The Sun. — London, England, 1846-02-17 00:00:00

T` N : LO N DON, PUE S p A EVEN I NG, FEBRU A R, I` 17, 18-16. atl^-----....__,__..._. ......_____ at 7 °old ba brought in, duty free to com Pete with theo. 1 which of theth 'could kte told at the lowest . rate ? Was it ttel_ o a " s e English farmer, which ' he ' d been - rated for income- 1 not eight 'fee the agricultural community to ask for . fe:e...: ttli)aat,emytoothe: tax to which property was liable. lie had 1 that e r dt . s.a that . would give them an opportunity of fair all ths certainly trespass on the time of their Lordships at any 1 enteepetition , with the foreign grain ? ( Hear, hear. ) loth,. nor did he intend to enter on the subject any furthel, Now, his Noble et., lend went t t a -, " Oh, but by the c nut thought that before protection was removed mutation the tithes arc e w e en lor f l o g n hr e o a S 4 ) 4d border.; becattre tl.ey li s t ee e 7 Points should be taken into consideration. [The are consec r l o ered h i e n t p land—it l is tia longer a bus- L ' O e rd ' I S e t e an o le t esotild ninth return to his si anod, .Lea l here made some remark referring (as we under- diii." ie w tee ,. e e te to a speech of his that had been misrepresented, but he mile, and he would . ' ask this a le ) skion. They would admit that R a y vo hay a tone that it was quite inaudible in thegallere.l if one-tenth was paid,by e'n c c inii.l, and nothing by another, that let there there an extract of a speech delivered at Covent the proprietors . of 'nen were not placed upon equal terms. The la, tio the 18th of December. The extract was from the e es, ..._, cenanutatsett takes place : the first mill. owner does tint wish 'se ethe :mu he (Lord Deere) had taken measures to ascertain his industry to be interfered with ; he does not wish to be . taxed to ror not it was correct. L The Noble Lord then 1,11. e Nioebeicetotrradevit was was as rear as we could hear, for to proportion to his success; he wishes tie compound with the commissioners, taking the . arcrege of his rise in the last five '• ' "that the Ito 'le year, all b ea.r ie . scereely audible— I hope e 1 But and the averege prices the produce was sold at. t ame of mindei o how great a terror has been created by the very even that corettutation, although Wily and clearly made to eta i ts s. freeholder, a power lately creatrd, which- would oat, did not remove the burden ; the burden re:tease:l its al l 'unable the pseud aristocracy to the dust." Have ^ 'lid th' as much a burden when. paid in a certain rum as when t et q t i._ "h be. would he grieved to imagine that any alinis- paid in - •ereduce. Nay, it . .remained a greater lete ee na t country would allow Parliament to separate without burden, and his Neale Frltnd was going beyond a paradex . in 'site a,, some measure to restrict this interferenceburden at all. He trusted he might affirming that it was nu refe r - '''' Constitution.—( Hear, hear.) 'As an old be fargieco for thus trying to controvert the argument of his fre.t'e e d "' he recollected the creation of the forty-shilling Noble Friend. He felt himself obliged to protest against it, had p t as e s r e s t 0 ! Ireland, and the repugnance with which they but he rejoiced that the Government did not intend to offer nerd, i e ` e , t e t tat measure; necessity, however, had compelled any opposition to the motion. He rejoiced that it would be id "alit of , eao riot, however, wish in any way to restrict the acquiesced in by the House ; but, at the same time, he could *ere „ fl awing, either in county or boroueh provided that it not go into that Committee without protesting against one of lii dia "neted on constitutival principles. ' dei ' He believed that the propositions of the Noble Lord, that he . introduced this neu tered elties would be removed, if some 'l arrangement were en- tion because he considered that the question of the abolition of' of te e L a ° le equalise taxation, and so secure the prosperity sauntr protection was already settled.—(Great cheering.) While he l MONT concurred wan the Noble Lord in thinking that on this and rtitn or ,‘. • EAGLE rose to move an amendment to the other questions the opinion and voice of the country, calmly, e tr e Ile ~' wmilneatteatluble Friend. That amendment, he be. deliberately, and eerio . usly expressed, eye, and stedfastly main- - t , ra eod meet with any opposition either from his No- tained, ought and would iefluense the decisions (a: their Lord "be r a . any cf the Noble Lords on the other side. th gg't her ships and the other House, he also agreed.. with the .. Noble (lord% -cate r ,. °,_ to say, he would be sorry to take un some ef Lord that there should be no doubt in a question of this vast, e Il e es which had been laid down by the Noble Lord this r immense importance, that the sense of the country and . of Parliament were . in favour of a change ; for its agitation °f the 1 - e a n atr a a at). lie did not wish to anticipate the result s'e d° -o, iry, hut he must protest against the doctrine ll sae. • and accomplishment, unle:s productive of undoubted e 'ose i n His Noble Friend had addressed the good,_ could not fail to he an undoubted evil. fai r e a . and a f air dcandid manner, end he had Whatever might be the result of the question of protection, ,her e _ series of admissions on the subject, it did not d° . away with the argument that they should have :''''ect aas One material point it which he main- claim to fair and reasonable cempensati in.—(H . eear, hear.) l ti st re 4:llar doctrine to him (Lord Monteagle) on the sub- ne must protect alainst being supposed to agree in the opinion that the question of the policy of the corn-lawswested in the P lerie „,, e l c ommutation of tithes. Tithes, he said, must r' s aid t' e ' s t . n e same principles as rent. if so there was Tioslightest de - gee on any particular interest or . individual body. s : Let -nee that the landlords and farmers shall receive , s alee th ' as protection unless he (Lord Beaumont) main te ~,,. at protection was due to it, not for the benefit of i e , , entr y at. , full and thementire . compensation, both in their individual and pecu e, sl id lee, large, but to uphold rent. He (Lord Monteagle) wary interests, still he would not consider the question of the corn-laws settled. The abolition of the corn-laws was a guess ,•• ^ ,a te, ' , t i, e s '.°Y Noble Lord, or any writer of eminsnee, to tion, in his opinion, that rested on conclusions far beyond the ' 'i , tt t 5 ',1,1-ence between 255. an acre derived from land A 4' t he Or ''' h es and 20s. paid on land with ss. as a fixed rate Personal or pecuniary interests of any class or party. It was , a nd he ea ZYrean. The effect would be precisely the same, . to .be considered, not in a pecuniary or individual sense, but . t on th great social, -moral, political, and material ea t 'less i t ~,` not see how they could talk of protection to tithe ! n " effec ts ofthe country.—(Cheers.) e t for t i,"" to be cansidered as protection to rent, and t e i enefit of the clergy, or the country at large. interests The .. Duke of RICHMOND must, like the Noble Lord, enteel 14 the eu that the *II q q , tion . commutation of tithes . made any difference a similar protest to that . which . the . Noble Lord (Stanley) bar b i t Plea, ' • the principle of protection in !elation to tithes just made. He considered the.uiquir now sought for should ,i's of te e Y t he tame as before, and he cautioned their Lord- have taken place earlier. He would. not Y believe that the Bills o lL isPorii nc. areat danger there was to the rights of property in proposed to be brought from the other House, to do away with the corn-laws, would receive their sanction. He could not Cleei o ,"” clamoue against rent which had been raised in believe that their Lordships would make so sudden a change as Mme e ," aaah this einestion of tithes. Twenty shit- H . al • b in the other House ; but that they would throw aelle ~Y,Ole to the landlord stood in precisely the ae . d it rosition as five shillings paid to the clergyman, out the im eas e u r iSe. in order that the sense of the country might ,4.ll,k;.erta.,,illkiititln,grethe question of protection, must be considered taken m on them .' .—(Hear, hear.) It might be said that great was any inequality in the taxation on landed excitement existed out of doors; but who were its-authors? eAmti-Corn-law League.—(Hear, hear.) It had been s o l , e i t ; ueeolid what was fair and impartial, let them remove sp. ( t' l ltY, but do not give protection to one class of remarked by-the Noble Lord, that if the ' measure . passed into itgaretarwil_nterest at the expense, of all the others. Wi t h a law he . would do his hest not to set class against class ; on ~ es e net had been mooted Patriot the removal of the poor- that subject, however,._ he (the Duke of Richmond) could ts 4n tter 4 e r t° the State, he cal l .ed their attention to the great tttest rd fr stith a ease. It would deprive all parties locally in- not make any promise.—(Hear, hear.) The responsibility . was not in his hands, but in that .of the Government. The would have scanted to betray their leader, but with the •tt_et, ,and ,11 . participat; ,• in the administration of the poor- They of deep injury which they were likely to sustain, ,th (i i it n 5,,, i l a a ^,e away hoe s the poor themselves . all check which wish the feeling that their families and themselves acts to be e t :ar, l e , a a, °Ter the g od administration of those laws.- . r e : 3 . F ro '' ) A very rapid diminution had taken place in consigned to ruin and the workhouse by the . . tifi:rteteerge,al,the year 1 826 to 1841 the proportion of or leader. How could they feel any confidence h i h n ea l m .— e ( n H fr e c a m r, hear.) How could the honest far re m f e o r r w ro o tce had I ,, l 7 ei bly al ' t, ":_,- on differs nt . classes of property was very con- p ti on, an t d protection the hustings declare that they h we i e t , ' s with n "a, arid altering for the benefit of land as com e lett t ,I.ether taxable property. Were they aware of the they wculd maintain, and a. seen them . in the House of Commons desert the cause they had promised to support, rely , e,' lart 9 , e ,;'seh railways were chargeable ?—(Hear, heir.) tr z atete,"Y tree that. by the original conception of thedaer lotf alain upon those in whom they had placed their confidenee ? What could they think, when they saw the places of a few t ,„Prry mrt.. o r the statutes immediately subsequent, descriptions honest men who resisted the measure, filled up by those who i re t ee •)' r(lt now. taxed to the poor were then taxable. Well, the r teee rot b had promised to defend, but had afterwards deserted them? te en ee i e b een able to enforce 'that state of the law from Could they be blamed, if, under cireamstances like these, call rn o ak les and inconveniences which stood in the way. Let Was one e to the state of the law In Scotland. What was they ventured to take a leaf out of the Anti-Corn-law League ? Up to this moment they had abstained from sending itinerant 14 3 one :' f , e ars and substance" was rated in Scotland, and it lecturers into the 'manufacturing districts to excite the opera t'ee o hs most difficult and most complicated rates to en late e reason was that it was in the nature of a property- then against their employers ?—but had the Anti-Corn-law s lal a out any of . s e ., eof ~, its e ,, emptions. His Noble Friend had League done the same? No; they had not. They bad sent lead '"e costofthe administration of justice, but he Ilk, tfi fo eh , ho re rget that one-half of the expense of prosecution might be allowed to use the term, blackgua.tded all the land s -e, by the State.— ( Hear, hear.) It must be owners and farmers of the country. They, however, were not L fPete, r ea that if they threw the whole of the content k with td this, but but went further, and told the labourers that as well as straw. Their people had never 1 ; 3 41 1 1 0 ' 1 1 i the State they must have a public prosecutor. s d t o a n c e s an w y ° t e hing of this sort • they had never sent men into the ke 'i s asiti on e sorry to state that this was any objection to the . manufacturing districts, although it might have been easy I"•test ' on the contrary he thought it was one of its k ' te tttio e r s e t e , , °reenend a - tiotis, tincl to one of the . greatest enough to do so, to toll the operative that cotton and such Riot tr im n t h at was ever contemplated with benefit in the pre- like articles would fire as well as straw, or to set the operative d he th theeeri la w w• to congregate in large bodies to coerce they employers, d . e a ad _ .. • . ith reference to the malt-ex, he agreed le slat for of the Noble Lord (Lord Beaumont) that for one trusted they would never . do so, but woul. .and rs' t 'llet r a l 'S a tax paid by the consumer, and that this pursue the dignified course of appealing to Parliament in a tone s'fai t e a , te e s. _,. Y ended to limit the consumption of . barley. tlla w t s a v r a n s e at once honourable, loyal, and constnutional. But l a 1, te e "etcles upon which had been made a reduction of h e d their Lordships not to be induced to vote for the Government measure in the hope that it would be the means . of o r eest e a e al . cie of malt is that which has participated to the ear e Putting down agitation. They might depend upon . it that le 'an eat he remit-ion of duties. At the dose of the eobl (s ae after,at time of the Governrwmt of the f h , e oek - success never did or ever would produce moderation in or out .fle P e `liament. Tke Anti-Corn-law League might . tell them ' 'l6, s e in 1839 the country was subject to a beer-tax. of what ar the liked about their dissolution, but he believed they tat t sh o e war -ta x was imposed. Malt then paid a duty equal r e , i s ae s ge e ° l 4 35. per quarter, while at the present period the. ld never dissolve until they had destroyed the Church, and t ylt . oeuted A v. "' than '. Per quarter. The amount of duty removed is ever y other institution which-they themselves were prepared to aed 1, - n eas b , ' similar article of revenue, th e he d , een removed irom any sa stand by and defend.—( Hear, hear, and laughter.) A Noble e e ow much, even if the whole amooot ofin Scotland. Lord, who , had spoken in the course of the evening, had asked eers Pay ablemaltwere to be, repealed, that the pro t,,,, of li.. - on and The Noble Lord said there were great defects in that law, s o r es i "at article would be in any better condition. , The ea r ee to ' a eharge made by anticipation for a period of from he (the Duke of Richmond) to a certain extent, agreed with d i (Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord, however, shoul pat ordysitabmenths. The Caaltster sells his malt, receiving " 1. to th e remember that it was Parliament that was .respon ,,,Kle on ti a Price of the malt, but also the amount of duty sible for the existence of the defects.