The Sun. — London, England, 1846-03-03 00:00:00

kte ii i- 4171.---(-7-11--"ear, he ) h—e-ar. lTruStlh:ceSard nothing that can WiaCessibiliiv considered .cityosed to the political views va s teY nlontoautorable Gentleman.— ( Cheers from both sides of the . Ili R eil ' o ! a.. sure there is nothing in the resolution to which kind ehe'er...ole Gentleman can by possibility object. —( Re "tlisgi o _ rt e etZ.) Let us then, whatever rn,y he ihe politic .1 ttau,do_e.. ntertain—let us, I say, keep them in the back 7ihsttuesitillmoorp!eser!t occasion, and: unanimouly concur in 'Y to the brilliant services of those gallant men hi l l.'" proved theinselvcs in an eminent degree %eh / e r th • L•.r e ,_, , heir native country.— ( Immense cheering ) !s k i t ,. `Zoich have been lost would not have been sacrificed lthe the army engaged . in this enterprise constituted one spellttehant,est defeeniers of this nation.—( Hear, hear.) When 0,21 'was effseted by discipline and by valour, on the otestot, and 22c1 of December we fell increased confidence i s! . tienl : N hoi_ia ,. the protection Of this country is intrusted. (;!t1id e , 0 J,, , 7 those men who fell in those engagements, ti tis , tt nto their country, will long serve to animate "St . arm b . ti lat e ...,_. y their example, and to make us proud of 041 )44 2 melt in common we bear with them—to animate . 4% k r ect the interests of this great country. (The Right t IL,. e llet sat down amidst loud cheers from' both sides of io rt f? e • ) Nit fi lls"Tt4l t y t .. , RUSSELL then rope, and said, Sir, agreeing kr as do in the resolution which the Right Honourable o.,„„ o ples to move, I trust the House will allow me the iii -M arts : adding my t es ti mony to t h e va l our o f our I tellves's.ed Participate in those feelings which he ~4 1 41 " that the name of . the 'Ho use, an,l , ~( 4, t u „ i the resolution will meet se 'es' thi s ", % n its sense of the House—(Cheers)—that we 01444_, rmute to the valour of those who hay,. defended Fth e " . ndia, in order that it may be a scuree of 111,4,, survivors of those who took part in the en- Ol t te a , " some cons .nation to their of feted relations. i i ;7 l , I e P rt et . to the first part of the Right Hon. Baronet's tOtith en e VIIY cannot pretend to follow it, but I felt ?!.Gstier I s ' "envy Hardinge accepted the office of Go -11(.74 l le I :, of. India —when he abandoned the honourable sni t , i d In the co unci l s o f hi s S overe i gn — w h en h e s k, ro,ott:nent and happiness of his home, and from the )14.,:i1e toro"--(Cheers)—I felt that the country could v t et s ort i confidence in him. With respect to the I t.r est te gsnt 4 He nry Hardinge, as the Governor-General, i t , log to 1 the subject of the Putijsub, it was highly kk . 7%, 4 t.. hear the Right Hon. Gentleman's statements li - Ntd,,,, , / t ` i ' l .'t ; but as the papers have only been recently lla e ` e ' to i, i nk it will be more becoming my position not 10. iis it, nit This I know, if the utmost forbearance is ko, 4e es, „.. sio,, utmost forbearance has been shown on gtiCaot Le u laY say that the imputation of wanton out )l6 i e . a PPlied to—(Ch eers )—Si r H enry H ar di nge. Ikl. ll ° tkp,„, --ar w as already establish e d, an d hi s p o li c y, t o ttpqoatkr-Of animosity to the neighbou r i ng s t a t es was V the klti ii B a r n! t his charact er ; th a t p o li c y. h owever , h as k tii ntsh army in very disproportionate numbers to e etve tin e a „rmY of Lahore. I can but admire the spirit 11,4t4,14.0.0tifill,lrerrsi_tirsi.tk.soerneral and the troops employed under him. 4. mai quailing at the sight of the force, were only martial ardour and patriotic enthusiasm. I t wk.' te en t r eas not a min of that gallant army who wished VIVI th e jlon England. Sir, in the subsequent battle frs t i 'ouht Hon. Baronet has given FO affecting an %. ,I . th deli thee' letter of Sir H. Hardinge, I must say I fol. Ns sriie t t the troop, of our army on that occasion—that !s t : t. tflu di e toe vietory was not obtained through any ad i4t,r4 w h it . ° havemade in civilization from no superiority slet e rich we heave brought into the field, but it N l ie h i llliy , r e e upon the bearing and the gallantry of the y. e litish, t eceted by heal t and determination so peculiar li ki " Neti 1, 4 ' 4 44, arid to the valour of the native Indian 1147,1 i Rae been so faithfu: and courageous upon all ecca -Ist 44 th e oY such an army that this victory was achieved t ttiltitist(atireetict satisfaction of knowing that these gallant Pt os tt no hesitation or distrust either in themselves L.L(S4):tealiders, for the Commander-in-Chief (Sir 11 0t111 ti) old not but recollect the brilliant conduct of I SIN to t t k a t rd .. in . F.,re at Alhu'ra, and he ( Sir 11. Hsrdinge) f stli.,fenect that at Busaco non, was more distin §, ikenenoisrn and valour—tha - t no name stands more eon. Stk l'i le ,, n exinn with that expl &than that of the name of lj su b ,. 5 mast therefore have had the utmost confidence Veil to' as well as themselves,when they led their gal- NI 4 4 victory , s Wa_ 4, 4 rY. I was glad to hear the allusion 11,Alii til 7620,_ made by the Right Hon. Baronet to the con ,ljp.. ioldre e girnent. I refuse to believe that. any regiment , a 44 4 would retire from the conflict upon any •I;;‘ittlFlh:ive that of the great slaughter which had . taken kil shat ye that when there is any task assigned to 1144,tht. 6 7 ' not be unequal to their power, they will then I tit..lie k I f h character which they have before obtained. 1, 4 114Phe k, I rejoice to hear that mention has been 0,41 4 1 . 5 t, 41:tat-lon. Baronet of hisinten ti t o o n e t a o us p e ro t p o o b s e e tZist Co°".aoient Q tr thee enabling r o h f er the Majesty Galant General Sir ai ir 't? htZsoud cheers, That l i no That officer, after the proud * 4 onlad 'previously acquired, could not have had a Nelit epk‘ t aure honourable death than the field of battle. ii °ll l,i k Ive in ) gut it were unworthy of us if we did not Lat i /le del i reCiate such gallant and heroic con duct. 004_ 1 40 And therefore, with these . feelings, I {ltlei v t sft has of seconding the resolutions which the Right Oli at sts w il l Jtist proposed, and I trust, as I have already IN, tli e . be . an unanimous vote, and that we shall all !li lt traktectiloalities of these gallant men, the dangers they ihl, " Nes e ' and the victories they have achieved, have met Ne h l n the gratitude of an English House of Ls e ofilt w eer) - ‘ li i til aii it to ished.to say a few words, although he could 7 'eti e i what had been so ably stated by the Right 1, 54 t IT '4, ,c x t il i t o o n say l that he ehaedo made.—(Hear, entirely (Hear h in ea t t he ) 1 1% l a t h t T li efle was Hon. Baronet to throw hie troops ' too far 4n tosi dt should give grounds of attack. If Hon. l i t li ii t : , . 4, k .nok at the position in which he was, they k c 4 1 1 i t "e was unable to get all his force together. :I.n, h 'e til t th e point where t'e junction of the troops li i ts i teksije Place was so deep that it could not be 1(4 %s r ' i s cn the river were only t , assable in Decem -I,4,ltibt It did not appear to him possible that the • Ver t ti :e been pl ace d i n a b e tt er pos i t i on t h an at Um iletliis h p were placed for th e p rotect i on o f t h e stores . i L l littli 10 7:ause be would be very sorry that it should go eti r , % e t , unnecessary sacrifice of life had taken . place. cis:',lslli e , as any man a disgust for war, but tht. ci . rcume k, i nid 0 7_ the country was placed rendered it moos clsla ts oo Z, horrors of war. Wherever war was . there h li, 11 1, 1 1 : 1 44 ie o must be. If they looked at the eircum - I sttop tte m ok place in 1843 and lt'44, they would azill i t P r eparations were not made in case of an spi9es e 4as wrong for any man in the situation of it , It h •.' to give occasion for war b . y great prepara 1t ! t one ' ' l "l ,o 4iible to avoid it when it did come. He 1 4 ,_att 11 7°rd more before he sat down. He hoped and k'Pe4 ; h e _ Members of the House would be unanimous,. le s ef `t ti;e House would show due consideration to livi t at „„ %hose who had fallen. He hoped that the 0 1 1 1 . t ho l -u4 : l use its influence and patronage for those s' il e,- 4 , : tf it Protection had been taken from them. He 1 / 4 ses et ,,wal c l b e known, many of those who fell in the a 414 1 1: 4 e qual honour with Sir R. Sale. He would 1/4`ittirlisliettar g his cordial concurrence in everything NII,„ - ,, Et eltrn„ the Right Hon. Baronet. li L l4s a .,"%e „". INGLIS wished that the Hon. Member 4 11 7: 14,e - k s to tlift House would recollect that the victory . k t, 'h providence; that while they thanked the k klatilef ally should no t f orge t t o th an k th e Suprer9e 1 ! 1. 114 1 th ° I the 'ln 4 , 5 , °° d--( Hear, bear.) He believed that in 41,e i t empire there could be nothing found 4 44 , p Zorwity and licentiousness of the camp at La „ ),../ 11, 4.. u, soldierlike style in which the. dispatches of liNkle o t "ltge were written also struck him ( Sir R. V ii le tt Z.Alfln the wake of that great man the Duke of f (`,e,tlia s e xe, hear.) For himself he felt the value F . C r ,atte ;„' and he was certain the House would unani. kik,vGq - a warding it.—( Hear, hear. ) Vtl ll brie said he would not trouble the House with V' t hey h - ,,,ar two remarks, after the very eloquent tlij,"tioSt heard from the Right Hon. Baronet at , tuJ o b ` l°v ernrnent, also from the Noble Lord oppo- So t Zst ) 4 Russell) who had seconded the motion. — hi 21 1 tie believed that the conflicts of the 19th, 'ss Itio tof to gad „ D ecem b er, were among the severest that had \ ih lith Proy eri " valour of British troops; and the dreadful kcZtt:klea I l he desperation with . which the troops i', i _kthi r ., ac . l fought. The British troops did . not 1 11 0 4; k i rlj e i en n, . little more than a fourth, of their adver t'kktli th. t In artillery, their guns being little more - "aid 7 1 , number of the enemy's, and none of 1 4 ly t kr i ee said to be of battery calibre; they Nilt:!1)t. k t. a storm of shells and shot which *lig % w o !..V the advance—still they advanced,. captured get, ,„' the enemy, and finally accomplished their 1 4 44,att r the difficulties that Sir Henry Hardinge had O lt erti t : as regarded his civil policy, he would abstain ZISI 4 t° . But he might be permitted to say, that eala b_ ~1 .ea •ndeed if, instead of the treachery k i , ti'tkb-4, attack, the Latiore ' Government bad openly \ st It t i , l ; t t! (k e e ' r ,determination.. : - ( Hear, hear d .) e N w o 0 h m o a u n t t 4 * t. 'sam.„Tspatehes of Sit- Henry . Hal . (1 1 Lus e ..''' h... 11 anxious desire to maintain l a ng civil policy. , i 4 Ot. f,.. et a (Mr. Hogg) well recollected . the words . II 044 .Ci ll t tlend at. the entertainment given him imme.di it ss Se to " his departure. He said—" He was a soldier, kilt 11 14 'l'd known the risk and danger of war ; but t A L IN X lover of peace, they might be sure 'A s a %l eo . lc. of th Gar to maintain it.—( Hear, hear.) 11v t , i hr.) b e bank of the Sutlej, but they had no bank. t i!li l lit til laisi n l ' e r nearly 200 miles on the left bank of the e 11 . , , t' 1 l 1 ,, I nearly 20,000 square miles, and comprising y,,,... (4. , ° ,l , e . who were principally under the protection 1/4WIN Zrernrnent, we hail only two or three states. 1 tio l : l° t a ,`" talk of " the bank of the Sutlej," because 1 4( tst k tlist tr ak of land aslarge as the table of the House. ‘ k latN: 4l tli ei e Y get posse•sion of Umballah So long as s kt. RON t 'l 0 11 the throne the states which we possessed, St it , „ . e Ife under the protection ot the Lahore Govern kie:l:l4e 182ut then we never sought any tribute for Lt'Cles, °° d to 6 , o .. when a great number of those possessions , ,iso i i , try, w .xunieet Singh, on account of his serviees N.,kil.,, el ser t ee had had no control over either bank of the N. q h • -% • We -e had territory, for nearly a space of "tia °l 4lt i nd ~, h ad no ports but Ferozepore and L00t:44 t: 4 4 ti - "ah? -1° did they obtain possess - on of Meerut l Lt. wis But Rupp • g the could have advanced NS - i th...,, at , Would o h sm been the result ? Even -9 k it % ' Col,: had built stations niarer the Sutlej, at Ne * ,, t4 kll;Y miles, the Seikhs would be at Delhi ' l l lc,, gear v i' li t rit Feruzepore or Loodianah. , In the year L ,P(1.7. 1 - ` 4 w r „ t n,e Affghanistan campaign, wliat was done 11044' at e (: t urnwn round Ferozepore, the same round t ilii4 ke.a, Inballah barracks were built, and every pre hlio , eri tll Zp -r u e was taken. Did the Governor-General do it si t t - m inrechnt instance ? It has not, it is true, been a,.,Sti. 'Y e ild e newspapers. All his measures have been ' , 1 4, - ;( Vtio li '",,liselessly, in order that it should not attract N l ' ( 1 ` at ai , ills Obj,ct was to strengthen the forts, and NAlsti a :,,,did ii ill e when the general relief of the army takes ;ii .'lio n '"'ni 1 0 ,. - w ithout giving umbrage to the Seikhs. It '. IN% - kvas l C aaY person connected with the country to 04 Ate k o itis ili Tous army, close to their frontier, without k ~,.,f. ~,,e. ex citement. The Seikhs was an army in i 4 • • lag i'll, dictating to their commanders, k it , h e 4 ' t w. N ra the Treasury whatever amount , f 4,„ It ~,,.. )14 11 "t - qth " an alarming example to set 1 I h e ot pr odi e native army, and the House should know •sia ;p * hie}, g a l offers had been made to them. Every 1 4 01: o tta 4r ° 04de t1°14.141 address itself to their religious prejudices I 1 t l t o ttslA, t l i e of, but in vain—( Hear, hear )—and it was ! N i t ro ) , ( t iara f r " the Seikhs recruited their army to a con ' Letot; t he S;il, u t, the same province the British did. In ~ kttit - ' 4 14 . 1 4p, 00-4-"l.a_). th ere . werefriend a s s and relations of many / l ever b "et despite these temptations, such as no ledge. „ e m , - Intl h o r s been exposed to, they still remained '‘ad ‘'itla Pe that the people of this country would 4 %41. t e th s , at ilt fortghtatiti.ucle the services of the British . army in NI, - til es lar ge st 'Loped that the native princes and the te i lthe t e s sine f India would become sensible k • N . Ole :, of , I . h „ it t.ti L k tip, , ,, ,r English ,sh rule, which must bring 4,4 ti, i hifo r I AI tb protection. . 