The Sun. — London, England, 1837-04-22 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, APRIL 21. The House sat to-day at Ten o'clock to hear Scotch Ap peals. The Lords present were the Earl of SHAFTESBURY, Lord BROUGHAM, and the Bishop of CARLISLE. EWING V. CHALMERS. Upon this appeal being called, a preliminary objection was taken to the hearing of it, upon which Lord BROUGHAM said he would consult the Appeal Committee, which con sisted of Lord Cottenham, Lord Langdale, and Lord Lyndhurst. THE DUKE OF HAMILTON V. MATHER. Their Lordships then proceeded to hear the arguments in this appeal, which appear likely to occupy two or three days. The further consideration of the appeal was adjourned to Thursday next. Lord SHAFTESBURY took the chair in the absence of the Lord Chancellor. • Lord KENYON presented petitions in favour of Church-rates from parishes in Devonshire. The Royal Assent was then given to the following Bills by Commission, the Commissioners being the Lord Chan cellor, the Archbishop of Canterbury, and Lord Shaftes bury : The Mint Bill, Mutiny Bill, Marine Mutiny Bill, Vag rants (Scotland and Ireland) Removal Bill, Leicester Small Debts Bill, Hinckley Small Debts Bill, Loughborough Small Debts Bill, Whitby Improvement Bill, Bridgewater and Taunton Canal Bill, Licensed Victuallers Assurance Company Bill, Berry and Paterson's Patent, Aberdeen Roads, Granton Pier and Road Bill, Lobley Hill Road 11111, Sevenoaks and Woodsgate Road Bill, Mansergh (Westmorland) Inclosure Bill, Bernaud Mette's Naturali zation Bill, Henry Anthony Mette's Naturalization Bill, and Becker Naturalization Bill. The LORD CHANCELLOR then took his seat on the Woolsack. MESSAGE FROM THE COMMONS. Mr. BROTHEBTON and other Members of the House Hof Commons brought up the London and Greenwich Railway Bill, the Cardiff Gas-light Bill, the London and b:rmingharn Railway Amendment Bill, the West of Lon don Cemetery Bill, and several other private Bills. Lord STRAFFORD presented a petition against Church-rates from a Baptist congregation of Manchester -.square. The Bishop of LONDON presented a petition in fey our of Church-rates from the Clergy of the parish of St. Botolnli, London. Lord RADNOR presented a petition against Church- Yates from Reading. The Duke of NORFOLK, and the Earl of ALBEMARLE, prek - ented similar petitions from several places. L a rd BROWNLOW presented petitions in favour of Church-rates from a place in Kent. Lord ROSEBERY presented a petition in favour of the Irish Municipal Bill from the Lord Provost and inhabi tants of Edinburgh. Lord BRADFORD presented petitions in favour of Chu -ch-rates from places in Warwickshire. Thy' Archbishop. of CAN TERBU RY presented a peti tion from the Clergy of Gloucester, against the system of Education in Ireland ; also several petitions in favour of Church-rates. OXFORD AND GREAT WESTERN RAILWAY BILL. He would say no more about the policy of this country towards Spain, but he would now go to the main object of his motion—the Quadruple Treaty.—(Hear.) By the third article of that treaty, a naval co-operation was provided with Spain, which was strictly carried on for some time. But when the Legion were sent out, the Govern ment allowed a certain number of marines and artillery to co-operate with them.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") He would not at the present moment say anything of the propriety of that co-operation. The only fault he found with it was, that it had been carried to too great an extent. There were many minor points on which he objected. He thought it a strange anomaly that these troops had been placed under the command of a Captain of the Navy, who could know nothing of the operations upon land ; and be also objected to the command of the force being placed under a foreign General who had no responsibility. He would now draw the attention of the House to what had taken place within the last three months in Spain.— (Cries of " Hear, hear.") After General Espartero, with the assistance of the English sailors had relieved Bilboa, the next attempt was to put down the civil war in the Basque Provinces. General Evans received an additional force of 6,000 men, and Gen. Saarsfield was sent from Pampeluna on thelOth of last month. Gen. Evans commenced the campaign. He marched out of St. Sebastian with 10,000 or 12,000 men. He was then joined by a battalion of Marines, to gether with 20 guns, and Lord John Hay was sent to as sist. He joined him on the heights above Hernani, and in the Venta. After some success against the Carlist troops General Evans took the heights of Hernani. On his right were placed certain regiments of Spanish troops, and the Royal marines were on his left, near the bridge of Aetigarraga, but unfortunately while the General held Hernani he neglected that bridge, the only bridge over the Urumea, and failed to occupy it with a sufficient force. As he understood, the attack on Hernani commenced about nine in the morning, and owing to the fatigued core dition of the men the attack was carried on but feebly. About half-past eleven a column of between 4,000 and 5,000 Carlists debouched on the plain, passed the bridge, and took a village in front of certain troops of the Legion. Gencral Evans returned to give battle to these Carlists ; but a panic took place, and a part of the troops fled in the greatest disorder. He must do the General and his officers the justice to say that they did all they could to put a stop to the panic and retrieve the honours of the day, but with out effect. General Evans had never contemplated a re treat, and consequently had not considered it necessary to establish a corps of reserve. The troops, as he had said, fled to St. Sebastian—a place memorable for the valour and skill displayed by the British army towards the close of the Peninsular war. He also stated that the army had been frustrated in their retreat by 400 marines, under the command of Colonel Owen, and by 40 sailors—those men had protected 4,000 men, under the command of General Evans, and the difference between them was, that whilst the marines held themselves responsible to their King and country, and for the honour of their corps, the army of General Evans was composed of mercenaries. He considered that this country was bound to afford LORD WHA.RNCLIFFE moved the second reading of his Bill. The Marquis of CLANRICARDE opposed the Bill, on the ground that the terminus was imaginary ; for the Great Western Railway was not where this Railway ended. al that Railway would not be carried beyond Maidenhead this year, and the Railway in question would have no ter minus except where it was expected that the Great Western .R.ail..vay would be carried ; and he thought they should pit till the Great Western Railway had advanced further. H e would, therefore, move that the Bill be read this day • rh orsths• WHARNCLIFFE said there had been several instances of Bills having been passed before the Railway, with wh:cl a junction was to be formed, was carried to the place where the junction was intended to be made ; the assents, too, amongst those whose interests were concerned, were greater than the dissents. He hoped, therefore, the Bill would be ali . .lwed to go into Committee. Lord BEXLEY sou that the landholders, for eight miles of the proposed line, wee against it. The Duke of WELLIGTON said that a large number • the landholders near Oxfor3 were against the Bill. He would wish to avoid giving a vote on it. Lord ASHBURTON thought that the Bill should go to a Committee, in which it could be fo:ind whether the proposed line would he beneficial or not. After a few words from Lord WYNFORD, which were inaudible, Lord BROUGHAM protested against the compa:ison of the expenses of the Court of Chancery and of an appeal to a Committee of either House of Parliament. He hoped to sec the time when the jurisdiction of these kind of mat ters would be withdrawn from both Houses of Parliament. Lord ELLEN BOROUGH said that many of the in habitants of Gloucester were anxious that a communication should be opened between that place and Oxford by