The Sun. — London, England, 1846-05-21 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY MORNING, MAY 21, 1846. PRINCESS'S THEATRE. A new five act play, entitled The King of the Commons, in which Macready sustained the principal character, was produced at this theatre last evening, with corn- Vete success. The scene is laid in S cotland, and the ing of the Commons is the chivalrous, warm-hearted Poet-king, James V. The play opens in the antichamber of the palace of Holyrood, where we find Mungo Small (Mr. Oxberry), a foolish, foppish, self-sufficient gentle man•usher in waiting. Dackie of Drumshorian (Mr. Cooper), the chief of a gang of robbers, enters, and de mands admittance to the King. To this demand Mungo demurs, whereupon Dackie seats himself, and declares that. he will not stir until he has seen the King. The King is soon after announced, and James V. (Mr. Macready), accompanied by his nobles, enters. The kin g is chafed and irritated, and dismisses his nobles, who, it appears have opposed his wish to go to war with England. Before disrniising them, however, he rates them soundly, and, calling to him Lord Seton (Mr. C. ll'isher), directs him to go forth among the commons, and ascertain if they are willing to support him ; and if so he declares he will go to war despite the traitor nobles. When he is alone Buckier advances to him, and is recognised as a man who had saved his life from drowning. Buckier informs him that the greater part of his nobles are, as he had previously suspected, traitors in the pay of England, and the communication with Eng land is carried on through the medium of Sir Adam Weir, of Laichmont. The king dismisses him and im mediately set out for Laichmont to reconnoitre. The scene then changes to the wood at Laich mont, where we find Madeline Weir (Mrs. Stirling), and Malcolm Young (Mr. Leigh Murray), wandering in the woods. Madeline is the grand-daughter, and Malcolm the poor relation of old Sir Adam, who is a sort of Scottish Sir Giles Over • reach, and, like Sir Giles, is bent on forming a high alliance for his grand-child. Suspecting that an attach ment subsists between Malcolm and Madeline, he has forced the former to become a priest, and is using Isis utmost endeavours to bring about an alliance between Madeline and Mungo Small, the gentleman-usher to Whom we are introduced in the first scene. The two love rs —for lovers they are notwithstanding the priest ship of Malcolm—are just about to come to an eclaircisse- Thent, when the clash of arms is heard at hand in the Wood, and Malcolm rushes out, and returns imme diately leading in the King wounded, whom he has rescued from a gang of robbers. The king is but too happy to accept the hospitality proffered him by Malcolm, in Sir Adam's house, at Laichmont, and to the residence of that worthy the scene changes. Sir Adam (Mr. Ryder), a hale, shrewd old man, is busied with his accounts, when Laird Small (Mr. Compton), a garrulous old man, in the last stage of fatuous senility, full of beginnings of stories which his memory will not serve; him to bring to a conclusion, enters, and they are negotiat ing the marriage which is to join their properties, when they are informed of the arrival of the wounded stranger. This incident happens most opportunely to serve the pur poses of Sir Adam, who needs a messenger to the traitor '' 'rds, and he determines to see the stranger, notwithstanding the opposition of old Small, who is dreadfully alarmed lest the stranger should die during the interview; and this brings us to the conclu sion of the first act. In the second act we have the in terview between the King and Sir Adam, and this is certainly a most admirably written and cleverly managed !sFene. Sir Adam and the King each endeavour to sift the other, and albeit the King, in this shrewd encounter of their wits, ultimately comes off victorious, yet he domes not off a lt og ether unscathed; for instance, be is obliged to listen to some most bitter sarcasms on his own poetry, whi c h so gall him to the quick that he is o ft en on the point of betraying himself. However, he at length circumvents Sir Adam, who entrusts him With a packet containing divers parcels of money, to be la livered to the various lords at the Scottish Court, to Induce them to prevent the king from going to war, and persuading him, that albeit unknown at Court, the delivery of those packets will secure him i _'friends and p romo ti on . Pr ev ious to his departure, he has an interview with Malcolm and with Madeline, and discovers their mutual affection for each other ; and manages so that they shall know the true state of each other's h ear t s; an d then, me e ti n g Buckler, he delivers to atm the packet, desiring him to bring it to the Palace, and deliver it to the King, in the presence of his council, in the evening. Meanwhile, Mungo Small has arrived, and is introduced to Madeline, and, in the presence of his father and the Widow Barton (Mrs. Fosbroke), relates all sorts of anecdotes of his doings at Court. This scene, which is a perfect hors d'oeuvre, had better, in the future representations of the play, be omitted altogether ; it is far from being well writtten, and is anything but cleverly acted by Oxberry ; and the success of the play was last night jeopardised—the audience became impatient, and gave expression to their impatience in a very audible manner. The aversion of Madeline to the match is so apparent that Sir Adam threatens her that if she will not consent,he will send forth Malcolm abeggar, and sends Malcolm to urge her to it. Malcolm, however, unexpectedly turns upon the old man, refuses to aid him is his schemes, and taxes him with his cruelty. At this crisis the whole of the household of Laichmont are sum moned to appear at Holyrood instantly, to which spot the scene must now change. The king, on his return, is waited on by his old tutor, a bishop (Mr. Walton), who tells him that he has discovered that Seton in his absence has entertained an envoy from England, and b hiss di sm i sse d hi m w i t h sa f e con d uc t. S e t on i s sum mo ned instantly, and the scene between the King, Seton, and th e Bi s h o p, is the scene of the play. Seton listens to the Bi s h op ' s statement, an d admits its truth. The agony of the King is intense—he has been deceived in one who had been his playmate in boyhood, his fellow -student in youth, and his friend in man hood —who might have coined him into ingots, 80 that h e w ould not have bet ra y ed him ; but he will be firm. He summonses his guards to lead him forth to instant execution ; but when lie comes to pro nounce the fatal words he cannot utter them, and sinks into a chair speechless with agony. Seton demands that the Bishop should produce the messenger, whom he has arrested. The mes senger is produced, and delivers the letters of Seton, in which that faithful and loyal friend spurns with indignation the offers which have been made him, and challenges the offerer to single combat whenever the Scottish army shall cross the Tweed. The King takes him to his heart, and dismisses the 'Bishop to the superintendence of his priests, desiring him henceforth to insist somewhat more on charity, and somewhat less on firmness. This powerful scene was given by Macready with au intensity of passion and tenderness which left nothin,T to be desired. lie was great—very, very great in this scene, and worked up the audience to a pitch of enthusiasm which carried the remainder of the play through triumphantly. In the last act we find the captives of Laichmont at Holyrood. The King has pro cured from the Cardinal Archbishop a dispensation, re lieving Malcolm from the duties of the priesthood, and, after awhile playing upon his hopes and fears, gives it to him, and at the same time enrols him in the army. The nobles are assembled, and Sir Adam is present. Buckier is introduced, and proves himself to be the nephew of Sir Adam, who, having been cheated by his uncle of his property, has been forced into unlawful and, courses; having made this exposé, he accuses Sir Adam f treason, and produces the fatal packet. The traitor-nobles are horror-struck. The King opens it, but, without reading it, destroys it, and by this act of generosity wins the attachment of the traitor-nobles th emse lves. Sir Adam, as the p sents to divide his property i equally ceheotfwbeiesnpßaurdelocine,rcaonnd- Madeline, and the latter s united to A b latc h olm,. w . ho is knighted by the Kthg. Chivalrou . s— ig -spirited 4jealous in honour, sudden and quick in quarrel"—a lover of adventure —a poet —manly in thought, in act and in bearing, yet with a n 4 tenderness of heart, the character of James the Fifth is one admirably adapted for dramatic purposes, an d most especially suited to Macready's peculiar potveerse.harlatetwera,s aenvdidehnist that he had carefully studied th delineation of it was a series of ex q a t l i l i e s d i te f l n y r: fi a n r i id s h r e e d pictures. At the conclusion he wa n s c ceived with rapturous applause; a d thbenwtehderheiwstaasca. call for the author, Mr. White, who knowledgments from the stage box. Mrek.iCe,oaonpedrmaanld. Mr. Leigh Murray were very good as Buc r colm; but Mr. Ryder was scarcely the Sir Adam o f the author. He was a white old • Not merely so by virtue of wearding Small was perfect. ilan He was Compton, literally "e, foolish and a faded gentleman," and duc t as Small was, in its peculiar line, quite as great as the James of Macready. Mrs. Stirling was a very interest ing" Madeline ; but Oxberry, as Young Small, was much too farcical. The house was crowded, and the play was announced for repetition amidst loud applause. ----.---m---- A NEW TRICE..—An impudent fraud, by which many 1 of the respectable inhabitants of Coventry and the neigh bourhood were completely swindled out of their money, was successfully practised in that city on Friday se'nnight. It ap pears that a concert , under royal pa t ron age, was advertised to take place in St. Mary's Hall on the evening of the above day. The m a ia rt a is u ts om an e n r ounced were the veteran Braham, Mr. C. Bland, 5,5 the Misses Smith, Signor in the whole about Sivori, and , t per b formers. Admission was to be by ticket only, 55. each The scheme w o as a e bad at the hall, from 12 to 3 o'clock. most attractive one, and tickets wer e in great demand. One the hoax re mained at his post t until of the parties engaged in four o'clock in the afternonn, when he left , as it was arrangements ought, for the purpose tigements for the per completing the necessary care to have the music rte position. iormers, baying previously ta k en stands for them placed in prop: n ni;chasers of tickets named for the doors to be opened .to receive the At the hour was and quietly took their flocked foarndadtnheiyssiwonal;kebdutinttloietrhee announced for the tickets, seats. After waiting long past the hour commencement of the concert the audience re= from the ball, much chagrined at their disappointment, an d some a little enrag ed at having been swindled out of their mo ney -;.* not Th ere were thre e actors in this disgraceful affair,the o pr inci pal of whom went by the name of Hayden, al Proctor,ins an d a nother of t he g ang is known by the name of Chadw ic k. The name of the third has not transpired. Two of thes e . wort hies, it is stated , formed p art of a company of theatricals ately performing at Gloucester A description of their per. lons has been published, which it is hoped will lead to their speedy apprehension —Birmingham Gazette. F A LL IN THE PRICE OF BREAD.