The Sun. — London, England, 1846-02-24 00:00:00

... ............ •••• )out th• se f been laid cuinstayees ted. not perm:led it it, if. be cur ed to thern. Ireland so iespite such wn without se of Re' 'ed before give be of 1 ,! 1 oecauttee Ine, of inds Whar - 0 1 nl such Is .41 had been cin forward orng fortable country .to u ld effect its they cold few.S ° of, ;1 0% O d r 0 8 11 % A 0 1311" IsViaimsn went euanr7tnoavrrinnd, .—___ itrlsonrnehien.g)side, and Coltness Railway (Improve- Railway iliathgate and Jawcraig Branches). .Wishavr and Gthness Railway (Greenhill Branch). Wihontown, Aforningstde, and Coltness Railway (Knowton liran‘h). bbEdinburß gh and N orthern Railway (Pettycur and Perth Har our kn ranches an d D eviations). burgh and Northern Railway (Branches from the Dundee Z„ .and Arbr oat h Railway and Tay Ferry Improvement). iinb ur noergh and N ort h ern Railway (Strathearn Deviation). tensio ns)gh . and Northern R a il way (Lochgelly and Leslie Ex , 'r4lltibugh and Norther n R a il way (Kinross, Woodmill, and tiswburgh Branches). °b urgh and Northern Railway (Newport and St. Andrew's t Branch) pa neashire• and 'Yorkshire North Eastern Railway. hired Aila Crieff Direct Railway. I:7, Bridg e of Weir, and Port Glasgow Junction Railway. I,v,.oonrte.hos_n‘i,erisciternroyßdsoiniwßaya.ilway (Thames Junction Branch). tint Helen's Canal and Railway. A i r d , and West Yorkshire Junction Railway. L'arld Railway (Syston to Peterborough Deviations and ~,, ruches). i:outh Midland Railway (Northampton an4'Bedford Lines). t.,410n and Birnaingham Railway (Newpiar't Pagnell Branch) n . t and Birmingham Railway (Saint Alban's and L o t o , ranch). \';l:aelp,tenhani and Oxford Railway. W„,?°,.v Dumfries, and Carlisle Railway. Leti'd`o°lll Nirtland Junction Railway . ntith N' • ° nnalow, and Western Railway, c.buter'l„idland Railway (Huntingdon . Branch). tio t ,, h ;., sopshatn, and Exmouth Railway. . ~tith fastern Railway (Tunbridge Wells to Hastings and Rye). So uth f;',tern Railway ( Branch from Reigate to Dorking) te . r.. s (nith e t ern Railway (Maidstone to Strood near Roches ) soulh ~astern hallway (from Canterbury to Dover). nt h 'a'tertl Railway (from Chislet to Margate)._ Gri, astern Railway (from the Godstone stat ion to East 4 th yead). tla,gotwast:rn Railvvay (Rye to Rye Harbour). , a t isley, Kilmarnock, and Ayr Railway Amendment Cl asr.,,,: ar phes (No. 1). '4 11' )aisleY, Kilmarnock, and Ayr Railway Amendment Cje,ge ranches (No. 2). k 1 41 ' II' PaisleY, Kilmarnock and Ayr Railway Amendment 4orfeik "„annhes (No. 3), ' ` gi rth nri tirallway Extension (Dereham, Wells, and Blakeney). , British Railway and Branches (No. 1). ''arth British Railway 2 Hawiek Branches). k t•th )3 13 ; i i t t i i c s,h F.ailwaY (N o. 3- - Carlisle Extension). liks4,' ru niwaY (No. 4—Gretna Branch). [ kr, t ,' JON GAS-LIGHT AND COA.h BILL.. I, e 0 '"0 NER opposed the second reading of this Bill, on „N ei _ L'iaiki t ha t rul that one gas company already existed in the town, n'sa t , u _lt was incompatible with the convenience of the inha nv "tb`uat‘.another.. company should be allowed to be formed. '' th y I'M _objection he entertained towrds _this r ß u ill ;!i , le ` they wished thc House to recognise fi the in p i 0 se a• ree rtlea t, 4 " w i n.Z a Bill through Committee, c onfirming la t n s :*l,„joils ithout the House knowing f '' h ‘.. r . any He contended that they ough t 3 to m k p n a o n w y ' . N. A: e _ Power ought to be giventhi U drat —.Jar as he knew Bilston was served with gas in the c le . ttatju onl .• - 1 thtet, teal manner. The old Company 41 th t "411nder the Registration Act for neatl twelv h e ad months, been te 'h :ilt e 7 ,. w kn a e2v , that when a Company of such an extensive th arr e d , . loraned there were certain necessary expenses e Y iiin'' 1 " () %v, if they passed this Bill, by one of its clauses t P 4 4 . 4 Y to l ; . (1 the liabilities of the shareholders in the elder com- L c , th e Per share. He (Mr. Spooner) did not know whe ,-4'ady 4 ; re ciunt so limite d would be su ffi cient to pay the debts . whe t dteetred. He thoug ht that the public creditor ilee.- (4 er a . t le k t have had notice of this alteration of the . star -I cei,° give ll, fl • was not aware however . that such notice had e,, , et wa 'Alt there was another objection which he con e7d. Tk ev en more form idable than those he had enume to'at a l 107 Board oef Trade had always laid it down as a rule Q ° l. pt7.e Works like these the pro fi ts should be limited Clan,' te nt He understood that the Bilston Gas 4 -ta 1 . stip i• . • • - - the very lowest price, te ey, 6, P led tne inhflntants at . . 44t atle • Per 1,0 00 etibic feet ; 'and, looking into l tbe tsiti'leost;ththe.thought that the House would be justified in lli k ',Pr a mt . t s Bill. It would even be a Waving of expe nse read Y l :fx -- ` r s• He should, therefore, move that it e bilk Atll)oeths. i), ep,' l , Z, in a few words, which were inaudible in the 4§ ; ..0 rd i''"fled the 1.1 n M ber's motion. litl4ltn-;iOtIESTRE n hOped eni the House would adopt 'the Pett it ' VIL Lw that the Bill be then read . a second time. r, it 'h h k i b''''RS, in reply, said that it was untree that no ev e , - l'etiti a „ ,!en presented to the House in favour of . the Bill, l'sla ,Y hou: L u ad been presented the other evening, signed by Ihe I,7eunlder f 8 . 1 ton praying the House o %aet4lber (I,_l*--(Criens of ‘:llear hear.") The Honourable 11 1 „e b Ir. S ( rope) had said that the rice of as in (4 let was,°ltrhood was 63 per thousand cubic- feet. Now, te tt 'at, h, t h, at the lowest . price was 83. per thousand feet.— kil t he e- :' ) There were 22,000 inhabitants in Bilston, 1 111 ) , kid ti,: e re all unanimously in favour of the present NC e oa -Y stated in th • rtition that at present they lay talerable disadva ntage in consequence of the Gas tl,. l4 ltu le i A 4r .°ll ' AIe NS ,, ° N uite concurred in all the expressions . of i tt 'l Y h nni.d al uar wh q o had last addressed the House. He sin ji? thVa'wtiltlrat the House would allow the Bill to be read a th e tTliottout the least delay.—( Hear. ) , li, l l - ) 4Q abit a ' I EL Y supported the Bill. It was not fair Bs that er , ti L. feet : 0 ; 44 DI Bilston should be compelled to t ° t Poof gas, when in Wolverhampton it was butt a s y .6 d d ., e T e nd tz et i; Naa' w here he • led 4s. 6d., and about to be re_ u q),p i t ' tl i° . % 0-finthgrthet every resli gas , .conFumer in the town, with t he Iky 1 , 4 th e b e e, had signed in favour of the Bill, it would be 141t,?.tatwi,4:. ?In: t4wL aEntvir t Utj lilouse to reject it. 4 I N ld 6 a. e a o t f -o ß p i i i n st i n on n. that Th an e oth in e h r ab G it a a s nt C s orn al ; OtPPly t ee held o P: I ,ooo h feet, not cu S in s p . a a n s y st w at a e s d t ; he an p d ru th m e is o e n t y u te eta at , b y t e new h is t a t e a, • 4tcNarit,,words from Mr. MORRISON, the amendment I:6 4 „,titi le ' e . 4 without a division, and the Bill was read a A t% ,D, h AN D - BRIGHTON (WANDSWORTH . tier. 'l'ol4, B RANCH) RAILWAY. L', 4 4, e RING 44 41 :e ' Pra present e d a pet i t i on f rom the opponents of 11 Ying for l eave to b e heard against the Dill LEA l ' r s '. COLLE,IISH MIDLAND • RAILWA Y. ts. '8 presented a petition in favour of this al ll4, "ttliTitsv.o'r NORTHERN RAILWAY. _ AI: - 'the . ~ Presented a petition from Montrose in favour 4 ,N .114 4 4 :\j' p 11 4 ''' 11 0 -411 MAN p resented a petition in favour of the I : ll ` t e r e r sed bY berMajesty's Government. (The name L tq',. J . (), I&°4l„%hich it came was inaudible.) ' °I pe,`"NELL presented a petition, signed by a large - k ' ll in Lancashire, in favour of the Ten Hears' 4 tl,„r. ti t. 7, i f 41, eie,,,,, tt,t,44l4ll),:heieshwiti:.4 tphree;ented a petition from the shipowners of expressed their dissent front the peti 4nyreY her rAol:ners of London, against the measure pro- Nti ?Pop o Jestra Government, and begged that the 4 e n t.f ' e d by Sir R. Peel and now under the con the lio • h ' • 1 t'itl'er b use, mig_t pass into a aw. leki,.. CORN -LAWS. i. , 11 1 * °4l ( l ''' SON presented a petition praying that this 4 I.li not bd t . at th Pass the present Government measure, and NlAir ti0,, 1 . e b urden s on sericulture should be relieved by ,4:l,llistleie,o,nie-tas. - ° 4 ,, j ost th'''lGH presented several petitions from Corn- O+V I , t,e present Government measure. r "! or'-. Presented a petition from. Bingley, in Norfolk, .t,der.f. iikreral of the corn-laws. i4 Y gait ' , ES°N presented eleven petitions from Lon , E N -t any alteration in ',:tie corn-laws. vN BARcyIIOLMENT OF THE MILITIA. 'th, by ILAY present'ed a petition from _ Sunderland, k ibili c ou inhabitanta of that town, against the enrol nt Ille 11 j S. . ' lo, a. N b ~A .Wpi p p Present e d ted apetition from Rochdale, °the inhisk.itants of that a lso p etitions from vt.. r plac e . 111/ Tcp , 3to th e unte freet t . own ; ...rILL also 1 'll.'llrotTHE CHARTIST a petition to the same ' 4 , 7 ITT CO NVICTS. 4NZko , t re . presented a petition praying for a mitiga- Mainder of the sentence passeslon Frost, Williams, Cc_, tip Op MOTIONS.— WEST RIDING UNION ri lk t i N`c ITT . RAILWAY. '". 4 ,. e f th. l aid•-... Sir, an error having occurred in the 1. 44 , 01 1 t " Select Committee on Standing Orders, it is my kl 4 •T tt : a tn ,, l " to move that so much of the report of the ‘i',.. '- 'kt "'' Stand' pre sented on Friday last, 't 4 7 1 t , lug Orders, ' t -sel. e° t he petition for leave to bring in the t t r.s- t ie, n at thunion Railway B ill be annulled, and that Illa t e West Riding Union Bill would be brought 4 ), "I ' AIE .the AIThovTROPOLITAN PRISONS. • 1 44 i te" Zave notice that on an early day he should 1 1 4% 1 ef ° ,f the House to the state of the prisons under , pitlt . ‘. ,1 ; City of London. ~ 4 kt t4triptAlliplßS OF GREECE. 1 te i) he wished to ask the Right Hon. Gentle ,iditt t k 44 of the ' Greek 1 c e ,, kl Paid e Government whether theGo to se.. the interest upon the loan granted l iii Y ° IV Y? Al ', -li er i e l eti ob, ~‘ i s° whether the Right Hon. Gentleman . ~ , . ..e ; :t ~,4 ,e eil to ' - ir 'ay on the table a copy of the dispatch of e Edmundli Lyons, in which t - a (:, t !ls mu, n'tquired. Itil•payment I f lo h n. Otitb Tort ""her he hade also .wished to ask . • Rig ht . . pki t , t i , th at th received any official communication .I t 4 f t , b een * re,tent mails in passing the Isthmus of 4 IN tit t ,. tie attacked by banditti the letters torn out, and 611 l lou s qr° Yed; and whether' those addressed to Sir . t i i' l h eti blaead been torn up, while those addressed to „ , t t tid s ti tllT 7, l 4Pared? ~I'tee'llt,„. Shoul d -c-EL. said th e i nterest on the loan had not ' , it IR, provisi be made for it by the Greek '., l l 4t et aera,t W°01 (1 be their Zty d rthe convention of the :',. t ; I , t r i e t r i illreake there quisite provision uee for the payment of ', 4 Nf I Y t o 41Pee'ttlezt theayment would take place in a short pe to,to igi th e queto. last dispatches upon that subject, and C r tii, ye stinns of the Hon. Member, he was pre -1 h o g 4 1 " othe r i 'k had e et, repiy, and with respect to the report ;s,,', Sir -PP'ge of the courier, the only information t.:ol,_eoue tdten received was contained in a letter ii . ,,,T th lle % l :r f had" bLyons. From that they learnt that 4 pat i th e a "t 1 !topped with the letters and k ilt' NI 'll, dOf September, that all the t i .th , tlii had , and Crtlr ti *ld Ito beue,en opened and their contents rifled. He ' 1 41 44 . ,.,1 ) 11 , ° t beeritne agency of banditti. The only letter Ot t ` 4 t o " 4 G-r_°l)e.ned appeared to be a communication A the ( 1 , v 'rat, ; 1, chief of the name of Rallish to the Greek itt, th All these letters had been opened, he i, fir tea tifespe:uPre.Ctation that they contained money, and 'N. o i t l i IN, 'Ni t i leg It, t;' 1 1)4 4 1. l'illS w•INnIAN CONFLICT. :N 1 ‘la,,jest..,Bllh to ask the Right Hon. Baronet at the t ,N ~°4loe . we'iL, Government some questions respecting 0 t tl l, l ‘ ;9ii et '4, ir was lately said to have been received ( IN, ttthat p ght . Ho*. Baronet must be aware of the ttiketti:ripett, erefor:evailed on the subject, and be would beg L 4: a l toi ll th e e s b„ ,„whether the Government had received pq,pap.itlforfnatjlee last East India mail? Secondly, ti'hDttl )ii lit ‘ ,7! w a , ,11 Nihieh Lad been published by the :.tb. p % 9ich ha s austantially correct ? Thirdly, whether it , 1 7 . i c e d .. _ c, i t ill, en e. b r e: u received, if there were any, would ',. e ' i . ts , d ce , x ,t_ .n Gazette to-morrow morning, and , i t tite iiitegio h av g e " t a• a % e returns of all the casualties which , ' 411 .1) 01 ke 7 . t .° be theffect during the battles ? Lastly, , i, Ik. 4,14 1,,, ; • of the circumstances which had I,,Pkt e lts 4 'A.. ws f. , - , ti l) 04 4 %. p ri "' I.cite read t • Ot t '% 11: had e en eithati htk ; ° Fciva an answer to . the (pes o,. o t tilt, the h imself se r e m n ation had been received. The fMtle,,!A th e 2 , 1 th e Go ._ o , r bt / t he had received a letter 11;11Noeli, ,4„;atelbei.as'Tnrnth-Lieneral ; and from that he i l ' 1 47, ell f,2 substantially e Papers' so far as the facts I s s 4N . b ni t, to e , r ettel u t t n ' a nd that a g . r c e o a rle v 9t . , so far as that , a great kk i ). ~.o t. ~. i/ew...., state not beenl 't a o m th ci e . 414.41 1 , P7sl esa... , er, t h e ~. „es serious loss ~'d i 4 ' II SIAt . ,; - :q Would h_" 4l t information which the Without serious t lel, tri ,tries w ere " n ' o :' b ve? - 1 to the public without i44..ti)C()NPllk4l%lCcitette at theeingl•copied, and would be Nth liktroeet N . r.. , L t c w k iii 8 t. , or l e l vi E a il l sr )o l ;s .. ible moment. hi tt i ~,,I t , the ha l ted to ask the questions of the Right ' s ' Oa n otice ' , of her Ma'esty's Government of I "'Poe ting tie municipal and olec- THE SUN . ),_.ON. h O IN:i,.._. it tive franchise of Ireland ; as also whether it was his intention to bring in any Bill ors the part of the Government for affording compensation to the tenantry of Ireland for any improvements which they had effected on the lands in their occupation, in the eVeht of their being put out of possession. The. letters were these-Ist. Whether it be the intention of her Majesty's Government to bring in any Bill, during the present session, to enable the saints proportion, as nearly as can be, of the people of Ireland to enjoy the elec tive franchise with the comparative proportion of the population of England enjoying that franchise? 