The Sun. — London, England, 1846-04-04 00:00:00

what confidence ceuld the people be expected to have in the administration of its prove-inns? - (Hear, hear.) Then came the State trials, in reference to wisicla, he would ask, was there not a one-sided charge delivered on that occasion, and what impression was that proceeding calculated to lease upon the minds of the Irish people?—( Hear, hear.) Well, then, he would tell the Government that they were bound to make some recompense for all this misery, and injustice, and wrong. What had he sug,ges•ed as such recompense? As )'et he had suegeeted nothing, but before he sat down he meant te do so. No doubt some erratic murders had taken place in Ireland, but the great mass of crime entirely arose out of questions about the possession of land. He was sorry to say that there were exceptions to this, and that they had of late become mote numerous. But the great question, the great evil of Ireland had its origin in disputes about land.— ( Hear, hear.) Hitherto the Government of this country had done nothing for the protection of the rights of the Irish tenant, while they had passed numerous enactments by which they had increased the power of the landlord The 53d Geo. 111., cap. BS, was the first Act after the union that gave the Irish landlord a summary power of ejectment. Up to that time such an act was unknown in England, or in any part of civil ised Europe. Up to that time no landlord had ever attemeted to distrain the growing crop of his tenant for his rent— ( Hear, hear)—but that Act gave him the power to do so. That Act gave him the power to distrain the growing crop ; and until it was ripe and fit to cut he would place keepers upon the un fortunate tenant, at an immense expense, for perhaps five or six weeks; and he (llr. O'Connell) did not believe that a more fruitful source of discontent and crime had ever been heard of than that which that Ast had in need in its operation. In some cases, where the wretched tenant was seised upon in this way, he had not the m , ans of supplying hi s family with food, and if his wife went forth to beg it. she would be taken up and imprisoned; and let him ask, could such a law fail to be a fruitful source of crime ?—( Hear. hear.) The next Act for increasing the power of the landlord over the tenant was the seth Geo. 111 , which not only gave the power of Civil Bill ejectment, but the power of turning out the tenant ; and the Ist George IV., cap. 87, further increased that power, by enabling the landlord to demand from the tenant security for the costs of an action before he could take defence in a case where he felt convinced his landlord was the aggressor—a system of law which, he believed, was unknown and unheard-of in any other civilised country in the world.— ( Hear, hear.) The let and 2d, and the 6th and 7th William IV., were next passed, and they still further increased the power of the landlord —as if the Legislature thought that their only interest was the interest of the landlord—( Hear. ) Well, then, the remedy which he would suggest should be ap plied to remove all tf,u3e cause's of crime, and all those imple ments of injustice, was, that measure of full and complete justice to Ireland which she had so often deman led.—( Hear, hear.) Ireland had not an adequate number of representa tives in that House ; she had not a fair proportion of the elec tive franchise. Grant her those and other measures of justice which he had so often enumerated, and that was the real way by which to coerce the Irish people. Coerce th mby their affections and their gratitude, and then they will be all that a Government could wish them.—( Hear, hear.) Now, with regard to the landlord and tenant question, he would ask, why not give the tenant at least a lease of twenty-one years of his farm ? Recollect, that if the land on which the Irish eeaeant lived be taken from him, he is deprived of the means of life. Why should he not be allowed a fair compensation for the ex penditure of his capital end his labour in improving his land lord's property ? He (Mr. O'Connell) did not mean any ex travagent allowance for fantastical outlay ; there was little fear of that; but he wanted to have the tenant remunerated for his labour, forthe loss of his property; and it he improved theland he held, he should be allowed to have the full benefit of it.— ( Hear, hear.) Oh 1 if this were done, only see what a stimu lent it would he to ability and industry.—( Hear, hear.) How happy and contented the Irish tenant would be when he felt that his labour was his own, and that he was working for him self.—( Hear, hear.) Let him have this, without encumber ing it with clauses and provisions, with which he might never be able to comply ; prevet.t that wild, savage " c'earance" system, through whose agency so many crimes that affrighted the land had been committed, and he promised the House they would hear no more of those crimes. —( dear, hear.) He would now refer to the Ulster tenant-right, and read an extract from the evidence that had been published in reference to it. That was the evidence given of the state of things in the north. How often had he heard gentlemen boast of the peaceful deposition of the people of the north ' • but why were they so, but be cause th ey were b etter treated by their land lords?—Goose.) The tenant going nut was allowed to seli the tenant-right, or dispose of it as he wished : he was not a wretched beggar, as in the case of lets-favoured districts of the country. Now, he gave the Government their choice between the conditions of the people of Ulster and Tipperary: the present was the moment to decide ; let them decide wisely for they :might be assured their miserable Coercion Bill would not answetr.—(Hear, hear.) There were, to be sure, many excellent landlords in lipperary, bat there was also a nume rous body of exceeding bad unes.—( Hear.) Then, there were matey estates in the hands of the tenants; but let the Legislature intervene; let the law take, as it were, the posi tion and situation of the land ord: let it do but justice, and there would in a short time be an end of agrarian crime in Ireland.--( Hear, hear.) He (Mr. O'Connell) was not solicit ing the Government to travel into unfrequented ground ; they had the evidence of 31)0 years before them in respect of the tenant right in Ulster, and let them act by it.—( Hear, hear.) He would not then occupy the time of the House longer, as it would be idle of him to go into further detail. He had pointed out the evils that existed, as well as what he had conce reed would be their remedy, and it then rested with the Govet •nment to aeopt or reject those remedies 83 they pleased. Ulster was tranquil under the tenant right, while the south met west were disturbed because of the insecurity of tenure. l'lre unhappy p. asantry were reduced to the half-rotted Potato for- - .their food, with tee water their only drink. Their houses were pervious to the rain ; they were ill-clothed and but all that was known before, and he would not repeat. it or add to it a single woad, but conclude by propos.ng the amends sent with which he had set out.—( Hear, hear.) Captain B. OSBORNE ( whose opening observations did not reach - the gallery) was understood to say that, in rising to second au • amendment so ably proposed by his Hon. and Learned IFriend (llr, O'Connell) he was anxious to guard himself from being misconceived, because, while he shared with dot Right Hon. Gentleman the Secretary for the Home Depart' sent that feeling of horror at the crime of assassination in Irelas ad, yet, as a resident of the country to which the present measure. was intended to apply, and one deeply interested in her steelfare, he deprecated its introduction, as being, in his opinion, inefficient, and strongly calculated to influence the complic tied evils of that country. It was easy for Members of that Ho use to come down, and, expressing their horror of mur der, call, on the Legislature to enact more stringent measures for the pr otection of life. But in his opining it would be much more wsierthy of the statesman if he first applied himself to the concoctiaon of a measure that would go to eradicate the causes of these .outrages.—(Hear, hear.) If there was one duty more imperati• ye in a statesman than another, it was that of proving to the pt .ogle of Ireland that he was ready to grapple with their condition social, political, and religious—( Hear), whilst on the other hand a coercive measure was a prof and an acknowledgement of his incapacity as a Minister. —( Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Gentleman opposite (Sir J. Graham) bad, on a former night, referred to the language of Mr. Burke on the 'subject of free trade ; and he (Captain B. Osborne) would then beg to refer him to the sentiments of that great man on a question similar to that then before the House. —( Hear.) Mr. Burke said, speaking of coercion, " God for bid, that on a worthy occasion authority should want the means of being enforced ; but where the hearts of the people do not go with the hands of the soldiery ; you may call your Constitu tion va'nat you like ; hut it will, in effect consist of three orders, namely e cavalry, i n f an t r y, an d art ill ery. "—( H ear, h ear. ) If he (the Honourable Member) could allow his feelings to warp his judgment, and if he c insidered that thee - present measure was the least suited for the suppres sion of cr i me i re Ireland, he confessed he would feel induced to give his vote in favour of the second reading of the Bill ; but he Should declare that his feelings were otherwise as to its r e sult.e— -( Rear, hear.) He doubted net that there were many t t ic , _use we w ' ho,from the sueerScial view they flee taken of the stebje a . but if it sealletoorT; ready to commit themselves to its support, create shown that the provisions of the Bill were snore likrity to shown that the Billaitti:eVs . cord than the contrary—if it could be ppin,irttLeutdibe inoperative, he called on Hon Gentlemen , interested welfare e of Ireland not to commit themselves to its se h cr o neea r . extracts, t r a The er s fromß i Right t reportsun . art.tbe Home Secretary read , nn o a rie r furnished the Goeernment O state of crime in heborne) might fol- Ireland.. Now he (Captain Bernal low hi s sr-ample in the opposite way, but confine himself to queetioning ihe accura cy .7' tle:sthzenetintreareerlsy, as in his opinion there was a vast exaegeratien of .Heteaolorount of crime in - Ireland.— ( flear, hear ) But for the ar gument, he would admit the accuracy of the stas iat i,.. . then he would ask how the Government in ended to meet and question? 'lhe Lord Lieutenant was invested with a pow er to proclai,m a district, and make it a t.ransporiasle o ffence for persons to be out at a certain time in the evening after sunset. Such, was the principal provision of the measure intended for the pacification of Ireland.—( Hear ) Del the Right Hon, Secretary attempt to show how that would deter the noonday murderer, how it would operate to induce pet sons to conic fur ward and give evidence against him, or bow it would in any way eradicate the evil ?—( Hear, hear.) That was the twentieth measure, as was remarked by the Hon. and Learned Gentleman ( Mr. O'Connell) who had preceded him, that had been introduced since the enien of a coercive nature, and out of these twenty measures he (Capt. B. Osborne) never heard that one of them had the effect of renneving the causes, or putting down the consequences of Irish g rievances.—(Hear, bear.) 'fhe causes of Irish crime were well known. Columns of evidence gave ample prof that the murders in that country arose out of disputes about land, as was not the case in England. Yet the Government, knowing all that, either through inability, ignorance, or liminess, were at the present moment more ready to resuscitate an infamous and inoperative measure than to introduce one that would strike at the root of the evil.—(Cries of " :fear, hear.") 'Would it be believed that, in the sixth century of English rule in Ireland, and in the present enlightened age, that that House was about to pass a measure, one of the provisions of which enabled the law to - ransport a man fur being nut of his cabin after sunset ?—(Hear, hear.) He was astonished at a Government, professing so much concern for enlighteement, bringing forward a measure brimful of martial law and mat q."eraie.—( Hear, h ear .) In 1824, h e f oun d th a t th e p r es en t Chief Justice for Ireland, then Mr. Blackburne, in his evi dences before a Committee, stated, in reply to the question, " What measures are best calculated to improve the con dition cf the people of Ireland?" that, generally speaking, _.. 