The Sun. — London, England, 1846-06-12 00:00:00

that Mr. Bright got a seat for the county of Durham. He thought it was a most unwarrantable personal attack upon his personal character. CORN-LAWS. The Duke of RICHMOND presented a petition from For far in Scotland, against the proposed measure of the Govern ment. The Marquis of LONDONDERRY—The Noble Lord said I belonged to the protection society, but how long ago is that I . —( Laughter.) It is more than two years ago. Great laughter.) The question has undergone considerable change since that period. The Earl of WINCHELSEA said, if a constitutional course was proceeded with, and if there was an appeal to the people made, their would find that the great body of the people had not changed their opinions upon the subject. LtINDON AND YORK. The Earl of LOVELACE moved the discharge of the Committee of the London and York Bill.—Agreed to. The Duke of RICHMOND then moved, that 'he Bil:s not considered by that Committee should be re-committed. LUNATIC ASYLUMS. The Duke of RICHMOND presented several petitions from Gloucester and Hereford against the Lunatic Asylums Bill. The Noble Duke also presented a petition from the board of guardians of the Chichester union against the pro posed law of settlement. The Duke of WELLINGTON requested the Noble Duke to put off the question of which be had given notice. After a few words from the Earl of Winchilsea, the Earl of Radnor, Lord Abinoer, the Earl of Wicklow, and Lord Redes dale, the subject dropped. CORN-LAWS. Earl GREY presented a petition numerously signed by persons residing in the cout.ty of Staffordshire in favour of the corn -laws. THE SMOKE NUISANCE. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE wished to ask the Noble Viscount, the Commissioner of the Woods and Forests, what was the reason that the report of the Coramicsion, appointed to inquire into this subject, had not before that period been laid upon their Lordships' table ? Viscount CANNING stated that the report would be rea(y to-morrow. It was quite an accident that the report which had, two months since, been sent to the House of Commons had not been laid before their Lordships. CORN IMPORTATION BILL. The Earl of RIPOS moved that the order of the day, for going into Committee on this Bill be read. The Earl of STANHOHE rose for the purpose of opposing the motion of the Noble Earl, and moving as an amendment that the Bill be committed upon that day six months. He had not either the vanity or the presumption to think that any observations he could make to their Lordships could affect the course which their Lordships intended to adopt.—(Hear, hear.) He was aware that after the many able and eloquent speeches which had recently been delivered by several Noble Lords in that House, and more especially after that admirable and unanswerable speech of the Noble Lord, whom he then saw in his place (Lord Stanley), a speech, whether from the arguments which it contained, or the eloquence with which it was adorned, er the valuable in formation which it contained, appeared to him superior to any thing which he had ever heard upon the subject. He was, ' however, unwilling to give a silent vote upon the question. He :would consider it in some degree a dereliction of the duty which he owed to his country, if he did not make some obser vations upon this question. They were then arrived at a crisis far more important than any to which their Lordships had hitherto arrived, and which must be so regarded when their Lordships considered the amount of interest involved. and above all the social as well as political results which would follow this measure. Such a measure as the present had never before been before a Committee of their Lordships, had never been introduced by any party, and there never was a proposition, in whatever quarter it might originate, which was so feebly and so miserably defended by so many false assumptions and false arguments. It was in the first place assumed that there was imminent danger of famine in Ireland, because there was in some districts, not in all, a deficiency, not a failure, in the crop of potatoes. But it was at that time satisfactorily proved, in a manner which ad mitted of no possibility of doubt, that there was even then, and still was, an abundance of sustenance for the people of that country, and especially of that sort which formed the principal articles of snstenance to the poorer classes. The crop of pota toes had been more than usually abundant. He did not deny—on the contrary, he deeply deplored, the distress of the people of • Ireland. That distress arose, not from the scarcity of food. but unfortunately in this year, as in many others, there had been a lamentable state of destitution to which all the labourers of the country had been reduced in consequence of the want of employment. He believed that the reports to the treat autocrat of the Cabinet,in November last, upon the failure of the potato crop, had been both er roneous and exaggerated. He thought that if there had been a scarcity of food, the then existing corn-laws had the power of adjusting themselves to that state of the country. The Government had acted very unwisely in giving publicity to these reports. They had had the effect of raising the price of corn in the foreign market, and had induced those parties who had a stock by them to hoard it instead of selling it. Sir Robert Peel, for reasons best known to himself, had encouraged and fostered this panic. If the order in council was necessary, it should have been made only for a short pe riod, and there was no necessity for the present measure ; but the Prime Minister said he was not prepared to make such an order unless he brought forward some settlement of the corn question ; and such was the origin of the question they were now discussing. The old fable of the mountain in labour which brought forth a mouse was reversed, for it was a mouse Which had conceived and brought forth a mountain— (Laughter)—for they had a Prime Minister who was raised to eminence by the hopes and expectations which his party enter tained that be would be true to his colours, and that he would sot desert the principles which he had uniformly professed. And how had he kept his promise ? By bringing in a tntsere which would throw the country into confusion. 'mull brought discredit on the nation, and ruined the confi• del ies of the people in the faith and worthiness of all public men• Could the Minister be misled by any party, who had so deceived his own ? Could they repose confidence in any man who could act in such a manner? And what confidence could they repose in Sir Robert Peel? In his opinion, as soon as he discovered the good effects of free trade, he should have refused his post, for which, by his own confession, he was wholly in competent.—( Hear, hear.) But they were told that there was no inconsistency in Sir Robert Peel's conduct by another Noble Lord, and that ever since 1842 his principles were wrapped in obscurity. He himself was appealed to, and asked, had not he expressed his doubts on the sincerity of the Minister? He had, with his usual frankness, done so, when measures were brought forward which he considered would be dangerous to the country. But that was an assertion which he could never admit to have truth in it.--( Hear, hear. ) They had been told that this conversion in the Minister was the result of his experience ; now he would say that there might be some truth in that assertion, and that a great change had taken place when he saw the exertions of the Anti Corn-law League, and the sluggishness of his own supporters, and that he considered that the active party was the stronger; but he (Lord Stanhope) wished that he would discover his mistake. But he would ask, why change a system which had been at- ' tended with such beneficial results ? They were now called, upon the mere ipse dint of the most rash and presumptuous Minister, to change that line of conduct which had raised them to eminence. He trusted that they would not do so, and that they would reverence those institutions which had conferred such beneficial effects upon the country. If the principles of free trade were those of common sense, they had a right to have them applied in the fullest extent, but they were not, or they would have a measure of that kind before them, for to him such a measure would be igs objectionable than the pre sent. But had any person on the other side of the House the hardihood, the temerity, to offer such for their adop lion. He dared them to do so. They could not do sn, as they would ruin the commerce of the country, and effectually restore ill all its - force : the protective system of . their ancestors. -- (Hear, hear.) He conjured their Lordships not to . Pau the Bill, as. it would ruin .the interests of thousands of `eheirlellow countrymen, who earned their bread by the sweat of their brow, and who were not properly repreiented in the other House of Parliament. If prices were to remain the same after the passing of this measure, he defied its most anxious and ingenious supporter to show its utility.—(Hear, hear.) If the prices were to remain the same as had been re presented, what became of the cry of cheapness? Where would the large loaf come from ?—( Hear, hear.) He feared very much that the large loaf would dwindle into something like a penny roll. It was perfectly apparent, that it was only by a considerable reduction in the wages of their worki' g people that the manufacturers of this country could ccorn pet. with foreign countries. The first Minister of the Crown introducing this measure, had said that its main object was not to produce cheapnessof food. It was plan, therefore, that he was a mere instrument in the hands of the Anti-Corn-law Leaguers to aggrandise themselves at the cost of their fellow countrymen. No free discussion of the subject of the corn laws had been permitted at Coven'-garden, or any other places where the members of that League head he held their meetings— if any one attempte d to op ejected.—(Hear, near. T h is th m would be speedily was not merely a l an dl or d' s ) Question, as had boon . represented ; the tenant-farmer s of England were v i tally interested in it,. and _he felt, that if it passed into a law, they would be ultimatelyruind lt had been said that this country could not produce suffic ient corn for the people it contained, but he felt satisfied, that if it were properly cultivated, it could feed many millions more than the present population. He challenged any man to produce any country in :which the prices and profits of labour were uni formly low, and at the same time it was found practicable for any the most despotic or oppressive monarch to rai-e a large, amount of taxation. It had been said that the farmer s of this country had pro v ed themselves to be deficient in sk ill and industry ; but he repelled the charge as a gross calumny. Hear, hear ) If this Bill passed into a law, what was to , • become of the occupiers of small plots of land ?—( Hear . , hear.) They formed a most valuable, im p ortant, and men torioas class of the community. They occupied an inter mediate position between the labourers and large farmers, an ti they had declared that this measure would commi them to leave their homes, and give themselves up to desti tution and despair.—( Hear, hear.) Were their Lordships prepared to ace thus harshly towards millions of their fellow citizens and subjects?