J. Russell upon the Protestant and loyal aristocracy of Ireland, the de bate must have burst the mere technical boundaries of the Bill referred to by the order of the day, and em braced the whole of that vast field of politics at issue between the antagonist parties with regard to Ireland, involving much likewise of what might be considered personal on both sides, and expressive of the spirit generated by the approach of that political breaking up which some would regard as a catastrophe, others as a consummation. Under such circumstances, we must not weary our readers with thrice-repeated ar guments upon th e h ypot h et i ca l operat i on of a mea sure which will not now pass into a law. Rea lities are too inviti ng , an d f oremost among such are certain prevalent blunders, much insisted on by lofty layers down of the law, as maxims whereby an enlightened Legislature ought to be di rected. Mr. Charles Buller is a rampant stickler for the domination of " a majority" in all times and places. He makes no exceptions, nor does Mr. Roe buck., " C arry t hi s out, " an d see wh i ther it leads us. NV . by, it condemns th e w h o l e pr i nc i p l e o f t h e Reform Bill, which was that of establishing " qualifications" for votes, that is, restraints upon the right of voting, by virtue of whi c h pr i nc i ple the majo rity—the vast majority—of the people of England are ruled, in fact, by a decided minority, and must be so under any system short of universal suffrage. But when the Hon. and Learned ATember puts his alternative with so much free-and-easy brevity, " You must either govern by a majority or a minority," and then exclaims upon the wickedness of subjecting the many to the will of the few, our answer is, that all must depend upon the quality of the many and of the few. Which is it more desirable for the go - od of all—that 5,000 peasants, or other persons living by manual labour, should have the power of legislating for themselves and for 500 gentle men to boot, or that 500 men of education and property should legislate for themselves and for the peasants ? The phrase of " self-government " has been some what arbitrarily applied by the democratic speakers, as descriptive of the condition of the poorer class of Irish Roman Catholics when invested with municipal rights. Now, is such an assumption fair or honest ? Is it true, that if privileges, ever so extensive, were granted by Act of Parliament to the lower class of Roman Catholics in Ireland, they would be suffered to exer else such privileges, according to their own free will ? Is it not notorious to all the world, that in the use of the privileges they do possess, the more ignorant and helpless class of Irish Roman Catholics are bridled, worried, bullied, intimidated, cheated by those who pretend to have the keeping of their consciences, and who have usurped an entire dominion over them, into whatever course of action, no matter how repugnant to their own wishes, may suit the selfish views of their tyrannical directors ? What was the conduct of the unhappy priest-pecked farmer the other day at Carlow —in whose trammels was he, and who was at his elbow, when at the polling-booth he exclaimed, " I am come to vote against my own kind landlord, Mr. Bunbury ?" Is the despotism of the Irish priests, as employed in grinding down the humbler members of their congregations—is that, we say, a gripe fiom which any Act of Parliament can, by the most in genious contrivance, rescue the lower order of Irish Papists ? Manifestly not. Then, is it not the basest hypocrisy, in those persons who are aware of such a fact, to allege that any real power of " self-govern ment" would be conferred upon such vassals of the priesthood by vesting them with a nominal right to do certain acts within certain towns or cities, well know ing that the legal possessor of the right would be no more than an automaton in the hands of a secret and arbitrary mover? But Mr. Woulfe, the Irish Roman Catholic Attorney-General, puts aside with undis sembled audacity the objection founded upon a proba ble abuse of lawful privileges by a Popish majority to purposes destructive of Protestant independence, and answers in brief, " Well, what of that ? I care not, I stand on my claim ; and if you resist it, I will go for a repeal of the union." So, Mr. Sheil, with cal culating defiance, tells the gentlemen of England, you shall give way to our demands. Mr. Sheil is of a quick, but we doubt not, a penetrating genius. Has he ever asked himself, what if England echoes Lord Stanley's declaration, and to my " shall," replies " You shall not ?" What then becomes of Mr. Shell's pug nacity ? But how far will the learned gentleman drive this topic ? Or, having once had recourse to it, where can he arrest its application ? If it be a good argument now in favour of giving Romish cor porations to Ireland, that, according to Mr. Sheil, we cannot help it, and according to Mr. Woulfe we must concede, or else submit to a repeal of the Union, where, we ask, is such a course of extortion to terminate ? What resting-place do they leave Great Britain ? How, in any future instance, are we to escape from the precedent thus established against our selves ? Well has Sir James Graham said that the man must be an idiot or a coward who gives up the sword with which his own throat is to be cut. And if we must now go to the wall, because we are threa tened and thus set the Papists on horseback in the corporate towns, when they come within the next six months and call upon us to sacrifice the Protestant Church with its revenues, on pain of " you must," or " we will repeal the union," what reply, let us ask, has the majority of yesterday morning left the Protestant people of England any fair pretence for offering ? It is on the part of the Roman Catholics nova policy of petition or negotiation, but a system of hostile and insatiable encroachment. O'Connell has long since declared that lie will get " all he can." Sheil flings it in our faces, that we dare not hence forth refuse him. Yet these are the men who, while suing for emancipation, protested solemnly against the slightest act injurious to the Establishment of the Pro testant Church, and who signed formal and distinct petitions for the abolition of all corporate privileges • —Times. In our leading paragraph yesterday morning, allud ing to the division on the Irish Municipal Bill, an erratum occurred, in consequence of the transposition of the numbers--those for the original motion being placed opposite that of L or d F ranc i s E ger t on , and' vice versa—the majority in favour of the Bill, how ever, was correctly given in this place, as well as in our report and summary. The majority has far ex ceeded the expectations