2nd. Whether it be the intention of her Majesty's Government to bring in any Bill, during the present session, to enable the people of Ireland to return a just and an adequate number of representatives to this House? 3rd. Whether it be the inten tion of her Majesty's Government to bring in any Bill, during the present session, to equalise the franchise and powers in the Municipal Reform Act for Ireland with the same franchises and powers conceded by the Municipal Reform Act of England to the English Corporations ? 4th. Whether it be the inten tion of Her Majesty's Gnvernment to bring in any Bill, during the present session, to give to tenants in Ireland adequate and full compensation for improvements made upon their lands during the tenantcy ? Sir R. PEEL was quite ready to give as full a reply as he was able, to the questions of the lion. and Learned Gentleman. And in answer to his first question, he must beg to observe that it was the intention of her Majesty's Govern ment to give precedence to the measures of the most pressing importance which were now before the House. Those measures had a large reference to the commercial interests of the country ; and the Government, therefore, felt that it was a paramount duty to bring them to a conclusion without interfering with their progress by the introduction of any other measure iniss the House. There were, then, other measures of importance which concerned the financial concerns of the country. These being disposed of, he had no hesitation in saying that it was the intention of her Ma jesty's Government to introduce measures upon the points to which the Noble and Learned Gentleman had referred. In reply to the first of these inquiries, it had been decided.that Ireland was entitled to the same extent of elective franchise, in proportion to its inhabitants and means, as England. That it was intended to assimilate the municipal franchise with that of England, and that it was but just, in their opinion, to give the tenants of land sufficient compensation for the capital which they might have expended in the improvement of their holding. He would state nothing more with regard to the precise nature of the measures which the Government contemplated. And he thought it would be unfair to press him further on that point. (Cheers. ) The next case occurs in the county of Roscommon, and it is communicated by the manager of the National Ba nk in that town, who was a person not calculated to have excited the animosity of the labouring classes. He states that his mother resides a short way out of the town of Roscommon, and that on the 7th of January last her house was entered between eight and nine at night by a body of armed men, and she was forced upon her knees to take an oath that she would discharge her bog-herd, and appointed to his place another person whom they named. The gentleman who communicated this case was Mr. B. G. Irvin ; and he added that the acts of these lawless bands had thrown all the peaceful inhabitants of the district into a state of the utmos alarm. Mr. O'CONNELL desired to know whether the Govern ment would have any objection to lay on the table of the House a copy or the correspondence passed between the Lord Lieu tenant of Ireland and the inhabitants of Westmeath respecting the case of Brian Seery ? Sir J. GRAHAM, who was indistinctly heard, was under stood to say that the Government would have no objection. There had been ~h address to the Lord Lieutenant praying that the law might take its course ; he regretted deeply such an unusual proceeding.—( Hear.) But that interference had no effect in deciding the intentions of the Executive, which were founded on a most careful investigation of the entire of the evidence.—( Hear, hear.) With re s p ec t t o th e thi r d por tion of the H in. Gentleman's question, namely, whether there be any instance in England, for the last century, of any person being tried for any capital felony, by a second jury, after the first jury was discharged by the court, at the same session of assizes, and convicted and executed ; and if so, state the time, place, and name of the individual. He would excuse him if he were not sufficiently versed in the practice of the law, but in the year 1794, at the summer assizes at York, there was a man tried for murder before Mr. Justice Lawrence, and the first jury having disagreed, he or dered a second to be sworn, who convicted the prisoner; and, notwithstanding a representation to the Home Secretary, the law was allowed to take its course* The judge in that case had not summed up, because one of the jury had been taken ill, and that jury was discharged and another jury sworn, who convicted the prisoner. A case had also occurred on the Midland Circuit recently, before Mr. Justice Coltman. The prisoner was a female in that case, named Hannah Jarvis, who was indicted for murder. The jury could come to no decision at that, the spring assizes, but at the following the summer assizes the prisoner was again p u t upon her trial up o n th e same indictment, and she, was acquitted ; bat he cited this as a case i n w hi c h t h e principle mentioned by the Hors. Member was acted upon. The point had also been solemnly argued before the Lord Chief Baron and Baron Brady, and decided by them. It arose out of a case in which Baron Brady had passed sentence of death upon a prisoner, and upon the case being referred to th e L or d Li eutenant, and by him to the judge, it was decided that the law should take its course. Mr. O'CONNELL Ras aware that some cases had been de cided in Ireland somewhat similar to those mentioned by the Right Hon. Baronet, such for instance as the celebrated case of the Doneraile conspiracy ; but in that case all that was known was that Baron Penefather, who was the first criminal judge in Ireland, had given an opinion, but the opinion itself was not known. Lord JOHN RUSSELL was glad to hear from the Right Hon. Baronet opposite, that he was about to introduce mea. sures for the better administration of the elective and municipal franchise in Ireland, as well as with reference to the tenant interest in that country; but he would wish to know whether those measures would be introduced before a measure of another character, affecting Ireland, about to be introduced in the other House of Parliament, should come before that House. Sir ROBERT PEEL.—I would rather not answer that question. ____ Employment had been acknowledged ors all hands to be, one of the most efficacious means of relieving,tjle,initery diStress that prevailed in Ir e l a p4 and fie (the Hon. Member) had fondly looked forwAtil to the improvement of land as a means e'f intFeasing employment, when prosperity would be certain to increase in proportion as distress diminished, and so would the people of Ireland be vastly benefited.—( Hear, bear.) But if the measure of the Ri g ht lion. Gentleman should be carried, could any person expect or suppose that the landlords would lay out their capital with the certainty of loss staring them in the face ?—( Hear, hear.) Could the tenant afford to reclaim the bog and sow it with corn, so as to compete in the market with the foreigner, who had the advantages OF climate and land in a superior state of cultivation'—( Hear, hear.) No; the bog would remain barrels> iha the hill-side would continue to grow nothing but heather ; and one of the chief channels of employment would thus be blocked up. He felt strongly on the question, both for the sake of the agriculturist and manufacturer. In the north of Ireland the hand-loom weaver was often a farmer ; and under the present system of protection, in one small town 18,0001. worth of linen was sold at the weekly market ; but should the present measure pass, trade would be destroyed, and the agriculture of the country would be shut out by means of foreign competition. He protested against the measure as being an unnecessary, a hazardous, and a revolutionary scheme.—( Hear, hear.) No doubt the mea sure would have the effect of stimulating the advocates for repeal of the union to increased exertions. They would say to the farmer, " England has deprived yon of th e advantage which her markets have hitherto given for the sale of your corn, butter, beef, and pork—your occupation is gone, and you are in no better position than the foreign trader, and can you now refuse to cry, huzza for the repeal of the union ?" He would again implore the Howe to pause before it placed so dangerous a weapon in the hand of designing agitators. He confessed that it was with feelings of apprehension and alarm, that he looked forward to the proba bility of this measure passing into a law, the consequence of which it was impossible to foresee. It might be the fore shadowing of another revolution which would affect things of a more vital interest, and lead to the destruction of all for which we once prized the English constitution. He would not take up the time of the House by alluding at length to the smallness of the compensation which had been given to Ireland, he should only state one fact, which was, that in Lon donderry the average charge for the police force for the last three years was 2,2171. 103. 5•1., which was a very small fraction above Id. per acre. If the Government had intended to relieve Ireland, why not forego the repayment of the loan for the erection of workhouses in that country ?—that would have been considered a real boon. At present the only persons that would be benefited by the compensation would be the midnight legislators, who requires large police force. He asked the House if it would sanction by its deliberate decision— would the House declare that there was to be a new faith for its Members—were its Members to become weather cocks, veering about at every breath of popular opinion, to point out the quarter from which the blast of agitation was strongest? He should still abide by the old war-cry of the country, "No sur render But, however, let him give them this warning, that while they were advancing the doctrines of free -trade, they did net injure the very cense which they most desired to serve; that whilst they were urging proceeding on the impulse of this age, and endeavouring to go onwards, ,let them take care that whilst their progress was onwards, it was not at the same time downwards. Now, let him ask the Right Hon. Baronet whether, in the concoction of this comprehensive measure he provided for the contingency—for he was bound to provide for all contingencies—if he had provided for contingency that in the event of its proving by dear bought experience that his measure had failed—that in the event of these acres which he was now throwing out of cultivation remaining untitled, supplies from abroad failing, the industry of the great manufacturing districts being paralysed, and famine and want staring that in dustrious community in the face, he begged to ask the Right Honourable Baronet whether, in the event of such a contin gency as that, he had made any provision for retracing his steps, and restoring the country to prosperity and abundance— " Facilis descensus avemi, sed revocare gradum hic labor est." Mr. MONTAGUE GORE was anxious to justify the vote which he was about to give, and the opinions which he now entertained of the subject before the House ; and he was anxious to do this for the respect he entertained for a great party within the House, and also for a great party out of doors. In doing this, he must beg to remind the Hon. Gentleman who had just sat down, that if there was a consistency which was a great and noble quality, and which he hoped would always be met with in this country, there was also another species, of which obstinacy and self-interest were ingredients. When Hon. Gentlemen talked about changes of opinion, he could convince th em th a t i n every great question whichhad agitated this country there had been great changes of opinion. On that great question of the corn-laws a great change of opinion had taken place in those who had in 1814 and 1815 maintained that any price below 90s. a quarter for wheat could not be remunerative. Mr. Huskisson, in 1814, was a strong advocate of protection mea sures ' • and yet, as every one k new , h e su b sequent l y de clared that the corn-laws could not be maintained. If it were an error to change, then were the public and'all parties guilty of the charge. He (Mr. Gore) would consider himself un worthy of a seat in that House—he would consider himself unworthy of taking part in any public debates—if, when con vinced of an error he did not come 'forward and manfully and frankly avow it. But he considered it a very material point that a question which distracted public councils to such an ex tent should have a settlement,' especially when no Injury could arise to any of the great public interests of the country from its being done.—(Hear, hear.) When they looked to their colonial possessions —their Indian empire—they must see how desirable it was to their interests that these measures should pass, and that energy should be impacted to the executive Government. He would not have voted in support of the Minister on the mere plea of the necessity of a settlement, if he were not eonvinced that these measures might ba passed without detriment to the public interests.-- ( Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Gentleman, the Secretary for the War Department, made use of a term which has been laid hold of in a sense which be did not mean it to signify ; he said, that the agriculturists were acting under a delusion— he meant under mistaken views. He (Mr. Gore) perfectly agreed with him in that opinion, for it was quite a delusion to consider that the country would be deluged with an inun dation of corn. He would just state the result of his inquiries oa this subject. According to Mr. Jacob's report in Dantzic the price of wheat averaged at forty shillings the quarter. They should then add freightage and the expenses of landing and lading. A friend of his stated that he paid 4s. Bd. for freightage, Is. 4d. for insurance, and 6s. 9d. for lading and lauding, in all 12s. 9d. Another gentleman of the highest respectability makes it 10s. At Odessa, in 1840, wheat averaged 345. per quarter. And he had been informed that for freightage it was usual to pay 8s 61., insurance Is. 4d., and lading 55., in all 14s. 10d. Another gentleman made the extra charges amount to 15s. With regard to capital being in those countries, or that they were progressing in agricultural improvement, he had only to say that those countries did not possess either capital or improved agriculture, because the facilities for conveyance were so few and bad that capital could not be vested there ; and labour was wanted there, because the present was of feudal tenure and the labourers were little better than serfs. In Odessa matters were not better than in Dantzic, because the roads were not only bad, but the corn was brought by bullocks, and they were so scarce that very little competition need be feared from that quar ter for many years. It had been said that an immense inundation of corn might be expected from America ; but there was a great want of capital in America also, and labour was very high there, and the cultivation of the land net good. (Me Hon. Member then read a speech delivered at Albany, by a member of an agricultural society, to show that the corn crops of that State were often defi cient, and did not in some years average twelve bushels an acre. In the course of the debate many allusions had been made as to what would be the remunerative price to a farmer; and he should then say that, in his opinion, a more difficult question could not be put, for if there existed a diversity of opinion en any question, the present was the very one.—(Hear, hear.) If they looked at the great im provement that had taken place in agriculture, they would find that a corresponding improvement had taken place hi manufactures. If they took the history of the country for many years past, they would find that, where an improvement took place in agriculture, a corres ponding rise took place in manufactures. This fact was evident in the year 1760, when manufactures began to rise in importance. Where large towns sprang up, and the population rapidly increased, the two branches were most flourishing, and his opinion on that point was backed by the best authorities. lie mentioned a remarkable circumstance regarding Spain. The Spanish people had pursued a system of restriction with respect to their colonies, and nothing but distress and disaster occurred. At last new counsels prevailed, and a better system was adopted. What was the consequence ? The colonies immediately flourished, and the people of Spain obtained great advantage from their improved con dition. This was in 1765. What was tht strongest feature of the case was, that Cadiz, which was the place most opposed to the change, was the principal places that was benefited by it. Another circumstance which he would refer to was the great im provement made by the formation of turnpike roads. When they were first talked of there was a great apprehension that they would be a serious loss to their land, but it was well known to what extent, as Adam Smith had shown, they had increased the value of those lands which it had been sup posed they would have injured. But he would new revert to the most important point which had been opened in this debate, viz., the way in which the measure would affect the condition of the poor. It had been asserted that with high prices there were always thought it and d oul h d e hi 411 wages. Such might be the case if the estimates were t o he 1 He each tli taken from long periods ; but he believed, that if the ti mes were great distress. illo ved taken when there had been periods of grea t s scarc j ty they had b al e wa b y et e ter pr to oT t e a d ke pe t r h io e ea d y se r f s as th e found that in 1795, when the harvest was deficient, that wheat had been 61. 6s. per quarter. In 1776, when the crop was better, it was 565. a deficient quarter. In 1797, the corn h a I been bad in quality, and in quantity ; it had risen considerabl I and the stock had been so kept down, that in 1799 wheat heel price, to 925. 7d. a quarter. I n 1800 , when the ham , t had beetriisen ex tremely bad, it was up as high as 105 s. per quarter. And In 1801,when the same harvest still continued deficient, it had risen tolo and bread was as high as 8s , Is. 10% d. the four-pound loaf. The corn law. had no advantage is those for whose benefit it had been established. It could not be possible to name a period in which greater fluctuation in prices had taken place than from 1814 down to the present time. He fully agreed in the sentiments expressed by the Right Non. Gentleman the Secretary at War. The corn-law had not worked so well as many lion. Gentle men supposed for -the welfare of the agriculturists. Let them consider how the shipping interest had been influenced by it. Nothing was so injurious to that interest as great fluctuation in prices. Under a corn-law they had sudden demand for foreign corn, which brought sudden demand for shipping. Freightage of course rese, and the shipowners got great profits, but the moment a variation in price took place, then the demand for shipping ceased, and a vet) , considerable loss was sustained. It should be the object of the Government, when they reflected on the poverty of their fellow-countrymen, to extend the means of supplying them with the necessaries of life, by permitting corn to be imported, not only from Europe, but America.—(Hear.) lie did not believe that it was by unduly swelling any one interest to an unnatural proportion that the well-being of the country could be secured, but by cordially assisting to make equal laws fur all, that the symmetry and vigour of the whole State' could be preserved. If the permanent prosperity of this country was desirable, it could only be decreed by equal laws. For these reasons, Sir, I shall support the measures of her Majesty's Government—believing, as I do, that they are based on principles of sound policy; and that they are calculated to promote the general interests of the empire. It is not by swelling into unhealthy, because unnatural proportion, any particular in terest, but by fostering the general well-being of the state, that the life-blood is best distributed to every member, and the symmetry and vigour of the whole preserved. I think that the true prosperity of agriculture must rest, not on the enactments of year statute-book, but on the energy and enterprise breathed into it by the spirit of your free institutions, and guarded by the fence of your equal laws. And if looking beyond the immediate precincts of this island I regard the remote countries and the distant nations to which British commerce extends— "The shores watered by her wealthy tides," if I view her diffusing comforts, kindling enterprise, stimulating in dustry, quickening into life the germs of social excellence, and seddin reil gf g a i r on a li dwiedaentnhoetin refrain vigora my t beams of civilisation, asseiato liberty, pure mea sures which, by giving further development to com merce, will diffuse such blessings to the human race. I ask you not to consent to this measure from any dread of popu lar agitation, or from any wish to keep in power a particular Ad ministration—l feel that such moth - es would be unworthy of us as Legislators, and as loyal English gentlemen; and while dissentinK from the judgment of Hon. Gentlemen who oppose these measures, I honour and admire their firmness. But I call on the House to come to a decision on this question with their hearts—to use the simple and elegant language of that prayer with which we ausplcate ear daily proceedings in this House—with our hearts free from " partial interests, prejudices, or private affections," and to 'give that vote which, by laying on durable foundations the future greatness and prosperity of this mighty empire, may conduce to the welfare o' the countless millions who are subject to its sway or dependent on its destinies. Mr. It. A. FITZGERALD said, that untd a recent period he had no intention of occupying a seat on the benches of that House, or troubling Hon. Gentlemen with his opinions. However, witnessing the awful visitation which it had pleased Providence to inflict on his country, and dreading the consequences that might follow, he thought it his bounden duty to attend there, and urge as far as his humble ability would allow him, to impress on the minds of her Ma jesty's Ministers the necessity of taking immediate steps to prevent the horrors consequent on pestilence in that important portion of the British Empire.—(Hear, hear.) It was with no small gratifi cation he had listened to the speech of the Right Hen. Baronet at the head of the Ministry the other night, and most cordially and warmly did he corroborate every statement made by him—most willingly did he concur in every opinion advanced by that Right Hon. Gentleman; aid most grateful did he feel, also, to the Right Hon. Gentleman the Secretary for the Home Department, for the anxiety ho had evinced in bringing forward measures for the pro motion and eneonragement of employment-- thus giving the people of Ireland it fi1e411.4 of providing food, of which they stood sO mucal THE ADJOURNED DEBATE. Mr. E. BULLER rose to open the adjourned debate, but, from the confusion that prevailed, owing to the number of Honourable Gentlemen who, at the moment, left the house, his remarks did net reach the gallery. He would briefly refer to the arguments used by the Hon. Member for Shrewsbury, with regard to the question then before the House. Those arguments consisted not d any new proposition, they were hackneyed statements always put forward by the protectionists, viz., that an excess of i m p or t a ti on wou ld lower the price of labour. The House would at once perceive that the arguments brought forward were merely old ones, which the talent of the Honourable Gentleman placed' in a brilliant light. He had sent forth a jackdaw in the plumage of the peacock. He ( Nlr. E. Buller) would endeavour to show that those arguments used by the Hon. Member were founded neither on a just principle nor on sound policy. The Hon. Member had said that England could vie with other countries. He told them to look at America, and see if there was any greafparty there founded on either class interest or politics that would advocate such a measure ss the one proposed by her Majesty's Government, or would they find any public man who would give it his countenance or support.—( Hear, hear.) The only way to induce foreign nations to adopt free trade was for this country to set them the example. If they were to show those nations the advantages that were to be derived from adopting free-trade principles, they would not be slow to follow our footsteps. He was one of those who believed that it was wise to fight hostile tariffs by free imports. The amount of imports from France, from the year 1833 to 1844, increased to 3,000,0351., whilst the exports of this' country to France advanced to 3,340,0001. On the other hand, every year proved the necessity of this measure. Instead of sending English gold to Russia to purchase Russian goods, which they would sell here to a disadvantage afterwards, they would have the advantage of being able to get those goods in exchange for English goods. He knew how much had been said upon this subject already, and therefore he did not intend to delay the House much longer.—( Hear, hear.) But the Honourable Member for Shrewsbury had warned the House not to pass this measure. Now he knew nothing of the arguments of the Honourable Member, but he had heard that the Honourable Member mentioned the Turkish empire in connexion with the question. He would say nothing• of the absurdity of comparing the two countries. One was a country pre-eminent for its commercial prosperity, while the other was one possessed of a people so proud and haughty as not to be able to appreciate the value of commercial enterprise, and who knew little or nothing of the steam-engine and power-loom. , ( E,lr T d h er e Hon. G en tl eman t h en quoted several passages from ati Sttarasffh,owPrtihm e eit Minister Aeso iof a the Grand Sult a n, in The greater the supply b ef food to the working classes the ) greater was the chance of elevating their moral and physical :ondition. A cheap and plentiful supply of food enabled the poor man to send his children to school and to give them a moral education. The Hon. Gentleman the Member for Shrews bury had been looked up to as the embodiment of a " great idea," and he (Mr. Buller) had listened with much anxiety and attention, on Friday night, expecting to hear the enunciation of some great principle to govern the new genera tion, and which was to shed light and happiness on the world. And what was it,that the Hon. Gentleman proposed ? why, to give a preponderance to the agricultural interest—to give power to one class. Now, he could not admit the prin ciples which had been propounded by the Hon. Member for Shrewsbury (Mr. Disraeli). If those principles were to be adopted nothing but confusion must arise. It was neither more nor less than saying that for the benefit of class interests the whole community must be distressed. The nee t t question was that which had been proposed by the Right Honourable Baronet First Lord of the Treasury. The great question was, whether protection was right or wrong, and what course they should adopt con cerning it. It appeared that the country was divided into two great parties—the moneyed and the industrial, he ought to say the agricultural interests. If they favoured one, they could not but injure the other. It was evident, therefore' th;t protection was either a delusion or a fraud. If they were to protect one at the expense of the ether, it was making the Sovereign of the country not the Sovereign of 'the people, but of a faction or a party. He could not see how the dis tinction was to be drivrn. They had been told that protection ought to be shown to the colonial interests. If such were to be the case exclusively, what reason would not they who have to do with foreign commerce have to com plain of the restrictions imposed by the duties on the articles in which they dealt ? It was, in fact, giving a benefit to one portion of the empire at the expense of the rest. In conclusion, he would thank the House for the attention they had bestowed on him, and he would merely state, that feel ing the necessity and importance of carrying the measure as , speedily as possible, he should give the Government his humble but most cordial support. They had, in circumstances of pecu liar difficulty, followed a course most eensistent with their own honour' and with their duty to their Sovereign.