The Sun. — London, England, 1846-01-30 00:00:00

Right Hon. Gentleman the Secretary-at-War, on the part of the Government, to introduce a Bill for the em bodiment of the militia on an early day, in which there would be considerable amendments on the present law. Mr. ROSS was opposed to the adjournment of the House for the reason stated. He considered a reformed House of Commons ought not to keep such a holidayas the ono named, and for which the House was asked to adjourn. He thought that it was a reproach to those honourable men who had shed their blood in order to retain the chartered liberties of the country. They had sacrificed their lives in the defence of those liberties, and he thought that it would be foolish with that fact before them to keep that absurd fast.—(Cheers, and laughter.) That was his opinion, and he felt bound to declare it.— (Cheers.) [Several Hon. Members exclaimed at the same moment, "No such thing."] At least that was his impression, and he found it was pub lished in the vipers of the House, and entered in the notice book, that to-morrow was to be observed as a fast in the commemoration of the martyrdom of King Charles. Now there could be no doubt that such then was the case, and if he went out with only one or two of his friends, he would divide the House on the sub ject, hands of the Accountant-General as security on the part of the railway company of their intention to proceed with their scheme, and that it was a bona fide undertaking.—(Hear, hear.) But he consi dered if they were to give ten thousand or thirty thou sand pounds, value in Consols, Exchequer-bills,or India Bonds, they were as good as Bank notes. All that the House wanted was security from companies of their in tention to prosecute their schemes ; and is acting on the suggestion he now made he believed all parties would be benefited.—(Hear, hear.) Whether the deposits were paid into the hands of the Bank of England or the Accountant-General, the course he recommended would be satisfactory to all parties, and no difficulty would then arise. Mr. RICARDO said it appeared to him of little con sequence as to in whose name railway deposits might be paid, whether in the name of one man in preference to another, or as to who might be the party who made the payment. If the Accountant-General invests the money by his order in the Bank of England, then is the latter in a position to pay interest on it, and if he does not, the Bank of England is not in a position to pay upon it. The securities of country banks might have been taken were there not doubts whether they had not made advances on the se curity of deposits in a very imprudent manner. If these banks in this respect had acted with common prudence there would have been no difficulty at all. A great deal of the inconvenience now complained of would have been avoided if, at the time of registration, a period was named for the deposits to be paid. It might be stated th at t h ey should be paid by a certain day, szy three or four months after the registra tioh of the Company. He thought it was easy to calcu late when these deposits were first paid what would be the effect on the public circulatiAL Mr. MUNTZ said that he could not help thinking that it was very strange that the Government should refuse to receive their own securities as a payment into the public Treasury, especially when they were only held as a trustee fund, and he conceived that the Chan cellor of the Exchequer was throwing something like disgrace on their own credit. He thought the proposal a very proper one, and if the Hon. Member for Sunder land had not made it he should have made it himself, for it appeared exceedingly strange that the Govern ment should refuse to receive their own paper, especially when the doing so would be a saving of expense to the public as well as inconvenience. Sir R. PEEL said that the express object of the re gulation complained of was to give relief to the public. He thought that the parties who were chiefly interested in this matter had had sufficient notice of tho effect of this regulation to save themselves and those with whom they had to deal. That the rule would be attended with some inconvenience to the parties mo s t i mme di ate l y i nterested in railways he could not deny. It was well understood that the object of Parli ament was to di scourage unsoun d speculation in railways. The deposit had originally been so low, that it offered no bar whatever to the ex tent, the inconvenient extent, of speculation, and Parlia liament had accordingly made the deposits required after a certain period 10 per cent., and at the time that that rule was instituted it was well known that the depo sits were to be paid in money to the Accountant-General, and not in stock, and the object of that rule was to prevent that unsound speculation which the other rule had not been stringent enough to do, and thus the object of the Government was served. The rule would by no means pre vent the discount of long hills, and if it interfered at all with short ones, it would only do so with that class of paper, such as bills which had only two or three months to run, and which were generally presented for discount by parties who had unwisely used their funds in railway speculations. It was intended that there should be pressure, but he believed that Hon. Members would be mistaken if they imagi ne d th at t h e pressure would be more injurious now than at a future period, or that it would he at all relieved by the payments being in the hands of the Accountant-General rather than in those of the Bank of England. He had given his most careful attention to the subject, and he perfectly agreed with his Right Hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer. He had had interviews with many parties of the highest authority and experience in the City, and they were convinced that the plan adopted would be the best that could be used for the purpose. But the proposal that after a portion of the money had been deposited, a certain interval should elapse before its return would, in his opinion, be unjust to the specu lator, who ought to have the earliest opportunity of get ting his money back, should the railway in which he had embarked not pass the standing orders. Mr. P. M. STEWART rose to explain. He thought the interval between the depositing and the release of the money could be determined by the fate of the Bill when certified by the proper authority. Sir R. PEEL objected, on the ground that the fate of a Bill might not be decided for perhaps two or three months. various parts of the kingdom, and in every instance it had been found that the wages had not diminished, and the condition of the people had been much improved ; and he understood that great moral advantages had been the result. He was very anxious to ascertain what the effect of the limitation of wages was in the kindom of Prussia. The King of Prussia had, in the e'ear 1839, passed a decree limiting the hours of labour of all children under the age of 16. That decree had existed ever since, and was in full operation at the present time. What was the result of it ? He had received an answer to sense in quiries ; a statement from Elberfelds, which said that in the manufactories there no diminution of wages had taken place, although the decree limiting the hours of labour had been a long time in force. It also said that the law exercised a salu tary influence on the physical and moral condition of the working people. That answer came from the manufacturers themselves. He had received another answer, which also stated that no diminution of wages had taken place. There had been at first a strong feeling against the law, but this sub sided when its beneficial effects were found. He had received an answer to a question put by him to the Secretary of the Home Department, which asserted that, wherever the hours of labour had been shortened not a single remonstrance had been made with regard to it, and no resistance had been made to it The people entertained seine doubts at first, as they feared foreign competition, but they soon seemed quite satisfied with the arrangement. The people of France had also followed their example; for though they had objected at first, a law hail been framed for the regulations of factories, which was a transcript of their own. Russia had also followed the same example. The peo ple of Russia, from an estimate of the moral and physical ad vantages such a regulation would produce, had seen the pro priety of adopting a measure of this kind. The experience of the snccess of the principle had operated in this manner on these countries, and not only these countries, but every other country he was persuaded, would be compelled to carry it rout. He would now pass on from this review of the results, to the general consideration of the influence of factory regulations on the physical, moral, and financial condition of the manufactur ing population of this country. He requested the attention of the House while he referred to several productions which were made in 1833, when he first undertook the introduction of what was called the Ten Hours' Bill. There were four pre dictions continually rung in the ears of the House, and ss ere the arguments continually employed by the opponents of the Bill to defeat this measure. The first prediction was, that if the Bill passed the cotton trade would be destroyed— that an end would be put to the great staple branch of national industry. The second prediction was, that the wages of the operatives would be diminished. The third prediction was, that the wages of the children would be reduced, so that they would receive only a fractional payment fur their labour. And the fourth prediction was, that the number r f children employed would be di minished,and that great physical suffering would ensue. He would now come to the results of those predictions. And first, he would take the effect a f the limitation of wages occa sioned by the reduction of the hours of labour, and he would, in the first place, appeal to the year 1831, when the first Act was passed for reducing those hours ; and then would, in the second place, bring forward the period after labour was pro tected, and show that the wages had not been diminished. In the year 1831 the first Bill had been passed for the limitation of those who were called young persons. Those were persons between the ages of fourteen and eighteen years. In 1831 an Act had been passed which limited the labour of those young persons to twelve hours in the day ; ai.d it was asserted tl.at the effect of this measure would be to reduce the wages of those individuals. Now, how far was that assertion, that protection would injure wages, founded in- truth ? In 1833, before this protection was granted, the wages of those indiv duals had, on an average, been ss. 4d. per week, while, after that protection was granted, the average rate of esages was 6s. II d. per week, showing not less a rise than upwards of thin ty per cent. These facts were drawn from returns made from the four great man u facturing towns of Bolton, Preston, Oldham, and Manchester. Now, in the third place, with reference to the wages of those distinguished as children. Before 1833 the average rate of wages of these children was 3s. Id. per week. Before the Bill which limited the work of children under thirteen years of age, the time of these children was eight hours. By that Bill the time was reduced to six hours, and although the average rate of wages was reduced to 2s. 2d., yet it was rather an apparent than a real diminutien, for though there was an abatement, yet it was not at all equiva lent to the relief, and the families were in fact far better off than before, for a great demand for children had been created, and where only one child was employed before, two were now re quired. Now he would allude to the fourth prediction. In order to do so it would be necessary for him to enter into some minute details, but he hoped the House would pardon his so doing, on the ground that they were essential for the purposes he had in view. The next point raised was that children would suffer physically. He begged them to see how far that predic tion had been verified. It was extremely difficult to obtain a return of the number of children under 13 years of age, em ployed in 1833, but those who knew were aware that very few had received any education at all. Now he would assert that there were under 13 years of age, working six hours a day, and receiving three hours education each day, no less than 30,000 children.