The Sun. — London, England, 1852-11-26 00:00:00

RENT-4LS. ig Prices nuslnesi done. ao pd Bu sin' this 33°. si i 35i 12 i 1 VI i 14° 2 132 'NON. free 131"e6‘ ofe r ' • Iv es• Four ) 5 ... (9,t; e o s .(e• ri4 y ea) 4 • R. 11 erl) , .0 4r * °:e ires tr° 1 Eig 4 Rei ver gi4ll‘ej for 16 ofilli f e lbOl'' sold 1°- Ve e ' °) (Cs r ( pooe r ) ) 5 * ' 13:1 e 3 411 , 1 01 A r" sgst DA" ,pez 6 Fres vril o eci , da o°o s avte., 0 W fro tbo •• • ° C I ArriV $ g. to o il Flower •itec V A.O O OO t es, t° po oet e , tre ks ; Jo ei s Rp 1` 18 " ,gref halt' C,eoi V ld St. PPI Ab e°ll* fr l 0 13, DOS fp q t east ° ' o leo • a ° s leA jo g,' ofie )0y oil° urn , de. 0 tee'. very orelo' ce a cceP of - nsv, to Glass cod ger inciP a 1)e ° ! st., tA o°- bt a v ere , t lowfq, 4 ,."• e g re p-- fro , year° srArotett f D o a nil b ' D no ng wa ken t o &xi o 00 110 0 or ire r 0 th "Dg e t3l ers ‘ inal n d a t ,gists,9-- or THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, NOVEMBER 26, 185 2. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. lind. ROUSE OF LORDS.—YESTERDAY. atT; o'clock.glrci CHANCELLOR took his seat on the woolsack The Earl of SHAFTESBURY presented a petition from Natal, praying that the Government of the colony may, as soon as possible, be assimilated to that of this " 1 ,3 r; also a petition from Pilminster, against the o pening of the Crystal Palace on Sundays. Then. Lordships then adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS.—YESTEIIDAT. The SPEAKER took the chair at 4 o'clock. PETITIONS. b Lord D. STUART presented a petition from Margie "; Praying for th e i n t er f erence o f the house in the case of Edward Murray. S ir J. SHELLEY presented a petition from the metro- Polls to the same effect. Lieut. Col. BOYLE presented a petition from Frome a gainst the assembling of Convocation. Mr. WILCOX presented a similar petition from the Metropolis. STATE OF PARTIES. I .2 ir W. CLAY rose to ask two questions — One of the -.But 11 ° 1 1. gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and the other of the hon. member for Wolverhampton ; but before he put his questions, he should crave the in dulgence of the house to make a few brief observations. Mr. COBDEN begged pardon for interrupting the non. baronet, but he wished to speak to a point of order. 1:le thought it would be admitted on both sides of the house, that it would be exceedingly inconvenient, under e4Btin g circumstances, if the hon. baronet were allowed t 0 b ar ae , e°l uPany his questions with a speech. The . hon. In net should be rather prepared to conclude with a h • eti ° ll , and then other parties would have an opportu ity -reoiking in reply if it was necessary to do so. :a . hear.) "eec h, or concluding W• CLAY said he had no intention of maim' g a Wit with a motion, and therefore, 11° ---ut one single word of preface, he would take leave to ag i, A -- the right hon. gentleman the Chancellor of the Chequer whether he would be willing to withdraw the anlen dlnent which he had proposed to the motion of his '''" ll . friend the member for Wolverhampton, upon the u nderst an d ingra that the house would acquiesce in the 1: ). " 411 suggested by the noble lord the member for - "un• (Oh ! oh !) He wished, in the next place, to a m, k , - his hon. friend the member for Wolverhampton W heth er, on a like understanding, he would be prepared fk wi thdraw his motion ? And, lastly, he wished to ask Whether in gentle n the Chancellor of the Exchequer Wolverhampton in the even t o f the honourable member for plubsti ton refusing to withdraw his motion , Go be p c ent will b e prepared to accept the resolution pro ; -sed 13Y tute tht fornoble lord the member for Tiverton, and to the amendment already moved by the •••uatteellor of the Exchequer. (Hear, hear.) Bir ' T AMES GRAHAM said, a sense of public duty ,o h l y -' „ n rillle ,l le d him to interpose here, and in order to bring that 'within the rules of the house, he begged to state flat he should conclude with a motion. (Hear, hear.) Rav in ' th e . 6. 1 had a long e x perience in Parliament, he was 1 • -"" man dispos e d t o i n terfere with the privilege of n d• epend en t members in putting quest i ons or in reply lug to observations that might previously have been Mad e . .LO B 1, and ther e f ore , in order that any one who b e l e t° do so mi g ht have an opportunity of re '4"V to his remarks, he begged leave to make the for mal motion that the house do now adjourn. (Hear, ear)vi r „ h Ong placed himself within the rules of the ho he wished to make a few observations, before the h edi Cni Which had b een put, was replied to. Well, e „, eio ") the noble lord, the member for Tiverton, at the th se of the debate the other night, suggested, not in ,2 f orm of a mot i on, b ut rat h er i n t h e s h a p e of an V e no endra elit to th e or i g i na l mo ti on , c ertain words which t and he lord thought would steer a middle course, enable all sides of the house to arrive at a a tis -717 conclusion, upon the great question which they it u .,„ al read, y had under discussion. (Hear, heax). w Loaposaiblo for him not to do otherwise than to i c'e a deep interest in the result of the debate. Hay n-ga se rved as a colleague of Sir Robert Peel, s i- taken a n ac ti ve part i n 1846, in persuading arlianient to repeal the corn laws, he naturally felt toeeP intere s t in the matter, and he wished therefore i sta ls_ ,te candidly to the house, the concern which he " 4 °. in the drawing up of the original motion. ,-.-ear, the He did not arrive in town until late 1,1 the evening preceding the Speech from the ;,, r 'ue, and on the morning of that Speech, hav -1 taken his seat before two o'clock, he had an fendt_ e l: l Portunity of conferring early with his noble Lord Aberdeen, one of his former col lean- - e.es, and with whom he still continued upon terms °f the most cordial friendship. (Hear, hear.) His noble friend told him what were the terms of the Speech in ref erence to the great question of our comm erc i a l pol i cy. 411 e passage in the Royal Speech relating to free trade Mr, considered unsatisfactory, and it w as agree d t h at atr. Villiers should, on behalf of the free-trade party, generally give notice of a substantive motion on the subject. They thought that having fought the battle ,against monopoly manfully, it was but due to him in re hour of that policy's success that he should be al ',owed to take 'a prominent part in the discussion. kilear, hear.) He (Sir J. Graham) was glad that no atile nciment was moved to the Address, and he rejoiced to tive -ud that Mr. Villiers intended to propose a substan th r esolution. He certainly expected that before the th: d ,,ebate on the Address commenced, the Chancellor o dau:y-einxrehhrinequginer bringing forward have given notice of a particular forward the promised measures of the 6vernnient. He failed, however, to do so ; and in the rturse which he (Sir J. Graham) took in reference to le . Vi lliers' motion, he could not fail to recollect that , l i l noble l ord who moved the Address (the member for a ~,° rt humber l a nd ), i n a speec h o f grea t ability, displaced or; f e P r distinguished member of the house (Sir G. Grey), - Le ground of his advocacy of protection. (Cheers.) Su 'Pt MEMBER—No, No. J. GRAHAM, not heeding the interruption, went : 11 to observe, th at i mmed i ate l y a ft er t h e speec h o f th e an d asked w as concluded, Mr. Villiers leant over to him, f i ask ed if he should g i ve no ti ce of his motion, upon a h'he (Si r J . Graham) replied, certainly. (Hear.) Zfn it should b e recollected that the not i ce was g i ven Q. O e a ny declaration was made of the policy of the • 'verninent in eith er h ouse . (H ear , hear.) H e (Sir Graham) frankly avowed that he took especial inte rest in the th e way in which the motion was framed. Having Paragraph in the Royal Speech before him, he en (chavoured to word it in as fair a manner as possible. n et 4 l ' 3 „) Re recollected that the House of Commons, th sciebb;ustanding the variety of its opinions, was an as °f gentlemen, and he was anxious to insert no- Perg, whic h might wound the feelings of those who, t o cha ps, without changing their opinions, were willing conic' lige their course upon a particular question. He vert 1 1 _, °t forget that he himself had once been a con son free trade, and that he was the last per tame li ne ought to tax others with the gentl e ' ie of conduct. (Cheers.) [The right hon. he i r ll lan then read the draft of the resolution which uP• It varied to some extent from the motion the i tted to th e house by Mr. Villiers.] In wording naondoel'e!.oirexilutsito fisting n he put th e question to himself, " What, circumstances, would Sir R. Peel have house „, had been still alive ?)" and he assured the hi s i,`" T I 's honour that he believed, from the best of tliq e - n d u r ern. and his intimate acquaintance with far hett s °f . Vaat Statesman, he would have framed a /le then er resoluton, but one in the same spirit. (Cheers.) With wi sent the draft resolution to Lord J. Russell, and f r i,,,, ° ,„ ra he Was happy to say he had been in cordial Go-v e ,.,;''''Y communication. (Ironical laughter from the tie ii 8V:1r-wilt benches, and loud cheers from the Opposi te and . ) That cheer convinced him there was an un t h u a g t h te he r wasand cheers.) actuated rp su o sp se ic . ion (La show to them, however, that they were pre ar t fi e 0 : : e0::::41:::ia us e Comingl r r pa o r t n e y o upsu to such a conclusion. (Hear.) The thi.; his noble friend was, that he approved of the cl aue - "Gn but he suggested the insertion of the third co llg i e c f v i?., that the house would be ready . to take . into of fr eration 4. any measures consistent with the principle th e 'rade that might be submitted to the house by of th e ever ument, in order to show that the movers :41,801;4 rtehseolution did not wish to offer any fac tb °PPosition. (Hear.) He (Sir James Graham) suggestion admirable, and the clause was Mit e t e l e i d : T he resolution, in its altered state , he sir Curd Aberdeen and the other late colleagues after ward ; Peel, w h o discussed it carefully, and it The , underwent some further altetratait in alteration. f l'arohr. u l , 4 °n• bar one t con ti nu ed by observing, h car e f u l `4le b efore -mentioned resolutions, he had most tear ke tak " into consideration the nature of the re often..die°lltained in the Queen's Speech in the already the te rnis eu ssed had v. of th been • atcertain injuries Paragraph. He said that he considered ... s u b i iniL ete Paragraph implied that ects, and that upon certain classes of her Majesty's °Pea as, do or f - -at it did this in a manner which kept natio n fr o °I. Some future attempt to obtain compen e"M the • p• • this, he had, a s ectu a ll, parliament. Perceiving :nd e, ea ft:re : t : r was the endeavour to practicable under the circumstances, traverse that portion of the subject by this ra ' u a u t a Part of the resolution. Having explained to the to cursorily, he continued by referring by th e 1 11 11 8 of the amendment submitted to the house Infinitelyenuslyipon. the Chancellor of the Exchequer. rathe r than wo u l d • fi g ht part could not but acknowledge that he by therefer, according to the words advanced latent advocate of unrestricted competition, en, in fact,etoPwar:rdos alnead t° aCCept the expression proposed by way of Since then ,on the f th t e he clo p s re e present Government. e G s o d v ay enam nig e h u t t .s . d ebate nt ton, r oduced by the noble lord the member for Tiver been i a fresh amendment by way of compromise had opinion,,Blween these three distinct documents the to his oi the house were divided ; and now, according take ,suggestions, the course most reasonably to be tobe °Y the Opposition and the Government would urecognise the words already intimated the reo o of the free-trade principles, without having ga izrunlTeeeensfsor.i future compensation, and wi . th . out wound 'tent. arnY the sensibility of the existing Govern- Lord and with econsdd b LOVAIN • .. b aronet r his seat, rose to explain at some length . 1 erable tediousness, upon a somewhat per ukllter 111 c ° 2l4 equeiloe of the allusions of the previous speaker to the defeat of Sir George Grey in Northumber- Mr. GLADSTONE rose to say a few words' with respect to the question raised by his right hon. friend, and he rose simply in the hope that anyiling which might fall from him might not only be of such a charac ter as to contribute to the issue of. this discussion, such as should be satisfactory to the great body of the house, and the best calculated to promote the undisputed permanence of the present commercial policy of the eountry. (Hear, hear.) He found that even up to that moment some progress had been made towards a settlement of the whole ques tion, and he ventured to hope that they would agree to the suggestions of his right hon. friend with regard to the insertion of certain words in the amendment pro- posed by the noble lord the member for Tiverton. And then, although they would not, in point of form, be entitled to say that either the amendment of the Go- vernment or the'original motion should be withdrawn, yet if the concession were made they would be entitled to come to something like a common conclusion. (Hear, hear.) Now, the whole question that was before them, related to only two of the changes of policy and feeling which had taken place in the house, and it was now proposed in order to perpetuate that policy to make a change in the first resolution, from the phrase— "in a great measure," to the word " may." He did not think that any objections was to be taken to that change, and therefore he should confine himself to the words proposed to be inserted in the se cond resolution. The question for them to consider was simply what would be the bearing of those words if adopted, and the sense and meaning of the resolution so amended, namely, whether it would be agreeable to the feelings and wishes of the great body of the house ? He was one of those who thought that the House of Commons should, under present circumstances, give a sanction, firm and distinct, to the principles of free trade. For that reason he was favourable to a motion of this nature, but at the same time he did not think it desira ble that the question of compensation should be settled in a motion directed simply to the purpose of establish ing the policy of free trade. He was not willing to pre clude the Government by an anticipatory motion from bringing forward any measures, which they might think fit to bring forward on this subject, He thought the most acceptable way would be for the house to adopt that course. _ _ _ _ . iir s. ."l. - IRINCOMBE said, that for the nine Parlia- merits during which he had sat in the house, he never befora had seen it so trifled with. First of all, they had been made fools of, just as if it had been the first of April, on Monday night last, when the motion for the call of the house had been abandoned. He confessed he should like to have seen the face of his hon. friend the member for Montrose when he saw in the papers that his motion had been withdrawn. (Laughter.) The quarrel, as he thought, very pretty as it stood originally, but with these amendments upon amendments, he was quite of opinion that the country would be puzzled. There was the original motion of the hon. member for Wolverhampton, and the amendment of the Government, and so far the course was plain ; but then came the motion of the noble viscount the member for Tiverton, and now they had something more recent from Carlisle. (Hear.) He should like to ask that noble lord how it was that he had become possessed of that motion from the right hon. gentleman, the member for Carlisle I (Laughter.) The conclusion the country would come to on the sub ject would be, that the gentlemen below, the Whigs,—and he heartily wished that Whiggery were about to be buried with protection—were not yet ready to occupy the places of the gentlemen opposite. He supposed the hon. baronet had been re-Whigged for the occasion. (Laughter.) The best course would be to take the hon. baronet at his word, and adjourn the house, to give the right honourable gentlemen time to settle amicably their little differences. Mr. CAYLEY said it might be considered presump tuous in him to intrude himself into this discussion, but he was an old soldier in this field of controversy ; he hoped he had been a consistent one—(hear, hear)—and he wished now to state his views as to the position they were now placed in. He could state most sincerely that ever since the repeal of the corn laws in 1848, he never for a moment contemplated the re-imposition of them. (Hear, hear.) He was certain that protection had at that time got its death-blow, and that it could never be restored again. (Hear, hear.) He was confident when the hon. member for Wolverhampton gave notice of such a motion as the one he had submitted to the house, if he did not know that there was not the slightest hope of ever again restoring protection, he was the only man in that house who did not entertain such an opinion. He did not, therefore, think it fair that by the hon. and learned gentleman having submitted such a resolution to the house, he and others who thought with him, should be deprived of any outlet. He admitted that free trade had taken the place of protection. and he confessed that he should never make an attempt to re store protection, or endeavour to get compensation for those who had suffered from its abolition—(hear, hear)—and he had not the slightest idea that any mea sure of the kind was contemplated. (Hear, hear.) What he understood by the paragraph in the Queen's Speech, which had been so much talked of; was that if in ar ranging the finances of the country it was found that taxation pressed unjustly on any particular interest mea sures would be introduced by the Government for the purpose of remedying the evil. He asked no more than that. He was willing to become amenable to the law, as it stood, and had no objection to the continuance of free trade—(hear, hear)—and he, therefore, thought it unfair that he should have addressed to him the propo sition that he ought to recant every opinion he ever held and everything he had ever said upon that subject. (Hear.) Sitting in that house, they had perfect freedom of person, they had perfect freedom of tongue, and he was in hopes that a liberal Oppositiou would have per mitted them to have perfect freedom of thought. (Loud Ministerial cheers.) He did not recant any of his former opinions. (Hear, hear.) At the same time, he saw that the country was placed in a dilemma ; and he, therefore, thought if they wished to benefit the country they should allow the matter to be finally pet at rest. He was quite willing to accept of the resolution sug gested by the noble lord the member for Taunton, with the additional words suggested by the right hon. baronet the member for Carlisle, in order that a resolution in favour of free trade might be placed upon the rolls of that house ; and he hoped hon. members would not press the discussion further. He was placed, then, in a some what anomalous position. He was an independent member of the house, and on the free trade question had done his best to maintain that position. He had never entertained any rancorous feeling against Sir Robert Peel, for certainly the last thing in his mind was the entertaining anything like a personal rancorous feeling against him. He might have had his doubts as to the prudence of the course he took to carry out his views, but that was all. He hoped, therefore, this useless dis cussion would be allowed to come to an end by accept ing the middle course now submitted. Mr. ROBERT PALMER was prepared to give a di rect negative to the resolution of the honourable and learned member for Wolverhampton. In the first place he could not agree in that part of it which stated that the act of 1846 was a " wise, just, and beneficial" mea sure. He had had some experience in that house, and it was not likely that he would be made to recant opinions which for more than 26 years he had there maintained, by giving his sanction to such a resolution. The opinions he had formed in respect of protection to native industry had been held by men more wise than himself. He had gathered them from Canning, from Sir Robert Peel, from the noble lord, the member for London, and from the right honourable baronet, the member for Carlisle ; and though some of these had changed their opinions, he had not. (Hear, hear.) He was aware that the sense of the country had been decidedly against any re-imposition of protective duties, but what he was more particularly anxious to do was to state that should the resolution of the noble lord the member for Tiverton be adopted in place of the resolution of the honourable member for Wolverhampton, or the amendment of the Government—and he had as yet heard no word from