The Sun. — London, England, 1837-06-28 00:00:00

IIL, tmperfect measure, and also that it was impolitic that the kLord-Li eutenant shoul d have the power to appoint and V i r emove the J u d ges. —A gree d to. rr POOR LAWS. ;r Earl STANH OPE said, that having observed the con currence,-;,, of m en o f diff erent op i n i ons i n t h e pro d uc ti on o f measures which were of the most pernicious tendency, and Which were productive of the greatest difficulties and dangers :, 1 44 the country, and having no hope or expectation that any ',,Propositio n f or t h e purpose o f a ll ev i at i ng t h ose difficulties z wrmld be impartially considered, he had thought it worse than useless to attend longer in that House. Such had been his disgust at the party spirit exhibited, and such the 11: he desponden t; with whichhad viewed, and with which he still contemplated the prospects of the country, "that he 4would not have been inclined to return to his place in that House if he had not been desired to do so by large bodie s of his fellow-countrymen, whose interests and rights alio was anxi ous t o d e f en d ; an d h e was t h ere f ore th e re gpresentative of th e l a b our i ng c l asses i n th a t H ouse , f or they were not represented in . the House of Commons. ~,i H e cons id ered it a high honour to have been en trusted w i t h t h e pet i t i on from t h e W est Ridi ng o f •Yorkshire, in whi c h pl ace h e h a d not before been :;"'for 30 y ears, and he was totally unconnected w i th the dis trict. I t was from a meeting which was unexampled for the numb ers w hi c h atten d e d i t. I n the op i n i on o f some military men who were present and who of course were the b est judges, there were very nearly 300,000 per oons - th ere assem bl e d , yet they preserve d t h e utmost 1 ord er an d regularity, and evinced the greatest judgment in abstaining from entering into any discussion of other topics than the one immediately before them. But it was not important merely from the numbers which attended it, nor done for the subject which was there discussed—its chief Importance arose from the spirit which actuated the im mense multitude. He read an extract from a letter which he had received, immediately after the meeting, in which the .- writer said, " We have shown them what we can do peace °i- ably—but we will meet no more in such a way—the peti- Ai tion your Lordship is entrusted with is the only petition r- . that will ever be presented from the West Riding of .: 7. , Yorkshire. If we are oppressed still, we will take other ~:' tmeasures." He was sorry the petition had not been entrusted to tome Noble Lord who could have done more justice to ,•to its vast importance. Though he would trouble _ , .'their Lordships for a few moments, yet he would not ~e nter into individual ' cases of hardship though he , i , had hundreds of them, all of which he would prove at the s . Bar. He would then confiue himself to the principles ', of the measure which were now undergoing a discussion :;" in a Committee of the other House. Speaking of that Committee, he must in passing say that, looking at its con struction, considering that four-fifths of its members went -;-, into the Committee with opinions favourable to the law into the working of which they were appointed to inquire ; '.: considering all these matters, it was impossible that its Re -4',:, port, be it what it might, could give satisfaction to the coun - try. The evidence upon which the Report would be founded .L . % was not taken from the poor themselves, but upon that given hy the n ew Vi ceroys an d t h e i r ass i stant C omm i ss i oners . ''''t That Committee in place of allowing his Hon. Friend, •wh.o had done himself so much honour by moving fur its *: . appointment, was not allowed to prove his own case, but ; for some purpose or another known to themselves, they „:..went to districts with which he was unacquainted. Earl RADNOR rose to order. It was impossible that they could there discuss the proceedings of a Committee of the other House of Parliament—it was clearly against all order. Earl STANHOPE said he was perfectly in order, for the evidence taken by the Committee was on the table of the House—it was published day by day, and therefore he contended he had a perfect right to comment upon it. The principle of the Bill was to estab lish a dictatorship such as was unknown to our Constitu tion—the most arbitrary tribunal of ancient or modern times. According to this novel system of legislation, Parlia ment enacted that parties should be punished unless they yielded obedience to rules which had not been approved by Parliament, and which were not in existence when the Act was passed. He would ask if Parliament had a right to delegate the power to make rules which should have the authority of the laws of the realm : if not, then the ordonnance conferring such powers, although an Act of Parliament, had no claim to obedience. Their ancestors had resisted the encroachment of their law ful Sovereign, and would not have crouched to the arbitrary, unconstitutional, uncontrouled power of these or any other functions ; they would not have allowed themselves to be so disgraced, more especially when the rules were made to op. press the labouring classes, who in common with all others were entitled to protection, and, when in misfortune, had i speiiial claims on their sympathy.—(Hear, hear.) It had ''oeen truly said by his Noble Friend, who had the ho nour of opposing the second reading of the Act, that " it was impossible to contemplate a more complete system of grinding slavery than that to which the Bill would subject the poor. They must eat, drink, and sleep at the bidding of the Commissioners, and would hardly enjoy the breath of life without it." His Noble Friend then proceeded to say 'that if they passed that law, the poor would be more complete slaves than the villains of old." In this he entirely agreed, and he considered that the professions which had been made in respect to that measure had been fully in contradiction to the con duct which had been pursued in reference to it. If the Administration had proposed to abolish the Habeas Corpus lAct, and to attack the liberty of the Press, such measures would merely affect a particular class of the community ; they would be far less injurious in their operation than this law, which placed the poor under the arbitrary controul of the n ew ly cre ated sovereigns, the Poor-law Commissioners, 'from whose regulations the poor had no protection ; fo r a labouring man, whatever might be his con duct, frugality, or his merits, without any fault of his own,* but in consequence of the bankruptcy lof his employer, might be deprived of work, and thus de ;livered over to the tender mercies of these individuals. I —(Hear, hear.) Much had been said, when party subjects bad been disputed, of the advantages of self-government. The provisions of this law, however, were directly the reverse. For they prevented parties from ex pending their own money according to their own discretion, for the benefit of the poor in the parishes in which !they resided ; whilst the Commissioners had the right !salaries appoint, to re move , an d to fi x the amount of the !salaries of all their officers.—(Cries of " No, no," !from the Duke of Richmond, we believe.) Did the 'Noble Duke doubt this ? He then referred to 46th section l of the Act, which gave this power to the Commissioners ; the Noble Lord next referred to the former Poor Acts, and contrasted them with the present. He said that ; although the Statute of Elizabeth directed that those who 'would not work should be sent to gaol, yet cases of that !nature very seldom occurred. The next principle of the `that was w h a t was called the workhouse system, and Oat was the pivot upon which the whole machine was made to turn. It was said that the former workhouses liwere places of luxurious ease, in which the paupers were feasted in indolence at the public expense. Those who made such an un f oun d ed assert i on seeme d to f orge t t h at i!the parishes taxed themselves for the support of these workhouses. If it had been, as it was represented, the doors of the overseers would have been thronged with nis plicants ; but, so far from that having been the case, the workhouses were always resorted to with the utmost re pugnance by the poor, who considered them as the last and worst refuge. It was said that the condition of the pauper in the workhouse ought not to be worse than that of the ,labourer. This, of course, could not be intended to apply to the aged and the disabled. 