The Sun. — London, England, 1852-06-16 00:00:00

the upper class would be most severely fat by the poorer elms, it is dezirable, therefore, so G.r an you ceu consistently with the exigencies of thq public srvice, to avoid irspesing a tax of this kind up)n thoe who may be unable to bF ur ir. In the Bill of the late Govern- ,Mete - , as in the Act of 1802. it was proposed in the first matance to proceed to the ballot. The present Gevern 1/ion% however, considered most anxiously whether it would not be possible altogether to dispense with the riccessity of hying recourse to a mode of proceeding so adverse to the feelings of the couwry, one' involving so raueh additional expense, inconvenience, and hardship, as d after all, in nineteen cases out of twenty, not obtain ing the services of those upon whom the ballet falls. In the year 1831, which was the last occesiou when the ballot wits put into exercise, a force was required to be raised of 2,500 men. There were balloted for not less than 18,000, and of that number, after going through Sill the processes of the preliminary inquiry, there were 1 5,000 or 16,000 exemptions which were claimed and stalest tatiated, while of the 2,000 or 3,000 actually taken not more than 120 of those who were balloted for served in tee force; the remainder having provided oubstitutos. It came, there ore, to this—that by the volunteer system you will get at once the same clue of Persons—not th e most desirable, perhaps, but still ea 'Pablo of malting very good soldiers—who serve as sub stitutes after you have gone through all the delay, este d Pmse, and inconvenience of the ballot. Lot me just Point out to the House, with a view of showing the delay and expense of proceeding under the ballot, some of the e ateps which are necessary to put that eystem in petition. -th the first place, as soon as possible after the 10th et October, a sub-division meeting is appointed to be held In every county; hate are then• to he retuned of all !nen -between the ages of 18 end 45 in the division; thee conies a notice to persons claiming exemption; lists are next to be made out of persons who have not claimed exemption, notice of appeal is then to be given, and, after disposing of the appeals, complete lists are to be Slade out and forwarded by each sub division meeting to the general meeting of the county. This f:eneral re turn is then to be forwarded to tho Secretary of State, tie numbers to be raised are apportioned to each sub -division, then comes a second meeting of the sub divi sion to appoint the members subject to the arrangements iisued by the general meeting. Three weeks after that ti third sub-division meeting is to be held, to proceed to take the ballet. Notice is then to be given of the lien who have been struck by the ballot, and three Weeks after a fourth sub. division meeting is obliged to be held for the purpose of calling upon the men ultimately chosen by the ballot, to appear to show cause if they can why they should not serve. All these pros 'eeedings occupy a period of, from first to last, not much Short of three months, to say nothing of the great ex- Pause incurred in the various stages. The great bulk of these expenses were, under the Act of /802, defrayed from the county rates. We look upon this ai a grievous pressure upon the local finances of the country, and we believe that even it it cannot be altogether avoided, yet, 48 far as possible, we desire to threw it upon the gene tunda of the country, it being clearly and unexcep r• )l a3blv an expense which should be borne by the coca 't3l at large. We hope that in most cases we may be able to dispense with the tedious and expensive machi lerY of the ballot. We hoped- so at the commencement of the session, and further information which we have since received leade us to believe that in many, if not in thost, of the comities of England we ehell experience no difficulty whatever in raising the quota which may be :zed by volunte e rs, and without having recourse to the (Hear.) We do not purpose to.alter the cha racter of the existing militia—we do not desire to intro duce a force of a less constitutional character than the PreSent militia—we do not wish to obtain an army of reserve under the name of a militia; but we desire to le ave the force, subject as the present force is, to the e 2 t reesand of those country gentlemen who, in the time w danger to the country, have never hesitated to teke t heir proper places in its defence, and who are entitled to recei ve , as u p o n for me r o ccas i ons they have received, , faie confidence of tho Crown in raising and commanding _" 1 .0 force when necessary. We have, however, with a 'law to the increased efficiency of the force, made an . al teration in the qualifications of the different ranks of the officers. While under the present system the legal qualification depends upon the possession of landed pro- P,,arty, we propose that with respect to all officers below "la rank of major—that having the honour to hold a c ommission in her Majesty's service shall be assumed to be a sufficient qualification for the militia. At the a L ltte time let me guard myself by saying that it is not "ended in the slightest degree, by the introduction of officers holding commissions in the regular forces, to in terfere in any degree in this appointment—that will *till rest as before with the lord-lieutenants of the re aPeetive counties. The time for which we propose the militia shall be called out in each successive year is a P e riod of 21 days, liable to be diminished at the discre ,"on of her M a je s ty to three days, comprising, in point el-c foot, nothing more than a mere muster, and of being extended to not less than fifty-six days. Ido not Pretend to say that a drill of twenty-one days is euffi eient to . convert a raw recruit into an effective aaldie r; but I think it will not be contradi cted that a pe tied ; 0 fifty-six days under able and intelligent officers quite su ff icient to enable the rawest cou ntr y recruits 4 to take that position, and discharge all the duties which, Zen in the event of an invasion, they would be likel y to : called upon to occupy end perform, while even a drill i' twenty-one days will be found to be of great advantage t he n Billseqis a provisi on uent training. for A enabling the Boardp o nother im fportant oiOrds nt in ge nes gi to select, at a higher rate of pay, some men from a Militia for the purpose of instructing them in the 12 of artillery—a knowledge which could not fail to be serviceable to them when called upon to perform gar ti • s ox duty. There are provisions in the Bill for equttlis hg the pressure of raising the men in different years. It b;Propesed that of the 80,000 men 50, 000 should be raised the present year ' and a reduction being then made in the a( available population for future years, not more than MOO will be raised in the following year. There is a Pr ovision also, that in the event of the 50 , 000 not being Zised in th e pr ese nt year, an excess over the 30,000 ii i 4 Y be raised in the next year, sufficient to make up ee e ,number of 80,000; and in the event of threat 'ited or actual invasion, power is reserved to her alesty to increase the total force to 120,000 men. LProposing the adoption of the volunteer system we are Ire land adopting a plan which was in actual operation in e 'ssd during the whole of the last war. In the course of th a last war the number of men who volunteered into the regulart troops from the militia was 6 4 , 000 ; and among h 'octi the Noble Duke at the table (Wellington) will not eeitat e to say that he found many who, after a very Sh ort h period of service, were every way worthy to stand ,!,tbe side of the old-trained soldier of the Peninsular. wo kßear, hear.) We propose then to revert to the li-known constitutional system of the militia, but we jt.. °Pose to rever s e the process which has hitherto taken Plac e, and instead or making volunteers subordinate to, ', l _ l d following the b a ll o t, we propose to take the ballot as t he lest resource. We believe confidently that in the teat majority of the counties, without the expense at tendant upon the ballot, and without much difficulty, we 41 1 all raise by volunteers the full number of men which kay be required, and that this force will be raised by Persons who as volunteers will receive at once that b ounty which they would receive as substitutes under th e ballot, with all its inconveniences and expense. While upon the one hand I do not feel it consistent with te c ite discharge of the high and important duty which .evnives upon me to deprive the Crown of the last re- L a tirce, of that which I think necessary, though undoubt rclY an inconvenient and oppressive mode o; proceeding t ) r the serv i ce o f t h e cou ntry, yet I desire to postpone 4 ,7 exercise of that method until all others have been i rd- I believe that in the course of the year wo shall o kAli4 the experience that it will not be necessary to Spirit recourse to any such proceeding; but that the of Englishmen will induce them to come forward v olunteers—to tender their services first of all, no z_a_ubt, for the performance of a comparative trifling duty, at eventually to take upon themselves to perform those "t ° re effective ones which may fall upon them in case it Sh ould be necessary to employ them in a c t ua l serv i ce : I tr u• st that your Lordships will give, if not a n unan i mous , : 1 ,91 events a very general concurrence to a policy, 7 4 10 h, following in the first instance the course ream ,,nded by the late Government, but departi ng f rom t h e ran. recommended by it with respect to some of th e de ails, we have thought it our bounden duty to attempt to ; through Parament for he purpe of iving er ectand entire security to the t country os not against any Present invasion, but egainstth© possibility of hostile ag tression.—(Hear, hear.) I beg, my Lords, to move the second reading of the Militia Bill. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE said that he felt too greatly th e importance of the subject to remain altoge ther silent on the prese n t occasion. While he was n ot P r epared to give his negat ive to the motion of the Noble Earli he felt it his duty thus earl y in the debate to state h e grounds upon which he assented to the proposed 3111 aasure. He believed, i n common with her Majesty's ; 4 .