The Sun. — London, England, 1837-05-10 00:00:00

Posed to make any opposition, although he had some doubts with re spect to th e word i ng of two or three of them. For in stance, he could not say that he enti re ly approve d o f t h e f ourt h resol ution, unl ess it received some modification. That resolution stated, th at " in the existing state" of Lower Canada, it was not . desirabl e to make the Legislative Council elective ; leaving it to be inferred that in another state of the province such a change might be admissible. Now, he did not like to be called upon to . 4f firro an abstract proposition like that. He was not prepared I ° saa that under any circumstances he could contemplate t s l ll , ° _, ll e a changF w.ith satisfaction. When he took charge of ,' . m atters in his official capacity, there were two princiles by which lie regulated his conduct. The first was, to adhere il,s closely as h 0 could to the recommendations of the Canadian Commissioners ; the second, to adapt his measures as nearly as possible to the Constitution of the mother country. It was o r ? , th‘e_. latter prin c i p l e that he proceeded with reference to the MCivil List. It was in conformity to the abandonment by his a • . l e 'tY on his accession of a hereditary revenue and the sub similarstitnof 0 Civil List, that he (Lord Ripon) proposed a arrangement in Canada. [The Noble Lord here read, othersat considerable length, the dispatches from Lord Aylmer and E , on this subject.] He (Lord Ripon) was astonished to . hadan that this new light of the necessity of an elective council rlsc broken in upon the House of Assembly of Lower Ca ttle a ' aS It appeared from Lord Aylmer's dispatches that they . thetn.isclaes abandoned a similar proposition. From some of in _,',,spatches it appeared that a strong impression had been th au e on the mind of the Governor of Lower Canada, that e House of Assembly, although their grievances were as g m r eat as at present, were satisfied with the propositions of his l'ajestys Government. —(Cries of " Hear, hear.") It was 14°ltider these circumstances that lie (Lord Ripon) had pro esied the Bill of 163 E. Nor did lie now believe that the fortuitylOgs of the People at large in the province were in coni As to the feeling now expressed by the House o e• senThlY• Although he did not pretend to know what the i','areumstances were which had produced the change which l dhtaken place in the sentiments of the House of Assembly, leis a°l 4 ° difficulty in saying that that change was such as in bus°l3inion called upon Parliament to apply a remedy to the wa s e° f legislative power in the Canadian Assembly. There the h a o people on earth who has less reason to complain than tax taiaanadians, There was no people on earth so lightly ta go --(Hear, hear, hear.) Every commercial advan a 1 . /va s opened to them ; and lie must say that it was dem and Misfortune to the community in that colony that a Bere tu t Tld had thus suddenly been set up by the house of As- AtiTu'Y interfering with thpronTess of the national prosperity. el a d e ea rt i, o s to the point with his Noble . Friend had con ', ins speech, the establishment of a kind of federal go .erinnen for our North American colonies, it was too large consideration, for him even to hint an opinion upon without great 8 He felt bound, however, to vote for the re- Dilations. Lo r d BR . OL GUAM said that he rose with unfeigned pain to offer to their Lordships some observations on the question ; ot o s i a th e prep a on account of the thinness of attendance, leading to vqBetlmp. tion that their Lordships took it for granted there be eans ° objection to the resolutions under consideration, but , of a l l t e , he was aware of the utter hopelessness, in the temper gurne„`"eir Lordships, present and absent, of offering any ar the .11 D to alter their opinions, or to stay their proceedings on suly J e et• After, therefore, stating his sentiments on the a Pet a a , steei s s.,) a wouid enter his protest on the journals against the eetr ie. " ° 1° which he was quite aware their Lordships would now a fact lie was in some doubt whether to sit . down ships or to continue for a short time his address to their Lord of o; i I lls Noble Friend had expressed a favourable opinion Wlio e e ,?hours of the Commissioners, and no doubt had rested e n s ; o s ' his arguments oit the report which they bad made. ati 4. i d e would not deny that they had performed their duty in tni ssh , e manner. He had the greatest respect for the Com inothers---he had known one of them long—he had known li snd er ,for som e time—and the third, it was admitted on a ll whether s °ad th e best, possible character. He found, h owever , 'arie ta fr ont the c onst i tut i on o f t h at C omm i ss i on, or the ki ss i' of lab ours they had to perform, that the Com had -ners differed materially on many important points, fr om ° II that account had come to a different conclusion sid e , t7n4t adopted by his Noble Friend. His Noble Friend con -4 .e '' the opinion of the Commissioners the more valuable ou r tieeount of its discrepancy ; and he would agree with him i si ' e e B Y B had for the same reasons to come to the same cone.e kbend T hey had co ll ecte d a b undant evidence, a. an and a d cgn .d in the and' ttnt i nformati on on a vast var i ety of topics nearly °ugh not in a very i nte lli g ibl e way , they h ' adcome to different the same conc l us i on ; but the i r reasons were not s o u n n l i s: a s , but totally repugnant to themselves A eate n ,. 4114 t , was that carried, that any person who was unfavour ni 0 the line of policy proposed by the Government had s ci a r , Y , P dip his hand and he would find most satisfactory rea oes- '' L " differing from that policy ; and, in like manner, any tho se Wu ° approved of that policy would find in the report the s ~. satisfactory and irrefragable evidence in support of . i_ nig h No w it certainly did diminish the authority of an p tis i d - "!mtlied on arguments not only differing in themselves, jitii_nr,ot only even the arguments different, but the parties of Co" 0 in drawing up the report . seemed tot to the enterinto a sort opinions they e l , te _ . nlict, by stating the . th e . ' t amed, and answering t i l e ic a • so a . rguments and opinions of ir colleagues. His Noble Friend had at considerable . t e o rt h endeavoured to show that the Legislature had a right °l te f , . in consequence of the state of affairs in Lower c e r arc 4 44 da, and the Noble Earl who spoke last had made some 11 - a ll ' a rks about repealing the Act of 1 7 ,91. On that point, 4ever, he would not enter, because he was fully convinced,. ta h e beli eve d i t could hardly be denied, that as far as cu.- eacllla ta nces would a ll ow , mak i ng allowance for the differ gaB.: b etween a colony and indep en d ent state , t h ey oug h t to pr ov .the sa me constitutional principles of legislation . h to m th o e th ar in ees that they all admitted were necessar in bete la eountry. The only difference that ought . to ma n d r el 4 list RI .; , ai a .se from the circumstance of the one being, to a c s; 0 extent, dependent, and the other independent. .The Itiea 4l4l° ° B of England had the control over the executive by o w 4a °I the control they had over the public purse. _ The ti le r Assembly in the colonies had the same control over nal lee utive---th e y had control over the same purse as in eot' nt 4 m l ; and admitting all that—admitting that the mother no t ,. r I Y gave them the power of stopping the supplies—yet, arid I,t°standing that power, the estates of King, Lords, ;it 4 'c'tnelons might step in between the parties, and set th e Rht th e control of the representatives of Canada over Ivoin P Bl 4 ,'e of their const i tuents.—( Hear, hear.) That, it k w °e admitted, made the greatest possible difference. Ivas ? far from not giving them that control, his opinion fai r t ' l l l u lte the contrary, because he thought it only just and 'egardat they should possess it, inasmuch as their power as I'Vollid seethe Crown would be impotent without it, and it two 12 ,, + nd much to place in safe keeping the union of the q hi's of the empire. His Noble Friend had rested one Ass 4rguments on the great inconsistency of the House of ti ve e ss al s b s l Y respecting the proposition for making the L egisla troy d.ettibly elective, and had stated that their opinions mi litia, iffered from those which they had put forth on the ordin:°Rieet four years ago. Now there was nothing extra (irror?' in that ; for the very same circumstance had oc ih th " r t° this country. It could not be denied that persons nuiViZ Liiinited Kingdom felt very deeply interested, and une ,tritt4Y expressed their feelings on certain changes in the ' l lsta sa l° °' of the country—in the Reform of Parliament, for Ar ose :---in what some might call restoration, and others im airnPro,,,ent ; but, call it by what name they pleased, whether fact ~''Ment or altotation or restoration, it was an undoubted th e ~Lnat there had been substantial changes effected within r eee '• e sst liv or six y ears, and effected, too, with the concur the 811 o f the e peopl e of England, Scoand an I,reland. That c o uld a S a S Of the people were