The Sun. — London, England, 1823-01-14 00:00:00

^ ay~ ' L- h t ~fi~~'+a:.. ~T ^....4Ar 1 .... . • '6, "414 , , '74 FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE. PARIS, JAW. 11. 'From the Journal des Debats.l What a subject for serious reflections does the .circular addressed in the name of the three Great Powers to their missions to the different Courts of Europe present ! We do not pretend to an ticipate those of our readers ; there are some which present themselves so naturally, that they Cannot escape the persons least familiar with po ..litical affairs; the language of good faith, of moderation, of disinterestedness, is evident to alt Minds ; and even those who are the most inclined Jo judge with distrust of the acts of diplomacy, will not be able to refuse to the document which we published yesterday a character of openness .so much the less equivocal, as facts throughout are given in support of the principles proclaimed by the Allied Sovereigns. We shall, then, confine ourselves to some ob servations which the habit of treating political subjects has suggested to us on the circular. The Congress of Verona had excited in the highest degree the attention of Europe ; the friends of social order were justified in hoping every thing from the personal characters of the Sovereigns, and from the choice of their Ministers. if there were some signs of impatience, they were only manifested by men whose fears were a ha mage to the intentions of the members of the Congress, and a proof of its necessity. The busi. ness was to extinguish the revolutionary fever, and to stifle the vast conspiracy which, breaking out at the same titnb in the most opposite extre rnities of Europe, threatened to bury the civiliz. taint' of the finest part of the world under the ruins of altars, thrones, and all protective insti intions. We have no need to recal here the events of 1820 and lEl2l—the flame bursting out,at first In the Isle of Leon—firing thence Italy—extend. ing soon to the Ottoman empire—crossing the st.a, and carrying its ravages to the southern part of the New World. These facts are notorious. On the aspect of this general conflagration, Aus. trig (for it is just to render her this honour) rushed first to the aid of unhappy Italy. Naples, Piedmont—all the States of the Peninsula were saved by the activity of her Cabinet and her soldiers. Conquered, but not yet discouraged, the Car bonari of Italy, and their auxiliaries in the neigh bouring countries, had recourse to the only arms at their disposal—the arms of calumny. To hear them, Austria had only entered Naples and Turin to get payment, at the expence of national inde pendence, for the aid, which she had been anxious to offer to their monarchs. With what noble viess is this odious imputation refuted in the cir cular. "No secret view, no calculation," 64c. (See Note in our paper of yesterday.) Vain words! deceitful promises ! will the Re volutionists exclaim ; and already to close their mouths. and give them most signally the lie, thr evacuation of Piedmont has commenced, and will be coocluded within a few months ; Naples will be relieved from a considerable part of the Army of Occupation ; 17,0 N Austrians return to their houres, and even the foreign force would have been altogether withdrawn, if the organization of the Neapolitan army had been terminated. Austria urges and facilitates this organization. The pe ,cuniary contingent decreases with the number of the soldiers of the army of Occupation. Is this .the cottduct-are these the measures of an op. pressiVe Power—of a Power inimical to public liberty and the independence of nations ? Is' it thus, then, that Austria was to act, to found, as , the partisae- of revolutions foretold, a vast tri bunal of inquisition in the centre of Italy, and to establish there her exclusive domination ? The interests of Turkey and of Greece are treated in , the circular with a wise disctetion ; and whatever opinion is formed of the troubles of the East, it is impossible not to admire the mqderation of a Prince who, though able to back by reasons of political interest and humanity the rimbition natural to a great Prince, has given 'the lie anew to the revolutionists, in proving that his arms will never serve to propagate their principles. The whole of the article relative to Spain in the circular is energetic, without ceasing to be dihcreet. The prudence of good counsel tempers the limn and courageous intentions which it indi cates. The noble Spanish nation is justly dis. .tinguished from the factions who oppress and on. broil it, and the will of the King from the acts " snatched from a legitimate power enchained, and made to serve its an instrument for ovvrthrow. lag all legal rights and liberties." It is, therefore, the loss of these true liberties —liberties founded on the laws, and springing from the agreernent of Powers wisely balanced, winch extites the regret, and influences the de. .teimination, of the magnanimous Sovereigns. It is thus permitted for us to hope, that counsels so moderate, resting upon power so ample, will not be lost upon Spain, upon Europe, or upon gene al Such has been equally the spirit of the counsels which dictated the letter of the French Goverment to- the Ambassador of the King at Madrid ; it breathes the same spirit, an nounces the same intentions, and offers the same .means of arriving at en understanding, as the cit.