The Sun. — London, England, 1852-04-27 00:00:00

enable them to increase their forces. But how stood the facts? So far was there from being any just ground to apprehend hostility, that the President of the French Republic had written to the different powers of Europe giving expression to the most pacific intentions, which were seconded by a reduction of the National Guard. That did not look like purposing to use a large military force of regular troops abroad; and in the French navy there was nothine beyond ordinary activity. There was nothing, then, to show there was coy danger to this country from abroad, and whenever such a danger should appear imminent the people would readily give the executive the means of detente.—(Hear, hear.) lint there was a danger from letting the executive of this country have a larger disposable military force than the circumstances of the country required. Give the e_nn cutive the power of garrisoning the United Kingdom with a militia, while they had 30,000 or 40,000 regular troops to spare, and they m ight then adopt th a e tone with foreign powers which would aboutlethe very war they now affected to deplore. Facts and the experience of history showed that it was d i ange , r u ou m s il t i o . entrust the Executive of Esgiaed with too h arttaut tary power; but there were no facts to with out any cause or dispute Englend h d e ,h n o . w s . u . bjected . to sudden invasion from a friendly power. fencing of in vasion, he (Mr. Gibson) had, in 1848, the green-Ist ditli culty in persuading a French gentleman that England was not likely to interfere with the form of . government which France had then adopted, by landing troops on the continent. That gentleman said, there were two things England would never do—she would not repeal the navigation-laws , nor e ver cease to interfere with the formsof government on the continent ; and he added that all the foss which was then made in this country was for the purpose of putting the people) in a fightin g spirit, to further the old policy of all G overnments of this country. H o (Mr. Gibson) mentioned this to show that not only Englishmen, but also Frenchmen, might suspect invasion, and induine in unfounded fear on the subject cf international interference. But the House was told that it was necessary to do something to waken up the martial spirit of tho people, enervated by a long peace; and that the only means of e ff ec ti ng this object was to call out the militia. On that point he would read an extract from Sir James Mackintosh, respecting the martial spirit of the country. [The Hon. Gentleman then read the passage in ques tion, which was to the effect that a free nation like Eng land, full of power and full of order, contained in itself all the essential elements of an army. That the people of England had accordingly proved that in time of need they could be a nation of warriors, though they were not a people of soldiers, and that freemen were brave be cause they relied on themselves.] With regard to the panic which had been alluded to, he (Mr. Gibson) would Add to the valuable quotation made by the Hon. Baronet t e he Member for Tamworth another from the same thority—that of the late Sir R. Peel, in reference to the paeeic of 1848. On the 26th of February, 1848, Sir R. Peel said that after the panic which had prevailed, he was glad to find the alarm of invasion had abated—that he was relieved when he heard it was not the intention of the Government to make any increase in the mili tary and naval force of the country. The Noble Lord the Member for London also said, when the panic was over, that though he had heard much of the insufficiency of the force of the country, the contrary was the case —that the country was in a state , ef as great strength as it required to be, and that it had. nothing to fear from any sudden outbreak of hostilities in any quarter. He (Mr. Gibson) was told that he , aught to bow to the authority of distinguished men on this point, and he was willing to do so; but when one pointed out one course, end another pointed out. another, he could not .decide which to bow to. In tact, no two of them were consistent on the subject. A Tate Lord of the Admi ralty, for instance, had said tient evening that an in crease. in the military force of the country was not wanted, and that with 4,000 neen and boys added to the navy be would undertake to make all safe. The Hon. and Gallant General who moved the amendment doubted the necessity of any itecrease in the military force of the country. Therefore, though it might be presumptuous, as the Noble Lord the First Commis sioner of Works - stated, in a p rivate member to en tertain an opinion on the subject of the national defences, when all the authorities disagreed with one another on the point. he was compelled to judge for himself. A late Secretary at War had said that the House and the country knew no thing about the national defemeas and that a prelimi nary inquiry w as , t h erefore, ne ces ' sary. A more con fused mess—in fact, a more unsatisfactory con dition for the war party —one more melan choly, one more humiliating;, one more contra dictory, it was difficult to conceive. Referring to the merits of the question, what was supposed to be done? A bounty of 61. was to be given, and the Noble Member for Tiverton said that such was his confidence in the people of England that those erten who should receive this bounty would come when they were wanted. (Mr. G,) admired the generous, confiding spirit of the Noble Lord, but he cetuld not coincide with him in his conclusions—more eapecially as the Ho n , Member for West Kent had staeed that in his regiment alone there were no fewer than 800 desertions, and as it Was a proved fact that notwithstanding the terrible punishment awarded to desertion, not less than 53,000 ram had deserted from the regular army in the short period of ten years. To rely, therefore, on seeing again t hose men who had once undergerse the severity of mili tary displine was, to say the least of it, not wise. He (Mt Gibson) doubted, however, whether bounty men w ould be obtainable at all i n the manufacturing dis tricts; for the wages were largor than the bounty. In that case the ballot would be had recourse to. But the ballot was a pure conscription, which would take men from their proper employment, and leave their families on the parish; and if there was a justification for that conscription in military cases, tike same justification ex isted for pressing men to serve in the navy. Such a course, however, if it was at any time justifiable, was not so now, when, according to the statements of Mi nisters, past and present, the country was in the most peaceful possible relations with all foreign states. The Bill before the House would take people back to the time of George 111., though the feelings of the country on this subject had entirely changed since then. He (Mr. Gibson), for instance, doubted if persons of strong reli gious feelings would serve even if drawn, seeing that the Duke of Wellington had stated that a man with nice scruples of religion had no business in the army. What, . then, would be done with them? Would they be sent to gaol ? Then, again, supposing men with such feel ings to be willing to serve, were they to be brought into contact with the bounty men, ;persons for the moat part who had lost their characters, and who were too idle or too vicious to work ? Were young men religiously and morally educated to be billetted in public-houses along with these men, and made to herd together in beer-shops and such places ? Again, would it not be a wrong and an injustice to beer-shop-keepers and publicans to billet upon them these 80,000 men, whom they would have to supply with maintenance at a very reduced :rate ? In every light, therefore, under which the question was viewed, though the Bill before the House might be fitted for the times of George 111., it was not suitable for the advanced intelli gence of the reign of Victoria. The Right Hon. Secre tary for the Colonies bad referred to the militia of the United States iu eupport of the measure; but he forgot to state the exact nature of the institution. It was only a muster of the inhabitants capable of bearing arms three times a year, at which there was no compulsion to ap pear, further than a trifling fine of 75 cents. In the six New England States, however, the militia had been ac tually laughed out o f ex i stence . T o te ll E ng l and t h at 4tis e asie s an example to follow was, therefore, ridiculous. m mne , r e tay fz!f the United States, from California to were ;. es r,'_Oe t teq only of 9.000 men, while persons who the ratite7ti there for twenty years had never seen States a s a soldi er . T o quote t h e United Mr. Gibs on ) a an example to England gave him title information conv e to add a li t tl e more to the man- s ame years yed since the the Ri g h t H on . G ent l e - United States had address the Secret ar y a t W ar o f th e a circular to the highest m ilitary officers i n the Statesed to the onthesu bect, replies were uniformly ad verse militia. an o d n t e he o ir f these said th effect cers, of the musters o General Cadwallader, of Pennsylvania, n the morals of the people at drunkennessul, was most injurious, for that riot, pol int them. An morality were the order of the day and fm P he o s i e of view, was other said the militia, in a militaattryt sa m tn u e st t ers were worse than useless, inasmuch schoolr of insubordination and vice. The was borne by the others. He (Mr. Gibson) e el : El s : r im "?' on the subject, and he wishedtoexress himself strongly draw The House should bear in mind that they were going from Lance draw up some 13,000 or 14,000 to young men f and that PrinciPal shire and Yorkshire alone—the seat of th ma nufactures of this country—this would be no the small interruption to the .productive industry of nation, and no light injustice to the men themselves, who would be compelled th ereb y to forego large e arn . ings, an d perhaps lose altogether their employments He earnestly hoped, therefore, that the measure would be defeated. Mr. S. HERBERT said the Right Hon. Gentleman viewed the militia as an aggressive f o rce conducive to a state of foreign warfare; he (Mr. S. Herbert), on the contrary, viewed it as a measure purely o f peace. The Right Hon. Gentleman spoke of the two Militia Bills as having been passed during a period of foreign war; if his • (Mr. S. Herbert's) recollection served him right I tll; -y