The Sun. — London, England, 1846-06-09 00:00:00

,4, English law, and how were they to remove that feeling? Why, not by coercive acts, but by kind and paternal govern ment. Since the union, a period when Ireland was not governed by a Coercion Bill, was the exceptiote He begged the House not to be led away by their feelings in the discussion of this question. He was very much struck with what fell from the Honourable Member for the West Riding of Yorkshire on a former occasion. In allinlirer to the murder of the late Lord Norbury, he depicted the shack which his feelings sustained by that occurrence. They all knew, however, how that crime was perpetrated; but, stringent as the Bill was, it would be ineffective to prevent the occurrence of such horrible assassinations. They had for a course of cen turies endeavoured to put the whole population of Ireland out of the pale of the law, and they could not expect, after such treatment, they could have a peaceable and contented body of people. The people of Scotland gave a proof of the inefficacy of keeping the inhabitants of a country in subjection when no care was taken to show them that they were the objects of the law's protection. Archbishop Sharpe, of Glasgow, fell a vic tim to the mob in that city, when the people were influenced h_y simil ar exasperat i ng c i rcums t an ces as the people o f I re l an d. To use the words of Mr. Burke, the Government " were fret ting the people of Ireland with a feverish existence." And they might depend upon it, that as long as they did not legis late for the interests of the people, and the protection of their rights, so long would they and their measures be regarded With feelings of hostility. He would not enter at greater length into the question, as he had already occupied their at tention so recently on the specific merits of the Bill. It was said, the other night, in reference to the diminution of crime in Ireland, that that was owing to the debates which took Place on the Bill in this House, and also to the terror caused by its having passed the House of Lords. He could assure the Muse, however, that the people of Ireland knew little of what took place in that House, and cared less. He could not close the few remarks he thought it his duty to make, without call ing their attention to the time during whieh this Bill was before the House. On the 22d of January last the Bill was first alluded to in the speech from the throne, and her Ma jesty's Go vernmen t near l y a mont h a f terwar d s b roug h t for this measure. Aft e r numerous d e l a y s an d procrastina tions February was allowed to pass, and it was the end of March before the Bill received the sanction of the House of Lords. Irrespective of the merits of the Bill, however, he would ask if crime had been as prevalent in Durham, York shire, and ether counties of England, as it had been repre sented to have been in Ireland, would they for an instant have tolerated the Gcvernment to defer the consideration of a measure for its repression for the space of five months?— (Hear, hear.) He would ask the Noble Lord (Lord G. Ben tinck) would he have done so ? After reeking an extract from the former speech of the Noble Lord to show that he Would not, the Hon. Gentleman proceeded to say that if it were true that assassination was so prevalent in Ireland, they ought to have taken more decisive and immediate steps with regard to the present Bill. He did not wish to trouble the House longer. He was quite certain that the Bill was altogether unnecessary, and he trusted that the Noble Lord (George Bentinck) could follow out his own declaration, and °PPose it. He very much regretted that the Noble Lord the Secretary for Ireland should have made this the first public act of his in regard to that country. He would conclude by moving as an amendment, that the Bill be read a second time that day six months. i%i Confess,rl3EßNAL rose to second the motion. He was free to ilipported i that t when a similar Bill was proposed foreserl,-, he but he was not confirmed, by any salutary expe rience be had of its effects, of the propriety of giving his sup port to the present measure. He asked them, was that the O nly remedy they had for the grievances of that country no.) The Hon and Gallant Member said " No." shell,eivtishen, what other , remedies did they propose to meet under which that country laboured? He knew of eeet a i a f rom the of Ireland which at that moment were suffering the greatest distress, and indeed he must say, that all through Ireland very general distress existed. Mr. DILLON BROWN here moved that the House be Counted. „nere Strangers were then orered to withdraw. On our return, s being 40 Members p d resent, Mr. BERNAL resumed. He was sorry to find that during e dis cuss i on o f a quest i on o f so muc h i mportance to Ireland, barely 40 Members were present.—( Hear, hear.) H e cou ld not see that such a Bill as the present could have the effect of Preventing crime in Ireland. If parties in that country were f rlned to commit murder, this measure would not prevent "7 1 , and, therefore, the object for which it was introduced R, entirely defeated Her Majesty's Ministers said that in att :l a r h uary last midnight murderers were stalking forth in a for tr.tseolfe manner, and assassinations were taking place in many Ireland, and to put a stop to such crimes they thought to introduce the present measure. He could not see why it _ras, that if the measure was for any good at all, it should have wit)! esdelaed to theFebrua month of June. To ut a pto crime ah exiysted in ry, no legislative me p asure sto was brought rd whichtill that evening, and he thought that the long delay i ndeed ' had taken place was a virtual abandonment of the Bill , o ;, ,he had thought that they were to hear no more of it, of" he was sure that at this period, when Ireland was in a state aja believed no such measure s h ou ld b e b roug ht f orwar d . of lieved that if th ey were to ta k e t h e f ee li ng o f t h e peop l e si es this country on suc h a measue, i t wou ld b e found aga i nst i t. ;Peopl e o f E ng l an d were not i n favour of sending the Irish t r l !ailtry to Van Diemen's Land for crimes committed ro ugh the misery they endured ; for it was well known to the 1 . 1• )ie of this country that starvation was at the bottom, in v ` .. t,, the ro o t o f all the crime committed in Ireland, and they w i l e,nd be f or prepar i ng ot h er measures f or reme d y i ng t h e ev il s , 1 ..° 11 afflicted that country.—( Hear, hear.) "Jr. DILLON BROWNE again moved that the House be Z e nted, when stranges we ordered to withraw ; bu at i n ng been found that there er were forty Member d s present, t it n it- BERNAL again resumed. The House could not be aeration the crime in Ireland when it was to be taken into tcin_t,i that the juries in that country were not impar ted:Ll chosen without respect to creed.—( Hear.) He was told 0 7 the people of Ireland placed no faith in the impartiality hope of juries, and those that came before them felt but little parta n i a t i n v Partial justice chosen as they were for their political People 01 13 ,.." - -( Hear, hear). What had they done for the questio n ? ` r i e l land ? Had they brought forward any great Iliad they proposed any great legislative measure to relieve the distress which existed ? The Government told them that th e but t h e Ho p' were full of good intentions towards Ireland Weyer broughtae would bear in mind that those intentions were to b ear i n h er f avour. —( H ear, h ear.) Year after ye ar nothia. they were hearing of the distress in Ireland, and still th _ e Was done for that country. It was well known that h t _ e d l'easantry of Ireland had no settlement , no claim on the hia uc e a . n o d from this fact had emanated many of the evils corn f. It was well known the agrarian crimes committed arose from the unsettled state of the landed tenure of Ireland, and it was to this state of things that the Government should turn its attention.--( Hear, hear .) It was ev id ent that this bill was most untimely brought forward, for it had been re marked by several Peers who had voted for the mea sure that if they were aware it would have been delayed for this period they would not have voted for it. LThere must have been some reason for this change.—( Hear, " ea r.) It was quite a romance to think that a Bill which was h tl e e n,ught forward to put a stop to midnight murders should be (I , l nYed to a period when no such crimes were committed. — rear. hear. ) It was a measure more fitting for Mexico than Ireland at the present moment, and it was because he saw a t it was uncalled for that he voted for the amendment pro- Posed. 1 1 1 0 ivid i l e T. Member having risen, and there being a cry of e: rh L e SPEAKER put the question and amendment, upon o Place .1 strangers were ordered to withdraw, but no division took the; and on our re-admission to the gallery, NobIeBORNE was addressing the House. He said that er f Lord opposite knew nothing whatever of the country th e ° r , t he question at all. In fact, with regard to Ireland, • Was not a man in that House more ignorant, with the best t ntenti I‘l tt . n'is, than the Noble Lord, the unsuccessful candidate for h the waygbut he begged to tell - the Noble Lord that e ratio i to deal with Ireland was not by maintaining an aristo ence on the opposition benches. But he understood that th at aeon e Noble Lord accounted for his silence upon one occa /r uY declarin that a man would require to be six years in ela" before ld itt of he con answer any questions in respect to the Pte' governing her. However, he (Mr. Osborne) would Ne nei rer the Noble Lord's opinion in this respect, but he vrith upon the First Minister of the C r ow n no t t o d ea l w as it " Measure in this way, for he would ask, was it r i g ht or • ? re spectful to Ireland to deal with this measure in this -- (Hear h 91 , L ear. and-ue tart of LINCOLN said he could assure the House, the Hon. Member who had last spoken, and who had "lade a speec h which conta i ned charges that h e' felt assured ,entild not be justified by the circumstances, that though l a a might be ignorant of Ireland, and Irish affairs, ue, Would wish, in reply to the Honourable Member, Who had seconded the amendment, to address himself to the subjects touched upon by him, and to explain his views and the ,views of the Government upon this question. But here let aim remark, that when this House had been twice counted out within a few minutes, and when he looked at the benches op- Polite, and when he saw there only three or four of the repre sentatives of Ireland, he should sly it did appear to him that they did not bestow much attention to the measure; and he should add, that it would be acting a more becoming part, a n d a PPear more respectful to Irish measures, if he, however_ igno rant of the m , y e t as the Secretary for Ireland , had endeavoured to Postpone to a later period of the evening those observations he had to make, and which he would not shrink from making at any time, upon this subject. Nothing app ear e d to him More probable than that he should be taunted with having ri sen at a time when nobody expected he would have done hi, or that he h a d s h r unk from the opportunity of rais in g s voice in favour of this measure, when a large tntaber of the Irish Members should be present. 