The Sun. — London, England, 1846-02-10 00:00:00

THE SUN. LONDON, TUESDAY MORNING, ` FEBRUARY 10, 1846, , ~ e sa to ei ' 1 "I ' . ll '''' , - oit ablisli—had 'la , ita'‘ ,l t' , ' , ' he had so to Thane their ir.easuree with mederation and justice that ' lee ul'. in binefit to the w;iole nation. Ted Y" 1 tainsaten, '' t t- - .' • . ' ' i v 6 the issce , V , ' ,., - ' ' ' . ' ' il i , • e oce o. the aeiiatioe.. se a r hull eee . ....„ , , , ..,, . , ''t ,t if ,e , ' th e Ih s 1, • r ee e '; to Se ••ure f min 4, 1 , - i , lt On .' 1 etlintr: --1:11.1.t .act he had sir J. 'f -s su.senrier hts ceree:sntlons opinions tti , .;, , On A, he cooler e ci. fitr er „ eett yen. aided in extrieeting from the diffieulttea .. -Y ~o. ' ~, J * - ' - - -Li ,w - miz the toe pally to wineh be was be aerniti.esi to be the organ of (Tinier, of a e a r e e m t, a g t r t , ' - t a c t h r e n d ulT ,u„ :. `, oil 'lle' populat ion t ,f this conot try, ard he !Ilona:lit the motht c••ine forraaril to defend themselves from imputa sonal character which nail been showered upon 1i.,,, 'inn, but e t . dii „ 0 ,.• 0 .,,, et ,,., h • , a o ie tions of a esrs - - a , . _ , ift - •1 star ed ti ~ , Ley : ' v. . - ,1 - ' t;n ' ''one 'h ueemot country. Ihe Honourable Gentlemen grist them tre e , ,_ the gel i ,'„,!•"'d teat h i . f u ' -- i ' '' ' ' ' ''''' s -a- 'l".-9ne a opposite hot hel•l'he:n up as the weak and le potent advocates s.seis alteratio tire ea the measute he had bre..els for 0_ b n• Let them take an 11'k.' 1 44nd ;tie . , the neitutions y person llnbt^SS , ... y prejudice, and if they told him that all et a nz e of this country had grown up under to Zt sgelitte had successfully every other country envied, but g the 111 Y under the imitated—if you said it had grown 4 01 a base and sellish monopoly. They bad been represented as by no other method, and impelled by no other aim, than acting tliat. of l maintaining the rent , f the landlords. He thought that they app eared before the House under circumstances of great disadvantage, as they had been deprived, by the sudden change of opinion of the Beget Honourable Baronet, of the able advo its tele eee e reign of Tory Ministers, all in favour . t ete on of commercial ca. cy of their case, on which on former occasions they were ac ts 'of midi restrictions-under the go- • h it ' argi l , %1 me" as Lord North, Mr. Pitt. Mr, Hus- Ito de-end The customet - e . Right Honourable Gentleman had i'a th at ' r • Cannine_ac companied his tneaeure with some proposals of compensation he could e • 1 b e brou g ht to Nh a, , s e a, et,,, , .carce y e and alleviation to the landlords. They (the landlords) were s i .. i sit, , • nges had been proposed by a statesman hr the e Mat he was aso , t bound to give their opinion, and to defend their character from ''t t al i ~ et . - !per er of the principles advo --1 er is which had been brought against them. He would 11a its ia . e (at men. Mr. Pitt in brineine forward the c " l e" ' •• - . ofrent, and Iti N et Z s e s .: treaty with France in 1787, spoke in similar deny • that they considered this matter as a question ie 4 e N I it 't' e t used by the Right Hon. Baronet the other nieht. of rent alone. But . before s• entered on h i that subject. he e e e° "l ne , "se a man of inconsistency bee-use he said that question en that would ask, whether, if they . were to a: gue the .._r h,:°kr,,.• s e" why there should not he v a ' kindred spirit be- narrow basis --oyhether, if they were to consider it oo the s c o l a 4 ti ,-• corn, flet w ts 4, , cit e and a free country ? When the present mai . • scribed circle of rent—if, even on that ground, it wa ' , Tha t he ',,'e•ht forward, in 1.'342, by the Right lion. 8a... equi•stion as•hich t mieht ti o ot o _w l e B ll t3 e , ngAge the ' attention of the which had been moved for, , 140 e i y state t !air. Cochrane ) said was this—that he th',ught .Housel' a From i t i b e e r r e fo u c i f Wolvethameton, it appeared that the ri qe ,ftlne, rt ,,_ l , the agricultural interest was better than aby t he on. _. In ` l , tat e e •fultY• Now, he would ask the House whether erneunt at which the rental 14 WO in England .hail was the f ea au • fi . ' since • -• 7 a-sessed to the income-tax was 45,7 0.000/. this _w., i ,,,,..,trr aers , y con oenee in the country that period . - ' lone ; and he thought a further sum , i4 " t i tiis wba r d e eel el ta:ne . d d. ventiffereces as to whe;her tt:e mount in Great Britain a Ireland of from 15,000,000 i. to 20,000 000/. for the rental of ''tt a i 'Y were agree d, in five n sears ; but on this was only a fair average. Tais was a yiestion of rent, involving f e ; liel, _ w e eea o , viz., that the earn-laws could not be ; the consideration of a sum amountirg to 130, 00,000/. do, When yearly el , a ae ieeso ° . H n. Gentlemen around him might say income. He would ail, how WAS this income divide ti 'tl} Jesi y e u u was that the farmers hail no eonfideece in ' • t he rents of lat e a e r s e ev ernment.—( Hear ) There had certainly her n Gentlemenopposite talked about lion. . , übfished in their 4th i• it e h an „ . the landlerd, which had been I • e t at i n s ,ee in the policy of the country; but hes t , totall • ' trotamil tha farmers had openly said that they 1 t.' h •• ughtmt the country, adt res es IA , , , . immediately nothing e l se 1 ' • Indify was suggested I h .n the territorial Irevenue of some great pro i ot aret te _ erent about the corn-laws. —( Hear, hear.) . t of son's. Duke of Northumberland, Duke of Bedford or •t,y d. d I ,eY ease nieeteen years leases, and he believed P ' rie lt "rs l ' d' or some of those wealthy commoners whose eile s e eer _ne sae e thing in England there would be much estatesslo ,r an d . mcs,. scions rivalled the most ancient and extensive i• t :lth re : r a c e! among, th • English farmers than there now doni ainsanof poser peerage - itself He would however remind .he lt4. 1)1 er e , ie _t t to the corn-laws, —( Hear, hear.) . Iri all House that there w. re entire counties in England in which e e r the greatest the people considered the Prime M inister there was no such thing, comparatively speaking, as an estate. Slit titte7test saviour or traitor of Irs country ; as in there were coanties in which small plots of land were owned \l ' s t° b e eithe r ~,I.);:ople of Borne pronounced the chief of the ) and cultivatee by yeomen—by farmers, to whom the lands 4 ,retl th e „... a lord or a tyrant. He (Mr. theoneneither m. had deseen4ed by a lone ancestry. who themselves held who i e a ughter)—but he did consider hue to be in a .i- and cultivated the soil. Another most numerous class was the sm mall retired • I withthat iehitee e" done his best for the good of his country her • e. e_ . a _tr . :teem - nen, who _love of i' l "••41-lea hear.) - c ase exac'ly parallel rural life which characterises an Englishman, had invested the teer/ othe r , ,,,. a In 1830 e office, and we had frilled a life of industry strict and successful enterprise, in the l kot l e c everri rt n l . ,, e h o t t. H oriiev. Baronet l st Cochrane)his would vote for Purchase of lend. 111 i. ' 111 ; C . ii . Hock had estimated the number l' l:t t ef ii t t e tne asure, because he had confidence in the financial of landed proprietors, small and large, of (treat . Britain, at h re e present Gov,-rnment. He would vote for thi s 200,000. 1 bus 200,000 persons, with their families and do e' 41 precise] the principle H \l ember mastics, dependent them, were interested directly in e s e s ,,„ J same le et e sue had laid down before the Hoese a few nights ago that question of land. He would say, on that ground the a e"• because he h a d cen fid ence i n her 'Majesty's Minis- question sh ou ld not be considered as a mere narrow class in iltteit: t_ went for this measure, because he preferred wise terest. The land inter eat was one on which depended the well e t !at eset ` l e eeltation, and freedom to protection. He protested being of a great proportion of :he people. The question must seto t ee er ' o ' , "onee one class, in preference to another; if there necessarily involve in it the interest of the tenant-farmer, B an d t e l ' i leterp s , s rtlen, let there be protection to all classes and of all connected with agriculture. Toe Right , I on t th ar t ot t r i e lie' th e e ee ° the British empire. —( Hear, hear.) Protec- who had brought forward the measui e, had s ♦ _atet a . ..e e s 'el w ere rs of darkness aed of trouble, w hi c h e e truste e great relaxa e . t•ori which would be given to the duties on articles ;!Pally li ec a , r , fi nal us. He would vote for this measure of consumption, would form a eounterhalancing equival the equivalent tto la, in , e a ' s e in doing so he should show that he did not any loss which the . farmer might sustain—that greater dit ' eartial f i s cheapness of many articles would bean equivalent for any m V slain . aes t _, ee in toward, or prejudice against, any • L i sterset 0., He was determined to he guided by no ri. notion of rent, or for any injury that m i g ht a ccrue from the want l itl thO u - P r eiadic e o r partial i e it e g or t o i t niight he) uch v a ,e, s e , h cart:Uhl tOwards the the vete of cultivation of land. Good soils were more prohfit ;Weed ce_ the burdens of the much as he goul,i towards the the sate of cultivation I)f land. Good soils were more profit -51111 au m ribo,,, hi of his hii'l le s of this great country. able than poor soils. The profits of the farmerena e b s le l d t tf im a it 4t h e e Z. %teat, his el humble mite wrongfully it might he, to pay proportionably. But what would be the a ,ro that u the ile'Ynatie . rou st sincerely) to increase the welfare of his great quantity of foreign wheat were brought 1 , , : It f"11 ow capital would I t ow git . 'Y of the poor, though not less loyal, classes farmer's profits would be diminished. Why, his li 1. • DEE l ' et s•—( Cheers. ) out of be wasted, and the poorer soil of lands would be thrown ' l lte I) ES w c ultivation He would no longer be able to employ his capital I tip" as aware that in rising to address the the •1 ' 5 importa n tprofitably, and the whole agricultural population . would feel the y deb ate a Rub' act and at so early a period "at 'he wa s • • evil effect. Many causes conspired to render protection neces at, ()re sult t , laying himself open to the charge sary for the farmer. There were fluctuations in the curre ncy o ity7te of h P t°l a. But when he considered the great im- to which the farmer was exposed equally with those engage d . 1 fleo it , I e question wi th regard not -- only - the subject commerce and trade. He had also to contend against the will to etette,s L i'' , with reference of Providence as regarded the elements; the vicissitudes of the , i .el iee sale eetsee _ e _ e ee to theenterests of all classes of her weather were fraught with danger to him. Since the year 'l, „ It '. sen se ef , ,wn n he considered this, nothing but an 1815. the population had increased by upwards of six millions. Id be at this dot would compel him to offer himself to and , e f air period of the debate and he hoped that he w hat had been the history of commerce anti manufactures _ Slio'''Ui a t With th • '' -'c mite said that re. since the year 181 a ? Hon. Gentlemen ,pe . l 'en " the same t• e attention of the House— (Hear strictive laws cramped commerce, and yet, since the period he i lt, la e l e t,4 e a l l i ee was w en t i t me with a liberal portion of that en had mentioned , a most extraordinary and rapid increase had 4'e fur r'd under obe bestowed on all who, like him taken place in all our staple manufactures. It might, however, eq tb _ the disidvantage of addressing this Il li . tre ti ,,,_,c first time.—( Hear, hear.) He was sa i d that the agriculture of the country had reached its be .. ~. skt, e_e'eu to offer • and therefore they must look to utmost limit of improvement, v iid he, h eu , his opinions upon a previous it .th • ever, refrained from d • (II It it , so song on the other countries for supplies. So far from that being the case, • when aericulture was more calculated e re Wise p appeared to hi . be und erstood that there never was a period , '9.4 i i n b l'un th . im to . was there a period to take a great stride in advance. Never 4 0 hi,,,4 - 0 , a n d a , e merits of the question was to be : when capital was more ready to be applied to the improvement l i tt a iß f ze m lf a i l imintirathecause he was desirous of removing , .f agr i cu lture than now, if thee would but give it security. 