The Sun. — London, England, 1823-04-25 00:00:00

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WBA.CKLER's GREA'r WINDOW of 4 -T-1L the LAST SUPPER for the ALTAR of HERE -1,011.0 CATHEDRAL, f r om the Grand Picture by West, , I nPr°l l erti of his Majesty, i s NOW EXHIBITED at his """erY, No. 10, Newman-street. —Open from ten till dusk. Admittance, One Shilling. B DANIEL PRIN, M. Member 44 th y e Royal College o f Surge o ns, London. Printed fur Thomas and Geolge Underwoott, 34, Fleet. This Day was published. price 2s. . T"EI SPEECH of-the E.ML of LIVER.- POOL, deliv e r e d i n t h e HO USE of LORDS, on the(l"'ase, the I4th 01 AP la ril. mm F.R upon laving on the Table of by his Majesty's Coand, certain PAPS.se th Hae to the Negocialions at Verona Paris, and Madrid, mi the Di ff erences which had when ' between France and. Loudon : Printed for J. Hatchard and Son, 187, Picca dilly. TO THE LANDED INTEREST! ! This Day was published, In One Volume, Br.o. price 71. (id. board. ELATIVE TAXATION ; or, Observa- Soa Fl lions on th e I ntpolicy of taxing Malt, "1", Be "' p , Candles, and Leather: with a View of the Manner in which the Duties imposed upon them affect the different i t , Kinds of L au d , whether in Grass or Tillage , and their con shim Tenden cy to i ncrease Pauperism ; with Reasons for sub *Mating a Tax on Property; concluding with an Inquiry into the Effects arising from perpetnating the Laud Tax. It. VA UX. Printed for Lupton Re y if T y, Is, Cortshill; and J. Harding, St. James's.street. --__...‘,.....__ • In Imperial a ro, price On May I s t w ill be tublished,• I t 14. and Royal 4 o. (the latter P "H"lnin g Proof Impr ess i ons o f the Pl ates , u p on Indiatt aper), price 251. II 0 RTR AIT of the MO ST ILLusT S AND BIOGRAPHY RIMS PEIISONAGES of i tittEAT BR ITAIN From th e ear li es t P er i o d ; Engraved in The Fine s t , St Yle, from Original Pictures in the Galleries of The N uLallly, and the Public Collections of the Count rf. Sir Phili p Sidne PART L--CONTAINING tort Cl* YFroin the Duke of Bedford's Collection. • tancellor From the Earl of Verulant's Col qSir Walter ittleign,-Froaa the Martinis of Bath's Collection. ueen Jane Seyntottr--From the Duke of Bedford's Collection. Sir rhomits tireshant—From Mercer's Hall. London. With Biographical Memoirs of their Lives and Actions. By EDMUND LODGE. Hag. * Norroy King o f A rms . F. S. A. The e; Persons desirous to possess the finest Impressions of are requested to be early in giving Orders to their "'Loners the choicest will be devoted to the earliest ert SUbt " • 11 ' e n. PuP ' .tildithed by Harding. Mayor, and Lepard, (Lackington's). ll'ill•square London ; Sold also by the Principal Book Ild Print.sellers throughout the Kingdom. 11)N----D ON REPOSITORY for the3A c ß A lNa u lnljki t lf . SOCIETY, for evertDescription NU. TORE, f LEADENHALL. FACTORY, No. 711 Corner o FEA.TILEtt BED and IMATTRESS MA lirtl'A'.T• London, --oney Only. opposite Aldgate Pump.-Read -Irii F, Society of Cabinet-Makers . respe ctfully h inform the Public that they still contm li ta o ta e b i l it i r s g h e me t t,i a t l i ni f i o c r s, th b e y ß e n e fit of Industrious Mechanics who m the Cabinet Line, of tll tt e er be in st g then any Bowie vir th o e r m knianship Manufact ured .and Cheaper Articles iith o e.re being bare ' lon the Goods but the no o r ers d p o refl in t .London by twenty.hve per cent.,. 4 1.' e l ex iftees ; at the same time will he sufficientl/ satisfied with h aving constant Employment for themselves an f ami lies. o , This Society was Established in June, 11121, consisting I ‘211) echa nics; adding the number of their Wives and_ram_ r i o . lies, amounted to 66; in June, 1819, five more wer e a d ded Me B "ietY ;in June, lik2o, 10 ; and in June 1821, 8 . The. total Number now receivin . Support through the Means of thilptablishment is 11. h ' .' he Society and their Families beg leave to return their i.ineere thanks to those ladies and Gentlemen who have hitherto hotioUred them with their Orders and Recomment i la- L lions, end Ithall always feel happy in their endeavours to g ve_ future satisfaction ; at the same time solicit a Continuanee of their Benevolence, whereby th ey may be enabled to increase the Number of the Society. Tlie following Articles are inserted as a Specimen of the very 140 w Prices, all warranted .-Ready Money only. Pull size Mahogany four.post Bedstead, lath bottoni 31. 15s. It---Full size tent Beilstead 11. 6 5..-_Bordered hair. Mattress to ,I.101118Mal)ogany Drawer, solid ends 31. 35.-Feather Bed 1..-Ditto, free from dust and smell, fulls ize 31. 10s.- ,?! ispanned Chairs of any description in 01111. 6a.-Best do. ~rliltl:ll.hand.stand 16s- Ditto, Dressing Table 165.--Hearth 1 ! . 1.: , 1 15.-3 ft. 6 inches Chest of Drawers 41. 45.-Three-fOO . ,an bany Pembroke Table B. 18s.-Three.foot ditto on pil itatid3eitZtbec,ltawlp. t_ ls l l - tt l o ‘l it ahog an y Dr ' g Table 11.-Ditto edsteps 11. -D itto ditto 21. %1....Ditt0 B ox m ass 2 drawers, Plate e B is s. l - n- Ditto di bes tto t B lt ri l ti ts h . swirl GlSsiare,--,Dhlitrtoge dailzttoe, cols. 6 e od .-D 3 i4o D d i i t t ta to d 1 i 1. 00 18 54. 8.-_ D Di ir t to to ditto 3.-Ditto ditto 12s. In S i e n a -se. 3a -- Ditty Pillow sa. 6d.--Ditto ditto (ht. Ditto. ditto ;I * . e ay 14s ....japanned Bonk Shelf mahogany 7 5.--Tray ß s t d an d 78.-Loni t il o Yal p a"tht e 2 r i n s. fis -- . 1) 8 4 d. k -. 78.-Tea Caddy Os.-Forta covers in number 145.-Music Chairs- Eight Mahogany Chairs, covered with 4i t r t t e ,hair, brass nailed 61.65.--8 ditto ditto 61.165.-8 ditto 7,L. 10:A....... 7Ds--ittoli Trafalgar ditto 91. 91.-Mahogany Sofa to match C mich 71. 10s.-Ditto ditto 81.10x.--Ditto, with t7datead 71. 10s. -Set of Mahogany Card and Sofa Tables, on 'll ll` s , l ' l ; l B, leg tiv s ' o c ha a n m ded and i n so roa f Z-wood 81. 155.-Set of Mahogany on pillars and claws 121. 123.- 4 4 0 1 the best that can be made-to order or pattern 161. 10s. • 417 Some 7 foot 6 pedestal, Sideboard, with carved .01;• "1---bitto 7 foot 16 1.-. Ditto 6 foot six. 151.-Set of it. t !