The Sun. — London, England, 1846-02-28 00:00:00

Lor M 1, 18 , nt the ember fo r Yorkshire (Lord 51orpeth) re .d his 51. n o t e, and the Nlember for Stockport said that hi s was worth 5,000 i., and he was right, because it gave Ca4 e P:wer which he had not possessed before. If the Hon. Rtt- a ° talked of d e l egates, he begged to ask whose dele %at Lw,.iaa. he ? He wa s not l i k e l y to undervalue the power o f t. _gue of whi c h so much notice had been taken, when he grettvmat a positi on its influence and activity had reduced atlod i tt P ar ti, and i n w h at a condition the leader of that party tatihii.,e,gard t o t h e country. He sawthat the one was (4 . and th e other dependent. Then again, if he turned g tet !.hs, he weald ask them to show him the place w h ere ilk ao 4ll ' l ' electio n h a d b een held anti he would show them ate t h e 'there a proteetienist bad been returned. What then am ese of the 2 ,000 votes of which the Noble Lord opposite that e a l iV i magnificent boast? He would venture to as , he t (igh the constitution of this country was at .pris ,44iis:',„ Yance, that the people would hereafter arise to lend:- th e - j e k c itY, and give their verdict in its favour. Let them Z e d th e Z t i : f nd se ta creta i r trik fo ing l in l i a t n alca--the case of the Noble That Noble Lord had it t d "'" to the Y cou r nt re of Nottingham with the esePPort of "r led the Government, of which he was a r-...h In ornament. He had everything in his al h had charact bil t position, and support, jhi:tt Bankes) believed t t h l al his opponent had every ' ' h t ht a:t in:Lent in the county retained against him. He t 4 st much about that—but what was th . e h re l sul t t 14 P t Ilort tii t t e °l , d had gone down to the county wit of i kr 4 Wit ante 't.inistry, and with a greater assurance now _ named even for the success of the measu l re d cess o _ 4log 44 b. "e• He had expressed himself confiderit y e , t a t n he tur ea ritten up to his friends in London—and y ttooh, against him. There was, however, one very th at ' ic,ireurestaace. about this election. It was cur h44 f , although the opponent ef the Noble Lord to whom 4 :1 °ot er red bad been elected the day before yesterday, he Y e t made his appearance in the Howe, "srd y lentleman who had been elected only k '4l 1" k this night taken his seat. No doubt lothiilfat, s incerity * and equal confidence he wro!e 1, 1 1 tlisi r rien ds in London that nothing could be more certain e i : ° l in s k tte eee• The f ree holders were every moment with --s lr adhe s i ons, an d the Been do not dare to inter -4sti9l, t,h bse forection• —( Hear ' hear.) And now, with these ti th se a - e that t e he -eer nfag'were they asking too much alp, it was ,res, " d of Ireland did not depend on these lot h ay when it was conceded that there was ne net, tak e ' alarm, or anxiety ; were they, he would repeat re Iti t 7 „.'hotaa k n g too much from the Government to require 4 4 7ety of beg Permitted to have the opinion of the whole_co NI ) e country expressed upon the measure.—(Hea.r, n ni t h e er nlember s had resigned their seats upon this f iddle eost, had retained them, and some had adopted a tk i te f ro ,, c a anti finally resigned. He considered that a I `.• l'fift seemed peculiarly applicable to the latter 4 11 ,1 e tined the halter, he traversed the cort, telltat ~ a4 ld f t ell WAAL leave, but seemed loath depart." tv t . these Honourable Gentlemen in their seats that h Cri 'Ton their side, hut honour seemed to be on A t l e ti ' , 4l , c s i chl• Gentleman having cited the opinion of - I, i 7e, b y " e Y on the cenduet of Members of Parliament, con tltthaVt %Y i ng that the learned author proclaimed the - (" clef • who be trayed their trust, . Members, tt .4 . '1 liy ) ,L nf ,mha' a and hatred, and the assurance of being rit,'D'eien-,"" constituents when next they sought the honour etf - a - TR them —(Hear, hear.) However, the law was 1,,,, 1 t1e; - 1 4 " honour was the ther.—( Hear, hear.) The Hon. Wol rerhampton, when he spoke last night, ex tt'et st seeing such a leader at the head ef the Go . - t ita H Y,ali er it he (Mr. Bankes) should agree with him, par r ti .. - t4pe, , _ e asserted that the present was a great and c d o i f re aah `ed one that strongly reminded him of the period a evolution between the years 1789 and 1 '9l. e i r (M r Banker) thought he could And in the t.eir ned author, ‘. who wrote most eloquently on that 'hi t few ‘ h .sit i hi.►, statements that, in different language, would t,' 4ll elt" l , l „,,ewil much more happily than he could hope to ta kit 'Ae,• With that view he opened ss Alison's Modern 11 /0 -4 w hich he found these words :—" The existing th e tl 1' Physician would say, of the revolution I tts,l l4 clv lPre .4 of innovation, which, like a dread -011,1,1kt that time overspread the earth and precipi- N 4 ;: l t e e i !into a passionfor changes of which they were st lid "ere t h "ng the effects, and the most ardent in the litthtie °se whom fortunes were about to perish." He tit,,th"erds also, " The young nobles applauded without ,. r4tvie it ,they themselves would be the first victims. ti l atr: - , k t nen Lord Lincoln, as well as now.—(Cheers.) heZliti oi - gen as now, sons ranged against their fathers; and to jhmischiefs the whole system of private It t Cr gi n% destroyed.— Continued cheering.) . Tha same * is 4t time wr , ° ,te, giving a description of the Prime Minister t' /I se tfis private character was unexceptionable ;he ?"! ' Jibe i mmense wealth; and he made a noble use of ral wi t h out pr id e or pro di ga lit y , ari d h e wou ld t tlNiel, Pir cect private citizen had it not been for a secret . k tit i Pliellb lia "le him sacrifice everything to public popularity, ; 1 4'2° ti o ,,, r° "ght on tmleard-of calamities. Had Turgot c great and good ualities an adequate knowledge * 4 'l4,pn v 4 bnature, he would have been a great and wise Lti - ,,',:the a r t af ttn haPpily he lacked that one great advantage, !tti - erele • thereto hurried on those dangerous measures. He '6llorant of human nature, and pursued his de 'ii:"repar;ltt censiderin what e ff ects they would produce." Ose , Ttf these two I characters, as thus described by the tit"'ound in them a wonderful resemblance to the te i 't !Ne Minister • an d, i gnoran t th oug h he m ight be of 10. 4 1i 4t . 41 1, he vet charged the Right Hun . Baronet with ll~h v :stt e c ti n - erially . not only avoided but contrived to prevent i p t, t ; ,‘ lleo rt -c e, t? the public . voice at a period when he should rRd skrsinced of his error. It was through that Al "tlt • n :Y had laid down the law, as he had t o 4 pt.,, ° .' that book, but he did not contend ' Wh o ;" 4141 Parliaments, and there were many k iMa"' °Pinions were changed upon this particular -4 11 h , %1 !Cr.) W here great changes took place in the td h e Public 51inister, it was advisable that her Majesty l.kitdris4,(lsised (as he ' had no doubt Lord John Russel' )to appeal to the people. But then it happened lat,Ah:°,Promisto took place between the two great parties io, i , nad already alluded. He would now recur to that es , _!t , well deserved to be called—he meant the t ,h, O s ,te Right Hon. Baronet had addressed to her 0;, that t he Bth of September last. At the very time eml lmunication was passing between the hti!:\iai; t aronet and the Queen, another one . was pastime IL e 'tY from Lord John Russell. The opinions of both ytht ti lo e .k.ust have been similar ,t for it was impossible any one to hold office ' that held other opinion. ds t ogee" h uw lona had the Noble Lord (John Russell) l k al at 4o4 e , ns teeeuent'on the retirement of Sir R. Peel? Only t,,„ 11, r, and he retired from the attempt to form a Na t itl t4 -I "se he hint confidence in carrying out men, Iltitl fqr`',ll°, along a( wit o h Sir Robert Peel, considered ne -44,4 k e welfare of the country.—( Hear, hear.) . Iu l 'elo:',„kitt: d "' the real cause, which the Noble Lerd hail him the was this - -He ' found, if he accepted office, anti ek;`ter .., 41 PPort of the Right Hon. Baronet (Sir R. Peel), ti,'ol i e w hi bring over with him but few of his sup (4,',llediii t it eti the other hand, if the Right Hon. Baronet • h 4 ers 'ce s he would secure so much more support on tk;;° N o tre side of the House to the proposed measures, N',"nri e Lord could guarantee all his supporters on the y . ." . ,nf the House. This was the real history of pit t igl ai d ° '" giving u p th e a tt em pt to form a Ministry. the "t the Noble Lord, er the Right Hon. Baronet, its s Th; ; P e ople, if t h ey cons id ere d t h e country was w ith t& ki aat' t `h r e 9 o t doi ng so s h owe d t h a t th e vo i ce o f th e p eo pl e to i t ' c Proposed measures, and they were fearful ot • t t I ,* He (Mr. Bankes) had been told that this t; °, ll ~:c e ss expressed in another way—that is, 'rtil c rerr a ceseeted to that House. On that point, what - w s tha t night respecting petitions to Parliament lii, ) sra ki - "It little we i g ht was to be attached to them. h 44t given had no reason why the Members of e 3- n not stand face to face with their consti ?iq6ttof they m a d e p rom i s es, they should take care id (Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Baronet la C'diti,`, ll lt 2 ;` exaction of promises, but they should rezollect A tt, t4 .l _l ;,i io a w_d custom of the country had been in favour of at ci f tk 'Ought to be returned to that House, making „lg b '„Y of „"eir political views prior to the election.. They Flirt ta - "hination for the express purpose of questions tsclndidates and for the purpose of enabling such tf cblitlain their political principles to the electors, s c rs are to become se careful and chary of their i;la4i'llcdP"-Imik°lll)ted if they would have so many supporters in t4, ee j ue nt--( Hear, hear.) He did not think voters a ' N•liC ti til t , °take Hon. Members according to their 10 . 0k5.- I,la tit llts et • Ftritatr.) They would still continue that incon ‘ollL'rott?„e °f asking questions, and they would not only Vass -nf t e ly e answers to those questions, but also the per k -°" promises. It had been stated that during . the ls' t k, , t' to: r j i incoln, an lion. Member waited upon him e , t ilt% e interested -in the affairs of Ireland, and h 44e tt ! aa t i a : the result of his interview, he was E t . l c , ‘l4 g e i d with the Noble Lord's opinions upon that t o -ti t l t _d Lord Lincoln depart from what he - ' 1 t h e Hon Member who had waited upon h,"Lt bound to ' the performance of his promise , ts not - I ,"t also bound to the lowest man in the crowd . " 1 : trl t l t 1 5 t'or man entitled to ask his epinion, and to sii h i rse . "k t"-r horn the candidate ? Was there any diffe lit'i erd h i ' c station which enabled a person with impunity li c ts, a atis.'t.Ptsomis eo and engagements ? Was there any tt ‘t le l lt:l - C it a to attest a feeling of contempt because these l•siii., l l4 % , tr ia ( , ,'"° made to a meaner class ?—( Hear, hear. ) la's,. c al*, yl sald receive from the people of England their 1 % 4 4 4 th e bc• l' Boroughs which were renovated, as it was Itt 4 l i ti;( l l4:' i l r_if of the Reform Bill, would not he thus ',ear.) They would insist that their repro to ese et ", changed their opinions, should appeal again t Pr fo Wh" if they would be received with their alteretl 4 . 4 ', is was he (Mr. Bankes) not allowed still th e " I s small bo ro ugh which he represented to Pestling of the Reform Bill ? Was 1t:i , 4 1% l l ' %Nide returned according to his opinion? itte t r 14, 'red that a great deal of time and unnecessary I tt i Nt i n is ' x ilended i passing what has been called the kt, t ; ii i i ‘ t t heyi; s ":" . had now the means of ascertaining the real t es, 4, lts thoult;'nerith respect to the present momennptioriujosnq,ues the andsee whether, h th ey e peop le 's (the protectionists) W ss .at it exp edien t. • • •than beneficial, st th . seoald be far more injurious 1ti,,,a0 of at * °hsiction that had drivea them to oppose the 14 e ) Ind in so pertinacious a manner. 1 , or the ' o ‘ 4) * ht I (1 4 , 1 ti me, as well as fur miser reasonable pur- N"ttit t. „'er resolved en takiag the division at this stage, ‘5;;, Thgte t ,,Vght be the result, if they failed, they would I t to t c cot:siction of having honestly performed their tr .Y regretted to see the union of men who e le , s in • . tru. Prinetple ; whatever might be te r cif (I ' he ,^R'e here, he trueed that in another place e a 44- f deis m du r - e4 ed which would aford the people an oppor '4:Vest:Alen th eir feelings. Year after year, during the t<satab'is Parliament, the votes would show that h,ir sep i -r I re immense majorities, would not sanction • thet, ~t now proposed. He could not for a m . o. • o . :,"gati * sue other House would refuse the exercise hy,'"ro ord . e, by Causing an appeal to the people against i gl tt t 'stt' °. FT Inir Y and extravagant amours. 