- cular of the 14th of December ; that if these endeavours, inspired only by a love of peace, of order, and of a discreet liberty, remain without effect, of what crimes those will be rendered culpable whose efforts will render them abortive! Ist present no loss has l.een incurred—the, sword it not yet out of its scabbard—the Government of the King will' never have to reproach itself th 'not baying withheld, as long as possible, the terrible commencement of war. It has been able, and it ought, to postpone the misfortunes which in%eparable from it, as long as possible ; but it has never dreaded the results of it ; it is aware that all peace which is incompatible with honour is also so with the security of France. The Ambassadors of three great Powers to the King of Spain have received formal orders to quit Madrid on the 17th•of this month. it is thought that theis ., Excellencies will be 'in Paris about the 9, Stli instant. ft is also affirmed that M. the -Count de Legarde has received, by a dispatch erpedited subsequently to the diplomatic note of M. de Villele, an:injunction - to quirthe Peninsula within a very few days after the departure of the other Ministers of the Allied Powers.—(Drapeau Blanc.) • We (Item) have before us a private letter from Bayonne, which contains the following face : "During' the night of the 29th December last, a detachment of troops of the line of the Consti tutional Army of Spain, consisting of 250 men, and commanded by Col. Arhura, violated our territory. This horde of brigands passed through the French village of A ldules, and proceeded onward 3 or 4 leagues, still on our territory, to Smayre, or Val-Carlos (a village situated on the extreme frontier, near St. Jean Pied-de-port), to murder, in cold blood,' the ill-fated wounded Royalists there. Twenty of these braie de. fenders of the altar and the throne were mas sacred, and the others carried off, and the houses in which they had been received were gii , en up to pillage. Laden with arms and the bloody booty- of these unfortunate victims, the detach ment returned into Spain by the same way that they had entered. Our indignant soldier* wish they bad already punished this outrage." We cannot doubt the authenticity of these facts, which we have received from a certain source. Whatever reflections they may inspire, we will only say, if a vacillating and pusilla nimous policy—a policy unworthy of French loyalty—pauses to negotiate when the white flag ought to float over the Escurial, and our troops to; be encamped before Madrid, it,*at -least, appears to us that such an outrage demands a signal repa ration. Some brave soldiers, worthy of a better fate, are betrayed by fortune "; they seek an asylum amongst the inhabitants' of a neighbour ing State, and the latter are subjected to the incursions of cannibals, who come to murder de fenceless men in cold blood ! in what manner is our territory protected? Are we to protect the descamisados ? How have our authorities behaved under this violation ? Why, finally, have not the bayonets of our brave troops revenged this execrable invasion ? The Pyrennees echo with indignation. War ! exclaim our soldiers; War! repeats faithful France, and the Ministry remains mute! A word, a gesture, and the Cortes would return to their obscurity : the scaffold would receive the wretches whom public vengeance de signates; Ferdinand would recover the Crowu which he holds only from God and his ancestors; and will Ministers still hesitate ? [From the Journal des Debuts.] Some journals have announced the destruction of the Royalist corps of General O'Donnel by the troops of Torrijos. This intelligence appears exaggerated, considering the present state of the roads of the Pyrennues, where it is rather im probable that his corps, though not very consi derable, can act. The only authenticated event, and which doubtless has given rise to this report, is of a nature far less glorious to the troops of Torrijos The, Journal des D6bats here copies, from the Ruche. d' Aquitaine an account which we have given above, of the incursion of a detachment of the constitutional troopsinto the French territory, to murder the wounded Royalists. It.was yesterday affirmed in Paris, that the courier who took to Madrid the note of the Courts of Russia, Austria, and Prussia, has been attacked on the route by robbers, who took from him the dispatches and his money, and ill-treated him, without, however, Eeverely wounding him. This circumstande may explain why no :ixtra ordinary advices have yet been received in Paris from Madrid, respecting the effect which this note would produce in , the latter capital.