4e ducaionand empl o y men t were t h e b es t means; " f or, t h ough coerciiat Acts mi g ht p u t d own cr i me f or a w hil e, yet t h ey __ll . d net make the order of things better." Then M. -Howley, an assistant , barrieter, st a t e d i n hi s ev id ence th at • the ordnary law, carried out and administered with temper, would be quite sufficientfir the maintenance of peace and order."—; Hear, hear.) Such was the written evidence of an assistant oarrister for a Tipperary riding.—( H ear .) It wou ld Hon be in th e reco ll ect i on of Gentlemen that on a recent occasionthe R ecor d er o f Dublin gave it as his opinion, that the exiting law was sufficient for the supp r e ss i on o f a ll dis turbances, th oug h he (Captain B. Osborne) did not know how that Learned and Ri_lat a statement with the vote Hon. Gentleman could reconcile such given subsequently by him. —(Hear. ) The 114 ht Hon. Secretary e for eri the Home Department, when descanengon the amount of in Ireland, never, it would appear, gate himself the trouble to to what these crimes were to In attributed.—(Hear,) why y did it not occur to him that rich was caused by the conduct Government itself? Co mmission was issued, —( Hear,hear. ) In 1843 the Devon c o ° issuing l of that and the eccitement procuced in Ireland by be sconstitution Comoisaon, could not be overrated, as f y rom invested,ri the and the powers with which it was supposed to at. report greatestexpectatioes were entertained.-- t H ear.) patient en durance the Commission wound up by saying that " the and sufferings of the agricultural labourers of entitled them to the most serious consideration of Irelandti House and yet a Bill, founded on the report, was i n t roduced, e the previsions of which were so ridiculous that they established for the measure a sort of fixity of tenure, as he believed it still by a dead letter in the House where it had been first in trolaced.—(Hear, and laughter.) The Right Hon. Secre tary (or the Home Department, citing the language of Mr. Fee is 1797, said, " that Irelaud should be legislated for with a lewd to Irish feelings and prejudices."—(" Hear, hear," from Sir James Graham.) Now he (Captain B. Osborne) did riot know what id-a, the Right Hon. Gentleman enter tained of Irish prejudices and feeling., but if any proof were weuted to show that he entertained no idea o r was the introduction of the. present Bill, a L'Pl 4 ,11:t he did not think the Governm en t were serious in their intea 471Qontwel passing i ett— so weak, to i no p erat i ve was it, that it seemed Wnk sad Thastilig THE SUN LONDON, SATU'ItDAI EVENING, APRIL 4, 1843 - -- t ß ru ill tit. tha T t h it er w e as w a as la a nd c lo a r s d e s r m e e p a r u s e r n e , t e was y n o a t e f o n u t l n e d m e d a n r a t o h s e e authority was unexceptionab l e, Mr. Nagle, a stipendiary ma gistrate, who described the attack masha upon a person of the C w l as a r k n , ot which here o a cc v i u e r t r i t m , i ti t t h e t h c e o u v n i t c y t i o m f T w i p as !) e a r a r f y a r . n T e h r e , l n a a n m d l e o o r ( f t who took a piece of land, which offended a party who had previously occupied it ; and because the landlord had placed him in it, the disaffected party took steps to wreack his ven geance against this poor person. He was a well-disposed and industrious workman, yet that did not protect him from being attacked, and the cultivation of the land was consequently sus pended. That part of Leland where this and similar out rages took place was greatly in the want of capital. But if such a state of things was to continue, how could they expect the surplus capital of the country to be expended there. If capital was expended, it would, no doubt, greatly increase the imports, aad add to the improvements of Ireland, but it would not come while such outrages took place, and such an organiza tion was in existence as permitted such proceedings.—(Hear, hear.) He would refer to another place in the county of Clare, in which a party of armed men entered a house and discharged a blunderbuss in the face of the p: , r-on who occupied it, besides otherwise abusing him in a brutal manner. There were four men parties to this attack, and it arose because seven years pre vious to that period one of those who committed the present out rage had been ejected from this piece of ground. This person was identified by those in the cottage who had been subjected to the attack. He (Mr. Sydney Herbert) was indebted to this information to Mr. Bailey, the resident stipendiary magistrate of Clare. Another case had been furnished to him k Mr. Sydney Herbert) by one of tie head-constables of the county of Limerick, of a person who was waylaid by five or six men at night, when returning from the market, and abused in a very erious manner, arising from a similar cause to that which originated in the one he had previously referred to. What he wanted to show was, that the pea*ants under the unhappy state of things which at pre , ent prevailed, were liable, not only to be attacked in their houses, but on their going backwards and for wards to the market. The person to which he had just re ferred had been placed on a plot of land by his landlord, to whom he had been a servant, and after occupying it for some time he gave back the land, intimating that he'dui;st not retain it or go to work upon it. Yet the man had been a fzithful servant, and both the landlord and tenant were Catholics. All these cases bore on the point that this was a law for the protection of the poor. Do not let it be said that it was a Bill to protect the magistracy or the landlords. How rainy of the murders committed were upon the magistrates of Ireland ? ( Hear, hear.) Very few indeed. Few in comparison to those that happened among the poor. In the five counties where these outrages took place to the greatest extent, this would bo found to be the case. In looking over the returns of crime and outrage in those counties, he found that, while the number of mur'ers was equal, there were 85 cases of firing at persons, 135 cases of incen- diarism, and 1,042 cases of threatening notices, amongst the holders of laud. Now few were the cases in which the pro tectun of the landlords was required compared to these. He did not deny but that the measure would afford the pro prietors of land come protection, hut the poorer classes would be found to derive the greatest benefit. His Right Hon. Friend ( Sir J. Graham) cave a case, the other night, in illus tration of the state of society in 1832. and th e b ene fit s de- rived from the former measure. He (Mr. S. Herbert) would place before them another illustration respecting the state of society at that period. In 1832, the state of things in some . . ,-. counties was as bad as it now is in the five counties corn- plained of. The illustration he would give was that furnished by Chief Justice Bushe, in his charge to the grand jury of Queen's County. (The Right Hon. Gentleman here read the extract, which was to the effect that outrages prevailed to a great extent ; that the plunder of arms was widely practised ; that witnesses were terrified from giving evidence, and juries deterrcd from the performance of their duty on the pain of death.) The Lord Chief Justice further said, that this state of things was attributable to the agrarian feelings that prevailed, and not from the pressure of want or poverty of those who committed the outrages. He could not recollect an instance in which want or poverty was the instigating cause. This was the state of society according to Chief Justice Bthhe in 1832. The Hon. and Learned Member for Cork (11r. 0 Connell) said that the measure was only a revival of the old Tory system of governing Ireland, and that the previous measure had nit succeeded in its objects. He (Mr. Sydney Herbert) must say that as far as the experience of the Act of 1832 went there was every reason to be satisfied of its operation. So far from it being inefficient, it had pro duced the greatest good.—( Hear. ) However much the public of Ireland disliked the measure, it was found to give security to life and property, which did not exist before it was renewed in 1834, and again in 1836. If they had read the ac . . . counts furnished in 1834 by the inspector-c , eneral of police of Ireland, they would see the effect of the Act had been most salutary. It had not been rigidly applied, yet as far as it was carried out it was entireiy successful. Mr. Green, a resident magistrate of Kilkenny, addressed a letter to Lord Melbourne, showing the beneficial results that had flowed from the measure. According to returns of outrages furnished from the Ist April, 1832, to April, 1833, the num ber of cases was 1,599; from April, 1833, to the corresponding period in 1834, there were but 331, showing a diminution of 1,259. There was one county, Queen's County, which was more disturbed than almost any other county in Ireland, yet after the operations c f that Act a great physical and moral im provement took place, and a state of general prosperity ensued. He hoped that the House would clearly understand this, that of the outrages committed, the greater number were outrages committed in the humbler walks of life; and that in but few instances, comparatively speaking, would this law be necessary for the higher classes of society. —( Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") He hoped that, in asking them to give their assent to the mea sure they would consider the necessity that made such excep tionary laws necessary, and that no: hing but the strongest con siderations could suffice to render such an enactment justifiable.—( Hear.) He would ask them, with a due , consideration of their duty, what it was best for them to do? Was the couctry and the people to be dei.rived of all security, and divested of the benefits which a free nation ought to enjoy? Was not that a state of things with which it was proper for them to interfere, where crime was committed with- out any strong motives of provocation, and every tone and phase of society operated to a fearful extent upon the industri ous tenant, as well as the proprietor of llnd. Every well-dis posed man was interested in an end being put to this state of things —a system of terror and outrage which operated not in proportion to the number of persons attacked, but to the amount af alarm and fear that was generated and diffused. Let them look at the erreess such a terrib'e tyranny as this—a tyranny under which a person who goes Vut t, mutyj„..• to be waylaid and attacked; or when sitting in his hous to have a blunderbuss directed against his life; and which not only operates against the individuals so assailed, but by the feel ings of alarm and intimPation it creates, leads to a general derangement of society.—( Hear, hear.) Such was a state of 'things that ought not to exist. Under such a system, when a man goes abroad, he knows not what danger may assail him in his progress; conscious perhaps that he has an accuser whotfi he cannot see, yet who is judge and jury in his case, and only seeks an opportunity when the executioner whom he may employ shall carry his mandate into effect. It is a dreadful state of things, when a moo knows that he is ac cused by an unseen party, whom he cannot confront, but whom he knows watches his movemnnts, and against whom he is neither safe in his journies by day, nor in the walls of his cot tage by night.—(Hear, hear.) He found that these outrages were inflicted in some cases, because a person was in possession of land from which another individual had been ejected some seven or eight years before, and this was done, although the present possessor had no previous knowledge of his landlord. Surely under these circumstances, the House would not object to a suspension of the law in these districts. He considered it a most fortunate circumstance that this state of society was confined to a small area in Ireland. He was glad to find that it was confined to Westmeath, and its neighbouring counties, but that only fur nished the stronger reason why Government should interfere to restore order. He trusted that the House would look fairly into that matter; he trusted that they would not be led away by any specious declarations about curtailing the liberty of the subject. Why, what they, the Government, wanted, was to restore security to, not only the higher, but to the very hum blest classes in Ireland. He trusted, therefore, that the House would not reject this Bill by ref tsing to accede to its first read ing. The Government asked them to grant this first reading, but if it could be shown that those evils did not exist, it was in the power of Hon. Members to do so. If they had exaggerated the evil, it was in the power of Hon. Members to point out where that exaggeration existed. If they thought that that Bill was inapplicable to the peculiar cir cumstances of the case, they were bound to show wherein the inapplicability consisted. All he requested the House was not to mix up this question with remedial measures for Ireland, which all parties wished to see carried into effect, but which should be held quite distinct from this occasion. It was universally admitted that these outrages did not arise from a religious feeling ; it was ad mitted also that this was not what might be termed a religious measure ; it was certainly not a political one, because men of every shade of political opinion felt that there was a necessity for its being immediately brought into practice. He hoped that uo Hon. Member would allow himself to be carried away by the argument that, because they could not trace these evils to anything in the social condition of Ireland, they should post pone the measure until they had discovered that origin. Why, if the House were to grant every concession, they would find a repetition of all these evils ; unless they were to be in the first instance checked by the strong hand, other grievances would spring up. What they wanted at present was to give protection and liberty, not only to landlords, but to the poorer clares of Ireland, who did look to Government as the source from whence they were to receive some protection from the evils mailer which they were labour ing, so that they might pursue their industry—the true staple of the country, upon which, more than upon legislative enact ments, the prosperity of Ireland depended.