—( Hear, hear.) And not only would that porti on o f the community, but even tho se who so c ia- nnourously cried out for this measure at the meetin g s of t he Anti.Corn_law League would be ruined by it, for when the small tenant-farmers were ruined the manufacturers would lose all the advantages of the British home-market . —( Hear, heart.). Even if no hand were thrown out of cultivation by this me sure, the farmers e s. of their pro luce ats country would be compelled to dis posetheir toil, in consequence price which would not remunerate duce. In the year 1842 ti'le'the great influx of foreign pro effects of reducing the wages": Lordships saw the calamitous and that distress might be constindethe m anu f actur i ng districts, red as A. very faint putline of the effects of the present measure. s me v a i s l u e re ea h a come inevitable it had become sefrlt f o the the er those who supported a course whnicehicit their conscienc ad e due th tb e e(i y -f condemned. A Noble . Eat with isure the county o f ilea the ease a York, seemed to anticipate with great comfort which would be the measure. Was the Noble Earl so cupr e judicedee of this e as believe that the working classes of the country would su bmit b to to be plundered without offering the most determined resist i - once—not the resistance of force, but that passive opposition which would necessarily tell on a measure against their inte rests? At the time of the Reform 811 a question was asked by the Noble Duke sitting near him which seemed to surprise the Opposition, viz., how is the Government to he conducted? The Noble Duke might ask that question now, and the answer could be best given by those who had brought on this measure. Did Sir R. Peel know the position he stood in, and was he not aware that the present Bill had been forwarded by many who had meanly crouched to others ? It was wise and politic on the part of the great Irish agitate)* to give his most cordial and unqualified support to this measure, for he was well aware that it was one of the best means which (meld be adopted to for ward the objects he had in view. If he had not already too long occupied the -attention of their Lordships he could pro ceed to show that such would be the effect of this measure, and could adduce the latest intelligence from Ireland, which would fully bear out the assertion lie had made. If their Lord ships were to sanction such a measure, a measure which had such An evil tendency, that House would at once be considered an ausconstitutional incumbrance. If they were to give the coun itemusee of their authority and names, once illustrious, to the measure, the general cry throughout the country would he for the abolition of the House of Lords, which had forwarded a measure of such pernicious tendency. When measures not unlike the present one were brought before that House in only five peers were found to vote for it ; and now with- Q.% flay ne"F 011=a —without spy essential difference in 04- _ cilmstances of any nature--211 peers were found to vote for the i adoption of a course w hi c h, by th e i r !Bence, they had rejected i , a few years ago. That the county was not universally in f favour of this measure, was evident from the fact that when 1 i even the advocates of the League and its principles had stood forward as candidates to repiesent the people, the elector, in every case where he had a choice, had given his suffrage in avour of the candidate whip was in favour of supporting the corn-laws as they then ex . sted. Try the result of the vote by ballot in the House of Lords, and he was satisfied that not twenty Lords would be found to vote for the measure. A party had been fosmed for the agricultural body which nas power fully unprecedented, because founded on public principle.— ( Hear, hear.) There was at the head of that party, in the other House, a Noble Lord who had distinguished himself in the dt , ence of the agricultural interest, and he would say of that Noble Lord, that he deserved the thanks of the country at large.—( Hear, hear.) It was the duty of Parliament to reject this measure, as calculated to inflict a lasting injury on the industry of the country. It was their duty to reject it, as the beginning of an attempt to uproot the ancient institutions of the land, and as one which would bring ruin and desolation on the agricultural body. The Earl of ESSEX said he had a few words to address to their Lordships upon the Noble Earl's concluding remarks. The Noble Lord had said that if the question was tried in that House by an appeal to the vote by ballot, that not more than twenty of their Lordships would be found to vote for it. He would say there was not a vote given in favour of the measure but what was an honest vote. Toe Noble Earl had attributed bate and sordid motives to those Noble Lords who had voted for it. Now, if they were to appeal to the ballot upon this treasure, he wield say for himself, that he would, so help him God ! be one of the twenty who would vote for the question. The Ear. of STANHOPE having explained, The Earl of RADNOR said that he would address such arguments to their Lordships as applied to the question. He was sure that the measure was one which should not be de layed. There was no ground for attributing base and sordid motives to those Noble Lords who had voted for this measure. They had voied in accordance with the dictates of their con sciences for a measure called for by the exigencies of the times.—( Hear, hear.) Many motives had been attributed to Hon. Members of the other House who had voted for the measure, and charges of the most unfounded character had been brought against them for their votes with respect to the question. He did not stand there to defend Sir Robert Peel ; that Right Hon. Gentleman had many Noble Lords in that House who were able and ready to defend him should it be required.—( Hear, hear.) He conld not, however, but regret the ill -feeling which had been displayed against the Right Hon. Baronet, for it was well known that he had made many sacrifices in taking the course which had been so much condemned by many Noble Lords. He would not have taken that step had not the necessity of the times called for it, a=id it was too bad to find that for obeying that necessity he should have been attacked, and the worst motives attributed to him by persors whose characters stood high and whose opinions had weight.—( Hear, hear.) The Anti-corn-law League had been attacked, and a Member of that body, having used an expression at a meeting held in Drury-lane Theatre, is was laid hold of and perverted into the worst possible meaning. It was male out. that the League and its machinery was not to cease with the passing of this measure. The Noble Earl who last addressed the House, said that the League had ulterior mea sures in view. This might or might not be the case. It their ulterior measures were consiatent with reason, what had that to do with the present measure ? If those ulterior views were inconsistent, and such as ought not to be sanctioned. then they would be resisted, awl the anticipated evils woulit not result.—( Hear, hear.) The farmers said they could imi get the price they ought to receive for their corn if there were no corn-law, and therefore it was they ought to be pro tected against the foreigner. It was owing to this argument that the sliding-scale was established—a very pretty thing, he admitted, as a theory, hut totally useless in practice. In his opinion, those who argued in favour of this system were the w Idest theorists he had ever met with. One Noble Lord, whom he did not see in his place, had told them that he had experienced the working of free-trade principles in the east o , Scotland. The Noble Lord told them that the removal of tb. duty on marilla proved a very serious injury to people residing in that part of the country; but the Noble Lord forget that the people injured by the removal of the duty were the minority, while the majority derived benefit from the alteration in the law. I f the position the Noble Lord took upon this point was good, they might just as well sat that a railway should not be made, because it would inflict in jury on an existing turnpike road.—(Hear, hear.) Then. again, they were told that the removal of protection would go far to annihilate agriculture in this country ; but he, for one, did not la, lieve it would produce any such effect. Another argument used in favour of protection was, that owing to the existence of low wages, and the people living poorly in Poland, the farmer of this country could not compete with the foreigner without it. Why, the people of Ireland lived as poorly, and received as low wages as the labourer in Poland, and yet the English farmer found no difficulty in competing with the Irish producers. This incon testible fact, he thought, was a sufficient answer to that argument, and he would, therefore, pass on to another branch of the subject. It was urged by some Noble Lords that protection had always been the policy of their ancestors. but he by no means admitted this, for during several reign importations of corn were expressly invited by the Legislature. In the reign of Edward IV. protection certainly did exist. In fact it commenced in this reign, but even then the protec tion preponderated more in favour of manufactures than a4.-, , r . culture. Previous to that reign, Acts were passed invitini, importations and prohibiting exportation of corn ; and even when the protective Act against importation of the reign of Edward IV. was passed, it was strongly denounced by large bodies of the people.—( Hear, hear.) In the reign of El zabeth the landed interest became very powerful in Parliament, and a protective system was established in favour of agriculture, buy it created a great stir in the country, and was strongly resisted by the Commons.—( Hear, hear.) At a subsequent period of the reign the outcry against the dearness of the bread became so great that the Legislature was compelled to reduce the amount of protection, and from that time down to the presen. the people had always showed themselves to be decidedly averse to monopolies of every description.—( :fear, hear.) Hi need scarcely say an',thing more he thought in refutation ti the argument, if argument it could be called, that their ances tors were favourable to protection.—( Hear, hear.) Hi wished that feeling had continued; but the landed interest prevailed in the House of Commons from the time of Charles 11., and protection was regarded as necessary for agriculture. The confessed object at the time of the restoration of protection was to keep up the value of the rents of land. Again, in the time of William and Mary, an Act was passed which bad con fessedly for its object the prevention of any deterioation in the amount of rents. Bounties upon the exportation of corn were afterwards invented, and were paid to the amount of 6,000, 4, 00/. to the owners of land. This was an injustice, and while r raised the price of food to the poor it put mor.ey into th. , pocket of the landowner. On the average, for every five year, there had been two Acts of Parliament ; and a system whicl required so many alterations, must be manifestly improper. The Noble Lord entered into a long saatistical account of th quantities of corn imported into this country, as compared with. the increase of the population, and applied it as an argument that restriction en the impartation of foreign corn should b altogether rescinded. The advantages of protection were greater when the population was smaller than it was now when th, population had so greatly increased. If the present measure was benefi-ial to the manufacturing interests atone, it ough' to meet with the best support of the landed interest. By the population returns it would appear— The Duke of RICHMOND—Those returns are incorrect. Earl RADNOR—D.in't interrupt. The Duke of RICHMON D—Surely the Noble Lord will no proceed in an error when he could he >hown his mistake. These population retains included all the blacksmiths, tailors. and others in the villages, as employed in agricultural pursuits. Earl RADNOR—These returns were the only guide the 3 had to go by, and he was justified in applying them to his case. The agricultural population were increasing, and an increase r food was wanted to supply their necessities.. If, therefore, fc no other reason thar to increase. the best, interests h agricultural popula. ion, the present measure ought to be allowe to pass. The Noble Lord prok?eeded to state what he thougl. were the equitable duties upon different articles of foreign manufactures at the time when English duties were in force. Lord STANLEY said he alluded to the difference between the Baltic timber trade and that of the Canadian trade, in che statement he made. Lord BROUGHAM said that nothing could be more grope, or well-timed than the interruption of the Noble Lord eppo. site, though he (Lord Brougham) had been called to order f an interruption of a similar nature, a few nights agi. The Earl of RADNOR then resumed, and quoted the quantity of sugar and indigo imported from the West Indies in several years, and contended that they bore no comparison with what would be the amount of these exports, if restrictive duties should be removed. The Earl of WICKLOW said he rose to address a few ob servations on the question, as he was the only Noble Lord con nected with Ireland who had yet done so. He did believe that Sir Robert Peel could have had no object in view other that. the public good, in introducing this measure. But he shoulo say that it was high time• to consider this measure, after thf Ministry had been twice pardoned for the part they had taken. He did think that the hoer of restitution was not far distant, and there were some who, in that hour, would have oppor tunities afforded them of reflecting, upon it. He thought the principle of protection was not fully and fairly carried out in the present measure. The yeomanry and farmers of England should not be placed in a situation of competition with the serfs of Poland, or the labourers of other countries, while they had to pay such high prices for articles on which customs' duties were paid. He did not think a reciprocity of trade would bo established between other countries in their dealings with thi. nation. They were benefited at the expense of the people of this country. It would he proved that by the proposed me .