The Sun. — London, England, 1846-06-26 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, FAIDA EVENING, JUNE 26, 1846. tot an. Members opposed to a Coercion Bill should not give their votes in favour of it in consequence of the measures recently passed through that House, and that those who were in favour of it should not give their votes against it for the opposite reason. Nothing could be more reasons hie than the first part of the Right Ilonourable Baronet's proposition. He had yet to learn that any man would get up and say he would vote for a Coercion Bill because of a Com merce Bill which had passed that House, and totally irrespec tive of the merits of the Bill, the conduct of the Minister who had introduced it, and the claims he had on the confidence of the country. The Bill must be pre-erninartly considered a question of confidence, sad when they found that it invested the Government with a discretionary power, surely it could be considered in no other light. He would take the following as en illustration-, If the Govern ment, instead of corning down to that House with free-trade measures, and proposing that all restriction on the imeortation of food should c ase and be abolished, had come down to that House, and sought for a discretionary power to open the ports— he merely gave that as an illustration—it would be very evident to every Hon. Gentleman in that House, that, in so doing they would have asked for a larger power, and greater confidence than they had done with their present course; and he could choose no eistinction between a question of confi dence on the restriction of food over the liberties of a whole people. If thel were not prepared to intrust the Govern ment with such ',arise powers in oee case, neither were they prepared, unless they had the most perfect confidence in the Government, to invest them with a discretionary power to sus pend the constitutional liberties of seven millions of their fellow-subjects ; and, therefore, he thought that the Right Hon. Barone., in attempting to separate the present question from a questioei of confidence in the Government, indulged in a view of the question which the House would hardly suppart. He bed no vote to rescind on the present occasion, and although he sled not wish to vote against it, still he could not bring his mi'ad to vote in favour of the measure. Ile- had heard e.o much of the evils of a nominal protection that it had in some degree become the habit of his mind. He had applied this principle to the present Bill. There were two points which had not been spoken to in the present debate, which were first. whether this Bill would really pass ; and second, if it did pass whether it would be of any service at all. They had been called upon to pass the present Bill, on the round that if they threw It out it would give an impetus to agitation. T.-ie was not satisfied that all the means had yet been tried in order to put down a e outrages which existed, and 'protect life in Ireland. The 2d and 3d William IV. was treed in the county of Leitrim with success. In the other coreaties it had not been tried at all. He could not consent to terse present abrogation of the constitu tion, when in one comely at least the present law had been sue.cessful.—(Hear, hoar.) It was a bad policy to resort to extraordinary measures, when the ordinary ones had not been tried. Unti's they had tried the present law, it was most unfair to suspend the constitutional liberties of a whole nation, The Right Hon. Baronet said the measure was only a tot:deal r emedy, and not to be applied to all Ireland. If it were he laid stress on that character of the rues sure, they muse look to those long resident in the five coun ties whether "such a remedy would be effectual. He thought that all t'etese who were connectedwith those counties from long ties, tend had intimate knowledge, would be found going against the measure. Every one must admit that it would produe'4 great alienation of feeling, and they ought to pause and e irasider whether the good to be obtained would counter balr Ace the evil. He, at least , would say .that as a native of Jre *lend, a resident in that country, and a magistrate, that he ...Quid not consent to the measure.—( Hear, hear, and cheers.) Be considered it would be impossible to carry out the curfew clauses of the Bill. The provision was totally impracticable. The Bill was totally inapplicable to the country, and that clause particularly which enacted that the people should be confined in their houses from sunset to sunrise. He himself could not enforce it in his own county. He would feel it, therefore, to be his duty to oppose the second reading of the Bill. There was a reason, however, for the increase of crime in Ireland which those around him would readily understand.—(Hear, hear.) He traced it to the failure in the potato crop. The people found famine staring them in the face, and the consequence was the outrages that swelled the returns, but they ought not, in fairness, to be set down to the crdinary condition of thepeople. He had no hesitation in bearing his testimony to the conduct of the first Minister, and in stating that the measures taken by the Right Hon. Baronet to meet that state of things were more effective in warding off the distress and the evils than any Coercion Bill.—( Hear.) However imperative it might be in them to show the necessity of sometimes sacrificing their old opinions, still, after the miserable exhibition which had been seen that session, he did not regret having said at its commencement that he owed unfettered allegiance to party. The usages and laws of that House had been constructed with reference to two great parties, and because there had been mere than two he believed that those laws were inefficacious, and would remain so. He might say that if herealiter he should have to vote for coercive baeasures, and he did not mean to say that it might never Come, he should not regret having been able to advocate a milder policy ; and if he should hereafter have to labour with those whom he was now to assist in throwing out of office, in any opacity under them he should not labour the less cheerfully for being compelled to express his want of con fidence in therm at present, and to record his vote against them now. Mr. VESEY feared that he should appear to some disad vantage at this part of the debate, but he could not remain any e longer silent. Neither could he refrain from expressing bis concurrence in the testimony of praise to the Right Hon. Secretary' for the Home Department ; but further than t " he. could not go, for, as an Irish proprietor, he could 34 .„„ 1 1 , 0 way accede to the necessity of this Bill.—(Hear, hear. ) sie should go on two grounds, one was the necessity, and the other was the policy of this Bill. If ho admitted the police reports he was bound to say that there was great reason shown for the severe measures which were projected against Ireland. But in stating thus much he must call the attention of the House to the fact that. instead of the five Counties those reports had reference to the whale of the country, and in the speech of the Right Hon. Baronet it was evident that he had merged the five counties in the whole of the country, so that there was no sufficient reason for the applica tion of the Bill to the whole of the country. He could state a fact which occurred five years ago, and tl;is was in particular reference to the most objectionable part of the Bill, but one which ought to have been included, viz., the security for the witnesses. This was a case which occur red when he was empannelled on the Grand Jury, when a ' man was . ' brought forward whose bouse had been attacked by pa rty ut inrch for arms; and ot only had he stated when a 3rc: before the Grand Jury, that if he gave evidence his life w o uld be indang bu his brother was brought before the jury he fell upo n er his t knees hen and entreated that he might not be compelled to give evidence. It had again been urged that other remedies might be applied for this state of things. He was glad to see the remedies 'which had been introduced by the Noble Lord the Secretary fir Ireland. It bad been urged that special commissions, increase of the constabulary, and other means or. that sort, might be beneficial in checkin g present state. Special Commissions had b een tried in vain l'a Queen's County, for at the very time a Special Com- Thiseion was sitting in that county some of the foulest murders W.-ere committed. Lord Grey had introduced his famou s W t nereion measure in consequence of the report of a Committee of that House appointed to inquire into the disturbed state of Ireland. A great cause of the prevalence of crime in Ireland was the sympathy of the people with those who committed offences. If it was not sympathy in all cases , it was at l e ast a vv ent of readiness to assist in the detection of cffending parti es. t et them destroy that feeling of sympathy if they hoped to improve i i the condition of the country. The provisions of the Bill would operate to some entent in altering this state of things. He did not agree with the Hon. Member for Northamptonshire, that if the curfew clause was passed no Than would be safe. If +.7nat Hon. Member would read it aright, he would find t,'eat no person would be affected unless they sao were actually oo.'s at night, and could not give a satis etry account of the business on which they were engaged. tie now turned t' e t h e C omm itt ee w hich reported on th e ' state td . Ireland in l geo which was composed principally of liberal Members. `That Committee reported that protection should be givens to life and property, and that measures should be taken etc put down Whiteboyism and nocturnal outrages . The nor.. Member here quoted several extracts from the evidence te:a . en before that Committee, all of which went to show the great disturbance which then prevailed, and the necessity which existed for its suppression. Though this might fail in effectually stopping the disturbances, it would yet have a great effect in preventing those combinations for criminal purposee which were now so rife. The Hon. Gentleman then quoted an extract from the speech of Sir William Smith, whose opinions were strongly in favour of the Bill. He would beg to call to recollection a speech of his Right Hon. Friend, in which he had thanked the Government, and in that speech he pleaded that fathers and mothers of fami lies might go to bed in peace, with the assurance that them selves and their families would not be awakenedby the midnight ,Thurderer ; and he called u p on his Hon. Friend to g ive a cordial, nonourahle, and impartial support to the Government, notwith standing the difference which existed between him and them. Mr. HUME &II not expect to hare to address the House, for he fully expected that the Bill would have been witisdravvn. Yet he nevertheless could not help congratulating the House on the change of opinion which had taken place with respect to coercion Bills. He did remember the time when, in a House of 560 Members, all the opposition that they could muster, English, Scotch, and Irish, was only comprised in the numberr hadof 89 Members, The case was now greatly changed, hoped that it would have been more changed, for when he referred to the speeches of the Right Honourable Baronet (Sir James Graham) at the end of last session, he found that conciliation marked every sentence of those speeches. The Right Hon. Baronet had spoken of times one by. th 1-le (Mr. H u me) remembered greater outrages i g n Ireland an any which the Right Hon. Baronet bad adduced. He would call the attention of the House to the state of Ireland in 1823, and recall his expression of opinion, which was decidedly against the present measure. What had been stated in that House by Sir Henry Parnell? Sir H. Parnell had said that if by a long course of ill treatment we had made that country a nation of slaves, all their coercive measures would not remove the effects of that bad treatment. That country had all along been governed by a system of Protestant oppression, and in order t o s h o w that he could refer to the penal enactments against the Catholics, which precluded them from filling the Meanest offices in the kingdom. They war© precluded :rem any offices connected with the law, and were even precluded from filling the situations of officers in the army and navy; and though these enactments had been repealed, still their effect remained to a considerable exten t, and were a very gr source of annoyance to the Irish Catholics. What with Co ercion Bills, the Arms Act, and other coercive enactments, with the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act, land had had hardly ever been allowed to remain in a situation in which the more proper and cultivated feelings of the people