—Tuesday, in the neighbotirhood of Whitechapel, Blackftlar's-road, and other poor dis tricts, large pos ters were exhibited , annou ncin g " Glorious News," " Tremendous Fall in the Price of B &C.,re ad," " Repeal of whic th h e Corn laws," " Suc cess to Free Trade," fcc. the cause of state ment appeared to be that the price of bread had fallen to the extent of 1 y,d.—naraely, from 74d. to 6d., and from 7d. to 5)4d. per loaf. BRIGHTON, MAY 18. — Lady Campbell and daughters, and Sir Thomas Fremantle and daughter, left here on Saturday after noon, in the packet for Dieppe, en routs for Paris. SALT MINES IN ALGERIA. The French Govern ment is about to cause the salt mines in Algeria to be worked on its own account. A writ of habeas corpus was on Tuesday g ranted by the sitting Judge at Chambers, directed to the Sergean he body t-at-Arms of the House of Commons, commanding him to bring up tof William Smith O'Brien detained in his custody, together with the cause of his detention. There is a metallic substance in the British Museum weighing fifteen cwt., which is said to have been a projection from some planetary body. LICENSED VICTUALLERS' ASYLUM. The nineteeth anniversary of the establishment of this excellent and philanthropic institution was cele brated last evening by a dinner at White Conduit House. James Le Seager, E•ci , presided, and was sup ported on his right by Captain Pechell, M.P. Upwards of 350 sat down to dinner; the large room being almost inadequate to hold those desirous of being present with anything like convenience. In fact, several persons were compelled to dine in the lower apartments of the house. Several of the most distinguished members of the trade were present. The dinner, and Non Nobis Dornine having been dis posed of, The CHAIRMAN gave in succession " The Queen, and long may she reign over a happy, prosperous, and free people," " The Queen Dowager , " " His Ro y al Highness t P o r i t n h c e e f A u o l d b s e r of , f " t w he ho ins y t • j e t s h t l e i r o d n a T ~presentedT h e P ri n e fi e ft o y fguineasWafer, and the rest of the Royal Famrly,." and the " Army and Navy," all of which were enthusiastically responded to by the numerous assemblage. The CHAIRMAN then called on Mr. Jones, the secre tary to the institution, to read the report for the past year, which detailed at length the labours of the institution, and the benefits it had conferred on those for whom it was established. The CHAIRMAN then rose to propose the toast of the evening. In doing so he said, he believed, there never was a more satisfactory report presented at any of the former meetings of the iM-itution than the one they had just heard read. It evinced the deep interest taken by licensed victuallers on behalf of this large and most benevolent establishment.—(Hear, hear.) But the in terest taken in the welfare of the society was not con fined to licensed victuallers alone, but extended to the highest personages in the country—(Hear, hear)—and the interest taken in it by other parties not connected with the trade showed how beneficial it was considered. (Cheers.) On.a late visit to the asylum with the Lord Mayor, both himself and his Lordship were par ticularly struck with the excellent manner in which the whole establishment was conducted, and also with the sympathy that appeared to be felt for the inmates by the excellent management of the committee ; and it was most gratifying to every one present on the occasion to which he referred. to hear the blessings poured on the heads of those for the comforts which they enjoyed through their instrumentality—(Hear, hear) —because they knew that but for their aid and sympathy they would be compelled to seek the workhouse—that place of despair, which none could enter without abhorrence. He invited those who had not not yet seen the asylum to visit it, in order that they might see for themselves the happiness and com forts which the inmates enjoyed. He was most happy to inform them that one of the circumstances alluded to by the Lord Mayor had reference to the Charitable Trusts' Bill, and his Lorship expressed himself with great feeling on the subject, and that he would oppose it to the utmost of his ability ; but he (the Chairman) was gratified to state that without the exertions of the com mittee of the institution that end had been obtained by the rejection of the Bill by the House of Lords—(Cheers) — and that there was no fear of the introduction of a simi lar measure into the Legislature, for some time to come at least. And they ought not simply to look to the contri butions which they gave to the society, and to the ad vantages which they thus conferred upon those who had the misfortune to be stricken with poverty ; but they must look further, and they would find, that whilst they contributed to the institution, they set a noble example to those in other parts of the kingdom to follow their example. He had also the pleasure, a few days ago, to be in the company of Mr. Thomas Phillipps, the late Mayor of Birmingham, who stated, that ho was so delighted at the way the establish ment was conducted, that when he presided over the Pro tection Society of the town of Birmingham, he endea voured to induce that society to promote the interests of licensed victuallers by establishing a similar institution in that town—(Hear, hear)—and, as an earnest of evincing his desire to accomplish this object, he headed a subscription list by putting down 501.—(Cheers.) And he added that it was quite delightful to see the way in which parties came forward to contribute their ten and fifty guineas to accomplish so great an object, and he had now obtained sufficient to erect a number of alms houses for decayed licensed victuallers in the town of Birmingham.—(Cries of "Hear, hear.") And he had also got a similar fund in order to relieve the distressed members of the trade until those almshouses could be constructed.—(Hear, hear.) That he (the Chairman) hoped that they would carry on their exertions to the utmost extent, and that their meetings would form a stimulus to their labours for the future. He would not, however, detain them longer on such an auspicious occasion, except to thank those who had given donations to the institution. There were many persons, at that moment, in the last stage of poverty, who had lived in better circum stances, and as there was no tradesman who might not, at some period of his life, be reduced from affluence to poverty, he was sure their sympathies would be enlisted in behalf of such an it stitution, and that they would contribute to a fund which had for its object the support of the decayed members of the trade in their declining years.—(Cheers.) He concluded by proposing " Pros perity to the Licensed Victuallers' Asylum."—(Cheers.) The toast was received and drank with great applause. Captain PECHELL, M.P., said they were no doubt well aware how advantageous meetings of that description were, where conviviality was part and parcel of the pro ceedings. He thought it would be admitted on all hands, that the proceedings had been conducted by the Chairman in a manner which had led to the best results. It could not fail to he otherwise than a source of pride and satisfaction to him to preside over such an assembly. Beloved and respected by a large and numerous acquaintance, he could not convey:toihim self a more amiable distinction than to possess the re gard of so many of his fellow-creatures. But he would not be guilty of such bad taste as to interpose one moment between them and the object of their`‘ meeting, which he considered was entitled to the utmost appro bation.— (Cheers.) He, therefore, had only to pro pose that they should drink the health of James Le Seeger, Esq, The toast was drank, with three times three, and with great applause. The CHAIRMAN briefly returned thanks. He felt himself quite inadequate to expresss his thanks in suitable terms. He assured them that he never was more delighted or proud than he felt at that moment, because he saw around him so many friends who entertained for him the kindest feel ings. He hoped he should riot express himself with too inuch enthusiasm, when he said, that he had been con nected in business with many of those around him for the last thirty years. He also felt deeply honoured by the expressions of those with whom he was not in im • mediate acquaintance. He had only one circumstance to regret in behalf of the institution—that the Committee should have pitched on so feeble an advocate as himself. —(Cries of " No, no.") He felt his inadequacy to discharge the duties of the chair to their satisfaction ; but at the same time he considered that it was only right to be in their call whenever they considered t t o a n t .— h ( e c b c e o e u r s l be of any and Hear, hear.b)enfi He et felt to himself iit selfnbsotonu d at all times to express his gratitude, not only in words, but by every means in his p ower . —(H ear, hear.) H e hoped, however, that in what he had done they would take the will for the deed. After again thanking them cor dially, the Hon. Gentleman resumed his seat, after drinking eriAt ingthe a h 3 e i n thhoefn proposed p os o d present. The sure the health of C a pt a i n Pechell, M.P. He was the toast would be accept. able to all of them. H e had not only s a n id n ed ab t l h e e a m dv b n y n h at i e s presence, but by a don a ti on . He was destroyd there the self people, more o h f a d the devotediliberty himself nuonm-Ealingwlihsho system of poor-law which to e a x n isted in this country.— (Hear, hear.) And when his services were not required in the Legislature, he was always ready to aid them to country.furthe He work ed by pr further the nononlfubdenevolenc:p proposing Ga cs lla p n t t sin CapEptacirL—dL, M.P., brieflyoudcheers. benefit of his ther health of the the returned thanks the honour they had con f erre d uponhi I It happened for e ood that, among his public duties, when he first entered the House of Commons, he undertook the cause of the licensed victuallers.—(Cheers.) He took up their cause because he thought that they were some of the most in telligent and. most respectable portion of her Majesty's subjects, and because they were nndoubtcdly one of the most oppressed classes of society—('Hear, hear)—for whenever the Government of the day, of whatever shade of politics, found the imposition of a new tax necessary, they invariably fixed upon licensed victuallers. They also considered the tax they were imposing like physic, but as long as they could get powers to inflict the dose, they did not care how they got it down.—(Hear, and laughter.) It was, no doubt, from the measures which he undertook to get rid of a great many disabilities and impositions that were practised upon them, that he believed his name had attracted their attention, and it was gratifying that at the end of fourteen years he had the honour to appear before them, and to find that they sanctioned all he had done.—(Cheers.) These were the rewards which public servants had to look to — no other did he expect, and it would be a stimulus to him to continue in the same tour se.