The Sun. — London, England, 1837-04-10 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. The third reading of the Irish Municipal Corpora tion Bill comes on to-night, and we trust that all Li- Feral Members will be at their post. Let not the House of Lords have the pretext, if they feel disposed to incur the responsibility of throwing out the measure, that the representatives of the people had been indif ferent with regard to it. If the Peers throw out the Bill, they of course must be prepared for the conse quences. The Dublin Evening Mail, the organ of the Irish Orangemen, does not hesitate to state—af fecting to speak from authority—that the Tories are all anxious for a civil war in Ireland, and that Lord Lyndhurst and Lord Winchilsea do not thirst more everly for Popish blood than the Duke of Wellington and Sir Robert Peel. Alluding to an article in the Chronicle on the division among the Tories on the policy to be pursued with regard to Ireland, the Dublin Evening Mail denies that any such divisions prevail, and says, " Ihe repeal of the Emancipation Act will be demanded before the expiration of two years," adding, " We are happy in being able to assure the Chronicle that not a shadow of difference at this moment exists as to the mode of governing Ireland between any of the illustrious individuals whose names it has introduced. This country requires a strong Land, and with the blessing of God it will be soon suede to feel it." On this passage the Dublin Evening dr Post has some excellent comments We do not think," says that paper, " in candour—we must say so—that Wellington or Peel have any such mon strous notion in their heads as contemplating a repeal of the Emancipation Act. Granting, indeed, which we shall not do, that either or both had the wickedness to design such a measure, they are not such fools as the Quartarly Review people, or the Lords of %Vinchileea or Roden, to dream that such a course was practicable. But no matter what they design, or what they dream. It is now reiterated by fiaeir leading organ in this country, that the object of the Tories, if they should come into power, is to re-enact tho Popery Code ; for it would not be sufficient to recur to the of 1703. The elective franchise would have to be an nihilated before the measure would be complete. All Ca tholic barristers disbanded. All Catholic attorneys struck off the roil. But they could not stop here—you might as well arrest the progress of a bowl upon an inclined plane of thirty degrees, after having given it an impulse of motion mid-way. You should return to the Saturnian times of George 11., and prevent all Catholics from purchasing land —nay, from farming. This would not be enough whileCatho lies held land in fee-simple, and while farmers had leases. You should rob them, as of old, and take forcible posses sion of their estates and homesteads. All this is implied, though not distinctly set forth, in the proposition now an nounced by the organ of the faction in this country. There is a No-Popery cry, quoth be, in England ; that cry will be invinciple, and in two years the Emancipation Act be repealed. "`this is absurd, ridiculous, extravagant ! the reader may eaelahrt. But, absurd as it is ; i idiculous as its entin cin.'ion appears to be ; extravagant a dream as is even the c onception of the design, it is, nevertheless, entertained, we not say by such paiiry and imbecile devils as the Maid, but it is announced as one of the sine qua new of trap ,in Ireland, by the greatest of all the Tory organs, • :21ret, Icily Review. If this proposition only appeared in sae Irish Orange journals—if it were only the venomous sspiraticei of a wretched renegade for the blood of the peo ple, whose religion he has deserted and blasphemed, ice shoul.l treat it, as we have constantly similar sanguinary feotiinents, with disgust and contempt. But when it is now produced, at the eleventh hour—when the fellow who, ete . ee or four months aao, invoked a Cromwell to settle ti. • affairs of Ireland, now re-echoes the sentiments of the 121m..-terly Review, what are we to infer ? what are we to Why, that his ihspi. CI'S are in utter despair ; that nay were near entering into office—if they had tile slight est hope—if they entertained the most remote possibility of an early entrance into office, they never would have the s ear: me folly of giving utterance to any sentiment so san naluary and brutal as this reckless writer has ventured to pat ;.:to their mouths." incline to be of the opinion of the DAIL L: , ening Post, that the ravings to which he alludes rather indicate despair of office than the belief in a apedv advent to power. The Duke of Wellington and Sir Robert Peel would hardly think of encou raging the more reckless of their party by arraying ag=ainst themselves not merely the great body of the Isiah people, but all men of prudence and moderation in this island. The Tories have no doubt reflected on the responsibility they will incur should they throw out the Bill. If they have not, it is high time they set about it. It is admirably observed by Mr. Albany Fonblanque, in the introduction to his " England tinder Seven Administrations," that " a continued stand in a branch of the Legis lature, opposed to the sence of the country, must end in something more than the loss of the things in dispute ; it is a spendthrift waste of the powers of resistance ; it is sinking the vessel of the Oligarchy in the desperate attempt to save its cargo." He afterwards adds, " Upon every question the opponents of Reform have mistaken the voices of the classes with which they have social intercourse for the full voice of the country ; and, when they have been beaten in the struggle, they have railed against the effect, instead of growing wiser by an understanding of the cause. Upon every question now in dispute they commit the same error- They count their allies in the Court, the Peerage, the Church, the gentry, and thg parasitical class which adopts with exaggeration the opinions of those orders, and they imagine that they sum up all the powers of the country. Their views will always he falsified by the event, as they have hitherto been falsified by events, so long as there is in them this capital error, this great omission of the main stratum of political power."—Morning Chronicle. The question of Irish Municipal Corporations comes once again before the House of Commons this day, upon the third reading, to be followed up, in case of a majority for the Bill, by its transmission to the Lords, whose decision, the Ministerial newspapers announce to us, will he vital to the present Government. If by by the term " vital" the Whig-Radical organs would signify the intention of Lord Melbourne and his col- , leagues to resign, upon the rejection of that fraudulent and evil-designed measure, we do not believe a word of it. The odour of the Downing-street flesh-pots is still too savoury for the gastronomes in office, and the insti gations of certain of their revolutionary bottle-holders is Etr too peremptory and pungent to admit of the na tional eagerness for their retreat to exercise its rightful .influence over them. In the mean time, we have our own reasons, and they are potent ones, for deprecating if it were at all probable, the resignation, which, at the same time, we entirely discredit. The pear is not yet ripe. The exposure of the corrupt, worthless, and despicable genius of Whiggery is not yet perfect—not yet, for a few weeks longer. We observe, however, an extreme restlessness and irritability on the part of the Downing street journals, whether genuine or simulated we shall not decide, in their lucubrations upon this Irish, falsely called " municipal," question. Their preliminary ad mission, indeed, in an article published yesterday by .authority, has the merit of no ordinary