The Sun. — London, England, 1837-02-01 00:00:00

I) Lk I inks. _t is but a small matter to come from his Majesty's Government ; and if he w ere perm i tte d to guess h e s h ou ld incline to suppose it an emanation from the Right Hon. the President of the Board of Trade, who, of all the advocates for free trade which existed, was the greatest regulator he ever knew. The Right Hon. Gentleman had taken the rail roads under his care last session, but they pioved too strong for him. Nay, he had even tranfcrrcd his guardianship from the hulks beyond the Tweed to those on the shores of Lake Michigan in Canada. The paragraph was one which wore a most suspicious appearan ce . It was qu i te i mposs ibl e f or t h e House usefully to step in, and say to any bank how it should be managed, To do so would be productive of the most seri ous mils to the community. He (Mr. Gisborne) did not mean to move any amendment on the subject, but he should repeat that he looked with extreme distrust at that part of the I( ing'a Speech, and said he should narrowly watch any mea sure which might be introduced in connection with it. Mr. HUM E could only say, in regard to the speech of his Hon. Friend the Member for Bath, that he had stated much that was true, and that he should feel extremely happy when the proper time had come to consider each point consecu tively, and co-operate with him in carrying as many as he agreed with into effect. But he was of opinion that his Hon. Friend had departed from the matter on hand, which was, Whether the House should agree to the whole, or only a part of the Address which had been proposed, and other lion. Members had followed his example. He did not agree with his Hon. Friend when he said the Whigs were as bad as the Tories, because he remembered that through their agency the People had attained that for which they were long vainly strug- Ving through yea rs an d y e ars. The course t a k en by hi s H on. riend was not, in his opinion, the best. Instead of op posing them, to use a familiar phrase they should be " patted on the back," and thereby encourapd to go on as they had begun. He (Mr. Hume) was disposed to expect better things from them than his Hon. Friend anticipated. With respect to colonial matters, he believed that his Hon. Friend, though sanguine in most matters, had but spoken the plain opinions of the people. The question, however, now was, how far the Principles of the Reform Bill were to be carried out, and that measure to which the Right lion. Baronet opposite expressed himself disposed to give full effect brought into full operation. H e (Mr. Hume) was anxious that those who supported the cause of Reform should keep united together as ono man, to prevent the so much dreaded " irruption" of the Tories again into power. By separation or division among the Reformers all would be lost--by union and cohesion all would be inevitably gained. That was the true question. The opinion of the lion. Member for Bath went beyond those of most Hon. i‘lembers in that House ; but as a venerable Reformer—( A la ugh) --he (Mr. Hume) looked less to theory than to the greatest practical benefits to the people. To obtain these he did not think that his Hon. Friend's mode was the best which could cc imagined. In saying this he begged his Majesty's rs to understand that many important measures were 'required at their hands to complete reform, and to carry out t hose ameliorations in our institutions which were essentially # l eccssary for their welfare. With regard to the ballot, he k Mr. Hume) believed that a very great majority of the people of the country were in favour of it, and every day's experience Added to the proofs already in existence, that, under the pre fent system of voting, there was no protection in the exercise of the elective franchise. So satisfied was he on the subject, that he confidently anticipated an immense majority in favour of the principle when the question should be brought forward in the course of the Session by his Hon. Friend the Member for London. With the hope, then, that his Majesty's Minis ters would not disappoint the just and reasonable expectations of the people of this country, he would give them his support ; but if he should find them disposed so act otherwise, he should feel it his duty to place upon record his own opinions of their conduct. Dr. BO WR ING fully agreed with the Hon. Member for 'Middlesex, that, instead of opposing his Majesty's Govern- Ment, they were deserving of the honest support of every keraber who wished well to the principles of good govern inent and the cause of humanity. He was one who approved °f a close union of interests between France and this country, Its the means best calculated to preserve the peace of Europe ; but he regretted to say that the Government of France had tot behaved as it ought towards foreign nations, in their struggle for liberty. He need only refer to the conduct of France towards the Swiss Cantons. He regretted that there Was no allusion to this subject in the Speech that had that day been delivered from the Throne, because he was anxious to know whether or not the Noble Lord the Secretary of State fo: Foreign Affairs had been a party to the note that had been sent by the French Government to the Diet of Switzerland. It could not be denied either that France had afforded much facility to the supporters of Don. Carlos, in the receipt of supplies across the frontiers, which, without some sanction, every body knew it was extremely difficult to pass.—( Hear, bear.) But, in spite of all impediment, the Constitu tional cause would prosper in Spain, as well as in every other country. It was with grief he saw the course which the French Monarch was pursuing, because he feared that that course would prove dangerous to his person and to his dynasty. There was no freedom of the Press now in France ; for any editor or proprietor of a newspaper was liable, at the mere will of a police officer, or a Minister, to be seized upon, thrown into prison, and tried by a packed Jury, a simple majority of whom was sufficient to convict. But the interests of justice and humanity were always sure to meet with sympathy in that House.—( Question. ) He hoped the blood of Englishmen would always be shed when the interests of humanity required it, and that this country would always take up a noble position in the universal cause of mankind. With respect to the ar- I's/i gen - lents for the mutu a l f ac iliti es o f i ntercourse b etween een this country and France, lie was glad to be enabled to state that the new regulations of the Post-office had produced an Increase of communication by letter in the present year, as compared with the last year, of 600,000 letters. This was the effect of a generous and enlightened policy, and he for one Would support his Majesty's Government when they gave hope If Pursuing' such a course towards the great path of public traprsovernent. Sir R. PEEL—I think I am justified in inferring that it Ras the i ntent i on o f hi s M a j esty ' s S peec h, or rat h er of the Address, to avoid provoking on the first day of the Session 41 V lengthened at least any acrimonious,- discussion on the matter s to which it refers. Various topics are alluded to— t°Pics which must demand our attention ; but I observe in the Address an avoidance, I think a studious avoidance, of any Pledge with respect to that course which we shall take in re gard to those topics. I rejoice, therefore, in being able to give my assent to the Address—at least to give so far my assent to the Address as hot to feel myself under the least obligation to move any amendment to it. I think that it is the proper course to be pursued on the first day of the Session. I think, tonsidering the short opportunity that there is for those who are to opposition to the King's Government, or who have not access to the Speech before it is delivered, to know what are the topics introduced into it, that it is infinitely fairer to indicate the topics to which our attention will be called during the Session, without calling upon us for any premature pledge as to the course we shall pursue, and which we arc not prepared to give. If the practice which has been adhered to for the last 20 or 30 years should be departed from, and if on the first day of the session Vre should be invited to enter into any acrimonious discussion, Q be called upon to assent to any premature propositions, then that custom which formerly simultaneously prevailed of mak ing known the King's Speech and the nature of its proposi tions two or three days before it was delivered, ought certainly to be adhered to also. As it is not necessary for me to move an amendment, and as it appears to me to be the prevailing Wish of Honourable Members—judging from the conversation W hich has been going on amongst them during th e many sPeeche s t h at h ave b een delivered, and which conversation I am sorry to say, notwithstanding the reform that has been made in our edifice, has been to me as audible as in former l i a Ys -- --(laughter)—believing, I say, that it is the wish of the House to avoid a lengthened discussion, I shall, in conformity with that wish, and seeing no advantage in any preliminary or Partial discu ss i on u p on i m portant matters which are shortly to i„ " cr upy our attention, imitate the reserve of the Speech itself, and follow the example of those who have preceded me_ Claiming for myself the right of hereafter discussing un fettered, and without any pledge, all the topics alluded to in the speech—and shall avoid saying anything which can prov o k e discussion on the present occasion.