were both passed in periods of peace—the Bill 7 of 6, at the co mmencemen t o f th e p eace which followed the closing of the American war, and the 42d George III : , e. 90, in 1802, after the conclusion of the war, which ended in the year preceding. The facts were not, there fore, in conformity with the statements of the Right noirloGentleman. The Hon. Member for Tamworth had said, on Friday, that there were three ways by which People, in a private state, could judge of the necessity of defensive measures. The first was the sensitive ramifi cations of commerce, which vibrated all over the country at the fi rs t access of danger. The Hon. Meniber said we had the press, which made overwhelming efforts to giveehe public more rapid information than the Govern nent—there was commerce, and there was diplomacy. . Now, with respect to commerce, he very much doubted whether commerce would clearly indicate the state of feeling as to peace or war. Capital hoped to the last mocaent—it would not leave its usual channels until Co mpelled—and experience proved that in all wars which Came -Suddenly on a nation, commerce was the first to ports,' S o , suffer,' by embargoes and seizures of v esse l s i n h ostile tao therefore, ho did not think comm erce was a safe test. Then he would take the press, which the Hon. Gentleman said would give its warning. But to w h at were .we to li sten? Had we not had warning enough in all conscience—he thought even too much—for it ap- Pearad to hi m t h at the hostile criticisms, and the assump tion of hostility which had influenced those warnings, were unfounded and extremely injudicious. For he held that every nation w the Ine as e affair ; .:—avelr t judge of its own internal ii irr t ' . y trettort naturally resented the criticisms of g. , , yr," '4 vernment. Every n own business to' '4'l" consi dered deal'wail their own form of government, that it was their SUN, 1" E and to chastise parties if guilty. A great evil in a neighbouring country might be produced from thi s cause. There might be this reason alleged for our criti cisms, that we did not sympathise with the operations of the French nation. But that was no reason why we should doubt that the French nation were perfectly con tent with their present form of government, and with the person whom they had appointed to ffl the highest post. With regard to diplomacy, in that he admitted ho hail more confi,lcnoe, because its duty vas to inform ie-elf of the state of relations with foreign powers. Any want of vigilance or due exercise of caution would be sure to be visited with censure. That department acted under heavy responsibility, and whoa therefore he found that two Governments had called on the country to consent to a Militia Act, ha felt he could not refuse his assent to it.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord (Lord Palmer ston) spoke of the difference in our insular position. He would not expatiate on that observation. So long as the wind blew from the west, and it did this for three parts of the year—(Leughter)—certainly the wind had lately blown from the east nearly a quarter of a year, but there were three still to come, and the wind might change—but it used to be so long as the wind blew from the wee, all who had the responsibility of guard ing our coast, by securing the safety ot the Chasnol, might sleep in peace—that time had gone by. We had at present a navy preeminent in efficiency throughout the world. France had a p owe rful navy, and was the maritime power next in importance to Great Britain. It w " said, however, that the French navy was inferior in a numbers, and, p er h a p s h o might add, skill, but it had the over our vessels, scattered over the world, of ' concentration. France had only one important station to guard, the Mediterranean station. ,She could carry materials of war from her magazines and deed a with more facility. We must also not leave out of account, in calculating the probability of a war, the porta from which an invading force might be sent; and we must also see how far our defences are complete; and where they are placed as protection to our coasts. efficient state—in a greater state W e h o s f d e efficiency* vY i thana a very ever was known. He agreed in that opinion; but our navy was our first line, and if that wore broken through it became them to consider what force they had to compensate for that disaster, and to resist oppression on our shores. —(Hear, hear.) A return which had been much used in debate—moved for, he believed, by the Hon. Member for Montrose—gave, as he would show, a very false im pression of the amount of force in our possession to re sist invasion. The return was moved for in an unusual form, for the Hon. Member moved for a return of the largest amount of force in full pay at present ; the re turn showed a force of 51,000 men and 17,000 artillery, making a total of 63,000 men. Now, the usual returns always distinguished rank and file from servants, band, and casualtie,3, which together formed a considerable body of en.:The new return did nothing of the sort, and Was therefore a delusion so far as 68,000 alleged effective force was concerned. The pensioners were set down at 16,000-9,000 or 10,000 of this number wore in Eng in:id, Ireland, or Scotland, and were the utmost that could be reckoned upon. Marines ashore were stated to be 5,000, but when war approached what would become of these 5,000 men?—(Hear, hear.) It was these men we depended upon for manning our steam-fleet. How could they be reckoned among the defenders ashore? —(Hear, hear.) Then 5,000 set down for coast guard. He doubted whether the revenue could dispense with their service. Then the dockyard men in time of war, he suspected, could not be spared from the chips' sides.—(Hear, hear.) The Irish constabulary were tan thousand strong, and a most efficient body of men. But he would ask the House whether the state of Ireland was such—whether war would make such a difference in that state as to render it safe or prudent to withdraw that body of men?—(Hear, hear.) For the metropolitan po lice seven thousand was set down; but he suspected the men would be wanted for their beats in London,—(Hear, hear.) When these bodies of men were enumerated, he wondered the country police and gamekeepers were not at the same time added, because they were just as avail able as the bodies he had enumerated, and more easy to be got at. He would state the amount of force we really did possess for defence against invasion. We had, with artilleiy, about sixty-seven thousand men. From this number must be deducted twenty-two thousand, the number of troops in Ireland; for he doubted whether, in the case of war, we could withdraw those troops from Ireland. This left us forty-five thousand men. From this number we must deduct the sick, the deserters, the recruits, officers' servants, and others nut produceable in line. He would put the number at one-seventh. Competent officers had va ried between one-fifth and one-eighth ; he, however, took the number at one-seventh, and that left us with 38,000 men. From this number must be deducted 5,000 for the defence of the Channel' islands, Guernsey, Jersey, &c. There were other deductions, which would reduce the available number to 29,000; but to this number must be added the pensioners, which, after deducting the old and unserviceable petitioners, would give an addition of between 7,000 and 8,000 men, making the effective strength for defence about 37,140 meta. But then we must have men to defend our forts and arsenals. Ports mouth would require 5,000 men, Plymouth 5,000 men, Pembroke 3 000. Then there was Sheerness, Chatham, Woolwich, Deptford, Purlleet, and Tilbury, which would require at least 10,000 men. In short, with yeomanry and constabulary, he did not think, including infantry and cavalry, we could depend on more than 28,000 men for defence. Now, this was not a force that might be considered as perfect in efficiency. It would be found to be composed of small bodies unaccustomed to act to gether, and not, therefore, so efficient as if trained and disciplined to act in concert. It must also be recollected that in Great Britain there were constant demands for troops to aid the civil power. In large and populous districts, should war be declared, trade would receive a check, employment would cease, food would rise. Would the workman, not alto gether tractable in peace, rest tractable in war, with all his discontents aggravated? By denuding those counties of the small force now required, Government would run great risks. He wanted to ask the House to consider by what methods this deficiency of defence was to be met? Tho Noble Lord the Member for London proposed an augmentation of the pensioners, but he thought the number of pensio ners was not capa b le of any very grea t augmentation; in f act , if an increase, instead of a de crease, as anticipated by the late Secretary at War, was anticipated, he thought the hope would prove a delu sion. The Noble Lord did not object to 10,000 embodied militia. Some Hon. Gentleman proposed an augmenta tion of the regular army. There was a particular school which objected to a standing army, but the standing army received an almost unanimity of praise. The regular soldier was more efficient, but his cost was much more, than the militiaman. The question to decide was whe ther the greater efficiency of the regular soldier was com pensated by the greater outlay. The object to look at was which was the best and cheapest peace establishment — the best able to be enlarged to a war establishment if the necessity should arise —which was the most suscep tible of enlargement, a standing army without the assist ance, or with the assistance of a militia, suppose war was to take place, and it became requisite to enlarge the army to 80,000 men ? In 1846 the largest number of soldiers were enlisted in one year, to meet the demand, owing to wars in India; the number enlisted was between 22,000 and 23,000 men. To enlarge a force of 12,000 men to 80,000, would, at that rate, require three years. Now, we had this experience with militia, that in the last war 100,000 militia volunteered into the line. These men would not have been had if they bad not been ita the militia. In 1813, 19,000 militia went into the regular army. lie would ask was it not part of the system to depend on the militia for recruiting the army? In battles in Portugal and in Europe, the militia occupied important posts. The battle of Waterloo was