'ben he had heard several voices cry out for a division, he did • wish to rise at that moment, as he thought there might be ottersf present who would wish to take a part in the discussion htit to hen he did not see any other Member prepared to do so, he deed'thn rose, and he begged to assure the House it was per ; r .mmaterial to him at what period of the night he ad 'egged the House, for he was not so vain as to desire to see it Z°Wded, while he was making a spech. Now, having made ese observations in answer to the violent assault which had been made upon him by the Hon. Member opposite, be would Proceed to apply himself to the subject now under discussion, a " in doing so he begged to assure the House that he would e ndeavou r to avoid all mention of irritating topics or party allusions. He would endeavour to confine what he had to say to a defence of this Bill, and a justification of the provisions it Contain e d. The Hon. Member for Drogheda had done him the honour to say that it must have been with pain that he (Lord Lincoln) had a ss tu ned the post of Secretary for Ireland. H.th e could assure r ain he ight Ho n. Much greater pain he had Baronet, that it was with duty t o propose this measu r r i e s , en ibutn a t s h e i t dischargeduty o f h h i e s official not shrink from it. He need not remind the House that when jfirst this measure was introduceesd;itthhereGovernment were sub ected to all manner of charges with the course they Were adopting. Hon. Members had said that this measure was introduced without reason, or b , who sat below o een del a y e d too had those charges ad C ation ; and those Hon. Members on his side, or just l the gangway, said that d th t e ha m t e t a h s e ur fi e rs h t ng. Now, he conceive eges "" been di spose d o f by the first discussion which had take n plac e , an d t it had a l ways b ee n held good that it was not desirable o press on suc h a measu re hastily, and he thought he could appeal to the general policy of the present Government as a contra.. diction to the assertion that this measure had been introduced without reason, or excuse, or justification, for doing so. Let him remind the House that a similar Act to this existed in the year 1835, and yet the Government allowed five years to elapse without attempting to revise it. They had also allowed the Party Processions Act to expire; and though they had revised the Unlawful Oaths' Act, it had been deprived of many of i ts most offensive and obnoxious clauses. Then there was the Arms' Act, to which the Noble Lord, whom he now saw sitting at the bar ( Lord Clements), gave such strenuous opposition,that that Act had not been put in force in any offen s've manner. With regard to he charge of having delayed this Bill too long, he begged to say he did not think that that charge lay at the door of the Government. But he would much rather bear with such a charge th in let it be said they were pressing it en too hastily. The Hon. Baronet opposite complained of this delay, and yet he moved the postponement of the measure ; and therefore if there was any offence in delay, the Hon Mem bem r • ppo t participated in it. His Right Hon. Friend near had s b l e e en accused of not wishing to pass the Corn Bill, or be would not have pressed on the first reading of the Bill— and yet they were charged with delay. This Bill had been sPoken of as an unconst it u ti ona l measure, and it should be ad witted that it was so, but it could only be justified by a stern necessity, and in such a state of things as where life and pro party „ were not protected by the law now within the compass of " 6 Constitution. In fact, the only liberty that now existed in • Ireland was liberty fur murder and outrage; but there was no liberty for the protection of the peaceable and those who should be protected; and let him remind the House that this mea sure was intended to be applied to five counties only, for the disea -e, through epidemic, he fear d was contagious in mane cases also. The measures perrviousy introduced had been successful, though they had nut been brought into operation. They had been successtul in operating on toe minds of the people of Ireland. On the previous debate there had been so many cases adduced in support of the Bill, that he hesitated now in troubling them further. He knew, however, that it was more by cumulative instances, than by a tew strong cases, that such a measure as the present ought to be grounded. The Right Hen. Baronet ( Sir John Somerville) in the course of his speech observed, that he considered the Government were bound to do three things. In the first place, they were bound to show the necessity for the measure; in the second place, that the state of things complained of could not be put down by the operation of the laws; and in the third place they were bound to show that there was a fair prospect of the Bill being effectual and efficacious in working a change. He (Lord Lincoln) was ready to admit that this was a fair representation of the duty of the Government in intro ducing such a Bill ; and if they were not already satisfied with the cases that had been given in suppert of the measure, he was willing to establish the case still further. But before doing so he must refer to a statement made by the Hon. and Learned Member for Cork (Mr. O'Connell), who affirmed that the disorders complained of principally, if not mainly, were of an agrarian character, and were to be got rid of by a Bill for regulating the position of landlord and tenant, and measures of a similar kind. By a careful examination of the criminal returns, he (Lord Lincoln) found this statement completely disproved ; and he should prove to the House that though there was some connexion between these outrages and the land, the Hon. and Learned Gentleman was not justified in stating that either the majority or a large proportion :of ,the crimes were of an agrarian character. They prove that not only the landlord and tenant are inter fered with, but that they enter into every other relationship of life. To use the language of the Honourable and Learned Member for Cork, the whole body corporate was diseased." To prove this, he could not go to a more unpre judiced source than the Commission authorised by the Govern ment to inquire into the state of Ireland, and which, three months ago, presented its report. The Commission to which he referred was that over which Lord Devon had pre side ; and he (Lord Lincoln) wished to call the particular attention of the House to the returns in the first volume of the appendix furnished by Colonel Miller, superintendent of police. These returns, he might add, were arrived at, with the view of establishing a fact that disputes respecting land were at the bottom of these outrages. This, however, was not proved by the returns furnished. The offences, as furnished in 1844 by the constabulary police, are given as agrarian, and otherwise. In that year there was the alarming number of 6,337 cases of outrage. Of this number 5,3'36 were not agrarian, there being only 1,001 which were of an agrarian character, or less than one-third. But of this 1,001 there were 417 which were not strictly agrarian, but were cases of threatening notices. These, strictly speaking, should be deducted. If they went into minute particulars, the case was stronger still. They would then see that crimes of the worst charactht were not agrarian, as the following would show : Incendiary fires, not agrarian I „ agrarian Assaulting and threatening life, not agarian... 238 f , PP agrarian . .... 12 Aggravated assault, not agrarian , f „ agrarian.. Firing at the person, not agrarian..... ......... .. 47 ~ „ agrarian ... .. 26 127 Homicides, not agrarian.... „ agrarian ... This clearly showed that the statement of the Hon. and Learned Gentleman the Member for Cork was not borne out by facts and figures. These returns had been classified as aerarian and not agrarian at the desire of the Commission, with the object of showing, no doubt, that agrarian outrages were at the bottom of these outrages, but this had not been borne out by the results. In further exemplification, he would refer to returns which he had laid on the table of the House last Friday, and which had been printed that morning. They were so voluminous that he did not apprehend Hon. Members could have examined them yet ; but they would find, if they investigated, that what he had stated respecting the nature of the outrages was more than borne out. He would read a few extracts as bearing on the case. He had classified them as far as time would allow, and they exemplified the real social state of the five counties in which the outrages had most prevailed. The first class from which he would read was that relating to crimes arising out of disputes between the landlords and tenants, but not strictly of an agra rian character.—( Hear.) He would remark that this was a very small class in comparison with he others. The first case he would refer to, was that of an attack of a person of the name of Kelly, whose house, on the 13th of December, was entered at night by a body of men whose faces were blackened. They demanded Kelly, and were told that he was from home. They sent a search and found his horse ; then they made a strict examination of the premises, when Kelly was found, and abused and threatened that his life would be taken if he did not treat his tenants with snore kindness. The tenants referred to were parties living on the property, but refused to pay any rent. He knew some of the parties, and was willing to lodge informations, but he durst net move in the case until he had sold off his stock, and he could not do so if it was known he would proceed against the parties. No one would purchase from him. He would go from this class to another, compelling servants to leave their employment. On the 29th of January, in the county of Wicklow, six persons entered the house of a farmer and beat a servant of the name of Michael, because he would not leave. There was another case in which seven men beat a servant because he would not leave so as to afford employment for some other parties. The Noble Lord read several other cases of the same kind from the counties of Wicklow and Tipperary. He had one case which would show a minuteness of interference so strange as likely to excite a smile from Hon. Members. On the 28th of Dec., three armed men assaulted a female servant employed by Samuel Cowe, Esq., and that gentleman was fired at by the parties. The complaint was that the servant, a dairymaid, was too penurious in her supply of milk to the labourers. The next case to which he would refer was interference to compel masters to discharge servants. On the 27th July last, in the county of Tipperary, an armed party as saulted a gentleman, because he would not dis miss certain labourers that were obnoxious to them. He would now proceed to another class of offences, namely, that to prevent persons entering into particular trades, or pre venting competition in the county of Clare. On October the 26th, at seven o'clock in the evening, the steward of a steam boat was violently assaulted by five men, because he got his supply of milk from parties to whom they objected, and did not deal with those which they desired. Another case hap pened on the 23th of August, in the county of Leitrim of a similar character. In the county of Roscommon three car riers were violently assaulted by seven men, because they fed their horses at the house of a particular party, and not at a place where the assaulting persons were desirous they should do so. There was another case which he could quote contained in the returns he had laid upon the table of the House that evening ; but he thought he had already read a sufficient quantity o. these cases. He had read more of this class than he had origi nally intended, because they tended to show that crim , could only exist where, by some means or other, society hat' been greatly disorganised. Now, with the permission of the House, he would read a class of cases under the heads of" Pre venting the Recovery of Debts," and " The Enforcement o Contracts." In January last, alichael Doctrine, in the county of Roscommon, was seriously maltreated because he had en forced a contract in returning a cow which (lid not turn ou according to agreement. In February, a man named Mac Carty was waylaid and brutally ill-used because he recovered money on certain I 0 U vouchers. On the 7th April, in the same city, man named Thomas Croft was " sworn" to refund a debt which he had received ten years before. He felt he was trespassin too long upon the time and attention of the House with thes , details, but it was necessary that he should go into them, it, order that the House should see the necessity for passing this Bill. There was, therefore, another class of eases to which he must refer. They were comprised under the heads of " compelling people to marry," " not to marry," or" to giv( fortunes to particular persons going to get married." On the 31st January last, Michael Byron, a comfortable farmer in Roscommon, was " sworn" to fulfil his promise to marry " a certain female." On 21st February Richard Guyer's louse was burned, to prevent a particular marriage taking place. About the same period a man named Turners was beaten, and " sworn to marry a particular female." The next class of cases to which he must call the at. tendon of the House, arose out of giving evidence against persons who violated the law ; but it would only be necessary for him to read one case of this class. On the 22nd of September, a man named Smith, living in Roscommon, and his daughter, were seriously maltreated and beaten, for having given evidence in a particular case. Another case of the same nature had lately occurred in the county of Leitrim, where a widow was " sworn " to intimidate her son not to prosecute a charge which had been preferred against certain parties of having murdered her husband in 1844. He would now, with the permission of the House, read to them some de tails which he received yesterday in the ordinary course of his official routine. There were five cases reported to him, and three of them were cases of gross interference with the social and domestic relations of life. He hoped the House would understand why he had selected these particular classes of cases. He had done so because it had been stated by Hon. Gentlemen opposite that the outrages perpetrated in Ireland were principally of an agrarian character. There was one par ticular case of an agrarian character, which had recently come to his knowledge, and which he must read to the House. It occurred in the county of Roscommon, where three men, armed with pistols and bludgeons, broke into the house of a poor man, and demanded that he should go down on his knees to be "sworn." The man refused to do so without knowing why and wherefore, and the consequence was he was immediately fired at and wounded in three parts of his body. He was then " sworn" to give up possession in favour of his brother-in-law, who had occupied the cottage and lands some seven years be fore. He thought he had sufficiently shown the House that there was no relationship in life in Ireland, either social or domestic, which was not interfered with ; while, if the House would take the trouble to look into the c ses they would find that it was impossible in many parts of the country that public duties could be performed. Having en tered into these details, he might be asked what was the cause of these outrages, but he regretted his inability to answer that question. From the evidence before Lord Devon's Commission, i t Catholic s would es s i b o e n a seen b y the that answ t e h r e s soef outrages t l‘ r l a r g . e aroseahi 11, country r s y t a t t o ed a . v avenge aßom an malice prevailing in t he solicitor,manner disputes and satisfy ainnnethrehecoh out of an systemorganised now came to another imp ortant p art of the statement he was the House. The Hon. and Learned anxious to make to Member for Cork, incidentally observed the other night, that since the introduction of this Bill crime had considerably Learned Member diminished in Ireland, and the Hon. have at tributed that diminution to the exertions Government were er o e f making to re m ov e the distress which existed in many parts Ireland. H e a d m i tte d t h at t o so me extent crime might diminished within the last three or four months in Ireland, bat when he looked to the cause of that diminution, he days s length ot did hf e n h o i think Bl that i iiitthceorutlod it t e urged against the second reading • had been ascertained that as crime iwmaes intherefore, gemp oyytined crime diminished. And to some extent he w n as read l - e the distress and ivi et a hn d et m t i t t h h t d e t s h t t u m t e e p a s o u o r r e s t, a o d f t e G n o d v e e d r n t o rn r e e n d t u f n o e r Ireland;their remedyt but let him remind the House that both however, deeply regrettedut;'' as of a temporary character, and to provide for the future. He, that with regard to this supposed di mnution of crime, it was his iluty t o un d eceive the Hon. and House nthe early p art of the evening h L e ea la rnide d upon ra the r t a f b o l r e C o o f r t k h . e certain pap ers to which he w had alluded in th e course of the observations he h a d f e l t it his duty to address to th e H ouse; they 1 setr December e the e returns o f cr i mes emb H er en. to m th em e 3 be l.t perpetrated in Ire l m a ad d d n tri: f o r st o i m bne et t nh h e e i 31st presentyear. He reg retted t A h l a a t y t , h t e h s e e fi returns h to enable them to check or compare hi s statements with the de " tailed returns, but the truth was th e y on l y reac h ed him yesterday, and, of course, he could not lay them on the table before that evening. This was a return of all aggravated ci imes, assaults, and other offences which were committed between the month of May, 1845, and the month of May, 1846. It was only necessary, in order to substantiate the correctness of this comparison, that he should state that this return did not include outrages or injuries designated as assaults on the police; neither did it THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, JUNE 0, 1846, include murders or hom'cides—for this reason, that the Hon. and Learned Member for Clonmel ( Mr. Pigot) moved for a return of murders and homicides during a correepinding period, and which was presented to the House on Monday last, and he only regretted that it was not in his hands at that mo went. He would now proceed to make a comparison between the numbsr of offences committed in Ireland during the first five months of last year and the corresponding ponied of the present year; and he must admit, at the same time, that in consequence of these papers not having reached his hands before the previous day, he was not able to make so accurate and precise a comparison as he could have wished, but if Hon. Gentlemen would have the kindness to read them over care fully, he was quite sure that, with the exception of Leitrim, the counties which had been noted for crime had not at all im proved with regard to their amount of crime within the last five months.—( Hear, hear ) In the county of Leitrim he did rejoice to say 'and he congratulated the Noble Lord the Mem • ber for that county on this fact) that there had been a con siderable diminution of crime during the last five months.-- ( Hear, hear.) But he believed that the Noble Lord would be able, much better than he could do, to es ablish to the House good grounds with regard to the diminution of crime in that particular county, and which in his ( Lord Lincoln's) opi nion would tend very considerably to strengthen the arguments in favour of this Bill rather than diminish them. And now with regard to the comparison of crime in these five counties, as compared with the whole of Ireland during the past five months. During that period there had been, in the whole of Ireland, of the class of crimes to which he had alluded, 2,098; but in the five counties in question 1,188 of those crimes had been perpetrated, being considerably more than one-half of the crimes committed in the w'sole of Ireland. Now, without going into detail, because he had not time to do so, he would make a brief comparison in the gross between the number of crimes committed in the different counties in Ireland, and from the statement he thought the House would see that there had, in fact been no diminution of crime in Ireland during the last five months, with the exception of the county of Leitrim. In Clare there had been 171 cases of crime. In Leitrim 1:38. In Limerick (and he begged to observe, that with regard to Li merick, the amount was very considerable in proportion to its population), 210 cases. In Roscommon, he regretted to say, there had been no diminution, but a very great increase, 378. In Tipperary, 286 ; making, as he before said, 1,188 cases for the five counties in question, whilst in the whole of Ireland there had only been 2,o9B.—(Hear, hear.) Now, as he had this return in his hand, and as he remarked to the House in a former part of his statement that these offences were of a local nature, he would read a ftces particulars as to the population of the counties now nude:: comparison. He had already stated that in the count of Roscommon, during the last five months, there had be:en 383 offences, and the popula tion of that county was 253,000. He was g l a d to see t h e Hon. Member for Aerry now in his place on the opposite benches. Kerry contained a much larger population than Roscommon, the number of its people amounting to 293,000 ; but in the county of Kerry, during the same period, there had been, only sixteen offences, whilst in Roscommon there were 383.—( Hear. hear.) He would now refer the House to the number of offences committed in the county of Limerick ; the population of tlat county amounted only to 281.000, and yet the number of crimes was 210. Now in the county of Lei trim, as he before stated, the number of crimes was 138, whilst the population of that county was 155,000 In the adjoining county of Fermanagh, the population of which was 166,000, the number of offences was only 14. In the county of Antrim, with :160,000 inhabitants, the offences were only 17. In the county of Dublin, exclusive of the city of Dublin, with a po pulation of 146,000, the amount of offences was only four. Now he thought that these facts would clearly establish the grounds which he ma ntained for the necessity of passing some coercive measure to affect the five counties in Ireland where crime was so rife. He admitted, with the Hon. Baronet who moved the amendment, that it was the duty of any Govern ment, if introducing a measure of this nature, to prove three things ; and in the first place they were bound to prove that an evil existed which ought to be met by some means or other. Now, he did think that if they would look to the proofs which had been laid before the House on the former debates on this country, that the case was made out--clearly proving the existence of such an evil. He also thought that the pools he had laid before the House that evening showed that there had been not any diminution in crime within the last five months, and he thought he might assume that the Hon. Baronet who moved this amendment could not complain that a sufficient ease had not been made out for enactments of this kind. The Hon. Baronet stated that it was the duty of the Government to prove that they had attempted to meet these offences by the ordinary law, and that they had failed in so doing. He alluded to the case of Westmeath, to show that had special commissions been issued, the existing state of things might have been prevented. In referring to that case, the Honourable Baronet had forgotten to tell the House the circumstances under which that special commis sion was issued. Now, the circumstances which led to the issuing of that special commission in the county of Westmeath, were these, that there had previously been not only a consider able accumulation of officers ; but what was, of course, of greater importance as regarded the commission, a very consider able accumulation of prisoners within the gaol. Under those circumstances he believed that the Lord-Lieutenant was applied to by certain magistrates and gentry to issue a special com mission. The Government hesitated for some time as to the propriety of so doing. The Government doubted whether sufficient ground existed for the issuing of the commission, and they employed proper persons to ascertain whether such grounds did exist ; and the result was, that the commission was issued. But the Hon. Baronet asked why a special commission was not issued for the five counties. The answer was obvious, that al though the state of crime was so rife, and although the number of outrages was so great, yet the instances of detection were so few, the committals were so rare, that there would be no justification for the issue of a commission ou those counties, for it would in reality en d i n nothing. But let 'him (the Earl of Lincoln) remind the House--when they were now taxed with not issuing special commissions—when they were now charged by the Hon. Baronet the Member for Drogheda, and also by the Hon. and Learned Member for Cork, with the negligence of duty in consequence of their not issuing special commissions—let him remind the House that those were not the views that had been entertained generally by Hon. Gentlemen opposite. Unless he very greatly mis took, Lord Althorp in introducing the Bill of 1833, dwelt particularly upon the total inadequacy of special commissions to meet crimes of the kind in question.—(Hear, hear.) That Noble Lord stated reasons which he (the Earl of Lin coln) thought were sound and good. Let him remind the House also that when in 1835 the Coercion Bill, of a less stringent character, was introduced, the Hon. and Learned Gentleman for Cork deprecated the issuing of special com missions, and stated that the Government having declined the attempt to diminish crime by such means, had, in his opinion, taken a wise and prudent course. In support of this statement he could quote Hansard, but he had no desire to do so. He must observe at the same time that before they could show the desirableness of issuing a spe cial commission, they must show that they could produce the necessary evidence to prosecute. Now he was encouraged to maintain this position by reading a short extract from the evi dence of Mr. Cahill, given before Lord Devon. That gentle man was asked whether he believed that the perpetrators of agrarian outrages were known by the peasantry where they were committed, and his answer was, that he was perfectly con vinced that the parties knew everything of the transaction, but that there was little disposition to give any evidence against the -erpetrators. He was then asked to what he attributed that disposition, and he replied that it was not attributable to any 'error, but rather a dislike to injure those of the class to which :hey belonged.