The Sun. — London, England, 1846-01-23 00:00:00

"V to the p ro tectionists.—(" Hear," from the Opposition.) Po ;It'hot of opinion that we should be so dependent n foreign countries as some Hon Gentlemen would . of a g f i o ne- . I have no fear that we shall be at the mercy ta;A re'gri states. I am not afraid of any such er, nor indeed can I see any ground for such a History tells me that no such danger will follow. Of his tells me that when Napoleon was in the plenitude pc,r,Power no such danger threatened, though at that ` ol ci there - (Hear was much m ore groun d s f or such a result. -- ef corn 'h, and the quantity i m p orte d i nto t hi s country -slue 000 -e from , 1 , quart ers , an d of th i s amount there 1 a certai n r Alice 500,000 quarters. I well know that Napoleonl r iaarshal w as ra i se d to that d i gn i ty by to n , and h e was one who benefited largely by the to a ir ig of th at commodity; and this would be found I ~,i 4 kAe case agai n if anything like a war should arise. i)11 , 4, 1t u 'could rely on you that you would witliout cora- Whi ch PaY some penalty for having maintain e d a system 4 ,_ has been so repugnant to public ',pinion ; but I 7.4 consoled by feeling that t:Liere has been 24uPe_eriod in this country ;.n. which temporary 4 104 5 2_ would create so many epportunities and such large 1 463 :1 . to absorb the temporary and local superfluity of !totin:trryatos te e great works in progress in this (Hear, hear.) If I . look ther e h extensions of our foreign relations, t re aeuted as seldom been a period which mus k° r a greater prospect of more extended was it aSe het weP.a this and foreign countries. Never ...., pruiore necerasary to preserve peac.: and good-will, iiZ mi e.vent t he effects of mutual animosities between tio o cfl of he co untries.—(Flear, hear.) In considera hrem s tile % t questions, the labouring classes should be bat 4.1: in the minds of the Members of the Legislature; '2otias,ll3ok higher, I believe there is no class in this dement who will reap greater advantages from a just l 'a • faet o -nt of this much -agitated question than the ma -opiniotirers of foo d. — (Cheers.) Whatever may be the h i°ll svottli,_ll°h. Members, I believe that their remunera feseot agitate'e 45 Members, iti removal of the dissension which at i ca 'Plat a out country.—(Cheers.) I cannotcon aelusg. Tka, raibject without the greatest solemnity which ! it is difn eui " .1 brings me to a part of the subject hi Wi lt , i t for me to enter upon without perhaps, w in teale, ...?reumstances incurring the suspicion of many wee' ",iele Members' ; and tha', reason alone s e -le be ii sufficient t an difference to induce . . m.e the 40 4 e 40 111 of an difference of opinion in be et °I I this occasion. for I hope that the House will le . the Tin. unanimous in replying to the Speech from ~,',l topic I hope, I say, that I shall not introduce wsesze° which shall degenerate into an angry Nita °ll ' And, fortunately, it is not ne , ry ~ ZI k' cr b me to do so on this occasion ; r? ask, Iv i " st have you to expect from such proceed '''• tli, c -. o k you that they will improve the condition * Nie cl t r i r -- -4:)r do you suppose that bribery and ,s til 'ilee? ri ,•'iu do more for us than ingenuity and expo 1j'404, 4t was a warfare most unwise, from which Ic l i4t. but a disastrous result can come, and which, " 11 -ed, lt c • ° ° l e, as come it will, if this warfare is con ate NI will only rend and convulse the country from ° PPo st the other, and give our common enemies an 4 nd, " , t7 of * - (II stepping -- in and invading . .the %c.o. : e4 r, hear, and cheers.) These, in my opinion, and Verations well worthy the attention of Parliament 41 (4 -"IS House, and I trust they full investigation Whi c h a deliberate, and dispassionate will receive v,ottici their p u t importance deserve. Such a step as this ion ' an end to the dangerous and useless dis '*hich, '', which are taking place out of doors— l'ineiop,i' °°ntinued, I must be allowed to say, without 'AO tiC,ltnY unbecoming or disrespectful feeling for the m'airoo4'ing body —whose good opinion I am always 4 tcospitil:tiaotf:naaiintaining—wiil cover the face of the nation Pes t wa rs that will ultimately flow back, and leave our landmarks uninjured and untouched. abode: °f this would be the case with your hetssechq Peaceful industry. There is this difference h Itttiff, its 3'°nr machinery and that which comes fresh llois i; great Cr eator. —(Cheers.) The trade of agita-_ „,7 f6 eult 11 ' 24 a very ms sterious one—it is not of ',kale saequireinent, and, unfortunately, it re 1 es...ud itself to the popular taste.—(Cheers.) tiik 4`` irnagine no better tutor in that school koeitlaan of liberal education, of ruined means, of no lie Ne rte, svhose sense of real or imaginary wrongs, whose th is hie fallen fortunes makes him a fitting leader talt4, C h oosi ng s h oos' the his time, is certain to become popular. reat ee ti t marl, choosing his time, must create the With confusion throughout the country ; and It 4 dire others dread this system of agitation. Y opposed to our social system, and if tilo p°°: to the views which they ? inculcate, if we look to l oOls r t c P, ° , so which they are intended to promote, if we 1 %4 4 ; he individuals who give their leisure to such t heir' o ' n c) d n ' who move air, earth, and water to compass kichli t a, surely we would be performing our duty by kfieh t he country of a law which leads to so hview e"ten tioo.—(Hear, hear.) Sir, it is with these i the t hat I have endeavoured to express my concurrence dPro.positions contained in her Majesty's Speech, have it is that I have undertaken the office which I Drench On inadequately performed. I will not further e %h et " on the patience of the House by referring to h 1, 1, 0 1° Pies contained in the Speech ; I believe that they . th acc 'e. n )thing which can lead to any serious dis e h'i° l l in this House, and I believe I shall The t r g'a my duty by at once moving the Address. IshictiAoble Lord concluded by moving the Address, M u was, as usual, an echo of the Speech. 4 04 r • 13. DENISON then rose and said—Sir, I hope the . 5i 4; ,. 80 will not think me guilty of great presumption in sh c 'S to second the Address which has been moved by ow Noble Lord the Member for South Lancashire. The et t l_a.pology I can offer for presuming to occupy c i s ti lat uLlon of the nouse on the present occasion , o c r o_nsequenc e of the lamented decease of a Noble in L d who recently filled the office of President of the Council, I am the single Minty represent a ti ve o f the largest constitue nc y in the Itasdom, the population of which is upwards of one I tl ion and a half.—(Opp os iti on c h eers.) They are an , ind ustrious population, and th e i r i n d ustry is occu- L e d in agricultural, in commercial, and in manufactur i7.llursuits of almost every description.—(Cheers.) Now 6„ . 1 8 beyond all doubt that this population has been it".ing with more than ordinary anxiety to her li:X B tY's Speech from the throne to her Par- P c - 7,:ht en this occasion. —(Loud Opposition cheers.) b le „ Ps I may be justified in stating that the consti- N ue] have evinced the greatest anxiety to have the int end of the measures which her Majesty's Ministers ez o i`, to Propose for the prosperity of this kingdom sclo'lned, and that they await with great interest the de het Ptent of those measures.—(gear, hear.) In tat „b il j e atY's Speech from the throne, she states e,, -"a continues to receive assurances from all keos t r, , Powers of the continuance of friendly and i , flat feeliipss With regard to the conduct of the moat ror of ' ltu . ssia and the King of the French, I Tk1i,,,,,. aly that this kingdom is under :part yssaon s , to those monarchs for the part % the ',aye taken in preserving the peace of %lid tl d -- -for I would take the liberty of asking what lON ore effectually arrest the prosperity of this sill:m nati on than a bl o ody and e xp ens i ve war ? th e 'ateselt, oar.) Th e Ki ng o f th e F renc h h as alliance with our gracious Sovereign for vtitheltPPression of the horrid slave trade. But, not kiied4,"ing their friendly assurances, we cannot have the t ? observe that some danger threatens us from Will i 15-Nem hemisphere. I trust that nothing ortheel,lt undone by this country to prevent a breach to te, sent friendly feeling with America, for no doubt ' 4 ,, ei;;,° world would suffer by such a breach ; and it "eat",,,;Ptaion, and I trust the opinion of this House, "eat a re bound to use every effort to prevent a breach taicin.oilr western relations.—(Hear, hear.) mi E uisters 10 i ti '"o st t i ll tß y d e views,iu as k _skin g th ifnukr, additional til Majesty's re resources by 'lees:,- -- place the army %c o 4 ,,P0n to use those forces to preserve h rl state . --- (llear.) God granta:nthdat we n t s may i n n o e t u a b d n e . v e y indep t4tlift.lZl:his kingdom.—(Hear, hear.) I have _a r ls e o . for to .i. eland,—l may unhappy 1. k e. it $ . l ; Within the last two months we faminehave ,„..14 ,'"ist country under apprehensions o ‘44-Itde r. With Athe t i 4 44 t regar- to . famine, ers , be en overrated ; but in regard to the 9 1 . _P ' .e n u ave seen by the official returns from that wi t; t t r h u e s t r li t u h r a . t 41.13' save that the murders have been such as sis 44 t th e 'l7l tiealYill ores Government in seeking for measures vi ti.. a.sd iti. Tt such shameful and unheard of mise 1, 41 00 e •10 . . rtunes —(Hear.) With r f eg th ar e d s t p o ee t e h h e , 4 , balic, ontained in the latter part o ~ r 'vs t h er e ans correct in stating that in the last r a o n u d xeia e ve has been a''reduction of the Customs ._ 13 : 1 4 e ' V r l.ies to the extent of between four and five mil %an l 'ag. I believe that by this reduction there has 'Net. :lulu. • so t , rally, 44., increase of the trade . of the country 1 14 thi s 4 in '-' a large import of forein commodities te le ofte n ghtl°m•—(licar, hear, and loud . cheetrhs.i)s toI that °ne of hear d of great facts—l believe ta Nr the greatest and most astounding 1 .11 - e 4t . v elis e , e t a cl, e to my th e 4 4 teof a t'lat it is to me an astounding knowledge.—(Loud cheers.)thst in I L and ttaut °Pin:lease a reduction of fiscal i f 'in sc p t O s s t i a ti i o n n ed s, , her m e yoreil' c lhe revenue should have been sustained, bas l --Jeatrigiftforts increased. I sincerely course et that try , a r eady b e Meters will persevere in aco aarmo,„"&ieo 14 11 in t l g rod t u h c u t s ive m o u f uh sr I h b t.s e e n l efi h t eu to ud the o 'edia,.. "° assert that the results of sic tl ut e hn ii -1 "" th ''' entitl to what I earnestly co ead ey „ mil , e them advi s Q a tl ee.-...