- sures the people of England would pay the income-tax in order to keep up the revenues of other countries.—( Hear, hear.) H defied any person to place his finger on any page of history it, which both parties had voted as on the present occasion to sup port this Bill.—( Cheers.) Why was it, if the measure was so good, that the public were to be deprived of the benefit of it to: three years. He thought it was only brought in as a s op during those strange occurrences which took place in the month of November last ; but in their giving the sop thee forgot the original arguments upon which the Bill was founded, What were these argument? It was the potato panic. And it was alsoird to think of remedying that state oc thinzs by a provision to come into operation three years hence. With regard to this potato panic, he would say that the Go vernment had been grossly misled. Their Lord m sh e ips an an d d a t i h ey e public were told that the worst had yet come, were told to wait till the end h o f h j une. They had now arrived in the month forof J th u e n , e o , f a e n ar d s. ..... e was Cheers.a s aPP 3' ) to The s a y only that benefitsthere to o derived by this country from the This was the opinion of . .Burke, b. commerce. colonies was of a twofold nature—taxation and monopolyd he()t lightule d o f f o t r be quotingpoli political such eal e economists authority om it, o r th, to the monopoly of commerce. might, then w pe a r n h d ap superior idic so far as regarded Cana of Mr. Gladstone to Lord present day. reference mot important of all our colonies), it appeared from d a a le ( t t t h e e r Cathcart that that notion was to b.ealeytlog believed,ethera wouldbandorl be ed. The result of such a measure, he positively the within five years di:m em b erment o f C ana d a f r om this country . from the passing of this measure. to the Minister, what would he do wi N t V h h r e e n s dimin • d w i o m u i l n d ut b i ti e n t — he ( diminution of prices would take place, the answer given seas, question " We will make no change, because we do not anticipate an' turns; Hear, hear.) thereht h ae e ,, a rni srt.f to oe b N o V o e o l I , diminution i t respect q t u o e t s i t t i h o e n s w: h s e li l u a t hear.) The Government n fr o o r m an u tte 'l wit t n an ct o h th e e i r g of passing the measure?—(Hear, isuln thisin price, the wholewit at t answered ltwa o s ne a a l r a g in u e m n e ta n b t l l e q in cutting e hwewehnicthbta.tesmen legislate. There was a g E r in ea a t n, d i i i tr i e ,i n n e .e bi n the one cleuaeestiand that of Catholic theand of t m h teeha House,u -e had,,i Lordsri sanctioned by repeated Parliaments,' could not for ever oppose the wishes people. The members of the Anti-Corn-law League' w e ere men he admitted, but they must not, like the very ra‘sh clever thentioned by Mr. Burke, consider themselves :Ile only in. in habitants of the fi e ld, b ecause t h ey were the most noisy.. Such a measure a s th a t propose d was never carried the first time it was brought forward. The House of Lords Was created as a drag upon the vehicle when it went too fast. It was their ogee to obstruct, and not to push the vehicle down the pre cipice which led to destruction. He would, therefore, coo ! jure their Lordships pot to sanction a measure which would infallibly lead to the worst results. Lord LYTTELTON raid, as representing the colonial in terest in that House, he would wish to offer some observations ' to the House. The only colonies interested in the question, were, the Australian, Van Diemen's Land, and South Aus , tralia, and the Canadas ; and be thought he ceulel show that • it would effect the interests of the Australian colonies but ie a very slight degree—he might say not at all.--( Hear.) He argued the question of Canada under disadvantages on account of the address which had been received from the legis ture of that country. and he was also under some disadvan tage as to a knowledge of what the next mail would bring forth. He must say, however, that the whole tone of the address was different from what had previously taken place in the legislature of that country. From all he could learn, there was but little dissension when the address was voted, and then the object sought was mainly the appointment of a select com mittee to inquire into the subject. 1 he address, he must say, had come upon the Government unexpected, but the next mail, he was persuaded, would throw some different light on the sub ject to that which certain Noble Lords had drawn from it. From that address, however, they were not to suppose for a moment that there was any dimunition of the loyalty of the colony. To expect from this measure that there would be any diminu tion of their loyalty was the most absurd idea that could be entertained. As a proof that the feeling of the Canadians was not so strongly against this measure as represented, he would refer to a speech of Mr. Alerrith, in supporting certain reso lutions approving of the policy of her Majesty's Government, in which he speaks in the highest terms of the advantages the measure would realise eventually. There had been a great public meeting at Montreal, at which the measure was fully discussed, and then it was only rejected by a small majority ; a very large minority being in favour of a resolution to support it. He would now proceed to show that the Canadians need entertain no apprehensions as to the effects of this measure. Mr. Cayley, the Superintendent General of Canada, in speaking on the resolutions submitted to the Legislature of that country, entered into a calculation as to the effects of the mea sure on the trade of that country. A gentleman in this coun try had also entered into a similar calculation as to the pro bable price of wheat under the operations of the Bill. The gentleman to whom he alluded was Alt. Loseby. It had been proved by those calculations that the price of wheat would not differ much after the passing of this measure. On looking over the report of the gentleman alluded to, he must confess that he could not discover on what ground it was that it had been so strongly asserted that Cs nada could not compete in the corn trade with other countries. The soil of Canada and the wages of labour were a b out t h e same as other countries, as far as he could learn, and the best wheat of Canada was equal to the best wheat of England or Scotland. He believed it had been proved that the difference in freight between New York and England, and Quebec and England, was considerably in favour of America, but he also believed it might be said that such difficulties ought to be overcome by the energy and enterprise of the Canadians. As he understood 'here had beets little ehirping carried on by the people of Ca nada be' ween England an America. He found that on the whole question of transhipment of wheat from the corn-grow ing portion of Canada and the western flats of America, Ca nada ought to be considered as being fully on an equality. It was stated, as long ago as 1842, by a Committe which had been appointed by the Legislative Council of Canada, that the protective system did not confer much benefit upon the people of Canada, and they admitted that the cost of conveyance be tween the two countries was much about the same. What arguments had been brought forward against this measure in the far-famed address, of which they had heard FO much ? There was only one argument, which was that the route by St Law rence was frozen up for more that six months in the year. Why, that was perfectly true; but what of it ? The same was the case with regard to the route by the canal, which was the great route for American produce. His Noble Friend had told them in the most explicit manner, the other day, - hat ii this measure were passed into a law, he knew of some merchants of Montreal eho intended removing to New York. He (Lord Lyttelton) was perfectly well aware of that; and he could tell his Noble Friend more—the would be able to sell wheat these much che a p er th an 'the others pessibly could do.—( Hear hear.) He had only another argu ment to notice on this subject. and that was the improvement of the system of agriculture in Canada. He he 'reveal that much had been recently alone to improve the mede af cultivating land in that country, and that further improve ments would follow. He had taken the liberty to trouble their Lordships longer than he had purposed, for the purpose of showing their Lordships that this measure would not injure tur colonies. He had riot entered into a general discussion ,f what was callert the colonial system. He would n t adopt env of the violent arguments of the Anti-Corn-law League, Anil he would not call the colonial system one of mutual obbery, but he would say that it was naturally, and of neces sity, a system of mutual privations and mutual impediment ; and he would also say that those restrictions which that system 'tad imposed on trade had had the most prejudicial effects. Their Lordships had been asked, of what usa were the colo nies to us, unless this protective system were persevered in? and his Noble Friend had said, that by preserving the colo nies we realised great profits to ourselves. He (Lord Lyttelton) denied that this protective system with regard to the colonies had been of any use to us at all. He had always considered that the use of the colonies was to provide outlets for the teem ing population of this country. and to be a means of dissemi nating and continuing throughout the world our laws, our habits, institutions, and religion. That, in his opinion, had been the use of the colonies; and the object of the people of this country was to impart to them as much as possible the freedom which we ourselves enjoyed. In the language of his Soble Friend the President of the Board of Trade, tkis system of protection had only had a nominal existence in the colonies. It was palpable that it had acted injuriously towards this coun try, as well as the colonies. But it was said to be an ancient system; it was, however, by no means coeval with the esta blishment of the colonies. When the Virginian colony was first established, a charter was granted to the settlers, enabling them to trade freely with all the world. The same system had been pursued with respect to the other colonies. He contended that the present system had no existence worthy of the name in the colonies. He ventured to make these few observations, and he hoped their Lordship would see that the colonies could not be injured by this ineavure. The Duke of BUCKING 11 AM said he bad not as yet ex pressed his opinions on this Bill, hut he should be sorry to see it go into Committee without addressing their Lordships. He should, however, refrain from trespassing long upon their time, beceuse they must have been already wearied with the many speeches that by d been already addressed to them on this subject. He had listened with great attention to every speech. but he confessed his surprise was not a little, to hear a inensure proposed by her Majesty's Ministers, so different from 'he opinion they entertained some years ago, when they pro fessed themselves to be strong protectionists.