The Sun. — London, England, 1846-06-12 00:00:00

itglit Gannet, 6 to 1 agst Bold Archer, and 7 to 1 agst Auld L ang Syne. ._ Snake made th e runn i ng , f o llowed by Lebanon, The Con juror, Bold Archer, and several others, to the Swinley post, when the lot was headed by Bold Archer, who maintained the lead to the distance ; Gannet and Auld Lang Syne then singled themselves out, and finished therace,Gannet winning it cleverly by a length, The Conjuror a bad third. Th e New Stakes of 10 sous. each, with 100 added ; for two yrs old colts, Bst 71b; fillies, Bst 31 b; winners pre vious to starting, of 100 sous. value, including the winner's st ake, to car s lbs extra. T.Y.C. ( 42 Subs). Lo (11 • I3entinck's Slander (Abdale) 1 10 ' 1 % Mostyn's fby Picaroon, out of Her Highness ...... ... 2 The follo w i ng cby Camel, out of Young Kean's dam... 3 b followi ng a l so s t ar t e d, but were not placed :—Lord G. e ntinek's Black Cock, Lord Caledon's c by Simoon, out of Cassandra , Mr. E. R. Clark's Miles's Boy, Lord Chesterfield's ;°3' Don John. dam by Ishmael, Mr. Death's Camelford, by Ornel, Mr. Drinkald's ch f So Nice, Mr. Ford's Millwood, 1 . Cr. Ongley's The Maid of Athens, Mr. Stubb's c by ~atnel, out of Zenana. 6 Bettin g -6 to 4 agst Sl an d er , 4t o 1 agst Miles's Boy, unoos. t ° agst Cam e l co l t , 7 to 1 agst Milwood, 8 to 1 agst n colt. and 8 to 1 agst Camelford. ....All got off in a line at the first start, and ran in compact ;','„raY to the road. Lord Caledon's colt then took up the finning, which he carried half way up the distance. Slander, had always been in front, now went in advance, followed the colt out of Young Kean's dam, and Mr. Mostyn's filly, won cleverly by a length, the second beating the third ;a7 ile a head. Nothing was near the first three. a Dinner Stakes, of 100 sovs each, h ft, for the produce of Mares covered in 1842. Colts Bst 71b, fillies Bst 41b ; those got by untried stallions or out of untried mares allowed mr th, of both, slbs. Old Mile. (4 Subs.) C°"lb's fby Glaucus out of Harmony (Bartholomew) 1 Lord Eglinton's Draco 2 Even betti ng. A fi n e race--won by a head. The Stand Plate of 70 sovs. ; three yrs old, 7st 71b ; four, 9at ; five, 9st 81b ; six and aged,.9st 121 b ; mares and geld ings allowed 31b ; horses entered to be sold for 4001. allowed 31b ; for 3001., 71b ; for 2001.,121b ; for 100/., 201 b. Swinley Course. B L . • utetklarn's Philip (200), aged (Templeman) 1 'IL Jaques's Headsman, 3 yrs (100) The following also started, but were not placed :—L-‘rd 440 „ nsdale's c by Bay Middleton, out of Mics Milner; Mr. t terbert's Orion, Mr. Skerratt's Intrepid, Mr. Drew's Con- Lealment, Lord Exeter's Cocoa Nut, Mr. Waller's Columbus, t r. Greville's Deer Chase, Mr. Skerratt's Romance; Mr. Collins's Brunel, Mr. Nun's f by Samarcand, out of La fille aardee ; Mr. Mostyn's Alvanley, Mr. Ramsbottom's fby Iletman Platoff, out of Thomasina. Betting-4 to 1 asst Miss Milner colt, 4to 1 ngst Deer chase, 4 to 1 agst Miss Thomasina colt, 5 to 1 agst Alvanley, —4V to 1 agst Cocoa Nut. Won by half a length. Miss Thomasina colt a good third. DANISH CLAIMS AND COMMON HONESTY. TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN. d lover of honesty and fair play can have read Dan the Lehe (if it may be called such) of yesterday, on the Dash e , iat tile, without feelings of disgust. It really seems as if the n Z'Y object of the existence of Government - in this country ""e to obstruct the course of justice and the cl aims of the %43 1 3 1 e for protection. It is deeply to be regretted that Mr. e r it e w . 4l s stood alone, resting on the obvious Justice and merits r ,„"' "Is case only, while the Government, by an active whip, o —n trived, not by argument, but by mechanical votes, to defeat t ; i le e ntore the settlement of a case on the merits of which ti v el ionse of Commons has five times decided in the affirma to"' The speeches of the two Government mouthpieces e lltained not one argument, and were solely made up of what Sir Thomas Wilde recently well described as " officiai c iu .." 2 ,,5-' ) Permit me, having no personal interest in the 8 0 „7"on, but that of a love of justice, and who has taken b,_.•l Pains to examine the facts of the case, to make a few "I„cotrunents on the two Government speeches. e 4 Z r ; Grealbum adopted quite a new line of argument, it i quite an amusing one : he must have meant gentle satire of the votes retained for the occasion. He professed, forsooth, great consideration for the pockets of the people;i Now., sir, I have always heard that England is es te-4'lY a commercial nation—that her merchants are bet h t ength. I n my school days I learned she was an island, ei l , t ,Ling divers seaports, whence myriads of merchant ships. a ii .;,"ing in the protection of their native Government against ae eui on, departed to all parts of the world, to bring back te ltmt sources of wealth to their native shores. But all this is no .,it'Og to ber.Goulburn. To him she is some Hungary or Poland, iie "Leh, devoid of seaports, unencumbered by merchant fleets. an 2W for such matter no consideration but contempt and Aby rrs• It is in this case t merch the ants of E ngl and who suffered for the allegedhe good of whole count. To ti lVever the events cost at the time these merchants con penuted their full share, and to any public cost now to com th sate their losses they will also contribute. And why are e ij e j a n addition to suffer these tremendous losses, this con -14.4°11 of their property, in order to put money in the cud ets of the King and Government? The pretence is as L, I °w as it is hypocritical. For forty years they have had 4:flitted and just compensation withheld, while Government ti 3 it that ti me b een in possession of its immense ill-gotten ittirlder, obtained by the same act which ruined these eu e ft rella nts, an net which morals have not language dark ag euall to characterise. It was England which made t Bb a r de e ssion against a nation in profound peace with here ade in defiance of every law of nations and of honour , English Ministers have the effrontery to talk of warstrobberies as " captures made in the ordinary course of fa et __ . ' is not material new to show wha is, however, that that at first it was expressly alleged by t Government the l a til ese seizures were contrary to the usages of war and aggre7." nations. England having made such unprovoked Justifiea 3l" ' it , is not to be wondered at that Denmark felt e 1 ,, z , i n and s • in her only self-deter in herself violating those laws Were g English ships on a neutral sea, for these ships n o t t :" seized on the high seas. This is a line of argument th ,,, ucbed by mr. Hawes, but very important, as also is th ._. othei, also not touched by him, but in itself conclusive. re ," England, in her confiscation of Danish property, was t. 41 I ty of a breach of positive English law; as a consequence ;.: 1 t f l iieh it was that English property was confiscated. That 'WY settles the question. It is is curious that every lawyer consulted in this cy.p .L(4 given his opinion in favour of the claimants, bowevc, eOlivenient it might be, when in office, to desert that opinion. No such sophistry as Mr. Cardwell used can alter or afFec, the fact, that th e present Solicitor-General gave hie opinion that the ordinance of 16th August, 1807 (which no man ever yet read and honestly supposed it to be a declaration of war), was NOT a declaration of war. Every act and order in Coun cil of the English and of the Danish Governments confirms this opinion. Had I time, I could cite more than twenty t 'clitl documents in proof of it; and the first I would cite ;would be that very ordinance of the 9 th September . which „ou _ la such a J esu itical, but truly "official" way, Messrs. Ce 1 burn and Cardwell quoted, omitting carefully to state its whole Objects and contents, which are to recite that very ordinance of 16th August, not as a declaration of war, but as an ordi tance for EMBARGO; and to proceed i'self, not to confiscat e r esult property, but to provide for its safe custody till the of eve n t s was known. Would space allow , I could strengthen this ground by numberless facts and authorities. I will only add th a t Lord Ellenborough and Sir Wm. Grant , neither of them idle spectators of events, both had the eve nts of those days brought under their judicial notice, and both decided that no war existed between England 111(1 Denmark at that time or much later; and Lord Ellen borough • expressly held that there did not exist such a state of things as should lead any man of ordinary prudence 3 uPpose war would arise. And he was right. Unless England was guilty of a systematic course of deception and baudman en her own people, as well as on Denmark, no honest "ul l . l could suppose that war would arise. el I ,t is to be observed that towards every part of these claims the same ungracious and dishonourable olistruction ° j justice h as ta k en p l ace . T wo c l asses, aga i ns t w h ose claims a fair col o ur of obj e ction m i g ht h ave b e en raised, have, however, been paid—through some favour and influ ence, it must be presumed. The present class stand a n Point of law, equity, and honesty on a much be•ter foot ing, and, at present, remains unpaid. It is most falsely al leged. that they were silent for twenty years. Why, Sir, there are at this moment in the Treasury numberless peti tions, lodged there in 1808 and succeeding years. This is a tflOst barefaced. and daring ~ official denial." One of these original petitions has been . recelly tlreprinted, aid an ex• cellent one it is. Little di earn'n . g that it would be nega tively it assumes that it will not be, as it has „p t r o oph e, u proved e e , the wish,' and determination, ' of his Majestd's Government to obtain in this manner,' and keep ' a pecuniary gain' to the Cro. ei at the individual expense of its own subjects." h. Itc Well might Goulburn talk of a " new principle." A "new principle," indeed, it is ; a nd one t o be universally exe crated, for a Grover nm ent thus to enrich themselves, and to persist in retaining the Plunder,n merchants. got by wholesale spoliation, at the direct cost of their osr Three Chancellors of the Exchequer ha v e promised pay raent—three tin.'es have the Lords of the Trea su ry expressly referred it to ParliamentP to determine t o whom p a y ment i s Parli am ent adjudged it to the present due-five ti m es hag .. . in defiance of common honesty, claimants; yet do M 2nisters, to their Queen, and in contempt in dereliction of their duty of their duty to the nation of whom they are the hired ser- ment of that tribunal to which they themselves appealed. vents, refuse to obey the judgment If there is no way o f com p ellin g their obedience, defective indeed must be our sys tem of ad ministration of justice. I not believe there is non e. The Proposition is full oic. f n to our liberties. I trust the claimants wide a ger ll not be disheartened, but t hat they will rather redouble their " energies, and arm their ad s facts, as yet wholly untou c he d, which bear upon the case — Yocates with the numerodu, if there is any right , if the re is all any j ustice to be had in England—if Parliament has a n y r or of its own privileges and sense of consistency or honour or office and its f rictions, and deserts not its ; co independence — they must yet succeed in revering that compensation Which has been so long fraudul entl y withheld —l am, Sir, &c OBSERVER. 