The Sun. — London, England, 1846-02-14 00:00:00

he found those in England not very well managed, but those in Scotland most effectively conducted, every person on the estate, however, was content, and their prosperity was pa - eatc r than for many years heretofore. The cause was set for a special day in Westminster. But the gentleman, on arriving in London, found that his leading counsel had returned his fee to the attorney, and had thrown up his brief. The case came on in Westminster, and judge of his surprise when he found that the same counsel was arguing on the opposite side. Sir, said he, you are mistaken, you were retained on my side. Oh ! no, replied the other, it is quite true 1 was ore your side, and I argued your question for a long time until I obtained the highest position in the State, bat during your abs. nee I have given particular attention to the subject, and I am convinced that it is qu to impossible to maintain your else. I there fore give it up. He went to the other Queen's counsel, and he said., I have also changed my mind, and i will give you no further satisfaction.—Cheers.) He went to the junior counsel, and he replied, Oh, my leaders have changed their minds, it is my duty tofollow them.—( Laughter. ) But this was really trifling with the time of the House. How ever, as he had said before, l:e would not quote extensively from Hansard, or search those volumes for charges of incon sistency. He knew the difficulty of public men, and could make allowances for them ; but he would call atten tion to the opinions of some men of the greatest talent that the country ever possess'. He would quote the opinions delivered by Honourable Members in this House during the last three weeks, and he would then leave the House to judge, from his simple statement, of the nature of the shifts to which some men could have recourse in order to justify their measures, but which he (Mr. S. ) con ceived could receive no justification. On the 27th Junuary in the present year, the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of her Majesty's Government stated in his speech—( Cries ef .‘ Order, order")—that he congratulated the country upon its increased preeperity—( Order, order)—and on the 9th February the Right Hon. Baronet the Secretary of State air. E. BULLER rose to order. He said the lion. Member was quite out of order, for if, he understood the rules of the House, he believed one of them was to this effect, that it wonld be out of order for any Hon. Member to refer to a speech delivered by any other Hon. Member in the same session.—( Cries of hear, hear. ) • Mr. SCOTT said he was sorry fur having done anything out of order, and he Felt obliged for having been corrected.' On the 27th of January the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of her Majesty's Government had expressed his opinion that the repeal of the corn-laws would in no way have the effect of reducing high wages. On the 27th that same Right Hon. Baronet, in a reply to the Noble Lord the Member for Newark, had expressed his continued opinion that the effect of the alter ation of the corn-laws would in no way be to cause the reduction of wages. The Right Hon. Gentleman, the Secre tary-at- War, who sat by the Right . Hon. Baronet, on the 9th of January had expressed his firm opinion that the fallacy of cheap bread had been exploded.—(Cheers frian the protec tionists.) All this showed to what serious difficulties public men were subjected on great occasions. He was opposed to anything like a crooked policy, for it often led to a crooked conscience. It was then with exceeding regret he was bound to designate the conduct of the Right Hon. Baronet as tor tuous, crooked, and misapprehenslble in the extreme. He had always been of opinion that to a man of upright principle. of all things, character was of the most value.—( Loud cheer.. ) He deeply regretted that a man's difficulties should tend to in validate his character. When the great changes proposed by the Right Hon. Baronet ini 1842 had excited great alarm through out the country, and especially in the county he had the honour: to remesent, he himself had used the greate s t exertions, not only - not to increase, but to allay that alarm. He had given to that measure of 1842 his most cordial support, for he understood that that was to be a final settlement. Until a few weeks ago he was prepared to give the same cordial ' support to the measure of 1846, if it had been at all in ac cordance with the declaration in the Queen's Speech, or with the assurance of the same Right Hon. Baronet that it would not interfere with, or injure, great interests.—( Hear. ) He, for one, would have afforded the same cordial support on the present occasion. The present measure was very compre hensive, very bold ; but he doabted whether it was politic as bold, or wise as comprehensive.—(Hear, hear.) There was this difference between the measure of 1842 and the present one ; they both were certainly measures for reduction of pro hibitory duties, but then there was this difference—that in 1842 the redactions and relaxations took place on articles of raw produce, or articles the produce of other countries, whilst in the present case the reduction was on articles the produce of the country, and which consequently would come into com petition at a disadvantage.—( Hear, hear.) He (the Hon. Gentleman) was no ultra - protectionist, nor ever was. He never was of opinion that laws should be immutable. He never believed that it was practicable or de sirable that laws should be so enacted that any betnetits to the tenantry should be determined rather by the desire of the landlord than by the requirements of the public.—( Hear, hear. ) He always felt that a restriction of public consumption on food ought never to acquire the title of monopoly or class legislation, for the purpose of benefiting one class at the ex pense of the other.—(lronical cheers from the Opposition. ) Believing then such, he had always considered how or why a tax on bread was liable to he called an unjust tax on the food of the people.—( Renewed ironical cheers. ) It appeared to him that the amount of taxation ought to be such as would give encouragement to the growth of grain to the greatest extent.—( Hear, hear.) He was aware how difficult it would bo to determine that amount.—( Hear, hear.) In his district of the country, where agriculture was well understood, in the last ten years, not withstanding the distance from markets, the high price of coals, and badness of the roads, together with increased prices, the rents had materially increased.—( Hear, hear, and loud laughter from the Opposition benches. ) He gave the Right Hon. Baronet the entire benefit of this— that notwithstanding the advancement of wages, that a remu nerating profit had been afforded to the landowner and to the labourer, he was fully prepared to have gone with the Right Hon. Baronet in the reduction of the present existing amount of protection.—( Loud cheers.) He felt likewise that iti con sequence of the improvement in communication—in internal communication—thereby facilitating the intercourse between the farm and the market, and between different districts, thus de creasing the expenses in husbandry—the application of the arts of chemistry to the soil, and the spread of intel ligence improvements in draining through this the operations of farming were carried on at a reduced ex pense.—( Cheers. ) Entertaining these opinions (proceeded the Hon. Gentleman), and feeling that the only object of pro tection is that there should be an increased amount of home growth in this country— Sir ROBERT PEEL—Whose counsel are you?—(Cheere, and counter cheers.) Mr. SCOTT (with marked emphasis)—lf the Right lion. Baronet wishes to ask me a question, I have no objection, and will resume my seat in order that he may put it to me. The Hon. Gentleman then sat down. [Sir R. Peel intimated that be did not wish to put any other question to the Hon. Gentle man, who resumed his speech with much warmth.] I understand the Right Hoe. Baronet to ask me for whom I aria counsel ? lam the counsel of my own opinions—l am no delegate in this House.—( Cries of " Order," and much confusion.) I believe lam free to give my own opinions. I will yield to no man.—( Cheers.) I repeat lam no counsel for any men, for any party or sect—l belong to no party.---( Cheers and hisses.) I was proud to follow that party which was led so worthily by the party pledged to support the Constitution, and which was led by the Right Hon. Baronet himself ; whilst he held that banner I was proud to serve under him. I would be happy to serve under him now, if he would hoist the flag which he has abandoned.—(Two or three Hon. Members here appeared to remonstrate with the Hon. Gentleman on the warmth of his address.) No! I have spoken too hastily—too warmly—per haps I misunderstood the question ; but I am the co , insel of none. Sir R. PEEL—Hear, hear. Mr. SCOTT then proceeded to say that consumption ought to be promoted as far as practicable, in order that the producer might be able to supply his provisions at a reduced price. He was willing to have gone to a considerable length with the Right Honourable Baronet, and if his constituents had differed with him he should have abided by the result. He contended that the present time, when there was so much railroad accom modation, would be the most advantageous season for a re duction of the protection to agriculture. He hope I the Right Honourable Baronet would have introduced a measure relative to corn of a different nature, both as regards time and price— a measure which would not have offered to the foreign grower anyadvantages over the British producer, and would have averting the ruin which he believed the present measure would bring upon the agriculturists of this country. He was persuaded that the present measure would cause a severe blow and di-couragernent to agriculture, and would tend to diminish, rather than to increase, the price of the food of the population ; and would also produce great distress among the labouring climes. He had the authority of Lord Melbourne, who spoke in terms too deeply impressed on the memories of lion. Mem bers to make it necessary for him to repeat it ; and that it would tend to diminish the necessaries of life, he needed no better authority than the IlOn. Member for Bolton (Dr. Bow. ring), who, in the year 18-12, argued that protection was ne cessary. At that period the Hon. Member had stated that the consumption of sugar in France was five pounds per head, in the German League four pounds, in other countries of Eu rope two pounds, and in England seventeen pounds per bead. In the Prussian Leagus the consumption of salt was sixteen pounds per head, and in England twenty-two pounds; woollen cloth in the German League was two ells one-sixth; but in England five and a quarter. The quantity of butcher's meat consumed in France was equal to that is hich would be gained by an Englishman in three days' work, and by a Fre.nch man in four slays' labour. The quantity of bread coosumed in France was equal to the quantity which could be preeered in eight slays—in England, seven days. He stated also, the sum of thirty millions sterling had left the country in the time of war to purchase food for the country. Hs- could not refer to a higher authority than the Noble Lord, the Member for London, as to the immediate sufferings, that would be the consequence of the passing of this measure. To his mind the imp or t a ti on o f gram appeared one of the secondary principles of this most ini• portant measure. The relaxation of the duties on corn had been spoken of as a mere fiscal regulation. In his opinion it was little more than a fiscal regulation which aleniated the United States f rom t hi s country.— ( H ear, h ear. ) He con sidered thu proposed measure as an attempt to destroy the eon !tnnuetlan- The Ri g ht lion. Baronet had taken up with a_ e w cour se o f po li cy, and had decides! on carrying ou t of fre e -t ra d e . H e (M r . S co tt) was de othisicg u nci-Ples yin favou r of free-trade in the abstract.