The Sun. — London, England, 1846-04-04 00:00:00

laws which will Itsrass and oppress the innocent without re straining the gui t o and which, beioi restrictive of oulTO liberty, cannot fail to augment national discontent." There was no doubt that great murders had been c vmmitted, but. the question was would that Bill have the ele,ct of d'teini-hing them ? He consiereel that it would not ; if he thought otherwise he would vote for it.—( Hear, hear.) And he del solemnly declare, in the words o! the revolution, that it would augment considerably the crimes which it is intended to di • zninish Look to the Bill itself, and see how little it ii applicable to the ceuniry or the crisis. The first feature of the Bill is to give the Lord Lieutenant absolute power to pro claim any part of the country he may please, without even assigning a eason. No human evidence of the truth of an &Legation of that proclamation is neetts , ary to be received ; it is a matter completely artsitrary , si ro'o sic j'rbeo proceeding. The Liird Lieutenant had the eoiser mks any sum or money he pleased as cempensa , ion under the powers of the present enactment—en unlimited puce—not such as the grand juries at present exercise The next newer he had, was that of giving rewards to any extent he pleased ; and there was no species of serviee or misc-nduct that he h d net the power t o rewar d. Th e next power he had, was that csf pa tronage. In a proalaim d district, he had the power of Ap pointing as many stipendi try magistrates, chief constables, head constables, and suloconstablss, at he pie use.}, uncon trolled or unchecked. Now, he ( lir. 0 Connell) did not mean to accuse any Government in the o'oervetien lie was about to make, as, in doing so, he would only be accusing what was human nature ; but, lie would ask, what was easier than for a person, auxious of being appointed, to have his emissaries, and thus fabricate as rainy eutrages as might answer his purpose?—( Hear, hear.) N•iis- he shred,' observe on the mode in which the money was to be levied. The money was to be assessed by a person appointed by the Lord Lieutenant, and no ju-tice or judge of the land, or rate-paver, had a power of control. —( Hear. hear. ) One of the notions whi. h the Right Hon. Baronet s eemed to entertain was that no grand jury had the rower of levying a tax. Th e y did, however, possess this pow er in an inireie way. Lieutenant, who wer e entirely at the disposal o f the Lord who makes his taxing master travel about the country, in order to find out localities where taxes may be levied on the poor. How will he improve the cyst , m? The working men is as poor as poor can be. When a rate is levied, he refuses to pay, because he has not the means of meeting the stemand. The amount is then levied on his goods, and, if necessary, the stipendiary magistrate has the power of calling the military to his assistance, and thus furni s h him with irresistible power to make the levy. Look what a wide difference there is between the poor man and his landlord; the tenant is ground to the earth by the enormous burden of taxation imposed upon him. Wnat security has he against the proceedings of an arbitrary landlord? He is exposed every moment of his life to be levied upon for some tax. This is a state of thine tablet) has lung existed in Ireland, and which ought no longer to be allowed to find a place there. The next clause to which I wish to draw the attention of the House is that which renders any person except a traveller liable to a sentence of transportation, if he be found out after dark in a public-horse in a prohibited district. This is ra'her an ambiguously worded clause, and presents reties.- a curious anomaly, for it would appear that for a person to drink even water after dark in one of these houses rendered him liable to the penalty of this Act. Every room in the houses of prohibited districts would he ex posed to the visits of the police, who will have power at all times to institute a search ; and the poor man will be powerless to oppose these visits. This 11,11 is a new plan of coercion, but it would be found to be impossible in principle, and mischievous in practice. He declared it to be his sincere belief, if the provisions of this BM were carried into effect. that it would be aluvest impossible to prevent an inserrection from breaking out. —( Hear, hear.) The people of Ireland are weak, and you are strong, but you never can succeed in pacifying them by any measure so unjust and impolitic as that now proposed. Make it their real interest to be contented, and you will find them tractable and easily led. The Houourable and Learned Gentleman then alluded to the Act. of Henry 11., which gave right to the Crown of challeneine an indefinite number of the jury, contrary to common sense and justice. The next clause to which he would direct the atten tion of the House was, that which made it transportation, nuless the accused person can preive his innocence. By the statute of 1835, the prisoner was cleared by his name being, emitted in a pre sentation to the grand jury. By the statutes of 183.1 and 1815, the accused was bound to have his guilt proved before he could bit punished. By this feature the aceus. d is compelled to prove his innocence or suffer transportation. He ( Mr. O'Connell) had done more to allay the disturbances in Ireland than any other man, and those who best knew him would bear testimony to his efforts to allay an appearance of outrage. It is true there were disturbinces in 'reload, and only pro. pose the proper means of suppressing their, and no one would be found more ready to ca• operate than myself. —( Hear, hear. ) Now, these night. clauses, it appeared to hint, were altogether useless. The greater number of murders that were committed were perpetrated in the day time, therefore, it would appear, that no precautions were to be taken to pr, vent the commission of crimes during the day. He confessed that nothing grieved him more than the title which had been given to this Bill It was en titled " A Bill for the Proteetion of Life," hut how he would ask could it protect life, if it sti.l left crime unpunished. un diminished, and unmitigated. What he ealled upon the House to do, was to investi g ate the causes of the outrages which had been committed, and to endeavour to eradicate by removing the causes. He would contend that the punishment which the present law awarded to persons found armed after dark was sufficiently severe. It was made a misdemeanour, and was punished by imprisonment, fine, and by whipping, and he had known many men who would rather suffer transportation than the putnshment of whipping. The present law had been found effective in former times, and what had been done before might be done again. He wanted this House not to place these awful powers, that. the proposed Bill contalned, its the hands of any Government. The experiment of a Coercion Bill had been tried, and had proved to be ineffectual. It had not only been tried once or twice, but it has been applied several times without having any beneficial effect. The Hon. Gentleman then gave a review of the various Coercion Acts which had been passed from the years 1831 to 1833. It had all proved unavailing, yet now they were required to pass a he h Coercion Bill. The first thing done after the pawing of Lord Stanley's Act was to vote a million sterling for the necessities of the poor in Ireland, The Right Hon. Baronet opposite, if he remembered aright, had called this gift a " voluntary ex periment." It was found to have a considerable effect in al laying their irritated feelings. Tne moment the present Go vernment came into power, they said that concession to Ire land had gained its utmost limits. He did not now complain of their having said that—they had manfully anti fearlessly stated their intentions, and they had carried out those inten tions. They had done a great duty—a great justice to Eng land; in the name of Heaven, then, he called upon them to de their ditty to Ireland.—( Hear, hear.) He was not now about to state the cruelty and oppression practised by this coon try upon Ireland—he only said to that House, come fo-ward and do something for Ireland. —( Hear, hear.) And if they would nobly and manfully set about it, they would find that in stead of ceersive measures being required—for the evidence was all the other way—that conciliatory measures alone could alter the state of things in that unfortunate country. There was a great difference between the present Ministry and the Whigs. See what had passed in Ireland at the period of the Whig Admi nistration. Instead of eoercion being continued, it was done away with, and. mild conciliation spread its blessings around ; and the country, though it was not in a state of prosperity, was less all cted, because the policy pursued towards it was humane. —(Hear, hear.) He saw statements in the newspapers, at tached to which was the name of one illustrious pet son. He found these statements, with regard to Ireland. so much the opposite to the fact, that he could not help thinking it must have beeen a calumny upon his name to have it so appended. This noble gentleman was made to say that the sta'e of Ireland was prosperous; and. as a proof of it, he said that she had gloat exp , its. That, indeed, was true, for she was always exporting to other countries that produce which she was not able to par take of herself.—( Hear, hear.) That was one way iif proving the prosperity of Ireland, but he (,Mr. O'Connell) could state the true conditi in of the country. What was the fact? Why, there was net a too e miserable people in the world.—( Hear, hear.) There were seven mildons of a purely agricultural po pulation, out of eight million;' two hundred thousand, which wa was the whole popul a tion o f th e coustry, and what condition? He would take the rep or t s of the C omrross ler, which had been appointed by the Legis lature at different periods, t o p rove t h e a bj ec t want, sufferinca and misery ofth ro ep e eo e ple of Irel an d. Th e H on . an d L earne d proceeded Member the n dto l read the various r e p o rts, a n d th e details created cons tierah f if o npression Olson the feelings of the House. The Hon. and as he went on. Was this, he arned Gentleman comm en t e d said, of what th e p eop l e o f I re l an d deserved ? The Government a murder, but wa s ro t v eil likes this murdermurderof the worst d escr i pt i on. from the slowne ss, b ut th e no less certai n result, o f the oeera con.— ( Hear , hear.) Thes e reports eo proved t h e p p thus t. V. He murders land to be badly h oused, badl y cl othed, and lo o n le of „ti e nt re membered the Right H on. Baro net stating in Ireland were blots u p on the character of the and a disgrace to civilization. Buc what was it caused ' them He did not ask them not to punish clime. W a , to clods murder that he address ed them ? Oh, no I What he are',., t them was, to put an end to this miser y which w as proved t o exist, and thereby put do wn crime.—(Hear, hear. ) Thes e was an Attorney-General who said tkat the people of Ireian he d vernment said th ey . were a patient, suffering people. T wished to put an end to the misery in Ireland. H e knew they wished it ; but it was not by wishing such a thing that it was to be done. It required the exertions of the o vernment, to turn this state of thin !s into a state of prosperity. The Hon. and Learned Member, after reading the various reports at great length, proceeded to say :—Such were the people the House had to deal whh—such were the people they had to legislate for. But alien they asked for a change of their condition, when they asked for relief—when they asked them for bread, let it not be said that instead of food, they should be met with stones.—( Hear, hear.) He had occupied the House some time, but it was necessary for him to state the cause of the disturbances in Ireland.— In doing this it would be necessary for him to read the opinions of those who were beyond all suspicion of partiality. With regard to the distress in that country, which Was well known to be the worst of all her crime, what said a Lewd Chief Justice of Ireland? It was said by him, that so great was the distress of that country, that he was sure the people of England had nothing like an idea of it. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman then proem-sled to another portion of the entrant, in which was stated a list of the number of tenants evicted in each year of five years in the district he had named, and which gave, he said, the enormous number of 120,000 tenants evicted in that short period of five years, and was it then to be wondered at, he would ask, that murders should have followed ? And how many murders were the con sequence of that eviction—how mint' of the evicted died a premature death? These were plain facts which he was now laying before the Government, and which he contended exhi bited the real sourct sof the crime complained of. Anti now he would addre ss himself to what he conc e i ve d wa s th e reme dy for this s t ate of things, and wh a t wou ld b e th e rea l means b y which t o dry up f t e sources of th ese cr i mes . H e h a d state d o several cases a f great h ar d s hi p to t h e tenant, an d now he would refer t o 7e7'h' ore • e would contend for it, that f ro m the mode in shirr the law ti was admini s te re d i n I re l an d th e people of that country could have no confid e n ce i n n. He would appeal to the G overnmen t i tse lf , an d h e would ask, h a d t h ey judicial and other offices honWtere appointed men m t e o n hav to e t a h k i tt e rt h an active part against w i majority of the Irish that political anti religious feelings of the great },cords?