The Sun. — London, England, 1846-06-17 00:00:00

GREAT WEST ANERN RAILWAY COMPY. A special meeting of the proprietors of the Great offices Weste of e rn Railway Railway Company took p lace, , at the Company, Paddington. The chair was taken at one o'clock by Charles Russell, Esq. The CEASILHAN stated that this meeting was held under Lord Wharncliffe's order, which required that a general meeting of the proprietors should be held in order to submit certain Bills to their consideration before the directors would be empowered to proceed with them in Par liament, and which the proprietors had already, at a previous meeting, sanctioned. The Bills which he was about to sub mit to them were—a Bill for making a railway, and other works, from Plymouth to Falmouth, and other places, to be called the Cornwall Railway. A Bill to authorise certain al terations and extensions of the line of the Wilts, Somerset, and:Weymouth Railway. A Bill for making a railway from Gloucester to the Monmouth and Hereford Railway, and to the South Wales Railway at Aure, to be called the Gloucester and Dean Forest Railway. A gill for completing the line of the South Wales Railway, and to authorise the construction of an extension and certain alterations in the same railway, and certain branch railways in connexion therewith. A Bill for making a railway from Worcester to Porth Dynllaen, in continuation of the Oxford, Worcester, and Wolverhampton Railway. A discussion here arose as to whether this Bill should be proceeded with. The CHAIRMAN said that, with reference to the Forth Dynllaen Bill, the directors did not intend to make that line unless they were allowed to make it on the broad gauge prin ciple. The Board of Trade had, however, at the present time, refused to sanction such a proceeding, but they might fairly hope that the Board of Trade would review their decision. After some discussion, in which it was alleged that the Government would not make a harbour of Forth Dynllaen, and that it was not fit for a harbour of refuge, inasmuch as it had a stony bottom, and did not afford safef anchorage, the proprietors sanctione d the further .progressshould of the Bill on the promise of the Chairman, that it not be virtually proceeded with until there was an oppor tunity given to the sharehol ders to decide whether it would be advisable to ma ke the line . The line was 123 miles in length, and of a very expensive nature. The next Bill submitted was that of a Bill to authorise certain alterations in the line of the Oxford, NVorcester, and Wolverhampton Railway, and to amend the Act relating thereto. Also a Bill for making a railway from Birmingham to join the lines of the proposed Oxford and Rugby, and Oxford, Wor cester, and Wolverhampton Railways, to be called the Bir mingham and Oxford Junction Ruilway. The proprietors having sanctioned these and some other minor Bills, the meeting separated. LEICESTER AND BEDFORD RAILWAY. The adjourned meeting of scripholders in this Company was held yesterday, at the London Tavern ; Wynn Ellis, Esq., M.P., in th• chair. The SOLICITOR having read the Bill, The CHAIAMAN stated that the amount cf scrip votes re corded at the last meeting was 22,248, and the nunil4er re quired in the terms of the sessional orders being 25,000, they were consequently obliged to adjourn the meeting to this day. The directors had since beenr entrusted with 6,522 all in favour of proceeding with the scheme, so that there were 28,778 scrip votes in tavour of going to Parliament and not one dissentient.—(Cheers.) A resolution was then proposed by the Chairman in the usual form to authorise the directors in proceeding with the Bill, which was unanimously adopted and the meeting sepa rated. OPENING OF THE NORTHERN RAILROAD OF FRANCE. LILLE, JOSE 14, 11 O'CLOCK, P.m.—Sunday having been fixed for the inauguration of the Northern Railroad, the per sons invited to the ceremony repaired at an early hour to the station. The Prefect of the Seine, Count Rambuteau, M. Cunin Gridaine, :the Minister of Commerce, the Prince de Ligne, the Belgian Minister, a great number of members of both Chambers, of the Courts of Justice, of the Chamber of Commerce, most of the administrators of the different rail way companies, capitalists, stockbrokers, and journalists, took their seats in the first train, which left at quarter past six o'clock. Although between 700 and 800 passengers were assembled in the dehai cadere, the ssrvice was so well orga nised, and the precautions adopted by M. Pereire and the commissaries of the ceremonies were so efficient, that no con fusion took place. Files of Municipal Guards were drawn at certain distances across the passage, and prevented a rush towards the waggons. Only one act of insubordination was committed, and that by Admiral Rosatnel, who, having forced the consigne of the Guards, was empoigne by the Municipal Guards, and lost his seat in the first train. The second train, conveying about the same number of passen gers, departed at seven o'clock. The Dukes de Nemours and Montpensier had left at four o'clock P.M. on Saturday, for Amiens. Our train soon entered the plain of St. Denis, after pass ing through a short tunnel, running under the external Boulevard, and the only subterraneous gallery of the whole line. The station of St. Denis, which rises considerably over the neighbouring plain, presents a beautiful view of the environs of Paris, bounded on one side by the heights of Montmartre, the Batig,noles, and St. Chaumont, and farther on by Mont Valerien and its citadel, and the-range of hills of Marly and St. Germain-en-Laye. On leaving the station of St. Denis, we passed close to Fort la Bridle, and entered the valley of Montmorency, the favourite resort of the Parisians, over which are scattered innumerable country seats and chateaux, which greatly add to the natural beauty of the country. The most remarkable villages of that charming valley are, to the left, Sannois, St. Gratien, and Franconville, and on the right, at the bottom of the valley, St. Leu Tavernv, Ermont, and Le Plessis Bouchard. The road then runs through a deep trench, cut in the solid rock, and enters this valley of the Oise close to the ancient abbey of Maubuisson, some turrets of which are still standing. We next reached Pontoise, which is partly built cn a cliff or steep rock, surmounted by the church of St. Maclou. At a small dis tance from that town the road crosses the Oise, over a bridge of three arches. The country is highly variegated and fer tile, and the village of L'lle Adam, with its delightful coun try seats and the park of the old chateau, is not one of its least ornaments. After L'lle Adam the aspect of the coun try changes—to the right extend high hills, and to the left an immense plain, covered with villages, corn fields, and orchards. We next descried Beaumont, rising as an amphitheatre, on the side of a hill, washed by the Oise, at the distance of about half a mile. The scenery afterwards is not remark able as faros Creil, where the St. Quentin branch is to unite with the northern line. Beyond that town we took leave of the Oise, and crossed the village of Nogent-les-Vierges, and a succession of beautiful plantations, passing occasionallt through cuttings or on high embankments, until we arrived at the Liancourt station. We here stopped a moment to ad mire the chateau, its water-works, and the minificent park. Between Liancourt and Clermont there is nothing worthy of notice, and beyond the latter the country becomes naked and almost barren, and the road passed over the highest table land of Picardy, where a distant village here and there catches the eye. At Quinquempix the road reaches its greatest elevation, it being the point of separation of the valleys of the Oise and Somme. After passing the station of Breteuil, and the villages of 6lesnil St. Firmin, Tartigny, Paillart, and Folteville, where commences the longest trench of the road, we entered into a country diversified with hills, valleys, water-courses, and ponds, and passed the villages of 'Ailly-sur-Hoye, Guyen. court, Dommartin, Cottanchy, and Boves. Between the latter and Amiens the country is bare and flat, presenting an almost continual succession of bogs and marshes. The country beyond Amiens presents nearly the same ap pearance as on the Paris side. Beyond Corbie, green hills extend to the right and left, and the road crosses the Somme three times in a distance of six miles. At La Neuville com mence the great rampes, by means of which the road passes over the elevated ground which separates the valley of the Somme from that of the Scarpe and Deule. The view here is extremely monotonous. The road occasionally runs through deep trenches, but as we approached Arras the coun try, irrigated by the waters of the Scarpe, assumed a more pleasing and varied aspect. The Princes had just left Arras as we arrived there. Arras is the first regular fortress which we met on the way ; but, although the advanced works, fosses, drawbridges, and narrow gates have been preserved, its ramparts are no longer intended for the purposes of war, having been con verted into green plots and delightful promenades. Between that town and Douai the road traverse,: a continual plain, highly cultivated, but dull in the extreme. The village of Fampoux, where the branch to Calais and Dunkirk is to commence, is situate within five miles from Arras. At same distance farther the road crosses the Scarpe, and enters the Department of the North at Brebierea, and a little farther the ramparts of Douai. We arrived at a quarter past 4 o'clock at Lille, where the Princes had preceded us by about 20 minutes. On alight ing, the Dukes de Nemours and de Montpensier were con ducted to a tent, erected for the occasion, under the ramparts of the city, where they were congratulated by the civil arpi military authorities. The Archbishop of Cambrai, followed by his clergy, next harangued their Royal Highnesses, arid afterwards bestowed their benediction on the road. The Princes then held a review of the Natonal Guard and troops, and repaired to the Town-hall, where they received the t'wrerntcahtand Belgian authorities. At seven o'clock they re filinisterostohfejdebarecuiere of the railroad, accompanied by the sided at a me.s ustice, Commerce. and Public Works, and pre and 3,000 pemtonsamptuous banquet, of which between 2,000 .S'ymphonie ti ero . q s L ar :',olk. After dinner they assisted at a was executed by e tti,e composition of M. Berlioz, which bands of the 50th Regiment of In fantry, of the Hussars, Artillery; and at ten o'clock at th e T own -h ouse. P.M. a ball was offered to them C HEAP RAILWAY CONVEYANC E Von LaEoofteredt The directors of the Eastern Counties Railway tance of live miles along their line for on e p enn ' to l a bourers a di+ Y —On Monday morning, a night and morning. A CCIDEN T TO MR. COOKE . little before eight o'clock Mr. Cooke, so well known In connexion , with the electric telegraph, V as riding a spirite d horse on Blac kheath was at an easy canter, when the animal suddenly thrown with great slip ped and came down on his knees. The unfortunate g entleman violence over the horse's head, but with the feet still entangled iu the stirrups, and on the horse making an effort to regain his le g s afilmal secured from he struck Mr. Cooke severely on the headhewith his fore feet. Fir tnnately assistance was at hand, arid t making further plunges, or the consequences must have been fatal. Medical attendance was instantly sent for , and Mr. Cooke canLewisham-hill, veyed in a deplorable condition to his residence, -- an - Blackheath. it NORTH BRITISH RAILWAY.—We understand that this railway will, in all likelih oo d, b e formally opt tied by the director s the length of Dunbar on Thursday, the 18th, and that it will be thrown open for the conveyance of the public a few days afterwards. PRINTERS' PENSION SOCIETY.—EarIy in July next, a a grand/et/ champetre will take place for this society, near the grounds of the Bishop of Rochester, Bromley, Kent, on which occasion, in addition to the amusements of the day, the principal portion of the troop of equestrians belonging to the establishment of Mr. W. Batty, of Astley's, have been engaged for the occasion. DEATHS BYIDROWNING IN THE THAMES.