could be developed. The present system of govern ment was rendered, by a party feeling , an uniform sy stem of oppression upon the Catholics. If he looked through the whole of Lord Grey's appointments , he would find thee greater part of them were what be called Orange appointments. Under these circumstan ces, was it surprising that Irishmen should be dead to the fee lin g s of p atrio tism , and indifferent to the l aws which were nom inall y for their benefit? And that feeling would never b e removed until her Maj- s ty' s m oven . , 'Tient chose to carry out t hose p rofessions which the y had given last session, and adopt those measures of conciliation which only were calculated to restore peace and tranquillity to Ire land.painful The effect of the pinraesitsin.t siy4lsrtem,„asdiiilt notmt only affect . Ireland, it was felt in Eng co n t em pl a te the mass of misery, destitution, and crime which existed in Ireland, and for the relief of which England was compelled to use resources which ought, to be applied to diffe rent objects ? lie repeated. that the evil would never be was got rid of u n til the present system of religious persecutiou abolished, and the Cathol c was made, in every respect of civil right, equal to any other member if the community, who might be of a persuasion more favourable in the eyes of the country. If the Hen. Gentleman the Member for Northampton. and the Noble Lord the Member for Lynn, acted with regard to Ire land upon the same principles of j us tice which they wished for England, they might be sure of comman ding the affections of of the Irish people. The true way of c onciliating the people Ireland was to place them en the came footing as the Scotch and English people. What was wanted was, really to carry out the union between the two coon ries. He had always been op posed to a repeal of the Union, but his desire was that it should be a hours fide, and not a parchment union. The difference between a free man and a slave was the participation of equal rights and privileges by the former, and the Irish people would never be free till the laws under which they lived were the sante as those enjoyed by the residents of this country. There was nothing in the institutions of Ireland that the people need care to preserve. They were entirely at the mercy of a few, whose benefit .the lota had been framed,. end not (Or tin • advantage of the great body of the people.—( Hear, hear.) Tha people of Ireland abroad were as well disposed and as industrious as the English or Scotch ; why, then, were they in their own country the wild beasts they had been represented to be shooting and murdering each other ? It was the had state of the law, and the way in which the Legislature had acted to wards them. He had a return in his hand, from which it ap peared that the four counties in which the greatest number of mud hovels prevailed, was Kerry, Mayo, Clare, and Co-k, while in all the other counties a large proportion of the dwellings were of the same character. The Hon. Gentleman here read several extracts from the return in question, show ing that in those counties where the greatest number of mud cabins prevailed, and where the people were most crowded to gether, the minuet of crime and outrage was the greatest. These returns would (the Hon. Member continued) suffi ciently show that poverty was at the root of a great deal of the evil, omplained of. But poverty was not the only cause —there was also the question of tenant-right. Lord Devon's Commission showed that the eviction of tenants was a fruitful source of much of the outrage and crime that abounded. Poverty and bad laws were at the bottom of Irish grievances, and, milers they grappled with these, no coercion law would be found availing to counteract crime and to protect property. Let them give the Irish people confidence in the law, and they would soon be found as good subjects as were the people of either England or Scotland. On these grounds be should vote against the second reading of the Bill. Viscount NEWPORT would vote against the Bill. not from a desire of continuing opposition to her Majesty's Government, but because he thought it a most dangerous and irritating mea sure. lie found all the Irish Members on the opposite side of the House against the Bill, and that they were divided in opinions on this side of the House. This was some evidence that the Bill was one which should not be agreed to by the House. if this meas . re were of so vital importance, as it was professed to be, it should have been brought forward and pro ceeded with before any other measure. if they really thought that the lives of the people of Ireland stood in need of protec tion they would not have treated the measure as one of an or dinary nature. The Bill was a most unconstitutional one, he would, therefore, oppose it. Lord CLAUDE HAMILTON was surprised to see the Noble Lord the Member for Lynn prompt the last Noble Speaker.—(No, no. ) If the Noble Lord denied it, he would then withdraw his observations, It was quite impossible for him as an Irish Member to give his vote iu favour of the Bill. He felt, however, that it was his painful duty to do so. He had listened to all the arguments which had been brought for ward on the present occasion, but he had heard nothing that had the effect of altering his opinions upon the subject of the necessity for these stringent measures. On a former occasion, there was no disposition in the House similar to that which influenced it on the present occasion, and induced it to slur over, as it had done, the accounts of the disturbed state of Ireland. He thought the circumstance was only attributable to the great height to which party feeling was allowed to operate upon the minds of Hon. Gentlemen on both sides of the House. It was more than three years since great complaints were made to the Government for keeping a great number of troops in Ireland ; the constitutional susceptibility of some Hon. Members ap peared to have changed considerably since that period, for they had asked the Government why, instead of pressing their mea sure, they did not increase their military force in that country. He (Lord Hamilton) contended that the proposed measure would be less oppressive than the keeping up of large bodies of troops, who would be paraded about the country. He denied the statement which had been made by the Hon. Member for Montrose (Mr. Hume), that the policy of the Government had been a one-sided policy, favourable to Protestants. lie defied the Hon. Member to put his finger upon a single Act which, during the last five -years, had been passed by the Government having that tendency. He could refer to a num ber of Bills, the 3laynotith Bill, the Bequests Acts and others which were of the very reverse nature. It was a very ordinary argument that all the evils of Ireland owed their origin to the legislation of that House. If that argu ment were good, he would ask why did not all Ireland present, the same symptoms, inasmuch as every part of it was governed by the same laws ? Every one, however, knew that such was not the case. A great stress was also laid upon the -tenant right in Ulster, without which, it was said by the Hon. Members for Armagh and Cork that that province would be exactly in the same situation as the other parts of Ireland where outrages existed. Ile denied this, and contended that the arrangement of what was called the tenant right was not a compact bei %Well the landlord and tenant. The only ground on which it rested was the expectation on the part of the in coming tenant that in case he should leave,the land he would be repaid the amount which he had paid to his predecessor. This, however, could not exist in Tipperary, inasmuch as there was no money paid by the tenant going into possession of his holding, nor did he think that the moral state of feeling which prevailed there would tolerate the existence of such a usage. Every attempt had been made to improve the moral and social condition of the people, but it was all to no purpose. Legis lation had been tried in vain, and he thought that nothing re mained but coercion. The Noble Lord concluded by defending the landlords of Ireland, whom he considered a very ill .used set of men ; who if they were permitted to carry out their benevo lent intentions towards the people of Ireland, would, in a short time, cause a far different state of things to exist in that un happy country. Mr. C. BULLER thought this was a subject on which they ought to have been spared the declamation of the Noble Lord who had just sat down, and it seemed to him that if they con tented themselves, like the Noble Lord, with merely looking to the moral depravity of the people, without endeavouring to apply a remedy to the grievances under which they laboured, their condition would never be much improved. A few nights ago he made a few observations in reply to the Hon. Member for Bath, and he then took an opportunity of saying that he. had, in the year 1833, when he was then but a young Member of that House, opposed the Coercion Bill of Lord Grey. On one part of the question he went entirely with his Hon. and Learned Friend in deprecating the personality which Lad cha racterised the present debate. He thought it odious that these personalties should have been made. And more odious that such a determination should have prevailed to affix them to any private individual.—(Hear, hear.) He was of opinion, taking everything into account, that the circumstances which had oc curred had arrested the Were ion of the House to the condition of Ireland, and would be productive of a better state of feel ing and a new state of legislation towards that country. He would now state his objection to the Bill. He thought that, as a measure of coercion, it was exceedingly paltry, and very ill adapted for the state of things which prevailed in Ireland. If the country was in a state of insurrection, he could see the policy of confining men in their houses from sunset to sunrise, but it was admitted on all sides that the country,was not in such a condition. One thing was most remarkable, namely, that during the last fifteen years the generality of crimes of a tumultuous nature had decreased, except in the case of rob beries of arms, far which they might thank their own Arms Bill, which appeared to him to be a most efficient means of giving to the lawless the knowledge of houses where arms were placed. But crimes of assaults en individuals had greatly increased in proportion as the former class of crimes had di minished. How were they by an Act to shut up the people from sunset to sunrise to prevent noonday murders? It was an old and a stale question ; but still it had never been an swered.—( Hear, hear.) He believed that the clauses of the Act were by no means calculated to repress those outrages. Under the Government of Lord Normanby—at least at its com mencement —crime was infinitely greater than it was at pre sent. Lord Normanby commenced by endeavouring to obtain the confidence of the people, and he obtained the confidence of their aeknowleged leaders ; and what was the result ? Crime had, at the commencement of Lord Fortescue's Government, gradually and steadily decreased, until it was not one-half of what it was when Lord Norrnanby commenced. Lord Nor manby, however, did not attribute that diminution to the effect of his policy. He attributed it to the effect of a Coercion Bill which was in preparation, and which, he ad mitted never came into operation, and lie, therefore, afterwards was in favour of coercive measures. If it had, however, been the terror of the Coercion Bill which operated on the people, the terror would be greater immediately after the passing of the Bill and before it came into operation. Crime would have diminiabed at first, but when the people became freed from those terrors, crime would break out again. That was, how ever, shown not to be the case ; for immediately after the pass ing of the Act crime at once increased to a frightful extent, and continued increasing with great rapidity for some time after. It did not seem to him that, even when they had ad vanced so far into the nature of the remedies which should be applied to Ireland, that they had got to the bottom of the problem. They had yet to devise some means of giving a per manent remedy to that country. They had had repeated in quiries in that House, and repeated reports of Commissions, and they all agreed that crime and outrage in Ireland arose from agrarian causes, and to the utter dependance of the Irish peasant on the cultivationof land, and his adherence to that cul tivated land which he had tilled in the midst of the wilderness around him, and the destitution which necessarily resulted from his ejection from it. He would quote from an authority wh.cli be feared might be disagreeable to many