The Sun. — London, England, 1852-02-21 00:00:00

-- ' 4 -e- - - - eeeeeseeeeestetweeeee=iss.eee ,eeeseesaaseeeewae s .eeesa.eoeseeeee saying to us, " You shall not produce your own Bill on this subject, but you shall take one of my coneocion, of which I shall not tell you all the clauses,_ b u t leave you to find th em ou t as y o u bcst can ." Why, there was never such‘a demand made on a Government before.— (Hear, hear.) Ot course I cannot comply with that demand; for if I proposed to satisfy? the House by fol lowing the injunctions of the Noble Lord and bringing in another Bill, the Noble Lord might say, " This is not My Bill, and you must bring in another; and so on through the session."—(Hear.) With respect to the difference between the proposition of the Government and that of the Noble Lord, there is one point which the Noble Lord seems to have omitted altogether, although it is, perhaps, one of the most important at issue. The question is to obtain a force sufficient in number for the purpose of being trained to act ender elms, which shall be removable in case of danger from one part of the United Kingdom to another, and which can be kept up for a certain time in case of war. But then occurs the difficulty. In the case of a regular militia the men are ballotted for service for a period of five years, conse quently if a war should break out in the course of this year—say in six months—these teen would be obliged to serve for five years. This, bows ver, is a different demand on the people of this country from that made by her Majesty's Government in the present measure, which is, that those so ballotted for shall appear for 28 days in time of peace to kern the use of arms, and to serve for six or twelve months in case of war. And the question crises which the Noble Lord would not diseu,,P, but which is at the bottom of all—the question of substitutes. Will you say that you are to have no substitutes, and that those men who are balloted for must serve in person? I am convinced that if this was proclaimed through the country to-morrow, the Bill would be so unpopular with all classes of the community, that there would be the greatest possible difficulty in carrying out its provisions. —(Cheers.) But there is the other course—you may say you will take substitutes. That would be an easy course in one respect; for there can be no doubt that for a sum of money varying from 30s. to 5/. or 61., you might get any number of substitutes to appear and be trained to arms for twenty-eight days in any one year of peace. But observe the difference between the sub stitutes and the force proposed by this Bill in time of war. When you place a ballotted man in the ranks of the militia in time of war, he is bound by the Mutiny Act, he cannot desert, and he is safe for the terms of his five years' service. But if you offer 51., in the county of Kent to a man to come forward as a substitute, and I serve twenty-eight days in time of peace, for twenty eight days pay, you will find plenty of them in 1852. Who will tell me, however, that this man will come back the following year without further bounty, after eleven months' absence, perhaps in a far distant part of the country, even in a period of peace— (Hear, hear)—above all, who will tell me that he will come back in a time of war to work out the further ser vice he is paid to perform?—(Hear, hear.) Yee seem, therefore, to me, to be placed in this dilemma—either you must make a law which will be sufficient, but op pressive, and which consequently cannot be carried into effectual operation; or, you must make a law not op pressive, but, on the other hand, costly and not sufficient. If you have a ballot, and make the sons of merchants and mechanics serve together in the ranks of the militia, you will have a sufficient force, no doubt, but you will also have an intolerable hardship. Take substitutes, on the contrary, aid you will have a force in time of peace more than sufficient for your purpose, but you will have none in a time of war.—(Hear, hear.) I do not offer these arguments as conclusive on the question: the house will, no doubt, weigh them impartially, and ad judge them their full worth in deciding this question. If the House thinks the proposition of the Noble Lord better than the proposition of the Go vernment they will of course adopt it. But what I say is this—and I think I make no extravagant demand—that after considering the subject carefully and attentively for many weeks, and coming to the conclusion that the plan we propose is the one least subject to the difficulties that I have stated.—it may b© that we have not come to the right conclusion—but un der these circumstances I do say that I think it would not be fair in the House to say you shall not produce your plan. If, however, you should do so, and leave out the word "local"—the word " consolidate" I will not take the sense of the House on—and insert " militia," all I can say is that the Noble Lord and Mr. Bernal must bring in the Bill themselves, and I shall judge it impartially, holding myself free to oppose it or support it accordingly as I may see fit.—(Hear.) Mr. DISRAELI—The Noble Lord has certainly !Token the most remarkable speech I have ever heard Hi this house.—(Hear.) The Noble Lord proposed to introduce a measure which has been, he states, amply C onsidered, but which is founded, we aro told, upon a 7in i, 6l is principle. Now, if the principle of the B ill is vicious, all its details must necessarily be vicious, and therefore it is a mere waste of time on the part of this House to enter into any controversy upon either.— (Cheers.) I understand the Noble Lord to say, that though a Member of this House, or even a majority of Members, may consider the principle of a Bill so essen tially vicious that it would be utterly impossible it could be changed with any advantage, it is nevertheless not open to us to question the propriety of introducing that measure. If the Noble Lord's argument does not lead to that conclusion I have entirely misunderstood it. Lord J. RUSSELL—You have quite misunder stood it. Mr. DISRAELI—If I have misunderstood the Noble Lord's argument I do not think I have misrepresented it.—(Hear, hear.) I ask the House to consider how it is placed with respect to the question before us. Four or five years ago, when the Noble Lord was still at the head of affairs, Government assured the House they were about to bring forward the question—the question hav ing relation to the militia. The Noble Lord did not, however, introduce any Bill, or favour the House with the details of any contemplated measure. I should have liked to know whether the Government project was for local or regular militia; but the House was not favoured with the information. It is clear, from the circum stances under which the present measure is introduced, and the period at which it is brought forward, there hav ing been antecedent revolutions, and, more recently, other alarming circumstances—it is clear the Govern ment opinion is in favour of the general principle of having a militia, and also that they- believe the defences of the country are not so effectual as they ought to be. Therefore, in bringing forward their measure, it is not necessary, I think, to refer it to important circumstances . which have recently occurred. The House and country have the advantage of considering the question with re . ?Peet to the abstract point—namely, whether the country 111 in that position of defence in which every equally great _country ought to be.—(Hear, bear.) It appears, with rare exceptions, that all are agreed to decide the • _question, by what plan can an effectual domestic garrison .belit'be obtained? When Government, after four years' co nsideration of the question, after a lapse of time which . 11 ,2 °lle pretends has rendered defence less necessary than .4 18 48—when Government now introduces a measure Zn`the sulsject, I think, taking the most peaceful view of "nen affairs, and of the probable course of human action s that we have a right to consider on what the eu entive principle of the proposed means of ; defence is founded. The details with which the Noble Lord has favour e d the House does not put us sufficiently in pos session of that principle. If a Minister brings forward a project, the House ought to say whether it is founded on erroneous principles. If the House were of opinion t" subject was all-important, and ought not to be neg lected in the present state of affairs, it is a matter of deity that we should decide on the principle of the mea sure which Government proposes for hb o : u ec r Lfiut a ha d ee o o ption. As to the means and method of ballotting, and the modes and details of enlistment, we can enter into all those e t i.:esti eor result the m ' of detail in Committee; but if the Bill be goose which will not ; have the the House Rouse evishes—if in the opinion of all desire to se Bill cannot letid to the result which brought forward? e s e ra consplished—if Government have tory, it is our duty . t e o es:re inefficient and unsatisfac principle on whidh the nalsistfess our opinion as to the Lord says, if the rr ou " founded. When the Noble ';mead tto the Noble Lord the se ee Meniber for Tiverton's responsibility of bringing i t , 4 .7 ll 3 e a tit z he must throw the cannot be ac that, I think, is not atone to adopt . a that Noble Lord— `disposition to effect that by menact which -nip is e •• . e a rit ensure shows is as d by legitimate means 'on rtirnate to really the question. If the principle ofd But this is not coerect, is not this a legitimate occasion express that opinion?—(Hear.) be a le g vision, I cannot doubt that the House will oc be deterred shrink from fulfilling its duty, and not from i lay-' 0 down soun d pr i nc iples on which the notional defence to be conducted.