The Sun. — London, England, 1846-07-29 00:00:00

% II -::‘...""'".............,... ............„.„,..--......,...--........:_,.............,‘„,-._ ....---- t h 4 wordi n 1 , sasi, g 3 called to prove the assertion of Mr. Muilshy hallway 414,,,?.a1teut of the laud to the- Dublin and Kingstown ".) • tall ttin d * S haq ~,t .e- by Mr. Sergeant Muarnv —Th ("anal Com e Grand tnat they talo rie , ~, given him a direct intimation to the effect . hir'Siter,e.,`,,resPorislble Mr the charges of the opposition which he h n til ,eitily ' n , - „. n „g. In belch agaist tir's Bill. lie meant to look to them acr wi l - -. of arges. lie had not written to them e i Lsett or "ther ft, f ~, ..... - -eY would defray his charges. Mr. -Ryan, the 47,d'ad°e vublin and Kinstown Railway Company, had cer -IJ' lie bad with him with i expect to his opposition to this B:11, o Nesired him to retain counsel tr li i kieni Li k' R MAN —He had received direct instrucrons from Mt - . - ssn ' 'e Secretary of the Grand Canal Company, to opp , se this their Otteli„. ehalf, and h e bad not received any communication, li r etrilk,•" °es . oral, d irect or indi rec t , f rom t h e company, recalang those . Qt • Yrn ts. ki zz„, ~,,nlier, Dublin, one of the largest shareholders in the tth, ""al Company and ' relator an 1 'reastirer of the Dublin and or' nt i 'l,,lt,,'ilwaY COmpan P ' Oved that this company proposed to iltil.tilotte,o,hrlab:lih.sstltainiydthrough the ' P p r oy l t where Mr. Brunel, the engineer Kingstown Railway Company, proposed to erect tow e,l6nel DitEL°R. 4, 1 4 i tailw,,„ ,- -lie was quite sure that the Dublin and Kings ka th eir li ' or ...' '°n 't?"3" had not given notice tone promoters of th s ,tsiktiv Itention to take that plot of ground, because they did i.,, a4 ) . eQLUttra_t their taking it would form the least barrier to this k i , 44e ' , clang their l 11,'`iaa t o -- "„ I n,(1 by Mr. Soigeant MIMPTIT—Ire was never con 141:„?'sitil ;;,!, ins ertion of the clause referred to. He believed that titatlini.l l ,7, na direct promise from the Grand Canil Comprmy ' 0 1 11 : "'al tie costs to which he might be put in opposing 'be e,,,,,,. ""al'attee adjourned at four o'clock till to-morro sv. I) MGr'. ORDERS' COMMITTEE. tiOIJSE OF LORDS. , , Aet h — „_".l:7 took the chair as usual in Room 1 (House of itON,`',,.r) clock. “:IAL/111.001i, STEAM COAL, AND SWANSEA 1 14 4 quot, 'WO LOUGFIOI4 RAILWAY. eok trnit fs or this Bill had complied with the standing orders. I tz h%eame to a final decision as to the • "I t • use, ''''CL IESTER AND SOUTHAMPTON, Ap t „htt WM be remembered, the standing orders were tom • POi• tltesm 4 hi . t ic'. di a reserved point as to the accuracy of the levels. ,4,21 an 42pate was refer re d t o an i n d epen d en t eng i neer . This ''ttj i that ,',"Dg given hi s report to the Committee, t h eir Lords.:aPs opi ni ' n e standing orders were not complied with, but they the re ," that the Bill ought to be allowed to proceed. They .ore ith 4 report that the standing orders ought to be s- IGo- 'hts ' „`ee expenses of the new survey to be paid by the or t he Bill. , • S ELEer COMMITTEE ON MERITS. GL;• they s 'utPs bad before them, in this capacity, a list of seven I.l l Alo(4. ll, Desed of the following :-- 4Pt . ,!thl t b' ie l3 o 4 f ßNKlßK; AND COATBRIDGE EXTENSION. th o nitk ly this Bill was proved. Th ee l3 re n th , IRON RAILWAY COMPANY DISSOLVING. 1,0 t ,;',, e , ef this Bill was declared to have been proved. 4.lis adjourned till to-morrow. (F t e AttLi ANIENTARY DIVISIONS "h the Totes and Proceedings of the House of Commons. ' A SI'tR MONDAY, JULY 27. lb, 'Pert, PRESTON JUNCTION RAILWAY 13 ,, IL Th L a . t ':-;,4'4,e;„,4-It(Zeill'atier°b"yll made , ' tt n t d ee Q t: e i i h ti ellifi r a o n s ot read a Amendment the Committee to leave out from the words ko h ,t)rt t,, `0 , t he end of the Question, in order to add the words 0 Cul," j: taken into further consideration upon this day six t ol ',Stead thereof: —Question put, " That the words proposed ut stand part of the Question." The House divided:— 44, 4 MINORITY—AYES, 6. 41,k the:.S °10 nel French, F. TELLERS. ' " ' JOAC PII Ilindley, Charles G reene, , T homaS "<', Thomas Philips, Mark Estcourt, T. G. - . Ve t MAJORITY—NOES, 71. do t , 'el, Cape iii Elphinstone, Sir H. Mostyn, E. M. L. 4„',i , litt, 0: i . g Esmonde, Sir T. Newport, Visct. 'Rel, Earl °•-° Evans, William ~ r oll, ,„,.. of O'Brien, A. Stafford ~tl4 ~, illlarn Ewart, William , tr: Walter Feildcn, - Sir W. O'Connell, Daniel A, I'd, E. G. Paget, Lord A. Lon, Sir 11. 'tit Forster, Mathew Plumridge, Captain Frewen, C. li, t, ett, Av . • Fuller, A. E. Powlett, Lord W. Ow, John- Gore, Robert Round, John ‘li inek Smith, J. A. , Lord G. Hatton, Captain Somers, J. P. kmekbk,. al, Ralph Hill, Lard Marcus Stratt, Edward urne, J. I. Oring, IL., Hodgson, R. Thompson, Ald. Owood, U Horsman, E. Thornely, Thomas hZO, W. Howard, P. H. 'Purnell, Hemt' tofQe. W. Huh, Joseph Vane, Lord H. !tt, W. R. W Wyse, Thomas tt, 74 .,1,,, John Ing,lis, Sir R. H. Wall, C. B. VI; William James, William Wawn, J. T. tr 41 IY, AL E, Layatd, Captain Williams, W. 144, Ilt G . Lemon, air C. Wood, Colonel T. lk tl l aist f ," j . Lindsay, E. H. Wortley, J. S. I) 414 s • Lowther. Hon. Col. , I lltc Ae .,.. Sir 1-1, Mackinnon, W. TELLERS. NI ..,.eorge '"lve e 0. Mangles, R. D. Aglionby, H. A. 11 1 b Marshall, William BullerZEdward '4 LATE ACCIDENT ON THE An i n ASTERN COUNTIES RAILWAY. t' ', t 'l -c i a tti tY Which lasted the entire day was commenced .l. t 4 e., c`ltltt-1--Y morning at ten o'clock bin v!ht o ,, es Pectable jury, at the Duke pf Richmond Tavern, Mr. W. Biker, J n., ' 4 %) ,' o n the body tif Mr. William Hind, aged 60, of N 0.3, I ti ttt e r h i- e ' il l's, Dalkon, who died from the effects of the_ in 4‘iw 4,, ' ec eived by the late collision on the Eastern Conn 1,14..ay. I' l o lin e TeY, the secretary, Mr. Scott, the superintendent 3 of lip . 4 so'li e ' inf!r: Samuels, the resident engineer, and Ir. Duncan, , I , a soi'r,.a.ttended to represent the , company. Mr. Raw ,teliair l ltor of Romfad, appeared to watch the inquiry ki a ti l:. v ra o ll i ethe engine- driver and stoker. Sat,t.., day T Tobin, surgeon, of Hackney, was first exa 'Oa . p.' oenosed to being called to . the deceased on '4''''' ''' - ‘'ell the 18th, at half-past six o'clock. He wer e k eIN „ping, and abdomen. There th e i ee b„."' pain in the chest - ,eae C'ernal marks of injury, except a slight one on ii °ll e i' t aki e . The deceased died on Friday morning, and Ittid trs e t A cie ' i pst t mortem e xamination of the body, found to account for death. He 4 hr tio °l3(l t he in j uries d ia ec e e r a e s a edNvas in the last carriage of the train, At a k ? of which fell upon his body. Such a pressure i tl ektO eci t to have produced the injuries that occasioned S 'he .Arch'l44lfore a coach-body maker, living in Prospect-row, 4,ll,ttar.t„„st4ted that he was walking up Angel-lane, near e 11 ee' L e:„ (l ite"l l ,. / % ll en he heard the crash of the accident. H of t i_'-cl iii t , hastened to the station, when he saw the kiti o t so zo 4 . by the platform, with a portion of the side sta tio n ep oo m i. elass carriage in . which he had been riding, 1a,,?• hull. He assisted in removing him into the t1 . 1" 3 I 1 , W I '' ii ket s ae kshaw, in the company's employ, spoke to i . ,a t 'l tl i at e bush in the service of the company, t he st at h e a ,._• , a porter 114 an r ci atf orci 7 the deceased. entleman seated in a r?om of e gentleman in removing him into a 14 '1 4ivie 4 a l t i l i e rna . t I' a r s e a sidence. • tZs'a.s tithteiarnin Picha e rds la on, the Stratford station-master, occupying etal hours to l a very lengthened examination, ,4-'l'l4 %A t !' His tesiiinonylvas precisely . the same as that 1 - ' r e l t e ,P r ett - er i fe re the magistrates at Ilford, and which was He, however, es t i tje , few 4 , 1 ,',( . )tir columns of last Tuesday. ete il Ol oo the facts,. to . the . effect that if the signal th e farther. e down line side it certainly . would have been en '.Platf • Front the where the signal is,first seen to 2 ,,, ce rn „ e spot. . t a r me w a , ,"( the station is 479 yards, and presumingan to L was f` 'ea7elling at thirty miles an hour . when the sag stul it ;,, Ir k t . glited, the distance was quite sufficient to -,-,( li. —be b rought to a stoppage ero it could reach the i th • Alt ) e yet lie whi c h Underwent a cross . examination by Mr. .Raw tie, declared akted until the close of the day's proceedings. ltb' ingt e , that there was an increase . of officers at his sta , Since.. . 1,,e ita s h t ilti), t-oethefe: decrease. The increase had taken . place °411)1 II." In ' tnti l' A copy of the regulat!ons of the drivers and others in their employ, tt o in fr o _ mult.ced. Several of the rules were read as evi- I ti ent::l 's ere .:"` ll7Wh ieh en it g a m p e p - eared that the engine-drivers and 1tP 4 13 t' ve l'e directed to pay most particular attention to all s Strata I) , 't4)l), whether the cause of their being made is on Pet. They were also . enjoined on approaching c . . 11 4,, - t'UnctiOn th e ~ , r oae hin •, to always give a loud continued whistle St 3 wer e d g within a quarter of a mile. .In_ an o o n th n e e r ari ru n l g e l'atf,r,, esired always to sound the whistle llt b. 4 s tation - 11 0 11 .4 '1 1 1 1 V.,: , near six o'clock, the Coroner adjourned the 01; , lery t ,' , ' ,., .t morning at ten o' lock. He was desired by Oiaj r , t ",, rite to the Board of T . rade, fer the purpose of th"ertitil,' attendance of Captain Coddington, the deputy t ii 'tit inspector of railways, so as to exami . ne him on lat ieit i : eri elents he made in the course of his official investi- T he into the cause of the accident. Other sufferers by the accident are going on favourably 111 U - ' II DER AT NEWCASTLE. At t • —A sT , t o 'on I va* E - UPON-TYNE, SATURDAY —Considerable ten , dy 0 , , o caused here this morning, by the discovery of the bert Lowthin, the registrar of births, deaths, I C e `r;.ges for the Gateshead district, in the river Tyne, 1 1 )e tic e tran"igh crane at Newcastle ; and circumstances have ,„,2,Pired which excite strong suspicion of his having tlmcki,,-uruered. The police were dragging for a boy named ay i . .V who had been observed, on the preceding day, h en l e ne , ar the high crane, but had been since missed, 3 found the body of Mr. Lowthin. It appears, from Frig i5B that have been instituted, that Lowthm had on tiph:Y,received his quarterly salary as reg i strar, and, at ()clock the same night he was in the Charles the It 'aseifth public-house, at the north end of Tyne bridge, when observed by the landlord that he had a watch, and a ii,"siderabl e sum of money in his purse. He was then in •Q 4 or. He was seen again about two o'clock on the mora ls of Saturday, by the superintendent of police in Gates mead, in company with a notoriously bad character going to bards Newcastle. When his body was found, his watch 4 , 4 d purse were missing. An inquest was opened to-night Afore Mr. Stoker, and evidence of identity having been re it was adjourned till Monday. The man with whom `,"'wthin was last seen in company has been apprehended ; \v tl i d the police are actively engaged in pursuing inquiries, th t h view to trace the watch, the number of which and maker's name are known. V- AGES OF 'WOMEN EMPLOYED IN AGRICULTURE. • (From the Somerset County Gazette.) Eljkzto„the, Guildhall, - Taunton, on Saturday,Ann Gardner, hteaecth Chard, and Mary Ann Perry, were charged with fart n :,g four pecks of peas, growing in a field belonging _ ")f ektnr.!arned Tazewell. The poor women bore eyery mark l'cr'itiOoe Poverty, and appeared to be deeply afflicted at the ~Itas 1 4 NV Ilk% they stood as criminals. . 'n the It'i.,,,ed that they had been caught picking the peas,. ~ , ,r ! ci th e — r ,!,° day. One had a bag, the other a handkerchief, ',le fniin"`:lor used her apron to carry the property away. 'lea „ i lv Ng short conversation took place between Mr. ''Pork ed '' , th e co , 1 kr AI , plainant, for whom the prisoners had ' bel'. —eo--What does Chard earn a day ? She is a widow, ktiri.elli Tazewell—Seven-pence. ~rwa,...!eo--Seven-pence? Why I never heard of such lir, (""". T azewell—That's what they give in off parish. O n • Allen...a , children? Tazewell—Yes, ill e. of h 4s she any , 4 Gee sons earns a shilling a week. het:. Allen --How old is he? Tazewell Seventean, I \'e her h• -bleu—ls Perry a married woman? Tazewell—Yes, ' l ‘he ll d gets ls. 2d a dav ; they have three childre . ak thr ou Poor woman Chit . r I i:vho bad been unable to spe b ot i n *; excess of ii f ' ' to this time, said she often earned Iv 1 .