of Ministers and their friends, and, considering all the circumstances under which it was obtained—a House of Commons elected under a Tory Administration—several subsequent elections, by means of Tory corruption, decided against the national sentiment—and the unparalleled exertions made by the faction, during the recess, to alarm the public mind, and muster, on the present question, the whole force which, by coaxing, threatening, feeding, corrupting, or alarming, they could bring together—consider ing these circumstances, this glorious majority may be regarded as having demolished every vestige or shadow of hope which remained to the Opposition. Ail the vilification, and abuse, and falsehoods, and sophistries, and incendiary harangues, of the Tories and their organs have fallen innocuously on the public car, and produced no other result than an increase of sixteen Members to the majority who voted against them- on the corresponding division of the last Session. This progressive triumph of truth and justice over false hood andfraud, is a striking proof of the healthy tone of the national sentiment ; and having more than any of our Contemporaries exerted ourselves to lay the actual condition and wants of Ireland fairly and impartially before the British public, we confess we feel inclined to indulge in more than ordinary exultation in the result. Never were argument and eloquence more success fully enlisted on the side of right than during the three nights' recent debate in the House of Commons. On one side there was nothing to be found but personal abuse, false accusations, rabid revilings, and monstrous prophetic conjurations, which from the other met with such a complete exposure and refutation, that if there he any sense of shame or decency left to the Tories, they will nut soon again offer themselves for a similar exhibition. One event in the last night of the debate, will stand a subject of prominent interest in the re cords of the time. It is briefly told. During the speech of Mr. Shen, in commenting upon the term " alien," he raised his hand, as he uttered the words, in the direction of the gallery, where Lord Lyndhurst was sitting, but had no sooner done so than a simul taneous shout burst from the Ministerial benches, and being caught up by many on the opposite side of the House, it continued in successive peals to thunder for several minutes, in the ears of the obnoxious Baron, the expression of a nation's indignation and scorn. A denunciation more tremendous can scarcely be imagined. The English and Scotch Members seemed to emulate each other in the expression of their abhorrence at the insult which was cast upon Ireland. The friends or sup porters of the Lyndhurst policy sat in silence and shame, while the " Alien" Baron himself seemed overwhelmed and appalled ; his countenance rigid, his eye glazed, his body motionless, he seemed rather the sculptured re presentation of some spirit struck and blasted by divine vengeance, then a being of flesh and blood. Strong as his nerve is known to be, the scene of last night will never occur to his memory—that memory where it will live to the latest hour of his existence—without a shudder. Even Sir Robert Peel, who was only in directly involved in the denunciation hurled at the " Alien" Baron, seemed perfectly paralysed, nor—as may be seen by the most ineffective speech he ever made—did he recover himself when he addressed the House towards the conclusion of the debate. Ireland is yet saved from the horrors which the Tories were preparing for her. The demon of civil war is for the time at least held in control—but there is another ordeal to be passed. We have yet to see whether or not the Lords will again peril the peace of the sister isle, and the safety of the empire---whether or not we shall Stern Oppression's iron grip, Or mad Ambition's gory hand Loose, like bloodhounds from the slip, Woe, want, and murder, o'er the land." TtliS ill the question to be decided when the present Bill comes under their Lordships' consideration.— Morning Advertiser. Throughout the debate on Municipal Corporations for Ireland, the Ministerial side of the question has been supported by ultra-Radical al gnmenzs. The old Whig principles, which, however liberal, were still constitutional, and always favourable to Protestantism, were given up by the Whigs of the Government party, for the sake of such support as the arguments and the votes of the declared opponents of the British Consti tution could afford them. The dolpnata of democracy formed the ground-work of every speech in favour of the Ministerial plan ; and whether we look at the apho ristic declamation of Mr. E. L. Bulwer, or the make-be lieve argumentation of Mr. Roebuck, we find just the same principles, though rather less disguised, as those upon which Ministers themselves were obliged to rest. As to the gems of wisdom which fell in such highly-po lished abstract propositions from the lips of Mr. Bulwer, we need not do more than advert to them, and then leave them to the admiration of the literary ladies for whom, in all probability, they were intended. The political world will, at all events, trouble itself very little about them. Mr. Roebuck may, perhaps, be entitled to a little inure attention from the plausibility of some of his statements, and because he plainly enough propounded those erroneous assumptions upon which the Municipal Bill of the Ministers can alone be defended. These are the assumptions of naked un disguised democracy ; and if they were practical truths, instead of being, as they are, presumptuous imagina tions, which ail experience contradicts, not only would the 'AI unicipal Bill for Ireland be defensible, but every other extravagance of popular pretension would be preferable to any settled system of government. It pleases the organs of ultra-Radicalism, as it had before pleased Lord J. Russell either to forget, or to pretend to forget, the nature of the objections which the Conservatives had advanced against elective Corporations for Ireland. The Conservatives had said that upon general principles, which suppose the people to possess that degree of intelligence and of freedom which en ables men to see and to choose that which is most for their good, they did not object to elective Corpora tions ; but they affirmed that there was a something. peculiar and most pernicious in the social state of Ire land which made such a process unsafe. They said that, in the present circumstances of by far the greater part of Ireland, the people did not possess the intelli gence, and were not suffered to exercise the freedom which would alone make such a system of elective Corporations desirable or even safe. And what is it the democratic champion advances