—(Cheers.) Lord J. RUSSELL then rose and said—Sir, I rise with deep anxiety, for the purpose of supporting the measure intro ducedr aedSecretary oc la tnr y het tat Government the sy Isßightfunn subject, e ewe hot Heh: because beginning a ß ndne a ne r ies o n ngtoehktee; Department, withe andp n uteh it oteh eißt i ne s oi gw w tthhhh i to t et h set iehd oimsnhae .greathave esbaieorsatis factionbeen made e_eonltf o readily Hy confess that when cases are brought before us of the ranter, committed in different counties— nn that of w a e with Ireland have taken upon thatourselves the responsibility I to life on many Crimea committed in Ireland every legislating d u e protection ttehertmi o,ndhryeaodn f r u enhi union t we are bound to afford union, Such libertye o R n t ( h e H e t a e r r , ms h h e f a rt.h)eof the subject on e n they u n - necessy infringing on the the burden the them by h — y were bound to bear. Now, when the tells me that he wishes this Bill to be read a first . time—when he says that he thinks he has stated sufficiently at length narrative of crime to induce the House to accede to t!,e first reading—l do, Sir, agree with him so far, that I think, also, that the first reading of this measure may be taken; but in saying so, I do not hold myself relieved from the responsibility of stating, that so far as the Government measure is to be ad mitted, that is a question hereafter for this House to decide. Looking to the Bill itself, there are many clauses in it which, in my opinion, require to be rectified; and therefore, although this House should consent to the first reading of the Bill, I think myself bound to state that, in the further stages of the measure, I shall have objections to offer which will go to the foundation of some of its princpal provisions. I do not blame the Government with that which they might not, perhaps, be very well able to avoid 1 mean the increase of crime in Ireland. In my views these crimes are connected with a social condition of Ireland which has arisen from time to time—which has exhi bited a formidable front at several periods, ranging from eighty years ago. Soon after the reign of George 111., crimes of this kind first attracted the attention of the House, but the causes eag and db t aatishi da:tn withoutd of these crimes were so doubtful that we ourselves had never considered what was the ;proper remedy for the disease. At this moment every species ,of crime seems to be committed in that unhappy country ; but when we ask what is the remedy to be applied, I awn that the experience of all reflecting indivi duals seems to be that we on ght not to be satisfied with measures merely of a coercive natur e. Sir, I think that when we con sider that Legislative Acts ol'this nature have been enforced from the time of George I.—whe a measures were passed to restrain deer stealing in the neighbo urhood of Waltham—it is impera tive on this House to ads ipt measures, however severe they may seem, to restrain the sutrages which have been exhibited to this House in such vivid colours. These outrage have gone beyond the enactments which had already existed. Murders have been committed, but I still think that we ought to have satnelcrit tsrounds before wee exact the penalty. I thick tha. we ought to have mufti eient indications of the crime. Take , the example of persons wlso have been found with their faces blackens and with dergactive arms in their bands; these. combined with other circumstances which tended to show that they were engaged in unlawful conspiracies which connected them with the White-boys, induced the Irish Parliament to pa's a law rendering such proceedings illegal. They ought, surely, to have some indications which would tend to compro mise parties before they proceeded against them. They ought not to take slighter indications of crime than had been taken at former periods. When such Bills as that before them, or Bills of a similar character had been passed fer the purpose of restoring peace in Ireland, it was necessary that the district so affected should be proclaimed by the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, for many instances had occurred where many innocent persons had been transported and imprisoned for a length of time. But it is usual for persons, in many districts of Ireland, to be out after sunset in winter, autumn, and spring, for purposes that no one can blame them for. It may be that their cattle have wandered, so that they are re quired to be seen after, that their fences are broken ; it may be that they are attending a wake, or the funeral of one of their friends or relations; and are we to punish these persons because they, under these circumstances, are out after sunset ? Under all these circumstances persons are very liable to be out after sunset ; and are they to be taken up by the police, to be brought before a magistrate, and, unless the} can show that they have been out for a lawful purpose—are they to be committed by the magistrate for trial ? I think that the Bill may be amended so far that indications may be required to show that persons found out after sunset, before they are punished, must have meditated a crime. Sir, I wish this clause to be ex pressed in a totally different manner from what it is at pre sent. I should wish that the clause would specify persons out under " suspicious circumstances," which would justify the magistrate in committing them. With respect to other parts of the Bill—with respect to those which enable the Lord Lieutenant to impose a rate on persons with the view of paying an increased constabulary, I think that is a wise matter to be considered in Committee. I know that some objections have been made to that, yet I think it is de sirable to have an increased constabulary in those disturbed districts, and that it is desirable the Bill should go to the Com• mittee for the purpose of considering that clause. Bat, now, Sir, there is another question arises, and upon this subject I cannot but refer to the Bill as i t was or i g i n ally introduced. I hold in my hand a pap er , published in this town , gi vin g an account of the fire stage s o f t hi s Bill, as passed by the House of Lords. I cannot but remar k , t h at w h en this Bill was first introduced, it was of a p ermanent c h arac t er , and contained no clause by which its duration should be limited. Sir, it has been my fortune to hold a situation iu which I was to a certain degree connected with the Government of Ireland, in which, though I did not interfere actually in that Government, I considered myself responsible for that Government, and I took care to he informed of every step that was taken with respect to it. Now, during that time I agreed to a Bill of a similar character to the present, but I agreed to it in the persuasion that means would be found of so executing the law—of so administering the Government of Ireland, that it would not he necessary to put that Bill in operation. The Bill of 1835 is the one to which I allude. I do not remember whether any case whatever occurred in which that Act was put in operation during the five years which it re mained in the statute-book. The Right Hon. Gentleman who spoke last said, that confidence was a plant of slow growth on subjocts of this kind. I quite agree with the Right Hon. Gentleman in that statement, and it was being convinced of the soundness of that opinion that I agreed to any measure of this kind. But during the time in which Lord Normanby was Lord Lieutenant of Ireland—in which my Noble Friend near me (Lord Morpeth) was Chief Secretary for Ireland, and Sir Michael O'Loghlin, Chief Justice O'Grady, and Chief Justice Wolfe, held distinguished situations, as law officers of the Crown ; it was their endeavour-.- and I had the satis•- faction of rather witnessing than superintending their endeavours—and I had the satisfaction of witnessing their earnest, patient, and continual endeavours, in connexion with my lamented friend, whose memory I shall ever hold in respect—l mean the late Mr. Drummond—and I had the satis faction of seeing their efforts from day to day inspire confidence in the ordinary administration of the law—to induce the people of Ireland to believe that if those quarrels, which they are apt to dispose of by a bloody arbitrement, were brought into the courts of law, they would have justice ; and that by that means the ordinary power of the Constitution would be sufficient in Ireland, as it was in England. I had the satisfaction of think ing that, in a great measure, these efforts succeeded—(Cheers) —that although in the short period during which the attempt was made, it did not succeed in giving that perfect confidence, and that constant reliance on the power and impartiality of the law, yet a great progress was made in establishing that which I think was a stable foundation of the future welfare of Ireland. _ The Right Hon. Gentleman, "who has just spoken, has de nounced, or rather protested, against all party allusion on this subject. The Right Honourable Gentleman, and those who act with him, did not always do so.—( Cheers.) I was rather astonished at a speech said to have been deli vered by the Right Hon. Gentleman to his constituents, in which he stated that the late Government had left Ireland in a state of insurrection, and the endeavours of the present Go vernment had restored it to tranquillity. I quite acquit the Government of having, by any act of theirs, produced a state of crime in Ireland, yet I cannot think that the Right Hon. Gentleman did justice to our exertions, or that those who act with him have ever fairly represented the state of Ireland as it was under the late Administration. And, Sir, I was in hopes that when that Bill of 1535 expired it would not be necessary to ask for any other Act of a similar nature. lam sorry to find that the Government at present do say that it is necessary. lam sorry to hear that the Right Hon. Gentle man likewise protest against any mixture of questions of re medial measures with the present Bill. Sir, I think that there again is a serious, I had almost said a fatal, mistake. The Government must be aware, connected as they are with a party in Ireland which is but a small minority in that country, that they should endeavour by every means to make an impression in Ireland of their fairness and im partiality—( Hear, hear) —and they should have avoided anything like a suspicion that they were not bringing forward remedial measures at the same time that they bring forward this measure. Observe this is not a Bill which they brought forward on the first day of the session, and declared should be passed hastily because it might be the Means of preventing murder. It is a Bill which we cannot pass for one, two, three months and a half, or few months from the first meeting Parliament. Ido regret that with a measure of this kind they were not ready to introduce a remedial measure at the same time. Allusion has ben made to the Bill called the Coercion Act, introduced under Lord Grey's Government, for which I, for one, as an adviser cf the Crown, was responsible. That was a more severe measure than the present one. It was intended at a vary aarious and plarnitous state of things. But •he Government that brought it forward were oy no mea.., insensible to the necessity of remedial measures at the same time that they introduced that measure of severity. It was stated by the Right Hon. Gentleman that Parliament met on the 29th of January, and the Bill was introduced on the 2nd of February. The House will recollect that the King's speech was not delivered until the sth of February. lint on the 12th of February, one week after the meeting of Parliament, Lord Althorp introduced a measure which was a great reform of the Protestant Church of Ireland, and ex empting the whole of the Roman Catholic community of Ire land from the payment of church cess, which was a great grievance and burden to them. On another day Lord Al thorp declared his intention of bringing before Parliament a Jury Bill which had been brought into this House in a pre vious session, and had been allowed to drop in the House of Lords. On the occasion of the first introduction of the Coercion Bill it was referred to by the Hon. and Learned Gentleman who moved the amendment, and he asked Lord Althorp what was his intention with regard to the remedial measures. He said he had already stated several remedial measures, but he trusted the House had sufficient confidence in him and would be ready to approve the measures which he should introduce. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman was not satisfied. He asked, what expectation there was of carrying these measures in the other House of Parliament, and Lord Stanley at once declared that unless the remedial mea sures were carried, there would be an end to the Government. That was the spirit in which Lord Stanley, as a Member of Lord Grey's Government, acted. I cannot, therefore, approve of the declaration of the Right Hon. Gentleman, that we are to pass this measure, and that a sreme di a l me asures were matters of difficulty, they should not be considered. There was another declaration made by Lord Althorp, which some how or other seems to have fallen into forgetfulness in those who were then his colleagues. It was a declaration with respect to the Muni cipal Corporations of Ireland. Lord Althorp proposed a Com mittee, and said that from that Committee a Bill had been introduced for the purpose of reforming the corporation of Scotland, and he hoped to refer the corporation of England and Ireland to the same Committee. He gave the reasons for referring the matter to the same Committee, and the first rea • son was that it was exceedingly degirable that the two countries should be assimilated as much as possible, and as a general rule to confer the same rights with respect to the corporate bodies in Ireland, as those bodies possessed in England. That was the simple and plain, but emphatic and decided declaration of Lord Althorp. Then on the 14th, two days after, he had intro duced his measure for the abolition of the church cess, and eight days before the Coercion Bill in that House. I find that Mr. O'Connell said be knew of no greater grievance in Ireland than the existence of the Corporations in question, and nothing was more satisfactory to the people of Ireland than the approaching certainty that the grievance would be redressed. That was in the year 1833, thirteen years ago, that the Hon. and Learned Gentleman declared his confi dence that the grievance was about to be redressed. There was a commission appointed on that subject in 1836, and the measure that was introduced was passed in this House, but thrown out, I think, in the other House of Parliament. Three or four years were taken in the discussion of the measure, and it is yet incomplete. After all the promises made to the people of Ireland at the Union and afterwards have been brcken, it is now only in the year Ite46, that the Right Hon. Baronet has promised that the Corporations of Ireland shall be placed on the same footing as those of England. I say that _that does show very great tardiness to do justice which etitlh is exhibited,l a when you declare y eur wish to Ireland. Does it in a great degree justify the mistrust leeisate for the good of I eland._ when you declare that you are as anxious for the good of Ire land as the Irish themselves, and that the pri vilegesyou are ready to communi cate of En glshmsubejne subj ec ts on the other side the Channel. s. to Sir, there our i fellows anotheri i m portant question, on which, p er h a p s , I should hardly have alluded, if the G overnmen t h a d not be come debtors to Ireland upon it. The Gove rn me n t appo i nte d Commissiona to inquire i nto the tenure of land in Ireland. That Commission took journeys through Ireland, and evidence was obtained, and it was known that recommendations were to be made, and I believe that every person expected some remedy wou ld be given to the existin; relations o f l an dl or d and t en ant. That any Bill that Parliament can pass can so regulate these relations that there will not be much to be left —the greater part to be left—to the justice an d tense of fair ness, and mod : ration and goed sense of the landlords in the first instance, and partly of the tenant, no man can deny. Why, this state of things makes it absolutely necessary that the Legislature should do all they can. It is necessary, in the first place, that where remedies can be given by legislation, that legislation should be given. Then all that you can do in the way of prevention of crime, and taking away the cause of crime by any power Parliament possesses, should be done on the proposition of the Government, and by Bills laid with their consent, and framed un d er the direction, of the Houses of P arliament.—( Hear, hear.) I say, I trust, Sir, that b e fore the second reading of this Bill is proposed, a Bill will be laid upon the table of this House with respect to the law of landlord and tenant, from which we shall be enabled to gather what are the intentions of the Go vernment upon this subject. In asking this, I think lam ask ing no more than Lord Althorp anti Lord Stanley were ready to propose when they rendered themselves responsible for the severe Coercion Bill of 1e35. I was not then disposed to shrink from the responsibility of a Coercion Bill, as I thoueht at the time it was necessary for the purpose of preventi ng mur d er. I had no other feeling in acceding to the provisions of that measure, but. I am not convinced that it is necessary that you should have similar provisions in the Bill to be proposed at the present time. I think that the Bill, with other provisions more resembling those Acts which have passed with respect to the crimes of this nature, both in England and Ireland, would be more effectual for the purpose, and would be less liable to ex cite irritation and discontent, which are the very things they ought to avoid. Let us recollect that in legislating upon this we a gree with the Ri g h t H on. Baronet, suh th b e ject—a Secretar lthoug y of State for the Home Department, and the Right Hon. Gentleman who last addressed the House, that there can be no more serious evil to the poor, as well as to the rich, than the prevalence of the organized bands, who take the ca a of every man, rich and poor, into their decisions, and before whose secret tribunals cases are not weighed in the scale of justice, but dashed down and decided by the hand of the assassin—while we agree that there can be no greater evil not forget thet than this, yet in legislating for Ireland w e mus. whole history of that country. I will not now occupy that length of time which even a glance at some of the principal topics would require, but I wish to keep in mind the main con sideration. The attachment and affection of the people of Ire land ought to be preserved, by your showing the utmost care — that you are not disposed to neglect their interest—that you are not disposed to punish crime in that country by a different mea sure from what you would punish it in England, and that you are willing to take into your serious consideration the many grievances of the Irish people; and here, although I do not wish to enter into a party discussion, I cannot but express my regret at the course of the present Government. Even when they had the best intentions, it had not been such as to inspire in Ireland confidence in your justice and respect to your policy. The time when tranquillity prevailed had been allowed to go by. When the present Government came into office, they found contentment and tranquillity prevailing in Ireland, but they waited until agitation arose—until complaints and remon strances were made to them, before they proposed to redress some of the grievances which pressed upon that country. But I hope, throwing aside the desire to conciliate the Catholic clergy on the one I and, or to terminate agitation on the other, they will seriously consider what were the promises made by this and the ether Houses of Parliament at the time of the union adopted by Mr. Pitt, and acquiesced in by both Houses of Parliament ; that they will look to and see wherever these promises have been kept, and if they have not been kept, fulfil them at once, not in the way of coaces sions, but simply as the fulfilment of an act of justice. Mr. SIDNEY HERBERT spoke a few words across the table in explanation, which did no t reac h th e ga ll er y. Mr. H. BRIDGEMAN contradicted the statement thathad been made with respect to a Mr. Wilson. Mr. KELLY said he could not give a silent vote against a measure which cast so much indignity upon his native land. Within the last few nights he had heard from Hon. Members on the other side of the House expressions of sympathy and con dolence with the state of their native country, canted by the diseaee, he might say almost by the total decay, of that root which constituted the food of the majority of his fellow-coun trymen. He had heard so many speeches from all sides of the House, but more particularly from the Right Honourable Baronet the Secretary of State for the Home Department, and the Right Hon. Gentleman the First Lord of the Treasury, advocating the necessity of giving employ ment to his suffering fellow-countrymen, that he had been in duced to put a question to himself, and to ask, can the charge which he had so frequently heard, that these parties were im bued with a hostile spirit towards his country, be true? Could this be the House of Commons which he had so frequently heard charged with a total inattention to Irish interests and Irish measures? Could if is be that portion of the Imperial Legislature which he bad heard was deaf to the cry of suffer ing humanity? Surely, he said to himself, the individuals who made these charges must have been labouring under some mis take. But when the Right Hon. Gentleman, the Secretary of State, introducecd this Bill, he found that he had not been deceived by his informers. It would have been better had the Right Hon. Baronet the Secretary of State for the Home De partment, aad the Right Honourable Gentleman the First Lord of the Treasury, delayed expressing their sympathy and condolence with Ireland till after the first read ing of this Bill, which insulted and branded this country with the charge of being assassins and murderers. He found that in exchange for the abundant supply of corn and other agricultural produce which England received from Ireland, the Right Hon. Baronet the Secretary of State for the Home Department was about to give the people of his native country muskets, carbines, and cartridges—(Hear, hear)—and that he was also about to give them an armed soldiery, a licentious and insolent police force.—( Hear, hear.) Those were the means by which the Right Hon. Baronet was anxious to promote confidence between the two countries. —( Hear, bear.) This measure was one of those by which that Right Hon. Gentleman expected to prop up that totter ing fabric the legislative Act of Union—( Hear, hear)—but be would tell that Right Hon. Gentleman that be was very much mistaken—( Hear, hear)—and that this measure would only have the effect of destroying that ruinous fabric at a more speedy rate.—; Hear, hear.) He must say that he was very much surprised that when this measure was first introduced the whole of the English Members did not rise up in a body and protest against it--( Hear, hear)—as being calculated to militate against their sense of justice, and their notion of free institutions.—(Herr, hear)—He objected to this Bill, because if it were carried into a law it would completely subvert and destroy all constitutional law in Ireland.—( Hear, hear.) He also objected to it because, in his opinion—and he was sure in the opinion of every man who surrounded him—the Right Hon. Baronet had not made out a sufficient case to authorise that House to pass such an unconstitutional measure.—( Hear.) He objected to it on the same ground that Hon. Gentlemen would do to a similar Bill introduced by the Right lion. Baronet for the purpose of outlawing the people of England.—(Hear, hear.) But he would not bring forward such a measure for England on such grounds as he had adduced on the introduction for this oppressive measure towards Ireland, because the Hon. Members of that House would meet it with one shout of execration—(Cheers)—and be knew very well that the Irish Members would be amongst the first to join in that shout.