The Sun. — London, England, 1837-08-21 00:00:00

PIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. The Standard affects to make light of the demon strations of the Scotsman and the Morning Chronicle that the members who will support Ministers in this Parliament are returned by a great majority of the town population of England. We repeat the results of our analysis. In boroughs with 100,000 inhabitants and 'upwards, the Liberal is to the Tory population as 95 to 10. In boroughs with 50,000 inhabitants and up wards, the Liberal is to the Tory population as 48 to 10. In boroughs with 10,000 inhabitants and up wards, the Liberal is to the Tory population as 30 to 10. And in the whole boroughs collectively, the Li beral is to the Tory population as 26 to 10. The conclusion drawn from this analysis was perfectly legi timate, that the thinking, the best informed, and the most independent part of the population have pronounced, by a vast majority, in favour of Mi nisters." Though, therefore, there be only a ma jority of thirty-nine decided Reformers in the col lective returns for the three kingdoms, yet Mi nisters have all the intelligent and independent constituencies in their favour, and an overwhelm ing majority of the enlightened inhabitants of towns, they are really exceedingly strong in the legiti mate sense of the term. The Tories are returned by the use made of the shameful parts of the Constitution. Where electors are to be bought or bullied, and cannot have an opinion of their own, the Tories have alone any strength. The Standard tells us that in some of the towns of which the population is stated to be in favour of Reform, there was a minority of Tories. That of course is unquestionable. There is no town in which there are not some Tories ; and in the case of the city of London, for instance, the minority in fa vour of the Tory candidate was in a great measure (we are sorry to say) made up of Reformers, who had been teazed into giving one vote in favour of the Tory, having given three in favour of Reformers. Some of these Reformers were seduced by the captious reason ing that a minority ought to have their representative as well as the majority. So that even in London it is not to be inferred that because Mr. Horsley Palmer had a minority little short of Mr. Grote's majority, therefore all who supported him were Tories. But in most of the great towns the majority in favour of Reformers was great and decided. And there is this also to be taken into account, that the Reformers being exposed to great sacrifices in busi ness from the conscientious exercise of the franchise, often abstain from voting when the majority is suffi ciently decided to render it unnecessary for them to come forward. But who ever heard of counting mi norities in cases of this kind? The sense of the majo rity is the sense of the town. In Liverpool and Nor wich, and some other towns, indeed, the respectable inhabitants were swamped by venal paupers, and therefore the majority even in these towns ought in fairness to be classed as in favour of Reform. We excluded the counties from our analysis for this rea son, that public opinion cannot possibly be expressed in them. In an inquiry into the relative strength of the aristocracy professing Tory and Liberal opinions an analysis of the county e l ec ti ons i s curious. We do not say that the squirearchy can be excluded in any statement of the strength of parties in this country. In the United States of North America so many slaves in the southern states are deemed equiva lent to a smaller number of free whites in the other states in determining the number of representatives from a state to Congress ; but no man ever )et thought of taking the vote of the slave himself as a test of his opinion. In England the tenantry at will are generally the most ignorant part of the population, and they are notoriously driven to the poll by their landlords. It is absurd to consider the votes of such mon a test of public opinion. In counties like Cum berland, where a number of the old yeomen still exist, the voters are more favourably circumstanced. But exceptions are not enough in such a case. The coun ties, se repeat, are no test of public opinion : they enable us to see the extent of the influence of the Tory squires, and to judge of the perfection of the ma chinery of parsons, &c., for Tory purposes. In all great political struggles the influence of the country 'squires and their dependents has been as nothing compared with the town population. The city of London, then nat equal in population to Manchester, with the aid of a few small towns (for all the town popu lation of England then was not equal to the popula tion of a third-rate county now), defeated again and again the proud aristocracy of England. Opinion in great towns is always irresistible. Ignorance, depen dence, and timidity, dwell in villages. A Sunday Paper will of course, as usual, he extolled for its fairness by the Tory journals. It is very convenient to a party to have an advocate nominally in the ranks of their oppo• nents ready to make all manner of convenient admis sions. " In both countries (says this Sunday writer) the Hanoverian cry was got up ; as if a man's vote for Whig or Tory were to depend upon the merits of a quarrel between King Ernest and his subjects. But in this game the Whigs were beaten. Conic to foul play, and the Liberals are no match for their oppo nents." We have an instance of the extent to which the Tories carry foul play in the use they made of the new Poor-law. But what absurdity to pretend that the people of England have nothing to do with dis putes between King Ernest and his subjects ? Is not the course pursued by a man at the head of the Tories in this country, where he had his elbows free, of im portance in enabling us to ascertain the inclinations of the Tories ? If we were to suppose that the voters for Tories were always aware of the real principles of those for whom they voted, it might be said your busi ness is to beat the Tories, and not to expose the con stitution-phobia of King Ernest. But the Tories are hypocrites, they always fight under false colours ; and it becomes necessary to arrive at their real inclinations by inferences from what some of them reveal when not restrained by the fear of opinion. When Lord Stor mont declared that he hated the very name of Reform, was that declaration of no importance with reference to the Tory party ? Believing, as we do, that the Tories are insincere politicians, and that they would strike at the best interests of the country if they were in power, we conceive it must always be of importance to un mask them.