in reply to this ? What is it that he puts forward with an air as if he thought that his argument was really as unanswerable as any demonstration in geometrical science ? Why he tells us—and this is really the whole substantial support of the Ministerial measure—he tells us that " there is a general rule• which long experience has taught us to be the wisest in the case of every • other people—viz., to trust to every man the guardian ship of his own concerns, because his interest in those concerns is closer and more potent than any other man's." And when he has enunciated this general rule, he asks, " Why depart from it in the case of the Irish ?" It is obvious that if this demand means any thing at all, it means a begging of the question. It means that, because there is a general rule, Ireland ought to be included within that rule ; though the whole argument on the other side is, that the peculiar state of Ireland makes the general rule of municipal government, applicable to England and Scotland, not wisely applicable to Ireland. But the general rule from which the democratic champion would deduce the fairness and expediency of the Ministerial Bill, goes much further than the general rule of municipal go vernment adopted in Great Britain ; and, instead of being admitted by any servant of the British Crown, ought to be resisted as totally wrong in principle, incon sistent with experience, and revolutionary' in its practical tendency. It is easy forany man to assume a general prin ciple, and then argue from it; but it requires the self-con fidence of democratic champions to set down as an irre fragable canon of political wisdom, that which is neither more or less than the erroneous dogma of a party. We ask any man who has read history and thought about it, what amount of truth there is in the theory that "it is wisest to trust to every man the guardianship of his own concerns, because his inte rest in those concerns is closer and more potent than any other man's ?" Some people may be taken by the superficial - plausibility of this dogma : but never was there anything more shallow. If all men thought that virtue was more for their interest than vice, and if all men had the sagacity to do what was most expedient for the furtherance of virtue, then the dogma would be true. But because men do not generally prefer the interests of virtue, and because if they did, they are not in general wise enough to take the best means of promoting those interests, the dogma is most untrue. Experience certainly has not taught us that in general every man is the best guardian of those concerns in which his interest is merely that of an individual mem ber of a public community. Was Jack Cade the best guardian of his own concerns in public affairs ? Is the Irish slave, who allows a man in the garb of a Ramis!' Priest to beat him to the hustings with a whip—is such a one " th e b est guar di an o f hi s own concerns" in public matters ? Is any man who is not free, who is the victim of a supercilious tyranny, the best guardian of his own concerns ?" Such is the condition of the mass of the Roman Catholic Irish. lu so far as this general rule of the competency of all men under all circumstances to choose wisely for them selves in affairs of government, is the only one upon which the Ministerial Bill can be defended, there may have been some excuse for bringing it forward. Inas much as it is a false rule, and indeed, nothing better than plausible nonsense, the arguments built upon it ought to have no weight With an intelligent public.__ Morning Herald. When we find an assembly like the British House of Commons deciding by a not inconsiderable majority to do that which we think has been proved to be very impolitic and dangerous, we naturally look with great anxiety to the probable cause of the difference of opinion between the majority and ourselves. If the number with whom the decision of the question re garding Municipal Corporations in Ireland rested had been entirely composed of what are called the O'Con nell Members the result would have been easily ex plained. No one suspects them of caring for the in terests of the empire--they agree (such of them at least as can think at all) in our view of the question, namely, that the proposed Reform will be exceedingly injuriou's to Great Britain ; and that is its greatest merit in their sight. But there are more than the O'Connell Members in the majority. How shall we account for the rest ? Let us see. There is the whole Radical, or De mocratic party, which forms a part of the majority upon the very same ground as we take, wh o adopt th e views of the minority. That which we hold to be dan gerous and detestable in the tendencies of the Bill they hold to be very wholesome and desirable. They do not, like the O'Connell Members, support the Bill be cause they expect by means of it to feed f a t t h e an cient grudge they bear" to Great Britain ; but th e i r object in supporting it is to inflict a heavy blow and a great discouragement upon the Protestant Establish ment. They support the Bill because they think that if it shall become law they may make of it a cata pult wherewith to batter down the chief bulwark of the Monarchy. 'They know i Church and S tate to be so bound together that f they dr ag one to the mustfall with it, or b e so weakened ground their force muc h sooner as the t o other yield to than it would before have done. Who c an d ou b t that, s t anding upon the rums of the Protestant Establishment, the shout of the destroyers would be " so Church, no King ! Hurrah for a Repub lic and President !" The ambition of Sir William Molesworth fires at the thought, and Mr. Roebuck digests an argument to " prove in five minutes" that no one would be a better Secretary of State for the Co. loMes than himself. We can easily account for the votes of the O'Connellites, and of the D emocrats, upon the same groun d o f probabilities which we our selves maintain to be the true ground. Their objects are exactly the opposite of those cherished by men who are loyal to the British Crown and Constitution. Our evil is their good, or seems to them to be so ; and we can feel no surpr i se th a t, w ith s i mi l ar cotiv i ct i ons as to the result of th e C or p ora tio n Reform Bill, their votes should be opposed to the votes of the Conserva. ;;F:: - . tive party. Let us, however, not quit this part of the subject without earnestly calling upon the people of England to mark the motives which influence so large a portion of the Minister:al majority. We call upon the people, by all the character which they so de servedly possess, for generous loyalty of feeling and sound common sense, to ponder upon the composition of this Ministerial majority. Let