--( Hear, hear.) Before the year 1833 there were scarcely any children receiving education. The increase of children attending school since 1833 was at the rate of 8 to I.—( Hear.) On the other hand, the inert-ale of children attending school, above 13 years of age, who were kept at work during the full period was almost nothing. Ile would now call attention to the opinions expressed by the Committee of Operative Spinners—a body which had been opposed to the introduction of the law which limited children to half time, because it pressed heavily upon them. He would be glad to give them the opinion of those who had been opposed to the half time system. For every year their condition was much 'improving, but particularly since 1844. Now, mark this—for several years the labour of these children had de creased to some extent, and during that period a great im provement had taken pl a c e i n teir moral and physical condition ; to such an extent, indeed, that he did not despair but before long they would occupy positions fit for human beings.—(Hear, hear.) The hand•loom weavers now declare that so great is the benefit resulting to them and their children, by working for a limited period, that before they would work longer they would part with their last shilling. Now, he heard this statement with great s a ti s f a cti on , and he believed he might appeal to the Hon. Gentleman op posite, the Member for Durham (Mr. Bright), as to the vast improvements that would take place by the shortening of the hours of labour.—(Hear.) The great benefit that had been felt by them on getting their holidays, and the renewed energy with which they returned to their labour after such holidays, was, he considered another proof of the benefit of shortening the hours of labour. He would say that there was something very cruel in taking children from their parents at a tender age, and exacting from them labour, such as the most grown could hardly support or endure.—( Hear, hear.) These children are engaged during the whole period of twelve hours out of the twenty-four, a period during which adults in vigorous health c arr y on th e i r l a b our . W ell, now observe what an effect this produces on the community. That it is a matter of vital importance to the peace and welfare of this country that women should be brought up with some know ledge of domestic arrangements, so as to enable them to dis charge their duties, has ever been an admitted fact. Yet, how was it possible that they should learn those duties when they returned home in a state of exhaustion? How was it possible, he would ask them, that they could learn any of the necessary details in which consist the comforts of the working man's home ? It is another admitted fact by lawyers, commi sioners, and statesmen, that on the condition of the women in the manufacturing towns depends the social welfare and happi ness of the men. A friend of his residing in the neighbour hood of several large factories, and who erected two night schools for the purposes of giving some instruction in reading, writing, and needle-work, informed him that the anxiety evinced by these poor people to receive instruction was very great. These schools were opened twice a-week, and on the first night of their opening forty young men and thirty-eight young women entered immediately. So great was the fatigue under gone during the day that although they observed an earnest desire to receive instruction their physical powers would not endure it. Four or five used to be found asleep at a time, and at length, after the space of a few months, the classes were deserted by all but five. They were asked the cause of this desertion, and they answered that they could not spend their evenings at school as they had to be up at five o'clock in the morning, and that owing to their short rest at night they found it almost impossible to keep awake. Thus the school that was opened for their benefit was compelled to be shut up, although they were eager to attend it. There was, in another country, an establishment where a different state of things existed—where twelve hours of labour was considered to be sufficient for health and moral improvement. The law he referred to was a law at Lowell, in the United States. He would begin by assuming that the hours of labour in both countries were the same, that was to say twelve hours a day. Dr. Bartlett, who wrote a book called " The Institutions of Lowell," said that a statute existed, by which no person under fifteen years of age was allowed to work more than nine months out of the year.—( Hear, hear.) The other three months were to be passed at school. That law was enforced with unflinching strictness, so that in time of scarcity no infraction of it is ever heard of or allowed. He (Dr .Bartlett) had stated that he never knew an instance of any person under fifteen years of age working more than nine months out of the year. What was the case in the English factories ? Why children who had at tained the age of 13 years were admitted to twelve hours' work for the whole year. They do not begin at such an early age as they do in England. Out of 2,000 gtrls employed at Lowell, who had been indiscriminately examined, the average age was twenty-three years. In one mill, of 657 girls employed in it, the average age was 22,i years. The average time these had been employed was 34 years, making them about nineteen years of age when they entered the factory. Thus, while nineteen years of age was the average age of girls entering factories in Lowell to work twelve hours a day, in England the age was thirteen at which children were called on to work twelve hours a day.—( Hear.) In another mill in Lowell the average age of the girls employed was twenty-three years, and they had been engaged in the factory for four years, making the age of entry, as in the other case, nineteen years. The peculiar characteristics of Lowell had been shown in an authentic work, lately published in America, by the Hon. Henry A. Miles, who had written the work at the solicitation of the proprietors of Lowell, who had furnished the writer every statistical information. The writer in the work in question pointed out the great distinction between the people of Lowell and the factory operatives of this country. Mr. Miles says— " There is no permanent factory population. This is the wide gulph which separates the English manufacturing towns from Lowell. In the latter place only, a few of the operatives have their home ; the great proportion came from distant parts of the country, the girls being principally the daughters of far. seers." Mr. Miles further states, that, on an average, the girls do not work more than four and a half years at the factory ; they return home, and their places are taken by new comers. Look at the operatives in this country • they spend their whol e lives in the factories ; but in Lowell the average was only four and. a-half years, after which they gave tip a factory occupation. The labourers resident in this country were all their lives de voted to this business, and constituted a permanent caste. Their labour was continued from year to year, and how was it, he asks, that the English visitor found it so difficult to under stand the difference between the manufacturing population of America and their own. How is it that there is such a differ ence between the population of Lowell and that of Leeds or Manchester. Why, indeed, should there be—why, indeed? Yet there is. Because the class of females in Lowell are of a very different order to those of the same class in Manchester. Now, he would look at the statistical return of the female operatives in Lowell, and see what a differer ce there was between the places he had named. Out of the 6,320 female operatives of the fernier place he found that no less than 350 of them had been teachers in public schools, and in addition to that t' ire was also the fact that the women of that place were only accus tomed to factory labour about four and a half years of their lives, and that a great portion of them were married women In the town of Lowell. Yet he found that there was the same predominance of female labour in Lowell that there was in hehei:atrdhrnrea-rlsaso the fo t r wo i t z h i e anufac . turing towns in England which he was s was 1300,0000°, a a nd 'i of named,ed t b and m after f a c t nit h u a ir t sienr f ,y a : no p w u a l a s t stated on some other cause must be looked for than the of those 10,000 2,915 were t gallon ur ing of populationweland whichthwerwethcohleedtnheeseinawifac: men, while there were 6,320 women, It should be remern *. Ile total popu bered that, in America, there is nothing like commercial re striction. Trade is completely free and unfettered. There is j e 's'e x el cZi et v i e ; g e h re t, iasnglayneetheswteer—hatvhee thsaemseameeorecpomlainplatinetf nothing to prevent the master from doing that him there labour, premature decay, sinking health, and early graves. He would next quote from a public document which had been presented to the House of Representatives of the State of Sir ROBERT PEEL said that be had endeavoured to put the matter in the mast substantive form, and to express the reasons of her Majesty's Goverument. Now he had exactly stated that the reason of the adjourn ment of the House was really because there was not public business before them for that day, and be!.!:luse it would conduce very much to the public convenience. He conceived that this would constitute a sufficient reason. Mr. ROSS expressed himself satisfied with the reasons of the Right Hon. Baronet. Mr. BRIGHT conceived that the Right Hon. Baronet the Secretary for the Home Department had not fully replied to the question of the Hon. Member for Fins bury. He believed that the object of that question had been to learn whether it was intended to call out the militia this year or not. It might be necessary to have a permanent law for the embodiment of the militia, but that was of small interest to the public at large, and he, therefore, begged to inquire whether the militia really was to be called out this year? Sir J. GRAHAM said that he thought he had already answered the question. It was the privilege of her Majesty to call out the militia if the exigencies of the public service should make it necessary, under the sug gestion of her responsible Ministers. It was intended to bring in a Bill, and under the power of that Bill, if war should arise, her Majesty would have the power of calling out the militia after a fortnight's notice. But when the Bill should be introduced his Right Hon. Friend the Secretary-at-l Var (Mr. Sidney Herbert) would explain all its provisions fully to the House. Mr. WILLIAMS wished particularly to understand whether the House was to be adjourned, because to-mor row was the anniversary of an absurd fast, or be cause there was no business before the House ? If the House was to adjourn on that account, he knew of nothing that would degrade the present generation so much as that it should be said of them that they ad journed the public business because of the anniversary of the martyrdom of that tyrant, who was led to the scaf fold in consequence of superseding the authority of th e Rouse of Commons.—(Hear, and laughter.) If that tyrant had not violated the institutions of the country, by attempting to impose public taxes without having obtained the sanction of Parliament, his death by vio lence would never have taken place.—(Laughter.) The memory of the man who resisted the tyrant, and caused his overthrow, ought to be cherished, rather than the fate of the tyrant borne in mind.