—(Hear, hear.) He was glad that they relieved the decayed members of their trade from the necessity of entering the union work house, and that they a dministered r to their relief in a truly British manne r . —(Hear, and the wine and spirit merchants who had attended the Th e CHAIRMAN then gave " N h lr a . a con (of Yarmouth), anniversary." occuation fet leasure in i e Mr. LAcote b r iefly returned thanks. Men of his quota l to the support extreme of their old friends contr wh b o utin sun g k th int difficulties. The CHAIRMAN then gave "John Scott, Esq. , editor of the Morni ng Adveitiser, and the Press," in a neat speech, in which he passed a high eulogium on the talents of Mr m .S ri. c t o ss t m t c , :n a T n Ta d the ability he had displayed in conduct ing the M orn i ng A d vertiser since he had b een en trusted with and of the management. Mr. thanks in his own behalf press, and assured them that whilst that news paper was under his direction, it would support the liber ties The of f e t f h o e l p o e w o t p n l g e . toasts were among l those g i ven , an d in " The Goverrnmory responded r to as their succession, and were as warmly the Committees;" "The Manager of th e predecessors; cbaimr an or Protection The Society"s(trecplbieadirmtoanboyf MtbirlemFiJnplts);" "The the t i ; t u Ilr. " Mr. Jones, the Secretary," &c. ; and the asse m bl age separated. The subscriptions altogether amounted to 2,5061. 6s. Amongst those subscribing were the names of the Chairman, 52/. 10s. ; George Byng, Esq., M.P., 101. 10s. ; the Lord Mayor, 10/. 10s.; Messrs. Goldsmith, 10/. 10s. ; Mrs. Goldsmith, 51. ss. ; Charles Pearson, Esq., 51. ss. ; J. E. Layton, Esq., Yarmouth, 26/. ss. ; Captain Pechell, Si. ss. ; Mr, Rouse, juu., 101, 10s.; and John Scott, Esq., ss, ss. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF COMMOIVS, May 20. The SPEAKES took the Chair at a few minutes past Twelve. EASTERN UNION RAILWAY (ARDLEIGH TO COLCHESTER.) This Bill was road a third time and passed. REPORTS. The following reports were agreed to, and the Bills or dered to be engrossed, viz.:— Bristol Waterworks. Manchester Markets. Newcastle-upon-Tyne Improvement. Leith Paving. Somersetshire Midland Railway. Great Grimsby and Sheffield Junction Railway (Humber Ferries). Legal Quays (London). Edinburgh Paving. Leeds, York, and Midland Junction Railway. Edinburgh and Peebles Railway. York Improvement. Birkenhead Small Debts. South-Eastern Railway (No. 2—Greenwich Railway to Chilham, near Canteibuiy, with Branches). Norfolk Railway Extension (Dereham, Wells, and Blakeney Branch). - Perth and Inverness Railway. Caledonian Railway (Mid-Lothian Branches). Chard Canal Railway„____ FREE OHURCII OF SCOTLAND. Sir ANDREW LEITH HAY presented petitions from various places in Scotland, signed by members of the Free Church, praying the House to grant them sites for building places of worship. ROMAN CATHOLIC RELIEF BILL. Lord JOHN iiAßKkils presented several petitions from various parts of the country in favour of this Bill. BRIDGEWATER AND TAUNTON CANAL, RAILWAY, AND HARBOUR BILL. Lord HARRY VANE, on bringing up the report of the Committee on the Brdgewater and Taunton Canal, Railway, and Harbour Bill, moved that the Bill be re-committed to the former Committee, and that the Committee have leave to sit and proceed on Friday next, at one o'clock. The Noble Lord also, on bringing up the report from the Commit tee on the Bristol and Exeter Railway (Crewkerne Branch) Bill, moved that the Bill be re-committed to the former Committee, and that the Committee have leave to proceed on Friday next.—The motions were agreed to. CATHOLIC RELIEF BILL. Mr. SPOONER presented a petition from the inhabitants of Birmingham praying the House not to pass this Bill until due inquiries had been made into the Roman Catholic belie- GRAND JUNCTION RAILWAY. Mr. GREENE moved that leave be given to read the Grand Junction Railway (Showhill and Portobello Branch) Bill a second time on Thursday, the 21st May, although no breviate shall have been laid on the table, such Bill having been separated from the Grand Junction Railway (Huyton and Aston and other Branches) Bill, on the recommendation of the Classification Committee, and the breviate of the whole having been already laid on the table of the House. The Hon. Gentleman also moved that the order made on the 16th day of March, for referring the Tring, Reading, and Basingstoke (Tring to Saunderton) Railway Bill to the Com mittee of Selection, be read ; that the said order be dis charged ; that the said Bill be withdrawn.—The motions were agreed to. DISTRESS IN IRELAND. On the motion that the orders of the day be read, Mr. P. SCROPE wished to ask the Right Hon. Baronet whether the attention of the Government had been called to the distress which existed in Mallow, in the county of Cork ? It appeared that out of a population of twelve thousand per sons, six thousand persons were wholly destitute of food. He wished to know whether the Government were about to adopt a similar precedent to that set some years ago in the western districts of Scotland, when a scarcity was existing in that district? The Government then taxed the landed proprietors to the amount of fourteen per cent. upon their holdings, in order to make a relief fund. Sir J. GRAHAM said his attention had not been called to Mallow. There was a committee sitting in Dublin which had full power, upon proper application, to afford such assistance as was in the power of the Government. With reference to the second part of the Hon. Member's question, whether it was the intention of the Government to adopt the precedent set them in Scotland, he had only to say that it was not, in the present year, and under the present circumstances of Ireland, the intention of the Government to propose a land tax to meet the present distress. What might be the future policy of the Government regarding the subject he was not prepared to say. LACE FACTORIES BILL. Mr. GISBORNE said that he was of opinion that the Lace Factories Bill, which stood first on the orders of the day for a second reading, should be allowed to pass sub sitentio, and that the discussion and division on the question should take place on the motion that the House go into Com mittee. Mr. T. DUNCOMBE said he would most cheerfully assent to such an arrangement, as he had been entrusted with the care of the Bill, and it was his duty to forward it in every possible stage. Sir J. GRAHAM said he could not be a party to any such arrangement, for he felt so strongly impressed with the feeling that any legislative interference with the subject of lace manufactories would have the worst possible effect ;'if, therefore, the Hon. Member would proceed with his Bill, he would ask the indulgence of the House whilst lie would shortly state his opinions upon the subject.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. GISBORNE then withdrew his motion. Mr. T. DUNCOMBE presented several numerously signed petitions from Nottingham in favour of the Lace Factories Bill. Lord J. MANNERS presented several similar petitions, signed by several thousand persons. Mr. I'. DUNCOMBE said that, in moving the second reading of the Bill now before the House, he should state his opinion that it was imperatively necessary, if they regarded either the moral or the social comfort of those poor children employed in the manufacture of lace in this country, that some legislative interference should take place in the conduct of the lace manufacturers. He had nearly the unanimous assent of the operative and the master manufacturer in favour of the Bill, and the question did not stand in the same position as the factory question, in consequence of their having been no legislation on the subject, and the question for the House to decide whether there should be any interference or not in the lace manufacturers. He was aware that some persons considered that the Bill ought to be restricted entirely to children—that others considered it did not go far enough, while others did not approve of the principle of the Bill. Now what was the state of the factory trade in the country? The House should be aware in the first place, that these steam engines ran, through the whole week, from twelve o'clock on Sunday night to twelve o'clock on Saturday night, without intermission, and that this could not be carried on without the assistance of children. Children from 'le ages of six to eight years were obliged to remain up al' night; and many of - these poor children never saw their bed. They lay upon the floor of the factory, during the intervals they might be able to snatch for rest, and they were momentarily roused up to pursue the stern labours imposed upon them. Could the House suppose that children so brought up were reared as they ought to be? What was the evidence of Mr. Saunders, the intelligent inspector of manufactories, upon the subject ? He says that legislation was not only passible, but most necessary. Consumption and fever were the concomitant results of the system, which also induced the most immoral effects in the children themselves. He confessed that there was this principle in his Bill, that it interfered with adult labour ; but, in point of fact, the Right Hon. Baronet also interfered with adult labour in his Bill, and the only difference between them was, that Life (Mr. Duncombe) did so in exceptions, by preventing labour after ten o'clock, while the Right Hon. Baronet did it by a species of inference. They were often accustomed to hear that there should be no interference between the manufacturer and the operative, and they were assured that if they did not interfere manufactures would flourish, and the social condition of the workers be greatly improved. They saw this result in the lace factories ; there there was no interference between the master and the worker, and what was the consequence ? That there was disease and discontent, and immorality, rife amongst them—that as a class they were most degraded, that as operatives they were the most depressed of all those engaged in factory labour. He appealed to the Right Hon. Baronet not to reject the second reading of this Bill ; unless, indeed, his objection were to the principle of interference with the manufacturer. There was one pecu liarity attached to this measure, viz., that it had received the assent of at least four-fifths of the proprietors of lace works ; and he might also say the consent of all the workers employed. He implored the House to consent to the second reading of a measure which had been already sanctioned by the very persons who were most interested in it. He did hope and trust that the House would not disappoint these humane and just expectations. He moved that this Bill be read a second time. The question having been put, Sir J. GRAHAM said that the Hon. Member who had just moved the second reading of this Bill had made a forcible appeal to him not to resist that second reading. He told the House that the measure was supported by four-fifths of the master employers in the trade, and that, with scarcely an exception, the operatives had dared in its favour. He did not know the sources whence the Hon. Member had received that information, probably from a different quarter than he himself had, for as far as he could judge the opinions of the master were entirely opposed to the lion. Member for Fins bury. With respect to the measure itself he acknowledged that first impressions were in favour of restricting the hours of labour, but then it was for the Legislature to consider whether this restriction would be followed by the effect so ardently desired by the Hon Member for Finsbury, and by other Hon. Members. They had to consider well whether the benefits arising from shortened hours of labour, would not be more than counter-balanced by the miseries arising from reduced wages. This question, however, was by no means a new one. It had been often before the House, and the dangers of any legislation of this character had been often strongly dwelt upon. In the consideration which had been given to this subject it was impossible that so important a branch of manufactures as the lace manufacturers should not have received a due attention. Parliament had granted commissions to inquire into the question times without number, and therefore it was that this subject was not for the first time brought under discussion ; but they were that day called on to come to a decision precisely the reverse of that which bad been recommended by these commissions.