- / g Tables, of the last pattern . 4 foot by 10 foot 61 11.- 4 1 '7, 4 foot 2 by 11 foot 6, IDitto, 4 foot 6 by 12 foot 6, IL i s 68---If Spanish, an advance of 31. 10s.-Straw Palliasse ~te.--Tent Bedstead and furniture 31.15. - -Bamboo Bed. ..',!' anti French elyptic top, with drapery and fringe, 81. 10s. ;/ive.e I , r , 1 .13(4 inabogany four-post Bedstead and furniture, with pi,-ep draperies, lined all through, complete, 151. 10s.- s ti ,'::!oat ditto ditto 16s. 10s.-Ditto ditto, with cornice, of a Kei)i t a" make, 181. IN.-Ditto ditto, with gold cornice, de -Ine a-natliVeLty, 201 .-Drawin . g. room Curtains, of - the best Mo. * - - 1 Bit --- .. °H intz., fitted for window, styleD ditto 71. 7s. 1) 4 , - , e rs of a superior and elegant of work, 101. 1 , 05.. Ili ing-room ro se - wood-Drawing.room Trafalgar Chairs 1 , 4 0, inlaid with buhl. 2 0 1.--Table, 2 Covers, and Sofa, 11l ,„17.-Ditto 1111 . - -Drawing.room Se fa 61. 65.-Ditto, 71. 7a. sli t Itt° 111. fi a-Horse.hair Cushions, each ss. 6d.--Covered to 41. • W. THURNELL, Agent. COUNTRY DEALERS SUPPLIED. totalu°°4Bspached free of expenee, except the materials, and sent dip.l_ l ',-, a " 5 of Great Britain, and to the East and N Vest In bio,„--, tit'aPtlthis fitted out, and merchants supplied with Ca. •,;4°Nis fot Exatiation. 110,!,_41Partments Furnished at a few hours' notice, and --• til l or f __. our uays. • VARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, APRIj. The Archbishop of CAME I, and Lord TitattLOW toots the oaths and their seats. The Warehousing Bill, and,the Revenue Departments Con. aolidating Bill, were brought up from the hlouse of Commons by Mr. Wa..t.LacE,.Mr..Buckangisr, and other .Members, and read a first time. Petitions were:presented by the Duke nf, IiUCKIIIGHAM (in the absence through indispositiaauf Lord Orenville), from the University of Oxford, against any further concessions to the Roman Catholics ; and by Lord Stir.PlELp, from a Hundred in Norfolk, protesting against the petition agreed to, or stating to be agreed to, at the County Meeting, and especially against the doctrines contained in it,. ai• what was called an equitable adjustment olsoutraets, and praying for regulations respecting licences to public houses, and which would tend to increase the consumption of barley,--Ordereci toile upon the table. ' COMMUTATION OF TITHES IN IRELAND. The Marquis of LANSDOWN said, be had learnt that the Hierarchy of Ireland, or at-least several of the Noble and Re verend Prelales who formed a part of that Hierarchy had agreed to a petition, whichJtas W be presented .to4btar Lordships against a Bill now in the House of Commons; relative to Commutation of Tithes ,ink Ireland. He trusted. that, upon a subject of such vast importance, whoever was entrusted with the presenting of touch a petition, would give a previous notice to the .House of day on which it was mtended to present it. lie, of course, couldnot ask thiß as a matter of right, but he trusted, that in courtesy such a notice would be given, and on the day on which such petition was laid before the House, it Ives his intention to present a petition in favour of the measure to which he had adverted. THE LATE NEGOCIATIONS. Lerd'ELliiilKl(siiiUGll rose in pursuance of notice. Ilk Lordship expresied the great anxiety which he felt in coming to tliedlseussion of this most important subject, • a feeling also attended Whh considerable pain when he looked to the com ments which' he found hittiSelf 'eompelled to make upon the conduct of the late negociations as detailed in the Papers laid before the House, and more especially with regard to the part-taken in these negotiations by a Noble Duke (Welling ton), Whoie fame and character he most anxiously wished had remained pure and spotless as they were on the day of Water loo estimating, however; the conduct of that Noble Duke in the course of these negociations, he could not assent to any doctrine that errors Ought to be set off' against services.— Let services be duly aprteciated and rewarded as services, but let subsequent errors he censured as they deserved..-. On entering into the consideration of these Papers, .it was of the utmost importance to refer back to what was said by the Noble Earl (Liverpool) in )HlI. That Noble Earl, iii speaking at the period alluded to, of the conduct of the Allied Powers towards Naples and Piedmont, whilst he condemned the conduct of the Neapolitans and Piedmontese, expressly stated that the Spanish revolution was provoked. It was material 'with regard to the Spanish question to go back a little further.' 'Where King F erdinand returned. to Spain in the year 11114, he had determined to march upon Alzulrid with whatever troops• lie could collect, and destroy the Con.. stitsttion-of the-Ctrs. When subsequently he reached Ma- ilrid, he put an end to the Constitution, and ordered the arrest of these individuals who' had' been the chief adiocate s m of Freede, and the chief • means of 'bringing that Comb. tution . into operation and' many of whom were pros e cu te d, and severely : punished. •In 'lBl5, King Ferdinand findin g th at 31 individuals Of 'those he had alluded to still remained utisen tenced, hiinseltsent to the Tribunal a command to hasten their proceedings, they returned for answer that they could do• thing agninst the individuals pointed out. A Special Commis sum was'ntsorted to; which came to the same conclusion. King Ferdinand then, of his own despotic a uth or ity, a l t h oug h no Tribtinal could find any thing against them, sentenced these ihtlividuals to various punishments. Amongst others, Arguelles, who had been eminently distinguished for his eloqu e n c e an d his patriotism, was sentenced tb'serve for eight years as a corn. moss soldier in the garrison of Ceuta. It was here that -King yerdinand, on suppressing the Constitution of the' Corte;, issued a Declaration, stating his intention of anunnening the ancient Cortes, and promising that there should be a 11. tinted liberty of the press, and that Taxes should not in • justiee be levied without the common consent of the Mott and the Representatives of the