gained with only about 18,000 regular infantry, the rest of the British troops being militia drafted into the line. He stated these things to show that it was not proper to call the militia a useless force. It was said by some Hon. Member that it was not advisable to train men for the militia, as that system would tend to create a dangerous population. Other Honourable Members said militia could not be turned to account in case of invasion. Both these arguments be thought could not be tenable. As far as the Bill went, ho re gretted that both Bills were not consolidated. Seiteral parts might bo improved, but as they were discussing the principle, he would not go into details. In the first place, he considered the force required might he got by volunteers. The experience ot 1809-10-11-12 and 13 proved that militia could be raised by bounty. The ballot was used in the country, but in London the militia was raised by bounty and not by ballot. The Hon. Member for Manchester said that was in the dark ages of George 111. But • so recently as 1831 Colonel Wood raised 1,100 men in the county of'. Mid dlesex by bounty and not by ballot. He did not see Why the same facilities should not now exist. No sys tem" w-- heartywithout its disadvantages. Tne question establishment of a 'N o rte. they had to decide respected the balance meet the wants danger and difficulty. Without giving any ohis pinion es to the details of the Bill ho should give it honouartt Support as far es the principle of it was the nation,._ militia force elastic enough to the pric ©, the (Hear') (Rear.) of the country in an emergency. In fact, he looked on • as an insurance of property—of in dustry.--ee everything that constituted the welfare of the wizs,vvbere undeserving of the to pay If they were unwilling tion.—(Hear.) I t protec enjoying great wealth and feared, too true that a nation wealth, found it a difficult matter luxuries which followed it v t e a r t e t d o make o luxurythe sa e t r o i fi f c o es requisite to preserve it, would be disgraceful, it would be a groat stigma on their boasted b civilization, if they showed themselves so ß e a n t as get their duty to the institutions and their country, and if they showed an unthwV'elig ion of o ingnes e , to ma ke those efforts—attended with s ome iee l he would admit — to place their country in s uc h ae,,:itiaete of n ee , defence as would secure it a g ainst a ttempts to inv a d e it —(Hear, hear.) He h o p ed the y w ould not show th em - . selves like the people in Holy Writ, who lived careless and quiet, but whose land being good, the invader came and put them to the sword.—(Hear, hear.) Th ey had, by their discussions on the subject, advertised their mouths of Mohr Governme n t s weakness. and through t he necessity for some additional militaryhad proclaimed the neces fell b theyac without force; and having done so , k making an attempt to remedy the deficiency w ould - be had not only admitted, but proclaimed, y w the hich they country. guilty of treason to the welfare of their Mr. STANFORD had listened to the able and ulo , (pent speech of the Right Hon. Gentleman, but wished.whichhe had explained w hat was the species of danger siri4 e they were c a ll e d on to gua rd against. It was out of the question to b e li eve t h at t h e F re nch could ever meditate the conquest of England, with the view of perma nentl y settling themselves in it. The danger apprehended, therefore, was Some sort of incursion, for the purpose of mischief and plunder. Every man would admit that we should take steps to guard the country against such a danger; and the question wa® whether a militia force vees !no one bee! . irlietilated to ni"et the emergency, His own opinion was rather in favour of increasing the re gular army, but as no proposal a that kind had been LON DON, made, and not wishing to throw obstacles in the wti,y of the present measure, he should not refuse giving it his humble support.—(Hear.) Mr. H. BERKELEY thought that in the present state of Europe we ought to take measures for protectinq: our country; but ho was opposed to-the calling out the militia. Teat was a step which was viewed with alarm and jealousy by a large portion of the community. He knew that they would infinitely prefer increasing the regular army to 05ying a force upon which no el,- prudence could be placed. Tno better and more agree able course would be to increase the army and to man the navy. He objected on moral and social grounds to th 3 militia being called out. He had heard magistrates complain of the great increase of crime that took place after the last embodiment of militia, in consequence of tho class of pershs discharged. Attention ought to be paid to the putting of efficient weapons into the hands of our soldiers, and also to the improving of our st.eam navy. Volunteer forces should he encouraged, and they should be allowed to make themselves acquainted with the use of the modern rifle. A volunteer force and a small increase of the army would, in his opinion, super sede the necessity of a militia, and he thought itwould he advisable to dismount our yeomanry corps and make riflemen of them. _ . Su . C. BURRELL was of opinion that a militia was the best force that could be organised at the present moment, and that it would be the least expensive to the country. Mr. ROEBUCK said, that as the representative of a large manufacturing population, be thought it right to express his opiniun upon that important subject. There were two points raised by that discustitm The first was whether there was any necessity at all at the present moment for increasing our national defences; and the second was, what was the best mode of effecting taut in crease, if any necessity for it existed? With respect to the first Fiat he should state that he believed great una nimity of opinion prevailed among the generality of po liticians. Ho had formerly thought that the Noble Lord the Member for London had been of that opinion.— (Loud cries of " Hear, hear," from the ministerial benches). He found that Right Hon. Gentlemen oppo site were of that opinion. He understood that the neces sity in their belief was immediate—that there was some thing abroad which rendered it necessary for them to take immediate steps for the national defence. So the Noble Lord the Member for London had also thought —(Hear, hear)—and he had, thereupon - proposed a Militia Bill. But after he had left office, and another Militia Bill had been proposed by another Government the Noble Lord appeared to have modified his pre-con ceived opinion, and to have come to the conclusion that whatever might be the necessity for measures of defence, that necessity was not immediate. He (Mr. Roebuck) believed that there was a vague manner of talking about that question. He wanted to know out of what that necessity arose? How was it that all of them, with the exception of the members of one particular school, when talking together in private upon that subject, spoke only of one people and pointed only at ono man—the people, the people of France—the man, the President of the French Republic. They all knew unfortunately that there was a feeling among the French people which a bad man might take advantage of; and they all said, and he for his part believed, that that bad man was at present in power in France.—(Some low murmurs and marks of disapprobation). It was all very well to object to such an avowal; but what, ho would ask, did they say to one another in private?—(Hear, hear.) They all said to one another that there was at present in power in France a man who had arrive at his position by breaking through all the ordinary sanctions by which men wo bound; they said to one another that he had reached that position, and that be maintained it solely by fostering many of the prejudices of his countrymen; and they said to one another, that of those prejudices one of the strongest unfortunately was a jealousy of this country. The person to whom he referred had at the present moment a largo army; on the opinion of that army hie power rested: and they all felt that his popu• larity with that army might be indefinitely increased by invading England.—(Hear, hear.) That was the diffi culty before them. Had not that been the meaning of ta stated t brought a t e denGottiGovernment ru f pTu o cAr m r ech w ndseeed a yntn r htw d t heoaafr h ps d i Frr s neerenss M aietonen i tt col that enb t a.m i t et a eehtn ß ahas de i au l f l rr, eaameaning although i the statement of the Noble Lord the Member for London h w e h b 'n ad bo no h t w t lh 6 B e e n 4 r a B e h e , e t h aa who d e a y do f a h h f a et r hfadoiedribeforearrived h a p. t t r d iv W e Mr. M. GIBSON here observed that a Militia Bill had been introduced before that period. Mr. ROEBUCK continued—Ho said that although that measure had been propounded before, they bad had no clear idea of danger —none of that panic which bad there referred. w a s a And man thenin of late been so much talked of—until the events to which hees r had ag the eme positionthe whiches t i h o n— e s h u a p d - p described—let it be a phanta s y if t h e y lik e d— s upposin g there was milesap powerful of ourerfula Shores—supposing of res 500,000 men n in a there w country asin within 26 n that country a people jealous and desirous of revenge for past reverses—supposing they had arrived at, a period of the world when the means of military aggression had been immeasurably increased—then came the question, what were they to do under those circumstances? Al lusions had been made to the events of the year 1804. At that time there had been ruling in France a mind, gigantic almost beyond the conception of man, the first of generals the world had over known, and commanding an army whose ex ploits had never been surpassed. In that year, by the mere accident that Villeneuve had not been bold enough to proceed up the Channel, Napoleon had been prevented from attempting to invades our shores. He had had under his command 60,000 men, whom he could have put on board a flotilla in twenty minutes; and, as he had himself stated, all that he had wanted for an invasion of England had been that he should have found the Channel free for twenty-tour hours. But the fortune of this country had prevailed, and he had not had the twenty-four hours. But had not steam since given these twenty-four hours, if the men and the army should again be found ? Some people, however, told him that in the midst of those circumstances he ought to advocate the doctrine of peace upon all occasions. But he wanted to know why he was saved es he walked along the streets fr m being robbed and knocked down?