anxiously set , on d change, no one ha t , "IV. But it was said the House of Assembly had 14t4ed their opinion about the constitution of the Legis- Pl ete , Assembly ; but had not the House of Commons as corn ars, 'Y changed? Had not the House of Commons in the , s : session of a reformed Parliament, as compared with the still session of an unreformed Parliament in 1830 or 1829, and ahanr,tnore as compared with preceding Sessions, as much i aa aaed as the House of Assembly of Lower Canada respect ary.)'ts opinions on the constitution of the Legislative Assem 148e .He was clearly of opinion that the divisions which had 1,,,, e • in the Elouse of Assembly was as complete and entire a th e tf as possible of the opinions of the people of Canad a l' 'andY also prov e d t h at there was a very strong and a universal i:, B4 g in favour of such a chang e as was embodied in the ia B s 4 r of the petition presented to their Lordships' House, and 4 'le resolutions agreed to by the House of Assembly. That 11Pe m'd him important hid there was a large party . in the Colony who were opposed Dr op ° e ", a change ; but certainly no such conclusion could be tf t i r 'Y come to from the resolutions passed by a great majority la I,j'e re nresentatives of the inhabitants. These resolutions, ti4lara: °Pinion, expressed also the opinions of the people at :, Among the two classes which composed the popula no dui Lower Canada, the French and the English, there tea s °ll l b , t were different shades of opinion, and the English aria S° a "Y, it was believed, were less anxious for the change, k tti Me of them had a great repugnance to it. The greater vver, ° ° of those who were averse to the proposed alteration the ' Me rchant s ; b ut these formed a very small portion of io h ta t " n °4.1111 114 3 ' °, and he might safely a sser t t h at i t was nearly ty nlversal opinion at least the opinion of a very great ma- Al l/ ftpri o et f a th e i nhabitants of the country —he spoke of the great ah e O r s aswell as other inhabitants in general—that some ee. -I,°e those proposed in the resolutions should take 2:lassernbc hese resolutions had been repeatedly carried in the ic 4 8s Y by majorities of five, six, seven, and eight to one. "ajori t e mblY had been dissolved, but when it again met the 14 ased Y I % s t Only was not diminished, but it was greatly a yl rl ted, "'lt it was said time people were not fair . ly repro e a 8 , nd the members did not express the sentiments of a a a tl e e r h ci tt - 'n ra n u r ri p i i, tY at large. He could not see any weight in fact - e re t , B , sparnant, when it was a fact that these members a st , hotd; rie d by fort -shilling freeholders—by persons, in in fay at i . ll g . land by. any tenure—inhabitants of hou o se . s . ttttliarva,„ ef a th Y e e r ar, and tha . t there was a maj o o s r e it d y o o r f :‘ s le s m t ber 7 s ~,,., e h . ed b,, ... _ , es a o resolutions in a House cooomupd lnot,therefore, ," e ' y e iv e it'plesni, constituency. H t Ati o ther 0 • . "" ' e that persons so q e ualified could entertain ,ei ka vea, w i P t ' i n t ions than those expressed by their repreate:o - of inhabit i s., l a t r s d to t d h . e rf no„ that acr e 3 there and weree s li ght I t l ' I,l° sought ' th o t 1 er • 1 argument to which they Mlista,° •°r° a wa i s a did i see how these cir if ; 8 -‘ieq s eear, for he not .- Q Wer e a do oil to interfere with the claims of justice ; and rule atiad a ,nted as an argument for making a distinction in ...,tisforfasZnsahoold not the Governmant la down the same those f ora s , as regarded the Protestants and the Catholics _e af is..7_ prileponderating a great deal snore in Ireland than 4r1 4 : th ere 'elle' descent did in Canada ? But it was said .. Was a d ivis ion 4.... as ther e on among the Protestants in lreland,. kt ,..,qati a? ~, not also the same division among the English in a • q the p I Pe French population amounted to about 400,000 . 'Ott 'nglisb Tou(:' one, 1 ° 150 ,000, and as the gh ; th ere ' ... de_ was compelled to come there e o t " h 'a e s co a nc m lu ai s .c io r n ity th o at f 'ae E n , 'vas great union among the Fren ch, so me po °w atisla must be represented by that body. It was to one country, and exclude it in the management of the affairs of other countries. Now, what were the circumstances which would induce their Lordships to treat one country in one way and another i n ano ther ?—one on the principle of conciliation and the other on that of harshness. He was sure that the rule was not that the greater the importance the more mildly should the country be dealt with, for that could not be laid down as a rule of justice. For his part he would rather say, look at the less important country, and treat that with kindness and in a spirit of conciliation, and the more so because it was more thrown on your protection. He was equally sure that the proximity of the country or its power could not be adduced as an argument for adopting a one-sided policy. He was quite sure that his Noble Friend did not think that a country had a greater claim to justice on account of its great power and weight, and that he would not mete out justice and kindness according to his apprehensions —according to his hopes or his fears. He was quite sure that his Noble Friend who had introduced the resolutions would be the very first man to repudiate such a doctrine. It was wholly at variance with the nature of his mind—it was totally at va riance with his political feelings and his political conduct on former occasions, as well as his conduct since he had become more immediately connected with the colonies; it was utterly alien to his disposition to mete out one sort of justice to a colony or part of the empire that was near and powerful, and therefore not very safe to resist ; arid mete out another to a country that was more remote, and which it would be per fectly safe to resist. He was sure his Noble Friend was the last person in the world to adopt such a principle ; and yet from the nature of these resolutions he was afraid that a very different sort of policy from that which he knew was conge nial with the feelings of his Hon. Friend would be adopted. The sum and substance of the argment then was, that they oue.,lit to apply to Canada the same principles of conciliation and of kindness, giving the same friendly and attentive ear to their remonstrances, and going as far as they could towards granting their prayers, as they had done to their fellow-sub jects nearer home. The question then arose, should their Lordships sanction the alteration which the Canadians re quired in their Constitution—that was, should the people of Lower Canada have an elective council, or a council for life, as at present constituted ? His Noble Friend who opened the debate viewed with great repugnanc e the idea of what he called an organic change in the Colonial Constitution—an alteration of so violent a nature, that in his apprehension it was capable of totally subverting that system of legislation which he deemed so perfect, and of beim-, fatal in its conse quences to the valu e o f th at po li t i cal idea° which he attached to an hereditary branch o f th e L eg i slature. But the elective principle was n o t so cons id ere d at the time the Canadia Con stitution was adopted. Mon did not shrink with horror at the nation of an executive council in these days ; yet those were days in which political, he would hot say prejudices, but 'strong political opinions on either side were running pretty nearly as high upon such questions as now. The proposition for making that very Canadian Council elective was, in the first instance, brought forward by Mr. Fox, and though not approved of by Mr. Pitt, yet it was to be observed that both Mr. Pitt and Lord Grenville, and all who joined in that Bill of 1791, stated it to be but an experimental measure, and prophesied, in express terms, that a time might be looked forward to when it would become necessary to revise and pos sibly change that measure. His Noble Friend had said, if an elective council were established in Lower Canada that dif ficulty would arise with respect to Upper Canada ; but he begged to remind his Noble Friend that the avowed object of the measure of 1791 was to separate the two portions of Canada, giving a separate government to Upper Canada, which was almost peopled by English, and also a separate government to Lower Canada, where the great mass of the people were French.