The Sun. — London, England, 1837-04-21 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. Again we congratulate the country upon the auspi cious result of the debate which terminated yesterday morning. We rejoice at it, not as the victory of a Minister or a Government, but as the decided triumph of a great and important principle. That the exist eece of the Ministry was involved in the issue of the question may he easily and much to their credit ad ntitted. But the continued rule of any Minister, the continued existence of any Government, is a matter of far less importance than the success of that enlight ened policy which it was the object of Sir Henry Hardinge's motion to counteract. If we wanted any confirmation of the despicable party spirit which sug gested this Parliamentary movement, we had it in that ferocious shout with which Lord Palmerston was as sailed when he rose to address the House. That dis graceful exhibition told more of the objects and the views of the Opposition than any speech they de livered during the whole of the discussion. And yet there are creatures of the party, we see, who ex ultingly thrust forward this shameless proceeding as though it were a thing to be proud of! They will persist, however, that they are influenced by none but the purest and loftiest motives. The honour and dignity of the country—the wel fare of their unfortunate countrymen at St. Se bastian—these it was that instigated the motion of Sir Henry Hardinge ! A word in passing to that Gallant Officer. His situation is certainly not an enviable one. As a soldier, nobody can think otherwise of Sir Henry Hardinge than that he is a brave and gal lant man. As a private gentleman he may be pos sessed of every quality for which his friends give him credit. As a public man, looking to the position he holds in the ranks of his party, and the purposes to which he lends himself, we regard him as the most contbmptihle within the walls of the House of Com mons. Nor do we express this opinion without grounds. It seemed to have grown into a fashion with Members upon both sides of the House to compliment this man upon his high feelings and his generosity. High feelings and generosity ! In what were they exhibited ? Who or what is Sir Henry Hardinge as a politician ? If Peel came into office to-morrow he would be again sent to Ireland as the fittest instru ment to cut out work to give employment to his own profession. He has the utter want of judgment, the thick-and-thin devotion to his party, and all the reck less and headstrong obstinacy to qualify him for the task. In the House of Commons he has—before his last exhibition, signalised himself as the hot-headed brag gadocio, the fire-eater of his party, who has more than once attempted to dragoon Members of that House into silence upon questions which he saw threatened the very existence of the Government to which he be longed. This is all we have hitherto known of him— little, it is true, but not very indicative, as far as it goes, of either " high feeling " or " generosity." What new claim has he acquired to the character so liberally bestowed upon him ? We should be glad to think we were wrong when we express our belief that antecedent to Monday, since the news of the dis aster of the 16th reached London, Sir H. Hardinge has taken no ordinary trouble, out of the House of Commons, to turn that event to the prejudice of Gen. Evans and the force he commands. But, passing this by, let us come to his motion of Monday. if he were possessed of a single particle of generous or lofty feeling—if the sentiments which his profession is ge nerally supposed to inspire were not in wretched sub jection to his party spirit—would he, of all men living, have undertaken such a task ? Would he —a soldier, acquainted with the vicissitudes of a soldier's fortune, who ought to be able to appre ciate the keen sensitiveness of a soldier's feelings— would he have seized upon the moment of reverse to aggravate the deep injury of the calumnies he was heaping on them, by robbing these men of the oppor tunity of retrieving what portion of their character they may hare lost ? Generosity, indeed ! He comes down to the House of Commons laden with accusa tions against the Legion carefully woven together—he puts on a semblance of commiseration for the misfor tunes of the men he is injuring—ehows the sincerity of his feeling by representing them to the House of Com mons in the blackest . light in which they could be placed—demoralised to the very lowest degree—and then proposes that they should be deprived of the only opportunity they can have of redeeming their character. Generous and high-minded m a n ! As the debate proceeds, statement after statement is refuted upon un questionable testimony, and this generous opponent, instead of openly and manfully admitting that he had been imposed upon, attempts to quibble away the con clusive defence that has been made. We trust that in any future discussion Sir Henry Hardinge may be estimated at his proper value. He is a fit servant for Peel, arid a fit colleague for Goulburn and Snatch bull. If this entitle him to respect a good character mew be cheaply earned. The speech of Lord Palmer ston on Wednesday night was one of the ablest and most successful efforts we have ever heard. It was a complete justification of the Spanish policy of the Government. Let those who are opposed to that po licy, instead of betaking themselves to their accustomed gibes and ribaldry—instead of pouring out their un meaning and exaggerated declamations—meet the ar gument of that speech, upon which we are well con tented to rest the whole defence of his Majesty's Mi nisters in their policy towards Spain. We were not sorry that the Opposition Members thought it right to enter into the policy that originated the Quadruple Treaty. Besides affording an occasion for its most triumphant vindication, it hurried those who adopted the course into a most glaring inconsistency. It is con tended that the Quadruple Treaty is most unwise in its policy, has been injurious in its effect, and that if its execution be persevered in, it will be ruinous to the in terests of the country. Yet, says Sir Robert Fed, give me but the opportunity, and I will continue to execute it ! Impolitic and disastrous though it be, even at the humiliating price of executing it, I rim ready to take place ! This he said, but this we do not believe. The motion he supported falsifies his own statement. Lord Palmerston well put it—that the , success of that motion would be in effect to tear the treaty in pieces. What is the " naval co-opera tion" that Sir Robert Peel is contented to afford ? How much of his good offices can be purchased at the costly price of the premiership of England ? The same extent of naval assistance that is afforded at pre sent? No. But hear the generous interpretation of Sir Robert's Solicitor-General, who seemed to think was retained to pick holes in a bill of indictment for petty larceny, and not to discuss