'With respect to the idle, the former law provided that those who would not work should be sent to the common jail ; but, as far as his (Earl Stanhope's) experience went, the proportion who were disinclined to work was generally very small. Durin g the twenty years which he had employed labourers , he had never discharged one for idleness ; but, on the c „. ° T ntr arY, they were grateful to receive employment. Hehad observed a difference between the statements of tw o of these Viceroys. One of these gentlemen said that the paupers only resorted from necessity to the work house ; whilst the other, the present Viceroy of Kent, said , that they never were so comfortable in all their lives before :, •Is under the present system. He would ask what right vas there un d er the ex i sting law to confine paupers on the Sunday a n d t o prevent t h em f rom attend i ng Di v i ne serv ice? He would also ask what right was there to confine them on any day ? Ho would appeal to the authority of the Noble And Learned Lord behind him (Lord Wynford). It was undoubtedly true that the pauper might leave the poor , iiouse, but then he knew that it was at the risk of starva tion awaiting him without the walls. If the present system was pursued, he was convinced that it would, by degrees, ' bring down the English labourer to The level of the la bourer in Ireland. Could it be hoped to restrain crime by - the fear of punishment ? Did it not rather tend to increase crime when the criminal not only was punished, but also the poor, merely because they were destitute of employment and the means of subsistence. This, then, was an Act, not fo r the better administration of the poor laws, but it was sn Act for their abolition, for the principle of the former Bill was protection and not imprisonment. The one was an Act to employ and relieve, but this was an Act for im prisonment. The House saw that, in the year 1604, the exact plan of the Bill of 1834 was first mooted ; but what was the opinion of Mr. Sergeant Sniggs upon the subject ? .Speaking of the scheme, he said that it would not be war ranted by the Act, and that he thought too highly of the wisdom and integrity of the High Court of Parliament to surmise that they would give their sanction to such t proceeding. It was clear from this that Mr. Ser geant Sniggs 'did not live in .the time of the Reformed House of Commons. If labour were property Parlia ment could have no right to take any measure by which : lint property would be reduced ; but this had, in effect, seen done by the present law. Such, in short, had been its effect that he had heard of persons in Cambridgeshire offering to Work and attempting to subsist for halt-a-crown per week. It was known that the edict of confiscation called Peel's Bill had prbduced dreadful diStress, and that the unrestricted use of machinery had of late greatly added to that distress ; but he was not prepared to hear (as lie of of late had) that the average wages of hand-loom weavers was ss. 6d. per week, and that the sum which they received for a weft had fallen from 7d. to 3d. He Would ask the House of Commons, which did not represent the labouring classes of the country, which did not speak their sentiments, whether it had a right to deprive the poor man of a re source which be once possessed under a provident statute, and which was his natural right ? He (Earl Stan hope) stated, in 1822, that if the grievances of the coun try were not redressed the argument for a Reform in Parliament would become unanswerable. That prediction had been verified, and he now said that if Parliament per severed with this measure universal suffrage would be the consequence. He had lately heard a Conservative farmer say that if the new Poor-laws were not repealed, they should all of them wish for universal suffrage. He (Earl Stanhope) participated in this opinion ; but there was a great consolation in the approaching elections, when the people, he trusted, would express their sentiments on this subject so loudly and so strongly that, in the words of the petitioners, they would declare that they "considered any Government, whether Whig, Tory, or Radical, which adopt the principles of this Act, to be unworthy of the confidence and support of the people." He (the Earl of Stanhope) hoped, before the conclusion of the present Session, which probably, under existing cir cumstances, would not be of long continuance, that the Ministers would give an answer to the question whether or not it was intended to carry the Act into execution in the manufacturing districts ? If this or any other Govern slummed to the Barrister, and approved of by him, li.c..cathe la* aftff being enrolled at the quarter Bes sions ? Was not the principle here similar ? It was said that all the officers were appointed by the Commis sioners. He apprehended that the Noble Earl must refer to the Assistant-Commissioners, as the relieving officers, the medical officers, and the clerks of the unions were all elected by the Poor-law guardians. He was quite certain of this, that the parties assembled at this large meeting, who were described as consisting of peaceable and well-disposed men •--he was quite certain that if they knew the mode in which those Poor-laws had been carried into operation in the south of England, if they had been told that the sick, the infirm, and the aged were at least as well cared for as be fore ; if they had been told that every case of distress was regularly brought before the Board of Guardians, who pa tiently heard, if needful, the parties themselves, and at tended to their statements ; if they had heard also that a discretion, and a most useful discretion, was vested in the Board of Guardians ; if, instead of talking of imprisonment, they were told that there was an opportunity, if needful, of giving relief out of the workhouse under certain special cir cumstances, and in eases of temporary distress, and that when they had one or two children they were much better taken care of, they would not have agreed to the peti tion presented that evening.—(Hear, hear.) He did not intend to deny that there might not be individual cases where the guardians might have erred in judgment, and where the Poor•law Commissioners might have been misinformed also ; but he need hardly state that the system generally was working beneficially for the poor, and as ge nerally beneficially for the rate-payers. He hoped her Ma jesty's Ministers—and those Noble Lords opposite who were in possession of that power to place themselves in the situa tion which his Noble Friends possessed, if they were removed from it—he hoped that neither one party nor the other would hesitate for a moment to state broadly and manfully that they would not, as far as was in their power, consent to the repeal of the Poor Law Amendment Act.—(Cheers.) Lord WYNFORD was greatly gratified to hear that this Bill worked so well. He was always aware that there were great abuses in the old Poor Laws, and he should be glad to have seen these abuses remedied ; but he thought these remedies might be applied in a less expensive and less arbitrary manner. He could not help thinking that the powers granted to the Poor Law Commissioners went to a most unconstitutional extent, and that they had used them in an arbitrary and oppressive mannner. Viscount MELBOURNE said that it was with very great concern that he saw such a petition presented, agreed to, and concurred in at a meeting so large, so numerous, so respectable, and so tranquil i n th e i r conduct as was repre sented by his Nile Friend. That petition having been so agreed to, he certainly did look with grea t concern at i ts bing presented by his Noble Friend. He was extremely anxious that every petition emanating from the people, and more especially from so great a meeting as that referred to, or indeed from any portion of the people, should find some Noble Lord to introduce it, and give a fair representation of it in the House.