—( Hear, hear.) The object was, that the English might continue to enjoy their own laws and institutions, and the French to enjoy, if not institutions, at least their laws—the making the laws coincide with the prejudice and feelings of the people being part of the plan then proposed. So far as high and vene rable authorities went, therefore, they were in favour of the propriety of consulting, as far as might be, the wishes and opinions of the people of L ower C ana da. The experiment of 1791 had been tried about 45 years ; and could they really say, when they considered what had been the results, that the experiment had altogether succeeded? He thought it would be a strong proposition ; nay, that there would be great dif ficulty in saying that it had not altogether failed as regarded the Legislative Council. The Legislative Council had un doubtedly failed in securing the objects for which it was ori ginally intended ; it had met with nothing but heartburnings, jealousies, and disunions among the different parts of the Le gislature, and had ended in bringing things to a stand. That the great objection was that pervading flaw in the original constitution—that prevailing vice in its concoction, which Mr. Fox took the first opportunity of exposing and proposing a remedy for—no man could, whatever opinions he might have in other matters, possibly doubt. He could not help thinking that, as an experiment, the Legislative Council had failed most signally ; neither could he the less help thinking that this signal failure afforded some grounds at least for lending a favourable car, if not for at once acceding to the request of the people of Canada. It was easy to talk as both his Noble Friends had done of ti.e necessity of having not only an executive and a representative body in Canada, but also a third body answering to the House of Lords; it was mighty easy to say, because they considered a House of Lords in this country as a necessary component part in the Constitution, therefore nothing could give the benefits of a British Con stitution in Canada unless it had something that might con stitute a had parallel with the House of Lords. But when their Lordships came to consider the nature of the thing, they would find that all they lord really got in Canada was the name. The Upper House there was only in name and nothing in its nature like the House of Lords, because the constituent parts of such a House existed not, and could not exist, in that coun try. The best part of the argument, however, in favour of as elective Council was, that by establishing it they would not be departing from what were the intentions of the framers of the original Constitution. Those who read the debates of that day would find that it was not to a Legislative Council such as now existed that the original framers of the Canadian Constitution looked forward. They were looking forward to a Legisla tive Cou nc il t h at would gradually form itself into an here ditary body—that would be really something like the House of Lords,' and s omet hi ng like ari aristocracy. Accordingly one of the pr ov i s i ons of the Act enabled the Crown to grant hereditary power to such persons as the Crown should think fit. VC hat was it that made the House of Lords an important and, as many .thought, an essential and indispensable part of the Constitution of this country ? Not because it was a se cond chamber differently composed from the Lower House. It was because it. consisted of a different body of men—dif ferent in their political nature always sitting, endowed with a d That would Fortune, lidt a.wpa a ps n l ydtiinewool independentindolol3lu,ybot, other qualifications, some of au accidental nature, such as rank nd of the popular choice. e i n p t o h h n e t casewohfh thewhich ii that Council cou n o c fh l aCa nada,ndtheir .Lordships' House could be said to resemble each other. He did not think that it was the qualification belonging to their . Lordships of the greatest advanta =e it mi , ht be all ver well —many rleees thought tph o,,ne sti ,br tc3h t ,p li l that it po principle ghat t u vw cf a ise b he c a t sl t ol e em r d efht thought tul,icri principle i s o h u o s ut a y ; oa than the c . aire e in their Lordships' House prevail p t ' . at . all. The . bulk of their Lordships were no doubt of opinion. liut it was a different [ h i r er in f , l h o e u pe se nd ii e t n C e:na d . thing to say so of the Upper House of Canada. If the mem bersfic a h the h o o f n I.or I t : h T l e ) f a h were to have no other quail which to command tihe respect and . cotifi,lence of t ley possessed no other qua their fellow-citizen s —th 7ervie•ehn tication by mustindependent take the liberty of say rpeQenden.t of popular control, ing, that the less they and the more they were maded ertainly . thought, upon the whole, that if the elective prinbceipaelen responsible in some way to somebody, so much the better. IL I ? " • • were introduced into iutsef improvement. r. the Legislative Council, it would Fox thought it should be elected by the but he ( Lord Brougham) doubted the wisd om of othaAtsss}e,mstebi?., wherever th t It had always given rise to very great mi sc hi e f. had existed. It was, however, equally clear tha ' t chamber ought not to be constituted in the same e • second House of Assembly ; the only advantage of which wayldasba the further consideration of the same measures by alnrost weu th e same body of persons. Why, then, the conclusion was, that the Legislative Council ought to be chosen by a different' bod • of electors, with diff erent qualifications as w e ll i n the electors as the elected, and also for a different period of time. That some such body would answer its purposes better than the said also by the Noble Earl opposite, that no country enjoyed more free institutions than Canada—that they had trial by jury, that they elected their representativss, and enjoyed all the rights of freemen. No doubt they enjoyed personal freedom as much as the people of this country, but that was not the ques tion. The question was as to political independence and politi cal rights which could not be long disjoined from personal li berty, and that the colonies appeared to understand. The mo ment political rights and political independence were broken down, it would be folly to talk of security to personal rights. The Noble Earl opposite said some years ago that the people of this country were the happiest and the most peaceable in the world; that there was nothing more entire or more un broken than the peace, the political rights; and prosperity of these happy islands. No doubt there was security for pro perty; they had Trial by Jury, they had a Parliament, though their voice was not very much heard ; yet the Noble Duke thought it the best Constitution that could possibly be devised, and only wondered how any change should be thought of. The Noble Duke might be perfectly consistent in adopting these resolutions, but the people of England then thought, as the people of Canada began to think, that the question was not whether they had Trial by Jury and a Parliament, but whe ther they had the means for ensuring a method of good Go vernment, and felt assured that the only way to obtain and preserve personal freedom and personal rights, was by assert ing their political freedom and political independence. It had been said that there was no other way of governing a people than by conceding every thing they demanded. Now he could not go so far as to say that there were no other principles of Government but that of leaving the people to govern themselves. Far indeed would he be from adopt ing such a rule of political conduct; but there were others who, it would appear, had considered such Government the best, and had quoted an exaggerated speech of Mr. Fox in support of the doctrine. He certainly was sur prised to hear that such language had been used, and he had therefore referred to the reported speech, and found there could be no doubt that such language had been used. The words of Mr. Fox alluded to were—" I will concede, and if I find that concession is not sufficient, I will concede more." And it had been inferred from that the only mode of go verning a people was to let them have their own way. He was not induced to go so far ; but if that was the principle to be acted on as regarded Ireland, he must totally disap prove of confining it to one country, and not extending it to all others, unless it could be shown that there was something in the situation of these countries that could justify a depar ture from the general law—unless there was a high expediency, amounting to state necessity, he never would confine a rule Council as it was at present composed, and would produce greater harmony between the different parts of the Government than had hitherto been found to exist, he must say, after the best consideration he could give to the subject, he for one could en tertain no manner of doubt. His difficulties were with respect to the details, and the mode in which the alteration ought to be made ; but that some such alteration would be perfectly desirable, was the result of whatever attention he had been able to give to the subject. But that which he considered the vice of this whole question—that which he protested against —that without which, and if it had not been in these resolu tions, he should not have felt disposed to trouble their Lord ships with any observations, was the proposition in the eighth resolution for taking the money of the colonists and appro priating that money in the teeth of an Act of Parliament so lemnly made, voluntarily made, given to them either as a con cession of justice to their claim of right, or as a concession of conciliation and of kindness, voluntary, and without the pre tence of force; and in whichever of the two lights he could conceive it, he must regard the proposition embodied in the eighth resolution as wholly unworthy of the people, of the Go vernment, and of the Parliament of this country. The power which it was now proposed to take from the House of Assem bly and the people of Canada was given to them by the King, as Lord Aylmer told the Assembly cordially, and of good will to his Canadian subjects—thereby vesting in them absolute con trol over their own money. With what grace could they now retract it? Nay, it was worse than retraction, for it was not proposed to repeal the Act of 1831. No: it was said, " Let that Act continue which makes you indepenndent, but then you have deceived us during these four years, and therefore we will put our hands into your money-chest and take it and apply it as we please." It was said that this country had been disappointed ; but they had no right to suppose from any thing that passed previously to the Act of 1831 heir).