— (Journal de Paris.) • A sensible rise took place in the funds yester day ; we will not attempt to explain it by extra ordinary operations, the source and the means of which must not be looked for within the com mercial circle. Previously to 'Change hours, the rente was offered at 86. 50.; it closed for the ac. count at 87. 5. The extraordinary efforts by which a policy, more or less skilful, tnight attempt to maintain the price of public securities, during a momen tous crisis, would necessarily be but transitory, and would only, eventualy, render the conse quences of an ultimate Mil more severe. Let us leave out of our consideration this supposi tion which the wisdom of M. the Minister of Finance renders inadmissible. Some specula tors, doubtless reasoning more wisely, attri bute thii rapid and sudden rise solely to the tac ties of the very persons who foresee an immediate fall, -and who, with the design of selling at a better price what they would repurchase subse quently at the fall, have assisted to produce a transient rise, in order to realize to their present advantage, and provide means of future profit.— These stock-jobbing calculations will, conse quently, be no more durable than any other means employed to' produce factitious results.— ( Mem.) ft should be generally known, that, in confor , pity of an Ordinance, of the King of FRANCE, under date of the 7th August, 1828, every ship or vessel, whether French or Foreign, coming from any port whatsoever, and•hound to any port in France, shall be liable, on her arrival, if not provided with a bill of health from the French Consul or Consular Agent, at the port at which she shall happen to touch last, to a restraint of quarantine; and. if provided with a bill of health from the authorities of the country she comes from, it will be ultimately necessary to have the same endorsed by the French Consuls or Con sular agents residing in tie ports where she may afterwards touch. The Yorkshire Requisition for a Couniy Meet ing on Reform was presented to the High She riff last week, and he has appointed the Meeting to be held on' the 221 inst. C A preparatory Meeting has been held at Maid stone—the Earls DARTiLF.Y and TIIANgT, and other persons of respectability were present, to consider of calling a Meeting on Agricultural Distress, Reform, &c. EDW. BAKER, Esq. of St. Ann's-street, Salk ..bury, has ; been elected, without opposition, Re. presentative for the• Borough of Wilton, THE OFFICIAL PAIWIILET. _ _~~ We yesterday adverted to the Official Publi cation which has just appeared, under the title, of "Administration of the Affairs of Great. l3ri. Lain, Irelaud, and their Dependencies, at the Commencement of the Year 1823, stated and explained."—The Work t rea t s o f the important subjects which it elucidates, under the heads of " Finance, National Resources,. Foreign Rela tions, Colonies, Trade, and Domestic Admini stration ;" and it presents, upon the whole, a very satisfactory view of the concerns of the Empire. We shall from time to time insert extracts from it in our columns, so as to put our Readers in full possession of all the parts of this luminotis exposition, which are requisite for giving them correct ideas of the present state of the relations and interests of the nation, foreign as well as domestic. We select, in the first place, the following, from the division of the Work which treats of " Foreign Relations;" in consequence of its developing the important diplomatic proCeedings on the great question re , ,specting France and Spain. Our Readers will see ,that our reasonings upon this vital subject are fully sustained by the official communication now submitted to the Public FOREIGN RELATIONS. It would be, repeating matter already notorious to enter into the reasons upon whiCh the system of Europe was settled by the treaty of Vienna. If the settlement of that period was not perfect'upon every point, it was unquestionably the best that could be pmcured, under the circumstances then existing, to preserve the future peace of Europe. The congress of Sove reigns, if it must be so called, grew, in fact, out of the circum stances of that period. The greater number of the European sovereigns had person a lly accompanied their own armies into France, and had assisted, and /superintended, the conclusion of those treaties at Paris, which prepared the way for the final and more complete settlement at Vienna. The community of sen. timent which at that time characterised these illustrious perso nages,,suggested the obvious inference, that the same means might be adopted to maintain the system which had so happily been employed to put it together. Such, in point of fact, was the origin of what is now called the Congress of Sovereigns.