—(Hear, and laughter.) Did he owe his safety to the principles of the Gospel, or to the interference of the police?—(Re newed cries of " Hear, hear," and laughter.) For his part he believed that peace was promoted by a person's making himself exceedingly formidable to any body who might attack him.—(Hear, hear.) . He bad received a pamphlet, in which it was', stated that if the French invaded us we ought to remain perfectly peaceable, and let the invaders grow ashamed of themselves, and retire in a state of absolute confusion.—(Hear, hear, and C obdwhich laughter.) That was t he sort of vie Member for the West Ri din g . ) (Mr. .Cen the Hon. took of the subject.—(Renewed laughter.) it had always been, He wanted to know whether, if human nature wa s what danger did not at present exist in this country, and whether it would not be reasonable to provide against it? They had here riches, almost beyond the riches of imagination; and if they were not prepared to protect their riches, h ow could an army in et neighbouring country, powerful almost beyond conception, bes ? ex pected to resist the tetuptatiort to b ecome invader re d. did not doubt the goodness of human nature; had u e a ing history, he found that every nat ion that be n rich and weak had suceumbecl. He wa nted to sso it is country proclaiming and practising pea ce and justice, but at the same time saying " Touch me if you:a the —(Hear, hear.) How disastrous would b consequences not only to England, b ut to mankind in general, if a marauding army were to encamp in London.—(Hear, hear.) And when he was told that that was not likely to happen, let him state this fact — that London was the only capital in European which a French army had not planted its standards.—(eal) It was all very well to talk of peace; but that arniy had roamed over Europe, checked only by the frost first, and then by England; and the French people were at pre sent more desirous than ever to have their revenge. Contemplating that question, not as an Englishman, but as one interested in the destinies of humanity, he said that the friends of peace ought to afford their aid in the effort to strengthen England for the purposes of peace itself.—(Hear, hear.) He believed that there was danger, and that that danger ought to be provided against. But he felt persuaded that the best mode of attaining that object would be in the first place to make our own army and navy properly available.—(Hear.) A large portion of our navy was at present cruising in the Mediterranean.—(Hear, hear.) Why should it be there? If there was any danger to England, he wanted to know why the great mass of our naval force was not in the Channel? He wanted to know, in the next place, why our colonies were so governed that our great military establishments were abroad.—(hear, hear.) If these two questions should be satisfactorily answered, he should afterwards proceed to consider what was the beat mode of meeting immediate danger, if it should exist. It was his opinion that fighting was very much like every other business, and that he who was bred to it would fight best.—(Hear, hoar.) He had not much faith in the military capacity of what was called a militia.—(Hear, bear.) The Noble Lord the Member for London had said that the art of war had been wonderfully improved of late years; and ho (Mr. Roebuck) should say he believed that there had never been so great a distinction between a rabble and an army as at the present day. • If, therefore, there were any danger to England, and any necessity for increasing our defences, he should say that after seeing that our present forces were properly employed, we ought to increase our national army. It was said there was a danger in a standing army, and France was pointed to as an exemplification of that danger. But he believed that the army of France at present expressed the opinions of the people of France, and that the Government established there was exactly what the French people wanted. He should further say that if a large increase were made to-mor row to the English army, he, for one, should have no fear for the liberties of England.—(Hear, hear.) But he ea told th a t th e b eat mo d e o f prov idi ng f o r the national defence would be to h ave th e m iliti a . Now upon that subject be should confess that he had been surprised to find that the Noble L erd the Member for Tiverton (Lord Pelmerston), human nature, had expressed his belief that those who might haye se Militia Bill, wonueldted the bounty un d er th e p re s en t part at their posts. when d wanted, be found for the most Did any one believe that the class of persons who would ac when: one would wishc t e pt the bounty wou ld b e per sonsshape of musket s , or thanteatrust with power i n th e in time of danger they Would be the per s o ns most likel certainly could not beli eve it, and to nd be found? lie he could not think that there were twenty a House who could be of that opinion. Blnutenwha in the would be the use of men if they would not be forthcoming w h en wanted? He believed, however, that eraing he could suggest another plan by which they could obtain the s t ivattiges of a regular army and the numbers to he found in a militia. Let them, if they pleased, add 10,000 or 12,000 men to the regular army; and Let t h em then EVEN TUEQ '* hl/4.) accept the services of volunteers, to be enrolled as rifle clubs. What could be the objection to that enrolment? Those were not a rabble, who could be regarded us the enemies of law and order—they were persons who would bring with them their own rifles—who would have a portion of their time to devote to the necessary treinieg; and they might have 100,000 such men.—(Bear, hear.) Under all the circumstances of the case, he felt that he ought to oppose the Bill of the Government. He egraud with them that there was danger, and immediate danger. But he said that the danger, such as it was, was net met by the Bill. Th ere was a clear an d d e fi n ite mode of i p i r e o v c e e d e , d b i e ng; s h ch ic i h evo t u hlo ( u n g o h a t r.) to adopt; while th© mi litia which they proposed to establish would, he be Mr. W ALPOLE said—l agree with the Hon. and Learned Gentleman who has just addressed the House. that there axe tero objections raised to this measure, one of which has been argued more faintly, while the other has been argued much, more boldly; but both of them, I think, unfa . irly. In th e fi rst place, it has been denied that there le any n ecess i ty for such el measure as this, 1 in order' that you may put this great kingdom in a pee per state of defence; and secondly it is contended, that, even assuming such a necessity to exist, this is not the mode nor is this the time in which that object can be best secured. Now I believe the necessity is proved , not from th e c i rcumstances to which t h e H en . an d Learned Gentl eman has alluded—not because t h ere i s in n neighbouring country a supposed possibili t y , if not even a probability according to the Honourable and Learned Gentleman, of an immediate ievasioa of these. free shores. The Honourable and Learned Gentleman will recollect that a Militia Bill was proposed long before the present President of France had been placed in the position which he now occupies. It was proposed in the year 1847 by the Government of Sir I.Z. Peel; it was proposed by the . Government of the Noble Lord (Lord J. Russell) in the years 1847 and 1848 ; end it is, therefore, idl e to contend that this measure is now brought forward from a fear of any particular circumstances which h ave recent l y ta k en place in France.—(Hear, h ear. ) Then, how is that neces s ity proved? Is it pr ove d , i n the first place, by this fact, which has been admi tte d by an Hon. and Gallant Ge neral who opposed the m easure, that the highest au th or ities, naval and military, thi n k that something oug h t to b e done for the better defence o f the kingdom. Secondly, it has boon admitted by succes s i ve a d m i n i stra tions that it is a duty cast upon the Go vernment to see that t h e coun try is in a state of defe nce, and they have all found that something more is requi re d t o ensure that pro tection than has hithert o been done. T h i r dly, it is proved by the circumstance s to wh i ch t h e N o ble Lord the Member for Tivert on more t h an once in the course of these debate s f orc i bly allu d e d to, that the discovery of steam, and its application to to navigation, was a means by which an incur sion, if not an invasion , might be much more easily brought within the rang e ne probabilities than ever it was before, and one cons equence of w hi c h w as, not withstanding the suggestio ns o f the Hon. and L earne d Gentleman, that no navy, how ever power f u l or nume rous, could be certain at all times safely, if acting alone and without a covering force on the land, to protect you from that invasion which you say may take place. These are reasons which prove the neces s i ty o f t h e measure we propose. But, then, it is said by th e G a ll ant G ent l eman who moved the amendment, that if t h e Bill b e rea d a second time this day six months y ou can meet t h at ne cessity either by a re-distribution or re-concentration of the army, or by drawing a portion from the colonies. Sir, I think both these propositions have been met in the course of the debate. I own I am surprised that any officer, much less one of the great experience of the Gallant General, should take the view that he has adopted. I should not be surprised if a mere civilian had warted re 60,000 men, and plant them to me e t 60,000 men laude d on ou s ay we will see ei bather these men s t h e o d thes andi d e a that you might put upon pa p er will not be ready to defend our shores. I think that if the emergency should arise it will be found that you cannot denude Ireland any more than you can the colo as we ll as this. The 20,0 00 men in Ireland nies of their troops. You are bound t o p ro t ec t that country must remain there. The 5,000 men of th e coas t-guard, a shownby the Hon. M em b er for N ort h vi s s our revenue i n war as we ll NS—I did not say a wor d a b out the coast-guard. M a iihlntasdp to-night, o b a f en e ei n . g h well t, n 1 ust Sir DE LACY EVA prote ct then, it w as t h e H on. G en - tletiaa r n Member, " No, ne."] Then with regard to the 10,000 dockyard battalion, all .these would be required for WwAhoLPsClecLoEnd—Well, thile, amendment. [An Hon. other purposes; and in short, I contend that the esti mate I made when I proposed the Bill was not only not exaggerated, but that anybody who will go through them more than once, will admit that they are under estimated, and I repeat again that you could not get men in this way to meet an enemy. Then it is said you can take troops from the colonies; but the same necessity exists for keeping troops there as in Ireland. You cannot leave the extremities undefended any more than the citadel.