—( Hear, " ea r-) The only amendment which has been offered to our notice, relating to a matter' which must have provoked much discussion, has been withdrawn ; and the only com ments which have been made on the Speech are those which fell from the Hon. Member for Derbyshire (Mr. Gisborne), Who was surprised that so much of the Speech was occupied with what referred to joint stock banks. That observation convinced me that the Hon. Gentleman had never been in a Cabinet Council—( Laughter)—because when a Cabinet Council was held to draw up a King's Speech, which must occupy a certain time in the delivery, but which at the same ti me must b e so f rame d as to avo id di scuss i on , t h e q uestion of joint-stock banks was one of the most prominent that could be elected,_(Laughter. ) But if the Hon. Gentleman will Look at the terms in which that subject is treated of, all anxiety on his part, I think, would be removed, for he may safely rest on t hi s announcement, that " the best security against mismanagement of banking affairs must ever be found !II the capac i ty and integrity of those who are entrusted w i t h administration of them." I suppose this does not refer to the mental capacity, but to the solvency of the parties - Laughter) —or the term "capacity" may be taken in a double sens e , and include the substantial as well as the intellectual vigour of the parties.—( Laughter.) The pledge, how ever, which the Hon. Gentleman shrinks from is this— . But o no legi s l at i ve regulation should be omitted which can in rease and ensure the stability of establishments upon wh i ch commercial cre di t so much depends." If he therefore thinks that no legi s l at i ve regulation can increase and ensure the stability of establishments upon which commercial credit de pends, he may f ee l himself safe as far as concerns the pledges co ntained in that part of the address. The only topic to i Which I shall refer is that which relates to our foreign po 2e), and this n o t w i t h a view of provoking any discussion — lot with a view (as I wish to avoid discussion) of condemn _log it, b ut on l y to reserve to myself the same power with respect to our foreign policy as I have already done with re ference to our domestic poli c y, namely, that of being unfet te. a red b y any pledge to what may i n a future discussion seem cme to b e open to objection. The expression I allude to _tc.he Speech is this :—" Hi s M a j esty laments that the ‘- 1 0 II contest which has agitated the Spanish Monarchy has intueyet bee n b roug h t to a c l os e ; but hi s M a j esty has con ,L,e _4 to afford t o the Queen of Spain th a t a id wh i ch, b y I Treaty of Quadruple Alliance of 1834, his Majesty en taged to give if it should become necessary : and his Ma- J.!_st_nd y rej oices that his co-operat i ng force has rendered re assistance to the t roo ps of her Catholic M a j esty. " r ecognise th e f a i r claim of t h e Q ueen of Spain t o the sympathies of thi s country.—( Hear, hear.) The Queen e Government of this country with which I was connected the* an s ee. legiti mate Queen of Spain before the Quadruple Alli- I reserve the expression of my opinion with respect to ' the policy of that Quadruple Alliance.—( Hear, bear.) But these two questions are perfectly distinct ; first, whether the engagement which we have entered into ought or ought not to have been entered into; and next, whether that engage ment being entered into, and the national faith pledged to it, ought that treaty to be faithfully and honourably ful filled ?—( Hear, hear.) I say it ought. I say that the ques tion as to the original policy of this country entering into that treaty is entirely distinct from the question as to the practical execution of it. It is true, as the Noble Lord opposite on a former occasion stated, that the Duke of Wel lington and myself, during the short period the adminis tration of the country was in our hands, while expressing serious doubts as to the policy of the original engagement entered into by that treaty, yet felt ourselves bound, not merely technically to adhere to the letter of the treaty, but earnestly to see it executed in the spirit in which it was con ceived. His Majesty informs us that he " has continued to afford to the Queen of Spain that aid which, by the Treaty of Quadruple Alliance of 1834, his Majesty engaged to give if it should become necessary." I can say with perfect truth, that I heard with satisfaction that the King had given that aid to the Queen of Spain which he bad stipulated to give her if it should become necessary. I must also say if this country, in the execution of a treaty, the original policy of which I may condemn, does afford aid, that when that aid, whether of British seamen or British soldiers, is given, I never can refuse my sympathy to those gallant men—(Loud cheers) — nor fail to rejoice in their success.—( Renewed cheers.) But the expression of the Address is, "we rejoice that his Ma jesty's co-operating force has rendered useful assistance to the troops of her Catholic Majesty." Now, I take it for granted that the object of the King's Speech was to state to us this—" I stipulated to give a certain force; I have given that force, and that force has been successful." The force we stipulated to give was a naval force.— ( Hear, hear.) The granting the assistance of a naval force, evidently does not admit us to interfere with respect to any civil dissensions, or any internal constitutional questions, which a stipulation to grant a military force would seem to imply.—( Hear, hear.) And, therefore, I take it for granted that this part of the speech is literally correct, and that the aid given has been in conformity with the treaty, and nothing more—( Loud opposition cheers)—and nothing more—( Re newed cheers)—that it has been that naval force which we stipulated to give. Because, although I agree that that treaty ought to be executed in a generous spirit, yet I still shall on the strongest grounds protest against any construction being given to that treaty which the terms of it do not warrant, and against our being involved, beyond the obligations of that treaty, in the internal dissensions of the Spanish nation.— ( Opposition cheers.) I think that is the prevailing opinion of the majority of this House—( Hear)—and that we ought to watch with the utmost care and circumspection—whatever our opinions may be about monarchical or democratic Governments —that a dangerous principle and precedent be not established; but which must be the result, if we once begin to adopt a system of interference with the internal quarrels and dissen sions of other countries. Who can undertake to limit the application of that principle to a question of constitutional government, if we establish a precedent of which despotic countries may avail themselves ? They may say they have as much right to interfere with the civil dissensions of. Spain for the purpose of maintaining arbitrary government, as we have for maintaining constitutional government; and then there would be an end to the peace and repose of Europe. Such may be the consequence of our setting a bad example, by ex tending the limits of the treaty for the purpose of involving ourselves in these internal dissensions. Therefore I give my assent to that portion of the address, assuming that the state ments of it are in strict conformity with the truth, and that the co-operating force referred to may merely be considered that naval force which we undertook to give. It is impossible to look to the very next paragraph of the speech without de riving a useful lesson as to the danger of our interfering with the civil matters of other countries. The paragraph I allude to refers to Portugal. In 1837 we express our regret that " events have happened in Portugal which for a time threat ened to disturb the internal peace of that country." In 1834 (three years previous), after our influence, or, as it was called, moral influence, had been completely successful in effecting a revolution and establishing the present dynasty in Portugal, what were the term s i n w hi c h hi s p r esent Ma jesty addressed this house ?