- introduced that it was quite certain that the House of Assemblyt would grant a civil list. His Noble Friend himself had referred to a pas sage in the correspondence which showed that the Govern ment had been warned, and that it was very possible that the Assembly would not grant a civil list. It was only fair to the House of Assembly to say that they never held out any pros pect of the kind upon any occasion ; or had done any thing to justify this country to say that the Assembly had deceived us, and induced us to grant them this privilege in the expectation that they would in return provide a civil list. For, in the event of the Assembly not granting a civil list, his Noble Friend (time Earl of Ripon) pointed out what Lord Aylmer ought to, and what, as a constitutional measure, ought to be done ; and what was it ? Not to lay hold of the money of the people, and apply it as he thought fit. No such thing; that was not the consistent and constitutional course which his Noble Friend directed Lord Aylmer to take in the event of the Assembly refusing to grant a civil list ; but it was that he should refuse to pass their Bills. Their re medy against him was to refuse supplies ; his remedy against them was to refuse the Royal assent to their Bills. Without saying that the Assembly had taken the best course for obtain ing their ends, yet he begged to ask, for what purpose was it that they valued the power of controlling their own money ? Was it that they might grant supplies as a matter of course ? Was it that they were vested with the power and discretion of granting or refusing supplies, but that they were to exercise that option in one way only ? That they were to have the power to use their money at their own good-will and pleasure, only upon the condition that they should be pleased to use it according to the pleasure of this country ? Why, good God I what use was it to give it to them ? For what did they value it ? For what did they want it ? They wanted it—by possibility they could only want it with one view, namely, that they might have the power of exercising it for a certain purpose ; and for what purpose in the world but to obtain, from time to time, those measures which they could not obtain without it ? Those who granted them that power did not expect they would so soon exert it. Still, was that a reason for taking, it back from them ? They wished to have that power, not for a name, nut for an or nament, not for a title, but to give them practically a certain weight and influence in the government of their country. He could not help rather wondering at the Noble Lord who opened the debate dwelling so much on the neighbouring pro vinces, and their late history as connected with the present subject. That the Noble Lord should exult very much at the recent events that had occured in Upper Canada he was the less surprised at, because undoubtedly a very great change appeared to have been wrought in the sentiments of the Le gislative Assembly of that province. Instead of being about two to one, if not more, in favour of something. like the changes required by the House of Assembly of Lower Ca nada, ho believed that parties were now pretty nearly balanced, amid that the proceedings of the home Government were re garded with a less distrustful eye. But he thought the Noble Lord had not the same reason to rejoice at the state of timings in the other provinces. In New Brunswick, as he was in formed, many difficulties and much discontent still remained. The state of Nova Scotia was far from being satisfactory, and Newfoundland had only very lately petitioned the British Par liament, complaining gi joyously of the treatment they had re ceived from the Government. Upon the whole then, he thought that the Noble Lord had not so much ground for rejoicing in the state of the neighbouring provinces as he would lead the House to believe. He repeated that he did not expect that there would be any pause in the course they were then pursuing. He should be greatly rejoiced to think that his Noble Friend would be satisfied with passing these resolutions—with stop ping there and bringing in no Bill. It might, perhaps, be holding up the British Parliament in no very dignified attitude to stop short here, as if it did not like to proceed further ; nevertheless, any thing would be better than to proceed in a course which he was perfectly confident would sooner or later produce mischief. That the colony should take up arms— that it should make overtures to the United States—that it should even desire a separation from this country, and to be wholly independent of this country, were expectations that he never would stop to express, nor stop to refute ; for they were not worth consideration. He did not expect that even the last and least important of these things was at all likely to hap pen. He believed that the people of Canada were loyal and attached to this country, and if well treated would continue to be well disposed. Ile believed that they rejoiced in their connection with the mother country.—( Hear.) He believed that they' would dislike a severance from it, and that they would regard as a calamity to themselves any course of pro ceeding which should drive them, on their part, to adopt any steps that should seem to lead, even remotely, to a se para • • tion. That was kis firm belief ; but at the same time he very well knew that things which at first sight appeared exceedingly improbable, especially in contests between two such assemblies as the Parliament of England and the local Legislatures of a colony, although they might at first excite little regard—although there might be no animosity in England, no ill feeling in Canada—yet he very well knew that the consequence of these contests, and the irritations which necessarily arose from them, was in the long run to produce mischief. That was the case originally with the North American colonies. The contest there began among some of the southern states who refused to vote a civil list, and the very first coercive measure proposed in Parliament for the purpose of bringing ,those colonies to a sense, as it was called, of their duty, and of supporting—for that was the very language used them as well as upon the present oc casion—the honour of the mother country and the dignity and independence of the sovereign, was carried almost una nimously, there being in neither House of Parliament so much as a division upon the subject. Before another year had elapsed, God knows there were melancholy divisions upon the matter on both sides of the Atlantic, and every one knew the ultimate result. He did not mean to magnify the present question into anything like the same proportion of importance with the matters originally in dispute between this country and the North American colonies, although it was remarkable that the population of those colonies when the Stamp Act passed in 1765 was not materially greater than the present population of British North America. When he threw out any hint of comparison between time state of affairs in America in 1764 and the present state of things in the Canadas, he did so for the purpose, not of predicting that there would be the same course taken—not for the purpose of showing that he was of opinion that England was likely to lose those colonies in the same way as she had lost the provinces of the United States— but to show that mischiefs which at first no one thought likely to happen did happen,-when once a maternal government de viated Irons the right course. To treat the colonies well, to do them justice, to measure out to them the same justice and the same conciliation as had been given, and was still in the course of being given, to the subjects of the Crown nearer at home, was the true, the safe, the honest, and there fore the best course of policy that could be pursued, and he only heartily regretted that he saw so little chance of its being adopted. The Duke of WELLINGTON did not intend to offer any opposition to the resolutions, although lie did not exactly com prehend what course the Noble Lord intended to pursue in consequence of their being adopted. lie did not understand whether it was the intention of the Government to bring in any Bill or Bills founded upon the resolutions, or whether, acting upon the eighth resolution alone, it was intended to scud out his Majesty's command to seize upon the money in the Canada treasury, for the purpose of applying, it to the pay ment of the civil list. If the latter