means of this Railway. He hoped the Bill would be allowed to go into Committee. The Bill was then read a second time. C HURC H-RATES. Lord WILTON presented a petition in favour of Church-rates from Manchester and its neighbourhood, signed by 15,200 persons, to 6,000 of which signatures the places of residence of the parties were affixed. Lord BROUGIIAM said that he had no objection that the Noble Lord should throw this into the scale ; but the numbers on the other side would preponderate. Lord DUNCANNON then laid on the table the re port of the expense of the Ecclesiastical Commisioners in Ireland, and the correspondence between Lord Stanley and the Synod of Ulster, in respect to the system of education in Ireland. He also postponed till Monday the Committee on the Millbank Penitentiary Bill. WAR IN SPAIN. Lord ALVANLEY said that the object of the motion which he roso to make was to call the attention ,of his Noble Friend opposite, of that House, and of the country in general, to the extraordinary position in which the marine forces and the artillery now serving in the North of Spain were at that moment placed. Before he made the remarks which he should feel it his duty to do upon this question, he would take the liberty of stating his opinion on the policy which had placed those brave men in that position. His opinion was, that that policy was detrimental to the in terests, and injurious to the honour of this country.— ( Hear, hear.) He said it was detrimental to the interests of this country, because he found the wisest and most en lightened statesmen of all parties in this kingdom, had stated that nothing could possibly justify one country in interfering in any way in the internal regulations and administration of another country. He thought the policy detrimental to the honour of the country, because he deemed his Majesty's troops, without any declaration of war, had entered into an action with the inhabitants of a country who was at peace with England, and fighting for a person whom they believed to be their right ful Sovereign, and for their liberties, which they believed to be dear to them. The policy of this country with regard to Spain had been founded on the quadruple treaty signed three years ago. He had always deprecated that treaty. The object of that treaty was, first, to secure the throne to Queen Isabella ; next, to remove Don Carlos ; and 3d, to secure to that country a Government of liberal opinions, which might be a fixed Government, and also to insure peace.—(Hear, hear.) Within a very short time after this treaty was signed, Don Carlos left this country, went hrough France, and arrived in the Basque provinces, where he was received with open arms. An army was instantly raised, every man capable of taking up arms, the most cele- . brated General of Spain (Zumalacarregui) was placed at the head of the army, and his successes were such that the Government of this country, shortly after intending to make a military demonstration in favour of the Queen, sus pended the Foreign Enlistment Act, and fostered the form ing of the Legion. At the time, those best informed with the Spanish character prophesied that they would st rongthen the Carlist cause—would weaken the Christino cause by causing jealousy and dissension, and it was probable that they would be betrayed had not those prognostica tions been found to be true. For two years the Legion had suffered gross ill treatment, and had very nearly been -betrayed by a Spanish General whose name he would IRA mention—they had dwindled from 12,000 or 14,000 now into 4,000, and within the last two months had been driven from Hernani to San Sebastian by the very Carlists 'wheat they were sent to exterminate. Then look at the position in which the Government of that country had been placed since the treaty had been entered into.— ( Hear, hear.) There had been no less than six %changes, which was more than, he believed, any history in Europe could show in so short a time. He might r'late an anecdote which bore on the question :—A fri end of his was sent out in a diplomatic character to Soki:th Anierica, where it was necessary to give one month's notice before an Ambassador could be re ceiv, .1. He waited there for two years, but no President remained long enough in office in order to him a,low to present his credentials according to form. — (Hear, hear, and loud laughter.) He had heard it ...dated that this treaty was entered into for the pur- T, use of keeping the Northern powers from interfering in the Peninsula. The contrary was the fact.—(Hear, %min) Be ,re that they were quietly waiting to see 1, oil the Portuguese and the Spaniards would settle their m n quarrels ; but when his Noble Friend in carrying out the 'I, treaty sent his military propaganda, they were for, led in their own defence to interfere.—(Hear, hear.) operation of which that order in council went to suspend— have been permitted to enlist in ;the service of an ally of his Majesty ? The gist of my Noble Friend's speech was this :—Will you, in consequence of the behaviour of these officers and of the Misconduct of some of those with whom they are allied permit the marines and artillery belonging to his Majesty to remain in co-operation with the army in Spain ? My Lords, I answer most distinctly that I will.—(Loud cheers.) My Noble Friend says I run a great responsibility, under existing circumstances, in conti nuing these troops in Spain. This responsibility I will take upon me ; but I will not take upon me the responsibility, in a moment of temporary defeat, or disaster, of with drawing from the Queen of Spain that assistance to which, by every dictate of good faith, every principle of honour, his Majesty is pledged and plighted to render her.— (Loud cheers.) I say, my Lords, I will not do it because it would be entailing upon me a responsibility and disgrace, deeper than any with which I have yet been charged by the Noble Lord himself. (Renewed cheers.) The Noble Lord says that if what has happened in Spain had occurred in our own service—that if General Evans had been our officer commanding on that occasion, he would have been dismissed. I say, not if I were Mi nister.—(Loud cheers.) I say that an officer who serves his country ought to be stood by not only in victory but in defeat ; it is the duty of his country to stand by him ; and this, my Lords, is not a time to mark such an officer with . disgrace or dishonour, much less withdraw from a cause which appears to be blighted, or failing that support which we are bound in honour and justice to permit to be given to it. My Lords, I am ready to incur all the respon sibility of these troops remaining in Spain ; and all the responsibility of any further operations which may be undertaken there. Ido not wish to entertain any san guine expectations on the subject ; but at the same time I must say, that I do anticipate a fortunate and successful result from these operations—fortunate and successful, not only as regards Spain, but the world in general, both at home and abroad. My Lords, we all know that in every country, both at home and abroad—in every part of the world—difficulties and embarrassments will sometimes occur which nobody can specifically account for, or point out the time when they may or may not occur.—(Hear, hear, hear.) We all know this ; but, my Lords, I will not argue in that lowering and degrading langu ige which has been admitted in discussion elsewhere as to the genera state and prospects of their country. I hold it in the high est degree unwise, impolitic, and, not to use a harsh or un parliamentary expression, I do consider it to be a labour of an humble and creeping character, and if for the purposes of political advantage, quite unjustifiable, to circulate and propound such notions.—( Hear, hear, hear.) My Lords, I can only say in conclusion, that I see nothing in the state of the affairs of this country, either at home or abroad, to induce any Minister to withdraw from office, or to deter any one who was not in office to hesitate to accept it, if in other respects be deemed it advisable to do so. (The Noble Viscount sat down amidst loud cheering.) The Duke of WELLINGTON said it was charged against those on his side of the House that they should assistance to Spain.