The Sun. — London, England, 1846-02-24 00:00:00

TRE 'AirN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVEN ING, FEBRUARI 24. 1846. LITERATURE. THE NEW TIMON. A Romance o London. Part IIL In s everal particulars there is much improvement in this p 3rtion of our poetical romance ; it is not flawed with t' hose churlish and unmannerly foot-notes which we notified 2,5 soill s juked in the preeedine. part. Besides this very acceptable.. omission, the story in this, its con tinuation, is -developing" more 'passion and earnestness here.tofore, the characters are less vague and more like creatures with live nerves and throbbing pulses. Of the lap guage in which the sentiments are clothed, we can speak in sines of emphatic admiration ; is singularly chaste and elegant ; it is choicely culled, and forcible beyond 'expression. The ideas are pointed like steel arrows, and glitter with epigrammatic smartness ; while oo :asionally through the stream of couplets peeps forth some quaint thought of the most. delicate and statuesque beauty. In this manner, when mentioning that ter4avest of love-scenes between Morvale and the maiden. Lucy, - the anonymous pet 'starts off with a dainty conceit—in truth, an exquisite conceit—as to the birds that twittered within their adjacent avaries:— a' Sole witnesses and fit—those airy things, That, midst the bars, can still unfold the wings, And soothe the eel with language learn'd above; As the caged hip d—so on the earth is love 1" A most etherial and subtle symbol is this I It accords with our pre-conception of the God-origin of the master passion; it abstracts from it all particles of the "earth earthiness" with which to more ignoble natures it is ever tarnished. At the same moment it affords a suit able prelude to the more intense, and nevertheless the more chastened, description of the lovers' happiness—a description which loiters gently over the converse of • their future,* as They conjecture its perspective even " where the golden dimness veiled the gaze ".Till silence came, and the full sense and power Of the blest Present,—the rich4a den hour That overshadowed them, as some hushed tree With mellow fruitage bending heavily,— What time, beneath the tender glomn reclined, Dies ors the lap of summer noon the wind !" Nothing, in fact, saving possibly John Dryden's choicest fanta sie; " •Cimon and Iphagenia," nothing—and we utter this in - alt honesty and simplicity of heart—can convey u more pure, a more lucent, a more spiritual noSion.if a love interview than the one delineated in this section of the " New Timon." There are no mawkish efforts at the sentimental e etherriTesio strained labour ings for the picturesque ; -it. Carries with it all the natu ralness of truth, and its - diction - seems to flow sponta neously. Even the • introduction . ' has (to us at least) a singular tone of fascination ; when,' immediately atter the damsel has-finished chaunting• an -old romaunt about a king that wooed a cottager, the bard ejaculates, as he gazes in, itnagteation upon therlistening Morvale— " How had the lay, as in a mirror, glass'd, The sullen present and the joy!ess past, Lock'd in the c'oister of that lovely soul !" And afterwards, when describing the supremacy which the young girl's face—so meek and childlike in its mo desty—exercised over the enamoured Indian, he ex claims— " Lo ! as young Una'thrall'd the forest-king, She leads the savage in her silken string ; Plays with the strength to her in service shown, And mounts with infant whim the woman's throne !" Every one will surely trace in the peculiar glibness and exactitude which each word tallies with, and enforces its neighbour, throughout this romance of " London," is very visible partiality, on the part of its author, cos the mannerism—the epigram of narrative—which cha racterises the most admired and classical of our native poets. Nor has our satirist manifested any feebleness while treading in their foot-prints ; on the contrary, some fragments are so richly mouded, and suffused with such a genuine poetic bloom, that we are some times fain to regard this present poem as but the pre liminary chords of some fine symphony—as bu, the vanguard of some vaster array of fancy. Whether that symphony will ever be audible time and the writer of the "New Timon" alone can testify. That there are indications in this rhythmical romance of a richer sub stratum than is generally visible in a brocheur like the present, take the following passage, descriptive of a chamber filled with sculpture. To us it sounds like the voice of Boccaccio. "There, gleam the shapes in which, immortal, still, Live the bright exiles from the Olympian Hill ; still mooned Dian from the breathing stone Haunts, with pure eyes, thy dreams, Endymion; Still on the vast brow of the Father-god, Hangs the hush'd thunder of the awful nod; Still fair, as when on Ida's mountain seen, By Troy's young shepherd, Beauty's bashful Queen; Still Ind's divine lacchus laughing weaves Ills crown of clustering grapes and glossy leaves; Still thou, Arch-typo of Song,* whose task to soothe The rest of Heroes, and with deathless youth Crown the celestiafßrotherhood—dost hold, Brinam'd with the drink of gods, the urn of gold I" * Hebe. These are peeps of deep reading, and signs of a sincere relish in classic lore ; they show that the beauties of the ancient mythology have penetrated into.the heart's core of the writer. His epithets like wise, in conveying to the reader some of his most fan tastic notions, are remarkably apt and appropriate: thus, when speaking of the insincerity which is so rife among wordlings, he calls it " the bland hollowness of formal life !" thus also, when alluding to the potency of kind words, and looks, and tears, upon the human soul, he says " they fade from joy to anodynes for grief 1"--aud again, when speaking of the approach of night over a great city, he exclaims— "She comes, to keep Beneath the stars her solemn tryst with sleep." These undoubtedly are subordinate parts in a produc tion, Of this nature, nevertheless they are deserving of mention as they materially enhance the merits of the "New Timon:" flhey are details---but they are such details as, to a summer landscape, are the dew 'drops, and the hedge-flowers, and the green " grass stalks." After perusing Part 111., much of the mystery which previously enveloped the plot is cleared away, and the characters assume a more recognisable relationship with each other. Mor vale's sullenness is nearly altogether scared away by a fresh and exultant feeling, arising from his affection for the outcast "Lucy"—their troth is mutually plighted in the interview already mentioned. Lucy, in the ardour of her happiness, unfolds to the Indian noble man the history of her misfortunes ; and, in displaying a miniature of her father, shows to the astonished Morvale the likeness of his friend, Lord Arden. With the usual egotism (if it may b 3 so harshly termed) of love, the Indian, in his turn, pours into the greedy ears of his mistress an account of his own wretchedness ; and this narrative forms one of the most vigorous passages in the fiction. In a ball-room, his senses are startled by the voice of some unseen person informing him of his sister's dishonour—" blistering her name" with infamy, and babbling the tidings among the dancers, until " from lip to lip the dizzying slander flies," and he himself is half delirious with having no head upon which to direct a just retribution, until, in his own emphatic words, _ _ " One felt, unseen, infection circling there, A bodiless venom in die common air." Calantha dies:—a victim it proves to Lucy's father:— the perjured, the perfidious, the pernicious Arden. Fur ther of the story we are loath to divulge, as by so doing re might weal#n the pleasure of many a reader. Of all the siivat;ons in this " part"—the set•ne in the death-chamber of Calantha is the most dramatic, the most enthralling, and the most fraught with passion. Tee picture of Lord Arden "fixed to stone" by the "horrid glamour" of the Indian—the 'vengeance boiling like a hell within the latter's bosom—the hour, the awful presence of the corpse, and the dreary adjuncts of the spectacle, rouse the reader's at'ention and are fixed upon his memory. One outburst of grief and sentiment on the part of our author is finely conceived: here it "But oh! more awful than the living foe That frown'd beside—the Dead that smiled below ! That smile which greets the shadow-peopled shore, Which says to Sorrow—' Plou canst wound no more!' 'Which says to Love that would rejoin—' Await!' That says to Wrong that would redeem—' Too late !' That lingering halo of our closing skies Cold with the sunset, never more to rise !" Scarcely less excellent is " the iatetruption,"—the girlish hand that stays the upraised dagger of Morvale, and, in doing so, unconsciously protects her parent ; is there not a virgin brightness about these four lines—are they not lustrous with beauty ? " Her airy clasp upon the murtherer's arm, Her pure eves chaining with a solemn charm, Like some blest thought of mercy, on a soul Brooding on blood—the holy i mage s t o l e !„ We could hardly do better than conciude our notice with that simple extract, but that the justice of criticism obliges us t o cav il at one great blemish i n the pre sent effusion. Its author cannot surely suppose us to be in any manner prejudiced against him ; in• deed, the po,itive terms of panegyric in which we have conceived it to be our duty to particularise this, his anonymous proddettuo, will, we feel assured, screen us from such an imputation. We have endeavoured to illustrate the merits of the "New Timon" by quotations, and have accomp an i e d those quotations with cornmenta ries.most eulogistic to the author, because we considered him entitled to that recompense in all fairness. Never theless, as impartial critics, we could not close our ees y to whatever imperfections l ur k ed among those passages p hick cause —seeing the sunbeam w e cou l d not ba blind to the mote. Our allusions are directed aga i nst lu ders or oversights in the ryth in u several verses to hobble most wretchedly. How, for ex _ ample, could any one, laying pretensions to a rigid tast e and a keen ear , be guilty of couplets so crippled and mal formed as these " Not to the crowd in cold detail allow Its delicate worship, its mysterious vow ! For the sick fragrance and the delicate ass Which art calls forth by walling out the' skiasl" They are essentially false and unmusical, and their de formity is so appbr, nt that we marvel at their being ad mitted to such good company. These, however, are not solitary instances, but have " fellows" of a number quite inexcusable. We - cannot induce ourselves to consider this condemnation t.f ours as anythinf: . at all bordering upon b:rpercriticism, since 4 com prises one of the chieks4 requisites of the divine art —symmetery. 8et,1 93 - w hi c h, no one---excepting always (and reverentialli), Shelley—has ever attained last ing pnpularitY;' °. or indeed any share of real fame, without a Orriet adherence to the rules of rhythm; or, as e may ir,leed terra them, the rules of musical intona tion. - 1 1? i the author of this "Romance of London," wew a revognise Me ore — an d , i n speaking as we have done, re only anxious to see it purified from alloys and !unaided into just proportions. ,AILWAY SEDUCTION.—We regret to state tllat many farmers, in vicinities where railroads are in the coarse of being constructed, have suffered serious inconvenience during the past wi n t er in consee of leavin their employment to work upon those their lines, s w ex hich vants they areg tempted to do on account of their earning better wage: than they can procure as farm servants. Several of these delin quents have been called to account for their conduct, and have been very propefly committed to priwn as a Nyuning to others.