The Sun. — London, England, 1846-01-23 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, Thursday, Jan. 22. The galler of the House of Lords was opened at twelve o'cle,ek, for the admission of strangers, as was also the l',ody of the House, and long before one o'clock every *,lace devoted to that purpose was filled with ele garAly-dressed ladies. The number of Peers was far greater than we re 'member for many years past. Among the great number present we noticed Lord Monteagle, Lord Lang dale, the Earl of Sheffield, Lord Beaumont, the Earl of Charlemont, the Earl of Bandon, the Duke of Beaufort, the Earl of Zetland, Lord Mid dleton, Lord Campbell, the Earl of Devon, the Duke zf Norfolk, Lord Hawarden, the Marquis of Clanrice:rd:e, Lord Cam oys, Lord Stanley, the M arquis ofAy the Earl of Shaftesbury, the Earl of Stradbroke, the, T ;ar i of Cardigan, Lord Redesdale, the Earl of El? Aob, and the Earl of Selkirk. Among the Ministry we noticed the r _Ail of Aberdeen, the Duke of Buccleuch, and the Earl of Haddington. The Duke of Wellington arrired, shortly before one o'clock. His Grace appeared bxcellent health and spirits. The Duke of Cambridge arrived about half-past one, and was followed shortly afterwards by Prince George of Cambridge. Among the judges we observed Lord Chief Jus'ace Tindal, the Lord Chief Baron Pollock, Mr. Justice Erle, Mr. Justice Cresswell, Mr. Justice Maule, Mr. Baron Parke, Mr. Baron Platt, Mr. Justice Patteson, and Mr. Justice Coleridge. Among the Bishops present were the Bishop of Win chester, Prelate of the Order of the Garter ; and the Bishop of Oxford, Chancellor of the Order of the Gar ter ; the Bishop of Worcester, and the Bishop of Ely. There was a most numerous attendance of the corps diplomatique. At ten minutes past two o'clock the report of_ cannon_ announced her Majesty's arrival at the House of Lord.., and in about five minutes afterwards her Majesty, at tended by his Royal Highness Prince Albert ar d the great Officers of State, entered t he House, 'anti took her meat on the throne. The D uke of Wellir , gton bore the sword of state, the Earl of Zetland the 'AP ? o f main tenanoe, and the Duke of Argyll the crown., Her Majesty being seated on the tlyeolle, Si r Augus tus Clifford, the Usher of the Black Zod, by her Majesty's co mmand thou summoned the MP Albers of th e H ouse o f 'ads. Shortly aft erwar d s Commons to the House of L the Speaker, attended by a peat number of Members, appeared at the bar, wb:-in her Majesty, in a clear and distinct voice, read the, following Speech : MY LORDS AND r ".4IINTLEMEN, It gives me, great satisfaction again to meet you in ParliamerA l and to have the opportunity of re curring tq your assistance and advice. I continue to receive from my allies, and from other foreign Powers, the strongest assurances of the dorslce to cultivate the most friendly relations with thiii country. I rejoice that, in concert with the Emperor of _Russia, and through the success of our joint media tion, I have been enabled to adjust the differences which had long prevailed between the Ottoman Porte and the King of Persia, and had seriously endan gered the tranquillity of the East. For several years a desolating and sanguinary warfare has afflicted the States of the Rio de la, Plata. The commerce of all nations has been in terrupted, and acts of barbarity have 'oeen committed, unknown to the practice of a civilised people. In conjunction with the King of the, French, I am endeavouring to effect the pacification of those States. The Convention concluded with France, in the course of last year, for the more effectual sup pression of the slave trade, is 'About to be carried into immediate execution by the active co-operation the two Powers on the coast of Africa. It is my desire that our present WIIOn, and the good understanding which so hanily exists between us, may always be ernt:Aoyed tb promote the interests of humanity and to, secure the peace of the world. I regret th:'at the conflicting claims of Great Britain and United States in respect of the ter ritory or'.. the North-Western Coast of America, althol:qh they have been made the subject of re- Ksted negotiation, still remain unsettled. You may be assured that no effort consistent with national honour shall be wanting on my part to bring this question to an early and peaceful termination. GENTLEMEN OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS, The Estimates for the year will be laid be fore you at an early period. Although I am deeply sensible of the importance of enforcing economy in all branches of the expenditure, yet 1 have been compelled, by a due regard to the exigen cies of the public service, and to the state of our Naval and Military Establishments, to propose some increase in the estimates which provide for their efficiency. ME LORDS AP D GENTLEMEN, I have observed with deep regret, the very frequent instances in which the crime of deliberate assassina tion I :Jas been of late committed in Ireland. It will be your duty to consider whether any measures taw bc, acTl.cd coloulatod to siva inorenaca protection to life, and to bring to justice the perpe trators of so dreadful a crime. I have to lament that, in consequence of a failure of the potato crop in several parts of the United Kingdom, there will be a deficient supply of an article of food, which forms the chief subsistence of great numbers of my people. The disease by which the plant has been affected, has prevailed to the utmost extent in Ireland. I have adopted all such precautions as it was in my power to adopt for the purpose of alleviating the sufferings which may be caused by this calamity; and I shall confidently rely on your co-operation in devising such other means for effecting the same bene volent purpose as may require the sanction of the Legislature. I have had great satisfaction in giving my assent to the measures which you have presented to me from time to time, calculated to extend Commerce, and to stimulate domestic skill and industry, by the repeal of prohibitory, and the relaxation of protective, duties. The - prosperous state of the Revenue, the in creotsed demand for labour, and the general im provement which has taken place in the internal londition of the country, are strong testimonies in favour of the course you have pursued. I recommend you to take into your early consi deration whether the principles on which you have acted may not with advantage be yet more exten sively applied, and whether it may not be in your power, after a careful review of the existing duties upon many articles, the produce or manufac ture of other countries, to make such further reduc tions and remissions as may tend to insure the con tinuance of the great benefits to which I have ad verted, and, by enlarging our commercial intercourse, to strengthen the bonds of amity with Foreign Powers. Any measures which you may adopt for affect ing these great objects will, I am convinced, be accom panied by such precautions as shall prevent perma nent loss to the Revenue, or injurious results to any of the great interests of the country. I have full reliance on your just and dispassionate consideration of matters so deeply affecting the public welfare. It is my earnest prayer that, with the blessing of Divine Providence on your councils, you may be enabled to promote friendly feelings between dif ferent classes of my subjects, provide additional security for the continuance of peace, and to main tain contentment and happiness at home, by in creasing the comforts and bettering the condition of the great body of my people. The House then adjourned till five o'clock. The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the Wool sack shortly after Five o'clock. Earl Grey, Earl Pomfret, the Bishop of Oxford, the Earl of Vernlam, and Earl Spencer, took the oaths and their seats. VESTRIES ACT. but when we take into consideration the vast in terests we have in the East, the importance of such a consummation cannot be overlooked. I will now draw attention to a subject, respecting which her Majesty has had the happiness to obtain the co-operation of a powerful ally in pacification— I allude to the 'war which has long existed in the states of Rio de la Plate. These states were ori ginally deper.dent, as your Lordships are aware, and in achieving their independence differences have arisesa to make a war, which has been one of a most sanMjizary nature, and one which has been characterised 1 :q great barbarities on both sides. The result has b'sen a great interruption to commerce and trade, and considerable inconvenience not only to her Ma jesty's subjects in this country, but also to merchants of all the world. It ought, therefore, to become, for every reason, desirable to terminate it. France, in con junction with this country, has determined, and we have every reason to hope, as the Governments of both coun tries are perfectly disinterested, and have no ob ject of their own, or any desire to interfere with their internal relations, that their desire to establish independence may be successful. I also hope. my Lords, the freedom of commerce may be restssred, and that there may be no obstacles in establisising it on a firmer basis. Your Lordships are uware that, in the course of the last year, a convention was agreed upon between this country and France to restrekn the slave trade, and your Lordships will be glad to learn that it has been brought into immediate exectVdon by the active co-operation of both parties. Fe elisig as I do upon the sub ject of the slave tsade, it may be comparatively easy for me to dilate, s,pon the horrors atte n di ng it ; b ut, as I know your I .otelships do not require t o b e rouse d , an d as information has b een a ff or d e d on that I know e• Acry subject, i . shall refrain from doing so. Neither do I feel Its 'necessary to enter into any historical account of ches efforts that have been made by this country to 'aossiish the slave trade. It was at one time considered 'that this country could not devote so much attention to the subject, and that we ought to assert our own mari time rights, but I am glad to hear that so ardent a desire now prevails to abolish this obnoxious traffic. But, my Lords, notwithstanding