—(Hear, hear, hear.) But there was a duty due by the Government to this country also—it was to preserve that character which the Noble Duke, and those who fought under him, had gained at the expense of their blood, and hand it down untar nished to posterity.—(Hear, hear.) He would con elude, by moving fur copies of the correspondence between the Government of this country and Lord John Hay, as to the assistance to be rendered by this country to Spain by the force under his command. Viscount MELBOURNE said that there would be no objection to lay the despatches on the table, but the Noble Lord had said that the course of policy pursued by this country was detrimental to its safety and honour ; but he ( Lord Mel bourne), would say if this was the Noble Lord's opinion, he should certainly have come forward sooner and declared it, instead of coining forward now, and condemning that course of policy which he had before openly and manifestly acquiesced in.—(Hear, hear.) This was not fair; either as regarded an individual or a party ; it was not fair to those to whom he was opposed to suffer them to go on for a length of time pursu ing. a course to which he was opposed and then to call its propriety in question. He ( Lord Melbourne) considered that it wis tampering with the honour of the country to do so. His Noble Friend had laid down several principles us to the non-interference in the Government of other countries. He could not agree to them all. He denied that this was any interference in the Government of a foreign country. He must say, however, that it was rather a strange and curious argument to come from the other side of the House, that to support an established Regal Government against the attacks of an upstart Pretender was wrong.— (Loud cheers.) There were other parties in the country from whom ho might have expected suck arguments ; but he must confess lie did not expect to hear them from the Noble Lord opposite.—(Loud cheers.) But even admitting that the case was as represented, he would ask, was it nothing to support a treaty under which this country might be called into hostilities ? He would ask,were the tranquillity and the peace of Europe nothing ? (Cheers.) Was it not a subject of deep interest ? He un derstood from the cheer of the Noble Duke that the peace of Europe was rather in danger, in consequence of the treaty.—(Tory cheers, and hear, hear, hear.) That was the question between them. To secure the peace of Europe was the object which he had in view, when he concurred in all the measures that had been taken on this subject. It was a subject of deep interest with him. It was his first thought to secure the peace of Spain and through its tranquillity to secure that of the whole of Europe. If the peace of the country could he secured by the establishment of a Constitutional form of Government —surely, if such was his opinion, it was his duty to do all in his power to assist the establish ment, and secure the stability of such a form of Government. Their great object was to secure the peace of the country, to put an end to civil war, and to esta blish the power of the Queen whom the Government of this country had recognised, and to whose support the country had bound itself by the treaty which had been signed.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") The Noble Lord had questioned the step which had been taken by the Govern ment with respect to the Foreign Enlistment Act : and he had stated that every person at all acquainted with Spain—every person of reputation or character, or who had any knowledge of that country, bad condemned that policy. If they had, he (Lord Melbourne) must say they had condemned it most silently, for he had never heard of it.—( Hear, hear, and cheers.) Now that was a step upon which the sense of Parliament might have been taken, but it had not been. In his (Lord Melbourne's) opinion, it was not fair—he was going to say it was hardly honourable—(Hear, hear, hear) —to con demn that line of policy which those on the other side of the House had acceded to, and suffered to pass without condemnation, and without calling on the House to interfere.—(Cries of " Hear,") If any cen sure had been passed upon it, probably it would have prevented it from being adopted, and certainly from being persevered in. --(Hear, hear.) It was unnecessary for him to make any observations on those parts of the Noble Lord's speech, with reference to the various revolutions and civil changes which had taken place in the Peninsula, with great rapidity. It certainly was very much to be regretted ; but it did not arise from the course that had been pursued by his Majesty's Government,but from circumstances over which they had no controul, and which it had been the desire of Government as far as it was in their power to prevent.—(Hear.) My Noble Friend (continued the Noble Lord) then proceeds to what I apprephend to have been the principal object and point of his speech, namely, the state in which his Majesty's mlitary forces are placed in Spain, the dangers to which they are exposed, and the consequences likely to result therefrom. lam certainly unable to follow the Noble Lord through all the details of these occurrences from the day of the 16th downwards, or to pronounce any opinion as to the conduct of the officers engaged on that occasion. My Noble Friend says that he does not know to what extent we may be drawn in this matter, and how much farther we may be obliged to go, and what forces we may be induced to employ. All I can say upon this point is, that, whatever may be done, it is impossible anything can be done in the dark, and that, if anything is done of which Parliament disapproves, it would have ample opportunity of expressing its disapprobation, a disapprobation which it had never yet manifested. My Noble Friend then went into an eulogium of the conduct of his Majesty's troops for the manner in which they acquitted themselves on the occasion, and then made some severe animadver sions upon the conduct of the soldiers belonging to the Legion, who, he says, did not behave with the same firmness. For this my Noble Friend gives as a reason that the first are soldiers responsible to the Government, the others mercenaries employed by a foreign Government with whom they have no dealing, and can have no sympathy. Why my Noble Friend was pleased to distinguish the lat ter by the title of mercenaries I am at a loss to imagine. Why, my Lords, all soldiers are mercenaries.—(Hear, and " No, no.") I say yes—mercenaries they are—they arc paid for their service, they fight for pay, and therefore they are mercenaries. As for the conduct of these men, I believe that they have behaved with as much gallantry and as much enthusiasm in the cause as any soldiers who have ever fought in our own service. Will the Noble Duke op posite be one to join in this denunciation of those whom it is thought proper to denominate mercenaries? Did he never command mercenaries—had he never foreign troops engaged to serve under him for pay? Where is the dif ference, I ask, between the soldiers who were engaged under the Noble Duke in the last war and the men o this Legion, who, by virtue of an order in council, in pursu ance of the ancient and wise policy of this country—of a policy sanctioned by the authority of the Act itself; the THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY, APRIL 22, 1837. have brought this subject long since under the eonsideration of the House. He begged to remind their Lordships that he had taken more than one opportunity of expressing his disapprobation of the course of policy pursued, but he had never brought forward a distinct motion relative thereto, owing to the desire he felt to avoid interfering by a direct vote of the House with the Executive Government. He had also great objections, in the state of this country, and in the relation in which that House stool to the other branch of the Legislature and to Ministers, to stirring any questions of this nature, and he had therefore done all in his power to prevent discussion upon such topics, unless when they came ina6ertently before the House, in the King's speech or otherwise ; but when they did thus come he always stated his opinion as hostile to the course pursued.