—(Hear. hear.) It was not upon him theselreland, af.aricdtswahsactit made ee aznit7rreetsisiaotn upon the peopl e of they had made that imp, that ti be lieve that the peorle of Ireland w er e Did the Government fidence in the law, or their re were lik-ly tn have their con increased by the apreantacensteeett, for the adni inis , rattirs of it Lefroy, or of Mr. Jackson, or of Mrs judicial bench of NI. father, or of Blackburn ?—( upar, - i Litton, or of %Ir. Penile that was not remarkab'e feLthe part laot one of those the religious and political feelin gs of as had taken against hear.) Perhaps he had not done well to laveeoPle Hear, names, but he would men'ion no tnoree mentioned hose w told ask what did this Hose think yea, v, o e :hem. But lie upon the Irish people by the conduct of ?fir. Chant mad '' Sugden. That getleman had said that u n l ess the Chatieell, r of Ireland had full confidence in the law, it co u ld not be peopleaci tered effectually. Let him ask were the people of rebind likely to have their confidence in the law increased by the dismissal f rom t h e comm i ss i on o f t h e p eace of nerea ' ed seventy_ four magistrves b.cause of their pitiitioal o iirtion heir.) i hey hal cemmitted no crime or 4. ffsnce of any ear, sort against the law—they had d d one uothiag to 'space the bench, or derogatory to the d con uct ut gentleman, and ne would ask was this Coercion Bill to be pissed to the exclusion of those gen tlemen from the beech oljustice ?...(Hear, hear.) if it were, what confidence could the people be expected to have in the admieistratien of its provisions? - (Hear, hear.) Then came the mate trials, in reference to which, he would ask, was there net a one-sided charge delivered cn that. oi:cu.:ion, at.d r:hat irepresiien was that vroceedieg calculated to leave upon the mints of the Irish people ?—( Hear, hear.) Well, than, he would tell the Government that they were bound to make sonic recompense for all this mi•ery, and inky-tiee, arid wrong. What hail he suggested as such recompense? As yet he had snegeated nothing, but before he sat down he meant t•a do so. No - d , oubt some erratic murders had taken place in Leland, hut the great mass of crime entirely arose out of questions about the possession of land. lie was sorry to say that there were exceptions to this, and that they had of late become mole numerous. 13ut the great question , the great evil of Ireland hod its origin in disputes about land. — ( Hear, hear. ) Hitherto the Government of this country had done nothdp , for the eroteettoe of the rights of the Irish tenant, while tiny had passed numerous enactments by which th. y had increased the poser of the landlord Th e 53,1 Grlsho; IIL , fee, was the first Act alter the union that gave Irish landlord a summary power of ejec tment. Up to that e 7,... e such au ac: was unknown in Eng land, i..r in any part of I,teld iseii Europe. Up to that time no landlird haul eve, . - -ttern to cliserain the growing crop of his tomcat for his rent -7 (Elea, t hear)—but thet Act give him the p ower to do so. That Act gave him the power to distrain the crowing crop; and until it was ripe and fit to cut he would place keepers u; on the an forertiate tenant, at a immense expense, for perhaps five or weeks; and he (Mr. O'Connell) did not believe that a more fruitful source of discontent and crime had ever been heard of than that which that AA had proved in its operation. In some cases, where the wretched tenant was seized upon in this way, he had not the m an* of aupplyirg his family with food, and if his wife went forth to beg it. she would he taken up and imprison d ; and let him ask, could such a law fail to he a fruitful source of crime?—( Hear, hear.) The next Act for inerea-ins the power of the lanillord over the tenant was the Firth Coo. 111, which not only gave the power of Civil Bill ejectment, but the power of turning out the tenant ; and ti.e ist George IV., cap. 87, further increase d that power, by enabling the landlord to demand from the tenant security for the costs of an action before he could take defence in a case where he felt convinced his landlord was the aggressor—a system of law which, he believed, was unknown and unheard-of in any other civilised country in the world.— ( Hear, hear.) The Ist and 2d, and the 6th and 7th William IV., were next passed, and they still further increased the power of the landlord—as if the Legislature thoureht that their only interest was the interest of the landlord—( Hear. ) Weil, then, the remedy which he would suggest should be ap plied to remove all Verse causes of crime, and all those imple ments of injustice, was, that measure of full and complete justice to Ireland which she had so often demanded.—( Hear, hear.) Ireland had not an adequate number of representa tives in that House ; she had not a fair proportion of the elec tive franchise. Grant her those and other measures of justice which he had so often enumerated, and that was the real way by which to coerce the Irish people.. Coerce th - m by their affections and their gratitude, and then they will be all that a Government could wish them.—( Hear, hear.) New, with regard to the landlord and tenant question, he would ask, why not give the tenant at least a lease of twenty-one years of his farm ? Recollect, that if the land on which the Irish neasant lived be taken from hitn, he is deprived of the means of life. Why should he not be allowed a fair compensatiori for the ex penditure of his capital nut his labour in improving his land • lord's property ? He (Mr. O'Connell) did not mean any ex trevagent allowance for fantastical outlay ; there was little fear of that; but he wanted to have the tenant remunerated for his labour, for the loss of his property; and it he imeroved theland he held, he sheuli be allowed to have the full benefit of it.— ( Hear, hear.) Oh 1 if this were done, only see what a stimu • lent it would he to ability and industry.—( Hear. hear. ) How happy and contented the Irish tenant would be when he felt that his labour was his own, and that he was working for him self.—( Hear, hear.) Let him have this, without encumber ing it with clauses and provisions, with whirls he might. never be able to comply ; prover t that wild, savage " c'earance" system, through whose agency se many trim's that affrighted the land had been caectrnitt.'d, and he promisod the House they would hear nu more of those crimes. —( Clear hear.) Ile would now refer o the Ulster tenant-right, and read an extract from the evidence that had been published in reference to it. Diet was the evi fence given of the state of things in the north. flow often bad he heard gentlemen boast of the peaceful rhsreition of the people of the north ; hut why were they so, but because they were better treated by their land lords ?—(1Ie sr. ) The tenant going out was allowed to sell the ten int-, ieht, or dispose of it as he wished : he was not a wretched beggar, as in the case of less •fastoured districts of the country. ow, he gave the Government their choice between the conditions of the people of Ukter and Tipperary : the present was the moment to d 'cid • ; let Clem decide wisels for they might be assured their miserable Coercien Bill would not answer. —( Hear, hear.) There were, to be sure, many excellent landlords in hipperary, but there was also a nume rous body of exceeding bad ones.—( Hear.) Then, there were many estates in the hands of the tenants; but let the Legislature intervene; let the law lake, as it were, the posi tion and sit uatien of the land ord : let it do but justice. and there woul 1 in a short .time be an cad of agrarian crime in Ireland.—( Hear, hear.) He (sfr. O'Connell) was not se licit ing the Gevernment to travel into unfrequented ground ; they had the evidence of 300 years before them in respect of the tenant right in Ulster, and let them act by it.--( Hear, hear.) He would not then occupy the time of the House longer, as it would be idle of him to go into further detail. He had pointed out toe evils th it existed, as well as what he had conceived would be their remedy, and it then rested with the Government to a.-opt or reject those remedies as they teased. Ulster was tranquil spider the tenant right. while the south anti west were dis urbed because of the insecurity of teligre. The unhappy p asantry were reduced to the half-rotted potato for their food, with tee water their only drink. Their houses were pervious to the rain ; they were ill-c!othed and ill-covered, but all that was known before, and he would not repeat. it or add to it a single word, but conclude by proposing the amendment with which he had set out.—( Hear, hear. ) Captain B. OSBORNE ( whose opening observations did not reach the gallery) was understood to say that, in rising to second the amendment so ;del) , proposed by his Hon. and Leaenisd Friend ( O'Connell) he was anxious to guard himself from being misconceived, because, while he shared with the Right Hon. Gentleman the Secretary for the Home Department that feeling of horror at the crime of assassination in Ireland, yet. as a resident of the country to which the present measure was intended to apply, and one deeply interested in her welfare, he deprecated its introduction, as being, in his opinion, inefficient, and strongly calculated to influence the complicated evils of that country. It was easy for Members of that House to come down, and, expressing their horror of mur der, call on the Legislature to enact more stringent measures for the protection of life. But in his opinion it would he much more worthy of the statesman if he first applied himself to the concoction of a measure that would go to eradicate the causes of these outrages.—( Hear, hear.) It there was nne duty more imperative in a statesman than another, it was that of proving to the people of 'relate' that he was ready to grapple with their condition social, political, anti relieious—( Hear), whilst or, the other hand a coercive measure was a prof and an acknowledgement of his incapacity as a Minister.—( Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Gentleman opposite (Sir J. Graham) had, oe a former night, referred to the language of Mr. Burke on the subject of free trade; anti he (Captain B. Osborne) would then beg to refer him to the sentiments of that great man on a question similar to that then before the House. —( Hear. ) Mr. Burke said, speaking of coercion, " God for bid, that on a worthy occasion authority should want the means of being enforced ; but where the hearts of the people do not go with the hands of the soldiery, you may call your Constitu tion what you Ilse ; but it will, in effect consist of three orders, namely, cavalry, in'antry, and artillery. "—( Hear, hear. ) If he (the Honourable Member) could allow his feelings to warp his judgment, anti if he c ,nsidered that the resent measure was the least suited for the suppres sion of crime in Ireland, he confessed he would feel induced to give his vo'e in favour of the second reading of the Bill ; but he should declare that his feelings were otherwise as to its result.—( Hear, hear.) He doubted not that there were many in that Hnu.e who, from ;he sueertictal view they had taken re this subject, were ready to cemtnir themselves to its support. bat if it should be shown that the provieons of the Bill were snore likely to create disc ird than the contrary—if it could be shown that the Bill itself would be ineperati le, he called on Hon Gentlemen interested in the welfare of I , elanit not to commit themselves to its support.—( Heir, hear.) The Right Hon. art.the Home Secretary read numerous extracts, from reports furnished the Government, of the state of crone in Ireland. Now he (Captain Bernal Osborne) might fol low his example in the opposite way, hut he would then merely confine himself to questioning , he accuracy of those extracts, as in his opinion there was a vast exaegeration of the amount of crime in Ireland.—( Hear, hear ) But for the sake of ar gument, he would admit the accuracy of the statisti..s ; and then he would a,k bow the Government in•ended to meet the qunstion? The Lord Lieutenant was invested with a power to proclaim a digriet, and make it a tr .nsporta Is offence for persons to be out at a certain time in the evening after sun, Such was the principal provi.ion of the measure intended fir the pacification of Irelanl.