—( Cheers.) He objected to this measure because it had not been sufficiently proved by the Right Hon. Baronet or his colleagues that the laws at present in force in Ireland, if carried out with justice, were not sufficient to meet the present emergency.—( Hear, hear.) He regr stted that he was obliged to admit some of the statements that had been made as to the present state of crime in Ireland were something like the truth, but the great majority of the statements had been greatly exaggerated.—(Hear, hear.) What would the Right Hon. Baronet or the House say of that law which permitted the late dreadful tragedy at Mullingar? An individual was put upon his trial ; the jury on that trial disagreed and what was the course pursued by the Government? Why, that unfortunate individual, after having been once discharged, was again put upon his trial for the same offence, under the same commission.—( Hear, hear.) In empannelling the jury who tried that unfortunate individual, thus put upon his second trial, the officers of the Crown challenged and struck off three of the most respectable men in that district.—(Cheers.) One of them, he would fearlessly say, was the most respectable man in that part of the country.—(Hear, hear.) And what objection had the officers of the Crown against the three gen tlemen whom they had thus struck off the jury list ? Merely this, that they were Members of the Roman Catholic religion. —(Hear, hear.) Gracious God ! Were they living in the nineteenth century, or in the bloody days of Elizabeth and Mary ?—( Hear, hear.) Was the Right Hon. Baronet and his colleagues about to renew the dismal scenes of religious tyranny and persecution ?—( Cheers.) If this Bill were passed into a law, he would not be in the slightest degree surprised if the Riebt Hon. B e ranek and his colleagues were to have posted on every jury box in Ireland such a placard as had been posted on the gates of Bandon—" Turk, Jew, or Atheist may enter here, but not a Papist."—( Hear, hear.) He objected to this Bill, because there had not been sufficient proofs adduced by the Right Hon. Baronet of the alleged crime iu Ireland to justify such an unconstitutional measure. If proper commis sions had been instituted in the counties that were disturbed, they would have been sufficient to suppress crime to a great degree. To justify the Right-Hon. Baronet in bringing for ward such a measure, he ought to have made out a stronger case. He objected to this measure, because it had been brought forward without any accompanying remedial mea sures.—( Hear, hear.) It would alto give an arbitrary power to the underlings of the Government. The Right Hon. Baronet had come forward, and stated a long list of crimes and outrages which had occurred in Ireland, but the conduct of the Government on previous occasions had afforded an evil example to the people of Ireland. The Government themselves had, on a recent memorable occasion, themselves violated the law, and how could they expect the people to be punctual in the observance of them ? Yes, in spite of what had been said by the Right Honourable Baronet in reference to the Law Lords, every honest man must say that the lion. and Learned Member for Cork had not had a fair trial.— ( Cheers.) Why did not the Right Hon. Baronet, instead of bringing forward the present measure, restore to the commis sion of the peace those magistrates whom he had superseded, merely because they made themselves conspicuous in the agita tion for the repeal of a certain Act of Parliament ?—( Hear, hear.) The Irish Members should oppose the measure, be eause it would destroy even the little tranquillity that yet re mained in Ireland. Those Hon. Members who opposed this measure were, of course, quite as anxious as the Right Hon. Baronet could be to preserve the peace of Ireland.—( Hear, bear.) Their affections, their families, their properties, and their nearest and dearest ties were connected with the green isle.—( Cheers.) And they, of course, could not for their own interests' sake be the men to oppose any measure that might have a tendency to further the peace and prosperity of their native land.--( Hear, hear.) Under all these circumstances he would most cheerfully support the amendment of the Hon. and Learned Member for Cork.—( Cheers. ) Mr. K. SEYMOUR challenged the Hon. Member who bed just sat down, to quote a county in England were murders were committed in the noonday as they were in Ireland ; and if he could do so, he 01r. Seymour) would not have the slightest objection to a Bill being introduced for the better protection of life in England.—( Hear, hear.) 0 f 180 persons that had been charged with the horrid crime of murder in Ireland during the last year, only eight suffered the extreme penalty of the law, which showed that there must be something wrong in the carrying out of the law relating to murder in Ireland. The great difficulties in Ireland - are the large amount of crime, and the indisposition of juries to convict. He thought it might be as well to suspend the trial by jury in the disturbed districts. The Hon. Member then referred to the case of Bryan Seerf, and commented upon the conduct of a certain Roman Catholic clergyman, who had sent a letter to one of the Irish papers, to the effect that he was Innocent. Ho then proceeded to read an account of the burial of Bryan Seery, which appeared in the Freeman's Journal—a journal edited by Dr. Gray, and headed the " Mullingar Tragedy." lie considered that the conduct of the repealers was a strange anomaly. Their society was called a " ley al" one—their hall, a "Conciliation Hall ;" and it was in this hall that the orators of the loyal association harangued the people into a state of discontent and hostility, and then deputed an officer, called the " Head Pacificator," to allay the disturbances. The Hon. Gentleman concluded by expressing a hope that he had not been offensive to any gentle. man in giving utterance to his opinions. Mr. P. S. BUTLER said that he should occupy the atten tion of the House but a very few moments, whilst he would lay before them a few observations which occurred to him during the course of th 4 s debate, and he should endeavour to adhere to the sound principles of common sense, which he had ever found to have some influence with a British audience, and he would say that any opposition which he would feel himself called upon to give the present Bill, would not be grounded on the fact that the proposed measure was opposed to tis<l first principles of the constitution, and was unfriendly to those principles of liberty to which they were all attached.— ( Hear, hear.) He had no hesitation in declaring that if it was proposed to suspend the habeas corpus Act, and institute domiciliary visits—that, if he considered such a violation of the constitution likely to produce a diminution of crime, such a proposition would have his cordial support. He would relate an anecdote to the House which would illus trate the treatment which the peasantry often received. There was a Nobleman, whom it was not necessary to name, who had a large property in the county of Kilkenny. That property fell out of lease, and the lease was dependent on a single life, after which the property reverted to a nephew. The tenants were comfortable and happy—occupying a station muck higher there, and being of a superior class to those whose case was brought under the notice of the House by the Hon. Member for Limerick. The tenants were resolved to go over to London to see their landlord, who was then residing there, but an agent residing in the neighbourhood desired them to entrust their case with him. He went over got the lease for himself came home and turned out the tenantry. That gentleman was murdered soon after as he was returning home one night. Six men were found guilty, and were executed for that mur der. Now, what was the result of that grand display ? Within three month, of that occasion, the nephew of that person was murdered within a quarter of a mile of the place of execution. He (Mr. B.) found that the Secretary of State for the Home Department, in a speech very different in its tone from what was usually made by any member of the Government with regard to Ireland, said that the. measure was brought forward with the best possible intentions. The Right Hon. Gentleman also alluded to some former measures— to the Maynooth grant, to the Anus Bill, to the Colleges Bill, and other measures—but when detailing these, he totally forgot the other side of the question. He forgot to mention what the Government had omitted to do. He forgot to mention that 74 magistrates had been dismissed from the commission of thepeace, the most popular, the most efficient, and the most able of the magistracy of Ireland. He (Mr. Butler) himself was among the number, and he regretted this summary and unconsti tutional proceeding, for to the want of their efficient exertions, 'ant of confidence in the administration of justice There were certain clauses in the Bill to which he wished to call the attention of the Legislature. What would the House say if some d, spotic minister—some man of great abilities, who might be influenced by newspaper paragraphs, were to come dawn to them, and, after reading two or three murders from provincial newspapers, were to call en the House to pass a Coercion Bill. The legislation for both countries must be the same, as the interests of the countries could not be severed. What was good for one was good for the other, and what was bad for one was bad for the other. He wished to call the atten tion of English lUembers to the 9th and 14th sections of this Bill, as also to the 6th, 7th, and Bth sections. They all directed that certain sums should be given as compensation to a certain class of persons named, and to the relatives of per sons who were murdered. Where was this money to be ad vanced from—from the Consolidated Fund ? The Right Hon. Baronet the Seesetary the Home Department would turn round and say that the money was to be repaid. By the 9th and 14th clauses of the Act, the sums directed to be advanced from the Consolidated Fund are directed to be repaid by a tax on the occupying tenant-cotter , whet her his tenure were above or below 41. Did any man , who had had any dealings with the cotter tenantry of Ireland, suppose h tha a t d s t u o c i h d a rate could be levied? The Right Hon. Gentleman s t n w fl a i c s te a d b o o u n t t t h o e b t u e r n d a e n n t t w h e e r m e e inflicted h that n thesethe l a a g n r d a l o r i r a d n , a o n u d t outrages with this taxation. He (Captain B. Osbetne) was intimate r „ e r l i , e n d d , at t n d t h h e e i r w a e s ri m m o e r s e . as t ( s )f ur l at their patience with the cotter te_na t n h t a r n y Le i e Right Hon. Gentleman recollect that physical destitution and moral degradation we nt hand in hand. Men could not be de based in the scale of comfort without making them like wild beasts, and it was usel,s for the Govern ent to be framing coercion laws when they knew that the vices of the people had been caused by their own bad legislation. He thought that it was necessary to refer to a few sentences which from a Noble Lord the other evening. '1 he Noble Lord thought it necessary to believe the Govern ment accounts of famine in Ireland, but he placed implicit reliance on the Government details of Irish crimes —(Loud cheers from the Opposition.) If Irish crimes had a more direct tendency to influence the Corn Bill, he should like to know if the Noble Lord would be more incredulous. The Noble Lord had remarked that any man who opposed the passing of this measure ought to be held responsible, and was responsible, for every murder that was committed in Ireland, thereby arguing that any man who might feel It necessary to differ from the opinion of the Noble Lord was responsible for the outrages committed in Ireland. Whenever the Noble Lord " bolted" from the figures of rhetoric to the figures of speech, he was sure " to disappoint his baceers, and run himself into distress"—( Laughter. ) When the Noble Lord came down to that House he produced a newspaper, and, after citing from its columns two cases of murder, proceeded to argue upon the necessity of coercive measures for Ireland. What would the Noble Lord think if he (Captain Osborne) were to take at random two counties in England ? He would take Staffordshire, and he there found that a man named Brown killed his brother by beating on his head with a hammer, and then hid his body in a sandpit. The murderer held a farm under his brother, anl in consequence of the non-payment of the rent, the brother threatened to distrain, and it was the fear of being turned out that induced the commission of the murder. Was it considered necessary to proclaim Staffordshire in con sequence of that murder ? He would now turn to a village in Somersetshire, Bridgwater, where a woman poisoned her bro ther, awl, it was supposed, three other relatives, and would any man in his senses deduce from that that the people of Bridg water were so brutal that a Coercion Bill was necessary. If he were to look into the provincial newspapers he might even find that some such facts had occurred to Lynn, and so accord ing to the Noble Lord's argument, rendering a Co.