—Hear. A Bill epon w l"es a ,, at article. And the consequence is, that hesre this subject was passed last gear, and he could not help think .l., to ea l o c i e nton of the State money equal to one-fourth of' the . ea of the article ; and with that money he could- dl red that 'let h atr.l buy barley at reduced prices. He be.; had gthat the Noble Lord would have better served his purpose m he stated his complaint there. With respect to the malt tti•te aholitio -e egricultural interests could obtain tbe imme- h could not follow his Noble Friend upon this branch . of t h ax, d. s e ussion. He was aware that great difference of opineon tia . °ato ne "' of thls duty, and allow the five millions of duty tec amongst the ,farmers of the. country upon the subject a , it wee at i en that article to be imposed in any other many existed themalt-tax,but Noble Lords • must remember that the es on ea not he so beneficial as the present mode. There ° 1 sur of the overment would render this tax a ied Paolt, how e e to which the Noble Lord had not propose( mea . e, r , , I T . .er, h Gover n had been. The Noble Lord ' great deal heavier t an t a , ' ey the e el melt ster is subject to a tax, paid for the meet. had quoted a number of professors, and amongst . them Mr. i e n v :d k ele _a"roumer, but he forgot to state that he also main. : Graham, a name not very likely to take with the egricultura ia " el-4. s _'eartenopol its of the article. He hal power over all the_ interest, to show that malt was not well adapted to the fatten thtle b y tri,(l distille of the country; and no use could be of • but the farmers of England preferred the . mon? , Enee e ` n a of the pi oduce of the country. In this manner . sag Royal '. ~ this e ' 3, bail , • '. • ' 1 , dh• ' of -the Age ice. Society , lture " The practice of science, a n soeas, ts , e)-grower inaintamed his monopo y, an N .4 - 4 to the theories of science. lie knew a gentleman,. who was e sat. t.e , o, . ,„ e's tax was a positive goad to the proeucer. . most extensive farmer in the county of Norfolk, who had !tons'd by th •i - et any loss alleged to be sustained must be mea tried the experiment of feeding with malt, .and who rn were eteadvantage which would be gained if the restric- . woold tell the Noble Lord that it was infinitely. superior to that r elent teen n a°ved. Inquiries have been made by some very ' f y eher method - he had ever heard of. Before he sat down ativ e ~ , ,,a t by Professors Graham and Playfair, into the alllte re . po t r _ 1 of barley in a malted and unmalted state, for agri- of an t again retest against the removal of the existing pro e'etter i e a Poses, and they were of opinion that it was much c must to native p 'industry ; but he could not do so without at section lion !talo a umealted state. In G.srma there was . no tax time congratulating the agricultural interest that the the same Lordthe late Secretary for the Colonies had vacated his Noble . rotas and n oprohibitionDuties with re ect to its use etir s e , Liet., had . sp • ffice for the sake of principle; and .. was likely to bring the t ea 'r &sek : , ' t i e given a similar opinton. There was an- a of rt s . on nro , t° which he would allude, be meant the exemp- benefit of his great eloquence and ability to the cause f 'Ate ' ua'e and legacy duties. That was a tax which e domestic indutsry. In conclusion, he - could only say that 1 , s quall,... Con sidered as partaking a little of inequality, but the these measures came up to.their Lordships' House he should e eo ,Y was rather to the do his utmost to induce their Lordships to throw them out, to, r'qeitilieiltl • advantage of the landed interest, because he did believe that if these . measures were passed they es." redressee se prineiple,however, of allowing one inequality would entail ruin upon the agricultural. interest, upon the tesid ered : •by another. With respect to that taxation he labourers,upon domestic industry, and inflict injury upon "at a , • u lat tilotlA it was much dwelt upon, it was not so %al • " had been r s .the manufacturers o the coon y. R ene it was rodr . ( presented. Everything was a grievance . e: re he heli er es'•id."-( Hear.) The taxes on agriculturists' discussion which • Earl GREY would nut then enter into a Id hereafter have to be brought before . them, except so far as Iv tit s, Lor,„3, e i d fairly distributed, as they were placed on ter- would express a his concurrence in the opinion of the . Noble Lord te hoh "am._tereounes, ag,ricultural implements, &c. The law ..fe° 1 that when tlie question was decided, it ought to be 1 ee,,, c. I the agriculturists had contained a number e Pposi e, a salaasfor the partial advantage of fele • interest, but for the , 1 te. , . 'lei s ' '"t Wa s s o `jut 11 t settled, not i benefit of allc asses of the community.—( Hear, hear. i ,.. se tette _, -‘u e exceptioaa that it was irnpessible to general e l vee _ red a flag ; but, He was persuaded that when they so considered the subject, at any rate, exec lions were onl • the interest of one, but the in reet, , r of the agriculturists. However, the - lofthese They would find that not y . , e sere `could come under • the oho_e the adjustment of this tt w.... ,0 . . the invest terest of every class was concerned in . .}ears 1° " - rry that in that debat.. investigation of the Committee. show that during the thirty sears N o t r r tained sincer.. respect (Lo -st ble Lord, for whom he gra°. . - t question. They-would a asa t• tthe League.. ti coon had existed, it had been atterided with t e c ,onso 0 (Lo,-,1 e l r Dome) had introduced the; in which proti that body, neither had be any int onteagle)never belonged' constant disappointment, and they had never for five years t.o reor erest in •ofagricultural dm we, he must say that he (lid not lik its concerns ; nay,' gether been free from the pressure extreme 'Y it had done. He must not ' • n e bodies rotting in the tress. He for e would . one undertake to show, when the proper t '''?" l sible for its actions ' 11-""r ' b° ace t d time arrived for his doing so, that this had been the reside of eel. _ . _ hecauen, he chose to ex .oun e re- ~periodprotection li e l s lans l , netthee .did he approve- of the pr r ess these the protective, system. From the earliest ......., con I . had been a failure 'and at different . inteevale metralße. soh Bring sele,ed'onf the cross benches (the -Duke of Ili eh . m o on(l l ) N , 9b .o e had Proatfeed change's; ' and after trying- .one aart afell. r° ,! ( !l s , ° 9 k ith . the past, teresent; and futurettansactions of that b w d ° e after inatli s et, ills Partner found that nose of ahem .eve!..r,,ai i..ed tl,, ; wtsbed to know what had the question of the Lees, o " ' hopes • and now, after basting for a long series of years been (1 11 e ',.‘ b , the subject before their Lordships ?—( C; ,. i ., e ue to his 'to great disaPpointments, they had come to the con '''slf,'-' n ear.") Ilis Noble F r i en d (Lord Ducie) I s iim or subjected vderation of she question whether it would net be better that d atid e adverting to the representations which were m at t; protection should be abolished altogether. .As he had said ap e , h ' at liertons ought to abstain from making remarks "Or; h ' es before, he would not then go into the . discu slop of the quEs ., - tel e Made by persons in another place; but the Noble Lord tion, but when the proper tune arrived, he should be pre set not eds. I a v 0,,, ,P c the advice he had given, ashe had quoted from P meet the arguments of the Noble Duke. He wished o n w edto et c sole a „ e r ai the members of the League. Now he (Lord strictlyto confine himself to the subject immediately before the n House, and as this Committee is not to be considered as eee whiei t ' , ', ) wished to see the League cease, the promoters '' , lr ne believed, • t the men of all others in this a reason . “a,, a we e were jus , for postponing the discussion or settlement of the ow before the country, ho should not offer it great question n . te le , ers),_ were desirous that their labours should end— , ommon interest with the Noble o 'position. Having a c (el e :t r ua4n ri d r,e he believed, rejoiced that their Lordships were ro ) rd Who proposed it, in the prosperity of the land, he greatly am end ' heat, to Ina cause which would extinguish the League lamented that the Noble Lord had . raase dthis question, because to r Mee t ,' With these expressions, h. should move an the subject wasproperly sfted and _ _ re '''' rho following • " '.. • • he was convicted Pra ted. ~ or, nth,, , e effect :—" And also to inquire and . it would be proved. that they, as land- Pre considered, Pre, e aal li s . a l egislative exceptions and pecuniary advantages 1111 ':T . proportion of public instead of bearing a . larger ile q.... : ' l ase in respect to taxation as affecting landed holders, taxation than other *ls ich e tat i el Fe burdens, were . subject to much less His Noble Friend who had du ce h ad 1,, - 'SEX defended Sir R. Peel from the charge classes of the community. that tithes were t on was mistaken in supposing te, the dude 4 ruade against him, that he hal consented to re- proposed the mo 1 forward ,laes e ' or, the • His Noble Friend, however, put tore en ( 1,, , e importation of cattle, but had sustained , a burden upon land. were a burden upon land, tie r , - " aTa:O on corn.illustration to show that tithes an . d tenth of the downer, who was charge a but h requio ue LIN could net but admit that this was a ques. the case of the un Noble , for tithes; and then the .. th e ,' was b u r' th e, deepest consideration of the. Leislature, cloth which he produced . downer could enter into competition t o P r otest I na to en his counter protest, in opposition to Lord asked how the - ra , tio of t h_ er lord ;es. II Noble Lord on the, other side, with respect with . the He milincr that this was a Very plausible argument . . i fter ;a t a . .e ahn e ~ , , I ld not understarst on what graund the Noble tithes. confesse d oker the position of the mill-owner, and make it ae t t 'a e to e th e ,o "2 wed the assertir,74 that the tithes were a fixed but let . them tie s trse,. 'S . ' lon f l ; for ; analogous to the position occupied by the de •be d ' o that position he in something more ,d :sal'ea u ' et bo I b a ' ll " ' n al ' For Lords. A millowner purcnase a piece . of land for the site of ted s am h e ee t ar a ' 0 chief grounds of his argument. mill,and he agreed to pay a charge of .Ipo/. a year. Now that t was es it h ' eatual to assert that the charge for tithes a wanted to know what difference it made to the =Downer onl y t ' r , rent i t 7 , ' if not more high., 'sacred, and indefeasible, he h id 100!. a year to the owner of the site or whether *es held'ook to se 'l• In ascertain; this point, they had whether . . epa h e, t the Pec ul i ar i ty ' s ato • ° r %'ho„ of th e tenure on which the land , e he paid 90/. a year to the it w i th th s a purchaserh facttithe was , fought an estate he invariably I-e was, , . not a burthen upon land, and the land thaae, e nd t a e knewle e e e had r o right to claim compensation for this chat it was burdened with this cull er and occupier andth r e „ b„ ri t , hat whirreielliiturchase e ts as ' c i f '',alleged b •lard was vested jointly in the la.nd cted for a much smaller sum r but den, a ' n ' ti tile former had no. more right t ' h ottpt 9 , `' } '2ar . , ,, d 5 ''', 4 ,)u' :i have had to pay for it had it not "ne' ande for tithe-owner,he charge of the latter than he had . - ' r ail al •°' lh i • - •therefore, have no reason to- to claim compensation . f re Y a te , ec- -en would, ' title to land which did not belong to him. to claim a o - ns hi "l• •aeleht from his funds, which the tither via- to reference to the malt-tax, ho believed that barley was eestle a s , •' -eon the returns which he expected to derive the most profitable article that the farmers could geoW s - and "et, ' .ate' On a fall examination of the subject it 4 . , . pear that , convinced that there was a demand for all the' barley s 'oat toe • • 're was this difference bet :ten tithe and he a ws could be grown in this country. But the Noble Duke loi n , "senses rens •• - -1 , a gee upon the land, which sr era . „ teeand ~ eas sirnp !,, a . c. ~ ~. has told them of the prohibition to feed • s (Richmond) . Pre ts ' i d,,i aed • , fall with . the pretits which were deri ved true that all the most em• cattle with malt. It is perfectly - stee d °T te, laud, ' 0 much of an abstract from the capita orthat. neat chemists have shown, upon scientific principles, inu re , far i t and, tithe,- on the contrary, took a higher et a a'atel e , was not barley_is more 'useful for the fattenaig of cattle than being only a charge upon the land, but one so ed into malt. He (the Duke of Richmond) had tikt.ed fo r toonnected with its original title to tenure, that it turn , stated that the motto of the Royal Agricultural Society is t hi ti,f or n e such accidents, but took the tenth of the pro " Practice with science." Now he begged to inform him whet t he loan!? of those rises or falls were ascertained, that ieartice and experiment had supported the conclusions of er , -ev er r eoprietor ' had a right to claim his share, I t o 'eriar tt, :light .be i' ln a report which had been presented to the House of the results either to landlord science. ens last session, it had been shown that barley, bruised, li on b e a,i',l whatever prices the produce might command. Commons or soaked, was better adapted for the fattening of te m Fri ' C coasumer wfao eventually paid the tithe. His cr t u t s c e 0 ,, . I ;ban if it were converted into malt. Farmers g 'ost„ e a s te 'a °site had said that the consumer paid the cattle ht now boil the malt, and get all the dried, ade b e e t , the a ‘,...that the iteposAion of tithes did not add to the might now from it which they would (skald if Nee in a ee r r l le • lie naoula assume that a mill should be vantagestos convertedh into malt. The ugly thing forbidden by e e _, .ise the :in town, and t s hat by some law the condition im- and til Legislature is the act of drying and converting it into th e S ion ittldwaer should be that the tenth part of every piece malt. e "Experiments had been instituted by these gentleman, aetela,le—sw„e, in that mill s e t mild be used for the benefit o i and the result.had been thatat was the most economicaluse t he _ri , Th _A . ld tile tithe so iin, nosed not add to the cost of the bfattening to arle, not made into malt, , for the perposei of to se ei c e urnt Ner e uarden of one -ten, th would increase the cost . to k In Germany, where there are no fiscal regulations . ''"? r taw ',l i Su l'lnssie that other mill were built in the cattle '''- n 5 -`).l ' t -g • a° bur de n,wouldnot the i affect the practice of fattening . cattle with malt, that article is 444 lilac of that e es o no tithe talc or tused. He entreated their or s 1 S . 