°N - erne:net, with his colleagu es with whom he had re -04 acted, and he might add in common with the t Zgest portion of the reflecting people of th i s co untr y , t - Ot it would be utterly unsafe to l e a ve the defences of h' e country in their present condition, and he would er er shrink from taking his share in any unp o p ularit y A'' j ell might attach to an a ttempt to put those defences ti e a More effective state. He was bound , however, at p : same time, to say that while he abstained from op e4trag such a measure, because be felt in the present rc urastancea of the country and of Parliament , if the y not pass this measure they could adopt uo m easure ti all if, Calculated to give efficiency to our defences— 'ipas said, on that ground he was bound so far to give a w ing acquiescence to the adoption of the measure, it pe SEDISIIIy his duty to state fairly and without estsg ;tation the doubts end difficulties that pressed on his all, if with respect to the efficiency of this measure; above if it was to be considered as a solitary measure for mee ting the exigencies of the defences. What was the tit i f 11 ,_re of those exigencies? It would be a different case co u ay wore preparing by slow deg re es to to raise this Ought to occupy. Bat it was not a crisis—admitting tne anon Possibility acted war. of invasion — What we redthat woulu ired be likwas ely a large t o m a d fi - s - -rotrq Cr e r ae stationed along our shores , which should at once Z ia ush suc h an invas i on . Now did this measure give us a ssurance that an efficient a nd well-disciplined army r t - ' 1 , 1 ! ? Be was compelled to come to the conclusion that trt V not. Wh a t would be the effect of t went y -one da y s' iA 4 n l 4, or even of forty-two or fifty-six days' training, furnishing us with the materiel which we wanted? Ho had be e n it- that from a drill told, on competent au, ioi , ' a nu m b er o f recruits f or t h e reg ular army, the utmost thatbo could b e expecte d o f t h em i n t wenty-oho day s would 1 , 1 that they s h ou l d b e a bl e t o march.--(A laugh.) tr icy would certainly not be considered fit to be en aved with muskets or bayonets. At least twenty-one d ays' more drill wou ld be rtquisite before they could be Permitt e d to carr y such arm t 's Wel', then, would a militia i broe, chilled hi one or evcial t )( t o CD , with be in a state „Lend an exp ee t e ,,, ed, power ful, and well tfined army?—(Hear, h ear.) Is wou ld be an alarming State of things to fancy we had such au army' when in SUN, be ready to be called out at almost an hour's notice. Now, ' he asked, would the proposed militia answer that de ' ecrip"on? It was obvious that no force not permanently lembodied could be seffisiently disciplined to meet regular o Their main reliance must be on their How could they expect to get men to armytrop s and i rho navy, field. 11 serve at 7s. a week who were probably receiving at least 12e a week wages as labourers? They proposed also to tike them from their homes for a period of five years, in order remake them serve as common soldiers, with the disadvantages of being subject to martial law and to the regular military discipline. Looking at all the induce ments held out to the soldier, he was of opinion that the soldier's career was by no means a bad one to him who was ready to do his duty. But this was not the care with the militia. If they paid down the bounty at once they would probably get the most worthless of the po pulation, who would be tempted by the amount to enlist. He feared that under this Bill men would be found pocketing the bounty, with which they would proceed to California, to Canada, or the United States, and that when they were wanted they would not be forthcoming. And now a word upon the subject of desertion. By the Act of 1803, it was proposed to raise an aeiny of reserve of 49,880 teen. The number actually raised was 45,492. Of these 2,873 were balloted men, substitutes for re crutte. Of the whole number only 44,071 joined their regiments, and of these. during ten months, 5,651 de serted, or were claimed as deserters. and 2,116 were charged with committing other offences. Under this kill, if men coitiel not be procured by voluntary enlist• ment, recourse was to be had to the ballot. There was this, however, to be urged as a merit in the Act of 1803 —namely, that every balloted man could claim from the parima in which he lived one-half of the cur rent price of a substitute, provided a certificate vvere procured from the deputy-lieutenant of the county. If the price of a sulestituto should rise to 301., which was a low average, the party could call upon the perish to pay him 151. Although this provision was beneficial to the individual, it was not so to the country, which might, on account of 80,000 men, be called upon within the next two years to pay, perhaps, a sum of 1,200.0001. He thought it particularly hard upon the people of the manufacturing districts to compel service or impose a heavy fine. Witte regard to prece dent, he denied that the principle on which put militias had been raised was that of pressing the lower orders into . service, tee nervn preference to the classes above them. By au Act of Charles i 11. the OMB of furnishing to the ranks of tho militia was thus established. A man pos ' sewing; 501. a year, or 6001. in money, was to supply a foot seldiete A person receiving 6001. a year, or in the possession of 6,0001. in money, a horse soldier ; and men of smaller property were • to club their funds together, to enable them to supply their contingent. He believed in the patriotism of the people of this country, bat it behoved Parliament to beware how it alienated that feeling of patriotism by committing an act of injustice. But he had other objections to the Bill. Whilst he be lieved the oldie would prove a failure he at the same time felt confident that it would interfere with recruit- ing for the regular army. It was impossible to go into the market for 80,000 men for this torce without crip- ' pling regular enlistment. It could be incontestably. shown that the ballot had, in past times, hod „the 'effect of checking the ordinary recruiting for theetilloynand that men held back in the hopo of being regaireel'as substi tutes in the militia. He cerifesSed he shared in the ge neral persuasion that this measure would never be car ried into effective operation. If it was, he thought it would succeed in enlisting only the least steady, the least industrious, and the least intelligent portion of the working population. Would it be wise to procure such men, partially train them in the use of arms, and then, after the lapse of five years, turn them loose upon the country ? The danger of such a course bad been felt in France, and it would be well to evert it here. At the present moment there was no political excitement emongst the working (dames, owing, as he believed, to there being no grounds of complaint as to their condi tion; but it ought to be remembered that ten years had not yet passed over our heads since it was necessary to send a military fOrcelnto the manufacturing districts to restore order. He denied that there was any inconsis tency in opposing this Bill and supporting that of Lord John Russell, for the -two measures were essentially different, so different that it was hardly possible to ap prove of the one and not disapprove of the other. The one measure provided for what was called a local militia, and the other for a general militia; both proposing to take the measure passed at the period of the last war as a foundation. In 1809 Lord Castle reagh, in introducing the Bill for the formation of a local militia, maintained what he (Earl Grey) con tended ought to be the principle on which a reserve force ought to be enrolled to assist the regular army. Under ttie old Act, in case of actual invasion, the local militia could be removed to or from any part of the country, and such was the intention of the Bill of Lord John Russell. Lord Castlereagh proposed a strictly local force, to be permanently embodied in case of ac tual invasion, and then only in case of the inability on the part of counties to supply voluntary corps. He (Berl Grey) thought it unfortunate that the intention of Lord Castlereagh had been departed from, and that a local mititia, which had proved a most valuable force, was supplanted by a regular militim Since the war the regular militia had cost the country 8,000,000/, and from that period to the present he doubted whether it had contributed one iota to the safety of the empire. Lord J. Russell in his Bill proposed that no militia should be raised in those counties where voluntary corps could be established. The contingent to be supplied by an organized police ought not to be forgotten. 53 be lieved that at the present moment in a majority of oar counties the police force was inefficient end ineffective— (Hear, hear)—and he thought county magis trates would do well if, proceeding upon the authority of Acts of Parliament, they set about forming a more complete police force than now existed, the expenee of the force to be thrown upon the general revenue. A police force formed on the model of the Irish constabulary would be a protection to the country in time of war, and could rend er most eff ective service in time of peace. It was also a part of the plan of Lord John Russell to assist the formation of 'volunteer rifle corps, on the understateding that they were recommended by the lord-lieutenants of counties, and that the parties who composed them should find their own arms and accoutrements. Such a force would add, he thought, to the safety of the country. By encouraging such corps the practice of the rifle would become as much an amuse ment with the young men who belonged to them, as the use of the bow did with our ancestors. In a period of actual invasion such a force would be found far superior to a mere body of mercenaries, and although it might not be able to contend with the disciplined troops of Russia or France it Eoglaud, prove a very formidable it would, as cont ainin g the flower of the young met, auxiliary to th e regu lar army. The measure of his Noble Friend w ou ld h a ve reduced the per iod of embodi ment to the mi n i mum o f twelve months , o r, in ordinar y circumstances, six months. The great objection to the present Bill was, that the better classes of the people would not expose themselves to the risk of being celled out to serve as soldiers for so 'lung a period as five years, in the event of a war breaking cut. The Government had, et the same time, virtually rejected the (dere of the volunteer corps, un der the idea that the y would interfere wi t h t h e serv i ce of the militia. That, however, was a fallacy ; for the class o f p ersons who could afford to fur n i s h themselves with arms and an coutremente were not likely to enlist in the militia as common soldiers. The