The Sun. — London, England, 1846-02-11 00:00:00

TIIE SUN, LON consequence was, that a finer quality of grain was produced, the husks were finer and yielded a • greater quantity of flour. Thus the advantage to the ioreigner, over the wheat of this country, was not less than 201. per cent. Now, when he considered the diffe rsnee in the rate of wages, he confessed that it was not without uneasiness that he contemplated the com petition which could not fail to come, if the propositions of the Government were adopted. It seemed natural to conclude that a portion, at least, of the wheat lands of this country would be thrown out of cultivaton on account of the impetus which would be given to the cultivation of wheat un the continent.—(Hear.) The question then arose—would it be a desirab,e competi tion, and one which they ought to encourage? It might perhaps he admitted that it would be more advan tageous to the people of this country to turn a certain portion of their wheat land into pasture, and to purchase a great quantity of grain from foreign countries, But this was not a question of political economy, it was a question of national importance. It involved their de pendence on fereign countries.—(Cheers.) He repeated that it remained to be seen whether they would depend on foreign countries for a large propiartion of the food required for their own people. He adm tted at once, that a large supply came from Poland and the south of Germany. Those countries were enabled to give them foid as they required it ; but would it be wise or prudent for the Ministers of England to place themselves in the power of teose countries, so that they might step their supplies by s o pro n hibiting the exportation of g ra; " Hear, hear.') They had had examples in the present year from which they might draw an inferetice as to the consequences of trusting a Polish harvest. They had seen that the Russian Government had prolii biteil the exportation of the inferior ;rains, which consti toted the food of their own people, to this country ; and they found that Belgium also had within a very short period prohibited the exportation of wheat. There could be no doubt that it the Government of this cuuntry had found it necessary to open the ports, neighbouring countries—France, for instance—would have shut theirs, as a matter of protection to them selves, and this would very materially have compelled this country to depend upon their own resources. lie had endeavoured to show that free trade had the dark as well as the bright side.—(Hear, hear.) And he trusted they would take into consideration, before coming to a decision on t his question, its magnitude and importance, so that at once they would have all the circumstances before them in deciding upon the question. It would be necessary to take into consideration the serious evil that would ensue if a Ling and protracted struggle were maintained on this question, on which the interests of the great mass of the people were opposed to those of the nobility and gentry of the country. They must also take into consideration the actual posi tion of the question, not only in the country, but in that House. In the country they would find the community divided into two classes, who differed materially. One class resolved to have the repeal of all pro testive d uties, and the other class resolved to maintain those duties in existence. What was the position ot' the question. as it stood in that llouse ? All the great and leading sta t esm en en both sides — men of every party—were of opinion that some alteration in the existing law was ne cessary. Those who were anxious to maintain the sys tem of protection were avowedly unable to form an Ad ministration at all likely to have the confidence of the coun try. In this case they had no choice between two alterna tives—either to give support to the measure before the House, or to throw out the Government which now existed, and to make way for the Government of the Honourable Gentlemen opposite.—(Hear, hear.) What would they gain by making such a change ? nothing ; and, therefore, he for one should give his support to the motion before the House, as he believed that in so doing he pursued the course better calculated ultimately to promote the interests of the country. Many Members opposed the measure either from a sense of duty or from a sense of consistency, but resistance would ulti mately tend to bring still greater misery on the country, without attaining the object they had in view. Mr. LEFIIOY said he proposed addressing the House less generally than the Hon. Member who had ju t sae down, but he did not consider that this mea-ure would have the effect of improving the condition of the poorer classes, ur give satisfaction to the landed proprietors. A number of Bills had been introduced by the Hon. Baronet, by which a large sum of money could be borrowed, and to carry on great public works, with a view to giving the pe fplc extensive employment. But he did not think they would have that effect. In the north of Ireland the people had contrived to secure a large amount of employ ment by the manufactures carried on there, though he could not say as much for other parts of that country. He would now state his reasons, as an Irish represen tative, why it was that he would give his vote in oppo sition to the Government measure ; and in doing so he would say, that upon so important a measure as this no Irish county Member should hesitate to state his reasons, lest it might go forth that they had been led to their decisions by party influences. He had seen the announcement of the resignation of several Honourable Members of that House, and in particular one Noble Lord, who made this sacrifice rather than vote for a measure which they could net conscientiously believe would benefit the country. There were so many things, however, in favour of the measure proposed to be brought forward by the Right lion. Baronet, that he shrunk from taking any steps in opposition. He felt it was a measure of such vital im portance, that the question which was forced home to the breast of every one must be, was it for the good of the country?.—(Hear, hear.) It was not his inclination, nor (lid he feel it to be his duty, to go into the subject in ail its bearings. Others were better qualified to do so than he was. He could not, however, refrain from referring to the injurious effects which must accrue to Ireland if it were carried into effect. They had no menu factures there. Would that measure introduce manu factures into that country ? lie thought that no man would be found who would venture to make such an assertion.—(Elear.) He would not trouble the House with the details of the imports into that country,but it the consequence of the measure should be a diminution of them, it could not but have a most injurious effect. If it should turn a great quantity of the land which was at present cultivated, and was abundantly productive, into pasture land, would not such a result be ruinous? Would not that state of Ireland, which was so elo spiently referred to in that House by the Hon. Member for Rochdale—a state of trouble, and sorrow, and deeti tution—he the inevitable accompaniment?—(Hear.) Ile thought it a most hazardous experiment.—(Hear, hear.) He had never followed a Minister, or given a vote upon any question which he could not reconcile with his sonscience. (Hear, hear.) '1 hese were questions far above his comprehension, and others, who, like himself, had not either the talent or opportunities of investigating measures calculated to pro mote the good of the country. It became him, therefore, after having watched the conduct of those public men who had brought forward salutary measures for the benefit of his country to follow that leader who had thus acted. Upon this ground he ehould not give his support to the measures brought forward by the Reda Honourable Baronet ; and in so doing, whatever opinions might be formed as to the " fool's paradise," or anything else, he trusted that he would net be con sidered us one of those foolish birds who would be snared by the whistle of the betrayer. lithe Ilight lion. liaronet informed him that he had changed his (pinions he con sidered it right that he should he informed of the reasons of that change of opinion.—(Hear, hear.) Under pre sent circumitance he earnestly hoped that the advice of the Ili !Ist Hon. B itonet would be found perfectly aefe. Ile trusted that the measures introduced by the Right Honourable flannel eould be productive of be. nests to his country. He could only say respecting the measure, that, should it pass, he would he w illing to submit to it, but he would net by a vete take upon hinise!l the responsibility of its enactment. And if it was proved in course of tine that it was dangerous and destructive in its operation, he would feel satisfied of having entered his pretest against it, deeply impressed with the convie tion that the 1n4.9, tire must prove fatal to the bust inter ests of the country.—(llear.) Lord CLEMENTS said that the Ile n eurahle Mem ber who had ju,t set down complained that the measure would prove injurious to the landlords of Ireland. lie (Lord Clements) had no objection to meet the cnallenge thrown out by that Hon. Gentleman, respecting the m itter under the consideration toe In doing s 0 he did not prefese tea be more of a fermer's friend than thus- on the opposite side of the House. During the last six years he had done his best to improve the ugrieul tare of the county which he represented, aid he con fessed he had no leers of the measure under the con sideration of the House.—(llear, hear, and cheers.) When he heard the arguments of his lion. Friend the \ he i ern } Le , r fir Northanipton (Mr. Standard O'Brien) much startled at them. In pro fessingSpinrwrs e mita sympathy for the co unt( to paper-stainers, whom lie represented, as likely and o be ruined li attention to e might have turned his claws of Ireland If the condition of the labouring enough to excite his he looked at them he would see mmisseration without going else where; yet these h a ,l e i', tern, and yet to ruin theeeitri' living under a protective sys taat e rrther would be impossible. lie considered these s were well worthy of ‘ (. l l l olterest of the House. the consideration of see landed not what the feelings He knew pteoploef Ire arid the Lords might ~ but Commons of he was certain, that unless they intended to promote the general advantage of the land, they had better let this matter atone. Yet he ought to say that he was of opinion that nothin g wa s likely to advance the condition of the population which do not go to the root of the evil. lie was aware that the me.isure which he was intending - to advocate would not be favourably received by rithe public. 1 1 1 e k new there was not only a deprivation of necessaries of life, but that there onl was in a tone tal destitution, which existe d not y house, but throughout the length and breadth of . th y e land. lie believed that this repert el deficienc ti was not over-state]. Be the report that hal he made by Lord Devon and time cAntuissioners under h a commission which had his most hearty con currence there was an evident case wade out for the consideration of the G overn men r. It appeared by this repert of John Duke, Fe q that the effects of this Commission had net been at all iu propo r ti on to t h e ant i c ip a ti on o f its advisers. Th er e were so me facts which rendered its report nugatory. It ap peared by thet report that there had been no returns respecting the state of the people within 12 miles of our district. He was aware that he was one of the parties who had been instrument al in effecting a change in the commercial position o f the restrictioneou ntry, but he felt that that ought to be no his tie proceeding rna tl then on this question. The Honourable n proceeded to read some extracts irons Lord Devon's r eport taken at Boyle. The medical practitioner of that union said, respecting the system of dividing land, “ t th a at t it was a common thing fer a man who h a d from two to five acres to subdivide it, and that in consequence there were very few large farmers in that part of the country, and that they are now fifty per cent. worse than they wer e twent y years ago." Nothing, said he, can equal their wretched ness. On being asked what was the cause of their wretchedness, he said that commodities were so reduced in price, that they were not enabled to pay their rents in consequence. They lived in such a state that it could hardly be believed. They had no bedsteads; they lay generally on a small quantity of straw, with no coveting over them. Here a Member made an observation which we understood to be.