this, the feeling still exists, and, therefore, it must be satisfactory to know that France is now, for the first time, actively co operating with us for the suppression of this trade. My Lords, we must all join in that wish which has been ex pressed by her Majesty, that the cordial understanding which subsists between her Majesty and her powerful allies may continue; and we may also now hope that the statesmen of both nations will seek not to rival one another, but be actuated by no other motive than that of benefiting mankind. It may be said that we have purchased this co-operation rather dearly by the sacrifice of the right of search, which has hitherto been held as essential to the real currying out any treaty for the suppression of the slave trade. But when I know that the French Govern ment are assailed upon this point for having given way, and that they are accused of having established a new right of search, as prejudicial as the former one, the conclusion I have announced is the only one to which I could come. For myself, I believe that a Practical method has been discovered for putting an end to the traffic in slaves. It must be a subject of congratulation to your Lordships that the negotiations have been entrusted to the hands of tvio men—the Duke de Broglie and Dr. Lushington_ so ably calculated for the purpose. We cannot hope for an immediate suppression of the 'slave trade, but we may expect that, by the vigilance of the united cruisers of France and Great Britain, an effectual check may be put to this dreadful traffic. My Lords, I now proceed to that part of her Majesty's speech re• specting our relations with the United States of America. Yeur Lordship will, I am sure, cordially join in the regret expressed by her Majesty that the conflicting clP.:rns which exist remain unsettled, and I am sure you will cordially approve of the stees which her Majesty may take to bring to an amicable conclusion the differences which exist. Speaking a common language, and of a common origin, I hope the negotiations will be attended with complete success. The progress of the negotiations may be at tended with disadvantages, but they will be, I have no doubt, ultimately overcome. My Lords, a Noble Lord has carried on a successful negotiation on a former occa sion, and I have no doubt but a similar successful termination will be come to on the subject which at present threatens the peace of this country. My Lords, permit me to express my confidence that in his hands it will be brought to an amicable conclusion. I now come to that part of her Majesty's Speech which an nounces that some increase in the estimates of the army and navy are necessary ; and in doing so, permit me to say that it is necessary that such should take place to protect the increasing and widely-extended :commerce of this great country. Such will be necessary for the protection of our commerce, and will be required to guard also the interests of the national honour wherever it may be endangered. I now come to the next part of her Majesty's Speech, in which her Majesty calls upon Parliament to take such measures, in the present state of many districts in Ire land, as may be efficient to meet the exigencies of the case. Her Majesty regrets that she should be compelled to allude to such, a painful subject, but the state of matters are such as to ask your assistance for securing a meateare to meet the evil complained of. Your Lordships will have observed in the public joursials, as well as we have learned from other sour'ses of information, the necessary reports in referencsl to this matter, to which it will not be necessary see wt. tv a. u.oso siss. 6.111.v.d. , from those, I am sure, and feel confident, that you will sympathise with her Majesty in reference to this state of things ; and I also feel certain that you will take her Majesty's recom mendation into your most serious consideration, with the object of deciding upon such measure as will effect a settlement of this state of things, and bring about the happiness and security of this country, giving our fellow-subjects there an efficient remedy. Her Ma jesty has also brought under your notice the disease that has affected the potato crop ; and on that subject I am sure your Lordships will share with her in the anxiety on account of the great failure that has taken place in that, which has become an important necessary of life. Failures in the potato crops have been known before, but never one so fatal nor so exten sive in its operations. It not only visited this country, but also other countries, and is not only more destruc tive than any former visitation of the kind, but also dif ferent in its nature. No part of the country has been excepted, but England and Scotland are not so far affected as some other countries of Europe. I must say, however, that had England and Scotland alone been visited, perhaps we could have proceeded— trusting to the known industry and character of the people —to have met it by ordinary means, but the state of Ireland was such—the ravages of the disease in that country had been so great, as shown by the ac counts received—as to prove that some extraordi nary remedy was necessary to meet the evil. Your Lordships, knowing these disastrous state of things, will, I am sure, feel deeply gratified that her Majesty, with her usual care for the welfare of her people, has suggested measures to mitigate the evil; and her Majesty, in the emergency, has gone to the full extent of the powers of the Crown in order to do so. I feel confident that you will cheerfully co-operate in carrying forward this good work, so as to provide a remedy not only to avert the present evil, but also to provide for any future seasons of scarcity that may arise. I now come to that part of her Majesty's Speech in which there is brought under your notice the prosperous state of the revenue, and the general improvement of the country, and they are instanced as sure symptoms of the success of past measures respecting commerce, and recommend ing Parliament to take into their earliest con sideration whether the same principles may not be carried out with benefit to the country. And, my Lords, this part I approach with great timidity, having so little experience of Parliament, and having so lately become a Member of your House ; I therefore feel it presumptuous in me to express any opinion upon this subject, feeling confident that I should throw no light upon the subject, and fearing that I might arouse party feeling by bringing on a premature discus sion on a subject which the majority of your Lordships would consider more fitting to be disposed of at another and more proper time—(Hear, hear)—and one which, I have no doubt, when her Majesty's servants shall make known their views respecting it, may be dis cussed with the utmost unanimity. I feel confident you will congratulate the Sovereign and the country on the prosperous state of the revenue and of the interests of the country, and that every Noble Lord, whatever may . have been his opinions heretofore respecting the reek sures alluded to, will now rejoice that they have in creased the wealth and the resources of the country, and undoubted evidence that they have produced these effects will be laid on the table of ' , our Lordships.— (Hear, hear.) I feel quite certain, also, that when you do take into consideration the measures which will be proposed, you will do so with a disinterested desire of deciding in the way which will be most conducive to the interests of the empire. —(Hear, hoar.) My Lords, having now addressed you to the best of my humble ability—(Hear, hear, and cheering)—on the principal topics of her Majesty's Speech, I hope that my total inexperience of Parliamentary business, and it being the first time that I hare had the honour of addressing so illustrious an assembly as this House, I may not have been betrayed into any , expression which might awaken a feeling of disappro bation in the Members of this House. Having touched upon these subjects to the best of my ability, I therefore thank you for your consideration while I have trespassed on your attention, and, with your per mission I will read the words of the Address. (The Ad dress was then read ; it was merely an echo of the Speech.) Lord DE ROS then rose to second the Address, and said, I am much obliged to my Noble Friend for the able manner in which he has moved the Address, and I shall not, therefore, occupy your attention at any length. I shall commence by paying a just tribute to the Emperor of Russia, for the honour able manner in which he has assisted her Majesty's Government in establishing peace. It is a distinguishing feature of his country; the manner in which he en courages the arts and sciences; and he himself has been distinguished in his efforts to assist her Majesty's Go vernment- e f r n t h m e e nt French regardWithasto the s t l o a v t h e e t r c a o d n e v , e n l t c i o o n n c o u f r t w h i e t h K m i n y g Noble Friend that it will be the means of preventing great barbarity and many horrors, and will p romote a noble emulation between th e t wo countries. With re ference to the Oregon question, my Noble Friend has given an opinion in which I also concur, viz. that whatever party on that side of the water may 'do to promote irritation between the two countries, the good sense of the Americans, and the knowledge that their interests are ide ntified wteitheemouers,tewillan heramicable e ble A arrang ement. Majesty's Gove rn ment to the increase of the army and duties and labours of the co lonial service are on the in crease, and it would no t navy, it must be obvious to your Lordships that the our soldiers and s ailorst be her f ei air tlohsetraihnezttotoephiaerityhoeur The Duke of WELLINGTON introduced the Select Vestries Bill, which was read a first, and ord ere d to be read a second, time. HER MAJESTY'S SPEECH—THE ADDRESS. The LORD CIIANCILLOR then read her Majesty's most gracious Speech from the Woolsack, which being re-read by the Clerk at the table, The Earl of HOME rose to propose the Address. _ said—My Lords, in rising to propose an humble and dutiful Address to the Queen in answer to her 11... f, 9 Males t)'s t)'_ gracious