candour. "It is unfortunately too true," say they, " that the spirit of faction and political corruption, and particularly so, if stimulated by personal wants, will ever hurry bad men into the most wicked enterprises ;" but when the " danger comes near, and stares the empire full in the face, the misrepresentations of journalists, and the cre slulity of their dupes, give way to the general sense of se. l f-preservation, and the wicked and their designs are trodden under foot." There could not have been penned a commonplace more pat to the ensuing crisis, or more neatly illustrative of that termination to which the "enterprises" of the present official faction are rapidly and inevitably passing on. Nevertheless, the ,clearsightedness of the Ministers and their minions, as %o general results, appear to be modified by now and then a blunder in matters of detail, which may as well be sioticed. It is insinuated, for instance, that the Peers of the realm will actually " have forfeited their public trust," and have made it a question " whether they shah' be suffered to exist if they dare to throw out the O'Connell Bill for turning the Protestant corpcs. .rations of Ireland into corporations of Popish priests and awir vassals, to be worked for the extinction of the Pro testant Church, and of its foster-child and dependant, tire civil sovereignty of the British Crown over Ireland. Now that is a trifling blunder, inasmuch as no man of th e least pretensions to sanity can believe, that if the Prot( Vant Church, with the legislative Peerage, and the in corporeing union between these islands, be put in one scale, and the O'Connell, the priestly, and se paratist influence in the other, there is the slightest 4avger of a decision being come to by one-hundredth portion of the people of England tmurable tc, the nmit ? views of O'Connell. We are told by the Whig oracles that the Bill for Popish Corporations is a Bill for the " enfranchisement of a whole nation," for giving " equality" to all citizens after the fashion of that municipal equality which exists among the citizens of Great Britain ; that the Protestant Dissenters of England are equally involved in it with the Irish priests ; that " the union between Great Britain and Ireland" depends upon it ; and, finally, that the whole people of Ireland demand the Bill as sternly as the Roman Catholics alone demanded their Bill in 1829. This would be all prodigiously formidable, only that it happens to be the reverse of true—a series of enormous blunders. Instead of a Bill for the "enfranchisement of a " whole nation," this Bill of O'Connell's is a Bill for the absolute subjection of the whole Protestant com munity of Ireland to the mandates of the Popish hiet archy, through the medium of the despotism already exercised by the same hierarchy over their own spiri tual vassals, the ignorant and superstitious multitude about to be raised by this Bill to the nominal enjoy ment of corporation privileges, in the use of which pri vileges they would be blindly obedient to the priest hood, as they have proved thsmselves to be in the fac tious purposes for which they have been compelled to employ their rights as political electors. Instead of an " equality amon g st all citizens," as pretended by the partisans of the O'Connell scheme, this Bill would vest, and is valued by the conspirators for no other reason but that it does vest, a complete monopoly of power in the hands of one particular faction, the sub ordinate members of which implicity obey their lead ers under penalties equal to death itself, and act toge ther as a single man in making war upon every one of our political institutions. Instead of a Bill for " main taining the Union," it is one which O'Connell ap plauds and insists on, as being that step in his poli ticel progress which will enable him to obtain every thing else that he wants ; announcing in the very same breath, that which he does require is the total subversion of the Protestant Church, and either a repeal of the Union, or such an independence of all those legislative powers and authorities as it was the business of the Union to create. But we are told that the Dissenters of Great Britain take an interest in this foul and destructive measure, not less earnest than the Irish Roman Catholics did in their emanci pation, and that the " whole Irish nation" feel equally moved upon the subject. What the factious and dis affected, the Republican and Revolutionary, branch of the English Dissenters are likely to feel with re spect to any political project, is very plain, and in our minds very unimportant. They will feel as well dis posed as the Popish revolutionists of Ireland can be to push forward every scheme by which the public peace is liable to be 'disturbed and the British Mo narchy endangered. If the power of these hypocri tical incendiaries were not substantially as contempti ble as their designs are wicked, the Crown of England had long since been' rolling in the dirt, and a fierce, intolerant, and brutal democracy enthroned for its brief day on the ruins of our Constitution. But let the House of Lords, and the friends of Church and State, be assured, that if true to themselves, they have nothing to fear from a foe, whose violence and desperation are exact measures of the disappointment he has already sufiCred. It has all along been to us a subject of surprise and regret, that the people of this country, and many of their re presentatives, hare not yet taken the pains to pluck the vizor from the face of this knavish and ill-disguised fraud, but have been satisfied with the misnomer af fixed to it by Ministers, and accepted as a bill of cor porate reform for Ireland, that which is in reality, nay palpably, nothine, more than an indirect and insidious attack upon the 'Protestant religion. Let but our ho nest and discerning countrymen once contemplate it under that point ("view, and with reference to that particular tendency, and if 100 English members vote for its third reading this night, we shall wonder if their next vote be not for the establishment of the Church of Rome in Ireland, and embodied with it the simple alternative of exile or extermination to every descend ant of English blood and every member of the Protest ant religion. The organs of ministers appear desirous of dimming to the Blouse of Lords on this occasion the course of proceeding which may be most convenient to Lord Melbourne and his colleagues. Their Lordships are, it seems, at their peril to accept the Bill. We can not answer for what those powerful and upright states men who are best capable of influencing that illustrious body advise under such intimidation, but for this we can undertake to pledge ourselves, namely, that nothing will be surrendered which can by any device of ordinary cunning be perverted to objects destructive of our reli gions institutions, nor therefore favourable to those vicious purposes for which the appropriation clause was invented. So long as the Church of Ireland shall remain in its present condition, exposed to the threat ened renewal of that wanton and unprincipled attack upon the first principles by which only an Established Church in Ireland can be maintained, it would be a monstrous violation of the entire policy which governed the decision of the Peers in the last Session, if their Lordships were to leave the Protestant Establishment of that country, suffering at once under the present mischief inseparable from the enactment of such a law as this for the setting up of Popish Corporations, and to the incessant weakness and disturbance which must flow from an impending renewal of the direct spolia tion project. Were the dangers and persecutions of the Church once disposed of or guarded against by some precautionary measure of wholesome settlement, Ministers might be permitted some greater latitude in their municipal manceuvres.