The Sun. — London, England, 1846-07-28 00:00:00

V A March in each of those he sTiv e eighteen years, andsoundd that th e average price of the six years whilst „„_ rY was in use did not excee d 27 5 . an d s ome pence Per cent., whilst the average prices of the last ten years 030unted to 375. per cat. He had, the refore, stated do ease fairly to the House. The Noble Lord had stated that 1 00,000 ton, of sugar c. add be obtained from tips wst Indies thought. but tl •he ord George Bentinck) thatJ stateb- was an over sanguine calculation of the produce d expected from that quarter. It had also been t i: e y tl , .a_t large quantities of sugar would be had from Ast Indies, but to that expet mem iie would reply t hat the inhabitants of those territories were enormous 2 ct sumers of swear, and %%hen it was cheap they con ;wed th e most of the produce, and scarcely any of i t cortsntreay, v e xported to this country.—(Hear, hear.) On the hen sugar was dear, they allowed it to be ex ported in considerable quantities, but not before. Now he ,h ad it on the authority of Messrs. Allan and Duppa, the great merch ants an d sugar b ro k ers o f C a l cutta, t h at i n t lns enormo us extent o f terr i tory, compr i s i ng a popula :in of one hundred millions of inhabitants, when in gar was at th e pr i ce o f e i g h t ru p ees t h e i n h a bi tan t s consumed it largely, but when it was 11 or 111- rupees it W as exported, and not before. This showed that the rate of 1., price regulated the amount of exportation. He had it also on the authority of Messrs. Allan and aPPa, as w e ll as some ot h ers h e h a d converse d w i t h on t he subject, that the natives of the East had consumed 1 : 1 0 les s , in some years, than 500,000 tons of sugar, but that quantity in other years was reduced by the price !,Ind demand for it from this country. He was assured 15 Y tho se w h o were best able to give him an opinion upon t he subject that there was every reason to suppose that • text yea r th e i mportat i on of sugar from the East In di es ( ~,r o u ld amount to 100,000 t ons more th a n last year.— we ar.) Such, indeed, was the abundance of the Present season that those who had plantations were tol d by their agents that the increased production of their estates above that of last year would be no less tt an 3 Per cent. He had also other information on the subject horse Power, and 15 engines of more than 180 horse • P o wer, were in'the ' ^nurse of erection in a dish let, which in 1844 manufactured no sugar at all. At tit's place sugar manufactured last season was 2,000 tons, but l e Year the quantity was likely to be inc-eased to 9 ,000 tons. This was in a small district on the banks of h 1 2,`-ianges. But he had other information on the sub- He was told that there was a company called the 'ttreond C ompany , w h o h a d j ust expended 70,0001. in the c onstruction of engines for the manufacture of sugar I the East Indies. The next letter which he received w as from B u h rampooter, an d was f rom a gen tl em a n connected with the East India House ; it was Written in a familiar strain, and the writer desired that his name should be concealed ; it was dated the 220 of May last. It stated that on 13,000/, he had cleared 1,3001. in a season ; had built one He • L i k't of sugar works, and was " well on" in a seco nd. stad also - produced four tons of sugar from an acre , Ithie,h was an immense crop. He was informed that the native cane was no thicker than a man's finger ; While the Otahetan cane was as thick as a man's arm, and was of a superior description in all respects. He felt assured that if protection were continued, and in ducements given to the British planters, a great deal more capital would be invested in the cul tivation of sugrar before the expiration of five years, at which perio'l it was proposed to reduce slave grown sugar to the level of British grown sugar ; before the expiration of those five years the pro duction and exportation would be largely increased. A letter from Madras, which he had received from Messrs. Scott and Bell, the largest sugar-bakers in Lon don, stated that there could be no doubt that the quantity of sugar this year from Madras would amount to 10,000 tons, and there was every probability that the sugar from Madras would next year be 15,000 tons; and, judg hig from the production of the last three years, it was difficult to say what quantity would be produced in future. He had stated on a former occasion that the produce of the Mauritius this year was 46,000 tons, and With what had not yet been shipped, it would amount to 49,000 tons. It was no longer a matter of doubt that the sanguine expectations of those who counted that W hen slavery] was put an end to in the West Indies the free produce would double the amount produced by slaves had been bitterly disappointed.—(Hear, hear.) was known that the heat of the climate relaxed their ene rgies, and even the negroes themselves could not be induced to work by the I , .rge wages which were offered to them. He would submit to the House a comparative statement of the produce of sugar by 300 slaves in i,Tusiana, and the produce of sugar of 300 free labourers b — i n e Mauritius. The statement came from the different • to s 0 The produce of the 300 slaves in Lousiana was ti l z : . ° o tons, and the produce of the free labourers was 5,000 Ulna What with the favourable climate and soil of the iZaritius, and its being so well adapted for the cultiva cot,.ll. was clear it could successfully compete with those Ive r „"`ca who were obliged to employ free-labour, and to Sot so well situated in respect to natural advan i air o f• It was not true that the West India planters 11 orbe . able to compete with the slave-labour of Cuba 1,6 r asds, and therefore he maintained that the colonies to were obliged to employ free-labour were entitled au DrOtection. In estimating the probable produce of Prtr: ,his Noble Friend (Lord John Russell) did not -fre th e-e JY state the quantity that might be expected qi ou - ' l ,‘°a Mauritius. He calculated that 240,000 tons be imported from the colonies, and he expected what there was in bond, there would be to t ;. - ", tons of foreign slave-grown sugar, and 20,000 280„,% . free-grown sugar—making a total importation of ti e b,,'"u . °4 As he had already stated, the price of the ar of' 1, in the East Indies regulated the exportation 41. land oven then the freight to this country was from - Z• r to 61. 10s. Now the sugars from Brazil and Cuba, he Itt is r a ,'mrined, could be imported for 30s. a ton, or at the lOs So that independent of the advantage of Lage r ,;i e ; , t;f freightage, the Brazils and Cuba had the advan ast e labour. •It was, therefore, impossible that the • toti b Is ales could compete with either Cuba or Brazils. There • "„el •I'e no doubt that the effect of the free importation of the and Cuba sugar would be to lower the price of sugar, Mdti m s;Mee of the British Colonies 6s. per cwt. ; and with this Iceep - b". °4 in price it would not pay the British planter to tak e] el estates in a state of cultivation. His N oble Friend 'ef the that 280,000 tons would be required for the supply ti,oald Present year. Well, if they assumed that 180,000 tons ; c ome from the West Indies , 100,000 from the East 4 0; .e- ',. 4 , 11 d 55,000 from Madras, te aggregate would make than 280 000. But the greatest consumption tted 'ea this count ' ry had experiened was only 246,000 tons, was perfectly abiurd, with the figures he had petitioned before them, to say they required to let in slave peawon sugar, to insure a proper supply of that article for the st o r of this country. There was at the present moment a tos;', ( _m hand of 71,000 tons, which exceeded by about 10,000 tne stock on hand in the corresponding period of last year. thi n -e ning the inerease against the smaller amount, the state of 1-1,"!' would be exactly the same this year as they were last. ta res "as not aware that there was such a want of our manufac- Ast, i n the markets of the West Indies, for, according to the zi lfa "eceunts it appeared that they were glutted with the ma rainedetures country.-( Hear, hear.) They had already lere the' natives of the West Indies by their manufactures, th e "Y encouraging the trade of Birmingham, Manchester, and t er M anufacturin g di s t r i c ts. On the grounds that he had laid ltd,ere the House, he must submit that his motion should be ell e d He would now eome to - the question of revenue. 1 4 ohle Friend calculated that by his scheme, as contrasted 1 0 , that of the Right Hon. Baronet, the Ex-Chancellor of fe e Exchequer, he should gain no less than 725,529/., by the dif reeecie between his proposal and that of the Right Hon. Really he was quite at a loss to understand how to,:aon. Friend arrived at that conclusion. He presumed that fe let in so many tons of British plantation sugar at 141. per Fr , , s it would not produce more than under the proposition of • night Hon. Baronet opposite. The effect of his Hon. mitreds measure would be that as slave-grown sugar was ad f at a lower nthrte of duty it would take the place of free t Z e ign sugar. On ese grounds, therefore, he was against th e e Policy which was proposed. There was no just ground for • 3 alteration in the sugar duties. Above all, in the last week of k t uy, when half the members of the House of Commons had gone out of town, it was not proper to bring forward such 'swee.ping proposition. -.He had already shown that he had rte desire to embarrass the Government.—( Hear, hear.) The crop eould not be increased at present, and the profits must go into the pockets of the. Brazilian merchants instead of into those of the English consumer. He had many communications fr om men e ng a ged in the trade, which stated that they who Were rich now, should these measures pass, would be im poverished in a m onth. He considered, th ere f ore , t h at t h ere ought to be some justice—some mercy—shown to these men. They had made engagements which could not be recalled, trusting to the faith and honour of the Parliament. He re membered that his Hon.. Friend the Member for Sunderland observed, that things were coming to such a pass that no man's property was safe.—( Hear, hear.) He conjured them, therefore, to be careful over the interests of those 'who had trusted there. Mr. Huskisson, in 1831, opposed the sug ar qu estion as brought in by the then Chancellor of the Exchequer.... He (Lord George Bentinck) supported Mr. tluskisson in that opposition, but he was defeated. He was consistent in opposition, and he did not wish to embarrass the eivernment. The question for the English people now to decid e was, whether they would have sugar two-thirds of a Penny less in every pound with slavery, or sugar two-thirds of a Penny dearer with freedom. They would not hesitate to decide. The question was well put by the Honourable - Member for Cork—" Take a larger loaf with a ,°•her"." curse, " and he would ask were the people of England l, r e e t d r of their exertions in the cause of freedom ?—( Hear, tea,') Did they repent the 20,000,0001. which they paid to ealis: )4 ,t_he negroes? He had never heard that such was the 'slav e t ' taieed Zere the people of England aware that they main ' ;. 0 00 men and 700 giUts to put down the infamous of th e r ,'Qe? The Noble Lord th;t l save a frightful account Sugar`reatment of slaves employed the manufacture of ag e A ' ,sad said th a t Mr. Buxton, when spea.king, sixteen years 2 50,0Vhe infernal traffic in slaves, stated that it consumed self, " Persons i n one year, and that Lord iUserdeen, him tumh° the year 1844, stated that in his opinion the average Anier.r of slaves imported from Africa to the eoast of South 10 a and the Spanish West Indies , was not less than 40,4000 . a -year. H e askod whether it was right that we ha te - 1 7 continu e to suffer the natives of Africa to be the ,e_red an d lashed to death for the purpose of enabling 1, 11 . e West India plasters to amass splendid fortunes?—( Hear ) leati P6 e ° P, t e of England wished to obtain their food without in- Mt a f they were then to have the sug ars, let them th e ad " drink the sugars in the remembrance th at the blood of h et: negro h a d been shed to obtain it.