People. It was a matter of l notoriety that none of' these promises were fulfilled, and the circumstances were also matter of notoriety, which at length led to the Revolution—restoring the Constitution of the Cortes, and' which, as th e N o bl e E ar l j ust l y said pro. yoked 'that .Re vo l u ti on . • Th e on l y power w hi c h at the time at all complained, of the Spanish Revolution was Russia and. that complaint not being considered by an y o f t h e other ' Powers led to nothing. He now came to the nioetin.. o f the Sovereigns at Trappau in D ecem b er , 180 ; here ''the affairs of Spain were mentioned, but the protest of the late Marquis of Londonderry effectually prevented any interfe rence in the internal affairs of Spain q and it appeared that the Spanish,' alarmed by the foreign intervAtion in the affairs of Naples and Piedmont, requested a distinct disavowal of any intention to interfere in the affairs of Spain. An express as surance was given that no such intention existed. This ap peared from the speech of the King of Spsin to the Cortes in March, 1821, and the answer of the President of the Cortes ; ax also by similar documents when the C4')rtes again assembled in July, the Allied Sovereigns having in the mean time had another meeting in May, at which it did not seem that there was any question of interference in the internal affairs of Spain. Front this period nothing was heard of interference by the Allied Powers in the internal Cahil; of Slain until the 2lst of Septetn ber, 1822, when the Noble Duke Wellington) appeared first to have understood that the affairs o Spain were to be discussed at the Congress of Verona. From these facts and circumstances, from the conduct of the Allied Powers in crushing every effort of liberty in Germany, in Piedmont, and Naples, and frain the determination now acted upon With regard to Spain, he thought himself entitled to draw two conclusions; first, that the influ ence of the late Marquis of Londonderry had, up to the period of his death, prevented any interference in the affairs of Spain and, secondly that the contest now embarked in, in Spain, was a' contest 'between the principle of despotism and the spi rit of liberty. The conduct of the Allied Powers in Ger many, in Naples, and 'Piedmont, left indeed no doubt of their desire to extinguish every remnant of freedom, but the now unprincipled interference in the affairs of Spain, put an and to all possibility of doubt as to their real ob ject and intentions. Nothing short of the utter extinction of all freedom would satisfy them, and should they succeed in their unprincipled designs in Spain, should despotism through their means again triumph in that state, could there.be a doubt that their next eflbrts would be directed against this country, against that Parliament which was the tribunal of Europe, againet that press which was the refuge of the oppr esse d, an d the shield of freedom. The whole conduct of the Allied Powers, since 1814, clearly showed that nothin short of the utter extinction of liberty, and the supreme triumph of des. .potisni would satisfy them, or be commensnrate with the de signs they now entertained. This conclusion he was entitled to draw from all that had taken place, front the conduct of the Allied Powers, coupled with their declarations, from all their acts up to the present period, explained as these act were by their own notes and by their own admissions. It might have been supposed that his Majesty's Ministers, upon learning from the - Noble Duke that it was the intention of France to urge interference in the affairs of Spain at the Con gress of Verona, that in fact she had resolved upon commencing war against her.-it might have been supposed that a question involving so many important considerations—involving the pos sible occupation by the French of the ports of Spain, by means of which they might menace Ireland, and strike a deadly blow at our dearest interests, commercial and political, it might have been supposed that his Majesty's Ministers would have taken some time to deliberate upon so portentous an aspect of affairs—some time to consider what measures would be neces sary to .counteract so alarming an evil. It appeared, how ever, that they received the dispatch of the Duke of Welling ton on the 24th of September, stating that the intention of bringing forward , the affairs of Spain at the Congress of Ve rona, and that on the 27th, only three days afterwards, an an . - swer was returned. What was the nature of the answer of Mr. - Secretary Canning to the Duke of Wellington, " If there be a determined project to interfere by force or by menace in the present struggle in Spain, so convinced arc his Majesty's Go vernment of the uselessness and danger of any such interfer ence, so objectionable - does it appear to them in principle, as well as utterly impracticable in execution, that when the avers. say, or (I could rather say) when the opportunity offers, I am to instruct your Grace at once frankly and peremptorily to de clare that to any such interference, come what may,"—what that his Majesty would be ready to oppose all his forces, J' tittle t . goose , ,Vaewic l " f▪ ringe" :wintue , n.nridge' feis l* ree l In e " 'fornibir e, k eie - 0 1‘1° 1(1 ' Itou- r.. ntsbridg , abettin g ! .1 on es ' —14114 Mil 3l , j . chtu nerchont-- Jarlea iliire , Ertiliontor). 