The Sun. — London, England, 1852-11-12 00:00:00

and on the very last occasion on which he addressed them to speak of him in those terms, but because, as one pr ;nape of the older mem bers of their Lordships' House, h e (the Noble Marquis) remembered the time of the wl sole of the Noble Duke's military and Parlia mentary caeeer. (Cheers.) It bad struck him (the Noble Marquis) th at he stood in a somewhat peculiar position in addressing them upon this subject, for it might not be known to many of their Lordships—for there w ere not many living who could recollect the cir cunastanco—but forty-six or forty-seven years ago—then a young man in official and parliamentary life—he was permitted and authorized by his colleagues of that time, to call upon the other House to do justice to the me mory, and to provide for the family of one of the greatest heroes that ever lived, and with whom alone i n the military history of this country, the Noble Dnke was to be compared. (Cheers.) It was in 1807 that, at a moment of great di culty, and at a great crisis in ' the military affairs of this nation—the country was condemned by the stroke of fate to lose the services of the greatest admiral that ever distinguished this country and who had fallen— " --From his high estate, And welt'ring in his blood." (Cheers.) There was then, as now, but one unanimous feeling on the subject; but when he (the Noble Marquis) addressed the H 01139 of Commons both he and arose whom he addressed were bat imperfectly aware that at the very moment when that great man who had raised the naval power of this country to its highest pinnacle Hof lyingf perfection and glory was dead, there was rising in the east another man who was destined to perform the saline great service to the army of England, and whose unremitting energy and great pract ical skill were after wards to assert the dignity of this country, and to esta blish that character which the British army—as well under his peaceful command as under his military career—had never since forfeited. • (Loud cheers.) Such were these two great men. Differing undoubtedly from each other in various details of their characters, they resembled each other in all that was excellent and noble. Both directed their attention to one great object—neither of them was indifferent (as who was ?) to the praise of othees, bat neither ever allowed that praise to divert him for a moment from the service of his country, the honour of the crown, and the safety of the people. (Loud cheers.) He (the Noble Marquis) felt proud, and any man might feel proud. to have lived with such contemporaries. (Cheers.) He had been reminded of that expression which was to be found in one of the most English poets we had, when he adverted to the great men of his own time. Speaking of the character of England and of Englishmen, he said that it was enough for him " That Chatham's language was his mother tongue, And Wolfe's great name compatriot with his own." (Loud cheers.) He (the Noble Marquis) felt proud, and he thought an Englishman ought to feel proud of his times and of his country, when he had lived to see in the same age such men and such actions directed to the public good. (Great cheering.) In selecting these great men as the glory of our age and of our time, he slid not mean to overlook the fact, that during the same period there had arisen genius of another kind—that the arts and sciences had not been dormant, bat that men of great capacity, industry, and intelli gence, had essentially contributed to the prosperity and wealth of the country. But let them recollect when they were culled upon to do honour to the head of the mili tary profession, that that prosperity and that wealth would cease to be secure unless it was protected. (Loud cheers.) For, be it remembered, that to whatever pitch or height the mateuFacturing and commercial industry of this country might be raised, and whatever accumula tion of capital might find its way to our shores, that capital and that industry would disappear at once, and instead of attracting the eye, would attract the repacity of the world, it it was for a moment supposed to be de fenceless. (Loud cheers.) Let them be assured that, in the present state of the world, end in that state in which it must long continue to remain, it was not merely to industry, science, and art, or to anything of a pacific character, that they could long look for the glory end safety of the Crown and of the realm, unless they made up their minds to protect it efficiently. and to show that we were not only the most industrious but one of the most powerful nations in the world. (Cheers.) Ile had thought it right to say so much, and he associated these observations with the names of men who, in his opinion, had done more then any men ever had done to bring forth and to strengthen the power and efficacy of our resources. (Loud cheers.) He did net think himself called upon to dilate more particularly upon the actions of the illustrious man whom we hod lost. If that were requisite he should wish to leave the task to noble lords of greater eloquence and ability; hat he did not conceive that it was at all necessary, for those actions had taken their places in the history of the world—they were pre sent in all our minds—they were familiar to all recollec tions, and they wore eneroven upon all men's hearts. (Loud cheers.) He (the Noble Marquis) was not inclined to enter upon the various topics which had been se care fully introduced into the royal speech, that he did not sup pose the house woule have to pronounce any distinct opi nion upon them. He certainly could have wished there had been a less faltering declaration of the views of her Ma- I jesty's Government with reF.pect to those great questions of commercial policy which had been alluded to. After the time which bad elapsed, after all the experience they bad had, and after all the facts and the arithmetic which had been brought forward since the question bad first come before them, Ise should have thought that not only the country, but her Majesty's Government, might have been able to form an opinion on the subject. (Cheers.) Aiding himself in the construction of the speech by the remarks of the noble Marquis, he thought that her Ma jesty's Government had at length been satisfied that what they now called the "recent legislation," had had its fair share in producing the prosperity of the country. (Cheers.) Perhaps they did net wish, as the officers of the ship, to be the first to abandon her; and they had the gallant feeling that when the ship was sinking, they ought to be the last seen on deck. (Cheers . ) He did not see any desire to keep the ship afloat: he did not see any desire, either in that House or the country, to en courage them to stand by what was called the good old cause. He was ready to take admissions in any way, direct or indirect admissions, admissions by insinuation or admission by hint; they were all equally valuable, coming as they did in different shapes and in different degrees, from most, if not all, of the leading persons in and out of that House, who had for years advocated protection. He hoped he was not mistaken in supposing that her Majesty's Ministers entertained the view not only that the Free-trade legislation had been attended with the happiest effects, but that it was necessary to pursue that legislation in the same spirit and on the same principle, and then they would be entitled to the support of every man in the country who had advocated free trade. He did not wish to enter into discussion as to the details of the question. Other opportunities would arise. He had heard with great satisfaction of the support which had been given for the last two or three years by the Government of Brazil to the efforts for the suppression of the slave trade, and that in conse quence our Government had been enabled to suspend their restrictive measures. There was no amendment so great as that which sprung from a Government itself be coming convinced of the duty it owed to the cause of humanity. That was one of the objects to which he attached great importance, and one which he knew would give great satisfaction to the country. Lord BROUGHAM said upon the subject of the slave trade, and the other subjects to which his noble friend had adverted, be entirely agreed with him that they could better discuss them on a future occasion. It might be misconstrued if he were not to say a word on that at once glorious and painful topic to which the Noble Lord had adverted. There would have been no risk in foretelling that when this day unhappily should come, when he whose loss they all deplored was no more, every whisper of detraction would be hushed, and one voice would reverberate throughout the kingdom to ac knowl,_,,dge his transcendent merits. Tho result had sur passed expectation. All classes of his fellow. citizens, all descriptions of persons, without distinction of rank, or of sect, or of party, at home and abroad, the countries he served, the allies he saved, the adversaries he encoun tered, partly on a just recollection of benefits, partly on a generous oblivion of differences, had all joined in one unbroken, uninterrupted accord to acknowledge his teanscendani merits, not the merit of genius merely,— not that which dazzled men—his extraordinary and almost marvellous fortune ; but, what he placed first and foremost in this great character, and that which was worthy to b© ever held up for the attention as well as the admiration of mankind, his great public virtue, the con stant self-denial, the constant abnegation of all selfish feeling, that distinguished his whole career, and which never for one instant interfered with that strict, rigor ous, and constant discharge of his duty, whatever station he might be call e d u po n to fulfil. (Cheers.) Ho had a right to say that this public virtue was even more to be revered than his genius and good fortune were to be ad mired. Deeply more as they now felt his loss, they would yet " s ""Dly feel it. He entirely agreed with the noble mo ver and the noble . seconder of the address in what interferest said • st as to our having no right whatever to W© had no p theeeysible right to complain the internal affairs of other countries. Lion which ruler whom of any institu theratt have adopted, or to disparage any them, but noble K,r4d chosen to set in authority over that we lay under no wouldoil forgiv e hi m a l so f or a ddi ng words rather th an lig a ti on whatever to regard the our own Government ee " ar o. '" of any Government, be it t, ay other. And he could not h e lp thinking that hferziomci e alsewhere, where