—(Hear, hear.) But he must own that he felt, to a certain degree, a portion of uneasiness, and no small feeling of alarm, that the Noble Earl—of ancient name and family, of such property in the country, of undoubted zeal and feeling for the people of this coun try, and of unquestionable philanthropy—should have passed so unqualified a censure on an Act of the Legisla ture, on a law of the land, and should have made himself instrumental in conveying doctrines and opinions which, he must say, were in a high degree destructive, and subver sive of all law and order. He owned he had listened to the speech of his Noble Friend with great concern and apprehension. His Noble Friend had stated many rea sons for his not taking that share in the debates of the House which formerly he was accustomed to take. These, reasons. made him deeply regret his Noble Friend's absence. He regretted that they had not been favoured and assisted with his Noble Friend's advice in the course of their pro ceedings, but he could hardly believe that his Noble Friend had really stated the reasons of his absence. His Noble Friend had stated that he experienced neglect from their Lordships ; that his opinions had not been attended to ; that he had little influence ; and that he could be of little use, when both sides of the House concurred in a course of pro ceeding which was destructive to the best interests of the country. Now, he begged his rtoble Friend to consider whether these motives were sufficient to justify his absence on such an occasion ?—whether he was sufficiently justified in absenting himself upon the occasion of the discussion of a Bill which he stated to be pregnant with the most violent injustice and cruelty ? A Bill which in its consequences would, in his Noble Friend's opinion, work so decided a change in the Constitution of the country—which would effect the destruction of their Lordships' House, the ruin of the property of the country, and the total destruc tion and subversion of the Constitution, and which would bring a moral chaos back again. If the Noble Earl was aware that such consequences would result from that mea sure, surely it was his duty not to listen to his feelings of disgust, but to attend in that House and exert himself to the best of his ability in order to try to avert from the country those evils of which he had before him so clear and distinct a prospect. His Noble Friend had gone into a discussion of the principles of the measure, but he would not follow him. He believed that the powers given by the Bill were absolutely necessary for the purpose of carrying the measure into effect, and he believed that the principles on which the Bill was founded were perfectly sound and just. As to the question of his Noble Friend with respect to carrying the Bill into effect in the manufacturing districts, he begged leave to say that he thought a certain degree of prudence and discretion would be required in the working of the Bill in those districts ; but at the same time he must say that he did not see those difficulties in applying the principles and practice of the Bill, even in those places, which were apprehended by the Noble Earl. He understood that a great number of unions had been already formed in the manufacturing districts, and that the Bill worked well and proceeded quietly, and had produced satisfaction. It was not his intention on the present occasion to enter into any de tails of the measure ; but he would distinctly , answer a question which had been put to him, and lie would say that undoubtedly it was the intention of her Majesty's Go vernment to maintain the principles of this Bill.—(Hear, hear.) But though they would do so, they were not un willing to listen to any amendments that should be shown to be necessary, and they would attempt, as far as it was possible in their power, to carry this measure into effect with prudence and discretion, and with a due regard to circumspection and care.—( Hear, hear.) Lord BROUGHAM denied that the Poor-law Com missioners had any power to confine people in the work house, nor could any person be so confined. But all the inmates of the workhouse must conform to certain rules and regulations of the House. Wherever there was any large number of persons together, it was absolutely ne cessary for their common comfort that there should be certain rules and orders in the management of the busi ness of the house. The inmates of the workhouse, living under the protection and comforts which the roof af forded, must yield to a certain discipline ; and he would venture to say that if that discipline were relaxed, if there was no rule or order, the very inmates of the workhouse would be the first to complain that it was still more irksome, more inconvenient, and personally more uncomfortable than before. It was said that the Commis sioners had said that they were desirous of making the workhouse as disagreeable - as possible. Now he must say he did not believe that any of the Commissioners had ever said any such thing. He would not enter upon this subject at any length, and more especially after the able manner in which it had been treated by some Noble Lords who had preceded him. It was said that this Bill was extremely un popular amongst the labouring classes. He should lament extremely if the Bill was unpopular amongst that most use ful and most important class of her Majesty's subjects. Now it was his firm belief, founded not merely upon his re flections on the subject, but what was far more material, upon testimony which was strengthened by what had fallen from his two Noble Friends (the Marquis of Tavistock and Lord Portman), that amongst the labouring part of the community this Bill was not unpopular, that amongst all the industrious, all the well-disposed labouring men, those who deserved to be called the labouring part of the community, that amongst all these the measure was a favourite, and not an odious law or an oppressive law.—( Hear.) That there might be some amongst whom it was not yet introduced, and not, therefore, under ' stood, to whom the measure was unpopular, was, he thought, highly probable ; and that there were some, a much smaller portion and a less respectable portion of the community of the districts where it has been introduced, who viewed it with dislike, was much to be expected ; but those were not the labouring people ; they were not, by any means, the bulk of the labouring poor. The merit of this great measure was not the saving it effected in the poor rates, not the benefit it conferred on the proprietors of the soil--though in conferring a benefit on them they also con ferred a benefit, not undirectly or circuitously, not through accident or contingency, but of necessity and by a direct and inevitable operation, on those labourers whom they;; proprietors employed ; but what was its chief recomm,:nda lion in his eyes, and why he chiefly rejoiced is its success, was because he believed it was increasing largely the comforts of the labouring poor. He believed that it tended to elevate their character—he believed that it arrested both their downward progress in comfort and the downward tendency of their habits, which must h :ye led to the inevitable degradation of their cha racter. Their downward progress in circumstances, hab'ts, and character - was arrested by this Act ; and 1 he ba eyed that no Act had been passed for a long time which tended so much, both actually and physically, to im prove the people. With respect to the introduction Bill into the manufacturing districts, and with powers given to the Commission ers . I With respect to the powers -r Ike to knowhowm— ment should attempt to force the Act throughout the country, they would do so at their peril—with peril to the public peace, and with peril to the prosperity and institu tions of the country. Reserving himself the right to reply to any observations that might be made, he should move that the petition do lie upon the table. The Earl of HA REWOOD said that he did not rise to reply to any of the matters contained in the speech of the Noble Earl ; but he rose in consequence of his belong ing to that district in the county, and because he had re ceived a communication on the subject. Before he left the county he was called upon by a deputation from that part of the county with which the Noble Earl was connected, and he was requested; as Lord Lieutenant, to call a public meeting on the subject of the Poor-laws. He declined to call that meeting, because, in the execution of the Bill, Commissioners had gone into several towns, and, resistance being made, they were compelled to leave. Consequently, when the application was made to him he considered that ho should not be acting properly in placing himself at the head of an assemblage of that kind, as the law had been in some degree resisted. He refused to call the meeting, but he had the sa tisfaction to know that the parties approved of the propriety of the course which he had adopted. He did not intend to go into the merits of the Poor Law Act ; but it would be fair for him to confirm the testimony of the Noble Earl with respect to the immense number of persons who at tended the meeting, and the deep interest which they must naturally have taken in the subject. He (the Earl of Harewood) was not surprised at this deep interest, for pre vious to the meeting the greatest pains had been taken to brine. the Act into o di um an d di srepu t e .