'tti 'so of enata„woald give his fate in support of the measure, t 's 4 , a t tri na t he ' fle c in the res u lts o f the future. He thought _ t k _ 7tv„‘ l l „7 , 4 r u . features connected with the measure I ,"ais i " t eW c ° sight of in the debate, and that feature It ti the sure as that now proposed be possibly s k r ilefo ' r , - " 4 k th„ ° l Hon. Gentlemen who talked so much' ta t , - tri„ - ee of Prot 'armors' cause, who were so constant in l acip c telia 4 % were Qtee tinn. and ho proposed to be the far ent,i. L a to to tell him the troth and say that protec '444 1""ti to tn e . intained, the ' would then be acting S kt i , 4 ,:reth e Y i . ner,i.th their c t of bein the farmers' •te - tlectio harac er g a the r *a e t ks t ib t °Pp o ,i n h that had been raised during ththt 41 titu t to ,g t he Auestien to be right, and that it th t f . ° ,, , r e try the p r L e v se e n n t t being carried out, the persons h a d P'Opl,' it into Government were not those who de~tur as I, of ties , efr cet• He (Mr. Estcott) b e li evedeeve pirv_ut!ittry were comparatively it es n4 4 _, to e _ l f t t s i l;l ler individuals who might carry the let h i 'l4 ll id uct t '' s would admit that those who had un c,el:7, end he measure measure were exposed to the charge Ohm h" anion h had not escaped from that charge. lie s 'ail d to h . • did t , t , the Hon. Member for Knaresborough i4rl r i na l to nsti i tP! ende r the resignation of his soak, and AZts l it the / nt nn his change of principle.. He pee, k r i l .d 'n• Gentleman that not one single h ated tio t t's "541,1 "atat Ito him in the slighest manner tt s ) iis seat. A Noble Lord had also tktu'esit.`urna ite""°eiee how it was consistent with his (Air. "ar to support l'its catalk etoca te „ the motion for going into oa otr the Noble Lord what his °pluton l iisreber et Parliament au. It was THE STYN LONDON, SATURDAY E'VEN'I against his personal honour to tamper with his constituents. It was his personal honour to give up his time day and night to study the interests of his electors and of the country. And to give a modern instance, suppose a person came into that House, who was comparatively ignorant of the different questions of political economy. It was his personal honour to make himself master of those ques times, in order to be able to know how to give his vote with \ judgement. It was also his duty to throw over board any Idegree of character for personal consistency, in order to obtain a much higher degree of character, as an efficient servant of the general interest; of the people. That was his idea of the personal honour of a Member of that House. It had been stated by the Hon. Gentleman, the Member for Dorsetshire, that he had considered it almost impossible for any Go vernment Ito have formed so strange and sweeping &measure of commercial policy as that which was now preposed to be adopted. From the year 1842, when the Right Hon. Baronet at head of the Treasury, and the late Vice-President of the Board of Trade, made their speeches on the Corn Bill which was introduced into the House, he (Mr. Eseott) not only anticipated some such measure as the present, but he told every man who thought proper to ask his opinion, that some such measure must be the inevitable consequence of the Bill that was then introduced. There were some persons of distin guished station, to whom he was under some obligations for many acts of condescension, who had done him the honour to consult him on matters of public affairs. He told those indi viduals, distinctly and freely, that the total repeal of taxes on imports would be necessary in consequence of the principles which had been laid down by the Right Hon. Baronet and the late Vice-President of the Board of Trade. The occurrences since 1842 had only ren dered it more apparent that some such change as the present must be introduced. Year after year, up to the present time, they had heard debates on the corn-laws, but he had never heard during the whole of that time one single argument brought forward in defence of the principle of the corn-laws from that bench. (The Hon. Gentleman then pointed to the Ministerial bench, and was interrupted with cries of " No, no.") He had heard very clever speeches to avoid the question alto gether, bat certainly had not heard the principle ad s vocated. The Hon. Member for Somersetshire him self, without the aid of the Anti-Corn.law League, would have upset any corn-law that might have been made. His Hon. Friend the Member for Somersetshire had said, that he never rose to speak of the corn-laws without the horror of abundance before his eyes. Whatever was before hire horrible in form and aspect was sure to have a cornucopia in his hand. But while his Hon. Friend had such a horror of plenty, he could tell him that the people in his own county, ix his own immediate vicinity, were obliged to depend upon turnips for their daily subsistence, and on the products which the mildneFs of the season and the kindness of Providence had allowed to come forth. It would not do to talk to him of speeches that had been spoken five years ago. He had never given a vote in that House, but in favour of relaxing protective duties.—( Hear, hear.) He had seen his Hon. Friend the Member for Somersetshire present 110 petitions against the corn-laws, and every one of those petitions stated that the corn-laws and the tariff were the destruction of agriculture. He told the farmers that the very cern-law which last year threatened their entire ruin, was this year the only thing that would save them. Now, what must the farmers think ? They were persons of as much intelligence as any of the middling classes in this country, and could tell as well as roost persons what faith to put in the representations of others. And the most honest way of acting would be at once to tell them that the existing corn-laws will shortly exist no longer. He would now come to the great question of all, which was— " What is to become of the land?" Now, the principal argu inent which he had heard repeated over and over again—and it was stated first in order by the Hon. Member for the Univer sity of Oxford, and not more strongly by any Hon. Member since, but it had been refuted a great number of times during the debate—that argument was this, that such a measure as this should not be carried, for if it should be, it would ruio the in stitutions of the country. He (Mr. Escott) owned that he was perfectly astonished on hearing that argument used by Hon. :Members ; for what were the institutions of the country ? The Church ? The courts of law ? The Houses of Parlia ment? Did they mean to put the preservation of the institu tions of the country upon the maintenance of a restriction on the importation of fool in the time of scarcity, or of appre hended scarcity? Because, if they did, lie woulditell them plainly ' that never were the institutions in any free country ever , defended by such an argument, and never could they be de fended by such an argument. What did Pitt say about appre hension of scarcity? Did he get up and talk about protection, and the danger of injuring the institutions of the country? No; he endeavoured to abolish every vestige of protection. He said that the first duty of a Minister of the Crown was to take care that the people should be fed.—( Cheers. ) He (Mr. Escott) should like to know whether the Hon. Member fur the University of Oxford would like to close the ports against the importation of food ?—( Cheers.) He (Mr. Escott) did not see the Hon. Member for Shrewsbury in his place, and he regretted that he was not, because he spoke very eloquently on that point. He said that the carrying of this measure would ruin the valuable institutions of the country, and he said that the party that had proposed this measure had ne right to do any such thing. He ( Mr. Escott) remembered that Hon. Member delivered a very able lecture in that House some time ago on the political history of the country, and he remembered him saying in very vigorous language to the Noble Lord( J. Russell) and the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite, who constituted the great Whig party, " You Whigs have no right to claim free trade, whatever else may be your merits; it was Pitt that pro pagated the great doctrine of t free trade." Pitt, the great Tory Minister, he said, had done that. And yet the Hon. Member for Shrewsbury had said to the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Government, "You are a traitor to your party, for espous ing principles of this kind, whatever be the necessities of the country, because your party should necessarily keep up a re strictive policy." He would notdetain the House much longer upon this subject. Ile for his own part thought that the institutions of the country could not be injured by any thing so much as the restriction of the supply of the people's food in times of scarcity. Honourable Gentlemen had said that the present scarcity, or the apprehension of that scarcity, had been greatly exaggerated. It was exaggerated, or it was not. Now, the Right Honourable Gentleman the Recorder of Dublin and the Member for the University of Dublin went so far as to say that in the greater number of the counties in Ireland, there was actually no necessity at all—that there was an average supply of potatoes at the present time. Now, on inquiry, he found persons corning from Ireland who stated to him—he would say it with every respect for the statements of the Right Hon. Gentleman—that there was no foundation whatever in the Right Honourable Gentleman's statements. The question then came to this—which was to be believed ? Was he to believe the Right Hon. Gentleman the Reeoeder for Dublin, or was he to believe the papers that were on the table of the House, and which were the accounts of Roman Catholic clergymen and clergymen of the Esta hiished Church, and of all other excellent persons who were sending to this country from day to day accounts of the dread of the scarcity that was coming upon them in a very short space of time.—( Hear, hear.) Was it then false that they went to the potato-pits and found them one mass of rottenness? He certainly would confess, that with all the respect due to the statements of the Right Honourable Gentleman, he was prepared to believe the statements of such a numerous body rather than that of the Right Hon. Gent lerman, who he believed was misinformed on the matter. But Hon. Members came to that House for the purpose of stating the results of their own experience. Ile would state what was going on in certain parts of England where he resided. The people there found that at least one-half of the potato crop had been destroyed, and the potato, he was sorry to say, was the greater portion of the subsistence of the people. The wheat crop was also very deficient in that district, and it was very much to be feared that the crops of the next summer would be deficient.—(Hear, hear.) He would then ask them whether in order to pre serve the institutions of the country it was necessary to keep up a restriction on the importation of food, when in Ireland perhaps more than one-fourth, and when in England at least one-fourth of the food of the people was destroyed ? His Hon. Friend the Member for the University of Oxford had used certain expressions lin his speech which he (Mr. seott) wished he had not heard. Ile said," Do not disturb the peaceable and prosperous state of things." (Protectionist cheers.) Quieta non movere.—,,Haar, hear.) He believed in his conscience that within three short months from this time, around his own dwelling, the quiet which the Lion. Member would not disturb would be a cry from the grave complaining of the deficiency of the food of the people, and he believed that in two-thirds of Ireland there would be a similar cry. What did theilion. Member mean by saying Quiela non tnovere? Did he mean to say that in order to support the institutions of the country it was necessary to restrict the food of the people? If he (Mr. Escott) would look back into past times he would find that with the present corn-laws we have had distress even in the agricultural districts ; and if he would go further back he would find that even with the former corn-law, we have had the most severe agricultural distress. And yet, this was the state of things that Hon. Gentlemen would protect. What he wanted to know was, whether in maintaining the corn-laws Hon. Gentlemen wished to keep the price of corn high or not ? If they did not mean to raise the price of corn, how 'was protection good fur agri culturists. If they mean to raise the price of corn, then they wished to keep this food of the people dear and scarce. Last session he took the liberty of making a motion, which had been alluded to by the Right lion. Baronet at the head of the Government three times since the commencement of the pre • sent debate, and that motion related to the introduction of maize duty free. At that time he did think the introduction of maize would be very beneficial to the agriculturists, as well as the country at largo, for he thought that it would be a means of accelerating the repeal of the corn-laws, as, indeed, that object had, in this instance, been accelerated by the failure of the potato and wheat crops. He did not anticipate that failure; but he believed that the introduction of maize, duty free, would enable farmers to feed their stock without having recourse to the food of the people. But he never for one moment imagined that the importation of maize alone would make up for the deficiency of a bad harvest ; all the object he had in view in making that motion was the ac celeration of the repeal of the corn-laws. If the farmers had maize they would be enabled to feed more cattle, and we should consequently have more butcher's meat At the time that he gave notice of his motion, he made inquiries from several farmers and cattle dealers, who t,aversed a district of country twenty miles long and fifteen wide, comprising all kinds of land and all species of reral occu pation. He asked one of the farmers of that district, whether ne did not think that in the course of last winter he would have saved a great deal of money had he been able to purchase maize duty free; and his reply was, that he certainly would, and that one out of every twenty of his cattle died from sheer starvation. Now it so happened that in that very district an enterprising man lived, who had an immense quantity of maize, which he had imported from the United States, but which, in consequence of the high duty upon it no one could purchase it; so that the present system of protection, instead of bring bene cial, was injurious to the farmers.—( Hear.) It was said that this measure would ruin the small farmers. Now he lived in a ' county abounding with small farmers, and he was on intimate terms with many of them, and he was informed by them that they would be much benefited if they could purchase maize and other such articles free of duty. One of those small farmers had told him that he had lost at least 101. in the shape of duty paid on maize. He (Mr. Escott) did not believe that the pass ing of this measure would cause so much ruin, or, on the other hand, so much happiness to this country, as appeared to be anticipated. Did Honourable Gentlemen who had spoken think that they could govern the country with the Duke of Richmond as their leader ? He believed that even the Duke of Buckingham would fill the office of Prime Mi nister better. The Duke of Richmond had an affection for two sayings—one was his prophecy about wool, which they all knew to be entirely fallacious ; and the other was his saying to the effect, that in Sussex they did net grow glass, but timber. He did not believe that the country could be governed by a Government of which that Noble Duke was a member. 'They wished to find some leader in whom they could repose, and who would stand between them and their opponents, and lead them to a successful victory. About five years ago they found such a man ; and now, when he refuses to lead them to battle against the interests of the people, they were determined to dismiss him from his command. Mr. CHRISTOPHER—No, no. Mr. B. ESCOTT— rhe Hon. Member for Lincolnshire dissents from that. He (Mr. Escott) however believed that it was not the interest of the leader of a great party to lead that party against the people. They (the protectionists) had had such a leader and they had now discarded him. Now he supposed that they meant to do the battle of protection on their own account.—(" Hear, hear," and cheers from the Protectionists.) He hoped, in order to avoid deceiving the farmer, that they would at once tell him what they thought would be the probable issue of this struggle, and whether it would cod is victory or dokst.—(Bear, kw.) If they thought—as ha thought they must—that the issue would be defeat, had they not better give up the contest at once, and submit to the fate which they could not avoid —(" Hear, hear," and " No, ne")—when they consider that the people are already in great want—(" No, no," from Mr. Miles and the protectionists.) The Hon. Member for Somersetshire says that the people are not in want.—( Hear, hear.) He wished the Hon. Member had been in the House when he stated the condition of the people in the county of which he (Mr. Miles) was Member. If the Hon. Member would read the returns which had been laid on the table of the House, they would tell him whether the people were in want or not. He said, "they were not in want." Ho was the first person he had heard who had the hardihood to deny that there was any want ?—(Hear, hear.) He would like to know whether he thought that—in the case of a parish in his (Mr. Miles's) county, where the people are kept alive by subscription, where peas and pulse are sent up to keep them alive—that was an indication of pro'perity.—( Hear, hear. ) Mr. MILES did not know that stitch a state existed in any parish in his county. Mr. B. ESCOTT—The Hon. Member says he does net know it. He (Mr. Escott) was aware of that; he know that he did not—if he did, he would not have expressed such an horror of the coming m .untain of corn.--( Hear, hear.) Ha would not have made such a speech as he did a few nights since, had he been aware of those facts ; he was possessed of too good, too intelligent, and too generous a mind.—( Hear, hear.) Mr. MILES was not aware that he had ever expressed any feeling of horror upon the subject of the importation of corn. Mr. B. ESCOTT had never heard the Hon. Member make a speech without it. It was his staple artiele. --(Hear, hear.) He aiway dreaded the overflow of foreign corn. He was al ways dolorous upon the subject, and he had helped them to the position which they now occupied, more than any other Hon. Member connected with that Houle, or even with the League, by greasing the wheels of the cart ; although he (Mr. Miles) would not allow the grease to be imported, until he was assured by the Government that tar should be mixed with the grease, to prevent its being sold for butter.—(Hear, hear.) He (Mr. Escett) believed that no person would be more anxious few the success of the present measure, if he thought it conducive to the interests of the people, than would the Hon. Member for Somersetshire. Cap'ain OLADSTON E should briefly state the reasons which induced him to give his rote in favour of the Hon. Member for Somersetshire's amendment. He considered it a painful duty to oppose the Government on the present question, but he trusted that, upon a future occasion, he should be able to afford him his wonted support. He would have been quite ready to support Ministers on the present measure, provided those measure had been proposes upon the same principle a s they had previously acted—namely, a gradual reduction of the duty on raw materials. He considered that when protection to agriculture was removed, all rotection must cease.—( Hear. ) The An'i-Corn-law League seemed aware of this fact, and it was for this reason they attacked the corn question first— they knew that they would then have an easy victory over the other interests.—(" Hear, hear," from the protectionista.) It had heeen said, however, that they were only following up the tariff of 1842. If so, where then was the necessity for the declaration on the part of the Government that they had changed their opinion.—( Protectionist cheers.) It was not the failure of the potato crop alone which gave rise to these measures. The Right Hon. Baronet at the head of her Majesty's Go. verment had admitted that his experience of the last three years had tended to impress upon his mini the policy of a still greater reduction. He (Captain Gladstone) did not held ultra views on the subject of protection, but ho must confess that he was an advocate of a moderate protection.— ( Hear, hear.) The different interests of this country had been protected. Under this protection the country had flou rished ; and the most able writers on the subject of political economy had given it as their opinion that protection to agriculture should not be suddenly withdrawn. He did not think that the present measure accorded with the principles laid down by those writers. He did not think it a gradual reduction to protection. The cotton manufacturers of this country hail grown up to their present proud position under .a system of protection against the cotton manufacturers of India.—( Hear, hear.) The Gallant Member then re ferred to the speech of the Hon. Member for Sunderland ( Mr. Hudson.) He (Mr. Hudson) had stated in his speech, that the removal of protection to agriculture would not affect the large landed proprietors so much as the tenant farmers, and that this question was emphatically a tenant-farmer question. The occupiers of small farms would. no doubt, under the influence of competition, ultimately cease to exist. Such were the opinions of the Honourable Mem ber for Sunderland. Now, he ( Captain Gladstone) believed that four-fifths of the farmers of England were small farmers, and in Ireland there was a much larger proportion. If, then, the Noble Member should be ;correct in his statements, of the effects of the abolishment of protection, what a fearful result would it produce upon this class?—( Hear, hear.) lle had made many inquiries upon the subject of the distress in Ireland, and he should be glad if the present measures would he likely to afford them any relief. The Hon. Member for Wolverhampton (Mr. Villiers) had made an admission to the effect that if the ports were immediately to be thrown open there was no corn to come in. Of what conse quence, then, could it be to the poor of Ireland to open the ports if there was no corn ? It would not in the least alleviate their distresses. Previous to 1842 trade was in a very depressed state. Since then they have had not alone good, but abundant harvests, and the great revival of trade in the United States caused in his opinion the prosperity of the country, and not the changes which had taken place in the commercial policy of the country. —(Cheers.) There was another important circumstance also, which was not, he believed, noticed during the discussion of that question ; it was the abundant supply of cotton in America, and the low price of that article here.—(Cheers.) But even if it could be proved that the prosperous state of the country was owing to the commercial changes which had taken place, that he (Mr. Gladstone) considered was no good reason why they should sweep away altogether the duties on raw material—it was no proof, because a reduction had taken place with good effect, that a total abolition would have a similar tendency.—( Cheers.) He considered that if the measure was to be proposed by any Minister of her Majesty's Government, it should not be by one who came into office on protectionist principles, and if they were to have free trade, let the measure be proposed by the paily who always advocated it. —( Cheers from protectionists.) It was said that that was to be a settlement of the question, but hOw could it be ex pected that it would be a settlement when they were aware that Parliament would be - shoi tly dissolved; and he considered that there was much more danger in setting one class against another than there would be if the measure was not agitated. But he feared it would have another effect, of a snore lasting nature ; it would shako the confidence that people would have in public men.—( Loud cheers from the protectionists.) He might be wrong in that opinion, but he thought that if there was any mind among the agricul tural classes, it would have that effect ; and if the House looked to the result of the elections in agricultural districts, it would appear that such a feeling was entertained. The Hon. Gen tleman concluded by thanking the House for the very kind and fair manner in which they had listened to him, and said, should it be their wish to go into Committee on the question, he consi dered it important that the public should know as early as pos sible what was to be their fate on that important subject. Mr. COBDEN (who was Imdly cheered on rising)—l can assure the House that it is impossible for me under present cir cumstances to speak as I should wish, and I will not in conse quence detain the House for any great length of time. — Cheers.) I have not been able to attend to the present debate, but I have had the merit of reading every word of it, and al though I have had occasion to complain on very many former occasions of the way in which Honourable Gentlemen spoke on every subject but the one under discussion, moth as I have had to complain, I do think that on the present occasion every person went far more into extraneous matter than I had ever known before. It appeared to me, that the question was not the abrogation or continuance of the corn-laws, but the conduct of the Minister, the First Lord of the Treasury. Now, Sir, there may be grounds, and I will not say but there are just grounds, for the Honourable Gentlemen opposite to complain of the Ministry for the course they have pursued ; but, Sir, the country will not sympathise with them, for, on former occasions, they the (protectionists) did everything in their power to evade the question. When this measure was introduced by the Whigs in the year 1841, you opposed the measure then that is now advauced by your own leader. But, I must say, when the corn-law measure was introduced into the House first, we were as much the objects of vituperation as we are now, and I will not for one sympathise with you. if Hon. Gentlemen have any fear that their present leader contemplates, not only repealing the corn-laws, but going much further (and I think they ought), I beg to assure them that they are taking the most effectual means of arming the Minister with power to do so, for the more you attack him, the more the country will sympathise with him out of doors.—(Cheers.) Why, you are making the present Prime Minister the most popular man in the country, and should he go down into any of the manufac turing districts the Right Hon. Baronet's journey would be one continued triumph. The Right Hon. Baronet, the Se cretary for Home Affairs, in advocating this measure, has also won much for himself on this occasion; the magnificent contri bution which he has given in his able statement, and still more in the martyrdom in which you are inflicting on him, has made him so popular, that in any of the towns in the north of England, say Manchester or Liverpool, he would receive more . - respect and honour than the greatest merchant.—(Cheers and laughter.) I do not think the Hon. Gentlemen who are op posed to this measure are pursuingia wise party scheme. That is the first great fact that I will allege; the second topic to which I will call your attention is one of more importance. If I understand your position rightly, you consider that this House is the proper place where the question of free trade is to be decided, without knowing what is the decision of the country. I tell you, if you believe in the justice of such principles, you are unworthy of the advocacy of them on I begt this House, thatse, laBn4yls,ulcli metgrounds.you with a Why, iu the corn-law should be only changed? No; but I stated 1 o• , would never cease my exertions until I a bro g ated that law, and mjo whenrity of l 9l c . am Dideinto you should also, if you are honest anti consistent, use the some language, if vou believe they are essential to the prosperity of the country. Vou should say, if we are thrown to the ground, we will be ready to spring up again. This should be your course, if you are conscientiously of opinion that the cause is good which you are advocating. Assuming now, that you can carry out your purpose—and this is a point which I wish to draw your attention—for it is most important to the public in other places— what do youexpect to gain? Now, where there are no middle classes, where there are no merchants —no manufacturers—no farmers, probably what I say, may be read. You want a dissolution— you want the opinion of the country Have you ever considered what the opinion of the country is? Do you want to know what the country thinks of your opinions? You say you will be able to get, by a dissolution, a numerical majority in this House, but I tell you that if you consider for a moment, you will not have that majority if you dissolve the Par liament. I think I am some authority on the registration of this country.—(Cheers.) Well, then, I tell you that a change has taken place, and that you will not gain by such a dissolution. I would not have said se three months ago, but, on the contrary, I would have agreed with you; but now your party is broken up. (Cries of " No, no.") It shows that you have not weighed there subjects as you ought. Do not be led away by these men shouting around you, like the manner in which schoolboys whistle in a churchyard to keep up their courage.—(Cheers and laughter.) Examine these facts because your former leaders have done so, and you have none amongst you deserv ing to be your leaders unless they well consider them. You cannot rank a town numbering '25,000 inhabitants on which you could depend for the return of a protectionist.—( Hear, hear, and cries of " No, no.") Well, then, you have your pocket boroughs and your nomination counties, and I will as sume that you have a majority of pocket boroughs, and I will allow that that majority may possibly amount to twenty or thirty, what would be your position then? You would have on this side of the House the Members for London, Lancaster, Yorkshire, Cheshire, and every member of every town in Scotland.—(( heers.) Why, you would shrink aghast at your position, and there would be more defections in yoar Camp, arid more adhesions to our ranks than ever.—( Hear, hear. ) In spite of all pledges, nay, if you were steeped to the lilts in pledges, you would come across this floor, for there would be no safety without it, and the very men who came here to vote for protection, would vote otherwise when they found that the country was determined to have the corn-laws repealed.— ( Hear, hear.) Now, is not that public opinion? Why, we have a sufficient amount of public opinion to do anything in this country. The dynasty of the Stuarts would be now sitting upon the throne, had they the same amount of public opinion expressed in their favour as was now declared for a repeal el the corn-laws.—(Einar, hear.) That amount of public opinion is sultoient to damp flan feral of Government, and antking it was determined to do it could effect. But you will probably tell ins that although we have this power, that we have not the mass of the people with us—rather democratic that. You never heard me advocate the superior claims of the working classes— ho tv ever, whilt aro the evidences that the great body of the people are not with us? You say that our petitions are not honestly signed. I cannot disprove that assertion; let us corns, therefore, to some other test—let us take the old Saxon mode of testing opinion, by callin g public meetings. No w , if you rea lly are d es i rous of fostering democratic influence, this is the way to elevate them— bring them into public assembling, let them elect their own chairman, let them pass their resolutions, and there can be nothing found superior to such a course for laying the founda tions of public liberty.—( Hear, hear, and cheers.) Call then sour public meetings to support the corn-laws. Call one—l challenge you to call one anywhere. It is not surely in the manufacturing districts you can call them. Since the first of November last there have been public meetings held in every large town—not the meetings of any class, but meetings for the purpose of deciding whether the town should petition fir free trade or not. I received a complaint from a gen tleman, that the protectionists called a meeting at Epswarth, to which only protectionists were admitted, and canaNuently the free traders had no power to interfere. At a meeting in Haddington they fled from the room, and the room was full without them.—(Cheers.) Were not these evidences of public opinion ?—( Cries of " Na, no.") Then what will teach you public opinion? Must you be tossed in a blanket? Must you be swept out of this house into tha Thames? -_(Cheers and laughter). Why it would be givin g them over to destruction if the public opinion was not to be tested by the course which I have pointed out. Yes, your political power is based on the 150,000 tenantry of the country. Let it, then, come to the worst ; carry on this opposition for three or four yea rs more , an d th e p l an th a t i s now in operation — which plan is much maligned—(" Hear, hear," from the Opposition) —and still muck more maligned in a certain place, because where the shoe pinches there the party will wince the more—( Cheers from the Opposition side of the House)- 1 say the plan that is now in operation will compel you to yield.—(" Hear, hear," and cheers.) We are calling into existence the true o ld mo d e o f exerc i s i n g the English constitutional franchise.—( Cheers and cries of Oh 1 oh !") We are calli ng th a t p r i nc ipl e of 500 years' antiquity into existence by which we hope to countervail all your new fangled innovations.—( Renewed cheers, and " Oh, oh.") You look on this as something revolutionary and novel.--(Hear, hear.) I tell you you are the revolutionists and the innovator:.—(Cheers.) However, I believe it is perfectly understood by the longest heads of your party that we hate the power, acid that we will exercise it.—(Renewed cheering. If, therefore, you prolong this contest for four years, which you cannot, let the worst come, we have the means, we have the power, we have the money subscribed— ( A laugh)— and we are prepared to meet and overcome every difficulty.—(Loud cheers.) You may think there is some thing exceedingly repulsive to your notions of supremacy in all this; but I say that the man, whether the small shopkeeper or farmer, who has the prudence to save a little money, and lay it out in the purchase of land that will bring him forty shillings a year freeehold—l say, that is the man to whom I would wish to give the franchise.—( Hear, hear, and cheering.) Let it be understood that these matters are not of my introduction, for no gentleman can complain of my even being guilty of intro ducing irrelevant matter into the discussion of this question. ( Hear, hear.) You have chosen now to say that you will not settle this question by fair and upright argument, by an appeal to facts, or by taking the sense of the House. No ; you will, forsooth, appeal to the country.—(Loud cheers from the pro tectionists.)sl have given you some idea of your prospects in the country, and I ask you how the mischief will be averted? Look over the registration returns—count the number of persons in possession of the franchise, and then come down and admit candidly whether public opinion is with you or against you.—( Cheers and counter cheers.) So much ergu raent has been applied to the investigation of extraneous questions, that I shall not pursue this line of observation further, though, indeed, the little argument adduced on the opposite side has been so fully answered—(oh, oh) —that I need scarcely apply myself to that branch of the question.— (Renewed cries of Oh, oh," and " Hear, hear.") I tell you what my thoughts were during the last ten or eleven days, whilst confined to my home, and reading over your speeches. in which I found many antiquated fallacies that I thought I had knocked on the head seven years ago— ( Laughter)—wky I thought that all the country was laughing at you. —( Hear and cheers.) You Cry, " Are we to depend on foreigners?"—( Hear, hear.) Now, who would think that so palid a ghost would have been raised up to terrify the free traders?—(l-}ear, hear, and a laugh.) Another clap-trap is that an advance in wages will lessen the means of pro curing bread.—(A laugh.) That the land will be thrown out of cultivation, and tkat corn will be sold for '2ss. per quarter.—(Great laughter.) Wh . y, you forget that the working classes take a very different .view of the qu e sti on alto gether.—( Hear, h ei r.) The working classe s f ormer ly be lieved that wages rose and fell with the price of wheat ; an d though the leaders of the protectionist party may accuse us of clap-trap," yet the epithet will not apply to the Ministers who introduced the present m easure , f or they could have no clap - trap motive in doing so.—( Hear, hear.) Now, if you attended less to the gossip of your clubs, where you congratulate each other on the smart ness of your speeches, in which you assail the Ministerial policy. If you, I say, attended less to these matters, and applied your selves to the proper study of the question, you would not have been making the speeches you were for the l as t t we l ve n i g ht s . ( Hear, hear, and cheers.) With regard to the farmers, lam not denying that many—l will admit a large portion of them are with you—(Protectionists' cheers) —because you have told them that they would walk headlong down some precipice, or that some fogy would run off with them.—(A laugh.) That is what you have been telling them.—( Hear, hear, and " Oh, oh.") But although they have not the strictest faith in you, they have the prudence to know, that if they go ag a i ns t th e i r l an dl or d s they will not get a fair adjustment from then afterwards.— ( Hear, hear, and cries of " Oh, oh.") If the landed proprie tary said to the farmers that the question was a tenant one, and they would bear the farmers harmless, no matter what their views on the question, I strongly doubt if they would not decide in favour of free trade.—(Cheers.) But you have given them some hints to the contrary.—(Cries of " Oh, oh," from the protectionists.) I do not think that, generally speaking, the farmers agree in all that you have been telling them. I believe rents are as 'sigh now as ever they were.—(No, no.) There is something remarkable in all this. I have been remarking since the Right Hon. Baronet proposed this measure, and I have directed my attention to the point. I have inquired of landed proprietors, lawyers, and land agents, if land has suffered any depression in value in consequence of the introduction of the measure, and I cannot learn that it has. It is a very remarkable fact that silks have been rendered un saleable, while the land is actually letting or selling at a higher price.—(No, no.) The lion. Member for Somersetshire made an offer to sixty farmers to take the land off their fiends on adequate terms, and yesterday, being the last day for ac cepting the offer, he thought some of them would come in to take it up. Now, what is the consequence? Why, that not one of them came in. —(Hear, hear, and cheers.) Now this followed immediately after the farmers had been told that the land was so reduced that it would not produce sufficient to allow of rent being paid at all. Now if these farmers, after having been so lately told that all the evils w ,uld f.,110w which had been trumpeted by the protectionists, were not inclined to part with their farms, what did it tend to prove, but that there is no danger to be apprehended from th e re p ea l of these laws.— ( Hear, hear.) Now, the opinion of a gentleman who was a large land agent, said that farmers h a d a ppli e d t o hi m , o ffering to take the land in which he was interested, and offered 15 per cent. for the land, besides guaranteeing to make such improvemements as would m a t er i a lly i m p rove th e va l ue of the land. Now this gentleman was a protectionist and a supporter of Sir John Tyrrell, and is net his evidence in favour of that lion. Gentleman's measure ? Now I should like to know if the gentlemen, who have estates to let, are willing to let them at one-third less than they have had for them up to the passing of this measure, notwithstanding the great impoverishment of their land by the repeal of the protective laws. I a m sure th e y are not willing to part with them for even one-fourth less tkan they were twelve months ago. This, then, is the proof that no such injury can take place as is said to be the result of a repeal of the corn-laws. There is not a more monstrous case than that of saying, that the far mers are a b ou t t o be ruined, when it cannot be said that they are willing to part with their farms, or even asking for a red uc ti on o f t h e i r ren t s . I wish to settle this question with the gentlemen who are opposed to it in the most amicable manner. Let them come to the Free trade wall at Manchester, and hold a public meeting, and then let them say, upon the arguments, which is the best measure for the people, protection or free trade. Now I am going to read you an authority that will astonish you. I am going to read to you an extract from a speech of the Duke of . Wellington i n th e H ouse o f Lords on the 17th of April, 1832 ; it is his opinion on taxation :—" 14. thought taxes were imposed oaly for the service of the state. If they were necessary for the servic e o f th e s t a t e , i n G o d' s name let them be paid, but if they were not necessary they ought not to be paid, and the Legislature ought not to impose them." Now there that Noble Duke, without having had time to study Adam Smith or Ricardo, by that native sagacity which is characteristic of his mind, came at once to the marrow of ,this question.—( Hear, hear.) We must not tax another for the benefit of one another. Oh, then, divest the future Prime Minister of this country of that odious task of having to reconcile rival interests ; divest the office, if ever you would have a sagacious MO in power as Prime tlinister, divest it of the responsibility of having to find food for the people ! May you never find a Prime Minister again to undertake that awful responsibility ! That re sponsibility belongs to the law of nature; as Burke said, it belongs to God alone to regulate the supply of the food of nations. When you shall have seen in three years that the abolition of these laws is inevitable, you will be obliged then to meet the wishes of the farmer, and dissolve the League, as in good faith it will be dissolved.—( Loud cries of " Hear , hear," from the pro tection benches.) I say that w he n you find it to be in evitable, as inevitable it is, you will come forward and join with the free-traders—(Cheers and laught er )—f or if you d o not, you will have the farme rs coming, forw ar d an d ag it a ti ng in conjunction with the League.—( (sheers. ) You are in a position to gain honour in future ; you are in a position, day be more . and more diverging 'especially the young Members among you who have the material for you to get capacity to learn the truth of this question—they are in a on at present your position is a Wsa egoniusel.as tyloyonsfeaolrrveesatni , I:.,sd ti .e u ) estio s n o s .gaotfhetrhaht honourkindthiseve em great wrong d hear.)right and fame where thee are to be . gaint. a nd Y . belong to the aristo cracy, I don't mean that, but the aristocracy of improvement I t i h o e ut ex tl a ie m w pl h e e o le f changes.—( position to be Chee rs alet to d help counter-cheers.) the tr c :e e r e k ll ages ; we have given them the rapfssesntative system. Why, the very rules andiregalations of this House have been taken as the aanridstcoievrialicayationfn.thewheumhaavna kind—nneoxtuntlh!lee m , and every institution that belongs to freedom and eiviliz . etion, we are now about civilizeds) del fo r world very ; representative having besides s sem givenbly t throughout giving a still greater example : ne are going to set the ex ample of making industry free—(Cheers)--lo set the example of giving the whole world every advantage of clime, and lati tudea free press and civil and religious. freettnin and situation ; relying ourselves on the freedom of our industry. Yes, we are going to teach the world that other lesson. Don't think there is anythi ng se lfi s h i n thi s , or anything at all discordant with Christian princip:es. I can prove that we advocate nothing but what is agreeable to the highest behests of Christianity. T o buy in the cheapest market, and sell in the dearest. What is the mean ing of the maxim? It means that you take the article which you have in the greatest abundance, and obtain from others that of which they have the most to spare, so giving to man kind the means of enjoying the fullest abundance of earth's goods, and in doing so carrying out to the fullest extent the Christian doctrine of " Doing to all men as ye would they should do unto you."—(Loud and prolonged cheering.) Mr. SPOONER said that the Hon. Member for Stockport had spoken upon this subject in terms which wou ld le a d any stranger entering the House to th e belief that those who had a right now to the extended franchise haft not the pleasure of enjoying it.—( Hear, hear.) It was not the habit of the tenant to ask the assistance or a dvice of his la n dl or d, though he ought to tie so, but at the same time it was as much the duty of the manulactureis to give advice to their workemn. The Hon. Member then went on to quote passages from speeches of the Honourable Member fur Stockport, in order to show the inconsistency of the lieu. Member, and to illustrate the fact that his *pinions open the corn-laws had changed very re- FEBRUARY -28, 1846. cently. They made an appeal to the Sovereign, and what was the result of that appeal ?—they obtained a majority of 90. Now the great leader of the principle of protection has changed his opinions, and his colleagues have changed theirs also. When persons of well-known integrity and character came to that House and said that they had changed their opinions, it followed as a necessary consequence that they must carry a great weight with them. Such a circumstance might change the opinion of that House, but before they changed the line of conduct they had main tained so long they should be certain whether it was confined to the Minister and his friends, or whether the great body of the nation sympathised in the alteration.—(" Hear, hear" from the Ministerial side.) If they were so convinced, they would be guiltless as to the result. They say the people were to be represented in that House. The people should have been con sulted as to whether they approved of the change in their con duct, or whether they had also changed, and were willing to sell that for which they had straggled so intensely, and had maintained so long and so happily. It was not his intention to enter at great length into that dis cussion. Many reasons prevented him, especially as the [louse had expressed its intention to di v id e that night. As long as he had held the situation which he had fulfilled in that House, he had never gone against its sense, a n d h e wa s ass are that other Members wished to address the [louse, therefore he would not detain them any longer than was necessary to ex press the reasons which induced him to give his vote in favour of the amendment proposed by his Hon. Friend the Member for Bristol, to whom he would address himself for a few mi nutes. His Hon. Friend had made a statement bordering closely on an accusation. He charged them with having fol. lowers who refused to enter into the question with them, and who were desirous of stifling the inquiry. He also said that the Chancellor of the Exchequer had followed in the same train. He did not accuse him of having broken his pledges, but said that he flinched from inquiry. —(Hear.) He wondered that his Hon. Friend should have m We such a charge, for he would say, that when a Committee was proposed for the express parpose of enabling the proposi tion to be brought before the House, they had no objection to each a splurge. His Right Hon. Friend had changed his opinion, and called upon them to folios- him. He was not very often in the habit of troubling the House —(Hear, hear) —but when he did take that liberty he endeavoured to express his opinion thoroughly. Had the Right Hon. Baronet pro posed going into a Committee on the corn-laws with a view to their modification, he (Mr. Spooner) would have given h s un qualified assert to that proposition. He never did approve of the present system of corn-laws. He thought the sliding scale was some improvement, but a fixed duty was the only principle, and the only rational proposition. He defined protection to be the principle which induced them to take care, while native industry was burdened by the taxation necessary for the preservation of the State, that no foreign produce should be admitted to compete with our own taxed produce, without incurring an equal share of expense—(Cheers from the Ministerial side)—that was the principle of protect ion, and that principle should be applied to every class of industry, and not more to agriculture than to any other. Whatever tax was imposed upon the country was an additional reason why the labourer should be protected from foreign untaxed produce.—(Cries of " Oh! oh !" from the Opposition side.) He could assure them that he had not willingly entered on this subject; but, representing, as he did, a large constituency, he felt it neces sary to enter upon their defence in an effectual manner. The Hon. Member for Shropshire had said that he was very happy that some of them had read Adam Smith, and he wished that a great many more had done so, as political economy was now assuming an important aspect. He would read something fr )m the works of the Noble Lord, as he considered him a high authority—and he said that sincerely, for he was high both as a statesman and as an author. He would now proceed to call the attention of the House to a passage. —(" Oh, oh" ! from the Opposition.) He would read it.— (Laughter.) The Noble Lord said " That nearly all writers on political economy fell into the same mistake ; nations were subject to fluctuations in their seasons of prosperity, and they naturally looked to those persons who had studied the wealth of nations for a remedy. Those writers had occupied them selves with original truths without entering upon particular cases." The Hon. Gentleman went on to read from the pamphlet in question, amidst every manifestation of impatience by the House; the extract, as far as could be collected from the noise that prevailed, being to the effect that there were certain circumstances connected with the industry of the country which rendered, in many instances, the application of the strict rule of political economy inexpedient and impracticable. This was the doctrine laid down by the Noble Lord, which be (Mr. Spooner) coincided in, and to this he would call the attention of the Hon. Member for Stockport. The Hon. Member for Wolverhampton (Mr. Villiers) last night gave a statement of figures which went to show that we might have a considerable importation of corn, and at the same time have an increase of gold, and he referred to several years in support of the view which he advanced.—(The lion. Member here proceeded to read some figures in relation to this topic; but from the noise and confusion that prevailed, it was impossible to understand their real purport. As far, however, as their application could be ascertained, they were to the cff,tet that the increase of bullion towards the latter end of a period of four years—that is, from 1833, during which there was a considerable importation of grain—arose from peculiar circumstances in our relations with America. He could well understand this expression of the feelings of the House—(Cheers)— and he knew too well the utter uselessness of any individual attempting to address the House—(Reiter ated cheering)—unless the House were willing to hear him.— ( Hear, hear.) He respected the good opinion of the House too well—(Cheers)—to force himself upon its notice.—( Great cheering.) If it was therefore the pleasure of Hon. Mem bers that he should defer his remarks—(Cheers)—to some future time—(Cheers)—he would do so.—(Tremendous cheering.) He would do so in all sincerity—( Cheering)—but he would do so, at the same time, in the hope that at some future time he would be listened to with greater indulgence.— (The Honourable Gentleman sat down amidst much con fusion, which was very considerably increased.) Mr. P. BORTHWICK rose—The Honourable Gentleman proceeded to address the House for at least a quarter of an hoar, amidst mach confusion and noise, so loud and continuous, that it was impossible to catch the purport of his observations. He was understood, however, to contend, in defiance of boisterous cries from both sides of the House of " Divide, divide," " Question, question," " Bar, bar," and " Order, order)"—that the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Government was mistaken if he thought the present mea sure would secure his reputation with posterity, for the page of history would exhibit him as struggling for a long series of years to form a great party, and at the very moment when he had succeeded in this apparently paramount and all-absorbing topic of his life, as coming forward, and in violation of all public faith and principle, and, with one daring and reckless blow, breaking up and shivering to atoms that great confederation, which himself had fostered and created, and which would be known in future years as the powerful Conservative party of England. He might say to the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Government, "Et to Brute."—(Laughter, and cries of " Oh, oh.") If Cesar must fall—(Continued laughter)-- better that he fall not by his hands. It had been better for the myriads yet to be born and go verned—better for the few who like him were by nature and by God destined to govern—it had been better for the peace which bound the masses of mankind together, ;and for the confidence of private men—better for the human race— (Cries of " Oh, oh," and laughter)—that this measure had been proposed by some other hand than the one which was nerved by its own strength, and which was called into existence by its own will. —(Loud laughter.) If the principles of free trade were the principles of common sense, and if the circumstances of this great country admitted the application of those principles to our commercial policy, then he would say that thu measure of the Right Hon. Gentleman was the grossest insult to com mon sense and to the principles of free-trade that could be possibly brought before the country. The principle which he advocated said that protection was the bane of agriculture, and yet the Right Hon. Gentleman was prepared to admi nister to the country a draught of that very poison for the next three years.—(Cries of " Oh, oh," and great laughter.) The Hon. Member went on to say, that Hon. Members opposite had succeeded in obtaining the head of the Right Hon. Baronet, but that they (the protectionists) still kept possession of his heart. ( The Hon. Member then eat down amid great uproar and confusion. ) Lord G. BENTINCK then rose and requested the attention of the House for a short time while he endeavoured to answer some of the arguments which had been used by Hon. Mem bers on the opposite sides of the House. There was no man who felt more deeply than he did his unworthiness to ask that indulgence. He had never, since he had a seat in that House, ventured to trespass upon their atention upon so important a subject as the present. They opposed the Speaker leaving the chair, net only because they objected to the great changes proposed with reference to the agricultural interest, but also upon the whole measure.—( Hear, hear.) They opposed the measure which proposed an alteration in 1,100 articles, because so great a commercial resolution as that proposed, they did not consider was required by the exigencies of the country. It was not only that they objected to the removal of protection from the agricultural interest, but also a removal of protection from the silk, shipping trade, and many other interests concerned in the tari ff . —( Hear, hear.) It had been stated in the course of this debate that Hon. Members who opposed this Bill would lose their character, station, and iniuence with the country. He would willingly concede that gentlemen who sat on the opposite side had not this fear before their eyes. They had always been the consistent advocates of free trade; they came to that House pledged to maintain those principles for which they asked the suffrages of the people. When he was told this was not a protection Parliament, he would be glad to know on what principles it was created. Why, was not the subject of free trade in corn discussed over and over again when the dissolution took place in the year 1841 ? Was it not then a question whether we were not to have a protection of 83. a quarter or a higher rate of protection? Her Majesty ap pea'ed to the people in 1841 ; and on that question of the corn laws— on that question he thought there could be no mistake. The Right Hon. Gentleman now at the head of her Majesty's Government was then the leader of the Opposition, and chal lenged his opponent to dissolve the Parliament. The Secretary of State for the Home Department said it was mad ness to dissolve the Parliament, and he thought it was the madness of the devil himself. He charged them with some thing more than the acts of the devil himself for such a course of proceeding. His Right Honour able Friend raised the cry, " The Church. was in danger ;" but was it not far more exciting to hear the cry of cheap bread, and that cry raised from the Treasury benches? He should like to know whether the cry of cheap bread which they had heard had anything to do with the landlord question. They said that was not a protection Parbs , merit, but what was it if it was not crested on protection prin ciples? The Noble Lord then at the head of the Administra. tion, in 1841, found himself defeated by a vote of want of con fidence, when there appeared a majority against him of 311 against 317, and her Majesty immediatelyi prorogued the Parliament, with a view tots -nmediate dis solution. Her Majesty then . i in her speech that in the present state of public affairs she had cisme to the determination of taking the sense of the public. He was of opinion that the measure proposed by the Right Hon. Baronet could net in honour b . e carried by the majority of that House, returned on that dissolution.—(Hear, hear. ) They were told that a great change was to take place upon the experience of the Right Hon. Baronet for the last th r ee years ; that the Right Hon. Gentlema n had been so satisfied with the result of the reduction of duties for the last three years. He was satisfied that the country would not be of the same opinion— they would not be satisfied with any great change in the laws upon a mere three years experience. The Right Hon. Baronet said that there would be no material, i n f ac t, no re d uc ti on a t all in the price of corn by the introduction of the present measure. He groanded that opinion upon what had taken place with regard to silk. He would accept the challenge of the Right H onoura bl e G ent l eman —he would meet him on the question of silk, and he would also meet the Member for Sheffield on that of wool. He would take care not to forget what had been said respect ing the timber duties.—( Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord then proceeded to detail the price of wool per pound between the years 1820 and 1824, hat in so low a tone of voice that not a single word reached the gallery. He found from the price of flour, as contracted for, not for one year, but for three years, that the average price per stone in 1841, 1842, and 1843 was 3s. 7d. In 1846 3s. 2d. was the price, a price, in fact, lower than what the average price hid been on the average of three years before.—( Loud cries of " Divide, divide," and manifestations of impatience.) This was a strong point to show that under a protective system the irregularity of price we. not such as bed been attributed by the ads 'ocates of fre e trade. He would refer briefly to the subject cif the silk trade, on which the Right Hon. Baronet had spoken, and which he alleged had thrived under a free-trade system, i a oppositieei to what had been advanced by the advocates of a protective system. The House ought to be aware that there were three descriptions of silk : small silk, which cost from 14s. to 20s. per lb. ; thrown silk, from 20s. to 235. ; and waste or °fat silk, that sold for about from 2d. to 10d. per lb. He found, that in the periods of 1815,1816, 1817, the average quantities of silk imported into the country was 1,095,000 lbs., and they found, that in a cori,esponding period, when the pro tection duty was in existence,, the importation was 1,970,000 ibs. showing a difference o 90 per cent. He found that the duty averaged in the same period 750,0001. Mr. Huskisson promised that he should place the silk trade side by aide with the cottons trade. He was not able to take the return of three clear years" but he would take such as would give the most favoureol e return to the supporters of the Manchester school asad of the Right Honourable Baronet. He now came to the operation of free trade as regarded the silk-weavers. He woe:id refer to the evidence taken before the Committee of 1`331. Mr. Grabb, a silk manufacturer, was examined. U• 0 to 1824 the number of hands he em ployed was 3,3c.e4, and the wages averaged Bs. I ill. per man. Ir. 1631 the number he employed had fallen to 1,877, and the amount of wages to 3s. Bid. But it vas not wages alone which had been reduced by the chanege ; fer the same gentleman stated that a great number et l eands were diseharged in the time, some of whom had emigrated, while others had gone to the workhouse, and the majority of the females to prostitution. Now was not this evi dence conclusive enough, and ought it not to decide the House in the course they ought to take with respect to this measure ? hear.)f(eHwedaary,sajnee he -a The Noble Lord th en p rocee d e d to say , t h at presented to that House a petition from some silk-weavers, in which they stated, that if the duties were taken off earn, the only result would be the reduction of their wages.—( Loud cries of " Divide, divide.") He apologised to the House for the manner in which he had trespassed upon their attention, but as he stood there as the advocate of a great body, whose interests kad been att ac k e d, h e hoped the House would' extend to him their indulgence, although he was not able to address them in th 3 same able manner which those who were accus tomed to address them were capable of doing.