there was G rational desire for vided for thet unspeakable blerassight security was pro the p, 3opie n t l , by ere© discussion subjects. Now, being allowed among by whatever prevented free discussion, eltrYthat Was impaired discussion,T hos, he was bound to admit, that that teezl:. great secu rity subject and in whate,:ny upon - measures to a certain i n ley deg m r i e 4 e ht im b p e ai p re e d riec t : y a Y: rity of fragom. might bo right or they might be wron g last, t hey necessary to prevent riaiscliijr ( T teight be absolutely `Pith they y impotent to prevent it. might be absolute Was no We it w as wholly and entirely foreign to had and could have no possible concern •it tha t business of ours ; us. We are bound, as bystanders , as s p ectator s , not to interfere, not even to object, but to lament, that anything should have happened in the policy of any foreign state which in any way lessened nd trusted that all H fear the revival of war. t hat prdotection. He did not He hop t further, and ( Wen such days wer e f ar di s tant ,e be wen Nevertheless , it said he believed th ere wou ld be none• was our right, it was our bounden duty, to take should fully and all such measures, and all suc h precau tions, as effectually serve for our el fence against happily occur. (Hea r , b ear. ) And not only shells. ,_ a it, should it t w in ; discharge our duty by s o d o i ng , b u t we should rend er very proper tribute to that great man whose less we now deplore—that tribute which he hicaseli would have praised—if we promptly and strenuously set about fol lowing the advice which he so often and so urgently THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, NOVEMBER 12, 1852. Noble Marquis—a spirit which will induce members of Parliament to look at great subjects of national import ance—not through the medium of this or that section or party, and not through the medium of private interests; but that they will look at them as that great man we have so lately lost would have looked at them, through the medium of that which would, on the whole, be tor the advantage of the great interests of the country, of those interests of which not a Ministry alone, but of which both Houses of Parliament are the natural reposi tories. On that point, my Lords, I need say no more. With regard to the question on which I have dwelt so long, I have frankly stated that we will endeavour as honestly to carry cut that policy to which we formerly objected, as far as we had been the authors of that policy; and, on the other hand I say as distinctly, that I will abstain from no effort which, in my judgment, and in that of my colleagues, may be calculated to lessen the inevitable injury inflicted or those who suffer from the effects of that policy the nation has finally adopted. (The Noble Earl resumed his seat amid general cheering.) The Address was then adopted. On the motion of the - First Minister, Lord Redesdale was re-appointed Chairman of Committees of their Lordships' House. Their Lordships then (at a quarter to eight) ad journed. pressed upon us, promptly and effectually set about pro viding for the defence of the country, not neglecting but cheriahipg ancient alliances, alliances very valuable when not forced or purchased, but which had their origin in a common interest, and to be maintained by constant good offices, and scrupulous good faith, good faith as between Government and Government, and good offices as between people and people. (Cheers.) The Earl of DERBY—Before I proceed to any other of the topics upon which it may be afterwards necessary to trouble your Lordships, there is one topic which I am sure all anticipate that it is impossible for me to avoid touching on shortly, and it shall be very short indeed, because that topic is one that is foremost in the minds not of your Lordships only, but of every man in the country, and almost, I might say, of every nation in the world. It is impossible that we should reassemble here without remembering and deploring the great loss we have sustained. As I rose to address your Lordships my eye instinctively turned to the head of this table; bat I miss there the once familiar face, with his hand up• raised to assist the infirmity of his hearing, as conscien tiously and laboriously he sat to listen to the observations of the humblest member of your Lordship's house. Again I see him rising amid the greatest silence of your Lordships, and with faltering accents, with no studied eloquence, but with a power that grasped and seized, ay it were intuitively, upon the very marrow of the matter in hand, slowly and deliberately dropping, as it were, among your Lordships, the pithy and sententious words of matured sagacity, of matured experience, and matured wisdom. His unparalleled achievements in the field, his possession of all :he qualifications which mark the great military leader, his sagacity in council, his unswerving loyalty, his deep and unparalleled devotion to the in terests of his country—all these are already written in the undying pages of history—all these are already graven upon the grateful hearts of an unforgetting people, But, alas! he is gone to another and a better place, and with all reverence be it spoken, there peaceful and happy be his state. In the course of his long life, in the battle. field at the head of his troops, in the con gress of monarchs, in the councils of his nation, in the cabinet of his colleagues, in the closet of his sovereign, in the assembled parliament, unseduced by the lustre of his own bright name and undazzled by the splen dour of his own transceadant glory, he steadfastly resisted listening to the aspirations of any wider ambition, and east away from him as unworthy of consideration thoughts of personal interests. My Lords, from such a subject I turn with regret to subjects it may be of far lower interest, yet subjects, as the noble marquis has said, of very considerable importance. [His lordship then paid a tribute of admiration to the noble mover and seconder of the address for the ability they had displayed, and thanked the noble marquis (Lansdowne) for the friendly tone in which he had spoken. He proceeded to say]—lt s a source of satis fectiou to me that the address is not in the course of the discuselon likely to had to any difference of opinion. Nor do I at all complain of the humour and the irony with which the noble marquis has treated one part of the subject. It is necessary for me now to state to your lordships the view of her Majesty's government. I thank the noble marquis and my noble and learned friend for the language they have held with regard to the state of our foreign relations, for I concur with them that while it is our duty to abstain, in the slightest degree, from interfering with the internal affairs of any other nation, while I recognize to the fullest extent the right of every nation to regulate its own affairs, I, look ing not to the language alone, but to the acts also of foreign nations, am bound to say that I see no appre hension at the present time of the interruption of our friendly relations with any one of those powers, what ever may be their form of government. On the other head, I cordially concur with the noble marquis, and with my noble and learned friend, that it is not in the professions, it is not in the friendly acts, it is not is the attitude of any foreign country, that a nation must trust which desires to be independent and to be respected, but while she is desirous to maintain the good will of all foreign nations, and is anxious to avoid all causes of offence, her real permanent security must rest upon her own capacity for internal defence, upon the hearts in the first instance of her own subjects, and in the next upon the organization of her own forces. (Cheers.) And I think it is a subject of congratulation that notwithstandt the efforts made in various quarters by persons of whom I will only say that I think they have taken a most mistaken part, to prevent the formetion of the purely defensive force which was established by theact of the last session of parlia ment, and which, as my noble friend has reminded your lordships had the sanction which was given in the last speech of the noble and gallant duke to your lordships, I say, notwithstanding the efforts which have been made by those parties to prevent the formation and organisa tion of that force, it is a matter of congratulation to find there is still throughout the country the strong British feeling of attachment to the institutions of the country, and that attachment demonstrated not by words but by actions, which has already, notwithstanding many diffi culties, brought into the field, and, to a great extent, to a state of efficiency, as fine and as able a body of the young men of this country as ever volunteered their ser vices for the defence of the country. (Rear, hear.) Nor will I deny that there is much to be done for the material defence of the country. That is a topic on which lam sure your lordships will not expect that I should detain you. It will be sufficient if I say that the the attention of her Majesty's government has been and continues to be directed to that most important subject, and no doubt their hands and their means in providing for the defence of the country, without the desire of offence to any foreign power, will not be inconsiderably strengthened by the tone and language which the noble marquis has had the good sense and the good feeling to address to us this evening. (Cheers.) I will not touch on any of the topics of the speech relating to our foreign relations, or indeed on any topic except one of those to which the noble marquis has adverted, because—important as they all are, and confident as I feel that her Majesty's govern vaent, whenever discussion shall take place upon any of them, will be able to justify the course which they have pursued, and the measures which they intend to recom mend to parliament—thisis not the occasion, nor is it desired on any of these subjects to pledge your lordship:, by agreeing unanimously to this address, to the assertion of any principle, as connected with any of these mea sures. But there is one topic, and that one of paramount importance, upon which I think I shall not discharge my duty to your lordships and the country if Ido not say a few words. I advert to that passage of her Ma jesty's speech in which she congratulates the country, and I believe with very good reason, upon the improved condition of the country generally, and more especially of the industrious classes. When I say the improved condition I mean this:—For a course of three or four years, since a