(1 , 1. obtain, full measure kid 1. th ey skoud cheers). Now, her Ma o j f esty pub h il a e s def t feel 'vs compelled to acknowledge " °l 'ld continue to pursue oth,, 010-... fr on the dge thethat same experience , 'v aid of Hon. Gentlemen _ each "ofth I/ • if I were not to all ir optils _ . a ouzo seem amused at my alluding to wlf Sl l th at ex"' but I should be ashamed th le Ileonecrerience.teaches me to v l alu . e the lesson sh e e t her li a . e _ from this great fact; and sincerely trust 4 ' 17 ha ve hiti s i lY 3 Government will, . in th e sp irit that ,3 e such r user s? regulated their conduct, continue m ° to . nitio4 as will eductions on the import of foreign com the Reushri welfare be just to all parties and conducive to t Piai ons, In,. e of the people. Sir, entertaining those 8 14 .. e inteuttanovv nothing, and want to know nothi g 1 . qY, s. una of the Minivers.—(Great laughter.) 1 of the ir, that I want to know - nothing of the intentions Cror ,Ministers, for from what has already oc vii:htirtrust th. integrity—(Cheers tri . -i• have full • in wili confidence their prudence, ar ld , _ , and integrity—(Cheers from the Opposition) — persevere liberally to all parties, pe e 44 at injUstice to any, to reduce those duties which A t upon the comforts and the energies of the people. most same time, Sir, I reserve to myself the tcs;‘s entire liberty to vote for or against any to t, T'es which they may propose to the House. the n ame tr, while stating thus much, I ask the House, in honour of that great community which I have the e i li.. . to represent, to meet them in a spirit of con th4_"oll and fairness whenever they bring forward Tr:' me asures which h er M a j esty recommends. op 'de will revive, prosperity will again return. I know of . u ‘ ,o limit which c an b e p l ace d upon the development "le industry of the United Kingdom, I ask, on be- I t half of the great community which I have the honour manufacture to all parts of the vrorld ai l louuted to to represent, that they m a y h ave ever y f ac ility f or an 47,000,0001. ;i n 1844 these *ere 4 ; i412,0 . 00i In 1845 increased employment, and a consequent increase of there was again an inciease, the amount being in that their comforts ; for they ar e , i n m y h um ble opi- year 465764,000/. This is the state of our commerce nion, the most hard-working, patient, and loyal under the system we have pursued, of abolishing protec people upon the face of the earth.—(Hear, hear.) tion. Now I come to the question of revenue, and will If properly instructed when young, by truly religious take the results of the revenue as bearing on this ques persons, they entertain for her Majesty the tion. Ought there to be a high protection on domestic greatest respect and affection. I beg leave to second industry in a country encumbered with a heavy debt the Addressse-(Hear, hear.) The St'EAKER then read the Address. and heavy taxes ? le 1842, it will be remembered t h at I proposed a reduction in the Customs duties to the amount R. PEEL then rose and said—Sir, I would of an e sti ma t e d l oss o f 1,438,0001. In 184 4 I proposed I aim hope that although th e c ourse I take is an unusual a further reduction in the Customs duties, involving a loss one, yet that lam acting in accordance with the general of 273,000/.; and in 1845 a further reduction to the im wish of the House in now rising to give an explanation mense amount of 2,418,0001. I estimated the total loss of that course which I shall take upon the pre- on those reductions would be 4,129,000/. I discarded sent great question before the country.—(Hear, hear.) the revenue derived from corn from both sides of the ar- The House will consider it but natural that I should de- gunient.—(Hear, hear.) Now let us see whether my sire that not a moment should elapse before I should expectations have been realised in this respect, and explain to the House the motives on which I have acted, whether 4,000,0001. have been lost to the revenue from and the principles which have governed my conduct.— the changes in the Customs duty we have made or not? (Hear, hear.) I may feel hurt at having been the I find the total loss has been 1,500,000/. only.—(Re object of much accusation upon this subject.—(Hear.) newed cheering.) I dealt also with the Excise last year I have been unjustly condemned without a hearing. I —and made a reduction to the extent of 1,000,0001. in say nothing upon that head ; and if any momentary that item of revenue by the removal of duties. We took feeling of indignation should possess me, the recollection offt the whole of the glass duty—(Hear)—and the atm of the great events which have taken place would be tion duty, and we estimated the loss to the revenue at sufficient to remove any such temporary unpleasant- 1,000,0001. See the result. These duties were taken off ness.—(Hear, hear.) I enter, therefore, into altogether. There was no hope of recovering any part of no particular discussion, or particular accusations, it—as in the case of articles upon which we merely re but this Ido ask—while I contend for the reserval of duced the duties, and when by increased consumption we sentence, I ask for an opportunity, after the condemns- may reasonably hope to make up the loss—but we felt tion, of explaining the motives of my conduct. that by vivifying trade the removal of those duties —(Hear, hear.) I ask you to listen with patience would be beneficial notwithstanding. Now let us in and indulgence, to those facts and those evidences quire what will have been the effect of that removal on which I shall this night bring before you, the sth of April next. My belief is that, notwithatand and which will afford the materials on which the House ing the reductions that have been made, the excise re will ultimately pronounce its opinion. I wish to explain venue this year will be more prosperous than it was pre what were the grounds which led me, and those with whom vious to the changes.—( Hear.) Notwithstanding those I I acted, humbly to tender to our gracious Sovereign the reductions and abrogations, there has arisen a silent resignation of trust which was committed to me. I wish spring of prosperity in the industry of the country also to explain what were the circumstances under which which has supplied the void in the revenue thus created. that trust was re assumed, and why lam now here as —(Hear.) And, with this evidence before me, is it pos the Prime Minister. Sir, the immediate connexion sible for me to stand up and say that, because Sir, the immediate cause which led to the disso- we have a heavy debt and high taxes, we should lution of the Government was, that a great calamity still continue protection ? The Customs duties of had fallen upon that article of food on which the present year amount to almost 20,000,0001. The a great portion of the people of the United Kingdom, Customs duties of 1842, when we began this system of and still larger numbers of the sister kingdom, depend reduction, produced 19,661,0001., exclusive of corn, mainly for their subsistence. That was the immediate which I take both ways. I have reduced taxation to the and proximate cause which led to the dissolution of the amount of 4,129,0001. ; and comparing the Customs re- Government ; for it would be unfair and un- turns for 1845 with those for 1842, in addition to over landid on my part if I attached undue im- coming that diminution of upwards of 4,000,0001., the portance to that subject. The particular cause Customs of this year are better by nearly half a million appeared to require immediate decision. It was abso- than they were in 1842, before that reduction took place. lutely necessary at the time alluded to that an imme- —(Opposition cheers.) But I will now take a more diate course should be taken with regard to the important matter into consideration—a more important laws which govern the importation of corn.—(Hear.) matter than either trade, commerce, or revenue, unques- I will not shrink now from the expression of my opinions tionably important as all are. I will take the moral upon those topics which have lately agitated the world, state of the country, and I am happy in stating that nor will I withhold from the public that the progress of during the last year there has been a large reduction in reason and truth have considerably altered my the amount of crime. The number of offences has within views upon these topics.—(Hear, hear.) I will now these 12 months been greatly reduced in the country. In freely and openly confess that my ow n o pi n i ons u p on the 1845 the number of commitments wa524,305, that is 2,237 subject of protection have undergone a change.—(Loud less than during the preceding year, namely, 1844. and long-continued Opposition cheers.) Alike in a pub- This was a decrease of 51 per cent. on the year before. lie as a private situation I claim the right to exer- In 1842 the reduction was 5f per cent. In 1844 it was cise the privilege of yielding to the force of 3 7-10th ; in 1845 it was 51 per cent. as I learn from argument and conviction -- (Hear, hear) and at the communication from the several quarters ; and that every time acting upon the results of enlarged expe- is to me a source of grea, gratification. That is the rience.— (Renewed Opposition cheers.) It may be sup- fact, that this reduction is chiefly observable in the chief posed that there is something humiliating in the making manufacturing districts, and in some of the chief mane- I of such a confession. I think no such thing.— facturing towns, while on the other hand, the reduction of (Cheers.) I have no intuitive capacity of al- political offences has been equally great in the agricul ways determining what is right, but I hare tural districts. In Wales there is perfect quietude, and confidence in the belief that it would be not a single offence of dissaffection or sedition has keen false conciliation indeed, if my opinions had under- committed throughout the whole of the Principality. gone a modification or change, to pretend to adhere The Attorney-General's office has been, for tke last to them.—(Cheers.) But then it became a qaestion, two years a sinecure —(Hear, hear)—for during that which the House and the public have a right period there has not been a single prosecution for to ask, whether the motives for changing them any offence against the State—(Hear, bear, and cheers) — are sufficient and honest. Nothing could be more in the years 1840, 1841, and 1842. Now, let us listen base in a public man than to protect himself from to this serious state of things in these three years. danger by pretending that no change had taken place There were 1,257 committed upon charges of sedition in his opinions, while on the other hand it would be most and riotous conduct. In the years 1843, 1844, 1845, inconsistent and most unjust to his Sovereign and his there were 124 persons instead of 1,257. In the last country if, upon seeing reason to alter his course of action year there was not a single one. In the year 1845 there he is to bs precluded from making that alteration by the were 422 persons sentenced to the punishment of trans fear of the charge of inconsistency.