—s Its object is to maintain the system at that time established, but more particularly to preserve the peace of the,continent. Its principle, or rather its means, may be stated in a sentence. — It i the maintenance of the general peace of Europe by the personal amity of the sovereigns, and by a system of mediation and amicable diaeussion, which should, on the• one side, recognize the perfect independence of the several states in their own internal concerns ; and, upon the other, should hoid 'forth their common interest, and therein their common obligation, to consult the general polYcy of Europe in all questions affecting the safety of the whole. It is a most uncandid representation of the character of this system to assert, that the allied powers, and England amongst them, have in this Congress formed a confederacy to controul the internal concerns of ogler states, or to act the authoritative arbitrator in dissensions between state and state, upon interests belonging only to themselves. It is a gill more malicious and unjust assertion, tlutt the European sovereigns, and that Eng land, in conjunction with them, have bound themselves, in this Congress, to guarantee to each other the actual degree of monarchical power possessed by each over his own subjects. As regards England, and as regards the other princes, the Con- Krems is, in fact ? nothing but an amicable conference of sove reigns upon their particular and common Interest ; it is a mere council of discussion—but, in no degree, a league and confe deracy for the purposes of action. That is to say, so far as Great Britain is concerned, there exists no convention, either secret orexpressed, by which one member is bound tosupport any particular object of the others, or to give any conjoint effect to the vote of the majority. To say al in a word, it is a mere friendly conference, and in no degree a diet or confederacy. There exists no article, express or understood.; nothing in the nature of a resolution ; nothing of a general understanding, nor admitted obligation, that one sovereign should have the right to call upon another to Interfere in his own domestic administration, (if al any time adverse to his interests and inclinations,) or to demand the power of Congress to suppress any merely civil contest be tween such sovereign and his subjects. , The Congress, as such, and in the sense in which England consents to becothe a mem ber, and to be present at its discussions, admits only such sub jects as palpably menace the general tranquillity of Europe, and threaten to re-introde4e, in their dangerous exceie, those principles of anarchy, spoliation, and, let it be added, that sys. tematic regicide, that infatuated destruction of all religious faith and establishment, which characterised the French revolu tion. In a word, the avowed and understood object of Con gress is assuredly to keep down and to suppress the all destroying spirit of French jaco binism ; for why should not the name be used where it so well expresses the thing ? and, second ly, to maintain the peace of Europe by amicable mediation and discussion. Such, in brief terms, is the nature of this Congress; a sys tem of mediation and. discussion, and in no degree an offensive or defensive alliance. When any question is introduced into this conference, the first consideration is, Does it affect either of the objects of Congress? If it he palpably a jacobinical insur rection, for the purpose of expelling kings, nobles, and the clergy, the next inquiry is, whether it exists in such excess as to require the common aid of Europe to put it down. If it be a mere difference between two states, it is manifestly matter of friendly mediation, and such mediation is applied upon the same principle- as it would be applied if there existed no Con gress at all. The only difference is, that both parties are pre sent before the friends of each, and are all present by themselves as well as by their ministers. If it be a mere internal concern, which a sovereign in his discretion deems proper to introduce, it is a subject only of friendly advice. It was upon these principles that his Majesty's Ministers may be-presumed to have regulated their ovrn conduct in the part they bore in an affair not yet terminated. The contest between Spain and her subjects was introduced in the late Con. gress at Verona. Without the aid of any other facts upon this subject than what events have rendered sufficiently known, it manifestly appears, that France claimed the consent of Europe ir. the first Place, and the common tdd, if eventually necessary, to suppress a revolution so directly affe.cting the general objects of the Congress. The ministers,' representidg the person of their sovereign, insisted, and assuredly with a strong appear. ance of truth, that this contest fell immediately within the two objects of Congress—That the Congress, at France understOod it, proposed two immediate ends ; the suppression in origin of all revolutionary and antisocial principles, and the maintenance of the general peace of Europe; but that both these objects were alike endan6ie4l