The Sun. — London, England, 1846-01-30 00:00:00

BRITISH AMERICAN LAND COM- PANY. A special general Court of the proprietors of this Com pany was held yesterday at the London Tavern, to receive and consider an important communication from the Hon. Judge Preble affecting the interests of the Company. The CHAIRMAN (J. C. Cummins, Esq.) said, that he had to state first, that their Governor was called to Scotland by the (illness of a female relative. Ile had next to explain the object for which the meeting had been convened, which had not arisen in their ordinary meeting. Judge Preble had coins from the state of Maine in order to promote the ob ject for which the Company had devoted a large sum of money, viz., the St. Lawrence and Atlantic Railroad. But it was not only from the circumstance of their having subscribed their money, but also of its improving the land. It was the opinion of the Directors that the information of Judge Preble was of such importance as to induce them to call that meeting. Mr. Galt had returned to America with a list of those who had subscribed to the Company. It might possibly arise that the communications which they would receive from Mr. Galt would place them in a position to determine whether they were to prpceed with the railroad or not. Mr. Galt would take care that the expense should not exceed 5,0001. He had received a letter from Mr. Galt, dated Sherbrook, 20th December, 1845, which was to the effect that he had inspected the route of the proposed railroad to Boston ; that that portion of the line to Boston was under inspection for completion in 1847; that 100,000 dollars had been sub scribed, and that the inhabitants on the line had proposed to subscribe 500,000 dollars more. He also stated that Portland possessed a magnificent harbour, and that the greatest de sire for the amicable adjustment of the Oregon question pre vailed among the inhabitants. The Hon. Judge PREBLE said there was exceeding diffi culty in dealing with a subject like the present, and to con dense all those views which are necessarily connected with the subject under consideration. (The Learned Judge here read a lengthened statement, the purpo rt of which was that the proposed line of railroad would effect a communication between lakes Ontario, Huron, and Erie and the Atlantic, aid totally supersede the mode of transit now in operation. It then dwelt on the advantages that would be conferred on Quebec and Montreal, if this line were established, by restoring these towns that trade of which a large portion had been diverted nto n other c hannels, and of c reating a trade. A pro ject analogous to that was in contemplation by one of the wisest governors the colony ever possessed—he meant the late Lord Sydenham—who had caused canals to be con structed.) The Learned Judge, after mentioning a variety of projects that had been got up by his countrymen to effect this object, none of which could have any prospect of success ful competition with their project, if they excepted the Ver mont Grand Central Railway, which was circuitous, and would require 20,000,0001., while theirs would only require 5,000,000/. ; and stating that the State of Maine would afford him every assistance in prosecuting the undertaking, con cluded by recommending the shareholders to lose no time in proceeding with the undertaking . Mr. ROBINSON said that the eligibility of the undertaking had been admitted twelve months ago, when they had sub scribed 20,0001. towards it. He regretted that there was no distinct proposition before them, and that a statement had not been made to show that the undertaking was progressing. He conceived it not to be indicative that it was held in very high estimation across the Atlantic, where the shares were nearly all in the possession of English men ; and he thought there was a great security for the speculators that no hostile proceedings would take place, or that, in the event not only of a war, but of any difference between the shareholders, that their interests would be se cured. Mr. GOULD, while agreeing fully in what had fallen from the last speaker, considered the undertaking of such impor tance in a national point of view, that he would, if it were required, propose a further grant towards carrying it out. --(Hear, hear.) He would propose a resolution to the effect that the thanks of ,the meeting were due to the Hon. and Learned Judge for his lucid and comprehensive statement. P OY NDER briefly seconded the resolution which was tarried unanimously. The Hon. Judge PREBLE briefly returned thanks. Thanks were then voted to, and acknowledged by, the Chairman, and the meeting separated. LAW ISTELLIGENCE. COURT OF QUEEN'S BENCH, Jan. 29. (Sittings in Banco.) THE QUEEN V. GREGORY. This was an indictment against the defendant, for a libel on the Duke of Brunswick, importing, among other things, • that - he had murde red Eliza Grimwood. The jury tad coq.. victed the defendant. Mr. COCKBUEX now moved for a new trial, first on the ground of the improper reception of evidence, and secondly, on that of misdirection. The evidence improperly admitted was the inquisition on Eliza Grimwood. As to the objec tion on that point, there was a case in East's Pleas of the Crown. which showed that an inquisition ought to be taken on parchment, and not on paper, and the inquisition' on Eliza Grimwood having been taken on paper, was rot a valid inquisition, and ought not, therefore, to have been received in evidence in this case. This objection was confirmed by the 6th and 7th of Victoria, which was passed to ob viate objections of a formal nature to inquisitions ; and among the instances there m entioned as those in whic the defect would vitiate tile inquisition, was that of its being taken on paper. If this objection was valid,then the paper inquisition, being an invalid instrument, ought not to have been admitted in evidence. It was not admissible on another ground, namely, that it was a proceeding between other persons than those concerned in this indictment, and therefore could not be evidence for or against either of them. The other point was, that the prosecutor was described as Charles Frederick Augustus William Duke of Brunswick and Luneburg. This was a wrong description; the prosecutor was no ,longer Duke •of Brunswick. He was not, there fore, entitled to be so called. But even if that was his proper description abroad, he ought here to be described as an esquire. In Lord Coke's "Institute" it was stated that the description of rank and title of a party to an indictment should be truly stated, and if the parties were noblemen of foreign countries, they were to be described as armigeri, un less they were knights. The prosecutor was not a reigning sovereign, and therefore ought, in our courts, to have been described as an esquire. He quoted several authorities in su pport of this proposition, and contended that this descrip tion of the prosecutor being bad, the indictment could not be sustained. Lord DENMAX—I think that in this case there ought not to he any rule. The indictment states what is certainly quite unnecessary; it states as a distinct fact that there was a murder committed on the body of Eliza Grimwood, and then it goes on to allege that an inquisition was held upon the body, and a verdict of murder by some person unknown wee pronounced It is quite immaterial whether this was so or not. The real question is, whether the libel spoke of her as a person who had been murdered. Notwithstanding this unnecessary allegation, and the proof unnecessarily offered upon this point, I think it was quite sufficient to show that there was an inquisition held on the body of a murdered person, called by the name of Eliza Grimwood. Mr. Carter, the coroner, proved that he held the inquisition. He pro duced a paper, which would not be admissible as an in quisition taken by him in order to found other pro ceedings upon it, but which was perfectly admissible to show that at the inquisition held under him he had noted down what had occurred; so that supposing it had been neceeeary to prove the allegation on the indictment, that there had been such an inquisition, the evidence of Mr. Carter would have been sufficient to establish that fact. The paper thus produced was not made the foundation of any other proceeding, but was a mere mode of identifying the persons and the names mentioned at the inquest; so that the ob jection raised to the admissibility of the paper does not apply here. With respect to the other part of the objection, I was snitch struck by the objection when made at the trial. Lord Coke's authority goes a great way to show that the descrip tion here given was an improper description ; for, from his Institute it appears that foreign titles cannot be noticed in English courts, and the safer way would have been to call the prosecutor by his name, and to add the title or desig nation Esquire or Armiger. I own I was at first disposed to think, that though this was merely a technical objec tion, is ought to be further discussed; and I should there fore hove thought we ought to grant a rule, had it not been for the case of the King v. Sully, which occurred i n 1; 99. The prisoner there was indicted for stealing cer tain articles, the property of Selina Victoire Baroness Turkheim ; and the prosecutrix said that that was her title, and not part of her proper name, and that she was re pnteet to possess, and did possess that title, in right of an estate she bad received from her father. The Court said, that all that the law required was certainty to a common in tent, and, therefore, held her description in the indictment sufficient. There the mere title of the party appeared, and yet the Court held that that was sufficient, fir she was con stantly known by the title given her in the indictment. The gee circumstances exist here. The prosecutor is not a reig ni nng prince, and there is another person who is the reign ing ir i ince, still he is constantly known by this description, and the case .1 have re ferred to seems to me a direct autho rity for saving that he has properly described himself in this indictment. I am, therefore, of opinion that there ought to be be no rule. The other Judges eoncurred.—The rule - was refused. Mr. CocenueN then applied for the postponement of the case on the ground that the whole of the last term had been suffered to elapse without the defendant being called on to come up for judgment, and the notice he had now received to be brought up for judgment having only been given on 'Tuesday evening, he had not had time to prepare the affida vits he wished to lay before the Court in mitigation of punishment. Mr. Sergeant TALFOURD (Mr. Wordsworth was with him) did not oppose the application if the Court thought it proper. 'rite COURT did think it reasonable, and the case was, therefore, ordered to stand over to next term. BANKRUPTCY COURT, Jan. 29. (Before Mr. Commissioner FaisE.) 'swot - a...l'T JUDGMENT.-IN RE THOMPSON. The Learned C i have a painful drusai"Eß said, this is a case is which YitcL not perform, that of refusing a certifi cate to an attorney. d hear ing, because I wished to give my decision at the hear eoxamine the proceedings, to see whether there was anythi ne case which could jastig. in the general complexion of co taking a more lenient o urse. I have found nothing . Mr benefit of the Insolvent Debtors' Mr Thompson took the 1838, and though pressed, he could not venture Act .in to anything in the pound. He now o state' that his estate paid ditors, and 4621, to creditors havin w g e : 8541. to unsecured cre on this occasion will just pay one fa°rtmlel'"enritY ; his estate .During his examination before me, he showedmg in the pound. regardless of the sacred obligation of himself utterly 3towever, on these general reasons thatailf oath. It is not, if found it principally on his conduct to Mr.ouPd my decision. anipton. Mr. Pell was employed by three ell, of North- Thompson for sums which, with the cot clients to sue 821. 