--(Hear, hoar.) Prove to me that the force in the colonies is too large, and I shall be quite ready to bring them home. But that is a question which should be discussed on its own merits, and not upon this question. If you take the 40,000 men now in the colonies, you will, I think, find it difficult to put your finger on a colony from which you can bring any great b o dy o f troops. In some of those colonies our fellow-country m en have gone out as emigrants, and we are hound to protect them. In other colonies we are surrounded by foreigners and require to be on the alert. In others we are bounded by large and powerful coun tries, and it would not be safe to leave them undefended. But the greater number of those will be found to consist of military stations, such as Gibraltar, Malta, the lo nian Islands, the Cape, the Bermudas, Labuan, &e., and the garrisons could not be withdrawn. I think I have shown that a necessity exists for the measure I have brought forward. I think I have shown that you cannot meet that necessity either by a redistribution or a recon c3ntration of your existing forces, or by withdrawing them from the colonies. Something was said by the Hon. Gentleman opposite as to the best way of meeting those matters, by encouraging and promoting the arts of peace. We are, all for peace, if we can; and therefore I think, as has been said before, the best way to main tain that peace is. always to be prepared for war. There is no other way in which you can meet it; and as for those who, as has been somewhat quaintly said, think that by taking away all right and power of self preservation, and leaving mankind in as defenceless a state as when they Cann) into the world, I wish them no harm or scarcely greater than that when they are attacked they should feel the force of their own argument, — (Laughter.) Assuming that the necessity exists of pro viding some means of defence--what is the best means of providing for our defence? There are several means suggested. The lion. and Learned Gentleman suggests an increase of the navy —other Hon. Gentlemen suggest an increase of the army _,,,th e Hon. Gentleman who se conded the amendment suggested an increase of the pen sioners—the Gallant Gentleman suggests an increase of the volunteers, while the Noble Lord actually goes back to the local imilitia. No*; with regard to the increase of the navy. [M r . RoebuCk— " I said the army." 3 Well then I shall go to, the army; b u t I think has been answered over . and over again. Suppose we had come down to the House and proposed an increase of 20,000 to the army,. what would you have said? " H ere is a constitutional Government. Here are men who want a large standing army—here are people who wish to assert mili tary power in this country: That is the way in which we should have been met, and the old argument is now used, not because we want to in crease the army —..net because we intend to do so—but because they want to oppose the Bill.—(Cheers.) But there are two objections to this course—first, if you go on increasing your army, other countries will do the same—they will make preparations to meet yours, and each will go on increasing to such an extent that at length they will be an encumbrance to the country in stead of a defence. The second objection is still stronger, and has been often and often urged. The House of Commons would not stand for many years a largo increase of the. army, unless it is shown that a large increase of the army is wanted for an emergency, and not to meet a contingency which may. not rise for months or years. It was observed by the Right Ho nourable Gentleman the late Sir Robert Peel that this country has hot and cold fits as regards foreign countries. During the hot fits, then the House was ex tremely liberal—a cold fit then came on, and there was economy, even to parsimony, Sir, that is not the way in which a great country' like this ought to be governed. —(Cheers.) If you wantnt force to protect yourselves, you must have one that will be always ready and at hand. You may say, as was said by the Gallant Colonel be hind me, " Well, you are going to call out the militia, but that is not the object." It is to have an efficient body of man, partly drilled, equipped, and ready, know ing their duties, and under the control of their officers, in ease an emergency a r i ses. These are the grounds which justify the establishment of a militia as contradis tingnished from those who, justify an increase of the army. The next suggestion is a large addition to de pensioners. We are told that there are 63,000 pensioners in England and Ireland. In England there are 43,000, but what does the n —ouse think is the age of those . pensioners? Many of them have been disabled by wounds and long service; but out of the whole 43,000 not more than 1,860 are under the age of 40. (Hear.) Over the age of 70 there are no less than 4,800. Nor do I think it would be fair to draw these men away, when you have an opportunity of calling in the services of younger and abler men. Mr. RICH - roes amidst loud cries of " Order!" " Chair!" He was anxious to explain. Th e proposa l he made referred not to drawing pensioners from the &d staff at present in existence, but those who would be withdrawn from the regular army, Mr. WALPOLE—I shall now proceed to the next suggestion, the encouragement of the volunteers. You could never have an efficient body of volunteers. The principle of the volunteer system was that any one or every one of theta were at liberty to go away from the service. So long as enthusiasm and patriotism, an d the sense of immediate danger prevailed, they would be efficient enough ; but the moment it passes aya—l y wjll not say the moment their patriotism passes away—the moment the enthusiasm passes away the necessity of continuing the volunteers is gone, and you .. l cannot rely upon them as an e ffi c i en t permanent force. .Bat it is .a ways a popular topic that of drawing upon the spirit and enthusiasm of the people. We all agree upon. that; but remember the words that were used in the begairnig cf the debate; remember tl,e words used by the Duke of Wellington in his i m portant letter, in which he says, " We hear a great deal of the 'spirit of the people of England, for which no man has a higher respect than I have; but unorganized, undisci ' [dined, without systematic. subordination , established and well understood—this spiri t, when exposed to the fire of muskets and firelocks and the array of sabres and bayonets of disciplined troops, would only expose them to confusion and defeat . --( Cheers.) Now I go to the lest proposition—namely, the proposition of the Noble Lord for carrying . his owa plan of a local militia—(A. P ILJ laugh.) The Noble Lord will forgive me for saying that I think ho has rather highly coloured his own plan, and f pot our plan too much in the shade. Ho said that cur plan is oppressively revere, while his is the contrary — that his is well adapted to recurs men of spirit, courage, and moral energy, while ours is merely calculated to eh tairi mercenaries, who would take the bounty and than make their way to the United States. That is Ihe co louring the Noble Lord puts upon it; and I am sorry to do away. with that imposing statement, but the tact is not bore out be a careful comp ar i son of V.:O two mea sures. First, with regard to the ballot. the Noble Lord's Bill every man must be drawn by ballot, unless there are a sufficient number of volunteers. In our plan the men are not drawn for service, hut are invit e d b y means of a bounty; and therefore his plan is more se vere. By the Noble Lord's plan the men were drawn from a limited number—in the first year between the ages of 20 and 23, and in each successive year between ' 20 and 21. By our play, if we get to the ballot, which we probably never shall require, the men are drawn between the ages of 18 and 35. It requires; ee r y little reasoning to show that the pressure ot the system over a smaller space must ho much more severe.— (lleen) With regard to the discipline, I must say :hat I was somewhat surprised at the statement made by the Noble Lord. By his plan the men were to be trained 28 days in the first year and 14 days every year. By our plan they were to be drilled 21 days, with a power to extend the time of drill to seven weeks in care of necessity; and in the event of its not being neceshiry, or if there was an extra demand for labour, then only three days in the year. I thick that shows that our plan is not quite so aavere. Then, with :agatd to the courage, energy, and spirit of the Noble Lord's militia, earl the neklesa, vagabond character ot ours, I should be glad to know hew the Noble Lord by his plan gets his men endowed with that high moral courage. He casts lots for them; and it may fall upon the weak as well as the strong, upon the immoral as well as the moral, and in fact there is no guarantee that he can get these men of high moral cou rage. 'I do think that the probability is, that by our plan the more bold, and independent, and enter prising men will offer their services, and probably wo shall get a better class of men than those for whom lots are cast. But there has been some mistake in this part of the measure. It has been said over and over again in this House, and outside doors, that here you are throwing money to 5,000 or 6,900,men, who must be of the most reckless character,. and who will decamp, and there is no secuitiq that'we shall have their services when they are wanted. But those who make the state ment cannot have read our Bill. It will bo found that the bounty is given to the volunteers, subject to certain con ditions imposed by the Secretary at War. It will be found that the names and places of residence of these men must be registered and transmitted to the clerk of the peace of the county. The Secretary at War has the power of prescribing the mode in which the bounties are to be paid, whether beforehand, or annually, or monthly. All that is left to the discretion of the Executive Go vernment, so that they may not be imposed upon. I hope I have disposed of the exception of the Honourable and Gallant Gentleman that the bounty we are offering will be thrown into the hands of men who w ill d eca mp with it; but I think, independently of this, that it is a great reflection upon the poeple of this country that 80,000 men would be found to accept the bounty of 41,, 51., or 61., for the sake of going away w ith it,—(Hear, hear.) The whole of this line of argu ment, it is remarkable, has been used by the representa tives of what is called the popular side.