The Sun. — London, England, 1852-02-04 00:00:00

_-- d responsible Governments, and treachery and false lers on the other, he had to congratulate the country at. it had never been entangled in a foreign war.—(Hear, ..ar.) It was impossible, however, for the people of is country not to sympathise with foreign nations who 're endeavouring to share some of the advantages ourselves possessed; and we not on l y did so, but we offered them an asylum, and let them come from where they may we should still adhere to that course of conduct. Sympathy we may always express for them, but fur ther than that, as a nation , they must not go. Order must be preserved, and, therefore, they should not speak further upon that matter. lie must now make mention of a circumstance which had made a most serious impression on the public mind. He;alladed to the visit of a most remarkable man (Kossuth) to our shores. He was the idol of interest, for a time, among every grade of the people.—(Hear.) The interest, amounting almost to religion, which his countrymen felt in him, was equal almost to idolatry—an interest in which he he forsaw a ready sympathy, and in which all would be ready to participate.—(Hear, hear.) But it should be recollected that this remarkable man had visited these coasts with an ostensible motive.—(Hear, hear.) His object, avowedly, was to wage a war upon the whole of the despotic Powers of Europe. His orations had been singularly powerful, and full of political power and poetic beauty. There was, however, another object to be served in his visit to this country, and this was evidently shown in the splendid speeches which he had delivered since his arrival in America.—(Hear, hear.) The visit of that great man, therefore, was not in its consequences likely to disturb our association with other powers.—(Hear , hear.) He had next to advert to the position which was occupied by Britain with regard to the principle of that party which was supposed to advocate protection. — (Cheers.) On this point it must be remarked that the Right Hon. Baronet the Chancellor of the Exchequer had intimated indirectly the necessity for affirming the income-tax. But if this was accomplished, it should be recollected how great an amount of taxation had been repealed. That great statesman, Sir Robert Peel, had fully anticipated this result, and nothing had evinced more the magnitude of his ability, and the greatness of his statesmanship, than the results at which be had arrived. The next point which he had to take under consideration was the adjudication of differences in civil matters. Much benefit had arisen in the codification, so far as it had gone, of our civil and criminal laws, and this again was largely owing to the conduct and management also of the late Sir Thbert Peel. The ordinary statute law had been much simplified, but it should be remembered that great mischiefs still existed in the practice of the Court of Chancery. The several branches of that court were both expensive, dilatory, and unsatisfactory. — (Hear, hear.) To this the attention of her Majesty's Government had beendirected. The remedy was difficult to find, but still it was necessary, and he himself being a sufferer could speak to the neces sity for the reformation to which her Majesty had that day alluded in her Speech from the Throne. Into that matter, however, he would not enter. The mischief and the evils were patent to all, so that it was quite unnecessary to particularize instances for an in ducement to the reformation of the whole of our equitable jurisdiction in matters of property. He was not a personal sufferer, but he had been a trus tee for a relative of his, who unfortunately had become connected with a set of usurers and Jews.—(Laughter.) The trust was for simple sale, but before it could out they had to encounter eight suits in Chancery, to some of which there were fifty or sixty parties; 10,0001. had been spent in defending actions, and the costs of litigation had in all amounted to no less than 70,0001. ; and instead of a surplus there had been in the end a deficiency. Rather than such a state of things should be permitted, he would say, perish the Court of Chancery and all connected with it. An Encumbered Estates Act would, in truth, be a blessing for this country. The Noble Lord, however, could not have chosen a better time for introducing this measure, for there never was a dime when there were more Gen tlemen of the legal profession in the House than the present. With respect to the manufacturing interest, which they were told by the Royal Speech, was in a state of prosperity, notwithstanding that there was a great number of gentlemen both in and out of that House, who asserted that the commercial pros perity of the country was a fallacy, he, himself, often as he had heard the contrary, was convinced that there never was a time when the manufacturing interest had been more prosperous then the present. He came next to the consideration of the measure upon which he expected there might be some diversity of opinion. He alluded to the extension of the suffrage. Political writers had blamed the Noble Lord for not introducing this measure earlier in the present Parliament; but he thought they did him great injustice. Did they not remember the number of measures which had occupied the attention of that House during every session? One session was occupied in regulating the duties on corn, another in removing the navigation-laws, and the last year divided between the pleasures of the Exhi bition and a religious warfare in that House. The time had now arrived when Ministers were about to place on the table of the House their measure for extending the suffrage. Some funny writer or other had said, that in this House Gentlemen " thought in herds.”—(Laught er) and that he thought was often the case—what one man said another thought, and so in time it became a party cry. He, for one, would be perfectly willing that every man contributing to the direct taxation of the state should have a vote—that every man holding a small sum, any 501, in the savings' bank, should vote; but he would give no man two votes; and for the way of taking them, he must express his utter abhorrence of the ballot. As for triennial Parliaments, he thought they would have the effect of driving every Person of station and property out of the House, because who would submit himself to the triennial nuisance of an election? Who was afraid to extend the suffrage? kind they forget that within a short time three ot the principal cities of Europe—Paris, Berlin, and Vienna were in the hands of the mob, and in this country we had not the slightest attempt from the work leg classes, their loyalty to the Throne never once shook, nor was their respect for constituted authority lessened one jot. But it would be said —What bad reform done for the working whole atteni classes? Since the Reform Bill t he the bettering theof that House had been turned to condition of the working classes. The Hon. Memb er then alluded to the state of Ireland. He observed that the late he never recollected a ses_onmlni S w ir .i ß tn . o P ut ee a l once Salmon Feidshtehrayt Bill. Now, during th ew t ti me he had been a Mem ber he (Sir B. H. Ye! of Iceland remembered a session in which the gri ßullikeie evane rel ( a a nd did not form the principal subject of discussio n .— h a ppy, however, to inform the home, thaetart.h)ough H e somewas lamentable circumstances had occurredno in Ire land, her Majesty's Ministers h a d desire p ro posing any additional legislation on the f subject. They hoped t h a t the ordinary cour se o f the law would restore tranquillity. He had learnt from the press in Ireland that the same line of condu ct would be pursued by Ir ish Members this session as that they had formerly ado p ted, let the measu re be whatever it might.—(Hear, hear.) He wou ld earnestly appealed to those Hon. Members to recon sider their conduct. Where, he asked, could they e n d occurrences such as those which took place last year, treated with so much leniency and consideration as they were by her Majesty's Ministers ?—(Hear, hear.) tin the continent ot Europe events were now happening to which, as Englishmen and Protestants, they could not be insensible. Two parties were th ere striving for mastery--constitutional freedom on the one side, and despotism on the other. Despotism had called t 3 its assistance the ultramontane party of the Roman Catholic Church, and they had 50- repted the mission. No w we could not and would not further the ends of des potism —whether it was that of the old constitutional dynasties of Europe or of any upstart ruler who might have risen out of the circumstances of the times.—(llear , hear.) We wished not only the letter, but th e s pirit of the Emancipation Bill to be adopted, and we wished to re store that harmony which existed in this country pre vious to the arrival of the Papal ordinance; but they were bound to maintain the Queen on the throne. Her Majesty's Speech referred to a most important subject, which, with the country, was become a fixed sentimentand ?pinion—namely, a measure of reform, for the entensiou of the ta suffrage. He repeated, that every man who paid di rec t taxes should have a vote. He might , on this subject, advert to the circumstances which a short time back affected so lo T a e lt o y f (ir the great towns of Europe, and yet such was th e to the the people of this country, and their submission laws, that they remained unmoved by those con vulsions which overturned the institutions of other nations. An effort had The House been made to get up a demonstration; and bad been brought . recollect the monster petition which HI us petition t in, .and rolled upon the fl oor of that Nothing, howe„e°,° Which it took eight horses to draw. petition at that time oull be effected on the subject of that supporters of the peii nd hints had been thrown out by the to 0 sack London. i( I T that some decision might be come nothing, and the miserat,lte that miserable threat effected at the sight of a policeman class and their leader vanished tlemen, perhaps, en the 7(leughter.) There were gen tlemen, side of the House, who would say what benefits sa ve the people received from the Reform Bill ? fie would. whole attention of that RIZ ma ! l Y. — (Hear, hear.) The er e ti osylce the Reform Bill, had been turned to the improvement the condition of the peo ple; the taxes on the first necessaries of life had been done away with, anti the people now could got their beef and bread inore cheaply, and he wished he say their beer. The of been gre a tly i m .. Sanitary condition of the country h ad the working clas ses h a d proved ; and the hours of labour been diminished. For those and other beneficial measures the peo_ple were indebted to the spiritf reform which per `oaded Parliament. He congratulAted the country, then, on THE SUN, the progress made in its social condition. He now came to a subject which related to transactions which had taken place in Ireland. Ho was happy to inform the House, however, that measures were in contemplation for the improvement of the condition of Ireland.