The Sun. — London, England, 1837-08-02 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS The Times, which at first professed to be stariled at the proceedings of the King of Hanover, has at length god rid of its shyness and now joins the rest of the Tory pack. The defence of King Ernest is, to be sure, not yet professedly editorial ; but it appears with all the advantage of large print and favourable position, and after this feeler the apostate will embark without subterfuge on the defence of King Ernest. The following is the defence which, after mature de liberation, has been set up for his Hanoverian Nla- jesty : " Any man at all acquainted with the laws and prescrip tive usages of the kingdom of Hanover, must know that the Constitution given by his late Majesty could not be binding on the successor to the throne, his formal consent being essential to its validity. Not only was this not ac corded, but a protest was entered by the Duke of Cumber land against the act, affecting as it did the administration not only of the kingdom, but of the private and family interests and relations of the future Sovereign of Hanover. Such an act his Majesty King William IV. was not empowered to impose without the consent -of the claimants in remain der to the Hanoverian Crown. By the anal act of the Congress of Vienna of the I.sth of May 1820, it is pro vided, Article .56, that a Constitution established and ac knowledged cannot be altered by other than by constitu tional means—that is to say, by the consent of the existing authorities. Now the States did not give their consent to all the articles of the new Constitution, which was never theless promulgated in a manner directly contrary to the 56th Article of the final act of Congress." So much for the legal justification—And now for the policy of the measures of King Ernest. " Happy and prosperous in a degree known to few na tions—having no complicated or conflicting interests to con sult—the Hanoverian', almost to a man, laugh at the at tempt to encumber them with the machinery of a Constitu tion, for no assignable purpose but that of enabling a few talkers to talk their fill for nine months in the year, at the rate of three dollars a day each, that being the charge for senatorial services under the Constitution." The first question that suggests itself here is—who is the individual who issues the revolutionary patent? There is no King of Hanover at this time ; for what ever the claims of the Duke of Cumberland to the throne may be, they hare not yet been established according to the laws of that country. The inhabi tants of Hanover, under the existing institutions, yet know nothing of any King ; and there is none. If article 56 of the final act of the Congress of Vienna provide that a Constitution established and acknow ledged cannot be altered by other than by constitu tional means, the Duke of Cumberland's first act is, on the very face of it, illegal. The persou, M. Von Schele, whose signature appears to the patent, had no more authority to act than any other inhabitant of Hanover. Thisisubject is ably handled in a memorial on the patent which appears in an appendix, accom panying Nos. 202, 203, and 204 of the Allgemeine Zeitung:— " The Minister who steps forward to execute this task, it is well observed, could only have been qualified by the decree of his appointment having been executed in due form, that is, by the King and a responsible Councillor or Minister. 'The appointment, however, could not have been executed in the legal form, for no councillor who had sworn to the Constitution could subscribe the decree of appoint ment of a person who had not taken the oath to the Con stitution, without rendering himself guilty of a violation of it ; and in fact there is no appointment elothin him with hit( di , rnity countersigned by a Minister, and the patent cliadares that M. Von Schele was specially sworn for that net. Was he, therefore, in a condition to subscribe mai eiaily a patent of any descriptice, and more especially a docinnent of such importance, arid to bestow on it the le ral validity connected with a signature responsible for contents and form, when he himself doe 3 not appear authorised to give such a guarantee to the royal name ? And is the publication to be considered as legally executed, when it want , the signature of a Minister 1,..2a11y appointed to his office according to the existing law ?" .ft appears, then, on the very face of the patent, tltat it is illegal. There is no Bing of Hanover and no Minister of Hanover. The - individual Ernest, calling himself King of Hanover, tramples on the existing laws, and assumes a right to declare that the state of things which existed seven years ago ought to he the law. But who made filial judge ? The writer in the Allgemeine Zeitung observes, with reference to the reasons for the change adduced in the patent, that " It is true Hanover, down to the tia - L, of the French oc - ,:ipation, had another Constitution ; and that it is tree as is observed in the patent, the people were satisfied with it. It was founded on great privileges of the nobility, who alone filled the high places, on the honourable conduct and prosperous circumstances of those entrusted with adminis trative and judicial functions, who had the management cf the public lands, and imposed moderate burdens while they also decided causes and conducted the affairs of the Sovereign. Finally, on the municipal rights of the towns ; but, above all, on the general welfare of the higher classes. This Constitution was annihilated—the prospe rity of the nobility destroyed—the condition of the admi nistrators of justice changed by the Westphalian Govern ment. The country became impoverished—everything was altered, and assumed a new form ; and, after the termi nation of the foreign rule, it became impossible to re store the old order of things in anything but form. The strength, spirit, and happiness of the olden time was lost without recovery. Hence the strong discon tent which in the trying year 1830, when all real and ima ginary complaints found an utterance, burst forth into in surrection. The movement was, however, suppressed, tranquillity restored and maintained, and the constitutional changes were thenceforward effected without interruption and without external pressure ! The wants of the country had in the meantime been more definitively discussed ; and it became evident to every impartial observer that, after all that had conduced to the former satisfaction had been annihilated, it would be impossible under the old constitu tional forms to recover the previous tranquillity, and King and Estates, voluntarily and without constraint, met each other amicably, and united in adopting an arrangement on the basis of the Constitution which has since been in troduced, to which oaths have been taken, and which as now a legal and political existence. Did anything take place on the part of the Estates or on the part of the King which was unauthorised ? On this hangs the answer to the other question—whether the new Ruler is en titled to pronounce a Constitution which he found thus established as not formally and materially binding on him ? The first question can only be answered to the ad vantage of the existing state of things. In no compacts of sovereign houses, in no political edict, is there any regulation which prohibits a ruler from introducing alteration in the existing Constitution when demanded by public necessity or the public welfare, if with the sanction of the estates ; and all Constitutions of all times and states (except in cases of violence) have been developed