—( Hear, hear.) A. Noble Duke in the other Hous e i s re p or t e d t o h ave sa id t h a t he would be LOn,, as , ,s o lie (Iknol7 what was mean t b y a f r‘e - tra d e Go vernment. N iie Scott) r w ou ld a l so lik e t o k now w h at it meant ? All phi'oso Me s nt a n n r d politi ca l econom i s t s i n a ll nges of the world, fro rn i) present day, had spoke n and it nsvoratintekdn Telemachus down to th e o nof fr ee -t ra d e i n t h e ab matter in the abstract, stract. If, however, ithent were hsih a i n excellent hs,u thi ng ; sLose to sp ea k o f thi s free- in trade sv y t free-t ra d e , but he would defy any person to talk se w' y th fo- free_ when our domestic affairs and our complex reign countries remained in their present condition.a relations By trade was to be understood the abandonment of all duties, and the loss of all revenue. Give up the seven millions of customs' duties arid the thirteen millions of the excise, and what will become of the 50,000,0001. of national income? H ow will the deficiency in the revenue be made up ? By levying higher window duties, by increasing the property-tax to 3() per cent.,or by what other means is the deficiency to be supplied ? To talk of free trade in the abstract might be good sense, but to speak of it in relation to the economy of this country was, he conceived, to utter nonsense. Ile had on a former occasion supported the removal of duties on the raw material, because he thought such a removal would afford greater (sallies for the ' circulating medium to find its proper level, but he would maintain that it was absolutely impossible to adopt ' free. trade in this country, burdened as it was with an amount of debt exceeding 800,000,0001. From these considerations, he thought it was less fair to expect this country could successfully enter into competition with foreign nations than it was to engage a man with a hundred weight on his shoulders to enter the lists with an opponent who was perfectly free and unconfined. A point of very great importance in this matter was, the maintenance of public faith. How was it to be expected that our colonies could be maintained if the Right -Honourable Baronet's principles with respect to them should be allo we d to pass uncanva cd ? Mr. M‘Culloch, a ver y high authority, had said wi t i th respect to the colonies, that commerce comerce ought be conducted on th e prin ciples of tie cotatingdiffentrreade.—( Hear, hear.) Thi s policy, however, wa s fa r different Govgr : rnn f e rom that which had been ro pposed by her Majest y's r,t. It was to entertain fen Lb* produce of foreign natio ns d uty while our colonial The n produce was being loaded with taxation.o o n hadi t e h s e been sadly neglected. No mention w as ever made of and when any measure in which by chance they m i g h t be con cerned was brought before the House, it was passed with no Tilt - SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 14, further observation or notice than the passing of a Bill to make a new road would call for. In this country there was, per haps, an area extending to upwards of 120,000 square miles.— iu colonies there was an extent of 2,200,000 square miles ; the population of this country was 20,000,000 ; and population of our colonies exceeded 200,000,000. This was a large interest to gamble for.—(Hear, hear.) In the Speech from the Threneit had been stated, that it was neces sary that the arm s and navy should be increased, for the exigencies of the State required it ; but was this a t me to come down to that House, when colonial trade was being in terfered with, to ask for an increase in th .se estimates ? It was a dangerous experiment to try to alienate the affections of the col nies from the mother country. It was not possible to continue protection to colonial produce, and at the same time tell the producer that protection was unnecessary. If you meet the English grower with a disadvantage when he came to sell, he certainly ought not to be re received with a disadvantage when he came to purchase. The same principle would apply with respect to foreign trade, as far as deferential duties were concerned. There was another matter to which he wished to refer. The colonist would complain that his produce was taxed when it entered our ports. lie would be told it was necessary, in order to support a revenue. The colonist would reply, you have no right to tax my produce at so high a rate, when you Admit foreien produce duty free. Let justice be done to all.—(llear, hear.) Leave the colonies to shift for themselves, and he (Mr. Scott) would maintain that the policy which was being pursued by the present Government was more likely than any thing else to lead to the dismemberment of this empire. He would tell the Right Hon. Baronet that he was counsel for the interests of Great Britain. The fact was, that they had been enlightened with what bad been called a great moral truth, but which was in reality a great n.oral problem. The abstract theory of free trade was a beautiful thing. lie ad mired and delighted in it, but he could consider it in no other light than as a cobweb sparkling with dew drops glittering in the sun.—( Laughter. ) lie was still of the same opinion as when he announced his resolution, on a former occasion, not to support the Right Honourable Baronet. The more he considered the subject the greater appeared the danger. Whether he considered the question in its bearings on the na tion's interest at home or abroad, or whether he saw it in its relation to our colonial interests, he feared that the conse quences would be fraught with evil. The question as to the settlement of the territory on the north-west coast of America was a difficult one, and its intricacy and difficulty would be much further increased if the proposed reduction of duties were carried into effect. Our possessions in Canada would be in danger ; at the first opportunity the Canadians would revolt. lie would read an extract from a letter which he had re ceived from Mr. Buchanan, a gentleman who had held a high situation in her Majesty's Council at Toronto. He says, that no one will doubt for a moment that as soon as it is known that Canadian wheat has no longer any protection in England, the Canadians will at once demand a repeal of the land tax, and their corn will be transmitted immediately to the United States. Any hint from England for a desire of separa tion will be cheerfully responded to by the Canadian people. If the present protective duties are further interfered with, they will immediately think that the British Government had un rupulously broken faith with them with respect to the pro ection guaranteed to their corn and timber produce. He begged pardon for baying so long occupied the time of the llouao. but the document was more important than any words he could address to the House. Did any gentleman in that House suppose that if they lost Canada their losses would end there ? S ure ly no t. If they did not stand to Canada, Canada would not adhere to them. The West India colonies would follow, and the East Indies—that immense country, which might be said to comprise eight Englands—would imi tate the example.— (Cheers.) Was the Right Hon. Baronet so much of a free- trader that he would willingly abandon those colonies? He doubted whether, although the Right Honourable Baronet was a free-trader in the abstract, he would practise the principle to the same length as those he had lately followed. The Noble Lord, who was so lately an ornament in that House, and who was now equally an ornament in the other—he meant Earl Grey—that nobleman was a consistent politician. He disapproved of the corn-laws, but he equally disapproved of the procrasti nation exhibited by the Right Hon. Baronet. If the Right Hon. Baronet had been brought to the opinion that the corn laws were no longer desirable, he hada right to avow his opinion; but then he should have done so in time.—( Great cheering.) He ought not to have led on his supporters to a certain point, and then to desert them.—(Continued cheering.) For what reason, he should like to ask, was it that the Right Hon. Baronet so strenuously opposed the motion introduced by an Hon. Member in the early part of last summer for the intro duction of Australian wheat ?—( Hear, hear.) If he had any wish to introduce wheat from foreign countries, surely it was but fair to introduce the wheat of those countries, which were not only the allies, but might be stated to be the offspring of England. However that might be, they knew that in the summer of 1845 the Right Hon. Baronet, not only opposed the measure of the Hon. Member for Wolverhampton, but he equally strongly opposed the motion of the Hon. Member for Gateshead to bring from a colony sixteen hundred miles off that wheat which was now sought to be obtained in countries not distant two hundred miles.--( Hear, hear.) For what purpose was this? —if it. were intended to introduce the pro duce of foreign powers, where was the equivalent to this country ? Whenever they had lowered the duty on foreign pro since the foreign powers had as invariably raised the duty on the produce of England. It seemed to be that in proportion as they lowered the duty upon imports their exports were charged higher duty. What was the case as regarded Prussia? That country, in the years 1837 and 1838, sent them one-half of the corn consumed, and in 1840 they had sent one-third. How much did she receive of the exported manufactures of England and Ireland during these years ? Why, the whole amount was only some 125th part of the total exports of this country. He could, in the same way, enter into long details with respect to other continental nations; but he was afraid that he had already wearied the House.—(Cheers from the protectionists.) But he would wish to ask one question more— for what purpose was it that they were to lower the duty en grain imported from North America, when they received no reciprocal advantages The Right Hon. Baronet said that his object was to strengthen the bonds of amity existing between the countries. If the Right Hon. Baronet did not expect by this measure to introduce their manufactures into foreign countries, by what means, he should like to know, were they to gain admittance? He (Mr. Scott) knew only of one way, and that was by an extensive trade in smuggling. He had himself seen vessels passing under the guns of Gibraltar, and stealing along the shores of the Mediterranean, in spite of every effort of the Guarda Costa. Did the Right Hon. Baronet avow that his object was to gain admittance into those countries by smuggling ? Did he expect to increase morality at home by acting illegally abroad ? Yet such would seem to be the course that the Right lion. Baronet intended. This measure appeared to him to be in effect an irritating blister which would create a fever at home and weaken the whole system. There was another point en which he would touch but very lightly—he meant the different manners in which the great interests of this country had been dealt with. He found that those who had invested the largest amount of capital were the most hardly used—whilst those who had invested the smallest amount were the most liberally dealt with. Those who had property in land, irremovable property, suffered the most, whilst those who had property which could be easily turned into other channels escaped these. There was a protection to them of ten or fifteen per cent. He now addressed himself to the House as a British representative, and he thought that in fairness and justice he ought to give to the agriculturists the same protection that was given to the colonies, and to the manufacturers. They gave the manu facturers a protection duty of ten per cent., whilst they gave the agriculturist a mockery of protection, which seemed to him intended only to add insolence toinjury. In his own district of Rox burghshire the tenants were comparatively wealthy and intelli gent. They had abundance of capital, and they would not, therefore, suffer so touch as others. Those who resided in the clay lands of the south of England would suffer severely, for, although they were equally honest, equally worthy, they were, perhaps, less wealthy and less intelligent. It had been stated that they had unnecessarily whined to the Right lion. Baro net, but was that any reason why they should be sent to whine in earnest ? But this measure was but a part of a system—a bone-crusha - 1g system, which had been going on for the last three or four years. Why, the dealers in leather, the dealers in metals and in hardware had just reason to complain, for the Right Honourable Baronet now admitted comparatively duty free the manufactured article, instead of as formerly con fining himself to the raw material. He (Mr. Scott) had supported the Right Hon. Baronet's measure of 1842, but he would not give him the credit for the prosperity of the coun try since the passing of that measure. There was an Hon. Member lately introduced into that House, sitting on the same bench with him, he meant the Hon. Member for Sunder land—he considered that lion. Member, although not a Minister of the Crown, the representative of a great system, which had contributed in no small degree to the prosperity of this country. and which had enabled the Right Hon. Baronet to take credit to himself for much of that prosperity. They were aware that at that time a sum of twenty-three millions was circulating throughout the country—a sum much greater than was usually afloat. Did not that circulation give employment to a vast number of the population ? and was not that very circumstance enough to limit crime? He thought that the Right Honourable Baronet was not justified in comparing the flood-tide which had taken place since his accession to power with the ebb that had occurred shortly before. He would not enter into any comparison of former years, with respect to prices of food and quantity of produce exported, but he might be, perhaps, allowed to refer to one instance in support of his argument. He found in the year 1837 wheat at a sum of about 553., and the exports were 42,000,000 ; whilst in 1839, when wheat. was 70s. 9d., the exports amounted to 53,000,000, giving exactly the same advantage of eleven millions which had taken place between the years 1842 and 1842. He did not urge as an argument that wheat should be 70s. a quarter ; he thought that wheat should be as cheap as possible, but he thought also that it should be the produce of their own country.