4 ' h,. ,i t io "'ill bo , ' , 1)1 , .!ct to un, lersell the first owner, who no as •I t ale to meddle with the malt-tax. In the . A o e sc toe 'tens Pat' ? Ti " - . t he n, looking at those things vernment . d so little upon the public as the malt eroatry, eet te b e 1),„,),',45:,: NTf,4::' s' o oltural community of . this of duties, , none presse is only . a h e rs ,,atele th., . a l)y the age, ..tax. Beer, after all, 1 a luxury. There are other foreign competition;would rather ti arr ees 'tea ee - t onual be e • tj:' they bore ffi • to luxuries to the labouring classes, upon which he i Or, ? , th e i ' 44 •, w ere n ,, posed - t.ley so cunt . l th-e would et tr r stackingas , 4t the burdens et foreign competi- see . e e 1., the du' diminished—tea, coffee, sugar—all these e s ti tt a h ie .a For protection again • - si market, which he nuinately more to the advantage 6 . of the labouring classes, if o i , ee s , oeen ra .' earn was brought into' ti nth of its pro- 1 the duties were reduced upon these ins ea of t dof the malt. They er 0 1 a 8 Lltui,e ited on ground th t'd 1 •"t campeterevenue. He had . ~: e. ,r‘t t ack _. of the charges of a pat . one-te. i 'if , i are ail already too high for the purposes of . an in t) t o ..e., wifassed ors eround c . ultivatien, cools 1 jee 0 , •t t I heard with regret and much alarm of the proposal ten tretees'at, ep a . ete eee ? „ it. __ easily cultivated and s. , t de- ' ere" , P• orr-t - ••• • d e r , fix There had been of late a great . • " • ' —• ' f era • ^a - iasect teem ion and place in iti, Stead as3s. phi: ' (len to remove ee..... .. - -- 0 , 14 -.3? , sr __ ,--, .: Noble Lord who opened the . t , ' .1' . e a _ te r . es ea „e tveily elude a distinctionwith regard to . of direct taxation. —( Hear, hear.) It had been stated that cation (41 4 se ie sem, and , e wutitit re, , . of . tax" . tet avail himself of that distnic a the poor-law imp . I • osed upon real property a tax Gomel to 12 per o ril , ,t it c ertain pa id 1;; 7lie corn-growers. were not for this _ sat. lt must, however, be borne in mind that this charge ;th e ar ge, and ca l's or ," 11, triet, but for the•benefit -of the et not exclusively uponland; houses; canals, n_ a d railways paid one tee!he would ash which of the two stacks of was '• etre/portion. The exemption with referencelo stock in "ae fro la r ge - • ni blirde - aleel the other heavily taxed— . a ' trade extenied equally to the stock and capital of the ( farmer as to the tradesman or manufacturer; but . it yMtsid attended with great d Cathy to meettaln vitltie of the in come of caela party r'esiNr.t IA the parish. The Noble Lord itOrd BZsaileient) had given them a very formidable list of the burdens on land, not excluding the militia-rate, which has net, however, been levied for some years, and which I hope wi'l not be levied again.—( Hear, hear.) Land in this courts try bears a much higher value than it deer in AriaCi'ita Or other countries. In the western pirtS of America the finest prairie land may be purchased for four dollars (about 45.) an acre. Not: land of an equal quality in this country would let at a price of from 40s. to 50s. an acre. What causes this difference? Why does land in this country yield as an annual rent t.betit ten times as much as the sum for thin in America you could purchase the whole fO-simple of a similar quantity and quality in Atterlea? Simply on account of the large population of the country, great markets, and good roads. It is these which give an increased value to land, and it is upon these circum stances which of all others Mr. Geo. Robins, or any other most eloquent auctioneer, would delight to expatiate. In this case then, if thee circumstances tend to improve the value of the estate, is it not perfectly fair that the burdens should be borne by the owners?—( Hear, hear.) He considered, taking the whole of the circumstances into his consideration, that the present burdens upon land were nothing more than payments for value received. He should not therefore object to this Committee. But he warned Noble Lords not to carry the inquiry too far. And there are many persons who will not be wanting, in pursuing that inquiry, to expatiate very largely upon the information which that report may furnish. They would consider that the proportions of the burthen on land in this country was not so much as it was either in France or in Austria. When the land-tax was first imposed in 1692, there was a tax of four shillings in the pound; that tax remains the same at the present period, notwithstanding the value of land—as appeared in the returns made to the House of Com mons—was increased to the value of eighty-five millions ; and that excluding a great amount of income under 150!. per annum. He should not therefore oppose the motion of the Noble Lord. Lord ASH BU RTON considered it paradoxical that the charge upon land in the shape of tithe before the Commutation Act was a burden, while after the passing of the Act it ceased to be so. Their Lordships were aware that before the Tithes Commuta tion Act, tithes were virtually commuted. The land-tax was thrown over by the Noble Lord himself. The poor-law was kept up in America in the same state as it was kept up here. The statutes of Elizabeth, in respect of the poor-laws, were observed in that country. He would say with respect to the land changes—leave them as they are, but give compensation to those lands which had to meet such burdens. With respect to protection, or compensation, or whatever else their Lord ships wished to call it, it was not only due to the land, but if they attempted to take it off they would throw much of the land out of cultivation. There was ne comparison between the land of this country and the land of America. In the rich prairies, of that country land was nothing, but labour was everything. - Lord BEAUAIONT, in reply, said, the Noble Lord had stated that the cost of keeping up turnpike roads was not a bur den on land. Now the cost of keeping these roads amounted to 2,5 - 0,100/., and of that from 1,200,0001. was defrayed out of the funds raised from land. The motion, with the addition, was then agreed to. The Duke of WELLINGTON was quite satisfied, now that the Committee was appointed, no unnecessary delay would that t.,ke place, but that the result of the inquiry would be laid on the table as soon as possible. Lor.t BEAUMONT intimated that no time would be lost in laving the report on the table. ADMINISTRATION OF CRIMINAL JUSTICE BILL. Oa the motion of the LORD CHANCELLOR, the Admi nistration of Criminal Justice Bill was read a third time. of the abolitiou of the cornslatts had but beets etentietv. 4 l iii 1811, the !1 it Might lia.Z.t been rage?, that the question could not be entertained by the present Parliament ; but the question of the repeal of the core-laws was entertained by the electors of 1841, and no Parliament could better decide upon it than the present ; for if they went to the electors again, he was sure a more respectable class omen could net bereteriief.l; nor a elms! in Whoffi e the elektols *mild have More 'coMidente, A great many Honourable Gentlemen opposite were in a pee sit ion to entertain that question. Even at the present moment a gentleman, a candidate for Suffolk, declared to his mangle t mints that he would leave himself open to whatever he shouldconsider best fer the interests hear. Noiv that gentleman, though a protectionist at present , m i g ht, on hearing the question discussed, be induced to give a vete ) for the abolition of all protection. It happened to him (Mr. Gibson) to know that appeals were made on behalf of the Mends of the Right Honourable Baronet at the heed of her Majesty's Government on these grounds as well as on the grounds of peotectioti. It had been tirged in the manufacturing districts that the Right Hohoitsable Baronet and his party would do more for free-trade principles than would the Noble Lord the Me m ber for London and his party, were they in office ; and he (the Hon. Member) was reproached with being one of a party that could not effect so much as the Administration of the Peesent Premier. The supporters of Sir George Murray took that ground ; though every man of common sense knew that the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of her Majesty's Ministry professed freeetrade prin ciples, and that he could do more for their advancement than could Lord Jehn Russell if in power. If there existed a charge of deception or misleading of persons outside that House, that charge should rest against the representatives of the agricultural interest. They made the tenant farmers believe that Parlia. ment would maintain those protective laws. He could only say, that, for himself, he bad advised Hon. Members not to pursue that course . He had advised them not to keep telling the tenant farmers that the Right Hon. Baronet would support those laws. They did, however, pursue their own cour.e ; they persevered in telling the . tenant farmers that those laws would be supported, and they were now reaping the benefit of that perseverance. The Right Honourable Baronet had taken his place in the Ministry on peculiar grounds. When called upon to propose in respect to the law effecting the agriculturist, he was asked to state his views ; and his reply was," call me in, and then I shall prescribe for you." They had called him in, and he had prescribed for them a draught more bitter than therseemed inclined to swallow.—( Laughter. ) They were told that the British farmer was unable to compete with the Polish, because he had certain expenses in the cultivation of the soil which were not borne by the foreign farmer—(Hear)---and that in a farm of three parts arable land and one of pasture, labour rated at 355. an acre, and local taxes at 25., making altogether a tax of 375. an acre. They were also. told that the average quantity of wheat was four quarters to the acre ; !lox, by a common process of calculation, they would find that nine shilling; a quarter on.wheat was :the i!em complained of as constituting the debility.—(Cries of " No, no," from the Ministerial side.) Yes, the other items were borne by the foreign farmers as well as by them, and they had re pudiated with indignation any intention of preserv ing high rents by maintaing protection. Could it be denied that this was a fair statement ? Agricul tural labour in America was much more expensive than it was in England.—(Hear, hear.) It was very well known that the wages of agricultural labourers were at least double in America as compared with agricultural wages in England.—(Hear, hear.) It was urged by the protectionists that they lay under peculiar burdens, but the only local taxa tion which he knew of was ls. per quarter on corn, and surely that could not disable English agriculturists from com peting with those in foreign countries.—(Hear.) It appeared to him a perfect mystery how they were disabled from entering into such a competition. Why, the very fact of the freight of Bs. or 108. per quarter on wheat coming from the United States, together with all other ex penses, more than covered the amount paid by English agriculturists in local taxation. The English agriculturists were protected by the natural comae of things, and they could not rightfully complain of any injustice being done to them by the present ministerial mea sure. He contended, that even if they could show that they lay under any disabilities with regard to the price of labour, they did not pay near as much as was paid by the foreign agriculturist in importing his grain into this country, and they were, therefore, entitled to no protection from the Legislature.—(Hear, hear.) He contended that the foreign coin trade was as goad a branch of industry as the trade in agriculture which was carried on in this country, and that they were entitled to carry on their trade free and unmolested.—(Loud cries of " Hear; hear.") The Hon Member for Hun'ingdon talked of an arbiter com ing amongst us to settle this question by some compromise.— (" Hear," from the protectionists.) If such an arbiter did come amongst them, he maintained that his decision would be un doubtedly in favour of the manufacturers. —( Opposition cheers.) It was said that the repeal of the corn-laws would reduce the value of land, but he confessed he could not see how this could be, for ever since the corn-law question had been agitated land had fetched as good a price as it did before.—( Hear hear. ) Land had been taken at the same rent also as before, and in some cases at increased rentals, and if they had a better test of the value of any given produce, or another that was likely to be effected by a Legislative measure, it was in the willingness or unwillingness which capitalists evinced to invest their money in that . commodity. Well, then, land fetched as good a price now, and tenants were equally as ready to give good rents , as they were years ago. Now this could not be because • they had confidence in the protection party maintaining the:corn-laws; for if they did they would be convinced of the mistake they were falling into, when they remembered that the most eminent statesmen, the Right Hon. Baronet on one hand, and the Noble Lord on the other, were arrayed against them. —( Hear, hear.) All parties were just as ready as ever to invest capital in land, and be could mention an instance which had occurred in the county of Suffolk within a recent period, and which had been communi cated to him by a friend of his, where sixty three land tenants who were paying exceedingly high mitre notwithstanding the rumours about the repeal of the corn-laws, had made agreements for renewing their leases for very long periods, and not one of these 63 tenants had asked for a reduction of rent.—(Hear, bear.) Twenty of them stated that the farmers had discussed the question amongst themselves, and they had decided that they were not justified in calling for `a.'reduction of rent. (Loud cheers.) He was not prepared to mention the name of his friend, but if any Honourable Member required it, he would be ready to communicate it privately to him. Let him ask what was the meaning of all those alarms about the repeal of the corn-laws? were they (the protectionists) not jealous of the advance of trade, and was not that the cause of their resistance to the measure?—(Cheers , and cries of " No.") He should be sorry to see any among the ancient aristocracy of England—the high families of this country—guilty of such unworthy feelings as to be jealous of manufactu ring prosperity. But such, he feared, was the case.— (" No, no," from the protectionists.) Was it not a fact that it was a test of the fitness of a manufacturer to a seat in the Upper House, that he should be the purchaser of an estate ?—( Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Gentleman at the head of her. Majesty's Government, on a former occasion, said that he was sure the repeal of the corn-laws would not be detrimental in any measure to the landed interest, and would not in the slightest degree tend to alter the value of land.