in this way ; and it has never been understood that their successors had a right, in virtue of any hereditary claim, to consider what they found thus founded and legally existing as a nonentity, and to make the state to begin of new with themselves, or to call its laws into question '''' In the Courier of last night there is an account, said to be authentic, of the proceedings which took place before the issuing of this patent, and we extract from it the following particulars illustrative of the, illegal character of the act of Ernest and Schele : " It was the safeguard of each Hanoverian subject, that every civil officer should swear to maintain faithfully the Constitution, which right was violated by the following act :—Herr Hoppenstedt, one of the first members of the Ministry, was called to appear before the King, who told him to administer the oath of to Herr von Schele, whom he had just made Minister ; the formulary of this oath having been handed to the King, he instantly took a pen and cancelled those words which had respect to the Constitution, and observed that he did not like these words ; when Herr Hoppenstedt, with noble intrepidity, declined to act in contradiction to his own oath, and beg ged the King, upon these grounds, to administer the oath himself. To this the Ki ng acceded, and Her Iloppenstedt retired. Thus the first illegal act was performed by the King himself, and personally." The advocate of the Kin(' in the Times assumes, without the least countenance from facts, that the Con stitution is not acceptable to the people of Hanover. But, if this were the case, why not establish this by co nstitutional means ? If the people of H anover disliked the Constitution as much as the Kim , evidently does, they had the opportunity of manifesting their dis like by contitutional means. But the person calling himself King Ernest commences his reign by a revolu tion. The presumption is, that he tells a falsehood in his patent, because, if the people were with him, their sense could - have been constitutionally taken. No tyrant ever yet pretended to act from other motives than the happiness and welfare of the people. But who constituted Ernest the interpreter of the people's wishes ? It would not at all surprise us if the rough procedure of the King were to meet with a rough re quital. The Journal des Debats, which is a Conser vative Paper, is greatly scandalised at the revolu tionary conduct of Ernest, and in an able and spirited article, in the number for Saturday last, with ghat force of argument, demonstrates the wickedness of his proceedings : " The Constitution of Hanover, established on a good understanding between William IV. and the two Cham bers of Hanover, sanctioned by the German Confederation, carried into effect during three years, surrounded by all the guarantees which protect the other German nations, as sacred as they are, though now violated—that Consti tution has clearly defined on what conditions the King shall receive the oath of his fidelity from his subjects. Thus we find in paragraph 13 :—' The King shall make his accession known by letters patent. When once these letters patent have been published, the subjects are hound to obey the new King. In these letters patent, signed by the hand of the King, and marked by his Royal seal, the King gives his Royal word to maintain and ob serve faithfully the Constitution of the country.' Thus everything is defined. There must be letters patent, and letters patent containing the oath to observe the Consti tution. It is on these conditions that. the King is King ; it is on these conditions that the subjects owe him obe dience. Suppress the letters patent, or change their sacra mental form, you suppress also the duty of obedience. And this was remarked by th• deputy Stum, burghermas ter of Osnabruck, in the last sitting of the Chamber of Hanover, on the 29th June. The Royal rescript dissolving the Chamber had been read—M. Stum rose to remark that the King, not having yet published the letters patent of his accession, such as the Constitution requires, he could not On this the President termi- nated the sitting, which decided nothing as to the ques tion ; and the language of M. Stnm, abruptly interrupted, remains and protests against whatever has taken place : the King cannot No, the King can not enforce obedience where he violates the Constitution. No, there is no power independent of the law. The lan guage of M. Stum must, no doubt, appear strange to the ears of the King of Hanover : the King cannot. But it is the language of constitutional politics ; it-is the language of modern Europe. It came from England to France ; from France it spread into Germany." A Constitution may appear to the King an incum brance ; but we hare no evidence but that of the Ti»zes, which would be equally ready to pronounce a Consti tution an incumbance to the English, that the Hano verians arc desirous of substituting for a Constitution a dependence on the good pleasure of such a well-con ditioned individual as Ernest. We knew that it would not be long ere the Tories applauded the conduct of the Duke of Cumberland. The people of England may depend on it that there is no want of will on the part of the Tories to treat the Reform Bill as Ernest has treated the Hanoverian Constitu tion. We are accused with having endeavoured, for the purposes of faction, to give "an English interest " to this question. We have already shown the interest which England must possess in it, in consequence of the alliance that exists between the King of Hanover and the Tory party in this country. But, exclusive of this, we have another and scarcely less inferior interest in the effect it may produce upon the Constitution of Germany, and through Germany to Europe. It is truly remarked by a French writer, that thrown as Germany is between the despotism of Russia and the liberal:sin of England and France, every thing that takes place in that country assumes an European im portance. Upon the part which Germany may take depends the triumph in the contest of principles which is waged throughout Europe. " From its geogra phical ..ituation," says a writer in the. Journal de.; Debats, " from the mass of its population—from its intellectual activity—from its moral force, Germany must give the ascendancy to the side to which it gives its alliance. That alliance is the guarantee of .success. There is no doubt that the people of the German States incline towards the principles which predominate in Western Europe, but as yet there has been no de cided alliance. Shall Germany, then, be Liberal ? or shall it be Absolutist ? At this moment all is in suspense." Is it a :were trick of faction, then, that gives " an English interest" to as event that is likely to decide so important a question ?