—(Laughter.) Lord JOHN MANNERS begged to express his dissent from every word that had fallen from the Honourable Member who had last addressed the House. Ha did not believe that when the Govern ment proposed an adjournment of the House from the following day until Monday that they were actuated by any such motive as that which the Honourable Member for Coventry appeared disposed to impute to them. THE RIVER PLATE. Lord J. RUSSELL, who spoke in so low a tone ai to be almost inaudible in the reporters' gallery, inquired of the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Government what instructions had been given to the English ambas ador with regard to the contest respecting the River Plate ? Sir R. PEEL replied that he had not the slight est objection to lay upon the table of the House the ♦ari ous documents which would explain the grounds upon which the Government had acted. The instructions to our Ambasador he would also lay on the table, but with respect to other communications he would prefer not doing so at present, because, recently, proposals had been made which, though not accepted, might ultimately lay the foundation of the adjustment of this long-pending dispute. —( Hear, hoar.) Lord JOHN RUSSELL said he had no wish to ask for other papers connected with the subject, but he would be glad to know what demands upon her Ma jesty's Government had been refused. Sir ROBERT PEEL observed that his instructions, when laid before the House, would show what the pro posals were which had been made on the part of the Government of this country and of France. The Right Hon. Baronet said he was not prepared to in form the Noble Lord (Russell) what were the instruc tions issued to their Ambassadors. Mr. STEWART—Why the standing orders are to decide it. Mr. F. BARING considered it would be hard to lock up money for an indefinite time without interest until the fate of the Bill might he known. He confessed, but he might be mistaken, that he could not understand what disadvantages would arise from the deposit of Exchequer bills instead of money.—(Hear.) The object of the de posit was, that the Government and the public might have a security that the undertaking for which it was proposed to obtain an Act of Parliament was of a bona tide nature. Ile hoped the House would well consider the subject.—(Hear, hear.) The question of the adjournment was then put from the Chair, and declared carried. TEN HOURS' BILL. Lord ASHLEY laid on the table a petition in favour of the Ten flours' Bill for the regulation of labour. Lord ASHLEY again rose, and said he felt it his duty, in the first place, respectfully but positively to state. that t he decision come to on the factory question was not the decision of the House, but the decision of her Majesty's Ministers. He would say that a very large majority of those gentle men, who from their position must be the best acquainted with the feelings of the commercial and manufacturing interests of this country, supported his proposition. No less than 33 out of 42 of those Members voted in that House for the Ten Hours' Bill, and he did hope a similar support would be given him on the present occasion. Moreover, he was certain that the most anxious and undiminished desire was felt out of that House for the success of the Bill—(Hear, hear)--a desire unabated, and a desire which was every day gathering new strength. Nearly two years had elapsed since he submitted that question for the consideration of the House, and he hop e d th e H ouse would consider that a full and sufficient interval had passed between the rejection of that Bill and the intro duction of another. The country was decidedly in fa y Jur of such a measure, and he hoped it would meet with the approbation of that House also. —(Hear, hear.) Now it should he his great endeavour to abstain from wearying the House by the production of evidence already so often put before them in the shape of re ports and otherwise. He believed that it would be a ia(:vantage to his cause if he did not refresh their memory upon those subjects ; but, however, ho would willingly forego that advantage rather than appear to trespass upon their time, and he could do so with less reluctance as the question was narrowed to this—Could the improvement be effected without injuring the trade ? That was the simple proposition he had to offer. Why, could it be denied that a great mo ral benefit would accrue by the limitation of the hours of work ?—(Hear, hear.) He would, detail to them a series of experiments connected with this subject. Mr. Gardiner, a gentleman who had very extensive mills in Manchester and Preston, was good enough to send his foreman and son to London to give him (Lord Ashley) an account of some experiments which he had tried in his manufactory. He (the Noble Lord) put to to them several questions, the answers to which they had since committed to writing. They were so exceedingly important that he must apologize to the House for reading them.—(Hear, hear.) Well, then, he said this country could not exist without protection of some sort or other. But how could they establish free trade, when the countries with which they were associated refused to adopt free trade prin ciples ? Most of the countries of Europe had their protective laws and duties for the en couragement of their own native industry, but when any scarcity arose these countries went for their supplies to the same granaries as England. When a scarcity prevailed in this country, it was well known that a scarcity existed in many other parts of Europe, and many of the essentially corn-growing countries pro duced infinitely more corn than was absolutely necessary for their own wants, in the hope that there might be a deficiency in some of the nations of Europe. They had always got large quantities of corn,which had beenproduced at a less expense than what it would cost in England, on hand, which would be brought into the British market at once, if they adopted these free-trade principles, to the detriment of the British farmer, who had heavy bur dens and taxes to pay. Free trade, then, applied to this country was fallacious, and he was supported in this opinion by all the best authorities who had written upon the subject, who agreed that freedom of trade could not be established without injury to native interests in a country so artificial as England. I have tried the effect of eleven hours' work instead of twelve hours, and I find that the amount of work was not reduced at all, but, on the contrary, as much was done in that time. He (the Noble Lord) then put the question how it was that the men were able to do as much work in eleven hours as in twelve hours? The answer differenceri)atizineiu:rrt given was " that the men were better able to do their work from being enabled to have more rest at night." The next question put was, whether the work was better done in the twelve hours than in the shorter period ? The answer was, that " it was most decidedly better done in the eleven hours. The next question was, whether there was any advantage in the work of the shorter time? and the answer was that there was a slight increase in favour of the eleven hours over the any had shorter twelve hours. He (the Noble Lord) then asked if there was in the a lly t health hien h eaanl health rr from the a s ,menthatfrom,, they hours im o l f ' on the domestic.d.utiAest to the reduction in the thetie influence of the shorter period factory said that " the men had become the foreman of the that the females employed themse e lv o e ra s e a m t theore provident, and feeling The next question answered was with respect to the n&between the employers and the employed, by the change of the result was said to be a greater degree of confidencuerse'x'isntd ing between both parties." He (Lord Ashley) had put questions to others, whose experien ce was very great, and the answers to them were similar to those already read to the House, Mr. Gardiner, a most respectable man, said that he believed beyond all question that " there was more bad work done in the last two hours of the da y than at an y other period of labour." the There was a Mr. Noles, of B o lt on , hours of to the who had also mad e ex p eriments, and the result o f hi s experience was, back that he weuld not again go twelve hour system. — (H ear, he had about six months ago, had written, informing him that hear.) Another gentleman, tried the ten hour's work , inste ad of twelve hours a-da y , and he was moat decidedly in favour of the Ten Hours' Bill. He (Lord Ashley) had also other answers which went to carry out f the ten hours' 1 the same opinion. Now, these evidences o system were all from respectable gent le men, and the House year in c would tye de p m a y an t d h e a d t T attentionhese were t o them the e w i h p i e c r h im th en e t ir o p f or l t u an t ce of the Mr. ESCOTT said he rose for the purpose of asking the Noble Lord, the Member for London, whether it was his intention to renew a Bill brought in last session of Parliament with respect to Ecclesiastical Courts, and whether he would give time to persons to make such representations as they deemed necessary on that subject? Lord I. RUSSELL said he would be very happy to receive any assistance, information, and representation on the subject, and that it was his intention to bring in such a Bill as that alluded to. RAILWAY DEPOSITS. Mr. HASTIE rose to ask whether the standing order of 1839, respecting railway deposits, was to be carried into effect, as, if it was, the security of 10 per cent. should be paid up, and it would embarrass the fiscal regulations of the country, as deposits to a very large amount had already taken place this year. Represen tations had been made to her Majesty's Government on this head to the effect, that money should be lodged in the Court of Chancery, and ifit stopped the railway mania he had no objection to see such representations attended to. He should mention to the House the way in which these orders were operating upon the commercial in terests. It must be perfectly well known to every Mem ber of this House, that the whole of the commercial transactions of this country are carried on by means of bills of exchange. If goods were consigned to any part of the globe—to India, South America or China—bills are drawn, and they are paid for by bills ; now these bills it has been the practice of merchants to discount, thereby occupying the floating capital in London, and enabling our merchants to buy largely and import largely. In consequence of the necessity of making these deposits it has been almost impossible to obtain accommodation for bills of exchange for the last three days. And should this continue, he (the Honourable Member) assured the house that the conse quences would be most ruinous. In order that the House might be enabled to form a small idea of the extent to which these bills run; he must tell them that 130,000,000/. were occupied in discounting the bills exchanged in their commercial transactions with the West Indies, South America, and China. Let them stop those exchanges for a day, and there was no knowing what the consequences would be. He, therefore, complained of these standing orders, as embarrassing the commerce of the country. He thought an Act of Parliament ought to be intro duced which would alter :the present system, and he would press upon her Majesty's Government the neces sity of making some alteration in the standing orders. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER—The Hon. Member who had just spoken had taken what he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) thought to be a very incorrect view of the question. What he had complained of had not only reference to railway speculations alone, but to all other speculations having the sanction of Parliament. The standing orders required that a certain sum should be paid into the Bank of England in the name of the Accountant-General of the Court of Chancery. The money being so placed, was, after cer tain preliminary conditions, available for the purposes of the speculation for which it had been lodged. It was quite true, that without the sanction of the Ac countant-General, money so placed could not be with drawn. He doubted very much whether the Hon. Member could propose any remedy for the evil of which he had complained. Mr. HASTIE wished to explain. The Right Hon. Gentleman had misunderstood him. What he (Mr. Hastie) complained of was, not that the money was lodged with the Accountant. General, but of the great delay, after it was so lodged, which took place before it could be withdrawn. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said . t . llll if th e d epos i ts pa id were placed i n the B an k o f , England, the p e r son i n w h ose name i t was pl ace d v'ul n kl be abl e to d raw i t at an hour ' s notice, but if the money was placed to the credit of the Accountant- General, it would take a period of a week or ten days in order to withdraw it, as several documents would have to be p repared. Mr. P. M. s TE ' vvAn to be placed i n the —i'said, supposing the money Bank . in names of five of the provisional comm ittee, they h a d th e same have were it placed li n ngl7 l. individual would it was placed there under the" authority of o b f ut tha i t f Rouse it would remain in the Bank, drawn by parties possessing certain official only be The parties lodging it had no power to draw it u , m an e l ta i; became available to the Bank of England for commercial purposes. The Court of Chancery would have no power over it whatever. The purpose of the law that had been made on that subject we to secure the public from injury, and that purpose would be amply effected if the Bank of England re ceived and kept the money, with authority from the proper quarter. No practical man or Bank of England director would contradict him when he said that if the money were placed in the Bank of England under restraint, it would not be available for commercial purposes. His Hon. Friend, the Member for Paisley, if he were 'a practical man, would know that all the money take] from the circulation of this country and locked up in t Bank of England, in the name of the Court of Cha ery, wou ld not be available for commercial purpose , Money to the extent of six or seven millions or sixt Mr.of the creiirseunlaotition,wotfld be thus withdrawn.' invested. The NE s'lid that th e mone y m i g h t b e b ett r Bank any money invested. of England g ave no interest fcir Mr. HUDSON would offer a practical suggestion to th Chancellor of th v eh he was persuaded would obviate the diffienclituyere'omwhj. ed o il o fi , . If the com panies seeking to obtain the consentain earliament to railway Bills, were, in place of money, Exche quer-bills on stock, the above difficulty wPoulidt.leeße saw no objection to the placing of the deposits in the Thin SUN, LONDON, FRI PAY MORN IN G, JANUAIVA 30 Massachusetts in 1845, and see what course was taken there. it was a petition, signed by 9,131 persons, and it complained of the excessive duration of labour ; and it should be remem bered, that the parties who signed that petition were in the prime of life, who only began their work at nineteen years of age, and continued their labour for an average period of four and a half years, at the rate of ten hours a day. The peti tioners went on to say that they were confined from thirteen to fourteen hours per day in unhealthy apartments, and were thereby hastening, through pais, disease, and privation, dower to a premature grave. If there was any truth—if there was any force in that statement—how much more must be the statement of the English operatives, who commenced their toil at eight years of age, in close and unhealthy towns, continued their labour to the latest hour that their physical energies could support them. ( Hear, hear.) What opinion, he would ask, did the Special ! ommittee, to whose consideration that petition was referred, cern,- to ? They said, we think that many improvements may be made in various ways, and we are of opinion it would be far better if the hours of labour were less, if more time was allowed for meals, and if more attention was paid to ventilation and pure air." The Committee proceeded to comment with very great severity, and in many cases unfairness, on the stateof English factories and the people engaged in them, and stated that they acknowledged the claims of the petitioners, but that the remedy was not wish them. They further ventured to en- tertain a hope that the hours of labour would be materially de creased, and they stated that they lualr; el for such alteration in I the progressive improvement in arts and sciences—ill a higher I appreciation of man's final destiny—in a less love for money, and in a mote ardent love for intellectual attainment. ( Hear, hear.) Such was the report of the Special Commit tee. That Committee had passed an opinion, which he (die Noble Lord) considered was applicable in almost every respect to the case he had brought before the House. It would, he maintained, be well for all parties if this i long-agitated question could be finally settled in a satisfactory 1 manner.—( Hear, hear.) If the House would not give the , operative manufacturers all they wanted, he hoped it would accede a portion at least, and let the success or failure deter mine whether the remainder should be conceded.—( Hear, hear.) Nothing could be easier than to repeal a law, if the ef fects were found to be prejudicial. If the law was not bene ficial, the operatives would be the first to exclaim against it, and agitate its repeal. Without some such management as that which he had proposed, he was quite sure that the entire mass of the manufacturing classes would never desist from their ef- I forts. He assured the House the manufacturing operatives of England only gathered strength from each disappointment. He never knew them more unshaken in their determination, or • more courageous than at the pr esen t ti me , w h en t h ey were as k- , ' ing the House to concede to their just and their reasonable de- I mand. They were fortified in their res lye by the cot empora neous efforts of other classes, who, by perseverance and unity of purpose, had always been successful in obtaining the conces sion of equitable demands. They were also en, ouraged by the fact that wherever they presented their claims to the notice of the House, they had been treated with kindness. and listened to with considerable attention. He forebure from bringing before the House a quantity of evidence contained in speeches and reports, all tending to prove the hardships and phy sical privations which the operative portion of the community endured. He was aware that, in consequence of the non-pro duction of such evidence, he laboured under considerable disad vantage, but he was actuated in the course he had pursued, from a desire not to trespass too long on the attention of the House. lie had also omitted various statements, tending to show that there would be no abatement of wages in conse quence of the diminished hours of labour, but that if there should be, it would be more than compensated for by a system of judicious economy. He did think that certain hours should be set apart for the education of the children. It was not only necessary that they should give time to the children to learn, hut that they should give them time to study what they had learned. They give, by their present system of educa tion, a certain amount of teaching to children under thirteen years of age, but females, who constitute so large a portion of the manufacturing population, and who were so important a portion of society, were in a great measure unsexed by their constant abstraction from domestic duties, which they alone are best able and best fitted by nature to discharge.—( Hear. ) Sir, we did not stir up the feelings of the people as we might have done, on this measure.—( Hear, hear. ) They did no such thing ; and he would say, to the honour of the working classes, that they never indulged in vindictive expressions against any measures of that House.—( Hear, hear. ) It will be a fatal night when you shall throw out thi- Bill, for you will thereby shut out all hope of improvement, either social or moral, from a vast body of people. He did ask of them, though he should never again raise his voice in that House, that they would be careful, lest in throwing out that Bill, they might not widen that breach, which was already a deep and yawning gulf, which already separated the rich from the peer. The differences in the different grades of society —he would rather say classes—was very broady laid down. The numberless luxuries of mind and sense were enjoyed pro portionally, by almost all classes, while the poor and over-toiled operatives were the only ones excluded from the common en joyment. The contrast is seen and felt, and is resented. The repetition of these things would be useless. He had before subjected them to their notice, and though he had but little hope of succeeding, from the influence which would be exerted against him, he would never desist from raising his voice for the protection of the overtoiled operatives. For the last two or three years he had accumulated such an amount of odium, that he feared there was such a feeling against him, as left him little hope for a successful termination of his endeavours in the present session. He, however, trusted to the judgment of the House to give the subject their most careful consideration. Should he ha defeated now, he would however go on, never abating one inch till he gained that happy result, which he felt so important a question demanded from the Legislature. Should this country wish to keep up her power, the cause of the poorer classes should not be neglected. The SPEAKER having put the question—That leave be given to bring in the Bill ? Sir JAMES GRAHAM said, he would inform the Noble Lord that, on the part of the Government, he was not about to offer any opposition for leave to bring in the present Bill. The Noble Lord had on thi s occas i on di sc h arge d hi s d ut i es ' most ably and impartially. He ( Sir James Graham) was, however, of opinion that the Act of 1814 had gone far towards settling the many difficulties between the employers and the employed. The Noble Lord had stated many instances of manufacturers who had made experiments on the short hour system, and the results which he read to the House were favour able. Since the year 1833, some of the children had their work limited to six hours, and the labour of females was in some cases limited to twelve hours. Any person from thirteen to eighteen years of age was restricted from working more than twelve hours at any time. The result of their legislation had been, that the manufactures of cotton, wool, silk, and flax had been affected by it, and that no man would be allowed to work in any mill for more than 12 hours. He must say that the limitation of labour was a very dangerous experiment in a country, which depended a good deal on its manufactures. The Noble Lord had adverted to the state of the law in other countries. He (Sir J. Graham) was sure that the Noble Lord knew that it mattered little what the state of the law was in other countries. And what was the state of the Statute-book at Lowell ?