—(Hear, hear, from the opposition.) He stated also that such murderers were harboured and protected, and, ;n point of fact, were looked upon as better men than others, be cause they put down what they called a tyrant. They re ceived the character of what they called a " good boy."—( Hear. ) that showed the difficulty of obtaining evidence. Perhaps the Hon. Baronet the Member for Clonmell was entitled at his hands to a peculiar explanation. He could give minute oiformation with respect to the number of offences in the five counties he had enumerated, and the number of committals. The total number of offences was 1,188, out of which number here were only 54 committals. In Tipperary the number of offences was 285, and 19 committals. In the county of Lime rick' the number of offences was 210, and 12 committk ls. In Leitrim there was 133 offences committed, and 8 committals. Is Clare the number of offences was 171, and the committals were 7. In Rosscommon, where he was sorry that crime was on the increase, out of the large number of offences, 383, there had been only 8 committals, in consequence of the unwilling ness of witnesses to come forward. The great majority of those offences were committed during the night. In the county of Tipperary between 130 and 140 of the offences were committed at night. Mr. DENISON—Not offences against life. Lord LINCOLN resumed. Between 130 and 140 were committed at night, and on the average between 60 and 70 in the day time. The same proportion prevailed in the other counties. The principles which were intended to be embodied in this measure were similar in effect to those which were already extended to districts in England when cases of rebellion or rioting occurred. In every case of riot the district was mulcted for the offences committed within its range. There was another provision which was essentially different from the Act of 1835, and that was to give power to the Lord Lieutenant to proclaim any district instead of vesting the power in the hands of the grand jury and gentlemen of the county. He was astonished that any objection was made to that provision. H e b e li eve d th at i n 1833 t h e Minister, in his place in Parlia men t, a lth oug h h e a d m i tte d t h at military tri bunals were very objectionable, yet still they were preferable to the grand jurie s i n I re l an d as th e y were th en constituted. Ihe Honourable Member for Cork had said that there was at present an opportunity for parties to traverse from the de cision of the grand juries, but there would be no means of traversing from the opinion of the Lord Lieutenant. But, he would ask, would not that House serve as a check upon the manifestation of any extraordinary or improper power by the Lord-Lieutenant ?—( Cheers.) Was not that"power sufficient to restrain any Lord-Lieutenant horn improperly abasing the powers with which he might be vested. The penalty in this Bill was certainly more severe than in the former Bill. He had understood on the first reading, that the Noble Lord the Member for the city of London intended to move an amend- ment on this clause in Committee, and he was surprised that the Noble Lord should now turn round so soon, and make this clause a reason for throwing out the whole Bill. Lord JOHN RUSSELL—I propose to omit the clause altogether. Corti LINCOLN understood that it was his intention to move an amendment in Committee, and he should be glad to hear if he opposed the Bill on principle, at what period it was since the year 1835 that his opinions had changed upon the subject of coercive measures. It had been stated that the Government adopted coercive measures and had neglected conciliatory measures. He would ask whether the Charitable Bequests Bill was not a proof of the good spirit in which they had conducted the Government of the country ? Did not the Government introduce a measure for the endowment of May nooth, which gave considerable offence to their friends? Another measure was calculated to extend the system of national edu cation. Then, again, with r e f erence to t h e l an dl or d and tenant question. The Hon. Member, who complained of the Government not bringing in a Bill founded on the report of the Devon Commission, e.( uld not have looked very attentively on the paper or he would have seen that he had given notice at a date not later than Friday next, of his intenion to move for leave to introduce three Bills founded on these measure's. And then with reference to the measures which the Government had adopted to relieve she distress in Ireland, their opp onents h a d 1 provided, to given them creditlarfoer extent,their enfodoedavouarnsd. employment for They h which had they y 1 feltto e ndure they did the reproach of form had to bear reproach in Parliament not deserve ; they which had only been cast upon them for for the people ofa former Ireland. friends,g House—opprobrium had voted considerable sums for the party purposes. They ; they had also distributed large which he was sure they would not have received out of the people of II eland, and among the qiiantities of Lydian meal upon what had been done they would look back in after years ent as a proof of the good in the present day by the Clover' They had sane them. feeling of the Government towards promotion of public works . involve an outlay on works, which, when complete& would . . half a million of money, the part of individual proprietors of for a give both food and employment Banc tinned the expenditure of P. 20,000/. for the promotion of public and would, of course, If fi consid era bl e t i me to the people in the distr i cts where t h e works constru c t e d, an d would also provide a valua bl e return f or disturb invest i v i d u a t eh l s de , i but:c s tatea p s i o ti at I l ong . couldthe capi ta l i nvested. He considered that although the Govern ment had d one much, a great deal could yet be done by private in dividuals, o a ns notb a z the( Members pb u ee n er t ts r e y od p r t i e h, m oast a i t i t e n h e ew d li sa hn i n ed (I : e t tr s od dspresent the landlords of any excuse for • in not remaining the country they should pass the present Bill, He felt himself bound to make these observations, in consequence of the „ 4 a ll enee which but his paid Janizaries.—(Loud cheers from the protectionists.) had been given him to show the neces s ity w hi c h ex i s t e d for the Many of those who after voting expressed their shame at what present measure. It eas easy to char ge th e 3overnment with they had been obliged to do. If such was the state of the Go tyranny and oppre s si en , an d to ma k e l ong and vernment, it was time to speak out and declare their sense of eloquent- speeches on the su bj ect. H e f e e t t h a t its conduct by voting against the measure. He asked the if the Government had propoeed thi s measure as a Right Hon. Baronet if he had not lost the confidence of e'lefY panacea for the. evils of Ireland, that then they would have honest man in that House—( Loud cheers)—and not only in a ea n ste d , been . jesnfled in pursuing the cours e th ey h a d adopted; but that House, but of every honest man in the country?—(Con the s however tat - , e of goodsociety—as i n itself, a could n h e a x d i 0 been n . lie ( L inconstant erd to G e Oa; though fhre ss oo • urnm i t gi3 h ehemtnh w tbtehie h ner c e : whom he r e e h e a l d l e e t a e n d y cone lio; fioverement bed b-ought in this Rill avowedly as a filmed cheering.) In the course he had pursued, h corrective witn, t whi for , h a a d n i y s o r n g , they dial ot t ic i i 7 i 1.. , ni s ‘ a 2y t t i s s lte f e a em e k t onornfy Ireland,otil i m e r Billatio operation. but t likely The tG simplye o a v e : ha r a n np m gr eeepnatroawtonryedyn permanentlyt e h a a_t ti h ne e n c ly La o7 d n, a fnhoorutnhateerddgelpi question, sr o ti w iuo n tne, i cf g t h t l it n H h ee e n o . fA Baronet iienni nstsri sy-, sure ; an.l it was on that view and on that principle that it had , supported the same measure in 1829. In 1822 he told the been introduced. He, for one, was perfectly ready to admit House, in supporting the measure, that he changed his opinion his opinion as to the impossibility of any longer permitting in 1825, when h e was connected with the Earl of Liverpool's Ireland to s lt ereate b enyeen lawless despotism and ultra con- 1 Government.—( H ear , h ear.) That, however, did not ime stitution il enactments. —.( Hear, hear.) And when he I vent him, in 1827, separating from Mr. Canning's Govern made that a lmi,sion. it was not at variance with the ment. It it was base, and dishonest, and inconsistent with the priseipl e nf ;b e 111, abfl he knew it was net at variance with ' duty of a Minister to the Sovereign then, to maintain opinions the spit t a i,li :In ,h tie Government looked upon the measure , after he had changed th em , did not the Right Hon. Baronet He was ire e er e d le give his eri cipal support to it on this view, stand convicted on the verdict of base and dishonest conduct, bet , evirg liar it teas it meaaere calcuNted to restore peace and and of being inconsistent in his duty to the Sovereign in the harmony to th , ! cou,nry. And looking at the measure i n thi s course he had pursued ? (Lour! protectionist cheers. ) Let spirit he ventured in call upon that Ilouse to prove by its votes them recollect his conduct in 1827, and compare it with what to-night, that they ?rill co ssent, however reluctantly, to suspend lit was in 1825 and 1829, and bear in mind that the coun the law whenever lawless vio'cnee is rife, rather than all law try would not twice submit to the same conduct.--( Hear. ) should be sot at variance, and the lives and property of the sub- It was time the country should know —it was time Europe jet's of the realm jeopardised and endangered, and the peace- should know—it was time the world should know—that ful security of the nei g ,hb nirhoo;l set at nought and destroyed, treachery had been committed by the Ministers in power. Mr. MORGAN JOHN O'CONNELL—There was one ad- They certainly did not represent the feelings of the people, for vantage which the Noble. Lord who just addressed the House the corn-laws might be lost to the agricultural interest—do had over any speaker who might follow him, and that was by the mestie industry might suffer—they might be betrayed. Europe conciliatory tone which characterised his speech, and he would must not think—America must not think—the world must not himself endeavour to follow the example he had so eloquently think that England was committed, or that England had par set. If he believed that this Bill was what its title pretended it ticipate i in the guilt of those who sat on the Treasury to be, no party consideration, or no consideration of any other henches.—( Cheers. ) The time had come, when those Gen kind would prevent hies from giving it his support.—( Hear, tlemen who had been glad to avail themselves of the hear.) But the arguments of the Noble Lord had failed com- treason of the Right Hon. Baronet, and Honourable Gentle pletely to convince him, and he had hearth with very great sur- men who considered the Right Hon. Baronet to be prise the statement of the Noble Lord, that crime was rather on traitor to his principles, to combine in denouncing, the conduct the increase in Ireland than on the diminution. He had, of her Majesty's Ministers, and in telling the Ministry that they however, some constitutional mistrust of the reports coming should no longer presume to insult the country.—( Cheers. ) from the constabulary, when those reports were calculated to The time had come when, by placing the Government in a bear out the views of Government, and he advised the Noble minority, they could drive them from power, and thus wipe Lord now, and he advised any man about to be Secretary for away that dishonour which had been forced upon Parliament Ireland, (and it would be very hard to say who might be by a renegade Ministry, and vindicate the character of the Secretary for Ireland next year) to adopt for their first rule to British senate in the eyes of America, in the eyes of Europe, distrust the constabulary ; and the next rule he would give and in the eyes of the world.