—On Mon day evening Mr. Payne held two inquests on the bodies of persons accidentally* drowned in the Thames. The first was held at the Steel-yard coffee-house, tipper Thames-street, on the body of James Daly, aged seventeen. It appeared that, on Thunday evening last, deceased was bathing, with other buys, in the Thames, at Bankside, opposite to Barclay and Perkins's brewhouse, when he get out of his depth, arid was carried away by the tide, which was running rapidly down at low water. A man of colour, named Bawling, dived after him, and caught him by the hair, but, as he was dragging him ashore, the force of the tide broke his hold, and before he could seize de ceased again, he finally disappeared. A waterman, who found the body on Sunday morning, locked in the paddle wheel of the Topaz steamer, said, bathing in the Thames at low water was extremely dangerous, 33 the steamers drew the water off so rapidly that the bathers were drawn with it, and generally drowned, if they could not swim. The second inquest was held at the Rose and Crown, New wharf, Whitefriars, on tile body of James Mackenzie, aged twenty- ' four, a compositor, late in the employ of Messrs. Levy and Robson, printers, Great Sea-street, Gough-square. A bargeman, named Jenea. said ha saw deceased, a little before six o'clock on Sunday morning strip himself and jump off one of the barges at Whitefriars'- wharf. li e was a good Swimmer, and swain out into the middle of the river, when he sank, but ruse again laughing. He the n swam towards the barge, and when within thirty yards of it, he threw his hands about as if in play, and again sank. He rose once more, made signs of distress, and then finally disappeared. Though efforts were made to save him, they did not succeed, and the body was not found until three hoar; 3 4% 41 tag QCglailaLIGIN ValtaGt i 114443 ;data " THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY MORNING, JUNE 17, 1846. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT HOUSE OF LORDS, June 16. The Earl of SMATTESBCRT. in the absence of the Lord Chancellor, took his seat upon the Woolsack at te:i minutes before Five o'clock. Messengers from the House of Commons brought up several Bills, and praying their Lordships' concurrence. On the motion of Lord LYTTELTON, the Bill for Abo lishing the Office of Superintendent of Convicts to Bermuda and other Islands was read a second time. HARBOURS OF PORT PATRICK AND DONA- ---- GHADEE. The Marquis of LONDONDERRY, pursuant to a notice he gave on a former evening, moved for the production of ail re • ports and docuaaents connected with the harbours at Port Patrick and Donaghadee, especially Sir J. Rennie's last report on Captain Evan's rudiments, which had been placed before the Admiralty. When he had last men tioned the subject he had stated that this was the best communication, and that it had been approved of by the Board of Admiralty of tha t time. It had also been ap proved of by the Trinity Board in 1819. In 1823 a Committee of their Lordships' House had come to the same decision. In 1430 a Committeee of the House of Commons had said the same thing, and in 1843 the Admiralty had again approved of it. The whole expense of this establishment appeared to be 800/. a-yt ar. This money was spent simply to direct the expenditure of a few thousands. Last year the sum voted was 5,000/. of which only 3,000/. were spent, so that 80W. were spent to direct the expenditure of 3,0 ,0/. If he could show that there were better harbours and better means of communication, he should assign a suffi ptn of Evans, Captain in Leonard, therepor Si r t John suffi cient reason for the retrenchment of the expense. They Rennie, had and the caai opinions by which it appeared that the present harbours would cost, with their attendant expenses for steamers and management, 21,9001. a year ; while the harbours of Port Patrick and Do naghadee would be an ex Duly of ensell , Bool. p ELLEN Lord _. . _ . BOROUGH said he was not able to tell the Noble Marquis what tne Government were prepared to do with respect to the harbour. The best thing the railway companies interested in it could do would be to mike some distinct repre sentation upon the subject. PUBLIC-HOUSES (SCOTLAND). The Earl of SELKIRK present, d several petitions :`rum va rious persons in Scotland, complaining •f the state of public houses in Scotland, and the sale of spirituous liquors on the Sabbath. THE GAUGE QUESTION. Lord LY T T ELTON presented several petitions from various persons complaining of the report ..f the Gauge Commis sioners, and praying the House to take the report into further consideration. OXFORD AND CAMBRIDGE RAILWAY. Lord BROUGHAM presented a petition from a person of the name of Brown, against the Oxiord and Cambridge Rail way, and designated the promoters of that scheme as a parcel of speculators. The Earl of HARDWICKE denied that . such was the case. He himself held a number of shales in the line, and he was no sp..culator. His reason for connecting himself with it was because it passed contiguous to his property. Other parties, also, who had shares in it were locally interested, and were no speculators. They wished to hue some control ever its management. Tne Duke of BUCKINGHAM presented several petitions against the Oxford and Cambridge Railway, from the city of Oxford, from Bedford, and other places. Lord DACRE concurred in the obsi.rvations of the Noble Earl (Hardw juke). He was aware that many parties con nected with that railway were locally interested, and ought not to be designated speculators. Lord BROUGHAM said he had not the slightest doubt as to the truth of his Noble Friend's statement. He (Lord Brougham) did not charge the promoters as being mere land-jobbers and share-brokers, but he said that was gene rally the case in such undertakings. It appeared that the shares in this railway were in the hands of gentlemen locally interested, but he prayed their Lordships' attention to this, that the Noble and Gallant Lord who spoke first told their Lordships that he was obliged in self-defence to take shares in raiiwa)s that proposed to pass over his property, so as to preserve it from the destruction with which it was threatened. That was not the case with his Noble Friend behind him ; he was not a speculator, bitt a large landed proprietor in the district through which this railway pro posed to pass. He (Lord Brougham) admitted that all that were engaged in that railway ware respectable people. But his Noble Friend had said that he (Lord Brougham) had made a coloured statement. Now what was that coloured statement ? It was this, that a respectable gentleman, e hose name he had given, and who was High Sheriff of that county last year, com plained that the railway would destroy his house and paik. Why that was not a very coloured statement, unless it was true, as his Noble Friend behind him would have their Lordships believe, that it was very doubtful whether the gentle man said so or not. The Noble Lord had said he did not know his property. Why that was the very reason that these statements should be taken for true, because it came from the person that did know this property, namely, the proprietor himself.—( Laughter.) Surely, Mr. Brown did not dream that he bad a building which cost a considerable sum of money— his was no castle in the air or its Spain, and he (Lord Brougham) therefore hoped that the petition of this respect able gentleman, who complained of great annoyance on the part of the proprietors of this railway, would receive the must atten tive and iavourable consideration of their Lordships. EAST AND WEST YORKSHIRE JUNCTION RAILWBY. Earl FITZWILLIANI presented a petition from a Mr. Berkley against the East and West Yorkshire Junction Railway. LORDS HARDINGE AND GOUGH'S BILL. The Earl of RIPON moved the postponement of the fur ther consideration of these Bills till some day in the ensuing week. The Duke of RICHMOND wished to know the intention of the Government with respect to their Lor .ships' am ndment. Earl GREY hoped he should have an opportunity of re cording his vote against the amendment. ADJOURNMENT OF THE HOUSE. Lord STANLEY wished to knew whether their Lordships would adjourn over Thursday, the 18th of June, being the an niversary of the battle of Waterloo? The Earl of RIPON stated that it was not the intention of the Government to press any important business upon that day. Lord . BROUGHAM—You cannot adjourn the judicial busi ness. The LORD CHANCELLOR—The House could not ad joarn , there was a commission appointed for that day ; word ing to usual custom the House would not assemble for the dis- cession of any important measure. The Duke of RICHMOND said he thought that it was necessary to explain, after what had laden from his Nob'e Fri-n 4 the Earl of Ripon. He had the other nigh t gone over to his Noble Friend, and asked what course the Government intended to pursue. The First Lord of th, Admiralty had overneard all that passed, and he certainly thought he was en titled to all the intormation he had requested, If the decision of those of their Lordships who bad been attending Committees since twelve o'clock. and the. came into the House until it ro=e, were to he overturned by those of their Lordships who went comfortably home to dinner, and who had heard welting of the argument in the first stage, certainly he was not surprised at either of the observations of his Noble Frier` 1, or at any combi nation which might he entered into.— (Cri. s of •' Hear, hear.") The Earl of RIPON was sorry that he should have t o explain that he had misunderstood his Noble Friend the Duke of Rich mond, or that his Noble Friend had misunderstood him ; hut he at any rate felt himself justified in reserving himself for the opportunity to which he had alluded. Lord STANLEY said, that he did not mean to say anything which would be in the least diq.espectful to the Noble Earl. Si , hat he did complain of was, that there was no notice of the amendment which had been moved. According to the forms of the House, such was a requisite proceeding. He was exceedingly surprised at the course which had been pursued. The amendment to the Bill would have been fatal to it, as the House of Commons, without waving a privilege which he hoped they never would surrender, would not sane ion a Bill of the kind having suffered such a material alteration. The Duke of CLEVELAND said, he was greatly surprised that the amendment had been introduced without the ordinary notice having been given. Lord MONTEAGLE was glad that his Noble Friend had brought the motion forward; he supported him on that occasion and he would support him again when it was brought forward. Nobody could impute to the Noble Duke any intention of taking the House by surprise, for the truth was that it originated with himself. After a few words from the Earl of St. Germans, the Duke of Richmond, and the Earl of Ellenborough, the subject dropped. CORN-LAWS. Earl STANHOPE presented a petition from the working men of Birmingham against the repeal of the corn-laws. The petitioners most solemnly objected to the passing of any mea sure affecting the general interests of the labourer, without first consulting the opinions of the people upon the justice of such a step. They stated that those measures would not be attended with reciprocity on the part of any foreign Govern ment, but would inflict a most serious injury on the interests of British enterprise. The prayer of the petitioners was that they would oppose the passing of the Bill for a repeal of the corn laws, and also the tariff, unless accompanied with a Bill for a repeal of the present poor-laws, a Bill to limit the hours of labour to ten hours for the purpose of protecting the working classes and their interests, and also a Bill for the total repeal of the duties on coffee, sugar, soap, and tea, and on all articles of necessary consumption. He would observe that the prayer of this petition was echoed throughout the length and breadth of the country. THE MINISTERIAL MEASL'RES. The same :Moats EARL said, that before going into Com mittee on the Bill before them, he wished, in pursuance of the notice which he had given, to ask a question of the Noble Earl the President of the Board of Trade. He wished to ask that Noble Earl what, in his opinion, or in the opinion of her Majesty's Minlsters, would be the effect of the Bill now upon their Lordship's table,—whether it would have the effect of raisingor depressing the price of corn ? It had been said by his Noble and Learned Friend opposite that it was impos sible to say what would be the exact prices of corn after the passing of this measure. He (the Earl Stanhope) should be quite satisfied if the Noble Earl could say what would be even the_l37..ral range in prices of core under this law. Earl had of RIPON said that the question which the Noble N,,i ett l':4 , , ,, k to him hail already been answered by her , answer which t s i answer was to 411 1 : 1d possible for the huma e rl ifet '— such a question so as those who held the same opinions, were subject to such variations : e re in the course of this discussion.. To the a v t e l: n onni h : e rf,rio, certainly That he believed it would not be to give to devise any moth, of answering satisfaction to the Noble Lords of because the prices of corn ' back to the range of prices in vonrinthc seasons. t'n looking been nothing but fluctuations. Ever ;przi w ou e s , years, th there had previously given as to the future prices of corn had at beenllad been ly falsified. He, therefore, could not prophecy plete of corn after the passin g of what would be the exact pr ices . passing of this Rill. Earl STANHOPE said he did not require the Noble Earl to say what would be th e exact prices the next year after thi s came into operation. He wished to k now what wo uld be the average prices for a number of years ; wh ether the y w ould be higher or lower than at pr es ent ; but it was p erfectl y a pp are nt to be known to the c ount ry to their Lordships , and it ought If nis ters had proposed —( Hear, hear) — tha t her Majesty. s 4. 