The Sun. — London, England, 1837-07-14 00:00:00

S'andard was covering Lord Durham with foul abuse, and Bishop Phillpoits assailed him with " p2.m phhAeering slang," we pronounced Lord Durham a tme and consistent politician, who wished, by improv i.ng our institutions, to preserve the country from the confusion into which the Tories had determined to in volve it. It needed not his doings at St. Petersburg and his letter to open the eyes of the Standard to his attachment to the institutions of his country ; for, as his Lordship says in that letter, his " views are what they have ever been, and are neither changed nor mo dified." Without questionin the power of our con temporary to see into a millstone as far as any of his neighbours, we would observe, th a t if hi s p resent views are the same as Lord Durham's, they are not the views of the Tories, or an amazing " change must have come over the vision of their dreun."—.Warning Chronicle. Lord Durham is a personage whom circumstances have at times made a noisy one, but whose period of eclat seems to be pretty well worn out. If one object of the letter which we noticed yesterday from that Noble Lord was to recall him to public attention, we cannot say that the expedient has been very successful. The question is every where—what would lie be at ? To please our fancy, the address is not sufficiently Radical ; and in that point we agree with those who assume the name of Radicals. To please the Whigs, we suspect it is a little,ltoo much after the movement fashion. " This is not a moment," quoth the ex- Ambassador, " when supineness or apathy can be tolerated." "On the energies and determination of the Liberal party depend the destinies of the Empire." Very good ; but rather vague. " Ener getic"—to what end ? " Determined"—in what direction ? Those who call themselves Liberals admit but one justifiable aim and object of all their exer tions—viz., to carry on the movement, and to catry out reforms. But when Lord Durham comes to explain his notion of the purposes to which his own ener gies, &c., ought to be, and are to be, subservient, he turns slap round upon us, and talks of such qualities . as being useful for nothing else than for rallying as large a portion of Liberals as possible round " Throne, Lords, Commons, and the Established Church !" His Lordship goes on to disclaim the employment of any energy whatever in the compulsion of either Govern ment or Parliament to adopt measures for which they are not prepared, or indeed in obliging anybody what ever to do anything for which everybody is not quite ready and willing. This laissez tiller system has at least a good deal of bonhommic to recommend it. But, after all, " what would Lord Durham be at ?" His letter certainly affords us no sort of clue to it. And yet we think the question may be answered with out difficulty. Lord Durham's object is the same as Lord John Russell's, the tone of whose address he has closely mimicked. Both these worthy persons re nounce, in words at least, extreme Radicalism : they both make professions of loyalty, &c. : the aim of both is to impress the nation with the belief that the Queen cordially supports the policy of the Ministers, and that in opposing the Government, the Conservatives are opposing the Queeti.—Times. There is an opportunity row for the Home of Lords to redeem part of the evils which their obstructiveness during the last Session has caused, by passing one good measure, which would throw a lustre at once upon the new reign, and upon themselves—which would be con genial with the character of the new era which is now opening, as well as with the natural inclinations and administrative interest of the young Sovereign who, under such happy auspices, has just assumed the reins of Government. We refer to the Attorney-General's Bill for the abolition of arrest and imprisonment for debt. This Bill has at length gone through all its stages in the Lower House, and now only wants the formal assent of their Lordships, in order to receive the Royal Assent, or, in other words, to receive the grati fying signature of the young Queen to a measure which would auspiciously begin her reign with an act of humanity in full accordance with the humane sen timents natural to her age, as in full accordance with the liberal, generous, and enlightened policy which she has avowed to be her own. The effect of the Royal Assent at this crisis would exhibit the auspi cious character of one of those acts of grace by which it has been deemed advisable to distinguish new reigns, even in the darkest times, and in periods when the prospects connected with the new era, were neither so auspicious, so brilliant, nor so cheering as at pre sent. \Ve are the more prompted to draw the attention of Parliament, and especially her Majesty's Govern ment, to this point, from the circumstance of having at present under our hand two petitions from prisoners confined for debt in the Fleet—the one addressed to her Majesty the Queen, and the other to the House of Lords ; and both written in a modest, unpretending, and forcible style. They trust that the measure, now complete in the House of Commons, will not be again frustrated by the opposition of the Lords—now that public opinion has expressed itself in so marked and emphatic a manner, by again sending up a measure to their Lordships' House for the abolition. of a system of p un i s h ment w hi ch - e)nfounds civil offences with criminal—which abrogates the rights of freemen con trary to the spirit of every code of freedom which ever existed—which sprang from the rapacity of feu dalism —and which is as much at war with the spirit of the age, with the broad principles of jus tice awl humanity, as with the most rigid rules of commercial and political economy. The object of the Attorney -General's Bill is to prevent the fraudu lent evasion of just debts, and to save honest creditors from the aggressions of inconsiderate or profligate debtors. What interest can the Lords possibly have in protracting the existence of a system which is inju rious to the moral s of society, as it is hostile to huma nity, and as it is pernicious to the commercial pros perity of the country ? What sympathy can any disinterested legislators have with a system of fictitious credit, to be screwed up and maintained by threats of personal incarceration, or lather torture extorted from improvidence. The result is, book debts, which are never paid, to the creditor ; to the debtor a delusive en couragement in thoughtless expens e ; to the country an artificial rise of prices, and a hollow and rotten state of domestic trade; and to the legislato r the dis grace of permitting the confinement of thousands of men for a civil offence —end thus frustrating the duties which are due from them to their common country. No individual can have really any sympathy with such a perverted system but pettifogging lawyerai, bailiffs, and bailiffs' follow ers . Th ese men have' thrived upon the enormous fees and expenses associated with their•trade in human misery, and they are the only persons who have thrived. If we were to state all the money an nually thrown into the sea by law expenses, we should scarcely be credited by the reader. Thousands of pounds have been dilapitated—thousands of individuals have been confined—and not one in a thousand,-upon an average, has paid a farthing in the pound. What is the use of brutalizing the country and prejudicing trade for the mere purpose of gratifying the malig nant passions of defeated and exasperated usury ? It is not the fair tradesman, contented with mode rate profits, that arrests : it is the rapacious usurer who employs the thumb-screw of fear to extort his fraudulently overcharged bill from his deluded and fettered victim. Nor is it the knave that suffers by arrest. It is the honest man who would work to pay his creditors—who suffers more from his prevention than from h . confinement. The knave laughs, and never having he has allowed his creditorsto° per cent.