The Sun. — London, England, 1837-12-21 00:00:00

S hould the country then complaiiri=4 the Parliament 1 "Ild presume to say, "it was arranged in 1837—it watt *fl anged for your Majesty's life—that so much etsly hould b e granted ; it was arranged, no doubt, in the (lark, but you had the benefit of any fall in the price of provisions—you had the chance of any rise in the value of money—you had the chance of things getting better—no doubt it has turned out worse for you—there has been a rise in the Price of provisions—or there has been a fall its the value or roney instead of the reverse ; the answer would then e---No, Parliament is niggardly--it will not con sult th e due dignity o f the Grown—nor the decent support of the Royal Family." Now, my Lords, if there be any poss ibility of reasoning of the future from the past So as to give us a right to estimatevrhat would be the result of such a Message—what would be the result of such an ap- Peal to Parliament—as certain as you look back to the past as certain it is that Parliament would be orercome in the cone test --th a t Parliament would give up its ground as it always hitherto had done—it will then make a new arrangement, and not suffer any one to plead the final and conclu sive nature of the arrangements now made.—(Hear, and cheering.) Such, my Lords, was the case frequently— it. the reign of Geo. 111., the arrangement was opened on equent occasions—again and again. In the reigns of Geo. IV. and the late William IV., such was not the ease ; but, my Lords, in all probability, that arose because of the shortness of the reigns of those Monarchs. The former reigned for only ten years, Mid William the Fourth unhappily reigned for only Seven years after the arrangement made in 1830. But my Lords, I am now propounding an arrangement for a Civil List which is not likely to last for only six or seven years, but for half a century. If lam told this is a great change, and a great novelty, I say it is not like that greet novelty and arrangement which the Noble Lord had justly eulogised at the restoration. Are there no differences in the circumstances of our condition now and in former feigns ? William the Fourth, at the age of sixty-eight ascended the Throne. George the Fourth, when the Civil List was made, was considerably past sixty years of age. Therefore, we are driven back to the reign of George th e Third, in order to find a parallel.—(Hear, hear.) In George the Third's time, I would ask your Lordships, whether what took place then bears any analogy to the 'present ? There is no analogy between the position of the country now, and its position in the' year 1760. Instead of a hundred millions of national debt there were now a thousand millions, weighing upon all the resources f the country, and fettering and cramping the industry of the subject in every way in which it could be cramped. In stead of an establishment of seven millions, they had one stow of twenty millions. Instead of the interest on the debt being four millions it was near twenty-five millions. The two cases could only be placed together for the sake of con trast, and therefore he held it no argument that, because they had adopted one course in the year 1760, they should therefore adopt the same in this year, regard being had to the different circumstances of the two periods. But, even if they were then in the year 1760, and had to make that arrangement over again, after the experience which they had had of the results of that course, he thought it would Scarcely be considered advisable to adopt the same again. In the year 1760 Parliament was then legislating, as they 'were now, for half a century prospectively. Then a final arrangement was made that the Monarch should have so much for all the days of his life. Men flattered themselves that the settlement then made was to be conclusive, and that the chances were to be taken by either party as they might fall out, whether detrimental or benefi cial, What was the result ? In about seven years—he Was quite sure not more than nine—the former arrangement was found to be inapplicable, and the bounty of Parliament Was again appealed to, on the ground that there was a change in the value of money, a change in the state of so ciety, and, in fact, that the circumstances of the case were altered altogether. The debt was increased half a million Upon that occasion ; but still they went on making arrange raents, and nine years had not elapsed when a second appli cation came. Again the agreement was opened—the con tract was set at nought—and a further 600,0001. paid. Still they persisted, in the face of all that experience, pointing out clearly the wholesome and rational course, to pursue the same track, and to attempt or pretend to pass a law which was to last for half a century. Let it not, however, be said, when Parliament was appealed to at a future time, and when their successors came to remark upon their con duct—let it not be said that no warning had been given to their Lordships of the consequences of the course they were pursuing, and tleat no notice had been fairly and ex plicitly given of what, in all probability, would be the result of their conduct s They knew what would be the conse quences if tl% e contract turned out to be unfavourable to the Crown ; but, if it proved favourable, did any one be lieve thr-s the arrangement would go for nothing ? If the price of provisions should be raised, and the money should not go as far as was expected—if the state and circumstan ces of society were altered, and men's minds were prepared Ia look for greater refulgence at Court—then would their pleading be that this settlement must go for absolutely frothing, and the arrangement must be made again ; but if, on the other hand, and he put this case as a bare possibility, if the money should be found to go further than was a pre sent anticipated—if the rapid progress of manufactures in this country should have the effect of rendering the sources of expense more cheap—if, by the means of great improve ments in agriculture. raw produce should become lower in Price—and if it should be found that, do what they would, they could no longer hold by the Corn Laws—if they found , that the people of this country would not allow the Corn Laws any longer to continue, and would not endure to buy corn and eat bread at 625., the quarter on this side the Channel, whilst on the other the same, or better bread was to be obtained at 305., and no more—it; then, they were forced (of course, he meant their reasons forced, in despite of their feelings and interest), if they were compelled, on finding re sistance utterly vain, to yield--he meant all resistance vain Ito the arguments, which, one after another, kept pressing upon their judgments—if then, by their reason, by their judgment, and by their patriotism, they should be com pelled to yield and give up the corn laws, and if thereby the price of corn should be lowered, and if 1/. should be found to go as far as 30s. would now, by the combined effects of itnprmed agriculture, improved manufactures, and repealed Corn laws—if that should turn out to be the state of things, then he would bee leave to ask any one calmly to reflect and answer this short question :—" What chance ``nnld there be of the Crown or the Minister of the Crown not Pleading in answer to any application for a revision under the altered circumstances of this present arrange ment, and saying, as had been said over and over again in the other House of Parliament and elsewhere, during the life of the Sovereign this is a bargain, and a bargain which must be kept ?'" So that when it was against them it was to be a bargain and must be kept—it was to be final, and could not be altered—it was to be absolute, irrevocable —binding their fate ; in fact they were to loge by its being a bargain, whilst the other party were to derive the benefit of its not being tangible. When to an application for a fresh arrangement they pleaded the contract made in 1837, the custom would be, as usual, that justice and honesty, and a due regard to the dignity of the Sovereign, required