The Sun. — London, England, 1852-03-13 00:00:00

ITCKINGH,AMSHIRE ELECTION. (FROII OUR OWN REPORTERS.) the nomination was appointed for the early hour of yesterday morning, and by that time the small and dull ."-o'vri of Aylesbury begin to assume a bustling and lively 13 ' e spearance. The George Inn was selected as the strong ha!d of the Disraeli party, and every room was crowded with Lturdy yeomen, whose various vehicles and cattle cou,pletely filled the yard of this famous hostelry. A gmaN brass band, which played soma enlivening airs, w4s stationed outside, and some half-dczpn blue flags, with the name of Disraeli and some popular Protectionist ma noes inscribed upon them, were paraded about the market-place. The supporters of the Right Hon. Gen_ tleman wore blue and white favours, bat those of his opponent, Dr. Lee, neither exhibited colours nor made a display of any kind. The nomination took place in the County Hall, a small more resembling the interior azeient-looking building , Of a church or chapel than any thin. else. Mr. Disraeli and Dr. Lee entered the hell shortly before ten o'clock, accompanied by a few of their sup eoeters, and took their places on the benches usually oc cupied by the magistrates. Precisely at ten o'clock the doors of the hall were opened to the elektors, and there was such a tremendous rush that in a few minutes the small chamber was crowded to excess in every part. A portion of the gallery wee allotted to ladies, and a considerable number of elegentlie datased ladies availed themselves of the p lace. Mr. SCOTT MuraRAY, the sheriff for the county, briefly stated the object for which the electors had been celled together, tend slid they would either have to re elect the Right Hon. Benjamin Disraeli, or supply his place be returning some other gentleman. The UNDER-MIERIFF then read the writ, and also re cited the provisions of the Act against Bribery and Cor rupti can. Among those present oia the bench we noticed Lord Henry L neox, Captain Archdall, Ceptain Vyse, and the R-v. F. Lirchferd. Tnroughout the proceedings there were occasionally ejaeulations which evinced dissent from Prorectionist, sentiments iwil dieapprobation of Mr. Disraeli': principles, bat there is nu denying that the Right Honourable Gentleman was the favourite. The powerful lungs ef the Buckiaghatwhire farmers and also of their employees, of whom no doubt there sees a considerable numoer pre senr, effectually drowned ell attempts at free-trade op- peition. The prop ser ot Mr. Disraeli made a neat, short, speech which was received with loud applause, but the apponcler was not so wise, fur he attempted to inflict a Protectionist diequisition upon the turbulent electors, which *,3 every now and then interrupted by loud cries of." Cut it short," " Time," &c. A dramatic incident occurred in the course of his oration which elicited loud laughter and cheers. Though avowing himself an opponent to free trade, he admitted he entertained nu unfriendly feelings towards his opponents, and in order to give more effsct to this expression -of his forbear ance, he bent forward and warmly shook Dr. Lee by the hand. At length, however, patience ' could no longer submit to the tedious infliction —missiles were thrown about in different directions, and, among the first, an apple, which only escaped the head of the orator. This proved to be, in truth, an apple of dis cord, for immediately afterwards a row commenced, which never ceased until he had sat down. Mr. PONSFORD DUNCOXBE, of Missenden Abbey, then came forward to propose air. Disraeli. He said he felt he could not better discharge the duty he had to perform than to do it briefly.—(Hear, hear.) During the time Mr. Disraeli had represented this county ho hsid alsks advocated the interest of the constituency, a.tcl had dote all in his power to restore Protection. —(Chest, and a voice, " You don't think you'll ever hive lot again.) Mr. Disraeli was now a member of a soverninent pledged to support the Established Church, Red determined to make a last effort to reconcile those classes who had been too long estranged from each ether.—(Hear, hear.) As a member of such a Govern ment, he had strong claims upon the consti tuency, and remembering the great talents of the Honourable Gentleman himself, and the high office which he held, he had no hesitation in proposing Mr. B. Disraeli as a fit and praiser person to represent the enmity of Buckingham in Parliament.—(Cheers.) Mr. CARRINGTON, of Missenden Abbey, seconded the nomination. It was no motive of silly vanity that induced him to eonie upon the hustings, but it was to support a gentleman who de stirved well of his c entry.—.(Hear, bear.) He perfectly agreed with all that the proposer had said, and he only regretted that he had ROL his power of voice to say a few words in favour of so great a man as Mr. Disraeli.—(Cheers.) No Member of the House of C - onamons was so able to give a good account of his stewardship, and he hoped the Honourable Gentleman would receive a fair and impartial hearing.—(Cheers.) For his own part, he was an old-fashioned man; but though his sentiments might be also old-fashioned they were, at all events, sincere, while ho believed they were the best that could be adapted for the interest of this great country.—(Cheers.) All he asked for himself and the candidate he seconded was a cleer stage and no favour.—(Hear, hear.) Every Englishman who was an Englishman would rn,c reiuse that request; and looking at the vast services which Mr. Disraeli had ren dered the agricultural interest, he west convinced they would most cordially re-el, cl,' hits.—(Cheers.) No man in all England had dine more for the class to which be belonged. He fought their battle without deprecating the interest of any other, and, both in the House and oat of it, he had never c-ased to sai;;gle in behalf of native industry.—(Loud cheers.) This was one of the principal reasons which induced him to advocate the. g , :ntlemen's claims upon the constitu eecy.—(ilear, beer.) Upon the great question of Pro teetion he was fully agreed with the Right Hon. Gen tleman, and as far as he could other the opinion of the Right Hon. Gentleman upon the other great questions of the day, he believed they were in unison with his own and the constituency of this splendid county.—(Cheers.) He avowed publicly and unreser vedly that he was no Free-trarier—[A Voice—" Who said you was?"]—and he was a supporter of her Ma jasty's present Government because they were favourable td protection.—(Cheers.) In case of a war they could only be prepared for she enemy by returning to the system which had made the country great, glori ous, and free, and he hoped, indeed he was convinced, the men of Buckinghamshire would with one voice re turn the champion of that mighty prinoiple which he had endeavoured feebly to explain.—(Cheers.) The Hon. Seconder then, amidst a scene of much confusion, pro needed to insist that a duty must be re-imposed upon the importation of foreign corn of something like 55., which would only increase the price of the quartern loaf by a halfpenny, while it would enable the Government to re peal the malt-tax and many other similar imposts of an inquisitorial character.—(Cheers.) But, at all events, of this he its satisfied that unless free trade were speedily abandoned the country must go to mere and r u i n , an d t h e H on . G ent l eman conc l u ded a t 2 a dicks, prolix speech amidst a shower of apples and ro tten eggS, which appeared to afford much amuse uient to the agricultural mind. He heartily and cordially Wisinitotcsonsredoen:;the no m i nat i on o f M r. Disraeli, and-denounced langu age the tactics of the Manchester school, t principle, in his opi n i on was p er i s h agriculture rather than "!-: of r ra t ; i raufactures should tall.—(Cheers.) Mr. Gipp s Dr. Lee, who h e eaiie Aylesbury News, next nominated was let able, zealous, and hard working magistrate and the battle of neighbour, who had fought economy e t n.d who was readyand reform at home, fi% fight it if he were - laced in a different Criesof "Hear.") He did not dispute cheers and ispute the abilities of the Rifuht Hon. Genfleman—he w as man amongst them—(Cheers —: perhaps, the cleverest but ther e was a pecu ) ~ herity about his cleverness —h e could stand and amuse them fur two hours, and yet e they would 0 , 0 awa y and not know w eesused them.—(Loud laughter.) There 13 were plenty" had cif m en w ho were very able and clever, and vet them would trust them wit h th h cane of:‘, u, uh h , re of (Fiear)—and let it be recoll ected th at the Right In. gentleman was to control and manage the financ es o t t h e country Now, bad they confide nce in the Right Ho n . Mentlernan? would they put their affairs in his hands?-- ( I r.°.) In which of his actions had they confidence?— (I' In all.") Well, he would tell them of some o f his actions. When a man appeared in e ll sorts of col ours sea in all et etaaeena w h a t feith eeuld thvy *Po in n in o___(,. (:),.,,' on. o , en d ‘b Eleer, hear.") OrneGibbs th en read extracts f ro m , ir• 1 - ) t ' raeh'3 a`,t creess to the 4-I,,otora of M ar y l e bone amidst consi der a b le l e nehter.) His present audn as was of a very ambiguous description; bat he stated thL.t he hoped at no distant period to establlsh thes e pe ee iples which he bed ati o pportet while in opposition.—(Loud cheers.) Tue Right Hon. Gentleman wished to tax the poor man's h?ead, in order to put motley into the pockets o f a Oass—(Hear, and cheers,)--but he (Mr. Gibbs) thou4ht that the imposition of a ss. duty, which was talked of, was nothing more than a national sin. —(Dissent and lsrugliter.) If the commercial policy of the country was revereed, here would be revolutions and disturbances from one end of it to the other.—(Hisses and laughter.) After some further observations the Bon. Gentleman sat down amidst some cheering apol hisses. Mr. JOSEPH Saiw, coal-merchant, Aylesbury, aeC')ndsd the nomination of Dr. Lee. - Mr. Disraeli then came forward, and his appearance *es the signal for loud and prolonged cheers. When Silence W 43 restored, fir. DISRAELI said—Gentlemen, I am very sorry—. ene trernely sorry—gentl eme n, that I should not have been t _my Post w h en i t was my duty to advance.—(Hear, 1711. .) But I had antlipited an address from the gentleman who was about to second the nomination ue my Hono urable opp onen t ; and I was not prepared for the laconi c • brevity which wo have just experienced. -(Hear, and latsghter.) Gentlemen, so much time has elapsed % that I s h all at once, with your permission, piocced to busiseess,—(Esear, hear.) Gentlemen, I shall not stop to vindicate my past career.—(Hear, hear.) If st nothing can be said aga i n me but what I did and 11441 twenty years ago, , I think, gentlemen, it c, ialiireVpresumption that We . an h d a d ve on a e r n ig o h th t i t n o suppose that t." - %. •' • 'JO . 4Art49 inArval I have said ---- g that can be / c....-47 . 50*ikt v . ii i ir ned.--(Cheers. g.. -- 3. ; ' , IF •,,, . )Gentleman,nitnenced in the county ..t- ee . 4 rlrt i" scretions, they oo 1e - e. 4 , e stf ` re, and the county of Wtj aasg ) ` ''', . 7 4 * P .-4'l44l 4ttr i C;d; "* eto atone for theca Buckin g ham h as r , " 44 ' • ' ---, •— (Liear and cheers.) else, a man is not -.' ' ---- teee en, in politics as in everythi ng his wild o at , eam h for having so wn ear Ear, 211 re chi l 4 ra.) And lam sure that you . do not think it .....essary on this occasion, OS I have dose on every on. T T.