—as, before any reliance could be placed on the ex ample set of a foreign country, it was necessary to understand the circumstances under which that example was set. It was not enough to see the law, but the circumstances under which it was framed. The Noble Lord had brought on this question eight or nine t men before, but had never moved it under the present form. The Noble Lord, as he had said, represented a great portion of the manufacturing community, and had ad verted to the magnitude of the question as affecting their inte rests. He (Sir J. Graham) did think that, while it was the duty of the House to consider the hopes and expectations of the working classes with reference to this question, it was also their duty to consider the real interests and welfare of those classes whose interests and whose welfare would be so deeply affected by this measure. With reference to the general in dustry of the country this question was of paramount import ance ; but as his Right Hon. Friend ( Sir R. Peel) had made a statement to the House of the intention of the Government to remove restrictions on several articles that entered largely into the consumption of all classes, ho thought it would he expedient to po.tpone the decision of the House, as the question introduced by the Noble Lord till the sense of the Howe was taken on the proposition brought forward by his Right Hon. Friend respecting the supplying of corn, and the law which regulates it. Respecting the particu lar question under discussion, he was however bound to inform the House, that nothing he had heard on the subject could change his unalterable opinion ; that it was impolitic further to interfere with the regulation of factory labour. Certainly no argument the Noble Lord had used in introducing his proposi tion, could induce him to support the Bill ; still considering the importance of the measures proposed by his Right lion. Friend Sir R. Peel, while he (Sir J. Graham) thought the opinion of the House should be postponed, he had no objection under pre sent circumstances, and considering the great and growing in terests concerned, in order that the Bill might he fully ex amined, to allow the motion of the Noble Lord. On these grounds he consented to the introduction of the Bill. Sir GEORGE STRICKLAND cordially supported the Noble Lord. He recollected sixteen years ago, when the venerable Member of the West Riding of Yorkshire introduced the question, that it was then predicted great injury would ensue by any interference with factory labour. He had however lived to see legislation tried on the question, the hours of labour of children reduced from 15 or 16 hours a day, to 8 hours, and afterwards to 6 hours, and yet the ruin predicted had not occurred. He thought the measures which had been adopted had been of essential service to the country, and he thought that if another step were taken in legislation, that a great benefit would be ob tamed for the community. The Right Hon. Baronet seemed to think that this was the wrong time to take this step. He must beg to say that he took a different view of the matter, for they were going to accomplish another great measure, and this was, therefore, one of the most convenient s e a s o ns o f a ll. Th ey were going to repeal the corn-laws. He had always been an advocate for the repeal of the corn-laws, because he believed that that repeal would conduce largely to the prosperity of com merce and manufactures. If it did do so, it would contribute also to the demand for labour; labour would be required, and for that very reason this was precisely the opportunity for legislating on this great subject. But perhaps the Noble Lord would be content at the present time to take a modification of his measure, and if he could not obtain a ten hours' Bill, he would he satisfied with eleven hours. There never was a time when there was a better understanding between the manufac turers, aod the men than at the present moment, and he thought the operatives would be ready to meet the masters in a com promise on the point of time. He could not sit down without expressing his admiration of the conduct of some of the leading manufacturers. Pie knew some who had tried this great ex periment of a reduction of the hours of labour , and they had found that it was invariably attended with adva nta ge. Mr. TRELAWNEY rose and said, the Noble Lord ought to be the last person in society to attack the rights of property. He hours (Mr. th T of l a bour ela sa ney)we r e thought diminished,t that wageswould come dow n if and that the Noble Lord (Ashley) was more likely to do harm than good by his plea. lie would not then make any other observation. Lord JOHN MANNERS said he heard with the greatest pleasure that no obstruction would be given to the measure of his Noble Friend (Lord Ashley), although the corn-laws were to be repealed. He thought the arguments of the Noble Lord were good, and that various and sufficient proofs were given. He would be curious to know how her Majesty's Ministers would oppose the measure of his Noble Friend ( Lord Ashley), after they had carried the repeal of the corn-laws. He was convinced that they could do nothing to conciliate the feelings of the operatives so much as the measure now proposed by his Noble Friend.—( Hear, hear.) In conclusion, he would say, that he would give the most determined support to the Bill of his Noble Friend. _ . arrived for discussing this east ) he was perfectly convinced that all the arguments adduced by the Noble Lord would be answered to the conviction of every Member. There was one part of the Noble Lord's speech with which he was quite erns pared to go, and that was the erection of schools, to which the children would be cortipelled to go in order that tl-ey might acquire those principles which might be of use to them in after life—those principles which would preseree them from crime. The measure would, in his opinion, be an unjust inters ference with the rights of capital and property. He regretted the condition of the working classes, but he was of opinion that the measure would deteriorate inet tad of im prove their condition. Besides, its adoption trysuld materially injure the manufactures. But the Noble Lord should bear in mind that the agricultural classes were in a more wretched condition than any other portion of the community ; and if the condition of these people was so lameritable, they should adopt a measure which would benefit all alike. The cry, •t Let industry be free," was now heard throughout the country ; but the Noble Lord wanted to shackle industry, and to prevent the employer and employed to make their own terms as to the number of hours he should work, and the wages he should receive. But coercion—and the measure was, in his opi • nion, a coercive one—would prevent the manufacttuers from taking steps to al.eviate the condition of the persons in their employ ; for which purpose the combination laws were swept away. On these grounds he opposed the introduction of the Bill, Mr. ESCOTT said, as there would be a discussion on the second reading of the Bill, he should take that opportenity of expressing his oeinions at length respecting it ; but he wished to call the attention of the House to one remark of the Noble Lord, the Member for Dorsetshire. The Noble Lord had stated, in reference to a former decision of the House, that it was not a decision of the House of Commons, but a decision of her Majesty's Ministers. This appeared to him a new doctrine in that House. When the House of Commons, after a long debate, rejected the measure on division, and because it was unpalatable, to turn round and say it was not a decision of the House, hut of her Majesty's Ministers, was most improper. He had voted against him, and should continue to do do so, and repeated tha that was not the way to treat the House of Commons. Theret were persons in the country interested in this question who did not say it was rejected by her Majesty's Ministers, but that the Noble Lord gave up the measure.—( Hear. I Now one word upon the principle of the Noble Lord's measure. He said it was necessary to have some laws to regulate the terms be tween the employers arid the employed. If that was the case, why did not the Noble Lord introduce such a measure? — (Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord quotes from the blue book in support of his principles, but he never quoted that authority fully. There would be found in that book many cases which would tell against the principles and arguments of the Noble Lord. He would never agree that such a measure should become a law. Such a measure as the one proposed by his Noble Friend, would have the effecs of interfering with the interests of the able workman. He was of opinion that there had been much injo,y dune to the able-bodied labourers by the mistaken philanthropy of the Noble Lord. Mr. COLQUHOUN thought it was most unfair towards his his Noble Friend to say that he had not quoted the blue book fully. If he were to do so, the House would be treated to something like the American speeches, where the speaker at times occupies the floor for a week.—( Laughter.) Now, his Noble Friend had maintained those principles for years ; he never arrived at a conclusion without having first weighed the cause which led him to it. Now, because these were the prin ciples which the Hon. Member for Montrose (Mr. Hume) held in 1833, he still continued to assert that the opinions were de lusions, which would very soon be dispelled; why, what would the Hon. Member say to any one who held such opinions with respect to trade? He would have looked upon them as too ridiculous, and a motion to that effect the Hon. Member would have laughed out of the house.—( Hear.) What was the case ? they, as practical men of business, were, after thirteen years of experience, come to the consideration of a practical subject. In 1833 he had voted with the Hon. Member for Montrose against his Noble Frier d. During the pe riod which had elapsed since their manufactures and commerce had received a great impulse, and in the course of that time it was a matter of notoriety that, where there had been a re duction in the hours of labour, wages had not been diminished, but they had in many instances been increased. When he saw, then, that not only was there no injury done to either commerce or manufactures, he felt bound to act with the utmost cordiality with his Hon. Friend ; and when especially he saw that in this case the impulse of policy and the claims of humanity coincided, he saw no reason for resisting the motion of the Noble Lord. Lcok to Ireland—why was it there were no manufactures of importance in Ireland, but because the population were in such a state of moral depravation, and if they were to have England in the same state of social disorder, where, he would ask, would be their manufactures a few years hence; and for these reasons he would ask them to vote for the resolution. Mr. ROEBUCK said that he had voted for the previous Bills because the objects of those Bills were unable to defend themselves, but such was not the case with those for whom the Noble Lord was interested ; they were in an altogether diffe rent position, for they were able to defend themselves. lie would put the question in every possible light, that the price of labour depends entirely upon the demand for the supply of labour, and no Legislative interference will raise the supply of labour. The taking away of Legislative restrictions did, in deed, raise the price of labour.—(Hear, hear.) We have seen within the last few years a great increase in the demand for labour ; at present, comparatively, there was no labourer unem ployed. In proportion as the demand from the outside increased the manufacturer was enabled to build manufactories, to erect machines, and to furnish work for the labourer. The only way of benefiting the labourer is to give full, free, and complete development to the resources of labour. No Legislative attempt at regulating labour will ever succeed ; but let it be left to itself and it will prosper. He was not inclined to place any confi dence in the statements of persons about improving the condi tion of the labourer by the power of Parliament. Any inter ference with labour was unnecessary. Leave it alone, and it will find its own level. A great deal had been said about humanity, of shortening the workin g hours of the labourer. The regu lation for humanity would be easily gained. In fact, there was no sort of regulation that would be more easily obtained capital, r:.: , H andll i i that observed an y in t t e h r a f t e he re n interference had t o alwaysstop p beenor prevent accustomed hwara ds shhhiimi hardship and ronodmb piece l ie i ex e c v ee o r c oitshfi exercising a t ni h tn e ya.s timehe Now, sad pla sae l b a do b u o t u r o wouldf b t heea great artisan re a t twenty-three affairs, or r ea sa rs y t ag ho c: , no three men Could meet to talk over their were hard worked, or seek for an additional shlling, with. out being liable to be indicted fur a conspiracy. He had grtlßiahreeiwedi great frtuof station,tou rt fori repealingt everyan s rz i o: n a o p instances acoat 1 where earye, andril weretransportnd iog o f r o o r a s g e o o ir f , g w , a i g n e s a Well, Parliament swept away all these laws, and it was made please to work. He happened to be at Macclesfield when the l d abo to ur a e r r r t a o o r; o ee h t o ‘ w vith m a a n n y y nu h m ou b r e s r t t h o ey tal s k h o ov u e ld r remembered that the greatest misery prevailed there from a turn-out for an increase of wages. He wished that his Noble Friend would withdraw his Bill, for if this principle were car the short time came into operation, and he would actually, instead of doing good, bring 'misery upon the class whom the Noble Lord sought to relieve. He knew petitions had been presented, and that r A 4 t i t i o vip had been signed ; but when the proper time bad than that of humanity It was obtained without any personal sacrifices, and without the exertion of any one of the cardinal virtues.