— Cumberland Paquet. RAILWAY COMMITTEES. (YESTERDAY.) Sub-Committee No. 2, Clo:stern ti DIRECT LONDON AND MANCHESTER. (Continued from our Afternoon Edition of yesterday.) There were several allegations which were not sustained. It was also alleged that in No. 27, on the plan deposited with the clerks of the peace of the respective counties through Which the line was to pass, the limit of deviation in the parish of Bowden, differed from that of the plan deposited in the Private Bill-office. Evidence was produced in support of this allegation, which the Com mittee considered to be sustained. There was a similar allegation with respect to certain inclosures in the above parish, which was not sustained. The next allegation was, that in the plans deposited with the clerks of the peace, West Langton and East Langton Were marked as different pas ishes, while in the plan deposited In the Private Bill office they were marked as one township in Langton. The Committee fbund that the Standing orders had not been com plied with in this instarret. It was also alleged that there was an inaccuracy in the same parish with respect to certain hiclosures which were marked No. 10 in the plans deposited with the clerks of the peace, and iu the plan deposited in tho Private Bill-office were marked No. 11. Evidencq was adduced in support of this allegation, which the Comm ,tee found to 133 sustained It was also alleged that the property marked in the plan in the Private Bill-office No. 41 was inaccurately marked. The Committee found that in this intance the standing orders had been complied with. There was a similar allegation with respect to the parish marked No. 28 in the plan deposited in the Private Bill-office, which the Committee found to be proved. It was alleged that the property in the county of Derby, marked in _ . he plan deposited in the Private Bill-office Dios. 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 7, and 78, had been omitted ix the plan deposited with the clerk of the peace for Derby, Mr. W. Afarsden, Clerk of the Peace for Derby, and Mr. Hunter, were examined in support of the allegation, which the Committee found to be sustained. There were several similar allegations, which were admitted, on the part of the promoters. _ _ The petition next alleged that 68 A., marked on the plan in the private Bill-office, was not so marked in the plan deposited with the Clerk of the Peace for Derb% , which was sustained. The CLIALRMAN said that the Committee would not proceed fur ther to-day, but would resume the hearing of this case to-morrow. The Committee hen adjourned till twelve o'clock to-marrow. Sub-Committee No. 4. WEAR DOCK. RAILWAY. (Continued from oar Afternoon Edition of yesterday.) In respect to the next allegation, which referred to an omission of a certain word in a copy of a notice, it was admitted that the stand ing orders were not complied with, but the omission was attri buted to the haste with which the plans were prepared. The Committee expressed their intention of reporting that the standing orders were not complied with. HUNTINGDON AND NVISIDZACH. ➢ir. COATES applied, on the part of the promoters of the line, to postpone the case sine die. He said that the Bill was at present be fore the Standing Orders' Committee of the House of Lords, in which House they intended to commence the Bill. They did not wish, therefore, to go the expense of passing the Bill through this House until they should have passed it through the Upper House. On the part of the petitioners against the line, it was represented that they had gone to great expanse to bring their witnesses to Lon don, and that the postponement would put them to still greater and unnecessary expense. The promoters of the Bill ought to have given notice of their intention to apply for a postponement. Mr. CoATEs said that this Bill was not added to the list of this Committee until Friday last After a long discussion, in the course of which the CHAIRMAN observed that the promoters ought to indemnify the opponents for any expense attendant upon the postponement, which might have been prevented by a notice given on Friday evening or Saturday morning; and Mr. COATES saying he was willing to make any reasonable com pensation, The CHAIRMAN suggested that an arrangement might privately be made between the parties. This suggestion was ultimately adopted, and the opposition to the .postponement withdrawn. DONCASTER, WAKEFIELD, AND LEEDS. This was a Bill to form a line with branches in connexion with the London and York, there being several other Bills (already before the House) forming part of the same scheme. The length of the line is thirty-one miles, and the required capital 660,0001. Mr. Cubitt is the engineer, and Messrs. Dyson, Hall, and Co., are the Parliamen tary agents. Messrs. Balmer and Durnford appeared as agents for Joseph Clarkson and James Goldthorpe, petitioners Sgainst the line. The first allegation of the petition was, that certain figures were omitted in a section of a turnpike-Mad marked No. 83. It was ad mitted that in this respect the standing orders were not complied with. The nest allegation, on which, it was stated, severa Ethers depended, was that the property of the petitioner, Josepl Clarkson, part of which was -within the limits of deviation, was no . marked upon the plan, and was not mentioned in the book of refer. ence. It appeared that the property in question was lot included in the limits of deviation as marked on the plan, but that in this respect the limits were incorrectly marked. The CHAIRMAN said, that the statement that the property w within the limits of deviation was disproved, inasmuch as it was not within the limits as marked on the plans, and it was clear that the Company could not touch any part of the petitioner's property, as it was not mentioned in the books of reference. If the objection had been that the limits of deviation were not correctly marked, it might have been entertained, but as it was, the allegation was not proved. The other members of the Committee were of a similar opinion. IKUNTINGDON AND IIVISBECH. The parties for and againEt this Dill not having made any agree ment, an application was made, on the part of the opponents, to have the case postponed to Thursday next. The CHAIRMAN said that he thought it very reasonable that the promoters of the Bill should have it postponed sine die, in order that if they failed in the House of Lords they might not incur the cxtra expense of passing through this House. At the same time he thought that the opponents ought to be compensated for the expense to which they had been put by the postponement. The case was accordingly adjourned sine die, and the Committee then rose about half.past three o'clock. HOUSE OF LORDS RAILWAY (IRISH) COMMITTEES. Lords Shaftesbury, Redesdale, and other Peers, sat this day in No. 1 Committee-room, as a committee on standing orders. The lines brought before their Lordships w are the Great Munster, 57 miles in length, estimated cost 580,000/. ; the Bandon and Bantry, 51 miles, estimated cost 550,0001. ; and the Olt, Macroom, and Killarney, 23 miles, estimated cost 160,0001., all of which were de clared to have complied with the standing orders. The Parliamentary agents for the three lines are Messrs. Webster and the engineers Messrs. Leahy, and Cook. The following Companies were declared to have complied with the standing orders, and to have passed :—lrish Great 'Western, Dublin and Enniskillen, Londonderry and Enniskillen, and the Gal way and Kilkenny. The Great County Down Railway Company, having been declared not to have complied with the standing orders, has been thrown out. LAW INTELLIGENCE. COURT OF EXCHEQUER, Feb. 23. (London Sittings at Nisi Prins, before the Lord CHIEF Minor and a Special Jury.) BREACH OF PROMISE OF MARRIAGE. GOLDICUTT V. BEAGIN. This was an action to - i;;;;;I compensation in damages for an alleged breach of defendant's promise to marry the plaintiff. The defendant pleaded that he had made no such promise—that he had never been asked to marry the young lady—that a reasonable time had not elapsed from the time the courtship commenced till the time the action was brought, and that if such promise had bee' made, the plaintiff had wholly absolved him from his engagement. Mr. Watson and Mr. Gunning appeared for the plaintiff, and Ser geant Talfourd and Mr. Conde for the defendant. Mr. WATSON stated the case. The plaintiff was the daughter of a gentleman who had been an officer in the army, and at the time when the circumstances which led to the present action took place was employed as a governess. The defendant was a stock-jobber, and had been formerly a clerk to the gentleman in whose house the young lady was governess. The facts of the case will be best gathered from the evidence of the following witnesses : Mr. K. Plimton said that he was a member of the Stock Exchange, and resided at Maida-vale. lie knew the plaintiff. She would be nineteen years of age next June, and hid been in his family as governess since September, 1+444. She was an amiable and accom plished young lady. The defendant was a stock-jobber on the Corn Exchange. Defendant had frequently visited at witness's house. Defendant spoke to witness on the 23d of June, and told him he was greatly attracted by the charms of Miss Goldicutt, and that it would be his greatest happiness to marry her. Witness told him that this was a serious step for him to take, and told him to con sider well of it, and at the same time said that he could not allow his visits at his house to be continued without an introduction to the young lady's friends. An interview accord ingly took place with Captain ;Goldicutt, the young lady 's father, to whom witness introduced defendant, and stated that defendant was worth 1,0001. Defendant was then twenty-six years of age. Defendant was afterwards considered as Miss Goldicutt's accepted suitor. In process of time defendant took a house at Stranraer-place, at a rent of 75/ , on tile understanding that the marriage would take place. A disagreement afterwards arose be tween plaintiff and defendant, in consequence of which defendant desired to break off the acquaintance with the young lady. Witness saw Mr:Beagire the next morning alter this occurred at his office, and a warm altercation ensued. Witness upbraided him with want of principle, and defendant asked him if Miss Goldicutt had sent him any message. He (defendant) again stated that he had been led into it (meaning the acquaintance). That was a favourite expression of his. Among other things, witness remarked that plaintiff's friends had been put to considerable -expense for dresses, in expectation of the marriage. Witness believed that everything but the table-linen had been purchased. Witness communicated the result of the interview to Mr. Goldicutt. 'Witness 11 el such confidence in defendant that he lent him 3,0001. and 2,0001., both of which stuns had been since repaid. Witness was present at an interview with defendant and plaintiff's faintly after the 27th August. Mr. Goldicutt then said to defendant—" I ask you, sir, do you intend to fulfil your engagement with my daughter`?" Defendant replied, " that he did not " Mr. Goldicutt then asked defendant if he had anything against his daughter's conduct to justify him in adopting such a course? Defendant replied that he had not. Cross-examined—There was a pod deal of fluctuation in wit ness's business. Defendant and witness had jobbed together. Defendant had been in the habit of coming to witness's house during the time of the courtship. When witness first saw him on the 25th of August it was in the dining-room. Witness was quite sure that he did not remonstrate with him on the subject of courting the young lady without having the means to support her. He did re monstrate with him on taking the house, or bringing matters to such a pass, when he had only 300/. or 400/. afterwards. He knew, as defendant had stated, that defendant had a considerable loss (about 1,2001.), Li the course of the summer. The defendant did not say that he was ready to proceed with or to decline the business alto gether. The altercation might last for an hour and a half. Witness would swear that defendant never expressed a wish or a readi ness to go on with tke engagement. Witness and defendant met next morning and witness desired them to go into his office. The message which Miss Goldicutt sent was that if what defendant saiu as to the state of his affairs was true there could be no happiness to them when married. In the interview which subsequently took place with Mr. Goldicutt no reference was made to that message. That was on the 27th August. Witness did not know that the action was commenced on the 6th September. Witness dil not say that he would spend 5001. in bringing an action against defendant for his conduct. Re-examined by Mr. IVATsoN—The lady was much depressed about that time (the 25th August), and the family were much dis tressed since. There was nothing to lead him to t dim that the lady desired to break oft the match. Captain Goldicutt, the lather of the young lady, Was then examined —He had been captain in the. 60th Riffles, but was now retired from the army. Had retired illom the army in 1826, and had been engaged in mercantile holiness since. Was now secretary to an insurance eorttpauy, lie recollected his daughter going as governess into Mr, Plimton's family. On the 25th June last a communication NvilS made to hint by Mr. Plimton about defendant. The account given by Mr. Plimton was correct, he believed, in every particular, and he had, In conse nence, had no ( fojection to the defendant paying his ad dresses to If.. daughter. He knew that his daughter made pre a c °. l.. for her marriage with defendant. Ile went himself to the at twel o'c'l?lcllie,againt. _: reuse of about fifty preliminary arrangements. On the 26th kw,inst, In consequence f a communication made to him relative to d w efel V e rel tr breaking off the match, he went to the Stock Exchange Beagin'ssister). e-1 S; saw Defendant appointed to meet him defendant declined tett ,g in' sr, an the house of defendant's brother-in-law, into a rm wh ' e t r t "neY• When witness called there he was shown of his brother-It have Mr. neagin, Mr. Ward; and his wife (Mr. liessa wished to speak with him alone, but any interview with him, but in the pre sencewould have no 0 1- aw and sister. Seeing, therefore, that he . witness then said to him, but under such ogl a rt r it Y of speaking to defendant " -I ( - I .