-I E 8 ti 14.4, cseiou when Mr. Gibbs has made a speech to attack my early career, to enter into any reply new. But wneu. gentlemen, he Wks of eteediuees of conduct, when he talks of steadiness of character, I , thiek I way anneal to 15 years pissed in the House of Commons, M, 11, re it cannot be said that at any time I have deserted a prin ciple or ever falsified a pledge.—(Cheers.) But, gen tlemen, when he asks who can trust me, I may be permitted to say at present I possess the c outideniti of my Most Gracious Sovereign, and that I hope Wore the sun sets today I shall also be the recognised repre sentative of the people of Buckinghamshire.—(Cheers.) Gentlemen, the Honourable Gentleman who proposed my Honourable Opponent has told you that, though you listened for a long time, and I *poke for a considerable period, you would go away without any definite idea of what were the intentions of the Government or myself as a single member of it.—(Hear, hear.) Now, if you will give me your patience, which I know from your disposition you will do, it shall not be my fault if you have not from me the most definite description of what is the intended policy of her Ma jesty's Government.—(Cheers.) This I can say without affectation, thatit shall never be said I had obtained power upon false pretences. This Ido know, that all my promises have been earnestly offered out of power, and now that I am in power it shall be my earnest endeavour to put in practice the policy which I have recommended on the opposite benches —(Cheers) Gentlemen, I shall en deavour to convey to you without any equivocation, and with as little reservation as can possioly subsist be tween a candidate in my peculiar position and those whose suffrages I have solicited—(Hear, hear)—l will endeavour to convey to you what are my intentions in a mariner the most unequivocal, and what are my hopes.— (Hear, hear.) But I must, in the first place, gen tlemen, recal to your recollection the circum stances under which the present Government has succeeded to office.—(Hear, hear.) You must recol lect that it was on no motion that asserted the prin ciples which we have upheld—that it was not by a ma jority of the House of Commons sanctioning the policy which we have always recommended—that we were summoned by her Majesty to become her servants. —(Hear, hear.) Had it indeed been upon a vote of the House of Commons, which declared in a manner which could not be mistaken thet the policy which we recommended in.opposition should be imme diately carried into practice, there could have been no doubt as to what should have been our duty under the circumstances.—(Hear, hear ) But you will be pleased to recollect that it was internal disease—that is was a division amongst themselves that caused the late Government to fall—(Haar) —it was from the arm of one who had long been their cherished col league and friend that the fatal blow was struck, and unless we had obeyed the commands of her Majesty her Majesty must have been without servants and the country without a Government.—(Cheers.) Gentlemen, there were duties to perform under these circumstances which it was impossible could be ne giected.—(Cheers.) There were the urgent exigencies of the moment which r quired immrdia'e attention— (Cheers)—there were certain things which must be done, whoever might be the Miniscer, or what ever might be the policy which he might ultimately place before the country. (Cheers.) And I wish to know what evidence has been given by the present Administration that they shrink from an appeal to the counrry ?—(Cheers.) I wish to know 1 whether the present Administration has yet had an op portunity to do that which all public men of all sides and shades of opinion agree it is absolutely neces sary for the public safety—for the public service— should be done before that recurrence to the sense of the nation should take place which is now on the lip or in the mouth of every bode ?—(Cheers.) Well, then, gentlemen, it is our duty to fulfill that which is requisite and necessary; but while we are prepared 1 to do that, while we cannot for a moment suppose 1 that any obstacles can be raised to our doing that which every man, whatever may be his political oipnions, feels to be absolutely necessary for the service of the State, rest assured that it is our wish that the policy of this country should be such as we have re commended for many years on the benches of the Oppo sition.—(Cheers.), " What opposition?" said the Hon. Gentleman who proposed my Hon. Opponent, with scorn and contumely; he insinuated tnat it was an opposition that had done nothing, and then with singular incon sistency he treated us to his own budget.—(A laugh.) He recommended the measures which he thou,s,ht were necessary to relieve the agricultural interest, mod every measure which he recommended in spirit, if not in form, is one of those measures which I myself year after year have proposed in opposition, and by the aid, support, and assistance of that opposition, I have yearly victo riously carried in a free-trade House of Commons. — (Cheers.) Gentlemen, it is my wish to express, without reserve, and in a f oamier which cannot be mistaken, and in language which no perversion of faction can render equivocal, what are the intentions ot Government upon this great point—(Cheers.) Gen tlemen, it is our opinion—the opinion which I myself as your Member in the House of Commons have frequently expressed—that when the great changes of 1846 were carried, they were carried in a spirit of great precipita tion—l might almost say of panic —and they were carried without a due regard to three impor tant productive interests whose fortunes for a time, as the event has proved, were sensibly affected.—(Hear, hear.) For example, in 1846, you repealed the old corn-laws. (A voice—" And a good thing too.") You repealed them without any condition. You repealed them without considering the burden to which the agricultu ral interest was subjected, and which they were always recommended to endure, because they pos sessed those corn-laws.—(Hear.) You also, for example, altered the colonial system, to which one of my Hon. Friends has referred to-day.—(Hear, hear.) You changed the whole course of your colonial policyCafter having bowed to a passionate conviction ot the people of Eng land and increased your national debt to terminate slaver}, you opened y our mar k ets t o slave grown produce in a manner which even one of your most celebrated Free-traders has declared to be most unjustifiable.—(Cheers.) So again, very shortly afterwards, you ebrogaied your maritime code, but while you torced British shipping, for example, into corn• petition with the shipping of all the world, you left upon the British seaman and the British shipowner restrictions of a very onerous and injurious character.—(Cheers.) And, therefore, these',three:great interests, and I take them only as an illustration, were dealt with moat un fairly, for while acting under circumstances of great emergency, you came to a settlement, which, in fact, as far as these great interests were concerned, was no doubt unjust.—(Cheers.) Because, remember this, gentlemen, that so tar as the three cases I have taken were concerned, even those who vindicate that peculiar system, which I think is unjustly called a system of free trade, admit that the settlement was not carried into effect on principles of of political and financial justice.—(Cheers.) But what says the Hon. Gentleman who proposed my op• ponent, who was a Free-trader, and who has given us a lively and picturesque description of cottage life?—(A laugh)—all of which might have existed and, indeed. did exist, under the old system ?—(Ciies of " No, no.") I repeat that it did exist, and I will quote an authority which I am sure the Hon. Gentleman will consider a very high authority, indeed. I mean the late Mr. Cobbett, whose descriptions of cottage life, when protection existed, were almost as lively as pic turesque, and as poetical as his own.—(A laugh.) But, gentlemen, don't let us be diverted from the argument by this slight circumstance. I say that, without reference to the agricultural interest itself, here is an uncompromising Free-trader who tells you that it is true and just that the question of the poors'-rate should be settled. Why, what is that but an admission that, as respects the produce of British industry, which has been thrown into competi tion with the general produce of the world, the question of local taxation which he described as being so unjust and grievous, should have been settled at the time the change was made?—(Cheers.) Take now the case of sugar.—(Hear, hear.) If I wanted to establish the in justice of the present system, should I go to the chair man or the deputy-chairman of a protection society? No, I should go to Mr. Deacon Hume, the founder of the commercial system which the late Sir Robert Peel adopted.—(Hear, hear.) Nay, I might quote Sir Robert peel's own words in reference to the repu diated measures of Lord John Russell iu 1846, of which se, et,. reel aid see, approve, because he said sugar was taken out of the category of free trade in consequence of the abolition of slavery, which would render it an act of injustice, if not of illegality, to place the colonial producers in competition with the foreigner.—(Hear, hear.) Why here are two admitted cases without referring to the shipping case,— (Chesrs.) But nu one can deny—no human being has !.ver tiptoed, that our Bruisis seamen and shipowners, in being placed in competition with the entire world, there umu ,ry they b e e • injuries. ought l to be entirely unrestricted, and fEorrecee, traders cheering laws no which h r asru,,bjesctaieldl keptto allin those vexatious crippling their resources and increasing their Free traders k'eeere'rionng all sides.) Why, here are the me.—(A laugh.) Here are rests in admitting that in three great instances, and inte capital is whichand sled ' greatest amount of British s hipping, and the namely, the agricultural, the wfonrywibsetushelheenterta. . colhnial, the settlement has been precipitate— t e n a r eiatav having vgn h aa a l c nietaao ie sd. e n unjust.— ( W C h il a e t e r t s h . e ) n is the the use se e oft A ? w lau b g y h i . s ) portent to me.-- . -- Friend—wb . in such sincere respect unanimous. —(A Y la he, as it were, pulled a (a s nA m il ni y da i4 le i d. a )ti r Learned _ a from man the with classwhoic shmad he e of Hea l rtwell H a ll to fi ght against si ,rt agree.i ....re.y age ee ,e_ (Cheers.) A VOICE. — T he y don Mr. DIsRAELL—They don't agree! Then they aro determined to support an injustice which they denounce. —(Cheen..) Now, gentlemen, permit: me to entreat a continuance of that earnest patience whi c h you have already bestowed up on me, but pry understane I ask you to listen, not from any „ in wish to address you, but being one of her Ma j est y 's Ministers I am a nx i ous th at it should not be sa id herea fter that I had attempt e d t o cone-Ail the policy which we inte n d to pursue.—(Ch eers. ) If y o u w ill give me your attention for a moment I will tell you frankly and openly what we think and what we wish to do.—(Cheers.) Well, then, gentlemen, it is our opinion that in the years 1846 to 1849 great injustice was done to many great interests in which a vast, an immense amount of capital is in vested, and upon whi c h much la b onr d e pends; and it is also our opinion that justice should now be done them. —that justice should, in fact, be done to all classes — (Ch , ers)—and if the premises I have stated be true, will should as. ume r. —(Lond cheers.) agree b w e i d t o h n me, e t so t t h h a et Bri tishi tis quite p gentlemen, high ro du c t e i r m a a e s a that l w el surel as justice yo t u h e We are not ashamed to say it is our political creed that justice should be done to all classes, tied if that be true you will agree wi th me th at justice should be done consumer.