10s. ; upon which Thompson requested amountedi to Mr. Pell to enable him to get rid of these demands by advancing him the 891. 108. on the security of some cottages and property which lie alleged lie had bou g ht of one Loke. Thededso'hich of c Tevance from Loke to hint, dated the 21st of August. ig4"; were produced , a nd no other title-deeds, the excuse for their non-production being that they had been lost or stolen from joke many years before. Mr. Pell required evidence of this; upon w:;ic11 Thompson produced solemn affirmations from Loke and two other persons, stating that the deeds bad been .olen. and stating such other facts as were necessary to hand 21st Loke's title. These a ffirmations were dated the 18110 and 21st of September,, 1644, and producing their natural effect, induced Pell to ad vance the 82/. 103. on the security of a snortgage deed, dated the 17th of October following. Now, te a days before the mort g a g e ota the 7th of October , on l y was&xecuted, Loker had attended before the magistrates at li,'Oinehorough to procure their assistance, pnder a late Act of parlizmetit, in ejecting one Wyman from part of the . i•rmi,:e4 conic rites. in the mortgage deed IVyrnan WO . attended with his' tiolieitor, a Mr. Sharman, of Bed.. • tord, and had showfi .!4) the satisfaction of the ma g is• .z e tes Ahlt he claimed a ridlt tO this property,. and i magistrates, of course, bad tiviin4i to inter fere: Thompson was resent,p apparently sa k A?pecta• tor, thettg if the fictitious deed, deed of the 21st of August well (lot IP cording to his it: wil up for some fraudulent purpose, he, tu.3- 311 ere spectator, but trenu-nt, ought to have been, not a. versed with ThoropsoneereiPal actor. Mr. Sharman con . faro that Loke appeareff;:t business was over, and told that he had executed a (14,4 a g in .4 under a delusion, for w a - s. -klie (Sharman) held wig V iii) t gl o n an's grandfather, -4194 for a cliept' • of his, who claimed as mortgagee under Wyman, and he offered to show Thompson the deeds. Thompson, however, never called upon Sharman, but ten days after obtained Pell's 821. 10s. on the security of the property in ques tion, without saying one word to Pell about the claim by Wyman. Thompson, after much fencing with my ques tions, was obliged to admit, not only that he was present and had heard what passed, but that he had insisted on Loke, an old man almost in his dotage, taking the proceed ings he had before the magistrates for his (Thompson's) benefit, so that his afterwards obtaining Mr. Pell's money was a plain cheat. It was suggested by his solicitor (Mr. Lawrence) that he had been deceived by Loke. My own belief is that he had never bought the property of Loke at all; he could produce no evidence of any payment to Loke, and his story and Loke's were utterly inconsistent with each other. I believe that the deed of the 21st of August was fabricated originally to deceive a client of Mr. Pelt's ; but be that as it may, even if Thompson was originally de ceived, his obtaining the money of Pell on the 17th of October, without disclosing that his title was disputed, was a gross fraud. Under these circumstance s, lam compelled to refuse Thompson his certificate altogether. The office of attorney is an office unavoidably of great trust and confi dence ; and if a solicitor is a dishonest man he can effect incalculable mischief, and the public have, as I conceive, a right to require that no man once proved in a court of justice to have been guilty of an act of plain dishonesty should be enabled by public authority again to exercise such an office. IN RE EVILL AND DOUGLAS. The bankrupts in this case carried on business as wholesale woollen merchants in Vigo-street, Regent-street, and this day was appointed for the choice of assignees. The debts and liabilities during four years' trading amount to between 70,000/, and 80,0004 and the assets were stated to amount to about 30,0001. . _ • The debts proved in the course of the day an:muted to about 40,000/, The assignees chosen were Messrs. Leukin, Griffiths, and Overvuary, all iu the woollen trade, and they accepted the trust. A proof was tendered, upon the part of the North-West Bank, to the amount of 7,000/. on bills of exchange, which was objected to by Mr. Dickens, as solicitor to the assignee!, upon the ground that cloth had Lan deposited with the drawers of the bills. Mr. Commissioner FANE, after reference to several cases, admitted the proof, allowing the assignees to take such steps as they might consider expedient to realise the securities and apply them in discharge of the bills. Mr. Lawrence, of Bucklsrsbury, appeared as solicitor to the bankrupts, and Mr. Wryghte as accountant. COURT OF EXCISE, Jan. 29. (Before H. F. STEPHZNSON, Esq., CHARLES Ross, Esq., and C. J. HARRIES, Esq.) Maria Shepherd, of the King and Queen, High-street, Newington, was charged with the adulteration of beer by the use of a liquid material and preparation, as a substitute for malt and hops. The information contained six counts, each of which involved a penalty of 2001. After hearing the evidence, Mr. Commissioner Stephenson said it was the opinion of the Court that there was nothing injurious in the articles that had been put into the beer, but as it was con trary to law they had no alternative but to give judgment against her. In consequence of the excellent character given to the defendant by the officers, the Court would miti gate the tine to 51. CAUTION TO EATING-HOUSE KEEPERS.—Job Ford, of 87, Lower Thames-street, eating-house keeper, was charged with retailing beer and spiritous liquors without license. There was a second information, to which the defendant pleaded guilty. The COURT gave judgment, and said that as the defendant had been carrying on this illegal trade for nine years, they should tine the defendantin the penalty of 251. on the two cases. James Best Coleman, of the Bean and Wheat sheaf, Lower Thames-street, was fuied in the full penalty of 1504 for not renewing his licenses. . . S. B. Simmons, of the Rising Sun,Castle-street, Long-acre, was also fined for a similar offence in the penalty of 1001. Henry Gander - (place of residence not stated), fined 100/ for a like offence. A considerable number of licensed victuallers were fined in small penalties for .similar offences. POLICE INTELLIGENCE. - GUILDHALL. Messrs. Charles Stuart and Co., milliners, in Herbert street, were summoned before Sir C. Marshall, for using a cart within the City of London on which the christian name Oi!ti . surname, and place of abode of thg owner, were not con- Ispdieusl .painted. on the off side, on the 16th of January inst. 'MO West, a City toll-collector, said the defendants were afitnr out of about trent,- persons who were evading the City toll, by neglecting to paint their names on the off side of their nondescript vehicles, and thus preventing the col lectors from ascertaining. whether they were persons engaged in trade, and whether their names were to be found on the book of freemen of London. Mr. Stuart said be had no view of the sort. He consi dered he was not driving a vehicle within the description of the Act, but that his ch?lse was as much exempt from the obligation to have his name and address painted on it as any gentleman's gig or carriage. He paid duty for it as a chaise, and produced his receipt. - Sir C. MARSHALL asked; if he used it only for pleasure? Mr. Stuart replied, he no doubt used it for pleasure some times, and for business at others. It was a neat chaise-cart or chaise, with an extended box behind the seat for holding goods, such as were used by commercial travellers. West said, if a person would offer Government duty for a carriage, calling a waggon a carriage, 'the money would, no doubt be taken, but that would not 'make the waggon a carriage. The Act said, that for preventing the misbe haviour of drivers, and for the better discovery of offenders, the owner of every waggon, wain,:cart, car, or dray, or other " such carriage," that is, carriage used to convey goods, shall, if used within five miles of the Post-office, have painted thereon, &c. Sir C. MARSHALL asked if he meant to say a gentleman dare not carry goods in his gig or carriage? West said he certainly did not mean to say that. He only meant that the distinction between carriages and carts was whe ther they were used by tradesmen for purposes of business and the carriage of goods, or by other persons for purposes of pleasure. Sir C. MARSHALL said the defendant must feel obliged to the toll-man for the information that be was . paying duty for a vehicle not liable to it. He agreed with the complainant, that if it wese used to carry goods about. the town, and its form indicated that it was used for that pwrpose, it was a chaise-cart. - .. The complainant said he did not press for a penalty. He only wished the law to be obeyed for the future. The defendant said his chaise was at the door. He would drive it before the window that the alderman might see it. The defendant did so. It appeared to be a traveller's chaise- cart on two wheels, having a box for the millinery goods be hind the seat, four feet long and equally wide, and above two feet in height: The defendant, promising to have his name painted on it forthwith, was discharged on paving the costs. MAILLBuIp)tIIM-STREET. Mr. Charles Cahill, described as a gentleman, appeared to answer a charge made agait:st him by ➢lrs. Wllonall, for rubbing his ready-furnished lodgings of a sheet, a blanket, and some other articles, valued at 255. Front Mrs. M-Donall's original statement, it appeared that at the latter end of the year 1844, Mr. Rutl►ven, M.P., a friend of the accused, took the lodgings for the family of the accused at a stipulated rent. The accused remained with her about ten weeks, during which period so much unpin santnety arose between them, that she was obliged to give him notice to quit. The accused left without her cognizance, and on gaining entrance into the apartments, she discovered that, independently of considerable damage to the carpets and furniture, a blanket, sheet, two tumblers, and a German silver knife and fork were not to be found. She made in quiry after the accused, but was unable to meet with him until Tuesday last, when, seeing him in the street, she gave hitn into custody. Mr. Cahill attempted to show that the charge originated in a refusal on his part to pay 71.105. for alleged damage to Mrs. M'llonall's carpet and hearth rug. He said he was re spectably connected, and when in Ireland held the rank of magistrate, and therefore it was very unlikely be would be guilty of the petty offence laid to his charge. A man named Bingley, who had been left by the accused in the apartments to deliver them up to Mrs. M'Donall, said he did deliver the rooms up, and when Mrs. M'Donall looked over them she made no complaint then of lost pro perty. Mrs. M'Donall said the statement of the accused was an, invention. If time were allowed, she would produce the re quisite evidence in support of the charge. Yesterday was the day appointed for further inquiry. Mrs. M'Donall, however, did not make her appearance; and Mr. Cahill, through his soiicitor. applied for a remand for a few days, in order to enable him to get