—" I have derived the most sin cere and lively satisfaction from the termination of the civil war which had so long distractesl the kingdom of Portugal ; and I rejoice to think that the treaty which the state of affairs in Spain and in Portugal induced me to conclude with the King of the French, the Queen Regent of Spain, and the Regent of Portugal, and which has already been laid before you, contributed materially to produce this happy result." That happy result !—(Laughter.) But in 1837, we are aware of the fact that we have, I believe, six sail of the line in the Tagus, after that happy result has been produced, for the pur pose of 'what 7—for the purpose of defending the Queen of that country from possible personal attack on the part of her own subjects ; and also for the very laudable object of doing what ?—of rescuing the English residing there from the dangers with which they are threatened.—( Hear.) Now, is that the happy result of our interference ? Six sail of the line is a considerable force • either, therefore, that country is un settled, or En g li s h life and property are in danger. Either one or the other, or both is the case. I take the simple facts, and then I ask, is not that a conclusive proof that after all our interference we have not obtained a single object ; neither that of establishing the Government of the Queen, nor of in creasing English influence in Portugal. But I will put aside the question of principle altogether, and ask you to look only as a matter of experience to what this ought to teach us as to our future policy. What is the advantage we have gained in Portugal ? How ought we to reason from the result of our policy with respect to that country as to the pro bable issue of our conduct with regard to Spain, when we consider that some three or four years after his Majesty's Go vernment had pronounced eulogiums on the happy result of our policy in establishing the Government of the Queen of Por tugal through the influence of our arms, she is unable to com mand the affections of her subjects, while England has no al ternative but that of again resorting to force, and of, in fact, becoming responsible for the civil government of that coun try ? —(Hear, hear.) One main object we had hoped to rea lize from the Quadruple Treaty was to be on terms of good understanding with France. But if what the Hon. Gentle man (Dr. Bowring) has stated be true it is evident that the object of that treaty—namely, the formation of an intimate union with France—has not been realized.—( Hear, hear.) I will not longer detain the House, but reserving to myself the right of considering hereafter the whole policy, domestic and foreign, alluded to in the speech, I again say that I give my assent to those paragraphs in the address which I have particu larly mentioned. Ido so because I think the Queen of Spain —I avow ft—is fairly and fully entitled to our sympathy, and to an honourable performance of the engagement which we have entered into with her, and as this honourable engagement has called for the active interference of a British force, I can not withhold the expression of my admiration at the gallantry of my countrymen, and, as they have interfered, I rejoice that their interference has been successful. -e-(Loud cheers, and cries of " Question ! ") Lord PALMERSTON—I shall certainly so far follow the example of the Right Hon. Baronet, as not to trespass upon the attention of the House for above a very few minutes. I am bound, in the first place, to say that the interpretation which the Right Hon. Baronet has given of that part of the Address which relates to our foreign relations is perfectly warranted, and perfectly consistent with the intentions of those who proposed it. But as, in agreeing to the Address on the grounds which the Right Hon. Baronet has stated, and which I am ready to say are most honourable to himself, he is not pledged on those graver questions to which he has alluded, it will be perfectly open to him, at any future period, to im pugn the foreign policy of his Majesty's Government. If I had any remark to make upon what has fallen from the Right Hon. Baronet, it would be, that while he professed not to ob. ject to the Address, yet he did contrive incidentally to convey to the House opinions somewhat stronger and to a greater ex tent than that which he announced it to be his intention to ex press when he began. I shall be prepared, however, when the Right Hon. Baronet, or any other Hon. Member, shall enter into this question, to show that the co-operation which has been afforded to the Queen of Spain is, as the Right Hon. Baronet has stated —though, judging from his manner, not as he implied—consistent and in strict conformity with the execution of the quadruple treaty. The Right lion. Baronet, with reference to the affairs of Portugal, said, that those events to which the Speech alluded as having recently taken place there, ought to be a warning to the coun try as to our interfering hastily with the internal affairs of other nations ; for that whereas in 1834, we congratulated ourselves on the eectual stop we had put to the disputes then prevail ing in Portugal, yet now in 1837, other disputes have arisen, and three years after those congratulations we have been obliged to send ships to Lisbon, in order to protect British sub jects from any injury they may sustain from popular resistance to the Government of the Queen. Now, I cannot see any inconsistency between the result which was alluded to as hav ing taken place in Portugal at a former period, and the opinion expressed on that result on that former period, and what is now stated in the Address with reference to the present state of Portugal ; because, when we s t a t e d t h a t th e effect of the treaty in 1834 had been at once to put an end to the civil war which was then raging in Portugal, we did not take upon ourselves the responsibility of the Government of Portugal in all future times, or undertake to guarantee that Portugal should for ever after be free from all liability to those disturbances which every country, whatever its Government may be, must be always subject to. But if we thought it was likely a disturbance would take place in Portugal, which might be attended with popular commotion, I think it was right and proper, and our bounden duty, having ships at our disposal, to send them to the Tagus, in order, if possible, to prevent any disturbance ; and at all events to protect our own fellow-subjects from suf fering, in consequence of that disturbance. But I shall be prepared to show that that is true which is stated in the Speech, and that those ships were sent out for the purposes there stated, and that they did not go with the intention ascribed to that act of the Government ; and being there, that they did not interfere with the constitutional question which divided the conflicting parties in that country. I shall only say, therefore, that the Right Hon. Baronet is perfectly warranted in concurring in this Address, notwithstanding the opinion which he entertains of the impolicy of the Quadruple Treaty ; and that it is perfectly open to him, after having so concurred in it, without an amendment, to impugn and dis pute the policy of that Treaty. The Address was then put from the Chair, and agreed to unanimously, and the House adjourned at a Quarter past Eight o'clock. HOUSE OF LORDS, JAN. 31. The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat OH the Woolsack at five o'clock. Lord PORTMAN, Lord YARBOROUGH, and Lord DUCIE, took the oaths and their seats. Lord BROUGHAM entered the House shortly afterfive o'clock, THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 1, 1837. and was immediately greeted by the Duke of WELLINGTON and by almost every Tory Peer present, in the most enthu. siastic manner. THE ADDRESS. The Speech having been read by the LORD CD tNCELLOR, and afterwards by the Clerk at the table, The Earl of PING AL rose to propose the Address to his Majesty. The Noble Earl was throughout the speech but imperfectly heard in the Gallery ; but we understood the Noble Earl to crave at the commencement, the kind in dulgence of the House during the very few observations he should have to make. His Majesty commenced his Speech by adverting to the state of foreign affairs, observing that he con tinued to receive from all Foreign Powers the assurance of their most friendly disposition to this country. With respect to the war in Spain, it was highly satisfactory to know that the British Legion had not forfeited the name of Britons.