—(Hear.) Britishpr If due we can show _and to the British and it is not dif ficult, for all acknowledge it— that there are great c l ung , LONDO N, of producers in this conn'ry who are suffering because they are plaeed in noequsi cempetition, it is Dot only our policy as a party, but our duty as English s:ut> ecaea. to sue inat that interest is placed in its legitimate p eition.—(Loud cheers.) I mu.t cenfi ,a my cbeervations, because I do not wish to extend th to any great length, to that interest, because it is the interest in which you are mainly concerned. But don't suppose that in talking of land my thoughts centre in land. When I consider this question I consider—and this I say most sincerely and frankly—what I take to be for the advantage of the commu nity; but if I confine my argument to the agri cultural interest it is only because you are mainly inte rested in agriculture and the products of agriculture, and because, being familiar with the subject, your minds will easily grapple with the observations and reasons which I may be permitted to give you.— (Hear, hear,) Well, I consider, then, with regard to agriculture, that it is our duty to bring forward mea sures which will permit the British cultivators of the soil to enter into fair competition with the producers of foreign countries.—(Cheera.) We have not the slightest wish to restrict the energy and enterprise of the foreign producer, provided, when he comes into competition with the English producer, the English producer is not overwhelmed.—(Bear, hear.) That is all we want. Thera is, I apprehend, a vast majority in this country who agree that there is a pressure of taxation on the cultivators of the soil which is not experienced by any other class in the country. But, I candidly tell you, there are people who say that is not the case. Bat, if you will permit me, I will place before you, in a few sentences, and with extreme brevity—not attempting to exhaust the whole question —some of the most prominent facts, and if answered by any Free-trader who is present—and there is none more capable than the Learned Gentleman (Dr. Lee), and whom I would listen to with greater pleasure—if, I say, he will answer me, the meeting to-day will not be without profit, and I assure you I will communicate the information I receive to the next Cabinet meeting. You, the Free-traders who are present, will, doubtless, give weight to what I say, for, after all, being Bucking hamshire men, you are men of sense and spirit.— (Cheers.) The income-tax in this country is raised on income in round numbers to something more than 200 millions a year. Now real property, which con tributes exactly half of the revenue on which the income-tax is levied, viz., something more than a hundred millions a year, is a moiety of the great national income. Real property, besides contributing to the general taxation—the imperial taxation of the country— pave in great Britain alone ten millions per annum extra. It is, therefore, quite clear on the surtace that if a hun ired millions out of two hundred millions, pays ten mil lions extra, it pays five millions more than it ought to pay. It is then said that real property consists of something else besides land. I admit it does. I will put thecase with great fairness. Supposing that real property, as sessed to the income-tax, is something more than one eundred millions—l will take fifty millions as a moiety of it, as applying to land—then it follows, land pays two and a half millions more than it ought to do. It is clear, therefore, by the system of local taxation, upon the question as stated by the Free-traders, that laud pays two millions and a half more per annum than any other class in the community.—(Cheers.) Well, that is a very great burden—a very great burden indeed, when you are calling upon the cultivators of the soil to enter into unrestricted competition with the cultivators of the soil in all other countries.—(Cheers.) Is that so or not?—(" Yea" and hear.) Now, let me ask you this question—what is your legislation when you call upon the occupiers or owners—for if there be justice or injustice in this respect in your le gislation, it matters not whether it falls upon the occu piers or owners, for these distinctions exist no longer ; but lot me ask you under what financial sys tem the cultivators of the soil in Great Britain were asked to bear this additional burden ? Let me put before you your financial system in this re spect, under which you were encouraged to produce one of the most valuable articles which the soil brings forth. I allude to wheat; but of late years you are told, that since the repeal of the cern-laws the British farmer complains that the price he gets for a quarter of wheat is no longer remunerative to him. You are also told that the British farmer ought not to produce wheat—that he produces too much wheat, and that he ought to give up the pro duce of wheat as much as he CStl. That advice was given to the British farmer by Sir R. Peel, and re-echoed by Lord John Russell. It is the common formula of all writers on political economy, and is suggested as a means of curing the evils to which the repeal of the corn-laws has given rise. Their advice is that you should discourage as much as you can the production of that article which under other circ umstances was your most valuable crop.—(Hear, hear, and c h eers ) Now, I ask my free-trade friends whether I put the case fairly? If that be so, then, naturally, you would suppose the financial system of the country would encourage the British farmer in the production of some other crop, but what is the seas, ? When you go to the next superior crop which British Ministers advised to be grown in the place of wheat, and to which the soil in this country is generally fa vourable—when we come to the next superior trop, barley, what dues the Legislature du? Why it raises on barley a revenue amounting to 11,000,000 sterling—(Cheers)—equal to the revenue of p )wertul monarchies and ancient empires, for that amount is raised upon barley under the Spirit Acts, Well, I say, that is monstrous.—(Cheers.) That system could, no doubt, have existed when an artificial price, as it is called, was given to wheat; but we s.ty, when you tell the farmer we have subjected you to such severe competition that you mutt give up growing wheat, you are bound to take care that an inferior crop is not loaded with heavy re strictions ti.nd severe imposts.—(Cheers.) Is that the truth?—do Free-traders support that system? But I dare say it may he said that this tax of eleven millions is not of the slightest importance to the producer, as it is paid by the consumer and not the producer. Now, Ido eot think that eleven millions on one article can be paid by the consumer without checking the production of that article.—(Cries of "Hear, hear,' and loud cheers.) It it were possible to produce eleven millions from 'in inferior crop by a tax. without checking consumpion, what would become of the argument of the tax upon wheat? It, is quite clear we cannot have it both ways, and he was glad to hear a Free-trader say, candidly and honestly, that they could not.—(Cheers.) I am • in formed this Free-trader carries my colours, and I be lieve you will find a good many Free-traders carry ing my colours.—(Laughter.) Now, gentlemen, the question has arisen how to retain unrestricted importation, and yet adjust the balance, so that no in justice to done to the British producer? That is the question; and if you will listen to me, I will give you some information on the subject. First of all, we have the opinions of Free-traders, and I will give you the opi nion of the most eminent one. The gentleman to whom I allude has only this year published his ob servations with regard to the recent commer cial legislation of the - country. Recollect his opinion is that of an uncompromising Free-trader, of the highest literary authority, as a Free-trader, and whose works are constantly referred to in the House of Commons, and are perpetually thrown in our face. — (Hear, hear.) Ho is the literary executor of Ricardo, and the editor of Adam Smith. Now, will such an autho rity satisfy you?—(Rear.) I refer to a new edition of the celebrated work of M'Culloch on Taxation, and I find that Mr. M'Cullooh says in that book, that it is of the greatest importance that the malt-tax should be re tained; but that it cannot be retained with perfect jus tice to the English producer without a countervailing duty; and Mr. M'Culloch says, sooner than give up the malt-tax, though it restricts the industry of the farmer and checks comsumption, he would propose a different course; and he adds, it is of the utmost importance to keep that great arm of finance, and that it would be best to give the farmer a countervailing duty of 2s. 6d. on barley.—(Hear, hear.) But he says more—he thinks that the present system is most unjust to the cultivator of the British soil, and he states there is ne doubt that the beat way of settling the question It by a countervailing duty of seven shillings on every quarter of wheat, and by a modified duty for other species of grain. This is his opinion in 1852. (Cheers.) But he says still more—that though the British farmer, the occupier and owner of land in Great Britain. according to the .yattm, are placed in a most unjust position, yet so much prejudice exists on the subject at the present moment that it would no longer be wise to do that justice to which they were entitled. But I cannot believe myself that the country will remain quiescent while a great body of the industrious and hard working portion of the community /lave to support burdens from which other classes are exempt.— ( beers.) Yuu, the Free- railer:, must agree with us, that that society is nut safely establiehrd where any considerable body of the producers of the country carry on their industry under unfair fiscal circumstances.—(Cheers.) I will now tell you my opinion, I agree with Nix.. M`Cullech thus far, that the cheapest, easiest mode, and the least expensive to the community of settling the question, is by a coun tervailing duty. I think no one will deny that in the aggregate that countervailing duty would give the English producer much less than he was scientifically entitled to, and knowing the cha racter of the English people he was disposed to think that they would not object to a compromise of this kind. 110 did not speak for the agricultural interest alone, but for the whole community, when he said he believed that the cheapest, easiest, and most effective and least onerous manner of paying their debts—for it really came to that—was to follow the advice given and the policy recommended by Mr. M'Culloch.—(Cheers.) But if the people of England are determined to adhere to what I consider prejudice and short-sighted views—if the ge neral body of the community have a prejudice against settling the question in a manner which has been recom mended by the highest nut horities, I am not going to pledge the existence of a Government or of a policy on such a measure.—(Laughter.) The policy which I think eo Government ought to shrink from who have acceded to office under the circumstances we have done, is to secure to the agricultural interest ample and compete upon, the r edress.