around him, but which certainly was a good one on this subject. He alluded to Mr. Foster, the Times commissioner, and he found, in one of his first letters, that in the county of Cavan, disturbances arose from two particular cases of ejection, of which he gave the circumstances. He also traced these risings to the same cause in other places; and, on the contrary, gave instances of the perfect security with which those who acted the part of good landlords night traverse the country. All the best authorities in Ireland, all the best informed travellers, and indeed every one who knew anything of Ireland, agreed that the outrages of the poor arose from the outrages on the poor. He admitted that the sympathy of the people with these who committed agrarian outrages was a most hor ribly perverted feeling, but it was their duty to attempt to remedy it, and not to spend their time in declamation, but to go at once to the root of the evil, and to remove it. lie could not see how they could ever put an end to these outrages with out providing for the people the security which the people of every other Christian country in the world enjoyed. Let them look at the condition of the peasantry In every other country in the world, and they would find that there was no other country in the world in which the peasantry could be ejected at the caprice of the rich man. In foreign countries the peasants security was partly in the proprietorship of the soil. Even the serf of Russia could not be left to starve by his master, and in England the existence of the peasant was secured by the poor-law. Yet in this kingdom Mr. Gerrard had turned out 800 men because he thought he should make a few hundreds more by the substitution of bullocks instead of men. But the case was different with respect to Ireland. Since the time when the old Norman Barons used to starve their serfs when it served their purpose, there was no country in which the peasantry had been worse treated than in Ireland.—( Hear, hear.) They could not get rid of the population of Ireland, or cut up the estates of the landed proprietors among them, and the only alternative left them was to cart y out the principle of the English poor-law.—( Hear, hear.) No other remedy would meet the evil. He knew there would be great difficulty in ex tending the English poor-law to Ireland, as the danger would be the confiscation of all property to support the people ; they should, therefore, in passin f g r s e u m ch a le la i t n v g , t t a h k e e_ p care l t e o . ac i rT e rn k p t a w n w y it with efficient measures ;s hall p by employing the eop eo le to culti vatethig such g a plan ') as the Devon s n , g . on so . Commission no better way The r i so d n e l s e hould b ' is to cultivate the improv the waste ol la ' t l i o d i i b t e c c a n cn d e on t e o w a i t s e r e n s o e r d t t i d f L p t a e i •e i 1. able land ita hear.)the ryas E l v ' e i l t u u l c e i ti f i d adverse to granting a sum of mousy Grants of money ment were applied to, It ould ninottiihse,vrahyewhwie•alsi it had been done with the West India planters. might be made to enable the lan ded proprTe. torsTthey s oiin i p i r o o u s i l their ed a t ee , an d t h en to employ the peol also do all they could to encourage the flow into Ireland. But, with all retnedial measures of this kind, But there there must be an e ffi c i ent poor-law.of English caeital must be some thinglan d. different from legislation n m p a r t o e iri rit h d t i o r , i; a 3 r, e s m employed to pacify Ire. been most unsatisfactory. '1 Irelandhd hitherto which the people did notbelieve, and been subjected to irrespon siblepression. These muste authorities, which had been the remedied,Ti e fo t r ta t d hea s s uff w e p r l e ll d as f - m n as a u c r h e. if t th ke i n n continual cause of op eeo.eftyllee Government for finding food and employment sitting down advert to the policy of her P in any towards Ireland. No one could accuse hitn i very uncompromising mariner the Governmen°tP;P"sia" re gretted to say that their measures in relation to Irelandmhateine ever good in themselves, had lost half their value in the ow e . in which they had been introduced. Messenizers from the Lords now entered the House with the Corn Bill, to which their Lordships had agreed. Their advent was hailed by general cheering. Mr. C. BULLER, on noticing their entrance, expressed the gratification which be experienced from such and so welcome an interruption.—(Loud cheers. )—He thought, too, that it would now be ungracious if, after this occurrence, he raid s word ram agairat lan Nriieltie Illiailtter§r(Ggot cheering)—so far as their Irish measures were concerned. He could only deeply regret that the Bill now under discus sion should have been an exception to the policy by which, during the present session, they had so touch and so wisely consulted the goodwill of the country.--(Cheers. )—He further deeply regretted that it should have been his for tune, and that of Honourable Gentlemen on that side of the House, to be compelled to give, on this occasion, a vote which might be fatal to the existence of the Government— ( Hear, hear. )—He said this sincerely, from the bottom of his heart, and he regreted that such should be the effect of his vote. Without affecting any adherence to those gentle men, he might say he felt acutely the ungraciousness of ap pearing 10 select the moment when they bad conferred so signal a service upon the nation, at the same time at a stcrifice on their own part—(Loud cheers)—to join in a vote of which such might he the effect, concurrently with those gentlemen who desired to punish the Government for the good they had done to the country. —(Cheers.) But-he could not help it. It was no fault of theirs (the Oipposition) that this Coercion Bill was introduced.—(Cheers.) Were the matter other than what it was, he would be willing to abstain from opposition to the Government ; but any measure marking their policy to wards Ireland was of far too serious a nature, and too important in its consequences, to be made the occasion of a compliment to the Ministers. Cheers.) He knew that the Right Hon. Baronet had looked all this fairly in the face, and that• when he came forward with a great measure which would hand him down to posterity—(Cheers)—and which at present endeared him to the hearts of the people of this country—(Cheers)—he had properly estimated the personal sacrifice at which his object was to be accomplished—("Hear" from Sir R. Peel)—the penalty which was to be paid i❑ the loss of power.—(" Hear, hear," from Sir R. Peel. ) He (Mr. C. Bullet) had in 1833, when a measure very similar to this was introduced, and when his assent was asked to it . by a Minister who had established the most solemn claim to the gratitude of the English people---lie alluded to Earl Grey, who, immediately after the passing of the Reform Bill, sub mi such a measure to the Reformed Parliament—he had voted against it and against Earl Grey. He now would vote against this measure and against the Right Hon. Baronet.— (Cheers. ) It somewhat diminished the pain with which he should give this vote to think that, by rejecting this Bill, they would mark an important and a new era in their legislation for Ireland. It would be the first instance of the demands of a Government for coercive power in Ireland being rejected by that Mouse.—(Cheers.) Let. him trust that such a rejection would effectually prevent a like demand being ever again made from the Imperial Parliament.—( Loud cheers.) CORN AND CUSTOMS BILLS-MESSAGE FROM THE LORDS, Messengers from the House of Lords brought up these two Bills, along with several others, which they declared their Lordships had passed without amendment. The SPEAKER then read from the chair that the Corn and, Customs Bill 3 hal been passed by the House of Lords, without aineatiment.—(The announcement was received with tremendous cheering. ) Mr. BANKES said the Parliament had been assembled for five er six months, yet this matter, which had been mentioned in her Majesty's speech its of pressing importance, bad been delayed till the present time—(Hear, hear)—such had been the progress of the Bill. With respect to those who voted for the first reading, he must say that that was no ex press sanction of the Bill, as the usual course was, with a Bill in that stage of its proceeding, and coming from the House of Lords, to allow it as a matter of course. This, therefore was the first decided vote on the principle of the Bill in that House, though five months after its intreduction.—( Cries of " Hear, hear.") He believed the Ministry had no intention of carrying the Bill, even though they carried the second reading. it was well known that even now the Go vernment was perishing by self-combustion, and that three days would witness their dissolution.—( Hear, hear; and pro. tection cheers.) The Government well knew, even if they could carry the secon dreading of the Bill, that they would live but two or three days, and therefore they can have no intention whatever of carrying the measure. Such was the position of the Bill and of the Government. He could not conceive how a Government was justified in putting the country in a state of excitement, and detaining the time of Parliament, seeing they had no power whatever of carrying it into effect. At the beginning of the session, when he was told by the Government, as the Execu ive Government, that the measure was neces sary for the safety of Ireland, he decided to support them, and had they shown a disposition to push the Bill forward, it would have still had his cordial support. They had not, however, proved themselves sincere, and he could no longer support them. In a conversation with an eminent lawyer in Ireland (Mr. Brewster) which he had at the beginning of the year, he then expressed himself, that though he had much to complain of the Executive Govern ment, he would, if they were sincere, support the Coercion Bill. At a subsequent meeting of those who acted with the Noble Lord (Lord George Bentinck) it was also agreed on that, if the Government really showed a disposition to push the Bill forward and thought it necessary, they would support it. That decision was intimated to the House at the time. But they thought in consequence of the delay in bringing the measure forward, that it was intended only as a political tool between two contending parties. ; and very naturally doubted the sincerity of the Government in speaking of the im minent necessity, or, as the Right Hon. Baronet had called it, "dire necessity." It had been said the present measure was to be tried by evidence. He quite agreed in that opinion, and he would call his first witnesses from the Treasury bench, whose evidence against the Bill was their delay in bringing it forward. The second witnesses which he would call were the Irish Members, and their evidence was entirely against the measure. With such witnesses and with such evidence he and the party with whom he acted could not but consider it their duty to oppose the Bill. He thought the Government were mistaken in their opinions of the state and remedies for Ireland. Was it for him, and the parties with whom he acted, to confer these unconstitutional powers on a Ministry just on the eve of dissolution, and in whom they had no confidence?-- (Cheers.) It had been said, why did we not at first propose a vote of censure, and then dispose of the Bill before the House ? And, in his opinion the Hen. Member for Birming ham (Mr. Sooner) coincided. He would ask that Hon. Member whether he would think it adviphle for him (Mr. Bankes) to propose in that House, upon the present occasion, a vote of censure on the Government, or join in an address to her Majesty, praying her to remove her present advisers, and immediately afterwards place in the hands of those same persons these unconstitutional powers—powers which should not be placed in the hands of any person, except in those in whom they had unlimited confidence ? Or, would the Hon. Member prefer the adoption of a course by which a vote of censure would be proposed at a subsequent stage of the mea sure ? He did not think that would at all alter their situation. He objected to placing, by any means, or in any way, such power in the hands of pessans in whom he had no confidence.