`::(nand to know vrhetheranyer with my daughter ?" De fendant l . ' s l a n iCl en ' c . l l'i fulffi nattily not." Witness ycur engagement then asked If he had any imputation astokc'eaasthCilit,ethhughter's conduct. He replied that he had not. Witness lossct, so as to Induce him to come to such a dete al fciidant replied sustained any that he had, but that he had recovered determination. Wit nessl)c- -then retired. Defendant's tone throughout was abrupt and noY and insultin... to himself and gentlemanly. Witness went that evening to Mr. Plimton's residence-, in the hackney-road, when ho again had an interview with de whoSe den , i a c s an a o g u r r e N a i t 'as so n u i r o c s e t o i f ing a e u n n t o l 3 e , m an a c n o l The whole matter w fendant, family, as well as to his dau g hter. Sir. Brooks v, - as examined to prove that the house was taken in expectation of the marriage taking place. on the Stock Exchange , was ac quaintedrendant Mr. Sewell, a st ock-broker good credit on the Stock de with • . In who was Exchange. an order to furnish the house, Mr. Baker, an upholsterer, received t, which order was counter- In question, about the 16th of Augus f owiin by Mr. Beagin per manded, on the Ist of September 01l . sonally. , This closed the case for the plaintiff. jury for the defence. He Mr. Sergeant TALFOIIRD addressed the denied that it was a case of that description which presented any of those features which justified the plaintiff in bringing an action to . I throw any tis o recover compensation In damages. He did nob theconsidered that imputations on the conduct of the young lady , if she and her friends had not been Kr p re cipitate m atters would have eome to a far different termLuation. He concluded a lengthened ad - dress by saying that the prospects in life of the young lady had riot been blighted, and that sho had really SttAtttined no injury which Wonld justify ajar) , in a*aiding her damages. the Cittar BARON briefly summed up, and, after explaining the law of the question, adverted to the principal points of the evidence, which we have already given. The jury, after a short consultation, returned a verdict for the plaintiff—Damages, 3001. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, Monday, Feb. 23. Their Lordships assembled at Five o'clock. NEW HOUSES OF PARLIAMENT. The Duke of BUCCLEUCH laid on the table certain re turns relative to the new Houses of Parliament. GAUGE COMMISSION. Lord KINNAIRD said, that in consequence of the very important measure coming before the House that night, he would, with their Lordship? permission, postpone the question of which notice had been given relative to the Gauge Com mission. PROTECTION OF LIFE (IRELAND) RILL. Earl ST. GERMANS then rose to move the second read ing of the above Bill, and said—My Lords, the Bill which I have now to bring under the consideration of your Lordships' House is one which only the necessity of the case could justify the Government in asking, or your Lordships in adopting. That necessity seems to have arisen now. The Bill proposes to invest the Executive Government of Ireland with powers which no existing law invests them with, and which only existing circumstances justify them in requiring at your hands. My Lords, it is a matter of fact that the crimes of murder and assault have of late become very common in Ireland, but I do not think I should be justified in asking your Lordships to assent to a measure of the sort which I have to submit to you without laving before you grounds for my motion.—( Hear hear.) I - am bound to take nothing for granted— ( Hear, hear)—nor assume that your Lordships are cogn cant of the facts, and, therefore, although 1 am about to occupy the attention of your Lordships with reading reports and returns which I have in my posession, still I think when your Lordships consider the importance of this treasure you will be disposed to accord to me that indulgence and patience for which I shall ask. My Lords, I find that the returns which I hold in my hands contain an account of all the offences that have been committed in Ireland for the last two years— I mean of the offences that have been reported to Go vernment by the constabulary. Your Lordships arc no doubt aware that it is the practice for every constable in Ireland to make a return of the different offences committed within his district to the general station. These offences are classified in the following manner—" Offencesagainst the person," "offences against property," and " offences against the public peace." My Lords, in the year 1844, 44 homicides were committed ; in the last year, 137 ; aggravated assaults, 504 ; in the present year, 544 ; assault with injury to life, 251; in the present year, 342. I new turn to offences against property. In 1844 the number of robberies of arms was 159; in the present year it has increased to 551 ; appearing armed, 79; in the present year, 89. Administer ing unlawful oaths, 58; in the present year, 223. Threat ening notices, or letters, 362; in the present year it has amounted to the fearful extent of I,944.—(Hear. ) Cases of fire in dwelling -houses last year, 77; in the present year, 138. This makes a total of this class of offences in the last year of 1,495, and in the present year of 3,462. And, in cluding every class of offence—crimes against the person, against property, and of a public character, the number of crimes were for last year 3,102, and in the present year 5,281. It will be, however, consolatory for your Lordships to know that the statement shows that in eighteen counties crime has diminished; in four counties it has been stationary ; and in only ten counties has an increase taken place. Those ten counties are Cavan, Fermanagh, King's County, Longford, Westmeath, Clare, Roscommon, Limerick, Tipperary, and Wicklow. In Cavan the number of crimes is, in last year, 109 ; in the present year, 257. This includes all the three classes of offences. In Fermanagh, in last year, 80 ; in the present year, 166. In King's County last year, 226; in the present year, 301. In the county of Longford last year, 205 ; in the present year, 772. In the county of Westmeath last year, 163; in the present year, 313. In the county of Clare, 275; in the present year, 327. In the county of Ros common last year, 264 ; in the present year, 716. In the county of Limerick, 321 ; in the present year, 416. In the county of Tipperary 908; in the present year, 992; and in Wicklow, the number for which was last year 228, is this year the enor mous number of 992. Having made this statement of the amount of crime, it will be my painful duty to call your atten ion to some particulars in these returns ; and in the first place I will call your attention to some remarkable cases of homicide and outrage that have taken place during the last year, from which you will be en abled to form a judgment of the causes of these offences and the nature of the remedy that may be reqeired. (The Noble Lord here read two extracts from the documents before him, giving in detail accounts of two murders, accom panied with great outrage, which had taken place in the early period of last year in the county of Limerick.) Having given these cases, I will, said the Noble Lord, proceed to the county of Kildare. I shall call your Lordships' attention to another murder which took place on the sth October, in Kildare, of a gentleman who, while returning home, was shot dead on the high road, in his own gig. The next case to which I shall call your Lordships' attention is that of a gentleman's steward who, whilst retiring to, rest, there being no blinds to the windows, was fired at, and on the next day he died of his wounds. This occurred on the 6th October, in the county of Tipperary. In the county of Limerick Thomas M'Nevin was served with a notice, that if he did not comply with certain instructions he would meet with the punishment which his non-compliance would deserve. In a few days after receiving this notice he was found one morning dead by the road- side. In the county of Roscommon Michael Shea was returning home with oats, which he had purchased at a sale, and was so violently assaulted that he only survived three days. I shall next proceed with the county of Tipperary, where, on the 2d of October, three men visited the house of Michael Quill; not finding him at home, they pro ceeded to the house of his next door neighbour, and assaulted him so violently that be died the next morning. My Lords, this proves the feeling that exists, because those marauders did not find the object of their attack, and went to the next door and visited the punishment intended for another on its unfor tunate inmate. To this I direct your Lordships' particular attention as it shows the effect of the condition of the people. I shall now call your Lordships' attention to the Mining Com pany of Ireland, who were obliged to suspend their works from the 20th September, in consequence of the notices which were served on their stewards, threatening them with death if they did not comply with certain conditions. Now this board employed a large number of men, and because of their refusal to accede to the wishes of these people, they were obliged to atop their works and desist from car rying on their business. Another case of outrage was committed on a man of the name of Kearney, whose only crime appeared to be the faithful manner in which he discharged the duties of his employment. In the county of Armagh, also, it appeared that a party who called themselves " Molly Maguires," were carrying on the same sys tem of outrages. They had entered a house there, had beaten the inmates very severely, and when they had committed this outrage, they pulled down the house, and as they went away fired several shots into it. The writer added, that if some remedial measures were not taken to check these out rages, there would be no safety for life or property, and no hope for the well-disposed unless they joined the "Molly Maguire" party. In the conty of Clare, also, on the 9th of January last, at half-past nine in the evening, some armed men, with their faces blackened, entered the house of a farmer of the name of Murphy, cem menced beating him in the most dreadful manner, and only left off when they thought he was dead. His Lordship then proceeded to read an account of an attack which had been made upon an old lady upwards of eighty years of age. the was ordered by these ruffians to discharge two of her men. It seems that these two men, who had lived a num ber of years in her service, had been intimidated before; one of them had been most brutally attacked while at his supper and been left for dead. This account was written not so much with a view to show the injury which had been inflicted, but in proof of the cowardly conduct of those ruffians, and the perseverance with which they follow up their designs. He then referred to another very striking case—the ease of a person, who with his family, were attacked in their own dwelling-house. These ruffians, twelve in num ber, attacked him while in bed, and inflicted some very severe blows with the butt-end of a gun upon his head. His son, hearing the uproar, proceeded from an adjoining room to the room from whence the noise came. He, too, was attacked; and, in addition to the brutal treatment towards his father, they fired a pistol at him, the ball of which struck the wall in the rear, a.ad after breaking all the panes of glass in the house, arid doing all the damage possible, they Went away. Not one member of the family, however, gave any information to the police ens the subject, though it is believed that had they done so they would . hive succeeded in effecting a capture of the g an g. S u ch is the system of terror prevalent in this district, that not a person dares to give any information of these atrocious acts.