10th June, 1846. NATIONAL TESTIMONIAL - - - - --- MR. COBDEN. The Times of Saturday contains a statement that a meet. ing has been held in this town, for the purpose of setting on foot a testimonial • Mr. 6obden. This meeting. "I. strictly private, and wished that what passed should not at present tran i s s pi i re lv inough the press. But as the state ment alluded to use have been supplied winthstre; following points incorrk ct, be relied upon. The following lowin g particulars, which may is the statement of the Times: " Letters from Manchester Lee state that the principal mem bers of the Anti- , :orn-law held a meeting on the 3d, and decided that in the event of the e Bill for the importa islature, their staff tion of corn being passed by should be abandoned, a statement of tileeir funds should be disbanded, their rendered, the League paper should 100,000/. for Mr. subscription by the number shonld be reduced to six, and a sub general public should be set on foot, to raise Cobden." The meeting in question had no connexion whatevearliwith the League, and consequently could not de cide at specting the proceedings of that association. In deed , ther er e is at present no committee or co uncil competent to dete rmine on the course marked out by the Times, though it may pro bably be recommended for adoption. The object of the meeting was simply to decide on the preliminary steps for a national tribute to Mr. Cobden. There was a small number of gentlemen of this town present, who were met by a depu tation from Liverpool. An interchange of opinions took place upon the subject. A committee was named, consisting of gentlemen of all shades of political opinion, including some of the leading Conservatives of the town, who had ex pressed themselves favourable to the object. No ultimate amount was named as a sum to be raised, but an opinion was expressed that 150,0001. or 200,0001. might be obtained for this object, if it met generally with the hearty support of the Conservative as well as the 'Liberal party. promises of con tributions, it was announced , had been received from some of the most distinguished members of the Legislature.—Man cheater Guardian. THE ARMY.-It is confidently stated that there will be a grand review of troops in Hyde-park, before his Highness Ibrahim Pacha, either on the 17th or the 19th of the present month, when, in addition to the household infantry and cavalry, the 7th Hussars and Royal Artillery will go through the various movements of a held day, for the gratification of the illustrious foreigners nor in this country. It may 143 added that the various battclions are reserving their ammunition from what are called firing field,. days, in Mitle i Pation of the cyeut. THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY MORNING, JUNE 12, 1846. feast of roses, the " Maids of Cashmere" bearing baskets filled, dance the Pas de Corbeilles, and the ballet concludes with a grand Pas de Neuf, danced by St. Leon, Cerito, Louise Taglioni, and Madetnoisellcs Demelesse, Ca ssan, James, Lamourreux, Julien, and Honore. In this pas Louise Toglioni danced very gracefully, and was deservedly rewarded with an encore, and St. Leon exhibited some of his astonishing tours de force. The crowning triumph, however, was reserved for C( rite, whose copcluding pas was a perfect marvel of choerographic art. Late as the hour was, and fatigued as she must have been, she yet, in compliance with the wishes of the audierce, repeated it, and was rewarded by wreaths and bouquets in numerable, and applause enthusiastic and long-continued. At the conclusion, Cerito, St. Leon, Louise and Signor Pugni, the composer and arranger of the music, were called before the curtain. Great praise is due to Pugni for the music of this ballet. All, save the music illustrative of the scenes in the desert, is his own compo sition. The music illustrative of the desert scenes he has selected with great judgment from Felicien David. The late hour at which we writs prevents us from saying all we could wish to say on the subject of this ballet. We cannot, however, conclude this notice without con gratulating Mr. Lumley on having produced the most magnificent, most poetical, and, in every respect, most perfect ballet that has ever been produced upon the boards of her Majesty's Theatre. COURT OF COMMON COUNCIL. Yesterday a Court was hell for the dispatch of public business. THE KING OF THE FRENCH-ROW BETWEEN THE TWO :ovx The LORD MAYOR said it was extremely gratifying to him to state that ne had received a letter from his Ma jesty the King of the French, in answer to the address of that Court.—(Loud cheers.) His Lordship then rose to read the letter from King Louis Philippe, which was on Tuesday last received with such enthusiasm in the Court of Aldermen, and which, it will be remembc red, was an answer, through the medium of his Lordship, to addresses from both Courts. Mr. W. JONES moved that, previously to the reading of the letter of the King of the French, the address voted to his Majesty by the Corporation of London in that Court—which address had, from punctilious mo tives, been withheld from the publi c e y e —should be read. ul b s e drelslsleofetre r c t or p o having rat o u u n s a b n o i m Mr. WIRE rose and said , it app eared that two ad dresses had been sent to the K in g of the French, the l y r read, agreed th a t the al one from the Court of Comm on Council, which was the Court of Lord Mayor , A ldermen, and Commons ; and the other from the Court of Aldermen itself, notwith standing the distinct agreement between the two Courts that no more than one address, assented to by both, should be transmitted by one ambassador. He wished to be informed by his Lordshi p whether such was the case ? The LORD MAYOR—Yes ; there were two addresses — one from each Court. Mr. LAwnEteen said that the act of the Court of Aldermen in sending a separate address to his Majesty was a gross breach of faith. It was most distinctly un derstood that the address should be the address of the united body of the Corporation.—(Cheers.) The Court of Aldermen was not the Corporation, and that Court had been guilty of most mean and contemptible conduct, and had, to use vulgar but appropriate language, jilted the Corporation. — (Hear, hear.) Upon any future oc casion, whether it should be necessary to address our own or any other Sovereign, the Court must not forget the insincere and reprehensible course pursued by the Court of Aldermen and put no faith in the declaration of that body.---(Hear, hear.) It should be known to the public that after the members of both Courts had come to the perfect agreement that the one address, which re presented their united sentiments, should be transmitted to her Majesty, the Aldermen had in a corner deter mined to violate their pledge, and had by stealth con veyed to the Ambassador separate communications. Alderman i.‘sir C. MARSHALL regretted to hear such strong language.—(Cries of .‘ You shall have stronger," and laughter.) He had been put down in the Court when he called upon the members to have the address agreed to by the Court of Aldermen read. If they had called for that address, there would have been no occa sion for the present ill-feeling. Mr. ANDERTON said it was quite evident that a most unworthy trick had been played upon the Court of Common Council. The deputation, of which he was one, were accompanied by the Lord Mayor, and his Lordship presented the address. The LORD MAYOR—I presented two addresses. Mr. ANDERTON—Why, I thought you were a regular John Bull Lord Mayor, The LORD MAYOR—and so I am. Who denies it ? Mr. ANDERTON—I must declare that I am disap pointed. I went up as a member of a deputation of five to present the address from the Corporation of London. If I had known that another address was to accompany ours I would not have gone up at all, for I could not sanction the delivery of an address to the Ambassador which was wholly unknown to the delegation.—(Hear, hear.) I hope the Court will protect itself against any future deception of the kind. I know that there are men of as much honour, credit, and reputation in this Court as there are in the Court of Aldermen, and I trust that henceforward we shall go hand and heart together in support of our own rights and independence, and leave the Court of Aldermen to support theirs in the best way they can.—(Cheers and laughter.) Now, I shall ask your Lordship one question. Did your Lordship receive two, or only one answer ? The LORD MAYOR—OnIy cne. Mr. ANDERTON—Then the deputation ought to have been called together, and the communication should have beer. made to its members before the subject was mentioned to either Court.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. W. JONES stated, as a member of the deputation, that there had been only one address under the consi deration of the Committee from the beginning to the end, and no idea had been suggested of a separate ad.. dress from the Court of Aldermen.—(Hear, hear.) The Court of Common Council had not been dealt with by the Court of Aldermen with candour, fairness, or com mon honesty. Mr. WIRE moved that the letter of the King of the French be entered upon the minutes of the Court, and that the original be deposited in a box, and kept in the library of the cor poration.—t Cheers.) He regretted that any dis agreement should have taken place between the Courts, but after all it was a disagreement arising from the en thusiastic feeling of admiration and respect entertained towards the great man whom they all sought to honour. —(Cheers.) It was not his intention, of course, or his wish to enter any record of the discussion which had taken place, but he hoped the Lord Mayor would signify to his brethren that something had occurred.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) Advice from such a source would hales the beneficial effect of preventing the rivalry which might otherwise take place bewteen the constituent parts of a great bedy to the very existence of which union was indispensable.—(Cheers.) Mr. ANDERTON seconded the motion of Mr. Wire, and expressed a sincere hope that the Lord Mayor would never condescend to be made a tool of by the Court of Aldermen.—(Laughter.) shallT lle bLORDe madeMAYOß o — l There s n either ot the Court.—(Laughter, least o urt danger (Lau that b t h e a r t l , and cries of '° Hear, hear.") Mr. ANDERTON trusted that the glorious and intrepid monarch, whose escape they were celebrating, would live long in complete happiness. He hoped to see his Ma jesty at Guildhall, where the Corporation of London would entertain him without the hazari of being served out by any tricks reouliar to the genius of the aentlemen of the Court of Aldermen.