-1- . l‘l. a wereglt.' upt was all she had last w.eek. Ton Ilia bed ire\\ hy don't you go into the Union? 'lon liv, 'ouch better off there. Rot l ,'`. ether two women h declared they would ave coul d :No the U n i on, but they wished to stay out if they 0 Tr the iAllen_ ,1 1 1 : 1°11 ---It is quite impossible property can be preserve s d h e r _ oder if the labourers are paid such miserable wage . 4den„"lluueration they receive cannot be anything like terir t 't o to n to the value of the work they do ; it is perfectly ab- At the'ay it is so. I‘. q ~Firtliv-oggestion of their worships, who evinced a praise vnt, • svinpdth with ~, ), I,, eti td• vros _ y the poor creatures, Mr. Tazewell r de oer e ver to ~ u te, 4 . ind they 7 . er . 0 dischtrged, being dered. hky . ,,, , _ atiow him four soillings out. of their wage> -eo-sts incurred. -- ~..—_ 1,,..9•A0. ta r Pran Ar Vci-de-Camp and ()ham qa:, of his err, I titt, hal 0-val 'Highness arc, Infante of Spain, Don Sebastian co:0 , reachtd London, from Naples, on a diplomatic mission. thltcht X errY left Naples Ile tiing caused Lim to be named i-tl)iiif,„„,n'ir.nander of the Royal Outer of St. Constantine, and had hei'V_M.loll conveyed to hint in the most flattering manner. ' 1 Way t;,'!rY visited the royal personage; at Ala and Bnurges, Oil 449%1011. irrnasi, he was Yen 50. th and : th. n eted by on Ira idpOrt, wooden of the rmerlY of the Iridpor t etue o t ropuse d ence of Exeter. Western outhern ridport, Exeter, esirable ed or ill Ided t he ince t ie uth h' — E,c„e,ter, ets rigi d id beer' le roail. Ofth e ained leter pity at• ne, Pr° the dii- en gerg , port _ . „tY 6 rY tr.ev'Po'r luneft,ol; eter. 4 i oo vol t , nd ° 1 iat i - ar by . iss 11).0 ICoV' t rqui3 of SperWerr it h re" I • t hetso S of g' THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY MORNING, JULY 29, 1846. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. 110 USE OF LORDS, July 28. The Earl of SHAFTESBURY took his seat on the Woolsack at Five o'clock. Messengers from the Commons brought up several Bills, praying their Lordships' concurrence. CHELSEA BRIDGE AND EMBANKMENT BILL. On the motion of Lord CANNING, this Bill was read a third time and passed. The Earl of CLARENDON presented a petition from Mr. Crowder, a solicitor, praying that the Glamorganshite Land Bill be considered in the same position as if a certain non compliance with the standing orders had not been made. BATHS AND WASHHOUSES BILL. Lord BROUGHAM presented a petition from Joshua and Thomas Watts, the proprietors cf the swimming baths in the Peerless Pool, City-road, against the Baths and Washhouses Bill. MesFengers from the Commons brought up several Bills, praying their Lordships' concurrence. The Earl of RADNOR said he thought that the Nob"e and Learned Lord should have inquired into the circumstances of the case on the bringing up of the Bill yesterday. Lord BROUGHAM explained. The Bishop of LONDON said he had proved, as far as it could be proved, that there was a probability of the money on the loan being repaid. When his Noble and Learned Friend looked into the Bill, though he might think this or that provi sion of tbe Bill might require modification, he would not throw the weight of his powerful talents into the scale against the Bill. After a few words from Lord BROUGHAM, The Marquis of LANSDOWNE said the Bill was not be. fore the House, and when it was, they would avail them selves of any suggestions that might conduce towards the ob ject of this Bill. Earl GREY thought it was premature to discuss this ques tion at present. CORNWALL RAILWAY. Lord BROUGHAM thought that the evidence on this Bill should he printed and produced to the House. Viscount TORRINGTON said he had no objection to the production of the evidence in question. Lord BROUGHAM gave notice that on Thursday he would move that the evidence laid before the Cornwall Railway Com mittee be printed. BUILDERS OF DUBLIN. Lord CAMPBELL presented a petition from the builders of Dublin eomplaing of the privileges of the guild of builders in the city of Dublin, and praying their Lordships to establish perfect freedom to all. METROPOLITAN BUILDINGS ACT. Lord LANSDOWNE, in answer to a question by Lord Portman, said he had seen the First Commissioner of the Woods and Forests, who had received the Acts yesterday, and had referred them immrdiate4 to the official referee. NEWCASTLE AND CARLISLE RAILWAY. Lord MON TEAGLE said, that this Company had come to Parliament for an extension of powers. He said, it had been represented to him that this Company had far exceeded its powers, and expen.Ted much more than the capital allowed by law ; that this additional capital had been raised not by the issue of bond fide shares, but by an invention of the directors, which virtually made it a loan. This was a repre sentation which, if found true, would make that company by no means appear worthy of their Lent:lips' sanction. He moved that an account be ordered showing the state of that company from year to year. Lon! PORTMAN said, as Chairman of the Committee be fore which this company had been sent, he felt bound to say that be bad heard nothing of it, although a private letter had been sent him hinting at something of the same kind with what their Lordships had heard. Lord KINN AIRD said, that by the Railway Consolidation Act the Board of Trade should take care that gates and stations were provided when lines passed public roads on the level. CALEDONIAN RAILWAY. Lord COLCHESTER presented a petition from the Cale donian Company, praying that, in consequence of the time which had been lost in the Commons, the standing order of the House which fixed the third reading should be set aside, and that that Bill be permitted to pays. GAUGE COMMISSION BILL. The Earl of CLARENDON moved the second reading of the Gauge Commission Bill, in consonance with the resolutions to which their Lordships had unanimously come the other to : evening. Lord KINNAIRD had intended to oppose the second read ing of this Bill, but as there were to be certain amendments in troduced into it in the Committee, which might possibly obviate his objections, he should refrain from making those observa tions which he had intended to offer to their Lordships. The Earl of SCARBOROUGH begged to apologise to their Lordships for interfering in this debate, but it appeared from reports which he had received from engineers, that by enlarging the sleepers to sixteen inchea, and taking out the chairs, the carriages on the narrow gauge might be very easily adapted for the broad gauge, not costing, in all probability, more than 30/. each. The bridges' and tunnels might be al tered with almost proportionately equal facility. After going through t list of accidents which have occurred respectively lc on both t e gauges, the Noble Lord said the danger on the narrow e was evidently greater, for if they put the centre of gray' ever so little out of its place in turning a corner, the sway, ot, the unavoidable oseil'ation, would easily throw a car riage off its basis. The Noble Lord the Chairman of the Com mission had offered no objections to the adoption of the broad gauge. Lord BEAUNIONT said that it was evident, from the evidence submitted to the Commissioners, that so far from the decision being in favour of the narrow gauge, it was quite the reverse. The Commissioners had evidently been of opinion that the broad gauge was the better of the two, bet a better than either would be one between the two. The Noble Earl (the Earl of Clarendon) was moving for nothing more nor less than that the very worst gauge should be adoped for all future railways, with a very few exceptions. He should not move any amendment, but if any Noble Lord would bring forward any motion for postponing this consideration, so that the Noble Earl's suggestions might be properly taken, he would support him. Lord REDESDALE wished to explain what he had said on the previous occasion, when these resolutions were adopted. It was hardly the fact that the narrow gauge was the very worst. On the contrary, he would say that it was only bad in the view of those who were advocates for very quick travelling. But there was another class, who looked to the economical working of railways as well as to the rapidity of transit. The Commissioners had not said what was the best gauge, and in the present state of darkness be should be most unwilling that any definite plan should be adopted. He only wished that the great engineers should meet together and give their opinion on what was the best gauge, and he believed that their decision would be nearly unanimous on that point. He further wished that the Great Northern Company would have the courage to come forward and state that they were ready to alter their gauge to the six-feet gauge, which, as the medium, appeared to be the best. Having stated his opinion, he fully trusted that before Parliament met next year something would be done to settle the question finally. He would not oppose the present Bill, but he hoped an uniform gauge would be ultimately adopted. The Earl of CLARENDON did not see how they could get rid of their difficulties on this question. There were up • wards of 2,000 miles constructed on the narrow gauge, and, with the exception of rapidity of transit, he did not agree with the Noble Lord that it was the worst gauge. All the eminent commissioners :abroad who bad come to this country for the purpose of ascertaining what would be the best gauge for their respective countries, had adopted the narrow gauge, and there was a majority of upwards of forty of she most eminent engi neers of this country in favour of that principle. The Com mission also which had sat upon the question had given it as their opinion that, in the circumstances of the country, it was the best gauge that could be adopted. Lord K I NNAI R D said the Noble Lord asked how were they to deal with the matter, but they should recollect that the practicability of altering the gauge had never been inquired into. He would not detain their Lordships further than by alluding to what had been said by the Gauge Commissioners, which was of great importance on the subject. By thie Bill parties, who were anxious to amalgamate with other companies would be prevented doing so, when the principle upon which such amalgamation would be effected would be nullified by this very Act. Lord PORTMAN thought that the adoption of the medium gauge, referred to by the Noble Lord, would necessitate an alteration in the engines, carriages, and rails of every railroad in existence in the country. As an inhabitant of the western portion of England, he was most decidedly in favour of the broad gauge line. Lord CAMOYS thought the alteration of the narrow to an intermediate was the most extensive and the most expensive alteration that could be made. Lord GREY considered that the present measure was the only one practicable at the present time, to prevent the further spread of the inconvenience of a break of gauge, which every gentleman deprecated. lie had heard that several companies in connexion with the narrow gauge had proposed to purchase the Great Western Extensions, and thus hermetrically seal up the Great Western Railway. Such a mischief as that would be remedied by the passing of the present measure, which would prevent the alteration of the gauge at present laid down upon the railway. He did not consider the present measure as at all to be considered as a permanent measure ; for his own p b(ee ar foh t re l e i e e rths wuld not be satisfied until the p re sent inconvenience i Commission resulting fr om th e b rea k o f gauge was ent i re l y remove d .