Bill of his Noble Friend ad mitted substitutes, and thoueh, un d ou btedly, it also al lowed the ballot—it wad only as a last resort or reserve; and if he had conceived there was the least possibility of its being practically requ i re d an d enforced, he wo uld Bever have been a party to the proposal of the measure by the late Governthent. He conceived, upon these grounds that the differences between the two measures were so serious and so muc h ma tt e r of principles that it was impossible for anyone who had adopted the first measure to agree to the present one. ' He would now offer a few observations on the general state of the de fences of the country. He considered that we must mainly rely on the ' regular troops and the navy— principally on the navy. He was of opinion that we ought to possess a naval force su- , perior to any other force which wo could ever have • to meet in the Channel —equal to the navies of France and Russia. It was not nece ssar y that the • force should be. always in the Channel, but within a mo derate distance, whence it could be brought back in a short time. ' It was'better for the discipline of the navy that it should be stationed in the Mediterranean or in the Tagus than at POrtsmouth. The Government should take care, however, to have information of what was going on abroad, so awto have a force always available at short notice, superior to any force we might have to meet. A superior naval force diminished the necessity for a standing army, which, after all, was the only force on which, when it came to actual fighting, we could place any reliance. With a superior naval force we might do, of course, with a far' less military force. Ile did not believe the defences of the country to be in so inadequate a. condition as had been represented; on the contraryaour . naval force had been augmented since 1846, and the number of troops (excluding artillery) was about the same. The artillery also had been placed upon such a footing that it. would soon be nearly double what 1 it was when Lord J. Russell acceded to office. This was the branch of the service which, as it took most time to train, ought most to be looked to in a period of peace. His opinion was, that means should be taken to provide for properly increasing the regular troops. This could not be provided for by a mere increase of the standing army. It was requisite to take means for se curing the more rapid recruiting of the troops in time of war, and for making the force as efficient as possible. With respect to the system of recruiting and trainiug,'he believed considerable improvement might be introduced in order to attain these objects. In 1847 he had intro duced a Bill to shorten the period of . enlistment to 10 years. The illustrious Duke (Wellington), whose opi nion on such. subjects it would be presumptuous to dis pute, hail then declared the effect of such a measure would ba to depri ve t h e army of numbers of valuable men who had served :,no r ethan 10 years. ' Bat he (Earl Grey) doubted whether i it limo not be well even to in cur, that incouv en i euce in cure the great obj ect of a lm°ofstrongpeace; in order to se cure reserve of regularly trained troops, which was so important the opposition cer ta i n to be d ein on account of m against the continuance o f a numerous t an his din . country in time of peace. His prop osa l would be that g army years' service soldiers should b e allowedt to after 10 and be enrolled tea peneieners, who wou ld then forremtirae regularly trained force, available in any emergency. With tegami to the training of the troops, too, there was great room far improvement. lie believed at present that there was no suffioiently effective system of training in opera tien in the army, and that especially with , respect to bell -filing there were not proper facilities for practice. He had even heard that the troops who had gone out in the Birkenhead. took their first lessons in firing ball i . d ur i ng a few days while the ship was detainee' at Ports ; month. Ee was of opinion also that the practice of for tificetion Was i In the " Conversations not ‘ Sufficiently at ten d e d to in our army. of the Emperor Napoleon," it was stated that the Emperor —an excellent judge of the art of war—declared that in modern times this was far too much disregarded. The meas ures he (Earl Grey) recommended could be carried i n t o e ff ect a t a very mo derate .outlay, probably of 200,0001., and would add ma terially to the efficieeey of the army. He objected to the Bill, beceuse he believed - it would cot attain its object while entailing much expense, and tending to effect the recruitiag of the army. For these reasons he should cer tainly say " not content" to the second reading. Tae Earl of ELLESMERE said h e wa s of opinion that the measure was necessary, and that it ought to be accepted by Parliament. He presumed that no Govern mene Would have undergone the obloquy of proposing it had there not been some sort of ,app re h ens i o n of danger. He faund suddenly a large body o f t h e coun try and of that House agreed on the abstract que s tion of the ne cessity of some such defensive measure as was contained in the present Bill. From what ever cause this feeling took its rise, he was bound to say he entertained the same opinions he had expressed four year tigo. But be hih opinions sound or unsound, they rested on the con tinental relations which at present existed. Re should be sorry to make allusion to any individual or to cast any reflections am France; he was aware that the road to popularity in thi.:; country some years' ago was abuse of France, but that feeling had long since changed. The noble person at the head of affairs in France bad given ne reason to suppose he had forgotten the hospitality he recehred from this couatry, or that being at the head of powerful legions, he would be inclined, merelynn am bitions grounds, to move them in hostility towards this country. He said thus much because he was , anxious . to make it eppear that' he founded his pre sent views, met Fla eircumstances.of the moment - , but o n general views and consideration s . H e agre ed with much the, bad been auldressed to their Lordships. He ad mitted that militia would- prove. inferior when opposed to well-disciplined troepa• He did not th i nk the present Bill likely to produce:effective tr oops • to meet t he dis ciplined troops of France; but he grounded his support of the Bill on the fact of 'other aervicea that the militia could with advantage perform. They could be thrown intb garrison, and be employed in services where they would be of the utmost use and ass i stance to the regu lar army. He would not trespass f urther, except to SsY that he could not reason with pea ce societies. It was arguments, because they were impossible b3d to m upon rel e i e g t io t a h s eir pr inciple,and when religious principle was imported into a question it was her's' sible to reason parties out of their co nv iction. The Noble Lord had alluded to an expre s sion which had fallen 'from him some time ago, him, as ho admitted, a proper rebuk e . H e a lluded to an expression that had curiously fall en from him, to the effect that if an invadin g army reac h e d London, the Lord Mayor would prese n t the comman d e r with the-keys at ono gate, while the to ot guards marched apologised out at the other. He heartily which had been much commented upon, and which h a d d ra wn on egised for these words. Ho meant no reflection on any body of men—he only meant to convey what he considered to be the true defence of the country in case of invasion. n e believed so vast was London that 150,000 troops would be lost in it, and that they would be shot do wn and destroye d through loopholes in the houses. H e b elieved, how ever, that Government was proceedin g i n a right direc tion in making better provision for the d e f ence o f the country. The Earl of WALDEGRAVE approved of the mea sure (we understood), and considered the objections which had been made were only questions of detail. The Bill was then read a second time and ordered to be committed on Thursday. The Lichool Sites Aot Extension Bill was read a third time and passed, Other Bills were moved a stage. The;Committee on Baron de Boda's claims was nomi nated. ASSESSMENT OF THE PROPERTY-TAX. The Duke ot• RICHMOND presented a petition from ne , srs. Ehnen, of Sussex, complaining of the mode of assessment to the income-tax, and the machinery of ap peal. He was afraid that it might with too much truth be said that the mass of the farmers had this year made a loss instead of a profit. A power of app eal was given to farmers if the tenant held from Michaelmas t o Michael mas; bat if from Midsummer to Midsumm er no appea l could be heard.• That was a practical grieva nce, and h e hoped wiril a t v h i e e !f o o fbl ascertaining Lord ce rtai n w i n o g u would h e i t n h g e u r i inquire re e into might not the matter be afforded by the Lords of the Treasury without the necessity of an application to Parliament. Lord BERNERS supported the prayer of the petition. The Earl of DERBY was inclined to think, from what he had heard, that the grievance arose from what he might almost call a clerical error in the A ct . H e pro mised his Noble Friend that he would make inquiry into the point in order to see whether there was any mode of affording relief without applying to Parliament. After a few words from the Duke of ARGYLL, The petition was ordered to lie on the table. Their Lordships then adjourned at a Qua r t er pas t Ten o'clock. • , - TO THE SE6REI'ARY OF THE BRADFORD REFORM ASSOCIATION. (CONTINUED ON ON MONDAYS AND WEDNESDAYS.) Sir,—On Monday the 14th of June the late Prime Minister introduced the discussion on the subject of the assault on Mr. Mather. This of course led to counter representations on the part of the Ministers; ending in proving that they had la the first instance done as,badly as could be imegined, but had ended by taking the alarm and determiniug to act vigorously, in ways which are yet under the darkness of the future. At a late hour, or more correctly 'on Tuesday morn ing, the Maynooth question was once more brought for ward. The attendant circutestaiaces and the result wore so complicated and perplexin g , t h at it may b e well to state the position in which I individually. stood, as the means of showing the peint from which I viewed the whole, and thereby throwing light on ray capacity for giving evidence in ono direction or another. This position was, as you Will remember, that alth ou g h ono of the most earnest supporters of the Bill of t he We Premier, on the