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) the arine C r' ou p r a t Mr. W. LAWRENCE begged to be allowed to say a word or two. He could not help expressing astonishment at in we s r oe about surreptitious t o apply to m w ou he c n ou t u h e e i y l the conduct of the Court of Aldermen in having acted to mrt o ic f ul c a o rl m y upon the subject of a heavy expenditure they talked of incurring. The motion was then carried amidst loud cheers, and a lithographed copy of the address and his Majesty's letter was ordered to be sent to each member of the Court. FRENCH PLAYS—ST. JAMES'S THEATRE. Frequently as we have seen Dejazet in the character of the young Duke, in Les Premieres armes de Richelieu, never did we see her act the part with more spirit than she did on Wednesday evening. Every point told, and her manner of giving the couplets was pefectly epigrammatic. She was most efficiently supported by Mademoiselle St. Marc, as the Duchess, who looked and acted the part a nzerveille. Her Royal Highness the Duchess of Cambridge, accemp:inied by Prince George, and attended by the Baroness Ahlefeldt and Mr. Edmund St. John Mildmay, honoured the performances with their presence, THE LATE POPE GREGORY XVI. (From the Constitutionnel of June 9.) The death of Gregory XVI. is an important event, as well for Italy as for all Europe. Religious questions of grave im port are pending at this moment, and the change of Pontiff, and consequently of the Cardinal Secretary of State, may be the source of new difficulties between the Court of Rome and the European Governments. With respect to Italy, this so ill-timed a death may give rise to new insurrections, for dis content is general from Papal misgovernment, and the agita tion of the public mind increases from day to day. It will be remembered that in 1831, when Gregory XVI. ascended the Pontifical throne, a revolution broke out in central Italy, and that the movement extended in a few days over al: the Roman states. Austria soon interfered, and the occupation of the country by foreign troops prevented a revolution, but the causes of complaint continued to exist. These were so evident, that even the representatives of the great Powers deemed them well-founded, and on the 21st of May, 1831, they delivered to Cardinal Bernetti, the new Secretary of State, the celebrated " memorandum " containing the political and administrative reforms which Gregory XVI. was advised to adopt. The Court of Rome promised those reforms, and it is well known how she kept her promise. Fresh disturbances arose and as a conse quence Austria again interfered, and decided France on the occupation of Ancona. The French Ministry had then for President Casimir Perier, who planned the expedition to Ancona, not only with a view to counterbalancing the power of Austria in Italy, and of securing the independence of the Roman States, but of also forcing the Pope to introduce into his government " real and positive ameliorations," and of a nature to place the safety of the Holy See upon a more stable foundation than that of a periodical repression, and to secure the satisfaction of the people by complying with their legitimate wants and adopting enlightened views. The Papal Government was, however, re-established in the dis turbed provinces without any ameliorations. Despite the promises of the Pontiff, the words of Casimir Perier—not withstanding the solemn act of the Ancona people in 1832 when asking for institutions and reforms —notwithstanding petitions and protests from tho - se same communal and pro vincial councils, consisting of persons appointed by the Court of Rome itself—from that period, and especially since Cerdinai Lambruschini has been in power, the Papal Go vernment has followed a retrograde movement. Thus, in surrections have pretty rapidly followed one another in the legations. The disturbances in the province of Bologna in 1810 are still fresh, as also those at Rimini and other parts of Romagna last year. The patriots of Romagna published at that time a manifesto, in which they set forth the cause of the revolt, as also the reforms wished for by the people: The moderation and the justice of these demands were ad mitted by every one; still the Court of Rome has obstinately persisted in refraining from applying any remedy to that state of things. The disorder of the administration has con tinued. The financial deficit has increased. Military com missions, political tribunals, ecclesiastical jurisdictions, the Inquisition, have been upheld; consequently discontent is universal, persecutions are unceasing, the prisons always full, and the number of emigrants increasing. The evil is so great in the Roman states, that resignation is no longer possible. And if the powers of Europe, who value so much the maintenance of peace, do not compel the Court of Reins to adopt the institutions pointed out by the memorandum of the 21st of May, 1831, as also the manifesto of September, 1845, another and more serious insurrection may be expected. Such a movement would, no doubt, be favourable to the views of Austria, which newer would be glad to - have a pretext for a fresh occupation of the legations. But will France suffer such an occupation? Will she not rather seek to prevent it, by forcing, as Casimir Perier said, the Pope to introduce in to his government " real and positive improvements, of a nature to place the safety of the Hcly See upon a more stable foundation than that of a periodical repression ?" We shall see whether Ministers will this time lose sight of the dignity and interests of the country, and if it will forget what the most influential members of the Cabinet said in the debate which took place in the Chamber of Deputies respecting the evacuation of Ancona. Meanwhile the part which M. Rossi, the French Ambas sad,r at Rome, has to play is most important under existing circumstances. It is well known that it is in the conclave that will open on the 11th inst. that the Ambassadors of the Catholic Powers bring into action all their means in sup port of their influence, either seeking to raise to the Pope dom a cardinal of their choice, or obtaining the exclusion of one who might be displeasing to their Governments. It is said that the Cardinal who has the most chance of being elected Pope is Cardinal Fransoni, a Genevese, born in 1775, end the present Prefect of the Propaganda. He is said to be a partisan of the Jesuits. (From the Siecle.) The Benedictine friar whom the conclave of 1831 elected Pope is dead. The encyclical letter in which he condemned the liberty of the press—the cruel acts of repression which have desolated the Roman provinces, and which were so easy to calm by the introduction of reforms—the welcome given to the Emperor Nicholas—and, lastly, the odious letter cen suring the efforts which the unfortunate Poles made against their oppressors—such are the acts which attach themselves to this reign, and which, in our judgment, do not suffice to recommend his memory. In our opinion, the late Pope was one of those men who, notwithstanding some eminent quali ties, was adapted rather to diminish the influence of religion, than to raise it in the eyes of the people. He might have been an excellent monk, but he possessed not the soul of a Sovereign capable of protecting the weak against the powerful. The election of a new Pope is not a question of small importance; and the means of influencing this election will not fail France, who can count upon the co-operation of Spain, and would possess, we are convinced, the good wishes of the Courts of Turin and Naples. But all will de pend on the instructions that are forwarded from Paris to 31. Bresson, to the Duke of Montebello, and to Count Rossi. Would the French Government dare to advance an opinion, to support a candidate opposed to Austria and the Jesuits? We can hardly think so. M. Guizot would not wish to run the risk of displeasing Prince Metternich in an affair which concerns, it is true, the greatest interests of France and Europe, but which, however, does not compromise his Minis .erial existence. CITY FREEDOMS. The Committee brought up a report of the proceedings in the late trial against Mr. Sturt. A very interesting debate ensued, but as the matter was adjourned till the next meeting of the Court, we think it better to postpone the report until the discussion shall have concluded. The subject appears to excite a considerable sensation amongst the citizens. ( From Galignani's Illesscnger.) The Church of Rome is now rendering to the deceased Pope its last offices, which are called the Noven Diali, because they last nine days. The Cardinals, formally as sembled, exercise the sovereign authority and are making preparations for the great act of the election of a successor to the late Pontiff, who must be one of their body. The diplomatists are admitted to short audiences. Each Minister after the usual compliments ventures to give his private recommendations, but always in general terms, waiting till his letters of credence are to be enounced, and which must be addressed to the Sacred College, which receives them at the grated wicket of the Conclave. In the evening of the day on whieli the Cardinals enter into the Conclave they proceed there in procession, chanting the Yen:, C reator. During this evening the members of the diplomatic body may enter the Conclave, and even the cells or apartments of the Cardinals. At the closing in of the night an official walks through the corridors ringing a bell, as the signal of departure, and the Conclave is closed in, not to be re-opened until after the election is consummated. All this will pass on the 11th inst., between seven and ten o'clock. The Conclave is guarded by a Prince, called the Marshal of the Conclave, posted at the outer gates. The first steps in the election will be taken on the 12th. All business is sus pended during the sitting of the Conclave ; even the tribunals suspend their proceedings, and the only authorities that retain their functions are the Camerlingua, the Grand Penitentiary, and the Vicar of Rome. No order can be issued from any other authority without being specially confirmed by the assembled Cardinals, which confirmation is transmit ted immediately to the Governor of Rome and the Trea surer-General. According to the custom which has always been observed, the arrival of the Cardinal Legates, and the foreign Cardinals will be waited for before the election is se riously entered upon. The first may arrive at Rome in time for the second or third day of the Noven Dinfi, and the others by the twentieth day after the death of the Pope; conse quently there can be no election before the 20th inst., unless some unforeseen event shall occur. To constitute a valid election, the candidate must obtain at least two-thirds of the votes minus his own. If 45 Cardinals are assembled he must have :10 votes, and if there be 46 the majority must be 31. It the Conclave he composed of 57 members the election will be completely canonical if one of the candidates has 38 votes without reckoning his own. The following n T o ß tic E e F re O la ß ti E v POST-OFFICE NOTICE. I e G t N o MAILS. the fore i gn mails, was on Wednesday-affixed at the chief office, St. Martin's le-Grand : India, &c., rid Southampton Thmails for e next Gibraltar, Malta. Greece, lonian Islands, Egypt, India, and China, rid S ou thampton, will be dispatched from hence on the 20th inst. The Queen due 15th inst. India, &c. (Overland) Mails—The next mails for the Me diterranean, Indi 1, China, Ite., via Marseilles, will be dis patched from hence on the 25th inst. The Peninsular, &c., Mails—The next mails for Lisbon, Madeira, Oporto, Vigo, Cadiz, Gibraltar, &e., will be dis patched from hence on t he 17th inst.. will West Indies, Brc.—The next m atls ibe dispatched on t h e 17th inst. The Medway, for the a bove mails of the 17th inst. The Clyde due 22d hist. Bu nos kvres—The next mails will Madeira. Brazils, and i,. ~. . li .• ' ' • brig P • - th of ,Li.v. Her aiesly s en be dispatched on the , , inst , with guin arrived at Falmouth on the Bth the above 11 qiled 'the Bth inst. from mails. Her Majesty' s brig ,ea,a , Falmouth, with all letters ported in London up to the even ing of the 6th inst. Sydney, New South Vales—The next mails dispat ched from hence on the 30th inst. h North America—The next mails for British America, Ber muda, and the United States will be dispatched from hence on the 18th inst. The Britannia, due on the 15th, will con vey the above to Livcrp•iol. RAGGED SCIWOLS.— O n Sunday last the Lamb.court Sabbath and D ay Free Ragged Schools, Clorkenwe ll. gre en, were visited by tha Lord Bishop of Norwich, who was introduced to the schools by the Rev. Hugh Hughes, B. 1)., rector of the parish John, Clerkenwell, the pat ron. His Lordship spent a considerable time in examining th e children and the general iirrAllgellielltap with wlllcll DA amend Plush PlAtigution. of St. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. = that Mr. Bright got a sea t f or t h e county of D urham. He HOUSE OF LORDS June 11. t thought it was a most unwarranta bl e personal attack upon his , Earl SHAFTESBURY took his seat on the Woolsack at a personal character. CORN-LAWS. quarter to Five. MESSAGE FROM THE COMMONS. The Duke of RICHMOND presented a petition from For far in Scotland, against the proposed measure of the Govern t. o o f the L O p r N . 0 l t ) e c O t i N on D s E oc ß i e R t y Y , — b u T t The vi N I o o b n l g e a g L o o r i d s Messengers from the Commons brought up thirty-six Bills, merit. principally for railways. saidT hle CORN LAWS. Lord CAMPBELL presented a petition from Cupar, in that?—(Laughter.) It is more than two years ago. s--(Great belonged liar uis Thequestion has undergone considerable Fifeshire, praying their Lordships to pass the Bill for the laughter.) . repeal of these laws with as little delay as possible, and withoute change since that pe r iod. any alteration whatever. Petitions were also p resen t e d f rom various places in Scot- The Earl of WINCHELSEA said, if a const i tutional course land, by the same Nobl e L or d, pray i ng their Lordships to • was proceeded with, and if there was an app ea l to the people adopt some measures for a ff or di ng s i tes for churches for the made, they would find that the great body of th e p eop l e had Free Church of Scotland. , not changed their opinions upon the subject. The Duke of RICHMOND cou ld not allow the present oc- ! L9NDON AND YORK. casion to pass without vindicating himself from charges which The Earl of LOVELACE moved the discharge of th e had been brought agai n st hi m f or re f using to grant sites' Committee of the London and York Bill.—Agreed to. for the Free Church of S co tl an d ; h e stated that in every case ! The Duke of RICHMOND then moved, that the Bills not where application had been made to him for these sites he had considered by that Committee should be re-committed. granted them. He gave them spots of ground which he con- ! LUNATIC ASYLUMS. sidered best for th em , an d h e th oug h t a l and l ord should know The Duke of RICHMOND presented several petitions best what was proper for them. ; from Gloucester and Hereford against the Lunatic Asylums Lord CAMPBELL, said that after having presented so Bill. The Noble Duke also presented a petition from the many petitions on the subject, he considered it fair only to ' board of guardians of the Chichester union against the pro say that the Noble Duke had acted in the kindest spirit, and posed law of settlement. he did not consider the Noble Earl had any just complaint to I The Duke of WELLINGTON requested the Noble Duke offer upon the subject. The members of the Free Church were to put off the question of which he had given notice. exposed to the most unjust persecution in many places. They After a few words from the Earl of Winchilsea, the Earl of were not allowed to worship en the roads and highways, Radnor, Lord Abinger, the Earl of Wicklow, and Lord Redes and they were obliged to build iron steamers and moor them dale, the subject dropped. on the sea-shore, in order to have a place where they could CORN-LAWS. unmolested worship their Creator. Now if thi s s t a t e o f t hi ngs E ar l GREY presented a petition numerously signed by continued, he was prepared to move some measure which should Persons residing in th e county of Staffordshire in favour of the put an end to this abuse of the rights of property. corn-laws. Lord BROUGHAM considered that it was a very great mis take of his Noble and Learned Friend to say that it was perse cution in landlords to exercise their just rights. He never would allow any person in his presence to term such an exercise a persecution. No person had a right to take his property , without his consent, and he would advise the Free Church not to make their cause unpopular by endeavouring to force any interference upon the subject. The Earl of FITZ WILLIAM brought up the report upon the Harwich and Eastern Counties Railway Bill. RAILWAY LEGISLATION. The Duke of WELLINGTON said that, in consequence of the remark which fell from the Noble Lord opposite in respect to what had been 'aid by his Noble Friend, be felt bound to say that if the Noble Lord had given any notice of his inten tion his Noble. Friend the President of the Board of Trade would have been present, or he (the Duke of Wellington) would have been prepared to give every information which could have referred to the question. Earl Fl'l Z WILLIAM thought that all railways should be considered as public ways, and that the Government should not give to the company the actual property of the ground on which the railway was laid down. Such a course would remove the grievance of which his Noble Friend complained. With re spect to any other remedy, it would be el,fficult to find one suit able for the purpose. Great difficulty was found last year in coming to any conclusion with respect to the compensation to be awarded for land which in the ordinary coarse of things must be interfered with by a railway. The Marquis of LONDONDERRY thought the property of a person's mines was affected by railways. PETITION . OF RIGHT. Lord BROVGHAM presented a petition from Isabella Ainslie, praying that some steps should be taken by their Lordships to enable them to obtain a fiat in a petition of right which they had presented twelve months since. Some discussion arose upon the question of the practice in this case, in which the Lord Chancellor, Lords Brougham, Campbell, and Cottenham took part. REFORMATION OF CRIMINALS. The Duke of RICHMOND presented several petitions from Lincoln, praying that their Lordships would take some steps for providing that criminals discharged from public prisons, should be received into houses of occupation, where, by some honest industry, they might be enabled to earn their livelihood. Any measure having such an object, he would admit, would experience many difficulties ; but he would put it to their Lordships—was not that a reason why they should refuse to attempt it, particularly as they were aware that the number of juvenile offenders was on the increase?_( Hear, hear.) It was a lamentable fact, that a young creature who, before he knew the difference between right and wrong, having com mitted some offence, was imprisoned, and having there met evil companions, when he was discharged, the only resource which he had was to commence a course of evil. This was in consequence of their having no refuge to fly to, and he conjured their Lordships to take some measures to put a stop to this great evil. Institutions for this purpose had been established in England, but he thought that it was the duty of Government to take the matter into their own management.—(Hear, hear.) He did not wish to ask the Government now what was their inten tion on this subject, but he purposed giv;ng, notice to-morrow of his intention to bring the subject fully before the House, and finally move that a select Committee be appointed to consider the question. The Bishop of LONDON presented a petition to the same effect as those presented by the Noble Duke, remarking at the same time that the present treatment of juvenile criminals after their discharge in England, was a disgrace to the country.— ( Hear, hear.) The country had neglected or forgotten its duty, and the cause was left to the efforts of those who took an interest in the welfare of the human race and the country. It was difficult in the present state of the people of this country, and the present artificial state of society, that the subject should be taken in hand by the Government, except in the form of an inquiry. The experiment of the model prison at Pentonville had wonderfuly answered the benevolent inten tions of those who sanctioned its formation. He was of opinion that the experiment should be first tried by the • exertions of a body of associated individuals, who would be enabled to come before Parliament with a case of successful experiment, which would necessarily have its due weight. There was a benevolent individual in this country named Mr. Wright, of Manchester, who had taken in hand no less than 90 criminals sentenced to various terms of imprisonment, and subjected them of their own free will to a course of instruction in useful industry, and he had been the blessed means of restoring to the country, to the Church, and to society no less than sixty-three of them. If one benevolent man could effect so much by his exertions, what could be done by a well-matured scheme, carried out by the Government of a Christain country? After a few words from Lord LY TTELTON, which did not reach the gallery, CORN LAWS. Lord COMBERMERE presented a petition from a county meeting of Cheshire against the corn-laws. Lord DELAMERE was well acquainted with the opinions of the inhabitants of the county of Cheshire, and believed that they were generally in favour of the Bill before the House. He supported the Bill, because he believed it would be a great public benefit, and would be far from inflicting any injury. He did not credit that it would interfere with any of their established institutions, as it had been asserted. If he con sidered that it would, he would be far from supporting it. Lord COMBERMERE—As to what the Noble Lord said that it was a very popular Bill with the county of Lanca shire he could only say that such was not the case, but the Noble Lord must have taken his opinions from Stock port or that part of the county, as Le could state that the contrary was the fact in other parts of the county, where he was intimately acquainted, and where large meetings of the tenant-farmers had expressed their opinions against it. Lord DEL AM ERE was not aware that such had been the fact He admitted that this was not a fai mer's but a landlord's Bill. The Duke of RICHMOND thought the tenant-farmers had been ill-used upon the question, for no sooner did they present petitions against the Bill than up got a Noble Lord and said he knew the farmers were not against the Bill. What would their Lordships think when he told them that the Noble Lord who .had just explained was a subscriber to the Cheshire Protection Society, of which the Noble personage he had al luded to, as being favourable to this Bill, was the president. When the question was first agitated in the House of Com mons the tenant-farmers of Cheshire got up a society to pre serve protection, and their cry was " Protection, and nothing but protection, as it then existed." Now he found these two Noble Lords joined that Society, and supported it with their great influence, and contributed to its funds. He had no doubt the farmers of Cheshire were grateful to them for what they did, but he thought this gratitude would not last very long.— (Hear, hear.) An occasion would shortly present it self when the Cheshire farmers would have an opportunity of expressing their opinion on the subject, and he trusted they would follow the example of Nottinghamshire, Gloucestershire, and the other counties, and form themselves into Com mittees, so as not to return any man who had abandoned the principles he professed in 1842.—(Hear, hear.) They had the game in their own hands, they were an influen tial portion of the people of this country, and it they only chose to exert themselves, even if this Bill did now pass, the day would shortly come when they would be able to repeal it. His Noble Friend the Noble and Gallant Duke, the other day, recommended their Lordships to pass this Bill, because he said there must be a new Parliament before long, and that if they did not pass it now they might expect the Bill to be sent before them by the Members of a new House of Commons.