the meaning of a solemn national .compact. Upon reference to the clauses and the sections—" the obvious construction from the context"—Sir William Fol;ett was enabled to arrive at the conclusion, that the treaty bound us to blockade time coast of Spain ! And this he was prepared to do. Liberal soul ! It altogether es caped his acuteness, as the Noble Lord who re plied to him observed, that the right of blockade is a belligerent right which we dare not execute. These consistent men, who are so wedded to peace that they are horrified at the thought of our being, auxiliaries in a war, would be content to purchase ac cession to office by converting us into principals ! To what extent, we again ask, would Peel and his party undertake to execute the treaty ? In addition to fur nishing arms we are bound to give a " naval co-opera tion." What do you mean by this ? You say a blockade, but you dare not execute it. And yet Sir Robert Peel tells us he would execute the treaty. No, lic would not. He would make it, again to borrow the phrase of a French Statesman—lie would make it shat would not be a bad commentary on his own po litical life—" a great lie." It is impossible that a Tory Government can ever execute the Quadruple Treaty. It is mere nonsense to be giving such men credit for a wish to preserve the faith of the na tion. They will not—because they dare not—come forward and openly say they would break it. Ne vertheless, they would effectually do so. Looking at the naked deformity of Continental absolutism, their Organs may seek to detach Toryism from this -its natural alliance. But it is impossible. Sir Ro bert Peel is bdiind in principle and in policy to support th e despotic powers in foreign countries. Let the people be triumphant in France, in Spain, in Por tugal, and Belgium, and it will be impossible to rough ride them in England. Establish Toryism and Guizot in Paris, Toryism and Don Carlos in Madrid, Toryism and Don Miguel in Lisbon, and you pave the way for the success of Toryism and Peel in London. Biscay, as Lord Palmerston most justly observed, is the battle hield of the warring principles of freedom and des potism. England and her people is a party in the struggle. They are contending, not for the success of any individual—not for the triumph of Queen Christina individually, over Don Carios ; they are contending for the supremacy of the institutions they themselves enjoy, because upon their general establish ment the enjoyment of the benefit of their own in a great measure depends. And we hail the decision of the House of Commons as a harbinger of success. It is a pledge that we are too deeply interested in the struggle to withdraw before its happy consummation. This is the ground upon which we congratulate the country upon the result of the debate.—Morning Chronicle. Remembering the materials of which the majority of the present House of Commons is composed, and recalling the manner in which that majority on many previous occasions has acted, we suppose we ought not to have anticipated a more satisfactory conclusion to the important debate upon the Spanish war than that which we yesterday announced. The foreign policy of a Government is uniformly the point upon which it is least assailable. Under any circumstances many a well-intentioned man will dis like the notion of interference with the course pur sued by the King's advisers in matters to which lie has himself paid little attention. In these times, when legislation upon subjects of tlomestic interest has excited mote than usual passion, and engrossed more than usual attention, such conscientious scru ples may be expected to have more than ordinary effect. Many Gentlemen who have formed a sound opinion upon the Church-rates in England have not had leisure to form any opinion, at V all upon the fueros in Biscay ; and many who regard with deep anxiety the purposes of republicanism in Britain take no concern at all in the success of usurpation in Spain. It is an old, and we will not say, a culpable prin ciple, that a Member of Parliament should support the Government of the country whenever he has formed no strong opinion against its policy. Upon this occa sion we will venture to express our belief, that the gentlemen who voted with the Ministers, simply be cause they are the Ministers, constituted the majority by which they are enabled to be the Ministers still. Nevertheless, the absolute indifference to the highest national considerations displayed by two hundred and eighty gentlemen yesterday morning, is a circumstance at which we will not pretend to dissemble our mortifi cation. This is a mortification which we need not blush to exhibit. The majority in favour of Lord Palmerston's un-English policy is not large ; but it is a majority. We avowed that we anticipated a vic tory ; we confess that we are disappointed at a defeat. We supposed that the passions and prejudices which render Members deaf to reason upon all subjects on which they are successfully and habitually excited, would have little effect in a discussion on a matter now for the first time coming formally before them, and having no conceivable connection with the trite and familiar topics of their nightly dissensions. We thought that the bitterest enemy of Church-rates might dislike to see the treasures of his country idly dissipated—we hoped that the fiercest denouncer of tithes might refuse to have the blood of his country men vainly spilt. We were too sanguine. The House of Commons has taken upon itself the guilt of the fur ther prosecution of this un-English warfare. The House of Commons has made itself responsible for Lord Palmerston's future expenditure of British mo ney, and for Lord Palmerston's future waste of Bri tish life. Be it so. We appeal to the people. Let the people mark the condition in which, by the deci sion of the House of Commons, England stands with regard to Spain. In the last two years, during which ten thousand Englishmen have been in the service of Isabella, and four hundred English Marines hare been lent to the assistance of her armies on shore, so little progress has been made, that it is asserted by all the Ministerial speakers, and admitted by the cheers of their friends, that the withdrawal of our ten thou sand volunteers and our four hundred Marines would open for Don Carlos an immediate passage to Ma drid. Lord Palmerston must he b o u n d by the vote of the House of Commons, to continue the Order in Council, and to extend the loan of the Marines. Well, what reason has he for supposing that the measures which have been totally ineffectual thus far, will be more successful in future ? He has as signed none. He has not affected to promise better results for the two years to which he looks forward than those which have attended the two years to which be looks back. Lord Palmerston may be encouraged by the vote of the House of Commons to go a step beyond the continuance of the Order in Council, and the extension of the loan of the Marines. He may be preparing a more direct and open interference. Well, what is the limit within which he thinks the ex— penditure of British money and the exposure of Bri tish life ought to be confined ? He has defined none. He has laid down principles which, for aught we can see, may impel him to send infantry and cavalry where he now sends Marines and mercenaries, and to squan der millions where he now squanders thousands, for the prosecution of a quarrel in which his country is in no way concerned. Meantime a more immediate diffi culty approaches. The Order in Council may be re newed, but the period for which the British Legion was enlisted will expire. On the 10th of June how many of the companions of General Evans will take fresh service ? And in the place of those who will return .how many recruits will hurry to the scene of a warfare, originally discreditable, and ultimately disas trous ?