—(Che ers. ) Sir G. GREY said the No ble Lord (J. Russell ) had been very much misunderstood, otherwise such a con= a L trnotion would not have been put u p on his words as had peen the cue. The Noble Lord had never tittered an opinion to the effect that the House were not entitled to ,express their opinion at this or any oth er sta g e of the 411 . The Noble Lord (Lord Palmerston) had a perfect Xight.to ask the House to join him in refusing to assent to the Bill of her Majesty's Government, and if he ob tained a majority then to assume the responsibility of ' Presenting such a Bill as the country wanted. But that was not the course adopted by the. Noble Lord. He did not propose to disagree with the recommendation of the • Committee that a Bill should be brought in and laid on the table. But the Noble Lord said Government s hould obtain leave to bring in a Bill, b u t not the Bin they had prepared, but such a Bill as he thought th • • ey ought to bring in. He admitted Government had Ile such Bill as the Noble Lord required; they had only such a Bill as had been recommended by the Committee. _ - 9 this Bill amendments might be proposed in Com mittee. - It was an unusual step not to meet the measure w ith a (IN _ea - negative, but to impose en Government the . necessity of bringing in a Bill ehich they did not ap proveWs The Noble Lord (Lord Palmerston) wished have a forc e equ ipp e d, t ra i ne d, armed, and ready t o be ealled into se rv i ce on t h e s h or test notice. When the Bell was in the bands of Members it would bo found that every one of the matters wished for by the Noble Lord ...would be accomplished. The Noble Lord objected to the ""rd "local" in the Bill. Government thought it their ewhen l oo ki ng into t h e quest i on o f w h a t w a s nee ar • y for the defence of the country, to propose a ran , "..."_r which sh ou ld accompl i s h a ll t h e d es i re d e ff ec t s i n the 7y the least b ur d ensome to t h e countr y, an d t o inter fetea in the least the people' Government way with the ordinary employments of whether he ca l l upo P n e- Government therefore thought it right to Noble Lord (Lord Palmerston) to say • er wished to have the militia regularly embo died, to eelb d olsly such an Act as would enable the Government Noble it so, that we e loYrit in case of war. Did the amendment of the litia? _ d imply that he wished to have embodied mi . Pout' of the G Pro 0 over lie but unnecessary under t h e considered P eal would not an essential difference to the pro that such a only be unpopular in the country, t h e sad more expensive circumstances, less efficient, Laud Vies left out? The Noble Lord asked why Ire naiatrutine th e loyal great g Ya deal.- had been said about Y of Ireland. He could not be- I , 1 - y ,• . r tYN lieve the Noble Lord seriously thought Government bad any mistrust of the loyalty of Ireland, when he must know that the army was largely recruited with.lrish men—(llear)—who had ever been conspicuous fur their gallantry and loyalty.—(Llear.) As for the plan of raising the.militia by ballot, be could only say the mi litia had never been raised by ballot in Ireland. If the Militia Act were repealed, the difference which existed now in raising militia in England and Ireland would still be made the same. If the House permitted the Bill to be introduced, he thought till the objects of the Noble Lord would be obtained, and he believed it would place the defences of the country on a proper footing. He believed there was a necess i ty t h a t the country should . be further pr o t ecte d , an d G overn ment therefore asked the House to consent to the further progress of the Bill. Mr. DEEDES did not think the Right Hon. Gentle mand happ happiness of. oTf,L the G its b o u n u ) r w i n e s u e ld la s a e d s v a b ta y c no ot the v c' i o n n g t e a n ts uaffin cient force at hand in ease of invasion.—(dear.) He had listened throughout the debate to all that hod fallen from Members of her Majesty's Government and Hon. Members on both sides of the House. He did not intend to effer opposition to the Government measure; but Hon. Members must judge of the measure introduced by look ing at the language used by those who introduced the measure. The Noble Lord (Lord J. Russ{ ID did not appear to speck out distinctly respecting the provisions he wished to carry out. The Noble Lord dwelt on the training the men were to receive. If the force WWI wanted for any emergency, the sooner that force was put in au efficient state the better, and the leei expensive it would be for the country. Tho Noble Lord said he thought fourteen or twenty eight days in each year, and two hours or three hours and a halt per day, would suf fice. He loiled at the broad, general question, not the small niceties of it. If it was necessary to put the country in a defensive state—he did not wish to go further than that—it was madness to sit still'under real danger. He had no with to see a foreign general in his house, unless by his invitation and to partake of his hos pitality. He could not help thinking the Bill as it stood would not give such an efficient force as was required. All ho wanted teas a proper force for an emergency, and as he believed tho amendment of the Noble Lord the Member for Tiverton would effect that object he should give it his support. Mr. HUME said when the majority of the House had so clearly demonstrated its wishes that the Bill should be brought in to carry out the recommendations of the Committee, ho never recollected that any. oppo sition, as at present, had been raised to that course. He objected to the amendment, and he also objected to the Bill as unnecesssry. If .Government wished for an in crease of military defences, it was proper to lay a plan before the House. The proposition of the Noble Lord (Lord Palmerston) was certainly very unusual, and'one which he could nut consent to. He should therefore vote with her Majesty's Ministers. He should do this, but without admitting the necessity of the Bill; for the Noble Lord who introduced the,Bill had not pointed out any danger, nor showed any reason for introducing th e Bill. He denied that he wished to leave the country defenceless. Ho wished the country to bo properly de fended. We had spent for years 16,000,000/. on army and navy. But we were told, with 200,000 regular army, we were without sufficient defence. We had also 230 ships, manned by 39,000 seamen. Taking our navy our sailors, and our military force, we had 239,000 men in pay and under arms. This was exclusive of troops in the colonies and in India. We had at present a greater amount of armed force in these kingdoms than ever was the case be!ore, and he therefore did complain of Hon. Gentlemen getting up and stating we were with oat defence. He considered it was unwise to express an opinion that we feared an invasion. It was throwing out a challenge to a country wi h which we ought to be at war—(Loud laughter)—he meant ought not to be at war. He considered it was a monstrous proposition to say we wanted more defence; when we were already so amply provided with all kinds and means of defence. The country was in a better state of defence now than it had ever been, and he saw Bo necessity for any extraordi nary preparation, unless indeed the Noble Lord had en tered into a private negotiation to support some of the continental governments. He should, however, vote in favour of the Government on this occasion for the intro duction of their Bill. ------. --- Mr. S. HERBERT wished merely to state that the Right Hon. Member the Home Secretary had misun derstood what had fallen from him too other night on this subject. He had not argued for a permanent em bodying of the militia, but bad merely suggested that as they were about to deal with the militia laws they should deal with them as a whole. The Noble Lord had stated that he was willing to accept the amendment, but' the moment it was proposed the Noble Lord repu diated it, and said that its proposers must take the re sponsibility of the Bill.—(No, no.) He apprehendeci the Noble Lord was arguing on a proposal of which the House was ignorant, but which had been communicated - privately to him by the Noble Lord the Member for Tiverton. The House was not in a similar position, and had to argue merely from what the Noble Lord had proposed. All th at t h e N u bl e L or d the Member fo r Tiverton propo se d was, to omit the word " local." In dealing with such a quest i on, t h e House ought not to take that which was exceptional. In his argument the other night he had rested it on the convenience of train ing, as he thought great advantage would arise in the event, or in anticipation of war, in being able to move the militia from county to county without embodying them. He certainly was surprised that the Noble Lord should not accept the amendment, omit the word " local" and admit the word " consolidate." Lord J. RUSSELL wished to explain, as the Right Hon. Gentleman had misunderstood him. What he had stated was that the Government had a Bill ready on the subject, and that if the principle of it were adopted it would be necessary to bring in another Bill afterwards respecting the general militia. With regard to the local militia he had stated that they had a measure ready, whereas the other Bill had never been considered. The consideration yet might require a week, perhaps a month, and therefore ho asked leave to withdraw the present measure, reserving to himself the right to in troduce the other Bill. Colonel THOMPSON, with respect to the apprehen sion of danger, would use the w or d s t h e y we re all fami liar with in thel story of The Babes in the Wood,— " Kill him again, Walter, for such a villain canni)t'be too dead."—(A laugh.) He could not bettor explain the reason why be would vote with the Noble Lord (Pal merston). Ho recollected the doleful looks that were directed in 1804 tow a rd s th e C hannel for t h e approach of the flotilla that did not come. Th ey had great con fidence in the militia, then, an d t h ey allknew that the re gular militia was a highly respecta bl e f orce; but as to the local militia, without sp ea ki ng s l ig h t i ng ly of anybody, they did not know where it wae.--:(A laugh.) There were old militia laws that would do very well for their purpose, with such touches as the lapse of time might require; but he wished them to bear in mind that the ',cal militia was of little value as an e mbryo force.— (Hear, hear.) Something had been said of Frenchmen refusing to join invasion. There was not a Frenchman that dart d to refuse, and, what was more there were very few Frenchmen that would.—(Hear, hear.) Let them, then, make such preparation as they could, always hoping that, as in the old war with France, the enemy they were prepared to repel would disappoint them by not coining.