period of great difficulty, of great misery, and of great national calamity, there has been a gradual, and to my mind a most satisfactory, progress in each year in improvement over the year preceding, until at last in the year 1852, I believe we have returned in every respect to, and in some we have gone beyond, the period of 1846, which was a period of great and acknow ledged national prosperity. lam not now speaking of causes, I am speaking of facts, and I will not trouble your Lordships with many of them at present, bull will refer to shme which I consider to be the best tests of the real condition of the indu s tri ous c l asses o f t hi s coun t ry . I believe you can take no better criterions than, for ex ample, the amount of pauperi sm , an d th e consum ption of different articles—such as tea, coffee, cocoa, tobacco, sugar, and all those other articles which enter into the consumption of the great body of the people, and with regard to which, those being articles of exclusive foreign importation, we are capable not merely of ascertaining the amount which has been imported, but also the amount which has been consumed, without the possibility of the admixture of any article grown in this country, the amount of which, of course, greater or less, would mate rially affsct the calculation. I find, then, that with re gard to all these articles there is within the last few year a continuous and progressively rapid increase of con sumption, from which I think we may fairly argue that the great mass of the people, so far as their expenditure would directly show itself in the consumption of these articles, are in a state of gradual improvement. I look again to the condition of the savings banks of this coun try. Few circumstances mare peculiarly show the condition of the country than :the proportion between the amount substracted from and the amount deposited in savings banks. Mind, I arc not now speaking of the number of depositors or the amount of deposits, because the amount of deposits and the number of depositors do not really exhibit the real amount of contributions saved. But in the course of the years 1847, 1848, and 1849, there was a diminution in the amounts vested in the savings banks of a most formidable character. I will not trouble your Lordships with many figures, but this is a circumstance which marks in a very striking man ner the mode in which the distress of some years back operated indifferent places in the country, and the pe riod at which the tide began to turn towards prospe rity. I hold in my hand a table which, dividing the various districts of this country, into the agricultural district and the manufacturing district, exhibits in each year since 1646 the amount put on and the amount withdrawn, and the balance between these will be an indication of the prosperity of tho country. In the agricultural districts I find this remarkable fact. In the year 1846, towards the close of that year, there were withdrawals beyond deposits to tho amount of 80,4341. In the year 1847, tile balance of withdrawals against depoaits was 335,0001; in 1848, it was no lees than 782,0001.; in 1849, it was 379,0001.; in 1850, it was 542,0001,; in 1851, the adverse balance diminished to 165,0001.; and in the course of the present year it was within a few hundred pounds, I am happy to say, of the most prosperous of former years. 'That is so far satisfactory ; but these statisties show that from 1848 to 1852, great sufferings were inflicted on the agricultural population; for in those four years alone the balance withdrawn from savings banks in the agri cultural districts nearly amounted to 2,500,000/. The manufacturing districts exhibited in certain of these years a similar decline. In the years 1846 and 1847, there was a pr e p o nder a nce of withdrawals over depo sits to the amount of 330,0001. But in 1848-9, 1850, 1851, and 1852, in each of those years there has been favour d eposits _ the manufacturing districts an increase of fr om 1 1 s varying from 200,0001. to 400,0001. Therefore, savings 1 350 ;: s 1852, there is exhibited with regard to the consumption sa t m he e se evi ln d:nce which is exhibited in evidence of a : Jr : 3 f articles of prime necessity—the of a recurrence t o st t a h ntl Y improving state of things and which . was experie n l t e r d iti l o s n 4 o 6 t . nape s : y el s p g ro si s u p , er m it y y lords, in detailing am hot . giving causes. I Vllags I em stating facts—l xprhuin th 4 , at the same time, I will some at least of the cstiserns not shrink from e opih g i ea n z te ntuo it r h nia. reg A e t rl d in explaining the facts shown L i O n. h h l e e h Rene LI IGok T do not hesitate now in making t h e that, i n ray view a great portion of the prewspeedgnityenoti the agricultural and manufacturing labourers, more especially of the manufacturing labourers, is to be attributed to that legislation, combined with other causes, which has given to them the advantage of cheap and abundant food, and which, at the same time, other circumstances have prevented from being accom panied by those concomitant evils which we undoubtedly apprehended. If your Lordships ask me what are those other circumstances to which I refer as having neutra lized the injurious effects of, while permitting to come into full operation the advantages to be derived from, that system of policy which made the provisions of the people cheap and abundant, I do not hesitate to say that I concur in a great measnre in what fell from my Noble Friend behind me, and in thinking that two causes have had a material effect on tho result, viz., the extensive . , discoveries and production of gold in different parts of the world ; and the emigration which, partly arising from those discoveries of gold, and from other induce meats, has taken place to an enormous extent, and to a still increasing extent, in the course of the last two years. (Cheers.) But it certainly was an apprehension which I entertained, and which I am happy to find from various causes has not been realized, but which was until very lately entertained by a great body of those who are acting with me—that a fall in the price of provisions, other things being as they were, would lead to a corresponding, or to a more than corresponding, reduction in the rate of wages. I think that is a proposition which may be theoretically made clear, and which, but for the circumstances to which I am al luding, might perhaps have been practically proved to demonstration (Hear, hear.) And here 1 may say— though I may have read an erroneous report—that I read with considerable surprise a statement attributed the other day to a Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Macaulay) whom I rejoice to find in a such a state of health as to be enabled again to devote his talents to public life, and in whose brilliant capacity I think the New House of Commons will have made a great acquisition. The statement of which I speak is in a speech, the eloquence of which I greatly admired, although a considerable portion of that speech was directed, and in a manner hardly worthy theß;ght Hon. Gentleman's talents, against myself, and against those with whom I act ; and I must say that if that speech is correctly reported, I am compelled to give the Right Hon. Gentleman greater credit for the brilliance of his oratory than for the soundness of his judgment. [The Noble Earl here pro ceded to reply to Mr. Macanlay's argument, that inasmuch as wages were high in Ohio, and yet provisions were cheap, the Protectionist theory was erroneous, by say ing that between a thinly inhabited and virgin soil country like that of Ohio, and a thickly populated highly farmed country like England, there could be no rational comparison, Esglend (added the noble earl) could only be compared with England herself, and in the past cir cumstances of England would be found facts sufficient to justify the former apprehensions of the protectionist party. He then returned to his general argument.] The circumstances of the country, then, have been widely altered by the two important causes, I have enumerated. In the first place, the large production, and the increas ing production, of geld must not only have its effects to a certain extent on the money prices of all articles of commerce, but by making money cheap and abundant and consequently the rate of interest low, it enables the employers of labour to make exertions they otherwise could not have made, and so to furnish au amount of employment which throws the balance in favour of labour. by diminishing the apparent number of the cora petitora for employment. But beyond, and independent of this, you must look to the emigration which has been going on during these last two years. I hold in my hand a return of that emigration, and I find that, taking England and Ireland together, there have emigrated from this country in 1850. 230.000 persons ; in 1851, 273,000 eersons ; and in 1852, 305,000 persons—making a total in three years of 830,000 persons, most of them, be it remembered, being in the prime of life, and all of them being competitors in the labour market. Don't suppose that taie emigration has taken place exclusively from Ireland, I will show that it has not. Of course Liverpool must to a certain extent be left out of the calculation ; for though the returns include it as an English port, nine-tenths of the emir cation pro ceeding thence is Irish. But assuming that of th e emi grants sailing from Liverpool, only one-tenth are Eng lish, that is, 18.000 out of 187,000 persons, we find that there has emigrated from England alone in the list year a body of 80,000 persons. It is impossible, then, but that these two circumstances combined, the large amount of gold discovered, making money cheap, and rendering , the means of employment easy — and, on the other hand, the concurrent diminution of the number of competitors in the home labour market—must have had the effect of keeping up the rate of wages of the labouring classes, and thereby so altering the state of affairs contemplated in all parties' calculations as in a great degree to pre vent the occurrence of those evils which, but for those mitigating circumstances, would have attended the fall in tae prices of provisions. (Cheers.) But, my Lords, in reviewing the results of the new system of commer cial policy, working, as it does, more advantageously for the working classes than we had anticipated. I am bound to look, not so much to the causes, but to the practical results themselves—to the facts as I find them, produced as those facts have been by a variety of causes, some of which were never calculated on