—(Loud cheers.) I do not believe it, nor do I believe that they believe it themselves, but they use it as an argument against the Militia Bill. I think I have proved that the Bill of the Noble Lord is not so good as that which we have brought forward, and was not so popular as ours will be with the country, or as effective for its purpose. But I do not speak without authority. Within the week I have re ceived a letter from the adjutant of a militia regiment in Suffolk, stating that seventy men had already expressed their intention to volunteer their services, and he had no doubt that the regiment would be made up in a fortnight. —(Chears.) The same statement had been made from the midland districts; and I believe, if the Bill be allowed to pass into a law, you will find, instead of that oppressive ballot which has been so complained of at public meetings, that there will be no necessity for hav ing recourse to it. And here I may remind you that even if the number is not filled up in the first year, there is no compulsion to put the ballot in force; but a per missive power is given by the Queen in Council that it may be exercised. There is another observation that has been made. It has been said that this is not the time to bring the measure forward. But what would have been said if we had not brought it forward and any misfortune had befallen the country?—(Hear.) You had passed a resolution that a Bill should be brought in; and if we had not brought in the Bill, and war had been declared by any possible contingency, you would have blamed us justly, and have said that, as Ministers, we deserved to be impeached.—(Hear, hear.) You have no right, therefore, to complain of the Bill being brought in.—(Hear, hear.) Sir, Ido not say that if you reject the Bill we ought to put the militia laws into operation by means in which the ballot would be resorted to with all its rigour—(Hear)—but I do say that if the emer gency arose in which there would be necessity to have recourse to that force, you would be bound —any Go- Government would be bound—to suspend the suspend. ing law relating to the militia, and to put it in force, to obtain a I . ufficient number of men to defend tho country.—(Hear, hear.) Well, then, do not say that this is an oppressive measure.—(Hear, hear.) It is a measure mitigating the law.—(dear.) The language of mitigation was thought of from the first section to the hst.—(Hear, hear.) I defy you to find a single severe clause in it !—(Hear, hear.) If that be 80, I leave the measure with some degree of confidence to the judgment of the House and of the country—(Hear, hear.) I think I have shown you that it was necessary to make some increase of our national defences, and that the other modes which have been suggested are not so good as that we have proposed.—(He aa hear.) I am confident you will find if you rejeot it, and there shall be occasion of urgency, you would have to put the militia laws in force with all the rigour of the ballot.— (Hear, hear.) But if you accept it now—improve it if you please in the Committee—you are alleviating and mitigating the rigour of the laws, instead of enforcing them on the people, bt cause you are by your regulation proceeding upon the principle of voluntary enlistment and voluntary service, instead of having recourse to the compulsory conscription, to which in some circumstances you might be otherwise compelled to have recourse. Sir DE LACY EVANS rose, but was not allowed to reply. A division took place, and the numbers were— For the second reading 315 For the amendment ••• 165 ••• Majority for the second reading ... —l5O The annotnecement was received with loud cheers. SECRETARY OF BANKRUPTS' OFFICE ABOLITION BILL. This Bill passed through Committee. LOAN SOCIETIES BILL. This Bill was read a third time and passed. HIGHWAY RATES BILL. This Bill was read a second time. REFRESHMENT TO VOTERS. Sir E. BUXTON moved for leave to bring in a Bill to allow candidates to give refreshment to voters at county elections to a limited amount. Mr. THORNELY opposed the motion on the ground that such a permission would not be legitimately exercised Sir J. TYRELL said, to his own certain know ledge, there were two lawyers canvassing in Essex upon the strength of this Bill,-(Laughter.) He thought it would have been much better for the Hon. Gentle man to have postponed this measure until they had the experience of the approaching election. Mr. ADDERLEY supported the motion for leave to bring in this Bill, because he thought it was a measure most necessary to have passed before the approaching election, with the view of drawing a legal distinction between reasonable refreshment and bribery. Mr. AGLJONBY said he was determined to give every stage of this measure the utmost opposition, for he believed, if carried, it would have a most demoralis ing effect upon the constituencies, Mr. CHRISTOPHER said that it was most desirable for Hon. Members to wait until they saw the Bill before they discussed it. It was not fair that they should place the electors in a worse position when they came to vote than they were , in when they were at home. The mea sure was one, he believed, that merely proposed to give the electors at county elections simple refreshment when they travelled some distance to the poll. Sir E. BUXTON said that the Bill merely proposed that ;the voters at county elections should receive re freshment within the value of 2s. 6d. The MASTER of the ROLLS declared 'his decided opposition to the measure, which he thought was calcu lated to encourage a system of bribery, under the disguise of what was called reasonable refreshment. Lord GALWAY was understood to say that the measure, if passed at all, ought not to be confined to counties. Sir B. HALL opposed proceeded with such a discus sion at that advanced hour of the night, and moved an adjournment of the debate. Mr. ANSTEY was opposed to the principloetwoefsthaet measure, which would encourage the worst pre elections. Sir J. PAKINGTON hoped the w motio : fo s r ee s i j t r hat n ment would not be pressed to a division , seeing only have a w hen the debate came on agai n, th9t 1 re petition of speechesupon the pr l ev t o w l () a n s s t o h f a e ß p i i l n l t which lion. Gentlemen had not seen. ba d co nsulted upon the many Hon. Members whom he a subject that some suc h measur effective in suppressing thatcorruptioenthatthees this el o ctinWestsld be most Riding re- Mr. S. WORTLEY said. to es. voters at th trust e elec tions d the f res h me nt tickets bad beenissue by the consent o ti f . both p , th g iven to bring in arti but that leave would he debate would not bee Bialourocd 1 s o that Hon. Members might s h or tly have a co py of it in their hands , and be better enabled to form a n opininotenofeditsthdaettathile issue of refresh s. Mr. MULLINGS contended f cor'rupn at expense, .tio elections. - He m o l t tickets woul d be a nd o and a ereat preven ti v e of treating avine should vote for the introduction of the Bill. Mr. BELL — If treating was to be permitted at elec tions at all it bad better be done openly than sneakingly. So far from increasing, ho believed the Bill would check corruption at elections. The motion for the adjournment Gf the debate was then withdrawn, and the House divided on the question that leave be given to bring in the Bill, when there ap• peered — For the motion Against it •• Majority •• •• • ... -39 The Bill was subsequently brought in. S moved that th e p e titi on o f th o se - Mr. MULLI NG c iety of attorneys, solicitors, proctors, and others, incor porated by charters of King William the Fourth and Qaeen Victoria (presented April 23), bo printed with the votes. a:. e,‘ Mr. THORNLEY opposed the motion. .The House divided, when there appeared— For the motion ... 12 Ageinzt it ... Mtfjor;ty againi,l the motion —32 On the motion of Air. ANSTEY, the 1101183 was counted out at Half-pave One o'clock. Mr. GRANTLEY BERKELEY paired otf in favour of the srcoa3 ; eidiDg of tlio Militia Bill with Sir GEORGE DASIIWOLD. PARLIAMENT Alt Y DIVISIONS. (From the Votes and Proceedings of the House of Commons) MONDAY, APRIL 26. MILITIA BILL. Order read for resuming adjourned Debate on Amendment proposed to Question (23th April), " That the Bill be now read a second time ;" and which Amendment was, to leave out the word " now," and at the end of the Question to add the words " upon this day three months :"-- Question again proposed, "That the word now' stand part of the Question." Debate resumed; Question put. The House divided ; MAJORITY—AYES, 315. A.dderley, C. B. Edwards, Henry l‘lile, P. W. Anson, Viscount Egerton, Sir P. L‘lilcs, W. Arbathnott, Hon. H. Egerton, W. T. II ilnes, It. M. Archdall, Captain Einlyn, Viscount Moody, C. A. Arkwi.tmt, George Estcourt, J. B. B. Margin, O. Bagot, William Euston, Earl ;'•inilinc_xs, J. B. Bailey, Crawsiiay Evelyn, W. J. Ness, Lord Bailey, Joseph Farnham, E. Ba B. Napier, K ier, Joseph Baillie, 11. J. tiaini James Farrar, James Neeld, John Ne.ld, Jt,eph. F,Llowes, E. iii , b ‘...' ol e o, r rny g t: e a : rs s r ,o: John Sirlivo, i, S il 1 1 1E5 r i a.,n It. flaidock, E. IF. l'lewdc,:mte, N. Bald,‘ in, Barry :Newport, Vi.scount Bankes, G. Baring, Henry B. Noel, Gerald J. Norreys, Sir D. Baring, Sir Francis Forester, G. C. O'Brien, buci Baring, Thoma s k'ortescua, Chichester O'Connell,Sir M. J. Barrington, Viscount Fox, Richard. M. O'F,rr.dl, More Barrow, W. H. Fox, S. W. L. Ossulston, Lord Beckett, William Freesttui, Colonel rprvi o ,eaa k e r lke, n: e k,i ' I eeeiis,gr,ri.:tSrcoli Robert 1 In. r i .