—(Hear hear.) Mr. MAULE could nut allow the House to go to a division without endeaiouring to show the House and the country the difference between the two principles now placed before them. The object which the Govern ment had in view was to introduce a Bill for amending the law with reference to the local militia, which would have the effect of providing for this country at the cheapest rate, and in a manner less burdensome to the people, a force which would be most speedily at the disposal of the Government to protect these shores on occasions of actual or threatened invasion. For the last four or five years this was a principle to which the attention of the Government had - been given— to establish a force similar in constitution to the local militia of former days,. in which a large population should be trained to the use of arms at a moderate dis tance from their residences—and that there' should be in every part of this country a respectable force for the defence of any locality. It might be all very well to disparage the local militia. It they wished to have another name for it, let them call it an army of reserve, if they pleased ; but to all intents and purposes it was a branch of the service composed of m ,, n in their own localities, and therefore interfered the least with their employments. But the regular militia was a totally dif ferent thing, and he was as distinctly opposed to having a regular militia in the time of peace as ho would be to personally any propo:ition to add 50,000 men to the standing army. andto non. Gentlemen, perhaps, were not aware of the com pulsory powers given by the regular Militia Act. That Act compelled the men selected by ballot to serve either years. moots or by substitute ; they were liable to be em bodiedalight be part of thebe removed from their families to any employcee United Kingdom ; so that all their avocations cure single and might be entirely interrupted for seven gentle localities moved from their lotucalrried' men wgitehvery precaution were taken to se out encumbrance, yet the very next g gentle year they i th sk eir th w e i c v e e u s n c t h ryar and if embodied and re many of them might leave inoenthe palish. He would therefore withwhether they would like the parishes to be chargeablethe expense of maintain ing the wives and familiesseorfvemailitiamen marched from be had saaT embodied militia? recourse w to during such a force as waetuwlcala wanted their own localities to Such a proceeding should only be the urgent necessities of and oady amount of protection. With respect t recur© a during peace was simply tutes in the regular militia, where would a person pur chased,substi- after nppearing at drill for his first twentan days, be next year? His Noble Friend said twenty _ e i g h t all England was not composed of cheats, and they were not to sup pose that the men who were substitutes would not be pear to fulfil their bargain. honest enough to rc-appear He (Mr. F. Msute) did not fancy that all England was com posed of cheats, but he had this opinion, that the per sons purchased to serve as substitutes were very great cheats, and in composing a militia in time of peace of substitutes they would bo training to arms the lowest scum of the population. To be sure, if embodied in the time of war, and taken into barracks. and bubject to constant duty under all the restraints ci the Mutiny Act, these men might be made as good soldiers as any, p roba bly; but if they took substitu tes in time of peace, they would ge , a class of persons who ought not to be trusted with the use of arms, and whose services could not be obtained when they were Hunted. That was a stron g reason for not having re course to the regular militia in time cf peace. What he waned to see established was a force which should be trained for so many days in each year, and by degrees s numbers, and which, like large and ex tens i ve in its numbers, hl"c 11, like the yeomanry of thi s country, with a trifling drill might be made quite as effe c t ua l for all raw levies that could be adopted. Oli the breaking purposes as any out of war on the contin en t or i n an y other part rendering it necess ar y t o i ncrease the military of the world, this country, this fince would fo rm a reserve trom whPower. of ich the army or regular militia might be legitimately aug- LONDON, mented whenever it should be found necessary to . esta.- blish the latter. In the course of the last war there was a system of fines by which the men in the local militia, especially were compelled to observe their engagements; it was asystemof fines, which were imposed on the several parishes to which any defaulters belonged, so that the ,parishes were made responsible for the appearance of the men. With regard to the non-extension of the operation of the Local Militia Act to Ireland, he wished to observe that it never had been extended to Ireland ; and with regard to the regular militia, such were the objections to the system of ballot in reference to Ireland, that the militia in that country were all raised by beat of drum. In like manner, if the present propo sition of the Government should be agreed to, so far from their being any doubt as to the loyalty of th e people ' o f Ireland, there would be no hesitation in adopting the same system as had heretofore been adopted. in arming the population of that country for the protection of its shores, namely, the system of volun teer corps.—(Divide, divide.) Mr. CFIA.RTERIS intended to vote with the Go vernment, as, he did not think he would be justified, after all he hied heard, in voting to prevent them bring ing in the Bill which they thought necessary. If, when the Bill should be on the table, it should seem not likely to be effective, the House might then reject the theroure. or endeavour to improve it.—(Divide, divide.) The House then divided, when the numbers were— For Lord Palmerston's amendment 136 Against it ... ..• ... 125 • • Majority against Government —ll Cheers followed the announcement of the numbers. Lord J. RUSSELL then rose and said—l consider that the vote to which the House has just come is tantamount to a refusal, on the part of the majority, to allow the Government to bring in the Bill which they have prepared. As this is a matter relating to the internal defence of the country, and therefore of the utmost importance, of course I cannot be responsible for a different Bill, containing other clauses and other provisions, which I consider injurious. Therefore I relieve myself from any responsibility with respect to that measure, and any other Member may be named by the House to bring in the Bill, Lord PALMERSTON (who was cheered on his rising) said—l cannot help expressing my extreme sur prise—(Cheers)—at such an abdication by the Govern. ment of their proper functions in this House.—(Cheers.) I presunae that it was not without full deliberation that the Government felt it their duty to introduce a measure for the better defence of the realm.—(Hear, hear.) The only difference of opinion between the majority of the House and the Government has been whether the measure should be founded on the Act of 42 George 111., or the Act 58 George lll.—whether upon the system, of the regular militia or of the local militia. The Noble Lord has stated this evening that his measure was so nearly the same as the arrangements of the regular militia that it appears to me, and it bas appeared to the majority of this House, not consistent, I may say, with common sense, to retain the word " local" in the measure. The Noble Lord admitted substitutes, though the House had heard an eloquent explanation of the objections to that system,—(Hear, and laughter.) He stated that his plan would admit of their being called out in the case of war like the regular militia. It I did not mistake they would serve in every part of the United Kingdom; and the only difference was the time for which they were to remain embodied in case of war. But, I would put it to the Government whether that is a reason why they should shrink from the performance of their duty—(Hear, hear) —and throw up, on account of a temporary and inciden *tat failure of principle, a measure which they ought not to have proposed unless they thought it was really essen tial to the welfare of the country ?—(Cheers ) The SPEAKER—I should remind the House that at present there is no question before it.—(Hear.) Lord J. RUSSELL-- . -After what the Noble Lord has said, I really think it is incumbent on me to say a few words in explanation. The Noble Lord has said that the measure which I explained on a former occasion and this evening, is so nearly similar to a plan for restoring and establishing the militia, that he wonders I should throw up this measure. If that were the case, I own I should think it was an unprecedented course, because there was a certain difference which was only upon some point with regard to the Bill, that therefore the .majority of this House was to alter the words of the title of the Bill, and thereby to imply a great change in it.--(Hear, hear.) lam perfectly sure that if I were to bring this Bill in on the principle on which the Govern ment had decided when the Bill was printed, I should be told that that was not the Bill that the Noble Lord I had intended, and that other provisions must be intro duced. I say is this a position for the: Government to hold?—(Cheers.) I think I made great admissions when I said that, with regard to all the details of the Bill when it was before the House, I should be ready not only to listen to any amendments, but even to sub mit it to a Select Committee for further consideration. But, if we are stopped at the very threshold—(Hear, hear)—if we are told at the very commencement—(Hear) —that the House have no confidence in our measure— (Hear, hear)—it is impossible for us to go on with that measure.—(Hear, hear.) I hear a cheer to that obser vation, implying very clearly that the Noble Lord is wrong in what he said—(Hear, hear) —and that it was intended by this vote, and by putting the Government in a minority at a time of very serious import, and with regard to a very serious question, to show that the ma jority of the House had not confidence in our adminis tration.—(Hear, h s ear.) I shall now, Sir, conclude with moving that Mr. B erna l an d 'L o rd Viscount Palmerston do bring-in thi s Bill.