The Sun. — London, England, 1852-11-12 00:00:00

and on the very last oocasion on which he addressed them to speak of him in those terms, but because. as one perhaps of the older members of their Lordships' House, he (the Noble Marquis) remembered the time of the whole of the Noble Duke's military and Parlia mentary career. (Cheers.) It had struck him ((he Noble Marquis) that he stood in a somewhat peculiar position in addressing them upon this subject, for it might not be known to many of their Lordships—for there were not many living who could recollect the cir cumstance—but forty-six or forty-s.ven years ago—then parliamentary life—he was a young man in official and pefmitted and authoriz=d by his colleagues of that time, to call upon the other Howe to do justice to the me mory, and to provide for the family of one of the greatest heroes that ever lived, and with whom alone in the military history of this country, the Noble Duke was to be compared. (Cheers.) It was in 1807 that, at a moment of great difficulty, and at a great crisis in the military affairs of this nation—the country was condemned by the stroke of fate to lose the services of the greatest admiral that ever distinguished this country and who had fallen— --From his high estate, And welt'ring in his blood." (Cheers,) There was then, as now, b u t one unan i mous foaling on the subject; but when ho (the Noble Marquis) addressed the Rinse of C enmoni both he and those whom he addressed were bat imperfecly aware that at the very moment when that great man who had raised the naval power of this courrry to It 3 highest pinnacle of perfection and glory was lying dead, there was rising in the east another man w h o was destined to perform the same great service to the army of England, and whose unremitting energy and great practiced skill were after wards to assert the dignity of this country, and to esta blish that character which the British army—as well under his peaceful command as under his military career—had never since forfeited. (Loud cheers.) Such were these two great men. Differing undoubtedly from each other in various details of their characters, they resembled each other in all that was excellent and noble. Both directed their attention to one gr e at object—neither of them was indifferent (as who was ?) to the praise of others, but neither ever allowed that praise to divert him for a moment from the service of his country, the honour of the crown, and the safety of the people. (Lead cheers.). He (the Noble Marquis) felt proud, and any man might feel proud, to have lived with such contemporaries. (Cheers.) Ho had been reminded of that expression which was to be found in one of the most English poets we had, when he adverted to the great inland his own time . . Speaking of the character of Eng and of Englishmen, he aid that it was enough for him .g That Chatham's language was his mother tongue, And Wolfe's great name compatriot with his own." (Loud cheers.) He (the Noble Marquis) felt proud, and he thought an Englishman ought to feel proud of his times and of his country, when he had lived to see in the same age such men and such actions directed to the public good. (Great cheering.) In selecting these great men as the glory of our age and of our time, he did not mean to overlook the fact, that daring the sums period there had arisen genius of another kind—that the arts and scienc-s had not been dormant, but that men of great capacity, industry, and intelli gence, had essentially contributed to the prosperity and wealth of the country. But let them recollect when they were called upon to do honour to the head of the mili tary profession. that that prosperity and that wealth would cease to be secure unless it was protected. (Loud cheers.) For, be it remembered, that to whatever pitch or height the manufacturing and commercial industry of this country might be raised, and whatever accumula tion of capital might find its way to our shores, that capital and that industry would disappear at once, and instead of attracting the eye, would attract the rapacity of the world. if it was for a moment supposed to be de fenceless. (Loud cheers.) Let them be assured that, in the present state of the world, and in that state in which it must long continue to remain, it was not merely to industry, science, and art, or to anything of a pacific character, that they could long look for the glory and safety of the Crown and of the realm, unless they made up their minds to protect it efficiently, and to show that we were not only the most industrious but one of the most powerful nations in the world. (Cheers.) He had thought it right to say so much, and be associated these observations with the names of men who, in his opinion, had done more than any men ever had done to bring forth and to strengthen the power and efficacy of our resources. (Loud cheers.) He did not think himself called upon to dilate more particularly upon the actions of the illustrious man whom we bad lost. If that were requisite he should wish to leave the task to noble lords of greater eloquence and ability; but he did not conceive that it was at all necessary, for these actions had taken their places in the history of the world—they were pre sent in all our minds—they were familiar to all recollec tions, and they were engraven upon all men's hearts. (Loud cheers.) He (the Noble Marquis) was not inclined to enter upon the various topics which had been so care folly introduced into the royal speech, that lee did not sup pose the house would have t pronounce any distinct opi nion upon them. He certainly could have wished there had been a less faltering declaration of the views of her Ma jesty's Government with respect to those great questions of commercial policy which had been alluded to. After the time which had elapsed, after all the experience they had had, and after all the facts and the arithmetic whirh had been brought forward since the question had first come before them, ke should have thought that not only the country, but her Majesty's Government, might have been able to form an opinion on the suajeot. (Cheers.) Aiding himself in the construction of the speech by the remarks of the noble Marquis. he thought that her Ma jesty'e Government had at length been satisfied that what they now called the " recent legislation," had had its fair share in producing the prosperity of the country. (Cheers.) Perhaps they did n t wish, as the officers of the ship, to be the first to abandon her; and they had the gallant feeling that when the ship was sinking, they ought to be the last seen on deck. (Cheers-) He did not see any desire to keep the ship afloat: he did not see any desire, either in that House or the country, to en• courage them to stand by what was called the good old cause. He sties ready to take admissions in any way, direct or indirect admissions, admissions by insinuation or admission by hint; they were all equally valuable, coming as they did in different shapes and in different degrees, from most, if not all, of the leading persons in and out of that House, who had for years advocated protection. He hoped ho was not mistaken in supposing that her Majesty's Ministers entertained the view not only that the Free-trade legislation had been attended with the happiest eff-cts, but that it was necessary to pursue that legislation in the same spirit end on the same principle. and then they would be entitled to the support of every man in the country who had advocated free trade. He did not wish to enter into discussion as to the details of the question. Other opportunities would arise. He bad heard with great satisfaction of the-support which had been given for the last two or three years byethe Government of Brazil to the efforts for the suppression of the slave trade, and that in conse quence our Government had been enabled to suspend their restrictive measures. There was no amendment so great as that which sprung from a Government itself be coming convinced of the duty it owed to the cause of humanity. That was one of the objects to which he attached great importance, and one which he knew would give great satisfaction to the country. Lord BROUGHAM said upon the subject of the slave trade, and the other subjects to which his noble friend had adverted, he entirely agreed with him that they could better discuss them on a future occasion. It might be misconstrued if he were not to say a word on that at once glorious and painful topic to which the Noble Lord had adverted. There would have been no risk in foretelling that when this day unhappily should come, when he whose loss they all deplored was no more, every whisper of detraction would be hushed, and one voice would reverberate throughout the kingdom to ac knowledge his transcendent merits. The result had sur passed expectation. All classes of his fellow citizens, all descriptions of persons, without distinction of rank, or of sect, or of party, at home and abroad, the countries he served, the allies he saved, the adversaries he encoun tered, partly on a just recollection of benefits, partly on a generous oblivion of differences, had all joined in one unbroken, uninterrupted accord to acknowledge his transcendent merits, not the merit of genius merely,— not that which deezn d men—his extraordinary and almost marvellous fortune ; but, what he placed first and f oremost i n this great character, and that which was worthy to be ever held up for the attention as well as the admiration of mankind, his great public virtue, the con stant self-denial, the constant abnegation of all selfish feeling, that distinguished his whole career, and which never for one instant interfered with that strict, rigor ous, and constant discharge of his duty, whatever station he might be called upon to fulfil. (Cheers) He had a right to say that this public virtue was even more to be revered than his genius and good fortune were to be art- Zorered. Deeply . as they now felt his loss, they wield yet sensibly feel it. He entirely agreed with the noble 'll;rastrthaenci the noble seconder of the address in interfere Y said as to our having no right whatever to We had il:tith the internal affairs of other countries. lion which right to complain of any institu ruler e t t iont ae t t' might have adopted, or to disparage any them, but uobte7 had chosen to set in authority over that we lay,undeerds would forgive him also for adding words rather no obligation whatever to regard the our own Govern ment " sets of any Government, be it help thinking that h e : any other. And he could not frotire elsewhere, where there was a rational desire for