— (Cheers.) With respect to Portugal, it appeared to the Noble Earl that the course adopted by his Majesty's Ministers, was without exception, highly creditable to them. His Ma jesty then adverted to the state of Lower Canada;_ that was a question of vast importance, but as the report of the Com missioners would shortly be laid on the table, the Noble Earl felt it unnecessary to make further observations upon that subject. His Majesty had next adverted to the state of the law. Whatever differences of opinion there might be upon that subject, he for one felt convinced that it was es sentially necessary that some reformation should take place. No one deprecated more than he did the outrages that oc curred in Ireland, and no one was more ready than himself to exert all the interest he possessed to further those reforms which would tend to its good.—( Cheers.) With regard to the Cor porations in Ireland (continued the Noble Lord), he hoped that in the present Session some remedy will be adopted which will have the effect of reforming the abuses which, it is admitted, exist in their present constitution ; the two countries are united to each other, and the question is, whether the in habitants of one portion of this empire shall enjoy the same privileges as those of the other, or whether they shall be considered unworthy to possess them.— ( Hear, bear.) The people of Ireland have exhibited no disinclination or incompetency to manage their own affairs ; and as the Reform of the Corporations of Scotland has increased the prosperity and industry of the people of that country, they claim the same privileges, trusting for the same results. My Lords, on the difficult and important subject 'of Tithes, I shall not now enter at any length the question has been already referred to in so many speeches —but its importance is such that I consider the security of pro perty and the maintenance of tranquillity in Ireland depend up on the settlement of it. My Lords, the Speech of his Majesty also refers to the subject of Poor Laws for Ireland, and the nature and details of that question, I have had an opportunity of learning as one of the Commis sioners appointed to inquire into them.—( Hear, hear.) He had strong and decided opinions ; but it had been his most anxious wish to avoid any subject that could by possibility tend to create any dissensions upon the Address which was to be sent by that House to the Speech from the Throne.—( Hear, hear.) Nothing, he was sure, could be more gratifying than to have an expression of unanimity upon that subject.—( Hear, hear.) Before he sat down he trusted that he might be allowed to express his earnest hope, that this Session of Parliament would not terminate without some at least of the measures recommended by the Throne having been passed.—( Hear, hear.) They had de cided by the Act of Union that tke people of Ireland, as they had shared in our dangers, should share in our prosperity. England had commenced a course of generous parental po: licy towards Ireland : and that policy, he had no doubt, would be continued.--( Hear.) He was convinced it was the wish of the Noble Lord at the head of his Majesty's Govern ment to continue it. The representation of the people of Ireland had been improved, the moral condition of the people of that country had been improved, their power had been increased ; and he (Lord Fingall) was proud to be able to stand in that House to make such an acknowledgment. --(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") It was by following up that course of policy which had been so nobly begun, that their Lordships would be enabled to preserve peace, and to cause content to dwell throughout the land, and by so doing they would further see England herself grow happy, prosperous, and powerful.—( Cheers.) The Noble Lord then moved the Address, which was an echo of the Speech. The LORD CHANCELLOR then said the question was, whether the Address should be presented to his Majesty in the terms proposed. Lord SUFFIE LD said he rose to second the Address which had just been moved. The Noble Lord had entered so minutely into the details of the Speech from the Throne, that he should content himself by aiming at a general survey of its contents. If the condition of a country was to be the test of the wisdom of its rulers, it was to that test he would refer. In his opinion the state of England never was so prosperous (including both the individual and the general welfare of the country) as it was at this momen; ; and there was no one who would not admit that that policy which pro duced the greatest happiness and comfort was the best policy of all countries.—( Cries of " Hear.") The industry of this country never was employed so beneficially as it had been for the last few years. The causes of this were various. The triumphs of agriculture had produced almost a mono poly to the growers ; and our machinery had enabled the British manufacturer not only to compete with foreigners, but almost to put the competition of foreigners out of the question. —( Hear.) Another auxiliary to this happy state was coming into full play in the exercise of the new Poor Laws. No doubt many Noble Lords present had read the report on this subject, and had been de lighted to find how materially, by the New Poor Laws, the poor rate had been reduced; and to what an extent a spirit of tranquillity had been diffused through out the provinces.—( Hear.) Industry and independence had been substituted for indolence and alms, and a moral sense of propriety for a state of degradation. If their Lordships would investigate into the advance of manufactures and com merce they would find it might with truth be affirmed that they had been alike active and steady. There was no less cause of gratification if their Lordships would turn to that which was the source of the State itself, viz., the revenue. The accounts showed a surplus of two millions and-a-half above the total of the preceding twelve months. Figures, therefore showed the increasing state of comfort and happi ness of the country. He felt bound also to allude to that which every Noble Lord must have listened to with sincere gratification, viz.—the removal of the cause of unceasing agitation—Tithes.—( Hear, hear.) In his opinion, the com mutation of Tithes had done more than any thing else to bring about tranquillity and happiness, because it had tended to remove that discontent and disquiet which bad long existed between the pastor and the people ; and should Dissenters be discharged from the payment of dues, the justice of which they concientiously disputed, and from which he could not but think they ought to be relieved, this kingdom would then inherit all that any Government could bestow, vis. universal religious peace.—( Cheers.) In this cursory view, he feared it could not be denied that lie had rather depicted the state of England aad Scotland, than that of the Sister Island, because, although he had been delighted to hoar the Noble Earl on his left say the evils of Ireland had been much removed, yet undoubtedly they still existed, and to a considerable extent. He certainly could not but think that those evils arose out of a refusal to place Ireland on an equality with England.—(Much cheering.) This was her demand, and he could not but think that it was a de mand most reasonable and most desirable. Let Noble Lords look to the National Association. That Association de manded Municipal Reform and the abolition of tithes. It was matter of consideration, whether their Lordships ought not to look to the absolute necessity for . the people of Ireland resolving themselves into such a concentration of force. The Orange Society had been put down—the Catholic Association had been put down ; but, he would ask, where was the machinery—where the national sympathy that would enable them to put down that which might truly be called the National Association? That Association was only to be solved by the most substantial exercise ofjustice. —( Cheers.) turn the scale to whatever side they might, justice alone would sustain the public opinion, which in the present height of in telligence was the true element on which any Govern ment could exist.