—(H ear , h ear .) But he was not saying this in support of the poor laws. It was true that to many persons- in his district the poor law was hateful, but it was not because they supposed it would oppress them, but because the system of managing the poor in the North and West Ridings of Yorkshire was so good that they did not wish to see it pushed out, to make way for the new Act. With respect to the ma nufacturing districts he thought that the Bill required some amendment. He thought that the people of York shire, from the good working of their system, had really cause to be discontented. This was their feeling, but they complained, in addition, of the Act giving what they con sidered a wanton power to the Commissioners.—(Hear.) The Marquis of TAVISTOCK had for twenty-five years acted as a Magistrate in the county in which he re sided, and which he had had the honour of representing in Parliament for many years, and he believed he could say from his own .personal experience that there was no county in the kingdom in which the old law had produced greater evils, and where the benefits of the change effected by the recent enactment had been more signally manifested. In 1828, when a Member of the House of Commons, he' pre sented a petition in which the evils of the Poor-law system and the deplorable condition of the people were set forth, giving, as he well recollected, a frightful pict are of the state of the manufacturing districts in particular ; and at the time of presenting that petition he recollected lamenting to be obliged to state that in consequence of the operation of the existing Poor-law, he felt the duties of his magisterial capacity becoming daily more and more painful to his feel ings. Happily that state of things no longer existed. They had found it a most pleasant change ; and so bene ficially had it worked to all parties, and all classes of the agricultural community in the county in which be resided, that he could assure their Lordships that he could hardly believe that he lived among the same people.—( Loud cheers.) There was no longer any want of employment.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") The measure was not, as was supposed by the Noble Earl, unpopular among the deserving poor. He, could assure their Lord ships it was quite the reverse. The night-watches had been universally abolished as unnecessary.—(Loud cries of " Hear.") The labouring poor were well offeand con tented, and were, moreover, becoming well disposed towards their employers, and respectful to their superiors—(Loud cheers)—and this instead of regarding them, as they for merly did, in the light of oppressors. The poor and infirm were better taken care of, and their condition was better attended to. He would say nothing of the enormous sav ing to the rate-payers, which amounted in many parishes to forty, fifty, and even sixty per cent. lie spoke merely of the altered condition of the labouring classes ; and he could truly say that now, instead of finding amongst the poor that crime and di s t ress preva il e d, h e found himself residing amongst persons such as lie had just described. He was persuaded that he was speaking the sentiments of all par ties and classes amongst his neighbours who had witnessed the working of the two systems, and who, for the change that had taken place, felt with himself greatly indebted to the present Administration, to his Noble and Learned Friend (Lord Brougham), and who felt also much indebted to the Noble and Gallant Duke opposite, for the truly use ful and patriotic manner in which, so much to his honour, and above all party considerations, he had given his va luable testimony in favour of the working of this useful but much calumniated measure.—( Loud cheers.) Lord PO wrm AN felt grateful to 'those who passed and who supported this measure. The Noble Earl did not re present the labouring population amongst whom he (Lord Portman) lived.—(Hear,) He could tell the Noble Earl that the mass of that population, .who happened to be in employment, were thankful for the passing of this Act.— ( Hear, hear.) He would venture to say that they saw their condition was bettered. They saw their masters taking more pains to improve their condition—they saw them employ their children, who before were paid a small pittance out of the Poor -rates, and they were grateful for the education which their children received, and for the im provement that took place in their situation, instead of seeing them idling about the streets as formerly.—(Hear.) He would, therefore, say that the Noble Earl did not repre sent the masses of the labouring classes of this country. Perhaps he (Lord Portman) had been looked upon as a per son holding something approaching to Radical doctrines, be cause he had at one time represented a division of the me tropolis, the inhabitants of which were regarded as holding opinions which were not very moderate ; but he was quite sure that he had never heard during the time of his canvass any doctrines so radical as those he had heard from the Noble Earl.—( A laugh.) And he was sure that there was not one of his former constituents who would for an instant hesitate to support the Poor Law Amendment Act because they wished for universal suffrage. He should be glad to find that they were ao likely to have so large a mass engaged in support i ng the Poor Law Act, and he hoped that they would attend ;o the Noble Earl's advice, and they would :believe that in supporting this Act, they would obtain Universal Suffrage. He was, however, cer tain that Universal Suffrage was much farther off than if this Act had not passed. Perhaps the Noble Earl would recollect the riots which in 1830 started up in the county ' of Kent. If a leader should now be wanted, it was natural to suppose that the county of Kent would furnish one,— (A laugh.) He recollected that great anxiety was felt at the time of these riots, and he could tell the Noble Earl that at that time the wages of the labouring classrs, which the Noble Earl had described as so altered by the Poor Law Amendment Act as to be reduced to 2s. 6d. a week, were at that time less ; the mass of the poor in November, 1830, were working for less. The Noble Earl had told their Lordships that it was the Poor-law Act which reduced wages to half.a-crown a week, but it was clear that other circumstances might do so ; the causes, for instance, that produced these riots. They had heard a great deal of the triumviri, but he believed that these triumviri were doing much more good than the duumviri—he meant the distin guished representative of the labouring lasses in that House and another gentleman out of doors, who took the same title. But he must say that if men placed in a public si tuation were not protected by Parliament while using their discretion to the best of their abilities, it was in vain to hope that men would consent to be placed in such situations. They had been told by the Noble Earl that the principle of allowing persons to make rules and regulations which were to have the effect of law was new in the annals of this country. Had the Noble Earl never heard