---Did he (Lord Clements) believe those statements? To which the Noble Lord replied, that he could confirm every single statement that was made. He saw a mother with her four children lying on a floor with nothing but a thin rug to cover them. He had witnessed scenes of wretchedness and dis tress which required the strongest nerves to be enabled to endure. The Noble Lord continued to read from the report before him, —" Many of the people would be disposed to emigrate if means were given them, the married as well as the unmarried." He then proceeded—Now that was a lamentable state of things: and he should say that he felt perfectly satisfied of the truth of every statement made in the report. Since be came to know the country, there scarcely passed a summer that great distress did not prevail. In the month of May last an extensive failure was expected • and but for the coun t y Leitrim, the adjoining coun ties woul d have been in a state of the most awful distress. So constant had these failures become, that additional ground had to be broken in the last year ; and it was difficult to ascer tain what quantity of ground was brought intocultivation. The Commission appointed by her Majesty to inquire into the state of the potato crop, he was happy to state, had one good object, namely, that it forewarned the people, and showed them that they had only to depend on themselves, and not on neigh bouring counties for assistance. In many instances those who could afford to do so laid in large stocks of oatmeal ; but how many thousands of the poorer classes were there who could not afford to provide themselves with that article.— ( Hear, hear. ) These were awful considerations ; and he might then inquire what was the good of protection to agricul ture ?—(llear, hear. ) Had it been of the slightest service to the farmers, or had it provided food for the people ?—( Hear. ) Had it prevented the agricultural labourer from standing idle in the markets, as had been before asked by an Honourable Member, the Member for Northamptonshire ?—( Hear, hear.) To give the House a more concise idea of the state of the peo ple of Ireland, he would read the opinions of the trustees of a lease fund in one part of Ireland. The Noble Lord then read several documents to the effect, that there were several thou sands living in the most wretched hovels without the means of procuring food for themselves or their families. There were no less than 23,125 acres in the occupation of persons who could not pay any rent. He had been led to make these in quiries, and he now begged to refer them to the consideration of the Right Hon. Baronet. His convictions en the subject were very strong, and, as far as they were concerned, nothing could be more fair or more just than the measure proposed by the Right Hon. Baronet. In the inquiry which had been in stituted by Lord Devon as to the condition of the poor in Ire land, a plan had been recommended which he (Lord Cle ments) thought could be partially adopted with advantage. It provided that certain establishments should be made by her Majesty's Government, for which the county should become responsible. lie should certainly, in that case, make no ob jection, provided that the whole charge was annually brought before Parliament, and not be charged, as it at present was, on the Conselidat: d Fund. He would further earnestly pray that, if any representations should be made from the magis.• tracy requestine an increase in the police force, the necessary increase should he instantly made. He had watched with great anxiety the ',regress of the Bill, and he must say that, in most instances, the principal requirements were provided for. fie now wished to call the attention of the House to the administration of affairs in the courts of assizes. If her Ma jesty's Government had investigated the matter, they could not but perceive that it was absolutely necessary for the security of life and property that the courts of assizes should be placed on a firmer basis. He would propose that efficient Crown officers should be appointed, who, from their abilities and standing in their profession, would be able to perform their duties in a proper manner, Many a criminal has escaped punishment in consequence of the ignorance or weakness of the Crown counsel. This was a shocking state of things. He (Lord Clements) knew personally of one instance wherein the Crown council was unable to reply to a question of the judge, as to the particular Act under which a certain indictment was framed, and the prisoner, in consequence escaped. He looked upon the Crown counsel as holding his office for the general protection of society, and if he were unable to perform his duties properly, society was in a measure unpro tected. It was impossible for one Crown counsel to attend in a satisfactory manner to the business of an entire circuit. One officer was not sufficient, and he trusted the Right Hon. Ba ronet would take into consideration the alteration he had sug gested. He would beg, at the same time, while on this sub ject, to call the attention of the Right lion. Baronet, if it was in his power, as he was sure it was in his inclination, to contri bute some plan of relief of the agricultural population from the local taxation under which they laboured. From a return which he held in his hand it appeared that the taxation was most unequally distributed, and in many instances it fell directly upon the poorer classes. In the agricultural districts taxation was very severely felt, especially in a time of famine and distress. Ile (Lord Clements) was particularly anxious to press en the attention of the Right Hon. Baronet the charges which had been brought against the Irish poor, as to their antipathy to the poor-houses. He was perfectly ready to admit that much strong feeling existed on this subject. The poor-houses were not conducted in a proper manner ; much reform was needed, and it would, perhaps, be advisable to conduct their management in a different form. In doing this, however, many difficulties would have to be encountered and overcome. The funds for these alterations existed in various sources in Ireland, which might easily be made available. From a return of the Irish Reductive Loan Fund to December, 1844, there appeared a revenue of 9,9001., which could be applied for the purposes at which he had hinted. The Noble Lord then adduced various other sources whence a sufficient revenue could be obtained, and went on to observe that at a time similar to the present a sum of 300,000/. had been subscribed from various parts of the world to relieve the wants of the poor in Ireland. He would entreat the Right Honourable Baronet to see to the proper ap plication of the funds which he (Lord Clements) had shewn might be made available. There were numerous socie ties in Ireland, which he believed, if the house were to appoint a committee to inquire into, could be rendered of great benefit to the country. He would not detain the House any longer than to observe that he should vote for the measure which the Right Hon. Baronet had brought forward. (Some confusion and much laughter occurred in the House at the conclusion of Lord Clements' speech, in consequence of several lies .Members essaying to speak before the Noble Lord had suite finished.) The Marquis of GRANBY believed that the Right lion. Baronet had been actuated by a feeling of the most candid nature in introdacing the present measure. He would, however, say at the same time, that if the Right Honourable Gentleman had entertained his opinions of 1841, he would have proposed this measure to the House with all the energy and talent he possessed, and not with the authority of a petitioner. As far as was known of the feelings of the people of the country, those feelings were in favour of the proposed measure. He had some difficulty in dealing with the matter, because the arguments are so various in their different bearings and application. The argument which appeared to prevail the strongest in the country was, that the labourer, in case of a repeal of the corn-laws, would be supplied with cheaper bread. If it was true that the labourer, in case of the repeal of the law were enabled to buy his bread cheaper, there was some shadow of reason in supposing that the corn laws were unnecessary. But that was not the question. The question was, supposing that the corn-laws are repealed, would the labourer be able to eat more bread than he does under the present laws.—( Hear.) They had been told that an ex perience of three years fully justified the alterations which had been proposed to the House. He would admit that three year's experience might be sufficient to test the eligibility of remitting protection, with one or two exceptions, on general articles of import, but a great question like that of the corn laws, involving the consideration of so many arid so important interests ought not to be tested by an experience of so limited a period as a few years. The arguments of the Anti-Corn law League were as though they should say, " We want to put a shilling into every man's pocket, by taking two shillings out of the pocket of every farmer."—( Hear, hear ) Supposing the agriculturists of this country to be driven out of the market —was it to be supposed that foreigners would allow prices to continue low in this country? It was absurd to suppose that our foreign trade would be extended by the repeal of the corn laws. But even supposing that such an effect would be produced by such a cause, let them consider that the home consumption of our manufacturers amounted to 150,000,0001. a year, while the exports were only 50,0n0,000/., and would it then be wise to injure the larger interest to benefit the smaller ? It was on these grounds a he should feel it his duty to oppose the measure of the Govern ment, and to support that system which had produced the greatness, the wealth, and the independence of this country. He would beg of those lion. Gentlemen around him, who in tended to support the Government, to pause before they plunged into the vortex of revolution. It might be said that protection was doomed, but his answer was that protection was just. —( Hear, hear. ) Hr believed that posterity would thank those who had struggled in the cause of protection. Mr. GREGORY would declare at once that it was his in tention to give his support to the measure. Three years ago a Right lion. Gentleman had declared that the principles of free trade were the principles of eommoii sense. He confessed hat he was struck with these words.—(Laughter.) The more he had reflected the more he believed that those words were the word. of truth. On these grounds he had supported his lion. Friend the Member for Gateshead last year, on his motion for the introduction of Australian corn. He however confessed that he did not think that a repeal of the corn-laws was so near. He had thought that it would have been better to impose a small duty on corn for revenue purposes, and a proposition of that sort would have his support. The present measure, however, had only come a little earlier than he might have anticipated, but that was no reason for his refusing it his support. He believed that ag riculture had flourishd not through protection, but in spite of protection. It had been said that if this Bill were to pass, from that moment they would become dependent upon foreigners. He believed this to be a fallacious argument. Were they not in all times of scarcity indebted te the foreigner for supplies ? It was absurd to say that this measure was a concession to agitation. The Right lion. Baronet might have had a large majority in favor of pro tection if he had appealed to the country ; and on the other hand the present measure could not he carried but by the as sistance of the Right Hon. Gentleman. How then could this be considered a concession to agitation ? It had been said by the Hon. Member for Inverness that the effect of this measure would be to throw land out of cultivation ; but he confessed past experience had not proved this, for on looking to the re• turns, he found that when the remunerating price of wheat was fixed at the lowest figure, the consumption of the country had greatly increased. In 1815 the remunerating price was fixed at 80s. per querter ; in 1827, 5555.; and in 1842, 565.; and the average for the three years ending 1846 had been 525. Now what had been the sales of t wheat in the country markets during these periods? In 1839, I _ll , . e 47,, 5 0 a1 ,4 e 60 s in the cou . ntry d markel . s , were 3,174,680 quarters ; in i ‘ B4 , they were 4,900,234 ; and in the year 1845, they were price,average a . th er e s c'on an sum y out of cultivat i on.