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FRIDAY, APRIL 23, 1823. or that his Majesty would place himself in an latitude ready , to resist any such unjustifiable principle of i iiterfe.r-' ence, should it be attempted to b e acte d upon ?, but merely this, " Hii Majesty will not be a party:"- *tame a conclusion bad put him in mind of a play he hid latailyeread, in which two men, after a long discussion as to wait was best to be done in an important conjuncture, agreed, that , it would be best to do nothing ; but not only bad his Majesty's Ministers had done nothing,. but they hail said nothing, or at least so little, that it was nothing to the purpose. With regard to the questions put by F r an ce to the Allied Powers, it ap peared by a &watch of the Duke.of Wellington, dated Ve rona, October 29, furnished in the additional Papeta, that the Noble Duke intended to call upon the Allies, to require an explanation on the part of France, but it did not appear from the dispatch of the Noble D u k e , dated the next day, that he had carried that intention into effect. The NobleaDuke having returned from Verona, it appeared to have been determined to send Lord Fitzroy Somerset to Madrid, and he now came to the Memoratfduni of the Noble Duke. written upon that occasion for . Lord Fitzroy Somerset--of this Memorandum he really could say little, for to him it was unintelligible,-a The Noble Duke hinted that if Spain would make some notia . . cessions, France, finding it elyensive to. keep up an .arnlfia observation, would withdraw it. Burindid no t a pp ear oh - the face of the papers before the House that the Noble Duke had ! the smallest authority to make those offers. It was.po.esible that he was not perfectly awarg e of the principles of the British ' Constitution, for, if be had been, he certainly would never have consented to become a party to such a transaction as to propose to Spain to alter her Constitution at the desire of France, and when the alternative was war. It also appeared that the Noble Duke must have been as unacquainted with the Constitution of Spain as with his own—for he had demanded alterations in that Constitution, whereas no alterations could be made in it by law, until a certain tune should arrive. What he had demanded amounted therefore to the des. traction of that Constitution, and he had asked it of men who had sworn not to do it. He had asked of them, first to violate the fundamental principle of their Constitution ; next to violate their oath!, and then every principle of inter national law, and to do this in compliance with th e d es i res o f an enemy ) demanded it at the point of the bayonet ? For tunately, the Spaniards knew their Constitution better than the Noble Duke, and with the spirit and dignity belonging to their national character, had absolutely refused to take into consider- ation the alterations proposed. Thus the views of those who wished insidiously to destroy their Constitution had failed. It was extraordinary that this intrigue had been carried on at the very time when al. de Villele declared in his letter to M. de Lagarde, that France would not cease her precautionary measures as long as Spaih was torn by dissentions. What was more likely to make the , whole country of Spain a scene of anarchy and discord than an attempt to change her Constitu. tion in the face of a threatening enemy ? Mr. Canning admit ted in one of notes the right of France to use precautionary measures to guard against the moral infection of political doc trines. He also seemed to feel the importance of this admis. salon ; for the day after it was ensile he had written to Sir Ml ham A'Court that the Army of Observation formed the chief obstacle to negociation. He would not notice the absurdity of supposing that a n Army of Ob s e rvat i on cou ld stop moralin. feetion of any kind, as if principles could be barred out by crossed bayonets. He would only say, that after France had declared ' that she would not withdrew her army as long as Spain should he torn by civilnlissentions, and after the triumphs of Mina, by potting an end to those dissentions, had Afforded her the means of thsealving her army with honour, Mr. Can-' rung's admission hall suggested to her a ground of which she had not originally thought, for maintaining her line of observe lion, Their Lordships Might observe In the Papers with what uneXpeeted delight M. tie Chateaubriand seized upon that ad. mission, and inuuediatcly asserted the principle that France had a right to•tlefend herself against moral contagion. 31. de Chateaubriand rightly thought that this concession once Made, all was conceded to France. This w as th e case , an d s h ould het artniea occupy Spain, and reach the frontiers of Portugal, the same pretence suggested by Mr. Canning, would, justify a sinri. Lit measure against our old Ally. Thewholecaneof`France miht no ve feet an4e-jti stiff ed - • twinge at infield on by tile Bridal Mini ster. Nonaithstanding all this, however, fresh eittenipts were still made to indoce aliain to alter her Conetitution, although M. de Chate au b r i en d, in his Note of the 28d January, clearly intimates! that the only concession which could induce France to mop her military preparations, was the etincession,of the whole Spanish Cenetitution. As Parliament, however, was to meet oti the atiroflrebruttry, and it Weenie necessary to fir 6; pare a case for its inspection, their Lordships Wonld find a De claration dated the 26th of January, in which the country ties dined joining in the interference of the Allies against Spain.-- And even this was not a direct and powerful protest, but a con fidential leaer to our Minister. Was it possible that the Nfible Earl opposite should have meant this, when he said that a so , lemn protest had been made ? Mr. Canning had transmitted this dispatch to Sir W. A'Court, without revoking that of the 20th of January, which directed him to endeavour to obtain fresh concessions, so that that Minister must ha*etannd himself embarrassed by' , the opposite nature of the mai communica tions which he reteived. In the diepitch of the 26th of Jant.t ary, Mr. Canning had made an admission • such as had never been made before by a InitishMitilster. 