—( Laughter.) He would undertake to gain a reputa tion similar to that which the Noble Lord had obtained in a very short time. This legislative sort of humanity was a farce —a mere pretence.—( Hear.) When, however, it came to touch their pockets, people were net willing to come forward and plead the cause of labour. To pretend to he the labourer's friend, under the pretence of a few printed words, was hypocri tical as well as useless. Mr. WODEHOUSE would support the Bill, on the grounds that some regulation as regarded the hours of labour in the ma nufacturing districts was necessary. Mr. P. HOWARD thought that a further legislative inter ference at present with the hours of labour, would not he at tended with any benefit to the class whose cause the Noble Lord had advocated. If the Ten Hours' Bill were to be put in force at all, he thought it would be better to be put in force by the manufacturers themselves, and not by an Act of the Le gislature. In agriculture it would be difficult, and in harvest time impossible to limit the hours of labour ; and reasoning by parity on manufacturing affairs, where any important business pressed for immediate execution, to shorten the time of labour would be attended with great inconvenience. He should pro test against the Bill being carried a further stage. Mr. JOHN O'CONNELL, who was nearly inaudible in the gallery, was understood to say he should support the Bill. Mr. BRIGHT said, that in the course of the observations which have fallen from the Noble Lord, he had quoted from a report, and complained that the report had stated the condition of the manufacturing population with great unfairness. Now, if the Committee who had drawn up that report had compiled their information from the speeches which the Noble Lord had made on several occasions, he would with reason have had some grounds to complain of the unfairness of the statements contained in the report, as respected the labouring population of the country. There was no doubt that all were desirous that the labouring population should, if possible, work less than they do at present, and that they should possess in abundance the comforts of life, but be thought that legislation would alto gether fail in bringing about the state of affairs that was de sired, by any measure of a similar nature to that before the House. He had listened attentively to the Noble Lord, but he had not learned from him, that when Mr. Gardner had reduced the hours of his workmen, that any material hens fit had re suited. Mr. Gardner had partially succeeded in the experi ment, by diminishing the time allowed for breakfast, dinner, and tea, which, added to an increased exertion on the part of his workpeople, had enabled him to make up nearly the usual time of labour, and produce as much manufactured goods as before the experiment was tried. Mr Gardner had said that he would still further decrease the hours of labour, but he, (Mr. Bright) found that he had not made any further reduc tion in the time of his workpeople, and that his manager had stated that a further reduction was not advisable. Now, the Noble Lord does not know so much of the working of the ma nufactories as he ought to know, in meddling with questions of that nature. The Noble Lord had once called upon the firm to which he (Mr. Bright) belonged, and although requested to go over the factory and inspect it, he had relused. He was rather too much disposed to listen to one side of the question, and to get information about the condition of the manufactur ing population more from hearsay than from actual inspection. Respecting the demoralisation of the factory population talked of, he had seen a statement published by Mr. Clay, the chapl n of the Preston House of Correction. And what did he say ? Why, that the femalelfactory operatives were chargeable with the smallest number of offences. There were 20 classes of offenders, beginning with No. 1, which class was the highest for offences, and going up to No. 20, which was the smallest, and the last class was the female operatives. No. 19 was the domestic sers ants, and the male operatives was class 14. This was a proof that the demoralisation and degradation spoken of did not exist. He might say that, generally, in the factory districts, the evils hitherto complained of were diminishing at a rapid rate, and that a better feeling between employer and i employed was springing up everywhere. A general disposition was evinced on both sides to improve the condition of those en gaged in mills and factories The reason continually brought for ward support of a Ten some extent thecotoi,ettrs competition ' Bill o w going on between that it would etweenmaaal and mechanical power. He could say, as far as Rochdale was concerned, that the principal parties he had heard speak in its favour were some hand-loom weavers in the woollen trade, who said it was a proper object to interfere with the working of the power-loom, in order to effect an improvement in their con dition, and that of hand-loom weavers generally. Ile, how ever, would say, in reply to such a reason, that nothing could be more disastrous to all parties concerned than any such at tempt to interfere with machinery for the advantage of any particular class.—( Hear, hear.) The Hon. Member for Bir mingham had alluded to the women working in factories while the men were walking about, having nothing to do. To that he would say, there was no place in England where adult la bour was in more demand than in Lancashire. The employ ment of women gave addi+ional employment to the seen, and none could deny that the labourers in that part of the country had a regularly increasing market for their services, and were in steadier demand than elsewhere.—( Hear, hear.) He re gretted opposing the present Bill, as he knew many of the working classes were in favour of it, though not a majority ; but he did so, considering 'it was not for their interest that it should be passed. He looked upon the measure proposed by the Right greater Hon.boon to Baronet at thteheheafdactoofrytheopGeroavtea thaneivrnmentas a far any Bill like that submitted by the Noble Lord. That measure, with such alterations in it as he hoFed would be made before it passed, once in operation, he hoped that the feeling in favour of short hours of labour would spread and become extensive in the country ; and that then the working classes, not by combination or violence, but by rational and enlightened means, would before many years, bring into opera tion at least an eleven hours system univerally throughout the cotton and woollen districts. Uunder present circumstances, however, he must oppose the measure of the Noble Lord.— ( Hear, hear. ) Mr VIELDEN supported the Bill of the Noble Lord. His experienee of the factory system was at least as great as that of the Hon. Member for Durham, and his conviction was, that if p a ssed, it would prove of great benefit not only to the working classes, but to the employers.—( Hear, hear.) He could not see the force of the objection of the Right Hon. Baronet, ( Sir James Graham,) which had been echoed back by the Hon. Member for Durham, that if the system as far as it had been trier', had worked well, why was it not generally adopted. The Hon. Member for Durham knew that it was not in the hands of the factory workers, but in that of their employers. The former were not free agents in the matter, or else he had no doubt they would have done it. It was said the Bill n ould inter fere with the rights of property. But was not labour property ? And was not that property entitled to protection as much as ac cumulated property ?—( Hear, hear.) But in doing so they should take care that the labourer was not injured, that his in terest was not deetroyed. Those willing to labour should hive both the theatre and the power to labour, but if they overworked them their capacity and power was destroyed. Under the pre sent system children of 13 years of age were dragged out of their beds at five o'clock in the morning, and obliged to go to the factory, a distance perhaps of two or three miles, where they were kept at labour till eight o'clock at night Was that system of slavery to continue? Those who objected to interfere with it, used the old hacknied argument employed against the abolition of the slave-trade; but it was too late for them to get the public with them. In spite of all opposi tion he was satisfied that ere long a Ten Hours' Bill would be passed. In proof of the growing feeling in favour of it, he lately attended a meeting in Oldham, at the request of his constituents, at which resolutions in favour of a 'fen Hours' I Bill was passed ; and at that meeting two extensive cotton spinners were present. These two gentlemen were previously against the measure, but on the present occasion one of them took the chair, anti the other spoke in favour of the object of the Meeting, If the House would pass a Ten Hours' Bill, the question would be settled, and the agitation cease, but not till then.—( Hear, hear. ) Mr. WA KLEY asked the Honourable and Learned Mem ber for Bath if, after the speech of the Hon. Member who I had just sat done, his opinions remained unchanged. That. Hon, and Learned Gentlemen had obtained his opinions in his study, from books and documents issued by that House; while the Hon. Member for Oldham, who had spoken, was one of the most experienced, intelligent, and humane men, and one who had ever proved himself the friend of the poor.— ( Hear, hear.) He was a pract'cal man, and not one that would run through granite after principle.—( Laughter.) He (Mr. Wakley) would zek the Hon. and Learned Member, if infants were to be slaughtered?—(Hear, hear.) He (Mr. Wakley) had heard with much pleasure the address of the Hon. Member for Oldham, and coming from him it ought to have great weight The Hon. Member employed thousands of Persons, and worked up a 100th part of the cotton imported into thir country—(Hear)—and he was not afraid of any evil re sulting from a Ten Hours' Bill. He (Mr. Wakley) would call the attention of the Right Hon. Baronet ( Sir J. Graham) to the statement of that Hon. Member, and ask him to say if he still retained his " unalterable opinion." It was rather rash, after what had passed the last few days, for men to talk of un alterable opiuiuns, seeing the great change the Government had manifested in their former faith. He gave them full credit for the change of opinion, but he had no sympathy with those who denounced such a change on other questions.—(Hear, hear. ) He hoped that the Right lion. Baronet would reconsider the question. He was sorry to hear him say he would oppose the Bill. It was said the working classes could protect themselves, and he thought so too, provided they were represented in the House, for he was persuaded if they were duly represented there, that a session would not pees before a Ten Hours' Bill was passed. All that. the Noble Lord asked was protection for infants, who could not protect themselves, and if that was not the object of legislation he did not know what was. Wealth and intelligence could protect themselves. The Hon. Member for Montrose (Mr. Hume) admitted that he would extend education to the mind ; and now all that was asked was to carry the powers a little further—to carry out physical education. In conclusion, he hoped the Noble Lord, when he introduced his Bill, would adduce facts and arguments that could not be doubted, and he also wished that the Right Hon. Baronet would give a candid consideration to the question, and see it right to give his support to the Noble Lord..