—(Hear, hear.) But while he was now on this subject, he could not resist the opportunity of addressing a few words to Hon. Members connected with Ireland. He had found it stated in several of the Irish newspapers, that it was understood to be the in tention of a party in that House to oppose every measure, no matter of what character, which might be brought for ward by the Government this session. Ile trusted that such would not prove to be the case. It perhaps was indiscreet in him to allude to it, but his feelings as an Englishman forced him to say that he was not,. in referring to those matters, actuated by any unkindly feeling, and there were circumstances which to some in that House would be a gua rantee that he was not actuated b y any such. There was, however, a section in that House, not formidable by their numbers, but respectable by their talents. They were last year bound by a bond, and, by their combination, ob structed much of the business of the session. He trusted that that party would not pursue the same obstructive course this session, and that the rumours to which he had alluded of their intention to do so would prove un founded. He implored them to pause and reflect well upon the injurious consequences that must result from such a course. Let them look round the House, and where, he would ask, would they find a party who would act with the same consideration that the Noble Lord at the head of the Government did last session? - (Hear, hear.) Supposing they bring in the Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Ripon, would they make it a condition with him to bring in a Bill to repeal the Papal Aggression Bill, or would the Right Hon. Baronet himself bring in one of his own accord? There were circumstances passing in that nation which were of great importance. There were two parties there struggling for the mastery between constitutional and semi-constitutional prin ciples. This country could not look indifferently on at those proceedings. With respect to the Roman Catholics, the peo ple of this country wished well to them, and were most anxi ous to afford to them the free exercise of their religion; but while they accorded to them all that was just in that way, he might say that the peeple of this country were essentially Protestant, and determined, uninfluenced by Papal ordinances, to uphold the Protestant principles. With those views he should conclude by hoping that the House would agree to unanimously vote a loyal and dutiful address to the Throne. —(Hear, hear, and cheers.) The Honourable Baronet here read the Address. _ _ Mr. BONHAM CARTER, in seconding the address, ex pressed a sense of the difficult position in which he was placed, and a hope that the House would extend that in dulgence to him which it had on all similar occasions ex tended to Hon. Members placed in the same situation. The Hon. Gentleman then proceeded to advert to the circum stance of Members taking formal possession of the new House of Commons. Whatever subject they might hear discussed, he believed the House of Commons would ever maintain its dignity ; and although they did not possess the sp'endour of the other House of Parliament—although they did not see on their walls episodes from the history of every country—and although their walls were not adorned with those exquisite specimens of art, which were dis played in the other House, still this House would not the less perform its duty to the country. The people of this country always relied with veneration on the institutions of their country, and he might say, that they felt neither jealousy nor opposition towards foreign countries, and in particular they did not entertain any hostile views towards that country whose geographical position to England was so important.— (Hear. ) The object of this country was to establish feelings of amity with every country. Englishmen were naturally proud of their institutions, they wished to see them maintained, yet they would not enforce them on any country. It should not, however, be forgotten that their material interests were essentially bound up with those of foreign states, and confidence was therefore essentially neces sary, whether in matters relating to the withdrawal of capi tal, or diversion of it into other channels, as in former years, when heavy losses were sustained. For these reasons, this House, and the people of the country, would hail with satis faction the maintenance of peace with foreign countries. He believed that no precaution was wanting on the part of tiny party who had a share in the Government of the country, and who had the interests which every freeman had at heart, to maintain the continuation of peace.—(Hear, hear.) He ventured with great deference to say that the Character which this:country ought to maintain with other nations was expressed in the words of the Roman poet :- 7 Populus nobilissirnus; quique magnitudinem imam malit Justitia tueri, sine. cupiditate, sine impotentia ; quieti secre tique. Nulls. provocant belle ; prompts tamen omnibus arms, ac si res poscat, exercitus. Quieecentibus eadem lama."—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) He trusted th a t th e nation would ever feel its just weight to maintain its autho iity, and that God would save it from any interference with foreign states.—(Renewed cheers.) Her Majesty had called their attention particularly to a subject the details of which had occupied much conversation. It was a painful subject, and one which he regretted they should have to discuss at the present time. lie should not mention it, but that in the last session, in Committee, he felt. it to be his duty to call attention to it. In reference to that subject he would only say, that the present outbreak was not occasioned by aggres sion on our part. Whatever opinion might be entertained as to the constitution necessary for that colony, all agreed that it was necessary first to vindicate our power and authority, and until that was done, it was almost premature to discuss the subject.—(Hear, hear.) The peculiar circumstances attending the military operations, now carrying on in that colony, rendered the presence of a large number of troops indispensable. The country therefore would not be sur prised at a proposal for the augmentation of the army, a measure upon which also the general safety in a great mea sure would depend.—(Hear, hear.) Her Majesty's Ministers would also, in due course, inform the House of the measures to be submitted to Parliament for the improvement of the administration of the law. Her Majesty had also congratu lated the House that notwithstanding the large reduction which had taken place in taxation, there had not been a proportionate diminution in the annual revenue.—(Hear.) In addition, he believed that the present state of her Ma jesty's subjects was a source of great and general satisfac tion. Their prosperity was increasing ; that would be ap parent by a brief reference to the sources of revenue. The exports had enormously increased—they amounted to three millions sterling. At the same time commerce hail not suffered, according to auguries that had been made.— (Hear, hear.) They had now three ships for every two which they had in 1832. They had one ship of 130 tons now for every ship of 100 tons in that year. Last year there was a larger amount of tonnage returning freight than was ever known. The home market was favourable and satisfactory to the manufacturers. That test of prosperity, the poor law, was also in their favour. There was a general reduction in the relief required. There was a general ad- Vance in the comforts of the people. The working classes were better off. Their houses were more comfortable. They consumed more tea, more butter, and more animal food. There had not been at any time a larger demand for labour. The abundance of the people was the best source of safety and security for the nation.—( Hear.) There was another point which should not be passed over in silence : great numbers of the population had congregated last year to see the Great Exhibition. Their comfortable appearance I was remarkable.—(Hear.) In alluding to these subjects, he felt he must claim the indulgence of the House.—(Hear, hear.) One of the closing paragraphs of her Majesty's Speech called attention to the tranquillity, good order, and willing obedience to the laws prevailing throughout the country. Whilst all classes were vieing with each other in the maintenance of the law and in loyalty to the Sovereign. there could not be a more fitting time to take into considera tion the propriety of extending the franchise, or making such amendments to the Act of the last reign, relating to the representation of the Commons in Parliament, as may be deemed calculated to carry into more complete effect the principles upon which it was founded. (Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") He believed that the intelligence of the country justified them in taking the subject of reform into consideration. There had been a vast increase in postal in tercommunication. At the present time nearly a million of letters per diem passed through the post. That showed a general increase of commercial intercourse. Many write letters now who never wrote them before. There were ex traordinary advantages from the press in .the number and character of the literature sent forth. The number of cheap and sound publications of every description was un precedented. The well-know a publishers, Messrs. Chambers, sent forth of such publications no less than 10,000,000 sheets per annum ; and this increased circulation had given rise, of late, to the necessity of raising the style of the subjects. The number of mechanics institutes and valuable libraries was considerable. There was a point which he felt a peculiar interest in noticing. He alluded to the increase of friendly societies. There were now 4,000,000 subscribers to these societies. The number of depositors in savings' banks, in 1832, was 433,000; they had now increased to 11,000,000 depositors. (Hear, hear.) These facts showed the increasing prosperity and intelligence of the people, and justified the claims of a large class to a parti cipation in the representation, which was the simplest act of Government. But while noticing these topics, it was undeniable that some great social evils loomed in the distance. Doubts were entertained whether the prin ciples now regulating capital and labour would be perma nent. But he would no longer trespass on the House.— (Hear, hear.) He felt that he had performed the duty cast upon him. The page of history was yet before them. He felt that the questions they were to be called upon to debate were great and serious. Duties were gathering round every man in the " coming time," but he felt that her Majesty might place reliance upon them, and that the stability of the institutions of the country depended upon the character of the people.—(Cheers.) And while they were vieing toge ther in loyalty and good order, and engaged in the just con sideration of the rights of all, he felt and hoped they would all cordially jeln with him in the sentiment " That naught should make us rue, If England to herself prove true."—(Cheers.) The Address was then read by the Clerk at the table. MINISTERIALhavinbeen put, EXPLANATIONS. LOPD JOHN RUSSELL AND LORD PALMERSTON. The ‘ question Sir B. HALL rose, and said, he was not about to offer any oppositi on to the Address; but, as one of the first paragraphs in it related to the foreign policy of this country, and as great and important changes had taken place in the Ministry, esp • to the administratieenciaolfly in that part of it which re latedlr foreign affairs, he might be excused if he took this, th e the Noble Lord at the head of threstGopportunity, of asking ernment to give the explanation co of what had led to hear)—but it was consequent House and the country some was an unusual u e p e on circum stancesthe change. He was aware that this r a a rn t ieonnt. Almost which were of rare occurrence, anmdewtthniehr had pre cedenttakfeonr placeit inasl iBnw2 Btah' se w rasha.nedvnmePdi- Administration. irslti the w n ot one--(He ar, immediately as wawas a Governmentiawcoasocsaelgleadeneene after h a a dl change to ed 4:aokne on_tothgivingthe after the Address and, f though the cir a c n um ob s j t e a e n t F m e n s was and so that exp la nation a moment, ana;ti:at 'that .it the explanation was asked of the time at which ,for, but the the for an alteration exP reason for not giving it was were g not present ii parties who were concerned which then took 'Alsace the time. On referring to the debates he found the Secretary-at-War , ford Palmerston, replied that su c h given till the parties were explanations would not ba nc d pre sent. In this instance the parties co and when, in the case to which reference was made, th e parties entered the House an exp lanation was given to Par liament and to the country. It was necessary to refer to the oponhtg of Parliament on the 31st of January, 1850. The Royal Commissioners by whom Parliament was then opened were ordered t o state t h at " H er Majesty , haPPiIY continued in peace and amit y w i t h f ore i gn powers. It ould be - w re collected that a debate took place on the Address, and, though 507 Members were present, not one word was then said respecting the foreign policy of the country, and not one single objection was taken to the