—Morn. Chronicle. Compared with the rampant Liberalism which pre vailed in the Scotch burgle, at the first election under the Reform Bill, it appears that in such of these burghs as arc now contested, the strong manifestation of Conservative principle, even where Radicals have retained their seats, affords unequivocal evidence of advancing triumph. In the Cupar district, where the influential friends of the Whig Attorney-Generel would of course support the Ministry of which their learned townsman is an adjunct, the Conservatives polled no fewer than 261 votes against 290, Mr. El lice beating Mr. Arackgill by a majority of only 29. Had these gentlemen been fairly left to stand or fail by the unbiassed and spontaneous suffrages of the electors, it is admitted on all hands that the t Radical candidate must have gone to the wall. So well was this understood, that on the day of nomination Mr. A. Johnston was induced, even at the eleventh hour, to withdraw his pretensions ; while, so formidable was the demonstration made by the friends of the Church against Andrew's. Parliamentary treachery, that in order to revenge himself for the loss of their support, the little spiteful creature, though professing to be a Church Conservative, actually presented Mr. Ellice with his Kilrenny votes, which were just sufficient, and no more, to determine the election. If these votes had been left at the free disposal of their possessors, Mr. Maitland Mackgill would have been the sitting Member. Never mind : it is something to show that the sapient Andrew has shared the fate of his worthy father-in-law, Mr. Fowell Buxton. We exult in the thought that Parliament is rid of them. On a former occasion the Whig-Radical majority at St. Andrew's was 131. In the absence of absolute success, the state of matters in the Hadding ton burghs is equally satisfactory. A t the last contest in that district Mr. Steuart's majority was nearly 150, whereas at present it is only 31. Formerly he had a superiority of numbers at each of the polling-places ; but last week Sir Thomas Hepburn, while neck and neck with him at Jedburgh, defeated him in gallant style both at Lauder and Dunbar. Indeed, the tem porary retention of Mr. Steuart's seat and salary is attributable almost exclusively to the profligate use he has made of his Treasury patronage in the bestowal and promise of Government situations : although, in regard to North Berwick, where the Conservative can didate had not a single vote, something must also be allowed for the circumstance that the parish clergyman of that town is a fawning toady to the Whig families of Dalrymple and Beal. The fright, however, which has just been given to Mr. Steuart, is the sure presage of his approaching quietus. Sir Andrew Agnew, it is true, has also failed by about 40 votes in ousting Mr. M‘Taggart from the burghs in Wigton and Galloway ; but, though we had entertained a sanguine hope that the high character of the Hon. Baronet might possibly insure a different result, yet, considering that he en tered the field only a few days prior to the election under the twofold disadvantage of short notice, and of having retired from another contest (a circumstance which is always prejudicial to a candidate), our chief wonder is that he should have polled one half of the votes which so honourably grace his minority. Can any person doubt that if instead of three days' pre paration Sir Andrew had had the' benefit of a fort ' night's canvass, Mr. M'Taggart must inevitably have returned home minus the capitals which now accidentally flank his name ? The city of Yeah, no doubt, has likewise gone wrong by a larger majority still. But though we are quite certain that the county will make up for this by the triumphant return of Lord Stormont, the numbers polled by Sir P.M. Thriepland in this seat andstrong hold of voluntary agitation give a better promise of success on a future occasion than we had ventured to count upon. Bannerman has got Aberdeen solely i n consequence of the Conservatives having fixed upon a candidate (Mr. Horatio Ross), who, being on the Continent, was unable to prosecute a personal canvass, or even to be present at the election. But even were there no alleviating and encouraging accompaniments connected with the cases which we have now detailed, the glorious triumph achieved in the Kilmarnock dis trict is an ample atonement for them all. Dr. Bow ring has been thrown out by a majority of 71. We rejoice at this unfeignedly. Among other gratifying circumstances attending the new returns, it is pleasing to observe, that even where constituencies have not been able to shake themselves entirely free from Whig-Radical domination, th ey have, with very few exceptions, rejected all the classes who are fitly termed adventurers. This pro tazzto is a testimony against democracy. But the Bowring de feat is, perhaps, the most signal of any ; at least it THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 2, 1837. presents, /owe unequivocally than some others in the same category, the most gratifying evidence of the ra pid progress of sound constitutional sentiment. At the last Kilmarnock struggle, the Conservative candi date could muster only 153 votes out of a constitu ency of 1,451. Last week the pompons and prosing Doctor had enough to do to rally 438. Kilmarnock and Dumbarton, which were formerly his strong bul warks, have on this occasion rejected him, and ac cordingly Dr. Bowring is done for. Observe, too, the sort of gentleman whom these burghs have chosen. Mr. Colquhoun is in all respects the very opposite of his dislodged predecessor. First of all, he is an elder of the Church of Scotland, determined to advocate and support her claims for additional accommodation to the poor. 2dly, He was one of the leading speakers at the great London meeting in favour of Church-rates. 3dly, Having thought and written well en the condition and prospects of Ireland, he is a resolute opponent of the Papist faction. On all the most important questions, therefore, of home policy, his vote will be in decided hostility to the Whigs, whom he cordially despiseF. Mr. Loch, the Duke of Sutherland's man of-all-wink, is to be opposed in the Caithness dis trict by Mr. Dempster, of Skibo, a circumstance which augurs extremely well for the success of Sir George Sinclair in the county. If the popularity of Conser vative principles had lost ground among the rural con stitut ncy, it is not very likely that Mr. Dempster would have felt encouraged to make an appeal to the burghal population. At the same time, considering the plenitude of the Duke's purse, together with the natu:al desire of his Grace to maintain his brother-in law in the Irish Secretaryship, we have our own doubts whether Mr. Loch's access to such a pocket may not prove eventually too powerful for the constitutional in• clinations of the electors. We almost think that the worthy Conservative might have fought the Dundases in Orkney with a better chance of success. Upon the whole, it is evident that though matters in the Scotch towns hare not yet regained the sober equilibrium which the Reform Bill destroyed, they are assuming an aspect of the highest promise. Already the Minis terialists are forced to acknowledge that the boroughs in England and Scotland have done little or nothing to improve their wretched condition in the late Par liament. The counties, we expect, will give a still deeper tone to their lamentations. A Whig official lately said, '' If we do nothing more than retain our cH ground, a Conservative Ministry is inevitable." The shrewd fellow's remark is one which we cordially concur in.