—(Loud and continued cheering.) them would be to distrust the law adviser for the Crown.— Mr. SIDNEY HERBERT said he had upon a previous oc ( Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord used a phrase which gave casien ventured to trespass upon the time of the House for him great surprise; he had told them that this Bill was a some length, upon the subject of the Bill which had that night temporary remedy for a temporary emergency. But did they for the second time been discussed, upon which had arisen so know that this temporary remedy was brought in as permanent much of acrimonious debate, and during which so many in its nature in another place? The Noble Lord had quoted charges had been urged against the Government—(lronical largely from the constabulary returns, but a great proportion cheers )—eharges which were seldom urged—charges which of these outrages were not agrarian. He slid not know on were couched in language little heard in that House--( Renewed what principle these returns were made, but he was afraid cheers)— charges and language which he confessed for the sake they were made in very nearly a similar manner to those which of preserving the character of the House ought seldom, if ever, were made when the Arms Bill was brought forward. The to be used—( Renewed cheering)—charges which he would not first use made of that Act was to deprive of arms all who were repeat, urged in terms which he would not retaliate so long as repealers ;in a county, too, which was not a disturbed county. he had any self-respect for his own character—so long as he That was the first use made of it by an Irish magistracy in had any respect for the character, the temper, and reputation of one of the counties of Ireland. He, therefore, warned the that House.—(Continued (sheering.) Nor would he impute House that instead of using the new powers which were con- to others motives which he scorned to be influenced by himself; ferred by this Bill for the' object intended, the magistracy nor would he, under any temptation whatever, import into that of Ireland would use it, no t f or i ts purpose of suppressing out- House terms, language, and insinuations which were better rage, but for destroying the liberties of the people, and sup- suited to some other arena than that in which gentlemen of pressing the freedom of discussion. Many clauses of the Bill station, influence, and character were assembled to discuss were fraught with the mo s t seriou s mischief to the people, calmly, deliberately, and dispassionately measures vitally affect. and would entail th e g rea t es t inju r y if carried into effect. in" the great interest of this country.—( Cheers.) The Noble He believed that a l aw whi c h would alter the agrarian system Li - rd had stated that her Majesty's Ministers could not be in of Ireland would have more effect in doing away with crime in earnest in pressing this Bill. The Noble Lord founded that that country than if they were to introduce such a measure as supposition on the fact that now, in June, when he had the present for years to come. This was what was wanted for discovered that the days were long they were Ireland. Alter the landed system of the country, and they pressing on the measure, but the Noble Lord forgot ' would find the god resu l ts of that alteration in the continued how upon another measure he and his party wasted night after nres d erity, and th e t ota l cessation of crime.--( Hear, hear.) night with long speeches, devoid of argument, put forward to He believed that whatever was good for the tenantry of Ire- meet facts which could not be contradicted.—( Cries of " Oh, land would he equally pod f o r the landlord—that which was oh.") But granting that the speeches contained argument— goad for the one wou ld b e goo d for the other, and the whole granting that the facts were capable of being shaken by the country would feel th e be ne ficial results of that all-important trifling experience, or the seeming eloquence of the Noble change.—( Hear, hear.) H e hoped the Irish representatives Lord, he put it to the House whether it was possible for the on both sides of th e H ouse , who during the whole period of Government to have brought the second reading of this Bill the session had di s pl a y e d a spirit of generosity towards their forward earlier than they had done.—(Hear, hear.) The country, would not now be found wanting in substituting for Noble Lord had said that the Government should have brought the measure b e fore th e H ouse that which would be a lasting this Bill forward before the Corn Bill.—( Hear, hear.) That good, instead of adopting that which would only entail more might be the opinion of the Noble Lord, but it was not the misery, and revive that crime which did not now exist.—( Hear.) opinion of the country. The Noble Lord, whose powers of in- He hoped that he might be pardoned for alluding to one credulity were so great—(Cries of "Ohl oh 1")—now told the question, mo r e es p ec i a lly as it might be remembered that he House that there was no necessity for interfering with the did not trouble the H ouse much that session on Irish affairs, liberties of the people of Ireland. He now told them, after —(Hear, hear.) He w as about to ahude to the Established three weeks' experience, that the course which:he had taken a Church of Ireland, and in alluding to it he did not wish to few days ago was utterly unsound.—(" Oh !oh !") He (Mr. cause anything like a d i vision amongst the Iri h representa- S. Herbert) conceived that his conduct in that House had not tives who differed with him on that question. He thought, disentitled himself to its attention—( Hear, hear)—and he however, that he might with great propriety impress upon them thought he might be permitted to make a few ol:rerva the necessity of taking that question into consideration, tions with regard to what had fallen from the Noble Lord, while they had the opportunity of settling it amicably, instead and he thought that even the Noble Lord would admit that he of waiting till that period when they would be forced to was not disentitled himself to its attention.—(Hear, hear.) concede much more than the country were now willing to As he had before said, the Noble Lord now, after three weeks' accept.—( Hear, hear.) The people of Ireland would now be experience, told the House that there was no necessity for any satisfied with a moderate reform in the Church establishment interference with the privileges of the Irish people ; but a of that country, com p a ratively with that which they would short time ago he was so keen for this Bill, that he could not demand at a future p er iod, when the subject would lie forced allow the discussion to go on in the regular course, and in sup upon the consideration o f Parliament, and when nothing port of the Bill he cited cases in which women had been at less than a ra di ca l c h ange i n the whole system would tacked, fire-arms discharged into poor men's cottages, old ladies satisfy them.—( Hear, hear.) With respect to the measure attacked as they were returning from church in the broad day. before the H ouse , h er Majesty's Ministers would do well to There was no language sufficiently strong to express his indig consider that the s pi r i t o f the age was not in favour of coercion. nation at the conduct of the Irish people.—( Hear, hear.) The —( Hear, hear.) Th e sp i r it o f the age was spoken out by her Noble Lord said that on the heads of those who opposed the Majesty's Government, when, a short time since, they told the passing of this Bill would rest the blood of the murdered men House that they had abandoned those principles which they of Ireland.--( Hear, hear.) Upon whose head did the blood had been in the habit of supporting, to meet the reformed spirit of the murdered men now rest?—(Hear, hear.) Suddenly, of the country.—( Hear , hear.) H e call e d upon t h e H ouse upon no change of circumstances in that country—at three and upon her Majesty' s nisters not to make this Bill an ex- weeks notice—the Noble Lord turned round short, and said, ception to that new spirit of reform which had forced itself "We were anxious to prevent these atrocious crimes against upon the Legislature; and feeling, as he did, that it was a God and man, but now our opinion is changed; this ehange measure calculated to do irreparable injury, and work more does not arise from any regard to the welfare of the country— mischief than it could possibly put down, he should vote against there are other reasons for our conduct—(A laugh)—it is not it.— (Cheers.) that we love Ireland less, but that we hate more the men Lord G. BENTINCK said it would be in the recollection who at present hold the reins of Government.—(Laughter, of the House that he gave his advice to her Majesty's cheers, and " Oh, oh," from the Protectiodist benches.) Government, that if this measure was necessary for the Did the Noble Lord now take this course because be conceived suppression of crime in Ireland, it ought to take it would be necessary for the benefit of the country ? No ; but precedence of many questions then about to be entertained. because there were 'other reasons which prompted It would also be remembered that at that time it was a measure him to do so. The Noble Lord had made use of sin of more emergency than many others, and it would be remem- gular logic on this question, and he (Mr. Herbert) bored that when the measure was brought down to that House, could not have any affinity with the political her Majesty's Ministers most solemnly impressed upon opinions of the Noble Lord. The Noble Lord had said the them the necessity of immediately passing it into a law. Not- other night, that because a gentleman, who in his opinion had withstanding that necessity six weeks had elapsed before it was qualities which entitled him to reign in the hearts of the people again brought forward. When this Bill stood for a first read- of Ireland—(Heer, hear)—so great was his respect for those ing there was no House, and when it was remembered that qualities which would so attach him to the whole of that people there were two Government nights when it could have been that he (Lord G. Bentinck) was ready to sacrifice his opinions brought forward, and on one of those nights the House ad- Whatever they might be—(No, no)—in order to carry out his journedat nine o'clock, could it be said by her Majesty's Minis- views on this subject.—(No, no.) If it were deemed neces ters that there was any wish to press the measure?—(Hear, sary, he could quote the exact words of the Noble Lord. The hear.) On the contrary he was of opinion that there was no Noble Lord had said, because the Hon. Member in question desire whatever to press it, and those opportunities of bringing (Mr. W. S. O'Brien) had reigned in the hearts of the Irish it forward were allowed to pass away. The cases federis people, he was prepared to make a proposal to him on the sub had now arrived when it behoved the party with which he ject of his Bill on the corn-law. The Noble Lord said, "It (Lord George Bentinck) acted, to stand forward and you will propose to this House that the corn-law shall be sus prove to the Right Honourable Baronet that they were pended, though I believe there is no necessity for it, and determined to act for themselves.—( Great cheering.) though I believe it will do harm—(" Hear, hear," from the He could not help remarking that it appeared to him that protectionists)—yet such was the logical inference to which crime in Ireland had diminished as tiss days had grown longer, the Noble Lord came, that although he believed there was no and therefore, if this measure was to have been passed at all, necessity for the measure, and that it was totally wrong. he it should have been passed when the days were short; but, in- would vote for it, because, as he said to the Hon. Member, stead of that it had been postponed till the month of June.— " you are the man who reigns in the hearts of the people of ( Hear, hear.) No w , it so happened, that he found that, Ireland."