administration of the foreign policy by the Noble Lord at the head of that depart ment. From the journals of the ;other House it apeared that a motion was made there on what was called " the Greek question." That motionwa.s carried against the Go vernment by a large majority. Hon. Members on the other side of the House were taunted with not bringing forward a motion in accordance with that carried by their political friends elsewhere; and, on their declining to do so, the Hon. and Learned Member for Sheffield moved a resolu tion, which was carried by a large—he mi g h t say trium. WEDNESDAY LONDON, phant—majority, because all those who sat on the other , side voted together against those who sat on the Ministerial side of the House. That resolutiion affirmed that the principles by which the foreign policy of her Majesty's Government had been regulated were such as were calcu lated to maintain the honour and dignity of this country in times of unexampled difficulty. He would call attention to a topic raised in the debate—that there was a cabal formed for the purpose of removing the Noble Lord from office in this country. (Hear, hear.) The cabal was openly talked of prosecuting that object which had now been achieved. There was a remarkable passage in the admir rable speech of the Noble Lord at the head of the Govern ment, in which he expressed his unqualified approval of his colleague. Lord J. Russell said, let not any man be misled c b r y et t a h ry e a t e h t i i s on th oooo a try t w w h a e a n Lord alw Palmerston ayaohthe br w in as k olf'or w ei a gn r ; S fo e- r upwards of fourteen out of thirty-five years foreign affairs had been under Lord Palmerston'a direction ; and the Noble Lord at the head of the Government referred to a presump tion that there was a foreign cabal at work which had raised unfounded suspicions, and which was endeavour ing to overturn the foreign policy of the Government. In the last session her Majesty also said she continued in relations of peace and amity with foreign powers. During last session not one word was said about the foreign policy of the Government. Parliament closed in August; and who could have supposed that when they met again the Government of the country should have lost one of its greatest ornaments?—(Hear, hear.) He wished to draw the attention of the House to some remarkable facts, and should refrain as much as possible from comment. He would not refer to rumours as contradictory as they were various. His object was to put some facts before the House, and elicit some information respecting the real cause which had led to a change in the Administration. On the 24th of December the resignation of Lord Palmerston was announced in the Times newspaper. The Ambassador of France was either recalled or gave in his resignation ; but he (Sir Benjamin Hall) brought these facts before the House in order that the Noble Lerd might inform the House whether there was truth in the statement as to a cabal. He had stated that Lord Palmerston's resignation was announced in the Times newspaper of the 24th of December last. It was a curious fact that a letter was written from Vienna on Tuesday, the 23d of December, the day previous, printed in the Breslau Gazette on the night of the 24th, and published on the morning of the 25th, announcing, as clearly as it could do, the intended dismissal or resignation of Lord Pal merston. (The Hon. Baronet read the extract.) That was followed at Vienna by placards, put forward by the Govern ment—(Hear, hear) —announcing the circumstance, and it was also followed by rumours of an extraordinary nature, sanctioned, as ho (Sir B. Hall) was informed, by the Prime Minister of Austria. So matters stood up to this day. Her Majesty had opened Parliament in person that day, and had been advised to state from the throne, " I continue to enter tain the most friendly relations with foreign powers." The adjective was put in the superlative degree. If friendly re lations continued to be maintained, why this change? Last year we were at peace with all foreign nations; now we were on the same footing. The House and the country ought not to be longer left in doubt as to the causes which led to the dismissal or resignation of the Noble Lord. He (Sir B. Hall) wished to put that alternative, because he did not know anything—he did not wish to prejudge. He wished to give the Noble Lord an opportunity of answering the question he had put; and he was confident the Noble Lord would do so at once. Lord J. RUSSELL—I am quite willing to answer the appeal made to me by my Hon. Friend. I cannot do so, however, without entering into a good deal of statement and of detail, both with respect to the particular occurrence to which my Hon. Friend has alluded and with respect to the state of parties. I hope, therefore, the House will give me its indulgence, that if other topics may be referred to on which any explanations are required, I shall be allowed to offer them.—(Hear, hear.) I will new proceed to answer the questions of my Hon. Friend. lam entirely ready to admit that which he has stated, that in the debate of 1850, with respect to Greek affairs, I expressed the utmost confidence in the administration of foreign affairs by my Noble Friend. I will say more; it is not in words only that I have shown my sense of the energy, ability, and knowledge of the in terests of this country in all parts of the world, which are pre-eniinently the qualifications of my Noble Friend for that office.—(Hear, hear.) I have borne testimony otherwise than in words; and I will state that when the Administration of 1835 was formed by Lord Melbourne, the first proceeding of Lord Melbourne was to send for me, and ask me to what office I should wish him to recommend me, and added, that he supposed the office I wished to accept was that of Foreign Secretary. My answer was, that I did not propose to take that office—that I did not propose to take that office unless it suited the convenience of my Noble Friend; that Lord Palmerston, who was then out of Parlia ment, was eminently qualified for that post, and that I was prepared to take that office if he did not. Again, when, in • December, 1845, and in July , 1846, I was c a lled u p on b y he r Majesty to submit a plan of administration for her Majesty's sanction, I earnestly recommended to her Majesty to place Lord Palmerston in the situation of Secretary of State for Foreiga Affairs, as the person best qualified to hold that office. The House well knows that her Majesty was pleased to appoint him, and that from that time the Noble Lord has continued to hold that situation. It was with deep regret that I found circumstances had occurred such as in my mind made it impossible for me to act a ny longer with my Noble Friend in that situation in which he had shown such distinguished ability. But before I enter into those points it is as well that I should state what I conceive to be the position which a Secretary of State holds as regards the Crown in the ad ministration of foreign affairs, and as regards the Prime Minister of this country. With respect to the first, I should state that when the Crown, in consequeace of a vote of the House of Commons, places its constitutional confidence in a Minister, that Minister is, on the other hand, bound to the Crown to the most frank and full detail of every measure that is taken, and is bound either to give a special case (as we understood) or to leave to the Crown its full liberty, a liberty which the Crown must possess, of saying that the Minister no longer possesses its confidence. Such I hold to be the general doctrine. But as regards the Noble Lord, it did so happen that in August, 1850, the precise terms were laid down in a communication on the part of her Majesty with respect to the transaction of business between the Crown and the Secretary of State. I became the organ of making that communication to my Noble Friend, and thus became responsible for the document I am about to read from. I shall refer only to that part of the document which has re ference to the immediate subject : " The Queen requires, first, that Lord Palmerston will distinctly state what he proposes in a given case, in order that the Queen may know as distinctly to what she is giving her Royal sanction. Secondly, having once given her sanc tion to a measure, that it be not arbitrarily altered or modi fied by the Minister. Such an act she must consider as fail ing in sincerity towards the Crown, and justly to be visited by the exercise of her constitutional right of dismissing that Minister. She expects to be kept informed of what passes between him and the Foreign Ministers before important decisions are taken based upon that intercourse ; to receive the foreign despatches in good time ; and to have the draughts for her approval sent to her in sufficient time to make herself acquainted with their contents before they must be sent off. The Queen thinks it best that Lord John Russell should show this 'letter to Lord Palmerston." I sent that accordingly, and received a letter in which the Noble Lord said,— ~ I have taken a copy of this memorandum of the Queen, and will not fail to attend to the directions which it con tains." I believe those directions were entirely in conformity with the relations that exist between the Foreign Secretary and the Crown. And now I will state what is the duty of the Prime Minister, and I will state it not in my own words, but in words used by Sir R. Peel, with reference to the appoint. ment of the Official Salaries Committee. The words are— Take the case of the Prime Minister. You must presume that he reads every important dispatch front every foreign Court. He cannot consult with the Secretary of State tor Foreign Affairs and exercise the influence which he ought to have with respect to the conduct of foreign affairs, unless he be master of everything of real importance passing in that department." I believe to that statement also there can be no contradic tion : it lays down the just principle with respect to the po sition of a Prime Minister, and makes him responsible for the business. I may say, likewise, that I was informed both by her Majesty and by Sir R. Peel that Sir R. Peel had ad vised her Majesty to consult and to take my advice on all matters relating to foreign affairs. Such, then, being the state of the relations which I held towards the Crown and towards my Noble Friend, and I must say that I found the situation in which I was placed one of vary great delicacy (as we understood). When the Noble Lord was irst ap pointed Secretary for Foreign Affairs he was placed under Lord Grey, a statesman of age and experience, to whom my Noble Friend, then young in that office, would readily listen. When Lord Melbourne was at the head of the Government, Lord Melbourne's long intimacy and connexion with my Noble Friend would give him also influence with my Noble Friend. Without either of those advantages I certainly have found from time to time that relations like those were difficult to acquire. Sometimes I felt great responsibility. I will now refer to events which occured in the autumn of last year. There was a meeting of the Cabinet on the 3d of November, and I happen to have my memory more im pressed with what I stated on that occasion, having in that instance only taken a note of what my own staiements were. —(Cries of "Speak out.") I stated that I thought the situation of Europe was exceedingly critical ; that I thought we were on the verge of seeing in 1852 (and there I was mistaken) of seeing either what is called social democracy triumphant in other countries, or of seeing absolute power, on the other hand, prevail. I said that in either case the situation of England would be cue of some peril; that we could not expect that a social democratic republic in France would observe the faith of treaties or refrain from attacking our allies. I said, on the other hand, that if absolule power should prevail, there was a danger, this country being an exception in the form of its government from other coun tries of Europe, that there might be combinations on the subject of refugees in this country, and that demands might be made which this country, in consistency with its honour, could not concede. I stated that, in my own opi - nion, in this critical situation of affairs, it was the interest of England to observe a strict neutrality. I said that we ought to guard most especially against giving any just cause of offence to France—(Hear, hear)—that we ought to exert the utmost vigilance in order to prevent any such cause of offence. I think my colleagues generally, and my Noble ' Friend in particular, entirely concurred in that opinion. No resolution was come to by the Cabinet on the subject, but there was a general understanding as to the desirableness of adopting such a course. Now, it happened, as I think, very unfortunately, a very short time after the events of the 2d of December had taken place, and my Noble Friend bad re• ceived at the Foreign-office deputations from certain dis tricts of the metropolis presenting to him addresses contain ing terms of a most offensive nature to the Sovereigns of Europe.