—(Ch eers an d great laughter.) [ the House n ow presented a scene of g rea t excite ment and conf us i on , t h e M em b er s forming themselves into groups, and di scuss i ng w ith great vivacity the new position of affairs. In the midst of this excitement—] Sir BENJAMIN HALL rose and said—Sir, I cor dially voted in favour of the Noble Lord at the head of the Government, because I thought that the course pursued by the Noble Lord (Palmerston) who sits below me is un called for and unprecedented. I think it would have been more convenient, and under all the cireumstances more courteous, to have allowed my Noble Friend to in troduce his Bill. But having supported the Noble Lord on this occasion, I cannot go along with him any further. I gave my vote in favour of the Noble Lord at the head of the Government, and I intended also to have given my vote in the future stages of the Bill—if the ma jority had allowed it to be introduced—in conjunc tion with the Honourable Member for Montrose. But I am not at all satisfied with the decision to which the Noble Lord at the head of the Government has now come, and I do not think that he ought to call upon the Noble Lord to bring in the Bill. —(Cheers.)* He has elated to the House that we re- quire a militia. He, as the head of the Government, has stated to the House that this country requires farther defensive measures. Sir, Ido not agree in that. But if he hiss stated to the House that we do require these further, defences, then he ought either to give up the situation he holds in her Majesty's Councils—(Loud cheers)—or he ought to introduce his Bill. For my part I hold that my Noble Friend ought at once to give up the office which he holds.—(Cheers.) The Hon. and Gallant Colonel the Member for Bradford said,. I re member, on a former occasion, I have a great horror of a foreign force landing in this country, but I have a still greater horror of a Conservative Government being in power.—(Laughter from the Conservatives.) Sir, I have no such horror. I should like to see them try their hands at the Government—(Cheers)—and there fore I call on the Noble Lord atonce not only to abandon the Bill, but to declare that he would no longer preside over the councils of the nation.—(Hear.) Lord JOHN RUSSELL at once stood up and said —Sir, I rise to say that I think I made my meaning sufficiently clear—(Loud Ministerial cheers)—when I said I took it for granted, as the result of the vote of the House, that the Ministry had no longer the confi dence of the House, and that such being the case, I could no longer continue—(Loud Ministerial cheers prevented the conclusion of the sentence from being heard, but it was evident the Noble Lord meant to say that he could no longer continue to be the responsible adviser of the Crown.) You, Sir, having said that there was no mo tion before the House, I concluded by moving that the Noble Lord, the Member for Tiverton, be called on to bring in a Bill; but, of course, I did not mean to impose upon him that responsibility.—(Hear. hear.) left, great body of the Members in the House then motion jr. e lo ai excite d by Lim b h Ei e ,sA crisis oß oN u w Fc h ol i c i.RE h ER o I occurred. u N r r e. SHIPS. h vo w e motion a o n t b on a t o. r ßf e mn rt 0. bring i n a Bill to enable her Majesty to abolish, gog D I r fr eee nanr:itioeb evide ntl yr o't introduce diff O e n te t n il t e ial duties on on ESTABLISHED CHUZI6-1611111 condition of l eave was LADS TONE, in communion bishops, clergy, and THE COL ONIES. rekcairec i pr o ci t y, °wl t;was . 8 , laity in the colonies', England, from legal doubts or un d l i o s i t a tb svith the Church of ItUiSliT e ties t nee affecti ng se ing the e management of their church affair s.,i,CHARITABLE at length e• for leave interestingtil The ATTORNEY-GENERAL in S ' — ll England to bring in a Bill for facilitating and b uluvin duo administration of the charitable trust i he of i t n h t i e s n d ß e i d i to b but to after somewhatth andinto discussionWthael ed e tails had just taken place, and which followed, he did cot think that he sho e uld justified in entering upon any statement of its provisio n s.sublet At the same time, he might say that the Bill vvasth same as that which had been passed by the other branc h of the Legislature last session. It was a Bill Of co siderable importance, and whoever might be responsible , for its conduct in that House it should have his cordial support.— (Hear, hear.) ' EVENING, Leave was then given. SCOTCH HARBOURS. On the motion of Mr. F. MAULE leave was given to introduce a Bill for enabling burghs in Scotland to im prove and maintain their harbours. PERSONAL ESTATES. On the motion of Mr. C. LEWIS leave was given to bring in a Bill to provide for the administration of per. sonal estates of intestates and others, to which her Ma jesty may be entitled in right of her prerogative. FEES IN COMMON LAW COURTS. On the motion of Mr. BOUVERIE leave was given to bring in a Bill to regulate the receipt of fees of cer tain officers in the courts of common law, and to pro vide for their payment by salary. On the motion of Sir D. NORREYS, the following returns were ordered:—Statement of the number of persons who have becom e blind, or who have lost the sight of one eye, or whose sight has become perma nently impaired in the workhouses of the Kanturk Union during the present and past year; distinguishing the number in each year. Copies of any medical re ports which have bet n made by order of the Poor-law Commissioners on the prevalence of eyo diseases, their treatment, and the probable causes of their virulence in these workhouses; and dates and extracts of copies or reports made to the Commissioners by poor-law in spectors, calling their attention to the prevalence of this disease in the union, and of resolutions of the board of guardians on this subject. The House adjourned at a Quarter past Nine, until Monday. PARLIAMENTARY DIVISIONS. RAILWAY (From the Votes and Proeeedinos of the House of Commons ) F RIDAY, FEB. 20. MANCHESTER,- SHEFFIELD, AND LINCOLNSHIRE Order for Second Reading read ; Motion made and Ques -3.llagabhoner,,GTehoogn:aB tion proposed, "That the Bill be now read a second time :" (No. 3) BILL. • Amendment proposed, to leave out the word a now," and at the end of the Question to add the words " upon this day . part of the Question." ri - he House divided : MINORITY —AYES, 83. six months :"—Question put, Adair, R. Shafto Freestun, Colonel Rice, B. It. Alcock, Thomas Freshfield, J. W. Roebuck, J. A. Armstrong, Sir A. " That the word `now' stand GalwaY, Viscount Sadleir, John Gibson, T. M. Bagshaw, John Salwey, Colonel Marrow, W. H. Goold, Wyndh am Sandars, George Greene, Joh n Berkeley, U. F. Scymer, H. K. Harris, Richard Seholefield„WilliaM Blackstone, W. Blair, Stephen Higgins, George Scully, Francis Rill, Lord M. Seaham, Viscount Blewitt, It. J. Hollond, Robert Smyth, Jahn George Booker, T. W. Stanton, W H. Hum4hery, Aid. Sturt, Henry G. Bright, John • N Keogh, William Sullivan Michael Brocklehurst, John Kershaw, James Tancred, H. W. Cabbell, B. B. - Campbell, W. F. Mackinnon, 1% . Thompson, George Macnaghten, Sir E. Trelawny, J. S. Cayley, E. S. Childers, J. W. rtrenaridge, Richard Mangles, H. D . Vane, Lord H. Christopher, R. Milnes, R. M. Cobden, Richard Walmsley, Sir J. Moody, C. A. Wawn, J. T. Cocks, Thomas S. Moore, G. 11. West, F. R. Corbally, M. E. O'Connell Coles, H. B. Tynte , Colonel Newport, Viscount Wilcox, Brodie , id. J. Williams, John Dawes, Edward O'Flahcrty, Anthony Williams, W. Duncuft, John i a. Yorke, E. T. Ellice, Edward Palmerston, v Ellice, E., jun. Parker, John Ellis, John Fechell, Sir G. TELLERS. Forster, Matthew power, Dr. Clay, James Fox, W. J. rower, Nichola s Geach, Charles MAJORITY—NOES, 138, Arkwright, George Fuller, A. E. Mostyn, E. M. Bankes, George Gooch, E. S. Baring, 11. B. Goulbarn, Henry Napier, Joseph Baring, Sir Francis Grenfell, C. Pascoe Norreys, Sir D. Grosvenor, Earl Barron, Sir 11. O'Connor, FearguS Hall Sir B. Bass, M. T. kakington, Sir J. Hamilton, J. IL Bell, Jacob Russell, Palmer,iPM' Patten,e o ue N v ll 1 i 'lent't F. J. . Frederick ojl V o c b.r.ed.Rri U. V . . Berkeley, Admiral Berries, J. J S l.e i c r x.a t der Berkeley, C. L. G. Birch, Sir T. Hay-ter, W. G. Pilkingten, James Scrope, G. P. Bouverie, B. P. Herbert, H. A. Plowden, W. IL Ilramston, T. W. Brotherton, Joseph Ilildyard, R. C. Prime, Richard Brown, W. Hindley, C. Pugh, D av id buck, Lewis W. Hope, Sir J. • : Romilly, Colonel Carter, J. B. '''. Buller, Sir J. Y. Ilotham, Lord Russell, Lord John Burghley, Lord Cardwell, E. Seymour, Lord Charteris, Francis Inglis, Si E. Smith, Vernon Chatterton, Colonel Jackson, William Smith, J. Benjamin Child, Smith Johnstone, Sir J. Satiollett, A. Clay, Sir W. Jolliffe, Sir W. H. Spooner, R. Clerk Sir G. Jones, Captain Stanley, Edward Clive, R. H. Hume,n How a rd,o w ad J. Seymour, .I . G. Labouchere, Henry Strickland, Sir G. Clive, H. 13, Lacy, B. C. Strutt, E. Cockburn, Sir A. Legit, G. C. Stewart, Admiral Colebrooke, Sir T. Lennox, Lord A. Thicknesse, R. A. Cubitt, William Lennox, Lord H. G. Thompson, Colonel Deedes, W. Lewis, Sir T. Thornely, Thomas Dodd, G. Lewis, George C: Tyrell, Sir J. Drumlanrig, Via. Loch, James Verner, Sir W. Drummond, Henry Lushington, C. Vyse, R. H. Duff, George S. Lygon, General Waddington, H. S. Duff, James Mackie, John Wall, C. B. Duncan, George M'Gregor, John Walsh, Sir J. Duncombe, W. E. Mahon, Viscount Watkins, Colonel Dundas, Sir D. Masterman, J. Wellesley, Lord C, Dunne, Colonel Matheson, A. Westhead, J. B. Du Pre, C. G. Matheson, Colonel Williamson, Sir IL Edwards, Henry Mauls, Fox Wodehonse, Edmund Egerton, Sir P. Maunsell, T. P. Wood, Sir W. P. Egerton, W. T. Miles, William Young, Sir John Evans, Sir Do Lacy Milligan, Robert Evans, William Milner, W. M. TELLERS. Farrer, James Moncreiff, James Greene, Thomas Floyer, John Morgan, H. K. Copeland, Alderman LOCAL MILITIA. Motion made, and Question proposed, " That leave be given to bring in a Bill to amend the Laws respecting the Local Militia:"—Amendment proposed to be made to the Question, by inserting after the word " amend" the words " and consolidate :"—Question " That the words' and con solidate,' be there i nser t e d," put, and agreed to :—Another Amendment proposed to be made to the Question, by leaving out the word " Local •"—Question put, " That the word Local' stand part of the Question." The House divided : MINORITY—AYES, 125. Adair, R. Shafto F ordyce, A. D. power, Dr. Alcock, Thomas F orster, M. power, NicholaS Sir R. Anson, General F ertescue. Chichester price, B. E. B Armstrong, Sir A. Fox, W. J. Rice, Baines, M. T. () each, Charles Rich, Henryßetonly, Colonel Baring, Sir F. T. Gibson, T. M. Barrington, Viscount Greene, ThomaB Colonel Bass, M. T. Grey, Sir G. holefteld, William Sc Bellow, R. M. (4, 0 y, R. W, I Captain Scobel , , Berkeley, Admiral G rosvenor, Lord 11 Lord Berkeley, C. L. G. Ilan, air B. S eymour.a Lord John Bernal, Ralph Se , Bethel!, R. ..