—(Hear, hear, and portation, less than in the year 1843. In the last cheers.) The question, then, for me to deal with is, three years there were 1,701 less , sentenced to whether the motives for the change are sufficient and transportation, than in the three preceding years. just. There are those who contend that the Now, this has been during times of comparative abun removal of impediments upon the import of a great dance. Is it possible, I say, then, to resist the conclusion, and very necessary article of commerce would that low prices and comparative abundance have con be a source of great advantage, and heretofore it has tributed to produce this beneficial result. Now, these been easy to combat the position of these parties are great social benefits. I do not say they are the by pointing out the urgent necessity for the ex- necessary results of it, but I do say they are istence of these restrictious. But, the time concurrent with a diminution of protecting duties. has arrived when it has become almost im- (Hear, hear). Well, have these advantages possible to meet them in fair and open argu- been obtained by any serious detriment to that great in uient—(Renewed Opposition cheers)—by showing that terest whose welfare should be the constant object of the advantages arising from the system of prohibition our care, the agricultural ? Protection to them has been were greater than those which might arise from their diminished, and I have been the object of much attack for removal. The time had arrived when the system was diminishing these duties, and deeply should I regret if become inconsistent with the right and just principles these great social advantages to which I hare alluded which ought to guide and regulate the trade of the coun- had been accompanied with any serious injury to agri try. In this public view protection to domestic industry culture. Now, let us see what has been the effect of re is in itself a sound principle, and agriculture being a branoh ducing the duty upon the four great articles of of domestic industry, is entitled to a share of that pro- our imports. In the year 1824, the protecting tection. It is said, that in a country encumbered with duty on flax was 101. 14s. 6d. It is now an enormous debt, and liable to an enormous taxation, it comparatively nothing. Protection having been re is necessary that domestic industry should be pro- moved, what has been the result ? What is now the tected from foreign competition—as necessary to price of Irish flax ? In the year 1843 the prices of the great body of the community. It is necessary fine flax in the market of Belfast was from 65 to 70. however that the labouriug classes of the community In the year 1844 the prices were from 64 to 68, and in should not be omitted in this arrangement ; it is but January, 1846, the prices now are from 70 to 80. There right that wages should vary with the prices of food, is no such fear from a reduction of duties on our that high prices should imply high wages, and that low importations, nor indeed is there any cause for the wages should be a concomitant of low prices.—(Cheers.) alarm raised by some Hon. Gentlemen who have given If I admit that land is entitled to protection on account expression to their feelings on the subject of protection. of its peculiar burdens, it is a question of justice rather The taking off the duties from foreign cattle was pre than one of policy.—(Hear, hear.) I have always dicted to be highly injurious to the agricultural interest. felt that if we uphold this argument, it is still Now what is the fact with respect to that prediction ? liable to removal by compensation. The three first ob- In 1843 there were 1,019 foreign horned cattle imported, jections to the removal of protection are objections and in 1844 there were 2,899, and in the last eleven founded on public policy, and the last is founded on months there were not less than 12,000 ; but it is not public justice ; but by granting compensation we re- proved that this increase has been detrimental move the latter objection. Ido not want to arrogate to to the agriculturist of this country, In the year 1844, myself that which has been used a priori by other per- the contract for stores for the navy was 31. 18s. sd. per sons. I want to deprive none of them of the credit to which tierce, and it is now 6/. Bs. Bd. This latter price they are justly entitled ; and I confess that my is the one now, paid for the navy contract own opinion has been greatly modified by the and this proves beyond all doubt that, not experience of the last three years.—(Great cheering withstanding the free importation of cattle, the from the Opposition benches.) I have had opportuni- article has nearly doubled, or at least very considerably ties of comparing from day to day the results which increased in cost; and this, I think, cannot be have followed during the last three years, from that denied as an argument against those, who ex principle on which you have been acting for some years pressed so much alarm on the repeal of this past, namely, the gradual removal of protection to agri- duty. It cannot be denied that the price has culture. I have had the opportunity of comparing the not more than kept pace with the import results of those years. I have observed on the effect Now there was no article which caused so much alarm of the three preceding years, and comparing it with that as lard.—(Cries of " Hear, hear," and great laughter.) of the three following years, and the result of that ob- In 1840 there were only 97 cwt. of foreign lard imported servation has led me to the opinion that the arguments into this country. In 1842, when the duty .cu WI 411/ to which I have referred in defence of the corn-laws are portationwas repealed, 48,000 cwt. were introotico:l :ja r no longer maintainable.—(Much cheering from the Op- 1844, 76,000 cwt. ; and in 1845, I believe it will.bn position.) Ido not believe, after the experience of the found that above 80,000 cwt. had been introduced. Now last three years, that the rate of wages does really vary what has been the price of domestic lard ? In 1844 it with the price of food.—(Renewed cheering from the was 48s. per cwt. ; in 1845 it was 675. ; and in January I same quarter.) Ido not believe, when the price of pro- of the present year, notwithstanding these enormous visions is high, that high wages will necessarily follow. importations the increase in price has been from 48s. —(Hear, hear.) Ido not believe that lowness of price to 625. in 1845 and 675. in this year.—(Loud cries of necessarily implies lowness of the wages of labour.— " Hear, hear.") Now there is only one other article (More cheering,) Ido not believe, it is impossible for which is of great importance and which demands the me to contend—and this is no new opinion of mine—it most serious attention, and that is the article of wool. is impossible for me to contend that protection to I was persuaded in 1844 that it was expedient that the British industry is as a principle of policy longer main- duty on wool should be altogether repealed—that there tainable.—(Cheers.) I declared last year that, in my in fact should be no restriction on its importation. It opinion, protective duties were evils in themselves— was more certainly in deputations than in this House that (Hear, hear)—though I added that the system was one objections were urged against the free importation of that that should not lightly be interfered with—that a system article. Certainly there were grievous anticipations lest, which had grown u p un d er p ro t ec ti ve d u ti e s should be in consequence of the abolition of the duty on that arti interfered with or removed with muc h caution. But it cle, parties engaged in the wool trade, should be injured. is impossible for any one to have made changes such as Well, here again there has been an enormous increase we have made in the tariff, and at the same time con- i n th e i m p o rtation of wool. In 1842, there were 45,8801b5. tend that prote c ti on in itself is abstractedly r ight in o f f ore i gn woo l i m p or t e d into this country, and in 1844, principle.—(Hear, hear.) Then, Sir, as to the other there were 5,790,0001b5., and during the last year, argument,ind a wt first sight, which alandz a it nd appears makesag of somereatim t— prweessigiohnupthone I am bound to admit, that there were no less than thear mg argument that, because we h ave i n this 65,216,0001b5. of foreign wool imported into England. — countr y labour 'of a heavy this (Hear, hear.) Now what has been the cause of the re debt and a high rate of taxation, the cou ntry cannot, without protection, co m p e t e w i th that ductionsunk of the duty on wool ? In 1842 the price had k but froml lid.to 10d., and in 1843 from to 11d., in December, th of foreigners. Now an opposite policy has bee n su b- 1845, eighteen months since the aboli mitted to the test of three years' experience;and, as far tion ofe duty, the price has sunk from 111 d. to 101 d. as experience can demonstrate anything, it i s th at a per lb.—(Hear, hear, and great laughter.) Now I think, large debt and heavy taxation justify abundanc e and Sir, we have had experience for the last three years, cheapness of food—that abundance and cheapness will sufficient to show that the removal of protection to rather alleviate than incr ease the difficulties of the d omest i c i n d ustry h as been followed by an increase of people.—(Opposition cheers.) I own, then, that I ap- our social happiness, and the inteiests of the country prove of that policy from the experience of the last have been materially promoted.—(Hear, hear.) Our three years. First, in regard to the question of morality, too, has been much improved. I could read rd, Exports hear ) much trade improved.—(Hear, s p r h o e v e ed n wages—can you deny the fact, that during those three the most' conclusive proofs that the public health rnc ( r H ea e s n e years, or, at least during the three years that th p e re re ce w de a d s last October, prices were comparatively low ; higher hear.) The trade in those articles from which comparative cheapness and plenty ; and yet at no have been increased, and this is a fact in which I rejoice. previous period were the wages of labour __([Tear, hase thaaltsothebneaentional than they were at that time.—(Hear, hear.) Take the protection . has been l r s e h m e o u v ld ed s h ta a te s b t e h e a n t, in n c e re tw as i e th d s . tan N di o n w g: three preceding years—you will find low wages co-ex- sir, it is right that _ isting with high prices ; with high prices you will find the conviction whichthisimexpreersiseionnce was s s b t r h o a u t g , h e t n t e o th m e y r you had low wages and distress.—(Hear.) I have then mind, that my decided upon. I could not six years, during the first three of which I find higher grounds, the corn-laws p should be reconsidered. prices of provisions co-existing with low wages, and This I was firmly resolved during the last three years I find we had low prices with have met in this session the motion of the Hon. Gentle a higher rate of wages.