—(Hear, hear.) I was fully persuaded at the time, and lam still fully persuaded, that although my Noble Friend had not exercised due caution in that respect—that although he had not taken the precaution of seeing those ad dresses at the time they were presented to him, an d although he had No t t a k en the further precaution when he deputations came into his room at ;the Foreign-office of taking care that his words were duly and accurately reported, yet I was en tirely p ersua d e d t h at m y Noble Friend had fallen into an error that day wholly from oversight, arising from the quantity of business with which he had to deaL I was per suaded, lik ew i se, with respect t o t h e wor d s w hi c h my Noble Friend used in that there were great misrepresentati ons reply to those addresses. I was ready, therefore, and I de clared it at once, to adopt with my Noble Friend the whole ;--that he woul responsibility of his conduct on that occasion, although, I d take could not forbear seeing that an error had been committed. I did hope that after that my Noble Friend would have treated me with that fairnessto which I think I was en titledwould make no important Minis ters, without giving m • to give an opi n i on a that full and completeuponcommunication to foreign COM information, w i thout . enabling me no important .. step—that he in short, without any steps taken,— . communication Peel alluded. The next t from which the whole to thisransaetion which occurred of unfortunate arisen. It has relation to the France on the 2d of December events circumstance which Sir Robert ve t n . ts On n hi t c h h e t 3 oo d k of is that has I ce in place a dispatch was received from the M 'of Normanby containing a question as to the d were to be maintained by him with Mar . .. iplomatic relations which the Government of the President of France. A meeting of the Cabinet was held on the subject, and there existed a general prevailing opinion among its members that the Government of this country had nothing more to do than to abstain from any interference whatever with the internal affairs of France. — (Cheers.) My Noble Friend correctly represented the views of the Government in this respect i❑ the following dis patch : " Foreign-office, Dec. 5, 1851. "My Lord,—l have received and laid before the Queen your Excellency's dispatch No. 365, of the 3d most, request ing to be furnished with instructions for your guidance in the present state of affairs in France. lam commanded by her Majesty to instruct your Excellency to make no change in your relations with the French Government. It is her Majesty's desire that nothing should be dune by her Am bassador at Paris which could wear the appearance of an interference of any kind in the internal affairs of France. "I am, he , " PALMERSTON." There was this solemn and formal decision of her Majesty's Government, approved of by the Queen, communicated to her Ambassador at Paris, and, as I conceive, pointing out to him the line of conduct which was to be pursued by the English Government, whether here or at Paris. Mr. GOULBURN—What is the date of that dispatch ? Lord J. RUSSELL—It is dated the sth. It was sent to her Majesty on the 4th, it came back on the sth, and was then sent to Paris, A few days afterwards, among the dispatches from the Foreign-office which came to my hands, there was one from the Marquis of Normanby to Viscount Palmerston, dated December 6, 1851, and which was received D ec ember 8. The patch ran thus : "Paris, Dec. 6, 1851. " My Lord ,— I this morni ng rece i ve d y our L o rdship's dis patch, No. 600, of yesterday's date, and I afterwards called on M. Turgot, and informed him that I had received her Majesty's commands to say that I need make no change in my relations with the French Government in consequence of what had passed. I added, that if there had been some lit tle delay in making this communication, it arose from mate rial circumstance., not connected with any doubt on the sub ject. M. Turgot said the delay had been of less importance as he had two days since heard from M. Walewski that your Lordship had expressed to him your entire approbation of the act of' the President, and your entire conviction that he could not have acted otherwise than he had done. I said I had no knowledge of any communication, and uo instructions beyond our invariable rule to do nothing which should have the appearance of interfering in any vay with the internal affairs of France; but that I had often had an opportunity of showing, under very varied circumstances, that whatever might be the Government here, I attached the utmost impor tance to maintaining the most amicable relations between the two countries. I added that I was sure, had the Govern ment known of the suppression of the insurrection of the Rouges at the time I had heard from them, I should have been commissioned to add their congratulations to mine. I have thought it necessary to mention what was stated about M. Walewski's dispatch, because two of my colleagues here mentioned to me that the dispatch containing expressions precisely to that effect had been read to them in order to show the decided opinion which England had pronounced. " I have, &c. " NOILMANBY " Now, I own it did not appear to me that any serious diffi culty would arise from that dispatch. I wrote to my Noble Friend to ask an explanation of it, which I felt convinced he would be able to give, and that, without denying what had been stated with regard to the communication made by a Foreign Ambassador to M. Turgot, my Noble Friend would have explained that he had dons nothing more than stated to M. Walewski what appeared to him to be on the whole the best for the interest of France ; and not that Lord Nor manby was the less to be guided by the instructions which were forwarded to him by his Government, or that he was to rest entirely upon information derived from other sources; but that in all his communications with the representatives of the various Governments of Europe at Paris he was to let it be understood that the Government of England ex pressed no opinion with regard to the internal affairs of France.—(Cheers.) I own that appears to me the only wise and the only safe course that could have been adopted. However, I heard nothing—l received no information from the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs as to the meaning of this declaration at Paris that England had pronounced in favour of the act of the President- Let me here say what is the view I t ke of this case. If England were to allow her Fo reign Secretary to pronounce an opinion of that kind, it could no longer be said that she had no interference with the internal affairs of France—(Hear, hear) - for in pronouncing such an opinion by her Secretary for Foreign Affairs a moral support, a moral sanction, and a moral influence would be given and exercised in favour of the course which had been taken by the President. — (Hear, hear.) Not having received any communication from my Noble Friend of any kind, but being at Woburn Abbey on the 13th of December, a messenger arrived, bringing to me a communication from her Majesty making inquiries re specting the said dispatch of December 6th, and asking for an explanation. The next morning (the 14th) I sent a messenger to the Noble Lord, and my communication must have arrived in London at an early hour, but I received no answer from the Noble Lord on that day; on the 15th I received no answer whatever. On the 16th I wrote a note by the early post to the Noble Lord, expressing my opinion that silence was not respectful to her Majesty, and asking for a reply. However, neither on the 15th nor on the 16th did any communication reach me, but the same disdainful silence was observed. The inquiry of the Queen as to what was the meaning of the alleged conversation between her Foreign Secretary and the Ambassador of a foreign country was left entirely unnoticed. But on the morning of the 17th I re ceived copies of two dispatches, one from the Marquis of Normarby to Lord Palmerston, and the other from Lord Palmerston to the Marquis of Normanby. The former dis patch was in the following terms : " Paris, Dec. 15, 1851. "My Lord,—ln my dispatch. No. 372, of the 6th instant notifying my communication of my instructions to M. Tur got, I reported that his Excellency had mentioned that M. Walewski had written a dispatch in which he stated that your Lordship had expressed your complete approbation of the course taken by the President in the recent corp detat. I also reported that I had conveyed to M. Turgot my belief that there must be some mistake in this statement, and my reasons for that belief. But, as a week has now elapsed without any explanation from your Lordship on this point, I must conclude M. Walewski's report to have been sub stantially correct. That being the case, lam perfectly aware that it is beyond the sphere of my present duties to make any remark upon the acts of your Lordship, except inas much as they affect my own position. But within these limits I must, with due deference, be permitted to observe that if your Lordship, as Foreign Minister, hold one lan guage on such a delicate point in Downing-street, without giving me any intimation you had done so,—prescribing afterwards a different course to me, namely, the avoidance o f an y appearance of interference of any kind in the internal affairs of France, —I am placed thereby in a very awkward position. If the language held in Downing-street is more favourable to the existing order of things in France than the instructions on which I am directed to guide myself upon the spot, it must be obvious that by that act of your Lord ship's I become subject to misrepresentation and suspicion in mere ly doing my duty acc or di ng to the official orders re ceived through your Lordship from her Majesty. All this is of more impor tance t o me, because, as I stated before, colleagues had had the dispatch several of my diplo mati c read to them, and had derived from it the conviction that, if accurately reported, your expressions had been those of have, he., unqualified satisfaction.