ground that the Papal maltreated u.s, I had eugae e d s to against any attack upon the Catholics' estatstea steent at g aynuot h, o n the ground that this would be maltreating them. I beg that this may be borne in mind, in, w h at may follow. The smallest acssaintance with the course of pro ceedings in a popular Asiernbly, is sufficient to establish that no man and no party can always have a n absolute command over the time at which a question shall be brought forward. A' degree of power had generatohiP may s°mo - be exerted on one side o r But in - great extent under the influence of chance; and : all that can bo said, is, that the main, the operation parties must be on the look out, an d t a ke care to be forthcoming when the opponent's opportunity arrives. Oa the present occasion le h i s to ~. on the other. to move reason for believing, that an generalship Y extraordinary g was exerted on any side, still less that there was any' thing which could ee denominated " trick," though the word was rather. copiously • used in subsequent pro ceedings. As the morning wore on, th e anti.atini•Jterial side began to drop off to bed; p ea , . re ---11,137 to which, the two sid„ had appeared pretty Null _ Y balanced. Some lengthy speeches from their Ovv , 1 1. aide, probably contri hada not the slightest bated to thin the Opposition hp e-enehes; probably when this gone to a certain lengte, no them but moving an adjourernent of the' House. From this moment, the leader of the j 4 -tati-Maynooth move ment saw his. road to success, or ea the French say, voyait sa belle. You vole erhaps ask, why I -' Whose only desire could be to h opportunity of , acc omplishing my engage ment by voting on the main ethe thine would content ad journment of the House. gi - re' st , i ' l °_ , —.Ply b ecaus e I knew a vote against it would be claimed, as a Tote for the anti- Maynooth leader. And .so it turned out; for he went triumphant majority 0 defeated, ilann tdi inx y to a o. 133 t o 29 aga inst the ad journment of 'the Houie, and i rs , mediately announced the , he was quite content with wh et he would accept as a criterion of the feeling of the H owe, a and would go no farther. , And this he ereked "ill more triumphantly questions as to what he would t h' e party who . _ . had 11 voted for the next slay;a - °wed theaaselvea to be would not do, to which o r coarse be virtually that ho would do what h • when he `answered, . e lik e d, and liked, ;without taking his sipponen._ 13 into counsel. On looking back upon the whole, it is clear that it was a contest of " diamond cut dierti oud e and that the baiting him with finally had it ' One reason probably is, that their 41 1 their own WV' opponents are divided among themselves. Tho detihmearnd for an "Inquiry," acts as a puzzler; for though e can be "no reasonable doubt it 'only another form of that is . moving that the charge for Maynooth be disalloWed, it • - ' hod to see this. Th e is not everyy nooth party . that can be expected Catholics theme Antight to vote for an Inquiry or against an Inquiry.bed and ianother reason is, that it is easier to go to whether they o ugh t afterwards, o'clock in grumble opponent. This In n °riling to watch the movements of an . ol .y o n; for there is et bein g there, is what' lets everything do tb nn point better kind ,ef warfare, established in every generally all that those who aro. there, do very selves than t o ca b n e n t o l i t ear agree, r a e ca rry their point against those who 1 . () not. in Ireland, by 140 t brought in 1 was for th e ii , i n epress o 0 19. The five o clock and House separated at reassembled at On Tuesday a Bill was inquiry eaves; when, the subjectinto the con ductL on the case of the 'it of the Governmen of Crime and Outrage Austria of the Scottishiiitreatment by their friends the , vvas _saapee missionaries in llungttty, the inquiry , e being an in • - c" by the House being counted out. oars eery sineerel ee I aeneSir, y • AN OLD REPO Blackheath, Jane 16, 185RMER. 2. QUEEN OF THE LIFE or MARIE 0 DE MEDlcis, FRANCE. BY MISS PAILDOE. Rarely have Work of high literary and historical merit. situries of romance been more Intimately blend ed facts of real history than in the life of Marie d e with the nor has the difficult problem of _combining with Aledicis; u the fidelity of biography the graphic power of dramatic delineation been often more successfully Solved than by the talented author of the volumes before us. 1 As a personal narrative Miss Pardon's admirabl e biography professes the most absorbing and constantly sustained interest; a i s ne a r. t historical record of the events of which it treat:, its 1 Is o f ___ “0 ordinary • • Throughout the work is characterized by ' description. fidelity to truth, and • " 9 ' . carefulness of research, a doe to take a high purity of tone which entitle Miss l'ar _ 010 rank among the most successful writers of history. J l Bull, i Holloway's or , ' [ NDvEHTIsEAIE NT. A .... altaxint an d Pills have cured a remarkable case of 6 cr0fu1a......71, --e son of Mr. Alliilay, 209, High-street, Cheltenham, w h en three years old, was afflicted with scro fula in the neck, an d the disease in creased so fearfully that in four years he had ten ulcers on his body, besides a tumour between the eyes. Th e b est medica l treatment afforded him n o relief, the blood bein g so corrupt that it wa s considered impossible to subdue the disease. ' At this cr i s i s H o lloway's Pills and Ointment were resorted to, and with great success, for in two months the h -°Y was soundly cur e d b y th e ir use, and he has continued well for the last three years. Sold by all • Druggists and at Professor li o ll oway , o "ablisinent, 244, Strand, London. THE •i truh we had it not. Lot their Lerdships consider, if en invasion took place, and that, not owing to the want • of British coarage or savor, bat oieing to the want of • ' proper discipline, it should prove successful, chat would be the of sct on the moral courage aed moral di cipline of this country? Besides, there was - another considera tien—natnely, the very great uncertainty of oinaitiing those Men tigoin when once we had parted with them. He agreed with the Noble Earl that the ballot should be avoided; but, et the same' time, if the Noble Earl relied entirely on his volunteers, let him remember that 's's relied upon men gathered from all parts of the coun try, and persons of the moat locomotive description: He could understand a state of things in which the non commissioned officers would be fully occupied in follow ing those men from one part of the country to the other,. and endesvourinu to bring them back to those colours which they had abandoned, and which they had a mo tive in abandoning. He therefore could not consider that the army raised under this Bill, if it could be called an army at all, was, or would prove to be, one which could be relied on. He could Lot find in history that a reilitie bed brim found available for active service, at all resembling that which was proposed to be raiser by this &h. The American militia bore no resemblance to this in eny of its qualities, in the mode in which it was procured, or in the military habits which it ac tquired; and even the recently fait& armies of the Italia:al States showed themselves anything but com petent for active service, as was proved during the Mexican war. Again, there was the laudivehr of Ger many; but that wee an army Of re cave, composed o old soldiers, who come jute the field clothed with all their military attributes. It would undoubtedly place the coerawe of Eng,iishmen in a false position if, uutler any circumstances, they were to be subjected to the fire ef a regular army composed of well-disciplined troops, In the year 1831 the present King of the Belgians was exposed, together with that kingdom itself, to a violent attack from the Netherlands, and a conflict ensued, in which the Belgian troops were entirely worsted by those of flatland. The reason was, that the Belgian army was imperfectly trained, and went into the conflict in want of discipline and habit to meet the troops of Holland,- who had all the advantage of training and discipline. llis Noble Friend (Earl Grey) had just reminded him that when, in 1848, the courage and spirit of those troops came to be tested, they proved that they were not wanting in either, and that they were capable, under that Sovereign, of affording the most effective assistance to any force. Ho did not feel diffi dent that this Bill would provide an army capable of being depended on iu actual service. The Noble Earl' had a right to ask him (the Marquis of Lansdowne) whether he relied on the Bill of the late Govern ment as affording an efficient militia. He was bound in candour to say he did not so rely. At the same time he thought it expedient that the people of this country should be drilled gradually to the use of arms. He *looked to the possibility of their being brought into a state in which they would be useful for serving in garrisons incase of need; but he did not think that any militie, short of an army of reserve, which was a very dill rent thing, would supply that deficiency which we were bound to supply with the view to an efficacious defence. With his repugeance to a standing army, he still thought it his duty to avow his opinion that the best, safest, and most efficient of ell remedies would be found in a force of that hind.—(Bear, hew.). He thought that an army of reserve would be far prefer aide to any force raised under the measure before the house, and not much more expensive. He believed the expense attending this measure would be much greater than the Noble Lord imagined. At all events an army of reserve would be what the force raised under the Bill would not be—a real bond fide reliable defence.—(Hear, hear.) ge trusted, in conclusion, that. this imperfect measure would be the - only ono which Parliament would have recourse to for the purpose of placing it on that pinnacle which was essential to its glory, its independence, and its perpetuity.—(Cteers.) The Duke of WELLINGTON was at times very imperfectly heard. He said—l am certainly the last man to have any hesitation of opini l on it a h s t d o is t e lpeiiledi o relative r advantages of meeting an enemy v with undisciplined or half -disciplined troops. The things are not to be compared at all,—(Hear, hear.) With disciplined troops you are acting with a certain degree of confidence that what they are ordered to perform they will perform.—(Hear, hear.) With undi sc ipli n ed troops you can have no such confidence; on the contrary, the chances are that they will do the very reverse of what they aro ordered to do.