4 et he had t'd a t ° o hasit"no which might be cast upon h . im for , So far from agriculture in this country ha r ving reacneil t sti et _arri ved at a ( y .on p i. inion upon so great a subject, or its utmost limits of improvement, he bedeved that i kith ttt attid lesion which a more mature con tra°at he hall not have was at present only in its infancy. Much . had been sa id about warranted him in doing. He was %t e l ' , bee eh thus abstained from ' the peculiar burdens on land Those burdens had peculiar .ie , Ate I, , speaking on a former oe iltssi!, le the e nael had the opp . t. since then of been denied by Hon. Gentlemen opposite. They were first le s wily i - c oo ha f °Huta y Montrose and by the Hon. denied by the Hen. Member for I this' 0 hi s _ .or which he was a /Member, a very Member for She ffi eld; and it had been asked by those Hon, seeee,. "'ant and of hearing their opini "d h "'ant sutes a ' on ' Members and others what the peculiar burdens upon land t li ' s l ilti lue. Y chi. tn _ ni .1“- • He was therefore at this period were. The peculiar burdens upon land pressed as heavily t stte e t cy, whoa,. ;net opinion of a large portion of his upon agricultural, as tile metropolitan police-rate would unon ‘tal se te , a ed 1 e : . for the purpose of deliberating upon tai nese . expressing tl air • • upon the same 1 k f London if that rate were imosed un the s ioema ers . o , . , la, Phr t elteur n , tah . opinions thapt i llu strati on ••• •- ' that body exclusively. and he consicered t is an _ Il s 4 if °wexpre„ ,te', he trusted that the opinions of the position of the agriculturists. He could not but look et ests:l'elcen oil 'Tole d receive a more favourable reception the proposed change as a leap in the dark. The Os w ,"e(1 . 1 1 , te _Y e nPon his own authority..—( Hear, hear.) upon _ of to ° 3 ke e l e "no. 'Member for Finsbury . (Mr. Wakley), repeal the corn-laws would cause corn to come from which it was not now expected. W 1 44 4 1 %1 1. m e nt rh upon a former occasion to give a cau- from quarters from be grown in Spain, and sent to this country. ttent,,t,:mPloyiern, e m bers upon that side of the House as to the ieirnhrn wou ld was th e n at Hamburgh, in 1813, a merchant informed ,:iti, "'etai utt T , t h e intervening time between that and the When n that it was ' perfectly practicable to purchase corn in any `Te eis ' r ed e n 4,' and warning us that we should take care how him,• t 36s per quarter, and to freight ,it over to . this lee of hap anger of the en le, and what would be the quan titytyaat at per quarter. Indeed such was the competition ls:e th e iie'n'tg \recourse to a P git P ation. He was happy to country the D . P anish, the Hanoverian, and Hamburgh ship fPleneresent e t de rither that he would have seen, had he ‘it t, advie, h the e meeting to which he alluded, that his owners, that corn mig ht be sent to Hull or London at Is. per t lf that we re the case, how severely would the pro gibe most ri a " be en felloWed to the utmost ; that nothine, w as _ esei oreu _ Quarte r . if he felt in this country. The Right Hon. Gen e de ees _e tot e s ells __ s e conduct had been evinced, and the ' Leman t took the state of Ireland as one cause for this that country,change. if:y t e minau of the ' .. b et . of everyt hi ng like angry f eeling f _ in He ( Sir J. Walsh) was too well acquainted with i4te nilii inern he never attended The Hon. .Mernher or Fins-thatwould follo rust to be aware of the appalling consequences di, th e •.''' that h e "ended the meetings ef the League,' . he was perfectly rea d y effe c t was sorry he did not, for it inieht have a failure of the potato crop, and . tte - t"itins . t'f . repressing th' .• practicable measure to admit that there was no pra which $ those violent and angry q),"'. milli ha, ( i frsque.ntly took plaee. His ex-whichthey ought not to adopt to alleviate such a great calamity. . fte, i n di:se es e• e bee a 1.- •il on that But he could not conceive how a calamity of this sort, which, Cat i re sing a. , e , e , tetere ea ii,ary in eence Nip portance. H e w which h e acknowledged to be of . However fri hteul, must, in its very nature, be temporary, could N s . ian opposit e l ee r d venture that the 1-1 g • h f the ro rosed change. \Vas the be mane a pound lig ter or . p i tk 'est ili a , ed on to say on. . i ortanc e of Ireland a su ffi cient cause for a permanent alte t and - the measure as one of the l ire s tet , to t t o complete and t that if ration of the law .—( Hear, hear.) The general state of Ireland i - i nvolved thing more or less be in 'lee's , all; rete .t. tol d wipi ng f the n° - book ' ofthe was one of the strongest arguments that cou ld . used _ e et ' Itir e s eth ' "'n to natty . from statute . favour of the present law. Ireland was purely an agricultural . untie, .ers had instit teed e ledustry which the wisdom of . ountr There was a denser population in that country than l i t t se r i m the very Sir, let it be remembered, e operatin • i this y* and they were entirely dependent upon agriculture. Peg her a P"'''''n in th nof (hi'-ie very ws this country 1 ! ' . •la ep , glory anti h . e scale of nations which has been The trade in agricultural produce between England and he se, of t e esso er pride. It land was one of the greatest links and bonds of un ion that was d for the resent. tole e ree ee untry to prove that ihreselrve could possibly exist between the two countr i e s. There ought to be sx eeTslate l o t he st i nature ute bockagric ultural , and th ° a s t e th aws were oil • bound were two great links—one was the trade in hurch t f ti:" to f or • ' a ma nner as would do everything ' Y to open produce, and the other was the Protesta nt t 14.4: toae, eigners and drive the out of Ireland. 'They were going to destroy the one, let them • : 1, es . rxet. _ corn of this country . lie considered take care to defend the other. The Right Honourable it t 4, _ Which they we red that the extent of the Gentleman based his measure on the experience of the . handy'. desete„e which re how called on to make last threeyears. He (Sir J. Walsh) was sure that public e 'el e a ya ees; l'been should only be come to once in a .._ iir e ii stay se ''' s e ldom could circumstances which opinion, and that posterity, _ whose su ff rages the Right Hon. s e . ree d _ complete a revolution arise • of this Gentleman was sn richly desirous of obtaining, would consider iCabl e th 'reete..._ n as an alteration , ( Hear.) N that ano , her cause had been in operation in England some two tt t deith e 4 so late as th Now would the Howie think it which had had a most powerful effect in producing , te„ reie tan,. .. e year 1842 these very laws received tears salt. fte 2 .e" n ese ~tion of both Houses of Parliament. aid that He b l'eved that the efforts and funds of the Anti thts r e 1, . st _ ell)._ lee princi l of which that House e",lati e e the vet _ . 1) es protection were fully acknow- Corn-law League had produced the change ' , h et S f ro _ e Parties who were now for removing all re- calledupon to sanction. The Anti-Corn-law League had been h o . eart he sat cern' • stockagitation company which ; i imported into this country.-( Hear.) Association was the seeond joint . !'ll s p i 184a sa "' when they found that the same gentlemen had produced so important a change in the policy of this coon le e, t - tanctioned the laws which we now find try. e a g e %A tt i e is Let them read the history of the first, and then let them sso ,,P h e '' se e k book are the same gentlemen who s • . _ solve him this problem:—How many more of these repea l . a independence of Parliament? '44, 01 gc. mtenl to erase those laws. It would be ciations c would it This s ke w to a e s ru a s n h the c vil that some day er other t , t l : l lei, t Age of e n. who now advise this measure to j . ustife h ( Cheers .) r wonld have to grapple with, and this Sao t l 'Nis t h °Pinion, and he doubted not that in their own t e mis e . to at e Y were • a system whle coul d not long co-exist with eh phoid , • doing what was right. He was the last was ts ki .ang e ~ the doctrine that public men were not at liberty T • sueir • the represen . . tative Government, but most sooner or later prove He opposed this measure ' distruction of its independence. ea ea ,: ti tta taw . ° Po liticalt opinions. But that change must he the because he believed it to be a dangerous experiment upon the I till e t " t ti .e 1,:u1 old b e b . e t shou ld be made with care, lest public resources of this country, and he oppo-ed it doubly because he LP oti..(4lrable Baro ne t ten that them . He could assure the believed it had been brought about by the influence of an asso sivilti estZ"n, he believed that t at th o e n R th i is i,t ahwellAs on every il(-1 ciation which he considered every lover of order and a regu lar 4 4, 44 '44 p e e d i n his course of public conduct by en the convictions Government was bound to oppose. ,ai belts Ise ee - f e 'eience. In e- 1 life he D ar. Dd ) haul Mr. B. HOPE wished to say a few words . upon this im "tit 'pee 0 the b• 'ae y (I r. pe• es :en v _ . Poli t e measure. He would discuss the question upon the ''lli e ett ie leader,but, in the mean tim e, he had never simple ground of whether or not the present Parliament . was !ic li e "„PPose those ' measures which he I , l . uht fo rward , morally as well as equally bound to maintain protection. — e s'ltg ' hived d, it for interestsof t is k . ag o a not a ajee the t he country. . ( Cries of " Oh," from the Opposition benches.) Who were lk,alia t , ' 1829, when he brought, forward the Catholic the Parliament that were elected five years ago, and who was }la: by t h e n Act, n ot being able to approve of the course the party that elected them ? In 1841 there was a great itee'ilie re e Right Honourable Baronet, he, as a member of struggle —wh, , ther it was right or wrong was not the question— seessessi„,:tion. felt it his duty to oppose his return. In th e the Right Hon. Flaronet led that struggle againse free tead_ e, N t t lil " Parliament he mentionedoposed his measure with refer- when the Noble Lord, the then I% . lem . ber for the city of helm do re tlt e l'looth h _ille o , su t ‘ • He these facts only, because he burgh, made a lest effort to maintain the Whig Government rie e e'l th a ;' e ,that on those great pubic questions he never which had _ existed s o uice the year 1830, and whicl f i in s lili l ; kw; ae was actuated by any other than honest and the national d uts A I events had . become a great ete. The Noble Lord , the ember for the cit of London, brought ' e el' el a l i PS— ear hear ) With reference to the potato . ir si reeete h i e, •. . f or free trade, but the opposition of T forward a measure - `tti ta t 'a, was of inion lhat the agricultural pro- . ffir w illi r in g, thou h muchabused, would have been ready ries _ compelled the Noble Lord to appeal to the country upon it, It ' thin -ag to , g and then in at h t e e . nave assented to any measure calculated to the present Parliament, pledged as protectionists, ate e e e etit ;' of their fellow-subjeets.--( Hear, hear.) returned eal. The people returned the Righ pledged to el as h rep Il e 14 t h e e not go further, for he could not Fee a nd e Hon. Baronet as the leader of that party, and now, in the year to li ked tehernelaw of 1842 was to be altered. 6 they were callsd upon to pass the very same possible,measurhe—h fai r bee s I t that measur e exceeded the most sanguine 18 4 • and more sweeping measure, if w le ply r it eln ottera. ‘ , l ! even its framer, nay, a stro nger themselves to their constituents to opyose : teeing eti 1 " for h* • The ducer got by it a r. e pro the had pledge d p rinciple . taa„,, m, . is industry, while the consumer did not .-Y This had now become a matter of , rii ed hea.r,f l ' Price for the articles : of bis consumption.— y et to th i iii, ,„ right or wrong. of political expediency' any change cou l d rt. s e thri, t • Right II Baronet in his speech re km, ow .„ s` ate on.and by measure wh fi at dhe was at a loss to unders ß tati r d o . a — et f i P'ec e bee ' shoeia be of the country for the last three be ( jl4le To be sure the Right Honourable . a 13- ' 8 42. b .. "'" th -"e understood that ' this state of thins \ Hear, h ear.) _ wessi e rete e e t e npea t .l84l by his party, I.' It 4' af ore ther ( - ) n by h• tcui of the amended and revise d law was elected in neither himself Hon. Baronet should recollect, e s e lels ne it e , h i mself. —(Hear , (Hear hear. ) In the neat but the Right s' a - '' e th ' - as s *--- ' Member for the City of London, nor 1 . 1 to atv at v ery 1 tratige that lie should call upon them lead er of any 1 ) 4, ace ° , e the Right a w ; and, anxious as he (Mr. Deedes) the [ion. Member for Stockport, nor any other , Pre, di er , ,_ . (L e n Gentlemanhis ot he could political party, was such by tha t '" o e „ as rl . '" the h eat • . supp r ~• , onant of their of his art simply and solely, as being she exp . for fe reie leu, Th •of l os j u d gm ent, support him on the - I' and of course he maintained that position as long as Iv, the cor ers wt to t, e Rig . .t lion. Bat onset intimated also principles ,. • A 1 ) --r n which -- " tette k,k ea ta twit _ th„ their manufactures . . or de rise to him it his party, finding that he has altered _ th " sur e te _ Y would supp ly. He (Mr. Deedes) p v ire; -..e R. , nat su _ follow, and he serted the principles by which they elected him, should again ( 1 , 1, - , 1 " exp er; 'grit H e Lil a result wou ld . his line to chose their own leader, or each to ta ke own ee e 'I . , li ees e r netit oe -fl e • Baronet if the alteration was re tire . Is: hear ,L) - -and s the native industry of the country— for h imself.