—( Hear.) He was not one of those who wished to use harsh terms on any occa sion, but he would not refrain from referring to the conduct of some of her Majesty's Ministers on this question. They were now called upon to open their ports to foreigners, A nd to say that free trade should exist. In order to place this country in the situation of other countries they must release it eom the burdens with which it was now overwhelmed. He denied that it was either right, proper, or just, to force free trade on the country when there was no country under the sun so h.avily burdened with both general and local taxation. If they thought that the farmer could compete with 'the foreigner, in a few short years they would be convinced of the contrary. It was impossible for the English farmer, however practised he might be in agriculture—however anxi sus he might be to cultivate his land—it was impossible for the English farmer to enter into any competition with the foreigner while he was burdened with local and general taxa tion. He had heard in that House that the farmers of this country, unlike farmers elsewhere, invested considerable capi tel in the cultivation of their lands. Let them leave those - armers to themselves—let them exercise their profession, and hey would cultivate their land ; but if the House interfered, as it was now about to do, the capital of the English farmer would be lost. It was important to the country to get the land in a state of hitth cultivation, and he contended, thouth be mieht be opposed in that opinion, that under the system of 'ree trade that land which was now brought into a s state of cultivation would no longer be so, and would become str.nged from the purposes of agriculture. With regard to a m n e o a t s h u e r r e point .would he ea u h s a e h t e h a e r t p i in price of h t e h l e p a b r i o r e e u e d r u—uefcticoouunrl corn w t t h h h i e u e y t h m t u h sup pose • that, naturally ol i l n ow th t e he r Vn ti tr e o t r i lU n ction of this measure—could they oppose it possible that the farmer would pay his labourer at the same rate of remuneration which he formerly did? If they reduced the farmer in the extent of his profits, so must he seduce the wages of the labourer who was placed in his hands. There could be no greater misfortune than to find an agricul tural people reduced from wages not excessive to a state of destitution, and such would he the case if they took the step which they were now about to take. He would also allude to the tithe question, which was a very important one. Not many years ago, an Act was passed, in consequence of many petitions being presented, expressing the great distress of the t:lergy, and begging their Lordships for some better manner of managing the tithe system. The tithes had been com muted, and the heaviest wheat land brought into cultivation. What would be the result with re gard to the tithe question when this free-trade measure was passel? Their Lordships would find that the clergy of this country would be compelled to make up 'heir minds to a reduction in their salaries of 25 per cent. He would ask if the clergy of this country were to be left in hat situation? It was a most important question to be con sidered, and he was glad to find, in the division of the other night, a considerable number of the Prelates in that House had given their votes against it. Looking at the question in another point of view, they must net forget the burdens which more or less pressed upon the landed interest ; and if they decided that free trade was to be the order of the day, they should in justice, without any delay, relieve the land of their extreme burdens. He, for one, should not hesitate to call the attention of the House to several points which he considered burdensome upon the land._( Hear, hear.) He should agitate until he received justice. If they thought that by deciding this question this week, or the next, they should set it at rest for ever they were mistaken. So far from it it would only tend to keep up agitation year after year, fer many Noble Lords in that House agreed with him in the tipinion which he had formed of the necessity of protection, would as °ams destruction and be and they would never cease agitating until they again restored protection to the country. He thought if he lived until a few years hence, he would find the Minister of the slay obliged to come to Parliament to ask for protection to agricul ture. The revenue would fall, and no Chancellor of the 'Exchequer wsuld be bold enough to meet. the Parliament without seeing the necessity of protection to our home market, without which ruin would tall upon the country. How was it with a Noble Frien.l of his, now President of the Board of Control, who in 1841, when he (the Duke of Buckingham) had the honour of sitting on the same side of the House with him and his colleagues, and cheered him on in the speeches which he made—how was it he then expressed himself ? He would take the liberty of very briefly repeating a portion f this speech. He had stated that the new law had not failed in its operation—that it had produced the effect it was intended to produce, but that he could not divest himself of great apprehension when we were to depend upon foreign importation for the main part of our supplies—that if the projects of the Government were carried into effect, no man could doubt but that a vet y large portion of land in this country would be tit:own out of cultivation—no man could see the extent of the evil or where it would stop. He thought one ef the most fatal results connected with free trade would be to throw out of cultivation the greater part of our soil, and to depend upon foreign countries for our supply; for if once there was danger of a scarcity in this country, and foreign ports were, at the same time, to be closed against us, was there one of them who would not he alarmed at the re sult? He would then go on to another great authority in that House, and which had always commanded respect, and which m lon en g .l as d t t h h e em No u b u l t e t D o u ad k u e pt ex s i u s u te h d. a m T e h a e su N re ob fo le r people e o f the u t. cultivation.un n t o r y t an in t 1 theurlll He t n wh d e( , m lfordet cultivation ve w da o te u i ot l n d u with the Noble Duke r D al e w t u k a i e y t s m h in w a e d a : t u fh r utrhee the any sake in the opinion which he gave He looked on the measure he would adhere to it in 1846. of the soil. He would * s n no lt:4 o l f , ,h wi n s a h t e u d re, th f, a w t He agreed with great alarm—that alarm wa population, both manufan the measure would affect all the Corn-law League, and had carried on warfare _ who shown any good those cultural interests, would themselves be amongst a antiselfi bring on all luring and agrieultural. Those willPuhailfao,rtmazlt the the Anti- Corn-law suffered in the general destruction they would whom he had acted for so many years,should now have changed r rh . , l ,. .e nv s ,e s i e , s irle . neenc H es e s.a r r e y gretted deeply that his N 1)1e Friend, with had dle opinion, and gone over to the free-trade system. If they as ready to applaud them as he now was in saying they were wrong, He could see no ground which could s t atements. just te h a ne ground h wt, t io, h )un e l,d change ha nad the he f shouldget fulness of all formerre ey better had they in that month retired from offivcee,daonned much left the Noble Lord to carry out those measures which he had always acted up to, and which the present Government never supported. Ile saw no reason whatever which could have in duced Noble Lords to change those opinions upon this ques tion which they had form-rls . entertained. He would see the time when they would be sorry for what they were now doing. The Noble Lords were introducing a measure which was not called for by the country, and he hoped they would see that it was not yet too late to retrace their steps. It was not yet too late for their Lordships to put a stop to the further progress of the Bill, and by their votes' save the country from the injury about to be entailed upon it.—(Hear, hear," from the Earl of Stanhope.) Some were opposed to this measure on various grounds. Many were against it on party grounds, but the great majority were hostile to it for the in jury which would accrue to the industry of the country.— ( Hear, hear.) He, believed that this Bill first emanated from part y office. feelings—it wouldemanated have ou out of a struggle for been better re tired from office, than to sacrifice their recorded principles to the love of power.—(Hear, hear.) Holding the station they Ministers in who shouldo a v e re tain did now, how was it they did not act up to those principles which they held in 1841. He would read to their Lordships an extract from the speech of Sir Robert Peel, wherein the Right Hon. Baronet said that he wished to secure wheat at 545. per quarter, though he (the Duke of Buckingham) believed that it would not have been necessary to have secured more than 403. the quarter.—( Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Gentleman said at that time that he wished to secure agriculture on a solid basis, and that it was for the interest of the agriculturists to have a legislative protec tion. The Right lion. Baronet then said he was of opinion that nothing would be more dangerous than to disturb that protection, which should always be attached to the agricultural interest. Hs• also said that to do so would be to lace the country at the mercy of foreign nations for its supplies. The Noble Duke then read an extract from the Right Hen. Baronet's speech in support of those points. He was sure that the feeling of the country was against this Bill, and those Noble Lords who doubted it lie would ask to go along with him in presenting an address to her Majesty to remove from her councils, her present Ministers. He hoped their Lordships would reject this measure as one calculated to inflict great and lasting evils upon the whole industrial popu lation of this country. Lord Cowley, Lord Colchester, and the Bishop of St. David's rose together amidst loud cries for Lord Cowley. The Right Rev. Prelate and the Noble Lord gave way to Lord COLCHESTER, who said that he would make but a few remarks to their Lordships on the question before them. He fully agreed with the Noble Duke, who last addressed their Lordships, in saying that *his Bill would greatly injure the agricultural interest, and indeed the interests of the indus trious community generally. He would wish to see the Bill of 1842 maintained, and for that reason he wonld vote against the present measure. 'The Noble Lord then quoted several statistical tables, showing the comparative im portation of foreign coin, and remarked upon the prices of wheat from 1841 up to the present period. r a h ttL A uh V ei ret t ng y, South ngu League, British, hr n nttahene . er dmrei American rs Geg e:aat r fwnout harfauenoni n i t i ef, a du m rgd cec s thorho l i rfiwfndraape se :e ttmrit ‘oartiflarrekdstmeehrithens. their of undersold tr;oa dbahmiynot .dmti th thtee f d foreigner An that i-C ev o e r ni n n -lw the nowa yet h at a hr r l i 'e k e i r g a:yu t h faa e dc i r Lordships for the indulgence they had shown him, he should sit down, determined still to give his decided opposition to the Bill.—( Hear hear. ) Newcastle and Ifei•wick Railway ; Newcastle and Darlington Junction Railway (Durham and Sunderland Railway and Wearinouth Dock Purchase and Branches) ; North British Railway (Carlisle Extension); Northumberland and Lanca shire Junction Railway ; Wakefield, Pontefract, and Goole Railway, and Port, &e. of Goole ; Wear Dock Railway ; Frilford (Berks) Inclosure ; Glavow Southern Terminal Railway; Newmarket . and Chesterford Railway; Oxford, Worcester, and Wolverhampton Railway; St. Helen's Canal and Railway; Shropshire Union Rail Ways and Canal (Newton to Crewe, with Branches); Yeovil Market and Fairs (by Order) ; Yorkshire and Glasgow Union Railway. THIRD READINGS. The following Bills were read a third and passed :—Deeside Railway; Forth and Clyde and Monkland Navigation Junc tion; Herculaneum Docks; London and South Western Rail way (Farnham and Alton Branch). CHORLEY WATERWORKS, BURY AND STOCK. PORT IMPROVEMENT BILLS, &c. On the motion of Mr. ESTCOURT, an instruction was agreed to the Committee of Selection to refer the Chorley Waterworks, the Bury Improvement (No. 2), and the Stock. port Improvement Bills, to the South Lancaster List and the same selected Members ' • and the Salth ouse E m b ankment Bill to the No r th Lancaster List and the above selected Members. Sir HOWARD DOUGLAS presented a petition from Liverpool in favour of the Liverpool and Berwick Railway (as we understood). THE GAUGES. • Sir GEORGE GREY said he wished to kn)w if the Government intended to propose any measure founded on the minute of the Board of Trade relative to the report of the Broad Gauge Commission? Sir. G. CLERK said he wished to state in answer to the question of the Right Hon. Baronet, that it was his intention to move, on Monday neat, a series of resolutions founded upon the report of the Broad Guage Commission. LIGHTHOUSES. Mr. P. STEWART said he wished to put a question to the Right Hon. Gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer on a subject of great importance—namely, the subject of light houses. He wished to ask if it was the intention of Government to carry out the recommendation of the Com mittee which sat upon the subject last year—namely, that all lighthouses and buoys, necessary for the safe navigation of our seas and rivers, should be paid for and maintained out of the public revenue, instead of from tolls levied upon the tonnage of shipping ? The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER admitted that the subject was one of very great importance, and one which had long been under the consideration of Government, but he could give no assurance to the Ilon. Member of carry ing out the recommendation of the Committee. PETITIONS OF MR. FLETCHER. Mr. AINSWORTH moved that the petitions of J. Fletcher Fletcher, against the Manchester, Bolton, and Bury Canal Navigation and Railway Bill, and the Manchester, Bolton, and Bury Canal Navigation and Railway Extension Bill, be re ferred to the Committee on the Bills. After a few words from Lord Granville Somerset, Mr. Greene, and Mr. Hodgson, Mr. AINSWORTH withdrew the motion. IMPROVEMENT OF IRELAND.