1 d ignarance the this measure measure with an utter a nd avo we _ and wit of h that igno quences that would follow — ( C h eers) ranee they dared to expose to pe ril all the b es t interests of the country. —( Cheers ) the answer of The Earl of WI NCHELSEA must say that . tisfactory. the Noble Earl (the Earl of Ripon) was most uti_ effect a of this The question was, what would be the general . , . 11 were actin., iii the upon the prices of corn? The Ministry the same manner as a medical ma n, who mi g ht have attended him for twenty years , and whose c ourse of treatment had always agreed with his constitution. He then came forwa ch rd and said," My dear friend, I have a new recipe for you, whi I think will do you good ; I don't know what effect it may 4 have upon your cousti t ution , but I think i t will do y ou good." He would say to such a gentleman, " Oh, thank you, my good friend, I am pretty well, thank you; I don't think that I stand in need of any of your new treatment; I should like to know what effect it would have upon my frame." He might answer me, " Oh, I am sure I cannot say what effect it will have ; there is a certain quack doctor there who has recommended it, and if you will take it, and it agrees with you, it will place me at once at the head of the profession." " Much obliged to you, ' my good friend, I have a great objection to allow. you to try I sir.y espriment upon ore•-(Cheers)—whicli may perhaps raise you to the head of the profession if successful, or damn you at once if they should prove fatal to my health."—(Laughter. ) The Duke of RICHMOND would answer the question himself, Mr. Gladstone had stated in his dispatch to Canada that prices would be 535. and 51s. per. qr. It was strange that that dispatch had been published in Parliament long before it could reach the hands of the party for whom it was intended, and whatever might be the effect of a change in prices it was the dispatch of a Cabinet Minister who was not in Parliament. Perhaps that was no matter as things went now. If there were to be no change in prices, why had the Government raised such an agitation throughitiut the country? And all he could say with regard to the dispatch was, that if he were Governor- General of Canada he should have felt it as a gross insult to read his instructions first in tlie newspapers. Earl STAN HOPE wished to ask whether it was the inten tion of Ministers to raise prices, to lower them, or to leave them as they were? He did not expect the Noble Earl to state what decision he had himself come to, but perhaps the great autocrat of the Cabinet had expressed his own determination--riot that that was his usual custom, but from necessity—and he should now be glad to have an answer. The Earl of RIPON—The question has already been asked. Earl STAN HOPE—So, because a question 'has been al ready asked before, and not answered, it was a sufficient reason why it should not be answered at all. The Earl of RIPON thought that he had given a sufficient reason for not replying, in stating that he should shortly give a full explanation of the course which the Government intended to pursue ; and he would not be compelled to divulge wt-at it was at present proper to conceal, nor would he permit himself to be charged by any man with what was termed a suspicious silence. The Earl of STANHOPE had no intention to impute im proper motives to the Noble Earl, but he thought the course pursued, in his declining to answer the question put to him, was a suspicious one. Earl GREY said,: that the object of the Bill was not to secure prices at 805. 60s. or 553.. but to bring price to its na tural level. That was the object of the proposed measure, arid he did not think the advocates of the Bill should be called upon to say what the price of corn would be when it came into operation. They might be as well called upon to say what the price of tea, cotton, or any other commodity would be in the event of modifications of the duty on those articles. The result of all predictions as to price he found to be erroneous ; and he therefore considered that it was unfair that they should b• called upon to state what would be the price of corn consequent on these changes. The Duke of WELLINGTON rose to order. This de sultory discussion was entirely coatrary to rule. It was not competent for them to go into the general question then, but when the Bill went into Committee they might do so. Atter a tew words from the Earl JTltAnaauKE and the Earl FITZWILLIAM, The Earl of RIPON moved the order of the day for going into Committee on the Corn Importation Bill. The Duke of RICHMOND said that before going into Committee, he wished to give notice, that when the second reading of the Superintendent Convicts Bill came on, he would move an amendment against it. It was here intimated to the Noble Duke that the Bill was I read a second time. The Duke of RICHMOND—Then I think some one con nected with the Government ought to have made a statement in reference to it. It was a Bill which required some ex- planation. Ihe Duke of WELLINGTON said that his Noble Friet:d the Under Secretary for the Colonies had not made a long speech, but he had made a few observations in support of the Bill. CORN IMPORTATION BILL. On the order of the day that the House should go into Committe on this Bill. The Earl of WICKLOW proposed as an amendment to the first clause, " That upon all wheat not the production of our colonies, there should be a fixed duty of ss. instead of Is." And should that amendment be affirmed, he should follow it up by proposing a fixed duty on other descriptions of grain in the same ratio. He had a'ready, in tl e course of the even ing, intimated to a Noble Friend of his that he had given no notice of his intention to meve that amendment, but hi- reaso fur doing so was his expectation that some Noble Lord on the other side of the House would have proposed that amendment. As that, however. was not likely to be the case, he felt him self bound to undertake the duty himself. The question was so much and so discursorily d scussed, that he would confine himself strictly to the object of his amendment. Before alludieg to it, however, he must express his surprise that no answer was given to the question put a short time since to the Noble Earl :Ripon). He would take the question as to price in the arguments of others. Some maintain that the effect •f the present Bill would be to equalise the price of corn, and to prevent fluctua ion. He did not agree with that pinion, believing as he did, that the sliding-scale would effect teat object much better, though he thought a fixed duty would effsct that object better soli. W hat he wished, however, to imeress ucon their Lordsh ps was. that if the great object of the Bill he , c) prevent great fluctuation in price the in troduction of the amendment he proposed would be meat likely to secure that object. He saw no conceivable reason, also, why the Government did not introduce a fixed duty on ac count of the large revenue it would produce. Even suppose this small fixed duty would have the effect of raising the price of corn, it would have the effect of preventing the fluctuation of price, as well as giving a greater increase to the revenue ; and he, theref re, was of opinion that, on account of these results, it ought to have been proposed. It appeared very strange to hitn how the Right Rev. Prelate, who had very lately been raised to honours and dignity, should be so ready to strip the landed interest of this country of pretec tion.—( Hear, hear.) He felt convinced that. any measure which would tend to injure the landed aristo racy would be attended ti ith much danger. The first argument which struck him was, would they tax the necessaries ot life? Why should they tax every other necessary of life but corn. Now, with regard to sugar, he considered that almost as much a necessary of fee as any o her article, and still the tax was kept on. The Noble and Learned Lord (Brougham) had stated that there was a great difference between duty and revenue, and that for that reason it was necessary to keep up duties on all other articles. He saw no reason why the do' y should not be kept. upon corn, if only for the purposes of the revenue. While duties were paid on other articles of eunsumpti , n, be could not vote for taking the corn daty. He believed that if it had not been for an unfortunate letter written in January last—a letter which was published for a very different purpose to that which it had been supposed—if it had not beers for that letter he be lieved the present measure would never have been heard of. He proposed the present amendment, not for the purpose of kee e ine up protection—he wanted not protection, but he wanted to place the question upon a sure and certain basis. He was prepared to say that if the present Ministry were to go out of office—as out of office they would go very shortL —and that Noble Lords on the other side of the House, who would sec eed them, were to introduce a Bill with such a clause as the one he now proposed, they would give very ge neral satisfaction. —(Hear. ) This was not the moment to bring forward sup h a measure—a moment when two Republics were at war with reel' other. A moment, too, when America was successful. But whether she was successful or not, she would be at no loss to find a ground of quarrel with this country, even sueposing the Oregon question to be settled. He would now conclude by proposing the amendment now tefore the House. The Marquis of CLANRICARDE said that he would not have risen at this moment but tor the allusion made by the Noble Earl who had just sat down to the Noble Lords on his side of the House, with respect to the amendment he had proposed. He trusted that in opposing that clause he would nut be leund inconsistent with the principles and op - nions which he had always entertained on this subject. Looking to the great weight and importance of the landed interest, and at the feelings of those under them, he cons,dered these parties should receive the greatest attention from the Govern ment of the day. At all times they were entitled to the consi deration of the House. It could not be denied that all protec tion kept up the rate of priees—(Hear, hear) — and he supported the Bill because it would tend to the reduction of those prices. Still he did not think the reduction would be very great. He believed the prices on th e continent would rise, and the prices here would fall a little, but the effect would be an equalisation of prices that would operate to the advantage of the public. Those who talked ot the danger to agriculture, and spoke of the peculiar burdens en land, should recollect that the agriculturists had great ad vantages given them in good roads anti conveniences in ex change for these burdens. The equivalews in the shape of these improvements were more than equal to any of the burdens that were represented to press peculiarly on land. 'They had appliances such as no other country had, and they ought to be able successfully to compete with any foreign countries. When they talked of the expenses in this country, they ought to consider the conveniences they had compared with foreign countries. If they had increased the prosperity of the country, they increased the value of the land in the same ratio ; and if the repeal of the protective taws led to an increase of prosperity, as he believed it would, then would the landed interest participate in that improvement. They had toile to look at the enormous increase in the value of land during the last hundred years to be persuaded of the advan tages that had resulted from an increase of commerce.