--I " NOIMANBY." Now, although no answer had been given to me, and al though 1 was unable to satisfy the inquiries which were made by the Sovereign, Lt appears t h at L or d P a l mer ston, on the 16th, the day on which this dispatch was received, wrote on his own authority a dispatch which was sent to our Am bassador at Paris, but which had not obtained the sanction of her Majesty. It was in these terms : " Foreign-office, Dec. 16, 1851. My L or d, —I have received your Excellency's dispatch, No. 406, of the 15th inst., referring to the statement made to you by the French Minister for Foreign Affairs on the occasion of your communicating to his Excellency the in structions with which you have been furnished by her Ma jesty's Government for?), guidance in the present s tate of a ff a irs in France; and have to state to your Exce llenc y th a t there has be en not hing in the language which I have held, nor in the opinions which I have at any time ex pressed on the recent events in France, which has been in any way inconsistent with the instructions addressed to your Excellency, to abstain from anything which could bear th e appearance of any interference in the internal affairs of France. The i nstructio ns contained in my dispatch, .i. o. 600, of the sth inst., to which your Excellency refers, were sent to you not in reply t o a question as to what opinions your Excellency should expres s , but in reply to a q uestion, w hich I understoo d to be , whether L your Excellency s hould cont i nu e your usual diplom a ti c relations with the Presi dent during the interval which was to elapse between the date of your Exc ellen cy's dispatch, No. 365, of the 3d inst. and the voting by the French nation on the question to be proposed to them by the President. As to approving or condemning the step taken by the President in dissolving the Assembly, I conceive it is for the French nation, and not for the British Secretary of State, or for the Br itish Am bassador, to pronounce judgme n t upon that event; but if your Excellency wishes to know my opinion on the change which has taken place in France, it is that, such a state of antagonism had arisen between the President and the As sembly, that it was becoming every day more clear that t h e i r co -existence could not b e o f l on g duration ; and it seemed to me better for the interests of France, and through them for the interests of the rest of Europe, that the power of the President should of his authoritymig ht prevail, inasmuch as the continuance afford a prospect of the main tenance of social order in France, whereas the divisions of o p inions a nd parties in the Assembly appeared to betoken that their victory over the President would be the starting point for a disastrous civil strife. Whether my opinion was right or wrong, it seems to be shared by persons interested in pro perty in France, as far at least as the great and sudden rise in the funds and in other investments may be assumed to be indications of increasing confidence in the improved prospect of internal tranquillity in France. --I am, &c., " PALMERSTON." Now, it appears to me that that dispatch, 'in the first place, was not written in the usual style of my Noble Friend ; it was written in a style very unlike his usual force and cor rectness. However, that dispatch altogether avoided the real question which was at issue. Lord Normanby asked, and was entitled to ask, " Have you, Lord Palmerston, ex pressed your complete approbation bf the act of the Presi dent on the 2d of December, and, if so, am I to guide my self with that opinion, or am I to act according to the dis patch of the sth of December ? " To that question no answer whatever was given ; neither is there in that dispatch a reference to the opinion which the Government had given, nor was the opinion expressed sanctioned by the Crown. But the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs put himself in the place o f th e C rown; he negl ec t e d an d passe d by the state own, in o r d er to give his own opinion with respect to the r of affairs in Paris. Now, it strikes me that the Secretary of State constitutionally has no such power. It appears to me that he can only act with the sanction and by the authority of the Crown in matters of great importance. In matters of small importance, I am ready to admit that the Secretary of State must be allowed to take that course which he may deem best, without continually referring himself to the Crown. But on a matter which was of the utmost im portanee—namely, giving the moral inflence and the moral support of England to the act of the President of the French Republic, the opinion it seemed to me a measure so g rave that not only of the Prime Minister bu t of the Cabinet should have been taken, and that no such ques tion should have been decided upon without their interfer ence and without the sanction of the Crown.—(Che ere.) What was the act to which that dispatch refereed ? It is a question certainly of the utmost delica c y , but is, never theless, one up on whi c h I cannot refrain from saying a few dissolving words. Th e act of the President was . no t merely that of the Assembl It was an act which, in the first place, dissolved the Assembly and put an end to the existing Constitution ; it was an act, in the next place, which, an ticipated the elections of 1852, which were to take place ac cording to that Constitution, but with respect to which great apprehensions had been entertained. In the third end to place, it was an act pu tting an 'arlamentary go vernment in Fran ce (Hear, hear)—ain I act i which, toge ther with ,P ar li amentar y government , suspe nded the right of freedom , of speech, and the freedom of the press, which are considered the usual ACCOlinPalgine l gS, of tary govern /ma t. I a m not going to ©later into any EVENING, FEBRUARY 4, 1852. - dispute whether that was a fit thing to be done; that was - (Cheers. ) I trust that we shall never see this boast falsi- was not the nature of the opinion, for the Noble Lord entirely a question for the French people to decide.- fled ; that while we disapprove of any attempt made in this distinctly told me, " You mistake the question between us ; (Hear, hear.) The French people might say that their country to chan g e the established Governments of other it is not whether the President was justified or not, but history entitled them to say, that what we call in Eng- countries, so long as those exiles conduct themselves peace- whether you were justified in expressing an opinion on the land Parliamentary government has produced such evils , ably we shall consider in it the honour and distinction of this matter at all."-(Hear, hear.) I believe that the Nob 1 in France, it has so frequently led to convulsions in the country . to receive diseeiniinately all . thos who are the Lord the Secretary of State for the Colonies did also in those State, and is so incompatible with the peace of society in victims of fmisfortune. With and as opinions, therefore, with few days express an opinion on those events, and I have been their country, that it ought at once to be abolished, and a respect to foreign affairs, an he obligations the advantages that informed also that the then Vice-President of the Board of different system established in its place. If the French we derive s m l them, to the whenigatio l ns which they im- Trade, and now the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, nation choose to say that, who has the right or the, least pose upon u ,say to the ouse, also expressed his opinion.-(Cheers and laughter.) Then it pretence to contradict it? (Hear, hear.) But it is another that, not wishing . in any degree to eter on the topics which follows that every Member of the Cabinet, whatever his have been introduced, is has been necessary that at the political avocations may have been-however much his atten question to give the moral approbation of England, to place the broad seal of England upon that doctrine with respect request of my Honourable Friend I should give the ex- tion may have been devoted to other matters-is at liberty to to so great a question- If France has so resolved, let us planation of the conduct I have pursued with respect to express an opinion on passing events abroad, but the acquiesce in that decision. I shall do nothing to prevent it. my Noble Friend, and that it has been impossible to do Secretary of State for the Foreign Aff a i r s, w hose peculiar I may lament that those great qualities of human nature so without at the same time recurring to what took place in duty it is to watch those events, who is unfit for which are brought out by Parliamentary government, by free a neighbouring country ; but I must again repeat that in his office if he has not an opinion on them, is the discussion, and a free press-that those great qualities could any measures which we have to take--that in any mea- only man not permitted to express an opinion not henceforth have full development and display. But with sures which we may have to submit to this House, it shall (Hear, and laughter); and when a foreign Minister comes respect to our position, it was to be remembered that during be our object not to increase that unreasonable panic, but and tells him that he has news, he is to remain silent, like a the existence of the present Administration, with my Noble to alleviate it .-(Cheers,) i._ (Cheers,) It is my persuasion that it is wise speechless dolt, or the mute of some Eastern Pasha.-(Cheers Friend as its organ, we have given the moral support and at all times to take precautions against contingent and and laughter.) Now lam told, "It is not your converse the moral sympathy of England to constitutional govern - possible danger; but at the same time I say there is no tion with M. Walewski that is complained of, but your dis ments. We have done so in Spain, we have done so in Per- reason to suppos e that an y dan g er threatens us, that there p atch to the Mar q uis of Normanby." What had I stated in tugal, we have done so in Piedmont; and none was more ist in fact, no dispute between us and any other Power. - that dispatch, in reference to which a great parade was ma d e , ready than my Noble Friend to impart that moral influence. (Ii ear,hear.) I have the happiness to say that the relations as if I had been guilty of breach of duty to the Crown and of But if we were at once to side with a deviation from con- of peace exist between this country and foreign nations in my obligations to the Prime Minister, in sending it without stitutional government, and to give our sanction to the act the fullest degree. I trust they may continue to do so; and previously communicating with the Noble Lord ?- (Hear.) rf the President of France, how can we tell any other country while I deplore events which have passed on the continent No man can lay down the matter more strongly than I have that we advise them to continue Parliamentary government ? of Europe-events which I fear were but the too certain in reference to the obligations of the Secretary of State for It therefore appeared I. me a departure, a signal and wide de - consequences othe revolution of 1848-I do trust that Foreign Affairs. I have always admitted that if the Secre parture, from that policy which the Governmennt had sup- by peace and civilization,by the intelligence which is tary of State for Foreign Affairs sends a dispatch of import ported and pursued, and which my Noble Friend had esPe' daily pouring in on us, by the made to length intro- a n n io c n e o t f o t a h n e A p m rim ba e ss m ad in o i r st a e b r ro o a r d er w ow it n h , ou h t e aisacgeurtdatiynionfgathhereoapc.ih cially advocated. But when this took place-when, as 1 the condition of mankind, liberty shall be at . of the Queen had b een se t as ide, it duced and established, and that, with religion, it shall go- of duty. But there are many cases in which it is perfectly conceived, the authority appeared to me that I had no other course than to inform vern the hearts of men and p roduce ha pp ier da y s to man- well known that he is only express i ng th e op i n i on of the my Noble Friend that he, while I held office , could no lon g er kind.