by the present condition of Spain. That it was a jacobinical revolution. That if a jacobinical revolution . had Any distinctive characters, they were three. A revolution is necessarily such, when it is effected by a military de fection ; when it restrains and consequently endangers the person of the king and his family ; and when it ope rates in a system of irreligion and spol4tion of the church. v —But that all these characteristic distinctions were ma. nifest upon the face of the Spanish revolution. The Spa " nish revolutitin had .notoriously commenced with the general defection of the 'army from the sovereign. His Catholic ...Ma jesty had no longer any control over his own soldiers. The Spanish army was no longer the arinypf Ferdinand, but of Mina and the Cortes. The restraint upon the person of the king was equally notorious. He possesses as little the choice of his ministers as the command of his army. He is compelled to sign the warrants for the execution, or rather murder, of his most faithful end zealous adherents. It is notorious to all Eu ropa thathis Catholic Majesty is but the nominal head of his own kingdom. The Spanish princes were living in a state of daily peril and anxiety for their lives and fortunes. Is it possible that the example of a rebellion so successful should not affect the safety of the French crown ? It had not been with out difficulty that the French government had succeeded in repressing the revolutionary spirit in the capital and provinces. If the Spanish revolution should be permitted to complete and consolidate itself into some form of government founded upon the principles of anarchy, the example would extend beyond France, and there would 'scarcely be force enough in Europe to contend against a system of successful and recognised Ja. cobinism., And what, in fact, did France require P.—Her Go vernment required nothing more than what belonged, as mat. ter of public right, to every independent nation. The King believed the security of his throne and the tranquillity of his people to be brought into danger by the revolutionary princi pies and practices of an adjacent power ; he believed that the condition of Spain required France to resort to the means of self-defence, and he claimed a right to employ these means.— Austria and Naples afforded a case in point. If one of the powers of Congress had not• assented to the principle upon which the revolutionary movements' in Naples and Piedment were opposed by the common force of Europe, the other Soya. reigns had come forward, with alacrity, to assist Austria in a contest, the magnitude of which she had overrated, though she had certainly not undervalued the danger of the principle. The King of France claimed no right to interpose in the in ternal affairs of another people, except where such affairs were conducted upon principles which menaced the safety of all other Governments, and of France in particular-- IV - as it 'possible to deny, that in such a state of things, and under such a degree of danger, he possessed the right of declaring war against Spain. and of forcibly putting down an example which directly assailed his own safety ? It was' certainly an. other question whether the sovereigns of Europe would co-ope rate with their several armies in this efrort. The determination of this question must depend upon the opinion entertained amongst those sovereigns, how far their own safety was corn. patible with the success of such principles, and how long the general peace might be supposed to endure under the influence of such an example. Whatever might be the general truth of these representations on the part of the French Government, and. whatever respect might be due to the immediate interests of France, it was ma •nifest that her proposed appeal to arms would be at once a great present evil, and, what was more to be dreadede might terminate In an extreme and unforeseen issue. Possibly, therefore, the representations of her ministers were answered by the ministers, on the part of his Britannic Majesty, by ad mitting the general question of right to act as an independent power, but appealing to her *Worn and moderation. It was possibly admitted, that the objects of the European confer ence, at that time assembled at Verona, to maintain a general peace by amicable discuss i tte ln resuscitation ble danger from don ; anal, in the event of any great common were u io n n q an ues a ti m on ed ab isw ly s general safety. But that tills latter abject was manifestly urged, at the same time, su r measures th r o f the t eepecting the ancient and establish edlimited by the necessity of r he revolutionary principle, it to adopt doubtless ternal proceedings of any go vernment _ of Europe, it is the right an contrary to the common safety resort to means of self-defence, and to duty of every Sovereign to by force principle of the independence of nations. orpeop l ie Vh a er re e di th rec e j p u u s t tif d y oi s v t n lch su a c p h o