—( Cheers. ) That was his (Mr. Gibson's) opinion, and he did not see any reason why the aris tocracy of England should be jealous, as they were --(No no) —of the advance of free-trade principles. He did not see any reason why they should entertain such feelings ; for, after all, he very much questioned, whether many of them were not descended from the manufacturing classes of this country.—(Cheers.) He contended that it had been the system of the country, and could be proved, that possession of land had led to the highest offices in the State. He contended that the landed gentry monopolised to a great extent the principal offices and emoluments in society—(Hear, heir, and cheers)—for it was a boast that they make Ministries and unmake them at their pleasure.—( Hear, hear.) The Hon. Member for Shrews bury had said truly, that " the aristocracy of the country was a territorial aristocracy." All this he brought forward to show the great advantages enjoyed by the landed proprietary of the country. He believed that competition from so many causes being unlimited, that they need fear nothing from the aboli tion of the corn-laws. He did not bring these matters for ward as charges against the aristocracy ; but as far as his read • iug an.d. experienca went, he was led to the cenclusionthat they .had used their functions, for their private and pecuniary interestse and for , the advaneement of their own power.— (Hear, hear.) There was one portion of the 'present question to which lie wished to allude, namely, that, if tie corn-laws were to be totally abolished, why that abolition should not take place at once ?—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") Why should they defer to another day what justice was said to require, and what the necessities of the country peremptorily called for ?—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") Whether the emetgencies of the country did not say that a repeal of the corn-laws was called for. He believed that on entering into a competition with foreigners, they could not do better than take them by surprise by an immediate repeal of those laws.—(Hear, hear.) With respect to the famine which Was expected to take place in Ireland, it appea red to him that in order to make the pre sent measure advantageous t o the exi g encies of that country, not one farthing duty should be kept upon corn. The present argu ments in favour of the measure before the House were highly favourable for an immediate repeal of the corn-laws. The Right lion. Baronet had said that about two months ago it was almost necessary to open the ports. Nothing would do now but a settle mcnt of this law, for while any - thing in the shape of a duty on corn W. maintained, the agriculturists would be continually complain ing. Ile wished to settle the question by an immediate repeal, for he was sure the agriculturists would not benefit by a continued duty. Those who were looked to by the country In this arouse to get rid of those laws, would certainly take the sense of the House on an immediate repeal. The question was now before the country, it had forced itself into this Honse in the teeth of an adverse majority. The question was there in spite of them, and it never would have been so had it not been backed by the opinion of the country.—(Hear.) lie believed that if any motion of theirs could endanger it, it would be thrown Out by the House of Lords. The measure was not carried by the present Parliament, it was not carried by any politicians either in or out of the House ; it was carried by the voice of the country if it were carried at all—(lleer, hear)—and unless it re!ted on that substantial base it would fall. Did they wish to.know what public opinion was ? There was no better barometer of that opinion measures were agitating the public mind, than the Right lion. Gentleman. — (Hear, hear.) If they wanted to pu f hl oo le ,i 4 ence Vicar, hear, and cheers) — know what gre at conduct, for he had measured let them look to his • o ion e ees ta talked °they would not Its public men, they should speak of that confidence themselves p in opposition s which inquiry would rove to be neces to, or resist the change the way for public men to acquire that confidence le conjuredextrem f el t y h h c e w n e o ti rk e sary. That was . rings ty L t a terly public men had and not by the maueew , e they cheers) — and j w u i s i t e l l y t attpciy*eelated pursued this course; sought not so much for the old party words which could not be defended with ial. lie did conjure the I a this question. He them g classes into action upocredit,notto heap them with defeat d disgrace, lie an and which could only they would not be discharging their t'uty to the country should think that length of time to elapse before they pro country if they allowed anythose artful deficiencies which they saw pro vided some remedy for face, and which were stated to the House the of Whig and Tory, ainnuilsothenoctontsneqrnal staring them in the • of State for the Home Department. other night by the Secretary ad told Biel • n that he expected nothing That Right lion. Gentleman Irelandi prolong the conflict during the coming summer.—(Hear, less than a famiue in ..ts a most urgent reason why they should hear.) That, therefore, N t s iOn of Parliament tth esent time not consent to lii 0111119 side of the House e p i r orted the Go (Cheers.) Hon. 1) present Members question, not e be a c a a P u ' se they be - - vernment on the se a on public opinion, but simply be lieved it was the pr • t ' present Parliament was bound cause they believed to n provide a reedy for the p resent national emergen c y b y the in l measure, and they believed that that remedy troduction of a national ki (Cheers ) implored Hon. Gentle should be provided quic their . present futile opposition to the carry- . 1 men opposite to abandon hear.) He calk upon them once more in; of this measure.—(l ea s t ider that te really had no right what before he sat down to eon.. lay down the n ce nditions under which the • ever wider the aim to manu f ac t u rers and merchants of this country should carry on their tight to Importation into nos' country Foreign corn had as ni ll let or undrance as they themselves' country free of a . t their own • red had a right to cultiva e their present /mi t t t theta, therefore, ta vere ent i tled to antiquated pretension, that theyti al.ould be say under what carried on. lie called upon Bons the trade of this eoun ry them to he satisfied with th and yof a quiet enjoyment of their commerce that hin freedom. own estates and to let trade . rls felt himself bound to vote against the Mr. IIItLSEY said be , Met be • h measure• Certain 0 rs on the opposite side of t e present , • CI sto those on his own side, but House had imputed imp P, tes e what Justice . —Meer hear.) If Noble Lords he would ask, with I o II would attend to the details, t u ( find that the difficulties o. By reduced Those burdens which the question would be hialer. l indwe * • were alleged to be peculiar afforded re amply compensated for by by the law as it now stood ; the protection which was protection were to be lowered, and the capital . and if that pro invested in land were to be . renced f in value, an ample compensation would be made by the remtsst; 9 that portion of taxation which • la presSed upon it. hfist there was protection there was partieu . • w h e n the protection was removed, and in the eventoftiopeculi ar burdens; a total repeal, it would be necessary to relieve real property from some of the impositions under which it now laboured. Ito considered that one of the greatest evils that would follow the '11! The Duke of RICHMOND moved for certain returns re garding local taxation from the year 1821 to 1845,—Agreed to. The Earl of ST. GERMANS brought in a Bill for the better protection of life and property in Ireland, which was read a first time. _ The second reading was appointed for Monday next. The other Bills on their Lordships' table were then ad vanced a stai4e, and the House adjourned at a Quarter pas- Nine o'clock. HOUSE OF COMMONS, Monday, Feb. 16. THE ADJOURNED DEBATE. On the order of the day for resuming the adjourned debate being read, Lord MARCH said he could assure the House that t wss not his intention to enter at any great length into the consideration of the question then before it, or to trouble them with any statistical de tails, as Honourable Members who preceded him on Friday night had gone so fully into the matters that he should consider it presumptuous in him self to follow in that course. At the close of the de• bate on Friday night a Noble Lord, the Member for Dungannon, astonished him (Lord March) not a little indeed (Hear and a laugh) although irons the recent conversions that he had noticed he ought not to feel surprised.—(Hear, hear.) That Noble Lord, in the short. period of one month, had made two speeches in that House, one on either side of the question.—(" Hear," and a laugh.) However, it was not for him (Lord March) to say to what that change in his ideas was owing ; but he should say that he did not seem to have attended to the debate, for his speech had been al most one-sided. The lion. Member fur Bridport had made a statement, and he (the Noble Lord) wished to urge on him the necessity which every man of honour in that House would admit to be correct, that no man should make a statement in that House withoutbeing fully convinced of its truth and accurrcy. He stated that a Noble Duke, who was a member of the Administration that passed the Reform Act, threatened to swamp the House of Lords. lie must appeal to the Hon. Member whether the Noble Duke did not resign his seat in the Cabinet when such principles were broached, and ho was sure that if the Hen. Member was present, he would bear him out in that statement.—(clear, hear.) He believed the Noble Lord, the Member for the city of London, would bear him out in that statement. Now, with regard to the immediate question before the House, he believed that it would be the ruin of the agricultural classes of this country. It was said that free-trade would be of im mense advantage to Ireland. This he could not believe, for he had not heard of the Hon. and Learned Member for Cork taking part in the debate. During the five nights 'die question had engrossed the attention of that House, the Hon. and Learned Member had not risen in his place to state that her Ma jesty's Ministers were about to confer a great advantage on Ireland.—(Hear, hear.) The Hon. and Learned Member had done no such thing. The Right Hon. Baronet at the head of her Majesty's Ministers had said that the agriculturists should lay out more capital on their land in order to make it more profitable. lie had said that the agriculturists did not yet know what great benefits were to be derived by the improvements in chemistry, as applied to land—that they were yet in their infancy. He (the Hon. Member) m iintained that if they were in their infancy, they required protection The Secretary of State for the Home Department, in the speech which he made the other night, stated that the feelings of the whole bulk of the community were in fa vour of a repeal of the corn-law. Now he would main tain that the contrary was the case, and that the great feeling of the country was in favour of protection. — (Hear, hear.) It was his opinion that the measure of the Government was opposed to the wishes of the peo ple ; and if the Right Hon. Baronet wanted a proof of his statement, he would only refer him to the elec tions about taking place for Gloucester, Sussex, and DJrsetshire. An llon. Gentleman opposite men tioned the city of Chichester ; but he would tell him that in a canvass made by his brother for five days in that town there were net over twenty gentlemen in favour of free trade. There was a show of hands cer nproottdieiviolintzerctd tainly in favour of the measure.—(hear, and cheers.) His brother offered Lego ,to tampon, but the free traders refused, from the bast tieesibie reasons, because they aver_.. certain of being , Jacaten.-;beaten. -) Neither the ' Chaocellor efeelie Exchequer nor the Chancellor of the Duchy of taticestei had as yet de livered their opinions on this subject. He would wish to know if they had changed, and what motives induced them to support the Government ? The Noble Lord did not say that in the year 1841. He was then an advocate of protection to agriculture. It was no concern to him (the Earl of March) how the Noble Lord at that time chose to pledge himself to his constituents. But he (Lord Lincoln) pi a l‘ v ao as tm s ni e btge n :r t a tpfofraoor,p.mt party Parliament a favourm f o o r tagricultural the purpose of f r 0 tc c protection —( Hear) — of on following _ (aHndear")—p of Governmenthic the w ß tah i ts g he l e i a t ncppli protectionists.) oy o nt n seue o c t fdt i r o a Lth l i noi l s e nt dsb ß .oa) a n r t. o h n e e t head.—(Cheers d t ( h c e h a e d a roof andthe Thatthat party party was ativa cer tainlyeatdteiddl his Nobleu:sr Russell) pl hoo a t nr h dds e; (Lordbs e t strongest o alterednf e opposed to the proposal of the Noble Lord the g h e t e s h taa Lincoln)ni r d otph manner.opinions o t n h any s e r or impure p o t " b h r l Noble motives o question he conceived that they were bound to consult their changing b g g t n h: constituents, and see whether they approved of the change.--; (Protectionists' cheers.) Their constituents sent them to Par liament to protect agriculture—( Hear, hear) —and they were therefore in honour bound to support that in terest.—(hear, hear.) The Right Honourable Baronet at the head of the Government, vi hen he was member for University of Oxford, and chose to alter his opinions, at once resigned his post. The Noble Lord (Lord Lincoln) in the year 1841 had addressed his constituents in different language to that which he now held. He then said that free-trade was all humbug—(Laughter)—and that if protection were to be taken off agriculture, it should also be taken off every article of manufactures, to every one of which a large protection was at present given by the Government.—( Hear, hear.) Now, he opposed the measure of the Right on. Baronet, because he (the Earl of March) considered the principles of free trade which were advocated for corn were equally favour able and good with respect to every other article.—(Hear.) He opposed the speech of the Right Hon. Baronet (Sir R. Peel), because it put forward no new arguments on the sub ject. It was not his wish to sacrifice one classof her Majesty's subjects in the country for any other, because he thought the interests of the agriculturists with those of the manufacturers were closely and ihtimately united. He thought what was in jurious to one class, was equally so to the other. He found it impossible to advocate the measure before the House, from the. speech made by the Right. Hon. Baronet himself, if there were uo other reason ; but when he (the Earl of March) felt that it Was wrong on principle and in justice, and detrimental to all classes of her Majesty's subjects—Cries of " Oh, oh'' )-- he could not sanction such a measure.