—Times. We still persevere in the assertion which we made the other day that tire greatest disunion reigns among the Tory party. Lyndhurst is working heaven and earth against Peel, and has been stirriung up the wrath of Kenyon and Wynford, and all the old gentle men in pantaloons, against his rival whom he accuses of treachery and cowardice ; while, upon the other hand, the Tamworth Baronet is doing his possible to blacken the character of his Ex-Chancellor, and openly declares that he will never co-operate with him in an official capacity. In the middle stands the Duke of Wellington, with a " how happy could I be with either " sort of aspect, viewing the two pugnacious statesmen or rather would be statesmen, and feels mar vellously disposed to cement a peace between them, and only wonders why a couple bent upon the attainment of the same object, and by nearly similar means, should ever think of quarrelling. The debate upon the third reading of the Irish Municipal Bill comes on to-night in the House of Commons ; and we can positively state that the utmost indecision prevailed up to yes terday in the councils of the Carlton, as to the course that ought to be pursued. Peel is eager that the Bill should pass, so that one obstacle may be removed to prevent the chance of his sliding into place at a future day as Conformer, which lie feels he cannot do so long as the Irish Corporations and Church Bills remain as barriers. Lyndhurst has the ear of the Countess, and he also can, we know, calcu late upon the violent section of the Irish Tories, who are aware that Peel wishes to throw them off. The Percevals and Emerson Tennents gape to enter some of the offices of Whitehall, and the \Vests, Jacksons, and Shaws yearn to ascend the Bench, the emoluments of which would recompense them for the pecuniary losses they have sustained, and they know their hopes will be frustrated if Peel is allowed to play his game. The Duke of Wellington, in his own blunt way, used to call the Orange Irish Tories " a d—n'd pack of fools," and - Peel is now accustomed (the circumstance is quite notorious) to utter ditto to his Grace's opinion. Peel will rat if tie can—this is certain ; but in the mean time, the obvious duty of every Liberal is to attend in his place to support by every effort in his power a measure of justice which Ireland has a right to claim.— Morning Advertiser. Our more than " liberal" ministers adhere to the brutal punishment of military flogging with " desperate fidelity;" they are indeed more faithful to what was formerly the object of their hatred and execration, than to their " first love." Their first love, as unplaced, unpensioned Whigs (of course we do not include the renegade Tories of the Administration), was the abo lition of the cruel and barbarous punishment of the cat-o'-nine-tails. Their " present love" is the pre servation of the system of bodily torture and man-de grading laceration, as absolutely necessa9 to the main tenance of the discipline and subordination of the army—a reason for treating men as brutes which, if it had any foundation in fact, would form the strongest argument against a standing army in time of peace that has ever yet been adduced. But it is untrue, wholly untrue, that the discipline of the army cannot be maintained, and the character of British soldiership supported, without shocking a civilized age with the practices of barbarism, and lowering human nature to the level of the brute creation, nay, sinking it, in one respect, below it, for the brute creation are under the protection of Martin's Act against cruelty to inferior animals; it is only the "beast of reason," as Otway sar castically calls men, that can be flogged as British soldier* are flogged,without having any right to legislative protec tion But punishment by the British knout upon the naked back is reduced to 100 lashes; we are told, by a re gimental court-martial ; but the authority upon which ° this was stated in the House of Commons did not say, and was not asked, what is the amount of punishment allowed to be inflicted by a garrison court-martial. For our own part, we object ro the principle of bodily torture as well as the quantum. We recollect when Sir John Hobhouse held the opinion that one lash de graded a man as much as 100—yet when the same Sir John vas Secretary at War, he made his boast, or, at least, his defence, not that he had exercised his official power to procure the abolition of corporal punishment, but that he had made it a regulation of the service that not more than 300 lashes could be inflicted by a regi mental, nor more than 500 by a garrison, court-mar tial I Putting the degradation out of the case, many a man has perished under the infliction of the smaller of those punishments, which Sir John Hobhouse gave the country as a substitute for the only real reform of total abolition. In British India the cat-o'nine-tails has been laid aside as an instrument of military dis cipline. In civilised, in Christian England it cannot be dispensed with I What ! shall it be said that the dusky barbarian of the East can be converted into a soldier without having his back lacerated with the man-degrading lash, while it is impossible to infuse the requisite bravery and subordination into the natives of the foremost nation of the world, but by scourging the bleeding back into the proper fitness for a soldier's uniform ? Let us hear the answer of Mr. Cutlar Fergusson, a Liberal and something more—to this question. Here it is :---"The facts which are stated in the Report of the Military Commission are so incon trovertible, that it is not in the power of any Hon. Member to get up and point out any part of the Report that is defective. That evidence is o f a most triumphant character , and clearly s hows that flogging in the army cannot be abolished without reducing the power of military authorities, and.endaneering the dis cipline of the whole army." Mark the expression triumphant"—the apparent exultation which it im plies at finding it " clearly proved" that the British knout is to the army what the Patriot Whigs used to say in their after-dinner speeches, the " liberty of the Press" was to the body politic—" it is like the air we breathe, ii we have it not we (lie." If dereliction of principle in public men was to be punished in that way, the Whigs must have more of it than they could desire. They who abhorred military torture as brutal and unnecessary at a former time, have grown wiser as the world has grown older, and now find that, with out military torture, military discipline could not exist. It is true it may exist in the French army, in time Prus sian army, and even in that of Himiostan ; but in England, - says Mr. Cutlar Fergusson, the report of the military commission ttiumpliantly establishes the important truth that the British army has no other guarantee for its efficient existence but the drummer flourishing his blood-dropping scourge over the naked back of the writhing victim at the halberts. In the re cent discussion upon this question Captain Boldero very properly reminded the House that '' they had a practical and melancholy proof of the infifficiency of flogging in that disastrous event which had lately taken place in Spain. The argument of some was that the more the punishment the better the discipline of the soldiers .evould be. In the regiments under General Evans the lash was pretty freely exercised, not only under the authority of courts-martial, but under the provost system. How had it answered ? Was it efficient ? Quite the contrary. As soon as the men appeared in front of the enemy they made a rapid re treat, which was covered by abo'ut 400 British marines, to whom not one stripe had been administered where Evans had iqflicted tuenty ; so that the rule was, the