by any party. (Cheers.) And I am bound to loots also to the deliberate expres sion of the opinions and of the feelings of the country. (Cheers.) When at the early part of the last Session of the last Parliament I had, most unexpectedly, the hon our of addressing your Lordships from the place (the Ministerial benches.) I now stand at, I stated that it would be my desire to be enabled to conduct the busi ness of the country through the Session then in progress without any reference to those important questions upon which a difference of opinion prevailed with regard to legislation—that that must be a point referred to the deliberate consideration of the country, as it would be tested by the results of the general election—that by the results of that general election I and my col leagues were prepared to abide—and that wo should abstaiu, unless we should then have the full sanction ac d ' support of a large majority of the country, from propos ing even those measures which we ourselves in our pri vate judgment might deem the most advantageous for the empire. My Lords, that appeal to the country has been made; and I have no hesitation in saying to your Lordships that, with regard to any imposition of any duty on corn, or on other provisions of first necessity, not only is there not that largo majority, without which I declared I would submit no such proposition to the consideration of Parliament; but that the country, by a very large and very undoubted majority, including a very considerable number of the representatives of agri cultural districts themselves, have declared that whether desirable or not it might have been as a matter of policy, yet that in the present state of the country they are de termined not to go back from that system of legislation which has been established, and that they will not con sent to the imposition of any tax on the introduction of articles of provision. (Loud cheers.) My Lords, I think that question carries with it the whole financial policy of the country. It might have been possible to have adopted the system of free trade, as it is commonly called, and to have made these particular articles ex ceptions from that system; but it is not possible to lay down a system of policy by which you would have free trade in corn and provisions, and by whieh you would not follow up as far as possible the same system with regard to the other principal necessities of life, If I under stand that which is intended to be said by the com mon expression " free trade," I understand it to mean this—that you will not impose a tax for the purpose of the protection of individual or local interests; that you e ill impose a tax for the purpose of revenue and for revenue only; and that in the imposition of taxes for revenne you will have especial reference to lightening the burdens which may be impsed on those articles which mainly enter into the consumption of the great mass of the people. (Loud cheers.) Now, my Lords, in that system I see muc h a d vantage; but I do not deny that I see much difficulty and future ll embar rassment. I see great pr esen t a d vantages; but I am not sure—and God grant that I may b e wrong—_that that system may not lead to future embarrassment, by the necessary consequences of the compl e t e c h ange in our whole financial system. But I do not hesitate to say that after the opinion which has been pronounced by the people, whatever may be the views of myself and of my friends as to what would have been a desirable policy, I see that a concurrence of the majority in such a policy is in itself impracticable; and that, if it were practicable, it would still be undesirable to raise such a question for controversy among large classes of the people. (Loud cheers.) On the part, then, of myself and of my colleagues, I say that I bow to the decision of the country. (Loud cheers.) And having so bowed, I declare, on their part and on mine, that—while desirous to the utmost of our power to mitigate that inevitable injury which the adoption of the free-trade poli c y h as inflicted on important classes—l do not adopt that po licy with any reserve whatever. I adopt it frankly as the decision of the country, and honestly and fairly I am prepared to carry it out. (Loud cheers.) I h ope that the Noble Marquis and other Noble Lords will see, after I have said thus much, that there has not been any h e country. faltering I t w hesitation eude i b n v declaring ieusly bbe improper our in t intention n fort io . n n3 t e o , to t ()here the injury to the presentpar ticular byowcchaiscihonw, we believe e . nter .ma ill y. t f o be. an m y iti d g e a ta te i d l of t o h n os t e h m e sp w ok it e h n on o t f inter ering with the d en th e a f t st l ati s n h g ould now general policy can have the described as free trade. Into mitigated believe, have aceettei country to your Lordship, that if you esunetehr.detaßilastitlwhilalvneo the h bea satisfaction s p tt e h (Laughter)—on the part of her Majesty a G ov ernment, ofExchequer t h e Chancellorthe my Right Hon. Friend patience to wait for the p eriod of one short fortnight-- er Mateety s Govern in the present state of affair s, h will be prepared to lay before theothemr f e lo s u e s r e es o w f hich Par liament, in full detail, those financial .Lordships will ab stain period shall arrive, I trust yo ur ment are prepared to recommend. (Laughter.) Until stain from expressing or pronouncing any opinion. I trust that your Lordships will at all events hear the views her Majesty's Government entertain ; and I trust that you will give a deliberate and dispassionate conside ration to the measures we may bring forward. You may—or the other House of Parliament may—dissent from our views, or they may adopt them. If they dis sent, and think fit to act on that dissent. they may—if they can collect among themselves a sufficient number of gentlemen ready to deal with thi3 subject, and in a different way, and ready to deal with the other subjects in which the great interests of the country are concerned —they may in that case prevent the adoption of the policy which—without any difference of opinion among them —without any hesitation subsequent to the decision of the last general election —the Government deliberately adopted. But I believe there will be that good sense and that moderation in Parliament that they will not sacri fice the great interests of the nation for the rairr , --- f raising p a's , into rr) in personal reeeitnuateees Ur ee,aviLietei hope and I believe that on all sides of the House there will prevail that spirit cf which we see so satisfactory and honourable an inetahoe in the opeeeh to-night of the HOUSE OF COMMONS—Nov. 11. The SPEAKHR, did not resume the chair till half•pas Eour o'clock. THE INQUEST AT SIX-MILE.BRIDGE. Sir JOHN FITZGERALD gave notice that, on Tuesday next, he should move fur a copy of the evideuce taken at the coroner's inquest in the Six-Mile-bridge affair. TENANT•RIGHT IN IRELAND. Mr. Sergeant SHEE gave notice that, on this day ortnight, he should wove for leave to bring in a Bill for regulating the custom of Tenant-right in Ulster, and securing compensation to improving tenants; and also for limiting the power of evictions in certain cases. REPUBLIC OF PERU. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER brough up a report of the treaty with the Republic of Peru. THE ADDRESS. The SPEAKER then read the Queen's Speech (for which see Lord's report), after which, Lord LOVAINE said, in moving that an humble Address be presented to her Majesty, in reply to her moat gracious Speech from the Throne, he con- fessed he wished the task had fallen into the hands of some more able, experienced, and talented member, who would have been enabled to give due weight to the important topics which it contained. Ho felt core embarrassed when he saw that th first subject mentioned in that Speech must call forth the affections, regard, and regret of every man who called himself a native of Urea Britain. (Hear.) He alluded, of course, to that portion of the speech in which her Majesty, with her usual kino and affectionate regard for the wishes and feelings of her people, invited ;heir representatives to join in a provision for the funeral obsequies of the late Duke of Wellington (Hear, hear.) The House would excuse hien if he approached with awe au event which had cast a shadow of grief and dismay over this mighty empire—the passing away of that lite which for marl: half a century had been a bea con to guide every Englishman in the path et honour and of duty. (Cheers.) No obsequies they might give, no temeral poles they might bestow, would be ade quate to the respect, love, and admiration which the House and the country bore for that immortal man. (Cheers.) Their love vas not founded on mere evanescent vulgar admiration of military glory It was not that he had given to Err;lane the supremacy of the vast empire oflndia; it was not that he had raised England by his victories to the highestrarsk amorg the nations of the world; it was not that he finally became the conqueror of the conqueror of ths world, that this country loved him so well, but because ho was not so dazzled and blinded by the effulgence of the glory he had earned and rendered deist by the voice of victory, as to be unable to discern that the true end and object of ail war wa s an h onourable and lasting p eace. in which any country (Ctieera.) Wh e n he had brought the most tremendous struggle ever engaged to a close, he devoted hicroelf to the establishment of peace by every means of conciliation and mode; ation that was consistent with the honour and safety of England. How he had succeeded, the history of the last 37 years conk tell. Th -y loved him aesause he had always proved him self a most faithful servant of the Crown, and been ever ready to defend the rights and promote the welfare 01 his fellow-citizens. He (Lord Lovaine) believed that his political opponents would bear witness that his coun sel was ever ready in the darkest hour of dan ger and difficulty, an. that they might always rely on hie honour, sincerity, ant sagacity to point out the path of safety which seemed to be hidden from less gifted eyes. 1113 name would be sanded down to posterity as an ex ample, not only of a great statesman, and of the greaten warrior, but as a colossal example of unswerving otediencu to the call of duty, truth, fidelity, ano honour. (Cheers.) He trusted that the county} who loved him %mid be warned by his advice and not be so intoxicated by a feeling of security and by the peace which had so long subsistad, as tc, allow the country to bo exposed t,.) danger. The