'He had corned that it was for the eafety, and at the &tire of France, that the lids tish Government had insidiously endeavoured to obtain front the Spanish nation similar terms to those demanded h France. Ile bad also alforded to M. tie Chateaubriand a mode of extricat ing himself from the diffieulty In which the strung language put in the Speech of the King of France, had placed him, by suggesting that that Speech was open to two Interpretations, a suggestion which M. de Chateaubriand immediately adopted. If it were possible to doubt the intention of the French Govern, meat to accept of no concession but that of the whole Spanish Constitution, he Would reftt• their Lordships•oi the Note cons, municateci to the King of Spain by M. de La Garde, which in common with all the'other doctimenit up to that time, demand.. ed that the King should be re-retabliebed in absolute power be fore any alteration .should be made in the Constitution of Spain, or in fact that the Family Compact should be restored in greater vigour than evera-M. de Chateaubriand, however, bring desir ous that we should continue to negociate, as it served his conve, nience and the purposes of the French Administration, said at last, on 10th February, that if the Spanish Government would create a second Chamber, France would suspend her military operations. So that although the subject hail been discussed since the 6th Jan., it was not till the 19th February that Sir Wrn. A'Court was pal in possession of the terms of France.-- On the 31st of 3larch Mr. Canning then wrote a long letter, not to the French Government, but to Sir C. Stuartein which he went through' the whole latitory of thoee ne.gociations which had terminated. The result of their faire was the connnencement of the war between France and Spain. Could their Lordships think that the English tioverninenehad dune any thing, or all that it ought to have done? Gould they think that the honour of this country had been duly supported ? Was it consistent with that honour to endeavour • tesidiottily to obtain from Spain the concetsiOns demanded by France ? Was , it ho nouruble for this country to induce men - to break their oatlei, and to sacrifice every . principle of a free Govern ment and in. ternatienal law, principles on which the existence of the Bri tish Constitution was founded ? Or was it consistent with the interests of this country that France ehould make war upon Spain ? Would our interests be tiirwartiedby the occupation of the Spanish ports by French soldiers, or by the anniation of I an army of observ a tion on the frontiers cf Portngal ? Was it honourable that lost, more in spirit than in wealth, through the conduct of his Majesty's Ministers., we should tolerate a war, which in our best tleys we should not have suffered.— Would it be our interest, if France should fail, that all those principles of distudon by Which she and the world had so long been agitated, should be propagated anew by the return of a defeated and diecontented army, and that trance should be able to yield assistance to Germany, al ready in part disorganized, er to Italy; ready to welcome a foreign army Hail we acted one principleit of international law ? No, our negociations at Madrid hat violated every principle of that law. Would it, therefore, he consistent with the character and duty of their Lordships, seeing by the Pa pers on the table, that his Majesty's Ministers hail clone nothing, to refuse to prononnce their opinion to that effect? Would it be possible to cruet the professions of France after examining her conduct since the first establishment of the Cordon Sant taire, and during her intrigues at Verona, to di e o nemeneee -. g meet of the nresent war? not the French Ministers, whilst' they pretended to wish f or p eace ; s e nt fl eets to the West In. dies ? It was imp os aibl e dolt their lordships s h ou ld not feel that the continua nce o f prate depended, not our the ood f a ith of France, but on expediency alone, and that she would ex tend that prinCiple to this country, as she bad done to Spain. However ' the question of peace or war was no t one wh i ch , pressed for immeditne decision, although be cenceivel ta war was justifiable. He weld not eonclude without express. jag the ardent wiSliets which he felt, and which he trusted their 'Lordships felt also, that in die just: and honourable conflict in Which, they were engaged, the Spaniards might 'triumph. 'Under the most irritating provocations, Spain had displayed a degree 'of forbearance which would have done honour to an -Older Government. In the letter of Admiral Jabal, their herd - ships would see in how many circumstances that for bearance had been displayed. He trusted that in the pre sent, Contest the Spanish nation would recollect that id. though armies might be destroyed, a nati.in never could ; and that also remembering its tbrmer sufferings and former triumphs':. it would bravely, nobly, and successfully stand. With respect to their Lordships, if they thought it consist. cat with the honour of the country, not openly, - but insi diously, to undermine the liberties of other nations, they would oppose the address which he was about to propose, and might posterity have mercy upon their beads ! But if they were desirous to see the Sovereign of their country resume his legitimate station in Europe, not in the train of absolute Despots, but at the head of constitutional Monarchs, they would convey to-morrow to the foot . of the Throne, in lan guage such as became a constitutional Monarch and a free people, the Address which he should now proeeeed to read.— Me concluded by moving, that an Address be presented to his Majesty, to offer their humble 'Thanks fur the communication which he had been graciously pleased to make to the House, of certain Papers relative to the late negoviations at Ye rona, Paris, and Madrid. To express their regret that his Majesty's efforts to prevent war between France and Spain had proved ineffectual; and, at the same time, to re present to his Majesty that, in their opinion, the course taken by Ministers in the negotiations had not been such as the occasion demanded, had not been such as to afford just reason for hoping that the threatened war might be avert ed. To state to his Majesty that they viewed with indigna tion the-conduct of the French King, Who alike forgetful of past circumstances and of the rights Of independent nations, had proceeded to make an unprovoked war on a nation friendly to Great Britain., the independence of which had been at all times viewed as intimately connected with the well-being of this country, and which was more especially so at the present moment.. To acquaint his Majesty that that Holm most highly disapproved