that that contract should be treated as waste Paper. So much for a general view of the nature of such prospective arrangements, a view backed by all the expe rience on the subject. He would now call their attention to the state of imperfect information in which they were left. If it were assumed that this system of prospective legislation were to be adopted on the present occasion, he Prayed them to . remark how entirely they were left in the dark as to the present amount of revenue, which they were about to give to the Sovereign. The question now was, how much it was fit they should confer on the Sovereign by way of revenue for the proper maintenance of the dignity of the Crown ? Could any thing be more natural than, before giving an answer to that question, to inquire how much the Sovereign had already ? The object was to give an ample and liberal pro vision, but not more than was necessary. The question was, what was necessary for the due support of the dig nity ofthe Sovereign. All he had a right to know was, that his Noble Friend said not that 395,0001. was the sum necessary for the present Sovereign-335,0001. having been found sufficient for the last—not merely that 10,000/. was to be added—but that, in addition to that which her Ma jesty had without tr ee interference of Parliament, the sum of 395,000/. wr.„ required. The Crown now possessed cer tain revenu... s ; and the question now administered to the House `',as, in addition to the funds at present in it s pea sessio at , with which Parliament had not meddled, how much as. it necessary to give, in order that the sum total might ' 3 .e adequate to the maintenance of the Regal dignity. Per haps he could tell that 395,000/. was enough of itself ; but then the very foundation of this Bill was, that besides the 'Unknown sum—be it. what it might—it called upon their Lordships to say that the sum required was 395,000/. ad ditional. With regard to the funds, lie should like to see any Noble Lord—whether a Member of the Go vernment or the Opposition—exhibit the confidence to argue the proposition that these were private funds, and not Fablic property, belonging to the Sovereign Daly in ties right of the Crown. He could not ex- Peet that such an argument would come from the Ministerial benches, when lie remembered the ala crity with w bide his Noble Friend had acceded to his tnotion the tither night for certain papers connected with those revenues. But if any Noble Lords on the other side should be prepared to argue in support of that propo sition he slim itild be ready to meet him, and to contend that they were es much the revenues of the Crown as the 395,000/ w hich they were about to grant in the dark. The debate on the proposition for the production of these Papers came on to-morrow, and yet to-day they were called upon to let ;islate thus blindly and in the dark. Something bed been st rid the other night about an oath binding the Officers of the Duchy of Cornwall to secresy, but there SITN,•LONDON, TnUnSnAlt, 21, 1M cessarily come before it. And yet, notwithstanding all the fa , cits; Mid 10 Rbsoltit6 lgtioratiee 4ny hddelpFlon to *ilia that bothiiiitte6 Might come; Their toFclships wele ed tgion to give their &win:ince and sanction td tHttt tali cli blight tiny id lit Veeit banded, upon the report and recommenthition Cbdiiiilttee; 'the Committee which had sat upon the Civil List had made its Report, and scanty as that Report was, it still afforded some materials fbr legislation, and some grounds for sub seqlient Ariei hßilhq; atiptliutild a I Committee it was not the duty of Parliament to act in such a nianner as to show a disposition to go beyond that which had been prescribed as the scope and limit of its la bours and would not any man think that if it was neces sary to have one Committee on the Civil List and another Committee on the Pension List it was equally necessary to await the RepOrts of both, and not to let the Civil List Committee only make its report, and to lay hold of it alone, paying, no attention whatever to what the Committee on Pensions might do ? If they had any way of knowing in what sort of terms that Committee was likely to report in such a case he could understand some sort of reason for the haste which had been adopted ; but this extraordinary degree of hasty legislation was far from reconciling him to the arrange ment which it was now proposed to their Lordships to agree to ; and he could not help observing that all this haste had been used, and all these exertions applied, for the sole pur pose of compressing the full completion of all these matters connected with the Civil List within the limits and compass of the present week. But why, let him ask, had they not brought all these matters forward three or four weeks earlier ? Why not have brought them forward in October instead of November ? Why not have called Parliament to gether earlier, and have abided by the decision of a Com mittee ? If Parliament had been assembled at an earlier period the suspense which prevailed upon other matters might have been terminated. The affairs of Canada might have been settled, and something might have been done in unison with recommendations in which kindness and conci liation were as remarkable as discretion and firmness, to have induced the Noble Lord near him (Lord Glenelg) to have withheld in time the adoption of those fatal steps— steps against which he (Lord Brougham) had protested at time—which had sown in that colony the seeds of injustice and oppression. He had known Parliament called together in October in times of bloodshed ; and if such a course had been adopted on the present occasion they would then have had as many weeks as they now bad hours, not only for passing this Bill for securing the splendour and dignity of the Crown, but to have removed the unfortunate chance of one of its brightest jewels being plucked from it by a want of justice and consistency in the councils of Government—a want which had handed over her Majesty's subjects on the other side of the Atlantic to agitators, armed with a weapon which, of all others—no matter whether called into action at home, in Ireland, or in Canada—was the most formida ble—the weapon of a just grievance, arising out of the in justice of: the measures of Government. He considered, then, that the period at which Parliament had met ought not to be brought forward as the plea for the haste which had been adopted. He felt, however, that he had discharged his part, and it only remained for him to thank their Lord ships, with so many of whom he so widely differed in poli tics, most humbly and respectfully for the manner in which they had listened to and borne with him. The Noble Lord then concluded an eloquent speech (which, owing to the partial and indistinct manner in which much of the latter part of it reached the gallery, we are not able to give very fully), by stating that the people of England revelled in the hope that their young Sovereign would be all they had so fondly desired. They had poured out their hearts and minds in grateful devotion to that Princess, whose reign they prayed might be long, and marked by no other qualities than those which were best calculated to allay discontent on the part of the people, and to teach statesmen the salutary lesson, that the more liberty they gave the people, the less they pressed on them the weight of the prerogative to-day, the more peaceful they would render them, the more they would cause the Constitution to be prized, and the more safely they might to-morrow proceed to complete the work they had commenced, with the assurance that whatever new power they might add to the people of England would only serve to make the Sovereign and the Constitution become more beloved—more secured. The question that the Bill be read a second time was then put from the Woolsack and agreed to, and their Lord ships adjourned at Twenty Minutes to Eight o'Clock. The Countess of Munster's accession of fortune, by the demise of her noble father, is about fifty thousand pounds. The Noble Earl has purchased a magnificent mansion in Brunswick-terrace, Brighton. THE NEW NOVEL BY THE AUTHOR OF " BRA M MATTE House."