—(Loud cheers.) With reference to the measure itself he would ask the Noble Lord the Secretary for Ireland, if there bad been any period since the Bill was first introduced up to ti.e present time, that the provisions yf the Act would have been carried into effect, supposing the Bill had passed into a law ? If not, then he would say there was no necessity for the measure. If, however, he should be told that there was a period when the Act would have come into operation, then nothing could justify the criminal delay in bringing this measure forward. Under all these circumstances he considered it would be dangerous and improper to give such delicate powers to persons who did not possess the confidence of that House. Mr. SPOONER said his Hon. Friend the Member for Dor setshire had appealed to him on this question, and he (Mr. Spooner) assured him that he did not feel the slightest difficulty in ans.cering him, although his Hon. Friend thought he had placed him in a very difficult position. He could not admit .that he was in a difficult position. He greatly doubted whether the result would not prove that the lion. Member for Dorsetshire was himself in a difficult position. His Hon. Friend had rested his opposition to this measure, not upon the positive fact of its not being necessary, but he inferred its non necessity from the conduct of the Ministers. 1-1.3 had like wise rested his opposition to this measure upon his want of confidence in the Ministers ; and then he alluded to it in the usual way—to the test of a want of confidence in Ministers— namely, an address to the Crown expressing that to be the opinion of the House—and he (Mr. Spooner) cheered, that allusion and that cheer brought forth the appeal. Now, his Hon. Friend asked him whether he was prepared to vote no confi dence in Ministers, and whether he was ready to vote in favour of the Government of the country going into other hands? Now he ( Mr. S.) believed that that would be a perfectly constitutional and Parliamentary course. He did not rest his support of this measure upon the state in which Ministers were at the present moment. If his Hon. Friend app, aled to that as a wit nes f or . _ the necessity of the measure, he (Mr. Spooner) would appeal to the statements then lying on the table of that House. He did not trust simply to the declaration of Ministers. He ap appealed to the statements of crime upon the table of the House ; and, after a careful inspection of these documents, he felt bound to grant the measure his support, as he believed it to be essential for the preservation of life and property in Ire land.—( Hear, hear.) His Hon. Friend had likewise said that he appealed to the Irish Members on the other side of the House, and all of them had declared . that the measure was not necessary ; and even if necessary it would be found to be ineffi cient.—(Cheers from the Opposition side of the House.) He (Mr. Spooner) appealed to all Hon. Members on his own side of the House ; and, on the contrary, every one of them had declared that the measure was necessary ; and they told the House that the moral effect of refusing this measure would be tremendous in Ireland. Increase of crime, and more out rages would, in their opinion, bo the result ; the rejection of this measure would be an encouragement to the murderer.—( Hear, hear, and No, no.) They had told them, that the most serious consequences would follow the rejection of this measure, sad he (Mr. Spooner) would say, that he had had the opportunity of conversing with many of the Hon. Members from Ireland, and particularly with one who had just returned from Ireland, and he assured bins, that the well. disposed people of th► t country, apprehended with the greatest dismay, the rejection of this measure—that its rejec tion would, in fact, most seriously endanger the peace of Ire. land.—(Hear, hear.) Those apprehensions were particularly en►ertained by those who were called the Canservative party in Irelani.—( Ironical cheers.) They said that if the House of Commons rejected this measure, they believed that it wculd be a triumph to one party in Ireland, whilst it would sink the other into dismay, and that the consequences were such as the Members of that House could not anticipate._(hear, hear.) And lie must say that those friends of the Conserva tive party in Ireland who sat. on his side of the House had just reason to complain—that having stood by the English Member in the battle which they had recently fought for protection to native industry—having fairly supported them through all the arduous struggles in which they had been recently engaged— ( Ironical cries of " Hear, hear," and laughter)—he thought that they had a just reason to complain that they had not even been consulted with regard to their views upo❑ this measure. It was first intimated to them that it was the intention of the. Noble Lord the Member for Lynn, and those who acted with him, to vote for the measure, as they conceived it to be essential to the peace and prosperity of Ireland.—(Hear, hear.) Ile (Mr. Spooner) confessed that when the Noble Lord rose in his place, and stated, on behalf of himself and those who usually acted with hies, that it. was the intention of self and his friends to vote against it, it happened that he (Mr. Spooner) did not happen to be informed of that intention, and he did confess that he was strongly tempted at the time to ge t up and disclaim any such intention on his own part.-_ (Laugh ter.) The Noble Lord had no right to represent h at it was his (Mr. Spooner's) intention to vote against the Bill. He was glad that he did not rise at, the moment to check the Noble Lord, for the delay had given him time coolly to con sider what opinion he should entertain and ex2ress, of which it might afterwards be difficult to get rid. He had given this measure a cool, and calm, and indifferent consideration.— (Cries of " Oh ! Oh ! ") He had seen that this measure was first of all considered necessary by the majority of that House. li e h a d s een, too, hove the measure was received in the House of Lords. He had searched the records of that House, and he found that its unanimous consent was given to the measure. He found that those Noble Lords of that highly powerful party —that influential party in the other House—(Oh, oh )—who unusually acted in unison with Members on the other side of that House of Commons voted for it. He contended, then, that this measure was recommended in a manner which ought to call for such a support from the Members of the House of Commons as to suffer it at least to go into Committee.—(Hear, hear.) He likewise conceived that those who had voted for the first reading of the measure were called upon to vote for it in its subsequent stages. As a general principle, he admitted that the H ouse was not bound to do so on every Bill—that was to say, with regard to Bills which were allowed to be read a first time as a matter of 4 fa c ligeg u i cen ,flurse. And had they not gone into " g. " '" 4 # 0 1 . 9 11eilinhaii they iwt the Whole principle debated fully for five n'ghts prior to its first reading— he should have admitted that the Members of that House might change their votes on this the second reading. But when he remembered how colnplesely its merits and demerits had been canvassed—when after a lengthy debate they had been called upon to give their deliberate judgment and opinion upon the measure, and they had accordi ng ly recorded their votes—he did say, although he did not pretend to dictate to lion. Members, that they were pledged by the votes which they had already given. They were bound in consistency to take good care and examine whether any circumstances had arisen since they voted fir its firstreading—whether anything had taken place to justify them changing their votes, and now turn round short, and without any reason vote against the second reading. Something had already happened, probably, to justify that change.—( An ironical c h eer .) Il e un d e r s tood that cheer — it, alluded to circum s ta n c es w hi c h h a d v ery recently taken place—it alluded to the present :position of the Ministers-- —( Hear, hear. ) But - was that sufficient to justify them in voting against, the second reading, after having voted for the first? What did the recent change of the position of Minis ters involve? It involved the Members of the House in this difficulty, that. if they consented to withhold their vote in favour of the measure, because of the delay occasioned by the Mt nesters, why then did they give their first vote in favour of the measure ?—( Hear.) If the measure had been delayed unnecessarily by the Ministers, was that a reason why it should be rejected ? When Ministers had at length brought it for ward a second time, ought it to be rejected because of the delay ? He conceived that the measure ought to be preyed forward with all convenient speed. Ile knew the difficulties under which Ministers were labourieg at the present thement. His remembered an expression of the Noble Lord the Member for Lynn, which was to the effect, that the blood of every mur dered person rested upon the heads of the Ministers if they suffered any unnecessary delay. Ile (Mr. Spooner) woul4 ask the Noble Lord what he now thought of that expression, and whether, upon the mere ground that Ministers had hitherto delayed the measure, lie was justified in carrying out that delay, and if he did not consider that the blood of every murdered man in Ireland hereafter would rest upon the head of himself and those who voted against it ? (Hear, hear.) He (Mr. Spooner) would not give his vote upon this occasion merely for a party purpose —he was quite sure that he need not. say that-4 Laughter ) because his position would clear him of such a charge. He could not consent to Make Ireland the battle field of party.—(Cheers. ) Ile could not consent to lend himself to any measue that had merely for its object a change of administration—( hear, hear) —when he saw that life and property in Ireland was left unprotected. He could not, refuse giving his assent to a measure like this, wltich he really believed would have the effect of giving greater security to life and property. After a delibet ate judgment, and the beat consideration he could give to the measure, he must say that he conscientiously believed it to be imperatively called for. —( Hear, hear. ) No party considerations or motives would in fluence him in the vote which he was about to give. Ile would ask his Hon. Friend the Member for Dorsetshire whether his vote was given under similar circumstances? The vote of that Hon. Member it appeared would be a vote of no confidence in the Ministry, and one of confidence in the Nob s, Lord, the Member for London.—( Rear, hear.) Had the Hon. Member forgotten the conduct of the late Government with respect to the Irish Church ? Had he forgotten the appropt ia tion clause ?—( Hear, hear.) Had he forgotten the manner in Was lt e prepared ad to tried t con sent which that party h a d con d uc t e d t h emse l ves with regard to t t party to o their ca t rash he policy? Conservatives? The hte , Government i govern Ireland by concessions which were dangerous to the safety of the Protestant Church. Concessions which had beets found only to call for further concessions.— ( Hear.) Whilst they tried to conciliate a particular party, they left unpretected and unguarded the people of Ireland.— (Question.) And that was a charge which had been brought against the Noble Lord by the very party that he had served. Much had been said about the delay of her Majesty's Ministers with regard to this measure, and that it ought to be withdrawn, because crime had decreased since it was originally brought forward—a point which he was not willing to concede. But even supposing that crime had since decreased, that did riot show the moral effect which it had had upon the people of Ire land. Would not the measure for the preservation of life and property be wanted during the ensuing and future winters?— ( Hear, hear.) He conceived, that if tl.ey wished to pacify Ireland they must first of all apply coercive and then conciliatory measures. If he bad refused to give his support to this measure, after the statements which had been laid before the House, he should have considered him self to have grossly abandoned his defy. It was not his cus tom to trespass long upon the attention of the House—(Oh, oh)—and he should, therefore, briefly conclude by assuring the House that he would be quite prepared hereafter to give his support to any measure of relief to Ireland, by whatsoever 'Member itmight be brought forward.—(Cheers.) Whatever might be the suns proposed for the substantial relief of Ireland, he should most willingly vote for the grant. They most take into consideration the condition of that country, for which God had done so much and man so little and if they did, they would find the Irish people would evince their proverbial gratitude and appreciation of the kindness dis played towards them. - Mr. SHEIL—Sir, necessity is sometimes the bane of the best Government, and of a bad one, very frequently the worst pretence ; and in this instance that it is a pretence and not an argument, I have risen for the purpose of showing. I consider that the criminality of Ireland is the result of that treatment which has been applied to her by those who now propose the present measure as a remedy for it, and that, consequently, the argument they have drawn from the necessity of the case is a bad one. Following out this view, I shall have occasion to animadvert, in the remarks I am about to make, on the policy which the Government has for some time past pursued with regard to Ireland. Often has it been my lot to condemn the measures which the Right Hon. Baronet brought forward in connexion with that coun try, and when I tin so I ought to remember that it is to the Right Hon. Gentleman himself that I am indebted for the privilege of pronouncing his condemnation.