Noble Lord then alluded to the success which , had attended the enrolment of the Militia, not withstanding the evil auguries which had been offered respecting it. After a brief reference to the differ ences on the American Fishery question, the Noble Lord went on to observe, that her Majesty entertained sanguine hopes of the final extinction of the slave trade, Cuba being the only spot in the world where it nnw flourished. Ho next adverted to the gratifying in telligence that transportation to Van Diemea's Land would soon cease, esseressing a hope that some other means would be found for disposing of the criminals to , the country. He readily admitted that the commercial policy which had been adopted for the last three years had contributed to the very great prosperity which existed in the country, (Loud cheers from the Opposi tion benches.) He said so as the representative of an agricultural county. But he drew a very great distinction betwee n NThat was called free trad, and the abolition of the duties upon corn. He believed that the abolition of prohibitory duties on articles of liv ing, having due roof prohibitory to the revenue to be raised, wa judicious and unexceptionable. But the abolition of th, duty upon corn stood upon another footing. Thep could be no doubt that the repeal of the corn-laws had occasioned suffering among a large and important class, and he was confident that the recommendation in the Royal speech would no; be overlooked by the House. After expressing a 1., -°Pethat all party differences woule be laid aside, the Noble Lord concluded with moving an Address, which was, as usual, an echo of the Royal Speech. Mr. EGERTON rose 4 second the Address. Thc Hon. m e mber commen d by stating that, on th, subject of that paragriph in the Royal Speech which alluded to the death of the late lamented Duke of Wellington, he is e t s.. quite assured that the greatest unanimity would 1 Natal!. He would direct th , attention of the House, i n th „e -se first instance, to that para graph in the Speech which l.ltided to the establishmen of schools for the purpos e ff instruction in mechanics; art. It herd been a matter a observation which the ex p at ience derived from last year's Exhibition had full) confirmed, that enterprising ticl energetic as our manu facturers were, in some brans ~res of art they required a greater meet a pical shill and °ore taste. The English had been excelled by the arti zlnt of other countries, where greater facilities had been i nod for the purpose- of in , He maintained th struction. -st her Majesty's Govern ment we re entitled to the highstt praise for legislatiot on this subject. As it had ben the privilege of two Ministries to confer gr eat b ans on the country—the one by giving it cheap food, the User by giving the bless ings of increased light and beaty drainage—so ho hoped that it would b e the privilege of he present Government to confer on the working or -4 D Du i - ion of the country the education, advantages of so cial y means of which the manu f ac t u res of the country wool , romoted, and its be trade extended. bad to con r He a .tdate t p he country on its great prosperity, and on the f fact I the greatest activity existing in every branch o mel co -- tce, and that, in spite of the largo reductions of taxation su=ds considered was no falling off in the revenue. This he considered a source of the greatest satisfaction to all. ( ,cud cries of "Hear, hear.") That sa tisfaction was in is mind very mach enhanced by the reflection th at th, working classes of l the country had bad a ver y ar g e share in that pro sperity. (Loud cheers from the o, poaition Benches.) He would say that any Hon. saw ,-, 'non who had had the experience of the two last,years, :and who had seen the benefit which an unrestricted In portation of food ( had conferred on the labo urin g man.. Cheers from the Opposition)—must feel that the the had now come when the question must be finally B ttled. (Renewed cheers from the Opposit:on.) An apbo having been made to the constituencies of the co,. tr _ y, the verdict which had b een taken ought to be actuiesced in. and those divisions which bad so long dis racted different classes of her Majesty's su b j ects, shoo k be put an end to. But, at the same time, while they e, ttled the ques tion, it was fitting time, and a proper ; one that other classes, whose :sufferings had long be, dilated on, should not be overlooked, and that thi r claims for redress, if they could be substantiated_ (Hear, hear. from the Opposition benches) —should n=et with due consideration from the House. (Hear, hew , and cheers.) He thought, however, that the sottlemer t of the ques tion also required that the House should ake into con sideration the claims which the farming interest had upon the country. (Ministerial cheers.) There were other points in the Speech which required t mitm „ t; but he would not detain the House with any t :hrther obser vations; bat, thanking the House for its kin( indulgence, ho would sit down, express ing a hope that, whatever legislation th e y might hereafter adopt , i t wield be not for the benefit of a class, but for the good o , t h e nat i on at large. (Cheers.) The question having been put from the chai r , Mr. VILLIERS said he hoped the house would not deem it presumptuous in him that at that early period of the evening ho rose to address to it a few observations on the subject of the Address and on what }tad fallen from the Hon. Gentlemen who moved and seconded it, He could assure the House that it was with great reluc tance he rose to address it on this occasion, because he entirely egret-d with those who theught that it w as d e cable On nil oceUina3 t 4 rt,t.,Piliii; '-_ , 1 , _'61 , :-4 2 :,. alti r . • ; t Eja , ta: , ; r L t. 3 t stauuld be uwanittious. Wad cite ieelibg uf the House generally, and more especially of late years it seemed to be the practice of Farliameut. But it de- peuded on the discretion or the decision of Ministers what tone might bo taken, or what turn might be given, to the discussi , la on the Address, because Minis ters, being responsible for the Speech, having the selec tion of the topics coutsined in it, having the choice of the friends who were to expounki the policy of the Go vernment, and knowing the desire of the House to be .• .nforrn,cl . of the views - of the Government respecting he condition of the country, the state of foreign relations, and the policy to be adopted at home, there could be no amendment proposed to the ad dress, or angry discussion take place, unless there was some omission of matters on what the House desired to be intormed, or some statement of policy which it might be deemed desirable to oppose. It was under these cir cumstances that he rose to complain somewhat of the Address which had been moved that evening. He did not say that he complained of much that waa contained in it. There were in it mattera which S poke for them selves, facts on which they all agreed, and in which he rejoiced. First of all he might speak of the reference made to what he might term the national bereavement; and he was sure that the House would respond to every thing which related to that great man, that great mind, which had left them, with the greatest cordiality and the deepest emotion. (Hear, hear.) But there were some other matters of deep interest to the country at large, and on which it had been anxiously looking tor some informa tion on that occasion. They had met there at a very un- usual season; and there was not a man assembled there, and hardly a man in the country, who had not in quired wherefore they were assembled. The circum stances were so notorious under which the last par liament was dissolved, and under which the present one was assembled, that it was hardly needful For him to rekr to therc; but in order for him to estab lisp the ground on which he intended to complain of what he considered defective information in the speech, it was necessary just to mention what occurred ; and this brought him back to the formation of the present Government. It was well known that when the Go• vernment acceded to power, there was an crowal on the part of the new minister that he held opinions which he was not willing to abandon, and which he admitted were at variance with those of the majority of the House of Commons. (Cheers.) That minister—he alluded to the first minister of the Crown—admitted the justice of the doctrine, that it was not constitutional for any ministry to administer the Government of this country whose opinions did nut coincide with the majority in that house. (Cheers.) "But," ho said, " without abandon ing my opinions, and without doing viclence to the Con stitution, I am willing to take a course which I think will be approved by all men under existing circum stances. I will not interfere with the business which is required to he done in this home ; I will put the coun try to es little inconvenience as possible ; but I will disscdse this Parliament, I will tslte the cpinion of the country, I will ascertain with the, least possible delay, whether or not my opinions coincide with those cf the majority of the electors, and whether or not, therefore, I am a fit person to govern the country." (Cheers.) Now, these were the facts, and they were met at that unusual season in consequence of a declaration of the Minister that he would leave it to the country whether he was fit to be at the head of affairs. There were two ways in which the difficulties admitted and avowed by the Minis ter might have been overcome. Oue was that the majority in that House should coincide with the Minis the other that the Minister should declare sem, change of opinion on his own part. They were al assembled that evening, and the country generally believed that they were met for the purpose of ascer taining whether thet coincidence existed. They had looked to the Speech, and they bad listened to the move, and seconder of the Address to ascertain whether there was a coincidence of opinion as between the majority of that House and the present Government, and he com elained that they had no information on that subject Deere was a paragraph which referred to the subject on which a diffsreuce of opinion had existed, namely, the commercial policy of the country; there was a reference both to recent legislation and to the present condition of he people; but ha could not fiud a clear, distinct, intel ligible avowal on the part of her Majesty's Government hat they were reconciled to that policy. (Hear.) Why had they given no assurance that in no way would the) attempt to reverse or to modify it, and that the country