a c t a i i, e t c u t , i o ve th m in is g c s h a i r e e f alwaysbectsiarrys; the ßu a te rst to , the existence of such principles ; and secondly, their existence in such a form, and in such a degree of strength, as to consti tute a necessity to appeal to arms. It is only by such neces sity, and under such a case of self-defence, that one nation could be justified in interfering in the internal concerns of another. Without this limation, the independence of nations would be but a name ; and another, and most fertile source of future war would be opened, to the destruction of every Government in Europe. It was possibly acknowledged that the Spanish Revolution had proceeded upon principles most strongly objectionable, and had exhibited actions and incidents justly alanning to every established Government. But was it not very questionable whether the danger were so extreme as was apprehended by the French Government ? Was it not rather the contest of two parties, than a Jacobinical revo lution ? His Most Catholic Majesty still possessed his per-- sons! liberty ; his Royal authority was still acknowledged ; and if his . prerogatives were abridged, an d t h e exercise of his royal rights controlled, it was certainly an unhappy con. juncture in the internal affairs of Spain, but assuredly it did not constitute a case of general app ea l to arms. It was not a case of the kind contemplated by the Congress of Sovereigns as falling within the objects of theirunion. The European So verigns had at present two great objects: the first, to maintain the general peace; and the secon d, not to provoke a ghneral exasperation amongst the subjects of free States, by confirm ing tin opinion, (now industriously cherished and spread) that the Congress was, in fact, a Confederacy of Kings, to prevent and put down all reforms on the part of subjects, and aogua rantee td . " every Sovereig n hi s actua l state of monarchial power. - It was necessary to giv e an e ff ectua l answ e r to this malicious representation of the object of the Congress. of Sovereigns, and not to provoke those associations, secret or public, in free states, which would be infinitely more dangerous.because composed of more respectable individuals—than the Jacobinital fraternities of Spain and Italy. One object of Congress would necessarily be interrupted by the proposed appeal to arms on the part of France; it would be a termination, in fact, of the existing general peace of Europe. The risk was great, the success uncertain, and the extent and consequences wholly unforseen. Tire war would assuredly net end with the oecupationef 31a4rid, whilst Cadiz adhered to the party of the Cortes ; and former experience had proved the almost im pregnable strength of Cadiz. The whole power of France—and at a period when France could unite with herself a great por tion of Europe—had been foiled before Cadiz ; and with every, respect for the tried coureee of the French armies, ;t was scarcely questionable whether the French Government could justify itself, in prudence, for a long enduring siege of tine fortrees. The operations, therefore, would not be confined to one compaigne With every ivh:h for the welfare of France; with every desire for the perinanent security of her throne, and 'for her consolidation in public order and tranquillity..-it was impossible for the ministers of his Britannic Majesty to hold forth any promise of co-operation in such a war. If France embarked in it, it must be, as respected England, upon her own • ground, and with all the eventual risk* of the contest. Such we presume to have been the language of the English Ministers upon the application of France for the common and of Europe in a war with Spain. It is impomeible to deny the right of France, as an indepen dent nation, to enter upon such war, if her government should deem it to be matter of self-defence, and if the Spanish govern ment., de facto, should refuse such modifications as France may think alone compatible with her safety. Our Ministers, there fore, did not deny the existence of the right ; but they guest tioned, and still must be allowed to question, the existence of such right under the actual state of France and Spein, and, in. deed of Europe generally, They esteem the general peace at too high a value to interrupt it from the appreeeneion of remote danger. They recognise, at the same time, the ancient prir ciple of the independence of nations in their own in con cerns ; and they deem this principle to be so intimately con. netted with the security of the general peace, and the per manent interests of mankind, that they are unwilling to admit any other exception to it than a case of necessity extreme in all its circumstances; that is to say, unquestionable in its existence, formidable in its magnitude, and at once certain and extensive in its operation. ifral, lll "' PRICE OF STOCKS THIS DAY AT ON E o'cLocg. India Stock India Bonds South Sea Stock Old Annuities Bills Ditto Sinai ................... Bank Stock. _ 3 per Cent. Red. 3 per Cent. Cons.. 34 pet Cent...