The Sun. — London, England, 1846-02-25 00:00:00

a epeeist We rt upon this 0 04 : his Bill had ag iblicly told te l ? " that the de proceeded. 11i12:,1; curate reccutec. , ,, li g ht es t do u bt t a l &tiding order s . lac: re farther don ; co uld to attrib ete Chairman to lee 0" ct Committee 0 ,r 1 Friday las;110, petition ; 3 .;`' ay, that a e annulled." cso there 1 " 5 g o t he be pat uf l° to one ; i n tot s but one (11 0 that tobelobio, tding of 11 6 110 con i des io n . 0 the line 0301. ee npsnies we re a c e the whole ic. House woilic!,`.;lo er. If the .11:10 it consideratioeflo very da n t l n diss and for roc or mreittee• r sideration , made by the o h 'antago fre P3 tit himself /10•Trecaitial 'en by the oti rf 1 that the prv:-. b o s a strong • rowj er ght that in or; having been ich ;go annittee of till n in fliv° ur Lori The ,;°ble do' e and reg th u ' i ,or ers . persviltni" stating then in the inlan d fof e for letters so iso i and cobe r rr in India, c ured by t" - 1 ,0 0 ies, and th e e ", ,, id PresidencY',:ipeo li public deP' PE. h r iresenteo to ly pleased trod nists of the for a Rer e lpie°, ;lether with , lications of 1 , ibe also laid b e ° 000 tending ist Mr. tleefor, 10 n shall be ,r. Of. , Harry lAg g,fr i f " uss ell, Sir Rut herfer" ret, Eahon C °l llr. ii. Som;rville, 01 on. raronett;;, l ot com mittee, oi they e houi -. 0 id be well oov bt that th e Members. . 101 j o r ioting ° t old" pense. .d in glen roc, ent of t t i a ' o , °() t o the V fro°,, 'ken in t " e relt ° ii °e if ge f t igh t ' , the 11 0 " ee : r oe,::.1 on eern r % do , ~ eme nt we r " i he nents ter, c oos v !d in ea c " o ch 4 by the F re 11 1$ .! years eg°• o l, , ll i, , d be the hes. —( Hear ! 0e met (Sni tio p, a propos j 0$! 00 $ HEQV i d e r ipitate tieso the ee° inertial. ( t' r. Hers rnan 0 9 ' sO ' 'REL. tb as order em o 'Ore , iti l e Tiorn e- j ose l .to the posse.stoseotpie ci,i ~tf4 a tiens,! o ° l oEV 1 Ity DSe CUtIO O ,3 4, June, - NAVY' 0 6c;; , ,', Right I'V , t' a t d $ 1 ! ha to avy (cc !, mare t att i t flt were in r lio t y" I. When J t of he expellee foltiji her the del iier i i) i n this insfere 000, i to rerg 4 e tt l° o oli had g i ,tit.r:fi.# they In'e t h e ir ef r oe s g fere d de h a d been s:,tl,..ts' to the 00Y 9. a head tinier the tariff of 1842. The ludicrous dispro portion between the anticipation and the reality he need not Point out. On every other article the same pre (legions were made. He had been surprised to find at the great fair of Ballinsslo e the great increase of samples and the increase of price which had taken place within the last three years. Three years ago the numher of sheep sold was 63 ,8, and unsold 12.600, the average price being 2/. 10s. In 1 814 the number sold was 61,000 and unsold 8,000, the price b eing' 2. is., while last year the number sold was t 16,861, and e?unsold only 2,900, the price havirig risen to 21. 13s. He rnerebered a speech made in that House by Sir J. Emerson T enant, of three-quarters of an hour in length, crammed with atalistical facts, and proving to demonstration that the millers Of Ireland would be ruined if foreign flour were admitted into the country on the same terms with that of England. Well the Government did admit in 1842 foreign flour, and were the IMillers ruined? On the contrary, there had been an increase of l :per fe cent. in the importation of corn whi c h en ti re l y prove d w util were the arguments which were then o g e d• Nor could they complain of the course es:orl it a ;: e d by the Right Honourable Baronet. They remembered 1829, when he set them a precedent would never sacrifice the natisnal interests to party }Tee l Hear, hear. ) That precedent was set, and l'), el did they do? Why, when the occasion was passed, they eacee him at their head again. Sheuld they not have remem ti, red that under like circumstances he would have pursued a enular course. Yet they set him at their head-from the eh at °f all possible motives-he was the only man of their party the ° was able to conduct it.-( Hear, hear.) With regard to ;rfitte d support they had given to the Maynooth question, they ad ill' ted that they had supported it because it was introduced by :t rn ? k lees and that they would not have given it their support 1.1 it been introduced by the Noble Lord on this side of the ee t ',:a• After that avowal, had they a right to attack the lie 'g ' l i t ""n• Baronet for his conduct on this occasion ? He be wseeeie that when this measure was carried, as it undoubtedly he, they would be again the humble servants of the 8 ght Hon. Baronet.-(" No, no," from the Ministerial side. ) lie, thr 'y lied cried out in 1e 1 29. They had then said, " Nus stilt tuta fides," but they now sat on the same benches as the lai s ! Illen• Baronet ; besides, what could they do without tote d e meld they find any man amongst their ranks who r ' u l'Ply his place ? He would read an extract from a ernuttierkahle Posthumous pamphlet of the letters of Sir Sidney t e h ' ,in which he said that he believed that neither of hie feel es word(' survive for a single instant without Sir It. ture r ,; kl irl asked whether there was a Chartist in the British ktt erb e w ho would not, on the first intimation of such an t Pt all the abolition of the Corn Laws, order a new suit of cuote e , credit?' and go round to his butcher and baker for an enlarged w e tit' Wa s there a "Bear" on the Stock Exchange who ea, u not realise a large fortune when such a Ministry was rev l rr it . g rl? It concluded by observing, that if he were a ffeetutionist, he would like to see such a measure carried into is t ue e ''' Vie effect would be most certainly a revolution, unless If i t 'S a Partieular course, when it might indeed end in a laugh. ee, e ; i d not take that course, it would be productive of uns trek ° i t ' , effects from the Land's End to John O'Groat's, and alapp or , ri e end of Ireland to another. He (Lord Ingestre) t eett„, - t erl the measure, as he believed Chat it would give pro- Hito ", against hi di prices, and a security for abundance s , al -- "' and secure the honest trader against distress. isic ion was th a t it would tend to confirm the commer oyeee Press in the p ossess i on o f t h e advantages they already en kersei l ud give to industry its full reward. It had been as agsie ',, that aft er t h e quest i on was settled, something would kk gr -r "e to unsettle the publi c m i n d, an d th at t h ere would be it s : e at 4 call for the renewal of protection as there was now for tTeetion• If there were such a call, it would fifty years ko ' isZ u e,. looked upon much in the same light as that call was eenes;.'skerlopon which bad been made in the middle of the last W eed ' , ee the good people who regretted the alteration of the they t i !: for the Ministry to give them back the eleven days ,the 4 ,.: I °P; and historians wouldl ook upon it in very much 'kit ' e l e",e light as they looked upon a similar one in the llloec"urY• A fr ee ' tof commodities it was in their er t° • i m p ar t other nations s t kight g l ee -free exports of those commodities . ' t ree e ! e e r • He would not recur to the assertions which had t teh er e'ofaue respecting Holland, Belgium . , and Germany, and o s.j true continental estates. He believed the measure to aheislttraud righteous in itself, and for those reasons he gave the , Ceel,his warm and cordial support.-( Cheers. ) 'rietet.",e,' CONNOLLY perfectly agreed with his Hon. 'Peceee`lle Member for Dublin University, in the reports re kitet not t he potato crops in Ireland, from his own observations; eo n , - " l 3' that but from the observations of others in his tor e , e t ° entry i ' the county which he represented-he had tel e ei ; ) the conviction that such was the case. He was not r Rho car rejoice in the miseries of his fellow-creatures, i t se ) c a rl i nsrrisible to their wants, but he was greatly a t t he a e rr w what connexion this measure had to do with diusas n esse in Ireland.-(Hear.) At the very most this thi s t,' could not hold out longer than four months,. while s i No F e e l l a ure. even if it should pass, could not possibly come kllsalele operation before the expiration of three years.- ',lop 'h) T herefore, he could not understand what the ques -4'4 e ad to do with the potato disease ; and the i''rtitelie,,Ple would be very badly off indeed if they should be 40 0 e' to wait for relief until this measure should come rel, te t -I)e ratio n , He did think that this measure would have a 4relsej'iurious effect upon this country as well as upon t ' a lls t kn d, therefore, it should have his most stre q te e °PPosition ( H s ' ir ) He had had a long experiece 2tite - , t P e e° ,Ple of ireland e as . a country gentleman, and had r an ' , te s enowledge of their wants, and yet he would Iteofuet see how this measure would benefit them. Hehad tistiee4at!Y o pposed former measures of this sort, from the con 'f Ir e - il ti tat it would only increase the miseries of the people , * ,',Ses; r : d u Orf he had no doubt that cheap bread and low , t ides ' ere synonymous terms. in fact, it was at one time n i c te t :l t thu was introduced with a view to en i-4riefeels,set,en, ufactu . rers of this country to compete with fo r ket.,, 3 creating low wages,-( Hear, hear.) This was, P r ° th em t e wolf in sheep's clothing which they had had be ll", teels sieteen years ago.--( H . ear, hear.) In 1842 a kre se 4 , re was introduced, which he felt convinced would h"e 11i2-o.lurious effect upon agriculture, and ye! he supported se N tere t l ion. Baronet, very much against his inclination, ertile ee was told it would be a beneficial measure. He " I, l tstl e 4 l that he thought the agricultural body had ex.hr st;:leietnire!l3, generous , and disinterested course in accepting i i te, Iv e:rn of protection, which hi ey considered necessary ey ed* , eitar e of their order. In his opinion, they had le ',the. sltleneselves from the imputation of class interest, and the rorri the did epithets which were generally expended on them re et ' °Pposite aide of the House, in default of sounder ar is'kliel 8 - ( A laugh.) At the time the Noble Lord, the Co tl te e 'cretary, proposed his measure, in reference to supply le''' gee c e ° , l° .flies, he (Gel. Connolly) on hearing his explana- T 4 e hs lettna his warm and most cordial support.-( Hear.) ife:terseered that the extension ot the markets of the ma t:ll4e mark was the object sought by the present measure. ttroets he th eht already outstripped the bounds of fe p earl _ , 011,,, 9 le t o . eon sumption, and, he must say, that he thought it I .' t ili ( t . l : i, e r t ß ei r thet i lo m p :uli se to that which has already gone too far. 'sett_ etionist cheers.) Domestic agriculture was to be made Net a P ° ltcY similar to that proposed to be adopted by tnis l ad e s ph i ,_ estem of free trade. The discontent and tur_leti- Otur sre e ° would necessarily arise out of this measure in Ire \tiert,' 'ere dangerous, and were overlooked by her Majesty's t' ea - P t The produce of Ireland had been quadrupled in i e skt s e ,„' ' and yet they were asked what had protection done ? Processti 7 the origi n of the great capital ihat had accumulated sedelentry but protection? The Right Hon. Gentleman 4 te, t ° to show that an abatement of crime had taken place, les'ele, ail improvement was evident in the morals of the i s , tl ariseee,°°"equent upon the increased comfort which ei . ,'"ltie e - ,1 ° Y late in the habits of the people. He ekt %es this subject in order to make them abandon il e r e u t thee, 32e:ring called their class interests.-( Hear, hear. ) tsetts eie in asure before them involved the principle that no , en, shaould be granted to the tradesman or artizan who etry eels' devoted his energies to the service o . f . the ' this Is Wa' intolerable s a monstrous principle, it was unchristian, h 4t ilas ee , -( Hear, hear.) This might be called e gea t, it re; e eeient be ' helreend with every abuse that tZ L l ' i tl ne e e : r u e l :t r _invent, but while he had a soul in his body he 1 s 4 n i 4st II ent to inflict such an injury-one so inhuman .. 4 ' ll r -u P° l l the country,_( Hear, hear. ) All their ha egulations had been trade on the basis of protection, 4th could the r i °fle e ~_ 3' ase the tradesman to pay his taxes, when they o f y t,e eatriive._that protection, and abated his ability to . pay , tr eid ee sod :.'etY P er cent.? These were the opinion led ge s c e se e opioyLner heads than he could ever hope to be-they s on every na s u l l Ae l e e ° rd Ashisurtou, whose immense know i:riii, t pc d ,y l, ,:eu ü b natrrdyy, tehnautua; h,et.trtyboth colonial and otherwise, no one 4, i , o it was resgraced, He would say for . his u.nh srl had - Pict ray of the cliigYe.proportion of the crime wit el, eence and e° his sincere regret, arose from the people. The measure now pre tteuie 4 e tendency to increase that distress. He C les t i k i PPly, to Ireland that which he had said with regard to e ' . l , l t eete i r g i t t i a l l e ur that the charges conseque n t on the levying and e lin th e - rives, together with the rates themselve s , coupled .44,ti, great charges en I.nd, rendered their measure a th h4ille t °;lte• Ireland was capable of quadruplin g her present t4l e i. '''hir t four years, if a good market could be found for tech i eat Britain. They were about to abate the means of 41tr,‘ teat at the time when the poor-rates were rapidly t I les ' . l •4; and they id very shortly be under the necessity i it k!, flying those rates by force, if they allowed this measure to t o the present the rates, he was happy to say, were paid e h r kee, Tritest punctuality. Did they think . that th r eut t h e . Ireland were likely to be improved , by e:Nlin "onourable Member far Northampton called ' the tel e R hand o f r • 1 I '4l_ ‘4.! their po tticat economy ?" Why could they not tver" de lola Pr,esent system of relief by the means of public Ise Y ferse i kr " • He had always voted for such measures, as Fl ared l ern e i n g Which had been lent to Ireland had been use ee ti'l"e°ed, and had been repaid with thanks. He de • s,,,'tn e hi :Intention of the Government to curtail the only Il i ? w ell f or C ould be beneficial to the Irish farmer. It was ee k• ell the non. Baronet ti, deride the different fears of hi," t lne er - u t e t rs, that they could not sustain their present posi let,:piteio the present measure. He for one could maintain mot, that , without taxing the labourer unjustly, and he Y, were never should live to see the time when that tee s , 'tree i.:NI ruent now went for the eneouragement and y, s b e I) ° 1 the agriculture of the British empire, ''' e . 