—(Cries of "No, no.") He, therefore, saw during the month of June crime had considerably diminished, some consistency in the course which the Noble for it appeared by the returns tha' in the month of June, last Lord was now taking. The Honourable Member for year, the various crimes amounted to 8.96, while in the same Limerick, who reigned in the hearts of the people moots nth of this year, they did not exceed 820, and in the month .1' Ireland wa s bitt er ly oppo s ed t o thi s measure , an d yet t h e y they were only 708. Contrasting these returns with Noble Lord, who was ready to vote, was prepared to vote for the amount of crime committed in the months of November the measure because it was supported by that Hon. Gentleman, and December, they were respectively 6132 and 607, so that the and because it was wrong. The Noble Lord was now ready to Noble Chief Secr e t ary of State for Ireland did appear to oppose this measure, because: it was likely to be opposed by that he very well informed as to the state of crime in Hon. Gentleman, whose popularity was great amongst that por- Ireland—(Hear, hear)—and when the Noble Lord came tior. of the people of Ireland who were disposed to dismember here for the purpose of rescuing the Government from defeat, the United Kingdom. Now he ( Mr. Herbert) would not go he ( Lord G. Bentinck) did not thin khe was very successful.— back into every case which the Noble Lord had adduced. They ( Hear, hear.) Indeed, the Noble Lord did not appear to have had had enough of discussion already on the subject of the given much attention to Irish affairs, when he appears to have Corn Bill, and he did not think that the House would been totally unconscious of the resistance of such a town as go over the same ground. The Noble Lord might Castlebar.—(Cheers and laughter.) New he (Lord George make his accusations of treachery, and he might Bentinck) should say he could see no cause for passing in the say that in consequence of their conduct, they had forfeited month of June a measure that was needed in the month of his confidence--( Hear)—but he (Mr. Herbert) must say that February. In comparing the year 1845 to that of 1846, he if the present Government was to cease holding office—(Pro could not find that crime had increased beyond 51/ per cent., tectionist cheers)—after the exhibitions he had seen—after and he would say that such an increase would n o t justify the the willingness he had seen—on the part of the Noble Lord to Government in passing such a measure as this, after having sacrifice his opinions at three weeks' notice, and to ally him brandished it before the people of Ireland so long with self to a political party with whom he could not have any faith, being in earnest in their desire to carry it.—( Cheers.) In as to the loss that they were threatened with, the least that he comparing the amount of crime committed in each of the two should care for would be the loss of the confidence of the years he had mentioned, he frund that the crimes of incen- N o bl e L or d.—( H ear , h ear , an d l aug h ter.) The Noble Lord • • dial-ism, robbery of arms, firing at with intent to kill, threaten- had said that the Government were not in earnest in pressing ing no, ices, and such like, amounted in the aggregate, in the forward this Bill, and he quoted cases with that unfortunate first five months of the year 1816, to 786; while within the love of arithmetic which disposed of human life as it did of last three months they amounted to only 554. In the first five tallow and hides. He said that there had been 552 homicides; months of last year those crimes amounted to 815; while in only in such a tone as to intimate, that in his opinion, those the same period of this year crimes of a more mitigated cha- cases were not worth the notice of the Government. He had ratter in the first five months of last year amounted to 1,701 ; a l so sa id t h ere were so many threatening notices ; and his while i n thi s y ear t h ey did not exceed 1,500.—( Hear, hear.) whole tone had been to the effect, that the Government had The Noble Lord had told the House that this was a permanent not the slightest reason to interfere in the manner proposed._ measure to meet a temporary emergency—that was to say, that He (Mr. Herbert) thought the people of this country would it was a measure which was intended to have met an emer- judge between the Noble Lord.—(Cheers, and counter cheers.) gency that had taken place five months ago.—( Loud cheers.) she people know full well and will know how to value the Now, these were some of the reasons which induced him to professions—(lronical cheers) -of the Noble Lord, who but a oppose this measure upon thi. occasion; but he had still much short time since hurled his threatenings with so much irce mere grave and i m p or t ant reasons for do i ng so. One of them against his own p We have introduced the znea- arty with whom h e is now a llied . was, that b e cou ld assure t h e H ouse that the gentlemen who —( Great uproar. ) sat around him would refuse to trust her Majesty's sure, because we think it necessary to doso— Goverinnent.—( Renewed cheers.) And if th e y h a d no ot h er —( L ou d c h eers , an d cr i es o f dissent .) H o w it w was th e Noble reasons, he conceived they had qu it e enoug h i n th e d ou bl e L or d , w h o vote d f or the first reading of the Bill only a fe w dealing which the Government had displayed.—(Cheers.) The nights ago, now turned round suddenly, without any fresh House had been deceived by the statements that had been made statement ?—(Uproar. ) He would tell the Noble Lord for by her Maj sty's Ministers four months ago. They were told his satisfaction, that the Government would persevere in the four ion- tlis ago that there was a famine in Ireland, and that measure in spite of all his sarcasms and factious combinations. four millio ns o f th e peop l e were starv i ng there—( Hear, hear) —(lmmense uproar.) He made no charge aga i n s t Hon. —but after that h ar t recurre d h e cou ld not see h ow any man o f M em b ers oppos i te . Th ose gentlem en who had opposed the seine could trust he r M a j es ty's present Mi n i s t ers . —( H ear, measure b e f ore were bound still to do so.—(Loud cheers. ) changed their course so sud hear. ) He wou ld no t now stop to discuss th e mer it s o f this lie spoke only of those who had • measure, but he would ask if it were necessary for the peace o f d en l y . If h e might be allowed to refer to the rumours w hi c h Ireland a Ireland did any mail believe the Government would carry it?— h a d b een a b ou t the town for the last two days, t hat to N oble Lord to bring his whether to is He would say that they never meant to carry it. He would ask proposal had been ma de a whether any one who understood the forms of this House did not ass i stance a cer t a i n number of Gentl eman , w h o were most believe that the session would be long over before this measure anxious to divide with him, and that Noble Lord received the would be dragged through the House of Commons?—(Cheers.) proposition with a silence which might amount to what might There might he some lion. Members opposite who were under almost be called contempts.—( Cries of " Name, name."( Gen the impression that such a measure might have been necessary, tlemen who wished for the names might look after the divsion but they could not believe that, even if it were passe., the Go- on the list, and they would see the names.—(Name, name.) vernment ever meant to carry it into law.—( Hear, hear.) He had made no charge against any individual. —(oh, oh.) Therefore he would say it was a waste of time, a mockery and He was speaking of a party by their acts —( Great uproar)— an insult to the p e ople of Ireland, to brandish this measure in and he did not know why he should be called upon to name their face, which w as ne ver meant to be carried into a law, and a particular individual.—( Uproar.) He could only add that therefore he would do his best to prevent that mockery being the Government would press the measure forward to its done.—(Loud cheers.) The Government said that they were second reading.—( Hear.) He knew not what might be the fate as much in earnest in carrying this measure as they were about of the measure.—(Cheers and uproar.) The Noble Lord who the corn-law; but how differently had they dealt with it.— charged the Government with insincerity in bringing forward ( Hear, hear.) In the ease of the corn-laws all days were alike— the measure, knew little of the motives which actuated public Goverment days and all others—and it was forced on men in the discharge of their duties—(" Oh, oh.")—and he with all the zeal of new converts.—(Loud cheers.) trusted that House would never sanction a departure from that They had short holidays and short notices of holidays. They honourable spirit in which the offices of Government should be were worked up till the eve of Good Friday, and then they conducted. He for one would always regret being placed in only adjourned till the Friday following. But no sooner was the hands of a man who seems incapable of underant i t l'th at the ng the Corn Bill through, and the Coercion Bill introduced, than public men have a higher than party object to ' there was an alteration. If the alinisters really believed the who should be ready to sacrifice anything- maintain, and 13ill was necessery for the protection of life ard property in what they considered for the in order to support Ireland, why had they thus procrastinated it r Why had so of the country. happiness, peace, and pr • osperity much valuable time been lost in pushing it forward?—( Hear, The Marquis of GRANBY conßid hear, and cheers.) No sooner was the Coercion Bill intro- used upon the present occasionwhichered t hat me had been dueed than they had long holidays—(Cheers) —and on Tuesday sileration might not have be upon a more ature con and Thursday the-, adjourned at half-past seven o'clock. Was that they who had been so little used used. He thought it unfair there any man in that House and the country foolish enough to should be charged with usinge used to speaking in that House believe that her Majtsty's Ministers were in earnest in the laved it for six weeks, and such language. They had introduction of of this Bill ?—( Hear, hear.) Believing that could s • ' suppose that theres, • he did ask the House whether they was any necessity for passing this Bill, they were not in earnest, the sooner the House got rid of the which he did believe, when Bill and her Majesty's Ministers the b etter.—(Tremendou s existed, The fslte, cheering from the protectionists.) With this view of the earnest, that felt ' Waq su . re that the Government were r ln e question he considered he should delay no longer to state on measure, incumbent on them to pass t he the and that the blood of the murdered of the friends around him the the part - victims in Ireland would be • if refused to on their heads they pared to take. They would have p re f erre d to support amo - pass it. But when the corn-law was allowed to pass through I tion of no confidence, sti llhe w ould accept the question as it the House instead of that mo re important measure, he became was before the House , and if t he Government b e li eve d t h ey convinced that there was no tr nthin its t s alleged necessity. were not in for t a phemositionto to ca rry on_the affair s o f the country it And th ey were now prepared to vote against it because th e y had was time retiTbey had been t o ld by Sir R. no l onger confidencei her Majesty's Government. They Peel, on a former occasion , tha .ra l s ie he would not consent to be had but little when they first supported it; but that little was a Minister on sufferance. IA . not such a Minis- ; rendered still less by the course which they had pursued with Sometimes depending on gentle m e n they had pursued ter now ? sometimes Bill had diminished on one side of the House, and on those around him with reference to the Poor-law Settlement (Lord George Deanna), and supported throughout by none that confidence in a greater degree.--(Hells ' , hear.) They had been told tlit.t night that they had entered into some compact with the Noble Lord who conducted the opposition, but he believed that the my compact which existed between them was that they had no confidence in her Majesty's Govern ment.—( Cheers.) Mr. ROSS meted the adjournment of the debate. Mr. JOHN O'CONNELL rose to put a question to the Secretary at. War. The Hon. Gentieir..tr had used an ex• pression towards an absent friend of his, which w.;.1!