—(Hear, hear, and a laugh.) But we must look a little at the state in which we stand at the present moment.—(Hear, hear.) This country is at peace with the whole t world, except in certain parts, or on the frontiers of its own distant dominions, with which operations of war are carried on by means of our peace establishment. You are now providing for a peace establishment; you are at peace with the whole world; you are providing for a peace establishment. I say that peace establishment ought to have been effectually provided for long ago.—(Cheers.) If it had been, we should not have needed now to be told, as we have been by the Noble Marquis, about the number of days and weeks it will take to train the mili tia recruits, or about the futility of expecting anything to the purpose from troops with their three weeks' or their six weeks', or what time it may be, training. We have never, up to this moment, maintained a proper peace establishment—that's the reel truth—(Hear, hear) —and we are now in that position in which we fled our. selves forced to form a peace establishment such as this country requires. —(Bear.) I tell you that for the last ten years you have never had in your army more men than enough to relieve the sentries on duty of your sta tions in the different parts of the world—(llear, hear) — such is the state of your peace establishment at the pre sent time; such has been the state of your peace csresb lishment for the last ten years.—(Hear, hear.) You have been carrying on war in all parts of the globe, in the different stations, by menus of this peace establish ment; you have now a war at the Cape, still continuing, which, you carry on with your peace establishment; yet on that peace establishment I tell you you have not more men than are enough to relieve the sentries at the different stations in all parts of the world, and to relieve the diffe rent regiments in the tropics and oltewhete, after ser vices there—of how long do you suppose?—of, in some cases, twenty-five years, in none Les than ton years— (Hear, hear)—and, after which, you give them five years at home, nominally—for it is only nominally in a great many cases. There were, for instance, the last troops who were sent out to the Cape; instead of keep ing them five years at home, after their long service abroad, I was obliged to send them out after they bad only been sixteen months at home.—(Hear, hear.) My Lords, I tell you you've never had a proper peace estab lishment all this time. We are still at peace with all the world; let us, then, have a peace establishment— our constitutional peace establishment; and, when you have got that, see what you will do next. The Sable Marquis, my Noble Friend, if he will allow me so to call him, says he thinks he should prefer an army of reserve. An army of reserve! What is au army of reserve?— (Hear, hear.) Is it an army to cost less than 401. each man all round? If he thinks that possible, I tell him that we can have no such thing.—(Hear, hear.) But what I desire—and I believe it is a desire the most moderate that can be formed—is, that you shall give us, in the first instance, the old con stitutional peace establishment.—(Hear, hear.) When we have got that, then you may do what you pleasr. The Noble Marquis says, very truly, that these 50,000, or 80,000, or 150,000 militiamen won't be fit for service in- six months, or twelve months, or eighteen months; but I say they'll be fit, at all events, for some service; and certainly they'll enable us to employ in the . field others who are - fit fur service —(Hear, hear)--and in time they will themselves become fit for service. In the last war we had in service several regiments of English militia, and they were in as high a state of discipline and as fit for service as any Men I ever saw in my life.—(Hear.) It was quite impossible to have a body of troops in higher order, or in higher discipline, or more fit for discipline than these bodies of British militia were at the commencement of tno present century up to 1810; they were as fine corps as ever were seen—(Hear)—acal I say, no doubt these bodies of 50,000 men or 80,000 men, whatever the number may be, will be so too, in the course of time.—(Hear, hear.) Everything has its beginning, and this is a commencement. You must make a beginning hero, and see that it will, take some months before you can form reserve regiments.-(Hear, hear.) The armies of Engl a nd,. who have served the country so well, are your Lordships so mistaken as to suppose that they were ever composed of more than one third of real British subjects—of natives of this island? No such thing.—(Hear, hear.) Look at the Eait Not more than one-third of the soldiers there arts such British subjects. Look at the Peninsula; not one-third of the men employed there were over British soldiers. Yet I beg your Lordships to observe what services those soldiers performed. fi — o ( e H at e t ar, hear.) They fought groat battles againit is r e oo o troops in the world; they went not b o hsauvcoc borneessful or this prepared'to face everything— a y, against everything,country would to with them.—(Hear, hear. Not one-third of those armies were British troops, but they and not merely bravo —for believe every wore brava troops, —but well-organized tr oo p s . Tale the batt man wf Wis brave le e terloo—(Hear, hear)—look at the troops at that battle. I can tell your number of British that battle there were 16 battalionsrdshlps that in vewian militia, just formed, under the 01 tha t late Hanoverian Ambassador her n e ommand of liielmansegge, who behaved most ac i pewit and there were many other foreign troops whn:trably, llebly aided us in that battle, avowedly the battle of giants— (Hear, hear) —whose operations helped to bring about the victory which was followed by the peace of Europe, that has now lasted for 32 or 34 years.--(Hear, hear.) say that however much I admire highly-disciplin e d troops, and mos t es p e citlly British disciplined troop s ; 1 h th must not suppose t at o • ors cannot become toll you you dno d bt "f ou , you begin with to too—(llsar, hear) —an., Act of Parliament the formation of cor p s under this ms what their predecessors in the militia they will in tilia3-I)eu ttna :f ever t hey do become what the former wer;i t they * i ll perform all militia were, you may rely on it erfor (TI the service.s they may be requme. to ,m,— e ear, measure as the hear-) I recommend you to acloi - A commencement of a completion 0; the erace establish inent.—(flear, hoar.) It will give you es constitutional force; it will not be at first, or 'for some tits.', every thing we could desire. but by dcarees i will litcome .what you want —an effieitut fJrCe t to the regu • lar a t , hear.) I Earl GREY teal that war the no dotibt. anying the militia wad valuable b • l'o•cc1 ut it shOU , d rE" that it was then a perumeentlyenelnefed force. To all intents Lind purposes woo abscond 1 g T he quiation, however, for them to ceusidreedul re gu lar a.. ) .; • who- Wier the proposed wss likely i• here force in case of any sudden emergenc est U . he must remark that they had no g Wan this Pcdist therm Mica, they wanted to guard Against to tru,t being exposed to a sudden ;Week before ag atlgt was, ; prepared to meet it. The militia should be each to to LON DON, WEDNESDAY EVEN IN G, JUNE 16, 1852. FROM THE MORNING PAPER S OF THIS DAY. SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS. TINES.—For some time past the streets of London have 13 ,, en infested by a parcel of dirty people in the dress of Roman Catholic ecclesiastics. There are few of our metropolitan readers but must have C• 31110 across some of these gentry in our most crowded thorough tires. They generally hunt in couples. A more un pleasant sight cannot be encountered in the Course of a morning's walk than a brace of these dirty creatures a s they glide about among the people with downcast eyes and hasty step. Of course the object is to familiarize the public with their presence. If Cardinal Wis eman and his Privy Council in Golden-square could once, in defiance of the English law, establish the custom, we should soon have our street crowds diversified with every conceiveable cosume of monkery. It is notorious that when the Roman Catholic Relief Act w 63 passed a clause was introduced, enacting " that no Roman Ca tholic ecelsiastie, nor any member of any of the re- ligious orders, cammuniti(is, or societies of the Church of it - Inse, bound by monastic or religious vows, should exercise any of the rites or ceremonies of the Roman Catholic ragion, or wear the habits of his order, save within the usual places of worship of the Roman Ca'holic religion or in private houses." Such is the law of England, rod it is perfectly well known to the persons who have for some time plat set it at defiance. It cannot be said that this is an old worn cut regulation such as the . ono which forbade undertakers to bury the dead in linen shrouds. The same provision was no doubt iotreduccd into various old statutes, but when the Roman Cathode Rd_tii4 Bill was passe() in 1829, it was retained and solemnly re-enacted. Nor is there any reason why such a provision should be suffered to fall into desuetude. The Rsoaau Cationic chieftains have not contented themselves with sending their noisome emissaries about the streets; it would seem as though they had issued orders directing them to disturb the Protestant congregations while engaged in the celebra tion of public worship. To put the existing law in are ggr a v strongeraton, the tan reasons they force is, then, a simple act of self-defence. But even for 2 w were m e itai maintaining n f i o e r g this the: l addition al were for enacting it in 1829. It was supposed at the time that the presence of Roman Catholic priests— the passage of Roman Catholic processions through the public streets—might lead to a violation of the peace. The same danger exists still, and to a yet greater extent. We du not pretend to argue the point as feeling any especial sympathy for persons who, with their eyes open, set the law at defiance. Still it would be a deplo rable thing, and a great reflection upon those who are charged with the duty of maintaining the public peace, if, from want of timely forethought, any broil should occur in the thoroughfares of the metropolis. It would only need a brace of Patsionists—a rabble of little boys —and a gang of Irish hodmen, to get up a row which might lead to the most serious casualties—possibly to tho loss of life. It will be seen that the Queen, by a procla mation issued yesterday, has expressed the determina tion of