'd fe ' s .'"'" on the produce of a foreign coun eii, gre ed , the benefit of the foteigner.-( Hear, hear.) s k o s eiTt e c i . te th _ ~ e G'allarit Member opposite that the per. , tl etie tlia l cosine'' or this measure would be to throw off their 'et • a t ent It might be said that this was arguing ill iss e lt w ete 4 d er h Ptikele econo - my ; but he would contend fur it, kt e tie e bett s ets s -Nid e er upon a principle of economy to cnn l4 -t er 1 a nd Ireland If he were to pursue thts subje. 'llt " e l u ef -hest'den it w , i..i •ri hi en up the whole k sp t eer e ~,e , i•u _ induce ....111 to w , e e ., w' s a e se a e and shipping interests of the country ; I See, ee r t ive , es .itant Member below him, whe would deal , t '.'id', he , 'Y with that branch of the subject; but on the ' f ed st ' , l ,:t the b es t that ho looked upon this measure as fl 'We 't ' v e of e and clearest interests of the country, and t s IN Q E her pulitieal power as a great nation.-alesr.) ci rk ll lsi,s tani urisi g tSoTtRE thought an apology was due . from him, t ; citi o. ee es tt. respas s on the House on a question of such e erie ° se e ie ue Pressen% Bust the very importance of the ess ~Nen k:o plead his p 1 gy elso the fact of Hon. tic 'e tl ' t el kith whom lie o a n o ce o- Ya'a; proud to act, having acted th," Q e ,.:, Politi c 1 ), - et % etie seat a a postates.-( Hear, hear. The Right s,: l lele n 'eti ee , ' the Secretary for the Home Department,. at Ore l e e rrel e - f e nt of that most extraordinary speech, which tlhttelsitiis.sineeeiteityghts since, adduced a few tests, by which He ( Lord I estre) gave him every credit ih ° . "rit "' a I . ri other se e ' r gh h er nlet ee , ' le also did in the case of every !situ'r r e h t d -. But, perhaps, he would be allowed - sf tith e hoped about' of political principles to ac kt es• °Ped he would be permitted to adduce one ' ‘ho 4 let the of h. . te e et e e ter was .is own opinions. It was well k . nown f el. eti o _ h etd. , , Sritten by a Nuble relative of his, o teNl, note • '4", &Peak in terms the most respectful and (it h ar e ' l gh i t : tt , .toe opiniens set forth in that letter, had 4 1 'v . \ Paid . „,.;_ tt elie . 1 to them, as his Noble relative was known ‘ k ttt kil ' 1-41 ,e,yetention to the science of agriculture.- h'i . et ch Y of 4 ' hie Friend had said that Englishmen were Ctil upse t •l'c l3'3 e :te ring character. He said, that come N' t 411 . p the , ti ;,- iii k d esoters • may, their energies would surmount Its sge "uy to k ! r une these opinions, he would no doubt th e llte h e arly par give his support to the proposed measure. k te er Y ais o h se t of the debate, he (Lord Ingestre) was 14,', 1 ,t .1 ; i0 e _tary et Zait_:on made by the Right Hon. Gentleman e n el e ~1 of eri _ee, to the effect that the present was not se;re e , e l- r , , tr i e 'Ple, and that it was ridiculous to cause 'Qe Plats obey,, iro n h o t' k 1 ,,,, ,I let the country upon a question of t , p 4 , hs o ,a r , of t e .considered that no question could be ka. , l i h 4 50 r . principle then that by which Hon. lem e. ep os , e eeuai.e,rurned to that House.--( Hear, hear.) He i ''''h l l 'st t ''!" 1 It a ti t . '4y,, e h 0 L it _ .q es ion of principle if he had made si et t , lead en _rcoestituents to support a measure, and 4 Ir eedy Z ._ wards abandoned.-( Hear, hear.) We ulk gealgriations upon this question by Hon. THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNES IiAY EVEN i FEBRUA 25 iti-16 Members who thought it a question of principle. Others have written to their constituencies, or, taking advantage of differ ent local circumstances, have also resigned their seats. We have had also a sort of manifesto from a Noble Lord, a Mem ber of the Government. lie would say, upon that. leter, that he (.ould not ceuntenance the principl(•s contained in that document. He thought the House and the country had a right to call on the Right Hen. Gentleman, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and the Noble Lord, the Member for Monmou , h, to explain to the country why they had re-joined the Cabinet, and why they were now supporting measures which they thought so detrimen tal to the interests of the country. Did the Right lion. Gentleman, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, recollect an address of the Right Hon. Gentleman at the head of the Government, when in a somewhat similar position to the present He alluded to the address issued by Sir Robert Peel to his constituents at Oxford in 1825, when he proposed to abolish Cathelic Fmancipation. The Right Hon. Gentleman then said, " You did not send me to Parliament to relinquish Romish restrictions, but to maintain them, and to keep my seat in violation is( that honourable understanding would be disgraceful. I therefore resign my seat into your hands."— (Cheers. ) He (Lord Ingestre) thought the Chancellor of the Exchequer was in a similar situation, and therefore ought to adopt the same course.—(Cheers.) He ( Lord Ingestre) thought the present measure had been intro duced at a most infectious time. The Honourable Gentleman then quoted a passage from the Liverpool Market note, which stated that the other day there had bean a large arrival of wheat from Ireland, and that the price of oat meal was on the decline. The Mark Lane Express made a similar statement, and he would ask the House, how could they imagine that a famine was approaching with such facts before their eyes? 'The Right Hon. Baronet, in the course of two or three powerful speeches which he had made on this subject, ad vocated it on the principle of its being a " final adjustment," but he considered that the Right Hon. Baronet had a kind of at tachment to " final adjustments," as some ladies had to " match making ;" but for his part, he considered that this final adjustment would only be the commencement of a series of adjustments, and he warned the Right Hon. Gentleman,;if he gave way to his alarm respecting the approach of famine, on a future day he would be obliged to state that the day on which the corn• laws were repealed, instead of being his happiest, was the most miserable of his existence. He asked what was free-trade, and they would say it wets buying in the cheapest and selling in the dearest market. Different countries had different produce ; and he thought. that the true policy of free trade would be to allow every country to produce the particular articles for which she was best calculated, and to interchange our produce for it, giving them such articles as they themselves could not produce. If a fair start were effected between the different nations, he believed that the indomitable energies of this country would surmount every obstacle and surpass all the others. He had taken a period of six years, which he had divided into two periods of three years each, and the result of his observations would give remarkable evidence on this ques tion. The first three years he alluded to were from the years 1832 to 1835 inclusive, asd during that period the price of corn was very low and the duty was very high, so much so that they might he called years in which foreign corn was pro hibited. He would not enter into the details of figures, but he would state the fact that in these three years the imports and exports increased very considerably, and in the three following years, when the state of things was directly opposite when the price was very high and the duty was very low—the imports and exports materially decreased. Now, he (Lord Ingestre) had heard it said that because they asked protection, they were monopolists.—( Hear, hear. ) He did nut understand the meaning of the word.—( Laughter.) What was it ? He did not argue as an agriculturist ; he argued on general grounds ; he argued as much for the artisan toiling in manufactn res , as h e s lid for t h e agr i cultural labourer. Ceulel ' they call that monopoly which employed four-fifths of the whole population ?—(‘' Hear, hear," from the protectionists.) He was not sure of the exact figures, but the number employed in agriculture was about three hundred millions, and in manu factures about eighteen hundred millions.—(Laughter.) [We presume the Noble Lord has slightly mistaken his figures, and means 3,000,000 in the former instance, and 1,1(10,000 in the latter.] Now, if the corn which was grown in this country was displaced by the corn brought from abroad, they must send either money or manufactures to pay for it, and so much capital would be displaced, which would otherwise belong to the corn-growers of this country. Four times the quantity might indeed come from those countries, but they would not probably in return consume more than one-tenth of the manu factures which might be required to pay for this corn. Thus they would destroy that market—the home market—which Adam Smith said was worth more than all other markets to gether. The Right Hon. Baronet had stated, on the other night, that high wages and low prices often went together, and that low prices and high wages were very often the case. That might be very true, he believed it was true, but that had arisen from extraordinary circumstances. Now, as he had before stated, he thought that the present law had given great prosperity to the country. He fecund two or three authorities upon this point ; he found that the Right Hon. Baronet and the Secretary at War admitted it ; but the Right H on . Baronet ind ee d a ft erwar d s sa i d that te present alteration was introduced in consequence of the success of his tariff of 1842. He stated that he had been mistaken all his life, but that his measure of 1842 had been so successful that he was encouraged to go on in what might be called the same direction. The Secretary at War, who had represented himself as a free trader in disguise formany years, stated that the cern-law of 1842 was a signal failure. He would ask the Right Hon. Baronet and the Right Hon. Gentleman the Secretary at War which of them was right 7—( Hear, hear.) Under tn• system of protection, he (Lord Ingestre) contended that there had been greater steadiness of prices in England than had been the case elsewhere. The fluctuation in this country had been less than in other countries, and he saw no reason why the principle should be at once abandoned, though as science ad vanced it might be gradually reduced. He supported the tariff of 1842, because he considered the previous system required amending, but the present measure he thought uncalled for. Respecting what had been said by the Hon. Member for Sunder land, the other night, about the low price at which wheat could be imported, he gave some information. It was remarked, in answer to what that Hon. Gentleman stated, that the wheat which was imported at so low a price was inferior, but the best test o f that was the weight ; the best wheat usually weighing about 61 lbs. to the bushel. In corroboration of that Hon. Gentleman's staternent, : he held in hi s h an d th e average pr i ce of foreign corn i n b on d in the port of London, between the years of 1835 and 1845. In the month of January 1835, wheat was imported at 225. per qr.; in 1836, at 225. ; in 1837 at 40s. ; this was the average price of corn imported from all countries. In 1838 the average price per qr. was 255. ; in 1839, at 355. ; He had no quotations for 1840, 1841, and 1842. In 1843 the average price was 295. ; in 1844, 425. ; and 1845, 265. These prices were correct, and was an answer to those Hon. Gentlemen who stated that the landed proprietors could com pete with those low rates and keep their land in cultivation. It was absurd to suppose chat the present breadth of land would remain under cultivation, and that to effect this there would exist any security that present prices would be maintained. He did not want to advocate the interests of one class and to exclude the consideration of another, hut he wanted to advocate to sonic extent the cause of the landowners, who would suffer more than any other portion of the community by the adoption of the measures promulgated by the Government. It had been said repeatedly with great truth, both in print, at public meetings, and to some extent in that House, that this was en entirely a laudlords' question. There could be no doubt of it, and he would prove that this was so. He would allow an ave rage of 22 bushels of wheat per acre, and it was well known that five loads yielded 24 bushels of flour. Each acre gave 19 loads of wheat, which yielded 340 loaves. If these loaves were charged at 6.1. each, these nineteen bushels would realise 170 s. He put the average rent at 235. per acre. Now, if they were to abolish the whole of the rents paid by the occupiers of land, the consumer of the bread which they produced would not be saved more than one-sixth of the present price of the quartern leaf. But if they were to abolish those rents, what would become of the landowner?—how would he be able to improve his land, and how would he be able to purchase the goods of the manufacturer ? He objected to the measure on the grounds he had stated—that it would be highly injurious to Ireland ; in fact, they could not conceive an act which would be more suicidal to the country, because to de stroy its best markets, which had been so much encouraged by the trade of this country ; and he for one was at a loss to know how they could benefit the pent le of Ireland by destroying the best and most regular market they had. Then he considered that the partial failure of the potato crop in Ireland was an in sufficient reason for destroying the principles on which the commerce of this country had been conducted. Why, if they were to send an abundance of corn from foreign countries into Ireland, the people would have no money to buy it. He also objected to the measure because it would be a substantial injustice on the colonies, especially on Canada. In 1843, when the Noble Lord the Secretary for the Colonies (Lord Stanley), introduced the Canada Corn Bill, he said that it was necessary, but they now proposed to admit corn into this country under a system which would inflict great in jury on our colonial possessions. He gave the Right Hon. Baronet credit for all sincerity in proposing this measure, but lie might rely upon it that neither he nor any other Minister could ever succeed in governing this country without party—not a party of that House, but of the country. He was much dis tressed to hear the Right Hon. Baronet recant at the red box all the opinions which he had often heard him express upon protection, but he wished to ask some of those Hon. Members who had undergone so sudden and miraculous a conversion, whether they would not have been equally vain in their support of the Right Hon. Baronet had he proposed a reasonable protection to agriculture.