- ii, '- ' R• D. rcourt, G. G. Shalt°, • Birch, Sir T. - Hamner 'Sir J. Russe ll,aalvie H. I). Harris Richard Smite, R. V. Blackstone, W. S. 'Last' ' Blewitt, lteg,inald Mastic, Alexander ' , Archibald some rville, Sir W. Bouverie, B. P. ILatchell, John Boyle, Colonel Brockman, E. 1). II ' 7 'Lindley Charles Brocklehurst, John Howard Lo dE. ' 5 7, - itd, John Abel oward, P. H. Strutt, E. Brothertoit, J. liurne, Joseph Stu art, A dmiral Brown, William Hutt, William Lord Dudley Charteris, Fra u d s Jowl _ ae . J. Stuart, si,o , Sir J. Stuart, Lord James Clay, James Kershaw, James hicknesse, R. A. Clay, Sir W. L abouchere, henry 1 Thornely, T. Cockburn, Sir A. Lewis, waY J. S. a c, Trela . Colebrooke, sir T. L • 1. Ygon, General Tuniell, 1 Cowper, W. I'. Mitchell Matheson, A , ox Lord ll.' Vane, Craig, Sir W. G . Colonel , Sir H. Verney Crawford, Rob t. W . 31 Matheson, • aule, Fox Vivian, J. 11. Crowder, R. U. Milligan, Robert ' C. T. wakley. Dawes, Edward • Milner W. M. l B. Dundas, Sir David Norreys Sir D. , Divett, Edward , T. A. wohosiey, Sir J. Duff, James Mostyn, E. Walter, John Duncan, George Mowatt, Franc"! wimams, John Wilson, James Evans, Sir De Lacy so ' Wen. Sir John wood, Sir Charlea Evans, John Paget, Lord C. Wood, Sir W. P. Evans, William Parker, John Ewart, W illa Peel, Frederick TELLERS. Fergus, John Pigott, Francis Hayter, W. G. Fitzroy, Henry 1311 kitigton, Jaraia , Lord Marcus Foley, H e nry H. Plowden, W. U. 11111 Wall, w. 11. Adderley, C. R. Naas, Lord Fox S. W L Galway, Viscount Anstey, Thomas C. p ' •L. Napier Joseph Archdall, Captain p r . , Newdegate, C. N. Arkwright, George ~. eanfield, J. W. . Newport, Viscount ruller, A. E. Baillie, H. J. Norreys, Sir D. Baldock, E. H. Gaskeli, J. M. Barrow, W. H. " rrall More 0I e , ( Redstone NY. E. Beresford, William G ' ' O'Flaherty, Anthony oold, Wnydham Blake, Martin J. Parke, C. W. Hall, Colonel Grace O. D Boldero, George 11. Pakington, Sir J. - O'Brien, Sir Timothy s r mridge, Richard hooker, T. W. Palmer, Roundel' Greene, John Booth, Sir R. G. Pechell, Sir G. Grog an E Bowles, Admiral ,____ ,B. Portal, Melville - "v3 1 1, Howe! 136. Prime, Richard , Brisco, M• - e Pugh, David Richards. Richard , ton, G. A. Buck, L. W. -darclinge,c. S. , Roche, E. B. Buller, Sir Y. M ania, Captain Sadleir, John Burghley, Lord Hayes, SirE. Sanders, George Campbell, W. F. Herbert, Svdnel Sibthorp, Colonel Christopher, It. A. Pierri es, j . 7 c. - Spooner, Richard Christy, Samuel Di -ggins, G: G. Stafford, Augustus Clive, R. 11. liW gson, W. N. Stanley, Edward Clive, Henry B. 110 1)e, Sir J. Stuart, J. Cobbold, John C. 'Bruce, C. L.C. Hothar n Sturt, 11. G. Cocks, T. S. ~ , Lord ilunaphery, Ald. Sullivan, Michael Coles, 11. B. Jocelyn, Viscount Tennent, Sir J. Collins, T. Jones c , aptain Thompson, Colonel Compton,Keating, Robert Trevor, G. R. Conolly, Thomas Keogh, Nyn uarn Tyler, Sir G. Corry, IL_ Kni ghtleY, Sir C. Tynte, Colonel Cubitt, Alderman Knox, Colonel Tyrell, Sir J. Davies, D. A. Lennox, Lori A. se 11. R. 11. Deedes, W. Lennox, Lord 11. (• VY ' • t° ~li. S. Leslie, C. P ' • Wadding n, Disraeli, B. Spencer Dod, T. W. Lopes, Sir Rai n h Walpole, Walsh, Sir J. B. Drumlanrig, Viscount Mackenzie, w. F . j T Drummond, Henry Mackie, John wWawni J. T. Mahon, O'Gorman eat, F. R. Duncombe, A. Whiteside, James Duncombe, W. E. Manners, Lord p J• Willoughby, Sir H. Ma.unsell, T. p. Duncuft, John Wodehouse, E. Du Pre, C. G. Bleux, Sir H e Miles, W. '"'Y Young, Sir John Edwards, Henry Egerton, W. T. Mines, R. lii. Evelyn, W. J. Moody, C. A, Forbes, W. Morgan, O. Forester, G. C. Mullings, J. B. ISlAjniiahieitistTrwatiunen,ll,C, Flo,'n.lryo°,3nE.elS' TELLERS. Palmerston, Viscoun t Duane, Colonel ___,._... The following Members paired upon Lord J. Russell's Militia Bill for the undermentioned hours:— a ly g n ai , ii a s a ti in l a l t h , half-past S m ir r. J E ..D j u . k n e h , s f s o e r il , wi oh th r, L w o i r t d h Se Lo a t h d am tra , Mr. J. :Locke, for, with H u ds o n Renton, against, till 9. Mr. Sm for, with Mr., against, all night. Mr. Duff, for, with Mr. L. Child, against, till half-past 9." with Mr. Philip Bennet, against, till ..1 r. Clements, for, with Lord Ebrington, against, till half past 10. w ith Lord E. Bruce, against, till 11. Mr. Slaney, for, with Mr. Ormsby Gore, against, till 9. f or , with Mr. Henley, against, till half :llrhr..aCillf.-aplraldsoctwaBsa.trids, for, i(r with Sir 11. Jolliffe, against, till 9. Earl Grosvenor, for, with Sir A. Campbell, against, till 9. Sir A. Brooke, against, till half - Math eson, for, with Sir J. M h past 10. D b l ip r r. . as C Gt h .B i . ld D e u es, ncan for ; am, against, till a guar- Mr. ter-past 9. with Lord Blandford, • Mr. Cayley, for, _ Williams,against. Mr . Pinney, for, with Mr. wiiii against, till 11. r . . Ellis, for, with Mr. Halsey, against, till 9. for, with Lord Lewisb • . Mangles, M r.M Busse:ll, for, with Mr. Bateson, agai_ _.oat, till 9. Mr. W R 0, Wvi 11, for , with . •R. G ore, against, till half- Mr. Y Mr. E. Bw ibury, for . , with M . Monsen, against, till 9. past 9. Captain '3eownshend, for, with Sir P. Egerton, against, till a quartfif to 10. Mr. llonham Carter, for, with Mr. Cornwall Legh, against, till a quarter to 10. Mr. Wilson, for, with Mr. Knox, against, till half-past 9. Mr. E. Ellice, for, with Mr. Smyth, , agai_s. u till a quarter- pa: It 9. . qu3 rter Lord Shelburne, for, with Mr.Farrar, against, till a to 10. nom J. Howard, for, with Captain Wynne, against, till a ' quart er to 10. Mr. To wnley, for, with Mr. llepton, against, till half-past 9. Mr. J. O'Connell, for, with Mr. Corbally, a ga i ns t, till half past 9. SATURDAY 'FEBRUARY' RESIGNATION OF THE MINISTRY. (From the Times ) Rather earlier than usual in the cession the Ministry is out. Lest night, 'soon after eight o'clock, in a thin House, and on the question between a local and a general militia, Lord John Russell was beaten on Loid P a l merston's_ amendment, and forthwith resi gne d. B ut that the no n - ex i stence of a Government in this empire, in the fac e o f great insecurity, if not actual danger, is by no means a laughable affair, there certainly is some thing amusing iii the extraordinary concurrence of cite cumetences which has brought it about. There is scarcely a political incident, great or small, of the last six months that has not had a share in it. There is the Palmerston rupture, there is the French coup d'etat ; there is the invasio n p an i c , and the question OS national defence; there is the Irish Orange fund, and the Melt Papist quarrel; there is the Protectionist with the two other Oppositions; and last, but not least, there is the fatal dinner hour, which, to judge from the numbers on the division, must have told on the result. When the debate commenced the Howe was pretty full, but soon began to thin, evidently under the influences that have proved fatal to many a more disciplined army, and the catastrophe which the augurs had predicted for Tours day night came off yesterday instead. Perhaps the bril liant flashes of an aurora borealis which ushered iu the day had a voice in the affair. Almost any reason might be assigned in preference to the seeming occa sion; and it can scarcely be imagined that all who voted against Government last night, still less all who stayed away, were prepared for the consequences of their non support. Possibly, as has frequently happened before, the Minister has stooped to avoid a tatal blow. The little cloud that was ultimately to blacken the heavens has long been over the horizon. Need we mention the Kafir war, to be brought home at last to the Colonial Secretary by Mr. Adderley's motion next Tuesday night? On Thursday, while deprecating a purely fac tious and mischievous division against Ministers, on Lord Naas's motion, we observed, " The day will come soon enough when the present Government will stand on its trial, and probably be condemned." In that we al laded to the debate which was then expected to occupy the greater part of next week, and to terminate in the censure of the Colonial Secretary and the resignation of Ministers. If that expectation were well founded, Lord John has certainly selected a much softer place to fall upon than fate seemed to threaten. He has made his own bed with considerable judgment. But should the Kafir question have been got over, Lord John would only nave been reserved for shipwreck on his own new Re form Bill. The difficulties ahead are now of a more serious character than those which have hitherto been removed by the mere ceremony of resignation, followed by an immediate resumption of power. Lord John last night showed the greatest anxiety to accept in an adverse division a vote of non-confidence. " In a matter relating to the internal defence of the country" he would not di vide with any other man the responsibility of the mea sure to be adopted; and, accordingly, lett the House to choose both the measure and the man. Were the resig nation otherwise doubtful, that very matter of fact man, Sir Benjamin Hall, took care to clinch it by expressing a hope that Lord John was resigning in earnest, and not merely to take office again. Sir Benjamin likes to make safe. No African sportsman ever watched the lien, pierced by his rifle, with more anxiety to see if it were really dead—no undertaker could be more shocked to see the revival of the body already laid out in Spanish ma hogany and regulation lead. " But are you really dead, and may we stamp upon you?" was the substance of the worthy Baronet's question, and the reply was of the most reassuring nature. Lord John Russell's Ad ministration is actually no more. As to the difference itself, on which so important an issue has been decided, it is one which we should be ready ourselves to merge in the general question of confidence. We should be dis posed to conclude that in a matter some time in contem plation, and abundantly illustrated by the experience of the last war, the Government had made the best choice, especially as it has not adopted blindly either of the two chief precedents, but has aimed at a judicious compro mise between them. There is, indeed, much truth in what Lord Palmerston says on the subject, but it amounts simply to this—that the more regular, the more disciplined, the more permanent,lthe more moveable, and the more within call a militia can be made, the more serviceable will it prove in the event either of invasion, or of any war making a