the Government what they were to do respecting it—he had to enter his protest against being a party to it. The country might be in favour of it, but that was not enough to cause him to change those opinions he had held for 25 or 26 years in that house, and the justice of which he still maintained. Lord PALMERSTON said he could not but hope that the conversation which had taken place encouraged the belief that there was a prospect of the house coming to a more unanimous conclusion on the subject than he had entertained when he suggested his resolution the other night. (Hear, hear.) He must say that the remark which had fallen from the hon. member for the North Riding of Yorkshire (Mr. Cayley) did him the highest credit—(hear, hear)--coming from one of his standing in that house—one who had maintained an in dependent position in respect to the question—one who throughout this controversy had exhibited good judg ment, and as to the soundness of whose convictions there was no doubt, but who had yielded them to a sense of public duty—it was to be hoped that what he had stated would have influence on others, and lead them to follow the course which the hon. gentleman had indi cated. (Hear.) His hon. friend the member for Fins bury (Mr. T. Duncombe) had put to him a question. (Hear, hear, and laughter.) The question was with regard to how he (Lord Palmerston) came by the resolution of the right hon. baronet the member for Carlisle. Now, he could assure his hon. friend he came by it by very lawful means. (Much laughter.) He made a slight alteration in it—(continued laughter)—for the ' purpose, as he imagined, of avoiding a discussion on a collateral point, as to granting compensation to the agricultural interests, but understanding since then that the words he had omitted only applied to the future, and left the case as to the past open, he had no objection to their being introduced into his resolution, and he thought he understood the hon. member for the North Riding to say that he had no objection to their insertion also.— (Hear, hear.) But his hon. friend, the member for Fins bury had put to him another, and a more practical tfriionenfdor had e h as o k n e o d ur h a i b m ie w m h e a m t b w er ou fo ld r he qu es do tio sh n Oul li d t is he h° m n o . Wolverhampton be rejected, and the amendment of the Government carried ? Would he put his resolution as an amendment against that of the Government ? (Hear, hear.) He could answer that question by asking another. (Laughter.) Would his hon. friend support him ? (Hear, hear, and laughter.) Mr. T. DUNCOMBE.—Yes, certainly, against the Government. (Hear, hear.) Lerd PALMERSTON.—WeII, he could assure his hon. friend that if he was encouraged with any expecta tion of adequate support he phould do ao—(hear, hear) —and he should hope, from what had already passed, that if the motion of the hon. member for Wolverhamp ton was either withdrawn or negatived, he might ex pect a general acquiescence in his resolution, for which, as the house were aware, they were indebted to his right hon. friend the member for Carlisle. (Cheers and laughter.) He hoped both sides of the house would feel that it was a matter of national importance the question should be now set at rest. That question was not, as to what were the opinions of the Government respecting the justice of the act of 1846, but as to what they had determined on doing to maintain and carry out that policy, and if the house should come to a resolution that it must be maintained and carried out, of course its reversal was altogether untenable. (Hear, hear.) If, then a majority of that house had found out that the policy they had been pursuing was beneficial, let them calm the public mind—let them set at rest those doubts re specting it which might still linger in the breasts of some parties—let them answer by a resolution of that house the question put when Parliament was closed, and let them, as unanimously as possible, affirm that they had established and recognised that system as the founda tion of the commercial legislation of this country. (Loud cheers.) Sir L. BULWER said the whole question was in what form of words they could adopt a resolution on the subject, which would best satisfy the people out of doors. Now he could not assent to the resolution of the hon. member for Wolverhampton, because it threw out insinuations as to the motives which had actuated hon. members on his (the Ministerial) side of the house in times past. Well, the noble lord, the member for Tiverton, had suggested a resolution for the purpose of obviating that objection, and coming from one who had long been accustomed to maintain their national honour by advancing their political prosperity, he had no objec tion, especially after the speeches of the right hon. gen tleman, the member for the University of Oxford (Mr. Gladstone) and the right hon. baronet the member for Carlisle, to agree to it. (Hear.) After they had agreed on the thing that was to be done, it was out of the ques tion to be nice as to verbal criticism, and in agreeing to that resolution he did not consider himself prevented from doing what he could to bring about a fair applica tion of that free trade which the agricultural interests wanted. (Hear.) He, therefore, most cordially agreed in the remarks which had fallen from the hon. member for the North Riding, and he hoped that others would evince the same conciliatory spirit by throwing aside their party feelings and predilections and let the question be settled. The Marquis of GRANBY and Lord BERNARD rose at the same time, but the latter giving way, the noble marquis said he should like to hear from the honourable and learned member for Wolverhampton, whether he intended to persevere with his resolutions. (Hear, hear.) He trusted he would persevere with them. (Cheers and laughter from the Opposition.) He hoped he would do so, because he heard the honourable member for Man chester declare the other evening that those who pre tended to be Free-traders ' but were not prepared to vote with the resolution, that the act of 1846, was "wise, just, and useful," were no Free-traders at all ; and he told the honourable member that if he did not divide the house, it would go out to America, that the present was a Protectionist Parliament. Last year a similar motion was proposed, on which occasion he addressed the house, but had received no answer to his remarks then, nor had he since. What he was anxious to state was, that he for one could not agree to any one of the resolutions which had been submitted to the house. (Cheers and laughter from the Opposition.) He totally dissented from them all. (Laughter.) He agreed with the honourable member for Finsbury, that there was so much mystification and doubt about the resolu tians before them, that as to their meaning he owned he was completely bankrupt. (Laughter.) If, however, the debate should continue, he hoped the house would allow him again to address them, but, if not, he said once again that he dissented from all the reso lutions. (Loud laughter.) He did not think, ad mitting generally the prosperity of the country, he did not think that such prosperity was owing to recent legislation, but was to be attributed to other causes, and if it was owing to legislation, it was not owing to that which recognised a system of free compe tition. If, however, the country had been benefited by the commercial policy pursued of late years—if the poorer classes were better off now than they were before the passing of the act of 1846, he did think that some apology, that some acknowledgement was due to the memory of the man—(loud cheers)—to the memory of the man who commenced and carried out that policy, whose patriotism he for one never doubted, and the purity of whose motives he never impugned. (Continued cheering.) He said that if it could be proved, which he denied, that this policy had been beneficial to the coun try, then some a cknowledgment was due to his memory who had carried it out—some acknowledgment that it was not only patriotic and conscientious, but farseeing and sagacious. (Loud continued cheering.) Might he ad dress himself for one moment to the Chancellor of the Exchequer—(hear, hear, and laughter)—might he tell him that he cordially agreed with him in what he stated the other night, when he said that he had never brought the question of protection before the house ? but he was sure the right hon. gentleman would admit, that at all events he had been generously and without reserve sup ported by the Protectionist party in that house, and also by the Protectionist party out of doors. (Loud cheers.) With these few words he would quit the sub ject. He was not about to oppose himself to the de liberate verdict of the country. (Hear.) It was not his wish to agitate the country on the question of protection —(hear)—but entertaining the opinions which he did, that the present prosperity of the country, which he ad mitted was owing to other causes than free trade, he re served to himself the right of maintaining those opinions whenever and wherever he thought proper. (Cheers.) Mr. H. B. JOHNSTONE considered all the house had to do was to pass a resolution to the effect that the system of free trade would not be interfered with. He must, however, give his vote against the resolution of the hon. member for Wolverhampton, as he considered it a direct attack upon the honour of English gentlemen. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said his hon. friend the member for Berkshire (Mr. R. Palmer) stated that he had not replied to the question put to him at a previous part of the discussion. But he confessed the question was of such a nature that, not calculating upon it as a contingent in the discussion, he did not deem it his duty at once to answer it ; and he confessed he thought the better and more regular course would have been for the hon. member for Wolverhampton to have stated what he intended to do respecting it. But, as he had not done so, he should address the house. His noble friend the member for Leicestershire had reminded him how generously and unreservedly he had been sup ported by the protectionist party in that house and out of it ; and he must say that, however highly he might consider himself honoured by the confidence that party had placed in him, he had done everything which his abilities or his energies could do on behalf of the landed interest, who, he thought, had been unjustly treated by recent legislation, as expressed in the amendment which had been placed upon the table. (Hear, and cheers.) One would suppose, from some observations which had been made, that the Protectionist Government had come down to that house to avow a change in their opinions. (Hear.) If any one should suppose that, he had only to state that the opinions of the Government were the same as ever. (Ministerial cheers.) Here was a Government which in no way acceded to office on the question of protection. (Hear, hear.) They said they would leave that to be decided by a general election, and the verdict of the country being taken, they would bow to it. (Hear, hear.) If they had acceded to office for the purpose of advocating a system of protection—had dissolved Parliament on that question, and found that the country would not support them in their advocacy of it—then they would have resigned their position. (Cheers.) But he was not aware, from all that had occurred, that in present circumstances it was their duty to follow such a course ; but if it was the opinion of a majority of the house that it was, then the issue would be speedily tried. (Hear, hear.) He had all along said that this was a question of taxation. No one had con tended that the. native industry of the country had a, right to support, unless it was subjected to heavy public hurdens. He considered that such a course should be pursued as would allow them to enter into competition with the industry of the world. He would not now name the course which the Protectionists might have most conveniently pursued at a former time ; but he felt that he would not be doing his duty to the party in this house and out of the house, who had so generously sup ported the Government to which he had the honour to belong, if he did not state that he was prepared to bring forward measures which would have the effect, he hoped, of giving them relief from the burdens which pressed so heavily upon them ; and he hoped that such measures would meet with the approbation of Parliament--(hear, hear)—and prove of general ad vantage to the community. To the amendments pro posed by the right honourable baronet, the member for Carlisle (Sir James Graham), and that of the noble lord, the member for Tiverton (Lord Palmerston), he would not personally offer any opposition, preferring rather to leave it to the house to decide upon them ; but to the resolution of the hon. and learned gentleman, the mem ber for Wolverhampton, he would offer his most decided opposition. He had that night heard from the right hon. baronet, the member for Carlisle, a complete vindi cation of that passage in her Majesty's Speech which had been so severely criticised. The right honourable baronet had told the house, that although no party was entitled to compensation for any injury that might have been alleged to have arisen from the legislation that had taken place, still that the subject was a most legitimate one for inquiry. (Hear, hear.) What was the language expressed in the speech ? Why that if the Parliament should be of opinion that certain interests were injured by the legislation that had recently taken place—that legislation which had contributed to the commercial wel fare of the country, the house would take it into consi deration— (hear, hear)—and that was the course which the resolutions which he proposed to lay before the house were intended to recommend. (Hear, hear.) He would, when the time would come, state his views to the house on the subject; but he did not know that the question of compensation had ever been brought forward. It was impossible that resolutions to that ef fect might find some favour in election speeches ; but hon. gentlemen ought not to have had 'recourse to election speeches, m order to deduce from them the maxims of great statesmen, and the policy of the English Parlia ment, (Hear, hear.) Re contended then, that her Ma. jesty's Ministers were fully warranted in advising the allusion in the Speech to the subject, And he would now say, that the expressions given utterance to by the First Minister of the Crown, if there had been a doubt on the minds of any party as to the meaning of the Government—and there could not be, he thought, a doubt in any one's mind—ought to have removed that doubt. (Hear, hear.) It had been objected to him that he was not more explicit on the subject of the financial statement which he had intended to lay before the house ; but he thought it better to reserve the few ob servations which he had to make to the house until the day of such a statement had been fixed. There had been a misconception, at least there was a feeling in the house that there should be a declaration on the part of the house that the verdict of the country had been un favourable to a protective policy ; but he thought that, as a general rule, such declarations upon the national policy were not extremely expedient—(hear, hear)—be cause after all, they were not decisive, and they did not bind any question. (Hear, hear.) He did himself most sincerely wish that the principle of inquiry into the question of compensation should not be disturbed by any hasty vote of the new Parliament. (Hear, hear.) The Government were of opinion that no opposition should be made if a resolution had been brought forward in its character declaratory that the country had decided in favour of commercial freedom. To him, indi vidually, it could, of course, be no object, because if in the Measures he should have to recommend for adoption to the house, he meant to show one thing more than another it was a recognition of the principle of unrestricted competition ; and if the policy which he intended to recommend should not ap pear a fit one, the house would not support it. He would not - now be led into any discussion of the charac- - ter of his intended measures, and he was quite sure that the house would think it unfair that he should. His noble friend (the Marquis of Granby) referred to the generous support that the Government had met with from the party to which he belonged ; and he (the Chan cellor of the Exchequer) trusted that the measures which the Government contemplated to submit to the house would be found just and deserving of support. His noble friend had communicated to him frequently, that if a resolution was brought forward expressing the ver dict of the country in an unequivocal manner, that unre -strieted competition would be necessary, it would be most unwise to keep alive the controversy. (Hear, hear.) An appeal had been made to the opinion of the country, and he might say that their resolution was a most unequivocal one, deciding that the principle of free trade should be the principle of their commercial policy. There was nothing to that extent, in the resolutions sub mitted to the house, that the house might not accept. There was no secret in the advice which his noble friend had given ; but in the motion of the honourable and learned gentleman the member for Wolverhampton, there were three odious epithets. (Hear, hear.) Now, that was not the way in which a question of this kind ought to be treated. It was unnecessary to put offensive ex pressions into that resolution—(hear, hear)—and thus make it a resolution not only offensive, but positively injurious, to the feelings of gentlemen. Epithets of the kind, he affirmed, ought not to be put into the reso lution. He had not the resolution by him, but he thought that he could recollect that it was very objec tionable in stating that the welfare of the community was mainly attributable to the operation of recent legis lation. The Government did not mean to deny that the operation of commercial freedom had the effect of im proving the condition of the working classes ; but they thought that they had laid down in language not to be mistaken what their opinion was on the subject, in lan guage, he might add, so decisive, that hon. members had admitted that it could not go :arther. (Hear, hear. Yet the three odious epithets to which he had referred,) had been introduced into the honourable gentleman's resolution, since the meeting held at Lord Derby's. They had, since that resolution we submitted, an amend ment contingent on the amendment of the noble Lord the member for Tiverton ; so that there appeared four amendments on the resolution before the house. First, with regard to the amendment d the right honourable baronet the member for Carlisle, it was difficult for him to offer any personal opposition to it, or to enter into discussion on an amendment which was not printed. But if her Majesty's Ministers should bring forward cer tain measures, showing that certain classes in the country had been injured by recent legislation, to say that those classes had no claim to consideration would be most unjust. He understood it to be the effect of the motion, that no compensation was to be rade to injured pa r ti es . Now, if that be the language ef the amendments, he should not be very captious in expressing himself upon it. But they had now to decide what they should do ; and if the hon, and learned member for Wolverhampton should persist in the course which he had entered upon, he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) should certainly resist that course—(hear, hear) —and on the ground that it was most unjust and unwise, and he thought the house would make a great mistake if they adopted that resolution. (Hear, hear, from the Ministerial side of the house.) With regard to the two amendments before the house, he thought that, after all, they were merely fight ing about words. (Hear, hear.) There was no differ ence of opinion between the noble lord the me m be r for Tiverton and the Government, that the country , in a most unmistakeable manner, had adopted the question of free trade. It seemed, then that the country had adopted the principle, and that it did not longer remain to be de cided by the house. (Hear, hear.) He confessed, then, that he should not, there being no longer any difference of opinion between them on the question, divide the house on his own amendment, in opposition to those amendments ; but the real question was, whether the hon. and learned member for Wolverhampton, and those who were acting with him, were resolved to persevere with their motion—a motion which, coming from that side of the house, he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer), without any disrespect to those gentlemen, must consider it his duty to give his most earnest opposition. (Cheers.) Lord