— (Hear, hear.) By far the greater of all the lace manu factures which was produced was not the results of ma chinery, worked by power, but the effect of hand-loom weaving; and there existed a very marked difference be tween the lace and the cotton manufacture, the raw mate rial of the latter being in a great degree the produce of ma chinery wrought by power, whereas the other was almost all produced by the hand. The hand-loom weaver was waging a hopeless struggle against the untiring efforts of machinery, but the Honourable Member, by this measure, sought still inure to fetter his exertions by denying him the liberty of working at night. Then there was another striking differ ence between these manufactures, for while the one was con ducted in dwellings, where large numbers of persons o l s v e ei t • o e Hon. Member's measure were congregated, gdrsevge dwelling-houses, the( g l,.. h o o e t s h , other was mo re frequently performed ese shopsl,er very dwel lings themselves, and if the necessary to give them a p •1 - 1 hear.) Let the ni ear, houses at all hours of t proportiondi which existed carried out in the matter of to n \N s e p r ect o o f rs, en i t t er w in o g uld the b i e r them look at the very grea and in the other. The average cost of d in the lace trade mated at 20/., while the machisery require from 0 00/ to 1 000/. There was also this remarkable between the cost of the machinery emaplpooyweder ranged . i - n lo t o i n i N o v n as e ecsatsie that the trade was dependent upon the caprice the fancies of the public, and this machinery, which in many fact to be considered with respect to the l.aceeomf fashion and cases cost above 2,0001. might, in six or eight months after its first purchase, require extensive alterations which would involve a further and increased cost.—(Hear , hear.) Then, again, with reference to the number of persons employed in a power-loom factory : a girl of thirteen to eighteen years of age could superintend three or four looms, while in the silk trade one worker was required to be at tached to every loom. The lace trade, it was well known, was dependent upon its foreign customers, but the Bill of the Honourable Member would press severely upon the manufacturer, who was already competing at a disadvan tage with the French manufacturer. He hoped that arrangements would soon be completed which would give him a fairer chance of coping with his continental rivals. — (Hear ; hear.) The Hon. Member had told them that the physical condition of the labourers in the silk manufactories was of a very low character; but he could not see that any improvement would be effeeted by a measure which would, from its very character, involve a reduction of wages. If this Bill were passed into a law, the capital employed in the lace manufacture of this country would fly away into ether hands, it would go into other countries where no such restriction was enforced.—(Hear, hear.) The destruction of that branch of our manufactures must be the inevitable re sult of such a law. He had already stated that his first objection to this Bill was, that it proposed to interfere with adult labour, though he felt that there was anetber grave objection to it—an objection which the Hon. Member for Finsbury felt also—which was this, that it was not expedient that children should work from six in the morning till ten at night. If this measure were passed it would be i ncumbent on the Legislature to restrict the labour in the othe r four prin cipal branches of manufacture. It was impossible for theme to carry such a measure into effect in the way proposd. It could only he enforced by a system of inspection or in formation on the part of fellow-workmen, w hi c h would not be tolerated in this country. The Excise law would be per fect lenity compared with such a law as that proposed. It would empower a body of men to enter constantly into the th u e n. room An in which the man, who wished to earn a subsistence for his family would be prevented from pursuing his trade after ten o'clock of wo a rk fam w il a y s — c h arr eM ie g d at night. His rival would, no doubt, be tempted by the offer hand - loom of 10/., and give information against a man of an industrious character employed in the manufacture of lace. But the fact was, that the objections to this Bill were so insuperable, that he felt satisfied that it would never be tolerated in this country.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") He would, for a moment, beg leave to call the attention of the House to the effect of their recent interference with the rope makers of this country. Petitions from both masters and men in that branch of trade were continually being pre sented to the House, praying them to repeal the late law which they passed with reference to the hours of work in that trade, and it was now a subject for discussion whether they should not comply with the prayer of those petitions. Both masters and men had found that the recent law, which restricts the hours of labour in their trade, was injurious to their interests, and they asked the House to repeal that Act whose con tinuance they represent to be fatal to rope making in this country—that that trade must in fact be abandoned if they were not allowed to work free from all such supervision as that law had introduced. Well the Legislature had now time to coesider. They were, by this, called upon to interfere directly with labour. They were called upon to extend the system of inspection into the private workshops and dwellings of this country. It was certainly one of the painful duties attached to the office which he filled to be opposed very often to the popular wishes, and he had almost said the popular feeling, but, entertaining the strong opinion which he did that this would be a fatal and a wrong step, he did not hesitate for one moment to move an amendment, that the Bill be read a second time that day six months.—(Hear, hear.) Colonel ROLLESTON said his name was endorsed on the Bill, and be was of course bound to give his support to it. After the fullest consideration which be had been enabled to give to the Bill, and the circumstances attending its intro duction into the House, he felt it his bounden duty to entreat the House to take into their serious con sideration the various provisions of this Bill.—(Crie.e of " Hear, hear.") The parties whom it would effect looked to the Legislature for relief, for they were unable to rescue themselves from the bondage and slavery in which they were under the present state of things. The hardship which they had to endure was, if paralleled, certainly not exceeded by any persons employed in the manufactures of this country.— (Hear, hear.) Before he touched upon the details of this measure he would briefly allude to an objec tion raised by the Right Hon. Baronet the Secretary of State for the Home Department, who had said that no petitions had been presented by the operatives employed in the manufacture of lace. Now the truth was, that it was not many days ago, since he (Colonel Rolleston) presented a numerously signed petition in favour of this measure from those individuals. A petition had also been presented a few nights ago, and at the head of the names attached to the petition, was that of Mr. Herbert, the Mayor of Nottingham, the centre of this branch of manufactures. The petitioners prayed the House to a do p t s p eedily some measure whereby the children employed in tha t manufacture should be released from the bondage to which they were subjected at present. roposed by this Bill, because should not interfere in the m ode p The Right Hon. Baronet had said that the Legislature there were not many children employed in the manufacture of lace, but after travelling through four or five volumes of the C o mmissioners' report upon the question, he found that the number of children so employed was very con siderable indeed, and that the effects were of the most ruinous character as regarded their health, morals, and education. (The Honourable Member then proceeded to read several extracts from the report in question.) He hoped the House then would allow this Bill to go into Committee, for in his opinion it was the on measur calc lated to remedy all the evils complained of.— ly (Hear, e hear.) Another portion of the Bill bad reference to adult labourers; but he did not attach so much importance to this part as to those clauses and provisions which re lated to the employment of children in factories. Those provisions, if agreed to by the House, would improve the physical and moral condition of a multitude of children of industry, and he entreated the House to let the Bill be read a second time.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. STRUTT said the Hon. Member had quoted from Hansard, which only gave a condensed summary of what he (Mr. Strutt) said some few years ago upon a similar sub ject to the pres ent, but he would, with the per mission of the House, read a more extended re port from the " M irror of Parliament," and it would be seen that he was then, and he might add that he was now, of opinion that such a Bill as the one before the House would be ineffective unless it applied to mills worked by power as well as by hand.—(Hear, hear.) Were they, however, prepared to go the length of saying that they would not allow a poor lace worker to get up at four o'clock in the morning and labour at his trade in his own room ? And yet this Bill went to this extreme, and he for one said the Bill would be committing a practical evil instead of doing any good. Why, they might with as much justice apply the same principle to the sailor, the shoemaker, or the bricklayer; but be that as it might, he was sure, if the passed this Bill in its present form, it would be made the medium for committing acts of oppression and injustice on poor and industrious persons who were anxious to improve their condition by employing their leisure time or what they treated as leisure hours in labour and industry. —(Hear, hear.) He was sure, then, if the House passed this Bill, they would be committing a great wrong on the manufacturing interest of the country, while the Bill itself would only aggravate the evil which it was intended to remedy.—(Hear, hear.) Sir J. C. HOBHOUSE said he was an advocate for a Bill defining the hours of labour for persons employed in large public mills, but lie certainly could not go the length of sup porting a Bill which applied generally to all mills and all workshops, whether public or private, large or small.—(Hear, hear.) He believed, too, the public were not prepared to go this length; for, in the petition lie had presented to the House upon this subject, he found they applied to large public factories, and not to private work. shops. The principle of this Bill was not to regulate the hours at which children should be employed in fac tories, but to stop the night labour of adults, and he for one must say lie was not prepared to support a Bill of this nature.