--he does not pay, as statiaieal hundredtabl and lives upon that with which he should aes prove ; tuously and cont emptuously of his ereditoPrs, y, i n son. It is time that such absurd brutality should come come to an end; and the Lords have now an oppor tunity of finishing it at a most auspicious and appro priate era. But let them recollect the adage, Bi s dat qui cito dat." The good to be done should be done as quickly as possible. Thousands of our coun trymen are languishing away their lives uselessly or perniciously in prison, while the country is burdened with the maintenance of innocent families uninvolved in their offence, but involved in their punishm en t. " Hope def erre d ma k e th the heart sick. " —Mor n i ng Advertiser. A fair and impartial man, who had been an atten tive observer of the events of the last seven years, and who should take up some of the election addresses and speeches which Ministerial candidates are now ad dressing to those whom they hope to represent in Par linment, might naturally conclude either that these candidate!! have lost all memory and etose, or that they calculate upon that misfortune having happened to those whom tho.y address. For instance, we find many candidates taking credit to themselves for thsi consiss tency, as they call it, of their conduct in being Mi nisterialists new, as they were Ministerialists when the Reform - Bill was carried. On the other hand ) we find them also attacking, with the Untiest severity oI language, the inconsistency as thoy are pleased to term it, of other men who were Ministerialis:s at the period of the real manly struggle for Reform ) but who arc not so now, when retort:l sttns to be no mere than the r:l'iynkis. cry of such as are deterin(inA 16 stick to - pla ce s., but who have ''pawn themselves incapable of thing beyond a feeble encou ragement of res'olutionary adventurers. , Now ) ther e is no hon oura bl e cons i stency w h s tsv:sr In Continuing to be a Mi n i s t er i a li st , if the Administration has changed its character. Neither is there ally ho nesty whatever in continuing to usurp the name of Reformer when the. object in view has totally changed. They who boast of consistency because having been followers of the Grey Administration in 1831, they are followers of the Art elbourne-O'Connell Administration now, only show their want of principle and their want of sense. Their boasted "consistency" is, in fact, not only "Inconsisten c y," but inconsi s t e ncy of the most suspicious, if not th e most dishonourable, description. Ii they had sacrificed any thing in the cause of what they term consistency, there might be some ground to suppose that their mistake was unac companied by bad faith, or interested views ; but they have done no such thing. They adhere to the Admi nistration after nut only a change in the principles of the Administration, but after it has been abandoned by all its leading Members. Though all the high prin ciple and all the commanding talent of the Administra tion of 1831 are gone from it ; though its policy in several leading matters, but especially in the government of Ireland, is altogether changed, these persons having all the advantage which arises from clinging to men in power and place, ask also for the credit of having been consistent in a very superior degree. At the very mo ment that they are enjoying the dishonourable ath vantage of patronage from a Government which has deserted the principles of the Reform Government of 1831, they ask peculiar consideration on account of their consistency as Reformers. Such audacity as this can only be tolerated by those who are blinded by faction or ignorant of facts. They who take reason for their guide, and who will take the pains to inform themselves of the truth, must very soon be aware th;t the really inconsistent are the present Mi nisters and those who support them. Who is there so forgetful as not to know that the conduct of Lord Grey's Government earned for it the bitter hatred and continual vituperation of Mr. Daniel O'Connell? Who is there so ignorant as not to know that the prin cipal support of the present Government is Mr. Daniel O'Connell ? How does this happen ? Has Mr. O'Connell changed his principles since 1833 ? Has Mr. O'Connell becomes less an enemy of the Pro testant Church Establishment than he was in 1833 ? Has he become a better friend to the British Consti tution than he was in 1833 ? All these questions, if answered truly, must be answered in the negative. How then are we to account. for the fact that the very Ministers whom Mr. O'Connell opposed, abused, and reviled in 1833, he now supports, applauds, and flat ters ? The cause is evident. It is that these Mini , sters have been grossly inconsistent. They have abandoned those principles of Government which earned for them the hatred of Mr. O'Connell and other enemies of the Protestant constitution of Great Britain. They have abandoned the views and princi ples of British policy which acquired for them that highly honourable hatred, and, in consequence of having done so, the enemies of the Protestant Constitution of this nation have become their friends. Is this con sistency ? Is this fidelity to the views of British Reformers ? Is this an adherence to the principles of those whose motto was " the restoration, but not the destruction, of the British Constitution ?" 'We say it is no such thing, and they who boast their connection with the present Ministers, as a proof of their consis tency, actually bring forward the strongest proof of their inconsistency, accompanied with no slight pre sumption that they are time-serving and sordid, as well as inconsistent. We recommend electors to read Earl Grey's speeches during the Session of 1834, and espe cially those which relate to Mr. O'Connell's schemes. Let them compare what they will find in these speeches (the present Ministers being then his colleagues) with what these Ministers have been doing in the last two years. They will then see where the inconsistency lies.