—( Hear, hear. ) Noble Lord and if opposite heln e t e b e is ld ci v ni e n n t t r u y re th t e e a g r i i v s e to a c n ra z e ( yi v e ie n e j (Lord Morpeth) he would take the liberty of reminding o t y o ed the no N i him, that the noble blood of Howard was flowing through his veins, and also of reminding those who were acting with him, that institutions, such as those they were now attaching them selves to, ought to be a warning to the members of the aristo cracy.—( Hear, hear.) Before he sat down he was anxious to prove that the fever which was felt respecting the diseased potatoes was unnecessary, as he held in his hand new potatoes what were produced from the eyes of diseassd potatoes. ( Here the Hon. Gentteman, amidst great laughter, took from his pocket a small packet of new potatoes.) These potatoes had been grown by Mr. Chapman, a market gardener, and he (Lord Ingestre) took this opportunity of mentioning that fact; he hoped in future, the potatoes would be turned to better use, and that it would be ,no longer said that all potatoes were diseased. With these observations he would conclude by thanking the House for the attention with which he was heard. Mr. TRELAWNY would ask the Noble Lord what cer tainty there was that the potatoes which he had produced were grown from diseased seed? The proper course for Honourable Members to have adopted was to have proposed an amendment that the ports be opened. They seemed, however, to fancy that their views were better advanced by the criminatory lan guage which they had all along adopted. He would ask, had they not at first used the cry of "Protection to agriculture," and then, finding that they had no hold On the affections of the country, had the not changed their cry to " Protection to native industry ?" He could understand in some measure the line of conduct pursued by Hon. Members, if they were pre pared to say that they would put a duty on their exports as well. It appeared to him, however, that Honourable Mem bers entirely lost sight of the great point on the present question. They had spent a great deal of time acd a great deal of eloquence in vituperating the Right Hon. Baronet, but in his opinion they lost sight of the great question w hi c h t h ey ought to have kept in view. That point was whether the repeal of the corn-laws would be really injurious to the agricultural interest. He thought that the protectionists were acting unfairly towards the Right Hon. Baronet, and he thought they were acting somewhat illogically too in charging him with the criminality of having changed his opinions. They complained of him as if this was an act of treachery. after having entertained other opinions for a great number of years. What would be said of a philosopher who, after believing in certain dogmas for a long period, found reason to differ from his previous sentiments, if he refrained from acting on the altera tion in his conviction.? He read the speeches, he thought all the speeches, which had been made on this subject, and he had been unable to meet with anything that could convince him of the utility of retaining pr o t ec ti on . H e th oug ht it was a pity that the aristocracy of this c,untry, an ancient aristocracy as they were, should rest all their usefulness to the country on a mere question of rent. The Right Hon. Baronet, and the Noble Lord the Member for London (Lord John Rwsell), should throw their previous conceptions overboard, and pro vide those measures only which were likely to be for the general benefit. In the case of a great war with America, he should be very sorry to trust the safety of the country to the talents of all the Dukes. A f,.w years might make this mea sure not only convenient but necessary. It appeared to him that the course of observation indulged in by the Honourable Member opposite was not a constitutional course. He could not conceive how it could be constitutional for that party of which the Hon. Member was a supporter, to send up here certain Members as delegates from the protectionists.—(N o , no.) ) Had it no t b een s t a t e d th a t th e y were pl e d ge d t o suppor,` the agricult ura l i n t eres t, as it h a d b een ca ll e d ; b u t th en h a d not the Right Hon. Baronet opposite been bound by a higher pledge—a pledge to legislate for the benefit of the whole country ?—( Hear, hear.) And, if so, then, no minor pledge could be regarded as such. He had heard a great deal about the League ; now, he had never been a member of that body, but he was aware that it had done a great dead of good ; and if the Government had not introduced seine such measure as ts.at before the House, he should have joined it. Mr. PACKE said that though he had for many years the honour of a seat in that House, yet he did not feel at all times anxious to take a part in its debates. But the present question was one of such importance, and, in his opinion, so ruinous to the country, that Le could not consent to give the measure a silent vote. He was not going to follow in the course of obser vations of the Hon. Gentleman who sat down, but he would confine himself to the subject-matter of the debate. It was with very great pain he found himself obliged to differ from an Administration, which, since he had the ho nour to enter the House, he cordially and invariably had supported.—(Hear, hear.) He did not for a moment impute to the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of her Majesty's Government a single impure motive. He believed the Right Hon. Gentleman was actuated by the sincerest conviction of the necessity of the course of policy he was pursuing, but, as he (the Hon. Member conceived that course to be ruinous to the country, he felt him Self compelled to make a few passing observations. One of the most startling assertions which the Right Hon. Baronet bad made, and one that struck hint par ticularly, was, that the course of policy then about to be pur sued by the Ministry was a Conservative policy.— ( Hear, hear, from the protectionists. ) The Right Hon. Baronet then stated that he could n o t c h arge hi mse lf w i t h h av i ng actedincon sistently with true Conservative principles, and suppliantly inquired if t o p u t d own ag i tat i on was an ac t i nconsis t en t with true Conservative principles ? He (Mr. Packe) could not conceive how the flight Hon. Baronet could thus address the House, when he mus t h ave b een aware at the time that the agitation with which the Anti-Corn-law League had menaced the country during the seven preceding years, hadin creased to a greater extent during the present year. If he ( Mr. Packe) rightly understood the meaning of the term " true Conservative policy," he should say that it meant an adherence to fixed principles. And if he understood the meaning of the principles upon which the Hon. M e mb er on th e o pp os ite aide acted, he should say it was an ever-varying princii le.—(Pro tectionist cheers.) The Noble Lord the Member for the city of London has, by the sacrifice of his rrinciplea, been enabled to keep his party together, while the Right Hon. Baronet has changed his principles and sacrificed his party. He had heard men say that we should not rake up old speeches, but it was by these, he maintained, that " true Conservative principles" could be proved. However unpalatable it would be to some Hon. Members, he must. trespass on their attention for a short time, while he read a few extracts from some former speeches. When the Hon. Member for Montrose (Mr. Hume) brought forward a motion, he said to Hon. Members on this side of the House, " If you will leave us alone to settle this matter, 1 shall be much obliged to you." He (Mr. Packe) should like Honourable Gentlemen on the opposite side of the House to leave him and those with whom he acted to settle the present question with the Right Honourable Baronet, and he had no doubt they would be able to arrange the matter satisfactorily. The Hon. Member went on to say that all Parliaments h a d b een i n f avour of protection, and that the Hon. Member for Wolverhampton (Mr. Villiers) had always been the consistent advocate of the repeal of the corn-law. In 1838 the Hon. Member (Mr. Villiers) moved for a com mittee to inquire into th e l aws re l at i ng to t h e i mportation of foreign corn. Upon that, as well as on a subsequent occasion in 1839, that motion was opposed by the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Government, the Noble Lord, the Mem ber for the city of London, and the lion. Member for Man chester (Mr. Gibson). At the assembling of the Parliament in the commencement of her Majesty's reign, the Hon. Member fur Liskeard (Mr. C. Buller) stated that the House was at present ignorant of the principles upon which the Right Hon. Baronet meant to carry on his Government, if he succeeded to office. He (Sir R. Peel) then made the following declaration—" I would not shrink from the expresssion of my opinions. If I saw reasons for changing my course I would do so. I have not changed my opinions, not withstanding ,the combination which has been formed against the present corn-laws, either for the purpose of procuring their total repeal or the substitution of a fixed duty in place of the present sliding scale. Notwithstanding the present agitation which is going forward, I do not hesitate to avow my adhesion to the opinions exp e sed by me last year. On thesth of June following this announcement, when 628 Members were pre sent, a division was taken, and a vote of want of confidence in the Ministers was carried, by 4 majority of one, owing to this declaration of the Right Hon. Baronet. At the accession of the present Government they found themselves in a majority of 91 Members, who were pledged to support the corn-law in tact. The Right Hon. Baronet had said, when the lion. Member for Wolverhamton had brought forward his measure in 1843, " I think that any alteration in laws of this kind are to be deprecated. I think also that the existing laws afford us a fair adjastment of the question. He would go on to state what the Right 1-lon. Baronet hail stated during the following year : —" I have a strong feeling, speaking generally, that agriculture is entitled to protection. It is entitled to protection from a sense of justice, for the land sustains peculiar burdens. Look at the population of Ireland, which depends entirely on its agri cultural produce. lam not prepared to alter the amount of protection." He was certain there was not a man, either in that House or otit of the House. who prior to the eOcl of January, could have been prepared for the strange and sweeping change which the Right Hon. Baronet had proposed in the corn-laws. He would now advert to the reasons which had been brought forward in support of the proposed measure. Firstly, the principal reason was the failure in the potato crop. He must say that that subject was almost worn threadbare, so that it was hardly necessary to show why a new project should overthrow a fixed principle of 200 year's standing.—( Hear.) The second reason was, that the prosperity of the last three years was a sufficient induce ment for a further relaxation of duties. In his opinion, the prosperity that now abounded under a moderate protection was a great reason why it should be continued, and not de stroyed. Then, again, they had been told, that the wages of labour were not. dependent on the price of corn. As far as he could remember, he was perfectly persuaded, that the wages of agricultural labour depended very nearly on the price of corn. In his own neighbourhood such was the case ; and whenever there was a sensible rise in the price of corn, the amount of wages were always affected by it. In the next place, they had been told that the object of the measure was to reconcile the differences and animosities between the dif ferent classes of h er M a j esty ' s su bj ects. Now, whether that was an allu ion t o th e A nt i-C orn- l aw L eague he could not, say; e they were, how ever , on l y lik e so ld iers in a theatre, that kept marching round a n d roun d th e stage, i n order to give an ap parent multitude t o th e i r num b ers. The Hon. Member then measure briefly alludedprepared House ru e w publicst:eaen sepoermaicompensationnrent:si. chwtagriculturists, that which hr t concerned the Nobl e. n, which tc,ed r nlathernisd Lord said h h .5. proposed had on ld seen wou allude pia new Secretary for Ireland, had satisfied the Noble Lord, the Member for L on d on , o f t h e liberal policy which the Govern ment were about to adopt towards Ireland ; consequently, he would say, if the Noble lord, the Secretary for Ireland, had satisfied the Noble L or d, t h e M ember for London, of the'mea sures which were to be brought forward for Ireland, the Irish Members ought to be on the look out with respect to the tended policy towards that country. The Hon. Gentleman then concluded, by thanking the House for their kind attention to the observations which he had thought proper to address to them. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that he feared he must commence with the opening sentence which had characterised the speeches of most of the Hon. Gentlemen who had addressed the House—namely, at that protracted pe riod of the debate he could not he expected to offer any new observations w hi c h cou ld c l a i m a right to occupy their atten tion. He could assure the House, that under these circum stances he would confine his observations to the narrowest limits which it was possible for him to do, in the discharge of the duty he had undertsken to perform. As to the question itself, it would be unnecessary to enter into any argument, alter it had been so ably discussed by so many Hon. Gi ntle men, and especially after the great ability which had been dis • played in treating of it by the Right Honourable Baronet at the head of the Government, and by the Pre• shiest of the Board of Trade; who had left no arguments untouched, and who had completely refuted argu ments which had been brought forward on the other side. —(Cries of " No, no. ") Yes, they had established beyond the power of contradiction, the fact, that the removal of restrictions and the progressive development of the relaxa tion of protective duties, had, in every instance, been attended with resnits permanently beneficial and advantageous to the country.