—( Hear, hear.) He (the Duke of Richmond) most sincerely believed that many of the greatest agitators with respect to the repeal of the corn-laws were really DOW alarmed at what they had done.— ( Hear, bear. ) He believed that many of them had no idea whatever that free trade was to be carried with respect to every article in which they themselves dealt.—( Hear, hear.) And h e believed that at th e time that the y asked for another and entire repeal of the corn-laws, their object was that they might ask for more than they really wanted, in order that they might make terms between the parties.—(Hear, bear.) However, the Bill was not yet passed, and he hoped and trusted that it would not pass as it at present stood.—( Hear, hear.) Lord DELAM ERE said that it was not in his recollection that he ever subscribed to a protection society; if he had done so this was the first time he was aware of it.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) But he never had, and never would, belong to such a society. The Marquis of LONDONDERRY thought they were not advancing the interests of the public by making violent de clamation as to what the farmers thought en this subject in one part of the country, and what they thought in another part. He would ask the Noble Duke how many petitions had been presented to that House by the farmers of Ireland against this Bill ? Was it not extraordinary that this country, which was to be so much affected by this Bill, had not petitioned their Lordships not to pass it ? He thought the Noble Duke rather exaggerated when he spoke of the feelings of the tenant farmers , and he must say that the Noble Lord had, in his mind, given very satisfactory proofs that there existed among the tenant-farmers different opinions on this subject. He thought, too, that it was not right for the Noble Duke to be continually addressing their Lordships (and he always took care to close his speeches with some open and some great and terrible denunciation against the principle of free trade) when petitions on this subject were presented to the House. The Marquis of SALISBURY concurred withheieesshNoble speeches Friend, that much good was not done by on these petitions—(Hear)—but he begged his Noble Friend at the same time to recollect that the custom had originated with the Noble Lord behind him. He knew, that in e v ery county in England the tenant-farmers we re almost no," and, against this Bill.—(Cheers, and cries of " No, n w o tilhoe a w n e d: e ` No doubt the tenant-farmers of Durham, ° h l represented ohl) in Parliament by one of the agitators of Anti-corn Law League, did hold opinions in favour of this Bill.—( Hear, hear.) If he were to assert that which he believed he might, he should say that a considerable portion of the mill owners of Lincolnshire were averse to free-trade. Some Noble Lord said they were very anxious for it. As far as he had looked at the petition on the subject, he found that there had not been a single petition of the tenant-farmers in favour of the measure. It was too much for his Noble Friend to find fault with the Noble Duke on the cross benches for making a violent de clamation on this subject. The tenant-farmers had done all they could to prove their dislike to the Bill. They . had met in every county in England, and had presented petitions to this and to the oth er H ous e, begging that the Leg islature would not be guilty of such a breach of faith to them. The Marquis of LONDONDERRY said, that after the x —( Laughter)— a e ex traordinary personal attack made upon bim felt it necessary to make some remarks. He_had Her ted _th t the tenant-farmers were not opposed to the Bill. had on sever a l occasions listened in the House to the Noble Duke, who had made strong rema rks after every petition he presented. Such a course was not usual, and when he remarked it the Noble Marquis got up and made a most extraordinary per sonal attack on hire.--(Laughter.) It wag not through hire The Marquis N M s O D K O E w N N UE Woods and Forests, what was the reason that th e re p ort of the C to inquire into this subject, bad not beforeonamission, appointed laid upon their Lordship s table ? that pe r i o d b een Viscount CANNING stated that the report would be ready to-morrow. It was quite an accid en t t h at the re had, two months since, been se n t t o the House of which ure of Commons had not been laid before their Lordships. CORN IMPORTATION BILL. The Earl of RIPON' moved that the order of the day, for going into Committee on this Bill be read. The Earl of STANHOHE rose for the purpose of opposing the motion of the Noble Earl, and moving as an amendment that the Bill be committed upon that day six months. He had not either the vanity or the presumption to think that any observations he could make to their Lordships could affect the course which their Lordships intended to adopt.—(Hear, hear.) He was aware that after the many able and eloquent speeches which had recently been delivered by several Noble Lords in that House, and more especially after that admirable and unanswerable speech of the Noble Lord, whom he then saw in his place (Lord Stanley), a speech, whether from the arguments which it contained, or the eloquence with which it was adorned, or the valuable in • formation w 16212 it contained, appeared to him superior to any thing which he had ever heard upon the subject. He was, however, unwilling to give a silent vote upon the question. He ;would consider it in some degree a dereliction of the duty which he owed to his country, if he did not make some obser vations upon this question. They were then arrived at a crisis far more important than any to which their Lordships had hitherto arrived, and which must be so regarded when their Lordships considered the amount of interest involved, and above all the social as well as political results which would follow this measure. Such a measure as the present had never before been before a Committee of their Lordships, had never been introduced by any party, and there never was a proposition, in whatever quarter it might originate, which was so feebly and so miserably defended by so many false assumptions and false arguments. It was in the first place assumed that there was imminent danger of famine in Ireland, because there was in some districts, net in all, a deficiency, not a failure, in the crop of potatoes. But it was at that time satisfactorily proved, in a manner which ad mitted of no possibility of doubt, that there was even then, and still was, an abundance of sustenance for the people of that country, and especially of that sort which formed the principal articles of snstenance to the poorer classes. The crop of pota toes had been'more than usually abundant. He did not deny —on the contrary, he deeply deplored, the distress of the people of Ireland. That distress arose, not from the scarcity of food, but unfortunately in this year, as in many others, there had been a lamentable state of destitution to which all the labourers of the country had been reduced in consequence of the want of employment. He believed that the reports to the great autocrat of the Cabinet,in November last, upon the failure of the potato crop, had been both er roneous and exaggerated. He thought that if there had been a scarcity of food, the then existing corn-laws had the power of adjusting themselves to that state of the country. The Government had acted very unwisely in giving publicity to these reports. They had had the effect of raising the price of corn in the foreign market, and had induced those parties who had a stock by them to hoard it instead of selling it. Sir Robert Peel, for reasons best known to himself, had encouraged and fostered this panic. If the order in council was necessary, it should have been made only for a short pe riod, and there was no necessity for the present measure; but the Prime Minister said he was not prepared to make such an order unless he brought forward some settlement of the corn question ; and such was the origin of the question they were now discussing. The old fable of the mountain in labour which brought forth a mouse was reversed, for it was a mouse which had conceived and brought forth a mountain— (Laughter)—for they had a Prime Minister who was raised to eminence by the hopes and expectations which his party enter tained that he would be true to his colours, and that he would not desert the principles which he had uniformly professed. And how had he kept his promise ? By bringing in a measure which would throw the country into confusion, which brought discredit on the nation, and ruined the confi dence of the people in the faith and worthiness of all public men. Could the Minister be misled by any party, who had so deceived his own ? Could they repose confidence in any man who could act in such a manner? And what confidence could they repose in Sir Robert Peel? In his opinion, as soon as he discovered the good effects of free trade, he should have refused his post, for which, by his own confession, he was wholly in competent.—( Hear, hear.) But they were told that there was no inconsistency in Sir Robert Peel's conduct by another Noble Lord, and that ever since 1842 his principles were wrapped in obscurity. He himself was appealed to, and asked, had not he expressed his doubts on the sincerity of the Minister? He had, with his usual frankness, done so, when measures wero brought forward which he considered would be dangerous to the country. But that was an assertion which he could never admit to have truth in it.—(Hear, hear.) They bad been told that this conversion in the Minister was the result of his experience ; now he would say that there might be some truth i n that assertion, and that a great change had taken place when he saw the exertions of the Anti Corn-law League, and the sluggishness of his own supporters, and that he considered that the active party was the stronger ; but he (Lord Stanhope) wished that he would discover his mistake. But he would ask, why change a system which had been at tended with such beneficial results? They were now called, upon the mere ipse dixit of the most rash and presumptuous Minister, to change that line of conduct which had raised them to eminence. He trusted that they would not do so, and that they would reverence those institutions which had conferred such beneficial effects upon the country. If the principles of free trade were those of common sense, they had a right to have them applied in the fullest extent, but they were not, or they would have a measure of that kind before them, for to him such a measure would be less objectionable than the pre sent. But had any person on the other side of the House the hardihood, the temerity, to offer such for their adop tion. He dared them to do so. They could not do so, as they would ruin the commerce of the country, and effectually restore in all its force the protective system of their ancestors. —( Hear, hear.) He conjured their Lordships not to pass the Bill, as it would ruin the interests of thousands of their fellow countrymen, who earned their bread by the sweat of their brow, and who were not properly represented in the ether House of Parliament. If prices were to remain the same after the passing of this measure, he defied its most anxious and ingenious supporter to show its utility.—(Hear, hear.) If the prices were to remain the same as had been re presented, what became of the cry of cheapness ? Where would the large loaf come from ?