—(Laughter.) And as, when the Right Hon. Gentleman was in the hey-day of his power—in the high and exalted position which he held at the head of the party which had taken him so long to con struct, but which was now reduced to such a slate of dilapida tion, as I hope 1 always avoided then any offensive per sonality or malignant recrimination —now, when his fortune has changed, when lie has descended from that pinnacle, where he was then placed, and when a cloud haspassed over his splendid career, it shall be my care that the animadversions 1 may find it my duty to make shall not be associated with bitter ness.—( Hear, hear.) I own that I do not despair of the Right, Bon. Baronet, and I dwell with pleasure on the anti cipation that he who has exhibited such inconsistency, and at length changed his views to so great an extent with regard to the commercial affairs of this country, will yet give a glorious consummation to the Irish policy.—( Hear.) But I have used an infeliciteus expression. Mere consistency does not depend upon a servile subserviency to your own fallacies or to the passions of your party ; the truly consistent statesman does not so much topsider what it has been his mistake to have done as what it has become his high duty to do ; lie does not. look back at his own yesterdays, but looks forward to his country's glorious morrow ; the welfare of that country is Lot his chief object only because it. is his only one. Fixing his eyes upon that solitary point—bright, eternal, and unsetting—how ever the wind may blow and however the current may set, by that immutable light he steers his apparently irregular but in truth undeviating way.--( Hear, hear.) Having now performed the office of hypothetical panegyrist, 1 will new pass to a more distasteful task—that of finding fault with the Right Hon. Baronet. I believe it was the intention of the Right Hon. Gentleman, when he passed the Catholic Emancipation Bill, :had he remained then in power, to have carried the spirit of that measure into effect. He made a speech on that occasion, a passage of which was, in my opinion, of more importance than the recent allusions which have been made to that period. He then enumerated the various times when Coercion Bills had been tried, and when the result expected from them did not follow. He said that for the purpose of showing that coercive measures had frustrated their intentions, and that some other remedy must be applied to the grievances of the country. But how did the Right Hon. Gentleman act when that Bill be came law, and when he was subsequently obliged to go into op• position? The Right Hun. Baronet exerted himself to the utmost—did his worst, to obstruct the Whigs in their efforts to carry the principles of the Emancipation Bill into effect, and to ameliorate the condition of Ireland. I will just instance two examples of the course of conduct he pursued—the Municipal Bill and the Irish Registration Bill. The Right Hon. Gen tleman announced his intention of assimilating the franchises of England and Ireland, but what a comment was that announcement on the conduct of the Right Hon. Gentleman since. With regard to the line of proceeding on the Irish Registration Bill, I will say that it is a disgrace to my party. Perhaps the object intended when the Whigs were in power was to molest or obstruct their antagonists. As soon, however, as the Right Hon. Baronet came into powei, molestation was set aside; and though session after session the Secretary of State promised to bring in a Bill upon the subject, we are now almost on the verge of a general election, and instead of a Registration Bill, a Coercion Bill was introduced. The Right Hon. Baronet had found himself entangled in a web whose intricate mazes he himself had spun. The Right Hon. Baronet endeavoured by his sayings to counteract his doings, but I think we are told by Shakspere that--e " 'Tis a kind good thing to say ;" but wh.n he shook the confidence of one party he did not succeed in gaining the confidence of the other. Every man in Ireland who could write with force —every man who could speak with contagious. energy—all classes, the priesthood and the hierarchy of Ireland —every man was arrayed in dire hostility against them, and the agitation for repeal which succeeded was the con sequence of those measures which they had brought for ward. What did you do to meet that state of things ? You dismissed the repeal magistrates. Then followed the state prosecutions, which were carried on in the spirit of oppressive blundering, and the world shortly afterwards beheld the liberator of his Catholic countrymen incarcerated by a Protestant jury, at the instigation of the man by whom the Jury Act had been carried. How then can you wonder, whenj ustice had committed suicide, that this shouS3 have pro duced its influence on the other classes of the community ? It is not a change in the constitution which is required, but a change in the policy of the Government. Compare the re sults of the Government with that of Lord Normanby; and in the first place let me ask you how that Government was constituted ? Lord Normanby, the Lord-Lieutenant of Irelend, was beloved by the people ; his chief secretary was my Lord Morpeth. I must beg your pardon, Sir, for breaking the order of the House, and I will only say that his name is sufficient to be mentioned to secure him praise. His under secretary was Mr. Drummond, who, though not born in Ire land, was morn than an Irishman in his love of the country. Mr. Wolfe and Sir M. O'Loghlin, the ornaments of the Catholic bar, were respectively your Attorney and Solicitor-Generals There were conductors between the Government and the people. The Government was supported by every man of in fluence in the country—it was supported by every one of the Catholic body, and every Catholic clergyman became in some sort an unappointed constable.—(Hear, hear.) But unless you should think that my evidence ought to he listened to with suspicion, let me read a passage to you on the tt Past and Pre. sent Policy towards Ireland," a book not written in a hostile spirit towards the Right Hen. Baronet ; on the contrary, it is fraught with praise founded upon anticipation. The writer rapid improvement tNormanby says ii,n that Inland never Government na anti under him for the first time the Iri s h Cath o li cs began to feel that the Government cared f or th e i r interests, au] the question of the repeal o f th e U n i on ade m o ofre a Lord was almost forgotten and discarded. The author then adverts to a meeting held at Mallow, where upwards of one hundred thousand prisons were assembled tn prelent an address to Lord Normanby. They owned that they had belonged o the part} who hail agitated for the repeal of the Union, but that in conse quence of the opinion which they entertained of his Exeel tansy, arid of his great and liberal policy, they tendered their resignation of that question, or any other which might appe ar to alienate their affections front England. Now, I think that statement which I have submitted to you plainly de monstrates to you that for the necessity of the measure their exists no grounds whatever. But from the consideration of this point, I will pass to another more immediate to the question at issue. If the Government conceives this Bill to be necessary, if they regarded it as abso lutely indispensable, if they thought that without this Bill murder could net be arrested in its career, what is the reason that Parliament was not called in the month of November last? —(Cheers.) When the Government were conscious that they had two great questions before the Legislature. why was it that Parliament was not called in the month of November ? It has again and again been asserted during the course of this debate tiatthe Gov apt won 0 0 40 t, trig toe Ord their Coercion Bill in the House of Lords ; to that assertion no answer has as yet been submitted.— (Hear, hear.) An entire month elapsed before the Bill was brought forward, and you cannot say that your Bill was not ready--it consists of no more than three pages ._(Hear, hear.) And when that Bill came down from the thelse you did not suggest any good reasons why it should not have passed before your Corn Bill. The Irish ports were opened for the importation of Indian corn ; you ought to have given a protection for life before you took protection from corn. But there exists no necessity for the Bill ; and if you examine the statements made by the Hon. Baronet, you must see that there has been no case made. In the Queen's speech it was stated that of late the crime of as sassination has been of frequent perpetration ; and when the Right Hon. Baronet the Home Secretary introduced the mea sure, he stated distinctly that the disturbances were confined to five counties, and by a few ruffians in those counties, and that the mass of the people were untainted. The Right Hon. Baronet further said that in those counties which were tainted the crimes were committed by bands of ruffians, but that the number of persons in those lands were insignificant when com pared with the great body of the people. He then went on to say that the effect of the Bill would be to punish the districts where crime occurred by causing them to maintain the force requisite to maintain order; and now I ask, has a case been made out for this Bill—have any substantial facts been put forward to show you that a Bill of this kind, which is to last three years, should receive your con sent—and has a case been made out for the original conclusion of this Bill, which, when it was first introduced, was intended to be imposed everlastingly upon Ireland, and to be incorpo ra.ed with the institutiGns of the country ?—(Cheers. ) I turn now to the speech made by the Noble Lord the Secretary for Ireland. That speech consisted in a catalogue of the offences—and I am not disposed to dispute the accuracy of the statement of the Noble Lord but he ti.d not point out the efficacy of the remedy, nor had it been attempted to show how this measure would prevent crime in Ireland. How is it that nocturnal coercion will prevent diurnal outrage ? if you cage the owls, what is to become of the falcons?—( Loud cheers.) The Noble Lord said that the Arms Bill had completely failed. When that statement was made, the Secretary for the Home Depart ment signified by his look that he thought that the Noble Lord had come in a state of nature from the woods and forests— ( Laughter and cheers)—and that he stood in need of the finely wrought integuments of the mind which are so abundantly supplied in the Home-office.—(Cheers.) But the admission is one of the utmost importance. We cannot but recollect the fierce contentions of party which took placeupon this very Arms' Bill, and if you look at Hansard you will find that two or three volumes are occupied with it. You then conceived that we were then influenced by factious motives. We rest cur present predictions on the truth of our former vaticinations. You ask, n hat is to be done ? You say that the measure is indispensible, and you have undertaken to show that a great part of these evils can be cured by the force of this law. The Crown Solicitor for the county of Tipperary, does not reside in the county. He has the whole province of Lcinster in the range of his profess'onal employment. He goes down twice a year to the sessions and remains afe e days. He is utterly ignorant of the locality—he is utterly ignorant of the character of the witnesses—utterly ignorant of the characters of the defendants—so that it is impossible that he should know anything of the parties.