—(Cheers.) Before he entered upon the general question, he considered it to be his duty to respond to the calls which had been made upon him by many Hon. Gentlemen in the course of the debate, to state the grounds on which he was disposed to support the measure that had been brought forward by his Right Hon. Ft iend. Some Hon. Gentlemen had sups posed that he di fib red from his oa colleagues ftnerpthe nri o n es ti ar t t h l ee e sm. m e ne u ew r i e hwi b iti. e he f ‘ o ,he r ,e e i the House, an d th a t h e was go i ng to support the measure t a h g a a t i n t s h t is the pinion on v o i n c ti t o h n e s i r o f p a h r i t s w . should make to the House, would be entirely disabused ( Hear)—and wou ld prove as f a ll ac i ous as the arguments which they adduc e d against the measure itself.—(Cheers ) He would simply state t o th e H ouse the course which ' he had adopted. It was known that d ur i ng the middle of October a general opinion prevailed as to the failure of the potato crop in Ireland and in this country, and that disease had very greatly extended itself; and on the Isr of November the Government deliberated as to the measures necessary to be adopted order the circumstance of the case. He (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) had been informed by his Right Honourable Friend that he had intended, either . rrn . Coun o ci n l, o b r ot t h o o re t la t x he th se e ( g lu t : e m s ! that in such a case the direct interposition of the Government . t ot i on o o n cp s oer h nn e tb h hy a e d apoL differed retgs ils?a' tlinrvoemO enactment.rhd i e s Right Hon. Friend. He thought by an act of the kind would be an interference . with the established law of a dangerous nature, and an act which could only be justified by an immediate and urgent necessity. He could not avoid perceiving that the state of Ireland was not one that required that stringent course of action. He thought that the matter might be dealt with by legislative enactment at a future period, and that it was not expedient to open the ports at that ti me . I t was i mposs ibl e for him not to consider. that the Gov ernmen t were not ca ll e d upon for a suspension of the corn-laws for so long a period as that suspension was con sidered necessary. His advice to the Government was, to look forward to the ulterior consequences of the step which they were about to take. It was his opinion that to open the ports at that period would have been to suspend the due operation of the law. It had further been stated that on previous occasions the suspension of the law had not entailed any evil consequences whatever. He knew that in antecedent periods of our history the ports had been opened by an Order in Council, but the effects of that measure had always been represented to have been injurious to trade and commerce, and were only to be justified by the emergency of the ease. He had always understood that the b ene fit o f th e sliding scale, which was introduced in 1828, was intended to produce a sufficient supply of corn, without having recourse to those continental interferences on the part of the Government, which had been found on all former occasions to he hurtful and inconvenient ; and also he could not put out of his consideration, that, en all occasions on which recourse had been made to an Order in Council, the benefit of the sliding scale was opposed to the fixed duty. The great argument that had been brought forward against a fixed duty was that when the time of trial and famine should arrive, it would be necessary to depart from the principle of the law, and allow of this interposition of the Government in Council, in order to admit corn into the country.—(Hear. ) Finding, then, that th e consequences of these interpositions must necessarily terminate in the abrogation of the law, an additional argument of the strongest nature was furnished why that abrogation should not be effected by an Order in Council. Considering also the existing feelings on the part of a great body of the community, it was necessary to leave the power of the Government unshackled, at the meet ing of Parliament, t o pursue any ultimate measure which it might be considered necessary to adopt. For this reason therefore, he opposed the proposition to admit foreign corn into the country through the medium of an Order in Council. But his Right Hon. friend at the head of the Government proposed an alternative ; he suggested the imme diate assembly of Parliament for the purpose of effecting the opening of the ports by means of a legislative enaetreent. To ll that proposal he equally offered an objection, although his ob objection rested upon different grounds. The proposition was submttted to the Cabinet on the Ist of November. At that time the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, and a number of other parties had received accounts of the fearful extent of the potato failure in Ireland. Those ac counts rested upon considerable authority, and the s'ateinents were made so as to create considerable alarm. At. that peried of time the Irish crop of potatoes had not been dug, and there were no means of actually ascertaining the extent of the eal a mity. He felt, then, that with those differences as to the ex tent of the calamity which was coming upon the country,it, was probable that there might be prevalent a doubt upon the minds of others as to the expediency of at once opening the ports. It was his duty to o ithhold giving his assent to any legislative measure which might affect the corn-laws until time were allowed for a further investigation of the subject. That the extent of the misfortune then coming upon Ireland was nothing like that which they now knew to be the real fact, it was impossible to doubt. 11 s thought that when the question was before the public there would be no doubt of a more general concurrence in the support of some measure for the euspensien and subsequent alteration of the corn laws at that time, than if they proceeded at once to the dis cussion of a subject which had now created so much alarm. For those reasons, therefore, he entered his protest against the immediate assembling of Parliament for the purpose of suspending the corn-laws.—( Hear, hear.) He might have been wrong, or he might have formed an erro neous judgment upon the question which was then submitted to his consideration. He saw, or at least he thought he saw, that the danger with which we had to deal was a question which would not be encountered until at least an early period in the spring. He felt the greatest anxiety that this question, which so largely affected the interests of the people of this country, should be supported under its difficnl ties by the greatest possible number of Host. Gentlemen in that House, as well as by the general opinion of the people of this country--( Hear, hear)—and therefore it was that he pre ferred delaying the commencement of operations, in order that, when they were commenced, they might be carried with a weight and an authority which would put an end to all cavilling and opposition.—( Cheers.) Ile had been told, that in refusing to accede to the proposition for the Order in Council, he be trayed a want of that coldness which a Minister ought to feel in dealing with great commercial questions. His might be told, perhaps, that he was in want of that siaeac'ty which ought to have enabled him to see so long before-hand the extent of the calamity with which Ireland was likely to be afflicted. Ile might be told also that he had manifested yet more want of that knowledge of his Hon. Friends near him, and that he ought to have known that they would have willingly assented to the suspension of the corn-law Act of 1842, if the proposition had been submitted to them. He might on all those points have been in error, but this he would say, after the lapse of the periods which had since intervened, and after reflecting upon the coarse which he then thought. it his duty to take and ad vise, and which he thought in his conscience was the best that he could give ; he did not feel, after a reviewal of the transaction, that if it were now presented to him in the shape in which it then stood, he should give a dif ferent opinion from that which they gave.—( Hear, he ar. ) After this difference in the Government upou this particular point, it was agreeel that the question should be postponed for rs limited period, in order that further information with re spect to it might be accessible to every one. That further period brought with it undoubtedly the strongest possible argu ments for a change in the corn-laws. They had very shortly afterwards laid before them a report of the Commissioners who had been sent into Ireland to inquire into the nature and ex tent of the calamity. The Commissioners in that report de tailed their views of what was the extent of the crop of potatoes, and what was the limited amount upon which the people would be compelled to subsist. The accounts of those Commissioners were confirmed by actual experience when the potato crop came to be dug in different parts of the country, from which it appeared that in some places one half, in others one-third, and in others three-fourths had been abso lutely destroyed. Nay, there was a general and universal feel ing, and one which he believed was founded in justice—that the preservation of the inhabitants of some parts of that country depended entirely upon the fineness or wetness of the weather. —(Hear, hear.) The case then resolved itself into the reliev ing of Ireland from the difficulties with which it was then in his mind encompassed ; and although he felt deeply that the adoption of the course which his Right Hon. Friend (Sir R. Peel) had now submitted to the House, would be attended with a dissolution of party connexion—( Opposition cheers )—and would probably cause his (the Chancellor of the Exchequer), separa tion from many of those with whom he had for many years been connected, and whom he hoped he might still be permitted to call his Honorable Friends—( Hear, hear)—although he felt that that might be the necessary consequence of the measure, yet he also felt that there were duties imposed upon one holdirgs the responsible situation—( Loud Opposition cheers)—which went beyond the feelings of party and of class, and that being convinced in his own mind that an alteration in the corn laws had become a question of inevitable necessity, he was pre pared to give his opinion that under the circumstances which he had mentioned, the corn-laws ought to undergo some change. At the same time, he felt that that change had been better effected by other persons than his Right Hon. Friend a• the head of the Government—( Hear, hear)—and he entirely concurred in the resignation of that charge into the hands of others, who, from their long maintenance of the opinions by which they were actuated, were better fitted to discharge the duties, and perhaps better calculated to carry this measure.— (Hear, hear. ) He would only say, that when he tendered to her Majesty the resignation of his office, he had no more idea that he should have had to deal with this question in any other capacity than that of a private individual than he had of any other probability of which he had not the slightest anticipation or idea. —(Hear, hear.) If Hon. Members doubted the ve racity of his statement, he could, by most complete evidence, prove to them that he did not at that time contemplate anything of the kind.--( Hear, hear.) He did, indeed, at first entertain some doubts as to the time when the measure for the alteration of the corn-laws should be brought forward, but as to the necessity of some alteration in the corn laws, he entertained net the slightest doubt.—( Cheers.) He thought that such a course would be best calculated to promote the interests of the country.—( Hear, hear.) He was, there fore, at that time prepared to vote upon this question in his pri vate capacity, in the same manner as he was now about to do in the capacity of a Member. On these grounds, therefore, he thought that there was no inconsistency in his conduct when he resumed office.—(Cheers.) That was, in a few words, a short his'ory of the transaction as far as he was concerned. Hy trusted it would satisfy his Hon. Friends; and although diffe rences might exist between them and himself with regard to this question, he yet hoped that they would be ready to believe him when he said that, in pursuing the course which he had, he was doing what was best calculated to promote the interests of the country.—( Hear, hear.) A Noble Lord, a Member of that House. had told him, that in his opinion, he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) had acted inconsistently with his duty to his constituents, which he had the honour to represent when he accepted office after he had tendered his re signation.—( Hear, hear.) And he called upon him to make some explanations to his constitutents at Cambridge.— ( Hear, hear.) Now, he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer thought that the duties of a representative differed entirely from those which had been mentioned by the Noble Lord. He did not pretend to say that if Honourable Gentlemen at par. ticular elect ons had pledged themselves, wader all circum stances, and upon all occasions, to maintain particular laws, they might feel themselves bound to adhere to those pledges and opinions. But he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) stated to his constituents generally his views upon particular subjects, if these subjects came under discussion ; he, however, re served to himself the fullest right to take upon all other questions that must come under consideration in Parliament that coarse which lie thought most conducive to the general interest. And however it might be sanctioned by some great examples, however it might be conformable to the views which some Gentlemen who had pledged themselves might take, he for on, did not admit that it was in any respect the duty of a repre sentative, acting in opposition to his constituents upon particular laws that might be submitted to the consideration of the House, to make that opp .sition the ground of his resigning, to n his re s i gnat i on, if required to do so by his con stituents. (the Ch ance l lor of the Exchequer) had; given n h resp ec t to t h e corn- l aws at any period to his constituents. H e h ad never expressed any sentiment tendering that might be constr ue d i nto an expression in favour of a per manent adherence to th e ex i st i ng l aws, w hi c h H on. G entlemet seemed to have gi ven to their constituents when they veerse i et nt . pledges H elected. And on those grounds, therefore, he thought it would be abandoning the character of a representative in Parliament. He thought it would be depriving himself of the capacity of acting in aceordance with the views of the constituency of the whole country (which they undoubtedly really represented) i , he were to be bound on all occasions to vote in accordance with the views of his immediate constituents.