—Morning Herald. We see nothing objectionable in the appointment of the Countess of Mulgrave as one of the Ladies of the Bedchamber to the Queen ; neither do we see any ob jection to the people of Ireland taking this appoint ment as a compliment to themselves. A Ministerial Contemporary seems to think that they ought. We do not see the affair exactly in that light ; but, if they have a mind to be pleased, God forbid that they should not avail themselves of so innocent an opportunity. But one thing in connection with this matter we do object to, and that is that Ministers or their creatures should endeavour to cause an impression to go abroad that the appointment of the Countess of Mulgrave (if she be appointed) is any evidence whatever of en ap proval at Court of the political thraldom to Mr. O'Con nell and his party which marks the policy of the Irish Government. Lord Mulgrave is a public man of whom it is not worth while to speak. He has neither head nor heart for public business. He is only fit to act the part of a caterer for popular applause, and to submit to re sponsibility for acts which are not his. He probably regards Mr. O'Connell as a very proper man to be the representativ e of atrocity in the political melo drama of Ireland's Government. He looks upon him as the " Mr. 0. Smith" of the Dublin Castle com pany ; and beyond this poor Lord Mu!grave is men tally incapable of considerin g public matters, or public men. But for the Countess of Mulgrave, who (more sensible in this respect than her husband) does not meddle in policies at all, we believe she appreciates Mr. O'Connell almost as correctly as any lady in Eng land. Our impression is that very few ladies are more fully convinced than Lady Mulgrave is of the deep dis gust with which such a person as Mr. O'Connell de serves' to be regarded by the womanhood of England. The Court of England will certainly not be misled by her Lady s hip i n t o t h e id ea t h at M r . O'Connell is a person who knows how to behave himself, either poli tically or otherwise. Mr. O'Connell we know mis takes cumbrous fawning for politeness, as he does tawdry nonsense for eloquence, and nauseous hyper bole for loyalty ; but the Countess of Mulgrave is a gentlewoman, to whom Mr. O'Connell's five and thirty votes in the House of Commons go for nothing, so that she makes no mistake, but takes him at his true value. Mr. O'Connell is a person who, when he finds a poor man acting against him politically, thinks fit not only to give him gentle pictorial hints, in the form of a death's-head and cross-bones upon his door, but he makes public speeches, in which he points his victim out to the merciful consideration of an Irish mob, as a " hypocritical, proselytizing, apostate, lick-spittle ruffian, and miscreant," as one who " should be held up to scorn and detestation, and contempt." Mr. O'Connell is a person who, in order to prevent electors from voting_ for th e K n i ght of Kerry, did as much as any Protestant gentle man in Ireland to obtain for Mr. O'Connell and his fellow Roman Catholics the'privilege of eligibility to sit in Parliament, told the electors that " no demon in hell was more base than the man who would vote for the Knight of Kerry." We need hardly say that, whatever Lord Mulgrave may do or any other Mi nister whose place depends upon Mr. O'Connell's votes in the House of Commons, Lady Mulgrave is not very likely to say a word in favour of this brutally minded brawler at the Court of the Queen of England. Mr. .O'Connell, and the wretched set by whom he is surrounded, are positively unfit for decent society , of any rank ; and we would fain hope that whatever other changes the influence of a new reign may pro duce, one change will be the complete disruption of the shockingly degrading connection that has subsisted between the Government and Mr. O'Connell. We should consider this hope rather strengthened than the contrary by . the appointment of the Countess of Mulgrave to a 'place at Court. We are very certain that nhe would cnnsider any position becoming het. hill: more agreeable than that of being at the head of the Irish Court wlfle it is subjugated to the influence which at present rules it , -- , -Morning, Post. lIVIPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOiTSP oP O, 4 4'4 LIFA i. The §:iitAirkit 1.3 a. the Chair shortly after Three o'clock. Crafcr presented papers from the Treasury. On the motion of Captain ALSAGER the Lords Amendments to the London dud nri g hton Railway Urand Collier Dock 13 ill, and th Otiotitclitta Company Bill ck'6' *Feed tti, 1115 Motion of Mr. BROTHERTON the Lords Amendments to the Dowlais Market Bill, and the Pollock and Govan Railway BM were agreed to. Mr. HALMERS brought up the Report of the Com mittee on the Dundee Waterworks Bill, The Bill was ordered to be engrossed. On the motion of the same HON. MEMBER the Marquis of Bute's E,:tate Bill was read a second time; and ordered to be committed. Mr. FRES 'WIELD presented a petition from Strat• ford-upon-Avon against the New Poor-law Bill. Mr. HA ES brought up the Report of the Colonial Accounts Committee, which was ordered to be printed. THE SUN, LoNI)ON S FRIDAY, JVLY 14, 183 LORDS JUSTICES BILL. On the motion of Lord JOHN RUSSELL the Lords Justices Bill was read a third time and passed. On the motion of the ATTORNEY-GENERAL the Lords' Amendments to the Glasgow and Greenock Rail way Bill were agreed to. On the motion of Mr. HARVEY, the Lords' amend ments to the West London and Westminster Cemetery. Bill were agreed to. LAW OF COVERTURE. Captain PECHE ILL said that he had had the honour this session of introducing a Bill for the purpose of amend ing the Law of Coverture, and as he had not been able to get that Bill through the House, he wished to ask the Attorney-General whether the law-offi cers of the Crown would hold out any hope, or give him an assurance that they would take this matter into their consideration during the recess! with the view of bringing in a bill next Session ? The ATTORNEY•GENERAL said the Hon. and Gallant Member for Brighton was such a sturdy law re former, that he should be guilty of injustice if he were to tak any bill for the reform of the law out of his hands. If the Hon. and Gallant Member would introduce the bill in the next Session of Parliament, when he had no doubt the Hon. Member would be then either for Brightonor some other place, as he (the Attorney-General) felt no jealousy whatever towards the Gallant Officer for introducing Law Reforms, he would humbly assist him in the conduct of that or any other Bill which might have a beneficial object in view. —(" Hear, hear," from Capt. Pechell.) STANDING ORDERS. Mr. P. THOMSON moved the farther consideration of the report of the Committee on Standing Orders. The Committee of which he had had the honour to be Chair man had appointed a Sub-Committee composed of gen tlemen who had given great attention to the subject. The Standing Orders, as proposed to be amended, had been submitted to all the different parties likely to be acquainted with the subject. He was aware that in asking the House at any time to agree to alterations of Standing Orders, he would require some authority, which would have great weight with the House ; but he did not feel that any tri bunal could have been appointed more competent to consider those Orders than that Sub-Committee of Gentlemen who were good enough to undertake that duty, and the result of whose labours were then before the House. He regretted the absence of the Honourable Member for Hampshire, the Chairman of the Sub-Committee, who was unfortunately prevented from a severe domestic affliction attending the House to-day, because that Hon. Gentleman would have been able to have stated the grounds on which they had agreed to the proposed altera tions; but be (Mr. P. Thomson) confidently hoped the House would assent to the amended Standing Orders. One of the recommendations of the Sub-Committee was that proof should be offered before the Committee upon Railway Bills that a sum of money amounting to 10 per cent. of the capital to be subscribed had been deposited in the Bank of England before the Bill could be introduced into the House.