—(Hear, hear.) I cannot resist— man for the reconsideration of the corn-laws. I could even if I could resist the deductions of reason and argu- not , I sa y, w ith these convictions—which, say what you meat—l cannot resist the conclusions of time and expe- will, I canno t f o rget—l could not have met that motion rience, that wages do not v a ry w ith the price of provi- with a direct negative.—(Hear, hear.) Now, Sir, let sions, but that they alter with the amount of capital em- me again repeat, that the convictions which I have come ployed, with the prosperity of the country, and with the to have been brought about by observation and experience. demand for labour.—(More Opposition cheers.) I say, With this change in my opinion, I could not have under then, that there is no relation between the price of provi- taken the defence of the corn-laws upon the ground sions and the rate of wages, so far as the former regulates that the country being heavily taxed the continuance the latter.—(Hear,) Now as to the question of trade, of protection was necessary, or upon the ground that as I said before, during the last four or five years we it was for the interest of the labouring classes have been acting on the admitted principle of removing that high prices should be continued as a guarantee for prohibitions, of removing protective duties; that is to high wages ; nor could I have undertaken its defence on say, of destroying as far as possible protection to native the ground that a non-interference of the system was a industry.—(Hear, hear.) That has been the principle guarantee for domestic peace.—(Hear, hear.) But I have of our policy, and, wh e th er r i g ht or wrong , the prig- mo re urgently wished for this opportunity to explain to ciple upon which we have acted has been the removal of those friends who have hitherto honoured me with their protection.—(Cheers.) Let us see w h at h as been the confidence and support, as well as to justify to them the result on the trade of the count r y. I w ill g i ve you the course I have taken. —(Hear, hear.) I wish to assure total amount of British produce and British manufac- them that had. I not taken the course I have tures exported from the United Kingdom since 1839 : done, this Parliament would have been broken up, In 1839 the total exports amounted in and the defence of their interests would have been corn round numbers to 53,000,000 mitted to the country, and another Parliament would 1840 to 51,000,000 have had the opportunity of reconsidertng the question 1841 .....t0 51,000,000 of the corn-laws. Circumstances occurred in the last 1842 to 47,000,000 autumn which would have precluded me from to 52,000,000 1843 meeting Parliament on the principles I had 058 to ,00,000 1844 . (Cheers.) That is to say the total of our foreign ex- fested itself, the limits of which were then, and are still, ports rose between the year 1842, when the great inva- little known—(Cheers)—and it was evident to us that we should have great difficulty in con industry, sion was st ry made and on t h t e h e year principle 1844,0 f f p r r e o m t e c 4 t 7 i o 3 n nsa t or d ao o do m et s In tending against that calamity. The calamity was not confined to Irel a nd, b u t it h a d appeared, 58,530,000/. This does not include the C hina 1842, apart from the China trade, the exports to all not only in many other parts of Europe, other foreign countries amounted to 46,411,0001. In I but in England it se lf. Thi s ca l am i ty ma d e t h e Go -1844, they had increased by 10,000,000/., the tot al vernment aware of the fact, that the time had amount being 56,400,0001., deducting the China trade. arrived when a change in the corn laws became In the last year you can only have the amount for the pressingly necessary ; and it was, then, our duty eleven months previous to December, 1845. In the year to our Sovereign and the country to make known 1143, the exports of the principal articles of British the 'acuity fur this shwas, which ex i s t e d is the codiint clingeis Kow, had we pretended only that there was apprehension of a scarcity, for the purposes of effecting an alteration in the corn-laws i nothing would have been more base or dishonourable; and you shall have the opportunity of judging of the ireportanee of the id= formetion sve received iipola this dalarnity; and to deter mine e'hetlitr or its that irifdrthatioli was het Suflicielit to justify the Government in warning the country against the coming danger.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") So strongly', indeed, was I impressed by this information of the necessity for a change that, in the month of No vember, I advised the suspension of the protective duties. —(Opposition cheers.) There are two important periods to which I must particularly allude in my explanation, namely, the periods between the Ist of November, 1845, and the 6th of November, 1845, and the 25th of Novem ber, 1845, and the 6th of December, 1846 ; but before I do so, I propose to read, in consecutive order, the information which we received at diffe rent periods from different parts of Europe, which induce me to come to the conclusion I have done. The Ri g h t H on. B aronet t h en rea d a series of letters from Belgium, Egypt, Poland, France, and other countries, detailing the greet ravages of the potato disease in those places, Now with respect to England, this is the limit of the information which has reached us. I should mention that the first account we had of the failure of the potato crop was received from the Isle of Wight. A gentleman writes us on the 10th of August that he cultivates 300 acres, and he is also a salesman in London. He was also engaged in the retail trade, and therefore fully com petent to give an opinion. He had examined the crops around Sandwich and its neighbour hood, and they were almost entirely destroyed. In Kent also the crop has been most seriously injured, as appeared by a letter received from Mr. Clay. In Yorkshire the crop has been even worse, for it appears by a letter from Mr. W oo d , f rom t h a t pl ac e, that the injury has been most extensive. Then from Scotland I received a letter from my friend the Member for Dumfries, in which he says that the po tatoes there, in many districts, were unfit for human food. This was the nature of the accounts which my right Hon. Friend and myself had been receiving during the months of October and November, and which we spent days and nights in reading. Then, as to the accounts which came from Ireland, it would appear by them that the people of that country chiefly subsist upon that article of food. It would be difficult to estimate the number that so exist ; but by the official accounts which we have received from that country from Sir W. Brown, Mr. Lucas, and Pr o f essor K ane , it appears that nearly four millions of the people of that country . mainly depend upon the potato for their support. It is quite clear, then, that we have now to contend against a cala mity affecting no fewer than four millions of people.— (Hear, hear.) I will not enter into any details upon this subject, I will merely contest myself with reading the aecounts we have received from the Lord Lieutenant, confirmatory of them.—(Hear.) The Lord Lieutenant stated in one of his letters that the evil will not be felt in all its intensity until the month of February or the beginning of spring; that is the stock of last year's potatoes. This, be i. remem bered, is the opinion of one who was chiefly responsible for guarding against any calamity.—( Hear, hear.) Now. after all the accusations which have been brought against me, I wish to place upon record what were the appre hensions of those who were responsible for the providing of measures in order to meet this calamity. In a letter from the Lord-Lieutenant, he stated that the disease was very prevalent, and that results of an alarming nature might be anticipated, if measures were not speedily taken to meet the evil. This letter was fol lowed by another, dated the 21st of October, in which he says that accounts still continue to pour in of a most discouraging nature; the extent of the calamity it would be impossible tol calculate—potatoes were dry up, apparently in an healthy state, which in a few days presented all the appearances of decay. On the 24th Oct. another account reached us, in which we were told that the prices of the, necessaries of life were rising, and that a spirit of discontent seemed spreading among the people, and urging upon us the necessity of adopting speedy measures in order to allay the feeling of the people, and wishing to know whether he should issue a proclama tion forbidding distillation from grain. This of the 24th was followed by another on the 29th, from Lord Haytesbury, in which be stated that he was most anxious to know the result of the deliberations of her Majesty's Ministers upon the state of the potato crop in Ireland, and that accounts from the constabulary tended to confirm the extent of the calamity. Communications were also received from the Lord Mayor of Dublin of a similar tendency, and urging upon us the necessity for prompt and effective measures. But not only had they had the opinions of the Lord Lieutenant, but also those of the Secretary to the Royal Agricul tural Association, contained in a letter of the date of the 17th November. In the postscript to his letter, he states that, since the letter was written, later reports of the wide-spreading calamity had reached him, and he could safely say that there was not a county in Ireland but was affected with the disease. That communication was from the Secretary of the Royal Agricultural Society of Ireland, who was certainly in possession of most extensive means of information. It came to hand on the 24th of October. I hold a letter from another gentleman, who is, perhaps, as well in formed as any man in the country, and he says, " that those who best know the country are the most puzzled to perceive a way out of the difficulty. Formerly we could, even in times of great scarceness, generally see some means for reliev ing the distress, and of carrying our people onward through to the time when the potato season returned. But now the case is very different, and we see no way whatever of getting through the winter. Shortly after this, the Duke of Leinster presided over a meeting called in Dublin to consider the state of the country, and there a resolution was carried, to the effect that unless the Lord Lieutenant took immediate steps for relieving the general distress that famine, pesti lence, and destitution would fill the land. He had also a letter to the same purport from Lord Clare. Impressed with these communica tions, we thought it our duty to send two, men both eminent in their way, and quite unconnected with the country. Professor Lindley and Dr. Playfair, who went from Dublin to Drogheda, passing through the sever al counties between the two, a n d th e i r r e port was to the effect that where the crop was not entirely destroyed, the potato was in such a s t a te as to be quite unfit for human sustenance.