--( Hear, hear.) Mr. NEWDEGATE said it had done his heart good to listen to the speech of the Hon. Member for Finsbury. His principle was better than the principle of the Noble and Learned Member for Bath, or the Hon. Member for Durham. He hoped also the Right Hon. Baronet would fully consider the questi n, and would weigh it over, as he was about to throw the labourers of this country open to the competition of the world. The factory operations ought to be protected, and in this opinion he had the experience of the Hon. Member for Rochdale, and the medical knowledge of the Hon. Member for Finsbury- Mr. S. CRA WFORD expressed himself in favour of the measure. He had taken some pains to ascertain the opinions of the opera' ives of Rochdale, and they were generally in favour of the Ten Hours' Bill. He had, on former occasions, sup- ported the Noble Lord, and he would cordially support him now.—( Hear, hear.) , Mr. Ni UNTZ would readily admit tbat the argument was sound that the general labour of the country should be regula ted. As far, however, as regarded the cotton factories, he knew that so long as the manufacturers kept their engines at work, so long would they keep their work-people at labour. In the cotton districts the labour of women and children was pre ferred to that of men. The women were working in the facto ries while the men were walking about with nothing to do. This fact he had heard from several sources, and he considered that such a condition of things was not proper. He should vote for the Noble Lord's motion, because he thought it would be for the benefit of the manufacturing classes. Lord ASHLEY said he wished to make a few remarks upon what had fallen from the Hon. Member for Durham. The Hon. Member had made a personal charge against him (Lord Ashley), and he felt desirous to offer an explanation. He was sorry to observe the Hon. Member was not in the House, as he had particularly requested him to remain in. The year before last, he (Lord Ashley) was residing in the county of Lancaster with his friend the Hon. Member for Oldham. Whilst there, he remembered he was within a short distance of Rochdale, where were mills belonging to the Hon. Member for Durham. (He might state that he had then been over many mills in the country, and was thoroughly conversant with the working of them.) Well, he did go from his friend's house at Oldham over to Rochdale, simply and solely that he might call at the country house of the Hon. Member for Durham to see him, or otherwise to leave his name. Why did he do this? Because in that very House the Hon. Member had attacked him in a manner which he considered altogether unjustifiable ; but as he had afterwards retracted what he had said, he (Lord Ashley) thought that he would be, in colloquial phrase, acting like a gentleman if he called upon him in a friendly manner. The Hon. Member was out, and he (Lord A) saw his brother, who asked him to look over the works. He (Lord A.) said it was not necessary, but he conversed with his brother for half or three quarters of an hour. It might be asked why he had not gone over the works, and he would tell the House the reason. Because, if he had done so, it might be said he went there to spy some fault, or to remark upon some little mis management, that he might bring it again against him. He therefore thought the Hon. Member had travelled a little out of the record when he said that he (Lord Ashley) took a one sided view of the subject, because, when asked to look over the wosks, he had refused to do so. He was most anxious to make this explanation, and he trusted the House would forgive him for having done so. Lord JOHN MANNERS moved for leave to bring in a Bill to alter and amend the laws relating to bequests for pious and charitable purposes. He would content himself with ask ing leave to bring in a Bill, unless some Hon. Member had something to say upon the subject. Leave was given to bring in the Bill. Mr. HAMILTON, on the part of Lord Clements, moved for a return of the Police Reward Fund (Ireland), constituted by the Act 6 and 7 Wm. IV., for the year ending 31st Decem ber, 1848; also for a return of the Police Superannuation Fund for the same period. Mr. WOISEHOUSE postponed till Monday the notice he had upon the paper respecting highway rates. Mr. F. T. BARING suggested to the Right Hon. Baronet opposite ( Sir J. Graham) that it would be better if all the items of local taxation were included in one sheet, instead of being scattered over many documents, as they were at present. Sir J. GRAHAM said, any one reading the admirable report issued on local taxation would be aware that it was a most diffi cult subject; not less than a sum of 12,000,0001. being arranged under twenty-two general rates, which are enumerated under the general head of local taxation. _ Mr. F. FFRENCH wished to know if it were the intention of Government to propose any amendment of the Poor-law of Ireland. Sir JAMES GRAHAM said that should it be necessary for an inquiry to be instituted as regards the Poor-law of Ireland, no obstacle would be offered by the Government. The Hon. Member may perhaps have observed that there was a motion to this effect by Lord Clancarty, upon the journals of the other House. Mr. JOHN O'CONNELL could not entertain a hope that the poor-law in Ireland would bear a severe test. Even in the most favourable time, the poor-law in Ireland had not been able to alleviate the pauperism of that country. It was now fated to undergo a severe test indeed, and though he (Mr. J. O'Connell) entertained, as he had already stated, no hope that it could do so successfully, yet he should be glad to find him self mistaken. It had been truly stated that that country was within three or four weeks of a famine, and the House might perhaps be aware that that famine was generally accompanied by a typhus fever. He might mention that a very powerful pamphlet had been written by Dr. Conaghan, of Dublin, proving this fact. He entered his protest against this being considered a boon to Ireland, or that it was anything which Ireland had to be grateful for to that House. The people of Ireland considered it. a small—a very small—instalment of their right. Ireland had been robbed of a hundred times this miser able amount, and this he would be ready at any time to prove. Mr. CRA WFORD said the Irish poor-law admitted of no external relief. Now, if a famine were to take place, it would be impossible to extend relief to all the houses, and he would, therefore, impress upon the Government the propriety of con sidering what means could be taken by which a further de scription of relief might be afforded. The House then went into Committee on the Bill. The whole of the clauses having been agreed to, with some slight amendments, the House resumed, when the Chairman reported progress, and the Bill was ordered to be printed as amended. RAILWAYS. Mr. B ROT HE RTON presented petitions for leave to bring in Bills for making the Direct London and Manchester, the Cashel and Waterford, and several other railways, and petitions against the North Staffordshire, the London, Newbury, and Bath Direct, the York and North Midland Extension, the Direct London and Portsmouth, and other projected railways. IRISH FISHERIES. Sir THOMAS FREMANTLE gave notice that on Mon day he should move for leave to bring in a Bill for the con struction of small ports and harbours for the extension of the fisheries in Ireland. FACTORIES ACT. Mr. COOPER brought up the Factories Act Amendment Act, which was read a first time and ordered to be read a second time on Wednesday next. Mr. B. DENISON presented a petition for leave to bring in a Bill to make the Leicester and Bradford Railway. The remaining orders of the day were then disposed of, and the House adjourned at half-past ten o'clock till Monday. PARLIAMENTARY BUSINESS. (From the Votes and Proceedings of the House of Commons. WEDNESDAY, JAN. 28. The following Petitions for Railway Bills were referred to the Select Committee on Petitions for Private Bills : Aylesbury and Thame Junction Railway. London and York Railway. Edinburgh and Glasgow and Dumbartonshire Junction Railway. Eastern Union and Harwich Railway and Pier. Staines and Henley Railway. Ipswich and Bury St. Edmund's Railway (Norwich Extension). Ulverstone, Furness, and Lancaster and Carlisle Railway. Newcastle and Darlington Junction Railway (Durham and Sunder land Railway and Wearmouth Doek Purehase and Branches). Lancaster and Carlisle Railway (Extension to Caledonian Railway). Barks and Hants Railway (Hungerford Extension, &c). Manchester, Sheffield, and Midland Junction Railway. Wisbeach, St. Ives, and Cambridge Junction Railway. Norfolk Railway Extension (Stowinarket, Wymondham, and Attie- borough Branch). Norfolk Railway Extension (Dereham, Wells, and Blakeney Branch) Mad Junction Rallwiy. Leeds, Dewsbury, and Manchester Railway (Wakefield Extension). Leeds, Dewsbury, & Manchester Railway (Deviations and Branches). NOTICES GIVEN AT THE PRIVATE BILL-OFFICE: WEDNESDAY, JAN. 28. Aylesbury and Thame Junction Railway—Committee on Petition, Thurdsay, Feb. 5. Mold Junction Railway—Committee on Petition, Thursday, Feb. 5. Wisbeach, St. Ives, and Cambridge Junction Railway—Committee on Petition, Thursday, Feb. 5. Manchester, Sheffield, and Midland Junction Railway—Committee on Petition, Thursday, Feb. 5. Bristol and South Wales Railway—Committee on Petition, Thurs day, Feb. 5. London &York Railway—Committee on Petition, Thursday, Feb.s. Ipswich and Bury St. Edmund's (Norwich Extension) Railway— Committee on Petition, Thursday, Feb, 5. Leeds, Dewsbury, and Manchester (Wakefield Extension) Railway —Cornmittee on Petition, Thursday, Feb. 5. Lancaster and Carlisle (Extension to Caledon 4 an Railway), and Lancaster and Preston Junction Railways Amalgamation Midway— Committee on Petition, Thursday, Feb. 5. Leeds, Dewsbury, and Manchester (Deviations and Bianches Rail way) —Committee on Petition, Thursday, Feb. 5. Ulverstone, Furness, and Lancaster and Carlisle Railway—Com- mittee on Petition, Thursday, Feb. 5. NURAllth And (Wilma And Oundorlaug AsitiToThall4 —A.----------:•- ------------C, Wearmouth Dock Purchase and Branches) Rallway—Cottni"- ketition, Thursday, Edinlairg,h and Glasgow And Dumbartonshire Bo. ilwar- c" , mittee 00 Volition, Monday, Feb, 0. TWO Sd'i' Staines and Henley Rath . at Feb 5. mita' i;rul Pier—ooln Eastern Union and Harwich Railway tot Petition. Thursday, Feb. 5. Conunitte4 Railway—Ching on Petition, Berks and Hants (Hungerford Extension) Raiir'3Y--- Petition, Thursday, Feb. 5. fl atlet) ''' Norfolk Extension (Dereham, Wells , a nd Blakeney A way—Committee on Petition, Thursday, Feb. 5. A ttie b° 141 Norfolk Extension (Stowmarket, Wymon dh a m, and A Branch) Railway--Committee on Petition, Thursday, Feb. o' -"'""""" nnitl' ) MARKET NE W s.____, yEsTE-- 90 max IMLEXIITI§, t 0 ,41 li S;',HTLIFIELH.—Meadow Hay, 31 is to 4/ 55; Si 12 ,, Gd ; Oat Straw, 1/ 108 - to 1/ 12s ; Wheat Straw', ii 4; P 14s per load. Trade dull, at the b • notations• a '." 4 CloVer d itt'' ll o Cysts - - to 51 /Os ; Oat Straw, 1/ Os to I/ 12s ; , . LIMAND.—Meadow Hay, 31 8 5 to 41 Ss ; 00 to Clover dit . i , to per load. A fair average supply, and aw2ul dem.o. ditto , L. WHITECHAPEL.—Mea,Iow Hay 3/ Ss to 4/ 8s; C l °T e i r to 11 to Si 15s; Oat Straw, 1110510 ll ' l2s • t +l-3. " - -2' , ll • hea ,-. , per load. Supply good, and trade rather inactive. ofl MEAT VX.A.W.IC WC S • , rat Otot, SOUTHALL, JAN. 23.—Tne supplies of each kind 0 , iti ptio oo . geagtisStraw, I/ 0 over here to-day being rather limited, the demand Wes! the A l il to steady, at, in some lbw instances, a:trifling advanc e 11i a 1,45 tion , . Beef. 2s 8d to 4s 2d , Mutton, 3s 8d toss 4d ; l '. 'e t 5s 6.1 ; and Pork. 4s to 4s 10d per 81lis., to sink the eff:u• ro velif - a - s RONIFORD, JAN. 23.