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) Such ought to be for the Rieht Hon. Btronet has brought for ste•"(leet l e are etei t e i PPorted though it, might be by the influ- the e now, eaUre in a speech abounding in the }dot4l Rive ~,, from '' of the Ri ht Hon, Gentleman, he ward s a free trade m s , , atrinn ' aY ' g • d h . h la h• h h sae glowing eloquence as t-at wIC e used while tram orlltati, te pa ny it.t. an apprehension of the anger w ic der his feet, in that House of Commons, or that 14 4hi ue eolintr He feared that if these measures were pair g un pre i y ~ f t h Y w `lild be ma d e dep endant on foreigners Parliament, au wring d dinthe early debates of the present Par- AlN atee , e very fi r , t - H. • h y liameut, the very pples of which this inea ure was to carry N . b t ,.. fl s u ,h _ article of stn food.- ( eal, ear. Hear,(hear.) And upon what ground was this change 4 11 , 2 ught fee _ e state ef thing nd the very first argu tree., s !i ii „ i _ ward e nut.— q the Right H Gentleman a c few to be made?. they were all present, and Vs,'" kat ar ;' •"n reference t - on. heard the grounds and what were they , They , . '' had a long ii h in " eh 0 the failure of the potato crop, on fleet e stated } ta d ° P ini° a• Belgium,Sweden and other and very clear exposition of . , . the Right Hon. Baronets views ; Ily, 4v Liel e e , -ht Hon. Baronet Placed • -' ` ' •of hut what were the arguments which the Rig , hi ti e (Nait'a Prtvented Of restrictions on the exportation advanced to show that the measure, which in 1841 would have ki Mis t r '. l-) ) is country from obtaining any sup h,lst 1. 1 'e his ass required no further argument to induce the destruction of the kingdom, should now be its salva keen °al 'n•l3 e ent to the measures did the Right Hon. Baronet mean by true Con- Pei, so m a.o n , t h , sures brought forward . by the teen. What tiv lie To servative policy, or what was true Conserve e pe y. . tri.' of t on e d t hat Si rn t Lrrs.) The Right Hon. Baronet _. was a tangible thing—Whigism was a tangible thing -1,),?..,(ew......ite the eventaoferial change would take place in the ) r Fr t o stu tectionism was a tangible thing—and so was fre e trade. lhai (Irti (Hear, hear.) _th: contemplated measures becom- All these things have their meanings, but what meaning t was d p rot r eritts cal e h eer fro 1 - ) 1 tbb . Anti-Corn-law League say the new word Conservatism?—that word which he hear tli e ' t 'ti a nie4 t With r m t e Ministerial side of the House. therein 2 t a time when the old Tory party, finding a difficulty th e t h e w as „..:, . espeet to the abolition of agricultural .in 183 , a sa wee _ 'Nee the reversetogether under their old banner, ventured to rally They • "t ie reed y'e of c orn ___ • said that it would re- in gathering 'roundand sup port — what? Toyrism? no ; Whigism? no 1 ,,._ of h . 'el t ett . e.te, s ( Hear , hear .) '1 he Hon. Gentleman . ~.114 , _, 1% ow _ _ . from a letter which he had received from . but Conservatism. Toryism and Whigism was now no more; ti t , ,, c, and n friends confirmatory ofthe views he had and, in his opinion, Conservatism ought long ago to have been de s „"ew es Proceed e t - , the catacomb ( L ht ) of all the hoaxes.— auger. The lake'ee l --- wia eti ' .o say that the epsilon before the sent to or en , ler this taxation h Id q •' Right Hon Baronet came down to that House in the end of thes . ft, e t.rie consumer b s ou bear entirely on the p - ro- l to advocate protection, and for what maser'? Why, be th tf 4 ( 4, a i entir e i e the present effect of the corn- 1 .1 concurred as t t ( ll, b lB ec 4 au ' seit was consistent ; anti now, in the beginning of 1846, ISD: }an • the propriety of calling this down to that House to t -tAh t ,t, question. He was ofthatt he plan the same Right Hon. Baronet came , . . his 'le Xeire r "'in. Baronet 1 opinion Conservatism • and what did he say was reason tett, ~ 041 t ,, ,t of soils would have the effect of throwing a d vocate s 0 7 Why, ' became it was consistent with the t ltn r _ t the g i ve his entirely out .of cultivation. for doing best is l aw % use . attention to the measures Principles of , true Conservat ism. . the This lei - might be true Con et "h : "Alit t", but .he could not think that the servative policy, but it was no t ' once of policy to serve the intention great power, tle t ! „) e t o ~,,,r _ , a, he interfered with. He feared that of his own party. There was a minister flog,t i tt 'entr r " , would . e corn from foreign countries, the specie who ' lived before the days of the House o f Commons, and when Crown, and not by t„_ i •e a 2,_ t be carried out of it, and that this defalca- the power of England was exercised withby the itu te ":?, , a. tt d , "" t _"__u .. of the specie which went out of the Bank the people , This time, but minister ruled strength . for a t °Ter se w oold u o tri . nined with the limitation of the ! he became a little too arrogant, stet adopted as his motto, v., ett,, reial and Leasion great confusion , in fag', paper money " Ego et rex meus," Re eee nti th e „;..arieultural pursuits- ' Lookin g ruinotin 1 and it ultimately proved his downfall. Let other ministers o il ii ii tif th, , ill -et, a, , with these d beat•ieg strongly 'b • lest they meet their fall in the cry of " 1 and my )i eit. ' eu este ‘ l ght 'ion. Baronet t. in mind the lan- beware . te eas ehs t i e e e e' ; ',.•, be could not co r4,l! ‘ tent :15 with ~l eagues in 1812 I . artyr , --.( II lion wre w He "'m (Si - s lns own con- were letted s r 1-. 1 ' t o •- ti s (r . litec' ionise:, were, neon this principle , of House of Corn -• on • •se d • ' It• Peel) andgive I ithe fo llowing their leader, brought down to the , sit thi °sired to thaek l,s support to t ioet 8 ° is -fir the House for their kind aft i . mops ori last Tuesday week without the common courtesy, 4 truyt,_ t h a ttempt at addre •-• h ' e -1 which • former Divine Providencesing t em, and would , in er da s was resorted to in measures of minor im would enable them portance, and called upon to dothat, of the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite, the first. Minister of the Crown. I agree with the Noble Lord that Ido not think he has laid down the grourds of it largely enough or ex tensively enough in point of time.—( Hear, hear.) He has alluded to measures about which he would have no difficulty, because I believe he is the Member of the Cabinet by whom those measures were introduced. I mean, Sir, the measures of Alie liusk:sson —( Hear, hear)—which measures m•ght have been quoted by him to show the advantage of moderating duties, and the doing away in a great extent of prohibitory duties. I will not make any statement in figures, but I can say that I think, in consequence of the reduction of the duties an silk, tie importation of the raw material during the years 1837 and 1838 had- increased over the years 1835 and 1836 (during the existence of prohibitory duties) more than one hundred per cent. In the article of wool a reduction of one penny in the pound, produeed an immense increase in the price of that article, Sir, are instances foreign wool was then introduced at a low rate of duty, and the eolfpmoratnsyinoctrear•-se,dwthoiach showgreat the exte benefit nt. t These, at least of reducing duties. But, then, the Right lion. Gentleman at the head of her Majesty's Government, has proposed a plan which goes beyond the mere reduction of duty to a moderate amount, and thereby increasing the imports and prices. He has proposed with reference to the duties upon corn that after the expiration of three years, the duty upon that attic o shall altogether cease. Now, Sir, lam of opinion, that if the Givernment had undertaken this task in 1812, and had made far greater reduc non than they then did, it would have been better fot the agri culturists as a body, and for the country at large. As the matter now stands, I am ready to say, seei ng th e con t es t no w going on, and the struggle that would continue to go on if no attempt is made to stop it between the intermediate steps of the sliding scale cr a small fixed duty. I am prepared to repeat what I hale befo r e stated in p ublic, that the struggle will con (H Hear, hea r . ) I unli t say , I tinue unless some efficient measures are take n by her Majesty' s e - '.°lon:iedr n'rrutehrelti et ilt • ao h n ic io h rfe s tv e he il e l lay ntit Right .—( on. Baronet as a grea t measu re ...a measure the foundation ef a complete flew r irinciple as to commercial legislation —a principle which will have the effect of leaving both agriculture and manufactures entirely to the energies and skill of the British people. I must cay, Sir. believing those principles to be sound principles, I am prepared to give every support to the plan brought forward by her Majesty's Government.—( Hear, hear ) But I think it is iecumbent on me to say that, with reference to the mode he has adopted of int rodueieg a new system of corn duties for three years, that the opinion which I had formed in my own mind in the month of December last, has been more and more strength fled by everything I have seen or heard since the Right lion. ilaronet made kno.vn his plans.—( Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") I have heard from all parts—from Devonshire. from various parts of Scotland, from the midland counties, and rom various other parts of England, that the opinion of the farmers was to the effect "That if we are to have a system of reeltrade instead of protection, let us know what that system is to be at once—(Hear, hear,) —let the duties be repealed at once." I consider there was great reason in that remark. pledaed themselves not do. In 1841 he knew some thitig of what was going to take place. The West India Sisser Bill watt then an important question, and the Conservative party was called together to consider what roio-,t he its effect and operation, but now when the old corn mei ci al system of the noun .ry was to be rseolu tionized, they were n•it called together to consult on the subject—this would have been contrary to the principles of true Conservative policy. This would have been a bold measure for the consideration of a new Parliament, but now they were going to consider it in a Parliament which was nearly t xtinct. Protectionism had been the policy of England for upwards of a century, but now they were going to do away with it, and when the measure reached the Helve of Lords, it would be moved by the Lord Chancellor from that memorable emblem of Protection to British Industry, the Woolsack ; which, ever since the time of Edward the Third, had been placed in the House of Lords as the seat of its highest and most honoured officer of the state, and probably as a memento to warp the Parliament of England of what and in what its true policy should be.—( Hear, hear, and much laughter.) Whether that policy was right or wrong, it does seem strange that they should be called upon by a Minister. who. in 1841, advocated it in the strongest terms, to abandon it altogether.—( Hear, hear.) But the Right Hon. Baronet might say there was no other course open to him ; but he thought, as he had done on feriner occasions that there were two or three courses open to him.—( Hear, hear, and laughter ) The Hight Honourable Baronet might have dissolved the Parliament, and that, in his opinion, would have been one and a better course; or the Right lion. Baronet might have come boldly forward, and told them, as the Noble Lord the Member for the City of London—whose great openness and straightforwardness, he was willing to admit, entitled the Noble Lord to great credit—had sa c ti t s i i ° i:. i d ti t i h i at he th could uld principles doso o n t o . longer,alihi his orm and e l‘ a , s er h e e done from the city of Edi n bu rg h—th a t h e h a d supported pro r life tee w r r a o s n e n o o ti w s he was prepared to gise up the Government, and tender the ) ppesiti e n his warmest support in carrying free trade. ( Loud Opposition cheers.) That would have been a policy which they would have commended, whatever their private views might have been, and looked upon it as a magnanimous attempt on the pat t of the Right Hon. Baronet for the well-being of his country.—(Cheers.) The Noble Lord and his supporters opposite had a right to have the credit of passing their own measure. They had a right to demand that the conduct of a measure in which they pent all their lives should be left to them, and the Right Hon: Baronet having been placed in power in 1841 by protectionists, he called on him to give it up to them. These were the views which had led! him to the determination of supporting the amendment. but he supported it the more, because, by doing so, he recorded his protest agaiest a system and policy which he was sorry to see being adopted as being one that must diminish the expedi ency, if any, and add no lustre to the very best system of ab stract legislation.