fewer the stripes the better the discipline of the arm)." We wish that Evans had kept his engagement with " dear De Vear" and Co., and been " at his post," as Representative of Westminster, to answer this charge. We assisted to help Evans into Parliament by strong!) supporting him a g ainst Hobhouse, principally upon the ground of his declared hostility to the brutal prac tice of military flogging, in respect to which the once ultra-Radical Sir John Cam had " turned his back upon himself." We gave credit to Evans when he de clared himself an advocate for the total abolition of military torture, as well as for the repeal of the assessed taxes. Gracious Heaven ! how have we been duped! This man no sooner obtains a military command over some thousands of his unfortunate countrymen than he sets the flogging system vigorously to work ; more vigorously than ever has been known since the most barbarous times. Not content with putting that system to work under the precautionary control of courts-martial, lie places, according to Captain Boldero, the scourge in the hands of the provost-marshal to lace rate the backs of his " Westminster grenadiers," even without the form of a trial! It is true that officer must not exceed a certain number of lashes at a time, but that any petty despot should have it in his power to inflict a torturing and degrading punishment upon British subjects, at his own will and pleasure, excites our own unspeakable indignation and disgust. None but a modern " liberal" could sanction so tyrannical a practice. Flogged by their friends, starved by their allies, and shot by their enemies, who can wonder that the British mercenaries ran away upon the field of battle, and that of 15,000 of those miserable dupes of our non-intervention Government, little more than 3,000 now remain ? Mr. E. L. Bulwer, whom we never mistook for a Solon, distinguished himself in the debate on military flogging. How ? He professed him self a decided enemy to this species of corporal inflic tion, and humanely proposed to get rid of it by intro ducing a greater number of capital punishments in the army. This is a reform with a vengeance I That a man may not be flogged like a dog, Mr. Btalwer mercifully proposes that he should be shot like a dog. British soldiers have great reason to feel obliged to such an advocate for his tender re gard to their interests. We should like to see the Government that would, in or after this year, 1837, dare to increase the number of capital punishments either in our military or civil code. By annexing an impossible condition to the abolition of military flog ging, Mr. Bulwer is in reality an advocate for its s continuance. To hear a self -admiring ladies' novel writer talk so flippantly of putting ° brave ment death, as if human life was a matter of which heart less legislators and headless philosophers might dis pose as they please, is too bad. Both military and civil power used, indeed, to crush human beings in cold blood as if they were but insects for their sport or gust ; but such things will not be tole rated much longer. They who have not the ability to govern mankind by moral means, aided by such coercion as partakes not of brutality, torture, or the exterminating principle, will be considered un qualified to govern at all. This we may lay down as an incontrovertible truth—an axiom that cruelty in any shape is not necessary to the government of mankind. There was a time when our statesmen and legislators supposed that commercial credit could only be maintained by periodical immolation of scores of human beings in front of the Old Bailey. Those hor rible sacrifices were just as necessary to commercial the credit as the disgusting spectacle of the halberds—the knout-wielding drummer—the bleeding victi m , and the surgeon watching the ebbing of life , is to proper and efficient government of the British army. An episode which arose in the course of the debate upon military flogging requires a few words. The subject was introd uce d, in our opinion, most injudi ciously by Lord Howick, for the case ought to rest altogether on its own merits, and not have been dragged into the discussion upon a general question. We allude to the charge made by Colonel Bradley against Colonel Arthur, of having administered cor poral punishment in a novel and unusual manner. We presume not to prejudge that charge, but the public have a right to expect that it will be investigated. We agree with Sir H. Harding e that any officer guilty of such a crime should be dismissed the service for ever ; but we differ from him in thinking that the charge is one that can be disposed of upon ex parte statements. If Sir G. Grey be convinced of Colonel Arthur's in nocence, why oppose inquiry ? It is due to the ac cused as much as to the accuser that this serious charge should be fully and fairly investigated.—Morn.Herald. The new number of the London and Westminster Review supplies us with a synopsis of the " Parlia mentary conduct of the Radicals," from the same "W. M." who laid down for us in January the " Terms of Alliance between Radicals and Whigs." A large fortune and a little talent, a considerable fluency of common-place and a noble disregard of common sense, his boldness and his Baronetcy, have made Sir Wil liam Molesworth no inconsiderable man in that party which numbers amongst its members very few conspicuous either for their rank, their wealth, or their abilities. We, therefore, look with some interest for his trimestrial lu cubrations : and the more so since, in the expositions made by the leaders of the Movement of their pur poses and inclinations, we generally find our own views of what is passing around us pretty freely and fully con firmed. In his present essay, after recalling, in some brief paragraphs, the position in which Radicalism appeared to be placed at the commencement of the Session, Sir William proceeds to glorify the exertions which he con ceives it to have made upon the several questions which have successively roused its energies to action. He divides these questions into three classes ; " firstly, questions which involve no party considerations ; secondly, those in which Whigs and Radicals were combined against the Tories ; thirdly, those in which the Tories enabled the Whigs to defeat the Radicals." Of the questions " which involve no party considerations" Sir William particularizes only one, that of the introduction of poor laws into Ireland ; and as this—a measure of practical benevolence and genuine humanity —has had little to do with the " Parliamentary conduct of the Radicals,"l Sir William writes not two syl lables about the Radicals in the two pages which he writes about the poor laws. We take Sir William's statements of the views of our Bowrings and Ewarts to he valuable, because of such individuals he knows much ; but we take Sir William's theories of the uses of poor laws to be worthless, because of such topics he knows little. We will not trouble our readers, therefore, with more of his philosophy than they will find in the following exquisite sentence :—" Although the calcu lations on which Ministers rest their measure are altogether wide of the reark, and their remedy, in all human probe. bility, insufficient, without other auxiliary remedies, the measure is nut the less entitled to the warmest support." Let us proceed, with Sir William, to the questions " in which Whigs and Radicals were combined against the Tories." In his consideration of these questions, Sir Wil liam seems especially anxious t• establish a proposition from which we by no means dissent, that " when the Whigs and Radicals have been combined, the latter have this year taken the lead." There are two reasons for this undeniable superiority of the Radicals over the Whigs. The first is the simple fact, that the Radicals are much