01 11 ;1. ri Y fro, he heroi c actions were often lost to the 0 1 4144417 0 t th e f li.le want of a post or the negligence of the N I ert ~..'ves et v _nends of those gallant spirits who had laid o N k aeli w uti re t , o ."e shrine of their country, and these gal 1/4441ettl'in!, a ° 4 ° , l4 , b e Ittet?...ntain.tain its honour, ' need not fear i ~hiii eo bid of ~,,se with 'respect to themselves, when % '!f th l :'tter of the _h,eautiful and soul-stirring speech in 1 )4 1 41 , 1 8 ht fetish I.l:g l and had brought under the consi 1, It ue fet llse of Commons their gallant deeds. -"I ,Ike _ h anae , assured that their gallant deeds - 11 , 11 ,..7 . ! h ad u down to posterity. What was 1 " taken g ltq U P °4 the cast? He belid that 1 e on that occasion, it would eve have de. THE SUN, LONDON, TUES DAY MORN ING MARCH 3, 1848: (Mr. Villiers) did not wish to provoke any unnecessary hos• tiiity to the measure proposed, but he must call the attention of the House to a statement which the Right Hon. Baronet had made. He could gather from that statement that he (Sir Robert Peel) did not ervertain much fear from the abolition of the corn-laws. On the Ist of November he stated that there was a considerable deficiency of food, and he con sidered it necessary in order to remedy it, to abolish the existing corn-laws. He did not ri collect, however, hearing from him that his fears were less at the present time than they were on the Ist of November. He considered then that the suspension of the laws were a remedy for those evils; his fears were now, however, as great as at that period. He has satis fied himself that the time has come when the trade in corn should be entirely free; and if the Right Hon. Baronet would look around him, he would see friends on all sides. If he looked to Hon. Members on his side of the House, he wou'd obtain from them their sanction and support. They would tell him there was no ground for alarm ; they have said, as far as im eediate abolition was concerned that they are ready for ,it, and that it might be done safely ; so that they had it on the best authority that the removal of these laws would be attended with no evil. If the Night Hon. Baronet looks to the party on the Opposition side of the House, at tl e head of which is the Noble Lord the Member for the city of London, upon whom he may rely for supi ort, upon the question for an immediate repeal—he has expressed his opinion upon the subject. What, then, has the Right Hen. Baronet to fear ? Upon which side soever he looks, he may count his supporters. He stated that he was fearful that if some time were not given to the farmer, a sudden removal would be productive of injury. The Hon. Member for Somersetshire (Mr. Miles) had, however, allayed his fears upon that point. lie had told them that there was no ground for fear—that the farmers were ready—that they had nd'need of his caution. There could be no doubt that the Right Hon. Baronet himself was in favour of a total and immediate repeal. But having shown that there were no difficulties in the way of his resolution, he would ask if there were no ad vantages to be derived in the immediate repeal. The present year was a peculiar year in its supply of food throughout Europe and this country; this was a point it was impassible to Consider. We could not dispense with any supply of food which should be imported into this country. We have notoriously a scarcity in consequence, of a deficiency in the harvest, and at the same time a considerable increase in the consumption of food in this country ; and there is also a failure of an important article of consumption of food in the country. Under these circumstances it was his opinion that the proposed duty of 4s. might almost amount to a prohibition. Since the present measure had been under discussion, there have been several cargoes of wheat destined for thi• country which have gone to a neighbouring country ; several cargoes from Odessa, not disposed to wait for the 4s. duty, had gone to Antwerp, for the corn-laws are repealed there, tin Belgium and in Holland ; and this country was always liable to lose its supply of food during the continuance of these laws in times of scarcity. Since Parliament has met, corn had been exported from this country for the Rhenish provinces, where they send their corn down the Rhine to Holland where it is stored at Rotterdam. Now, however, corn was sent from Rotterdam to those places beyond the Rhine which had for merly supplied both Belgium and Holland with corn. They had, therefore, reason to fear that there would be a general scarcity felt in the month of April. that being the month in which the largest importation into this country invariably takes place. He did not know who would be most benefited, or who ought to be most interested, after ail, in the abolition of the corn-laws; but he did think it was not worth while that the people should be exposed to the danger of deficiencies in the supply of corn. —( Hear, hear. ) He thought it would not be just to ovsrlook that part of the question, for he presumed he stated enough to show that the measure would have such a tendency. The Government have secured a certain amount of support for the measure which they had proposed, but it seemed to him that for a similar measure withdrawing all immediate protection, they would win merit' and support also. He believed that some of the supporters of the Right Hon. Baronet were giving their sup port to that measure, because they believed that they would relieve themselves from the danger which would be incurred to the measure by their non-adhesion to him ; but he (Mr. Villiers) thought it just to the country to bring forward his amendment, in the hope that an Immediate repeal might take place, for he thought that his amend ment would have most important advantages. Before he sat down, he begged the attention of the House to the considera tion of one effect likely to be produced—he referred to a state ment made by the lion. Member for Stockport. He stated-- and no man, he (Mr. Villiers) believed, doubted that state ment—that they had funds sufficient to procure a repeal of those laws, and that the day they saw those laws abolished—the very day afterit the League would be dissolved. Now he (Mr. Villiers) thought he was not substracting in the least from the great importance—that society had been to the country if he said its disssolution would be of great advantage.—( Loud cheers.) . He believed that society would be long indebted to the grati tude and admiration of the country for the great benefits it had produced. He considered they had done infinite service to the country, and: that they had gathered round them great moral talent from coviction alone, without ever giving offence to any of the classes which they felt it their duty to oppose.— , (Cheers.) But, notwithstanding, he believed there was some danger in such an irregular power existing in any country— (Loud cheers from the protectionists)—and he thought that that power should cease ; considering their talent, their great energy, their unceasing perseverance, it was well worth the attention of the House whether they should not cease to give cause for the continuation of their agitation, for it may be turned to objects that at present were not con templated. His Hon. Friends the Members for Stockport and Durham were pledged in honour not to cease their ex ertions, and not to give up a single portion of that energy and talent which they possessed, until this object was fully achieved. He did net say that such a resolution ought to be conclusive evidence to induce the Legislature to adopt their opinions, but he thought there were sufficient grounds to do so in the promised prosperity which it would afford. He (Mr. Villiers) therefore, proposed to leave out all the words in the first resolution, after the word " of," for the purpose of adding those words as an amendment, that " all duties on imported corn do now cease and determine." The SPEAKER then put the question, when, Colonel SIBTHORP rose, and said that it was his in tention at an earlier period to have occupied the House if he had an opportunity of doing so, but after what had occurred he should feel it unnecessary to occupy their attention for any length of time on the present occasion. It was very well known what opinion he etertained—(Hear, hear)— with regard to the measure, and he also thought it was very well known what opinion he entertained of those gentlemen at the head of her Majesty's Government, who have dared in the manner they did—the deceitful manner he would add—to venture to bring forward such a measure.—(Loud cheers from the protectionists.) The Hon. Gentleman the Member for Wolverhampton, he (Colonel Sibthorp) hod no hesitation in saying, had, during the whole course of his conduct, acted a straightforward, honest, and consistent part in comparison with that of her Majesty's Ministers.—(Cheers.) He never deceived his party—(Cheers)—he had been straightforward in his declaration—he has persevered in his course, and he was bound to say that he gave him credit for the manly course he had pursued, and he wished he could say the same for those who were once his (Col. Sibthorp's) supporters.—(Loud cheers.) If it was his good fortune to have spoken on this question at an earlier period, be would have produced to the notice of the House some of the speeches made by certain Gentlemen on protection principles, who now seemed to have altered their opinions. In the year 1838, at. a dinner which was called the " Peel Banquet," the Right Hon. Baronet thought it right to treat with ridicule the conduct of the Noble Lord the Member for the city of London. At that meeting, among other gen tlemen, the Marquis of Chandos, a leading man and a farmers' friend (then an honourable appellation let him tell them), was in the chair, and there were present Sir R. Peel, Lord Francis Egerton, Lord Lowther, Sir Robert Inglis (and, mark this Gentlemen), Sir James Graham—( Laughter)—Mr. Harris, and Lord G. Somerset. The Right Hon. Baronet then enter tained very different opinions to those which he entertains now, with his 313 supporters.—( Cheers.) Here the Gallant Officers read several portions of the speech delivered by the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of her Majesty's Govern ment, wherein he stated that it was pleasant that the rugged pafh which led to political fame did not prevent him in his journeys of making many friends, and that for some years past he had chiefly laboured for the purpose of forming a great Con servative party for the purpose of arresting revolutionary measures.—( Loud cheers from the protectionists.) Such was the language, continued the Gallant Officer, which was used by the Right Hon. Baronet in the year 1838, when he was enter tained, but perhaps it may be said most truly on this occasion, in vino veritas.—(Laughter.) He (Col. Sibthorp) had en tained ; an opinion of the Right Hon. Baronet of a very different nature to what he entertained at preseht. Perhaps he wanted (with great emphasis) moral courage, and thought it was not expedient to retain those principles-7'enzpora mutantur. He himself had at one time the most implicit confidence in the Right lion. Baronet.—(Cries of " Question, question.") " Oh," continued the Hon. Member, pointing towards the door, "if you are tired you may just walk out."—(Great laughter.) The Secretary for the Home Department had also been once a protectionist. He (Cr 1. Sibthorp) did not know how many departments he had been in ; he was in fact a Pro teus, a chamelion, ever varying its colour, and he would serve any Government that would receive him.—(Laughter.) His expression would be. Any port in a storm.—(Laughter.) He (Colonel Sibthorp) would wish to know on what grounds the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Ministry had changed his opinions. If he did so on the belief that there was a deficiency of food, he might not be altogether culpable; but he considered he had no such reason for changing his opinions. —(Cries of " Question.") He understood there would be a division on the present question, and with regard to which he should say, that though he might be compelled to go into the same lobby with the Right Hon. Baronet, the First Lord of the Treasury, to oppose the amendment of the lion. Member for Wolverhampton, yet it was through no regard, affection, or respect for him, or any Gentleman on the Trea sury bench, that he did so.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) But of two evils he should choose the lesser.