—( Hear ) Dal the Right Hon. Secretary attempt to show how that would deter the noonday murder e r, h ow it wou ld opera t e to i n d uce per s o ns to cisme forward and give evidence agamst him, or how it would in any way eradicate the evil ?—( Hear, hear-) That was the twentieth measure, as was remarked by P r li e r .:o:s l t i e i n o a ar n h t e h i m ) e , c n the Hon. and Learned G«ntleman ( Mr. O'Connell) who had e thahad been introduced since the union of a uva,,:nerd heard t o i of t h iv these on t e w o e f n t t y h measur es n at ure, or the he( effectC a p of in that countrydown the consequences of Irlsh mns of evidence gave ample proof that the was not the case in En we Il knovr n . colur' h ear.) The causes of Iri,h crime were l arose out of dinputss about land, as murders all that, either through inability, Yet the Government, knowing at the present moment more or t e h ready to resuscitate an infamous ignorance, or laxines!, were strike at the root of the eva'nl to introduce one that would and inoperativ e near, hear.") Would it be believed that, .the (C si r x i t e l: o c f en ' t . ury of English rule in Ireland, and in thegerae,suernet,enlightened age, that that a transport a O in n i a e i n e o f w o f r a t s h b e a eing cut of his .provisions of Housewhich was et) a halbeortutthteol law to cabin of er sunset ?—( Hear, hear.) Government, professing so much concern for enli ghte n ment, at a bringing forward a measure brimful of martial law andrnmeanst' quera:e.—( Hear, hear.) In 1824, he found that the present Chief Justice for Ireland, then Mr. Illackburne, in his evi denee before a Committee, stated, in reply to the question, " What measures are best calculated to improve the con d tion of the people of Ireland ?" that, genarly speaking, I' education ;loci e mployment were the best means ;" for, thou g h Coercion Acts might put down crime for a while, yet they could not make the order of things beater." Then Mr. Howley, an assistant 'barrister, stated in his evidence that the ordinary law, carried out and administered with temper, would be quite sufficient fer the maintenance of peace and order."—( Hear, hear.) Such was the wrtten evidence ef an assistant-barrister for a Tipperary riding.—( Hear.) It would he in the recollection of Hon. Gentlemen that on a recent occasion the Recorder of Dublin gave it as his opinion, that the existing law was sufficient for the suppression of all (Us- . turbanees, though be (Captain B. Osborne) did not know how that Learned and Right Hon. Gentleman could reconcile u'h a statement with the vote given subsequently by him—Wear.) 'f he Right lion. Secretary for the Home Department, when deseanting on the amount of crime in Ireland, never, it %scull appear, gave himsel the trouble to inquire to what thy. • erirnes were to be atiributed.—(Hear. ) Now, why did it not occur to him that such was caused by the conduct of Givernment itself? —( Hoar, hear.) In 1543 the Dev n C mmission was issued, and the excitemimt }iron uceil in Leland by the issuing of that Commission, could not be overrated, as from its constitutien and the towers with which it was suppo-ed to he invested, the greatest expectat tees were edtertained.—( Hear.) Tre report of the Commission wound up by saying that "the patient en durance and suffering. tst the agricultural labourers of Ireland entitled them to the most serious con.idtration of t e House ; and yet a Bill. fun led on the report, was introduced, the provisions of which were so ridiculous that they estabished for the measure a tart of fixity of tenure. as he believed it still lay a dead letter in tine litiu•e where it had been first in tro ueed.—( Hear, and laughter. ) The Right lion. ;secre tary for the Home Department. citing the language of Mr. Fox its 1797, said, " that Irelaud should be leglslated for with a regard to Irish feelings and rejudices."--(" Hear, he ir," fro.. :sir James Graham.) New he (kSapt.iin II Osborne) did rot know what id •a the Right lion. Gentleman enter s:ll,...,l of Irish prejui.ice. and feeling , but if any proof were anted t o stiow that he entertained no idea of either, it was the lin! • ro.Thetico of the present Hill, a 111.1 so powerless that he did not think the Government were serious in their inte the concoction Con of pas s i ng weak, • o inoperative was it, that. it seemed of a weak and vacillating cabinet..—(lriear.) There were certain clauses in the Bill to which he wished to call the attention of the Legislature. What would the House say if some dr spotic minister—some man of great abilities, who might be influenced by newspaper paragraphs, were to come down to them, and, after reading two or three murders from provincial newspapers, were to call on the House to pass a Coercion Bill. The legislation for both countries must be the same, as the interest) of the countries could not be severed. fo l r ie th w e is o h tl e i d er t , o and eall what was atten tion en- bad What fo rwoansegzds bad for o t, n , ther wase ion of English Members to the 9th and 14th sections of this a s also to the 6 th , 7th, and Bth sections. The y all directed that certain su ms should be g iven as com p ensation to other. good a certain class of persons named, and to the relatives of per sons who were murdered. Where was this money to be ad vanced from—from the Consolidated Fund ? The Ilaeht Hon. Baronet the Sec. etary for the Home Department would turn round and say that the money was to be repaid. By the 9th and 14th clauses of the Act, the sums directed to be advanced from the Consolidated Fund are di.ec'ed to be repaid by a tax on the occupying tenant-cotter, whether his tenure were above or below 4/. Did any man, who had had any dealings with the cotter tenantry of Ireland, suppose that such a rate could he ? The Right lion. Gentleman had told then, that these agrarian outrages inflicted on the tenant were infl reed on the landlord, and yet he was about to burden them with this taxation. Ile (Captain 11. Osbetne) was intimate with the cutter tenantry of Ireland, and he was more astonished at their patience than surerised at their crimes. Let the Right Hon. Gentleman recollect that physical destitution and mural degradation went hand in hand. Men could not be de based in the scale of comfort without making them like wild beasts, and it was useless for the Govern ent to be framing coercion laws when they knew that the vices of the people had been caused by their own bad legislation. He thought that it was necessary to refer to a few sentences which fell from a Noble Lord the other evening. 'I he Noble Lord thought it necessary to believe the Govern ment accounts of famine in Ireland, but lie placed implicit reliance on the Governrceet details of Irish crimes—(Loud cheers from the Opposition.) If Irish crimes had a more direct tendency to influence the Corn Bill, he should like to know if the Noble Lord would be more incredulous. The Noble Lord had remarked that any man who opposed the passing of this measure ought to be held responsible, and was responsible, for every murder that was committed in Ireland, thereby arguing that any man who might feel it necessary to differ from the opinion of the Noble Lord was responsible for the outrages committed in Ireland. Whenever the Noble Lord " bolted" from the figures of rhetoric to the figures of speech, he was sure " to disappoint his baceers, and run himself into distress"—(Laughter.) When the Noble Lord came down to that House he produced a newspaper, and, after citing from its columns two cases of murder, proceeded to argue upon the necessity of coercive measures or Ireland. What mould the Noble Lord think if he (Captain Osborne) were to take at random two counties in England ? He would, take Stafferdshire, and he there found that a man named Brown killed his brother by beating on his head with a hammer, and then hid his body in a sandpit. The marderer held a farm under his brother, an I in consequence of the non-payment of the rent, the urother threatened to distrain, and it was the fear of being turned out that induced the commission of the murder. Was it considered necessary to proclaim Staffordshire in con sequence of that murder? He would now turn to a village in saomersetshire, Bridgwater, where a woman poisoned her bro ther, and, it was supposed, three other relatives, and would any man in his senses deduce from that that the people of Bridg water were so brutal that a Coercion 11111 was necessary. If he were to look into the provincial newspapers he might even find that some such facts had occurred in Lynn, and an accord ing to the Noble Lord's argument, rendering a Coercion Bill necessary for that place. The Noble Lord could not adopt a worse principle than to cut slips out of newspapers to bring them forward as excuses for such measures. He must now say and he said it with great regret, that he had some little quarrel with the Right lion. Gentleman the Secretary for the Home Department. In the absence of the Irish Secretary some excuse might he made for his ignorance of the state of Ireland. when he said that there were five counties in that country in a state of abs lute disturbance, Tipperary being s, ecially mentioned amongst them. It was right that the Right hien. Gentleman sh•iuld know that it was only in the North-west Riding of Tipperary that these disturbances tuek place. In the South Riding crime was unknown. He spoke as a resident. and he knew that the landed ptoprietors there would defend their rights while they were not inattentive or unmindful of their dut:es ; and it was therefore he now at :earpted to do justice to the country. An Hon. and Learned Gentleman near him had alluded very cursorily to the number of civil-bill ejectments, from 1839 to 1843. He said that the number of these rjeetments in these five counties was 2,331 tiering that period. There had, however, been 72,932 notices served, and, taking every family to consist of five, that would give a total of 364,910 persons. He would nit, however, be so hurried en by news aper reports as to forget that he was in that House to lekslaee for his fellow-countrymen. The peopie in England, on hearing this would make great lamen tation, and exclaim, " How horrible !" and yet no person ever thought of asking for the actual return of threw ejectments. with i'h .a railway Nob the B 1 Lord ,2iill t,ht sat of s ac came d that mperol the ,beerft. House )before theN What ,h House, t a ouv: 1 l ae r aen i v .;h der t to ywt aa interf ere passede t ax—every ry s but such an interference? and yet such an interference was be made with the rights of the subject. The truth was, however, that the man who was born on the soil had a right to derive his subsistence from it. It was asked, how were agrarian outrages to be put down ? It was not by coercive measures, or Protection to Life Bills, that it was to lie done, but by an alteration of the law of fixed property to re move the expense attendant on its sale, so as to render its transfer more easy, anti to make way for a new set of pro prietors. It was by a total revision of the law of landlord and tenant. The evils of Ireland were social evils, and therefore he must say that he thought the conduct of Government had been marked by great indiscretion. When the Lord Chan cellor of Ireland took upon himself to dismiss all those magis trates who professed the doctrines of repeal, he committed what was worse than a crime—he committed a great political blunder—for if any one thing more than another set the peasantry against the Bench, it was that dis missal. The Government had also committed another error, which was recalled to his mind by some observations made the other night by an Hon. Member. It was complained that the Protestant ascendancy in Irelard was gone. Let the House' look at the long panel in 1 ipperary. That county was quiet enough in the time of Lord Normanby, but that was attributed to We toadying the great agitator. The conduct of the Go vernment with regard to the grand jury was much to be com plained of. In 1839, there were on the long panel in Tip perary 118 Catholic gentlemen, and 100 names were on the list. In the year 1844 that number had decreased to 43, and the names on the list were only 10 in number. In 1846 they had dwindled down to 17, and the names on the list were only 5; and at the last sessions, out of two or three Catholic gentlemen, only one was emparmlled. That gentleman was decidedly a man of considerable worth and respectability ; but why were other gentlemen, of equal worth and respectability, omitted from the grand jury. If the Hon. Member for Tipperary were not then in the House, he (Capt. Bernal 0-borne) would attest to his worth, and yet he was not on the ge and "jury in consequence of his political opinion. There were also two Members siding near him to whom similar circumstances had occurred. Was it possible, therefore, for the peasantry of Ireland to look upon the law in any other light than a one-aide