JOHN RUSSELL said, notwithstanding some parts of the speech of the right hon. gentlemen. that the house may yet be able to arrive at a decision on this great question, they would at least include the great ma jority of the house, that it was most desirable that a question which had been so long in dispute, should be set at rest. (Hear, hear.) He should not now enter into the early part of the speech of the right hon. gentle man respecting the character of his Government—whe ther it was to be called " a Protectionist Government." Another day might arriv e i n w hi c h h e m i g ht h ave an opportunity to express his opinion on that subject. He thought that it was most reasonable that when Par liament was assembled some decision should be come to upon the great question of free trade, upon which the country had been so long divided, and in the abstract it appeared desirable that the Party who made themselves the peculiar advocates, and styled themselves the de fenders of the interests that had been affected, as alleged, by recent legislation, should have a full opportunity of laying before the country these measures which were in / and at the same time con dt e n n e d e e to d t the o d e g a e l n w i e r a t h l w t h e e l f e a v r i e l (Hear, hear.) The house had now before them two principles, and with respect to the first, he owned that it appeared to him that a great mistake had been made by h er Majesty's Minis ters, in not advising her Majesty t o ma ke an express de claration on the question of free trade. He quite ag reed with the Secretary of St a t e for the Home De partment, statement , that it would be neither prudent n o in r desirablehe Speech from the Throne matt ers t h a t m i g ht ex c ite the i public mind ; but the o ccasion in question was no ordi naryt on occasion, but rather a great and extraordinary oc casion ; and whatever might have been the views of her Majesty's Ministers, he (Lord J. Russell) thought it was a duty that her Majesty's Ministers owed to the people of this country, to have placed on record in the Speech, whether or no the commercial policy that had been instituted was to be continued, or whether it was to be reserved. He was confirmed in this view by the statement of the right hon. gentleman, who had himself proposed a resolution with regard to their commercial legislation. H e had introduced a sort of supplementary passage in the Queens Speech, which was intended to supply something that was omitted. He (Lord J. Rus sell) maintained that all those who had an interest in the question of free trade, had shown great forbearance in nonmoving an amendment to the Address, Ile could not but refer to the first paragraph in the Speech, and would not have been surprised if some member had risen to move an amendment on the subject. He main tained that the industry of this country was fully able, and was never more so than at present, to meet oppo sition, and if not able, he would say further with respect to the working classes, that if the industry of the country could not meet competition, it would be imperative on them to enable it do so ; so that it should not be said that Parliament in its folly had entered on a course of legislation that proved most , iurious to the country. that the no He thought, the n, use had exercised great forbearance in not moving an amendment on the address to the Speech, and no member would have been so fit to do so as his hon. friend the member for Wolverhampton. His hon. friend had (Hear, hear.) given notice of a mo tion on the subject, and he (Lord John Russell) must state a fact--and it was a fact from his own knowledge —that the very first suggestion that he made to his hon. friend on the subject of his resoluti on , contained the words "wise, just, and beneficent"—(hear, hear)—and he (Lord John Russell) himself was one of those who had advised his friend that he ought to put the words "wise, just, and beneficent," in the resolution ; and he had done so on the principle that as unrestricted competition had been established, the measure should be sustained. Well, he said that it was by Act of Parliament established, and the present Parliament ought, in his opinion, to declare that it would be unwise and unjust to disturb it. He never could consent to any course calculated to disturb it. He maintained that it was a wise act ; and he rejoiced that some tribute of acknowledgment was offered to the memory of that illustrious statesman (Sir Robert Peel) who carried the measure. (Hear.) The result consti tuted a justification of the act. (Hear.) He repeated, that the odious epithets complained of had been most wisely inserted in the resolution. He thought that the question was one for the house to determine, and that the right honourable gentleman (the Chancellor of the Ex chequer) ought to be most explicit in his resolutions. The question was still one of free trade or protection (Hear, hear.) The right honourable gentleman (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) had charged him (Lord John Russell) with " auda c ity" in the course he had taken on a former occasion ; but he must notwithstanding say, that the question ought to be now settled by the house as to whether free trade was to be maintained. If the right honourable gentleman should still call him auda cious for saying that this was a question of free trade or protection, he (Lord John Russell) must say, that that was the question, and that that question the representa tives of the people in this house should, notwithstanding what might be said about audacity, now settle. (Cries of " Hear, hear.") The right honourable gentleman seemed to think that the only question worthy of consideration and of a vote in that house was, whether or not the conduct of himself and his colleagues was such that they were bound to support them. Now, he must make some comments on that subject, because he did not at all con cur in the views of the right honourable gentlenian on that question ; but the time for that had not come. The question that 'night was, whether that great system of commercial policy, which the late Sir R. Peel, from the year 1842 to the year 1846, had proposed and carried into the shape of law, and which they (the opposition) carried still further from 1847 to 1852, in the shape of the sugar laws and the navigation laws, was a system which had proved beneficial to the country, and ought to be maintained, continued, and extended. (Hear, hear.) Now, it was extremely desirable that all those who were of that opinion, who thought that it was bene ficial, should unite, if possible, in one vote in the asser tion of that doctrine. (Hear, hear.) Do not tell him, that what they were pleased to call abstract resolutions were of no importance. The stability of our currency stands upon an abstract resolution, passed in 1696, in the reign of Wm. 111., when it was resolved that the standard of silver should not be altered. The currency was based on that resolution until 1828, when the ques tion having again been discussed, the House of Commons, on the motion of Mr. Huskisson, reaffirmed that resolu tion ; and again, when Lord Althorp was Chancellor of the Exchequer, the currency question having been in- troduced, he called upon the house to reaffirm that re- solution, and it did, so that from the year 1696 to 1852 the stability of our currency system stood upon that re solution. Well, then, after the opinion of the country had been fully tested and taken as to what was to be the commercial policy of the country, why should it not be placed on record that the housc;adopied that policy, and their conviction that, it should continue to be the policy of generations yet to come ? Why should not that be the case when that other great country—the United States of North America—have recently, by a _ _ great majority, decided that it, too, was favourable to free trade ? Why should we not unite with them in carrying out that policy—and thus, by the junction of two great nations, sprung from the same race, make - - that policy rule the world ? (Cheers.) Well, then, if he might venture to advise his hon. friend the member for Wolverhampton, it would be this :—that the Chancellor of the Exchequer having declared his willingness to accept, instead of his own resolution, the amendment which, it appeared, had first been drawn up by his right honourable friend the member for Carlisle, and after- wards placed on the table by the noble lord the member for Tiverton, that he (Mr. Villiers) should likewise de clare his acceptance of that resolution—(Ministerial cheers)—and that all who were Free-traders—whether like his hon. friend the member for Wolverhampton, and like the hon member for the West Riding, and other hon. gentlemen, who were Free-traders of a very long date—whether they were Free-traders of the date of 1842 or 1846, or only dated from the month of Novem ber in the present year—(a laugh)—whatever the date of their Free-trade opinions, should all unite and give these resolutions the stamp of the approval of the British House of Commons. (Loud and general cheering.) Mr. COBDEN (who rose amidst loud cries of " Vil liers " ) said he had felt considerable difficuty in com- prehending what was the tendency of the remarks of some of the speakers, and' the real object of this discussion, and it was only by degrees that he arrived at a full un derstanding of what was the question at present. When he listened to the remarks of the noble lord the member for Tiverton, as to behaving in an ungentlemanly man ner, and the importance of the house coming to a general agreement on this great question, he was almost, for the moment, unconscious of what was the real question at issue between them ; but the right hon. baronet the member for Carlisle had, in his address, completely de veloped what was the issue. It appeared that a resolu d t t pgcpmah i oprle o eaaneanp n mittnenatt w abehitrind l ieneroh: p tra e o p r a d r a ed asa b e y rt t i l n i asserting righ tthat thhoen. free-tradeg ne m a m n e d eas villi m c v h s since 1846 had not the effect of inflicting any injury on o isn Tiverton, d. wordsf resolution, let olse ' N r von bl The ei tos r i aoiunan g ,ctad h hhbe tetrt claims oa o mn n htesise h g oma de theyne means tt takene h l t e emowenrlaeaonori were made. it, Ih t mes o e ar l afln d odondrreod t . c after t h a te e mhl m eti cutting out of it that important part, that all-important part of the resolution, it had found its way to