certain papers from Ire land, which woald completely exculpate him, and show the true character of the charge. Mr. HAnnwicK, however, said, as there was no onejn court to press the charge, the accused must be liberated. LAMBETH. Edward Watkins, Frederick, his son, Ann, his wife, and John Hancock, whose previous examinations on a charge of being concerned in the manufacture and sale of a number of bill and receipt stamps have already appeared, were brought before Mr. No rton for final examination. Mr. Huddleston, the barrister, and Mr. Tilsley, the assistant solicitor to the Board of Stamps, appeared for the prosecu tion, and Mr. Ballantine, the barrister, and Mr_ Games for the defence. When the case was called on, Mr.' Ballantine applied to the magistrate to request that the appearance of Mr. Edward Watkins at the bar, during the investigation of the case, might be dispensed with, as the excitement attenitant upon his being so placed might, in his present state of mental as well as bodily affliction, be attended with serious danger to his life. The Learned Gentleman here directed the atten tion of the magistrate to the following certificate from Pr. Sutherland and another medical gentleman:— " We the undersigned hereby certify that we have visited and personally examined Mr. Edward Watkins, of 122, Vauxhall-walk, and that he is a person of unsound mind. We also certify that imprisonment will have a prejudicial effect upon him In his present state. " A, J, SUTHERLAND, M.D. " MICHAEL L. MASON, M.R.C.S. " January 28." Mr. Ballantine also called Mr. Mason, who was present, and that gentleman being sworn, expressed it as his opinion that the slightest excitement might produce the most serious effects upon the elder Watkins in his present state; and. the learned counsel, under these circumstances, hoped Mr. Norton would not require the personal appear ance of the accused. Mr. Huddleston observed, that on the part of the prose cution he had no wish to press for the appearance of the ac cused • nor did he object to his being liberated on such bail as his Worship: should deem necessary, to appear at the Old Bailey. With respect to the prisoner, Frederick Watkins, it was not his wish to offer any evidence against him ; and as regarded Hancock, he was not prepared with any further evidence against that prisoner at present, and should be sa tisfied with his giving bail to appear at the Old Bailey, and answer any charge the Solicitor of Stamps might think proper to prefer against him ; and finally, be should call for the commitment of M rs . W at ki ns and her husband to take their trial at the ensuing Old Bailey sessions, on the evidence already adduced. The evidence of the different witnesses was taken la its regular form by the chief clerk against Watkins and his wife, and the latter was fully committed to Newgate. Wat kins was subsequently led into the Court to have his recog njzances in 2,0001., and two sureties in 1,000!, each taken, ant i hj2 appearance was such that it is very doubtful whe ther he will suryiye his trial. Application was made by Mr. G am es, an d any amount offered to bail out Mrs. Watkins, bat Air, Norton declined to aeeept it, A . STEAM EN•takiP BY POST.—Mr. G. Cartwright ceived an order, on Friday week, for a In iniatur ray steam engine, on the high-pressure principle, for which h e e sent, Chadburn Brothers, Sheffield ; and, strange to nt sat, t —,cult tho engine bad to be built, he received it enclosed •-• n , - s t 00 Mesday morning! The engine wasconelll - ' .1 ~c con ip - Ang.Thd by boiler and afire-grate a letter, 0, i plete in every deta ,, o f several "WO o f Tue sd ay.= efal pf the Astonished . containing fuel. A the req ui :7 t t i ou the beholders, it was kept it; , . . Preston guardian. tion had been removed, and the result would be a serious iijury to all parties. All those Noble Lords whom he was slow addressing were as deeply interested in this matter as he was ; though, no doubt, this plan had been proposed with a view to securing their support, yet he trusted that if they took the same vtew of the subject that he did, they would use their iefittence to prevent a measure from passing which would be so injurious to themselves. There was another point to which he would wish to allude. He had heard the speech of one of the Noble Lords on the cross bench, who had spoken in stroug terms, in rather severe terms, on the subject of protection to the landed interest, but not in terms less severe than that branch of the subject which he dealt with deserved.—(Hear, henr.) To talk of giving such a compensation as this was, to say the least of it, putting a gross delusion on their Lord ships, as he believed that the only real compensation which could be made to those engaged in agri cultural pursuits was of the nature of which promises had been held out, but which he was sorry to learn from the papers that had been printed, was not intended to be fulfilled— he meant the real spirit of competition, which was the carrying out of the principle of free trade, with respect to other articles, as well as to corn.—(Hear.) It seemed just that if they were to sell their corn at a cheaper price on account of the competition which would be engen dered, that they should have an opportunity of producing the commodities which they required at corresponding prices. He saw no reason why the colonies should have an advantage which they did not possess. If the English farmer was able to hear free trade, he wanted to know on what grounds the colonies were not able to undergo the same competition ? They had to support armies and other establishments for protecting the colonial dependencies, and it was neither consonant with common sense or equity to withdraw these burdens from them, to the serious injury of this country. He was at a loss to know why the principle of free trade was to be applied to this country, and withheld so far as the co lonies were concerned—(Hear, hear)—and he hoped when the proper time arrived for the discussion of the measures brought forward by the Government, that their Lordships would give the subject tie it most seri ous consideration, and ti usted that they would insist on the principle of free trade being carried out with respect to other articles. The application of the principle to one article to the exclusion of others was cal culated to throw discredit on the principle on which the Government propositions were stated to be founded. He hoped that when the measure came forward, it would , be disencumbered of all those absurdities which reminded them of by-gone controversies. He hoped that they would strike out upon fresh ground—that the true, sound, and right principles of free-trade, now so boldly announced, would be carried into effect for the benefit of the whole nation. That which had fallen from the Noble Duke (the Duke of Richmond) had induced him (Earl • Grey) to trouble their Lordships with these observations. Perhaps he had gone further than he ought on that occasion, but considering how generally those matters were decided—practically and vir tually decided— before their Lordships had an opportunity of pronouncing upon them, he thought there was some justification for them if they ventured thus early strongly to express their opinion. He would only say, in his own justification, that the principles of free trade, since his first entrance into Par liament, were those which he had always sympathised in. On his first entrance into the House of Commons he had voted in those very small majorities by which the prin ciple of the sliding scale had always been opposed. From that time to the present the language he had held, both in office and out of office, had been that the whole system of protection was, from first to last a mistake, injurious to the protected interest as well as to those against whom protection was granted; and the sooner they adopted the principles of common sense— those principles which every great political writer amd philosopher had supported—the sooner those principles were practically adopted in legislation the better. Lord ASHBURTON, who was scarcely audible in the gallery, ventured to apologise for the warmth of the language contained in the petitions which might be presented to their Lordships upon this subject, considering that the petitioners believed that their v hole fortunes, and almost existence de pended upon this measure being rejected. Government would never be able to carry out the principles so ably advocated by the Noble Earl. If, indeed, that free trade could be esta blished, then he said, as the Noble Earl had said, that it was the principle of common sense. But how could they, in a country where such complicated interests existed—a country in which such artificial systems were fighting against the regula tions sought to be enforced by the Noble Lord—how could they, he said, expect to carry free-trade principles into effect, despite of this artificial system of Society. It must be recol lected that they had, in addition, a debt of 800,000,0001. on their shoulders ; and again he said, how was it possible then to carry out the principles of free trade ? He (Lord Ashburton) should like to have the opinion of a Committee of Ways and Means on this subject. They might perhaps find it a difficult matter, with diminished resources arising from the abolition of protection, to maintain the credit of the country. 'the Noble Earl had stated that the British farmer could beat the foreign grower, but they could not fight the foreign farmer with their hands tied.—( Hear, hear. ) While the men on the shores of the Baltic were paying for labour 6cl. a day, the British farmer was paying 2s. It re quired no great skill in political economy to foresee, that so circumstanced, these two classes could not cope with each other. The burdens peculiarly pressing upon the British farmer should be rescinded, for he maintained, whatever might be said to the contrary, that tithes were unusually oppressive on the landed interest. Then the poor-rate came more immediately upon the country, for towns were comparatively exempted. Much as he admired the general principle of free trade, he con ceived that it would be impossible to establish it in England in its present peculiar position. They had had no wise man who had ever said any other thing. if they took Huskisson. they 'found him saying, " When it is not necessary to want to raise slzt i millions of ts..-s then you will have cheap bread, but not before. So Mr. Ricardo also admits that on every principle of justice the British farmer was entitled to compensation. In the present state of the country it was perfectly Utopian to endeavour to bring about a system of free trade. He did not complain of the League subscribing money for the purpose of watching the registration of voters, but he did complain of the League opening, in every county and town throughout the country, what he might term shops for the sale of what he must certainly consider fictitious tstes. —( Hear, hear.) The advertisements of the League state that, for the sum of 401., any person may qualify himself for a voter in the county elections. As a proof of their success in this business, they stated that they had created as many as three thousand votes in one county. He considered that if the Government did not bring forward some measure to prevent this wholesale creation of votes, they would be acting in a very injudicious and improper manner. Lord MONTEAGLE wished to know upon what doctrine his Noble Friend founded his statement ? Upon a doctrine which lie had heard elsewhere no doubt, and he (Lord Monteagle) had heard it frequently advanced by persons who were most eager advocates for the repeal of the corn-laws, and who car ried in their doctrines with respect to the protective duties, and with respect to the doctrines of the freedom of trade, just such arguments as had been used by his Noble Friend, who had put forward the revenue duties as being obstacles to the freedom of t rade.