— thought had that the bee n e t y r e i evidence t ogivenhoy by 71;1 r so . C f a u r b i a t s t he was a bl e to torm an opinion , j e thought the proposition of an interm e di a t e gau.e attended with many advantages. He t a h p o p u ot h a t in s g orn a e c o oinm other mode of settli ng th e b us i ness t h an t h at of nto inqui re i n t o th e su bj ect s h ould bo adopted ; h e thought they had had enough already of Corn missions. Earl of KINNAIRD said that after the expression opposesionef opinions just given by the Nobl e E ar l, he would the further progress of the Bill. Earl of SCARBOROUGH made a few remarks which were inaudible in the gallery. The Bill was then read a second time. SMALL DEBTS BILL. The Lord CHANCELLOR presented several petitions from Halifax in favour of the Small Debts Bill. The Lord CHANCELLOR then moved the second reading of the Small Debts Bill. The proposed Bill was founded on the report of a Commission consisting of the present Chief Baron, and Mr. Justice Wightman. In the year 1839 this measure bad been introduced, but from the pressure of businers it was not proceeded with. In subsequent years it had been brought forward, but had not received the sanction of the Legislature. In the month of June in the present year, the Bill was again introduced by a member of the late Government. Finding that the Bill was in accordance with the recommendations of the Commission, he had brought the measure forward at the present stage of the session. In the ancient courts, established many years ago, the expense of recovering 40s. was six pounds ; it was net therefore to be wondered at that those courts in the present day must have fallen into considerable disuse. The present Bill sought to remove those grievances existing under the former Acts in - the establishment of local courts, and to remove the jurisdiction from the courts of conscience or requests. He was not able at that time to state the numberof those courts now in existence, or the number of judges or commissioners who overpre ssswiuodeumergesh ntoot totally eb them. xeeerieen (cal oidnve l geg t ru w ea a t .es twenty p t o r r o h p ele i s e een d shdes t m. o limit the present Act to where scheme T p present r h o e s p m e sa elid demandsits t lawe present courts w e r were able le t d o meet nbuem necessary. the ee creos w of these atrhy a e n s t e s courts in i rb n eo af these ceooun d rs it i s ds ter would Bill was to divid e th e country i nto districts, and to establ i sh dHistfethe people. There s w is a T ha a p n p d y a to lar s g ay that there would not be so l arge a large number of judges as of courts, because the courts wou l d not require to sit every day; perhaps not more than once a week or a fortnight. lie proposed to establish some judge over each district, who would have the charge of all the con: ti in that district. Ho did not think they would require more judges than were now in the halit of presiding over the existing courts. The judges should be appointed by the Lord Chancellor or the Secretary of State for the time being. The mode of proceeding before the court would be the same as that contained in all local Bills passed since the report of the Com mission on the subject. There were a considerable number of clauses in the Bill, which referred to the snore minute de tails and working of the pri nci p le of the Bill. He thou g ht the useasure calculated to do g ood, and he trusted the measure would receive the sanction of their Lordships. The Bill was then read a second time. I THE BOOK AND ENGRAVINGS BILL, AND THE [ REDEMPTION OF T ITHE BILL Were read a first tune, and ordered to be re a d a se co n d t i m e on Monday next, Their Lordships then ild t iOlilllCd till IklaildBY• HOUSE OF COMMONS, July 28- The SPEAKER took the Chair shortly before Four o'clock. LORDS' AM ENDM ENTS. The Lords' amendments to the following Bills were agreed Birmingham, Wolverhampton, and Dudley Railway. Blackburn, Darwen, and Bolton Railway. Caledonian Railway (Glasgow Termini and Branches). Gorbals Gravitation Waterworlo. Liverpool and Bury Railway Extensions. London and Birmingham Railway (Coventry to Nuneaton). London and Birmingham Railway (Weedon to Northampton). Manchester and Leeds Railway Extensions. Midland Railway (Leicester and Swennington Alterations and Branches). - North Wales Railway. Shrewsbury and Birmingham Railway. Shrewsbury, Wolverhampton, and South Staffordshire June- tion Rail - way (No. 1). Strathtay and Breadalbane Railway. Trent Valley, Midland?. and Grand Junction Railway. Wilts, Somerset, and Wel mouth Railway. BATHS AND WASEIHOUSES. Mr. M'CARTHY presented a petition from Cork, praying that the provisions of the Baths and Washhouses Bill might be extended to Ireland. JURORS— (IRELAND.) Lord CLEMENTS presented a petition from the jurors of the county of Leitrim, complaining of being so repeatedly called upon to perform the duty of jurors in consequence of the absentees, and praying for an amendment of the law with respect to jurors. THIRD READINGS. • The Cambeltown Harbour, Waterworks, Paving, Lighting, and Watching Bill, and the Tramore Embankment Bill, were read a third time and passed. Colonel FOX presented a petition from Southwark, praying for the opening, free of tull, of Waterloo, Southwark, and Vauxhall Bridger. The report on the Sligo and Shannon Railway was agreed to lay before the House some particulars with respect to some es atcs in Jamaica. The amount of sugar produced in the estates on that island had'greatly decreased during the last few years in consequence of the extreme drought, and the want of protection which had been denied to them by the Government. The estimate for the present year was not less than 800 tons of sugar. Let them take another case, in which an estate, that before the emancipation of the negroes did not produce 100 hogsheads of sugar, now from the number of estates which that measure had thrown out of cultivation, and the consequent great supply of labour notwithstanding the abolition of slavery, produced 150 hogs heads per annum. Though the soil was of an inferior character, if they had an ample su pply o f l a bour it would be made three times as valuable as it was before the passing of the Act of Emancipation. Again, if they took the island of Barbados s. According to returns which had been placed before the House, it was stated that it had increased its crops since the abolition of slavery, and that wales had risen. The wages were the same as in Jamaica, with this difference—that instead - of "paying a fair day!s wages for a fair day's work," the la bourers received for four hours' labour daily the same as was paid in Jamaica for seven or eight. There were ample reasons to show that if an adequate supply of labour was given, these estates would do sufficiently well. He thought that this would justify him in stat►ng that which had been said by a gentleman well ac quainted with the West Indian colonies, and had been quoted by the Noble Lord the Member for the city of London—that the West India planters were in the hands of the negroes, instead of the negroes being in the hands of the planters.— (Hear, hear.) Such was the opinion of a disinterested man, and one who had the most extensive experience of the colonies; and that opinion was corroborated by the governors of the different ►slands. He thought he did not say too much, in affirming that the fault of the colonies not being in so prosperous a condition as they might have been lay not w►th the planters but with the Government. Give them a supply of labour, and there would be no danger of their estates being uncultivated. He was sorry to hear the Noble Lord say that he would not allow any importation of labourers from Africa, unless they came from places at which the British flag was flying. He thought there ought to be full liberty for labourers to come from any part, under such guarantee as to personal liberty which the Government should think necessary. In Jamaica there was an estate on which there were thirty-two . negroes, who filed the most important situations, and had risen to their pre3ent position by their energy and industry. They were declared to be an intelligent and active body of men, and they filled the most important situations for carrying on the various processes on the estate. It was only recently that they had obtained any labour, and what they desired was time to allow it to come into ope ration. Had not the West Indies suffered from a very severe drought, the crop would have increased in a greater proportion than in any former year, by reason of that labour. It was really a very bard case, be cause they had been unfortunate this year,. slave labour should be allowed to come into competition with them. But the benefits which the Iskble Lord promised to them did not come up to their expectation. Ho has told us that molasses and sugar cannot be used in breweries, because the excise have an objection to it. If reforms are to be carried out on the pr'inciple of free trade, they ought to adapt the reforms to that principle, and not their reforms to the excise. He could see no reason why they should impose this tax upon the colonies— it was not consistent with a spirit of justice or equity. He thought that he could apply to the present state of the country the opinion of Lord Metcalfe, who said that the Go vernment were in the hands of the Excise, and not the Ex cise in the hands of the Government. He did not think that the Excise duties should be suffered to remain in their present condition. He thought the duties should be equalised and levied after the spirits were made, the distillers would then have a protection of Bd. per gallon. He hoped that at a future time the Noble Lord at the bead of the Government would turn his attention to the subject and place the duties upon an equality. It was his opinion that emancipation had fully borne out the expectations of the parties. He had visited Louisana and Cuba, and it was his deliberate opinion that free-labour could compete with slave.labnur. His firm belief was that the present measure if passed, would have the effect of throwing estates out of cul tivation, and that it would also give a stimulus to the slave trade; and if this country encouraged the growth of slave grown sugar, with what face could they request foreign nations to join with them in putting a stop to the odious traffic in slaves ? If the cultivation of sugar were to be increased by 50,000 tons, according to the estimate of the Noble Lord at the head of the Government, there must, of necessity, be an absolute increase in the amount of slavery, He remembered having heard, some short time ago, the Right Hon. Gentleman, the Member for Edinburgh, describing the misery which resulted from the existence of slavery in America, but he could assure the Right Hon. Gentleman that the horrors he had de- picted fell far short of the misery attendant upon the African slave trade. He had once seen a cargo of slaves the day after they were landed, and certainly no considerations of policy should ever induce him to encourage such an abominable system. They were told that the people of this country required cheap sugar, and he considered that their desire would be supplied if there was a considerable reduction this year in the price of free labour sugar—such a reduction he was ready to agree to by supporting a reduction of the existing duties, and although he did not speak for the whole West Indian interest, he was sure they would also consent to a re duction ; and he believed the plantations of West India and of the colonies would yield this country an ample supply of free-labour sugar. The Chancellor of the Exche quer said, in his speech last night, that the Government wished to let in a quantity of sugar, and to derive a large re venue irom the increased supply. Now, he was surprised to hear the minister of a ree country like this, boast of the revenue which would be derived ' by encouraging the slave trade, for if the measure propounded by the Government was passed, slavery would be increased two-fold; but of this he was certain, that if they wished to put a stop to the slay,' trade—if they wished to obtain a character for honour and humanity, they must show the world that free was cheaper than slave labour. If they did not do this they would belie the free trade prin ciples which they bad ennciated, and show that whilst they boasted of free trade with all the world, they were propagat- ing the slave trade. Upwards of 20 Members rose when the Hon. Gentleman re sumed his seat, but they gave way to Mr. P. BORTHWICK, who spoke from the opposition benches, and close to Sir James Graham, said he now had to say one word with respect to the speech of the Bright Hon. Baronet the Member for Tamworth, addressed to the House last night. In the course of this session he had felt it his duty to oppose that Right Hon. Baronet, and he rejoiced at teat moment that that opposition had been successful ; but he did not think that any one in or out of that House considered that he could speak of that Right Hon. Baronet in any other terms than those of respect, and he trusted he should not, that night, use any language with reference to him which was inconsistent with the high position which he held in that House, and in the councils of her Majesty ; but he trusted, notwithstanding his absence from his place at that moment, it might not be held irrelevent to the question before the Meuse. He never in his life listened to a speech—(Here Sir Robert Peel entered the House.) He was glad the Right Hon. Baronet had come into the House—( Roars of laughter)—as he was sure he would admit, although he hadsaceused him of speaking harshly of him in his absence, that he had said sweet things of him in his presence. He never, in the course of his life, did hear a speech which, if adoi.ted in th a t H ouse , an d acted on by its individual Members, was so directly calculated to lower the House in the estimation of the ccuntry. The question before the House was not one of finance, although it involved finance in its operations. The Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Tamworth, looking at the question as one in no small degree involving their rights, s , et cleclared his intention to vote (however reluctantly) for the measure introduced by the Noble Lord at the head of the Government—and why? Be cause, six weeks had not yet elapsed since the formation of the Government.