—" Jane Lomax" is, without question, Mr. Horace Smith's most attractive production. There is the same polished style, the same high moral tone that distinguished its predecessors; but the characters are more vividly drawn and the narrative much more dramatic. The idea of the story is novel, and worked out with great spirit. The character of the mother, a domestic Lady Macbeth, is as bold as it is new, and is well sustained to the last. The sketch of the husband is equally true; and there is a grace and sweetness in the pic. ture of Benjamin that belongs to poetry."—Literary Gazette. PROGRESS OF EDUCATION.—Dr. Thos. Murray is at present delivering a course of lectures on Political Eco nomy in the town of Dunfermline, and is attended by an audience of One Thousand Persons, of all ranks, ages, and occupations. Among them, be it mentioned to their honour, are the seven clergymen of the town, three of them of the Established Church, and four Dissenters. Dunfermline con tains 16,000 souls; so that one-sixteenth part of the whole population, men, women, and children, are Dr. Murray's hearers. Such a fact is nearly unprecedented in the annals of instruction, and strongly indicates the activity of intellect of the people, as well as the attractions of Dr. Murray's prelec tions.—Scotsman. Yesterday morning the adjourned inquest dp the body of Thomas Hawe was resumed, and the jury, after a consultation of twenty minutes, returned a verdict of " Wil ful Murder against George Clutterbuck," and the Coroner ac cordingly issued his warrant for the committal of the prisoner. IRELAND AND THE IRISH.—Mr. Crofton Cro ker has just completed his editorship of the memoirs of the famous chieftain, Holt. He was certainly the most enter prising and distinguished leader of the Irish Rebels in the field, and under very singular circumstances. The reasons which led to printing the memoirs of Theobald Wolfe Tone, are the same which induced the publication of the memoirs of Josephs Holt; in the first place, as presenting " a most cu rious and characteristic piece of auto-biography," and in the second, as calculated to gratify the general desire for infor mation on the affairs of Ireland. Monday afternoon, about five o'clock, the passen gers going over London-bridge were surprised by a ship going athwart the Southwark side of the structure with a frightfu crash. The progress of the vessel, which turned out to to the brig Exchange, of Jersey, laden with a cargo of pot.toes, was stopped by her masts striking the upper part of the bridge, when several spars were carried away, and her main-yard was suspended over the foot-pavement, over the first arch, on the Surrey side, with part of the gear attached. The situation of the vessel attracted a great crowd of spectators, who, from the dangerous position in which the ship was lying, and the occa sional giving way of parts of her main gallery in conrtact with the coping stone of the bridge, expected nothing less than a fresh water shipwreck under the metropolitan communication between Southwark and London. As the tide rose the situa tion of the brig became every moment more critical, and her main gallery continued cracking under the copinr , stone, while the ship itself heeled over towards the starboard side and the cross trees snapped asunder. Soon after six the tide was at its height, and the ship remained in nearly the same position as when she struck the bridge. As the tide began to ebb, the crew, assisted by some extra hands, engaged for the purpose, commenced sheering the vessel off from the bridge, but it was not until seven o'clock that they succeeded in getting her clear, when she was with considerable difficulty hauled back to her berth at Topping's-wharf, Tooley-street. The vessel has sustained great damage, particularly about her fore-part and upper works. It appears that the vessel came up with yesterday's tide to discharge her cargo at Topping's Wharf, and was lying in the tier when she had occasion to slack for the purpose of letting out another vessel which had just dis charged her cargo, and in doing so the stern rope was not slackened, in consequence of which there was no means of checkiug her, and the tide, which was running up very strong at the time, soon drifted her against the bridge in the manner described above. TuE ORTON MURDER.--William Wills, charged with the murder of Thomas Hunter, was brought up for fur ther examination, at Orton, on Monday last, and committed for trial at the next Assizes. E. W. Hasell, Esq., Sir G. Musgrave, Bart., Richard Burn, Esq., Rev. R. Milner, and Rev. W. R. Markham, were present, and unanimous in their opinion of the prisoner's guilt.—Kendal Mercury. SCOTCH DISTILLERIES.—A meeting of the brewers and occupiers of land, and others interested in the prosp er i t y o f th e Scotch Distillers, was held in the Salutation Hall, Perth, last Friday, for the purpose of considering the propriety of petitioning the Lords of the Treasury in support of the application and remonstrance by the Scotch Distillers in regard to the unequal administration and operation of the Excise Laws, by which the said Distillers labour under great disadvantages, as compared with their English neighbours, and are prevented from coming into market with their com modity on a fair footing of competition. The meeting was respectably hut not very numerously attended. Sir David Dundas of Dunira was in the chair. Sir John Richardson proposed a series of resolutions which were adopted. A pe tition to the Treasury, embodying the resolutions, was adop ted, with an understanding that a similar petition should be forwarded to the Legislature, should that step be found ne cessary. On Monday last a gentleman of this town, tired of single blessedness, summoned a party of his friends, for whom he hired a co mveyance. to accompany him to the neighbour ing town of Chorley with his " fair one," for the purpose of entering into the married state. On the arrival of the party, all were soon in readiness to repair to the church. On their w ay thither his intended met another lover, " more loved," who gave her the beck ; and, after proceeding a little further, she returned at full speed to the outskirts of the town, to meet her real favourite, leaving the whole party in utter asto nishment, and the forsaken Ccelebs to return to Preston as joy less and as wifeless as can be well conceived.—Preston Chron. FREE ADMISSION TO NATIONAL MONUMENTS, &c. . 1d EDlraii at VIP gviv, SlR,—i perceive s‘ofif tleitr*,"tifi Ban ei a'n drtiele from the .ilforning Post, that that journal hdn. feni6'd ifs spleen on the Corninittee for the above object ; and, ag I ita4e the honour ofa Hiroo t Vrfion of its notice on the occasion, ITV will perhaps do me the ftifeili 14/ irrsert also this answer to its ebulit ions. The writer allows the object of the Commi'L s let to be, with cthtie restrictons, a desirable one, and therefore his regret that it has fatted it;ti hands that necessitate resist ance or delay. He represents Lad Sohn Russell, Mr. Hume, and myself, as devoid of sense or temper; bat pos sessed of a good cause ; whilst, on the other hand, Dr. Ire. l.tnd, the Dean of Westminster, is described as a man who has been one of the most distinguished scholars of his day, but enlisted in support of a bad one ; for, after considering the letter and memorial of that very Reverend Gentleman against free admission to the Abbey, he again says—" We admit that it is a desirable object," adding, " we are of opi nion that the public should be admitted gratuitously to the inspection of our national edifices, ecclesiastical, military, and civil, except in such instances as that of the Tcwer of London, in respect to which the reasoning of the Duke of Wellington seems to us to be conclusive and unanswerable." It thus appears, that, in spite of the arguments of one of the most distinguished scholars of the day, his friend of the Post decides that we ought to be admitted gratuitously to Westminster Abbey—aye, and to St. Paul's, and to the civil