Speech, which your Lordships have t vcd read, lam gratified in being able to think at in hat I shall have to propose to you, there will be 7" : "!E_I diffe r ence of opi n i on or any di v i s i on o f sen ti m ent. "_ sl,, ti factory to think that th e su bj ec t s treated of in rfte Speech are not surrounded by such difficulties as call particular comment for any e tu om ta i l lient or power of explanation ; if they did so, I to grapple with them. sensible of my own deficiency adverting not occupy more of your Lordships' time by myself, but will at once to anything personal to proceed to the few remarks I shall consider it my du ty to proposing the motion with which I shall conc lu de .ake inl feel bound to continued s ; l assur congratulate your Lordships upon the ances which her Majesty has informedu ceived from all foreign Powers * their :e l .l lll re j cultivate the most friendly relations with re this country. I am aware, my Lords, that for a se ries of years it has constantly been the habit in the Speech from the Throne to state that the Sove reign continued to receive assurances from foreign Powers of their desire to cultivate the most friendly relations with this country, and therefore it might be considered as a matter of course to congratulate the Sovereign on this, and that it was merely re peating what has been said before. Now, in truth, the very fact of that repetition is most gratify ing, and every year's prolongation of peace ought to make us sensible of the advantages and blessings of peace, and more highly to prize the skill and judgment ?f those by whom it has been maintained. Her Majesty informs us that she rejoices that, in concert with the Em peror a f Russia, and through the success of their joint mediation, s he has be en ena bl e d t o a dj us t th e difficulties whichbad long prevailed between the Ottoman Porte and the Cit siun o t fPersia.—(Hear.) The settle ment of that l appear of great importancemayth .not at first sight is country, or to have any direct bearing on the peace of Europe or the world THE SUN, LONDO Majesty's Speech is one in which I feel great interest— • give notice of his intention to ask the question, though he the recommendation that some endeavours should be could not but wonder that his Noble Friend had not ex used to suppress the system of assassination in Ireland. pected that such a question would have been asked, and I should be the last man to propose any coercive measures tin refore have been prepared for it by obtaining the to affect the general liberties of her Majesty's sub- previous consent of the Queen. He would now give no jects, but I do think that something beyond lice that to-morrow night he would ask the question of the ordinary efforts of the law is necessary for Ireland. his Noble Friend. - I do not wish to be misunderstood, for Ido not refer to Lord STANLEY said,—Although he had the per.. the whole of Ireland, but only to those districts where mission of her Majesty to make any statement in refer the system is carried on ; and in those districts it is well ence to the subject that was under the consideration of known that such is the impunity with which the assa ss in th e House, in reference to the circumstances connected escapes, that the price of blood is brought a s l ow as w ith his resignation, he thought the present time was three or four pounds. Under these circumstances, I not a proper one for going into explanations. Still, do think that the state of Ireland requires without going into details he would state briefly the rea your Lordships' serious consideration.—(Hear, hear.) son why he had separated from those colleagues with whom I now refer to the scarcity in the potato cro p. It h as he had acted for the last four years. Although dif produced, and may be expected to produce, a great deal ferences had existed which led to his separation from of misery. All who visit that country can speak to the the Ministry, he still entertained for those with whom unbounded hospitality in Ireland; but I think there is he had hitherto co-operated the most unfeigned regard another virtuenotsufficiently apppreciated,and which also and esteem.—(Hear, hear) He could not state all prevails to a most unbounded extent upon all oc- the grounds that had led to his retirement, without canons of national distress. This charity, exerted also stating the measures that were then under in so praisewo r thy a manner, w ill , I think, pre- the consideration of her Majesty's Cabinet. At vent the worst evils anticipated by the approaching the present he eould not go into details, and distress. We also know that there is great room therefore he could not vindicate his conduct, or afford all for employment in that country, and a great the explanations necessary why he had abandoned the latitude for the outlay of capital. There was access to position he had held. Since that time those measures the interior of Ireland by water, there being no part of may have been altered and modified, or others may have it more than fifty miles from the sea. With respect to been introduced in their stead ; but, in reference to the relaxation of the prohibitory duties. it is a subject them as they then stood, he would only make the state far beyond my experience ; so I will content myself by went that on one measure, and one only, there saying, that what has been done in this respect has not was a difference between himself and his colleagues. produced that evil which was expected. The importa- Oa all the others they were agreed. The tion of foreign cattle has not, I believe, been pro- measure to which he referred had relation to the degree ductive of any injury to the British farmer, and nature of protection that was to be afforded to the —(Hear, hear.) I de not anticipate that any agricultural interest.—(Hear, hear.) The measure pro injury whatever will follow the other contemplated re- posed could not meet with his approval without a sacri laxations. All I will do is to draw the attention of your Tice of his consistency and convictions, which he was not Lordships to the measure which may be proposed, and prepared to make. The opinions of his col- I venture to say that no measure will be produced that leagues during the past few y e ars had undergone will not receive your just and dispassionate considera- considerable change, but his own had not done tion. It only remains now for me, my Lords, to second so ; and he could not make himself responsible with the motion which my Noble Friend has proposed. them for the changes proposed. He therefore separated The LORD CHANCELLOR then put the question, from the Ministry, being certain that to remain would and declared that the Contents had it. be to sacrifice his personal character and consistency.— After a few seconds, (Hear, hear.) Such he believed to be his public duty. The Duke of RICHMOND rose and said—l am not He would not go further now than to state that on one at all surprised to see the desire which has been evinced ground alone, that which he had just explained, he had to suppress discussion upon— dissented from the rest of the Cabinet. The details of The LORD CHANCELLOR—I beg the Noble Duke the measures under consideration, at the time, as he will not state that. I waited deliberately for a few before observed, need not be gone into at present, as minutes, and finding that the Noble Duke was not in- other opportunties would be afforded for that purpose. clined to rise, I put the question and put it slowly. Those questions would be explained on a future occasion. The Duke of RICHMOND—I am perfectly The Earl of HARDWICKE said, be could not agree in order. I should have listened with satisfaction with every part of the Address, still he thought that, to the speech of the Noble Lord who moved from sentiments of loyalty and good feeling, it should the Address, if he had not in part of his speech re• go without an amendment. He was glad that he had sat marked that we should wait until we heard the statement down and had given the Noble Lord an opportunity of of the Minister. I have heard, my Lords, enough in that making the explanation he had done. He address to know what the Minister intends to do.—(Hear, wished to follow in his footsteps, and to enter hear.) He intends to withdraw protection.—(lnterrup- as little as possible into the discussion at tions.) I should like to have heard a more manly speech, present, reserving such till another time. His feelings and that he had mentioned the corn-laws at once. I defy he could only say, at the present moment, were in uni- Noble Lards to say that the Speech just read does not son with that Noble Lord, which was to give an opinion relate to the corn-laws.—(Hear, hear.) This is without any mental reservation whatever ; and that getting rid of the compact which Sir Robert Peel opinion was, that he thought that the measure agreed to made in 1842 with th e agriculturists, and which in 1842, respecting the duty on corn, was at least for Mr. Gladston e , th e S ecre t ar y of State, said removed a considerable time a final measure. He con difficulties, and was made for the purpose of securing to sidered the question settled, and in conse the agriculturists a p e r manen t l aw . It was t o secu r e quence with it' the wants and exigencies of the country. that permanent law that the agriculturists acquiesced in But, they had it in the same Speech that there that sacrifice.—(Hear, hear.) My Lords. I wish to draw never was a period in which the people were better off, your attention to what Mr. Gladstone said in 1843. He better fed, or more cheaply supplied. If this then said it would be unjust to the agriculturists, and dis- be so, what should we do when we come to honourable to the Government and to the Parliament, if a time of difficulty ? He was desirous not to be they made a change in the laws which protected led away upon this occasion, and, therefore, British industry without a great and adequate cause. He was desirous to control his feelings, but he would Where is the cause? Decidedly not the potato rather stop short, that he might not give any offence to disease in Ireland. No, my Lords, it was those with whom he had been associated for ten years. not so. The potato failure was assigned as the reason He deeply regretted that anything should have occurred in the first instance, and promulgated in the Anti-Corn- which should have led him to differ from those Noble law League.