—( Hear, hear.) His Noble Friend put for ward, with his accurate knowledge upon this subject, arguments which recognised no distinction between a maintenance of the revenue and a freedom of trade. But protection of the re venue he would hold was perfectly consistent with entire free dom of trade.—( Hear, hear.) Until we were producers of tea in this country, and until we were producers of tobacco likewise, the tea and the tobacco duties had no more relation to the advance of trade than the state of our foreign relations at the present moment with India or elsewhere. He would not refer to the old doctrines upon this subject, for he thought that such a course would not be either just or agreeable in arguing such points as these, because he would venture to say that the opinions of the wisest men in the kingdom had under gone great changes on the question of corn. But then he must say, that with a very strong exception, all the variations of opinion had been in one direction.—( Hear, hear. ) Per sons who had pi eviously advocated the doctrines of protection and the restriction of commerce, had abandoned those doc trines by degrees. Noble Lords themselves—the Legislature of the country—had ut.dergone great changes upon this sub ject. From the year 1815, up to the present time, there had been a gradual progression towards the doctrine of free trade in the Government of the country,—( Hear, hear,) Let Noble Lords compare the year 1815 with that year in which the ninth Act of George the Fourth passed ; and again the Act of 1842, and they would at once see a manifest and con siderable change in favour of free trade. They would find that they had been steadily advancing towards the doctrine of free trade since the year 1815. But without referring to by gone opinions, he was surely entitled to refer to the opinion of that great body—the merchants of London—on this all-impor tant question. A petition from that body was presented in the other House of Parliament, which laid down the princi ples of free trade, and prayed for the removal of all burdens t t from o n was the supported com mer c of the time e i o y and h f, its presentation, pr t es a e t nta p ti e o t o i : by a host of his friends in the other House of Parliament. He utterly denied that these laws were imposed for revenue, but suppose he granted that they were more heavily taxed in this country than elsewhere, that was an argument why corn. merest should be left unshackled, end the enterprise of the merchant, the production of the farmer, and the industry of the manufacturer freed from any restrictions which fettered them. It was, perhaps, wrong to discuss the measure by an ticipation, as the details were not as yet before them. With i regard, however, to the three years' limitation, he believed it would be prejudicial, rather than advantageous, to the interest which it pretended to protect. He took the measure, how ever, as a whole, and while he said that it gave him great pleasure to see such an approximation to free-trecle principles, he confessed that he would have preferred the measure if it had come into operation at once. He thought the protectionists themselves would see that a limitation of three years would be more prejudicial than otherwise; and if they objected to it, he considered it quite possible even yet to amend it se es to obviate this ohjectren. He denied that thp land had any right to peculiar prciteetion. His Noble Friend had referred to the doctrines of Mr. Ricardo on tithe, but that ceased to be re garded as formerly, since it was made a permanent charge on the land. As there was no question before the House, he would now preseat a petition from Stranraer in reference to— (lnto:l.46hp, sefidgt Wph the tieblp Lpfd hended the peti tion to one of the clerks.) Lord ASHBURTON rose to explain. The Noble Lord went on to say a few words in reference to the growth of tarelPot bich, he said, was one of the luxurie s of the p oor, eaonawn had got whiph;ohr into a n try k m o e o n w l o o f d tghee ofN Noble growthie whoLerd of just justat the time when it was prevented by an Act of the Legislature. The Duke of RICHMOND said he thought it We§ Tether a strange proceeding to enact a law by which the farmers were compelled to employ men when they did not require their ser vices. Why siould that be done? If the farmer was to be compelled to sell his corn cheap, why should he not be at liberty to buy his labour cheap? If he employed a man for the best was age that th a e same n so amount why h e should he paid him whil e i n the vigour of life, of w hen his labour was l le dto part old reason o o be remuneration ractoim oo com pelled value to him? He (the Noble Duke) had heard a great deal said Am the reduction of the duty on brandy as a means of preventing smuggling; but he eenceiyed this very measure to be a meant of encouraging smuggling, for those W ho srg Ig gled were no more free-traders than those who caused free, trade by legal e nee t meo t s ,—( Laughter.) If they reduced the malt tax, a s ure qu it e eq ual to that now realised would be obtained from th e i ncreas ed a lnsumption which could not fail to take place. But the members of the League were strongly opposed to the removal, and cried out, "If yo , r , s take it off this tax yeu will give a boon to the f: recommendetion in her Majesty's danger of lemur, of protective duties, in order to ward off the was the opinion of Sir Robert P speeeh respec t r u m g e th; removal when he wa ► s *lnv df4VOlFing to obtain plane and poser. which he had for Peel in i 839 However. he had stated that he would not lie amenable for the opinions w mer permitted to take it ur, and who were consistent might be lv gave utterance, but if he abandoned his language, those- TEE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY :V `N.I NG, JANUARY 30, 1816. would not be driven from the opinions they entertained by any order, and who not only ought to maintain protection to agri culture, but to the domestic manufactures of the country. It, perhap., was not right to take up the time of their Lordships with this subject at that period, but he could not avoid addres sing the m when presenting petitions signed by thousands of the tenant farmers of this country ; he was sure, therefore, that their Lordships would rather promote than prevent discussion, and regretted that they had not an abler advocate than himself. For his own part, he would rather have had free trade at once, than measures which only partake of that principle. Their Lordships should remember that the principle of protection hail existed in this country for a great number of years, and, as Sir Robert Peel had said, had kept pace with the progress of manu factures, and had been of advantage instead of a disadvantage to them. All the farmers asked for was, that they should not destroy a system which had worked well, and which ought, therefore, to be continued. RAILWAYS. The Earl of DALHOUSIE then rose and said—ln rising to move your Lordships to appoint a Committee to consider what steps should be adopted with reference to the railway busint as of this session, I shall endeavour to bring as brielly as I can be fore your Lordships the f-ets of the case with respect to the amount of that business, and to state the grounds upon which it appears desirable that there should be some departure from the ordinary mode of dealing with this class of Bills. My Lords, in previous years the Bills brought under the consideration of the House have, until very lately, been few in number. In the session of 1845 the number of plans and sections deposited with the Board of Trade was 248. Your Lordships will recol lect that at that time it was a matter of consternation to the House, and it was then supposed that such an enormous mass never could be presented again. Daring the present year, that is, on or before the 30th of November, there were deposited at the Board of Trade 815 plans and sections of projected rail ways, of which 606 were for the formation of railways in Eng land, 121 for railways in Scotland, and 88 for railways in Ire land. On the 31st of December there was a considerable re duction in this number, as the number of plans and sections deposited at the Private Bill Office on that day was 687. Now, my Lords, I do not mean to say that all these Bills are likely to come before the House. Some have already disappeared, others will form a junction with each other; and the extreme haste, and extreme inaccuracy of a great number of the schemes that have been prepared for the consideration of Parliament, will cause them to fail before the Standing Orders Committee. Nevertheless, making every deduction for these contingencies, making every possible allowance for these causes of failure, there can be no doubt that a great number of railway Bills will come under the consideration of Parliament—a number far ex , ceeding anything which has appeared in any previous session. And, when your Lordships cousider that, even with the corn ' partitively limited number which ttime before us in the last year, the great difficulty we had in dealing with those, and the excessive difficulty which the other House of Parliament had to encounter, and when it is remembered that all this business —this enormous mass of legislation, is in addition to the ordi nary private bill business, so great that it will be almost abso lutely impossible to find Committees for these Bills—l think there is sufficient ground for some interference. But a still greater difficulty is involved in this matter in the shape of the capital which will be required for these undertakings. I have the amount of the capital of nearly all these Companies, ob tained from their own official documents—and in those cases where I have not been able to obtain the information from the Companies themselves, I have had it supplied from other sources; and it appears that for these 687 Bills the amount of capital required will not he less than 370,000,0001. 