—Times. Amongst the victories gained by the Reformers yes ' terdav we have to announce one defeat, which we ad mit is a subject of peculiar mortification, though the circumstances which caused the disaster being such as may be guarded against in future, it is to be h o p e d that the occurrence will operate a salutary effect on the elections which are as yet undecided. East Surrey is disgraced, lost—the Hanoverian candidates have been returned—not so much from the effect of Tory artifice and corruption, though practised to the usual extent— not so much from a dearth of patriotic feeling arriongs the electors, or a desertion of the principles of Reform, as from the most culpable negligence and mismanape ment of those whose duty it was to marshal to the' polling-houths the forces of Reform. We are unwillingly compelled thus to express ourselves in terms of censure; but when we state, which we do on authority, that at two o'clock yesterday the managers of the election of the Liberal candidates knew nor which of the electors had or had not voted, and were consequently ignorant where to seek reinforcement in the time of need, though there remained unpolled a number of electors of well known Liberal opinions, far more than sufficient to out-number a majority twice as great as that which elected the disciples of despotic authority—we trust we shall not be accused of giving an unnecessary or un timely reprimand. In the counties, the electors being in less close and constant association amongst them selves, and from want of such association perhaps less eo2nisant of their real interests, and certainly less sti mulated by that emulous zeal excited from bodies of men co-operating for a common end, the activity of professional agents must exert a far greater influence than in cities and boroughs, where the daily inter course of the electors begets a spirit of independence and union which scorns the threats of aristocratic tyzannv, encourages the timid to adhere to the dictates of conscience, and terrifies the dishonest from a selfish sacrifice of the general good. The partially isolated farmer meeting those of his own class only on Sundays and market-days, is far more liable to yield to intimi dation and undue influence, than the shopkeeper who has his neighbour's eve constantly upon him. Inde pencEntly of this, we venture to assert that there are many electors in East Surrey who did not know whe ther the election was to terminate yesterday or not, and many more who would affect such ignorance to excuse a dereliction of duty originating from other causes. Let the counties of England take warning from this dis graceful and disastrous defeat. And, above all, let Middlesex organize and put forth all its energies to repel the assault against its representation. Hcre Mr. Hume, as in the city was i\lr. Grote, is the especial object of Tory hostility, and for the same reason, that of being the representative most active in purifying the institutions of the country from their putrefactive abuses. On this subject we direct the earnest attention of the Middlesex elec tors to a letter from one of their own body in this. day's Advertiser, wherein they will find a revelation of the scheme by ,which the Tories hope to make the county subservient to their own oppressive and iniquitous purposes. Our Correspondent asks, " What are the Reformers to do ?" The answer is obvious—Vote for Hume and Byn g . There must be no plumpers, nor votes split with the Tories. It is of no service to return one Reformer, and have his vote in the House of Commons neutralised by a Tory. This would be equivalent to a disfranchisement of the county. The Tories have been long scheming against the in dependence of Middlesex, and this is the moment to de ' feat their machinations. Their present object is to return Mr. Wood, to the exclusion of Mr. Hume. They have no hope of Mr. Pownall at present, but by the return of Mr. Wood they design, first, to neutralize the county, and thus prepare it for an unqualified subjection to Tory ism, whenever an opportunity may arise to foist another Hanoverian on the representation. This is the mode in which the Tories propose to destroy the Constitution of Great Britain, or at least the best part of it—the Reform Act—not daring, and not having, at present, the opportunity to attempt that act by a proclamation sbnilar to the Royal Patent by which their idol, Ernest, robbed the Hanoverians of the very semblance of po pular Government. Will any elector with the least regard to character, seeing the fair statement of the case thus dispassionately laid before him, perpetrate such an act of political turpitude and self-debasement as to vote for Wood and Pownall, the mere nominees of the faction who are conspiring the overthrow of his country's freedom ? Is there one elector to be found in the whole county of Middlesex who will not blush to ac knowledge himself a supporter of the Duke of Cumber land and his policy ? If there he let him by all means vote for\Vood andPownall—the Liberal candidates would be disgraced by his suffrage. There must be no plumpers nor split votes in this contest. For the individuals Byng, Hume,Wood, Pownall, we care comparatively nothing ; it is the principles they represent which is all. Our direst personal enemy should have our strongest sup port, if a Reformer : our dearest personal friend, our strongeet opposition, if a Tory. The prosperity, peace, and freedom of a whole people, is not to be sacrificed to individual predilections. This is a struggle for a nation's rights, and every elector who supports the cause of Reform shall receive a reward from a partici pation in the benefits of its progress, more than ten fold that which might accrue front an acquiescence with the dictates of exclusively individual interests. For Hume and Byng, then, electors of Middlesex, unless you wish to become the serfs of a Cumberland des potism !—Morning Advertiser. The Whig Ministers, who have latterly affected to he smitten with such a feeling of intense and pre eminent loyalty that they cannot brook the idea of the people of England giving any opposition to pet sons whom the Sovereign chooses to retain in office, forget, or think it convenient to appear to forget, their o wn conduct when they formed the unexampled confederacy ' to drive out of office the chosen Ministers of William IV., and coerce the King in the selection of his respon sible advisers. In that case the King had dismissed his Ministry, and appointed others. The Ministry of Sir Robert Peel Wa3 not one that he found in office, as the Queen found that of Lord Melbourne, and merely con tinued because it was pot either customary or conve nient to dismiss a Ministry at the period of an accession to the Crown. No ; the Ministry of Sir Robert Peel was one of the King's own especial choice, and yet such was the " loyalty" of the Whigs at the time of the appointment of that - Ministry, that they made every possible effort to excite the popular feeling against the Ministers of the King's choice, and failing in that they conspired with the man whom they had not long before denounced in the speech from the throne, in order to expel those Ministers from office. Such is the loyalty of those Whigs who call upon the people of England to acquiese in all their measures and to practise a per fect " passive obedience," because the " Queen" has been pleased to continue them for the present in office, or rather has not thought proper to dismiss them on finding them there. The Whigs modestly tell the people of England that they ought not to op pose them at the elections because they are the Queen's Ministers. Did political effrontery ever surpass this ? The Whigs, during their years of exclusion from office, took the greatest credit to the themselves for con tinually opposing the King's Ministers. Now, they take up the opposite doctrine, because it is their in terest to do so, and the patriotism of Whigs always means their own selfish interests.