—Morning Post. A pretty pass are the Tories about to bring the country to—a pretty pass, we repeat, and all for no thine, or next to nothing—just that the Newcastles and'Winchilseas may be humoured in their whim, and Peel be allowed to obtain the object of his am hition, and be enabled to carry those measures which he is now opposing. Lyndhurst will get a seat per haps upon the Woolsack, and, what:is still better, a sa lary—Philpotts will be translated—and the Dawsons, Twisses, Praeds, and all the host of red tape men will once more be privileged to burrow in the public offices. But • at what a sacrifice, at what imminent peril to the country, are the selfish schemes of a few designing and desperate men to be gratified ! The Queen of Laputa would rather her palace had been burned to the ground than that the conflagration had been checked by Gulliver's mode of extinction ; and the Tories in like manner would sooner the country should be sacrificed, than that the acknowledged abuses in its institutions should be remedied by the hands of the Whigs. Like " the dog in the manger," the Peel-Wellington faction—for Lyndhurst seems at the present writing to he hors de combat—will do nothing themselves, or suffer any one else to do it. And yet the hypocritical, sly Sir Surface—all rogue as he is —whines, because the public business is at a stand-still ; and that nought progresses but paltry, di sgrace f u l i n t r i gue . Th e Peel omnibus stops the narrow way; and yet the impudent cad, who should be " pulled up" for his indecent conduct, turns sneeringly round to the drivers of the State coach, and inquires who it is that detains them ? Sir John Falstaff; whom we take to have been a good coqform ing Tory in his day, " would not give a reason upon compulsion ;" and Peel and his confederates will not permit us to have good measures, unless they have salary. The Duke of Wellington—and he is a very fair sample of the party to which he belongs—thought when in Downing-street that Reform would be ruinous to the nation ; but, all ruinous as it was, and all pa triotic and disinterested as he is known to be —yet did he offer to carry it, if only allowed to become an in mate of the Foreign-office But the Tories are paving the way—indeed, it is already paved—for their final obliteration as a party. They have sowed in the storm, and are about to reap the whirlwind. They hare re fused the Irish people their rights—their just rights— upon the pretence of keeping that country flee from agitation ; and yet their sane policy has increased Irish agitation one hundred-fold. Ireland, in a very short nine, should the Tories pursue their present course, bids fair to become a tolerable political, as well as social volcano. What with county, city, parochial, and baronial meetings upon the popular, side, and county gatherings among the Mark Beresford and Sir Harcourt Lees' clumjumphry, with perhaps a briskly contested election about June by way of interlude, we rather think that our Irish neighbours will not-require any " Normal schools" of agitation to keep their hand in practice. Already has Mr. O'Connell, in a spirit stirring letter, which we copy elsewhere, sounded the tocsin. The spirit of former days breathes throughout time epistle. It is a war trumpet to rouse his country men once more to action—to summon-them to that strv„ele which will be the last they will have to en counter. In it he depicts with force and fidelity the melancholy ills which Ireland must suffer from even a temporary domination. His aspiration that the Mi nistry may not be tempted to desert their post is our own: That they may have had their faults, we will not deny, both of commission and omission ; and at one time, though not now, the worst of them, that of neglecting to remember friends while they rewarded their enemies ; but how far preferable are they to the jobbing and sanguinary Tories?-111orniag Advertiser. It was to be expected that Sir Henry Hardinge's motion would bring under discussion a variety of ques tions connected, though by no means identified, with those two specific ones which were directly raised by the Right Hon. and Gallant Officer, and which two questions were simply these—viz., Ist, whether Eng,• lishmen shall any longer be encouraged by the King's Government to make war upon one body of Spanish citizens, and in conjunction with another ; 2d, whether it be a fair construction of the additional articles to the quadripartite treaty, that under a clause which stipu lates for naval assistance on the part of England to Queen Christina, a particular description of British troops called Marines, and another portion consisting of Royal Artillery, can lawfully be employed to carry on inland operations ? With regard to debates, con tinued for two long nights, since our last article on the motion of Sir H. Hardinge, it is impossible to do more than glance, and that _generally, at a very few of the numberless points adverted to by 20 or 30 speakers. Lord J. Russell yesterday morning repeated the taunt which had been early thrown out by some of his own mi nor supporters—that the introduction of such a motion at such a time as this proved it to originate in motives unge nerous towards the Legion under General Evans, and purely of a party nature as affecting Lord Melbourne's Government, for that, whether as a military or political question, it ought to have been brought forward sooner. Now, a little too much is here contended for by the Parliamentary organ of the Ministry. No reasonable man will assert that the irregular employment of a large body of native Englishmen, assisted by some of the King of England's regular forces, in the operations of a civil war, carried on within a country with which Great Britain professes to be at peace, is an unfit sub ject for the deliberations of a British Parliament. But if it were a matter which ought, as implied by Lord J. Russell and by Mr. Villiers, who sneered at the Conservatives for thus " striking a final blow at an enemy when we say, it were a question which ought to have been moved before—d fortiori, it ought not to be any longer neglected. But is