and prejudiced judge? In undertaking to second the motion brought forward by the Hon. Learned Gentleman, he could not say that he participated in all his sentiments, of which, however, he admired the sincerity and genius. He di i not agree with his (Mr. O'Connell) opinions as to the separation or the English and Irish Legislature. He, as a re,ident is the country, did no' think that repeal was a oanacea for its evils, but at the same time let him warn the House, ;hat in passimc a measure of a coercive character, that it must ake into account, first, the power they gave the ,Honourable Gentleman to continue his agitation for repeal, and the effect that the measure would have on the public mind. Let the House discuss it as they might. Men of all parties in Ireland were discontented with the English Government They said that it was ignorant of the Irish interest, and indifferent to to their prej :dices. What was the effect of Lord Grey's Bill ? It drove many moderate men into the ranks of the repeaters. He (Captain B. Osborne) was favourable to the maintenance of the union, but he mast say, that if the union was only to be maintained by such measures of coercion, he would rather see it at once repealed. He lamented that the Right Honourable Gentleman at the head of the Government, who had shown himself on a question of commerce able to shake himself from the trammels of party, consented to take the old and oft-repeatsd story of Irish disturbances. The Honourable Gentleman had told the House that there was an evil genius in the t abinet. That genius was of an orange hue, and its spirit yet clung to the system of Govern ment in Ireland, and secretly encouraged coercive measures. Whatever p iwer the Hon. Gentleman might possess over the Government, he (Captain B. Osborne) called on the House not to be het away by a measure which would entrench on the tights and liberties of his Irish fellow subjects. —( Cheers. ) Mr. S. HERBERT said that he would not revert in any way to the private nip•es the Hen. Gentleman had just intro duced. He would speak with great respect of all opinious ad: vaneed in that House by any gentleman who had spent a part of his time in Irelsnd, and who had done his duty in that country towards the tenantry under him ; and, in allu iing to any party expressions of the Honourable Gentleman, he assured him that he did so without any disrespect, or in the least degree disparaging the county which he represented. He hoped that every Member, in entering on this discussion, would adopt the calm and tem perate manner used by the Hon. Gentleman in bringing it for ward. He regretted that these party topics had been introduced, and he would not allude to them further than to say, that as far as he was concerned, whatever station he held in that House, nothing would induce him to assist in making Ireland a theme for such discussions. He was a landlord himself and took an interest in the welfare of the country. lie took the warmest interest in its fate and misfortunes, and he could truly say that, being a willing and a warm party to the measure before the House, he held opinions adverse to any rigorous treatment of the country. No man was more warmly and more reasonably an advocate of this measure, which he believed and hoped woul a ultiweately introduce better feelings between parties In Ireland, and assimilate different classes, to the prosperity of the country. In the speech of the Hon. Gentleman I had hoped that the intention of meeting this measure by delay had been given up. In the speech which hail just been delivered, the Hon. Gentleman rather seemed to be to d d for the unopp ose d fi rs t an d sec an d rea di ngs , reserv i ng th e dis cussion not tustan maketh the applicability of between w th ee is n Billthts Bill todaiffnedrethnet classes. e liu for the third. It wou ld b e f or th e conven i en ce of the other Bills b roug h t i n under different circumstances. In no observation of tie Hon. Gentleman who had spoken was there . the least att em pt t o deny the case of o the Government rest e d t h e necessity - of thetehmeesreßgielin.ey Tonhewstate ment made by his Right H on . Frie nd onl y allegation on Secretary for the g ati Home Department remained unch ange d. made was that which was made by th e Hbeo n which seemed to prove that the state of society c n r . e n t l a r Gentleman,was not so much dis o rga nised a s it was represented to be. The state r , : society was such in Ireland that the greatest &faulty exi , te,l in regard to the obligation of leases; and the sub-div.shon of land into small portions was enforced in such a mariner as produce the wotst results. If this system went on, the inevitable result would be that the land would be rendered valueless, and its whole produce swallowed up by the residence he, that man, must suffer. of thingst, and struggles agains t it, functions of a landlord unless he upon it. If any man sets himse l f up in opposition to this state No man would perform th e lattire.—( Hear, hear.) But his objec t was to show in answer had the consideration and enjoy ed the p rotection of the Legis to the statement of the Honourable Gentleman opposite, how far this Bill would go to protect the poorer cla.res, It was said that it was a law for the benefit of the landlords, to protect the strong instead of the weak, the rich in their oppression over the pour. In answer to that he thought he would show that the principle murders com mitted in Ireland. and the ow rages that took place, were not upon oersons in the higher rank, of life, but amongst the poor and defenc. testi. Especially was this the case in the midnight ai tack's, against which this Bill was intended more espeenally to provide, and its provisions would be found of more value to the poorer classes than those for whom it was sa d to be pro posed. The rich man could b irricade his doors and windows, and, with the asi-tance of his arms and servants, stand a siege against the midnight assassin'; but the poor man's life was exivired without the least. protection. His wretched cabin, without windows, and vi ith scarcely any covering offered no resistance ainst the . midnight inc .ndiary. He had no servants to stand by him, and the thatch of his cabin offered an easy prey to the flames. It ought theiciore to be distinctly bonne in mind that the night clauses of the present Bill offered the greatest protection to the poor, I and proved that the accusation urged so strongly against the Bill, that it was a landlords measure, was not founded in the truth. There was a case represented by a gentleman whose anthority was unexeeptional!e, Mr. Nagle, a stipendiary ma gistrate, who des e Hied the attack made upon a person of the name of Clark, which oceurrcd in the county of Tipperary. The landlord was riot here a victim, but the victim was a farmer, who took a piece of land, which offended a party who had previously occupied it; and because the landlord had placed him in it, the disaffected party took steps to wreack his yen geariee against this poor person. He was a well-disposed and industrious workman, yet that did not protect him from being attacked, and the cultivation of the land was eontequently sus pended. That part of Ireland where this and similar out rages took place was greatly in the want of capital. But if such a state of things was to continue, how could they exits& the surplus capital of the country to be expended there. If capital was expended, it would, no doubt, greatly increase the imports, and add to the improvements of Ireland, but it would not come while such outrages took place, and such an organiza tion was in ex stence as permitted F ucli proceedings.—(Heir, hear.) He would refer to another place in the county of Clare, in which a party of armed men entered a house and discharged a blunderbuss in the face of the person who occupied it, besides otherwise abusing him in a brutal manner. There were four men parties to this attack, and it arose because seven years pre vious to that perio.l one of those who committed the present out rage had been ejected from this piece of ground. This person was identified by those in the cottage who had been subjected to the attack. He (Mr. Sydney Herbert) was indebted to this information to Mr. Bailey. the resident stipendiary magistrate of Clare. Another case had been furnished to him tMr. Sydney Herbert) lay one of the head-constables of the county of Limerick, of a person who was waylaid by five or six men at night, when returning from the market, and abused in a very serious manner, arising from a similar cause to that which 01 iginated in the one he had previously referred to. What he wanted to show was, that the peasants under the unhappy state of things which at present prevailed, were liable, not only to be attacked in their houses, but on their going backwards and for wards to the markets. The person to which he had just re ferred had been placed on a plot of land by his landlord, to whom he had been a servant, and after occupying it for some time he gave back the land, intimating that he durst not retain it or go to work upon it. Yet the man had been a faithful servant, and both the landlord and tenant were Catholics. All these cases bore on the point that this was a law for the protection of the poor. Du not let it be said that it was a Bill to protect the magistracy or the landlords. How many of the murders committed were uron the magistrates of Ireland ? ( Hear, hear.) Very few indeed. Few in comparison to those that happened among the poor. In the five counties where these outrages took place to the greatest extent, this would be found to be the case. In looking over the returns of crime and outrage in those counties, he found that, while the number of flaunters was equal, there were 85 cases of firing at persons, 135 cases of incen diarism, and 1,042 cases of threatening notices, amongst the holders of land. How few were the cases in which the pro • tectlon of the landlords was required compared to these. He did not deny but that the measure would afford the pro prietors of laud some protection, hut the poorer classes would be found to derive the greatest benefit. His Right Hon. Friend (Sir J. Graham) gave a case, the other night, in illus tration of the state of society in 1832, and the benefits de rived from the former measure. He (Mr. S. Herbert) would beaftotrhe them atpe another riod.ln society pla e l i B l 3 l illustration r thetion respecting t a teof thin things e statei in some of counties was as bad as it now is in the five counties corn- plained of. The illustration he would give was that furnished by Chief Justice Bushe, in his charge to the grand jury of Queen's County. (The Right Hon. Gentleman here read the extract, which was to the effect that outrages prevailed to a great extent ; that the plunder of arms was widely practised ; that witnesses were terrified from giving evidence, and juries eeterr.d from the performance of their duty on toe pain of death.) The Lord Chief Justice further said, that this state of things was attributable to the agrarian feelings that prevailed, and not from the pressure of want or poverty of those who committed the outrages. He could not recollect an instance in which want or poverty was the instigating cause. This was the state of society according to Chief Justice Rube in 1832. The Hon. and Learned Member for Cork ( sir. 0 Connell) said that the measure was only a revival of the old Tory system of governing Ireland, and that the previous measure had nit succeeded in its objects. He (Mr. Sydney Herbert) must say that as far as the experience of the Act of 1832 went there was every reason to be satisfied of it. operation. So far from it being inefficient, it had pro duced the greatest good.—( Hear. ) However much the public of Ireland disliked the measure, it was found to give security to life and property, which did not exist before it was renewed is 1834, and again in 1836. If th. y had read the ac counts furnished in 1834 by the inspector-general of police of Ireland, they would see the effect of the Act had been most salutary. It had not been rigidly applied, yet as far as it was carried out it was entireiy successful. Mr. Green, a resident magistrate of Kilkenny, addressed a letter to Lord Melbourne, showing the beneficial results that had flowed from the measure. According to returns of outrages furnished from the Ist April, 1832, to April, 1833, the num ber of cases was 1,590; from April, 1833, to the corresponding period in 1834, there were but 331, showing a diminution of 1,259. There was one county, Queen's County, which was more disturbed than almost any other county in Ireland, yet after the operations s f that Act a great physical and moral im prov ment took place, and a state of general prosperity ensued. He hoped that the House would clearly understand this, that of the outrages committed, the greater number were outrages c ,mmitted in the humbler walks of life; and that in but few instances, comparatively sdeaking, would this law be necessary for the higher classes of society. —( Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") He hoped that, in asking them to give their assent to the mea sure they would consider the necessity that made such excep tionary laws necessary, and that nothing but the strongest con siderations could suffice to render such an enactment justifiable.