—( Cries of " Hear, hear," and cheers.) If their Lordships turned then to Catholic Emancipatien, if the stern conviction of those the Noble Duke and the Right Honourable Baronet who were then at the bead of affairs—was that it was impossible to resist the national will, he would say let their Lordships' profit by that example. It was not in the power of their Lordships or of any assembly in this country to have the current of public opinion. It wac true great reforms had taken place, a great part of the Irish hierarchy had been extinguished, and he trusted that their Lordships would learn wisdom by what had taken place, and accede to the voice of the country.—( Loud cheers.)— It was impossible to resist the public feeling—if they did so it would be a contest in which all the justice was on one side.— ( Cheers.)'" There might be' diffe rences on that subject, but still justice was due from that House to the country.—( Loud cheers.) Upon the sub ject of Poor Laws, there could be but one opinion. A Poor-law would rescue thousands of families from starvation, and place them out of the reach of want. He was sorry to have detained their Lordships so long. He would only say that the voice that had been so loudly echoed throughout the county ought to be attended to, and great re forms should take place in the condition of the State. It is therefore, my Lords, because I consider that the policy recommended in the Speech of his Majesty to be pursued will conduce to the happiness of the subject, that I willingly and with pleasure second the address which has been proposed. — (Cheers. ) The Duke of WELLINGTON—My Lords, it is not my intention in rising to offer any opposition to the Address which has been proposed by the Noble Earl. My Lords, I must say that I hare seldom heard a speech from the Throne, or lis tened to an Address, which I consider to be less liable to ob jection—( Hear)—and it is most probable that I should say but a few words on this occasion, if something had not been alluded to by the Noble Earl, who moved the Address in an able speech, (which I hope will induce him frequently to address your Lordships),—( Hear,)—but more particularly by the Noble Lord who seconded it, likewise in a speech which manifested considerable power; but both the Noble Lords have thought proper to dwell at considerable length on the subject of the tranquillity of Ireland, and more par ticularly the Noble Lord who last addressed your Lordship's House has been pleased to attribute the establishment of a cer tain body called the National Association of Ireland, to which much of that tranquillity the Noble Lord has stated is due to injustice done to that country by one of the branches of the Legislature.— (Hear.) Now, my Lords, as one of the majority of this House, of whose conduct the Noble Lord complains, I must defend it from the charge of injustice—( Hear)—indeed, my Lords, I must say that it is a most surprising circumstance —one unknown in this country until the present time, that there should be established in any part of his Majesty's dominions an Association of the existence of which the lega • lity is doubtful, and that there should be founded the justifica tion of that proceeding—founded, 1 say—on the proceedings of one of the Houses of Parliament.—( Hear, hear.) That, my Lords, I say, is quite a novel mode of proceeding, and against it I feel myself bound to enter my protest.—( Hear, hear, and cheers.) . We were told, my Lords, in the last Session, in his Majesty's Speech, of the tranquillity of Ireland. In that Speech the tranquillity of Ireland was noticed and applauded; and at the very time at which it was delivered from that throne, this Association was in existence in that part of the kingdom. It then existed, my Lords, and its author'boasted that it had been established with the view of securing for it and taking possession of the Government. That Association, which agitated the question of the repeal of the Union, was the cause of the disturbances in Ireland, and yet Noble Lords could come down to Parliament and state, as had been done to-night, that the country was in a state of comparative tranquillity. He did not call on the Government to put down that Association, although it was a course which might be expedient for them to pursue ; but what he asked was, that things should be called by their true names —( Hear, hear)—that where there existed an Association which formed committees, which raised money by its own authority, and named agents for the purpose of carrying into execution its decrees, he asked that that state of things should not be called tranquillity, but a threatening of destruction to property. They knew to a decided certainty that at - that very moment there was one description of property which could not be protected, but was annihilated, and that a clergyman could not appear without incurring the risk of being murdered. That was the tranquillity which had been boasted of in the last Session of Parliament, and which Noble Lords on the part of the Government had thought proper to repeat to night. With respect to other parts of the Speech, he could only say that when Ministers thought proper to bring forward the various messures which his Majesty had been pleased to an nounce under the consideration of Parliament, he should give them his best attention.—( Hear, hear.) He wished, however, to say a few words upon Foreign affairs, and more particularly with relation to Spain.—( Hear, hear, hear.) It was well known to their Lordships he was one of those who had objected to the original treaty that was made, and also to the additional articles which regulated the Cortcs.—( Hear.) But he could not now dis approve of the execution of those treaties by another, nor refuse his assent to the propositions contained in his Majesty's Speech, or in the Address which had been moved, in answer to his Majesty's Speech, that the measures which his Majesty had adopted in consequence of these trea ties had been properly carried into effect. They had seen a good deal of discussion between his Majesty's Government and other members of the Alliance, on the subject of the execution of that treaty, and be must say, as far as he was able to form a judgment of the treaty, for literally he knew no more than what was in the treaty itself; but he must say that that treaty had been executed as far as he could judge by all the parties to it. Viscount MELBOURNE said that in rising io address a very few words to their Lordships he could entertain no other feelings than those of great satisfaction to find that there was on the part of the Noble Duke .opposite no intention to move an amendment to the Address which had been moved and seconded by his noble friends behind him, in speeches which had received just commendation from the Noble Duke for their generally temperate and prudent language,_ with some certain exceptions to which the Noble Duke had addresses himself. It was, indeed, a matter of the very highest importance that the address to the Crown, on the first night of a Session of Parliament, should be received with concord, and that they should all approach the Throne with one feeling ; and whatever might be their differences of opinion on other subjects, he trusted there was but one opinion in this particular. Indeed the following out of such a principle was but recurring to that parliamentary practice which had been introduced, he believed, in the year 1700, or 1703 or 1704, at the time when a great Administration, then engaged in a conflict with France was induced to hold out to Europe the principle of unanimity. This was a sound practice, and whether it were in times of war or peace, and whatever difference of feeling existed in other questions, when it was required there had always been a manifestation of un animity on the part of both Houses of Parliament. He was aware that although the Speech from the Throne was con veyed in moderate terms, and that,the Address in answer to the Speech was couched in similar terms, yet, nevertheless, they were pregnant with questions of vast and trying difficulty, and upon the discussion of which great differences of opinion must arise ; but he should be prepared to bring forward measures having reference to these questions in the present session with the same spirit in which the Noble Duke was disposed to do, and to consider that line of policy which should be best for the interests of the country.