were the course intended to be pursued, he must say that he considered it to be ex tremely unjust. Time resolutions of that House and of the other House of Parliament could not give to the Government the power of issuing such a command. On the other hand, he could not understand what Act of Parliament could be brought in to enable the Governor-General of Canada to seize certain sums of money belonging to that province. He confessed he had always been opposed to time system adopted under the Act proposed by his Noble Friend ( Lord Ripon). He was op posed to that Bill from the commencement, because in his opinion the province of Lower Canada never manifested any disposition to make a provision for that which lie thought most essential to the good government and well-being of every society that could be brought together—time due administra tion of justice by learned and independent men. When his Majesty, under the provisions of the Bill introduced by his Noble Friend, resigned certain important branches of revenue into the hands of time Canadian Representative Assembly, suf ficient security was not taken that provision should lAs made for that service which he maintained was the most important and most necessary to every society, wherever it might be placed. Upon the present resolutions, and upon the whole speech of the Noble Lord (G 1 .n. 14), lie would observe that the Assembly of Lower Canada had not manifested any dis position to provide for the independent administration of jus tice ; and that they had allowed those who had had performed those services, and the other services of time civil Govern , meat, to go on for between three and four years without pro viding in any manner fer their subsistence. No one could read the history of the sufferings of the officers of the civil Government of Lower Canada, without feeling that they reflected the deepest :disgrace upon the authors of them.— ( Hear.) Tiere were sonic men who had gone out from this country, for the purpose of serving his Majesty as judges in Lower Canada, who were literally starving, and compelled to pawn their books and clothes in order to obtain a scanty subsistence for themselves and families. Such had been the THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY, MAY 10, 1837 condition of these men for the :last three cr four years, al though during the whole of that period the Crown revenues had been made over to the Assembly of Lower Canada, who, with the money in the Treasury, absolutely refused to make any grant to defray the salaries of the civil officers of the Government. Then, again, as regarded these resolutions, he must observe that the House of Assembly made two de mands ; they refused to provide a Civil List, but they made two demands. First they demanded that the Executive Council should be made responsible to the House of As sembly. In reply to that demand the fifth resolution then before the House stated with great propriety that it was not expedient that the Executive Council should be made re sponsible to that body. The next demand was, that the Le gislative Council should become an elective body. The Noble and Learned Lord who had just addressed the House had certainly stated a great many reasons why that demand should be complied with ; but all these reasons were referable to the wishes of the people. The Noble and Learned Lord, after stating that the House of Assembly insisted that the Le gislative Council should be elected by the people, endeavoured at great length to prove that the House of Assembly, being elected by the people, must speak the voice of the people, and therefore that it must be the wish of the people that the Legis lative Council should be elected by themselves. But had that House and the other House of Parliament and his Majesty's Government no other duty to perform except to carry on the Government of Canada according to the wishes of the people of Canada, as manifested in the House of Assembly, by whom it was insisted that the Government of the province should be made responsible to them, and who would not vote supplies to enable his Majesty to administer justice ? Such being the con duct of the House of Assembly, the Noble and Learned Lord ' had nevertheless come down and told them that the Legislative Council ought also to be elective, in order to render it quite sure that there should be no independent Government in Lower Canada ; but that the whole should be given up without re serve into the hands of these two councils, elected, as the Noble and Learned Lord proposed, by the people. He (the Duke of Wellington) really must say that there was a system of Government which he for one could never consent to esta blish, either in Lower Canada or in any other dependency of the British Crown. What he said was this, that it was essential for the British Parliament to take care that justice should be administered ; and in order to its being well administered that the Judges should be independent, not only of the exe cutive power, but also of the Legislative Councils and As semblies. He observed that the fourth resolution stated, " That in the existing state of Lower Canada it is unad visable to make the Legislative Council of that province an elective body." He was certain the Noble Lord opposite could not intend that any sort of doubt should attach to the meaning of the resolution. In that case the words in which it was framed were not sufficiently explicit. Ministers, he supposed, either meant or did not mean to make the Legis lative Council elective. He concluded from the terms of the resolution as it now stood that they did not intend to make it elective for the present. He did not suppose that they had any design of carrying such a plan into execution hereafter, but the point was left in doubt by the employment of these words, " In the existing state of Lower Canada." Would not the meaning of the Government be expressed as well if they said simply, " It is unadvisable to make the Le gislative Council of Lower Canada an elective body," leaving out the words to which he had referred. The concluding words of the resolution might then stand as they were at pre sent expressed—" But it is expedient that measures be adopted for securing to that branch of the Legislature a greater de gree of public confidence." That would make the proposi tion contained in the resolution perfectly clear and intelligible, and not liable to any misconstruction. Whilst it presumed no thing for the future, it would distinctly express the present positive intention of the Government not to make the Legis lative Council an elective body. But there was another reason for making the alteration he suggested, and that was the man ►►cr in which the same proposition was treated in the fifth re solution. The fifth resolution said, " That while it is expe dient to improve the composition of the Executive Council of Lower Canada, it is unadvisable to subject it to the responsibi lity demanded by the House of Assembly of that province." When the commencing words of the fourth resolution were compared with those lie had just read, he thought their Lord ships would perceive that they certainly conveyed a meaaing which he was sure the Noble Lord ( Lord Glenelg) did not intend. He agreed with the Noble Lord that the Govern ment, in the administration of the affairs of the colonies, should be careful to avoid any acts of an unkind or ungracious character towards the local assemblies of those colonies ; but at the same time it was most desirable that the Government should avoid holding out expectations to them which they did not mean to carry into full execution. He believed it would be very desirable, indeed, to improve as far as possible the composition of the Legislative Councils in all the British colonies of North America; but when the conduct of the House of Assembly of Lower Canada, in refusing to grant supplies for their own civil Government and the due admini stration of justice amongst their own fellow-countrymen was remembered, he was sure their Lordships would feel more and more convinced of the absolute necessity of not subjecting the Government of the province to their control without seine check. With these observations he would conclude. It was not his intention to throw any difficulty in the way of the re solutions; but he thought it would be well if the suggestion he had thrown out with respect to the fourth were adopted. Lord GLENELG replied. The Earl of ABERD E E N begged to ask whether it was the intention of the Government, under the eighth resolution, to replace the sum of 30,000/. which was taken out of the military chest in the year 1834 for the purposes of the colony ? Lord GLENELG said it was. The Earl of ABERDEEN said, that on that transaction be had only one remark to make. The Noble and Learned Lord ( Brougham) was shocked to interfere with the power of the Assembly to refuse the supplies ; but that Noble and Learned Lord was a member of that Government which admired that proceeding. So strongly did that !louse of Assembly feel this, that it was deemed an act for which the Government of the day ought to be impeached. The resolutions were agreed to. and their Lordships ad journed at a . few minutes before twelve till