the Government to put down the nuisance. The proclamation itself will be found in another part of our impression of this day. It is therein stated that the Ro man Catholic ecclesiastics do wear the habit of their orders in places of public resort—that Roman Catholic: processions, with all the pomp, pride, and circumstances usual on such occasions, do perambulate our streets—that banners aro dis played—symbols elevated in the public view, and that consequently the peace of the town is en dangered. The offenders are solemnly warned that the law will be put in force against them to its fullest ex tent if they give further occasion ofisublic scandal. We trust that strict orders may bo henceforth issued to the police to conduct them to the nearest station-house. We would not—all considerations of turmoil apart—have the streets of London become as the streets of Rome, along which swarms of unwashed beings in robes black, white, brown, or grey, are to be seen passing at all hours of the day, like clouds over a landscape. The Roman Catholic priests must make up their minds to submit to tha same regulations as practically affect the Protest tant clergy. Although it is not illegal, no one ever sees a Protestant clergyman bustling about Fleet-street or the Strand in pudding sleeves and a square cap. There is no law on the subject, for none is needed. The tacit good sense of the Protestant c l e rgy prevents them from dragging their sa cred vestments through the mud—and even running the risk of exposing religion to contempt in the persons of its ministers merely on a question of costume. Let the Roman Catholic clergy follow the wholesome ex ample. So, again, with the practice of out-door pro cessions and ceremonials—the thing is simply impos sible in England. However much the moderation of the bystanders may endeavour to stave off such a result, the moment would surely have come when a shower of black mud would have expressed the state of public opinion upon this feature of " Papal Aggression." Much more is this likely to be the case if the proces sions are absolutely directed as hostile movements against the tranquillity of a body of Protestant wor shippers. It has been reported to us that in the imme diate neighbourhood of Orchard-street, Portman-square, a platform is erected on which, from time to time, co ' pies of the Protestant Bible are committed to the flames. We warn the promoters of such proceedings, as they value their own safety, to hold their hands while it is yet time. CIiRONICLE.—We have received, from time to time, very striking accounts of the alteration of public sentiment which has progressively disclosed itself in France since the appearance of the Orleans _decree. General statements of this sort are usually difficult to verify, but their accuracy in the present instance is re markably confirmed in the effects of the confiscation on the three great bodies with which Louis Napoleon pre tends to share the sovereignty of the State. It is to be observed that, exactly in proportion to the measure of independence they enjoy, is the susceptibility which they manifest to the discredit in which they are necessarily involved. The Senate makes, of course, no sign. The publication of the decree took place while that body was in course of formation, and was just in time to pre vent its including a single member who might have made it other than it was meant to be—namely, a co lossal contrivance for settling the President's Civil Lint, and for rewarding the subaltern agents in the coup detat, The Council of State, owing to the profes • sional character of most of its duties, is composed of men, a thought more respectable than the Senators; but its close connexion with the head of the Government would have prevented its voluntarily engaging in any proceed ing equivalent to a condemnation of his policy. The appeal of the Prefect of the Seine has, however, left it no alternativa but to sit in judgment on the President's conduct. Although there seems no reason to doubt that its decision on the competency of the civil tribunals to adjudicate between Louis Napoleon and the Princes will be favourable to the Government, it is notorious that a most painful feeling pervades the Council on the subject, and it is suspected that a judgment confirmatory of the legality of the decree will probably be followed by seve ral resignations. Indeed, on the very eve of last Satur day's hearing, the managers of the case on behalf of the Administration had to withdraw their brief, from the hands of their chosen advocate, M. Reverehon, who confessed that, even upon the cx parte instruc tions before him, ho had come to a conelution against his clients. But that which, in the Councillors of State, is only unwillingness to make themselves open accomplices in the confiscation, becomes, with the deputies, a spoataneous demonstration of disgust. As the representative body is, at ull events, not directly dependent on or connected with the President, it stands alone in having voluntarily created the means of publicly disengaging itself from the responsibility of his most conspicuous misdeed. The common belief is that M. de Montalembert has managed to get inserted, in the report of the committee on the Budget an express censure of that invasion of right. Whether this impression be or be not precisely correct, the uneasy and deprecating tone of the newspaper which has been promoted to the place of the Constitutionnel makes it evident that some proceeding, in the highest degree distasteful to the Government, has been ventured upon, or is being matured. The mere discussion of the point proves the sentiments of the Assembly; and when so feeble an organ sounds clearly, who can doubt that public opinion, were it unmuffled, would speak with the voice of a trumpet? It is not always, or very often, that' the crime for which a matt is most heavily and 'conspicuously pu nished is exactly the offence of blackest enormity , which he happens to have committed. The convicted pick pocket is frequently an unconvicted burglar; and report runs that a noble personage who was drummed out of society for cheating at cards, was heard to utter bitter complaints against Fortune, which had suffered him to pass undetected in doctoring a horse for the Derby, and then consigned him to rain for turning up a king at whist. For the sake, therefore, of moral example, it is well when the crime which goes unwhipt and that which entails punishment are so clearly united, in point of time or natural connexion, as to render unmistakable the doable character of the retribution. We have some satis faction in thinking that a spectacle of this latter sort is ff o rded by the two most indefensible acts which have, a b ee n recently per petrated on the theatre of Europea n a ff a irs. The seizure of Louis Philippe's inheritance ig very far from rivalling in immo ralit y the long oops piracy in which the President of the French Repub lic i s now known to have engaged again st the institu tions of which he was the guardian and trustee. Yet all the pena l consequences which he has incur red seem at first sig ht • to have flowed exclusively from the minor ° ime; and it is only by considering the confiscattheion trea of di r e Orleans property son against as the necessary se quel of ' n st French liberty that we are en abled to recon cile the apparent disproportion of their results. If the decree which Louis Napoleon levelled at the sons of Louis Philippe had never been issued at all. it is doubtful who there would have been a single flaw in the success of lile thercoup d'etot. So bewilderingly had the landmarks of l a w and right been dispersed by a succession of revolti tionenes° demora li s ed were the influential classes by theirt e rror of the crisis whic h the Constitution had p red—so obscure wore tho elements of the strife between the Preeident and his adversaries in the As serably—ethat, for all we know, public opinion, after a few bovines, might have settled down into quiet accept ance of a B o napartist despotism; and a virtual unani mity o f approval or applause might have made it un aceful, if not improper, in a foreig it critic to, question ;r revo l u tion sanctioned by • all tho telligones of tho nat i on . That no Aueh general contentment has ensued upo n deliverance from an undoubted dan g er, mus t he set down entirely to the Orleans decree. Already it has sensibly affected the sympathies of the French people w i t h the existing Government , a s wel l as their estimate of the circumstances which produced it; and with• out doubt it is destined to modify profoundly the entire course of French affairs, so long as they are controlled by the military rule of Louis Napoleon. As regards the great eatrie of moral justice, the prin cipal use of the Orleans decree has consisted in the light w hich it has thrown on the character of the President. It has made misapprehension of his motives impossible, and it has stamped the leading features of his mind as something distinct from that confusion of principle on q uestions of public and constitutional right which un- happily characterises some of the very best of French men. Cowardice, in the ordinary sense of the term, is perhaps not imputable to Louis Napoleon; hut there must have been a deplorable lack cf civil courage in the man who employed the first moment of security to:make so glaring an admission of the fours with which the per fectly legitimat, and not very dangerous, opposition of a Bourbon Prince had inspired him. Hypocrisy must have framed or adopted the pretext by which that deed of unmanly revenge was sought to be veiled. Cynical contempt of prescriptive right was betrayed by the very imagining of such a method of retaliation; and ser vility to the judgment of the lowest populace shone ' n every line of the clauses which distributed the possessions of the dead King among the con ventional re objects of charity a nd com p assi on. revelation of such qualities in the principal author of the recent events was a commentary on the events them selves.osin p g itself blest in a Constitution which heel been manufactured b ybeing such hands, and to the degradation of governed by to lend ttictuseive.s t al o a servie few who could be brought to wrong.. It at once aparticipation in 51 . Pretences b 37 which becameits alive to the emptiness ?t the of government had ben cnmplielty in the change obtained. It grown seetvical as to the had already imputations which fix: - .3 the entire blame of the revolutie. Assembly, when the letters of on the ciere came to fasten the perverseness of the guilt f. Chatiganiier and Lamor to render even the last