— g p e t t i , o w m i h todo mo g r r e ea t t h a an red d u o c u t b io i n ed in th th u e s running the argument _ that as corn became cheaper land fell regard Hear, hear . ) Ireland, ear.) few words with would bring injury upon' themt whileerewthisehegdrenaotwesttoalsipaYr'ea lanbded interest that this measure appre hensions prevailed amon g st 1 in his opinion, their ap prehensions were entirely , wani'%lll;outltiue a untlation. The commer cial prosperity of Ireland , Ireland were identical ; in fact, there e g . r i i s c t u ea ltural prosperity of pulsation in both in ter es t ; . W hen hadtheretiely the same a brisk demand for manufa ctures the y had equa lly br isk demand for ag ricultural p roduce; and were he an I rish t 1 e would pre f e r fresh inlets for the peasant commerce and fresh markets for the industry of the country to all the pro ' tection which the utmost stretch of a monopolising mind could suggest.—( Hear, hear, and laughter.) Now he had taken the greatest pains to a scertain the true bearing of this question, arid he found that the greatest apprehension prevailed amongst those who traded its oats, live cattle, salt pork, butter, bacon and •h were the s taple exports of Ire:and. N ow, with m utton, w ' price was fixed at 9s. 6d. per II ) o ats, the rem unerati veregari he foreigner could un barrel of 14 s tone, and he denied that t r , dersell them at this price.—( Hear, t of this hear.) n suppor_ ou opinion he n • I i q uote the price of oats at the pr inc ic, ipal ambur places Danz Hg, of foreign export, namely , St. Petersburgh, and Elsinore. No,, in Hamburgh the price of oats varied from I Is. to 16s. per quarter, and the freight of the same article was from 2s. 6d. to ss. In Elsinore the price was from 12s. to 155., and freight from 3s. 6d. to 51. In Danzic the price was 12g., and the freight was 3s. 6d. to ' 4s. and at St. Peteraburgh the price was 12a. 3d., and the freight 4s. aWith these prices he could not see what chance the foreigner had of underselling the home producer. But let them see what bad been the amount of imports since the present tariff had come into operation. Take the period from the 29th of April, 1842, to the 4th of January, 1345, and it would be found that 518,620 quarters of foreign and colonial oats were imported into this country at a duty of ls. 6d. per quarter, while, in the same time, Ireland sent 5,322,637 quarters.—( Hear, hear.) With these figures and these calculations, derived from men who bad endeavoured to collect th est information on the subject, and whose motives for doing so could not for a single moment be cal in ques tion. before them, how could the House hesitate in the course they ought to adopt. The same results were shown by the re turns relating to the other articles he had enumerated ; and he, for one, intreated the landed interest of Ireland to dismiss from their minds the foolish apprehension that the measure of the Government would prove destructive to their interests. The Hon. Gentleman, after some further remarks, which were wholly inaudible in the reporters' gallery, sat down amidst the cheers of the greater part of the lion. Members on the I Ministerial benches. _ .. Nearly a dozen Hon. Members on the Ministerial side rose simultaneously to address the House at the conclusion of Mr. Gregory's speech, but there being loud cries for " Brooke," Lord BROOKE accordingly rose, and said that he fully anticipated that the honest expressions of a man of unbiassed opinions, and the representative of a large constituency would have their due weight with the House—( Hear, hear)—and with those feelings it was that he rose, not to enter into any lengthened detail upon this most difficult question, but merely to glance at the general features of it, to state in fact the reasons which had induced him to give a vote on this occasion. He deeply regretted the course which had been taken by many of the Right Hon. Members of the Government on this question.—(Hear, hear.) He could assure the House that nothing would have given him greater satis faction than to have been able to tender his most hearty support to the present measure of the Right lion. Baronet—( Hear, hear)—but the difference which had taken place in the views of the Right lion. Baronet had induced him to withhold his support on the present occasion.—( Hear, hear.) lie ( Lord Brooke) felt convinced that that change was cha racterised by straightforwardness—( Hear, hear)—but yet it had been of such a nature as not to satisfy him of its cor rectness.—( Hear. hear.) Although he was willing to give every credit to the Right Hon. Baronet, and to those who supported him, he did feel and think that many of his sup porters could not lay claim to that straightforwardness of ac tion which the Right Hon. Baronet had adopted —(Cheers from the Ministerial side of the House.) The Right lion. Baronet for several years past had been changing his prilici ples, but he had taken care to reap from his own party, and from that House the fruits of those changes.—(Loud cheers.) Those who had followed him in that varying course. had followed him suddenly ; he might almost say miraculously—(Loud laughter and cheers)—and the House might be almost at a loss to conceive how the Right Hon. Baronet had induced so many Hon. Members so suddenly to change their opinions, so as to chime with his own. Had they not heard the speech last night of the Noble Lord the Member for Liverpool ?—( Cheers and laughter.) The reasons of their sud den change, as stated by that Noble Lord, were because, it they did not approve of the measure of the Right Hon. Baronet, they would lose the benefit of his high talent and of his great genius in conducting the Government of this country.— ( Hear.) But he (Lord Brooke) felt that if a man was con vinced that a measure, which might be brought before the House was injurious or hurtful to the country, no personal or other consideration ought to induce that man to vote for such a measure contrary to the pledges which he had given to his con stituents.—(Cheers.) The only reason that he could discover why Hon. Members on that (the Ministerial) side of the House followed the Right Hon. Baronet, was because they were afraid of a dissolution of Parliament. Now they all knew that when a man arrived at a great age he lost his faculties (Great laughter)—his memory failed him —( Continued langhter)—and they had at the present momeut a fine example of memory failing men.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) They found Hon. Members in this Parliament forgetting the pledges which they have given in their youth and manhood, and sinking in the decrepitude of old age.— ( Laughter.) In that state they were called upon by the Right Hon. Baronet to make their will.—( Hear, hear, and laughter.) They were called upon to sign away their property and their possessions.—( Hear, hear.) They were called upon to sign away their rights and privileges to foreigners and aliens. He would not say that the course of the Right Hen. Baronet would be so tamely consented to by a new Parliament. —(Hear.) He felt that a Parliament returned fresh from the country would not be so easily led by the Prime Minister of the Crown.-(Hear, hear.) If famine had been overhan g in g this countryere might then have been better reason for the introduction of the present measure, but such was not the case. If it had been so, he would most willingly have given the Right lion. Baronet, his cordial support.—( Hear, hear.) But he could not see any such danger as a famine befalling this country. The apprehended evil arising from the failure in the potato crop would be but casual, and it was also an evil which might have been remedied by the temporary opening of the ports.—( Hear, hear.) The House would find that great reductions had been recently made in the duties on different articles included in the tariff, and the conse quence was a great increase in the importation of those articles. Now, when corn was admitted free of duty into this country, he felt convinced that native industry would be materially injured unless our exports were equal to, if not greater, than the imports from abroad. There had been another subject brought before the House in the discus sion of this question, and that was the subject of the cultiva tion of the land. The lion. Member who seconded the Ad dress said, that there was no limitation to the resonrces of this country. lie (Lord Brooke) was aware that there were great portions of the land of this country which were not culti vated and left utterly unimproved ; but he could not believe that that want of cultivation was so extensive as stated by the Hon. Member. He could not properly understand the Right lion. Gentleman, the Secretary for War, when he stated that there was no country which could successfully compete with this country. From the north of Europe, across France and Spain, and the whole of the other countries on all sides of Europe, if this measure were passed, we should be most successfully competed with.—(Hear, hear.) This country would then be in a most degrading post. tion ; we should be left to the generosity of foreigners, and that he conceived would be a situation which no Englishman could wish to see this country placed in. —(Cheers.) The Right Hon. Baronet had said that this measure was one, not of justice, but of policy, and a matter which might be settled by compen sation. The only mention which he could find of remunera tion in the letter of the Noble Lord the Member fur London to the citizens of London, was the adjustment which would follow the removal of agricultural protection. What that remunei a tion was to be, he ( Lord Brooke) could not see. As a Mem ber who was prepared to vote in favour of protection to agricul ture, he could not but deprecate the course of agitation which had seen pursued by tt-e Members of the Anti-Corn-law League. lie felt that their aims and objects were far different from those who were members of the association for the protection of British industry—( Hear.) The object of the Anti-Corn law Leaguers was to pull down and destroy.—(Cheers. ) Whilst that of the protectionists was to conserve. If any one looked to the conduct of the League they would find that their measures were not in accordance with honesty and strict justice. He would not adduce particular cases, but if it were necessary, he was prepared to support his assertion. The way in which the Anti-Corn-law League had sought to extend the elective franchise was most unjustifiable.—( Loud cheers.) The agents of the League objected to an honest man's vote on the registration, and sinless he came to defend his vote it was struck off the registry.—(Hear.) If a man, therefore,:deter mined on defending his vote against the attempts of the League, he was subjected to much expense, for which the revising bar rister was not empowered to allow him compensation.— ( Hear, hear.) He would therefore say, that the condnct of the Anti-Corn-law League was such as no honest man should sanction.—( Hear, hear.) There was one other ques tion to which he wished to allude before he sat down. The Noble Lord the Member for the City of London, in his recent letter to his constituents, had stated that the system of agri cultural protection had produced much mortality. A pam phlet had, however, been put into his (Lord Brooke's) hands the previous day, which showed that the contrary was the fact. It was there distinctly proved that the system of high prices in corn tended to decrease the amount of mortality.— ( Hear, hear.) The compiler of that pamphlet had no returns, but he took the averages; he commenced with the year 1780, and carried down his calculations to 1830, and he divided that period into ten portion.. In the first period of ten years, when the price of corn was high, the amount of mor tality was 152 less than that of a corresponding period when the price of corn was low ; in the next ten years it was 375; and in the third period 1,678; and down to 1809, the de crease in mortality in favour of high prices of corn, was 2,834. lie had made these statements because he wished to show that he was about to give his vote on the question conscientiously. As the representative of a large constituency, he could not g.ve a silent vote, and he would resume his seat in the belief and hope that he hail honestly done his duty.