—( Hear, hear.) The cases are given to the counsel to the Crown ; and of the counsel to the Crown I say nothing more than this—that the counsel employed by the prisoner are generally superior, incomparably superior ; and the Hon. Gentleman the Recorder for the City of Dublin will admit that what I now say is perfectly true. But I can give a stronger proof that I am right in the view I take of the case. You have, again and again, referred to the evidence of Mr. Cahill, and the Noble Lord the Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant has referred to Mr. Cahill twice. The Prime Minister has referred to his evidence, and the Hon. Secretary for the Home Departmen has, no doubt, read his evidence. .Mr. Cahill, at the commencement of his examination, said—and you must admit the import ance of its hearing on this question You are aware that in Tipperary there is a court called the Court of Assize. The president of this court is Mr. Leigh Howley ; in consideration of his services the office was given to him. Mr. Leigh Howley is assisted by Mr. Cahill • and what has been fhe result? The face of the county of Tipperary in which crime was prevalent, and which was the scene of so much bloodshed, has been materially changed. Mr. Cahill was exa mined on that point, and in his evidence he said that these facts had been considerably reduced. The superior administra thm of the laws had created a disposition of confidence amongst the people. If there be any truth in his evidence, I think that it affords a strong proof that this is not a measure which we should resort to as we are about to do. There are other and political considerations connected with this important question, which you ought not to dismiss from your m'nds—namely, the effect that this measure will have in stimulating political agitation ; a remedy for which you have wished so much, and which you have taken such small pains to find. NE ver hasten this measure, but give the measure its due weight. You ought to consider with the deepest attention, the fact, that in any measure intended for Ireland, there never was such great caution indispensable—( Hear, hear.) The repeal of the corn-laws in Ireland ought to make you beware how you administer to the popular excitement.—(" Hear," from the Ministerial benches.) Let me be permitted to explain myself. There are in Ireland two great parties in the constitution—the proprietors of the soil and those who till it. Neither of these parties want intelligence; their powers are developed. These two parties are both affected by this measure ; the interest of the one party, and the passions of the other. lam one of those who think that the repeal of the corn-law will ultimately be a benefit to Ireland, because I am confident that what is for the prosperity of one country must be for the prosperity of another. Ido not think that the measure is overvalued, but such is not the impression of the Protestant gentry of Ireland. They conceive that you do them wrong. They think that you have begun an attack on them, by depriving them of their market, and putting them on a foot ing with Holland and Belgium, and relaxing one of the laws of the country. I admit that they err in their judgment to a great extent, but at the same time you must remember that the Right Hon. Baronet wished the repeal of the corn-laws would have a certain effect upon Ireland, and at the same time he has relieved Ireland from the payment of 200,0001., which was pressing on her manufactures, thereby admitting that a certain incumbrance will be the effect of this Bill. Many an old Cromwellian. long bending under the burdens of his snort gages, will now fall under the burden as soon as the repeal of the corn-laws comes into operation. It seems to me to be in some degree impolitic on your part that you will by this measure excite the alarm of that class of men on whom you have hitherto relied for support, and that you should also, at the same time, administer to the excitement of the popular party. The Secretary-at-War used, when speaking on this subject, the words " dismemberment of the empire," and my lion. Vriend the Member for Kilkenny, who was fired by the spark, remonstrated with him on the subject. My Hon. Friend has no intention of dismembering the empire. My Him. Friend said that in his opinion, the repeal of the Union was calculated to produce that result. If that be the case, and the dismemberment of the empire wilt be the result of the repeal of the Union, you would be including both countries in one common ruin. Is it not the consummation of impolicy on our part to furnish those champions of repeal, with an opportunity to impose on Ireland a law which no Minister was sufficiently adventurous to impose upon the country for the purl uses of protection. No English Minister would have ventured ,to impose such a law on this country. No English Minister would have imposed such a law upon south Lancashire, where the same state of things has existed. Was it suggested to impose such a law on South Lancashire when, in 1519, the six Acts were framed, and when large bodies of men were disciplined with a view to military organization. Look afterwards in the year 1830, to the state of Kent, and five other counties in the south of England, and at the system of incendiarism which then prevailed. Was any such measure attempted to be im posed as that on which the Government are now resolved? On a measure of this kind the Secretary for the Home De partment, then Mr. Peel, would have made out with Parlia mentary definitions, the necessity for forwarding a measure of this kind, and might have described the various reasons alluding to the crimes -.which had occurred in England as an inducement to pass the "English Conservation Bill." No such measure was ever adopted with respect to Wales. You did not adopt any measure of this kind in Wales. You acted on the honourable principle, on which the incorporation of Wales with England is founded, and which Mr. Burke, in a speech which he made, praised as an. immortal paction. Why is it that we are considered unworthy of the privileges of Englishmen? Are we less entitled to the rights of British subjects ? I am afraid to tell the truth, that you are in fluenced by the spirit of your ancient masterdom. It appears to me to be the great fault of English statesmen, that they ought to observe that a vast change has taken place in the character of the Irish people, for in this case the Union has contributed much to he education of the people. Again, and again, I refer to the progress of educati in Ireland. You have given a high price for their education, but you ought to have looked at its results. Perhaps, you imagined that the education of the people of Ireland could not be attended by any important political consequer ce. You were mistaken, for you will find in their cabins, books con taining narrative; and passages of sublime morality, and catechisms of the fortunes and history of the country: It appears to me that there is no occasion for the passing of this Bill. I call upon you to reject the Bill, because there is no evidence of its necessity. There is no proof that the Bill will obtain its purpose—there is no sort of evidence to show that the Bill will be more successful than those which have pre ceded it. As there is no necessity for the further abolition of that great principle on which the union rests, and because there is an intention to avail themselves of that union f.r the purpose of inflicting on the Irish people that against which the Irish empire remonstrates, I, for one, shall vote against the Bill. The SOLICITOR-GENERAL said he would not attempt to follow the Right lion. Gentleman through his very discur sive speech. but he would attempt to show to the House that the present measure was called for in Ir.land for the protection of the lives and property of the peaceably disposed. (The lion. Member from this moment was perfectly inaudible in the gal lery for above a quarter of an hour.) Measures of this descrip tion had proved successful before, and he, for one, could not see why this one should not do so. In 1835 the number of crimes committed in Ireland was 8,000, and the consequence was, the Legislature passed a Coercion Bill. It proved effi cacious, and in 1837 the number of crimes had fallen to 6,000. A motion was then made to repeal the Act, but its working had proved so satisfactory that only three Members could be found to support it. The Bill eventually ceased to be opera tive, and since that time crime had progressively increased; indeed, in 1845, it had reached 8,025 more even than in 1835. Could any executive in this state of things sit still without at tempting to apply a remedy—and what better remedy, he asked could they find than that which was dictated by experience C— (Hear, hear.) Another reason which rendered it imperatively necessary for them to make an effort to apply a remedy was that in no_country in the world did the number of crimes com mitted bear such a disproportion to the number of offenders brought to justice as in Ireland,—(Hear, hear.) In disturbed districts, out of 1,185 crimes committed last year, only 54 of the perpetrators were brought to justice. (Hear, hear.) Not less than 1,000 outrages had taken place in five counties in Ireland within the period of five months, and surely in such a state of things the inhabitants of Ireland—the industrious and The Learned inhabitant s —were e n titl e d to Learned Solicitor-General then rea d a li st of crimes crimes committed in that country f or five months in 1845, an d the a in 1846, defini ng th e part i cu l ar character of eachosffcT period ce ; such was the confusion at the bar, the but occasional cries of " Divide, divide," and other noises, that the speaker's stases merit could not be heard in the; h s e gallery. Th e H on . an d amidst Learned Gentl eman resume d , great confusion and loud cries of "Divide, divide," by declaring that he conscientiously bslicved this measure to be imperatively called for. lie should give it his cordial support. The Marquis of CH ANDOS said it was his intention to have given a silent vote upon that occasion, but had lie done so he might have been liable to the imputation of assenting to the language and invectives which had been so frequently used in the course of the debate.---( Hear, hear.) With regard to the reasons which h a d induced him to support the Bill, he had but little difficulty in finding the most ample grounds for the vote he was about to give in the speech of the Noble Lord the Secretary for Ireland. The statements which the Noble Lord made had since been confirmed by reports and returns which no one had attempted to disprove; and seeing that the exist ing law was not sufficient for the maintenance and security of life and property in Ireland, he had no hesitation in placing the powers of this Bill at the disposal of her Majesty's Government. —( Hear, hear.) It had been urged by some lion. Gentle men that the minority ought to give way to the opinions of the majority, but he would, for one, never yield to the opinion of tl.e majority when he found it was not supported by argument or 0911Vidinsr(Criel of" War; heir.") M to_ the pee . tion of confidence in her Majesty's Government, he could not, for a moment admit that it was involved in that ; but even if it were, he could not say that he was prepared to vote against the measure.—(Hear, hear.) The details, too, they had nothing to do with. It was the principle they had to decide upon, and the details might afterwards be so arrsnged as to render the provisions of the Bill purely harmless, so far as the innocent and inoffensive were concerned. He had no hesitation then in affirming the prin ciple of the Bill, and whatever might be the result of the deci sion, he should have the satisfaction of knowing that he had given his vote according to the dictates of his own conscientious convictions, and without reference to factious or party feeling. Major BERESFORD—The Noble Lord had not proved that the Bill would have any beneficial effect. Tir Hon. Member for Birmingham had done the same thing, Ind left the question exactly where he found it. The Right Hon. Baronet had also pursued the same course, and he had stated that one of the chief difficulties in the administration of justice in Ireland was that of the utter impossibility of obtaining evidence to convict. Would the Bill for losing up the people in their cabins have such an effect?—(Year, hear.) He would vote for the Bill if he considered that it would have any effect, but feeling con scious that it would not, he would record his vote against it. He had conversed with many of his Irish Conservative friends, who said that the Bill was a bad one, but that it should pass, because if it were rejected it would give a triumph to a par ticular party in Ireland. But he was of a different opinion. He considered it would be a triumph to the country, and prove that England was ready to treat Ireland in a spirit of justice. After a few words from Mr. AUDERLEY (as we be lieved, in favour of the measure) but which did not reach the gallery, NEWDEGATE rose amidst loud groans, and cries of " Oh, oh," which rendered him for some time itaudible, and in the midst of which he abruptly terminated his speech. Capt. HARRIS wished to know the use of such a measure, which would merely have the effect of shutting up the honest man all night, and leaving the fi e ld c l ear for the midnight ruffian. Act freely and frankly towards the people of Ireland, and that noble race would be always found to support the acts of this country. He had never but one opinion on the Catholic question, and that was that the emancipation ought to have b.en granted.