— ( Hear, hear.) But they were told they ought to support a tax on corn as a means of revenue. He agreed in that. He thought this article should be equally subject to taxation as any other article of consumption, He was net led away by the clap-trap of cheap bread to oppose any tax on grain ; and he thought to retain a five shilling duty would but operate little as a measure of protection, and was not to be defended on that ground. Neither did he think it would operate to any great extent in the amount of 'price on wheat. There was ene point which he was surprised had never been referred to, namely, the great disproportion between the price of grain arid the price of bread.—( Hear, hear.) The difference in the price of grain between this country and foreign countries was but lithe as compared with the difference in the price of bread. He thought it would be wise to retain a email fixed duty for the purpose of revenue, but he could not consent to endanger the present Bill because it did not exactly propose what be should like to see carried out. He must say that he had come to the determination of supporting this Bill, precisely from the prin ciples which he had previously maintained on the subject of the corn-laws. He seas not very strongly in favour of the Bill or the manner in which it had been brought forward. He agreed with the Noble Duke on the crossebenches as to what he said a few nights ago, that 'the sliding-scale seemed to have been introducA for the eurpese of embarrassing the agricultu rists. He could not conceive a bill more absurd than that which lay on their Lordships' table. A Noble Lord had made a most powerful speech, a few nights ago, in which he showed that the sliding-scale was the most absurd sys tem that could by any possibility be devised.—(Hear.) 'That speech was supported by a great number of tabular proofs, showing that the sliding-scale was a complete fiction and an entire delusion ; it never had as yet secured a fixity in prices. —(Hear, hear.) But this Bill continued the sliding-scale for the next three years ; that most absurd system was retained in the bill. He thought that the Prime Minister in advocating this question rested his arguments in favour of it on the ground that during the next two years this Bill would leave time for more improvements in agriculture, and more draining. Why w iuf h dr a met t hiti s st o h r e t of an argument was that? In the first place it was clear that it might be a sumed by such an argu mi.einath„imteseblafeotiiavdmitted even by the advocates and supporters eoolxfn, wouldntceewn a: finadorcs: tew g a ai Minister that we aa o n draining rwwa Ball, tr u truth that f suchthe removal of argument. t . protection i Prime Minister a gri hadl onut d l d i b n e j l e a e t e h e agricultural byth eßi eir len taonsdnFh an observation , and that they must go ich l. He n se o v r e d r e a r i. itaor(,gmeteheeth agriculturists,i ffic eas. and n havingwh argument nin than that in his life never heard amore absurd ear, hear. ) njuTr ho H eu s e pi happened yro ptoo.atheirl to they u e be acquainted wi d th interests. talked H e on di d th is n admittedperso.nunanimouslye that the sliding-scale o h t a h a d u e t b a )P i r e e c o r t a n t e ed si m y nc, o l s e t sliding-scale would be to their interest. maintain the sliding-scale for the next three years would have the effect of disturbing the different relations of the country with respect to the question of the corn-laws This Bill ursetifcethteo Crown e w gr n eraetstepdrinthcii!iletholif principallyf re s‘ e ia t . i e a c nt a.;l: i l nt e ei d the famine in Ireland. He (the for one, did not attempt to depreciate in Ireland in the smallest degree. He m fo i r ty the most part, confined to particular lo ckan;e:iestiritt :lid not amount to a famine.—( Hear, hear.) There were, no doubt, small localities, detached from large towns, whe. a distress did phrehvaitlhy were; e butit would now discussingb e absurd in h to say t e that this measure, which would have the effect of meeting Ireland. i n The calamity had, easing. But the Government took, no doubt, been increasing. tmhoentl;resoefnt measures on that subject.—(Hear the most admirable . • et. r to tc , slacia activity hear.) tic c+r - e ma Was June, and judgment in endeavouring to supply the people with food. A stimulant had been applied to the resources of the country in providing labour for the poor. But then what had that to do with the measure of free trade? They had heard in the course of this diseu , sion of the great wisdom, and zeal, and honesty, and he knew not ‘‘hat, in fact, of the virtues of the Prime Minister. It had been said that Sir Robert Peel was the greatest Minister to be found in the history of this coun try. Gcod God ! were they to say all 'his of a Minister that had acted the part of Sir Robert Peel—a man who confessed that for the greatest part of his life his jtidgm,tnt was erro neou., and that his plitieal conduct was not. in unison with sound principles?—( Hear, hear.) Was a man, because he confessed that he hail been in err,r during the greats-r part of his life, to he lauded beyond measure? He (the Marquis of Clanricarde) could not listen to such a proposition. And more than that, when they were called upon to scrutinise the whole of such a Minister's conduct, they would tin:l that there was noi,hing extraordinary as regarded his honesty to a great p. , rty. The Miniiter had sacrificed a great party. But he (the Marquis of Clatiricarde) had not the Tightest conception in his mind, nor could he. by any exertion of his intellect, bring himself to see, how Sir Robert Peel, in changing his opinions, and avowing that change, had entitled himself to laudation untie ad nauseam.—(l-Isar. hea . ) It had been said that Sir Robert Peel intended, when this Bill was passed, to relinqui.h office and power. Now he (the Marquis of Clanricarde) believed in so such rum , yur.—( Hear. hear ) Let their Lordships look to his speeches, and they would find no admi , .sion of that ,sort. If they read his speeches, they would find that, in answer to the addresses of the Hon. Member for Wolverhampton. ir. su , port of a repeal of the corn-laws, he stated a few years ago, that he was convinced that the continuance of a s iding-scale was necessary for the maintenance of Briti.h pro , perity. Now he did not think that so sudden a chlrige as had taken place tit the mind of the Pru ne Minister ed uinded to his credit in the slightest d-gree. And then they heard him talking of the difficulties of recon , fling tie interests of an ancient Monarchy, a proud aristocracy, and a refermed House of Commons. He (die Marquis of Clanricarde) took lea , eto say, that more injury that' by such practices could not be ir.- flicted en this country by a man occupying a high station ( Hear.) More injury was thus done to the arist.icracy. more injury was done to the Monarchy than any other course could do.—(Hear, hear,) He admitted that he could have wished that this question should have been submitted to another Par liament; he saw no reason why an appeal should not have been made to the country.--(Hear, hear.) Sir Robert Peel had every opportunity of do'ng so. Parliament was dissolv d in Itl4l upon this question, but under totally different circum stances. Parliament was then dissolved because the Government of the country had not a majority to carry their measures. They did that which it became the Ministers of the Crown to do. When they thought they had reasonable grounds to expect the support. of the country th•ty appealed to the country. There was no prospect of Sir Robert Peel's getting that support. Did the Cabinet propose any temporary settlement for a temporary distress ? Nt, the pro po.ition was to open the ports. He referred to these matters because of the monstrous and extravagant laudation of Sir Robert Peel in regard to this Bili. He did not mean to sus pect his motives ; he admired Sir Robert Peel as much as any other man—(Hear, hear, and laughter)—he considered him to be a man of great talents, hut he did not consider him a man of great force. His invariable principle was to surrender to the pre.sure from without, and he would not call a man who did that a great Minister —( Hear, hear. ) His changes had ever been with the current of the moment, and it was a little too much for them to be told that they were to carry by acclamation the Bill before them, in admire - ion the Minister who proposed it. —( Hear, hear.) He (the Mar quis of Clanricarde) was perfectly unbiassed in this matter, He could assure their Lordships that he now entertained honestly and conscientiously, every one of those principles and opinions which he entente ned on the subject of the corn-laws in IS-11. It was impossible for him not to look at the conse quences which would follow his vote on this question, and, en tertaining the principles which he did, he felt himself obliged to say 't not content' to the amendment. The Earl of CARNA RVON said the subject had been so much investigated that he should he unwilling to trespass upon their attention. He really believed th it the result of this Bid would be to throw the land of this country out of cultivation. Employment would be decreased, and what the poor man wou'd gain on one baud he would more than loose on the other.—( Hear, hear.) It was the great increase of the cireulation of capital which produced the beneficial effects alluded to ; and that might slacken, and at a time when there was a great abundance of corn in the market; and there might come that deep distress upon the tenant-farmer whice his heart bled to think of. He considered that their Lordships should legislate as much for little men—( Hear, hear)—as for great proprietors. It they passed the - present measure they would have to sacrifice that principle of evenhanded justice which had ever distinguished their Lordships, for they would have to sacrifice the tenant farmer to Cie interest of the manufacturer.—( Hear. hear. ) 'fhe H -use was so very wearied with these disenssiiins, that he would not detain them longer, but he could not think it was right in them hoe ever to throw away the revenue which pro tection had afforded the Crown. If that revenue did not pro ceed from indirect sources, they should raise it by direct taxation. He would conjure them to neigh well the vote they were about to give upon the presect question, for if they mis conceived its bearings it would not be any single man, but it would be the whole country, which would have to pay the penalty. (Hear, hear ) and he did not conceive that they should legislate upon this subject without having reference to the real opinion of the great constitutional bodies in the country. A \linister was not to overbear the country or the expression of opinion ; if such were to be the case, they would not be living under a mixed Government, but uuder a despotism sander the name of the Kings, Lords, and Commons—a despotism which would be of the worst description, as it would he under the semblance of liberty and the constitution. He could not understand wiry it was th it their Lordships refused to sanction an amendment. Why were they not to interfere in the details of the 13 used modify it in such particulars as they m g ht eonsisier nece-sars? If they were not to do so, their Lordships' House would become a nul lity—they would be virtually dead, and thenceforward they might amuse themselves with railway legislation.—( Hear, hear.) The argument against appeals to the people upon the present question was, that they would raise a tumult at the elections, but let them not be dec«ived; when an election came there would still be a strong feeling in favour of such a po pular subject as protection.—( Hear.) He would sit down by saying, if they did not wish to array class against class—manu facturer against farmer—let them accept the amendment, and at once rut an end to the agitation. Lord DE MA ULEY said that he had always been opposed to the corn-laws, and therefore had no difficulty in giving his vote upon ,the present occasion in favour of the Bill. He should vote, however, for the amendment proposed, believing, as he did, that if it were adopted, the Right Hon. Gentleman who brought forward the measure weuld soon bring forward another in favour of the present amendment. He would sup port the amendment. Lord CLONCURRY said that it had been stated that the corn-laws were o f great advantage to Ireland, but he denied that such was the case, for distress existed at intervals:in that country which did not prevail in any other part of the world . He would support the Government in passing the measure, as he believed it would be productive of the greatest good to the country. The Earl ef WINCHELSEA wou'd vote for the amend men', in the hope that a better measure would be brought. tor ward through an appeal to the country. Jr was a most uncon stitutional course for Parliament to take to pledge the repre sentatives of the country three years hence to a particular course of policy. Suppose at the expiration of that time the representatives of the people affirmed the present system of protection, wttere would their Lordships be ?