—( Cheers. ) Lord WORSLEY could assure the Noble Lord, who last spoke, that he was not aware that he was a new Member, or he would instantly have given up. He (Lord Worsley ) was anxious to address the House upon the subject now under con sideration. It was a question that had frequently been brought before their notice, but it had never assumed such a shape as it had done at the present time. What was the actual state of the case? It was now brought forward and supported by the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of her Alajes'y s Government upon grounds of expediency. He did not think they had brought forward the measure because they thought it right in itself, but on account of the peculiar situation of the country. The present Government had been elected in 1841, as the farmer's friend, and at the period of that general election there were no placards so prominent or nume rous as " Peel, the Farmer's Friend."—( Hear, hear.) lie well remembered the arguments used by Hon. Gentlemen op posite when the subject of the total repeal of the corn-laws was brought forward on a former occasion. It was then that they stated that the landed proprietors were not to be frightened out of their propriety by claims of a delusive character. The Noble Lord proceeded to read some extracts from the speeches of Sir R. Peel and Sir J. Graham on the subject of protec tion in the year 1841, the reading of which caused consider ..ble laughter and cheering from both sides of the House. The Noble Lord went on to state that many Hon Members had gained their seats in that House by reason of their strenuous opposition to any change in the corn-laws. What had been the result? In 1842, the Right Hon. Baronet had proposed some considerable modification in the then existing corn-laws, and he now came down to the House under the impression that he still had a right to go on in that direction, and there fore proposed the present measure, assuring the House at the same time, that he was encouraged to do so by the encouragement he had met with on former occasions. When the question of a total repeal of the corn-laws was brought forward, three years ago, this measure was success fully opposed by Hon. Gentlemen opposite. Upon that occa sion there was no compensation offered to the landed proprie tors for the total repeal of the corn-laws. The Right lion. Baronet might perhaps say, in extenuation, that now he was prepared with a measure for the relief of the burdens which pressed upon agriculture. The Noble Lord did not think the present measure was likely to produce a permanent settlement of the question. Before the three years would have elapsed, there would be a general election ; and he believed that the farmers of England, who had been told that it was not dis creditable to tear a total repeal of the corn-laws, would upon that occasion ask their Members to endeavour to obtain for them a revision of the laws affec' ing the im portation of foreign corn. tie thought it unwise for the Governmentof the country thus to keep alive in the landed proprietors the hope that at the end of three years another Parliament would be elected from which they would be able to obtain justice. By such a system, he maintained, the question f the corn-laws could not be settled. When such language as from free trade, was i that was used by the Right Hon. Gentleman so lately, and when same they heard the Prime Minister of the country say at the out those very measures?—(Hear.) , sing that -s time that there was such danger to be apprehended ( n i o ie t ar s . u ) rpr W isi a n s g it t , h u at ude t r he suc ß h i t g .i l r r . t Honourable h t o h u e l d Government take should d find to on n ca t it h r i y s considered that the Government cumstances surpri • side of the House supporters f man, but this he might be allowed to the agricultural interest who deceived them ? Fie would not say one hard word against ' thing for a person to be in the positi Y on t Right Hon. Gentle oaft it was a serious w saa i d at :h:t s the Right Hon. Barenet.—( Hear, hear.) He at one time the corn-laws were permanently settled, and that so the year 1842 ; but he now came down to the House to tell them it was necessary to do a great deal more. He (Lord W.) could not think that because there was temporary distress in the country, that the corn-laws ought to be repealed , WEDNESDAY EVENING, FEBRUARI 11, 1846. (Hear, hear.) The Government may attempt to carry the nearer relation with the sound principles which regulate our measure, but, as he said before, it would never be considered a commercial policy with respect to every other branch of in settlement of it by the farmers and landowners of this country. dustry. I will go still further, and say lam not satisfied with (Hear, hear.) In 1842 no one expected—no party whatever the plan, and can be no party to it, of setting up a separate in expected, that they would propose an alteration again of those terest for the landlord and the farmer of this country ; I be laws in 1845. In the year 1842, the Right Honourable Baronet lieve that their prosperity will, in the main, be found to depend the Secretary for the Home Department. advocated protection on the wealth, the comfort, and the ease were of th pr e in gciples reat body of to the agriculturists of th is countr y , but he (Lord Worsley) the people of this country." Those the did not know hew he could reconcile his arguments then with I avowed upon that occasion.—( Hear, hear.) The House, I the arguments which he was using now.—( Hear, hear.) think, will also remember the memorable motion of the Noble He did not know of any one who had spoken out Lord opposite, on the condition of the working classes. I then so strongly as the Member for Canterbury against any altera- stated to the House many facts which had come before me, time of the corn• laws, and yet he had latterly taken office under which were, in my opinion, quite conclusive to prove that the the Right Hon. Baronet. He said in 1842, that if the Govern- comfort and well-being of the working classes in this country ment took the duty off corn, the property would be sacrificed of were mainly dependent upon abundance and cheapness, and one-third of the population, and that such an act would be the their misery and distress were mainly occasioned by scarcity scheme of a Minister of a party, aut could never be the mea- or by high prices. —( Hear, hear. ) 1 frankly avow, that if the sure of the Minister of a nation.—( Hear, hear, and cheers.) course of events had not been interrupted by circumstances which It did appear to him, that if the Ministry did propose such a it was impossible to foresee, I should very gladly have adhered to measure, there ought to be a dissolution in the first instance of the policy of madually and progressively diminishing the the present Parliament, that the constituencies by which they protection to agriculture, but steadily keeping in view that u were pon returned ordinary to might again de c l are their sentiments. desirable peri od when the p rotection mi g ht alto g ether be re- Upon o ccasions, e it was t rue , the P ar liament was moved. But this brings me to the point of the utmost import elected for seven years. but when a sultjs et came under its con- ante to the consideration of this case, namely, the unforeseen sideration of such importance, he (Lord Worsley) considered circumstances which did occur after the termination of the last that the country ought to be appealed to. After this Parties session. First, with respect to the harvest of this country. nient was elected an eight shilling duty was proposed, but on It was a harvest, as was truly stated by my Right Hor.. Friend the present occasion it was a questio n wit h t h e m of corn laws or the Secretary-at-War, of a peculiar character. In point of nu corn-laws.—( Hear, hear.) There could be no doubt what- quantity it was not a deficient hertest ; in point of quality, I ever that there ought to be no alteration in the corn-laws before believe, in the experience of the oldest farmers, there never was the constituencies of the country were appea l e d to. lie (Lord so great a variety ; and the effect of that has been to point out Worsley) believed that if there wa s a di sso l u ti on n ow, some in and to establish the great imperfection of the averages under their places in that House would not occupy them long.— the existing law. I will not press this further. It was dis ( Hear, hear.) He did not know w hether it was tinetly stated last night by my Right Hon. Friend, that in no in the recollection of the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite former years, I believe, has there been such a variety of quality the Secretary for the Colonies (who for some reason unknown in the corn brought to market, the price varying from 40s. for to him was not in his plaee—( A laugh) —in that House,) that the worst, I believe, up to 705., or 755., for the best. An al he stated in the year 1841, that the Pa r li amen t was pledged to teration was made in the law in 1842, ireregerd to the averages, protection. Here the Noble Lord read the speech of the which had a very decisive effect in one respect; it altogether Secretary for the Colonies, as reported in Hansard, on the sub- prevented fraud. By extending the period, and multiplying jest of the corn-laws. The country fai r ly ask, as many have the towns, in respect to which the taking of the averages, altered their opinions in this House, th a t an opportunity may fraud was prevented; hut as relates to the interest of be afforded the constituencies to see whether they had net the consumer, this had a very adverse effect ; for fraud, altered their opinions also.—(Cheers.) He ( Lord Wortley) whenever it had been exerted, was always in favour of the con had presented no fewer than fifty or sixty petitions against any sumer, and for the purpose of opening the port, ; and in my alteration in the corn-laws, and also a petition p r aying that that real opinion , the general d efect of the measure of 1842, though House would place no confidence in her Majesty' 'Government. it was not as in'e. ded, was 'hat it rendered protection more He was never more surprised than on seeing the na mes o f in- stringent.—( Hear, hear. ) 'ibis was demonstrated, I must dividua's to these petitions who refused him (Lord Worsley) say, by the operation of the scale regulating the duties in the their support, because he refused to place confidence in her course of het autumn. Prices were rising ; the price of the Majesty s Government.—( Hear, hear.) But it did seem to quartern loaf in this metropolis was 9%d., and approaching to him (Lord Worsley) extraordinary that these changes of her the war price. When the quartern boat had so risen, the duty Majesty's Government were never suspected by any of their indicated by the siding--scale was 14s. or 15s. per quarter. — supporters. The Noble Lord the Member for the City of (Hear, hear )In point of fact the sliding-scale would neither London (Russell) gave them warning in his answer to an slide nor move.—(Cheers.) And that was its comleinnation. address from Plymouth, when he said, that "if the people --(Renewed cheers.) 1 do not wish to go into an historical were united, no power could prevent them from repealing the statement respecting the corn-laws, or I might mention that eornslaws."—(Hear, hear.) (Here the Noble Lord (NVorsley) from 1773 to 1792 the importation of corn was in point of fact read the answer of Lord John Russell to the free in this country ; and it was a remarkable coincidence, inhabitants of Plymouth, wherein he alludes to the corn-laws.) which Adam Smith points out when, without marking the His Noble Friend gave that warning to many opposite, but cause, he mentions as a time when there was a great start in they did not profit by it, but on the contrary they still sup- our manufacturing and commercial prosperity—exactly that ported her Majesty's Government. He hoped the Right Hon. period, from 1773 to 1792, when the importation of corn Baronet opposite would listen to the advice of some of his was free.—( Hear, hear.) I will also observe that supporters, and take the sense of the country on his really change on this matter was not a change measures.— (Hear, hear. )At present there was an oppor- of any fundamental principle. The corn-law had tuuity for the Irish producer to send over their supplies o f been changed and altered five or six times, arid yet its avowed corn to this country, but if the present measure passed into a object had never been answered.—(Hear, hear.) I will now law, they would not make so much of their land as now.—( Hear, return to the point from which 1 digressed. I was speaking of hear.) It was his intention to support the alteration proposed the imperfect operation of the sliding-scale, and I may add, by the Right Hon. Baronet, with respect to timber, for when that together with that, there did arise that which human fore -1 the landlord did not find the tenant timber, it was difficult for sight could not antimpate, the general failure of the potato crop 1 them to get good timber for trade. He (Lord Worsley) be- throughout the United Kingeom. This failure was by no lieved it would be for the advantage of the country generally means limited to Ireland. The destruction of the potato crop to have cheap timber, but he believed it would be against the began in the south of England, and I believe that it was more interest of the country generally to have any alteration in the fatal in the southern part of England than in any part of Ire corn laws, and he would consequently oppose that part of the land. In many part s of the southern counties of En g land the Sire J. measure.—( Cheers. ) working population, though not altogether subsisting on potatoes , M Sir J. GRAHAM—sir, I have risen to add ress y ou at yet are in a great measure dependent, on that article for their daily food. N% ith respect to Scotland we have the most accu this time chiefly in consequence of the able and powerful rate information ; and from the parochial returns, we know speech of the lion. Member for Northamptonshire, who ad- positively, that in the south of Scotland one-third of the po dressed the House this evening, and in whose sentiments I t, taco ,iolvne c m rt. ,:lub o t p rgeeo :the G m was tfhrhue destroyed toghocvia. eol rin p a tih s , eeet:ltp r early iv as incs ede t i h .d e eed month tsatuih lffise reportt caesoift of November h e s ea e ) m e,,x b At e tieh r enas l t e st r s of most cordially concur, that we ought riot to allow this discus- heifa in sion to degenerate into a mere fiscal question.—(Hear, hear.) November s. When a great party is on the point of being dissolved, the Lindley and Mayfair, by which it appeared that one-half of qeestion, though in itself even insignificant, becomes a great the whole crop, though not greater than an average, had been destroyed ; that one-eighth of that crop must be preserved national one.—( Hear.) I think that no leader of a g reat for seed ; and that consequently, not more than three party, such as that which has placed its confidence i n m y Ri g ht eighths of the whole crop remained at that time for the lien. Friend, ears be justified for one moment is treating this consumption of the year in Ireland. I had been at that great occasion in any other light except as one of immense time resident in the north of England, and had almost daily national importance, and one that needs the frankest explana- communications, in writing, with my Right Hon. Friend at the head of the Government; and it did appear to me that this tien. This is a question that I hope also may n ot be treated matter of coming scarcity, if not of famine , to be apprehended altogether as a question of mere personality.—( Hear.) I can- in Ireland, did have an immediate and indissoluble connexion not at all blame my Noble Friend who has just sat down for with this question of the corn-laws. The Noble Lord the the reference he has made to my former declarations on this Member for Liverpool said last night that he could not see subject. I admit that the past declarations of opinion made by that connexion ; and the Hon. Member for Northamptonshire, following the same track, has also said that he did not see the a Member of this House, who either leads, or aspires to lead a intimate connexion between the two questions. Will the party, and declarations made by a first Minister of the Crown, House, then, allow me to state what was the effect produced if at variance with the eourse he now adopts, are subjects not upon my mind by this inevitably-coming scarcity in Ireland ? unworthy of reference, and which call for explanation.— —( Hear.) I foresaw, and lam afraid rightly, that it would (Hear, hear.) The Hon. Member fur Northamptonshire made be indispensably necessary to give to the suffering community in Ireland aid from the public purse of this country to meet this a direct appeal to the Government, and challenges us if we great calamity. Already some advance of the public money had changed our opinions, manfully to own it. I an- has been asked for, arid lam afraid that further advances may swer that challenge. I do frankly avow my change of still be necessary. Then this great question presents itself— opinion, and by that avowal I dispose of all the speeches— Can in fairness any Minister of the Crown propose to the people ( Loud cheers from the Opposition, with counter-cheers from of Great Britain to take out of the taxes of Great Britain the Protection benches, rendered inaudible the rest of the public money to aid in the sustenance of their fellow country sentence.) Upon the advice given by the Hon. Member for men in Ireland, while artificially, by laws so designed, the Nottinghamshire, that if I were prepared to make that avowal price of the tood of the people of Great Britain is entranced? it is my duty to do it; I now make the avowal, and I only ask —( Hear, hear.) Other persons may be bold enough to make the House to exercise patience, and indulge me while I point such a proposition ; but I confess that no power on earth should to the reasons of that change.—( Hear.) And that I may have induced me to be responsible for such a proposal. — stand in the position of a man worthy of confidence, I will ( Hear, hear.) I told my Right Honourable Friend, that if only glance at a few considerations explanatory of the course I such a course should be necessary, I strongly advised the now pursue, instead of leaving the matter to rest on the indi- suspension of the existing law—( Hear, hear, from the victual honour of the person who makes the avowal. If you Protectionist benches)—and that suspension I find is now look at the tests by which change of opinion must be tried, on generally approved of on this side of the House.—( Hear, bear.) the part of a particular Member, you will find that the first The humane, the generous feelings of the landlords of England which should be applied is this—does the change of opinion could not tolerate for a moment that distress, such as that likely promote his personal interest? Perhaps, under the circum- to visit Ireland, should not be met.—(Hear, hear.) But to stances, I may be allowed to glance at my personal position, give this aid to the Irish people. and at the same time to en- All that I possess is as a landlord. I have nothing, to hope for hence the price of the food of the great community who contri except from the possession of landed property.—( Hear, hear.) bute towards the taxes of England, and who by their hard in- I have inherited by that property a large tract of land of dustry are only able to pay those taxes, living in some instances inferior soil ; and I congratulate myself that, by my position on potatoes, is a proposition which I never could have main as a landlord, if the proposed change be dangerour, it exposes tained as a Minister.—( Hear, hear.) But it has been in• is me to as great risks as any landed proprietor in the country. mated that, under these circumstances, Hon. Members gene (respect to my per s o na l p os i t i on . N ow rally on this side of the House would be glad to o p en the p orts. as a Hear.)Minister S o o Crown, wn,allow me to ask you t o a pply a te s t Then arises the question — if you once susp e n d the p resent law, m f u t c h h e c w equally conclusive. Does a change of opinion on the part of a what is the proposition which, at the termination of that aus ',Minister of the Crown increase his strength or consolidate his pension, is to be made ? I have told you that I am satisfied, power? Can there be a doubt, after the unhappy scene which that even when scarcity has arisen, when the price of the we have witnessed during the two last evenings in the conduct o f quartern loaf was high, and when high prices ought to have the debate on this side of the House, that nay Right Hon. Friend, been counteracted by the self-operation of the scale, that scale before the commencement of this session, being (as is allowed) dues not operate. I have told you that I thought the pre. a leader of great talent, possessing the confidence of a great sent an unsatisfactory law, and according to my opinion, I party, and of powerful and immense influence out of the House, could not, after its suspension, have supported its re-imposi has lost—has, as it is now said, almost di s solved that party, tion. I have always stated that my objections to a fixed by the conduct which he, from a sense of public duty, h a s duty as a fiscal duty are insuperable, because I think that pursued?—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") I will try another test whenever the duty should be high, it would be impos. upon that subject, and it shall be the last. Has the Minister, sible to exact it, and whenever the duty should be low, it by a change of opinion, acted unfairly towards his political ad- failed for the purposes of protection, and the agricultural versaries, and availed himself of that change of opinion to ex- interest would then incur all the obloquy of maintain elude them from office ? I think it is not expedient, at this ing protection without deriving any advantages from it. time, to touch further upon that subject ; but my Right Hon. We might have proposed some small remnant of the sliding- Friend, with my entire concurrence, frankly tendered to her scale, and such a reduction of protection, which it would have Majesty the office which he held as the head of the been unworthy of the agricultural interest to accept, and still Administration. I certainly concurred in that resignation ; more unworthy of the Government to offer. Under these cir a d Ican truly say, it was my earn e st desire cumstances the abolition of the corn -laws was inevitable on its that this measure opposite, s houldhave been brought forward by the suspension. It was , as it a ppe ared to me, absolutel y necessary Noble Lord in whose hand s I thi n k it wou ld h ave to suspend the operation of the law ; and I foresaw the norms and sincerely been more properly placed.—(Hear h ear. ) I s t a t e that, t in - sity, if you suspended the law, of its abolition - and I again frignedly and frankly , I thou g ht, aft er all that has occurred , re p eat that, in my humble view, our duty was, Charged as wr it would have been better for the p u bli c , b e tt er ter public men , were with the responsibility of office, to meet this immediate —(Loud cheer!.) lam stating my sincere opinion —I think necessity and to sus p end the law. Nothing could have more it would have been m ore for the p ublic advantage, and for gratified me than t o see the general arrangements of this clues. th e our t oI what has been proposed, es it has tion respecting the co rn-law conducted b y the Noble Lord op becomeposite.—( Hear, hear.) The ques tion has been asked, " Have duty public o m w e n, to t p . ropose it, had bee n b roug h t f or - ward by the Noble Lord opposite ; and I may say, an d l a , you any reason since 1842 for c h a n g in g y our o p inion?" I sa y that since 1842 those who were c har g ed with the administra sore the Noble Lord wil l bear testimon y to the truth of 1 what lam saying, that both in writing and verbally I assured tion of affairs, and who had watched the various circumssancer the Noble Lord that if he, as a Minister, brought forward a which have occurred, have had experience, not to be mistaken, measure such as was indicated in his letter to his constituents leadin g to conclusive consequences. We had, first of all, the me of London, I, as a private Member of Parliament, would have painful and lamentable experience of 1842 itself, a year of the given to that measure my frank and cordial support.—( Cheers.) greatest distress, aid, since it has pa-sed, I may say, of the Now, having disposed of that whi c h more p ersona lly related to utmost danger. What were the circumstances of 1842? Allow myself, I may perhaps be permitted to refer to some of the me just to glance at them. We had in this metropolis, at mid pietas touched upon by the Hon. Member f or No r thampton- night, Chartist memings, assembled in Lincoln's Inn- fields. shire ( Mr. S. O'Brien), and the Noble Lord (Lord Worsley ). Almost for nearly three weeks there were assembled in all the The Noble Lord asks me—is this measure brought forward environs of this metropolis immense masses of people, greatly merely because we think it expedi e nt ? He appeared to doubt discontented, and acting in a spirit dangerous to the public whether we thought it right. I say that we bring forward this peace. What was the condition of Lancashire, the seat of our measure, rio t because we think it expedient, but because we great staple manufacture, depending for its prosperity on unin think it right, and because we think it necessary. — ( Hear , terrupted tranquillity and labour ? Such was the madness of hear. ) Then the Noble Lord proceeded to state, that the the people on that occasion, that a great combination existed time had a rr ived w hen this question must be settl e d. 1 per- to stop machinery, anti to put an end to the source of the fectly agree with him, and I join in the alternative he put ; he labour, on which they depended for subsistence.