—( Hear, hear.) He should like to know what period must expire before an Hon. Member could dare to re cord his honest convictions, or to vote against the Governs ment, in accordance with the dictates of his conscience? The Right Hon. Baronet asked, who were to f arm the next Government? Was that a fit matter for the House to ques tion ? They were nt.t sent up to that House to resolve ques tions of expediency, but to represen t t h ose w h o re t urne d them, in right and Justice, on such questions as might be sub. mitted by the Government. He was sure that if that House were—in weighing matters so important as that which then occupied their consideration —t o take into account what Ministry would follow the present, or whether the present Minister was to be confirmed in his power—if that House took such a course of conduct on any question, it would adopt a mode most fatal to the interests of the country. The purpose of the Right Hon. Baronet's speech was transparent ; it was as clear as the noon-day. It was to throw difficulties in the way of the formation of any new Government ; to throw diffi culties in the way of any man, who might encounter the slavery cry of this country ; and to which cry the Right Hon. Baronet had attempted to lend his name—a name than which none was higher in opposition to the principle some ten or fifteen years ago. He should have gone with him, and felt it his duty as an hum ble follower of his, whatever scruples he might have about the amount of protection which he asked, whatever difference of opinion in detail he might feel, he should have at once candidly given his vote in favour of the Noble Lord, because he held it to le his duty to his party leader to sacrifice all questions of detail on which his party might agree. But this was no qi , estion of detail or finance. The Noble Lord's reso lution, which he had moved as an amendment to the motion of the Noble Lard at the head of the Government, involved two things. First, and of least importance, the commercial question; and secondly, and most important, the question of slavery. The House would admit that in the course taken by the Noble Lord, the Member for Lynn (Lord G. Bentinck) the mast earnest and by far the most successful was that part part of his speech in which he represented to the House the horrors of the slave.trade, in which he asserted that, as a British legislator, he could never consent to weigh gold lamb. t H wi oholiuiesoh Ho u se whilst iwttlithsdeitslosot(dhel re. He thought the House said would that agreee against the blood of his fellow creature ; anti that the argument of the Noble Lord at the head of the Government was no better than that of the sheep-stealer who argued that, as he was to be hanged, he might as well be hanged for a sheep as a fellow eSteorretdhwfeireke)feaswkinedemtehnetaiinedtiellgibeneceeenosifdetrhae. question, and an examination of the grounds on c in r g ea t t o u r b e e . hanged looked so very like a sheep that it would require all w co i u th ld h n im ot the ingenuity of the most consummate debater debater to distinguish that the lamb for which the NoblelaadLoradi a sva fe s betweenTh Lttoerd blood wag at 21s. or 235. per cent. opular s t a tement, and it was not more popular He than it was just.—(Hear, hear.) would not consent, therefore, with the Noble Lord.to do precisely what he did with regard to measuring the value of the negroes' blood with atwas t t h h e e m ,p . bear to weigh gold The a N ga o i b n l s e t a standard of gold. The Noble. Lord had said, that' on free grown sugar, he was willing to barter the blood of a negro for the price of forty shillings. The Nokle Lord had stated that his ground of opposition to as long as the duty the measure was that it proposed to remove the differential duties, and as long as they were preserved he had no objection to the continuance of slavery. The Noble Lord was distinctly and clearly bound, at all hazards, and against all odds to for bid, upon any terms whatsoever, the Introduction into this country of any production of slave labour. He (Mr. Borthwick) contended that it was impossible to conceive a po sition for a great country more wretchedly humiliating than this—that it should assert that some particular practice, which was contrary to justice and the rights of humanity, should not be put down ; and they would make no sacra6ce for the pur pnve of removing it ; and its abhorrence of slavery should consist in countenancing a duty of 40s. per cwt. on the sugar introduced into their markets.—( Hear.) It appeared from the speech of the Noble Lord the Member for Lynn, that what was a deadly sin at 265. per cwt. was a cardinal virtue at 635. It reminded him of a lady who went to her confessor for absolution. She confessed to having erred three times, but her ghostly adviser said he had no absolution for that number of offences, but that if she would commit the offence three times more, so as to make six times, he could grant her absolution. On that principle were they considering the pre sent question. A great deal had been said about raising sugar by the blood of the negro in Brazil and Cuba ' but the Noble Lord the Member for Lynn stated they would be able to get a supply of 100,000 tons from the banks of the Ganges. But he wished to know whether there was one element in slavery in the Brazils that did no: exist in the East Indies? One great element of slavery was, a man having property in his fellow man, and this he affirmed existed to as great an extent on the bats of the Gyro M is either tk9 Brasil' o; Cubt, Would they use sugar which bad been cultivated with the blood of men who had been bought?—(A laugh from Sir James Graham.) He began to think he was a little dull of apprehen sion in this matter, and that he was not acquainted with all the means of buying and selling. If the lion. Gentleman means that all the men on the banks of the Ganges are not bought and soli, he would at once assert that all the men in Java and Cuba were not bought and sold; so the argument was not worth a laugh, and if it was a joke, it was so bad, that he could not laugh at it. But if he had any other meaning, he did not wish to revert to it, for they could not say who was bought or sold. He himself was not to be led by any party, nor would he withold his support from the Noble Lord. And he considered that the Right. Hon. Baronet (Sir R. Peel), when he pur ported to support the Government, had made a speech more calculated to injure them than anything else.—(Hear, hear.) India is steeped to the very lips in slavery, and Mr. Wilber force had said that the dwelling-place and the home of slavery was in India, and that for centuries before the West Indies were discovered slavery had been cradled and nurtured there. Slavery formed part of the religion of India. He would ask the Noble Lord the member for Lynn whether he believed that those harrowing reports which he had read to the House were not considerably exaggerated by the writer of those horrid and revolting narratives? He did not vindicate the slave trade, God forbid that he should. He should deserve to be struck to death on the floor on which he stood if he did; but let them look to the southern states of North America, and they would find slavery equally as horrid and de testable as that denounced by the Noble Lord opposite. ( He then read from a book published on the subject an account of the cruelty to which not only male but female slaves were subjected, and that the grossest immorality was encouraged amongst them in order to propagate their rare.) The volume also contained an anecdote which he would relate to the House. A gentleman at one of the watering-places became enamoured of a young female slave, whom he married, and carried with him to the free states, where he educated her after the fashion of an English gentlewoman. One morning an elderly man waited upon him, and demanded the woman on the ground of her being his slave. He said she was worth a 1,000 dollars, but that he should have her for 900 dollars, which the husband paid. He mentioned the circumstance to his wife, who said—" He is not only my master, but my father." This was the state of sla very which they were going to encourage by a criminating duty. He then referred to other passages of the book, which stated that the slaves were punisbi d by being fastened tightly to a stake, so that they could not move, and flogged with a spiked instrument, which penetrated into the flesh, and that they in this position received hundreds of lashes on their naked backs. Now he (Mr. Borthwick) believed that many of these statements were exaggerated, but he believed also that equal cruelty was inflicted in Cuba and Brazil as in Mis sissippi at d Alabama. It was always, however, in the power of the slave to purchase his freedom as soon as he could raise sufficient money to effect the purchase. The slave could also change his master, and be removed, provided he were not well fed, or prevented from going to church. That state of things existed in Cuba and Brazils, where there were from 2,000 to 3,000 free negroes. In Brazils no distinction was made be tween the men of colour, but in South America they were riot allowed to be near the whites, nor even to worship God in the same pew as the white man. On the grounds he had stated he must oppose the minion of the Noble Lord the Member for Lynn. Unless he could show the House that the statements he had made about Java and Manilla, and the southern states of North America, were false, he had no right whatever to ask him (Mr. Borthwick) to vote for the distinction between slave-grown and free-grown sugar. The people of this country were not permitted to grow tobacco, but they were forced, for financial purposes, to pay a duty of 1,200 per cent. on tobacco that was slave-grown.—(Hearr, hear.) Their was scarcely a tropical product but what was produced by slaves driven by the whip and sup plied by the slave trade. He was sorry the Noble Lord the Member for Lynn should have lent himself to such a cry as that now raised, which he believed was only .got up for hustings' purposes against the ensuing general election. If they gave themselves the patience to examine they would find that their arguments and their position were as false as their humanity was genuine and real. But it was painful to see those practices played off upon the people of England, for the mere purpose of getting up a party cry. If they felt the im portance of setting the slave free, they were bound to carry out that principle to the fullest extent. They must no longer use slave grown tobacco, nor use any of the luxuries, in the procuring or manufacturing of which slave-labour was used ; they must forego the use of slave-produced luxuries whether they were mineral, vegetable, or animal. So much for the question of slavery, on viLich the Noble Lord seemed to rest his opposition. He (Mr. Borthwick) begged to tell him that while he trusted to the excitement of popular sympathy with respect to the slavery in sugar—a most honourable course no doubt on the part of the Noble Lord—he was also bound to call on the people of this country to mike use no longer of the other articles of slave manufacture. Henceforth, on the principle laid down by the Noble Lord, we must not use slave-grown cotton, tobacco, &c. We must no longer make use of the gold, the diamonds, the rubies, or the other articles in the procuring of which slave.s were employed. He would no longer detain the House on the question of slavery. While he differed in tote with the Noble Lord the Member for Lynn upon the question of slavery, he agreed with him most cordially upon the question of protection. He, in conjunction with the Noble Lord, was of opinion that the East and West Indian colonies were fairly entitled to much more protection than they now en j )yed. He was of opinion that it was for the benefit of the producer and consumer of sugar in all parts that further protection should be extended to our colonists.