—( Hear, hear.) By extending protection to agricul ture they were extending also the production of the country. The Right Hon. Baronet the Secretary for the Horne Department, said that the time was come for admitting foreign corn, because the population outstripped the productiveness of the country. At the commencement of this century, however, they found that 970 out of every 1,000 were fed on home corn. Within the last five years they would find also that n 9 and a fraction out of the 1,000 were fed upon home corn ; clearly showing that the productiveness of the soil had kept pace with the population. His objections to the measure of 1846, as compared with the measure of 1842, were many. He had assented to the first Bill—he dissented to the second. He dissented, because, while the former Bill only introduced the raw material of foreign countries, the latter in troduced the manufactured article—because, while the former encouraged domestic industry, the latter crushed it. This was his sincere conviction ; he hoped that it would be found erroneous. lie might be wrong, but he could not go with the Right Hon. Baronet's atmospheric speed of legislation. The Hon. Mem ber for Finsbury had spoken of this measure as one to be admired—less for the abolition of the corn-laws on its own account than that it would lead to ulterior results. What were those ulterior results ? There was a feelinge ab roa d aga i nst the law of pr i mogen i ture—against t h Church—against the Protestant succession.—( Hear. ) He lamented this measure for the consequencea it would produce at home—he lamented it for the consequences it would produce in their colonies— he lamented it for the effect it would have upon society—he lamented it more for the injury it would cause to public character. The Right lion. Baronet looked riot to this age, but to posterity for his reward. He would remind him of the saying, that th e f au l ts of public men were doubly culpable, because they committed not only an offence against their own time, but set a bad example to posterity.—( Loud and long continued cheering, amidst which the Hon. Member resumed his seat. ) Mr. WARD then rose, and said, that the Hon. Member who had just addressed the House was an exceedingly diffi. cult man to follow. —( Laughter.) He did not mean any thing offensive, but the Honourable Member called himself the Counsel for the British Einpiro—( Continued laughter) —hut he had not confined himself to this country, for he took in the whole world in his wanderings. Ile (Mr. Ward) would allow the one• half of the Hon. Member's speech to dispose of the other. There was no single propos ition that he had advanced t th e e next ae_ —no single principle that he did in one, sentence that he did not as readilydemolish controvert in eee ing . inuto (Cries of " No, no," from the protectionists.) He hail attacked the Right Hon. Baronet because of his measures, yet he hail voted for them. He had voted for the measure of 1842, but yet he painted in mostvividco from lours it.the evils of the bone-crushing system which had emanated The Hon. Gentleman who had last addressed the House had contradicted himself over and over again. Hon. Gentlemen on the other side of the House, who had supported the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Government in 1842, had no right new to turn round upon him for arriving at the very re sult which they themselves had assisted to bring about- 7 ( Ua position cheers, and cries of " No, no," from the Ministerial benches.) They had tendered the result inevitable.— (Cheers.) Why, what did they do in 1842? They were then a great party ; they had an unassailable majority i.r that House.—(Hear, hear.) They had the game in their own hands. What was the first step of concession which the Right Hon. Baronet saw he was forced to adopt ? The proposal of the sliding-scale. And when the Hon. Gentleman hard once admitted the principle of concession, what, he would with to know, was the point at which they should stop ?—( Hear, hear,) In 1841, the holy alliance of those concerned in the agriculture of the country was formed ; and the agri culturists were now reduced to what they themselves called a most hopeless position, when famine stared them in the face.—( Cries of " No, no," from the Ministerial side of the House.) The champions and advocates of lion. Gentlemen on the opposite side of the House were now forced to admit, with the Right Hon. Baronet, that there must be a continual pro gress in legislation with regard to the trade of the country; but then they at the same time thought the desire of the land lords to have protection should be duly listened to. But, in his opinion, the Government of the country had listened long enough.—( Hear, hear. ) It was now time that the public should have a part in the matter.— ( Hear, hear. ) The Hon. Gentleman who had last spoken had said that he would give a moderate protection to agricul ture ; but he had almost, in the same breath told them, t hat he knew an agricultural district in Scotland where the farmers placed very little value upon the protection, as it was called, which was afforded to them by Parliament. Ile had told them, that in spite of the hills which no horses could labour up, the scarcity of manure, and other obstacles which did not exist in this country, and in spite of the demoralizing and ruinous measures which the Right lion. Baronet had now proposed, th e c ultivation of land in that dis trict was still very profitably carried on. And as to the trash which he quoted about the colonial markets, he (Mr. Ward) would put it to the good sense of every man in that House ehether this country had run any risk in establishing a trade to New York. They, in fact, supplied New York themselves.— ( Hear, hear.) The fact was that the amount of goals which were sent to the colonial markets were not t ne eighth of what were sent to neutral ports, where the English manufacturer enjoyed ne protection, Isar the slightest preference.—(Hear, hear.) He would now go back to the statement of the Noble and Gallant Member for Liver pool, who had already spoken at the commencement of the pre sent debate, and he was sorry to observe that the Honourable and Gallant Member was not then in his place, because he had made a long speech. The Honourable and Gallant Member for Liverpool had said that he had nothing to re gret and nothing to re t rac t s i nce h e came i n t o P ar li amen t. There were very few men on either side of the House who could make such a statement.—( Hear, hear, and laughter. ) The Members of that House were in a very peculiar position with respect to their constitue n ts. Th e H on . an d G a ll an t Mem ber for Liverpool represented the interests of the greatest com mercial town in the kingdom. The Hon. Gentleman had said that agriculture and labour should ba protected ; hut what would labour do without capital ? He said that free trade might operate beneficially enough in other countries, but he could not recommend the adoption of that principle in Eng land. The Right Hon. Baronet had stated, on the first night of the session, that he had tried negotiations between the agriclturists and the manufacturers on this subject for many years, but all those efforts to effect a conciliation ended in nothing. He would ask whether our trade had not quin tupled, in spite of the most rigorous tariff brought forward and passed by Honourable Members on the opposite side of the House.---(Loud cheers.) And were they for ever to pu .ish themselves because other people brought. for ward measures ruinous to their own interests? The Hon ourable arid Gallant Member then asked what would become of their colonies if the present measure were passed ? The colonies were already supplied by our manufacturers, and they were, consequently, supplied with cheaper and better articles than they themselves could pro duce. But did this produce utter ruin to England and the colonies? What was the effect of the abolition of slavery in the manufacture of sugar in the West Indies ?---( Hear, hear.) It was universally found that sugar could be manufactured at a much cheaper rate by free than slave labourers, The Hon. and Gallant Member also quoted a speech of Mr. Huskisson. There was no man in that House who respected the name of that gentleman more than himself. No man that had ever sat in that House, in his opinion, had done more service to his country than the late Mr. Huskisson. Like the Right Hon. Bar tnet (Sir R. Peel) he had been obliged, in the course of a long career in that House, to make great sacrifices of his party politics. He would beg to refer the House to the closing speeches of that gentleman, for those might be taken to be the real and honest expressions of his conscience ; he might then de supposed to be free from all the trammels of office and ' , arty. (Hear, hear.) When Mr. Huskisson then spoke, viz ,on the 25th March, 1830, being two years after he had intro duced his sliding-scale, he said that he really believed that the then existing corn-laws might be abolished without any serious injury. It was an easy ma tt er t o comp l a i n o f t h e incon sistencies of men in office, the disappointment of party hope', &c., but there was nothing that public men did that could be right in the opinions of all parties.—(Hear, hear.) Public men, it must be admitted, were often wrong, but at the close of their political careers they generally arrived at the truth. If the Right Hon. Baronet was not right in his political conduct until the present time, he had now the manliness and the honesty to come forward and confess that he had at last turned into the right path— a path which was consistent with reason and justice, and most conducive to the good of the country.—( Hear, hear.) It could nut be doubted that public men had often altered their opinions. Men on that (the Opposition) side of the House had often done so. Mr. Huskisson had often done so. The Noble Lord, the Member for the city of London, had manfully avowed that he had changed his opinions with regard to the corn-laws—that he had, in fact, become wiser by experience than he was in his younger years. lie (Mr. Ward) himself, when he first be came a Member of the House, voted with the Right lion. Baronet on this question, and indeed he universally voted in favour of the corn-laws. It was only since he had informed himself thoroughly on the subject, and had looked at the mat ter in that light which he wished all Hon. Members on the other side would do, that was to say without any class or party feeling— (Hear, hear)—that his views became altered in favour of a total and immediate repeal. But he was afraid that those Hon. Members suffered themselves to be bound down by their party connexions.