—(Cheers.) Now, s far he was sure he detained the Howse too long upon matter which related to himself personally—(Cheers)—there was nothing, he was sure, more painful or less agreeable upon whit! to speak, and he would now, therefore, proceed to address him self shortly to the subject which was immediately be fore the House. The question which they had before them was one, as it appeared to him, which might be found to b, comprised in a very narrow compass. It was simply whether they would make progress in the course which they had lot some years proceeded in, with respect to the relaxation of pro. tective duties • or whether th ey wou ld b e content, not merely to remain where they were, but to retrograde in the cours , which they had hitherto taken. He knew that in the course of this debate many Hon. Gentlemen had supported the Go vernment up to this period in the course which they h pursued, and yet they declared that they were bound to with draw their support upon this question. Those lion. Gentle. men argued that if this measure were passed, the interests of this country would be injured. They argued that what the Go vernment had hitherto done was exactly what was judiciou and just, and, therefore, that for all time things should remain as they now were. But when he considered the arguments o, some of his Hon. Friends near him—when he heard that some of his Honourable Friends had stated that the corn-law which was passed two years ago ought to be suspended—when he heard that sentiment cheered as if were generally assented to by several Hon. Gentlemen of that House—when he heard other Hon. Members state their opi nions that the corn-law might be modified in certain parti culars so as to meet the inconvenience which resulted to th, country from its present shape—when he heard other Hots. Gentlemen who went some steps further and some who del not go quite as far upon these particular questions, he thought that they would find it very difficult to account for the reason why they resisted the motion which was then before the House.— ( Cheers.) Hon. Members had said that this measure would materially injure the shipping interest.—( Hear, hear.) But he could show to the House that since the protective duties had been removed with regard to the shippiug trade that trade had —( Cheers.) Th e Hon. Member become far more prosperou s. the lions. Memb ers w h o had joined for Donegal was one of Hon. Members in t hi s statement, and inst ance d particularly the he .ear IS4- 9 the t onnage of trading Irish trade ; but in t ) vessels belonging t o that country was 2,600,000 in 1849 . and in 1845, 3,669, 000, being an increase of 1,000,000. It had been stated by Hon. Members opposite th a t t h e i n crease of British shipping employeh in the B a l t i c trade had borne no proportion to t he interest, and they argued from this circumstan ce th at the re moval of the duty upon Baltic timber had thrown the shipping trade into the hands of foreigners, and that they h a d i n con sequence been benefitted more re than this fact the eshippi ng o f t hi s couutry.—(llear.) He considered reason why the present measure should be carried i n t o e ff ect. hic he could give that, encourage- He knew of no mode in w merit mere effectually than by passing those measures. Hon. Members would see, if they looked at the proportion of British shipping engaged in carrying corn as compared with other ar ticles. When the demand is immediate it must be sent by ships that are in port —they cannot wait for 13ritsih ships ars ' riving frei g hted with merchandi se, and which could re t urn l a d en with corn. And if Hon. Members looked at the proportion between the number of British and foreign ships employed in this: trade, they would see that there was a vast prepon derance in favour of foreign shipping. He thought nothing could afford a better chance to the shipowners whose interests had been advocated than b y passing the present - measure. The number of ships laden with corn which passed through the Sound was 1,118 foreign, and 501 British ships, —('Hear, hear.) If, then, he wished to restore the employ men t of British shipping, let them give an i ncrease d f ree d om of trade to commerce, and by this means cause those artielss which are casually sent to become regular freight. Another objection which is raised to this measure is that the diminution of the duty upon Baltic timber would injure the Canada trade, and our other colonies, which should be the objet t of our tenderest car e. The Hon. Member who brought forward this argu mi snt had fallen into an error, which had been largely shared in the course of this debate. They imagined. that advantages gi vent to one were necessarily ciisadvantageousto others, whereas a e onverse would be the case. What had been the effects of the ara 1 1 - tion in the late tariff as regarded the North American colonies. In the year 1842, 1,550 vessels cleared the ports with 540,000 tonnage ; in 1844, the tonnage was 789,000, and the number of vessels cleared was .2,284. This did not rest upon his own statement. A Committee had been appointed for the last year in which a question of a similar nature as the present was raised. One of the witnesses, a person much connected with the shipping trade, had stated that the benefit to the shipping interest by the operation of the tariff made a difference in favour of the British shipping, in thelr competition with the foreigner, equal to 30 per cent. He was asked, with reference to the price, of freight, if 38s. or 40s. was sufficient remuneration, his reply was, that if they would inure him 385., he would contract to supply the country with an ra ed con(uns con struction n o et. a u ir,:i n c,,f e t tt, of oihfaeti tonnage. ctrtih: sle:would i,eus r.ld) shipownersrexsmhkpireuli o nn_ t she h i ruveaierit: foundimt b hga j iet e t,:n c , objection which difficult t time lioreilonnsu h iatnt a hi enda,etyacb, cost more than it would do at present, in consequence of the re duction of duty on timber. It had been stated that Baltic timber was necessary for the construction of a twelve years' ship ; hut he seemed to forget, that haying once obtained thi s material, th e va l ue of the ship was thereby' greatly enhanced. If he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) could compare great things w ith small, he could compare this class of shipowners with those innkeepers on the Great North Road, whose business had fallen away in consequence of the diversion of the traffic by the railroads. It had also been urged that by adopting the present measures we should injure Canada —that country which we had flattered so before; for said Hon. members, are you not going to admit foreign corn into this country, arid will not that be a breach of your compact made with them ? He (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) stood up for the importance of supporting the colonies of this country, and of doing everything likely to conduce to their ultima•e benefit.—( Hear, hear.) They had no right however to com plain, if for a general benefit we introduced competition with those upon the same terms as with the mother country. Canada complained, their answer would be that she stood upon the same tooting as the mother country, and therefore she had no right to complain. Another favourite argument which had been used in the discussion of this question —a favourite mode when argument cannot be readily produced, is to draw some very extravagant picture of its effect. If free trade, said they, is to be adopted, we must have free trade in all things—the duty must be taken off tea, coffee, and all other commodities. He (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) did not, however, adopt extreme opinions on this question, either on one side or the other ; he considered that it was impossible in any financial position to avoid in some measure a system of protective duties. When he advocated free trade, he did it under the considera tion that it was necessary for the purposes of revenue—for the preservation of the public morals and the public safety—that some restrictive duties should be retained. He did not conceive that in so doing he was at all deprecating a system of free rade. He viewed this question in the sama light as he would the question of civil liberty. In that case it was necessary for the preservation of the public safety and morals that there ,hsuld be some restrictive and prohibitory laws. Other argu ments have been adduced to prove that the repeal of the corn laws would materially affect the conditon of the agricultural labourer. They have supposed that by the introduction of eompetition with the agriculture of other countries we were likely to be overwhelmed by foreign agriculture produce. This question had been ably argued in the course of the debate. tie would not trouble the House with the recapitu lation of those arguments, but he would merely tall the earnest attention of the House to two cases which these experiments had been tried, and he would give I:ae result of those experiments, and lie would shew the ad vantages which it afforded to the country. In the reign of Charles 11. the agricultural interests of this country seemed to lave entertained opinions similar to these professed by indi viduals in connexion with the agricultural interest at the present day, and they were also deeply affected by the imports if articles which came into competition with them. In the preamble to an Act passed in that reign it was stated, that whereas certain lands of an inferior quality in this country eannot be so well employed as in fattening cattle, therefore be t enacted, that no cattle shall be imported, and those per sons who shall at any time import or cause to be imported any cattle from that country into England shall be subject to cer -ain penalties which it was not necessary for him to read. AL that period it was curious to refer to the arguments which which were used for the purpose of giving to this country au •ntire and complete monopoly. The historian tells them that ;here were great and general murmurs at that time, complain mg of the great injury sustained by the agriculturists of that :ountry in consequence of the importation of cattle, which were bred in Ireland with scarcely any trouble and expense ; cud if some enactment did nut take place, the breeding of settle in England would be given over, and thereby the rents could be decreased, whilst the rent in Ireland would rise to a considerable extent, and this could only be avoided by an Act if Parliament." Some members of the agriculturists of that ime, Lord Clarendon tells them, complained that they had :wt " land bad enough to breed cattle upon," and that ap peared to he the case in many counties. However, in the face if those Hon. Members, the Bill was carried through the !douse, limiting the importation of cattle. In the House of Lords, the resolution was carried with all expedition, and it ,as curious the Duke of Buckingham was at the head of those who favoured the Bill with most marvellous concern.— ( Loud laughter.) When that measure passed, about seven ,ears afterwards, - a most distinguished man in that country, writing to the Lord Lieutenant, said " That .he cattle which were brought over from the Irish .oil would in future be brought from Rouen and Lisbon," the expectation of that Bill, that it would keep up the rent of and in England, was proved by those who were most capable if judging that it had not in the slightest degree that effect. there was another case which proved the great value of admit ting a competition with them. It was perfectly well known hat up to the period of the union Ireland was treated as a foreign country ; and that since then, the importation of corn .nd cattle were freely admitted ; and notwithstanding the value of agricultural commodities considerably increased, up to the period of 1841. After the union, a tree intercourse was es tablished between that country and Ireland, and the corn of Ireland was freely admitted into the !market of England in competition with their own corn. It must be borne in mind that at that particular period the quantity of corn grown in England was proportionate with the population—( Hear near)—lreland then sent large quantities of corn to this coun try for home consumption to so great an extent that it am mounted to one million quarters per annum, for the maintenance of the population of England. Nat importation gradually increased until it amounted to three millions and four millions quarters annually. If those persons used the argument that the importation of corn would ruin the agriculturi,ts of England, what would they ray if that fact when the admission of corn from Ireland was permitted into England. If they could sustain the introduction if agricultural produce from Ireland at a period when their population was not more than fifteen millions without injury, what danger had they now to fear with the increased improve ment in agricultural knowledge, and with an increased popu ari n in the United Kingdom, amounting to twenty-seven millions ? Why, from the date of the union, they may date the great improvement which had taken place in agricultural science in that country. They found that in the very year 'hat the free admission of Irish corn took place, there were a ereater number of Bills passed through that House connected with agricultural improveineets than on any former occasion. —(Hear, hear.) They also found that the gentlemen of Eng land paid greater attention to the improvement of agri culture than they were ever known to do before. They found too that the price of corn in England was not reduced by the importation which had taken place ; but, on the contrary, agricultural prosperity was growing from that large possible quan tities effect, but when they found on the contrary, that competiti on led to permanent improvements, how could they argue that a mall introduction of corn from the Continent could prod uce se art of o year.irish cornlf' therefore, were inio as imported, lie said swaiitdhobu before, t for fi e nding those disastrous effects which he had heard so often st a t e d? But there was another remarkable circumstance in connexion with these two parts of the United Kingdom, Great Britain and Ireland. Which of the two countries was agriculture most advantageous to—Great Britain or Ireland ? No man present, ee believed, would deny that the agriculture of Ireland, corn pared with the agriculture of E ng l an d, was d e fi c i ent i n an ex treme degree. How then would competiti on ac t w ith th e t wo countries? The corn producers in England brought to their rid exertions, intelligence, and energy, but in Irela n d a g r i cu lt ure remained little better than it was many years ago, for competi r ion was not known there, and the want of agricultural enterprise eroved an injury to them, which was not felt in England. It was said by an Hon. Member that that measure would prove injurious to the people of Ireland. Why, he (the Chancellor of he Exchequer) was sure, that his Hon. Friend would feel that the same results would take place in that country which competition had created in England. The measure was far from decreasing the value of property in that country. The stimulus that would be given to trade there, by increased de mand, would produce in that country, as it had in England, the sffect of giving employment in agriculture, and also from the establishment of manufactures, which were so much required n Ireland.