—Morning Chronicle. We most heartily participate with Lord Durham in the " wish to rally as large a portion of the British people as possible around the existing institutions of the country--the Throne, Lords, Commons, and the Established Church." We feel it, therefore, to be a duty especially incumbent upon us to urge all who en tertain the like wish and desire, as they ought to assist in its attainment, to be vigilant and active during the approaching registrations, and particularly during the few days, hours we had almost said, which will inter vene between the present moment and Friday next, the 25th of August, the last day for delivering notices of objections to persons registered or claiming votes, and the last day also for claims on the part of those who may have been omitted from the borough lists, either by the inattention, or, as is to be apprehended from certain facts which have reached us, by the wilful mis conduct of Overseers. Sir Robert Peel, in his speech at the City dinner in May, 1835, when alluding to the danger which then threatened, and still, though in a much less degree, impends over the institutions of the country, assvred his hearers that it was in their power to mitigate, if not altog ether to avert t h at d anger. H e said, " The first step towards safety is a know ledge of the real source of our strength, a just confi dence in it, and a firm resolution to exert it." That Sir Robert Peel judged wisely, that he predicted cor rectly, of the advantage s to result from attention to the registration, has been abundantly shown by the returns at the general election now terminated, as com pared with those at the election of 1835. We shall select a few cases in illustration of this position. In 1835, Lord John Russell, though out of office, was returned for South Devon without opposition. In April in the same year, the results of the registration of 1834 having become better known, Lord John Russell, then a Minister of the Crown, was rejected by a majority of 537, and driven to take refuge in what has been said to be the place-bartered seat of Stroud. In the present year Mr. Bulteel, though he had in his favour a strong sentiment of personal respect and private attachment, which nothing but an impe rious sense of public duty could have successfully overcome, was beaten by a majority, the extent of which we are not enabled accurately to estimate, by reason of his retirement from the contest on the first day of the election, which, of course, prevented numbers on both sides from voting. Suffice it to say, that the majority on the first day was 758, and at the final close of the poll 934. Take next East Wor cestershire. There, in 1835, Mr. H. St. Paul was defeated by a majority of 40. We now find him re turned, and as his colleague Mr. Barneby, also of de cidedly Conservative polities, by majorities respectively of 426 and 359. In West Somerset, one of the Whig-Radical candidates, who was defeated at the re cent election by a majority of 396, was elected in 1835 by a majority of 817. In North Stafford and East Sussex, counties not contested in 1835, Conservative candidates have come in by considerable majorities (the first exceeding 1,000), and at the head of the poll. At the West Riding election of 1835, Lord Morpeth and Sir George Strickland were returned without opposition. On the subsequent contest with Mr. Wortley in April of that year, Lord Morpeth's ma jority was more than 2,060. At the late contest Sir G. Strickland had a majority of 403 only over Mr. Wortley. We have not forgotten Middlesex, the electors of which county have sent Mr. Hume to seek a seat in Ireland, whither, or to that refuge for deafeated Whig candidates, the peerage, it was also in their power to have sent Mr. Byng, who owes his ma jority over Mr. Pownall principally to the misapplied commiseration of men who call themselves Conserve- . tives. Among the cities and boroughs, Bath, Liver pool, Brighton, and others might be adduced, as fur nishing similar results in point of figures to some of the counties. We shall content ourselves with the case of London, where Mr. Grote has been this year returned by a nominal majority of six, which less than that obtained by him in 1835, by only 1,350 ! The above instances show what has already been accom plished, and they afford 'the fairest promise of further and complete success in future ; but that success is only to be achieved by further exertion, the necessity for which we beg to press on the attention of our Conservative readers. Much has been done, but more remains for them to do. The Queen's Ministry have, by the zealous co-operation of the real friends of the Queen and the Constitution, had been reduced to the miserable necessity of relying upon an Irish majority obtained by fraud and perjury at the registry, and by scenes of most disgraceful outrage and intimidation at the elections—a majority of 20 perhaps, or 22, to be hereafter either reduced or annihilated if honest deci sions are obtained, as we believe they will be, from Committees of the House of Commons. Here then is encouragement to further activity, and we now pro ceed to point out the mode in which the renewed exer tions of our friends may be most advantageously be stowed. Let every Conservative entitled to be in cluded in a list of voters for a borough carefully examine that list without delay, to see if his name and qualification are entered therein, and if omitted let him serve the overseer with the written notice of claim required by the Reform Act. If on such examina tion he should find some error in the description of himself or his qualification, let him carefully note it, and attend either in person or by some available wit ness at the Revising Barrister's Court to insure the correction of the error. This attendance will also be necessary in the event of his having claimed inser tion in any list of voters. But we are at present more particularly concerned in considering the press ing business of the next three or four days. Having attended to the above instructions, which, if time will allow, may be made available as well to a friend's case as to his own, the Conservative must next bear in mind that the Reform Act confers a privilege, the exercise of which has already proved most beneficial to the cause he supports—the power of preventing the insertion or retention on the register of votes which are bad in law, or which have been fraudulently con cocted. While writing in the metropolitan county we are reminded of the fraudulent insertion in a list for that county of the claims to vote of forty-two ves trymen of St. Marylebone, among whom figured, we believe, the present Member for the borough, Sir Samuel Whalley. This memorable instance of - the . self-styled Reformers' honesty in election matters pro duced the conviction for conspiracy of two of the offenders. Let the privilege of objecting to the ad mission of votes, as well in boroughs as in counties, be unsparingly exercised on or before Friday next, in all cases where a bowl fide objection is Known or reasonably believed to exist to a Radical or Whig- Radical vote. The Destructives will not confine themselves to bond fide objections. In our tactics let us however exhibit, as we have hitherto done, this honourable mark of distinction from theirs ; let them, if they think fit, harass for one year more, by frivolous objections, without the hazard of costs, indi viduals who arc legally entitled to the franchise. The experience of the late elections renders it necessary to pay attention to one point, which the Reform Act has left too much to the matia,semcnt of Overseers. On every register there is to be found a considerable num ber of persons who are dead. During the late elec tion for Middlesex we heard it stated that there were 700 of that class upon the register. Now, though " deed men tell no tales," they happen somehow to appear, we hope by proxy, at the poll, when a Whig- Radical candidate is in danger. In the year 1833 the Bedford Election Committee allowed the vote of a per son whose death was proved before them to have taken place thirty-eight years previously. This precedent was too valuable to be lost sight of. Mr. Giote's and Mr. Flume's polls were accordingly (if we may rely upon information which we receive almost daily) increased by the names of the dead, represented bodily by per sons only less infamous than those who sent them to the polling-booths. In all such cases, then, let no tices of objection be regularly served in boroughs upon the overseer, in counties upon the overseer and the tenant, if any, of the deceased voter, or, in place of the tenant, let the notice be left at the place of abode of the voter described in the list. This course of pro ceeding will get rid easily of many Reform votes. Our limits prevent further observations on the subject of registration to-day. We purpose, however, to resume it at an early period. Enough, we hope, has been said to convey " a knowledge of the real source of our strength," to inspire " a just confidence in it," and to produce " a firm resolution to exert it." If so, nei ther the speech of Sir Robert Peel nor our own efforts will hare been published in vain.—Times. A complete extinguisher is put upon the hopes of the Tories by the glorious majority of Reformers which the " Aliens" par excellence have elected to represent them in the ensuing Parliament. The indignation of the faction is boundless at perceiving all their pros pects of usurping the Government thus blasted by the exertions of those against whom their hatred has ever been most malignantly directed. All the pleasing visions conjured up by the atrocious agencies which have suppressed the fair expression of opinion in the English counties, have vanished before the. patriotic and liberal spirit which has so cheeringly manifested itself in Scotland and Ireland. So infuriated are the Tories at being thus foiled in their purpose, at the very moment when they fancied themselves certain of suc cess, that they appear to have lost all discretion and self-possession, and commit all manner of extravagan cies in attempting to show cause why—notwithstand ing the absolute abhorrence with which their policy is deservedly regarded by the whole honest, industrial, and intelligent portion of the community—they should be invested with the government of a people to whom their very name is an abomination. Some of their displays in this regard are of a most ludicrous deasjeorriiptey tion. At one time they attempt, after what so me w i ll call an Irish fashion, to . prove that a m composed of Scotch and Irish Members is not a majority at all, and in confirmation of this they influ ence a calculation to ascertain the proportion of which a Scotch or Irish vote should bear to an English vote. As it appears not yet to have b een resolved wh e th er an "Alien" vote is to be rated at one-half, one-third, or one-fourth, we cannot, of course, express any definite opinion of the estimate which the Tories form of their own strength. But the question would no doubt furnish an appropriate and interesting subject for the Opposition to bring under the conside ration of Parliament. We are curious to know the process by which it would be proposed to roll two Irish Members into one ; or whether, if the whole number of Irish representatives were reduced, each individual would be then allowed to stand as a unit. It is a pity Sir Andrew Agnew, Sir James Graham, Sir George Murray, and others of this class, are not in a position to lay their views on this subject before the House of THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY, AUGUST 21, 1837. Commons, as they know so well in their own persons the fair value of men beside themselves. It would, we apprehend, be found rather troublesome to calcu late the Irish fractions on a division, in case each Member from the " Alien" land should be allowed but a fractional share in the representation ; we should, therefore, advise the Tories at once to get rid of the difficulty, and propose a repeal of the Union. To this result their policy is strongly tending. Why not at once avow it, and thereby conciliate the co-operation of these whom as opponents they so much despise and deprecate ? A miserable attempt has been also made to represent the Irish Liberals as making familiar and indecorous allusions to the sentiments expressed by her Majesty in her letter to Lord Mulgrave, approving of his Excellency's Administration. Mr. Sheil is repre sented to have said in Tipperary:---" The Queen is with us. It was said Lord John wrote the letter in deed. It was dictated, however, by the Queen. Yes ; dictated by her gracious Majesty; and when she writes election squibs so well, we'll give three cheers for our Queen Victoria, God bless her!" " The Queen" and " election squibs !" How very like Mr. Sheil's style ! —all its brilliancy and point ! So polished and clas sical as to leave no doubt of its authorship I And yet on this wretched trash—evidently spurious every line — which some stupid knave has attributed to one of the most refined and studiously elegant orators of the Bri tish Senate—is hung an elaborate commentary to show the incapacity of the Irish Members to appreciate the position and good intentions of their Sovereign, and to disgust the latter with those whom she has honoured with her confidence. But after the diabolical attempt to infuse distrust and dissention between her Majesty and her illustrious parent, these minor machinations need not excite surprise, however inucli they deserve execration.—Morning Advertiser. The extraordinary efforts which the Government is making in Ireland to retrieve the losses sustained by the Melbourne Ministry upon the English elections prove two things one, the desperate condition to which their affairs are reduced ; the other, the deter mination to persevere as long as they can keep their heads above water in endeavouring to " carry out," by their policy, the terms of that degrading and in famous compact which they formed with the profligate disturber of the peace of Ireland at Lichfield House, for the purpose of coercing the late King in the exercise of his Royal prerogative, and, forcing themselves back into the high places of power, for which, by their want of talent, character, and principle, they had shown that they were wholly unqualified. The Pro testants of Great Britain now see in the close and familiar embrace of a monstrous coalition the Pro testant Government and the Popish priesthood, who pant for the destruction of all Protestant institutions. Since the reign of James H., such a portentous union has not insulted the enlightened understanding or shocked the Protestant principles of the people of Eng land. There is now no disguise as to the preference to be given to Popish and Protestant principles in Ireland, at least there is no disguise as far as the operations of Government in that country are carried on, though in England Mr. Spring It ice and Lord John Russell, preparatory to the late elections, delivered sentiments with the view of hoodwinking