of the laws relating to Friendly Societies, or to Savings Banks ? Was not the Noble Earl aware that the regulations then made, wit'" THE SUN. LONDON, WEDNESDAY, JUNE 28, 1837 to time, , and whether they did n o t con t a i n muc h more strin gedt and regulations than those allowed t o th e Com missioners? There was dnly this difference between them— that instead of these powers being confided to persons singled out from the community, placed in a conspicuous situa tion, answerable to the Commissioners and under the con stant superintendence of the Executive, and, above all, of a watchful people and Lerrislsture—instead of being confided to persons surrounded by all these securities, these pow ers, stringent as they were, were confided to persons locally situated, and who were under no kind of controul or respon sibility whatever, and who had no watch over them of any sufficient effect. Under the present Poor-law ge neral powers were given which were to be executed by those in . whose hands it would be most safely confided, and under controul and check which in former instances did not exist. .He believed that a sound judg ment was employed and a due discretion used with respect to the . power that was to be exercised. His belief was, notwithstanding all that he had heard, that the power given had been wisely, judiciously, and successfully exercised. No attempt had been made rashly, or. too rapidly, to carry the system into effect, or to spread it unnecessarily over parts of the country where it might be thought less adapted for than in others ; but there had been a careful considera tion in each case before there was an extension or applica tion of the powers given by the Act. He believed it might also be said, that where there were great defects in the ad ministration of the old law existing, and that where it would be in many places a great improvement to introduce the new, yet in such cases, if parties were asked did they. want the new Poor-law, they would immediately- say " No." " Did they wish for it ?" " Far from it." " Did they require it ?" There would still be the same negative answer. And if the same parties were asked had they managed hitherto their affairs so well that they did not re quire any assistance, the same parties would give an an swer in the affirmative.—(Hear, hear.) Men were satisfied with their own management or with their own conduct, men were not willing or disposed to find fault, and this they would do in many instances conscientiously, although, he still believed, most erroneously. In doing this in the present matter they would only fall into the same error to which all mortals were prone to fall, that of being too easily satisfied with their own actions, and at the same time to exaggerate the faults and too little satisfied with the conduct of others. Men were too apt to believe that others did the same thing less well than themselves. The Noble and Learned Lord concluded by remarking that in portions of the country 'where it had said the new Poor law could not be introduced it had been tried, and proved successful. The Duke of RIGHMOND, in reference to one obser vation made by the Noble Earl, replied that the number of Poor-law Commissioners was restricted, that the Act of Parliament provided that their expenses were to be de frayed by means of an annual vote, and that it was not to be supposed, with such a restriction, that Assistant-Commis sioners who were not absolutely required would be ap pointed. He ascribed to the absence of the-Noble Earl from this country his ignorance as to this fact. The Noble Earl, however, had come forward with a petition from the West Riding of York. He wished to ask the Noble Earl if the pe tition that he now presented was the same petition as that adopted at the meeting of which he spoke ? Was that pre cisely the petition which that great meeting had sanc tioned with its approbation ?--(Hear.) Had no alteration been made in it ? Why did not the Noble Lord, if he attached so much importance to the petition, bring it up to that. House, and from his seat there the very next day move for a repeal of a law which he declared to be so bad, and so injurious to the interests of the people ? The Noble Lord did no each thing ; but he waited until it was evident the session was coining to a close, and he then made a speech, which he did not mean to say was intended but which was calculated, to cause the people of this country to rise against the law, by telling them that it was a law not to be obeyed.—(Cheers.) Though the Noble Lord who did this might call himself the repre sentative of the labourers, yet he (the Duke of Richmond) trusted that the labourers would never be persuaded by clamour to yet themselves in opposition to law. He (the Duke of Richmond) had attended the Board of Guardians from the commencement of the Act. He bad done as a Noble Friend of his who had spoken upon this ques tion, and they had seen how the Guardians had acted. They had noticed every case heard, they had found every particular application explained, and they had seen the Board of Guardians go as far as they possibly could in giving relief to those who applied for it. He knew that in the workhouse the paupers were better off than they were at home. At these Boards not - only the Guardians at tended, but lie was happy to say some of the gentry and the magistrates also. He considered that the Noble Lord would discharge his duty more properly in mixing with the board of Guardians than making complaints in that House which could not be proved. He asked the Noble Lord if he had never seen or heard of crowds of labourers com plaining of the operation of Gilbert's Act.—(Hear, hear.) Had he not seen cases in which Magistrates were pressed for relief by those, persons ? Had he not heard of the former system being complained of ? Did he not know that unless a man behaved ill, unless his family were aban doned by him, and that his children were running about the streets, and that it was in such cases the Magistrates and Overseers were authorised to grant relief?—(Hear, hear.) He contended for it, that the morality of the people had been greatly improved by the present system.—(Hear.) It was notorious that before that system there was a premium upon idleness and dissolute conduct ; whereas now the attempt was made by labourers to become honest and independent. He cared not for the saving effected by the Poor-law Amendment Act, for he was one of those who would go as far as any landlord could to benefit the country—he cared not for the saving effected ; but he cared very much for the character of the people. It was his opinion that if the Noble Lord, instead of going abroad, had not left his own country, he must have come to the same conclusion that he had upon this subject.—( Hear.) The Noble Lord said there were great grievances under this system ; but were there not grievances of a much more serious nature under Gilbert's Act ?—( Hear.) He declared that he never could give his consent to an alteration in the principle of the present law. It was his opinion that the labouring classes of England would not believe the Noble Lord ►when he told them that the Guardians were not their friends. It was his opinion that the labourers of England would not believe the Noble Lord when he told them that the farmers or the owners of property did not desire to see them in a safe and a wholesome condition. He knew the farming classes well ; and from his connection with them he could say it was their desire to raise the condition of the honest labouring classes. Such persons, then, were not to be sup posed to be the enemies of the poorer classes, because they would not permit every man who chose to put their hands into their pockets. The Act was calculated to better the condition of the labouring classes, and none had a right to complain of it but the idle or the dissolute. Earl STA N HOPE, in replying, said the reason he had not been there to oppose the new Poor-law Act was, that at the time it was passed, he was in a country that was happier and better governed than this—namely, Germany. —( Laughter.) He was not present in that House, for he did not think that a Bill passed by a Reformed House of Commons would have been sanctioned by the House of Lords. The reason