—(Hear, hear.) He warned the Government against the policy they had adopted, as one which would be of the greatest injury to the peace and prosperity of the country. Captain JONES had heard the last Hon. Member state that the existing law was quite sufficient for the suppression of crime in Ireland, but that was not the case. It was well known that the present law was inadequte to the protection'of life and property. Lord INGESTRE said, that on the first introduction of the Bill he voted for it, on the grounds that life and property were not secure in Ireland. Had the question been followed up in the same spirit it was introduced, he would have gladly supported the Government ;abut under present circumstances he thought he would act the most consistent and judicious part by abstaining from voting altogether.—(Loud cries of " Oh," and " Divide, divide," amid which the Hon. Member sat down.) Mr. PETER 13011THWICK only wished to say that his vote would be given on the merits of the Bill, and on no other, consideration. (Loud cries of "Divide, divide.") Mr. COBDEN-1 can assure the House I am not going to offer many observations to it, but I wish to say a few words as to the vete lam about to give. I shall divide myself with three classes of persons : the first those who have hitherto voted against this Bill because they object to its policy as an Irish question ; next, I shall vote with those who voted for the question on the first reading, but who are not now prepared to support it ; and then I shall find myself united, to my great surprise, with a large number of gentlemen who sit below the gangway.—( Loud cheers and laughter.) I do not wish to put a construction on the conduct of any Member or Members, but I wish to clear myself from any sort of suspicion in the vote which I shall give. I wish to clear myself, 1 say, and in doing so I may render some service to some Ho nourable Members near me, in showing that the construction put on the motion by the Noble Lord the Member for Lynn does not apply to us.—(Cheers.) The Noble Lord told us very . frankly what was the object of his vote.--( Hear.) That we intended to join together to do justice to the Right Hon. Gentleman in the present session. The Noble Lord said that he did not think that any honest man, however he might like the treason, did not abhor the traitor.—( Hear.) I think that Ido justice to the Noble Lord.—(Hear, hear.) It is a vote of censure on the Right Hon. Baronet in the estimate of the Noble Lord. I beg to repudiate for myself, and for Gentle men around me, any share with Hon. Gentlemen on the opposite side of the House in such a construction on our part on the vote about to be given.—(Cheers.) Shall we, affecting as we do to represent public opinion, give such a vote, when there has been no dispute as to the measures of the Right Hon. Gentleman this session, and above all as to the most popular measure any Minister ever brought for ward ?—( Loud cheers.) We should be outraging public opinion if we allowed such a construction to be put on our votes—(Hear, hear), and at such a time too—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear)"—when the great measure of the session has just been brought from another place.—(Cheers.) 1 may irnigine the Noble Lord wishing to do poetical justice to the Right Hon. Gentleman at the very moment of his triumph at pass ing that Bill—(Hear, hear)—but I beg that you will put no such construction on the vote I am about to give at any rate—( Cheers, and cries of " Divide.") I promise that I will not say a word on the merits of the Bill, but it appet.rs that the Right lion, Gentleman attaches such importance to this Bill, that he is determined that the Government shall stand er fall by it. I have nothing to do with that, but lam resolved as to the vote I shall give, for I am not going to stul tify my vote, or to vote as the Noble Lord has intimated he will, to vote black is white to turn out the Minister.—(Cheers and loud cries of " Divide.") I said two months ago that I believed it was quite possible before the corn-law passed that Right Hon. Gentleman would be put in a minority by some cross vote, for Hon. Gentlemen below the gangway would give any vote inconsistent with their personal honour, which in the House I cannot call in question.—( Hear.) Therefore it is hopeless to endeavour to keep the Right Hon. Baronet in power by a single vote, and as I said before they would do it again, and vote black is white to turn him out.—(Cheers, and cries of " Divide.") I beg to assure Gentlemen opposite that this state of parties will receive a solution out of doors.—(Cries of " Hear, hear," from the Opposition, responded to by cheers from the Protectionists.)-1 cannot conceive that with three parties in this House we shall be able to carry on the Govern ment.—( Hear, hear.) There must be at least a fusion of two parties.—( Cheers, and cries of " Oh, oh," from the Pro tectionists.) Ido no not see any probability that the honour able Gentlemen below the gangway and the Right Honour able Gentleman and his friends will unite, and I confess that I am very glad of it.—( Hear, hear.) I should regret nothing snore than to see the Right Honourable Gentleman forced back to ally himself with the rearward party.—( Cheers and laughter.) But there is another alliance which might take place--( Loud cries of " Hear, hear," from the Free traders)—and it has already taken place in the wishes of the country, although not in this House, for there is nothing, in the opinion of the country, between the Noble Lord and the free-trade policy give& out by the Right Honourable Baronet.—(Loud cheers, and cries of " Oh, oh," from the Protectionist party.) I do not unperstand what inference is to be drawn from that cheer opposite. I do riot hold out for the change proposed Icy the Hon. Gentle man below the gangway, but if the feeling takes place out of doors, and the rank and file follow, the battle between the chiefs must be abandoned, and there must be a similar fusion in the House ; for that would be the government of a ma jority, the measures of which could not be put off. I only rose to say, in contradiction to the construction which might be put upon my vote, that if the Right lion. Gentleman retires in consequence of this vote, he will still carry with him the re, spect and gratitude of a larger number of the population of the empire than ever followed any Minister he had ever heard of.—(Loud cheers.) Mr. RASHLEIGH—Not the working classes.—(Cheers, and counter-cheers.) Mr. COBDEN—The Hon. Member for Cornwall says, " Not the working classes." Mr. RASHLEIGH—I repeat it again.—(Cheers.) Mr. COBDEN—I am sorry that the lion. Member exhi bits such excitement in making the declaration, but can he use the same expressions with regard to the voting classes?— (Cheers, and counter-cheers.) I think that the Right Hon. Baronet has shown great forbearance to Hon. Members below the gangway, in not having availed himself of the strength which he possesses in the country, and not having taken them at their words, by appealing, before he abandoned office, to the constituencies of . the empire.—(Cheers.) Should he not do so, however, I feel that I am not misinterpreting the opinions of the people, not only of the electors, but more especially of the working classes, when I tender him in my own name—as I might in theirs —my heartfelt thanks for the unwearied perse verance, for the unswerving firmness, for the great ability with which he has during the last six months urged on one of the most magnificent reforms ever effected in any country, through this House of Parliament.—(Loud cheering.) Strangers were then ordered to withdraw, and the House divided, when there appeared— For the second reading Against it Majority against Ministers The announcement was received with loud cheers by the Protectionists. MESSAGE FROM THE LORDS. Messengers from the Lords brought up the following Bills, which their Lordships had agreed to :—Corn Importation Bill ; Customs Duties Bill ; Electric Telegraph Company Bill; Ballochney Railway ( Shotts Branch) Bill : Bristol and South Wales Junction Railway and Ferry Bill; Harrogate Waterworks Bill ; Amendments to Amendments to London and York Railway Bill ; Amendments to Administration of .Criminal Justice Bill, without Amendment ; Superintendent of Convicts Bill ; Edinburgh and Northern Railway (Strath earn Deviation) Bill ; Glasgow, Strathaven, and Lesmaha gow Direct Railway Bill, with an Amendment ; Edinburgh and Northern Railway (Dunfermline Branch) Bill ; Glacgow, Barrhead, and Neilston Direct Railway (Branches to Thorn liebank, liousehill, and Hurlet) Bill ; Bath Waterworks Bill, with Amendments. The Earl of LINCOLN obtained leave to bring in a Bill to amend the law relating to the value of rateable property in Ireland ; also a Bill for the abolition of the exclusive privilege of trading or of regulating trades in cities, townsa,soirnbooproosue,gthts in Ireland ; he wished to make an exception i n f avour of the Goldsmiths' guilds. Mr. GROGAN said, the rights w hi c h it w affect were very old, and he did hop e t h e H ouse would hesitate very much before they would consent to adopt the principle of the Bill.—Leave was then given. . Colonel DAWSON DAMER appeared at the bar with the ROYAL MESSAGE. a T n h s e w earn answer e the w a a s tr , e i s i s avher receivedllla j eysotuy fur this th s e at il s s fa t , l: tio o n f I,l s l „ a u y r . loyal and dutiful address. 1 thank no m erd e dea a rt n sa d oclf to my family." attachmentoTuhseeaodtjho other rr o of your this proof u t a h r e t e day a s " ; eTre,tehoercidociskp.osed of, and the [ADVERTISEMENT.]—DO you your chins?" then r p a a z c o e • Strop hasten and try Rots and torture " which shaving has entaile i d7:uSo r n n t to d Railway t.'t' id all the n Is entirely new, and surpasses 0,118otonss: makingh yourselfnaev'evten_ the at commonesta a so nd na w m it e l ( l l, a a s s li i t t t e le na fr b i l c e t s i O3: a . a thee h child.--p Proprietors o b r be The composition for the purpose, Likewise, it: e cu ve t ry w t e h l i l n . g few can apply properly, theirs is a poyi de stead of paste , which p b o e r t usedat i on by of y hitherto i ~ wholesale, for , renovating bad, and 50n5,.119, and 120, Bishopsgate-street. LA n vEnTisEsiENT. - j—SURPRISING CASE OF THE E.E.- co vERY OF HEALTH By HOLLOWAY'S PILLS.—AIr. Roberts, a gets. tlenta n residing in New-street, B m ws m irmingha, has been suffering for ye - fro a disordered liver, deranged stomach, p a l p i tat i on of the heart, shortness of breAth, swelling of the hand s , f eet, and legs, lowness of spirits, and want of strength and energy, which state of things was slowly breaking up his constitution; and finding no be nefit from the medical treatment at Birmingham, he proceeded to London, where he resided Ibr six months, In order to consult the most eminent of the faculty, which he did to no advantage. He then tried these extraordinary Pills, which in three w'ecks restored him to perfect health and vigour.—Sold by all druggists, and at Professor Holloway's Establishment , 244, Strand, London. ACCIDENTS BY LIGHTNING.—During a heavy thunder storm on Thursday last, John Porteous, a boy in the service of Mr. Thomas Young, Cowdenknowes Mains, near Kelso, whilst returning from the field where he had been for the purpose of cutting thistles with a sickle, was killed by the electric fluid, which seemed to have traversed the whole length of the body. About the same time a horse drawing a roller in a field at Smailhohn Mains, belonging to Mr. John Tait, and two fat beasts belsatging to Mr. W. Chisholm, Lang 14111Y WI wag kaptinly.tia , ,.acolu 44444.4kwgia avermr. 10. E repre erenini with Mies V -Nil RK E a T here T la : s il t su„san ccehmaa as Olivia. is, Middle Twelfth Night was rev's.. Cushman as Viola, and Miss . for Steak mer e' lleTemple This comedy, which was written o sentation at one of the grand feasts j or : he and which was performed for the first timb in Temple Hall, is supposed by the commentators L. o e r .. his latest work; and if so, it proves, as has beetr.Wel. , e 4. served by Schlegel, th a t h e must have enjoyed to the K. -, the same youthful elasticity of mind, and have carried wits. him to the grave the undiminished fulness of his talents.. It unites the entertainment of an intrigue, contrived with great ingenuity, to a rich fund of comic characters and situ ations, and the beauteous colours of an etherial poetry. Miss Cushman's readingofthe character of Viola is new. Heretofore the representatives of Viola have given prominence to the comic portion of the character. For instance, when the ring is delivered to her by Malvolio, after divers reflections, the , - boy-girl concludes, " I am the man," giving the hat a tape. and walking off with the jaunty air of satisfied vanity Miss Cushman, however, haying stooped to pick up the ring, never rises until she makes her.exit, and she gives the phrase "I am the man," with a half-melancholy, halrelstisfied air, as though pity for Olivia overcame the sense of the ludicrous, involved in the idea of Olivia's having fallen despek•ately in loVe with one of her own se x . I n f ac t, th roug h ou t lifkr Viola there was exhibited an intensity of feeling, and a slut. de of melancholy, to which we have been hitherto unaccusto. ll . 