Ile leasing, by vided for that nnspeck,Z , b 4 mighty security was pro being allowed among the trot "entity free discussion he was bound to admit, that ° tg le °n all subjects. Now, by whatever prevented free Bias was impaired upon whatever subject a . or an • cussion, and whate Y measures to a certain degree inep e i red v a way. Those rity of freeel,)m. They might b e perfee nt great secu , s they mi ht be right Or they might e s wren itY just, they Dug ' ceseary to prevent ght be absolutely be mischief, or the might be absolutely impotent to prevent it. wi th, Y have Co possible concern ; that we had and could s wholly and entirely it :as no business of ours ; it w s a b bystanders , as spe c tators, to us. We are bound, BY but to lament, that m 94,110111 n to interfere, not even to o bject, .the policy of any foreign statge should have happened in which in any way lessene d that protection. H e did not fear the revival of war. hopedete further, and even and trusted that all such days w ere f a r distant ; be went said he beli eve d th ere would be none. Nevertheless, it was our right, it was our bounden dut y, to take all such s h o uld fully and measures, and all s uch precautions, . t - effectually s erve f or our defence against ' s hould it on we happily occur. (Hear hear.) And not only should discharge our duty to by so doing, but we should re nder a very proper tribute that great man whose l oss we now deplo re—that tribute which be himself would , praised—if we promptly and strenuously se t about fol lowing the advice which he so often and so urgently THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, NOVEMBER 12, 1652. the agricultural and manufacturing labourers, more especially of the manufacturing labourers, is to be attributed to that legislation, combined with other causes, which has given to them the advantage of cheap and abundant food, and which, at the same time, other circumstances have prevented from being accom panied by those concomitant evils which we undoubtedly apprehended. If your Lordships ask me what are those other circumstances to which I refer as baying netvra lizEd the injurious effects of, while permitting to come into full operation the advantages to be derived from, that system of policy which made the provisions of the' people cheap and abundant, I do not hesitate to say that I concur in a great measure in what fell from my Noble Friend behind me, and in thinking that two causes have had a material effect on the result, viz., the extensive discoveries and production of gold in different parts of the world ; and the emigration which, partly arising from those discoveries of gold, and from other induce. , ments, has taken place to an enormous extent, and to a still increasing extent, in the course of the last two years. (Cheers.) But it certainly was an apprehension which I entertained, and which I am happy to find from various causes has not been realized, but which was until very lately entertained by a great body of those who are acting with me—that a fall in the price of provisions, other things being as they were, would lenci to a corresponding, or to a more than corresponding, reduction in the raw of wages. I think that is s proposition which may be theoretically made clear, and which, but for the circumstances to which I am al- tutting, might perhaps hare been practically proved to deinonatration (Hear, hear.) And here 1 may say— though I may have read an erroceous report—that I read with considerable surprise a statement attributed the other day to a Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Macaulay) whom I rejoice to find in a such a state of health as to be enabled again to devote his talents to public life, and in whose brilliant capacity I think the New House of Commons will have made a great acquisition. The statement of which I speak is in a speech, the eloquence of which I greatly admired, although a considerable portion of that speech was directed, and in a manner hardly worthy the Right Hon. Gentleman's talents, against myself, and against those with whom I act ; and I must say that if that speech is correctly reported, I am compelled to give the Right Hon. Gentleman greater credit for the brilliance of his oratory than for the soundness of his judgment. [The Noble Earl here pre ceded to reply toMahlacaulay'a argument, that inasmuch as wages were high in Ohio, and yet provisions were cheap, the Protectionist theory was erroneous, by say ing that between a thinly inhabited and virgin soil country like that of Ohio, and a thickly populated highly farmed country like England, there could be no rational comparison, England (added the noble earl) could only be compared with England herself, and in the past cir cumstances of England would be found facts sufficient to justify the former apprehensions of the protectionist party. He then returned to his general argument.] The circumstances of the country, then, have been widely altered by the two important causes, I have enumerated. In the first place, the large production, and the increas ing production, of gold must not only have its effects to a certain extent on the money prices of all articles of commerce, but by making money cheap and abundant and consequently the rate of interest low, it enables the employers of labour to make exertions they otherwise could not have made, and so to furnish an amount of employment which throws the balance in favour of labour, by diminishing the apparent number of the com petitors for employment. But beyond, and independent of this, you must look to the emigration which has been going on during these last two years. I hold in my hand a return of that emigration, and I find that, taking England and Ireland together, there have emigrated from this country in 1850, 220,000 persons ; in 1851, 273,000 persons ; and in 1852, 305.000 persons—making a total in three years of 830,000 persons, most of them, be it remembered, being in the prime of life, and all of them being competitors in the labour market. Don't suppose that this emigration has taken place exclusively from Ireland, I will show that it has not. Of course Liverpool must to a certain extent be left out of the calculation e for though the returns include it as an English port, nine-tenths of the emigaatton pro ceeding thence is Irish. But assuming that of the emi grants sailing from( Liverpool, only one -tenth are Eng lish, that is, 18,000 out of 187,000 persons, we find that there has emigrated from England alone in the list year a body of 80,000 persons. It is impossible, then, but that these two circumstances combined, the large amount of gold discovered, making money cheap, and rendering the means of employment easy—and, on the other hand, the concurrent diminution of the number of competitors in the home labour market—must have had the effect of keeping up the rate of wages of the labouring classes, and thereby so altering the state of affairs contemplated in all parties' calculations as in a great degeee to pre vent the occurrence of those evils which, but for those mitigating circumstances, would have attended the fall in the prices of provisions. (Cheers.) But, my Lords, in reviewing the results of the new system of commer cial policy, working, as it does, more advantageously for the working classes than .we had anticipated. I am bound to look, not so much to th e causes, but to the practical results themselves—to the facts as I find them, produced as those facts have been b y a variety of causes, some of which were never calculated on by any party. (Cheers.) And I am bound to look altso to the deliberate expres sem of the opinions and oi: the feelings of the country. (Cheers.) When at the *early part of the last Session of the last Parliament I ha d, most unexpectedly, the hon our of addressing your Le edships from the place (the Ministerial benches.) In ow stand at, I stated that it would be my desire to be enabled to conduct the busi- Inas of the country throu.gh the Session then in progress without any reference to those important questions upon which a difference of opi Won prevailed with regard to legislation—that that mu st be a point referred to the deliberate consideration o f the country, as it would be tested by the results of •the general election—that by the results of that gen,aral election I and my col leagues were prepared t o abide—and that we should abstain, unless we should t hen have the full sanction and support of a large majorit 37 of the country, from propos ing even those measures v rhich we ourselves in our pri vate judgment might dee m the most advantageous for the empire. My Lords, le iat appeal to the country has • been made; and I have rto hesitation in saying to your Lordships that, with rep' rd to any imposition of any duty on corn, or on oche r provisions of first necessity, not only is there not that large majority, without which I declared I would submkt no such proposition to the consideration of Parliame , et; but that the country, by a very large and very and moubted majority, including a very considerable number of the representatives of agri cultural districts themselv 'Es, have declared that whether desirable or not it might b vave been as a matter of policy, yet that in the present st. rte of the country they are de termined not to go back f tom that system of legislation which has been establishe Kl, and that they will not con sent to the imposition of o a ty tax on the introduction of articles of provision. toad cheers.) My Lords, I think that question meanie t t with it the whole financial policy of the country. It; might have been possible to have adopted the system o f free trade, as it is commonly called, and to have mad( a these particular articles ex• ceptions from that systems but it is not possible to lay down a system of policy b, y which you would have free trade in corn and provision s , and by whieh you would not follow up as far as possible the same system with regard to the other principal net :I masities of life. If I under stand that which is inten eled to be said by the com mon expression " free tre ele," I understand it to mean this—that you will not i impose a tax for the purpose of the protection of in d ividual or local interests; that you a ill impose a tax for the purpose of revenue and for revenue only; and that in the imposition of taxes for revenue you a have especial reference to lightening the burdens wh it di may be impied on these articles which mainly mete r into the consumption of the great mass of the people.. (Loud cheers.) Now my Lords, in that system I sm much advantage; but Ido not deny that