—( Hear.) His Lordship next alluded to the case of homicides. A person of the name of Ryan voluntarily resigned the half of his farm, alleging as his reason for doing so his inability to work the whole farm. Ile ma'!e no secret of the matter, and while on his way to the proprietor he was assailed by two men, taken from his horse, his head was frac tured, but not the least effort was made to identify the ruffians. The next case was one which had taken place in the county of Cavan, where Mr. M'Leod, one of the resident magistracy, had been murdered. Mr. M'Leod had began his career, and earned for himself a distinguished reputation, in her Majesty's army. He was appointed by the Government of which the Noble Lord opposite (the Marquis of Normanby) was a member, and he had the entire confidence of the Irish Government ; he was employed for upwards of twenty years in Tipperary, where he conciliated the regard, the good will, and the well wishes of all in the cinnty. It was thought proper to remove him to a more peaceful county, and he was transferred to Fermanagh, from whence, when disturbances again broke out, he was dispatched as one of the moat effi cient, one of the most moderate, and one of the most trustworthy officers in her Majesty's service. This is the manner of his death. Towards the close of November, 1841, disturbances being numerous in Cavan, the magistrates applied for an increase of the police force and an addition to the pendiary magistracy. Mr. M'Leod was in consequence sent to the disturbed locality. On the day before stated he hat been dining with W. Piercy, Esq., and had set out on his return to his own quarters; he found Mr. Piercy's gate shut, and he was in the act of desiring the driver of his car to of en it, when he was shot from bellind. There was a light in the ledge window, and it is believed that the assassin had taken a decided aim at his unfortunate victim. It is a certain fact that notice of the murder was posted at Enniskillen two days before it was perpetrated. As some of the circumstances strongly implicated the gatekeeper, he was one of those taken into custody, but after a long and patient in vestigation, the evidence not having been conclusive, they were liberated en bail. Different motives were assigned for this murder, but nothing certain was known upon the subject. The next case was one in which a man named Patrick Smith was murdered on the 17th of April. He had to give evidence in a civil bill case ; some threatening expressions were used towards him by those who were chiefly interested in the case. He was finally murdered to prevent his giv . ng any evidence. The next case was the murder of John Walker, who was murdered on the 4th May. He was in the employ of Henry Gowan, Esq., of the county of Tipperary, and as he was returning, he was shot dead, within a few miles of his home by a man named Corri gan, who was likely to impeach him.—( Hear, hear. ) Corrigan was taken into custody, and the examinations taken, but sufficient evidence to convict was not forthcoming, and he was liberated. On May 14, James Gallaghar, of the county of Cavan, was similarly disposed, of whilst collecting ar he aa r o i d,p a e, areossg, the o as namt identificationeos assassinated n h w a e ient t efg e o nr information n aw t t s ii beforeot ooknff dark,i l yt : Mr. Henry, or a H usalLs e dna i d i s nsbn, his Lordships seN hp. Now, wde employer.saestnszicabe, assisting which Although s t sm h enc o vieon: u nuer g ital e o c a n t r l r y y dreadful, d his fu measure.l , b ut theTh is letters letterwhich c h i; ol have nhi n w from Mr. I3attersby, a magistrate af e o i f Cavan, h and iI my hsatndlia.l;ekids friend of that Mrs. AGlaalylaglh9aLrh;liedlioen e rl d t n es esd t a o y last o shocked the from m arc t e h y e spoke a single y szne th g a e t ntt assassinationword afterwards.ofher The husband,ssecond letterthat shy is s man, and he says, " I have now to inform mother of Gallaghar, a strong healthy woman, aged fifty e years, was so shocked at the murder of her son, that she scarcely spoke one w ord afterwards." I think it is impossible to conceive a series of horrors greater than is contained its those statements.. I could quote many more cases of a similar nat ure but, my Lords, I think these _are s uf f ic ie nt to induce you to give yoiir support to thii measure. I did not wish to harrow your feelings by statements of this kind ; but I did think it my dui 7 to state them. ( Hear, hear.) My Lords, I beg your Lordships' indulgence whilst I quote to you a very recent instance of a similar kind. This happened in January, 1846. There is another case, but the name of the parties I do not wish to transpire, in which a midnight outrage was eommitted. The guilty authors of the outrage were re cognised at the time by the wife and the eldest son of the ag • grieved party ; but they were prevented denouncing the authors of it from terror. They state that such is the state of feeling that they dare not give the criminals up, and remain in the country. They intend giving them up, but before they do se, they must sell their farm, stock, and produce; else, were they to. make a public denouncement of the guilty parties, no one would become purchasers.—(Hear.) I could name forty or fifty other cases of a similar character, showing the impossi bility ef justice overtaking these midnight depredators. Among others, there is one to which I would particularly call your attention. It is a recent outrage, arising from the search after arms in the county of Tipperary. Five armed men entered the house of a person who farms about 70 or 80 acres of land. This was on Friday evening, and the superintendent of police hearing of it, he came over to the place on the follow ing Monday to make inquiries. Mr. Morgan, the super intendent, with a police force, went in pursuit of . the men, led by the information derived from the family of Mr. Murray, the party whose house had been broken into. Four of the men were arrested at Roserea, and lodged in pri son. Biddy Murray was taken under an escort to Ros crea to give evidence *against them, but on the way she was followed by her uncle, who shouted out to her never to become an informer. The result was, that the girl refused to give evidence against the men, and denied she knew them, though she had told Mr. Morgan she knew them well enough. This document was signed by Messrs. Prittie, Birch, and Jackson, three gentlemen of unimpeach able respectability. It is dated the sth of December, 1845, and fully illustrates the state of things at that time. The next case occurred at the works of the Shannon, which is very similar to the one I have already quoted respecting the colonies. It occurred no later than the 18th of February ; and it would appear that between eleven and twelve o'clock of the night of that day the patrol was fired at by a man whom they succeeded in arresting, but they were after wards attacked by his confederates, who were all armed, and who amounted h number to fifteen. On the party coming to his aid they immediately fired at the sub-constables, and one was struck with a bullet or slug on the temple, while a ball passed through the coat of another. The at tacking party consisted of several men ; but, owing to the dark ness of the night, the officer in command thought his life and those of his men endangered, and went into a house close by, where they remained for the night. Mr. Burke and Mr. Rus sell, two magistrates, immediately attended on being sent for, and with the police scoured the neighbourhoood, but did not capture any of the party. The police fired several rounds, of ammunition and a pistol was found in the place where the attack occurred, and three men were next day arrested who were looked upon as the leaders of this party. One man named Cusheen had thirty bullets on his person, and a woman in a house adjoining the place of attack became so alarmed that her life was in danger. " No circumstance occurred for a long time which, in my opinion, tends more to improve the peace of the country than this occurrence," writes the chief consta ble, " as it evinces such determination on the part of the pelice to put down outrages, for the people will have a confidence in their vigilance and success in putting down every description sf outrages." He also adds that the conduct and bravery of the police were beyond all praise. I menti in these facts to show your Lordships the extent to which crime and daring are now carried on in Ireland. My Lords, I think your Lord ships will have remarked that a very great proportion of these crimes are committed by bands of armed men, bound together by secret associations for the purpose of intimidating the peaceable portion of her Majesty's subjects. In the list of 137 homicides, your Lordships will be, I am sure, surprised to learn that only five were committed on the persons of gentlemen. The greater number of these outrages were committed on small farmers. The house of a gentleman might be truly said to be his castle. He was well armed himself, and the servants in his employ were also - well armed, so that it seldom happened that his house was attacked. Your Lordships may therefore observe what the position of a small farmer must he under these circumstances. The fact of his being in the employment of a farmer, who was obnoxious to these mid night legislators, was sufficient to provoke their indignation, and whenever they chose to carry their diabolical intentions into effect, —mark the consequences. His door, which was but very insufficiently secured, was forced open, a band of those midnight assassins dragged him from his bed, and either murdered, or maimed, or mu tilated him in the presence of his wife. There was not the least exaggeration in this statement. The details which he had read bore ample and melancholy testimony to its truth. If the unfortunate victim also of these outrages was rendered incapable of labour and his life almost jeopardised, he dared not come forward to give evidence so as to convict the assassins of the outrage. 1 say, then, my Lords, that this is emphatically a measure for the better pro tection of life and limbs in Ireland. The laws which at present exist for that purpose are not sufficient to afford that protection, and I will show that every exertion has been made to render them as efficient as possible. The number of police-constables was at present very limited, and exceeded by very little the number that was employed in 1835. (The Noble Earl then read a comparative state ment of the number of constables which were em ployed in the disturbed counties in 1835, and at present, which showed a small increase at the present time.) There has been an increase in the number of stipendiary ma • gistrates. All has, however been in vain, and we are now compelled to apply to Government for extraordinary powers to protect life, and thus to give to life that security which alone can make it valuahle. Your Lordships will find that the powers which we seek in this Bill will not violate the principles of the Constitution. Your Lordships will see by the first clause that power is sought to make a proclamation in the district, or such barony, or part, or parish in which the murder has been commttted, and also to enable the Lord Lieutenant to send into such district any force of the constabulary as he may think fit—the whole expense of such to be borne by the inhabitants of the said district. The next clause is of great importance ; it is of such a na ture that it would not be justifiable, except in such ex treme cases as the present. The victims of these outrages in Ireland are for the most part of the poorer and humbler classes, and it has also been noticed that these outrages are committed in the night ; armed men do not patrol the country except at night. I have, also. every reason to be lieve that these murders and outrages are deliberated upon by persons assembling in public-houses during the night. I therefore propose, under these particular circumstances, that the power