—(Cheers.) He did not eve there was a man in En land who grudg ed the and0",0001. he h a d paid for the e mancipation of the slave ; loh! e l h 'e did not believe they cared for the half-million mole th e 0^ the country had to pay annually for the suppression of ft,r,..ve-trade. It seemed to him that the arguments brought 111,1, Acrd were nothing more than the old argument, where it if we are to be hanged for a lamb, I , e -11 0 Aed for a sheep—(Laughter and cheers)—that because the we may as well be so t e e (i :f England have made the sacrifice, they would continue Yea r , 20 ,000,000/. had been paid during the last twelve • Yea r ' 23,00 0,000/. besides, and half a million more every hetn,, for the su pp ress i on o f t h e s l ave -t ra d e . lie h ad u'Y trusted that the mighty sacrifice which they m e ad nl ight be- , and which they wished to continue to make, with accept and might be recorded above, side by side of ;tl2 mite, as the offering—the free-will offering ,eetistit, i ' ,oo o of generous Warm-hearted Englishmen, who e the great, the virtuous, -a:e religious, and the L ori .an people who inhabit the British (The Noble th e „resumed hi s seat am id l oad and prolonged clitsa':ring front o ectionist benches ) baueeivetNrionsoLtzic'el2oan then moved the resolution of which he h The r e e r i l A ut m lo c navin g b een rea d f rom th e c h a i r, % u lt . P is r ese . o I,OR of the EXCHEQUER sa id that, on occasion, the Noble Lord deserv e d s i ncer ity f o r the ant leek. The course isle Leemed Friend kid taken he -• oIP t he rid' to e fo b ' Trig „-.o`ll . a tb . ito to ocl°' 1103')rcler THE SUN, LONDON,_ %soul,' propose to follow, which was the supply of sugar and creased supply of sugar to this country would render it im the effect upon the slave trade by the introduction into this i possible again to reduce the duties on auger, but in the presen country of slave-grown sugar. The Noble Lord had traced state of things it would be madness to attempt to go beyond the history of the sugar question in all its details in a manner what they had already done. His Noble Friend then came which he could not undertake to equal. He stated that when to the list topic, the encouragement of the slave-trade. It the East and West India colonies were not sufficient to supply was impossible not to admire and respect the opinions which the country. he and his colleagues had opened fresh ports, and he gave on the subject ; nevertheless, harrowing as were the he ( the Chancellor of the Exchequer) hoped to show descriptions of the slave trade as now carried on, and the treat to the I louse that • all the consideration which induced ment they received, in Cuba, they had failed in showing that the the Government to introduce foreign free-labour sugar present measure tended to promote the slave-trade—still more into the ports existed at the present period. In 1843, the had they failed to show that the free-labour sugar could be consumption of sugar was less than in 1841. The consunap- brought at all to compete with it. His Noble Friend, anxious tion of last year over that of 1843 was 36,000 tons. The price that he should clear himself from the imputation of eiicou at this moment is higher by 4s. per cwt. than in June last, and raging the slave trade, had refused to sanction such a measure the average of three preceding months was ss. 3d. higher than as the present. His Noble Friend abstained from the use of the preceding quarter. 11r. Gladstone had estimated the con- sugar grcwn by slaves, but yet he did not deny himself the use sumption of free labour sugar at 20,000 tons, whereas the of other articles which were raised by slaves. How he drew whole, in fact, instead of 20,000 was under 4,000 tons. Last the distinction he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) did not quarter the consumption of free labour sugar had been only pretend to say, but he knew that the produce of slave labour 118 tens, and in the five quarters preceding it had been only was used to a considerable extent in that House, and yet they 4,113 tons instead of 20,000 tons. The amount of revenue opposed the present measure in order to escape the charge of from free labour sugar produced, ending sth April last, was using slave-grown goods. Copper, cotton, and other articles 45,000'. less than was estimated in the preceding year. He were slave produce, and they were extensively used. He believed that if the price of sugar was low, it was almost im- could show that in no way whatever was greater cruelty in possible to place a limit on the consumption of that article. flitted on the slaves than in the production of copper, yet they The quantity of sugar consumed had always varied with the supported slave-produced copper from Cuba, and had con price of sugar. The following table will show the effect of siderabl y increased its im p ort. In 1840 the y im p orted the prices upon the consumption : 26,000 tons, and in 1845 they imported 41,000 tons. Such is the effect if we take free labour sugar from the conti nental markets. The continental markets make up the defi ciency occasioned by the demands we• litake on it for free-grown produce by the importation of slave-grown sugar, so that while we carry on that trade we are in reality encouraging the slave . trade.—( Hear.) If we take free grown sugar from the conti • nental market, slave-grown sugar is certain to flow in, and I thus we give an indirect encouragement to slavery. Whether, . therefore, we import directly slave grown sugar from where it is produced, or free labour Einar from the continental market, the result is precisely the same—such was the tendency of the present system. After the experience of the last year, would any man doubt that slavery was not encouraged by the present state of the law. If so, then they were guilty to the fullest extent in the charge brought against them by the Noble Lord (the Fret Lord of the Treasury.) Were they, therefore, on such slight grounds as bad been stated, to adhere to a principle which they could not carry into effect, and tilt deprive the great body of the people of; this country of a cheap and necessary article of comfort ?—( Hear, hear.) The im practicable nature of the present system, was admitted by all who had fully considered the question. He admitted that many very honest, sincere, well meaning men were against the proposition of her Majesty's Government, and he was wishful to pay the greatest deference and respect to their opinions, but he was bound to observe that the sentiments of those parties were not participated in by many other parties who were as much opposed to negro slavery. Looking at the proceedings of the Liverpool Anti-slavery Society, a more rational and practical view of the question had been taken. That society at least took a different view to that which had been taken by the Noble Lord (Lord George Bentinck), At a meeting which they had just held, they had agreed to re solutions to the effect that the measure now proposed by her Majesty's Government was in harmony with the general prin ciples of commercial intercourse laid down by the late Adminis tration, and that taken in conjunction with friendly negotia tions with other powers, it was better calculated to lead to the extinction of slavery than any other course.—(Hear, hear.) He entirely concurred with the view which this body had taken of the question, as he believed the result would be eventually to put down slavery, while the general interests of all other parties would be improved. He would now say a few words respecting the West Indian interest. He had been communi cated with many times by leading gentlemen connected with that interest, and he must bear testimony to the temperate and reasonable manner in which they have urged their claims. None would regret more than he would, if he thought the measure proposed by the Government would lead to any diffi culty as far as that interest was concerned. No one injury, he was persuaded, could be inflicted on that interest without doing injury to the rest of the community. But he did not appre hend any evil from the operation of the measure. He looked still to the West Indies as the source from whence the people of this country should continue to derive their supplies of sugar. With capital and energy he felt sure they would continue to command the markets of the country. In the same way that he believed the landed proprietors of this country would not suffer from the repeal of the corn-law, did he believed the West India interest would not suffer from the withdrawal of their present protection. But as the agriculturists of this country would make up for the absence of protection by capital and by increased skill and improved modes of cultivation, so did he think would the West India planters.—( Hear, hear.) Increased skill, and greater energy would make up for any temporary loss which they might suffer. Besides, they had been favour ably considered in other respects by the Legislature of the country. There had been last year a reduction of 10s. per cwt. on produce imported into the colonies. But beyond this, it would be a great benefit to the W es t I n di a i nterest if t h e questioninr settled, ettle Hear,end, discussions h andt e if they a of r . the)t That in terestdta fr iwished sy questiontceo nhsied was permanentlyerrelieveded permanently it s w e settled.—( f l ur e em l be —( a annualb e greatest ef were thiste s t enabled to know what th e regu l ar rate of duty was to be. The present Govern men t p ropose d to d o th i s. The Noble Lord (George Be n ti nc k) sa id th at s l ave la b our was cheaper than free lab our , an d t h at th e pro d uce of the latter would have no chance in competition. I n support i ng that statement, he referred to Loui s i an a. B ut i n answer to that he (the Chancellor of the E xc h equer ) would say that it had been proved that th e f ree l a b our o f Mexico was twice as productive as the slave l a b our o f Cuba.-_( Hear. ) Such he hoped would be the result el sew h ere . B ut , f urther, lie understood that, in Cuba even, so di ssa ti s fi e d were the planters with slave labour, that no le s s th an 3,000 f ree la bourers had been imported. If Cuba found it necessary to d o this, would not they find that British capital and en ergy wou ld do the same ? In many of the col on ie s th e d e fi c i ency o f l a b our had been met, to some extent, by the impo r t a ti on o f l a b ourers under the restrictior.s provided by the present laws. Th e G o - vernment were willing, to extend the p r ivile ge o f i m p or ti ng labourers, under such restrictions th a t th e l a b ourers i mporte d should be really and truly the same. A n d w hil e thi s advan tage would be given them, during the ti me th e p resen t mea sure was carrying out, the West Indian interest would en joy no meagre share of protection. For the first year, they would have fifty per cent. protection in their favour-44 per cent. the next year, 32 per cent. the following year, 21 per cent. the next year, and 10 per cent. the year when the equalisation of the duty took place. The third year—the critical year of the new proposition—they would possess 32 per cent. in their favour—a fair and ample amount of protection under the circumstances. But he hoped they would not alone trust, under the new system proposed, to the importation of labourers, but that they would do every thing in their power to cultivate the soil, and bring skill and capital to bear upon it ; in doing which he felt persuaded they could safely go into competition with the produce of any other portion of the world.