I see much (difficulty and future embar rassment. I see great p r esent advantages; but I am not sure—and God grant that I may be wrong—that that system may not lead t. o future embarrassment, by the necessary consequence: a of the complete change in our whole financial systeo . But I do not hesitate to say that after the opinion which has been pronounced by the people, whatever nit f, y be the views of myself and of my friends as to what N v ould have been a desirable policy, I see that a concurs v 'nce of the majority in such a policy is in itself imprac icable; and that, if it were practicable, it would still b undesirable to raise such a question for controversy among large classes of the people. (Loud cheers) On the part, then, of myself and of my colleagues, I sas f that I bow to the decision of the country. (Loud cheer se) And having so bowed, I declare, on their part and on mine, that—while desirous to the utmost of our pow. er to mitigate that inevitable injury which the adoption of the free-trade policy has inflicted on important cite oes—l do not adopt that po licy with any reserve wha lever. I adopt it frankly as the decision of the count' era, and honestly and fairly I am pr. pared to carry it t mt. (Loud cheers.) I hope that the Noble Marquis a .nd other Noble Lords will see, after I have said thus in Etch, that there has not been any faltering or hesit• stir n in declaring our intention to to the country. It iv( mid -obviously be improper for me, on the present OCCO :ion, to enter into any detail of t i measures classes h w a li v i . )cl3 ;spokenv r:e believe of h a e y i f n b j injury r yto mitigated_the par ticular mitigated, we believe, without interfering with the I to suchgeneral d e ec a t s ed that I should now ;of But I have ato satialact.on stating to your tails it wall enter. desa t not l o 'i a bad exp and the f c o o n u e n tarhyo short fortnight— (Laughter)—on r h t n a i v g e h t the patience f p t s o , thatwait forif ytoht: period (Laughter)—on the pi art of her of the Exchequer Majesty Government, my Right Hon. Friteat I the Chancellor financial measures which, liament, in full detai J., those financial Majesty's Govern in the present state of affairs , will be prepared to 111 my befor e the other House of Par liament, any opinion. t ment are prepared e recommend.(toaruogbhhtiepro.)wilynatoi. stain from expressing or pronoun cing that period shall arri re, I trust your trust that your Lord: ships and I trust that you will give adm 'liberate and dispa ss i o nate conside rationrward You will at all eve nts hear the views her Majesty's ( tovernment ent ertain ; to the measur' us we may bring ,o • may—or the other H use of Parliament may—dissent from our views, or th et' may adopt them. I f they dis sent, and think fit to act on that dissent. they ma y —if they can collect among themselves a sufficient ',umber of gentlemen ready t deal with this subject, and in a different way, and re a, ly to deal with the other subjects in which the great in. ts nests of the country are concerned —they may in that c' ass m prevent the adoption of the policy which—without an 7 I lifferonce of opinion among them —without any hes; itat ion subsequent to the decision of the last general elemeti on—the Government deliberately adopted. But I belt' there will be that good sense and that moderation he Pa element that they will not sacri ifincepethrseognarel ec a r ti r nle ,restsof the nation for the purpose of points., or for the purpose of indulging i minations or individual accusations. I h ra o i p s e in a g n prs d e lb o e n i a;l , e ve that on all sides of the House there will prevail tb at spirit of which we see so satisfactory sad hOlioartibl ewn inatauoe is the speech to-n i g h t of the Natiio Marquis—a spirit which will induce members of Parliament to look at great subjects of national import ance—not through the medium of this or that section or party, and not through the medium of private interests; but that they will look at them as that great man we have so lately lost would have looked at them, through the medium of that which would, on the whole, be for the advantage of the great interests of the country, of those interests of which not a Ministry alone, bat of which both Houses of Parliament are the natural reposi tories. On that point, my Lords, I need say no more. With regard to the question on which I have dwelt so long, I have frankly stated that we will endeavour as honestly to carry out that policy to which we formerly objected, as far as we had been the authors of that policy; and, on the other hand I say as distinctly, that I will abstain from no effort which, in my judgment, and in that of my colleagues, may be calculated to lessen the inevitable injury inflicted on those who suffer from the effects of that policy the nation has finally adopted. (The Noble Earl resumed his seat amid general cheering.) The Address was then adopted. On the motion of the First Minister, Lord Redesdale was re-appointed Chairman of Committees of their Lordships' House. Their Lordships then (at a quarter to eight) ad journed. peaded on the discretion or the decision of Ministers what tone might be taken. or what turn might be given, to the discussion on the Address, because Minis ters, being responsible for the Speech, having the selec tion of the topics contained in tt, having the choice of the friends who were to expound the policy of the Go vernment, and knowing the desire of the House to be iriormpd of the views - of the Government respecting _ the condition of the country, the state of toreign relations, and the policy to be adopted at home, there could be no amendment proposed to the ad dress, or angry discussion take place, unless there was some omission of matters on what the House decired to bo informed, or some statement of policy which it might be deemed desirable to oppose. It was under these cir cumstances that he rose to complain somewhat of the Address which had been moved that evening. He did not say that he complained of much that was contained in it. There were in it matters which spoke for them selves, facts on which they all agreed, and in which he rejoiced. First of all he might speak of the reference made to what he might term the national bereavement; and he was sure that the House would respond to every thing which related to that great man, that great mind, which had left them, with the greatest cordiality and the deepest emotion. (Hear, hear.) But there were some other matters of deep interest to the country at large, and on which it had been anxiously looking for some informa tion on that occasion. They had met there at a very un usual season; and thore was not a man assembled there, and hardly a mita in the country, who hsd not in- quired wh;reicra they were assembled. The circum , stances were so notorious under which the last par liament was dissolved, and under which the presen , one was assembled, that it was hardly needfu. For him to refer to them ; but in order for him to estab lish the ground on which be intended to complain o what ho considered deft ctive information in the speech it was necessary just to mention what occurred ; and this brought him back to the formation of the present Government. It was well known that when the Go vernment acceded to power, there was an avowal on the part of the new minister that he held opinions which he was not willing to abandon, and which he admitted were at variance with those of the majority of the House of Commons. (Cheers.) That minister—he alluded to the first minister of the Crown—admitted the justice of the doctrine, that it was not constitutional for any ministry to administer the Government of this country whose opinions did not coincide with the majority in that house. (Cheers.) "But," he said, " without abandon ing my opinions, and without doing violence to the Con stitution, I am willing to take a course which I think will be approved by all men under existing circum stances. I will not interfere with the business which is required to be done in this house ; I will put the coun try to as little inconvenience as possible ; but I will dissolve this Parliament, I will take the opinion of the country, I will ascertain with the least possible delay, whether or not my opinions coincide with those of the majority of the electors, and whether or not, therefore, I am a fit person to govern the country." (Cheers.) Now, these were the facts, and they were met at that unusual season in consequence of a declaration of the Minister that he would leave it to the country whether be was fit to be at the head of affairs. There were two ways in which the difficulties admitted and avowed by the Minis ter might have been overcome. One was that the majority in that House should coincide with the Minis ter, the other that the Minister should declare some change of opinion on his own part. They were all assembled that evening, and the country generally believed that they were met for the purpose of ascer taining whether that coincidence existed. They had looked to the Speech, and they had listened to the mover and seconder of the Address to ascertain whether there was a coincidence of opinion as between the majority of that House and the present Government, and be com plained that they had no information on that subject. There was a paragraph which referred to the subject on which a difference of opinion had existed, namely, the commercial policy of the country; there was a reference both to recent legislation and to the present condition of the people; but he could not find a clear, distinct, intel ligible avowal on the part of her Majesty's Government that they were reconciled to that policy. (Hear.) Why had they given no assurance that in no way would they attempt to reverse or to modify it, and that the country might rest assured that it would be permanent? (Hear.) In order to relieve himself from any charge of pre sumption in intruding himself thus early on the House, or asking for explanations which were not needed, he begged leave to state to the House—a House containing many Members who were not in the last Parliament— that, from the strong interest which he had taken for many years in this question, on the first accession Of this Government to power, knowing the opinions which they had propounded, knowing the active part which they had taken throughout the country in condemning the policy which now existed, and the pledget, he might say, which they had also given to reverse that policy— (Cheers)—he did feel an apprehension that they would, on acceding to power, use the enormous influence which