—(Cheers.) I am of opinion that the simplest and cheapest mode to the community is the one which this great political economist has recommended. The country will soon have an opportunity of expressing its minds to the s opinion. But it cannot be said I speak with any reserve Free-traders tudy7o7 the subject—which . the nation chooses the olicv which the not to sanction p . highest authorit theirmen who f men who were s ( o A t . lght lau t g o h ) ore brawling Free-traders ted— crisnever advo cate;; of free trade, one ended — f the country rejects that re_cona believe to vants of the community such as be the advice of wise and which .1 and d th a o ll prorn h in a e n3 nt advo unimpassioned ser • the distinguished wr iter to whom Ihav ereferred—the country must be prepared to take the consequence.—(H.) If the people will not, in the manirq which z recommend, dQ SATURDAY EVENING, justice to the aericultura! interest they must submit to a • revision of tee tesetien o the country, and they may ieeper d up •ie it that the redress which a eeisee of ju•Pico will ultimately permit us te affird the aericul , weal int rest will be ettaired fer more coarsely and by means far more expensive.— (Cheers.) Perhaps the perverted ingenuity of political opponents will induce them to say that to-day I have not spoken frankly.--(Cries of" Ye s," and " Oh.") I believe the just, least expensive, cheapest, and easiest mode of settling the question would be to ascertain a countervaling duty, and that the atmosphere of the agricultural world at present is such that the agricultu rists would be induced to accept a compromise of this nature in a spirit of conciliation.—(Rear and cheers.) If the mode recommended by the highest authorities is not one which; pleases the taste of the country, why then the country will once for all decide the question; and if it reject the proposition, and I shall not credit such a result until the verdict is giveu—then I will do that which more than once I haye partially attempted to do.—( Hear, hear.) In supporting a compromise it was with the hope of putting an end to that strife which has and country, for we know of oerstedenemies enough out of England to encourage dis sensions among different classes of the people.— (Cheers.) I say that the Parliament of England must give its mind to the settlement of the question—per haps in some degree in tho spirit of the very remarks which have been to-day made by a Free-trader—but I trust and am assured that though it may not fall to my lot to terminate this quarrel, and make this adjustment —a duty which I should be proud to discharge—such is the crying na ture of the evil, such the sense of justice in all classes of the community, that though it may not fall to my lot to make a settlement, I trust. and am assured, that the next Parliament of England will have that duty forced upon it.—(Loud cheers.) I admit there is a prejudice against what is termed a t ax on the food of the people.—(" You're quite right.") Let me give you an illustration : A person goes to a coffee -shop , he orders a mutton-chop, and devours it. He orders some bread to eat with the chop, which he also devours, a an d the keeper of the coffee-shop charges him 2s. 63. fur the luncheon. The man says , ` Why, I cannot pay 2s. 6d., be cause that le taxing tho food , of the people."— (Cries of " Oh," and " ridiculous.") Yes, it is ridicu lous as a Free-trader remarks, but recollect ridi c rte the test of truth.—(Laughter and cheers.) Why this is exactly the case. The analogy is complete. It is exactly what the Free-traders said two years ago - that the people of England have been eating a farmer every night for supper.—( Laughter.) Have your cheap bread, and have your foreign flour, but have them by the exertions of your own industry, and th e ga i ns o f your own industry, and not by unjustly taxing your fellow-countrymen to produce it. Gentlemen, it has been also said that any interference with our commercial system will injure that commercial prosperity which we are all so glad to witness. In the first, place, I deny that if we followed the policy which would recommend commercialsa h sy , :t eem. a countervailing duty, it would be any interference with our that it is idle to suppose that all the commercial prosperity of the present day has originated merely in our permitting foreign exports to this country to compete with our taxed. Cheers.) But you must recollect this, the ports of the country a great expansion of the foreign trade took place. Ido not remember that in the great con troversy of 1846 any one on the Protection side dis puted that consequence. We all admitted that there would necessarily be a considerable expansion of the foreign trade, but we said that that expansion would be accompanied by considerable suffering, which would over weigh our great and important interests at home.—(Hear, bear.) No doubt much that was predicted on both sides as the result ot the measures of that period has not occurred. —(Hear, hear.) But allow me to say, that much that was then predicted has happened.—(Cheers.) For instance, the stress on the farmers was predicted; and unquestionably that has occurred. I admit—and it is with unfeigned plea sure that I admit it—that the labouring population of Eng land has not suffered, but that, on the contrary, their con dition has improved.—(Renewed cheering.) But who can now suppose what would have been the condition of the labouring population of England it the fierce competition with them on the part of the Irish labourer had still con . tieued?—(llear, hear.) You must remember that that has happened since 1846 with regard to Ireland which never happened before, and which I sincerely hope may never happen again—by which that stress on the labouring people of England has been not only mitigated but removed, I mean that fearful emigration which has reduced the popula tion of the sister isle by millions. I admit, too, that the people of England have not suffered as we thought they would suffer from the drain of gold consequent on free im ports.—(Laughter.) Why, did the gentleman who laughs foresee that which Sir Robert Peel himself did not foresee-- that witein two years after the repeal of the corn-laws, the greatest discovery since the days of Columbus and of Cortes would have occurred, and that the precious metals which had been hoarded up in England from generation to generation would have poured in in such quantities as to change the value of almost every commodity? -- (Loud cheers.) Wh o could foresee that?—(Cheers.) It is well known to every man of business, whatever his political principles may be, that last year the gold which came to us from America went through the Bank as through a sieve. There was a greater drain than in 1847. and you would have had a panic as great as you had in that year. Why, you had failures scarcely less in amount ! Liverpool alone lost six millions.— (Loud cheers.)—but this interference (as I may well call it) of Providence saved you; and the consequence of that dis covery has been not only to mitigate, but has a tendency still more to mitigate and to soften the result of the mea sures of 1846. [A Voice—What about the paper money ?] If my friend will tell me what he means I will endeavour to answer him; but I suppose he is in favour of the country banks, with unrestricted issues. —(Cheers and laughter.) I beg to inform him, if that be so, that her Majesty's Government is not going to propose a measure which will entitle it to the support and confidence of that gen tleman. Now, I hope I have laid before you clearly, and without equivocation, what are the intentions and what is the policy of her Majesty's Ministers. The policy of her Majesty's Ministers is to do justice to tha land, to bring in measures of redress for all those great producing interests which are suffering that injustice which is now almost uni versally recognised. It is our belief that the best way, so far as the agricultural interest is concerned, would be to adopt that mode which science has recommended, and which we think only passion and prejudice oppose.—(Hear, hear, and loud cheering.) But if the country will not have re course to those remedial measures, we bow to their decision; but though we may not be Ministers, still, as Members of Parliament, we will labour for other measures of redress. We will, though in opposition, exert ourselves to the utmost to obtain those countervailing and compensatory regula tions which justice demands. - (Cheers ) And I warn you again if you force the whole system of your taxation to be revised, you will find that though the means of redress for the agricultural interest may be discovered and obtained, you will obtain them by a far more costly process than that which our policy—our immediate policy recommends. Now, perhaps you will permit me to make one or two observations, and they shall be but brief, upon the position of the present Ministry with respect to Parliament, and with respect to the people. There seems, I think—very artfully devised and circulated—there seems to be a rumour about, that her Majesty's Ministers shrank from anpealing to the people. I take this earliest opportunity of giving to that rumour the flattest contradiction. I feel, gentlemen, as all of you would feel, considerable delicacy in speaking of an act which can only be brought about by the exercise of the prerogative of our Gracious Sovereign, and which it appears to me indecorous and indecent to speak of as an act which can be recommended, or which can be carried into effect by any body of men. But if Ido allude to rumours of a dissolution of Parliament, it is only because they have been distinctly referred to by the most eminent statesmen of the day, and because I know well that if to day I speak without the completest frankness on that subject I shall be liable to imputations which I know to be unjust. And, therefore, again expressing the regret with which I treat of a subject ot so much delicacy, I trust to your good feeling and to the good sense of the community to hola me harmless if I speak on the subject without reserve.—(Hear.) When Lord John Russell very suddenly quitted office, or rather when he announced to the House of Commons that he had ceased to be a Minister, it appears upon his own con fession that he called his colleagues together the following morning, and, after consultation, they came to the determi nation that it was inexpedient in the then state of ..the country and Europe to recommend her Majesty to dissolve Parliament. It was under these circumstances that we suc ceeded to power; and it is known and admitted by all that it was totally impossible that when we did succeed to power we could recommend a dissolution of Parliament under the space of less than two months. Such was the state of public business—the Mutiny Bill not having passed, the supplies not having been voted, it was totally impossible, and ac knowledged by all, that no dissolution could take place until at least two months heel elapsed. I caueot believe the rumour which has reached me to-day, that Lord John Rus• sell is about to impugn the conduct of her Majesty's Go vernment because they have not dissolved Parliament, or are not prepared to recommend a dissolution of Parliament as early as is possible or convenient. What, shall the Minister who, upon quitting office, announced to Parliament that, in the then state of tbe country and of Europe, he did not consider that he was juetitied in recommending a dissolution of Parliament—who then went to his Sovereign and recom mended the Earl of Uerby—(Hear, hear)—as his successor —is it possible, I y• that he can turn round upon that very successor and challenge him to do the very act which he has himself described as one injurious to the country ? But we are not going to ride off on the admission of Lord John Rus sell.