—( Hear.) He would ask them, with a due consideration of their duty, what it was best for them to do? Was the country and the people to be deprived of all security, and divested of the benefits which a free nation ought to enjoy ? \Vas not that a state of things with which it was proper for them to interfere, where crime was committed with out any strong motives of provocation, and every tone and phase of society operated to a fearful extent upon the industri ous tenant, as well as the proprietor of land. Every well-dis posed man was interested in an end being put to this state of things—a system of terror and outrage which operated not in proportion to the number of persons attacked, but to the amount of alarm and fear that was generated and diffused. Let them look at the effects produced by such a terrib'e tyranny as this—a tyranny under which a person who goes out is subject to be waylaid and attacked; or when sitting in his house, to have a blunderbuss directed against hislife ; end which not only operates against the individuals so assailed, but by the feel ings of alarm and intimidation it creates, leads to a genera derangement of society.—( Hear, hear.) Such was a state of things that ought not to exist. Under such a system, when a man goes abroad, he knows not what danger may assail him in his progress; conscious perhaps that he has an accuser whom he cannot see, yet who is judge and jury in his case, and only seeks an opportunity when the executioner whom he may employ shall carry his mandate into effect. It is a dreadful state of things, when a mins knows that he is ac cused by an unseen party, whom he cannot confront, but whom he knows watches his naovemnnts, and against whom he is neither safe in his journies by day, nor in the walls of his cot tage by night.—(Hear hear.) He found that these outrages were inflicted in some cases, because a person was in possession of land from which another individual had been ejected some seven or eight years before, and this was done, although the present possessor had no previous knowledge of his landlord. Surely under these circumstances, the House would not object to a suspension of the law in these districts. He considered it a most fortunate circumstance that this state of society was confined to a small area in Ireland. He was glad to find that it was confined to Westmeath, and its neighbouring counties, but that only fur nished the stronger reason why Government should interfere to restore order. He trusted that ths House would look fairly into that matter ; he trusted that they would not be led away by any specious declarations about curtailing the liberty of the subject. Why, what they, the Government, wanted, was to restore security to, not only the higher, but to the very hum blest classes in Ireland. He trusted, therefore, that the House would not reject this Bill by refusing to accede to iis first read ing. The Government asked them to grant this first reading, but if it could be shown that those evils did not exist, it was in the power of Hon. Members to do so. It they had exaggerated the evil, it was in the power of Hon. Members to point out where that exaggeration existed. If they thought that that I3ill was inapplicable to the peculiar cir cumstances of the case, they were bound to show wherein the inapplicability consisted. All he requested the House was not to mix up this question with remedial measures for Ireland, which all parties wished to see carried into effect, but which should be held quite distinct from this occasion. It was universally admitted that these outrages did not arise from a religious feeling ; it was ad mitted also that this was not what might be termed a religious measure ; it was certainly not a political one, because men of every shade of political opinion felt that there was a necessity for its being immediately brought into practice. He hoped that no Hon. Member would allow himself to be carried away by the argument that, b eca use they could not trace these evils to anything in the social condition of Ireland, they should post pone the measure until they had discovered that origin. Why, if the House were to grant every concession, they would find a repetition of all these evils; unles. they were to be in the first instance checked by the strong hand, other grievances would spring up. What they wanted at present was to give protection and liberty, not only to landlords, but to the poorer classes of Ireland, who did look to Government as the source from whence they were to receive some protection from the evils under which they were labour ing, so that they might pursue their industry—the true staple of the country, upon which, more than upon legislative enact ments, the prosperity of Ireland depended.—(Cheers.) Lord J. RUSSELL then rose and said—Sir, I rise with deep anxiety, for the purpose of supporting the measure intro duced by the Right Bon. Baronet; an-I it is with great satis faction that I do so, because the spi eches which have been made on this subject, beginning with the Right Hon. Baronet the Secretary for the Home Department, to those members of the Government who had spuken last in the discussion, I readily confess that when cases are brought before us of the many crimes committed in Ireland—crimes of a dreadful cha racter, committed in different counties—that we by our union with Ireland have taken upon ourselves the responsibility of legislating for them, I admit that we are bound to afford potect.ion to life on the one hand, without un every due necessarily infringing on the liberty of the subject on the other. ( Hear, hear.) S uc h was t h e b urden upon them by the terms of the union, and that burden they to bear., Now, when the Ri g ht H on. G ent l eman wer e bound tells me that he wishes this Bill to be read a first time—when he lays that he thinks he h as state d suff i ciently at length this narr ative of crime to induce the House to accede to Vie first rea di ng —l do, Sir, agree with him so far, that I think, also, that the first reading of thi s measure may be, taken ; but in "on s o , I do not hold myself relieved from the responsibility of stating, that so far as the Government measure is to be ad mitted. that is a q uestio n hereafter for this House to decide. Looking to the Bill itself, there are many clauses in it which, in to b e rect ifi ed ; and therefore, although ' in my opinion, this House should consent to the first re ading of th e Bill, I think myself bound to state that, it: the further stages of the I s h a ll have objectio ns to offer • whtch will measure,go to the foundation of some of its princpal provisions I do not l in blame the G o v e rnment with that w ; • not, perhaps, be very crime they might wel abl e h l l r c e h ltaond. avolind —myl mean the increase of views these crimes are connected with a social condition of Ireland ts hieh has arisen from time to time—which has exhi bited a formidable fr o nt at several periods, ranging from eighty years ago. Soon a fte r the reign of George IIL, crimes of thi s kind first attract ed the attention of the use, but the causes of these crimes were so doubtful that we ourselves had never considered what was the proper remedy for the disease. At this moment every species of crime seems to b e committed in th a t unhappy country ; but when we ask chat is the remedy to be applied, I own that the experience of all reflecting indivi duals seems to be that w e ought n s o r, I t i teb i e h s n alisfied with m easures m erely of a coercive nature. that when we con sider that Legislative Acts of this nature have been enforced from the time of Gprge I. _when measures were passed to restrain Waltham.—it deer stealing in th e neichbourhood of am— it is impera tive on this H ous e to adopt measures, however severe they may seem, to restrain the outrages which have been exhibited to this House in such vivid colours. These outrage have gone beyond the enactments which had already existed, we e lt ought Murders to have been committed , but I still think that sufficient grounds before we exact th e p think the; we ought to have sufficient indicatio ns of thena penalty. Take the example of persons who have been found with their faces bl ac k ene d, and with deltructiye arms 19 their hands i thesel combined with other circumstances which tended to show that they were engaged in unlawful conspiracies which connected them with the White-boys, induced the Irish Parliament to pass a law rendering such proceedings illegal. They ought, surely, to have some indications which would tend to compro mise pariies before they rroceeded against them. They ought not to take slighter indication. of crime than had been taken at former periods. When such Bills as that before them, cr Bills of a similar character had been passed fer the purpose of restoring peace in Ireland, it was necessary that the district so affected should be proclaimed by the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, for many instances had occurred where many innocent persons had been transported and imprisoned for a length of time. But it is usual for persons, in many districts of Ireland, to be out after sunset in winter, autumn, and spring, for purposes that no one can blame them for. It may be that their cattle have war.dered, so that they are re qiiired to be seen after, that their fences are broken ; it may be that they are attending a wake, or the funeral of one of their friends or relations; and are we to punish these persons because they, under these circumstances, are out after sunset? Under all these circumstances persons are very liable to be out after sunset ; and are they to be taken up by the police, to be brought before a magistrate, and, unless they can show that they have been out for a lawful purpose—are they to be committed by the magistrate for trial ? I think that the Bill may be amended so far that indications may be required to show that persons found out after sunset, before they are punished, must have meditated a crime. Sir, I wish this clause to be ex pressed in a totally different manlier from what it is at pre sent. I should wish that the clause would specify persons out under "suspicious circumstances," which would justify the magistrate in committing them. With respect to other parts of the Bill—with respect to those which enable the Lord Lieutenant to impose a rate on persons with the view of paying an increased constabulary, I think that is a wise matter to be considered in Committee. I know that some objections have been made to that, yet I think it is de sirable to have an increased constabulary in those disturbed districts, and that it is desirable the Bill should go to the Com mittee for the purpose of considering that clause. Bet, now, Sir, there is another question arises, and upon this subject I cannot but refer to the Bill as it was originally introduced. I hold in my hand a paper, published in this town, giving an account of the five stages of this Bill, as passed by the House of Lords. I cannot but remark, that when this Bill was first introduced, it was of a permanent character, and contained no clause by which its duration should be limited. Sir, it has beendtiewgur degree emh connected fortune Id i d n not hod a with itihnl interfere ther fe s riteuaat Governmentciot actually a i i r which l l y I in o f tlhrae was thnGd t o, o a Government, enr n c w e ini r i eti which, t: I considered myself responsible for that Government, and I took care to be informed of every step that was taken with respect to it. Now, during that time I agreed to a Bill of a similar character to the present, but I agreed to it in the persuasion that means would be found of so executing the law—of so administering the Government of Ireland, that it would not be necessary to put that Bill in operation. The Bill of 1835 is the one to which I allude. I do not remember whether any case whatever occurred in which that Act was put in operation during the five years which it re mained in the statute-book. The Right Hon. Gentleman who spoke last said, that confidence was a plant of slow growth on subjects of this kind. I quite agree with the Right Hon. Gentleman in that statement, and it was being convinced of the soundness of that opinion that I agreed to any measure of this kind. But during the time in which Lord Normanby was Lord Lieutenant of Ireland—in which my Noble Friend near me (Lord Morpeth) was Chief Secretary for Ireland, and Sir Michael O'Loghlin, Chief Justice O'Grady, and Chief Justice Wolfe, held distinguished situations, as law officers of the Crown ; it was their endeavour— and I had the satis faction of rather witnessing than superintending their endeavours—and I had the satisfaction of witnessing their earnest, patient, and continual endeavours, in connexion with my lamented friend, whose memory I shall ever hold in I respect—l mean the late Mr. rumniond—and I had the satis faction of seeing their efforts from day to day inspire confidence in the ordinary administration of the law—to induce the people of Ireland to believe that if those quarrels, which they are apt to dispose of by a bloody arbitrement, were brought into the courts of law, they would have justice ; and that by that means the ordinary power of the Constitution would be sufficient in Ireland, as it was in England. I had the satisfaction of think ing that, in a great measure, these efforts succeeded—(Cheers) —that although in the short period during which the attempt was made, it did not succeed in giving that perfect confidence, and that constant reliance on the power and impartiality of the law, yet a great progress was made in establishing that which I think was a stable foundation of the future welfare of Ireland. The Right Hon. Gentleman ' 'who has just spoken, has de nounced, or rather protested, against all party allusion on this subject. The Right Honourable Gentleman, and those who act with him, did not always do so.