cleverer people than the Whigs. The talent of the Administration of the Whigs has evaporated with its respectability. Lord Stan ley, their readiest in the subtleties of debate ; Sir James Graham, their clearest in toe details of business, are both ours ; Lord Althorp, their most popular tactician, is fat tening his beeves in Northamptonshire ; Mr. Macauley, their most brilliant orator, is chewing . his curry at Calcutta. Greatness and littleness are only comparative terms. By the side of Lord Howick even Mr. Bulwer may not be little ; measured with Lord John Russell even Mr. Roe buck may be great. But there is another reason for the sorry figure which the Whigs make in the combined ma noeuvres. Whenever we find the Ministry and the Move ment fasting in concert, we may be sure that the measure they unite to support is a measure insisted upon by the Movement, and submitted to by the Ministry. They coalesce for the robbery of the tithes of the Irish Church ; but we remember Mr. Ward's resolutions, and know that they cannot voluntarily have been adopted by those who exposed and defeated them. They coalesce for the plunder of the rates of the English Church ; but we recollect the clauses of Lord Althorp's Bill, and have no difficulty in concluding that those who concurred in its introduction cannot voluntarily have introduced a scheme totally opposed to its principle. It is very natural that tire Radicals should support, with more success than the Whigs, measures which the Radicals support from in clination and the Whigs from necessity. When, therefore, Sir William Molesworth announces that on an occasion upon which the Ministry and the Movement happen to be together " the superiority of the Radicals over the Whigs is most apparent," lie no more startles us than he would by propounding that when the four horses of the team pull toge ther the leaders habitually go first. Upon the three great q uestions on which the Radicals are united with the Whigs against the Tories Sir William says many things of which the truth seems to us indisputable. For example, on the Irish Corporation Bill, " if they (the Conservatives) were to return to power they would find themselves unable to sus lain a position against municipal institutions far Ireland." Of course, the first measure of the Conservatives in office would be one which should give to Ireland full security for her Protestant Church and free exercise for her constitu tional law. Those evils which make Ireland unfit for mu nicipal institutions being removed, the Conservatives have no desire to " sustain a position" against their intrnduc tion. Again—" It is a matter of general belief that the appropriation clause will not be brought by the ilThigs bejiire the House if Commons this Session." It is, in deed, a matter of general belief—of belief expressed by ourselves almost before the King's Speech lay on the break fast table of our readers. Time will show the justice or injus tice of the expectation. Meantime we agree with Sir . William, that the Ministers " cannot give up that clause without degradation and dishonour," and that to abandon the prin ciples which it affirmed would be to acknowledge " that the contest was that of two factions struggling for power, in which principles were used merely as convenient pretests, and dropped when no longer needed." And of course, having repeatedly expressed the same opinion, we cannot differ from Sir William when he asserts, that " if the ap propriation clause should be abandoned, the sonic principle on the subject of Church property is distinctly asserted by the Church-rates Bill," and that all the hocus-pocus of Mr. Spring Rice, about increased value and created surplus, " clearly involves the position that Church property is na tional property." On many of these points Sir William Molesworth will have a battle to fight with Mr. S. Rice ; but " it is a very pretty quarrel as it stands," and it is not for us to interfere. And so Sir William comes at last to the ques tions " in which the Tories enabled the Whigs to defeat the Radicals." Remembering that at Leeds the other day he perfectly coincided with Mr. Baines, and declared the present Ministers the best that had ever dined in Downing street, we supposed that Isis scorn for Lord Melbourne would have been less intense, his hatred of Lord John Rus sell less bitter, than they had been in his philippic of Ja nuary. We find him, however, still in the angry vein, pro testing that the time is not come, if ever it come, " when the present Ministersshall cease lobe aristocrats at heart ;" that, except when under the urgent fear of the pressure from without, " they not only vote with the Tories, but put forth the hackneyed Tory pretences for so doing ;" that, instead of beating the drums and blowing the trum pets for the march of intellect, they " are always be hind the progress of events, and are always striving to impede that progress ;" and, finally, that, in their policy respecting Canada, he sees this Cabinet, Mr. Baines's Cabinet, the best Cabinet that England ever was blessed withal, capable " of an act worthy only of the Polignac Ministry I!!" These sentiments respecting the Melbourne Administration may be expressed by Sir Wil liam Molesworth with an unusual freedom ; but they are held by the mass of Sir William Molesworth's coadjutors with a common fervour. Turning to another page of the Baronet's Essay, we find the relative strengths of parties on several important divisions thus, we believe not incorrectly, measured. On the Bill for the Abolition of the Property Qualification the minority is stated to have consisted of 104 of the Movement party, the majority to have com prised 33 Members or friends of Government, and 101 Conservatives. On the motion for removing the Bishops from the Upper House, Ninety-two of the Movement are re presented to have been beat en by fift y - t h ree Members or friends of the Government—and 144 Conservatives. On the Ballot, the Movement counted 155 ; the Members or friends of the Government were 57 ; the Conservatives aided them with 210. Whatever superiority the Radicals may be entitled to claim over the Whigs in point of ability, their numerical advantages are certainly not less apparent. The statements and the in ferences of the review all tend to elucidate and confirm the theory which we have frequently of late dwelt upon. The Whigs, considered with reference to the old signifi cation of the title, are politically extinct. 'They have of fice, and nothing but office ; no power, no popularity, no influence, no friends. A crisis is approaching, which, from the day on which the Reform Bill received the Royal Assent, we have not ceased to anticipate—a crisis in which the struggle will be not between Whig and Tory, not between Reformers and anti-Reformers, but between the Republican principle on the one hand, and the Monar chical principle on the other.-2110, ning Post. The inhabitants of Hampton-row, near Bath, were recently much alarmed by a threatened inundation from the canal below which their houses aro situated. The water sud denly found its way through the bank at the bottom of the canal, as is supposed by the giving way of a covering to a sewer, or some other subterraneous channel. A great body of water poured into the road ; but Mr. Sumsin, who hap pened to be on the spot, prevented much injury from being done by throwing in a quantity of turf, which was quickly sucked into the hole, and the passage thus stopped. Q,OOO PRICES OF CANALS, DOCK STOCKS, ASSURANCE COMPANIES, &c. &c. &c. LONDON, FRIDAY, APRIL 7. Number Dividend Price of per CANALS, per Shares. Annum. Paid. Shire. 1,760 7 per cent. Ashton and Oldham....Average 97/.188. sh. 135 1,482 41. Ashby-de-le-Zouch Average 113/. sh. 65 1,260 Basingstoke lOOl. sh. 5i 1,005 51. Brecknock and Abergavenny 150/. sh. lOC 8,000 1-160. 