might rest assured that it would be permanent? (Hear.) 11l order to relieve himself from any charge of pre sumption in intruding himself thus early on the House, or asking for explanations which were not needed, he eegged leave to stat e to th e H ouse — a H ouse co nt a inin g many Members who were not in the last Parliament= that, from the strong interest which he had taken for -natty years in this question, on the first accession of this Government to power, knowing the opinions which they had propound e d, k now i ng t h e ac ti ve par t w hi c h they had taken throughout th e country in c o nde m nin g the policy which now existed, and the pledgee, he might itty, which they had also given to reverse that policy— (Cheers)—he did feel an appr e h e nsion th a t th e y wou ld, :ea acceding to power, use the enormous influence which their position as a Government gave them to carry out their views, and that they would make some attempt if not to reverse, at least to modify, their policy. He therefore put a notice of motion on the paper in the last Parliament, which bound the Government to a continu ance of the existing policy—having been requested to do so by Members of great influence, because representing vast numbers of their fellow countrymen in that House; but at the request of that party who succeeded in chang ing the commercial policy of the country, and of the whole House, he consented to withdraw that notice after the speech of the First Minister of the Crown, assented to by the Ministers in that House. That speech was to the ffect which he had stated. The First Minister avowed that he was in a minority iu that house, and declared that ne would take the opinion of the country. On these grounds he (Mr. Villiers) withdrew the notice. He anxiously awaited the assembling of a new parliament, for the purpose of having this matter decided, because it was the promise, the assurance of the minister at that time that he would call an early session for the pur pose of deciding it. (Hear, hear.) Nobody could doubt the importance of the subject ; it was appreciated on all sides, whatever view might otherwise be taken of it. lion. Gentlemen opposite had said that unless the ex isting policy was reversed, or at least modified, inevitable ruin must follow. 1 They (the Opposition) had declared it was their opinion that the well-being of the country was contingent on its continuance. The minister of the crown said:—" This is a matter of too great importance to be left unsettled ; it shall be decided, and decided finally; so that every man in this country, and in the world, may feel assured as to what the commercial policy of this country will be." It was for this purpose, as he under stood, that they were assembled at this unusual season of the year ; and ho rose, not to depart from what he knew to be the custom of that house, and believed to be he wish of members generally, namely, that of avoiding in amendment to the address,—that was not his purpose —but he wished to call attention to the fact, that up to ',hat moment they did not know whether or not the ministers of the Crown had abandoned their opinions on the subject of protection. (Hear, hear.) He did assert, end in doing so he was supported by the opinion of the irst minister of the Crown, that it was essential that his matter should be decided. It could not be decided cy coinciding with the address. The language was vague. (Cheers.) He would be very sorry to introduce anything like au angry discussion on that occasion, but to might almost say it was deceptive. (Hear, hear,) Chore was an allusion to the great prosperity of the ,ndustrious classes, but there was also an allusion to tarasuree for the relief of industry. Why, if the Indus -ious classes were well off and satisfied, what was the mewing of a declaration that something should be done or industry ? (Hear, hear.) It was an opinion en 'ertained on that side of the house by all who had advocated the policy of Free Trade that Protection was an unqualified mischief, that not only was it an enormous mischief to the community at large, out that it was even injurious to the interests sup posed to be protected. But when the question in volved also the protection of what was called the landed Interest, to talk of protecting the industry of the country by restoring a monopoly of food, he should hardly like to l et t y w w a a h te a l m h a e s t thought in s h o l f t ' t h h t e a I p k e o tt p s t e h aatf. this(l I h e a a a w h at ry ear.) to to talk of any person being injured by the removal of the grossest of all injuries which had been inflicted upon the community. (Hear, hear.) But the whole phraseology of the paragraph was indistinct, vague, and confused; and it depended on the tone and views of Hon. Gentle men on the opposite side of the House what interpreta tion was to be put upon it by the House generally. [here was mention made of recent legislation. Why not use plain English? Why was not the language in telligible? (Hear, hear.) If great advantages had been reaped by the working classes from the repeal of the Corn-laws, why not state it?—(Cheers) —and if any in jury was done to anybody by repealing the Corn-laws, let them have that made clear, distinct, and unequivocal. decision (Hear, h e o a f r . ) the ir Opposition)a t w t e o r would have hear the_ and he had only risen now for the purpose of . stating in this subject, and believing that others, who had . that he, for one, otathatm taken a far more effective part, would agree with having . taken a great interest him, was dissatisfied with the statement. made as to the causes of the present condition of the country. They e e (Hear, hear.) They wanted . to know distinctly whatthe he policy of great question which had been in without distinctlyto give Here the opinions of her Majesty's Government on . notice that he should submit the matter . to the House— (Cheers)—that he should put the question on so clear and intelligible a footing t h a t their fellow-countrymen out of the House would afte rwards feel no doubt with regard to the future. He be l i eved that the 22d of the p r esent month would be about th e most convenient day for taking the opinion of the house on that subject. (L o ud cheers.) There was here a pause, during which were heard occasional cries of " Booker," which elicited laughter. Cho Speaker was about to put the question, when Mr. HUME rose to address the House. He said he sad waited with great patience in the hope that, ac cording to custom, some lion. Gentleman apposite would rise to answer the speech of the Hon. Gentle man who had just spoken. His Hon. Friend had given a challenge, but no one seemed to have spirit to answer. Why did not Hon. Gentlemen op posite came forward like men? (Laughter.) How was it that none of them had the manliness to stand up and admit that the . acknowledged prosperity of th e l a b our i ng :lassos arose from the repeal of the corn-lawn ? (Hear, hear.) He begged pardon—the seconder of the Address lid admit that he was a Free-trader. (Laughter.) The Government . themselves, however, ought to have stated their views. Having had nine months, which ens a long eeriod—(Laughter)—to make up their minis, why did !ley not admit in intelligible language that they hod heat)—tivlt they found by 0,1)0117. oneo thot the existing pf,liey haft boon produelive Vantage. to 'dill mass 'f the cote leeway lie confessed that he felt deeply disappointed. Although &rest difference of opinion had existed, he did belieye that the Government would have the manliness to avow ; their error. He liked a fair stand-up battle, and not a fight from behind hedges, and under equivocal language r.nd expressions, which nobody could uvelerstand. The country demanded a decision °l' the question. He had met with a great many farmers wlio had not only made up their minds that the change was good for the country, but who said that they would be sorry to go back to Pro tection ; but there were others who looked for some secret measures by which farmers wore to be benefited; and for the sake of such persons, it was absolutely Tecessary the question should be decided. (Hoar, hear.) While he agreed with his llon. Friend that it was not ,tesirable that there should tie an amendment, the ad- dress being regarded as a, compliment to her Mijesty, he had to complain of some omissions in the Royal Speech. The preceding Parliament declared by a vote that there were certain taxes in existence which were most unjustly and anomaloumly levied, and that the time had arrived when there should be a general revision of ;axstion. That was, he believed, a — wise deelar2.tion ; but the speech did not contain one word in referenc3 to the question. Did the Government mean to oppose or shrink from inquiry with regard to the Income Tax, which, in the words of the Eight Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Disraeli), amounted in many cases to confiscation of pro perty ? Ho hoped the Government would state whether this omission aroso from accident or from a determination not to grapple with the ques tion. There was another omission. He had anticipated that the Government would declare them selves opposed to any further Parliamentary Reform. Why had they not taken th a position assumed by L , _lrd Derby in another place, when he declared it to be his intentioa to oppose any further extension of what were termed popular rights, and when he censured the demo cratic principles of the Nate Lord (Lord J. Rusted)? (Hear, hear.) If the Noble ;7_,ord's measures appeared to the Noble Earl dangerous, and if he still meant to oppose their enactment, why was not that stated in the Speech from the Throne? (Hear, hear.) There was another ►mportant omission. What had become of the clamorceis outcry for the repeal of the malt-tax and other taxes which were peculiarly odious to farmers? The silence of the Speech declared that there was no intention to repeal them. Ho regretted that the question of taxation was entirely omitted. In conclusion, he wished to t(,11 Lion. Gentlemen opposite, if they were not aware of it, that there was a strong opinion in the country that eke dons could not be conducted in future as they had been lately. lie wished to see established a regular repre sentative Government; he wished to see popular power exercising that influence which it ought to have in the proeaediogs of that House, while at the same time the just privileges of the different classes of society were properly guarded; and ho regret ted that in a time of peace and quiet the Government did not seem prepared to come forward and propose tlosc reforms which the country