—( Hear.) After the order in council had been issued he had given notice of a motion upon the subject, because a satisfactory answer had not been given by the Government to a question put by a Noble Friend of his with respect to the claims of soldiers of the Legion to pensions for wounds, &c., and he wished to have the matter discussed, in order to have the opinion of the Noble Viscount. It also appeared to him that only one part of the Foreign Enlistment Bill was suspended —that which inflicted penalties on those who entered the service of a foreign power.—( Hear, hear) He did not bring forward the motion, however; because some of his friends did not agree with him in his view of the matter. The Noble Lord said he had acted according to the Treaty, and he talked of the course pursued as one calcu lated to secure Portugal and preserve the peace of Europe. For his own part, he did not approve of the Quadruple Treaty, for he thought it inconsistent with the principles which had always governed this country with reference to Portugal—that of not interfering in the disputes of the Princes of the House of Braganza. He also objected to it,be cause it brought this country and France as guarantees to the subjects of Spain and Portugal for the performance of the 6th and 7th Articles of the Treaty. He had himself felt the inconvenience of that Treaty since its adoption, and the additional Articles were, in fact, different from the Treaty itself, for they required a more active co-operation on the part of France and England than had at first been contemplated. The additional Articles were signed in August, 1834, and in the November of that year lie was called upon by the Queen of Spain to carry it into execu tion. When he was called upon, it was particularly un derstood—and this he recollected well, for he had had an explanation with the Allied Governments at the time— that this country was not to aid in settling the Govern ment of Spain, nor to aid in the contest then going on. He spoke this from an accurate knowledge of the facts, and he challenged the Noble Viscount (Melbourne) to produce the dispatch of that time, to refute or corroborate his assertion. —(Hear.) He believed the first object of the Govern ment of the Noble Viscount was to establish a blockade ; but it was discovered that this country, not being at war, could not blockade. To get over this difficulty, the Queen of Spain, although in possession of all the ports of the whole coast of Spain, declared a blockade of the coast. He believed the Noble Lord on the Woolsack, had be then been a member of the Cabinet, would have told them that the Queen of Spain had no right to blockade her own coasts. The inconvenience of the blockade, however, was discovered, and an order was issued that Spanish vessels, bearing certificates from Spanish consuls, might be ad mitted. He (the Duke of Wellington) remonstrated against this, and there was at once an end to the blockade, and our squadron remained on the north coast of Spain, not in terfering in tir contest going on. The present Govern ment said that they only carried the treaty honourably into execution. He firmly believed that that was what they meant to do ; but they had no means of carrying the second and third articles into execution, for Don Carlos had not even a village in his possession, much less a port, upon the sea coast. The Government, by means of the c onvention brought about by General Eliot, put a stop to the practice of putting their prisoners of war to death, and that officer had the satisfaction of knowing that on the very day that convention was signed, he thereby saved the lives of twenty-five men. He thought the King's Ministers ought not to depart from the position in which they found themselves placed at the conclusion of that convention.— ( Hear, hear.) Neither the military force, nor the financial force, nor the people of Spain, nor all the advantages for which the Noble Lord contended, nor any advantage what ever, had resulted from the course which the Noble' Lord had thought proper to adopt. It unfortunately happened that certain parties had transactions in Spanish finances, and it was important to those parties that there should be the appearance of red coats, and that the name of Great Britain should be engaged in these operations. Money was raised in this country to defray the expense of the equip ment of the Legion, as it was called, of 10,000 men, and to defray the expense of their food and clothing for a certain number of months ; and the Noble Lords, in order that this scheme might be carried into execution, gave their con sents to the Order in Council for the suspension of the Fo reign Enlistment Act. This corps quitted this country in the spring of the year 1835, and their first operation was a march on that very spot which was the scene of the late disaster. On that occasion the Eliot convention, as it was properly called, was first violated, and from that day to this, notwithstanding the millions of money that Spain had spent—notwithstanding the number of lives which had been lost—the military affairs of the Queen of Spain were in a worse situation than they were in when this corps was sent out. After a certain period, he believed, as soon as the original money was expended, the corps was sent down to join the other troops in th e neigh bourhood of Vittoria. They remained there during the winters of 1835 and 1836, struggling with every possible :distress ; but a crisis was approaching—it be came necessary that Great Britain should take a more active part in the war—that something should be done to produce some effect in a certain place called the Stock Exchange. Accordingly this corps, towards the spring of the year, was brought to Santander and St. Sebastian, and employed in the relief of the blockade which had been maintained for some time by Giubelalde. It was then found absolutely necessary to raise this blockade, and the B r iti s h squadron, under the command of a most active and able offi cer, for whom be (the Duke of Wellington) entertained the highest respect, employed their 68-pounders, and forced in the works of the Carlist line on the 6th of May. What was the effect ? The blockade was still main tained a little further off, out of the reach of the fire of the British fleet, and there it had remained up to the present time. Excepting this, he defied the Noble Lord to show any single advantage which had been ga i ne d o f any description from that day to this. The whole dis tance that the blockade had been removed was one mile. General Evans might have left the Carlists to their ori ginal position without any inconvenience whatever being felt by the town, because he (the Duke of Wellington) happened to know that the communication by sea could not have been prevented, even if the whole British fleet had been blockading the places, instead of being stationed there to give facility to the communication. The whole inconvenience felt by the town from the position the Car lists had taken up was, neither more nor less than, that some ladies and gentlemen were prevented taking the waters. He would say further, that his firm belief was, that the connection between the Legion and the fleet had been injurious to the military affairs of the Queen of Spain. That was his decided opinion, from what he knew of the nature of the country, and more particularly from the posi tion which was the strength of Don Carlos. There was one point which military men perfectly understood, and that was, that if great corps were to act together there must be a communication between them. If there were no communication, then the attempt at co-operation would in all probability lead to such disasters as had occurred at Hernani ; and it was to him most surprising that General Evans, who appeared an able man, and deserving of the confidence of his Majesty's Government, and the Queen of Spain, with the experience he had had, of the difficulty of carrying on communications in that country, should not have felt the danger of his position, and placed himself in communication with the corps with which he was co-operating, instead of being at a distance, with his Majesty's fleet.