why he had not attended the Board of Guardians was, that he had no right to at tend—he was not a magistrate, and he would not be elected ; and he disapproved so much of the Act, that he would take no part, mediately or immediately, in carrying it into execution. The Noble Duke had asked him if the petition he presented was a petition from the meeting of which they had spoken. He had to state that no petition had been adopted by the meeting, lint a series of resolutions were agreed to, and the petition was verbatim et literatim the same with those resolutions. It was quite true that the Noble Lords on his side—the illustrious Duke (the Duke of Wellington) had, with his followers, given his sanction and support to the Ministry in passing the new Poor Law Act. Both parties agreed to its adoption, and he had no chance in opposition ; but upon this point he might quote the dictum of George 111., and in the course of a long reign it was the only bon mot be had been ever known to utter. George 111. said that "he believed Mr. Pitt was generally in the right ; he believed that Mr. Fox was occasionally in the right ; but when both Mr. Pitt and Mr. Fox agreed on the same point, then he was sure that they were both in the wrong." The petition wag then laid en the table, and their Lord ships adjourned, On Sunday morning, at one o'clock, as the Emerald, at boat river, tbolo ng i ng to th e Commercial Company was passing up closely followed and preceded by two Woolwich steamers, two ferry boats were observed, laden gunwale deep, making their way from the Essex to the Surrey side of the river a great number of colliers were moored in the centre of the stream, and much anxiety was evinced by those who wit nessed their progress from the shore. Much, however, to the credit of the captains of the several steamers, the paddles were stopped and the steamers absolutely rendered stationary until the boats were out of danger. Had the cupidity and reckless ness of the steamers equalled that of the boatmen, it is pro• bable that many lives would have been lost. it s r- I , OF HIS LATE MAJESTY WILLIAM IV. Ki beq is document, which we understand is of a recent date, a King o f c) made to each of the sons and daughters of the late .‘,OOO/. This sum will at first sight appear incon siderable. Th., it is not of greater amount will scarcely been ex cite surpriseil. • however,when it is known that his Majesty has to year, his amount of • "tie habit of dividing, from ear r Kin; has, also, we ...rings among his offlring. The late understand, bequeathed the sum . of . 40,0001., which is to be this received in virtue of a policy of life insurance, to trustees, the res pect to the i n t ere st to be p a id annually in equal shares among Royal his c had bat little t o a dd. The trustees to whom the duty of carrying thetHesetti.-- ~. the Commissioners, he should monial into execution iswehntrtulstNedataldrec, owloehbeelliwoo,d. ~,y Local Acts bad been!Lssed from time Tavlor Sir Henry ea e. , WES i'MINsTER REPRESENTATION THE COALITION OF GENERAL EVANS AND • MR. LEADER. O❑ Monday night, at seven o'clock, a very numerous meeting of the Westminster Reform Society was held at Stannard . s Hotel, Charles -street, Covent-garden ; Mr. Craufurd, one of the candidates for Preston, in the chair, when it wits agreed to support the return of General Evans and Mr. Leader at the ensuing election as the representa tives of the City of Westminster. General Evans was present. A sub-committee was formed for the above pur pose. At the conclusion of the proceedings, General Evans, by invitation, met the Reform Association of the parish of St. Margaret, Westminster, which assembled at the Blue Anchor, York-street, Westminster, and where Mr. Leader was in attendance. He arrived there at about ten o'clock, at which time the large room was entirely filled with the members. The gallant General was received with the most enthusiastic applause. C. Austin, Esq., presided. At this meeting, previous to the arrival of Gen. Evans, the members had resolved to exert themselves to support Mr. Leader as a candidate at the forthcoming election ; but upon the appearance of General Evans, Mr. BREWSTER proposed a resolution pledging the meeting to support General Evans in connexion with Mr. Leader. The resolution having been seconded, Mr. WOOD expressed himself decidedly in favour of a coalition. They had drawn up a declaration in favour of Mr. Leader ; at the same .time he was desirous to sup port General Evans, provided he would promise to join Mr. Leader, and uphold those principles, the advocacy of which secured his return at the last election.—(Cheers.) In doing so, he felt convinced that the lion. Member would obtain the suffrages of all those who voted - for him on the last occasion.—(Applause.) General EVANS then rose. There were several sub jects upon which he had to offer remarks, in reference to which some explanation was necessary from him. Thus, first of all, was his continued absence ; but upon this the electors would recollect, that before his departure, two public meetings were held, at which he obtained their permission to leave the country, it being considered, that while fighting the enemies of liberty in Spain, he was equally fulfilling a duty there as he should have been at his post in the House of Commons.—(Applause.) He was not aware that his absence would have been so long as it was, while he necessarily concluded that he could have obtained some short leave of absence. That the war has been so prolonged is not owing to the power of Don Carlos, but to certain disagreements at Madrid, arising from the opposition of parties. There the case is as it is with us. There were two parties contending who shall be Ministers. The conse quence was, that owing to • the state of anarchy at the seat of Government the army was neglected, and it was thus rendered incompetent to effect those objects which were'in tended.—(Hear, bear.) Under these circumstances, when he applied for leave of absence, be was told that the enemy was in his power, and they said to him, " for God's sake do not leave now." Fearful, then, that in returning without such leave, a serious charge might be brought against him, he remained. While his honour was at stake, what was he to do ? He had no orders from his constituents to re turn, though lie was always ready to resign at their com mand, as this was well known to many of the officers ; for while he valued his seat, yet he thought more of the good opinion of those who sent him there than in the seat itself. --(Loud cheers.) When the order came for him to re sign, he instantly obeyed.—(Hear, hear.) Another charge was, that he neglected to proclaim the Constitution at St. Sebastian.—(Hear.) But what authority had he to do this ? At that time his soldiers did not receive their pay and rations, and there was much discontent among them. Had he displeased the Spanish Government by declaring the Constitution without orders, his situation would have been much more perilous. The Constitution was in about a month afterwards proclaimed at Saragbssa, and subse quently at St. Sebastian, and other places in Spain.— (Hear, hear.) A further charge against him is, that he encouraged corporal punishment, while it is well known that in his place in the House of Commons he strenuously contended for its abolition. When he assumed the com mand of the British Legion in Spain, he was informed that the provisions of the Mutiny Act were adopted, and he was told, that unless he put them in force, he could not expect to maintain discipline over men who had been promiscu ously enlisted, but he had documents to produce, and he would show them to the electors on the next occasion of his appearance before them, that in every instance where a General Court-Martial took place he commuted corporal punishments.—(Loud cheers.) And he would prove that there were instances wncre death was awarded, that he commuted the punishment to imprisonment or hard labour. —(Continued applause.) His conduct, he would insist, in the Peninsula was not inconsistent with his evidence, as recorded in the Minutes of Evidence which he gave in the House of Commons.