—(Hear.) At my request these eminent men placed their opinions upon record. It" is from the 25th of November that I am re sponsible. On the Ist of November there was no agitation on the question, there was no petition, but the report received by the country fully and clearly showed to me the course which I ought to take. The news from Belgium, and the state of the market at Liverpool fully justifies the course of the Government ; and it was thb-knowledge of the fact • that a great measure, such as' I now speak in fa vour of, being necessary, that I acted as I did. I was perfectly prepared to issue an order in Coun cil to throw open the ports. I was prepared to take the responsibility of that act, but I was overruled, and then it only remained for me to act as I subse quently did. I advised my colleagues to adopt the course of taking off the restrictions on foreign corn. On the 25th November it became necessary to consider what instructions should be issued. Those instructions were determined on, and we reserved to ourselves the option of acting as circumstances might determine. I however stated at that time that it appeared to me that the prescriptions issued were at variance with the information received from the Com missioners. On the Ist of September our position was entirely changed. I have no hesitation in saying that the agitation going forward in the country affected my own position. I had been overruled in the earlier part of our proceedings, when investigation would have been the more natural proceeding, and I admitted at once that the letter of the Noble Lord opposite (Lord John Russell) aided also to materially alter my position. It was wholly impossible for me, or those with whom I acted, to know whether there would be all this calami tous failure in the potato crop. I had felt on the 26th of November that there was no chance of bringing this matter to a successful issuse. I should have adopted precisely the same plan as that which was recommended in the letter of the Noble Lord (Lord J. Russell), and I had hoped that my views would have met with the unanimous con currence of the members of the Cabinet. I thought that there was a justification for extraordinary measures, and that such extraordinary measures would have been supported by the other members of the Cabinet.—(Hear.) That was my conviction. But, finding that my feelings on this question were not similar to the rest of the Go vernment, I felt it my duty to resign the situation which I held. I felt it to be my duty, not being supported by the unanimous voice of the Cabinet—l felt it my duty humbly to tender my resignation to her Majesty. That resignation was accepted by her Majesty. Her Majesty then sent for the Noble Lord, the Member for London. The Noble Lord undertook to form a Ministry, and for a short period I was in the situation of a private Member of this House; and I do not hesitate to say that I would have done all in my power to promote a settlement of such a question as this.—(Loud cheers.) I repeat it, that I would under such circumstances have done all in my power to facilitate the settlemedt of the question. I remained under the impression that my services were then at an end in my capacity as first Minister of the Crown, and that I was to return to this House as a private Member of Parliament. Whether the Noble Lord opposite had, in the mean time, undertaken to ;form a Government I was a r ioonnfromthe her Majesty, to the no t aware until T hursda y , th e 18 th of December, h, the next day, I when it was the n intimated to me that the Noble Lord, the Member for London, had undert aken to form an administration. effect that she wo uld wish t• see me previous to taking a final farewell. I waited u p on her Ma jesty accordingly, and I then was t old that the Noble Lor d opposite had de received a grac ious lloiwnteivme de clined to form a n administration, and her Majesty was pleased to express a desire that I sh ou ld w i thdraw my offer of resignation.—(llear, hear.) Now, I do not hesitate to say that as it was intimated to me that the Noble Lord had failed to form an administration, I con sented to withdraw my resignation, after a moment's consideration, and to ask my colleagues in office to co-operate with me in complying with the wishes of her Majesty.—(Hear, hear.) Sir, I have already g i ve n notice of myintention, on the part of the siover nment, on an early d a y s to submit the measures we intend to propose for meeting the exigen cies of the time, and I shall leave the justification of those measures for that occasion. es —y explanation, therefore, for the present rests here and Ido hope, that after hearing the evidence in possession of the Government upon the anticipated calamity, it will be deemed sufficient for the present. Some may think that the conclusions I and others have come to are erro neous ' • but I warn thos e w ho think so, that even now the extent of the calamity is not fully known. Let them pause, therefore, before they express a con- Meat opinion uponoar " id is" Alb at ill mil* I trust if t have not satisfied some of them that our conclusions were correct, at least they will admit our motives were honest.—(Hear, hear, and loud Opposition cheers.) Would it not have been derogatory to the agricultural interest, and degrading to ourselves, had we proposed to supply the deficiency in the potato crop in Ireland by relaxing the protective system in respect of oats, while we could have met the calamity in another and a better way, and given the people of Ireland corn instead of oats S - Well, then ; I trust we shall receive credi t for the honesty - of our conclusions, if our ' Tt Conclusions e r e nu t approved ?Tear.) I felt that it w as i mposs ibl e t o cOme detest to the las:L.' s° with any partial measure, that only affected Indian doff], I could deal with Indian corn, and not at the same time deal with oats. If it was necessary to regulate any portion of the food of the people, it was rcquieite to take such measures as should at once and entirely set the question at rest. Sir, after the severe, the lengthened, and the incessant labour of the last session of Parliament, I say I do feel it herd to be thus con stantly misrepresented. Ido feel it hard that, after that labour, and when every hour of the recess has been em ployed in considering the large mass of evidence on this mo-t important subject, that I should be made the con stant object of misrepresentation—(Lo u d and continued cheers)—and be told that I am altogether unworthy of the confidence of the agricultural interests.—(Cheers.) I have over and over again endeavoured to define the position which I hold with respect to party, the country, and myself. I have felt it neces sary, in justice to myself, and to every one of those who have preceded me in the office which I hold ; and yet, over and over again I have been told that the same power which placed me in this position could al ways unseat me from it.—(Loud cheers from the Op position.) I now here distinctly state that I do not owe my personal position to any men or body of men whatever, and in saying this, I distinctly say that I will never rely on any particular party for that support which I ought to receive only on the ground of the service which I may render to the State. For what is office, and what are the pleasures of these official duties ? The pleasure does not consist in that distribution of honours inseparable from the duties of a Prime Minister. Believe me, that the possession of the power of advising the Sovereign with regard to the highest rewards and highest offices is more than com pensated by the invidious duty of choosing and the dis appointment which any selection can make. I value not the power to the extent of one farthing for any such pri vilege as that. So far as personal objects, then, are concerned, I have none of them.—(Hear, hear.) I have served under four Sovereigns George the Third and his three successors. In the reign of George the Third my office was of a very subordinate nature. I served under George the Fourth both as Regent and Sovereign. It has been my fate to hold some high office under each of these sovereigns, and, as I have served them in critical and difficult times, they have taken a favourable view of any services which I have rendered them. But to each of these in succes sion there was but one distinction—one reward—desired by me for all that I had it in my power to do for them —that was, the simple assurance that I had been to them a loyal and faithful servant.—(Hear, hear.) There is, Sir, that in office that it gives you great op portunities for rendering public service according to the best of your judgment, that constitutes the real value of official power. I can say with truth I have not abused that power for any unworthy object. I have always en deavoured to use that power for the promotion of the public interest and the advancement of the public good, nor can I charge myself with having acted at variance with the principles of a true and comprehensive Conser vative. I cannot think it has been at variance with Conservative honour that I have attempted to repair the disasters of Caubul, to infuse into the Indian army that spirit which had been checked by misfortune and defeat. I cannot think it incon sistent with a true Conservative if we have allayed that animosity which has long prevailed between ourselves and a great and powerful neighbour. I cannot think t inconsistent with true Conservatism that we should have been enabled, with truth, to hear that sentence from her Majesty's Speech, " that our relations with France might ever be conducive to the public interest." I cannot think it inconsistent with the principles of a true Conservative that we have been en abled, with truth, to listen to such a passage. It is not inconsistent with the principles of a true Con servative, that we endeavour to extract from the recol lections of all our former exploits everything that can savour of bitterness. It is not inconsistent with the principles of a true Conservative that we are trying to engage in rivalry—not in the field of blood, but on the field of honourable 'negotiation—the advancement of commerce and the improvement of the social condition. I cannot think it inconsistent with true Conservatism to have reduced taxation.—(Hear, hear.) I cannot think it inconsistent with true Conservatism to have extin guished agitation and to have discouraged sedition, not by coercive laws—(Hear, hear)—but by creating an impression on the part of the great body of this kingdom, that we, the rich and powerful, are ready to take our share of the public burdens, and to relieve them from oppressive measures.—(Hear, hear.) The duty of conducting the affairs of this country is, indeed, a most arduous undertaking.—(Hear, hear.) I may say it without irreverence, that the ancient institutions of our country Ere like our physical frame—fearfully and wonderfully made ; that it is no easy task to ensure the contentment of an ancient monarchy, a proud aristo cracy, and a reforming public.