—(Hear.) He was aware that his Majesty's fleet had been engaged in another point, and that was the siege of Bilboa, where the men conducted themselves as the British navy had always done and always would do, but there was one circumstance respecting that transaction which had excited considerable surprise in his mind, and he mentioned it now in order to have an answer. The Noble Duke then referred to the position of the Bri tish ships before Bilboa, as detailed in the letter of Lord Ranelagh. It was not fair that a neutral ship should re main in a position in which it could give assistance as a belligerent. That which was not fair between man and man, could not be fair between nation and nation. The Noble Lord had stated most positively that he would not recal General Evans ; but whether that were done or not, he (the Duke of Wellington) must press on their Lordships this fact, that on no pretence whatever ought the Marines to be removed from free and safe communication with the ships. He had commanded his Majesty's large armies, and had risked as much for the service as the Noble Lord, but he would not venture to put any corps in a situa tion in which they could not have communication with a point of safety. If the Noble Lord intended to adopt the principles lately put forth in a pamphlet, viz., a combina tion of the powers of the West, in an alliance offensive and defensive, against the powers of the North, he should come down to Parliament for assistance to carry on an affair of that sort in the manner in which a nation like Great Britain should carry it on ; it could not be done by sending a few troops here and there, but by sending such a commanding force as would effect the object in view. Let the Noble Lord look before him—let him see how for the country would support him. If he did not do that, let him place the country in the position in which he received it. Although he (the Noble Duke) could not, in a motion of this description, declare a departure from the present line of policy, he earnestly recommended his Majesty's Mi nisters to endeavour to place the country in the position in which it was placed when they gave their consent to the order in council. Lord HOLLAND begged to bear his testimony to the clear, correct, candid, and manly explanation of his own conduct throughout this business which had been given by the Noble Duke ; and also of the grounds upon which he had refrained from calling on the House to give any direct opinion on this subject ; but he must also beg to tell the Noble Lords opposite that if, as the Noble Duke admitted, there were inconveniences in interfering with the Executive Government, by calling for the opinion of the House on such subjects as the present, with reference to the conduct of the Government, to which it was perfectly true he had often avowed his objection, there was also inconvenience in discussing grave and serious matters as to the general po licy of the country without bringing them to a question be fore the House ; and he might, perhaps, be permitted to ask why, if they had abstained so long, they should choose this as the moment for bringing forward such a subject —this moment, when a late disaster was fresh in the recollection of every one—and had thrown some tempo rary discredit on the expedition, although that disaster had been, in a great measure, retrieved, or at least checked, by the important aid afforded by the Marines of his Majesty's service. —(Hear.) He would again ask what practical service could spring from the present discussion ? It could lead to nothing, because no distinct proposition was before the House ? Was this the time to strike a blow in that House against the forces now in Spain, or was it a moment to try to have the Marines recalled—not by a dis tinct vote of the House, but by blaming and criticising the military conduct of General Evans ? The chief object of the Nobl• Lords opposite, as far as he could collect it, was to what they were pleased to call our interference in the concerns of other countries—that we were carrying on war without any declaration of war having been formally made. They objected also to the suspension of the Foreign En listment Act, and to the extension and conduct of our part of the treaty, which had been so often alluded to. As to the extension of the treaty, the Noble Duke had not ap peared to view the question with his usual accuracy. He said that his Noble Friend (Viscount Melbourne) ought to have brought down the Quadruple Treaty to the House, and explained precisely what its meaning was. But the Noble Lord did before fully explain the full meaning of the treaty. The Noble Duke had observed that all the objects at first intended were fully satisfied, when Don Miguel was forced to leave Portugal.—(Hear, hear.) But what were the words of the preamble ? " Their Majesties, considering the interest they must always take in the security of the Spanish Monarchy, and being further animated by the most anxious desire to assist in the establishment of peace"—where ? In Portugal ? No. In " the Peninsula." Nor was that all, for there was added, "as well as in every other part of Europe."—(Hear.) The general motive, object, and scope of the treaty was, first, to expel Don Miguel from Portugal ; and, next, to preserve the peace of Spain ; but both of these were subservient to the main point, of preserving the peace of Europe ? But the Noble cLords opposite asserted that the peace of the Peninsula and of Europe had not been preserved. He differed with them altogether on that point. He consi dered that it had been fully preserved, and from the bottom of his conscience he believed that the Quadruple Treaty had been the means of preserving it. He knew that the opinion of those signing that treaty was at the time (though he was not about to relate to the House what had passed in private conversation), that it would be the means of preventing the war being interfered with by the Northern Powers of Europe. That these Powers had afforded indirect assistance to Don Carlos he firmly believed : but if the treaty had not been entered into, would not Don Carlos be now at Madrid ; or if not, then would not the state of Spain and Portugal be ex ceedingly different ? To what, then, must the present com parative security of these countries be attributed ? Undoubt edly to the naval co-operation of Great Britain. But it was said that it was base and inglorious thus to carry on war without a declaration of war. That very question had been raised when the treaty was formerly before the House. What, he would ask, did the treaty engage this country to do ? To afford a naval co-operation to the Queen of Spain. He had not heard any mention made of any necessity exist ing for extending that principle of co-operation to such a degree as to warrant a declaration of war. The object of the treaty being to assist the Queen in preserving peace, the co-operation now afforded being for that purpose, it would be unjust to term it war. The Noble Duke said that a blockade had not been effected of the Spanish coast. It certainly had not, nor could it, for the reasons assigned by the Noble Duke himself. To blockade the ports of a country was a right claimed by belligerents, but not auxiliaries. The co-operation afforded by this country did not extend to such a proceeding. It was the right of the Queen of Spain alone. The Noble Duke also spoke of the blockade being carried into effect by the Queen herself. He (Lord Holland) never knew that any sacred right of immunity existed for insurgents which should prevent a Sovereign from blockading the country which they inhabited, if such a step should appear ad visable, in order to put them down. Whether the Queen should blockade the coast of Spain or not, rested with him her alone. He could assure the House that no British heart could bound with more delight than his own at the recital of the success and glorious exploits of his countrymen ; but he would ask, what were the wars of the Duke of Marlbo rough but wars of succession—of the Duke of Marlborough by the bye, who learned his art as a mercenary under Tu renne ?