to-morrow. DUBLIN-MONDAY. (From our Correspondent.) I have seldom witnessed any thing like the sensation pro duced here by the last communications from London. The Duke of Wellington's motion on Friday last, with regard to the Irish Corporation Bill, is the subject of discussion among all parties ; but particularly amongst Reformers, who seem to derive more pleasure than disappointment from its result. The prevailing opinion is, that it will operate as a stimulant to the remonstrances contemplated by the Irish people against the conduct of that faction which seems to he supported in its extravagant views by a majority in the House of Lords. Ireland will in a few days raise its voice loud and strong against the machinations of the Tories]. Something like a feeling of indignation is already m an if es t e d by R e f ormers , many of whom hesitate not to say, that the Duke's speech and the ascendant policy therein threatened towards this country will produce from North to South an excitement and hostility to Toryism which must lead to the happiest conse quences. Several counties and towns have been preparing to express their sentiments with respect to the present Ministry ; the Tithe and Corporation question ; and the announcement of the Duke's policy will no doubt influence the tone and vigour of their resolutions. The independent county of Wexford meets on Wednesday next, and its example will be followed by all the free constituencies of Ireland. The propriety of addressing the hind, beseeching his Majesty to avert by his Royal influence the mischiefs likely to ensue, if Toryism should again prevail, has this day been mentioned in the Hall of the Four Courts, by several influential individuals from different parts of the country. Whether or not the suggestion be carried into effect generally, I cannot of course say : but it is quite clear that no ordinary sensation will be created by the intelligence of Friday night's proceedings. The county of Dublin will meet early next week, under the auspices of Lord Charlemont—a name associated with all that is glorious in the history of this long-misgoverned country. There are some rumours of a resignation of Ministers afloat, but they are scouted by all who think those men now holding the helm of the State too sensible of the duty they owe their country at this important crisis, to risk its tranquillity by permitting ano ther attempt at Tory domination. The Duke and Sir Robert have been already tried, and found wanting ; and we are very far indeed from that posture of affairs which would justify their successors in eying up those reins of government which Sir Robert himself has in effect declared they alone can re tain as long as they have a majority in the House of Commons. A sensible and honest man, of Tory politics, has just expressed in my heating his conviction, that his party cannot hope to carry on the G overnment for a ye«r to come, at lea s t. I n f a ct, it is incumbent on Mi n i sters to take care ne quid detrimenti capiat republi cs. Th ey are the conservators of the peace o flreland, as lo ng as they command .so large a majority in the Commons, and so l arge a minority in the Lords. I forgot to mention, when speaking. of the County Wexford meeting, what seems to be an illustration of Tory knowledge of the Constitution. A requisition was sent to the High Sheriff of that county, signed most numerously by several Noblemen and Gentlemen, the Lord Lieutenant, Deputy Lieu tenants, Members of Parliament, and other persons of property in the county, and calling on him to convene a meeting, at which the county might express its sentiments on public affairs. But that functionary, Mr. Leigh, the same who had been set aside last year, on a suggestion of his being an Orangeman, declined to comply with the wish of the requisitionists. Lord Carew, Lord Lieutenant of the county, and his Deputy Lieu tenants, have therefore convened the meeting already men tioned. We shall see whether it will realise the apprehensions of a sapient Sheriff—. cause an excitement, and endanger the peace of the community ! WESTMINSTER ELECTION.—The High Bailiff has appointed the following places for taking the poll :—For the parish of St. Anne, Soho, Covent-garden ; parish of St. Clement Danes, Covent-garden; parish of St. George, Llano le e n - , Strand, a t James's, Gulden -square ; parish of St. Margaret's, outside St, Farm-me;vg Berkeley-square ; parish of St. v: la r- rg sq a u re ar e :, Cinhurch ; parish of St. John's, Abingdon -street ; parish of St. Martin's-in-the-Fields, at Charing_cross ; pa-ri c h OCI.OlS,'et-nt-lgaar)r'd f St.S a v P o n y u , r.- a s. ; Covent-garden. The Earl of Sefton will eminence his dinner parties cm Thursday next in Arlinrrton-street. The first will be given. to Count Riz zo di Borgo, l 'and a distinguished party. The Duches s of Northumberland's first grand ball, on the 18th instant, will be the most splendid given by her Grace for several years past, at Sion [louse. The nobility and gentry of both p art i es h ave been invited. PRINCIPLE.—A passion for truth.—Hazlitt. A tenet on which morality is founded.—Addison, FROM LAST NIGHT'S GAZETTE. WHITEHALL, MAY 8, 1837. The King has been pleased to present the Rev. Robert Watson to the church and parish of Carmylie, in the presbytery of An math and county of Forfar, vacant by the death of the Rev. Waiiam Robertson. WHITEHALL, MAY 8. The King has been pleased to give and grant unto General th• Marquis of Londonderry, G. C. 8., his royal licence and permission, that he may accept and wear the medal instituted by the Emperor of Russia, in commemoration of the capture of Paris in the year 1814, which his Imperial Majesty has been pleased to confer upcn that Officer. Commissions signed by the Lord Lieutenant of the County of Dorset. Henry Lord Stavordale to be Deputy Lieutenant, April 17. Dorset Regiment of Yeomanry Cavalry. Henry Lord Stavordale to be Captain, April 24. Commission by the Lord Lieutenant of the County of Kent. West Kent Regiment of Yeomanry Cavalry—C. R. C. Petley, Gent., to be Lieutenant, April 30. Commissions by the Lord Lieutenant of the County of Hertford. Hertfordshire Yeomanry Cavalry—South Herts Corps.—T. Paris, Esq., to be Captain ; S. L. Lucena, Gent., to be Lieute nant, May 4. Commission by the Lord Lieutenant of the county of Surrey. Surrey Regiment of Yeomanry Cavalry—J. Bonsor, Gent., to be Cornet, vice Kerrich, resigned, April 21. DECLARATIONS OF INSOLVENCY. JOSEPH ONG, carpenter, Bury St. Edmund's. THOMAS JAMES BREEDS BURFIELD and CHARLES BUR FIELD, Jun., brewers, Hastings, Sussex. BANKRUPTCY ENLARGED. GEORGE HINCKLEY POWELL, grocer, Hay, Breck nockshire, to May 15, at twelve, at the Castle Hotel, Brecon. BANKRUPTCIES SUPERSEDED. WILLIAM WILES, Jun., pawnbroker, — York-row, Kenning. ton-road. BANKRUPTS. HENRY SMITH SANDERSON, scrivener, Tadcaster, York shire, to surrender May 30 and June 20, at eleven, at the White Swan Inn, York. Capes, Raymond's-buildings, Gray's Inn, Lon don; Marsden and Jansen, Wakefield. SAMUEL WHITEHEAD and ROBERT ROWE, cotton spinners, Chorley, Lancaster, twelve, June 5 and 20, at at the Hotel, Blackburn. Milne, Parry, Milne, and Morris, Temple, London ; Neville and Eccles, Blackburn, Lancashire. JOEL RUDMAN, fruiterer, Bath, May 23. and June 20, at eleven, at the Offices of Mr. Drake, Bath. Dax and Bicknell, Lincoln's Inn-fields, London; Drake, Bath. JOHN GOLLEDGE, jun., currier, Frome Selwood, Somerset shire, May 20, and June 20, at otie, at the White Hart Inn, Bath. Perkins and Frampton, Gray's-inn-square ; Miller, Frome Sel wood, Somersetshire. JAMES PARKIN FRYER, tavern-keeper, St. Michael's alley, Cornhill, May 16, at one, and June 20, at twelve, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Lackington, official assignee, Basinghall street ; Duncan, Lincoln's Inn-fields. JOHN MITCHELL, victualler, Exeter, May 18, and June 20, at twelve, at the Old London Inn, Exeter. Rhodes, Beevor, and Lane, Chancery-lane, London ; Drake, Exeter. JOHN SMITH, buckle-maker, Birmingham, May 17, and June , 20, at one, at the New Royal Hotel, New-street, Birmingham. Harrison, Edmund-street, Birmingham ; Danks, Birmingham ; Norton and Chaplin, Gray's Inn-square, London., JOSHUA CRAMPTON, scribbling miller, Tong, York, May 24, and June 20, at one, at the Court-house, Leeds. Hardwick and Davidson, Lawrence-lane, London; Lee, Leeds. JOSEPH HEAWORD, cotton thread-manufacturer, Stockport, Chester, May 27, at three, and June 20, at one, at the Commis sioners'-rooms, Manchester. Bower and Back, Chancery-lane, London ; Harrop, Stockport. JOHN BROWN and WILLIAM HENRY WILLIAMS, paper stainers, Birmingham, May 17, at eleven, and June 20, at ten, at Radenhurst's New Royal Hotel, Birmingham. Harrison, Birmingham ; Norton and Chaplin, Gray's Inn-square, London. THOMAS MARTIN, victualler, Pavement, Moorfields, May 19, at one, and June 20, at eleven, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Goldsmid, Official Assignee, Ironmonger-lane ; Dimmock, Bond court, Walbrook. JOSHUA ROBINSON, painter and glazier. Melbury-terrace, Dorset-square, May 18, at half-past twelve, and June 20, at twelve, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Whitmore, Basinghall-street, official assignee ; Howell, Hatton-garden. JOHN