—( Hear, hear. ) said it could only be settled in one of two ways, either by ab- What was the duty of the G rvernment under these circum solutely refusing t o go into Committee upon this question, and stances? It was my painful duty to consult with the Horse to entertain any further proposition in relation to agricultural Guards as to the precautions that were necessary for the protection, or else that you must proceed as the Govern- maintenance of the public peace ; a large force was marched to nient now advises you to proceed, to the total abolition Manchester, and the troops were actually called on to enforce of protection to agriculture.—( Hear, hear.) An flon, public tranquillity. I can safely say that for three months Member has put the question, as I think, shortly and fairly; the anxiety which I anti my colleagues experienced with re he said, the question to be decided is, is the abolition of pro- ference to the public peace was greater than we ever felt be tective ditties adverse to the poor? The Noble Lord the fore with reference to public concerns. Those were the days Member for Stamford (the Marquis of Granby), who ad- of high prices and scarcity. lam certain from what I have dressed the House also with great abiltty, put in terms eq ually since observed, that that turbulent disposition, that dangerous distinct ; he said, the question is, will this alteration in the disposition, mainly arose from the want of adequate corn-laws not only give cheap bread, but give a greater quail- sustenance, combined with low wages.—(Loud cheers.) tity of cheap bread, to the working classes? I must say that What has been my experience for the last two years ? this iv the issue which I think we have to try—this is the don't take credit to her Majesty's Government for the altered great question we have to determine.—( Hear, hear.) The circumstances. Our measures may or may not nave conduced Hon. Member for Northamptonshire addressed the House with to that great end ; but by the bounty of Providence we have so much ability, that I really was surprised to hear him, even had abundant harvests ; with abundant harvests we have had in a passing sentence, speak contemptuously of political eco. can cheapness arid full e or mpl t oym last ent twe ; an ve months I d what has occurred adsh ? I nomy ;be said that the object of p olitical emsnomy, in his opi- safely say that fhe l have riot pion, was the accumulation of wealth. I had always under- single interview with one of the Commissioners of Police with stood that the great object of political economy was the distri- pct to the m that ain for the last tenance of the peace of thisl m hav etropolis; I bution of wealth—[Mr. S. O'Brien — " res I said the distribution do not believe twel months e had one of wealth."] —Will the Hon. Member allow me?—in my interview with the Horse Guards with respect to the move humble view the great object of political economy is not the meet of troops for the maintenance of the peace of this courts accumulation, but the distribution of wealth, and the applica- try —( Hear, hear.) Perfect tranquillity, comparative happiness a t: y e s witnessed.—(Loud 7 4. I(. T The document I am about to read is tion of capital to industry on princ i p les which science and ex- prevailed; and that is a contrast between scarcity with discon perience shall have proved to be conducive to the happiness tent, and plenty with social comfort, more striking than any I Loud cheers.) I will not trouble you garuiedstwioenl,fatrheeno,fwthheichgrweaetehstavenutionbdeert.e—rm(ine is, is hear.). e ) ever with before tenance of the existing corn-laws conducive to the interests of short, but still, as an analysis with reference to crime ; it is the greatest number of the community ? Will it insure them pregnant with instruction. I have taken the six counties which an ample supply of food of the cheapest and best kind ? may be said to be the seat of our manufacturing industry ; I have (Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord who has just sat down, taken the county of York, the county of Lancaster, the county rather apologised for r eading extracts from speeches, be- of Warwick, the counties of Gloucester, Cheshire, and Staf cause he thought they were not very palatable to the House ; fordshire, and have compared the commitments for trial in I must say taat the extracts lie read appeared to me by no these counties in 1840, '4l, and '42, when the prices of wheat means unpalatable.—( Laughter.) Will he allow me also, in per- were 665. 4d, 645. 6d., 575. 3d., with those which took place feet fairness, to read just two extracts ? The Noble Lord im- in 1843, '44, and '45, when the price of wheat was about 50s. puted to my Right Hon. Friend that not intentionally, but Now, observe, in Yorkshire the committals were, in 1840, without intention, what had fallen from him oa former occa- 1,867 ; 1841, 1,89 i ; 1842, 2,598. The scarcity then ceased, sinus had by no means prepared the House or the public for abundance with low prices begins, and we have committed for the course which he now takes, and he referred particularly trial in 1843, 2,304; 1844, 1,691 ; 1845, 1,417.; shoxiug a to a speech made by my Right Hon. Friend in 1839. Allow decrease of commitments in the last, as compared with the pre sue to read a short extract from that very speech. MY Right vious period of them years, of 14 . 9 per cent. In Lancashire Hon. Friend, then a leader in Opposition, and a candidate for the commitments in those years were respectively 3,506, 3,9e7, power, I c o n sider this statement, that the condition of 4.497, 3,677, 2,893, 2,852, exhibiting a diminution of °I .4 the labourer has been rendered worse by the operation of the per cent. In Warwickshire the commitments were 1,001. corn-law, a most important one ; .and I have no hesitation in 1,046, 1,003, 1,045, 894, 769, a decrease of 11.2 per cent. In saying that, unless the existence of the corn-law can be shown Gloucestershire, including Bristol, the numbers were 1,045, to be consi s tent, nit only with the prosperity of agriculture 1,236, 1,252, 1,186, 1,071, 920, showing a decrease of 9.8 per and maintenance of the landlord's interest, but also with the cent. In Cheshire the commitments were 1,04 0 , 943, maintenance o f th e gen e r al i n terests of the country, and espe- 1,056, 1,018, 777, 688, a decrease of 19.1 eer cent. veiny with the improvement of the condition of the labouring In Staffordshire the numbers were 913, 1,059, 1,485, elms, the corn-law is practically at an end." That was the 1,175, 885, 717, a deer 'ass of 19.9 per cent.; exhibiting declaration of my Right Hon. Friend, as early at the year an aggregate decrease of 17 per cent.—( Loud cheers. ) 1839. —( Hear, hear.) It may see m presumptuous in me to Up 1842 on the whole of these six countie s , comparing the years refer, in addres s ing the House, to wha t has fallen from m y self and 1845, there is a diminution on the aggregate of 18 in a former d e b a t e , but after what my' Noble Friend has Per cent. lam convinced with the Right Hon. Baronet, at the stated, perh a p s i n f a i rn ess the House will not refuse me per- head of the Government, that it is a fallacy to contend that mission to do so.—( Hear, hear. ) Oa the occasion when th e wages fall with falling prices, and rise with rising prices.— Hon. Memb er f or Wolverhampton (Mr. Villiers) moved for ( Hear, hear.) It was my Noble Friend the Member for Liver going into C omm ittee on the corn - laws in June last, I said, pool, I think, who last night contended that it was true in the "It is decidedly my opinion that the prosperity of agriculs agricultural districts that wages did rise with rising prices ; Lure must always depend on the prosperity of the other but he admitted that the proportion was not always equal. branches of the native industry of this country, and that th e Now I beg you to observe, that to the labouring man the equal public prosperity is on the whole best promoted by giving a proportion between the price of food and the rise of wages is fair and uninterrupted current to the natural flow of national a matter of life and death. But it was necessary to observe iffilustry. I will go further and say, that it is my opinion that the proportion should be concurrent as well as equal. that, by saf e , gradual, and cautious measures, it is expedient If the rise in wages should la g behind the rise of prices to bring o u r l aws , w ith reference to the trade in corn, into a life itself might be in danger. But I have the experience of Sir John Walshatn, who long had the charge of the dis tricts of Norfolk and Suffolk, himself an extensive landed pro prietor in the county of Hereford, and who, in the West Riding of Yorkshire, assisted the Poor-law Commissioners, and he tells sne that he has never known that wages have risen beyond from Bs. to 10s. and 11s. in certain counties, and from 9s. to 13s. in other counties ; the utmost rise being 25 per cent. ; while he has seen at the same time the price of corn rise from 455. to 905. It is unnecessary to say, in reference to this point, that the rise of wages in those dis tricts is not at all commensurate with the rise in the article of first necessity. - (Hear, hear.) But, as truly stated by my Right Hon. Friend the Secretary-at-War, whatever may be the case in the agricultural districts, the converse of the asser tion is true with respect to the manufacturing districts. Inva riably in the manufacturing districts you will find low prices accompanied by high wages, and high prices by low wages. I mentioned some circumstances which occurred in the month of November with reference to Ireland ; but I have not the whole of the case with respect to that time. From a report which I have received from Mr. Sanders with respect to the West Riding of Yorkshire, I find that at that time there was not merely a rise in prices, but a strong apprehension of still higher prices in several parts ot the West Riding, particularly in Bradford, and that several works were put on short time. In several of the cotton districts, also, I learn the mills were about to be put on short time. When, therefore, we looked to the circumstances of the whole country in the months of November and December, we had no option left, as the general guardians of the condition of the great body of the community, but to pursue the course which we have pursued. We have been told of the danger of being dependent on foreign states for the supply of food ; but when we consider that the population of Great Britain in 1815 was 18,000,000, and that at the present moment it is 23,000,000, it seems to me that the time has arrived when it may well become a question, not whether Great Bri tain can alone supply the amount of food necessary for the population, but whether it will not be difficult, at a moderate price, to secure faod for the whole of that ix - pulation, even w.th the aid of foreign countries.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") For myself, I have no apprehension of any great fall of prices from the abolition of the corn-laws. I think that both the hopes and fears of many people on the subject are greatly (mq ger tted. Ido not be lieve that the abolition of protection, as matters now stand, will materially lower the price of corn ; but I consider that to the great body of consumers it will be a security of inestimable value against high prices when the harvest happens to be deficient in this country. That is my view with regard to supply, With regard to the commercial principle there can be no doubt whatever. The Hon. I%lember for Northamptonshire described a state of things where a certain individual has the walls of his House covered with French paper-hangings, furnished with articles of German hardware, and who rides in a Brussels carriage, while workmen are ceowding the market with nob tdy to hire them. How does the lion. Gentleman think those carriages are to be obtained ? Whatever may be the form of the trans action by which they are obtained, that transaction of neces sity resolved itself into a bargain. Directly or indirectly there must be an exchange of commodities, and you must in the long run export some of your own home productions to pay for what you have got from abroad. I am quite satisfied, if yon extend the sphere of your commerce and do not attempt by fits and Marts to force its expansion, that the i rosperity of all classes will steadily advance with the increase of your exports. The lion. Member for Northampton (Mr. S. O'Brien) referred to the case of a farmer, whom he de scribed in the most pathetic terms, for the purpose of illus trating the consequences which the Hon. Gentleman pre sumes will flow Irons the measures of her Majesty's Mi nisters. But another picture was given last night by the Noble Lord the Member for Liverpool (Lord Sandon). The Hon. Gentleman represented his farmer• as petitioning his landlord in vain for a reduction of rent. The Noble Lord considered the condition of the farmer as peculiarly helpless and exposed. He said this unhappy man had constantly had held out to him the expectation of prices which lie had never realised—prices which were made the basis of calculation, when he agreed to pay a fixed rent ; then he comes to the landlord with " bated breath" and most humble demeanour, seeking an abatement of rent. The landlord grants somewhat less than the farmer requires; an abatement of 10 per cent. is found quite inadequate ; and at last the farmer is forced to take refuge from all his difficulties in some lower occupation. Such are the results, as described most accurately by the Noble Lord himself, of this system of protection and of disappoint ment.