—(Hear, hear.) But the Noble Duke, though he appeared to concur in the Address proposed, had made certain observations with respect to some of the ar guments of his Noble Friend behind him, and also with re ference to the Speech which his Majesty was advised to de liver at the close of the former session.—( Hear, hear.) The Speech of his Majesty on the latter occasion, stated that there prevailed in Ireland a comparative degree of tranquillity, and his Noble Friend behind him declared such to be his opinion at the present moment; and surely his Noble Friend might be allowed to know something of the state of the country, he having just left it. The Noble Duke, how ever, said that there were exceptions to that degree of tran quillity ; and he (Viscount Melbourne) perfectly and freely admitted the resistance to tithes, which formed one of these exceptions ; he admitted this to the Noble Duke. Yes, and again, with respect to a subject which had called forth the ob servations of the Noble Duke ; namely, the existence and establishment of that which was termed " the National Asso ciation of Ireland," he had no hesitation in saying (consider ing the nature of that Association), that he did not think the grounds upon which that Society was built were sufficient to warrant or admit of the foundation of such an establishment ; and, moreover, he admitted that there had been proceed ings on the part of that Association (as there would always be in all such Institutions), of which he did not, and could not, approve. But, at the same time, he must say, that though that Association had been supposed to be one to threaten disturbance and conspiracy (conspiracy it could not be termed, because all its proceedings were open as the day, clear, and distinctly avowed), yet, supposing the Associa tion to be of a nature to threaten disturbance, he contended that was not a fair point of view to consider the question, for there was no disturbance of the general tranquillity of the country.--( Hear, hear, hear.) Hence there was nothing to affect the declaration made in the speech at the close of the last session, or to prevent his Noble Friends from stating that in their opinion there prevailed an unusual degree of tran quillity. Perhaps the Noble Dnke would admit that England had been in A state of tranquillity during the Parliamentary re cess. If, indeed, the quiet and tranquillity of the country were to be disturbed by numerous meetings, and by passing resolutions—if the countrywere to be declared to be disturbed by such means—then, indeed, he must say that no country in Europe had been se disturbed as England had been by certain Noble Lords on the other side.—( Hear, and cheers.) One Noble Lord, in particular, had mixed up his voice at these meetings pretty loudly._( Hear.) It must be confessed, in deed, that the adherents of Noble Lords opposite had laid claims to, and had kept up, as much of the character of agita tors during the vacation as it was possible for them to do. With respect to certain speeches which had been made on these occasions, he could only say that if the case were as it had been strongly alleged to be—if the case really were that there was what was fashionably termed a re-action in the country—if there were such a change of opinion throughout the country as had been stated, then, indeed, it could not be long before that change must take effect— it could not be long before that power which was vested in his Majesty's present advisers must be transferred to other hands. If such re-action existed, however, of that fact neither he nor his colleagues in office were cognisant. He would recommend the Noble Lords opposite not to be deceived by the sound of their own voices—he would ad vise them not to be deceived by their own shouts. By not calculating matters dispassionately, parties were often de ceived in the estimate of their numbers. He would there fore advise the Noble Lords to be slow in their proceed ings, before they arrived at a calculation made 'in doubt and in clamour.—(Hear, hear.) Now, as he had every opportunity of arriving at the facts, he could state that the circulations which had been made to the Government were pretty accurate ; and they were told that there was no change in the opinion of the country—that there was no in crease of numbers °A the, side of the adherents of the party of Noble Lords opposite. He begged to put their Lord ships in possession of this fact, in order to come to a safe conclusion on a subject which everybody must feel to be an important one. With reference to Ireland, he certainly did not wish to go into anything which should revive the disputed of the last Session of Parliament, seeing that they had too often raised exasperated feelings. As they had had the period of the recess to weigh matters, he trusted they would come to a conclusion in legislating for Ireland. In adverse debates the manifestations of violence in that coun try\ were apt to be dwelt upon strongly, but he would state that, from every statement which had been made to the Go vernment, and from every quarter, it appeared that, with few exceptions, the state of Ireland was improved; indeed it was generally declared that the condition of the country with respect to the security of life and property was un doubtedly improved. With the changes which had neces sarily taken place upon the continuation of that tranquillity, he thought it better to ,hope for the best, and to hold out the prospect which he thought he was justified in entertaining of a continuance of that tranquillity. The Noble Duke had concluded his speech by alluding to the foreign policy of this country with respect to Spain, and he had stated very clearly that he was opposed to those treaties ; and he bad stated with equal truth that they had been carried into effect when he opposed them with fidelity. He (Viscount Melbourne) hardly knew to what the Noble Duke referred in some part of that which he had stated. He believed that no measures had been taken with reference to Spain which were not distinctly before the world; but if any had been adopted which were not known, he had no desire whatever to withhold every information from that House ; he had no disinclination to submit them to the considera tion of Parliament, and to the observations of the Noble Duke. With respeet to the principle which the Noble Duke had urged—the impossibility of forcing a Constitu tion-upon Spain—the impossibility of interference with the internal affairs of Spain—he entirely coincided with him. His defence was, that his Majesty's Government had acted on those principles of non interference. They knew very well that revolutions in Spain had taken place—revolutions attended with all _those losses and ruin to individuals which the Noble Duke had detailed ; but those revolutions had been owing to the internal state of that country, and not to the interference of the British Government, as the Noble Duke would infer. The ruin and losses had been owing to the war unsuccessfully carried on, and continually ending in failure. There was nothing . under which a country was so ; impatient as that. It was impatient enough under a foreign war, still mere under a civil _war, as the Noble Duke very well knew. Success in Spain depended upon the operations of the army of the Queen, and all the revolutions and changes that bad taken place had been owing to the inefficiency of her forces by which the war had been carried on.