—(Hear, hear.) What were the greater part of our wars but wars of succession ? In fact, all the wars of Eli zabeth were auxiliary wars. William 111., also, whose " glo rious memory " was so often referred to, was another ex ample of interference in a war of succession. He (Lord Holland) admired that great Prince as much as any man, though not perhaps, for those parts of his conduct which drew down the applause of others. What constituted his glory was iis his opinion the readiness with which he came forward to free this country from the tyranny of James 11. These were, it was true, old times, but he could take Noble Lords to more modern times, and refer them to him who was, like all his race, remarkable for his personal gallantry and intrepidity the last of our Kings who had exposed himself on a field of battle (George I.) At the battle of Dettingen he appeared with his troops, and what, he would demand, was the nature of the war in which he risked his life ? Why, a war of suc cession. The Noble Duke had said that the operations of the Marines were extended in a manner never intended by the treaty. In order to determine that point, it would be necessary to examine how the parties engaged in the treaty construed it. The treaty expressly stated that assistance was to be afforded by this country, to expel Don Carlos from Spain. There was no concealment, no mystery in the matter. The object aimed at was clearly laid down. It was designed by the treaty to expel Don Carlos from Por tugal, where he was at the time, and to preserve the peace of Europe. The Noble Duke had said that if the exten sion of the principle of assistance to its present amount had been submitted to him, he would not have agreed to it.— (The Noble Lord was here urged to sit down, as he ap- pearad to be suffering under indisposition. He, however, refused.) He should continue to address their Lordships, in accordance with the orders of the House, as long as he could. This country was considered by the treaty in the light of an auxiliary, and it depended on the will of Don Carlos that we should or should not assume the character of belli- gerents. It was clear that we had the right of defending the Queen. They had engaged to do so, and they were bound to act, not according to the strict wording and letter of the treaty, but according to its spirit. They looked to the po litical necessity of the case—the Noble Duke did not. He would allow the pound of flesh, but he would refuse that a drop of blood should be shed. The Government approved of the treaty in its full, enlarged, and Statesmanlike spirit, and for that reason he supported it. They were anxious to execute the intentions of the treaty largely and fully, and if necessary to extend it still further. When he had signed the treaty he had not been without fully weighing the chances of untoward and disagreeable events occurring. He had compared the chances of success with those of failure, and had not hesitated to see that there was every probability of the objects they had in view being attained. The Noble Duke denied that such an attainment had taken place ; but he could not deny that it had been clearly proved, both to the disaffected in Spain and to the Northern Powers, that Don Carlos could never reign in Spain. The expedition of Gomez, too, the strangest event which had ever occurred in any war, seemed to corroborate the fact. The people evidently were against him. He should make one remark more, and then conclude. It had been said that the suspension of the Foreign Enlistment Act was'improper.—(Hear.) But it should be borne in mind that a special clause gave a power to suspend. For what reason could that clause be inserted if it was not in contemplation of some such concurrence of circumstances as had produced the suspension. The possibility of the power being used was evidently thought of, or the clause would not have been necessary. The Noble Duke said that he should not have consented to the suspension, as he gave a different meaning to the clause. The Noble Duke, from his great military knowledge, was certainly well able to judge of what should be done in the case ; but he would ask him whether, if the Government had refused to suspend the Act, the people of Spain would not be ready to exclaim that the English Ministry were indifferent whe ther Don Carlos or Donna Isab.Ala reigned over them ? If the Noble Lords opposite de - sired to have the war in Spain carried on, they would find that they were in error. He did not hesitate to say that they showed by their con- duct that they were Carhits at heart. They had brough forward the present discussion, which could lead to nothing and if he could judge by the proceedings in the other House the intention of the Noble Lords was only to embarrass the Government. The treaty ought to be carried into effect in an enlarged sense. The spirit, and not the letter, should be attended to ; and he could not better conclude than by quoting to their Lordships a passage from the works of the finest of all the advocates of freedom, which appeared to him to be peculiarly applicable to circumstances like the present.—(The Noble Lord then read the translation of a passage of one of the philippics of Demosthenes, recom mending the Athenians to persevere in their observance of a treaty against Phillip.) The Earl of ABERDEEN would briefly advert to the circumstances which had produced the treaty. When the Queen Isabella succeeded, according to the will of Ferdi nand, he did not blame the Government of this country for recognizing her claims. Shortly after this event it became necessary to take a step further, namely, to expel Don Carlos from Portugal. Don Miguel, with whom he re sided, would not agree to any such proceeding. Recourse was had to arms to procure expulsion, and hence arose the original treaty so often referred to. England and France agreed that Don Carlos and Don Miguel should be ex pelled from Portugal. Before the treaty which sprung into existence from that agreement had been ratified he had brought the matter before their Lordships. The Noble Viscount opposite (Viscount Melbourne) had expressed his opinion on the matter in the following terms :—" The Noble Earl then said that there had been a violation of the Portuguese territory by the troops of Spain. My Lords, that was the main ground of the treaty, which arose en tirely from the state in which Spain and Portugal stood in reference to each other, the claimant of the Spanish throne being in Portugal, gathering around him all the disaffected, and thus threatening the security of the state of things which had lately taken place in Portugal. Don Miguel was more than once requested to desire the claimant of the Spanish Throne to depart from the Portuguese territory, but he did not accede to the request ; and, under these circumstances, I say that, if ever troops of one country were justified in entering the territory of another, for the destruction of bands which were being collected for the overthrow of the Sovereign's Throne, the Spanish army was justified on the occasion in question. That necessity then existing, and it being clear that the violation, as the Noble Lord terms it, must take place, was it not the duty of Great Britain, connected she is by treaties with Portugal, to take care that that intervention should be effected under treaty, that it should be only sufficient for the purpose, and that pre cautions should be taken for the purpose, and likewise for its termination, when its object was effected ? That is the main ground on which this treaty rests." Here