—( Hear.) They had adopted an opinion. and to that opinion it appeared they were determined to ad here, whether it was right or wrong. They made a few speeches, hastily got up far county agricultural meetings, until they found the whole country denouncing the obstinacy with which they clung to their favourite principles of selfish pro tection. He readily believed that the course which the pro tectionists were pursuing was most injurious to their own in terests and to their own country. Now, in the course of this long debate there had certainly been some very able speeches delivered. There wasa speech delivered by the Hon. Gentleman the Member for Northampton, which, both in respect of its tone and the manner of delivery, was good enough ; the greatest fault he had to find with it was that it had reference to everything but the principles which he got up to defend ( Hear, hear, and laughter.) It waa evidently, from beginning to end, nothing more than a petitio principii, a mere begging of the whole question. The Hon. Member said that the Go vernment ought to legislate in such a manner that all interests should be protected without injury to any. Suppose his principle was right, the Government would than have to protect every interest in the country, because they most not protect a large interest such as agriculture or manu factures, and neglect to protect the lowest and most unim portant branches of trade in the country. A great injustice was apparently committed by the recent tariff, to those con cerned in the production and sale of clover seed, and yet what did the farmers, who dealt in that article, say to the Right Hon. Baronet on that head ? They stated that 99 out of every 100 farmers in that part of the country cared very little about the changes that had been in the tariff with respect to that article.—( Hear, hear.) That was the view which farmers took of the protection afforded them by Government. But unless the Legislature carried out to its full extent those prin ciples of free trade their policy would be defective. It would be a great humbug.—(Laughter, and cheers from the Oppo sition.) They could not carry them out unless they abandoned their old and mistaken opinions. If the Government adopted the course recommended to them by the protectionists, they would put themselves and that interest into a dilemma from which it would be almost an impossibility to extricate them. The protectionists would fail in extricating themselves therefrom if they had a Government of their own to-morrow.— ( Hear, hear. ) Those gentlemen had once the Government in their own hands, but the Right Hon. Baronet discarded them. The Right Hon. Gentleman gave them a fair warning that they need not look for his sup, port in the ensuing session. Was there one single principle upon which they. were agreed, which, if it had passed into a law, would not have operated most partially and injuriously not only to the country generally, but to them selves in particular.—( Hear, hear.) The Protectionists said that we could not compete with foreigners in consequence of the heavy taxes which we had to pay. That was a question Olson which there really ought to be no difference of opinion amongst lion. Gentlemen on the opposite side of the House. ( Hear, hear.) For six years, however, he (Mr. Ward) had attempted to make them show what were the " peculiar bur dens " upon land, but he had always failed.—(Hear, hear. ) He, however, rejoiced to say that a similar motion was now about to be brought forward in the House of Lords by Lord Beaumont. He hoped that he would not be considered out of order in referring to the proceedings of the other House of Parliament. Would any Hon. Member deny that his (Mr. Ward's) motion had been postponed session after session, in consequence of the conduct of the protec tionists themselves.—( Hear, hear.) If they really had any burdens, they should be ashamed of themselves if they did not show what those burdens were, when they were fairly challenged to do so by Members on that (the Opposition) side of the House.—(Hear, and cheers. ) But the truth was they could not prove the existence of those burdens. —( Cries of " We can," from several Members on the protectionists' benches.) They could not have any burdens, or they would certainly have accepted his challenge. —( Hear, hear.) He proposed to them that they should appoint a committee themselves, to consist of twelve intelli gent, honest men, and he had also said that he had not the least objection to the lion. and Gallant Member for I incoln taking the chair —( Hear, hear, and laughter.) He proposed that they should examine the witnesses ; and had that Committee been granted, lie felt satisfied that he should have brought those men to such a conclusion as her Majesty's Go vernment had now arrived at with respect to the corn-laws.—. (Hear, hear.) But his motion was always rejected, and the Hon. and Gallant Member for Lincolnshire slept very comfort ably on a bench in the gallery, on the last occasion that he (Mr. Ward) addressed the House on this subject.—( Cheers and laughter.) The country, however, saw perfectly well through the agriculturists, devise; they saw that the talk about peculiar burdens was a great falsehood.—( Hear, hear.) For his own part he should have been able to lay before the country some very curious information had the Committee been grantod. He should have been very sorry to have done any many injustice; but in a word, he might say that Hon. Members on the °pito-. site side of the House were anxious to keep the question of" the peculiar burdens" as much as possible in the back ground. Was the Government then to shrink from endeavouring to carry out their present measure in all its integrity ? That proposal was a large one, and in bis opinion it deserved the unanimous support of the country.--( Hear, hear. ) lie for one gave that proposal his most cordial support, for he be lieved that it would be the salvation of the agricultural in terest.--( Hear, hear. ) lie believed that the agricultural gentlemen were riot fit to take care of their o - ,vn interests.— (Much laughter.) He conceived that it would be fortn ouse l oh i k s y t bi na ve f ka atl r to obi themselves.ttyoh their rm heir When lae ggei sdlati legislation, otet their own interests aw t s t nnd werel they interests.letn wtrot 1 us lt tdehmLdeefitn with h legi e slate aol i d p s t r r e a j n u g d c s e t o m f i s ttat tt:e ke h he. s se ad b l ve saese welle o committed t f t e t t e b y country.—(that par H t i o a t r it ) e Let them look to the case of wool. After raising the price of English wool to the highest possible point that they could, a duty of 6d. per lb. was placed on foreign wool. The Honourable Member for Somersetshire, amongst others , then in the House, would recollect that in five years after the change, the price of wool was lower than it had been for two hundred years before.—(Hear.) Will the Hon. Member deny, now that the duty had been en tirely taken off foreign woel, that the pric es were h igher than they had been ever known within the last century, notwith standing we had imported sixty-nine million pounds of that commodity. How will the Hon. Member meet that fact, and what would have been the result had he not been saved front the consequence of his own legisla ture by the Right Honourable Baronet at the head of the Government ? They found at last that their only re medy was to throw themselves into the arms of that monster " Free-trade," and the consequence has been that the price of English wool has continued to increase up to this period. Now, why cannot we apply this principle to corn? The llon. Member for Northamptonshire ( Mr. S. O'Brien) says that we should destroy the tenant-farmers of the country if we removed protection from them. He would assure his Hon Friend that the tenant-farmers of this country enter tained very different views of the matter. They had no fear of the contingencies which would follow on the relaxation of protection, provided their landlords met them in a fair spirit. They say we can do nothing till this question is settled— ( Hear) —settled it must be—and settled it can only he in one way. Continue the protection, if you please, for a few months, or only a few years—you must come to the settlement of this question —that settlement whiCh cons:s•s in the total abrogation of restrictive duties.—( Hear.) The landierds must expunge from their leases those obsolete forms and exploded notions.— ( Hear, hear.) They must not force upon the farmer the support of the game of the landlords.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") If they are thus met in a fair and manly spirit, they may be enabled to bear that shock which doubtless, for a short period, we shall all have to encounter.—(Hear, hear, from the protectionists.) Hen. .Members on the other side of the House say, Hear, hear, hut has the agricultural interests no difficulties to encounter in the times of protection. He (Mr. Ward) had known in the year 1835, that the price of corn was 355., and that under a law which promised asos. to the tenant in the year 1815. He asked Hort. Members if they would legislate upon this principle with any other business? Would they grant protection to the shopkeeper, if, upon the principle of the Hon. Member for Northampton, they were to request it, on the ;round that they did not w i s h t o l eave the s hop that they had ' occupied for some time. He considered that a great part of the land of this country was badly cultivated in consequence of the want of capital, or from the tenant occupying larger farms than they could properly cultivate ; and in this manner numbers of farmers are compelled to struggle against diffi culties which, if they had taken smaller farms, they would not have had to contend with. They should not hold what they could not do justice with. If the farmer, in this condition, were to take a smaller farm, he would then be able to extricate himself from the difficulties which have arise]) from his undertaking, without sufficient capital, the management of so large a concern. Reduce the man who holds four hundred acres to two hundred, and do not cheat him by the belief that anything this House could do would enable him to continue the perilous struggle, and do not allow yourself, upon any principle of what I must call false humanity, to be warped front the performance of your plan. Your duty is not to look at one class, but to look upon all. You have to look especially npon that class whose interest depend so much upon the price of provisions— that crass to which the Honourable Member for the West Riding of Yorkshire (Lord Alorpeth) so forcibly alluded upon the last night of this debate—he alluded to the labour ing classes ; it is upon them you have to look, and your duty, is to see they suffer no injustice at your hands.—( Hear, hear.) And can any man have heard the statement of the Right Hon. Member (S. Herbert), to the effect that upon his own estate he had known the prices of corn vary from 755. to 405., without being convinced that the labouring classes are the party who suffer most by this system of protection. He advised Hon. Members on the opposite side to endeavour to retrace their steps—( Hear) — to look to the great developement of the industrial resources of the country, and the consequent increase of employment and the improved situation of all classes of the population; and when they . had ascertained the right course to pursue, at once to follow it without any regard to selfish motives. He hoped that feeling would have influence on the great body of English gen tlemen now arrayed against the measures proposed by her Ma jesty's Government. He thought there never was a body of gentlemen, who stood higher in the estimation of their country than Hon. Members opposite ; he would be grieved to see them forfeit that opinion; but when a chase, however powerful or opulent, arrayed itself against the interests of the com munity it could not long retain its proud position—( Hear, hear,)—especially when it stood opposed to principles which involve the great interest of a community. He felt convinced that light was already dawning upon some members of that body. Many, he knew, were taking a part in opposing these measures rather on the ground of character than a genuine feeling of confidence in the cause. One Noble Lord (Lord John Manners) he knew had stated that he had intended to vote in favour of the Bill, though his own convictions were opposed to it. Can a contest, then, be long continued which thus oposes itself to the first principles of justice—a principle which cannot be worked out in detail, and which is at variance with the intelligence and just demands of the country. Be did not believe it could.— ( Hear, hear.) An Honourable Member on a former occasion had spoken of compromise. They had talked of some ministry which was to be formed of old exploded theories. They wished for a sort of modified protection. They would take the sliding scale of the Right Hon. Baronet without that redeeming part, its fixed termination. So far as the sense of the country can be known the general opinion is, that so far from considering the Govern ment measure as going too far, they do not consider it suffi ciently carried out in the principles of free trade.