(:),% J ou nbvsb . e.eirdrrtet.ll.l. Bell, Matthew Freslifield, J. W. Beithow, John Frewen, C. H. Bennet, Philip Fuller, A. E. Bentinek, Lord H. Gallwey, Sir W. P. Beresford, William Galway, Viscount Palmerston, Vis Bernard, Viscount Gaskell, J. H. Best, John Gilpin, Colonel Peel, Colonel Blackstone, W. Gladstone, W. E. Pennant, Colonel Blandford, Marquis Goddard, A. L. Pinney, William Bolder°, George H. Gooch, E. S. Plowden, W. 11, Booker, T. W. Gore, W. R. 0. Portal, Melville Booth. Sir R. G. Gore, W. 0. Powlett, Lord W. Bowles, Admiral Goulburn, Henry Prime, Richard Bramston, T. W. Granby, Marquis of Pugh. David tlremridge, Richard Greenall, G. Pusey, Philip Bridges, Sir B. Greene, Thomas Reid, General Brisco, M. Grogan, Edward Repton, G. W. Breadwood, Henry Grosvenor, Lord R. Richards, Richard Brocklehurst, John Gwyn, Rowel Rushout, Captain Brooke, Lord Guernsey, Lord Sandars, George Brooke, Sir A.B. Hale, R. B. Sandars, Joseph 1 Bruce, Lord E. Halford, Sir Henry Scott, Francis Bruce, C. L. C. Hall, Colonel Seymer, Henry Ker Buck, L. W. Hallewell, E. G. Seymour, Lord Bulkelcy, Sir R. Halsey, T. P. Shelburne, Earl of Buller, Sir Y. Hamilton, G. A. Sibthorp, Colonel Bunbury, W. Hamilton, J. H. Sidney, Alderman Burghley, Lord . Hamilton, Lord C. Slaney, It. A. Burrell, Sir C. Harcou?r, G:'G. - Io 6 Somerton, Viscount Burroughis, 11. Hardinge, C. S. • Sotheron, T. H. S. Butler, P. S. Harris, Captain 4 „ Spooner, Richard Buxton, Sir E. N. Hayes, Sir E. Stafford, Augustus Cabbell, B. B. Heathcote, Sir G. J. Stanford, J. F. Campbell, W. F. Heneage, G. H. W. Staunton, Sir G. Campbell, Sir A. Henley, J. W. Stephenson, Robert Cardwell, Edward Herbert, Henry A. Stuart, H. Carew, W. H. Pole Herbert, Sydney Stuart, J. Carter, J. B. Herries,.J.:C. Sturt, 11. G. Castlereagh, Vise. Hervey, Lord A. Sutton, J. 11. Cayley, E. S. Hildyard, R. C. Talbot, C. It. Chandos, Marquis Hildyard, T. B. Taylor, Colonel Chaplin, We. J. Hill, Lord E. Tenison, E. K. Charterls, Francis Hodgson, We. N. Tennent, Sir J. Chatterton, Colonel Hogg, Sir J. W. Thesiger, Sir F. Chichester, Lord J. Hope, Sir J. Thompson, Alderman Child, Smith Rope, Henry T. Tollemache, F. J. Childers, J. W. Hotham, Lord Tollemache, John Chohneley, Sir M. Hudson, G. Towneley, John Christopher, R. A. Inglis, Sir It. Townley, R. G. Christy, Samuel Jermyn, Earl Trollope, Sir J. Clements, Charles Jocelyn, Viscount Tufnell, H. Clerk, Sir G. Johnstone, James Tyler, Sir G. Clive, R. H. Jolliffe, Sir W. G. Tyrell, Sir J. Clive, 11. B. Jones, Captain Verner, Sir W. Cobbold, J. C. Kelly, Sir F. Verney, si r H. Cochrane, A. D. Knightley, Sir C. Vesey, Thomas Cocks, T. S. Knight, F. W. Villiers, F. W. Codrington, Sir W. Knox, W. S. Villiers, Viscount Coke, lion. E. K. Knox, Colonel Vivian, J. H. Coles, H. i 4. Lacy, H. C. Vyse, R. H. Collins, Thomas Langton, W. H. Waddington, David Colvile, C. It. Lascelles, E Waddington, H. S. Conolly, Thomas Legh, G. C. Wall, c, B, Copeland, Alderman Lemon, Sir C. Walpole, Spencer Corry, Henry Lennard, T.:11. Walsh, Sir J. Cotton, W. 11. Lennox, Lord A. Wegg-Prosser, F. Cowper, W. F. Leslie, C. P. Welby, G. E. Cubitt, Alderman Lewisham, Viscount Wellesley, Lord C. Currie, 11. Lindsay, Colonel West, F. R, Davies, 1). A. Littleton, E. IL Westhead, J. B. Deedes, W. Lockhart, W. Whiteside, JameS Denison, Edmund Long, W. Whitmore, T. ,C. Denison, J. E. Wigrain, Loftus Williams, T. P. Dick, Quhstin Willyams, H. Disraeli, B. s tin ir t E. Willoughby, lvorcesteju S a if q kl uis . Williamson, Sir H. Dodd, U. Colonel ßalPh Lopes, Sir Henry Lygon, General Douro, Marquis of Mahon,Macnag hlterisneo. Drax, J. S. W. Drumlanrig, Viscount Manners, Lord C. Wortley, J. S. Wrightson 'W. B. Drummond, sHire J. Manners, Manners, Lord G. Wynn,W nn , Sirß W. Duncombe, A.We.Y IVyvill, Marmadake Duncombe, 0. March, Mamaen E , Masterman, John Yorke , E. T. Duncombe, W. E. Martin, C ar . L l ol lr rod . ij. TELLERS. LTohroas East, Sir J. B. H . G. Dunne, Colonel Maunsell, T. P. Du Pre, C. G. M M e ax uZ SrHon.SeilirHenry J. P. B Lennox,ates MINORITY—NOES, 165. Forster, M. Ord, William Fox, W. J. Paget, Lord George Geach, Charles I'echell, Sir G. Gibson, T. M. Peel, Frederick Glyn, G. C. Peto, Samuel M. Grenfell, C. Pascoe Philips, Sir G. 11. Grenfell, Charles W. Pigott, Francis they, It. W. Pilkingten, James Hall, Sir 11. Ponsonby, C. F. Hamner, Sir J. Ricardo, John L. Hardcastle, J. A. Ricardo, Osman Harris, Richard Ric©, E. R. llastie, Alexander Robartes, T. J. Hatchell, John Roebuck, J A. Ilayter, W. G. Romilly, Colonel Headlam, T. E. Romilly, Sir John Heneage, Edward Russell, Lord J. Henry, Alexander Russell, E. Heywood, James Russell, F. C. Heyworth, Lawrence Salwey, Colonel Bill, Lord M. Scholefield, William 'Dudley Charles Scobell, Captain Hobhouse, T. B. Scrope, G. I'. Hodges, T. L. Seymour, 11. D. Hodges, T. Twisden Shafto, R. D. Horsman, E. Smith, Vernon Howard, Lord E. Smith, J. A. Hume, J. Smith, John B. Humphery, Ald. Smythe, George Hutchins, E. J. Somerville, Sir W. Hutt, William Spearman, H.. 7. Jackson, William Stanfield, W. R. Kershaw, James Strickland, Sir G. King, P. J. Strutt, E. Labouchere, Henry Stewart, Admiral Langston, J. H. Stuart, Lord D. Locke, Joseph Tancred, H. W. Loveden, Pryse Thicknesse,R. A. Lnshington, C. Thompson, Colonel Mackinnon, W. A. Thornely, Thomas Mangles, R. D. Townshend, Captain Marshall, J. G. Trevor, G. R. Mar tin, John Villiers, Charles Melgund, Viscount Wakley, Thomas Milligan, Robert Walmsley, Sir J. Milner, W..M. Watkins, Colonel Milton, Visconut Willcox, Brodie Mitchell, T. A. Williams, John Moffatt, George Williams, W. Molesworth, Sir W. Wilson, James Moncreiff, James Wilson, Matthew Morris, David Wood, Sir W. P. Mostyn, E. M. Mowatt, Francis TELLEIIB. Murphy, F. S. Rich, Henry Norreys, Lord Evans, Sir De Lacy Ahdy, Sir T. N. Adair, Hugh E. Adair, H. Shaft° Aglionby, H. A. Alcock, Thomas Anderson, Arthur Anson, General Anstey, T. C. Armstrong, Sir A. Armstrong, lt. B. Baines, M. T Jacob Berkeley, Admiral Berkeley, 11. F. Berkeley, C. L. G. Bernal, Ralph Bethel, R. Birch, Sir T. Blair, Stephen Boyle, Colonel Bright, John Brockman, E. D. Brotherton, J. Brown, Humphrey Brown, W. _ Sunbury, E. IL Caulfeild, J. M. Cavendish, C. C. Cavendish, W. G. Clay, James Clay, Sir W. Cobden, Richard Cockburn, Sir A. Colebrooke, Sir T. Cowan, Charles Craig, Sir W. G. Crowder, R. B. Davie, Sir H. Dawes, Edward D'Eyncourt, C. T. Divett, Edward Duff, G. S. Duff, James Duncan, 'Viscount Duncan, George Dundas, Sir David Ellice, Edward Ellis, John Elliot, J. E. Evans, John Evans, William Ewart, William Fergus, John Freestun, Colonel Fitzroy, lion. H. Fordyce. A. I). COUNTY ELECTIONS. Motion made, and Question proposed, " That leave be given to bring in a Bill to allow Candidates to give refresh ment to Voters at County Elections to a limited amount." The House divided : Adderley, Archdan MAJORITY—AYES, 5 8 . C C a . p ß ta . Egerton, , E. Sir P. Paking ton, Sir J. Pigot, Francis Baiffie, H. J. Forbes, William Pinney, W. Boldero, 11. G. Forester, G. C. Scott, F. Bateson, T. Frewen, C. H. Seynier, H. K. Bell, Jacob Galway, Viscount Sotheron, T. H. S. Beresford, William Gvvyn, Llowel Spooner, Richard Bremridge, Richard Hamilton, G. A. Stafford, Augustus; Bridges, Sir B. Hamilton, Lord C. Tennent, Sir J. Bruce, C. L. C. Henley, J. W. Trollope, Sir J. Burghley, Lord Herbert, H. A. Tyler, Sir G. Christy, S. Jones, Captain Tyrell, Sir J. T. Clements, Charles Kelly, Sir F. Walpole, 5, II Codrington,:Sir W. Knox, W. S. Wortley, J. S. Cotton, W. S. Langton, C. Wrightson W.B. Davies, D. A. W. H. Yorke, E. T. Deedes, W. , Manners, Lord J. Disraeli, B. Mullings, J. B. Dunne, A: Naas, Lord Dunne, Colonel Napier, Joseph Edwards, Henry Newport, Viscount muss, Buxton, Sir E. Christopher, R. MINORITY-NOES, 19. Anstey, Thomas Hall, Sir B. St ewart, Admiral j H o e ll y i;e s , o s d i , r James lv.o . Thompson,Stuart, L or d c D o l . 0 n el Booth, Sir R. G. Lennox, Lord 11. G. Peto, Samuel TELLERS. `halides, idarq . Romilly, Sir John Aglionby, H. A. D'Eyncourt, T. B B arri ass, n 3si gt . oni.Viseotutt Seholefield„William T hornely, Thomas Fergus on, Sir R. Stanford, J. F. otherton, Joseph SUITORS IN C HANCERY:RELIEF BILL. Motion made, and Question put, " That the Petition of the Society of Attorneys, Solicitors, Proctors, and others, in corporated by Charter of King William the Fourth and Queen Victoria, for alteration (presented 23d April), be printed." The House divided:— MINORITY -AYES. l 2. Aglionby, 11. A. Fellowes, Edward Lang W. 11. Barrington, Lord. Forbes, Win. Stanford, to, J. F. P. Bruce, C. L. Frewen, C. 11. TM Cotton, W. H. Gwyn, Bo welMullings, LEltil. J. It. Duncombe, A. L acy, IL C. Spooner, R. MAJORITY-NOES, 44. Adderley, C. B. Egerton, Sir P. Homily, Sir J. Anstey, Thomas C. Ferguson, Sir R. Scholefield, W. Bell, Jacob Galway, Viscount Scott, Francis Beresford, William Hall, Sir B. Seymer, H. K. Booth, Sir R. G. Hamilton, Geo. A. Stafterd, Augustus Bridges, Sir B. Hamilton, Lord C. Stewart, Admiral Burghley, Lord Henley, J. W. Stuart, Lord 1). Buxton, Sir E. Herbert, 11. A. Tennent, Sir J. Carter, J. B. Jolliffe, Sir W. H. Chaudos, Marquis of K e l ly, Sir F. Troliope, Sir J. Christopher. It. N aas, Lord Wrightson , W. B. Christy, Samuel N ap i er, Joseph York, E. T. Clements, C. S. N ewport, Visct. Thompson, Colonel Deedes, W. P ak i ngton, Sir John TELLY.REI. Dunne, Colonel • Pet°, Samuel Thornely, T. Edwards, 11. Pigott, Francis Brotherton, Joseph [ ADV ERTISEMENT.]—HoIIoway's Pills, an admirable Remedy for the Cure of Bile, Indigestion, and Liver Corn plaints.—The widow of an officer in the East India Company's Service had been residing many years in Calcutta, where her liver and stomach had become so deranged that she could with difficulty digest any kind of food. She suffered almost un ceasingly from sick headache, nervousness, and l o wness of spirits, the resu lt s o f a d e bilit a ted constitution. The medic ! aid she had there was of no avail, and her friends gave 011 hope of a recovery until she had recour se to Holloway's P ills , which in about six weeks restored her t o sound and perfect health.--Sold by all Druggists and at Professor Holloway' Establishment, 244, Strand, London. E s q., of Cloyne House, land d s ha E s M RAappAoGinlSteTdJCohlrn.