—Morning Herald. There is one rather serious fault—such at least it must ever appear to the Conservatives—in almost all the political statements of Lord John Russell : it is that they are not in the least true. Weak and trashy as this Minister is in every other respect, it is curious to observe the bold pertinacity with which he adheres in his statements to the assertion of that which is not and the denial of that which is—whether he placards the blank walls of Devon or makes speeches to the muddy-minded electors of Stroud, the characteristic feature of Lord John's composition is still the same : the things which he states are not true. By this rule we are bound to interpret his Lordship's late elec tionering manifesto to his worthy associate the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. No doubt all it contained was quite as true as the Devonshire placard or - the Stroud speeches. On the day . the Parliament was pro rogued the Queen was made to declare in a speech, for the contents of which Lord John is respon sible, that her Majesty was very desirous of renewing the assurance of her determination to maintain ntain the Protestant religion as by law esta blished. On the day after Lord John writes to Lord Mulgrave, to express her Majesty's entire approbation of his conduct as Chief Governor of Ire land. Now what was that conduct ? It was a system of abject co-operation with Mr. Daniel O'Connell, a man who has himself openly affirmed, and caused a resolution of his confederate gang to be publicly made, to the effect thbe the Protestant Establishment is a nuisance, which ought to .be abolished, and without the abolition of which Ireland will not have justice. Can any man believe, notwithstanding that Lord John Russell has asserted it, under his hand, that her Ma jesty, knowing the conduct of Lord Mulgrave in Ire land, entirely approves" of it ? It is impossible to believe it, without disbelieving the Speech from the throne. They cannot both be true, and when the Queen speaks one thing and Lord John Russell writes that which implies exactly the reverse, it is not necessary for us to point out which is to be cast aside as unworthy of credence. The speech of Lord John at a dinner which was given to him and his Parliamentary colleague (that dullest of pamphlet manufacturers), at Stroud, the other day, abounds in those peculiarities of style which blunt people distinguish by a monosyllabic epithet that we need not print. He began with charging it as a political crime of the Tories, that within " no very long period" tiled increased the public debt of the country from 250,000,0001. to 850,000,0001. ; and not one word did this wretched Englishman—this heartless denizen of a nation to which he is unworthy to belong—not one word did he say of the struggle for national existence in which this vast sum of money was expended, and the glorious triumph with which our expenditure of treasure, of talent, and of blood was crowned. The war of one-and-twenty years against Europe all in arms, and guided by the military ge nius of the great Napoleon, was that " no very long period" of which this paltry creature ventured to chat ter. Perhaps our Government was not as economical as it might have been during that time—perhaps it was extravagant—but it was a noble extravagance —it was the price of glory such as no nation, ancient or modern, ever before achieved—such as the little soul of Lord John Russell can no more feel than the worm that wriggles in the mud beneath our feet can imagine the glory of the heavens. Englishmen, are you not ashamed that a Minister of this Monarchy should allude to the circumstances of your efforts from 1794 to 1815, and have nothing to say of them except a sneering reference to the money which those efforts cost you ? Have you so lost the spirit which animated your fathers that you will hear without indignation a dastardly and crouching slave of faction sneer at the sacrifices which you voluntarily and even eagerly made, to preserve your civil and religious liberty from the trampling tyranny of infidel and revolutionary France ? It is not true that the Tory Government is charge able with going to the prodigious expense which was necessary in order to vanquish Napoleon Buonaparte. If it were true the greater would be the glory of that Government ; but they can*ot claim so transcendent a merit. It was the British nation which insisted on this expenditure, and no Government would have been suffered to hold back from the glorious work in which the nation was en gaged. Lord John Russell is old enough to remem ber the utter contempt in which his despicable party was held by the nation because it was willing to make terms with tyranny, and (blind as it was to the power, as well as insensible to the glory of England), to lower our proud flag before the domineering eagles of the French usurper. Thank God, the Whigs were in those days despised as they deserved to be, and Nel son and Wellington did not strive in vain. The mighty arm of Great Britain, directed by Conserva tive statesmen, vindicated the cause of justice, patriot ism, and humanity throughout the world. We were then, indeed, a nation. Alas ! how changed, when Lord Palmerston disgraces us abroad, and Lord John Russell does all he can at home to turn the old spirit of fidelity and honesty into all that is vain, uncer tain, paltry, shuffling, and unmanly 1 We have no delight in war for its own sake, but (the expenditure notwithstanding) we could wish most heartily that something of the old spirit which animated our rulers during the war were still abiding amon g st us. The change that has taken place inclines us to believe, with old Sallust—" Quod si regum atque imperatorum, animi virtus in pace ita, uti in bello, valeret, aqua- Milts atque constantius sese res humanw haberent, neque aliud alio ferri, neque inutan ac misceri amnia cerneres:' This is our fate under the Melbournes and the Russells, the Palmerstons and the Rices, and all that pigmy set, who are equally without decision and disinterestedness—who are driven now to this point, and now to that, as the necessities of their tem porary position seem to command. These are men w h o take no elevated view, and if they did have not resolution to keep it steadily before them. These are men who first perplex and then degrade everything in national affairs—who know not how to preserve the business of Government in an equable and constant course—who cannot prevent one thing from crossing and jostling with another, and thus obstructing and stopping up the current of public business—who allow all things to be changed and jumbled together, and who amid all this chaos, are heard with the feeble voice of efreminate vanity glorifying themselves, and pooling forth paltry vitupe ration upon the acts of men who made the nation great and glorious in the day of their power We did . intend, when we began this article, to have gone into something like a review of Lord John Russell's speech at Stroud, but we have, almost unconsciously, wandered into the theme of our country's glories, and we shall not return to anatomize its shame. We shall, therefore, say no more on this occasion of the speech of Lord John Russell ; but content ourselves with the expression of our sincere conviction that a more in consistent, inadequate, narrow-minded, and contempti ble Minister than that Noble Lord never held a con siderable situation in a British GOvernment.—Morn ing Pos!. PRICES OF CANALS, DOCK STOCKS, ASSURANCE COMPANIES)&c. &c. &c. LONDON, TUESDAY, AUG. 1. Number Dividend Price of per CANALS. per ikares. Annum. Paid. Shire. 1,706 7 per cent. Ashton and Oldham....Average 971. 18s. sh. 135 1,382 41. Ashby.de-le.Zouch Average 113/. sh. 65 1,2,;0 Basingstoke lOOl. sh. 51 1,005 51. Brecknock and Abergavenny 1501 sh. 100 8,000 1-16 sh. 91. Os. iSirmingham, 1-16th share ....,....Bil. & 711. 218 4,000 Ditto and Liverpool Junet...1251. sh. 100 pd 31 600 s Bridgewater and Taunton ....100/. sh. all pd 64 400 41. Chelincr and Blackwater 1001. sh. 102 500 481. Coventry 1001. sh. 700 4,575 ..... .... Croydon Average 31/.23.10d. sh. 3 2,0001 4 1 . Os. Dudley lOO/. sh. Si riot) 7!. Derby 100/ sh 133 e„ ... 