—( Hear, hear ) forfeitingshould p, changewrong great principle change their nee, c o , p: opinion. on , after they had atta ined the position they held ill consequence of ue s that s without public men their support anti advocacy of a policy directly the re verse. He con d tell them that if the l3ll present were carried the matter would lint rest there, for he would agitate all the counties, where he had the slightest influence, to reverse that decision. He would support the amendment brought for ward by the Noble Earl, small though the protection was which it gave. Lord POLWARTH sa'd thet he had presented many peti tions on this question fiem Roxburgh, and other places, and he would therefore lay what information he had acquired upon the subject before their Lordships. It haul been stated by those Niible Lords who were in support or this Bill, that land was let, and that very recently, at an increased rental. This was to be accounted for by the fact that the land was taken without any expectation of the present measure being brought in to t ake ufl that protection which made land secure as an investment. In 1642, when many of those farms were let, they were let. on the faith of the laws then passed with regard to corn. The present. measure was one which would greatly injure agriculture, and for that reeve) he would oppos e it. Earl FITZ WILLIAM said that the Noble Lord who had last addressed the House chat ged the supporters of the present measure with exciting expectations which could not. be realised. Now no such expectations had been held out. Another Noble Lord had charged the Mini-try with a want of political honesty in nut appealing to the voice of the country. There was nothing more dangerous than in appealing to the country upon the question of cheap food.—( Hear, hear.) He did not defend her Majesty's Ministers or their conduct with respect to the present measure. He complained of their not having allowed that House a voice in the introduction of this measure. Why tdai they not appeal to that House and ask its assistance in the emergency ? By doing so they would have acted in strict con formity with the usual practice on great occastons.—( Hear. ) He contended that that House was alto a portion of 'he demo cracy of the country, and as such it was as right to appeal to their Lordships as to any other part of the community. He had no hesitation in saying that her Majesty's Ministers had forfeited all confidence with their Lordships, by the course they had pursued in introducing the present measure. ( Cheering.) In 1833 he brought forward his motion for free trade in corn, and he was almost isolated in that proposition. He was not supported by Hon. Members on his side of the House—yet, if free trade was to be considered good now, it was equally good then.—( Hear, hear.) In 1839 and 1840 he proposed similar propositions, and he received little support from those who were so anxious in favour of free trade now ; yet he should be very glad to bear the reasons why that which was good in 1e45 should be considered as bad in 1e40.---( Hear, hear.) But mark what had haepened in 1840. Two of the leaders of the patties of the House of Commons had agreed to the carrying of the presen t measure, and that House had agreed to it by - a majority of 100. In the present House the main question had been affirmed by a majority of 47, and the amendment of the Noble Duke last night had also been de feated by a majority ot 33.—( Hear, hear ) That motion was practically the same as the one before the House. which he hoped would be also rejected. He could not risk the measure by agreeing to that amendment, neither collet he risk the Bill by a dissolutions of Parliament, and the same he believed was the sentiment ot her Majesty's Government.—( Hear, hear. ) When he saw the measure within his grasp, and that it won d be law within seven days, arid also that it would be a great benefit to the country generally, tie must support it- His con viction was that the result of the measure would be to advance agriculture, especially in the districts where it was least ad vanced—that it would increase the demand for manufacturing labour, and be the means of generally benefiting all classes of the community. Under these circumstances he must vote against the amendment before the House. Lord BRouGIiAM said they had listened to two or three able speeches that night, but not the nearest approach had been made to the question of a fixed duty which was now before the House. He had heard these speeches—able speeches—ad dressed against the second reading of the Bill, but not bearing on the question of a fixed duty, which was the real question before them. These speeches had been made by a professed supporter of the measure, and they drew forth as exciting plaudits as if they had been protectiun speeches directed against the second reading of the Bid. They displayed the same music—they were attuned to the same gamut—they were precisely in harmony with the concert, which, however highly gratifying to the proprietors to whom the chorus was directed, was to hint at that advanced period, and in that heated atmos phere and crowded House, anything but acceptable. (Laughter, and cheers.) Yet he had been forced to endure these choral symphonies for four long nights, to an extent that increased, in a most intolerable degree all the effects of heat, bad air, and a crowded and inconvenient house — aggravating ail the miseries that were usually felt at public dinners, where the music with w hich the y wt re regaled : cheered those around the table, though it tended to per "U" 1 . 110 revels is a beiteit 614 iDaparo at,tatosplaere.g. (Hear, and laughter.) Now, to say one word as to the de- After that preface, he (Lord Stanley) naturally concluded bate. A Noble Lord near him said he was in favour of the that the Noble Lord was about to direct his atten amendment because he was against the Bill; aid yet, in `tion strictly and exclusively to the speech of his order to get rid of the Bill, he proposed to vote fur the amend- Noble Friend, but he had listened with the deepest attention, ment.—( Hear, and a laugh.) That was a very strange me- j and he might venture to say, that " not the whole, nor the thud of meeting the question. A Noble Marquis, who had greater part, nor the major part, nor a considerable part, nor a spoken, supported the amendment., because he was against large portion, nor, indeed, arty portion whatever, had been the Bill, and he (Lord Brougham) had never been so much directed to the question at issue."—( Laughter.) The Noble struck at the effect of a speech as he had been with that. Lord began by regretting that one like himself, not in the The Noble Earl who had last spoken said something of the prime of life, had to deal with the question ; but. he ( Lord same kind, and in the course of it he ( Lord Brougham) had come Stanley) considered that the Noble Loril had done himself in in for a share of his censuring vituperation. Some points t f justice. Indeed, he reminded him of a line in Milton : his speech escaped him, as he appeared to be in confidential " Anon, a smil•ng cherub he appears, communication with some Noble Lords on the other side of 4$ 4 • the ['wise, which he Lord Brougham) csuld not hear. The circumstance temii.ded him of woat happened to Sereeant Davy on the we-tern circuit, who in aedressine a jury was told by the judge to raise his voice. Sergeant Davy rep.ied "that he waulit raise his voice whenever he came to anything material."—( Loud laughter.) So in the present ca s e they were led to suppo-e that when they wanted the Noble Earl to 1 raise his voice they were told he would have done so, but that there was nothing material.—( Laughter. ) He - - Lord Brougham) did not know what the Noble Earl had 51td in that coi.fidential manner, and therefore he would not have to increase his pain and to detain their Lordships in going through it. The Noble Earl said that nothing ceu d have been more insuring to the Hoine than the course her Majesta's Government had taken in 'ornigir g forward a Bill an-1 not submitting resolutions on the subject; for had they given their opinion by reso'ution they would nut h ive been driven into a corner as they now were. They were told that this was contrary to precedent, but to that he would observe that the question n -w before the House was not m,,re important titan the Refor.n Bill of 1831. Aud what did her Thjes•y's Government then ? They did not propose resolutions or act c ntemporammusly with the Lows House. A Bill instead of this was brought tutu the House of COMMOOS on the memorable lit of Starch. IS3l,aml they never heard of it in . his House. except by the public prints and the votes of the ether House until the Bill came up 'I hay were then driven into the corner as to the acceptance of this Bid, which was to the effect of altos' comeletely changing the whose course of legislation in the country. But a dissolu tion, took ):'ace, not on the merits of the Bill, hut from another cause; and a sec aid time, instead of proceeding by resolution, they mtroducen the Bill into the Lower House, and it went through in the regular manner. Nor only on that ques ion. but on others, which were more of companions to the measure before the House, trey hail proceeded by Bill instead of by resolution. None of the corn-laws had been introduced in any other way. It was so in 1804; it was so in the stringent Bill of 1815 ; also in the Bills of 1822 and 1827 ; and also in tee Corn Bill of 184 a. It was not then objected to. In the measure introduced by that Noble Earl's Fri:-nd, in 1841. on sugar and corn, but which were not successful, the pro cess was also by !till. Had those measures gone forward. they would have proceeded by Bil., and not by resolution. When he heard his Noble Fiend saying that he believed that deiay would be most prejedicial to ihia measure, he could not help, while he heard him drawing forth the cheers of the friends of the am mdment. and the en• mies of the B 11, he could not help say iiig, " Save me from my frienda."— , Cheers and laughter.) The greatest enennes of the Bill could not have made more ar:rnirable confessions in favour of protection. What said his Noble Friend (and he begged to observe that he differed from him fob() cce'o;? He said you dare net appeal to Ii e people.—( Protectionist cheers.) He knew the meaning of these hostile cheers ; they formed a very different chorus to those cheers whien followed the dulcet strains of his Nable Friend.—( Laughter.) He did not, however, wonder at the discordseit deers. They c me naturally and consistenhy from the enemies of the Bill and the friend: of the amendment. But, his Noble Friend placed his candour—he was going to s,v his caurage— a Laughter )—preminently forward in i his matter. Now, how his Noble Friend, or any Then wan, could he so de luded as to thiiik that there was ally found ition that that appeal to the people wool i he tatal to this Bill he ( Lord Br-iugham ) was utterly un ible to comprehend.—(Hear, hear ) His ( Lerd Brougham's) firm be'ief was, that if the country were appealed to their verdict would be in favour of the Bid.— ( Cries of " No, no ") Then '.is Noble Friend sa-1 that his reason for voting against the aineedment was. because it would allow a twelvemonth's time fur consideration which mieht he fatal to the Bill.—(Proteetion si cheers.) His N.‘ble Friend did no' say that he believed -hat the majority of the r fl• cling part of the country if the questioa were post, fined. vote aaainst toe 88. Naw he , Lord Brougham ) considered it his duty to protest against the argument , a:ideeed by his Noble Fiend in support of the Bid. He should have expetted f. orn th- adversaries of the Bill such speeches a , had heen de livered by his tw.i Noble Friends. The Noble Baron had brought forward some case • of farina letting at a lower ititc.