—(Cheers.) The abundant crop, the diminished pro tection, and the fixed rent, have been a failure. —(" No, no," and " Hear, hear.") From the very spot where the Hon. Gen tleman stood when he addressed the House I heard such a representation given of the condition of the farmer ; and T am quite satisfied that the great bulk of that class are more likely to be injured by the continuance of the existing law than by its repeal. I have no apprehensions whatever that the abolition of that law will render this country dependent upon any foreign country. But, as a landlord—and on this point I agree with the Noble Lord the Member for Lincolnshire—l am certain that the settlement of this question is with reference to the interests of landlords of paramount importance.— (Cheers.) How can we have a settlement? with the feeling of the great bulk of the community on the subject as at present, there is but one settlement.—(Cheers. ) 'there are various classes whose interests are involved in this question, and their views have undergone a change on the principle of protection. I will not dwell upon the meeting in Wiltshire. It may have been suggested, but still that meeting is a remarkable fact. I pass, however, from that, and apdeal to every gentleman in this House who has had opportunities of observation, whether he can contradict me when I assert that till lately the opinion prevalent among operatives was, that low prices would in variably lead to low wages. I say they have changed their opinions.—(Cheers.) The experience of the last three years has not been thrown away upon them ; and if that be so—if the masters arid the men are quite of one mind ou this point, they will settle—and I may tell the Hon. Member for Ktaaresborcugh so—they will easily and amicably settle those questions which are likely to arise between parties placed in such a relation to each other. I can very well understand how those working men should overtax their in dustry, and even call on their wives and daughters to work, that they may obtain subsistence. Necessity might drive them to such resources. But if they can understand that by a change of your law they may be able, without working so long them selves, without requiring their wives or daughters to work as they de now, to live in greater comfort than they have ever known, I have not the smallest doubt that arrangements will be made between masters and men as to the period of labour, and so every ground or pretext for legislative interference will be taken away.—( Cheers.) It will, I should say, be one of the most pleasant and happy days that ever occurred is England, when, on account of an alteration in your law rendering a shorter time necessary to procure wages ride • quate to purchase the comforts of life—it will, I repeat, be one of the happiest days of England when, on account ot such an alteration, the masters and the men shall, without legislative interference, come to an agreement on that subject. —(Cheers.) lam glad to see that the Noble Lord the Mein her for the West Riding of Yorkshire ( Lord Morpeth)—with whom I have often differed, but whose absence from this House I never ceased to regret—expressed on the hustings sentiments closely akin to those I have endeavoured to convey.—( Cheers. ) As to the agricultural interest—the interest with which I am myself connected—l would say, let us have certainty with re ference to the value of our land. That certainty you will have, as far as it can possibly be given, from a change in the law. But in addition to certainty, you will have peaceful enjoyment. You will have that peaceful enjoyment without exciting the jealousy of your poorer neighbour. And Ido not think that landlords will have to snake any very great sacrifices ; but, entertaining the opi nions which I do, founded on the experience I now possess, I say, were the sacrifice ten times greater, I for one, sooner than that it should be said of myself, or any of the class to which I belong, that our object was to secure for ourselves an increase of rent, and not to promote the welfare and happiness of the great body of the community—sooner than leave any room for such a suspicion, I should say, speaking for my-elf, that would I descend to a lower estate, and abrogate my inheritance.— ( Loud cheers.) It is said a great party has been dissolved. It is said old political ties have been severed. It has been said that social relations have been disturbed. It is anticipated, and it is probable, that an Administration may be dissolved.— (Cheers.) And, though I should regret the former part of those consequences, on my conscience I believe this proposi tion will save a great and powerful nation from anarchy, misery, and ruin. [The Right Hon. Gentleman resumed his seat amidst great cheering.] Lord CLIVE said he assured the House that he would not, at that late hour of the night, attempt to trespass upon it, attention but for a very short time ; but he would beg leave to say, that from the circumstances that had occurred, it did ap pear to him, from the short time that had elapsed, it would be impossible for the country to have had an oppor tunity of coming to a correct decision upon this question. His Right Hon. Friend, the Secretary-at-War, stated his full and sincere conviction in the speech which he delivered, and in which he vindicated the course which he felt it his duty to pursue. He had stated his conviction that, if it were shown to the gentlemen of England interested in agricultural affairs that by the abolition of the cores-laws they would he minister ing to the wants and necessities of their fellow-creatures, that they would cheerfully accede to the adoption of such a mea sure• That was the ground on which he (the Noble Lord ) stood.—( Hear, hear, from the Ministerial benches.) If the Government could show, as they stated they could, the overwhelming . necessity ; if they were at present impressed with the conviction that their new plan was not as futile and leaseless as their former, they would give the agriculturists of the country an opportunity of proving whether or nut the matter was conceded to the wants and necessities of their fellow-sub jects, or whether it had been forced upon them by the dexte rity of two discordant cabinets.—( Hear, hear, and cheers. ) He was aware that by a dissolution on the present question great excitement would be engendered, and great strug gles between classes would follow ; but these evils, bad as they were, would pass away, and would be less enduring than the anarchy and confusion which he believed would ensue from the course which her Majesty's Ministers were at present pursuing, and which, he believed, would be far more preenant with evil.—(Hear, hear, from the Ministerial benches.) There fore, being apprehensive of such SR evil, though many sur rounded the question, he should feel it his stuty to vote for the motion of the Hon. Member for Bristol.—(Cheers.) In doing so he would have the satisfaction of experiencing, when he should come before his constituents a different reception from that with which the Right Honour able Baronet at the head of her Majesty's Government taunted the Right Honourable Baronet the Member for Edinburgh, in the year 1840, that he had been deservedly treated by his clas sical constituents.—( Hear, hear, and cheers.) Several Hon. Gentlemen rose, but were met with loud cries of " Adjourn, adjourn," and " No, no," amid which Sir R. PEEL rose, and was understood to say (the con fusion at the moment being very great) that he thought the best course to be adopted was to adjourn the further considera tion of the question to Thursday.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. COLQUHOUN agreed entirely with the Right Hon. Baronet, but he should at the same time say that if any Hon. Gentleman wished to address the House, he thought he should be heard.— (Loud cries of " Adjourn.") 'the debate was then adjourned. DRAINAGE (IRELAND) BILL. The House went into Committee on the Drainage (Ireland) Bill; and, after a few observations, clauses from 1 to 20 were agreed to. The other clauses of the Bill were then agreed to, and the House having resumed, the Chairman reported progress, and the report was ordered to be brought up to-morrow (Thursday). The other orders of the day were then disposed of, and the House adjourned at five minutes to One o'clock till Twelve o'clock this day. PARLIAMENTARY BUSINESS. ( From the Votes and Proceedings of the House of Commons.) TUESDAY, FEB. 10. The following Petitions for Railways were reported, and the Bills ortiered to be brought in 'Ay the undernamed Hon. Members : Newcastle arid Berwick-3lr Ilinde, Mr. Bell, and — Mr HudsoP at t e n and n. Grand Junction (lluyton and Warringto n Branch) r Viscount Swaim. Loudon and South-Western (Farnham and Alton Branch)—Vr• humble and Sir W. Heathcote. Windsor, slough, and Staines Atmospheric—Mr. Neville and win Col. Reid: Mmehester and Birmingham — Lord F. Egerton, Mr. Ente , Mr. M. l'it;ilps. London aid Brighton (East Grinstead Branch)Mr. Kemble and Mr. Elphinstone. New , astle and Darlington Junction (Th irsk and Melton)— Mr• 0 ' Buncombe, Sir J. Lowther, and Mr. Hudson The following Railway Bills were presented, read a first time, and ordered to he read a second time :- 1 - crk and North Midland (Whitby and Pickering Th xt to oen e .. enahling C a York and North Midland Railway Compa n y tlet the Line of tho Whitby and Pickering Railway to or near Caslw_ London and South-Westetn (Epsom Branch)—" to enable the 1 ,0 !: . do., South-Western Railway. Company to make a Bran ch Rail way to Epsom, in the county of Surrey." • Blackburn and Preston—" for making certa i n Branches front th e . Line of the Blackburn and Preston Railway, in the c ounty of Lan cost, r, and flt• amending tho Acts relating thereto." ~.. m the Liverpool, Ormskirk, and Preston—" for making a Railway no ~{ Liverpool and Bury Railway to Preston, and to the Blackburntoal„ Preston and Nortlr Union Railways, with Branches therefrom, '1 called • The Liverpool, Onnskik, awl Peston with North Kent—" for making a r Railway r from Lonaidon to Doter , Branches therefrom." from the North Kent (City Extenston)—" for making a R•4llwaY file North Kent Railway, in the b o rough of Southwark, to city of London." goilwel Ashburton, Newtm, and South Devon — " for making a - ne va ' from Ashburton, In the county of Devon, to join the South •••' Railway." ! n iiiikl East Lincolnshire—" fbr making a Railway from Grea- -,„,,A11k0 by Louth and Alford, to Boston, in the county of Lincoln, P F'" 7 East Lincolnshire Railway.' " gal l- North Staffordshire (Churnet Valley Line)—" for making a n od, way front the Manchester and Birmingham Railw a y at UcludwAyi, to join the Birmingham and Derby Line of the Midlands 4- . . with a Branch to Stoke-upOn-Trent." ma king .. North Staffordshire (Piarecastle and Sandbach Line) — " l' lr r - „ealln a Railway from Harecastie to join the Manchester and 131011. Railway at or near the Sandbach Station thereon." _:?' - •„ I ' ~ gal l , Epsom and Dorking—" to enable the London and . CreJ , "l„, O. way Cm Company to make a Railway, in extension of the Croy "-- Epsom Railway, to Dorking, in the county of '- • Surrey." • U , '" - '• NOTICES for OF the MOTIO formation NS. or imPN V lli'el Harbours and Wet Docks, ga , )le Canals and Worka 0 , to 0 9 knd, on lands within high water mark, should be referrOu__ltteo Board of Admiralty for their report thereon, before the Culla.' on the Bill shall report to the H use (Thursday, Feb. 12). Air. Hume—Copies of all Reports and Correspondence re'l;ao9s the loss of the emigrant ship Catarante, in Bass' Straits , tIA having 369 emigrants on board. Cups of the 1'0°, 1 .410! officer at Liverpool, on the state of the Cataramie before OW L , osso., Liverpool in April, la4s:—Whether the captain and mate h a we any examination, and how long the captain had been at sea lay, Feb. 12). NOTICES GIVEN AT THE PRIVATE BILL-P'- 1 q TUEAY, FEB. 1 . Eatrii Countlea and HarwSDich Railway- 0. ret.lll* C omm ittee 00 postpone 1 fromiThursday 12 till Friday, Feb. 13. , , ••• , 13 0,1,3" COMMITTEES ON PETITIONS FOR RAILWAY [ADVERTISEMENT.]