the Carl ton, and there, at a meeting of the protectionist party, it had been resolved unanimously to accept that resolution. (Cries of "No, no," on the Ministerial benches below the gangway.) They were not unanimous. (No, no.) Well, then, they were not to have this unanimity of which so much was said. It appeared they were not going to settle this matter in this gentlemanly well-behaved drawing-room fashion. He would admit, to a certain extent, the excellent tone and tendency of the reso lution drawn up by the right hon. member for Carlisle, but as it had pleased the Chancellor of the Exchequer, so it seemed the free-trade party had accepted the reso lution. (Hear.) Well, then, Downing-street and the Carlton Club were not agreed in opposition. At Down ing-street there had been a meeting—some one had once talked about the barracoons there—(a laugh)—and there it had been resolved to support it when divested of those odious epithets, which it was said the free-trade party had inserted, for the purpose of preventing them from accepting it. Now he might say, and it was, he hoped, no presumption on his part to say so, that before any resolution had been presented to that house as the resolution of the free-trade party, it might have been submitted to him. (Cheers.) Now, he never saw that resolution which had been placed before the Carlton Club and Downing-street. (Hear, hear.) He was no con senting party to it. He was of opinion that whatever resolution they passed ought distinctly to acknowledge the wisdom and the justice of the policy of 1846, but it appeared that the resolution they had adopted was the one from which the words wisdom and justice were ex punged, and which debarred them from claiming com pensation. Well, then, it seemed, after what had passed that night, that this was a matter of great importance, because the Chancellor of the Exchequer had told them that he had measures which would ameliorate the condi tion, and compensate the classes who were injured. (Hear.) He told them, in answer to the remarks of the noble lord the member for Leicestershire, that he had re medial measures. Well, what would his hon. friend, the member for the Tower Hamlets, say to that ? (A laugh.) The last time he had the pleasure of meeting that hon. baronet was on the platform of the Free-trade Hall, in Manchester, and an appearance on these boards did not usually deprive a man of his political virtue. (A laugh) If the hon. baronet had supported the resolution of the right honourable member for Carlisle, he would not have been surprised, but after taking that from the noble lord, he was certainly surprised at his want of political sagacity. There had been, it appeared, some little difficulty m framing this resolution to meet the views of the right honourable gentleman, the member for the University of Oxford. It seemed that the right hon. gentleman had once been caught and voted for some motion of the right hon. member for Bucks, and that the resolution, therefore, while it debarred future compensation should not shut out retroactive compensa tion. (No, no.) The resolution shut it out for past injuries. Well, if they put that plainly it amounted to this, " there shall be compensation for corn and cattle, but no compensation for butter and cheese." (Hear, and a laugh.) Well, now if the right hon. gentleman should think himself bound by his precipitate vote on a question of compensation in 1850, he would ask him to contrast the condition of the people at present, and of these very classes with what it was in 1850, when he might have thought there was some claim to compensa tion, and he must come to the conclusion that there was no such reason now. But the question came, whether they were to have compensation at the expense of the tax-payers, who were to pay for free trade ? (" No, no," and cheers.) He said, if they admitted the ques tion at all, it came to that, and that it would be as easy to take money out of the pockets of the tax-payers by measures of compensation as by direct taxes. They might levy under that guise imposts that would be as burdensome as protection. (Hear, hear.) He said, as Free-traders, they would not deal with the question in that way. The Protectionists denied that it was a just policy, and yet they made their " bow," as they called it, to that policy. (A laugh.) The Free-traders did not make their "bows" to majorities—(cheers)—and he said that if they raised this compensation question, he warned them solemnly, that if hon. gentlemen opposite did this, such a struggle would be commenced—and if his word and past conduct on such a subject had any weight with them, he hoped they would mark what he said—they would raise a struggle that would be far more disastrous to them than any past struggle in which they had been engaged. (Opposition cheers.) The object of his hon. friend's resolutions was to bring to the test the question, whether, after the dissolution, the Free-traders stood in as good a position as before, not only in the last, but in previous Parliaments, when t he y had beaten the right hon. the Chancellor of the E xche q uer b y lar g e majorities on every question in which com p ensation was involved. They wanted to know whether in this new house, after this late election, after all the turmoil, ex pense, derangement, and extravagance of that election —(hear)—whether that house was in favour of free trade. They (the Free-traders) w ould have that question p ur e and simple, submitted to the house, and, therefore, his advice to his hon. friend the member for Wolverhamp ton was, that he wou ld not withdraw his resolu tion. (Cheers.) He hoped they would now take the real dis cussion, and when that was settled they would know what was to be the work of the Free-traders in future. (Cheers.) Mr. NEW DEGATE, who was met by renewe d cr i es for Mr. Villiers, said the hon. member for the West Riding was always plain spoken. He said that he wished to try fairly whether those who said they had been in jured had aclaim B co u m t p h e e n ha sat d io n n o or not. Well, e s ll a , yin h g e was tolerably well known as a con s i s t en t P rotect i on i st, and all he ha d got by being so w as , anx i ety, labour, and expense. (Cheers.) that they stood upon their old ground. They believed they had been injured, and believing that, they were de termined to see whether the present Government would acknowledge the injuries which had been done--the existing injury, and provide remedial measures. If the house adopted the resolution proposed on either side, being a Protectionist, he should leave it, and take no part in its deliberations until he saw what measures the Government brought forward. As to the language of the honou ra bl e mem ber for the W est Riding in that house, it was i n su b s tance his langu a g e out of doors. That ho noura bl e mem ber was one of t he most successful dem agogues o f th e ag e. (Oh, oh , and hear.) Yes, he ack now l e d ge d it. At that meeting con vened by him at Manchester, and at which the ho a. member for the Tower Hamlets was present, the ho .ti. member for the West Riding brought the question to th very issue that was now before them. He declared hi s intention to convict the Protectionists of inconsistency and just let them see the position in which he should b e placed, if he voted either for the resolution of the hot L. member for Wolverhampton or the Government. TI ae hon. member said at Manchester, "we will place this question so plainly before the house, that our old advc:r saries the Protectionists, shall not have any chance of escaping from an honest avowal of their opinions; acid if they have really changed, that they shall recant rill they have said upon the subject of free trade and protec tion. But it must be emphatic. They must say that free trade does not lower wages ; they must say that free trade does not cause a drain of gold from this country ; they must say that free trade has not thrown land out of cultivation in this country—they must say that the land of this country is still worth something ; and they must say that wheat, good wheat, had not been imported into this country, and cannot be, at 245. a quarter. Those are a few of the things they must say, when they said the very opposite before. And we must have no accompaniment about ' compensation.' Do you look in your dictionary, and see what the word Compensation' means, and you will see, that if there is any compensation due at all, it is to those people who, from 1815 down to 1846, were kept upon short commons by the aristocracy." Such were the views of the hon. member and his party, and he rejoiced that the Government resisted the motion brought forward by that party. As men of honour, they were bound to resist it, but, as men of honour, they were bound also to bring forward remedial measures. Among all the changes and events of late y ears , th a t w hi c h we most deplored was the shock given to public confidence by the men whom the conservative party had placed in power, and if a second conservative Ministry gave a second shock to public confidence in public men, it would be far more injurious to them and to the country than anything that could be done by the worst set of demo crats. (Hear, hear.) He had confidence in the Earl of Derby when he submitted this question to the decision of the country, and had waited to see what measures they would take to test that decision. When the resolution approving of free trade came forward, he would leave it to those who approved of that policy to make it as far as they could the decision, but he and those who thought with him would leave it, and wait to see what course the Ministry would take on that resolution—a course that would decide, not only whether there should be compen sation, but upon the character of public men. (Hear.) Mr. GLADSTONE, with reference to the allusion of the hon. member (Mr. Cobden) to his vote in 1850, said that it had no connection with the question now before the house, and that he should consider himself perfectly unfettered in coming to the question of compensation by any previous vote. (Hear, hear.) Mr. STAPLETON (who was greeted by loud cries of "Villiers, Villiers," and was very imperfectly heard) said—Comparing the two resolutions before the house, he could have no hesitation in adopting that which in the most distinct manner barred compensation. His predecessor in that house was a Free-trader, but because he hesitated to declare against compensation he