—( Hear. ) Captain BATESON observed, that during the whole of the protracted debate but one Irishman had spoken to the question, and he ,therefore, rose to state that he would give his most decided opposition to the proposed measures of the Government. He held in his hand an extract from a report by Mr. Leonard Falk ner, a Factory Commissioner, in 1845, in which he states that a vast number of accidents arise in consequence of the cogs of the wheels of the " throstle break" not being properly " boxed." The Hon. Member having concluded reading the extract, he said that the recommendations contained in the report for the amelioration of the condition of the working people in factories had particular reference to the factory of John Bright, Brothers, of Rochdale.—( Hear, hear.) And he would now leave it to the House to say whether the Honourable Member was sincere in his sympathies for the poor, whether his regrets for their condition were not feigned, and his philanthrophy spurious.—( Hear.) One word more in reference to that Hon. Member, and he had done with him. He had been asked what was the compara tive duration of human life in Wiltshire and Manchester, but he did not think proper to answer the question. But he ( Captain Bateson) could tell the House that in Wiltshire the average duration of human life was thirty-three years. while in Manchester it, was only seventeen. —( Hear, hear.) Having made these observations, he would now confine his remarks to his own unhappy country. No man regretted more than he did the failure of the potato crop in Ireland ; but would it not be a mockery to say that the people of Ireland , would be benefited by lowering the price of the agricul• tural prod'ece of a people, eleven-twelfths of whom depended upen it for support ?—( Hear, hear.) The Drainage Pill would be one which, under the fostering *aro of protection, would much beuefft Ireland. 'A‘ D-AY _E"trk N 1 .N G-, t'EllitUkft_Y _24, iB4 Ire in need. Fre regretted that both Right Hon. Gentlemen were ab sent, as he should feel a deep satisfaction in expressing to them the feelings by which he was then actuated. But though he felt that these measures would be proeuetive of great good, yet they were not of that comprehensive nature which the distress of the people of Ire land demanded. At the same time, he had hopes, from the opinions he had heard expressed by Hon. Gentlentel, tlifit flit ISiifes would be brought liSfleafd as fiirther evidences of the good inten tions of her Majesty's Ministers towards Ireland, and their wish to remedy the evils that afflicted that country.—(Hear, hear.) He was not going to answer the statements made by the Hon. Mem ber for Londonderry, with reg,ard,to manufeetures; es he confessed that he was better fiectiiiihited *ith tile details respecting land. Neithei was it his wish to notice the accusation made against Messrs. Bright and Co., as he had no doubt if that Hon. Member were in his place he would be able to answer everything satisfactorily. With regard to the measure now proposed, and the consideration of which had occupied the House for so many nights past, he would say that he fully concurred in its principles. He thought that the agricul turists ought to have time for preparation, as the speech of the Hon. Member for Durham had convinced him that any sudden change would be more injurious than beneficial. He regretted the calami ties that had recently occurred to Ireland, and he felt sure that what ever happened to that country would interest England; but he certainly did regret that the connexion between the nations had not been of a more cordial nature. He would take another opportunity of expressing his opinions on that subject. When the measure of the Right Honourable Baronet had been first spoken of, it had excited the greatest alarm, but only amongst his own constituents in Ireland. He thought that the measure was likely to be very disastrous, but the alarm was allevi ated by the statement, that in that part of the Empire compensation would be given for any injury sustained. There is no doubt that it would be needed, and they were quite ready to take them on either side.—(Hear, hear, and a laugh.) When the nature, however, of the measure was known, the whole of the alarm was im mediately dissipated; and the country, and he himself might say for his constituents especially, that they were prepared to give their whole support to the Government. Some Honourable Gentlemen were very much in the habit of talking of going forward in legislation at a railroad pace. Now, he had no ob jection to going forward, but, at tho same time, he should not like to go downwards.—(ilear.) A steady pace forwardly would be more for the advantage of this great empire. The position of the Irish station was between the two parties in that House. They conceived that their interests were generally opposed by the party on the Mi nisterial side, and they usually looked upon gentlemen on his (Mr. Fitzgerald's) side as friends. The Irish people were now placed in this dilemma.. They were befriended by those on whom they had been accustomed to look as enemies, and found their interests op posed by those whom they all along regarded as their friends. He felt satisfied that in the vote he should give he would receive the thanks of his constituents. He thought that the Right lion. Baronet at the head of the Government had evinced great moral courage in the part he had acted, and had shown himself worthy of that high position which lie occupied as the chief Minister of this great empire. —(Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Baronet, in the measure which he had brought forward, had considered the interests of the whole station, and had not sacrificed those Interests to the aggrandiseinent of a class.—(Hear, and cheers.) Captain LOCKHART, who was almost inaudible in the gallery, was understood to sny, that the products of this country required moderate protection, but that one article of produce was not entitled more than another to the exclusive advantages of protection. He was elected a Member of that House, to represent a numerous con stituency on protective prineipies.—(Hear, hear, from the protec tionists)—and had heard no new principle or argument brought for ward which would induce him to change his opinion.—(Hear.) He did not see that the House was to be called upon to repeal the corn-laws, in order to remove a temporary evil—a simple provision might surely ho found for a remedy, without disturbing and destroy ing the different great existing interests. It had been argued that the experience which had' been seen since 1843 furnished abundant reason for the abandonment of protection. He (Captain Lockhart) was of opinion, on the contrary, that :he effects of the measure of 1843 were a strong evidence in favour of the continuance of moderate protection. It had been presumed, that when Great Britain should set the example of free-trade, the whole world would simultaneously follow it. Such an idea was, however, purely chimerical, aad would not be relied on. The Hon and Gallant Member having briefly al:uded to the displacement of interests which would ensue in agri culture and commerce when the measure should come into full operation, proceeded to say that he had met with experienced farmers, who were of opinion that the effect of the Bill would be to throw much land out of cultivation. He would read a brief extract from a letter which he had received from a friend, a practical far mer, who was a great admirer of the Right Honourable Baronet at the head of the Government. "If," wrote his friend, " Sir Robert Peel succeeds in carrying his intended Corn Bill it win ruin this part of the country. The greater portion of our inferior land will be thrown out of cultivation, and the grass land will in a few years be come altogether useless." The measure opened up an alarming prospect for Great Britain. The policy which was now being pur sued was similar to that which ruined ancient Rome, and it was his sincere hope that it would no longer be followed up.—(Cheers.) Sir GEORGE CLERK, after what had fallen from Hon. Members around, would make a few observations. After the Bill had been so fully debated, he thought it would be useless for him further toparti cularise its merits; but he would confine himself simply to its de fence. It had been stated that the policy of the Government resolved itself into two heads, one of which was to provide for an emergency, and the other to construct a system. One Hon. Member bad said that it was to carry cut a new system of commercial policy. He (Sir George Cleik) would altogether deny that it was to carry out a new system of commercial policy. If his Right Hon. Friend carried out this measure, it would be merely a continuance o f th e principles which characterised the measure of 1842 1 or, to go further b ac k, commont i s e with principlesth e late h i w uskisson, in the year 1824 . Even at that period it had been stated that the Government had run w ild w i th the notion of free trade.—(Hear, hear, and a laugh.) He th oug ht that to follow the course of policy which had been pursued b y eh the Mr. H Right Hon. Gentleman en t ertained, in this country for the last twenty years could not be considered as constructing a novel system of policy. AS respected the emergency of the case, he wished be could consider it as only of a temporary nature.—(Hear, hear.) He would go a little further forward, with respect to the dreadful fate that awaited Ire land, than the present time. It must be borne in mind that potatoes will be wanted for the years 1847 and 1848 and 1849 as well as for the present year. The crop of the present year was se completely destroyed that it would be impossible to furnish seed sufficient for the next season. He had been informed in his own neighbourhood that this disease had never been known before to have reached so exten sive a height as at present The answer which had been made the other night to a question from the Hon. Member for Cockermouth with respect to this disease, would be a sufficient reply to the Honourable Gentleman who talked of this matter as a mere "temporary emergency." It was very much to be feared that this disease would not be confined to this year, but there was reason to apprehend that it would extend to the next and future years. It was not to be wondered at, that they did not get parties to agree on this subject of the potato rot, for it was very various in different districts of the country ; and as gentlemen received their informa tion, so they held their opinions and expressed them. But there was one test to which they might refer, as to what was the real extent of the calamity. They were all aware that the potato formed a very large proportion cf the food of this metropolis,—what then was the state of the supply of the London market? He found upon inquiries, that the supply during the last four months of the last half-year, ending in 1845, amounted to 770,000 sacks, while during the same period, from the Ist of October last to the 14th of January; they had only 540,000 sacks, showing a failing off of one-third of the supply to the metropolis—(Hear, hear)—and if a similar inquiry were made with respect to the state of theirlarge ma nufacturing districts, such as Manchester and Birmingham, they would find that the difference amounted to a much greater proportion, Let them now look to what had been the effect of this scarcity upon prices in London. At the end of January, 1844, potatoes by the ton averaged from 50 shillings to 80 shillings; at the end of January in the present year they rated from $0 to 160 shillings, the lowest price being nearly double what it was before. The poor people would now be driven to purchase bread for food, and it was an ascertained fact, that in those parts of the town inhabited by the poorer classes, the bakers that before baked but 10 sacks were now baking 12, showing an increase in the consumption of flour of 10 per cent. When they took these circumstances together—when they considered the crop had not been sufficient to supply the demand for food—although they had been importing largely for the last six years —when they were aware that the whole supply for Ireland was likely to be cut off—that there was already an increase of 10 per cent. on the demand for flour, and that the reports from Yorkshire, from whence their chief supply of potatoes came, stated that that supply would not hold out till the month of May— he would ask them what was the best course for the Govern ment to pursue ? Was it not their duty to endeavour to prevent impediments from being thrown in the way of an adequate supply of provisions for the country.—(Loud cheers.) He should wish also to advert to what was perfectly well known, that in consequence of the great variability of the season, the harvest, though not deficient in bulk, was exceedingly so in the weight and quality of the grain. What was the effect that this deficiency had upon the averages in last autumn, whenit was of the utmost importance to the country to procure a supply of foreign corn—when they knew that the potato disease had extended over the whole of the country— and when it was well known that the harvest in Europe had failed to a very great extent, in consequence of which Holland and Bel gium had removed all impediments to the free imp mtation of corn? —(Cheers.) At that very time we found that the price of corn averaged very low, while the averages of the duty were moving in the opposite direction, and were rapidly rising. No subject attracted the more anxious attention of the Government than these facts. They compared week by week the quantities of corn exported with those imported, and they found that the proportion of the former was very trifling. If they perceived, however, that the supply was not sufficient, would it not have been their bounden duty to have opened the ports and prevented that supply from being diminished by exportation ? And in sach an emergency the Government would be justified in taking upon themselves to open the: ports.