—(Hear, hear.) It was true that in 1821 lie introduced a Bill restricting the hours of labour in cotton factories, when an attempt was made to include silk, flax, and lace manufactories in it. But it was thought then by the House, and by the operatives themselves, that as regarded those branches of manufacture, the Bill would prove inoperative, if it did not resu lt in au g menting instead of diminishing the evil.--(Hear.) A g ain, in 1827, he introduced a similar Bill, and, again the same aernatitoonthe attempt was made, and the same arguments and opinions urged with success against it.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") If the Hon. Gentleman would subject the children in the fac tories to the same regulations which were in existence with regard to other factories in the country he should have his (Sir J. Hobliouse's) support. Lord JOHN MANNERS said that 475 of the master ma nufacturers of the town of Nottingham had signed a petition in favour of this Bill. If, therefore, the opinion of the master manufacturers were to be taken as conclusive upon this mat ter, he thought the fact he had just stated was a sufficient ground for passing, this Bill. He bad nit , doubt as to the rectitude of the principle of interference. It had been acknowledged over and over again in that House, and he trusted that it would be supported by this Bill being passed into a law. Ile should give his hearty support to the second reading of this Bill, reserving to himself the right of introducing amendments in Committee. Mr. MUNTZ believed that those who overworked their people did an injury to themselves. He worked his mills at night as well as day, but he employed two sets of people. The reason why people overworked themselves was that they were badly paid for what they did. He believed that some interference was necessary. These children were most severely worked ; that arose from the extreme competition amongst themselves. Now, he thought they ought to inquire into the cause of that competition, for he believed that inquiry was a most important one. Mr. GISBOKNE said that if the Noble Lord had searched the county of Nottingham lie would not find 475 master manufacturers, those, he meant, who would be so considered under the common acceptation of the word. The master manufacturers did not object to the prohibition that children under eight years of age were not to be admitted to work in factories. His Hon. Friend proposed to lay a restriction on machinery. The Hon. Member for Birmiigham (Mr. Muntz) had stated that he worked his machinery night and day, and that the men were employed for twelve hours daily. Mr. MUNTZ here interrupted the Hon. Gentleman, and uite lon enou h l o e ul w d as distinctly of g for any man to , e v ec h p ic la h i , ne in i thhiastophiinsimone,nweaysorriked only g nine or ten hours a day, work. This Bill would only dissatisfaction Mr. GISBORNE resumetdo-TdWetllo, then, he was mistaken. among the workpeople. No interference on the part of the second reading House would better their cir i ca t stanc i es, unless the House imP° o s f s the Lil and he should,Nvwork mischief therefore ' among the labouring classes,_ re, give which, if attended with evil con his strongest opposition erasopin opinion prepared that to th o d o o p Mr. WAKLET prefaced his speech with a few allusions to the observations made by the Hon. Member, the proposer of the Bill. He thought the people ought really to be allowed to understand those queetionsin which they were so much concerned. Some respect ought . to be paid to their feelings, if not to their judgment. In their petition they prayed the sequences, they were quite willing • to bear the penalty, and relieve the House of all responsibility. He did not think. the Bill which he held in his hand had been prepared with any degree of prudence or judgment, and if it were now befoie House to do certain things, the House for a third reading he should have felt it his duty to oppose it. He had, however, no objection to vote for its going into Committee, when there would be an opportunity afforded of altering its present imperfect shape. The question was, whether or not the House could interfere to protect infants from a species of toil which was calculated to injure their physical energies and destroy their moral c onstitution.- - (hear, hear.) It had been argued that the labour was not of a severe nature. He hail heard many Hon. Members complain at times of the weari ness they felt at attending the House on long debates—what then must be the feelings of infants, of eight years of age when subjected to similar watchings and late hours? The house ' house had interfered in regulating the hours of othes of labour, which had been attended with bothadvantage th e manufacturers and their workmen. Why, then, was to ' v this species of labour to be exem p ted fr om the interference Nas of the Legislature ? He would n ot wish to interfere with the late hours of adult labour, as change might be more p roductive of evil than of good. If they began where were they to stop ?—(Hear, hear.) To interfere with the labour of adults would be a tyranny which should not be endured. As the y had it i n their ' power to alter all objectionable clauses hi Committee, for the sake of the infant children who were compelled to work day and night, night and day, without holiday or intermis sion, from one year's end to another, he would vote for the second reading. Sir ROBERT PEEL was very much surprised, after the speech of the Honourable Gentleman, that he should still affirm the principle of the Bill by voting for its second read ing. There Iva., Aething Which the 11911, amber re- pudiated more—nothing which he allowed to be more radically unjust than to restrict the hours of adult labour. If they once interfered with the labour of adults the next demand would be to fix the minimum of wages and how could they resist that demand ?—(Hear, hear.) The Bill did not profess on the face of it to apply merely to children, it professed to interfere with the labour of adults. The title of the Bill was to regulate the hours of labour in all night fac tories. And see what would be the effect of an interference; why it would be a direct premium to increase the labour in those places whe re th e i r enac t men t s cou ld no t r e ac h. 'Then, as the Hon. Gentleman had just said, how were they to carry into effect that interference with labour? Why they might take their choice between the common informer and what were called d om i c ili ary visits; that meant, that if, as was very na t ura l, they shrunk from the contamination of the common informer, then they must establish these domicilia r y visits throughout the whole of the country, those visits to b e carried into effect by a Go vernment officer. Thus, if a light were seen in any house after ten o'clock, then they were liable to the infliction of a visit from one of those officers—a domiciliary foilie t because a man was suspected of labouringdaily bread.— (Cheers.) Why this Bill made no pr ß ov il i l sion e for any cases like those which the Factory accident, such sue l h t made no provision for a case of as might happen from a derangement of when the works would require to be suspender machinery, when a the be factory were turned by water-power, the stream might s uspended, and the Bill very fairly and very wisely case allowed some extra labour. But this in such con tained no such provision, and, therefore, no case was provided in the event of a man being subject to sickness for any period. Let them suppose him to have had an accident—let them suppose him to have been invalided for threedays—(Hear, hear)—let them suppose him visited by sickness, prevented from making any exertion on Monday, Tuesday, and Wednesday, or at best only working some five hours a day, and his wages reduced in a corresponding degree. Suppose him not quite recovered, but, for the subsistence of his family, lie determines to work some additional hours on the Thursday, Friday, and Saturday—let it be remembered that he worked within his own house. Why, was it pos sible, then, that because he said to himself, " I must repair the misfortune of the earlier portion of the week, by extra ordinary labour at its close," they should punish him, be cause he toiled till eleven or twelve o'clock at night, for the laudable, the truly honourable purpose of providing sub sistence for his family?—(Cheers.) What, did they mean to sanction any measure that could punish a man like this ?—(Cheers.) Would they sanction a law which would subject this man to the annoyance of a domiciliary visit ?—(Continued cheering.) But, then, the measure im posed a penalty. He (Sir R. Peel) should like to see an in dictment framed against such a man.—(Hear, hear.) He should like to see him after some five or six persons had been brought up for petty larceny, or crimes of a similar character—he should then like to see this man brought up before the magistrate to answer the offence of working till eleven o'clock at night to provide bis family with food!—(Cheers)—and 501. was the penalty to be exacted for this offence—(Hear, hear)—an offence charged by his next-door neighbour, perhaps, the informer, being an idle, dissolute fellow, who ne glected his work, who envied, perhaps, this ho nest man because he was honest, who hated him because be was industrious and succeeding in the world. The informer said to himself, " He is my enemy, and I will punish him. I want 101. (the reward granted by this Bill). I want to advance myself and to depress him. I am idle, I am a vagabond; he is industrious and honest. I saw a light in his house. I found him out. He was work ing for the maintenance of his family. I will lay an information against him. I shall receive 101., my reward for maintaining the law, while he should be punished with a penalty of 501., or sent to prison for main taining his family."—(Cheers.) Was it likely that they would be rewarded for inculcating morality like this?— (Cheers.) Was it likhat they would be thanked for this c haritable interference-(Cheers.) What answer could be made by the framers of this Bill? None. No answer could be given. The Bill was to regulate the hours of labour in all factories. This was not a question of restricting the hours of labour for children. It was not a mere measure for regu lating the hours of labour in factories only. It was a ques tion whether a man had a right to labour in his own house after ten o'clock. But the Honourable Member said that the benefits to children would compensate for the other defects of the Bill. He would not go into that question, he telt and acknowledged the evil of taxing the infant labourer too severely. But what was this Bill ? Was it possible for the House to consent to a measure which not only permitted but sanctioned the employment of children above 8 years l of age to the extent of 16 hours a day. And yet the Hon. Member for Finsbury (Mr. Wakley) would, in his zeal for factory children, sanction a Bill which permitted girls above eight years of age to work sixteen hours a day.—(Laughter and cheers.) He thought that the. artists who had framed this Bill should have bestowed a little more pains upon it before they introduced it to the House. Let them by every means have a new Bill—(Cheers)—and let Hon. Gentlemen not require them, by a second reading, to affirm the principle, that girls above eight years of age should be worked sixteen hours a-day.—(Cheers.) He should have thought that the Hon. Member for Finsbury would, instead of ad mitting the second reading, have been the first to have re ceived the Bill with an indignant remonstrance.