as well as to the ecclesiastical edifices—ergo, the Royal Academy exhibition—although the President be any thing but civil to us—and to the military, with the exception of the Tower. Verily, this must be to the barracks and guard rooms. What a wise amendment to the proposal of the Committee! Instead of opening the historical collections of the Tower, two or three hours a day, to that portion of the community (the working classes), that would rather seek objects of instruction than waste their leisure at the public house, this considerate friend of the Church would allow free admission to places which, in the opinion of the best men, are productive of neither instruction nor imprOve ment—that every servant in the north of London might spend her leave of absence at the barracks near the Re gent's-park, and those westward enjoy the same privilege at Knightsbridge. But what is it that the public desires? Free access, at all convenient times, to every place built at their expense, or containing public property, calculated to improve the condition, the mind, or the character of the people. We claim unpaid, but not unrestricted admission to Henry the Seventh's Chapel, the place of sepulture of our Princes, on which Parliament has in a few years sp( nt 40,0001. of our money. We claim access to the monuments of Shakspeare, of Chatham, and others, who give dignity to the title of Englishmen ; we claim this right in virtue of the sums taken from the comforts of the poor in the reign of Queen Anne ; in virtue of the revenues granted by for mer Sovereigns ; we claim it in honour of the dead ; whilst our feelings instruct us to listen for the church bell, not as a signal for lounging among the effigies of the great to the annoyance of the pious, as it has hitherto been, but to dis tinguish the hour of prayer and adoration to a Supreme Being from the proper time for contemplating the images of human greatness. But men deeply read in the Divine law say to the poor—you must either gaze on the monu ments of Nelson, of Howard, and of Johnson, or on those of Pitt and of Fox, at the very time that you ought to join in the praise of an all-wise Creator, or you shall not see them at all ; for the moment the last vibration of the anthem fades on your ear, the money collectors shall drive you from the House of God. We desire that no personal suffering to Churchman or Layman be the consequence of what the Committee ask for the improvement of the people ; but that due compen sation be made to all who deserve it. As to the arguments of the Duke of Wellington in favour of a total exclusion of even that respectable class of society that can afford one shilling, but will not give three to see the armouries of the 'rower, it is enough to say that this of course excludes not only the working man, but also every veteran on half-pay who might wish to breathe the spirit of glory in contemplating the arms of former great Generals. And then the unanswerable argument that danger would attend the admission of multitudes is unworthy the conque ror of Napoleon. With any thing like discipline, surely thirty, far less three hundred, men would exclude or dis perse any mob that could beset any entrance to the Tower. But matting of the kind can be expected. The effect of his Grace's letter is evidently to draw a line between the Aristocracy of wealth and the middle and working classes—between the plumed lordlings of a parade day, and the rusty heroes of a hundred fights. If, as the Duke states, there is not suffieient room for the people employed in the Tower, the remedy is clear ; let the curiosities be removed far from that scene of bustle and suspicion ; give us the treasures of knowledge, the remembrances of national prowess, amid we care little for the clumsy mass of brick and mortar, the dumb witness of treason and murder ; for we wish not to ponder on the crimes of a by-gone age, but to rejoice in the extension of intelligence, of liberality, and of happiness in our own. Men of all parties are united in our cause—surely the abuse of one who cm/mow/edges the propriety of the object will hurt no one. I have the honour to be, Sir, your obliged servant, London, Dec. 20, 1537. GEO. FOGGO. was no frvos'Atih for that statement. When the Duchy tip'Cornwall was separate from the Crown then there Ivo a Council attached to it, but when It tnefged ill tie tiedwil there were officers of the Duchy; hut tic) t:dtitteil ; thO'e was also a Cenrrit-ssioli tOti., tilW and al present his Noblie rigAd Lora Privy Seal and the Cliantqloi nt 111 Z Duchy were Members of that Commis- Stien, l'aid there were many officers attached to that Com mission who wer.; under no obligations of . secre,r Wholler an oath could supersede the laMllllllthUrity of Uourts of Law or Pariiament woula not express any decided opinion ; hut he IptvLi to guard himself from being supposed to be satishcl that such authority would not supersede the effect of an oath. He was by no means cleat that in all such oaths there was not an ittplied exception with respect to such lawful eethorities. He would now state one nt• two partirulah,, which were not obtained front any persons sworn, Or under any obligation of seeeesy. He understood in the Duchy of Cornwall and in that county there were ex tensive lands—between thirty and forty manors—ten of which had beea sold to redeem the land-tax. There were also parcels of land in Dorsctshire, Norfolk, Somersetshire, and Lincolnshire ; there were in the whole one hundred parcels of property of different kinds. But besides the surface and manorial rights there was a territorial revenue to a large extent. This property was either let for lives or for a term of years ; the practice had been to let it upon fines—to put in lives as they dropped, and take fines upon renewing the terms. The amount of revenue independ ent of fines could not be stated for a long course of years ; but from 1183 to 1808 the average amount of yearly rents was somewhere between 3,000/. and 4,0001., and the fines between 5,000/. and 6,000/. At that time they were peculiarly low ; before they had been much higher, as was evident from the fact that during the minority of the Duke of Kent out of the duchy of Cornwall no less than 223,0001. had been taken outof the net revenue. Between the years 1808 and 1813 no less a sum was obtained by fines, exclusive of all other sources of revenue, than 129,000/. Then there was a valuable piece of ground near Waterloo Bridge, called Prince's Meadow, which, within these five years, was let on a fine of 55,000/., at a nominal rent till 1841. There was also a part of Plymouth Harbour, called Sutton's Pool, which had been let on a fine of 12,000/., and at a nominal rent till 1841. There was clearly a certain increase on these two parcels of land. Thus two fines of 67,000/. de ducted from 129,000/. would leave 62,000/. How was that 62,000/, obtained ? The property was not let on lease. The argument of his Noble Friend then the other night, that they could not calculate the value of the land from the re turns for which he moved, might apply to those two fines which he had mentioned, but not to the rest, which were let for terms of years. All of them would fall in within the next two or three years, and every one of those leases, which amounted to 62,000/., might be taken again. Of this property a considerable portion was Mine property, and the Crown might, it was evident, in a few years put into its purse the 62,000/. But that was an asumption a great deal worse for his case than he was obliged to make. He had assumed that there had been no rise in the amount of revenue produced by the property ; but from its great improvement, from the vast depth of skill, the power of mind and machinery, which had been brought to bear upon underground property, not only in England but through out the world, and which had increased so largely the wealth of mankind—who was so little sanguine , who was so cold a calculator, as not to be convince that, instead of 62,000/., he might reckon the revenue at 80,000/., 90,000/., or even 100,0001. He had spoken to persons