their position as a Government gave them to carry out their views, and that they would make some attempt if not to reverse, at least to modify, their policy. Ho therefore put a notice of motion on the paper in the last Parliament, which bound the Government to a con tinu mice of the existing policy—having been requested to de so by Members of great influence, because representing vast numbers of their fellow countrymen in that House; but at the request of that party who succeeded in chang ing the commercial policy of the country, and of the whole House, he consented to withdraw that notice after the speech of the First Minister of the Crown, assented to by the Ministers in that House That speech was to the sffact which he had stated. The First Minister avowed that he was in a minority in that house, and declared that he would take the opinion of the country. On tits se grounds he (Mr. Villiers) withdrew the notice. He anxiously awaited the assembling of a new parliament, for the purpose of having this matter decided, because it was the promise, the assurance of the minister at that time that be would call an early session for the pur pose of deciding it. (Hear, hear.) Nobody could doubt the importance of the subject ; it was appreciated on all sides, whatever view might otherwise bo taken of it. Hon. Gentlemen opposite had said that unless the ex isting policy was reversed, or at least modified, inevitable ruin must followe s They (the Opposition) had declared it was their opinion that the well-being of the country was contingent on its continuance. The minister of the crown said:—" 'This is a matter of too great importance to be left unsettled ; it shall be decided, and decided finally; so that every man in this country, and in the world, may feel assured as to what the commercial policy of this country will be." It was for this purpose, as he under stood, that they were assembled at this unusual season of the year ; and he rose, not to depart from what he knew to be the custom of that house, and believed to be he wish of members generally, namely, that of avoiding an amendment to the address,—that was not his purpose —bathe wished to call attention to the fact, that up to that moment they did not know whether or not the ministers of the Crown had abandoned their opinions on the subject of protection. (Hear, hear.) He did assert, and in d dog so he was supperted by the opinion of the first minister of the Crown, that it was essential that his matter should be decided. It could not be decided by coinciding with the address. The language was vague. (Cheers.) He would be very sorry to introduce anything like au angry discussion on that occasion, but he might almost say it was deceptive. (Hear, hoar.) There was an allusion to the great prosperity of the industrious classes, but there was also an allusion to measures for the relief of industry. Why, if the indus trious classes were well off and satisfied, what was the meaning of a declaration that something should be done for industry ? (Hear, hear.) It was an opinion en tertained on that side of the house by all who had advocated the policy of Free Trade that Protection was an unqualified mischief, that not only was it an enormous mischief to the community at large, but that it was even injurious to the interests sup posed to be protected. But when the question in volved also the protection of what was called the landed interest, to talk of protecting the industry of the country by restoring a monopoly of food, he should hardly like to say what he thought of such talk as that. (Hear, hear.) It was almost an insult to the people of this country to talk of any person being injured by the removal of the grossest of all injuries which had been inflicted upon the c ommunity. (Hear, hear.) But the whole phraseology of the paragraph was indistinct, vague, and confused; and it depended on the tone and views of Hon. Gentle men on the opposite side of the House what interprets Lion was to be put upon it by the House generally. There was mention made of recent legislation. Why not use plain English? Why was not the language in telligible? (Hear, hear.) If great advantages had been reaped by the working classes from the repeal of the Corn-laws, why not state it?—(Cbeers)--and if any in jury was done to anybody by repealing the Corn-laws, let them have that made clear, distinct, and unequivocal. (Hear, hear.) They (the Opposition) would have the decision of the House on that matter—(Cheers) — and be had only risen now for the purpose of stating that be, for one, having taken a great interest in this subject, and believing that others, who had , sken a far more eff.c , ive part, would agree with him, was dissatisfied with the statement made as to the causes of the present condition of the country. (Hear, hear.) They wanted to know distinctly what were the opinions of her Majesty's Government on the great question which had been in dispute—the policy . of Protection or Free Trade; and without further detain ing the House, be begged leave moat distinctly to give notice that he should submit the matter to the House — (Cheers)—that he should put the question on so clear and intelligible a footing that their fellow -c o untr y men out of the House would afterwards feel no doubt with regard to the future. He believed that t he 22d of the present month would be about the most convenient day for taking the opinion of the house on that subject. (Loud cheers.) There was here a pause, during which were hoard occasional cries of " Booker," which elicited laughter. The Speaker was about to put the question, when Mr. HUME rose to address the House. He said he had waited with great patience in the hope that, a - some Hon. Gentleman opposit e iso to answer the speech of the Hon. Gentle man who bad just spoken. His Hon. Friend had cordinggivenwould ra to us challenge, but no one seemed to hav e spirit to answer. Why did not Hon. Gentlemen op posite came forward like men? (Laughter.) How was it that none of them had the manliness to stand up and j admit that the acknowledged prosperity of the labouring classes arose from the repeal of the corn-laws? (Hear, hear.) He begtvd pardon—the seconder of the Address did admit that he was a Free-trader. (Laughter.) The devernment themselves, however, ought to have stated their views. Having had nine months, which was a long period—(Laughter)—to make up their minds, why did they not admit in intelligible language that they bad b e en wrong—(Hear, hear)—that they found by experi ence that the existing policy had been productive of overbalancing advantages to the mass of the community ? He confessed that he felt deeply disappointed. Although great difference of opinion had existed, he did believe that the Government would have the manliness to avow their error. HA ltkd a fair stand-up battle, and not a fight from behind hedges, and under equivocal language and expressions, whicti nobody could understand. The country demanded a decision of the question. He had met with a great many fanners who had not only made up their minds that the change was good for the country, but who said that they would be sorry to go hack to Pro tection ; but there were others who looked for some secret measures by which farm , rs were to be benefited; I and for the sake of such persons, it was absolutely nAcesaary the question should be decided. (Haar, hear.) While he agreed with bis Hon. Friend that it was not desirable that there should be an amendment, the ad dress being regarded as a compliment to her Majesty, he had to complain of some omissions in the Royal Speech. The preceding Parliament declared by a vote that there were certain taxes in existence which were most unjustly and anomalously levied, and that the time bad arrived when there ilbould be a general revision of taxation. That was, he believed a wise declaration ; but the speech did net contain one word in reference to the question. Did the Government mean to oppose or shrink from inquiry with regard to the Income Tax, which, in the words of the Right Hon. Gentleman (M.r. i)israli), amounted in many cases to confiscation of pro perty ? He hoped the Government would state whether this omission arose from accident or from a determination not to grapple with the gees 7ion. There was another omiseion, He had anticipated that the Government would declare them aPiVPA opposed to any fariher Parliamentary Reform. Why had they not taken the position assumed by Lord Derby in another place, when he declared it to be his intention to oppose any further extension of what were termed popular rights, and when he censured the demo cratic principles of the Noble Lord (Lord J. Rusted)? (Hear, hear.) If the Noble Lord's measures appeared to the Noble Earl dangerous, and if he still meant to oppose their enactment. why was not that stated in the Speech from the Throne? (Hear, hear.) There was another important omission. What had become of the clamorous outcry for the repeal of the malt-tax and other taxes which were peculiarly odious to farmers? The silence of the Speech declared that there was no intention to repeal them. He regretted that the question of taxation was entirely omitted. In conclusion, he wished to tell lion. Gentlemen opposite, if they were not aware of it, that there was a strong opinion in the country that elec tions could not be conducted in future as they had been lately. He wished to see established a regular repre sentative Government; ho wished to see popular power exercising that influence which it ought to have in the proceedings of that House, while at the same time the just privileges of the different classes of society were properly guarded; and he regretted that in a time of peace end quiet the Government did not seem prepared to come forward and propose those reforms which the country required. The question of Free Trade must soon be settled one way or other; and it would then be time to introduce other questions of national im portance. Mr. WALPOLE said—l did not :rise, nor did any other member of the government rise, after the observa tions which were made by the hon. member for Wolver hampton (Mr. Villiers), because it was our duty to see whether any amendment to the address was likely to be moved before we gave any opinion in reply to the remarks which fell from him. As, however, the hon. gentleman did not move an amendment, and as no one else has risen to do so, it appears at present unlikely that any amend ment will be moved; and I have, therefore, risen for the purpose of replying to the observations which the hon. gentleman has made. (Hear.) Now, I certainly agree with