them remember that tie Conservatives would have had the majority but for the aid which Ministers have received from two sections of the House of Commons, one of them hos tile to everything which is likely to promote the pros perity and the glory of Great Britain, the other ar dently in favour of everything which is likely to pro mote the downfall of the Protestant Church, and of every political order in the State save one, to which one they themselves belong. Let not the people of England be deceived into the supposition that 322 Members of the House of Commons believe the Bill proposed by the Ministry for the reform of Irish mu nicipalities to be a good thing for the State, as at pre sent constituted, or for the Church. As many probably as one-half of this number have no such idea. They are very well aware that the Bill is a very bad thing for the State as at present constituted, and they vote for it because it is so. They vote with the Ministers be cause they think the Bill will do a very notable in jury to those interests which it is the solemn duty of the Ministers to protect. It must, however, be al lowed that the Democrats and the O'Connellites, how ever formidable they may be in number, and dange rous in design, could have not defeated the Conserva tives on Lord F. Egerton's motion without assistance. A large number of Members must have voted from a notion that the measure proposed by Ministers is a good measure—not good in the sense of the Irish Priest-nominated Members, because it is injurious to Great Britain—nor good in the sense of the English and Scotch Democrats, because it is destructive of the Irish branch of the Protestant Church Establishment; but good in the honest, loyal sense of the word— likely to promote the welfare of Church and State, of King and people. With those Members we would respectfully have a word or two of expostulation. They say they don't like to make step-children of the Irish people—they don't like to 'treat them with less confidence than is placed in the peo ple of Great Britain ; and for their part, they cannot see any connection between danger to the Established Church and municipal privileges for the inhabitants of Irish towns. Now we agree with these Members that, except for some well-ascertained prac tical reason, the inhabitants of Irish towns ought not to be treated differently from the inhabitants of British towns. We admit that all unnecessary distinction in matters of this kind between Great Britain and Ireland is impolitic, and that as much kindness to the Irish— on the part of the Legislature —as is consistent with the safety of our fundamental institutions, ought to be shown. But these good-natured Members must allow us to say that their not seeing the connec tion between danger to the Established Church and the passing of the Bill which Ministers propose, is not quite enough to justify their votes in the estimation of those who have considered the statements and the arguments brought forward on the Conservative side of the House. Moreover, when they see a considerable number of astute men voting for the mea sure, and admitting that they do so in the belief that it will enable Ireland to overthrow the Protestant Es tablishment, it is surely worth their while to pause, and not to depend too much on their " not-seeing" faculties. They say that the connection between the injury to the Church and the granting of Municipal privileges is not perceptible to them ; but it was very plainly exhibited to them, and it is no credit to a man not to see that which is set before him, and which it is very important tcr the right discharge of his duty that he should examine. There are many who cannot see because they will not see ; and to this class we think the voters for the Ministerial Bill (not being De mocrats or O'Connelites) must belong. Can any thing be more palpable than this—that whatever power of a public nature is placed in the hands of the Irish Romanist population is imme diately usurped by the Romanist Priests ? And is is not sufficiently obvious (from the experience of the last seven years) that the object of the Romanist Priests is to overthrow the Protestant Establishment ? These are facts which every impartial man, with his eyes open, may and must see ; and how, then, shall we be told that men cannot see the connection between the granting of municipal privileges and the injury of the Protestant Establishment ? It must be that men shut the eyes of their understanding to things which they would rather not believe. This may be in some cases owing to very creditable feelings, but we warn Hon. Members to prepare for the day when a rude shock will open- their eyes. That day will certainly arrive unless the House of Lords and the King see better the. way to safety than the majority of the pre sent House of Commons seem likely to see.—Morn ing Post. The valuable Sec of Salisbury has fallen to the gift of Lord Melbourne, by the death of the late Bishop, who expired at Southampton on Monday morning, having recently gone there for the benefit of his health. The Royal Chapel, St. James's Palace, has been almost entirely rebuilt. The accommodation for the congrega tion is much improved. The interior is quite new, and will be ready in a short time for divine service. It has a very neat appearance, and is considerably enlarged. The exterior im. provements arc in keeping with the ancient palace. A woman who resides at Lansamlet, near this town, has for several years been labouring under ascites, which is dropsy of the lining membrane of the abdomen, and has under gone the operation of tapping three times. On the first and second occasion, a considerable quantity of serous fluid was taken away ; but at the last operation, a few days ago, six gal lons were extracted from the poor woman. She has rallied astonishingly since the last operation, and hopes are enter tained of her recovery. — Cambrian. On the afternoon of Wednesday last, as a little boy, the son of the Sexton of Saint Mary Magdalen's Church, was playing in the Church-yard, he approached too near a brazier-pan which was lighted there for the use of the workmen who were laying the gas-pipes, and his apron took fire. He was speedily assisted by the workmen and others attracted to the spot by his screams. As we tore the burning sleeve from the arm of the poor little fellow, the scorched skin of the hand came off like a glove. He lingered till Friday morning, when death put an end to his sufferings. Somerset Gazette. EXTRAORDINARY METEOR.