—( Cheers. ) Mr. BAILLIE COCHRANE said he did not wish to misrepresent the conduct of the Noble Lora, and that he was sure the Noble Lord would do him the justice of thinking so. It was stated by the Noble Lord, that a certain Noble Dtike stated that he would not oppose the creation of Peers, should such be necessary; and it appears that such was proposed to be done. Mr. GIBSON said it would be unnecessary for him to detain the House at any great length en the subject of the corn-laws. The rrvain object which the party with which he was connected had in view, was the abolition of all protection, and in that re spect lie should be always happy to go with the Noble Lord, with his friends around him. But the question before them was not protection to the manufacturers, but wheth er they st,,,id resolve themselves into a Committee of the' whole House to take into consideration the duty which regulated the imports, with a view to a repeal of these duties.—( Cries of "No, no.") He imagined that each part of the Right Hon. Baronet's plan would be discussed separately, and he imagined that the question before them was the question of the corn laws.—(Hear, hear.) He thought the question of what Ministers had said at former times, or the relations in which they stood to Hansard, was really of small moment to the more important question of whether it was right or prudent to cepeal'he corn-laws They told him that the present Parliament %Nes elected to maintain protection, aml therefore this Parliament could not deal with the question of protection, because that question was settled et the general election of 1841. Now it was because the question was settled at that election, that he thought the present Parliament was the best fitted to decide upon the propopition before therm If the cietetion trtnitieteill of tills seleaSsire voilid .be, the fast that there #ailltceist thioug - wee the country . n want of cenfidence iii theeionfestions of pudic men ; and while it Wolin t bi to ref:lnce the standard of public morality, it would deprive any Alminisrtatiou that bet M.:teeter might tierce er form of its best and surest element of strength. They had been told in a triumphant tone that they did not atteed there as the delegates or the mouth-pieces of their constituents, and he ,perfeetly aetreedi with. , this staeeshent ; , hut in doing so he must s'4e..eS, Isionoufhle INeetelseea e that the m. did there as the delegates ot Mouth-pieces ..,of c 4 r 111,, Prime Minister; and if anything could justify,. the practice of electors demanding pledges froni new, representatives, it would the state Qf thiriss the then existed in that Hoose. The Right lion. Bareliet, liad intornied.thern that thethanee ip his opinions was preis cipally caused bey the .aPprelieliSion that n famioe, would. be the con sequence of the paftial fallrife of the rotate, crop.tu Ireland. Now he did not for a moment wish to speak with feeity noon a subject thet affected the lives of millions of his fellow countrymen, bdt he dill say that the opinions of the Right Hon. Baronet were not well founded; end be for one did not entertain apprehensions to the same extent hearl Theee wane. another subject on which he wished to call the attentioh of tilli 11,dins4S1— Wear) There were a body of men calling themselves the Anti-Corn-laeis LeaectiF; and the Ilan: Gentleniani the Firat Lord of the Treasury, boasted that lid had phi doWel all egitatidn in this country—(Cheers)—but had they clot collected lafge enms of Money—lied they not distributed agents through every part of the lartd—hid tliey slot made speeches, and were they not tampering in the elections of Monthere fdr that Ilotise ?-s•-(Ilear; hear.) Had they not collected means to inflileride the eleetiela df Reuther's ter that House? He was at a loss to know, *ere thoSe proceedintgs legal It-10re they honest? —were they just ?--eveie they Mir ? And lie hoped, if they wets nut legal; measures would lie taken to put a stop to gueli improper biter fetefice AS laid tho freguentle tfikeit plate. Ile hoped the Govern ment Would bring forstatid a measure Which ardiild pirefent snob proceedings iii futiire.—(Cheera.) It was not his intention to mita' Into the policy of that measure, which was supporting free trade et the expense ?Attie agriculturists of tins country. If free trade was beneficial id one article, he did not see why it was not beneficial in every other article. It was Well-kninVit tie the Right, lien. 'Wristlet that the grdwth of tobacco would be a most pfofiteible crop in this country, tint this free-trade measure would not allow it to be vfited here.-(Cheere.) HOW Was that? Would the Right Honour- able Bardnet inform there ? Ht Mitt that edneicleidtionsetoed in the way. Would the Right Hon. Baronet inform that liCtise what was the amount of revenue which would justify free-trade principles ? The Right Htliwarable Baronet had reduced the duty on foreign bops one-half, hilt he had laded ih rata 1W a reduction of those duties which pressed so heavily on the agriettitafal chlestee. ale had hoped that some teductien would take placd iii the Excise duty Oil htipe; hilt he , timid hoped in van—(Cheers.) What cetild the Eight MM. liaronet'e reaeori be for all that—was it that he was afteld to carry out his own pfinCiplist?—(!leaf.) Ile did not stand there as the advocate of free trade—(as we understood the Hon. Sletnber)—bilt he teas there to advocate, in an humble and honest way, eqtial jtistide and prethetithl Et all classes.—(Hear, hear.) He was certain the House would bear liint out When he said, that if protection -shoal be taken front agriculture, it should not he conti tied towards other interests.—(Hear, hear.) There was ano ther matter which he wished ttf bring to the mind of the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of Government. He had told therit that he could not calculate the price of wheat on the passing of the present measure; now, should that crop fail to a large 'extent, would the Wight Hon. Baronet say on What basis he proposed to settle the tithe commutation ? (Hear, hear.) They had been told that the revenue would not be effected ; but giving the Right Hon. Helmet credit for the greatest amount of political sagacity, it would not be too much to say that lee might be compelled to carry his measures still farther.— (Hear, hear.) lie was aware of the little weight that attached to his opinions ; but he should say that, because lie believed the measure to be injurious and ruinous to the labourer and the artisan—because he believed the measure would tend to subvert the present system of society and en danger there most valued institutions ; because he believed that the time for the introduction of the measure was not saleable, as cer tainly was not its proposer—(A laugh)—because of all these rea sons, he should give the measure, perhaps a weak, but decidedly a consistent, opposition.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. DICKINSON said that part of the speech of the last Hon. Mem ber was net what he could agree with. The Hon. Member had said that if the duty on tobacco was taken off it would be of great advan tage. He could not agree with him, for if the duty were to be taken off altogether he doubted If the trade could he carried on with any profit to the country. The Hon. Member had also alluded to many who had spoken in support of the present measure, as leaving done so because they feared that no other Ministry could be formed to • carry on the Administration of the country. He (Mr. Dickinson) lied not formed his opinion on such a ground. Ile supported the measure of her hlajesty's Government because he thought it a good measure and suited to the wants of the country.—(Hear, hear.) Ail persons' minds were now made up On the question ; Hon. Members were prepared to take one course or the other. He considered that if the lovernment went out upon this measure, a great and lasting injury would be Inflicted on the country. Ile sel dom trespassed upon thetime of the House ; and he now only rose t tell those who had returned him to Parliament how far he had changed his opinions, and also to give an opportunity to the speech•• makers to smite him as they had slanted the members of the Govern ment.—(Laughter.) But it seemed to him that there had been seve ral speeches made during that debate perfectly inconsistent with that feeling of generosity which should animate Members of that House.—(Hear, hear.) He saw that the temper of the House had changed; and he, therefore, abstained from giving any opinion at the hustings by which lie might be held to vete in that House in favour of agricultural protection. He con fessed that his opinions had changed, and that ho was now prepared to give his cordial vote in favour of the present mea sure. —(Opposition cheers.) The reasons which in general seemed to weigh with him most at a former period in favour of a mainte tenat.ce of the corn-laws, were, that he feared that any change in them would result in an injury to the poor; and he, for one, thought that the supply of food should be es regular as possible, and that it would be inexpedient to a country like this to be forced to depend upon foreigners for foot —(Pretectionist cheers.) He must now, however, confess that those reasons had lost much of their weight.— (Cheers from the OpposPion.) It seemed to him that the best way of securing permanent and regular supplies was to give the greatest possible facility for the supply of corn from as many quarters of the world, and from as different places as possible.—(Opposition cheers.) If they were deficient, or the price should rise to a famine price, they might be sure to meet with a sufficiency of food from places where the atmosphere was snore favourable to the production of corn than that in this country. As to the dependence open fo reigners for Mod, it was urged that we might sometimes be at war with foreign countries, and we should then be in a deplorable condi tion. But he could not conceive that we should ever be so unfortu nate as to be at war with every corn-growing country in the world.—(Hear, hear.) He considered that on the prosperity of the higher classes of this country also depended the prosperity of the lower, and by the passing of this measure the pros perity of time higher classes in this country.—(Hear, hear.) He had heard from all sides of the House—from the Noble Lord who had opened the debate, and the:Hen. Member for Manchester—that it would have been better had the repeal of the corn-laws been immediate; and, in conclusion, he begged to state • that he gathered from the comm unication he had had with his friends in the country, that this feeling was very general.—(llear, hear.) A number of Hon. Members rose to address the House on the last speaker's resuming his seat, but there being loud cries for the new Member, Lord A. CHURCHILL (who was almost inaudible in the gallery) rose and said, that it was not his intention to detain the Hocse at any length on that important occasion, as there were many others who could more ably point out the injury which that measure would do the agricultural classes in this country.—(Hear.) Still he felt ke was right in saying that it was a measure of vast injury to the classes who were depending for subsistence on land.—(Cheers. The measure would throw out of cultivation the greater quantity of the poor land In this country, and would have the effect of depriving thousands of employment who were now dependine on agriculture for their sole subsistence. Sir WILLIAM CLAY-should say, that in the course of the present debate he had been often reminded of an anecdote which was re lated of a defendant in an action, who, not having a case to make, informed his agent that " there were no merits, but abuse the plaintiff's attorney." The question they had then before them was one of vast importance, not alone to that country, but to the world ; and it was not enough for Gentlemen in the discussion of it to indulge in party or personal recrimination.—(llear, hear.) To be sure, such was very amusing—there was nothing more so, or nothing that called forth louder cheers ; and whenever he heard a cheer, when entering the House, and inquired what called it forth, he was certain to be informed that it was a happy hit made by one Hon. Gentleman at another.—(Hear and laughter.) But however amusing that might lee to Hen. Members, he could assure them that parties out of doors cared less than they supposed for their recrimina tion.—(Hear, hear.) One single argument, one important fact, to show that the corn-laws should be maintained, would be worth all the torrents of invective that had been showered.—(Hear, hear.) The Gentlemen who attacked the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of her Majesty's Government had overdone the thing completely. They had proved too much against the Right Hon. Gentleman. — (Hear, hear.) The Hon. Gentleman, the Member for Somersetshire, had stated very fairly the question before the House. Ile undertook to defend protection. He quoted statistics and the " Blue Book' to make out his arguments. lie defended protection gene:ally. In his (Mr. Clay's) opinion, the Hon. Member had not auceeeded. He had failed where his reasoning powers and his eloquence were called into play. He stated that the community at large were prosperous, that all were doing well ; that blessings in fact were showered down, and that all those blessings had been showered down under protec tion. The Hon. Member said that the House was about to take away that protection by which the country had become so prosper ous. For some there was not protection at all ; for others there was a little, and for the landlords there was too much. Now, for the last twenty or thirty years, even before the time of Huskisson, protection had been changing to a gradual reduction. Would the lion. Gentleman restore the East India monopoly? Would he alter Mr. Huskisson's measures? Would he retrace his steps with regard to wool and sugar? If not, with what show of consistency could lie call upon them to proceed no further? Or did he mean to oppose his individual capacity to the tide of public opinion, and say " Thus far shalt thou go, and no farther ?" What, he would ask, was protection ? Stated shortly, it was everybody assisting very body to pay a little more than they were able; it was everybody assisting everybody to misapply their time and capital, or everybody assisting everybody to do something that could not be accomplished. —(llear, hear.) All the great interests of the community were outside of protection, and he did not believe that the I cry of protection to native industry found an echo out of that louse, fele the sprinciples of free trade had taken too strong en s hold - upon the coantfy.Te-(lear, hear.). It was only by.'the preanef tion of industry, by giving 'labour' and-capital . a fair field, and by unfettering, the restrictions of commerce, that the blessings of abundance