—(Hear.) Mr. WAKLEY—I don't like it at all.—(Laughter.) Sir R. PEEL—Then if this were the reason for the sup port that the Hon. Member forFinsbury gave to the measure, he (Sir R. Peel) could not say another word to such a curious argument in its favour.—(Laughter.) , Mr. FERRAND could net but express detp regret that the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Government should turn into ridicule the arguments in favour of this Bill.—(No, no.) It was a melancholy fact, that whenever an Hon. Member in that House proposed to legislate for the welfare of the working population of this country, he was always met with the strongest opposition.—(Hear, hear.) The working population for several years had appealed to that Rouse to take the peculiar circumstances under which they laboured into consideration. They had almost appealed in vain, and they had now commenced to legislate for them selves, and he would ask her Majesty's Government, as well as Honourable Members on both sides of the House, to look for one instant to the manufacturing population of the north of England. They were entering, at this present moment, into an alarming combination to protect themselves against what they called the tyranny and oppression of their masters. Let the House look at the fearful strikes for wages which had taken place in Manchester, Liverpool, and other large towns in the north of England, and he thought there was there sufficient to induce that House to consider that it was high time for Parliament to take into its most mature and deliberate consideration the serious quarrels which had from some causes been taking place between masters and their servants. In the case now before the House, they found that' the master manufacturers and their own workpeople had united in a body to come before that House, to ask redress for their grievances; and what had they witnessed that afternoon ? Ridicule cast upon this attempt to legislate on their behalf, by the Hon. Member for Finsbury, and from both sides of the House. They had asked for the second reading of this Bill, and he had no hesitation in saying, that if that House refused the second reading of the Bill, it would be offering to those working classes a direct insult, and would drive them ultimately to their own resources, as he had before said, to legislate on this matter, which they would do by entering into one universal combination throughout this country, and compel their masters to consent to protect them and their interests, as Parliament had refused to interfere in their behalf. He would not say one word about the question, whether the manufacturers of this country were in favour of the second reading of this Bill or not. The working classes of this country were watching the tone and temper of that House on the present occasion —(bear, hear)—and it was his firm conviction that if Parliament would, by a more con ciliatory spirit, endeavour to mitigate the bad feeling which existed between the employers and the employed of this country on the present occasion, they would do more to put a stop to the strikes in the north of England, and the mis understandings which were taking place between the em ployers and the employed than all the combinations which could be formed either amongst masters or men.—(Hear.) Mr. S. CRAWFORD did not deny that he entertained objections to this Bill, he did not deny that he felt an ob jection to limit the hours of adult labour ; but, at the same time, he did not think they were precluded from interfering with infant labour, to prevent the younger portion of the manufacturing classes of England from being overworked. —(Hear, hear.) That was what he should desire to do— (Hear, hear)—and he hoped to effect that object by voting in favour of this Bill. The great question before the House was whether the infantine labour of this country should be protected from the oppression of the holders of capital.— (Hear, hear.) The long hours which they were com pelled to work injured their health and morals, and he, therefore, contended that, no matter whether this Bill would injure the interests of the manufacturers or not, the Legislature was bound to extend its protecting influence to the hard-working children of England.—(Hear, hear.) The hours of labour, which this Bill sought to restrict, were more than human nature could endure. Taking that position, he conceived it to be the duty of the House to pass some such measure as this, whatever might be the effect on wages. He should, therefore, give his hearty support to the second reading of the Bill.—( Hear, hear.) Mr. BRIGHT wished to make one observation in answer to the Hon. Member for Knaresborough (Mr. Ferrand), who had asked the House to interfere with labour on the ground that certain strikes had taken place in the north of England. He (Mr. Bright) begged to tell that Hon. Member that those strikes existed only amongst those trades which were not in any degree connected with mills or factories—(Hear, hear)—and amongst a class of workmen who never worked more than ten hours a-day— ( Hear, hear)—and respecting whom there was no proposi tion before the House. With respect to the feeling between the employers and employed he should think that the Honourable Member would have recollected that with the exception ofYarkahirethere had not for a longperiod been any disagreement or ill-feeling between the cotton manufacturers and those in their employ, and that there never was a better feeling between them than at this moment. He was sure that with respect to the cotton trade there wasless reason for any vindictive feeling between the manufacturers and their employed at this moment than at any period since he was acquainted or connected with it. The feeling that had ex isted between masters and men during the last two years in that trade was equally creditable to both parties con cerned.—(Hear.) He was sure then,that all argument which might be based upon the statement of the Hon. Member was totally fallacious, and had no bearing whatever upon this question, and it was rather in favour of the present state of things than the Bill at present before the House. Mr. FERRAND said the Hon. Member for Durham would perhaps remember the strike that took place in 1841 in all the cotton manufactories in Lancashire. Mr. BRIGHT—Ia 1842. Lord JOHN RUSSELL thought that the present Bill was not opposed solely on the ground of its interference with the labour of children, for it appeared to him to raise a perfectly just principle, that as they protected minors and all other persons similarly situated who could not manage their own affairs, the Legislature should interfere with infantine labour. Arid if, therefore, that alone was the object of the present Bill, he should think that the Bill ought to be allowed to be considered in Committee. But there were two objections to the present Bill, which seemed to him to violate every principle of legislation upon this subject. In the first clause of the Bill night labour was prohibited, and the labourer was required to work from a certain hour in the morning to a certain hour at night. Now, if a man could earn his living by no other means than engaging to work eight or nine hours at night, ought they to legislate to pre vent him from earning his wages in that way—(Hear, hear) —ought his means of subsistence to be endangered by a legis lative enactment ?—(Hear) Were there not, infect, cases where they could notprevent night labour ?—were therenot instances where men had no other means of subsistence except by working at night, such as the driver of a stage coach, the guard of a coach, or a police-officer, and various other offices of business, which were carried on at night, and which could not safely or conveniently be abolished, either for the sake ofthe public, or of the parties themselves?-(Hear, bear.) Another part of the Bill not only applied to the interference of children, but sanctioned the interference with pri_vate houses, and he, for one, thought the interference in the private houses, whether through the instrumentalitity of the informer or do miciliary. visitations, would be an act t o o f t e y ou ra e n ti n o y u. 2/I ( n H ch ea r r t would be impossible for Parliament hear.) The Honourable Member for Rochdale had said' ,he wished to interfere to prevent capital tyrannising over labour, but how cold they hiteifere WA" voluntary agree- ment between a person in the possesSion of capital and a person whose property consisted in his labour, without inter fering with respect to the remuneration to be received by the labourer ?—(Hear, hear.) Therefore, as in his opinion the Bill contained two principlesof false legislation, he must give his vote against it.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. MARK PHILLIPS advised the Hon. Member for Finsbury to withdraw his measure, and introduce another Bill confining itself to infantine labour.—(Hear, hear.) At all events, he could not support the second reading of this Bill after so many practicable difficulties to its ope rations had been pointed out by the Right Honourable Baronet, at the head of the Government, and the Noble Lord, the leader of the Opposition. He would, therefore, advise the Hon. Member to withdraw his Bill, as he saw himself that it was so full of inaccuracies. If the question came to a division, he would be constrained to vote against it. Mr. BROTHERTON said, that for the last thirty years, he had ever been an advocate for the restriction of the labour of the working classes, but he considered that it was impos sible to meet the views of the Hon. Member for Finsbury by the present Bill. They would be interfering with the hours of labour in private houses.—(Hear, hear.) It would certainly be most advisable to check the hours of labour allotted to children, but the present Bill would not effect such an object. Mr. COWPER said that he wished his Hon. Friend would introduce another Bill which would have for its object the sole interference with children. The principle of the Bill as far as they were concerned was sound.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. T. DUNCOMBE said he should take the sense of the House upon the ques ti on .