—. Old 8 1 per Cent. / New......... 3 9 4 1 .)er Lents. 1797 Bank Long Ann. 294 9-16ths imp. 3 per Cents. . BOi 179 g 'tank foitAct. ............. - India for Con. Acct. ...... Cons. for Account...... 1311 i PRICE OF FOREIGN STOCKS IN LONDON , JAN.I4. French AT ONE O'CLOCK. rive per Cents. 801.. {Six per Cents. 00. .. . Fire per Cents. (Metallic) 00. Ditto New 811. I Five per Cent. Bonds, 731 ex air. t Scrip, 76. i.. Five per Lents. (Metallic) 00. {Five per Cent. Bonds, 00. New Ditto, Is2l. Scrip, 121 disc. I Five per cent. Bonds, OZil. 1 Ditto New, 824. Five per Cent. bonds, 881. 73. Russian Neapolitan Austrian Spanish Prurtian Danish Chili Colombian Peruvian fix per Cent. Bonds, B*. New Lean, 00. (Bank Shares .1.21•65. Six per C?nt. 94-91 Five per Cent. 93-96. I.:Three per Cent: 69i. American PRICE OF IRISI Bank Stock (>51.4 Gov. Deb. 3i per cent. 93.1 Stock, 3i per ct 910 Gor. Deb. 4 per cent Got. Deb. 5 per cent. —Stock, 4 per Cent. I !.5 Treasury Bills, s'per cent City Debentures, 5 per cent. 2 Lying in Hospital 4 per ct. Exchange on Lon, STOCK, .r.o, 11. Grand Canal Loan, • -Ditto 6' per ce Dittotitock.... Royal Canal Stock \Vide-greet Cert. ti Do. Deb. with Gov. ripe Water Deb. 6 I Do. 6 6 Yer Ballast()Oita al 5 per ant. ........ lon, Jan. 10, N. HIGH WATER AT LONDO 3lnrning. 0 minutes after 4. J BRIDGE TO-M Evening, 33 mina SUN SOLEM iIL'IS DIC . Eltri - F-4LSUIit .BUD . LONDON, TUESDAY, JANUARY 14, 18 [PROM A CORRESPONDENT.] STOCK I;;X.CIIANGE, One o'Clock.--Toe -c' Edition of a , M orn i ng P aper t hi s day b'd effect on the a b ove M ar k e t, Pe r° io if the Spanish Bonds :—the moment the conter'e were known to the Public a great flec tulu ,, took place in - the above Bonds: previous t`' ;011 : Express from Paris they were done al — ; . j‘ afterwards they rose to 63-L ; but the ru' l not thinking the informati on o f any deci siver i" Lure, became timid in their operations, a r ' Spanish Bonds l owere d aga i n to 5'2.f. 01: P " opened at 801 2 and went up to Z• Some of our contemporitrics persis ing, *c affecting to consider, the or " Circular," of Austria', Russia tui breathing hostility to Spaiti. There is no doubt, there has any doubt, that not only Aus and Prussia, but a party in are hostile to the Spanish Co But, although, the 'feeling of been made sufficiently manifest , means so cl e a r th a t th at f ee li ng will Ate:uell in activin, or at least th a t th e ' act i on pro' - ' will be th a t o f w ar; an d , even thougha ,161 in France and the three great Poo er 4 ed to, may be really disposed to c° nl " hostilities by the invasion of Spain, yet th' i P ; cific party in F rance i s still pre d om i n ant, , England is d e ci s i ve l y an d avowe d ly a verse enterprise which might prove not less OP% to her interests than it is repugnant t o the ja ciples of j us ti ce an d to the rights of natia n t s t! opposition t o th e d ec l arat i ons of the t h ree , we have, in th e o ffi c i a l P amphlet just pubrodt (see ou r ex t ract f rom it in anot h er ca ' 3 O of what may be regarded. as the Declara ti° t or Great Britain, • and whi c h pronounce l c h dt the condition of Spain is assu redly 71 °I to 44 constitute a case of general alP it jti arms—is " not a case of the kind eonternii!‘t the Congress o f th e Sovereigns as fallin g T e l o the objects of their union." and accom panie s t ott allegations with the memorable intimatio n "if France embarked in it (the ine a . , sl) o lo Spain), it must be, as respected Engho,"c4 l o . her own ground, and with all the eventual f , i ' def it; the contest !" One thing; therefore, j 5 eri —and it is this,—that if the professions °f r , rrtity between Nustria, Russia, ant' ,d a l „ be sincere, these Powers have far m ' f tie exclusive alliance, fur the pro:notion ° it i t particular views and interests,--‘7viev",c4Ff pears, in which neither France nor Erlg ltt i f ol; ticipate. Is it not necessary, therefore, that , IV! instead of becoming the instrument of t" e A iliance,.should, by an enlightened England, en d ea v our to esta bli s h an e,tetl, equipoise to th e confederacy which hi" t,, /I': ~p ly been formed by t he t h ree great Powersirol. know that a T reaty w as conclu d e d a t tIO and that one of its stipulations is, th at j e sti f event of w ar b rea ki ng out e i t h er i n the I ' lo o in the East, P russ i a s h a ll marc h an 3 r 60,000 tnen into Poland. FRENCH FUNDS.—JAN. 11. c " 87 Five per Cents. Si;fowest 87 f• " Bank Stock Closed at 1550. f. c. Neapolitan Five per Cents. Spanish Bonds of 1021 - Exchange on London—One Month C Three Months 25 1. tier The following article appeared in 3 ".t i -) reio Edition of th e Ti mes thi s mo rning. o t v t it' its appearance, but after it was known of Jan° telligence had been received by that st in 01-- der' Decl 6Ta"" ; I, and . Be r• neve( t ria, Franc ° " 1 rA3tiIUIiOQ " t tt! .-.. t.: +~_: