The Sun. — London, England, 1846-06-26 00:00:00

i -S Hon. Members opposed to a Coercion Bill should not give their . advantage of the great body of the people.—( Hear, hear.) votes in tavour of It in consequence of the measures recently Th.: people of Ireland abro:nl were as well disposed passed through that House, and that those who were in and as industrious as the English or Scotch ; why, favour of it should not give their votes against it for the then, were they in their own country the opposite reason. Nothing could be more reasonable wild beasts they had been represented to be than the first part of the Right Honourable Baronet's shooting and murdering each other? It was the bad state of proposition. He hail yet to learn that any man would get up the law, and the way in which the Legislature had acted to and say he would vote for a Coercion Bill because of a Corn- wards them. He had a return in his hand, from which it ap merce Bill which had passed that house, and totally irrespec- peared that the four counties in which the greatest number of Live of the merits of the Bill, the conduct of the Minister who mud hovels prevailed, was Kerry, Mayo, Clare, and Cork, had introduced it, and the claims he had on the confidence of while in all the other counties a large proportion of the the country. The Bill must be pre-eminently considered a dwellings were of the same character. The Hon. Gentleman question of confidence, and when they found that it I here read several extracts from the return in question, show invested the Government with a discretionary Power- i"g that in those coulltii , where the greatest number of mud surely it could be considered in no other light. Cabins prevailed, and where the people were most crowded to- He would take the following as an illustration. If the Govern- gether, the amount of crime and outrage was the greatest. merit, ins' ead of coming down to that House with free-trade These returns would (the Hon. Member continued) suffi measures, and proposing that all restriction on the importation cientiy show that poverty was at the root of a great deal of of food should c- ate and be abolished, had come down to that the evil complained of. But poverty was not the only cause House, and sought for a discretionary power to open the ports— —there was also the question of tenant-right. Lord Devon's he merely gave that as an iilustration—it would be very evident Commission showed that the eviction of tenants was a fruitful to every Hon. Gentlem in in that House, that, in so doing they source of much of the outrage and crime that abounded. would have asked for a larger power, and greater confidence, Poverty and bad laws were at the bottom of Irish grievances , than they bad done wi t h thei r p resent course ; a n d he c ould and, unleos they grappled with these, no coercion law would choose no distinction between a question of con& be found availing to counteract crime and to protect property. donee on the restriction of food over the liberties of a Let them give the Irish people confidence in the law, and they whole people. If they were not prepared to intrust the Govern- would soon be found as good subjects as were the people of ment with such large powers in ow case, neither were they either England or Scotland. On these grounds he should vote prepared, unless they had the most perfect confidence in the against the second reading of the Bill. Government, to invest them with a discretionary power to sus. Viscount NEWPORT would vote against the Bill, not from pond the constitutional liberties of seven millions of their a desire ot continuing opposition to her Majesty's Government, fellow-subjects ; and, therefore, he thought that the Right Hon. but because he though the i trish embers on the opposite g side of question of confidence in the Government, indulged in a view of the House against the Bill, and that they were divided in the question which the House would hardly support. opinions on this side of the House. This was some evidence He had no vote to rescind on the present occasion, and although that the Bill was one which should not be agreed to by the be did not wish to vote against it, still he could not bring his House. If this measure were of so vital importance, as it was mind to vote in favour of the measure. He had heard professed to be, it should have been brought forward and pro w much of the eviis of a nominal protection that ceeded with before any other measure. If they really thought it had in some degree become the habit of his mind. that the lives of the people of Ireland stood in need of protec- He bad applied this principle to the present Bill. There were tion they would not have treated the measure as one of an or two points which had not been spoken to in the present debate, Binary nature. The Bill was a most unconstitutional one, he which were first, whether this Bill would really pass ; and second, would, therefore, oppose it. if it did pass whether it would be of any service at all. They Lord CLAUDE HAMILTON . was surprised to see the bad been called upon to pass the present Bill, on the Noble Lord the Member for Lynn prompt the last Noble round that if they threw it out it would give an Speaker.—(No, no.) If the Noble Lord denied it, he would He was not satis fied that then withdraw his observations, It was q uite im p ossible for impetus to agitation. all the means had yet been tried in order to put down tke him as an Irish Member to give his vote in favour of the Bill. outrages which existed, and protect life in Ireland. The 2d He felt, however, that it was his painful duty to do so. He and 3d William IV. was tried in the county of Leitrim with had listened to all the arguments which had been brought for success. In the other counties it hail not been tried at all. ward on the present occasion, but he had heard nothing that had Be could not consent to the present abrogation of the constitu- the effect of altering his opinions upon the subject of the necessity tion, when in one county at least the present law had been for these stringent measures. On a former occasion, there was suchessful.—( Hear, hear.) It was a bad policy to resort to no disposition in the House similar to that which influenced it extrinordinary measures, when the ordinary ones had not or s the present occasion, and induced it to slur over, as it had been tried. Until they had tried the present law, it done, the accounts of the disturbed state of Ireland. He was most unfair to suspend the constitutional liberties thought the circumstance was only attributable to the great of a whole nation. The Right Hon. Baronet said the measure height to which party feeling was allowed to operate upon the was on ly a topical remedy, and not to be applied to all Ireland. minds of Hon. Gentlemen on both sides of the House. It was If it were so—if he laid stress on that character of the men- more than three years since great complaints were made to the sure, they must look to those long resident in the five coon- Government for keeping a great number of troops in Ireland ; ties whether such a remedy would be effectual. He thought the constitutional susceptibility of some Hon. Members ap that all those who were connectedwith those counties from peared to have changed considerably since that period, for they long ties, and had intimate knowledge, would be found going had asked the Government why, instead of pressing their mea against the measure. Every one must admit that it would sure, they did not increase their military force in that country. produce great alienation of feeling, and . they ought to pause He (Lord Hamilton) contended that the proposed measure and consider whether the good to be obtained would counter- would be less oppressive than the keeping up of large bodies of balance the evil. He, at least, would say that as a native of troops, who would be paraded about the country. He denied Ireland, a resident in that country, and a magistrate, that he the statement which had been made by the Hon. Member for could not consent to the measure.—( Hear, hear, and cheers.) Montrose (Mr. Hume), that the policy of the Government He considered i t would be impossible to carry out the curfew had been a one-sided policy, favourable to Protestants. He clauses of the Bill. The provision was totally impracticable. defied the Hon. Member to put his finger upon a single Act The Bill was totally inapplicable to the country, and that clause which, during the last five years, had been passed by the -particularly which enacted that the people should be confined Government having that tendency. He could refer to a num la their houses from sunset to sunrise. He himielf could not ber of Bills, the Alaynooth Bill, the Bequests Acts and enforce it in his own county. He would feel it, therefore, to others which were of the very reverse nature. It was a be his duty to oppose the second reading of the Bill, very ordinary argument that all the evils of Ireland owed There was a reason, however, for the increase of crime their origin to the legislation of that House. If that argu ire Ireland which those around him would readily ment were good, he would ask why did not all Ireland present understand.—( Hear, hear.) He traced it to the failure in the same symptoms, inasmuch as every part of it was governed the potato crop. The people found famine staring them in by the same laws ? Every one, however, knew that such was the face, and the consequence was the outrages that swelled not the case. A great stress was also laid upon the tenant the returns, but they ought not, in fairness, to be set down to the right in Ulster, without which, it was said by the Hon. ordinary condition of the people. He had no hesitation in bearing Members for Armagh and Cork that that province would be his testimony to the conduct of the first Minister, and in exactly in the same situation as the other parts of Ireland stating that the measures taken by the Right Hon. Baronet where outrages existed. He denied this, and contended that to meet that state of things were more effective in warding the arrangement of what was called the tenant right was not of the di s tress and the evils than any Coercion Bill.—( Hear.) a compact between the landlord and tenant. The only groun d However imperative it might b e in them to show the necessity on which it rested was the expectation on the part of the in of sometimes sacrificing their old opinions, still, after the coming tenant that in case he should leave the land he would Miserable exhibition which had been seen that session, he did be repaid the amount which he had paid to his predecessor. Lot regret having said at its commencement that he This, however, could not exist in Tipperary, inasmuch as there o wed unfettered allegiance to party. The usages and laws was no money paid by the tenant geing into pos session session of his cef that House had been constructed with reference to two great holding, nor did he think that the moral state which parties, and because there had been more than two he believed prevailed there would tolerate the existence of such a usage. that those laws were inefficacious, and would remain so. He Every attempt had been made to improve the moral and social refight say that if hereafter he should have to vote for coercive condition of the people, hut it was all to no purpose. Legis- Measures, and ho did not mean to say that it might never lation had been tried in vain, and he thought that nothing re c ome, he should not regret having been able to advocate mained but coercion. The Noble Lord concluded by defending a milder policy; and if he should hereafter have to the landlords of Ireland, whom he considered a very ill-used set labour with those whom he was now to assist in throwing out of men; who if they were permitted to carry out their benevo of office, in any capacity ender them he should not labour the lent intentions towards the people of Ireland, would, in a short loss cheerfully for being compelled to express his want of con- time, cause a far different state of things to exist in that un -6 denee in them at present, and to record his vote against happy country. Mr. C. BULLER thought this was a subject on which they tibem now. Mr, VESEY feared that he should appear to some disad- ought to have been spared the declamation of the Noble Lord vantage at this part of the debate, but he could not remain w ho had just sat down, and it seemed to him that if they con *Ay longer silent. Norther could he refrain from expressing tented themselves, like the Noble Lord, with merely looking to his concurrence in the toitimony of praise to the Right Hon. the moral depravity of the people, without endeavouring to secretary for the Homo Department ; but further than apply a remedy to the grievances under which they laboured, this h e could not go, for, as an Irish proprietor, he could their condition would never be much improved. A few nights in no way accede to the necessity of this Bill.—( Hear, hear.) ago he made a few observations in reply to the Hon. Member he should go on two grounds, one was the necessity, and for Bath, and he then took an opportun ty of saying that he the other was the policy of this Bill. If he admitted the had, in the year 1833, when he was then but a young Member police reports he was bound to say that there was great of that House, opposed the Coercion Bill of Lord Grey. On heasnn shown for the severe measures which were projected one part of the question he went entirely with his Hon. and a gainst I r eland. But in stating thus much he mutt call the Learned Friend in deprecating the personality which l.ad cha antention of the House to the fact that instead of the five racterised the present debate. He thought it odious that these counties those reports had reference to the whale of the country, personalties should have been made. And more odious that seed in the speech of the Right Hon. Baronet it was evident such a determination should have prevailed to affix them to any th a t he had merged the five counties in the whole of the private individual.--(Hear, hear.) He was of opinion, taking country, so that there was ne sufficient reason for the applica- everything into account, that the circumstances which had ow tion of thes Bill to the whole of tIA country. He could state a curred had arrested the attest ion of the House to the condition fact which occurred five years ago, and t tis was in particular of Ireland, and would be productive of a better state of feel reference to tfre most objection able p art of the Bill, but one which ing and a new state of legislation towards that country. He aught to have lheen included, vie., the secur ity f or th e witnesses. would now state his objection to the Bill. He thought that, as This was a case which occurred when he was empannelled on a measure of coercion, it was exceedingly paltry, and very the Grand Jury, when a man was brought forward whose ill adapted for the state ot things which prevailed ' Ir eland. y ho use had been attAcked by a party in search for arms; and If the country was in a state orinsurrection,co ' uld seetti not only had he stat ed when brought before the Grand Jury, policy of confining men in their houses from sunset to sunrise , that if he gave evidenhe his life would be in danger , b ut when but it was admitted on all sides that the countr y was not in his brother was brought. before the jury he fell upon e h v is id ir ea ne a e e s such a condition. One thing was most remarkable, namely , and entreated that he m i g ht not be compelled to give that during the last fifteen years the generality of crimes of a tumultuous nature had decreased, except in the case of rob- It had again been u r g ed that other remedies might be pp beries of arms, far which they might thank their own Arms *red for this state of things. He was glad to see the 1 remediese S ecr etary for Ireland . It had been urged that which had been introduced by the Noble Bill , which a pp eared to him to be a most efficient means Lord th of giving to the lawless the knowledge of houses where arms special commissions, increase. of the constabulary, and other were placed. But crimes of assaults en individ c rime s greatly g increased in proportion as the former class of had di means of that sort, might be beneficial in oheckiu the present state. Special Commissions had been tried in minished. How were they by an Act to shut up the people vain in Queen's County, for at the very time a Special Corn - from sunset to sunrise to prevent noonday murders? It was Mission was sitting in that county some of the foulest murders a n old and a stale question ; but still it had never been an were c ommitted. Lord Grey had introduced his famous swered.—( Hear, hear.) He believed that the clauses of the coercion measure in consequence of the report of a Committee Act were by no means calculated to repress those outrages. of that House appointed to inquire into the disturbed state of Under the Government of Lord Normanby—at least at its corn- Ireland. A great cause of the p revalence of crime in Ireland mencemen t—crime was infinitely greater than it was at pre- Was the sympathy of the people with those who committed sent. Lord Normanby co m m enced b y endeavourin g t o obtain ioffences. l If it was not symp ath y in all cases, it was at least a the confidence of the people, and he obtained the confidence of '`ant of readiness to assist in the detection of offending parties. their acknowleged leaders ; and what was the result ? Crime Let them destroy that feeling of sympathy if they hoped t o had, at the comme ncement of Lord Fortescue ' s Government, im Drove the condition of the country. The provisions of the gradually and steadily decreased, until it was not one-half of Bill would operate to some extent in altering this stale of what it was when Lord Normanby commenced. Lord Nor things. He did not agree with the Hon. Member for manhy, however, did not attribute that diminution to the effect No r thamptonshire, that if the curfew clause was passed no of his policy. He attributed it to the effect of a Coercion wean would be safe. If that Hon. Member would read it Bill which was in preparation, and which, he ad aright, he would find that no person would be affected unless mitted never came into operation, and he, therefore, afterwards they were actually out at night, and could not give a satin- was in favour of coercive measures. If it had, however, beers fentory account of the business on which they were engaged. the terror of the Coercion Bill which operated on the people, He now. turned to the Committee which r eported on the state the terror would be greater immediately after the passing of of Ireland in 1832, which was composed principally of liberal the Bill and before it came into operation. Crime would have Members. That Committee reported that protection should ever, diminished at first, but when the people became freed from those terrors, crime would break out again. That was, how he given to life andr property, and that measu res should be toafrig a il ft t e f r ul th e e x p te as e s t: w nit Act t ot e r t i o rne be atth once e e case; e i e e f r o e r a immediately s ed put down Ne hiteboyism and nocturnal outrages. The taken to Hon. Memb er here quoted sever al extracts from the evidence i ng of sh the o all of whfch went to taken 'where that Committ ee, and continued increasing with great rapidity for some time then show the gheat disturbance which forits prevailed, and after. It did not seem to him that, even when they had ad which existed t . th d suppr h ession. vanced so far into the nature of the remedies which should be the neceseit e • ht fail in effectually s opping e istur ances, applied to Ireland, that they had got to the bottom of the Though this m ig ht effect in preventing those combinations problem. They had yet to devise some means of giving a per it would yet have a great . h were now so rife. The Hon for criminal purposes whi c h from the speech of Sir • • • . manent remedy to that country. They had had repeated in `quoted an extrac t in quiries in that House, and repeated reports of Commissions, Gentleman then were strongly favour of the an d they all opinions William Smith, whose h of his Bill. He would beg to call to reco llection a speec from agrarian causes, and to the utter dependence of the Irish Right Hon. Friend, in which he had thanked the Government, peasant on the cultivation of land, and his adherence to that cul an. speech he pleaded that fathers and mothers of fami- tivated land which lie had tilled in the midst of the wilderness d in that epe e bed in peace. with the assurance that them • around him, and the destitution which necessarily resulted from lies m i ght f a milies would not be awakenedby the midnight his ejection from it. He would quote from an authority which he selves and their he c alled up on his Hon. Friend t o g i ve a cordial, feared might be disagreeable to many around him, but which Murderer ; and su pp ort to the Government, notwith- certainly was a good one on this subject. He alluded to Mr. honourable, and impartial ed between him d standing the difference whichxist an them. Foster, the Times commissioner, and he found, in one of his Mr, HUNIE did not expe . et to have to address the House, first letters, that in the county of Cavan, disturbances arose have a that the Bill wou ld b een withdrawn. from two particular cases of ejection, of which he gave the for he fully expecte not help congratulating the House • circumstances. He also traced these risings to the same cause • Yet he nevertheless could had taken place with re t t no the change of opinion which t. h . w .,,,, h , -, - - - in other places; and, on the contrary, gave instances of the mber the time w en, in a House perfect security with which those who acted the coercion Bills. He did reme mbe r r that they could muster, of 550 INlostbers, all the oppositien Co mprised in the r, part of good landlords rright traverse the country. h and Irish, was on ly number All the best authorities in Ireland, all the best informed English. Salto , greatly changed, but he of 89 Membehs. The case was now ore changed, for when he t rave llers, and indeed every one who knew anything of Ireland, had hoped that it would have been f in the Right onourble agreed that the outrages of the poor arose from the outrages speeches o on the poor. He admitted that the sympathy of the people referred to the nd of lastsession s he - Graham) at the e , with these who committed agrarian outrages was a most hor- Baronet (Sit James ey sentence f those speeches. ribly perverted feeling, but it was their duty to attempt to found that conciliation marked eve_ ftimes gone by. He a 'net had spoken o reme y it, and riot to spend their time in declamation, but to The Right Hon. gar, mar rester outrages in Ireland than go at once to the root of the evil, and to remove it. lie could (Mr, H u me: , remembhre g Baronet had adduced. He would not see how they could ever put an end to these outrages with any which the- Right Hon, a Ireland in 1823, se to the st• te of' out providing for the people the security which the 1 peop eof every call the attention of the Hatt , . whieh was decidedly Christian recall his expression of opinion, . , , other country in the world enjoyed. Let them look at and What had been stated in that the condition of the peasantry in every other ountry in the against the present measure. What Sir H. Parnell had said that world, and they would find that there was ot herno e country in House by Sir course of ill treatment we had made that country the world in which the peasantry could be ejected at the caprice fby alon g s e th ' measures would not remove of the rich man. In foreign countries the peasants security a nation ot waves, al l „ c oerciver A eatment. That country had all along „.a, partly in the proprietorship of the soil. Even the serf of th e effects of that ba d tr of pro t estant oppression, and in Russia could not be left to starve by his master, and in England been governed by a s ystem refer to the penal enactments the existence of the peasant was secured by the poor-law. Yet order to show that he coul d r efer them fro m fillin g the in this kin g dom Mr. Gerrard had turned out 800 men against the Catholics , which pr , fle were precluded 'nom because he thought he should make a few hundred s meanest offices in the kingdom. p recluded by t h e h t't t . of bullocks• dof vr• were even more su si u ion any offices connected with the la-, an d arm • and navy ; and But the ease was different with respect to Ireland. Since the from filling the situations of o ffi cers in the 11 th • effect time when the old Norman Barons used to serfs though their though these enactments had been repeale d , remained to a considerable exten t, very acid were a greatit served their purpose, there was no country in which when What with Co- h peasantry had been worse treated than in Ireland.— He r source of annoyance to the Irish Catholics. ente t e They could not get rid of the population of Irela ( nd a' ercion Bills, the Arms Act, anti other coercive enactin ~ hear. ) the estates of the landed proprietors h 'or among t em, and with the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act, Ire - cut up l alternative left them was to carry out the principle of land had hardly ever been allowed to remain in a the ony dish loge -law.—(Hear, hear.) No other remedy would situation in which the more proper and cultivated feeling s of the Eng the evil, He knew t here would be great difficulty in ex the people could be developed. The present system of govern- mee t me= lt. was rendered , by a party feeling, an uniform system of tending the English poor - law to Ireland, as the danger would op pression upon the Catholics. if he looked through the be the confiscation of all p 1 . ro ,ertv to support the people ; they whole of Lord Grey's appointments, he would fi n d the greater I s hould, therefore, in passing such a law, take care to accompany part o; them were what he called Orange appointments. it with efficient measures for employing the people. He knew Under these c ircumstances, was it surprising that Irishmen 't r way of doing so than by setting the people to culti should be dyed to the feelings of patriotism, and indifferent to no b etter wart? lands, on something such a plan as the Devon the laws which' were nominally for t heir ben efit? And that vale t • • The principle should he to cultivate the improv- Commission. • had been done with the Bedford Level. improv feeling would ne ver be removed until her Majesty's Govern- able land in the way it ment chose to cartes out those professions which they had given Even if it came to a last resort—if Parli last sess i on , and adopt those measures of conciliation which —( H ear, me ( n Hear, hear.) r d to, It would not he, he was sure, Corestore peace and tr an quillity to Ire_ in the way which it had only were capsulated adve t rse w t ere ap t p le a sum of money land. The effect of the present system did .t no t ot only affect gr w a i n th in g the West India planters. Grants of money been den t e Ireland, it was felt in England. For was i an d e crime pai nfu l which tto might be made to enable the landed proprietors to improve contemplate the mass of misery, destitution, _ , their estates, andl the people. They should England was then to emp to existed in It. eland, and for the relief of whic h e . also do all they could to English capital ought to be applied to diffe- encourage the flow of compelled to use resources which evilinto Ireland. But withallremedial measures of this kind, would be got never rent objects ? He repeated, that the . there must be an efficient persecution was . poor-law. But there must be some rid o f unt il th e p r e s ent system of religious of civil thing different from material things employed to pacify Ire abolished, and the Catholic was made, in every respect land. The legislation might promised towards Ireland had hitherto right, equal tso any other member if the community, w ho, been most unsatisfactory. They had suffered from a church in be of a persu asion more favourable in the eyes of the country. I which the people did not believe, and been u • . If the Hon. tGlentleman the Member for Northampton, and the ! sible authorities, which had been the c ontinual to irrespon- Noble Lord t hie Member for Lynn, acted with regard to Ire- 1 pression. These must be remedied, as wel l s al cause of op land upon th, , e same principles of justice which they wished for i for finding food and employment fortlse people. measures e taken England, thethey might be sure of commanding, the affections of sitting down advert to the policy of her Majesty's would ov before the Irish people. The true way of conciliating the people of , towards Ireland. No one could accuse him of opposing Ireland was to place them en the same footing as the Scotch 1 , very uncompromising manner the Government ; still h n e any re and Engli s h 1 seop le, What was wanted was, really to carry out 1 , gretted to say that their measures in relation to Ireland, how:, the union bet tween the two coun' rice. He had always been op- ever good in themselves, had lost half their value in the manner Posed to are peal of the Union, but his desire was that it should in which they had been introduced. . ho a Imrialicie, and not a parchme nt union. The difference Messengers from the Lords now entered the House with betw een a e r ee man and a slave was the participation of equal the Corn Bill, to which their Lordships had agreed. Their rights and privileges by the former, and the Irish people would advent was hailed by general cheering. nev er h e te a a t i ll the laws under which they lived were the Mr. C. BULLER, on noticing their entrance, expressed aaece as tho. i.v enjoyed by the residents of this country. There the gratification which he experienced from such and so was nothi n g in the institutions of Ireland that the people need welcome an interruption.—(Loud cheers. )—He thought, too, ear° to press rye. They were entirely at the mercy of a few, that it would now be ungracious if, after this occurrence, he vrkWee bpoAe fi t the laws had be en framed, and not for the said 4 WON more against her Majesty's Ministers—(dreat cheering)—so far as their Irish measures were concerned. He could only deeply regret that the Bill now under discus sion should have been an exception to the policy by which, during the present session, they had so much and so wisely consulted the goodwill of the country.— (Cheers. )--He further deeply regretted that it should have been his for tune, and that of Honourable Gentlemen on that side of the House, to be compelled to give, on this occasion, a vote which might be fatal to the existence of the Government— ( Hear, hear. )—He said this sincerely, from the bottom of his heart, and he regreted that such should be the effect of his vote. Without affecting any adherence to those gentle men, he might say he felt acutely the ungraciousness of ap pearieg -o select the moment ,Iten they bad conferred so signal a service upon the nation, at the same time at a sacrifice on their own part—(Loud cheers)—to join in a vote of which such might be the effect, concurrently with those gentlemen who desired to punish the Government for the good they had done to the country.—(Cheers.) But he could not help it. It was no fault of theirs (the Opposition) that this Coercion Bill was introduced.—(Cheers.) Were the matter other than what it was, he would be willing to abstain from opposition to the Government; but any measure marking their policy to wards Ireland was of far too serious a nature, and too important in its consequences, to be made the occasion of a compliment to the Ministers.—:Cheers.) He knew that, the Right lion. Baronet had looked all this fairly its the face, and that when he came forward with a great measure which would hand hint down to posterity—(Cheers)—and which at present endeared him to the hearts of the people of this country—(Cheers)—he had properly estimated the personal sacrifice at which his object was to be accomplished—(" Hair" from Sir R. Peel)—the penalty which was to be paid in the loss of power.—(" Hear, hear,' from Sir R. Peel.) He (Mr. C. Bullet) had in 1833, when a measure very similar to this was introduced, and when his assent was asked to it by a Minister who had established the most solemn claim to the gratitude of the English people—he alluded to Earl Grey, who, immediately after the pa-sing of the Reform Bill, sub mitted such a measure to the Reformed Parliament—he had voted against it and against Earl Grey. He now would vote against this measure and against the Right Hon. Baronet.— ( Cheers. ) It somewhat diminished the pain with which he should give this vote to think that, by rejecting this Bill, they would mark an important and a new era ire their legislation for Ireland. It would be the first instance of the demands of a Government for coercive power in Ireland being rejected by that House.—(Cheers.) Let him trust that such a rejection would effectually prevent a like demand being ever again made from the Imperial Parliament.—(Loud cheers.) CORN AND CUSTOMS BILLS—MESSAGE FROM THE LORDS. Messengers from the House of Lords brought up these two Bills, along with several others, which they declared their Lordships had passed without amendment. The SPEAKER then read from the chair that the Corn and Customs Bills had been passed by the House of Lords, without amendment.—(The announcement was received with tremendous cheering.) Mr. BANKES said the Parliament had been assembled for five er six months, yet this matter, which had been mentioned in her Majesty's speech as of pressing importance, had been delayed till the. present time—( Hear, hear)—such had been the progress of the Bill. With respect to those who voted for the first reading, he must say that that was no ex press sanction of the Bill, as the usual course was, with a Bill in that stage of its proceeding, and coming from the House of Lords, to allow it as a matter of course. This, therefore was the first decided vote on the principle of the Bill in that House, though five months after its introduction.—( Cries of " Hear, hear.") He believed the Ministry had no intention of carrying the Bill,, even though they carried the second reading. It was well known that even now the Go vernment was perishing by self-combustion, and that three days would witness their dissolution.—( Hear, hear, and pro tection cheers.) The Government well knew, even if they could carry the secon dreading of the Bill, that they would live but two or three days, and therefore they can have no intention whatever of carrying the measure. Snch was the position of the Bill and of the Government. He could not conceive how a Government was justified in putting the country in a state of excitement, and detaining the time of Parliament, seeing they had no power whatever of carrying it into effect. At the beginning of the session, when he was told by the Government, as the Executive Government, that the measure was neces sary for the safety of Ireland, he decided to support them, and had they shown a disposition to push the Bill forward, it would have still had his cordial support. They had not, however, proved themselves sincere, and he could no longer support them. In a conversation with an eminent lawyer in Ireland (Mr. Brewster) which he had at the beginning of the year, he then expressed himself, that though he had much to complain of the Executive Govern ment, he would, if they were sincere, support the Coercion Bill. At a subsequent meeting of those who acted with the Noble Lord (Lord George Bentincli) it was also agreed on that, if the Government really showed a disposition to push the Bill forward and thought it necessary, they would support it. That decision was intimated to the House at the time. But they thought in consequence of the delay in bringing the measure forward, that it was intended only as a political tool between two contending parties. ; and very naturally doubted the sincerity of the Government in speaking of the im minent necessity, or, as the Right Hon. Baronet had called it, "dire necessity." It had been said the present measure was to be tried by evidence. He quite agreed in that opinion, and he would call his first witnesses from the Treasury bench, whose evidence against the Bill was their delay in bringing it forward. The second witnesses which he would call were the Irish Members, and their evidence was entirely against the measure. With such witnesses and with such evidence he and the party with whom he acted could not but consider it their duty to oppose the Bill. He thought the Government wei e mistaken in their opinions of the state and remedies for Ireland. Was it for him, and the parties with whom he acted, to confer these unconstitutional powers on a Ministry just on the eve of dissolution, and in whom they had no confidence?— (Cheers.) It had been said, why did we not at first propose a vote of censure, and then dispose of the Bill before the House ? And, in his opinion the Hon. Member for Birming ham ( Mr. Seooner) coincided. He would ask that Hon. Member whether he would think it advisable for him (Mr. Bankes) to propose in that House, upon the present occasion, a vote of csnsure on the Government, or join in an address to her Majesty, praying her to remove her present advisers, and immediately afterwards place in the hands of those same persons these unconstitutional powers—powers which should not be placed in the hands of any person, except in those in whom they had unlimited confidence ? Or, would the Hon. Member prefer the adoption of a course by which a vote of censure would be proposed at a subsequent stage of the mea sure ? He did not think that would at all alter their situation. He objected to placing, by any means, or in any way, such power in the hands of persons in whom he had no confidence.—( Loud cheers.) With reference to the measure itself he would ask the Noble Lord the Secretary for Ireland, if there had been any period since the Bill was first introduced up to the present time, that the provisions of the Act would have been carried into effect, supposing the Bill had passed into a law ? If not, then he would say there was no necessity for the measure. If, however, he should be told that there was a period when the Act would have come into operation, then nothing could justify the criminal delay in bringing this measure forward. Under all these circumstances he considered it would be dangerous and improper to give such delicate powers to persons who did not possess the confidence of that House. Mr. SPOONER said his Hon. Friend the Member for Dor setshire had appealed to him on this question, and he (Mr. Spooner) assured him that he did not feel the slightest difficulty in anscering him, although his Hon. Friend thought he had placed him in a very difficult position. He could not admit that he was in a difficult position. He greatly doubted whether the result would not prove that the Hon. Member for Dorsetshiro was himself in a difficult position. His Hon. Friend had rested his opposition to this measure, not upon the positive fact of its not being nec essar y , but he inferred its non necessity from the conduct of the Ministers. He had like is w in ant th o e f to h it n w n i n se fid r e e n s e t e ed in h t i h s e oy in o i s s i t t e io rs o ; tt a i nd th t i h s en me h a e su al r l e tn u ie usual way—to the test of a want of confidence in Ministers — namely, an address to the Crown expressing that to be the opinion of the House—and he (Mr. Spooner) cheered, that allusion and that cheer brought forth the appeal. Now, his Hon. Friend asked him whether he was prepared to vote no confi dence in Ministers, and whether he was ready to vote in favour of the Government of the country going into other hands? Now he ( Mr. S.) believed that that would be a perfectly constitutional and Parliamentary course. He did not rest his support of this measure upon the state in which Ministers were at the present moment. If his Hon. Friend app, aled to that as a witnes for the necessity of the measure, he (Mr. Spooner) would appeal to the statements then lying on the table of that House. He did not trust simply to the declaration of Ministers. He ap appealed to the statements of crime upon the table of the House ; and, after a careful inspection of these documents, he felt bound to grant the measure his support, as he believed it to be essential for the preservation of life and property in Ire land.—( Hear, hear.) His Hon. Friend had likewise said that he appealed to the Irish Members on the other side of the House, and all of them had declared that the measure was not necessary ; and even if necessary it would be found to be ineffi cient.—(Cheers from the Opposition side of the House.) He (Mr. Spooner) appealed to all Hon. Members on his own side of the House ; and, on the contrary, every one of them had declared that the measure was necessary ; and they told the House that the moral effect of refusing this measure would be tremendous in Ireland. Increase of crime, and more out rages would, in their opinion, be the result ; the rejection of this measure would be an encouragement to the murderer.—( Hear, hear, and No, no.) They had told them, that the most serious consequences would follow the rejection of this measure, and he (Mr. Spooner) would say, that he had had the opportunity of conversing with many of the Hon. Members from Ireland, and particularly with one who had just returned from Ireland, and he assured him, that the well, disposed people of thi t country, apprehended with the greatest dismay, the rejection of this measure—that its rejec tion would, in fact, most seriously endanger the peace of Ire • land.—(Hear, hear.) Chose apprehensions were particularly entertained by those who were called the Conservative party in Ireland.—( Ironical cheers.) They said that if the House of Commons rejected this measure, they believed that it w..,uld he a triumph to one party in Ireland, whilst it would sink the other into dismay, and that the consequences were such as the Members of that House could not anticipate.—( Hear, hear.) And he must say that those friends of the Conserva tive party in Ireland who sat on his side of the House had just reason to complain—that having stood by the English Members in the battle which they had recently fought for protection to native industry—having fairly supported them through all the arduous struggles in which they had been recently engaged— ( Ironical cries of " Hear, hear," and laughter)—he thought that they had a just reason to complain that they had not even been consulted with regard to their views upon this measure. It was first intimated to them that it was the intention of the Noble Lord the Member for Lynn, and those who acted with him, to vote for the measure, as they conceived it to be essential to the peace and prosperity of Ireland.—( Hear, hear.) He (Mr. Spooner) confessed that when the Noble Lord rose in his place, and stated, on behalf of himself and those who usually acted with him, that it was the intention of him self and his friends to vote against it, it happened that he (Mr. Spooner) did not happen to be informed of that intention, and he did confess that he was strongly tempted at the time to get up and disclaim any such intention on his own part.—(Laugh • ter.) The Noble Lord had nu right to represent tint it was his (Mr. Spooner's) intention to vote against the Bill. Ho was glad that he did not rise at the moment to check the Noble Lord , for the dela y had g iven him time cooll y to con sider what opini on he should entertain and ex7ress, of whic h it might afterwards be diffic ult to g et rid. He had g iven this ' meas ure a , cool, and calm , and indifferent consideration. — h d necessary by the majority of that House. how the measure was received in the House ( Cries of 0 Oh !") He had seen that this measure was first of all con sidered He had seen , to o, consent was g iven to the measure. found that its unanimous d i of that • highly powerful party He found that those Noble Lot He had search ed the records of that House, and he the : with Members on the other side of that House of Commons voted fo r ususually acted i n unison it. He contended, then, that this measure was r ecommended in a man ner which ought of— th o a r t a influential party in other House—( o h, oh) — who H at Commons as t o su ff er i t at l east t o go into Committe e . —(Hear, e to call f or suc h a support f rom the Members of the House of hear.) He likewise conceived that those who had voted for the first readi ng o f the measure were ca ll e d u pon to vote for it in its subsequent s t ages. As a general principle, he adm itted that the House w as not b ound to do so on every Bill — that was to say, with regard t o Bill s which were allowed to b e rea d a first time as a matter of c ourse . And had they not gone into A fall discussion upon this measure—had they not the while THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, JUNE 26, 1846. principle debated fully for five nights prior to its first reading— he should have admitted that the Members of that House might eha.ige their votes on this the ascend, reading. But when he remembered how completely its merits and demerits had been canvassed—when after a lengthy debate they had been called upon to give their deliberate judgment and opinion upon I the measure, and they had accordingly recorded their votes—he did say, although he did not pretend to dictate to Hon. Members, that they were pledged by the votes which they had already given. They were bound in consistency to take good care and examine whether any circumstances had arisen since they voted for its firstreading—whether anything had taken place to justify them changing their votes, and now turn round slice t, and without any reason vote against the second reading. Something had already happened, probably, to justify that change. —( An ironical cheer.) He understood that cheer — it alluded to circumstances which had very recently takers place—it alluded to the present :position of the Ministers.- -( Hear, hear.) But was that sufficient to justify them in voting against the second reading, after having voted fur the first? What did the recent change of the position of Minis ters involve? It involved the Members of the House in this difficulty, that if they consented to withhold their vote in favour of the measure, because of the delay occasioned by the Mi nesters, why then did they give their first vote in favour of the measure ?—( Hear.) If the measure had been delayed unnecessarily by the Ministers, was that a reason why it should be rejected? When Ministers had at length brought it for ward a second time, ought it to be rejected because of the delay? He conceived that the measure ought to be pressed forward with all convenient speed. He knew the difficulties under which Ministers were labouring at the present moment. He remembered an expression of the Noble Lord the Member for Lynn, which was to the effect, that the blood of every mur dered person rested upon the heads of the Ministers if they suffered any unnecessary delay. lie (Mr. Spooner) would ask the Noble Lord what he now thought of that expression, and whether, upon the mere ground that Ministers had hitherto delayed the measure, he was justified in carrying out that delay, and if he did not consider that the blood of every murdered man in Ireland hereafter would rest upon the head of himself and those who voted against it ?—( Hear, hear.) He (Mr. Spooner) would not give his vote upon this occasion merely for a party purpose—he was quite sure that he need not say that—(Laughter )-- because his position would clear him of such a charge. He could not consent to make Ireland the battle field of party.—(Cheers.) He could not consent to lend himself to any measue that had merely for its object a change of administration—( Hear, hear) —when he saw that life and property in Ireland was left unprotected. He could not refuse giving his assent to a measure like this, which he really believed would have the effect of giving greater security to life and property. After a deliberate judgment, and the best consideration he could give to the measure, he must say that he conscientiously believed it to be imperatively called for. —( Hear, hear.) No party considerations or motives would in fluence him in the vote which he was about to give. He would ask his lion. Friend the Member for Dorsetshire whether his vote was given under similar circumstances? The vote of that Hon. Member it appeared would be a vote of no confidence in the Ministry, and one of confidence in the Nob:e Lord, the Member for London.—( Hear, hear.) Had the Hon. Member forgotten the conduct of the late Government with respect to the Irish Church ? Had lie forgotten the appropria tion clause ?—( Hear, hear.) Had he forgotten the manner in which that party had conducted themselves with regard to that party called the Conservatives? Was he prepared to con sent to their rash policy ? The late Government had tried to govern Ireland by concessions which were dangerous to the safety of the Protestant Church. Concessions which had been found only to call for further concessions.— ( Hear.) Whilst they tried to conciliate a particular party, they left unprotected and unguarded the people of Ireland.— ( Question.) And that was a charge which had been brought against the Noble Lord by the very party that he had served. Much had been said about the delay of her Majesty's Ministers with regard to this measure, and that it ought to be withdrawn, because crime had decreased since it was originally brought forward—a point which he was not willing to concede. But even supposing that crime had since decreased, that disl riot show the moral effect which it had had upon the people of Ire land. Would not the measure for the preservation of life and property be wanted during the ensuing and future winters?— (Hoar, hear.) He conceived, that if they wished to pacify Ireland they must first of all apply coercive and then conciliatory measures. If he had refused to give his support to this measure, after the statements which had been laid before the House, he should have considered him self to have grossly abandoned his duty. It was not his cus tom to trespass long upon the attention of the House—(oh, oh)—and he should, therefore, briefly conclude by assuring the House that he would be quite prepared hereafter to give his support to any measure of relief to Ireland, by whatsoever Member itmight be brought forward.—(Cheers.) Whatever might be the sum proposed for the substantial relief of Ireland, he should most willingly vote for the grant. They most take into consideration the condition of that country, for which God had done so much and man se little ; and if they did, they would find the Irish people would evince their proverbial gratitude and appreciation of the kindness dis played towards them. Mr. SHEIL—Sir, necessity is sometimes the bane of the best Government, and of a bad one, very frequently the worst pretence ; and in this instance that it is a pretence and not an argument, I have risen for the purpose of showing. I consider that the criminality of Ireland is the result of that treatment which has been applied to her by those who now propose the present measure as a remedy for it, and that, consequently, the argument they have drawn from the necessity of the case is a bad one. Following out this view, I shall have occasion to animadvert, in the remarks I am about to make, on the policy which the Government has for some time past pursued with regard to Ireland. Often has it been my lot to condemn the measures which the Right lion. Baronet brought forward in connexion with that coun try, arid when I do so I ought to remember that it is to the Right lion. Gentleman himself that I am indebted for the privilege of pronouncing his condemnation.—(Laughter.) And as, when the Right Hon. Gentleman was in the hey-day of his power—in the high and exalted position which he held at the head of the party which had taken him so long to con struct, but which was now reduced to such a state of dilapida tion, as I hope I always avoided then any offensive per sonali'y or malignant recrimination —now, when his fortune has changed, when he has descended from that pinnacle, where he was then placed, and when a cloud has passed over his splendid career, it shall be my care that the animadversions I may find it my duty to make shall not be associated with bitter ness.—(Hear, hear.) I own that I do not despair of the Right, Hon. Baronet, and I dwell with pleasure on the anti cipation that he who has exhibited such inconsistency, and at length changed his views to so great an extent with regard to the commercial affairs of this country, will yet give a glorious consummation to the Irish policy.—( Hear.) But I have used an infelicitous expression. Mere consistency does not depend upon a servile subserviency to your own fallacies or to the passions of your party ; the truly consistent statesman does not so much consider what it has been his mistake to have done as what it has become his high duty to do ; he does not look back at his own yesterdays, but looks forward to his country's glorious morrow; the welfare of that country is not his chief object only because it is his only one. Fixing his eyes upon that solitary point—bright, eternal, and unsetting—how ever the wind may blow and however the current may set, by that immutable light he steers his apparently irregular but in truth undeviating way.—(Hear, hear.) Having now performed the office of hypothetical panegyrist, 1 will now pass to a more distasteful task—that of finding fault with the Right Hon. Baronet. I believe it was the intention of the Right Hon. Gentleman, when he passed the Catholic Emancipation Bill, ;had he remained then in power, to have carried the spirit of that measure into effect. He made a speech on that occasion, a passage of which was, in my opinion, of more importance than the recent allusions which have been made to that period. He then enumerated the various times when Coercion Bills had been tried, and when the result expected from them did not follow. He said that for the purpose of showin g that coercive measures had frustrated their intentions, and that some other remedy must be applied to the grievances of the country. But how did the Right Hon. Gentleman act when that Bill be came law, and when he was subsequently obliged to go into op position? The Right Hon. Baronet exerted himself t‘i the utmost—slid his worst, to obstruct the Whigs in their efforts to carry the principles of the Emancipation Bill into effect, and to ameliorate the condition of Ireland. I will just instance two examples of the course of conduct he pursued—the Municipal Bill and the Irish Registration Bill. The Right Hon. Gen tleman announced his intention of assimilating the franchises of England and Ireland, but what a comment was that announcement on the conduct of the Right Hon. Gentleman since. With regard to the line of proceeding on the Irish Registration Bill, I will say that it is a disgrace to nay party. Perhaps the object intended when the Whigs were in power was to molest or obstruct their antagonists. As soon, however, as the Right Hon. Baronet came into powe. , molestation was set aside; and though session after session the Secret ary of State prom i se d t o b r i ng i n a Bill upon th e subject, we are now almost on the verge of a general e l ec ti on , an d instead of a Registration Bill, a Coercion Bill was introduced. The Right Hon. Baronet had found himself entangled in a web whose intricate mazes he himself had spun. The Right Hon. Baronet endeavoured by his sayings to counteract his doings, but I think we are told by Shakspere that— `' Tis a kind good thing to say ;" but wh.n he shook the confidence of one party he did not succeed in gaining the confidence of the other. Every man in Ireland who could write with force —every man who could speak with contagious energy—all classes, the priesthood and the hierarchy of Ireland —every man was arrayed in dire hostility against them, and the agitation for repeal which succeeded was the con sequence of those measures which they had brought for sward. What did you do to meet that state of things ? You dismissed the repeal magistrates. Then followed the state prosecutions, which were carried on in the spirit of oppressive blundering, and the world shortly afterwards beheld the liberator of his Catholic countrymen incarcerated by a Protestant jury, at the instigation of the man by whom the Jury Act had been carried. How then can you wonder, when justice had committed suicide , that this should have pro duced its influence on the other classes of the community ? It is not a change in the constitution which is required, but a change in the policy of the Government. Compare the re sults of the Government with that of Lord Normanby; and in the first place let me ask you how that Government was constituted ? Lord Normanby, the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, was beloved by the people ; his chief secretary was my Lord Morpeth. I must beg your pardon, Sir, for breaking the order of the House, and I will only say that his name is sufficient to be mentioned to secure him praise. His under secretary was Mr. Drummond, who, though not born in Ire land, was more than an Irishman in his love of the country. Mr. Wolfe and Sir M. O'Loghlin, the ornaments of the Catholic bar, were respectively your Attorney and Solicitor-Generals There were conductors between the Government and the people. The Government was supported by every man of in fluence in the country—it was supported by every one of the Catholic body, and every Catholic clergyman became in some sort an unappointed constable.—( Hear, hear.) But unless you should think that my evidence ought to be listened to with suspicion, let me read a passage to you on the " Past and Pre sent Policy towards Ireland," a book not written in a hostile spirit towards the Right Hen. Baronet ; on the contrary, it is fraught with praise founded upon anticipation. The writer says that Ireland never made more rapid improvement than under the Government of Lord Normanby ; and under him for the first time the Irish Catholics began to feel that the Governmea cared for their interests, an 1 the question of the repeal of the Union was almost forgotten and discarded. The author then adverts to a meeting held at Mallow, where upwards of one hundred thousand prisons were assembled to present an address to Lord Normanby. They owned that they had belonged o the party who had agitated for the repeal of the Union, but that in conse pilgthakppthe quence of the opinion which they entertained o f hi s Excel lency, and of hiseereat and liberal policy, they t en d ere d t h e i r i n e at a e io t n ,ot,fli7ei their rhl that affectionsqueisi t a i , o ,e n f , r o o r nl n an yE submittedothergian (it.to which o ou w n? iaiht nilny rt that statement to e i a g ln de monstrates to you that for the necessity of the measure their exists no grounds whatever. But from the consideration of this point, I will pass to another more immediate to the question at issue. If the Government conceives this Bill to be necessary, if they regarded it as abso lutely indispensable, if they thought that without this Bill murder could not be arrested in its career, what is the reason that Parliament was not called in the month of November last? —(Cheers.) When the Government were conscious that they had two great questions before the Legislature, why was it that Parliament was not called in the months of November ? It has again and again been asserted during the course of this debate that the Government were bound to bring forward their Coercion Bill in the House of Lords ; to that assertion no answer has as yet been submitted.— (Hear, hear.) An entire month elapsed before the Bill was brought forward, and you cannot say that your Bill was not ready—it consists of no more than three pages.—( Hear, hear.) And when that Bill came down from the House you did not suggest any good reasons why it should not have passed before your Corn Bill. The Irish ports were opened for the importation of Indian corn ; you ought to have given a protection for life before you took protection from cor n . B ut t h ere ex i sts no necess i ty f or the Bill ; and if you examine the statements made by the Hon. Baronet, you must see that there has been no case made. In the Queen's speech it was stated that of late the crime of as sassination has been of frequent perpetration ; and when the Right Hon. Baronet the Home Secretary introduced the mea sure, he stated distinctly that the disturbances were confined to five counties, and by a few ruffians in those counties, and that the mass of the people were untainted. The Right Hon. Baronet further said that in those counties which were tainted the crimes were committed by bands of ruffians, but that the number of persons in those lands were insignificant when com pared with the great body of the people. He then went on to say that the effect of the Bill would be to punish the districts where crime occurred by causing them to maintain the force requisite to maintain order; and now I ask, has a case been made out for this Bill—have any substantial facts been put forward to show you that a Bill of this kind, which is to last three years, should receive your con sent—and has a case been made out for the original conclusion of this Bill, which, when it was first introduced, was intended to be imposed everlastingly upon Ireland, and to be incorpo rated with the instituticus of the country ?—(Cheers. ) I turn now to the speech made by the Noble Lord the Secretary for Ireland. That speech consisted in a catalogue of the offences—and I am not disposed to dispute the accuracy of the statement of the Noble Lord but he d.d not point out the efficacy of the remedy, nor had it been attempted to show how this measure would prevent crime in Ireland. How is it that nocturnal coercion will prevent diurnal outrage ? if you cage the owls, what is to become of the falcons ?—( Loud cheers.) The Noble Lord said that the Arms Bill had completely failed. When that statement was made, the Secretary for the Home Depart ment signified by his look that he thought that the Noble Lord had come in a state of nature from the woods and forests— (Laughter and cheers)—and that he stood in need of the finely wrought integuments of the mind which are so abundantly supplied in the Home-office.—(Cheers.) But the admission is one of the utmost importance. We cannot but recollect the fierce contentions of party which took place upon this very Arms' Bill, and if you look at Hansard you will find that two or three volumes are occupied with it. You then conceived that we were then influenced by factious motives. We rest our present predictions on the truth of our former vaticinatious. You ask, what is to be done ? You say that the measure is indispensible, and you have undertaken to show that a great part of these evils can be cured by the force of this law. The Crown Solicitor for the county of Tipperary, does not reside in the county. He has the whole province of Leinster in the range of his professional employment. He goes down twice a year to the sessions and remains a few days. He is utterly ignorant of the locality—he is utterly ignorant of the character of the witnesses—utterly ignorant of the characters of the defendants—so that it is impossible that he should know anything of the parties.