91. 9s. Birmingham, 1 -16th share S.V. & 711. 218 4,000 ...... ... Ditto and Liverpool Junct...l2s/ sh. 100 pd 31 600 Bridgewater and Taunton ....100/. sh. all pd 64 400 4!. Chelmer and Blackwater • lOO/. sh. 101 500 43/. Coventry 1001. sh. 700 4,545 Croydon Average 311.23.103. *h. 3 2,0601 4/. Os. Dudley lOO/. sh. 7S (910 71. Derby 100/. sh. 122 20,000 3,5751 3/. Ellesmere and Chester Average 1331. sh. 80 231 40!. Erewash 'ON. sh. 6co 1,297 281. Forth and Clyde Average 4C01.165. sh. fOn 11,500 121. Grand Junction 100/. sh. 204 2,1 , 49 f 11. Grand Union 1001. sh. 2-e 1,500 Grand Surrey 120,000/. 4!. per cent. Ditto (optional) Loan lOO/. 70 80196 Grand Western 600 131. 12s. Bd. Glamorganshire, Average cost 172/. 13s. 4d. 230 749 10t. Grantham 150/ sh. 202 6,239 1!. 15s. Huddersfield Average 57/. Os. 6d. sh. 35 100 Kensingt - m 100 sh. all lA. 10 25,329 11. 2s. Kennet :.ad Avon, Average 391. 184.10 d. sh. 22 2,9971 201. Leeds and Liverpool 100/. sh. 540 5451 12/. Leicester l4O/. sh. 195 1,897 4/. 103. Leicester and Northampton... Aver C3l. 10s. 77 2,400 10/. Monmouthshire lOO/. sh. 200 50 161. Melton Mowbray 100/ sh. 200 500 251. Mersey and Irwell lOO/. sh. 560 , 3,000 11. 10s. Macclesfield 1001. sh. all pd. 54 247 171. Neat h 100/. sh. 325 1,786 301. Oxford lON. sh. 580 2,400 5/. Peak Forest Average about 791. sh. 104 91,418 12s. Regent's (or London) Aver. 331. 16s. Bd. sh. 16 5,669 61. per cent. I'iochdale Average 85/. sh. 119 500 81. Shropshire 125/. sh. 138 800 9/. 10s. Somerset Coal l5O/. sh. 148 3,600/. 41 per cent. Ditto Lock Fund Stock l'2l. 10e. sh. 111 700 40/. Stafford and Worcester l4O/. sh. 730 500 91. Shrewsbury 125/. sh. 243 300 81. Stourbridge 3,647 21. 07. Stratford-on-Avon ...Average 791. 9s. bd. sh. 50 533 12/. Swansea 1001. sh. 220 3,762 11. 4s. Severn and Wye and Railway...Av 35/. sh. 191 9,6101 sr,. 321. 10s. Trent an.l Mersey, 1 share 1001. sh. 150 8,149 Thames .:..n.I Medway... Aver. 19/. Se. 9d. sh. 2 1,0005 h./ ,u_ Warwick aotl Birmingham 100/. sh• 450 I ,0001 s h. 5 ' 960 EU. Warwick and Napton lOO/. sh. 180 6,000 4/. Os. Worcest , r and Birmingham...Av.7B/.81. sh 81 5,000 225. \Vilts an, Berks .. Average 67/. 10s. Bd. sh. 21 800 31, Wyrley and Essington 1251. sh 75 IW 905 V. Wey and Arun 110!. sh. 221 DOCKS. 2 ' 613 " 1 I 3 c. Commercial lOOl. sh. 56 1,6 o slsh. • ' • 491,667,1/. 6 per ct. Ea.t India Stock 114 3,233,31011. 50s. p. ct. London Stock 55 Ditto Bonds 1,380,0001. Si'. per ct. %Vest India 2,'20) 2/. 19s. Bristol 68,3241. 5/. per cent. Ditto Notes, various amounts ll5 1,352,752 4 per cent. St. Katharine Stock 90 500,000 41 per rent. Ditto Bonds l6O 200,000 4 per cent. Ditto Bonds for 10 years lOO Shoreham IL, i hour 2.500 ........ Deptford l'iet "01. sh. 31. BRIDGES. 1,600 Irs. Ilammersm , tl . 9/. sh. 221 7,231 Southwark, Old Av. 63/. 2s. &l. sh. 2 1,700 11. 15s. Ditto, New, of 7/ per cent. 5Ol. ail. 14 5,000 Waterloo 5,000 18s. Sd. Ditto, Old Annuities of 91. 6O/. pd 1111 5,000 Ids. Id. Ditto, New Ditto of 71 40/. pd 151 60,000!. 51. per cent. Ditto Bonds llB 6,000 17s Vauxhall Average 701. 10s. 3d. eh. 101 AS , URANCI , COMPA:ES. 3110 s Albion 5001. ch. 501. pd $0 • 50,000 r fn er ci c i e s l : . L l Alliance, British & Foreign 1001. sh. 10 1/. pd 12 ; 50,000 6 per cent. Ditto, Marine 1001. sh. 51. pd 5; 24,000 (1. per sh. Atlas 501. sh. Si. pd 13; 1,20015 h. Si. Birmingham 1 ire 2501. oh. 551. pd 105 20,000 41 per cent. British Fire 250/. sh. 50/. pd 41 12,1/00 61. per cent. British Comm , ..icial 501, th. 5/. pd 61 5,1)00 SI. per cent. Clerical, Medi al,Sec.l.ife, lOiLsh. 12/10s pd Si 4,000 21 10s County 1001. sh. 10/. pd 42 20,000 55.. Eagle 200 5 - 5 per 30/ cent hs.3 ...! Economic L i, 1000!. o h. 250/. pd 375 Land 2,271 225. percent. European Li. • r , O/. sh. all pd '22 50,000 2e. Ditto, New '2ol. sh. 21. p 4 1. 1,000,0001. 71. per et. Glohe 20,000 5/. Guardian lOO/. ch. 27;/ pd 531 10,000 6s. fid. Hope 50/. sh. :V. pd 61 2,400 5/. 7s. rid. Imperial hire '.OO/. sh. 50/. pd 121 7,500 9s. Imperial I.i le lOO/. sh. 101. pd 10 13,458 12s. per sh. Indemnity MA inc li 0/. sh. 8/. psi 16 2,020 Si 10s Keot Fire 50/. sh. all pd 82 Si. Ditto Life 10,"00 I Rs. Law Life 5 000 los. London, Fire 0 5/ oh. 12/. 100 pd 15; 3,9;0 10g. Louden, shy 0 51 oh. El. 10s. pd 15; 3,0 0 05 i . per cent. Palladium Lite 50/. sh. 2/. pd 2/ 8s Od 50,000 Protector Fite "II!. sh. 2!.. pd lSo 6d 2,5.00 1/. Provident L l ie lOOl. sh. 1:1. pd 2 ) 100,000 51. per cent. Rock Life 20/. sh. 'll. pd 6; 389,2201 5/. per cost. Royal Exch_lige '.to •k... 220 6,000 5 per cent. University I.tte lOO/. sh. 5/. pd 5; 50,001 4 per cent. United King,lom Life 2l. pd JOINT STUCK BANKS 25,000 Agric andCuan. of Ireland 25/. sh. 10/. pd 5,000 A list rala•in 4Ol. sh. 401. pd 11,00. 10 per cent. Bank of Biiiiiingliam ... s' 1. sh. lot pd 10,000 10 per cent. Bit mingh am Bank 5O/. sh. 51. pd 3' 1 ,000 5 per cent. London and 4.Vestminster...loo/ sh. 201. pd 3,000 4 per cent. Lancaster 100/. sh. 2"/. pd 25,4)00 Li vet pool.. lOOl sh. 10!. pd 50,000 8 per sent. Manchester and Liverpool l 100/. oh. 15/ pd Discount 21,000 71 per cent. Manchester 100/. sh. 251 pd 20,000 Provincial Bank of Ireland :00/. sh. 251. pel 20,-10 National Bank of Ireland -50/. sh 171/. pd 10,000 5 per cent. National Provincial Eng. -1001. sh. nt. pd 19,000 Gloucestershire 5Ol. sh. 111. pd 6,000 lOper cent. Hampshire 50!. eh. 5/. pd GAS LIGHT AND COKE COMPANIES. 2,500 115 s 6d Bath 5,000 British 4Ol. sh. 1(1!. pd 5, ,,.. A c5/.percenti Ditto Provincial 20!. sh. 19 pd '''''-' /and 80. ss. 923 5110. Birmingham sol.'sh. 4,250 2! Oa Bristol 2o'. sh. 1,500 8' 10s Brighton '2ol. sh. 750 31 lus Ditto, New 2O/. sh. 151. pd 2,471 5 per cent. Brighton General 201. oh. all pd 4,000 41. Continental Cansolidated lOOl. 6211. pd 1,000 10/. City of London lOO/. ch. all pd I,l'oo 6/. Ditto, New 4,000 4/. 10s. Equitable .. r 0, 4 ,00 2/ per cent. Imperial 5O/. sh. 800 54 per cent. Isle of Mallet VV. oh 201. pd 2,350 8/. per cent. I ndependent 9Ol. sh. all pd 9,009 51. per cent. Phoenix . 5O/. sh. 39/. pd 1,000 41. per cent. Ratcliff 4,0 , 0 South Metropolitan 5Ol. sh. 111. poi 8,200 5!. per cent. United General 5O!. sh. 46/. pd 240 5!. per cent. Warwick 501. sh. 400 51. per cent Wakefield 25/. oh. 12,010 3/. Westminster Chartered 6,000 12s. Ditto New 5(l. sh. 10/. pd BCO4 Yarmouth 201. sh. 181. pd WATER WORKS. 4,500 9s. Birmingham 25/. sh. 551. pd 4,443 6/. East London 10)/. sh. 5,500 21 10s Grand Junction ....Average 41/ 130. 4d. sh. 2,000 21. Kent lOO/. sh. 372 101. Liverpool Bootle 2201. sh. 1,500 2/ 10. New Inver London Bridge Water Annuities 13,416 1/ 15s Manchester and Salford lOO/. oh. 500 4 per cent. South London 100!. sh. 5,204 3/. West Middlesex ....Average 63/. 128. 9d. sh. 1,380 1114. York Building Co. Lessee Prop 1001. sh. IRON RAILWAYS. 6,000 Birmingham and Derby 10!. pd 9,500 Birmingham and Gloucester le/ pd 7,500 Birmingham, Bristol, and Thames Junction 15,000 ... ...... Bristol and Exeter lOOl. sh. spd 660 Calcutta and Saugur 5Ol. sh. 2/. pd 7,500 Cheltenham and G. Western...lool. oh. 711. 3,000 Clarence lOO/. sh. 100/. pd 12,000 8,001 ... ...... Dublin and Kilkenny 100/. sh. 21 pd 60,000 Eastern Counties '2sl. sh. 2/ pd Grand .)unction 100/. sh. 501. p i Great North of England 7l. pd ••• ..... • 25,000 Great Western IOU sh. 401. pd 2,000 Hartlepool mot. sh. 1001 pd 8,000 Hull and Selby 5O/. sh. 51. pd 10,000 Leeds and Manchester 1001. sh. Si. pd 7,100 Leeds and Selby 10(1 sh. 1,500 Leicester and Swannington ....501. sh. all pd 5,100 10 per cent. Liverpool and Manchester...lo( /. sh. 100/. pd Ditto Quarter Shares "5/. pd 10,000 ... ...... London and Brighton lOO/. sh. 51 pd 45,000 Ditto ditto (Gibbs') ...20/ sh. 11. pd 16,001) Ditto ditto (Rennie).