the Protestant electors, adverse to O'Connell's policy, and conservative of our institutions in Church and State. But that was only part and parcel of the system of deception and " thimble rig" which the Melbourne Cabinet carries on —they ey subsist—like their great ally and mas t er , th e " big beggarman"—upoa public delusion. Already the Journals of the Ministry send forth a shout of triumph regarding the Irish elections. Their triumph is, we believe, more showy than real. It is assuredly pre mature. Several of those elections, to say nothing of the outrageous lengths to which the Government has gone in the exercise of undue influence, have been obtained for Ministers and Popery by palpable fraud and intimidation. Where fraud has not succeeded, open violence has been resorted to, and the lives of Conser vative electors assailed as the price of daring in the face of the " liberty-loving" slaves of the Romish Ch urc h, to exercise the " freedom' of election !" Still the re turns obtained for the papal and destructive faction will fall short of what O'Connell had anticipated, and Committees of the House of Commons will, no doubt, considerably reduce the number of pro-popish repre sentatives, who, for s time, usurp the seats which the votes of bona, le constituencies have, in point of law, conferred upon the defenders of the Protestant institu tions of the kingdom. If our young and inexperienced Queen has been imposed upon, as we have no doubt she has, and if, in declaring that she would maintain the Constitution which she had learned to respect and love, and preserve the Protestant Church as by law established, she spoke the words of :sincerity and truth, while her Ministers meant that they should be used only in the way of hypocrisy and deception, the events which have occurred even during the short time that hat elapsed since her accession must have opened her Ma • jesty's eyes and proved to her that the faction that has surrounded the throne are not identified with the feel ings or interests of Constitution a l an d P ro testant England.—Morning Herald. The Ministerialis:s are blinded by their eregious vanity when they say that the present Government is identified with certain great political principles. It is ne such thing. If it were we should account it a much more respectable Government than we do account it. Men who act from principle—that is a principle hav ing reference to the public good—we cannot but re gard with so me d egree o f d e f erence even w h en we think their principle an erroneous one. But the whole his tory of the existing Governme n t s h ows th a t it is n o t identified with any principle. We complain of the present Ministers, not th a t th e y are Whi gs i n principle or Radicals in principle, but that they are, as touching the conduct of public affairs, shockingly unprincipled, mean, selfish, and dishonest. We believe there is not one man among the present Administration who does net in his heart prefer the Conservative policy to any other, but because they cannot obtain the assist ance which a Government requires upon any other terms than those of truckling to the Whig-Radicals they affect to favour Whig-Radical policy. In statin g this, we state nothing but the general conviction of the country. It is not only the opinion of Conserva tives who oppose, but also of Radicals who support, the existing Government, that the wishes of its mem• hers are that Conservative policy may prosper, if that he possible, concurrently with their administration of affairs. It is, howevor, the opinion both of Conserva tives and Radicals that the chief object of the present Ministers is to remain place, and that they will sacri fice Conservative policy, and adopt Radical policy, ra ther than not remain in place. It is notorious that the supporters of the Administration have no confidence in the Administration beyond that which arises from the belief that the Ministers will not dare to dis oblige them. They calculate upon the vice and weak ness of the Queen's Government and their own ability to coerce these Ministers to a considerable extent. Not being powerful enoug h to ma k e an Administra tion of their own, they bring the aid of their Honse of Commons power to a p arty essent i ally ar i stocratical, who are miserably deficient in the House of Commons power, and also arc nevertheless determined to hold the offices of government till they are absolutely forced from them. But the Radicals know the value of their assistance too well to give it without conditions. They enable the Whigs to hold place, and the Whigs enable them to make their policy the proposed policy of the Government of the country. Happily it is little more than the proposed policy, for the Conservatives have been strong enough in the last Parliament (and they will be stronger in the next) to save the country, and the Whigs themselves, from the policy which the Whigs propose upon Radical suggestion. There is a kind of genuine union—that arising from a common antipathy, which we admit to exist between Minis ters and th e i r R a di ca l supporters—a ll t h e rest of their connection is pure fraud. They both hate the Conservative p ar ty. Th e R a di ca l s h ate t h e Con servatives on account o f t h e i r pr i nc i p l es, an d t h e i r determination to maintain these principles. The Ministcrials hate the Conservative party, because that party is so much more powerful than their own— because, notwithstanding the existence of the Reform Act, the Conservative party is very strong in - the House of Commons, as well as in the House of Lords, and (were the Radicals to hold aloof) able to beat the Whigs in either House, three to one. The dif f.rence between the nature of the st.ugale ca:ri , ,:d on by Conservatives and Ministers is really this, that the I former are striving to establish, in the legislation and Government of the country, the principles of their party, and the latter are striving to establish the places of themselves. To say that the present Ministers have principles, for which they labour as managers of pub lic affairs, is either to repeat the dream of a heated brain or to assert a flat falsehood. If they had prin ciples they would declare them boldly—they would pro duce measures in conformity with them—and if they could not carry such measures they would no longer in cur the responsibility of guiding the Government of a country whose legislature refused to be guided by their advice. But there is nothing of this kind, neither is there any general belief that they have principle. Persons whom they employ may assert it, and it will of course suit the persons who support them to affect an accordance with these statements ; but we appeal to the candour of the public whether the general impression be not that the consent of Ministers to Radical mea sures is the result of their dependence upon Radical votes, and not from any good disposition towards these measures ? It is of this wretched debasement of the character of Government that we have so often com plained, and that we will complain again and again, in the hope that the spirit, the honest spirit of this nation, will arise in its might, and demand that we shall have a Government pledged to some principles by