required. The question. of Free Trade must iooti be settled one way or other; and it would then be time to introduce other questions of national itn- portance. Mr. WALPOLE said—l did. not :rise, nor did any other member of the government rise, after the observa tions which were made by the hon. member for Wolver hampton (Mr. Villiers), because 4it was our duty to see whether any amendment to the address was likely to be :noved before we gave any opieion in reply to the remarks which fell from him. As, however - , the hon. gentleman lid not move an amendment, and as no one else has risen to do so, it uppers at present unlikely that any amend ment will be moved; and I have, therefore, risen for the purpose of replying to the observations which the hon, gentleman has made. (Hear.) Now, I certainly agree with him, that we are met tooth er at an unusual season if the year, and for a special purpose. That purpose enquestionably is, that the financial and commercial colicy of this country shall be finally settled and de clared. (Cheers from both sides of the house.) The hon. gentleman complains that in the address there is a certain passage referring to the subject which is embigu eus; and I think he called it evasive and deceptive. Sir, I can assure the hon. gentleman that no evasion and no dec-plien was intended by that paragraph; but it has been worded carefully in that way—which meets tin ob servation which the hon. gentleman himself has made— tt has been worded carefully in that way to prevent at this moment what might possibty be a warm and heated iiscussion, and so as to avoid the- neces-ity of any amend ment being moved to the address either on this or on that side of the house. The hon, gentleman says, however, end so does the hon. gentleman the member for Montrose — (An inaudible observation was hero made by Mr. Vil liess.) Well, it is in conformity with the usual custom that:you did endeavour to avoid ttn amendment. I think the Hon. Gentleman himself sail iit was the custom. I believe it is recognized to be a good custom; and cer tainly we wished that as far as possible that custom should be observed on the present occasion; but we are prepared, if you wish to move an amendment, to take the discussion at the present time. (Hear, hear.) Well, now, the Hon. Gentleman went ou to remark, and so also did the Hon. Gentlsman who has just sat down, that we ought to have declared our policy in the speech, and that we ought also to have been prepared with the measures which we intend to propose. Now, I tell the Honourable Gentleman that we are prepared with all those measures. (Ministerial cheers.) And I tell him that we intend, and have always intended to take the earliest opportunity of submitting those measures to the consideration of the House. But there are circumstances with reference to our present meeting which have cer tainly made it unadvisable that they should be taken in hand until the funeral of the Duke of Wellington shall have taken place. (An exclamation of " Oh," followed by cheers.) As soon as that tribute of the nation is paid to the greatest of its heroes, my Right Hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer will rise to bring before the House and the country the views which the Gevei ',- meat take of the financial and commercial policy which ought to be established in the country. But I think there is sufficient in the speech from the Throne, and in the ad dress in answer to it, for everybody to draw this inference from, that we are not going to propose to reverse the re cent legislation which has led to those improvements in the condition of the industrious; classes of the commu nity to which the speech refers. (Loud cheers from the Opposition benches.) More ti' an this, I think, the House will hardly expect me to a ay; because it would, in fact, be expecting me to announce the different measures, which my Right lion. Friend will announce on a future occasion, and the views which ho takes in reference to that subject. (Hear, hear.) But I thought it right to make that declaration in the first instance; for it is a declaration which the Government intend to abide by; and I do say that those measures which the Government intend to introduce will be brought forward on the ear liest occasion. (Cheers.) Lord J. RUSSELL said—lt is consoling that on this occasion we have to consider an Address which begins by condoling with her Majesty on the loss of that great man the Duke of Wellington; that we are not obliged to have a long debate upon topics on which the House might be divided, or to have a division on those topics. Sir, with respect to the first part of the Address, I cer tainly will not attempt to add anything to what has been said by the Noble Lord and the Hon. Gentleman who moved and seconded the Address. With regard to the Duke of Wellington, I feel that while it remains for the country and for history to do justice to his great merits, it remains for her Majesty's Ministers, for the House of Lords and the House of Commons, and for the country at large, to deplore the loss of those counsels which always inspired that good subject and ardent patriot. It remains for us, in confor mity with the intention of the Crown, to show that we are not an ungrateful people, and that we duly appreciate the services which have been ren dered to the country by that illustrious man. (Hear, hear.) Sir, passing from this subject, lam glad to find that the Ministers of the Crown can congratulate the country on the ready coming forward of so many men, amounting, as the Noble Lord said, to 30,000, to serve in the militia. I trust that her Majesty's hopes will not be disappointed, and that these men will prove an effectual aid to her Majesty's regular forces. With re ference to any other measures which may be necessary for the defence of this country, I feel sure that her Ma jesty's Ministers will give them due consideration, and that they will propose from time to time such measures as they may think advisable, to which I shall always be ready to give a favourable hearing. Ido not know that there is any other topic either in the speech or the ad dress to which I need more particularly allude. But I must say a few words respecting what the country has so impatiently looked for, namely, some explicit declara tion as to our financial and commercial policy. (Hear, hear.) I must say that on this part of the su bj ect I participate in the disappointment which my Hon. Friend the Member for Wolverhampton has so well expressed. It seems to me that with respect to our commercial and financial policy, there were two courses open to the Government, either of whi c h wou ld h ave been perfectly plain and clear, for the Noble Earl in another place and his colleagues in the Government. The one was, they might have maintained the opinions which since 1846 down to the present time, or at least until February, 1852, Lori Derby most loudly and con fidently expressed, and from which ho declared with eloquence and energy that nothing should induce him to shrink, (Hear.) Another course would have been for the Government to have stated that they had been mis taken in all their views, that the country had prospered, and that the cause of that prosperity was the operation of those measures which they had thought would be nationally ruinous. (Cheers.) They might have ad mitted that these beneficial resu lts were recognised throughout the country, and manfully have declared that they had changed their opinions, and were .pre pared for the future to act according to the prin l eiples which they had hitherto opposed: (Cheers.) con ceive that they have adopt ed neither the one nor the other course, and the House and the country must be prepared to form a judgment on their declarations. Instead of. either of the courses I have_ described, w e have a continuance o f that p erple x ity and ambiguity, of that doubt and hesitation, which for the last nin e months have vexed the country, and made it difficult t o ther what was t o be the real policy of Govern ment. (Hear, g hear.) If on e of the Ministers appeared to be in favour of free trade, we had presently from another a declaration that protection had , not been aba n d one d . (H e ar, hear.) The Secretary of State, although h e must not ray that the principle of protection is a sound one, yet we find him speaking of the increase of crime and of the poor rates, and endeavouring to throw some slur upon the prosperity which tree trade has produced— trying, if possible, to , induce . the country to defeat from the course It, has bristly udoptutl. (Cheerio Ana neon now, continuing on the same entree to 1141 cud, we hove in this isoelese seine seeteeces tavuurable to free trade, and, in another, words intimating an approval of the principle of protection. (Hear, hear.) To complete the whole, we have reeving tke aridrese Noble Lord who is a firm adherent of protection, while Ist' Hon Member who seconds hire speaks boldly and ee eidedly for tree trade. (Cheers end laughter.) If be the ambiguity practised by the Government and its adherents, I think it is full time we came to a setzle molt, and—in the words of the Hon. Member who spoke last—that the commercial and financial policy of this country ;,should be finally settled. ( Hear, a,nd cheers.) Let us then have some declaration to settle that policy; let us have some declaration which shall serve as a point of departure for future Ministers of the Crown, and enable thew safely to direct their policy. (fleet% hear, end cheers.) The country has bien ap p-aled to, and yea know the result; and it is for you, the Ministers of the Crown, to declare manfully the feelings and opinions you entertain on this great subject. (Hear.) And when I say " This great subject," it re minds me that. in the doubtful sentence to which I have elluded, the importance of that subject has been stu diously diminished. To illustrate the greatness of the subject, let us see what has been done in the way of commercial and financial reform during the last ten years. The whole system of corn laws which the country had endured for so considerable a time, has been totally repealed. A tariff of exorbitant duties has been reduced within moderate limits. Our taxes have undergone an extensive system of revision, and when lion. Gentlemen opposite talk of revision of taxation 0 a novelty of their introduction, I would remind them that revision of taxation has been going on since the time of Sir Robert Peel, and has been carried on ill such a way, that while the taxes were reduced, theY —although for a moment leaving a void in the receipts —soon restored the revenue by