—(Hear, hear.) Whoever was responsible for the evils of slavery, he believed that the Indian planters were free from blame. When the local legislatures of their colo nies attempted to obtain Acts of Parliament for the discoun tenance and abolition of the slave trade, they were told by the Legislature of this country, that the slave-trade was profitable to the exchequer of this country, and that the question of humanity should be put back, and that the question of the abolition of the slave trade should be deferred. But, notwith standing all that, the planters of Jamaica had subscribed 60,0001. in the course of twelve years for the emancipation of 17,000 negroes. Notwithstanding their efforts to ameliorate the condition of the slaves, in consequence of the conduct of the British Legislature their wishes had not been carried out. He felt sure that the Noble Lord would be doing a great service to the moral and physical condition of the people by encouraging an importation of free labour—( Hear, hear )—and he trusted that when he went into Committee on the resolutions which he had proposed, he would not abide by the figures mentioned in them.—( Hear, hear.) He trusted that a differential duty of 9s. 3d. would be continued in favour of our West Indian colonists. He trusted that the Noble Lord would consider well before he consentel to remove all protection from the pro ducers of sugar. He was sure that free labour was in itself a much cheaper commodity than slave labour, and by encou raging free labour they would undoubtedly lessen, in a great degree, the present extent of slavery, and teach a great lesson of humanity to the world, and free themselves from the ridi cule which would otherwise attach to them. The Marquis of GRANBY said he was anxious to state to ' the House the ground on which he should give his vote on the present occasion, and be would do so very shortly, because he believed that the House was prepared to go to a division on the question that night.—(Hear, ) At the same time, he could not but regret the late period of the session at which this great question had been brought forward for discussion—( Hear, hear )—and he regretted that fact in a particular manner after hearing the speech of the Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Tamworth on the previous evening—( Hear, hear)—because he thought it was a speech that certainly was in favour of the amendment which his (the Marquis of Granby's) Noble Friend had moved. It was a speech against any opposition to the present Government ; but the Right Hon. Gentleman stated, that in consequence of the present state of parties, be was enabled to give effect to that speech, and vote in accord ance with it. At the same time, he wished to say that the vote which he (the Marquis of Granby) was about to give was not in consequence of any hostile feeling which he enter tained towards the present Government, but rather in conse quence of the dislike which he had to the present measure.— ( Hear, hear.) He was obliged to vote against this measure upon two grounds— upon the ground of protection to our colonists, and also upon the ground that he believed this measure would increase the slave trade.—( Cries of " Hear, bear.") He would consider those two grounds together, because by so doing he thought he should occupy less of the time of the House—he should consider them togethee,be cause he thought that they were intimately -connected, and could not be well separated. Protection was necessary for our colonists in consequence of the legislation of that flouse—a le gislation which was directed against the continuance of the slave trade—( Hear, hear.) He should like to know what the constituents of this country—what the nations of the world would think of their conduct, if they, who at the time when the interests of humanity and the interests of our colonists ap peared to be in opposition—they who said that in their opinion the interests of humanity must be considered before all others —(Hear, hear)—and that the interests of the con sumers of this country were against that interest, and that they must pay a tax of 20,000,0001. to maintain the interests of humanity—(Hear, hear) —that the same parties should now coma forward and propose that that very slavery, for the suppression of which so much had been done, should now be encouraged as much as possible; for that would, in tact, be the result of the proposition of the Noble Lord at the head of her Majesty's Government.— ( Hear, hear.) He would ask them whether the constituents of this country and the nations of the world would not consider their conduct to be not merely inconsistent, but most unjust ? ( Hear, hear.) For, the purpose of making sugar about a half penny a pound cheaper, they proposed that all the labour which had been consumed for the extinction of slavery, as well as the 20,000,0001. tax, should be set at nought. The only argument which he had heard, and which he thought worthy of the name, was that because we admitted slave-grown coffee, slave-grown copper, and other articles, we were there fore bound in consistency to admit slave-grown sugar. Now, ho did think that there was a vast difference between the production of those articles and the production of slave-grow n sugar. But that he thought was w ell tweniett k i :g n e umo dwellingwn t o th e o th athat House, a r and gu - hinthe Tamworth,eest p, would ebeu( th n ho o def t e twl t r : o een u ri b deß l d e ti gal a sh t k h et e t tyHheeao Ho usern. oopportunitynG e otnif question referringhoef slavery aievme r t by h e e ir : tf ho to re manufacture of sugar.—(Hear.) Supposing it were true that the slavery employed in the manufacture of cotton, &c., was equal in extent to that employed in the manufacture of sugar. He contended still that the argument, that because we had done wrong in one instance we were to do wrong in another, was the most extraordinary argument that was ever made in that House.—( Hear. ) They had often heard that the first step in a wrong direction was very bad, but he had never, until now, heard that because we had taken that step we should descend the whole flight.—( Hear, hear.) Surely the Noble Lord was not prepared to maintain such an argument as that. The people of this country would, however, mast certainly reject it. The argument of the Noble Lord as to a man and his dis honest neighbour he also held to be equally wrong; in fact it was the strangest argument which he (the Marquis of Granby) had-ever heard. Was that the conduct which the Noble Lord at the head of the Government was prepared to advise " the most moral and philanthropic country on the earth" to pursue? He considered that the Noble Lord had failed to convince the House that they would not facilitate the slave-trade by admit ting slave-grown sugar.—(Hear, hear.) It had been urged that all their endeavours to repress the slave-trade had failed, and that they therefore ought to give up further exertion, -but such an argument he was convinced had no weight with The liear, Noble h hear.) r o; the Hemceomnsbeidr forered Lynn, which set forth the increased supp l y which the y could obtain from the East and West Indies , by prop er mana g ement, statementthat House.—(Hear, e . it became their duty to gi ve a f u r ther trial trotection. The Hon. Member for Evesham had insinuate that they were tahnayt Member rbLin H u s of actuated by a desire to get up a cry against slavery in the country ; he was of opinion that a feeling did exist already in the country against slavery, but he begged to repudiate such an intention which was most incorrectly attributed to them. Mr. OSWALD considered that some settlement of the question was most earnestly desired, and, remembering that protection had been withdrawn from agriculture, he wao of opinion that they should be prepared to do away with pro: tection of every kind ; and, therefore, he could not support the amendment of the Noble Lord.'—(Hear, hear.) He was not prepared, after the country had given twenty millions to ex tinguish slavery, that they should further tax themselves at the rate of two millions sterling annually in a useless endeavour. And it was quite a mistake to imagine that they would be able to affect the fiscal arrangement of other countries by legis lation of their own.—( Hear, hear.) They had the statement of a most distinguished advocate of the slave, that what they had done had not mitigated the evils of the system of slavery, and he was therefore of opinion that they must look to some other way to banish slarery thee thew of the Custom-bouse. Mr. HUME wished to correct a mistake which the Hon. Member (Mr. Borthwick ) had fallen into with regard to the sugar which came from Bengal. There was not one slave in the whole of Bengal who had a complaint to make; the courts were open to him, where he would be readily received; and he wished to state that the admission of slave-grown sugar into this country would not have the smallest effect in giving an impetus to slavery in the colonies. He was sorry that the Noble Lord was not in his place to heir his opinion upon that subject, as he felt sure that the Noble Lord spoke from a sincere conviction that the proposed policy would have the effect of in creasing the slave trade. Sir F. Buxton said, all the exertions they had made to put down the slave-trade, on the coast of Africa, by coercion had failed, and had only aggravated the evils which existed. It was on that account, therefore, he (Mr. Hume) wished for the removal of the squadron of twenty-eight ships from that quarter, believing, as he did, that that was an use less and wasteful expenditure. The question was asked by the Noble Lord, did they despair, then, of putting an end to s'avery ? He (Mr. Hume) replied that they did not, provided only that the necessary steps were taken for that purpose. What he said was, let Cuba and Brazil continue to bring their slaves from Africa, for it was shown that that could not be pre vented ; but let the West India planters be permitted to do so also, and as soon as the slaves landed upon the British colonies let them be declared freemen.—(Laughter.) In the early part of the present session he moved for a number of orders of Council rela ive to the admission of free labour to the colonies, and these orders had actually prevented the admission of labour. The effect of these orders was just the same as if an express prohibition had been made for the exclusion of labour. It was only within the last eighteen months that any relaxa tion had taken place in these orders; and if they had occurred long ago, they would not now have to regret the consequences which resulted from the want of sufficient labour. There was ne man, who read the evidence of Mr. Deacon Hume care fully, who could fail to see that the colonies were not in a natural condition, and that if the colonies had free trade them. selves, they had nothing to fear from the withdrawal of pro tection ; as they would in that case be able to compete with the world. Mr. Hume, in stating those opinions, de tested slavery as much as any man, and yet he told the British people and the British Legislature that it would be prejudicial to the interests of the colonies if they removed all protection at once, without enabling the colonies to procure an adequate supply of customers. A Noble Lord had said that the slave-trade had been suppressed by the squadron they had coasting off Africa. He (Mr. Hume) thought that that assertion was not correct, for if they sent every ship there which France and England could spare, they could not put down the slave-trade. The remedy he sug gested for this state of things was to allow the West India planter to meet the Cuba and Brazil slave-master in Africa, and while the latter purchased the negroes as slaves, let the former buy them as freemen. As long as there was the im mense prof t connected with the trade, which it was well known attended it, all their efforts for its suppression would be unavailing. He thought they should act on principle in this as well as in everything else, and carry out in practice the remedy he suggested. If the Right Hon. Baronet was of opinion that nothing would put down slavery but free labour, why did they not get free labohr and put slavery down? Let them withdraw their fleets nhiet were used to put down the practice. Their fleets cast 500,0001. per annum, let them expend one-half of that sum, and they