-(COMPENSATION TO TENANTS, POWER OF EJECTMENT, AND SHORT LE ISE BILLS.) Lord LINCOLN, in moving for leave to introduce Bills to provide Compensation to Tenants of Land in Ireland for Improvements merle by them; to amend the Law in respect to the power of Ejectment and Distress in Ireland, and to provide for a short form of Lease of Lands and Tenements said it was his duty, a few days ago, to address the House on a subject connected with Ireland, on which great feelings of antagonism were created in that House and elsewhere. But it was now his duty to address the House on a subject which he trusted would meet with the general approbation of the House. It was one on which he hoped all men would unite, as it was one on which no feelings or political animosity would be excited, one on which they could enter with no different feelings, except to emulate each other as to what was hest- to be done for the benefit of the people of Ireland by improving their condition, and putting them in a better position to cultivate the soil, and by giving them better security for the investment of their capital in land, for without that security the proper cultiva tion of the soil could not be effected. He thought it would better suit the convenience of the House to introduce the three Bills to effect these objects together. He need not inform the House that a commission had been appointed to inquire into the state of Ireland, and that that commission had made such reports to the Government as drew their attention to the tenant system of Ireland.—(Hear, hear.) Three Members of that commission were also Members of that House, and that they were fully qualified for the very arduous duties they had performed.—Hear.) This motion had partly emanated from the reports of that Commissioner; when he said this, he did not mean it to be understood, that the many recommendations made by the Commissioners had been entirely dealt with. But it was not because there were not other measures brought forward, or those recommended, that they might not be brought forward at a future time. This question was not quite new to the House, for it had been fully argued by the press and other great authorities of this country, so that it was pretty well understood. This being the case, it ' would be troubling the House to bring forward fresh argu ments in support of the policy of this question. He would therefore avoid touching on such topics as did not immediately bear on the question before the House. No one would deny that this was a most difficult subject for legislation, and it would also be admitted to be as delicate as it was difficult. When he said that it was encircled with difficulties, as a legislative question, he did not mean to say that it was a subject perfectly understood by the House, for it had been repeatedly brought forward by the Honourable Member for Rochdale, but who had as repeatedly as he had brought it forward altered his intentions with respect to the manner in which he would have the House entertain the subject. Now, feeling as he did, that it was not only right, but necessary, for Parliament to attempt to legislate on this subject, at the same time he felt that, whatever Bill they might pass, the relations of landlord and tenant, and relations of that nature, could be regulated so that much would not be left to be done by themselves. Much must still be left to the justice and mo deration and good feeling of both parties interested—he meant the landlord and tenant. Parliament, he thought, ought to at tempt to enact salutary laws on the subject, but he was convinced that much must depend still on the individual charact' r and conduct of the landlords themselves. Their legislation would be successful, and he felt certain that much, though not enough. could be done. He felt convinced that the Noble Lord op posite (Lord John Russell) agreed in these views of the sub ject, for during the present session be delivered a speech, when he said that it would be most unwise for Parliament to touch upon and unsettle these relations, especially in Ireland, unless after sufficient inquiry into them. Having nowstated what Parliament could do, and also what ought to be done, he was convinced by the report which had been made by the com mission, and other documents that had been laid before the public, that it was the duty of Parliament to take up and legislate upon this subject. He might be told, and with some show of argument, that they ought not to interfere with landlord and tenant, but he was not prepared to admit the abstract doctrine. The Noble Lord was struck with an expression used by Mr. Nicholls, the Poor-law Commissioner. Speaking of the poor law in Ireland, he said, " Want of employment brought on destitution, destitution caused turbulence, turbulence was followed by insecurity, insecurity by want of capital, and want of capital by famine." He felt that the views expressed by the Commission were correct, and that it was not only justifiable, but binding on the House to interfere. Before going further into the subject, he would draw the at tention of the House to a few of the leading clauses of the first of these three Bills. It should be observed that the report of the Commission recommended that wherever the tenantry of Ireland possessed any superfluous capital, they should be encoura,c,red to invest it in the soil of the co un t r y. But it was to be lamented that the only capital which the Irish tenantry possessed con sisted in thelabour of themselves and their families. Look at -the 'produce of this country, was it not universally allowed that wherever they had any superfluity tbey were always ready to co-operate with their landlords ? And he thought, therefore, that the other recommendation of the Commission should also be attended to, and that the landlords should also be encou raged to co-operate with their tenantry in the general im provement of the soil, and that facilities should be given for entering into agreements for their common advantage. Not that he conceived that all these evils were to be cured by le gislation, but the Legislature might do much ; and one point to which he would direct their attention was that shown in the first of these three Bills. It would be in the recollection of the House, that when last year his Noble Friind the late Se cretary for the Colonies ( Lord Stanley) proposed to bring in a Bill for the improvement of the condition of the Irish pea santry, he proposed to establish an entirely new machinery. But such was not the case now. The:same machinery would still be necessary, and that portion relating to the employment of assistant barristers was to be retained. The Bills had two kinds of compensation—voluntary agreement, and that which was to be compulsory. By voluntary agreement he meant all improvements that did not come under the head of compulsory compensation, and those improvements were not to be made a charge upoit the land. The improvements, as he had observed, were of two kinds, and they had this broad distinction, that all improvements relating to buildings and furrow drainage were to be under the head of compulsory compensation, and were chargeable on the land, while general improvements, not of this character, were to be classed under the head of volun tary agreement, and not so chargeable. With regard to volun. tary agreements it is provided that if any tenant wishes to effect any general improvement, he shall serve a notice in the form provided in the schedule of the Act on the immediate land lord. If the landlord agrees, then he will signify his assent in the form also provided in the Act, and then improvement may be carried into immediate effect. If he refuses, the whole matter drops to the ground. By the second course the tenant has the option, if the landlord's consent is got, of enforcing compulsory compensation for any buildings erected, or for fur row draining. On this point the Bill differed from the view of the Commissioners; their view was that buildings only, and not furrow drainage, should be considered as coming under the head of compulsory compensation, thus assimulating the law to what it was in England. But furrow draining was so essential an improvement in Ireland , that he hoped under exisiting circumstances the House would see the propriety of deciding that draining as well as building should be included. He hoped also the Commissioners would have no objection to the alteration, as Ireland was as present situated. He need not point out to the House that, in justice to the landlords, they would be forced to provide wardens to examine carefully into all the improvements that were proposed to he made. In that stage of his explanations, he might mention one difficulty,which he was sure everybody who had looked into the subject was aware of, namely, that at this part of their proceedings they were met by difficulies which they would not be met with if they were applied to England—the multiplici'y of landowners in Ireland. This difficulty had, however, been aimed at in the Bill, and be confidently expected that some of the difficulties with which the object was surrounded would be surmounted, but at the same time he admitted that great difficulties did exist in connexion with this portion of the Bill. The notice to which he had referred was to be served upon all landlords, and he was informed that the tenant and immediate landowner were always well acquainted w i t h the various parti es w h o owned the land ; and, there fore, he h a d prove d that which would he be necessary —th a t th e not i ce s h ould he served period, upon m th e l thoaugdh_t n lord by tho se rent i ng l an d for a certain a th irty years' tenancy, or th ree lives—the notice on a the el immediate landlord being by personal appearance, but on the owner of the land by post. When the tenant served this notice he was to be bound to name an arbitrator, and to offer either to construct the work himself, or if the landlord would do so to agree to pay the additional expense on the outlay, amounting to not more than 51. per cent on buildings, and 4/. per cent. on drainage. This, however, was a matter of detail which might be altered in Committee if the House thought fit. The reason of the introduction must be obvious—that it was better that buildings should be constructed by the landlord, instead of the tenant, because they had a great security that if con structed by the landlord they would be properly made and fit for use.—.( Hear, hear.) And then so much depended upon the drainage of the land being executed in a p ro p er manner. But this, as he had already said, was a matter so much of de tail, that it would be for the Committee to deal with it. If the landlord should assent to this proposition, it would become a charge Iv an the inheritance, and would at once be carried out ; but if he did not, then he should serve a motion to that effect upon the Clerk of the Peace, that an arbitrator should be ap pointed, and that appointment should rest with the assistatant barrister and the justices of the quarter sessions; if the arbi trators should agree, then they would make an award, but if they did not, then as umpire should be appointed!, Lord HOWDEN would at once relieve their Lordships' minds from any fear, and himself from the well-merited reproach of extreme arrogance if he were to intrude observations upon their Lordships on a subject with which neither his intelligence nor his experience made him familiar.