the general buoyan o 9 they communicated to the general interests of the come try. (Hear, hear.) Let me add to this, that the diger ential duty upon sugar has been equalized, and the peopl e of England have consumed 300,000 tons of sugar in the year at a cost of five millions less than they would hav e paid had the duty continued as before. (Hear.) I nea9 add that the consumption of sugar has so increased that the revenue at the reduced rates will in a few years he double what it was previous to the reduction of the ditty' Add to this that we have had the navigation laws re pealed, and I have enumerated a whole system, I will ear, not only of great importance, but, taken as a change ct' policy adopted by a great country, a change than vehicil nothing since the revolution of 1688 has been more ins" portant in its effects, not only upon this country, but upon the commercial policy of all civilized nations. (Hoar, hear.) Because, although I was not one of those who were sanguine enough to expect that the moment we declared for Free Trade, and abjured Protection, all the nations of the world would follow our example; yet , e t ' the other hand, it is my confident belief that, if this country continues to flourish under the system of Free Trade—if its Governments declare themselves sates' fled with the consequences, and that they mean t° persevere—there is no nation that will not, by W . ' quent discussions, come at last to the conclusioe s to which we have arrived, so that ultimately tber ° will be derived, not only a great increase of the wealth , but of the peace and harmony of the world. (Cheers' ) Well, then, if such be the importance of the sY s ' tern, if such be the gravity of the stake ; and if, 00 the other hand, there are many persons who still main' tain that the system of free commercial policy is il t l : jurious, it is not enough to say of it that it is one of t a r causes—putting in a parcel of nameless other causes': (cheers) —by which the industrious classes of this 00' try have received great and important benefits, I dale that her Majesty's Ministers ought not to evade te e question in this way—(loud cheers)—that however ne cessary it may be to avoid division on the present occe; sion, a night should not pass over without the 1-1011„ of Commons giving its verdict on the question. (1 1 e 3 : t hear.) The Right Hon. Gentleman who has le t ", spoken says that there is no intention on the part of t" Government to revert to the policy that prevailed P r, ' vious to 1846. I was very glad to hear that decla re tion; but there aro certain words in the paragraph td which allusion has been made about artificial props e ° artificial prices, which are only the principle of protee' tion disguised in another wey. Therefore it is nee!' sary that we should have something clear and decid e "; and that we should not allow ourselves to be enve lope" in one of those mists in which the Chancellor of the ~e s ' chequer, like some goddesses we have read of; likes t o "; worshipped. (Laughter.) The Speech and A.ddresie next speaks of the state of Ireland, and I am gla d o f see recommends the adoption of a liberal course, 0 policy towards that country, but in a previous p ort ° lO of the paragraph there are words to which I am 0 03 , h to attach a precise meaning. I mean those w lll O % refer to an unhappy spirit of insubordination ea, turbulence in that country. There were insuborts'e nation and turbulence in Ireland during the el eet !, ° it which has just been decided, but that there is any a p t ft or insubordination and turbulence in that country to present, is a statement to which I am not prepa re ': j give my assent. (" Hear" from the Irish Members.) 0. believe that with a due and proper execution of the ' o f the state of Ireland may be considered to be a ste t % j tranquillity. (Hear, hear.) And I must say th f .'„ oo s trust that that country, having suffered so severe " fe e, famine in 1847, is now about iu some measure to rec bo e as there are symptoms which encourage us to hoeetiro. at length the labourers of Ireland will obtain th3beert ward for their labour of which they have hithert o c t he so sadly deficient. With regard to that portion ° t o te address which refers to the commission to inquir e - the state of the Universities of Oxford and Cambr id g e ' I am rejoiced that those commissions, which were st i g: matised by the noble lord at the head of the Goer"; ment as illegal commissions —(hear, hear)—when Ir e ,' vised their issue, are now acknowledged to be product of good, and, instead of being cast aside as an illeg t body, are to be referred to the universities themsel ve t; while we are to be asked to pass laws to enable the 103;f sae,iti , - , e to ()carry into ciTcot ilia rvocitmcciadations ,e these very commissions. (Hear, hear.) Whether tot measures so contemplated will be sufficient I can na ': say, but lam glad that the attention of the ministeros of the crown have been directed to the subject. I sot sure nothing can be more important at this p res _ time than that the whole question of education, begitild Piss Cambridge, with that of the higher classes at Oxford Po Cambridge, thence to the middle classes, e comprehending also the education of the wo rk e d, classes, should be promptly and fully consi der s (Hear, hear.) With respect to this part of the subj ec 4 am rejoiced to hear thattit is intended to extend tJt o means for instruction in practical science as applie d :st the general business of life. lam also glad to h eat t o t some measures on the subj e ct of secondary punisher ~ will bo proposed, so that transportation to Van Dieu :le :6, Land may at the earliest possible period be abolishoe There are two circumstances to be considered in re , treatment of that question —one, that we have gire ° o l presentative institutions to our Australian colonies; of the other, the recent discoveries of gold in a porde° air' those colonies. It is quite obvious that these two c oo cumatances render it necessary that we should rerloete whole subject, and lam glad that the Right Hoe• t he the Secretary for the Colonies—to whom I toot bo o liberty some time since of speaking on the subjeet t ioa come to the wise conclusion of not confining the eil a , 9 . t he to transportation to Van Diemen's Land, but tesiytoies case as regards the whole of the Australian o°l ere should be reconsidered. (Hear, hear.) Ot course, ibioli are other subjects connected with our penal laws 1.1 an d must be discussed in company with this questioo,oro, which will no doubt occupy the attention of Go t hat, went; but, upon the whole, lam rejoiced to fin d the with the exception of the topic of commercial policliro' question of the great ease between Free Trade an , dre ss tectiou, there is nothing in the Sp( ea'e or the At` have which calls for more than the few slight remarks I . te ot made. I trust that when the policy of the Goveret"e os on that subject is declared, it will be to secure:lov permanently our present universally-admitted ado tages. (Hear, hear.) I hie cs ir The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER ---- If tt , not help fancyin g , Si r , if th e o n ly p a ragraph of - die' the Noble Lord the Member for the city of Lond on it ill approved in the a nswer to t h e Q ueen ' s S peec h was re t edf so evasive as some H onoura bl e G en tl emen had e l ' heo e that an amendment to th e Add ress wou ld have t ' t , of made. Ido not think that the con s tit u tional delie ti ' i o ld my Honourable Friend who has addressed us /, 0 1;0 have deterred him from taking a course for Wi lic o ee well-stored memory and ample experience woul d '", I furnished him with sufficient precedents. (A laug h-- ; i t ee cannot say that I concur with the Noble Lor d t he Member for the city of London, or his friend, 0 /l i c it version which he has placed upon this paragraph , w 0 to they have described as so evasive. It appears to O dor be perfectly well adapted to the circumstances °li t he which we meet to-day. (Laughter.) I me an hi t hat circumstances under which we meet to-dai , bo th there are two parties in the House which aredwreoe, indisposed to come to an y c ollision on the Acitholt (Hear, hear.) C ertainl y , w ith that feeling , 1 ' R oe the paragraph is framed in a manner which can tor no mistake upo n the im partial mind as to the it) for tions of the Government upon the subject. (li eß e r g . o ) ls r - the only point which is laid down in this pareg' A . 7; cor specting which there can be no evasion, is the — e s eter° tion of the principles upon which the commercial 4 , Go of this country is recognized and established by %d 0003- vernment, and that is the principle of unrestricte i o the, petition. That is the only distinct expressi°tet that paragraph describing the views of the Govern stem the legislation which gradually has produced the' % u sed of unrestricted competition has in its operatic? icsterialf injury to certain classes of the country. ( &L ' lL eitY °,' cheers). The Noble Lord the Member for the, t " o au' London says this is Protectionism. But I row:before dress of the Noble Lord, recently.published, jest , 1 the oedresst to the dissolution of the late Parliament, constituents of the greatest commercial city in t 'a" ship" dons, and there I found that the merchants Bo er° s ob" owners of London were reminded that they vi e C ssinie; jetted to grea t b ur d ens an d un j us t restrictions k 0 01 D • • tonal cheers)—burdens and restrictions wh ie h 00 /Y wo w O. be considtied such by the action of rece nt Ile w as 0 Therefore, the noble lord was of opinion, svhet a 4 o quit e candidate for the city of London, that it ate possible to maintain unimpaired that comMerefctitioe, founded upon the principle of unrestricted c o me t ur deeS and yet to remove those restrictions and tbortwwhieht which one great interest was suffering from , oc cas i o ned by by his own acknowledgment, were virtuallY t u e rote' by recent legislation. (Cheers.) Was tha!_4 ll t hee, tionist declaration of the Noble Lord ? ", ' to roe,. very recently I have had representations w eri eg tooo of by bodies of merchants and shipowners-.g eoooectet extreme liberal opinions, upon all suite cctiii the ePP QSi c : with commerce, some of them sitting upon T eau n;,ilf,o^i side of the House, inte rests ° f their leeliegs, reprceenedutcint'grlaoin"ciSo.t%lfeagr '' 1 1 5 1 6 ,,,, a nd ff : r, 1 the "entre', they will be extremely diesy. they 00. a " n li d te t h u rbur i d i e t n h s e 1 w r h e i s e t h ric t t h ie e t y ls ekes intor b u oa n r d , yr ar w e ht ' wut form her l by (my body of men who L"' _„~