should be vested in the Executive of Ireland, which is Fought by this second clause. There is a pro vision in the Bill, as your Lordships will see, to enable the Lord Lieutenant to withdraw, er revoke, that portion of the proclamation which relates to that particular provision alluded to by the second clause. The next clause of any im• portance to which I shall call your Lordships' attention is one which enables the Lord Lieutenant to order certain sums of money to be paid (as I can hardly call it compensation) to the relations of the murdered party. This is not altogether a principle unknown to the laws of this country. Independently of the grief caused by the death of the head of the family, his relations are reduced to the greatest amount of privation and distress. I should, therefore, propose to take power in this Bill to levy upon the district in which these murders should be committed a certain sum of money, to be applied to the maintenance and relief of those who are undergoing this state of distress. I do net propose to discuss in detail the clauses of this measure. Your Lordships will observe that there is a clause in this Bill to the effect, that the assess ment 4 are to be levied according to the poor-law valuation, and that no individual, however small the amount at which he may be rated, shall be exempt from the payment of this rate, an d that he should not be allowed to deduct from his rent any amount of rate so levied. Another clause is one authorising the justices to examine into public-houses where it may be supposed these associations are in the habit of meeting. Your Lordships will observe that this does not apply to private houses. The concealing of fire-arms in the disturbed districts is to be considered a misdemeanour, and is to be tried at quarter-sessions or assizes. Your Lordships will observe that there is no now tribunal constituted; trial by jury is preserved, and the mode of cenducting criminal pro ceedings is in no way altered. There is one thing, however, I wish to call your Lord-hips attention to particularly, I mean the securing from intimidation those persons who have to give evidence on those trials. I do not, however, think it necessary to say more on the subject of this Bill, because ample oppor tunity will be given to your Lordships to urge any objections against it, and I may assure you that her Majesty's Govern ment will give these objections their fullest and fairest consi deration. I know that, with regard to the cause and origin of these disturbances, various opinions are entertained. Some contend that they are all to be attributed to political grievances. It appears to me, however, that one simple fact that I have related in the course of the ob-ervations I have made is sufficiently demonstrative of the futi lity of this opinion ; I have stated that in eighteen counties of Ireland crime has actually diminished. Now, if political griev ances are the cause of crime, should not those grievances produce the effect in one part of the country that they do in another? Be these grievances real or imaginary, surely we ought to find them to the same extent and force in the county of Wexford as in Limerick, in Kildare as in Roscommon, in Meath as in Tipperary. But these outrages have no features of an insurrectionary character; they are perpetrated on private grounds, and it cannot, therefore, be supposed that they have their origin in any political grievance whatever. It does not appear to me that continuing this dis cussion will lead to any satisfactory result. Her Majesty's Government have given sufficient proof in the Bills that they have passed, and those that are in contemplation, of their desire to remove any cause of dissatisfac tion which may exist with regard to the political condition of Ireland. I think that if I were adverting to the measures which are contemplated by Government, I should be distract ing your Lordship's attention from the subject under considera tion. Further opportunities shall be given to discuss the merits of the measure, and to limit the discus sion now cannot in any way abridge its consideration. With your Lordships' permission I will now come to another part of the subject. At the same time I may say, that I shall al ways be prepared, and I am sure the Government will also be prepared, in matters of this nature, when opportu nities present themselves, to state their view with regard to those measures which should be brought forward for the good of Ireland. This I will say, my Lords, and I say it without fear of contradiction, that no measure of improvement, no measure whethe r it be a political or a social measure, will be effectual it the improvement of Ireland or of its p e ople until you have put an end to this system of terror to the people.—. (Cheers.) My Lords, it is perfectly .true that many of these outrages partake of agrarian outrage. These arise, it is true, out of the present mode of Lordships will be extracts which I have read to your suffiiiient to prove that. Formerly lord w • tenure and occupation of land in Ireland. I think the copious the habit of granting Zang leases, 'chi prey ., t d land going so much into the hands of middle men, .anc . there land .e. s er e e n e in was not so much subdivision of land. Subdivision of land, as your Lordships may be a ware, has become ready to admit very frequent in Ireland, and that system has been of late very country, and it has no doubt led to many of the torch abused in that evils which now prevail in thelr v Ireland I d i how ever, the great cause ofof think, Ireland is They do operate it is now affiected.—( Cheers. y . . t h tuna ae te them able as to alarm, and terrify, and and to to prevent them, the existence of those secret and illegal associations with which magistrates forable and well-disposed, in almost every case, the magistrates it is necsssar y to pro tection. And, my Lords, 1 do think t • at i an s. I therefore call meet those secret and illegal associ ti n to this measure. upon your Lordships to give your sane sanction trust it When it shall have passed, as I hope enabled the Executive will— ( Cheers )—when it shall have passed, r of terror, and to give Government to put an end to the reign wealthy of that country that peasantry of Ireland, and to the P eople, and which I am applying to th that sort of security which the English an parts of Ireland happy to say, the peasantry in t y hink we may look forward to the satisfactory results do now enjoy, then, my Lords, a in ado it- I which her Majesty's Government are at this moment no less when that in the course of the present session . n 448,0001. has been voted for the purpose of employing the people of Ireland in public works in that country. Yr ur M g . My Lords, your Lordships are en . g no g doubt awa l re Lordships are also aware that in the course of last session no fewer th an 13 railway Bills were passed, involving an expenditure of nearly 9,000,0001. All this will be employed in a mode which, ',it appears to use, to be most desirable to give employ ment to the labourers of that country. Now, my Lords, I say it without fegi of cotradiction, that it is impossible that any measures for the improvement of Ireland should be effectual until such a measure as this shall have passed.—( Hear, hear.) I will not say more, but trust and hope, and I am sure I express the earnest prayer of her Majesty's Government, that, in pro posing the present measure, there is no wish that the law should remain aday longer than it is necessary for the protection of life and property in Ireland. The Noble Lord concluded l by moving the second reading of the Bill. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE said the Noble Earl, in :hewing, the necessity for the Bill before the House, had en tered into a statement that in many respects must have been as painful for him to give as it was painful for their Lordships to hear. He did not rise to offer the slightest oppo tion to the progress of the Bill—a Bill which, on the face of it, as stated by her Majesty's Government, was intended for the preservation of the lives and property of her Majesty's subjects in many parts of Ireland, for he thought the Bill should progress through the House without the least possible delay. So far from blaming the Noble Lord and the Government for bringing forward the measure at such an early period of the section, he considered that after the de claration contained in her Majesty's Speech from the Throne, which declaration was unhappily warranted by the facts laid before the House in the Noble Earl's address, not a day should have been lost in submitting the measure to Parliament. Every day of delay after that declaration was a day lost. While he therefore felt it was the duty of her Majesty's Government to call the attention of the House at an early time to this important subject, in or der to devise a measure to meet this deplorable state of things in Ireland, he must not be understood to sup pose that this measure should take precedence of other mea sures for the relief of that country.— (Hear, hear.) The adoption of this measure would not in the least degree relieve her Majesty's Government from the carrying out those other measures which were required to meet the state of Ireland—measures that better accorded with the feel ings of their Lordships, and were calculated to benefit and advance the social condition of the people of that country. He considered it expedient that their Lordships, whether in vited by the Government or not, should enter into at consi deration at no distant period of measures that were more calculated to give universal satisfaction than the one at present before their Lordships.—( Hear, hear. ) He admitted, however, that this measure was necessary to enable the Government and the people of Ireland to accom plish the carrying out of more extensive schemes of legis lation, which would be more conducive to the future peace and prosperity of Ireland ; and he for one looked upon the present measure as the indispensable precursor of more im portant propositions. How, let him ask, could mea sures, which were dictated for the benefit of Ire land, were calculated to excite the industry of that country, and to produce local improvements ; nay, if some of their Lordships would have it, calculated to confer additional privileges upon the people of Ireland, be attended with any I benefit or advantage to the people of the country, if mea -1 sures were not adopted for arresting the hand of the midnight assassin ? ( Hear, hear, and cheers.) Let them, then, at once enter into the consideration, after the passing of this measure, of measures which were calculated in a large degree to encourage the industry of Ire land, and to teach the poor man, notwithstanding what one class of Legislators might say on the subject, that his labour was his own property, and not subject to the caprice of, or only to be exercised at the will of his superiors. Nay, even if the privilege were to be extended—if the poor man was to be enabled to vote where he had not voted before— and he be enabled to take part in municipal deliberations—of what value was that vote to him if there was a law in existence which dictated to him how he should exercise that vote, instead of allowing him to vole according to his opinion ? He, therefore, did not feel that the Bill which had been produced by the Noble Earl was one which would afford the poor that protection which they stood so much in need of. He had truly stated, in introducing it, that the crimes now per petrated in Ireland, extended to every state of society in which any improvement had taken place ; that the present illicit law was not directed so much against the rich as the poor man ; for the rich man could guard himself against its consequences by withdrawing from the scenes affected by those daring arid systematic crimes ; they were directed against the poor labouring man, against the man who answering to the call of the Legislature sought to improve his country—( Hear) —to the call of, his landlord, who, it was hoped, encouraged him to improve the land which he held. Those crimes were not confined to one county, but extended throughout the whole of Ireland, and would end in consequences of death, insecurity of property, and would cause capital in that country to be frit tered away to its serious detriment. On these grounds, he felt that he should be ill doing his duty to Ireland, or to their Lord ships, if he did not express his opinion that the Bill brought in by the Noble Earl would be of great benefit to that country. By so doing, however, he would not be prevented from urging on her Majesty's Ministers and their Lordships the necessity of adopting measures to alleviate the sufferings of that people. lie trusted that the time was come when her Majesty's Mi nisters would give that subject no unnecessary delay. Their Lordships would do right to pass that Bill, and he had only to say that he hoped they would give it all the considera tion which the nature of the measure required, in order to secure the liberty and independence of the subject. He was sure that the subject would obtain, at their Lordships' hands, as little delay as possible, when it was considered that every day added to the list of crimes committed in that country. With reference to the particular previsions of the Bill it was not is wish to interfere.