—(Cheers.) I - say, then, without hesitation, that we are perfectly prepared to face him, or any one else, before the country.--(Loud cheers.) Only let the country fully understand what they will lose by our following this course of policy for which we are prepared, and which we are told we are immediately to be forced to adopt. Remember that there arc some things which, it Parliament is dissolved and meet—which again •it probably would not do before July-- and you can all judge what can be done in a second session of July—remember that to enjoy this costly luxury the people of England must submit to some sacrifices. You are in want of defences for your own coast, and all parties have agreed in expressing their opinion that some measure of de fence of our own coast should immediately be adopted—if Par liament is dissolved, do not complain to us afterwards that we have neglected fulfilling that important duty. There is a great and passionate feeling in the people of this country in favour of a reform in Chancery.—(Cheers.) The report of the Commissioners into the state of the Court of Chancery was laid upou the table of the House at the commencement of the session. That report was made by the most eminent lawyers, assisted by two eminent laymen, Members of the House of Commons, one Sir James Graham, and the other a distinguished colleague of m •the President of the y own, Board ot Trad e• remember that the recommendations of that Commission are of the most sweeping character, and if carried into effect the " Old Man of the Sea," which has so long pressed upon the back of the English people, would be removed for ever, I remember that the recommendations of that Commission are so sweeping that the wnole system of the "Master's da ce, which has been so long the pest and torment of the English people, would cease to exist. Her M Government late oevernment left us no Bill nor any evidence that they intended toast upon else sweeping recommenda tions of that Commis s i on. I announce to you, without reserve, that it is the intention of her Majesty's Government to act upon this swe ep i ng measure.—(Cheers .) But observe this, if Parliament is dissolved Chancery reform must be given to up. Ido not w i s h this dissolution if y ou desire oppose it, but unde rs t and the cost which you pay for it. (Cheers.) Is St„ Albans again to return, through l the interference of Mr. Edwards, two Members to the new Parliament? I am informed, upon authority, th a t her Majesty's late Ministers do not intend to proceed with the Bill for the disfranchisement of St Albans. I announce also with authority that it is the intention of her Majesty's present Government to proceed with that Inca sure.—(Loud cheers.) I shall take the earliest opportunity of 3111191111613 g tv Vet; lament lYhtit we intend to do with the MArtell lB, 1111 F E VAAL P 111, /A MEN T. ROUSE OF LOifDS, March 12. The LORD CHANCELLOR re , dt his seatoa tho Wool saek st►ur;tj ~ , t er Five o'Cleck. Lord BEAU NION T gave notice that on Menial niplat he thouid pro.ent a petition, complaining of the injui y to trade resulting from the uncertainty existing as to the intentions of her lljesty's Government as to the ro-im position of a corn-law. The Earl of ESSEX regretted that from illness he had not been present when the Noble Lord at the head of the Government had made his statement on a previous evening. For himself, he should not hesitate to support this Government, as he would any other, when it pro posed measures of public interest. THE PROPOSED LAW REFORMS. Lord LYNDHURST said he rose to call their Lordships' attention for a few moments to the many important measures, as to a reform of the law, which were now pending in this and the other House of Parliament. He was induceed to do so in consequence of the reports which were in circulation with regard to what had passed at a gathering of parties which took place the day preceding, and also at a congrega tion of certain agitators previous to that. He used the title "agitators," because these persons:had assumed it themselves, and had assembled for the purpose of endeavouring, by the influence of large numbers, and by the parade of pecuniary subscriptions of a large amount, to effect, if possible, a speedy termination of the present Parliament.—(Hear.) Now, their Lordships must be aware that if the Parliament were to ter minate in the month of April it would be impossible that a new Parliament could assemble for the transaction of the business of the country at an earlier period than the end of June or the beginning of the month of July. It would follow, therefore, that all those measures of law re form to which he referred, or, at least, the greater portion of them, would be inevitably postponed until another year - a result which he conceived would he regarded by the nation as a very great misfortune.- (Hear, hear.) Moreover, with respect to the private business which was now depending before Parliament, it happened that, at the present moment, there were upwards of 250 Bills of a private nature in this and the other House of Parliament; but it was not to be supposed that these related merely to the interests of indivi duals - on the contrary, many of them applied to local dis tricts of great extent; several of them also concerned so cieties and associations which comprised large bodies of per sons, and comprehended vary great pecuniary interests. He would leave it, therefore, to their Lordships to consider what great inconvenience and mischief, what delay and expense, would arise from postponing measures of this description un til another session of Parliament. He would pass over this, however, as of comparatively little importance, and direct their attention to certain public measures, which were of the deepest possible interest; and first, with respect to that most important measure, the reform of the Court of Chancery, upon the footing of the report of the Royal Com missioners. Their Lordships were aware that the public looked to that measure with eager and intense interest.— (Hear, hear). A Bill for the purpose of carrying it into effect was at this moment in progress of preparation ; and under the auspices and superintendence of his Noble and Learned Friend on the woolsack, who was in every way so well qualified to give success to such a measure, he was perfectly confident that, if the sitting of Parliament was not brought prematurely to a close, this valuable measure would come into operation in the present session. But if, on the other hand, the session was to be curtailed, and Parliament to be dissolved in the month of April next, then, consider ing what must necessarily be the details of such a measure, it would be perfectly impossible to pass it this session. It must therefore be postponed until another year, and he could not imagine any thing greater than the disappointment which would affect the whole community in consequence of the delay. There was another measure, which was of hardly inferior importance to this, depending in their Lordships' House. It related to the amendment of the proceedings of the superior courts of common law at Westminster, and the ob ject was to simplify the proceedings of the superior courts and to lay down a system of well-defined law as a popular foundation. Another measure of considerable importance was a measure that posed their Lordships' House in the last session of Parliament, and related to charitable trusts. Their Lordships must be aware that in every part of this country there were charities in existence, of immense amount in the aggregate, but individually so small, that they could not by possibility be made the subject of consideration in any court of law, and hence great abuse had arisen. It was essential, therefore, to establish a chief tribunal for the purpose of preventing abuses in the administration of small charities of this nature, and the Bill to which he referred was framed upon the report of a Commission appointed by the Cro wn , and was well calculated to remedy the inconveniences inci dent to the present state of things. It was a measure of great importance. It affected a large class of poor, indigent persons. It had been called for by Members of both Houses of the Legislature ; - and it was now in such a state that it would probably in the course of a few months become the law of the land. Another measure to which he would direct their Lord ships' attention affected the interests of a numerous and valu able class of persons, all of whom were connected with manu factures, machinery, civil engineering, and science in all its parts. Ho alluded to the measure for amending the law of patents and inventions. This Bill had been read a first time, but no further proceedings had been taken upon it. Un doubtedly it was of the highest importance to the interests of the persons to whom he had referred that this measure should become the law of the land as spedily as possible; but from the nature of its details it was impossible that it should do so if a dissolution of Parliament were to take place in April, whereas, if a dissolution did not take place, it would become the law of the land before the end of the session. But there was yet another matter, not referring to the amendment of the law indeed, but the pressing im portance of wnich was even greater than that—he referred to the military system which was necessary for the defence of the country.—(Hear, hear.) Everybody admitted that the state of our military defences was at present most defective—that it did not secure us from insult or invasion - and that it did not enable us to support our authority or influence with foreign states.