—(Hear, hear.) And to enable them to prepare for the change, and to bring their energies to bear upon their possessions, he thought five years protection, as now proposed, sufficiently ample. Mea sures would also be brought forward to benefit the West India interest in other respects. He was enabled to state one mea sure, which was the reduction of one-third of the deferential duty on rum ; and he promised that interest he would support every claim which they could fairly and in justice establish as necessary for their well-being. There was another claim that would be benefited by the present measure. He meant the ship-owners, who would be greatly benefited in the carrying trade, if the proposed alteration were made. Instead of fo reign bottoms being employed in the Brazilian and Cuba trade, as now, British vessels would be almost entirely em ployed. But, after all, the interests of the great body of the labouring population of the country was what they had to consider, and these would be greatly benefited by the measure. Whatever they might do for other classes, they were bound to consider the comforts of this class, and there could be no doubt that it would confer a great benefit on them, in giving them a large, abundant, and cheap supply of a necessary— nay, an indispensible article of life. It was on that ground mainly that the question was now brought under the consider ation of the House. (The Hon. Gentleman sat down amidst loud cheers.) Sir H. INGLIS thanked the Noble Lord the Member for Lynn (Lord G. Bentinck ), for the temperate and practical resolution which he had submitted to the House, and for the speech with which he had supported it, so complete and con clusive in its reasoning, and so full of fact. He, for one, was willing to rest the decision of the question on that most con clusive speech; but as it was not the custom of the House to decide any matter by single combat, he would shortly occupy the attention of the House. The Right Hon. Gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer, in the greater portion of his speech, spoke as a Chancellor of the Exchequer for the next year. The greater portion of the speech would have been more appropriate on May 10, 1847. The sum total of it was, " We want 350,000/. in April, 1847, and we must make it up by some means." That sum he wanted, and in what way he got it he did not seem greatly to care. He stated his expectation that 20,000 tons of slave-grown sugar would be imported next year, but he did not express any regret, or misgiving that such a sum as he had named should be realised from such a source. They were then told that the obligations of treaties compelled them to ad mit slave-grown sugar, and that, therefore, they were obliged to give Spain advantages which Spain did not possess. If that were so, than he (Sir R. Inglis) maintained the treaty of Utrecht should be repealed, and the preference-giving prin ciple abandoned. But he did not think that the treaty of -Utrecht warranted the construction put upon it. The treaty of Utrecht was limited to trading transactions its Europe only, and did not extend to the colonial possessions of the two coun tries ; but if the treaty really warranted the construction put upon it, then ought they to relinquish the principle of favoured nations altogether.—(Cries of Hear, hear.") He resisted this measure because it was a great discourage ment to British induitry in the colonies, and a great encourage ment to a most inhuman traffic. The sufferers that it would produce would not be confined to Cuba—they would extend to the Brazils, and whatever other part of the world men should choose to drag them. The tortures which had been described by his Noble Friend that evening were tortures which the ad vocates of this measure must be prepared to perpetuate and patronise ; for every ton of sugar imported into this country was produced at the expense of the blood of three African slaves, and these three slaves were got at the expense of nine from the coast of Africa—a cost which, with all the attendant evils of kidnapping Lnd torture, was countenanced by the authors of the measure ; and if these nine individuals were multiplied by 20,000, the result would be not less than 180,000. —( Hear, hear.) That was the wrong which they, a Chris tian assembly, with all their professions, were asked to en courage. He must say, deliberately, God forbid ! He hoped, at least, that those he saw on the other side of the House, who had often opposed slavery, would not vote with the Government. He did not oppose it from party feeling, but he and those who agreed with him desired to give more time to the Government to consider the measure. He said there was an enormous increase in the free-labour sugar of India; it was stated to be 500,000 tons, the actual produce of India. Was it to be supposed, he asked, if the British markets were opened to all the world, that this would not soon find its way into Europe? Might the demand not be met by this? Why, the supply from the Mauritius alone was, twelve years ago, 27,700 tons, and last year, 35,800; and for the season 1846-47 the calculation was that not less than 60,000 tons would come in. He held a list in his hand showing the capacity of estates on that island—a list exhibiting one-eighth of the whole produce of the island. Estate A produced, in 1843, 300 tons; in 1844, 400 tons; in 1845, 500 tons ; in 1846, 800 tons ; and for the season of 1847 it was expected that the return would be 1,000. Other estates exhibited a like increase of return, though somewhat more irregular. Here, then, was one of the colonies of England producing last year one-fourth of the whole quantity consumed in Britain. He said he should not regret the change which had been made in the social con dition of the people of the West Indies; still less should he re gret that great sum which was voted by this country as its con tribution in honour of the principles which it held ;:but he never would feel other than regret that the country should have left her colonies with no better supply of free labour.— ( Hear, hear.) As for the importation of Hill Coolies, it was now under so great restrictions that it was accomplished with perfect safety to those individuals themselves, and as there was a local authority, if their liberties were encroached on or undue advantage were taken of them, they could immediately apply and find a ready remedy. They ought to recol faenry example, a lu p a i n e quantity this B e t r h h i i s a e country an d they recol lect also th a t t h e i r colon i es h a d an a l most un limited co mman d of soil, soil w hi c h m i ght raise requireßritish;Gupiarea prietors that ad vantage which would enable them to raise a supply equal to the d emand. He asked for a pre f erence for mighteught to them- nt?t stn exclusive rferenee t but such a preference as Consumption per head. In the year Price. 1846 48s. Od. 15Ibs. 1845 1846 1846, 30th June, 365. 9 id. The great body of the people of this country consumed a con siderable quantity less than could be supposed. If every individual in this country were to consume 201bs. per head, the consump tion would be; considerably greater than stated to be by the Noble Lord the Member for Lynn. The total consult ption in this country for the year ending April 5, 1846, was 252,000 tons. He (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) had taken great pains to find out the amount of sugar likely to be im ported; the highest amount he had received was 255,000 tons. He had received other estimates, such as 250,000 tons, 225,000 tons, 230,000 tons ; and the estimate he had received from an Antwerp merchant was 220,000 tons. The Noble Lord the Member for Lynn had said, that 240,000 tons would be im ported from the East Indies ; for the comfort of the West India growers, he would say, that he did not think it at all possible that such a quantity could be produced from the East Indies. He, therefore, now showed that they could not look to the East Indies for a supply, for the price of that sugar would be as high, if not higher, than the present prices. With regard to free-labour sugar, the highest estimate of the importation into this country was 20,000 tons, but he thought the amount nearest the truth was 15,030 tons. The amount imported last year was only 4,000 tons. It was well known that the greater part of the sugar from Java went into the Dutch market. But taking the whole supply at 12,000 tons, the largest amount of colonial and free labour sugar would not exceed 250,000 tons. What their con sumption would be next year he could not say, but his opinion was, that if a larger supply were afforded to the people of this country at a lower price, there would be a greater consumption than at present. It was computed by all acquainted with the subject that the price should be 455. per cwt. to give a con sumption. That quality of sugar was at present 503. in the market. His Noble Friend said a good deal about the rise of foreign slave-grown sugar. It had already risen in the Con tinental markets, party owing to the deficiency of the crop and partly owing to the anticipation of having the privileges of importing it into this country. But latterly it had fallen, even since these measures were announced ; and he thought it very unlikely that it would rise to any great extent. (The Right Hon Gentleman here read t wo letters from commercial firms, to show that 21s. was an amount of duty which would allow a large quantity to come in, and bring down the price to such a rate as to allow it to come into general consumption.) This duty would not only, continued the Right Hon. Gentleman, bring in a larger supply, but also reduce the price. The increase of consump tion last year was 42,000 tons ; and why they should not look to a consumption proportionably great this year he could not see. He had now shown that the estimates of the Noble Lord, as to supply, were too large, and his estimate of the consumption too small ; and he had also shown that by fixing the duties at the rate of the proposed measure, a proportionate increase in the consumption might be expected. He would now speak of the question of revenue. The state of the revenue up to the present year was prosperous, but he was afraid they could not look so sanguinely to the future. He was sorry to see by a circular from Manchester that stagnation in the trade prevailed to a very great extent. His Hon. Friend said on a former occasion that he would wish to know what the income and expenditure of the years 1847 and 1848 would be, presuming this measure was in full operation. He (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) stated that, deducting the China money from the income of this year, the remainder would be 50,950,0001. and de ducting from the expenditure of this year an item which might not occur again, an item of 200,000/., the income would be 50,673,0001. at the present moment. But, adding to that, the expenditure necessary for the maintenance of the fresh constabulary, namely, 175,0001„ and adding 283,000/. for purposes of a similar nature—adding one half-year's expenditure for the maintenance of the Poor-law establish ments and officers in the country ; also one half-year's ex penditure for the prosecution of prisoners, and for their main tenance when convicted (for which purpose one half year's expenditure only had been voted in the esti mates for this year, and for which it would be ne cessary to vote a whole year's estimate) supposing that the expenditure would be the same as it was estimated by the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite, there would be added to next year's estimates 628,5001., making in all a permanent expenditure of 51,302,000/., and leaving, supposing the income and expenditure to be made as he had stated, a defi ciency of 352,0001. That being solved the House would see how necessary it was that from some source or another addi tional means of income should come. He did not see in the course of the past sessions any such prospect of reduction of expenditure as would justify the cabinet in believing that it would not be necessary to provide additional resources. Let them look at the estimates. Let them compare the estimates of the last ten years, from the year 1835 to 1845, and they were not estimates prepared by any gentleman on that side of the lions. He took the year 1845, because it excluded any in crease made this year, and which the Hon. Member for Coventry seemed inclined to put down for next year. Let them compare the expenditure of 1845, and they would find in the charges on the consolidated fund, that other duties had increased 492,000/. The expenditure of the army, the expenditure of the navy, and the ordnance had increased 4,700,1.001 The increase on miscellaneous services had been 582,0001., so that the whole•inerease between 1835 and 1845 had been no less than 5,081,000/. He confessed that he did not see any disposia tion or tendency in the estimates of the present year to reduce that expenditure, especially with reference to the army. He did not think that, when they considered the hardships of the colonial service for our soldiery, the in crease of our colonies, and the necessity of providing means of defence for China and New Zealand, that they could see any probability, with justice to the soldiery, of diminishing the numbers of the army, which was at present exposed to ser vice such as no other army in Europe was enduring.