—(Hear.) He hoped their Lordships would consider the particular amount of punishment to be dealt out, and that the particular character of each county would be carefully attended to. He would not delay their Lordships with many observations, as he was sure there were persons better qualified to pronounce judgment on the subject. But on that occasion he thought that in the shape of penalties the expenses that would arise ought to be levied from the districts creating them, and that measures ought to be adopted for the purpose of protecting the witnesses and the persons who might be instrumental in bringing offenders to justice. It did appear to him that the enactments of the t' Arms Bill" had not been attended with the desired effect, for there had been a considerable increase in the amount of crime, and their pre sent measure ought to be considered with reference to that Bill. For the .liberty of the subject, he thought that the measure I ought to be passed now, for in many parts of the coun try it would be found to be of great practical benefit. Lord BROUGHAM agreed with the observations made by the Noble Lord who had just sat down, and particularly with his last observation, that the Bill ought not to be delayed for the smallest space of time unless what was absolutely neces sary for well considering its proeisions. He would not act counter to that feeling by endeavouring to defeat it in any of its stages. He heartily deplored, he sincerely deplored, that there should exist in any part of the British dominions, and more especially in a part so near to themselves, a state of so ciety (confined, he would hope. to but a few districts), which, if not strongly and energetically put down, to talk of social improvements, to talk of any amelioration in the condition of that country, and still more to talk of any legislative beneficial effect, was as wild a fancy as ever entered into the mind of man. —( Hear, hear.) The first duty imperative on their Lord ships was to make Ireland an habitable country. The picture given by his Noble Friend did not take him or their Lordships by surprise, conversant as they were with the general features of the case, though not as fully acquainted with those hideous details that picture which made it impossible to say that Ireland was an habitable place for any peaceable subject. The first duty of their Lord ships was to prevent this frightful state of crime which was stalking abroad over the country, reducing county after county to a state that made the denizens of the South Sea Islands a preferable people to live among than the inhabitants of Ireland. He lamented that one provision was not in the present Bill. Bnt by the recommendation of the Noble Duke, whose advice in most cases amounts to the force of a command, he ( Lord Brougham) was induced to withdraw his measure. He re ferred to a measure to render it possible to obtain convictions of crime, by having the trial of the ' accusation in a part of the country where the jurors are not 'ubject to the shot of the assassin. He did not think that this measure should be confined to Ire land, and if it were reckoned less invidious, he would rather it were made a general than a particular and local measure. It was clearly and without hesitation his opinion, and he be bevel he had the authority of some of the most emi nent lawyers and judges of the country, and also the true constitutional principles of the country on his side, that there should be power given to the pro secutor, under due regulations, as regarded the expense of the defendants, of trying the case at the option of the prosecutor. In the case of Ireland the Government, as pro secutors, should not be confined to the county or place where the offence was alleged to be committed, but that they shoUld have power to try the case in Dublin or Londonderry. It is an every-day practice in England, in smuggling cases, where the smuggler could not be committed, and the penalties for contraband trading could not be obtained. All these prosecutions, it is well known to your Lordships, are tried in London. In Scotland it has been from tin 4 imme morial the custom of trying every description of cases, from the greatest offence down to the lowest misdemeanour, all are tried at Edinburgh, where he himself had seen this principle of the administration of justice carried out in every day's occur rence. From the remote northern and southern parts of Scotland all offences whatever are tried before the High Cri minal Court at Edinburgh. No benefit could accrue to persons by being tried in the neighbourhood where they are known. It is better for them nine times out of ten, and better for the administration ten times ten that they should be tried at some distance from the place *here they were known. When a jury comes to the jury box impregnated with all the tittle-tattle of the neighbourhood, they were not in a proper condition to give a true verdict. He was referring to the law of the country. The old law was, that a man should be tried by a jury of his neighbours. It was called voisseau, and from this term comes the term venu, now in use in legal phraseology. The criminal was, according to the old law, to be tried by hundreders in the hundred or hamlet in which the offence was committed. In the reign of Queen Anne an appeal was made to the Court of Queen's Bench to set aside the verdict of a jury. The ground of the appeal was, that the jury were . witnesses of the fact—the Court granted the rule in that case. That was the explanation and origin of the law, which required a jury to be impanelled on the spot where the crime was com mitted. His hope and trust was, that before many days were over, the Government would be able to use effective measures for putting down these disturbances ; and he threw out this suggestion, because he thought it would add some what to the usefulness of the present measure, and because he thought that the Bill would, of itself, be ineffectual without it. He did not wish to prolong the discussion, but he might be permitted to hope that some alteration a ould take place in the penal enactments against such persons as might be discovered out of doors after sunset. Lord FARNHAM trusted their Lordships would allow him to speak on this subject, connected as he was with one of the most disturbed districts. If he had been asked some fourteen months ago which was the quietest and best conducted county in Ireland, he would with pride have referred to his own county of Cavan, but he was now sorry to say that since that time matters were widely different. At the commencement of the last year the outrages in the county of Cavan were principally marked by threatening no tices served on the smaller farmers, or the persons in the next class. This was followed up by attacks on the houses of the lower orders, rubbing them of fire-arms, and other out rages of that description, until at last they were terminated by murder. Large bodies of men paraded the country with fire-arms, swords, pistols, large pitchforks, and wattles. The under agent of his friend, Mr. Hamblin, was walking in the light of day through the town of Cavan, when the attempt was made to murder him. Ne attempt was made by those present to raise the hue and cry, and he, although then not resident I in the country, felt it his duty to return home in order to assist in suppressing the disturbances which existed. He hoped that their Lordships would give their support to this measure, which was calculated to give some sort of secu rity to those who still remained in the country. Immediately on his arrival in the county of Cavan, the first intelligence that was communicated to him was, that as Mr. Bell Booth was re turning from church the previous Sunday with his two sons, he t was brutally murdered. There were a number of persons pre. sent, he believed, at the murder; at all events, they I were close at hand when the murder was committed. No individual attempted to arrest the murderer, who did not fly from the spot, but walked deliberately away. The murderer of that gentleman had never been dis covered. Ile (Lord Farnham) arrived in Cavan the day after the funeral of that honoured gentleman. The cause of Mr. Bell Booth': death had never been ascertained. Mr. Booth was a gentleman of small pro- I perty, and he farmed the whole of it himself. He was a very humane man. There was no party spirit involved in the cause of his death.--(Hear, hear.) He had assisted him (Lord Farnham) most strenuously in recommending the dissolution of the Orange Society in 1836, and on every oc casion when he recommended the discontinuance of party processions he gave him most cordial support. He (Lord Farnharn) made those recommendations because he conceived that they only tended to separate man frem man, and keep up that religious animosity which was stirred up on every such occasion. The funeral of Mr. Bell Booth took place about twelve miles from the place where he was murdered, and was attended by thousands of armed persons, who came from different parishes in the county. The town of Killishan dra was for 36 hours in the possession of armed assassins. The local constabulary force was considerably increased, because those anniversary processions which Orange. men were accustomed to hold on the first of July, were about to happen in eight days afterwards. Forty magistrates were assembled in the town of Cavan, col , lected from various parts of the country, and their recom mendation was, that none of the lodges should walk in proces sion. It would be satisfactory to tell their Lordships that all the lodges obeyed the recommendation with the exception of two. The Noble Marquis had truly stated that this was a Bill to protect the poor. He knew himself there were many landed proprietors in Cavan who felt that property had its duties as well as its rights, and there . fore whose tenants were comparatively well attended to. But the difference between the rich man and the poor farmer was, that the rich man, however great the inconvenience to himself could leave the country, but such was not the case with the p 'or man. The farmers of Cavan were principally poor people, occupying small portions of land. Twenty acres was consi dered a large farm. In order to be able so go elsewhere in case of these outrages, they would be obliged to sell their furniture, but in 'that case who would dare to purchase it ? The life of the person would not be safe who made such a purchase. It was his (Lord Farnham's) opinion that all the mischief arose from the ribbon societies, the object of which were not con fined to dispu' es about land, but which extended to the carrying out of personal revenge and everything of an annoying and criminal character Those of their Lordships connected with Ireland well knew the nature of ribbon societies, but perhaps many of their Lordships did not know what their constitution was. In that case he could not do better, in conveying a knowlege of what this constitution was, than by reading an extract from the speech of a Noble Friend who had great weight with their Lordships—he meant Lord Plunkett. Lord Plunkett, in a charge to a jury in a case involv ing the ribbon societies, stated that no person of consideration or wealth belonged to these societies, but that they were com posed of the humbler classes —men, ignorant and uneducated, yet nevertheless prepared to do any act to forward their o.vn interests, and to carry out any measure on the attainment of which they had set their minds. (The Noble Lord here read an extract from the speech, to this effect :—" And further that the constitution of the ribbon societies was such that its mem bers would stop at nothing, however revolting in its nature, in order to realise the objects for which they were associated. ) In conclusion, he begged to state that he should support the measure, because he thought it was calculated to give pro tection to life and security to property in Ireland.