would succeed in destroying slavery altogether. He was anxious to see the question settled once for all—he was anxious to see the people relieved from the annual annoyance of the debate, and on that ground he would give his support to the Noble Lord on the question before the House. Many peo ple might suppose that he was not willing to relieve the con sumer from the tax on sugar ; on the contrary, he hoped to see the time when they would have a duty of 10s. per cent., which tax, with the quantities that would be consumed under the re duction, would amply repay the sacrifice which had been made of the higher rate of duty. Sir J. R. REID said, that the circumstances in which the colonies were placed and the state of affairs at home would render this measure, if it were carried, one of complete ruin. That very day he knew that the first effects of the pro posed measures were felt, for in consequence of the turn which the debate took the last evening, at the meeting of some of the most respectable traders connected with the colonies, the Sat had gone forth to stop the cultivation of some of the estates. All that was required by those connected with the trade was fair play, and unless that were granted to them it would be useless for them to attempt to cultivate their estates in com petition with those on which sugar could be grown, and ad mitted into this country at a cheaper rate. Mr. BERNAL wished that the question could be de finitively settled. He did not care for the period which was taken, for an assurance that the question was to be finally put at rest was all that was required, and he thought that every West Indian could accommodate himself to the circum stances which must ensue under the new revolutions. While Ilarbadoes had a large population with labour cona• paratively plentiful, Jamaica possessed an immense tract o country and a very limited population in proportion to its ex• tent of soil. The circumstances of the West Indian Islands were therefore d:ffer,.nt, and different measures of relief should be applied to them. This must be done in whatever was pro posed, to make those islands meet the altered circumstances in which they would now be placed. With regard to the Coolies, it had been found that they were not so good labourers as the Africans. The former had certain religious notions which prevented them from taking such food as was necessary for great physical exertions • while the Africans had no such prejudices as these. Looking at all the circumstances , of the case, they msut look to the coast of Africa for the supply of labour ; and while they sought for the supply from that quarter, he quite agreed that . British agents should be placed at various points on the coast of Africa to see that nothing but fair measures were taken to induce labourers to go to the West India Islands. But, in carrying out this arrangement of free labour, he submitted that twelve , months' engagements were too short. He thought the time ought to be extended, and trusted the Noble Lord at the head of the Government would take this point into his most serious consideration. But in carrying out the doctrine of free trade in relation to the West Indies, he trusted it would not be done in a one-sided manner, but that it would be carried out to the fullest extent. While colonial sugar was to enter into competition with the produce of foreign countries, he hoped that other produce of the West India Islands would be admitted into the markets of this coun try on the same terms as the produce of the British Islands. He considered the full application of free trade would lead them to place West India spirits on the same footing as the spirits of the distillers of this country. It was a hard case that a duty of 93. 4d. a gallon should be placed on West India rum, while the duty on Scotch spirits was 3s. 4d., and that 'on Irish whiskey but 2s. Bd. Good God ! was such a system to be defended. The colonies were part and parcel of the British empire, and if this measure was passed, he defied any one who advocated free trade doc trines to maintain intact such a difference in duty as that which he had just stated. They must be prepared to meet all those difficulties, and to carry out the principles of free trade to the fullest possible extent. He called on those who possessed West India property to prepare for the change. They must meet it by increased energy and activity, and by a reduction of price in their commodities endeavour to extend their markets. They could not avert the change. The tide of feeling was too str mgly set in in favour of free trade for them to hope by any opposition they could offer to arrest its progress. He had thus stated his own views on the subject, to which he respectfully called the attention of those who represented the West Indian interest, and he would sit down by thanking the House for the patience with which it had listened to his observations. Mr. E. DENISON said, if any Member entertained a feel ing of hostility to the West Indian interests, the Hon. Gentle man who had just sat down had done much to disarm him of that hostility ; and he hoped, for his own part, to avoid say ing anything offensive. He would have been satisfied to have rested the vote that he was to give in support of the Govern ment measure on the speech made by his Noble Friend who had introduced it, and the speech delivered-by his Right Hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer, but many points had been stirred in the course of the debate, on which he wished to make some observations. He assured the Hon. Member that he could never forget that he had been one who gave his vote for the emancipation of the slave ; an event which was the source of great changes in this country.—( Hear, hear.) But, there was one thing which he wished never to forget, and which he wished to press on the attention of the House ; and it was this—to take care that this experiment in the West Indies should not prove a failure.— ( Hear, hear.) A feeling which was excited in him by a con sideration of the interests of humanity. of the negro race, and of this country. As had been the case with free-trade, year by year they had tried treaties and tariffs, yet, after all, they had Ministers rising up and saying, that these treaties and tariffs were vain and inefficient, and that the country must, by leading the way, show through her example what the rest of the nations ought to do. He said, then, what was true as to free-trade, was true in free .labour. There were two points to which he should address his observations—first, to the course of conduct pursued by this country on the eoast of Africa ; and second, to the course of conduct pursued towards the West India colonies of this country. Much had been sail on the first of these during the present debate. The Right Hon. Baronet (Sir R. Peel) said last night, that he had arrived at this conclusion—that the best armour against slavery was the promotion of free-labour. That opinion was not a new one ; it had appeared in the book published by the late Sir Powell Buxton, and it had been advocated in a letter the . Noble Lord at the head of the Government to the Teasury in 1839, In 1841, the Chancellor of the Exchequer said the present means used to put down slavery rather aggravated it. The commissioners, in their report from Sierra Leone, aaid.that the,capture of vessels might have an effect on the number of captives, but still the slave trade was on the bierease. A return moved for by the Bon. Member for Montrose. showed the expenses of the expedition in 1843, giving ships of all classes, 58; . 01945 tons ; 8,454 men, at a cost of 575,46(51.; and this sum would be increased by the salaries of extra officers engaged in the same object to about 600,0001. But all the expenses of the expedition would far exceed this amount. Yet their efforts it was acknowledged on all hands were ineffectual, notwithstanding that they were made at a great expenditure of money and health. In reference to the course pursued towards the possessions of this country in the West Indies, he would just recall the attention of the House to the considerations taken up in a Committee which sat on the West India Colonies. That Committee was of opinion that the materials for immigration from Africa into the West Indies were considerable; that immigration would be of great advantage to the negroes ; and, that under proper regulations, there would be no' danger of a revival of the slavery trade. He thought the West India interest had a right to come to that House to demand every possible assistance for the supply of free labour. Believing, as he did, that the efforts on the African coast had been unsuccessful, he was not disposed this year to support a vote of a certain amount, say 50,0001., fur the purpose of preventing imsnigration to the West Indies, but next year he, might be disposed to sanction such a course. He did: not know whether the opinion of the House went with him in • what: he . bad said, but he coulanot have any.hesitationin asking his Right Hon. Friend the Noble Lord at the heed of the Government to give his 'most favourable consideration to the question of supplying the colonies with a sufficiency of free labourers.—( Hear, hear.) Mr.. JAMES said he had not the good fortune to be in the House when the Prime Minister made the speech developing his plan upon sloe important question then before the House, in consequence of having been detained upon urgent business in another place, but he had read the speech with great interest, and he had come to the conclusion that the public generally, but more especially those who were interested or more immediately affectee by this subject, were much indebted to the Noble Lord, and untler great obligation to the Noble Lord, for the attempt lie was ,making to place the sugar duties upon a permanent footing, in place of having those annual discussions which lead to so much uncertainty, and so seriously injured the West India interest.—( Hear, hear.) But he did not think the plan propounied by the Noble Lord was the best that could be devised for carrying eut their free-trade principles.—( Hear, hear.) It seemed to him to be monstrous to continue a tax of 14s. per cwt., which was equal to lid. per lb., upon colonial sugar. and Llls. per cwt. upon foreign sugar, which was equal to 2ir. per lb., and at the same time, and in the same breath. talk about cheap sugar for the million.—( Cries of " hear, hoar.") He thought it was highly desirable that they should find rr.eans for affording constant and increasing supplies of l a b m srers for the colonies, as well as a constant and inereasine -of sugar for the population of this count, y. That, he though,', was a subject well worthy the attention of Govern • ment, be 't it could not be attained so long as these high duties were countenanced. If the colonies ought to be treated as in tegral parts' of the mother country, he wished to know with what justice ~they could tax sugar, coming at a largo expense from the West Indies, while they did not tax his corn, which only Guile from Palherliad ? The produce of the colonic: he contended ought to be admitted free of duty, but it was said they wanted revenue. Well, they could get it from the duty which they imposed on slave-grown sugar. —(Hear, hear.) But if the Government would not abolish the duty on colonial sugar, let them at all events considerably reduce it. He would reduce colonial sugar to 10s. per cwt. and foreign sugar to 14s. ; but the Chancellor of the Exchequer said, considerations of revenue would not let him do it, although he admitted it to be just; while the Right Hon. Baronet, the Member for Tamworth, said the state of parties prevented his doing justice.—( Hear, and .. laughter. What nonsense this was. 'why could they not increase the income tax, and throw the burden upon those who were able to bear it, and not upon the hard-working and industrious classes of the country ?—(Cheers.) He would not say anything about the wickedness and immorality of encouraging the slave trade, but Illere could be no doubt that the Emanek pation Act had proved a complete failure.