—(Hear, hear.) There was no other alteration in the Standing Orders of any importance, with the exception of that to which he had called the attention of the House. The SPEAKER, before putting the question thought it would be advantageous to the course of public business to apprize the House that he did not intend to take the Chair to-morrow, till a quarter before four o'clock. Mr. HAWES was hardly prepared to express an opinion upon the proposed alterations, as they had been only just placed in the hands of Hon. Members. The alterations were very serious, and it was now proposed to incorporate in the Standing Orders what was formerly but recommen datory matter.—(" No, no," from Mr. P. Thompson.) It appeared to him that the parties concerned in the promo tion of Railway Bills would consider that these alterations were likely to throw very serious obstacles in the wny of these Bills. He would suggest to the Right Hon. Gentle man the propriety of postponing the subject till to-morrow, when the House would be in possession of these alterations. Mr. P. THOMSON-1 am quite ready to discuss them now. Mr. HA WES—The Right Hon. Gentleman might be prepared to discuss these alterations now, but he (Mr. H.) suspected that no other Hon. Member was. Mr. P. THOMSON explained—What the Hon. Mem ber supposed to be alterations were no alterations at all. Mr. HA WES contended that some of the alterations now proposed had been recommended by the Committee which sat last year. He regretted that the Standinc , Or ders Committee had made its r e p or t a t a per i o d o f the ses sion when the House could not consider it properly, and if the House was with him he should move the postpone ment of the discussion till to-morrow. Captain PECHELL fully conceded with what had just fallen from the Hon. Mcmbcr for Lambeth. After a few words from Sir J. \Vrottesley, Mr. T. DUNCOMBE hoped the discussion would be delayed for only one dal-. The Report of the Committee was only put in the hands of Members that morning ; they therefore were not unreasonable in asking for one day to look at them. Mr. P. THOMSON said, in the present state of the Session it was important that they should take the earliest opportunity of passing the Resolutions, otherwise the la bours of the Committee might be lost. There was no sub stantial alteration ; but that which required the tenth part of the capital to be paid into the Bank, and that alteration he was then prepared to discuss. Mr. WILKS saw no reason for pressing the resolutions on that occasion ; one day would give Hon. Members an opportunity of making themselves masters of the question. Mr. JEPHSON also wished for the delay of one day, as alterations were made with respect to the maps required. Sir SAMUEL WTHALLEY concurred in the objec tions urged by the Hon. Member for Lambeth. Mr. WARBURTON said that the abuses discovered by thu Committee, of which he was Chairman, under the old system were so monstrous, that he was sure no person would be desirous of upholding them. Mr. G. P. YOUNG thought the discussion of the subject ought to he postponed till to-morrow. Mr. ESTCOURT was satisfied, though there were some defects in the Standing Orders of the present Ses sion, tl:ey were infinitely better than those of the last, and he should cordially support the motion before the house. Mr. P. THOMSON hoped the House would adopt the report at once, as the sub-Committee who had drawn up the report, and who were capable of giving any explanations ' would not, lie believed, be able to stop any longer in town. Mr. G. F. YOUNG said though lie would rather have had time to examine the report, yet, after what had fallen from the Right Hon. Gentleman, he would withdraw all further opposition. Mr. FRESHFIELD thought there could be no serious difference of opinion upon the report. As to the subscrip tion list, he thought, if nothing else was done, that that at least ought to be adopted.—(Hear, hear, h ear .) The only complaint he had to make on it was that it did not go far enough, and be had originally proposed that the deposit should be twenty per cent. upon the amount of the capital instead of ten per cent. It did appear to him the proposed regulations would not interfere with any fair or vvt 11-founded transaction, but that it would interfere with a foul and improper transaction that ought never to have made its appearance before the public ; and, therefore, he should be most anxious to give his support to the proposition. The amendment was then withdrawn. The several Orders were then called over by the SPEAKER numerically. Capt. PECHELL objected to the Order which re quired that the notice should be published in one news paper in the county. In the county in which he resided there were no less than six newspapers, and the paper which might be selected, if it happened to be a Conservative one, might not be read by the liberal portion of the county. He would suggest that the notices should be published in two of the county newspapers. Mr. P. THOMSON objected, as it would be putting the parties to additional expense. Mr. P. M. STE w ART thought the notices should be published in November, as formerly, instead of in February and March, as was now proposed. After a few remarks from Mr. P. THOMSON, the order was agreed to. Captain PgCHELL had an amendm e nt t 9 Tay9, which ‘has necessary Idl the piirpose of aftorditig (hid protettion to the iAndmilier6; The object was to compel the parties to furnish the landthimei• plans And Seeilotis Of that land which they intended to take from him, instdad tit 66m pelling_him_to go to adistantcountyto the parish church. Sir - JOHN - WROTTESLEY 'did not think it neees sullicient no l tice was given to the landowner by the illatiO and 6cel.itinl +Hill the Oerk of the Peace. Mr. MAXWELL, before they weut Vitig anxious to call the attention of the Right Hon. Gentlemen to the fact, that parties when giving their assents to Railways thought they knew the particular psrt of their land which MO to be taken but when the tills came Wore tha . 1-10u,2 W*ol. was glvdii take othef kinds than that Which ap. , peared in the scciimis. Sir JOHN WROTTESLEY considered that end notice* whieli %rare obliged to be served upon all the proprietors were quite siitilOctiti nv they contained all the deviations which were proposed to be made. Mr. P. THOMSON thought that sufficient protection Was already given by the plawg and sections being deposited with the Clerk of the Peace. If every landowner was to be served with plans and sections, companies would be put to the, expense of making thousands and thousands of maps. Mr. Wings and Mr. EsTcounT supported the original proposition, which was then agreed to. On coming to that resolution which required one-tenth of the capital to be lodged in the Bank, Mr. T. DUNCONIBE complained that it applied to all private bills, and proposed that it should be confined to Railroad Bills alone. lie raw no reason for its being extended to Bills for making turnpike roads, building bridges, Etc. Mr. CHALMERS said that the order only applied to Bills that were brought in under a subscription contract. Mr. DUNCOMI3E said, that under the clause it was absolutely necessary that a subscription contract should be entered into for a Turnpike Bill. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL thought that the House ought not to allow the Order to have retrospective operation ; it ought not to have the effect of an ex post facto law. It was unfair, in his opinion, that Bills that had passed that House, and which would doubtless have passed the other House of Parliament but for the unfortu nate event which would lead to its dissolution should be prejudiced by the new resolutions. He would therefore propose, and he should take the sense of the House upon it if it was necessary, that the Bills that had passed that House this session, if introduced next, should not be -sub ject to the new resolutions with respect to subscription, deposit, or otherwise. He proposed to move that as a proviso to the ninth resolution. Mr. P. M. STEWART said, that as he believed the Right Hon. Gentleman had not yet made up his mind, he wished to make one observation. One of the most im portant - resolutions was that which required 10 per cent. on the amount of the capital should be de posited in the Bank of England, or invested in the Government Securities, in the name of the Chief Clerk of the House of Commons. Now, if such Resolu tion had been in force last year, there would have been upwards of 2,000,000/. lodged in the Bank or in Govern ment Securities, which yielded little or no interest ; and even in the case of the Brighton Railway, a sum of 100,0001. would have been lying in the Bank, the entire Session without the parties deriving any benefit from it. He thought it would be quite sufficient if a private banker's book were produced before the Committee, show ing the deposit had been made. Mr. P. THOMSON believed that no private hanker would give much interest on a sum of money that was liable to be drawn out of his hands at any moment. _ . Mr. G. F. YOUNG said, the London and Westminster Bank, or the London Joint-Stock Bank, would give interest upon any sum of money so lodged. He objected strongly to the parties being compelled to ledge the money in Go vernment securities, they being of a very fluctuating cha racter, and the parties might be compelled to sell out at a very considerable loss. He suggested that they ought to extend their permission to private Banks, which would be a sufficient security that the money had been actually paid up. Mr. P. M. STEW ART said that the parties by having the money lodged in private banks would have this ad vantage, that they would know that the full amount lodged was safe, instead of being compelled to sell out at discount, and at a great loss, as had been justly observed by the Hon. Member for Tcignmouth. Let the Committee be satisfied that their subscriptions had been paid up ; but for the sake of all that was fair and just towards these enterprising parties, do not compel them to lodge the money in the perfectly unprofitable, although safe, coffers of the Bank of England. Sir J. WROTTESLEY—That would completely de feat the object in view. A private banker would be ready to advance any sum of money that might be required, with out the amount having been actually lodged with him. Sir R. INGLIS hoped the regulation would be perse vered in, otherwise the public would not obtain the pro tection they were anxious to afford. Alderman THOMSON thought there was a precedent for the plan which the House was about to adopt, namely, the Court of Chancery, which required that parties holding money in trust should invest it in Government securities ; and he was quite sure that if they departed from that principle on the present occasion they would not secure the object in view, which was a bona fide subscription list. Mr. WAKLEY hoped the Right Hon. Gentleman the President of the Board of Trade would postpone the consi deration of that question till to-morrow, as the regulation was one of very great importance. The groat sum which 10 per cent. upon some of these undertakings might amount to, if thrown upon the Market, might have a serious effect upon the Funds. He hoped such an important Resolution would be discussed in a fuller House. Sir S. WHALLEY said the ten per cent. was to be in addition to all the expenses, so that there must be a paid up capital of fifteen per cent., which would put an end to these speculations ; he did not, however, object to it, because he saw no means of making those for which Bills had already been passed. Mr. P. MAXWELL thought the object would be com pletely effected if the parties were allowed to choose their banker, who would produce his book or other voucher for the money being actually in his possession. There was not a banker in London, except the Bank of England, who would not give interest and perfect security for the money. Mr. P. THOMPSON thought it was impossible that the plan could be carried into effect, otherwise the object the Committee had in view would be defeated. They wanted security, and security that the money would not be withdrawn until the Bill was decided upon by that House. It, of course, would not apply to Bills brought in next Session merely for the purpose of amending those Bills which had passed this Session. Mr. T. DUNCOMBE proposed that the clause should 1 not apply to the Turnpike Trusts. _ After a few observations from Mr. P. THOMSON and Mr. CHALMERS the amendment of the Hon. Member for Finsbury was negatived, and the original resolution was agreed to. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL moved, as a proviso to the ninth clause, that all Bills that had passed that House in the present session, and which should be introduced in the next, should not be subject to the new resolution. Mr. P. THOMSON said that provision was made for all Railway Bills which should not pass this Session, being introduced in the next. He could not accede to the mo tion of his Hon. and Learned Friend. Mr. WARBURTON said it (lid not at all follow that because a Railway Bill passed the HOWL? this Session, that therefore it would pass the next ; although the subscrip tion lists of this year_might be composed of very respect able and responsible persons, yet the subscription list of next Session might be composed of jobbers of every de scription. Mr. FRES HFIELD also opposed the motion. Sir IL INGLIS should certainly feel it to be his duty on this occasion to support her Majesty's Government against her Majesty's Attorney-General.—(Laughter.)— There could be no security for the public if the Order was not retrospective, as they would never have the same list of subscribers in a second session. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL—When he saw the unnatural coalition- F (A laugh)--that had taken place be tween the Hon. Member for the University of Oxford and his Right Hon. Friend, he must admit that it was irresis tible.