-rel. n Bill necessary for that place. The Noble Lord could not adopt a worse principle than to cut slips out of newspapers to bring them forward as excuses for such measures. He must now say and he said it with great regret, that he had some little quarrel with the Right Hon. Gentleman the Secretary for the Home Department. In the absence of the Irish Secretary some excuse might he made for his ignorance of the state of Ireland, when he said that there were five counties in that country in a state of abs lute disturbance, Tipperary being specially mentioned amongst them. It was right that the Right "lon. Gentleman should know that it was only in the North-west Riding of Tipperary that these disturbances took place. In the South Riding crime was unknown. He spoke as a resident, and he knew that the landed proprietors there would defend their rights while they were not inattentive or unmindful of their duties; and it was therefore he now at tempted to do justice to the country. An Hon. and Learned Gentleman near him had alluded very cursorily to the number of civil-bill ejectments, frem 1839 to 1843. He said that the number of these ejectments in these five counties was 2,331 during that period. There had, however, been 72,932 notices served, and, taking every family to consist of five, that would give a total of 364,910 persons. He would net, however, be so hurried on by news , aper reports as to forget that he was in thst House to legislate for his fellow-countrymen. The people in England, on hearing this would make great lamen tation, and exclaim, " How horrible !" and yet no person ever thought of asking for the actual return of these ejectments. Thi Noble Lord said that the House had no right to interfere with the rights of property. What was every tax—every railway Bill that came before the House, and was passed but such an interference? and yet such an interference was t o be made with the rights of the subject. The truth was, however, that the man who was born on the soil had a right to derive his subsistence from it. It was asked, how were agrarian outrages to be put down ? It was not by coercive measures, or Protection to Life Bills, that it was to be done, but by an alteration of the law of fixed property to re move the expense attendant on its sale, so as to render its transfer more easy, and to make way for a new set of pro ptietors. It was by a total revision of the law of landlord and tenant. The evils of Ireland were social evils, and therefore he must say that he thought the conduct of Government had been marked by great indiscretion. Whets the Lord Chan cellor of Ireland took upon himself to dismss all those magis trates who professed the doctrines of repeal, he committed what was worse than a crime—he committed a great political blunder—for if any one thing more than another set the peasantry against the Bench, it was that dis missal. The Government bad also committed another error, which was recalled to his mind by some observations made the other nicht by an Hon. Member. It was complained that the Protestant ascendancy in Ireland was gone. Let the House look at the long panel in lipperary. That county was quiet enough in the time of Lord Normanby. but that was attributed to hs toadying the great agitator. 'The conduct of the Go vernment with regard to the grand jury was much to be com plained of. In 1839, there were on the long panel in Tip peraryllB Catholic gentlemen, and 100 names were on th e . . list. 'ln the year 1844 that number had decreased to 43, and the names on the list were only 10 in number. In 1846 they had dwindled down to 17, and the names on the list were only 5; and at the last sessions, out of two or three Catholic gentlemen, only one was empaLelled. That gentleman was decidedly a man of considerable worth and respectability ; but why were other gentlemen, of equal worth and respectability, omitted from the grand jury. If the Hon. Member for Tipperary were not then in the House, he (Capt. Bernal ,born:1) would attest to his worth, and yet he was not oo the gland 'jury in consequence of his political opinion. There were also two Members sitiing near blin to whom similar circumstances had occurred. Was it passible, therefore, for the peasantry of Ireland to look upon the law in any other light than a one-sids and prejudiced judge? In undertaking to second the motion brought forward by the Hon. Learned Gentleman, he could not say that he participated in all his sentiments, of which, however, he admired the sincerity and genius. He dit not agree with his (Mr. O'Connell) opinions as to the separation of the English and Irish Legislature. He, as a resident in the coun'ry, did not think that repeal was a panacea for its evils, but at the same time let him warn the House, that in passin a measure of a coercive character, that it must take into account, first, the power they gave the Honourable Gentleman to continue his agitation for repeal, and the effect that the measure would have on the public mmd. Let the House discuss it as thy might. Alen of all parties in Ireland were discontented with the English Government They said that it was ignorant of the Irish interest, and indifferent to to their prejudices. What was the effect of Lord Grey's Bill ? It drove many moderate men into the ranks of the reloalers. He (Captain B. Osborne) was favourable to the maintenance of the union, but he mast say, that if the union was only to be maintained by such measures of coercion, he would rather see it at once repealed. Ho lamented that the Right Honourable Gentleman at the head of the Government, who had shown himself on a question of commerce able to shake himself from the trammels of party. consented to take the old and oft-repeated story of Irish disturbances. The tonourable Gentleman had told the House that there was an evil genius in the I abinet. That genius was of an orange hue, and its spirit yet clung to the system of Govern ment in Ireland, and secretly encouraged ct.ercive measures. Whatever p .wer the Hen. Gentleman might possess over the Government, he (Captain B. Osborne) called on the House not to be led away by a measure which would entrench on the lights and liberties of his Irish fellow subjects.—( Cheers.) Mr. S. HERBERT raid that he would not revert in any wa y ‘n.e to d t i h nii e t, li h r an i t. o n a tin t l e odu t s ii pe t ab c k s y the Hon. Gentleman had just intro duced.awnityh gentlemangrear er pe w c t hn of all had sl opinions a t a part of in Ireland, and who had done his duty in that towards the tenantry under him ; and, in oC al nf l n u ira :l i as ire s pn u r r e e s d him that he did so without any Gentlem an , h," denisurnestypewcth,inboben party expressions of the Honourable the least degree disparaging the di.t e .u n s t: i l. He hoped that every Member, in entering on this tem pera manner used by the nwoed adopt the calm and etntplienma Gentleman been bringing introduced, it fo r - and he would not alliut e to them further than to say, that as far ward. He regretted that rheas Hon . as he was concerned , whatever station . he held in that House, nothing would induce him to assist Ireland a theme for surth discussions. He was a lan i cl n lo m rl k i lkn g t slf , and took an the warmest interest in the welfare of the country. interest in its fate and misfortunes. and he could truly y be su re th that, being a willing and a warm party to the measure Howe, he held opinions adverse to any rigorous treatmentt of the country. No man was more warmly and more reasonably an advocate of this measure, which he believed and hoped vroul4 ultimately introduce better f ee l tsiga b e t we en parties In Ireland , and assimilate different classes, to that the intention of meetin this Gentleman I had hoped the prosperity of the country. In the speech of the H on . Hon. Gentleman rather seemed to be been delivered , the measure by delay had been g iven u p . just ln the speech which had for for the unopposed first and sec !n d readi ng s, reserving the dis cussion the convenience of the cussion for the third. It would be House to discuss the applicability of this Bill to different classes, and not to make comparison between this Bill and the observation of the Hon. Gentleman who had spoken was there, other . Bills brought in under different circumst ances. I n no the least attempt to deny the case of emergency on which the Government rested the necessity of the Bill. The state ment made by his Right Hon. Friend the Secretary for the Home Department remained unchanged. The only allegation made was that which was made by the Hon. Gentleman, which seemed to prove that the state of society was not so much disorganised as it was represented to be. The state of society was such in Ireland that the greatest difficulty existed in regard to the obligation of leases; and the sub-division of land into small portions was enforced in such a manner as produce the worst results. If this system went on, the inevitable result would be that the land would be rendered valueless, and its whole produce swallowed up by the residence upon it. If any man sets himself up in opposition to this state of things, and struggles against it, he, that man, must suffer. No man would perform the functions of a landlord unless be had the consideration and enjoyed the protection of the Legis lature.—( Hear, hear.) But his object was to show in answer to the statement of the Honourable Gentleman opposite, how far this Bill would go to protect the poorer classes, It was said that it was a law for the benefit of the landlords, to protect the strong instead of the weak, the rich in their oppresssion over the poor. In answer to that he thought he would show that the principle murders com mitted in Ireland, and the outrages that took place, were not upon persons in the higher ranks of life, but amongst the poor and defenceless. Especially was this the case in the midnight attacks, against which this Bill was intended more especially to provide, and its provisions would be found of more value to the poorer classes than those for whom it was said to be pro posed. The rich man could barricade his doors and windows, and, with the assistance of his arms and servants, stand a siege against the midnight assassins ; but the poor man's life was exposed without the least protection. His wretched cabin, witheut windows, and with scarcely any covering offered no resistance a: ainst the midnight incendiary. He , I _l' l 11-) snirsauts to stand by him, and the thatch of his I cal - .ivi cilerecl 51: ee.ty p rey to t« 4 .:1- , e... . !;, ^—, It itherefore to ba distinctly b orne i n mind that the night cienses of the present Bill offered the greatest protection to the poor, and proved that the accuastiox urged 19 ;trolley egging the with which this act inspired the people, might be attributed many of those crimes and outrages which were enumerated in the statement of the Right Honourable Baronet. He also forgot to apologise to the Gentlemen of this House who were so unjustifiably and harshly treated by the Government. He meant the Hon. Member for Cork and the Hon. Member for Kilkenny. He had pot given even an apology to those Gentlemen fur that treatment. The Hon. Gentleman the Member for Dorsetshire made a quolatiln --- frornii;ekntion newspaper, but neither that paper nor the Freeman's Journal represented the opinions of any Gentleman who he saw around him. The public press was as liable to give expressions to erroneous opinions as the representatives of the people were. If he wanted a proof on this side of the Channel of this assertion, he would allude to a paper that had a large circulation in England, and over Europe. In that newspaper he found such expressions as " surpliced ruffians" and a " demon priesthood" applied to the Catholic priesthood of Ireland, who, he could testify from his own knowledge, were a body of men distinguished for the practice of every Christian virtue. In a paper published in Ireland a few weeks ago there was a comparative statement of the relative amount of crime in England and Feland. He found that in a report of crime in England for 1833, the murders were great, and generally committed on women and children. There were many eases which, if he were actuated by vindictive feelings, he might quote; but he would not do so, fearful that it might be so construed. He found it stated in the Times newspaper, that life in this eoun'ry was less safe than in the worst states on the Continent, or even in China. This, then, being the case, what was the contrast with the state of crime in Ireland, where starvation was at the door of the peasant.