1 do not, however, wish your Lordships to suppose that this amount will actually be required, for, in addition to those lines which may not have complied with the standing orders, there are a vast number of competing schemes, one only of which, under any circumstances, can receive the sanction of your Lordships House. Making every deduction, therefore, and taking the very lowest estimate furnished by those who are in terested in making the sum required as small as possible, I con ceive that 100,000,0001. will be the amount required. To show your Lordships the amount of obligations imposed upon yourselves, I may inform you that in the past year not less than 118 Bills received the sanction of the Legislature, involving an expenditure of nearly 60,000,000/. ; and the previous year forty Bills were sanctioned, requiring an expenditure of 14,000 0001. Up to the last year, Parliament authorised the expenditure of 70,000,000/. But your Lordships will recollect that this sum is only to be gradually expended ; but inasmuch as it is necessary that many of those schemes should be pressed forward, and as the construction of them does not extend over a larger period than three years, this sum will be fully demanded in these three years. Your Lordships will, therefore, perceive that, in the years 1846, 1847, and 1848, the average expenditure will be 2a,000,000/. The sum, there fore, taking the smallest estimate, which will be brought before the consideration of your Lordships' House will be 100,000,0001. I think, therefore, that it would be well for your Lordships to take into your consideration whether the diversion of this enor mous amount of capital into the one channel of railways, may not be at variance with the public good; whether it may not interfere with labour and industry, and whether some limita tion ought not to be placed on this extraordinary expendi ture. It is perfectly notorious, I appeal to Noble Lords from all parts of Great Britain, that already the price of labour is enhanced to an inconvenient degree. Now, my Lords, I will go further than that. I believe that it is for the interest of railway enterprise itself that the un bounded sanction of Parliament should not be given to this im mense number of schemes. It is well known that the prices of labour and materials have already, as I have just stated, risen to an enormous extent ; and of course this rise of prices will of necessity be considerably increased if we sanction thi, large number of projects. W ell, then, what will these promoters do in this state of things ? It must be remembered that the par ties acting under these Bills of incorporation will have a great and large amount of capital in their hands, while, at the same time, they will be armed with great and inconvenient power, which, for the cause I have stated, or perhaps from some other cause, they may not think proper to exercise. And thus these great and inconvenient powers will be kept suspended over the heads of all those whom the Bill may affect, and the public will be deprived of those advantages which the public might derive from the completion of the undertaking authorised by the Bill, and which, in fast, was the consideration which in duced Parliament to give to the promoters the im mense powers which the 811 itself contained.—( Hear.) On the other hand, suppose the promoters go on with their un dertaking; and, notwithstanding the increased cost of materials and labour, they carry on their worsts as rapidly as it was pos sible for them to do, is it not more than probable that they will have expended all their money before they have by any moans concluded their undertaking'—( Hear, hear.) Consequently in either eases the railway people will not be benefited, but 'host unquestionably in neither case will the public be bene fited. —( Hear, hear.) Now, after all these considerations, and the many difficulties which are in the way of carrying out this immense number of projects, I ask your Lordships, whether you can safely now pursue your former mode of proceeding, or whether you ought not now to place some limit to the extent you will go in legislating upon railways ?—( Hear, hear.) It has, however, been observed by a Noble Marquis, whom he did not see in his place now, that the Government ought to take upon their own shoulders the disagreeable functions of decid ing what railways should come before their Lordships, and which should not, but it must be recollected that it was not in the power of Governmenttotake upon themselves this duty, be cause they had not the means or the power of deciding the question so satisfactorily as a Committee will have. The Government have, however, at the earliest convenient opportunity directed the attention of Parliament to the matter, in order that it may be settled to the satisfaction, if possible, of all parties. The Government have made prepa rations for laying before these Committees such information as they have been enabled to collect, and which they consider will tend much to remove the amount of their labours. They have caused maps to be prepared, showing the lines already constructed, those in the course of formation, and those which are involved in the projects before the House. These will be arranged in such a manner as to show the districts which are at present without railway convenience. This information will be laid upon the table of the House for the guidance of the Committee, and he considered that had the govern ment come down with any settled plan to be pursued as to railway legislation, it would have been productive of no good consequences. The best plan they could adopt was to propose the formation of a Select Committee to take these matters into consideration. The Right Hon. Baronet at the head of her Majesty's Government has proposed that a Select Com mittee be formed in the other House, When the report of that Committee shall be presented, the Government wilt then be prepared to submit to the House their opinions as to the course which they think wise to adopt. There are other matters which will then come under the con sideration of the Committee, which I think will materially conduce to the benefit of the parties more immediately in terested.—(Hear, hear.) Under these circumstances he begged leave to move that a Select Committee be appointed for the purpose of taking . into consideration the m'ide of re gulating the railway business before the Howe. Lord BROUGHAM quite agreed with the Noble Lord in the feelings of alarm with which he considered the question o f the amount of capital. God forbid that he should entertain the opinion that Parliament should not interfere in the sub ject of this enormous outlay of capital. But when Parlia ment was called upon to give some extraordinary, and he would call them extravagant, powers in any case—( Hear) —without which there could be no such investment of capital as was asked for-Tit would not be proper for Parliament to grant those powers without a due regard to the dis posal of the capital of the country,—Gear, hear.) Parlia. ment had no right to interfere with the natural employment of the capital of the country, but when it was sought to dis pose of that capital by an unnatural eroploysent thereof, the Legislature was then Issund to step, forward and oppose the attempt.—( Hear, hear.) He did not see that there was any thing morally wrong in the grants that had already been sanctioned for railway purposes, nor would he say that they had been made with an abstinence of all providence and cir cumspection ; but when he was call e d upon to ma k e more grants to such an amount as would increase the expenditure from 20,000,0001 per annum to 53,000,000/. (for that was the calculation) he did think it the duty of Parliament to put a stop to such an extraordinary diversion of the capital of the country into enp particular channel.—( Hear, hear.) He hoped that, before the House would proceed headlong into the sanctioning of fifty-three millions of money being granted for the formation of railways for each of the succeeding thirty three years, they would give the subject the most serious con sideration. He apprehended that out of that House his argu ment would be misapprehended, but he certainly did hope tq be heard before their Lordships on this subject when it should come in a proper shape before the House. He certainly did consider that the Rai lway committee should undergo great alteration, and that i ts powers should be abridged.—( Hear, hear.) That body dealt with questions a hundred-fold more important than all the questions which came before the Courts of Westminster, or any other court of law in the kingdom, although it of course possessed none of the skilful experience possessed by the judges of those courts, With ell possible respect for both Houses of Parliament, hp did not consider any Committee which they might appoint a proper tribunal for the disposal of business of such vast importance as that involved in the railway business which it was proposed to bring before them. God fOrbid that he should wish the privileges of either House to be inter fered with, or that he ahouid sanction any attempt that might be made tq transfer those privileges to any other quarter —( Hear, hear)—hut he was morally persuaded that the rail way Committees were the very worst tribunals that existed in the country. He hoped, therefore, in conclusion, that their Lordships would afford him an opportunity, on a future occa sion, of speaking more at large on this important question. Th e Earl of liINNAIRD said that it was generally con sidered by the public that Parliamentary Committees were not the best judges of the railways which were submitted to their decision. Oftentimes two lines in the same course taese sanc tioned which worked against each other, and ip one case two companies clashed so much with each other that the P üblie were frequently misled in consequence o f the conlnsion tickets. 'Some combined system sho u ld be ahby nied which they and other evils, from a similare cause, would in future be prevented. Hp would give notice for a motion on Monday neat for a return of the fees on the different railways, and their appropriation. On one railway the entire expenses connected with Parliamentary extension amounted to 8 000/ and 300/ of this sum was fur fees. Thi s h e considered , wroe . g , and s h ou ld meet with the att en ti on ef, Parliament, with view to TOreedy. Lord ASHBURTON,wt inaudible ho i n t he gallery, ap proved of the low tone of voice in which he spoke, was aiinos of the appointment o f t h e Committee. Heagreedwith t he pro position of th e N o bl e Lord, because he conceived it woul, 1 be ° necessary to put some l i mitation to the call for labour upeu railways in this country. M any of those projects, it wa% well known, were got up 11 attgnaya end ekineera to country IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, Thursday, Jan, 29. Their Lordships assembled at Five o'clock. TOLL-BARS (SCOTLAND) BILL. On the motion of the Duke of RICHMOND, thig Bill was read a second time. HIGH CONSTABLES BILL. _ . This Bill, on the motion of the Duke of RICH MOND, was read a second time and ordered to be committed. CORN-LAWS. Lord ASHBURTON presented several petitions from places in Surrey against any alteration in the present corn-laws, without appealing to the constituencies of the country. The Noble Lord also moved for certain re turns respecting corn and cotton wool, as we understood, for the Noble Lord was almost inaudible in the gallery. The Duke of RICHMOND rose to present a number of petitions from different parts of the country, very nu merously signed by large numbers o'f tenant-farmers and labourers. The petitioners prayed their Lordships not to make any alteration in the corn-laws, and many of them also complained of the unconstitutional acts of the League. He (the Duke of Richmond) had had many opportunities of seeing a large number of tenants and landed gentlemen since the opening of the compre hensive scheme (as it was called) in another place—(A laugh)—and he could only say that that scheme was re pudiated by every individual that he had spoken to, and they represented the opinions of the different parts of England. They viewed the measure with the strongest indignation, and they were all pre pared not only to maintain protection to themselves but also to the domestic industry of the country. They ex pressed their disapprobation of the conduct of certain gen • tlemen in the House of Commons, who were returned to Parliament pledged to protection principles, but who now seemed wavering and doubting. The petitioners thought that these men were bound to resign their seats, and see whether they would be re-elected. He (the Duke of Richmond) entirely agreed with the petitioners. Ile thought that the abandonment of protection would be fatal to every interest; and he thought, if nothing else existed, that the manner this question had been agitated by the League should be sufficient to throw free trade overboard. That agitation had the effect of inducing the people to place no confidence in their public men, and he trusted that their Lordships would not by any act of theirs encouraged this feeling. The arguments that were brought forward would not bear the light of day, and he was quite satisfied many of the statements were fallacious. He would not go into details at present, but he hoped when the question was brought forward it would be advocated upon the principle of protection or no protection, and then he should be prepared to go into details. He, however, denied the truth of many of the Right Hon. Baronet's assertions, but he did not in terd to deny that some dozen soldiers of the Guards had asked for and obtained furloughs of late years ; but he would submit that the railroads might have had some little effect in inducing men to go down to see their friends. The compromise proposed was perfectly , ridiculous. They were to be allowed half the apothe caries' bill.