—(" Hear, bear," and cheering.) If there were any other point upon which they required his explanation he was ready to reply to th;ir questions ; he trusted that they would find him the same man he was when he left ; while he was willing to join the candidate they might think proper to select, and who adopted the same principles. Such an idea never entered his head as to oppose a Liberal candidate, though he should feel sur prised if a third candidate of Liberal principles should entrr the field.—(Cheers.) It was for the electors of West minster to say whom they would support. He should be most happy to join Mr. Leader.—(Loud cheers.) Let them unite together in heart and soul, impressed in their minds that in the duty they have to perform, it is the interest of the electors themselves that they have to look to.—(Cheers.) Mr. Sour, asked General Evans if it was his intention to go abroad again ? He wished a positive answer, since he should not support him in case, on being elected, he would not promise to remain.—( Hear, hear.) General EVANS was glad the question had been put. But he assured them that it would be most unpardonable in him should he again absent himself. He pledged himself most distinctly not to go abroad again.—(Loud cheers.) Mr. Sour- was convinced that the answer now given would ensure the support of many who Would not have otherwise given him his vote.—(Applause.) Several Electors spoke to a similar effect. An Elector offered a paper to General Evans, which contained the various subjects of Reform recommended by the Westminster Reform Society. General EVANS, having read them, not only felt it his duty to advocate the measures of Reform there recom mended, but he would support any other liberal measure required of him by his constituents. The resolution was about to be put, when Mr. LEADER observed, that it was necessary he should say a word or two. Some persons felt an alarm lest a dis pute should arise, but that was impossible, as personal mat ters ought not to be mixed in an election. The electors of Westminster want two Reformers. They have nothing to do about quarrels. But if any one fancies that any dispute would arise between him and General Evans, they know nothing about their affairs. He, as their candidate, has taken a straight, honest course.—(Cheers.) He is ready to stand, or ready to retire, as they wish. But having come to a resolution to support them both, all they have to do is to make it a common cause.—(Applause.) It is very evi dent that they would be disgraced by having Tories to re present them. Recollect that you have to perform a so lemn dut3, to wipe off a stain, the deepest that has been inflicted on any country for a long time.—(Hear.) Mr. PROUT remarked that that afternoon two gentlemen called upon him to express their views that they would not be able to secure the return of General Evans and Mr. Leader. His reply was that, from John o' Groat's House to the Land's End, they would not be able to find two candidates who would procure more votes than could the two gentlemen before them.—(Cries of " None.") Gene ral Evans has never swerved from the principles he first supported ; and seeing that Mr. Leader follows the same, he considered that they could not have two better inert, or who are more competent to stand against Burdett and Murray.—( Cheers.) The resolution was then put—" That this Society do pledge themselves to support General Evans and Mr. Leader at the next election." _ _ The resolution was unanimously agreed to, followed by loud cheers. Thanks were then voted to the Chairman, who having replied, left the room in company with the two candidates. Three times three cheers were given for the success of the candidates. The meeting shortly after separated. THE WEATHER AND CROP.—We beg to con gratulate our readers upon the general appearance of the crops in this neighbourhood. During the last ten days they have proceeded with almost Lapland rapidity. One of the oldest farmers in the three couuties told us in the Corn market on Wednesday last, that the rush of growth was unprecedented in his experience. Notwithstanding the untoward spring, we saw a head of wheat which had burst out in a fine field upon a farm in the vicinity of Ormiston : and•beard from many farmers, that by next week, upon all good soils, wheat would generally be in the ear. Wheat, in some instances, may be comparatively a light crop, but barley and oats universally will be heavy. It gives us much pleasure to add, that without a single exception, the report of the poor man's crop, the pota toes, is highly favourable, so much so, that we saw a small bet taken between two farmers that by the month of Decem ber they would be at 7s. the boll of 4 cwt. The hay crop has greatly improved, and will be at least an average. Upon Mr. Fleming's farm of Blink bonny grass was sold two weeks ago at the astonishing price of 301. per acre. Yesterday the ther mometer stood in the shade . at mid-day at 73 degrees. —Cale donian Mercury. Nearly 40 sheep, the property of Mr. King, of Fullerton, near Stockbridge, died a few days ago, owing to having been put iritet a field in which there was a yew hedge. DUBLIN.-MOND '4L It • • , (FROM OUR OWN CORRESPON Never was the condition of Ireland, in of view, more happy than at this moment. ' - " ------ " -- il l ep nir ti t s,4 of the great body of the people, and the nations r. itself, are elevated to a degree that could hardly have been", anticipated. The sincere sorrow and regret which haa - beenlq. for some days indulged in, for the loss of a truly generoUsA beneficent, and patriotic King, are beginning to pass away, and are succeeded by well founded hopes, that her Most n Gracious Majesty will expedite the fruits of those bless-Vi ings which have been first sown and distributed through thes4 land by her late illustrious predecessor. In a word, thelq people of Ireland are full of hope, and confidence, and joy,4 in the prospects which are opened to us by the auspicious commencf:rnent of her Majesty's administration : nor canq these feelings undergo change or diminution' from the con--. flict threatened by the faction at the approaching election. Itkl is pretty manifest, however, from the discussion that tooki place in both H ouses o f P ar li amen t on Friday night, asll t. well as from the demonstrations already making here, Watt' the Tories, though despondent, are determined to rally their forces, and make one more desperate struggle for place,44 pensions, and power. The faction in this country will not be slow in seconding their combined effort, but to no pur pose. It Ireland will do its duty ; a nd y ou ma y c ertainlyl I reckon upon an accession to the cause of R e f orm f ro m thisVi ? country in the new Parliament. If England and Walesq will be true to the letter and spirit of their Constitution, and adopt those principles of honesty and justice so timely and happily laid before them by Mr. Mostyn's letter, as:, contradistinguished from Tory policy and practice, which have been with great clearness and truth developed and disclosed in the letter of Sir Stephen Glynne ; if, I say, ' England and Wales shall only discharge their duty to thet, 11 other parts of the United Kingdom, the next Parliament will crush for ever the aspirations of Toryism. But Re formers of all colours and degrees must be united : let no standards be raised but those of Anti-Tory for England, and Anti-Ascendancy for Ireland. It is now beyond a , doubt, that the policy of King William the Reformer must be pursued ; and the only question is, how liberally will it; be carried into effect, and by what Ministers? The Tories I will feel no difficulty whatever in adopting any principles that may procure them the enjoyment of place ; but having obtained that, will they not frustrate the objects of Reforin, and deprive the community of its benefits ? No doubt can exist of their pursuing such a Machiavelian policy, should they ever have an opportunity of doing so ; and therefore the only safe test by which candidates for the people', favour at the next election can be tried is, " Will you support the measures for England and Ireland which LO;(1 Melbourne's Government have been endeavouring to carry through the two last Sessions of Parliament ?" -11 the people suffer themselves to be deluded by any other criterion of a candidate's fitness than this simple one, the will be