—( Hear, bear.) The cases are given to the counsel to the Crown ; and of the counsel to the Crown I say nothing more than this—that the counsel employed by the prisoner are generally superior, incomparably superior ; and the Hon. Gentleman the Recorder for the City of Dublin will admit that what I now say is perfectly true. But I can give a stronger proof that I am right in the view I take of the case. You have, again and again, referred to the evidence of Mr. Cahill, and the Noble Lord the Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant has referred to Mr. Cahill twice. The Prime Minister has referred to his evidence, and the Hon. Secretary for the Home Departmen has, no doubt, read his evidence. Mr. Cahill, at the commencement of his examination, said—and you must admit the import ance of its bearing on this question You are aware that in Tipperary there is a court called the Court of Assize. The president of this court is Mr. Leigh Howley ; in consideration of his services the office was given to him. Mr. Leigh Howley is assisted by Mr. Cahill ' • and what has been the result? The face of the county of Tipperary in which crime was prevalent, and which was the scene of so much bloodshed, has been materially changed. Mr. Cahill was exa mined on that point, and in his evidence he said that these facts had been considerably reduced. The superior administra tion of the laws had created a disposition of confidence amongst the people. If there be any truth in his evidence, I think that it affords a strong proof that this is not a measure which we should resort to as we are about to do. There are other and political considerations connected with this important question, which you ought not to dismiss from your mnds—namely, the effect that this measure will have in stimulating political agitation ; a remedy for which you have wished so much, and which you have taken such small pains to find. Never hasten this measure, but give the measure its due weight. You ought to consider with the deepest attention, the fact, that in any measure intended for Ireland, there never was such great caution indispensable—( Hear, hear.) The repeal of the corn-laws in Ireland ought to make you beware how you administer to the popular excitement.—(" Hear," from the Ministerial benches.) Let me be permitted to explain myself. There are in Ireland two great parties in the constitution—the proprietors of the soil and those who till it. Neither of these parties want intelligence; their powers are developed. These two parties are both affected by this measure ; the interest of the one party, and the passions of the other. lam one of those who think that the repeal of the corn-law will ultimately be a benefit to Ireland, because I am confident that what is for the prosperity of one country must be for the prosperity of another. Ido not think that the measure is overvalued, but such is not the impression of the Protestant gentry of Ireland. They conceive that you do them wrong. They think that you have begun an attack on them, by depriving them of their market, and putting them on a foot ing with Holland and Belgium, and relaxing one of the laws of the country. I admit that they err in their judgment to a great extent, but at the same time you must remember that the Right Hon. Baronet wished the repeal of the corn-laws would have a certain effect upon Ireland, and at the same time he has relieved Ireland from the payment of 200,000/., which was pressing on her manufactures, thereby admitting that a certain encumbrance will be the effect of this Bill. Many an old Cromwellian, long bending under the burdens of his mort gages, will now fall under the burden as soon as the repeal of the corn-laws comes into operation. It seems to me to be in some degree impolitic on your part that you will by this measure excite the alarm of that class of men on whom you have hitherto relied for support, and that you should also, at the same time, administer to the excitement of the popular party. The Secretary-at-War used, when speaking on this subject, the words " dismemberment of. the empire," and my Hon. Friend the Member for Kilkenny, who was fired by the spark, remonstrated with him on the subject. My Hon. Friend has no intention of dismembering the empire. My Hon. Friend said that in his opinion, the repeal of the Union was calculated to produce that result. If that be the case, and the dismemberment of the empire will be the result of the repeal of the Union, you would be including both countries in one common ruin. Is it not the consummation of impolicy on our part to furnish those champions of repeal, with an opportunity to impose on Ireland a law which no Minister was sufficiently adventurous to impose upon the country for the purl uses of protection. No English Minister would have ventured to impose such a law on this country. No English Minister would have imposed such a law upon South Lancashire, where the same state of things has existed. Was it suggested to impose such a law on South Lancashire when, in 1319, the six Acts were fruPd, and when large bodies of men were disciplined Jith a view to military organization. Look afterwards in the year 1830, to the state of Kent, and five other counties in the south of England, and at the system of incendiarism which then prevailed. Was any such measure attempted to be im posed as that on which the Government are now resolved? On a measure of this kind the Secretary for the Home De partment, then Mr. Peel, would have made out with Parlia mentary definitions, the necessity for forwarding a measure of this kind, and might have described the various reasons alluding to the crimes which had occurred in England as an inducement to pass the "English Conservation Bill." No such measure was ever adopted with respect to Wales. You did not adopt any measure of this kind in Wales. You acted on the honourable principle, on which the incorporation of Wales with England is founded, and which Mr. Burke, in a speech which he made, praised as an immortal paction. Why is it that we are considered unworthy of the privileges of Englishmen ? Are we less entitled to the rights of British subjects ? I am afraid to tell the truth, that you are in fluenced by the spirit of your ancient masterdom. It appears to me to be the great fault of English statesmen, that they ought to observe that a vast change has taken place in the character of the Irish people, for in this case the Union has contributed much to he education of the people. Again, and again, I refer to the progress of education in Ireland. You have given a high price for their education, but you ought to have looked at its results. Perhaps, you imagined that the education of the people of Ireland could not be attended by any important political consequer ce. You were mistaken, for you will find in their cabins, books con taining narrative; and passages of sublime morality, and catechisms of the fortunes and history of the country. It appears to me that there is no occasion for the passing of this Bill. I call upon you to reject the Bill, because there is no evidence of its necessity. There is no proof that the Bill will obtain its purpose—there is no sort of evidence to show that the Bill will be more snccessful than those which have pre ceded it. As there is no necessity for the further abolition of that great principle on which the union rests, and because there is an intention to avail themselves of that union for the purpose of inflicting on the Irish people that against which the Irish empire remonstrates, I, for one, shall vote against the Bill. The SOLICITOR-GENERAL said he would not attempt to follow the Right Hon. Gentlemau through his very discur sive speech, but he would attempt to show to the House that the present measure was called for in Ireland for the protection of the lives and property of the peaceably disposed. (The Hon. Member from this moment was perfectly inaudible in the gal lery for above a quarter of an hour.) Measures of this descrip tion had proved successful before, and he, for one, could not see why this one should not do so. In 1835 the number of crimes committed in Ireland was 8,000, and the consequence was, the Legislature passed a Coercion Bill. It proved effi cacious, and in 1837 the number of crimes had fallen to 6,000. A motion was then made to repeal the Act, but its working had proved so satisfactory - that only three Members could be found to support it. The Bill eventually ceased to be opera tive, and since that time crime had progressively increased; indeed, in 1845, it had reached 8,025 more even than in 1835. Could any executive in this state of things sit still without at tempting to apply a remedy—and what better remedy, he asked could they find than that which was dietated by experience?— (Hear, hear.) Another reason which rendered it imperatively necessary for them to make an effort to apply a remedy was that in no country in the world did the number of crimes corn mittesl bear such a disproportion to the number of offenders brought to justice as in Ireland,—(Hear, hear.) In disturbed districts, out of 1,185 crimes committed last year, only 54 of the perpetrators were brought to justice. (Hear, hear. ) Not less than 1,000 outrages had taken place in five counties in Ireland within the period of five months, and surely in such a state of things the inhabitants of Ireland—the industrious and suffering inhabitants—were entitled to protection. The Learned Solicitor-General then r'ad a list ofcri t m es committed in that country fo r fi ve mont h s i n 1845, and he in 1846, defining the parti cu l ar c h aracter of each offen same c e p ; e r b i o u d t such was the confusion at the bar, the occasional cries of " Divide, divide," and other noises, that the spea k 's state ment could not be h ear d i n t h e ga ll ery. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman resumed, amidst great confusion and loud cries of " Divide, divide," by declaring that he conscientiously believed this measure to be imperatively called for. Pie should give it his cordial support. The Marquis of CH ANDOS said it was his intention to have given a silent vote upon that occasion, but had he done so he might have been liable to the imputation of assenting to the language and invectives which had been so frequently used in the course of the debate.—( Hear, hear.) With regard to the reasons which had induced him to support the Bill, he had but little diffi cu l ty i n fi n di ng t h e m ost ample grounds for the vote he was about to give in the speech of the Noble Lord the Secretary for Ireland. The statements which the Noble Lord made had since been confirmed by reports and returns which no one had attempted to disprove ; and seeing that the exist ing law was not sufficient for the maintenance and security of life and property in Ireland, he had no hesitation in placing the powers of this Bill at the disposal of her Majesty's Government. —( Hear, hear.) It had been urged by some lion. Gentle men that the minority ought to give way to the opinions of the majority, but he would, for one, never yield to the opinion of tl.e majority when he found it was not suyperted by argument or conviction—(Cries of " Hear, hear.' )As to the ques t tion of confidence in her Majesty', Government, he could not, for a moment admit that it was involved in that 13111 ; but even if it were, he could not say that he was prepared to vote against the measure.—(Hear, hear.) The details, too, they had nothing to do with. It was the principle they had to decide upon, and the details might afterwards be so arran ge d as t o ren d er the provisions of the Bill purely harmless, so far as the innocent and inoffensive were concerned. He had no hesitation then in affirming the prin ciple of the Bill, and whatever might be the result of the deci sion, he should have the satisfaction of knowing that he had given his vote according to the dictates of his own conscientious convictions, and without reference to factious or party feeling. Major BERESFORD--The Noble Lord had not proved that the Bill would have any beneficial effect. The Hon. Member for Birmingham had done the same thing, and left the question exactly where he found it. The Right Hon. Baronet had also pursued the same course, and he had stated that one of the chief difficulties in the administration of justice in Ireland was that of the utter impossibility of obtaining evidence to convict. Would the Bill for locking up the people in their cabins have such an effect ?—( Hear, hear.) He would vote for the Bill if he considered that it would have any effect, but feeling con scious that it would not, he would record his vote against it. lie had conversed with many of his Irish Conservative friends, who said that the Bill was a bad one, but that it should pass, because if it were rejected it would give a triumph to a par ticular party in Ireland. But he was of a different opinion. He considered it would be a triumph to the country, and prove that England was ready to treat Ireland in a spirit of justice. After a few words from Mr. ADDERLEY (as we be lieved, in favour of the measure) but which did not reach the gallery, Mr. NEWDEGATE rose amidst loud groans, and cries of " Oh, oh," which rendered him for some time inaudible, and in the midst of which he abruptly terminated his speech. Capt. HARRIS wished to know the use of such a measure, which would merely have the effect of up shutting the honest man all night, and leaving the fi e ld c l ear for the midnig'nt ruffian. Act freely and frankly towards the people of Ireland, and that noble race would be always found to support the acts of this country. He had never but one opinion on the Catholic question, and that was that the emancipation ought to have b,en granted.