—(Hear, hear.) What was the great argument for: the systems of the sliding scale? namely, that it Contained Within Itself a self-adjusting principle, The Hon. Member had said a great deal of Russia, cad spoke of that country as if Great Britain derived the whole of her supply of food from it ; but lie would show the Hen. Member that he was mis taken, and that England never did get from Russia this enormous supply of food which he appeared to think she did. But at the period to which the lion. Member referred, England had a very deficient supply, and therefore the Hon. Member had to ransack the whole world for facts upon which to support his argument. Now the fact was, that in four years this country had received only 1,200,000 quarters of wheat from Russia. It was true that in 1840 food had reached a famine price here, by reason of scarcity that year; but even during that year England imported from Russia only 317,000 quarters. In fact, the Honourable Member had argued as 11 Great Britain Ras the only country in the world that looked to other countries for ft Supply of corn in addition to its own resources. But he begged to tell the Hon. Member that there were other countries besides Great Britain who received a large supply from Russia, and who, therefore, took off a great portion of that supply which the Hon. Member had given England the credit of re ceiving. Then with regard to the United States, the Hon. Member had said that they were most fertile in the produce of corn; but he begged to tell the lion. Member, that from the great extent of the population of that country, and the great increase of that population, it was not likely that England could expect a supply to any con siderable amount from the United States. He found, by returns which he had now before him, that since the year 1793 Great Britain had imported less corn from the United States than from any other country, except in the year 1840, and even then the extra portion was but very small indeed. In the year 1840 the population of the United States was 17,000,000, and during that year ex- Ported 10,600,000 quarters of corn, which left only four bushels per head for the whole population of the country; but corn not being the principal article of food In the country, It was found that more than a sufficient supply lied been retained for the use of the population; but in the whole of the quantity exported very little of It came to England But even supposing ' that the argument of the Hon. Member was well founded, if the population of this country should go on increasing in the same ratio as it had for the last few years, he doubted whether this country could obtain more than a sufficient supply of food for the use of its inhabitants, even supposing that all the available resources of Russia should be developed.—(Hear, hear.) He saw by returns he had before him that in live years 10.000,000 of quarters of wheat had been imported into this country, or at the rate of two millions a year, and yet was any one prepared to say that the people of tine country had been overfed? (Hear, he ,r.) And even if that import trade should increase to 3,000,000 a year for the next ten years, it would not be an ever supply, taking into account the probable increase of the population. The Hon. M em b er f or Shrewsbury hal spoken of the great quantity of corn imported front various ports in America, but the increasing population of that country and the great quantity of land out of cultivation, 'would have The Hon. Member for Sund er l an d had the effect of stopping that. a quantity o f w h eat f rom stated, that in the year 1837 he imported America, and after having paid a ll expenses_ he was enabled to sell it at 255. ; but in that year the price of foreign corn was on l y 2 2s how the II " well understand on. Member and, therefore, he could . ce —Meer, hear.) The experience could sell his wheat at that Pr' the House that the of all former years had shown increased con increase led to an of price. With gumption of any article had regard to the article o f ten, which had been intr o d uce d the other night by the Honourable Member for Sh rewsbury, the Hon. Member's arguments that he (air G. Clerk) felt convinced were not sound, for if he looked at the price of tea at Cant on at the ith the price in the corresponding present time, and compared it w tea had Tell , much • "P" in increased in month of 1844, he would find that price.—(Cheers.) And then, wi th respect to the arti c l e o f cotton, d by the same Hon. Member, facts which had also been introduc e f h duties that • that the reduction° t e on article had been went to show ts and a corresponding increase in price. followed by increased impel' , part, lie did not know '-' the —(Hear, hear.) For his O Wrt got the statements where Hon. Member (air Disrae li) gwhich he read to the House on Friday . n ight last about cotton (Hear, hear, and laughter.) If he lookat the price cotton at ed it New Orleans at the present moment, he would find that was sold at Ws cents, and than 9 cents per lb.— h in some instances not lower . (C eers and t a ndy have been a case wh ere laughter.) There might cer c ' from a so me similar cause, cottoa had been stagnation in trade, or oiled by the Honourable a sold at the low price meal [ember, the actual ' but that should not be quoted as cotton was sold at almost all seasons, and in every year.— (near, hear.) By the inven tions of a cert a i n gentleman in America (whose inventions Were somewhat si m il ar to those of Arkwright in England) cotton could certainly be sold at a much lower rate than formerly. About fifty years ago a petition was pre sented to that House, by farmers re siding in th e neighburhood of London, who stated that if turnpikes were introduced into the northern parts of England, corn and other agricultural product would their be brought at so cheap a rate to London, that would be completely ruined.—(Hear, hear , and l aughter.) They also stated that labour was much cheaper in the northern parts of England, that it would he impossible to compete with the northern agriculturists. In the year 1787, when Mr. Pitt proposed to repeal the lams restricting the importation of Irish corn, the greatest alarm took place. Members representing the western parts of Scotland stated that if such a measure were passed, the agricul ture of Scotland would be ruined. Members also representing dif ferent parts of Breland protested against the passing of such a mea sure. But - .chat was the fact ? From year to year since that period the, agriculture of Scotland had been continually prospering, and he would venture to say that in no part of the three kingdoms was , agriculture in so prosperous a state as it was in Scotland at the .T-resent-resent moment—(Hear, hear)—and yet the me asure when proposedlid In 1787 created almost as much alarm as s the present measure of her Majesty's Ministers.—(Hea , r hear, and laughter.) The House 'would bear in mind that in the year 1820 a petition was presented to i 'idle House by all the principal merchants in London, praying the douse to remove all eqtrictiens from the commerce of the colUltrY .. - Lord Liverpool, Who Was then hi Ofrice n at he e o ,o - • bird ithid— vernment, acted upon those recommendations and did ititftidni_'.e a great number of measures which had for their object the removal of pro hibitions on the iinportation of linen aud other articles. Great al arm *as occasioned by the proposal. Several Irish Members protested against thefneastire, on tlle s groend hatt the linen mannfacturera and all in their etimloy Would be coiiipletdy Miffed dud the 1 - 16 ii, /llertiber fbr Lancashire at that time no doubt spoke to the same effect. AR the fact was, that at the present time the linen manufacture was in a prosperous state. The lien. Member for Shrew,burz had for gotten that poWerfal Speech Which had been made by hiFfriend the Right, Hon. litifOnet at the head . elf the (love/Int:lent— (Loud eheefiiigi -; When ht Made 11,is StatenfentS; (Hear, hear.) The Right lionatiffible listonet had shown that the linen manufactures of Ireland, partictlififiji in the neighbourhood of Belfast, were in a most prosperous state.—(llear, hear.) Ile showed that from year to year, since the measures of Lord hemade m e were a ct y b o l o e unt to t hh c le o smt case.— ( He a r, article,te compete Liverpool, the linen interest of Ireland had been continually im w proving, could ld re d uct i ontie manufactu rers i ma gine France )G eoTrhg ee and the result was that they were now able to compete—the wt H b h u e t t h a r h:e s e h ( e S a r f . and Britain.—(Hear, hear.) The Hon. Member for Birmingham had stated that the zinc trade had materially suffered by reason of o o f f p ho Ireland ho Clerk) should confess that he was astonished at the statement, and price of zinc at one period was 751. per ton, and the duty 4.51. per ton. Now it should be admitted that z i nc was an article cof recent origin, but since the duty was removed the trade in that article had vastly increased. Therefore, by the reduction of the duty on that article alone, a new manufacture sprung up, and em ployment was given to additional hundreds of the la bourers of the country; whereas, had the prohibitory duty been continued, those persons must have remained without employment. ' (Hear hear.) In the years 1843 and 1844, the q uan tit y of zinc im ported was 7,000 tons, half of which was again exported to India and China, and in the last year the quantity imported was 12,000 tons, not more than 2,000 tons of which had been exported. Now, could there be a clearer proof given of the value of the article, inde pendent of the vast benefit it afforded to the numerous operatives and labourers engaged about it ?—(Hear, hear.) New, as regarded the silk manufactures, he could say that they had more than doubled since the duty was taken off them. In the month of February, 1842, the Chancellor of the Exchequer announced the reduction of the duty on raw silk, when objection wits taken to the immediate introduc tion of the measure ; but as regarded the feeling of the House, it was unanimous on the matter, and the question was carried on the 7th of March in the same year. Honourable Mem bers will find that the most successfhl method of increasing their revenue is by removing high prohibitory duties. That opinion is fortified by the experience of the last twelve years. We have been removing duties upon French goods, as well as the goods of other countries. He would mention a few articles upon which the duty had been wholly or in part taken off — French silks, gloves, flax, and cambric, clover-seed, and linseed. The Honourable Baronet then went on to state that he was as anxious as any Member of that House that the landed aris tocracy should maintain their proud position, but if that existence depends upon the corn-laws, he really trembled for it.—(Laughter.) If he understood rightly the arguments of the Hon. Member for Shrewsbury, he seemed to maintain that the preponderance of pro tection should be given to the landed proprietors of this country, in order to maintain landed interest. The Hon. Baronet, whose speech throughout was almost inaudible in the gallery, concluded by saying that the agricultural party would best consult their interest and the interest of their constituents by consenting to a speedy settlement of this question, which cannot long be protracted, and which may now be settled under very different circumstances than these which wiil not fail to accompany it if delayed to alonger period, and considered that these measures, if passed, would tend to consolidate the interest of the country, and place its institutions upon a firmer foundation. Mr. 31UNTZ rose to explain. He stated that he never expressed an opinion in opposition to the reduction of the duty on speller. He used upwards of 1,500 tons of zinc in his own business, and he could net, therefore, consider it anything but a boon thus to reduce the duty. Mr. LIDDEL stated that the Hon. Baronet who had just sat down had made one of the boldest assertions which it had ever been his lot to hear from any one who sat upon the benches along with the Hon. Baronet.—(Hear, hear.) At the beginning of his speech, the lion. Baronet startled the House by stating that there had been no change in the policy of her Majesty's Ministers.—(" Hear, hear," from the protectionists.) Why, then, did they go before the country in the year 1841 ?—(Hear, hear.) Why did they protest be fore their constituents against the change proposed by the Noble Lord the Member' for the city of London ?—(Hear, hear.) What were the three articles upon which the Noble Lord proposed to make that change—that change which is admitted to be a more judicious one than the measure at present proposed. If no change had taken place, why, he would ask once more, is the Noble Lord and his friends upon the Opposition benches ?—(" Hear, hear," from Col. Sibthorp.) Why is the Noble Lord, the Secretary for Ireland (Lord Lincoln), again before his constituency, and to all appearance likely to be rejected by them? Why have many Noble Lords and Hon. Gentlemen resigned their seats, acknowledging their responsibilities to their constituency ? He must say that he had never heard any thing more startling than the assertion that the measure now pro posed by the Government was a natural consequence of tile measures and principles which they had adopted for the last few years.— (Hear, and laughter.) Then there was another propo sition in the Right Hon. Barenet'a speech, namely, that we should be called upon to give a reason for opposing this measure. These rea sons are already provided for us; we have only to look at the opinions of the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of her Majesty's Government to find our limits to justify us in our opposition.—(Hear, hear.) On the contrary, the converse ought to have been the case. We have a right to call upon Hon. Members of the Cabinet for reasons why they should alter their past policy—to inform us of the means by which they bad been induced to alter their course of policy, and adopt that which they now recommended. The Hon. Member then went on to state that if no important changes should take place in the price of bread, what becomes of the argument which is so con stantly used to excite the public against us ?