of the conduct of his Majesty's Ministers in suirgesting to Spain the propriety of making alterations in her Constitution similar to those demanded by France, even without having received any assurance from France that such alterations, if made, would prevent that interference with the internal concerns of the Spanish people which had been threat. ened. To assure his Majesty that the success of those prin ciples, now maintained by France, would be, in the judgment of that House, fatal to every constitutional principle of which this country had heretofbre been the champion, and they there fore could not contemplate the contest now beginning but with the most ardent wishes for the success of the Spanish nation in the-arduous struggle ; and to state their opinion, that if a more prompt, decisive, and unequivocal tone, had been taken by this country in the' negociations, it might have prevented the commencement of a war, in which they could not but op prebend that this country would be involved at ne remete period, , and under circumstances of greater difficulty than those with which it would have to contend, had a different course been taken. The Duke of Bucattionaat and the 'Earl of HATIROWIrr rose at the same moment . . The Duke gave way, and The Earl of HA lIRO Vl'll V addressed their Lordships, Re expressed it to be the anions wish of Ministers to mak e th em . selves responsible for all that had been done by the Noble Duke near him (the Duke of Wellington) at Verona. if what had been transacted by . that Noble Duke wits contrary to the honour and interests Of this country, let Ministers bear the blame, - as he had only acted up to the letter and to the spirit of his instructions. The Noble Lord, hi the echirse of his speech and address, had gone the length of avowing it to be his de. cided ()ninon, that it would be more for the interest and honour of this country to be at war with Franie at this moment then to be in a atate•of neatrality. His language came very nearly to this, having, in the first instance Tweed a censtire:on ;Ministers, which their conduct did not deserve. Ile told their lairdaliips, that if ii more " prompt, decisive, anti unequivocal". tone had been taken by this country, peace might have been preserved. The question for their hardships' consideration . was thisL--W as it better for this country to be at peace than to he :engsiged in a new war? He *am of opinion that stronger measures could net have been pursued by this government unless it had first made up its mind to go to war in support of Spain if Prance could not be dissuaded to adopt a ditnrent line of policy. To this course it was necessary that they should ..make up their minds, of acting agreeably to the views of the Noble Lord, they had taken a " more prompt, decisive, and unequivocal tone," for to him it appeared that these words had no Meaning at all if they did not mean that in the case supposed, it was the duty of this country. to go to weir with France. But war, he contended, ought only to be sanctioned by the govern ment of a State, from the conviction, under all the circum stances, that war was preferable to peace. If a doubt could exist "on the subject, that doubt ought to induce theth to decide for peace. The Noble Lord had said Much 'with respect to the conduct of France, and one of the .accusit tions which he had preferred against thiS Oneeniment Was, that it had been duped by the 'Ministers of France.— He wished to know what meaning their Lordships attached to these words ? Was he a (hive, if from his confidence in the sincerity of the professions of an individual who was not sin. sere, he adopted a course not difficult frOm that, which under other circtimstances, regard for his 'men interest would have dictated. If this Government wished to avoid war, hoW could the French Government be said to have duped it in the only sense which a nation could say to have been duped. We had believed the French Ministers to be - sincere, and had deter. mined not in the first instance to have recourse to arms; but he contended that if they were nut sincere, the principles on which we had regulated our conduct were right. The case was one in which they were bound to use conciliatory means to the utmost, however lAis their hopes of success might become. It was satisfactory to him to know that this hart never been lost sight of by those near him. Their wishes for peace 'had led them to persevere in their nouns lo preserve it till the last. Though the prospect had been clouded, they had been slow to abandon the object in vine..-. " For Love will hope where Reason will despair." The question, as he had already s a id, f or t h em to cons id er, was this. -. did the interest or honour of the country require that we should go to war for Spain. He begged that this might never be lost sight of while their Loidships were considering these negociatiene: The object of England being conciliation, I menace could not have been used with propriety or adven.' ttige,'nor could more be thine than had been done. It was seen what the course of England on thitt qUestion had keen ever since the spring of IWO. ltut, in consequence of the steps taken by this country up to illtil, no hostile step had been taken even so far as to "withdraw the Ministers of the'Allies from Spain. \Vas it for this country to go to war on an abstract qUestion*l--jor the Spanish Constitution ?