—(Hear, hear.) It was neces sary, therefore, that a remedy should be applied, and that that remedy, for the sake of the honour and dignity of the country, should be applied as speedily as possible. The necessity for such a measure was strongly felt and insisted upon by the late Government, one of whose first measures in the present session was the introduction of a preparatory resolution, upon which a Bill was founded and brought forward in the other House of Parliament, and this was indeed the ostensible cause of the retirement of the Ministry. Now he could not think it possible that any man who wished well to, and felt for the honour and dignity of the country could be anxious to press forward a dissolution of Parliament before this great and important measure was sa tisfactorily disposed of—(Hear, hear) - and he should say that any person who was desirous of forcing on a dissolution of Parliament, in the present state of the nation with respect to its military defences, would be guilty of a weak and foolish indifference to the public security. Having enumerated, amongst other measures which were now before Parliament, the Registration of Insurances Bill, and the Bills of a sani tary character—relative to the supply of water to the me tropolis and extra-mural interments, the Noble and Learned Lord said he would pass on to advert, in the next place, to the subject of the administrate .in of justice in their Lord ships' House. At that moment there were a vast number of appeals which stood for hearing, and their Lordships had now been sitting for several weeks, yet a very small impres sion indeed had been made upon the list. Take two months from off the session, and the consequence would be that the greater number of those causes must stand over for another year. He would leave their Lordships to imagine the anxiety and distress which would thereby be occasioned to the suitors in that court. But let their Lordships look also at the consequences which would ensue to the inhabitants of this metropolis, if, contrary to the principles of the constitu tion, the administration of justice was in this manner un necessarily decayed. Their Lordship s were aware t h a t th e tradesmen of London had their dull seasons and their har vests. Last year, during the Great Exhibition, unfortunately , their harvest was, not an abundant one. Arid if a dissolu tion were to take place in the middle of the present session, let them remember that the loss then sustained would be much increased, and that it would press most severely on a valuable elass - of men. Those considerations which he had stated shortly - to their Lordships had very great weight with him. They had led bins to think that a dissolution of Parliament, under .these circumstances, would prove a great national calamity. And if any person or persons—for party or factious objects, for party interests, or with the view of exciting clamour out of doors—should press for a measure of that description, he was sure that such conduct would rouse the indignation and resentment of all the sober-minded reflect ing, and intelligent portion of the community.— (Hear, hear.) In conclusion, the Noble and Learned Lord moved for a re turn of the number of private Bills now before their Lord ships' House. The LORD CHANCELLOR then rose and addressed the House, but throughout his speech the Noble and Learned Lord was most indistinctly heard in the gallery, whilst many of his sentences were altogether inaudible. His Lordship rose to state what were the intentions of her Majesty's which He with respect to the measures of law reform p m s' a l n iO w l c ; had been recently th b e r r o e ug n h e t ver be w fo a r s e a th t e im ir e L w o h r e ti n sh a i He must say that than the present for carrying his views ineteurffese by the ge neral desired a reform of the law had a beotter or fi e tt:r_o e prr i fu t n w i a y s not only that he was supported in atlicha sey by the nation neral opinion out of doors,division dth o e f party.- (Hear.) Her Majesty'st, were quite as anxious and at large, for upon this subject law advisers of that Goverum to en he to carry into effect the etihrehleanwdl ;and ready as he could presume thletaht m ightee there was e a r s n n n e a n measures wine well knew that he had been always inasmuch as they assistance for the public good, be ready to lend his bumble uld of th • h were necessarnifworreacreeivfoermat felt confident that he should which he himself mi g h t full measure of assistance require. bh ) - hear, from the Oppositionbenches.) es. In addressing - (Rear, himself to this question, he desired most c are f ully to guard h i mse lf against taking credit for the measures to which he about to refer. Those measures h a d b WAS been either recom mended by commissions—censmissions Which he must h a d been not only wisely sent fortb, but wi say sely directed and wisely executed by learned men; tho re peated, had been either recommended these measures,e he o r brought to maturity s i nce the by of iese commissions, reports the commissions were made. And so far, therefore, as the the were ready to adopt them, present Ministry could not take credit fo r th em. But this credit he • ht be allowed to take to her Majesty's Government might , that he believed no set of men ever existed who were more warmly disposed than they to facilita.e and carry into execution every neces sary measure for the reform of our judicial institutions, both in the procedure and in the laws affecting property, and, in affecting property, affecting the happiness and the homes of every man. One of the measures to which he would refer was entitled the Suitors in Chancery Relief Bill. That Bill was at present before the other House of Parliament, and its object was greatly to curtail the officers who had been usually in attendance in that court. It lowered their salaries. and ratified the diminu tion of the salary of the Lord Chancellor himself to the extent of one-third. Now , he s h ou ld be very sorry t o b e understood es binding himself to every single provision of that Bill; but as regarded e verything that affected th e L or d as it respected offices, the Chancellor, either pereonallyvoear to I in him, he b appointments to which were egged to say not and would not appoint to any office the abo litionthat he had contemplated bv that Bill • of which was , and that with regard to t he offices which were to be retained, and to which he had made appointments, he should stri c tl y a dh ere to the preci •se sca le of allowance which was laid do en in same as if, instead of passing Bill, the that , of Parliament, it was at this moment the law of the House With regard to the Lord Chancellor himself, he land. would m ake this observation. He had already stated to their Lordships the r eduction which h a d t a k en pl a ce in the Lor d Chancellors salary, and to that he had no objection ; an d he trusted that he himself, and his successors, might have s a e moral courage not to attempt to surround them selves with the dignity or the circumstance which might have belonged to former Chance:lors under a different state of things, but accommo d a t e them selves, as they ought, to the altered circumstances of the office, and the position in which they were now placed. There was one alteration which had recently been effected with roWArd to tho judicig Iwactiohi ci the Chauceller it was suppose;', because lords justices had been appointed that the Lord Chancellor hod now so much time at his com mand that there was no longer any preihure upon hits. Uri dstibtedly Le had been relieved of as painful a pressure as any men could experience, and it was the pressure Nv hich every man felt who devoted himself heartily and sincerely to the performance of his duty — that of knowing, whilst sitting in the House of Lords, that the suitors in the Court of Chancery were neglected, and could not be beard, or whilst sitting in the Court of Chancery, that the suitors at the bar of their Lordships' House were neglected and could not be heard. True, the Chancellor had not that pressure upon him any longer; and he now knew that whilst sitting in this House the business in his own court was being till by able, enlightened , and intellige nt men. Still i ought to be known that, so far as his labours were con cerned, the Chancellor was not relieved; for, from morning till night, they extended over six days in the w eek• having referred to these details, he woul d next call their Lordships' attention shortly to the Bill al luded to by his Noble and Learned Friend (Lord Lyndhurst). That Bill related to the common law proceedings , and was, without .•. doubt, a measure of the utmost importance . It was now c before a Committee of their Lordship's douse, and, s o far from any impediments being thrown in its way, be (the Lord Chancellor) knew that the Noble and Learned Lords who attended the Committee on the Bill were actuated bya single desire to make it work as beneficially as possible in carrying out the recommendations of the Commissioners. Upon that Bill there was no other difference of opinion such as would necessarily always rise on large and important a measures. Another and most important measure to which the attention of the country had been wisely directed , wes ° Bill fcr improving the jurisdiction and procedure of th e Court of Chancery. This subject was referred by the Crown to a set of Commissioners who ins le a learn ed ' elaborate, and excellent report, and he had un derstood that a Bill was prepared in pursuarce than ~ of their recommendation. He believed, however, that no portion of that Bill was actually prepared, and work remained to be done. But within the last few days he had received a sketch of the heads of so much of the pro posed Bill as related to the Masters-office, and it was hi s intention to bring a Bill into their Lordship's House UPon l e subject at as early a period as possible; or if the detai,?. required more than one Bill, to take charge of it hiniseu , and to endeavour, as speedily as possible, to carry it i nto d execution.—( Hear, hear.) A long course of practice hs, , made him well acquainted with the subject, and he shoal,' that the willingly go with the stream which would lead to improve ment. For want of greater power to compel men to per ceed with their causes, the Masters offices had nel given satisfaction. Hence arose great expense, ° b . much unnecessary delay. Whoever understood the su ject would feel no alarm at abolishing the Masters, vl4l to stand in their place. His (the L or d Chancellor's) p y but the would feel alarm if the did not know w hat y rope: i sition was to abolish the Masters ; but in doing this L .. ' would be necessary to consider how and in what m anner was to take place. In the sketch which had been furnieheo to him, and to which he had alluded, it was prososed that; after a certain day, the Masters should cease to operat, and retire on full salaries. That, however, was a emP esiti i i % which required very great consideration, and hethong a that it would be his duty to make such use of the ids ere as would tend to further the administration of justice wiu .s _ they continued in receipt of their salaries. The Master were men of high character, and performed high and impor tant judicial functions; and nothing could be more repuus to her Majesty's Government than to do any act whics; would have the effect of lowering the position of the officers of justice. He could not, therefore, be a party to any ar rangement of that kind. The Masters, or a suffi cient num ber of them, must necessarily remain whilst the business at present in their offices was continued. And if the new schelmi was to have any chance of working well the judges rtilsie begin upon an entirely new foundation. If not the who scheme would fail. There were a great many. cases in tu A Masters' offices under the Winding-up Act, for instance; an, t h e i he m ( e trshieeml themselves es o r r tdadnCetgh dutiesr a a n d c e Chancellor) o w r b ) hy c i c o h u could hn the t in these the Masters had an original jurisdiction, and gl s ' be left to complete them ; but without further con3iderationt continuingli s l a a y s t etros that which they would not be r theread to execute. " num ber new scheme was being tried tE . en t asu ci of of the Masters might superintend the mana ge ment t estates, eases of receivership, and other matters of the deell, importance to suitors in the Court of Chancery, but wh, le ; had never yet been sufficiently attended to, though tut' s woulde therexerc i swnZtebfkiieeli Isedtl were still within the province of the Masters. These we'," s matters in reference to which he desiredto reserve 11,' opinion, for they required great consideration ; but h e cer tainly thought the Masters ought to be abolished and ne vacancies tilled up.