20,000 3,573: 3/. Ellesmere and Chester Average 1331. sla. 90 231 40!. Erewash 1094 an. 670 1,297 231. Forth and Clyde Average 441)/dO4. th. 600 11,900 121. Grand June" - 80/. sh. 204 2,8494 11. Grand Union 1001.811. 25 1501 Grand Surrey 20,0001. 41. per cent. Ditto (optional) Lean - 1001. 70 3,093 Grand Western 1)00 131. 12s. Sd. Glamorganshire, Average cost 172/. 13s. 4d. 230 749 10s. Grantham 150/. sh. 202 6,233 21. Oa Huddersfield Average 571. Os. 6d. sh. 36; Ino Kensington 100 sh. all pd. 10 25,323 11. Os. Kennet znd Avon, Average 39/. IN. 10d. sh. 25 2,8971 241. Leeds and Liverpool 1001. sh, 570 5454 13/. Leicester l4Ol. sh. 208 1,897 4/. 10s. Leicester and Northampton... Aver 1 3/. 10s. 85 , 2,400 101. Monmouthshire 100/. sh. 200 150 10/. Melton Mowbray 100!. sh. 200 500 25/. Mersey and Irwell 100/. sh. 560 3,000 11. 105. Macclesfield 100/. sh. all pd. 54 247 17/. Neath . 100/. sh. 325 1,786 304 Oxford 1001. sh. 528 2,100 5/. Peak Forest Averege about 791. sh. 104 1,418 12s. Regent's (or London) Aver. 331. les. Bd. sh. i 64 5,669 61. per cent. ri ochdale Average Oil. sh. 114 500 8/. Shropshire 025/. sh. 138 SOO 9/, Ills. Somerset Coal l5O/ sh. 148 3,11(10/. 4; per cent. Ditto Lock Fiord Stock l2/. 10s. sh. 11; 700 40/. Staffltrd and Worcester l4O/. sh. 710 500 9/. Shrev.tsbury 125/. sh. '243 300 9/. Staurbridge 3,647 21. lts. Stratford-on-Avon ...Average 791. 9s. tki. sh. 50 ;,33 121. Swansea 100/ sh. :20 3,762 U. Iss. Severn and Wye and Railway -Av 35/. sh. 26; 2,60 ,2 an. 32/. 10s. Treat and Mersey, 1 share 100/. sir. 560 8,149 ... ...... Thames ..11.1 Medway...Aver. 191. ss. Ilid. sh, 2 1,000,11.1 15! Warwick a.ttl Birmingham . 100 /. sh• 250 1,00015 h. j 940 114 Warwiok and Napton lOO4 sh. ISO 6,000 4/. Os. Worcest , r anti Birmingliam...Av.7B4 fis. sh. 81 5,1100 225. Wilts an, Becks .. Average 671. 10s. Bd. sh. 204 800 3!. Wyrley and Essington 1251. sh 75 12f; Wisbeach .. 105/. sh. 45 905 1/. Wey and Arun llOl. sh. 221 DOCKS. 2,600 & 1e e p. e• Commercial OOO4 sh. 55 ,0651} 1.98,607 f/. 6 per ct. East India 3,235,310:4 50s. p.ct. London Stock 53 Ditto Bonds 1,310,000/. 414 p. ct. West India 2.209 21. 19s. Bristol 68,324/. 51. per cent. Ditto Notes, various amounts ll3 1.352,752 4; percent. St. Katharine Stock 90 500,003 4; per cent. Ditto Bonds 200,0(10 4 per cent. Ditto Bonds for 10 years 99 Shoreham 11,tbour 2-500 .... .... Deptford Piet 0 01. sh. 3!. BRIDGES. 1,000 1 0 5. Hammersin.ti. .50/. sh. 221 7,031 Southwark, Old tv 63!. 2s. 3d. sh. 2 1,700 I/. 15s. Ditto, New. of 71 per cent. 5O/. sh. 14 5,000 Waterloo lOOl. sh. 44 5,000 18s. Sd, Ditto, Old Annuities of 21. 6O/. pd 181 5,000 lea. 4d. Ditto, New Ditto of 71 401. pd 154 60,000/. 51. per cent. Ditto Bonds 5,818 14s Vauxhall Average 70/. 104 3d. sh. 17 AS , LRANCF COMPAN:ES. 2,000 3! 1N Albion 500/. sh. 50/ pd SO 50,000 i' s l 3 z V - 5 ; . 1 Alliance, British & Fureign 100/.811. 104/. pd 121 50,000 6 par cent. Ditto, Merine 100/. sh. 5/. pd ill 24,000 41 per sh. Atlas 501. sh. 5!. pd 131 1,000 Ish. 51. Birmingham 1 ire 0 504 sh. 55!. pd 105 2t1,000 4/ per cent. British Fire 12, 0 00 61. per cent. Brit,sh Commercial 504 O. 5/. pd 61 5,000 Ist. per cent. Clerical, MeJt al,&c. Life, 1001 sh. 12/10s pd 4 4,000 ?I :Os County 1004 sh. 10/. pd 42 00,000 ss. Eagle C 5 per m t.? E c onom i c , -, '. lOOOl. sh, 2501. pd 975 =AN) tand 30/ bL S 2,271 21s. per cent. Eurepea.n Lt. • 0 04 sh. all pd 22 30,000 25. Ditto, New OO4 sh. 2!. pd 14 1,000,0094 71. per ct. Globe Stock 143; 00,0(X) 5/. Guardian lOO /. sh. 27 1/ pd 32 ; 40,000 6s. 6d. Hope 504 sh. 51. pd 51 2,400 5/. 7s. 6d. I amercat Fire 5001 sh. 50/. pd 121 7,200 9s. Imperial Lite WO/. sh. 10/. pd 10 i 0,458 44 per cent. Indemnity 31 el ine 1001. sh: 8/. pd 164 2,020 31 les Kee t Fire 50/. sh. all pd 82 31. Ditto Life 10, , '00 16s. Law Life 1001. sh. 101. pd 26 5 000 10s. London, Fire '2sl. sh. lel. 104, pd 151 3,900 10s. Londen, Ship '251. sh. 1•24 10s. pd 151 30,0 0 51. per cent. Palladium ler. 50/. sh. 2/. pd 218 s Os) 5:4,000 l'rotector Fit.: 0 0/. sh. *2l. pd 18s 6d 2,500 U. Provident Li ie lOOl. sh. PM. pd .2o 100,000 ss. Rock Life °O4 sh. 24 pd 64 rt9.1,•110/ 5/. percent. 110yal Excli.titge Stork... 225 0,1100 5 per cent. University ler,: lOO/. sh. 5!. pd 5; 50,000 4 per cent. United Kinelom Life 2/. pd JOINT STUCK BANKS 25,000 8 per cent. Agric and Comm. of Ireland 25/. sh. 10/. pd 14 5,000 A ust ralaeia 404 sh. 40/. pd 534 10,000 11l per cent. Ban; of 130 mingbam 5(l. sh. 10/. pd In 10,000 10 per cent. lin mingharn Bank 5O!. sh. 5/. pd 14 3t,080 5 per cent. Lon Jon and Westminster...loo/ sh. 201. pd 19; 3,000 4 per cent. Lancaster 1001. sh. 201. pd 30 25, 0 00 Liverpool 1001 sh. 10/. pd 171 50,0J0 71 per cent. Manchester and Liverpool} 100/. sh. 151 pd 20 Discount 20,000 7 per cent. Manchester 1004 sh. 25/ pd '27 20,000 Provincial 11 ink of lreland 1004 sh. 25/. pd :04 00, 00 National Bank of Ireland s'l. sh. 174!. pd 13 10,000 5 per cent. National Pr,,vincial Eng. lOO/. sh. 35/. pd 244 :0,000 Gloucestershire 5 Ol sh. 104 pd 20 6,000 10 per cent. Hampshire 5O/. ch. 5/. pd 9 GAS LIGHT AND COKE COMPANIES. 2,500 1! Ss tid Bath 2O/. sh. 101. pd 24 5,000 British 4O/. sh. 164 pd 21 s,non V i a ,0 ) ,, 1 4 ° . It ' s •l Ditto Provincial 20/. sh. 19 pd 231 929 5/ 10s Birmingham 5O/. sh. 94 1,250 2/ 03 Bristol 1,500 3' lOs Brighton 2Ol. sh. 12 750 3/ les Ditto, New '2ol. sh. 181. pd 10 2,471 41 per cent. Brigoton General 9 04 sh. all pd 17 4,000 4/. Continental Cansolidated lOO/. 624/. pd 85 1,000 10/. City 01 London lOO/. sh. all pd 180 1,000 61. Ditto, New 4,000 4/. los. Equitable ... fly , 00 21 per cent. Imperial 5O/. sh. 44 800 5/ per cent. Isle 01 Thatiet 9 5/. sh. '2O/. pd 20 2,350 61. per cent. Independent :01. sh. all pd 49 9,0(10 3!. per cent. Plimnix .... 50/. sh. 39/. pd 22 1,000 4/. per cent. liatcliff 100/. sh. 801. pd 53 4, 1 1 , 9 South Metropolitan s'l. sh. 191. pd 17 1,200 5/. per cent. United General 5O/. sh. 461. pd 25 210 5/. per cent. Warwick 501. sh. 50 , 400 101. per cent Wakefield 12,000 3/. Westminster Chartered 6,000 its. Ditto New 5ll. sh. 104 pd 9 EGO Yarmouth 20/. sh. 18/. pd 9 WATER WDRKS. 4,900 Os. Birmingham 25/. sh. 254 pd 2.1; 1,434 61. East London lOO4 sh. 1401 5,500 21 IN Grand Junction ....Average 41/ 13s. 4d. sh. 51 2,000 2!. Kent 100/. sh. 43 372 10/. Liverpool Bootle 2204 sh. 326 1,500 2! lOs New River London Bridge Water Annuities 58 0,186 1! 15s Manchester and Salford lOO/. sh. 531 1,000 4 per cent. South London 1004 sh. 83 8,294 311. West Middlesex ....Average (i 3/. 128. 9d. sh. 80 1,360 1/ 14s York Building Co. Lessee Prop 100/. sh. 35 IRON RAILWAYS. 6,000 Birmingham and Derby . lO/. pd 24 9,5110 Birmingham and Gloucester 10/ pd if 7,500 Birmingham, Bristol, and Thames Junction 04 15,' 00 Bristol and Exeter 1001. sh. 10 pd 6 4 660 Calcutta and Saugur 5O/. sh. 24 pd 0 4 7,500 Cheltenham and G. Western... 1001. sh. 71/. 5 3,009 Clarence 100!. sh. 100/. pd 40 12,000 8,000 Dublin and Kilkenny lOW sh. 24 pd 0.4 61,000 Eastern Counties 251 sh. V. pd 04 1001. sh. 85/. p 1 165 Grand Junction Great North of England 7l pa 51 25,6)0 Great Western lOOl sh. 45/. pd 54 100/. sh. 1001. pd 100 '2,o'to Hartlepool 51 sh. . 9,000 Hull and S elby 5O!. 14 10,008 Leeds and Manchester ......... 1001. sh. 5/. am 04 d 100 sh. 41 2,100 3/ per cent. Leeds and Selby . 1,500 115 s. i,iLeicesterve.rp.oiaaiii:(lll7 a a n n e n h i e n s g t e t o r n ... . 1 .0( 5 1 01 . . h 5 . h 1 . 