unfortunate propel. head, and ebf,orni which f..ee in stitutions had assumed attractive contrast with the black treachery by which they were d cl ' the 071eans decree it is probable that tehstr°3T But for never have been written, and it is certain l that the:, would no .etters , woud have met with no general credence, to be published, the Government m ere l y m a d e them take lit supposing that the state of Opinion was tue su c h mi A s it undoubtedly would have been if no violatio s nof simplest maxims of morality had been the perpetrated to change it. COMMITTEE on the CASE of MR. O'CONNOR. Yesterday, the Committee appointed to inquire into the matter of the petition of Mies O'Connor, praying that Mr. Feargus O'Connor may be liberated and con fided to the custody of his friends, met at four o'clock, in Committee-room No. 13. Preeent—Mr. Walpole (chairman), Mr. M. Mines, Mr. V. Smith, Mr. Miles, Mr. M. J. O'Connell, the O'Gorman Mahon, and others. Dr. Tweedie and Dr. Lawrence, who have been in daily attendance on the unfortunate gentleman during his confinement, were examined on the subject -matter of the petition. Subsequently. Miss O'Connor, who is a petite and rather prepossessing person, with the O'Connor caste of countenance subdued into the delicacy of female feature, was examined, and requested permission of the Committee to be allowed an interview with her brother. The Committee deliberated, and asked the advice of Dr. Tweedie, who expressed himself adverse; but on Miss O'Connor becoming importunate, her re quest was acceded to; and Mr. O'Connor having been conducted from the " tower " down stairs, she proceeded to see him, accompanied by Captain Gossett, the Assistant-Sergeant-at-Arms, Mr. Bell, M.P., D. Tweedie, and two of the messengers. Here they met Mr. O'Connor, with two messengers and two sergeants of police, quietly promenading along the well known lengthy corridor of the Committee-rooms of the House of Common', the doors at the entrance from the grand staircase baying first been securely closed. Miss O'Connor appeared much affected, and the unfortunate gentleman continued to walk up and down with his left arm cast carelessly behind his sister. On arriving at the doors that had been locked he called out to the police, through the glass panels on the other side, " Open this, open this," at the same time trying to undo the doors; but on being told by Captain Gossett it could not be allowed, he returned quietly, and continued talking to his sister, No remarkable change, has taken place in Mr. O'Connor, either for better or worse, during the last few days. He still indulges in rapid, rambling, aberrations, reciting to his attendants snatches of what he states to be his own poetical compositions, uttering now and then an eloye on the late Sir Robert Peel, abruptly broken off' to descant on the disasters of an old woman and her 'pig in the bogs of Ballinhassig—of a stud of some twenty long-tailed black horses his brother kept in Ire land, all whimsically interwoven by such canticles as are heard at the Coal Hole, or by the recital of a litany, interlarded with tears, on tho failure of the unfortunate land scheme. A difficult question has presented itself to the Committee as to what it will be their duty to do, or rather what jurisdiction they can have in the matter, the case being without precedent on the journals of the House. It appears, however, to be th© impr ess i on that although Mr. O'Connor is in imprisonment for contempt of the House and disorderly conduct, yet that the proper course will be to discharge him and assign him to the care of his friends or Hawed!, from which asylum Dr. Conolly visited him yesterday, and was understood to be of opinion that Mr. O'Connor's insanity is only symp tomatic or incipient, and that with attention, and in a short time, he may be restored to a state of mental con valescence. His nephew visited him yesterday, and the interview is stated to have been similarly affecting to that with his sister. PARLIAMENTARY COMMITTEES. SHREWSBURY AND CHESTER AND SHREWSBURY AND BIRMINGHAM AMALGAMATION.—Yesterday, in Lord Redesdale's Committee, the standing orders were de clared not complied with, and the ;Bill was accordingly lost. EASTERN UNlON.—Yesterday the Committee of the Lords declared the preamble of this Company's Bill for arrangements as to capital proved. MANCHESTER, SHEFFIELD, AND LINCOLNSHIRE.— This company's Bill for new branches passed in the Committee of the Lord. LEEDS, BRADFORD, AND HALIFAX.—The preamble of the Bill for making this line was declared proved in Committee of the Lords. In Lord Redesdale's Standing Order Committee the following Bills passed :_Chester and Holyhead, S out h Yorkshire, Corris and Machynhlek, Wozksworth Mining, and Commercial Gas. BRITISH ELECTRIC TELEGRAPH COM PANY'S BILL. REASONS in support of the THIRD READING, which takes place on THURSDAY, 17th instant, immediately On the SITTING of the HOUSE. This Bill was for fourteen days before a Select Com mittee, and after the fullest and most patient inquiry, the Committee have decided in favour of the Bill. The object of the Bill may be simply stated to be, to break through the barrier which the Old Electric Tele graph Company has been proved before the Committee to have interposed between the metropolis and the pro vinces, by which they effectually prevent any electric communication reaching London by any other mean s than their own telegraphs. Thus they have completely nullified the intentions of Parlismeut in granting the British Telegraph Company's Act of 1850, and have thus rendered that Act almo,t a dead letter, and hence the present Bill, to restore vitality to that Act. The Bill has been met with the most strenuous oppo sition by the Old Telegraph Company, with whom were joined the representatives of seven or eight railway com panies, who, from motives of interest, have bound them selves to assist in promoting the monopoly of telegraphic intelligence. The chairman of the Great Northern Railway Com pany gave evidence in favour of the Bill, and proved how that company had been coerced by the Old Tele graph Company to submit at present to its monopoly. Clauses are contained in the Bill by which the fullest and most complete compensation and protection have been secured to the railway companies. The Board of Trade are by the Bill empowered, upon complaint of any railway company, to prohibit the Bri tish Company altogether from erecting their telegraphs upon such railway, should public interest or private Jus tice require such prohibition. Petitions in favour of the Bill have been presented from the following (among other) important seats of commerce and manufacturer., via,, London, Westmin ster, Southwark. Lambeth, Finsbury, Liverpool (seve ral petitions), Manchester (several petitions), Glasgow (several petitions), Greenock, Edinburgh (several peti tions), Newcastle (several petitions), Leeds, Bradford, Halifax, Huddersfield, Hull, Shrewsbury, Batb, Bris tol, &a , &re In the voluminous evidence produced during the in quiry into this subject, many facts of the most striking and vital public importance to mercantile and other in terests were elicited. Amongst other facts it was proves in evidence that a regulation exists in the office of tho old Telegraph Company by which the messages of the e c hairman of that company (known by a special e i l A 1i) are on all occasions forwarded before the ea s ages of any other person, and in pref erence over es" even the massages of the Government o r R oya l Family, all other business being laid aside immediately on an A K . being presented. It was not proved that any improper advantap had been taken of these facilities for communicating with ell the great mat kets of the empire. It is manifest, however, that—looking at the exclusive agreements that have bsen made with the leading rail way companies, end the completely isolated position in which the old Telegraph Company have, by these agree ments, contrived to place themselves (by barring every avenue to competition) that the concentration of these great and dangerous powers in single hands is a state of things for which the public do seek, and are justly en titled to seek, the remedy which the present Bill, as it has passed the Committee, will effectually afford. By order, , GEORGE &MARI), Secretary. London, Jane 16, 1852. p r - REMAUKABLE SUCCESSION OF HURRIcANEs• ---- g y bably the greatest number of hurricanes ever exPerie:Globe, one vessel in a single voyage has been felt b.," th he th arrived at Liverpool yesterday from Singapore. °lithe 6th of November she sailed from the latter port, a n A t n .is ted by of December, in lat. 12 S, long. 99 E., she Tras" -- , - 0 ' an tered a hurricane. Struggling under this disability , sh: able to bear up a second hurricane on eh ristnias-day, but I° ,,: g3 g t! ' of January, for the Mauritius, where she arrived on the two under jury-ma.sts. While lying there 6 "l — Ler case com more hurricanes, 1 ; i via.e., however, P ove f the paratively harmless, althou g h much °' 'go. After relit tained material dam age ou the latter elh shipping suf -1 t of March, and Ong. she left the Mauritius on the ~ reached the Mersey after one of the most perilous voyages on record. 1 9 6 Wharf, on Sa turday afternoon, a most humnaleilly, of St. Peter's, W` al by the Rev. Ja m es t & passengers had fallen into worth, who, perceiving one- t h e pier, and was being fast car the water, while stePPing nce leaped overboard, and fortu ried down by the tide, at the lifebuoy was thrown to nately held the man P ,: h g as done with the utmost prompti their assistance, vit. n ic— vi when both were rescued from their the rev. tude by the Pier - '7l the cheers of all on board, perilous position amids t gentleman receiving who witnessed ,-- --- warmest congratulations from those ),;* noble Christian, conduct. NAVAL IN TELLIGENCE. - The following officers Ettend od the Duke of Nor. thumberiand's levee 3 esterday :—Commander H. T. Jonez, Lieutenant T. B. Cooystra, Captain S. Th ornton, Lieutenant T. E. Lane, Captain Henry Smith, Com mander 1). Robertson, Commander T. T. Paulson, and Commander W. T. Rivers. The following officers attended Admiral Parker's levee yesterday .—Lieutenant J. Field, Commander H. T. Jones, Lieutenant T. E. Lane, Commander D. Ro bertson, Lieutenant Sir H. Wilmot, Commander G. Snell, Mr. J. Mullen, Lieutenant W. W. Eyton, Cap tain W. B. Oliver, Captain T. P. Thompson, Com mander 0. J. Jones, Captain J. Dowman. Captain C. Elliot, Dr. A. Mitchell, Mr. E. Smith, Commander Paulson, Captain G. Baker, Commander R. Fegen, and Commander Rivers. _ . . The Queen's ship's company still continuing very discontented at not having been paid off, we understand that orders have been forvrarded from the Admiralty to the effect that bhe is to be immediattly put out of erm mission. She will, however, in ail probability, be brought forward as an advanced ship. PortTsmoulm, JUNE 15.