—(Hear, hear.) He warned the- Government against the policy they had adopted, as one which would be of the greatest injury to the peace and prosperity of the country. Captain JONES had heard the last Hon. Member state that the existing law was quite sufficient for the suppression of crime in Ireland, but that was not the case. It was well known that the present law was inadequte to the protection of life and property. Lord INGESTRE said, that on the first introduction of the Bill he voted for it, on the grounds that life and property were not secure in Ireland. Had the question been followed up in the same spirit it was introduced, he would have gladly supported the Government ; but under present circumstances he thought he would act the most consistent and judicious part by abstaining from voting altogether.—(Loud cries of " Oh," and " Divide, divide," amid which the Hon. Member sat down.) Mr. PETER BORTHWICK only wished to say that his vote would be given on the merits of the Bill, and on no other consideration. (Loud cries of " Divide, divide.") Mr. COBDEN—I can assure the House I am not going to offer many observations to it, but I wish to say a few words as to the vete lam about to give. I shall divide myself with three classes of persons : the first those who have hitherto voted against this Bill because they object to its policy as an Irish question • next, I shall vote with those who voted for the question on the first reading, but who are not now isrepared to support it ; and then I shall find myself united, to my great surprise, with a large number of gentlemen who sit below the gangway.—( Loud cheers and laughter.) I do not wish to put a construction on the conduct of any Member or Members, but I wish to clear myself from any sort of suspicion in the vote which I shall give. I wish to clear myself, I say, and in doing so I may render some service to some Ho nourable Members near me, in showing that the construction put on the motion by the Noble Lord the Member for Lynn does not apply to us.—( Cheers.) The Noble Lord told us very frankly what was the object of his vote.—(Hear.) That we intended to join together to do justice to the Right Hon. Gentleman in the present session. The Noble Lord said that he did not think that any honest man, however he might like the treason, did not abhor the traitor.—(Hear.) I think that Ido justice to the Noble Lord.—(Hear, hear.) It is a vote of censure on the Right. Hon. Baronet in the estimate of the Noble Lord. I beg to repudiate for myself, and for Gentle men around me, any share with Hon. Gentlemen on the opposite side of the House in such a construction on our part on the vote about to be given.—(Cheers. ) Shall we, affecting as we do to represent public opinion, give such a vote, when there has been no dispute as to the measures of the Right Hon. Gentleman this session, and above all as to the most popular measure any Minister ever brought for ward ?—( Loud cheers.) We should be outraging public opinion if we allowed such a construction to be put on our votes—( Hear, hear), and at such a time too —(Loud cries of " Hear, hear )"—when the great measure of the session has just been brought from another place.—(Cheers.) I may imagine the Noble Lord wishing to do poetical justice to the Right Hon. Gentleman at the very moment of his triumph at pass ing that Bill—(Hear, hear) —but I beg that you will put no such construction on the vote I am about to give at any rate—( Cheers, and cries of " Divide.") I promise that I will not say a word on the merits of the Bill, but it appears that the Right Hon. Gentleman attaches such importance to this Bill, that he is determined that the Government shall stand or fall by it. I have nothing to do with that, but lam resolved as to the vote I shall give, for I am not going to stul tify my vote, or to vote as the Noble Lord has intimated he will, to vote black is white to turn out the Minister.--( Cheers and loud cries of " Divide.") I said two months ago that I believed it was quite possible before the corn-law passed that Right Hon. Gentleman would be put in a minority by some cross vote, for Hon. Gentlemen below the gangway would give any vote inconsistent with their personal honour, which in the House I cannot call in question.—( Hear.) Therefore it is hopeless to endeavour to keep the Right Hon. Baronet in power by a single vote, and as I said before they would do it again, and vote black is white to turn him out.—(Cheers, and cries of " Divide.") I beg to assure Gentlemen opposite that this state of parties will receive a solution out of doors.—( Cries of " Hear, hear," from the Opposition, responded to by cheers from the Protectionists )—I cannot conceive that with three parties in this House we shall be able to carry on the Govern ment.—( Hear, hear.) There must be at least a fusion of two parties.—(Cheers, and cries of Oh, oh," from the Pro tectionists.) Ido no not see any probability that the Honour able Gentlemen below the gangway and the Right Honour able Gentleman and his friends will unite, and I confess that 1 am very glad of it.—( Hear, hear.) I should regret nothing more than to see the Right Honourable Gentleman forced back to ally himself with the rearward party.—(Cheers and laughter.) But there is another alliance which might take place—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear," from the Free traders)—and it has already taken place in the wishes of the country, although not in this House, for there is nothing, in the opinion of the country, between the Noble Lord and the free-trade policy given out by the Right Honourable Baronet.—(Loud cheers, and cries of " Oh, oh," from the Protectionist party.) I do not unperstand what inference is to be drawn from that cheer opposite. I do not hold out for the change proposed by the Hon. Gentle man below the gangway, but if the feeling takes place out of doors, and the rank and file follow, the battle between the chiefs must be abandoned, and there must be a similar fusion in the House ; for that would be the government of a ma jority, the measures of which could not be put off. I only rose to say, in contradiction to the construction which might be put upon my vote, that if the Right Hon. Gentleman retires in consequence of this vote, he will still carry with him the re spect and gratitude of a larger number of the population of the empire than ever followed any Minister he had ever heard of.—( Loud cheers. ) Mr. RASHLEIGH—Not the working classes.—(Cheers, and counter-cheers.) Mr. COBDEN—The Hon. Member for Cornwall says, " Not the working classes." Mr. RASHLEIGH—I repeat it again.—( Cheers.) Mr. COBDEN—I am sorry that the Hon. Member exhi bits such excitement in making the declaration, but can he use the same expressions with regard to the voting classes ? ( Cheers, and counter-cheers.) I think that the Right Hon. Baronet has shown great forbearance to Hon. Members below the gangway, lin not having availed himself of the strength which he possesses in the country, and not having taken them at their words, by appealing, before he abandoned office, to the constituencies of the empire.—(Cheers.) Sho u ld h e no t d o so, however, I feel that I am not misinterpreting the opinions of the people, not only of the electors, but more especially of the working classes, when I tender him in my own name—as I might in theirs—my heartfelt thanks for the unwearied perse verance, for the unswerving firmness, for the great ability with which he has during the last six months urged on one of the most magnificent reforms ever effected in any country, through this House of Parliament.—( Loud cheering.) Strangers were then ordered to withdraw, and the House divided, when there appeared— For the second reading Against it Majority against Ministers The announcement was received with loud cheers by the Protectionists. MESSAGE FROM THE LORDS. Messengers from the Lords brought up the following Bills, which their Lordships had agreed to :—Corn Importation Bill ; Customs Duties Bill ; Electric Telegraph Company Bill; Ballochney Railway (Shotts Branch) Bill : Bristol and South Wales Junction Railway and Ferry Bill; Harrogate Waterworks Bill; Amendments to Amendments to London and York Railway Bill ; Amendments to Administration of Criwival Justice Bill, without Amenthueut ; Superintendent of Convicts Bill ; Edinburgh and Northern Railway ( Strath. earn Deviation) Bill ; Glasgow, Strathaven, and Lesmaha gow Direct Railway Bill, with an Amendment ; Edinburgh and Northern Railway (Dunfermline Branch) Bill; Glasgow, Barrhead, and Neilston Direct Railway (Branches to Thorn liebank, Househill, and Hurlet) Bill ; Bath Waterworks Bill, with Amendments. The Earl of LINCOLN obtained leave to bring in a Bill to amend the law relating to the value of rateabl e p roperty i n Ireland ; also a Bill for the abolition of the exclusive p r i v il ege of trading or of regulating trades in cities, towns, or boroughs in Ireland ; he wished to make an exc e p t i on i n favour of the Goldsmiths' GROGAN guiI said, the ri g ht s w hi ch it was pose d to Mr. affect were very old, and he did h ope the House would hesitate very much before they would consent to adopt the principle of the Bill.—Leave was then given. ivieEnß a pp ear ed . OY MESSAGE. Colonel DAWSORND i answer to the a dd ress to her Majesty of The answ er was— " I have received with satisfact i on your a t t h t e h 25 e btahr of f i the May. loyal and dutiful address. I thank you for this proof of y our attachment t o me and to my f am il y. " House adjou rne d a t a Q uar t e r past Two o'clock The oth er or d ers o f t h e d ay were then dis posed of, and the . - -.' wish to avoid all the yo "which upon your chins?" ther. tor [ tu A re pv " E invented Railway Strop hasten and try Ross and Sons: h n ave n ew ly -invented atrailway - a pace. so named, as it enables you to • yourself en the i i c s h E sh aving l[E il T .] has — p en tail ed ewl. little friction, making even commonest razor and with as . . . entirely new, and The composition is cut we ll. nvented for the purpose, Likewise, everything hith td f uaste, w hi ch i few can apply properly, theirs 13 a powdel 9-ea ° ' f or renov ating the strop, and can be used by a child.--T o b e had, w holesale, retail, and for exportation of the Proprietors Ross and Sons, 119, and 120, Flishopsgate-street. [A DV ERTISEMENT.] —SURPRISING CASE OF THE RE COVERY OF HEALTH BY HOLLOWAY'S PILLS.—Mr. Roberts, a gen tleman residing in New-street, Birmingham, has been suffering for years from a disordered liver, deranged stomach, palpitation of the heart, shortness of breath, swelling of the hands, feet, and legs, lowness of spirits, and want of strength and energy, which state of things was slowly breaking up his constitution; and finding no be nefit from the medical treatment at Birmingham, he proceeded to London, where he resided for six months, In order to consult the most eminent of the faculty, which he did to no advantage. hie then tried these extraordinary Pills, which in three weeks restored him to perfect health and vigour.—Sold by all druggists, and at Professor Holloway's Establishment, 244, Strand, London. _ ACCIDENTS BY LIGIITNING.—During a heavy thunder storm on Thursday last, John Porteous, a boy in the service of Mr. Thomas Young, Cowdenknowes Mains, near Kelso, whilst returning from the field where he had been for the purpose of cutting thistles with a sickle, was killed by the electric fluid, which seemed to have traversed tile whole length of the body. About the same time a horse drawing a roller in a field at Sinailhohn Mains, belonging to Mr. John Tait, and two fat beasts belonging to Mr. W. Chisholm, Lang- Sli&W Mill, were killed by the electric MO.—Newcastle Advertiser. .1. 