—or for the litterties of the Spanish people P , He could ins see that we were hound' to do this ; bod he thought it would puzzle their Ler& ships to decide at this moment what ought to be considered fur the Spanish people. Divided as that country waa at pre sent, if England joined in the war she Would have to ti g h t great portion of the very people she desired to as. atst. The state of the country alone farmed a tolerable strong reason against our entering into a war in a cause Which did not ImMediately affect our own interests. It was said it would ' be most improper for us to . suffer Spain to lose her indepead. ance for the aggrandizement of another, country, and more especially for the aggrantlikement of France. Rut hi the first place it might be right to enquire whcthet Franee could be thus aggrandized—whether she could gain from the conquestof Spain additional means of injuring England, or of any other i Power ? If her armies triumphed n Spain, and half the Spa‘ nisi people were still opposed to her, no man would say this would give her strength. The French could not be completely soceesstul if the greater portion of the people were untavour. I able to their enterprize. If , on the oth er h a nd, t h e Spanish 1 people were really in fatiour of the invaders of their country, and were disposed to prefer, not the original Spanish Constitti tion, hut a constitution more monarchical than that of the pre- I sent anarchy, on what grounds could we oppose their wrihes? Much was' said of the dangers which would result to this mina. I try from Spain being under the Controul of' France.. But what very alarming danger had arisen from the state of things in the course of the last century. It was also to be remembered that countries did not remain the same because their geographical situation and their names were unchanged. The former war, on account of 'the Succeasion . , did not break out till the spirit of the country had been minted by the connection of James the Second with Louis the. Fourteenth., But what was'Spain . then ? Spain had a fine army, her finances were tolerably`. ' flourishing —were as well as those of most countries at that period, and she had a navy which was equal to that of France; Then it was deemed of importance to prevent the Crowns of PRICE SEVEN PENCE. the two countries from being worn by the :tame family. war ended by establishing the Bourbon!, -but it oddly enough happened to baffle all the politicians of that period, that she next war saw France the idly of England against Spain. The fears that hail been entertained on the .subject of the family compact Was so far diminished, that when the war which ter minated in the .peace of 1753 was brought to a conclusion, though that War had been conducted with unexampled success, it was never required on the part of England that the family compact should be diteSolved: Though England would ever look with a jealous eye on the extension of French influence over Spain, there was no small difference between Spain, . such as she formerly was, with an ernuye-eavith money—with a navy equal to that of France, and mistress of all the richest Colonies in .the world ; and Spain, such as she Wit! nose, • a. divided people, without arms, without money, withoh t fleets; and and without Colonies. He did not say that it was dettineble that France and Spain should be connected by any ties which might encourage them hereafter to unite against England, but the danger of such an union now was very different from what it had formerly been. We had a right to look to our own interests, but when we formed our view of the just rights of nations, other Powers which believed, prin ciples, which we did not approve, more congenial to the hap apiiannesss, a o s f h we could h a a d ve a t s a g:zial ra a e rig au l m it to l a t. ct En o g n lan th d ei , r were to take her station, by putting herself at die head of the liberties of Europe, other Powers might think them selves justified by uniting against her. They might be dis- • Posed to Make war on her now, when if they taew she bad the means of drawing the sword, if necessary, they also knew - that she desired reose after the exertions she had already meths He argued at some length against the policy of a more decisive tone being taken on the part of this country than had been taken in the l a te n eg o t i at i on . F rom the situation of the two countries we could not have done more, unless we had gone the length of insisting that France should dismiss her Army of Observatioft. Hail this been done, it was probable. that the causes. of Irritation subsisting between them would sooner or later have terminated in war. We must then go farther, and declare that France shall not be for one minute at : war with Spain without Eltgland taking part against her. The conseqtiente of this 'Mist be, that we should be called upon to support our dignity, not, by a small addition to our. Navy to defend our neutral rights, but we must be pr./Pared with power ful fleets to sweep the sea, and an army ready to a c t on t h e Continent. The Nobl e L or d had declar'ed himself favourable to war, but he was of opinion that by keeping out of it now, If it hereafter became necessary for us to take part in it, we could do so with tunny advantages on which we could not calculate at, present. The Noble Lord had said Ministers ought not to trust the as.urancesof France. Whether they were to be trusted cv not, it was unpleasant to express distrust; but for this he thought dint there was little intension where assurance only promined that which was most consonant to the interests of the party from whom they proceeded. lie knew not why the assuraneert of France with respect to Portugal ought to be discredited. If she failed in her attempt on Spain, there was an end of all danger for Portugal, and if she suc ceeded, could the Noble Lord think that she would not have enough to attend tO, without embroiling herself with t England whom she knew to be engaged to p ro t e ct h e r a lly. P ortuga l stood by no means in the same situation with respect to France as Spain did. Portngal had not been concerned in any viola. tion of the French territory, nor was it front Portugal that thet moral contagion was to be apprehended which furnished a pretext for the invasion of Spam. Unless Portugal provoked attack, could it be expected that the other powers of Europe would suffer her to be overrun ? In de.se of her being invadesi, England would then stand forth, not as the friend of revolu lion, but as the defender of her ally. ' One point had been strongly insisted on by the Noble Lord as a matter of charge against Ministers. He had complained that Ministers had vised Spain to make some changes in her that while she was threatened with intastori from France. Ile did nut know that Ministers