him, that we are met together at an unusual season of the year, and for a special purpose. That purpose unquestionably is, that the financial and commercial policy of this country shall be finally settled and de clared. (Cheers from both sides of the house.) The hon. gentleman complains that in the address there is a certain passage referring to the subject which is ambigu ous; and I think he called it evasive and deceptive. Sir, I can assure the hon. gentleman that no evasion and no des- ption was intended by that paragraph; but it has been worded carefully in that way—which meets an ob servation which the hon. gentlemen himself has made— it has been worded carefully in that way to prevent at this moment what might possibly be a warm and heated discussion, and so as to avoid the neces•ity of any amend ment being moved to the address either on this or on that side of the haute. The hon, gentleman says, however, and so does the hon. gentleman the member for Montrose — (An inaudible observation was here made by Mr. Vil liers.) Well, it is in mtntormity with the natal custom that - you did endeavour to avoid an amendment. I think the Hon. Gentlemen himself said it was the custom. I believe it is recognized to be a good custom; and cer tainly we wished that as tar as possible that custom should be observed on the present occasion; but we ere prepared, if you wish to move an amendment, to take the discussion at the present time. (Hear, hear.) Well, now, the Hon. Gentleman went on to remark, and so also did the Hon. Gentleman who has just eat down, that we ought to have declared our policy in the speech, and that we ought also to have been prepared with the measures which we intend to propose. Now, I tell the Honourable Gentleman that we are prepared with all those measures. (Ministerial cheers.) And I tell him that we intend, and have always intended to take the earliest opportunity of submitting those measures to the consideration of the House. But there aro circumstances with reference to our present meeting which have cer tainly made it unadvisable that they should be taken in hand until the funeral of the Duke of Wellington shall have taken place. (An exclamation of " Oh," followed by cheers.) As soon as that tribute of the nation is paid to the greatest of its heroes, my Right lion. Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer will rise to bring before the House and the country the views which the Govern ment take of the financial and commercial policy tehich ought to be established in the country. But I think there is sufficient in the speech from the Throne, and in the ad dress in answer to it, for everybody to draw this inference from, that we are not going to propose to reverse the re cent legislation which has led to those improvements in the condition of the industrious classes of the commu nity to which the speech refers. (Loud cheers from the Opposition benches.) More than this, I think, the House will hardly expect me to say; because it would, in tact, be expecting me to announce the different measures, which my Right lion. Friend will announce on a future occasion, and the views which be takes in reference to that subject. (Hear, hear.) But I thought it right to make that declaration iu the first instance; for it is a declaration which the Government intend to abide by; and I du say that those measures which the Government intend to introduce will be brought forward on the ear liest occasion. (Cheers.) Lord J. RUSSELL said—lt is consoling that on this occasion we have to consider an Address which begins by condoling with her Majesty on the loss of that great man the Duko of Wellington; that we are not obliged to have a long debate upon topics on which the House might be divided, or to have a division on those topics. Sir, with respect to the first part of the Address, I cer tainly will not attempt to add anything to what has been said by the Noble Lord and the Hon. Gentleman who moved and seconded the Address. With regard to the Duke of Wellington, I feel that while it remains for the country and for history to do justice to his great merits, it remains for her Majesty's Ministers, for the House of Lords and the House of Commons, and for the country at large, to deplore the loss of those counsels which always inspired that good subject and ardent patriot. It remains fur us, in confor mity with the intention of the Crown, to show that We are not an ungrateful people, and that we duly appreciate the services which have been ren dered to the country by that illustrious man. (Hear, hear.) Sir, passing from this subject, lam glad to find that the Ministers of the Crown- can congratulate the country on the ready coming forward of so many men, amounting, as the Noble Lord said, to 30,000, to serve in the militia. I trust that her Majesty's hopes will not be disappointed, and that these men will prove an effectual aid to her Majesty's regular forces. With re ference to any Other measures which may be necessary for the defence of this country, I feel sure that her Ma jesty's Mitlisters will give them due consideration, and that they will propose from time to time such measures as they may think advisable, to which I shall always be ready to give a favourable hearing. Ido not know that there is any other topic either in the speech or the ad dress to which I need more particularly allude. But I must say a few words respecting what the country has so impatiently looked for, namely, some explicit declara tion as to our financial and commercial policy. (Hear, hear.) I must say that on this part of the subject participate in the disappointment which my Hon. Friend the Member for Wolverhampton has so well expressed. It seems to me that with respect to our commercial and financial policy, there were two courses open to the Government, either of which would have been perfectly plain and clear, for the Noble Earl in another place and his colleagues in the Government. The one was, they might have maintained the opinions which since 1846 down to the present time, or at least until February, 1852, Lord Derby most loudly and con• fidently expressed, and from which he declared with eloquence and energy that nothing should induce him to shrink. (Hear.) Another course would have been for the Government to have stated that they had been mis taken in all their views, that the country had prospered, and that the cause of that prosperity was the operation of those measures which they had thought would be nationally ruinous. (Cheers.) They might have ad mitted that these beneficial results were recognised throughout tbo country, and manfully have declared that they had changed their opinions, and were pre pared for the future to act according to the principles which they had hitherto opposed. (Cheers.) I con ceive that they have adopted neither the one nor the other course, and the House and the country must be prepared to form a judgment on their declarations. Instead of either of the courses I have described, we have a continuance of that perplexity and ambiguity, of that doubt and hesitation, which for the last nine months have vexed the country, and made it difficult to gather what was to be the real policy of Government. (Hear, hear.) If one of the Ministers appeared to be in favour of free trade, we had presently from another a declaration that protection had not been abatidoned. (Hear, hear.) The Secr etar y of State, although he mu s t not say that the principle o f protection is a sound one, yet we find him speaking of the increase of crime end of the poor rates, and endeavouring to throw some slur upon the prosperity which free trade has produced_ trying, if possible, to i induce the country to depart f rom t h e course which t has fluidly adopted. (Cheers.) And even now, continuing on the same course to the end, we have in this address some sentences favourable to free trade, and, in another, words intimating an , approval of the principle of protection. (Hear, hear.) I To compleie the whole, we have moving the address a Noble Lot d who is a firm adherent of protection, while the Hon Member who seconds him speaks boldly and de cidedly for free trade. (Cheers and laughter.) Usual be the ambiguity practised by the Government and its adherents, I think it is full time we came to a settle ment, and—in the words of the Hon. Member who spoke last—that the commercial and financial policy of this country ; . should be finally settled. ( Hear, awl cheers.) Let us then have some declaration to settle that policy; let us have some declaration which shall serve as a point of departure for future Ministers of the Crown, and enable them safely to direct their policy. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) The country has been Bps pealed to, and you know the result; and it is for you. the Ministers of the Crown, to declare manfully the feelings and opinions you entertain on this great subject. (Hear.) And when I say " This great subject," it re minds me that its the doubtful sentence to which I have alluded, the importance of that subject has been stu diously diminished. To illustrate the greatness of the subject, let us see what has been done in the way of commercial and financial reform during the last ten years. The whole system of corn laws which the country had endured for so considerable a time, has been totally repealed. A tariff of exorbisant duties has been reduced within moderate limits. Our taxes have undergone an extensive system of revising, and when Hen. Gentlemen opposite talk of revision cf taxation as a novelty of their introduction, I would remind them that revision of taxation has been going on since the time of Sir Robert Peel, and has been carried on in such a way, that while the taxes were reduced, they —although for a moment le wing a void in the r. ceipts —soon restored the revenue by the general buoyancy they communicated to tee general interesta of the come try. (Hear, hear.) Let me add to this, that the defer ential duty upon sugar has been equalized, and the people of England have consumed 300,000 tons of sugar in the year at a cost of five millions less than they would have paid had the duty continued as before. (Hear.) I mai add that the consumption of sugar has so increased that the revenue at the reduced rates will in a few years be double what it was previous to the reduction of the duty. Add to this that we have had the navigation laws re pealed, and I have enumerated a whole system, I will sag not only of great importance, but, taken as a change of policy adopted by a great country, a change than which nothing since the revolution of 1688 has been