1~ HAYMARKET THEATRi. ~, • Twelfth Night was revived here last evening, with lu Miiirt:l l ; Cushman as Vi o la, a n d Miss Susan Cbman as Olivit,l4; • This comedy, which was written by Shakspere for , repre-1 sentation at one of the grand feasts of e and which was performed for the first . .../14 — ,14"C iddl Temple Hall, is supposed by the comme. his latest work ; and if so, it proves, as has been ,well ob served by Schlegel, that he must have enjoyed to the last the same youthful elasticity of mind, and have carried with him to the grave the undiminished fulness of his talents. It unites the entertainment of an intrigue, contrived with great ingenuity, to a rich fund of comic characters and situ ations, and the beauteous colours of an etherial poetry. Miss Cushman's reading of the character of Viola is new. Heretofore the representatives of Viola have given prominence to the comic portion of the character. For instance, when the ring is delivered to her by itialvolio, after divers reflections, the boy-girl concludes, "I am the man," giving the hat a tap, and walking off with the jaunty air of satisfied vanity. Miss Cushman, however, having stooped to pick up the ring, never rises until she makes her exit, and she gives the phrase "I am the man," with a half-melancholy, half-satisfied air, as though pity for Olivia overcome the sense of the ludicrous, involved in the idea of Olivia's having fallen desperately in love with one of her own sex. In fact, throughout :her Viola there was exhibited an i n t ens i ty of feeling, and a. shade of melancholy, to which we have been hitherto unaccustomed in the representation of this part. At first we were in clined to demur to Miss Cushman's reading of this character, so contrary to that of her predecessors ; but having seen her manner of treating the character throughout, having re flected upon it, and having compared her Viola with that of her predecessors, we feel c eivinced that the reading of the character by Miss Cushman is the correct one. Viola is ship wrecked, an orphan and a stranger in Illyria ; she has lost her brother in the wreck ; alone, unfriended, forced to adopt the disguise of a tit:) , as her only pro tection against the perils incident to her situation, ni e n , andsurely, b y ng moment, the drunken in whatever m da e n d g t e g o r o a gaiety she b u e n i vitbeeidrtei is she s i h e i s:t e t b r h Y e a assumed, t simple unsophisticated girl such as she is, somewhat badly assumed too. and the foolish Sir Andrew impose upon her as men of courage. She is moreover in love, consumed by a hopeless passion for the Duke Orsino, and albeit the passion a of wa O k l e i n vi i a n fo h r er tl m me in s d up a po se s n ed boy e seofthe msa iu rio may aicrous(a fo n r an d admirably in d mir st ab an ly t did Miss Cushman just hint this humilVusp osition), yet r s i t s i k il t o h f e sense of the danger in which she is placed by the situation, she m ry us , t a the impossible-to be-requited love of sympathyOlivia— ndedceedssatroilythefeelforwhich, in her (" A fellow-feeling makes us wondrous kind," ) completely overcomes the momentary sense of the ludicrous, and she is the one who "Never told her love, But let concealment, like a worm i' the bud, Feed on her damask cheek." Former Violas . have read the character a s one of l i ght comedy, dashed with the pathetic. Miss Cushman reads it as a character of pathos slightly dashed with humour— the humour arising from situations which are against the grain of the character; and Miss Cushman is right. Hers is the true Shaksperian reading of the part. The Olivia of Miss Susan Cushman was beautiful exceed ingly. This is a very difficult character to render accurately. It is necessary to be dignified, yet not tyrannical—to be modest, yet not prudish—to be impassioned, yet not violent —to be firm, yet not rude. It is perhaps the most perfectly polished and ladylike character that Shakspere ever drew ; it is a character to be understood rather by negatives than by positives; to be rendered rather by avoiding extremes than by any other method; and beautifully did Miss Susan Cushman render it. She is a great artist—no thing could be more beautiful than the manner in which she delineated the force of passion, overcoming, but not overstepping, the modesty of nature in her love of Cmsario. Most modest and most maiden-like (maiden-like, as contra distinguished from matron-like) was her rebuke of the ex cesses of Sir Tobv ; and admirable was the mingled expression of pity and offended dignity with which she commended the supposed mad Malvolio to the care of her attendants. The Olivia of Mies Susan Cushman is the result of careful study, and careful study has borne its legitimate fruits. She has; raised a second-rate character to the dignity of a first-rate one, and her Olivia is far and away the best on the stage. Of o F f a s r u re p n er 's er M og a a l t v i o o l u io t a u nd B spea u k ck . sto T n il e b 's ury S ts ir As Sir d T r e o w h i a s t a hou o g r wk h not equal to the Sir Toby of poor Strickland, was tolerable; the Antonio of Stuart was excellent, and the Clown of Web ster was perfect. He is the only representative of Shak spare's clowns now left to us. It would be injustice to Mr. Braid not to mention his Sebastian. He acted the part with infinite spirit, he dressed it admirably, and he certainly made more of the part of Sebastian than any actor has ever made of it in our remembrance. He is a promising artist, and we hope soon to meet with him again. At the fall of the curtain the. Misses Cushman were honoured with the usual ovation, and bouquets innumerable were showered upon the stage. WHAT SHOULD THE ALLOTTEES DO ? TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN. SlR,—Trusting that you will permit a few observa tions, even against your own opinions, to appear in your influential Journal, I venture to question the justice of those opinions, as respects the moral and legal liabilities of Allottees. The Sun thinks that allottees should not be called upon to contribute to the expenses of railway projects which have not proceeded to Parliament. In a general sense this may be just ; but in the case of a project failing solely or chiefly through the default of the allot tees—which could not go on simply because the parties who applied for shares did not take up and pay on the shares allotted them—l ate persuaded that the expenses should he paid by the said defaulting allottees. Let me illustrate this by a plain case, nor need I draw on my imagination for particulars. A line of railway is projected, which has for its object to inerea,e the accommodation for traffic and passengers between important towns. The prospectus is issued. Applications for shares tumble in. Twenty times the number of shares put forth in the prospectus aro so applied for. The task of selection out of this mountain of applications is difficult, and must neces sarily occupy much time. Parties are referred to, by letter and personally, as to the solvency and status of the applicants. This done, the parties who have to allot shares have a difficulty in judiciously distributing them among the most proper persons. The Learned Judge who tried the case at Exeter (Woolmer v. Toby) gave his opinion that eight or nine weeks was not too long a period for the allotment of shares to occupy. Meanwhile, on the strength of the favour with which the project has there been received, the acting com mittee have felt justified in taking the steps necessary to place it in a state of readiness for the adjudication of the Legislature. To give it full publicity the pro spectus has been advertised in the London and local journals. The Company's solicitor has been doing his part. The engineers have been put into active opera tion, so as to insure the required deposit of the plans and sections "on or before the 30th of November." It has been found requisite to take offices, to purchase furniture, to provide' stationary, to pay po s t ages , t o secure the assistance of a secretary and clerks. All this has been done solely and wholly on the strength of the promises made by applicants for shares. The panic comes before it was possible for the allot ment to be made. The directors, in full confidence that the applicants would fulfil their promises, proceed in the execution of their task—a task performed not only without remuneration and thanks, but with the disad vantage of their having had to advance from 501. to 100/. each to meet current expenses. The deposit of plans and sections has been made within the time required by standing orders. The further requirements of these orders are complied with. Everything has been done—the money is all that is required. The allotment letters are sent out. The applicants for shares—" all honourable men"—are unanimous in not taking up and paying on a single share. The project thus falls through, solely because they do not fulfil their promise,e deposit unptaoinnetdbeinwebaoclhe number letter of o of psPhlaicreastioans'keto pay for, thep de or any lesser number which may be allotted. Now, this non-payment by the allottees having smashed the project, will any one contend that they should not be held liable for a portion of the expenses ? Engineers, lawyers, newspapers, stationery, postages, secretary, clerks, local agents, brokers, and rent must be paid. Is that payment to fall on the committee, who have already advanced the full amount of the deposit on their own shares, and who have done all in their power to promote the success of the project, or should the allottees be asked to contribute half-a-crown, or even five shil lings a share ? This is the case. The applicants for shares did not say "we shall pay the deposit, if the shares come out at or rise to a premium," but they unconditionally said, par, or incurred discount, o n thewe "allot us any number of shares, equa l to, or less than optaitt." premium, ar e the number we have asked for, a n d, no matter whether sharessthheall pay the full come u deposit." faith of such promises —should not the promise-makers and promise -breakers be liable for the amount?—Your obedient servant, R. S. M. June 25, 1846. ANCIENT ANDntNuTillately, MDERN COSTUME. —There were few l themselves less td the changes of the seasons tha n in Eng land. A change so salutary has been g reatl y brou ght about o f one firm, backed by capital and enter by the ingenuity ; nor should that praise which is due to the Act of the , L eg i s l a ture " for the prot ection of acticles of utility " b e omitted; for, although numerous spurious paletots would woo the man of taste at every turn, they are no more to be compared either in material or style, with the Llama c l o th i last e one registered by Messrs. Nicoll, than a jack boot to th e Ap o llo Belvi. i r l r lei n r ß anche), Beaujeu, with his family, i n a carr i age, which he drove himself, they 6 ING ULAR EFFECTS OF LIGHTNING.-011 Sunday aty. 11. as M. Bagard, a grocer f(rsaarchteh,ewjaosurnal d returninge V were caught in a thunder-storm of great violence, accompanied with heavy rain. M. Bagard, for shelter, put ud an umbrella, and a second after a ,‘discharge of electric fluid took struck I place, which kill e d th e h orse and I. Bagard. In the interior of the carriage the wife of M. Bagard had her arm for a moment pa ralysed, and a child complained of having received a blow on the leg. The carriage being stopped by the fall of the horse one of M. Regard's relations got out, and was just in time to catch M. Bagard as he was falling. Assistance was obtained, and he was taken without signs of life to a neighbouring house, where he remained in this state. Hie hands appeared as ff they had been burnt by fire, and when he re gained consciousness he complained of severe pain in the region of the stomach. On the following day he was removed to Villefranche;, and was gradually recovering when the account left. The Journat de Villefranche supposes that, but for the umbrella, M. Bagard would: have been killed, as the greater portion of the fluid, first attracted by the metallic point, passed over the silk, and fell upon the horse. It adds an incredible fact. A few feet from the horse there were fount on the ground several masses of triturated hay, which had been driven out of the stomach of the animal by the electric fluid. NOVEL METHOD OF COOKING FISH.— On Wednes day last two pair of soles were cooked by the heat of the sun alone, on the stalls at the back of the Boston fishmarket, and were after wards partaken of by the bystanders. Many persons attended to witness the experiment, which occupied about half an hour.—Boston Herald. On Sunday, a poor woman walking along the canal I by the Rue Menilmontant, was so oppressed by the heat that she dropped down dead from a stroke of apoplexy. Yesterday there were two cases of apoplexy on the Boulevard Saint Martin, but as medi cal relief was immediately a d m i n istered, they were not fatal.—Paris• Paper. EXTRAORDINARY INCREASE OF STOCK.—Mr. Mounsey„ of Setra Park, near Askham, presented two of his grandsons, now living at Askham, with a black-faced ewe, about fifteen years age a nd a few days since the worthy old yeoman, who is still hale aside hearty, though in his 84th year, attended the sheep-washing of hi,i two grandsons, at which he had the pleasure of beholding a flock, or 400 sheep, the produce of the two ewes above-named and their qe scendants, and it is thought that the number of sheep drafted t • nt a this flock during the last dozen years may amount to about the p arcie number.— Cumberland Parquet.