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") I have done every thing that I could do, consistently with Conservative policy, to reconcile those three branches of the Legislature, and make them harmonise in action. I thought it consis tent with true Conservatism to promote as much as pos sible content among the people—to cause the voice of dissatisfaction to be no longer. heard—to prevent any destruction of our ancient institutions, and to give all our fellow-countrymen an opportunity of living in peace ful enjoyment of their rights. These are what I have attempted to do, and I have thought it consistent with pure and enlarged Conservative principles. lam ready to bear the scorn and the ridicule of the public for the part which I have taken on this question, but I will not do it with mutilated and shackled powers.—(Cheers from the Opposition.) I will not stand at the helm during the tempestuous nights which I have seen, if that helm is not committed to my uncontrolled guidance. I will not undertake to direct the course of the vessel if I am not permitted to make my own obser vations and to act according.—(Cheers.) I will reserve to myself the right of my own private judgment as to the course which I should pursue in the govern ment of the country. I do not wish to be the Minister of England ; but while I am the Minister of England I will hold the office by no servile tenure —(Loud cheers) — I will hold the office unshackled by any other obligations than the consulting of the public interest and providing for-the public safety.—(Loud and continued cheering, in the midst of which the Right Hon. Baronet resumed his seat.) Lord J. RUSSELL said—Sir, I rise up at this early period of the session, to explain the part that I have taken in the matter to which the Right Hon. Gentleman has referred ; and I would not have done so now, but that the Right lion. Gentleman was aware that such was my intention. Before I had resolved upon adopt• ing this course, I communicated with the Right Hon. Gentleman, and I stated to him that, if it would create any inconvenience to the public service, I would be ready to postpone my explanation to a later period of the session. In answer to that the Right Honourable Gentleman stated, that not only would it be quite in accordance with the wishes of her Majesty, but also con sistent with the convenience of the public service that I should enter upon this explanation now. I shall there fore proceed to do so, with the understanding that I shall be excused for doing so, by reason of the willingness the Right Hon. Gentleman has expressed that I should do so. Before I do so, however, I think it necessary to refer to a letter he has mentioned, detailing the circumstances which led to his resignation. Early in the month of No vember the Lord Provost of Edinburgh invited me to re ceive the freedom of that city, and to be present at a public dinner. In accepting that invitation I took especial care not to make any reference whatever to the measures then under consideration ; and the Lord Provost expressed his regret that I did not state my opinion in reference to the corn-laws. I said that I was unwilling to do so, entertaining as I did very strong opinions in respect to those laws, an expression of which might have the effect of embarrassing the public coun cils, as well as myself. But I saw by the public prints , and the London Gazelle, the state of the public mind on this question, as well as the manner in which it had been dealt with by the Government ; and, finally, after many discussions, I saw an announcement of a further proro gation of Parliament. Under those circumstances, I did think that her Majesty's Ministers had not been per forming their duty to their Sovereign or to the country, and I did entertain the opinion that it would be advisable to call the Parliament together at an early period to consider the corn-laws.—(Hear, hear.) I also had seen announcements of the failure of the potato crop in Ireland. The Right Honourable Gentleman has stated to-night that the Government Commissioners reported that the food of five millions of the people of that co n try was the potato ; that one-half of that crop ,had failed ; that one-eighth of it would be necessary for seed, and that therefore only three•eighths of it re mained for food.—s(ltear.) I did consider that such a state of things was most alarming, and demanded im mediate consideration, and it would appear that I stood not alone in this opinion.—(Hear.) It appears now that the Right Hon. Gentleman himself had, formed the same opinion, and that he and three of his colleagues had exp ressed as much in the Cabinet Council. In this state of circumstances I pub lished a letter on the 26th of November,;s vhich the Right Hon. Gentleman has alluded : That otter did, certainly, state very strongly My opinion that the pre sent Government were not as active as the circumstances demanded, and I suggested that the public should ex press constitutionally its opinion as to the remedy that should be deemed necessary. I cannot but think I was right in adopting this course ; and from what has trans pired, it would now appear that the Right Honourable Gentleman concurs with me in that opinion. —(Cheers.) I know that there are some men of low minds who have said that that letter was nothing more than advertising myself for office.—(Hear, hear.) But I trust I need scarcely say, that nothing could be further from my thoughts.—(Cheers.) I did it only for the purpose of placing upon record the expression of my opinion, that the Government should yield to the pressure of circum stances, and save the confusion and accumulation of serious evils.—(Hear, hear.) On the 26th of No vember, the Right Honourable Gentleman again urged that the ports should still be opened for the admission of grain, and that the corn-laws should be considered ; but unfortunately the Cabinet did not agree with hire, and difficulties to so great an extent followed, as to lead the Right Hon. Gentleman to believe he could not carry on the Government, and on the 6th of December he resigned office. On the Bth or 9th of the same month, I had the honour to receive her Majest3's command to wait upon her at the Isle of Wight, am 1 I did so upon the 11th. It could not but be apparent to me that her Majesty had received the resignation of her Government, and had sent for me for the purpose of consulting me as to the formation of a new Administra tion. I felt that the only course left me was to decline doing so, because I was aware that the party who usually concur with my views upon public questions were in a minority of about ninety in this House, and therefore I did not think I would be warranted in exposing her Ma jesty and the country to the chances of a dissolution of a Government almost as soon as it was formed.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") I do not think it necessary to enter into any explanation here of the rea sons why the party who support me in this House are "-ferior in number ' • but I must say that during the as —e in the Administration, our motives were Wilt We we._ never fairly etymr„:hended, and our measures never re from our political opponents. ceived a fair consideration. .. —(Hear, hear.) Be that itg it we erati°na I were in a d m id in n o o - t rity, and, therefore ; under these consel • •s -think I would be warranted in formil ..a n Aanaim : that tration. Her Majesty having state tO Le. of she had sent for me far the litirpoee forming an administration, I asked if the present Governmeot were aware of her having done so, and elle answered me by placing a paper in my hands, con taining the resignation of the Right Honourable Gen tleman, his reason for doing so, and expressing his will ingness to afford every assistance in his power to the new Ministry, for the adoption of measures for the settlement of the corn-laws.—(Hear, hear.) I then stated to her Majeaty that that document altered the state of the question, and that with her permission, I would consult with a few of those with whom I had been in the habit of acting. I came to London fur that purpose, and, I must say, I received all the information T could require from the Right Hon. Gentleman, the Secretary for the Home Department , in reference t o t h e causes which led to the resignation of the Right Hon. Gentleman. I then called my friends together, with a v i ew of framing a measure for the set lement of the corn-law question, a measure which I con sidered would be of the greatest possible advantage to the country, inasmuch as it would not only tend to put an end to present grievances, but would be attended by much future good.—(Cheers.) But there was another question for consideration, if he was to undertake the settlement of the corn-law question. Whether was he to attempt to effect the object by endeavouring to obtain a majority in the House, or was he to propose to her Majesty a dissolution of Parliament in order to ascertain the strength of the popular opinion. —(Hear, hear.) He confessed it appeared to him that if it could be possible to obtain a settlement of the question without having recourse to a general election—without putting in collision the manufacturing and :commer cial interests against the landed and agricultural interest, it would be unquestionably for the benefit of the country at large.—(Hear, hear.) But it was im possible for him to expect such an amount of confidence from the House, if he could not secure the support of those who agreed with him in the measures he had in view—of those who were in the habit of supporting him in absolute free trade principles, but also of the support of the Right Hon. Baronet opposite, and those who had been his supporters when he proposed a relaxation of the protective duties. The Right Hon. Gentleman, for potent reasons, which it was unnecessary for him to go into, thought it not right that a person not in the ser vice of the Crown should be consulted upon measures that might be brought forward not upon his own respon sibility. He (Lord John Russell) had to consider what were the kind of measures which, if he were successful in forming a Government, it would be his duty to pro pose.—(Hear, hear.) Under these circumstances, he thought it necessary to have a consultation with those who had been his colleagues ; for the letter to which he had adverted, had been written from a strong feeling of public duty, and the apprehension of public danger, and two persons only had been cognisant of his intention to write it. He had consulted with them, and with persons dispersed in different parts of the country, in order to ascertain how far they might agree, before he undertook the settlement of the corn-law question, or endangered the public convenience by proposing a mea sure which might not meet with public approval. The grounds upon which he stated that the corn-law question ought to be settled were : first, that he thought the im position of any duty at present, without a provision for an ultimate extension, would but be prolonging a contest which ought, upon many accounts, to be discontinued. He also said that no Government, or legislative body, could satisfactorily regulate the corn-laws.