—(Hear, hear.) I cannot for my life see and Honourable Friends whom he looked upon as better why Mr. Cobden should not be made a Peer and sit on fitted to guide the country than any men he knew ; but these benches.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) I wish to there was a change come over the spirit of their dream. ask the people of England and those persons who disagree He stopped where he was; but it appeared to him that they with me in opinion on the question of the corn-laws had gone on in a course which, however right it might whether they approve of the course taken by the Anti- be, or proper it might turn out to be, appeared to him to be Corn-law League?—(Hear, hear.) I say their course wrong, for he did not know where it might has been unconstitutional and that they are the authors stop. He would say no more about this subject, or the of this change. I hope this House will not so far abandon reasons which led him to dissent from those friends its duty as to permit itself to be intimidated by the Anti- who bad put into the mouth of the Sovereign the Speech Corn-law League, or by the money that body has raised. which they had heard from the Throne; but he felt it But what is the time the Government asks us to make incumbent on him to give expression to his sentiments this sacrifice to popular clamour ? We find that Sir on this occasion. Robert Peel has not produced tranquillity in Ireland ; The Marquis of LANSDOWNE observed that he but that, on the contrary, murders and assassinations con- was induced to rise for the purpose of saying, tinue to take place every day.—(Hear, hear.) In this that on this subject he entirely agreed with the send speech, Sir Robert Peel comes to us, and asks us' to give ments expressed by the late Secretary of State for way, and alter those laws which every man knows are the Colonies. Like him, he expected that an explana for the benefit, not of the agriculturists alone, but of ton would have been made that night on the motives every class in the community.—(Loud cries of " Hear, which had led to the resignation of the Right Hon. hear.) I shall now call your Lordships' attention Baronet at the head of the Government. He was to the statement made by Sir Robert Peel in the delighted at the course taken by her Majesty's year 1839, when he wanted office from the Government with regard to the question of America. agriculturists. He then said, "If you take away pro- Lord BROUGHAM rose also to express the great tection the farmers will ask you to get rid of all protec- gratification which he experienced at the course tion on every other article." Upon that occasion Sir R. which Government had pledged themselves to Peel stated what would be the effect if pr otection to adopt with regard to America. He did not corn were abolished. The effect must be that all protec- wish his observations to take from that re tion on other articles must be abolished.—(Hear, hear.) spect which he, in common with all who had observed Are you prepared to destroy your Custom-houses, his Noble Friend's public conduct, felt for him; but still and by that means destroy the revenue that he might express his regret at the course which his now goes to support the liabilities of the nation ? Noble Friend had adopted. There were some matters If you are, where will you get revenue sufficient on which he differed from his Noble Friend, and there to pay the public creditor ? If protection to corn is to were some on which he agreed with him ; and he felt be got rid of because it is a great monopoly, are there bound in fairness to take that opportunity of setting his no other monopolies in this country ?—(Hear.) What Noble Friend right, if he thought anything that do you think of the East India Company ? he had said came within the scope of his what do you think of the Bank ? and what observations. In 1839 he (Lord Brougham) had do you think of the hundred others? If you consent to made a motion, in which he failed. He had made a make a further inroad into and get rid of protection, motion that evidence should be called, and that they you will have to pull down the house and rebuild it from should examine the whole of this question by means of the commencement.—(Cheers.) I will ask whe- testimony. It was his opinion that an alteration in ther the Civil List will remain. I will ask if a the commercial policy of this country with regard to single salary in this country will remain if ycu corn was necessary, but not for the purpose of lowering at once destroy the protective duties of this the price of corn, which he never expected it to do, country. My Lords, I for one will not give your and which he had endeavoured to show it had no ten- Lordships the trouble of voting upon an amendment deny to do, any more than the corn-laws, against which upon the present occasion ; but I enter my protest, my he had argued, had tended to keep up the price of food. solemn protest, against that clause in the Speech, which But it was for the purpose of remodelling the whole is contrary to every principle which the present Govern- commercial system of this country that it might assume ment has ever brought forward from the Speech of 1839 such a position with regard to foreign powers as would up to the present moment. I know nothing of what enable and make them open their markets to our manu their measure is, but I have a right to speak strongly, factures and produce ; but in that attempt before, because I happen to be one of those who are their Lordships were aware, he was so entirely defeated of opinion that no relaxation of the corn. laws should be that he did not try again. He hoped, however, that he made. What have we said respecting these little mea- had lived to see better times, and greater changes in sures brought before Parliament by the present Govern- opinion, and he hoped and trusted that before he had ment, against which I and some of your Lordships done with that subject some of his opinions would be voted? Only that they were steps towards free trade. more favourably received. They were, however, quite We, fortunately, voted against them; but Sir Robert uncertain what the Minister's policy would be with Peel has contrived, by his eloquence and by regard to the corn-laws. It would be folly to his soothing speeches, to get a large number say that, because they had taken one course of Members of both Houses of Parliament to place con- in 1842 they should not alter or change that course in fidence in him. My Lords, that confidence may exist 1846. Such was the doctrine of his Noble Friend, but still in some quarters, but I beg to say that it exists not it was no part of his policy : he had learned a different in the large body of the middle classes of this lesson. He must, however, express his disapprobation country. What is the fair, open, honest, English of the manner in which his opinions—important as they manner in which the farmers of this coun- were, and sincerely as he held them—had been received try have come forward on a late occasion ? and supported. He had said to their Lordships—and They do not ask you to reject the measures to be pro- they knew well the grounds on which he wished to re posed. No ! But they come to you, and they say to peal the corn-laws in 1839—could he have said to . the the Government, "You came into office pledged to pro- public as an honest man, that the repeal tection ; you have thought fit—we know not why—we would make bread cheap ? Could he say care not to impute motives—but we say you ought not to now that the corn-laws, against which he argued, carry out these measures without appealing to the coun- so strongly were, the cause of scarcity in the country? try."—(Cheers.) It must be a bad case indeed when a the cause of famine in the country, the cause of disease Ministesr does not dare to face what is called a popular in the country? the cause of crime in the country? or the question on the hustings.—(Cheers.) We ask for no cause of mortality in the country? He would rather put more. We ask for a clear stage and no favour. We his right hand into the fire, and see it consumed, than ask you to appeal to the country to know put it to any document which purported that the corn whether .or not these modern innovations are to laws caused famine, crime, disease, and death. He had be Omitted, and to know whether we ought to sat for four years in her Majesty's Councils, be masele dependant upon foreigners for a supply never saying a word to prevent crime and of th i et which we can produce ourselves, famine, disease and death, knowing that these I think the House has a right to demand from her Ma- things were the fault of those laws, and that jesty'silovernment the reason of their sudden changes. their removal would be the advantage of their I know- not what to call them. These reasons are only repeal or alteration. He differed from his Noble friend known ;to some dozen individuals on the opposite side. and with many persons on the question, and he I think the country has a right to inquire why they was as much at issue with them on the one side threw ui'i their offices, and if the protective duties were of the case as he was with his Noble Friend on the other. in any di .nger.