could be obtained; and the best and highest duty of any Government would be the endeavour to obtain then benefits. The Hon. Baronet had insisted very much on the competition which lied been springing up of late years among the manufacturer s. It would be most important to throw still more widely open the door of commerce, sari thus enable the manufacturers to increase their trade. All the principal manufacturers export a great portions of their manufactures, which would only bear the same proportional value abroad as at home. For instance, if a single bale of cloth were carried abroad for sale, it would only obtain a similar price to what it would have realised In the home market. Was it to be sup posed that, absolutely of necessity, tire wages of lalsour should al ways fall in order to enable the manufacturer to meet the reduced price of Ills produce? The question wa', how was the manufacturer to be best enabled to compete with foreign markets at the lowest price, and how was the labourer to be best provided for at a low amount of wages. The Hon. Gentleman opposite had admitted that the present prosperity of the country was considerable, but had ascribed it to the circulation of money and employment, of labour, by the impulse which had been given to tine construction or railroads. There could be no doubt that the employment of capital and labour in the construction of railroads had done much towards exciting that feeling of prosperity; but that prosperity was only temporary, awl there could be rio doubt that when the excitement in the railway world had subsided, which it would in a very short time, and when labour and capital were no longer necessary, a con siderable reaction would take place, and this temporary prosperity would subside. The measure of the Right Hon. Baronet would then show itself as a valuable resource to fill up the void ; and to employ on the one hand the capital for which there was no longer any call, and on the other hand the labour for the employment of which there existed no use. He believed that the colonies would also be bene fited by the measure Of the Right Hon. Baronet. The increase in the commercial intercourse to becarried on between the mother country and the colonies would be quite sufficient, without having resource to any system of monopolising protection. With respect to the magni ficent colony of India, he should bitterly regret to sec and allow any monopoly of the sugar int erest of that colony, in w n hich a enough large quantity of sugar might b e p roduced. They had seei to e se its o of monopoly in the West In dies, and ha should be sorryer cons tringing effects in the East. As re g arded the gentile lquestion, t he was of opinion that I f there were any single interest in . country which was concerned more than any other in the question of the cor n-laws, it was the interest of the manufacturers.—(llear, hear.) , They wished their capital both at home and abroad—the landownera were always at home.—(Hear, hear.) It was because lee considered that the corn - laws were injurious to the commercial and H manufac turing interest that he wished to see them abrogated. e believed that the landed in terest would not be at all injured by the propos measure, nor did he think that rents would bediminished, agriculture lessened, or land thrown out of cultivation. The farmers would not have to enter into competition with France, with Holland, with to Sp him ain, with Italy, or with an y other great nation; for it appeared that the chief competition would be with a few mallsm dist dr eriaded cts in th d e north of Germany. T hose were the only places e ,an shall the markets in English farmer, the cultivator ofnglisen hesromlp, ' whi s i th e t gg he s, b i es lis t the world, with markets for hi E s gres cattle, his butter, at t he highest prices, with all those advantages, be unable to compete with time poor serfs of Russia . It appeared to him to be most absurd. Tile English. farny f r re i m s thni•mo t b h y ou lo sa n e g d ri m ye il r e s s , away from the farmer of Poland —separate by difficult navigation, and by all the disadvantages which would be et to or popula tion i i l four r thirty e xperienced in bringing, down the produce to the port, where it would then have to be p laced on board and exported.ntehThe tion of Great Brita in and Ireland approximated very millions, and this number was annually increasing hundred thousand, who had to be fed. He believed that the repeal of the corn-laws would not produce any very great diminution in the price of corn. Time advantages which would result would be a more steady price—a continued impulse given to labour, and a much sounder and firmer basis for commerce and manufactures in all parts of the world. These benefits would be the result of the abrogation of the corn-laws, and not any material diminution in tine price of corn. He believed that the landed Interest might rest thoroughly satisfied that their welfare was not in danger. He should like to be informed how it happened that 1,010 acres of English soil was announced as valuable as 5,000, or even as 10,000 acres in Poland or Silesia? Could any other answer be given to this, than that the increased value was owing to the exuberant wealth of this country? The landed Interest, when the great change should occur, need have no appre- Sion. He felt satisfied that Hon. Gentlemen opposite knew that they were oeposing without hope of suecess.—Loud cries 01 " No, no," from the Protectionists.) He would repeat, he believed that the Hon. Gentlemen opposite knew that they were opposing this measure without any hopes of success. Let the landowner lay outlets capital in improving time land ; or let the tenant, by having a sufficient holding, have an inducement to convert his labour and ca pital Inc improving the cultivation of the soil at a sufficient remune ration. If these things were to be done, there would be little to rear for the prosperity of the landed interest.—(Hear.) He had been ali along a sincere and consistent advocate for the repeal of the corn laws ; it was, therefore, unnecessary for him to enter into any personal explanations with regard to the proposed measure. Ile was glad to see it brought eel:weed so triumphantly now by those who hitherto had pertinac , bu t 1 ' w ho s r y l row palC sp, sob le his o ith eN i 9 3 , ritig n 1 ,0) l'O ti g h.3 cif p%Ch iSl' l3r a very „,c e titheotto th' i t I hero d not . c sou tliS eUS ti h w ° " e It ,rt wn in a 11 enter 0 c urs ''.7 id 181 ki o ble the 1 deo he l' nr t hs>' pfet 9 ; ( eft e rC : _A 0°! it; en everv,pegaeion of its introduction to the attention of the 116 use. He had ix ertr.ttst rlr slr..hipronouncinss his entire ap probate:l of the measure of tne lii;..-MSS: feteeert s At present he could only say that be believed the ' measure Was liko . 4ensel* 4 lete country a greater and more enduring prosperity then 4 had ever yet es s ;eySes; &'d that lee shou'd be happy to give it his most cordial and sincere support. SiVeee, one Mr. BUCK, as the represEntative of one oc Ineethifluential &Wives in England, could not allow the present oppee'l!kley toe 4 ,4 e SS leittOnit eddeessing, a few words to the House. Ills constituents were of ePlatedi flee inesesure of the Right Hon. Baronet was boils uncalled for and unjust, and ve6i'e eSs: Messer willing to place any confidence fn a Government which had so betrayed ante—(Hean) Fot his OWn part he considered that the measure would not intbeect the agricultute! enterests more than any ether. It was a measure whose effect would be fel i t he every class in this country.—(Hear.) It see:S no question with them (the kotectionistS) whether they should fieve a sliding scale or a fixed alitee— flint.) lie believed that the eletaastee Would be a most severe blow on the haltestre of the country. It would be e deresseleoty competition on the peft Of this; country with the cheaper countries Of retina and Russia. When ever wheat had been high, pauperism had been iolis and on the other hand; whenever wheat had been low priced, pauperism lied betreased. In fail eueli vinxe Already the result, and those who - War acquainted it'ith the state of the country in the agricultural districts could testify de *8 the Increeee of pauperism of late. He (the Hon. Member) believed that the measure, if carried, would befiefft the manufacturer at the same tithe that it Would ruin the agriculturist—(Heer; hear)—aed therefore it was that they, before giving support to the mestetlfee eneeld appeal to the constittlettey o f the country. c did not hesitate to fen the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of her Majesty's Government, that in the period from 1829 to 183f1, lit did !set enjoy the confidence of the landed preptietary or the Coneeteettives of the country. But in 1839 the Right lion. Gentle man railed a cry_ of ddnget, urged the necessity of attending to the registfy j he rallied it party ; ; they placed confidence in him, implicit confidence in his slnetslity ; end shortly after, when the Noble Lord, the Member for London, brstight in his free-trade principles, that i p l a e :t i y . ' y turned him out of office, and reetored the reins of Government to the Eight Hon. Baronet, with a full majority of ninety.—(Hear, he defies! that Right Hon. Gentleman t 6 net? that, if he had dechtied himself d entspoeter of measures similar to tlicee on which the Notie Lbeda the Mertiber for London was defeated, In! would then have heen elected (heat, lied?.) taut they now had, that Right Hon. Gentleman reineingferleard with freeetrede principles, t o he elre lo d n ifi e l l 6 e r m t b h e e r) fa l ii ve n u e l rs d v o e f i t i i t l if e re ki to gd ar tti r w t tthataottld be t lretadenteodnile athnia tie rdor '. n the passing of these meaelifess—Slicar, hear, and " No, We i ) ifs the statements of the present Ministele fifseee in 1841, the utmost Conti desece was reposed, and on the faith of then' *leerily the landholders expended eke' , fertleng of their capital in the improttneent of their land ; and what IVO the result? Why, that they had cad"' year since, mid in the present YE.'at itiftieelarly, nearly doubled the quails tity of *duce ; notwithstanding whleh the Right Hon. Gentleman came fofveard tied introduced his measures of free trade.—(A laugh.) Hon. Gentlemen ridett latish' but if they had been at great expense in the improvement of their lafide, and were then turned upon in such a manner, at so extraordinary a tittle es the present, when there existed ho reciprocity between them and any one cif the continental countries, lie &nil:lied if they would treat so serious and important a subject With such letity.—(Heer, t ear.) lie had a conversation that morning With a farmer froni neer t leter, who cultivated about 500 acres of lentil and Osi his asking hint hie Opinion as to the result of the present measure. he etetep that he might on every acre lose a potted and gain a shilling; anu finetsets that the result would be that he would be compellsd to convert his derible lend into pasture, and of Mille de rite a number of labourers of the Means of subsistence. —(Heat, beet.) gent, they certainly had a right to eels what Was to become of all iliceie Petsbeis ? It eta! a very serious and lie hoped the flight Iloil. Gentleirtan at the head of the Ministry would give them Kee tiplanetiort out that point.—(llear.) He hoped the present measure would riot niee—(lleitf)—tind he need not say that, if he could help it, it should not Parr-41..Jiteteri and hear, hear.) Should it pass, it would be bu t the corns 'efi.ettteat of a series of the greatest possible diffletilties that ever any 31inistf;f' )laid to contend agairlAt. The First Lord of the Treasury told them that they (the agriculturists) Wefe rio ler ger to hate neoteetion. Ile (the Hon. Member) called on the Mitsistit to remove the burdens that pressed on them, and which were ackndwleciged to be most grieVcitt3 , The duty had been relaxed on articles of manufaetnre•—why not act similarly by articles of agriculture, and let them grove their tobacco and sugar?—(hear, hear.) The Ministry might depend on it that the measure would not allay the spirit that existed in the country until they had conceded every act of jiistita that the landed interest conceived they were entitled to; for he did net believe that any Government, yielding to the clamour of one of the most tirlcottetitee Bonet societies that ever existed, was entitled to the least comtittee ration from the landed proprietary. He called the body an unconsti tutional one. Could it be otherwise than so, when in its ranks were hired alarmists, travelling through the country, and drawing the most appalling pictures of famine at a moment that PrOVi. deuce had blessed them with an abundance, save in the potato ettip ; anti could he, he repeated, call it other than iineoustitutional (Hear, hear, and a laugh.) He sh uld say that the MeeSitre would get a decided negative from him; and he hoped and Deleted that every landed proprietor would reflect seriously before he gave hit support to her Majesty's Government. Lord HARRY' VANE (who was quite Metalline in the gal lery) was understood, to say that, although itheletly an advocate for • reduction of duty on agricultural peedeet, yet he did not advocate the entire removal of all duty. The Noble Lord then went on to say, that notwithstanding theenstile tariffs imposed by other countries, the exports of manufactured articles Into those countries had considerably increased. He put it to Hon. Gentlemen whether they really believed that they would be furthering the interests of this country by continuing their opposi tion to the present measure. Ile put it to them whether, taking into account the conversion of many sober-minded men—(Derisive cheers from the protectionists)—men whose direct and immediate in terests might be supposed to lie in the maintenance of agricultural protection, they thought that they were justified In protracting the present struggle ?—(llear, hear.) He did not mean to impute to Hon. Gentlemen opposite any unjust motives in their opposition to the proposal of the Right Hon. Baronet, but he submitted that every Member of that House should take into account the general feelings of the country.—(llear, hear.) When Hon. Gentlemen on the opposite side of the House saw that the most eminent men in the country had declared themselves in favour of this great change, they ought to be convinced that there would be danger in opposing the present measure. The agriculturists of this country ought to look to the manufacturers! as their best customers. Concnrrent with the prosperity of manufactures would be the pros perity of agriculture. He was anxious thus briefly t o state the grounds of his opinions in favour of the present proposal of her t Ma - jesty's Government. He felt himself bound t o vete in opposition to his Hon. Friends on the opposite side of the House, although it would have given him much more pleasure to have given them his support. —(Heier, hear) —and he was determined to vete for the measure, despite the charges of inconsistency which might be brought against him. He believed that the measure was called for by the circum stances of the country, that it would bring into united action all hostile parties, and that it would conduce to the peace, contentment, and order of the people of this country.