—(Renewed laughter.) He could not conclude without cautioning the Right Hon. Gentleman as to his associates ; and again ex pressing his regret that he should break up the party which was prepared to go with him through fire and water in up holding the institutions of the country, the supremacy of the Throne, and the integrity of their own Protestant Church. — (Great laeghter.) Lord WORSLEY trusted that the House would allow him a few minutes space while he stated the grounds on which he intended to vote on the present occasion. It had been proposed by the Hon. Member for Wolverhampton that all duty on corn should immediately cease ; whilst the Government were in favour of a sliding scale until the year 1849. Now his im pression was, that if it rested solely between the motion pro posed by the Government and that of the Hon. Member for Wolverhampton, it would be much better that the House should decide in favour of the total and immediate repeal of the corn-laws than that the country should be kept in a state of suspense. If the simple question were that, he should be inclined to vote for the amendment of the Hon. Member for Wolverhampton ; but then, if he were to vote at that side on the present occasion, and if the amendment were carried, he felt he would be precluding himself from the consideration of other amendments which were to be proposed by Honourable Gentlemen. —( Hear, hear. ) He thought that the proposition of the Right Hon. Baronet of a sliding scale from 10s. to 4s. would not answer the expecta tions of the people, but he was satisfied that if they were to have a low fixed duty of ss. on wheat, and 2s. on barley, and 2s. on oats, as proposed by an Hon. Member—this, he thought, would meet the wishes of all. He conld not support the amendment of the Hon. Memher for Wolverhampton, though if it were a question between 'hill:tend the Right Hon. Baronet, he would rather support an immediate repeal of those laws. He did not think there was the least chance of carrying the proposition of the Honourable Member for Wolverhampton, but he could not vote fur that question, as it would preclude him voting for the following amendment : That in lieu of the duties now payable on the importation of corn, grain, meal, or flour, the product of foreign countries, there shall be paid a fixed duty of five shillings per quarter upon wheat, two shillings and sixpence on barley, and two shil lings on oats; meal and flour in proportion. This amendment be thought far preferable to either the Right Hon. Baronet's measure or the proposition of his Hon. Friend the Member for Wolverhampton. Mr. MILNER GIBSON could not but congratulate his lion. Friend the Member fur Wolverhampton, on the opinion of his Noble Friend who had just sat down. He could not see, in accordance with that opinion, how it was that the Noble Lord could not support the amendment? It would be said that:the amendment of his Hon. Friend would endanger the measure of his, the Right Hon. Baronet's. He was of opinion that the question of endangering the Governuent measure was not to be considered, when the great principle ", of the Right Ho n . B arone t' s were only proposed to be carried out by the amendment of his Hon. Friend.— ( Hear, hear.) He thought the present amendment was the only one which could meet the views of the First Minister of the Crown. The Right Hon. Baronet had said that his first and most anxious feeling was how he could meet the emergency of preventing a great national calamity. He said in his speech that nothing less than a total repeal of those laws would meet the emergency ; and now that it was pro posed to have an immediate repeal, which could alone meet the emergency, how on the ground of consistency could the sup porters of the Right Hon. Baronet oppose such a measure ? He (Mr. M. Gibson) was satisfied that nothing less than a total and immediate repeal would meet that emergency. If they were to grant a three years' protection, he questioned much that the Right Hon. Baronet would be able to meet the distress which existed, and which by the end of that time would increase. When, as was stated by the Right Hon. Baronet, famine was at hand in Ireland, how could he for one moment think of keeping up a duty on corn ?—( Hear, hear. ) SuppoKng that it were desirable to give encouragement to the agricultural interest, how could they hope to maintain the duty to the present extent und e r th e present pressing emergency ? The duty on oats and ba r l ey was 2s. 6d., or 10 , .. per cent. on the value of the commodity. That was no small duty ; and the prices were such that none could be imported into this country so as to give a profit. Their present duties would cause large quantities of grain to be sent to the foreign markets when every grain of corn was necessary to avert the ca lamity with which the country was threat ened. With regard to the agricultural interest, he thought that it would be benefited by immediate repeal. He did not think that the farmers would require any adjustment. He did not believe that the farmers cared a pin for the corn law question.—(Laughter.) It struck him as remarkable that side.) I be N vy if e e dt l I h i eh theyat withdrawal the d farmersifler ed of on wouldp that rotebeet p i o o n i n , the tenant-farmer did not s eem to care one straw about the matter with respect to its infl uence on them, but he believed they were interested in it as a p o li t i cal matter.—(No, no, from ' t t the Ministerial ar , reductionhear.) Hie i believed of rent dt.— ( Hear, entitledand when he came to ask for that ! re d uct i on the protectional land lord would answer and say—" Wait until the Ist of February, 1849."—( Hear, hear, from the Opposition.) The Member , for Stockport (Mr. Cobden) had said that he did not believe ; that prices would be materially affected—and by the Ist of February, 1849, we will see if their is any necessity for an alteration. The change that would be hanging over the agri tural body until 1849 would cause many improvements to be postponed which would be carried into effect if repeal were , granted at once. If a man were condemned to be executed that day three years, did they think that he would em- , cloy his time in constant preparation for eternity ? ' He believed that he would not.—( Laughter.) The man would be calculating how he might best avert the sentence.—( Hear, hear.) The system of protection had been put on its trial , befo:e that House, and had been found guilty of high crimes , and misdemeanours, and yet all that they asked was rapid and immediate execution.—( Hear, hear.) Every delay was an in justice, for the measure seemed equal to the most pressing emergency of Ireland, and, therefore, he supported, and called , on the House to support the motion of his Hon. Friend. Mr. ESCO TT (who rose amidst groans and cries of " Oh, 1 oh") said that he should give his vote according to the prin- ' ciples laid boron by the Noble Member for the city of London 1 on the first night of the debate. If the present measure would be endangered by the motion of his Hon. Friend the Member for Wolverhampton, he would not vote for it, for no one could , honour the principle more than he did. —(" Oh, eh," from the i Ministerial benches.) If anything occurred that evening to 1 make him believe that the carrying of the motion of his Hon. ' Friend the. Member for Wolverhampton, would endanger the success of that measure, he would certair:ly adopt the prin ciple laid down by the Member for London, and in order to save the measure, he wonld vote against it. The 1 question was whether it was right, under the existing 4 circumstances of this country to raise the price of food to the ' people by any restriction by protection. In November last I he came to the conclusion.—(" Oh, oh," from the Ministerial I side.) He begged that Hon. Members would allow him for one moment. In November last he came to the conclusion that any measure that would raise the price of food would be be impolitic. It was at that time his duty to attend a meeting of a large body of his constituents, and he:told them that his opi nion was that the only cause of the ports remaining closed was the fact which he supposed to exist. That there was no Govern • ment responsible for the affairs of the country. The statement of his Right Hon. Friend, made in that House, the other night, fully justified what he bad said on that occasion—there was actually no Government responsible for the welfare of the na tion, and the ports could not be opened.—(" Oh, oh.") He asked, had anything occurred since November which would make the opening of the ports of more benefit to the country. The necessity of opening them had increased since that time, and it was in consequence of those circumstances that he would vote in favour of the motion of the Hon. Member for Wolver hampton. He would only say one nerd more, with respect to what the farmers said. Hon. Gentlemen below him might hoot as much as they pleased ; but he would continue his state ment, The farmers said that they wished to have done with agitation ; there was only one way to get rid of agitation, and that was repeal—immediate and for ever of the corn-laws—and it was a mere delusion to tell the farmers anything else. That course would be for the interest of the people—wanting more food—for the interest and the peace of the country, and for the credit of the House of Commens.—(Laughter.) Mr. R. COLBORNE said, that as he had not occupied the attention of the House on the debate which had previously taken place on the subject of the corn-laws, he would venture to trouble them for a short time. He would give his support to the amendment of the Hon. Member for Wolverhampton. He did not intend to discuss the policy of the change in the corn- 1 laws, for he thought it fair to own that enough had been said already. He would address the House on the amendment. He had given his support to the Right Honourable Baronet, not because he had read speeches of the Right Hon. Baronet, and had heard the able and reasonable principles on which he had clearly proved the efficacy of free trade. He had, however, reserved to himself the perfect right of voting against the Right Honourable Baronet on any measure. He had heard many arguments brought forward in favour of free trade, and in favour of an immediate and total repeal of the corn-laws. He had heard a dissolution of Parliament spoken of, but he believed that if such a circumstance took place, it would strengthen their ranks to the injury of the business of the country, If the business was now settled it would be a great advantage, as it would pot an end to the agitation that would continue to exist if they retained the duty for three years longer. He could not forget that unless a total and immediate repeal was to take place, the question would be agitated with ten times greater force than before.—( Hear, hear.) Besides, be fore the three years they would have to elect anew Parliament, and the question would create great excitement —( Hear, from the Conservative benches)—therefore he wished it settled at once ; not that he feared the supporters of protection would seand in a better position than they now did, but that the country must be saved the uncertainty, delay, and excitement. It was impossible not to remember the elections that had lately taken place.—(Hear, he ar . ) They could not forget that the electors of Dorsetshire had turned out a Noble Lord of great character, and whose benevolence and integrity were well known. It was impossible to forget that the electors of South Notts—( Loud cries of " Hear, hear," from the Conservative benches) —had turned out a Lord of unblemished character and the greatest talent. These were indications of the proceedings that might be expected if this question was kept , alive ; and the only probable chance of putting an end to such a state of things was to make the repeal immediate and total. The battle, if fought in a general election, he was satisfied, would terminate in favour of the free traders.—(Hcar, hear.) But he was desious of avoiding that battle, and for that reason he considered this House should totally and immediately re peal the corn-laws.—( Hear, hear.) With every desire of acting with the Noble Lord (the Member for the city London (Lord John Russell) he must give his vote in favour of the motion of the Hon. Member for Wolverhampton. There was another point to which he would refer. It had been men tioned in a newspaper that he was an apostate to the principles which he formerly professed. The editor had since made a handsome apology ; still he (Mr. Ridley Colborne) would state that he had never advocated protection. He considered that ' protection ' affected landlords alone, and that if there was any loss from the present measure, they would have to bear it. This he believed they were ready to do.—( Hear.) He for merly voted in favour of a fixed duty, and it was still his opinion that a fixed duty could be carried out, but under the circumstances, rather than keep the question in abeyance, and keep the agitation on it alive, he would support total and immediate repeal.—( Hear, hear.) He had heard it stated that it would be inconsistent to repeal the corn-laws un less they applied the same principle to other things. He did not see this, and he was of opinion that if free trade measures did away with duties on all other kinds of articles as well as corn, so as to meet all our public burdens by direct taxation alone, it ought to be opposed. He for one in that case would be totally opposed to it. But there was another way In which the benefits of free trade were to be obtained—it was by relax ing the duties on the comforts of the poor.—( Hear, bear. ) This had been done already to some extent, and it had led to an increase of revenue, and his only regret was that the relaxa tion did not go far enough, and include other articles, such as tea, coffee and sugar. They ought to legislate for the labouring man, for the toiling artizans for the poor men who were working at the loom ; and on this account ne was desirous, of supporting the repeal of the corn-laws and the relaxation of protective duties generally.—( Cheers.) Mr. GORING, who commenced his address in a tone of ' voice that was almort inaudible in the gallery, was understood to oppose the motion ' under consideration. He considered ' that the Noble Lord, the Member for the city of London (Lord ' John Russell) must attribute his failure in carrying . out the I business of the Government to the bold manner in which I he stated the measures which he intended to bring forward. But the Right Hon. Baronet had taken a different course. He had adopted more cunning tactics, and by a kind of mesmeric influence, he had brought many of the once inde pendent members of that side of the House to be little better than his body-guard. The Right Hon. Baronet the Paymaster of the Forces, and the Right Hon. Baronet the Vice-President of the Board of Trade, had stated that this was a mere land lord's question. They now put it to the landlords to make this sacrifice.