—( Hear.) He did not think, in common justice to the soldiers, and the maintenance of protection to the colonies, that he could sug gest any reduction of the standing force f the country. The Hon. Gentleman, the Member' for Tavistock, wished to put down corporal punishment, and another Hon. Member said that it would be necessary to increase the pay of the army ; anti there were various other means of expenditure suggested, which rendered it impossible to reduce the expenditure of the military establishment. It was impossible to reduce the expen diture caused by the steam-vessels, and other classes of ships with which it hail been thought necessary to increase the navy, and which caused additional expense. An Hon. and Gallant Member was anxious to increase the provision for worn-out officers; it might be necessary to increase the pay for active service in the navy—the new ordnance and the improvements in gunnery required a large expenditure, as it was necessary to have very heavy guns. A large amount of expenditure might, before long, be incurred in providing harbours of re fuge for the steam-vessels which had been lately built. He had been in hopes that more had been done than he had found executed, though he knew that there had been great obstacles in the way of improvement. It would be absurd to attempt to conceal from the House the necessity of consi derable expenditure upon that head. In the fortification of the coast and the colonies the introduction of steam navigation had involved the necessity of a great expense, for they were no longer safe as they were before from sudden attack, and it was, therefore, necessary that the forces of this country should be put in a state to repel invasion. He did not exactly mean invasion, but those inroads and attacks to which it was impossible for this country to submit, and which it would be impossible to repel without taking proper means of fortification. He had come to the miscellaneous estimates. .The increase in them was of such a nature that he was sure that the House would be willing to pay the tax required for the purpose. There were many other subjects of improvement pressed on by various Members of that House, involving the necessity of art increased expenditure under that head. There was one subject which weighed very heavily on his mind, and that was the necessity of providing in some way for secondary punishment in this country. The evils and expense arising from transportation had already been fully entered into, and he would say nothing of them • but inflictinghe thoughtsecondary withoutpun a punishment, expenditure d di t t h u a r l could not thought that in some way it was necessary to provide for -effectually o f ttee Under all those heads he was afraid that they must look forward in creased expenditure —at an y ra t e t h ey could notloif o an reduction, but rather t o an i ncrease , f or w hi c h i t was absolutely rany reduction, necessary to provide adequate sums. Mr. Gladstone, when his Noble Friend brought forward his resolution against the re duction of duty on sugar, said that he was at a loss to conceive what his Noble Friend could say, rendering it likely that the In come Tax could be removed, or that any measure could be suggested to avoid its renewal. He (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) thought that his Friend showed no very extra ordinary foresight in saying that he did not think it probable that the Income Tax could be removed at the end of three years. It was said a year and-a-half ago that it could be re moved, and in the second year there was a surplus of some 3(10,0001, and now, he was sorry to say, that even with its continuance, a deficiency of 350,000/. was to be apprehended ; and therefore his Friend was justified in saying that the pro bability of its being taken off was small. He did not know how far the resources of the country might go ; or how far, under the increased development of industry which would be occasioned by measures which had passed this sessions, they would progress, he did not pretend to say ; but this he said, that looking to the present state of the revenue and expenditure—to entertain any view, however distant, of removing the Income Tax—to indulge in that hope, it was most essentially necessary to increase the sources from which the income of the country was derived, in order to maintain the credit of the country for the payment of her debts to those establishments necessary for her honour and her name. He did not know if he should make any further statement on the sugar question, because he depended on an increased con sumption of sugar. Let them take 240,000 tons at 144. per cwt. duty, and that would give 3,460,000/. ; and if they gave 15,000 tons for free-labour at ' , ls. per cwt., it would give an addition of 315,000/., making 3,775,000/. That would, however, only be 255,000 tons of sugar ; but be hoped to get 20Q,000 tons of slave-grown sugar, which would raise the sum to 4,195,000/. If, as he was inclined to hope, they would have a supply of slave-grown sugar beyond all the colonial supply, of 30,001) tons, and wh ch he believed they might have, they should have an income of 4.4 0 5, 0001 . He hoped he had now disposed of the two first branches of his Noble Friend's argument, and he would pro ceed to the 'ast, which had reference to the raising and en couragement of slave grown sugar, and which his Friend had stated with so much pathos. It was to increase the consumption of sugar, and to benefit the revenue, that it was expedient to adopt the measures proposed by her Majesty's Government, and he did not think that they would have obtained either of these objects if they had not gone so far as they had done. It would not only pro vide as lar g e a su pp l y as t he sugar pro ducing world could afford, but it would produce as large an i ncre ase as any other measure that could be proposed. (Hear, hear.) Some gentlemen had wished that they could have reduced the duties to lOs and • the produce of the colonies, to 15s. per per cwt. on He did not think (and h e cwt, NI slave-grown sugar. agree with him) under e trusted that .the House wou they Vf0011:1 have been that justified th in present state of the revenue He did not believe that running so great a risk as create, at if?. dpty, any there was then sugar enough to - thing like the revenue he anticipated from the presZTt ~as#tre, The time would however, come when the in- T'U'ESDAY EVtiVING, JULY 28, 1846. would reimburse them for their capital. It had been sai' I that'.' evening, that if they refused this measure they deprived the. poor man of those luxuries which were almost necessaries of life. " Deprive him of the luxuries" were words too poetical 1 for the Chancellor of the Exchequer. He said it would not deprive any poor man of a single half-ounce of sugar ; whereas the adoption of the measure would tinge his morning and his ! evening meal with blood. —(Laughter.) The measure encou: . raged slavery, and he saw no reason why he should adopt it.: - why, if he could not do all the good he desired to do, he shoit id do all the evil w Inch his neighbour might wish him to From the statement of his Noble Friend the Member l$ Lynn, with regard to the horrors of the slave trade, the House would draw its own conclusions. Slave-traders' vesse le carry larger cargoes now than they did previous to the emar ,- cipation. One American slaver had lately carried 1,501). The Carolina lauded 976 in Brazil, while another vessel haul made three voyages in thirteen months, landing in the Brazils 1,820 slaves in the thirteen months. When they considered that the first cost of these slaves was from eight to eighteen dollars, ,vhile when they were landed in the Brazils they ) sold for 300, they could not wonder that the trade was . carried on by men who neither loved their God nor feared , their fellow man.—( Hear, hear.) But were they, withoist any temptation, sitting at a distance of some thousands of mil , es from the scene of those cruelties and horrors, deliberatelsi to give their sanction ?—( Hear, hear.) He trusted that. 's hvere would be found in that House, as well as in the country, those who would not purchase the luxury of 20,000, additm ioal tons of sugar at the p r i ce of so much misery as that which must follow the passing of the Government measure, but that they would rather be content to pay a fractional sum more for their sugars for the purpose of encouraging the industry of their own country, and discountenancing a vile and horrid traffic in human life and human misery.—( Hear, hear. ) Under these circumstances it was needless for him to say with what cordial satisfaction he concurred in the resolution of the Noble Lord the Member for Lynn, and with what ardent—he wished he could say sanguine —hope he looked for its ultimate success, by the House discharging the highest duty of th e ' country, and refusing to give any further sanction to a eysse e ' n that was as injurious to man as it was dishonourable, to earn merce.—( Hear, hear.) Lord SANDON did not quarrel with the Hon. Barorset who had just sat down for the views he took upon the question, and perhaps had that been the first occasion upon which it was proposed to make a distinction in the sugar duties, ho should have been inclined to participate in them. But would the op position which was' then o ff ere d to t h e G overnment proposal settle the matter ? No, it certainly would not ; for, after agreeing to the principle in 1841, of admitting slave-grown sugar on payment of a particular duty, they could not refuse to reconsider the amount of restriction to be placed upon the in troduction of sugar into this country, the produce of slave labour. In 1841 he took the liberty of expressing his doubt e 4 the expediency of the steps which the House then took ; trut having taken these steps, he confessed, after cone e ss eng some of the most experienced merchants in the country upon the subject, that the conclusion he had come to was, t'nat they Iliad already settled the question of the admissibility of slave grown sugar, a .d it now only remained to be decided what were khe best terms the country could admit it upon.. 4 Hear.) But with regard to the encouragement which he offered to the slava trade by admitting Brazilian sugar, he had, following the advice of Bacon, placed his opinions upon paper. He had thus ascertained facts to go upon, namely, that if Java sugar could be sold in this country at a price much less than slave grown sugar, the latter would be taken to Hamburgh, or some such a place, to make up for the deficiency in he supply of the former that was created by the preferexice which this country exhibited for sugar the produce of freejla bour.—( Hear, hear.) The conclusion he had come to then was, that the attempt to draw a distinction between slave grown and free labour sugar was a fallacy, and this was one reason why he could not support the amendment of the Noble Lord the Member for Lynn.--( Hear. ) The present measure created a great deal of irritation' in Brazil and Spain. Those merchants dealing with Braid 'are hardly sure of their property or their lives. He was far from considering that the present measure would give that additional encouragement to the slave trade, and he had no doubt that free labour would beat slave labour when admitted upon equal terms into the market.—(Heor, hear.) Had for mer Governments disregarded the petty jealousies of the planters, and had they encouraged free labour and imported labour into the market, there would have been no occasion for the present measure, nor would they have reason to say that a failure had taken place after the experiment had been tried for the space of fourteen years. But he hoped it was not yet too late; he hoped the Honourable Member who had already shown such extended knowledge with regard to the question would look the matter boldly in the face, and that he would employ such time as the Parliament should in its wisdom determine, to give the matter his serious attention. Why should they not make use of their extended empire for the benefit of the people, and grant to their colonies advantages over the people of other nations ? He considered it would not be beneficial to postpone the question, as the uncertainty which would hang over the final determination of Parliament would produce a stagnation in trade, the merchant or trader being afraid to invest his capital. He rejoiced that the measure had been introduced. It would tend toj the prosperity of the colonial interest, especially to that of the East and West Indies, that the planters and commercial men should know as early as possible what would be the determination of Parliament.—( Hear, hear.) When 24,0001. could be made out of an outlay of 8,000/ in one season, he did not consider that the traders h a d muc h reason to ear any resolution which they might consider wise to adopt, for these reasons he could not give his assent to the proposition of the Noble Lord.