—(Hear, hear.) My Lords, I feel that your But there was another class of persons connected with Lordshii ps will take this question into consideration, and the question—he meant the agitators—for whom he en will do I your duty to your Sovereign and your country; tertained no respect whatever. His Noble Friend might and the you will banish from your minds the Minister ask him if he were the friend and abettor, or perhaps who proposes these measures. My Lords, Ido not on the accomplice, of the Anti-Corn-law League. He said, this occasi on intend to offer any factious opposition to God forbid. He differed infinitely more, ten thousand the Address, lout Ido intend, and Ido trust, your Lord- times more, from the conduct pursued by that body ships Nviii aid me, to offer every fair opposition to than he did from the corn-laws, and those who advo the proceedings of the Minister. We have heard a cated them. After long observation and much reflec great deal t shout the disease in the potatoes, and we don, he was deeply convinced that a representative Go have suffered in England as well as in Ireland. There vernment was the form of Government which was best will be plc my of opportunities for discussing this ques- adapted to confer the greatest amount of happiness and tion. But I beg to enter my solemn protest against that freedom on the human race. Now the nature and part of his r Majesty's Speech which threatens the ruin essence of that kind of Government was, that when power of the agricultural interests, and this House, I think, is was delegated to representatives, the representatives entitled tt know the reasons why they have come to such spoke in future, and not the constituency, and this led a decision him to answer the Noble Lord in reference to The Dt eke of WELLINGTON—My Lords, the Noble what he said as to appealing to the people. It Duke st at es that he will not offer any amendment to the was not a wholesome thing to appeal to the people Address 4as proposed. He has complained of the orris- when they were in a ferment. At that period sion of all allusion to the corn-laws in the Speech from it was wrong to call upon them to pronounce the th cone. My Lords, it is not necessary in this upon an exciting subject.—(Murmurs.) He did not House to follow my young friend in his observations on mean to say that there were no exceptions to that prin the cot duct of the Ministry.—(Hear, b oar .) Nor do I ciple. He did not mean to say but that there might arise think it t iecessary to make any allusions to the Address conjunctures when it would become necessary to moved iby my Noble F r i en d, as I b eg to in- make such appeal.(Hear, hear.) When differences of form you r Lordships those measures will be brought opinion arose between the two Houses of Parliament, the before tl se House in a very f ew days.—(Hear.) only means of composing the difference was to appeal I entreat 3 •our Lordships to consider w h e th er no w it is to the people, but if cm every question that interests right to e; cpect me to make any explanation suc h a s that Parliament they were to appeal to the people they which th e Noble Duke requests.—(Hear, hear.) I ceased to be a representative Government, but were hope it will not be insisted upon that any such entirely influenced by the multitude, and even matters v /ill be entered upon ; but I entreat you by the mob. He did not see in the whole now to adopt th e Add res s, an d l eave explana- circle of political questions one more objection tions to another time. Respecting such a ques- able for such an appeal as that which was at tion as tit at which has been put by my Noble Friend, that moment occupying th e ir attention. A continuance regarding the resignation of her Majesty's Ministers ; of such an agitation would expose them to the same the Noble . Duke who has put it, has been a privy coun- dangers as those which f o llowed the agitation which was cillor himself, and knows that a privy councillor of the Low being pursued in Ireland for the repeal of the Union. Sovereign : must keep the counsels of the Sovereign With respect to these agitators, he was about to state secret. I c annot, therefore, state here what has passed the course of conduct now in great vogue w;th that in that priv y council, without obtaining the previous per- body, some of whose members were highly respectable, mission of t he Sovereign. Before my Noble Friend had while on the contrary . othea: ' were q uite the reverse, as asked the question, he should have given no tice was cus tomary in att large bodies. He found they nof his in untion of doing so, in order to afford an oppor- were raisin.. ,an immense sum of m one y with an avowed tunity of the necessary permission from her Majesty obin'l He admitted the object wa s lawful, and he ap prelimine,ry to such explanation being x asked, I o given. Had on the Woolsack.—(Laughter.) eitled to the Noble Lords opposite c lusterin g so thickl y known that sue h a question would have been Th e se agitators broke should have obtained permission to mak answer to it. But why should 'it might amount to) ;tie question be (no matter • • put what prime sum a statement in no Act of Parliament in thus collecting a large sum is ni co ot unc u l sa l on the first night of att. session ? Such a course for the purpose they had in view. Now, he public interests require that would ask, what was that purpose ? Their ob the -counsels the Sovereign should be kept It • in 1 vies pFrmis sion of is 'so doubt :onvenient Soverein. that sometimes what takes place in differentcounties.—(A. Noble Lord, "No, freeholds.") h shot be re vealed but secret. sect collecting the Argo sum was to purchase vots the • I.:ars The The ' be as a gen . eral rule the secrets of When he said to purchase votes, h a e gi p ta e t a a n ra t htooapetuerdc thatase th r e evealed without obtaining the pro- the right to vote. This party . of stag ce in which • much a , would be successful previous nap es, and no question has been put without and, that for the future they This is the first in- in one county they had obtained two thousand votes, secre is which it one present can desire that the involves should be at add fur 000 voters to the roll for e i?'alie of RICHMOND present stated. said o would hi. I they were now about to e, "Y "'tad to the county of Yorkshire, and a similar number for South . .1n securing able champions their cause. They said IRI DAY EVENING. JANITARI 23 5 . 1846 Lancashire. By such means as those they avowed they would be enabled to return one hundred Members to Par liament. To obtain that end some send their thousands, others their five hundreds,and others their fives.—(Hear.) To those who were the members of the League—those who had been for some time writing upon Dukes, such 110 his Noble Friend the Duke of Richmond, who appeared to be considered by these writers as Aree naturce, and liable to be preyed upon, to them he would give the benefit of his opinion without giving them his al., and that opinion was, that it was per fectly legal for them to act as they now did. The course they we re pursuing violated no law, common or statute. If his friend Mr. Attwood, and other rich men like him were to subscribe a million of money to the purchase of freehold qualifications, they would have a perfect right, as the law now stood, to do so. They might purchase those free. oh 1:Is for the purpose of returning Members of Parliament. To such a course the law did not say nay. The late' Mr. Bentham used to argue that there was no such thing as unconstitutional—that it appeared to him that unconstitutional meant any thin g that anybody did not like. " Show me," he said, " any thing lawful, and that is constitutional ; show me any thing unlawful, and that will be unconstitutional." Now he (Lord Brougham) would adduce an instance to illustrate the argument he had referred to. The Sovereign might create five hundred Peers. He might march these five hundred Peers into that House, and as the prerogative was not confined to numbers, neither was it confined to rank. He might ennoble five hundred soldiers out of a battalion of Guards, and make every one of them Peers of the realm. It would be an undeni- able and unprescriptible right for theca to take seats, and to vote in that House, and the sovereign might march that battalion of newly-made peers into that House to overwhelm the Members of that House, and to carry any measure by a majority of a hun dred. It would be perfectly lawful. There would be nothing illegal—nothing in the slighest degree contrary to law, in the exercise of this most undeniable preroga• ye which the Crown possessed of , creating peers. But if the Lord Chancellor should put the great seal to those patents of peerage, so surely as these fell on the ears of the Commons House of Parliament, the announcement of the act which he had done—the crime which he had committed—perfectly lawful, but perfectly unconstitutional—a gross breach of the Con stitution—a foul violation of the Constitution—a high_ crime and misdemeanor—so surely would the head of that high officer—if not in fact, at least by right and by desert—fall for the crime be had committed. He knew that if he was called on he would say they were not committing an unconstitutional act. If he were asked his opinion as a lawyer he would give it, and without requiring five pounds either—(A laugh)—if in that capacity he were asked which of tte two acts were the most unconstitutional, he would say that act which raised money by voluntary contribution for guilty purposes. He would say that as a lawyer it was legal, but as a constitutional lawyer it was illegal— (Hear, hear)—and a break up of the Constitution. He had not for the first time stated this opinion. He was once asked to aid in the creation of 500 votes, and his answer was distinctly that he would not subscribe one farthing for such a measure. But he placed his ob jection on higher grounds ; he saw it was an unconsti tutional act to multiply votes. He would say one word on ♦oluntary contributings. Those who thus sub scribed and contributed to raise large funds to create votes must be prepared to differ from some of the most constitutional lawyers in this country. He did not say that contributions for the pur. pose of enabling the Crown to defend the country was il legal or unconstitutional ; but, on the contrary, was a praiseworthy subscription, and was not a subscription for the purpose of subvertir.g the established regulations of the country. He alluded now t: - ) Ireland.—(Hear.) He supposed it was just as constitutional as the policy adopted now—many people might think it a little more justifiable and more constitutional.