—(Hear, and a laugh.) He must say, however, that justice was overborne by it, and he only hoped that a better f ee ling would be evinced in another session, when, if he had the honour of a seat, h e s h ou ld certa i n l y b r i ng f orwar d a similar motion. Mr. YOUNG denied that justice was overborne by the decision that had been come to : on the contrary, justice would be defeated if they had acceded to the Right Hon. the Attorney-General's proposition. The amendment was then withdrawn, and the Order un dor consideration was agreed to. The remaining Orders were then agreed to. Lord JOHN RUSSELL gave notice that he would to morrow move that the Lords' Amendments to the Eccle siastical Appointments Suspension Bill be taken into con deration, and he would move that they should disagree to one clause introduced by the House of Lords excepting from the operation of the Bill three Rev. Gentlemen who had filled the office of Chaplain to that House.—(Hear, hear, hear.) It was a subject which belonged exclu sively to that House, and it was impossible for them to allow the House of Lo r d s t o i n t er f ere w ith it, a nd i direct them n what m anner th ey s h ou ld carry i nto e ff ec t their own wishes, as expressed by addresses to the Crown. At the same time he might state that the Bill was only suspensory for one year, and must come under con sideration again , when he would be quite ready t o dis cuss any equitable claim which these gentlemen might have. Sir R. INGLIS denied that the House of Lords had interfeted at all with an./ thing that had been done by the House of Commons: The Lith of the House, and the honour of the Crown ; were pledged to the protection of Ciittaiti rights; which it was the object of the clause intro duced by the n0(1 . 56 of Lords to effnt. As the Noble Lord had stated that it as his intention to consider the subject farther to-morrow, he notild feTerve himself 611 thfn in any farther observations he might talc Vialcq. WOOL TRADE. Mr. iIEATI-WOTE wioild to know from the Right Hon. Gentleman oppthitd V.'heihct cny steps bad been taken, or were taking, to dittginislt tlYe unfair manner in which the wool trade was carried on between this conntry and Franec Mr. P. THOMSON said that every opportunity had keen and would be taken, in order to put an end to the system the Hon. Member had mivertcd !o. CLEI PEACE BILL. Mr. P. THOMSON gage t.l7tiee that he should to riioi7c.r, move the suspension of the `6`°,tv.4ing• Order, to enable the Host to carry the Clerks of the Feary Custody of Documents Bill througi; ell its stages. MUNICIPAL CORPORATION (ENGLAND) ACT AMENDMENT MIL. A message from the Lords desired a Conference in Com mittee Room No. 5, on the cnbjeet of the amendments last ft; Al to the Lords' amendments to the English Municipal Corporation Act Amendment Bill. A Conference was then appointed ; Lord John Russell, Mr. P. Thomson, Sir R. Price, Mr. Wyse, Mr. Borth wick, and others, being appointed Managers. The Managers having returned, Lord John Russell said the Conference was managed on the part of the Lords by the Marquis of Salisbury, and that the Lords had stated their reasons for disagreeing to the Commons' amendments. The amendments were ordered to be taken into consi deration to-morrow. The Clerks of the Peace Documents Bill having been read a first and second time, the House adjourned. HOUSE OF LORDS, Jvir 13 The Lonn CHANCELLOR took his scat on the Woolsack at Five o'Clock. CLERKS OF THE PEACE BILL. On the motion of the Duke of RICHMOND, this Bill was read a second time, committed, and reported, and read a third time and passed. Lord DURHAM presented a petition from the Gaoler of Lancaster, praying for compensation in case the Impri sonment for Debt Bill should pass. Mr. BROTHERTON, and several other Members of the House of Commons, brought up the West London and Westminster Cemetery Bill, the Dowlais Market Bill, the Glasgow and Greenock Railway Bill, the Lord's Jus tices Bill, the Pollock and Govan Railway Bill, the She riffs Fees Bill, the Grand Collier Docks Bill, the Attor neys and Solicitors Bill, and several other Bills. MILITIA PAY BILL. On the motion of Lord DUNCANNON the Militia Pay Bill, the Militia Ballot Suspension Bill, the Slave Treaties Bill, the Exchequer Bill Public Works (Ire land) Bill, and the Bankrupts (Ireland) Bill, were read a third time and passed. CRUELTY TO ANIMALS BILL. On the motion of Lord DUNCANNON this Bill, also the Masters and Workmen Bill, and the Consolidated Fund Bill, went through Committee without discussion, and were reported. BEET-ROOT SUGAR BILL. Lord DUNCANNON then moved that this Bill be committed. Lord RIPON thought that it was objectionable that a law should be passed to prevent the owner and occupier of the land from deriving the utmost advantage from its cul tivation. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE said that if a way could be devised for obtaining a revenue of five millions, the amount derived from the Sugar Duties, ho would grant the soundness of the principle laid down by the Noble Lord. The Bill then went through Committee, and was re ported. On the motion of Lord DUNCANNON, the Cor poration Property (Ireland) Bill was read a second time. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE gave notice that he would move the third reading of the Bills of Exchange Bill to-morrow. PARLIAMENTARY ELECTORS BILL. Viscount DUNCANNON moved the second reading of this Bill. Lord REDESDA LE objected to the measure on the same grounds on which he had opposed a similar measure the other evening. He thought so important a mea sure could not be properly considered at so late a period of the Session. He moved that the Bill be read a second time this day three months. Lord DUNCANNON supported the Bill. The Marquis of WESTMINSTER considered that the Bill was so important, and yet so simple .41 its details, that it should be passed. He had always beet: a supporter of the Reform Bill, but the portion of it rjerred to, and to be altered by this measure, was a great blemisii upon it. It would be treating the wishes of the people with cot;- tempt if the measure was rejected or withdrawn. Lord BROUGHAM entirely concurred with the Noble Marquis in hoping that the Bill would be pressed to a di vision. Vast numbers of persons on whom it was intended to confer the franchise by the Reform Bill, were deprived of it by the rate-paying clauses. Lord HARRO WBY said that this Bill was an altera tion in the Reform Bill, which had been considered by the supporters and opponents of it to be a final measure. The payment of rates was the test whether the parties were worthy of the franchise, and this Bill would, if passed, create a diminution in the qualification. Lord BROUGHAM explained. It was utterly impos sible that either in works or Bills there could be anything said to be final. _ Lord DUNCANNON said that this Bill only applied to such voters as had been once on the register, enabling them to vote if afterwards in arrear. Lord HADDINGTON said that the franchise had by the Reform Bill been pushed to a great extent for the purpose, it was stated, of making the measure a final one. The House then divided, when there appeared, For the second reading 55 Against it 66 Majority against the second reading The Marquis of LANSDOWNE then laid on the table supplementary papers relative to the commerce of the United Kingdom. The Bishop of EXETER presented a