—(Hear, hear.) Telling the populace what bold impiety it is to make dear the price of bread which God Almighty has given to the poor. What becomes of this argument, if the expectations held out with reference to those Important changes should not be realised? (Hear, hear.) lie would now drop any further reference to the speech of the Right Hon. Baronet, who had just sat down, and he would now allude to the statement made by the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Government.—(Hear, hear.) In that speech there were some fallacies and some inaccuracies, which, with the per mission of the House, he would allude to.—(Hear, hear.) That speech might be very properly divided into three heads—the first part contained a statement of the direct causes which had led to the recent change of opinion on the part of the Government. The second part entered into an explanation of the course which the Government intended to adopt, to meet the state of things which led to that change of opinion. The third part enumerated various facts and instances of the success which had attended the relax ation of prohibitory duties, and which circumstance was an en couragement to the Right Honourable Baronet to proceed still further in that course of pollcy.—(Hear.) The first part of the speech had been so ably treated by different Members on that side of the House since the debate commenced, that it was altogether unne cessary for him to allude to it.—(Hear, hear.) The Hon. Member for Devonshire had proved that the causes alleged for such an altera tion were inadequate, and the remedies proposed were insufficient. — (Hear, hear.) He would not, therefore, detain the House with any observations on that point. He did not hesitate to say, that with regard to the silk trade, there had been an over-amount or excess of legislative protection. He considered, however, that when the Bight Hon. Baronet proposed to adhere to a protective duty of 151. per cent. ad valorem, on silk, lace, and other articles of manufac ture, he did not see why he felt called upon to abandon the principle in reference to corn. The Right Hon. Baronet proposed to reduce the duty on foreign timber from 255. to 155., with a view, no doubt, to afford a better supply to the consumer. Now, with regard to the dimished cost of timber, it was fair to take into calculation the trade , )f the past year, when partly from the late judicious revision of those duties, a depression had taken place in the price, and the advan• tage of this reduction went into the pocket of the consumer. If the interests of the British public were thus involved, the peti defiers expressed their concern that the greater part, if not all, of the increased importation from the Baltic would fall into the hands of the foreign shipowner. and the foreign producer would receive all the benefit. That point brought him to the utter incapacity of the Bri tish shipowner to compete with the foreigner. And what was the reason? He would call the attention of the House to the comparative expense of building a British ship in the Baltic. He took the facts from the evidence taken before the Committee on British shipping appointed the year before last, and which showed the relative cost of navigating a British and a foreign ship on a three months' voyage. The wages for working a British ship "or three months amounted to 1691. 105., and the wages ofa Prussian ship for the same period and of the same tonnage, was rather more than 811., being a difference of rather more than 881. in favour of the Prussian ship. With regard to the cost of provisions—the cost of victualling a British ship for a three months' voyage was 961., and the cost under the same head for a Prussian ship was only 391., being a difference of 561. in favour of the Prussian ship, or 140 per cent. in favour of the Prussians. So much for the costs of navigation and victualling. But he would now call their attention to the ques tion of ship-building, and he would ask whether those who looked to the British shipowners for the carriage of articles could quarrel with the high rate of freight. They agreed to that addition of prices, because their own safety was secured by it, and, in the words of Adam Smith, he would say, " of all the restrictive policy in the hiss tory of this country, I am compelled to say that the navi gation-laws are the most justifiable as national security is preferable to commercial produce." In the port of London the wages of shipwrights have not varied for the last 25 years, and that curious fact was caused by the combination existing between the carpenters and the shipwrights. At Toulon the shipwright's wages, as stated in the official reports from the French Government, amounted to a franc and a half per day, and in our dockyards at the present moment the shipwright's wages were 4s. 6d. per day. ,The foreign ships could be built for 51. or 6/. per ton, and such ships were superior to the vessels built at Sunderland for 101. per ton. A first-rate British ship, built in the Thames at a cost of 161. per ton, when quite ready for sailing, wad cost 21/. per ton. After this statement, he would ask the House whether the protection to the British shipowner could enable them to compete with the shipping from the Northern ports? Could it be possible for them to ontend against such advantages unless they brought down the wages of the British shipbuilder to the miserable level of the Continental shipowners?—(Cheers from the Ministerial side.) They were asked by the Right Honourable Baronet whether they were to advance or to retreat. They might 'flake a step in advance if they reduced the wages of the labourer, but they would deteriorate the condition of the' nation, and he thought that such a step would be a retrogade movement, and no advancement. But to pursue the subject with regard to foreign ' timber. What were tile returns of the British and foreign trade from 1842 to 1844 ? The total amount Of British tonnage entered inwards front Norway and Sweden was 103,392 Ong, and the foreign timber entered in the same period (the yeBf 1842) amounted to 341,533 tons. In the year 1844 the foreign tonnage advanced considerably in amount, as did also the British. In that year the British tonnage advanced to 150,000 tons, and the foreign timber to 520,000 tone, so that in the two years the British ship ping engaged in the foreign trade increased by 25,000 tons, or 19 per .ent. on the whole, while the foreign Shipping in the same period increased to the extent of 187,189 tons, or 54 per cent. on the first amount of 350,000 tons. The result of this would be, that British shipowners would be driven away by this unequal competition, and the trade in the Baltic timber would fall into the hands of the fo reigner. This was the argument of the shipowner, who was not desirous of raising prices but of lowering them. The Right Hon. Baronet had made one or two errors in his statement. He had said that it would not be believed that at that moment there was not one ton of Baltic timber in the port of Liverpool fit for building a first-rate twelve years' ship, so they would see the estimation is which the Baltic timber was held. -;/.) much for that part of the question relating to timber, and the prayer of the petition of tile shipowners that had been laid upon the table. Intimately connected with this question was that of the colonial trade. On this point he would detain the House for af w !minutes, ifs would begin with the case of South Australia, and he would call the attention of the Right Hon. Baronet to a notice which had appeared respecting the state of this colony in the public prints a few days ago. It referred to a petition last year by an Honourable Member of that House, touching the question of a free importation of Australian corn. It was asked as a boon, but it was opposed by the Right Honourable Baronet on the occasion, and he (Mr. Liddel) after the arguments which the Right Hon. Baronet had laid down respecting the Canadas, could not con ceive how he could oppose placing Australia on a similar footing. The statement in question represented the progress of the colony during the last live years, including 1840 and 1845, and it showed the number of acres in cultivation in the different 5 ears. In 1840 the number of acres under cultivation was only 2,503; but in four years after it was 6,696. 1843 was the year in which the greatest increase of cultivation took place, arising from the demand for produce, and the high price which it bore in the market. It was remarked that in those years when prices were low, comparatively little land was brought under cultivation, in fact, in some instances it decreased, while an increase of price brought with it an increase in cultivation. If, ts expected by the measure of the Government, according to the same rule which had been found to operate in Australia, prices fell in Great Britain, then land must go out of cultivation.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") He could hardly conceive how prices could be maintained, if they imported five or six millions of quarters and if Australia could not import corn to this country when there was a duty of ss. on it, how was it to be expected that the wheat of that colony could find a market in this country when there was free importation admitted from every other nation. What also becalm of the argument used in support of the Canadian Corn Bill which was brought forward as a boon, because they could not import corn into this country under a duty of 55. ? They would he obliged, under the measure now proposed, to resort to the United States fir a mar ket. Now, with regard to the general question he was extremely anxious to learn the opinions of her Majesty's Goverment on one point—what was the real opinion of the Government on the pro bable consequences of their measure? On this point he (Mr. Liddell) was as yet unsatisfied; and perhaps during the progress of the pre sent debate, or at some future stage, the Right Honourable Baronet, or some other member of the Government, would favour the House with some calculation of the general amount of price that might be expected under a free trade in corn. His opinion was, that if they discouraged the home grown produce, and trusted to foreign countries for the supply of their markets, al though a fruitful season would maintain an extension of prices ; yet, in a bad season—in non-productive years, and with, perhaps a rup ture with foreign powers, he believed that the cora trade would ex hibit a dangerous fluctuation in price. That was the grand point in which the public were concerned, and it was in order to maintain this steadiness in supply and price, that they advocated the principle of protection. He was also ashamed now to acknowledge that he had opposed the measure of 1842, for as circumstances went, he was now inclined in favour of it.—(Cheers and laughter from the Liberal benches.) Me congratulated the Right Hon. Baronet on the accession of the Hon. Member for Finsbury to the ranks of his supporters, and however he might regret the loss sustained in the lion. and Gallant Member for Westminster (Captain Rous), lie was fully repaid in the support of the Hon. Member for Finsbury.— (Cheers and laughter.) lite admitted that the new law of settlement would be not only a great boon to the agricultural interest, but to humanity. He had often seen with the most heartfelt pity miserable beings —men, wives, and families, wandering in the public highways of the country, without a place to lay their heads, and unable to go to their parishes, not knowing where they could find a settlement, with nothing in the shape of pecuniary relief before them, seeking a miserable pittance from the hand of charity, and if they reached their own country —say Scotland, or Ireland—perhaps literally starving. lle trusted, therefore, that no consideration would cause him to lay aside this measure, for he had no hesitation in saying that by so doing he would confer a lasting benefit on the country. It would be unnecessary for him to trouble the House longer. He-had endea voured to get before the House the true postilon in which they stood, and the claims the agricnittuista lied to protection. Ile did not ' etend to say that after the declaration made by the Right Hon. aronet, and dry the Noble Lord opposite (Lord John Russell), the Cdfn , lawit in their preSent shape could be maintained, but se long as he sat in that flatiele—do long as he had the honour of representing his constituency—so long Would his voice be heard in favour of a Modified protection. Mr. litflip sa id NI two c i i .,-;:t; aFo he had thehoriaUf ureesenting seteral petitiont tt ni Ship°%MA On the Wear and the Tees, 11 . 1 ",. they refuted the faildeieS advance 4 the lion, Member who ha! last spoken relatiVe to the inttireats of Hritisii Oppo.s(xl to foreign shipping. The Hon. Member Wished td ttndield the iiitereats of British shipowners by maintaining high dtitiet 4 in timber.—(Hear.) Cotlid anything be more absurd than thus to place an Interdict on the materials of ship-dmilcling ? The principle was scooted by all the intelligent shipowners of the north of England. The only market at present opened to them was the Baltic, but he would not folioiV the lion. Gentleman through all his detailed argu ments on this subject. Ile expected that after the petitions presented by the Honourable Member he would on some future day bring the whole of this question before the House. He thought that if Hon. Gentlemen opposite were so dissatis fied with the Right Hon. Baronet, they ought to adopt the recom mendation of his lion. Friend the Member for Finshury, and bring the Right Hon. Gentleman's conduct before the House in a motion of want of confidence. What was the worst charge that they could bring against the Right Hon. Gentleman ? It was only that he had been unwilling to he an instrument in their hands. 