FISHER, publican, Liverpool, May 24, and June 20, at eleven, at the Clarendon-rooms, South John -street, Liverpool. Ward, Prescot ; Oliver, Cheapside, London. WILLIAM MILL S, builder, Little Britain, May 18, at eleven, and June 20, at twelve, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Belcher, official assignee ; Jordeson and Webb, High-street, Southwark. ‘. JOHN RENTHAM NEALES, hatter, Plymouth, May 23, and June 20, at eleven, at the Royal Hotel, Plymouth. Woolcombe and Jago, Plymouth ; Lane and Prideaux, Goldsmith's-hall, London. RICHARD HENRY HAYLEY, grocer, Manchester, May 23, and June 20, at eleven, at the Commissioners' Rooms, Man chester. Johnson, Son, and Weatherall, Temple, London ; Hitch cock, Manchester. JOHN WILLIAMS, draper, Bangor, May 27, at three, and June 20, at two, at the Commissioners Rooms, Manchester. Milne, Parry, Milne, and Morris, Temple, London ; Bent, Man chester. MATTHEW LUMLEY, flax-dresser, Scriven with Tenter gate, Yorkshire, ten, May IS, at one, and June 20, at at the Court. house, Leeds. Strangwayes and Walker, Barnard's Inn, London ; Gill, or Dewes, Knaresborough. JOHN POYNTER, dealer and Chapman, Wilmington-square, Middlesex, May 18, at half-past one, and June 20, at one, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Whitmore, official assignee, Basinghall street ; Bird, Lincoln's-inn-fields. DANIEL BARKER, grocer, Cheapside, May 16, and Jima 20, at eleven, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Green, official assignee; Smith, King's Arms-Yard. DIVIDENDS. At the Court of Bankruptcy, Basinghall-street. J. Saunders, victualler, Fleet-market, May 22, at 11—A. Carter, iron merchant, Wenlock-basin, City-road, May 30, at half-past ten —W. Manning, F. Manning, and J. L. Anderdon, West India merchants, New Bank-buildings, May 30. at two—J. W. Sprad brow, linendraper, Newington, near Sittingbourne, Kent, May 30, at eleven—J. B. Taylor, victualler, Deptford, May 31, at. two— H. Jones and W. T. Halton, furnishing undertakers, High-street, Islington, May 31, at twelve—T. Greenfield, victualler, 'Chiswick, May 31, at eleven—W. Nettleton, tailor, George-street, Hanover square, May 30, at one. In the Country. J. and J: Cotter, builders, Toxteth-park, Lancashire, May 30, at two, at the Clarendon-rooms, Liverpool—ll. Andrews, paper hanger, Liverpool, June 3, at twelve, at the Commercial Rooms, Bristol—C. J. Berrie, grocer. Tamworth, May 31, at twelve, at the Swan Inn, Lichfield—T. Williamson, draper, Newcastle-upon- Tyne, June 2, at one, at the Bankrupt Commission Room, Newcas tle-upon-Tyne—J. Hollingworth, insurance.broker, Kingston upon-Hull, June 21, at twelve, at the Kingston Hotel, Kingston upon-Hull—S. Beeney, draper, Birmingham, May 30, at one, at Dee's Hotel, Birmingham—T. Wheeler, grocer, Shrewsbury, June 1, at twelve, at the Shire Hall. Shrewsbury—M. R. Legge, brewer and maltster, Gateshead, Durham, May 29,at twelve, at the Bank rupt Commission-room, Newcastle-upon-Tyne—R. Naylor, cotton spinner, Liggate, Yorkshire, June 1, at one, at the Town-hall, Preston—J. Cheesewright, stationer and bookseller, Bristol, June 7, at one, at the Commercial Rooms, Bristol. CERTIFICATES, MAY; 30. J. Brearley, J. S. Wood, and G. Wood, corn-millers, Wellfield Mills, near Rochdale, Lancashire—G. W. Hearle, printer and sta tioner, Devonport—G. Godber, woollen-draper, Liverpool—J. Ar mitage, Queen's Head, Clayton, Bradford, and J. Greenwood, Swamp, Northowram, Halifax, Yorkshire, stuff-manufacturers— J. C. Hyde, mealman, Iver Heath, Buckinghamshire—T. Wescott, paper-maker, Trews Weir Mills, St. Leonard, Devonshire--C. Jacob, and R. D. Jacob, merchants. George-yard, Lombard-street —W. Brotherton, saddler, Liverpool-street, Bishopsgate-street. PARTNERSHIPS DISSOLVED. J. Ronchetti and J. B. Ronchetti, hydrometer and thermometer makers, Hatton-garden—W. Dale and J. Atchison, joiners and builders, New Islington, Manchester—W. Wills and R. H. Wills, attorneys, Newton Bushel,Devonshire—J. Martin and J. Francom, tobacco and snuff manufacturers, Liverpool—J. Stafford and J. Stafford, masons, Chester—R. Aveyard and T. Chamberlain, hat ters' leather-cutters, Manchester—J. Fox and F. Nowell, rag merchants, Hanging Heaton, Yorkshire—J. Bowden and \V. Low throp, general merchants and shipowners, Kingston-upon-Hull--P. Iligson, T. Norris, and J. Part, power-loom-cloth manufacturers, Tuldesley, Lancashire—J. Slater and 'f. Greenwood, bleachers, Salford, Lancashire—T. Sherwin and G. Herring, machine makers, Rochdale, Lancashire—L. Friedlander and M. Beyfuz, leech and cigar-merchants—Z. Dyson and J. Brookhouse, watch and clock-makers, She field—W. Wilks and S. Hammond, coal merchants, Dartford, Kent—T. Marfell and H. Hands, wine and brandy merchants, Daventry, Northamptonshire—T. Anderson and W. Bishop, feather-merchants, Boston, Lincolnshire—R. R. Roberts and 'l. Cross, common-brewers and malstere, Risca, Mon mouthshire—D. Barnard and A. Barnard, grocers, Duke-street, Aldgatc—H. Morgan and H. Stone, dealers in hops and seeds, London—D. Oliver and D. Oliver, jun., grocers, Newcastle-upon- Tyne—J., J., and H. Slater, engineers, Bolton-le-Moors (so far as regards the said J. Slater, jun. )—W. and C. Crabtree, carriers by water, Burnley, Lancashire. SCOTCH SEQUESTRATION. WILLIAM BUTTERCASE, Sen., potatne merchant, St. An drews, May 12 and 27, at one, at Adamson's, Cross Keys Inn, St. Andrews. So desperate has the cause of Sir Francis Burdett become that his Committee have engaged the dray-horses at Elliott and Co.'s Brewery to drag up the reluctant voters to morrow. Part of these horses are parading about, with riders bearing small blue pennons, that the Burdettites may be as sured there will be plenty of animal power to assist them. We think this a proper case to call for the interference of the So ciety for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals. In the'Court of Common Pleas, yesterday, in the case of Grant v. Lainson and Others, which had not concluded when our reporter left the Court, the Jury returned a verdict for the plaintiff, Damages 2001. Lord G-, a - day or two ago, called on a Mr. Francis, a very respectable housekeeper, in Brown-street, Grosvenor-square, to solicit his vote in favour of Sir Francis Burdett, when the following conversation took place :—" I hope .your Lordship will excuse me in what I am goinc , to say, but if your Lo r d s hip h a d a servant t h at did not d o hi s duty to wards you, would your Lordship not discard him?" " Most certainly 1 would," was his Lordship's reply. " Then most certainly I shall discard Old Glory,' as I consider that he has turned Vlrl back upon his constituents, so that I shall give my vote to. Leader." His Lordship seemed as if he could not say "ho to a goose," and he evidently appeared quite chop-fallen at the result of the conversation. MR. Das RAELI'S "VENETIA."—We arc requested i state that this »ew work from the pen of the author of Viv Via Grey," will be published by Mr. Colburn, of Great Narlborough- street, on the 11th inst., and those who desire to obtain it on the day a publication, are requested to seed their orders immediately to their respective Bookseller:. Agents for Scotland, Bell and Bradfute, Edinburgh ;; for Ireland, John Cumming, Dublin. ISLINGTON OMNIBUSES.—The inhabitants of Islington arc much annoyed with the inwssant noise made by the conductors of rival omnibuses; they commence blow *. their horns at an early hour in the morning, and continue almost without intermission until after many persoas are in their beds at night, and this, too, in the loudest manner, each striving to outvie the others in noise, and causing no small degree of danger to those who ride or drive along the road. LIVERPOOL COTTON-MARKET, MAY S.—We have had a moderate demand for Cotton to-day, and prices on the whole are rather more in favour of the buyer. Sales 2,400 bags, CRIMINAL COURT-('l'li IS DAY.) OLD COURT. Thos. Cornell ; a labourer, was , indicted for foloniouslv cut ting and wounding with a razor Mary Anne Austen, with in tent to kill and murder her. The prosecutrix, a plaiu.looking woman, about 23 Scars of age, gave her testimony in the dearest manner. It differed nothing from that which had been detailed during the past week in the police reports. The surgeon who attended on the prisoner and his victim for 19 days to heal their wounds, and the policeman uho met the prosecutrix on her escaping from the house, were the only witnesses evernined. No Counsel appeared on either side. When the prisoner was asked what he had to say to the charge, he replied that he could give no account of the cir cumstance, and that he felt no malice to any person. Mr. Justice PAkK inquired if any person was present who could speak as to the character of the prisoner; but no per son carne forward. The Learned Judge then minutely summed up, pointing out to the Jury the legal distinctions that are made between murder and manslaughter in cases where death would ensue. The Jury, after deliberating . for a quarter of an hour, returned a verdict of Guilty. The Learned JUDGE approved of the verdict, observing that it was the clearest case which had come under his notice for many years. NEW COURT. Sarah Hughes was indicted for stealing a diamond. value 51., the property of Benjamin Sayer. In November, 1854, the prisoner was in the service of the prosecutor, and when she left, the ring in question was missed. She, however, escaped the vigilance of the police until last March. The facts of the ease were fully proved, and the Jury returned a verdict of Gu Ity. LLOYD'S SHIPPING.