00 a 11 . pd pd 2 74 5,100 10 10 per c c e e n n t t .. Ditto Quarter Shares 25/. pd 61 100/. sh. 5/ pd le 10,000 London and Brighton 45,000 Ditto ditto (Gibbs') ...201. sh. 11. pd 04 16,000 Ditto ditto (Ren.nie)...so4 sh. 31. pc( 1 ° e,O tO Ditto ditto (Cundy)...lool. sh. Si, pd oi 12,000 London and Blackwall 50/. sh. 3! pd 20,000 3 per cent. London and Greenwich 204 sls. '2Ol. pd 130 '25,000 Londo n and Birmin g ham ...100/. sh. 90'.4d 13o * 20,000 London anti Southampton 5Ol. sh. 40/, pd 21 7 . 000 .... ..... London and Croydon Trunk 204 sh. 204 pd 141 10,000 I'2ooo London Grand Junction 5 1 Manchester and Birmingham 5(4 sh. .sh 5 5 1 4 p P 4 I L 1001. sh. ... s 2 h ss II ikh . . 1...0 1 1031207 1 .i: sp p pp app: d iddd., North Midland Northern and Eastern lOOl. eh. 6/. pd 0/ 2,600 Preston and Wyre 24; 2 ; 29,000 South Eastern and Dover 1,000 10/. per cent. . yr s o t i ,orack. Westminsterk, , a t e o ns Stockton Haven aNllodratDnhdarlington 9,000 A G fi r d e la e l n id wic so ll l. 1,400 6,000 MINES. 8,000 Albion Copper 5/. sh. 341. pd 12 4,000 11. sa. Allen 151. bll . 121. lOs ad 101 10,000 ... Ditto Subscription .9..54 pa 4 2,000 Itl. Bolanos , 150/. eh all pd 85 10,000 14 10s Brazilian Imp. iss. 5/. pm 35/.611. 204 pd 261 6,01 , 0 Macaubas & Cocaes United...2s/. sh. 231/. pd 8 11,000 Ditto St. John Del Rey 20/. sh. 01. pd 21 10,000 Bolivar Copper Company '2Ol. sh. 201. pd 5 10,000 ......... Ditto Scrip. . . IN. sh. Si. pd 6 20,001 British Iron .501. sh. WV pd 361 6,000 British Copper 5!. sh. 44/. pd 1 1 Cata Branca.... 94 pd 64 Candonga 761. pd 61 10,000 114 Copiapo 2O/. sh 121/ pd 14 8,500 Columbian, iss. 5/. pm. 2,850 3/. English pmGßoeeeianxbleeidcrrae,Lonliu'eAcclii:on:liiniiiLAyssociation...2o/.152111.11C51. pd 22 22 7; 20,000 0,155 lOO/. sh 551/. pd 01 3,000 10L 'll lso Bl l ' . ' P ai d 112 1 .1 11,500 te ° , ls Unregistered Ditto Loan Notes 30,000 United Mexican, iss. 2pm ....404 sh. all pd li Dit•ts Scrip Ditto New Scrip 50/. sh. 50/. p West Cork 5/ pd ld 381 LITERARY INSTITUTIONS. 1,000 London, with Bronze Ticket 75gs. sh. 201 1,500 London University 100/. sh. all pd 23; 700 ..... .... Russell 0 5gs. sh. 9 King' College lOW. pd 28 MISCELLANEOUS. 10,000 15s. Australian Agricultural....lool, sh 2141. pd 31 6,000 41. per cent. British American Land Company 23/. pd 12; 10,000 61 per cent. Canada Company 101)1. sh. 241. pd 33; 200,000 5!. per cent. Upper Canada Loan 9B City Bonds, 4 per cent lOl 15,000 1/. 6s. General Steam Navigation ...151. sh. 13/. pd 23 101. per cent. Hudson's Bay Stock 2,000 11. London Coin. Sale Rooms Av. 751. sh. 19 8,000 Caoutchouc Company .25/. sh. 21/. pd 14 New Brunswick Land Company 431. pd II 2,75-4 5/. per cent. Reversionary I nterestSoc...loo/. sh. 100/. I'd 125 2,633 51. per cent. Ditto New 100/. sh. 70/. pd 85 4,00(1 Thames Tunnel - 50!. sh, all pd 74 10,000 6s. Van Die .ner.'s Land lON. sh. 171. pd 114 LIST OF SCOTTISH COMPANIES' PRICES. JULY 6, 1837. BANKS. 1 r,00,00-2. Np. ct. Bank of Scotland 551. OsPll.. sh a si - t. all ll plaid 11:9:71/.. 2 , 000,0 X!. 51 p. ct. Royal of Scotland 1c 500,01(1. Bp. ct. British Linen Company 10 si 0i i .s:11 1 . 00, 4111: d d c 21 73 651: / 3,000,0)01. 6/. p. ct. Commercial 5OOl 5 100!. sh. 10/. pd 15:-/. 2,(;().9 "5 ' ,O,VI. GI p. eq. ‘' Glasgow 'ti°na i Union 2 , 50/. sh. 50/. p d 1-tii. 3 3 . 4 000 91.01 4p. ct. Western of Scotland 2001. sh 30/. pd 38/. INSURANCE COMPANIES. 25',.00050 fli p. et. Scottish Union >ill/. sh. 1/. pd . 2.5 s -- ,50 0 61 p. ct. Hercules lOO/. sh. 101. pd 13/ 15s. 111(,1100 sp. et. Insurance Co. of Scotland -JO/. sh. all NI 811. 50,000 6p. ct. North British 2001, sh. 101. pd 1:.1. 1,000 sp. et. Caledonian Fire 190/. sh. 10/. pi 16/ 5t 5,090 6p. ct. Edinburgh I Ate 100/. sh. 10/. p,l 14/ iOs 100,000 31 p. et. West ol Scotland ........................ 10/. pd 710 s MISCEI.L.kNE4) US 4,510 Edin. and Glas Un. o=l_so/. at. all pd 22/. Ditto Allocated 9c/. ,h. all pd 051. 5,400 5 per cent. Elinb..Joint !i:tock water 25/. sh. ll pd 351 Carron Iron Company 250/. at. all pd , s'. 2,00050 15 per cent. Stotts Iron Founaery 501. sh 3 , /. pd 4517 10,000 3 per cent. Eninburflli & Leith Gl ass . ...vO/ . a t . 101 . pd S/. 4,500 •10 per cent. Edinburgh Coal Gas 251.5 h all pd 52i ... .... 4,450 10 per cent. Glasgow - Gas sh. all pd 611 7 3 } per cent. Leith Coal Gas 20/. sh, all pd 411. 1,206 Edinburgh end Dalkeith Railway...sol.sh. 551. 3,000 5 per eget, Equitable Loan Company 254 oh. 11l pd 104 NEW PROCESS FOR EXTRACTING GOLD. Extract of a letter from St. Petersburgh, of the 4th 16th) of June . . " I enclose an article on gold washing from our St. Pe tersburg paper, which you will find interesting. It may have resulted from a desire, on the part of the higher autho rities, to satisfy public curiosity, so much excited on this subject, without their being actually compromised by the opinions given ; the latter are not altogether consistent. There is no doubt, that where abundance of fuel exists, there the new mode will be most lucrative, and even turf may, by some new process, become a substitute for wood in other districts. The main fact, as to the results, is such as I before communicated to you, but it will, I apprehend, be some years, at any rate, before we obtain such an influx of gold from Siberia as to affect the value of this metal." (From the Commercial Gazette, June 13, 1837. The discoveries recently made in the assaying of aurife rous sands excite so much attention, that it is necessary to give the public some correct information on this important subject. Last year, at the mines of Zlatooust, the Finance Mi nister had some experiments carefully executed on the auriferous sands according to the different processes for the extraction of gold by lavage, amalgamation, and the humid method in which the sand is treated with acids. While performing these experiments, Colonel Amesshoff, of the corps of Mining Engineers, and head of the Zlatooust establishment, conceived the happy idea of smelting the sand in order to extract the iron, it having been hitherto supposed that the gold existed only in oxide of iron, mixed with the debris of other substances which compose aurife rous sands. The principal results of the experiments, compared with the old methods of assaying the sands, were that the amalgamation produced eight times more gold than the la vage, or washing process, the humid treatment by acids one hundred times more, and the smelting of 2,800 puds of sand to extract the iron, twenty-nine times more gold. The serious attention of the Board of Mines was called to these extraordinary results, and it was ordered that similar experiments on the metallic riches of the sands should be made in all the gold-washing establishments be longing to the Crown. The attention of the chiefs of those establishments has accordingly been directed to the different circumstances which deserve a particular examination, with respect to scientific and technical points, as to economical considerations. The experiments extend to the chains of the Ural and the Altai mountains, but not to the Sayanes, where rich beds of auriferous sands have recently been dis covered along the river Birussa, as those are all worked by private individuals: By these experiments we shall be enabled to ascertain with precision both the true nature of the sands in their dif ferent situations, a circumstance essential to the establish ment of just conclusions, and the best means of deriving advantage from this discovery, particularly the degree in which those means may be employed with respect to ex penses and local resources. It is therefore impossible to draw by anticipation any decisive conclusion on this subject, To lay down, however, some preliminary data may not be altogether without advantage. 