petition against the abolition of Church-rates from several places in Kent. Also a petition from Manchester, praying for the repeal of the Poor Law Amendment Act ; he bad moved for a return some time since, which was not made, but on moving for the return being made forthwith, when it was made, it had been said that he bad thus compelled the the expense of a return made in 500 pages ; hut this was fault of the Commissioners, as the return he had moved for was contained in three pages. The Right Reverend Prelate then read a letter from a clergyman, stating that the workhouse in the Union where he resided had been for nine months without a chaplain, and the inmates had not been permitted to attend any place of worship ; but that about five weeks since a chaplain had been advertised for with a salary of 25/. per year. MUNICIPAL ACT AMENDMENT BILL. Earl of Stanhope, the Marquis of Salisbury, Ford Fitzge rald, the Bishop of Exeter, and Lord Braybrooke, were then appointed Managers of a Conference with the Com mons on the subject of this Bill. On their return the Marquis of SALISBURY stated the reasons of the Commons, but in so low a tone of voice that we could not catch the purport of it. The Earl of RADNOR said that the Right Rev. Pre late had shown him the letter to which he had referred, and he would beg him to read the whole of it..—(Hear.) The Bishop of EXETER read the last paragraph of the letter, which was to the effect that the number of in mates of the workhouse was 60, of which one-half were children of ten years and under, and of the remainder two thirds were idiots or bedridden.—(Hear.) The Earl of RADNOR said that if the Noble Lords had attended to the representation of the Right Rev. Prelate they must see that the stress he laid upon the ab sence of a chaplain, although the service was read by the master, and the hardship of not permitting the paupers to attend the church, was, according to the lust paragraph of the letter, not well founded. The number of the inmates amounted to 60—the number never having exceeded 60, one-half being children of ten years and under, and two thirds of the remainder being idiots or bedridden. It should be observed, also, that the letter was dated the 12th of June, and this was the 13th of July. Earl STANHOPE said that lie believed the confine ment of these paupers in any clay of the week was alto gether illegal, and if they thought fit to assert their rights they could bring an action for false imprisonment against the master of the workhouses. The Bishop of EXETER said that he did not suppose the Noble Earl (Radnor) meant to insinuate that he (the Bishop of Exeter) had acted unfairly in not reading the whole of the letter. The Noble Earl had asked him where it came from ? He handed it to him, and he read it, and if he had wished to conceal anything was it likely that he would have given it to the Noble earl ? He had referred to the letter, not in reference to details, but in reference to principles. The last paragraph was, " one half children of ten years or under, and of the remainder two-thirds idiots or bed-ridden." One of the great arguments in favour of this regulation was, that if they permitted the paupers to go out to attend church, they would e.o to the beer-shops in-' 1 stead. Now, was it likely that children of ten years, and under, would do any such thing ? But what was to be done with the ten others ? There were thirty children, and twenty idiots or bed-ridden ; but what was to be done with the remaining . ten ? They were to be confined, i l l order to join with these idiots Mill bed-ridden in serving. G o d workhouse, instead of gig where they had a right to go—and M the way of which he triseted nothing nould be suffered to stand-- Leir parish churc!:. Why,he ll'ottld repeat, were these ten to Le kept in ? World they, if they were permitted to go out, breed a riot or tumult to the town ? The matter, however, was really so trumpery as a plea in favour of the system drat he should feel ashamed If ;.”, Rom men t L - 1 upon it any longef, The rati o f RADNOR said that he 64 made no insi nuations, but he had only wished the Hou to , 11044:v the real facts. The Duke of RICHMOND said that he thought the practice of not reading letters upon the presentation of petition a very wise one ; hut when a Noble Lord rv-- ferred to a letter it certainly was his duty to read the. whole of the letter. He was quite sure that the R!ght Rev. Prelate had not the slightest intention of concealing atlytl‘ing which ought to be known, but it did appear that t h e l ette r atblueed other facts, which it was most important for the House to know.—( Hear, hear.) The complaint was that the residents in these workhouses had been de barred from attending divine service. From the letter is , self it appeared that the Clergyman and his coadjutor con stantly attended the inmates. He (the Duke of Richmond) was one of those who wished exceedingly that every union in the country should have a paid chaplain, remunerated in a sufficient manner. In most unions he believed there at ready was a chaplain appointed. He preferred also that the paupers should not be permitted to go out on the Sunday (Hear, hear) —because if they were permitted they would return, as had been proved in the report of the Commis missioners, in a state not very creditable to themselves. He would also ask the Right. Rev. Prelate how were they to get foods to build new churches, for in many cases the churches were not now sufficient for the accommodation of the parishioners ? In the letter, too, not one word was said whether the inmates belonged to the Church or not ; and this was an important matter for consideration. There was; a Noble Earl who took every opportunity to call these workhouses gaols and prisons. What would the Noble Earl say if a servant of his petitioned the House because the Noble Earl had transported him to Germany for seven years Hear, hear," and laughter)—the servant having gone all the time voluntarily ? He trusted that the Noble Earl would soon forget to call them gaols and prisons, and that he would visit them himself ; for really the use of such names was, after all, no argument.—(Hear, hear.) The Bishop of EXETER explained. Here the conversation dropped. The report on the Central Criminal Court Bill was brought up, and the third reading fixed for to-morrow. After a conversation, in which Lords BROUGHAM, LYNDHURBT, and the LORD CHANCELLOR took part, the Burglary Bill was read a third time and passed. On the motion of Lord DENMAN, that the Punishment of Death Bill be read a third time, Lord BROUGHAM observed that the Bill now con tained a clause, which provided that offences which had been hitherto capital, but were to be so no longer, should be tried by the Judges instead of being brought before the Quarter Sessions. He would propose that that clause should be struck out, upon the understonding that a Bill in refer ence to that subject should be brought in at an early period in the course of the next session. The Duke of RICHMOND thought that there could be no objection to the motion on those terms ; and he trusted that it would go forth to the magistrates that his Noble and Learned Friend had sanctioned the principle of the clause. Earl STANHOPE presented forty-four