—On Saturday even ing, shortly after dark, a meteor of extraordinary appearance was, from this vicinity, visible in the heavens. But for its colour, which was a variation from dusky pink to a deep rich carmine, the phenomenon would have been pronounced aurora borealis. Such was the deep crimson glare that was spread from a little below the zenith to the north and northwest, that the general impression over the town was, that an extensive fire was blazing in the neighbourhood, and that this was but its reflection in the aqueous particles in the atmosphere. In the first instance, the meteor was seen in the form of a cloud, which presented the ruddy glow frequently seen in the west after sunset. As the moon was shining brightly at the time, and the appearance was stationary, while the clouds generally were driving behind it, we at first conceived it to be simply a colour created on the air by the refranging of the moon's rays. We were quickly undeceived, however, for, as the night ad vanced, the light moved about to different quarters of the heavens, now converging to an oblong mass of crimson in the zenith, and anon shooting out or dividing into numberless faint blushes of luminous clouds, in the direction before indicated, and generally about half way to the horizon. About midnight, the appearance began to die away, and, by one o'clock on Sunday morning, there was no vestige of it remaining. We perceive, by the New York papers just received, that a similar phenomenon has been witnessed from that city, though it ap pears there to have been more vivid than that which was seen from this town on Saturday night.—Liverpool Albion. Inquests were held last week in the parish of Down ham, on the bodies of James Johnson, and Sarah, his wife, who died from the effects of charcoal burning in the bed-room. It appeared that in consequence of their not stirring at the usual time on Thursday morning, suspicion was excited that some thing had happened, A ladder was procured, by which one of the neighbours ascended to the chamber-window, when enough was discovered to show that the man was very ill. The house-door was forced open by two neighbours, who pro ceeded up stairs. On entering the chamber, a most awful spectacle presented itself. The wife lay dead in the bed, the hus band was out of bed, on his wife's side of the bed, lying partly on the floor, and partly on the bed, in a state of insensi bility, breathing or snoring heavily. An infant of about one year and a half old was lying in the bed, and was at first sup posed also to be dead, but presently showed signs of life, and was removed. The man was then laid in the bed, and lived about an hour. A pan of wood and turf ashes was in the room, which it appeared the poor woman had taken up stairs to air the room, which she had that day whitewashed, having ex pressed such an intention to a neighbour. The child is now quite well. The poor woman was very near her confinement.etu r ed The Jury, after a long and anxious investigation, returned verdicts, " That the deceased, Sarah Johns on, died from r suffo cation, produced by the noxious fumes of charcoal being in the bed-room in which she had been sleeping ; and that James Johnson died from apople4yr produced by the same cause.' - Cambridge Chronicle, PRICES OF CANALS, DOCK STOCKS, AS (TRANCE COMPANIES, Pty. &c. &c. LONDON, TCTEDAY, Vtl3. 2i. Number Dividend rtic e of l •Cr Shares. Annum CANTAI S. por Paid. Spare 4700 8 per cent. Ashton and Oidliain ...Average 971. Ns. sh. 142 I,:112 41. Ashby .de-le-Zoitch Average I 13/. sli. 65 1,260 Basingstoke ll'o/. sh. 51 1,035 5!. Brecknock and Abergavenny... 150. sh. 100 8,000 1-16.11. 91. 9s. Birmingham, 1.16 th shale .... Bf/. It 711. '217 4,000 Ditto al.o Liverpool Junet...1:251. sh, 10(1 pit 01 6s) . Bridgewater and Taunton ....100/. sh. ali pd 61 400 4/, Clichner and Black water.. lOO/. sh. 1012 500 481. Coventry lOO/. sh. 700 4,515 Croydon Average all. 2s. 1001. . sir. 3 2,0601 44 Os. Dudley 610 71. Derby 1151/. sh. 1.20 21 1 ,000 Danulie and Mayne 4ll. las Id. 211,4 pd 1736 3,575; 31. Ellesmere and Chester Average 13:1/. sh. iv, 231 40!, Erewash • 104, 3h. 6 , 6 1,297 281. Forth and Clyde Average 44101.:i ;6. sh. 60 , 11,500 12/ Grawl June" - lO4. sh. 201 2.•! , 483 11. Grand Union 100/ sh. 2 ~i 1 511.1 123,000/. 4/. per cent. Ditto (optional) Loan lOO/. 70 3,096 Grand Western 600 13/. 12.5. Cd. Glamnrganshire, Average cost 1712!. Ms. Id. 230 741) ;11‘. Grantham 150/. sh. 2(0 6,13-1 11. 134 Huddersfield Average 57/. Cs. 6:1. sh. 35 100 Kensingl 'n lO3 sh all IA 10 25,328 I/. 2s. Kennet .7 id Avon, Average 39/.183.1101. sh. 22 2,81173 20/. Leeds and Liverpool 1991. sh. 530 5451 12!. Leicester llOl. sh. 195 1,897 - 4/. 10s. Leicester and Northampton... Aver 53/. lirs. 77 2,400 101. ftlonmouthsliire lOO/. sh. 200 50 I(11. Melton Mowbray 100/ sh. 200 500 25/. Mersey and Irwell lOO4 sh. 505 3,000 11. 10s. Macclesfield 1001. sh all pd. 54 247 171. Neath . 1001. sh. 325 1,780 30/. Oxford . 1001. sh. 58 , ; 2,400 51. Peak Forest Average about 781. sh. )) 1 4 21,118 \ 12s. Regent's (or London) Aver. 33/. 16s. Bd. sh. 16 5,669 el. per cent. n och d ale Average Si)!. sh. 1:9 5(10 84 • Shropshire I'as/. sh. 140 800 91. 10s. Somerset Coal ISO/. sh. 153 3,6004 43 percent. Ditto bock Fund Stock l2/. 10s. sh. 111 700 404 StafFord and Worcester l4O/. sh. 730 500 9/. Shrewsbury 1251. sh. 213 300 W. Stourhridge 3,647 2/. 6s. Stratford-on „ Avori ...Average 79/. Os. 14d. sh. 50 533 12/. Swansea MO/. sh. 220 3,762 U. 4s. Serern and Wye and Railway-Av 351. sh. 193 2,6003 sir. 321. 10s. ' Treat an :1 Mersey, * share 100/. sh. 555 8,149 ~ , 1,0005h.7 I,ooolsh. .5 '''''' Warwick and Birmingham , 1001. sh: 250 930 12/. Warwick seal Napton lOOl. sh. 138 6,000 41.05. Worcest- tr and Birmingham...A v. 784 Bs. 80. 82 5,000 225. Wilts an.. Becks .. Average 61/. 10s. Sd. sh. 21 800 W. Worley and Essington 125/. sh 75 126 ....... Wisbeach 905 1/. Wey and Arun llOl. sh. 223 DOCKS. 2,60" 1 3 s•c. Commercial 100/. sh. 56 1,06515 h = • 158,6671/. 6 per ck East India Stock 114 3,228,31011. ios.p.ct. London Stock 561 Ditto Bonds 1,380,0004 5!. per ct. West India Stock 105 2,209 2!. I 9s. Bristol 68,324/. Z. per cent. Ditto Notes, various amounts ll5 1.352,752 4 per cent. St. Katharine Stock 92 500,000 44 per cent. Ditto Bonds lOll 200,000 4 per cent. Ditto Bonds for 10 years lOO Shoreham Harbour 2.500 ........ Deptford Pier BRIDGES. -. 1 , 60 0 ICs. Hammersm.ti . / 5O/. sh. 20 7,231 Southwark, Old AY. 63/. 2s. 6d. sh. 2 1,700 11. 15m. Ditto, New, of 7) per cent. 5O/. sh. 14 5,000 ........ Waterloo 5,000 18s. BS. Ditto, Old Annuities of W. 6O/. pd 19) 5,000 16s. 4d. Ditto, New Ditto of 71 40/. pd 15 60,0001. it. per cent. Ditto Bonds llB 6,000 17s Vauxhall Average 701. 10s. 3d. sh. 16) AS.,URANCE COMPANIES. 2,000 3110, Albion - --- - 500/. ch. 50!. pd 79 50,000 pr i e u r i e s n .. t ' l Alliance, Britis h & Foreign 1001. sh. lo v. pd 12f 50,000 6 per cent. Ditto, Marine 1001. sh. 51. pd fit 24,000 1/. per sh. Atlas 1,200 }sh. it. Birnrungham t ire 20,000 41 per cent. British Fire . 