it was evident that as soon as the object was effected, the treaty should be considered to have arrived at its termination. When, therefore, the expulsion of the two Princes had taken place, the treaty should end. Don Carlos afterwards, however, returned to the Peninsula, and additional articles were necessary. They were determined on, and added to the original treaty. No additional preamble was deemed neces sary, nor were any new reasons assigned for the new articles. It merely stated that, in consequence of new and important events, a new state of arrangements became requisite. What were the objects of these additional articles? The treaty stated " the restoration of internal peace in Spain." Then came the King's Speech, in which his Majesty spoke of his " unabated solicitude for the peace and welfare of Spain," and his desire to procure the " restoration of in ternal peace in that kingdom." It was the first time this country had ever interfered with such an object. His Majesty's naval stores and assistance were all given to procure the " internal peace of the kingdom." How this could be produced by naval interference he was at a loss to make out. The Noble Lord, who last sat down, had spoken of giving a large interpretation to the treaty. It must be acknowledged that if the objects were consi dered the interpretation was wide enough. Going a little farther not only could naval assistance be allowable, but arms of every sort, even to a park of artillery, could be justified. But, referring to the plain and manifest con struction of the treaty, taking naval assistance in its usual and common sense, he would ask what could the placing of 400 marines on board of ships, rated at sixty or ninety, be considered but a fraud on the country and a fraud on Parliament ? Their Lordships would recollect that not only was this country included in the treaty, but that France was also a party.—( Hear.) Now what said the King of the French on the subject, in his Speech from the Throne—" He continued religiously to ob serve the articles of the Quadruple Treaty." Now had the King of the French observed it ? Did he extend the spirit and take the large and liberal view so much spoken of by the Noble Lord opposite, or did he limit its objects to the obvious meaning of the terms in which the treaty was ex pressed ? He confined himself to a most exact observance of the words of the treaty—nothing more. It became ne cessary to press on the King the necessity of a more active interference, and accordingly it was proposed to him to invade the country, and to intervene to some purpose. The Noble Lord at the head of the Government avoided the word intervention. It was too difficult to swallow, so ho used the term co-operation. This in its turn became out of use, as its exact meaning began to be inquired into, so a new term was invented, translimitation. His Majesty's Government had the full credit of the word assigned to them with all formality by M. Thiers himself. The ap plication to the French King, however, was not success ful, for he refused to go as far as the Government in this country desired. They knew well that if they interfered effectually they should take the whole internal Government of Spain under their care and protection. He would read to the House an extract from a clever French Am bassador, stationed at Madrid, on the course of conduct which the French Government should adopt in case they interfered :—" As the passions, which the struggle of parties, and the existence of civil war have excited, cannot be calmed in an instant, it would be necessary that the French army, in order to consolidate its work, should occupy for a space of time, more or less extended, according to circum stances, the country to which it shall have given peace, other wise the flame would indubitably spring up again either in the provinces of the north, or in some other parts of Spain. The length of time for which this occupation should con tinue ought to be determined on beforehand, and, in addi tion, it should be stipulated most strictly, that the French troops should not quit the Spanish territory even after the expiration of the time agreed on, unless after a delibera tion held together by the two Governments, and not on the simple demand of the Spanish Government alone. An immensity of e mbarrassment to us, and of evil to Spain, had arisen from the liberty left in 1823 to King Ferdi nand to put an end, at his own will, to the occupation of the country by our troops. The same fault must not again take place. Let us never forget that we should always expect constant caprice on the part of the Spanish Administration ; and also such caprice as might in a mo ment overthrow all that we might have done for preserv ing the tranquillity of the Peninsula. We ought to take our measures in accordance with this view. lam na turally led by this state of circumstances to speak of the line of conduct that we ought to mark down for ourselves with respect to the Spanish Government. It cannot, evidently, at least before the majority of the Queen over come the difficulties which are inherent in its position and character ; but in leaning on support for us our present co-operation ought not to be an isolated act, but the first step which we shall take in a new system. It is absolutely necessary, even while treating Spain as a perfectly indepen dent State, to retain her many years under our guardian ship. It is only by such a proceeding that she shall be enabled to undertake a real reform in her laws and her morals—to effect a calm in the violent passions which fer ment in her bosom—and to prepare for herself a future con dition of peace and prosperity." Such was the extract quoted by M. Guizot in the Chamber of Deputies from a despatch of M. de Reyneval. In the same way, if the British Government interfered it must have power in the Spanish Government for years, as the French Ambassador recommended to his Government. Who would deny that to effect internal peace, the operations of internal Govern ment were of great importance, and how could we hope to effect the one without taking part in the other ? The treaty, in fact, imposed on the Government here the necessity of taking a very distinguished part in the internal Government of Spain if we hoped to ren der it effectual.—(Hear, hear.) To the Government here were already to be attributed much of what had lately occurred in Spain. To their charge were to be placed the confiscations of the Church property, and the driving abroad of the inhabitants of the religious houses, perhaps to desti- , tution and death. Would this wise measure be acknow- ledged by Noble Lords opposite ? The Government were attempting an object perfectly unattainable, and he might . _ . add, perfectly unprecedented, in history. It was true We had interfered formerly in the pacification of Greece. We had drawn an imaginary line, and said, " You shall not pass it, or if you do, we shall drive you back." The same plan was pursued with respect to Holland and Belgium, not that the dispute between these two countries was settled—far from it, it remained exactly in the same state as before. But here, also, the Government drew an imaginary line, and said, " If you pass it a single step, we will at once at tack you." In the affairs of Spain, however, the case was . . . different, for there was no dispute about the boundaries ; the object in view was solely to expel an individual. With respect to the object of the Quadruple Treaty, he denied that it was therein stated to be the expulsion of Don Car los. It had been hinted that it was now become necessary to form a sort of union of the Southern nations against the Northern powers. But if this was the object of the Govern ment—if they alleged this most important result as the aim of their present designs and operations—why entrust the attainment of that object to so small a force as four hundred of the Marines?—(Hear.) 'Why not, in taking a course so materially affecting all the great political inte rests of Europe, proceed at once boldly and openly ?