petitions from 4,375 persons engaged in factories, praying the House for some legislative enactment to the effect that persons under twenty-one should never be allowed to work more than ten hours a day, and on Saturday only eight. The Noble Earl also presented petitions against the Poor Law Bill from the owners and occupiers of land in parishes in Suffolk, Derby shire, Kent, and Glamorganshire. Their Lordships then adjourned. Yesterday morning, between six and seven o'clock, Mr. Hetworth, a builder, residing in Cle►eland-street, Fitzroy square, while superintending his workmen at a house in Nor ton-street, fell from a scaffold to the ground, a considerable height, and received such serious injury that he died about an hour afterwards. On Wednesday night a dreadful accident occurred at Battersea to a Mrs. Elizabeth Kendall, the wife of a sill weaver, and the mother of a large family. It appears that tl poor people had suffered great distress; they were in arrea. s of rent, and daily expected that the landlord would levy a dis tress warrant on the few articles of furniture they possessed. To avoid such a misfortune the poor man, late on Wednesday night, hired a cart for the purpose of carrying away his goods and family. It being a very dark night, and having some dis tance to go, the mother and children got on the head of the cart, which had not proceeded far before the former fell off into the road, and both the near wheels went over head and body , ( and r d k a il y le ) d b h e f e o r r e o n m t r h . e spot. artt e r A t ti n e c i n () te n s e t r will for Sbuerrehye.ld to - dsl GERMAN VOTARIES or ToßAcco.--E very man , without exception, is smoking ; each little table has its lamp (though it is broad daylight) for the sole purpose of lighting the pipes and cigars ; and so unremitting are the votaries of tobacco, that yonder is an old gentleman actually eating a nd smoking at the same, the long pipe being pushed into one corner of hi., mouth, so as to leave an entrance in front for the spoon or fork. At the table just below us are two ladies, both young, and both pretty, and opposite are seated two gentlemen, each with a cigar in his mouth. Now another man has joined the party, and the smoke of the three cigars is directed full into the ladies' faces ; the last puff has gone right under the pink bonnet of one of them, and is curling round the roses and blonde, and among her glossy ringlets.--4 Summer in Ger many. The cod fishery on the west coast of Shetland com menced upwards of a month ago, and has been very successful. Small boats have taken from 300 to 600, and sloops 2,000 c od week. A smack from London has come here, and has bad great success. Her crew salt the fish on beard, which is plan our fishermen ought to have adopted long since. Nothing but successful example will, however, break them out of their old habits, and it is to be hoped that the success of the smack will induce others to embark in our fisheries. Under proper management, and with a few active hands from the south, there is no speculation which would answer better here than the cod sloops. The ling fishing has not been very abundant as yet owing to the unsettled state of the weather, which, until v^rf lately, has prevented the small and very inefficient boats, which our fishermen continue to use for prosecuting it, from gettit g to the fishing ground. The seethe have not yet appeared si an y groat quantity. On the west side of the islands, there is said to be a good appearance of herrings; but our boats will not generally go to look for them far a month to come. The Dutchmen know better. A few days since our harbour and town was enlivened by the arrival of no less than 86 sail of herring busses, each manned by about 15 hands, from Holland. They all railed on the 25th inst., to prosecute the early her ring fishery on the coasts of these islands. Scarcely a single boat from Shetland has yet gone to look for herrings.—Shet land Journal. Last week, as some workmen were excavating a edicr under the mansion of Lord Sherborne, at Sherborne, they discovered four ancient coffins, of immense weight. Three of them are without corers, and one of them was co rered with a lid, about three fourths of its length, with a star engraved on the part over the breast. The heads were almost all perfect, but there were no inscriptions to record the names and rank of the deceased. SILVE R CANDLESTICKS, from Five Guineas to Six Guineas per pair. An elegant and eaten- . sive variety of Silver Candlesticks of new and tasteful patterns. va- . rying from nine to ten inches in height, may be selected from at the above price, at T. COX SAVORY'S, Working Silver and Gold- . smith, 47, Cornhill, London. N.8.--A Pamphlet, with Drawing!, Lists of Prices of Plate, Plated Goods, Watches, Clocks, Sc., may be had gratis, or will be forwarded in answer to a post-paid application. - - BIRTHS. On the 11th inst., at Kimbolton, the lady of B. Welstead, Esq., of a. son Ons the 11th inst., at Hunnington, near Hales-Owen, the wife of the Rev. R. B. Hone, of a son. On the 3d of April, at Kandy, the lady of E. Rawdon P o wer, Esq., Private Secretary to his Excellency Sir R. Wilmot Horton, Bart., of a son. On the 7th inst., at Boulogne-sur-Mer, the lady of Geo. Alex. Sloper, Esq., of a daught er . On the 12th inst., Mrs. H. Arnold, of Marchmont-street, of a son. On the ith inst., at Maze-hill, the lady of Stacey Grimaldi, Esq., of a son. On the 12th i ns t ., at St. Pancras MARRIED New Church, Lieut.-Colonel Charles Dixon, of the Royal Engineers, to Miss Isabella Annen, of Blackheath. On the 12th inst., at St. Mary's, Bryanston-square, William George Nash King, Esq., Commander R.N., to Sarah, o n ly daugh ter of th e l a t e T. lulkeley,,Esq., of Montagu-square. On the 11th inst. at Christ Church, Henry Kent, Esq., of , Lyon-terra ce , Maida-hill, to Miss Maria Ann Powell, of Cunning ham-place, St. John's-wood. On the 12th inst. at St. Paul's, Islington, Benjamin Lewis, of • t Verulam-buildings, Gray's Inn, and of Highbury-grange, Esq.,- to Jemima, only daughter of John Wilson, of Highbury-grove, Esq. On the 11th inst., at Islington Old Church, J. C. Barrett, Esq, of Vigo -cottage, Northampton, to Mary Ann, widow of T. Saps• worth, Esq., of Park-terrace, Highbury. On the 12th inst., at St. Mary's, Stoke Newington, Mr. Henry • John Atkinson, of Cateaton-street, Cheapside, to Amelia, second daughter of B. Massey, Esq„ of Paradise-row, Stoke Newington. On the 12th inst., at St. John's, Hampstead, Mr. Robert Hill, of the City-road Wharf, to Mary Ann, youngest daughter of W. Rochfort, Esq., of Hampstead. DIED. On the 10th inst., at Hampstead, aged 49, Sarah, youngest daughter of the late John Hetherington, Esq., of Newington-green. On the 7th inst., at Old Hall, E as t B erg h o lt, S u ff o lk, P a t e r Godfrey, Esq., age 69. On the 10th inst., Eden, second son of the Rev. S. Marindin, a..- ° ed 11 mouths. On the 9th inst., at Margate, Georgiana, w ife of Mr. Delferier, of Sloane-square, Chelsea. On the 10th inst., in Torrington-square, Kate, wife of C. R. Bigge, Esq., and eldest daughter of John Scovell, Esq. London: Printed and Pnbliglied by MURDO YOUNG, of No. 112, Strand, at The Sun Of No• 112, Strand, in the noun of Middlesex.—. Friday, July 14, 1837.