—(Laughter.) Could they tell him what would be the price of corn under the new law? If they could not, how on earth could they say whether or no they were giving too much or too little compensation? They must make up their minds about this matter of price, or how could they tell whether it would be remunerative to the farmer or not? and he for one ob jected to being dependent on a foreign nation. He was for protection to native industry, and he was prepared to resist the change with a large body of the people of this country—men who were not easily roused, but who were roused now, because they felt that they had been deceived and ill-treated by those who ought to have stood by them—men who were most respectable, quiet, and unobtrusive, and men who had not been se duced by means of the bribes of the Anti-Corn-law League. He hoped and trusted their Lordships woull give to the country an opportunity to judge whether this system was right or wrong, and thereby force the Ministry to dissolve the Parliament, and have the ques tion discussed at the hustings.—(Hear, hear.) Lord KINNARI) said the Noble Duke had made a serious charge against the Anti-Corn-law League, of which he was a member, and he could not refrain from rising to deny that they had done anything illegal or unconstitutional. Does the Noble Duke hold himself responsible foi the language used at the meetings of the protection societies ? The Duke of RICHMOND stated that he was per fectly willing to become responsible for all the language used at these societies. The Earl of KINNAIRD—WeII, then, I own T was going to say that the language used at these meetings has been such that no man or Christian would have used. If calling Noble Lords, Members of this House, by the name of Satan was language such as the Noble Duke would render himself responsible for, he wished him joy of his charge. For his part, he considered that the League were acting in a perfectly legal and consti tutional manner, their object being merely to give facilities for the creation of votes according to the Act of the Legislature. Protection societies had approved of this measure, for they had adopted the same course as the League were now pur suing. In Scotland, it was well known that they cre ated all fictitious votes, and even at the present time, for the sum of 2004, it was customary to make all their ser vants voters. He said there were few Noble Members of this House, upon this or upon the other side of the House, who did not subscribe either to the Carlton or Reform Clubs, and these Noble Lords well knew that parties came to the committees of these clubs and stated thA price of their boroughs. He thought that " those who lived in glass-houses 31,,,ut0 not throw stones." He would take the liberty of stating to the Noble Duke, though he did not know whether he should be quite in order, that with reference to the scheme proposed by the Honourable Member at the head of her Majesty's Government, although he might have wished that he had gone a little farther iu his measure, still he would support it. He thought it a strange doctrine that the Noble Duke propounded, and one which savoured of Chartist doe trines, namely, that the Government should appeal to the country. It would almost amount to Annual Parliaments if the Government were to be compelled to appeal to the country upon the introduction of every fresh measure. Did the Noble Members of that House think that the country would submit to the postponement of the corn law question? It was perfectly impossible for them to do so, whatever that House might think. Ii the questio❑ were postponed, Noble Lords who were so anxious to maintain protection, and the Government, might expect that the consequence would be a sweeping Parliamentary reform, for the people would not submit to be thwarted. The country would not now submit to the postponement of the ques tion, when their object—the total abolition of protection —was so nearly within their grasp ; he meant to say that they would not submit to the present constitution of the House of Commons. The people would n)t tolerate the existence of so many nomination boroughs which were in the hands of the protectionists ; they would seek to increase the numbers of those who could vote in the election of Parliamentary representatives. however much be and other Noble Lords might regret the success of such an attempt on the part of th( people. After a few words from the Duke of BUCKING HAM, which were wholly inaudible i❑ the gallery, THE OREGON TERRITORY. Lord BROUGHAM wished to be informed by the Noble Earl opposite (the Earl of Aberdeen) whether the Oregon territory kittl been given up to the Americans, a, he had been credibly informed that it had? . . . The Earl of ABERDEEN—Certainly not. Lord BROUGHAM said that he was informed that an American globe-maker was now actually selling globes to his fellow-countrymen, showing the America'. territory to have been conceded by the British, but from the reply of the Noble Earl it would appear that the globe•maker had only done so for the purpose of pleasin.; his Customers.—(Hear, and laughter.) THE RIVER PLATE. The Earl of ABERDEEN, in reply to a Noble Lord, said he was prepared to lay on the table all the late do cuments, in the possession of the Government, relative to the River Plate; but, at the present, he was not prepared to enter into any details with respect to the negotiations which were now in progress. CORN -L A WS. Earl GREYsaid he should be sorry if that conversation should cease without saying a word or two in reference to the observations made by the Noble Duke. The ques tion was one which should be discussed solemnly and without prejudice. If the Noble Lord stated, and he believed that he did state it truly, that it was one of protection or no protection, he should propose a resolu tion on the subject, and Pall upon their Lordships to affirm it. He regarded with pleasure the measure which the Government proposed to bring forward, which did amount substantially to an aboltion of protection The only fault he had to find with it was that it did not come into operation at once. He regarded the modifying scale, which was to continue for three years iongcr, as a clear mockery.—(Cheers.) It was regarded so by Noble Lords, who were in favour of protection, and being so regarded he thought the abolition should have taken place wAttiou , d e l a y, t was the only part of the measure which he, as a landowner, was afraid of. He did not fear for the operation of the measure on the agricul turists, for be believed them quite as able as the manu facturers to meat competition. But when a policy of an extensive description was announced, it was most un wise to prolong that state of things by whieh a trancition was always attend 4. So long as that state of things existed it was impossible for any arrangement of ; satisfactory or permanet nature to be come to between landlords and tenants. He believed that these circumstances would have the effect of throwing great obstacles in the way of improve ment in agriculture, end that the same indisposition evinced someyears since, by reason of the operation of the corn-laws would again develope itself namely an indispo.:i tion on the part of agriculturists to invest their capital in land, and an indisposition to take land for any length ened period of time. The great impediment in the way of agriculturists desirous of improving the land was the indisposition on th e p art of landlords to a d s e t s o , and promote therefore that maigyitsattimedulastnatteadomfinfiseteehr.negd g c a r l e c e u t l a leases, amongst the land-owners must be in' jurtous to agricul ture. It was, likewise, his opinion, this modified system of duty or that by eontinning protection, for two or three years longer, great difficulty in the way of the trans 81" of foreign corn smi ' would be thrown to this country. At th the stock of corn h e ld in store bye present moment foreign countries was very great. Now, if the duty re moved at once it would ,01.1 p. ure en that corn were be cause no sudden influx would the country, modified system of duty continuing forplice ; but by this certain cpusequence would be to induce three years, the trader to hold in his stock, and h the foreign the sources of supply for those th r t e 4e y 44132 snit whpA 00 time had expired the result would be influx of foreip eoni ikt9 this countr - vast when all-regric. towns, who got up those schemes for their own private pur poses ; at the same time be would say it would be better to have the millions squanderedaway in these railways in England, than in speculations in Russia. The Duke of MONTROSE said it was very necessary that a Committee should be appointed to consider the best means to adopt with respect to the number of projects now before the country, in order that they might consider whether it was in cumbent that the large amonnt of capital which might be re quired to construct them should be expended or not. He was, however, of opinion, that great inconvenience would arise unless the course proposed by the Committee for the adoption of Par liment was known at an early day. They must recollect that the deposits would have to be paid to the Accountant-General in a very short time, and that very soon after that period, those projects, who had complied with this order, must be submitted to the Standing Orders Committee, and unless the Committee reported on the subject before the time of paying the deposits, they would prevent a great number of schemes from paying their deposits at all, so that great inconvenience would result from the money being locked up. And then, again, if the Committee were obliged to report in a hurried manner great difficulty could not fail to arise on acocunt of its being impes s ble to decide on the immense mass of Bills which would be submitted to them, notwithstanding the facilities which the Government would give to them for the purpose of facilitating their labours. Then he could not understand the principle on which the Government could recommend that some schemes should be entertained and others objected to—what railways would be required in some parts of the country, and which scheme out of the many projected in the same district should be selected. It was true there could not be much doubt in determining on a project traversing a district suffering from the present inefficient means of communication ; but it was, possible, on account of the variety of interests to be consulted, and the difficulty