large drain on our regular army. This is a mere bundle of truisms. But Lord Palmerston does not appear to us to meet another ques tion of some practical importance.' How far will his militia be popular or practicable? Even under the ex citement of actual war, a threatened invasion, and a de cidedly warlike spirit, at the beginning of the century, the General Militia was always a grie vance. Substitutes became very costly, and the ballot was almost as much detested as the French conscription, or even as our own pressgang. The decision of the House, however, has produced some singular effects, Lord John Russell has gone out on a thorough war question and a most thoroughly warlike debate. The House has taken the more warlike measure of the two viz., that which approaches most nearly to a standing army. We, meanwhile, who were charged with raising all this flame by talking so much of national defences and treating Englishmen and Frenchmen as if they were natural enemies, have preferred the less warlike measure. To crown all, Lord Palmerston, who professes nothing but confidence in the disposition of the French autocrat, and who was dismissed for undertaking to approve the military usurpation, has actually carried against Govern ment a measure implying hsi confidence than theirs in the intentions of our warlike and powerful neighbour. Of all the parties in this puzzle, who is now the panic monger and provoker of war? Certainly not we. As certainly Lord Palmerston. But what is now to be done? Will Lord Palmerston undertake to form an Administration, offer Foreign Affairs to Lord J. Rus sell, and return to him for his better guidance her Majesty's minute on the proper subordination of that office? Or, failing the members of the existing Cabinet, will he attempt a composite Ministry, and win over Lord Clarendon if he can? He will more probably resign the task to the Protectionist chief, who has long since proclaimed that his arrangements are made, and he has only to walk in and take possession. Tho conti nued disorders in the Whig camp have once more opened the path to Lord Derby, and he' has really no choice but to do what he can. Perhaps, it is rather too early in the session for that good tweliemonth's run of office which some have hoped for, but whether for six weeks or six months, Lord Derby will most likely be our Mi nister next week. He has some things in his favour. The Now Reform Bill will not stand much in his way. He can put off a good deal to next year, and among other matters not pressing for immediate action he will probably reckon the fatal question of Free Trade. Un: less his followers hound him down too close on this point, he may perhaps get over the session, and trust to such further chances as events, or the still _more inscrutable temper of his adherents, may supply. (From the Herald.) The Ministry has resigned : a momentous fact, very briefly told. Far less brief will be the speculations re specting it, or the inferences deduced from it. Yester day they were in imagination triumphant; their majority upon Lord Naas's motion was received with " loud and continued cheers." Their evening organ, almost to the last fatal hour of their fall, was predicting for them a long and prosperous reign. From the slough into which they had plunged, according to their chosen prophet, they were to rise whitened of the stains which they had contracted in the public estimation; and they were to rise the higher and the stronger in proportion to that moral degradation into which they had fallen. Accord ing to him, it was almost a happiness for them to have soiled their fingers, that they might enjoy the benefit of this Parliamentary cleansing. The blow has reached them in the midst of this exultation—from a hand which, but a few weeks since, Lord John Russell would never have expected it—but yet from that hand, which all men feel, lends to that blow a tremendous efficacy, and loads it with ajust retribution. In Lord Palmerston a amendment there was unquestionably the right; if we are to have the militia revived for the defence of the kingdom, then, as the Noble Lord justly urged, the pro visions of the Bill and its title were antagonistic; the measure was a cheat; it was taking the House by false pretences. If a regular defence was to be organized for the kingdom in general, then a local militia was a con tradiction in terms. The plan of the Government was neither one thing nor the other; like the Ministerial Reform Bill—like, in abort, many other measures of d the id now late Administration, it professed one thing an d did another. Satisfactory, however, as might be Lo a r s it P his merston's reasoning, was it his reasoning,_ l temporary success, was it his majority feated the Government? Certainly, w . a of h I tev ww er hiu m h ig d h e i have been the expectations of the House, itfdLielaiirdot John,seem to feel so. And the sudden resignation o . much as he might have felt that that resignationmaastf come before long, was the result of a . concurrence causes which had been in active operationt long since the stability of the Governme . un t tr a nt s i m u o in r g e like the act of a man who be is hemmed any instantaneous danger, but, because gives in, not so much from in on every side, he can and so rather but put off the fatal result for a few short hours, resigns at once than live u u t the dreadful antici nd pation. The prospect was gloomy enough; within a without there were fears and fightings. The only measure which, at the com mencement d of the session, could have kept danger a t a distance, and produce a proo e ven a gleam of popularity r di version in his favour, bad failed most signally in pre. curing him sympathy , his colonial policy, there was e yes to If he turned his nothing to comfort him in that direction; a mountain mana gement, of ill-success, exagge ratedof mistakes, of bad rising up higher and temper of the and embittered by the peculiar _out all prospect of amelioration. If Colonial Secretary, was daily Ireland, the scene was not more higher, and dammingtowards circumstances were aad combining to close he looked All cheerful.• I existence, upon his Ministerial bury his Adminis trationthen, Whatever, might have in ruins. been the t i on s of the country with anticiparegard to this particular measure, we cannot conceive that Lord John himself was taken by .surprise. We cannot think that one so wary and experienced has resigned in a fit of ill-temper or of consternation. Lord Palmerston has not by a felicitous move checkmated his previous colleague; but, with hi s usual dexterity, Lord John has made use of this conjuncture to fall gracefully and easily. If Polyxena .must fall by the hand of this new Neoptolemus, let her fall with all the ease and decency she may. Oee:part of this farce, however —or, shall we term it, this tragi comedy?—we confess we do not well understand. Thurs day night Lord Palmerston was foremost in throwing his wgis before his vulnerable and panting friends—he did much to shelter them 'from the effects of Lord Naas's motion, and to bring them honourably off the field. Friday night, this champion, like another Coriolanus, is lA5g. found in the camp of the 'Volsci, and what 130 Members could not do, backed up by a good cause, and standing in defence of a great principle, Lord Palmerston achieves by two small and comparatively unimportant words. Is the battle reel, or is it feigned P_ Le it a concerted warfare between two chiefs, both of whom know extremely well what they are about, though the abused public looks on it all with good faith, and be lieves their swords are sharpened and their blows in earnest? Is there between the dismissal of Lord Pal merston, his eulogistic defence, and his present vic tory, any rational bond of connexion; or is 'all this to pave the way for a decent fall of the Whigs ; is it to save them the confusion of a surrender to any on e of their own body? If so, the acting has been ad. mirable, and the.play has been well played out to the last. The blushes of the Premier, and the virgin mo desty of his inexperienced colleagues have been spared. However, the play is done, and the curtain has fallen. The Ministry cannot, like the great Emperor, exclaim Ves valete et plaudite ! It cannot leave the stage it has SO long, so tediously, and FO profitleesly occupied, with thunders of applause; not like a well graced actor, but as a tedious envoi., whom, if we do not hiss, it is because to be rid of such an incumbrance is a sufficient satiscaction for our spleen ; and because our interest is far more than all concentrated on • him that shall enter next. Who that next shall be it will not require much sagacity to descry. If we can road the wishes of the country—if we can interpret. the unmistake a bl e ev id ence o f i ts i ntent i ons i n t h e e l ec ti on of East Kent, where Sir Brook Bridges has been re turned by an overwhelming majority—those wishes are not hard to read. The watch- words of that election were Protestantism and Protection. Upon these grounds only Sir Edward Dering was defeated, notwithstanding his enormous advantages in the outset of the contest; and these aro now the watch words of the nation. We recognise in that contest on a smaller scale what soon will be enacted on a much larger one, and in which no party in the State but one can take the lead. Naturally, all those who feel with the majority in that election will turn to Lord Derby as their leader, as the only statesman on whom they can rely to carry out those principles which they feel to be so vitally and intimately connected with the prosperity of the nation. Doubtless, before these re marks shall have reached our readers, that Noble Lord will have been informed of the result; before, in fact, the ink on this paper is dry. He will be prepared to act that part, and to carry out those councils to which the Sovereign and the nation shall have called him. Unprepared, he cannot be, for, though sudden, this event is not unexpected; and those councils will be carry out with that generous and chivalrous devotion to a great purpose for which he is distinguished. The wishes of the nation go with him; the good wishes of all who aro sick of empty promises and vain words —of all who desire a temperate guiding and concilia tory hand to draw us out of the mass of social evils by which we ars beset—of all, in short, who long for the peace, the prosperity, and the happiness of this great country. (From the Chronicle.) The Russell Cabinet—triumphant on Thursday night by a majority of upwards of ninety, on a question of first-class importance, and defeated on Friday night by a ~majority of less than a dozen, on a question of no practical moment—now talk of resigning. Long as the country has been prepared for this inevitable catas trophe of an Administration which for years has been sinking from one depth of feebleness and decrepitude to another and a lower—which passed through one " crisis" just twelve months ago, and which barely survived through a recess that deprived it of its ablest and nest popular member—the announcement will, after all, take the nation by surprise. The resolution which Lord John Russell intimated to the House of Commons last night, after the division on Lord Palmerston's motion, was so obviously uncalled for by the circumstances of the case, that the public will find it impossible to regard the ostensible ground of the Ministerial decision as the real one. The Cabinet have long been inured to Parliamentary defeat; they have never shown any indisposition to accept modifies.