-(Loud cheerin g .) Government, and inconveni ence m i g ht ar i se f rom delay. hold the seals as Secretary of State for Forei g n Affairs. Lord PALMERSTON rose from his p l ace on the front There are many cases in whi c h a se d u l ous an d care f u l ob- Later in the day, and after I had formed that resolution,hle bench below the gangway, on the Ministerial side, and said, servance of the strict rule is attended with inconvenience receivedla long letter from my Noble Friend, stating t of -Sir, to the public service, and has exposed me to imputations I am sure the House will feel that after what has of neglect and delay in answering the dispatches I received. reasons why he approved of the set .of the President France. But it appeared to me that those reasons no longer passed on the part of my Hon. Friend behind me (Sir B. But what was the dispatch from the Marquis of touched the case; because the real question now w as, Hall ) and the N o bl e Lord who has jus t sa t down, it is abso- Normanby, and what was my answer ? L or d Nor whether the Secretary of State was entitled, of his own au- lutely incumbent on me to make some observations to the mangy, in his dispatch of the 6th. had said that the French thority, to write a dispatch as the organ of the Queen's House. I should be sorry indeed, Sir, that this House and Minister had reported that I used certain expressions which • Government, in which his colleagues had never concurred, the country should run away with the impression which the Lord Normanby represents as inconsistent with the instruc tions not to interfere in the internal affairs of France. Now, and to which the Queen had never given er Royal speech of the Noble Lord has been too well calculated to if t h ose express i ons h a d b een use d , Id o not see t h at they sanction ? It appeared to me that, without deg her Rsyal speech of the Noble Lord has been too well calculated to if those expressions had been used, Ido not see that they sanction? It appeared to tue that, without degrading the make, that I have abandoned the principles I have ever en- are i ncons i s t en t w ith th e i ns t ruct i ons, not to ma k e an y al- - - 3 Crown, I could not advise her Majesty to retain that Minis- tertained-that I have changed the opinions I have expressed, teration in our relations with the French Government. But s ter in the Foreign Department of her. Government. lat and which I will never alter - that I have been the advocate what does Lord Normanby proceed to state? He says, that the same time informed her Majesty that a correspondence of absolute power, and that I have been in favour of the after making that communication to M. Turgot to which , had gone on between Lord Palmerston and myself with re- abolition of constitutional Governments. The Noble Lord the Noble Lord has alluded, to do nothing which should have spect to her Majesty. That was on the Wednesday, I began the remarks he made to the House by stating his opt- the appearance of interferiug in any way in the internal think, and I waited till Saturday in order to consider and nion of the relations which ought to subsist between the affairs of France, he added that he was quite sure that if the to reconsider the matter before I fairly submitted the cor - Foreign Secretary and the Crown on the one hand, and the G overnmen t h a d k nown th e events of Paris on the Thursday respondence to the Crown. I think on Thursday I informed Foreign Secretary and the Prime Minister on the other. my Noble Friend I would be at home (as we u nderstood ) , In that definition I most entirely concur, and I flatter and Friday they would have joined their congratulations to his. That was a greater apparent interference in the internal thinking he might propose some course by which a separa - myself I have done nothing which is inconsistent with affairs of the French nation than any conversation of m ine tion could be avoided, but nothing of that kind took place , either of those relations. Sir, the practice that pre with M. Walewaki. However, Lord Normanby having re and I, being fully as convinced then as I had been of what I veiled in the Foreign-office was that which the Noble should do, wrote on Saturday, the 20 th , to her Majesty , Lord has described as laid down in the memorandum ported the expressions of the French Minister to me, I did sub conveying the correspondence which had passed between of 1850, but the practice did not begin at that time, not think it necessary to go into any argument on the ject, but ten days afterwards, on the 15th of December, the my Noble Friend and myself, and shortly intimating my ad- but was in existence before-namely, that no important Ambassador at Paris, vice to her Majesty that Lord Palmerston should be re - political instruction vests ever sent to any foreign minister rather inverting, I think, the positions _of Ambassador and Secretary of State - (Hear, and a laugh) quired to give up the seals of the Foreign-office. Sir, in abroad, and no statement addresse d to any di p l omat i c agent, coming to a decision so painful-in coming to the decision w ith o ut the draught being first submitted to the Noble Lord calls on the Secretary of State to give him an explanation that I must separate from a colleague with whom I had at the head of the Government, that he might take the as to the language the Secretary of State was supposed to re acted so long, whose abilities I had admired, and in whose pleasure of the Crown upon it, and if he, either himself, or have used to M. Walewski. In my dispatch in answer I policy I had agreed- I felt, whether rightly or wrongly it is from high authority, suggested alterations, those alterations peated that neither the Secretary of State nor the Ambassador not for me now to say, I was bound to take that decision were made, and if he objected to the dispatch, then the dis- at Paris was entitled to pronounce judgment on the affairs of France; but I stated the nature of the opinions I expressed alone-to consult none of my colleagues, to avoid anything patch was modified. It is, at the same time, said that on the 3d of Dember. Therefore it is a misrepresentation of which might hereafter have the appearance of a cabal, but to thoughi the general tenor of the policy pursued by me had the facts of the case to say that, in answering Lord Nor assume the sole and entire responsibility on myself.- met with the approval of her Majesty's Government and was manby's letter, I was giving instructions inconsistent with s (Cheers.) With respect, therefore, to the stories which my right, yet there was, notwithstandiug, something in the the relation of our general intercourse with' the French Go- Honourable Friend has quoted from a Breslau paper, manner of conducting it calculated to excite irritation on the vernment. It was no instruction. I did not give the 0 1A - .N I , as regards a letter written in Vienna, I can assure him part of foreign Governments. Now, the manner of conduct- nion of the Government of England. It was my own opinion S• .' that, however curious the coincidence of that letter ing it consisted in the formation of dispatches or notes, and may be, there is no truth whatever in the stories that I have stated that they were never sent, unless they had and, whether right or wrong, it was shared by numbers in f j k sihs ` e.a r l tsafßh.nneacoesAse. foundation ul T )n h d e ha r at e iso t o n r h e ri no theujgush justice i ce chargea gainst ori nw fact.-(Hear, c e et h : -ftohiiniNde founded on l o e hne l s aa o r d r . ) d i a p ( a L Tt o bc (Lord there was an attempt to establish fairer terms and obtained the previous sanction of the Noble Lord at the more intimate relations with the Court of Austria, and head of the Government. The Noble Lord had com satfeorafthtehleetctuesreor t b h e e tw N e o e h n le th L e or N d, o g h i l v e i L ho or r d ea a a n o d ni n7, o ; that the affair was entirely founded on the correspondence I mented upon an incident which I am ready to admit ex have stated and on the motives I have laid before the House. advising lo Q w.na u aisv e ssa e ianpg n i done perfectly ct appointly competent successor for the Noble tha that was ord : 0 1 -(Hear, hear.) In two days after the Cabinet met I read cited some degree of regret on my part-namely, the in _ terview which took place between me and a certain de ait i c h t n r o he u i a :t a to them the correspondence-both official correspondence and putation from Finsbury and Islington on the subject private correspondence-which had taken place between my of the efforts made by her Majesty's Government that any it , treasonh r a e t a s o ww n ha t i aco,hmthheaa. that nl ß dd u i t do, h t ih e ne c cr h od o n s i vv e ee t rr o ; Noble Friend and myself, and I stated to them that I was, of to obtain the release of the Hungarian iefugees ssa rv m r Li aats eeo esk e t i trgprii cation m hn egun dni m nw b n w ph e k h e w w i members of ti that cohdayf done whomtt nh h Cabinet ee e maaheneiem paey person.-(Hear.) justice appearato3nin. b_ k :by saying ( also ill t e abette rr t . o ) • that h l tvdoeo ther donenemotcourse odv iui remove r ps c tue o ht n aoe f v n fe theo 0 - course, responsible for what had passed; but if they disap- detained in the Turkish dominions. I was asked by letter proved of my conduct, then of course I must quit office; and to receive a deputation, instructed to express the righttheackfnovt r eta in o f i then theoccof Noble uwarbhsi i ice L ontf o . I r f d o wrleva t i s o gi t foreign e m pr eoionslyipsceteyre instrument n n ateson m mtt e hh m eas dbep self, :cot proper received vo h esn e dl 4,3 : bi ho o : a - e, I left it to them to form their judgment. They decided, Goer of a certain meeting to me, as a member of f without any difference of opinion, that they thought I could nment and the organ of its foreign policy, for t e e- I Go take no other course than that I had taken.-(Hear, hear.) forts made to obtain the liberation of these refugees. I know not that I neer state anything further with regard to this transaction, but I immediately proceeded to Windsor thought it was my duty, being thus applied to Byer respeoctahbeler persons, to receive this deputation from a meing . f and advised her Majesty to make choice of a successor to Majesty's subjects. I certainly did not expect, not bei N ng oh s l o e my Noble Friend. Now, Sir, with whatever pain that much in the habit of receiving deputations as my a constant support and approval of the rest of the Governme nt ' separation was made, I was convinced at the time - I am convinced still- that, considering what was due toteh Friend probably is-I did not expect hots what . d news in conversation with those persons was t ppe ar in antia; this country to pursue.- (Hear.) I always thought it was honour of the Crown, and what was due to the character paper paragraph next day as an important declaration eaa o n _ a the duty of the Government of this country to make the in; of the country, I could take no other course. But let me say, part of her Majesty's Government. --( II a arj h the d(1 terests of England the polar star to guide our course-ann because some part of my statement may have led to a sepa- laugh.) But there was nothinV which I aid tod l t hepu- `hat it was my duty to be-as the Noble Lord described me rate impression, . that I em far from accusing ray Noble tenon which I have not stated in this House an e sew l ere, in 1850, neither the Minister of Austria, of Russia, nor of Friend of any intentional disrespect f:, the Crown.-( Hear, and which has not been publicly known.-(Hear.) . cer- Prussia, but the Minister of England.- (Cheers.) I hays hear.) My belief is that having been long conversant with tainly regret that the meeting should haee mixed up with telt it my duty to maintain the interests of England, to af the affairs of the Foreign-office and with foreign affairs, and their acknowledgments to her Majesty's Government expres- lord protection to British subjects abroad in all parts of the having great confidence in his own judgment and in his own sions with respect to foreign Sovereigns which it was en- world, to protect their commerce, their persons, and their mode of carrying on the business of the Country, he forgot tirely unfitting that a person in my situation should have property.-(Hear, hear.) It is not to be expected that, in what was due to the Crown, and what was due to his own presented to him.-(Hear.) If I had taken the precaution, pursuing that course, in giving that encouragement which colleagues, without any intention of personal disrespect to which I certainly might, to see the address previously, I our own disposition and wishes stimulated us to give to the the Crown. But it is impossible for me to make the present might have objected to such parts, and they might have progressive diffusion of constitutional government 111, statement without also referring in some degree to the been expunged ; but, being taken by surprise, and the ad- other countries, it is not to be expected. I repeat, state of affairs which now exists on the continent of Europe. press being read on the spot, all I could do was to repudiate that such a course could be pursued without meeting,. _ with opposition from persons and Governments which -(Hear, hear.) I think it necessary to make this statement because I have been necessarily led into an avowal those expressions, and to declare . that I had not any partici pation in them. Ido not think that what passed on that oc- entertained opposite opinions, or who have happened to be of my opinions that we could not properly or fairly express casion was reasonably calculated to impair the friendly re- I w a ro m ng h d a o p e p r y s, to fr a o a m y, a w n h d o m m ya r t e a d t r e e m ss en might on b fi e rm de e in d an opinion here favourable to the conduct of the President of France on the 2d of December.