there not abundant reason for pressing this im portant subject on the mind of Parliament and of the public, now, when the 10th of June approaches— now, when the period for which the Foreign Enlist ment Bill was suspended has not eight weeks to run, and when there is not an hour to be lost in securing, if practicable, some expression of the pleasure of Parlia ment and of the national feeling, by which a rash and stupid Minister may be deterred from a repetition of the same mischievous and inhuman blunder—a preci pitate renewal of that same Order in Council from which such torrents of English blood have flowed, without advancing by one inch, but, on the other hand, grievously embarrassing, the cause of so-called Spanish liberty, and fearfully sacrificing the military renown of England through the same process by which her subjects, entrapped into a quarrel which is neither hers nor theirs, have suffered a brutalizing and incurable de moralization ? Yes, the 10th of June approaches, and, if good for nothing else, the. motion of Monday last, and th.e result of it, have placed: theiquestion of this sanguinary non-intervention syStemin such a light be fore the people of England, that no Whig-Radical or mongrel Foreign Secretary, if then in office (and de pend upon it he holds office to the last), will dare to reproduce the policy of the Order in Council, or to continue, much less extend in their sphere, the military operations of the last two years on the Peninsula. What, looking practically at these freaks of a fantastic ambition- , --what is it that Lord Palmerston has done on behalf of Chris tina, or against Don Carlos, by his bloody aggression upon the Basque provinces ? Is the throne of Christina more secure, or the discomfiture of Don Carlos more imminent, than before General Evans flogged a single man of his half-fed volunteers, or threw up a single entrenchment or battery to defend his 10,000 floggees from the peasants of 'Biscay and Navarre ? What, then, is to be gained by a further prosecution of so mad a project—for, after all, thai is the question ? We are assured by Lord Palmerston that the whole of Spain, with the small exception of the district now occupied by the troops of Don Carlos, is in favour of the Queen and liberty. But besides, as was well remarked by Sir Robert Peel in his powerful and most crushing speech yesterday morning, Lord Palmerston now in forms us that the Basques, inhabitants of that solitary district, have long become wearied of the unfortunate Prince ; so that, in fact, he can have no supporters left to him !--none at all ! Yet, wondrous to relate, this lonely individual, deserted by the whole world, and with out (on the showing of the Foreign Secretary) a single follower, or hardly one, has contrived at the end of two campaigns to baffle the best-combined assaults of armies amounting to 50,000 Anglo-Christino soldiers ; and while the hopes of Spain, the Westminster Volunteers, are confessedly reduced by this unequal warfare with au isolated Prince, who has neither troops nor allies, to a handful of dispirited and disorganized fugitives from the last battle, Don Carlos actually looks stronger and more prosperous than before he had Lord Palmer ston for lua foe ! What, then, is to be the end of this ? The Queen of Spain Imo under arms, against her brother-in-law, according to the statements of her Ministers, about 50,000 Men. General Evans has besides about 3,000. Now, will any but an arrant blockhead believe that it is on Evans and his 3,000 beaten, ill-disciplined, demoralized, no longer effec tive troops, the fortunes of such a quarrel for the Crown of Spain can by possibility turn ? The timing is monstrous. The Conservative leader saga ciously warned the House of Commons that they were to put time unhappy Legion entirely out of the question, for that General Evans has pledged himself' to come home on or before the 10th of June —a promise which includes, of course, the certainty that his poor worn-out followers will not be-far behind him. Then, what have we to rely upon but the King's marine and artillery forces for succours to Queen Christina after the extinction of the Legion ? But if these few hundreds of gallant men be i v rj e—t su tfi cient—as insufficient they will indisputably pro o effect the overthrow of Don Carlos, and if time neces sity of that overthrow to the interests of England and to the " march of freedom in Europe," be, as Lord Palmerston has stated it to be, the ground and justi fication of his " intervention" policy in the affairs of Spain, it follows, as a matter of course, that time scale of intervention must be enlarged with the exigences of the contest, and, therefore, that we are entering upon a system of warlike operations, under the pretext of fultilling the Quadripartite Treaty, whereof the mag nitude, like the consequences, may be immeasurable. This is a delightful prospect for a country, the first maxim and stipulation of whose present Ministers, already above their ancles on the brink of that gulf of which time depths are altogether unfathomable, was " peace with all mankind, and non-intervention " in the domest:c affairs of other nations ! Again, from the general question thus raised let us turn briefly to others, which Ministers have chosen to ingraft upon it. Lord J. Russell taunts Sir Henry Hardinge, when misrepresented, as he was frequently and irregu larly, in . the progress of those debates, with haying withdrawn his several assertions against the Legion, and been compelled to give up his original charges. What " charges" the Gallant Officer brought. against time Legion we cannot learn from his speech. Seldom has any speech been delivered in Parliament by a military man possessed of great professional knowledge, and imbued with military tastes, so marked by scrupu lous and respectful courtesy as that of Sir H. Hardinge towards Gen. 'lover Evans.. Not one word escaped the Gal lant that was not indicative of a strong anxiety to withhold every particle of blame from that brave, but manifestly unsuccessful, officer, and by a disposition to account for the state of his troops on grounds which no man capable of reasoning could have disputed. He said that they were ill-fed, ill paid, afflicted with many privations—that the faith of the Spanish Government Was in many instances broken toward.; them—all which evils he gave General Evans credit for doing his ut most, though vainly, to avert ; but that erreme suf fering produced extreme insubordination ; that, their moral discipline being corrupted, their military disci pline was of necessity relaxed, and their inefficiency as soldiers in the field thence accounted for. And was not all this true ?