• since the introduceon of this measure. He (Lord Brougham). ter one, placed .ittle reliance oe such cirsumatances, b-retese each facet tnat had been let since this measure was intro duced might be paced in particular circumstances ; but if such arguments were to be hrought forward in tavour of pro tection, he saw no rea on why they should not he allowed on to opp. si-e side. —( Hear, hear. ) Did it net strike the acute ness of the No le Baron, when using his fiamrme that rhea meght be used against him? Did it not strike the Noble Ba ron, and all hose wiio acted with him, that there would be a great oiminutton in the price of wheat ? Be did not pret- nd to he able to answ-r t e question put by the Noble Earl oppo site, wrien he asked the Government to say what wool I be the prom of tend this time twelvemonth —( Earl Stanhope, " No. no ")—whether it was to he Inather or lower—(Earl "tanhope, No, no")—or seme . sueh question sathat.--( Earl Stariheee, agaan, me such questieti.") Well, the question was, what was to he the price —(Earl Stanhope, '• The average price.") Weil. it was difficult tai tell what the average price ou d be due,ng the next two year:, or the next ten %ears. ( Earl Stanhopo," No, no.") Ile N.ible Lord might -av, no, hut he faithfully represented wrote he said ; and when n e Noble Earl -aid No, no, he ( Lord Brougham) said Nay, nay It was itrity ssiiile fer him to say what would be the prices during the next ten yaars. But the alarmists 1-a-t said that there would be a I--s- of .03. per quarter, or 30s. per acre. Th it triey -ad would be the effect. o' if is frightful Act, hut th .t be a begging of the question. It was an assumption the truth I of which ho could not admit ; he was merely arguiag on his own figures. Now, let their Lordships just observe ; a farm that had been let at 820/ upon a thirty eight years' I.a. e prior to the maroduc ian of this Bill, recently ran out of lease, and .t was expected ti ere would be no Off- - r for it, but not withstand ing all th it had been said by the alarmists, it. had been let since the introduction of this measure into Parliament a t 1,050/., being a rise of 2110' a year. What right, t mn, hail the alarmists to assume that there wet), t be a fall in prices under 39-4. per acre ? If there were to be -mull a fall, there ought to be a tall of nearly all the rent. The Noble Earl said so, and so liere would be. He gallantly asium•.d the fact. He did not assume as bad reasoner's did, fir he assumed the fact, and at once attempted an inference Wheat was not theonly grain, there would •be a diminution pronor tenably in the other grain. Now he wished to administer a little cemfort to those who were so much ale:tried. He had get sta - ernerits a- well as tI-ems--lee. ; he did not attach much value to them, but they we e as va uable on the one stile as on the other, either for er against the Bill. New he wished to a--minister this cismfert to them, because he enterained the greatest i-ste m for these alarmed individuals. (Laughter. ) He hail received a letter last week from a genleman en the auhjert of farm lettitig since the introduction of the Corn Bill. Ihe writer lived in Essex. which was represented to he an exceedingly alarmed part of the country—(llear, hear)—end perhaps there was no part more a armed —(Cries of " Name, n me.") He did not think that he ought to mertion the name. It appeared th a term of two hundred acr, s, which was in a very low state of cultivation, had been sold since the second reading of the Cann Bill in that House at 36 years' purchase. It was previously rented at 1201. per annum. and it now realised 600/. He had reeceived auto her let er from a gentlemen who lived in the neighbo.irhi od of the Bentiock's property, whose relatives, the writer said, had made themselves very conspicuous by the uae of strong language a , ainst this measure, and he stated that. land rennet there at the iresent moment ;rem 501. to 901. per acre.—(Hear, hear. ) Now, he was decidedly opposed to a a fixed duty, he should certainly p refer the former.— Hear, hear. ) Because to say tha t a fixed t w w i t i ) uli lte p r r r er even atetives,tle either i the e ati s n u e i r i - t hri e g tle s ; ca i le t he ditty shriul i be fi w x a e s d off: ( r t Y e the supported b•-cause it was a measure of finance was pie posterous nonsense. —( I tear, hear. ) 1 here was not a s hadow of tetineation for it. It might be a niemerre finance, f. r ther e was an impression that it was ;he urea of much money to the revenue. His Notre Frieurl said, why do too object to this fixed outs.. as if it was really auell a bad thing ? It was a very ,real measure of finance; they would get a large sum of money by it; they would be enabled to repeal part of the property-t x. and the duties on toff -e sugar. &c. They would be enabled to obtain twelve millions of money by the scheme which he propounded. Projectors wer. always ex' raordinarily sanguine. The Nottne LORD—Not twelve millions. Lord BROUGHAM—WeII, some very laree sum. 'the NOBLE Lo its—tine million from the corn-law. Lord BROUGHAM— Then he misunderstood him. He (Lord Brougham) took his stand against a fixed duty because it wa- a tax on the food of the people.—( Hear, hear.) That was the meund on which he objectea to it—it brought them no revenue, no financial int.a.tire. If it b-ought them a revenue, it was a t x upon the food of the peopl,. His Noble Friend attempted to show that it would not raise the price of grain in the home ma- k. t. Why. giacirtua heaven !how was that? If the price of grain was 355. in the home market—he meant the price cf grain impoited trom a fo , eign country, from DantsM, for instance, or Odessa—if that grain could be bold but for the fixed duty at 35a., if they did not clap on ss. as a bread tax, and thus make it 40 a, it might have been orig a nally sold for 355. before he sat down he really must allude to one circuins-atice, and that was the very extraordi nary condition in which tills question was paced. Tnere had been a most marvellous combination of ciicumstances at tend • mg it. 'I here had been a most unheard-of and unearalL led singularity and critical position, with respect to all the par ties connected with it. The candid judges of its merits, the open enemies of the measure, and the self-reamed friends of the measure, feel no very cordial attachment to the friends o. the measure. There had been the most extraordinary con catenations of singular, inconsistent, and conflicting elemen - s, forming one general, grand, and, as he hoped, as triumphant result as had ever taken place upon any question.—( Hear. ) Then up got a Noble Lord and stated that a change of Go vernment was inevitable, and that, therefore, the enemies to the Bill—but who voted for it to maintain the Government—had no longer any reason to lend their support ; and he gave a lec ture to his Noble Friend as to what course he ought to pursue when he would obtain office. It was a lecture, to be sure, highly refreshing to those whom it concerned, hut he could n..t say as much for it to those whom it did not. But it' it we'e true that the Ministry were to go out, why then he ( Lord Brougham) could only say the Bill was lost because there was a good number of persons who voted for it— not liking it, but because they di-liked his Noble Friend more. But he did not agree in this change of the Ministry by any means, and a shirt time would tell who was the hest prophet. There were no more honest men than the protectionist Lords, and he had the greatest respect for them, thoug.i he did not agree with them in all their opinions, nor did he agree with them on this question of the torn Bill. But there was some advice given by the Noble Marquis to the Protection party, and given in the strongest manner—not to think of anything so foul as a coalition with the party who were opposed to the Minister. He would tell the Noble Lord there was no danger of any such thing. Well, then, his Noble Friends showed a kind of disinclination to any change takieg place. It they did not wish it why did they not postpone the tura t her pi rice .ding with this Bill, and offer it every opposition, as they could have done in its other stages ? If they were keen observers, they would have noticed what was going on in other places. Meetings were held for the purpose of e vincin g a cordial and candid feeling of gratitude for the _ great set rendered by the Minister, and for the purpose of a cting the n n g hire being his difficulties, and prevent any factious(:)ls,y k it, services offered to him. He ( Lord B rou g ham) coalition between object of that meeting was for p " ot-tient. He therefore mist object was to turn out the G "vtewoeld not go out, they would dered that, as the Govermo n e: n i s t • h e whom his Noble Friend had en deavoured to pan over to the enemies of the measure them, that if they adopted the aledventiiion.gea;:eYrsons whose only it right to assure • nd defeating their own vote, by out the measure , a which they decided it was necessary to read the Bill a second time, H sa c id t t h h e a r t ef f o o r r e t ~c ao l lh e o d u u r sp oh a n e n d h t d o e amendment, the Bill was lost, for it would be morally throwing Noble Lords to reject the amendment. Lord S cANLBY considered that when his Noble Friend been listening to a disco sion, of which " not the chide, nor the go e intoen commenced m h m i s i t , e .b e . up on greater part, nor the major part, nor a large portion, nor indeed achy rertwa tlisevxd t v the plat 4t issue." So well he I igned." But not to delay their Lcedships longer, he would say, that if they were not empowered to make an amendment, it was useless for them to have the Bill before them, and he considered that it was no infringement upon their Lordships' privileges to say that they could riot alter the Bill without re jecting it altogether. To say that they had no voice in the settlement of the measure, because the alteration of a single clause was fatal to a money Bill, was not treating their Lord ships fairly. What was the use of having the it easure before them, if they could not modity it wh• , n they considered it ne cessary, and especially when it so much affected their own in dividual Interests ? When the Government proposed, on a new resolution of the House of Commons, to suspeed the opera tion of the present corn-laws, a remonstrarete having beets made on the improeriety ot such a cour , e without consulting their Lordships, the Gevernmeet acquiesced in it. His Nob•e and Learned Fr end alluded to the Ref 'Pm Bill, hut he had torgte ten the circums•ances that attended it, though he was then one of the Governmeet. The Reform Bill was lost, for it was carried by a majorit: of I, and the Government - thou ht i' right to appeal to the C1 , 111 . 1 . ry. It was not thought in th , ee days either inexpedient or uriconstitutional to reter to tee sense of the country—( Hear, hear)—and the country did main tain the Government. The Bill was sent up to the it Lent ships, and they made an amendment in it which was f tal o it A new Bill was then sent up, anti their Lortisnine ultimately a...:reed to it, Now, he did riot see what parallel there could be drawn between the two cases. And another precedent of the Noble Lord had failed him. His Noble Friend went on to say that the price might be in creased ss. and more than ss. io the ev, nt of a fixed duty being Imposed to that amount. He ( Loid Stanley) did not un derstand that argument. He cool i not understand how the Noble Lord could state that a duty of ss. would increase the price of corn more than 55.--( Hear, hear.) He would now allude to the conclusion of his address, where he referred to cer tain combinations against this liill. Thee combinations and coalitions he entirely disbelieved, and so far as the party with whom he acted was concerned, he absolutely repudiated and denied their existence. He agreed, however, with the Nob.e Earl, who sat down betore the Noble Lord, that the measure was supported by a strange combination of parties in both Houses—a majority of whom he sincerely be lieved disapproved of the measure, and he agreed also in the discretion of the Nettle Earl who s7id that he would risk his chance of going to an election on this measure. —( Hear, hear.) He agreed with him al-o in thinking that the Government would have a strong di-inclina tion to exercise a similar discretion.