who themselves worked mines, and they had assured him that they would be glad to pay 30 or 40 per cent. on the fines if the Crown only chose to renew their leases and take fines. To be sure, it might be said that the Crown might be advised not to take fines, but to allow the lives to drop, and then to take rents. That was possible ; but it was no part of the Bill. That was his answer. It was impos sible that it should be any part of the Bill, as the Bill had been—he would not say hurried, because he wished to avoid saying anything that could give the smallest of fence—but carried through Parliament at a period when they must be totally ignorant of anything connected with the Duchy of Cornwall. What would be the conse quences of their present proceedings ? The Bill passed— they vested in the Sovereign for life 395,000/. Why, then, must the Sovereign, three or four years hence—and when be said the Sovereign he of course only meant her Minis ters, because they had lately got into a very unconstitu tional course of never saying anything about Ministers or responsible advisers, and their practices had wandered wide of the Constitutional path of knowing nothing about Kings and Queens, but dealing only with their responsible Ministers—but the Minister of the Crown, be he who he might—whether the Noble Viscount, if he should contit,u to hold office so long, or the Noble Duke, who might suc ceed him—would not be bound by this Act of Parliament, and he would be bound by no statement which might now be made, but would then still be at full liberty to take a fine to the amount which he had mentioned, instead of let ting the property at its present annual value. There was also another estate, called the Kennington estate, upon which he had heard that within ten years a fine of 100,000/. had been refused to be paid. That sum was assessed by the valuation of surveyors for the renewal of the lease, but the party could not afford it ; though it was well known that he would have 80,000/. or 90,0001. Was this, then, the best security that within five years—nay three months —a sum of nearly 200,000/. clear gain would not come to the Crown, and that a sum of which not the slighest account was taken in the present arrangement ? He bad stated those facts for the purpose of showing how much they were in the dark upon this subject. All those matters ought to have been laid before Parliament ; and then, per haps, they would take the opportunity of doing that which ought to have been done long ago, viz., compensating the Crown for the loss of the two Duchies of Cornwall and Lancaster, and putting them on the same footing with all the rest of the country. Then let them look to the ma nagement of those revenues. In ten years, ending 1819, he would venture to ask, how much was the gross revenue of the Duchy of Cornwall ? It was 333,000/. How much was the nct revenue—that was the test of the good ma nagement ?—it was 228,000/.—so that the expense of ma- nagement was I/. in every 3/.-1/. remained in the land for that expense. Further, there were very considerable encroachments on this property, to which attention ought to be called. Would their Lordships think it ? One estate originally of 45 acres, had been stretched to 200 ! That which was an estate of 45 acres fifty or sixty years ago—not by any miracle—not by any natural process— but by a very fraudulent process on the part of the tenant, had extended to 200 acres. When this worthy tenant was asked by an old m in who had known the original bounda ries of the estate , how i t hepp ened that it had increased to 200 acres, he replied, in the Cornish dialect, " That his grandfather bad been an industrious man, and was very good at hedging by candlelight."—(Lau„l.ter.) Hedging by candlelight was well known in that county, and was resorted to until tenants had quadrupled the original amount of their land, at the expense of the Duchy. Now, he submit ted that if those revenues were under the superintendence of the Noble Lord the Chief Commisiiioner of Woods and Forests, and if the whole expense were debited to the public, and the whole revenue credited to the public account, it was not likely that they would have to pay 33 per cent. of the gross revenue to defray the expenses of management, or that encroachments would be allowed to be made to such an extent as to quadruple the rents of the neighbouring estates. But it was said that the moment there was a Prince of Wales, these territories were a provision for him ; and that, accordingly, he never came to Parliament for any grants of money, but the Duchy would wholly provide for him. Why, was there ever such a proof of profound ignorance with respect to Princely natures ? Had they ever kept the Prince of Wales from .coming to Parliament for money ? True, they might have done so when he was merely Prince in case, but not after he had attained the age of twenty-one, after he had reached that period of life when he could spend and exhaust the revenue of the Duchy. No sooner had the Prince of Wales arrived at such an age than down he came, or the Minister for him, to Par liament for money, and asked for 50,000/. or 60,0001. a-year. Nor was that all ; for neither this enormous sum nor the rents and fines of the lands of the Duchy, sufficed for him, nor prevented his Royal Highness from coming again, from time to time, for large grants upon sudden oc casions, to enable him to pay his debts. So much, then, for the Duchy of Cornwall ; and, with respect to the Duchy of Lancaster, he was not on the present occasion disposed to make any observations. He should have thought that the natural course for the Government to have adopted then, was to have had all the accounts connected with this property laid in proper time before their Lordships' House, in order that their Lordships might have been enabled to form some opinion as to whether the income derivable from it for the next twenty or thirty years was likely to be 20,0001. or 30,000/. a-year. Many fines would in the course of that time be falling in, and in 1811 there would he an increase in the reve nue derived from Prince's Meadow to the amount of 5,000/. He had little doubt that the property would very shortly be worth owing to this incrase and to a better system of ma nagement, at least 30,0001. a-year. Without taking these revenues into consideration, Parliament was giving the Crown 395,0001. a-veer, and throwing in a sum of 8,000/. into the bargain. [The Noble and Lea rned Lord here made some observations respecting greets of pensions to literary and scientific men, but his remarks were not dis tinctly beard in the gallery.] But why, continued the Noble Lord, were all these arrangements made now ? A Committee upon the subject of pensions had been ap pointed. Had that Committee made its report? No. Had it commenced its inquiries ? No, it had made no inquiry at all. Had it sat ? No, it had not even sat. All that could be said of it was, that it had done nothing. It had called no witnesses—it had made no proposition— nor had it discussed any one of the topics which must ne- EAST INDIA SHIPPING. Arrivals.—Dec. 19, the Coromandel, Chesser, from Ben gal, in the Downs, 18th inst. ; sailed from the Sand Heads Aug. 1, and St. Helena Nov. 1. Dec. 20, the Hibeinia, Gilles, from Bengal, off Margate, 19th inst., sailed July 15, Cape of Good Hope Oct. —, and St. Helena Oct. 19 ; Meg Merrilies, Skinner, from the Cape of Good Hope, in the Downs, sailed Oct. 9, and St. Helena Oct. 24. Arrivals at St. Helena.—The Theodore, Oct. 6. from Batavia, and sailed the 28th, for Amsterdam; Canton Packet, Oct. 26, from China, and sailed for New Orleans; Henry Luke, Williams, Oct. 27, from China, and sailed for Boston; Triton, Blanc, Oct. 28, from Calcutta, and sailed for Bor deaux; James Turean, Turcan, Oct. 29, from Calcutta. and sailed the 30th, for Liverpool ; Brodes Frow, Oct. 29, from Batavia ; Malay, Welsh, Oet. 30, from Ceylon for London ; Jupiter, Ramsay, Nov. 1, from Calcutta, passed the Island for Demerara. Arrivals at the Mauritius.