—( Hear, hear. ) It had been stated, and it had been truly stated, by his Noble Friend, that the markets of this country were open to the world. If there was any prin eiple better understood, it was for the most part that a home market was necessary for the agricultural produce of that country. So far from causing injury, that measure would create employment in the increased competition that would take ~lace in the extended commercial intercourse which such a measure would create. He would confine himself to another topic. He had heard, during a great portion of that debate, different arguments used with respect to the inconsistency of public men.—(Loud ironical cheers.) He was an advocate for consistency.—( Similar cheers. ) But does that consistency consist in adhering to principles which varied with the altered state of society?--( Hear, hear, and cheers from the free traders.) if in any one measure they adopted the principles of free trade, there was no good reason why they might mit be adopted in another, at a subsequent period; and he would like to know what gentleman was there in that House who had not, at some time or other changed the opinions which he held? He knew none who had not, to some extent, changed their principles with respect to those laws. Were the Hon. Gentle men opposed to the measure, themselves agreed as to what course should be pursued?—( Hear, hear.) Were they pre pared to maintain the principles which were entertained at the passing of those laws? and were they prepared to say that those laws ought to be permanent in the country ?—( Cheers. ) When they were prepared to show him a time when the repeal can be effected with greater advantage to the great body of the community, then he would be prepared to join them ; or would the Hon. Gentlemen show him a time when resistance to the repeal of the corn. law would be attended with less danger or chance of success ? They were threatened with a great calamity in consequence of the failure of the potato crop, and they were bound to look forward to the effects which that failure was likely to produce in the produce of future years. And though his Hon. Friend the Member for Staffordshire had produced from his garden a fine potato, grown from one of the diseased roots, yet there were other experiments made by scientific men on a more extensive scale, which lead to very different results. He had seen accounts from North America, where the disease had now prevailed for thre consecutive years, and he found that in the present year the failure in several parts of that country was fully equal to that which prevailed in many districts in Ireland. ( Hear. ) What happened in other countries might also happen in their owr, and it was right that they sh ou ld not forego the opportunity of providing beforehand a supp l y which would be able to protect them from the effects of such calamity. They should also recollect that a f a il ure i n the crops had very generally prevailed upon the Continent, and they mast naturally inter that they would exp er i ence a diffi culty in obtaining a sufficient supply, r a th er t h an that they should be inundated with corn, as some M em b ers h ave imagined. Did the House ever consider that the produce of 120,000 acres of wheat, were year by year required to support the growing population of the country, .and did not th a t c i rcumstance alone prove the necessity of making provision in time for the want which must press upon the cuuistry.—( H ear , h ear . ) H e, therefore, theught in a time of general distress and disaffection, by repealing the corn-laws, they would effectually provide for the happiness and comfort of the people. —( Hear, hear, cheers and counter cheers;) He was extremely sorry that in the course of that debate so many of his Hun. Friends shouH have expressed themselves in terms of strong disapprobation of the course pursues! by her Majesty's Mi n i s . tors.—( Hear, hear.) He regretted that those for whom he entertained the sincerest respect, should have expressed them selves hastily, not merely with respect to the measures of the Government, but also with respect to the personal conduct of his Right Hon. Friends.--( Hear, hear.) He did not intend to retort those expressions, but his Right Hon. Friend,' be Member for the University of Dublin ( Mr. Shaw) made a speech which contained far more eloquent declamation than it did ar gument. He stated a principle, which he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) cordially concurred in, viz., that it was the duty of an independent Member to maintain that course which he believed to be right. Now he would only ask that Honourable Gentleman to allow to those who were the Ministers of the Crown the benefit of that principle, and that he would not heap upon them those oppro brious epithets which he had made use of, for acting on the fiery printiplethieh he had laid down for his own guidance. He told them thdt the Ministers were the " most unstable of men," " infirm of purpose s " and were " Cabinet jugglers." He bad also made use of an obserVd•iohi not very kind, to those with whom he had se long acted, and slWtih did not display that judicial coolness which became a high judicial character.—( Hear, hear.) He called them " political cowards." He (the Chancellor) might be a political coward, for he had been afraid to maintain party consistency in oppo sition to the wishes and interests of the people ; and he heti been afraid to risk the subsistence of the empire for the sake of gratifying a party. If that were cowardice, it was that of which he had been guilty.—( Hear, hear.) He had turned his back upon his friends, but he had only done so in order to p ro t ec t them from their own want of foresight. —(Hear, hear, and cheers, and counter cheers. ) Seeing the storm a-head, seeing the frightful effects w hick famine would produce in Ireland, he had not been ashamed to oppose himself to the danger.—( Hear, hear.) He begged to to 1 those Hon. Gentlemen that he painfully felt the loss of their good opinion ; he should ever remember with satisfaetion the period when they bad been formally united, and he trusted that when their judgments had time to cool—( Ironical cheers) when they shall see the dangers with which the country had been threatened, notmerely in prospective bet in reality—when they shall be aware of the necessity which existed to make pro vision for those dangers, he trusted be knew enough of them to believe that—however inconsistent it might appear with their present opinions —they would admit that they have been wrong, and that the Government had adopted the best course for the preservation of the general interests of the country.—(Chedr.) Mr. IV. B. FERRAND believed that he was perfectly in order in alluding to the petition that had been presented to the House a few evenings ago by the Noble Lord the Member for the West Riding of Yorkshire. The House wouli remember, that as far back as 1843, he hid stated in that House, that the Anti-Corn-law League had purchased signatures t o t h e petitions which they had gotup at a shilling a hundred.— (Laughter.) Now lie (Mr. Ferrand) was well aware that when the Noble Lord presented those pettions he might no doubt have believed that the signatures but he (Mr. Ferrand) was p repared to genuine; prove, if his statement were denial, that the working m en whose signatures were Atlied to those peti tions were obliged by th e master manufacturers to attach their names, and if they refused to do so, that the consequence of their e fusel would be the sacrifice of their daily bread.—(Hear, hear, and cries of "Oh ! oh !") He was indebted to the Hon. Member for Montrose for the able statement whi c h h e gave of the modu operandi which ope andi which was resorte 1 to in the workin g o f t hi s tyrannical system. 'That Hon. Member said it was a regulation of the ma ster - manufacturers in Scotland, that if a workmen left one manufactory in consequence of a dispute with his employer the owner of another manufactory would not employ him. The consequence of which was that the most abject slavery and subservience was created. The lion. Member stated that that was a glorious combination. Now he (Mr. Ferrand) was prepared to say that that combination existed to as great an extent in Lancashire and Yorkshire, and he had no hesitation in saying that there was no man in the employment of any of the members of the Anti-Corn-law League who dared to refuse his signature to the petitions which emanated from that body.—(Cries of "Oh ! oh !") He would ask the Hon. Gentlemen who advocated the doctrines of free-trade, and the Noble Lord, the Member for London, if they believed that those signatures were genuine ? If really considered them to be the bona fide acts of the parties whom they proposed to represent, they would have laid greater stress upon them. Now he (Mr. Ferrand) was prepared to prove that one man attached no less than 14,000 signatures.—(Loud cheers.) Attached 14,000 signatures to one of those petitions without ever having left his house, er employed any one even to write his name.—(Loud cheers.) That was the way that petitions were got up by the Anti-Corn-law League, and were afterwards presented to that House with a flourish of trumpets.— (Loud cheers.) So much for petitions: Now, if the Hon. Member for Sheffield would allow him, he would allude to certain points which he had referred to in a speech he made a few evenings ago, when he interrupted the Hou. Member in rather a round manner.— (Laughter.) As, however, he had stated his views in a very inaccu rate and dictatorial manner, he (Mr. Ferrand) deemed it his duty to give the statements of the Hon. Member a peremptory denial. The Hon. Member said &at some Hon. Gentlemen had engaged to sub scribe 2,0001. for the recent election in the West Riding. Now, all he (Mr. Ferrand) would say on that subject was, that if the lion. Gentleman would find the individuals who were to subscribe this money, he would give him 201. per cent. for his trouble.—(Laughter.) The lion. Gentleman also said that he (Mr. Ferrand) had published an able letter on that occasion. He believed that that statement was perfectly correct, for no member of the League had ever yet been able to answer it.—(Laughter.) The Honour able Gentleman went on to say, that he (Mr. Ferrand) had succeeded in his peculiar mission of creating a bad feeling between manufacturers and those in their employment. If the Hon. Gentle man had read his (Mr. Ferrand's) speeches correctly, he would have discovered that his object was not to create bad feeling, but to expose and bring before the public gaze those cruelties and oppressions to which the working men were subjected by the master manufacturers —(Hear, hear.) The lion. Member stated also that his (Mr. Fer rani's) friends had repudiated his efforts. Now that he strong'. denied. The Tory party, not the Conservative party (for, thank God, that party had ceased to exist.)—(Laughter.) The Tory party had told him that it was of no use to contest the West Riding of Yorkshire, for that the Anti-Corn-law League had, by their corrupt and unconstitutional proceedings, so swamped the constituency, that it was utterly useless to attempt a struggle. He told them in reply that they had truth and honesty on their side, and so far from retir ing from the contest, he advised them to persevere.—(Hear, hear.) He had no hesitation in saying that if Mr. Ed word Lascelles had boldly confronted the enemy, that a different termination would have followed ; or if Mr Lane Fox had persevered in his efforts—if the battle had been fought out, he !relieved that Lord Morpeth would never have sat in that House as Member for the West Riding.—(Hear, hear, and ironical cheers.) lion. Gentlemen opposite might say " Hear, hear," but he believed that any man who would weigh the circumstances of the case, could come to no other conclusion. The Hon. Gentleman(the Member for Sheffield) had said that the working men had repudiated his (Mr. Ferrand's) doctrines. Surely, if that were the case, the statement as to his having created bad blood betwen masters and the employed could not be correct. He would now tell the House what had ac tually oecurred on the day of election. A friend of the Noble Lord's (Lord Morpeth) who sat on the hustings, cried out to the 8,000 people who were assembled on that occasion, to give three groans for him (Mr. Ferrand). Now, bow was that met? Not one individual in that assembly responded to the call. Now, if it were true that the working men had repudiated his doctrines, they would surely have made a response when they were called upon to give three groans for him. Honourable Members were aware that when he was in Yorkshire he had challenged the members of the Anti-Corn-law League to meet him to discuss the question of protection. He had given out that chal lenge in Leeds, Bradford, and Huddersfield, but no one ha.l ever yet accepted that challenge. He would now repeat that challenge in that House, and he dared any of them to accept it. If they doubted his intention he would give it to them in writing. How then could they say, under such circumstances, that the working men had risen en masse fur free trade?