-(THIS DAY.) DEAL. MAT 9.—Wind N. E., moderate.—Arrived the Fio. rence,' Cundy, from Trinidod ; Columbine, Brown, from Nassau; and Victoria, Hodge, from Waterford. . - FALMOUTH, MAY B.—Wind N. W., light breezes, and fine. —Arrived the Euphemia, Brown, from Jacmel. PLYMOUTH, MAY B.—Wind E. S. E.—Arrived the Thetis, —, from St. Übe's. PORTSMOUTH, MAY 9. —Wind N. N. E.—Arrived the Earl Vane, —, from Seaham. DARTMOUTH, MAY 9.—Arrived the Vasco de Gama, from Sourabaya ; Columba, Spoholin, from Lisbon ; and Zeemien, Moorhaet, ditto. PENZANCE.—Off port the Bussorah Merchant, from Canton. RAMSGATE.—. Off port the Ondewerp, Jonker, from Oporto. BRISTOL, MAY 9.—Arrived Britannia, Sunnis, Barbadoes. LIVERPOOL, MAY B.—Wind variable and light.—Arrived the Caroline, Holmes, from Campeachy ; Maria, Toss, from Stettin ; and John Knox, —, from Bombay. Off port, the Lavinia, —, Savanilla; Britannia, —, from Paraiba ; Hyperion, —, from New Orleans; Republic, —, from New York ; and Edward Thorne, --, from St. John's. DUBLIN, MAY 7.—Arrived the Tyro, Ellison, London. CORE, MAY 7.—Arrived the Elizabeth and Jane, --, froM Honduras ; and Mary, from St. Andrew's. PENTLAND FRITH, MAY 9.—Arrived the Belsay Castle, ---, from Memel. ABERDEEN, Mail' 6.—Arrived the Schwan, Giese, from S:ettin ; and Beala, —, from Gottenburg. SHIELDS, MAY 8. —Arrived the Minerva, Nieman, from Rostock; and Elizabeth, —, from Copenhagen. The Candidus, from New Orleans to Liverpool, was struck by lightning on the 31st March, in lat. 32, long. 78, and burned to the water's edge; crew saved. WINDSOR-MONDAY. We regret to state that accounts reached Windsor Castle late last night of the death of her Serene Highness the Dow ager Duchess of Saxe- Meinengen, daughter of the Prince of Hohenlobe Langueburg, and mother to her Majesty the Queen. Her Majesty was deeply affected at the intelligence ; but we are happy to learn that the report of Dr. Davies this morning is that, although the Queen is necessarily depressed in spirits, in consequence of the melancholy bereavement, the shock is not calculated to interfere with the gradual improvement the Queen is making towards the re-establishment of her health. The dinners to the Knights of the Garter and of the Bath, and also of the Thistle and St. Patrick, which were about to take place, are postponed. His Majesty took a carriage drive in the Park this afternoon, accompanied by her Royal Highness the Princess Augusta. This morning Lord and Lady Cawdor, Lord Viscount Emlyn, Lady Caroline Campbell, Sir W. Houston, and Sir lioujamin Stephenson, took their departure for town. COURT CIRCULAR. TUESDAY.—The Duchess of Kent's dinner party for Wed nesday is postponed, as also the concert her Royal Highness was to have given at Kensington Palace on the 15th, on the occasion of the death of the Duchess of Saxe Meinengen. Mr. Burge, Agent for Jamaica, had an interview with Vis count Melbourne, yesterday, in Downing-street. Mr. John Wood. Chairman of Stamps, had an interview with the Chancellor of the Exchequer, in Downing-street, yesterday. The Spanish Minister and the Belgian Charge d'Affaires, transacted business at the_ Foreign-office, yesterday. Lord Sandon and a Deputation had an interview with Mr. Poulett Thomson yesterday at the Office of the Board of Trade. The Marquis of Lansdowne had a large Dinner Party on Saturday at Lansdowne House. Lord and Lady Stanley had a distinguished Party at Dinner in Carlton Gardens on Saturday. Among the Company were the Marquis and Marchioness Lansdowne, Earl and Countess of Tankerville, Earl and Countess of Burlington, Earl of Clare, Viscount and Viscountess Llowick, Lord and Lady Barrington, Lord Morpeth; Sir George Grey, Mr. Labou chere, and . Mr. Ridley Colborne. Cards have been issued by Lord Stanley for large parties on the 23d and 24th instants. In consequence of indisposition, R. Potter, Esq., M. P. for Wigan, has paired off with I. Hodgson Hinde, Esq., M.P. for Newcastle-upon-Tyne. BOARD OF TRADE, MAY 10.—A deputation of of the Provincial Committee of the Grand Collier Dock Company, had an interview yesterday with the Board of Trade, and were assured that his Majesty's Government were favourable to the construction 9f collier docks in the river Thames. The Lords of the Admiralty have advertised for two powerful steam-vessels, to be employed for twelve mouths certain ; and we have heard that Government intend to esta blish a communication with the seat of war in the north of Spain by means of steamers, which are to rendezvous at thi's port.—Falmouth Packet. POETRY.—The apotheosis of sentiment. The art: of painting by words every thing that attracts and strikes our• eyes.—Madame de Stael. The natural language of the reli gion of the heart, whose universal worship extends to every object that is beautiful in nature, and bright beyond it ; but inordinate devotion borders on idolatry, and its exaltation is followed by prostration of strength and spirit.—D'lsraeli. On Saturday an inquest was held at the Cherry-tree, Bowling-green-lane, Clerkenwell, on view of the body of a fine new-born male infant, which was suspected to have been destroyed at the time of the birth, by the mother, a young female named Mary Cooper, 19 years of age. It app.eared from the evidence that the girl lives with her parents, tit Ro soman-street, Clerkenwell. For several months past she had: been addressed by a young man named Reynolds ; but from his means being inadequate to maintain a family, the 1 arents of the young woman objected to their marrying. Th a inti macy, however, was carried on, but no suspicion was enter tained that the girl was enceinte. At an early hour on l'hurs day morning last, the young woman was taken seriottily ill, and she then, for the first time, admitted to her moth e.• that she was in the family way. Mr. Edmondson, a surgeon, resi ding in Myddleten-street, was sent for, but before his arrival she was delivered of a male infant, which, as asserteit by the mother and grandmother, was born dead; it was decia idly full grown, and a very fine child; there were no marks o I external violence on the body : mitness attributes the death of the in fant to the want of medical attention at the birth : , the more particularly so as it was born with a thick skin, commonly termed a " caul" over the whole of the head anC, face. By the Jury.—" Had the grandmother removed the caul' on her daughter's delivery, I have no doubt the infant would have lived." By the Coroner.—" It is very unusual for children to be born with a caul.' Ido Lot think that testy personal violence was offered to the infant ; a child's caul' is estimated at the value of 101., as a charm for the preservation of lives at sea."—( Laughter.) Verdict—" That the child's death was occasioned from want of medical attendance at the birth." Miss WATsos.—A late paper from New York gives the following :—" Miss Charlotte Watton, whose escape with, or rather to, Paganini, some years ago, made a sensation in London, was married two or three nights sincQ to a young man named Bailey, a "clerk in an Insurance Office, I believe, and an Englishman, from Manchester. The ac quaintance commenced on Wednesday, and the I:not was tied on Saturday." THE PUMP IN FRONT OF NEWGATE.—The stupendous and well-known pump at the northern extremity of the Old Bailey is being taken down, and an obelisk will he placed on the site, in which. will be inserted a variety of lamp-frames, at a sufficient hr,tght to prevent the execution loving urchins from clitubine., to them, whereby numerous ac cidents will be prevented. Near to this spot the bodies of the suicidal criminals were l'Aried at midnight, and the remains of numbers are there der.osited. . _ • rilus day is the second anniversary of that on which Mr. Childs, of Bungay, was arrested, in the midst of his family, atki to-morrow that on which he was lodged in the Ips wich gazul, for refusing to appear in the Ecclesiastical Court _ tet bri.swer the unjust demands of the Churchwar4ens of that: town, for a Church-rate. Let the Electors of Wetminstel: remember, that if they return Sir Francis Burdett, the conf A clenca so obtained by the Tories will lead them to inflict ir 1- prisonment and penalties on thousands of conscientious . senters in the country, who hale determined, like the parishie ners of St. James, never again to pay another Church.rate. THE LOUVRE.—It is said that the buildings f o r completing this magnificent quadrangle will soon be co m menced. The plans have been sent in by M. Fontaine, the royal architect, and approved by the King. The new be ild ings are to be devoted to the purposes of an opera hous r, a library, an exhibition gallery, a chapel, the royal stables, Su.. The plan assumes the destruction of St. Gernmin l'Auxe• , rois, for whosa preservation the Archbishop of Pat:a has br an so obstinately contending. When completed, the Lour o and the Tuilries will present a magnificent mass of buildia sfs.