— ( Hear, hear, and cheers. ) There is no reason, for instance, why the duties on cheese and butter should be reduced one-half, while the duty on corn is to be taken off altogether. He hoped to see the day when that scheme would be carried to the fullest extent of the principle which we should adopt in adopting that measure; and as to compromise, he could assure the Han. Member that the at tempt would only serve to protract a struggle already too much protracted, and to prevent an arrangement which might now be made with satisfaction to both the landlord and tenant, and also prevent any injury to the interests of agriculture which might be caused by admitting foreign corn. Mr. MILES did not consider, in the discussion of such a question as the present, it was possible to go too far a-field. The injury which this measure will produce will affect not only the colonial producer, but also all dependencies now subject to this country.—( Hear, It was not an agricultural debate, although he must say that a great deal of agriculture had been mixed up in in—( Hear.) The present is a scheme involving questions important to the whole population of the country. There is no one interest left untouched, nothing to be left in its present position. The measures which the Right Hon. Baronet proposed in 1842, although he agreed with some of the propositions, to othersof them he gave his most strenuous opposition.—(Hear, hear.) He quite agreed with the Honourable Alember that protection should be with drawn, or equally extended to all. Compromise had been talked of, but for his part he must say that he was no friend to compromise. We must either stand as we are at present, admit the measure proposed by Governrhent, or receive those pro posed by the party represented by the Hon. Member for Stock port (Mr. Cobden ). The measures now introduced are in op position to the experience of centuries, and he had yet to learn that the experience of three years should be taken as an argument for the withdrawal which for centuries had been to agriculture, and which had raised this country to the highest pitch of re nown.— ( Hear, hear.) He considered the measure of 1842 was merely a preliminary step towards the present commercial policy of the Government, and that measure had not been met in a kindred spirit by other countries. Seven or eight countries had adopted tariffs in opposition to ours, and had increased the duties which they before levied on the introduction.—( Hear.) Look at the present state of the public funds, the state of the labour market and the manufactures. The price of the public funds sufficiently indicate the prosperity of the country. In the labour market there is a great difficulty to obtain labour for the purpose of conducting the necessary improvements of the country ; at the same time an immense capital flowing into those great undertakings of the country, are circumstances which tend to show the present prosperity of the nation, and give us warning not to tamper with our commercial policy, and bid us be satisfied with the prosperity showered on the country.— It appeared to him, from information which he had received from twenty-six societies in different parts of the country, that the failure of the potato crop had been greatly exaggerated. He hoped that the House would bear with him while he gave some evidence of the crops of this country, which would prove that the fears of a coming scarcity were without founda tion, and dee reports of the failure in the potato crop got up for patty purposes —( Hear, hear, and cheers. ) He only that morning met a friend from the country, a large and extensive agriculturist, who had a considerable quantity of potatoes to sell. That friend informed him (Mr. Miles) that he went to a salesmsn in the city to sell him his potatoes ; that salesman refused to purchase on the grounds that potatoes now were decreasing in value, and that the next month or the month after he would be enabled to purchase them much cheaper, and edvised him (the farmer) to send up his potatoes immediately. He (Mr. Miles) considered that statement very valuable in the present state of the country, as it. went to prove that those fears which are entertained of a scarcity were without foundation.—( Hear, hear.) He would detain the House with as fen details as possible, but he felt it in cumbent on him to give some proofs of the state of the crops, and the increased quantity of provisions which were produced in the last above the preceding year.— ( Cheers.) These returns extend over one million two hundred, and ninety-five thousand acres, and their accuracy he had no reason whatever to doubt.—( Cheers.) The House would .1 observe that the great fears of distress arose Irvin the state of the potato crop. This wa s t h e universal cry whenever any opposition was raised to a the corn .1a ws. —( Hear, hear.) He ( Mr. Ali', repeal of es) could prove (and it was not denied, for he believed all p art i es con curred in it) that though the crop was diseased), yet that it was very large, and a greater quantity of ground than usual was last year under cultivation.—(C' ; i es of " Hear,") and cries of " No, no," from the Opposiefon. ) There was also a considerable increase in the wheat, crop above that of former years, taking an average of thae given in the entire, country. Oats were also above the average, and Sc, • were turnips. But in looking at this question Ise ( Mr. Miles) would not foli.ow the Right Honot in able Baronet through all his arguments. He would on l y allude to some of the remarks of the Right Hon. Barons . He stated that since the protection was withdrawn from ft to hemp, wool, and lard, the prices of those articles had grey tly advanced. Now he (Mr. Miles) would take the art' , s j e of flax, which was greatly cultivated in the county w' he had the honour to represent ( Somersetshire). ..S 'ince the repeal of the duty on that article had taken place the cultivation of it became limited, and in a short time it wou ld entirely go out of cultivation in the comity of Some' ,i„ t. __ (Cheers.) They had the price of flax so reduced in ' Ireland, that its growth is not now considered profitable, alai , „ ug h , as in Somersetshire, the reward for labour is small.—(Ch eers. ) He would now read to the House the amount of labo ur used in the cultivation of flax i n four parishes with which ' lie was im mediately acquainted, which would show the loss iustained by those places in consequence of the reduction that had already taken place. [Here the Hon. Gentleman read a statistical return, which shewed that during the times of pr otection there were under cultivation, in flax, 710 acres, sad , .ile now there were only 46.] The expense of preparing an ace ,s of flax was five pounds, and there was altogether nxpende• 1 in these four parishes in the cu lti va ti on o f flax, a sum of ~9001., which, by this free-trade measure, would be 'rest to thos a places.—(Loud cheers.) It was perfectly true, for the ret urns showed the great increase which had taken place in tI .e sale of cattle in Smithfield market for the last six month s—those returns showed the number to be for the la, it six months no less than twenty-five thousand, although the . re was a deficiency en the preceding year of 16,000. This she wed the prosperity of the country, and he (Mr. Miles) con! idered while they were in that state of prosperity they oug et to leave " well alone."—(Cheers.) Let them look at my of the returns, and they would find in the article of ore iere was not near se large a quantity imported this year as there as as in the year before. fhe natural consequence of these fat's • was that it should be the duty of the Minister not to run ri alas by these constant changes. Notwithstanding the presperi ty of the last three years, was it not a feeling in many a man' s mind, that the next year may bring about other important changes ? even of more magnitude than those of year 1842 ?—( Loud cheering.) Now, what was the Right Honourable Baronet doing but lending himself to ttse manufacturers of this country, and throwing overboard the otl ier industrious classes of the nation ?—( Loud cheers.) Now w bile the manufacturers were in the highest state of prosperity, t he skill and energies of the agricultural portion of the communit: y were left unprotected. Let them rather look to what had been the commercial policy of France, and here he did not think E e could do better than quote from a book which had been laid before them, the " Commercial Tariff," which the Hon. I Member for Bolton con ceived to be a book that none but free-1 raders ever looked into, but he could assure the Hon. Gentlems .n that he had studied it, and de:ived great information from its pages.--( Hear, hear.) Ile found it to be stated, in a report from the Committee of Finance, adopted by the Chamber of Deputies, that if they admitted food and raiment, they might gain some hundreds of income for the present ; but in the end their fields would remain entitled. And he would tell the House that the woollen trade of France caine into direct competition with their own manufacture, and that in their own market, opposing itself to all the manufacturing energies of the country. Look to Russia—if they could force their free-trade notions on that vast empire, it would have the effect of giving employment to millions, to such an extent that they would deluge the British markets with every kind of manufactured articles. At the very present moment, in the manu facture of cotton, they almost compete with you in the foreign markets.—( Hear, hear.) And was it likely, strictly prohibitory as their system was, they would approve of this free-trade scheme now proposed? It was stated by an Honourable Member that agriculture was in its infancy ; now it must be apparent to every one that in the last few years the improvement had been most extraordinary ; they had brought capital and science to hear upon the soil, and the increase of the crops kepi pace with the increase of competition. But if Russia still maintains her prohibitory duties and takes ad-- vantage of your measures , what will be the result? '1 he Rus sian serfs, at present in the most abject condition, doing nothing to promote the internal resources of his country, will be ready to apply their energies, and to come to your markets and flood it with their productions, enriching themselves just in the same proportion that they impoverish you. ( Loud cheering.) There will be an exchange to be sure, but it will not be an enchange that will be equally beneficial. It ie urged, however, that you will be enabled to compete with eireign goods. In neutral mat kets, what was the case? He would quete from memory a statement made by an lion- Member, namely, that in neutral markets the cotton cif Switzerland, the hardware of Alsace, and the hosiery of Saxony, meet on equel terms with our manufacturers. Even Mr. M:Gregor states that Saxon hosiery, paying a duty of twenty per cent, successfully competes with you in your own markets? Now, what would be the case when they took of that protective duty ? He would ask the manufac turer how they would answer that argument? He would tell him the only way he could meet it would be by the improve ment of machinery.—(Hear, hear.) Yes that would be the only method, and what would be the consequence? Why they would throw an immense quantity of manual labour into the market, and at the end of a year Saxony would import their machinery, and there would be at.d of it. Ile defied any Member to deny the inference. How would the employer meet such ruinous competition ? He could only do it by lowering the wages of the operative. The result would he a number of such strikes as they might frequently have read of, for they would not tamely submit to it. (Loud cheering.) He would now direct the attention of the House to the statements made by the Right lion. Baronet with regard to the exports of the last year. He considered that it they took a different method of calculation from that adopted by the Honourable Baronet, they would arrive at a far different conclusion. If they took a cycle of twelve years instead of three, they would find that the price of corn bad nothing whatever to do with their exports. —( Hear, hear.) If they compared one year with another, as the Right Honourable Baronet had done, they could never arrive at a fair and legitimate conclusion. Now, with the leave of the House, he would go into those triennial calculations. He would begin at the year 1834 for that purpose. Ile found that in that year the average price of wheat was 465., while the average amount of exportation was 41,000,000. In the year 1835 the average price of wheat was 48e., while the exportation was 47,000,00:e In the year 1836, the average price of wheat was 38s. 9d., the amount of exportation was 47 millions, so that for that period the average price of wheat was 4 Is. Bd., and the average quan tity of exportation was 45 millions. In the years 1837, 1838, and 18:8 9, the following would be found to be the respective proportions :—ln the year 1837 the average price of wheat was 455. 