250/. sh. 50/. pd 40 12,000 61. per cent. British Commercial 501. sh. 5/. pd CI 5,000 51. per cent. Clerical, Medi,:al,&c. Life, ICOLsh. 12110 s pd 3f 4,000 21 16s County 1001. sh. 101. pd 42 20,000 is. Eagle 5O/. sh. 5/. pd 6 onomic Lite C 5 per cent., 1000/. sh. 2501. pd 375 200 L and sy bs. i Ec 2,271 225. per cent. European Lila 2O/. sh. all pd 22 50,000 2s. Ditto, New 2O/. sh. 2/. pd 2 1,000,000/. 71. per et. Globe Stock 152 20,000 5!. Guardian .................... 100/. sh. 2711 pd 331 40,000 6s. 6d. Hope 5O/. sh. 51. pd 51 2,400 5/. 7s. 6d. Imperial Fire 5001. sh. 50!. pd 125 7,500 93. Imperial Lite 1001. sh. 10/. pd 13,159 12s. perch. Indemnity Marine .... .lOOl. sh. EL pi 14 2,026 3! 10s Kest Fire 501. sh. all pd 92 31. Ditto Life. 79 10, 0 00 16s. Law Life 1001. sh. 10/. pd 28 5.000 10s. London, Fir.. 251. sh. 12/. 10s. pd 16 3,900 10s. London, Ship 251. sh. 121. 10s. pd 16 30,0 N 1 51. per cent. Palladium Lite 50/. sh. 2/. pd 21 8s Od 50,000 Proteutor Fire 2O/. sh. 2/, pd 16., 6d 2,500 1!. Provident Lite lOOl. sh. 10/. pd 20 100,000 5/. per cent. Rock Life...- ....... ...... .. .......... 20/. sh. 2/, pd 61 669,2201 5/. per cent. Royal Exchange Stock... 220 6,000 3 per cent. University Lite lOOl. sh. 5/. psi 51 iO,OOO 4 per cent. United Kingdom Life ____ JOINT STOCK BANKS 25,000 Agric and Comm. of Ireland 251. sh. 101. pd 14 5,000 Australasia 4Ol. sh. 40/. pd 58 10,001 10 per cent. Bank of Birmingham SCI. sh. 101. pi 13 10,000 10 per cent. Birmingham Bank 5Ol. sh. 5/. pd 14 30,000 4 percent. Lon,lon and Westminster...loo/ sh. 201. pd 211 3 , 0 00 4 per cent. Lancaster 1001. sh. 20/. pd 39 25,000 • Liverpool 1001 sh. 10/. pd 22 50,000 6 per cent. Manchester and Liverpool/ 100/. sh. 151 pd 21} Discount 20 , 0 00 71 per cent. Manchester. 100/.Bh. 251 pd 284 20,000 20,` co National Bank of Ireland ...50/. sh 171/. pi 161 1 0,000 5 per cent. National Provincial Eng. ... 1 00 1 . sh. 251. pit 23i 10,000 Gloucestershire 5O/. sh. 101. pd 20 6,000 10 per cent, Hampshire 50/. .51. sh pd I) GAS LIGHT AND COKE COMPANIES. 2 ,5 0 0 11 58 6d - Bath 2O/. sh. UV. pd 24 5,000 British 4O/. sh. 161. pd 21 konc, / r 5/. and percent.l Ditto Provincial 201. sh. 19 pd 23 Be. ss. 928 51 10s Birmingham 5Ol. sh. 98 4.250 210 s Bristol 2o' sh. 40 1,500 11/ 108 Brighton 201. sh. 1 , 1 750 31 les Ditto, New .201. sh. 181. pd 11 i 2,471 5 per cent. Brighton (leneral 201. sh. all pd 17 4,000 41. Continental Cansolidated lOO/. 621/. pd 95 1,000 101. City of London lOO/. eh. all pd 189 1,(00 61. Ditto, New lOOl. eh. 601. pd 112 4,000 41.108. Equitable .• 10,000 ii per cent. Imperial 5O/. sh. 421 800 51. per cent. Isle of Thanet 25/. sh. 201. pd 20 2,350 6/. per cent. Independent .30/. sh. all pd 50 9,001 3/. per cent. Phoenix .... 50!. sh. 39/. pd 21 1,000 4/. per cent. Rateliff 100/. sh. 80/. pd 4,000 ...... ••• South Metropolitan 5O/. sh. 191. pd 17 8,200 5!. per cent. United General 5Ol. sh. 461. pd 311 240 5/. per cent. Warwick 501. sh. 50 1 12, 4 000 00 V. p s e i r . cent Westminster 25/. sh. 22 Chartered 50/. sh. 491 5,00 , 1 12e. Ditto New FGA Yarmouth. 20/. sh. 181. pd 9 WATER WORKS. 4,500 9 __ . s. Birmingham 23/. sh. 25/. pd 211 1,413 6/. East London lOOl. sh. 139 5,500 21 lOs Grand Junction ....Average 411 13s. 441. sh. 511 2,000 2/. Kent 100/. sh. 43 272 104 Liverpool Bootle 2201. sh. 3.6 1,500 2110 s New River Loudon Bridge Water Annuities 58 6,436 I/ Iss Mcnchestcr and Salford lOO/. sh. 53 :'OO 4 per cent. South Lonlon 1001. sh. 81 5,204 3/. West Middlesex ....Average 631. 12s. 9d. sh. 78 1,360 11 14s York Building Co. Lessee Prop 1001. sh. 35 IRON RAILWAYS. 6,000 Birmingham and Derby lO/. pd 10 0500 ... ...... Birmingham and Gloucester 101 pd 9 7,500 Birmingham, Bristol, and Thames Junction 0: 150/0 Bristol and Exeter lOO/. sh. spd 14 660 Calcutta and Saugur 5O/. sh. '2l. pd 7,500 Cheltenham and G. Western...loo4 sh. 74/. 5 3,000 Clarence lOO/. sh. 100/. pd 5 11 12,000 3,000 Dublin and Kilkenny 100/. sh. 24 pd 24 60,000 Eastern Counties '2sl oh. 21 pd I 4 (;rand Junction 1001, sh. 501. pi Ifq Great North of England 74 pd 5: 25,000 Great Western 10(1. sh. 301. pd 38 2,d1) Hartlepool 100/. sh. 1001 pd 100 8000 Hull and sclby 5Ol. sh. 5/. pd 2 10,0011 Leeds and Manchester 100/. sh. 5/, pd 14 7,1110 Leeds and Selby lOO oh. 41 1,500 Leicester and Swannington -.501. sh. all pd 18 : 5,109 10 per cent. Liverpool and Manchester...lo(l.'ln 100/.pd '285 Ditto Quarter Shares `W. pd 61 10,000 London and Brighton 45r00 Ditto ditto (Gibbs') -.20/ sh. It pd 0I 16, 0 00 Ditto ditto (Rennie)...so/. sh. 31. pd 14 8,000 Ditto ditto (Cundy)...lool. sh. 3/. ix' 1; 12,000 London and Blackwall 5Ol sh 31 pd I 20,000 3 per cent. London and Greenwich 2O/. sh. 20/. pd 22$ 25,000 London and Birmingham -100/. sh. 75/. pd 117,,, 20,c00 London and Southampton 50/. sh. :30/. pd 13) 7,000 London and Croydon o;'6/. sh. 13/. pd 10 12,000 London Grand Junction 5 I. sh. 2/. pd 04 10,0(0 M , nchester South Union 1011. sh. W. pd 5 North Midland 100/. sh. 1.41. pd 124 Northe-n and Eastern 100?. sh. 3/. pd 2f 2,600 Preston and Wyre 50/ sh. fit pd 28,000 I, l 'oo tW. per cent. Stockton and Darlington IOW. sh. 240 9,000 'Dia, es Haven 5Ol. sh. 2/. 10s. psi Of 1,400 6,000 Westminster and Greenwich 50 /. sh. 2/. pd 14 York and North Midland 5O . sh. 31. pd 24. MINES. 8,000 Albion Copper 51. sh. 3!. pd 01 4,000 A !ten 151. sh. 121. lOs pd 131 10,000 .......„ Anglo Mexican, iss. 5/. prn....100/. sh. all pd ni Ditto Subscription 95/. pd :le 2,00(1 Bol.inos 10,000 11. lOs Brazilian Imp. iss. W. pm IN. sh. 3301. pd 20 6,0 0 Macauhas ei Cocaes United...9s/. sh. 231/. pd 7 11,000 Ditto St. John Del Rey 20/. sh. 311. pd 91 10,000 Bolivar Copper Company, 9 0/. sh. 204 pd 8 1 10,090 ...—.... Ditto Scrip 10/. sh. Pl. pd 9 20,00) British Iron 5Ol. sh. 511/ pd 40; 6,000 British Copper Cata Branca 61/. pd 6; Candouga 7 1 1. 141 7 1 10,nn0 I/. Copiapo til 2'2 £4,500 Gob p linlnan, iss. 51. pm. 2,8.50 31. English l2l ICs. pd ...... 20,0130 General Mining Association...2o/. sh. 151. pd ii 0,155 Mexican Company 100/. sh 5414 pit 11 3,000 Polljerou Consols ~„ 101. sh. 81. pd 7 11,500 Real del Monte, Unregistered lO Ditto Loan Notes l5ll/. pd 150 30,000 ...... ... United Mexican, iss. 2in ....401. sh. all pd 2 DIV, Scrip 3l Ditto New Scrip 5/ pd 24 West Cork 50/. sh. 50/. pd 38 LITERARY INSTITUTIONS. 1,000 London, with Bronze Ticket 75,gs sh. 204 1500 London University 100/. sh. all pd :Ai 700 King' College lool.lxl 32. MISCELLANEOUS. 10,008 15s. Australian Agricultural...JOU sh. 20,1. pd 15 6,000 6L - per cent. British American Land Company ... 