which it will stand or fall. If this plan of holding the Government upon the sufferance of an extreme party, which consents for a consideration that the Government shall be so held—if this system should long continue there is no calculating the amount of degrading effect which such paltryness in high places may not have upon the general character of the nation. We protest that we think even bad measures, if proposed and carried with genuine honesty of pur pose—that is to say, in a true English spirit—are less dangerous to our permanent welfare than a bastard description of Government, which shuffles about, now under one name, and now under another, and which submits to be kicked with exemplary patience, remem bering the thrifty adage of " no place, no wages." Princ►ple I Upon what principle did this Adminis tration come into office ? Why they induced the House of Commons to affirm that a portion of tl►e property of the Established Protestant Church in Ireland was justly applicable to a secular purpose— the education of the Roman Catholics. Sir Robert Peel would not continue in the Government while one of the Houses of Legislature expressed, even by a small majority, a principle so opposite to his own. Have the present Ministers who succeeded him advanced one jot that principle which they made their stepping• stone to office ? Did they venture to bring it forward in the last Session of Parliament ? Is there the slightest probability that they will bring it forward with success in the next Session ? All these questions must be answered in the negative. A pretty Government it is, then, to pretend to principle. We recommend the flatterers of the present Ministers to choose other ground. Let them say with what adroit ness the Government can truck " Court warrants" against the votes of Radical retailers of cabbages. Let them boast of the magnanimous facility with which Ministers when refused the support of the people of England can console themselves with the aid of the Priests of Ireland. If they do this they have some chance of being believed. So long as they talk of the " principle" of these Ministers they will only be laughed at.—Morning Post. WHEAT AND FLOUR IN FRANCE COMPARED WITH LONDON. WHEAT. —The highest price of the best wheat in Paris, is 25 francs per 14 hectolitre, which is equal to 38s. 3d. per English imperial quarter. The highest price of the best Essex and Kent wheat in London, is 655. per quarter, show ing fine wheat to be 275. 9d. per quarter dearer in London than in Paris, or upwards of 72} per cent. ; and that the same money which will in London buy but eight bushels of wheat, will, in Paris, procure upwards of thirteen bushels of the finest quality. FLOUR. —The highest price of flour of the " first mark" in Paris, is 53 francs per 159 kilogrammes, which is equal to 365. 6d. per English sack of 280 pounds. The highest price of the best " town made" flour in London, being 12s. per sack, shows fine flour to be 18s. 6d. per sack dearer in London than in Paris, or nearly 60 per cent. ; and that the same money which in London buys but 280 pounds of fine flour, will in Paris purchase 403 pounds of the very best quality. The ropemakcrs of her iNlajesty's dockyard, Ports mouth dined together on Thursday last, at the Queen Charlotte's Head, Lsndport, to commemorate the adop tion of the French plan of tarring yarns singly in prefe rence of many together. Grouse shooting commenced on Saturday last, and all the moors in this vicinity, from which reports have been received, the sportsmen are well pleased both with the number and quality 40E, game.—Ayr Observer. We. lament to state that a serious and fatal affray occurred between two men, named Willis and White, on their return borne from Lenthay Races, on Tuesday night. White it appears is a native of Cornwall, and Willis a resi dent of this town. The particulars of this melancholy rencontre arc variously given, and as we are anxious to avoid publishitr; any misstatement, we shall decline doing more, till after the Coroner's Inquest, than simply adding, that the quarrel ended in the death of Willis by the hands of White. The body bears several severe wounds, inflicted with a knife, and one of a desperate character is visible in the neck. The deceased did not long survive the wound.- 8//e,/,')7 ine Journal. POTATOE EXPERIM ENT.-0 wing to the partial failure of the potatoe crop for several years past, it became an object of importance to try experiments with the view of restoring the constitutional vigour of that valuable esculent. Last year Mr. Arthur, gardener, at North Berwick Lodge, noticing a field of thriving potatoes, of sorts, in his neigh. bourhood, bestowed considerable pains in crossing the strongest and most approved varieties in the field, and af terwards carefully collected the seed. The seed thus col lected was sown early this season, and the plants produced were in due season transferred to new ground, on which potatoes had never before been grown. The crop, which covers more than a quarter of an acre, has the most pro mising appearance, the stems being nearly as strong as the best fields in the neighbourhood, grown from sets. From the pretty extensive scale on which the experiment has been made, and the scientific manner in which it has been con ducted, it seems well deserving the attention of the agri culturists, as a great number of new and important varie ties may b e o bt a ined, no two stems exhibiting the same cha racteristics. On Sunday morning a painter residing in Camp bell's Close, High-street, gathered some fungi on Arthur Seat, which he mistook for mushrooms, and in that belief brought them home, and having prepared them, cat them iu company with two of his sons. Shortly afterwards, all three were taken violently ill. Dr. Peddie of Lauriston was sent for, who applied the stomach pump. The young est son was least affected, as he had eaten rather sparingly of the poisonous vegetable. The elder boy, though more alarmingly affected, is also doing well. But the father continues still in a dangerous state, being affected with de lirium, though it is hoped he also will recover.—Scotsman. GREENAcRE.—The rewards which were offered for the apprehension and conviction of the murderer Greenacre, and which for so long a period were withheld from the parties, have at length been paid, and a considerable portion of the amount has very properly been awarded to that me ritorious officer Inspector Feltham, of the T division, who, it appears, has found another warm friend in the person of Mr. ex-Sheriff Parkins, and from whom Mr. George Bean, No. 6, Mortimer -street, Cavendish-square, has just re ceived a communication. On Friday Mr. Bean forwarded to the Inspector a letter of which the following is a copy : Sir,—l am desired by Joseph Wilfred Parkins, Esq., now residing at New York, to transmit to you the inclosed .51. note, as a reward for your activity and vigilance in appre hending and bringing to justice Greenacre, the murderer. This gift is to be disposed of in the purchase of a medal or anything else you may think proper. I am Sir, &c., GEORGE BEAN."