1. The amalgamation of sand is an operation of great difficulty from the immense quantity of quicksilver which it requires, and the treatment by the humid method on a great scale with acids is not practicable. Here it is to be remarked that the experiments have led to the opinion that gold exists not only in the oxide of iron, but is also dispersed in imperceptible particles throughout the whole mass of the stones which compose the sand. Thus it would be neces sary to treat the whole of that mass, unless in this respect some new discovery should be made. 2. Attention is, therefore, more particularly directed to the smelting of the sands. It is, however, impossible to think of treating by this method the entire mass of the sands which are at present submitted to lavacre ; because, in order to extract 400 puds of gold, which - is about the an nual amount of the produce of the washings, in the imperial and private establishments, it is necessary to treat not less than 160,000,000 of puds of sand, which would require more than 500 large furnaces. Now without reckoning the expense of the construction of such furnaces, the neces sary number of workmen could not be found for them, nor the quantity of wood to supply them with fuel. Besides too abundant an extraction of gold would produce deprecia tion of the value of that metal. It results from what has, been said that the main object should be to concentrate, with as little loss as possible, the mass which contains the gold, so as to be able to confine the operation to the smelt ing of a small quantity. 3. It appears,- however, possible, in spite of all thew difficulties, to augment moderately the produce of gal, with, on the other hand, an important advantage, consist— ing in this, that the working of the sands will have a long er duration than was expected, in consequence of the number and extent of the beds being naturally limited. But this que!tion is in a great measure subordinate to the results which the experiments now in progress may present, as, well to the nature of the sands as to the best mode of: extracting the gold. In a great number of localities, par - - ticularly in Siberia, smelting cannot be practised on accauatt of the deficiency of labourers and of forests, as well as of the difficulty of the distant conveyance of materials. It is even probable that in places where smelting is practi cable, the expenses will prove heavier than those occasioned by lavage, which, however, will be compensated by the in— crease in the quantity of „old extracted ; so that if the ex— penses be greater, the profits will augment in a proportionE still more considerable. abboothutsiade h s u b n y dr a ed ina k eh et it i ie n a le t n o g o tl , s , ONE OF THE WONDERS OF THE AGE.—W e have operation.ey This extraordinary i nvention enables a person to l eng th of paper requ i red for any number of copies of print off n a work or a public journal, with out a single stop, and with abneednt w sh o o f w e n et a w s i h d e e r p o r f inted paper on with out the assistance of any person except one to put in the rags at the extremity of, the machine. The work comes out entire , and complete. This wonderful operation is effected by the' placing of the types on stereotype plates on the surface of two' cylinders, which are connected with the paper-making ma— chinery. The paper, as it issues from the mill enters in as properly moistened state between the rollers, which are evenly inked by an ingenious a p paratus, and emerges in a printed form- The number of copies can be measured off by the yard or tails', according to the demand or the supply of the " raw ma*.eria)." The work which we have seen from this press is " 'Robinson Crusoe," and consists of one hundred and sixty duodecimo pages. All that is necessary for a man to do going int.) • paper mill, is to take off his shirt, hand it to the devil, who officiates at one extremity, and have it come out " Robinson Crusoe" at the other. Mr. Thomas French, of Utica, is the , inventor. —American Sun. Whins are generally viewed, in the North of Scot land, as being of little or no use in feeding cattle. This is s great mistake. If properly managed they are most nutritious ; and, in so far as milch cows are concerned, they are, perhaps, more valuable than anything else that can be given them. The NEW FLAT GOLD WATCHES. The price in gold ease s , w ith vert i cal movement ......... R 7 7 ° Ditto, with well-finished h or i zonta l movement, in double bottomed engine -turned cases, jewelled in four holes, with silver dial ... g 0 T. COX SAVORY, Working Silversmith and Jeweller, 47, Cornhill, London. N.B. fhe Horizontal Construction is particularly recommended for its superior accuracy. BIRTHS. On the Ist inst., in Soho-square, Mrs. M'Kinlay, of a son. On the 30th u lt., i n L ower G rosvenor -street, Mrs. Sokheb7,•, r a son. On the 29th ult., at Bridport, the lady of Joseph Gundry„ jun., Esq., of a son. On the 31st ult., in I-Linde-street, Manchester-square, the lady of the Rev. S. Paynter, of a still-born son. On the 30th ult., in Mansfield-street, the Marchioness of Sligo, of a daughter. On the 31st ult., the lady of Archdeacon Hollingsworth, of a so"' On the 28th ult., at Brussels, the lady of M. G. Benson, Es 3.? Lukeryck Hall, Shropshire, of a daughter. MA RR lED. On the ht inst., at St. Marylebone Church, by the Rev. Vd: ward Johnstone, Henry William Hayes, Esq., of the Regent's-r.re'. to Ann Ilenriette, only daughter of Hugh Boyd, Esq., of 111:1 1 r castle, County Antrim, Ireland. On the 24th ult., at St. George's, Hanover-square, Sir Rielaar4 Hunter, of Brighton, to Frederica Emma, youngest daughter a the late C. Bishop, Esq., of Sunbury, Middlesex. On the 29th ult., at Kennington, William, youngest son of the late Captain George Owen, of the Hon. East India Conspe4s Service, to Mary Ann, e ld est d aughter of the late Captain J. • Goater, of the Ist er N. H. Militia. On the 27th ult., at Chertsey, Surrey, Richard Collye , : , Esq.? of Parkhurst, Ch o bh am, S urrey, to Emma, third daugb' ter of U• La Costa Esq., of th e f ormer place. At Bath, Richard Thomas Gore; Esq., of Queen-snuai..e, son °I the late R. Gore, Esq., of Lumville, in the Kin's County, in land, to L ou i sa , d aughter of E. Armstrong, Esq,., of tl , ,e ° Grenada. On the 31st ult., Mr. Samuel Shuttleworth, of nroad-street,, Clara, eldest daughter of the late Col. A. Hind., of the Hon. India Company's Artillery, Bengal. On tho 29th ult., at St. Dlam y's, Islington, Mr. Joseph Wheelie 4 ; of Suffolk-street, so li c it or , to S op hi a, eldest daught er o f C . llNie e Hill, Esq., of Canonbury-tower. On the 21 s t u lt., at P u ddl etown, W. Pollard, Esq., t o Em :11f youngest daughter of the late B. Mason, Esq. DIED. Suddenly, on Saturday evening last, the 29th ult., at Uabr4 i g * Thomas Mellish, Esq., of B ishopsgate-street, aged 64. On the 31st ult., at Bevis Hill, n ear S out h ampton, Laurgo ' th, youngest. daughter of the late Hon. 'l'. W. Coventry, an d nib e the late Earl of Coventry. On the 31st ult.. at Earl's -court, Kensington, Ann, relict "'I Bit kett, Esq., of Holies street, Cavendish -square, aged 59. .rza- On the 29th ult., Orbell Ray Oakes, Esq., of Bury St. sounds, aged 70. On the 31st ult., a t Dorking, Mary, eld es t surviving d au. 'ter of J. T. 'Wilson, Esq., of South-street, Finsbury. On the 30th ult., Isabella, wife of the Rev, H. R. Quartl of Wolverton, Bucks. London: P r i n t e d an d P u b lished by MURDO YOUNG . , of " 74; 112, Strand, at The Sun Office, No. 11'), Strand, in t,be OW - of Middlesex._Wednesday, August 2, 1837.