—( Hear. ) H e had only to repeat again, with respect to Spain, that there would be no indisposition to afford every informa tion to their Lordships on this subject, and when the Noble Duke should be in full possession of that, he felt persuaded the Noble Duke would think better of the policy pursued by his Majesty's Government than he seemed at present to think. There were no other objects embraced by the Noble Duke in his statement ; and therefore he had on!y to express his satis faction that there was no difference of opinion with respect to the address to be presented to his Majesty. The question was then put from the Woolsack, and the presentation of the Address was carried unanimously, and the Houso then adjourned to Thursday. THE MAGAZINES. BLACKWOOD'S MAGAZINE. The opening article in the current Number, which is entitled " Whig Radical Prosperity" is an attempt to sound. an alarm to the monied interests, by exposing the joint stock banking system. It is very pompously and elaborately written, bUt will fail of effect, for the writer's drift is too obvious throughout. The cloven hoof of party peeps out in every page. Yet the article is by no means devoid of ingenuity ; and will, no doubt, " create a sensation" in the minds of those who have a taste for a grievance, and who imagine that because the Tories are out, the commercial interests of the country arc all in jeopardy. " The World we Live in" is an agreeable omnium gatherum, made up of all the floating topics of the day. It is shrewd, senten tious, and highly-seasoned. We extract an anecdote (which the writer introduces in the course of some re- marks on dreams) respecting the murder of the late Mr. Percival. The authority for this extraordinary anecdote is Dr. Carlyon, formerly a Fellow of Pem broke College : " The dream in question occurred in Cornwall, and the gentleman to whom it occurred was Mr. Williams, late of Scourier House, from whose own lips I have more than .once heard the relation. Six days before the murder of the late Mr. Percival (of whom he had no personal knowledge what ever), Mr. Williams dreamt that he was in the lobby of the House of Commons, and saw a small man enter dressed in a blue coat and white waistcoat. Immediately after he saw a man dressed in a brown coat with yellow basket metal buttons, draw a pistol from under his coat, and discharge it at the for mer, who instantly fell, the blood issuing from a wound a lit tle below the left breast. He saw the murderer seized by some gentlemen who were present, and observed his counte nance, and on asking who the gentlaman was that had been shot, he was told that it was the Chancellor of the Exchequer. He then awoke, and mentioned the dream to his wife who made light of it ; but in the course of the night, the dream occurred three times without the least variation. He was now so much impressed with it, that he felt much inclined to give notice to Mr. Percival, but was dissuaded by some friends whom he consulted, who told him he would only get himself treated as a lunatic. On the evening of the eight day after, he received the account of the murder, it having occurred two days previously. Being in London a short time subsequently, he found in the print shops a representation of the scene, and recognised in the countenances and dress of the parties, the blood on Mr. Percival's waistcoat, and the peculiar yellow basket buttons on Bellingham's coat, precisely what he had seen in his dream. All this, I beg to repeat, I have myself heard more than once circumstantially related by Mr. Wil liams, who is still alive (February 1836), and residing at Cal stock, Devon, and who, I am sure, from his obliging disposi tion, would be most ready to corroborate the wonderful his tory to its full extent." In the article on " Historical Paintings" occur some remarks on the Fine Arts, well worthy the considera tion of the Managers of the New National Gallery. " Dispatches of the Duke of Wellington" are pleasant reading enough, anti will be still more so, when the writer comes down to the period of his Grace's cam paigns in the Peninsula. The " Page" is a tall re plete with romantic incident. It professes to be a translation from the Getman.. " Hero and Leander" is front the Greek of Muscats. It is a spirited and poetic version. BENTLEY'S MISCELLANY. The serious and the humorous are well mixed up 1 this Number, ivhich is an evident improvement on [le last. " 13oz " contributes an excellent sketch, en- titled " Oliver Twist," which exposes the hardships and cruelties to which poor foundlings are exposed at pa rish-workhouses, in a very effective manner. This tale, we see, is to be continued ; we are glad of it, for " Boz" is not merely a humourist, but he has also a fund of sound practical sense, which renders his sketches of every-day life and manners extremely ac ceptable reading. His account of the visit of a pom pous parish beadle to a parochial workhouse, is in his raciest manner : " Goodness, gracious ! is that you. Mr. Bumble, Sir?' said Mrs. Mann, thrusting her head out of the window in well•affected ecstacies of joy. ( Susan, take Oliver and them two brats up stairs, and wash 'em directly)----My heart alive Mr. Bumble, how glad lam to see you, sure-ly !' " Now Mr. Bumble was a fat man, and a choleric one; so, instead of responding to this open-hearted salutation in a kindred spirit, he gave the little wicket a tremendous shake, and then bestowed upon it a kick, which could have emanated from no leg but a beadle's. Lor, only think,' said Mrs. Mann, running out,—for the three boys had been removed by this time, only think of that ! That I should have forgotten that the gate was bolted on the inside, on account of them dear children Walk in, Sir; walk in, pray, Mr. Bumble; do, Sir.' " Although the invitation was accompanied with a curtsey that might have softened the heart of a churchwarden, it by no means mollified the beadle. _ " Do you think this respectful or proper conduct, Mrs. Mann,' inquired Mr. Bumble, grasping his cane,—' to keep the parish officers a-waiting at your garden-gate, when they come here upon parochial business connected with the parochial orphans? Are you aware, Mrs. Mann that you are, as I may say, a parochial delegate, and a stipendiary ?' " I'm sure, Mr. Bumble, that I was only a telling one or two of the dear children as is so fond of you, that it was you a-coming,' replied Mrs. Mann with great humility. " Mr. Bumble had a great idea of his oratorical powers, and his importance. He had displayed the one, and vindi cated the other. He relaxed. " Well, well, Mrs. Mann,' he replied in a calmer tone ; it may be as you say ; it may be. Lead the way in, Mrs. Mann ; for I come on business, and have got something to say.' " Mrs. Mann ushered the beadle into a small parlour with a brick floor, placed a seat for him, and officiously deposited his cocked hat and cane on the table before him. Mr. Bumble wiped from his forehead the perspiration which his walk had engendered, glanced complacently at the cocked hat, and smiled. Yes, he smiled : beadles are but men, and Mr. Bumble smiled. " Now don't you be offended at what I'm a-going to say,' • observed Mrs. Mann with captivating sweetness. ' You've had a long walk, you know, or I wouldn't mention it. Now will you take a little drop of something, Mr. Bumble?' " Not a drop—not a drop,' said Mr. Bumble, waving his right hand in a dignified, but still placid manner. "' I think you will,' said Mrs. Mann, who had noticed the tone of the refusal, and the gesture that had accompanied it. ' Just a lectle drop, with a little cold water, and a lump of sugar.' " Mr. Bumble coughed. " Now, just a little drop,' said Mrs. Mann persuasively. " What - is it ?' inquired the beadle. " Why it's what I'm obliged to keep a little of in the house, to put in the blessed infants' Daffy when they ain't well, Mr. Bumble,' replied Mrs. Mann as she opened a corner cup board, and took down a bottle and glass. It's gin.' " " Authors and Actors " is a passable dramatic sketch, but the subject is so hacknied as to be scarcely susceptible of interest. " A Critical Gossip with Lady Mary Wortley Montague," speaks with becom ing admiration of the most fascinating and accomplished woman of her age. We should inform the writer, how ever, that Lady Mary never intrigued with Pope—a fact of which he seems to be doubtful—and that the love was all on the side of the poet. His famous " Eloisa to Abelard," the only impassioned poem he ever wrote, is supposed, and with justice, to have been penned under the influence of this passion. " Handy Andy " is a laughable Irish extravaganza by Lover. " Edward Saville " is a tale of powerful tragic inte rest. It is the production of Mr. Whitehead, author of the " Autobiography of Jack Ketch "—a work that displayed considerable knowfedge of the deep workings of the human heart. " Richardson the Showm an," is a lively memoir of this illustrious defunct, by the Editor of the Literary Gazette. But the most ori ginal article in the Number is the' Sped re of Tapping ton," which contains some admirable bits of quaint, grotesque description. • The e mbellishments to this Miscellany are full of sterling humour. NE TV MONTHLY MAGAZINE. Mr. Theodore Hook continues his seri es of the " Gurney Papers" this month, which assuredly should be placed first in the " Humourists" which is their most appropriate place. We suppose these _ •.. .. • Papers, when completed, will be repul.,44d in't.breir volumes, for they contain sketches of 4C fekt*ffitii te as racy