—( Loud cheers.) Tnev rested their case upon ream', justice, and upon pubic opinion, and they would not. be deterred trout canvassing its merits from any aeprehen-i in they taught elitertain iif t he fate of the sugar duties, the Coercion Bill, or any worse chaece of defeat tit which the Government might be suhjec'ed —( Loud cheers. ) He supposed they should be overpowered, hut if they should be they would place before the country their case, and also place before it the adinissions made by two Noble Lords on the other side—that but fur the fortuitous combination of partit s this Bill would never have been brought forward His Noble ant Learn , d Friend said that. Gevernment would not resign. That. appeartted to hint 1 Lord Stanley) a very strange assertion of the Noble L - ird. His Noble Friend, how ever, spoke like a mon who theuget the Government wi re stroog:y settled in power; bu thoit e h tie did riot doubt the since city of the Noble L int he nad very serous d Ors w! , ettser his aivicipatitm4 he realised, and it they were riot ~ e did not hulk the country eeuid suffer by the change.—(Loud cheers ) He would now state the reasons why he supported the principle of the fixed ditty, though he did ni t altogether ap prove of it. At an early period of his life he hail expressed an re, inien in favour of a fixed duty, but in consequence of the communica'r ns he at that time tad with Mr. Husktsson, he ha.t te en persusdeil by that Gentleman to a , opt the principle of the sliding-scale and his experience had sole, enabled him to -ay that the cheiree had been a good one The sli ling-scale was productive of good to thc producer in times ..f abui.dance, and to the cion,unue, in times of sc ,reity; and it e weir now caned upon to crioo-e a measure of pro ee ton, he would itifioitely prefer the sliding-.cite to the fixed duty. It the amendment now proposed had been brsught forward at an earlier ,rage of the Bill, holding the opinions he dui Upon a fixed duty. he would have oppo-ed i ; hut, under p event circumstances, he sh run support it. Their Lordships had rejec•ed a proposition fur a sliding-scale, anti they were new called mein to vote for a fixed duty. Under these circumstances, therefore he should vote for the latter. In alitition howest r, to its other advantages, in point u, revenue a fixed duty was not to be oterleoked. Ne Agreed with the Noble [surd, who stated that danger was to be appre hended in charg rig the principle of indirect to direct taxi If they were to go on reducing their surptus revenue. and s , critice it year after sear. and with a view of making reduc tions on the prey nt that danger would be mete . able. and the consequence would be that inst• a t to a three seat -' income , ax of the present amount. they would ha.e an iticreased aed a perpe tell one. He war tel hem. therefore, eg 'lust the dangerous nature of the resent measure. They tint not keow wro the Government might be at the expiration of hree years, anti notes it hstaecling the assu:ance of 'he Noble Lord, he doubted very much whether the present Government would occupy that position. The might have en t intire new Parliament, and hef ere the. Bill came into operation there might also be a nee Govern merit. Why not wait till that peri , d the rigor of the people i,f this country demanded it—an i if ever tnere was a right most dear to the people, it was a right to be consulted on a question of this magnitude. They had a right to a voice on such a measure, and if they had at all a right to be app -alert to now was the time. —(Cues of Hear, hear.") H e ag reed with the argument,. of the Noble Lout on the cross-benches that this measure would never have been brought forward, but tor the combination of parties alien 'o the priiic , plea of the party who proposed the measure, and wf o fist brought it forward for other moives than tl.at of passing it into a law.-fc heers ) The Ala-tquis f LAN , DO‘VNE hoped that the House would soon be delivered from the pre-ent d'si;ussion, and proceed with other important bust es. 't he NWe and Learned Lord had addressed their L dshii a ti a tright to lsngnaee peculiar to him 3 on the chimerical tears of those opposed this measure, but the Noble aria Learned Lord had chimeras of hi. own. Fleas. hear, mid laughter ) He (the Al ,rqt is of Lansdowt et had not sought his niormation from time same c han els as his Ntibet and Learned Friend. His Noble Frond hail stated that a meeting was cal'ed in a private hewe with regtird to this Bill end for the purpose of adopting measuies by a coal-icier) of varies for the defeat of the einis'ets ;' and, of coutse; for 'he purpose of aeso defeating the ques•ion Were the Home. Now, he could say that the meeting at that private heuse *as not in any way connected with the present. question—it was connected with the Coercion Bill —s Hear, heat.) The sub ject entertained at that meeting was to agree not to protract the discussion upon the Coercion Bill ; and he would not allow his Noble Friend, at whose house ti at meeting was heln, to be the subject of misrepresentation with re t i se that meeting. He entirely agreed with the arguments of his Noble Friend, the late secretary for the C ninnies, on m Irby points. He would adhere to i he course which he had always exprersed, and which he thought the proper course to take on any great question—namely, that that which would confer the greate-t amount of benefit on the people was that which ahouid he adopted with respect to the pleseni question. He conaideredt hat the final settlemsnt of the measure was of per manent importance.—(clear, hear.) It was one which should he placed on such a basis as would leave no room for a future cause of corn plant. He had never supported aie thing like a fixed duty in any other s n•e than as a fixed (tut) for the purposes of rev, 11,1 V. HI, Nuh,e avid lea,ned Nritenrl in 1825 opposed tkie ,1 ding-sea e ; kw said he cared not ier that scale. he cared not fir it at all, a..d he waited none ef it. He thougl tat that time that a low fixed duty Im, , be desirable for a revente e but now he objected to that course.—(Hear, hear.) "lice Noble Lord who spoke last, and the Noble Earl on the cross-beccOes, said that they props. d to adept the child of those who supported the measure. Now it was well known that if hey were to ad that child, and that it were to fall into the tender mercies of the Noble Lords, it would, under their nurture, be found that in less than six mouths it would cease te have existence at all. The Noble Lords would adopt that rhibi for the put po-e of repeating the pre-ent measure, fir it' the amendment before the House should be adopted there would bu a chance of altogether throwing out the Bill, anti text there wouto be a chance of a dissolution of Parlia,neor.—( Hear, heae. ) He was ready to make saer,fices fir the purpose of settling the question, He scold prophecy that • free the Lose of a few years the question would riot be left in the position it now was. for it would not b' possible to raise any discussion on it then, if, its effects would be such at . , he expected. If. how ever, the effects would not be such. and the landed interest was seriously affected, then he believed there would be no difficulty in inducing the Legislature to reconsider the question, so as to effect an alteration favourable to the agricuf oral in terests. He sus ported the Bill, not because he thought it w,iuld rause a great or sudden depreciation in the price of food, but because it would operate to prevent any great rise in the price of that ar icle.—( Her - .) He for one had no fear of any sud den importat tone of foreign grain taking place, such as to disturb to any extent the markets o; this country. They had Ireland lying by them, with cheap labour, so as to inundate them with produce reduced in value, arid yet that had not taken place. In Ireland they had 1,10,1,000 cultivators of the land, which raised about fourteen milnms in value yi arly, while to this country there was a less nuntber of agriculturists, and yet they raised the produce to the amount of thirty. four millions, se that five Irish labtaurers did not produce more than two Eng lish ones. There was, therefore, no danger from Ireland ; and if there was none from that quarter, they need not apprehend any from countries that were much mere distant.—( Hear.) On these grounds he must support the Bill before the House, and resist the amendment proposed by the Noble Earl l Wicklow.) Lord BBOUGHANI rose se explain. When such per-onal allusions were made as had been by the Noble Marquis who had just sat down, he felt it his duty to occupy the House a short time in explanation. The Noble Marquis greatly misappre hended him if he thought that he ( Lord Brougham) meant to cast any reflection on him. The Noble AI irquis had said that he ( Lord Brougham) had ()Wait ed information of what had passed in private habitations in a surreptious manner— thatstifi. he had derived it in a secret and unjustifi able able way. To that statement about publisiiiding anewer, had passed in private dwellings, he . what if there were reporters at the ferred to, or, if not reporters. at least actually a report of the meeting appe n are iv el i. : py `" morning ? le a n n g d th that of half a column, in a newspaper, o ° rt of that length, setting ,!.p.rrtv4ti:tcrieere,eting re ( Hear .) He at least had read a T r i p and s the parties who were forth what had passed at the meeting, present t o inti L et ita h h t t i:: a r e en be i e m n pr i t n ip c e o r rr t e o c r 8 7 1 1 appeared. A friend came to pthreeste,nroteaete,tegms.e.ertitobt. report expressed great alarm at the de. vision, only he stated that it was privately determined to there h e doubt repo : . .t t f , Ih d a having g delay the Coercion Bill as much as possible with in the House of Commons till the Corn Bill was secure.—(Hear, hear. ) H e had seen two others who gave another version of the proceeoing, but who adini'ted something kept back from the published report, and that the g was ept feeling of those present at the meeting was, that thouoth no resolution was agreed to, they would tak e care t h at the e Coercion laid debate. should not close till the Corn Hill was safe through the House of Lords. Such was the information, out of a private divellina but which was riot ferreted l to be met with at Coe club, houses, and every other Public (Cries of " Divide, divide.") they of would3olitical resort,.— . persist in crying out to interrupt him , he should tm, House, and speak on the motion then. His object was to set himself right with the House on the subject, He must detain their Lordships a few minutes longer. He did complain there was two hours' debate, and that during the whole of that time they had spoken so wide of the subject before them, but he was much more surprised at the vette , serious charge whicti the Noble Lord had made against him, and whit-h, if he did not explain or retract, he ( Lord Brougham) should most indignantly repel, cast from him, and repudiate the insinuation with which the Noble Lord closed his remarks. He (Lord Ikeushaw) dig Itate that he believed the present Government would not fulfil the wishes of those who desir to see a change—that there would, in fact, be no change in the Government, and yet his Noble Friend took upon himself to make a most groundless insinuation against him. He took upon himself to state that no deubt he (Lord Brougham) showed, by the zeal of his defence,_ that he believed that the Government would not go out. That statement was cheered by some Noble Lords, who knew not the facts ; it was cheered by some profoundly ignorant of the transaction of the leg seven years with regard to protection. both in and out of Par liament ; it was cheered by those who had not the same means of knowing the facts which his Noble Friend had or might have.—( Hear.) His Noble Friend had riot a shadow of a shade of ground for making the imputation, that his( Lord brougham's )motives in defending the measures o f the present. Government arose from the knowledge that thew did not intend to go out of office. He would ask their Lordship' what he had gained by taking the part he had in aid of the present Government ? lie called upon Noble Lords wino sa* upon the Ministerial benches—from his Noble and Gallant Friend the Noble Duke opposite, who knew to what he (Lord Brougham) alluded, down to the latent admittkl into the Cabinet, who knew less —to say whether his defence of the present Government arose from stoY intere-ted motives.—( Hear, hear.) He called upon all of them o come forth and state whether his motives in defending their conduct were not of the purest kind. It was no faullt of theirs ; it was his own fault that he was now out of odiceo although he supported the present Government.—( Ht tart hear.) The Goverrmerit was no snorter formed than he declined, but respectfully declined, the most high ;and brilliant offers of emolument. 