—(Hear, hear.) The effect of it had been to ruin the colonies and to increase the price of sugar in this country; to convert our formerly active and industrious population into an extremely indolent and lazy one, and to transfer a considerable portion of their labour to the slave labourers of other countries. Before the Einancipation Act was passed he took the liberty of saying that would be its result, but the House at the time, beirg under the dominion of the philanthropy of the country, would not listen to his warning —(Hear, hear.) And no wonder that the Emancipation Act had failed, considering that since it had passed the Government of this country had made no exertions to carry out the principle of the measure, but on the contrary had rather thrown impediments in the way of establishing a population of free labour in the colonies. —( Hear, hear.) The consequence was, there had never been a proper supply of labour for keeping the land in a sate of cultivation; but still, if Government was determined to admit foreign suffer into competition with colonial produce, the least they could do was to reduce the duty, and, therefore, he begged to give notice that he should propose in Committee that colonial sugar should be admitted at 10s. per cwt. and foreign sugar at 21s. —( Hear, hear. ) Mr. BARCL AY was for free trade in sugar as well as in corn, but he blamed the Gentlemen who had been in office since the passing of the Emancipation Act, for shutting out the colonies from obtainirg a supply of labourers from the conti nent of Africa .—( Hear. hear.) The Emancipation Act had succeeded morally, but it had faile I economically, and he thought some steps ought to be taken to remedy the latter defect.—(Hear, hear.) He considered that the mea sure of the Government was calculated to settle this question. He thought, therefore, that the Noble Lord at the head of her Majesty's Government would not be doing jul tice to the interests of the country, if be did not take these circumstances into consideration.—(Hear, hear.) He be lieved he would not be discharging his duties, if be did not make these observations. He was no party to placing the pre sent Government in office, but in giving his vote against their measures, he was not actuated by any party consideration whatever, but solely from a desire to discharge, to the best of his abilities, the duties with which he was entrusted. Mr. DISRAELI said the Noble Lord who moved the amendment to the motion that the Speaker do leave the chair, proposed to himself to submit three points' to the consideration of the House. The first was, that it was in the power of this country to find three , legitimate sources of that sugar that was necessary for its con sumption; the second. that her Majesty's Ministers, in the calculations which they had made with respect to the revenue, had furnished the House with v:ry unsatisfactory prospects ; and the third, that, in adopting the resolutions which they had brought forward, they should be sanctioning that traffic in slaves which the House had so often and so signally reprobated. —(Hear, hear.) He had listened with great attention to the speech of the Chancellor of the Exchequer—a member of the Cabinet who had risen for the purpose of giving an answer to the speech of the Noble Lord the Member for Lynn. lie had not been inattentive to any of those addresses which bad fol lowed the speech of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, though there might be some of those speeches remark able for peculiar characteristics and particular circumstances, not bearing any relation to the subject immediately before the House.—( Hear, hear.) Still, looking to those speeches which had failed to discuss the question with respect to the immediate point before the House, following in the wako of the Chancellor of the Exchequer be could find at that moment no feature, no characteristic, which removed them from the description which he thought imposeable upon the speech of the Chancellor of the Exchequer itself. It appeared to him that to the first pro position of the Noble Lord the Chancellor of the Exchequer had offered an assumption. It appeared to him that the Chan cellor of the Exchequer had encountered the second pro-- position of the Noble Lord with an hypothesis ; and it appeared to him that that Right Honourable Gentleman had supposed that he could have vanquished the third proposition of his (Mr. Disraeli's) Noble Friend with a sophism.—(Hear, hear.) Now, he (Mr. Disraeli) was pre pared, if the House would permit him, to substantiate those positions.—( Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord the Member for Lynn, in supporting his position that this country could be sap plied from legitimate sources with a sufficient and ample quan tity of sugar for its consumption— the Noble Lord had offered his estimates which, if they conic! trust his figures, certainly proved the dogma which he laid down. Her Majesty's Ministers had no confidence in that estimate. They said at once that it was an assumption—the Chancellor of the Exchequer called it an assumption, but he entered into no details, and offered no facts contrary to the estimate of the Noble Lord. The assumption of the Chancellor of the Exche quer was that, the estimate of the Noble Lord was erroneous, but it was a remarkable instance, that in proving that the esti mate of the Noble Lord was erroneous, the first feature in the demonstration was that the Noble Lerd had underrated a very important item in that estimate. Her Majesty's Ministers had admitted that the produce of the West Indian colonies was 256,000 tons. The Noble Lord had said that the produce of those colonies was 115,000 tons. Well, therefore , _ as far as that first point went, it would seem that the Noble Lord, however erroneous he might be in his estimates, had not been inclined to over-estimate the produce of those different quarters from which the aggregate could be obtained. Her Majesty's Ministers, who accused the Noble Lord of over-esti mating the quantities which we might anticipate receiving, on this the first item offered an estimate to the House exceed ing that which had been suggested by the Noble Lord. That was at least the prima' facia evidence as far as that item was concerned. The Noble Lord had not indulged in any very excessive calculations. If they approached the second item of the Noble Lord— he meant with reference to , the Mauritius—he (Mr. Disraeli) believed that her Majesty's Ministers, notwithstanding their statements, were inclined to , quarrel with the first estimate of the Noble Lord in supposing that the Mauritius would supply this country with 50,000 tons of sugar. The Noble Lord had corrected him by saying that the number which he had mentioned was 58,000 tons. He (Mr. Disraeli) thought that the Noble Lord in his speech . mentioned the figure 50.000 tons. He knew the Noble Lard had documents in his possession which would have afforded him an opportunity of offering a correct calculation. He (Mr.. Disraeli) himself had not those returns, but he had that morning placed in his hands a Mauritius paper, which was, he believed, a journal of the most respectable character, anal which afforded an account of the crops of sugar which might be expected during the present year. They said thati that crop might be counted upon as 60,000 tons.—( Hear,. hear.) Well, then, as far as the quantity that they might an ticipate receiving from our colonies—as far as the quantity that they might receive from the Mauritius was concerned— he thought that it was not in the power of her Majesty's Minis ters at all to substantiate their point against the Noble Lord that he had exaggerated in his estimate. But the Chanc eller of the Exchequer said, that with regard to the third point, that the estimate of the Noble Lord had in-, deed astonished him, and that he could not for a moment believe that India would offer to us the quantity which the Noble Lord had supposed that they would yield, and for which he had given them credit its his estimate. Now they found that in two portions of the esti mate, that in the one the Noble Lord had underrated the cal culation of tho Government, and that in the other he had ex pected a sum less than that which he was induced to expect by the documents in his possession, and less than that which woe confirmed by the authority to which he had referred. They' had a right to suppose that one so cautious in his estimate had not at random, and without thought, and with recklessness. offered to them any calculation w hich, at least, was not founded upon data, and that he had not sought to influence the opinion of that House by a statement on which he had not paid great thought and research.—(Hear, hear.) Now he (Mr. Dis raeli) begged the Chancellor of the Exchequer (though he expressed great incredulity on the subject. of the estimate of Indian produce) to recollect thata not a single fact, not even an argument had been offered against the statements of the Noble Lord. He (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) had said that it!was extremely astonishing; and the Honourable Baronet the Member for Beverley, who certainly upon the sugar question should be a good authority—( Hear, hear, and laughter)—and to whose opinions they always littered with great respect—the Hon. Member for Beverley occupied, as he Lad told them, a most important position 12 the home Government in India—had risen in his place to confirnr the unsupported assertion of the Chancellor of the Exchequer. Neither the Hon. Member the Chancellor of the Exchequer nor the Hon, Baronet the Member for Beverley—who was the chairman, be believed, of an association connected with the Indian trade—notwithstanding they expressed their disbelief in that assertion—neither of those gentlemen came forward to offer a single argument, or adduce a single fact to induce the House to disbelieve the estimate of the Noble Lord.—(Hear, hear.) : Now, in this Teem' with regard to the production ,of li sugar at in r ot i the Exchequer, arid Member for ee tfon o .Beverley, as endorsedposition taanlidenrabtrfiethd ebyChthane to the great importance of the question—there was one -consideration.which had not been brought before the House, bat which should not be absent horn them at that moment, for it was a great element in forming their opinion upon this in teresting and important question. It was the nature and quantity of the productions in India. The Noble Lord had brought forward a great deal of authentic intelligence to sh ow the amount of British capital now invested in India, and to show them the energy and the quantity of the British capital that had been distributed in the working of the es tates in India, and the considerable results that might be anticipated from an encouragement of the investment of that capital. But what he (Mr. Disraeli) wanted to bring before' the attention of the House was—for it was most important. ..that the sugar in India was produced by two classes of persons.— ( Hear.) These were the British capitalists.—(Hear, hear.) But they were told by a great authority that they needed •no protection ; there was, however, a class of capitalists who were producing sugar, who might refuse tro -teetion.—( Hear, and loud cheers ) But if they required ,protection; he would show the House that it was protection, and that alone which would bring great results to their country —the wealth of England, and not only commercial wealth, bat political power.—(Hear, hear.) The Hon. Baronet, the Member for Beverley, told the House that the sugar .producers of India required no protection.—(Hear, hear.) Another Honourable Baronet, who was once a Member of that House, called a public meeting of those interested in the sugar trade, and they; met; at his counting house—( Hear, hear )—a meeting that was never heard of—and they passed resolutions which nobody ever knew of.—( Hear, hear, and laughter.) Well, all that might be very true. It might be very true that there might be sugar producers who were in favour of the measures of her Majesty's Ministers. It might be very true that, as the Hon. Baronet the Member for Beverley said, the sugar producers had not a fair competition. The Hon. Baronet the Member for Beverley told the House that the condition of India was improved during the last five years, although they had not a fair competition. He (Mr. Disraeli) thought it very possible that the condition of India might have improved ; it could not have been worse than it was in 1641. India was then bankrupt. It required but an event—an hour —certainly but the transition of a post—to prevent her bank ruptcy; and nobody will deny this that is in the least con versant with Indian affairs. He could prove it from documents which he had in his hand at that moment, written by those whose names, if he mentioned them, would be of weight and authority with that House. He did not wish to enter further into the subject, but he was prepared to prove it, should th House demand it. Well, India was improved, no doubt, but at that time it could not have been worse. He held a letter in his hand which was exceedingly interesting, though he would not trouble the House by reading it, but it was written by a gentleman in India second to none in importance, in intelli gence, and patriotism ; and ha observes that " such is the coo sequence of our commercial s}stere there, that the country would become too poor to govern, for they had reduced the country to pauperism. It is not an insurrection or a con spiracy that you hale to fear, but you will never be able to raise a revenue from a nation of beggars.