and piquant as anything in " e t --- Doings." The " Yard-arm pu,:i" is d A4 4fruhs-Uiitt..: anecdote by the author of " Rattliii the Reefer," and contains one or two passages—especally a gips) , male- - diction—of a high order of description " St. Valen tine's Day," an amusing little poem, by Leigh limit, is as brilliant and graceful as his " ClLTistmas," which is saying much for it. " The History of a Radical" is not drawn from life, but is the overflowing of a jaundiced imagination. The covert sneer at poor Hazlitt, who was as disinterested a politician as ever lived, is in the worst possible taste. " The " mourist" contains many facetious articles, among which we may mention the " Grand Kentucky Balloon," the " Hazy . Night," and Jerrold's rough, vigorous sketch - of " Mr. Peppercorn at Home." We should not omit to mention the portrait of Mr. Gleig, which is well engraved, and is a very correct likeness. We have no room for extracts. TAIT'S EDINBUI?f3II MAGAZINE. Simpkin and Marshall. The " Autobiography of an English Opium Eater," which is continued in this Number, is more common-place than anything we have seen from the pen of its author. It is better suited for a place in a Novel than in the columns of a Magazine. But as a counterbalance for the dullness of this article, we are favoured with an admirable digest of M. Van Rau mer's Political History of England, during the - , three last centuries. Of the two articles tnat treat of distinct periods in the progress of ...Von Rautner's history, we prefer that which relates to the private lives of Queens Elizabeth of England and Mary of Scotland. It is well arranged, and cormprises the very essence of all the important documents brought to light by the historian, with some very pertinent remarks upon them. There is likewise a well-dimed and really very clever article on the abuses of the Post-office, from which we make the following extract : g , With the solitary exception of the improved construction of mail-coaches—for which the public are indebted, not to the Duke of Richmond, or any other Postmaster-General, nor the officers of the establishment, but to Mr. 'Wallace, the Mem ter for Greenock, and the Commissioners of Inquiry—this department, by;Lord Lowther's account, ansd there is no better authority, has remained stationary, as to the: arrangements for the accommodation of the public, for nearly fifty years. It is, therefore, now time that it make a few strides in advance, so as to overtake other departments, and, in its: vocation, adminis ter, in an equal degree, to the wants and wishes of the commu nity. It is not intended here to enumerate a. the improvements of which the Post-office is susceptible ; 'but the most pro minent and indispensable are—Morning and day mails from London, as well as evening mails ; a Sunday delivery to those who may call for their letters in London, and a des patch from London ; a cheap conveyance of prices current,, and small packets of value, under a certaiis weight ; an acce lerated communication for the conveyances of the letters and parcels between post-towns and to the districts surrounding them, instead of the present, in most cases,. circuitous way, to which cross-posts arc subjected ; and a general lowering of the rate of postage—which concession Mr. Wallace has also stre nuously advocated. This latter suggestion, if judiciously carried into effect, will not be the cause of a diminution of re venue, in proportion to its reduction; but, on the contrary, if aided by increased means of communication, will, with the in creased ability and anxiety of all classes of the public to communicate by letter, be morally certain to add to the funds of the Exchequer. This axiom is almost proved, to the extent here contemplated, by the Finance Committee, in their fourth Report, at p. 10, where, by a reference to accounts showing tile produce of duties, under the heads " Customs," Excise," " Stamps," and " Assessed Tatter," in 1827, com pared with what the produce would have been, if the reduction of taxes, which took effect after 1823, had diminished these re venues in the exact proportion which they bore to the produce of that year ; they say—" It will be seen, by this .abFtract, that the abatement of the revenue by taxes remitted, w 'mild Have been, in 1827, as compared with 1823, no less than 3,308,3164; the difference of 5,874,235/. being the increase of revenue from increased consumption." Therefore, it is ;:ut fair to infer ,that, with the Increased and increasing inte.iligence of the community, combined with our increasing domestic and fo reign commercial intercourse, the Post-Office reycnue would not suffer more, or even so much as the before-named reve nues, if the tax on letters was to be diminished in the same proportion that these taxes were reduced between the years 1823 and 1827." ' - In the soundness of these observations we entirely concur. A cheaper rate of postage is unquestionably called for by the country, and would, if agreed upon, add considerably to the revenues arising from this branch of the public service. Two-thirds of the postage now charged on letters would be an exorbitant rate ; put , , even such a reduction would be received as a great boon by the country at large. As the article be fore us contains sonic other valuable suggestions, we shall take another opportunity of recurring to it in a way more likely to arrest public attention. There are several other very good papers in this Number of Tait. A table showing how the whole of the Scotch members of Parliament voted upon all important questions during the last Session of the Le gislattlre,. is • deserving of especial notice. We re commend to Mr. Tait the publication of a Monthly Table, prepared after the same form, during the ensu ing Session. No plan could be better for placing the conduct of Members of Parliament in a true light be fore their constituents. 1 FRASER'S MAGAZINE. We have seen far better Numbers of this Magazine than the one before us, which contains threz or four entertaining Papers, but none that can lay claim to superior excellence. Perhaps the most generally amusing is that on " Dresses, Dandies, Fashion, &c." in which brief personal sketches are given of all the dandies who have figured in the fashionable world since the abdication of the illustrious " Beau Brum mell," who was for many years the acknowledged em peror ,of the exquisites, and as such exercised despotic sovereignty. The writer gives high praise to the re filled dandyism of Count D'Orsay—the Brummell of the present day ; but gravely protests against the breadth and squareness of his coat-skirts. The Pro test is an important one, and on an important subject ; wherefore we have thought it our bounden duty to allude to it. The " Diamond Necklace" is by Mr. Carlyle ; a few of the passages we can understand, but the majority, being of a high German metaphysical character, are more enigmatical than the riddle of the Sphynx. " The Smuggler's Daughter," is a well told tale, though not very original ; and the " Remem brances of a Monthly Nurse" better than they•have yet been. COURT MAGAZINE. The Court Magazine is celebrated for the careful finish of its engravings, and the portrait of Lady Char leville, which is by Cochran, from an original painting, by Sayer, will not detract from its reputation. The attitude is graceful and unstudied, and the lights and shades of the countenance are brought out with much skill. In the literary department, we find a sketchy unaffected criticism on Goldsmith, suggested by Mr. Prior's late memoirs of that poet. " Who'd have Thought it ?" is a tale full of sprightly dialogue ; and " Louise de Valliere," a rather too fastidious review of Mr. Bulwer's drama, which is re plete with passages of first-rate beauty, both as regards j thought and language. THE ASIATIC JOURNAL. Alien and Co. Flowers for Poets' Graves," No. IV., 'contains some very beautiful lines addressed to Boccacio, Pe trarch, Pulci, Ariosto, and Dante. The writer is not wanting either in depth of feeling or vivid ness of imagination. We have also in the Number for February a Tale of Lucknow, and a Georgian Romance ; so that there is no want of light and agreeable reading for such as arc indifferent to dissertations on steam navigation with India—the philosophy of language—and the practices of the Supreme Courts of Judicature throughout our Ori ental possessions. The mass of Asiatic intelligence' of which this periodical is generally the sole vehicle is admirably arranged for easy reference. In every re.!: .~ .~~ : c.l l