—( Hear, hear.) He feared very much that the large loaf would dwindle into something like a penny roll. It was perfectly apparent, that it was only by a considerable reduction in the wages of their working people that the manufacturers of this country could com pete with foreign countries. The first Minister of the Crown introducing this measure, had said that its main object was not to produce cheapnessof food. It was plain, therefore, that he was a mere instrument in the hands of the Anti-Corn-law Leaguers to aggrandise themselves at the cost of their fellow countrymen. No free discussion of the subject of the corn laws had been permitted at Covent-garden, or any other places where the members of that League had held their meetings— if any one attempted to oppose them he would be speedily ejected.—(Hear, hear.) This was not merely a landlord's question, as had boen represented ; the tenant-farmers of England were vitally interested in it, and he felt, that if it passed into a law, they would be ultimately ruined. It had been said that this country could not produce sufficient corn for the people it contained, but he felt satisfied, that if it were properly cultivated, it could feed many millions more than the present population. He challenged any man to produce any country in :which the prices and profits of labour were uni...‘ formly low, and at the same time it was found practicable for any the most despotic or oppressive monarch to raise a large amount of taxation. It had been said that the farmers of this 'country had proved themselves to be de fi cient i n skill and industry ; but he repelled the charge as a gross calumny. —( Hear, hear.) If this Bill passed into a law, what was to become of the occupiers of small plots of land?—(Hear, hear.) They formed a most valuable, important, and meri torious class of the community. They occupied an inter mediate position between the labourers and large farmers, and they had declared that this measure would compel them to leave their homes, and give themselves up to desti tution and despair.—(Hear, hear.) Were their Lordships prepared to act thus harshly towards millions of their fellow citizens and subjects?—( Hear, hear.) And not only would that portion of the community, but even those who so cla mourously cried out for this measure at the meetings of the Anti-Corn-law League would be ruined by it, for when the small tenant-farmers were ruined the manufacturers would lose all the advantages of the British home-market.—(Hear, hear.) Even if no land were thrown out of cultivation by this mea sure, the farmers of this country would be compelled to dis pose of their produce at a price which would IA not remunerate their toil, in consequence of the great influx of foreign pro duce. In the year 1842 their Lordships saw the calamitous effects of reducing the wages in the manufacturing districts, and that distress might be considered as a very faint outline of the effects of the present measure. If the measure had be come inevitable it had become se from the servile conduet of those wh o supported a course which in their conscience they condemned. A Noble Earl, connected with the county ty eas o e t York, seemed to anticipate with great pleasure of this and comfort which would be the consequence peej udiced as to measure. Was the Noble Earl esocou-ntry would submit believe that the working classes of bethmost determined to be plundered without offering t but that passive opposition resist ence—not the resistance -of forace, measure against their inte rests?which would necessaril i y Retell n f oa m Bill a question was asked At the timeo the near him which seemed to surprise by the Noble Duke s i tt i ng how is the Government to be conducted? the Opposition, viz., $k that question now, and the answer The Noble Duke mig ht a cou ld be best given b y th o se who had brought on thi s measure. he s tood in, and was he not Did Sir R. Peel kn ow th e position awar e that the pr esent Bill had been forwarded by many who h a d meanly crouched to others ? It was wise and politic on the part of the great Irish agitator to give his most cordial and u nqualified support to this measure , for he was well aware that wa s one of the best means which could he adopted to for wardit the objects he had in view. If he had not already too long occupied the attention of their Lordships he could pro ceed to show that such would be the effect of this measure, and could adduce the latest intelligence from Ireland, which would fully bear out the assertion he had made. If their Lord ships were to sanction such a measure, a measure which had such an evil tendency, that House would at once be considered an unconstitutional incumbrance. If they were to give the coun tenance of their authority and names, once illustrious, to the measure, the general cry throughout the country would be for the abolition of the House of Lords, which had forwarded a measure of such pernicious tendency. When measures not unlike the present one were brought before that House in 1842, only five peers were found to vote for it ; and now with out any new argument—without any essential difference in cir. The Earl 9f RADNOR said that he would address such arguments to their Lordships as applied to the question. He was sure that the measure was one which should not be de layed. There was no ground for attributing base and sordid motives to those Nobs Lords who had voted for this measure. They had voted in accordance with the dictates of their con sciences for a measure called for by the exigencies of the times.—( Hear, hear.) Many motives had been attributed to Hon. Members of the other House who had voted for the measure, and charges of the most unfounded charatter had been brought against them for their votes regret t q h u e ire ill el with re s p ec t to t h e quest i on. He d i d not stan d th ere to d e fend h er o , al b d ut it be re Sir Rob er t P eel ; that Right Hon. Gentleman h a d man y Nobleishould Lord s i n t h at House who were able and rea d y to d e f en d however, required.—(Hear, which ar,liear h . ) ad b H e e en e d o i u s l y d la n y o ed t, against the Right Hon. Baronet,for had made many sacrifices in taking th e c o arse w hi c h had been so much cond emne d by many had not no a t n j h , Noble Lords. He would not have taken th a t step ha for it, and it was t oo b a d to finde t aeces'itY of the times called that for obeying that necessity he should have been a tt ac k e d, and t worst motives attributed to hint by persons whose characters stood odhi g h ßefight.—(Hear,hear.) Anti-corn-law and whose League had been attacked, and a Memb er o f that body,in-law used an expression at a meeting held in Drury-lane Theatre, it was laid hold of and perverted into the worst possible meaning.it It was made out that the League and its machinery was not to cease with the passing of this measure. The Noble Earl who last addressed the House, said that the League had ulterior mea sures in view. This might or might not be the case. If their ulterior measures were consistent with reason, what had that to do with the present measure? If those ulterior views were inconsistent, and such as ought not to be sanctioned, then they would be resisted, and the antieipated evils would not result.—( Hear, hear.) The farmers said they could not get the price they ought to receive for their corn if there were no corn-law, and therefore it was they ought to be pro tected against the foreigner. It was owing to this argument that the sliding- scale was established—a very pretty thing, he admitted, as a theory, but totally useless in practice. In his opinion, those who argued in favour of this system were the wildest theorists he had ever met with. One Noble Lord, whom he did not see in his place, had told them that. he bad experienced the working of free-trade principles in the east of Scotland. The Noble Lord told them that the removal of the duty on manilla proved a very serious injury to people residing in that part of the country; but the Noble Lord forget that the people injured by the removal of the duty were the minority, while the majority derived h. nefit from the alteration in the law. If the position the Noble Lord took upon this point was good, they might just as well say that a railw a y should not be made, because it would inflict in jury on an existing turnpike road.—(Rear, hear.) Then, again, they were told that the removal of protection would go far to annihilate agriculture in • this country ; but he, for one, did not believe it would produce any such effect. Another argument used in favour of protection was, that owing to the existence of low wages, and the people living poorly in Poland, the farmer of this country could not compete with the foreigner without it. Why, the people of Ireland lived as poorly, and received as low wages as the labourer in Poland, and yet the English farmer found no difficulty in competing with the Irish producers. This incon testible fact, he thought, was a sufficient answer to that argument, and he would, therefore, pass on to another branch of the subject. It was urged by some Noble Lords that protection had always been the policy of their ancestors, but he by no means admitted this, for during several reigns importations of corn were expressly invited by the Legislature. In the reign of Edward IV. protection certainly cid exist. In fact it commenced in this reign, but even then the protec tion preponderated more in favour of manufactures than agri culture. Previous to that reign, Acts were passed inviting importations and prohibiting exportation of corn ; and even when the protective Act against importation of the reign of Edward IV. was passed, it was strongly denounced by large badies of the peopie.—( Hear, hear.) In the reign of Elizabeth the landed interest became very powerful in Parliament, and a protective system was established in favour of agriculture, but it created a great stir in the country, and was strongly resisted by the Commons.—( Hear, hear.) At a subsequent period of the reign the outcry against the dearness of the bread became so great that the Legislature was compelled to reduce the amount of protection, and from that time down to the present the people had always showed themselves to he decidedly averse to monopolies of every &set iption. —( Hear, hear.) He need scarcely say an)thing snore he thought in refutation to the argument, if argument it could be called, that their ances tors were favourable to protection.