23/. pd 17 10,000 01 per cent. Canada Company 101/. sh. 24/. pd 3 , 1 200,000 5/ per cent. Upper Canada Loan City Bonds, 4 per cent in i .._ 15,000 IL Os. General Steam Navigation ...151. sh. 13/. pd 24 10!. per cent. Hudson's Bay Stock 2,000 11. London Com. Sale Rooms Av. 75/. sh. 19 8,000 Caoutchouc Company °5/ sh. 21/. pd 21 New Brunswick Land Company 9 8/ pd 25g 2,754 51. per cent. Reversionary Interest 50c...100/. sh. 100/. pd 130 2,633 5/. per cent. Ditto New 100/. sh. 45/. pd 801 4,000 10,000 LIST OF SCOTTISH COMPANIES' PRICES, FEB. 15, 1837. BANKS. 1,500,0001. 6/. p. et. Ban': of Scotland R3l. Os. Rd. sh. all pd '2Olll. 2,000,0 X/. 51 p. ct. Royal of Scotland 100/. sh. all pd 1641, 500,010/. Bp. ct. British Linen Company 100/. sh. all pd 236 f. 3 .00 0 , 0 0 C/. 6/. p. ct. Commercial 5OOl. sh. 100/. pd 174/. 5,000,9004 sp. ct. National lOOl. sh. 101. pd 1541. 2,000,0001. 5/. p. et. Glasgow Union 250 f. sh. 50/. pd 68/. 4,000,001. 4p. ct. Western of Scotland '2ool. sh 30/. pd 3611. INSUItANCE COMPANIES. 25n,0005h. 61 p. ct. Scottish Union 2O /. s h . I/ . pd 255 7,509 sp. ct. Hercules lOO/. sh. 101. pd 1315 10e,000 sp. ct. Insurance Co. of Scotland ....101. sh. all pd 61. 50,000 6p. et. North British 200/. sh. 10/. pd 13 1. 1,000 sp. ct. Caledonian Fire 100/. sh. 101. pd 16/0s 5 , 000 6p. ct. Edinburgh Life 100/. oh. 10/. Pd 1415 s 100,000 . MISCELLANEOUS. 4,810 Edin. and Was. Un. Cana1...50/. sh. all pd 22/. Ditto Allocated 901. sh. all pd 651. 5,400 5 per cent. Eilinb."Joint Stock Watcr 25/. sh. all pd 394 Carron Iron Company 250/. sh. all pd 01. 2,0005 h 15 per cent. Shotts Iron Foundery 50/. sh 3`/. pd 471 10,000 3 per cent. Edinburgh & Leith Glass 2O/. sh. 161. pd 7 1 /. 4,500 10 pe r cent , E dinburgh Coal G as 25/. oh. all pd 64 4,450 I 0 per cent. Glasgow Gas 25/. sh. all pd 611, 750 7} per cont. I.eith Coal Gas 201. oh. all od 454 1.206 Edinburgh and IYalkeith Railway...so/.56. 4,5/. /5,000 b per cast, Equitable Loll Company 2 6 ;0 sh• 91 . pd 10L - *VENTILATION OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. Return to an Order or the Honourable the House of Commons, Feb. 18:37 ;—for, Copy of a Letter addressed by Dr. Reid ti the Chief Commissioncr of Woods - and Forests, on the subject of the Alterations that have recently taken place in the Ventilation 01 the House : _ London, Feb. 4, 1837. MY LORD,—Before leaving t 6 rrn, I have taken the liberty of presenting your Lordship with a copy of a few brief " Out lines," illustrating the aeon tic and ventilating arrangements lately made in the house of Commons. It will be recollected by the Members of the Committee on acoustics and ventilation s that while I expressed the opinion that there would be no difficulty in applying the principles to which I referred in making the alterations proposed, I also particu larly mentioned that the form of the House, the galleries, and the numerous local arrangements required for the distribution of the light, the equalisation of the air in its progress through ;he House, &c., would not permit me to give my new plans that unity of arrangement which could be so easily adopted in a new structure. In the acoustic arrangements, the defect which I was called upon to obviate was a want of power of intonation. The com plaint was that the sound of the voice of any one addressing the house fell feebly upon the ear, and that the exertion re quired in - speaking was considerable. My object, therefore, was to give as great an increase to the power of the voice and of the car, as could be done without inducing an echo, or pro longed reverberation. But sound can never be so equal and harmonious in a room with projecting galleries, as in others ol a different construction. Galleries necessarily interfere with that free and uniform pulsation which would otherwise spread equally through the apartment: In the present House, consi. derable difficulty was experienced in balancing the conflicting claims of sound, light, and architectural appearance. A difference in the intensity of the sound produced may be observed in different parts of the House, partly dependent or the above causes, and partly on the position both of those wbc may be listening, and of those who may address the House. This may be easily observed by comparing the sound heard neat the walls with that produced in the centre of the House. Ir the open air, in mountainous countries more particularly, ant in all ordinary apartments similar effects may be remarked. It is scarcely necessary to state that the same causes which now promote the communication of sound when any member addresses the House. equally augment any interruption pro• duced by loud conversation. I may also be permitted to add that conversation will probably be louder at present than after wards, as every one at first will converse in the sustained ton( he may have been previously accustomed to adopt in the House till he shall .have found that a less effort enables him to pro. duce the same intensity of sound as formerly. The porous and elastic floor-cloth influences much the corn munication of sound. Without it, or some similar texture, i would have been impossible to have given all the reflecting power I have introduced, without, at the same time, producing prolonged reverberation. In judging of the communication o sound, the difference between a powerful and immediate re. flection and mere prolonged reverberation is not always so care. fully attended to as the nature of the investigation demands. Should it be considered desirable to make any experiment si as to diminish the reflecting power where the conversation i greatest, the arrangement proposed by Mr. Hanbury Trac; would be the best, all the boarding between the bar and th , door, both along the walls and below the galleries, being co vered with green cloth thrown into numerous folds. Thi would diminish also the power of hearing in that part of dr House, and the precise extent to which it might prove benefi cial would be a difficult matter of calculation, from the grea reflecting power of the roof. As to the ventilating arrangements, the figures in the out. lines illustrating the progress of the currents, a very few re marks here will be sufficient. _ 1. The air is introduced by numerous apertures placed sere ral feet above the ground. 2. It passes immediately as it enters through gauze, the soot and all other impurities mechanically suspended in it ma: be retained. 3.• It enters the lower chamber either by-1. The col( air passage ; 2. The hot air passage ; 3. Or, partly by botl these passages. 