—(hear, hear, and cheers.) He would refer to the disgraceful position in which Hon. Members on that side of the House appeared before the country. Ile remembered when the present Government first entered upon office, that the Noble Lord the Member for Loudon asked the Right lion. Baronet the First Lord of the Treasury, who at that time came in by a majority of ninety-one," how he intended to conduct the affairs of the country The Right lion. Baronet replied—" I am asked by the Noble Lord how I propose to carry on my Government"--and turtling round to the men who placed him in office, he said " I will walk in the direct path and in the light of the British Coe stitution." He (Mr. Ferrand) believed that it was in the spirit of the Constitution that candidates, when aspiring to re present electors in Parliament, should explain to their constitu encies what were the political principles by which they proposed to guide their conduct; and not only that, but that they should be sub jected to a searching examination, so that their electors might b, able to decide clearly what political principles their representatives adopted. When Parliament was last dissolved, the Sovereign ha I sale that her intention in dissolving it was to ascertain the opinions entertained by the public on those points which were then agitating the country.—(Hear, hear.) There can be no doubt but such was the intention. Shortly afterwards, when he stood before the poop e of Leeds, he heard the Noble Lord (Morpeth), on the 23d of June, 1841, giving expression to the following sentiments. He said— " The struggle which I am now about to commence is one against monopoly, and it is not in the town-hall of Leeds that I am going to despair of a triumph." What was the declaration of his Hon. Friend the Member for York shire, who was going to speak against the measure, and to vote against it also, and who had been deceived into seconding the ad. dress?—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) Noble Lords and lion. Gentle men had once been charged with " thimble-rigging," but he thought they might with justice on the present occasion turn round and charge their accusers of apostacy, who threw out the bait of cheap corn and cheap bread, and humbugged the people with notions of free trade.---( Hear, hear, and laughter.) What, said the Hon. Gen tleman the Member for the borough of Leeds? He said, "Gentle men, stick fast by English agriculture in the first instance, and then try foreign agriculture."—(Hear, hear.) Now his (Mr. Ferrand's) advice to Hon. Members was, to stick by English agriculture.— (Hear, hear.) lie had heard words used that evening not credit able, in his opinion, to the Hon. Gentleman who uttered them lie alluded to the Hon. Member for Montrose, who called the landlords "monopolists." New, in reference to a former speech of that Hon. Member, he fbund that he had made use of the following language :—" Stick to English agriculture, because it is your interest to do so." Now if the Honourable Member were present, he would not ask him how he intended to vote, but he would say to him, if he was an Englishman, lie should stick to English agriculture; if he was an honest man, he would redeem the pledge Ise had made to his constituents; and if he was an honour • able man he would resign the seat he then held in that House, for he should not forget that he once stood beneath the banner, on which was inscribed "Protection to native industry."—(lkar, hear.) Ile should then tell him, that if he betrayed his trust and deceived the people, it would add epithet to his appellation—namely, that of dis honesty.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) He should next turn to the benches immediately behind the Treasury benches ; and he had no doubt but several lion. Gentlemen were beginning to tremble in that quarter, and ask themselves, "Is it I that am alluded to ?" (Laughter.) He alluded at the outset to the Hon. Member for Win chester—(Hear, and laughter) —and he begged to ask him how he had obtained his seat ?—(Hear, hear, and renewed laughter.) Had he forgotten the visit he paid to the Buckinghamshire farmers, the wine-drinking amongst them, the putting them on their backs, and the " Hip, hip, hurraying," he created amongst them in favour of protection? (Hear, and shouts of laughter.)., Did the Hon. Gentleman recollect all that, and how he subsequently marched in for Manchester with the free-traders ?—(Hear, hear.) Was that a fair way of deciding an election ?—(Cries of " No, no.") He (Mr. Ferrand) loved honesty in public men; and h i t f io h o e ha d ew b o e uld guilty of such conduct as that to which he called at tention , h I and cheers.) scorn to tread the floor of that Houses-(H The Hon. Member came before. them, ' reek ing ri ea lit'rtiornes.—(Cheers ready to stand or fall by h p a r t ot o ef i ti t o i t i t e t 2 o 2d a.g or cu Fehruary, I laughter.) Ile recollected t 1842, the Hon. Gentleman made a splendid speech in that House. lie stood there directly in front of the agricultural benches, and quoted Latin . p as sages by the page, in deferice of protection —(Great laughter.) next day, published the spe ec h , corrected from the short-hand writers' ters ' notes, at Mr. Liddeli's, Pali-mall, and presented him (Mr. Ferrand) with a copy of it, which, wills the permission of the House, he would then, for the first time, make use of.—(Hear, hear, and in creased laughter.) in that speech, the Hon. Member declared, that if ever there was a scheme fraught with danger, -and concocted by bad men for the destruction of their own interests or the interests of their country, they could not have hit on a better expedient than the cry of cheap food; and that the man would be mad, or something worse, who sided with such a cause —(Great laughter.) Now lie (Mr. Ferrand) was not going to say what the phrase, er something worse, meant. —(lleer, hear, and increased laughter.) The Hon. Member, hi another part of his speech, said, the question of the corn-laws was one that did not alone affect the constitution of that House, but also the constitution of the country. Now, he could tell him that the present question was r one that affected his honour. and he was bound to ' give up his seat and appeal to his constituents anew.—(Hear, hear.) Th ere , e to was one snore extract in the speech of the Rn. Ge which he begged to refer—it occurred hi the peroration.—(Laughter.) It was this —" I ant resolved, for the good of the country and the preservation of its liberties, to stand b y t h e landed interest, which is. on ly another name for English i n t erest, and I will uphold it by the . best means in my power, and by voting for the measure of her j 1 a jesty's Ministers." — (Hear.) Let th em mark that vote in favou ' roi her Majesty's Ministers, but not oc ag e al a ls i t . them, as he wilt bound to do on the present l(Hear, hear.) That then, was the speech o f t h e Hon. Member for — Winchester, who now sat behind the First Lord of the Treasury as one of his sup porters.—(Laughter and cheers.) There was an old proverb, but a very true one, and in very familiar use in his (Mr. Ferrand's) part of the country, and which, perhaps applied in the present case. It was this, " That birds of a feather flock together."—(Great laughter.) tie did not know whether the Hon. Member for Cirencester was in his place at present, but if he were he hoped he would tell the House the place lie did really represent.—(Laughter.) That Hon. Member was now what he would call the last Lord of the Treasury that had been elected. Upon the 14th of August, 1845, that Hon. Member went down to his constituents, and made a speech, from which he (Mr. Ferrand) would here read an extract. The Hon. Member then rend the extract, which was to the effect that the speaker said he could not, without dishonour and loss of character, vote for the abolition of the corn-laws.—(Fear.) He would next call attent am to the speech of the Hon.' Member the Vice-President of the Board of Trade. That speech was certainly one of great ability, and very business-like, but he feared it failed in carrying the House with it .—( Laughter.) But at the very time he delivered it, he (Mr. Ferrand) knew that the Right Hon. Gentleman had at that very mo ment in his red box an address from his constituents, calling upon him to resign his seat.—(Great laughter and cheering.) He (Mr. F.) would not say why the Right Hon. Gentleman had been called upon to do so, but he knew the reason why his constituents had made this demand.—(Cheers.) The next Hon. Member to whom he would call attention was the Member for Wiltshire, the Secretary for War, and he would say to that Hon. Member that he thought his honour too was at stake.—(Hear, hear.) About a 3 car ago that lion. Member went down to his constituents, and in asking for a renewal of their support, he reminded them that it was t xelve years since he first appeared before them in the position of a candidate for their suffrages—that it was true that all men were liable to make mist takes, but that in reference to the corn-laws he looted e upon prohibition as giving great stability to the agriculture of this country.—(Laughter and cheers.) Well he new for the w m ttit State to deal with the Right Hon. Baronet the Secretary of Home Department, who hard also recently been his constituents, and he (Mr. Fel - rand) would constituents, to and was not as o k blig th ed e i g g o ht b e Hon. re Baronet did he not stand pledged to his el: his personal honour at stake ? He begged p d ledge tell th i e t Hon. Baronet that he was bound to redeem_ Hinged his opinions upon this constituents, and the moment he had question, he was bound in honour to resign his seat, in order that his constituents might be fairly and honestly represented.—(Cheers.) Right Hon. Baronet's speech, and He (Mr. Fereand) 'hz.d re ad t " printed and circulated fo r th e he should say it °nett to p ave been benefit of the country, as the Right Hon. Baronet, the First Load the Treasury had done upon a former occasion, when he was opposed to the Whigs.—(Cheers and laughter.) At that time he (Mr:. Ferranti) was only in the rank and file of politics, but he received to large nulliber of those speeches, and he took care to have them most industriously circulated at a penny each.— (Laughter.) Why, the' ilon.Baronet had sent them tohim he did not know, but he knew not from whom else they could come. But in reference to this speech of the Right Hon. Baronet the Secretary of State for the Home De partment, he would just quote one or two passages which appeared to have been received by his constituents with great laughter and cheers. The Right Hon. baronet was reported to have said upon that occasion, that " lie would never shrink from the expression of public upii:‘ion."— (Laughter.) Then he (Mr. F.) would say, "Go down again it) your constituents."—(Laughter.) The Right Hon, Baronet went on to gay, " The Whigs are down, to rise no more."— (I,aughter.) Should O'Connell or Roebuck or Bowling dare to say that the democratic principle should e ver ta k e the lead in this great ettiPite.' s —(Great laughter.) Now, let him (Mr. Ferrand) ask who supported Vile Right lion. Baronet in this House?—(Cheers.) Ili what position nOw Stood " Roebuck, and It o w r i ng , and O'Connell, the Renewed laughter.) The Right Hon. Baronet went o c conspirator?"—(Renewed i s r a a y t o that r?" his conviction was that the full development of the demoCratic . principle would be destructive to this country. Should that unfortu"ate day ever dawn upon the political horizon when the principles of democracy will be paramount, degraded indeed will be our fate,— • " ' The day when thou, imperial Troy l must bend, And see thy warriors fall, thy glories end.' But I will add,— " May Ibe cold before that dreadful day, Pressed with a load of monumental clay.'" (The mock heroic tone in which the Hon. Member read this extract convulsed the House with laughter.) And the Hon. Baronet then con tinued to s iy, of this poetical effusfon,thatit remained now for his con stituents to decide whether they would return him to Parliament or not."—(Laughter.) He (Mr.' Ferranti) would like to ask the Right Hon. Baronet whether he now commidered himself the representative of those Constituents ? (Hear, hear.) One more quotation from those election speeches and he had done with them, but the last was the severest and most tremendous cut of all.—(Laughter.) It was from the speech of the Right lion. Baronet, the First Lord of the Treasury—(Laughter)—and he would tell that Right Hon. Baronet that his personal honour was also at stake.— (Cheers ) The Hon. Member then proceeded to read extracts from a speech made by the Right Hon. Baronet to hie constituents, which were to the effect that he had adhered to the promises he had made upon the last oc casion he appeared before them.. " Who paid the tithes? He would not say altogether, but principally, the landowners of this country; and if corn could be produced by other landowners at a cheaper rate, it would not be just to the English landowner to admit their corn on equal terms." This was at the poll in the borough of Tamworth, and after these pledges made by the Right Hon. Baronet they returned him to this House. He (Mr. Ferrand) en the other hand, said that the Right Zion. Baronet was wrong when he violated his pledges to the University of Oxford when Ise resigned his seat. lie would prove to him that he was bound, in honour, to res.gii his scat now. What did he say at the poll on the 3d of June?—" You placed me in the proud position of your repre sentative in Parliament, and you may depend on it I will be faithful to my professions. I will remain until tingly devoted to the Con servative princioles, which in the face of this constituency I have Professed. I will, at the same time that I pay due respect to those differing from me in religious opinion, uphold and defend the histi tutions of my country." The Right Hon. Baronet pledged, in the face of this constituency, of his own free will, to stand by his prin ciples ; and he (Mr. Ferranti) called for him—not as Primo Minister, not as the leader of the Conservative party, or as the man who osce led them, but as an holiest Member ot that house —toresign his seat and go down to his constituency.—(Cheers frond the Minis terial side.) Ile had said that he had made his last quotation, but would the House allow him to throw in as a kind of make-weight the speech of the Right Hon. Baroaet's colleague, Captain A'Court, who had said "It is certain that the prosperity of Tamworth depends on the prosperity of the agiculturist, and I will never consent to take from the British fanner the protection he requires.