—(Hear.) He also stated in his letter, very clearly, the objects to be obtained ; but he suggested, farther on, that the Minister should propose such a revision of the taxes as would tend to equalize the public burdens, and that he should add, also, such other measures as scrupulous forbearance might suggest. These were his general principles. He did consult with his colleagues, and the result of his deliberation could best bo given in a letter which he addressed to her Ma jesty. Part of that letter had reference to the Right Hon. Baronet opposite. He (Lord J. Russell) could not read it, without referring to the measures the Right Hon. Gentleman said he had in contemplation, which, with his permission, I will read to the House:— "Chesham-place, Dec. 16, 1845. " Lord John Rassell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has the honour to submit to your Majesty the following considera tions : , 4 sir Robert Peel's letter to your Majesty, communicated to Lord John Russell at Osborne House, offers the support of Sir Robert Peel to his successors, provided their measures should be founded on cer tain principles, which arc there explained, and framed in a spirit of caution and forbearance towards the interests to be effected. " The measures which Sir Robert Peel had in contemplation appear to have been—a present suspension of the duties on corn ; a repeal of the corn-laws at no remote period, preceded by a diminution of du ties; relief to the occupiers of land from burdens by which they are peculiarly affected, so far as it may be practicable. " Upon full consideration of these proposals, Lord John Russell is prepared to assent to the opening of the ports, and to the fiscal relief which it was intended to afford. ' "But upon maturely weighing the second proposal, namely, that ' by which duties would, after a suspension or temporary repeal, be re-imposed and again diminished, there appear to him to be grave , objections to such a measure. " The advantage given thereby to the land appears to him more apparent than real ; the uncertainty of prices in future years would be aggravated, and the prospect of a complete free trade would be still kept in the distance; the prospect alarming the farmer, and the distance irritating the merchant and manufacturer. " In this view he finds that many persons deeply engaged in the maintenance and sapport of the agricultural class entirely partici- pate. So great an object as the settlement of this question, might in. deed be held sufficient to justify the support of Sir Robert Peel's Act ministration, had they proposed such a measure. But, as Lord John Russell is placed at present, be could not himself propose a measure against which the weight of argument, as well as public opinion, ap pears to him to preponderate. " Had the harvest been plentiful, and corn cheap, it might have been very advisable to have diminished the duties gradually ; but the restoration of a duty after suspension has all the appearance of a protective law. " Lord John Russell humbly submits to your Majesty, that should the proposal of an immediate repeal, instead of immediate suspen sion and ultimate repeal of the corn-law, preclude Sir Robert Peel from affording that support to the new Government which he so spontaneously and handsomely offered in his letter of the 15th of December, Lord John Russell must humbly decline the task so gra ciously confided to him by your Majesty. " Lord John Russell concurs with the reasoning of Sir Robert Peel, which shows the inexpediency of pledging him to the outline of a series of measures. " The measures for fiscal purposes, therefore, would have to be considered in detail by those alone who may be in your Majesty's service. " Lord John Russell trusts that year Majesty will attribute the re luctance which he feels to undertake the Government, without a previous knoivledge of the opinion of Sir Robert Peel, to his very deep sense ef the injury the country may sustain from the rejection of a measure of such vital importance, and not to a desire to obtain a security for those who may be in power." The Noble - Lord proceeded to say, her Majesty had been graciously pleased to answer his letter on the same evening, stating that she had for warded it to Sir Robert Peel, and that she fully under stood the motives by which he had been guided in endea vouring to secure the greatest possible support for the measures he wished to propose.—(Hear, hear.) It would be necessaay for him to say, in the position he at present occupied, that he had been unable to bring those who consulted him to an agreement on the qnestion of the corn-laws.--(Hear, hear.) All those whom he had consulted had at a previous period belonged to her Majesty's Privy Council. Her Majesty, on the following day, desired that he should attend her at Windsor Castle, and when he arrrived she handed him a letter from Sir Robert Peel, dated the 11th December:— " Wkitehall, Dec. 17, 1845. Sir Hobert Peel presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and takes the earliest opportunity of acknowledging the receipt of your Majesty's letter of yesterday, which reached him at a late hour last night. " Sir Robert Peel feels assured that you r Majesty will per mit him humbly to refer to the communi cations he has addressed to you Majesty since his tender of hi resignation, and as an evidentf ii hl earnest desire to co-operate in s a private capacity in the adJusime tot. the question of the corn-laws. his concurrence in the reasoning Pert es "In tho letter of Lord John Russell to your Xlle,s,ty:,hhesehxopwrsestshees e " Lord John Russell requireS, at the same time, that Robert measuresexinexpediency n connected ey ef pled sfl i n ti g i the settlement eb ertr e e o l f i o that e question.o nof Sira seri of Peel should give assurances which amount substantially to a pledge, that he will support one of those measures, namely, the immediate and total repeal of the corn-laws. " Sir Rober Peel humbly expresSes to your Majesty his regret that he does net feel it to be consistent with his duty to enter upon the consideration of this important question in Parliament, being fet tered by a previous engagement of the nature of that required from And now he (Lord John Russell) must say that the Right Hon. Baronet had somewhat misunderstood the meaning of what he wished to convey in that first letter. What he (Lord John Russell) wished was l not a pre getnhea r t al if n nature e o f the measures should afterwards pre vious pledge from the Right Hon. Baronet, but he t h ou ght, as be had stated the th they proposego tc aa should di propose. greaterffer en measure lengtrh, t h w e i y t u without would inform ingincur him, or e w d li t ic o h h h im e h to ad am O o b u id u e t d. sub T s t h a e n a t i te l y r , t h h e at h a n d o rthoaedevsiel seemed should be quite ready, and would not be precluded from concurring in he thought • such a measure, and supportiag it if dt,gh. right ; if it were proposed by a Minister of the Crown. He (Lord John Russell) was of opinion, that the task was subject to risk, and full of danger and peril, yet placed as they were, they should meet it boldly, and assure her Majesty they were ready to un dertake it.—(Hear, hear.) He was not, when he came to the determination, blind to his heavy responsibility. He had already said he wished the qnestion of the corn-laws settled without any violent struggle between different interests. He was aware—he hardly knew how he could express the opinion—but he knew many persons thought both agriculturists and those in• terested in manufactures, and a portion of the liberal party, while they would support a repeal of the corn haws, if brought forward by him (Lord J. Russell), would like better to support it if brought forward by the Right Honourable Baronet opposie.—(Oh, oh !) And that on the other hand there were many who fol lowed the Right Hon. Gentleman who would give him their confidence if they saw him in office and power, but who would not vote for the same measures if he (Lord John Russell) had proposed them. That was a fact, and it was an opinion conveyed to hint by many persons whom he knew, by others whom he had never spoken to, and by many others who , at Ma for ncheste the and at other places, were anx ious would settlement of the corn-law quest ion. It have been a hazardous task for him to undertake such a ne measure ; but while he thought the Rdightylelhim a fair man opposite and his colleagues w o ht t a t there were support upon the question, be tho:g h t the Noble Lord who many—for instance such p ersons a moved the Address—who would support him if th thought the measures were really required by the exi gencies of the country.—(Hear.) But he would have been taking a great risk upon himself ; and if he and his col leagues should have failed in that endeavour—if they should have been defeated in the House—after encoun tering a protracted struggle—ror if some new Adminis tration should have been formed to make a new settle ment, upon himself and his colleagues would most un doubtedly have fallen the blame of having attempted to perform that which they could not accomplish.—(Hear.) I did consider that all the parties ought to be of one mind; that they should all bear the risk, and be pre pared to encounter the opposition, and to give their cordial co-operation and advice as official Ministers. I must say of those with whom I concerted generally, that I have to bear my testimony that they looked only to the national good; they did not consider whether it would be advantageous to their party or to themselves should the administration be formed, but upon all the great questions called upon to decide there was entire unanimity. It was on the 18th of December that he undertook to form a ministry. But, Sir, on the follow ing morning, after I had made some arrangements, I f ond that one of those with whom I was to act had gn objection to join me, which I found impossible to overcome, consequently, that I should lose his as sistance in the `ministration. Ido not think it neces sary- to state the nature of the ground of his objection— it is enough to say that would have deprived me of his assistance in the Governs en.. ;nor do I think it scarcely so often been men necessary, as 111 . -, name ha; . e individual was tioned, to inform you that 1. , k,s that Lord Grey. With the highest z w e._ oe , ct for a. ts Noble Lord, considering his great tah.'