—( Hear, hear.) It was stated in the journal of the world, the Times newspaper, that life in this country was on the same scale as in Lacedremonia and China.—( Hear.) The Bill proposed by the Government would not put down crime in Ireland ; if it would, he would support it, but that not being the case, he would offer the measure of her Majesty's Ministers his most decided opposition. Mr. R. A. FITZGERALD was of opinion that the Bill before the House would, instead of putting down crime in Ire land, but exasperate the people. In f .ct the landlords of the north of Tipperary looked upon the tenants on their estates as so many machines by which money was to be made for them ; and they did not think that nature ever intended them for anything el se , or that they were bound to look the n a t 1 s a i n n d g l a o l r a d r , t h h a e t s u found a ns state t e p r o o f te t c h t i o n r gs i n ah h o i a m l d . upon them in a n y o th er li g h t . B ut w h en t h e tenant e w d as to it " No p w eal , be permitted to exist at this period, when civilisation had at tained so high a pitch. It was really too bad, that a country so blessed by God should be so cursed by man ; and how to account for such a state of things was utterly impossible. The reign of Elizabeth was certainly a mast glorious one for England, but a most disastrous one for Ireland. 'the Govern ment of the day, to advance their own interests, had their emis saries everywhere, who represented the merest conversations of the people as treasonable; and the consequence was, that their lands were declared forfeited, and the proprietor of a tract to-day might, in a few days after, be a serf or a labourer on the same tract.—(Hear, hear.) Under the Whig Government, the people of Ireland improved rapidly in their condition and morals. The judges in nearly every county in Ireland congratulated the grand juries on the very much decreased state, and in some cases on the tote absence, of crime, and could there be any doubt that these things were caused by an altered Administration which attended more to the condition of the people of Ireland? This was the state of things in Ireland. The people had no ' confidence in the administration of the law. He opposed the pre sent Bill, because he did not believe it would realise the end that was sought to be obtained. He had recently read some remarks in a journal that had great influence, and was well known throughout the civilised world, with which he entirely con curred. The Times said the great evil of Ireland was the want of sympathy with the administration of justice.—( Hear, hear.) That struck him at the time, as a true picture of the state of the country. The people wanted confidence in the conduct of the English Government, and that was the reason why seven millions of people in Ireland had banded together to effect the repeal of the union between the two countries. The real cause why those who acted with the Hon. and Learned Member for Cerk opposed the present measure was, that it would not effect the object sought. He hoped, therefore, that Hon. Members on the other side of the House would see the propriety of the union, and see the wis. dom and propriety of taking the same view of the question. In the vote he should give upon this question he should not be actuated by any personal motive whatever. If Honour able Members on the other side of the House would consult their own judgment they would not altogether depend on the opinions of the only two Irish Members on that aide; they would consider the circumstances of Ireland more, and endeavour to do justice to that unhappy country. On the motion of Mr. CAREW, the debate was adjourned. RAILWAY DEPOSITS BILL. 'This Bill went through Committee. Report on Monday. The orders of the day were then disposed of, and the House adjourned at a Quarter past One o'clock. PARLIAMENTARY BUSINESS. (From the rotes and Proceedings of the House of Commons.) FRIDAY, APRIL 3. The following Petitions for Railway Bills were reported, and the Bills ordered to be brought in by the undernamed Hon. Members : London and Birmingham (Weedon and Northampton Branch)—Colonel Anson and Mr. Currie. Oldham, Manchester, Liverpool, and Birkenhead Jnnetion— Mr. J. Fielden and Mr. Brotherton. Oxford, Worcester, and .Wolverhampton—General Lygon, Mr. Pakiogton, and Lord M. Hill. Scottish Central and Caledonian Junction—Mr. Forbes, Mr. W. Baillie, and Mr. Bonverie. Sheffield, A s hton-under-Lyne, and Manchester (Whaley , Bridge, and Hayfield Branches)—Mr. Parker, Mr. Bro therton, and Mr. Buckley. Portbury Pier and Railway—Mr. W. Miles and Mr. H. Berkeley. Public Houses (Scotland) —Committee nominatedt—The Lord Advocate, Mr. Fox Maule, Mr. Home Drummond, Mr. Cripps, Lord Dalmeny, Mr. Forbes, Mr. Bannerman, Mr. Francis Scott, Mr. Duncan, Sir John Hope, Mr. Poulett Scrope, Mr. Stuart Wortley, Mr. Richard Hodgson, Viscount Duncan, and Mr. Forbes Mackenzie. STANDING ORDERS' COMMITTEE. The following Resolutions were reported from the above Committee :- 1. That, in the case of the Oxford, Witney, Cheltenham, and Gloucester Railway petition, the standing orders ought not to be dispensed with. 2. That, in the case of the Paisley, Barrbead, and Hurlet Railway ipetition, the standing orders ought not to be dis pensed with. 3. That, in the case of the Hamilton and Strathaven Rail way petition, the standing orders ought not to be dispensed with. _ 4. That, in the cam of the Wilts, Somerset, and Wey mouth Railway petition, tl:e standing orders ought to be dis pensed with :—That the parties be permitted to proceed with their Bill on correcting the errrors on the sections ; and that the Committee on the Bill do examine, in the first place, how far such order has been complied with, and do report the same to the Howe on the report of the Bill. Fourth resolution agreed to.—Report to lie on the table. SECOND READINGS OF RAILWAY BILLS. MONDAY, APRIL 0. Inverness and Elgin Junction. Dunblane, Donne, and Callauder. Hull and Lincoln Direct. East and West India Docks and Birmingham Junction Railway (by order). London awl Windsor iby order). TUESDAY, APRIL 7. Cameron's Coalbrook Steam Coal and Swansea and Lougbor, RAILWAY SHARE MARKETS BRISTOL, Aram 3. STOCK EXCIIANGE.—The sales are—Birmingham and Gloucester, 125—Ditto, Quarter Shares (Issued 7% dis.), 31—Midland, New, 28 % —North Staffordshire, 1% —Sou th Devon, 32% —Taff Vale, New Quarter Shares, 1 h —York and North Midland Extension, 313{. SHEFFIELD, APRIL 3. STOCK Excluxoz.—The sales are—Midland, Sheffield and Ro therham, 34—Sheffield, Buxton, Leek, Potteries, and Crewe, 1 Is. MANCHESTER, APRIL 3. Ekrocit EXCIIANGE.-Tho sales are-Birkenhead, Lancashire, and Cheshire, 13.16 Darwen, and Bolton, 1 k dis.- Derby and Crewe, 1 1-16 p.-Ealit Coast, 1 % dis.-East Lancashire, No. 1, p. -Ditto, No. 2, % p.-Essex and Suffolk, 1 dis. c.- Fleetwood, Preston, and West Riding, % dis.-Huddersfield and Manchester Railway and Canal, 1 dis.- Lancashire and North York shire, % dis.-Leeds, Dewsbury', and Manchester, I p.-Liverpol and Leeds Direct, % dis.-Liverpool, Ormskirk, and Preston, % p.- Liverpool, Preston, Manchester, and Stockport, % dis.-Liverpool, Warwick, Manchester, and Southport, 21s. dis.-London and Man chester (Item.), 38s. 9d. dis.-Manchester, Buxton, and Matlock, par -Manchester and Birmingham, 75%-Ditto, Quarters (B), 63% p. -Ditto, Quarters (C), 5% p.-Manchester and Leeds, Fifths, 8% p. -Northumberland and Lancashire, 255. 6cl. dis.-North Eastern, 1% dis. c.-North Staffordshire, 1 9-16 p.-Preston and Wyre, Halves (13), 6s. 6d. p.-Ditto, Extension, I.i dis.-Sheffield and Lincoln shire Junction, % dis.-Sheffield and Manchester, Quarters No. 3, Is. 6d. dis. -South Eastern and Dover. 34% -Ditto, Halves No. 4, 3-16 dis.-Trent Valley Continuation and Holyhead Junction, % dis. -West Riding Union, 1% p. LEEDS, APRIL 3. STOCK ExenANoz.-The sales are-Eastern Counties, 20%-Ditto, York Extension, 10s. p.-York and North Midland, East and West Riding, 7 4 p.-Great Grimsby and Sheffield, 70s. dis.-Iludders field and Manchester, ss. dis.-Hadderefteld and Sheffield, p.- Leeds and Bradtbrd, 21-Leeds and Dewsbury, 11 p.-Leeds and Thirsk, 70s. dis -Ditto, New, 645. ells. -Newcastle and Berwick, 7 p. -Goole and Doncaster, 7s. 6d. dis.-London: and York, 30s. dis.-Li verpool, Ormskirk, and Preston, 15s. p.-West;ltiding Union, 31. 35.- A mbergate, Nottingham, and Boston, 258. dis.-Bradford Wakefield, and Midland, 225. 64. dis. -Essex and Suffolk, 19s. 6d.-Grand Union, 178. 61. dis.-Leeds and Liverpool Direct, is. 6d. dis.- Northamberland and Lancashire Junction, 245. dis.-North Stafford shire, 1/. 14s. 6d.-North Western, 3s. 6d. dis.-South Midlands, 4s, din. HULL, Apan. 3. STOCK Excnixoz.—A great quantity of London and York shares was thrown on the market to-day, and it was with great difficulty sales could be effected at 245. ; prices generally range lower. The sales are—Huddersfield and Sheffield Junction, 10s.—North Bri tish, Carlisle, 325. 6d.—Ambergate, Nottingham, Boston, &c , 14 —Armagh Coleraine, and Portrush, 10s. 6d.—Boston, Newark, and Sheffield, 245. East Lincolnshire, 18s. 61—Grand Union, 9s. 6d.— Hull and Barnsley Junction, 23s 6d.-;-North Staffordshire, 31. 17s. —Rugby and Huntingdon, 15s. 6d. YORK, APRIL 3. STOCK EXCHANGE.—The Pale; are—Great Grimsby, Louth, &c., it. 2s.—London and York, 1% —West Riding Union, 3% —York and North Midland, New (East and West Riding), 7%. EDINBURGH, APRIL 1. STOCK EXCHANGE.—The vales arc—Airdrio And Bathgate, 29a, Ayr and Galloway, 29s.—Banffshire, 20s.—Caledonian Extension, 26s.—Carnwath and West Linton. 21s. 6d.—Direct Northern, 325. 6d.—East Indian Railway, 6s.—East Lothian Central and Tyne Valley Junction, 28s.—Edinburgh and Bathgate, 395. 6d.—Edinburgh and Northern, 50s. 6d.—Ditto, Newport, 10s. 6d.—Ditto, Lochgelly, 14s.—Edinburgh and Peebles, 21s.—Forth and Clyde Junction, 325. 6d.—Glasgow and Ayr, Quarters, 171. 10s.—North British, Extension to Carlisle, 32s.—Perth and Crieff Direct, 295. —Perth and Inverness, 255. —Scottish Central, 131. 'OB.—Ditto, New, 5/. Is. 6d.—Scottish Midland, 61 GLASGOW, Arßu. 2. STOCK EXCIIANOE.—The sale; are Aberdeen, Banff, and Elgin, 253.—Ayr and Galloway, 318.—British and Irish Union, 365. M.—Caledonian, 7%—Ditto, New, 30s.—Caledonian Extension, 265. W.—Caledonian and Ayrshire Junction, 39s.—Caledonian Direct Northern, 363. 6d.—East Lothian Central and Tyne Valley, 30s.— East Indian Railway, 'la.—Edinburgh, Glasgow, and Dumbarton, 18s. 3d.—Forth and Clyde Junction, 33s.—Glasgow General Ter minus, 10% —Glasgow, Kilmarnock, and Ayr, 701.—Ditto, New, 233 —Glasgow, Dumfries, and Carlisle, 21s.—Glasgow, Kilmarnock, and Ard •ossan, 245. 6d.—Glasgow Harbour Mineral, IN.—Kilmar nock and Ayr Direct, 29s.—Lanark and Lothians, 38s.— Lesma hagow, 325. 6d.—Scottish Central, 133{ —Scottish Southern, 3.59. — South Midland, 365. 6d.—Stirling and Dunfermline, 245. [ADVERTISEMENT.] SIGHT AND HEARING. 39, Albemarle-street, Piccadilly. Newly-invented Spectacles, Tele- M scopes, Opeta Glasses, Microscopes , &e. Pa tronised by G en e rals Sir Edward Paget, Sir Evan Lloyd, Sir Joh n beatings, , Frederick Goodfellow, Clayton Grosvenor Morrison, Dyott iltobeorxt: son, Mackenzie, Galway, Biggs, Woolf, Murray, Welke ~ ,, T___ Price, Lindsay, and Thackray ; Major-Generals Sir 11. lt ) /P1 1 . 1 , 1 1 V:a Sir John Rose, Sir James Cockburn, Achmty, ae,";;Jss, and Sir Hamilton, Turner, Wemyss, and Cock ; Lieut.-Generals F 3 C l ' Bouverie, Sir J. Macdonall, Sir R. Barton , SirT. Cockburn, Sir Wm. Eustance ; Admirals L rd, John Hay, Sir _ I. 'Whitened, Sir D. George Munday, Sir George Martin, Sir Tamoens. _ els, and Price ; Gold, Ross, Alexander, Curious, Tompkins 13 ii n Sir Henry wn and Ribouleau, ticians have invented Spec &c. Messrs. S. and B . Scaomons , Op InuneCliatcly they are placed Vice-Admiral Sir F. Austen ; Rear-Admirals re tadle Lenses upon a new construction• d dullness which appear before u l ::: i t i a a t n ural, and original state. Also. before imper i fe t ct o vi l on every object becomes clear and distinct, the eyes is at once removed. aged i nperfect sight becomes bright and brilliant, Opera " Glasses, Microscopes, Invisible and all t brought e ug m i ost p Achromatic Telesco , a so nd th i a s i teoustic initruments, for relief of most extreme deafness. kinds . Can ti on —Moors. • S and 8.-Solomon', Opticians, are not in any way connected with a person of the same name in their immediate neigh bourhood. To prevent mistakes be cautious, and Observe—Only to b , h a d at 39, Albemarle-street, Piccadilly, opposite the York Hotel. IRELAND. THE MURDER OF MR. PATRICK CLARKE. DUBLIN, Aran, 2.