—( Hear, hear.) He might state, however, that the first notice he had the honour of giving in their Lordships' House some six or sever, years ago, was on a subject connected with the corn laws It in was o e i n o d in e p e a d ri s a n m n withmtohdaetr a n t e o , w m b i e l k fo - r a e n d t - h w e a i r te p Lo r r d o : s p h o i s p it s i , on Cut he, and those who acted w ith hi m, were left in a minority. But mild and milk-and -watery as it was, it was strenuously opposed by the Noble Viscount who was then at the head of the Government, and by every mem ber of the Cabinet, except one Noble Earl, whom he did not see in h.s place.—( Hear, hear.) He spent the early pars of his life in a country which once was looked upon with pecul'ar favour by Noble Lords who sat on the cross-benches, because of the attachment of its inhabitants to the protective principles of their ancestors ; but time and experience proved to them that it was to the interest of their country that the people should be fed as cheaply as possible. He alluded to the two provinces of Spain; and he could not help thinking that it would greatly advance the intere,t of this country if the same principle were adopted.—( Hear, hear.) It was his conviction that the Prime Minister had not erred in thus bringing for ward the measure. Their Lordships had been told that pro tection was the aninms which ran through all the institutions of this country, and that on the back of a worm-eaten enactment of Edward IV. was to be traced the chart which was for ever to guide the vessel of the State. Reference had been made by a Noble Lord to Burke ; he would refer to another authority, Lord Bacon; he said with reference to commerce, " Let there be freedom in all the intercourse of nations. He saw with prophetic eye through all the long vista the changes now pro posed. He would refer also to Cervantes, a genius who, like Shakspere, seemed to know something of everything. His advice to Sancho was, " Now, Sancho, remember that you take care to provide a supply, especially of eatables and drink ables, for your subjects, for noting can so quickly alienate the minds of lour subjects from you as a scarcity of these necessary articles." Why, there was the very gist of the matter.— ( Cheers.) He hail not much sympathy with the new econo mical theories of the present age, but he had almost, he would say, a blind veneration for these cot ruscations of olden genius. He had no fear of what foreign relations would be able to do, but he did tear that circumstances would occur which would render the measure inoperative. It is possible that the present Minister would cease to rule th e country. Their Lordships were then only preparing the way for a patty with whom they had no sympathies. What reason, then, had they to set up a banner tor themselves They had vast possesions, ancient rank, and extended influence, and they were throwing them into the scale to weigh down the political fortunes of a man who was the only one capable of defending their interests,—( Hear, hear.) He had heard of treachery, it was an ungracious word, and he only hoped that their Lordships would never find that they had been traitors to themselves. But he could not help saying that some t•ad acted unwisely in adverting to that (lark state of things whieh they believed would be consequent to the success of the League. But there were some things which were dangerous to speak of, some prophecies which tended to their own accomplishmer t. So long as ti.eir Lord ships did their duty, he cared not what were the aspirations of the League. He rather feared the effect that might be pro duced by the apprehensions which had been indiscreetly ex pressed by sonic of their Lordships. He confided in the good sense of the country ; but he asked tho.e who were conjuring up distant visions of terror in the ries not yet broached, and exi gencies not yet developed, if they saw nothing to fear at an earlier period and more impending moment, in what might he the immediate disposition of expectant millions as to the upshot of a que.tion no longer in speculation or in embryo, but which had expanded its , lf and passed triumphantly through one branch of the Legislature, and was now waiting at their Lordships' threshold, awaiting whatever sentence they might be pleased to pronounce.—( Hear, hear. ) On the motion of the Marquis of EXETER, the debate was adjourned. Their Lordships then adjourned at a Quarter to One o'clock. HOUSE OF COMMOAS, June 11. The SPEAKER took the Chair at Four o'clock, SOUTH YORKSHIRE COAL RAILWAY AND Lord MORPETH, on the CANAL moti ß on lLL for the consideration of. the report on this Bill, moved that the Bill be recommitted to the former Committee, and that the Committee have leave to sit and proceed on Monday next at one o'clock. The Noble Lord, at considerable leugth, stated his reason why he thought the House ought to agree to the recommittal of the Bill. All the considerable coal owners in the district were in favour of the proposed line. Mr. B. •DENISON seconded the motion. He believed that if the present Bill had not been included in a group, it would have pas.ed as an unopposed Bill, as there was not a single landowner on the line who objected to it. He was greatly astonished that the South Yorkshire line had been thrown out ; and he trusted that the Bill would be 're-commit ted, for the Committee to consider their former verdict. Lord G. SOMERSET said he did not mean to oppose the motion of the Noble Lord ; and after his statement, and that of his Hon. Friend, he really thought that a case had been made out for the re - committal of the Bill. He wished, how. ever, to have the debate on the motion postponed, as it would be more satisfactory to have the opinion of the Committee as to their decision before it was submitted for their recon.. siderat ion. Mr. S. WORTLEY was of opinion that the rejection of the Bill by the Committee was amost extraordinary proceeding. After a frw words from Mr. H. BERKELEY, M. ENT WISLE thought that the general business of the House, more particularly as connected with railways, was con ducted in a very slovenly manner. He was acquainted with the district through which the line would pass, and the Com mittee had thought proper to throw it out as insufficient to supply the wants of the public. He objected to the recom mittal of the Bill, as the Committee had already given their decision. Lord SEYMOUR was a member of the Committee, but was in a minority with his hon. colleagues; if the Bill was sent bark it was of course agreeable to his opinions, but he thought there would be no benefit in doing so. Mr. SHAW thought the House should not send the Bill back to the same Committee. He did not think any good would result from such a course. _ _ jobb l i r n . g C a . t out. uld that a railroad I t r h o g g h o s t t u b p , i Bills e h e o g n b e t s honest ea be m annershou recommitted.l should b e thrown WOODalihadt ee It o e n e s i d pato e ltrraa r ed e eldee l i tic t H s e ei thoughta Y wa i s t one wo whichb be a pityn o Mr. ENTWIS rose to explain. Lord G. SOMERSET made some remarks, which were in atu'ible in the gallery. Mr. R. YORKE thought if they allowed the Bill to be recommitted, they would open a bad system of jobbery. Lord NIORPETH said, that after what had fallen from the Chairman of the Committee, he felt called upon to divide the — red to w . ithdraw, and the House House. 41 51 divided, AF w agr h a ktnnibsawetit Majority rtrreieerteeye themat e p . .... • — 10 FRILFORD INCLOSURE BILL. Mr. GREENE moved, on further consideration of the re. port on the Frilford (Berks) Inclosure Bill, to move that the Standing Order, No. 121, as far as relates to the amendments hereinafter named, be suspended :—Clause 15, page 7, line 11, to leave out " they," and insert " he." Clause 90, page 37, line 9, to leave out " plain or unstamped "—Agreed to. WAKEFIELD. PONTEFRACT, AND GOOLE RAIL WAY ( METHLEY, ASKERN, AND OAKENSHAW BRKNCHES). Mr. MONCKTON MILNES moved the rejection of this Bill upon the third reading. His constituents were strongly adverse to the line, and the promoters of the Bill had not en deavoured to remove any of the objections which they enter tained towards it. Capt. BERNARD said that the gentlemen in question had every opportunity of appearing before the Committee and making that statement, but they failed to do so, and the Committee of course came to the decision which had been reported to the House. He was sure that if they were to have the decisions of the Committee overturned upon the statements of gentlemen after the sit tings of the Committee, there would be no end to their labours. He could assure the House that if such decisions were to be reversed in that manner he would not sit on a Committee on any condition. Captain CONOLLY said that the Bill had been agreed to at a public meeting of the ratepayers, and he saw no reason why it should not pass.—( Hear, hear.) After a few words from Lord MORPETH, Mr. M. MILNES said that after the explanation of the Hon. Gentleman behind him (Colonel Conolly) he should not persevere with his amendment, but leave his constituents, if they were so inclined, to prosecute their case in another place. The amendment having accordingly been withdrawn, the Bill was read a third time and pEPOasse• I. RRTS. a g n h d o 1 Clyde yßranch)de Navigation The following reports were received and agreed to :—Air d:.ie and Coatbridge Waterwork ; Caledonian Railway (Dum fries Branch); Caledonian Railway (Dundyvan Branch); and Bowling ; Earl of Blessing. Bay Improvement; Dumfries, and Carlisle Railway; tCoani'esdElitaanteßßaiilllw;ayFt(oLtr The Committee of Selection }rave and against tgai - award;Of coarse, no Committees on Railway So soon as the w., ks or improvemntswe a re pp completed, the . fact would be registered with the Clerk of the Peace for the P of giving the date of the period at which e alw:ul compensation b e ' r A Committee consisting of Groups: ::tfr - t E lo s nil eot n t at ( e c d ha t i h r e man),m following r; R S e a l s e 1 e , - I t c; j !gtlqr. Leader, Hon. li. F. Berkeley, and Mr. Ger ng, to whom should be made. I t have referred the • - Bills comprised in Group No. 43 of Railway was proposed that the tenantry who should Bilis, viz.:— be evicted seven years after they had made improvements Lancaster and Carlisle - • xtension to the Caledonian Railway, and should have one-half the outlay ; if after 14 one- Lancaster and Presto l u to n n cti E of Amalgamation, ion, third ; after 2J years and 28 years, one-fourth.• Heyearws, came Cockermouth and Working to the second part of this Bill, viz., that which related to the Furness Extensions, - . subject of ejectment . and' *distress. This Bill proposed t . Urkitekayen and Furness Junction, . ..,edonlan (Carlisle Deviation), . peal the 56th Geo. 111., which gave the power t l to -, manyad Committee of o Il i ; - 1 - i i r f i o u intri t ittee n - co o u n siS l t t inz , of —Mr. air. Buller (Chairman), Mr. Packe. nion existed respecting it in Ireland, but he believed that the P referred in tge7Alls comprised priseodrlei,i 4 . r n o d u, Collins, to whom they . have disadvantages resulting from it far overbalanced any benefits by unElderstleld and Sheffield, and Leeds,Mati p chesie s r 9 a o u f d ßailway Ba" nz. : which it was attended. The next object was to limit the , Liverpool and Bury, and Manchester and Leeds, costs of ejectment, according to a rule and form in the schedule , Manchester and Bolton, and Bury Can a l and R a i lway, and Msn attached to the Bill, and this he thought was an unlimited , , Manche and Leeds, benefit. In doing this, he was aware he was not doing s e much , Manchester r a a n n d d L L e e ed ed s s , E an x d te L tis er o d u s s and Bradford, as was desired, but he trusted that too much would not b e ex - t -Shellield and Asht on an d M anc hester,' pected from the power of Parliament, for the utmost that it ylarekburit and Preston and East Lancashire 11... always Amalgamadon could accomplish was its interposition of irresponsible power on f La T t i c l a e st and erest et Junction. one side, and helplessness on the other. He confessed that he ' A Commeeit committee to meet on Monday, Juno 22, at one. agreed with the opinion expressed in the report of the Commis Egerton, A t i l .. tt l r ri c g a l , nsisting of--girl T. Egerton (Chairman), Sir P. Sir. Broadwood, and Mr. Forman, to whom stoners, that it would not be to the interests of the tenant to they have referrei "°" ' the Rini cotnprii.ed in Group No. 63 of Railway . have those Acts repealed. That was a strong prima facie evi- ! Bilis, viz. dente for for the retention of those Bills. Mr. Kyle, who was an 1 Miiiie .elect Commit- eto meet on Thursday, June 2:, liand Great NVesterii (Li.iwy Branch and Longf o rd 1)-- eminent auth or i t