—(Hear, hear.) Those who considered it a legal act, will have against them the opinion of the late Sir Philip Crompton, and will also have to combat a still greater opinion—he meant Mr. Fox. They would also have to combat Lord Grey's opinion, as well as Mr. Pitt's. On such grounds the Parliament had by its votes sanctioned the use of money raised by voluntary contributions. They may have been wrong—that he would not express an opinion about. He considered that the course of this country ought to be, to raise money by consent of Parliament, and through the sworn Minis ters of the Crown. He did not like to see a trade car ried on with impunity, which would alter the founda tions of their Constitution, by raising a new trade in this country. His love of free trade was not very great — he meant the trade which was driving for money—for base lucre, for filthy gains—and for that purpose he would not consent to such a political agitation. If that trade was not checked, there would never be wanted persons to trade in it, because it is of all trades the easie3t car ried on, and the meanest. Of all trades it was the easiest to drive, and they saw in Ireland what agitation was doing, and now in England, in the repeal of the corn-laws, a good trade was also carried on. He had an equal dislike with his Noble Friends to what is called mob government. He would have this country governed by the Crown and the Parliament. lie would have the measures for the safety of the people of Eng land discussed and propounded by wise men. He had been reproached with inconsistency for advising the Crown to dissolve Parliament during the agitationof the Reform Bill. But he cared not for the charge if he felt he was right. He had sat at the helm of the imperial vessel for four years, with others more worthy to steer, and he saw the vessel more than once in sight of breakers; he had no desire to see them again.—(Hear, hear.) His Noble and Learned Friend had stated that after what had taken place in former times, and after the opinions which he had expressed, he held it inconsistent with his own honour to hold a different opinion. Lord STANLEY begged to correct the Noble Lord —his expression was, " holding the same opinions now as he did then." Lord BROUG HAM apologised. That was quite a different thing. He was beguiled by the word incon sistency. It was not inconsistency to act one way and think another—(Great laughter)—it was downright dishonesty. He had often heard the charge of incon sistency ; but he had no respect for, nor did he wish to court or belong to, the sect of that class of persons who allow years to pass over them without any increase of knowledge, and who are too proud to gather wisdom from length of years, or profit by the lessons of ex perience. To do this was not inconsistency. In conclusion, he wished to express his most cordial approbation of that part of her Majesty's Speech which recommended their Lordships taking the disturbed state of Ireland into their early consideration. The Earl of MALMESBURY begged to protest against that part of the Noble Lord's speech in which he recom mended an appeal to the people. He perfectly agreed that such an appeal should be made on no trifling or trivial occa sion. If it was necessary to take the opinion of the people, let it be the one which they expressed in 1841, which ex pressed itself in a protectionist Parliament. He would not suppose that because the Prime Minister had changed his views, that the people had changed theirs.—(Hear.) The Earl of RADNOR observed that it was a matter of necessity to yield to public pressure from without, when they had not a Government who would lead the public mind. This had been the practice of late years. He would wish to ask the Noble Lord, be fore he left his place, whether all the great measures which he had seen carried had not been so carried by pressure from without ? He would ask, was not the abolition of the slave trade carried by pres sure from without ? Had not Catholic Emancipation not t n c t a h r e ried pressureofCouncil er w s itho o u f t ? Had been carried by pressure from without ? Had not the repeal of the Test Acts been carried by pressure from re b p y e al without ? He lamented to say that this was always the case when the people outstrip in know ledge and enlightenment the Government of the country. the fro O ni rd They should reflect that to carry out any great measure pressure from without was required. Some reference ah—naidt u nconstitutionalbwe a e sn a t rimproving to o m s p m u rb o os n : ini e r y g b f e o r t ih s o u eo, c such dwellingso o p n t o p fosres the, of the a s being an unconstitutional act. In that case it would be unconstitutional. it , purpose of a railway. There was also a subj ec t which at present was occupying considerable attention that purpose, according to the N o bl e L or d, wou ld a l s o be p oor h es o would metropolis. it T o be raisewi with i raising money sub scriptionsfor for churches; in fact, it would place an em bargo on many charitable purposes. The Noble and Learned Lord had also chosen to cast violent aspersions on the Anti-Corn-law League. He (Lord Radnor), however, had nu objection to the name, however much it might displease the Noble Lord; but he denied that they raised money for unconstitutional purposes. He was a subscriber to that fund—(Hear, hear)—and he believed that in doing so he was subscribing for a charitable purpose ; for he believed nothing could be more chari table than effecting a repeal of the corn-laws, and car rying out this principle of free trade.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord had said that the League bought votes with the funds they were raising. He (Lord Radnor) denied this. They bought no votes with the funds, but it was raised only to carry on the agitation. They per suaded people to buy votes—to lay out their money to give effect to their opinions, but they did not buy votes. The League, therefore, merely facilitated the getting of votes, but they did not make them.—(Hear, hear.) They opened an office to enable persons who wanted votes to get them from persons who were willing to sell that which conveyed that privilege.( l lear , hear.) They did not make votes, as other parties had done, by the 501. clause, by which they had divided their farms into four or five parcels for effecting such a purpose. The League did nothing in secret, but their object was to carry out a groat poli tical object. The Noble and Learned Lord had objected to their agitating for a political purpose as unconstitu tional ; but bad not the Nob le and Learned Lord him self done so in his agitatio n on behalf of the abolition of the slave trade? If the one a g itation was unconstitu tional, the other was also of that character.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble and Learned Lord had charged the League with being actuated by selfish considerations alone. To that he (Lord Radnor) would answer, that there was no such evidence in their conduct, which had shown on the part, of the leading members a great ex pense of time and money, not to realise any private object or advantage, but for the good of the public generally. The origin of the Anti-Corn-law League was because seven or eight merchants of Manchester found their trade in a very bad state. At that time, when trade fell so much in 1838 or 1839, they formed projects for the purpose of rescuing themselves and others in the same trade from the ruin hanging over them. They became free-traders, and they found that that which was good for themselves was good for others, and fur the public at large, and they induced others to become free traders. He would support in every way, and also defend, the Anti-Corn-law League. He was sorry that any one should be led in that way, but if the Goyernment would not listen to reason they must give in to opposition, and give in to the means which would be used instead of argument. His Noble and Learned Friend had objected to agitaton, but in the begin ning of his speech he had recommended it. :Ile would ask how many years should they have been as they were now if it had not been for agitation ?—(Hear.) Agita tion had, however, i been produced, and the Government must yield to it, and if they did not do so woe to them and woe to the country. His Noble and Learned Friend had said that he did not believe that the majority of the country was in favour of the Anti-Corn-law League; bat he believed that it was, and that the Government would be obliged to yield to it. They would not, as his Noble and Learned Friend had saitl f do anything illegal or unconstitutional ; nor had they any intention of doing so ; their agitation was only with the view of removing a law which was obnoxious and injurious to them and to the country. Lord BROUGHAM haclnz offered a few words in explanatioti, The Earl of RAfirtoll eras about to exp!ain also, when The Earl of SALISZURY rose to order. The Earl of RADNOR then quoted the opinion of the Noble Duke opposite in 1829, who had stated that his views iv re not changed ; but then it. was ne cessary to yield to the popular demand at that time to avoid a civil war, which, he said, of all wars that was the most horrible.