—palpably demonstrated ? That a single syllable of it was retracted by Sir Henry Har dinge we can find no evidence in the debates, and therefore no shadow of support for the insinuations of Lord John Russell. Another topic may still be worth one moment's notice. Lord Palmerston and Lord John Russell stated broadly that this mo tion against their policy towards Spain was a direct censure upon the Government—and so it teas, a plain, sharp, and unquestionable cen , sure. They said it was a party motion—one cal culated to ruin them, if carried, as a Government. What, then, did they do ? Did they move, or ven ture to move, a substitute for that censure in the shape of " a vote of approbation ?" Such would have been the course of a bold or self-approving Minister. Such was the course of Mr. Canning when his foreign po licy was arraigned. But such was not within the aspi rations of Lord Palmerston, whose interminable twad dle on Wednesday night set all argument at defiance, by not advancing the semblance of an argument. No. They said—lt is a party question ; rally round us, friends ; our existence is at stake. The rally was made, and what was the result of it ? A majority of 36 ! in a House of 524 members, besides numerous pairs. From 80 to 55—from 55 to 36 I What next ? A few days will show us. We have here touched upon one or two only of a dozen subjects growing out of the late Spanish discussion. If the pressure of other ques tions permit, we shall, of course, recur to this, for it is full of matter.—Times. In a House of Commons mustering 520 members, a paltry majority of 36 against the motion of Sir Henry Hardinge, for the suppression of that disgrace to England, and nuisance to the civilized world—the non intervention war in Spain, affords a new proof of the weakness of Ministers even in the House of Commons, and a warning; in addition to some others recently re ceived, that their days are nearly numbered, and that it is time to " set their house in order," preparatory to bidding a long farewell to Downing-street and White hall. One of the former warnings to which we allude was the reduction of their majority on the Irish Muni cipal Bill from 80 to 55. Another was the miserable majority of 23 on the Church spoliation scheme pro pounded by the Chancellor of the Exchequer. Such things are sufficient to disturb even the repose of Lord Glenelg in his colonial dormitory--to make Lord John Russell tremble for the fate of another quar ter's salary—to alarm Mr. Spring Rice at the small chance of ever having an opportunity, after the present session, of spreading his scanty portion of financial knowledge, in a budget speech, over some thousands of " superficial inches" of the daily press, and to awaken Lord Palmerston from his visions of Spanish conquest and dreams of non-intervention glory, to the bleak prospect of a retreat upon Hampshire, unprovided with rations at the public expense, and uncovered by either horse marines or flying artillery. But if the Ministe rial majority was small, Lord Palmerston's speech was abundantly large. Its magnitude, however, was in the inverse ratio of the mind which it displayed. The two great propositions which the " juvenile whip" had to prove, and which he laboured through several columns of the Journals, were that " naval co-operation" meant " inland warfare," and that ‘ non-intervention" was synonimous with " hostile interference." Thesewere really and truly the two great " truths" that he under took to prove, and his " demonstration" was perfectly to his own satisfaction, though, like his " demonstra tions" on the coast of Holland, we fear it has left the question which it was to determine as unsettled as ever. A sample or two of the great protocollist's rea soning will suffice for the whole sack. As to employing marines to fight battles in the interior, he " satisfac torily" explains it as a naval operation, thus His view was that the seamen in his Majesty's service might be sent into the interior of the country to co operate with a military force, provided they were con tinued under the command of their own officers, and those alone. In the fair and strict sense of the term, they were then a naval force." So then, according to this mode of reasoning, the marines, if marched to Madrid under their own officers, would still be only employed in affording to the Queen's troops " naval co-operation." We wonder that even the " juvenile Whig" is not ashamed of gravely putting forth such nonsense as this I We should consider it an insult to the public understanding to do more than state a pro position whose absurdity refutes itself. The other great point, that non-intervention means hostile in terference, he attempted to demonstrate by various historical examples, with which the research of all the reading Members of the Ministry, we presume, has supplied him. The only objection to those " pre cedents were, that not one of them was applicable to the present case. Let us take an instance :—"One of the first acts of the reign of Queen Elizabeth," he in formed the House, " was to yield an armed inter vention to the request of the Scottish congregation, under the following circumstances :—A treaty had been concluded, to which England, Scotland, and France were parties, and, in consequence of disturb- ' ances breaking out in Scotland (the contending parties being the Queen-Regent backed by the French troops, on the one hand, and the congregation on the other), the latter body applied to the English Queen for assistance, in consequence of troops having arrived from France to oppose them, and of other reinforce ments of troops being expected by the Queen-Regent from the same quarter. Elizabeth, after much con sideration in Council, determined to afford the as sistance which was asked, and to support by arms as well as money the Scottish congregation. She not only assembled at Berwick an army of eight thou sand men, but she gave naval co-operation, equipping for that purpose a fleet of thirteen ships." Now, in what respect, we ask, does this honest, undisguised, we were going to add, manly intervention of the high minded Elizabeth, resemble the dishonest, evasive, shuffling, and contemptible non-intervention warfare of the Whig Ministers ? Elizabeth's act was as bold as it was politic and prudent. She took upon herself and her Government all tike responsibility of her interven tion in the affairs of Scotland. That intervention was for British objects—it was necessary to the immediate safety of her crown and dominions. There was a fo reign force in Scotland, of which the giddy Queen was the ally, against the liberties, not only of Scot land, but the safety of Great Britain. France—the old rival and enemy of England was; in fact, upon her borders, and Elizabeth assisted the Scottish Congrega tion against that French invading force, in her own defence and the defence of her people. If foreign troops had been sent into Spain by any other power to place Don Carlos on the throne against the wishes of the Spanish nation, then England, indeed, might have a r i g ht, and might be placed under a political necessity to interfere, but it should be by honest, direct, and open intervention, like that of England when it sent the Duke of •Wellington at the head of an army to assist in driving the French invaders from that