—( Hear, hear. ) Mr. GR A NTLEY BERKELEY complained that there had not been sufficient eucouragement afforded by the Government to the importation of free labour into the colonies. That was the reason the crops had failed, because they were not suffi ciently cultivated. There was one point to which he would call the attention of the House, and that was the fact that there were at Berbice 1,050 unoccupied estates, although that country alone would produce sufficient sugar for Europe. In the year 1836 the sugar crop of Berbice was 13,000 hogsheads, and in the year 1841 the crop fell to about 4,500; and since that there had been a gradual reduction in the price, occa sioned by the employment of captured Africans. Those en gaged in the West India trade could scarcely save themselves from absolute ruin, and there was a great disorganization in the West Indies in consequence of the free labourers leaving their employment without notice. He would ask the House, and he would appeal to the country on the question, what right, or sort of right, had they to restrict certain localities? If they had established the fact that our markets were to be free to every country in the world, he contended that they had an equal right to permit the people of this country to pur chase their sugar in the cheapest market, without any sort of restriction. They had no right to say to the people of this country, " You shall only be permitted to purchase your sugar from the British dominions." He contended, that if they had free trade with respect to corn, they should have free trade with respect to sugar and every other article. He called upon the House to take into consideration the necessity of carrying out, to their fullest extent, the great principles of free trade which they had recently sanctioned. Sir J. HOGG assured the. House that his earnest desire was that the people of this country should have an abundant supply of sugar.—( Hear, hear.) That was his desire in 1841, and that was his intention and desire now. But five years had since elapsed, and he now asked himself whether these alterations had been carried out—had his anticipations been realised—had the measures which he supported been carried out as sueceas fully as he could have desired ? If he found that the measures which he at that time supported failed in producing the results which he anticipated, then he should be ashamed to rise in his place in that House, and urge upon that assembly to continue the adoption of measures which had signally failed. He would ask, did the measures which were then adopted afford the people of this country an adequate supply of sugar ? He need scarcely argue the point. It so happened that the calculation which the Noble Lord opposite had made, as to the quantity of sugar expected to arrive in this country this year, was almost verbatim—almost tolidein verbis—the same calculation as he ( Sir J. Hogg) had himself ventured to indulge in 1841, five years ago—(Hear, hear)-115,000 tons from the West Indies, and from the Mauritius, as the Noble Lord made it appear, 75,000 tons had been received, and he ( Sir John Hogg) ventured to calculate five years ago that the amount that would be received would be 60,000 tons. He had ventured to state that in the following year India would yield 100,000 tons, and he did not make that statement rashly. He in formed himself from those quarters where the most authentic information was likely to be—he made every inquiry in his power, and he believed that those who furnished him with the information had no desire to deceive him. How came it then that the injury did not develope itself ? The population of India was pre-eminently a sugar eating people.— ( Laughter.) It was almost their only luxury ; and they in dulged in it as far as their means would allow them. But they did not indulge in the use of manufactured sugar. The Noble Lord had said that sugar could only be exported when it was at a certain price. But he ( Sir John Hogg) begged per mission of the House to say that that statement was erroneous, because the people of India scarcely ever consumed manu factured sugar. The sweetmeats which they consumed were made of unmanufactured sugar. He was rather well pleased to acknowledge that India did not send 100,000 tons to this country. The increased production of sugar in India was little more than adequate to the increased consumption among the people of India. He was really sorry that as far as his knowledge of India went, those fairy visions of the Noble Lord as to the increase of capital could not be realised.—( Hear, hear.) He was sure that the Noble Lord must have been misled—( Hear, hear)— in the calculations which he had laid before the House as to the production of the Indian soil, and still snore as to the productiveness of Indian capital, If he failed in his anticipations as to quantity, he did so al s o i n regard to price. D uring the six months of this yea r , th e imports and deliveries are less than the corresponding six months of the preceding year. The consumption of the world should be looked at. The consumption of sugar in the whole world was 840,000; the whole amount of sugar grown in the tropics are only 771,000. The difference was made up , of beet root sugar from France. The consumption of Europe alone was 675,000. The balance remaining in hand at the conclusion of each year was only about 131,000 ocons umption.—(H ear, h ear.) The case was so one ot h er article. It was melancholy to re flectr on the condition of the p eo ple of England, whose wmithont no h 's consumption of sugar only averaged six pounds per head. Up on protection he could not say much , the question of pro having voted for the gradual abolition of the corn-law s , he should be sorry to stand up in opposition to the gradual abolition of the d u ti es upon sugars.—( Cheers.) e stand there in any other capacity than that of a Member of Parli ament. He did not f the t Indian int stand as the delegate oerest. They did E as t oher cl not wish protection. Like h and, lik asses, they would take protection if you gave it t e t m he y could! everybody else, they would keep it as long as Y the (Cheers.) The case was different as between East and West Indies, amount of labour to be• in consequenco of the obtained in the ; hpd thatthe East Indies. He sea- West Indians had had two make preparations for th e or three years to r contest with the • East Indies. He thought it a great mistake to suppose that the /*hour of the Hill Coolies was equal to the labour of the atirican labourers. H e hoped the Government would take into their io considerat • n the propriety of having a general free tr a d e —not a one-sided free trade—and t hat they would be allowed to use the P,ianilla and other sugars in the distilleries of this country and Scotland and Ireland. The public should have the best spirits which could be obtained, instead of the trashy them b substances now forced upon Hethe existence of the pre sent intricate excise laws. . thought that the duty on rum should be more fairly equalised than it was at present. He would now say a few w ords in reference to the slave trade. Look at the acknowledgment of Fowell Buxton. He acknow ledgedhad done f or that all they its suppre ss i on was a magnificent tailure. Notwithstanding all the exertions then the slave trade had of late increased. Cuba, which thirty years ago had to import sugar for her own consumption, now manufactured 200,000 tons, and there was evidence sufficient to show that 100,000 slaves were annually imported there. If they wished to destroy the slave trade they must allow slaves to emigrate to the West Indies , and carry back with them into Africa the principles of civilisation. Mr. HOPE thought that this measure was one of great severity, if not of great injustice, towards the West Indies. He did not advocate the continuance of the present protective duties, but he thought the measure would be productive ofgreat injury to all those who had property in that quarter of the globe. The difficulty they would have to contend with in Africa would be the difficulty of inducing free men to go there. The condi tion of the people of Africa was that of master and slave, of lord and villain. The slaves there were not sold as slaves, nor were they sent away except for a crime. But still there slavery was most distinct and undoubted. The people were not to be procured but with great difficulty, and then in very small numbers. In India the ease was different—they had an abundant supply, and under a system which had been lately introduced, emigration from India was going on to a consider able extent, and there were no less than from 20.000 to 30,000 men already embarked on their passage ; and by the present measure they entirely took away from these people the pro spect of any fair remuneration for their labour. He must ob ject to one statement made by a Government officer, which he thought unfair. It was the letter of Mr. John Porter, stating that t ha West Indies could produce an ample quantity is'. sugar, provided it had sufficient stimulus in the way of competition. He was aware that the West Indies had already hail too much competition, that she already felt the wound, and was injured by the measures which had been already aslopted. He was not one who looked upon a state of sip:eery as one of such horror as had been described, but he w :mild conclude by saying that they were increasing its 110 ‘rors by attempting to sup press it by force, and by causis4g greater losses to those en gaged in it. Sir R. PEEL said, Sir, ihis House will probably recollect 'what has indeed been adverted to by the Noble Lord, the Member for Lynn, that at an early period of the present session, I announced the intention of the late Government to propose a measure with reference to the admission of foreign sugar, which was based on a different principle from that which the Noble Lord has proposed. The proposal which I intended to make on the part of that government was to give greater facilities and encouragement to the admission of free labour, and I have no hesitation in saying that had that Govern. ment remained in office, the proposal which I should have made on the part of that Government would have been that announced at an early period of the session. That measure so proposed on the part of the Government would have con tained the exclusion from the markets of this country of sugar the produce of the slave-trade, but would have admitted at lower rates of duty that sugar which was the produce of free labour and of foreign growth in competition with sugar the produce of our own country. I think it but right, therefore, that I should now state the vote which I intend to give. Both myself and those who have acted along with me have felt that in the question of slave labour and the produce of slave labour, there was an exception to the principle on which the ordinary affairs of commerce were conducted. I felt that we stood in a peculiar position with regard to the West India colonies. The ease of the East Indies was different in regard to the sur,ply of labour, but with respect to the West Indies we did thir,t; that this country did stand in a special and peculiar positics - n towards it.—(Hear, hear.) You had no doubt made a great sacrifice in order to put an end to slavery in those cronies; you had given for the emancipation of their slaves a liberal—nay, what many would consider a magnificent compe ns ation ; but whether or no that was a sufficient corn ner:sation for what the West Indian interest had given up is a t',uestion open to dispute. Be that as it may, it did subject the colonies to great disadvantages in competing with foreign countries where slavery was in existence.—( Hear, hear.) That led to the conclusion that it was right, before these colonies were required to enter into competition with other countries, that a considerable interval of time should be allowed to elapse.—( Hear.) it was the peculiar circumstances in which the Act of Emancipation had placed the West Indian that led to the opinion in my own mind, and those with whom I have acted, that we ought to depart from the ordinary principles on which commercial affairs are con ducted. In that opinion, I may say, I was supported by one of the most strenuous supporters of the general application of free-trade. The gentleman to whom I allude is Mr. Deacon Hume. On this account we thought it of the greatest importance to preserve to the West India interest the markets of this country, and that we should give an interval of time before entering upon an equalisation of duties with the pro duct of foreign countries. We thought also that the colonies stood in a different position prom other countries in regard to slavery. We had not only put an end to it in our colonies, but we had also undertaken the police of the seas, in which we had departed from all the ordinary rules of international law. In order to carry that out we formed treaties with other powers for the suppression and abolition of the slave trade, at d we made these engaged in trade to submit to regulations which were net in agreement with the ordinary laws of com mercial intercourse. We instituted the right of search, and finding that France would not agree to that, we established in concert with the Government of that country an immense fleet to cruise off the coast of Africa, to put an end to the exportation of negroes from there to other countries. This was a violation of all international laws, still I consider it was perfectly right we should do so. We had gone further than the simple abrogation of slavery in our colonies . ; we had not only shown a great example to other countries in the abolition of slavery in our colonies, but we did not rely on that alone, for we applied the physical main force of the country in order to put an end to the slave trade.