—( Cheers.) I was rather astonished at a speech said to have been deli vered by the Right Hon. Gentleman to his constituents, in which he stated that the late Government had left Ireland in a state of insurrection, and the endeavours of the present Go vernment had restored it to tranquillity. I quite acquit the Government of having, by any act of theirs, produced a state of crime in Ireland, yet I cannot think that the Right Hon. Gentleman did justice to our exertions, or that those who act with him have ever fairly represented the state of Ireland as it was under the late Administration. And, Sir, I was in hopes that when that Bill of 1335 expired it would not be necessary to ask for any other Act of a similar nature. lam sorry to find that the Government at present do say that it is necessary. lam sorry to hear that the Right Hon. Gentle man likewise protest against any mixture of questions of re meaial measures with the present Bill. Sir, I think that there again is a serious, I had almost said a fatal, mistake. The Government must be aware, connected as they are with a party in Ireland which is but a small minority in that country, that they should endeavour by every means to make an impression in Ireland of their fairness and im partiality—( Hear, hear)—and they should have avoided anything like a suspicion that they were not bringing forward remedial measures at the same time that they bring forward this measure. Observe this is not a Bill which they brought forward on the first day of the session, and declared should be passed hastily because it might be the means of preventing murder. It is a Bill which we cannot pass for one, two, three months and a half, or few months from the first meeting Parliament. Ido regret that with a measure of this kind they were not ready to introduce a remedial measure at the same time. Allusion has been made to the Bill called the Coercion Act, introduced under Lord Grey's Government, for which I, for one, as an adviser of the Crown, was responsible. That was a more severe measure than the present one. It was intended to meet a very serious and calamitous sta'e of things. But the Government that brought it forward were by no means insensible to the necessity of remedial measures at the same time that they introduced that measure of severity. It was stated by the Right lion. Gentleman that Parliament met on the 29th of January, and the Bill was introduced ea the 2nd of February. The House will recollect that the King's speech was not delivered until the sth of February. Rut on the 12th of February, one week after the meeting of Parliament, Lord Althorp introduced a measure which was a great reform of the Protestant Church of Ireland, and ex empting the whole of the Roman Catholic community of Ire land from the payment of church cess, which was a great grievance and burden to them. On another day Lord Al thorp declared his intention of bringing before Parliament a Jury Bill which had been brought into this House in a pre vious session, and had been allowed to drop in the House of Lords. On the occasion of the first introduction of the Coercion Bill it was referred to by the Hon. and Learned Gentleman who moved the amendment, and he asked Lord Althorp what was his intention with regard to the remedial measures. He said he had already stated several remedial measures, but he trusted the House bad sufficient confidence in him and would be ready to approve the measures which he should introduce. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman was not satisfied. He asked, what expectation there was of carrying these measures in the other House of Parliament, and Lord Stanley at once declared that unless the remedial mea sures were carried, there would be an end to the Government. That was the spirit in which Lord Stanley, as a Member of Lord Grey's Government, acted. I cannot, therefore, approve of the declaration of the Right Hon. Gentleman, that w e are to pass this measure, and that as remedial measures were matters of difficulty, they should not be considered. There was another decimation made by Lord Althorp, which some how or other seems to have fallen into forgetfulness in those who were then his colleagues. It was a declaration with respect to the Muni cipal Corporations of Ireland. Lord Althorp proposed a Com mittee, and said that from that Committee a Bill had been introduced for the purpose of reforming the corporation of Scotland, and he hoped to refer the corporation of England and Ireland to the tame Committee. He gave the reasons for referring the matter to the same Committee, and the first rea son was that it was exceedingly desirable that the two countries should be assimilated as much as possible, and as a general rule to confer the same rights with respect to the corpiirate bodies in Ireland, as those bodies possessed in England. That was the simple and plain, but emphatic and decided declaration of Lord Althorp. Then on the 14th, two days after, he had intro duced his measure for the abolition of the church cess, and eight days before the Coercion Bill in that House. I find that Mr. O'Connell said he knew of no greater grievance in Ireland than the existence of the Corporations in question, and nothing was more satisfactory to the people of Ireland than the approaching certainty that the grievance would be redressed. That was in the year 1833, thirteen years ago, that the Hon. and Learned Gentleman declared his confi dence that the grievance was about to be redressed. There was a commission appointed on that subject in 1836, and the measure that was introduced was passed in this House, but thrown out, I think, in the other House of Parliament. Three or four years were taken in the discussion of the measure, and it is yet incomplete. After all the promises made to the people of Ireland at the Union and afterwards have been broken, it is now only in the year 1846, that the Right Hon. Baronet has promised that the Corporations of Ireland shall be placed on the same footing as those of England. I say that that does showarveeartydgergeraete justifytardine the st e o do justice whichetorelis Ireland . Does i whent not in a you declare your wish to legislate for the good of Ireland— when you declare that you are as anxious fur the good of Ire land as the Irish themselves, and that the pri vileges of Englishmen you are ready to communi cate to our fellow subjects on the ether side the Channel. Sir, there is another important question, on which, perhaps, I should hardly have alluded, if the Government had not be come debtors to Ireland upon it. The Government appointed a Commission to inquire into the tenure of land in Ireland. That Commission took journeys through Ireland, and evidence was obtained, and it was known that recommendations were to be made, and I believe that every person expected some remedy would be given to the existing relations of landlord and tenant. That any Bill that Parliament can pass can so regulate these relations that there will not be much to be left —the greater part to be left—to the justice and sense of fair ' ness, and moderation and good sense of the landlords in the first instance, and partly of the tenant, no man can deny. Why, this a ate of things makes it absolutely necessary that the Legislature should do all they can. It is necessary, in the first place, that where remedies can be given by legislation, that legislation should be given. Then all that you can do in the way of prevention of crime, and taking away the cause of crime by any power Parliament possesses, should be done on the proposition of the Government, and by Bills laid with their consent, and framed under the direction, of the Houses of Parliament.--( Hear, hear. ) I say, I trust, Sir, that before the second reading of this Bill is proposed, a Bill will be laid upon the table of this House with respect to the law of landlord and tenant, from which we shall be enabled to gather what are the intentions of the Go vernment upon this subject. In asking this, I think lam ask ing no more than Lord Althorp and Lord Stanley were ready to propose when they rendered themselves responsible for the severe Coercion Bill of 1835. I was not then disposed to shrink from the responsibility of a Coercion Bill, as I thought at the time it was necessary for the purpose of preventing murder. I had no other feeling in acceding to the provisions of that measure, but. I am not convinced that it is necessary that you should have similar provisions in the Bill to be proposed at the present time. 'think that the Bill, with other provisions more resembling those Acts which have passed with respect to the crimes of this nature, both in England and Ireland, would be more effectual for the purpose, and would be less liable to ex cite irritation and discontent, which are the very things they ought to avoid. Let us recollect that in legislating upon this subject—although we agree with the Right Hon. Baronet, the Secretary of State for the Home Department, and the Right Hon. Gentleman who last addressed the Hbusa, that there can be no more serious evil to the poor, as well as to the rich, than the prevalence of the organized bands, who take the case of every man, rich and poor, into their decisions, and before whose secret tribunals cases are not weighed in the I scale of justice, but dashed down and decided by the hand of the assassin—while we agree that there can be no greater evil than this, yet in legislating for Ireland we moist not forget the whole history of that country. I will not now occupy that length of time which even a glance at some of the principal topics would require, but I wish to keep in mind the main con sideration. The attachment and affection of the people of Ire land ought to be preserved, by your showing the utmost care— that you are not disposed to neglect their interest—that you are not disposed to punish crime in that country by a different mea sure from what you would punish it in England, and that you are willing to take into your serious consideration the , many grievances of the Irish people; and here, although I do not wish to enter into a party discussion, I cannot but express my regret at the course of the present Government. Even when they had the best intention s , it had not been such as to inspire inlreland confidence in your justice and respect to your policy. The time when tranquillity prevailed had been allowed to go by. When the present Government came into office, they found contentment and tranquillity prevailing in Ireland, but they waited until agitation arose—until complaints and remon strances were made to them, before they proposed to redress some of the grievances which pressed upon that country. But I hope, throwing aside the &sire to conciliate the Catholic clergy on the one I and, or to terminate agitation on the other, they will seriously consider what were the promises made by this and the other houses of Parliament at the time of the union adopted by Mr. Pitt, and acquiesced in by both Houses of Parliament ; that they will look to and see wherever these promises have been kept, and if they have not been kept, fulfil them at once, not in the way of conces sions, but simply as the fulfilment of an act of justice. Mr. SIDNEY HERBERT spoke a few words across the table in explanation, which did not reach the gallery. Mr. H. BRIDGEMAN contradicted the statement thatikad been made with respect to a Mr. Wilson. Mr. KELLY said he could not give a silent vote against a measure which cast so much indignity upon his native land. ' Within the last few nights he had heard from Hon. Members on the other side of the House ekpressiOns of sympathy and con dolence with the state of their native country, caused by the diaeaee, he might say almost by the total decay, of that root which constituted the food of the majority of his fellow-coun trymen. He had heard so many speeches from all sides of the House, but more particularly from the Right Honourable Baronet the Secretary of State for the Home Department, and the Right Hon. Gentleman the First Lord of the Treasury, advocating the necessity of giving employ ment to his suffering fellow-countrymen, that he had been in duced to put a question to himself, and to ask, can the charge which he had so frequently heard, that these parties were im bued with a hostile spirit towards his country, be true ? Could this be the House of Commons which he had se frequently heard char ge d w i t h a total inattention to Irish interests and Irish measures? Could tl.is be that portion of the Imperial Legislature which he• had heard was deaf to the cry of suffer ing humanity ? Surely, be said to himself, the individuals who made these charges must have b een l a b our i ng under some mis take. But when the Right Hon. Gentleman. the Secretary of State, introducecd this Bill, he found that h e h a d not b een deceived by his informers. It would have been better had the Right Hon. Baronet the Secretary of State for the Home De partment, aad the Right Honourahle Gentleman the First Lord of the Treasury, dalayed expressing their sympathy and condolence with Ireland till after the first read ing of this Bill, which insulted and branded this country with the charge of being assassins and murderers. He found that in exchange for the abundant supply of corn and other agricultural produce which England received from Ireland, the Right Hon. Baronet the Secretary of State for the Home Department. was about to give the people of his native country muskets, carbines, and cartridges—(Hear, hear)—and that he was also about to give them an armed soldiery, a licentious and insolent police force.