country, with the view of breaking down a power that threatened the independence of our own ! The Spanish people ought to be allowed to determine for themselves which of the claimants for the sovereignty have the just and legal title to the Crown. No British object is served by interfering between the contending parties. If there was a British object, and we had justice on our side, our interference ought to be direct and un disguised. Against a just and necessary war—a war necessary to our own defence—we have made no re clamation. Lord Palmerston quoted several cases of foreign troops being employed in the British service in the last war ; omitting to observe that they were all em ployed against a common enemy—an enemy to the re spective nations to which they belonged. This is quite a different thing from Lord Palmerston's non-intervention war. As to what has been said about fighting for liberal principles in Spain, we ask Mr. Shed, who affects • such a pious horror of the Inquisition, whether that Constitution of 1812, which the butchers of Barcelona and the murderers of Malawi, set up against the esta- tuto real, amid bloodshed and rapine, is exceedingly liberal, seeing that it denounces death to all who preach any other than the holy Roman and apostolic religion ? We ask the , Protestants of England whether it is worth expending Protestant blood and British creasui e to support ? There is nothing, we believe, that the Russian Autocrat likes better than to see England entail :4 ler] with the war of succession in Spain, because it leaves !inn the more free to pursue his pans of am bition and aggrandisement in the East. His emis saries, assisted by Talleyrand, formerly inveigled Palmerston into the absurd, and to our interests, exceedingly mischievous, Anglo-Gallic convention. As soon as he saw our Foreign S.:cret.ary floun derin in the swamps of the Netherlands, weighed down beneath the burden of his own voluminous protocols, he went to work in Constantinople and by the treaty of Unkiar Is/cilessi sealed the subjuga tion of Turkey. Our stupid and disgraceful non-in tervention war in Spain equally serves his purposes now. Nothing gives him so much pleasure as the pranks of Palmerston and his horse marines. While our naval co-operating force is obtaining anything but glory for the flag of Englaud by slaughtering a people with whom we are not at war—who have never injured us, and who are contending for their ancient rights and national liberties, the insolent autocrat shows how little he cares for the once supreme " ruler of the wares," by piratically seizing a British merchant vessel, under pretence of an unacknowledged blockade, and making it a great favour that he did not hang up every British subject on board I Such is the condition to which the Palmerston policy, east and west, has re duced the once mighty England, that we are not more insulted and despised by the Autocrat of Russia, than by the revolutionists of Portugal.—Morning Herald. THE MARKETS. HAY MARKETS.—(At per Load of 36 Trusses.) CUMBEIII AND. .:oars.• heavy Lowland Meadow Hay...... £4 0 to £4 5 Slew Meadow Hay Useful Old Ditto Fine Upland Meadow and Rye.grass Hay. 4 15 5 6 Cheer Hay b 15 6 0 Oat Straw £2 6to .£2 8 1 Wheat Straw 2 $ 2 10 SMITHFIELD. Coarse heavy Lowland Meadow Hay £3 15 to £4 0 Now Meadow Hay Useful Old Ditto ~........ 4 0 4 6 Fine Upland Meadow and Rye grass Hay Chaver Hay extra fine 4 '6 0 Generally 5 5 6 0 Oat Straw .. 12 2to £2 4 I Wheat Straw 2 6 2 8 WHITECHAPEL. Coarse Meadow Hay ..£3 15 io £4 0 New Meadow Hay Useful Old Ditto Fine Upland Meadow and nye.grass Hay ... ..... , ........ Clover Hay i 5 6 0 OM Straw £2 4to £2 r, I Wheat Straw .... ...... 2 II 2 10 KET.—April 19. Per Ton. r. d. Walls End Newtnarch • 22 6 Walls End Peareth l6 0 Walls End Riddell's Walls - End Walker 23 0 Walls . End Eden Main Walls End Braddyll's 25 9 WallsiEnrl Haswell Walls End Lyons' Walls End Russel's Hatton— 26 0 Walls End Stewart's ...... 26 0 Walls End Hartlepool 25 9 Walls End Adelaide Walls End Deanery.... 2l ' Walls End St. Helen's Tees 24 0 Walls End 'fees Walls End West Hetton o3 0 Merthyr........ last market-day Per Ton. COAL MAR L d. Bensham Bisho o 's Main lB 01 Burden 22 0' Bute's Tandeld Moor 22 6 Chester Main Leaze's Main Pe,aw 2O 6 I Townley lB 0 West Hartley Willlngton 23 3 Wylam l9 6 Walls End Bell and Brawn Walls End Bewicke and Co 23 3 Walls End Goforth Walls End Heaton 23 3 Walls End Hotspur Walls End Killingworth Ships arrived since I '. 121 COUNTRY CORN M. RKETS DURIN G THE WEEK. Wheat. Barley.' Oats. Beans. Pease. Per Quarter. s. to s. s. to s. s. to s. a. to s. s. to s. Abingdon„ . 44r 50 30 34 22 30 38 47 52 29 31 25 43 36 48 30 , 40 16 22 33 Bridport 38 50 32 36 26 30 39 Cirencester 44 51 27 32 20 25 32 40 35 46 25 30 26 20 4ti Guildford 34 54 28 35 20 30 46 42 58 26 32 23 26 43 —.— Hereford 35 49 26 32 22 24) 46 40 Highwertk 42 60 32 42 28 34 56 Maidenhead 32 58 24 35 20 28 34 44 34 38 46 44 32 34 22 29 34 40 Reading 34 57 25 35 20 27 33 42 35 44 54 30 34 20 28 41 46 Southampton 45 s') 33 40 28 22 42 Stroud 36 44 28 36 20 24 46 Tewkesbury 35 22 32 40 Uxbridge 40 48 28 32 17 28 40 42 W:onage--- b 2 24 34 20 25 33 42 33 48 Warminster 30 40 27 34 22 26 36 4 Wi 54) 21 22 35 Worcester— 53 55 32 36 30 32 •46 46 48 CHELTENHAM MARKETS. Per Bushel. s. d. to s. d Pet lb. d. tc d Wheat barley 3 6 4 0 slutton Oats 3 0 4 0 Veal Beans Pease 4 9 6 8 Lam), ... Flay 51. 104. to 6' Si. ..(1 pl. ton. ' LEEDS CORN MARKET.- April IS Wheat, Norfolk and Sutlt,lk, 601 b......- ...... ' 445. to 50s. , York. and Lineoln.,7 601 b. ,-, Varley, Norfolk and Siatlblk -- Yorkshire and Lincolnshire - 2ss. to 34.. r.., c Grinding Beaus Oats, l'otatoe - 23.. to :264..J 1-1 —Mea —d. to —d Eng. 1.2 d. to 13 per stone. Shelling t7Uc, to 31 , i. per load. Rapeseed, English, LIVERPOOL CORN EXCHANGE.—ApriI IS. WHEAT, English, White, per 701 b. - 9s. Od. to 9s. 6d. --- Red 8 8 9 0 --.• Scotch ' Welch, and Manx ... '7 0 8 4 Irish, White ' " 7 8 8 2 --- Red 7 8 7 8 Foreign OATS, English, Welsh, and Scotch, per 451 b -.--• Irish Foreign BARLEY, English, Malting, per Imp. quarter 3l 0 36 0 Scotch and Irish, per 611Ihs .. . -- Feeding . . - 3 BEANM, English, per Imperial quarter 46 I rich, &c. 39 Foreign PEASE, English, per Imperial quarter 44 Foreign Ft.ourt, English, per 28illb. •-••-•-• Irish OATMEAL, English and Irish, per 241111,s 2B VirillAN Coax, iv. r 4 tOlti. — 4 ll 4ll Rve, per I roper al quarter MALT, per Imperial quarter - - IMPORT OF GRAIN for the Week ending April 17. Wheat. I 1. Oats. Barley Flour. Oatmeal co rs. to,. Qrs. Foreign, flrls. Irish, tlre. Ncks. I Loads 15,059 ~ 9i; 153 - I 8,059 4,159 • IRISH MARKETS. DUBLIN MARKET NOTE for the WEEK ENDING APRIL lA, Irvin e.,tg 24 0 34 0 33 5 —o 0 12 0 1. 