—Prime Mutton sold readily at an jeg t oss "id or quite 2d per Sibs. In other kinds of stock a steadY b", to p, P o , transacted at full prices. Beef, from 2s tid to 4s 2d; l' s ti d per 81 0 4 14,55 4d ; Veal, 4s ad to 5s 6cl , and Pork, 3s 4d to ,!, 005 , Suckling Calves, 18s to 30s ; Quarter -old Store-pigs , iv- 66 t4 Mitch Cows, with their small calf, 16/ to 181 105 each. woos LEWES, JAN. 27.—Beef, frOM 25 10i to 45 4d; 3f,tlibs 5s 4d ; Veal, 4s 8d to 5s 4d ; and Pork, 45 to 45 8d Per , .,'" /„. , nt r NEVIGATE AND X.ICAVVOILP.— our q u 'i , d, at l'e On the whole a fair average business was transacte 4 , 8 4; lions. Beef, from 2s 6d to 3s 6d ; Mutton, 3g 1541 ,__ t i fie 03 085 g. is 8d to Is 8d ; and Pork, 3s 8d to 5s 4d per 81bS, 0-i CORN AVERAGES. r os „ GENERAL AVERAGE PRICES OF BRITISH col; For the Week ended Jan. 24,1845, made up from the yall /g Inspectors In the different Cities and Towns in PIP — per Imperial Quarter. 1555 WUEAT. 7.1 ISAA 315 LET. 8d 1 21 s 10,1 OATS. 1 37 s RYE Sd . 135s !gll I'RW E .. :, A it 1 36 6 1 "" v.. DUTY ... 165 Od 6s Od 6s Od 85 6,1 te .ddiVin,', o DISSOLVING VIEWS.—We recommend an,-.7.prtee lv ir the " Dissolving Views" exhibited at the r:;(,,,s tt i , Could not the managers of that institution altar. elude among their taldeaux a view of the ea-'- lemitt4 aws?—.Punch. i . wing w- MR. SERGEANT MURPHY. The Jolle _,,,t , from Mr. Sergeant Murphy, in connexion with the;tlTl7l', a new writ was moved for this city in the flen' r ept . e e , 0$ day night, informs us that he is no longer nur p o sta o at tive. We can only repeat now, what we h av n - o es, s o f before, that Cork never had, for practical purP - bis 19 efficient and useful Member. We wish him in ~., 00,,gd able career at the bar every success, and we h!'" to eOr t iat i but his great talents will ultimately raise bin' : 1 0 ° ,01e ti o r! in his profession :—" My dear Sir—l beg to in i „ 00 1 0 I have this day been appointed steward of tn,F r Ce t y Northstead, in the county of York—my seat 0 1° 0 fa t o o: therefore vacant. I presume the writ will be r a l o gfral morrow.—With the most friendly regards to 9 , Oata": I , citizens, I beg to also subscribe myself, yours or l Av i t elt F. S. MURPHY. London, Jan. 21, Roche, Esq., Mayor of Cork."—Cork Southern 0 09 THE LATE RIGHT How. W. DusiDae.' • 9 1 , 01 ctr this Right. Hon. Gentleman, as far as regards hi nt ja A O and personal estate in England or elsewhere , e1 .. . n °81 ;01,9 lane, has just been proved in London—the Pe" - derrg within the province of Canterbury being sworn °sat, 4, 1 846. ---- i11it0...1 He appointed his nephews, R. A. Christopber,ohilipi for North Lincolnshire, and Lieutenant-Colon el ', 1ee6651 0 das, to be his executors ; to each he has That? 5001. for the trouble they may have. on o ,to property, including his messuages in Lower Grp ° si dr,":o,O, Saint George, Hanover-square, and at St. Let le cer ; ,l 7 ,, Sea, money and securities, he bequeathes to his ap t:, trust for his wife—a sum of 5,0001. being se t r.a., yr, funds for his nephew William Pitt Dunclagt ." a g e d' Register of Scotland, ' his excutors, administrat° O) signs, subject to the life interest of testator's Il e a 51 0 vidends, but his said nephew to possess the ces t ast . " in the principal, immediately on the decease of th is , t or The residue of his personal estate, included ! I _ l ,, ofs , inentary disposition, he leaves to his wife, for o' oF 0 0 0 lute use and disposal.—Post. an otg A Os THE HIGH FLOODS IN THE NEIGO.., i nilr, " WINDSOR.—The late and long-continued healting t ill caused the Thames to overflow its banks, inn ° ,, -- 'dge' fir d low lands for miles above and below Windsor v t. ijotas o ,,, depth of several feet. Nearly the whole of the ie taltor : 0 1 in the north and east sides of the Castle, is conT AL i lir water. The flood between 'Windsor and Da te "" r O P 1 between Windsor and Clewer, is upwards of p o se isrA, on the high roads leading to those villages. ros t f, Runnymede. between Windsor and Eghani , 18 01, f a l . 9; water. A complete stop has been put to th e snif, between London and Oxford. On the BuckinPelf, of the Thames, serious injury has been sustainofieeprA quence of several stacks of hay and wheat rick s ,„ e jlar_;e4 washed away by the force of the current. T he e ll O 7 whole of the houses in the town of Eton t ,,a B vl'illy d at the College, are filled with water. 1 11 e ly several inches in the course of yesterday. „„ f trirlyillo A STEAM ENGINE BY POST.—Mr. G. , T iti so a t; ceived an order, on Friday week, for a Ini,nt. B l ,lle 'r o r engine, on the high-pressure principle, for wnw ati " bre, t° o 4,' Messrs. Cliadburn Brothers, Sheffield ; and, str,7oo if though the engine had to be built, he received i.' e igli a letter, by post, on Tuesday morning! The- enq, Or, plete in every detail, accompanied by a boiler aIL otas,d containing fuel. At the request of several of tn:,raOr'4 beholders, it was kept in motion the whole n' ovo Preston Guardian. 14 1 SUCCESS TO THE LEAGUE IN AN AGlti Disrutc.-T.—Mr. Falvey, one of the lecturers of tb e darri . l making a tour of Sussex. On Monday night 11 . ( _ 3 l fas'elr large meeting at the Lamb inn, Eastburne , 10 07, repeal of the corn and provision laws. Bavi ° l , l4 . 0 Mr. Terrendest, a solicitor, and Secretary tot'-grico, District of the Sussex Society for Protection to lb.. ,P came forward in reply, and was followed 11 IV Boys and Mr. Joseph Filler, two of the neigllbt°ooo/ mers. Mr. Falvey rejoined ; and the result of. Co was the adoption of a petition to the House ca l ': At t praying for a repeal of the corn and provision -10 0 01 R.)YAL JENNERIAN INSTITUTION.—The ,a v es, 0, ing was held on Wednesday, at the London 18 VA the chair was taken by George Trimmer, FA ' JO A O tors' report stated the amount of subscriptions, 011,4 past year as 373/. 75., whilst there was a preset: t i t 6 50 151. 2s. Sd., with debts, however, due of about 2 2 .:esrf, port of the council stated that, in the presen t i' l lol' .1 Ppersons had been vaccinated at the two stations, W o of . , 6 ad been distributed for the vaccination of unwi lr e Al others. Amongst other satisfactory letters, e ° a plieh ts :i sl from Aden, stating the efficacy of the lyrnPlL s i j 's, 1"1,0 is the society, both amongst the troops and 2' , '": 45 , 5 . .,':Gt ordinary sources of supply had failed. The ac' e , 1 „, - phy credit for having perpetuated a supply of pure li"'" a' establishment in 1806. th s r , f bleb/ SIR ROGER DE COVERLEY. —The day- ( 2,, f .. ., Monarch afford the most attractive field 0 1- 1 : 0 0/1 historical novelist could venture, . and their ad!," jot not been lost sight of by the author of the bigngr go work just published, under the title of " Ti,""li Coveiley; a Tale of the Court of Charles ino se t 6 favourably known to the reading public by a t tlte,, ego novel " Maids of Honour." When we say tn' i uslv,o this picturesque and effective story fills an 11 000 . i atig it is , I in the court of Charles 11., in whose service he l e tert Fr o a series of adventures as singular as the.Y n re ; rl - 10,, ; 84 0 4 ,1 and that he is the associate of such choice sp ed P',"tiO,' Ingham, Rochester, Sedky, Etherege, Dorset, nt: n tite,,,V, we shall be giving the reader a tolerably clear ',"titu r ct o f the amusement in store for him. But this coast Oh one feature in the romantic forth! es of "Sir I " e a pi r o ley"—the narrative of whose adventures forl , t y 0' the gay and gallant age in which he flouriSbeiedgeO, , h i fidelity of which roust be as rusdi:y acknel" ijo ' l l te It striking originality. beet el OP Two OF " THE PEOPLE."---Sir Ri r e ,S , t il pi 1 burghers of Tamworth that lie is one of thenagL i glidt / of a cotton-spinner; and that, his wife was th e " o• - bta 4 11 private soldier. Lady Peel is the youngest de n e' ra a tr neral Sir John Floyd, who ro e from the ra11k 1 4, 6 0 , 4 4 ~ [ADVERTISEMENT.] DEPEC I'l VE '''"'" 0 0t f l i , HEARING RELIEVED, Instruments and Spectacles pis 1 , country by post, 39, Albemarle-street, PiccrdillDl,o4; vented Spectacles, Powerful Telescopei, °per a P‘ Of ,00) scopes, Sze.—Patronised by his Majesty the ger,. 67,4 her Grace the Dowager Duchess of Bedford , tit e ,be f:d." Archtii,hops of Canterbury, York, and Dut1.100,004 Devonshire, Norfolk, Argyle, Marlborough, s tt oti no tie to f Bishops of Exeter, Lincoln, Cork, E l l , b lo 0 `'Y Messrs. S. and B. Solomons, Oculists s ° ,o 40 have invented Spectacle Lenses upon e h i' e fore t „ / tion. Immediately they are placed , i 'ldigh^o 00 feet vision, either by day or ass i° 0 7 ,,, mist and dullness which appear before the $l, - ,titiFVlllo removed, and every object becomes clear and "*" sod is./ the most aged defective sight becomes brigh t l a l tv 0 and is brought to its youthful, natural, and 00040 0 4 the most Powerful Achromatic Telescopes , ::, in,.. se!, $ Microscopes, Invisible and all kinds of Aceus'',.„" 0 " A f l o Ptlf for relief of extreme deafness. Caution--bl ei n s. ec . t'sfb Ili Solomons, Opticians, are not in any way c° ":4lllCet, person of the same name in their immediate ° o if , tse ner in any part of the country. To preren, t h . l os o CO cautious, and observe—Only to he had at 39, - 41 " - S ° alb d Piccadilly, opposite the York Hotel, and 25 / , 16 , 1 1 ' f 'i street, Edinburgh. itl AV fat „0- , 1,.. ~, . [ADVERTISEMENT.]—AN EXTRAORD` 00 , :, 01 , 4 0 OF HEALTH IN A FEW DAYS BY THE USX c' t 0 V o le:4l' PILLS.—The patient having previously been in t o O A 1 1 0 1 six years, Mr. Benjamin Hawkins, employe d i l, /3 01/..- 0 pal and well known at the Crown and , Cushiori,olg - .e, vr a lf l ;:vi , nesbury, Sta ff ordshire, had, to use his Glrn Por li 'hisnoP jt afflicted creature, and that no one but God , 00 9 ,4 0 what he suffered from aches and pains in all hisP o itil d l e" likewise from a disordered liver and stomas h av e P ° o l , B o o' strength sufficient to keep about ! Here again o derprofr Pills restored to health an individual labou ring d 0 complicated diseases.—Sold by all Druggists, an Holloway's Establishment, 244, Strand. il eI V coW - IY BIRTHS. , n ot- 0 ( On the 11th ult at Madras, the wife of Lieu 110 o c, Forster, of a daughter. 01 0 ' tile I le On the 16th lust., at Bableigh, near Barns ' WS* Jr. gustus H. Gilbert, son. trot. -- P . On the 23d inst., at King's Bromley Manor, th e ' _,,fref' ti _,..A o Lane, of a daughter. 1"11." Of ',, On the 24th inst., at York-crescent, Lowe r '—' r t 7 ri Samuel Smith, of a daughter. utb , the of On the 25th inst., at Looseleigh, near Ply nse o 0 1' Ellis, Esq., of a daughter. A l'oS el' ,40 ° On the 25th inst., the wife of Mr. Charles - ' roll - c or well-grove, of a daughter. ton, SO' f C On the 25th inst., at Maitland-place, Clap 0 1 min, of a son. v oght, the p eli On the 26th Inst., at Freshwater, Isle of , _ t o .4 mender Graham E. W. Hamond, R.N., of a '''' st - er shlr r, ,I , On the 26th inst., at Bowden Hall, Glouce 3l" ' Brooke Hunt, Esq., of a son. 0 anlPstesd On the 26th inst , at Mount Grove Hous e, son, of a son eve co, el 1,01 , 6 r. MAR.RJED. „ i et)''',,r On the 12th inst., at Jarrow Newcastie-uP°,.--oingdiaari' gt- Callendar, 8.A., of Cumberland ' , to Miss Julia st. t isajore' , On the 22d Inst., at All Souls', Lang bam - 1" 1 , 3c , n e , sec °l d isti -4 ,5 0 .; Mr. John Banister, Jun., of Brighton, to MarY of Mr. C. P. Blackburn, of Great Portland-streel,.re, the P On the 27th inst., at St. George's, Hanover-sil l 110.' cliffe, M.A., to Charlotte, second daughter of Vicar of Ashwell, Herts. 01 ' to ll ' On the 25th inst ,at Inv eV llo r co y) On the 20th inst . ., at St:nrnebesaysen,./.7o.rth Bri t a in, t• DIED• , sir. ponalaiit:go f ti 0 1 • el' in Esq., tSheriffs-Substitute 41 , : i ! . 0t on, lie f, Charles Warren, C. 8., of the 55th Regiment of , tne y, 05f the On the 2lst inst., Mrs. E lizabeth Dailey, of I I " e, , if . On the 26th inst ,at Blackheath -bin, LO U ' lsa , Ci j ...tre et henry North, aged . 73. ' WO On the 26th Inst., Mr. Edward Ingoldby, of or 7.trro;cll:4; London : Printed and Published by NtURIDO Strand, Printer, at Pm Sun Office, No, of the Savoy, in the ceentl, eg 112,0 w, ao, 184 e,