—( ['far ' hear.) He wished that feeling had continued; but the landed interest prevailed in the House of Commons from the time of Charles 11., and protection was regarded as necessary for agriculture. The confessed object at the time of the restoration of protection was to keep up the value of the rents of land. Again, in the time of William and Mary, an Act was passed which had con fessedly for its object the prevention of any deterioatien in the amount of rents. Bounties upon the exportation of corn were afterwards invented, and were paid to the amount of 6,000,0001. to the owners of land. This was an injustice, and while it raised the price of food to the poor it put money into the pocket of the landowner. OR the average, for every five years there had been two Acts of Parliament ; and a system which required so many alterations, must be manifestly improper. The Noble Lord entered into a long statistical account of the quantities of corn imported into this country, as compared with the increase of the population, and applied it as an argument that restriction on the importation of foreign cern should be altogether rescinded. The advantages of protection were greater when the population was smaller than it was now when the population had so greatly increased. If the present measure was beneficial to the manufacturing interests alone, it ought to meet with the beg support of the landed interest. By the population returns it would appear— The Duke of RICHMOND—Those returns are incorrect. Earl RADNOR—Don't interrupt. The Duke of RICHMOND—SureIy the Noble Lord will not proceed in an error when he could be shown his mistake. These population returns included all the blacksmiths, tailors, and others in the villages, as employed in agricultural pursuits. Earl RADNOR—These returns were the only guide they had to go by, and he was justified in applying them to his case. The agricultural population were increasing, and an increase of Cued was wanted to supply their necessities. If, therefore, for no other reason than to increase the best interests of the agricultural population, the present measure ought to be allowed to pass. The Noble Lord proceeded to state what he thought were the equitable duties upon different articles of foreign manufactures at the time when English duties were in force. Lord STANLEY said he alluded to the difference between the Baltic timber trade and that of the Canadian trade, in the statement he made. Lord BROUGHAM said that nothing could be more proper or well-timed than the interruption of the Noble Lord eppo. site, though he (Lord Brougham) had been called to order for an interruption of a similar nature, a few nights ago. The Earl of RADNOR then resumed, and quoted the quantity of sugar and indigo imported from the West Indies in several years, and contended that they bore no comparison with what would be the amount of these exports, if restrictive duties should be removed. The Earl of WICKLOW said he rose to address a few ob servations on the question, as he was the only Noble Lord con nected with Ireland who had yet done so. He did believe that Sir Robert Peel could have had no object in view other than the public good, in introducing this measure. But he should say that it was high time to consider this measure, after the Ministry had been twice pardoned for the part they bad taken. He did think that the hour of restitution was not far distant, and there were some who, in that hour, would have oppor tunities afforded them of reflecting upon it. He thought the Pr i nc iple of protection was not fully and fairly carried out in the present measure. The yeomanry and farmers of England should not be placed in a situation of competition with the serfs of Poland, or the labourers of other countries, while they had to pay such high prices for articles on which customs' duties were paid. He did not think a reciprocity of trade would be established between other countries in their dealings with this nation. They were benefited at the expense of the people of this country. It would be proved that by the proposed mea sures the people of England would pay the income-tax in order to keep up the revenues of other countri • es.—(Bear, hear.) He defied any person to place his finger on any page of history in which both parties had voted as on the present occasion to sup port this Bill--( Cheers.) Why was it, if the measure was se good, that the public were to be deprived of the benefit of it for three years. He thought it was only brought in as a sop during those strange occurrences which took place in the month of November last ; but in their giving the sop they forgot the original arguments upon which the Bill was founded, What were these argument ? It was the potato panic. And it was absurd to think of remedying that state of things by a provision to come into operatio n three yea rs hence. would say that the With regard to this potato A • anic e s he Their Lordships and the Go vernment had been grossly mi l l had d. not yet come and they public were told that the worts May or beginning 'of June. - were told to wait till the end of arrived in the month of June, and he was happy They had now were no grounds for these fears.—(Cheers.) to say that there be d e r iv e dt h i s The only benefits tob y country from the colonies w as of a twofold nature—taxation and monopoly of commerce. This was the opinion of Mr. Burke, and he might, perhaps, be ridiculed for quoting such an 'authority by ' the new and superior light of the political economists of the present day. With reference to the monopoly of commerce, so far as regarded Canada (the most important of all our colonies), it appeared from a letter of Mr. Gladstone to Lord Cathcart that that notion was to be altogether abandoned. The result of such a measure, he positively believed, would be the dismemberment of Canada from this country within five years from the passing of this measure. When the question was put to the Minister, what would he do with respect to tithes when a diminution of prices would take place, the answer given was, ~ We will make no change, because we do not anticipate any diminution —( hear hear.) Well, it is upon this the whole question turns ; if there is to be no diminution in price, what would be the advantage of passing the measure ?—(Hear, hear.) The Government answered one argument by cutting another from under their feet. It was a lamentable instance of the ignorance with which statesmen legislate. There was a great difference between this question and that of Catholic Emancipation. In the one ca'e the measure had been sanctioned by repeated Parliaments, and the House of Lords could not for ever oppose the wishes of the people. The members of the Anti-C orn -l aw League , were very clever men he admitted, hut they must not, like the grasshoppers mentioned by Mr. Burke, consider themselves the only in habitants of the field, because they were the most noisy. Such a mea sure as t h at proposed was never carried the first time it was brought forward. The House of Lords was created as a drag upon the vehicle when it went too fast. It was their push the vehicle down the office to obstruct, and not to would', therefore, pre cipicecon- jurewhich led to destruction. He . their Lordships not to sanction a measure which would infallibly lead to the worst results. Lord LYTTELTON raid, as representing the colonial in terest in that House, he would wish to offer some observation., to the House. The only colonies interested in the question, HER MAJEST VS THEATRE. Last night will be an epoch in the choerographic account of her Majesty's Theatre. It will be celebrated as the night on which the most magnificent, and in every respect the very best ballet that has ever been produced, was first performed—as the eight on which Cerito achieved her greatest triumph. She is great as Alma — she is great as Ondine—but neither Alma nor Ondine can compare with lalla Rookh, the ballet which was pro duced last night—a ballet in which the artistes of every description, pictorial, musical, and cht , erogra.phic, have vied with each other in realising the rich imaginings of the most exquisite of living poet-, Thomas Moore. The first scene represents the Hall of the Durbar, in the in rior of the Palace of Lahore— " The imperial Selim held a feast In his magnificent shalama. In whose saloons when the first star Of evening o'er the water trembled, The valley's loveliest all assembled ; All the bright creatures that, like dreams, Glide through its foliage, and drink beams Of beauty from its founts and streams ; Here, too, the harem's inn - rites smile ; Maids from the west, with sun-bright hair, And from the garden of the Nile, Delicate as the roses there; Daughters of love from Cyprus' rockl With Paphian diamonds in their leeks; Light peri forms, such al there ate On the gold meads of Candahar; Everything young, everything fair, From east and west is blushing there. The board is spread with fruits and wine, With grapes of geld, like those that shine On Cusbin's hills ;—pomegranates full Of melting sweetness, and the pears And sunniest apples that Cabool In all its thousaed gardens bears ; Plaintains, the golden and the green ; Malaya's nectar'd wangusteen Everything young, everything fair, } rem east to west is blushing there." Such is the magnificent scene at Lahore, where the Emperor Aurunz -be is holding his court. The King of Bucharia, who is affianced to Lalla Rookh, sends a brilliant suite to accompany her to Cushmere ; among them is Feramoz, the Minstrel (M. St. Leon), whose attentions to Lalla Rookh are anything but pleasing to Fadladeen (M. Perrot), the fussy old Chamberlain. They group round her, and, together with her Hindoo attendants, dance a Hindoo dance, in which they form into various groups, each more graceful than the pre ceding one. while the most fantastic pageantry is going on around them, giving the whole the appearance of a scene of enchantment Lalla Rookh, with her fair at tendants, executes a dance, in which, as is the fashion in Hindostan, they imitate every imaginable figure. The following are some of' the twenty figures repre sented by the Hindoo maids : Hermes The Stars The Shell The Pine Apples The Kiosks The Car of the Rising Sun The Cage The Butterflies The Mirrors The Sun's Rays The Harps The Living &Atte and its The framed Picture of the Pedestal Morning Breeze The above description of this dance, which is denominated the Pas Symbolique, is taken from the Scenario of the ballet, and albeit the programme of a ballet is in general a very exaggerated description of what takes place, such is not the case in the present instance ; each group is more graceful than the preceding one ; each group is a study for a sculptor; and the living statue tied its pedesta —ia which Cerito is the statue, and the corps de ballet grouped around and hidden by their shawls, form the pedestal —is without exception the most graceful and beautiful group ever devised. Perrot has accomplished what has been declared by many to he an impossibility—he has actually devised a perfectly original series of shawl dances and groupings of the most exquisite description. The dancing of Ccrito in this marvellous pas excelled anything she has ever yet done. There was an ideality about her perform ance for the possession of which the little " realist " has never before had credit given to her. This Pas Sym bolique is the greatest triumph that Cerito has yet achieved. At the conclusion, bouquets and wreaths with out number were showered upon her, and the applause was raptureus. Then comes the scene of the desert. In the distance, over the sandy waste, the caravan attending on Lalla Rookh is seen like a speck upon the horizon. It gradually approaches, becoming more distinct every moment ; at length the different figures become visible, and presently the cavalcade enters in grand procession. The gradual approach of the caravan is admirably managed, the delusion is complete, and the processsion itself is the most splendid ever seen on the stage. The palanquin in which Lalla Rookh, and her attendant ladies, is borne is magnificent. Suddenly the e'er' iwoomes overcast, the whirlwind rises, the ieieeeet of sand threatens to overwhelm the caravan, a eieperses in every direction. Feramoz alone remains with Lalla Rookh, who sinks fainting in his arms. He leaves her to seek for water, and Fadladeen and some attendants gather round the Princess, who remains without sense or motion. The fury of the elements is gradually hushed —a profound calm succeeds the storm. Whilst the travellers are thanking Allah for their preservation, night is gradually coming on. The caravan encamps on the spot, and the attendants of the Princess erect her pavi lion. The moat exuberant gaiety succeeds to 'he alarm which had prevailed but a moment before The scene now changes to the interior of Lalla Rookh's tent. The Princess, grieved at the absence of Feramoz, bees Fadladeen to send for him, but the latter evades the request by saying that the Princess needs repose, rather than listen to the frivolous fantastic nonsense of the so-called bard. But the little Persian slave of the Princess has slyly slipped out and warned the poet of her mistres , es desire to see him ; he enters, and