—( Hear, hear.) It did appear, therefore, taking a full view of the question, that some time ought to elapse before the produce of slave-growing countries was admitted into competi tion with the produce of our colonial possessfons. In regard to the statement which was made by the Noble Lord (George Bentinck) it is impossible to review it without being shocked at the horror of the system which he deprecates, or without feeling that public opinion and public sentiment will go along with him in its condemnation. The Noble Lord has given specimens of the horrors of this system, in which the House has fully sympathised; and if it could he shown that by raising the price of sugar ld. or lld. a pound, an effectual stop would be put to the horrors of this horrible traffic, I am quite sure the country would cheerfully make the sacrifice.—( Cheers. ) Twenty millions had been freely given is order to release the bonds of the West India slaves; and if the distinction now maintained between slave and free grown produce was calculated to abolish slavery in other countries, I am sure the people of this country would willingly hear the tax. I fear that it may at first give a stimulus to slavery. It is not without great reluctance, therefore, that I have come to the resolution to give my support to the mea sure.—( Cheers.) lam forced to consider other rather than the mere abstract question ; there was the position of parties, and the prospect of forming a Government on the dissolu tion of the present Government.—( Hear, hear.) I agree with the Noble Lord that It ought to be no sham opposition. I agree that if any opposition were formed to her Majesty's Government, it ought to be an opposition intended to be fatal to that Government. I believe it possible by combination to displace the Noble Lord ; at least I believe it possible by com bination to throw out the measure. I think it would be pos sible to raise a feeling in this country against this measure, at all events to raise a fatal impediment to it ; and I feel myself bound to ask myself this question, whether I could sanction such opposition, and I think that I ought not.—( Hear, hear.) The Government with which I was connected was displaced by a vote of this House, tantamount to a withdrawal of confidence from that Government.—( Hear.) I yielded to that vote. The Noble Lord was called on by her Majesty to form a Government, as it seemed, with the appro bation of this House. The Noble Lord is prepared with a pro posal fr r the final adjustment of this question. lam prepared for that. The Noble Lord could not accept of power without being prepared with a proposal on this subject. I could have no doubt of it.—(Hear.) When in the beginning of last year, in the month of February, I proposed my measure on sugar, the Noble Lord proposed a motion en the same subject, for deing away with the distinction between slave and free-labour sugars. That was the course which he pursued on that occasion. —( Hear.) In the course of this year, when this question came on again to be considered, the Noble Lord, before the Easter recess, gave notice of a motion to the effect that the distinc tion between slave and free-labour sugar was impolitic and un just, and that it could not be maintained, and that it should be abolished. The Noble Lord's proposal then was, that this distinction between slave and free labour sugar should be abolished. The Noble Lord, and those who sit with him on the Treasury benches, put the same construction on certain treaties, as I and those that are with me, put upon them ; but I said that good faith must be kept, so far as effected the excluding of certain produce from the markets. —(Loud cries of Hear.) Consequently notice has been given of the course which the Noble Lord would follow, and good faith and consistency required that that distinction between slave and free-labour sugars should be abolished.— ( Hear, hear.) Now I could not doubt that the Noble Lord, when he was called to power, would abolish that distinction. It was indeed open to the Noble Lord to proceed immediately, or to take time for the mature consideration of the subject, but the Noble Lord has chosen to proceed at once. Whether he proceeded at once, or took time till next November, it was a mere question of time. I understood that the Noble Lord and his friends would effect the abolition of that distinction. Why perhaps it was better that it should be made at once, as far as it may affect many interests in the country. But there are many questions on which mature deliberation, perhaps, might be necessary ; the introduction of molasses duty free into this country, and the spirit duties—(Hear, hear)—were questions which he trusted the Noble Lord would take into further consideration, because he was doubtful as to the effect which the reduction of the duty on them may produce. Now, in the first place, in speaking of the West India colonies, we must remember that there is a great expense attendant upon the imigration of free labourers. There is a great expense attendant upon the introduction of natives from the East Indies ; and there is a far greater expense in bringing Africans from the coast of Africa, but still this ought not to discourage your encouraging this immigration to the colonies ; and in saying this much, let me observe that you ought to accompany the introduction to the colonies of native labourers with an adequate supply of females.—( Hear, hear, and laughter.) If you determine to attempt a supply of Coolies for the West In dies, for the purpose of promoting the ultimate success of your plan, it will be of the utmost importance that there should be a due proportion of females introduced into the country. Entertaining, therefore, these views upon the subject of ad mitting sugar, the produce of slave labour, into competition with free-labour sugar, I do hope the N o ble L or d an d his Government will reserve to themselves the power of here efter considering what are the equivalent advantages which he will give to the West Indies.—( Hear, hear.) But I was going on to say that I did not feel myself justified in entering into a combination for the purpose of displacing the Noble Lord and his Government within six weeks after the day on which he had assumed office.—(Hear, hear.) But, says the Noble Lord the Member for Lynn, you may safely enter into such a combination, and the Noble Lord will still retain office. Well, I will not pretend to know what course the Noble Lord will adopt, but this I will say, that I think the Noble Lord, under the circumstances in which he is placed--under the cir curnstances in which he accepted power—and being defeated now on so important a measure of his commercial policy as the present, would, I cannot say give up power, but, in my opinion, he would be fully justified in doing so..—( Hear, hear.) Those, then, who :compel him to abdicate power ought to exercise their discretion, and, in doing so, they are bound to ask themselves whether in the event of success they are pre pared to undertake the Administration of public affairs. There are circumstances in the history of every country where that question must be asked by those who enter into combinations for the purpose of displacing a prevailing Government.—(Hear, hear.) Two Governments have existed within the last six weeks. Shall a third be formed ? Upon what principle ? (Hear, hear, and laughter.) Shall their be a restoration of the late Government ?—(Cries of "No, no.") I entirely concur in that opinion.—(llear, hear, and laughter.) Ido think that the late Government, having withdrawn from office in consequence of a signification on the part of the House, tantamount to a vote of want of confidence in its policy the defeat of the Government who succeeded it by a combination effected by the former within six weeks after its determination, without any prospect of future success, would be discreditable to the country.—(Cheers.) I believe the country could have little confidence is those who had thrown them out, and therefore, entertain'ng these views, I have come to the conclusion that it would not be for the public advantage to enter into a combination for the sake of displacing the present Government. The protection party,;with whom 1 am prepared to speak with all respect, at any rate cannot be surprised that they themselves could not take office, or form a Government, with any prospect of advantage or success ; nor are they, perhaps, prepared to enter into a combination for de feating the present occasion with a view of recalling those to power who have just left office. —( Hear, hear.) I say, then, that what has taken place, seeing the:manifest divergence of opinion exhibited on this measure amongst those who were the supporters of the late Government, only confirms me in the opinion that defeating the Noble Lord upon this commercial measure would be attended by no good results, and at once I admit that I am not prepared to take the consequences of such a conclusion as that I allude to — (Choers)—seeing the posi tion of parties compels those who have taken part in the public services of the country to consider the question of what will be the result of displacing the Government which has now held power for six weeks. At the same time if it could be shown that a Government could be formed which could permanently resist the introduction of slave labour sugar by those who, like my Hon. Friend, sincerely think that at all hazards the introduction of articles, the produce of slave-labour, should not be allowed, it would be a different thing ; but I have serious doubts whether, i ~ _~;F in the present state of public opinion, the formation of any Go vernment could permanently continue the present system. If indeed you could lay down the principle that you would, under no circumstances whatever, consume the produce of slave la bour, and you could hold out to the colonies the assurance that that principle would be adhered to, it would be a different matter; but is it likely or probable that a Government could he formed either by any party or any combination of parties, which could hope to per manently maintain the principle, that articles the produce of slave labour shall not be admitted into this country.—( Hear, hear.) Let me then observe that the Noble Lord, the Mem ber for Lynn does not lay down the principle that articles the produce of slave labour shall not be admitted. The Noble Lord does not even lay down the principles that we will main tain the state quo, that we will admit cotton that is now used in this country, that we will admit tobacco that is now used in this country, but that we will go no further, that we will per mit no further violation of the principle which tend to con tinue slavery.—( Hear, hear.) The motion of the Noble Lord is in fact similar to the resolution, which was moved by my Noble Friend the Member for Liverpool, in 1841. He wished to continue the discriminating duties on slave-labour sugar, because the admission into this country of that article depended, in a great measure, upon the supply of sugar the produce of free labour, (Hear, hear.) The effect of the Noble Lord's resolution is, that under certain circumstances—if the prices were greatly increased—you would admit slave-grown sugar into the market under certain modifications. What assurance could merchants have of the permanence of any arrangement which did not contemplate the difficulties which might arise from a scarcity, natural or artificial. The estimates which he has formed might be less favourable at some period than they are at the present moment, and in such a case the planters would have reason to fear that the people of this country would not tolerate the high prices.—(Cries of " No, no.") Well, if you say " No, no," are you prepared to affirm, as permanent, a resolution, be the state of the market or the occasion what it may, that you will not admit slave-labour sugar.