—( Cheers. ) The Noble Lord then continued to say that silk weavers would be reduced 3d. per yard if this measure passed, and he would ask what reduction in the price of food would compensate those poor men for that reduction in their wages ?—( Cheers. ) He believed that the labourer would be better off with his old wages, and wheat at 70s. per:quarter, than with cheap er b rea d and lower wages.—(lronical cheers.) He maintained, despite the cheers of the Honourable Members opposite, that ho would be better off with wheat at 455. per quarter, and with his present wages, than the reduction sought by the present measure, and the consequent disproportion in the reduction of wages.—(Hear, hear.) He recollected an address delivered by the Secretary of State for the Home Department, though he had now changed his opinion‘, in which he laid down the proposition not to be disputed, that the rate of wages must sink with the reduction in the price of corn. The Right Hon. Baronet tells them as a reason for introducing the measure, that distress in Ireland was very great, where the people were starving in the midst of a superabundance of provisions.—( Cheers.) The farmer, he said, was without a market, and the labourer was left destitute, without employment. That was the picture drawn of the state of Ireland by his Honourable Friend, showing that it was truly destitute. During the three years, amidst the ruin of manufacturers, the distress of landlords, the insurrection of the populace, who were without employment and without bread, as the Right Hon. Baronet said, the prosperity of the country increased notwithstanding, and he (Lord Bentinek) liked to see productive industry sacrificed to unpro ductive wealth as little as the Right Hon. Baronet. With respect to the speech of his Honourable Friend the Member for Wolverhampton, he should say it was not a speech overflowing with professions of kindness. They had been taunted on that side of the House that they dealt in reviling phrases against Hon. Members who had de served them on the present occasion, and that they had ad duced no arguments in proof of the justness of the position which they assumed. Now, after the speech of his Hon. Friend who sat beside him, after that admirable speech, he thought they might be exempted from so inapplicable and undeserved a taunt.— (Cries of Hear, hear.") (The Noble Lord was a t t hi s moment so inaudible that not a word could be distinctly heard in the gallery. The loud and repeated cries • for a division, varied by the counter-cries for an adjournment, completely drowned the Noble Lord's attempts to be heard.) The Noble Lord continued to read extracts from returns he held in his hand, in reference to the state of food in Scotland, by which he contended it appeared that the people of many districts in the neighbourhood of Glasgow had much improved their condition, and had adopted the use of flour in many cases for that of oatmeal. The Noble Lord representing the city of London—(Cries of " Oh, eh 1" from the Ministerial side of the House) —he had not offered to say anything to change them (the Opposition)—he was going to show them that there was no danger of a famine. He would refer them to Leith. They would recollect that the authorities he was about to quote were rather suspicious. They were the corn circulars sent forth by the corn dealers for the benefit of the trade. The circular he would refer to was dated the 17th December, 1845, and was from Leith. It stated that as regarded the diseased potatoes, if they were properly scored and dried they were not unfit for human food ; and there was reason to believe that the failure would not be so great as was apprehended.—(" Oh, oh I" from the Opposition.) This was an important fact, as in consequence of this rumoured scarcity, it was proposed to change the commercial policy of this country. The circular went on to say the corn crops were in general good, and the failure of the potato crop had given such an impulse to the market that they were se completely choked that room was not to be found for any more grain, and a considerable portion of the expected arrival of corn would have to be sent to other ports.—(Cheers from the Ministerial benches.) He had a letter from Liverpool which stated that the cry about famine was all a mistake, for that at the time there were not less than 200 warehouses in Liverpool which were as full of grain as they could hold.—( He r, hear.) He would now go to Ireland.—( Great manifestations of impatience, and cries of Divide, divide.") He was going to show there were no grounds for what had been stated in relation to the potato crop. Five weeks ago the Hon. Member for Somerset (Mr. W. Miles) moved for a return of the price of potatoes in all parts of Ireland, and yet up to the present day no return had been made.—( Hear.) The Right Hon. Baronet had taunted them (the protectionists) as not liking the subject of the potato failure in Ireland; but to that he would beg leave to say, for the Hon. Friends around him, that what was distasteful to them was not the Hon. Baronet's going into details on that subject, but his not telling the whole truth. That was what was distasteful to them.—(llear. ) They had been told of a certain merchant going down to the country, surveying the crops, and reporting that the appear ance of the potatoos was black ; and they had heard of a letter from a party in Yorkshire, named Wood, as to the state of the crops there. On the latter point, if the fact was as stated, it would not have been concealed from the Government, by the Hon. Member for the West Riding, who seconded the address to the Crown. But what had that Honour able Gentleman said, in the coarse of the present debate ? He stated that there were no grounds for stating that the potato crop had failed in Yorkshire.—(Hear, hear.) He would now return to Ireland.—(Cries of " Divide, divide.") The Right Hon. Baronet had read the accounts respecting the potato disease from inspectors of police, and others, in various parts of Ireland ; but why, he (Lord George Bentinek) would like to know, did not the Right Hon. Baronet receive reports from the lieutenants: of counties, especially from the lieutenants of the counties of Down and Carlow ? If his Hon. Friend, the Member for Derby, were in his place he would ask him what communication he had made to Government on the subject of the potatoes? And he would refer to the opinions of a man whose testimony was extitled to as much weight as any in England or Ireland—a man of the most masculine understanding of the most business habits—whose knowledge on every subject was as extended as any authority he could refer to, and whose evi dence on this subject that side of the House would most wil lingly listen to—hetmeant Lord Besborough, who had taken the greatest pains to ascertain what was really the truth with regard to the disease of the potatoes in Ireland. o a h t report m a h . hadHe h ( e L ea or m i ad ße e t n e ti h n e c e k ) m s ai h es ou ty ld like la i s t t e o r s k b n y o w that w nobleman. He (Lord Bentinck) could inform the Right Hon. Baronet that what they on that side of the House were dissatisfied with was that they had not been told both sides of the ques tion. He did not know what was the information the Right Hon. Baronet had received, bnt he had himself taken some pains to ascertain what was the real state of things—and he saw in the House a short time ago the Hon. Baronet the Member fur the county of Antrim, and he also cou'd tell the House that he had taken great pains—and he could assure the House that there was no danger of famine.— ( Hear, hear, and cheers from the protectionists.) He had taken occasion to write to an Honourable Friend of his in the county of Roscommon, to inquire into the result of the inquiry instituted by Government, and he informed tartaric trittiatt t hat , after opening him that after all the recommendations of all t he usingprofessors ha d been tried, such as kiln-drying the acid, and other experiments, they the professors had con fidently promised to the pits, the potatoes , cure, were a ll rotten—( Cheers from the protectionists)—whilethose that had been plac e d amid quick-lime were sound and healthy. He could assure the House that there was no such thing as a potato famine in the county of Roscommon. In Tipperary there was not a single diseased potato, and in Queen's County the potatoes were 2%d. per stone. Money, after all was that which told the truth in this country. He had had an opportunity of consulting the Marquis of Clanri carde upon the subject of the p o t a t o di s ease, and that Nl man assured him that it was greatly exaggerated. The Noble Marquis himself had grown about 140 acres of potatoes, which it was true were bad, but the d i sease could told him, that been tested. The Noble Marquis also not have been discovered in them had they not the G overn half the mischief had been created professors who were Ireland, for they advised the lifting of the potatoes sent over to that corn= resent Commissioners, and the various before they were ripe, notwithstanding n sense must have suggested to them that they would rot before they could be used. They were told that there were 4,000,000 of the Irish people on the brink of famine, a n d h e wanted to know what provision her Alajesty's Ministers had made for the wants of these 4,000,000 of people ? If report was true, there were no more than 100,000 quarters of maize in Ireland, and that was food that was not fit for people, but for cattle. The duty on wheat was 17s. per quarter. He apprehended that the Right Hon. Gentleman never in tended to feed the people of Ireland upon wheat. He be lieved that 100,030 quarters of oats were imported from Ireland a few months ago ; and he asked whether common sense would not have dictated the purchase of Irish oats in Ireland for the relief of the people? He found that the duty on oats, which was six shillings per quarter on the 23d of October last, had, in consequence of the false reports of famine, slided down to three shillings on the 22d of November. The Duke of Wellington stated in his place in the Upper House, that when corn rose to a certain price there was a pro vision in the existing corn-laws under which the ports would open themselves. He also admitted that there was a great loss in the potato crop, but it could not be said that there was a deficiency in the food of the people of Ireland. He ( Lord Bentinck) believed that there were oats enough in Ireland to feed the entire population of that country. He considered that the accounts of the potato crop had been greatly exaggerated, and he did not believe that there was more than one-fifth of the potato crop in Ireland destroyed ; and, under these circumstances, he did not con sider there was any necessity for an alteration in th existing laws.—(" Hear, hear," from the protectionists.) He Weer knew a Government who presumed to make such great changes, and who gave so little reason for the adoption of those changes. He had been 18 years in that House, and it was no pleasing task to address it, and he did so on that occasion because he considered it his imperative duty. With respect te potatoes, he found that the average price for the last ten years was not more than at present, and with that ? fact, how could it be said that there was famine, a famine to If it were necessary, in consequence of they be only taking import wheat into Ireland, why did the seventeen shillings duty, as it w it with the other ? that asserted no at once pay t it from one hand to rece ive It was his intention to go i nto manyGo on")—he other matters, but in " ) —h e would pass c on s equence of the hour—rat they (Cries of had been challenged to show over some of them. e i m. B n f a vour of protection, and he was pre panaryedargtoumsrow that the produce of the country had ou t s t r ipped its moundon ; ,be was prepared to show that by een evidence which cou ld not be doubted. They had — b / l a told that protection was the bane of agrieuit s ure; was prepared to show that the contrary was the fact. He (Lord G. Bentinek) was prepared to show by evidence laid before that House, that up to the year 1831, the soil of England only produced 17 litshela per acre. Now there were three millions of acres of land in Ireland, and fifteen millfuns in England, which could be brought inte%ifti vation, and that being the case, how could it be saidithat the country was not capable of producing sufficient food for the population. Was it not beyond all contradiction that this country produced more corn for a far more smaller population than France for a greater population? He had shown that Frenchmen were capable of earning more wages than Englishmen, and yet not do so much work. He had shown also that the state of agricultural improvement in this country was very superior to that of France, and yet that France was able to compete with EngLvd ; and he had likewise shown that even in America, with alrßrer disadvantages, she was able to compete with England in the colonial market. ( Here the Noble Lord became inaudible for some time in con sequence of the loud cries of " Oh, oh," and gtoans from the Opposition.; Ii they took 2.00,000 quarters of corn from foreign countries instead of from our own country, the vault would be that they would throw from 500,i)00 to 6%), 00 0 persons out of employment.