(1 denote him as a person wishing the dismemberment of the empire. If that expression applied to the Honourable Member for Limerick, it also applied to all those who shared his opinion on the subject of the Legislative union, and it was one which they must meet with the shortest and fattest denial. It might appear ridiculous that they should be sensitive on the point, but he could not allow any one to impugn his loyalty, ant therefore, he for one could not suffer the expression to pass without demanding an explanation. They did not wish the dismemberment of the empire, but on the contrary, they wished to see Ireland placed in a closer con nexion with England, upon a fair ant legislative enactment. Mr. STAFFORD O'BRIEN rose to ask en explanation, which the Hon. Gentleman should consider not an un reasonable demand after what had pasted. The Hon. Gen tleman had said, that there had been a proposition made by Gentlemen below the gang-way, to the Noble Lord who conducted the Opposition, which proposition had been treated by him with something ich it would be considered unparlia mentary to term contempt.—(Hear. hear.) If the Hon. Gen. tleman had made the assertion in the heat of debate, he (Mr. O'Brien) felt perfectly sure that he would be very glad to get up and offer an explanation ; but if, on the contrary, he had expressed it firmly and advisedly, he also felt certain that he would have no hesitation in naming the party. He did not wish to add one word of bitterness, but he certainly did feel it incumbent on him to demand an explanation. With the permission of the House he would read p ar t o f his that corre s p on d ence, and if Not havebleu Friend had w r itt en it tto in a spirit o f prop h ecy, he could ade it more ap plicable to the pr esen t c i rcumst ances.(Th e Hon. Member here read a n extract f rom a letter of the 21st ofssMaahrccuhr.feiwn which the Nobl e L or d stated that the measure w w hs ever and unconstitutional measure , and that no ground existed for its adopti on .) F rom that letter it would be at that the casus fien'eris did not rest w i t h t h e Noble Lord, a e n el d he put it to the Noble Lord himself to state whether anything had really occurred. Mr. SIDNEY HERBERT said that what he had alluded to wer€ rumours which had come to his knowledge through the ordinary channels, but he did not refer to persons. He did not assert of his own knowledge any of the facts. He made the statement from rumour that certain communications had taken place between Hon. Gentlemen on that side of the House and the Noble Lord the Member for Loudon. It there had been any blame to the party in taking such a course, it was not for proposing to take it, but for actually taking it.—( Oh.) Mr. E. YORKE trusted that the House would not think him out of order in making the present application. A statement had been made that a certain application or overture was made to the Noble Lord ( Russell). Now, he felt that if any such application had been made, it must have been made by some person.—(Laughter.) It was necessary, then, that the name of the person who had made such a statement to the Right Hon. Gentleman should be given. Lord J. RUSSELL said that in answering the Hon. Gen tleman sitting on that bench (Mr. Stafford O'Brien) and the other Hon. Member who had just sat down, he could state that no such application was made to him by the Noble Lord the Member for Lynne, nor by any other Hon. Member. The Noble Lord the Secretary for Ireland might have remembered that on the first reading of this Bill he (Lord John Rus sell) had stated that he had an objection to that portion of the Biil which confined parties to their houses after certain hours in the evening. He stated then, that though he would vote for the first reading of the Bill he would reserve his opposition to another stage, and that he would oppo e the question on the second reading. In timate friends of his own asked him (Lord John Russell) what his intentions were in respect to this Bill, and they also wished him to state whether he had any objection to their stating to those with whom they acted what his intentions were with re spect to the measure. Certainly he did not treat those friends with any contemptuous silence, and he told them that he had stated his intentions in the House on the first reading of the ( Hear, hear.) But he would not say that he had not stated anything I , hich he had not stated on a former occasion, and he again repeated that no application was made to him for a coali tion from Hon. Members on the other side of the House.-- (Hear, hear.) He opposed it on public grounds, for it was a Bill, in his opinion, which would be of great injury to life and property, thus having the opposite effect to that which it was intended. Mr. SIDNEY HERBERT said that after what had fallen from the Noble Lord, he had but to state to the House that the rumour which he had heard was without foundation, and he therefore begged to withdraw the statement he had made founded on such grounds. The debate was then adjourned. BUSINESS OF THE HOUSE. Sir R. PEEL rose to move that on Thursday, the 18th of June, orders of the day should have precedence over notices. At the present period of the session a third day had usually been conceded to the transaction of public business, and he begged leave, therefore, to move that on Thursday, the 18th instant, and all succeeding Thursdays, orders of the day should have precedence. Mr. JOHN O'CONNELL objected to such a motion being made at that moment, in so thin a House. If a greater num ber of Members were present he would enter upon the grounds which induced him to think that the House ought not to enter. tain the motion, but he should now move that the debate on the motion be adjourned. Mr. REDHEAD YORKE thought that the course pro posed by the Right Hon. Gentleman was the course which had been usually adopted, and was also the natural course, and therefore, if the House went to a division, he should vote with her Majesty's Government. Mr. FOX MAULE also declared his intention of support ing the proposition of her Majesty's Government. The motion was usually made at this period of the session, and if it was necessary in any session it was especially necessary in the pre sent, when from protracted debates the business of the country was considerably in arrear. Mr. JOHN O'CONNELL said that if the Right Hon. Genbtleman would promise not to use the Thursdays for the purposes of the Coercion Bill he would withdraw his motion, or even if the Right Honourable Gentleman would promise that he would not use the Thursdays for the present stage of the Bill, the second reading. After a few words from Dr. Bowring, Mr. Borthwick, and Mr. B. Hawes, Sir ROBERT PEEL observed, that in bringing forward this motion, which was a cust omar y one a t t hi s period of the session, he had acted, not through a desire to consult the con venience of any member of the Government, but merely from a sense of public duty and with a view to the facilitation of the public business, which was still very much in arrear. He must decline entering into any such stipulation as that proposed by the Hon. and Learned Member for Kilkenny respecting any particular order, but he assured the lion. Gentleman that in declining to do so nothing was more remote from his intention than his desire to take any unfair advantage with regard to the discussion on the Iri h Bill.— (Hear, hear.) He brought forward this motion without any special reference whatever to the Irish Protection Bill, and would have brought it forward though that measure had never been introduced.—( Hear, hear. ) After some further discussion, Mr. M. J. O'CONNELL, in deference to the feeling o of the House, withdrew his motion. The original resolution was then agreed to. The other orders of the day were then disposed of and the House adjourned at Half-past One o'clock. SUGAR. A Return of the Amount of Duty received on Sugar during the Financial Year 1845-1846; specifying the Amount re ceived under the different Rates of Duty. Year ending sth April, 1846. Amount of Duty received in the U. Kingdom. Sugar unrefined— X. Of the British Possessions in America, of Mauritius, and of those British Possessions within the limit of the East India Company's Charter, into which the importation of Foreign Sugar is pro hibited : Not equal to White Clayed... 3,460,607 Equal to White C1ayed......... 24,132 Of British Possessions within the limits of the East India Company's Charter, into which the importation of Foreign Sugar is not pro hibited : Not equal to White Clayed... 3,575 Equal to White Clayed 4 Foreign— The produce of free labour, or admitted at the same rate of duty under treaty: Not equal to White Clayed... 89,294 Equal to White C1ayed......... 794 Other Foreign Sugar... 231 3,578,637 98,479 Deduct Repayments of Duty ... Rates of Duty chargeable per Cwt. Net Receipt of Duty on Sugar unrefined :X3,480,158 .C. s. d. 0 14 0 0 16 4 o 18 8 1 1 9 1 3 4 1 8 0 3 3 0 WILLIAM IRVING. Office of the Inspector-General of Imports and Exports, Custom-house, London, May 30. PARLIAMEN TARY DIVISIONS ,______ (From the V o t es and Proceedings of the House of Commons-) MONDAY JUNE 8. STAINES AND RICHM , OND JUNCTION RAILWAY BILL. Order read for resuming adjourned Debate on question, " That the Bill be re -committed to the former Committee :" — Question again proposed; Debate resumed :—Question put. The House divided : MINORITY—AYES, 61. Ackers, James Duncan, George MoleSworth, Sir W. Aglionby, H. A. Duncombe, T. ' Muntz, GF. Allix, J. P. Dandas, Admiral Neville, Ralph Arkwright, G. Dundas, F. Pattison, Arundel, Earl of El ph i nstone, H. Philpotts James. John Austen, Colonel F orster, Mathew Reid, Colonel Bailey, Joseph Gore, W. (2,. Scott, Francis Bailey, J., jun. Grosvenor, Lord R. Somerville, Sir W. Beckett, William Hastie, A.ll Spooner, Richard Bodkin, William H. Hodgson, F. Thontely. T. Bowring, Dr. Hodgson, R. Tollemache, John Bridgeman, H. Hope, Sir T. Troubridge, Sir E. Bretherton. J. Hudson, George Vernon, G. R. Busfeild, William Hume, Joseph Wakley, T. Butler, Colonel James, William Wilshire, W. , Carew, W. P. Johnstone, Sir J. whoring ion lonel Sir T. Christie, W. D. Ramble, H. yvood, Colonel Chute, W. L. W. Lockhart, W. TELLERS. Collins, William Mackinnon, W. A. Villiers, Charles Courtenay, Lord - M'Carthy, D. Wood, Colonel T. Mangles, R. Denison, E. B. Al e xander Douglas, Sir C. B. Miles, Er• 51.' MAJORITY —NOES, 68. Antrobus, Edmund Hall, , Colonel Robert Ricardo, Repton J G . L. W. J. Baillie, H. J. Han Mei, Sir John Russell, C. Baldwin, Barry Baring, F. T. Hill, Lord Marcus Seymer, Henry Ker Baring, W. n. Jolliffo, Sir W. H. Seymour, Lord Barrington, 'Viscount Langston, J. H. Smythe, George Bell, John Lascelles, E. Somerset, Lord G. Bentinek, Lord 11. Lascelles, W. S. Stansfleld, W. R. Blackburne, J. I. Layard, Captain Stanton, W. H. Cavendish, G. 11. Leslie, C. I'. Stuart, Lad J. Chelsea, Vise. Loch, James Strait, Edward Cholmondeley, H. Lowther, Sir J. Trollope, Sir J. Clerk, Sir G. Matheson, James Turner, Edmund Collett, John Maule, Fox Villiers, Viscount Craig, W, G. Mitchell, T. A. Wall, C. B. Cripps, William Mundy, E. M. Wellesley, Lord C. Denison, J. E. • . Ord, William Williams, W. Dugdale, W. S. Oswald, Alexander Wrightson, W. B. Entwisle, W. Parker, John Wynn, Sir W. Estcourt, T. G. Peel, Jonathan Wyse. Thomas Fielden, William Pendarves, E. W. Fitzroy, Henry Plumridge, Captain TELLERS. Flower, Sir James Pollington, Viscount Dimdas, David Gill, Thomas PaWord, Robert Berkeley, H. y, ALLEGED MURDER IN SHADWELL. On Monday Mr. Baker resumed the investigation into the circumstances attending the death of Anne Sloman, in the house in Labour-in •Vain-street, Shadwell. Evidence has been given that the still and apparatus which were in the house were hastily removed by a man and bis wife, named Darlow, just before the police broke open the door, And discov ere d t h e dead body lying in the passage, where the pasoner, by his own account left it while he went to the residence of the Darlows, and directed them to remove the still. On Monday the following additional evidence was given .1 William Darlow, of Jamaica-place, Limehouse, scum boiler, stated that the deceased had worked for him in that trade for two months up to her death. Gibbins cohabited with the deceased. On the morning of Monday, the let of June, witness proceeded to the house in Labour-in-Vain street with his cart, and Gibbins assisted him in removing some coke and treacle from the cart into the house. The witness admitted the still was his, and that his wife gene rally worked it. The treacle was brought into the house for the purpose of illicit distillation. On the afternoon of Monday, the Ist of June, witness again called at the house in Labour-in-Vain -street. The' deceased and her mother, the wife of witness and his child, were also there. Gibbins had