9d., and the amount of exportations 53 millions. ln the year 1838, the average price was 655. Id., while the average amount of expenditure was forty-two millions. In the year 1839 the average price was 755. bd., while the average amount of exportation was fifty millions. This period showed the average price of wheat to be 635. 9d., and the average amount of exportation forty-eight millions. In the years 1841, 1842. and 1843, the following ap peared to be the result :—ln 1841 the average price of wheat was 661 . 3d., and the amount of exportation fifty-three millions. in 18411 , 645. 3d., and the amount of exportation 51 millions; and in the year 1843, the average price was 575. 3i1., and the average amount of exportation 47 millions. This period, therefone, showed the average price of wheat to he 625. 7(1., and the averoge amount of exportation to be 50 millions. The last period embraced the years 1844, 1845, and 1846, and as stated by the Right Hon. Baronet, showed the following results : In the year 1844, the average price of wheat was 50s. Id., and the average amount of exportation 52 millions. In the year 1845 it was Ms. 3d., and the amount of exportation was fifty eight millions. The average for 1846 had not been made up, but taking them at the amounts which appeared for the portion of it that had elapsed, the average price was 525., and the average exportation fifty-eight millions. So that this last period presented an average price of Ms. for wheat, and the average amount of,exportation at fifty-six millions. It would appear, therefore, that by this calculation the price of corn presen test no relative affinity whatever with the amount of exports.—( Hear, hear.) That price entirely depended on de mand acid supply.—( Hear, hear.) The cause of their recent prosperity had been alluded to by the Right Hon. Baronet and the Hon. Member for Oxfordshire. If the Right Honourable Baronet had made his speech, in which he made that allusion, on the second night of the session, the country would have bi en at no loss to know what was the cause of that prosperity. lie ( the Right Hon. Baronet) then alluded to the immense amouset of capital which had been embarked in railroads. It would, appear from this statement that no less a sum than tweesty- three millions of capital were directly thrown into the labour market during the last three years.—(Cries of Hear, hear.) He would ask, therefore, in the face of these statements, whether it was not this immense flow of capital thus cast into the labour market, to which must be attributed the ea:traordinary prosperity which existed in the country.— (Hear, hear.) But his Right Hon. Friend had also alluded to the extraordinary impetus which the trade of the country had :recently received. The other day a document had beers place d in his hand, which showed a relative statement of this prosperity, from the year 1832 to the present time. He found that in the iron trade in the year 1832, COMIO lon liars were sold from 41. 10s. to 5/. ; in the year 1835, the price ranged from 9/, to 10?., and in the year 1842, the proportional increase was still greater.— ( Hear, hear.) That would at once show the nature of the prosperity to which he alluded, for he understood that 7-Bths of the iron trade came directly into the British market, where it. bound a ready consumption.—(Ht ar, hear.) He hope d and trusted, therefore, that what he had said would be sufficient to show the nature of the impetus vrhic h the manufacturers of the country had received, and the hatlcence which the capital thus embarked had upon the trade th e whole eountry.—( Hear, hear.) He should like to know wlhe ther the foreign market presented similar results ? lie s hotld like to know whether China was not at present over ; quit ed with their manufactures ? ( Hear, hear.) He sihoued like to know whether the Indian market was not in the same state ? And if they went on in the same way far another cycle of years, and proceeded to manufacture in the same unlimited extent, a season of adversity would come, and tiles country would be precipitated into a state of the most indeeeribable misery.—(Hear, hear.) From the way that com petition was carried on, it would be perfectly impossible, not withst'ziaciing the scientific improvements which had been made in machinery, to avert this calamity.— ( Cries ref " Hear, hear.") He trusted the House would for give his. I for alluding to these details. That, however, was a great question Hear, hear)—and though he had entered very im perfectly - into these details, his object was to show, as well as he could, , however feebly, the grounds on which he had formed his opinit use. lie addressed himself not to the agricultural part of th a question, but to the commercial. He would now, however, teeth the permission of the House, say a few words on the subject ,as far as agriculture was concerned. In glancing at the corn-law of 1842, he had to say that he heard the Right Hon. Baronet th en utter the most extraordinary things, as con trasted with r. the opinions which he now held.—( Hear, hear, and cheers. ) He ( Mr. Miles) then supported the Right Hon. Gentleman because he considered that that law was better than the one of 1 828. He recollected also that the lion. Member for Dublin had then stated that the consumption of corn had been very much i orreeeed in the country, anti that they would not be able to grow as sr uch as would be sufficient for the demands of the oountry. Now what he (Mr. el.) would ask was, the cause of th at increased consumption ? He would tell them. The cans, • of that appa rent consumption was the addition which had been made to tbs. number of towns from which the averages were made up. LSO towns had been added to this number, and that was the eause why a greater quantity of corn appeared to be eonsumeds—(Cheers. ) A return had been also moved for aboe t that time, as to the relative prices of bread and corn lend wheat. This return showed that there was mpproxinvition between the price of wheat and flour. The ?blame, however, was not to be thrown upon the farmer, but upon •the baker and miller. The relative price of bread and flour in the Parisian market was more nearly allied than the relative prices in the London market. It was in foreign markets 625., and at that time the price of bread. was more approximate than it was in this country under the same circumstances. He could assure the House, that when the price of foreign wheat in this country averaged 625., allowing a fair profit to the farmer, the miller and the baker, the price of bread ought to be 7d. instead of at the price it was now selling. —( Hear, hear.) It was well known what were the prices of 1842, and the result of that measure. He trusted that the Right Hon. Baronet, at the close , of the debate, when he came to speak, would state what wits to be the result of 1849 and 1.50. He should like to know what will be the prices of bread in those years ? The law, as proposed by the Right Hon. Baronet, after three years would lbe the same as a shilling rise and a shilling fall. Much as he was opposed to taking off protection, he would acknow ledge that he preferred the principles of the Noble Lord (Russell) to the measure of the Right Hon. Baronet. I'e would not sacrifice his principles by supporting such a mea sure as the present. If the Noble Lord were to pro pose a repeal of the corn-laws, he would of the two rather support it than the proposition of the Right Honourable Baronet; and he would say, that of the two the Noble Lord's plan was the better one. But he was grieved to have heard the speech of the Right Hon. Gentleman, the Secretary at War. He would ask him from what source had they even a chance of the supply he had led the House to expect. America could not send it, because when that country was thinly populated they could produce no more than was necessary for their own consumption, and now that it had increased, so also should increase the demand for food ; and if they had an overplus of produce, and an over plus undoubtedly they would have to an enormous amount, so sure as the corn-laws of this country should be repealed, America would throw in such a mass of grain upon it as would • entirely destroy the British markets. There was one point in the speech of the Secretary of War to which he wished particularly to allude. The Hon. Gentleman had said that the time had come when the alarmists should lay aside their cry. Now when he (Mr. Miles) should read the extract he held in his hands, showing the vast increase of American produce, he thought he would convince the House that this cry of alarm had not been raised without a just cause, and that they afforded a triumphant answer to the arguments of the Secre tary at War. Passing by all the corn that came by Liverpool from other ports of America, he would turn his attention to the quantity of corn conveyed by New Orleans, all of which was the produce of the nine great States which sur rounded the 'Mississippi, which comprised an almost I illimitable territory. The whole area of Great Britain, ' including Scotland and Ireland, die not exceed 191,000 square miles ; whereas the area of the nine great States lie had mentioned, and which poured their produce into New Orleans' market, contained an area of over 250,000 square miles, and a population of 5,500,000; which facts alone, he contended, were sufficient to fill the people of this country with alarm. The Secretary at War had also spoken of the produce of the West of Russia as busing such as could not affect• prejudicially the markets of this country.--(Here the H-n. Member read the extracts, and then proceeded.) He was anxious to lay before the House a statement of the extract of the different corn-producing provinces of Russia. He held in his hand tables, by which he would show that this country bad more to contend against in the article of earn than they seemed to apprehend, while Russia would certainly not take any of their manufac tures. In order to make this matter plain, he would read those returns as short as he ;possibly could, though he felt that in doing so he would be trespassing considerably on the patience of the House.—( Hear, hear,) And here let him say that he felt deeply grateful for the kind attention with which lie had already been heard.—[The Hon. Member then unfolded a large bundle of papel's, from which he took several large sheets con taining figures set forth in tabular form, and detailing very minutely the area of the different provinces of Russia and Poland, whicl were remarkable for the quantity 1846. of grain they produced and the general nature of the soil.] He would come to the province of Tamboff, which conteiee,l 25,0u0,000 of square miles.—( Great laughter, and Oh, oh," from all sides.) He begged to correct himself ; he meant `25,0e0 square miles—(Rt ne-wed laughter)—and the soil sea: very fine and loamy. lie could not conceive a prospect more dismal ; he could not conceive anything more disheartening ; yet they were told to " cultivate, cultivate, to invest more Icapital in the land, and bring forth more produce."—(liear, hear.) Why, if they should, what would be the result? Why that the farmer, after expending his labour and capital to ensure a large yield, would find that he was wasting his energies in the cultivation of a farm at a merely remunerative return.--( Hear, hear.) That was his reason for opposing the present measure ; and he contended that his views were in accordance with the uttered sent imen s of every political economist, both here and in the United States. He felt certain that if the present measure should b passed, the alarm to ihe country would be so great, that the efforts of the farmers would be so paralysed, that nut alone he landlords, but also the smaller farmers and labourers, would le completely destroyed.—( Hear, hear. ) Let the m reco ll ect the position of the clothier--that position which was the stepping-stone to the industrious labourer to raise himself— that position, he maintained, would be destroyer!.—( hear, hear.) They might depend on it, if the profits of the farmer were reduced, the wages of the labourer could be reduced ( Hear, hear.) He hoped and trusted that, thougi his side of the House was deprived of its leader, some latent talent would spring up to defeat the project.—( Hear and laughter. ) He had petitions, which he should present at the proper time, from a number of spirit dealers in Scotland, in r epro bation of the measure.— (Great laughter.) He felt fatigued and uninclined to occupy the attention of the noose further.—( Hear, and a laugh.) But he should regret mucli the day that the issue of ail their battles since 1835 down:: ird. proved to be disastrous.