*so/. sh. 51. pi 8,001 Ditto ditto (Cundy)...lool. sh. Si. pd 12,000 London and Blackwell 501. oh Si pd 20,000 3 per cent. London and Greenwich "0/. oh. 20/. pd 25,000 London and Birmingham ...100/. sh. 751. pd 2.0,(100 London and Southampton 501. sh. 351. pd 7,000 ......... London and Croydon 50/. sh. 15/. pd 12,000 London Grand Junction 5 1. sh. 3/. pd 10,000 Manchester South Union lON. sh 51. pd North Midland 1001. sh. 1 , /. pd Northern and Eastern lOOl. sh. 3/. pd 2,600 Preston and Wyre 501. oh. 51. pd 25,000 South Eastern and Dover 7l. pd 1,1100 61. per cent. Stockton and Darlington lOOl. sh. 9,000 ... ...... Thames Haven 5O!. oh. 21. 100. pd 1,400 Westminster and Greenwich 501. sh. 2/. pd 6,000 York and North Midland 5O . sh. 3!. pd MINES. 8,000 Albion Copper Si. sh. 34/. pd 4,000 11. Ss. Alten 151. sh. 121. lOs pd 10,000 ... ..... Anglo Mexican, iss. Si. pm.... 100/. sh. all pd Ditto Subscription 25/. pd 2,000 10,000 11. 10s Brazilian Imp. iss. 5/. pm ..... 351. sh. 20/ lxi 6,0.0 Macaubas & Cocaes United 25/. sh. 230. pd 11,000 Ditto St. John Del Rey VOL sh. 841. pd 10,000 Bolivar Copper Company. 201. sh. 20!. pd 10,000 Ditto Scrip IN. sh. 8/. pd 20,000 British Iron 5O!. ill. 50/ pd 6,000 British Copper Cata Branca 9/. pd Candonga 751. pd 10,000 11. Copiapo 2Ol. 6h 1241 pd 8,500 Columbian, iss. 5/. pm. 2,850 31. English 20,000 General Mining Association-20/. sh. 15/. pd 6,155 Mexican Company 10')/. sh 5441. pd 3,009 Polberou Consols 10/. eh. 8/. pd 11,500 Real del Monte, Unregistered Ditto Loan Notes l5Ol. pd 30,000 ... ...... United Mexican, iss. 2 pm. _AO/. sh. all pd Dit , t. Scrip Ditto New Scrip 5/ pd West Cork 50/. sh. 501. pd LITERARY INSTITUTIONS. 1,000 London, with Bronze Ticket 75gs. sh. 1,500 London University 1001. sh. all pd 700 King' College 100/. pd MISCELLANEOUS. 10,000 15s. Australian Agricultural....loo/. sh. 211/. pd 6,000 61. per cent. British American Land Company 23/. pd 10,000 61 per cent. Canada Company 101/. sh. 24/. pd 200,000 51. per cent. Upper Canada Loan City Bonds, 4 per cent 15,000 11. 6s. General Steam Navigation ...15/ sh. 13/. pd 101. per cent. Hudson's Bay Stock 2,000 11. London Corn. Sale Rooms Av. 751. sh. 8,000 Caoutchouc Company ..25/. eh. 2il. pd New Brunswick 'Land Company 431. pd 2,754 5/. per cent. Reversionary Interest 50c...100/. sh. 100/. pd 2,633 51. per cent. Ditto New 100/. sh. 451. pd 4,001 10,000 36 16 341 95 101 2,4 LIST OF SCOTTISH COMPANIES' PRICES. APRIL 6, 1837. BANKS. 4500,0011. 61. p. et. Bank of Scotland 5131. 6s, Bd. ah. all pd 19oi. 6,000,0 X/. 54 p. ct. Royal of Scotland 100/ sh all pd 156/. 500.0)0/. 6p. ct. British Linen Company 100/.sh. :al pd 23 6 1. 3,000,0061. 6/. p. Ct. Commercial 5OOl. sh. 100/. pd 1751. 5,000,000/. sp. et. National lOO/. sh. 101. pd !W. 2,000,0001. 51. p. ct. Glasgow Union 250/. sh. 501. pd 68/. 4,000,001. 4p. et. Western of Scotland 2001. sh 30/. pd 3611. INSURANCE COMPANIES. 25 , 1.0005 h. 61 p. ct. Scottish Union 20/. eh. /.pd 25a - ,506 bp. ct. Hercules lOOl. sh. 101. fxl 14! os. 1 0 0,000 sp. ct. Insurance Co. of Scotland _JO/. sh. all pd Sl. 50,04 6p. Ct. North British 9 00/. sh. 101. pd It 1. 1,000 sp. ct. Caledonian Fire 1001. sh. 10/. pd 16/53 5,000 6p. et. Edinburgh Life 1001. ah. 10/, p 4.1: 14/104 00,000 . ...,_ lO/. pd 710: MISCELLANEOUS. 4,810 Edin. and • 1.7 ............... sh, ail pd 2.21. Ditto Allocated sh. all pd. 651. 5,400 5 per cent. Edinb.:Joint Steck Watet....25/. sh. all pd Carron Iron Cuiiipany 250/. sh. all pd 2,0005 h 15 per cent. Shutts Iron Founuery 501 . sh 3' 1 .0 44! 10,000 3 per cant. Edi n b urg h & L eith Glass 2O/. s b . IXI 4,500 10 per cent. Edinburgh Coal Gas „.„264 ih. all pd 55/ 4,450 10 per cent. Glasgow Gas '750 7} per cent. Leith Co I Gas 201. sh, all pr 4 454. 1,`i06 ..... Lclinburgh and Dalkeith Co!. 3 . 000 per ctat. Equittible Loan Cvuleany 45t 41. Sll tAI 1041 MONEY MARKET When we stated yesterday (Friday) that a conference had been held with the Chancellor of the Exchequer by the Go vernor and Deputy-Governor of the Bank of England, we were aware that a firm in the American trade was in the great est difficulty, and had applied for assistance ; but as the ad journed meeting of the Directors did not terminate until past seven o'clock, and as nothing transpired in the city, we re frained from alluding to it until it was ascertained what was their decision on the subject, and the object of the Bank in ap plying to Mr. Spring Rice. Not to mention the name of the house in direct terms, now that it is so publicly spoken of, but leave it to conjecture, would be doing injustice to others. It appears, then, that Messrs. George Wilde and Co., in consequence of the non-arrival of packets with remittances, and other causes, found it impossible to meet the engagements coming due to-day ; and, to be brief, told the Bank that un less a considerable sum was advanced to them, they must stop payment this morning : stating, at the same time, that they were totally unprepared to tender any other guarantee than their personal security. The system of the Bank of England, it is well known, has always been to refuse, unhesitatingly, to make advances except upon approved securities, so that the application of itself was a novel one ; but as it was represented to them that an awful state of things might be brought about by their withholding succour, the request was taken into consideration. After much discussion, it was resolved that the Government should be made ac quainted with the business, and the meeting, as we stated, adjourned until half-past five for that purpose. No propo sition, it appears, was, however, made to the Government, and the only remark which fell from the Minister was that he supposed they knew what to do. After this waste of time, so precious to the credit of Messrs. Wilde, it was de termined, but not without much opposition, that the Bank should take upon itself the liabilities of the firm and wind up its affairs. This is, indeed, an important step, and wholly at variance with the rules of the Bank. . When difficulties such as are now experienced in this country, and affording but a short time for reflection, have to be decided upon, it is hard to give general satisfac tion ; and however the Directors have erred in the present in stance, it must, in a spirit of justice, be acknowledged, that they have shown an anxiety to what in the sequel should be best for all parties. An instance of this was the prompt man ner in which they adopted the proposition, which we explained circumstantially a few days since, of offering terms to the Bank of the United States, by which that establishment would be enabled to furnish bills of undoubted solidity to such as have remittances to make to England ; thereby re moving one of the greatest impediments to a quick and sa tisfactory liquidation of outstanding matters. The answer of the Bank of the United States to this proposition, which was forwarded to America at the close of March, may be expected by the middle of May, and offering, as it does to that establishment a good field for a profitable return, little doubt is entertained that the opportunity will be taken advan tage of.—Morning Chronicle. DkIaTITUTION IN ORKNEY.—" Famine has al ready commenced, as several families are in want of the com mon necessaries of life, having neither meal nor potatoes in their houses. Before midsummer, I fear that two-thirds of the population will be in circumstances of destitution. Several families have been reduced to live on limpets and wilks (shell fish), without bread, which I fear will ultimately prove more mortal in its effects than the famine itself. Others have been confining themselves to two meals a-day, and some to a certain allowance of meal, scarcely sufficient to support nature. What will become of these poor people God only knows, as there is scarcely any here who can assist his neighbour." We trust such affecting statements will induce individuals still to come forward in aid of their fellow-men, under such calamitous cir cumstances.