6 u in the representation of this part. At first we were 1. 1- dined to demur to Miss Cushman's reading of this character ,s so contrary to that of her predecessors ; but having seen her manner of treating the character throughout; - , having re flected upon it, and having compared her Viola with that of. her predecessors, we feel convinced that the reading of the charatterby Miss Cushman is the correct one. Viola is ship wrecked, an orphan and a stranger in Illyria ; she has lost her brother in the wreck ; alone, unfriended, forced Ito adopt the disguise of a boy as her only pro tection against the perils incident to her situation, in , danger of being d i s covered ever y moment, surel y , whatever, gaiety she may exhibit must be assu m e d, a nd by a hat ev.sin the drunken simple unsophisticated such as she is, somewhat badly assumed too. So unsophisticat ed is she t love, consumed by a men of courage. She is moreove r in Sir Toby, and the foolish Sir And rew impose upon her as hopeless passion for the Duke Orsino , and albeit the passion nr Olivia for the supposed boy Ctesario may for an instant a oaken in her mind a sense of the :ud,crous (and admirably did Miss Cushman just hint this hum,IVIEP osivon), yet still the sens e o f the danger in which she is p laced b y the r:sk of disco very , a dd ed to t h e sympa thy which, in her situation, she must necessarily feel for t h e be •requitecllove of Olivia— Z" A fellow•fein . o:makes us wondrous kind," completely overcomes the momentary sense of the hidic.rOUE's and she is the one who "Never told her lore, But let concealment, like a worm i' the bud, Feed on her damask cheek." Former Violas have read the character as one of light comedy, dashed with the pathetic. • Miss Cushman reads it as a character of pathos slightly dashed with humour -Cho humour arising from situations which are against the grain of the character; and Miss Cushman is right. Hers is the true Shaksperian reading of the part. The Olivia of Miss Susan Cushman was beautiful exceed ingly. This is a very difficult character to render accurately. It is necessary to - be • dignified, yet not tyrannical—to tee modest, yet not prudish—to be impassioned, yet not violent. —to be firm, yet not rude. It is perhaps the most perfectly polished and ladylike character that Shak.spere ever drew ; it is a character to be understood rather by negatives than. by positives; to be rendered rather by avoiding extreme'', than by any other method; and beautifully did Miss Susan Cushman render it. She is a great artist—no thing could be more beautiful than the manner in which she delineated the force of passion, overcoming, bat not overstepping, the modesty of nature in her love of Caesario. Most modest and most maiden-like (maiden-like, al contra distinguished from matron-like) was her rebuke of the ex cesses of Sir Toby ; and admirable was the mingled expl'ession of pity and offended dignity with which she commended the supposed mad Malvolio to the care of her attendants. 'fhe Olivia of Miss Susan Cushnian is the result of careful study;; and careful study has borne its legitimate fruits. She hale raised a second-rate character to the dignity of a first .rate one, and her Olivia is far and away the best on the stage. Of Farren's Malvolio and Buckstone's Sir Andrew it is a work of supererogation to speak. Tilbury's Sir Toby, although not equal to the Sir Toby of poor Strickland, was tolerable; the Antonio of Stuart was excellent, sad the Clown of Web ster was perfect. He is the only representative of Shak spere's clowns now left to us. It would be injustice to Mr- Braid not to mention his Sebastian. He acted the part with infinite spirit, he dressed it admirably, and he cectainly made more of the part of Sebastian than any actor has over made of it in our remembrance. He is a promising artist, .and we hops soon to meet with him again. At the fall of the cortain the Misses Cushman were honoured with the usual ovation, and bouquets innumerable were showered upon the stage. WHAT SHOULD THE ALLOTTEES DO? TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN. Stn,—Trusting that you will permit a few observa- , tions, even against your own opinions, to appear in yoa7 influential Journal, I venture to question the justice of those opinions, as respects the moral and legal liabilities of Allottees. The Sun thinks that allottees should not be called upon to contribute to the expenses of railway projects which have not proceeded to Parliament. In a general sense this may be just ; but in the case of a project failing-solely or chiefly through the default of the allot tees—which could not go on simply because the parties who applied for shares did not take up and pay on the , shares allotted them—l am persuaded that the expenses. should be paid by the said defaulting allottees. Let me illustrate this by a plain case, nor need I draw on my imagination for particulars. A line of rails ay is projected, which has for its object to increase the accommodation for traffic and passengers between important towns. The prospectus is issued. Applications for shares tumble in. Twenty times the number of shares put forth in the prospectus are so applied for. The task of selection out of this r mountain of applications is difficult, and must neees.- sarily occupy much time. Parties are referred to, by' letter and personally, as to the solvency and status of the applicants. This done, the parties who have to allot shares have a difficulty in judiciously distributing them among the most proper persons. The Leareed Judge who tried the case at Exeter (Woolinere. Toby) gave his opinion that eight or nine weeks was not too hang a period for the allotment of shares to occupy. Meanwhile, on the strength of the favour with whirl the project has there been received. the acting cora mitteehavc ft it justified in taking the steps necessary' to place it in a state of readiness for the adjudication of the Legislature. To give it full publicity the pro spectus has been advertised in the London and local journals. The Company's solicitor has been doing his part. The engineers have been put into active opera tion, so as to insure the required deposit of the plans and sections "en or before the 30th of November." It has been found requisite to take offices, to purchase furniture, to provide stationary, to pay postap,;.s, to secure the assistance of a secretary and clerks. AD this has been done solely and wholly on the strength of the promises made by applicants for shares. The panic comes before it was possible for the allot ment to be made. The directors, in full confidence that the applicants would fulfil their promises, proceed in the execution of their task—a task performed nut only without remuneration and thanks, but with the disad vantage of their having had to advance from 501. to 1004 each to meet current expenses. The deposit of plans and sections has been made within the time required by standing orders. The further requirements of these orders are complied with. Everything has been done—the money is all that is required. The allotment letters are sent out. The applicant% for shares—" all honourable men"—are unanimous in not taking up and paying on a single share. The project thus falls through, solely because they do not fulfil their promise, contained in each letter of application. to pay the deposit'upon the whole number of shar e s a sked for. or any lesser number which may be allotted. Now, this non-payment by the allottees having smashed the project, will any one contend that they should not be held liable for a portion of the expenses ? Engineers, lawyers, newspapers, stationery, postage*, secretary, clerks, local agents, brokers, and rent must be paid. Is that payment to fall on the committee, who have already advanced the full amount of the deposit on their own shares, and who have done all in their power to promote the success of the project, or should the allottees be asked to contribute half•a-crown, or even five shil. lings a share ? This is the ease. The applicants for shares did not say " we shall pay the deposit, if the shares come cut at or rise to a premium," but they unconditionally said, spaart,eoirneduiererielnotn, thee "allot us any number of shares, equal to, or less than. the number we have asked for, and, no - matter whether a a y re I s h c e 6 f in ul f i d o e u P t o s a i t t . " P Il m p i e u n rn s s ti rall s p h faith of such promises—should not the promise -makers and promise-breakers be liable for the amount ?—Your obedient servant, R. S. M. June 25, 1846. countrie, until l ate l v, in which t h e ANCIENT AND 'MODERN CosMeE.--There were fey! ens Ota in Eng. , theinselves less to the chaeges of the se" l abo rist about land. A change so salutary has been greatly hacked by capital and enter. by the ingenuity of one lirrn, to the Act of the praise which e prise; nor should that male popul adapted p ß i c ir t i l o c u le s s - p o a f le t t i o ti t l s ity w ' Ou b ld . altbu- fl i t every turn, they are no more to b. woo the man °f t as te material or style, with the Llama cloth tinned either in l o . m eg it is te h d ittr f e or :: for t2 3 e al p Pr r n o a t t i e n c i t e i r c o n us of s .27'.•re-g-istered by Messrs. Nicoll, than a jack boot to the - Apollo MM. SINGULATI EFFECTS OF LIGHTNING.. ....On Sunday last ' (says the Journal de Villeftwnehe), as M. Bae,•ard, ‘ll grocer at Ville n„,,,che, was returning front Beaujen, with his tamih, in a carriage, which he drove himself, they were caught in a thunder-Sl:,'rin of great violence, accompanied with heavy rain. M. Bagard, for shOer, put nd an umbrella, and a second after a discharge of electric fluid !Ook idace, which killed the horse and struck M. Itagard. In the interior of the carriage the wife of M. Da.- di 11 her•moment ~ar arm fora ow, ralystd, and a child complained of having received a blow on the leg. The carriage being stopped by the (allot the horse one of M. Eagartif. relations got out, and was just in time to catch M. Itagard as he was falling. Assistance was obtained, and he was taken without signs of life to a neighbouring house,. where he remained this state. lIIC hands appeared as if they had been barnt. by tire, and witch lie re-• gained consciousness he complained of severe pain in the region of the stomach. On the tbllowing, day he was removed to Villefranche. and was gradually recovering when the account left. The Journal de Fillejranche supposes that, but for the umbrella. 31. Ida , :ard woula have been killed, as the greater portion of the fluid, (list attracted hy the metallic point, passed over the silk, and fell upon the horse. It. adds an Incredible fact. A few feet from the horse there were foun'• on the ground several masses of triturated hay, which had been driver. out of the stomach of the animal by the electric fluid. NOVEL METHOD or COOKING Fun.— On Wednes day last two pair of soles were cooked by the heat of the sun alone. on the stalls at the back of the Boston ti3hmarket, and were afters. wards partaken of by the lly , tanders. perYons attended tOr witness the experiment, which Occupied about halfctin hour.-1 - 10e0?. Herald. . On Sunday.a poor W oman along the canal by the Rue Menilmontant, was so oppreSsed Ivy the heat that s h e . dropped down dead from a stroke o: apoplexy. Yesterday there wereo two eases of apoplexy on the Boulevard Saint Martin, but as merli— cat relief was immediately administered, they were not fatal.—Pan4 Paper. EXTRAORDINARY INCREASE LT STOCK.—Mr. MounTey, of Sera Park, near Askham, presunted two of his grandsons, now living at Askham, with a black-faced ewe, about fifteen years ago; and a few days since the worthy old yeomen, who is still hale and hearty, though in his P4th year, attended the sheep-washing of his two grandsons, at which he had the pleasure of beholding a flock of 400 sheep, the produce of the two ewes above-named and their de scendants, and it is thought that the number of sheep drafted frcrrt this flock during the last dozen years may amount to about the mai CliOerkityi Pacgt4. .4411ki •