—( Cheers.) Lord SANDON was one of those who would support the measure. although it did not meet with his approbation.— ( Laughter.) He was sorry that the arguments of the Right Hon. Baronet in its favour were so flimsy, and thought those argu ments would not justify a sudden changing of opinion which had prevailed for years.—(Hear, hear.) He insisted that the wages of the labourer depended on the price of corn. and declared that experience both at home and abroad proved that the rate was varied by the fluctuation in the prices of grain. He had yet to learn that it was an established principle of political economy that increased consumption pro duced high prices, and protested that the experience of three years in some minor articles of commerce did hardly justify so extensive an experiment as the present. During the present state of uncertainty the farmers were in a most helpless state.—( Hear, hear.) He knew he should be told by Hon. Members on the other side of the House that this was not the farmers but really the landlord's question.— ( Hear, hear.) Abstractedly speaking that was no doubt true. If there was a bad harvest farmers would expect the landlords to make abatements in their rents; abatements were made. and consequently so far the landlords suffered. All their capital was embarked in land, and year by year they found that that capital was dwindling away, till at last they were compelled to take refuge in some other profession. But he would lastly take the case of the farmer and his labourers. Those of all others suffered the most in times of agricultural distress.—( Hear, hear.) The first struggle which the farmer made to meet the distress was by diminishing the number ot his laborers. That step of course added to the number ot paupers in the country. Those wcre the reasons then why he would vote fur the measure of the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Government, although he disapproved of it. Though he (Lord Sandon) disapproved of his proposal, still he ink that the Right lion. Baronet must be supported, because he felt convinced that by the Right Hon. Baronet the country must be governed. He felt that unless questions of this nature, were settled by very great masses of enlightened opinion, a country ike England could not long be properly governed. He felt that when opinions hostile to protection had been enun • ciateil by the great leaders on both sides of the House—( Hear) —they ought to be supported by tho great body of the people. He had now arrived at this position—viz., that all the members of her Majesty's Government, with the exception, he believed, of two, had expressed themselves in favour of fret trade—all, with the exception of the two Hon. Members to whom lie had alluded, had given their sanction to the proposal then before the House. He confessed that the question seemed to him to be no longer a matter of discussion—it was merely a cpestion of time. For his own part, he believed that the sooner the measure of the Right Hon. Baronet was passed into a law, so much the better would it be for the coun try at large.—( Hear, hear.) The measure, he confessed. would entail some difficulties upon those concerned in the agriculture of the country; but their difficul ties could not last more than a few months — certainly not more than twelve. But it was better that the question should be decided without further delay, for it was only, as he had before said, a matter of time ; postpone the matter as the might, they would have to come to the same result at last.—( Hear, hear.) lie believed he had spoken at some length of the peril of the experiment, but he could not say that peril would extend so far as was apprehended by Hon. Mem bers opposed to the measure. For the sake of the millions of the country, he believed that it would be well that the present uncertainty on the question of food should be removed. But he could not see the process by which those advantages antici pated by Ho ourable Members oho advocated free trade would be realised. He had seen in the course of his life the price of corn down as low as 555., and that was termed by the agriculturists a paying price. If the present proposal were carried into a law, he really believed that instead of land going out of cultivation, it woult , he much more cultivated, and, of course, more labourers would be employed. He could not think that Hon. Members need anti cipa' e the risk, which they appeared to do, of the land going out of cultivation. He did ern, rtain a hope that, although much individual misery would have to be gone through in the event of this measure being passed into a law, the vessel of Englanii would sail much more safely and smoothly than it did at pre sent.—( Hear, hear.) Those were the general reasons why he bad determined to support the Right Hon. Baronet's proposi tion. He saw in that measure great wisdom, and although there was involved in it a perilous experiment, at the same time he did not share in the amount of apprehension that was entertained by Hon. Members in favour of protection. Under those circumstances, he felt bound to give his support to the measure, tad he eonceived he was right in doing so. Lord JOHN RUSSELL then rose and said, I believe, Sir, I am about the first to speak, upon this side, upon the impor tant question before the Honser—( Hear, hear.) And while l shall give my vote op the same side with the Noble Lord who has just addressed the House, I cannot help saying that I shall do so with better hart and hope.—( Hear, hear, and laughter.) Sir, I will not attempt to deny the importance of this question. Hon. Gentlemen en the other side of the House, whom I have heard, and who assent to the proposition of her Majesty's Ministers, say what is quite true, when they say that the system of protection has been a system of legislation adopted for one particular class.—( Hear, hear.) Sir, I am not at all terrified by that enunciation.—( Hear, hear.) I know very well that for centuries religious disability was the system of this country.—( Hear.) I know that for centuries the want of security and liberty of the person was the system of the Legislature of this country. But I am happy to *acknow ledge that great benefits bate flown from the destruction of the system, and I hope we are now at the commencement of the destruction of another system which has been injurious to the country, and that we shall hereafter be proud of having pa-ticipated in the foundation of a new and a better order of things.—( Cheers.) It appears, sir, that the question with respect to the corn-laws ; which in former years had been almost confined, has been of late, but especially in meetings and discussions in the country, widened to the whole principle of protection, but those who have defended the present corn laws wish in maintaining them to avoid all appearance of sel fishness or legislation for a particular class, and they have said that they wish all native industry to be protected. (Hear, hear.) But, Sir, the Honorable Gentleman who seconded the amendment to-night seemed to confess—or at least appeared to have said so—that all native industry was not entitled to protection. When we come to the question of protection of native industry we find various branches of industry—the great cotton manufactures, the woollen manufactures, and the great linen manufactures of this country, which are sent abroad to compete with the pro • ductions of nations at the greatest distance from this country— such as America and Asia. These interests are not benefited by any protection which yet remains upon your statute books..—( Hear, hear.) It is obvious then that the protection you now seek to maintain for agriculture is a protection for one particular class of iudus try—( Hear, hear)—and an a d van t age f or th em a l one . We find, Sir, a gr ea t argument , w hi c h i s t h e argument of alt writers on political economy, applies to that particular protec tion ; that, in the first place, it is an interference with the due current of trade anti labour, and is in behalf of one particular class. In the next place, that it is a tax upon the rest of the community for the benefit of that class. In the third place, that the class which you seek to benefit loses by the pretended protection that you afford it.—( Hear, hear.) Sir, these are the propositions which are ,o true that they have become axi day in political economy.—( ( Hear.) I was induced the other ay be the Honourable Member fir Norfolk tt.i read a pamphlet which has been pub '. ished on this question, and su al s o a nother pamphlet by M artin and Co. on the subject of protection. These gentlemen state that a quarter of corn is raised 17s. in pi ice by the protet tion which is afforded to it.— ' (Hear. I thought as I read that statement, and I now believe it, to be a great exaggeration ; but if that were so, if the price of corn had risen to such an enormous amount by that pro tection which you give to agriculture . supposing there were 20,000,000 quarters of wheat consumed in this country, and that on each of thaw quarters there was a tax of 17s , there would be some millions sterling imposed on the food of the people of this country. I believe the statement is most egregiously exaggerated, but still I believe that while you give protection such as is afforded by the present law to a particular class, which I believe to be an apparent benefit tst it, that protection is an injury to the rest of the corn munity.—( Hear, hear.) The Hon. Gentleman the Member for Hampshire, who seconded the amendment, and who did so in terms as temperate as could be desired—( Laughter)—the Hon. Gentleman stated that a difference was to be made be tween those occupations in which mere manual labour was em ployed, and those in which machinery was brought into requisi tion. Now I cannot see the value of that argument, I cannot see what are the grounds of that argument. Suppose there are five millions of people employed in works of machinery, and others in which little machinery is employed, I cannot see any good ground why the one should have the protection of the Legislature, and the other should not enjoy that protection. Well then, Sir, if it be the case that the system of protection is so, then the question comes—What is the course you ought to take in order to get rid of this particular protection? And here I must say that those writers who have written upon political science, even Mr. Adam Smith, Mr. Ricardo, and Mr. Hus kisson, all speak of the caution that ought to be used in dealing with this question. But what should be the particular mea sure, and what should' be the protective system in these ! matters? and what way should you deal with the question that is not a subject upon which we really have very little light, and it is impossible to have much light from theoretical writers.—(Hear, hear.) I confess with the Noble Lord, who has last spoken. I confess that. I do not think these great transcissions can be made without incurring risk at least, and considerable suffering.—( Hear. hear.) 'I he circumstances of the country may be so far so fortunate that suffering may be avoided, but I Certainly think that if you wish to get rid of protection you will run the risk of some hazard, and incur considerable suffering.—( Hear, hear.) This, Sir, is a confession and admission that is made by all persons who have re fleeted on the subject. Some speele of fa mine. otttes speak as the Noble 1..,,r(1 has spoken, of the difficulty of arrangements between the different cla , ses of persons who are concerto(' in trade, but all admit that there is considerable danger of losing capital and diminu tion of trade.—(Hear, hear.) But, Sir, I come to the plan In the first place I think the farmer will be better able to arrange with his landlord as to the particular sums he has to pay, and the sums he will have to pay, if he knows at once the state of the law, and has not to wait until the end of the month of February, 1849, and take the chance of what may then be the price of corn. I think also there is some danger `o the farmer in adopting the proposed plan. In 1848 the prices may be low, there may be a considerable accumulation of corn in the country, the glut which would not happen in :he spring of 1848, may happen if there is a sudden reduction of the duty from ten shillings to one shilling per quarter in the spring of 1849, not owing to the price of corn, but to the effect of the previous legislation. I think, Sir, that the danger will be greater after the lapse of two or three year., than it would be If the alteration were total and immediate.—( Hear, hear.) The present would be a favourable time for removing these restrictions, for in consequence of deficient harvests in moat of the countries of Europe. there is now little stock remaining on hand in Dantzic or Hamburgh. There is no reason to -uppose that there is any great stock in the United States of America ; there is no apprehension on the part of the farmer, with reference to a reduction of the duties upon corn, and I eorodder these together as forming a pretty conclusive proof :hat there is actually no danger at the present time.