— ( Hear, hear.) But that is not what you are prepared to:affirm, and you do not give any assurance to the colonists that they may safely rely upon your permanency of legislation upon this question ; and you, therefore, bring doubt and insecurity into the minds of the capitalist and traders. The Noble Lord has endeavoured to make a permanent adjustment of this question, and the colonists, as well as all those in the trade, attach the utmost importance to a permanent adjustment, as it will enable the capitalist to know with what he has to contend. He will know, moreover, that there will be extended to him a qualified protection, and that at the end of a certain period there must be free competion.—( Hear, hear.) Unless you admit the principle of the Noble Lord, that slave labour at some period must be ad mitted to compete with free labour, you cant of attain perma nency in any measure you adopt. When I proposed to reduce the duty on free labour, I did not hope to introduce a permanent measure ; had I remained in power it was my inten tion to have proposed the continuance of the sugar duties. for one year, in order to give the experiment a farther trial. But I doubt exceedingly that this House could be prevailed to pass a permanent law which did not contemplate at some period the fiee admission of slave-grown sugar. Any other proposal would have been subject to the disadvantage of being a temporary measure, and the slave holder, seeing the state of public opinion in the country—seeing the division of parties, and that the subject was one of continual controversy—never would abandon the hope that at no distant period he would be admitted to the same ad vantages as the cultivator with free labour. He would not fail to cherish that hope. The slaveholder in Brazil would nourish the same hope, he would be constantly expecting that at no distant day he would be admitted to compete with free labour, whilst the capitalist in free labour would not know whether it would be safe to invest his capital in the cultivation of the Otaheitan cane, which promises so many great advantages to the producer. I believe, on the whole, that, in the present state of public opinion, there may be a chance of temporary contribution to the promotion of slavery, but I believe it will be only temporary, and that the evil of continuing the uncertainty far out. weighs any consideration of such a character. I will not enter into a detail of the plan of the Noble Lord ; my earnest hope is, that his ;great object will be to make a final settlement of the question.—(Hear, hear.) I do hope that he will listen with attention to every proposal which, doing away with a destructive duty, may have for its object the intention of enabling free-labour sugar to compete with slave sugar. I do not enter into details I do not wish to embarrass him. My support will be of a bond fide kind, and he will feel that he is best ensuring the success of a great principle by enabling those who have nothing but their labour successfully to compete with those who continue the traffic in slaves.—( Hear, hear.) Sir, entertaining, therefore, this opinion, avoiding any discussion on the details, entertaining a sincere belief that at no remote period, if this measure be obstructed now, that it must be ultimately carrried—( Cheers) —believing that if any one is to carry it there is none better entitled to the credit attached to success than the Noble Lord. —(Cheers)—l am come to the resolution, not, as I said before, without hesitation and without reluctance, to give my support to the principle of his measure, and in supporting the principle of that measure it is my resolution not to embarrass him by a vexatious opposition.—( Loud cheers.) Mr. P. MILES, amidst some confusion, moved the adjourn ment of the debate, atter which Sir T. ACLAND rose, and . said that he did not wish to persuade the House either to come to a decision at once, or adjourn the discussion, but he must beg for the indulgence of the House, whilst he said that in his opinion the Right Hon. Baronet had come to the determination announced by him solely from a consideration of the state of parties in that House—( Vociferous cheering from the pro tectionists)—and of the way in which the present Government might be affected by his vote upon this question. —(Contineed cheering from the same parties). His Noble Friend opposite was either right or wrong in his policy, but the question on which they had to decide was one of the greatest moment, and he (Sir T. Acland), for his own part, c,isclaimed, in the strongest manner, any wish to promote the interests or views of any party in that House by the vote which he intended to give on thi. question._( Hear, hear.) He dis claimed, in the strongest manner, being influenced by any hostile opposition to the Noble Lord at the head of the Govern ment, in giving the vote which he intended to record on this question. Indeed, he was prepared, in homely phrase, to give the present Government " a fair trial and no favour." ( Hear, hear.) He felt that the Noble Lord opposite was actuated by feelings of the most upright character when he proposed the measure. He believed that the Right Hon. Bart., the mem ber for Tamwortb, in giving his vote on this question was in fluenced by considerations as to the existence of the Government. lie would wish to ask whether the wishes of the parties who were thought to be admitted to a voice in that House had been considered, and whether the great masses of the people of this country were admitted into their councils. He contended that they were riot admitted to a share in the councils of the nation.—( Hear, hear.) It bad been the policy of this country during the last thirty years to do all in their power to put down the abominable slave trade at any and every cost, and he could not understand how they now consistently adopt a proposition to countenance and encourage the slave traffic in human beings.—(Hear, hear. ) Mr. P. BORTHWICK amidst great laughter and con fusion, seconded the motion for the adjournment of the debate. The SPEAKER having put the question that the House do now adjourn, Lord J. RUSSELL said that as it was not likely that the debate could be concluded that night he would support the mo tion for an adjournment of the debate, which had been pre viously moved by an Hon. Member. After a few words from Mr. MILES the debate was ad journed. Mr. EWART withdrew the motion of which he had given notice. Mr. HUME also consented to withdraw his motion. SUPPLY. The report of this Committee was brought up and agreed, to. DEODANDS ABOLITION (No. 2) BILL. On the motion of Mr. BOUVERIE this Bill was read a second time. BATHS AND WASHHOUSES (IRELAND). Mr. PIGOT obtained leave to bring in a Bill for promoting the voluntary establishment in boroughs, cities, and towns, in Ireland, of Public Baths and Washhouses. The Bill was then read a first and second time, and The House adjourned at a quarter-past one o'clock. PARLIAMENTARY DIVISIONS. From the Votes and Proceedings of the House of Commons. MONDAY, JULY 27. LANCASTER AND PRESTON JUNCTION RAILWAY BILL. Report considered Motion made, and Question proposed, " That the Amendments made by the Committee to the Bill be now read a second time :"—Amendment proposed, to leave out from the words " That the" to the end of the Question, in order to add the words " Report to be taken into further consideration upon this day six months," instead thereof:—Question put, " That the words proposed to be left out stand part of the Question." The House divided : MINORITY—AYES, 6. Austen, Colonel French, F. TELLERS. Brotherton, Joseph Ilindley, Charles Greene, Thomas Duncombe, Thomas Philips, Mart Estcourt, T. G. MAJORITY—NOES, 71. A'Court, Captain Elphinstone, Sir H. Mostyn, E. M. L. Arkwright, George Esmonde, Sir T. Newport, Viset. Arundel, Earl of Evans, William O'Brien, A. Stafford Aster, William Ewart, William O'Connell, Daniel Baine, Walter Feildert:Slr . W. Paget, Lord A. Barnard, E. G. Forster, Mathew Plumrldge, Captain Barron, Sir 11. Frewen, C. H. Powlett, Lord W. Beckett, W. Fuller, A. E. Round, John Benbow, John Gore, Robert Smith, J. A. Bentinck, Lord G. Hatton, Captain Hill, Lord Marcus SSotrau'ettr,s'EjtjAP-a. Bernal, Ralph rd Illackburne, J. I. Hodgson, It. Thompson, Ald. Itowring, Dr. llorsman, E. Thornely, Thomas Ilroadwood, H. Howard, P. H. Tufnell, Heary Brown, W. Hume, Joseph Vane, Lord H. Browne, W. Ilutt, 'William Wyse , Thom as Collett, W. R. Inglis, Sir R. 11. Wall, C. B. Collett, John James, William `Yawn, J. T. Collins, William Layald, Captain Williams, W. Corbally, M. E. Lemon, Sir C. Wood, Colonel T. Craig, W. G. Lindsay, ''l, if, Wortley, J. S. Dennistoun, J. Lcr:,ther, Hon. Col. Douglas, Sir 11. Mackinnon, W: TELLlties. Duncan, George ?'Tangles, R. D. Aglionby, li. A. buncombe, 0, Marshall, William Buller,:Edward - - MR. WEBSTER'S BENEFIT AT TETE HAyMARKET THEATRE.—The benefit of Mr. Webster, the spirited lessee of the Haymarket Theatre, takes place to-morrow evening, being the 554th night of the season. Whenever, from want of public patronage, other theatres have been forced to close, every artiste of the least pretension to talent who has been, in consequence of such premature closure, thrown on the world without an engagement, has found a home at the Ilaymarket, and the histrionic talent of the metropolis has accordingly rallied round Mr. Webst er on t h e present occa sion. Madame Anna Thillon, Madame Celeste, the Misses Cushman, and the Ethiopian Serenad ers h ave, in the hand somest manner, given their gratuitous services, and will appear, supported by the whole strength of the regular Haymarket company, far and away the most complete company for coredy in the B r iti s h d ominions—perhaps in the world. Bak if the Ilaymarket has been the home of the destitute artiste it has been also the refuge of the distressed playgoer, who, shut out from other theatres, has always been enabled to enjoy an evening's intellectual amusement of a high order at the Haymarket. The artistes hare shown their gratitude by rallying round Webster—let the playgoers do likewise. [ADVERTISEMENT.] Flow TO OBTAIN HEALTH WHEN LOST.—The wonderful regenerating effects that Holloway't Pills produce upon the whole system are truly astonishing. This surprising medicine perfectly identifies and assimilates itself will the blood and other fluids, while it removes from them all impn rities ; it acts upon the stomach, the heart, the lungs, and the kid neys, and in its course so surely cleanses and invigorates those organs as to make the return of health the immediate consequence of a few doses of this wonder-working remedy. Persons of weal , and debilitated constitutions are sure to regain their health and vim': by their use, even when every other means have failed.—Sold by al medicine vendors ; likewise at Professor Holloway's Establishment 244, Strand, London. Potato failures are reported to be on the increase, and the tendency to sell in the drills is becoming prevalent. A fine field was bought this week at Greenfield--the best look ing crop we have seen—by Mr. W. Wilson, victualler, New ton, eleven acres Scotch, at 13/. each. The disease has Made its appearance in the vicinity of Dairy,' and we have heard of four different instances in which plots have beer found t - ', O be affected. Should the weather prove favourable, shariing will be commenced on the farm of Rzeslifilm, pariekof - E a ry in it Aninight.