— (Prolonged cries of " Oh from the Opposition.") The Right Hon. Baronet had said that the inevitable result of the repeal of the corn-laws wou g ld be to thiow from 500,000 to 800,000 persons out of employment. If they applied the principle to the duties on tea and sugar, they would then do good by admitting articles which did not compete with any of our Imr: produce. Why not import, for example, the produce of China in that manner, instead of charging on tea at the rate of 250 per cent, which tax was imposed on the labouting population of this c o un t r y. B u t t h e way th e y ac t e d w a s t o Place high duties on the produce of those countries that encouraged the manufacturers, and cringed and bowed to those countries that took the gratest pains to exclude our manu factures. Do you, therefore, deserve any consideration info course you have taken ?—( Loud cries of "-Divide, divide," and great manifestations of impatience.) Certainly they were not. When the Right Honourable Baronet came down to that House to usher in the session, which, whether it was to be for good or evil, had a tendeney, at least in the estimation of the Honourable Members on that side of the House, to transfer the profits of the mnnufae turing classes to foreign countries. When he wsheed Hon. Members to come to this House, assuring them that they had the confidence of the Crown, they might at least be certain that ander such circumstances they would vote as their duty to their consciences and their constituents dictated. They had been told that they were a proud aristocracy. They were proud, but they were only proud in this chastity of their honour, and if they had turned out the Whig Administration in 1841, they did it in highmindedness, and with a pure desire to further the interests of the country. Strangers were then ordered to withdraw, and the Hansa divided, when there appeared-- For the Motion 337 For the Amendment 240 MAJORITY FOR? A , MINISTERS - -S The other Orders of the Day were then disposed ef. The House adjourned at a Quarter past Three. SUPPLEMENT TO THE LONDON GAZETTE OF FRIDAY. ADMIRALTY, FEB. 27, 1846. Dispatches were this day received at this office from Rear- Admiral Ingletield, addressed to the Right Iron. IfenryT.L. Gerry, of which the following are copies : lI.M. Ship Vernon, off Monte Video, Nov. 30, 1845. Sir,—My letters of the 30th Octoker, No. 78, and 25th November, No. 85, will have inTorsned the LOrds Commissioners of the Admiralty, that the French and English combined expedition, consisting of the vessels named in the margin,* respectively commanded by eaptain Ilotham, of her Majesty's steam-flgate Gorgon, and Captain Trehouart, of the French frigate Erigone, had commenced the ascent of the river Parana, agreeably to the decision cJme to by the Mediat ing Ministers at a Searce, held on the 9th of Oct,ober, for the purpose of opening that channel of commerce; suc cessive strong gales, and various other circumstances, pre vented the expedition from assembling at the appointed rendezvous off the Guassu (one of the mouths of the Parana) so soon as it was intended, and consequently the entering the river did not take place till the Bth instant, when it began to'ascend, and on the 18th instant arrived within three ntiles of the defences. General Rosas had caused to be thrown up at Punta Obligado (on the, right bank of the river, about 100 miles from the entrance, add 30 miles below the city of San Nicolas), to oppose their passing, which it ap pears were constructed with great military skill,. and the position of the batteries admirably selectee? on advantageous ground, being supported by the presence of at least 3,500 troops of all arms, every appearance indicating a determined resistance, which, however, did not deter the gallant commanders of our little squadrons from deciding on an immediate attack; and I have now the gratification of transmitting to you, for their Lordships' information*. a copy of the report I have received from Captain Hothasu, detailing the successful issue of the conflict that ensued on the 20th, ending in the complete destruction of the enemy's battpries ; a schooner of war (mounting six guns), and twenty-four vessels chained across the river, all the guns found on the fortications, except ten brass guns, which were taken off to the ships. . _ _ The judicious plan for the attack, sad the persevering bravery displayed by all concerned in its execution, net wEhstanding the disadvantage some of the vessels were under in not being able to attain their assigned positioni, owing to the wind failing, and a s t rong a d verse current of three knots, and the landing of the little band of seamen and royal marines, in the face of se large a force, will, I am persuaded, call forth their Lordships' admiration of the skill that directed, and the undaunted courage that acheived, this brilliant exploit. Captain Hotham's letter brings the merits of the contest so fully to the mind, that I feel it now only remains for ma to expreis to their Lorfthips the high sense I entertain of the gallantry, zeal, and ability which animates that excellent officer, who has, on every occasion, g . ven me perfect satisfaction in the performance of his various duties ; and I beg to recommend his services most strongly to their Lordships' favourable consideration, as also those officers serving in command under his cutlers on this occasion, which, I conceive, reflects so much honour and credit on themselves and the service. I am convinced their Lordships will experience as much pleasure as I do, in learning from Captain Hotham that he had great reason to be satisfied with the good conduct of ell the officers, seamen, and royal marines engaged on ails servi,:e; and I trust I may be permitted t) call their atte n ti on to the circumstance of Captain Hope's cutting the barrier chain, and to the merits of the officers and men ; Captain Ilotham has specially broug s lt to my notice (particularly Commander Sulivan and Lieatenant Levinge), as also the case of Mr. Andrews' family, who have lost, in him, their main support. I sincerely regret this gallant achievemerpt has been at tended with such a loss of life ; but, considering the strength of the enemy's position, and the obstinacy with which it,Was defended, we have reason to be thankful tq Divine Providence that it was not greater. Among the killed is to be lamenteil Lieutenant C. Brickdale, an officer of great promise. It is very gratifying to me to add that a perfect unanimity and cordial co-operation has subsisted throughout between Captains Botha n and Trdhouart, sad the vessels under their orders; and their Lordships will per ceive that the gallint bearing of the latter has called forth un qualified admiration from Capt. notham. I also beg to re mark the full confidence Capt. Ilotham felt in the support of his French allies. The official report of Capt. Trdhouart to Admiral Laine gives a lung list of the killed and wounded (17 of the former and GO of the latter), sufficiently !moving the share the French division took in the contest, and which must have essentially contributed to the success of the day. I inclose a copy of the return of the killed and wounded, and an account of the damages sustained by the vessels en gaged, so fir as can be ol.itained from the logs and demands I have received. A more detailed report I will transmit to their Lordships when it reaches me. Nothing pOsitive is known as the exact loss of the enemy, but it must have been very great, froin the number found dead in the batteries, estimated at several hundreds.— I have the honour to be, &c., S. H. INGLEFIELD, 'Rear-Admiral and Commander-in-Chief. To the Right Hon. H. T. L. Cony, Secretary to the Admiralty. Her Majesty's ship Gorgon, Obligado, Nov. 23, 1845. Sir,—l have the honour to inform you that the combined ig lish and French force, under the comniand of Captai n 7'cleirotiart and myself, anchored on the 18th instant, at ilia distance of three miles from the batteries of Punta Obligade, in the river Parana. At daylight the followitig rtioniing we reconnoitred the position of the enemY, and soon discovered that great military skill had been • evinced, both in the ground chosen and the plea of defence pumped. Four batteries had been erected —two on heights sixty feet from the water-line, and two is the intervening valley; the whole moiinting twenty-two pieces of ordnance, 32, 28, 24, 18, aid 12 -pounders, and, with the exception of a small open space, were backed by thick woods; three heavy chains, supported by twenty-four vessels, were extended across from the main land to an island ; astern of these lay ten fire-vessels, and the west end of the chains were defended by an Argentine schooner-of war, carrying six guns. The river at this point is 800 yards wide, and the current runs three miles per hour. From various sources we learnt that 3,500 men, cavalry, infantry, and artillery, were assembled ; in short, everything* indicated a determined resistance. The reconnaisance being completed, my colleague and myself resolved on the follow ing plan of attack To form the ships into two divisions, the north under the direction of Captain Trehouart, to be composed of San Mar tin, Captain Trehouart ; Comus, Acting Commander Ingle field; Pandour, Lieut. Du Pale.; Dolphin, Lieut. R. Levinge. The south, under the direction of Commander Sulivaa, to be composed of Philomel, Commander B. &Alvan, Ex peditive, Lieutenant de Miniac ; Fanny (hired armed), Lieut. Key ; Procida, Lieut. Maria de la Riviere. These divisions to be anchored on the north and south shores, at a distance of 760 yards from No. 1 battery. The steamers, Gorgon, Captain Charles Hotham ; Felton Lieutenant Mazeres; Firebrand, Captain James Rope , to anchor at a distance of fifteen hundred yards from the farthest battery; the morning of the 20th was foggy"; but about 8 A. 31, the weather cleared, and a southerly breeze sprung up. At Bh. 45m. the southern diwsion weighed, (and were afterwards followed by San Martin sad Comus, Dolphin and Pandour having previously anchored on the north shore. About 9h. 50m., AM., the batteries opened fire on the Philomel and southern division, on whieh Dolphin weighed but as some of her sails were shot away before she reached her appointed station, the current drove her astern, acid obliged her to anchor; she was, however, admirably pissed; the remaining ships of the north division were most arty led by my brother officer in command, whose brig succeeded in reaching her appointed station. The general cannonading unfortunately caused the wind to fall light, and the remaining ships of the north derision, having to contend with the current of three knots per hour, were obliged to anchor two cables short of their statibne. At this period the fire vessels chained together wire cast loose, and until they had drifted past, the steamers were prevented from anchoring or opening their fire. About 10h. 50m. the action became general, eacii nuenrastbtindntenhe o eff f : h e s t gunnery of our was soon apparenttn the en emy's fire; still they fought most stoutly. No sooner were one set of men swept from the guns than they were re placed; the enemy's cavalry hovered round the wood and drove back those who attempted to quit their posts, At 12h. 301 n., the Republicano schooner blew up, and (1 7 11 Ga t lent Friend Captain James Hope v o l unteered to r his boat andcut the chain ; success attended his endeavo urs, and a passage being cleared, at one P.M. the - Fulton passed through and flanke d the ba tteries, and was seedily followed by Gorgon and Fi re b rand. But prior to this, the enemy's fire hat; told most fearfully on the San M art i n and Do lphin ; the c4ble of the former being shot away she dropped astern, with upwards of 100 shot holes through her aide. To assist the flanking fire of the steamers, the Ilse itive and Coulus were ordered to place th emse l yes , P ecl zitkin" musket 6o a c ot. to aid .es- b ` Rof il e o to 0 0 ' c a t o 00 00 , t i,l , to to 30 0 0, te o, ty per I'4l