y, was o f op i n i on t h at it wou ld b e i n j ur i ous to T the tenant to have an expensive anode of ejectment. Mr. Baldwin, assistant-barrister for the county of Cork, entertained -- a similar opinion, and was favourable to the tenant having the opportunity, by a civil bill process, to demur to an ejectment. The expenses of a process in the Civil Bill Court did not amount to more than 15s. or a pound, while a similar process in the eu • perior Courts would cost 201. That in his opinion was so strong an argument in s, favour of the process by civil bal. he scold that cou not agree to the proposition of the Hon. and Learned Gentleman, the Member for Cork. It remained for him to explain to the House one or two of the leading altera tions included in the proposed Bill. The principle provision was that the landl or d s were to be compelled to give th e tenants judgment the particulars of th e d emand before, the be s erve d. Power was to be g i ven to the tenant either to pay the landlord at once, or t o pay the sum mentioned on the record into Court, as he might think fit. Another alteration was of particular importance, as bearin g upon recent events which h a d t a k en p l ace in that country. At present the landlord, whe n h e w i s h e d to e j ect a particular tenant, was obliged to eject also the tenants holding under him. A great deal of the difficulty of dealing with Irish affairs might be clearly traceable to that cause. A proposition was intro duced into the Bill, by which the landlord would have the power of ejecting any particular tenant without interfering with the holdings of the sub-tenants, who would remain in the same position as they were before. The last of the Bills which he intended to submit to the consideration of the House was a Bill for providing a sufficient form of lease. It was proposed that parties desirous of obtaining a lease should be able to write it out themselves, according to a certain set form, without the intervention of a solicitor to add to the expense. The objec tion to the length of form of the lease would be to a consider able degree removed by a diminished stamp duty. It was in tended to afford a diminished stamp duty of 2s. 6d. on all leases on land, not exceeding 50/. a-year rent. He was desirous of introducing a measure which should be for the benefit both of the poor and the rich, which should alike protect the rights of property and the rights of labour. He hoped that the House would give these Bills their attentive consideration ; and, in conclusion, would most sincerely hope, in the event of their becoming law, that their result would conduce to the prosperity of Ireland.—( Cheers. ) Mr. S. CRAWFORD observed that it was upwards of ten years since he had introduced the present question into the House. He must say that he had received very little support or encouragement in his attempts to legislate on that subject. The great object of all his Bills had been to provide sufficient compensation to the tenant from the landlord in all cases of ejectment. He was of opinion that compensation on an eject ment for three years on the lease was insufficient, and was a feature of the proposed measure that ought to be amended. He knew the law existed which gave the tenant power to recover from the landlord the excess of levy; but that was but a poor retuen, for a tenant might be ruined before he could obtain any remedy for the loss which he bad sustained. He hoped the Noble Lord would excuse his opposition to the Bill, for he opposed it with much regret. Mr. J. O'CONNELL thought, that next to a decided in terference, this was the next best measure that could possibly have been offered. He could have wished that the principle of tenant-right custom, found to be se beneficial in the north, had been made one of general application. It had produced peace, and he thought it might have been greatly enlarged in its sphere. Wherever the tenant-right existed there, there was peace, there there was order and plenty, and there the landlord got his rent. He woul3 give the Government every credit for their intentions, and for the spirit in which they had brought forward their measures. This was notoriously a most difficult subject, and one on which he himself was hardly competent 1 to judge, With respect to the repeal of the 56th Geo. 111., he greatly regretted that the Hon. Member for Cork could not be present to-night, as he would have been able to give a clear exposition of its bearings. With respect to the pressure of costs, be thought that the tenant wasquite as liable to be ruined by the ejectment as by :he excess of levy. It should be ob served that Ireland was in a position very different from that of any other country. There the population was superfluous, and with no other opportunity of employment than that which was derived from agriculture. He could have wished that there was a power in their Bill to restrain the landlord in some degree from ejecting the sub-tenantry. He knew hundreds, he might say thousands of instances in which the greatest misery had been occasioned, and needlessly occasioned, by the exercise of the power which the landlords possessed. But again he must re peat, that the condition of Ireland was to be especially consi dered, and in sitting down he was glad to give his cordial co operation in carrying this Bill though the House. Mr. OSBORNE, after apologising for the aspersions which he threw on the Noble Lord (the Earl of Lincoln), said that he thought this Bill would be very likely to greatly increase the number of leases. None but those who knew the difficulties of the subject could appreciate the temperate and able way in which he had brought at forward; but he thought that an evil would be suffered from the imposition of 5 per cent. for drain ing. He had been occupied much in draining himself, and that he thought would prove a peat difficulty. Sir ROBERT PEEL—It is only 4 per cent., and rated on the outlay. Mr. OSBORNE—Thai, of course, did away with his ob jection, and he would only now ask when the Bill would be printed? The Earl of LINCOLN said that there were a few altera tions yet to be made, but he hoped it would be printed to night. At any rate he was certain of having it to-morrow. Mr. SHAW congratulated the House on the unanimity with which this Bill was received, and he could not refrain also from congratulating ;his Noble Friend on his great success in this his first step on a very difficult subject. He thought they had better not commit themselves to any principle, but wait till it was printed. Mr. WYSE wished to know whether there was any previ sion in the Bill for rendering the payment of the rent gradual. He had known cases where the proprietor, residing in France, had failed it receiving the rent from his immediate tenant, and a distress and ejectment were immediately enforced against the sub-tenants, and they were all irretrievably ruined. The Earl of LINCOLN said that, by the advice of an emi nent lawyer connected with Ireland, the clause affecting the payment of rent had been much modified. -~ w aviation) at one. EIGHTEENTH REPORT FROM TIIE SELECT COMMITTEE ON RAILWAY BILLS CLASSIFICATION. The *Acct Committee appointed for the Classification of Railway Bills, according to the Resolutions adopted by the House, have fltrther considered the several matters referred to tham, and agreed tl the folloWing report : Your Committee recommend that the Liverpool and Bury Branches Railway be transferred tom Group o. 41 to Group -No. 42. EASTERN UNION RAILWAY Yesterday the new line of railway between Colchester awl . ect A ors, sp tl ec ie ia d l ire t e r t ai o n rs , o. of c: t u wh i ei number c ie hl d ': o wa li a s a t : b e t r o h pn u e r t iU d: s i n r t o i e e :c ln :t:o ß f r t s a opened h a l i s y a h b o C p y r e r oint t ls i y p t c pa o h nr theirprojectors, at in friends, a te n o o'clockth e nat., and arrived at Colchester at half-past eleven. Almost at the same moment there arrived from Ipswich a train con - sisting of fifteen carriages, all tastefully decorated with flaw, streamers, banners, festoons of flowers, and boughs of aw l , a eig u irors r amo e t l u , stib a tore n eu t ds l siidr c eitn a crg r it ryi ng two bands of m us i c i ans . The occu pants, a very l arge proportion of whom were ladies, were i n pors i n o nh l a p tn s hd w es i o c lin h i ne a el n .y d Aa t cco he dredl ad aedy jo p iti nn i n u g ipssw l i o ao cal nrdts i o m ti o e f s a , ak t n o e thourthe travellers e a r v s i n i g r o m c c b u o r t r i e j d t a e t r m e i o n te i h p e s a t r e t r o 0 , d k u pared by the directo rs w i t h a befitting, regard e g g which refreshments operiodtaste and elegance, both trains were united, and the enginemen having, in Yankee phra se , "b oiled up , a good g a ll o p," the journey to Ipswich was pertbrmed in gallant style. It was a curious sight, and illustrative of the times, to see the panting brass-bound engines, with their glittering retinue of four-and -twenty coaches, i n a ll ‘, the beauty and the sheen " of perfect newness, shooting along through corn-fields and grass-meadows at the rate of five-and-thirty miles an bour, amidst the harmonious clangour of drums, trumpets, and cymbals, while flags floated joyously over head, and the sun, who itad quite a gala-day of it, beamed gloriously all around. The new line, which is, in fact, an extension of the trunk line of the Eastern Counties Railway, with which it joins issue at Colchester, is sixteen miles in length. It skirts some of the noblest demesnes in England, and runs through a tract of country remarkable for the rich fertility of its soil and the enchanting beauty of its scenery. Owing to the abruptness of the undulations, and the fre quency of their recdtrence, the character of the surface is not peculiarly favourable for the construction of a railway, but the skill of the engineer appears to have dealt c!everly with every difficulty, and the power of attaining great velocity is agreeably combinel on this line with delightful easiness of motion and entire absence of oscillation. For a long portion of the journey the cuttings are very ( I ..eep, and the gradient is for some miles together as deep as one in a hun dred, but it not unfrequentivhappens that the line runs for a long district through table-lands, so that the ruling gradient may on the whole be averaged at one in the hundred and twenty-five. The line passes through three towns, Man niugtree, Ardleigh. and Bentley, and it is in contemplation to establish other stations besides these. The engineer of the works is Mr. Peter Bruit', under whose superintendence they have been executed at a cost of 20.0004 a mile. The special train reached Ipswich at one o'clock, and its arrival was hailed by the enthusiastic acclamations of the townspeople, who assembled at the terminus in thousands to testify their gratification at an event to them equally novel and interesting. The visitors repaired immediately after their arrival to the demesne of G. H. Gower, Esq., who kindly placed at the disposal of the directors during the day his pleasure grounds, which are moat picturesquely situated on the banks of the Orwell, and on which marquees were erected. A small steam-boat, the River Queen, was spe cially engaged to convey the directors a n d their friends up the river to view the sailing and rowing matches. Many hundreds availed themselves of this privilege, and the river [ presented a gay and animated appearance.. Indeed, it is nothing more than justice -to the directors to admit that they left nothing undone to promote the happiness of their guests. All business in Ipswich was suspended, every shop was closed, and there appeared to be a general understanding that the day should be spent in enjoyment. In the evening the event of the day was celebrated by a public dinner in. the Asernbly Rooms, White Horse Hotel. Covers were laid for 180, and at half-past five o'clock fully that number of gue-ts sat down to table. The entertainment was in all respects unexceptionable, and the wines were of prima vintage. John Chevallier Cobbold, Esq., chairman of the. Eastern Union Railway Company, presided, and the . follow ing gentleman were amongst those present:—The Mayor of Ipswich, Lord Rendlesham, M.P., G. Hudson, Esq., M.P., Captain Gladstone, 111. P., Major Beresford, Lane Fox, Esq., M.P., Hon. and Rev. Frederick De Grey, Hon. L. Burrell, David Waddington, Esq., deputy-chairman of the Eastern Counties Railway; John Fcotman, al., deputy chairman of the Eastern Union Railway; the Mayor of Nor wich, Rev. John k'enwick, Rev. S. Croft, J. Cobbold, Esq., sen., Messrs. F. A. and G. A. Alexander, R. J. Harney, E N ., of Norwich; F. Pratt Barlow, Esq. , J. O x f or d, Esq., Jeremiah Head, Esq., P. B. Long, Esq., James Ponsford, Esq., James Ransome, Esq., Alien Ransome, Esq„ George JOSSCIVII, Esq., The Rev. J. Fenwick said grace. The dinner tool' place at the Assembly-room of the White Horse H o t e l, provided by Mestra. Chaplin and Castle. The cloth having been drawn, and the usual toasts of alty having been given. The CHAIRMAN proposed the health of the representatives of the town of Ipswich, Captain Gladstone and AIL Lane Fox.