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.) If this were the reason why they supported the corn-law so long, he him self, if he had supported it for the same reason, would have been measure ; but it was the mortgaged-(lronical ronical thoroughly ashamed of himself. It was not the large landed proprietors who would be inju red b y the measure ; the y , by aged—(l the extended use of machinery , b y not em p lo y in g so man y labourers, and by not keeping so many buildi ngs (f or th a t, after all, was the real source of ex p ense), would be enabled to meet l thlaeoddilffiorcdusltiewsheorseeateedstabteys erthwismsu e cheers from the free-trade benches)—and the small farmers who would be swept from the face of the earth. The Right Hon. Baronet the Secretary of War, stated that if.the land were properly cultivated, they might still produce plenty to make up the deficiency ; but how would an increased produce at decreased prices affect the tithe-owner ? His interests would be alto gether overlooked in the arrangement. He would oppose this measure to the best of his ability, and they who, with himself, did so, would have at least this consolation, that they would know, that nothing had deterred them from doing what they conceived to be their duty. They would not blame themselves with supporting a course which would ultimately ruin a farmer ; and this consolation was also given them, that by no folly or cowardice of theirs would the British labourer or the agricul turist be compelled to the misery and degradation of earning a wretched subsistence in the manufacturing towns.—( Cries of " Oh, oh !" from the Liberal benches.) Mr. BRIGHT would Wish to make one or two observations on the speech of the Noble Lord, tte 31ember for South Lincolnshire, with respect to the imposition of a ss. fixed duty. The Noble Lord had the other evening amused the House by reading long extracts from the former speeches cf Members of the Government on this question. Perhaps the Noble Lord would have no objection that he (Mr. Bright) should treat the House with an extract from a speech of his, delivered to his constituents of South Lincolnshire. " But you state that something they call compromise can be effected, I say that that d ty has gone bye, the only final settlement of the question will be when agitation is stopped. Some have supposed that is the listen- Von of Sir Robert Peel to impose a duty of 55., gradually getting less, but I say, that nothing but the abolition of all duty will lead to the settlement of that question." He (Mr. Bright) fully agreed wills the Noble Lord when he said that there would be no cessation of the agitation of this question, until all duty on corn had been abolished, and the man that could think differently must have formed but a very indifferent idea of the force of public opinion. The Hon. Member for Shoreham who had last spoken, referred, and, as he (Mr. Bright) thought, with very bad taste). — (Cries of " Oh, oh," from the protectionists)—to the incumberances and the mortgages on landed property. lie hoped that the time was not yet come When landed proprietors could come to this House, urg ing as a plea for assistance, their own extravagance and imprudence, and justifying by that means th eir demand of a la w to raise the price of food in order to give OM rents for the properties which they were not really-worth. He recollected in- one of Dickens' works—he believed in the election of a beadle—that placards were 'ssued over the the town, with " Vote for Scroggins and seven small thildrou." 6o it WO With tkti landlord", they w ood Igo rents to provide doweries for their daughters.—(Hear, hear.) The question before the House was now exceedingly narrowed—it was not whether they were to have protection or not, but whether that protection was to be at once abolished, or to linger on for three years more. lie did not like to say anything to her Majes'y's Ministers, because in the speeches they had delivered in the course of the last debate he had witnessed so much of honesty and sincerity in the course they now pursued, that he felt unwilling to say anything that might appear as charging them with a falling-off in the duty they owed their country; but he must say this, that the Government had admitted their case, and he believed that there was no mart even on the other side of the House who conscientiously retained the opinion that the abolition of Use corn-laws at the termination of three years would be superior to the present removal of them. The impending famine in Ireland was either a reality, or it was not. The Govern ment told them that they were establi , hing stores for they accu mulation of corn to be sold at reduced prices. The Right Honourable Baronet said that he could not come to that House and ask for a vote of public money, while a duty of 16s. or 17s. was levied on foreign corn. How, he (Mr. Bright) asked, could, they come to that House,'and ask it to vote 500,0001. or 600,0001. to relieve the people of Ireland, while imposing a duty which narrowed the circle frpiu whence they drew their supplies, thus snaking the price of food dearer? How, he asked, could the House vote that money, and at the same time keep up those restrictions upon the food of the people? The Right Hon. Baronet had well said that he could not allow the inferier grains to be admitted free of duty for the feeding of cattle, while the heavier duty existed on the nobler grain of wheat, which was properly the food of man. He (Mr. Bright) could not understand how the Right Honourable baronet reconciled this statement of his with his present intention of imposing a duty of from 4s. to 10s., especially in this season of scarcity when it should (if it ever ought) be admitted free. Ile presumed that one of the reasons why delay was given was that the Right Hon. Baronet expected in consequence less opposition to his measure. The Right Hon. Baronet would however find that this Idea of his was altogether erroneous. Even if it had emanated from the Council of the League it could not have encountered greater opposition than it had already done and he believed that no Mem ber in that House was more convinced of the utility of immediate abolition than were some of the Members on the Treasury, benches. Wit were a farmers' question, as it had been stated to be, why not immediately sett:e it, as the farmers wished it to be done? Few of them would say that three years was better than immediate abolition. Did the Itight lion. Baronet expect that he would meet with less opposition from the Anti-Corn-law League. He, as a man of the League, would tell the Right Hon. Baronet that that agitation would not be slackened until the question were filially settled by the aboli• Lion of ail duty. They were pledged to go on with the agitation, and still more were they bound to do it from firmly conscientious mo- tives. The free-traders in the country were indebted to the Hon, Member for Wolverhampton for the opportunity he had given the House of recording their voted upon the question ; and he could as: sure the House that as they had began the agitation so would they continue the good work, until the question were finally and satis factorily settled. Sir IL PEEL said—l presume it is not the wish of the great body of the House that we should continue that debate, which has lasted for twelve days already.—(Hear, hear.) There are many points that arose in that debate, in respect to which I am anxious to offer some explanation ; but I thought it probable that other opportunities would be found for renewing that subject—the second reading for instance, and I thought It would be much better to postpone any statement that I had to make, or any explanation that I might wish to give, until that opportunity, rather than enter upon it now. I will therefore simply confine myself to the question immediately before the House, namely, whether or not it is desirable that the repeal of the duty should be immediate, or whether it should continue, as pro posed by her Majesty's Government, for a period of three years. Now, Sir, I am bound to say, that if we look singly and Abstractedly to the emergency which exists in Ireland, I cannot deny that I think that the profitable measure would be the - immediate suspension of all duties, if we had no other question to deal with than that. Suppose we take that course which we took in former years—that is to suspend the duty by Act of Parliament for a perion of eight months, until August or September next. There would be the absolute repeal of all duties, or maintenance only of a nominal duty ; but what would Parliament do in the interim? What provision 'would bemade with respect to the period when the suspen sion would expire? Those who contend that the corn-law ought to be immediately repealed would of course be perfectly satisfied with immediate repeal. It would provide for their permanent object, and it would also provide for the removal of all duties during the appre hended scarcity in Ireland. But this is not the universal opinion..., There are many who think that the corn-law ought not to be repealed. Her Majesty's Government having to decide on the 20th Dec.,when they were again recalled to power, thoughtthere world be an opportunity at the same time of making a provision for the emergency in Ireland, and laying the foundation for a settlement of the question. I have frankly admitted that provision should be made for the present emergency ; but what her Majesty's Government had to consider on the 20th December, when they were recalled to power, was to• provide for the emergency in Ireland, and to lay the foundation for the ultimate settlement of the question, and in the hope of reconciling those two objects, not perhaps completely, but in the best way possi ble, they made the proposal now under the consideration of the House. With respect to the apprehension of a coming scarcity in Ireland, we certainly did not altogether remove the duty on corn, but what we propose is to remove the duty altogether upon Indian corn—to remove altogether the duty on rice ; but that, perhaps, will not immediately effect Ireland. The duty on cattle— and then with respect to the corn duty, which at the present moment is 175., see what that duty is doing—absolutely preventing you from taking out of bond that superior description and quality of wheat which is most important for the purpose of mixing with the inferior descriptions of wheat in this country. I have before me a me morial signed by the whole of the millers in the towns of Newcastle-upon-Tyne. They state that generally a bushel of corn in ordinary years is about 62 er 63 lbs. weight, but that in the present year the average wefght is not more than 58 lbs.— that it was of importance that the better quality of wheat should be admitted for the purpose of mixing with the inferior wheat, and they pray for an immediate remission of the duty. But the daty at pre sent is 178., there being a great quantity of inferior wheat poured into the market at a price which allows the duty to be as high as 175., which operates almost as a prohibition to the taking out of bond that quality of wheat which it is of the utmost importance we should have in order to produce good food. But the present proposal of her Majesty's Government will not remove the duty on wheat altogether, but it will reduce the present duty. It will do more. It will give a guarantee that in no case whatever can the duty rise above 10s., and that there must be a rapid fall in price —which we cannot contemplate—in order to bring the duty up to 10s. The maximum duty at present is 20s. The duty under the present proposal of her Majesty's Government would be 10s. for the maximum, and it is not probable, even if the price should fall to an extent which is not likely to occur, that the duty will rise higher than ss. or 6s. That is what the proposal of her Majesty's Government does with respect to wheat. Now, with regard to barley. the duty on barley was 7s. The proposal of the Government was merely for a nominal duty, it would not exceed 2s. Bd, The duty upon peas is 65., under the proposal of Go vernment it would not exceed 25.,; but in the case of barley and oats, however, there is a different guarantee, that the price should not rise, in t he case of barley, above ss. and in the case of oats, above 4s. The duty ou rye, at present Bs. 6d., under this proposal would lee 4s. 6d. The duty on beans is 6s. 6d., and it would be nearly the same under the Government proposal. lam speaking now with re Bard to the apprehended scarcity in Ireland. but the House will ob serve that the proposal of the Government is no less perfect than it would be if that apprehension was removed. In the present state of public feeling, a feeling that you cannot apply or attribute to this abstracted ease of security, I think it would be an inconvenient course at the present moment ,to propose a suspension of our corn laws for nearly six months, for by a mere suspension we could look to no advancement towards the settlement of the question of the corn-laws. But I think that a mere suspension for six months would, in point of fact, tend to render uncertain and unsatisfactory the great question, which is, after all, the great question to be con sidered, namely, the footing upou which the corn-laws shall hereafter exist. For my own part, it is my own opinion, and most decidedly it is for the public interest that the corn-laws should be immediately settled, or that a certain assurance should be given on the part of the Government that at no remote period the duties or imports affecting trade should be re-arranged; and I think that the proposal of her Majesty's Govern ment satisfactorily gives that assurance. I certainly, however, in ferred, from what fell the other night from Hon. Gentlemen on this side of the House, that they were inclined to prefer immediate repeal to the proposal now before the House. I admit, however, there were same who were not of this opinion ; but I think I am right in stating that the Hon. Member for Shropshire preferred immediate repeal. Certainly I was anxious to arrive at the opinion of those Hon. Members, and from their declarations I gathered it Would be more satisfactory had an immediate repeal of the corn-laws been proposed by her Majesty's Government, Her Majesty's Govewinient, how ever, proposed a partial suspension for a period of three years, partly from an impression that it was preferable in itself to imme diate repeal, and partly from the hope that the proposal would be more satisfactory than immediate repeal to those who were connected with the agricultural interests. It was under this impression that immediate repeal was considered by us to be inexpedient. But as it is most decidedly the opinion of the friends of the agricultural interests and the warm supporters of its prosperity, that Immediate repeal was preferable to our proposal, we malt have been labouring under a mistake.