playing the game of their adversaries, and be ulti mately disappointed. Above all, the extremes of Radical- 1 ism should be abandoned, at least for the present, and ali honest men of that party should take care not to be mad, the dupes of the enemy. There is in this country a mes; respectable and influential class of men, of every rank and persuasion, willing to join in obtaining for Ireland a settle ment of the Tithe and Corporation questions, on tlic terms laid down by the present Government. Bat the• are timid and vacillating—influenced not less by thei. own apprehensions of matters going too far, as regard, the Church Establishment, than by the calumnies, and. indeed, treasonable insinuations, put forward by the Orange press in both countries. These men arc. now wavering between the Morpeth and Stanley policy, and many of the Tory representatives of Ireland will address their constituents, and be supported by the landlords, in the delusive language of the latter nobleman. They will say they are advocates for every measure of Reform not destructive of vested rights and interests, or injurious to the Church Establishment, which, as they represent, the Li- beral or Government party want to undermine, and by this means endeavour to gain the suffrages of some honest Pro testants and their tenantry. Now, the most effectual means of defeating such manoeuvres would be to caution the people in time against them ; and to entreat the honest Radicals to postpone such of their plans of representation as have not yet been sanctiosied by a majority of the nation, until they have seen how the Constitution will work under proposed reforms. If the people of this country be in structed in time by the public press in these distinctions, they may return between eighty and ninety Liberal Mem hers. Under any circumstances, the present number of their Liberal representatives will be considerably increased. The preparations which have be-n for some time past ii. progress towards the obtaining of Tithe abolition and Cor. porate Reform, will be immediately cosivertcd into strenu ous efforts towards promoting the good cause at the genera. election. How efficient these efforts must prove may bi inferred from the present position of things—an hilarious people rendered peaceahle, and to a certain extent happy by a short experiment of good government—an influentia clergy identified with the feelings and interests of tbei, flocks by the calumnies sought to be cast upon, and the in juries to which certain parties would expose them becaus, pf their religion—and lastly, the grebtit influence which young Queen, educated with a view to the impartial go. % ,7.ntLent of a free and enlightened people, succeeding tt, the Lest of England's Monarchs, and already declaring her i„ te ,. ;t i ffir to rule according to the spirit of the Constitu tion and for the welfare of all her subjects—must have upon , atea . 1 eland. EASi' INDIA SHIPPING. Arrivals.—June 26, the Mary Catherine, Campbell, from Bengal, off Portsmouth, sailed Jan 22, St. Helena, April 21 ; the Malcolm, Eylei, from China, Pff Kingsbridge, sailed Jan. 12, St. Helena, April 24 ; the Singapore, Lock, from Singa pore, off Plymouth, sailed March 2, St. Helena, May 14 ; the Helen, Henderson, from the Mauritius, at Liverpool, sailed Feb. 27, Cape, April 13, St. Helena , May 2 ; the . Constitu l tion, Gledding, from Manilla, off Portsmouth, sailed Feb. 20 the De Cock, Schutz, from Batavia, off Portsmouth, sailedi March 7, St. Helena, May 8 ; the Janet, Leitch, from Vani Diemen's Laud, off Kingsbridge, sailed Dec. 19, Bahia,/ April 18. June 27, the Georgiana, Thomas, from Bengal,-offi Falmouth, sailed Feb. 22 ; the Rowley, M'Lachlan, from; Bengal, off Cowes, sailed Feb. 12, Cape, April 19 ; the Lord! Lynedoch, Baker, from Batavia, off Plymouth, sailed Jan. 23, 1 , Cape, April 8 ; the Protcetn.r, Davidson, from the Mauritius,; off Portsmouth, sailed March 18, St. Helena, May 2; the/ William Forster, Young, from the Cape, in the River, sailed March 7. Arrival at Siam.—The Renown, Go. - d ‘ o ,sond,n, from May 4, from Siam. Arrivals at the Cape —The Eliza, }a Algoa Bay; William Wilson, Miller, May 4, from the Mau-1 ritius, fur London ; Upton Castle, Daggert, fro m Bombay. 1 Arrivals in Algoa Bay.—The Time, April 23, from the Mauritius; the Elizabeth, April 25, from London; the Theme, April 26, and Emma, April 27, from Table Day. EDUCATION.—It is a matter of congratulatio: l l that tho public mind is so effectually roused on the subject of Education. The attention it engrosses is fully as great as that bestowed on our political and religious institutions. Joined with the increased desire for the wider progress of education, we everywhere perceive a laudable anxiety ex pressed, that the portion of instruction dealt out should be of., the highest quality of which circumstances will admit. We . do not know any establishment where the system of instruction pursued by the conductor is mare calculated to ensure both these advantages, than that of Mr. T. M. Burt, at Windsor House, Plymouth. NiVe can speak from the experience of many years' communication (with both masters and scholars, and it is our firm conviction that the system adopted by this gentleman is one of the best we have ever seen in operation. te No branch of knowledge is unduly depressed, to give another., a disproportionate importance. The Classics, for instance, are not pursued to the entire extiusion of the vast field of thought, which is opened by the study of Mathematics ; • and no such anomaly is here presented, as a boy able to repeat by heart the names of Actmon's hounds, yet totallys ignorant of the principle of the air-pump, or the action of t`le steam-engine, and unable to exchange ideas with the inhabi tants of any part of Europe but his own. At the same time t as a proof that the study of the classics and ancient languages is not neglected, it is only necessary to mention that the gen tleman by whom this department of the school is conducted, was educated at Eton, and graduated at Oxford. The study of the French language, which is now so universally used, that it is an indispensable adjunct to a liberal education, is pursued under the auspices of Mons. De Larne, a native of the country whose language he teaches, from which fact the attainment off a pure and corsect pronunciation may be ensured. E n g lishN Literature and Composition are also carefully attended to; and there are other important branches of education which are cul tivated with an assiduity we have but too rarely seen elsewhere : Drawing, for instance, and Land Surveying. The scholars are not merely taught these from the book and hand of the master. We have seen the pupils actively engaged in measuringand sur veying land themselves, thus gaining as much experience as they could under the expensive guidance of a professional man ; and we have had an opportunity of inspecting maps and plans of their delineating, which would have done credit to the office of any land-surveyor in England. Mr. Burt in structs the pupils in the Mathematics himself; and, in fact, nothing is omitted that can tend to the intellectual improve ment of the scholar. Not the least important feature of the! establishment, is the great attention paid to the pupils' health. 1 All that good diet and exercise can do td insure the blessingi of a " sound mind in a sound body," is here made a duty.' Mrs. Burt and her sister attend to all the domestic arrange ments of the establishment, which we know to be such as to , insure to the student all the comfort of the most indulgent borne. Sea-bathing, and salubrious air, may also be reckoned among the advantages. After many years' experience, Mr. Burt can point, for a proof of the working of his system , to t h e success of many of his pupils in their 'different walks 0. 1 life ; and we should not, most certainly, have spoken in terms of commendation of his establishment, had we not been cer tain that they were well deserved.—Dsvonport Independent. The London Missionary SucietY have just put fortiv a notice that they arc "solicitous to obtain well-qualified me dical men of decided piety, and capable of performing the surgery, to labour as missionaries most important operations in in China." • emanci S II N I ,!*` .071