—(Lord Brougham, " And no new refer ences made to them ?") And no new references made t o _ them. But he had this proposition to make. He felt that it would be impossible to work the two systems together, an to tell the person who had been already involved Mal Chancery suit that he should go before the Master with written interrogatories, be put to great expense, and incur great delay, whilst the man who filed his bill t o -morrovl } should go on in an unnecessary m anner and have n 0 unnecessary statements to make, and no delays interposed. a That would not do. What he proposed, theuefore, was, e immediately after passing of this measure, at once to ...._ abolish the whole course ;of proceeding in the Masters'. s offices, and let them adopt precisely the same MU'S :4 as those which were now adopted in chambers. BY .•, the present constitution of the Court of Chancery the judge does not transact any business in chamber. There were, no ' ; doubt, many reasons for altering this arrangement, for the ' physical as well as mental exertion occasioned by a constant sitting of five hours together in a court listening attentive l i a to the arguments in one p articular case, was, perhaps , . s m uch as could be e x p ected from a j ud g e charged w ith suet' importan t functions; but it was proposed that in respect toe certain matters the judge shall sit in chambers, and shall 12 The shall by two clerks. It was proposed th at these clegse s h a ll have the same powe. as masters in ordinary. C o mmission proposed that they should tr ansact their busi7 ness at the Masters' offices until other offices here procurede for them. He, however, confessed he thought that tnii.e:, clerks sitting at Southampton-buildings would be attend e d d, a_ with injurious consequence,; they would be asvay fron d the I be control or influence of the udges, and a system would adopted which would be as liable to abuse a 3 theedp much one, which was so much condemned. He doubt it was whether any scheme could work satisfactorily unless , , one that placed these clerks tinder the eyes of the judg e himself, by obliging them to occupy a room adjoiningve. that of the judge, ' rho judge ought not to be swell lien from seeing that their duties were properly perforated. , id (the Lord Chancellor) was of opinion that nothing sheT, n , be heard in chamber that could be beard in court. deli judge, . judge, he was sure, would be always found willing toudems cate his time and attention to the carrying out of a s 1 tout this as was contemplated, and he hoped and trusted .... this union of characters would not be found to lower h f ipl t dicial office. It was however, to be considered how ' ' b we t re it was to find united ' in the same person the different p o mp „, that it would be necessary for him to possess. It was 0a Bible to deny that they might be opening the courts to ca s es ._ of fraud. It was impossible to make rules that would apple to every case. Those which would be laid down mus t st general application. The next point was one of the deep est importance—namely, the mode of examining witnesses o r s written interrogatories. There were persons called exatt e to whom the witnesses told their own story. Th at w- It slow, expensive, and by no means satisfactory process. be- was impossible to cross-examine the witnesses they cause the opposite party did not know wha t ot had said. He propo:ed, though he cone n it without some slight misgivings as to that those written interrogatories should be given -f: They were invited to imitate America upon this stibject.a was said that that country had the most perfect syste in m their could be invented. They had abolished the Masters rions courts of equity—they abolished all written examiuflaws and the examiners ; but it a ppeared to him (the Lord a, ey• cellor) that they did not after all apply the prope r rein ad In respect to this country, the proposition was , t hat, inste.s. of written interrogatories they should have written atlidavt,s But the Americans had discarded all affidavits, and in every_ common case there was a jury su mmoned, and men were brought from their homes without any remuneration to t NorY the most trifling cases, as well as to giv e evidence. the alteration proposed here was of the very opposite cha racter, and it was easy to imagine how dangerous might be the results. The affidavits were prepared by an attorney, who put the statements down in his own language, and very nds very little of often the party who swears them anderst a ere g enerally crammed their contents. These affidavits were r. In former times with irrelevant and impertinent matte the business of the Courts of Bankruptcy was conducted wholly by affidavits. As far . as they were concerned he din in ascertai • the certainly could not see muc Ameri ca ning point of dispute. t h o ugh they had abolished judge was called upon the masters, and the . to pronounce every day his opinions upon the cases that every hour of came before him, yet all questions of , peculiar difficulty he referred to a referee. And who was that chosen referee of the court who was required to do the business of the old Masters? Why, theold Master himself, who had been found so co mpetent in his office as to entitle him to hold the office of referee of the court. Now he (the Lord Chancellor) wholly objected to the system of delegating topow er and duties which appertain to any person . the p Is America there was a state the superior judge. of things in which there was s blending of law and equity .e together. Mr. Field, an ab l e gentleman from that • part of the w or ld, stated that when he left America there were - from 3,000 to 4,000 cases in the Court of Chancery then waitir to be heard; and a case was never properly beard until .g . A after it had been two or three years had elapse d after set down for argument. This gentleman was asked What the se of co • consequence would be if a long said complicated character were brought before it. He d in re • lAs , that if th ere wa s a case involving a th ousan items brought befo re the court, and if each item were tei be proved by one w it nes s, it might occupy a thouAuu days. Now one of the first things roposed Os be done was to rescind all the present orders oft he Court.M Chancery, and to reduce them to one simple set of rules_ without reference to any other orders. He thought it dal to their Lordships, and to the position which he then ha' the honour told, to make a statement of what the intens: tions of the Government were in reference to this sabjec,' The measures were not yet prepared, but they svould 0? shortly placed before them. There was no step he shtu: deprecate more than the appointment of more Vice- Cha s % celtors. Such an appointment would create, as it were, a dditional bar and body of attorneys. Great inco nveniences would thus be created, as regarded the general interests 0f .. their clients. llis sincere desire was to facilitate the interests ness of the court, and to reduce as much as possible the ti ra u and expense attendant upon the applications to it. _ i s , reference to the subject of wills, the law of the country ,", quired that the signature of the testator should be placed," the head and foot of the document, and should be tested 07. o ption. , two witnesses These simple words had caused ex to be taken to thousands of such documents althouglaf there might not be found a single flaw in the WV: °_. it, and yet they had been declared void. The w objec_trieoi_s_ held go o d if th e signature ►e re found at any distance f .T . the place which was considered to be the foot of the wiL_', a wrote a a familiar instance he would me ntion the case of a former Vice Chancellor , wt:o was a barrister. He it on his will to the bottom of the first p a g e sad continued the second psge, and en ded it b y a pp ointing two execu 0 5 : There was more than a n inch s p ace from the end of the t d eument to where he signed his name, which was at the bed ginning of the third page. He then used the words"Sigy.rimee by me, in the presence of these witnesses," placing his as 'sst underneath. That will was declared void because it w of Su‘ . signed, not at the foot of the page, but at the top a. Such objections as these, he thought, ought, to be pro vided against.—( Hear.) merit Lord BROUGHAM said he could not delay one me , _ in expressing the great and heartfelt satisfaction Which t ?...: felt at the declaration of the Noble and Learned Lcauss namely, that he intended to adopt the principal recoenai. e,:lis dations of the Chancery Commissioners, and to I se u_.% t powerful and invaluable aid to carrying into effect tht? if of important suggestions. As to the rticular 4dta",b, the mode and manner by which those altsration. into vit law were brought about, he would not venture ',PT.,A" ' bed occasion to discuss. The Noble and Learned .1- subst ance avowed that the plan of the Commissioners in _ es . stua i sh , uld be carried honestly and entirely into full a t o e In seli t operation. Affidavits were to be substituted for e ;vs slat system system in uncontested matters; but, in F on el f " this great klation. there ought to be a viva voce exam ss issrd would plan should succeed, the Noble and Learn ia 0 0 pry algal uncivubtecily accrOPPligga a great avii— suffrae;e3 which w ill b e thus f or f e it e d, and the proposition whieh I s'eall meke will I chiller not be one which will plesse and satisfy the great body of the people. But you cannot have this Bill 'ii disfeenchisernent if Parliament is dissolved. You will still have Membere from St. Albano in this Free Trajes Parliament, which you hope to aeseouble. Are you prepared that the whole of the private busines, of the session—every railroad and road Bill, every Bill connected with private business, I doubt not Bills affecting many gen tlemen who are present—that all these should be swept away and this year be a perfect blank in legislation? Ido not ob ject to it if you wish to make the sacrifice. But understand what this sacrifice is (Hear, hear.) I know well the diffi culties which we have to encounter as a Government. I hear that the late Administration, or their friends, perhaps, are anxious that the country should give an immediate decision on the subject of the relief of agricultural burdens. But allow me to say that, so far as I am concerned, the issue shall not be narrowed to mere questions of commercial legislation. —(Cheers.) I shall ask the country to decide upon the policy of the late Government in every respect and in every de. pertinent. Upon that foreign policy which we attempted to check two years ago, which we were defeated in doing, and which the late Premier, only two months ago, virtually an nounced we were right in opposing. I shall ask the opinion of the country upon the colonial policy of the late Adminis tration—(Great cheering)—the decision of the House of Cone mons upon which they escaped I will not say, but which they evaded by the " local " militia.— (Cheers and laughter.) I shall ask the opinion of the country upon that question of law reform to which I have adverted. I will ask the country whether they are in favour of the recommendation of the Commissioners for the reform of the Court of Chan cery being carried into effect or whether they are not. I will make the issue wide and multiform, and, whatever be the character of the House of Commons which may then be called together, that Parliament shall be one which, at least, shall represent that decision of the people of Eng land not upon a single question, but upon all those peat principles which should give a celour to the policy, and form to the conduct of a strong administration.