deemed reproof if, 'as' friends, they hittf given adelee without demanding compliance as the price of their friendship, or threatening hostilities in cese of refusal: To take such (venom WU, he thoughts the duty of a friendly state ; yet this the Noble Lord regarded as a violation of inter.: national law. Did the Noble Lord think that the Contaithtion of the Cortes could make Spain happy and proepetous ; or, did he even think that, with such a Constitution, Spain ever could be hapnv and prosperous? Ile not say that Its fattiteje glided the hostile in terforence of n foreign power but he insisted that these justified a friendly state in patnting out its iihwas tot that or for any other eathitry. For the character of that coo,fitittiim he might refer to It publitsition, which eertainlv slid net made itself remarkable by vs general accordance wVii the views tlf his Majesty's present M inistertn—the Edinburgh Revii3z.. i fs that publication, after many admirable remarks, ft was stated, with the exception of Cadiz, and part of the Army, the Constitu.. , thin met with general reprobation—f Here the Noble Earl read a description of the Constitution from the Edinburgh lie'- view, in which It was represented to be most objection a bl e i n many respect*, laid injurious or offensive to all clasees, with drawing advantages from some, and conferring , privileges on others, which they neither understood nor desired.)--It' wt; were now to go to war with France, and his Nobl e Friend near hint (the Duke of Wellington) were again to command rut English Army in Spain, he would find himself in a divided country, and opposed by many of those who had supported him before. It was fitting that he should. state that Ministers lout never sue- gested to Spain the expediency of submitting to take a Comm- , tution solely as the gift of the King. What had been suggested both in the Mernorancluntof the. Noble Duke, merely indicated that if certain changes were made in the Constitution, which would be for the linppiness of the people of Spain, such an altee ration would be agreeable to England. He, for his own part, was at e loss to see how it could - be inconsistent with the ho- nour and dignity of Spain to entertain such a proposition it the instance of a friendly . Power, because unreasonebie sug. gestions had been pressed upon her from another quarter. When it was her intention to make alterations for her own sake, he did not see that it was necessary for her to decline doing so, because at that moment such alterations were desired by France, It was not true Ministers had wished the Mem.. hers of the Spanish Government to violate their oaths, but it Was proper to remark that a great difference of opinion ex, isted with regard to the constitutional oath. Some conceived the separation of the colonies from the Mother Country had lo altered the Constitution, that the . oath was altogether void. All that the English Government had wished was this; that the Spanish Government should lean to that interpretation of the oath which would be most for its own advantage, told stleh'S recom sour Olt'"•t t l i i e thi c ti nt O l ti nt i r l y e t w it e r re d e l e i received d ft it , t a or l =t e e at f" b ) y m ati e vh hc rt was Riven. It had been said, that if the principled. upon which France now acted were suffered to go on without cheek, a crusade might eventually be resolved upon to correct stitution of country'. If the. Powers of the Continent could ever desire tit improve mur system, as an Englishman lie shmild be disposed to say, " Let them come and try." Ile concluded by repenting, that if England should be eventually compelled to draw the sword in this c.antest, she would do.. so at a lettere period with greater advantage than at present. his trusted the House, instead of 'passing the proposed censure on Mini sters, would, on the contrary, consider them entitled to support ant t a s z probation. HOLLAND reminded the House, that the Noble Earl had undertaken to explain the question really at issue on this occasion ; he wished idso to draw their attention to the hiseon eel facts which he had stated ; to his view of the policy of this country, and to his strictures on the Sp/Mitch Censtit He would contend that the question Which the Noble End had - mentioned wart. not the one at issue; that his historical facts were perverted; and that his strictures on the Spanish Con stitation originated in the . grossest ignorance of, that Constitu tion.. If, instead of agreeing w i t h t h e Atltlma ptoposed, as be did, with every word of it, he had disapptuvedol it as it Peer of Parliement, and as a *Member of that House, he 'should feel th a t hi s thanks were due to the Noble Lord for the attempt which he had made to rescue their Lordships froin that ignominy which must rest upon them if after :such pa. ptrs had been laid before them, if after such a ennyinnotea uon of failure no step had been taken to merle their Lord mhips' feelings on the occasion. ---(hear, hear !).--The hand. lity and disappointment which its experiericed frost} . tbe per• usal of these pai ,rs, ahnost took from him the power of ex pressing- his thoughts. Never had any Government eritered side. They. hail a Secretary of State a man ofgreat Went—a into negociation with a show of gremer ativantstW* on their Noble Duke for their .-Niribasiatior, whose very name naNt nu ceasingly remind thole with whom to treat he bad, of t!, mom glorious successes of his country—they hail wish diem th. o i. nton of thellarliatnent of England, the, fcelingl of the People. .ante, above all, they had with them a „ink Cause. Iltit o ng ne du was wanting disposition on the part of thoseein office to pet all in action with -feelings of d for the minimal ue regardhonour. -p -,Never was there en occasion in which they had such goo& VOUNT LAS CASES' JOURNAL, PARTS V. and VI. will bc,publislo:d on MONDAY NEX,T. lundult-strret, April 24, 1823. .1...... , PRINCIPLES OF PATHOLOGY. ';t!. 1 'Phis Day was puhlished, In Octavo. lON price of 14i h . the in oardPRINCIPLES s. AN EXPOSIT of PATHOLOGY, and of the TREA m T TEN of DISEASES.