—The Gladiator, 6. steam frigate, Captain Adams, has been paid off to-del at this por t. The Sprightly port steam-tender, Muster-Gem:lender Allen, sailed this afterncon f)r Plymouth with super- L ocicraries cnd seamen paid off from the Gladiator. The Highflyer, 21 , :crew steam-frigate, Captain Mat son, has taken on board her powder Lind at Spit head to-clay. The Victoria and Albert, Captain Lord Adolphus Fitolarence, CMIIO out of the L , ,*in to-day. The Grampus, 50, has beat brought down alongside the yard to-day to be docked to have her copper exa mined. The E,iiaburgli waits favour4ble weather. APPOINTMENTS. _ _ _ 16 paddle-wheel of the M 21"I h eis u lline' the Leander, 50, at Devon- Master Master—Thomas osmer (1847), bean ste e em on . ftrhigeatber for service in the"azzlrs., to port. to the S partan, 26, at D e vonport. Assi s t ant -Surgeon—George Everest, Paymaster and Purser —G M.D. (1844), to eorge F. C. Bateman ( 1847 ), the Vulcan steae troop-ship at Portsmouth. Sf .cond Master —H, S. Ley, to the Leander. Commodore George R. Lambert (captain 1825), and at present co mmanding the Fox 42, on the East Indies station, is app o i nted to the good service pension, on the promotion of C aptain Sir Edward Parry to the rank ofrear-admiral. Assistant-Engineers—Edwin B ou lton, to the Heels at P ortsmouth; Thomas Lewis, Sprightly steam-vess e l, tender Ports mouth.to the to th e Vi c t o ria at Masters' Assistants —H, V. Russel and F. C. H. Fetch, to the Victory flag-ship at Portsmouth. Gunner—Joseph Olivier, to the Dauntless screw steam frigate at Devonport. PROMOTIONS. Second Class Assistant-Engineers—Patrick Dail and Charles King, to be first class assistant-engineers. Second Class Assistant-Engineers—Robert Williams, Charles Cotten, and John A. Ritchie, to be acting first class assistant-engineers. Third Class Assistant-Engineers—W. E. Campion and William Gill, to be keoand class assistant -en gineers._ ___ - Third Class Assistant-Engineers—Joseph H. K eane and Joseph Churcher, to be acting second class assistant engineers. Her Majesty's steam-frigate Simoom arrived at Quebec on Sunday morning, May 23, with detach ments of troops of the 23d, 54th, 66th, and 71st Regi ments, and immediately after she cast anchor fired a salute, which was returned by the artillery from Dur ham terrace in the afternoon. The Simoom had a very rough passage out, only using her engines about fvur days during the voyage. Off the banks of Newfound land she encountered a very heavy gale, in which her main yard was broken and two boats carried away. The detachments of the 54th and 66th Regiments stationed at Quebec were landed on the following day, and, pre ceded by the bands of their respective corps, marched up to the barracks; those for the 23d and 71st Regi ments proceeded up to Montreal the same night, in the steamer Quebec, to join their regiments at that station. The Emperor of Russia's steam-yacht Alexandria arrived at Copenhagen after a fine passage of sixty-one hours from Blackwell. She there found the Victoria (formerly the Paterhoff ) and the Tourist all ready for starting, and they left Copenhagen together for St. Petersburg h. The Edinburgh, 58, Captain Hewlett, is now taking in her powder and her shells. On her trial on Saturday along the measured mile sho far surpassed in speed all other screw-line-of-battle-ships. In six runs she averaged 8i knots; but for the first four at fall steam she made au average of 9 knots. This may be attributed to her beautifully placed engines, their excellent working, and freedom from friction. She makes 12 or 14 more screw revolutions than either of the corresponding vessels of her class, and consequently her speed is superior by knots. Maudslay and Field are the makers. COUAT CIitUULAR. The Queen held a Privy Council yesterday afternoon at one o'clock, a; Buckingham Palace. I: was attended by hie Royal Highness Prince Albert, the Lord Presi dent, the Lord Privy Seal, the First Lord of the Trea sury, the Score:arks of Sfate for the Home, Foreign, and Csilordil I/Tartu:lents, the Chancellor of the Ex chequer, the First Lord of the Admiralty, the President of tne Board of Control, the President of the Board of Trade, the Postmaster-General, the Chief Commissioner of Public Works and Buildings, the Lord Steward, the Lord Chamberlain, end the Master of the Horse. At the Council a proclamation was ordered to be issued respecting Roman Catholic processions. The Honourable William Bathurst was the Clerk of the Privy. Council in waiting. The Earl of Derby had an audience of the Queen. Mr. Secretary W alpole had an audience of her Majesty Sir Harry Smith, G.C.8., was presented to the Queen on his return from • the Cape of Good Sipe, by the R;ght Hen. Sir John Pakicgton, her Majesty's Princi pal Secretary of State for the Colonies. The Lord Chamberlain had an audience of the Queen. The Lord President had an audience of her Majesty. The Quern was attended by the Treasurer of th© Household, the Vice-Chamberlain, the Comptroller of the Household; the Marquis of Anglesey, Gold Stick in Waiting; Lord Crofton, Lord in Waiting; and Mejor• General Berkeley Drummond, Groom in Waiting. Her Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent visited the Queen yesterday at Buckingham Palace, and partook of luncheou with her Majesty and Prince Albert. His Royal Highness Prince Albert, attended by the Marquis cif Abercorn, Colonel tke Hon. Charles Wiley, mei Colonel Bonverie, left Buckingham Palace at a, quarter past three o'clock yesterday afternoon, for the purpose of laying the Foundation Stone of the Cam bridge Asylum, at Norbiton. The Prince travelled by the London and south-Western Railway to Kingston,y Wake, the and from thence proceeded in a carriage end to to Museum ye a . Norbiton. His Royal Highness returned to Bucking_ham Palace at a quarter to six o'clock. Their Royal Highnesses the Prince of Princess Royal, Prince Alfred, and the Priecess Alice, Highness Prince attended by Mr. Gibbs, visited the British 11. Amelia Albert, terday morning. Hon, and atren e cl r ed M b aj y ee t t h y e a C n o d u h n i t s es ß s ° oLf a s D l io e r s .av are ne t performance of the Murray, Lord Crofton, G Co e l r o m n a e n l r ß l o a u y v w er i i t e h , thhoeniroupreredsentheee asteveeing. Her Royal Highness the Duche L ss ord o . James Murray, Lady Fanny Howard, and honoured the perforrnauee with Kenn, attended by A deputation from the also evening. Glasgow, on the subject of the_p her presence last Liverpool and West India Associations of laws, had an interview Hen ley yesterday, at the with the Right Hon. J. W. consisted of Mr. Tirane Board of Trade. The deputation and Mr. Russell (from and Mr. Roach (of Liverpociol), atent by Mr. Cardwell, Mle Glasgow), and were accompanied A deputation from . Depu ties had an interview the Protestant Dissenting oerview with Lord John Manners. yes terday,. at the Office of Works and Public Buildings, in Whitehall-plae f the Metropolitan Burials Bill, e i on the s ubject 0- , rig J. The d • eisistea et .aer.Re mington Mills , eputation co T• POWtreSa, Mr. Han bury, xi echairman), Mr. • the secretary r• Carnets, Mr. C nder and the secretary. The R e ,. e n ° • ' • ) and Mr. Coantze Mackenzie (War , and Mr. Bar eeenry dens of St. Martin's-in-the- Fields) h Barron churchwardens of th Lore John Manners , ad also an interview wi yesterday. Sr. T yrrell, the Ci t y Remembrancer, bad an inter vie with Mr, Secretary Walpole yesterday, at the w 1101 ne•office. ...: • o f Lord Hotham, M.P., Sir ~._ A deputation, combating r. Cardwell, M.P., u• Barron, BLP., Mr. H att, M.P ~ M Mr. G rogan , M.P., Mr. Pratt , a nd Mr. Wm. Joh n Hall (Steam Association. London), Mr. Morgan /see ~ retary of Me• Tall (dePutY, ditto),. • chairman ), Mr. Collinson Frost (solicitor), and Mr. Nultain (se cretarydirector), Mr— Dock Company), a ) of the Hall d .pny , Mr. Sydney Smith n interview with the Right and Mr. Ritier°ge, had a n „ e , g en t a y yester d ay, at the Board of Trade. Hon. J. W. t i ee consisting of Sir W. Molesworth, Bart., A depute , p gr. LeEyncourt, Mr. Martin, Mr. Macdougall, 5.1.- iheen, Mr. Clark, and Mr. Newell (Parliamentary had an interview with Lord John Manners ' h • • agent), Office of Public Works and Buildings. yes terday ach es • were received yesterday at the Colonial- DisPa office from the Governor of New Zealand. The Judicial Committee of the Privy Council sat yes terday in the Council Chamb er. The Lords p resent we re — Lord Cranworth, Lord Justice Knig h t Bru ce, the J u dge of the Admiralty Court, Sir Edward Ryan, and Sir J. Patteson. An appeal faom Bombay, Munmobun des Davidass v. Dharsey Cullianjee, was heard. [ A DVERTISEMENT.] —THE ROYAL EXEXHIBIT ION.—•A va luable, newly-invented, very small powerful waistcoat pocket glass, the size of a walnut , by wh i ch a person can be seen and known li, miles distant; they answer eve purpose on the Race-course, at the Opera-houses ; country scenery and ships are clearly seen at 12 to 14 miles; they are i nva l ua bl e for shooting, deer stalking, yachting, to Sportsmen, Gentlemen, Gamekeepers, and Tourists.--To be had at Messrs. S. and B. Solomons, Opticians, Z 9, Albemarle -street, Picca dilly, opposite the York - hotel. Telescopes —A n ew an d most important invention in Telescopes, possessing suc h extra ordinary powers, that some, 3i niches, with an extra eye piece, will show distinctly, Jupiter's Moons, Saturn's Ring, and the Double Start. With the same Telescope, weighing only three ounces, can be seen a person's countenance 3 miles dist ant, and an object from 16 to 20 mil es . T hey superse d e ever y other kind for the waistcoat pocket, and are of larger and all sizes, with increasing powers accordingly. Opera and Race course glasses, with wonderful powers ; an o bject can be clearly seen from 14 to 16 m i les distant. M essrs . S. and B. Solomons, Optician s , h ave invented invaluable Spectacle Lenses, i mme di ately they are p l ace d before imper aged defective si g h t becomes bright and preserving feet vision, every object aears clear and distinct, the most pp brilliant, is brought to its youthful, nat ura l , and original state. Th e Invisible Or ganic Vibrat or , and all kinds -of Acoustic in for relict of extreme d ea f ness. -39, mitre the Yo rk Hotel Athermarlimitreet, Piccadilly, op.