previously left to fulfil an engagement to turn a swing in Stepney fair. When he last saw the deceased he gave her at her request 25., and she handed one of then to her mother. The deceased said she would go to Stepney fair, and see if her husband (Gibbins) had anything to eat. The deceased was allowed ss. per week to clean the place, and keep inquisitive people out of the house. He removed his wife and child from the house on Monday evening, and the deceased was then from home. He returned in his cart to High-street, Shadwell, above nine o'clock, and sent his wife to the house in Labour in-Vain-street. She re turned in about ten minutes, and said the deceased had not returned. He then went home Oa Tuesday morn said, " My wife is dead. I sent her home at one o ing, about seven o'clock, Gibbins came to his house lock coc in the ~ ,a nd found she had morning, adfalle fallen down .nI stairs came home and b r a o t k e three her m i e s c e k r l I am. I then asked him if he had told anybody of his wife's A juror —Are you certain is to the time? 1\ itness—Yes, death ? and he said, " Only one party, and that he was going to make his wife's mother acquainted with the affair directly." Just as he was going out at the door, he said, " Bear a hand, and get out these things for God's sake; I don't wish to do you any harm." I immediately proceeded with my horse and cart, a ccompanied by my wife, to the house in Labour in-Vain-street, and a woman who wasstanding there admitted us through her dwelling , No. 7.1g0 the yard of th e h ouse No. 6 and a voice said, " Make haste, make haste ; the poli ce are breakingt o o l p -e e r n th th e pa ed l o in o g r. linto l then got in at the window, and handed the still out to my wife. A juror—Did you get it out easy? The witness—Yes, very eaAsy. juror—Are . you aware of a water - butt being under the window ? Witness—l can't swear whether there was a water butt there or not. There was a small ladder raised against the wall, and when Gibbins came to my house he said he had left the door unfastened, When I heard a noise at the front door I made my escape through an empty house. My wife came to me halt' an hour afterwards, and I went to Tooley street and left my child there. By the jury—The still was at work on Monday afternoon at three o'clock, under the direction of my wife. Gibbing appeared like a mad person when he came to me on Tuesday morning. I did not see the body in the passage. I was in too much of a hurry to remove the still. Martha Darlow, the wife of the last witness, confirmed the evidence of her husband. The inquiry was - again adjourned until to-morrow (Wed nesday) at ten o'clock. The jury desired the coroner to forward a requisition to Sir James Graham, the Home Secretary, to have the prisoner Gibbins brought before the Court on the next inquiry. The CORONER said he would comply with the request of the jury. It was very desirable the prisoner should be pre sent to hear the evidence. POST-OFFICE NOTICE. THE FOREIGN MAILS. The following notice, relative to the arrival and departure of the foreign mails, was yesterday affixed at the Chief office, St. Martin's-le-Grand : The Peninsular, &c., Mails—The next mails for Lisbon, Madeira, Portugal, Spain, and Gibraltar, will be dispatched from hence on the 17th instant. The above mails of yesterday, Bth inst., dispatched by the Madrid. India, &c., Mails, rid Southampton —The next mails for Gibraltar, Malta, Greece, lonian Islands, Egypt, India, and China, rid Southampton, will be dispatched from hence on the evening of the 20th inst. West Indies, &c.—The next mails for the British colonies in the West Indies (except Honduras), Bermuda, Madeira; the foreign colonies (except liavannah), Chagres, New Gre nada, Venezuela, San Juan de Nicaragua, &c., will be dis patched from hence 17th inst. The Clyde due 22d June. Madeira, Brazils, and Buenos Ayres—Her Majesty's brig Seagull will sail on the arrival of the letters posted in Len don up to Saturday, the 6th. The next mails will be dispatched on the 7th July. Her Majesty's brig Penguin, due on the 20th May, has not yet arrived.. America—The next mails for British North America, Bermuda, and the United States, will be dispatched on the 18th inst. The 13ritannia, due on the 15th inst., will convey the above mails. Rolland—The next mails will be dispatched by the Co lumbian on the morning of the 10th inst. Holland—The next mails dispatched by the John Bull on the evening of the 9th inst. (this evening). Rotterdam—The next mails dispatched by the Batavia on Saturday the 13th inst. RAILWAY gH \BE MARKETS. LIVERPOOL, JUNE S. .NEw STOCK EXCHANGE.—The Share Market still continues quiet Grand Junctions are quoted higher. Very new transactions have taken place. The sales are—Birkenhead, Lancashire, and Cheshire Junction, 30s. 9sl p.—Bristol and Exeter, New Shares, 5 p.—Buok ingliamiliire, is. dis,—Derby and Crewe, Os. 3d. p.—Eastern Coun ties, York Extensions, % p.—Grand Junction, 226—Ditto, Quarter Shares, New, 29w—Great Grimsby and Sheffield, Quarters, % Leeds and Thirsk, 5 dis.—Leicester and Bedford, ss.p.—Liverpool and Bury, New Shares, l%—Liverpool, Ormskirk, and Preston, % p.—London and Birmingham, Quarter Shares, 27 —Ditto, Fifth Shares, 23;4—Midland Stock, I.so—Newcastle and Carlisle, 105- - North Staffordshire, 3%p.—North Union, Stock (A), 208 —South- Eastern, No. 1 (at 18 dis.) 43 p. Ditto, New huor Sharr i s, p. South Midland, .7i dis.—West Riding Union, 2% p.—Glffsgow and Dumfries, dis. MANCHESTER, JUNE 8. STOCK EXCHANGE.— The sales are—Buckingham and Bletchingley, p.—Derhy and Crewe, 3% c. p. —East Lincolnshire, ►4 dis.— Great Grimsby and Dock Extension, I dis.—Lancashire and North Yorkshire, dis.—Mancliester and Leeds, Fit ths, 9 p.—Rugby and Huntingdon, Ids. 3d. dis.—Sheffield and Lincolnshire Junction p.—Trent Valley Midland, &c., dis. —West Riding Union, 2% C. p.—Paris awl Lyons Constituted 1 p. NEWCASTLE-UPON-TYNE, JUNE 8. STOCK EXCHANGE. The sales are—Eastern Counties, York El. tension, % p.—North British, Halves, Carlisle, is.p.—Newcastle and Carlisle, 104. LEEDS, JUNE STOCK EXCHANGE.—The sales are—Eastern Counties, York Ex tension, lie. p.—Huddersfield and Manchester, 11s. dis.— Leeds and Dewsbury, I% p.—Leed§ and Thirsk, New, 314 dis.—Manchester and Birmingham, Quarter Shares (C), 814 p.—North British, Half Shares, 2% p. cash.—Ditto, Carlisle Branch, 9s. 6d. p.—Bradford, Wakefield, and Midland, 20s. dis.—Buckinghamshire, I p.—Direct Northern, 12s. dis.—Grand Union, 16s. dis.—Glasgow and Dnmfries, 10s. dis.— Great Eastern and Western, 30s. 6d.—Lancashire and North York shire, lie. dis.—Leeds, Wakefield, and Midland, 9s. dis.—Leicester and Bedford, 3s. Gd. p. —Lincoln, York, and Leeds, 255. dis.— Liverpool, Ormskirk, and Preston, 14s. p.—London and York, 4 die. —London and Manchester (Remington's), 2s. dis.—Manchester, Buxton, Matlock, and Midland, 18s. p. —Northumberland and Lan cashire Junction, 16s. dis.—North Staffordshire, 3% p.—North Western. 3s. p.—South Midland, I Is. dis.—Welsh Midland, 275. die. —West Riding Union, 4% : - . York and Carlisle, 1% dia. SHEFFIELD, JUNE 8, STOCK EZCLIANGE.—The sales are—Midland (Sheffield and Ro therham), 35%—Sheffield and Manchester, Quarter Shares, No. 3 (Scrip), II s. 6d. p.—Grimsby and Shefliehl, 3% dis.—Ditto, Esten slon, I Is. dis.—Ditto, Quarter Shares, 6s. 6d. dis.— London and York, 3s. 6d. dis.—Manchester, Midland, and Great Grimsby, 151. 6d. dis.—Sheffield and Lincolnshire, 2s. p. There is no truth whatever in the report that Costa is likely to return to her Majesty's Theatre, the present direc tor gives the greatest satisfaction both to the singers, the band, and the public. FORD ABBEY MONASTERY.—The greatest feature of the season will be Mr. Robin's next sale, Ford Abbey, with its magnificently fine and ancient Monastery ando f without Great It is denominated very properly " the Leviathan the West," presenting both and within an abbey so it. inconceivably fiTnheethahiattontiocnaeloac throughoutathcearatthat 3Nr. fEßnoghlaiansd has approach n a n o d u s the drawingparticulars ofof the sale, Abbeywi will foundbe lvhi ch unusually appended to o interesting, h 'sm vl u h rs e e fa o t f e d t i h s t a r t i b i w o confirms r e t p h s e y i m a p j o es u s r i a o e n y w o f h is a n d ow gathered in co u it p 500 miles to go to see os i s t e . sso l r t w h i pi li s bebeeonf t h h in e t c ed ath in ol c ic ertain quarters that the nextper suasion, and Mr. Robins has already been instructed thrill the sale must of necessity be peremptory. THE PRESENT VALUE OF LAND.---The alteration, whether it be to have increased or diminished the value o f land, has not being fairly put to the test this season; indeed the Corn Bill, with its good or bad results, is still in embryo, and will continue so until the 16th instant, when Mr. George Robins will appear in support of his recently. developed sen timent in favour of the variation that necessity has imposed on Sir Robert Pt el's measures to adopt. The Leviathan of all the landed interest (as he is now entitled) will appear for the first time this season in all his glory at the Auction Mart, next Tuesday, when he has to transfer the Pet Estate of Willenhall, in Warwickshire, into the hands of a rich capitalist; for its size (about 60,0001.) there is nothing in England that can be conscientiously placed in comparison with it. Mr. Robins tells us in his clever announcement that it is the most compact property in England; and he goes on to demonstrate it (as we shall presently see), first observing that a tnicroscopi4 eye would hardly discover a thing out of place, and then goes on to realise our high pane gyric :—Fi rs t, it i s w i th i n two m i les of u Coventry'sot or out goings—and o "EiAnR IT,famed city —entirely w ithi n a r i ng f enc e--witho AN t D HEAR YEd extra-parochial. LITTLEtra-parochFiLtm al.Bu lN t evrennuthrisßisDnu ti o c t E al o l, ND F,, THE w of ill th b e e, w w or h d a )_ t is SOIL," there is not, nor has there aal ds b u e er e ve n e , rc3, a ri, n tteear a ia rr oan e t a tea r h en o f rpe o un n rt : e g h u a in se ea n d is u e r s in ta g te, the wh la ic s h t i t s en . s h u a c y h e a n tooo p t ro b p e e e r n ty fa h a i gki. s Now in 3oe t lae h rrt e a'h a be t ri ct questionsen sense " what is it wort he How many years purchase, upon a rent so low that at least 2001. a year will be added to it? Surely from thirty-two to thirty-five year s ' p urc h ase is not too high. Mr. Robins, when he transferred Lord Ormonde's eQtate, in 1826, to the extent of 500,000/., near to Coventry * sold two farms, not altogether so eligible as these, at thirty'- five years' purchase; the Three per Cents. being at 96, and now at more than 971. But the 16th day or this month will illumine us better than any special pleading before hand, and settle the knotty point—lf the value of the soil has, er has not increased, and to what extent. [ADYERTISEMENT.]—BOTANIC WATER AND BEAR'S GREASE.—When the hair is becoming thin, and falling off, the only effectual remedy, besides shaving the head, is the use of the two above-named articles, applied alternately—the bo tanic water to cleanse the roots from scurf and as a stimulant, and the bear's grease as a nourisher. If any further evidence was required of the virtues of bear's grease for renovating and preserving the hair, Mr. Catlin's account of the quantity used, and the length of hair obtained by some of the North Ame rican Indians, would be a sufficient answer. Ross and Sons, 119, and 120, Bishopsgate-street, who first introduced the use of bear's grease in this country, and who fat and kill the ani mals, reco mmen d t h e pu bli c to purchase none other b ut with their names and address printed on the pot, or the chances are their obtaining a spurious article. All vegetable oils applied to the hair are worse than useless. [ADVERTISEMENT.]—CURES OF FEARFUL ULCEROUS Soars IN MALTA, BY HOLLOWAY'S PILLS AND OINTMENT. — Mrs. Duncan, whose husband is employed in her Majesty's dockyard at Malta, suffered for more than two years from ulcerous sores in her feet. She formerly resided at Corfu, and was treated by the best practitioners there, from whom, however, she derived no benefit Whatever, when, after using five or six boxes and pots of Holloway's Pills and Ointment, a perfect cure was effected. The truth of ths4 ~ statement is so notorio u s in Malta that the editor of the mot & alldrugg Mail" newspaper w as induced to Insert the particulars i o s f ts th t Leve in his paper of October 31st, 1845.—501 d by ()tenor Rollaway's establishment, 244, Strand, London.