—(Hear, hear.) Those were the means by which the Right lion. Baronet was anxious to promote confidence between the two countries. —( Hear, hear.) This measure was one of those by which that Right lion. Gentleman expected to prop up that totter ing fabric the legislative Act of Union—( Hear, hear)—but he would tell that Right Hon. Gentleman that he was very much mistaken—( Hear, hear)—and that this measure would only have the effect of destroying that ruinous fabric at a more speedy rate.—`, Hear, hear.) He must say that he was very much surprised that when this measure was first introduced the whole of the English Members did not rise up in a body and protest against it--( Hear, hear)—as being calculated to militate against their sense of justice, and their notion of free institutions.—(Herr, hear)—lie objected to this Bill, because if it were carried into a law it would completely subvert and destroy all constitutional law in Ireland.—( Hear, hear.) He also objected to it because, in his opinion—and he was sure in the opinion of every man who surrounded him—the Right Hon. Baronet had not made out a sufficient case to authorise that House to pass such an unconstitutional measure.—( Hear. ) He objected to it on the same ground that Hon. Gentlemen would do to a similar Bill introduced by the Right Hon. Baronet for the purpose of outlawing the people of England.—(Hear, hear.) But he would not bring forward such a measure for England on such grounds as he had adduced on the introduction for this oppressive measure towards Ireland, because the Hon. Members of that House would meet it with one shout of execration —( Cheers)—and he knew very well that the Irish Members would be amongst the first to join in that shout.—(Cheers.) He objected to this measure because it had not been sufficiently proved by the Right lion. Baronet or his colleagues that the laws at present in force in Ireland, if carried out with justice, were not sufficient to meet the present emergency.—( Hear, hear.) He regr •tted that he was obliged to admit some of the statements that had beerimade as to the present state of crime in Ireland were something like the truth, but the great majority of the statements had been greatly exaggerated.--(Hear, hear.) What would the Right Sion. Baronet or the House say of that law which permitted the late dreadful tragedy at Mullingar ? An individual was put upon his trial ; the jury on that trial disagreed and what was the course pursued by the Government? Why, that unfortunate individual, after having been once discharged, was again put upon his trial for the same offence, under the same commission.—( lkar, hear.) In empanuelling the jury who tried that unfortunate individual, thus put upon his second trial, the officers of the Crown challenged and struck off three of the most respectable men in that district.—( Cheers.) One of them, lie would fearlessly say, was the most respectable man in that part of the country.—( Hear, hear.) And what abjection had the officers of the Crown against, the three gen tlemen whom they had thus struck off the jury list ? Merely this, that they were Members of the Roman Catholic religion. —( Hear, hear.) Gracious God ! Were they living in the nineteenth century, or in the bloody days of Elizabeth and Mary ?—( Hear, hear.) Was the Right lion. Baronet and his colleagues about to renew the dismal scenes of religious tyranny and persecution ?—( Cheers.) If this Bill were passed into a law, he would net be in the slightest degree surprised if the Right Hon. Baronet and his colleagues were to have posted on every jury box in Ireland such a placard as had been posted on the gates of Bandon—" Turk, Jew, or Atheist may enter here, but not a Papist."—( Hear, hear.) He objected to this Bill, because there had not been sufficient proofs adduced by the Right Hon. Baronet of the alleged crime iu Ireland to justify such an unconstitutional measure. If proper commis sions had been instituted in the counties that were disturbed, they would have been sufficient to suppress crime to a great degree. To justify the Right Hon. Baronet in bringing for ward such a measure, he ought to have made out a stronger case. He objected to this measure, because it had been brought forward without any accompanying remedial mea sures.—( Hear, hear.) It would also give an arbitrary power to the underlings of the Government. The Right lion. ' Baronet had come forward, and stated a long list of crimes and outrages which had occurred in Ireland, but the conduct of the Government on previous occasions had afforded an evil example to the people of Ireland. The Government themselves had, on a recent memorable occasion, themselves violated the law, and how could they expect the people to be punctual in the observance of them ? Yes, in spite of what had been said by the Right Honourable Baronet in reference to the Law Lords, every honest man must say that the Hon. and Learned Member for Cork bad not had a fair trial.— ( Cheers.) Why did not the Right Hon. Baronet, instead of bringing forward the present measure, restore to the commis • sion of the peace those magistrates whom he had superseded, merely because they made themselves conspicuous in the agita tion for the repeal of a certain Act of Parliament ?—(Hear, hear.) The Irish Members should oppose the measure, be. eause it would destroy even the little tranquillity that yet re mained in Ireland. Those Hon. Members who opposed this measure were, of course, quite as anxious as the Right Hon. Baronet could be to preserve the peace of Ireland.—( Hear, hear.) Their affections, their families, their properties, and their nearest and dearest ties were connected with the green isle.—( Cheers.) And they, of course, could not for their own interests' sake be the men to oppose any measure that might have a tendency to further the peace and prosperity of their native land._-.( Hear, hear.) Under all these circumstances he would most cheerfully support the amendment of the Hon. and Learned Member for Cork.—( Cheers. ) Mr. K. SEYMOUR challenged the Hon. Member who had just sat down, to quote a county in England were murders were committed in the noonday as they were in Ireland ; and if he could do so, he (Mr. Seymour) would not have the slightest objection to a 13111 being introduced for the better protection of lite in England.—( Hear, hear.) Of 180 persons that had been charged with the horrid crime of murder in Ireland during the last year, only eight suffered the extreme penalty of the law, which showed that there must be something wrong in the carrying out of the law relating to murder in Ireland. The great difficulties in Ireland are the large amount of crime, and the indisposition of juries to convict. He thought it might be as well to suspend the trial by jury in the disturbed districts. The Hon. Member then referred to the case of Bryan Seery, and commented upon the conduct of a certain Roman Catholic clergyman, who had sent a letter to one of the Irish rapers, to the effect that he was innocent. He then proceeded to read an account of the burial of Bryan Seery, which appeared in the Freeman's Journal—a journal edited by Dr. Gray, and headed the " !Hollinger Tragedy." He considered that the Conduct of the repealers was a strange anomaly. Their society , was called a " le3al" one—their hall, a " Conciliation Hall ;' and it was in this hall that the orators of the loyal association harangued the people into a state of discontent and hostility, and then deputed an officer, called the " Head Pacificator," to allay the disturbances. The Hon. Gentleman concluded by expressing a hope that he had not been offensive to any gentle. man in giving utterance to his opinions. Mr. P. S. BUTLER said that he should occupy the atten tion of the House but a very few moments, whilst he would lay before them a few observations which occurred to him during the course of this debate, and he should endeavour to adhere to the sound principles of common sense, which he had ever found to have some influence with a British audience, and he would say that any opposition which he would feel himself called upon to give the present Bill, would not be grounded on the fact that the proposed measure was opposed to the first principles of the constitution, and was unfilisndly to those principles of liberty to which they were all attached.— ( Hear, hear.) He had no hesitation in declaring that if it was proposed to suspend the habeas corpus Act, and institute domiciliary visits—that, if he considered such a violation of the constitution likely to produce a diminution of crime, such a proposition would have his cordial suirrt. He would relate an anecdote to the House which would illus trate the treatment which the peasantry often received. There was a Nobleman, whom it was not necessary to name, who had a large property in the county cf Kilkenny. That p ro p er t y fell out of lease, and the lease was dependent on a single life, after which the property reverted to a nephew. The tenants were comfortable and happy —occupying a station much higher there, and being of a superior class to those whose case was brought under the notice of the House by the Hon. Member for Limerick. The tenants were resolved to go over to London ko see their landlord, who was then residing there, but an agent residing in the neighbourhbod desired them to entrust their case with him. He went over got the lease for himself came home and turned out the tenantry. That gentleman was murdered soon after as he was returning home one night. Six men were found guilty, and were executed for that mur der. Now, what was the result of that grand display ? Within three months of that occasion, the nephew of that person was murdered within a quarter of a mile of the place of execntion. He (Mr. B.) round that the Secretary of State for the H o m e Department, in a speech very different in its tone Go f v " ernment was usually made by any member of the the measure with regard to Ireland, said tha i t was brought forward with the best p °s ' ib e f o rmer measures — Right Hon. Gentleman also al'uded tonsx e intentions. The to the Maynooth grant, to the Arn; n to the Colleges Bill, g these, he totally forgot and other measures—but when detaili n g forgot to mention what the ' the other side of the question. Government had omitted to do. Ho forgot to mention that 74 mag istrates had been dism issed m c fr i o e n n l t t , lie commission of the p eace , em and the most abl of te the most popular , the ostuo (Mr. Butler) himself was amon h g magistracy of Ireland. th e number, and h e r egretted this summary and unconsl tutional procee di ng , for to the want of their effi c i en t exert i ons, an d t o the want of confidence in the administration of justice 1~ with which this act inspired the people, might be attribute many of those crimes and outrages which were enumerated in the statement of the Right Honourable Baronet. He also forgot to apologise to the Gentlemen of this House who were 20 unjustifiably and harshly treated by the Government. He meant the Hon. Member for Cork and the Hon. Member for Kilkenny. He had not given even an apology to those Gentlemen for that treatment. The Hon. Gentleman the Member for Dorsetshire made a quotaticn from the Nation newspaper, but neither that paper nor the Freeman's Journal represented the opinions of any Gentleman wh he saw around him. The public press was as liable to give expressions to erroneous opinions as the representatives of the people were. If he wanted a proof on this side of the Channel of this assertion, he would allude to a paper that had a large circulation in England, and over Europe. In that newspaper he found such expressions as " surpl►ced ruffians" and a " demon priesthood" applied to the Catholic priesthood of Ireland, who, he could testify from his own knowledge, were a body of men distinguished for the practice of every Christian virtue. In a paper published in Ireland a few weeks ago there was a comparative statement of the relative amount of crime in England and Ireland. He found that in a report of crime in England for 1833, the murders were great, and generally committed on women and children. There were many cases which, if he were actuated by vindictive feelings, he might quote ; but he would not do so, fearful that it might be so construed. He found it stated in the Times newspaper, that life in this country was less safe than in the worst states on the Continent, or even in China. This, then, being the case, what was the contrast with she state of crime in Ireland, where starvation was at the door of the pea s ant.