had been rejected; and in therefore supporting the strongest re solution, he should only be redeeming the pledges he had given at the hustings. Mr. VILLIERS - said, that after the appeal made to him, and the discussion that had taken place, he must say that he did not recollect having seen anything of a similar description. He was summoned down to that house by a letter, which the hon. member for the Tower Hamlets was kind enough to send him about half an hour before the meeting of the house, as he had an im portant question to put to him. He had been waiting for some time to hear reasons assigned by some one or other who should withdraw the resolutions he had moved—resolutions of which it was said he was the mover but not the author. (Hear.) He had not the honour of paternity, but he had all the liability. (Hear, and a laugh.) In making his statement, it would be very simple. He had heard nothing in any of the speeches that night to show why his resolutions should not be acceptable, and which the right honour ble baronet the member for Ripon, in a friendly spirit towards him, had said he ought to be the mover of. But as it was agreed that some resolution should be sub mitted to the house, he had naturally asked himself and his friends what the purpose of that resolution was to be ? He might as well state that even by the admission of the Chancellor of the Exchequer himself, there was not a sufficient degree of distinctness in the Queen's Speech, on the subject of recent legislation. This reso lution was meant to supply the deficiency, and make up for the omission, and to provide for the verdict of the country, after the appeal that had been made, to its being solemnly recorded in that house. (Hear.) Well, then the real question—a question upon which Ministers seemed not to have made up their mind was, whether recent commercial legislation had been beneficial to the country, and had been so tested as that it should be maintained, extended, and become the basis of all future legislation. That was his view, and the view of the friends whom he spoke to o n th e subject ; and in that view and spirit the resolution was prepared and pro posed. In that fair spirit was it proposed, in that spirit it was drawn up, He did not deny that other gentle men sent new suggestions,—perhaps not less than ten or twelve did so,—but they were all very simple, and all of them included the terms or the statement, that our recent legislation had been just and beneficial. (Hear, hear.) It never entered into his mind, it never entered the mind of any one, that the legislation which had been just and beneficial could be desi g nated by " odious epithets." (Hear, hear.) The right hon. gentleman the Chancellor of the Ex chequer alluded to the very open way in which commu nications sometimes found their way from one party to another, but he ought to be tender in saying so, bocause he stated that to be a fact, from information of that na ture which was one of a most unfounded description. He stated it as if with authority, he stated it distinctly as a fact that the words, "wise, just, and beneficent, said to be incompatible with the honour of the gentle man opposite, as applied to the act which repealed the corn laws, were introduced into the resolution after the meeting at: Lord Derby's. Now, he did not attribute any wilful mistake to the right. hon. gentleman, but he must give it as complete a contradiction as was consis tent with courtesy, and say it was most indisputably and unequivocally untrue. (Loud cries of "hear, hear.") All the resolutions drawn up on the subject contained these words, and his noble friend the member for the city of London in the draft which he drew up also in serted them. (Hear, hear.) He (Mr. Villiers) could not for the life of him see why it was that such a con struction was put upon them as that they were offen sive. (Cheers.) If hon. gentlemen opposite committed errors, let them take the consequences—(cheers)—it was rather humbling to them, no doubt—(cheers) —but many great and eminent men were to be found who con fessed the faults into which they had fallen, and he certainly never thought it offensive or odious to have such language applied to those who admitted they had committed a mistake. (Hear, hear.) He wanted to know what was so offensive in the resolutions. There was something or another intended by those who thought so—something concealed from view, which he could not guess at, for the resolution was proposed for the simple purpose of recording the opinion of the country upon the subject. (Cheers.) That opinion he (Mr. Villiers) held to be, that the recent policy pursued was wise, just, and beneficial, and if hon. gentlemen opposite did not see that before now, their experience ought to justify them in saying so now. (Hear, hear.) The hon. mem ber for Berkshire was proof against experience, but let him (Mr. Villiers) be told the side on which an hon. gentleman sat, and he could give a pretty good guess as to the manner in which he should vote. Why should not that house profit by experience ? They did so every day, and it was an open and fair course to take, that finding the country declared, to state s o unreservedly. (Hear.) But then, it was said, that by doing so, they would be offending the consistency of hon. gentlemen, that the resolution proposed by him contained words incompatible with their honour. He was told to leave out these words for the sake of the recent conversion of the Government. He heard one gentleman after a nother rise behind the Government and exclaim "don't tret us so horribly as this—(laughter)—propose . g to reconcile to us the adoption of this policy ," and his hon. friend the member for the North Riding of York shire declared he would never do again what was impos sible for him to do. (Laughter.) The hon. gentleman who spoke from the opposite (Mr. Villiers's) side of the house laid great stress on the effect which the words must have at that moment ; they did not however, aban. don their principles, and yet he was asked to be tende of their consciences. (Cheers.) He did not draw up his resolution for them. (Loud cheers.) The question lay in a small compass : was the recent commercial policy "wise, just, and beneficient 1" (Cheers.) The majority of the house concurred in that policy, and it was pre cisely because of the opinion of that majority that it was bound to declare the opinion of the country. (Loud cheers.) The course he was bound to pursue was clear and straightforward, and he should therefore persevere with his resolution, whatever the opinion of certain hon. gentlemed may be. (Loud cheers.) Sir W. CLAY observed, that the hon. gentleman the member for Wolverhampton had fallen into an inaccu racy as to the nature of the question he put in an earlier part of the evening. He had written to him a note at twelve o'clock that day, suggesting to him to withdr aw his motion, with a view of submitting to the ho use the resolution of the noble lord, the member for Tiverton, and if he wanted any justification for putting his ques tion, he would find in the course of that disctiguiu . n, be cause a large proportion of the usua l leaders, and pro minent members in the house, declared it would be better to adopt the resolution of the noble of "No, no.") The noble lo rd the lord. (Cries membe r dcries of " No, for London was in favour of such a course • (Loud no.") It was adopted in sybrtnece (bnyentehwe e d rig e lt h s on ef . baronet the member for Ca " No, no.") The noble lord baenldoweehwima,stltibeemriegmbbtehrofnor. Tiverton, was in its f favour, or the University of Oxford, gentleman the mem ber and the Chancellor of th e Exche o q n u w er hi as oh se h n i te s d ho t n o our it, m laid w ith the addition of some W . words, able f r iends near hi Clay) thought it strange to be asked why, a ft er this almost universal assent—(cries of "No, no")—why it was he put that question to his hon friend. He would tell him why. He objected to his motion, because he believed it can't have the effect which he supposed it would have, and because, in addition to his declaration, which he was willing to make even in stronger terms, it insisted on adopting language to which the party oppo site could not be expected to submit. It was because he wished to have the unanimous consent of the House of Commons, and that he believed differences of opinion would inflame instead of allaying animosities, and alien ate, instead of uniting, the friends of those great prin ciples, that he wiehed his hon, friend to withdraw hie resolution. Did his hon. friend doubt his devotion to free trade ? He did not believe that any could venture to do so. Did he say that he (Sir W. Clay) did not be lieve the measure of 1846 was wise, just, or beneficent, when it was recollected that nine years before that period he proposed the repeal of the corn-laws in that house ; (Hear, hear.) Unless his memory deceived him, th e consistent and honourable career of his hon. friend was commenced by seconding his motion on that occasion. His (Sir W. Clay's) objection to the present resolution was, that it called on men of honour to express in terms that they were wrong at a given time. (Cheers from the Ministerial benches.) Was such a course, he asked, consistent with common sense ? In private life, what did they do ? If they were joined in the pursuit of a. common object, they did not ask those who differed from them that they should eat up every word they uttered. His noble friend, the member for the city of London, said it was justifiable to raise a discussion upon the meaning of an abstract resolution, but it was not that he objected to such a course that he was for its withdrawal, but because it was impossible to gilt the assent of a large majority, to pledge the house to its adoption. His honourable friend, the member for the West Riding, said it was not sufficiently clearly ex pressed, that measures would not be brought forward for compensation to the landed interest. Now, he had read the resolution of the honourable member for Wolverhampton, at least twenty times, and defied his. honourable friend to find any words which prevented compensation being brought forward at any future time. It was beyond the reach of human intellect to lay down a priori some general proposition to meet such a case. The difference between him and his honourable friends was, that he objected to their inflictin g a mor tification on their political opponents, for which there was no