—(Cheers.) Sir JOHN TYRRELL said, feeling as he did that this question had been debated to death—(Laughter) —it was with the greatest reluctance that he ventured to trespass upon the indulgence of the House. But he congratulated the House that, at the expiration of this six nights' debate, the Anti-Corn-law League should have thought proper at last to conic to the rescue of this debate; and it was also a matter of congratulation to him that they had not been able, as far as he could ascertain, to show any new arguments or state any new case that had not been over and over again brought forward at Covent-garden Theatre.—(Cheers.) But he ascertained from the Hon. Member for Manchester that some friend of his in the country, when he applied to him about getting over the difficulty of arranging with his landlord, the Hon. Member assured him that the price of corn would not be very materially al tered in consequence of the proposed measure.—(Laughter from the Protectionist benches,) The Noble Lord the Member for London, in an early part of the debate, gloated over (which he had every right to do) the motion of the Hon. Member for Sheffield (Mr. Ward) about the peculiar burdens of land having been rejected on his (Sir John l'yrrell's) side of the house. The Noble Lord was pleased to impute the most unfair views to lion. Gentlemen who had resisted' that motion. He understood the Noble Lord to say that Hon. Gen tlemen opposed the motion because they were ashamed of their case and statistics, and that they sheltered themselves under the cry that it was merely a clap-trap motion. Now lie (Sir J. Tyrrell) did think it right that the )louse should be aware of the early history of that case ; and in these days of confession and explanations—(Laughter) — and of political tergiversation—(Continued laughter)—lie also should, hi his opinion, be permitted to make his confession and explanation. — (Laughter.) It was perfectly well understood in that House that the motion in question was called a clap-trap motion.—(Several Hon. Members of the Opposition, "No, no.") The Hon. Member who then had the confidence of the party to which he alluded, felt the force and intention of the motion. The Right Hon. Baronet, now at the the head of the Government, when lion. Gentlemen en the same side of the House had his confidence, called thirty or forty Members of the agricultural interest together, and it was then resolved that the moil in should be opposcd.—(Langhter.) The Right Hon. Baronet urged an opposition to the motion, on the grounds that it would dis turb the social relations and happiness of the country. lie (Sir J . Tyrrell), however, held a different opinion. —(Haar, hear.) The Government, in bringing forward the present measure, thought that they could administer doses of opium into the mouths of lion. Mem bers, and delude them into a support of the scheme. The Hon. Member then proceeded to complain of the alleged dictation and im periens conduct of those Hon. Members who sat on the same side of the House, who he asserted were scarcely permitted by the Right Hon. Baronet to express their opinions on any subject whilst he was their supposed leader. One would think (said the lion. Member) that they were as much entitled to express their opinions as the Right Hon. Baronet. Hon. Members on his side of the House had also a right to complain that the lion. Member for Wiltshire (Mr. Sidney Herbert) had been put forward to speak in support of the measure, whilst other Right lion. Members, who were Members of the Government, and much more experienced, had as yet been silent upon the question. —(Hear, hear.) lle could perfectly well under stand the policy of the Government in putting forward that as piring young statesman.—(Laughter.) The policy in his opinion was this, that, as he was a deserter it was advisable to put him in the front ranks. It had been said that the present proposal was offered as a great settlement. Now he confessed that it was quite unreasonable to expect that the agriculturists should accept it as such, for the terms of it were less advantageous than those offered see the wont Member for Stockport, who, he wa s sorry to hear, was ble from indisposition to occupy his seat in the House.—(hear, hear.) Did not lion. Members expect that if this measure was passed, the Noble Lord, the Member for the City of London, would come forward with a proposal to abolish the differen tial dutieslon sugar ?—(Cheers.) Had the Hon. Member for Stockport accepted the reins of office which were offered to him a few months ago, he would not have had the courage to propose so bold a scheme as that of the Right Honourable Baronet. Ile would have been seized with the delirium tremens.— (Laughter.) The Noble Lord the Member for the City of London, who took high ground in Scotland, but was obliged to take occas'on ally to occupy a mole-hill, was also frightened to form an Adminis tration.—(Laughter.) He (Sir John Tyrrell) for one regretted much that the Hon. Member for Stockport load not taken office—(Heer, hear)—because the plan that he would have proposed would have been far more comprehensive than the present ; it won'd also have been more intelligible.—(hear, hear.) Having propliesieg that the sugar duties would fall on the passing of this measure, he would ven ture to make another prophecy.—(Derisive cheers.) He would rather,. he would say, beg to allude to a most extraornary prophecy Wilieb. had been made by that amiable and talented Divine, trfoieneltatheaDdra. Arnold. That Divine said that the Right Honourable la er the great idea about the currency, but about the min.!, laughter.) Church he bad no idea at all.—(Hear , That learned divine also said that the Right tiein, one who would always yield to clamour. The Ri g ht ofposterity. Now stated that he was anxious to have the approbation rilaTlnoent, 71 .4 ,:r0te 0 t he (Sir opp O t t 0 7_1 ) )( L c o o u n drecsed laughteri i his .Liosnlyaoliliesitdhestopfotshteerhitlyouinseig)—h fthave that posterity, he repeated, might soon have the opportunity' o expressing their opinion of the Right non. the Member for te City of London and the Right Hon. Baronet, in conspiring with the Anti-Corn-law League to abolish protection to agriculture, would recollect a passage in ancient history, which he would take tile liberty of quoting. When Cassius—(Laughter) —contemplated the betrayal of Cmsar, he did not dare to do so until he had first gained over Brutus to his cause—(Laughter)—and so he (Sir J. Tyrrell) would say that the Right Hon. Baronet would not have tared to proposert the present measure until he had first gained the suppo of the Duke of Wellington —( .Laughter.) It was his sincere conviction that if the House of Commons should proceed to abolish the corn-laws—if the House of Lords should also proceed to register a verdict in favour of the present measure, the lower, rural, and upper classes of this country would be rendered miserable indeei ; and in carrying it Parliament would show that they were ready to concede any measure which the lawlessness of anarchists might dic tate.before p t hr count Ju n k o rmy r E a h n y sa ds fasui, said fl u r t. e r e i ea G dt •li he a e co r n tud e lad l t sl e w u pi o np o u ur d rt3 b , t. e a ( b e l Such a state of things would be produced that neither the ) measure, and therefore. never changed on this question. W m ith o respec e t . , Irow e that he had always voted in favour of freedo p ever, to those Hon. Members on the ether (Ministerial) side of the House, who had recently become conve r t s t o f ree t ra d e , it might well be said— present e h e s e thefer snt trade. remedy " Tempera mutautur, et nos mutamur in The Hon. Member who had last addressed the House had said that the House might exp ec t an a b o liti on of the sugar duties If this measure passed; but concerning the sugar question, Mr. M'Gregor had brought f orwar d ma ny able statements, and he clearly showed that the sug a r d u ties and slavery ought to be placed in the same category,—(Hear, hear.) The sooner, therefore, that those duties were abolished the better, for the credit of the country. He was rather desirous, if the House would favour him with their attention, to refer to the progress of public opinionupon this question. In the year, 1831, ho had the honour of seconding a motion for the total repeal:of the corn-law, and he found on reference to Hansard that he had the good fortune to make use of several of the arguments which had been so lately used at Manchester, and which were now become so popular. The motion was brought forward by the Hon. Member for Preston, and he had but one solitary Member supporting him, the late Member for Bolton. They were opposed by almbst every other Member of the House, and the question was carried against them by a majority of 194 to 6.—(Hear.) But let them look now at the position of the question ; it would be carried by bundrets. He did not blame the changes of opinion which had taken place ; he believed those changes to be occasioned by sin cere conviction, but he heartily rejoiced that he was of the same opinion now that he was when he first entered that House, twenty six years ago.—(Hear, hear.) He could not agree in the opinion that the agricultural interests would suffer by the passing of this measure. He believed those sufferings, if there were any, had been greatly exaggerated, and lie believed that the abolition of the corn-law would be conducive to the well - b ein g of the strugglilt ng masses of this densely-populated country.— (Vear, hear.) was gratifying, however, for a public man, and more cspeci..N, for so bumble an individual as himself , to know that he had been aN " The applause of listening senators to command." —(Great laughter, in which the Inter vening line was lost.) " To scatter plenty o'er a smiling lam!, And read their history in a nation'e eyiets." • --(Great laughter and cheers.) obtain one mover, teen short years ago, this great question c dmvu with stating one Seconder, and live supporters? liditsient which would endanger oiay be believed that that he would not support any • amen What, coutd_ the safety of the measure. address the House, but gave way to Several Afembers here rose to R aker, two subjects of great import- Sir ROBERT PEEL — Mr. rit:t e t of the House during the present de. awe have occupied the attention which a party should be con the manner hate. The one, the measures by which the contingencies ducted ; the other, gamityhld be sou mitigated, and tale • of a great public c prin- i 4 hinle the commercial policy of a great empire shall the the' j n y t t, : c o r i f t a ti:: f t: t i i n t i e s future to collatlkeit --(Hear, hear, and cheers.) On the first point, time er ,It:lTtr.to:ceil;risihtoslnpslelst.bboalndicloonniai,dtteuse.atied, by far the I_lf: l er e ; a tei ta s P a e g ot .i l ti se v r ri tiv; te r t es a t i i , e d ns iin to pe s n ' d li i i n c g h e t a t i : g -v e e r li : n a e l t r a l e i ic a l t d s d e 3: l l l La me e sr* u p o r d fri i e n (tt c (st 1 ,. . t4r 7 s ,L;;: ; ‘ - 1. 1 i. t e) 1 which l a ; tunust a ni i i i carried aakt et r,e little di . defence ulure t unfortunateob ent t at once Ihitt it Is conduct of these measures—that is so far as the corn-law is eon (Trued—should haste been committed to other hands—to such as WO been its consistent advocates. It would have been far preferable that they should have the credit—lf any credit there be—that they sifottld bare the final adjustment of the question. When coeselted I said so, and I was prevented from committing it to nther hands from the conviction that a part of this empire was threatened with a great calamity, Ido firmly believe that there is iinpending over US, and that it will come at no remote period, a calamity which all will bitterly deplore—(Hear, hear)--and I do think that while theta Waft a danger, and while I had hopes of averting it, that it would not be consistent with my duty to my Sovereign, nor my pub lic honour as a inati, to evade the difficulty 1 saw impending.—(Loud cheers from bath sides of the House.) While 1 retained a hope of avetaises the coming evil, I thought there was a prospect of bringing this questien to a successful issue, and I therefore took the cull, at opportunity that I could, consistent with a sense of duty, of tender ing my resignation to the Queen, and leaving her Majesty the full opportunity of calling to her counsels other advisers. I offered no Oertiton as to that claiLe. It is the only act which is the personal act of the Sovereign.—(Bear, hear.) It was tor the Sovereign to determine on whom confidence ought to be placed. It became my duty, in consequence of the commands of her Majesty, to ascertain whether those of my colleagues who differed from me were either prepared themselve3 to form a Go vernment, or whether they were prepared to advise her .Majesty on the formation of a Ministry.--(llear, hear.) Those from whom I differed, and who did not concur with me in the full extent of dan thatger which menaced, or the course of policy I proposed, oensidered it Wotlld not be for the public interest that they should form it Government, nor were they prepared to advise her Majesty to call other hands to her counsels. Her Majesty therefore determined to call on the Noble Lord oppeseite to undertake the duty of forming an Acirninistration. (Hear. hear.) I was relieved from the responsibilitieS of office. The Noble Lord was sent for, and I firmly believe that he would have been equal to the emergency, and that he would have succeeded had he undertaken it. In a long course of opposition, I cannot charge myself with having ever said a word disfespeetthl of the Noble Lord, nor do I recollect anything ever p4ssing between us likely to lead to a remembrance. And when Ire was lent for it was my firm conviction that be would have undertaken the duties of a Government. Under the in pression that I was in the mere capacity of a private member, and aware of the necessity of a final adjustment of this measure, as well as the difficulties which would surround any man who would undertake the Government, I thought it dishonourable not to take those steps which I saW would diminish those embarrassments. I have not one word of complaint to make in reference to the state ment made by the Noble Lord. He read one letter, of which he had a copy, and he referred to one of which lie did not receive a copy. His general statements were perfectly correct, but this letter, which has not been made public, is of primary importance, and I feel it my duty to refer to it, in order to show that I deprecated the settlement of this question by my hands.