—(H ear , h ear .) Th e case before the House was, whether they would interfere or not in the lace representing capital em pl employed their sentiments—petitions thel ac e manufactures. He was the representative of four-fifths of the manufactories, bad a b n e d e u h p e the House in its favour signed by yet this was the Bill whichr es e was n t t e h d e t r o e both masters and operatives, met with ridicule. The principle of interference was adwmTtsteli chil dren. Well then, if they passed thi s B ill respect to they opportunity of altering those portions would have an ofth they thought proper. The Hou se bad to decide Bill which ecide whether protection was to be given to infants of eig th He had wished to conceal nothing in his statement years of age. House, and should be quite satisfied if he couiobtain to the second reading for it. (The Hon.:Gentleman th en read some minutes of evidence from the report of the Factory Commis sioners, from which it appeared that the machines worked by hand, as well as by steam power and water could be brought under the operation of the Factory Act.) He did trust that the House would allow the second reading of the Bill to take place. Mr. STAFFORD O'BRIEN wished to explain. He would give his vote for the second reading if in Committee he could distinctly be assured that any interference with adult labour should not be included. Mr. DUNCOMBE—Most distinctly. Mr. FIELDEN would vote for the second reading of the Bill, because he thought it would be attended with advan tages to the labouring population engaged in the silk manu facture. The House then divided, when there appeared— For the amendment l5l Against 66 Majority against the second reading - -85 ROMAN CATHOLIC RELIEF BILL. The House then went into Committee on the Roman Ca tholic Relief Bill. Sir R. INGLIS said he left the House under the impres sion that the Bill would not come on, and appealed to several Members if such were not the impression they laboured under ? Mir. LAWSON said that, if such were the feelings of the Hon. Member, he would not press the Bill. The Bill was accordingly adjourned until this day three weeks. ART UNIONS BILL. This Bill was also postponed to this day fortnight. CORRESPONDING SOCIETIES. _ _ This Bill went through the Committee pro forma, and was ordered to be re-committed for the purpose of considering an amendment proposed to be inserted by Mr. T. Duncombe. VISCOM4T - HARDINGE'S ANN UITY This Bill was read a third time and passed. LORD GOUGH'S ANNUITY BILL. This Bill was also read a third time and passed. ART UNIONS. Lord G. BENTINCK presented a petition in favour of Art Unions. THE WHITSUN HOLIDAYS. Mr. REDHEAD YORKE wished to know from the First Lord of the Treasury to what period he was prepared to ad journ the House for the Whitsun holidays? Sir y ROBERT PEEL said he did not know what business was et fixed. In the meantime, he would have no objection to take the adjournment from Friday week till the Thursday followin ME g. TROPOLITAN IMPROVEMENTS BILL. In answer to a question from Mr. HAWES Sir J. GRAHAM said that on Friday next he would state what course the Government intended to pursue with re spect to the Metropolitan Improvements Act. THE POISONING IN NORFOLK. Mr. WAKLEY called the attention of the Right Hen. Baronet the Home Department to the case of poisoning six members of a family in North Walsham, Norfolk. He thought it was a case which called for the interference of the Government. Sir JAMES GRAHAM said that Government were pre pared to give every assistance in their power to the inves- igation. The House then adjourned. PARLIAMENTARY BUSINESS. (From the Votes and Proceedings of the House of Commons. • TUESDAY, ➢tAY 19. The following Railway Bills were withdrawn : Inverstone, Furness, and Lancaster and Carlisle. Carlow Extension. Kirklntilloch and Kilsyth. The following Petition for a Railway was reported, and the Bin ordered to be brought in by the undernamed Hon. Members : Grand Junction (Huyton and other Branches)—Mr. Patten and Viscount Sandon. STANDING ORDERS' COMMITTEE. The following resolutions were reported from this Committee:- 1. That, in the case of the Harrogate Gas Bill Amendments on consideration of report, the amendments are of such a nature as not to be adopted by the House without the re-commitment of the Bill. 2. That, in the case of the Caledonian Railway (Glasgow Termini and Brancher) petition for additional provision, the standing orders ought to be dispensed with :—That the parties be permitted to intro duce such additions/ provision, if the Committee on the Dill should think fit. 3. That, in the case of the Darwen Waterworks petition for addi tional provision, the standing orders ought not to be dispensed with. 4. That, in the case of the Norfolk Railway Extension (Thetford to Recdhion Branches—No. 2) petition for leave to present a petition for a Bill, the standing orders ought not to be dispensed with. Second resolution agreed to.—Report to lie on the table. PARLIAMENTARY DIVISIONS. From the Votes and Proceedings of the Ifonse of Commons.) TUESDAY, itAY 19. BRIDPORT ELECTION. Motion made, and Question proposed, " That the petition of William Rockett be referred to a Select Committee, which shall be appointed, to inquire into all the circumstances under which Joseph Welch gave evidence before the Select Committee on the Bridport Election petition that William Rockett voted for Mr. Romilly, and whether any compromise or arrangement was entered into by the parties to the petition, their counsel, or agents, to prevent the dis closure of bribery or treating ; and also whether, and to what ex tent, bribery and treating were practised at the last election for the borough of Bridport:"—Amendment proposed, to leave out from the word " Romilly" to the end of the Question :—Question put, " That the words proposed to be left out stand part of the Question." The Rouse divided :—Ayes, 47 ; Noes, 47 : —And the numbers being equal, Mr. Speaker said, That as the House had no better means of forming a judgment upon the question than the Election Committee, who had already declined to entertain it, and as it would still be open to any elector of the borough, under the provisions of the Act 5 and 6 Vic. c. 2, to present a petition to the House, praying thata Com mittee, having power to examine u p on oath, might be appointed to investigate the subject of bribery and compromise, he therefore de clared himself with the Noes. AYES. Bankes, George Escott, Bickham Rich, Henry Barnard, Edward G. Gisborns, Thomas Scott, F. Bennet, P. Henley, J. W. Spooner, Richard Bentinck, Lord G. Hume, Joseph Stuart, Lord J. Bentinck, Lord H. Inglis, Sir R. Tancred, H.:W. Bcresford, Major Lambton, H. Thornely, T. Blackstone,VW. S. Law, C. E. Tolleraache, J. Borthwick, Peter Lawson, A. Trelawny, J. S. Bowring, Dr. Lowther, Hon. Col. Tyrrell, Sir J. T Bretherton, J. M`Carthy, Alex. Wakley, T. Burrell, Sir C. Marsland, Henry Wawn, J T. Christopher, R. A. Morris, David Williams, W. Collett, John Napier, Sir C. Wodehouse, E. Cartels, H. B. Neeld, Joseph Duke, Sir James Powell, Caleb TELLERS. Duncombe, A. Pretheroe, E. Aglienby, H. A. Elphinstone, IL Rashleigh, W. Christie, W. D. NOES. A.'Ceurt, Captain Fitzroy, Henry Mahon, Viscount Antrobus, Edmund Gladstone, J. N. O'Conor, Don Barkly, Henry Goulburn, Henry Palmerston, tris• Baring, W. B. Graham, Sir J. Peel, sir Robert Blackburne, J. I. Greene, Thomas Peel, Jonathan Bowles, Admiral Grimsditch, Thomas Russell, Lord J. Boyd, John Hamilton, Lord C. Somerset, Lord cs , Bruce, Lord E. Harcourt, G. Stanton, W. H. Cardwell, Edward Hay, Sir A. Stuart. /10.7 Carnegie, Captain Herbert, Sidney Thesiger,r F. gig Chichester, Lord J. Hinde, J. H. Trench, Ste . F. Clay, Sir W. Hope, G. W. Vivian, J E w c ,,,a, Charles Clerk Sir G. Hudson, George Cockburn, Sir G. Hutt, William Corry, Henry Kelly , S ir Fitzroy TELLERS. Canrtenay, Viscount Labouchere, Henry Young, John Douglas, Sir C. Lygon, General Cripps, W. THE JEWS IN BKVARIA.—The Second Chamber of the States of Bavaria, in, its sitting of the 7th instant, adopted, almost unanimously, a motion for the revision of a decree of the Emperor Napoleon in 1343, against the Jews, with a view to the sup. pressrun of aswxy. London swrvellrtumnaobtelytook t he pfc ONE OF THE S WELL MOB.—Saturday morning, merchant was leaving containing ono t of the us the Bank of England , Lt asa ket-book,cont Peaket. thief was discovered, taken into custody, and in Ike Men of an hoer committed kw trial. THE LATE FIGHT BETWEEN GILL AND NORLEY.— The winner of this fight (Gill) has been bound, himself in SOL and two sureties in 401. each, to appear at the next Oxford sessions, to answer to a charge of committing a breach of the peace in this last eugilistic conflict. DESTRUCTION OF MACHINERY.--CAUTION TO MILL Horns.—On Tuesday evening, between 200 and 300 workpeople in the employ of Messrs. Mellon, cotton-spinners, of Ashton, were, for a time, thrown out of employment, consequent upon the breaking into fragments of a large fly wheel, attached to the steam-engine connected with the extensive spinning and vi wea ng mill adjoining Old street. It appears that the accident occurred a short time previous to the usual period of leaving work, and was caused by some of the hands in the dressing-room suddenly stopping their machines, thus causing the power to be taken off the engine, which, as a necessary consequence, commenced working at a tremendous speed. Some idea may be formed of the velocity of the wheel, when we state that it broke in two the strong iron entablature beam of the engine, tore up the engine-house floor, broke through the second floor, and after wards forced its way through the root of the building. Most fortu nately there are no rooms above the engine-house, as in some esta blishments, or there is little doubt but the accident would have been attended with far more serious and perhaps fatal consequences. The engineer, a man named John Holland, on hearing the engine going too fast, ran towards the engine-house, and just as he was entering the doorway he was knocked down, but escaped without injury. It is impossible, at present, to ascertain the amount of damage done. The workpeople, who were generally preparing for the Whitsuntide holidays, will not be able to resume work till Monday week.—Mart chaster Courier. [ADvERTISEMENT.] —DEAFNESS AND "DEFECTIVE VISION RELIEVED, 39,1 ALBERMARLE-STHEET, PICCADILLY. —Newly invented acoustic tubes, for relief of extreme deafness, and when inserted in the ear cannot 'be perceived by the nearest observer — they are entirely different from all others, and are the smallest hear ing instruments constructed—measuring only a quarter of an inch iu their widest part; they may be securely adjusted in the ears unob served, and removed therefrom with as great ease and facility. Fer sons are enabled to join in general conversation, and to hear most distinctly in a place of worship, &c., and what should be greatly considered, a natural expansion of the cavity of the ear is preserved —a thickening or contraction of which in many instances is par - tially the cause of deafness — a nd by their use the unpleasant sen sation of singing noises in the e ars is entirely obviated. Also im proved hearing trumpets of every description. Immediately the newly-invented spectacle lenses are placed before imperfect vision, either by day or candlelight, that mist and dullness which appear before the eyes is at once re moved, every objectclear and distinct, so that the most aged defective sight becomes bright and Alsoand Is brought to its youthful, natural, and original state. Also the most powerthl achromatic telescopes, opera glasses, and microscopes. Caution—Messrs S. and E. Soiomons, opticians, are not in any way connected with a person of the same DAM, in their immediate neighbourhood, nor in any part of the country. To prevent mistakes, be cautious, and observe—only to be bad at 39, Albemarle treet, Piccadilly, opposite the Yor :; ~/`~~ ~ ~ -.. ; ~ .Y GUIDE TO THE TURP,andPOCKET RACIAI T.' COMPANION for 1846. By W. Ruff. This is the authority on all matters relating to the turf, and it deserves to be so, for nothing can exceed the accuracy and extent of the information which it con tains, or the admirably clear and succinct manner in which the information is arranged. Any one referring to the Guide can in a moment lay his finger on the in formation which he may require, whether that infor mation relate to the nominations—which are all alpha betically arranged and indexed—to the length of the courses, the laws of racing, the names of the jockeys, their lowest weights, the " lots," the names of the trainers, or the colours of the riders. It contains, moreover, an accurate Racing Calendar for 1845, and is, in fact, a complete mirror of the racing world of the United Kingdom. l ' .'ii:" A