—( Hear, hear.) Your establishment must fall, and before _y e years are rat. I'os will Into India."—( Hear, hear.) Then theywa.,elethooldliguth a t five the state of India was improved. Dut be wo uld THE DUKE OF BRUNSWICK• Mr. HENLEY, seeing the Hon. Member for Finsbury (Mr. I'. Duncombe) in his place, wished to know whether it was his intention to make the motion of which he had given notice for to-night with respect to his Highness the Duke of Brunswick ? Mr. T. DUNCOMBE said that it had been his intention to bring forward the motion to-night, hut, in consequence of it being arranged that the debate on the Sugar Duties Bill should take precedence of notices of motion, he was afraid he should not be able to do se. He regretted this ex tremely, as the subject was one of great importance, and he should be unable to bring it forward before this day fortnight, on which day he was afraid the House would be little ►nclined to appoint a Select Committee to inquire into the allegations con tained in the petition of his Highness the Duke of Brunswick ; he had therefore no alternative but to postpone his motion to the earliest stay he could bring it forward next session. OUTRAGE ON BRITISH SUBJECTS. Mr. O'CONNELL presented a petition from Thomas Brodigan, Esq., Milton llouse, County Meath, a magistrate of that county, complaining of the outrage which took place at Jerusalem on Good Friday last, and of the personal danger to which he, in conjunction with other British subjects, was then exposed (fully detailed in the correspondence which appeared in the Second Edition of The Sun of the 341 instant), and praying that effectual measuris might be adopted by the Government here which will occasion the Sublime Porte to direct its attention to the repression of such outrages, and thus protect British travellers in the East. ARMY ESTIMATES. - - Captain LAYARD, seeing the Secretary at War in his place, was desirous of knowing when it was his intention to bring forward the army estimates? Mr. FOX MAULE said if nothing unforseen occurred, it was his intention to bring them on neat Monday. Mr. GEORGE BANKES gave notice that on the third reading of the Poor-law Removal Bill he should propose to add clawie. Mr. STAFFORD O'BRIEN seeing the President of the Board of Trade in his place, wished to ask him whether he should continue to devote as much attention to agricultural statistics in office as he did out?—(Hear, hear.) Mr. T. M. GIBSON said, in answer to the question of the Hon. Member behind him, he begged to say that he had reason to believe from papers he had seen at the Board of Trade that the subject of agriculture had undergone considerable attention in that department, and so far as himself was concerned he should be most happy to continue his attention to this subject. COLONIAL LAND SALES. _ . - - Mr. DIVETT wished to ask the Ur.der Secretary for the Colonies whether it was or was not the intention of the Colonial Office to sanction the regulation made on the 3d day of March last, by the Governor of South Australia, respecting future land sales in that colony, which, according to the last report of the Colonisation Commissioners, would seem to have been drawn up under the direction of Lord Stanley, and in contravention of the decision of this House upon the Land Bill introduced by order of that Noble Lord ? Mr. HAWES was understood to say that dispatches having reference to the subject had not yet arrived at the Colonial Office, and he could not inform the Honourable Gentle man what would be done until they arrived. Mr. HOPE said, he might be irregular, but he felt inclined to make one or two observations on the question which had been asked ; and first, on the terms in which the notice had been given. He found no fault with the first part of that notice, but when it proceeded, " which, accorting to the last report of the Colonisation Commissioners, would seem I o have been drawn up under the direction of Lord Stanley, and in contravention of the decision of this House upon the Land Bill introduced by that Noble Lord." Now this, he thought, was simply a speech put into the notices, and a speech with out an opportunity of answering. He submitted that this was a most improper exercise of the privilege of giving notice. But he had to find fault with the question in the substance of it, for it was not founded in fact. Mr. DIVETT begged merely to say that whether he had acted discreetly or not, the question, in fact, was founded strictly in fact. THE MILITIA. Mr. AGLIONBY wished to put a q uestion to the Right Hon. the Secretary at War. He had not, indeed, given notice in the usual way, but as there was a great deal of anxiety prevailing in the country on the subject, and as he knew that many Honourable Members in that House were not aware that a Bill was on th, table of the House for the purpose of suspending the ballot for Militia till October, in the year 118.17 ; he wished to ask that Right Hon. Gentleman it it were the intention of the Government to proceed with that Bill? Mr. FOX MAULE sai I that he found a proposition made by his predecessors with reference to this subject, but, consi dering the late period of the session, and the great importance of the question, the Government were of opinion that the preferable system would be to renew the Bill (as had been done for the last thirter-n or fourteen years) for another year. FLOGGING IN THE ARMY. Mr. 13. ESCOTT gave notice that, on Tuesday next, he would move for a return to be laid before the House of ,lt the floggings which had been inflicted in the army from the year 1840 to the present time ; the place where the regiment in which such punishment took place was stationed ; the number of lashes inflicted, and the consequences that followed ; whether inflicted by farriers, drummers, or so forth; and also copies of the surgeons' minutes, and whether the trials had taken place with closed doors. SAVIVGS' BANKS—COMMISSIONERS OF NATIONAL DEBT. Mr. HUNIE moved for an account of the number of indivi dual depositors and of charitable institutions and friendly so cieties depositing their funds in savings' banks, and of the sums deposited, divided into the usual classes, on the 20th day of November, 1845. Account of the amount of principal money received from, and of interest credited to, and of principal and interest money paid to the trustees of savings' banks, distin guishing Great Britain and Ireland; by the National Debt Commissioners, from the 6th day of August, 1817, to the 20th day of May, 1846 ; of the amount of money, prin cipal and interest, due to the trustees by the Commis sionerson the 20:1 day of May, 1846 ; of the securities held by the Commissioners on the 20th day of May, 1846, and of the value of those securities at the prices of that day (stating such prices), to provide the amount due by the Commissioners to the trustees on that day, for principal and interest. Account of the aggregate amount of interest paid and credited to the trustees of savings' banks (distinguishing Great Britain and Ireland) by the Ciimmissioneis, and of the aggregate amount of interest or dividends received by and due to the Commis sioners on the stocks, funds, and Exchequer-bills held by them on account of the trustees, from the 6th day of August, 1817, to the 20th day of May, 1846 inclusive ; and stating also the difference in amount be tween the amounts so paid and credited and received up to May 20, 1846. Account, stating in detail, the changes which have been made in the Bank Annuities and Exchequer bills held by the National Debt Commissioners, on account of the trustees of savings banks, under the authority of the Acts 9 Geo . IV. c. 92, and 3 Wm. IY. c. 14 • showing, in separate co lumns, the dates, description, and extent of each of such changes, and the rates at which the changes were effected. from May 20, 1844, to July 5, 1846 (all in continuation of Parlia mentary Paper, No. 453, of Session 1844). Mr. HORSMAN wished to give notice that on Friday next he would ask the Right Hon. Baronet the Secretary of State for the Home Department, if it was his intention to call the attention of the Government to the report of a Lords' Com mittee on railways, and whether it was their intention to adopt the suggestion contained in that report ? THE ADJOURNED DEBATE. On the motion that the order of the day for resuming the adjourned debate be read, Mr. PHILIP MILES said that he could assure the House that when he moved the adjournment of the debate last night, it was not with a view of protracting the discussion of the question at this late 'period of the session. It was because he thought that under the circumstances a fair division could not be taken upon it, that he wished to adjourn it, and he knew that it was for the interest of all the parties that the adjourn ment should take place. He assured the Noble Lord that it was not his intention to offer any useless opposition to this Bill, because he did not think it right unnecessarily to protract the business of the House. He could not admit that this measure was to confer a great benefit upon the country, as the Noble Lord had stated, and it was because he considered that this measure would do precisely the reverse ; because he considered that the measure would give great encouragement and stimulus to the slave trade, notwithstanding all that had been said against it, that he was prepared to give his support to the resolutions moved by his Noble Friend the Member for King's Lynn. He confessed that he was astonished last night to hear the Noble Lord the Member for Liverpool—that Noble Lord who moved the celebrated resolution in 1841—now consenting to the pre • posals of her Majesty's Government. He must say that he was not prepared to hear him give the reasons for the vote which he was induced to give, after he had said that he protested strongly against the admission of foreign sugar. He certainly was not prepared to hear that Noble Lord come forward in support of the proposition of the Noble Lord the Member for London.—( Hear, hear.) Neither was he pre pared to hear the Right Hon. Gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer, certainly . in a speech of great ability, tell the House that he was rejoiced to be able from the source of the slave-grown sugar, to receive a large increase to the revenue of the country. The discussion last night turned upon the state of the West India colonies, and it was because he was particularly interested in them, and because he wished to express his opinions as to their condition, that he was unwilling that the House should go to a division on the question last night, before he laid before them what he knew concerning their condition, and what effect this measure would have upon them. From all that lie could learn from practical people on this subject, from all that lie knew himself on the question, he must say that he thought the effect of this measure would be to throw a vast number of estates out of cultivation.—( Hear, hear.) All those estates which were of a barren soil, and which bad not all the advantages of shipping, would he thrown out of cultivation. He would take for an instance the Island of Jamaica. In that island there were, he believed, about 400 estates now in cultivation ; and he was assured by a gentleman conversant with the subject, that of those 150 or 200 would be thrown out of cultivation by this measure. Many of the estates in that island had been lately thrown out of cultivation, and it was a lamentable fact, but it was nevertheless true, that in consequence of the want of pro tection which ought to have been shown to the proprietors of estates in that island, the people were in a most wretched con dition. The Noble Lord, the Member for London, in the opening speech which he made on t his question, said that the system of protection was a vicious one, but his (Mr. Miles) answer to that question was that the condition of the West Idi th n e es r e w a saosn that wretched theyw state ereso at w this moment, as,beeauseof ina and conduct of tl Ezentwo Qoveratunt. Lio wished to , to c° 41° Lad. 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