—(Hear. ) The Marquis of CL AN RICA RD E declared that he should vote for the measure, although he differed with some of its details. He had addressed their Lordships on this matter, and the observations he addressed to their Lordships had. been made the subject of some very severe remarks, and because, forsooth, he had ven tured to call upon the Government to protect life anti property in Ireland. He denied that there was any connexion between this measure and the larger and more important ones which bore upon the future prosperity, and while he regretted that any observations of his should have given offence to any one, he could not but support a measure which the Government declared was absolutely neces sary for strengthening and maintaining the law in Ireland. It had been said that the Irish people required equal rights, the extension of the franchise, and religious equality, and he might be of opinion that they ought to concede these things, but he was at a loss to understand the necessity of introducing them into the question before their Lordships. Nothing could be more absurd than this species of reasoning. According to it an Irish farmer might say, "I have not that franchise to which I am entitled," and they might say, " We know it, and we shall take care that you are worse off than you are at the present moment." To which it was possible he would reply, " But protect my property and my life ;" to which they would reply, " Because you have not the franchise, we shall leave your pro perty exposed and your life in danger." In his opinion some law like that proposed by the Noble Earl was necessary in order to afford the people of Ireland the enjoyment of those civil rights to which they were entitled by the constitutional Government under which they laboured. But there were parts of the Bill to which he could not agree. He decidedly objected to that portion of it which set forth that it should be permanent. In introducing it, the Noble Earl stated, that at an early period he expected the Government would be enabled, on account of the improved state of Ireland, to propose its repeal.—( Hear, hear.) But, in his opinion, it should only be passed for a limited period, for he should despair if he thought it was necessary always to continue such an Act, in which the power given was undoubtedly of an arbitrary nature, and he was against giving such a power for an inde finite period. Its continuance should he fixed by a clause, and when that period expired the Legislature might ex tend it for a further period, if the state of the country rendered it necessary. There was another part of the Bill to which he objected. He agreed with those Noble Lords who had spoken on that side of the House, that punishment ought not to be inflicted on those who were indirectly and not directly concerned in the commission of murder, by imposing a tax on them and the districts in which they resided, in order to reimburse the wives, children, and other relations of . the murdered man.—( Hear.) He admitted that this tax should be imposed on affected districts ; but they ought to be careful of committing an injustice by not making a proper distinction between persons convicted and not con victed ; for a lunatic might take away life—he might commit se veral murders, or other crimes of less magnitude, for which he would be immediately convicted; but it would be extremely hard, where no combinations, and no crimes like those pointed at in the Bill existed, that the Lord Lieutenant should order a pension, in the shape of compensation, to the rela tions of the person deprived of life.—( Hear, hear.) He considered that if the inhabitants rose up and arrested the man who committed a crime, they ought not to be punished by the infliction of penalties for such crimes. It was worthy of their Lordships' observation, that in courts of justice it had been proved that many of those crimes were committed by strangers from other counties, and he (Lord Clanricarde) thought that where it could be proved that the perpetrators of crime were brought to justice no penalty ought •to be imposed. There was another point also, which was, that he thought that the power of transportation for life should not be given by the Bill, without the signature of the Lord Lieutenant being previously obtained. With respect to the change of venue, he thought it was very often a disad vantage for a man to be tried in another county. If a man was a bad character, and was convicted, he thought it important that that conviction should take place in the county where the act was committed. There ought to be, also, a reference to the gentlemen of the county to take the circumstances into consideration. But these were mat. ters of detail. He rose to say he was more and more confirmed that such a measure was necessary; from what he had heard, the Government were tardy in doing their duty, but he would give them his cordial support. The Earl of WICKLOW said he was not in the least disposed to give any opposition to the Bill, because he thought it an exceedingly useful measure. With respect to the observations of his Noble Friend re specting the permanency of the Bill, he (the Earl of Wicklow) begged leave to observe that, as the Par liament met every year, it was in the power of the Govern ment, or any individual Member, to move the repeal of the measure whenever desirable. He would take that opportu nity of giving his opinion that there are two great objects to be attained for the prevention of crime in that country, anti it appeared to him that the Bill was well framed for the purpose. There was another for the purpose of bringing to justice the perpetrators of crime. Ills Noble and Learned Friend alluded to that subject. He (Lord Clanricarde) considered that it was quite as necessary to secure the detection and conviction of criminals as it was to prevent the commission of crime. Their Lordships saw the result of this in the details which had been read to them, from which it ap peared that it was impossible to find witnesses to come forward, or jurors to convict. In other coercion Bills which had been enacted, and in the last one, brought in by Lord Grey, there was a provision to secure the conviction of criminals. He did trust, therefore, that the Government would introduce clauses to this effect into the present Bill, or would bring in a Bill specially on the sub ject. He would not at this stage of the proceedings make any objection to the Bill, but would content himself at present with these few observations. • The Earl of CLANCARTY did not wish the discussion to be brought to a close without making a few observations on two of the provisions of the Act. In the first clause of the Act it was stated, that when murder or an at tempt to murder was committed in any district, the Lord Lieutenant would have the power of sending doss n an ad ditional number of constables and magistrates to that locality. He did not think that this was the meet effectual mode of meeting the case, for local knowledge was an object of greater consequence than numbers of policemen and magistrates. This, unless the stipendiary magistrates were to be a perpetual burden to the country (which God forbid), the Noble Lord considered could not be obtained by them. The local magis trates would feel a greater interest in the preservation of the peace of that district. They would, and could, give more as sistance in such cases as these, and it would be more likely to further the ends of justice. The police magistrate had not the same local knowledge, nor does he feel the same interest in the well being of the district. If the police courts of Ireland were placed in more immediate relation with the local magistrates, no person would have more ready access to information than they would; to none would information be more readily conveyed, provided he were looked upon as an accredited officer for maintainingthe peace of the country. He did not mean that sort of information held in such abhorrence by the people of Ireland—information made for the purpose of obtaining the rewards offered by Government, but he referred to that information which a poor man may make to his landlord, who, as a magistrate, might turn it to some account, for the prevention of crime; which he (the Earl of Clancarty) maintained, would be much better than vindi cating the justice of the law after the commission of crime. He did not wish to cast any imputation upon the stipendiary magistrates ; but could their Lordships listen to that large catalogue of crimes, those unclaimed rewards, and those offences which had hitherto gone un punished, without coming to the conclusion that, notwith standing the great increase in the administration of justice, crime had, nevertheless considerably increased. He thought a reference to these circumstances might raise the question, whether a paid or unpaid magistracy were the proper persons to be entrusted with authority in Ireland. Again, in former times , there had been causes for dissatisfac tion. These were the grievances of the penal statute. These had, however, all been removed. Again there existed no longer exclusive privileges. They had had seventeen years of conciliatory measures, they had had Cathoilc eman cipation, the Reform Bill, Protestant associations had been abolished, the tithe had been comparatively extinguished, the public funds had been withdrawn from the Protestant schools and placed at the disposal of a board which leant more to the Roman Catholic than to the re formed faith. He might add that the Chureh of Rome had bean s mctioned in Ireland, and last, not least, the college of Maynooth had been endowed. He thought that these Acts showed at least a disposition on the part of the Government to co-operate in the establishment of peace in Ireland.—(Elear.) He wished to call the attenti in of the House to the provisions of the Act. He thought that the clauses which provided for the families of persons murdered in the present state of the country should be recast. An alteration in this particular would add to the utility of the measure. He thought that their Lordships should pr,vide some enact ment to which the poor should be compelled to resort, instead of remaining as mendicants upon the face of the country ; and he would say that if their Lordships did that, they would do much more than this Bill could do for the peace of the people of Ireland. Had the poor-rate been applied to that purpose— had the mass of the poor of that country been relieved, the pressure of destitution which at present was so fearfully felt, and which in so great a measure tended to demoralise the people, would have been considerably lessened. They were impoverished, and forced to associate with de • prayed characters, and thus were brought about these instances of bloodshed, the details of which had been l aid before their Lordships. Under other circuetestaleet s those murders would not have been com mitted. 