1 his should not have born wrung from him, hut from the imputation which had been o on veyed. and he believed unintentionally c tnveyed, in the ata ments of his Noble Friend. He certainly had che.sen to be tu connected in office, to hold no office whatever, eit her judicial or other. under, or in c. , ,nr--xton with, the prey cot Government, for reasons of his own—for reasons applvintg to his personal convenience, and f rom no di sres p ec t t o the' Mkus• hers of vie Government. H- deemed it fit that the debate should not close without making this statement. His Friend oppt site, doubtless, did not mean to cast any redei !lion upon his statements, b u t s i m ply th a t b e h ad acted improperly in dischargi n g his humble duty in de fence of the government. Now one word more, an d he had done. He had never cast any imputz don upon the motives of the protection party; he had merely blamed them for not acting with better party motives in their attempt to defend this measure. His statement was, t hat there was not likely to be any change in the Govern= ens' Nothing could be fairer, more open, and-more welisprincii plea than the conduct of the protection party with respect to this measure.—( Hear, hear.) He once more begged to apologise to their Lordships for not entering 'O P° l _,l the ss. duty, but he might shortly state that he belieev ela that it would not operate well for the interests of the con ntrYs for He also begged to apologise to the Noble Lord the remarks which he , ound himself called upen to m ake With respect to the insinuation he had made to him. The Earl of tiESHOROUGH felt himself called ups, nto exp:ain that the principal, perhaps the sole object of the to eet ing at Lord John Russell's, was to consider what course aht ould be taken with reference to the Irish Coercion Bill. I ,ord John Russell distinctly begged of those present at the mee ting not unnec.ssarily to protract the discussion on that Bill. Lord BROUGHAM—My inlounant seems to have seta pretty nearly correct. Teem Lordships then divided, when there appeared—. For the amendment Against it Majority The House then resumed. The CHAIRMAN reported progress, and obtained leave to tit again on Friday next. Ihe House then adjourned at a Quarter to Two o'clock.. HOUSE OF COMMONS, June 16. The SPEAKER tcok the Chair at Four o'clock. GLASGOW, DUMFRIES, AND CARLISLERNILW. On the motion for the further consideration o: the ri on the Glasgow, Durnfrirs, and Carlisle Rai*ay Bill. into Mr. HOPE JOHNSTONE, moved that it be takers conside:ation upon that day six months. From theo noise that prevailed it was very difficult in tha galled Y catch the precise import of the Hon. Genileman's 01 io e ,;; vations. He was understood to call the attention of du,_ Rouse in the first place to the report of the Board of T r so. on the railway communication afforded by the Caledonian line : The Hon. Gentleman then p roce eded to read extracts k' O n - printed paper to the tollowing purport : lie •‘ The Caledonian Hadway follows the route which, on ; b in grounds, was preferred by the Government Commission; both 41, and by the Board of Trade and Committees of „ Howes of Parliament in 1345, as giving better trunk x°". munication for all the more important streams of traffic.' i a It was unsuccessfully 6 . opposed before all of these trio' n be the promoters of the Glasgow, Dumfries , a nd Ca r u,;! - scheme. a of "In their report of the 13th of March, 1845, t he Boar, t. Trade siate:l that • it is quite clear that the trhffie from be ° t I V Ind to the south would not be sufficient at presen t to sur e i. , two competing systems; and that if the one be sanetiai p hit ihe other, or so much of the other as directly confPet."' Lin it, mu-t be rtieilted. In this point of view, the Caleilo and the Glasgow, Dumfries, and Carlisle lines a re absoilute. ll inconsistent with each other.' wi'ttee i The de-islet. of last year was arrived at by the C°m-early of both Houses -as Parliament after , he fullest itsciairy, n o f one hundred witnesses having been examined in the Hoe !retie. Commins ; and it having been admitted by both le a pt to terongheet the proceedings :hat the traffic was insufa ci justify the construction of both lines. ' - t hereaiter the Committee on ihe Bill. in their reptl.rtet...° the Howe, stated—• A Report by the Board of Trade h r its„,_o m °: referred to your Committee, and the decision o f yOU ti r e re. mittee ap l i ars to be substantially in accordance With com,i.endations N cisntai in such report.' -• evertheless, the ne Gl d tsgow, Dumfries, and Cu-lisle s e, h ems .__ has beer. again brought tot ward this session, and the Coma 11 7,: on the Hill has declared the preamble of the Bill pro,/' thereby directly reversing the del berate judgment of the' b e. . gislat Theyurp , a..7.dctoefdthceertoatihnerbrtrainbeubletasispbrsefio,orseedreit eyrrea the to. Caledonian Cwanpany. for the accommodation of the jester traffic, on which their calculations of last ear were ft:l'o o r d ' and nave thus dew ived the Caledonian Company of• all lat eral traffic for 7,1 miles of thvir line, being the portion beetWee ll Carlisle and Lanark. " This decision, if confirmed, is calculated• more especially during the present pressure on capital, to inflict serious. injury on the Caledonian Ratiway. which involves an expenditure of upwards of two millions sterling, and which is nt w being; exe. cued with all possible expe ition, upwards of ten this . usaod men being at present engaged on the works. •tty "der these ciremustances, the presen' appeal is ref tneoSsi fully made to the House. for the protection of a g reat no !ki'inof .. ie k w ich was undertaken and contracted f o r on the fa 'land the preference awarded to it by the Legislature last YeLsvf'ould on the distinct understanding that the opposing scheme ,_. liot receive ,he sinction of Parliament. The question is;cni li'oen ther the decis on of the Legislature last ear, or the" - 11_ being of the Committee this year, is to be sustained , . the leSte„` • entirely inconsitent with, and subversive of the fori o le t r. o -It was quite impossible that the report referred to of Trade on that Bill could not but take with the p . _ 1 ulated to Make a was very certain that that report was calculated full inquiay great impression on the public mind. Atter the u totally that had been made, the decision of the Committee was _ ut .__ inconsistent with the decision given by the Committee el a r o ls f the last session, and also with the report of the elt cult ti h bl it 'll r l d t Trade. He would beg to impress on the House the n tl A T te re of reconciling the present decision with the vere- e ak , turned by the Committee last year. On the I wo already in progress by the Caledonian ital.- to,ooo n had been employed, and upwards of ha lf a in"- 4 me ~e mon, y had been actually expended. The Hon. Gentleman then alluded to the speech of the chairman of the company iat a meeting held after the decision of the Committee, in wh ch he remarked strongly on the proceedings of the oniniittee, wire after having induced the complainants to embark their capital, at a great risk, had deprived them, by a recent decision of some of their anticipated returns. 'I he Committee is arriving at a decision had made an election in arriving at thei e r verdict which had turned out to be a most unfortunate their He thought it right to state these things, because frogs `2,000,000/. tu 3,000,M0/. had been expended by the Caledo; titan Railway, in order to meet the wants of the very district :0 accommodate which the Committee bad passed another line it its great. and serious injury. He did _ not tbi na suc h was consonant wish true policy to conssnt to , be a competing scheme. On these grounds, which be fettee"., e had slated must imperfectly, he was unwilling, considerllls"_4 state of public business, to trespass longer on the would, therefore, conclude by moving as an famendmen Chit the report be considered that day six months. The motion having been seconded, .„„ e of Sir WILLIAM CLAY said, as he was the ellai r ,_•i3iii, the Committee, the decision of whom, with respect to tni; i4.. . , they were called upon to reverse, the House would, Pe "tor° 1- - /. expect that he would trouble them with a very few ()bier . , t - oil the subject. He had he s.ronge-t impression that th which Heuset, O was not the proper tribunal for trying those quest,,,j ana m ight• were remitted to Select Committees up stairs. He tonal however, be excused it he alluded briefly to a matter pe who to himself and to the other members of the Committee.... 'rho Hon. Gentleman the Member for Renfrewshire 0% 11. ' 1 j - tit , at Stewart), whom he saw in his place, had thought it very a public meeting of the Caleeonian Cotniany, cistos „ that grave imputations on the Members coinn°"l that Committee. He had thought proper to t st a a n: l • t baC the report of the Committee was URI"- •tteet if the House confirmed the report of toe C •ita jo ul d i e els , that the public would withdraw all their confidence in to How sions, and that no property would be secure was si t ting, but that there was a House Id b e opinions of certain Noble Dukes and Marquises !c u l t the taken at their intrinsic value, anti where, ln d " r ' ette d decision of the Committee would be reversed. He re! that the Hon. Member had so far forgotten himself as 0 e u'Ld such an observation, because the Members of that liouvsoiv74 most arduous and important duties to discharge , l i i h n ould b e immense interests, and it was not right that they . _ , ;,„„ rendered more anxious and annoyed by any such paint_e i t I _ l 4 potations cast upon them, and especiallwhen they dd_ 7 1 h wanted any fre'' deserve them. But if there was me inconvenience of dig' proof of the extre to of "Lhoardes twhere the which Committees of the cussions on t h e decisions C w a a , e d s a o n i l o a n e ument Company w b i to h the ncl that proof be held in his hand in the shall the hope of endeavouring then to ever ° v h a e r r iou ni s isr p e ar r t e ic s u e l n a t r a s t . io a n s , t set tOO% i lt e h ind t ' erminate at Dumfries instead of e ing r i4 r 0 the House e Cos : h w a i n c . had yi t a tF r e r ei their decision. members °f ohlavaemdaapredsetnot p b r y e l s t: e i n es t to a Committee of the House of C ell 's. t tc ra o ha o ur o t i l it, ,s: Carlisle e a ands linetot i in through a a . d g d w o i t r w i o o n n g t t h o a i nuot Nithsdale t h we „..i er r to C not a shorter res, tb° real distance from Carlisle as aledonian, wheline to Glasgow by the 1 - 4 : 0 donian line was 1 o- 51, whilst the Nithsd ale only 1 -a • and ev en by a short li ne passed t"ii m sts• year, the distance would be reduced to 116 miles. The ' see tion they had ' to consider was, whether they should be F oo l ven'ed grounds, from acceding to the construction of a railwatf, r n v ital because the Caledonian Railway had expended --'' t• in ih construeting a line oely accommodating a portion of the di , tc le c t, and d ere were no dissentient landowners to the Nithsdale Prloo. it would intersect great mineral, agricultural, god ct iott mercial districts; and whether they were to refuse to so° oe s lines required by the w a n ts of districts, simply beeann s ot which had been sanctioned by Parliament, but which Olmoss offer that accommodation, wished to have no c ompetiti ° ' et to Caledonian Railway completely broke down with reels_ it' their through traffic. The Nithsdale would interfere care.. The The Committee sat for fourteen days, and after the sots _ c o y fel and anxious consideration of the whole evidence, to2 e pis nisnously came to the conclusion on the subject that in d onlY was required for the wants of the district. He WO O sl ide lately further add that the promoters of the line bad comp inte rfere out a strong case of local traffic, and that it did not i n the with the Caledonian line. He would leave the matter wo uld hands of the House, with the firm impression that tb.ey_ of the see the propriety of not interfering w ith the decision Committee. tsari st°. Mr. P. M. STEWART wished to make a few 0 . ._ re fere in explanation of the question before the House, and lie holder s 6 ence to what be had said at a meeting of the share ta , ing . fortnight ago, and about which there wassome tnistodercao " aon ittee What he stated was rather a compliment to the ev ,„ sure and the House than otherwise. He stated that 1 . 1..,_ c o o• prised at the decision of the Committee, and that I! ssnion mittee and the House understood the real state of Of g u s t o . • • which had bee n , they would not agree with the decision flit P l* to, All the Caledonian CoaVv l Y. 'anted ear