—It further appears from the contents of the packet addressed to Mr. Bean, that about three years ago the ex-Sheriff narrowly eseaped being murdered by Greenacre and two others, named Alexander and Robinson, all of whom were with him at some period confined in the Debtors Prison, New York, when the latter (Robinson), a Kentucky man, was desirous of obtaining possession of a bond which was in his (Mr. Parkins's) hands. Mr. Per kins states in addition, that a short time previous to the above occurrence, five fellows (all prisoners) burst into his (Mr. Parkins's) room in the middle of the night, and one of them, whom he believed to have been employed for the purpose by Greenacre, gave him a desperate blow on the eye with a hatchet, and it was a great mercy that he was not killed. LOVE.—Love is heat full of coldness, a sweet full of bitterness, a pain full of pleasantness—making the thoughts, hair, eyes and hearts, ears—born of desire, nursed by delight, weaned by jealousy, killed by dissem bling, and buried by ingratitude. Love is a chameleon, which draws nothing in the mouth but air, and nourishes nothing in the body but the tongue. A man has choice to begin love, but not to end it. Love-knots are tied with eyes, be witilhan&-1,10,1e fait with thous IL6, not to be unloosed with fingers. THE YOUNG TIGER HUNTER. I had never before seen anything in the shape of tiger, and was struck dumb with astonishment. Not so my little Moor boy. He was the son of a famous Shikaree, and I believe he had never seen a tiger any more than my self ; he had often heard his father talk of his exploits among the wild beasts of the forests ; he knew me to be a Griffin, and his little heart swelled with the proud con sciousness of superior knowledge in woodcraft. " Suppose master, please," said he, drawing himself up, and assuming an air of much importance, " I show Sahib how to kill that tiger. I know very well burrah slacar business." In my simplicity I looked upon the daring little imp, who talked thus confidently of killing a panther with a degree of respect almost amounting to awe ; and, without hesitation, put my self under his guidance. According to his directions, I ex tracted the shot from my gun, and loaded it with some bullets, which I happened to have in my pocket. " Now, then," exclaimed my young shikaree, as he placed me be hind the shelter of a large stone, directly in front of the cave ; " now, then, I show Sahib how to make tiger come. Sahib make tiger eat plenty balls; that proper Shikar busi ness." So saying, he marched directly up to the entrance of the cave, and began to pelt the tiger with stones, abusing him at the same time in choice Hindoostanee slang. Sure enough this did make " tiger come" with a vengeance. The enraged brute, uttering a shrill roar, darted from the cave, seized the boy by the back of the neck, threw him over his shoulder, and dashed down the hill like a thunder bolt. My blood curdled at the sight ; but I instinctively fired, and, I suppose, hit the beast, for he instantly dropped the boy, who rolled into a dark ravine at the foot of the hill. The panther having disappeared in a neighbouring jungle, I descended into the ravine, to look after poor little " Kheder." There he lay, weltering in blood, dread fully mangled, and evidently in a dying state, but still quite sensible. The gallant little fellow never uttered a complaint, but fixing his large black eyes steadily on my countenance, as if he could there read his fate, asked in a faint tone of voice for some water. I was stooping down to collect some in my hat, when I was startled by a surly growl and the noise of some animal snuffing amongst the brushwood, which closed over my head and almost excluded the light of day. It was the panther, who had returned. My first impulse was to fly, and leave the boy to his fate. But poor " Kheder," seeing my interion, fixed his glassy eyes upon me with an imploring look, which cut me to the heart, and made me blush for very shame. Kneeling by his side, I raised his head, wiped the bloody froth from his parched lips, and poured a few drops of water down his throat. This appeared to revive him. " You have not killed the tiger, Sahib," said he, speaking in Hindoostanee ; " I am sorry for that. I should liked to have sent his skin to my father. But you will tell him, Sahib, that I died like a shikaree. I was not afraid of the tiger ; I never cried out when 1 felt his teeth crunching through my bones. No ; I struck my knife in him twice. See ! that is tiger's blood !" and his glazing eye flashed wildly for a moment, as he held up a bloody knife, which he clutched firmly in his right hand. "My father will be proud to hear this. But my mother will cry very much, and her heart will turn to water when she hears that lam dead." And here, for the first time, the hot tears began to trickle down his cheeks. For a few minutes he remained motionless, with his eyes closed, and big drops stealing, slowly and silently through the long silken eylashes. But, suddenly starting up, with his eyes burst ing from their sockets, and gasping painfully for breath, he screamed as if in a fit of delirium, " The tiger has seized me again !—save me, Sahib—save me !" cried he, in a hoarse voice, " I feel his teeth in my throat ! my breath is stopped ! —ah !—!"—he gasped like a person drowning—his eyes turned in his head till nothing but the white was visible— his jaws became firmly locked—a cold shudder ran through his limbs—and the gallant little " Kheder" fell back in my arms, a stiffened corpse. I was young then, and unused to witness death ; and that scene has made an impression on my mind which will never be obliterated. All this time the panther continued to pace up and down the edge of the ravine, nearly on a level with my head, growling fearfully, ever and anon, poking his snout into the bushes, and snuffing at me, as if debating with himself whether or not he should jump down.—The Spertsman. A GREEK WEDDING.—Having arrived at the church, they proceeded to the altar, the wax tapers of which were lighted, although it was mid-day ; and then, after several interrogatories being put to the bride and bridegroom mutually, after the manner of the English ri tual, the ceremony was completed, and the two were " one flesh." At that part where they were named man and wife, the compadre, or sponsor, placed a crown or garland . . of flowers upon each of their heads. When the - crown was placed upon the bride's head, the bridegroom placed, at . . the same time, a shawl (someti mes a handkerchief is sub stituted) upon hor shoulders, as a present. The priest then blessed them, and they proceeded out of the church arm in arm, with the same music preceding them, to their habita tion.—Cochrane's Wanderings in Greece. Lvo Tftl E VES.