5 ,2,, so long as a number of destitute pers ons perva zr: the country, without any stake or in terestin le: and led a medicant life, they need not be sur prised at such a state of things as had been deta iled to them. So long as misery and wretchtelness prevailed in Ireland s i o t ong would the peace of the country be destroyed, despit e sue t w isb_ou measures as the present. He could not sit d own J expressing his very deep regret that the ease of • land should be year after year dragged be,°'erh the country, which was calculated to give such an unjust impression of the character the , people. As an Irishman he felt indignant , becaUf ses impression that was thus created in the minds 4; Englishmen was very much the reverse o uch es they truly deserved. They were not s uch i s their Lordships might infer from the details which had be et! laid before them. The Government ought to bring forvraea such measures as were calculated to make the people comfortable and well fed, and they might then expect the country .1.! be in a peaceable eonditition. Such measures would effect ,f peace much more than any coercive measure which the y coal 4 pass. • h ba d Lord CAMPBELL thought that the observations wine rtu fallen from the Noble Lord who had just sat down were wol of the greatest consideration. He wished to mak e b i: few observations on what had fallen from 0, Noble and Learned Friend (Lord Brougharo)s„ bu t would not presume to offer any obstruction to the Blot lie to express his opinion against a doctrine propounded bY Noble and Learned Friend. He must protest against au; doctrine, that in the prosecution of such cases a s was e s templated by this Bill, parties should be tried to • distance from the place of their abode. That there snightbede state of things in which it would be necessary 50 do so he would nut deny cases in which juries would D et ect • their deity, and witnesses declined giving their evidence. P... Such a course was not to be taken unless under extraordiTs cireumstances. But he had no difficulty in saying that ' t r ite ' course, if it was made a standing law, would be an ievasi° that the rights end privileges of the people. He defeneled srtY maxim of the cesnmon law-of England that the accused Pthe should be tried in the neighbourhood of the place wher e , ie offence was committed. The advantage to the that.idulio being tried in the neighbour hood of the place was, be a better opportunity of establishing his innocence atlese. neighbours, who knew his character, than in a distaMffeetl I' Besides, if he was dragged to a distant part , the rh e se ed would be to produce his witnesses. It M i g ht the that the Government should be compelled to palls ie expense of these witnesses. But it would be iee r "l to ( 115 t many cases to take witnesses from their employment anr o f tent parts, and then the accused would suffer from of s exculpatory evidence. Besides, the trial and convietiorritoe criminal in the nighbouhood where the offence was ° tell :Diet would have a greater effect than it could have in a dislansseThies where that case had never been heard' of. If the 51"-e-e, of • Government always had the power of selecting the P' s ris est trial in political cases, they might commit the hi be arbitrary acts.—(Hear, hear.) A man who we,uoight considered innocent in his own neighbourhood , an° d to really have committed no offence, must be carrie .res a distant part of the country, where prejudices existed strop, his sentiments, political or religious, and he might be unjustl iee d• victed of, and punished for an offence he had never eolnutricslll His Noble and Learned Friend had stated, th at P rse io this was the law of England, but it was not so. lb, e ie the England provided that the trial should take place on'Y' t ; the county where the offence was committed, subject 014 , rbe wholesome provision, that upon cause being Supreme Court of Queen's Bench might change the velM r e ' t esl order the trial to take place in the county where a 4 1, could be had. The criminal law of Scotland, he regretted s was very unfavourable to the criminal. The civil larthi"sof ever, of that country was the best in existence, and the ;eat! England had often borrowed many important imPr °ve ssd from it; but the criminal law of Scotland was arbitr ar r i s ole severe in the extreme. The Court of Justiciary in niell s ' it *as supposed could do what they pleased with crl ceo d. and it was to be regretted that they did not always': ae t . e • ing to the precepts of prudence or justice. Till lately*, 1 .0 0 1 land, the judge selected the jury, he took the panel, an sis those who should he upon the jury ; and within the tt s b b ia ie months the Court of Justiciary in Scotland declared tbta made 011. had power to create any new offence which they wlig b diffe; contrary to expediency, policy, or justice. There WO. l b 00 ence of opinion with regard to the punishment referred t°' to be inflicted for the offences which had been refe t V t shg Some said, shorten life, but at length it was agreed ;o°l punishment should be transportation. Lord Cockborn,,,prair oely dissentient to the alteration. But he hoped that tns' el se tice which prevailed in Scotland would not be a cone le S e isnr gument for its adoption in Ireland .—( Hear .) If the Se ment had made out a strong case for giving them fr " . eat':l trary power, they might have been entitled to it. anie st apprehended that the measure introduced by th e Ge coree would answer all the purposes required. He strong l y e 14._jor in the objections which had fallen from am p l in eePrie Lords against continuing the measure for an off • instead of a definite period.— ( Hear. ) If the state bops country at the expiration of the law sought to be labs was not in a fit state to allow its abolition, there co n ,de • ' difficulty in continuing it. Lord BROUGHAM wished to say a few words i n , e% ea r t Lion. He certainly never said the law of England wasecs to the law of Scotland with respect to the violent crbne'' Ise to be put down in Ireland. He said that, under the or Englanddifficult W ee s s a conviction. This was notorious in smuggling ces'd ("T. stance. He was sorry his Noble and Learned Fri e° I s e Campbell) had taken the trouble to show what a bad be sit s isted in Scotland. With respect to them, howevert r oblos. showed that good might come out of evil. His els! s o"' Learned Friend's argument was the same as that piss test with respect to the privilege question, in which it tamed that they might make any punishr°eeis,o7o liked for a violation of the privileges of the Houses of r!'i is He said it would be a great general improvernale s t e l le PLO • the law generally. He was quite sure, if his Dn" mart looked into the Act, he would find that a similar ens ti ro proposed by him (Lord Brougham). There were two 'l e e rev is e recommended his Noble Friend (Lord Campbell) t"weee;, his memory by reading them. He felt it his dall'o e ffele troducing those Acts, to create court-martials to try s i e tiep ro sil and giving a power to condemn a man to transr e r ; life. In the 79th clause of the same Act his l"," e ete t h eli would find what he had stated to be correct. He d w g 's, ce4 into these general questions at all. But the venue ( tee Vst was not opposed, passed in the month of Augus t, an le 0 Brougham) was quite sure there were not suc h elees es, present. 01 i d Lord CAMPBELL said he would not enter inr, s os troversy with his Noble and Learned Friend, for ' l '49 known be was a Scotch advocate, and it would be ho gee soi r for the advantage of his country if he had never be bed, intentions.—(A laugh.) In his Noble Friend'a 4,l , std understood what was its intention, for as th e y t ° Lordships did not m tiake the law, but were cr trie Clare it. e eon d e tli t Earl GREY said, before the Bill was read a 5- or- le he wished to say a few words, and he was bound to rens 00500 his Noble Friend had made out a sufficiently alr e cl larit li ste justify Parliament in arming the Government wi t ", O r iel powers. He deplored and he regretted that a sold 0400 made out for passing stringent measures, but be d° des remember that that was not the first Bill of that te astee that they had been called on to pass. For the l ast " - S i de', since the union took place there were no five consee in which the ordinary law of the country was stiffiej ett t eery s cession of Acts had been passed at different times f or pes t of arming the Executive with additional power. Wit fa t st, th e ' towards the pacification of the country, the fear od oise r sl o j things which the Noble Lord depicted in in tr 0 oe ° present Bill was evidence, the tendency of which r i b , OP ot i o ri mistake. After that statement it could hardlY l a b°, that this Act, which was of a similar nature ° 4 , ° Tile; cient to repress the insubordination which exise:lo. so 0 ,01 1 no other alternative left but pecuniary grants' tbe °Or eleemosynary relief could meet the distresses 0 - dieg e e4 Parliament afforded that relief ; but, notwithsta°t, eer e e Acts which had been passed for the purpose ° e e l c v s t A a o b u ee tr n ag m e, a a d n e d b n y ot t w h i e ths l t m an p d er in ia g l a p ll a t r h li e a g m r e a n n t t: for re 10013 no per try , t e. effectual improvement had taken place in that ee ° e ye e l f , ie t hs proves that they ought not to continue in that ' t ot ordure. They were bound to go to the r eo see o g evil, not merely to repress by arbitrarYta &Ora commission of offences against life in t " . % 0 110 but to take away the spirit of disaffect, ef t prevailed. He therefore thought that Parlia o f the of not be doing its duty if it did not pass a meas ure o ° 34 re set lie referred to. Ile was well aware that the seee tbesdessr of the Bill was not the time for the discussion or to e el sures ; but, he said, that if before that ,s s Bill left the measure of the description he alluded to were not It'eiels°' if, before the third reading of the Bill, we ar e tie r t ,' 10 0 00 full and wise policy which her Majesty adopt—in that case it will be the duty of this lionoseeerialoe lay the passing of the Bill, not to refuse the Goverree relelee powers which are necess try for the protection of b y $ 1 even more than the rich, but, at the same tinleeeeplinte.t vote to record our opinions upon the necessity of ‘"" da Ar m tlO .l this measure measures of the kind to which he b oe iew s ,,e're ( Hear, hear.) So strongly did he entertain th e , yon 7 ;este s , if no other Noble Lord of longer standing in thlloipoiassc, more entitled to claim the attention of their Le ft 10 ° 0 • he 5 t° be prepared to bring forward such a measuree,,ii esg e , ‘ upon himself the task, when the present q e schb t e r e s ' b e e' read a third time, to submit to their ,to be - e or what shape he had not yet sufficiently considered " , to state, a resolution in an address to tier 3 l n i e ' tY s ' et - hie° PI their Lordships not to rest satisfied with the P r to ° or with these other measures of immediate re liest ore s ieeP et el se ' would give his cordial consent, and to look t:: o d 4 10 the present condition of the people of Irelal th i s e i,e s pew your to apply some remedy commensurate wi th b ids ' re , is . considered it better to reserve any remarks reiessubeto have to make upon the details of the ere see s t e eed wi l e would, however, just say that he cordially aPP - e . ol v ar e 3 eor e l f ciple of that part of the Bill which sought to to lace sb art as / districts of the country in which offeeeee tookianeilieseenseftee of providing for the support of the bereaved OP e pri P oe expense of giving rewards for the diseover,Yeea GOO ( Hear, )hopedhear. believed this was a seelf l ' eo sler i es. ple, and he p that Government Would sosetioe bt se er more perfect, and make them perma n t e e t i t at ion of le could not help protesting against the al introduced by a Noble Lord. The elrL e rt pere7 e 4 peoilt anion would be to induce juries to e nu sine the- es eel e r upon insufficient evidence, because by u n tlw.,,, b ; C ongoe 7 0 1 guilty the district to which the perso " ee silet t set ° t ied juries s ed Ptati°rdistricts 'bolo, the minds of the juries to relieve the sheot beg del belonged would be be relievedatEn of a w ll b e ie x h r re igh f h o s je lived by unfair verdicts. He thought to which the Bill then stood, an inducern to jurymen to convict parties, rd wou ld thos e cr ke til amendment sought for by the Noble Lo__ eret of ss F et e , st ld provement. He agreed, that thoughcres-irree wee d io end, theernetfowe°4:billlg4bieLieeilise; on the district in which they were . grerieelia tee c i es popdlatiost they es e e r s e ase properreasonable, the c :mmand for the prevention of crimes it rred be la beer er e unpunished. It was his opinion that the con „ q ueri- se isingbs Lord 00 olit support the law, for crime only .r_c d u istrict s e_o2s e. ro_ pecuniary expenses another point wtohicwhhiacrhose In • ularlY t he it s shiest e to call the attention of theires a batß the o t ee that a clause should be inserted in eestea ssi re duration. A Noble Lord had se gge it• or! g in would teem in ° disse se better one, because no Government e stife t''' e sed t°cA "" s unless circumstances were such as to w t as not rep e get- se esaw should be repealed. He thouht tha t ore Oieb get lauses w hich e from it ; but he hoped that the c _ ea sup ers out De'" SO P the punishment of persons In the present stage of the bill, he s uds' WS would be considerably modified. ni• O f After a few words from the Islarq the Bill was read a second time. S s ' itond to be fore AlniV Sr HOUSE OF COM ,— m inutes so re Their Lordships ob. a 0 RAILWAY nu ead s eeon n o Numerous Railway Bills weLe r novo of t The SPEAKER took the Chair I ,,i t s a iN r e ;ss, toe , s° sr• ordered to be committed. T he follow : Exeter and Exmouth Railway. - Taw Vale Railway Extension J,, °n /b ebop Eastern Union and Hadleigh un_sell a ,, 9 1, Slamannan and Borrowbteuneso