—ASTHNIA, SHORTNESS OF BREATH, COUGHs, AND COLDS.—A TRULY SURYRISINO Casz.—The Rev. David Williams, the resident Wesleyan r at Beaumaris, in the island of Anglesea, states, in a letter, dated the 14th of January, 1845, that " He recom mended Holloway's Pills to a poor man of the name of Hugh Davies, who at the time was almost unable to walk for want of breath, that he bad only taken them a few days when he appeared quite anothcr man—his breath was easy and natural, and he was increasing daily in strength." These wonderful Pills will cure any cough, cold, or asthma. Sold at Professor Holloway's Establishment, 244, Strand; and by almost all respectable vendors of medicine throughout the civilised world• TAKE OF HERRINOS.—WE are happy to sta - e that the greatest take of herrings within the memory of the oldest in habitants of this island, has occurred in our bay (Dugort) during the last three weeks. We may safely state that up wards of 300,000 herrings were caught, and sold at fair prices, averaging from Is. 3d. to 3s. per hundred. The fish were of more than ordinary size.—A chill Herald. WEDNESDAY, FEB. 18. Birkenhead and Llangollen. Warwickshire and London (Hampton and Abchurch Line)• Glasgow and Dundee Junction. 041 Cameron's Coalbrook Steam Coal and Swansea and Lougho 1: 510' York and North Midland Railway (Whitby and Pickei.9B sion-Second reading, Monday, Feb. 16. renal Blackburn, Chorley, and Liverpool Railway-Se cnsd Mouday, Feb. 16. • ETS• RAILWAY SHARE MARI ( BRISTOL, FEL 10. Gine STOCK EXCHANGE.-The sales are-Birmingham a", 130--Caledonian, 15-Ditto, New, 4-TatT , Vale, New , , • MANCHESTER, na. 10. 111 , STOCK EXCHANGE.-The sales are -Blackburn, Chor_o verpocl, die. -Blackburn, Darwen, and. Bolton, 2% P• cas'iire, No. 1,4% p.-Ditto, No. 2, d, 11) n d West Riding, p.-Iluddersfield and Manchester ' o r 7 p.-Lancashire and North Yorkshire, 4p. - LiverlW l ,, f ropi l or tp and Preston, 2 15-16 p.-London and South Wales , I° , and Birmingham, Quarters, 8% p. c.-North Eastern , "o -„ Staffordshire, 3% p.- Sheffield and Lincolnshire ,Junctly,",;rtelifs Sheffield and Manchester, Quarters, No. 3,3% ' dis.- South Eastern and Dover, No. 1,35i.p.-Ditt o, p.-Trent Valley, Midland, and Gr.-nd Junction, % die. LEEDS, FEB. 10. 0 ). STOCK EXCHANGE. -The sales are-Manchester and JalaZ3,,me Shares, 11% p. -Ditto, Extensions, 4 p.- York and . 12 :, Thie id, East awl West Riding, 94 p.--Great Grimsby and 61)°-LreOror Ditto, Docks, 44 -Huddersfield d Manchester, 7 1 fil * P„,,, Dewsbury, New Shares, 2 , 4 p.- and Manchester, 7% l)ewshury, New Shares, 2% p-Leeds and Thirsk, 0., 0 4 i of and Bury, New, 31. 3s. Get. p.-Newcastle and Br:014.0 North British, New Carlisle Branch, 2% -Boston, , patifi,;, Sheffield, tea. Gd. p.-Direct Northern, 24 -Glasgow 2' s -Liverpool, Orniskirk., and Preston, 5%-West K - 0 1‘.1 '4s o ' 6 - Buckinghamshire (late Rugby), es. p.-Lanc.o.B l,lT , e , o (efTir,d; Yorkshire, Is. p.--Lancashire, Yorkshire, and North riVAO.O (lie.-Leeds, Wakefield, and Midland, 7s. Gd. est ° lord, 7s. Gd. p.-Liverpool, Manchester, and New castle --M -- -.Blanchester, Buxton, Mstlock, and Midland, 32s- P.O. ;,, 6 , ••u , and Birmingham Continuation and Welsh Junctio n, Midland and Thirak Junction, 15s dis.-North Westera, Midlands, '2 p.-South and Midland Junction, 7, • shire and Glasgow Union, 10s. dis. tie SHEFFIELD, FEB. 10. r STOCK EXCHANGE.-The sales are-Eastern ; d r -Great Grimsby and Sheffield, Extensions, 21. 1 8 s• - "Lia field, and Midland, 2/. ss. Gd.-Manchester, Sheffield , G 7 -- 01,; .1 unction, 33i -Manchester, _Midland, and Great Prherrielo,lo' Manchester and Lincoln Union and Canal, 2). 90•";, 15 .10 0 1 Lincolnshire, 4/. Os. 6(1.- Sheffield and Lincolnshire EYt -South Yorkshire Coal Railway, 2%. A faG HELL FEB. 10. 11 , "df STOCK EXCHANGE.-The sales are-Hull an d Selby , „, 27 - North British, Carlisle, 3/. Is. - Armagh, Coleralt,'d rush, 255. Gd. -A xhohne, 2 4-Bradford, Wans'tigh, „ I " 355.-Buckinghamshire, 445. 6d.-Derby and Gainst o. ,t 0' East Lincolnshire, 2% -Grand Union, 325.-Leicester 1/. be. Gil. NEWCASTLE-UPON-TYNE, Fss. 10 * car , STOCK EXCHANGE.-The sales are-Newcast le an 22 p.-Newcastle and Berwick, 12% p. YORK, Fes. 10. A Doti ity STOCK EXCHANGE.-The sales a re-Ipswich and . sion (Norwich), VA-Lancashire and North I orow , • I (t A Talton and Driftleld Junction, 2%-Newcastle and i`el,, r itioNP' Newcastle and Darlington Extensions, 11 4 -Ndrth arid :O k lisle Extension), 3/. Is.-Welsh Alialand, 11 18s. - for!, Ow Midland Extension, 34 ex all.-Ditte, New (East sm'" g), 10%. ST. JAMES THEATltf 4 : e ino,; Tho Ethiopian Serenaders commenced an engy (IT:0' this theatre last evening. We have already gi- v f;ot ; ''' lr ti( u of the delightful performances of these the `",, y',',iti , cal representatives of negro minstrelsy who 11 !; n io I . oll e pearso in this county. Rice, and Sweeny, the v'''' o , 4 ,l) 01 ; nave alr. any given us various negro comic serr&-slo,e, Ethiopian minstrels prove that the negroes ar e for reg r da? ticients in instrumental music—witness their Pe r ; co'', el' the celebrated bravura, from Era Diarok, on , ;e tile b 10 1 ff Il '' ' the banjo, the tambourine, and the bones, Wit'd ec tif% strument might be in many instances molt.e. ni te r e i ; troduced into the regular orchestra, as a 501)5" 0„,' e,e' clanging cymbals, or the reverberating dou ble 0 ~, oie i egro musicians understand harmony as Co me, A 0 4 ;, t t and their performance of the glees, a :„,,``, ; `: e re l 'i t i : sing," " You'll see them on the Ohio, ",",. o':',rj i t . ger s life is always gay," would not ';'" 5 0cl, able to the most crack glee or, ma driga l ' , O', tii Di, the metropolis. Moreover, the Ethiopian mill s r re d.n e b b l : o Vo ‘ ' us acquainted with the more serious Ph 3se : the bi d and have opened up to us a view of the miseriLae ''',s , ;:,e' heartedness, the utter withering of the affec t ."44 l ,ooo l, incidental to the state of slavery. The song 01 ' efr.'',,,O,,i which was given with most telling pathos.,q ~oeb"if o r,i, , ton, is in t: elf a tragedy'. It is the lament 0 ' ~ big . , tee , ~, over his sweethesrt. They loved—he WAS 501 d l i; i r .olt"131,1, ;, to a distant plantation, and Lucy Neal dies Of t e t efo° l „e Here are materials which in the hande of t ab, it et n 'iye, ' 4 nish forth a tragedy which, acted as it migh f atie' o r J ' ,'; even in the States, create such a feeling of dete' nicl f or , slavery, that the slave-owners themselves '''', ) . to f ,,4 1 ,, shame learn to be m , rciful, and O t l l e ser t e,:o the best feelings of our common natute„„i t', fl it husband from wife for the mere purpose of ado: 04' 0 0'4 ,eotten, their iniquitous gains. Such. a trage'v n '', l bli e gf 1 ;e: and well-acted, would do more to convert tir e ' o r ral o L, : 'e - 4 America to a just appreciation of the horror s a t P'flie: i e all the preachings of all the aboliiionists e t, „, e rt o ,l'l braved the dangers of lynch law in the fat: roa d ri i f O l ioN of the evening, however, was the " ~r o - c ei which is one of , the most marvellous insr' th ove l l ' A pty # ' painting that has ever been composed. Be:, atr,„, e lo t tl ,g , and all the scientific composers who hsv e psvi i elqtV paint natural objects iu music, must yield th no t ~,,0. , 01 Ethiopian Serenaders. No one who hl r ti alt 4 . jek " Railroad Overture" can form the most o ' 9 f Se ri elt , . ~, o A pr powers of sound in representing the obje t ore house was well attended, and the Serenaders 4O to the echo. !,,,' g ........ A ,_ro', - $1 6 .„ r 1T,,1 0 , [ADVERTISEMENT.] —DEFEG"Ti Vs_ 444 „ c lef i 'iiie4ite: II EA at N a RELIEVED, Instruments and Sp . r e _,' o r y country by post, 39, Albemarle- street, I C,C,!e a e6 l °„ . / Or,, t°,l i vented Si ectacles , Powerful Telescopes, Crl ie 'lciof "crOltf,, scopes, &c.—Patronized by his Majesty the, t i l er , l) e r her Grace the Dowager Duchess of Bedforn,l.n.lthisecii," , - Archbishops of Canterbury, York, and -U u t l .. ' l , l l;c l I f i 1,,,i0 1 ',, ' ' Devonshire, Norfolk, Argyle, Marlborotta"ip se 0r . ,,, . Bishops of Exeter, Lincoln, Cork, VP n 'od ce d e ' 0 Messrs. S. and B. Solomons , Oculists ii e re 7 have invented Spectacle Lenses uP° D A '1 bef i ' l lir , ,t` lion. Immediately they are Plac e- c eudi e) l9 4# ,i 1 !ect vision, either by day or ofe . • A rt , i ll' s / mist and dullness which appear before tile d Jig , ti pa 1 , ,a , ,,, removed, and every object becomes clear b en g ht ~ 00 0 16 the most aged defective sight become , igi' w ii ~00 5 J. an or o pt t r 1 and is brought to its youthful, natural, 2 pig 01 , 1 . the most Powerful Achromatic TelescoPe....4n'oie , :e'. 4 074 Microscopes, Invisible and all kinds of Ar; je gg;,(o 4 „ I lf)e, for relief of extreme deafness. Caution e onr i ig hh e o rir Solomon!, Opticians, are not in anY 'lets °olio ir or r t iO parson of the same name in their iroxn e oeet Albs CO net in any part of the country. To P it , Al b s o so cautious, and observe—Only to tie had gr .d Or Piccadilly, opposite the York Hotel, and street, Edinburgh. _se.•+•••" .-.° ' -.-j-:<01/1114.: 6 , 0 1, #14 ' BIRTHS. „, . rero ol ;_ m ea P- ' On the Bth inst., the lady of AuS OB- - ..461 , r" / of a son. On the Bth Inst., Mrs. Robert M`Cabe ' ,° f (3'll°).' . te l. ... , 1 square, of a son. 'of % '" )i , i ur Atitteh._4oo. , On the Bth inst., at Dalston, Mrs• r'.•__ ors.. ~ ~r ijr , . -Vr e On the 9th inst., at Grosvenor-Vac' '. , ts .;irper ~. of a 6011. A kell olll ' •. PO' ' OP 011 the Bth inst., at Hawley-roa d ' . , 34 Winter, of a daughter. br o om' . Or° • ' si 'o j On the 21st ult., in Upper Brook-street, , , sij , ~ of George J elf, Esq., of a son and heir. lady eou., - . - 06 00, On the Ist ult., at Astley al the ~. O. -, n ailo 4 Loi , High Sheoff of Worcestershire, or ' l _ rose. - , ; r On the 22(1 ult., at Montagu-square, th' „.0 . . 1 04 0 oit of a daughter. ' :'. • * '......# 4° ~f' MARRIED. ~..," vioutwo. , Y On the sth inst., at Brace Meole, &q v :1100, 1r , dr 0.11 1 ' 0 ;0 1, Oakley Lodge, Fulham, to Sarah, eldgs . iir; ry -.,‘ _,,t 1i4,1., of Red-hill, in that county. , ~_,_ ttol t ; e r. _,ggyi', , On the 7th last., at St. Mary's, StraF;'"r'ey-5.,q.-.71110,i.'; 0. , ii an.!er Adams, to Miss Emily Oliver , h i ke Kett' P 0407 _ ,i ' f oti' On the 7th inst., at St. Jaynes's, e'e r ' w ity c" ° , , p'o°" - JP to Miss Leonord Charlotte Susteitane'', . 011;1000de i Stifqcnalice, Esq. thi the 7th lust., at noddy, Prille,i4- street, Ilanover-square,•to sar 4 b ItoTl e Y e reo o y lll l t,r of Charles .loore, Esq. of Edgeworl ,I, ~ Rey ,r, t o/ on the 9th inst., at Ma'ryleboe Ch ur f i'ste It°. 0 01 e ' , of th. I' to Louisa Catharine, third daughter 4 , ) ro erP 00 --- DIED - l a A le j 0 fittie ' " 00 V On the Ist inst., at the iWaYt Roe f9'' 0 11 I.lfailt son of lit. John Jameson. _ ii, Derts. '",ett.ireP't,lye On the 2d inst., at Nunsbury it Sarreyi; lsloe.? a Pell, I?gtirulAl7o•l4' CO' if Dell, second daughter of the lad e • T _, l ate c'l„,;,.%toti, _ d el 0 0 On the tilt inst., Miss MaTY ` - :eorth '`'. 0, 7;re , ,1, Jose ph D'roci l . ' ;40 crom:irtAtetecitilairidii.Nti,cia.tl3?rove-road, ..,. _ea arl , e t ' ic o ‘ o e o sl ', li . r , • 0 on the 9th inst., in Leadenhall,_ ._,. e, Di .. ooye, 00 un the 9th lust., in Bedfor 1-1 ),. ` ber/f eli- d f,' r Vaa l- 04" 'turner, Esq. ortiP'in. "Ifj.4.llcfs' eit ( t h r i t tle 14t11 ftiust.,satiteir,it,tettlit-.sl..,as,c...ie:strest, r. ..ild ...., u,, i upper erK',,, D l ' 'of Ifi 0" . 010 4 On the 9tlt inst., n v Thoin , dj oth ccio no 0 11,4;011e, wife of the Rev. 1 • . nic"r .., . iiii lit On the 9th inst., 31 r ,j,„,al,nnearle-litreet• .-' . 4 0,,,g• On the 10th inst., in ..-,-- . _.,--- _,.- 6. OP ;0511 --- --- 0 11;4 0. Dr wite of T. Gardiner, Esq . __- 0 ... it , , 1 ,,, ------- ---- ----- ----jag') g'o3otop, L 0, 41 11 of the Savoy, iu the Co droanto:, Pprrinintteedr,aantdriF,:bbu,ll,stothroe:irlf c ° 3lje Yl a o lis . lel; or 11, 1a46. i'4