—The trial of two men, Patrick Rice and Patrick Hayes, charged with conspiracy to murder Mr. Patrick Clarke, in the month of October last, commenced at Nenagh assizes so far back as Tuesday week, and was not brought to a conclusion until yesterday. A host of witnesses were examined for the Crown, the principal being an ap. prover named Burns, two of his sons, very young men, and a daughter, a little girl between twelve and thirteen years of age. The prisoners were ably defended. Mr. Justice Ball commenced his charge at half-past twelve o'clock on Tuesday, and adjourned the Court without going through the whole of the evidence. On Wednesday (yesterday) morning his Lordship resumed his charge, and at eleven o'clock the jury retired. At ten minutes past two o'clock they returned into Court with a verdict of Guilty against Rice and Hayes. The most awful sensation prevailed in Court. The pri soners appeared unmoved. Mr. DWYER i:nmediately demanded an arrest of judgment. his LORDSHIP inquired his grounds? Mr. Austsra9NG (Mr. Dwyer's colleague) requested time from his Lordship to have the grounds on which be and his Learnel Friend retied engrossed. He was allowed till the adjournment of the Court for the purpose. THE GREAT WILL CASE. The remarkable case of Kelly v. Kelly, which has excited great interest in consequence of the enormous amount of pro perty in dispute, was brought yesterday to an abrupt and unexpected conclusion, at the adjourned assizes for Ros common. It was an ejectment brought to rec ,, ver from the defendant the property denominated Rockwood, whisli had been left to the defendant by the will of her late bust and, but which plaintiff claimed for his heir-at-law. The issue involved a question of property to the amount of 600,00'.4., one of the largest properties in Ireland. The case of eject ment affected freehold property of about 4,0001. Mr. R. MOOR; Q.C., opened the case for the defendant. It will be recollected that the defendant is Mrs. Sarah Kelly, of the county of Galway, who was married to the late Edmond Kelly, a gentleman, who made an immense fortune, at his profession of attorney, and who by his will left his whole fortune to his wife, amounting to the enormous sums above mentioned. The plaintiff and his brother were, it ap pears, distant relations of deceased, and next of kin, and they impeached the will of deceased, on the grounds that their late relation was not in such a state of mind as to ren der him capable of making a will, and that the defendant used undue influence over deceased by getting him to make a will in her favour. Witnesses were produced to sustain the defendant's case. The trial had continued for three days; the witnesses exa mined being all on Mrs. Kelly's part, when towards the close of the case The leading counsel on both sides left the Court, and after half an hour returned, when Messrs. Moore and Mona han said they would save the Court and jury some trouble, as in all human probability the case would be settled in ten minutes. This simr t announcement 00 c a u n s i zd w q u h i o te h a a a s e a n g sa a i t ii :o :r n et i i n re C d o , u e r n t. t ered we have agre e d th a t yo u l‘y i 4 for l the rd ciefendant, and that this con dir direct a d verdictsaid— con- sent be made a rule cf nisi pries. sthhoeu Court,ld The verdict was then entered by consent, and Mr. Cam pion handed the jury 38 guineas for three days' attendance. A compromise, it is paid, was effected by the defendant paying 7,500/. to the plaintiff. MARKET INTELLIGENCE. • (From the London New Price Current of April 3.) To-day the business transacted in the West India Market was extremely limited, only 100 hilds and tres finding pur chasers. REFINED.—To-day Refined goods were purchased with caution ; 63s to 63s 6d are the rates taken for Brown, and 64s for standard lumps. Bonded crushed sugar is little wanted, and first quality can be obtained at 34s 6d per cwt. Loaves are neglected. MAURITIUS.—This afternoon the quantity of the Mauritius Sugar offered at public sale was large, and amounted to 10,411 bags 29 hhds and 633 casks. Nearly the whole sold upon former terms. EAST INDIA —This afternoon Bengal Sugar met with at tention, and 2,253 bags at auction were all sold at steady rates. RICE.—To-day Bengal Rice met with little attention, and the sound of 1,293 bags at auction was all taken in at loner rates. COFFEE. —This afternooon there was little desire evinced tO operste at a public sale of 2,576 bags of Rio Coffee, and the sound was all taken in at about the former value. TEA.—The biddings were very languid at the public sale add yesterday, and of the 3,248 pkgs offered, the small )roportion of only 650 found purchasers, upon rather lower ;emus. Sr:am—There are few buyers of Jamaica Rum; fine has sustained the former value, but for all other kinds rather lower rates are taken. Leeward Island has met with little attention, but stiffer rates are insisted upon. Demerara has been in much better request, but prices have not improved. In Calcutta only a limited business done, but prices are firm. There has been little inclination shown to operate in Brandy here, and rather lower rates are taken. Fino Genera for home ccnsumption is still much in request, at 2s 9d to 3s, but the common export sorts is little wanted. BANK OF (From last Ni In Account, pursuant to the Act 7 the Week ending on Saturday, th, ISSUE DEP ENGLAND. ight's Gazette.) 7th and Sth of Victoria, cap. 32, for Lc 2Sth day of March, 1846. 'ASTMENT. Notes issued• • •• • •• 27,269,245 Government debt • • 11,015,100 Other securities .... 2,984,900 Gold coin and bullion 11,558,564 Silver bullion 1,710,281 L 27,269,245 1 £27,269,24 5 M. 11.5.RSUALL, Chief Cashier. Dated the 2d day of April, 1846 - SINKING D : X. Proprietors' capital.. 14,553,000 Rest ••.. • . Public deposits(ln clding Exchequer, Commissioners. of National Debt, Sav- 13,136,731 22,181,392 7,693,G90 718,290 • ings-banks, and Di vidend accounts) • • 7,310,625 Other deposits ••• . • • 17,163.928 Seven day and other bills . • • . ... 953,579 £ 43,720,103 Dated the 2d day of April, 1846 oEPASTMENT Government securi- ties (including Dead Weight Annuity).. Other securities •• • • Notes • • • • • ...... • .. Gold and silver coin.. i £43,720,102 M. MARSHALL, Cbief Cashier. COURT CIRCULAR. The Queen will hold a Privy Council on Monday afternoon at half-past two o'clock, at Buckingham Palace. Her liajesty, accompanied by the Princess Royal, and attended by the Lady in Waiting, took an airing yesterday in a - carriage and four. The Equerry in Waiting, the Hon. Colonel Grey, was in attendance on horseback. Her Majesty . visited her Majesty the Queen Dowager at Marlborough House. His Royal Highness Prince Albert presided yesterday afternoon at a meeting of the Commission for promoting and ncouraging the Fine Arta in the rebuilding the Palace of Vestmiuster. His Royal Highness Prince Albert arrived at Gwydyr .House at a quarter before three o'clock, attended b Lieut.- Colonel Seymour. The Commissioners present were Viscount Canning, Viscount Mahon, Sir Robert Harry Inglis, Mr. Henry Hallam, Mr. B. Hawes, and Mr. Wyse. The secre tary, 111 r. C. L. Eastlake, .was in attendance. The meeting broke up at five o'clock. Their Royal Highnesses the Prince of Wales, Prince Al fred, and the Princess Alice, were taken airings yesterday in the garden of the Palace. Mr. Angas had the honour of submitting drawings in South Australia, New Holland, and New Zealand, yesterday, to the Queen and Prince Albert at Buckingham Palace. Mr. Angas was accompanied by James Pomara, grandson of the Chief of the Chatham Isles, New Zealand. Her Majesty and Prince Albert honoured the performance of the French Plays with their presence yesterday evening. :The royal suite consisted of the Viscountess Jocelyn, Lady ;Caroline Cocks, Lord Rivers, Hon. Colonel Grey, and Lieut.- ' Colonel Seymour. Her Royal Highness the Duchess of Keut, attended by Lady Augusta Bruce, Sir George Cowper, and Captain the lion. James P. Mnrray, and her I{oyal Highness the Duchess of Gloucester, also honoured the performance w i th ti - e'r *mace. Mrs. Thorneycroft took her final sitting of their Royal Highnesses the Prince of Wales and the Princess Royal, whose statues she is preparing fer her Majesty. Her Royal Highness the Duchess of Gloucester visited the Duchess of Kent yesterday at Clarence House, St. James's. Lord Redesdalo and Mr. John Wood, Chairman cf the E , E a x y c , i at s e th , had e Officeof t interviews iie Boardwitt i theof Trade. arl of Dalhousie yest er - 1 The Commissioners for the reduction of the National Debt had their quarterly meeting yesterday at the Treasury. There were present the Chancellor of the Exchequer, the Governor of the Bank of England, and the Deputy-Governor, Mr. Itigharn, Secretary, and Comptroller. General, attended. Dispatches were sent off last evening from the Colonial office for the Governor-General of Canada, and also for the Governors of the other North American provinces. The Earl of Selkirk and Lord Sandon had interviews with Sir George Clerk yesterday, at the office of the Board of Trade. -.—. . The Ch airman of the Excise had an interview yesterday with the Chancellor of the Exchequer. TRAVELS IN ALGEIRA AND TUNIS IN 1845.—" We have here two most interesting and entertaining volumes upon Northern Africa, under the rule, or misrule, of the French. The gallant author, Captain Kennedy, who, in conjunction with Viscount Fading, has recently t r avelled through Al geria and Tunis, gives a most graphic and picturesque ac count of his adventures, including those among the wild Arabs and Bedouins of the Desert. Captain Kennedy and Lord Fending appears to have visited every place of note. Tunis ; Srax, the rose garden of the Desert ; Kairouan, one of the most sacred cities of the Mahometans, and to which scarcely any Europeans had previously been allowed to penetrate; the site of ancient Carthage; the magnificent amphitheatre of El Jem ; as well as many other localities of almost equal interest. At the present time, when the recent unhappy events in Africa have attracted so much attention, we feel especial pleasure in recommending this entertaining work, as one which throws much light on the customs and condition of a brave but unfortunate people, and affords much valuable information as to all that is remarkable in the country they inhabit." — Floods Magazine. oiist-Tic cox. BARQUE WILIIEIMER, CURED OF • DREADED'. In t i aSlODishing PLAINT BY Ilor,Lowar's OINTMENT AND Pius. with lumps nearly [ADvEaTISEDIENT.]—CAPTAIN KEAIii . F.R or TOE case the whole of the body and legs were covered for Surprising to relate, this terrible (1.1.;_, having hin t' qantities from the system in the course ot a m I coavtlji,etleasjyt thsreapepyzreds. the size of Tonquin beans, and had b ns e igc e s : of the Ointment well rubbed i 1 'lir And morning, and taking illisecvnre is known to many respectable the Pills in copious doses. " T char ging her cargo in the Thames only people, as the vessel was cold by all druggists , and at Professor Mg ' about a fortnight since . ,'; oway's Establishmenot, WALLACE.-.. On Thu d s evening, at ay evening, MONusfENT T he first part of Mr. Wilson's entertainment, the con at the end of t l was Scots wha hae con cluding song of wide l ' . w Wallace bled,' a gen -244, strand, London. du nn , to Dlr. Wilson, and said that magnificent song had Milian ca porrerftilly impressed him with the fact, not commendable to Scot saonndic,reqtouesgi7re land, that there was not a monument to Wallace, the hero who had done BO much for his country. He gave his name for 501. to head a pMurb.liWcitiylsotno, the e h in o te h n as ded doneso subscription for the erection of a monument to Wallace on the Abbey historyeralg, n re e c a o r r S d e ti d rlin i n g , much for the songs of Scotland, by keeping alive those parts of her monu ment, that all remits, high and low, rich and poor, might have an opportunity of contributing to it. No spot in Scotland could be fixed on more appropriate or more magnificent for a monument to Wallace than the Abbey Craig—it would be an honour to Scotland, and an ornament to the district rendered classic to the heroic deeds of the Wallace and the Bruce. It may be mentioned that the gen tleman who has made this generous offer has been thirty-four years absent from his native country, and kas just returned to it."—Calt don ian Mercury. LORD DUDLEY STUART. —We learn that " The Friends of Poland" have determined to give an entertainment to Lord Dudley Stuart, as a mark of their appreciation of' his Lodship e ll unremitting zeal and advocacy of the rights of that dismonsbared nation, and that the banquet is to take place the second or third week in the ensuing month, at Willis's Rooms, St. James's. Yilialtint Morpeth, ALP., has consented to preside. 0