—The Symmetry, Saville, pre vious to Sept. 22, from Calcutta; Laurentia, from Nantes; Achilles, Duncan, from Ceylon, and to sail Sept. 26, for the Cape and London ; Faerie Queene, Holmes, from Liverpool ; Patriot, from Madras; and the Solide, from Bordeaux; Mi randa was to sail Oct. 8, for London. Arrivals in Table Bay (Cape of Good Hope).—The Alert, Gibson, Oct. 3, from Marseilles; Concordia, Kolme, Oct. 5, from Harlingen; Dorothy Gales, Moore, Oct. 5, from Liver pool ; Addison, Parker, Oct. 5, from Whaling, bound to Sairliaven with 2,200 barrels of sprrm oil. Departures from Table Bay.—The Boyne, Richardson, Oct. 1, for Bombay ; Margaret, Wilkie, Oct. 1, for the M:111- ritius; Skerne, Rice, Oct. 4, for Algoa Bay; Windsor, Henning, Oct. 5, for Calcutta. Arrival in Simon's Bay.—Her Majesty's ship Leveret, Bo sanquet, Sept. 29. from Gullimare. Arrival at Madeira.—The Falcon, Middlemist, from Lon don P 1 mouth. - -; Ships Loading at the Cape of Good Hope.—The Worn nity and Tickler fur the Mauritius; Lynker and Galatea, for New South /Vales ; Courier, for Calcutta; Transit and Ra pid, for the Mauritius; St. Helena, for Algoa Bay; and Re gent Packet, for Mosso' Bay. The Agrippina, Char:es Car ter, Kysna, and Alert, for —. QUICK PASSAGE.—We have just seen a letter re ceived by a gentleman in town, from Bhaugulpore, three hun dred miles up the Ganges, acknowledging the receipt, on the 3d September, of a packet despatched from this place on the 29th of June. It must therefore have gone in the short space of sixty-six days 1 We understand that three months is con sidered a fair passage.—Scolsman. The wing of - St. James's Palace overlooking the stable-yard, lately tenanted by the late Lady Barnard, is undergoing a course of repair and improvement. The wing of St. James's Palace, known by the name of the Queen's house, and at present occupied by some of the establishment of the Queen Dowager, will, it is said, be ultimately assigned as a residence for her Royal Highness the Princess Augusta, whose present apartments will, it is expected, be pulled down. The Lord Lieutenant visited the Dublin theatre in State on Thursday evening last, when the house was crowded to excess in every part. So great indeed was the anxiety to gain admission, that hundreds who could not procure scats were admitted behind the scenes. Mr. Kean performed Sir Edward Mortimer, in the Iron Chest, on this occasion, and on the following day had the honour of dining at the Castle. During this gentleman's engagement the theatre has been nightly thronged, and an interest excited unknown since his father's day. The Observateur of Brussels announces the death in that city of Lord Nairne, a Baron of Scotland, and states that his funeral took place on Wednesday, being attended by several persons of distinction. PRESERVATION OF JETHER, &C.—We perceive by an advertisement, in another part of our paper, that Messrs. Mordan have succeeded in making such an improvement in glass stopperitig, that rather and other volatile liquids can be pre served without the inconvenience of double stoppering, and in greater strength. PATENT MOULD-CANDLE MACHINE.— Mr. Morgan's patent machine for making mould-candles, in use at Mr. Tebbutt's, Deansgate, Manchester, is most ingeniously contrived to simplify the various processes, and to bring each its succession under the hand of the workman with the least possible delay. This is effected by a series of connected rail ways which present the frames of moulds iii regular succession, while other contrivances facilitate the cottoning, the fins.. ' of the moulds, and the discharge of the finished candles. We understand that by this improved process, One man. can do more work than three could do under the old process, and it appears to us that the candles are superior it, neatness and finish. Till we saw this machine we were not aware of the possibility of effect ing so good n'change in a process which seemed to be almost incapable of further improvement—Manchester Times. IRELAND. POOR LAWS.—We publish to-day the letter of Mr. O'Connell on the Ministerial measure. On Thursday the Hon. and Learned Gentleman will meet his constituents fot the purpose of discussing this question as well as the Irish Corporation " TO MY CONSTITUENTS. " Merrion-s-qoare, Dee. IS. " Fellow-Countrytnenr — l never in my life was so anxious to arrest public attention as I am on the subject of the Poor Laws. " Poor-lawn will certainly create a species of social re volution in Ireland. It will necessarily create a new and heavy charge on property—a charge which, when once COTTITIMICed, can never be remitted. " Ireland is the poorest country in the world, and the English Legislature proposes to relieve our poverty by a heavy taxation on the actual occupiers of our hous"s and lands. It may, perhaps, seem to others as it does decidedly appear to me, to be a singular mode of affording relief to Ireland, to charge the occupying inhabitants of the houses in her cities and towns, and of the lands in her counties, with a new and heavy tax. " I could understand the conferring a favour or bounty on Ireland by the people of England or of Scotland con tributing to the relief of our poor. But the taxing of the Irish to enrich the Irish is a process of a new kind, of which one cannot well see a satisfactory result. " Poor-laws, therefore, do not augment or increase the property of the Irish. Poor-laws do no more than to alter the mode of distribution of the property already existing. " The question, then, simply is this—will the new distri bution be more beneficial to the poor than the old ? " I admit at once that if this new distribution of pro perty, to be directed by the Poor Law Bill, be more useful to the poor than the old, Poor-laws ought to be adopted at once. " My own deliberate opinion, an opinion anxiously formed, is, that in no shape ever did a general Poor-law (I mean a Poor-law including able-bodied paupers), and that it never can, diminish the amount of poverty in any country however favourably circumstanced for the expe- riment. " My own fixed opinion also is, that a general Poor-law, instead of diminishing, does, on the contrary, augment the mass of poverty, and that this augmentation of poverty is an inevitable consequence inherent in the nature of a ge neral Poor-law, and not to be obviated by any, however skilful, system of management. " For the present I do not intend to argue that I am right in these opinions. So far from doing so, lam quite content that every one of those who read this address should deem these opinions erroneous. " The reason I abandon my objection to the abstract principle of poor-laws is simply this—because the Ministe rial Poor-law Bill for Ireland is so fallacious as a measure of relief for the Irish poor, that even those who approve of general poor-law must, if they will but reflect on the de tails of the proposed Bill, condemn it as emphatically as I do. " Now, let us understand one another on this subject. It is of the last importance that we all should clearly under stand what the proposed poor-law is—attend to these facts. "1. The new poor-law is to do this and no more—to erect 100 poorhouses in Ireland, and to provide for 800 persons in each poorhouse, that is 80,000 persons in all. " 2. These 80,000 are to be confined as prisoners within the poorhouses. They are not to be at liberty to go abroad and return. " 3. In these poorhouses the husbands are separated from their wives, and, in many instances, the mothers from their children. The internal discipline will necessarily be rigid, and the food rather below that which a labourer in agriculture can procure by his labour, if it be possible to have it lower. " Such is the proposed plan for the relief of the poor.' It consists of c onfinement—separation of families—rigid discipline, and low meals—untempting diet. The number of persons to be relieved not to exceed 80,000 in the whole island. " Such are the objects which the proposed Poor-law purports to attain. " It certainly was not for such a plan as this that our Irish advocates for Poor-laws contended. I will do them the justice to say, that their intentions were of a more