in deciding justly on them all, that a railway got up by attorneys and persons of no property or in fluence, might be selected instead of one in which landed pro prietors and others, whose interests would be materially affected, and which had the advantage and recommendation of being bona fide. He only mentioned these things to show the diffi culties with which the consideration of the subject was sur rounded, and the great necessity of taking measures to give all the railways of a bona fide character mature and serious consi deration. Earl GREY entirely concurred in the propriety of appoint ing this Committee, but he hoped that they would not be con sidered as pledging themselves to the very novel principle of limiting the amount of capital which Parliament chose to con sider the country could afford for the construction of railways. The more he heard that principle explained and discussed the more doubtful did it become. It appeared to him that what Parliament ought to do was to see that the parties applying for power to make a railway really had the capital which they pro fessed to have. Next, that the capital was sufficient for the object in view, and that the object, if attained, would be bene ficial to the public. _ _ Lord REbESDALE—That should be the first inquiry. Earl GREY—That should be the first consideration. Then they should inquire whether the prepared works would inter fere unnecessarily or injuriously with private property. If those inquiries were answered satisfactorily, for his part, he did not see that it was right for Parliament to interfere further. Those parties who subscribed the capital were the best judges as to whether that capital ought to be invested in railways or not. In his opinion, Parliament would be stepping beyond its proper functions if it attempted to decide hose much capital the nation ought to devote to the construction of railwa s. That which affected private interests must at the same time affect the interests of the public. It could not be shown that the projectors were in a position, with a sufficient capital and full means, to carry forward their work, then Parliament could interfere and stop their proceeding further. It would only remain for the Legislature to refuse Parlia mentary powers, where such power ought to be refused. It would lead to no useful conclusion, if they gave these mat ters only a hasty and artificial consideration. He had felt it necessary to make these remarks, in order that it might not be supposed that, in giving his concurrence to the appointment of this Committee, he meant to recognise the justice of one of the principles that that Committee intended to carry out. He considered it desirable that the Committee should look closely into the means by which they proposed to diminish the expense of the proceedings, and the great labour which must be im posed upon these Committees. There had been a suggestion thrown out last year, and he considered it a very good one, and he was anxious that their Lordships should take it into their consideration. In the separate Committees during the last year, it happened that, where there were competing lines, one of them was sanctioned by the Committee of the other House, and the rival line was sanctioned by the Committee of that House. Thus both were lost to the parties, and great expense was incurred. Now, he should like to know whether they could net have a joint Committee, acting for both Houses. This would certainly diminish the labour thrown on each indi dual Member of that House, and he thought it possible that every technical difficulty could be got rid of. Lord ASH BUR'I ON thought that considerable difficulty would be found in ascertaining which schemes had a sufficient capital, for all they had before them was a list of names, all of whom, from A, B, and C downwards, got their scrip, and went into the market for the purpose of selling it at a premium. It would, in his opinion, be absolutely impossible to tell whe ther each scheme had a sufficiency of capital to carry it out. Lord MONTEAGLE said that they could not effect the ob ject desired by the Noble Earl as long as the House of Com mons dealt with railways and with money bills. It was ut terly imeo=sible that their Lordships could overtake the busi ness which would come before them. Their Lordships would recollect the late period at which the majority of these Bills came before them. In March, April, and May, II railway Bills came up to their Lordships' House from the House of Commons ; in June, 81 ; and in July, 25 ; so that they had generally to deal with private business at a time when the pub lic business before their Lordships was the most pressing. The House of Commons had the exclusive right of dealing with the taxation of the country, and God forbid that the House of Lords should ever interfere with this branch of the legislature. It was upon this principle that a railway measure could net come before their Lordships before it had been before the House of Commons, because it was looked upon in the light of a money Hear.) But, in his opinion, this rule applied to railway Bills was most prepostdrous; and, from personal communications he had had with several Members of the HeUse of Commons, he knew that many men of the greatest experience were disposed to take the same view of the matter. Formerly a certain class of criminal measures were treated a• money Bills ; but the absurdity of the rule was afterwards found out, and it was no sooner discovered than it was aban doned. Under these circumstances, then, he would suggest hat, in the existing state of the people of Ireland in relation to food, the labours of Parliament should, as far as it WAS rea-. senable and just, be directed to the encouragement o f ra;.',-way measures. Lord BROUGHAM—They should be cast into the balance. Lord MONTEAGLE—Just so; and for that purpose, he would suggest for the consideration of Government, and others whose duty it would be to consider the matter, the propriety, if not the necessity, of dividing equally the railway business of the session between the two Houses of Parliament.—( Hear, hear.) Lord REDESDALE said, after all, the question to be con sidered was this—could the Legislature get through 650 Bills in the course of one session. For his part, he thought it was absolutely impossible, and therefore he thought the House was adopting a very proper eotrse in appointing a Committee to consider the subject. if they hadltpursued the old system, the good and bad schemes would be jostelling each other to get into the Committee first, and at the end of the session it would be disagreeably discovered that same of the Bills which were of the utmost importance had failed in getting through Committee. He wished to say a few words upon a remark which fell from the Noble Lord, with reference to the opinion which he stated the public had entertained of the Committees of that House —that they were not a fair Committee. He did not think any thing that he had heard could induce him to be of that opinion. —( Hear, hear.) Committees of that House are , in their very nature, unce r t a i n , as a ll ot h er tr i bunals are. As far as he knew, the Committees had acted according to what they considered the merits.nf the case. and in no instance had any feeling of private interest, or any other motive, been allowed to influence their decision. The Earl of KINNAIRD said that he meant that they were not Competent judges..-=that they had not sufficient infor mation before them to enable them to come to a just decision. He looked upon the Committees of that House with the great est respect. He had heard eminent leading counsel say, with reference to matters brought before them, " That will do for the Cornmong—it will not do for the Lords." _. _. Earl DALHOUSIE then moved the appointment of the Committee. Lord BROUGHAM considered that every member of the Committee should solemnly promise not to open his mouth with reference to the decisions likely to be come to by the Committee. The Duke of WELLINGTON asked if the Noble Lord would like it to be a Secret Committee ? Earl ELLENBOROUGH thought that there was no neces sity for making it a Secret Committee. He was sure that no Noble Lord would allow any information to come from him. Earl DALHOUSIE stated that. the Committee would pre sent their reports to the House as soon as they had come to a decision. • Their Lordships then adjourned until Monday next. HOUSE OF COMMONS, Thitrsday, Jan. 29. The SPEAKER took the Chair a few minutes before four o'clock. Petitions were presented for leave to bring in the fol lowing railway Bills, viz.:—The Colchester and Stour Valley ; Manchester, Matlock, and Midland ; Man chester and Southampton ; North Junction ; several extensions of the York and North Midland Railway ; Cheltenham and Oxford ; Newport Pagnell ; London and Birmingham (St. Albans, and other branches, in cluding the Rugby and Stamford Extension) ; the London, Hounslow, and Great Western Junction ; Great Western and Uxbridge ; and the Manchester, Sheffield, and Rotherham. A petition was presented from the trustees of the Woodstock-road, praying to be heard by counsel against the Bury St. Edmund's Railway Bill. Mr. ALLIX presented a petition from the inhabitants of the Isle of Ely against any alteration in the prezent corn -laws. Several petitions were presented in favour of Lord Ashley's Ten Hours' Bill. Mr. T. DUNCOMIIE presented a petition from the inhabitants of the West Riding of Yorkshire, praying the House to pass into a law the Ten Hours' Bill. The lion. ilember also presented a petition from the inhabi tants of Reading against any increase in the Parliamen tary grant for the services of the army and navy, and against the embodiment of the militia. Sir R. H. INGLIS moved for a return of the duties received in the last financial year on each of the several articles enumerated in the resolution moved, on the 27th of January, 1846, by the Right Hon. Baronet Sir R. Peel. THE GAME-LAWS. Mr. BRIGHT gave notice that, on Monday next, be would move the re-appointment of the Committee on the game-laws. ADJOURNMENT OF THE HOUSE.—THE MILITIA. Sir ROBERT PEEL said that, as his Right Hon. Friend had given notice of his intention to move that the House at its rising do adjourn till Monday, he would now move, therefore, that the House at its rising do ad journ till Monday next. On the question being put from the Chair, Mr. THOMAS DUNCOMBE rose to ask a question respecting tho embotlimeut of the militia. The country had been led to understand that an embodi ment of the militia would take place on an early day, and great excitement and alarm in consequence pre vailed as to the • manner in which, and time when, this raising of the force would take place. Clubs were form ing to And substitutes for those who might be climax), and, in many instances, associations of persons were forming to protect parties in offering passive resistance to the service. What he wantkd to ki!ow,was, wh e th er an early embodiment of the militia was to take place, and whether it was to VI raiide under the pres nt law, or that a new one was to be intrudue d ? If a Bill was be iiittoducili. he hoped it wiaild be done on IPA early day, and not when the session was advan ce d, so that the whole question mi t t4lit be fully considered. Sir J. GRAHAM said that it was the intention of the 11 th e Ri r g t h o t f l t i h o e n . G G o veenrtrl,emmeaent tpa,thoei e S t r e o c d r e a t e tt e ry;a ß t - i y f e e r; ; 6 _ ,! e; bodiment of the militia on an early day, in which would be considerable amendments on the present Mr. ROSS was opposed to the adjournraene. sts,"e•ci lloufe for the reason stated. Ile considered a r tor_a so House of Commons ought not to keep such a holidaysa°o:. one named, and for which the House was asked toad) l e He thought that it was a reproach to those honour men who had shed the i ir blood in order to retain fie s chartered libertielle tWe country. They had sr:a be their lives in the defence of those libert.edors thought that it would be foolish with that fact "laugstep) them to keep that absurd fast.