(Loud cries of a llo, no, we are not in favour of immediate repeal.") Why I cer tainly inferred, from the general assent that was given to the declara tion of the Honourable Member for Somerset, by those who repre sent the agricultural interest and those who are best acquainted with its feelings, and the best judges of its interests, that they think that immediate repeal is preferable to the suspension of repeal for three years ; and I have no doubt that, by uniting with Hon. Gentlemen on the opposite side of the House, they would be enabled to carry that proposition.—(Hear, hear.) I must, nevertheless, confess that my opinion is not in favour of immediate repeal, and that our para mount object ought rather to be to lay a foundation for the adjustment of that question. Should, however, the House accept the amend ment in preference to the measure proposed by her Majesty's Go vernment, I shall have little hesitation in adopting it. The amend ment is now in your hand, and it remains for you to choose between it and the Government, measure At the same time I must own that my opinion in faveur cf the original motion remains un touched. Now, the Hon. Gentleman the Member for the city of Durham, threatens us with renewed and continued agitation. lam sorry for it, for I think that agitation on this question might be most wisely done away with. I will go farther, Ido not think it will be in their power to continue the agitation, and if this war measure was passed, that no attempt would be made to disturb the settlement which it would lead to. Still lam sorry that the Hon. Gentleman has held out threats, for if there was a general acquiescence in the question, I must say that continued agitation by the Anti-Corn-law League, considering there was a Parliamentary assurance that the duty upon corn should cease at a period of three years, and that during that period there would be no duty at all, in comparison with the existing duties, I must say I think further agitation would be unnecessary. I must, however, admit that if agita tion is renewed,. I should not be able to meet it. The Hon. Gentleman the Member for the city of Durham tells us that year after year the motion would be made for the absolute and im mediate repeal of the corn-laws. Well, it might be made, and year after year the time would be approaching when absolute and imme diate repeal would take place. I cannot see therefore that mush in terest would attach to that motion. Besides, if the measure of the Government were carried, a great number of persons would withdraw from the Anti-corn-law League, and there would be a great number that would say is not this motion unreasonable considering the difference of opinion which exists upon it considering that every year and every day is advancing us towards absolute repeal of the duty —or at least a reduction of it to merely a nominal amount? I cannot help.thinking, therefore, and considering also that at certain periods the duty during the three years would be much lower than it had hitherto been, that this threatened agitation would be useless, but at all events the agitation would not be of that dangerous character which it has been. Our measure has met with great opposition. from members of the protectionist side ; but I can assure the House that we brought forward the proposal, partly preferring It to imme diate repeal, and partly from a sincere desire to consult the wishes and meet the views of those who represent the agricultural interests. If, however, with their assistance this measure be carried—that is to say, if immediate repeal be preferred to the proposal of the Govern ment, it is my intention to accept of the amendment. I intend to do what I can to promote the success of that measure, but I cannot be answerable for the success of the measure—it is quite impossible that I can be.—(Hear, hear.) It is totally impossible that I should answer for the passing of that measure if the motion for immediate repeal is persisted in. Now I prefer that measure to immediate re peal on this ground, that her Majesty's Government has pro posed further measures connected with the carrying of this measure. Now Hon. Gentlemen object to deferred repeal on the ground that there will be two tariffs—ono now and one at the end of three years.—(Hear, hear.) But Ido not see how there will be two tariffs. I have a very strong impression that the price of wheat in consequence of this .procrastination will be somewhat cheaper—every quarter of wheat that is now sold would be some Is. 6d. or 2s. less than it would be as admitted under the present tariff. There can be no great amount of supply from any part of the world during the present year. I cannot help thinking that there will be a foreign competition from which the English fanner need not fear much. We propose to give encouragement to the drainage and improvement of the land, should this measure be accepted. If it be accepted there will be an opportunity, without I much difficulty, of getting money for the i m p rovement ; there procuring be at least an opportunity on more fa vourable terms of ij money for the improvement of indiffere nt land. I cannot hel7think ing also that with three years before us and the knowledge that at the end of that period that there is willto be be e pcoremppnert:d tion—the hands of 'landed proprietour three for the improvement of land, and at f t o h r e ei s gn e years, we shall, I think, be in a position toissemeeentdthaotf a e n v n e d n a t oftpeition upon more favourable tenyis than t w v e it s h ho r ul es d p b :ct in to th C e a very good harvest. Sir, I believe t N it would be more for their advantage, and more acceptable to that country, and also to America, that the repeal of the corn-laws should be deferred for three years titan if that repeal took place immediately.—(Bear, hear.) These were the rea- Maesty's Government to make s ons which induced h this proposition. I think cannoter j that there will 'no hat tariff at the end of three years which some apprehend. If the foreign grower thinks he will have some immense advantage after the lapse of three will be very mu ch mistaken. But I think if th e r e be that Yea rs, he ene ral gimpression on the part of the foreign growers that that will b - e the effect of the measure, the result will be the raising of the price of land, and the production of corn by the foreign producer will be increased. Now these were the general reasons which appeared sufficient to induce her Majesty's Government to propose this as conducive towards the ultimate and final settlement of this question. They will retain their opinionwill continue to make their proposals ; they will do all they can for the purpose of supporting it. Again I say, if another be prefbrred, they will no iii the meantime abandon their measure—(Hear, hear) —bat will do what they can to give effect to that measure ; but, of course, this House is the best judge of the character of the proposition—(Cheers) Mr. PALMER rose amidst much confusion and calls of "Divide, divide." The Hon. Member was very indistinct throughout his speech. We understood him to say that the Anti-Corn-law League were the robbers of-the agricultural interest; that the agricultural interest were deserving of their commiseration and good feeling, and that they should not therefore cry them down as they had done. He was opposed to the abolition of the existing duties tinder any circumstances whatever, and he would not therefore consent to become his own executioner by supporting the amendment of the Honourable Member for Wolverhampton. The Right Hon. Baronet gave protection to woollen and other articles, and he (Mr. Palmer) was at a loss to know why corn should not be protected also: The agricultural interest was no trifle.—(Cries of " Oh, oh.") The country required the agriculturist, and he did not see why one-fourth part of the population of the conntry should be called monopollata.—(Conftuslon.)—(Here the Hon. Member proceeded ,to read some statistical returns, showing the taxes paid on an acre of laza, and nicking an average from that of. the gross taxation on land, but the uproar was so great that it was impossible to distinctly hear the Hon. Members remarks.) • He con tinued to say that the measure would throw land out of cultivation, and that the country would have to depend on foreigners for food, but nevertheless he feared, from the unnatural coalition which had taken place, that they had nothing else to expect. It appeared that the proposition for a total repeal of the corn•laws would be sup ported by the Noble Lord the Member for the City of London (Russell), and If such were the case he did not see why a second coalition should not take place. The Hon. Gentleman concluded his observations amidst loud cries for " Division" and " Adjournment." Lord JOHN . RUSSELL said, if• the House will allow me, I will state what are my views respecting the various questions which are now under its consideration. I should not be inclined, to vote for any proposition that would not have for its object the settlement of the corn •laws. I would not commit myself to vote for a proposition which would continue agitation, and keep the farmers in a state of suspense.—(Hear, hear.) Having been told in 1842 that the measure then passed was a settlement of the question, and having found that, in 1846, from the authors of that measure, that it was a complete failure, and that the sliding-scale would not slide ; therefore, while I I regret that the Member for Lincolnshire did not concur with me on a former occasion, yet, on the present occasion, I cannot agree with that Hen. Gentleman. With respect to the proposition of the Go vernment for continuing protection for three years, I think it is liable to some objections.—(Hear, hear.) I come next to the propo sition at present before the House—the amendment of the Hon. Member for Wolverhampton. Now, I must say, that, comparing both propositions, If made by two Hon. and Independent Members of the House, I. should consider the proposition of the Hen. Member for Wolverhampton the more wise, as an abstract proposition.—(Hear.) I think so because I consider that there has been very abundant har r rests, and many others may happen which will materially alter the view of the question taken by the Right Hon. Baronet—indeed such may be the influence of abundant harvests, that the prices of corn might be very materially enhanced ; such for instance as there has been in Belgium and other countries. I think that that being the case, if there is to be a repeal of the corn-laws, in an immediate repeal there will be more safety to the agriculture of this country than keeping the question open for three years. The Right Hon. Baronet says that if we were to have an immediate repeal, we would create a panic, but that a 4s. duty will prevent that. I cannot see that the taking off all protective duty will cause a panic ; I think the farmers will app'y their minds to the improvements in agriculture, such as the science of chemistry pointed out to them, and such appliances will guard them against anything like a panic. I think the Hon. Mem ber's proposition far better than three years of doubt.—(Hear, hear.) For this reason and others -for there are other reasons which I shall not trouble this Committee by stating—l think the measure of the Hon. Member ;for Wolverhampton better adapted to settle this question than that of tke Right Hon. Gentleman. I amnot aware what view the other House may take of this subject—l must listen to what is said by the Prime Minister who undertakes the settlement of this question. He has undertaken it in a way which is not entirely reprehensible, but of which, though I voted for it, I did not entirely approve. He has undertaken it in a way which in three years will produce the find settlement of the question. The Right Honourable Baronet has given the reasons which induced him to snake this proposition. Ido not think his reason a very good one. It could be more favour able to the landed interest, and I do not know what view the land owner will tak6, but the farmers do not appear to feel the value of the proposition of the Right Hon. Gentleman. When the Canada Corn Bill was brought for ward, the Right Hon. Baronet said that be was desirous to introdnce a Bill which would give advantages to a colony which it never had before; and those advantages he was obliged afterwards to take away. lam afraid that the tact of ring three years will hardly reconcile the landowners to the re moval of that benefit which had been unwisely bestowed from the Irst. The Ridt Hon. Baronet makes a strange statement, he says, that although The House were to deeide in Committee by a majority in favour of immediate repeal, they should have his best efforts to promote the success of that measure, and yet he says at the same ;time that he will not answer for the result of that mea sure which he himself brought forward. I never think it right to vote for this or any other measure or resolution of which I should not think the success desirable.