—( Hear, hear.) He would be the last man to deprecate change of epiuion ; every man had e right to hold his opinion ; but he insisted that, notwithstand ing the argaments of Hon. Members to the contrary, the country was nut prepared for such a change.—( Hear, hear, and "Oh 1" "oh 1") He should also tell the Right Hon. Baronet at the Head of the Government, that every day that passed, instead of bringing additional adherents to his reeks, took from him his best supporters.—( Cheers, laughter, and "Oh I" "oh 1") He could further tell him that many of the traders were beginning to inquire how their interests would b e a ff ecte d by- the measure —(Hear, hear,)—and it was not at all improbable that the table of the House would be crowded with petitions against the present tariff before it should become the law of the land.—( Hear, hear.) He could tell the House that the operatives and labourers, if they understood their own interests sufficiently, would one and all rise against the pro position ; for if any measure was ever calculated to reduce their wages, and consequently their comforts, it was the present mea• sure of the Preinier.—(Hear, hear; Oh, oh; and Laugh ter.) For the last two or three years he had been convined that this question would come to free trade or nothing.—( H ear, hear.) If, however, it should t e repulsed by the great body of the people, if they should rise—as they perhaps might—and with curses regret the day when a free-trade Minister ever sat on the bench., he was always ready to take his part in the opposition to this measure, but he would never try to excite anger and discontent against the Right Hon. Baronet when this measure was passed, because he believed that he had acted from a conscientious feeling. The Right Hon. Baronet had adopted a course which was perilous in the extreme ; but if he wanted a reason for the cause he had taken, he could refer to the speeches of his Hon. Friends the Members for Liver pool and Cambridge. They were as great opponents of free trade as the Right Hon. Baronet was ; and if they would speak out, he (Mr. Miles) had yet to learn that a capable Mi nistry could not be formed from the protectionist party, aid there could be found a considerable number of Members of that House to support them. Whatever became of the ques tion, all interests that would wish to be protected and defended, should look out for themselves, and array themselves in oppo sition to the measures of the Right Hon. Baronet. He would endeavour, as much as lay in his power, to pro tect their interests. He felt and knew that originally the constituency of this country had returned to Parliament a majority against the free-trade measures of the Right H , n Baronet. They had at present, if they excepted the corn laws, advanced further than the measure of the Hon. Member for Portsmouth had proposed. Advances had already been made against our colonial produce. The Right Hen. Baronet had, in fact, betrayed the interests of the majority that had sent him into Parliament—and should they not look with sus picion upon those leaders who, from intellect or capacity, had every right to stand at the head of their party? He, for one, sat down, stating that he felt much more admiration for the upright bearing of the Noble Lord who represented the City of London--( Hear, hear)--and would sooner follow him than the steps of a cautious and temporising Minister. Mr. H. BAILEY said that the Hon. Member for Somer setshire had certainly mistaken what he (Mr. Bailey) had said. He had never said that he would vote for the administee tien of the Right Hon. Baronet, but had always stated that its his opinion the measure was against the interests of the people.—(Hear, hear. ) her. MILES said that he was sure that any person who knew him would acquit him of the charge of intentionally misrepresenting the lion. Member. Ile had taken his words in a wrong sense The Ea"rl of MARCH moved that the debate should be then adjourned.—( Loud criies of " Divide, divide," arid " Adjourn, adjourn.") After some confusion the Members resumed their places, and Lord NORTHLAND rose and said, that he wished to ad dress a few observations to the House, for he believed that the question would not come to issue that night. He felt it his duty to state his reasons for the course he intended to pur ' sue with reference to this measure. His opinions were still unchanged, and he still thought that the measure proposed by the Right Honourable Baronet was unnecessary. It behoved them to look before them, and to consider the question de liberately before they came to any final decision on the subject. He felt, however, that it was the interest both of the English farmer and the English landowner to have the measure finally set at rest. ( Cheer s fro m a ll p ar t s o f t h e House. ) He would candidly give his opinion that he thought the Right lion. Gentleman at the head of the Government could settle the question better than the Noble Lord the Member for Lon don. He confessed he had no confidence in that Noble Lnrd.— (Ironical cheers from the Conservative benches.) He said so. —( Renewed Conservative cheers.) He had no confiden- e in any Government he could form ; but he had great confidence in the Right Honourable Baronet at the head of the present Ministry.—( Hear, hear, and continued ironical cheers.) He said so again, and he would repeat if, as he believed that Right Hon. Baronet was proposing mea sures that were necessary for the country ; and, taking all cir cumstances into consideration, as the question of the corn-laws must be settled, he thought they had best be settled by the Right Hon. Gentleman.—( The Noble Lord sat down amidst considerable ironical cheering and uproar.) Mr. FERR AND—I wish to ask the Noble Lord what con fidence he had in the Right Hon. Baronet when he dragged him out of the coal-hole to vote for him on a late occasion.— ( Great uproar, and laughter.) No answer having been given to the interrogation, Colonel THOMAS WOOD rose to address the House amidst considerable manifestation of impatience, and cries of " Adjourn, adjourn," " Divide, divide." He said, that from the first night of the session he had approved of the measure of the Government, and he was anxious to impress on the minds of Hon. Members as short as possible the grounds and general reasons upon which he supported the proposition before the House. He supported the measure because he believed it was based on free trade, and that principle was not only true and founded on justice, but the application of it to the condition of the country would tend to the general prosperity of all classes ; and especially at this time it was neces sary for the purpose of supporting the manufacturing interests in that degree of prosperity necessary for all classes of her Ma jesty's subjects. The lion. Member for Somersetshire ( Mr. Miles) had appealed to the operative classes to come forward and aid him and the landed interest in maintaining protection, which he considered necessary to the security and prosperity of the country. He (Colonel Weed) believed the operatives thus appealed to, though some of their trades might be affected by the proposed measure, yet were willing that the same justice should be meted out to them as was meted out to the great and important inter ests of the countey, and would willingly agree to any measure of a comprehensive character, though it might be accom panied by some temporary inconvenience to particular trades. When the former alterations of the tariff Were proposed, several deputations waited on the Board of Trade, and though they complained that the measure would operate to their disadvantage, they were willing to agree to it. if they (the Government) gave them fair and free competition; that conceded, he must in justice agree to it. In 1838, he duty was reduced on fruit from twenty per cent. to five per cent. On that occasion our market-gardeners said, and said with justice, only put corn on the same footing, and they would be satisfied. At that time the supply of fruit to this great city was most inadequate, but in c insequence of the reduction in the duty the market had been much better supplied than before, while the market gardeners received as good prices as formerly. If they took potatces, the duty on which had been reduced to one penny per cwt., they would find great increase• of importation, yet the prices had been maintained. So he believed would it he with the article of corn. ( Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord the Member for the City of London had stated that the question might have been easily settled, had the supporters of the present Government not opposed the mea• sure which he brought forward towards the close of his offi cial career. No doubt it might have been, and he for one regretted the course of opposition which he and his party pursued on that occasion. Did not the fact that labourers in Lincolnshire received 14s. per week, and in Buckinghamshire Ps. only per week, show that in some parts of the country there was a superabundant population, and how could they find employment for this superabundant population if they did not hold out some encouragement to manufac turers?—(Hear, hear.) The question before them was one of time. Were the circumstances at the present moment such as to justify the change proposed by the Government? It was his opinion that they were.—( Cries of " Hear, hear.") Mr. S. O'BRIEN rose to protest against the extensive in convenience which arose from Hon. Members rising to speak upon the main question upon a question of adjournment.— ( Hear, hear.) Now it was perfectly competent for him (Mr. S. O'Brien) to answer all the arguments of his Hon. and Gallant Friend, although he had spoken already on this debate. What would be the effect of his doing so ? Why that three Bills which were on the table, all calculated for the relief of the poor, would be delayed, by which great injustice would be done. He again protested against the habit to which he had referred gaining ground. The debate was then adjourned. THE DRAINAGE (IRELAND) BILL. The report of the Committee on this Bill was then brought up, and after some discussion, Mr. F. FRENCH consented to withdraw the clause of which he had given notice. The report was then agreed to, and the Bill ordered to he read a third time on Monday next. Mr. MORE O'FERRALL slid that the sum was a very large one, and was, he understood, to be expended by the votes at the sessions. He considered that some other measure ought to be adopted in the outlay of the money, as the cess payers, he was sure, would not be free to vote it.. Sir J. GRAHAM said that the power of the Treasury would be a sufficient check, and that he was not apprehensive that any improper interference would take place in the expen diture of the money, which was now much wanted to meet the distress which, he was sorry to say, at present existed in Ireland. Mr. REDDINGTON said that persons may be influenced, but he was not inclined, in the present state of Ireland, to throw any obstacles in the way of carrying this measure. Mr. HAMILTON obserl ad that it would be impossible that such a pressure on the cess. payers as that feared by the Mem ber for Kildare could possibl occur, as the grants must also be approved at the county sessi.ns meeting. Mr. WYSE considered that it would be of importance to know whether there was an extraordinary grant to be advanced from the Consolidate d Fund; if it was not, the objections of his Hon. Friend possessed much weight ; but if it was an additional grant, as it would give an increased means of relief, he would support the Bill ; he begged to put the question to the Secretary for the Home Department. Sir J. GRAHAM said that, as he considered the Bill, it certainly was an increased grant. The resolution for a grant of 100,0001. was then put and carried. The Bill went through Com.nittee, and the report was ordered to be received on Monday. The House then resumed. The other orders of the day were then disposed of, an 1 the House adjourned at half-past One o'clock. FLANDERS MAIL. • tee BRUSSELS. FEIL 10.