—(l oud cheers.) Captain GLADSTONZ returned thanks. He felt deeply grateful to the committee for having afforded him an oppor tunity of being present on that, to him most interesting oc casion. That was indeed a great day for Ipswich—(Ch eers .) The Colchester and Ipswich Railway, the opening of which they were that day met to celebrate, had not been projected, as a matter of gambling or wild speculation.—(Hear, hear) It was a bond fide enterprise, as was testified by the fact that. the majority of the shareholders were persons who resided in Ipswich or its neighbourhood, and had a direct personal in terest in the prosperity cf the town and the undertaking„.... (Hear, hear.) It was not to every enterprise of this kind' that the praise could be awarded which was due to that rail way—namely, that it had been completed within the e.mact period originally contemplated, and that the cost was 'within the estimate.—(Hear, hear.) lie entertained sanguine anticipations of the success of the pnject, and was sure that the day was not far distant when Ipswich would, through its instrumentality, become as important a place as, from its fine river and excellent docks, it was well calculated to be. ,LAKAFOX.aIse sPolte to .the toast.. The CHAIRMAN proposed " The Health of Lord Rendle sham and E. Sherlock Gooch, E sq. ,-- the - representatives of the County."—(Cheers.) Lord RENDLESILA3t, in acknowledging the compliment, observed that there was but oue thing he regretted in con nexion with the event they were assembled to celebrate, and that was, that the railway was not opened, as it ought, to have been, and might have been, ten years ago.—(Hea% hear.) He hoped they would soon have a railway a to d o bridge.—(Cheers.) " The health of the Earl of Strad broke, Lord. Lieutenant of the county," having been drunk with all the honours., Norwich." The proposed " The health of The MAYOR of Norwich returned thanks. The CHAIRMAN proposed " The bealt.'d of George Hud son, Esq., M.P., Chairman of the Eas: t e rn c ountiesaway Company, and the health of the ot);,er Directors of the Com pany."—(Loud cheers.) Mr. HuDsoN returned the,:aks. It had been his good for tune to be engaged for a very long time in railway projects, but he did not claim any merit for himself on that account It was true that by close attendance to matters of detail, and to their commercial management, be might have contributed, to the success of such enterprises; but he had no right to re ceive, nor did he seek any merit, for anything he had done ginagperdominottbinegls:ausctleirunncdeorutialtkiiensgs.RailwAatythhee timeha innumerable u fi oessturt rs iens t rtahu e ab n ant:le . d. ds r o a e n t r i k a 2 3 i no • go e o o n s enterprises lc) shareholders,roins e n son on h a l v n i d twh ; hw i o n shei cfacth intereststh heere-aswaiel „edrnegacnoginoedfl way of living were all involved in the projects in which he was bound up, and many persons might have thoughtw h as going too fa r i n un d ertaking anything more,but he - could e not refuse the invitation w hi c h was made to him the directors of the Easter n C ount i es Railway, and he bywould never regret the day he had embarked any portion of his fortune in that project. As for the Eastern Union Rail way, all he could say of itro!,:wr:srtsasioiornbtcenttrhhtedail which c h wato e htasmesh c i :n a s r i L d u e or r ied e: it an admirable undertaking, anti it would be tseupvroeesrsti that anxious wish to render it as advantageous to the public and as beneficial to the shareholders as p it would, in, the course of time, service to the best interests of Ipswich, and from his heart he wished it all possible success—a them was participated in by all Gentleman concluded by propos cheers.) The Honourable n e th o u b si bo as lt ic E .p N ia .,. u C di h t a s. irran . of the Ease returned in Av thanks in appropriate terms, and Union e e cE s h il e health ma h o i t p h r e o p c !: e r p d o r t a h t e i ~h n e o a f l sow " Ipswich c t . he c i g h h ee S r t s. w e ) al d, the M ayor, and The Mayor of IPSWICH acknowledged the compliment. Several other toasts were given and responded to,•and the company separated at nine o'clock, highly gratified with the evening s entertainment. A brilliant display of fireworks was made on the quay, op• posite the Custom-house, and the joy -bells of the town rang a merry peal at frequent intervals during the day. The visitors from London were conveyed back by a special train, which left Ipswich at half-past nine o'clock, but did not reach Shoreditch till half-past one. _4llll - Sir R. FERGUSON thought that the Hon. Member for Rochdale (Mr. Sharman Crawford) had gone too far in saying that the object of this 13111 should be retrospective. Mr. P. SCROPE differed from the last Member, for unless the Bill were retrospective in its effect much of the evil which was suffered could not be remedied. Knowing what be did of Ireland he was quite sure that both sides must be protected, and that could not be unless the principle was adopted which the Hon. Member for Rochdale had advocated, but he did not wish to disturb the unanimity of the debate, and thanked the Noble Lord for the introduction of the measure. Leave vras•then "given tb bring in•the,Bills. ,‘, , THE CASE OF MR. DON,OVAN. Sir H. W. BARRON rose to bring the' petitien of John Donovan, an officer dismissed from the Customs, before' the House, and to move for a Committee to inquire into the case. He said the case was one of great hardship, as a meritorious officer in the present case had been dismissed through repre sentations made to the officers of Customs, which he could prove were altogether untrue. The Custom-house authori ties had been entirely imposed on. Mr. Donovan had been in the service of the Custom-house for thirty years, and had only on one occasion been charged with neglect of duty. That circumstance, however, bad nothing whatever to do with the present case, as after the occasion on which this took place he had been promoted. The Hon. Member was pro ceeding to state the particulars, when An How. MEMBEIL moved that the House be counted. The gallery was then cleared, and there being only thirty four Members present, the House adjourned at a Quarter to Eight o'clock. [ADVERTISEMENT.]—Do you wish to avojd all the torture " which shaving has entailed upon your chins?" theft hasten and try Ross and Sons' newly-invented Railway Strop so named, as it enables you to shave yourself at a railway pa ces and with'as little friction, making even the commonest razor cut well. The composition is entirely new, and surpasses everything hitherto invented for the purpose. Likewise, ice. stead of paste, which few can apply properly, theirs is a powdec for tenovating the strop, and can be used by a child.—Toto had, wholesale, retail, and for exportation of the Proprietors, Ross and Sons, 119, and 120, Ilisbopsgate-street. [AnvErrrisEmENT.]—TuE EYES. -39, Albemarle.. street, Piccadilly . Optical Instruments to enahleTpersons at ad. vanced age to read with ease and to discriminate objects withperfeat distinctness. Messrs. S. and B. Solotaons, opticians, have invent...l Spectacle Lenses, &c. of the 7greatest transparent power, which awl patronised by his Majesty the King of Ilanover, her Grace the Dowager Duchess of Bedford, their Graces the Archbishops of Cam. terbury, York, and Dublin, the Dukes of Devonshire, Norttuit. Ay. gyle, Marlborough and Manchester, Bishops of Exeter and Linmuk Cork, Elphin, and Kild are. B y thi s i nv ention, imperfe ct reenab l ed vision. 7 le preserved and strengthened, and very aged persons t a and see with! employ their sight at the most minute occupa tit these lenses of a much less magnifying power, and they do not re . e deafness. C au ti on sib A le l , w, an A d eblv a Il in kin ati d a c Acoustic Instruments, for relief o quire the fr eq ope u ra ent G c l h ass an et e , s m t i o cr f os ur eo ti p 7 ..; h x e l i rn p evi s m . it,•.4. Messrs. S. and B. Sol o o f m iti on e s, sam OPt e iol n an am s , e i ar n e th nl e t r i i ra n m an y edip M e rri gii : nected with a person bourhood, nor in supart of the country. To prevent ro:, i t ake , be had at 39, Albetha.ll9 , oro t t, pimp d observe, Zart°474nOte Ote YOrkonlllott:1 THE FUN, - LONDON, PRII-D,A.T' - - PARLIAMENTARY DIVISIONS (From the Votes and Proceedings of the House of Commons ) THURSDAY, JUNE 11. SOUTH YORKSHIRE COAL RAILWAY AND CANAL BILL. Report considered ; Motion made, and Question proposed, " That the Bill be re-committed :"—Debate arising ; Motion made, and Question proposed, " That the debate be now adjourned :"—Motion, by leave, withdrawn :—Main Question put. The House divided:— . -. IIIINORITY . —AYES. 41. Ainsworth, P. Divett, E. Redington, T.N.R Arundel, Earl of Dundas, Admiral Smith, J. A. Astell, William Dundas, J. C. Spooner, Richard Bailey, Joseph Elphinstone, 11. bitansfield, W. R. 13 ald win. Barry Et wall, Ralph. • Thornely, Thomas Barnard, E. G. Hamilton, (l. A. 'Villiers, Charles Barrington, Viscount Hamilton, W. J. C a e , r th i 3V Alexander Wood, Charles 3 T.C'hWar.l Berkeley, H. F. es Barron, Sir H. Is ll i oP , Blake, Martin J. M‘Donnell J 31 , J. M. Wortley, J. S. Bramston, T. W. Marsiand, Henry Wrightson, W. B. Bretherton, J. Masterman, J. Burrell Sir C. Alilnes, R. M. TELLERS. Busfeild, William Morrison, James Morpeth, Viscount Crlpps, W. Plurnridge, Captain Denison, E. B. MAJORITY—NOES, 51. Allix, J. P. Estcourt, T. G. Miles, William Austen, Colonel Fielder, William • Ord, William Raise, Walter Forster, Mathew Pechell, Captai n Bankes, George Gaskell, J. AL Ricardo, J. L. Beckett, W. Goring, Charles Romilly, John Bruges, W. H. Greene, ThomaS Round, C. Buck, L. W. Henley, J. W. Shirley, E. P. Buckley, Edmund Hervey, Lord A. Somerset, Lord G. Buller, Sir J. Y. Hildyard, T. B. T. Strait, Edward Cholmondeley, 11. Ilinde, J. H. Th orn hill , G . Christie, W. 1), Hodgson, R. Chu! chill, Lord A. S . Houldsworth i Waddington, 11. S. e T. Trollops, Sir J: Clerk, Sir G. Hume, Joseph Winnington, Sir T. Collett, W. R. Johnstone, Sir J. Worcester, Marquis Connolly, Colonel Lascelles, E. Yorke, R.X. Crawford, W. S. Loch, J ames TELLERS. Drummond, H. Manners, Lord C. E n t wisie, W. Duncan, George Mildmay, IL St. John Shaw , w At. Hon. F. PARLIAMENTARY BUSINESS. E (From the Votes and Proceedings of the House of Commons. ) THURSDAY, JUNK 11. The following T r A e N so p lu ir t N as Owre.reDEreltpoS'rtCeodsftmMinlTtThEis Committee 1. That, in the case of the Portsmouth Harbour Pier Bill, amend ments on third reading, the amendments are of such, a nature as may be adopted, if the Howe shall think fit. 2. That, in the case of the Newcastle-upon-Tyne Improvement 13111, amendment on third reading, the amendment is of such a nature b e a dopted, if the House shall think fit. as in* 3. That. in the case of the Australian Agricultural Company peti tion for leave to present a petition for a Bill, the sessional order ought to be dispensed with :—That the parties be permitted to pre sent a petition accordingly. 4. That, in the case of the Morayshire Railway Bill, amendments ° g, the amendments are of such a nature as m a y b e adopted, 'thirdead l i fthe in m House shall think flt. 5. That, hi the case of the London and South-Western Railway Acts Amendment Bill, amendments on third reading, the amend ments are of such a nature as may be adopted, if the House shall think fit. 6. That, in the case of the Ayrehire Bridge of Weir and Port Glasgow Junction Railway Bill, amendments on third reading, the amendments are of such a nature as may be adopted, if the House shall think fit. 7. That, in the ease of the Dublin Pipe Water petition for leave to present a petition for a Bill, the sessional order ought not to be dis pensed with. Third resolution agreed to.—Report to lie on the table. RAILWAYS. Select Committee on Group No. 42. Viscount Duncannon discharged; Mr. W. Russell selected, and added to . the Committee. Select Committee on Group No. 61. Mr. Walker discharged ; VitcOttat DUI:1011MM selected, told added to the Committee. •L!