occasion. He, on the contrary, should welcome them with joy. He should be delighted to have there advocacy in the future development of free trade, and would not do anything which would prevent such a. wished for union. He was sorry his hon. fnend. had not thought fit to accede to his proposition ; he believed he would have done wisely had he done so, and he did not know what course the Government would take ; he, of course, avowed that if hiehon. friend pressed his motion, it was impossible for him not to support it. He would, however, take that course with deep regret, because he believed a union of all parties would best promote the success of those great principles to which they were all so much attached. The SPEAKER reminded the house that the debate was hardly in order. The question before them was, that the house do adjourn, but as, according to strict rule, that was a day when motions had precedence of orders of the day, they must proceed accordingly. Mr. BARROW believed he had a right to address the house on the question of a motion for adjournment. He rose principally that no mistake might arise as to his not having uttered his opinions. He was sent to that house because he had a strong opinion on the question of Free trade policy and its effect on the labouring classes, and more especially on the occupiers of land. He maintained that that policy was injurious, and not only injurious, but unjust, and that it therefore could not be " just, or beneficent." He believed the right free trade would be, a free trade with moderate duties—(a laugh) —and certainly, if they were to have a competition at all, it should be an unrestricted competition, and a re moval of those burthens that now pressed on the °mu• piers and owners of the soil. Mr. STANHOPE had mixed much among the farmers of his county, and could assure the house that a great and permanent injury was sustained by the agriculturists of all classes since the year 1846 up to the present time. Labour had become cheaper and more difficult to procure, and what, he asked, did cheap food do for the people, when they had no employment ? and, if they had such employment, received low wages? He was sent to that house by the independent freeholders and tenant-farmers, and not by any of the great landed interest, and he would not sup. port any of the motions then before the house. Sir J. GRAHAM then begged leave to withdraw his motion, and it was withdrawn accordingly. TENANT RIGHT IN IRELAND. Mr. Sergeant SHEE obtained leave to bring in a bill on the subject of tenant right. In bringing up the bill some merriment was created at the expense of the hon. and learned gentleman, in consequence of his want of knowledge of the proper forms observed in bringing up a bill for which leave had been obtained. ADJOURNED DEBATE. The order of the day for resuming the adjourned debate was then read. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER saki that perhaps the house would, in conformity with what he had already said, allow him to withdraw the amendment of which he had given notice. The (Government) amenclinent was then formally with. drawn. Mr. BRIGHT took the opportunity of correcting au error which had got abroad in some papers, when he referred to the Lord Advocate's going to Lisburn. He was reported as having said that he went there under the protection of the Marquis of Londonderry, whereas it should have been the Marquis of Hertford. Mr. GLADSTONE said that he understood the Witte now before the house was the resolution, and the amend. ment of the noble viscount (Palmerston). That amendment had not, however, yet been laid upon the table of the house. Lord PALMERSTON then formally moved his own amendment : " That it is the opinion of this house that the improved condition of the country, and especially of the industrious classes, is mainly the result of recent legislation, which has established the -principle of unrestricted competition, has abolished taxes imposed for the purposes of protection. " That it is the opinion of this house that this policy, followed, maintained, and prudently extended, will best enable the industry of the country to bear its burdens, and thereby most assuredly promote the welfare and content went of the people. " That this house is ready to take into its consideration any measures consistent with those principles, which, in pursuance of her Majesty's Speech, may be laid before it by her Majesty's Ministers." Mr. BOOKER resumed the adjourned debate. He said he could not give his acquiescence to the amendment in the terms of the noble viscount (Palmerston). He regretted the course adopted by Government. The speech of the right hon. gentleman, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, the other night was a most masterly exposition of policy. He was a member of that country party which he always understood to be bound together by a principle—that prin - ciple he always understood to be protection to British in dustry and capital. He had always adhered to that prin ciple, and now he was called upon to recant the opinions of his whole life he hoped he might give a reason for the hope that was in him. He approved of the legislation of 1842. The subsequent years to 1845 were years of great national prosperity. In the year 1846 there was the wildest speculations ; in 1847 there was a collapse and convulsion which shook the commercial world•to its very centre. That took place under the boasted system of free trade. The year 1848 and 1849 exhibited great agricultural depression, -unknown in this country. They suffered to the extent of millions. That was under the boasted system of free trade. That continued until Providence opened the immense stores of metallic wealth, and so Providence, and not the recent legislation, had produced th e p resen t prosperity. He felt that the battle had been fought, and that they had been fairly beaten. But the discovery of metallic wealth, unexpected as it was, had produced, far more than recent legislation, the comforts the industrious classes were en joying. Feeling this, he could not support the amend ment of the noble viscount, yet he did not wish to embar rass Government, and he should, upon ques tions of their general policy, have his unreserved support. He was do termined to oppose the resolution. (Hear.) Mr. BERNAL OSBORNE said, that the supplemental debate which had just taken place was one of the most irregular that ever occurred in that house, and he hoped it pnireocemdheonrtfoofritnhofuTtuowree.r Hamlets(Hear.) His (sir hon. ri w g o h ul t dnot be made a friend the William Clay) was a most gentlemanly man----(a laugh)— a man of fine and susceptible feelings. The resolution had jarred upon his feelings. His resolution Was sicklied o'er with the pale cast of thought." (Laughter.) But if he brought these susceptibilities into that house, he would be more fitted to weep over the Sor rows of Weeder than to debate in that house. (A laugh.) But to the situation in which they stood at that moment. He had no hesitation, on reading those resolutions, as to the course which the house ought to adopt ; nor did he think the country would have any hesitation. This was not a question of words. (Hear.) The resolution was_thn foundation of the policy of Sir Robert Peel enunci:ftgui 1842, and completed in 1846. Now, he w" g e h n t e ,.and not se who considered what was wise and just of the what was agreeable to gentlemen on the an ot ri er side of the house. He was much surprised at the amendment_Palmerston), in which noble lord the member for Tiverton (Lord but he was still more surpr ised at speechthe e ot surprised at the it was conveyed. Some peopleso were rtot wet nurse of this ad noble lord, who, as he was and administer a mix turein and pat it on its back—(laught er)— concoction. (Renewed laughter.) He took ministration,they thought it not un tural that he should step of his own sof his speech ; sure he was that that side would. feel that his sentiments pexeocpepletiwonhotositthoen terms with gen tlemenof the house. He had were more united with the Treasury Bench than *th on his own ai de _ ad miration of the noble lord, and he had proved that feeling mariniwsthe4. hensamidi by his acts, and he, therefore, felt that he had a right to express his honest sentiments_ on the present occasion. gh t t ha h t s:e u b eh eett a ta w b e le nt to t° the f a politic course, but he must dissent from his assertion cflouersenowlles creditable ion that it was creditable. (Hear.) When he said that the hon me mber for Manchester (Mr. Bright) was making this a par ty question, who, he would ask, for six this a party question but th e noblelong years made He thought that was a little t lord and his colleagues? the conduct of the Protectionist much when he said that noble lord had chos en to make Party was creditable. The breaking up the unit e d o an amendment which by it was very natur a l that opinion on that !side of the house r his movement should be looked upon with a certain amount of suspicion. But if he was surprised at the speech of the noble lord, what was his surprise at hearing that delivered by the Proteus of the Administration. H characterise it by e could only saying that the audacity of assertion was only equalled by the fluency of the diction. (Hear.) He appeared to have taken a redoubted French author for his guide- (Laughter.) He did not allude to M. Thiers, but the French gamin, who, when he was asked what was the secret of his success, reiterated—audacity, audacity, audacity. (Loud laughter.) He had asserted that neither Lord Derby , nor himself had ' endeavoured to reverse free trade. (Hear, hear.) He would rather intimate that he was a Free-traderj. bnt, if he was, he was rather heavy in the carnal part. He had got up a history of the protection p ar ty and their course during the reminded last six years, that him very much of Hum e , e rts His speech might be looked apology for the Stun • Protectionist - for theparty, or rather upon as an apology he said, endeavour for himself. He did not, free there no agitation ? Was there no house in Bond-street taken for the purpose of disseminating tracts in favour of protection? What was the first movement of that gang ? (A laugh.) Now he hoped the house would bear with him, for this must b e a night of quotations. The Chancellor of the Exchequer and the Earl of Derby said they never encouraged ag itation. (Hear, hear.) N ow , f or what wartht 104 , 4 it 1 1 11 114 6 13 31 11 2:# 3 4 i