'They had supported him in his tariff and Corn Bill of 1842, ant now, when they came to the best and IN isest tariff of all, they suddenly stopped. He thought the Right Hon. Gentleman had greater reason to complain of them. It had been asserted by Hen. Gentlemen opposite, that if the measares of the Right Hon. Gentle man were adopted by this country, foreigners would give us their corn, but they would take nothing but our gold in return. This had been represented as a most alarming state of things ; and that we should be giving employment to the labourers of the Continent, while the people of the Continent would give no employ ment to us. Now, he was prepared to say that foreigners would not require us to give them gold in exchange for corn. Even if they did so be believed that it would be advantageous to us. Look to our trade with China. We carried our dollars to Canton, and we took the Chinese silks and teas in return, and did Hon. Gentlemen mean to say that our Chi nese trade had not Lunn a most advantageous one to this country ? He denied that the repeal of the corn-laws would hare any effect on the precious metals, and concluded by declaring that their aboli tion would not only improve the condition of the country, but prevent what some Honourable Gentlemen so much feared, an undue impor tation of bullion. Captain HARRIS said, in the month of June last, they divided a united majority of 254 against 125 against the repeal of the corn-laws, and on that occasion they heard nothing from any Member of the present Government to indicate so great a change in the corn-laws as now proposed, since they heard something from the Hon. Secretary at War, while he was in Wiltshire; tint he attached no importance to what fell from him on that occasion, and certainly did not think that they were to take that as a notice of the proposed change. He would be glad to see any measure introduced which would relieve the population of Ireland, and particularly the lower classes. He would ask the lion Gentlemen opposite, whether it was not the wish of every Member at his side of the House, be he Whig, Tory, or Radical, to relieve the distress at present existing in Ireland ? The Govern ment have, much to their credit, taken measures to relieve the dis tress now so prevalent in that county' , by ordering In great hnporta- Mils of flour, but that precaution should have been taken some months ago. He would ask the Government, was it a sufficient argu ment to use for the purpose of removing those laws ? Can such tem porary distress be adduced for one moment in support of the present measure? And the question naturally arises, to whom Were the pre sent state of things due ? and the answer was, to the night Hon. Baronet at the head of her Majesty's Government. He had never entertained any doubt of his sincerity, and of his patriotism, and he ,did not ask hint to change his opinions to meet the views of his side of the,. House, but he a'ked him to do so as a Minister of tile British Parliament. On the details of that question he was well aware he could not advance any new proposition on the subject, for he had heard it eloquently debated in that House, and every argument used for and against the measure that great talent could command, and he (Captain Harris) would only bewilder himself by entering at any length into details. (Here the gallant member read a statistical account of the trade with Russia, which went to prove; that if 'it were not altered, there would be a serious derangement in the currency. The Gallant Captain continued, and said that he frequently heard it stated that free trade gave great development to the commercial classes, but he did not intend to state any objections on that point, although, if they looked to the manufactures of France and the ex torts and imports of this country, he thought the measure would strike the House as one of great injustice in its details.—(Hear.) He pledged himself to protection principles when he was returned to that House by his constituents, and he had not heard anything to make him change the opinions which he then expressed with the utmost sincerity.—(Hear, hear ) Mr. MONCKTON MILNES observed that the present was the second occasion on which he had witnessed the great subject of the corn-law come before that House, and as it had been his ob ject during all the discussions which had taken place to give the party who sat opposite the credit of acting from the best motives, he would not act differently on that occasion, but he would believe the party with whom he had acted for so many years were likewise influenced by the purest motives. —(Cries of " Hear, hear.") He did not consider that statesmen were to be judged very harshly for modifying their opinions on the subject of the corn-laws, for they would rind that Mr. Ricardo him self, one of the great apostles of free trade, recommended a fixed duty of ten shillings ; and he believed that if the Honourable Member for Shrewsbury told them his candid opinions, he would be found to have experieneed some slight change at the very least. It was not for him to say whether a statesman of the experience and ability of the Right Hon. Baronet was conducting the affairs of the .country in such a manner as was best calculated to confer a benefit by doing away with what was called monopoly, but he could not but regard the proposed measure as presenting but very insufficient reasons for a deviation from his former opinions.— (Hear, hear.) He (Mr. Milner) did consider that the ques tions of the Irish Church and the repeal of the corn-laws, were the two great questions upon which depended the fate of the pre sent Ministry. He had always entertained this opinion, and he fe lt now so deeply, that he eould not see how he could change He could not understand why a man should sacrifice his conscientious opinions, in order to support a Government upon a particular mea sure. lie, for one, would not do so ; and he should say, that if ever an opportunity offered when the Hon. Baronet might have done good by a different policy, and had thrcwn it away, the present was that opportunity; at a time when, under Providence, he had the greatest and grandest opportunities of doing great practical good for the country. Ile believed that the present Government had done more to reconcile differences between hostile parties than any Government which had preceded it. lie also believed that they had accomplished many great acts which Hon. Gentlemen on the other side of the House per haps desired, but had not the means to accomplish.—(llear, hear.) He now saw those means of confidence which had been hitherto afforded to the Right Hon. Baronet by Hon. Members on his side of the House utterly lost, and their power utterly destroyed.— (Hear, heat.) He could not say that he gave the Right Hon. Baro net his support cordially and freely. He did it simply because it was the only course which he could conscientiously pursue. He would go back to the year 1841. He then represented to hir consti tuents that he would do all in his power to place the Right Hon. Gentleman at the head of her Majesty's Government, for the purpose of enabling him to effect a settlement of the corn-laws. At that time there were provincial Chancellors of the Exchequer, and he (Mr. Milnes) brought before the Right Hon. Baronet a proposal for changing the duty on corn, which was considerably simpler and lower than that which the Right Baronet rhea proposed, and therefore, however much he might regret separating from his friends on this question, he felt bound to give it his support. Hon. Gentlemen on his side the House had asserted that their party was broken up by the conduct of the Right Hon. Baronet ; but the array of talent and unanimity which they had manifested showed that that assertion was without foundation He could not give hii assent to the doctrines of the agriculturists. lie had ever regarded the core-laws as of mere accidental and temporary opera tion. lie had never seen anything else in it, but as the mere means— perhaps the useful means—of educating the agriculturist of this country so as to enable him to compete with the foreigner.—(Hear, hear.) And when he saw at that moment that that end was so far accomplished—when he looked at what ho might call the chemical agricultural changes which had lately developed themselves, seeing the increased improvement with respect to tile draining, and all those other advantages which had so rapidly developed themselves, he did feel that it was but just to say, that the corn-laws should be changed. He had always been anxious to modify the present system, but he could never disabuse himself of the idea that a total repeal of the corn-laws would be attended with a great displacement of pro perty. But, nevertheless, he could pursue no other course of con duct, in reference to the measure, than that which he had ever ob served. The produce of America had been alluded to by several Hon. Gentlemen, but corn might be flourishing in the valley of the Mississippi and the people of England not be able to procure it. If these changes should take place suddenly, he had no doubt but great suffering would be occasioned. The difference in price in com petition between the English and foreign farmer should be distri buted somewhere, between the landlord, the tenant, and the la bourer. It was contended that a large proportion would fall upon the labourer, but he did not believe that such would be the fact.—(Hear.) The worst that could happen would be that the labourer would be left where he now was.—(Hear, hear.) He had somehow or other imbibed the notion that there was far more equality on the subject of wages between the labourers of England and those of the Continent, than is generally supposed.—(Hear, hear.) There was something in the question, of which political economy could hardly take account. Wages depend in a great measure upon the physical capabilities of the labourer. He had heard that gentle men employed upon the continental railways were ready to give half aslnuch again to the English labourer as to the French, provided they will not get drunk.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) Compare the Frenchman, with his nightcap en, and stopping every five mi nutes to speak —compare such conduct with the hard, steady work of the English labourer. Ne need not fear competition in this respect. The labourers would not be the immediate sufferers in lists case. Ile considered that the labourers derived advantage from their contiguity to the large manufacturing districts.— (Rear, hear.) They tended to raise the price of labour, not only in their own neighbourhood, but also throughout the wlsole country. The tenant-farmers, he believed, would come worst off by the pro- posed alterations. At present they were, by the consolidation farms and other causes, subjected to a great many evils, and these would be aggravated by the repeal of the laws relative to agricultural protection lle believed that the land was not at present let at its due value, for if it were higher, he considered that the consequence of the abolition of protection would be more seriously felt. The landlords would, in the language of the Right Hon. Baronet be exposed to the temptation of becoming mere manufacturers of food.—(Hear, hear.) That was a point on which he could not change, or his mind acquire additional experi- ence. The landlords were exposed to a very great temptation which he believed they would overcome ; but to which they ought not to have been exposed. He believed they would resist that temptation. They would consent to make some sacrifice of power and convenience rather than lay the burden on those who were dependent upon them. To do that, to overcome that temporary difficulty, they must exchange their present splendid benevolence for another and more useful class, and must consent to employ more protective means. Their wealth was considerable. The proof of that was, that a great portion of it was spent in amusement and accomplishtinenr tstiiernlt they were ready to make the sacridce that was , demandef o might be interfered with. Let the landlord maintain the all would go well . It was possible that many early associations ' and although they might lose evn something,ad a tag e s t h e l )11, would condition, 1. s i tTo g r s t es ly si r o e n g , aln their prosperous and remain the great bulwarks of the peace and permanence, or the fluctuating fortunes of this great empire. On the motion of Lord I.NGESTRE, the debate was adjourned. JOINT-STOCK BANKS IN SCOTLAND AND IRELAND. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER obtained leave to bring in a Bill for the regulation of Joint-Stock Banks in Scotland and Ireland. The other orders of the day were then disposed of, and the House mljourned at Half-past Twelve o'clock. COURT CIRCULAR. The Queen will hold a Privy Council to-morrow (Wednesday), at Buckingham Palace. The Council is appointed at three o'clock in the afternoon. " " ' • - Her Majesty and Prince Albert took their accustomed early walk yesterday, in the royal gardens. His Royal Highness Prince Al b e rt, a t tended by Colonel Bowles and Colonel Wylde, visited Ca p tain S i bonm's Waterloo Models, at the Egyptian Hail, yesterday. The visit was qUite private, the mo d e ls having been closed to the public on Saturday. His Royal Highness expressed much pleasure in examining those historical works, and examined them minutely. Their Royal Highnesses the Princess Royal and the Princess Alice were taken airings yesterday, in the royal gardens of Buckingham Palace. The Queen and Prince Albert honoured the performance of the French plays with their presence yesterday evening. The Royal suite consisted of the Viscountess Canning, Hon. Miss Stanley, Earl of Warwick, Colonel Arbuthnot, and Colonel Wylde. Her Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent, attended by Lady Fanny Howard and Sir George Couper, Bart., alas honoured the performance with their presence. His Royal Highness the Duke of Cambridge, attended by Major Stephens, presided yesterday evening at the German Hospital dinner. Her Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent visited her Royal High ness the Duchess of Gloucester yesterday, at Gloucester Mouse. Summonses were issued yesterday morning to the Cabinet Minis ters to attend a Council, at half-past two o'clock, at the Foreign office. The Ministers who assembled were Sir Robert Peel, the Duke of Wellington, the Lerd Chancellor, the Duke of Buccleuch, the Earl of Haddington, the Earl of Aberdeen, Sir James Graham, Mr. Secre tary Gladstone, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, the Earl of Ellen borough, the Earl of Ripon, Lord Granville Somerset, the Earl of Dalhousie, the Right Ron. Sidney Herbert, and the Earl St. Germans. The Council sat two hours, _ _ . Mr. Murphy, the Mexican Minister, transacted business yesterday at the Foreign-office. Mr. Cunard had an interview with the Chancellor of the Exche quer yesterday at his official residence in Downing-street. Dispatches from the Governor of Hong-Kong were received yes terday at the Colonial-office.l Viscount Jocelyn hail an interview with Sir Robert Peel yesterday-. The French Plays were last evening most brilliantly attended on the occasion of the debut of Mons. Felix. There were present the Queen and Prince Albert, attended by Viscountess Can ning, the Honourable Miss Stanley, the Earl et Warwick, cColonel Arbuthnot, and Colonel Wylde; her Royal Highness the of }tea , attended by Lady Fanny Howard and Sir George Cowper ; her Royal Higirno , s the Duche ss of Cambridge, attended b ness Ofy the B a roness Ableieldt and Mr. S t. John Mildmay; the io Ailesbury, the French Ambassador, Lord Mahon, the Baroness Brunnovr, the Austrian Ambas;iendlmohroapaie.idgatghneed, s c ior Lady u n teens Henry sy D hv i l erieterbyl Webb, 11 , s a L t i t e a d i :7, J. the Earl and Counters Brace, Lady and the Misses Burgoyne, Jitnr°eullr,altrol'in rsg:olLle'rr Cotteirnt H. Lowther, the Honourable Jit/RfP Macdonald, &c., &C, THE VICTORY IN ININA, OFFICIAL DISPATCHES. "GAZETTE EXTRAORDINARY." INDIA BOARD, FEB . 