4. The air now enters the equalising chamber, which i placed between the floor and the lower air chamber. The de flectors cause it to be distributed equally before it escapes int , the House. _ .. _ 5. From the equalising chamber it escapes by upwards 0 three hundred thousand small apertures under the porous floor cloth, from which it is introduced by millions of apertures intl the House. _. . __ 6. The air now ascends towards the ventilator, which ex tends along the ceiling, escaping more or less by every panel and moving in such a manner that the vitiated air from on , respiration is above the head, and replaced by a pure atm° sphere before another is required. 7. As the vitiated air moves along in the ventilator, its ye locity is regulated by the damper, which is opened to a greats or less degree, according to the number of Members present The damper is ten feet long and six feet deep. 8. Lastly, the air descends by the larger shaft, which lead it into the chimney or ascending shaft, the fire expanding th air there and rendering it specifically lighter, so that from th, inequality of pressure thus induced the equilibrium is destroyed and air propelled through the House, in the manner described by the pressure of the external atmosphere. The ventilating arrangements are under the directions o Mr. Riches and Mr. Urquhart.. Particular arrangements sr' adopted to carry off the air from the outer lobby during diva' sions. Every evening, as the House adjourns, the full power o the ventilator is put in action, the air that now rushes througl the House leaving a purity and freshness of atmosphere w hist it is not easy to produce in any other way. The very small space allowed for the double doors at the entrance of the House, prevents their action from being so corn , plete as is necessary for effectually excluding the influence 0 1 the external air. The greatest difficulty experienced in all ventilating arrange. ments arises from the various effects produced by the very same temperature in different constitutions. The age, the tempera. ment, the mode and habit of life, the previous exposure, an( the different hours at which any refreshment may be taken, al influence so powerfully the sensation produced by the same at mosphere in different individuals, that no rule can be given 5 as to regulate the system of ventilation in such a manner as tc be equally agreeable to all. An average temperature shoal ( be fixed, the ventilator maintaining it as equally as the fluctuat . ing number of Members present will permit. I have the honour to remain, &c. ( Signed) D. B. REID. To the Hight Hon. Lord Duncannon. ... e Arrangements are in progress for ascertaining in what mantle! the air may be most effectually cooled in summer. _____..... FAMILIES RESIDING IN THE COUNTRY are supplied with TEAS and COFFEES at the WHOLESALI PRICE for CASH : 81ack...25. Od. 2s. 4d. 2s. Bd. 3:. 35. 6d. 4s. 4s. 6d. s °' Green.. 3s. Bd. 4s. Od. 4s. Bd. ss. ss. 6d. 6s. 7s. Od. 811 ' Coffee, ls. 6d. Is. Bd. Is. 10d. 2s....Finest Mocha, 2s. When the order exceeds £lO, the Carriage is Paid. G. T. M ANSEL L, and C 0., Wholesale Tea Dealers, 2, Bucklersbury, Cheapside. SILVER TEA AND COFFEE SERVICES.- - T. COX SAVORY, 47, Cornhill, London, offers for selection an elegant and most extensive assortment of Silver Tea Services, v ary' ing in price from 151. to :301., the service of Teapot, Sugar Basin , and Milk Ewer. The ground-floor, and first., second, and third floor so are fitted up expressly for the display of Plate and Plated Goods , and a Pamphlet is given gratis, with Drawings, and a list of prices- T. COX SAVORY, Goldsmith, Watchmaker, and Silversmith , 47, Cornhill, London. BIRTHS. On the 21st. inst., at Brighton, the lady of Sir Hamilton Seymour? his Majesty's Envoy in Belgium, of a daughter. On the 18th inst., at Denmark-hill, Camberwell, Mrs. Thomas Laurence, jun., of a daughter. On the 19th inst., at Brighton, the lady of Major Graham, of 6 daughter. On the 19th inst., at The Hendre, Monmouthshire, the lady y f John E. W. Rolls, Esq., of a son and heir. On the Bth of September, at Chittagong, the lady of A. S. An" nand, Esq., of the Bengal Civil Service, of a daughter. MARRIED. At Paddington Church, Mr. H. Elkington, late of Deptford , Kent, to Jeckoliah, relict of the late Mr. G. 11. Parrott, of Edge ware-road, and eldest daughter of Captain Hitchins, of Tavistock , Devonshire. On the 16th inst., at Clifton, the Rev. 11. Hayes, of Bath, t° Letitia Catherine, eldest daughter of the late Lieutenant-Colon el Lawrence, of Clifton. On th e 18th inst., Mr. A. Willoughby, of Bishopsgate-street, Elizabeth, only daughter of Samuel Mason, Esq., of Earl's-wooot liiegate, Surrey. At St. James's, Westminster, Samuel Brent Jones, to Caroline, youngest daughter of the late Charles Colson, of his Majesty's Sta" tionery-offiee. On the 14th inst., at St. Paul's, Deptford, Chas. J. MuggeridgeP Esq., of Walworth, to Ann Chisman, youngest daughter of the late J. Abutter, Esq., of the former place. On the 16th inst., John Crawley, Esq., of Underhill House; Chipping-Barnet, to Frances Diaper, of the Fulham road, wid ° of John Draper, Esq., Tottenham. DIED. • On the 16th inst., at Paris, Jane, eldest daughter of the late V. Frazer, Esq., of London. On the 20th inst., aged 37, Mr. John Grant, of Pentonville. C. On the 21st inst., Lavinia, eldest surviving daughter of J. Peache, Esq., of Belvidere House, Wimbledon, aged 23. On the 27th December, at St. Helena, Alexander, secontl a pd last surviving son of the late J. Ferriar, M.D., of Manchester- nr On the 18th inst., at the Viearagc,Kirkthorpe, Caroline, wil e , - the Rev. J. Drake, third daughter of the late Rev. R. Assliet °- ' D.D., Warden of Manchester. Apti, On the 16th inst., at the Verrons, near Lcdbury, aged 18, only child of Mr. Hollings, of that place. • Va c ' On the 19th inst., in University-street, aged 10, Benjamin r ee kingham, second son of J. Browne, Esq., and grandson o f GO Davies, Esq., of Scarborough. On the 1301 inst., in Westbourne-place, Eaton-square, r" - „,,t1 William Edwards Donellan, Esq., of Mount Talbot, in the n°- of Roscommon. Lo uiSA On the 9th inst., at Stockholm, the Countess Frances , ea ro Wachtmeister, daughter of the late Baron Rehausen, zaaq. ) „ of Envoy Extraordinary and Mini s ter Plenipotentiary of the 0.3- ' Sweden at this Court. On the 6th of August, at Sydney, New South Wales. ot Leonora, wife of T. C. Harrington, Esq., and eldest daug a A.Esq. On the Leay 17th inst., at Everton, near Liverpool, Elizabeth, (11u51)- ter of the late J. Young, Esq., of Greenwich. e a On the 19th inst., at Cirencester, Wm. Lawrence, Esq.' At Harrow, Martha, wife of W. Bardwell, Esq., architect. d 79, Ou the 3d inst., at Longwitton Hall, :Northumberland, age James Fenwicke, Esq. London: Printed and Published by MURDO YOUN?h°,_,ogoir 112, Strand, at The Sun Office, No. 112, Strand, int ' of Middlesex.—Friday, February 14, 1687, THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 24, 1837.