be nevolent and extended description. All the arguments they used in favour of Poor-laws for Ireland' are totally inap plicable to the new Bill. Let us, I pray, go over these ar guments candidly and dispassionately, and then we shall perceive how utterly inapplicable they arc to this Poor-law. "1. It was insisted that a Poor-law would find employ ment for the poor, either by a labour-rate, to be expended in wages, or by the cultivation of waste lands, or the fabri cation of manufactured goods. " Everybody remembers the talent, and zeal, and fervour with which the Rev. Mr. O'Malley—the most able and distinguished supporter of Poor-laws—advised, and power fully advocated, some of the modes of employment thus alluded to. " Well, all their modes are thrown overboard. There is to be no labour-rate—no expenditure in wages—no cultiva tion of waste lands—no manufacture of goods. " The framers of the Bill lay it down as a principle es tablished by the clearest proofs, arising from experiments actually made in several counties, that pauper labour can never be made profitable. lam afraid—indeed lam con vinced—that this assertion is perli:etly true ; but, at all events, the principle is adopted by the framers of this Bill. There is to be no employment in the poorhouse, save in the nature of punishment, and to test destitution. " Let, therefore, those who advocated Poor-laws on the ground of their affording employment or wages, or profit of any kind,come forward now honestly and oppose this Bill. " So far from giving employment or wages, this Bill will diminish both, by taking away, in the shape of a rate, from the resident occupiers of Ireland that which they would otherwise have to expend as wages and in employing la bourers. " 2. It was stated, indeed, principally by flippant writers in English newspapers and reviews, that Poor-laws would eradicate pauperism in Ireland, or at least greatly diminish its sphere. " But the framers of this Bill tell us distinctly that a Poor-law can never eradicate pauperism ; in fact, they should candidly admit that it must increase the quantity of poverty by the direct amount of the tax or rate payable under the Poor-law by the class of persons who are only one degree removed at present from pauperism. Those persons, by paying the rate, will be reduced to the level of the paupers, and thus augment the number of persons requiring relief. " Observe this distinctly, that the framers of this Bill tell us that its design and object are not to eradicate po verty; these are their words, but to relieve actual desti tution'—destitution tested—that is, proved to exist by the party looking for relief submittiag to the confinement, se paration, discipline, and diet of the poorhouses. " 3. The advocates of Poor-laws told us that a Poor law would sompel the Irish landlords to attend to the in csests of their tenants, and not to turn them adrift off their estates ; because, if they did so, they—the land lords—would be compelled to support such tenants as pau pers, as they would have a right to be supported by the parish in which they had resided before expulsion from their farms. " This argument was founded on this assumption, that there would be a right of parochial settlement established by the Poor-law Bill, so that each parish should support its own poor. But the new Poor-law gives no right of set tlement—no pauper will have the least claim, by any pos sibility, on his parish. If he have any claim at all, it will only he on the district workhouse, and each district is to be twenty square miles. So that, even if the pauper were received into the district workhouse, the landlord would have but a paltry contribution to make, as he would only contribute in common with all the other inhabitants of the district—and this contribution is rendered still more trivial when it is recollected that the occupying tenants are to pay, for their own share, one half of the rate, and the landlord's proportion of the other half is to be as small as possible. " This Bill, therefore, will do nothing to prevent the landlords from first ruining and next turning adrift the tenants. The great evil o clearing estates, that is, driving numbers of poor people to perish in the dikes and ditches will be stimulated, not prevented, by this poor-law. " It will not be prevented, because the landlord will in cur no penalty or charge by turning adrift the tenants. " It will be stimulated, because the landlords will have the excuse of the existence of the w orkhouse, as proving that the tenants will not be as they are at present, de prived of all resource when turned out of their lands. " 4. The fourth and great argument in favour of poor laws for Ireland was this—that the poor-law would serve in the place of an Asentee tax, and would compel the absen tees to spend at least part of their rents in Ireland. " Alas ! alas ! this argument fails altogether. Toe New Poor-law does not touch the absentee scarcely at all. It is made designedly to spare the absentee as much as possible, and to charge and burden the occupier as much as possible. " Absenteeism, on a small scale, is said not to be injuri ous to a country. That may be true, because a small qua', tity of several species of poison is not destructive. But absenteeism on a large scale is like any other poison in a large dose—it destroys vitality. In Ireland every body now admits, and rational states men and economists have for more than a century admitted, the enormous evils of absenteeism. The produce of the coantry raised not to be consumed, or its price spent at home, but raised only to be exported without any return in money or goods—that produce might just as well be flung into the sea for anything Ireland benefits by it. Absen teeism is, indeed, the great evil of our land. It creates pe nury amongst our operatives—misery amongst our la- - Ty r•t4",', l ' oi bourers—poverty amongst our f arme distiesS . ,,amclgig our manufacturers—and spreads widelv itaiune4tlithe commercial men. " The most horrible consequence of , c t was that it enormously increased absentel " A thousand benevolent schemes were .; ktirtgAlp your to encourage landlords to reside amon g st-VS thousand plans were thrown out to prevail on them to do, their duty to their native country, by spending at least part of their rents amongst us—all in vain. " Well, here is an Act of Parliament in the direct reverse sense—here is a law which offers a bonus to every landlord to become an absentee. It actually pays him—that is, gives him a sum of money, for becoming and continuing an absentee. " Tlis Bill also punishes occupation of lands in Ireland. It leans heavily on every occupier of lands in Ireland. It leans lightly on every landlord who receives rents front Ire land, and spends them in England or elsewhere. it is mpbatically a landlord's Bill. 6 ' I have o!ten imagined the Union had nothing worse in s:ore for us. But evil has no bounds. The neglect and ontemptuous disregard of Ireland by the leading Englisla Radicals—the Spottiswoode gang conspiracy to ruin by litigation the popular representatives of Ireland—and now this Poor-law, punishing occupation or residence in Ireland, and encouraging absenteeism, comes to crown the entire, and caps the climax of mischief. For the present, I will draw to a close. I have briefly sl.o.vn that this Poor-law does not meet nny one of the great objects which the advocates for Poor-laws contem plated. Not one. " It does not attempt to give employment to any human being. "It does not purport to cure pauperism. It disclaims any attempt to eradicate poverty. It gives no right of settlement, nor does it hold out any penalty or pecuniary punishment to the desolating landlord who depopulates his estates. On the contrary, it actually encourages such a landlord, by affording him an excuse for his cruelty. "It does not check or punish absenteeism. On the contrary, it affords a direct bonus and reward to the ab- sentv. " It punishes by a heavy pecuniary charge the occupiers of lands and houses in Ireland. " The only relief it affords is the locking up of 80,000 men, women, and