0 15 2 10 0 17 0 11 3 7 0 21 I) I 0 12 16 0 I 13 9 296 Wheat, per barrel 20 stone 0 Bere lO stone 44 Ilarley 510 Oats 12, , 90 Flour, per cwt 8 stone 244 0atmea1,.,,.,,,..,,.,,.., n stone Sold to Bakers only. 11,74:3 Cwt. Flour I 15 0 I ek2 U I 18 4 Average price of Wheat and Flour 40, 81. per sack. c S Receipts of Flour, :2,412 )ec to IS. 01 Saks of Do. 12,570 nirds onds from 7s. Od. to 13, o.t. PRICE OF DREAD. Quartern Loaf B 34d. I Half Quartern 44,1. C 0111( NIA 11KETS —April IS Wheel (per 205t.)...18s 66. to 245. 60. Oats (per 14st.) 1 Harley (per Itist.)... 61 6 14 0 Flour (per ewt ) 9 0 24 0 Oatmeal (per cwt.) lUs. 00. to Pd. Beef, 4(1. to rut. ; Mutton', 40. to 60. ; Veal, 40. to lid. ; Pork, 4d. to 41d. ; Fresh Butter, 106. to Ild. per lb. PRICE OF ntrrizit. To the slerehants. To thu Countr , 9115. 114 (1.6 B.i 6(i 41: First Quality Second I'hird Fourth Fifth Sixth CLONNIELL MA Per I. (1. s. d. s. d. A. d. New Nutter — otu 105 0 Hides (raw) oto :II 8 Oatmeal 12 6 13 6 flacon Pigs :IS 0 42 0 Itendered Lard 0 44 (1 Heads 20 0 0 lIKETS -April 15 Cwt - - - Per Bag. Fleur, Second „ft() 31 U I Flour, Thirds 2.1 26 0 --I-10u5eh01d...•26 0 2S 0, Fourths 11. 0 IS 0 Per Barrel. Rspeseed 0 0 0 0 1 Barley .....15 0 15 0 Here 8 4 10 0 1 Coats Per Stone. Wheat Ol5 024 1 Tallow (rough) 4 0 4 Oats KILKENNY Wheat (per barrel) 20s 3d. to z6s. exi Barley 9 9 i 1 9 OAts Flour (per bag) IS 0 :12. 0 Butter(perewt.) 90 0 9:2 0 Bacon Pigs 27 0 29 0 Coals 1 U 1 1 First Second Third were MA it Kars. verage DALKEITH CoRN MARKET. Wheat. Harley. Oats. First SG,: iid 34s 6 , 1 R%.' 4d Second , 56, ill Sil lid 29s (hi Third 1 42s 0,1 254 04 ISa Sd .April 13. Cease. 48s (Id 42+ Od 3640 d Beef (per lb. Mutton 0 3 0 5 l'ork Veal 0 4 0 5 Fresh Butter Salt Ditto Potatoes (per st.) 0 2 3 SCOTCH MARKETS. HADDINGrON CORN MARKET.—ApriII4. ' Wheat. Barley. Oats. tease. Beans. fAs fd 38s 0;1 34s 04 48s f 4 —s Od tfd 34s 0,1 3k Od 42; Od --s Od 55s Od 29s the 30s 04 3d. 01 —s Od 370 qrs. of Wheat in tnarket,34s whereof were sold. 25 Caseld --0 Grey. ~ 31. On NI 2.121h5. Beans. 48$ Od 4•26 Od 36 Od HAMBURG MARKETS. GRAIN. %Via eat, Marks 2fi4 - Mecklenburg - Magdeburg 264 - Eider - Anhalt. white 244 to 285 Oats. to 155 to 2'6 -- to to 3001 Upland hlectlenburg Elder Holstein Peterblourgh & Itiga to to to i! 2 to I A to _...._ red 257 to •85 I Malt, Pomer an i an 129 to 141 Holstein - Rye, Mecklenburg lB6 to 192 Pease, Upland, ye110w.....186 t. 216 --- Holstein Archangel — to Tares 0 06; 6 to 224 Barley, Meckletiburgh l3B to 141 Rapeseed to Magdehurgh .... 12 to 138 Ditto Cakes Lower Elbe COTTON. Carolina and Tennessee... 7 to 9% Maranham ..., ll to 0 Georgia. Ist sort 10 11 Madras . 6 7 2cl 3d and 4th ...... (i% 8% D.aningo 8 85 COFFEE. Mocha 4;to 8 anningo Batavia - Sumatra 4 414 Porto Rico 51,4 6% Rio 'Bahia ! , ,i 04 SUGAR.— (Wit Havannah, White 9%t010% Brown st4 7% 1110, White 7 8 grown 5 5 ;h 8% Discount.) Bahia, White Brown , Pernambuco, White firm' ..7 to g ..5 7% 4 4 5% SHIPPING INTELLIGENCE. ENTERED INWARDS AT THE CUSTOM HOUSE, APRIL 19. The Orwell, Cubit, from Harlingen; Sarina, Manger, Gurnsey; Symmetry, Fuzzard, St. Michael's; Friends, Man ning, Harlingen ; Vibclia, Pentrei:th, Trieste; Alliance, Turner, J racy ; Nymph, Newly, Nassau ; Republic, 13..yce, Calcutta. ENTERED OUTWARDS. The Themis, Le Boss, fur Leghorh; Stedfast, Smith, Am sterdam ; Farne, Harrower, Eisitrur; Giraffe, S:rannaelc , Rotterdam; Pelican, Douvies, Antwerp; PerAvverance, Judge, th-rger; AlLoaar, Heath, Rotterdam ; Car rie, Elsineur ; Woodman, V, alt, Guernsey William Jolliffe, Middleton. Calais. CLEARED OUTWARDS WITH CARGO. The Thomas, Ara°ld, for Hamburgh; Durham, SpenelYt St. Petersburgh ; Ileresford, White, Odessa; Caroline , Nl a got, Guernsey ; E.irl of Clattearty, Williams, Rotterdam; I3Ultinch, Gunton, St. Petcrsburgh. CLEARED OUTWARDS IN BALLAST. The Welsford, Andrews, for Quebec; Somersetshire, Jackson, Malta; George Palmer, Jackson, Quebec; Psyche, Brown. Jamaica; Leda, Masy, Quebec ; Harpooner, Lack, South Seas ; Isabella, Little, Trinidad. The tide of emigration has commenced setting from Yarmouth. The Baltic, with . 250 emigrants on board, having dropped down the harbour on Tuesday last, sailed on Wednes' day for Quebec. She will speedily be followed by the - Venus and other vessels. A large Norwegian bark, deal laden, i 5 now lying on Yarmouth beach a complete wreck. She Was found at anchor in the \Vold, deserted by her crew, and brought into the Roads by the Badger cutter ; the crew had been taken out of her by a smack, and landed at Harwich.--- Suffolk Chronicle. — John Field, the English pianist, who has so long resided in Russia, died in Russia, died in St. Pctersburgb last January; he was a pupil of Clementi, and had been out of this country save one short visit, since 1803. . - We invite the attention of our townsmen to the pe tition to the House of Commons, for the early repeal of the Window -tax, now lying at the Exchange and other places for signatures. It appears by the tables drawn up, and circu lated by the central committee of the Westminster parishes. dated 25th March last, that nothing can be more uncertain and unfair than the scale on which this tax is levied in those pa rishes, where the authorities have been at the pains to compare the rates of the assessment with those of the actual rents. Take for example, Devonshire House, (180 windows) which pays window tax after the rate of 11. 17s. per cent. on its annual rent or value ; this is about at the top of the published scale, whilst lower down, we find houses in Great George street, paying 201. per cent. on rental. Ditto, in St. Martin street, paying 271. 103. per cent. on rental ; and ditto, in Chandos-street, paying 401. per cent. on rental; yet such is the tax which its advocates laud to the skies as a sort of pro perty tax. The rule it seems being, the less•the property, the heavier the tax ! Down with it, say we, and away with all such like insidious defences of this most unfair, because un equal impost.—Sunderlarld Herald. On Wednesday week, a gluttonous fellow of the name of George Redding, of Bilton, went to the Coach and Horses, at Rugby," with two of his associates. Soon after having favoured the house with their presence the glutton agreed to eat fifty eggs, with the shells, half a pound of bacon, and a penny loaf, and to drink what ale he might choose, in half an hour. This feast for a brute was accordingly pro vided. The eggs and bacon were fried first, then the shells were smashed and fried, that they might be first consumed; but when the fellow had devoured nearly three fourths of the shells and about ten eggs, his brutal appetite deceived him, and he gave in, being half choked, and having the comfortable consolation of paying the expense of the gorge. This is just the fellow that ought to be compelled to subsist, for seven years, on the Union Workhouse scale of allowance to the able bodied and idle—but at his own expense. Such brutes are S disgrace to civilized society.