— (Hear, hear.) At the same time, many gentlemen are in the habit of saying that they wished to declare their op'nion in the abstract, and that they do not wish the motion:to be successful. The proper way to consider these things is to ascertain if they wish the motion for which they are voting to suc ceed. In this case lam to suppose that a majority is in favour of my friend's motion, and my own name is amongst the votes. I give in terms before the settlement of the question, and yet that would be on a measure introduced by the Right Hon. Baronet as an organ of Government, and for which he declined to make himself responsible. I cannot consent to endanger the measure proposed by the Right Hon. Baronet, as I sincerely wish it to be carried. Upon weighing the two questions, that proposed by the Right Hon. Baronet and the one now before the House, I must say, with all due respect, I cannot under the circumstances support the motion of the Hon. Member for Wolverhampton in preference to that measure which the Right Hon. Gentleman (Sir Robert Peel) has proposed. I believe myself, if the ' House will carry that measure, as I trust it wil, on the third reading, with as large a majority as it did' the other day, on the motion for going into Committee, I believe in that case the House of Lords, respecting the decision of this House, will see the policy of acceding to the Bill, so that it may be at once carried into effect. I feel on no other measure so much confidence of its being carried as the identical measure proposed by the Right Hon. Baronet, as any other might be considered as the measure of the Anti-Corn law League. Ido consider that if the measure could be carried by the present l'arlamnet without any dissolution, or any conflict of interest, it would be of the very greatest advantage,—(Hear, hear.) I believe that though, after the carrying of the measure of the Right Hon. Baronet, there may be some excitement,but that excite ment will gradually subside, and whatever differences that exist among various sections of society be little remembered in a few years. That, speaking beside the corn question, is a most important consideration with me in coming to the conclusion which I have. It is iinpossible not to see that a great popular agitation carried on from year to ye.ir may extend itself to other subjects, so as to affect most valuable parts of the institutions of the country.—(Hear, hear.) With every avidity to see it settled, and weighing how the present motion will act upon other questions that may require settlement, I think, upon the whole, that the way in which I propose to act to be that most conducive to the end in view—that is. sup porting, against the amendment, the proposition of the Right Hon. Baronet. I do not think that, on any question that may be placed before the House, it can be shown on any grounds why it should take the preference of the proposition of the Right Hon. Baronet, considering time and circumstances—(Hear, hear)—the general views of Parliament, and the ulterior consequences that may ensue to the country.—(Hear, hear.) Having said this much, I will beg leave to refer to a statement that fell from the Right Hen. Baronet the other evening, when he said that if he had proposed a total and im mediate repeal of the corn-laws, this proposition would have failed. Now I understood him, on a former night, to state that he regretted that I did not undertake it. I was surprised at that 'statement, because, altholigh I Sully believe that the Right Hon. Baronet would have given me every support—would have fairly supported me throughout any measure that he might consider a good settlement of this question, yet I think he must have heard objections enough since he accepted office, statements enough to convince him that those who would have followed him in that course, and those who would have susported me if I had been in office and he had been out of office, would have been a small number as compared with the 112 Members who usually supported him.—(Cheers.) My belief, I must fairly state, is, that not more than forty, or somewhere about that number, perhaps fifty, would have followed me on that question.— (Ironical cheers, and cries of " Oh, oh," from the Tory benches.) Some Hon. Members may think that this number is exaggerated— (Hear)—but, at all events, I do not believe that even if all the members of the Cabinet were going with me, on that; occasion I would have had a sufficient number to have enabled me to obtain a majority on the first proposition to go into committee.—(Hear hear, and cheers from the protection party.)—Au Hon Friend of mine has stated to-night that he understood me to say that I should be sorry to see a dissolution of the Parliament because I did not expect that a dissolution of Parliament, would give - a majority in favour of the abo lition of the corn-laws. My Hon. Friend has not rightly understood me. Mr. RIDLEY COLBOURN.E. made a remark inaudable in the gallery. Lord JOHN RUSSELL—The lion Member for Richmond says he so understood me, Sir, I stated that I did think it desirable that no dissolution of Parliament should take place on this question. I think that a statement was also made that this House of Parliament, this House of Commons is not competent to decide the question of the corn-laws. This statement is -founded in igno rance and misapprehension of the Constitution.—(Cheers.) I con sider that Parliament, as enacted, is to provide for the most im portant affairs of the county, whether foreign or domestic, according to the best of hi judgment and discretion.—(Loud cheers) I cannot conceive any assertion of an opposite doctrine — any assertion that the House of Commons is not competent to decide such questions as the present, which would not lead to the doctrine that it would not be conpetent to decide any question of great im portance, unless immediately elected by the people, for the express purpose of so settling the question.—(Loud cries of " Hear.") This would lead to the most democratic doctrines that could possibly be started, doctrines that would lead to au end less round of annual Parliaments—which would lead almost to the conviction that unless elected fo the particular purpose, Members are not justified in giving a vote upon any subject. Sir, I speak of the general power of the House of Commons—upon a question on which no doubt has been expressed, namely, the great question that arose after the settlement of the house of Hanover, that the Parliament which was elected for three years were perfectly justified in prolonging their existence to seven years, thereby • saving the country from anarchy and contusion. But if that were the case—if lam right in that, then will any man say that the House of Commons, which was competent to prolong its own existence from three years to seven years, is not able to effect the settlement of the question with regard to the duty on foreign corn ? There are other questions relating to the union with Scotland and the union with Ireland. With regard to particular Members—as to the engagements Mem bers may have entered into, and what their feelings may be as to their own private honour, or as to their public character with respect to their constituents, I• am not meddling with that question. I am only speaking of Parliament generally Well, then, it is my view that this House, as at present constituted, is perfectly competent to settle the question of the corn-laws, and unless there was a very great public feeling, some great national feeling the other way, I conceive that there is no person entitled to contradict that assertion. I think it likewise desirable that there Should not be a dissolution, and the reason I think it would not be desirable is, not that there would not be a Parliament which would give a majority in favour of a repeal of the corn-laws, as my belief is, that there would be ' a majority, but my belief is that the majority would be attained after a great collision of opinion, after every angry feeling had been excited in the course of the election, and that majority would hardly after that election, have that weight with the other House of Parlia ment which I think the majority of the present House, with the numbers which I have stated, is likely to have upon the decision of that other House. I think that the whole question would be made one much more than it now is of discordance between classes, and we should be some years in a state of agitation on thatsubject, which would be most injurious to the country at large. For this reason, therefore—for this additional reason—l am going to take the only course which seems to me, after pondering on this matter as seriously as I could, to be my duty to the country, and I am going to take the course of voting with Government against the amendment, and against any other amendments that are likely to be proposed in Committee, and I shall be prepared to vote with them in every stage of the n H u i e i, for I think the interests of the country are deeply involved speedy, tile safe, and the tranquil settlement of this great es question. o d with regard Mr. G. PALM Elt said he rose to say a very fe w tedfastly extend the debate upon the corn- . tio whatever to s Member fcr to the vote he was about to give,iabwusnt he n e h of a i f d istid z i l e o: l w ii,o i c s na h 3. and consistently voted against th! his i n tention to give his decided W o l ver hampton, and it we opposition s that Hon. and Learned Gentleman. preference to the measure of the ouo to r, the motion oliteion gave o f a Mtve ev Government, for he still cherished a hope that as long as a party could be found in that House, and so long as a firm party could be found in another place, and out of that House, that this measure might be defeated, and it was with that hope that he stood up to oppose the amendment. He objected in every point of view to the measure of the Government. Nothing ' he could conceive could be more objectionable ; not even the !neon . - sisteney which the Right Hon. Baronet had evinced with Z e sp ectt this question. If they were to have a corn laws, the present was the time to mak el e ange in it, and could to the three a prosperous state, years hence, for they were at present He did feel the greatest possible inclinationheers and the accounts with tenants had been isntaotisdfaoctao ) Now he would ask oppose this measure. - (Protectionist about c 1 113' h e c s o e u t to submit to a great change any gentleman, supposing he .Sup pose,bout to change all at once frOln s two meals in fact. he were a la •or suppose he were to as had been described by the H w o a n s Member for Northampton. undergo some a-day to only half a meal a-c y , lon or labour from morning till night, would he not h task when he was healthy and strong in pre to when his body was rotten, and about to fall by ferencedecay ? (Laughter and cheers.) It was so w i th t h e body politic—if we were t o change, for Heaven's sake, let grarteletrb°und leyrtealteertt e adopt this US undertake the task when , u a s n u d nd fo e r rg t o he th s e ak g e re o a f t e e v h e an ry m in a te t interest, .h_e ( w H o e u ar ld b h e e g ar o ) f we were in a prosperous condition, and when b rea d and everything else was compara tivel y chea p . He would prefer such a course for the o pe'a let r It was evident that at the end of the a a it e n o o f u t se h e t the next three yea rs we should be placed in a much worse position by the present measure than we were now; foreigners will have hoarded up a large stock of corn—(Hear, hear)—and everything would tend to depreciate hereafter the pros pects of the farmers of this country. He would have voted for this measure of the Hon. Member for Wolverhampton on the present oc casion, but as he had always voted against it on former oecasions, he was determined to be consistent, and should therefore vote against it now.—(Hear, hear.) It seemed to him that the measure of the Right Hon. Baronet had neither justice nor sense in it.—(Cheers.) He had stated these, his opinions, in order to set himself right in the eyes of his constituents.—(Cheers.) Mr. HUME said he hoped that on this occasion the speech of the Noble Lord would teach those who were now about to divide, the ranks of those who sat upon his (Mr. Hume's) side of the House, what course, they should adopt. After that speech he thought that every individual who was anxious to carry this measure ought to give his utmost support to the Right Hon. Baronet in carrying this measure through the Committee.—(Cheers.) lie was for his own part perfectly satisfied with the measure of the Right Hon. Baronet, and it was one, which, in his opinion, must be equally satisfactory to the country. At the same time he must confess that if the question could have been finally settled without any further delay, it would have given him much satisfaction But after what had fallen from the Right Hon. Baronet he thought it was clear that the voting for the proposed amendment would be risking the great question, and it was on that ground that he (Mr. Hume) appealed to his Hon, Friend not on this account to persist in the amendment.—(Cries of " Hear, hear," and " Oh, ) At any rate after the speech of the Noble Lord, and also that of the Right Hon. Baronet, he for one would not vote for it. Mr. P. BORTH VS ICK rose amidst cries of " Oh, oh," and laugh ter, to say that he would move an adjournment. The Marquis of GRANBY did not think that, according to the Noble Lord's acknowledgment, he could have carried such a measure as the present by a greater majority than about 40, if the present Parliament was such an one as coul d g ive satisfaction to the country upon so important a measure as the present. The Earl of MARCH rose to order. He stated th at it would be well that the House knew the questio n that was no w before it. The bad Hon. Member for Evesham (Mr. Bo rthwick) mo ved that Mr. a Speaker do report progress and ob tain leave to sit gin. On a division there appeared . 70 ... • • For the adjournment ................... Against it ••••••• • •• •• " ... ...... •.•-•157 majoritr“ • •' " OA)..