—( Hear, hear.) If they had any danger to encounter, it was when on the continent of Europe and in the United States. prepara tions had been made, the ground hail been oultivated, and the seed sown with a view to send large supplies of corn to Eng land. I consider, Sir, that the policy of the Government is ike furnishing a farmer with a great coat to wear only in the summer, and which he was to take off when the winter arrived._( Hear hear.) But, having said this much, I put it to the Right Hon. Baronet if he will not re consider that part of his plan which had reference to the corn iaws.—(Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Baronet has often Alleged, is bringing forward his measures for the reduction of duties upon subjects of much less importance than the one now under consideration, that it was almost impossible to know the affect of such duties till they had been tested by experience - ow, Sir, it does appear to me, that with reference to the proposed measure, we shall be labourinc under this disadvan tage. I hope that the Hon. Baronet will reconsider that part of his subject. I wish that his plans may succeed. I wish to see this measure successful , not o nl y in this House, but also in the other Howe, and I would not be one to oppose the progress of that measure.—( Hear, hear.) When, therefore, this sub ject cornea into Committee, if the Right Hon. Baronet tells me that he has reconsidered the subject, and that he still considers the three years' duty to be an essential part of his plan, I will then support him to the utmost of my abilities. Sir, I have stated thus much with reference to the plan as it Affects the article of corn ; it is not necessary that I should say much as to the other parts of the plan. With reference to the article of sugar, it will not be necessary for me to make any observation; as regards the articles of manufactures, and th e taking off the duties upon them, I consider that you are bound to do s a you are bound to . show that you aband on p rotect i on altogether as a principle, vie ous and injuriou., and not for the alca of subjecting them to any exper invent to which you would not expose the manufacturer.—( Hear, hear.) Thare is another part of the subject, and one which I certainly cannot Approach with great satisfaction, I allude to the question of burdens upon agriculture. The Right Hon. Baronet bas pro posed to make certain relief as to local burdens, the expenses of prisons and prosecutions ; these amendments in the law I con sider to be just. and they are improvements is the existing law. These measures are offered as compensation to the landed in terest. I do not think any compensation could be properly offered. I am not sure that as regards the general burdens of the country, that the occupiers of land have not more than the share which belongs to them.—( Hear. ) it is a point upon which I feel a difficulty, because I have found that whenever r proposition was made by the Hon. Member for Sheffield (Mr. Ward), to make a statement adverse to that opinion, and ask for a Committee to inquire into this point, none were so ready as :hose agricultural gentlemen to oppose that inquiry —( Hear, hear.) The Hon. Member for Radnorshire ( Sir John Walsh) had draw a comparison, of shoemakers, who were alone compelled to pay the police rates. They might complain thrt they could not sell their articles so cheap as others who were not so taxed—they would c o mplain of the injustice practised toton them. But if the shoemakers, who formed the majority in this House, had always strenuously resisted the proposal to inquire into the subject of their grievances, I certainly should suspect the shoemakers of thinking there was something in their case which would not hear to be sifted.—( Hear ; hear.) There is another difficulty in the question. When about two or three years since there was a large surplus of about three millions in the Exchequer, I thought it might be worth while to the agricultural interest, with a view to their obtaining some relief from their burdens, to remove the taxes of several articles—the malt tax fi r instance. They would not hear of such a proposition, and when the Right Hon. Baronet dis tributed this large sum of three millions and a halt, he did net s eem to have any particular regard for this interest. I freely state that I do not feel any sympathy with this class.—( Hear, h ear .) Nor can I see why any relaxation of bnrdens should be made towards those whose burdens were shared equally by their fellow countrymen. I do net consider that that they have any claims to a relaxation of thoir burdens.—( Hear, ar. ) Had I brought forward any scheme of commercial policy. although it would have differed in some respects from the plan brought forward by the Right Hon. Baronet. I do not think that I should have given them so much relief as be has done. Ido not think I would h ave given so much as 503,C00/. or 600,0091. — Were they to lay burdens on the commerce of the country, arid t, propose an increase of taxation which would expose the Government to great and to deserved unpopularity ? No ! and for these reasons I will therefore say at once that I concur in the Government scheme as proposed by the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of her Majesty's Government.—(Loud cheers.) I wish that the repeal had been immediate, but, in the present state of affairs, and the strong desire that exists for, and the advantage that will accrue by, getting rid Of the com mercial system with respect to corn, even at a remote period, it is too great an advantage to the people of this country gene rally net to support the measure.—( Hear, hear, and cheers.) But, Sir, I cannot forbear from takieg notice of one remark which fell from an Honourable Gentleman, the Member for Finsbury (Mr. Wakley). The Hon. Gentleman stated (and he thought he had no particular motive for doing so) that he thought the Right Honourable Baronet at the head of her Majesty's Government was more able to carry this measure successtully than I was That is an observation that compels me to state, that a measure of the same kind would be equally successful, if 1 had received the :ame support from my political opponents which they now receive from me.—(Great cheering.) This measure of free trade the protec tionists say, an& they say what is correct, was loudly oppos. dbe the Right Hon. Baronet. When Mr. Huskisson brought fel. ward, in his place in Parliament, a measure of free trade, mans , of us gave him our support ; but the Iliget Hon. Gentleman opposite, the Secretary for the Home Department, stated, when he was in Opposition, that he could not give him his support. In 1639 the Secretary of State and the Chancellor of the Exchequer proposed going into Committee on the corn laws but they were met then by the party in Opposition.— (Cheers.) In 1841, when we came forward to propose a re duction on the impartation of corn, of sugar, and of timber, we were met by a party, many of whom represented commercial constituencies.—( Hear. ) But, Sir, I am bound to say the Hon. Member for Wakefield was an honourebie exception—(Great cheerinC —and he did not join the then opposition, nor did my Hon. Friend the Member for Wilverhampton. But, Sir, I think that the Right Hon. Ba ronet, and those who have intradoced such a sound principle of commercial potcy as that which is proposed reelecting the corn-laws, coup: not be ignorant of those princiles; and it is to be lamented that they did nothr if they corns forward and ) t. they then did so, they would not be defeated.—( Hear d hi The Hon. Gentleman ' for himself an s party, much of that would have avoided, propose them. My opinion that y generally somebody or other.—( Cheers and laughter. ) cast upon him by Baron o e n t ' a i‘ t i th ern e How inconsistent it was when they compared the course the b h e e r ad fo o r f 1-1 Baronet had now taken, with :hat which he pur- Rigid on. But Sir the • H odium and reproach which is now ver be can d o so.—(Great cheering.) I feel myself Wakefield this measure than I would be. I tell him again, that it is with her Majesty's Government would be more . successful in carrying sued tells. e C , htehearts the .) Right so.—(Reiterated cheering.) As the Right lion. bound .0 say t Gentleman has adopted that course of commercial freedom which will benefit this country and enable the poor man to get a fair reward for his daily labour, a course which I believe will our aid that add much to his social and moral improvement, I feel bound to give this measure my hearty and warm support. (Chi ers.) I will not do anything as a political opponent to thwart the promoters of this measure ; no triumph of party feeling will induce ma to sacrifice the interests of the country, and in conclusion, I beg to soy, that I aim anxious for the triumph of thesmeasure.—(Continued cheering.) Sir 11. INGLIS said he was now witnessing a party which were once united, firing into each others vessels.—( Laughter ) He could not help asking himself what would become of the Honourable Gentleman the Member for Durham, or rather the Member for Southport. What would become of all the new conve rts at the other side of the House, if his Noble Friend had not come to the rescue. —( Laughter.) He hoped he would not say (for it was not his wish) an unkind word to provoke an angry feeling; but he could not help thinking what unpleasant feelines must be entertained by those who found that their party was diai'led. There were three fro; o,itions proposed, w hi c h wonld give full and entire satis faction to all political econo.nists, but he begged leave to state that these propositions' were not supported by any argument oe the part of the Noble Lord (Russell). Its styled he weuld not raise art angry feeling, and he would apply himself to that part of the question of most importance, and would only occupy . their attention for two or three minutes. ( Hear. ) His view of things was this that in trade we should to procure all articles at the most moils - T4-ln tMrket. Looking at the products of Europe g enerall y , he found t hat averagei could not be made of crops as if they were the products of steam-engines. Much would depend on the state of the wea ther, for the variations in it would create great difference in the averages, and consequently in the price of food. The largest average was 140 per cent., and that was an average extending over ..a period of twenty-four . rars. In Prussia the average was 212 ; in Saxony it w.>s 269 ; and in Westphalia it was 340. lint as hs told t , em himself in his remarkable speech, the cif untries which p7odue , :d potatoes prohibited their export. From Sweden, from Belgium, from Holland, the distress was there so great, you could have hoped for nothing. He also told you that Turkey and Egypt refused t permit the higher kinds of grain to be exported. But might they not supply the wants of Ireland with an inferior grain.—(Hear, hear.) He was quite aware that he could from the pages of " Hansard" prove various inconsistencies on the part of those who now advised this measure. But it was needless, as the very authors of it in the strongest terms admitted them. His Noble Friend (the Member for London) had himself made great changes in his opinions on the subject of this very question. He neither taunted him or the members of the Government with what passed. He did no:. accuse him of having been interested in any such change, and he not only did not accuse the Right Hon. Baronet of having been influenced in his change by im pure motives, from his personal knowledge of him, but from that which was clear to every one, that he had no conceivable motive for those changes, and that he had every conceivable motive from refraining from them. lie was at the head of the largest majority that ever sat in that House siege ;634, s Right CheerC heer in g Hon. and Fi g i r e e n a d t It was a party on vilicrn he might have looked with some satisfaction.—(Loud cheers.) A par t y wh o certainly looked up to him with respec , , and only regretted that they were not earlier aug hte a r e . t e hoped, d p with ed, nesastesh. ( would forgive him if he exactly distrusted hi , powers as a s t a tesman in the same proportion as he had suddenly changed laughter.) however, his weak that the opinions formerly held by him.—(Hear, hear.) if he were now a great statesman all his former acts were those of a personinsensible to the wants of the country. In these observa tions he was speaking his cool and deliberate conviction. They could not admit the purity of his motives without impeaching his claim to guide the destinies of a free country. __(Cheering.) His suddenness of change was such, that there might not be another change in another month. With re spect to his Noble Friend the Member for the city of London, if he gave hlm a pledge that he would support the Irish Church, he knew that he would carry out that pledge to the utmost extent, and nothing could induce him to swerve from his promise, he therefore knew to what he had to trust, and he would much rather trust an open enemy.