23, 1846. A dispatch, from which the following is an extract, has been this day received afthe East India House : FROM THE GOVERNOR-GENERAL OF INDIA TO THE SECRET C,MMITTEE OF THE EAST INDIA COMPANY, PAYED CAMP, FEROZEPORE, DEC. 31, 1845. (Extract.) - The Seikh army, in large numters, commenced crossing the Sutlej on the 11th, and, after investing Ferozepore on one side, took up an entrenched position at. the village of Ferozeshali, about ten miles in advance of Ferezepore, and about the same distance from the village of Moodkee. In this camp the enemy had placed 108 pieces of cannon, some of large calibre, with a force exceeding 50,000 men, for the purpose of intercepting the approach of the British force moving up from Umballa, to the relief of Ferozepore, which had been thus treacherously attacked, without pro vocation or declaration of hostilities. I had ordered, on the Bth instant, that portion of our army posted at Umballa for defensive purposes, to move up on the 11th ; and, after a rapid march of 150 miles, it reached Moodkee on the 18th, where, on the evening of the same day, it repulsed an attack of the Seikh army, and captured 17 guns. On the following day the army was concentrated at Moodkee, and, on the 21st, moved by its left on Feroze pore ; and having on the march formed its junction at half past one o'clock with 5,000 men and 21 guns, under Major- General Sir John Littler, which had moved from Ferozepore that morning, the Commander-in-Chief the army in order of battle, and attacked the enemy's entrenched camp, and on that evening and the following morning, captured seventy pieces of artillery, taking possession of the enemy's camp, with large quantities of ammunition and warlike stores. These successful and energetic operations have been fol lowed by the retreat of the Seikh army to the other side of the Sutlej ; the British army being now encamped between Ferozepore and the fords of the Sutlej. You will not fail to observe that these important andbril liant successes have been achieved by that portion deur army posted at and in advance of Umballa for defensive purposes, and that our forces from Meerut and other stations from the rear, ordered to move up at the same time, are in reserve, and will reach this neighbourhood between the sth and the 9th of January. I have the honour to inclose two reports from the Com mander-in-Chief, detailing the admirable manner in which these important duties have been performed ; and I am con vinced the Court of Directors of the East India Company, in concurrence with her Majesty's Government, will highly ap preciate the eminent services rendered by the Commander in-Chief, and by the Akers, non-commissioned officers, and soldiers of the Indian army. The Commander-in-Chief has successfully accomplished every object I had directed him to effect for the relief of Ferozepore, and the protection of these British States. No ac cident or failure bas occurred dining the complicated opera tions of a combined movement ; and our army, whether for defence or attack, has shown, as heretofore, that its power is irresistible. FROM GENERAL SIR HUGH QOUGH, BART., G. .8., THE COM MANDER-IN-CHIEF OF TAE ARMY IN INDIA, TO THE GOVERNOR GENERAL OF INDIA. Head-quarters, Army of the Sutlej, Camp, Moodkee, Dec. 19, 1845. Right Hon. Sir,—lt would be a superfluous form in me to address to you a narrative of the campaign which has opened against the Seikhs, and the successful action of yesterday, since you have in person shared the fatigues and dangers of our army, and witnessed its efforts and privations, but that my position at its head renders this my duty ; and it is necessary, from that position, I should place these events on record, for the information of all Europe as well as of all India. You, Sir, know, but others have to be told, that the sudden and unprovoked aggression of the Seikhs, by crossing the Sutlej with the great proportion of their army, with the avowed intention of attacking Ferozepore in time of profound peace, rendered indispensable, on our side, a series of difficult combinations for the protection of our frontier station, so unustifiably and so unexpectedly menaced. From the advanced and ealieut situation of Ferozepore, and its vicinity to the Seikh capital, its defence against a sudden attack became a difficult operation. It was always possible for the Seikli Government to throw a formidable force upon it before one sufficientiy numerous could on our side be collected to support it : but when, upon the I 1 th instant, it became known at Umballa, where I had esta blished my head-quarters, that this invasion had actually taken place, the efforts to repel it followed each other in quick succession;* notwithstanding I had the fullest con fidence in Major General Sir John Littler, commanding at Ferozepore, and in the devotedness and gallantry of the troops occupying it. The troops from the different stations in the Sirhind division were directed to move by forced marches upon Busseean, where, by a most judicious arrangement, you had directed supplies to be collected, within a wonderfully short space of time. The main portion of the force at Loodiana was with drawn, and a garrison thrown into the little fortreis there. From this central position, already alluded to, both Looiii ana and Ferozepore could be supported, and the safety of both places might be considered to be brought, in some mea sure, within the scope of the contingencies of a general action to be fought for their relief. All this is soon related; but most harassing have been the marches of the troops in completing this concentration. When their march had been further prolonged to this place, they had moved over a dis tance of upwards of 150 miles in six days, along roads of heavy sand; their perpetual labour allowing them scarcely time to cook their food, even when they received it, and hardly an hour for repose, before they were called upon for renewed exertion. When our leading corps reached Wudnee, a small jaghire of the late Maharaja Shere Singh, its garrison shut the gates of the fort against them; and, as our battering guns were far in the rear, it was determined to reserve it fur future chastisement, and we remained content with compelling the village to furnish supplies (it could, however, provide little, except for our overworked cattle), under pain of enduring ag cannonade and assault ; this it did without the necessity of firing a shot. When we reached Wudnee, it was evident that the force before Ferozepore felt the influence of our movements, - as 11e heard that a very large portion of that force had been de tached to oppose our further advance ; their feeling parties retired on the morning of the 18th before our cavalry picquets, near the village end fort of Moodkee. Soon after mid-day, the division under Major-General Sir Harry Smith, a brigade of that underMajor-General Sir J. anti another of that under Major-General Gilbert, with five troops of horse artillery, and two light field bat teries, under Lieutenant-Colonel Brooke, of the Horse Artil lery (brigadier in command of the artillery force), and the cavalry division, consisting of her Majesty's 3d Light Dra goons, the body guard, 4th and sth Light Cavalry, and 9th Irregular Cavalry, took up their encamping ground in front of Moodkee. The troops were in a state of great exhaustion, principally from the want of water, which was not procurable on the road, when, about three P.M., information was received that the Seikh army was advancing ; and the troops had scarcely time to get under arms, and move to their positions, when the fact NA as ascertained. I immediately pushed forward the horse artillery and cavalry, directing the infantry, accompanied by the field bat teries, to move forward in support. We had not proceeded beyound two miles when we found the enemy in position. They were said to consist of from 15,000 to 20,000 infantry, about the same force of cavalry, and forty guns. They evi dently had either just taken up their position, or were ad vancing in order of battle against us. To resist their attack, and to cover the formation of the infantry, I advanced the cavalry under Brigadiers White. Gough, and Mactier, rapidly to the Iront, in columns of squadrons, and occupied the plain. They were speedily fol lowed by the five troops of horse artillery, under Brigadier Brooke, who took up a forward position, having the cavalry then on his flanks. The country is a dead flat, covered at short intervals with a low, but, in some places, thick, jhow jungle, and dotted with sandy hillocks. The enemy screened their infantry and artillery behind this jungle, and such undulations as the ground afforded; and, whilst our twelve battalions formed from echellon ofbrigades into line, opened a very se vere cannnonade upon our advancing troops, . w h ich wars vigorously replied to by the battery of horse atrhtieartilleryunl , er Brigadier Brooke, which was soon joined by a two light rtillery e b r j batteries. t n e p r p i eesami soon . Therapid paralyseand N t V h ao ell-direct e d fthe ; enemyii fire of our ; as it was necessary to complete our infantry dispositions without advancing the artillery too near to the jungle, I directed the cavalry under Brigadiers White and Gough to igad of e make a flank movement on the enemy's le w f i t t , h w t i h t e h 2 a d vie w br threatening and turningte3d g that flank, n lan r k a , g i o f o p n o s s , sible. With praise woi thy gallantry, h of cavalry, consisting of the body guard a n d sth Light Cavalry, with a portion of the 4th Lancers, turned the left of the Seikh army, and, sweeping along the whole rear of its infantry and guns, silenced fora time the latter, and put their numerous cavalry to flight. Whilst this move ment was taking place on the enemy's left, I directed the re mainder of the 4th Lancers, the 9th Irregular Cavalry, under Brigadier Mactier, with a light field battery to threaten their right. This manoeuvre was also successful. Had not the infantry and guns of the enemy been screened by the jungle, these brilliant charges of the cavalry would have been pro ductive of greater effect. When the infantry advanced to the attack, Brigadier Brooke rapidly pushed on his horse artillery close to the jungle, and the cannonade was resumed on both sides. The infantry, under Major-Generals Sir Harry Smith, Gilbert, and Sir John M'Caskill, attacked in echellon of lines the enemy's infantry, almost invisible amongst wood and the ap proaching darkness of night. The opposition of the enemy was such as might have been expected from troops who had everything at stake, and who hal long vaunted of being irre sistible. Their ample and extended line, from their great superiority of numbers, far outflanked ours; but this was counteracted by the flank movements of our cavalry. The attack of the infantry now commenced; and the roll of fire from this powerful arm soon convinced the Seikh army that they had met with a foe they little expected ; and their whole force was driven from position after position with great slaughter, and the loss of 17 pieces of artillery, some of them of heavy calibre; our infantry, using that never-failing wea pon, the bayonet, whenever the enemy stood. Night only saved them from worse disaster, for this stoat conflict was maintained during an hour and a half of dim starlight, amidst a cloud of dust from the sandy plain, which yet more ob scured every object. I regret to say, this gallant and successful attack was at tended field fo for some he considerable urs, and loss; nlr force e t t h u e rnedto ite bivouacked rneeainiis o n aiti: t an h tt it, the after ascertaining that it had no enemy before night prevented the possibility of a regular advance in pa_ r- suit. - I beg to congratulate you, Right Honourable Sir, on this first defeat of our invaders by the army command. The perseverance by whiCn succcss was attained I have the honour to you personally witnessed; and the troops, I am sure, felt proud of the self-devotion with which their Governor-General exposed himself to every danger amongst them. I before said that our loss has been severe: it could not be esteemed small if we had no other to record, when I mention that, to wards the conclusion of the affair, Major.Geivral Sir Robert ry‘o,iieod has mortal. done his SirS ir country I.3 2+ , l l T: e st igll,ooadn ser vice, Sale, to whom I n dia and England are so much indebted, had his left t hi g h shattered by a grape shot, end that the received a ball th rou g h his chest, oil the an o d uld v i a l has s o i fti nc e e er p , advance of his division, and immediately expired. Brigadiers M ac tier, and Lieutenant - Colonels Banbury Byrne, nu and Bolton 444 o ther valuable officers, are amongst t he losses our country and the service will deplore, wounded. Th en con sider unavailing, when Feroze o Ifrom but not re i n v a der, and the insult p shall be res cue d the our territory and rule fitly I have every reason to be proud of, and gratified with, the exertions of the whole of the officers and troops of this army on this arduous occasion; with the conduct and dispositions of the generals of divisions, the brigadiers of the several arms, the general, personal, divisional, and brigade staff, and the * Sic in orig• wM!!!"