*_; • stroyed our empire in India. There was not on our side of the Sutlej any force that could in a short time be brought to check so large an army. It must be admitted that both the Native and the British army did their duty on that hard-fought field, aid the names of many would go down to posterity on the bright tablet of fame, but wh le the eye brightened for success, it was dimmed by the recollection of those who had fallen ; and he must ' mention in terms of regret the death of Sale, and the gal , aet young Somerset, who had behaved with the hereditary spirit of his race. He would conclude by expressing his firm belief that all the forces, both officers and men, well deserve& the mo•t cordial thanks of the House. Sir HOWARD DOUGLAS considered that the victory was a happy cii cumstance, and one extremely gratifying to the country. It was also consolatory to consider that the tremendo,ts sacrifices which had been made of so many eminent men did riot result from any aggressive attacks on the part of the Government. He should prove before he sat down that the conduct of Sir Henry Hardinge was perfectly consistent with the strictest rules of tactical and stratagetical science. There was no doubt that his Gallant Friend (Sir H. Hardinge) had been placed in a very difficult position in these engagements, becau-e he had to contend with superior numbers, but he suc ceeded in vanquishing them, for his mind was well stored with all those acquirements which such a position required. He had served in the Peninsula under the Duke of Wellington, amt was, therefore, well fitted for the position to which he was appointed. A man, placed in a similar pnsition, could not have acted otherwise. The Honourable Baronet then proceeded to describe the order of the engagements. The ordinary establishment of a regiment in India was 1,000 men. Now the 62d Regiment went into action with only 700 men ; and when they came within range of the guns of the enemy, in less than ten minutes half the regiment, wish seven: teen out of twenty-one officers, were shot down, and the regi ment therefore literally broken. Now, he should say, that the reserve troops in the rear should not have been so distant, and that greater care, and more caution should have been observed in the details of these arrangements. The glorious acts anti successes of that day, ought to obliterate for ever the remem brance of any temporary misfortune that might. have befallen their arms. He would mo t c•rdially give his entire concur rence to tne propreed awe of thanks, which he hoped would be carried with the highest acclamation, a 4 a small acknow ledgement of those brilliant succes.es which had been obtained at the sacrifice of so many gallant lives. Lord EBRINGTON regretted that, on the present occa sion, the Right Hon, mover, and the Hon seconder of the motion, had altogether omitted all mention of the policy which the Governor-General had pursued previously to his recent distinguished successes. He should, however, most cordially concur in the proposed vote of thanks. The chief purpose for which he had risen was to ask a question of the Right Hon. the secretary-at-War, or in his absence, of any other member of the Government, whether any measures had been taken to acquaint the relations of those privates and non-commissioned officers who had been killed in India, with the extent of their loss? Ile bad had painful experience of the anxiety with which the news from India was looked forward to by the re lations of the officers engaged in the recent conflicts, and being aware that similar anxious feelings must exist in the breasts of the relations of the private soldiers, he had been induced to inquire whether means could not be adopted at once to allay all anxiety on the subject. Lora JOCELYN stated that the usual custom after a battle was to have the tunics of the privates and non-commissioned officers who had been killed carefully recorded, and the lists prepared and kept at the Horse Guards ; by referring to which place every intormation would be afforded. Lord EIIRINGTUN wished to know whether a list of the kilted would not be published in the Gazette, or in some other public paper ? Sir ROBERT PEEL observed that :it had never been the custom to publish a printed list of the privates and non-com missioned officers who had fallen in battle. Lord JOHN RUSSELL believed that such a course was not customary. lie did not see, however, any objection to such a course being adopted. It would, in his opinion, be a great consolation to the survivors of the private soldiers to have their names publicly recorded. The names of the officers were published, and why not those of the privates? The same feel ing =ions the relations must naturally prevail. It would be unnecessary for him to say a word after the admirat,le address of the Right Hon. Baronet. This was one of the great deeds which they had to acknowledge, and in doing honour to the brave men who were participators in the gallant act, they were doing honour to themselves. He was afraid that these deeds were but the commencing struggles of a destructive war, and therefore it would be a great encouragement to the men who were engaged in these actions, and also to those who had the conducting of those difficult affairs, when they found that the Parliament of England to k every available means of encouraging them in the arduous career which they had to pursue. . Mr AI ANGLES would most cordially concur in the pro posed vote of thanks. He would do so with the greater cheer t ulness, from the successes not having beers terminated with a tsar of aggression or extermination. Mr. WYNN was most anxious that the names of the whole of the British troops should be published. He had al ways thought that they had been deficient in that respect. He had the honour, after the baths of Waterloo, when it was proposed to erect a monument to commemorate that event, to suggest that the name of every man who had fallen in that glorious victory should be re corded. The suggestion was received with universal appro bation. Irrespective of modern times, they had the precedent of antiquity for such a course. In ancient days, after the battle of Maranthon, the conflict of Thermopylae, the names of the conquerors, the dead as well as the living, were recorded in marble, and engraved on enduring brass. The victories which the trrops had olyained in India were an honourable testimo nial to the general conduct of the British troops, and of the attachment of the native troops to their coadjutors; and he should support the vote of thanks with the greatest cordiality. Dr. BOWRING did not exactly approve of the manner in which the Right lion. Baronet had spoken of the exclusive military policy of the Governor-General. Our political, civil, and commercial interests in India were intimately connected, and he earnestly wished that the principle of encouraging one more than another should not be carried to so great an extent. Sir ROBERT PE was understood to say that he had no intention that that principle should be carried to so great an extent. After a few words from Sir C. COLEBROOKE and Sir HOWARD DOUGLAS, Sir DE LACY EVANS thought the names of the officers who had fallen should be recorded in some manner, as should seem most desirable to the House. On reading the resolution proposed by the Right Hon. Baronet, he found that the names of the distinguished officers who had fallen would not appear in the proceedings of the House. He had prepared a resolution to be attached to the original motion, which provided for that omission, and he would now submit it. It was to the following effect :—" That this House does also highly approve and ac knowledge the distinguished and energetic exertions displayed by the late lamented and gallant officers, General Sir Robert Sale, Major-General Sir John M'Caskill, and the other officers, non-commis-ioned officers, and privates, who received their deaths, gloriously failing in these honourable actions." He conceived it would be a mark of respect to the memory of the gallant men who had fallen in these actions, that their names should be transmitted throughout the army in the only public record of the tran,actions which would appear. If his motion should be seconded, he would then appeal to the House, but if it should not, be seconded, he trusted that some means should be devised in which the gallant deaths of these brave men might be publicly recorded. Sir ROBERT PEEL said that he had himself prepared a resolution similar in effect to that which had been proposed by the Hon. and Gallant Officer, but on referring to former occa sions he had found that no example of a precedent for such a resolution could be found. In the cases of Trafalgar and Waterloo there existed no such precedent. He thought that it wag highly desirable that the usual course should be followed. It would be a matter of deep regret for the survivors of those who had fallen on former occasions, that their names hail not been recorded in a similar manner. He hoped, therefore, the Gallant Officer for these reasons would riot press his reso•• lotion. Lord EBRINGTON merely wished to observe that it was desirable for a list containing the names of the noncommis sioned officers and privates to be prepared as soon as possible. Sir DE LACY EVANS having withdrawn his resolution, The resolutions, which will be found in another column, after a few words from Mr. HumE and Mr. WYNN, were put from the chair and carried with acclamation. CUSTOMS AND CORN IMPORTATION ACT. Upon the order of the day for the House going into Cem. mittee on the Customs and Corn Importation Act being read, Mr. VILLIERS rose, and stated that it was not his wish to oppose the progress of the present Bill. It was his intention to have proposed his amendment at a later period of the session, and had it not been for various statements which he had heard in the course of the last debate, he would have done so. The House was per fectly aware of the mode in which her Majesty's Government intended to give effect to the measure which it had introduced. The motion of which he had given notice had reference to the mode only. Her Majesty's Ministers have acknowledged the policy of allowing a perfect free trade in all articles of provision, but they have postponed the full application of that principle until the Ist of February, 1849. He believed that those advantages might be extended to the community imm e diately without danger or inconvenience. — ( Hear, hear.) He had moved the present amendment in consistency with the practice of his having done so for a number of years past. It was an amend ment on the proposition of the Government for a total and im mediate repeal of the duties on the importation of foreign corn. There had been ever since the corn-laws had been enacted a large party who had complained of their injustice, and who have been anxious to have those laws repealed. Hut the ques tion has always been, could these laws be removed immediately without some danger to the country ? It had been urged that there would be much alarm caused to those who had invested their capital on the soil, and who might be alarmed by the con sequences of free trade ; it was fearedthat they might withdraw their capital, and the community would be injured by a deficient supply. These considerations had great weight with him at first, and had he not had the views of many practical people on the subject, he would not have been the instrument of proposing an immediate abolition of the corn laws. In the sear 1843, when he first brought forward his motion, he quoted from a publication, in which it was stated, that if the legislature should abolish these protective laws, it would be to the interest of the farmer that that abolition should be immediate. He was fortified in making the present propo sition of an immediate repeal by a person of high rauk. He alluded to Lord Spencer, who stated that if the law was at once abolished the effect would be that wheat would rise in price both in this country and abroad, and he did not think an immediate abolition would cause any injury to the farmers. The Earls of Ducie and Radnor had also expressed their opinion that it was the interest of the farmer that the repeal should be immediate, for if the laws were not immediately repealed the landed proprietors would still maintain the hope that those laws might not be finally carried into effect ; and while this state of uncertainty existed with regard to the home producer, the foreign grower would see a time when the trade in corn would be free ; he would make his prepara tions according, invest his capital and prepare large supplies for exportation into this country, while the grower would not he prepared for them.—( Hear, hear.) The present Govern ment had most wisely considered it expedient that the trade in corn should be free, and if there has been any subject upon which there has been unity of opinion, it has been, that if the corn-laws should be repealed, that that repeal should be total and immediate. Members on the Opposition side have volunteered their opinion on the subject. Very particular friends of the existing corn-laws had lost no time, immediately after the meeting of Parliament to proclaim that an immediate abolition would be to the interest of the farmer. A Noble Duke in the Upper House, who was inti mately acquainted with the interest of the farmer, had lost no time in volunteering his opinion, in favor of a total and imme diate repeal. The Hon. Member for Somersetshire (Mr. Miles) whose pride and whose boast it was that he was the farmer's friend although there was no notice on the book—no thing had been said upon the question by Members on that side of the House, yet all would remember the manner in which he declared his desire of the farmers that the repeal should be im mediate. Now he (Mr. Miles) bad lived among them, and when he made that statement, he asked Hon. Members who sat behind hire, if it was not true ; they gave hint an unanimous cheer. There was no county which had watched with more jealousy the progress of free trade than that of Lincoln ; but three months since its Honourable Member declared in favour of an immediate repeal, and he (Mr. Villiers) had been expecting him to bring forward some measure' in accordance with his opinions. From every quarter, then, they had heard expres sions in favour of its immediate repeal. He did not see why any person should object to the motion which he proposed. What was the opinion of her Majesty's Government? He On our re-admission into the gallery we found Lord J. MANNERS arldrwing the House--He said that he never knew so illsgraceful au occurrence its that of a reformed House of Commons fearing to appeal to its constitzency. He could net under stand how that House, which was but an aggregation of private in dividuals, could maintain its honour, while the honour of the in dividual Members was disregarded. Was it possible tiiet, having de stroyed the honour of 129 Members of that House, they could maintain by a constitutional fallacy, the honour of that House? After sach an argument, he thought the House could not refuse to postpone for any number of nights that which Hon. Members might suggest. and so long as the Hon. Member for' Eversham, or any Hon. Member should think lit to divide the House he would support them. Lord JOHN RUSSELL would be very sorry to incur the displeasure of the Noble Lord, and that he should inflict upon the House frequent divisions in consequence of the remarks which had fallen from him. Sir C. BROOKE complained that a division npou the amendment should be desired so soon. He considered after the House had been occupied by the Members for Manchester, Durham, Wolver hampton, the city of London, and the Right honourable Baronet, that it was unfair to call for a division until his sia.e of the House were heard, and he now moved that the House do adjotZrn, and the question ha resumed to-morrow night. Sir R. PEEL said that the best course to pursue, would be W dis pose first of the motion of the Hon. Gentleman, as that wet the re gular mode of dealing with the question.