— Warwick Advertiser. LIVERPOOL COTTON-MARKET, APRIL About 3,000 bags is the extent of to-day's business, without any perceptible change in the tone or character of the market. Buyers of American descriptions ranging from 6d. t o 7 ia• have difficulty in purchasing on as favourable terms as last week,that class of cotton becoming more and more sca rce e very day. Exporters have taken 300 Surat and 200 American. Friday night last a prisoner, named William G a unt, for horsestealing, committed suicide in Derby Gaol. He hung himself by the neckcloth to the upper hinge on the door which closes the cell window. He was, up to the time of committing the act, quite well in health and spirits, and on Friday evening ate his supper as usual. Verdict, " Felo de se." . In a pamphlet just published by a ton o f Mr. Cobbett, be complains of the treatment he had to endure front proceedings in the Court of Chancery, It is grievous W lament that the mental property of this extraordinary man— for he left little else than the copyrights of his various works should be made the prey of this greatest of all nuisances Hampshire Advertiser. At the execution of Alexander Miller, commonit called young Scatters, it was observed that to the strap wit h which his arms were pinioned was attached a rope held froth within the Court-house, evidently for the purpose of prevent ing his leaping from the scaffold, his feats of agility being w ° well known to trust him without this check. We have never before witnessed an execution, even when such spectacles were unhappily more rife than now, which was conducted with less ceremony and solemnity ; and we trust the period is rapidly advancing when such exhibitions will be looked back to with indignant surprise --even for a wretch like poor Scatters. We regret to learn that a serious assault was committed by a sot of drunken blackguards on the road home from the above exe cution ; which affords a melancholy proof of the inefficacy cr such examples in repressing crime.—Scotch Paper. ORIGIN OF TRAI NS.--The first dresses which had trains were clothes torn, as signs of mourning, which wgro worn at funerals. In imitation of these ragged habiliments`' trains were invented, and, according to the dignity of the de ceased, the trains were longer or shorter. The use of these long trains, then denominated tails, at funerals, insensibly brought in the fashion of wearing them in other ceremonies The annalist of the order of St. Francis, Lucas Wadinghtts , remarks that, about the year 1435, Pope Eugene IV. gave 5 0 the monks of the Franciscan order the power of absolving those females who wore long trains, provided that they wore thee% more in compliance with the usages of the country in which they lived, than from any " evil intention." The polonesr , once a very fashionable dress, about the middle, or rather th 6 latter end, of the eighteenth century, had the skirts draw's through the pocket-holes, so that the train hung out on each side, though tucked up ; these floating portions were name's wings, and the middle the train ; but this train did h ot /raj. at all. Several ladies murmured at no longer being able to wear a train. At Willoughby, in Nottinghamshire, the vicar called his parishioners 'together, and produced a petition against the abolition of Church-rates. Out of a population of five or six hundred, he succeeded in procuring six signa tures, and three of these were attached by the parish-clerk an d churchwardens. EIGHT-DAY CLOCKS: to strike the Ho urs an d H a lf-h ours, Fi ve Gu i neas each. They a'p't in elegant cases, about 7i inches high, suitable either to stand on 6 bracket or man t e l- p i ece, an d are Warranted, at T. COX SA'' VORY'S, Working Goldsmith, &c. &c., 47, Cornhill, London. N.B.—A pamphlet containing drawings and a detailed list of t i t prices of Silver Plate, Plated Goods, Watches, Clocks, &c., mad had gratis, or will b e forv.arded in answer t o a p os t- pa id applicatio BIRTHS. On the 16th iinst., at Woolwich, the lady of Lieut. Howgill , R. A., of a son. On the 16th inst., at Porchester-terraee, Bayswater, the lady of Dr. J. Arnott, of a son. On the 15th inst., the lady of W. F. Young, Esq., Lieut. n•N' t of Oldbury Hall, near Atherstone, of a daughter. On the 17th inst., Mrs. Courtney, of Leatherhead, of a daughter; On the 17th inst., at Clapham New-park, Surrey, the lady ( s G. B. Watson, Esq., of a son. On the 19th inst, in Henrietta-street, the lady of Henry Rob in. son, Esq., of a daughter. On the 19th inst., in Devonshire-street, the wife of K. Bel le. ' Esq., of a son. 111.41MIED. On the 18th inst., at St. Giles's, Camberwell, Thomas Charles Simmons, Esq., of Camberwell-grove, to Mary Pirie, the young" daughter of the late J. Anderson, of Old Aberdeen. On the 18th inst., at St. James's Church, Dover, the Rev. derick tie Chair, Rector of East Langdon, Kent, to Louisa °a" eldest daughter of Richard Mee Raikes, Esq. DIED. On the 16th inst., aged 63, Caroline, wife of E. Y. Chester' Esq., of Suffolk-street, Pall-mall East. On the 16th inst., at Ore Rectory, Sussex, the residence of b e t brother, the R ev . D r . F earon, Mi ss Fearon, of Guildford - s tre Russell-squar e . On the 13th inst., at Tunbridge-wells, George Weather gress, Esq., aged 48. f 11 * On the 17th inst., in D evons hi re - p l ace, M rs. G ray, w idow o Gray, Esq.. of the Duchy of Cornwall. of On the 13th inst., at Brighton, Mrs. Smith Barwell, widow T. S. Barwell, Esq., of Bath. t he On the 13th inst., at Suffolk House, Cheltenham, of second daughter and co-heiress of the late J. G. Lewis, EA" Llanddyfnan, Anglesey. of On the 16th inst., aged five months, Percival Henry, s o° Davis, Esq., of St.. Helen's-place. fis On the 15th inst., Fanny, youngest daughter of Mr. T. On the 15th inst., at Claverton Park, near Bath, Thos• infant son of P. Borthwick, Esq., M.P. A. On the 14th inst., at her father's residence, Julia, wife °f t ; ° Gilbert, Esq., R.N., eighth daughter of W. H. Price, Kingsland-place, Middlesex. f jiorti v On the 15th inst., aged 31, Mr, Rob. John Mansfield, 0 &ter' Margaret, place, Gray's Inn, eldest son of G. Mansfield, Esq., of Oxford' race, Edgeware-road. eill O a, n w th it e let Egerton Leigh, formerly Rector a Marston, in Kent, an c . ic "hire• 10th of inst., at Hudson, Esq.,. S v u o r o r t e lo y e , s a t ge d d ao 6 g s h , te C r ha o r f lo t t h t os e u rt fi r e . ii, o l l:., the late Sir E. Leigh, Bart., of Brownsover Hall, Watw7 itys torlf On the 15th inst., aged 76, George Fludyer, lE$ 1 1•' ° Rutlandshire. a 66 ' On the 16th inst., in Ryder's-court, Leicester-square, aged Martha, eldest daughter of the late Mr. Stannard. tre e wick-square. On the 12th i nst., M r. G . A. Wh i te, o f Kenton-street, 13111 n: On the 16th inst., Mr. George Taylor, of Titchborne's Haymarket, age d 6 5 . ~u ort oP On the 16th i ns t., i n P o l an d- s t ree t, Shackleton, age d 38. °lin g Ott the 10th inst., in Agnes-place, Waterloo-road , surrey , a fant daughte r o f W. M unns , E sq ., o f B ar nes-green , 11 months St. James's, pro. ------- NG. ef 1 London: Printed and Publighed by MUTIDO YOU ceet!t -112, Strand, at The Su* O ffi ce. No. IP, Strand , in of Middleam—Friday, April 21, 1837. THE SUN, LONDON, PRIDAS:. APRIL 21, 1837.