--ivTilhkeinsLono,rd Chancellor 9f Ire ttho ethroooecommoimaniedsiaotnioonf of t h t e he p of Saw:lon, Lieutenant of etzae f o r the county Earl of Cork, on the county. FINE ARTS. THE NATIONAL INSTITUTION. A private view of the pictures collected together in the Portland Gallery (316, Regent-street) enabled art the display e d Nai'n c e in t the walls o n f . ; us, on S a t un i a y, to o b serve the progress made by the ;: ri j r e i v i era eiP l o a l f contriworksbutors o f to ia h ll o y n i o n thet depart ment upon the i fi : i rj e g i p i, r . inc h se i7 o l o 1 a s e , a f rt p m e i e e n t t i s e g , re c fl e p e e e e t , in which our artists as a body have long proved themselves unrivalled—that of landscapes. Produc tions of various merit—some as admirable as, it must be admitted, others are execrable—to the number ' altogether of 381, serve at once to demonstrate that our cultivators of art are industrious at least, if not all peculiarly gifted, and that the patrons of art are • munificent, if not in every instance discriminating. Foreign scenery is in the present exhibition as fre quently pourtrayed as usual, from the Pyne-like view of Tbun in Switesrlend (20), b-,' J. A. Harninersley, to the Venetian Sketch, by W. 'Oliver (119), show log the Canal St. Fronero. Happily there are others of a more bony -!!rawn character, such as H. le. Willis's (67) " Sueuy Scene on the Severn in Glou c-,.ster,bire"—an Exquisi:e English landscape, painted )$: iql poetical truthfuint , s to eerie, feel with a sense of the c`. - .arnctcristics of rural U, in this island, indicative of a easseulies. :..nfi yet subtle apprci.,tion. Another painting from the same h;And, set '•I th:,u4la it, i,;, and consequently restricted in vigor., is nevertheless expressive of the s , 4nr- , admirable capseiiiss, revealieg (76) " A Sketch from Nature of a Little Nook near the Lover's Sea', Susses —e came appropriate to so sylvan and loveable a spot for acher tryst or contemplation. Yet a third composition from the easle of H. B. Willis (302), " The Pleasant Time of Harvest," demands from U 3 a no less earnest expression of our admiration. His partiality for those two horses we cannot regret, seeing how marvellously well he depicts them always, how exquisitely the whole scene harmonizes, and how charmingly the artist, in developing his own original powers, can emulate simultaneously the very opposite excellences of Collins and of Herring. One of the Landers—J. Eckford to wit—has a singularly clever and ingenious representation of (23) "Master Walter Scott and his friend Sandy Ormistoun." Child though the future romancist is—in every feature, in the serious, earnest expression, in the lofty forehead, and quaint mixture of severity and good humour (traceable possibly to that long upper lip —a sign of wisdom according to some phyaiognomi s t s ), a str i king resemblance is traceable to the aeknowled ge d portrait of the Great Unknown, from the e e Lbunsutdbeyrs,Cthhaienttirmeye it to . the Scott, Sic e 1 contributes e of considerabl e di mension, of sublime purport, of b ast A t n w o e t h w e e r r of ks enormous pretension. Yet both are, to our thinking, not merely signal but absolutely ure painful failures— (72)(72) .1 s-- " The Crucifi x i on ," a subjecttoo awful to be lightly treated in th e style of mere pictorial melodrama, and (168) " Christ teaching Humility" —(pity Mr. Lauder could no t t a ke a lesson in that same virtue of humility)—in which the faces are weird and unearthly as corpses galvanized into a semblance of life, and in which the very raiments also partake of the unnatural in their piebald variegation. Not less raw in colouring is the little river-side study, near Battersea, of F. W. Hulme (34), called " High and Dry." A triple picture, somewhat in the rigid style of Millais, eulogizedby Ruskin, represents the skill of J. Zephania Bell and (24) the story of " Ellen of Kirconnel." Incomparably the most gifted contributor to the walls of the Portland Gallery, and to the catalogue of the National Institution, is Sidney R. Percy. Several of his paint ings this season are perfect masterpieces—especially that exquisite composition (39) " An Osier Bed on the Thames," which should henceforth be always dis tinguished by the bird with the metallic blue plumage on the gnarled limb of the fallen timber—as the kingfisher. Another work by Percy Sidney (101) the " Eagle's Nest, Killarney," a third (294) entitled " Willows," and a fourth (149) delineating the " Llyn Mymbyr, N. W." reveal his extraordinary and ver satile powers as an artist, capable ofyepresenting with equal truthfulness the scenery of England, Wales, and Ireland. Edward Armitage has a droll picture (60) called " Sunday Trading—a hard case," which, with its phantom policeman and timid little orange girl, we would earnestly commend to the Saba batarians. The Williamses as usual are in remark able force—" Carnarvon Castle, Moon Rising," by E. Williams, sen a being a wonderful revelation of darkness visible, the same artist's (74) " Heath Scene —storm cle ar i ng off," being as lurid as Alfred W. Williams's (69) " Pass of Nant Francon," is sunny and exhilarating. R. Burchitt has an admirable portrait in his likeness of (88) the Right Rev. Dr. Ullathorne. There is, of course, another " Burning of the Amazon" (139), this time for the benefit of Miss Smith, and from the hand of Captain Inglefield. "An Attractive Tune" (204), by Daniel Passmore, represents an old fiend of a fiddler ecraping diabolical discord from the fi catgut, with an eldtiteh lock, enough in its ugliness to frighten any sensible infant into fits. "The Highlands" (245), by Mrs. M`lan, would b© excellent but for the water, that looks like a conglo merate of mud, gravel, and shavings—in fact, as un like water as anything we ever saw depicted. A really extraordinary effect in the way of perspective is produced by J. W. Glass in his (255) " Free Companions." Saoh a " London Sunrise" as that pointed &by H. Dawson (296), no mortal ever wit nessed from Battersea Reach to the Isle of Dogs— . with its raw o•aniboge glare, and its lacework clouds similarly tinted, giving one the best idea imaginable of the aspect of the golden fleece. During the prin cipal portion of Saturday the rooms were sufficiently crowded to indicate the popularity of the National Institution. NAVAL INTELLIGENCE. hmeraejeysets:erda,,y PORTSMOUTH, MONDAY.—The Rodney, 90, Captain Graham, C. 8., is ordered to complete with four months' provisions, and will leave Spithead about the latter end of which of the week, previous to which she will bs paid advance. It is reported she is going to Plymouth and Queenstown in the endeavour to make up her complement, she wants about 150. 116, The Encounter, 14, Captain Gordon, has been taken ' anything into the angle dock to-day to refit. The Sampson, 6, steam-frigate, Captain T. W. Jones, h y ay s in s e cre to w uehedat re turnedwhich l t e o f t Spitheadon Saturday this a f t t e o r n l o o oonk withoutfor the seeingg ueen of her. Bat the wind has suddenly shifted to-day . to - S.S.E., and therefore she may be expected hourly. afternoon. steam ship Conflict, from South America, C o P r k is a 3 nTF lll aln h i l ou " th D , A a Y r .— riv ii ed er General Rosas is en board. His Netherlands Majesty's sloop -of-war Zwaluw, 16 guns, Captain Noorduyn, from Bat • h ero yesterday morning, saluted th.avia, which arr i ve d 21 guns, and the flog of Admiral Sir 9 citadel to-d a y with a with 17 guns, which compliments John O mmaune y, acknow ledged from the ramp ar t s and from were duly Impregnable, in llameaz,, her Majesty's ship Dutch Consul, paid an " Mr. John L uscom b e , the morning. official visit on board this Commodore Superintendent sumed his duty a t the Sir Michael Seymour re- The French ship Louis dockyard on Saturday. XIV., from C a lc u tta, for Dun kirk, arriv e d here yesterday. Decemb er . On S., long. 2S 11 E the26th of January s poke, in lat. 33 8 English ship Indian, from Penang, for London. F e b tha r 16th passed St. "17 doubled the Cape. On the Helena; on the 19th, in lat. 12 14, long. 12 16, spoke the barque Vilore, from Cal cutta ( 25 th of November), for Liverpoo l ; on the 23d of F e b ruary passe d Ascension - on the 2 9th of February, lat. 1 36, long. 21 35 Ascension; spoke French ship Jules and Aglae, for Bordeaux, which vessel had previously spoken the Cyrene, from Bor deaux for Monte Video, in lat. 1 47 N., long. 23 W.; on the 19th of March, in lat. 15 44 N. , l o n g . 36 24 W., spoke the F renc h ship Sarah, from 'Minion. April the 7th. in lat. 46 31 N., long. 20 5 W., passed a ship with " Greenpoint " on her larboard quarter. April 14, in lo.t. 48 47 N., long. 15 40 W., passed a Russian ship from Singapore, which left on the 15th of November, for Cowes. APPOINTMENTS Woomfics, Aran726 —Master Jo. , ;3ph Wallis (1850) t: - .) the Argus, 6, steam-sloop of 300. horse• power, ad vanced war steamer, at Devonport. Surgeon William Webber, M.D. (1852), to the Brito mart, 8, brig, at Devonport, The Torch iron steam-vessel, tender to the Herald, for surveying service in the South Seas, will be ready to p r oceed down the River on trial on May 8, and both vessels are expected to be fully ready for sea in about a fortnight from this time. While iron vessels are con tinued in the Royal Navy, it i s necessary to emp lo y t h e m, but it would be's source of satisfaction and con fidence were each of the officers and crew supphed w 11 4 . 1. life preservers. These useful safeguards alight be snp plied as fittings, and returned into store when iron ves sels are paid off. i hotioes sr speaksi v it C . eh h a ti r Chann e l. ol : - - - ---- TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN. A he rtm ioastars,anadre Birt,—l observe that Captain Penny has published in your well asre valuable yse l : w o journal c i l ia :: , n o s p va i i n ga i a o : n ek: mate of the Renovation saw only w e h y a e t , h , e n c: ti l e l t s . ‘ h ` country ships." ships." If it is his wish to prevent a further investtp.. Lion into the truth of this e xtraordinary narrative, it btblbelecontrary, should be, known that many of my brother officers, as that t e of, e near the of quite a different opinion ; and we can easily discern * . I°Tl of thirty or that Captain Penny's " practised Banks aTn directed khseriee f is towardstheNewfoundland. ch is so-called ioTnli V ac, s p of 'Ca is absurd be thlt t . .he narrative of the opinion forty years to prodace such ythoantditalitscfoar m e o n r t e ; p on ro captain and mato of th e 11, the missing ships went rnovatiqn is true, thin that the Polar Sea. u the • • P Victoria Channel into We hope and trust that in the investigation they the Admiralty will not relax interesting have so laudably begun on this subject. I am, Sir, your obedient servant, North-West C JOHN ROSS, Rear-Admiral. Castle, Stranraer, April 23. 0 'll Sunday, April 25, twenty-tour persons re nounced the errors of Popery in the church of St. rad. Btinaundriey, Logdon. Ifis TA. i sd id;