—(!tear, hear.) I think it right to state to the House the course which I pursued. I relinquished office on the 6th of December, 1845. I knew then that those of my colleagu s who differed from me had declined to form a Government. I was aware that it was not done by my advice, and out the Bth of December I considered myself to be in a private capacity, and having given my opinion in the:Cabinet that the questiommust be adjusted, I wrote the cmimunication to her Majesty, which has been made known to the Noble Lord. On the Bth of December I felt it my duty to make a communication to her Majesty on the subject of the corn-laws—that great question ;Odell has been long agitating the public mind:— " Whitehall, Dec. 8. ,4 Sit Robert reel presents hi 3 lineable duty to your 3lajestA and. influenced ley no other motive than the desire to contribute if possi ble to the relief of your Majesty from embarrassment, and to to the preteetion of the public intereAs from injury, is induced make to your - .X,i)esty this confidential comumnication explanatory of Sir Robert Peefa petition and intentions with regard to the great ques tion which is now agitating the public mind. " roar Majesty can, if you think fit, make this communication known to the lid-ulster who, as successor to Sir Itabert Peel, may be Honoured by yetis' Majesty's confidence. " On the Ist of NoVember last Sir Robert Peel advised his col leagues, on account of the alarming accounts from Ireland, and many districts in this country, as to the failure o f the p otato crop from dis ease, and for the purpose of guarding against contingencies, which in his (pinion were not improbable, humbly to recommend to your Ma jesty that the duties on the import of foreign grain should be sus pended for a limited period, either by order in Council or by legisla tiVe enactment; Parliament in either case being summoned without ,elan ; At Robert Peel foresaw that this suspension, fully justified by the tenor of ;AO report to which he has referred, would compel, during the interval of suspension, the reconsideration of the corn-laws. "If the Opinion of his colleagues had then been in concurrence with his own, he was fully prepared to take the responsibility of bllS pOnsinm and of the nscessaty consequence of suspension, a compre hensiVO feVierr of the laws impog!ng restrictions on the import of foreign gtain And other articles of food, with a view to their gradual diminution and ultimate removal. " lie was disposed to recommen d that an y new laws to be s:nacted should contain within themselves the principle of gradual anti ulti- mate removal. • " sir Robert Peel is prepared to support , in a private capacity, measures which may be in general conformity with those which he whited as a Minister. " It would be Unbecoming iii Sir Robert Peel to make any refe- rence to the details of such - measures. " Your Majesty hits been good enough to inform Sir Robert Peel that it Is your intention to propose to Lord John Russell to undertake the formation of a Government. " The principle on which Sir Robert Peel was prepared to recom mend the re-consideration of the laws affecting the import of the main articles of food, was in general accordance with that referred to in the concluding paragraph of Lord John Russell's letter to the electors of the city of London. on the admission of such articles with relief to the land from suck " Sir Robert Peel wished to k ccom p any the removal of restriction charges as are unduly onerous, and with such other provisions as, in the terms of Lord John Russell's letter, ' caution and even scrupu lous forbearance may suggest.' " Sir Robert Peel will support measures founded on that general principle, and will exercise any influence he may possess to promote their success." On the Ist November last I advised my colleagues, in order to guard against approaching contingencies, that I thought it necessary that a suspension of the corn-laws should take place. I was then of opinion that a new law respecting those corn-laws should contain the principles of gradual repeal. In a confidential letter to her Majesty, I stated that I was prepared to propose a measure of the kind. I was, at the same time, anxious to remove some if the restrictions which at present are imposed on land. I could not but foresee, in adopting such a course, the difficulties that I had to contend with in accepting office. Up to the present time We have had a prosperous revenue. There have been for the last two or Woe years a large increase, and I thought there would be less reluctance on the part of any one wire might be my successor to accept office when no increased expenditure had taken place.—(Cheers.) In that letter I informed her Majesty that I would support any measure, no matter by whom introduced, which would have for Its object a gradual repeal of the cone-laws.—(Loud cheers from the Opposition.) These are matters of such importance, that I shall read them without hesi tation.—(Hear, hear.) " Sir Robert Peel feels it to be his duty to add that, should your Majesty's future advisers, after consideration of the heavy demands made upon the army of the country for colonial service, of our relations with the United States, and of the bearing which steam navigation may have upon maritime warfare and the defence of the country, deem it advisable to propose an addition to the army and increased naval and military estimates, Sir Robert Peel will support the proposal—will do all that he can to prevent it front being considered as inticative of hostile or altered feelings towards France, and will assume, for the increase in question, any degree of responsibility, present or retrospective, which can fairly attach to him." Now,sir,when it is charged upon me that I am robbing others of the credit of this measure —when it is states that I am taking an undue advan tage and reaping a reward which belongs to others, I hope it will be seen that I am not robbing others of the position which they hold, for it will be seen I was as ready to give my support to the Noble Lord (Russell) as it is boasted lie and his party are now ready to give it to me. There was another communication, in which it was proposed to arrange this question. I thought it would look better if no appear ance of an understanding existed between me and the Noble Lord Apposite (Russell), and I was under the impression that he would Undertake its settlement, and if lie did I am sure he would not have failed.—(Loud cheers from the Opposition.) I think the Noble Lord must be satisfied that it was my intention to give to the Noble Lord. according to his own views, the same cordial support which it is his boast he now intends to give to me. I believe, after the communica- • tion which the Noble Lord (Russell) had with her Majesty, he un dertook the formation of a Government, and I am sure the Noble Lord will admit no act of mine occasioned his failure on that occa sion.—(Cheers.) So much for the course I have pursued. I never made any inquiry who would constitute the new Ministry ; it was not my duty to do so. My belief was, on that occasion, that there was no difficulty in forming a Ministry. and I was determined to facilitate .this question by my vote. and every influence which I could use hi this House.—(Loud cheers.) Now, sir, with respect to the course I have pursued towards those who so long have been my supporters. I admit tO them, that -it is very natural they should feel considerably surprised. I admit the course I sin pursuing is at variance w ith the established principles of that party, I, do ask them, would I make a sacrifice of their support, unless I was influenced by consideration of a high and important m ature? My duty to my Sovereign , a nd my duty to the conntry, required me to propose a measure of this k i nd.—( Loud cheers from the Opposition.) Notwithstanding • the support which may be withdrawn from nie, I will do that party (the protectionists) the justice of saying, that I knew no persons more inclined to give a fair and generous support to measures which they deem important to the welfare of the country - . This I will say, after having forfeited some of their confidence, bat I do not believe that they will deny that I am actuated by honourable motives. But this I must say, that be the Conse quences what they may, they cannot rob me of the deep-felt convic tion, that the advice I have given Is an advice consistent with the true Ojects which 1 have always had in view. —(Cheers.) I know what the consequences would be, if I took the advice of other parties ; I know their counselling would be dangerous to the' country. — (Cheers.) Iti Ireland it was necessary to combine for the mainte nance of the existing laws. It would be necessary else if agricultural protection should be maintained in all its integrity. Rut to adopt such a course which would render such proceesdoineg-s to do so everywhere necessary would be to abandon the duty which sewe to nseyof the reign and to my country. I may say in the p:_tent temper t ' Of' all other circum with respect to the corn-laws, indepen cn pressing calamities which I d popularp opinion public mind, in the state of public , feeling stances—independent of the great and it p o press determination than foresee in Ireland--I could arrive at sl i tw n , forl t n- c 1:: 1 1 . 1 e : et o i r :: n e st t sl i j o i f ; ;i duty. fact, o a r t famine ' tsho : a n t t i n l•If I was to con aw s. of lig., it won i l I teach the landed interest what it Ir I t II I en] —(Cheers.) The ig on. ._ core ary o State may have cost t i • the Tain.ten.ance of teach corn and that would be dangerously 'Me for preservin surroundingresponsibility continuation of the present corn-laws.—(Chcers.) parts of this empire four millions of her Ma exte :dang fe e r th :h ge - who c some of the allowance r— e progress ;res a"' j est y's subjects are de p endent for their subsistence on a ce r tain article aieult willto ss3. crake the extent of the disease , and th e a mo u nt o f deficiency that will have to be . ui s . c h ar ged with Site responsibility of this great ' ' poificfodo;d..ndl t is surely di you calamity.— (near. hear.) The famine and disease have every pros pect of an increase at the distance of three or four months, S and ia ila the course we have adopted one of duty to the country and to our party? Why, therefore, should we be charged with neglect? I believe that my anticipations are likely to be realised—and it is right that you should knew it. You have, of late, seemed to dislike any re ference to letters, and have turned away from every commtinication ; but it is necessary that you should understand the present state of Ireland.—(Rear, hear.) I cannot attempt to conciliate your confi dence by an expression of regret for the course that I have taken— so far from it, I declare, in the face of this House, that the day et my political life to which I look back with the greatest satisfaction is the Ist of November, when I was ready to take upon myself the responsibility of issuing an order in Council for the opening of the ports for the admission of grain.—(Loud cheers.) The packet was about to sail ; and my primary object was to Increase the supply of f•od in this country, and to take precaution against famine. Other advantages, of a collateral nature, would have flowed from it— (Cries of " Hear, hear ") and, under the circumstances, it wsuld have been the best step that could have been adopted. Supposing that our anticipations had been incorrect—supposing we had formed a false estimate—l believe that the generosity of the English people would have borne us free from harm—and if our anticipations had been borne out by the result, was not the measure the only ono that eould be adopted ?—(Loud cheering.) During the latter part of De cember last, and in the beginning of January, there was a temporary suspension of alarm. I never shared in the prevalent opinion that there would, after all, be abundance of food—that the disease was exaggerated—and I never put my trust in the existing supplies ; for after the opinions I had received from the most eminent men of science, I feared that the time would come when my apprehensions would be realised—that they would be justified by the event. Now, what is the fact? I read this not so much for the vindication of Go vernment as for the guidance of this House. It is not right that yo u should live in ignorance of the real fa ct s of this case. The proposal here conveyed is not an absolute suspension, but it is virtually a suspension of the corn-laws. A reduction is proposed upon maize, rice, meal, corn, barleiy. and oats—wheat only is excepted—and is not that virtually a t re - and of the duty on corn. Before you decide on rejecting this I T , measure, c'nsider well the reports which even the it la the reports brought down to you. You have seemed to discl ve seemed to given by official authorities. Nay, some of yocuert, to deceive you. believe that public men have been acting in e9n simply the letters I will not read any official reports toyou; Suit Ireland. You will pro which the last two mails have brought fro( Initoche, the Member for (Ably remember the name of Sir David that the prospect of Limerick. lie was one of those whoit precaution WaS unnecessary. ne was exaggerated, antiddst letter from Illin—" No person was This day's malt brought me look forward with the hops that that MOTE' disposed than I was . to . 1 looked sound before Christmas was potato crop III& 1 . t letter from the Lord part of the P and in answei o a safe fi r om the infection, ,xpressed that hope with great con , . Lieutenant of Ireland t ,iy that every day Convinces me of but. I grieve o .. fldence , • i ,es apparently sound turn out to have Pot 9 10 e , 7 ( my error. or li se, in an incipient state, and disease more the dven to the pigs. The Catholic clergy in my neigh. are obliged to be 1, , f this, . a . . 1., . an stint si expo scions are used Itonrlxotul inforin me ) by ma ny other co rrespondents. Ido not think that by the 1 211 t of May next, out of 100,000 acres of laud, mainly sown with potatoes, there will be one with its produce in a sound state. If the ease is SO bad wit h me, what must it be with the poor people who have not the convenience of substantial buildings and other adjuncts to a large farming establishment at their command. In short, when I ride through the country, the rotten potatoes are to ha seen thrown by the road-side, and near there a small portion of mere sound ore , which there is every reason to fear will share in the . . ' general decay. 1 pray you to look to it at once." . -Well, I did look to it.—(1111ITICIISe cheering from all parts of the House,) That is the account fret., the county of Limerick. Yon shall now hear the account from the Queen's County. It is written by an inspector of police, and Mr. Emerson, the clergyman of a parish there :—" We have examined at first the houses of two families resident i =the property of Mr. Cavanagh, and we afterwards extended car