—(Loud and long continued cheering.) Gentlemen, I know well the difficul ties we have to encounter, but though I confess our position may be critical, I for one do not believe it is perilous. I have listened to a great deal of bluster within the last fortnight. That does not friehten me. I have read tirades of resuscitated leagues. I shall leave resuscitated leagues to settle their quarrel with the amalgamated engi neers.— (A laugh.) Confident myself that in taking office we have at least resolved to do our utmost for the advantage of the country, I shall feel that the conscientiousness of that duty will at least sustain us during the exigency of the day.— (Cheers.) And, Gentlemen, I can say that when the Noble Lord who is at the head of the Administration attested Providence in the Senate of his country, he was influenced by no personal feeling in accepting the post of danger which ho now fills. I also may express my hope that, whatever may be the fate Of the Government, when we leave office there will at least be, among all temperate and impartial men, a sense that, however humble may have been our efforts, we have endeavoured to do our duty to our country, to our Sovereign, and to our God. The Right Honourable Gentleman sat down amidst loud and prolonged cheering. Mr. BARRY, after same introductory remarks, asked the Right Hon. Gentleman whether he or any other member of her Majesty's Government had any intention, at present or hereafter, either directly or indirectly, to place a duty upon the importation of corn? Also, whether he was fa vourable to giving electors the protection of the ballot?— whether the Government intended to introduce the militia laws?—and, lastly, whether he or her Majesty's Government had any intention of bringing in any measure fur the separa tion of the Church and State, or for the repeal of the pre sent laws affecting church rates? Mr. DISRAELI, in reply, said—l have great pleasure in an swering this questions of the Hon Gentleman. When her Majesty's Government intend to bring forward any Bill like the Militia Bill, they will give due and respectful notice, as is the custom, to Parliament; and I do think it would be respectful if my Hon. Friend there should have the previous information in this respect.—(Cheers and laughter.) With respect to the question about church rates, I shall be very explicit. I think there is one great objection to doing away with the present system of levying church rates. If it were abrogated, my Hon. Friend there would have nothing to talk about. - (Laughter.) He has been making speeches upon that subject upon each occasion that I have had the honour of meeting him ; and really if church rates are abro gated "Othello's occupation will be gone "—(Cheers anti laughter.) With respect to the ballot, I should like to know, in the first place, from my Hon. Friend whether he would recommend the ballot with the present constituencies? Mr. BARRY stated that he would certainly recommend the ballot to the existing constituencies, for he was acquainted with his fellow-farmers, and knew that not one in a dozen of them ever gave conscientious votes. There was not a man among them who dared to go against his landlord.—(Oh, oh, and great confusion.) If the ballot was given to the present constituencies, he believed they would soon have a very dif ferent kind of Parliament. (Addressing Mr. Disraeli)—l have now answered the question; have you any further question to put to me ?—(Laughter. ) Mr. Disitszet—lt is rather an unusual and certainly a somewhat Irish style of doing business when the Honourable Gentleman asks me a question, to ask me whether I anything else to ask him.—(Laughter.) Mr. Banal . , with considerable warmth, said—allow de; sir, to observe that I came forward here with the view of eliciting a plain and honest declaration of what your inten tions are. lam not possessed of talents or abilities equal to yourself, but I trust I am possessed of as much honesty and integrity. All I want from you is a plain and simple answer to a plain and simple queetion.— (Cheers, and some confusion.) Mr. Barry then retired, and no further answer was given by Mr. Disraeli. Dr. LEE then stood forward, and in an address of consider. able length went through the various articles of his political creed. He stated that he was a member of the Protestant Alliance, of the Peace Society, the Peace of Nations Society, the Bond of Universal Brotherhood Society, the Ocean Penny Postage Association, and the Aborigines Protection Society, and cordially concurred in the various beneficial objects which those associations had in view. In addition to these princi ples, he was in favour of the extension of the suffrage to fe males whose husbands already possessed the franchise,or who were possessed in their own right of " forty-shilling free holds," and he had no doubt whatever but that they would exercise the privilege equally as worthily as those who were now well plied with beer, and brought up by the" Man in the Moon" to the poll. There could be no doubt that such ladies as Miss Herschel!, the astronomer; Miss Barbauld, Miss Strickland, Lady Lovelace, Miss Martineau, and a number of other accomplished and talented ladies, would exercise the franchise quite as purely and independently as many of those who now possessed that right.— (Cheers and laughter.) He regretted the scene which had taken place in that court between their respected High Sheriff and the Lord Chief Justice, and cordially trusted that the noble and memorable reply of the High Sheriff would cause his Lord ship to see and regret the error into which he had been led. He trusted that upon the occasion of the next assizes for the county he would take the opportunity of again bring ing his chaplain with him, and he believed that Lord Campbell would not again dare to interfere with him on the subject.—(Cheers and cries of " Question.") If returned to Parliament he would endeavour humbly and faithfully to carry out the principles to which he had referred, and s rive also to promote the interest of all classes. (The speaker was frequently interrupted by the remarks and questions put to him by persons present, and retired amid considerable cheering from his own immediate supporters. ) The Hlcie SHERIFF having then called for a show of hands, declared the majority to he in favour of Mr. Disraeli. After consulting for a few moments with his friends, Dr. LEE stated that he delined going to the poll, and the High Sheriff accordingly declared Mr. Disraeli duty elected. Mr. DISRAELI then said—l return you my most sincere thanks for having a second time sent me to Westminster your representative in Parli ament. I have un opposed as afros y had occasion to express to you in m uc h d e t a il t h e views which animate me and the Administration of which I am a member, and it would be presumptuous on my part if I were again to trespass upon your attention. A long time will not elapse before you will again be called upon to exer cise the great privilege which you have been summoned by your respected High Sheriff this day to fulfil, It is my belielf that when that general appeal is made by our Sovereign to the country, those who now advise her councils and are responsible for the administration of the country will receive such support from the community that they will be able, with an augmented majority, to bring in those measures which in their consciences they believe will terminate that strife of classeewhich all must deplore.— (Cheers.) I shall appeal to you upon that occasion with confidence, remembering that upon this, as on previous instances, you have returned me unop posed, and because I have a right to infer from such a display of confidence upon your part that you have admitted that I have humbly endeavoured to do my duty to the people of the county of Buckingham.—(Cheers. ) • Mr. Disraeli then moved, and Dr. Lee seconded, a vote of thanks to the High Sheriff, which having been replied to by that gentleman, the croe d dispersed. The Right Honourable Gentleman then, headed by a band, was chaired in triumph through the town, and upon returning to the hotel where he was staying proceeded to a dinner which was attended by between 200 and 300 of his supporters, and which was presided over by W. Lowndes, Esq. Upon the removal of the cloth, Mr. Disraeli addressed the cone• pany, but his speech afforded no further information as to the intended policy of the Government upon the important subjects which now agitate the public mind. Mr. Disraeli, accompanied by his wife, immediately after the dinner returned to London by an early train. HER MAJESTY'S THEATRE. The question which has so long interested the fashionable world," When will the Opera open?" now receives a satis factory answer. The opening night is fixed for the 25th inst., that time being selected to correspond, ns nearly as possible, with the closing of the " Italiens" at Paris, where Mademoiselle Cruvelli has achieved such brilliant triumphs. This distinguished vocalist, whose success was the great feature last year, will likewise be prima donna this season, together with Madame Sontag and Mademoiselle Joanna Wagner, the German "star," who is said to have taken the place of Jenny Lind at Berlin. Ferlotti, known as a singer and tragic actor, and the baritone Bassini are also im portant among the new engagements. The principal danseuses at the opening of the season will be Mademoiselle Rosati and Madame Guy Stephan, and the lead will after wards be taken by Cerito. Further arrangements present unknown, but the nam es of the a re at t h re effi an ine e d o o f n n n o e are a sufficient guarantee that the season will b e ordinary interest. ---7 — _ - ---- -- ----------- THEATRE. OLYMPIC On Thursday a very prettyere P tor the first time, with corn e..tit ballet, entitled The Fiend o f E art h , was perform h of the ballet is laid on the banks of plete success. t upon which we dare not say The sce e n d s e n not -o been laid. The bill tells us that the Rhine, that prelitic e how many ballets ha t v if our recollection be not treacherous, seen poor George Wieland sustain the the ballet is now, but, if we remember to thishave very ballet, or one very like it, some principal part in y e ars ago. The ballet consists of the usual mat er i a l s ; we h a ve a pair o f lovers,Rodolph Birman and Canine, a crusty Led lover. Th e lovers are, of course, old PaP-s an d a rejected through the interventi on o f a fairy, who, to ,_ happy . luau" con f u se theiropponents, summonses the fiend of earth, Mr. E. Edwards, and most successfully does he do so. Towards t h e conclusion of the ballet we h ave a very beautiful pus de trvisby Miss Lees, Miss Coleman, and Mr. Forrest. The ladies dancing was extremely graceful, and fully merited the complimental applause which it drew fortb.Tfie dancing of Mr. Forrest is good in some things, but there is a great fault very predominant, viz,, an anxie yto do too much. If he would but abstain from this glaring defect, he would be, for a young man, a very excellent dancer. With the performance of Mr. Edwards we were much pleased ; it was exceedingly clever, and deserved all the applause it received. There were some very prettily -arranged dances executed by tke mpg de ballet, which, together with the excellent music and beautifully,- painted scenery, contributed in no small degree to the perfect success of the ballet. The house was very fully and fashion ably attended. COUNTY RATES.—The Bill, as amended by Corn mittee, to consolidate and improve the laws relating to county rates in England—their assessment and collection — was yesterday printed by order of the 'b l ue of C 0111320116. It gicnr cOtAna fifty-threo CIAU9O4I. s ~ .. _~r~~'~S