—(Cheering.) (Here the lion. Gentleman paused for a few moments.) " I stopped," continued the Hon. Baronet, " for my own sake— I will not pursue the subject."—( Immense cheering.) He would not put the Government into the hands of the Gentlemen opposite. With respect to the Noble Lord op posite, he bad, however, to observe that his change had been at least four years old. While he deeply deplored the part taken by the Government, he could not help asking at what time were these measures brought forward? They were brought forward at a time of profound peace. Ireland had not at that time her monster meetings; England was arrived at a pitch of prosperity a'most unexampled, to which she had grown under the very system n6w proposed to be altered. Why then shoal they, when well, take physic and die? He pledged hinvelf to the fact that, in every instance, the actual produce was greater last year than the year before. Linder these circumstances he, for one, could not see why the Govern ment measure should be supported. ' purchase Polish wheat ; hut he doubted if it could be got free on board at a cheap a rate as it could at present he purchased at home.—(Hear, hear.) So fee from the corn•laws having produced an unsteadiness in price, if they looked to the last twenty years, they would find that flurtuat ien was less at present than in the year 18 1 5. In Spein, where corn was grown cheaper than in any country in' the world, they had to import grain from America ; and he (Mr. Her bert) ehould say that he found a great alteration of opinion amongst the public at large, and particularly amongst the agri culturists and tenant farmers on the question of protection.— ( Hear, hear. ) It was not long since that a meeting took place in a part of the country called Goatacre. He was not prepared to deny that these working men were not drawn together by their own agencies, but he would say that all the statements they advanced as to the manner in which they lived were per fectly tree. He, for one, lived in the midst of a population of considerable extent, and he scarcely knew how they existed, He knew, however, that whether these facts were or were not true, the investigation of them could do no harm to the Go vernment.—( Hear, hear.) He confessed he had heard other arguments more cogent than the extension of commerce, and the advancement of the trade of the country. He saw that the question must be settled, and that this was the time in which it could he best settled with honour.—( Ironic 1 cheers from the Protection benches, and loud cheers from the Op position side of the House.) Honourable Gentlemen might have a different opinion as to what constituted a settle ment of the question, or to the honour of which he was speaking. He was speaking, not of the honour of the Government, nor of personal honour, but of what he con ceived was justifiable and expedient as an honest man.— ( Irenical cheers.) Ile said, after much inquiry and careful deliberation he, as an honest man, had found good reason for changin g his opinion on the corn-!aws. He had not lightly abandoned the opinions and convictions he had previetisly ene tertained, but, despite the threats which had been held out, against the advice of many friends and advisers, and though the terror of hi s const i tuents had been employed to intimidate' him, he had followed the dictates of his conscience rather than their influence and dictation._( Hear, hear.) He said that all this would take piece, and that it would be the subject of deep mortification to many ; but, at the same time, he knew his duty to them,as well as what he owed his country.—( ear, h ear , ) He had, there fore, taken his present course, honestly to act for the public good. So much for personal honour ; but the honour to which he alluded, w hen interrupted, was the honour of the country gentlemen, who had now the opportunity of conceding the measure without danger. There was no d anger i n the qui at on at present, whatever there might be if it was de layed. They could now allow the question to be settled with honour, which would nut be the case did they succeed in de feating the proposition submitted to the House. They had against them parties of great weight, independent of the agita tion of the Anti-Corn-law Lea.eue—en association conducted by men of great energy and perseverance, who would not stay their exertions till they succeeded in their object.—(Hear.) He did not however call on the country gentlemen to yield to that agitation, but to the dictates of reason. If they did not yield to reason, they would be obliged to yield to another power—not a power of reason or agitation, but a more material and dangerous fence. But he would sugge•t a stronger motive than any he had done. The public mind was not in the same state it was in 1815. In those days the Government had not the support of the people. In 18411 when the Noble Lord the Member for the City of London brought forward his budget, he (Mr. Sidney Herbert) supported the principle of free trade, but objected to its application, thinking corn an exception to the rule. He had seen reason to alter that opinion, and now the public mind was more enlightened, and men of all political parties and commercial and trading interests joined together to give effect to this measure. They saw that the corn-laws were a tax to benefit. one class at the expense of another. Honourable Gentlemen had said that the Parliamentary party of the Go vernment was broken up. Surely they did not mean to say that the great Tory or Conservative party were bound together only by a question of cuetems or imports—that they placed their existence on a mere political arrangement. The corn-laws were not a part of the constitution, but rather opposed to its spirit. In former times the public mind was so sensitive regarding an import of this kind, that when the duty on corn was but sixpence a quarter, that duty had had to be suspended. He maintained that these laws were contrary to the whole spirit of the constitution. He was nut one to make that constitution more democratie than it was, as democracy was in some instances rather more like despotism than what it professed to be. Ile wished to preserve the aristocratic elements in it, as he con sidered them essential to the proper working of the Constitu tion ; and on these grounds he said to them, do not act in opposition to the measure—do not in any manner interfere so as to occasion its rejection. Let them recollect that great changes had taken pace in their manufacturing and social arrangements. These manufacturing arrangements had been increased to an enormous extent. There might be many who doubted the propriety of these extensions—who questioned the morality of number. congre geting—whO doubted where fidelity to the state could exist in such multitudes. But he could assure the House that one of the means of diffusing wealth was the keeping up the springs of society. Their wealth was that which maintained their colonial empire—that which had given them the dominion of the world. Let them remember, too, that if they wished to disseminate their religion, their libertie , and their faith, they could do it in no surer way that, by the very mane fee tires that they sent abroad.—(Cheers.) Let them also recollect that the men who extended these benefits were entitled to some portion of them. His Noble Friend who had opened the debate on the first night had, in a most eloquent address, fully characteristic of himself, stated that the Conservative party were interested in the security, peace, and welfare of the Constitution of this country. How much more then were they dependent, who had all to lose and nothing Captain FI l'Z MA UR ICE. who spoke most inaudibly, said he confessed his view of the question of protection was very different from that of the Right Hon. Baronet. He regarded it as a compensation for the industry of the agriculturist, and as a security against the competition of foreign avicul turists, in consequence of the peculiar burdens which fell to the land of this country. He defended it, therefore, on those grounds—on the ground of the burdens which pressed on the agricultural energy of the country. He defended last year the protection which was given to the West India planters on the same principle. The Right Honouraele Baronet him self, in 1844, had given expression to the same ideas. With regard to the present measure which has been brought before the country, it was stated by the Right Hon. Baronet that he rested it upon the famine, which was apprehend:d in Ireland. He would ask the Government had they taken that view of the question which other countries had adopted under similar anticipations? Had :they attempted to prevent exportation. Had they adopted those other expe dient- which The necessities of the case seemed to warrant ? In 'rebind, exportation of corn and provisions had been proceeding to an enormous extent since October last. fhe Right Honourable Baronet had taken protection off this country when the country had a great impulse from public works—for instance, such as from railways. Let him take the county of Wiltshire; they had no shipping which could bring about a benefit to that county by importation. How, then, could the present measure—how could free trade benefit that part of the country ? Manufactures were carried on there, agricultural pursuits were prosperous there, but free trade, with all its importation, would not be of any advantage to its inhabitants. Now, let there be a railway constructed through that county, and the people xould be greatly benefited by such a project— ( Hear, hear.) It was said that the manufacturers of this country would be received by foreign countries in exchange for their corn. Let them take Poland for instance. Now he spoke from information furnished by a gentleman residing in that country, and he would say that the growers of corn there. when the duties would be taken off in this country, would send corn from there at 30s. the quarter. Let them take America. They were told that the growers of corn there would take the manufactures of this country in exchange for their grain, but he had good grounds for saying that they would want gold and not manufactures. It is well known that the American shipping left this country, after getting rid of their corn, in ballast, and, that would be the very way in which they would leave our ports when free trade became a law. What said the. Right Hon. Baronet in 1844 ? At that period he complained that the principles of free trade were delusive and visionary. . Such was not his opinion now, to gain by any inferrtiption to the peace of the c Manufacturers had for a long time flourished, not because they were of the customs' growth, but because they were of the same existence with the country. He wished to see the agricultural and manufacturing interests at peace. joined in an inseperable union. lie believed that the Government wished to cement that union—and he believel further that whey the agriculturists themselves came properly to appreciate their po•ition, they would be glad i.f the chance that had offered of thus extricating themselves.— ( Hear.) He believed that they would now pursue their avocation without doubt or apprehension, aid he believed also that that prejudice which had before existed between classes would be swept away. The Government now offered then the oppor tunity of repairing the greatest error that was ever committed by any body of men.—( Cheers.) But the landed proprietors of this country had also contributed to the burdens of the State. They had assisted its resources; they had provided its eminent men in every department. But, however, he might affirm this, he was willing to admit that the law of 1815 was a great error.--( Hear, hear, and cheers. ) The Government now wished to repair the error.—( Hear, hear ) Would they accept it ?—( Cheers ) His own mind had been long made up. He hoped he had now done his duty. He believed that the propositions of the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Government were not oely intended tor the benefit of the country, but the agriculturists themselves. He trusted they would throw all prejudices aside—that they would weigh the question aright; and let them be assured of this, that these propositions had been made for the guod of the coun try and for that altine.