Lallah Rookh expresses the wish that his sweet minstrelsy should calm her mind after the agitation she ha that day passed through. He complies, but Fadla deen, with his usual ill-natured spite, finds fault with the poet and the performer, saying that, for his cart, he prefers the sweet-scented chihouck. Feramor hearing this, breaks forth the wild and joyous strain of the chihouck song, and the Princess, inspired by these enlivening sounds, dances to the tune. The fumes of the opium he smoke= sends Fadladeen to sleep, and whilst he dreams of Mehomet's paradise and the Houri, Leila Rookh and Feramoz take advantage of the opportunity to avow their mutual love. In this scene Cerito achieved another triumph, The Pas de Chibouck. There was a grace and an abandon about her performance of the pea de chibouck which was per fectly bewitching. Her dancing seemed to proceed from the vary exuberance of high spirits—to be the expres sion of overflowing happiness and joy, not unmingled with a little love of innocent mischief—witness her ad mirable quiz upon the stupid intoxication of Fadladeen, whose noddings over his pipe were of the most humour ous description. The Pas de Chibouck, will henceforth rank with the pas de fascination, and the pas de l'ombre. The scene then changes to the sandy desert—the sun rises, and the caravan awakes, and proceeds on the journey. Arrived on the confines of Cashmere, Lalla Rookh is conducted to the kiosk prepared for her re ception. All around her is joy, but the Princess is a prey to the deepest melancholy, The rose-coloured bridal veil is flung over her head; the ambassadors come to tea her that all is prepared for the nuptial ceremony, and that the King awaits her. The glance of Lalla Rookh falls upon the poet; she wishes to refuse the hand of the proud Monarch, but Fadladeen expostulates with her, reminding her of the dangers of a refusal. She at length gives way, and is led forth like a victim to the sacrifice. The last scene is the vale of Cashmere and the feast of Roses. How shall we de scribe this most magnificent joyous scene, this chef dceuvre of painting, which Turner himself might have been proud of ? Left to our unassisted efforts we de spair of being able to convey to the reader the remotest idea of this most exquisite of landscapes, but Thomas 3loore will assist us:— "Who has not heard of the vale of Cashmere, With its roses the brightest that earth ever gave, Its temple and grottos, and fountains as clear, As the love-lighted eyes that hang over the wave? Oh! to see it at sunset—when warm o'er the lake, Its splendour at parting a summer e ve th r o w s, Like a bride full of bl u sh es , w h en li ng ' r i ng t o take A last look of her mirror at night ere she goes! When the shrines through the foliage nre gleaming half shown, And each hallows the hour by some rites of its own. Here the music of prayer from a minaret swells, Here the Magian his urn, full of perfume, is swinging, And here, at the altar a zone of sweet bells, Hound the waist of some fair Indian dancer is ringing. Or to see it by moonlight—when mellowly shines The light o'er its palaces, gardens and shrines; When the water-falls gleam, like a quick fall of stars, And the nightingale's hymn from the isle of Chenars Is breken by laughs ana light echoes of feet, From the eool shining walks where the young people meet. Or at morn, when the magic of daylight awakes A new wonder each minute, es slowly it breaks Hills, cninlas. fountains, called forth every one Out of darkness, as they were just born of the sun." S u ch is the scene in which the King of Bucharia holds his court, in which he is preparing to celebrate his nuptials:— t"Twae when the hour of evening came Upon the lake serene and . cool; . All were abroad —tile hugest hive On Bela's hill is less alive, flower, Than saffron beds are full Than looked the valley in that hour. A thousand restless touches played Th roug h every grove and island shade; A thousand sparkline Limps are set On every dome and minaret; And fields and pathways, tar and near, Were lighted by a blaze so clear, That you could see in wandering round d s o m t a h l l e e stat maids se andlea f matronson the e . l e e o a n v n e d. And there were ora l e, Yet do And cheeks that -alneing Their veils at home, that brilliant eve; but thought eyes about, would not dare shine out they might In Lou o fi en lovely da y ' then bec flowers!ering. And all were free and eu :v e tdwas night! And what a wilderness of It seemed as though from all the And fairest fields of all the year, e bowers The mingled spoil were scattered here. The lake, too, like a ga r d en b reat h es, With the rich buds that o'er it lie— As if a shower of fairy wreaths Had fall'n upon it from the sky!" Lallah Rookh, trembling with horror at her fate, is led to the foot of the throne of her future husband by Fadladeen, that husband admires her and removes her veil, and in the King of Bacharia she recognises Fera moz, Joyfully does she join in the celebration of the F cumstances of any nature-211 peers were found to vote for the" adoption of a course which, by their silence, they had rejected - :- .. _ a few years ago. That the county was not universalli"lst favour of this measure, was evident from the tact that /vilely '- .. ..3::, ~.,• ~".I.'s . •• .. even the advocates of the League and its principles had is eta:! , - ,-, % - ;- , ' . .t . .i . , 2 1 . ;:::: 7, i..., forward as candidates to represent the people, the else 4 , , -- -i,:-7 , .,-- - - - _ , -,.. , -v-i . every case where he had a choice, had given his suffra . , :q% - .1).T74 tc e k fN favour of the candidate who was in favour of supporting ..; , ,Wl . j-,..= ......./. corn-laws as they then existed. Try the result of the vet f ' • {a OA A {~ kICA '''' ballot in the House of Lords, and he was satisfied that t,04 1 , 3 -00A A ., - twenty Lords would be found to vote for the measure. A partp ' had been formed for the agricultural body which IA as power fully unprecedented, because founded on public principle.— (Hear, hear.) There was at the head of that party, in th. other House, a Noble Lord who had distinguished himself in the defence of the agricultural interest, and he would say of that Noble Lord, that he deserved the thanks of the country at large.—( Hear, hear.) It was the duty of Parliament to reject this measure, as calculated to inflict a lasting injury on the industry of the country. It was their duty to reject it, as the beginning of an attempt to uproot the ancient institutions of the land, and as one which would bring ruin and desolation - on the agricultural body. The Earl of ESSEX said he had a few words to address to their Lordships upon the Noble Earl's concluding remarks. The Noble Lord had said that if the question was tii, , sl in that House by an appeal to the vote by ballot, that nut more than twenty of their Lordships would be found to vote for it. He would say there was not a vote given in favour .f . the measure but what was an honest vote. The Noble Earl had attributed base and sordid motives to those Noble Lords who bad voted for it. Now, if they were to appeal to the ballot upon this treasure, he would say for himself, that he would, so held his God ! be one of the twenty who would vote for the question. The Earl of STANHOPE having explained, _ . DUTCH MAIL. THE HAGUE, JUNE B.—We have the following ac ccount from . Weimar, of th e 31st o f M a y :—" His Ma jesty, the King of the Netherlands, yesterday visited the theatre, accompanied by the Grand Ducal family, and were received with the most lively enthusiasm by the audience, who were delighted at seeing the Prince once more among them. His Majesty, accompanied by the members of the Grand Ducal family, attended Divine worship in the cathedral. The King afterwards re viewed the troops, comprising the garrison of this town. JUNE 9.—His Royal Highness the Prince of Orange, arrived this morning, by the ordinary train, from Utrecht, on his way to the Hague. We have accounts from several places of the state of the &bps, which are very favourable. The accounts from Bois le Due Maestricht, Cleres, Waardenburg, Amerangen, Zat phin, Dorkum, &c., agree on the whole, in representing the appearances of the wheat, and potatoes in parti cular, as very good. The rye was in some places blighted, and want of rain begins tobe felt. HallovEa, JUNE 4.—The town of Assel has been visited by a dreadful fire, which broke out on the even ing before yesterday, and could not be got under till yesterday morning, after burning above twelve hours ; more than two hundred houses are reduced to ashes. LUXEMBURG, JUNE 4.—The estates of the Grand Duchy met yesterday. Their first proceeding was marked by a circumstance which excited much attention. By article eight of the constitution, a son or son-in-law of a Member cannot have a seat in the Chamber. Mr. Newman, who has been a Member ever since the first h a s lately married the daughter of e s l i e lo c t t h io e n r , in Member,lB4l, and it was supposed that he had lost his seat. He appeared, however, at the assembly which immediately proceeded to examine his title to a seat, and decided that he could take his seat. Many persons think that this is a violation of the constitution, and that the estates are not covered as they alleged by an application of Mr. Newman to his Majesty the King and the Grand Duke.—Dutch Paper, 10 June. COPENHAGEN, JUNE 4. —lt can hardly be denied that the late modifications in the Sound and Canal tolls are chiefly t o the advantage of Russian commerce,. The reductions were considerable, in comparison with the late tariff—for instance, on Cotton from,lB to 10 stivers, on brandy from 4 to 3, and on raw sugars from 5 to 4. The Russian steamer Smeloi anchored in our road yesterday, and afterwards proceeded to Elsinore, where we understand it is to wait for the return of the Grand l!uke Constantine from the Mediterranean, &c.—Ham burgh Boneakall, June G. The 'Hon. Arthur Petre, fourth son of Lord Patre, sailed on the, 3d of June, in the Trafalgar, for Sydney, where he will embark for Wellington, New Zealand, to try his fortune in that In• tereming colony. Mr. and Mrs. Charles Kean's return to this country is postponed until next year. Their success, both a+. New York and throughout the States, has been so great as to induce a general re engagement by all the managers. ILL-BOXES AND LUCIFER MATCHES.--111 the COM mittee on the Oldham District Railway Bill, on Wednesday, Mr. litinxale, a manufacturer of inciter matches and pill-boxes, at Newton Heath, states that he uses GOO tons of timber, and that he employs 300 persons on an average throughout the year; that he exports tc all parts of Europe and North America and Australia, besides sending large quantities to every part of England, Scotland, and Ireland. FATAL ACCIDENT AT RICIIBIOND.—On Tuesday even ing Mr. Carter held an inquest at the White Cross Inn, waterside Richmond, on the body of John Steady, aged eighteen, a shopman to a cheesensonger at New Breutford. On Sunday afternoon last the deceased and a young man named Parsons hired a boat at Isleworth, and were on the river nearly opposite the Marquis of Ailsa's resi dence, when the Vivid steam-boat, which was proceeding up the river, when the deceased asked Parsons to row into the surf and against tide, passed them, and had left them between 80 and 100 might have a rock ; he did so, and the consequence was the boat filled. owhoap out, and swam on shore at Richmond, and the deceased, was lying at the bottom of the boat, sunk. Several beats put out after him, but h forty minutes had elapsed before Isis body was recovered, and then ci e was cTite dead. The jury re• turned yerdict of " Accidentally wynied. 3t-haartdsthaesytern,