—(hear, hear.) I will not reduce the English labourer to the same level and con dition as the continental labourer." What figure did he cut when he looked at those Hon. Gentlemen—honourable by courtesy, and honourable by their characters and principles—who still held his opinions. Coeld he and his colleagues look that House in the face, and say that they had conducted themselves with common honesty ? They should not tell him that they accepted office not with the view of carrying this measure through that House. They were not bound to carry It ; but when they found that they were unequal to carry out the principle of protection, they were bouad as honest and honourable men to appeal to the country—(Cheering from the Ministerial side) —and to ask their constituencies for their approval of their conduct. If the Right lion. Baronet had pursued that course at first, they might have rallied round him a great part of the country ; but now the population of Great Britain and Ireland had a contemptible opinion of his position.—(Cheers from the Ministerial side.) lie would ask, how had the Right Honourable Baronet been supported during this discussion ? He (Mr. Ferreted) knew that Hon. Mem bers, who were on terms of personal friendship with the Members on the Treasury benches, wept for them when they rose to speak, so much dm they feel for their depraved condition.—(Cheers from the Ministerial side.) lie knew some lion. Gentlemen, opposed to the principle of protection, who had made seine endeavours to address the House, but their consciences and their hearts had failed them. The lion. and Learned Member for Bath feltehis case so bad that he broke down in his speech - so much for the democratic Member for Bath. The Hon. Member for Bolton had calmly said a few words, but had ventured to do no more. Without following this subject any further, he would say that no man, to whatever party he might belong, would say that this House had any right, in common honesty, to decide this question.—(Cheers from the Ministerial side.) It was not at all improbable that an address might be moved in the House, praying her Majesty to send the m where they ought to have been long since—before their constituencies. If that did happen to be the case, he would tell Hon. Members the course he intended to pursue was as soon as the division was over to look at the list and find the names of those men who were snugly ensconced behind the Right Hon. Baronet and who voted for this measure. He would then go to Peel's coffee-house in Fleet-street — (Laughter) —and look over all the country papers of Great Britain and Ireland and see how the pledges of Hon. Members to stand by their principles of protection had been redeemed ; and when the ques tion came before the House again he would show up those parties who had failed to do so, and then even the most democratic would be inclined to go back to their constituene es. It was a most extra ordinary fact that during the whole of that discussion the manufac turing population of this country had hardly even been alluded to. They were told by Hon. Members that as the population increased it was necessary to extend the manufactures. What was the effect on the moral and social condition of the people ? He would go back 60 years and bring before them the sufferings of the manu facturing population. It was his intention to read one or two brief extracts them the debate of April 3, 1816. Mr. Ito bert Gordon said, that the parish officers in London contracted with the manufacturers for the disposal of their children, and they agreed to make one idiot for every 19 Salle children, and these they sent to be at the disposal of the manufacturers, and that was now the course adopted by the new poor-law. Thp late Sir R. Peel—(Cries of " Or der, order.")—had said that the insane were most employed, and ho had more than 1,030 of them as his apprentices. He had also said that young children were dragged from their beds, some hours be fore daylight, and confined for fifteen hours, and put to labour that no children of eight or nine years of age could bear. Only three years after, the present Prime Minister had said, that it was true that children were employed in Lancashire for fifteen or seventeen hours at a stretch, and that often occurred three times in a week, and on Sundays. They were employed from six in the morning till twelve at night in cleaning the machinery. He says that the popu lation spent their wages on Sunday its the most profligate manner, and got beastly intoxicated with ale and beer. Both boys and girls drank gin and other liquors to an enormous extent. The consump tion of opium was also very great in the shape of pills, laudanum, amid other kinds of opiates. The labour was also stated to be very severe, being to the extent of twelve bons without Intennision. In a word, besides the evils here described, the workers were repre sented as breathing continually foul air filled with fine dust, which debilitated the frame and laid the foundation of a great variety of distressing and complicated disease. The women were obliged to attend the factory to the neglect of their domestic duties, and the children were in consequence neglected, while opiates and other drugs were administered to lull them in the absence of those who ought to attend to their wants. The heavy and exhausting toil of the parents were visited on the children, and a general physical de generation took place. The Hon. Gentleman was continuing to read the extract further, when he was interrupted by Mr. ROEBUCK calling out " Question, question," Mr. FERRAND, with much warmth, said that it was the .rues- Den. The questions was the increase of manufactures, and the propo sition to sacrifice agriculture to benefit the mattufactures. It WAS, therefore, right for him to show the effects of the manufacturing system on the working population—(lcer, hear)-eand he would pursue his own course in spite of the lion. and Learned Member until called to order by the Right lion. Gentleman the Speaker of the House. He did not wonder at the Honourab'e and Learned Member for Bath calling out order but he (Mr. Ferrand) would call him, if he was capable, to attend to what hoe had to read.—(Hear, hear.) That Hon. and Learned Gen tleman professed to represent the people ; 'but he seemed, like the three celebrated tailors of Tooley-street, to represent al: England, as centred in himself.—(Cheers and laughter.) The lion. Member then proceeded to read the extract he was employed on when time inter ruption took place, which represented the disease and mortality that pervaded the children who were engaged in factory labour. He would now, he said, ask the attention of lion. Members on the Op position side of the House, representing the Anti-Corn-law League, to the name of the gentleman from whom he (Mr. Ferrand) had been quoting. It was from Mr. Rathbone Greg, a great authority on their side, and a leader of the Anti-Corn-law League, who were now call ing on the Government to give the death-blow to agriculture, to en able the great millowners of the north to use up the surplus popula tion that might thereby be created in the agricultural districts. — (Hear, hear.) That gentleman says that this has been the ease — and could lion. Gentlemen have a better authority?—(Hear, hear.) There was another witness on this question, to whom he would re:er. Doctor Kay Shuttleworth confirmed the whole of the statement.; yet this authority was one belonging to this side of the question. Ile says the working* people of Manchester are border ing upon savagelife—that the moral check regarding the increase of population has no effect upon them—and that the population are generally in a most deplorable condition. He also states that the ob ject of importing labourers from the agricultural districts, was to break down prices its the manufacturing labour markets. lie read :mother extract from Dr. Cooke Taylor, 01 Belfast, who is also a good authority with the League. It was taken from the League newspaper when it was the Anti. Corn-law League Circular, and is from No. 96 of that publication. It states that the writer had seen scenes of the greatest misery and wretchedness in the huts •.f Ireland during the prevalence of the cholera—that he had witnessed the cellars of Liverpool, and been through the narrow and dirty wynds of Glasgow, but nowhere had he witnessed misery equal to that in Lancashire. It was there, and there only, that extt erne of wretchedness was to be seen. It was there that ho beheld the immolation of tin • population of the country. And he (Mr. Ferrand) would say the same—it was an immolation of tine work shaecnliee to the demon of populationweal wen e Immo tilated F e l liin e et e at s ri s i -' o eh e al l e a at s .r a ) e o e f3 a -3 / e i ts v l i m s t ehldnel;bne, best —t murdered I t e red by the factory system. Let them establish competition as they were seeking to carry out the principle of five-trade, and see how it would operate in the manupfearctuereenr cent, could midland counties. Mr. Greg had stated that the h os i ers of this bwyhha the e ut s y ex of 20 country, though proteri pe te could not successfully compete —(" Oh, oh," from Mr. Hawes.) Thelion. Member for Lambeth might express dissent from this, but he (Mr. Ferrand) was prepared to prove It ; and if this was the case, under the present amount of protections, what would become of the hosiers of Nottingham and w 2o o free-trade u p l e d r en P inevitably riEheviepili e e n ew u .ht e ah . e — kt e de a t r tiy ) t Leicester, under a complete system of free trade? Competition woul Ant was his d ,t,hi be tt sh weanalseprotective i I t s d deuf trytt their they were reduced to this frightful State of misery; —(Cheers.) One tact proving this mas s o f misery, whichll e had brought before the house was worth a thousand statements of three mouths' converts.— (Continued cheering.) It was in the year 1843, that he (Sir. Ferranti) presented petitions to that House signed by upwards or 25,000 frame-work knitters in the coun ties of Nottingham, Leicester, and Derby, showing the frightttnl suf ferings they were undergoing, and praying the House to prohibit the importations of foreign hosiery until at least foreign countries took the prohibition off English hosiery.—(hear, hear.) When he had pre sented this petition, the Right Hon. Gentleman the Secretary for the Colonies (who, unfortunately for the Government, could not find a place in England to return him to this ) louse , and whose absence he (Mr. Ferrand) deeply regre t ted ) . employed Mr. Muggridge as a Com missioner to go into the Slelland Counties, to inquire whether the Statements of the frante-kt utters were true ; and now he (Mr. Ferrand) would read to the House extracts from the report famished by Mr. Muggridge—(The Honourable Member then read extracts the purport of which was as follows:—That daily labours extended from fifteen to eighteen hours—their wages were as loss- as 3s. 7d ; a great number of children were also employed, and one-third of the married women were working on frames. The employment of these women effected a great reduction in wages. And, now, he would ask the opinion of the !louse whether this was not a frightful state of things ? Mr. Muggridge had examined Dr. Shaw, an emi nent medical practitioner of Leicester, and he said that the mortality of the children under five years of age was about 49 per cent of the whole population. This was owing to the neglect of the mothers, who were employed in the stocking trade, they not being able to have them out as in some others in time manufacturing branches. ln speaking of the debility of the framework-knitter, he said that was caused from deprivations of the necessaries of life, their common articles of subsistence being bread, cheese, gruel, and tea, but the latter to no great extent. They had earned greater wages in former years with a great deal less labour. It"was also a too common practice among the poorer classes to administer Godtrey's cordial to infants, Dr . object being to keep the child quiet while the mother was at h o z: s o ai r He was now going to justify his statement, that a " d - istricts. o system of murder was carried on in the manufacturingr ggridge. He quoted from an eminent. surgeon, examined. by Mr. He had known intants killed by administering t h ree drops of lau danum, but there was nothing said about it. The that, i n f a nts went off quietly, not like grown people. He said that h a more insidious manner owing to the existing starvation, the poorinurd e red their children by wholesale. He knew one femily, in whf f, l l four c hildren had died in the seine way. The infants that died i k. lie would ask the and at last sun became pale, tremulous, his report of Mr. Muggridge' s, House of Comments to copy outid lay his life that they had and to read It, for he w frightful than the whole of' never heard anything more , And now let them hear chat the pawnbrokers said, this evidence. An and he only wished that the Hon. liember for Durham were in his place. lie (Mr. F er rand) perhaps knew the reeson for that lion. Mendeer's absence -( Latishter and cheers) —but were he present, he that • the Hon. .Member vm ou admit the misery of thought than Goat sere was nothing to this. They pledged their bla n k ets i n the morning, for a subsistence, and brought them out again at I i g ht , a t an expense of 31. per week. The social condition of the framework 'knitters was, owing to the depression under which the trade had la boured for years past, most miserable. Their dwelling-houses were of the worst and most unhealthy character; clothing they had none, and public worship was altogether neglected by them. Afterwards the commission was to inquire into the condition of the manufacturing districts, and did time allow him, he would produce frightful statement with regard to the manufacturing system in the county of York. lie had exhibited the midland counties in a state bordering on savage life —so savage that they were even indifferent to the - murder of their offspring. Were they to be told that when the manufacturing population were in such a frightful state as that, would the agriculturists consent to hand over the agricultural labourer to the tender mercies of the manufacturers, and allow them, in the language of Mr. Cooke Taylor, to be mutilated, that certain cotton lords might grow richer? Tue Right Hon. GentlemantLs