—The average price of wheat week ending on Saturday the 7th of February, Was 1 %0 per hectolitre. Compared with the- price the ' Pre e , itre , week, wheat has fallen 7c., and Rye near 31c. The Chamber continued to -day the debate on the Pr u .. i de . of law for a vote of credit of 453;000 francs to the n o r pertinent, for the execution of some military w orks. ' c od roil members spoke against and for that part of the pre l3 o of vote of credit which is intended for the fortiticancreoce, Aerschot. The debate was adjourned. - At the con1:0, ment of the sitting the Minister fu . Fore;gn Affairs c ool; nicated to the Chamber a project of law ratifying tb?,,bot mercial convention concluded with France on the December last. The Minister of Finance brought in a project oflavirsoso contains an important modification of the law on rated in April 1843. The Minister of Finance calculates that the neo wioo secure to the treasury a revenue of more than three of francs. per ecor.ect The report on the Budget of the Department of '90 4 was distributed ernongtlre Members yesterday , and P on the order of the day Thursday. s teo" The Precurseur of Antwerp says :—" The Belgian,ooo, Princess Victoria arrived yesteraay afternoon front ' ,a ges. with a full cargo of various goods, and twelve P as n ' t ` ll , among whom was the Earl of Aberdeen. Th e rh,'B 3 ire ; the Soho steamer brings word that - - G oe.= steamer, built on account of the Belgian 13 0 6 , merit, has made a trial of its speed on the ieepo The Captdn of the Soho adds, that it excel s in 5100 other known steamers. It seems that GoyernMenttbeel much importance to this service. In order to av° l i, putt urination at the Custom-house, it has appointed examiner of our port, to be stationed on board tureeti? and perform the voyages, thus the examinatio n of,t ',Ol will be made during the voyage. It is even sal", eg uits p . officer will be authorised to deliver transit paP er4 , transit), so that passengers mac be able to land on their arrival, and set out f) th e railroad. "•-- Inee lj , 111 : le Government is not interested in y the steamers frr'n,,,i9fie to London, it is to to hoped that it will extend to them." • BELGIAN FUNDS.—BausiELS, FEL Actual Debt, 2 per Cent •••• • • • ' • -- Rothschild's Loan, Five per Cent ••• • • •• -- Loan of Thirty Millions, Four per Cent • • • Ditto Three per Cent.. ......... • Ditto Thirty-seven Millions, ditto • • • • " 1 01 Ditto, ditto, 184/1• . • •• • • Ditto, ditt0,1842.... • • • • • • • • • • • • 1 00 Ditto, 1844. . ••. • • ••..•• • • • • •• • • • " Ditto, 1R36.. •••••• • • • • • -4 Ditto, 1838 • • • • • • • • • • • " '• 1004 Ditto of the City, 1832 ••• • • • ..... 014 Ditto, 1843 •• • ••• • • • ...... ••• • • 505 Lank of Belgium.. . ............• • —Bruiaels Papers, Feb. 12. TO' •4 WESTMINSTER ELECT SIR DE LACY EVANS. f ail', ter e Sir De Lacy Evans met the electors of Westmill'fritik time, before the corning contest with Captain Roue, tr. 7; ing, at the Crown and Anchor. o a i u EDWARD BOUVERIE, Esq., M.P., took the Chil.., , _„oat the object which had called them together in an e , '" 4 speech. A Mr. ELPHINSTON, M.P., in a speeeh of some length , claims of General Sir De Lacy Evans on the electors of „ o ff as a consistent and upright Reformer, at the tertninatl°' proposed the following resolution : ()( t " That the conduct of Sir De Lacy Evans for a P - , r a i t ive-' l o 4', years, more than eight of which ha was our represe"""eat , meet, entitles him to our warmest support on the Pr e r toe, and as a zealous friend of free trade and of civil and reelig and as the determined enemy of monopoly, this s'eerti(4l% collectively and individually, to use their utmost ex 0 0' mote the election of General Evans for this city." t, ' 9l 1 00 Mr. Noss briefly seconded the motion, which was ' ll it mously agreed to. Wi t .l.' eiY 4 eV' rt i Sir DE LACY EVANS, Oil corning forward, Was r-c , ttll ,0 jt , cheering. The Gallant General proceeded to addr e t e which, he said, he did with the greatest p utht already been their servant, and had been a consi! t ., t ot Taut for the last sixteen years. The present ev„" ralu,`4,r been one of his seeking ; the Government hil" l Def , ; toyt, thrown their supporters open to be canvassed by the of Westminster. Captain Rous had become a late e' e f :ar o trade, and was determined to support the measur e es o 4o, s i Peel ; but it was not that measure so much ai th e d 'oeL e olF,r rose out of it. There would be the sugar question an ,,,, t enactments for Ireland. fie would like to know "'",, r si Us , " votes would be on these subjects. The Gallant G e ' t f o ll'ilP trusted his own votes previously given on great (ine!, ii grO ~f his opponent, and was listened to throughout Wl' and enthusiasm. sli 14j- A vote of thanks to the Chairman was unanitn°U the meeting broke up. LLOYD'S SHIPPING' BRITISH TRADE WITH GREECf•_„eti tr Jt Extraet of a letter received at Lloyd's, from their „;CJ, 14th January : P 7,; lritlshrt "Wof e have to advise a considerable Increase, rl) 0 de-, port of Greece, 103 British ships having arrived In against 68 in 1844 ; the value of the imports by „i lkori s year being 60,5671., against 22,2401. in 1844, and th e being 227,6781. against 161,6741. in 1844. NOTICE TO MARINER 6. Feb. 10'.,!1,4 Consulate-General of France, London, a tDe e P PARIS, OCTOBER, 1845.—Lighting of the entranc e „ o f Morlaix, and changes to be observed in the Re'. Granville as well as the Lighthouse du four. gOA r ; 0 1 1. LIGHTS AT THE ENTRANCE OF To' MORI, A IX. From Via let Dec. next, the direction of the eastert! ll W e 1 0 1 'Wade of Merlaix (called the channel of Trtquier ) ii after dark by two lights, which will be lighted, th e and the second on the Tour de Is Lande, The follol , ID , D. t makes known the geographicel position, character s, r O r o the new lights : clei' I. LIGHT OF THE NOIRE.—A light, varied eve r y flashes preceeded and followed by short ec lipses, l3 tr o s`6i , 23 sec., lon. 6 deg. 12m. 48 sec.--Elevation 14 In e r ips ° 41,,,fi highest tides and may be seen at the distance of 10 01 „Isti, t o 7 ;o , 2. LIGHT OF THE TOUR DE LA LANDE.—FiXed I 's t i olig,6li, 38m. 14 sec., lou. 6 deg. 13m. 23 sec.—Elevation 0f tetes4llte the surface, 7 metres ; above the sea, 87 metres; to, r o r 6o , tanee of 12 miles. N.B. Besides these two lights, wh' e f „ one, indicate the position of the eastern channel ° ,100,,`,070 1 Mortals, a small red fixed light, to be seen at s_,. - fhs i ts marine mile will be exhibited at the southern side Taurean (750 metres to the N. 60 deg. W. of the Il e the northern part of the roads. 0 st 4i 2. NEW LIGHT OF THE PORT OF GRA- 11 ir, FIXED From the let of next December, the LIGHT. white fixed light .. 06 i the extremity of the new Mole of Granville, to th g 0 trance of the port, will be replaced by a red fixed 111P' 5 4 se' a distance of three marine miles, lat. 48 deg. 49 m in " ,r O , deg., 56 mM., 32 sec., elevation 8 metres. This change of colour has been made for the PlnT — Mol e all chance of confusion between the light of the (ip fluctuating lights of the interior of the harbour. 1 0 ,01 0 ' 3. RENOVATION OF THE LIGHTHOUSE ' r gi.” ,100 7 PA.RTMENT OF THE LOWER LOIlli;)• AND PERMANENT LIGHTS. ,P „4b 1 0 1 '"' Conformable with the notice inserted in the foil" of the Lighthouses stud Lights of the coast of France 41 ,16, oli s r volving lights which indicate L'Ecueil du boar (10.4 o'7olo'l 53 sec., W. lon. 4 deg. 58 min. 18 sec.), wll be 11 ' 1° 00 during the course of 1846, and the reflect i ng aPPI hiblte flashes from minute to minute, will be repis, try 3G0f16~~ light, the flashes of which will succeed each other 01;00 The flashes of the new light will be seen at a al : o od$ t e r marine miles, and the eclipses will be total only be , ot' e fed, from nine to ten miles. t ke P re f i, pi 10' 4 From the Ist of May, 1846, the period at which re v: house will be dismantled, and until the new liiht,,ofisioj'y',42l, 30 seconds is restored, the Tour du Four will be l cated by a small red fixed light, to be seen at a clO t- e ry l4 :;eo' to six marine miles. It is assumed that this teful,°-0, required for about three or four months, that t° .Ifr of May to August, or September, 18411. EAST INDIA. SHIPPING._, tr' Arrivals at Rombay.—Falzo, Rubalmy, Stewart' ins' Ch • Ql l Faucon, 22d ; Medusa steamer, 27th all from yeS , carras, Baker, 27th from Manilla; Emily, o re- vescro London. Bas ilan 2 ' o Departures from Bombay.--Abbotsford, P o o, A • London ; Hebrides, Melville, to China ; Denis, Fr' - sira Andromache, Skelton, 26th to colombo ; Falcon, ft ill? Akyab. igth , l. Arrivals at Calcutta—Lady gale, Castor, Don* ;daia , o:ll' Sylph, M'Donald, 20th, from Hong-Kong ; D, - ag"" ee' C m fro , l l l ) l oi t l h ai e d (:l G y a d i e n L i D e, h ir i e r m , Cußnatibigeorloannt;l, D el s Mary Alice, Masterton, from Loudon ; Anne 1.0 0 '" -. Havre. !6 o f Departures from Calcutta.—Barbara, Purss , Pec i):l o „ifd ! 'l l ' ' ‘O tins; Earl of Lou dale, Pelle, 17th, to Liverpoo l; f 04 , 1 , ,r e , , t'' 0 4 , ,,1 Thornhill, 18111, to Trinidad and London; Sir E l e ; 14' S oos', 1 1 01py to Bombay ; Charlotte, Carter, to London ; wood ; Rloreis e, Ranks, 19th, to Liverpool ; Moulmein; Robert Stride, Spurgin, and pat ° : Te uett he ili , London; Sulimany, Monk, 21st, to BombaY Mauritius ; Clown, Wyse, 22d, to Madras ; ,00 stone, to Rangoon ; Woodside, geoble, to Bosto n ' for 1 8 F Arrival at Colombo—Sibella, Coleman, fr om Mauritius. A TiOlt i g 6 .,v ° s' Departlll'eS from Mauritius—Napoleon en-, Bourbon ; Emma, 6th, to Singapore ; Trew, 9t"' -. NT • BANK OF ENGLA- 1 , „p. Y (From last Night's Gazettf;(etorii'lili. kn Account, pursuant to the Act 7th and Bth of ' fo rt , i, 0J the Week ending on Saturday, the 7th day of l et 0 15 'd ISSUE DEPARTMENT. 11,,,44.' 1 0 X. de bt ' V i i(l.io ',coin issued •••• • • • • 26,698,620 Goverrullent s .• " , Other securitlehoooa 1,5 i.j Gold coin an d " .• " .. ,6 00 Silver bail ° '' 1 4 :" . .. O af C . C M. MAYSU AL Dated the 12th day of February, 1846. X 26,698,620 BANKING X. Proprietors' capital .. 14,553,001 Rest ... 3,462,787 Public deposits (in cluding Exchequer, Commissioners of National Debt, Say ings-banks, and 1)1- EP,klitT3 l)ll4l., A , 01: 13"Pties ' Govern' e 1 8: 13 'Weight 6 5, Other securi Notes •• • • , er c,c o Gold and hmise[dAiciDneva aftermity! even on ilstoSthlwavema: lyra Ey A 4l '-O f " yti Cf , i d 1 H 8 : 5 l L o . 0 4 1 t „si , rotirotroi letter dated moTtia..]rtiesh: Ehaadrl a Ht a e s od t 1 0 l y u o n ,ici d laa i 3 n .. g la a dl v N i y fl , eis n vse o or t r you that your pills have effected a Care °. f .- to t . livor and stomach which all the most eminen t /Sif s P home and all over the Continent had not b e bd. dOot Al.iboro h " 11s will c ur Oio:i ug . —These wonderful PI 's I tt 4 ; ld' medicine vendors throughout the civilised vf ears frOPl fi g THE, POTATO ROT IN IRELAND. --It 4 PP /d i s ' r ip; atitiressed b Lord Cloncurry to the Du in tb° ,cashte.er_sstasobofilidCsham(raleslrbsoat d , or Milieu, ao, ti that there is unequivocal evidence of (les"' esrly fat for of potatoes, sown in November, and up laced t h ,, e e d as 0° of which so much reliance has been pla' people in the beginning of the etimincr. vidend accounts).. 5,054,438 Other deposits • . 18,912,445 Seven day and other 90,688 X 42,946,353 Dated the 12th day of February, t er , jog' t o' BIRTIIS. „a a . 4 , . On the 1I th inst., at Stockwell, 3lrs. 1011,113'',,hter• $ JP, J , On the 11111 inst ~ Mrs. Charles Button, of a u 3 "l'w.•ll , c'',,ell.`' ' p ,- . • On the Iltil inst., at IVandsworth, Mrs• itch, iirS• Oa the 13th inst., at Chester-squa re ' , f' 4 Oa the 12th inst., in High-street, Sliore d , ...-10/'"' r, (laughter. of a daughter. ,street:ifefivir' i, James Robinson, of Ironmonger - l ane, Oa the 13th Inst., Mrs. C. oinalin, of Ilcalig'i/toii• ' ~gt, ' Oa the Ilth inst., in the Lorn-road, North z,f a ion.arpo LontllL..;. join the Wif e Of 3 . r ' ', jittlplief' 0:1 the 11th Inst., at Kensington-crescent, '- der' of n daughter. ar o , s oil ,el t , td .1/.4./.'IdED• ..,. Kent, ...,40, ,i 0,,,,, On the PAh inst., at Charlton Chlo,-I,l?„,„klie3` °'°l•ta ...:4 Esq., of Blackheath, to 31155 Jane Lewis, 3` ..i ', , f.,.4:.,.., ti_',4o,,,, Oa the lOth inst., at York, Williant,_,Al,n`op, r•G'4,4argoi,i,;l„tte. Barbara Elizabeth. second daughter a . i. , ii,erw ell * t a of t ie.' 0, the 10th inst., at St. Giles's, Phillips, to Harriet Jane HodgkinsoU,Ctillird dzig;;ll ril, ( . o ) l ' ' ' i„ tw ildfo , i gi'ir 11cdgkinson, Esq ,of East Dulwich. ,ty Churc h te r of J Ol so u' 00 the lath inst., at the lioly Trin c i o _,, amig nte phis o:' M. Brucklesby, Esq., to Caroline, se u. , Od le . 14 , 111 ll'i•cei‘',' it Esq., of the former place. John's, fiackne.s, ....., f, they, 1. -. 00 the Ilth itlSt., at St. _. _ _ov, itii o ~,, yir ster, to Letliita Eleanor, fourth (taught! Chapel, w A te, o r ,. . t l ic l$ On the Ilth lust., at York-streeth It. J t tila, of Greenwich, to Mary, t M. Clarks, of the Borouzli. third daughter i ............................................; . --..--........., ____,-------'-----„ 1 t• • L o rd _ ---------- /011515, °r ''''recloc' •ou : Printed and Publisbed by 311111)0 , . r ..d sf r tnd, P inter, at TM Stlll Otlice, lqo 112, S"nut;i;43o, Pb - `A' the Sav•Y, to the County of 311ddlessZ bst 14, 1846.