—Edinburgh Courant. A young woman, Mary Ann Cutts—being the fourth now in custody on similar charges—was examined be fore the Magistrates at Chelmsford, on Tuesday, on suspicion of setting fire to premises at High Hall, in Tollesbury. Miss Harriet Rand, who resides with her brother and sister at High Hall farm, stated that betwen six and seven in the evening of the 30th of March, she was sitting by the parlour fire friend, when the prisoner, who was in her service, ran in and ex claimed, " Lord, ma'am, there's a fire." Witness ascertained that it was a lean-to at the back of the house, which had a quantity of wood and straw in it, and to which the prisoner wag running, when she pulled her back, to take a pail of water. Witness then went with her to the spot, when she found a Mrs. Barfield had succeeded in extinguishing the fire. As the men had all gone home before the fire broke out ; witness suspected the prisoner, and she immediately set about exa mining very closely the place where the fire broke out; in do ing so she found part of a match, which she produced, and which she believed was one from a bunch which was then it the tinder-box in the house, and on comparing them she found they exactly corresponded, which greatly strengthened he] suspicion, as the prisoner was the only person who I:ad the use of the box. The prisoner was a stranger to witness when she came into her service, which was about the 14th of Feb ruary, and about a fortnight after a fire, the origin of whict had never been discovered, broke out in the farm-yard, con. suming the whole of the out-buildings. The prisoner was re. manded. She is about sixteen years old.—Chelmsford Chro , nick. The Jutnna, Robinson which arrived at Liverpool on Wednesday, sailed from Canton on the 18th of December having made the passage from port to port in the short spat( of three months and a half. The edict expelling the " barbao rians" had not, of course, been enforced by the Chinese autho. rities ; it was a mere brutum fulnten. The dispute between the teamen and the Hong merchants had been ended by compromise between the parties. A scale of prices had beer agreed to, the trade was generally open, and shipments hat commenced, though much difficulty was likely to arise in th( adjustment of qualities to the respective grades, while th( inferior classes of congous were expected to rule at prices tot high for investment for the English market. The arrivals 01 silk had been moderate, and prices kept up. The demand foot articles of import was moderate. There was little inquiry foi white cotton cloths, as prices were declining ; but for gra.) goods there were sonic inquiries at former rates. Cotton yarn was very dull of sale. The demand for camlets had been ver: trifling, and it was difficult to effect sales. The inquiry foi woollens was also trifling, and the sales had been few. Th , opium market was in a state of complete stagnation. The ex. change on London was steady at 4s. 11d. per Spanish dollar Freights to England were 5/. ss. per ton. ._ SILVER WATCHES TWO GUINEAS EACH An Assortment of Second-hand Watches, all of them warranted and of various sizes, may be selected from, for the above price, a T. COX SAVORY'S, Working Silversmith, Goldsmith, and Watchmaker, 47, Cornhal London. N.B. A pamphlet, containing a detailed list of the prices c Plate, Plated Goods, Watches, Clocks, &c., may be had gratis, 0 will be forwarded in answer to a post-paid application. __..... 818 THS. On the 6th inst., the lady of Gillery Pigott, Esq., of Sydenhan , Kent, of a daughter. On the 7th inst., in South Lambeth, Mrs. Charles L. Francis of a son. On the 7th inst., in Guildford-street, Mrs. Marcus Martin, of daughter. On the 7th inst., at Camberwell, the lady of the Rev. T. Wen M.A., Head Master of the Royal Naval School, of a dauhter. On the 7th inst., at Clapham-common, the lady of John Hurt' phery, Esq., M.P., of a son. On the 4th inst., in Hatton-garden, Mrs. Michael Danko, 0 1 daughter. MARRIED. On the 30th ult., at the British Embassy, Paris, John Welsfori Cowell, Esq., to Frances, second daughter of J. Maberley, Esq. On the 29th ult., at Kingston Church, Portsea, Mr. Adolph' Von Kummer, of Gosport, to Mary Elizab e th, e ld es t d a ughter c the late Captain W. Pickford, of London, formerly of the Hon. Eld India Company's Service. On the oth inst., at St. Mary's, Bryanston-square, the Rev. St Vincent Love Hammick, Vicar of M e lt on Abb o tt, D evon shire, al l , second son of Sir Stephen Love Hammiek, B ar t., t o Mary, datig" ter of R. Alexander, Esq., of Gloucester-plac e . On the 6th inst., at Brighton, the Rev. Thomas William Ca n Incumbent of Southborough, Kent, to Jo anna M ar i a , daughter the Hon. Mrs. Childers, of Brighton. DIED. On the 23d ult., in Hatton-garden, Thos. Danks, Esq., age d 51 On the 3d inst., at Clayhill, Epsom, aged 85, James Bell, EA" late Senior Director, and only survivor of the original Proprietor of the Phenix Fire Office. On the sth inst., at Liverpool, Adam Lodge, Esq., aged 67. i . On the Ist inst., at Britannia -terrace, L on d on , aged 21, Cit,a r a ',l Nicol, son of the late Captain John T unes , o f hi s Majesty's °u . " Regiment of Foot. On the 2d inst., aged 39, Anne, widow of Mr. T. F. }W ye/ of the Three Tuns Tavern, Borough. On the 7th inst., at Lee, Kent, Harriet, wife of the Rev. Georg' lioek. On the sth inst., at Liverpool, Adam Lodge, E sq ., age d 67. ~ On the 4th inst., at Wi nc h es t er , th e R ev. Jo h n R aws torn Par' lon, of Leaden, Essex, and Rector of Chawton, Hants, aged 7 4 . ~ n On the 4th inst., at her s-in-law's, (Mr. Gastineau) Cambe' well, Mrs. Schultz, aged A f r, eer On the sth inst., a ge d 37 t h , C at h er i ne Eli sa b et h , wife o f ~ Esq Willett, Esq., of N orw i c h , an d on l y d aug h ter o f E . Sparsh'"Ther On the sth inst., aged 52, Ann, wife of Joseph Margeste A . son, Esq., of llitehin, Herts. .t t ele) On the sth i ns t., J o h n , secon d son o f t h e l ate R ev . H. " D.D., of Oakelev, Shropshire. Wro On the 9th of becemb er l as t, at Wh am p oa , China, Calla. ; ° s ci, Coles, commander of the ship " Canton," son of James Coles, of Old 'Change, and Clapham-c Har ommon. On the 3d inst., at White t-lane, Tottenham, M r " JAW Robert Cassell, of Old-street, aged 52. On the 4th inst., aged 2.5, Maria, wife of John Morford Esq., of Leamington. . 01 On the 4th inst., Mrs. F. Webb, of Upper Sussex-plac e' Kent-road, aged 34. . whit On the sth inst., Ann, the wife of Mr. Edwin Esam, a mere-eetta,v, Hoxton. nfie e On the 4th inst., at Richmond, twelve days after 'her ee aip i, ment of a daughter, still-born, Sarah, the beloved Wife of Ben' Blyth, Mus. Doc., aged 41. ea 3 g ' On the 27th ult., in Lower Grosvenor-place, at an a dvert Mr. Hugh Jones. ed 56 On the 29th ult., in Edinburgh, M;, 9 Jemima B. Arrow,i.t.g A ro ., On the 26th ult., at Clifton, S:srah, widow of the late J -". strong, ALD., of Russell-sqe: d re, London. Fla me' hn ti At the Rectory, Cha! 4 .;.,rd, Devon, Grace, relict of Jo , / lig Esq., of Croydon, dP.ughter of the late Geo. Hayter, Esq ;. ; , °_',,, e d 81 gate, and neice Qi the late Thos. Hayter, Bishop of Londo_ .e 1 : . 16 0f Si On the Irst inst., at Hastings, Anne, the eldest daught r Robert and Lady 13romley. Esc. , aged 85 On the 4th inst., in Tavtstock-place,Thos. Hasker, , r , for web , On the ‘sth inst., aged 53, John Entwisle, Esq., li e l' ent • s _poirk Cottlo da1e,........ ! o:tjo...._xh±,L..anoasl . liro, and of York-terrace , L o i n t d 2 o , n s : _ a N I I , Qf Mitittlesez.—Monday, Aril 10, 11:337. trPauridn,teadt and d ie P Su ub n li O si ftl ie Office, ,b No. 0 11 . 1 U H R 2 D , S°traYti.l),UfnNtGbc° eloar t t THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY, APRIL 10, 1832.