—(Cheers, and That was his opinion, and he felt bound to deebr_. tbe (Cheers.) [Several Hon. Members exclaims same same moment, "No such thing."] At le as p• air was his impression, and he found l t i h s e h ed notice in book, ,papers to-morrowo f the H w o . u a s s e t , fast in the commemoration of the martyrdom:L.7lo a b n e di o t h e s ilvi e r t-e o vr .r ie fil l o C w h as ar t l h e e s. ca N se o , w an t d he i r f e of his friends, he would divide the House on t" ject. a es loor ei Sir ROBERT PEEL said that he bad e s ti s eclo h c e ou w ld eo b t eountowditohubetaVetnse,ekeperstob, to put the matter in the mast substantive form e ! sof express the reasons of her Majesty's Governme l 'v o uros he had exactly stated that the reason of t he e tt o j s n et went of the House was really because there beijoss public business before them for that day , an si lence' this would constit ute a it would conduce very much to the public ronvsetifficiert He conceived that reason. the Mr. ROSS expressed himself satisfied with t of the Right Hon. Baronet. „ ssere°, e/ Mr. BRIGHT conceived that the Right / I °_, n ' ilo s full' the Secretary for the Homo Department ba".. sr Ors; replied to the question of the lion. m em ber t.vtio, has bury. He believed that the object of that citi_; s l ou t been to learn whether it was .intended to ea' to We militia this year or not. It might be n ecessary. but a permanent law for the embodiment of t hee sge, sn es that was of small interest to the public at l o ose/ he, therefore, begged to inquire whether the was to be called out this year? h b a d Sir J. GRAHAM said that he thought ee, s of answered the question. It was the of '- Majesty to call out the militia if the exigen i e '"' t o elf, public service should make it necessary, un u !„ r se od .s et i t it gestion of her responsible Ministers. It was at Prof bring in a Bill, and under the power of ill s o sier I war should arise, her Majesty would have theePe. calling out the militia atter a fortnight's e°,,tl,, h t nf ll° ° i when the Bill sho u ld be i n troduced his erb erl ' Friend the Secretary-at-War (Mr. Sid n cause' would explain all its provisions fully to the derv" Mr. WILLIAMS wished particularly to tin whether the Ilsuse was to be adjourned, beea r li ss -e t, or "-? row was the aeniversary of an absurd . goos e d cause there was no business before tu i f ! pee, If the House was to adjourn on that account , a e o stoli .s ," nothing that would degrade the present ge n , t heir much as that it should be said of them th„iee journed the public business because of the on . " 0 0 06,1, of the martyrdom of that tyrant, who was led t l ts of .s aw fold in consequence of superseding the audgf"jf House of Cenimons.—(Hear, and laughte r) ( ee l ' tyrant had not violated the institutions o f tbe et by attempting to impose public taxes wi i th , t ° ol, t h' i • obtained the sanction of Parliament, his t e r) knee would never have taken place.—(Lang and memory of the man who resisted the tram , t sstl' his overthrow, ought to be cherished, rat It o fate of the tyrant borne in mind.—(Laught er ,' s re o Lord JOHN MANNERS begged to e- 'fer a dissent from every word that had fallen so _ 4 , Honourable Member who had last a dd s re- G O ll House. He did not believe that when t"'"f r oo A •si following day until M on d ay t h at t h e y ment proposed an adj ournment o f th e 1 1 . 13nse tesrest were sa few any such motive as that which the Honours h tto. for Coventry appe are d di spose d to i m pute to sw- THE RIVER PLATE. totted lotr ow Lord J. RUSSELL, who spoke in so , f e op o l to be almost inaudible in the reporters' gal'e r l'' , I l v d h . a r t w in i s th tru r e e t g io a n rd s h to ad th be e of the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the G ° : Plate ? been given t i. o e t s h p h ecto n g g e t b_ s- e sa 40. Sir R. PEEL rc:plied that he bad not t 'ijel o r ; ese objection to lay upon the table of the 11°11 „ se ods_l i ous documents which would explain the g,` - ro il ti°"„o which the Government had acted. The ins bet "Oa our Ambasador he would also lay on the tah' e ' r efStai respect to other communications he would I P Oro doing so at present, because, recently, propos, a ;„, s etellasi made which, though not :ACT °tee ' might 11 " 1- 0 he foundation ofthe • e " ' e c og adjustment of this • dispute. -(Hear, hear.) ;11 t° 0 Lord JOHN RUSSELL sa i d he h a d no for other pap ers connecte d w i th t h e subjecsler n'ould be glad to kn ow w h at d eman ds uP ° " - tr o r jesty's Govern ment h a d b een refused. et Sir ROBER r PEEL o b serve d th a t his in s ha r o when laid before the House, would show what be 0 0 posals were w hi c h h a d b een made S n i , t P 1 ;0' of the Governm en t o f t hi s countr y and The Right Hon. B arone t sa id h e was n ot prep ai d form the Noble Lo r d (R usse ll) e h a t were tR" tions issued to their Ambassadors. Mr. EscoTT said he rose for ose (71' the purP he Noble Lord, the Member for L0ni 3 0 14 ,, O s ) it was his intentio n t o renew a Bill brotlig`, s lo" - to session of Parli amen t w i h roc - ect to Ee e ' - • 0 0 0 Courts, e's's.' and whether h e wo (=iv ! : time to P'oll matte such representasieoeS as deemed Dees ,S) they that subject ? b sP edt Pl Lord T.- ectISSELL said he would be ve r y s ei i o vers e .ve any assistan ce , i n f orma ti on, an d re p ro WI • on the subject, and that it was his intention t° such a Bill as that alluded to. 0 011 RAILWAY DEPOSITS. • e t ied Mr. HAS TIE rose to ask whether the stan°4oo et ° of 1839, r es pe c ti ng ra il way d epos i ts , was to b e e r 0 1 into effect, as, if it was, the security of lifl tbs should be paid up, and it would embarrass ; es ti regulation s o f th e country, as d epos its to a lyric/ amount had already taken place this year' sr ata en e lo tations had been made to her Msjesty's t;l s s` - g erl s 7dt this head to the effect, that money should bew - S ol ine Court of Chancery, and ifit stooped the railo l ) teo roi, had no objection to see such representations ° t in !of He should mention to the House the wni to - orely„ these orders were operating upon the o ai r ernei terests. It must be perfectly well known to ef - 00 e o i ber of this House, that the whole of th e h e s ° o"4l, l transactions of this country are carried on "d, r o o; bills of exchange. If goods were consigned r s il h i 'le the globe —to India, South America or Cbinsrbess drawn, and they are paid for by bills ; ri° dl it has been the practice of merchan ts thereby occupying the floating capital in ' es - rti r ° l enabling our merchants to buylergely and itarce de, s' In consequence of the necessity of making & be n , - or'js it has been almost impossible to obtain on r te ' for bills of exchange for the last - If" 01l sore And should this continue, he (the Member) assured the blouse that t 'Oedere d quences would be most ruinous. I° - e fr the_ House might be enabled to forta 1 00'‘)$ idea of the extent to which these bills run; h e go toe, them that 150,000,0001. were occupied dis e :o o ,y o _, bills . exchanged in their commercial • e the West Indies, South America, and Chin the re stop those exchanges for a day, an d ° 1 ;olt no_ e knowing what the consequences wn s_ ss el H , therefore, complained of these s , set'e orders, as embarrassing the commerce of " be e ps Ile thought an Act of Parliament ought „,, C- 0 duced which would alter theprese nt sY s " - sst t Jo s s , would press upon her Mr • - djesty's Governltte e ore l e s in city of making some alteration in the stanal"ests vatl The CHANCELLOR of the EXCII- o Hon. Member wh o h a d j ust spo k en had ta - , e be 7. (the Chancellor of th e E xc h equer ) though t • 00 - incorrect view of the question. What he h 1 " - t , 'O O l stro of had not only reference to railway ee ti s ' ll os spec the that but to all other speculations having et a - re of Parliament. The • el°' far " standing orders re k Of ilo orl," certain sum should be paid into the Bane - a, y e - ,st's in the name of the Accountant-General or s - s e on's rp ott Chancery. The money being so placed, vl b - e ' 6 ; thin preliminary conditions, available for - Jocivd; of the speculation for which it had been f ths o lls' was quite true, that without the sanction e t be If& countant-General, money so laced could ll° the ebl y drawn. He doubted s ther f ery much w he t, 80 .° sO Member could propose any remedy for te e h$ g x r• he had compl a i ne d . l Zig h Mr. HASTIE w i s h e d to la' • •,4 .9 0$ Gentleman had misunderstood cp er as Hastie) compl a i ne d o f was, not t h a t the o f th e be e °' lodged w ith t h e A ccounta n t. General, place „j• delay, aft er i t was so lodged, wh i c h t it could be withdrawn. „ f aitleoh ° J The CHANCELLOR of the EXCri - ` — sae Y - 0 10S that if the deposits paid were placed in. - s ies.'if England, the person in whose name be s , 3 " tit°•.; would be able to draw it at an hour's Oticsseewt, (laid money was placed to the credit of th e k r ° ifs' General, it would take a period of a w ee ,,:eo in order to withdraw it, as several dne ots have to be prepared. „ the f Mr. P. M. STEWART said, sul3P° s l,oes ° to be placed in the Bank in the d the ivorif of the provisional committee, they '',l: s isott" bst ss i power over it as a single on m s • os e s Pro have were it placed in his 13 1 40' - it was placed there under the wi th° t o o:011 House it would remain in the Bank, 4 ,n d -10° 11 0 31 drawn by parties possessing certain cene' d - ras s it: 01 P r it i The parties lodging it had no power t s o pg s s li jonare became available to the Bank °' "s SA S( of commercial purposes. The Court haterer;sob,se would have no power over it made ths'oterf purpose of the law that had been rattu,,„ e thet ia r o d i; was to secure the public from injurY , "'" f geg'"oo o . o would be amply effected if the Bank of• an, On e ceived and kept the money, .ctir° l ,oo - d , pr from the proper quarter. e` n "•' 10'11 ou or Bank of England director Iv the o° 6 to him when he said that if der re st :, I were placed in the Bank of England sin to pose. ss ee 0 would riot be available for coininerci P al _ if be v o te , . Hun. Friend, the Member for PaisleYre wo ol 0 th e practical man, would know that all ; b loc ked uf from the circulation of this country Et°° . C o urt 40 5e a y Bank of England, in the name of th' cre ed 1 11 ''01P• eery, would not be available for co millions' or r Money to the extent of six or seven 03 .;'_',„„ se betS e r of the circulation, would be thus witborari,htrls fe Mr. C 1 -ISBORNE said that the nsoneYnoeseter' th e invested. The Bank of England gav e t e a 0 60 11 ti d any money inve,ted. calsLigg he 0' Mr. HUDSON would offer a practi he lo s 1 1 . 10 0 0 Chancellor of the Exchequer, whic h r If en ; lamed o • io ro be would obviate the difficulty cosol"'‘"" o f Par' s i t J' lso e panics seeking to obtain the consent ,0 delnd -10 $ll. railway Bills, were, in place Of mo i le c Y4,. quer-bills ors Wets, the above d'th _V s &pop il• siTt n^ to the placing -a obj ec tio n hail( the to