-- (Hear.) He would say—" Spread wide your banner ! Assemble us all under it. Let us at least have the glories of war, but do not deprive us of the securities of peace." —(Hear, hear.) If it was necessary to form that sort of union against those Powers (and let not Noble Lords for get that we were now in close alliance with them) (et it not be done in this dastardly, underhanded manner. If that course was resolved on, let the mode of proceeding be con sonant to the magnitude of the object to be attained. But the course now pursued by the Government was of that nondescript and unsatisfactory kind that it was equally blamed, though perhaps on varying grounds, by persons of all political parties.—(Cries of " Hear.") And then the No ble Lord really showed himself most ungrateful for the for bearance of the friends of the cause of Don Carlos. It ought to be borne in mind that the right of Don Carlos as opposed to that of the Queen, was at le,;st a matter of doubt—that the law of succession under which that Prince claimed had stood the test of centuries, and that it had only been shaken by that act of his late brother as to the legality of which men entertained conflicting opinions —and that it was, therefore, clearly the right of any independent State to acknowledge Don Carlos as the Monarch of Spain if it thought fit—that each of those States was as free to afford aid to Don Carlos as we were to afford it to the Sovereign de facto. It should, moreover, not be forgotten, that if any towards us existed among those Northern Powers, it had been almost solely caused by this treaty now under discussion. Ile (Lord Aberdeen) was far from stating that circumstances might not arise in which it would be desirable to adopt a more decided course of foreign policy than that which had been acted on by the present Government ; though he was equally far from thinking that such an oc casion would be likely to arise, or that it would be desir" able should it so arise. But here we had made ourselves auxiliaries in a war in which not only we had no interest , in which it was not pretended that our safety or the safety of Spain was in the least concerned—a war of a disgrace' ful and brutalising character, almost unparalleled in Chris. tian annals. No war, in his opinion, was justifiable, ei" cept either a war immediately in self-defence, or one in which the interests were of such magnitude as to fairly bring it under that description.—( Hear, hear.) Now be (Lord Aberdeen) would not affect to be more squeamish than others in the matter of warfare ; but he must say that for us to make ourselves auxiliaries in a war of so bru talising a kind was incurring a heavy responsibility. Then let the Noble Lords opposite pause and consider—let them weigh well the advice given them—let them at once aban don their line of policy, and restore the contest to the state in which they found it.—(Cheers.) What was the public feeling ? He did not allude to the manifestation made in the course of an important discussion in another place, where the policy of the Government had been sanctioned by a majority which might be satisfactory or might not (for some of those who composed it had not attempted to dis guise their opinions ;) but he asked the Noble Lord who"' ther there was not in all classes a feeling of disgust at o ur being in any way connected with a contest of this descrir tion, for the attainment of an object which could not in the least degree add to the honour of the country ? There could be no doubt as to the state of public opinion. The Earl of MINTO said that he rose to answer the appeal which had been made to him by the Noble Dude* The Noble Lord had spoken of the British force in Spa' s under Lord John Hay being nominally under that Noble Lord's command, but being virtually under Gen. Evans O r the Queen's officers ; and the Noble Lord asked what as surance had we, looking to the conduct of th e Q u een 0 ' Spain's party, that our Marines might not be exposed t ° the same fatal calamity which had befallen the t roo p s of th e British Auxiliary Legion. Now he was very anxious i t . ; state, in the first place, that the King's force s u n d e r Lot John Hay never had been, in the slightest deg r e e , e ither' directly or indirectly, under the authority of a Span's.ll officer ; that Lord Hay acted entirely on his own re sponor bility, and he had every assurance that such had recently been the case. With regard to the assurances which 118 might have as to the degree of risk to which these Pe r sons might be exposed, in co-operating with the are. of General Evans, the assurance he felt was, that_ ,t n , i t force was under the command of one of the best and alxl e 'a officers of the navy ; and upon that gallant, prudent, 01 4 able officer, their Lordships' House and the country trig firmly rely.—( Hear.) But the Noble Duke had read passage from a letter of a Noble Lord (Lord Ranelreri; in which he intimated that the British squadron in 13ab n o river kept up•the character of neutrals, whilst they 14 ; e be actively co-operating with the forces of Spain. He k t be Earl of Minto) thanked the Noble Duke for giving bite' t r a opportunity of setting the House right ; and he was It o the Noble Duke would feel rejoiced when he told him tP there was no foundation for this statement. The ICl a g o , forces in Bilboa river acted openly as belligerents , ' ric operating with the Queen of Spain's troops. The conv,„_ e er , in the vicinity of the river was first fortified and tai li a wards garrisoned by the troops under Lord John Hay , 13 _ 0 they kept up a daily fire. Our vessels in the river n o frequently exposed to the fire of the Carlists, as were °x boats which carried British colours which were realijor communications. There was no foundation for the the picion that those officers who were employed la 110 4, King ben4 's ships would shelter themselves under a nentrt io v On the contrary, they appeared there as open 01 rents. Another point to which the Noble Earl wh o s( _D last addressed their Lordships had thought proper to eird their Lordships' attention was the excessive ano n : t he marines which had been attached to the body comPe elnb the crews of these ships. It was, and always bad bee n i oy ed invariable rule that the number of marines to be en 3 P' to re in any squadron or fleet was taken according to the 0 0 01 of the service. So far was this from being an 'T oe course, that he believed there was hardly ever tit . t ro which a force was likely to be employed in a pee e ', o ber dertaking of this nature in which an extraordinarY t hou' of Marines were not employed. He could mention . bg sands of instances in which this had been done, but would not fatigue their Lordships by detailing theniti•der had been done in the case of Algiers ; but thefbr e . e iera ble' the command of Lord John Hay was more con si _u re w ere_ perhaps, than some Noble Lords imagined. The (us we understood) two divisions of the fleet, se veral e aeesi of war, &c., being engaged. Therefore, if it sve_.'oula t o o sary to show the amount of marines employed , it it ' t be found so disproportionate as Noble Lords bell% ‘ , ke y be. He wished to put the matter on another foot.' t 0 in all cases where services of this description vcri.ea't executed it was always the practice to attach wbitea with not be called a land force, but a large force COm a body of Sappers and Miners. 'r or lit ships, but in so low a tone of voice, that ma i n Tie r,,. tb , Viscount MELBOURNE rose to address their pry liminary observations were inaudible in the 6 ' 41 _ 1 o 'de, e j reference to some obstrvations which had Noble Viscount said he believed that almost ee energy /7, prince owed the crown which he wore to the must *Jo interposition of the British Government. d stoo rn ent r that he did not think the British Govern war o o _ ce , high in its character since the termination of ass ist"_, o conclusion of the peace, when its services . 4) 1. hea r re. I were required. But he was a little surprised_ t f that things which had been stated in the course o be e v u er - e re': A