more im portant in its effects, not only upon this country, but upon the commercial policy of all civilized ntstions. (Hear, hear.) Because, although I was not one of thos o who wore sanguine enough to expect that the moment vro declared for Free Trade, and abjured Protection, all the nations of the world would follow our example; yet, en the other hand, it is my confident belief that, if this country continues to flourish under the system of Fro Trade—if its Governments declare themselves satin' fied with the consequences, and that they mean to persevere—there is no nation that will not, by fro' quent discussions, come at last to the conclusion s to which we have arrived, so that ultimately there will be derived, not only a great increase of the wealth , but of the peace and harmony of the world. (Cheers.) Well, then, if such be the importance of the O P tem, if such be the gravity of the stake ; and if, 0 0 the other hand, there are many persons who still main' tain that the system of free commercial policy is le furious, it is not enough to say of it that it is one of the causes—putting in a parcel of nameless other causes' (cheers) —by which the industrious classes of this coup" try have received great and important benefits. I affirm that her Majesty's Ministers ought not to evade th e question in this way—(loud cheers)—that however ne cessary it may be to avoid division on the present aces' sion, a night should not pass over without the Menu s of Commons giving its verdict on the question. (I - 1 03r : hear.) The Right Hon. Gentleman who has hi e ' spoken says that there is no intention on the part of the Government to revert to the policy that prevailed Pr e ' vious to 1846. I was very glad to hear that declare' tion; but there are certain words in the paragraph to which allusion has been made about artificial props an artificial prices, which are only the principle of protec' tion disguised in another way. Therefore it is noes: eery that we should have something clear and decided, and that we should not allow ourselves to be envelope d in one of those mists in which the Chancellor of the P' chequer, like some goddesses we have read of, likes to b e worshipped. (Laughter.) The Speech and Addres . next speaks of the state of Ireland, and I am glad tcl see recommends the adoption of a liberal course i policy towards that country, but in a previous porde? of the paragraph there are words to which I am una l l to attach a precise meaning. I mean those wh in & refer to an unhappy spirit of insubordination an„, turbulence in that country. There were insubo rdi nation and turbulence in Ireland during the electil which has just been decided, but that there is any eP irt s or insubordination and turbulence in that country present, is a statement to which I am not prepared to give my assent. (" Hear" from the Irish members.) believe that with a due and proper execution of the le d the state of Irelend may be considered to be a stat e , tranquillity. (Hear, hear.) And I must say th i e n ' o3 trust that that country, having suffered so severely Oy er . famine in 1847, is now about iu some measure to re cov ho as there are symptoms which encourage us to hope t'" o , at length the labourers of Ireland will obtain that re ward tor their labour of which they have hitherto bl e so sadly deficient. With regard to that portion of .'"to address which refers to the commission to inquire lee the state of the Universities of Oxford and Carabridf I am rejoiced that those commissions, w hi c h were el, matised by the noble lord at the head of the Golfe r d , went as illegal commissions —(hear, hear)—wbeD I % a wised their i,sue, are now acknowled g ed t o b e prodtlet"j of good, ants, instead of being cast aside as an 'liege' body, are to be referred to the universities themselve!' while we are to be asked to pass laws to enable the nal s to carry into effect the recommendations of these very commissions. (Hear, hear.) Whether the me eau, es so contemplated will be sufficient I canno t say, but I am glad that the attention of the minister' of the crown have been directed to the subject. I l i t sure nothing can be more important at this pro!' time than that the whole question of education, beg lli c i Ding with that of the higher classes at Oxford an d Cambridge, thence to the middle classes, a ll comprehending also the education of the workil classes, should be promptly and fully considere (Hear, hear.) With respect to this part of the s ubjeet he am rejoiced to hear thattit is intended to extend to means for instruction in practical science as applie d ee s the general business of life. lam also glad to hear some measures on the subject of secondary punishnle°/ will be proposed, so that transportation to Van Dietn elj , Land may at the earlie s t p oss ibl e p e riod be abolis".l o There are two circumstances to be considered in treatment of that q uest i o n— one , that we h a ve given ; I I presentative institutio ns t o ou r Aust r alian colonies; 11- f the other, the recent discoveries of gold in a portion ' cir ne those coloni es . It i s quite obvious that these two cumstances render it cessary that we should revise thy, whole subject, and I am glad that the Right Hon. 13 a r bo the Secretary for the Colonies—to whom I took L i e liberty some time since of speaking on the subject -- '!' 0 come to the wise conclusion of not confining the qustl, to transportation to Van Diemen's Land, but that the case as regards the whole of the Australian colont 0 should be recon s id e red. (H ea r, hear.) Of course, th e .„ r b are other subjects connected with our penal laws W hl o 'd must be discussed in company with this question, 0 0 , which will no doubt occupy the attention of Gor e meet; but, upon the whole, I am rejoiced to find t h il ; with the exception of the topic of commercial policY , , t o , question of the great C 330 between Fret, Trade and I r so tection, there is nothing in the Speech or the Adclre;o which calls for more than the few slight remarks I he n t made. I trust that when the policy of the Govern on that subject is declared, it will be to secure N, permanently our present universally-admitted SO o tages. (Hear, hear.) The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER —I ee , 11 1 ; not help fancying, Sir, if the only paragraph of wh' e . g , the Noble Lord the Member for the city of London approv©d in the answer to the Queen's Speech was reed so evasive a s some H onoura b le G ent l emen h a d st; that an amendment to the Address would have b ee made. Ido not think that the constitutional delicacy l e d my Honourabl e F r i end who has addressed us ernnh'io have deterred hi m f rom taking a course for whic h P. , well-stored memory an d amp l e experience wou ld he' s furnished him with sufficient pre ce d ents . (A l a ugh.) „, cannot say that I concur with t h e N o b le L o rd t m- Member for the city of London, or his friend, is th version which he has placed upon this paragraph, syll' e f n they have described as so evasive. It appears to ins be perfectly well adapted to the circumstances tle cl b e ; which we meet to-day. (Laughter.) I mean by t o circumstances under which we meet to-day, tb d i there are two parties in the House which arc be- ,, indisposed to c o me t o any colli s ion o n th e Addr e ig (Hear, hear) Certainly, with that feeling, I thin the paragraph is framed in a manner which can leeyo n no mistake upon the impartial mini as to the int o- ' , for tions of the Government upon the subject. (Ilear. ) „ 0 - the only point which is laud down in this paragreP • specting which there can be no evasion, is the de sar To tion of the principles upon which the commercial sYstbieee of this country is recognized and established by the m , verntnent, and that is the principl e o f unres t r icte d — t he petition. That is the only distinct expression in that paragraph describing the views of the Governmea t %iern the legislation which gradually h as p ro d uce d that e Y„ - o ed of unrestricted competitio n h as i n i ts operation eiteial Y injury to certain classes of th e oeuntr ogin iste• of cheers). The Noble L or d the Member for . the nitl eci e London says this is P rotect i onism. But I read re dress of the Noble Lord, recently ublished, Pet b 0 the the (,o n 811 t u e dissolution nt s of theof the greatest city in addressed th.ie g p dom, and there I found that the merchants and cne owners of London were reminded that they w er ''ts' i te 'c ria ed l che) e g rs r ) eat burdens end unjust restrictions (elicitotsl —burdens andrestrictions which only i n tio n be consid, eel such by the action of recent legi'': o s Therefore, the noble lord was of opinion, when " candidate for the city of London, that it W as ;tern possible to ma i nta i n un i mpa i re d t h at commercial lido, founded up on th e p r i nc ipl e o f unres t r icted coenP e d e ne and yet t o remove t h ose restr i ct i ons an d those bar ich, which one g rea t inter e st was suffering from, arid ,)toeco,d by his own acknowl e dgment, were virtually o by teeent legislation. (Cheers.) Was that athen' tionist declaration of the Noble Lord ? Well', to nie very recently I have had representations rana," ) ,.. , eo of by bodies of merchants and s hipowners—ee eta f' n eoted ex , rense liberal opinions, upon all s ubjects ceu . , flos ite with commerce, some of them sitting upon side of the House, and certainly. so far as I tinted ;he country, they will be extremely dissatisfied they offer, contented, if the restrictions under which n into no t taken her and the burdens which they bear, are „ rya consideration by any body of men who may theaoFcroilect pressed upon us, promptly and effectually set about pro viding tor the defence of the country, not neglecting but cherishing ancient alliances, alliances very valuable when not forced or purchased, but which had their origin in a common interest, and to be maintained by constant good offices, and scrupulous good faith, good faith as between Government and Government, and good offices as between people and people. (Cheers.) The Earl of DERBY—Before I proceed to any other of the topics upon which it may be afterwards necessary to trouble your Lordships, there is one topic which I am sure all anticipate that it is impossible for me to avoid touching on shortly, and it shall be very short indeed, because that topic is one that is foremost in the minds not of your Lordships only, but of every man in the country, and almost, I might say, of every nation in the world. It is impossible that we should reassemble here without remembering and deploring the