—(Hear.) He would, however, contend that it was not the object of the Anti.Corn,law League to make votes fur the people to give in their suffrages expressly for the repeal of the corn-laws, but in order tai give efficacy to the promulga tion of their honest opinions. The Duke of WELLINGTON trusted their Lord ships would allow him to explain, in answer to an ob servation which had been made by the Noble Earl with respect to what lie (the Noble Earl) had reported him (the Duke of Wellington) to have said In a speech delivered 17 yecra ago. If the Noble Earl would be so kind as to look at the records of the House he would see that he had not quoted his words correctly. The words quoted by the Noble Earl were neither the words nor the sentiments to which he (the Duke of Wellington) had given utterance. The Marquis of SALISBURY said, he always under stood that to conspire in any way, by manufacturing votes, to change the established laws of the country was an illegal act; but after the high legal opinion which had been delivered on the subject he should be silent on that head. The Noble Earl had been pleased to apply terms to the present corn laws which had cer tainly never before been heard in that House. He had called that system of laws, the accursed corn-laws, which, to say the least, was very unmeasured language. The Noble Earl had also in speaking of the pressure from without coercing the Government to rescind the corn-laws, said that he himself would contribute to make that pressure from without felt in the House. This was a very strange doctrine for the Noble Earl to hold. He (the Marquis of Salisbury) could not admit that there was any prospect of famine ; neither could he allow that the relaxation which had taken place with respect to com merce bad increased in any degree the prosperity of the country. The Duke of BEAUFORT observed that he must protest against the extreme latitude of expression with respect to commerce which had appeared in the Speech, from the Throne. He thought that such expressions would have a most prejudicial effect on the general in terests of the state. THE LATE RESIGNATION OF MINISTERS. The Duke of RICHMOND said he had no objection to putting off, at the request of the Duke of Wellington, the question why her Majesty's Ministers had resigned office, and shortly afterwards resumed it, until Monday next—more especially as he would then have the opportunity of knowing what Sir R. Peel had said in the other House on the subject The Duke of WELLINGTON observed that the reason why he asked the Noble Duke to put off his motion was be cause he might not have an opportunity of seeing her Ma jesty before then. CHAIRMAN OF COMMITTEES. On the motion of the Duke of WELLINGTON, the Earl of Shaftesbury was for the thirty-third time elected to fill the office of Chairman of Committees for the en suing session. ADDRESS TO HER MAJESTY. The Earl of DELAWARR announced that her Majesty would receive the Address of their Lordships' House at half-past two o'clock on Saturday next. The House then adjourned till one o'clock on Saturday. HOUSE OF COMMONS, Thursday, Jan. 22. The SPEAKER took the Chair at twenty minutes to Two o'clock. Exactly at a quarter past two, at which time there were about 150 Members present, the Usher of the Black Rod, Sir Augustus Clifford, appeared at the bar of the House, and summoned the Commons to attend the House of Lords, in order to hear her Majesty's Speech read. The Speaker, preceded by the mace bearer, and fol lowed by a considerable portion of the Members, imme diately left the House, in obedience to her Majesty's command. In about ten minutes the Speaker returned, and hay icg read the Speech, the House adjourned till a quarter to Four o'clock. The House re-assembled at Four o'clock, and the SPEAKER having taken the chair, the new Members for Wigan, Windsor, Walsall, Southwark, Warwickshire, Antrim County (Ireland), Woodstock, Hereford, and Hertfordshire, took the oaths and their seats. Upon the motion of Mr. YOUNG, a new writ was moved for for the boroughs of Selkirk and Newark, and niso for the shire of Bute, in the room of the Hon. James Stuart Wortley, who had accepted the office of her Ma jesty's Judge-Advocate-General. Mr. TUFNELL moved for the issue of a new writ for the West Riding of Yorkshire, in the room of the Hon. Mr. Wortley, now Lord Wharncliffe. The Hon. Member also moved for the issue of a new writ for the city of Cork, in the room of Mr. Sergeant Murphy, who had accepted the stewardship of the Chiltern Hundreds; and for the issue of a new writ for the borough of ,Cashel, in the room of Dr. Stock, who had accepted the stewardship of the Ohiltern Hundreds. Writs were also moved for the division of East Sussex, in the place of Mr. Darby, who had accepted a com raissionership in the service of her Majesty; and for Midhurst, in the place of Sir Horace Seymour, who had accepted the stewardship of the Chiltern Hundreds. Lord J. RUSSELL gave,a notice which was inaudible in the gallery. RAILWAY BILLS. Sir R. PEEL—I wish to give notice, Sir, that I shall, on Monday next, move for the appointment of a Com mittee of the whole House, with a view to ascertain the course which the House shall pursue with respect to the Bills which will be submitted during this session for the making of railways. COMMERCIAL POLICY OF THE COUNTRY. Sir R. PEEL—I also, Sir, beg to give notice that, on Tuesday next, I shall move for the appointment of a Committee to consider what should be the future com mercial policy of the country. LEGACY DUTY. Mr. HUME gave notice of a motion for a return, on an early day, of the amount of legacy duty which had been paid on personal property during the last year. INTERMENT IN CITIES. Mr. COLQUHOUN gave notice that he should shortly move for a Committee of Inquiry, similar to that which he had endeavoured to obtain during the last session, for showing the impolicy of making interments within the prec i n cts of certain towns and cities.—(Laughter, and cries of " Order, order.") OATH OF SUPREMACY. Sir VALENTINE BLAKE, who spoke from the gallery, gave notice that oa the sth of May he should move that the oath of supremacy—that absurd oath— should be abolished, so far as it affected her. Majesty, her heirs and successors, as well as her subjects. The SPEAKER said that the Hon. Gentleman should be Aware' that no notice of motion could be given for a later da;' than the sth of April.— (Laughter.) Sir VALENTINE BLAKE—Then I will, give notice for the sth of FebNary.—(More laughter.) The SPEAKER—That is anotner motion, and it is impossible to give two motions on the same subject. DISTRICT LUNATIC ASYLUMS. Sir C. NAPIER gave notice the be , should,. i onThurs day, the 99th, move for a Committee to Inquire to the subject of district lunatic asylums. SHORT TIME BILL. Lord ASHLEY gave notice that he should upon sont, future day, bring in a Bill to reduce the time of labour in factories ; also, that upon some future day he should bring under the consideration of the House the state of the juvenile population of some parts of London ana Southwark. THE SHIP ECLAIR. Dr. BOWRING gave notice that to-morrow he should move for copies of the correspondence upon the subject of the epidemic in the ship Eclair; also for copies of the cor respondence relative to the House of Keys, in the Isle of Man ; also to confirm the resolutions of the Committee upon colonial matters. ABSENTEEISM. Sir VALENTINE BLAKE gave notice that he would bring in a Bill on the subject of Irish drainage by ab sentee landlords ; also to appropriate the revenues of the Protestant Church to increasing the pay of curates and small incumbents ; also for a Bill to enlarge the elective franchise of Ireland, and also to make the legislative union of Ireland something more than a mere parchment union—a legal and proper one. THE ADDRESS The SPEAKER then read her Majesty's Speech (for which see our report of the House of Lords). Lord FRANCIS EGERTON rose and said—l r i se, Sir, upon this occ as i on , f or t h e purpose o f pro posing an Address to her Majesty in return to the Speech we have just heard. It is my misfortune that I cannot offer the ground for your indulgence which Hon. Members that filled a similar situation have fre quently had it in their power to give. Precisely twenty years have elapsed since, under the auspices of Mr. Canning, I acted in a similar situation to that which I now occupy in the House; but I can truly say that since the lapse of those twenty years I never rose to address an assembly with less confidence in my own discretion, or reliance on any power of mine, to deserve the indulgence or com • mand the sympathies of this House. I hope, therefore, that on other grounds—on the grounds of the import ance of the juncture which calls us together, and th e difficulty which even the most experienced in this House feel in rising to address it under such circumstances — I hope that the House will extend to me that consideration and indulgence which,. in 1826, per haps, I had the better claim to ask for.—(Applause.) I think it will be most for the convenience of the House that a brief review be made of the topics mentioned in her Majesty's Speech—topics which I hope will meet with the unanimous concurrence of the House.—(Hear.) The observations of her Majesty respecting our re lations with France are matter of congratulation to my self, and must be equally so to:gentlemen on either side of the House, believing, as I do, that the peace and the pro P Ft es° s : ej h an a ti ppin h e 4 s pin o e f ss ernment in - E o u f rol E )7 ro a p n e d_m na o to re ely t , ha t n he of civilisation, and generally of good parts of the world, depends more u of amicable relations between the two coun o ,d zuggef e other measure which human sagacity i fcoruthe goer° Rejoicing, as I do, at this guarantee I cannot he'? peace and happiness of the world, t _ o ther pong°thvetricoosntthinaasopesi looking i. herwith proportionate Majesty's address, distress elates to our w erke e r t he ' connexion with another part of the but look with the deepest regret to that viandbeing Speech which refers to the probability of Eng,• ~ ri ghts , awnlidicatnxriety, oTacanno; n• er tce •0 0 , called upon to maintain her honour and lee: e e she as well as to afford that protection owes to some of her loyal subjects in one pa s r u t o - 1 . / world, by a resort to other than friendly mea o r r e' eit s, most especially should regret if any differenceso teuroi, culties, should render it necessary for unityt wejob nate our friendly relations with a comet h ere speaks the same language as ourselves, and . B u t I so many institutions in common with our ov e n noes , am sure !hat neither the present, nor any o ther e. mthBanttpia-will f b t e he jtl :o t r ifi ld ed to w in hic i r I k r in e g fer t a o • ing than that of a cordial desire to maintain, T o 01 means consistent with honour and justice, b r the be ab laut both nations, but, nevertheless, we shall still se j e er, continue, upon cordial terms or friendship, °lf d t or 6 " f ee course and amity with that g reat o f Moe ar portant confederacy, the United States et u tterly ill of i t o h u a r i 1 r c o l a tt ;i . !or: is {eel' erx i 0 Apart from all those considerations, gee o nee tiou . ,,, pendent of them, I will say that there ie T 4 5 iter; her Mejesty's Speech which I consider of ret0•,• 00 o if ante than that part which refers to our IV 4 ' pbSt fences, On this subject I will say no more th t so2 . ) 10 . it were left out it would reflect little en dit on Y e r ere ptl, had advised her Majesty. This questi on had. ek_el'el,oo gaged the public attention, and I trust that thiset;eooo, will be received by the House with the se lf OP which it deserves. I cannot dissemble from °Y ore ti le I am addressing the House on a topic ofrn ee e e etle ordinary interest—a topic which, as it may be Ill_: 0 0,,,1 of more than ordinary advantages, is, in cower fee: top . " Te, more than ordinary inteeest—(Cheers) —e add, that is worthy of furisher consideratioulf ; t he indication I cannot conceal freak: °P e e out interest and bearing of that indice'ti°" j e ,!';. in the train of political events, fres► .. . s OO 9 l, minds of all parties in this country ._, et A rs as I say, in the rear of these events, that indicatereo",,,, consider the whole of those laws, laws whie l ! ca ttoifi f the whole importation of commodities into thls ede ol e I am sure that this subject will meet with the fto which it deserves. I concur in the propriety ° , 4 4 $ dication, and I could not indeed otherwise c onsis:4o A : dertake the office which I have attempted to fil b , ife; cheers.) That concurrence I willingly give; 1311 ? j; if F A ' have been unable to stand in my present situatlesjee opinions had been otherwise, and if my opini Sell/ s; such such that I could not undertake this task. bin hesitate before incurring the increased reskee eeire by pronouncing my opinion, and saying that Sir e ilos:i was unfit for the serious deliberation which t° e If is called upon to give them.