- tions, even of their most important measures, at the hands either of their friends or of their foes; and the particular question on which they were outvoted yesterday evening was about the last ou which one would have looked for an extreme assertion of the prin ciple of Ministerial autocracy. So far from the majority declaring or implying, by last night's vote, any want of confidence in the Government, it actually gave them a larger confidence than they had asked. The difference between the Premier's proposal, " to amend the laws re specting the local militia," and Lord Palmerston's reso lution, to " amend and consolidate the laws respecting the militia," amounted simply to an extension of the powers and resources of the Executive. Moreover, when Lord John Russell consented to add the word " consolidate" to his own resolution, he virtually gave up the whole question—it being little better than a con tradiction in terms to talk of " consolidating" the Acts relating to the local militia, which are only two or three in number, whilst those relating to the regular militia are exceedingly numerous. Nor was the vote of the House dic tated by any secret and unavowed feelings of hostility; for it will be found, when the division lists are pub lished, that the not very considerable majority which affirmed Lord Palmerston's. amendment included no small proportion of the habitual supporters and friends of the Government. A Ministerial resignation, under circumstances so strangely disproportioned to such a result, carries with it its own interpretation, and irre sistibly suggests a pre-formed determination to relin quish office at the first plausible opportunity. The country will be at no loss to divine the true cause of that determination, when it is remembered that on Tuesday next the House of Commons was to have been called upon to pronounce its judgment on the policy which has led to the costly and disastrous Kafir war. We offer no opinion at present on the prudence, the temper, or the patriotism which Lord J o h n R usse ll h as manifested in this proceeding. The country will judge of the conduct of a statesman who throws down the reins of Govern ment at a moment when the whole business of the year remains to be done—when the gravest questions of foreign and domestic policy are pressing for a promp t solution—and, moreover, under circumstances which will i nev it a bly convey to all the P owers o f Bit rope an impression alike groundless and pernicious, as to the real cause and the practical import of the event. It is certainly unfortunate that, with so many opportu nities before him of retiring from a post which he has long since been incapable of occupying with credit to himself or advantage to the country, he should have chosen an occasion which, in the eyes of every Conti nental Government, will apparently identify the Parlia ment and people of Great Britain with the foreign policy of Lord Palmerston. But we have little inclination to dwell on these topics. It is of infinitely more moment that the country should prepare itself to enter on the grave struggle which now awaits it, for the defence of the great principles of a just and liberal commercial policy, than that the merits or demerits of a defunct Administration should be precisely appreciated. The formation of a Protectionist Administration will probably be the result of Lord John Russell's abdication of office; so that the time has arrived for the final ter mination of that mischievous class controversy which, for the last six years, has disorganized political parties, obstructed all useful legislation, lowered the tone and character of Parliamentary discussion, and rendered s strong and efficient Government au impossibility. We need not say that we lo o k forward t o th e resu lt w ithout fear or a misgiving. Of the issue of such a struggle it would be folly to affect a doubt which it is impossible for any one to feel who knows how deeply, and widely, and solidly the principles of Free-trade are rooted in the convictions, the interests, and the necessities of the great mass of the community. The conflict may be a severe, though scarcely a protracted one ; but it is a necessary stage through which the country must pass i n order to arrive at a definitive solution of that intolerable political entanglement which has brou legislation to a dead lock. g ht all Government and (From the Advertiser.) Though no one will feel surprise d, and f ew will regret, to learn that the Whig Ministry a re amon g the things / that were, few persons, we suppose, had the slightest idea of the circumstances under which the downfall was to be brought about. Little did Lord John Ru sse ll imagine when he dismissed Lord Palmerston, that in the brief space of two months, the " Expelled Minister" would be the means of turning himself and his collergues crop and heal out of Downing-street. There is at least poetical justice in this. No novelist could invent a denouement more in keeping with the incidents of his work of fiction. We say nothing j ust now are ejected. W e which illustrates and confirms, in a remarkabl e of the merits of the question on which the Whi gs manner,ll all that we ever --- e ou 3 ;cl ' " a J s o hw as bad feeli g , in e are merely recording a great f ac t - " What di n Russell i n di smissing v sa o i l d ve r d es i p n e t c h ti e n c g on th d e uc i ro p r o L lic o was the. exclamationo of the poet, more Lord Palmerston. simple n pl a e aceedntueereymaignog.ly unimportant re eff ects from trivial causes spring !" could have b e li eve d t h at t h e thmportant circumstance of Lord Palmerston pr o p os i ng as an amendment t o th e Ministe be substitut e d f or destruction o f a Governmeent rial scheme, militia, whtichhat. a F regular u s i e h o h u a l d d a respectinglocal militia, s h ou ld resu lt in the declared at Perth, but ten or twelve days before, to be The Inevitable Government ?" The Ilinister(sFhrtovule the . Da A ily .News.) resigneo—not u p n a broad ques tion of national policy or of Parliamentary reform, but upon a difficulty whether the forty-second or the forty eighth of George the Third should be refurbished for present use! There was a significant muster on the Tory benches in the House of Commons yesterday even ing, and the habit u e s o f th e pl a ce scented the mischief in the wind. In due time Lord John Russell rose to propose his militia plan. He desired to have what he considered a constitutional means of defence for the coun try, and thought that a local militia was the best mode of providing it. With much ingenuity he put his propo sition before his hearers, but through the whole expla tion there shone out two great errors of policy —two stillone potent for evil i n t h e eyes of the more fraught with m i sc hi ef i n gr Liberals, at m ist the mistakes—the the Tory view of the subject. The economists could see the broad absurdity of making bad soldiers of useful mechanics, to be ready three months hencee to meet a danger said to be imminent; whilst practical Members of the Tory party saw the insufficiency of a weak local fo rc e, when compared with such a militia as England boasted during the last war. And far more than that, Lord Derby's followers saw also, in the dispute before them, a chance of upsetting the Whigs, and getting their places. With an audience to a large extent thus mentally prepared to resist his arguments, the Minister went on detailing his plans, and when be had finished his story, upstood his ex-colleague, Lord Palmerston, to kncck down All he had striven to raise. Lord Palmerston had no official reserves to check him, and on he went, ap pealing to the fears of those who dream of an invasion, and to the patriotism of such as desire such " glory " es the French are fond of. His address might be called a genuine " Rule Britannia oration, well adapted to his audience, well sprinkled with cleverness, and eminently " telling "in its effect. He was cheered loudly, espe cially—as an Honourable Member remarked—by the landlords behind him, who lived in Kent and the soath counties. Lord Palmerston, with glezey compliments and well•turned sentences, declared his respect for the Minister and his plans. All he wished was to sub stitute ono statute of George DI. for another; to make the militia really an efficient force ; moveable from .one part of the kingdom to another. It was only a word—forty-two for fifty-eight. But that wo r d was fated to upset the Ministry. The speeches that followed Lord Palmerston's told for nothing. " Divide, divide," was the muttered interruption from the well filled Tory benches; Lord Marcus Hill was industrious, but unsuc cessful; the Whigs were not at their posts, the bell rung, and on the desired division—in a House of 261 Members—Lord John was left in a minority of 11. A few hasty words of inquiry, explanation, and rejoinder, and then the loud cheers of the Tories told how gladly they receiveri from the Prithe Minister an intimation that ha felt bound to resign. " The last feather breaks the ba c k o f the camel," says the Arab. His last folly broke down Lord John Russell's Cabine'. Ile tam pered with the patience. cud tried the endurance, and scorned the ctenosel of the men who advised him wiseiY, whilst they refused to flatter his mistakes. What right had he to ask for militiamen, when the country was paying many millions a year for regular troops, ships, and seamen ? To these paid forces the people are entitled to look for national defence—to the mighty ships, and the good seamen, and the gallantry that, in the hour of peril, h as ever been ready and true—to the drilled soldiers of t h o line, officered by the men who have seen service abroad in the last war and in the many colonies of. Great Britain. And if this navy and this army are not ample, when properly stationed near the coast, then the Minister should have accepted the free offer of those thousands of young men who prof fered their services in the national defence as members of rifle corps. But no. Lord John Russell would try a m ilitia. The country in the pres ent state of Europe was not s,cure, he thought. At , any moment we m i ght b e in danger, and to stave off what might aff ect us to-night p h r is ob p a la b n ly w b a e s r to ea o d r y gan to ize fig B b o t ,O i O n o a few months' who would months' time. Fight they doubtless would, and as well as any raw muster could do—for they would be Englishmen; b u t if the danger said to be in our neighbourhood be real, the enemy might sack London twice over before local mili tiamen could be ballotted for, enrolled, clad, armed, drilled, and be made ready for fighting and elefeatingea disciplined invading army. The House saw. The Minis ter's ease was weak, and his enemy strong. But he would have a militia—and he has already got enough of it. But why was the enemy strong, and why should Lord Palmerston seek to establish a general militia force instead of a local one? and, why, on a defeat of such a character, should a Ministry resign? The Cabinet break down was so sudden—so unanticipated—that there is little time for investigation cf circumstances, but on the first blush of the subject there are certain evident proba bilities involved in the affair. To take the last point first, it is just possible that Lord John Russell might prefer a crisis on this subject to one on the impending Cape debate, where the feeling might be more unitedly unfavourable to him than on the subject of militia; and, left in a minority of eleven, he may offer the " resig nation which her Majesty might nut think it necessary, under the circumstances, to accept." Should this be so; and should L or d Palmerston hot join Lord Derby in forming a Cabinet, Lord John, ccming back to office, may turn to the Liberals with the exclamation, " If you do not support me as a party I shall hand the reins to the Tories." Such calculations may have rendered him less unwilling to meet the event of last night than the world might imagine. Be this, however, as it may, the Tory muster in the House last night to do the work they et tected is explicable upon the knowledge of the fact that Lord Pelmerston and the Peelites were ready to sup port any attempt for damaging the Ministry, They could scarcely have expected how successful they would be. The tactics of the ex-Foreign Secretary are clear enough. He will have no local militia—not for the reasons that urge the Liberals to reject it—bat from a widely different motive. A local militia is, as Lord John Russell declares, a constitutional force. It might be called. indeed, a body cf armed county special constables. It is a force raised in a locality to be em ployed in that locality, with local prejudices and local inefficiencies. If good for anything it would be—when drilled—useful only for local contest. A general militia, on the other band, is in truth an addition to the stand ing army of a mats of indifferent troops, from which the line could be recruited—a reservoir from which an efficient fighting army could be fed. Such was the mi litia during the last war—a contest the very naming of which points out what Lord Palmersten had in view in all probability last night. If that long and bloody con test which left the bones of tens of thousands of English men to whiten on the fields of Spain, of France, and of Belgium, and left us millions of debt to cripple our energies and finance—if that long and sanguinary story of foreign war teaches anything, it teaches how fond English Governments have been of interfering with the business of foreign nations. We interfered to overthrow a Bonaparte to put up a Bourbon in his stead, at the cost of millions sterling, and from the days of that costly intervention we have ever had some small job of the sort on hand—Syria, Porta ge], Spain—nay, even Lagos to wit. No man more ready at this work than my Lord Palmerston. No man more prompt in launching the forces of England against whom soever happened to do aught which seemed inimical to his " foreign policy." In the presence of the danger said to exist from France, with the possibility of Gallic legions marching upon Savoy or the Rhine, or.of the cliques of the Tuileries seeking, es la Brother Jonathan, to " annex" Belgium for the glory of modern Gaul—in the very presence, we say, of such probabilities in Eu rope, what would England be—in the thought of a man like Lord Palmerston —without troops available for foreign intervention? How could England make her self felt without soldiers for service in Flanders, or in Portugal, in Hanover, or in Spain? And should the great misery of war on the Continent arise, our present English army—even with the English fleet and English volunteers—would all be needed for the protection of England herself. We could spare nothing—no mimed interventions could be tried. On the defensive, and the defensive alone, must we act; so far as armies were con cerned. But were a general militia organized, how dif ferently should we stand! Two hundred thousand e d y question thetrhinagtra Eng lish conscripts would soon have many men forward enough for drafting into the line; whilst the rest would be deemed amply sufficient for home defence. Our re gulars would cease to be necessary to our home safety. They could be sent abroad—if " honour" or " interven don" required it. Once across the seas all the former fight would fight it out as of old. and perish; the regiments, drama might be enacted again. England thoroughly would be filled up again and again as gra dcw'rouihi ml yliinteeudws militia eot dou m i audepngw:fi great t m home. Battles and glory might be won—as before at the old price of English blood and English treasure —and bother great and " glorious" organized general national d e b t . Let i e t not be supposed that this is an Minis terial crash of last night. all men, knows it. And he knew it right well whenAhne means—the capacity for engaging imaginary tionalwa v r i e h: o fo f l t l Lord Palmerston, above e w le i td t with foreigntaosdutcshwht strangling lai nnin smallgde last night in the Housetalked of Commons of the difference —the mare word " general" for " local" —that stood between himself and his late colleague, Lord John R usse ll . The Whig Ministers may return not. Lord Derby, with Lord Palmerston, may people insist Upon * possibly. take office. But let the ships and being guarded by their own good their own tried soldiers, and not allow them selves to be taxed pocket or in person for either local or general militia, h Th_ EAST KENT ELECTION, poll : e following were th e num b ers a t t h e final olose of Ahford Canterbury ... Ramsgate Romney Sittingbourne... 291 958 663 199 373 - 2,484 - 2,286 ... 198 Ashford Canterbury ... Ramsgate ..• Romney ... Sittingbourne... ... 434 ... 593 •.. 448 ... 304 ... 507 Majority for Bridges ... MlLlTlA.—According to the circular transmitted to the Lord-Lieutenants of counties, her "Majesty has been pleased to recommend that an i nspect i on o f the permanent staff of the militia in Great Britain shall take place at the earliest possible period." Those gent l eme n who may happen to be unprovided with proper uniform can obtain the same at moderate cost, and with great promptness, by applying to Messrs. Nicoll, army clothiers, of Begent'street and Corn hill, who are a l so preparing designs for any fresh corps that may be formed, when all mode,n improvements in military clothing and accoutrements will have attention.—N.B. With all future orders for the equipment of volunteer rifle clubs, the members for which, according to an official announce ment, may plead an exemption from serving in the militi a , Messrs. Ni co ll respec tf u lly beg to seek timely notice in those instances where they m ay be required to p rovide rifles m a d e on the Fren c h principle; b u t where gentlemen me re ly re quire uniform or other clothing, such may be obtain e d i n any guaranteed by n y ce th in e quantity with great dispatch and economy guy ;th ar e e point of material or fit will be sufficiently well-earned reputation of this firm. Competent persons will be sent to any part of the country if a fair am oun t o f or d ers be insured, on application at 114, 116, 118, an d 120, Regent street, or 22, C orn hill. E [ADVERTISE,MENT ]— straordinary Cure of Ul eers by Holloway s Ointment and Pills. —Extract of a letter :from Hampt on , New Brunswick, d a t e d F e b . 10, 1846.—'. To tnn, Professor Holloway. Sir,—A son of mine, 16 years of age, was afflicted with ulcers on his limbs and body for more than three years; from which small pieces of bone had been re moved from time to time. I applied to several medical men in st. John's, but all to no purpose. I was then induced to try your Ointment and Pills, which made a complete cure. Several months have since elapsed, and their is not the slightest ap pearance of their return. (Signed) James Wetmore.” — These medicines are sold by all Druggists, and at Professor Holloway's Establishment, 244, Strand, London. VERDICT IN THE CASE OF THE HAMILLA MIT CIIXLL.—Y Mr. Bedford resumed and concluded the protracted inquiry at the Marq uis of Westminster , Belgraye road, Pimlic o , o n the bod y of William Ward, aged 23, one of the Harnilla Mitchell, of Glasgow, trading be tween Hartlepool and Hong-Kong, three others of whom it was reported had died from want of sufficient food and at tendance, and a want of lime juice and vinegar when they were attacked with scurvy. The evidence having been summed up by the coroner. the jury consulted for about half an-hour, and then returned the following verdict :—" We find a verdict of manslaughter against Captain William Holmes. We think aim; that the evidence of the officers of the ship is not to be relied on, and that they did not fully do their duty." BRIDGES. DERING. al5001! e n& it ; increr c 00 01 4 ,1 Jiffietifd the 01 taxe, s , 11"-V:A et' dd bo ) fl to Pi ° voe 0 toww , r 013 , 7,,