children in 100 workhouses ; and this is called a provision for the poor of Ii eland !' " My next letter, which I hope to publish on Wednes day, will point out the iniquitous mode in which the Poor rate is to be levied. This will demand the most serious attention. " The public are totally ignorant of the opp ressive mode in which the Poor-rate is intended to be levied. We did not last year arrive at that part of the Bill, so that no discussion has as yet been had upon it. " For the present, I will only state the fact—that one half the rate is to fall absolutely, and without any allowance or abatement, on every occupier of land. More than one half of such occupiers have no profit whatsoever. " That the whole rate will fall without any allowance upon every occupier of a house in every town and city almost without any possible exception. " 1 beg of my c onstituents to hold this in mind. Let them not blame me if they suffer this Bill to pass without remonstrance. " The plain sense of the thing is this :—lf we are to have a poor-rate, let it be paid out of rents, not by occu piers. Let those who receive the rents pay the poor-rates. This will meet the absentee, and be something of an ab sentee tax. Rents in any country, but especially in Ire land, ought to be the source out of which the burdens on the landed property should be paid. I shall return again to this subject. " I have the honour to be, fellow-countrymen, your ever faithful servant, " DANIEL O'CONNELL." NATIONAL TRADES' POLITICAL UNlON.—There was a numerous meeting of this body last Monday, at which Mr. O'Connell attended, principally with a view to point out the evils arising from combination. In the first place however, he took a glance at political affairs, and declared that day by day he became more and more convinced of Ilea necessity of a repeal of the Union, a conviction, however„ . which was not to be supposed as intimating the remotest dissatisfaction with Lord Melbourne's Government. His conviction had rather to do with the English Ultra-Radi cals, of whose sympathy with Ireland the Learned Gentle man does not appear to have a very deep impression. In his remarks upon the evils of combination, whether it was distinguished by the lawful though sometimes unwise regu lations of trade, or those sworn confederacies known by the name of the " Billy Welters," &c., to whom he` traced the murder of the unfortunate Gamley—in these remarks he experienced some decided, though not general, ex pressions of disfavour. One was heard to exclaim, " Then you must do without my vote," and other tokens of disap probation found utterance. Several of the journeymen spoke, and there is to be another meeting on Friday. The Dublin Eveiling Pust, referring to this meeting, says, " We defy the bitterest enemies of Mr. O'Connell to gainsay the assertion, that he is rendering the most valu able, the most substantial, and, we trust, the most lasting services to the working men of the community, and, of course, to the community itself. With all our experience of Mr. O'Connell's powers—with, as we believe, a thorough knowledge of his capacity to wield masses of men, and to maintain a stand-tip fight against a host of antagonists—his success yesterday, and the powers he brought into action to insure the victory over a body of his own constituents, passionately opposed to his object—these, we say, have been to us, who have accompanied Isis career so long, not merely topics of admiration, but surprise." TRANQUILLITY OF THE COUNTRY.-Our anticipation of the speedy restoration of tranquitiity in the county of Limerick, through the exertions of the police alone, has already been fully verified. The following is from a Tory journal—the Limerick Chronicle :—" We are happy to announce that there has not been this week an outrage perpetrated in this county. The military in this county have got orders not to parole by day, which they were in the habit of doing." RIOTING IN OUTERARD.—By the Connaught Journal, which reached us on Saturday, we learn that there has been some rioting, touching a question of boundaries, be tween the tenants of Mr. Martin, the Member for the county of Galway, and those of Mr. O'Flaherty, of Lemon-t4dd. The affair occurred in the Barony of Movcullen, near Outerard. We have received from another q uarter some farther particulars—which we shall state in our next. In the meantime, we learn the matter is considered of such a nature as to warrant Government in sending down a gentleman to investigate the circum stances of the case. The curiosity of the case is this :—lt seems that Mr. O'Flaberty disputes the bounds laid down by the Government sum vevor, and that a Mr. VignolesL not the ci-devant Carlow Magistrate of the name, but his nephew—has recommended that informations should be sworn against Mr. Martin, and that the Member for the county should be held to bail. Your Vignoleses, it would seem, are a valorous generation. We have heard that there is some party feeling in the transaction. Of course Mr. Vignoles is not influenced by any such c ons.:deration. But, in our next, we shall endeavour to make the matter intelligible to our readers.—Dublin Evening Post. LOVE, A NOVEL, BY LADY CHARLOTTE BURY. —There is, we think, an attraction in this announcement, which few will be able to resist. A novel, not merely in which love takes the leading part (for in what novel does it not ?) ; but one, the sole subject of which is la belle passion; and from the pen of one who for years reigned undisputed Queen of that possession which is at once the parent, the food, and the object of that passion. The loveliest woman of her day giving to the world a histwy of which Love is the theme, is a circum stance which cannot fail to excite an extraordinary degree of curiosity among our fair readers, and we doubt not that they will be gratified to their heart's content, THE DUCHESS OF MARLBOROUGH'S PRIVATE. CORRESPONDENCE, illustrative of the Court and Times of Queen Anne, (now first published from the originals), with with her sketches and opinions of her contemporaries, iy two vols., Bvo., with portraits, is published this day, by Mr. Col burn, of Great Marlborough-street, and may now be had of all Booksellers. Mr. Colburn has also announced for publi cation on Saturday next, the notes illustrative of the Times of George IV. and Queen Caroline, and Lady Charlotte Bury's new Novel, entitled " Love." In a rare quarto pamphlet, preserved in the library of the British Museum, entitled " The Reading of M. Ser• geant Brook, Recorder of London, upon the 17th char. Magna Charta," printed 1641, we find the following A man that is n...ither physician nor surgeon, and taketh upon him to know'physick and surgery, and talreth upon hint the cure of men, and one dycth for the insufficiency (impropriety) of medicine—This is murder." DR. LEE'S CAsE.—lt appears from the public prints that the R-V. Dr. Lee has been threatened with depri vation of cffice for an alleged contravention of the Act of Assembly anent union of offices," passed on 28th May 1817. LIGHTING OF LONDON IN TIIE TIME OF GEORGE. L—On the 18th of December an Act was posed: repealing all former laws upon the subject, and ordering that • for the future every housekeeper should hang out a light be- • fore his door, " with sufficient cotton wicks to burn from si* o'clock in the evening until eleven of the same night." Thus at midnight the streets were left totally in the dark. But, even this miserable supply of light was thought too extravagant to be provided all the year round, and the COurt of Common Council, with a praiseworthy spirit of economy, retiedved that the fair moon should net shine in the heavens in vain, and'th.st the inhabitants should not be burdened with supplying oil and cotton wicks between the seventh night after the new moon and the third night after she had arrived at the full. The houae keepers who were careless enough to trust always to the bene ficence of the moon, and neglect to hang out the necessary glimmer on the " dark nights," were to forfeit a shilling for each offence.—Mackay's History of London.