—( Hear, hear.) It was stated in the journal of the world, the Times newspaper, that life in this country was on the same scale as in Lacethemonia and China.—( Hear.) The Bill proposed by the Government would not put down crime in Ireland ; if it would, he would support it. but that not being the case, he would offer the measure of her Majesty's Ministers his most decided opposition. Mr. R. A. FITZGERALD was of opinion that the Bill before the House would, instead of putting down crime in Ire land, but exasperate the people. In fact the landlords of the north of Tipperary looked upon the tenants on their estates as so many n►achines by which money was to be made for them ; and they did not think that nature ever intended them for any thing else, or that they were bound to look upcn them in any other light. But when the tenant appealed to the landlord, he found no protector in him. Now, was it. not singular that such a state of things should be permitted to exist at this period, when civilisation had at tained so high a pitch. It was really too bad, that a country so blessed by God should be so cursed by man ; and how to account for such a state of things was utterly impossible. The reign of Elizabeth was certainly a most glorious one for England, but a most disastrous one for Ireland. The Govern ment of the day, to advance their own interests, had their emis saries everywhere, who represented the merest conversations of the people as treasonable; and the consequence was, that their lands were declared forfeited, and the proprietor of a tract to-day might, in a few days after, be a serf or a labourer on the same tract.—(Hear, hear.) tinder the Whig Government, the people of Ireland improved rapidly in their condition and morals. The judges in nearly every county in Ireland congratulated the grand juries on the very much decreased state, and in some cases on the tota. absence, of crime, and could there be any doubt that these things were caused by an altered Administration which attended more to the condition of the people of Ireland? This was the state of things in Ireland. The people had no confidence in the administration of the law. He opposed the pre sent Bill,beeave he did not believe it would realise the end that was sought to be obtained. He had recently read some remarks in a journal that had great influence, and was well known throughout the civilised world, with which he entirely con curred. The Times said the great evil of Ireland was the want of sympathy with the administration of justice.—( Hear, hear.), That struck him at the time, as a true picture of the state of the country. The people wanted confidence in the conduct of the English Government, and that was the reason why seven millions of people in Ireland had banded together to effect the repeal of the union between the two countries. The real cause why those who acted with the Hon. and Learned Member for Cork opposed the present measure was, that it would not effect the object sought. He hoped, therefore, that Hon. Members on the other side of the House would see the propriety of the union, and see the wis dom and propriety of taking the same view of the question. In the vote he sheul,l give , 11)0D this question he should not be actuated by any personal motive whatever. If Honour able Members on the other side of the House would consult their own judgment they would not altogether depend on the opinions of the only two Irish Members on that side; they would consider the circumstances of Ireland more, and endeavour to dojnstice to that unhappy country. On the motion of Mr. CAREW, the debate was adjourned. RAILWAY DEPOSITS BILL. This Bill went through Committee. Report on Monday. The orders of the day were then disposed of, and the House adjourned at a Quarter past One o'clock. PARLIAMENTARY DIVISIONS. (From the rotes and Proceedings of the Mouse of Commons.) THURSDAY, APRIL 2. FACTORIES. Motion made, and Question put, " That a Select Committee be appointed, to inquire into the allegations of tha Petition of the Chair man of a meeting of inhabitants of Dundee, complaining of illegal trial and imprisonment of Jana Bennet and other factory girls In October last." The House divided : MINORITY—AYES, 38. Dunemi, Lord O'Brien, J. Escott, Bickham O'Brien, W. S. Fitzgerald, B. A. O'Brien, timothy Fitzmauriee, W. O'Connell, Daniel Fitzroy, Lord C. O'Connell, Jolla Grattan, Henry Peehell, Captain Hall, Sir Benjamin Powell, Caleb Ilindley, Charles Power, James Hume, Joseph Waddington, H.'S. Kelly, James Wawn, J. T M`Carthy, Alex. 3Pl)onuell, J. M Maher, N. Morris, David Agllonhy, H. A. Mune, Waller Bohtinek, Lord G, Bon hotick, Peter 11011%x:sic, E. p. Bon ring, Dr. Britlgernisn, Hewitt Bret lierton, J. Browne, it. D. Tlrowne, W. Butler, I'. S. Clay. Sir W. Dawson, 'l'. V. TELLERS. Duitennibe, T. Duncan, George MAJORITY-NOES, 63. Antrohus, Edmund Fitzray, Henry Masterman, J. Baring, W. P. Flower, Sir .1. Morgan, 0. Blac%burne, .1. I. Floyer, John I'atten, J. W. BolOero, 11. G. For 3lativw Peel, Sir Robert Botfteld, Beriah Frewen, C. 11. Peel, Jonathan Bowles. Admiral Gore, W. 0. Plumptre, J. I'. Brisco, M. C,-oulburn, livery hound, C. O. Broadley, Henry Graham, Sir J. *eynser, IL K. Bru , e, Lord E. Greene, Thomas Smyth, Fir H. Cantwell, Edward Grogan, E. Somerset, Lord O. Carnegie, Captain Guest, Sir John Stanton, W. H. Chelsea, Vise. Hamilton, Lord C. Stewart, John Clerk Sir George Harris, Hon. Capt. Sutton, 11. M. Clive, It. H. Llayes, Sir E. Bart. Thesirer, Sir F. Cockburn, Sir G. Henley, J. W. Tollemaehe, J. Compton, 11. C. Herbert, Sidney Trelawny, J. S. Copeland, Alderman Hope, G. W. Trotter, John Corry, 11. Jerinvn, Earl Wellesley, Lord C. Dickineou, F. TI. Lockhart, W. Wortley, J. S. Doti4las, Sir C. E Dtik., Sir rilm.•r, Sir E. Lygon, General INUNeiIL Duncan Mahon, Lord TELLERS. Young, John Cripps, William PARLIAMENTARY BUSINESS. (From the Votes and Proceedings of the House of Commons.) THURSDAY, APRIL 2. The following Petitions for Railways were reported, and the Bills ordered to be brought in I+3 , the undernamed lion. Members : Caledonian (Glasgow, Garnkirk, and Coatbridge Branch)—Mr. H. Johnstone, Mr. Lockhart, and Mr. P. Stewart. Caledonian (Mid Lothian Branches)—Mr. H. Johnstone, Mr. Lock- hart, and Mr. Stewart. Caledonian (llumflies Branches)—Mr. H. Johnstone, Mr. Lockhart, and Mr. Y. Stewart. Caledonian (Leith Junction)—Mr. H. Johnstone, Mr. Lockhart, and Mr. P. Stewart. Caledonian (Dundrvan Branch)—Mr. 11. Johnstone, Mr. Lockhart. and Mr. P. Stewart. RAILWAYS The Co►xmit tee of Selection have appointed the Select Committees on the Railway Groups, Noe. 5, 13, IS, 30, 35, and 43, to meet in t►e week commencing Monday, the 4th May next. The Committee of Select:on will meet on Monday next for the last time before the Easter recess. SECOND READINGS OF RAILWAY BILLS. MONDAY, APRIL 6. Ilalesworth and Norwich. Sheffield, Buxton, Leek, Potteries, and Crewe. WEDNKSDAY, APRIL 8. Surrey Grand Junction. Newport. Abergayenny, and ncreford . _ _ TENTH REPORT FROM THE SE LECT COMMITTEE ON RAILWAY BILLS CLASSIFICATION. Mr. Wilson Patten reported from the Select Committee appointed for the Classification of Railway Bills, according to the resolutions adopted by the House, and who arc empowered to report from time to time, have further considered the several matters referred to them, and had agreed to report as follows: — Your Committee having taken evidence on the objects of the Chard Canal, and the Bridgewater and Taunton Canal, Railway, and liar hour Bills, rind that, as these Bills now stand, they do not come within any of the three classes of Amalgamation Bills referred to in their Ninth Report. They therefore recommend that the resolution of the House of the 26th of March, ordering their suspension, be rescinded, and that they be placed in Group No. 19. BANK OF (From last Ni tn Account, pursuant to the Act the Week ending on Saturday, nu UWE DEP X. Notes Issued.. • • • • .. 27,269,245 Z 27,269,245 Dated the 2(1 day of April, 1846. BANKING D. X. Proprietors' capital 14,553,000 Rest .. .. • . .. 3,789,971 Public deposits (In elm ding Exchequer, Commissioners, of National Debt, SaY- ings-banks, and Di vidend accounts) • • . 7,319,625 Other deposits • • • 17,103,028 Seven day and other bills • • • • • • • • X 43,720,103 the 2,1 day of April, 1846. THE HULLAII TESTIMONIAL FUND.—A third choral The most lug in aid of this fund was held on Thursday at Exeter Hal attendance u creint o o f svei(silitoonros,wsaa,srextremely largesecular, 4 was s u a d b i t y h the x mode,l pupils of Mr. llullah's upper singing schools. ad d b l i y vid o er e [ADVERTISEMENT.] SIGHT AND HEARt!re.:--Tel3e9: Albemarle-street, Piccadilly. Newly-invented, rc by scopes, Opeta Glasses, Microscopes, Sir Edward Paget, Sir Evan Lloyd, Sir Jo orr n it;on, Dyott Robert- Murray, Walker, Fox, son, Mackenzie, R iggs W ils Strll. Elpone FreleriekGoodfell(7o,"Falft,,yton Grosvenor svel",noo.irf mrhatnxneatidngs, 3trainsetroanis. 4lAchinty, P. Fyers, I) gracie,A, Sir John Rose, Sir Junes Cockburp, ock ; Licat.-Generals Sir Henry Price, Lindsay, and Thackray; M or-Getter. Hamilton, Turner, \Vein) ss, a i i i i . d yc C Barton, Sir T. Dallas, and Sir Itouverie, Sir J. Macdonall. Martin, john Day, Sir G. Cockburn, Sir Wm. Eustancs ; Admirsis To S n i , r pki .lll , ll o eg n, H no Nl i rsl a te n d d , r Si ri r c D e .; G " o eo l d r , ge Ross. i td A a ., l " ). 1' s a i ni d ` ri eGr n ' e :t eCr;uo:7oß'En'ne:a'ir;.:i.tol m p t i r i Al a s n, l , l r i o i 7 0 a i l i t i f , l . e E n t i ed b o Spec- e an, Vice-Admiral Sir F. Aus that mist and ilullne,s which aPpearbefore itc. Messrs. new construction. Immediately they are placed It'llerej:clin'f'sPeirttileoSevaire'Tnuo'ved, every object becomes clear and distinct, the of*. so that the most aged imperfeet sight becomes bright and brilliant. ant i is brought to its youthful, natural, and original state. Also. Achro matic TeleseOpto, Opel; Glasses, Microscopes, Invisible and all kinds of Acoustic instruments, for relief of most extreme deafness. Caution—Messrs. S. :Ind B. f;elortions, Opticians, are not in any way connected with a person of the same name in their immediate neigh bourhood. To prevent mistakes be cautions, and Observe —Only to be had at 39, Albemarle-street, Piccadilly, opposite the Atrk Hotel. [ ADVE RTI SEM E NT.] —CAPTAIN KRAMER, OF TEM ISARO'E WILIIEIMER, CURED or A DREADFUL SCORBUTIC COM PLAINT BY 110I,LOwAI'S OINTMENT AND PILLS. — In this astonishing case the whole of the body and legs were covered with Imps nearly tile size of Tonquin beans, MnO had been so for the last three year*. Surprising to relate, this terrible disease completely disappeared front the system in the course of a month, by having large qantities of the Ointment well rubbed in every night and morning, and taking the Pills in copious doses. This cure is known to many respectable peop'e,, as the vessel was discharging her cargo In the Thames only about a fortnight since. Sold by all druggists, and et Professor 'M ows; 's Etitablielunent, 244, Strand, Loudon. ENGLAND. fight's Gazette.) ith and Bth of Victoria, cap. 32, for is 'Atli day of March, 1846. 'ARTMENT. Government debt • • 11,815,100 Other securities •• • • 2,984,900 Gold coin and bullion 11,558,964 Silver bullion •••• • • 1,710,281 X 27,269,245 MARSHALL, Chief Cashier. lEPARTbIENT. Government securi: ties (including Dead Weight Annuity) 13,136,731 Other securities • • 22,181,392 Notes Gold and sliver coin • • 718,290 .£43,720,10S MARSHALL, Chief Cashion THE SUN, LONpori, SATURDAY MORNING-, APRIL 4, 18413.