—(Cries of " No, no.") Mr. FERRAND said he wished to justify the conduct the protee tionists were pursuing by reading a portion of a speech delivered by the Right Hon. Baronet when in opposition in proposing a vote or want of confidence in the Noble Lord opposite (Russell). Here the Hon. Gentleman read a portion of the Right Hon. Gentleman's speech, and concluded by moving that the debate be adjourned, when _ _ _ Mr. MORGAN J. O'CONNELL said that he must oppose the proceeding adopted by the Hon. Member; it was too bad to quote from former speeches—what had a quotation from a speech ex pressing a want of confidence in the Government to do with the question, that Mr. Greene do leave the chair? When gentlemen came there and did nothing but quote what Hon. Members had said and done in other places, the country would draw its own conclusions with reference to such conduct. What reference had one word of the quotation to the motion of the Hon. Member for Wolverhampton. He had come to that House to vote on the question. lion. Gentlemen who wished to express their opinions, and who could not do so during the debate (the longest on the records of that House), could speak on other amendments. They could speak on the report that they must make, or on the second or third reading of the Bill. The course taken by the Hon. Member for Knaresborongh has shown that their object was not discussion, for had any of the expressions he had used borne upon the question? Were the statements of the Noble Lord made some twenty or thirty years back to be a reason why the debate should be adjourned ? The people could see that they were a com pact minority, and if they persevered in their present course, they would lower themselves and the House in the eyes of the country. Mr. G. BANKES complained that Members on that side of the House had not been fairly treated. Especially he would refer to the Hen. Member for Essex (Mr. Palmer), a gentleman occupying the mest respectable station and character in that House, who had been treated in such a manner that he (Mr. Bankes) could hardly hear an obser vation he made. He had intended to reply to some remarks that had fallen from the Right Hon. Baronet, but he had given way to the g l:f r e d m t b o e t r h h e a m d e r as e cueirveesdpwroopuolsde proposed obtyptrheev Government. prevent r Hon. Member for Essex ; but he would say that thelreatment that .e n m m be en r t s . on that Hon. Member side of the House from taking the course which they thought neces sary Lord CLAUDE HAMILTON remarked that as the Hon. Mem ber (Mr. Ferrand) had read from the speech of the Right Hon. Baronet, there would be no use in his adjouring the debate Mr. FERRAND said that was not all th at h e had to give.' He had fifty more extracts that would show up the Right Hon. Baronet to the derision and scorn of the country. • Lord JOHN RUSSELL did not see any advantage in disputing about the fact whether the question should be settled three years hence or now. He would suggest that the Right Hon. Baronet should take the simple negative on the amendment now, when the Chairman could report progress, and ask leave to sit again, when the discussion could be resumed. Captain POLHILL said that every Hon. Member in that Heim had a right to speak his opinions on the question, and however in convenient an adjournment might be deemed they were quite justified in asking for it. The debate was then adjourned. The Home adjourned at Half-past One o'clock. COURT CIRCULAR. The Queen and Prince Albert took an airing on Sunday afternoon in the pleasure grounds of Osborne House. Their Royal Highnesses the Prince of Wales, Prince Alfred, the Princess Royal, and the Princess Alice, were taken in a carriage to the beach yesterday morning for their accustomed exercise. The Queen and Prince Albert walked oat early yesterday forenoon, and in the afternoon took a carriage drive. Her Royal highness the Duchess of Kent took an airing in a car riage yesterday afternoon. Her Royal Highness honoured Drury lane Theatre with her presence yesterday evening. Her Royal High ness was attended by Lady Fanny Howard, Sir George Couper, Bart. and Capt. the Hon. James Murray. Sir Charles Fitzroy, Governor of New South Wales, had an inter view with Mr. Secretary Gladstone yesterday, at the Colonialifilce. The Earl of Ripon had an interview with Sir Robert Peel yes terday. Viscount Jocelyn had also an interview with the Right Mon, Baronet. The Marquis of Londonderry had an interview with the Earl of Dalhousie yesterday at the office of the Board of Trade. Mr. T. B. Hildyard, M.P., arrived at Farrance's Hotel, Upper Belgrave-street, from Flintham Hall, Newark. FRENCH PLAYS-ST. JAMESS THEATRE. It is very seldom that a vaudeville is an illustration of a great fact or a great theory, yet the vaudeville L'Homme et le Mode, which was produced at this theatre last evening, is the illustration of the greatest theory founded upon great facts which has been announced by modern philosopers. M. Guizot might have been the author of it; and if he had been, he would have entitled it La doctrine de la Societe, and doubtless, while acting the part of Victor, M. Felix is a doctrinaire. The vaudeville is in fact a perfect illustration of its doctrine. Victor (Mr. Felix), a young man of talents and accomplishments, of a warm heart, of gene rous nature, but gauche modeste, and dressed in the fashion of forty years back, comes to Paris. His talents, his accom plishments, his courage go for nothing, he is not a la *ode, and the virtuous, talented, but unfashionable man is put down by the fribbles who are made by their tailors. It is evident that tailors make or mar the success of man in life. Virtue accepts this great part,:mstead of fighting against it; he becomes rhoFnme a la mode as far as externals are concerned, preserving at the same time his' virtue, his courage, his accomplishments. Instead of fighting against the part of frivolity, he accepts it, and, accepting it and throwing himself into the midst of it, he is enabled to call into being another part—the part of manliness, which more than neutralizes the part of frivolty, and carries him victoriously through all his troubles. Thus does Victor afford practical proof of the truth of La doctrine. . . Whether sueh was the idea of the author 7,ti writing the piece, it is not for us to say, but, most assuredly, if we wanted a practical proof of the doctrine as Fhadowed.forth by M. Royer Collord, and elaborated by M. Guizot, we should say that it would be famed in L'Homme et la Mode. M. Felix was ad mirable—nothing could exceed his gaucherie in the first act, save the perfection of modest assurance which he exhibited in the fast. It is an admirable comedy admirably acted. The house was well and fashionably attended. SPORTING INTELLIGENCE. TATTERSALL'S--TxsTanDAY. Business again very flat, and beyond a further decline In Brocardo (1,000 to 50 and 1,000 to 45 laid), and a marked Improvement in Tlbthorpc, without any effect on the prices. Latest quotations : LIVERPOOL STEEPLE CHASE. 6 to 1 agst Mr. Brooke's Eagle—(taken) 6 to 1 agst Mr. Hey's Lancet 8 to 1 agst Mr. Crawford's Veluti—(takeu) 10 to 1 agst Lord Waterford's Regalia The field agst the above four and Culverthorpe ; Eagle decidedly first favourite, but a great anxiety to back Veluti, and 8 to 1 the out side figure NEWMARKET HANDICAP. Two or three bets were made on this event, bat in such small sums as not to authorise a quotation. CHESTER CUT. 18 to 1 agst Mr. A. W. Hill's Sweetmeat—taken 25 to 1 agst Lord Howth's Mermaid—taken 25 to 1 agst Lord G. Bentinck's Best Bower 15 to 1 agst Mr. Merry's Whinstone 30 to 1 agst Mr. Hesseltine's Elizallen 1000 to 25 agst Mr. Knot's Colleen Dhas—taken 40 to 1 agst Mr. Waller's Columbus N to 1 agst Mr. Ongley's Roderick 1000 to 10 agst Mr. A. W. Hill's The Libel—t. four times DERBY. 9 to 2 agst Lord E. Russell's Sting 22 to I agst Gen. Shubrick's Brocardo—taken 22 to 1 agst Col. Anson's lago—taken 25 to 1 agst Mr. W. Scott's Tibthorpe—take 25 to I. 33 to 1 agst Mr. Ttamsay's Malcolm 1,000 to 25 agst Sir J. Hawley's Humdrum—taken 50 to 1 agst Lord Albemarle's Smuggler Bill—taken 1,000 to 50 agst Forth's winning the Derby and Oaks 500 even between Brocardo and Tibthorpe—taken OAKS. 18 to 1 agst Col. Peel's Queen Anne—taken 20 to 1 agst Duke of Richmond's Cuckoo—taken 20 to 1 agst Mr. Wreford's Wilderness—taken 20 to 1 agst Mr. Preston's Osprey—taken THE BATTLES ON THE SUTLEJ. The following are the resolutions which Sir Robert Peel submitted for approval to the House of Commons last evening : "That the thanks of this House be given to the Right Hon. Lieut.-General Sir Henry Hardinge, G ov ernor-General of India, Knight Grand Cross of the Order of the Bath, for the energy energy and ability with which he directedtheee military means at his disposal, to the repelling of . t h e unprovoked invasion by the Seikh arm y of the dominions of theP kea British Government, and of the protected states upon the left bank of t h e Sutlej ; and also for the firmness and gallantry with which h e directed the operations of that port i on of the army r uder his immediate command in the afternoon and night of December 21st. 1845, and on the morning of the 22d, upon which occasion the enemy's defences were carried by storm, the greater part of their artillery captured, and their subse quent attempts to regain what they had lost repeatedly de feated. " That the thanks of this House be given to General Sir Hugh Gough, Knight Grand Cross of the Order of the Bath, Commander-in -Chief of the Forces in the East Indies, for the distinguished valour with which be led the several attacks upon the enemy in the battles of the 18th, 21st, and 22d of December, 1845, displaying. in conjunction with the Governor General, a brilliant example to the troops of perseverance and courage in critical circumstances, and of irresistible ardour in the several attacks made upon the enemy. " That the thanks of this House be given to Major-General Sir Harry Smith, Knight Commander of the Order of the Bath, to Major-General Walter Raleigh Gilbert, and to M.:ljor• General Sir John Littler, Knight Commander of the Order of the Bath, and to the several officers under their corn. mend, for the eminent services rendered by them in the recent arduous and successful operations. " That the thanks of this House be given to the non- com missioned officers ancl,private soldiers, European and native, for the perseverance and fortitude displayed by them at Moodkee on the 18th of December, 1845, and for the daring valour with which they forced the enemy's entrenchments at Ferozeshah on the 21st and 22d of December, captured most of his guns, and finally compelled the Seikh army, of greatly superior numbers, to retire within their own frontier. " That this resolution be signified to them by the com manders of the several corps." IThe resolutions moved in the House of Lords, by the Earl of Ripon, were to the same effect as those of the ' 1 Commons.] THE ROBERTSES ON THEIR TRAVELS. It has been frequently remarked that persons who in England are content to move in an obscure circle quietly and respectrbly, when abroad dash at once into all the extravagances and follies of continental life, and assume a position to which neither their birth, fortune, nor education entitles them, rarely failing to excite the contempt of foreigners , and seldom escaping without drawing disgrace upon themselves. This has afforded Mrs. Trollop an admirable subject for the d is p lay of that talent in portraying character which she possesses in 60 eminent a degree, and in the new novel which has just appeared in three volumes, under the ti.le of " The Bobertses on their Travels." her lively pen has done due justice to the ambitious family of a re tired London banker, tired of the respectability of Portland-rlace, and eager to thrust themselves forward as prominently as possible in the mixed society of German spas and HAW; cities. There is an inexhaustible fund of amusement in the adventures of the several members of the Roberts' family in their search after fashion, which there can be little doubt will speedily make this work a great favourite with the pubbiie. [ADVERTISEMENT.J_A CURE FOR DROPSY BY HOL. Loway's ru.i.s AND OlNTMEMT.—Captitth James Eyre of the Com pany's service, residing at Boulogne, had been tapped thrice within quarts of water were taken from him each time. Notwithsbuiding these operations he was about falling a victim to this terrible complaint, when he commenced the rubbing in of Holloway's invaluable Ointment, and as effectually as salt is forced into meat ; besides this ho took large doses of his wonderful pills, which in nine weeks effected so extraordinary a cure as to e nable him to wal k twent y -five miles in one d ay. Any unnatural swellings of the body are effectually cured by these celebrated medi eines. Sold by all medicine vendors ; likewise at Professor Rollo 's establishment, 224, Strand, London. The Phoenix steamer has been here on her way to-Guern sey and Jersey with Royal Artillery. After landing them, and taking the relieved party to Woolwich, she is to return to Spithead, to take officers and men to the squadron in the Mediterranean. The Phoenix is fitted with a screw-propeller and is to be gationed at Gibraltar. -77 to st rr 1 0 ‘,:i