—( Cheers.) "The debate was then adjourned. CITATIONS (SCOTLAND) BILL. This Bill was read a second time, and ordered to be com mitted to-morrow. DRAINAGE (IRELAND) BILL. however. There was one way of remedying the evil of a famine without bringing forward the present measure. and th a t . . was to be done by taking the price of corn at the weight, and not by the measure. If this had been done, corn and bread would now be more corre.ponding in price, and still protection he upheld. Can it be expected th:. t farmers will lay out their money in making improvements, when the law which protects. or rather ought to protect him, is to be changed by the Right Honourable Baronet, who had always led them to believe him their best friend, by his having always spoken in their favour. It was said that " woman's vows were traced in sand." He should like to know what men's vows were traced in. Were they traced in adamant Laughter.) He should like to know what the Right Honourable Baron is v- , ws were traced in ?- -( Hear, hear.) He (Captain Fitzmatirice) thought they were traced in steam.—( Great laughter.) The Honourable Baronet had made vows, but they were all broken ; all the pro mises made had been abandoned, those who had supported him were nut taken into consideration, their opinions, their influ ence, and their interests were alike disregarded. He might well say— " Blow, blow, thou wintry wind, Thou art not so unkind, Nor is thy bieath so rude As man's ingratitude." The Hon. Member sat down amidst some applau'e. Mr. SYDNEY HERBERT said that of all the speeches which had been delivered against the present measure of her Majesty's Goverment, he might select the last two speeches as arguments in its favour.—(Hear, hear.) Those changes bad not been forced upon the Government by any choice of their own, but by the advent of circumstances which it was not possible for any human power to foresee. He wished he could be convinced that the position of Ireland was really not such as had been represented, or that he could be justified in declaring that the contemplated change in the law affecting the price of food would be unnecessary, but they had had too many proofs to the contrary not to be satisfied of the justness and ex pediency of this measure. The Hon. Member had stated in his speech, that there was deficiency of food in Ireland, or rather that there was an average supply, and that therefore the appre hended loss or deficiency need not be apprehended. Sir R. INGLIS said he alluded to the potato crop. Mr. SYDNEY HERBERT continued by saying that the potato crop was not the exclusive food of the people of that country. It would not be necessary for him now to expatiate up in the miseries and misfortunes of a large mass of people who were accustomed to subsist upon that article of food. They had already heard a great deal as to the state of that portion of the population who were compelled to depend upon this worst kind of subsistence for the greater part of the year. But if the Hon. Members had followed oat his argument by quoting the returns, the state of the crops for several years past, he would have found that in many instances there had been actual deficiencies for the supply required, even where the crop was stated to have been an average one. During the whole of those discussions he should say, that he had heard no arguments or statements which had the effect of lessening the truth of the reports the Government had received from the magistracy and constabulary in Ireland on this subject. The Government had neither lent too willing an ear to the reports : that they had received as to the exaggerated state of the prevailing distress on the one hand, or of the asser tions with regard to Ireland being a fool's paradise on the other. But, with regard to the actual state of the potato crop in Ire land, he wished he could persuade himself that the reports the Government had received, as to the actual deficiency, were reaily erroneous or exaggerated. The melancholy combination of facts upon which the Government had acted, were too pal pable to be disbelieved, and therefore some measure was neces sary to avert the apprehended calamity. Nor was this state of things confined to Ireland alone, for he had ascertained, upon good authority, that in the West of England also, where the potato crop was extensively cultivated, it had there failed to as great an extent as any part of Ireland. As had been stated by the Noble Lord the Member for London. the potato crop was one which presented this singular paradox—that a crop was often pronounced to he an average crop when it was, in fact, of so inferior a quality as to be almost unfit for food. If they looked at the returns of the year 1839, it would he seen that the prices had been raised precisely in that same way as had occurred in November, 1845; but there was a great dis tinction to be noticed between the causes upon these two occasions. For instance, it would often be found that the wheat crop was an average crop, but the quality was bad, and yet the bread made from it was not; the result was, that bad bread was not made, but that a greater quantity of inferior wheat was required to make the same quantity of bread than would have been necessary if the wheat had been good. This had the effect of lessening the price of wheat, while no change whatever took place in the price of bread. No, he would not hesitate on an occasion like this—for he, like many others, had a change of opinion to announce—to declare that his opinion had uedergone a change upon this snbject, because he had seen that the law of 1842 had most signally failed.—( -lear, hear.) This might have resulted from a combination of circumstances that no Government could have foreseen. But lion. Members, while they argued in favour of the corn laws , seem ed to for g et that those laws were enacted in order to mee t the ex p edienc y caused by a transition from a state of war t o a state of p eace, and now that the time came when they ought to be abolished, for they had seen that other countries had met the circumstance of a scarcity of food by throwing open their ports to all the world. He regretted that the course then being pursue d had net been adopted by Hon. Gentlemen at the opposite side. A Noble opinion,th the measure and had shu advocated uld h elef left the necessity syin in o ther hands.—( Hear, hear.) He had expected that the N o bl e Friend, who preceded him , ha d ex p ressed it as his o p inio n that the present measure was one which sh o u l d no t have been intro duced:by the Right Hon. Ba r onet a t th e hea d of h e r Majesty's Government. Now he (the Hon. Member) had nohesitation in h i e t s wasst adoption,ig strong l y of that Lord (Lord John Russell) at the opposite side, who had spoke of past differences, regarding the slidi ng scale, though a convert to free trade prin c ipl es , on l y s i nce last November, would have had a better right to brin g f orwar d t h e present measure than had the Right H on . B arone t. — saying that of ( Hear, hear.) He regretted that the Noble Lord had made use of an expression which should convey a slur on the Hon. Members opposed to him, which was t o th e e ff ect th a t, h a d th e smile support been given him by M rs W o embe h Q 41' prgient Flips ported the Right Hon. Baronet, he would have carried a simi lar measure. Lord JOHN RUSSELL here made an observation, in ex planation, across the table, which did not reach' the gallery. Mr, HERBERT continued-- He should admit the sounds ness of the Noble Lord's arguments; hut at the same time he should say that no support was ever more frankly or freely offered than was theirs —( Hear, and cheers.) Ile wished to knew, if ruin was to come on the land, through the iewortatiop of foreign graid, by reason of the pretent rpeasere. Ile wished it would b told *hat countries the abundance would come from.--Olear, hear.) If they ;volt to Dautlia they could • The committal of this Bill was postponed till to-day. GRAND JURIES (IRELAND) BILL. Sir JAMES GRAHAM ebtained leave to bring in a Bill to authorise Grand Juries in Ireland, at the Spring Assizes of the present year, to appoint Extraordinary Presentment Sessions ; to empower such Sessions to make presentment for county works, and to provide funds for the execution of such works by loans of public money. The Right Hon. Baronet subseqently brought in the Bill, which was read a first time, arid ordered to be read a second time to-day. The remaining orders of the day were then disposed of, and the House adjourned at One o'clock. LAW Li TELLIGENCE. "'OUSE OF LORDS, Feb. 9. The House sat. to-day. at eleven o'clock, to hear English appeals. The Peers in attendance were the Lord Chancellor, Lord Brougham, Lord Cottenham, Lord Campbell, and Lord Hood. THE LATE JAMES WOOD, OF GLOUVESTER.--THE DERMEN,'AND BC EGE.S.SES OF TIIE 130 ROUGH OF GLOUCESTER r. OSBORN AND SURMAN. This case, which comes before their Lordships upon an ap peal from the decision of the Vice-Chancellor Wigram, stood specially appointed for to-day. The question for the decision of their Lordship is,whet her, under one of the codicils to the will of the late Mr. James Wood, of Gloucester, the Corpora -1 tion of that borough are legatees of two sums of money I amounting to 200,000/. The late Jame s W oo d, th e b an k er, of Gloucester, died in 1836, possessed of immense wealth, both freehold and personal, and upon his death considerable liti gation to,,k place upon the subject of hi s t es t amen t ary dispo tions in the Eccleaiastical Court, the Privy Council, and the Court of Chancery. In the Eccleastical Court two papers were propounded by the executors, and another paper which had been anonymously sent by the post to the late Mr. Thomos helps, one of the legatees, was propounded by him. By the judgment of the Ecclesiastical Court probate was refused to all these papers but upon ap peal t• the Privy Council, the two papers propounded by the executors and also that propounded by Mr. Helps, were ad mitted to probate, the two lirat as being Ste will of the tes tator, and the last ass codicil I. that will, and upon the latter paper the question now at issue arose. That paper was to the following effect :—" In a codicil to my will I gave to t he Corporation of Gloucester 140,0001. In this 1 wibh my executors wd give 60,0001. more—to them for the same par- pos as 1 have before named Iwd also give to to friends Mr. Phillpotts 50,0001 , & Mr. Geo. Council 10,000/.—k to Mr. Thos. Helps, Cheapside, London, 30,0001., & Ilrs. Elith. Goodlake, mother of Mr. Surnian, & to Thos. Wood, Smith str. Chelsea (each) 2,000/.—& Saml. Wood, Clevland st.. Mile End 14,0001.—k the latter geutu. family 6,0001—.8, 1 confirm all other bequests k give the rest of my property to the Execs. for their own interest. JAMES WOOD." - - - "Gloucester City Old Bank, July, 1835." Upon probate of these papers being granted, the executors refused to pay any of the legacies contained in the codicil, and the result was, the legatees tiled their bills in Chancery for the purpose of obtaining payment. The Corporation of Gloucester also tiled their bill for the payment of the two sums of 140,000/. and co,coor., given them by the codicil. The cause came on for hearing before the l'ice-Chancellor Wigram. It was argued for several days, and ultimately his Honour gave judgment, dismissing the hill of the Corpora tit:T, but without costs, and directing that the sum of 250,507/. 10s. 2d., New Three-and-a-Half per Cents , stand ing in the name o f the Accountant-General, in trust . in the cause, should, together with the interest and dividend, be transferred to the surviving executors, the respondents in the present appeal, his Honour, at the same time, refusing to direct any inquiry, or to direct that that the dismissal of the appellants' bill should be without prejudice to the ap pellants tiling another bill in relation to the legacies, not withstanding that it appeared by the printed proceedings in the suit in the Court of Probate, that the testamentary pa pers and the repositories of the testator had been improperly dealt with during his last illness, without his knowledge, and also after his death ; and that at least one paps) of the tes tator's, of a testamentary character, had immediately after his death been burned; and that the:cocicil of July, 1835, it self, when propounded, was in a mutilated state, and partly burned; and that in the envelope in which the same was for warded to Thomas Helps was enclosed a paper on which wero written in pencil the following words :—" The enclosed is a paper saved out of many burnt by parties I could hang—The pretend it is not J. Wood's hand, many will swear to it—They want to swindle me—Let the rest know." From this indolent the Corporation St Gloucester brought the present appeal, contending that the codicil of July, 1835, amounted to a substantive gift of 140,0001, ; that the re ference in the codicil of July, 1635 ; to A former codicil, did not prove that that former cached ever existed; and that, althongh inch farmer codicil should be considered as having once existed, yet the gift of the 140,000/. referred to as ), _made , by such former codicil was not revoked, and that of then the appearance of such codicil did not affect the validity gift either of the 140,000/. or the 00,000/. gir Thomas Wilde, Mr. Hodgson, Mr. SwanL t tio::d ir. and aa 3 Mr. i James Wilde were counsel for the a pp•u IGeorge Turner, Mr. Remilly, Mr. Walker.d , A c l r r c . c Ja cf me w s o Pa c r ol e r r t , and Mr. Rolt were in suaort of the below. The case will probably occupy six or seven (lays in argument. COURT OF QUEEN'S BENCH, Feb. 9. (Before Mr. Justice W'rc;rtinrAN.) The Court was occupied the greater part of this day wity two csse.s—one, an action f or t h e recovery of attorki..3s bill of coNts; and the other an act i on of ejectmeLt, but nei ther was of the least public interest. COURT OF EXCHAQUER, Feb. 9. (Sittings in Banco.) The Court was occupied this morning with the new trial paper. The greater part of the day was sp en t i n h earing the arguments on a case relating to a notice on a dishonoured bill, but it possessed no feature n' public interest. CENTRAL CRIMINAL COURT. OLD COURT. (Before Mr. Baron Eoure.) The Court was occupied all day with a charge of mis demeanour, preferred against John kinchin, Edward Mackay, John Dodd, John Sax air, and John Ireland, fire persons connected with the Wat erman's Steam-packet Company. The indict went Was founded on some squabble between the above oMM:illy and the Corporation of London ; the former claim iii the right to land their passengers at the new Blackfriars pier, or, tailing that, the power of mooring a floating pier off Paul's-stairs. The Corporation misted both claims, and hence, the riot that led to the present trial. Mr. Seijeant Wilkins, Mr. Ryland, Mr. Prendergast, and Mr. Laurie, appeared for the Corporation, and Mr. Montagu Chambers, with Mr. Wylde, attended for the defence. Mr. Baron ROLFE. told the jury, in summing up. that they bad nothi ;g whatever to do with the legility or illegatity of the proceeding adopted by the Lord Mayor; and even assum ing it to have been illegal, he was bound to tell them that a person would be guilty of a riot in the eve of the law, if is company with other persons, he acted in such a manner as to cause terror and alarm to her Majesty's subjects, even supposing it was to resist an illegal act. If the proceedings adopted against the defendants were illegal, the law gave them a remedy, and the Lord Mayor was as amenable to the law as the most humble individual, and they had no right to take the law into their own hands, and create a breach of the peace. The jury, after a short deliberation, returned a verdict against Kinchc,n, Mickey, Dadd, and Ireland, tirding theta guilty of a common assault, and acquitted Sinclair. Mr. Barn Rou ,- K. sentenced Kinchen to be imprisoned for six weeks, and the others for three week• 3 each. POLICE INTELLIGENCE. BOW-STREET. James Odell was charged with being concerned, with others lilt in custody, in sealing a purse from William Taylor, a painter and glazier. The prosecutor stated that shortly before two o'clock, on Sunday morning, he was standing in Great Wild-street, Drury-lane, with a frend, when the prisoner, and ten or a dozen other persons, who were passing along the street, sur rounded hint. One of them caught hold of his arms, to prevent him from resisting, while the others occupied them selves in searching his pockets. The prisoner took the purse from his pocket and handed it to one of his companions, who ' immediately made off with it. The prisoner disappeared in some of the alleys leading out of Wild. street. Witness went direct to the station-house, and there he found the prisoner in the hands of the police. A policeman in private clothes said that he, together with another constable was its Wild-street at the time, and saw the attack on the prosecutor, but, on account of the great disparity of numbers, they deemed it most prudent to look en at a distance. They saw the prisoner and his companions going into some of the narrow lanes in that neighbourhood, but the prisoner returned in a few minutes, and they, after a long chase, took him into custody and brought him to the station-house where they met the prosecntor ' who immedi ately ideatified. him. He was well known to the police. The prisoner denied his identity. Mr. JARDINE, at the request of an attorney who attendei for the prosecution, remanded the prisoner till Thursday. MARLBOROUGH-STREET. Sarah Ana Shear-man, a fashionably-dressed, good-look ing female, about 18 or 20 years of age, described on the po lice charge-sheet as residing at No. 46, North-street, Sloane street, Chelsea, was charged with the following daring robbery : James Brown, police-constable, No. 142 of the F division, stated that between tour and five o'clock on Saturday after noon last, he was with police-constable Jesse Jeupes,'No. 146 of the C division, on duty in plain clothes in Regent-street, and saw the prisoner looking at some shawls in the doorway of the shop of Mr. Chillies Nicholls, No. 72, shawl-dealer anti fur icr. A cluster of boas were beside the shawls. The prisoner took hold of one of them, as if to look at it, and then giving it a pull, drew it from the other, and one end fell on the ground, she keeping hold of the other, and drawing the boa after her as she was going away from the shop. Wit mess was running; across the way to her when she caught sight of him, and, leaving the boa on the pavement, about two feet from the shop-door, set off running along Air-street. She was instantly pursued, but, owing to the extreme fleet ress with which she ran, she was not not stopped until she had reached a considerable distance. The prisoner said that she certainly bad been looking at the shawl and some boas hanging at Mr. Nicholl's shop-door, but that she was not aware of one of the latter having fallen at her feet. The prisoner was committed to take her trial. The constables have micertained that the address she gave is correct. She has resided there for nine months, but how she obtained her living is not known. COUNTY OF HADDINGTON PROTECTIONISIS DEFEATED. FRIDAY, FEB. 6.—A meeting was held here to-day, in th Assembly Rooms. The room was crowded. Mr. AITCHIS,IN, of Alderston, said—This rneedng has been called by a requisition, signed by thirty-one Lai ;ideals, in which no one is invited who is not favourable to protection to native industry. As there are a number of gentlemen in this room who are not in the practice of being here, we think it proper to state that it will be understood that they are either favourable to our views, or it will be understood that if that be not the case t !icy shall leave this room.—(llisses.) Lord JOUN HAY said, I beg leave, fa one, to protest against the proceedings of such a meeting.—(Applause.) I think that the only way to settle this important question is to take a fair, manly, and liberal view of it.—(Applause.) After a stormy discussion, the party ,favourable to the present system of protection to agrimture withdrew to another room, making no visible diminution in the numbers of the meeting. The chair was then taken by Mr. Dodds, the Provost of Hadd ing ton. Lord Juror HAT made a long and able speech in fayonr of free trade, and resumed his seat amidst enthusiastic ap plause. _ _ After several other speeches and resolutions had been listened to, and the latter unanimously carried, three cheers were proposed for Lord John Hay, and were enthusiastically given. Three hearty cheers were also given for the League. The meeting thou broke up, after the usual compliment to the Chairman. ADJOURNED MEETING OF THE REQUIZITIOVISTS.—The party opposed to Sir Robert Peel's measure (a small minority of the meeting) having left the large room, re-assembled in a smaller apartment adjoining, and there agreed to present petitions to both Houses of Parliament against any relaxation of the present protection to native industry. It is the opinion of Dr. Lushington and the late Sir William Follett, that there is no law to compel parishes to pay a salary to parish clerks, It is rumoured in the political circles that the Duke of Northumberland intends to give his support to Sir R. Peel's measure regarding the corn-laws and commercial policy. It is said to be the intention of the associated mill owners of Manchester, immediately after Sir Robert Peel's measure shall have become law, to reduce the hours of fac tory labour from twelve to eleven hours. We understand that the Marquis of Abereorn has accepted the office of Groom of the Stole to Prince Albert, vacant by the resignation of the Marquis of Exeter.—Tintes. 131:MEDIATE ABOLITION OF THE CORN -LAW S.—DSc, Ashurst, Mr. Johnson, of Bishopsgate Ward, and Mr.llarding of Farringdon Without Ward, waited yesterday, upcn the Lord Mayor, to request that his Lordship would convene a Court of Common Council on the earliest possible day, for the purpose of discussing the propriety of petitioning Parliament for the immediate abolition of the corn-laws. The Lord Mayor informed the deputation that he should return an answer to them in a very short time, and in all probability call a Court on an early day. INCREDIBLE STO/ti.—" A letter from Harnburg:h' of the 30th ult.," says the Paris Constittdioneei, Cdetails_ur t th of Court following adventure which lately took place at the Berlin Th b e e li tw it e t be organised thed orderedfortress aof grands_Spandau, dau, bunt allto between Berlin Prussian and b d • the sportsmen of the Court according l y assembled at the place of rendezvous at three on the a 3 lixed. At the head of these was the Prince R o y al, brother - • the Prince showed signs of impatience ; Illajesty not arriving, of the His and, offer waiting for a u hour, ordered the g ran d huntsman t o commence the hunt. The latter, however, ventured re spectfully- t o point out to his Royal Highness the risk he would run of incurring the royal displeasure by so doing. The Prince replied that he would take the responsibility on himself, and the hunt accordingly commenced. The king shortly afterwards arrived, and, highly indignant, sent for the grand huntsman (".aster of the hounds). Arrived in the royal presence, he was about to explain that it was in ac cordance with the orders of the Prince Royal that he had acted; but before he had time to open his mouth he experi enced from the King the most flagrant outrage—his Ma jesty spat in his face. The first movement of the grand huntsman was to place his hand on his sword, upon which the King drew back. The huntsman then took a small pistol fr , .m his belt, and placing it to Us heal, blew out his own brains.'" WINDSOR, SUNDAY EVENING.—The Duchess of Kent was present at Divine worship this morning, at the parish church of St. John. Lady Fanny Howard and Colonel Sir George Cowper were in attendance upon ber Royal Highness. Prayers were read by the Rev. Mr. Gould, and the sermon was delivered by the Rev. Isaac Gossett, the vicar. Her Royal Highness will take her departure for town on Tuesday, to be present at the grand evening party to be given by her Majesty at Buckingham Palace. Dzs.Trt 4 , 1 , REAR• A DMIRAL EDWARD S. CLAY.— We have to record the decease of the above flag-officer, who expired on Tuesday last, at Southwell, Notts, at the advanced age of seventy-eight years. He had been nearly sixty-three years in the service, having entered the navy in 1783. The deceased Admiral was Lieutenant of the Venerable, at the glorious victory obtained by Lerd Duncan, over the Dutch fleet, off Carnperdown, in 1797, when he was severely wounded in the engagement, and for which he received the annual pension of 3001. At the expedition to the Helder he was also actively employed; and in 1801 he commanded the Zebra bomb vessel, at the defeat of the Danish fleet at Copenhagen. His commission was dated as annexed : Lieutenant, March 19, 1794 ; Commander Dec. 3, 1799 ; Captain, April 29, 160 E ; and Rear-Admiral (on retirement) , Jan. 10, 1837. TWE PUNJAUD.—Mr. Wyld, of Charing-cross, has just published a map of the theatre of war in India , ,ery town, and at avery moderate price. It exhibits the positiononfnk s e of each of the almost every hamlet and village on the b I, battles on the ii five rivers; and will be found extrer , ely , the for reference when the official dispatches, de.ser i Sutlej, reach this country. —At W'es a t, n a u n m d er Eastous L m ot e h e ia ti n n , g he o lel f . Exchange, it was unanimously in the Royal on Wednesday committee to draw up a memorial to the M te E n E a l n l t N -f G arm OP ers -F o l f a the Ead, resolved to appoint n a g for compensation, and the conversion by Sir R. Peel regarding in the event of proposedortjramY,i)ney rents into grain rents, the corn., carried into e ff ect.—Edinburgh Advertiser. i o n f w t s he a ir c p ., re b s e e: ng t w o , e , s l l : l te a ee m ras e ssa bi rd ' e h dr, e a r ins sp ed a ne r us k tsi l ,n i , r e l i g ds -t(-- -h7roe T T b e nr e 'ne g ua l seu t n i r i te u aof Mrs ... Gore has hit, it appears, upon a 1 n n o t t h t: e e r e c socialevil, llll : Ae o n t h ni e oonv l ,e i l e iN l , end graceful pen. ed h a i ll : lP h e cl , to .' do a great right " b' "doing a little wrong." We are i ready and willing to accept the compromise, especially when 1 efWeted by mea ns so agreeable as a lively and amusing novel of the day. not no ,ad ich res we in- vne, ro e , ha ffie j ', oaeo