—On Thursday two suspicious looking characters, named Wilson and Forrest, belonging to Glasgow, one of them a noted thief, were observed by those active officers M'Levy and Mulholland to enter a stair leading to the shop of a pawnbroker in the High-street with a bundle. They were immediately followed and seized ; and the bundle, on being examined, was found to contain a black coat and vest, with drab trowsers, all nearly new. On searching their persons each was discovered to be wearing two excellent vests under his own ; and in the pocket of one of them was a tortoiseshell snuff-box, with the initials " L. S." inscribed on a pice of silver on the lid. They were placed in confinement, in the hope that an owner for the property would soon cast up, which accordingly happened on Sunday last. A person from the neighbour hood of Dallteith called at the Police-office on the fore noon of Sunday, and stated that he had lost certain articles : when, upon being shown those found upon Wilson and For rest, he identified a large portion of them, including the snuff-box, to be his. In about half an hour afterwards ano ther person called from Rose -street, to intimate also the loss of some similar property, when the remaining articles were claimed by him. Wilson and Forrest were brought up to the Police bar on Monday, and remitted to the Sheriff.— Scots Times. Ric u AND Poon.—Poor men sometimes think, what a fine thing it would be if all the property of the rich were equally divided amongst them, and that in future no one should be allowed to grow rich ; but they little con sider what would be the consequences of such a measure. In the first place, they must begin by robbery, as no one could expect that the richer people would willingly part with their property ; and in the next place they would find after this iniquity had bee❑ committed and an equal divi sion of the whole wealth of the nation had been made, that each person's share would be a very small one. A man would still, as before, be obliged to work for his living, for food and clothes could not be had without somebody's la bour ; and he must work hard too, for every article must then be produced by hand labour, as all the large manufac tories would have been destroyed in consequence of the ruin of the masters of them, and what could be bought before for a shilling, would probably cost five times as much, or more, after the destruction of the machinery. In a few months' time, those people who were stronger and had better head-pieces would have become richer, and a fresh robbery must now take place that the riches might be again divided. In short, the whole nation would become a set of robbers, and neither life nor property would be secure for a moment ; every man would have a right to thrust his hand into his neighbour's pocket whenever he had earned sixpence more than himself. Consider, too, that all those persons who have been reduced to distress, by sickness or bad crops, must die of starvation, as nobody would be able, however willing, to relieve them. Is it possible that such people could thrive, living in open defiance of the laws both of God and civilized man ? It is not possible ; for there never was an instance, since the world began, of a nation's prospering and of the poor enjoying the comforts and ne cessaries of life where property was not :espected. It should be also remembered, that except a rich man locks up his money, a very rare case indeed, he pays away his income to servants, labourers, and tradespeople, who again lay out the money in food and clothes for their families ; so that, in fact, a division is at present made of his property amongst the poor, though not indeed an equal one. But all forced attempts at equalizing property have ever failed in produc ing the end designed, and must ever fail, for it is as much a law of nature that some should he rich and some should be poor, as that some should be tall and some should be short, or that some should be sickly and others should be healthy. Tea Minutes Advice to Labourers. ARAB MODE OF TRACING FOOTSTEPS.—TIIB Arab who has applied himself diligently to this study, for it is only to be acquired by long practice, can generally as certain from inspecting the impression :-1. Whether the footsteps belong to his own or to some neighbouring tribe, and consequently whether friend or foe has passed : He knows from the slightness or depth of the impression whether the man who made it carried a load or not : 3. From the strength or faintness of the trace, whether he passed on the same day or one or two days before : and 4. From a certain regularity of intervals between the steps, a Bedouin judges whether the man is fatigued or n o t, an d hence he can calculate the chance of overtaing bins. This faculty of distinguishing footsteps on the ground extends to beasts (horses and camels) as well as men, and in the exercise of it, the same observations will lead to the same results. A silver coin of Elizabeth, dated 1571, was turned up in Eley-well-field, in the parish of Trowel!, last Satur day week, by a labourer, named Thomas Hayes, of Staple ford, whilst hoeing turnips, It is rather larger than a shil ling of the present co i nage , an d i s in fair condition, except ing' the lie, d of the vir B ia Queen, which . 16 i.oarli obliterated. —Nottinyha Re vie w. NAVAL INTELLIGENCE. (From the Hampshire Telegraph.) PORTSMOUTH, A uG. 19.—The Arab trrnsport, Lieute nant Lister agent, arrived yesterday from Cork, at which place she had landed Major Jackson and two companies of the 99th regiment, with 20 military invalids from the Mau. , ritius. The Arab left Port Louis on the 12th of April, and watered at St. Helena on the 2d of June, at which island she found the Pelican and Scout sloops of war, and Bonetta brig. The Arab is come into harbour to be refitted. Arrived the Prince Regent transport, Lieutenant Scrym gcour, R.N., from Greenock, where she landed 520 Scotch men, who had constituted part of the old British Legion in the service of Spain. A new Legion had been formed, which consisted of about 1,500 men, all that would renew the en gagement out of about 4,500, the number of the old Le gion at the last muster a short time since. The greater part of those who would not re-enter had been sent home when the Prince Regebt left. On the sth instant the Dido, 20, Captain Davie, arrived at Gibraltar from Malaga ; the Medea steamer, Captain Austen, from Malaga ; the Orestes, Commander, Newell, from Tangier ; and the yacht Zephyr, in sixteen days from Cowes. The Seringapatam, 42, Captain Leith, with the Romney slave depot in company, arrived at Madeira on the 17th ult., and sailed on the 19th, for the Havannah. The Larne, 18, Commander Blake, called at the same island on the Ist of Ju!y, on her way to the East Indies. The African steam-vessel, Captain Beechey, is in this harbour, finishing her fitments, preparatory to a surrey of the Irish Chonnel, which that intelligent officer is to super intend. The Melville, 74, Captain Douglas, is ordered into this harbour to be paid off all standing, and re-commissioned for the flag of Rear-Admiral the Hon. George Elliot, who succeeds to the command of the Cape of Good Hope station. The present officers of the Melville are to be re appointed to her, with the exception of the Captain, who will be succeeded by Capt. James R. Dundas. APPOINTMENTS.—Capt. John Toup Nicolas, and Lieut. George Learey, to the Hercules ; Commander C. H. Seale, to the Ordinary, at Plymouth ; Messrs. Edmund Heatchcote and Geo. M. Cunningham, Mates, to the Bri tannia ; Mr. C. E. Molloy, Mate, to the Edinburgh ; Mr. Michael de Courcy, Mate, to the Alligator ; Mr. Thomas Carmichal, Mate, from the Pastor, and Mr. Rowland Bate, from the Hastings to the Wellesley ; Mr. Richard Birt whistle, surgeon, and Mr. J. F. Guyon, Mate, to the Rhadainanthus steamer, fitting at Woolwich, to relieve the Medea, in the Mediterranean. THE LEXICOGRAPHER. " Dilatory fellow," said the lexicographer (for such Ly his conversation, he evidently was,) " where have you been loitering, defalcating in your time so egregiously ? " What did you say, measter ?" replied the countryman. Lexi.