- (Hear, hear.) I fattens between her Majesty's Government and any conti nental Power. I will now come to the particular trarsac- just fallen from the Noble Lord, that after having for a co . 's* thought it was not our part to do what we heard the Lions to which my Noble Friend-(after a pause)-the Noble siderable time had the good fortune and honour to be the 11 1 ; Russian and Austrian Ministers had done-to go at once Lord, has referred as the groundwork of my removal from etrument to guide the foreign relations of this country a and congratulate the President on what he had done- office. The event which is commonly called the coup dYtat question, ui a ffe v es e tr ie l o e nn fi the oe e t countrysveen political th (Hear, hear)-but then lam bound to say that the Presi- happened in Paris on the 2d of December. On the 3d the French with respect to every part of Europe, and that there is no dent of France, having all the means of information he has Ambassador, with whom I was in the habit of almost dail) not always that that could have been sai Y ci p. . o-rtr( r aCn h ilc e had, no doubt has taken that course from a consideration of communication, called on me at my house to inform me of y un i t m r icis i u n easn a tdio s na t n a oy t f e acno of most friendly relations the state of France, and that the course he has taken is what he had received, and to talk over the events of the pre hest fitted to insure the welfare of the country over which ce di n g day, and I' stated conversationally the opinion I en- periods when unfortunately differences have existed-but. at he rules.-(Murmurs and laughter.) Let me state that tertained of the events which had 'taken place. That opt- all events that " firebrand," as I have been called that In n demanded. d h . a t Bur haii , over again-(Hear, bear),-that while I do not concur in nion was exactly the opinion expressed in the latter part of dividual who embroiled the relations of Er land with .a,,,Li the approbation of my Noble Friend, I have no reason to the dispatch which the Noble Lord - bas read,'and the French other countries, as it has also been said of me, after hall doubt, and everything I have heard confirms that opinion, Ambassador, as lam informed, in a private letter commu- found the country involved in difficulties, has left 1)& 6 ° but that in the opinion of the Presidentthe putting an end to the nicated the result of that conversation to his Minister. On no question of difference between this and other riationS, constitution, the anticipating the election of 1852, and the that day, the 3d of December, her Majesty's Ambassador at with amity subsisting between this and all other collatr, ie llhl abolition of the Parliamentary constitution, were all tend- Paris wrote a dispatch to ask what instructions he should (Cheers.) For instance, there are our relations with Russ' s ' • t h tog to the happiness and essential to the welfare of France. receive for his guidance in France during the interval before time has been when we have had serious differences w i s , (Cheers and laughter.) But I have certainly to state fur- the vote of the French on the question that was to be pro- that Power. But between England and Russia there 13 ' 9 " ther, because I confess I have seen with very great regret posed to them, and whether in that interval he should infuse exists the most cordial understanding upon the very qu e r the language which has bean used by a portion of the press in the relations with the French Government any greater lions on which formerly differences prevailed-name Yor of this country-(Loud cheers from both aides of the House) degree of reserve than usual. I took the opinion of the with regard to Persia and Turkey. A short time lig . , e r g 'ee -(Cheers.) haves.) creating! beenltl -with respect to the President of France. 1 remember some- Cabinet on that question, and a draught of that opinion was questions arose in which Prussia was concerned, which !I thing as a boy, and I have read more, of that which occurred prepared and sent for her Majesty's approbation. The riously affected the peace of the north of Germany, and whit?: during the Peace of Amiens to render that peace of short answer could only be one, in consistence with the course we we succeeded in arranging; and it was some satisfaction. to duration, and to, involve these two great countries in the s had pursued since the beginning of th e events a ll u d e d to, her Majesty's Government that, b our conduct in seconding most bloody hostilities that ever mangled the face of Europe. and was such as the Noble Lord had read. Her Majesty's the proper, and just pretension s of D enmar k, we succeeded I believe that ter ^te discucess- etia- sador wee 'sha :(lear.) J m per ate discussion and negot tion between the two countries might have prevented the calamity of war, but that the language of the press at that time was such that it embittered all negotiation and pre vented the continuance of that peace.—(Loud cheers.) Sir , I should deeply regret if the press of this country, at the pre sent time, were to take a similar course.—(Cheers.) We have obtained one advantage over that time—that the First Consul, great as were his abilities, was totally ignorant of the manners - and constitution of this country. The present President of France has this advantage over his uncle, that he is perfectly aware how much liberty we enjoy, how much license of discussion prevails, and that the most unmeasured invective of the press does not imply any feeling of hostility either on the part of the Government or on the part of the nation. I am convinced of this, that there never was a time in which it was more essential that these two countries should preserve the relations of peace and amity. I am convinced that there never. was a time when the peace of Europe would contribute more to the course of civilization and happiness. I am convinced, likewise, from every source of information I have had, that the ruler of France, the present President of France, is desirous of keeping on those terms of amity— (Hear, hear)—and it shall not be any fault of ours—it shall not be any fault of the Government of this country, if these terms of peace and amity are not continued.—(Cheers.) I have said this more especially because it certainly will be our duty, as her Majesty has intimated in her speech, to propose i some increase of our estimates. When the proper time comes, and when the measures for that purpose are produced, it wilt be shown to you—l trust to the satisfaction of the House—that those measures are not for an increase to our armaments, and that they propose no more precautions than what every country, and even the United States, thinks it necessary to take for national defence.—(Hear, hear.) It is impossible not to see that in the'great changes which have taken place in the world within these few years, among other arts the art of war has been improved, and that it is necessary when there is—as there always is—a possibility of war, to be prepared for our defence. But really to see some of the letters which have been published, and to hear some of the language that has been used, it would seem that these 1 two great nations, so wealthy, so civilized, so enlightened, were going to butcher one another, merely to see what would be the effect of percussion shells and needle guns!—(Cheers and laughter.) I trust those fears are only temporary—l am convinced the solid and deliberate opinion of this coun try and of this House is for peace—(Loud cheers)—for the continuance of the most permanent and solid peace, and I own I think it the greatest blessing the nations of Europe can enjoy. —(Hear, hear.) But there is something more which, if I may be permitted, I shall point out to the atten tion of the House. Four years ago we were astonished with accounts of insurrections in various capitals of Europe; day after day we heard of revolts and outbreaks, and were made acquainted with the intelligence of the establishment of the most democratic constitutions. I heard opinions of some in this House expressing their great joy at the establishment of those constitutions; but I could not participate in their joy or in their grief. I looked, I said, on those events with mixed feelings. I was glad of whatever would promote the prosperity of the nations of Europe, but I was by no means have mns confident those changes would have that result. W seen four years go over, and those countries that those democratic constitutionsbeen put in we have seen been destroyed, and that absolute powers have country of their place. For instance, there is that little almostn have rule of, a mild and enlightened governor. and the Grand Tus cany, where I lived for several months under the indulgent Government overturned by a democracy, and which seeks Duke driven from his dominions by the part y bave seen that demo craticwhat is called Italian unity; W e i in av ese n that to power by a foreign force occupying cfthe diminishing means Government suppressed, .and dwtehe GhrisanednDieufkt which has its subsistence provide by progress e constitution which had than before. In Austria, again, the eewrebsoarnedd of the State, while the Italians hav • to the people has been _ _ n Hem°. likewise, been given n end to the constitution which madesiae nostrrnanogreled in its put a he influence of popular excite fbeirrethe,haaandhecanbusosleudtetn power restored. I had been introduced under t avails. Now, Sir, is there no ment, and absolute powert this? S o t 1 lt freedom itoe Does it not show, in the first h-s? judge hastily or rashly of events tries ? Does it not show, likewise, occurring in foreign moral to be drawn ourselves, though it was thought we place, that we should not that, with respect to fro c ni oun had the same degree of liberty as some of those not have done wisely to adhere to our ancient insti tutions, that freedom of the press and liberty of speech —qui d velis exponere, quid sentias dicere—the essence are here more fully enjoyed than where popular I liber ty prevails to the utmost?—(Hear, hear.) trust, therefore, that we shall, with regard to our own country, continue in the path of peaceable and safe reform rather than by the hasty adoption of anything different from our insti tutions run the risk of losing the very liberty for which we make the change. But as to foreign countries there is this to be said, that while we do not interfere with their domestic concerns —while we abstain from any intemperate judgment on their internal affairs, yet there is one result which comes home to us, and which imposes on us a duty from which we cannot flinch. All these various Governments of foreign States, as each gets uppermost, send their enemies and opponents out of the country, and the conse quence is that we have many who are seeking refuge in England. . I: giving them hospitality we are b u t p ur suing the ancient and known policy of this country; we are but doingthat which was celebrated two centuries ago, when Waller said— " Whether this portion of the world were rent By the rude ocean from the continent, Or thus created, it was sure designed To be the accred refuge of mankind." Ambassador was instructed to make no change in his re'. tions with the French Government, and to do nothing that should wear the appearance of any interference in the inter nal affairs of France.