—(Cheers) I hiv i er e O O lll O many speecLes in this House, but have ne s % g,A one which was more applicable to all that this 1.09 had to consider, ,I hold this principle also w e it et, , 0 ( to my own course ot conduct, and consider tee sett o A mover of this Addreee, I am not at all re!v i : l ow fettered with regard to the . iPtllre course whi! er eiii9:l pursue in relation to these subjects. Upon tha''?„ to I am not called upon to go into details '''' s bios own particular opinions, but I may tslc e to rol portunity of stating that, with regard _.,,,ea subjects which have so particularly' eurb-90101 attention of the country, and have be erogeor larly brought under the notice of the .r"'"et t el opinions have undergone a considerable chogo/A, position cheers.) lam aware that my opi ni°lls go? that influence and authority which the opin ions who justly enjoy a high reputation in this House' rp everes and that, therefore, it might be considered OP s r r o f me , to inflict on the House a long explanatioobot,(l reasons of that change ; still I feel that nothing o site own insignificance could shelter me from the tot!' answering that inquiry, which public opinion w ee to institute into the causes of the alteration of 0 1 1 0 A public men ; I say that, on this occasion, I sbell li o efr,4 from thatinvestigation. Thia,l willsay,no defer), A o p 1 0 shall rest on the example of others, cr be found ote changes or modifications of opinion of those fo f of looked up to as authorities. My changes ° , l have been owing entirely to myself, and w lt; A d to any modification which my opinions may bi l e leej gone, I rest the defence of them solely on ruf ide fej tin of the course of events, and on my owe ect s os pep' of what was required, and the state and %. 1 ) ' 0 0 the country.—(" Hear, hear," from t", 6 OO l° J, tion.) I have feared ' and hesitated "' o ri a o interfere with that system of restriction °n ilea' tion which I have'found interwoven with the fer ole the relations of the country. I have hesitatedse7 time before I could consent to interfere with e • ' - o g o ;' be almost considered as one of the institutio 0 country; but I have now arrived at th e i ,theOpt that the time has at length arrived o a i i ; should take the opportunity to seriously e th e s e berately reconsider the whole course of , W regulating that importation, with a view th e ttl departing from that principle which has hi t o observed—the principle of endeavouring blajeir i e t or prohibition to continue the restriction of t e ... ,1e tion of articles from foreign countries wit h :a el 9 increasing our home manufactures.—(L'Th e t ri When I use the term " home manufacture , "'the) be misunderstood. I consider the products of , / as intended for the food of man, and I think til e l o b be considered as much a manufacture as it ot oro (Hear, hear.) I cons id er t h e ea rth as a mac h % look upon the largest landowners in the e ° 80 1 ? nothing else than manufacturers.—(Hear, heari n to these views, and considering their applies' e , Government, and to all the public d e , 0 04 of the country, I trust, and hope, and be, of without knowing what may be the natui: es eeP measures about to be proposed by the Gove''oo AO say I entertain a hope that, when those wee ei come before the House, I shall be able to sl re 9 position I have taken, and to show that thei l d e a/ patible with the broad principles I have ... et (Hear, hear.) I have no doubt that theseooo9l will be embra ce d an d com p re h en d e d in e stlitotolv l , gore , manner, and the various subjects that have O A the terms of my proposition be grasped tore —(Hear, hear.) A fix e d duty on corn was el s er;„ A , which came from the Noble Lord opposite. I P . " ef,, at the conclusion that restrictions onlforeige co r e V shall no longer be upheld by the Legislitthey, country.—(Loud Opposition cheers.) Wh e ' t ioS i if Lord opposite brought forward his proP o e e ' s o i V, fixed duty, and gave expression to tui i which 4 then maintained, namely, that 1 el ;1 0 tions were imposed on foreign com moditle. g eo e!„e s to secure a certain standard of remunera tiv e( i 2 ef cultivator of the soil, that would be the re sult eee 'measure. I entertained those opinions then, e t % veh ported them ; but I have since seen reason s •b those opinions.—(Hear, hear.) I am not 0 ° O S A detain th e House with any details. n. -- , 1 00 1 / 4 intention to ent e r u p on a statement of statiseil or I shall not shrink from such an investigati ° , / 0,1, show the numerical relations of this subjee r t t he , p; not at present a part of my plan, or within 0 0 ;0 1i of the particular argument which I inttnd so b 00 -1 4 4; it has been my lot to reside in the * hb °41. ,0 I P J r . dense population, whose position and neig c iro°l to could not do otherwise than observe ; Build r e course of that observation I invariably o iel 0' the dearness or the cheapness of peel' s 0 0 1 an intimate connexion with the employee ° IA happiness of the people.—(Loud cheers from 1 e t sit:on.; It was through no merit of my owlet bil a: 0 • 0 1 ( 4 an accident with which merit had nothing of ~e 0 glifo i was made the minister for the dispensation ; 7 able wealth among the population of t hat A There was, consequently, a great opportuo.oo jr me of largely directing the energies of 9 1 04 me, and as the dispenser of the wealth wh i f f ., of, a confided to me, and without any sner,'" Or 0,0 I became intimately acquainted with thei r 4re condition, and I observed that when the r e " he difference with the United States was sprereAr commercial relations of the country were rev/ disturbed, and the employment of the peoP: s e s f i, cient, that the provisions always be en- s arPol l4 and the people were more than 1 04 6 e , g a' , distressed. When trade again revived irt; _ A P fri ing year the people were relieved, t ', - , br/0 provisions declined, and when the reaet/° - , 0 l e r taken place it terminated invariably ill "i o brt, ) ot tne enjoyment and fele happiness of all tin" th e of the district, and in what might be eallerea,frio manent relief. When changes again oce tl ei r s ie T, top that the difficulty was renewed, and the Ps c u r s e,; , distress. After that there were labourers °re be had, but th e diffi cu lty then w as to find laboU r if be the work. I see, then, that this evil can .0 the if, fled by Parliament; and if I were to descri be f or 4 6 in the words and on the authority of ° 11 ; 0 3 / A 7 competent to form an opinion than I e i ; Vebe ted from his residence in Manchester and its nel is e' te ; ti is Far more competent to give an opinion t i oslt it d I find from his report that at the end ass, 01:01,14 trade was beginning to revive, the busiuteee , creased, also produced a beneficial effect 0 1 3 ,10 ,Ile i :i the people, and that as it progressed beth. t es er, e 4, and the manufacturers, and especially the sP l 'y f e el, i 0 i proved in their position, and a general Ple. a ri c er )0, But the main cause of this distress, whe" - eee off other people may form upon the subjec e t e ,'eureo origin in a deficient harvest and the T . the o e ii potato crop ; and taken in connexion svit' oi,d h4 . e a ~ I T stance that this catastrophe has es es si fe di felt abroad, it has been almost an ira i r e ei A i l terll i obtain any supplies from thence. I r ug _ ft 'st who is connected with the manufacto- ees t 4/ if their thoughts did not involuntaraeo 0 00 p i those seasons of high prices and distr e h i e ry hope, will not again return in t the 0 0 if men's hearts did not fail them for fear ° f s of , •0 0 i e of anything like high prices recurring ug boo tees may be told, and fairly told, that the l 'ectetie i e e which I speak, and which has, r e ° dete ; ,0100 sure, contended against the evil or n ese, re ; that those restrictive laws which I Pr ° „reir ve ety sider had no effect in continuing th° B- has 0 067 Others, again, will contend that abundaneafer °P o $ 1 0 ? consequence of those laws. Now, wbst e r igli o f ,01 opinion I may have undergone, I have a il , 130', tion the sagacity, or still less the e ali ftiorreele r ie; who continue to entertain this su ppos- ot, ,„ , o p 10 ', observation is, that if you, as a Governraf t ee f r :aoc i ol l to control the supply of subsistence for s t hese pli (Hear, hear)—if you attempt to W e e r $ 0 1 1, 0 1 0 6 0 1 ' table with whatever profusion you wee he retti%o, find it impossible to satisfy the masses °e jos 011 ; „ b 1) 00 rather you will send them away with aPP ,l; eficie ll r s lit t e° The present abundance you may call e l, aft e , 4 o9 man can pronounce it to he excessive, :9 0 SPL it sir only a matter of comparison, and it i.n i d o cIPP' equally dangerous and hazardous to gag ' ~~i Ili li 1, I li er Pe Ink Pres tea l §ett It