—Did you meet with any casualty in your way that stopped you ? Countryman—Na, he wur an old acquaint. ance that stopped me—Jemmy Hancock. Lexi.—Hum.—Hum! and so you procrastinated with him, eh ? Coun.—Na, I didn't ; I went to the Goat in Boots wi' him. Lexi.—Ah, had you dinner in the interim! Coun.—• Na, we had it in the taproom ! Lexi.—Blockhead !—the terms are synonymous. Coun.—Are they ?—I thought 'em vsr dear ; tenpence for eggs and bacon. Lexi.—Confound the fellow—how does this amalga mate ? Coun.—Oh, I never stopped for that. Lexi.—Ah, totally abstracted from the consequences-- fell into a reverie on your road, I dare say. Coun.—Na, I didn't—l fell into a ditch though ;—ale ware so strong. Lexi.—And came out covered with chagrin ? Coun.— Na, but there plenty of mud. Lexi.—lmpervious dolt ! Chagrin, I said. Coun.—Green !—Oh, I know now ; we call it duck weed in our parts. Lexi.—l shall loose all patience —you were born incor rigible. _ _ _ Coun.—No, I wern't ;—I wur born in Yorkshire, High street, Wakefield. Lcxi.—Again mistaking !—do you never deviate ? Coun. —No, I only goes out to work. Lexi.—You want common ratiocination, fellow. Coun.—Na, I don't—l only want you to settle my ac cout,t —one-and-eight-pence—that can't be dear—such a load as this. Lexi.—l am foilod with my own weapons. Can you not discriminate even a common case ? Comn.—Na, can't take any less—it's more than three miles, and case, as you call it, be heavy. Lexi.—l must succumb—there is your money, fellovt go your ways, and let me thank Heaven that I am releated from the purgatory of your obtusity.—comic Magazine. SARDINIA. TRAGICAL EVENT.—Recent letters from Sardinia speak of at tragical event of which that island has lately been the theatre. The descendant of the ancient sovereigns of the island, a young man of 20 years of age, the last scion of the illustrious house of Villa Hermosa, had, it appears, con ceived a passion for a young girl of plebeian extraction. He had for some time continued his assiduities to her, and rumour began to ascribe to him better chances of success perhaps than he really possessed, when one morning his servants brought him the cloak of a fisherman which had been found fixed in the pannel of his door by the blade of a poniard. The young nobleman understood the signal ; it was a vendetta, of which fair warning was thus given him, and his grandfather, with whom he resided, prevailed on him for some days not to leave the house ' unattended. The young Count of Villa Hermosa, however, was too brave and proud long to submit to the fatiguing precau tions. He declared his determination to go out in the same unrestrained manner as formerly, and he did so. At night he met the rival who had planted the poniard and mantle at the door of his hotel. What passed between them is not known, but it has been ascertained that the body of the fisherman was carried by the Count to the beach, and there concealed under a heap of stones. The Count now paid his addresses to the girl as freely as before, to the astonishment of those who knew the history of the poniard, and who fully expected some signal act of venge ance. Mean while the family of the fisherman who had dis appeared, entertaining seine suspicions of the truth, began to search for the body. It was found, and, among the stones under which it was concealed, was also found a seal ring, on which were engraved the arms of the Count. The ring had probably slipped from his finger while he was en goged in his deed of darkness. The body was immediately conveyed to the house of a magistrate, and the ring which had been found was produced. An investigation com menced, and the proofs against the Count were so strong that he was found guilty of murder, and condemned to death. The sentence was submitted to the King for con firmation. Charles Albert was anxious if possible to save the last scion of a royal race, and accordingly caused a communication to be made to the grandfather that if he applied for mercy it would probably be ❑ot withheld. The answer of the old Spaniard was, that, having to chose be tween justice and his own blood, he could not hesitate to decide in favour of the former. The young Count of Villa Hermosa has since been beheaded. SILVER PLATE.—Purchasers may select from twenty different Patterns of Silver Spoons and Forks, some of the patterns having much merit and novelty ; and from fifty varieties of Silver Tea and Coffee Services. The ground floor, also the first, second, and third floors, are fitted up as Show Rooms, to contain a large stock of Silver and Plated Goods, Jewellery, Watches, &c., and purchasers will find many advantages, both in respect of price a nd variety, at this Estahlishmant. T. COX SAVORY Goldsmith, Silversmith, and Watchmaker , 47, Cornhill, London. N.B.—A Pamphlet, containing a List of Prices of Plate, Plated Goods, Watches, Clocks, &c., may be had gratis, or will be forwarded in answer to a post-paid application. BIRTHS. On the 9th inst., the lady of C. M. Caldecott, Esq., Bengal Civil Service, of a son. On the 1 2th inst., the lady of Sudlow Roots, Esq., of a son. On the 17th inst., Mrs. Charles Trevor, of Gower street, of a daughter. On the 17th inst., at Bath-terrace, Kennington, Mrs. H. LavrP of a daughter. On the 17th inst., Mrs. Thomas Boys, Abbey-place, St. John's Wood, of a son. On the 19th inst., in Curzon-street, the lady of James Stewart , Esq., M.P., of a son. l en'l : On the 19th i ns t ., i n A rl i ngton-street, the Lady Mary stop son, of a daughter. On the 19th inst. MARRIED. , at St. George's, Hanover-square, Georg e Russel, Esq., of Liverpool, son of the late A. Russel, Esq., of Mani Aberde e nshi re , t o Oli v i a, w i dow of the late Lister Ellis, E9(l„'' Liverpool, and daughter of Thomas Garforth, of Steeton Ha" , " Yorkshire. On the 15th inst., at Luke's Church, George Augustus Be e :: Esq., surgeon, of Artillery-place, Finsbury-square, to Louisa, th daughter of Wm. Bateman, Esq., of Bunhill-row. On the 17th inst , at All Saints, Poplar, Mr. Jonathan Nu l l: of Trinity Wh ar f, Bl ac k wa ll, to Mary, daught er o f th e late Mr. Govey, of Stepney. On the 17th inst., at Urchfont, Wilt s , J o h n T ownsen d ComPr i v, Esq., to Maria Harris, younger da ug ht er o f th e l a t e R. Ha ll ' al Esq., R.N., of Wedhampton House, in that county. On the 17th inst„ at Kinsbridge, Devon, Robert Zinzan, E 5 of surgeon, of Usk, Monmouth', to Ann Elizabeth, eldest daughter J. W. Edwards, Esq., of the former place. D I ED. On the 1 ith inst., A nn , w if e o f C. G eroc k , E sq. , of --ar 14 183' place, Bow-road, and late of Cornhill, aged 66. oile- On the 18th inst., M r . S amue l Akroyd, of Assembly-rover '— end, aged 52. 6 14'2. On the 18th inst., in Hanover-square, Osgood Gee, Esq:2lS.,e,./ 1 " . L.ndo7o Printed and Published by 111 WI YU(' N -7,- r.; •of 00t/ 112: St.canu, at he S,,it Wiee, Nu. i i•'. Siranii, in cni% of Middlesex.—Monday, August 21, 1837.