—(Hear, hear.) There was no instruc tion to communicate that document to the French Govern ment ; it simply contained instructions, not, in fact, whatthe English Ambassador was to do, but what he was to abstain from doing. The Noble Lord, however (the Marquis of Normanby), thought it right to communicate to the French Minister for Foreign Affairs the substance of that document, accompanying his communication with certain ex cuses for the delay, which however did not rest with that Noble Marquis, as his dispatch to the English Government was dated the 5d of December. The French Minister stated that he had nothing to do with re spect to the delay, and the less, indeed, because two days before he had received from the French Ambassador in Lon don a statement which the Noble Lord (Lord J. Russell) has read, viz., that I had entirely approved of what had been done, and thought the President of the French fully justi fied. That was a somewhat highly-coloured explanation of the result of the long conversation we held together. Those particular words I never used, and probably the French Ambassador never would have conceived it con sistent with the dignity due to his country to ask the approval of a Foreign Secretary of State. Consequently, the approval was not given, and was not asked. When the Marquis of Normanby's dispatch reached my Noble Friend (Lord J. Russell), he wrote to say he trusted that I could contradict that report. There was, as he has stated, an i nterva l between the receipt of the Noble Lord's letter and my , answer. The Noble Lord's was dated the 14th, and my answer the 16th. I was at the time labouring under a heavy pressure of business, and, wishing fully to explain the opinion I expressed, it was not until the evening of the 16th that I was able to write my answer. The Noble Lord got it early next morning, on the 17th. My answer was, that the words quoted by Lord Nor manby gave a high colouring to anything I could have said in the conversation with the French Ambassador, but that my opinion was, and that opinion, no doubt. I expressed, that such was the antagonism arising from time to time be tween the French Assembly and the President, that their long co-existence became impossible, and that it was my opinion that if one or other were to prevail, it would be France , better for France, and, through the interests of_ sould better for the interests of Europe, that the President that the prevail than the Assembly, and my reason w • was, s ion of the Assembly had nothing to offer for the substit% c.v ., war President but an alternative ending obviously i i i other hand, bad or anarchy ; whereas the President, on th t e bority, and that to offer unity of purpose and unity of aguive to France in if he were inclined to do so, he might manent Government. ternal tranquillity with good and p u ments in m I will not trouble the Hous e with a ll the arg y c ontained. My Noble letter, or with all the illustrations ith h a d come to the re letter that e F r i en d replied to that would not be consistent with the luctant conclusion that it to allow the management of the interests of the country to remain any longer in my foreign affairs of the country estion bet - ween us was not hands. He said that the qu w h e ther the President was justified or not but w h et h er I was justified or not in having expressed any opinion on the subject. To that I replied that there was in diplomatic in tercourse a well known and perfectly understood distinction between conversations official, by which Governments were boUnd, and which represented the opinions of Governments, an d those unofficial conversations by which Governments ' were not bound, and in which the speakers did not express the opinion of Governments, but the opinions they might t h e mselves for the moment entertain. I said that, in my conversation with M. Walewski nothing • Iliad passed which could in the aligntest degree fetter the ac , ion of the Govern ment, and that if the doctrines of the Noble Lord were established, and if the Foreign Secretary were to be preclude d any opinion to from expressing on p ass i ng events a Foreign Minister, except in the capacity of an organ of the Cabinet, and after having previously consulted the Cabinet, there would be an end that freedom of intercourse which tended so much to good understanding and to the facility of public business. To this my Noble Friend answered that my letter left him no other course than to ask her Majesty ' to appoint a successor is to me. Now, it is my humble opinion that my doctrinetfs right, and that my Noble Friend is wrong; berncaAusfesi f irs were ob vious that if the Secretary of State forveFrosaret Foreign with foreign never allowed in easy and familiar n cou foreign events, whether Ministers to express an opinion on of the Government, but important or not, not as h the or g an himself at the moment, an opinion which he ha d then such a restriction on the i n tercourse with foreign Minis ters would be extreme l y injurious and prejudicial to the public N service.—( Hea r, hear.) opinion to which the Noble Lord has referred to the French Ambassador on the 3d of December; but was I the only thus - of t h e Cabinet who did express an opinion o n Member pass i n g evenha (Hear, hear.) I am informed that on th e even i ng of that ve ry day, and under the s ame roo f as I ex pressed my opinion, the Noble Lord at the h ea d o f t h e Go vernment, i n conversation with the s ame A m b assa d or, ex pressed hi s oninion.—(llear, hear, and laughte r .) I ca nnot jell what t hat o p inion was, but from what has just now fallen from the Noble Lord this evening, it may be assumed ) that that opinion was not very different even from the reported opinion which I.am supposed to have expressed. --(Cheers.) Was that all? On the Friday, and in the Noble Lord's own house, I have been informed that the French Ambassador met the Noble Lord the President of the ' Council and the Chancellor of the Exchequer.—(Lould cries of " Hear.") The Noble Lord again expressed an opinion --(Hear, hear)—and the President of the Council and the Chancellor of the Exchequer also expressed an opinion— , (Cheer& and laughter) i and be it realeruhered, that the charge in wiping out the recollections of former events which embittered the relations of these two countries, and that ~.k were enabled to es t a bli s h b e t ween E nglan d an d Dean'', relations of the most friendly and confidential natu re. . , . (Hear.) Si r , no one will be prepared to underrate , importance of this cons id era ti on, t h at w h atever may ha been the nature of the Government in France of late Yes_ e d the nations of France and Greet Britain have renlaur oo d upon terms of the most complete friendship and g o a understanding.—(Hear, hear.) During all the chang er which took place in France during the year 1848, Ne lwev of was at the head of the Government, and whatever form., a government was adopt e d b y t h e F renc h na tion, we of stained from all interference with the internal affairs e f France. Our pri nc i p l e has been to treat the. u thorities ...4 the moment as th e G overnment of the Frenc h n ation,,s: o , with those authoriti es our relations have always been tr ' t he of cordial amity.- (H ear, hear.) Then, w i t h regar d to United States. The United States constitute a pow er s e , tween which and this country in former y e ars the Ine s u 'rt rious difficulties existed. But these countries are now no G ls a more cordial footing, and a better understanding Pr e .,, o so between them than has ever before prevailed between o f two great and kindred powers.—(Hear.) This is a tli t ies things which, I must say, is very much owing to the ~e d and conciliatory manners of our late Minister to the e Lin an " iy, States, Sir Henry Bulwer, and ver much also oistinguished person who representvsitt straightforward, frank, and conciliatoryfie cu b n ar it t a o c c d t t e s r ta o t f es th s et t h the Spanish States this Court.—(Cheers.) Sir, N for injuries done to British been that of demanding red of dispute are now either settled of America our normal condrietsison, I may almost say, heti subjects. But these points adjustment and our relations with those as they- ever have been, or as tact are Hear, hear.) I now come to Braz are likely to t. t obje ct o S i ta in tes a atrrehindowdf as geed With Brazil we are e n f o th w e co_-opera co-operating, with the great slave trade. That object has bees of the suppression be attained with such success that whereas in former years the number of slaves imported into Brazil had heen 15, 0 2; 6 a nd 17,000, the number of sl aves b rought during the last year was less than 3,000, of w hi ch a certa i n nuulb et were seized by the Government for the purposes of etn enc . l l ; pation.—(Hear, hear.) And, Sir, if the measures now co-operation between England and Brazil, and the mea sure r tematically followed our the people country now loing taken upon the coast of Africa, are well and BY s t short time have the sati sfactionof o ac t co l aa s accomplishing the the g will eets rel has the aim at which they I do not think and noble object which for so rat a length of time have g i l n i e r k ected their efforts.— gold and cheers.) desire the suppression of the the sla p v e e dp they believe they will gain thereby in reputation And renown, because it is not • 'and renown t u '' to gain reputation 'as b ay. these sacrifices have been made and those exertions ction been conti nued.—(Cheers.) They have desired the extio of the slave traffi - • t better en , t t c not for fame, bui for vir ue s obi° and the people of this country, whenever that great _ e s is accomplished, will look for their reward, not to the ton t r., B people of becauns:l of men, but to the dispensing award of a just and.retrib re Providence.—(Cheers.) I now come to Spain. Our ,`„ ve tioes with Spain are now more cordial than they ever LZ itt been, notwithstanding our recent differences with su e Power. With the States of Italy we have had que Lye relative to losses sustained by individuals, but these l e i been settled in the most satisfactory manner. With Tu r ner • our relations have been perfectly amicable. Austria 15,14,e0 haps, the only power with which our relations have not or s. q uite so cordial as in come former periods of our b 1,1,1- B u t with Austria, so far as outward appearances and 4 " e ; 0 10. mat ic relations are concerned, w e are upon f r iendlY ', r est With regard to Austria I must ob serve , h owev er, tb sit ,';,eets differences of opinion and p r i nc i p l e h ave ex i s ted be Dal the English and Austria n G overnments . Englandroots supported the diffusi on o f const i tutiona l goverr r tro ry, while the Austrian Government, on the have preferred th e d espot i c system. In x;" 0 - ,i e rti" Sicily, and the nort h o f I ta l y t h e two Nil o t heir nsents were at va r i ance i n t h e i r opinions, and also j the views upon s ome diffi cu l t internal questions, and u P e fogees action of Turkey with regard to the treatment of the r_. co w from the Hungarian territory. But these differenefraeote stitute no reason why the British and Austrian Govern atter °/1 should not co-operaie with each other upon any rn which our opinions and our interests may agree: .4 03 09 hear.) Why, Sir, England and Austria had (1 . 1, 1a , 7 _ wit!! with each other in the years 1834, 1835, regard to the affairs of Portugal and Spain, but that w het: 1836, and. t a o:' 'do r iot prevent our co-operating with Austria in 1840 or i"• ' our we with ° we found that their objects and views were identical bo o own.—(Hear, hear.) And whatever irritation maY been introduced, and whatever differences of policy m_f•i t bere • . - existed, that irritation was sure to subside, and 1 1 0 . 0 fore justified in including Austria among the counAtriirr,,terilvt.: whom we have satisfactory relations of friendship and , br oub , ' Sir, having conducted the affairs of this country " ewL .•utte h o c periods of considerable difficulty, it was my good lOr,", tb t, t her, be the instrument of peace, and to combine of Eng , o• ce not unsuccessful assertion of the interests „,ing to (Hear, hear.) And I think I may say that in an"" uo try I have handed over the foreign relations of 9 1 ,.,e_ c „%wd un my successor with the honour and dignity of nu n i3,.. o (louP ebe ers ' i ore high among the nations of the world. (Loud _ nu f a ctu sullied, and leaving her character and reputatio Mr. MUNTZ denied the assertion that the nr!a . , l3 be w_i l had entertained Kossuth with distinction b e ertf oseu tb,.% a republican. As one of the entertainers ,iou fr' ght to r a could say for himself that he never gave a acig' o r question whether that individual was a l on a ex pres' w republican. His conetituenta and hiniselt D., their sympathy with Kossuth because they bell."- " 'Pee, Ifrai ve nt Lowe been (14 Inc to