great loss we have sustained. As I rose to address your Lordships my eye instinctively turned to the head of this table; but I miss there the once familiar face, with his hand up raised to assist the infirmity of his hearing, as conscien- tiously and laboriously he sat to listen to the observations of the humblest member of your Lordship's house. Again I see him rising amid the greatest silence of your Lordships, and with faltering accents, with no studied eloquence, but with a pocv(,r that grasped and seized, as it were intuitively, upon the very marrow of the matter in hand, slowly and deliberately dropping, as it were, among your Lordships, the pithy and sententious words of matured sagacity, of matured experience, and matured wisdom. His unparalleled achievements in the field, his possession of all the qualifications which mark the great military leader, his sagacity in council, his unswerving loyalty, his deep and unparalleled devotion to the in terests of his country—all these are already written in the undying pages of history—all these are already graven upon the grateful hearts of an unforgetting people, But, alas! he is gone to another and a better place, and with all reverence be it spoken, there peaceful and happy be his state. In the course of his long life, in the battlefield at the head of his troops, in the con grees of monarchs, in the councils of his nation, in the cabinet of his colleagues, in the closet of his sovereign, in the assembled parliament, unseduced by the lustre of his own bright name and undazzled by the splen dour of his own transcendent glory, he steadfastly resisted listening to the aspirations of any wider ambition, and east away from him as unworthy of consideration thoughts of personal interests. My Lords, from such a subject I turn with regret to subjects it may be of far lower interest, yet subjects, as the noble marquis has said, of very considerable importance. [His lordship then paid a tribute of admiration to the noble mover and seconder of the address for the ability they had displayed, and thanked the noble marquis (Lansdowne) for the friendly tone in which he bad spoken. He proceeded to say]—lt a a source of satis factiou to me that the address is not in the course of the discussion likely to lead to any difference of opinion. Nor do I at all complain of the humour and the irony with which the noble marquis has treated one part of the subject. It is necessary for me now to state to your lordships the view of her Majesty's government. I thank the noble marquis and my noble and learned friend for the language they have held with regard to the state of our foreign relations, for I concur with them that while it is our duty to abstain, in the slightest degree, from interfering with the internal affairs of any other nation, while I recognize to the fullest extent the right of every nation to regulate its own affairs, I, look ing not to the language alone, bat to the acts also of foreign nations, am bound to say that I see no appre hension at the present time of the interruption of our friendly relations with any one of those powers, what ever may be their form of government. On the other hand, I cordially concur with the noble marquis, and with my noble and learned friend, that it is nut in the professions, it is not in the friendly acts, it is not in the attitude of any foreign country, that a nation must trust which desires to be independent and to be respected, but while she is desirous to maintain the good will of all foreign nations, and is anxious to avoid all causes of offence, her real permanent security must rest upon her own capacity for internal defence, upon the hetkrts in the first instance of her own subjects, and in the next upon the organization of her own forces. (Cheers.) And I think it is a subject of congratulation that notwithstand the efforts made in various quarters by persons of whom I will only say that I think they have taken a must mistaken part, to prevent the format ionof the purely defensive force which was established by the act of the last session of parlia ment, and which, as my noble friend has reminded your lordships bad the sanction which was given in the lass speech of the n ,ble and gallant duke to your lordships, I say, notwithstanding the efforts which have been made by those parties to prevent the formation and organisa tion of that force, it is a matter of congratulation to find there is still throughout the country the strong British feeling of attachment to the institutions of the country, and that attachment demonstrated not by words but by actions, which has already, notwithstanding many diffi culties, brought iato the field, and, to a great extent, to a state of efficiency, as fine and as able a body of the young men of this country as ever volunteered their ser vices for the defence of the country. (Hear, hear.) Nor will I deny that there is much to be done for the material defence of the country. That is a topic on which lam sure your lordships will not expect that I should detain you. It will be sufficient if I say that the the attention of her Majesty's government has been and continues to be directed to that most important subject, and no doubt their hands and their means in providing for the defence of the country, without the desire of offence to any foreign power, will not be inconsiderably strengthened by the tone and language which the noble marquis has had the good sense and the good feeling to address to us this evening. (Cheers.) I will not touch on any of the topics of the speech relating to our foreign relations, or indeed on any topic except one of those to which the noble marquis has adverted, because—important as they all are, and confident as I feel that her Majesty's govern ment, whenever discussion shall take place upon any of them, will be able to justify the course which they have pursued, and the measures which they intend to recom mend to parliament—this is not the occasion, nor is it desired on any of these subjects to pledge your lordship?, by agreeing unanimously to this address, to the assertion of any principle, as connected with any of these mea sures. But there is one topic, and that one of paramount importance, upon which I think I shall not discharge my duty to your lordships and the country if Ido not say a few words. I advert to that passage of her Ma jesty's speech in which she congratulates the country, and I believe with very good reason, upon the improved condition of the country generally, and more especially of the industrious classes. When I say the improved condition I mean this :—For a course of three or four years, since a period of great difficulty, of great misery, and of great national calamity, there has been a gradual, and to my mind a most satisfactory, progress in each year in improvement over the year preceding, until at last in the year 1852, I believe we have returned in every respect to, and in some we have gone beyond, the period of 1846, which was a period of great and acknow ledged national prosperity. lam not now speaking of causes, I am speaking of facts, and I will not trouble your Lordships with many of them at present, but I will refer to some which I consider to be the bast tests of the real condition of the industrious classes of this country. I believe you can take no better criterions than, for ex ample, the amount of pauperism, and the consumption of different articles—such as tea, coffee, cocoa, tobacco, sugar, and all those other articles which enter into the consumption of the great body of the people, and with regard to which, those being articles of exclusive foreign importation, we are capable not merely of ascertaining the amount which has been imported, but also the amount which has been consumed, without the possibility of the admixture of any article grown in this country, the amount of which, of course, greater or less, would mate rially air:et the calculation. I find, then, that with re gard to all these articles there is within the last few year a continuous and progressively rapid increase of con sumption, from which I think we may fairly argue that the great mass of the people, so far as their expenditure would directly show itself in the consumption of these articles, are in a state of gradual improvement. I lock again to the condition of the savings banks of this coun try. Few circumstances more peculiarly show the condition of the country than the proportion between the amount substracted item and the amount deposited in savings banks. Mind, lam not now speaking of the number of depositors or the amount of deposits, because the amount of deposits and the number of depositors du not really exhibit the real amount of contributions saved. But in the course of the years 1847, 1848, and 1849, there was a diminution in the amounts vested in the savings banks of a most formidable character. I will not trouble your Lordships with many figures, but this is a circumstance which marks in a very striking man ner the mode in which the distress of some years back operated in cliff -rent places in the country, and the pe riod at which the tide began to turn towards prospe rity. I hold in my hand a table which, dividing the various districts of this country, into the agricultural district and the manufacturing district, exhibits in each year since 1646 the amount put on and the amount withdrawn, and the balance between these will be an indication of the prosperity of the country. In the agricultural districts I find this remarkable fact. In the year 1846, towards the close of that year, there were withdrawals beyond deposits to the amount of 80,4341, In the year 1847, the balance of withdrawals again-it deposits was 335,0001; in 1848, it was no less than 782,0001.; in 1849, it was 379,0001.; in 1850, it was 542,0001.; in 1851, the adverse balance diminished to 165,0001.; and in the course of the present year it was within a few hundred pounds, I am happy to say, of the most prosperous of former years. That is so far satisfactory ; but these statistics show that from 1848 to 1852, great sufferings were inflicted on the agricultural population; for in those four years alone the balance withdrawn from savings banks in the agri cultural districts nearly amounted to 2,500,000/. The manufacturing districts exhibited in certain of these years a similar decline. In the years 1846 and 1847, there was a preponderance of withdrawals over depo sits to the amount of 330 000/. But in 1848-9, 1850, 185 „ 1 , and 1852, in each of th ose y e a rs th ere h as b een in tavour of th e manu f actur i ng di s t r i c t s an i nc rea s e of ci f r e ora posi ftnrying from 200,0001. to 400,000/. Therefore, evidence ri°ll samiti _a:V ail t_o 1852, there is exhibited with regard to of a reourrener the C u m ks . the same evidence which is exhibited in of articles of prime necessity—the which lords, in detailing Zed nstantly improving state of things and was toitehat condition of national prosperity in 1846. I say, again, my not shrink from am not givin g o ,,, ea ese things I am stating facts—l ain L m y ezpresittt, at the same ti me , I w ill to some at lea s t of the a opinion with regard to which we are to look in explaining the frusta :Lin these returns. And I do not hesitate now in that, in my v i ew a g reat po . c 7 n ,S Ulla nonedgment —" therperity of HOUSE OF COMMONS—Nov. 11. The SPEALER did not resume the chair till half•pas' Four o'clock. THE INQUEST AT SIX-MILE-BRIDGE. Sir JOHN FITZGERALD gave notice that, on Tuesday next, he should move for a copy of the evidence taken at the coroner's inquest in the Six-Mile-bridge affair. TENANT-RIGHT IN IRELAND. Mr. Sergeant SHEE gave notice that, on this day fortnight, he should move for leave to bring in a Bill fur regulating the i custora of Tenant-right in Ulster, and securing compensation to improving tenants; and also for limiting the power of evictions in certain cases. REPUBLIC OF PERU. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER brough up a report of the treaty with the Republic of Peru. THE ADDRESS. The SPEAKER then read the Queen's Speech (for which see Lord's report's, after which, Lord LOTAINE said, in moving that an humble Address be presented to her Majesty, in reply to her most gracious Speech from the Throne, he con fessed he wished the task had fallen into the hag& of some more able, experienced, and talented member, who would have been enabled to give due weight to the important topics which it contained. Ho felt more embarrassed when he saw that the first subject mentioned in that Speech must call forth the affections, regard, and regret of every man who called himself a native of Great Britain. (Hear.) He alluded, of course, to that portion of the speech in which her Majesty, with her usual kind and affectionate regard for the wishes and feelings of her people, invited their representatives to join in a provision for the funeral obsequies of the late Duke of Wellington. (Hear, hear.) The House would excuse him if he approached with awe an event which had cast a shadow of grief and dismay over this mighty empire—the passing away of that life which for nearly half a century had been a bea con to guide every Englishman in the path of honour and of duty. (Cheers.) No obsequies they might give, no funeral pomp they might bestow, would be ade quate to the respect, love, and admiration which the House and the country bore for that immortal man. (Cheers.) Their love was not founded on mere evanescent vulgar admiration of military glory. It was not that he had given to England the supremacy of the vast empire of India; it was not that he had raised England by his victories to the highest rank among the nations of the world; it was not that he finally became the conqueror of the conqueror of the world, that this country loved him so well, but because be was not so dazzled and blinded by the effulgence of the glory he had earned and rendered deaf by the voice of victory, as to be unable to discern that the true end and object of all war was an honourable and lasting peace. (Cheers,) . When he had brought the most tremendous, struggle in which any country ever engaged to a close, he devoted himself to the establishment of peace by every means of conciliation and moderation that was consistent with the honour and safety of England. How he had succeeded, the history of the last 37 years could tell. They loved him because he had always proved him self a most faithful servant of the Crown, and been ever ready to defend the rights and promote the welfare of his fellow-citizens. He (Lord Lovaine) believed that his political opponents would bear witness that his coun sel was ever ready in the darkest hour of dan ger and difficulty, and that they might always rely on his honour, sincerity, and sagacity to point out the path of safety which seemed to be hidden from less gifted eyes. His name would be handed down to posterity as an ex ample, not only of a great statesman, and of the greatest warrior, but as a colossal example of unswerving obedience to the call of duty, truth, fidelity, and honour. (Cheers.) He trusted that the country who loved him would be warned by his advice, L and not be so intoxicated by a feeling of security, and by the peace which had so long subsisted, as to allow the country to be exposed to danger. The Noble Lord then alluded to the success which hid attended the enrdment of the Militia, not withstanding the evil auguries which had been offered respecting it. After a brief reference to the differ ences on the American Fishery question, the Noble Lord went on to observe, that her Majesty entertained sanguine hopes of the final extinction of the slave Itrade, Cuba being the only spot in the world where it now flourished. He next adverted to the gratifying in telligence that transportation to Van Diemen 's Land would soon cease, expressing a hope that some other means would be found for disposing of the criminals of the country. He readily admitted that the commercial policy which had been adopted for the last three years bad contributed to the very great prosperity which existed is the country. (Loud cheers from the Opposi tion benches.) He said so us the representative of an agricultural county. But he drew a very great distinction between what was called free trade and the abolition of the duties upon corn. He believed that the abolition of prohibitory duties on articles of liv ing, having due regard to the revenue to be raised, was unexceptionable. But the abolition of the upon another footing. There judiciousdut duty upon o o r u n n e stoodxce could be no doubt that the repeal of the corn-laws had occasioned suffering utaong a large and important class, and he was confident that the recommendation in the Royal Speech would not be overlooked by the House. hop e Attar ex pressing a that all party differences woule be laid a side, the Noble Lord concluded with moving an Address, which was, as usual, en echo of the Royal Speech. Mr. EGERTON rose is second the Address. The Hon. Member commence by stating that, on the subject of that Paragraph in the Royal Speech which alluded to the death of the late lamented Duke of Wellington, t o , felt quite assured that the greatest unanimity es , e Pevail. He would direct the attention of the riuse, n . 11 4 first instance, to that para graph in the SPeecu eluded to the establishment of schools for the purpose u instruction in mechanical a re. It had been a matter u observation which the ex perience derived from last tear's Exhibition had fully confirmed, that enterprising and energetic as our menu b w ere, in some rae facturers nies of art they required a greater mechanical skill and %re taste. The English had b een excelled by the artizans of other countries, where facilities had been pi, e greater een tor the purpose . of in- He maintained in struction. , tat her Majesty's Govern m e at were entitle d to tne highst pease for legislation on this subject. As it had hen the privilege of two Ministries to confer great bans on the country—the one by giving it cheap food, th e tber by giving the bless ings of increase d li g ht and bett e . drainage—so he hoped that it would be the p rivile g e o f be present Government to confer on the o working mila • - ion of the country the advantages of social education, ,y means of which the manufactures of the country we nt be p e romoted, and its trade extended. He had tocon g r atla te tile country on its great prosperity, and on the fact f the greatest activity existin g in every branch of cornmsee, and that, in spite of the large reductions of taxatien there was no falling off in the revenue. Tnis he justly , considered a source of the greatest satisfacti on to a ll. aloud cries of "Hear , hear.") That satisfactio n was u is mind very muck i enhanced by the reflection that th e working classes of the country had had a very leirge „share in that pro sperity, (Loud cheers from t he G U position Benches.) He would say that any H —,n o • entAnsan who had had the experience of the two last years,and who had seen the benefit which an unrestricted l aportation of food had conferred on the labouring, a m n 7Cheers from the Opposition)—must feel that th e tie had now come when the question must b e fina ll y "lied. (Renewed cheers from the Opposition.) An anal having been made to the constituencies of the cre btr e , y the verdict which had been taken ought to be a Niesced in, and those divisions which had so long i d ---e .acted different classes of her Majesty's subjects, ghoul, be put an end to. But, at the same time, while they a ttled the ques tion, it was fitting time, and a proper ane that other classes, whose sufferings ha d lon g bob ", dilated on, should not be overlooked, and that thin claims for redress, if they could be substantiate d e(Hear, hear, from the Opposition benches) —should Iket with due consideration from the House. (Hear, hea, and cheers.) He thought, however, that the settlemen, of the ques tion also required that the House should eke into con sideration the claims which the farming , interest had upon the coun t r y. (Ministerial cheers . ) There were other points in the Speech which required e minent; but he would not detain the House with any f Atther obser• vations; bat, thanking the House for its k ind indulgence, he would sit down, expressing a hope thk whatever legislation they might hereafter adopt, it wkild be not for the benefit of a class, but for the good olthe nation at large. (Cheers.) The question having been put from the cha r, Mr. VILLIERS said he hoped the house vould not deem it presumptuous in him that at that ealy period of the evening he res i ts to address to it a few observations on the subject of the Address and on what hid fallen from the Hon. Gentlemen who moved and see m d e d it. He could assure the House that it was with great reluc tance be rose t& address it on this occasion, bec aus e h e entirely agreed with those who thought that it was d e . sirable on all occasions of receiving messag e s and speeches from the Throne, that the responses is them s hould be unanimous. That was the feeling o f the House generally, and more especially of late years it seemed to be the practise of Parliament. But it de- /. . -~...