DISPLAY OF HERALDRY. By Win. Newton. The author of this work states his object in publishing it to have been " to revive the knowledge of an obsolete science, of which he became enamoured in his youth," and certainly the handsome volume before us, with its various illustrations, historical and pictorial, is well calculated to attain that object. The author, it appears, has been engaged for the last thirty years in collecting the materials for this publication, which may be con sidered as a modernised Guillim. But it is not by this work alone, which has evi dently been a labour of love, that Mr. Newton has vindicated his right to the title of Champion of Heraldry. He has delivered a course of interesting lec tures on the science before the members of a literary and scientific society in the City of London, and the substance of these lectures will be found in the present publication. The style in which the work is written is concise and clear, and the author has made his subject Englander castles really quite interesting. The book, which is beautifully printed and is alto ge ther " got up "is a very superior style, will no d ou bt b e a grea t f avour ite in the old halls tn willof othurinkcoaunitirbyrasrqyuiinrceos,mwplheitele that every d d oes not ung Eii d boast one copy, at least, of the display of heraldry. THE TRUE By Charles Sumner.hi G n R o A I N iu D Ie EUR OF NATIONS. are com p ri se dloorby, and a great Much learning, of spirit contains in an indication of the benevolence a s this oration. It are fast gaining ground among the civilised portions which mankind, and the ultimatum of which sentirJrtinots?s th e ns of extinction of warfare and the establishment of a general peace. If only as bodying forth these new and very noble views of the human end for which men were created, the little publication before us possesses a most peculiar attraction. Hitherto, that is to say until within a very recent period, the applause of the populace has been chiefly lavished upon those who have con• ducted nations to victory: in ancient times mere animal valour was esteemed a virtue : the aggrandizement of their territories was formerly regarded as the principal duty of a legislature ; and the appurtenances of battle were considered as the most glorious insignia of a citizen. History is indeed mainly composed of the contest of states, the slaughter of armies, the glory of conquerors, and the enumeration of victories. During the days in which the Heathen mythology formed the religion of Europe, heroes were apotheosized, were pro claimed to be, and worshipped as, gods. Generation after generation, even subsequent to the establishment of Christianity, the people were instructed to regard these things as natural, and laudable, and worthy of imitation ; the children of the people drank in with their rudimental education a reverence for martial enter prise, a reverence for the soldiers of antiquity, a reverence for prowess when displayed under a military guise. Novel lights are now, however , sprin g ing up in the popular intelle c t ; national confliets to be contemned as drogatory to an eniigsreh beginning te b nd race ; the implements of war are cons id ered as nothing more than th e i ns t ruments of crime; manyy helmets and gold-laced jack e t s are looked u po n as baubles ; a mortal struggle has co mmence d b etween " Captain Sword and Captain Pen." It is not diffi cu lt to perceive to what all this agitation of opinion is tend ing ; and we may readily conjecture that in the sub. version of ideas which have hitherto been (if we may so employ the verb) sanctified by the acquiescence of our forefathers, a mighty change must ultimately come upon society. The question is, therefore, will that change be productive of good or evil ? When war is brought into utter contempt with the multitude, it will not be re sorted to very readily ; that is a r • • oposition very easy of comprehension. A n d that su ch feelings are rapidly penetrating the mind of the population, every one who has at all investigated the intellectual progress of his contemporaries must acknowledge. Nevertheless, this is not the only circumstance to be taken into considera tion when reviewing this momentous subject ; we must discover whether those incitements to battle, which have hitherto goaded our ancestors to bloodshed, will still continue in existence. Now it is impossible to form an adequate estimate of the consequences which must result from the acceptance of free trade among the governments of the earth, and at the same moment to maintain the continuance' of those incitements. Reason teaches us that such must naturally and by necessity be the ulterior effect of an unrestricted com merce. Richard Cobden has already pronounced this fact in his harangues to the people of England. With the suppression of agricultural monopoly warfare will be virtually suppressed ; with the proclamation of an uni vers 11 free trade a general peace will be virtually pro claimed. The interests of mankind will be become tken so intimately linked together ; the prosperity of one nation will be so materially dependent upon the pros perity of another, that, notwithstanding their dissimi larity of language, of manners, or of creed, the king doms of the world will gradually become massed into one indivisible family. Buss and Frank, Belgian and Spaniard, Britisher and American, will meet as brothers yet more than they are accustomed to do now-a-days ; the opportunities for international contention will never occur ; the possibility of warfare in Christendom will never exist. Such is the consummation of these glorious principles as prefigured in their very nature, as announced by the representative of Stockport, as anti cipated and believed in by ourselves. But the develop ment of this consummation is wholly dependent upon the universality of the system by which it can be alone pro duced. Upon this particular, however, we can rest patiently with a conviction of its fulfilment. The Com mons of Great Britain have already accepted the policy in question; we may, therefore, upon the most mature deliberation, consider its incorporation in the English constitution as a matter of absolute certainty. England is the greatest commercial empire on the face of the globe; her mercantile transactions influence every mar ket in the "four quarters;" her sister states will con sequently be driven into as adoption of the same policy —though when that adoption will be completed it is im possible to conjecture. Still it must come ultimately, and the result must be an universality and a permanence of peace. For the promotion of the same cause, the antipathy to warfare, which we have formerly notified as having already become, to a considerable extent, so popular, will undoubtedly prove efficacious. The bles sing of a general tranquillity among nations is still alto gether prospective; this fact must never be so far for gotten as to distemper our benevolence; and we must each and all of us continue to act upon a knowledge that it is prospective. We have been sednced into this long digression both by the ineffable importance of the sub ject, and because the oration under notice is an emboli meat of that antagonism to the battle -field and the soldiery to which we have alluded. M r. Sumner, in city delivering it before the municipal authori tiesth o at f t spirit of of Boston, has given an eloque nt voice to those views with very a ntagonism, and has embelli!he d He has proved him selferu_ition. extraordinary marks of d us speaker, and a original thinker, an adventuro an n Still there is a certain amount lover of his fellow-r . ne obliteratethe very re in his anxiety to of Qui"tisni of war forthwith ; and we cannot but think membranee 1 dcondemnation f its practice h e h as ge nera lised his 0 to most reprehensible extent. He looks with loathing at its records ; the great captains of the past are, without any distinction, monsters and miscreants in his eyes. Patriotism, and all the nobler characteristics of those deeds of battle, are all forgotten in his loathing for the military art ; every other sentiment gives place to the one predominant feeling of disgust at a system. This is a most diseased and mock philanthropy; it is false and extravagant to the very last degree. Whatever may be our opinions as Christians, and as dwellers in the nineteenth century, we must reverence thousands of those battles, of those vanquishers, and of those warlike perm)! generally, remembering that in many cases bloodsh( d was forced upon them—escape from it was unavoidable —that, in short, they performed their parts, and per formed them gloriously. We could fill books upon books with the mere catalogue of these facts, hundreds of which will recur spontaneously to the memory of historical students. Nay, we could adduce, did space enable us, the career of the most wonderful man this earth ever beheld as an instance of defensive wars from the first hour of his political life to the very last, ren dering him, on that account, as well as from the admir able qualities of his head and heart, an object of our veneration and love—not as Mr. Sumner would regard him, a wholesale murderer and a curse to humanity. Our comments have extended to such an unexpected length that we can only recommend this oration, in a few words, to those who are curious as to the thoughts by which their contemporaries are animated. We can, moreover, bating its vein of prejudice (a vein which would raise the indignation of the hero-worshipper , Carlyle), recommend it with cordiality. It is a fin © specimen of American oratory , a nd it shows, not on ly the rhetorician, but the philanthropist, the scholar, and the independent thinker. ~, \`•• tte m n ie d ss ed o b f y o t rm he o E n a d r , l a t i i i , 4t c Th er e were present on Tu esda y evenin g at her Mt/jest) 'la Theatre, h 1.307.i5s ter 1 3wf, esttiy,ethmea r u q e e u I n s A :an del d ai m de a , reehi I Hudson, the Hon. Miss Seymour, and Capta it Some rset ; her Royal H i g hness the Duchess of Cambri dge , accora . . pan ted by her Royal H i g hness the Duchess of Gloucester, and at tended by the Baroness Ah lefeldt, the B aron Knesebeck, and Mr. E.'. aJ e mund Mildmay ; his Royal Highness Prince George of Cambridge, tl is Duke and Duchess of Cleveland, the Duchess of Beaufort, the Marqus and Marchioness of Worcester, and the Ladies It. and B. Somerset. his Excellency the Russian Ambassador and the Baroness Brunnow, and Mdile. Olga de Lechner, the Marquis and Marchioness of Dom o, the Marquis of Clanricarde, the Marquis and Marchioness of Abercorn, the Marchioness of Sligo, the Marchioness of Wes_- meath, the Marquis of Huntley, the Marquis of Titehfleld ; his Ex• cellency the Hanoverian Minister, the Earl and Countess of Wlltm., the Earl of Clare, the Earl of Lonsdalc, the Countess of Ktnnoul, Eta Viscount Cantalupe, Viscount Dungannon, the Viscount Dupplin. eston Lord ar mouth, the Earl of Munster, Lord and Lady Trirol , .l, Lady Fitzroy Somerset, Lady Charles Wellesley, the Earl of Fal mouth, and the Hell Lady Mary Hood, Lord Foley, the Hon. C . Foley, , Sir James Langhant„ Lady Ashburton, Lady Macdonald, Lady Eldon, Lord Harry Vent.. Misses Foley, Lord Saltoun, n hir and Lady Dom. Sir Thomas Hare, Sir W. and Lady Houl i sto x , _ e. vile, Lady Clay, Sir John Guest, Lady 3 cu , & Wind W.S.W.—Arid. 14th, Arentina JacOha, SCILLY, MAY 18.— Sir w. w. Wynn, Van Wyk, Liverpool, for Rotterdam, towed in with loss of foremtwg and all spars, sails, and rigging attached. ~~ , J ~~ , ~ ` ~ ✓ _ ~._, .- 4