—..4yr .44vertiffrsr. -„ nafriarr, = - .re\rt4,lL FLA THE LATE CASE OF MILITARY FLOGGING., (Continued from our Afternoon _Edition of yesterday.) The jury re-asssembled at half-past two o'clock, and the inquiry was resumed— Dr. - Hall said he was a graduate of St. Andrew's, and a Fellow of the Royal College of Surgeons of London, and first class staff-surgeon in the army. Saw the deceased on the day of his death, on account of an order which be re ceived from Sir James 111`Greggor, with directions to get to Hasinslow by the quickest conveyance, and arrived here at twenty mintues past seven in the evening. He met Dr. Warren, and they proceeded to the hospital, where Dr. Warren pointed out the deceased. He expired in his pre sence, at a quarter past eight o'clock. Dr. Warren stated, as a reason for sending for advice to me, that the man had had 150 lashes, and that he was labouring under inflamma tion of the chest. Treatment would have been of no use at that time, as the pulse had subsided at the wrist, and the man was dying. I l oo k e d a t hi s b ack and found it healed. Reported the fact of the man's death to Sir J. M‘Greggor that night; also attended the post mortem examination. Never heard anything about the probability of an inquest being held upon the deceased at that time. At the post mortem examination he took notes of the appearance of the bode. Its appearan ce was t h at o f a we ll -grown muscular man ; the - body was not much wasted by disease ; there was the mark of a blister on the stomach, another on the back, below the shoulder-blade, and marks of punishment across the shoulders, particularly across the right shoulder-blade, but the skin had quite healed, with the exception of a few boils. On opening the chest we found the right lung firmly attached to the diaphragm. On the left side there were recent adhe sions between the lung and the rib, the pluera was 'inflamed and about twelve ounces of fluid had forced into Use cavity of the left pleura, which had the appearance of recent in flamination, and contained shreds oflymph. The litng itself was gorged with serum, and the muscular tissue was soft and easily torn. There was inflammation of all the membranes of the heart. The inflammation extended a little way along the pulmonary artery, and over the semi-lunar valves at the commencement of the heart. The tendons between the left cavities of the heart were matted together by the recent infusion of lymph. The pericardium did not contain more fluid than natural. The liver was enlarged beyond the margin of the ribs, and there was some inflammation in the large lobe. The substance of the liver itself was not unhealthy. I should call it simply an enlarge meat of the liver unattended with disease; all the other vessels of the belly were healthy. Did not examine the spine. The head was opened and the membranes of the brain were found congested. The skin was removed from the back at his request, to ascertain the nature of the tissue be low, and might have been five or six incises, but it might have contracted much. All the tissues were perfectly natural —there was no trace of inflammation (the skin was produced). He said the true skin was not broken by the flogging, and was not cut away with the intention of secreting anything, but to see the nature of the tissue below. The true skin he sapeated was not got through. Attributed death principally to inflammation of the lung membra ne of the heart, pluera and left lung. Ascribed the cause ofintiammation to the change of the temperature at the time he was recovering. That was the most likely thing he could ascribe it to. Coal not at. tribute it to the flogging. A man belonging to the regiment died yesterday from inflammation. Mr. \VAKLEY explained to the witness the reason why he did not wish him to be present at the second examination of the body by Dr. Wilson, yesterday ; the jury considered that the examination should be made by medical gentlemen un connected with the regiment, Dr. Hall then stated that during the whole course of Ms military experience he never heard men who had received corporal punishment complain of pains in the chest. He had carefully examined the chest of Matthewson, and found that he did not labour under any inflammation of the chest. Dr. Reid, Staff Assistant-Surgeon, Graduate of the Unive rsity of Edinburgh, and Licentiate of the College of Surgeons of the same place—Did not see the man during his life. Had made • post mortem examinations for the last thirteen years. Had heard the evidence of Dr. Hill, and aeaeed with him as to s the cause of th e man ' s death, and tu b eappearances u; the body, which he de scr ib e d at length. It was a difficult thing to determine the cause of inflammation, The punishraent had nothing whatever to do with the cause of death. 'Dais was the first case he had ever heard, with the exception of the case of the man flogged by Governor Wall,of a mata'e death being caused by flogging. Mr. Horatio Day, surgeon, of Isleworth, was then ex amined—Never saw the deceased alive, but made a post mortem examination of the body on the Thursday after the death, in company with his partner. No one else was present. A post nwrtenz examination had been made before. Opened the cavity of the chest and abdomen, parts of which he found very much decomposed. The heart appeared smaller than usual, and the muscular fibres softer than usual ; the lung of the heart was redder than usual, but it might. have been caused by the previous examination of the organ ohuflTfseahuaiea: death aabl eeut eurTere were sviyi%ed,ael asinynn g cedeo o r,t r ni c nan d esdgu , npaca peculiar i nn d uesi rail idt,aael considered and lu p i tte l si i e lemet u dei exhibitedr ioi a mungio,:i, e t ddo p iaa appearance.t bi immediate. e i r cause fromt Hada, j n change of temperature from heat to cold. Mr. Erasmus Wilson, surgeon, Fellow of the College of Surgeons, Consulting Surgeon to the St. Pancras Hospital, and lecturer on anatomy and physiology, in Middlesex _Hospital —Had written works on " Healthy and Unhealthy Skin," and on the "Anatomy, Physiology, and Diseases of the Skin." Made a post nzortem examination of the back of the deceased, at Heston churchyard, on Wednesday, the 22d of July. The body was very much decomposed. Dr. hall here, at the request of the Coroner, read his report to Sir James M`Greggor, which was simply detailed in tla e evidence adduced above. They were respectively handed, i n. The examination of Mr. Wilson was then proceeded 'with, and he read from a printed statement the result of his iTsvesti gation. The inflammation existed, though the skin and the muscles below were pulpy and soft, which had exf,ended so deep as the lining, of the chest. The spine waa in great de composition, but healthy. Attributed the I :';ulpy softening to the contraction of th e musc l es taking plaae during the agony of punishment. The report concluded, by stating that the cerperal punishment was the carts'; of the, pulpy and dis ordered state cf the lungs. Thera could br.., no doubt that the man would be alive now, if he load not been flogged. After some further evidance, the inquest was again ad journed. THE LATE ACCIDENT ON THE EASTERN COUNTIES RAILWAY. An inquiry which lasted the entire day was commenced yesterday morning at ten o'clock before Mr. W. Baker, jun. and a resp ec t a bl e j ury, at the Duke of Richmond Tavern,' Holston, on th e b o d y of Mr. William Hind, aged 60, of Ico.S Victoria Villas, Dalston, who died from the effects of the in.: juries ho received by the late collision on the Eastern Gown ties Railway. Mr. Roney, the secretary, Mr. Scott, the superintendent of the line, Mr. Samuels, the resident engineer, and Mr.. P, u „ an. the solicitor, attended to represent the com p an y , ran Raw lins, a solicitor of ltomford, appeared to watch, 'the inq u i ry on behalf of the engine -driver and stoker. Mr. Francis Tobin, surgeon, of Hackney, .was first exa mined, and deposed to being called to, The deceased on Saturday evening, the 18th, at half-ps'A six o'clock. He complained of pain in the chest ar.d abdomen. There were no external marks of injury, except a slight one on the cheek. The deceased died ',in Friday morning, and on making . a pe,st mortem exanl'auation of the body, found quite sufficierA internal injuri'.,s to account for death. He understood, the deceased wa, 3 in the last carriage of the train, a portiPsn of which fell iipon his body. Such a pressure Was l liflicient to have produced the injuries that occasioned h.'.5 death. John Arch, a coach-body maker, living in Prospect-rovr, Shalford, stated that he was walking up Angel-lane, near the station, when he heard the crash of the accident. Il e immediately hastened to the station, when he saw the deceased lying by the platform with a portion of the side of the second-class carriage in which he had been riding. resting upon him. He assisted in removing him into tht station. James Backshaw, in the company's employ, spoke to similar facts. William Bush, a porter in the service of the company, said that he saw the deceased gentleman seated in a room of the Stratford station. He assisted in removing him into a fly, and driving him to his residence. Mr. Benjamin Richardson, the Stratford station-master, was subjected to a very lengthened examination, occupying several hours. His testimony was precisely the same as that he adduced before the magistrates at Ilford, and which was filly reported in our c o l umns o f l ast Tuesday. He, howev er , gave a few additional facts, to the effect that if the signal had been on the down line side it certainly would have been seen farther. From the spot where the signal is first seen to the platform of the station is 479 yards, and presuming an. engine was travellin g a t thi rty m i les an hour when_thesg,- nal was first sight e d, th e di stance was quitesufficit i theso enable it to be bro ug ht t o a s t oppage ere it could reach en station. tons of the s er p s r a o t ce u e , i d e i r , gs, The witness underwent a cross-examination by Mr. PA lreft _ sta. tion, instead of a decrease. The increase had t a l l ,. t ‘ i v l a s t the an c i l n o c s r e e o m f 0 t ohfe doaffiye' place about three months since. A copy of th e regu l at: H lin e g d s' ec w lar h e ic d h ti l t as at te th d e u r n e company to their engine -drive rs an d others in t' 4teir employ, was here produced. Several o f th e rules we'4-e read asevi dence, from which it appeared that the e ngine -drivers and stokers were directed to pay most, pallier:tar attention to all signals to stop, wh e th er the cause of their being l known or n o t. Th ey were also enljoined on pro m a a ch e in 's g Stratford Junction, to a l ways give a loud continued whistle on approaching wit 'ain a quarter of a mile. In another rule the ra y tford were desired always t o soun d the whistle on nearing St stilt:ten. It being now near six o'clock, the Coroner adjourned the inquiry until this morning at ten o'clock. lie was desired by Ihe j u r y t o wr it e to t h e B oar d o f T ra d e, for the purpose o f obtaining the attendance of Captain Coddington, the deputy Government inspector of railways, so as to examine bim on the experiments he made in the course of his officiza investi gation into the cause of the accident. The other sufferers by the accident are going On favourably. MURDER AT NEWCASTLE. NEWCASTLE-UPON-TYNE, SATURDAY — Considerable sen sation was caused here this morning, by the discovery of the body of Robert Lowthin, the registrar of births, deaths, and marriages for Gateshead district, in the river 'l'vne, near the high crane at Newcastle ; and circumstances have since transpired which excite strong suspicion of his having been murderel The police were dragging for a boy named Dickinson, 'who had been observed, on the preceding day, playing near the high crane, but had been since missed, when they found the body of 111 r. L ow thi n. I t appears, from inovaries that have been instituted, that Lowthin had on. Friday received his quarterly salary as registrar, and, ak eight o'clock the same night he was in the Charles tta) Twelfth public-house, at the north end of Tyne bridge, whim it was observed by the landlord that he had a watch, and, a considerable sum of money in his purse. Ile was then in liquor. He was seen again about two o'clock on the morn ing of Saturday, by the superintendent of police in Gates head, in company with a notoriously bad character going to wards Newcastle. When his body was found, his watch ; and purse were missing. An inquest was opened to-night before Mr. Stoker, and evidence df identity having been re ceived, it was adjourned till Monday. The man with whom Lowthin was last seen in company has been apprehe - A d e d i and the police are act i vely engaged i n pursuing P uiri with a view t o t race the watch, t h e num b er of vs , Aid , and the maker's name are known. FATAL ACCIDENT ON THE SHEFFIELD, ASHTON UNDER•LYNE, AND MANCHESTER RAILW a most melanch o l y acc id ent occurre d to Alt.-011 Satu r d a y, an old man, eighty tive years of ag e . I t appears the deceased ticket at the Oughty-bridge station , having taken a the up-train from Manchester • 1. for Sheffield had to wait 1 ..e therefore strolled down the line for a short dUance, when, of a bridge, the 1 1 ;:ne o'clock e .:press train from Sheffield sud- f dcnlv i came l'."pon him, and ' having turned the corner oefore he had an r i fr e n d itz iai o on UP!, spot. 01 ;:c of the way the: train ran over him an d k getting i ),Ams. commenced the demolition of 1 The figure 18 the elephant in the Place de m l . a tt ß rve l ry little iron being us•arj com posed chiefly of wooda t r i ) i ( o l v!r ) of the hammer a number of rats about it. At the f i rs t having been destroyed. , —Wortmen have st,e ran, out, no fewer than 2 00