.l:, Lnear,k taking into uccount his great courage and honesty— hear)—l should nevertheless have thought that 1:;" a common occasion the loss of an individual eve.' of his importance would have prevented me from attempting the formation of a Ministry. When I save the great risk we were incurring, and the necessity there Wite that we should all hold together upon these questions. When considered, also, that my Noble Friend was the first amciig those who were acting with him in a measure whieh contemplated free trade in corn and who considered it desirable for the country in its present state. When I gni these things together I thought that the task of forming a Oovernment without my Noble Friend was a task that I should not be justified in undertaking. I could not but consider that if my Noble Friend were absent from that Ministry, that all kinds of interpretation would be put upon his absence. Considering, therefore, the absolute necessity, as I thought there was, for complete agreement — considering the importance of the person who could not take a part in the Administration—l came to the cone elusion that it was necessary for me to give up the task which her Majesty had graciously imposed upon me. When I considered that for eight days the country had been in expectation, and that the want of a Government was very serious, I could not but think, whatever col league might leave me, that it would be impossible to at tempt the settlement of those great questions which agi tated the public mind. It was, Sir, in this mind that I waited upon her Majesty, on the 20th of December, with the following letter, which I will now read to the House : " Chesham-place, Dee. 80, 1845. has tLord honour John to Russell state hhaisslifuomunbdle i d t u un ty p t o o ss y i e b n M let a o je f s a i rm y, a an nd Administration. p re e t n h t e s " Lord John Russell was aware from the first moment when your Majesty was pleased to propose to him this commission, that theret were very great difficulties in the way, which it required the most cordial co-operation on the part of his friends, and the firm support of a large portion of those who followed Sir Robert Peel, to sur mount. " Lord John Russell has had solely in view the settlement of the question of corn-laws by which the country is so much agitated. " Those who have served your Majesty and your royal predecessor in cabinet offices during the administrations of Lord Grey and Lord Melbourne, Who Were now in political connexion with Lord John Russell, were consulted by him. They agreed on the principles by which they would be guided in framing a measure for the repeal of the corn-laws. Thus one great difficulty was surmounted. But as the party which acts with Lord John Russell is in a minority in both Houses of Parliament, it was necessary to ascertain how far they were likely to obtain the support of Sir Robert Peel. " Your Majesty is acquainted with all that has passed - on this ' Subject. Lord John Russell is quite ready to admit that Sir Robert Peel has been willing from the commencement to the end to di minish the difficulties in the course of a new Go vernment, pre ct pare to attempt the settlement of the corn-laws. But Sir Robert Peel , could not, of course, rely on the support of his political friends' should the proposed measure be in their eyes dangerous and unwise " In this uncertainty of obtaining a majority in the House of Commons, it was absolutely necessary that all those who were pro minent in the political party to which Lord John Russell is at tached should give their zealous aid, and act in concert in the new Administration. " Lord John Russell has, in one inStance, been unable to obtain this concert, and he must now consider that task as hopeless, which has been from the beginning hazardous. "Lord John Russell is deeply sensible of the embarrassment caused by the present state of public affairs. lie will be ready, therefore, to do all in his power, as a member of Parliament, to promote the settlement of that question, which, in present circumstances, is the source of so much danger, especially to the welfare and pe.e.Co o Ireland. " Lord John Russell would have formed his ministry on the basis , of a complete free trade in corn, to be established at once without gradation er delay. lie would have accompanied that proposal with measures of relief to a considerable extent, of the occupiers of land, from the burdens to which they are subjected. But he will be little disposed to insist, as a Member of Parliament, on what may seem to your Majesty's advisers an impracticable course. The country re quires, above all things, an early and peaceable settlement of a question, which if not so settled, may in an adverse state of affairs cause a fearful convulsion." Now, Sir, I should state, that I owe the greatest gratitude to her Majesty for the very gracious manner in which, in her communications, she entrusted me with: this task, and for the facilities which she always afforded me in order to lessen the difficulties of the task I had under taken. Her Majestyhas imposed on me a sacred obligation, which I shall feel to the end of my days. Also, to the Right Hon. Gentleman, that the offers made were en tirely spontaneous upon his part ; and with regard to his after communications, there was nothing in them. which tended at all to make my task more difficult than ' before. With reference to my Noble Friend Lord Grey, I am sorry that I was not able to overcome his objec tions, but in justice to him ho must say that his objec tions were not of a personal nature, but were founded upon what he considered to be for the public good. As to the question that is now agitated, the settleinent of the corn-laws, I do hope that we may be able to coivie to such an agreement as may afford the country hope of' its peaceable settlement. I saw with no inconsiderable sur prise that at a meeting of the agricultural interest it was stated that the danger had been exaggerated, and that the great scarcity does not exist, and that the prospect of famine is chimerical. Therefore, leave the pro tective laws as they are at present. But do these gentle men never carry their thoughts forward ? do they never consider that if it has pleased Providence to visit us with an affliction which is lighter than we at first dreaded, do they never think that they may not always have this consolation 2—(Hear, hear.) Do they never think that a time may come when the scarcity wilt be undoubted?—when it will come home to the eyes and understandings, and feelings of every man ?—when the near prospect of a nation's famine may be too real and too near, not to appal the stoutest heart among us ? Do they wish to wait for such a time 2—(Neer, hear.) Do they think it desirable that the settlement of the corn laws should be delayed until we have a year of famine, when there will be no power of choice, no discretion; when there shall be nothing left to them but a humiliat ing capitulation to the multitude who will then demand, sternly demand, the instant repeal of this odious tax , which limit the supply of food.—(Hear, hear.) Do. any of them say that in a season of scarcity the law of 1842 is sufficient to provide for the food of the people better than the free, full, and entire admission of foreign corn ? The House had heard this evening what were the opinions of the minister who proposed that law in 1842—what he considered to be the result of his ob servations and his experience. He, with all his natural talents, his acquired experience, he, placed at the head of the affairs of the country, having to watch over them, and feeling the responsibility which he had so truly described, and which, although the highest post of trust and honour to which a subject. can attain, is at the same time the most grave, if not the most alarming station.—(Hear, hear.) I do o t f ru th s i t : therefore, that we are about to see a se erhaps have shall bring forward their measures, I ma y , p 7 of the some observations to make, both as to t h e . nature . great, this important question. When thtteleGmoevnetrnment. the expediency of waiting even accompany it, and as to lthe the present time for a aepea of law of 1842 ; for measure itself, as well as to the provisions which now to the present I refrain from the discussion of such ques tions. I must, however, refer to another subject., which on b it e ies po t s h s an ibl l e is always upper most in m y mind, when I t hink of t h e tpheaotp tleheofprlirmeleanNeln—nis(tHereahr,asheroaro.r)o opportunities or p ma y t have for the purpose of proposing measures upon this subject. But I will not deny that Ido think, with refe rence to the state of Ireland, that I should have been enabled to apply to the Government of that country, had I succeeded in forming vernment of that country in the hands of a person who, by means of conciliation and firmness, would have allayed many of the evils under which the people of Ireland are now suffering. I do think that if I were to succeed in carrying the Bill with reference to taking the restrictive and prohibitory duties off corn, and many of the more essential articles of manufactures, I do think that I should be able to propose a large and comprehen sive plan for the amelioration of the condition of the people of Ireland, which should be the foundation for future Governments to act upon. I did certainly indulge such a dream with respect to the people of Ireland, that I regret my expectation of forming a Government was disappointed. I cannot assent to any opinion in favour of the wisdom of the conduct of the present Govern ment, from the time they first came into office up to the esent time. I see at the prese nt time, accordin g to the Queen's Speech,:that dreadful acts of premeditated assas sination have occurred lately in that country. But th e re Fire in Ireland two violent parties bound to gether by „seciations. The one asking that dangerous, and, as Icons,.er, fatal measure, the repeal of the Union ; the other is,. wing addresses, from which it is obvious that they consider nartiality still to be the rule, and that their Roman Catholic Follow-subjects are not ethne titled to the same favour from tin 7 Legislature Tile I favoured Protestant part of the commO it Y%_ vr bile I see Ireland divided between these two putt. , . eon see each of them so firmly bound together, I can once 5 . :: sider that there is a prospect , either of th at pc which we Ireland, or of that affection to this con nt am i sorry to ought to wish to prevail. I cannot seeo,riis doing, will say, that anything that has been del? foer us that affection. establish that peace , and p ro.icnuto stated what were the transactions this subject. I have Sir, I will not enter further which took place when her Majesty was p l ease d to call upon me to form a Governmen t. - j hgasve s tated the reason why I was una ble to do so. I have stated my vie ws shortly with that is pursued by others ; and I respect to the pol icy have now on ly to say that , whether in office or out of office, I shall be ready to g iv e m y h earty assent to mea sures which I think are for the benefit of the country,; and I trust that the freedom of industry and commerce ma y date from the present session of Parliament.— (The Noble Lord sat down amidst loud cheers.) Mr. DISRAELI next rose to address the House, but, at the commencement, he was extremely indistinct, in consequence of the noise caused by Memb ers leaving the House. He said—lt is only since I entered the House - .411 . THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, JANUARY 23, 1846.