The Sun. — London, England, 1837-01-18 00:00:00

p repared to receive it ; but lie did not wish that in all their public measures they should make an advance equal to the advance of the mind of the nation.—(Cheers.) He knew that among Ministers themselves fair play was not al lowed with regard to those questions which the public had a right to expect would he open questions; for instance, there was the question of the ballot, which their honoured friend, Sir William Molesworth, could more minutely detail to them, if Ministers would let their colleagues vote upon such questions as that, then all would be right; but instead of that there appeared a desire to meet another and an op posite party. It was like a Member who met his consti tuents, and being requested to take a certain line of policy, said my heart is with you ; but consider the difficulties of the men in power, which render it impolitic to take such a step. A representative thus pathetically appealing to his constituents over a glass of wine, received an unlimited carte blanche to vote which way he pleased, and that per mission to often enabled them to serve the interests of those in power. Mr. A. then referred at some length to General Jackson's Message recently delivered to Congress, and ably combated the argum ent of the Presid en t of America, that a depreciation of the currency acted most injuriously to the working classes, either of this, count ry or o f t h e U n i te d States, and remarked that if General Jackson persisted in • restricting the issue of notes of a less value than five pounds, America would in fifty years from the present time 'become a wilderness, and only fit for savages. He then went on to say that the revolutions of America and of France had been attributed to wrong causes ; the former was occa sioned by meddling with the currency—while Pitt had represented the former as being promoted by the writings of Voltaire and others ; but could it be supposed that any such effect would be produced by a few pamphlets ? He (Mr. A.) had written pamphlets himself, which he did not hesitate to say were worth more than Voltaire's. Burke, at the time to which he referred, was paid 2,0001. a year for telling lies upon the subject, and that they were lies was proved by the fact that that good man, Arthur Young, travelled through France in 1787, four years before the glorious fall of the Bastile, when he found that the mansions of gentlemen in several parts of the country were conti nually burnt down or destroyed. He would ask whether Voltaire's writings had found their way into those deserted districts ? He thought not ; and it ought to be a guide to them with regard to any measure which they might con template with respect to Ireland. If the people of that country were well fed, and had a proper field for the exer cise of their honest labour, and no inducement in the shape of poverty presenting itself for crime, alarming evils would be prevented, and justice done to an injured people. He doubted not that whatever might be the occasion, the men of Birmingham would be prompt and decisive. It had been said, that change was a word of ill sound to happy ears—but when the desire for change became general, then change was inevitable. Mr. Attwood concludei a long and very impressive address by a brief allusion to the Rural Police Bill and to the Poor Law Act, which, he was of opinion, was not working so oppressively towards the poo r i n the par i s h of Aston as in many other . places. Great events were coming, and it required their serious consideration whether they were to be Lumbled and ground down by the Tories, or by preserving unity and avoiding all expressions of and squabbling and quarrelling, they were to be successful in the advocacy of the cause of freedom in England. He trusted that all things would go on mildly and amicably. But if the Tories came into power, which was not unlikely, the feelings of the people would be aroused, and the Ministers, being out of power, would be more violent, and then he should have more pleasure in shaking them by the hand and joining with them to turn out the Tories. That once, more effected, he could not doubt they should go on as successful as honest men deserved. The Hon. Member sat down amidst great cheering. • Mr. SCHOLEFIELD then rose, and was received with ge neral acclamation. The Hon. Gentleman, after thanking them most sincerely for the kind reception he had experi enced, and expressing his regret that his humble abilities had not enabled him better to deserve the compliment, took a short but excellent review of what had been effected by the recent Parliament, and a glance at the subjects which !night be naturally supposed to engage the attention of the legislature during the ensuing session. He thought that the principle of reform could not be considered to be fully car ried out, unless vote by ballot were obtained, nor unless the elective franchise was extended, not universally (for that he believed at the present moment to be impracticable), but to all householders ; for it could but be considered by every one as most inconsistent that such a town as Bir mingham should have its constituency reduced by the Reform Bill to 3,000 persons. It was a disgrace to the name of Reform. He wanted such subjects as these made " open questions" to the Ministry, for he believed, with Mr. Attwood, that then some measure of liberality, and partaking of justice, would be obtained. The next question that would be brought before Parliament was the Reform of the House of Peers. It was well known, and generally understood, that to be effectual a reformation of the. House of Commons must be followed by that of the Rouse of Peers ; for it had been well remarked, that the Peers were made for the people, and not the people for the Peers. Mr. S. then alluded to that difficult question, a Reform of the Church, in regard to which he would ob serve, that the gain, rather than the performance of the religious duties, was the principal object. It was true that • something had been done in the shape of reforming the Church, but it had been merely to enact that Bishops should not receive more than 5,000/. or 6,0001. per annum. No one was more disposed to oppose that Bill than he (Mr. S.) ; but he trusted that everything would be, in the course of time, properly effected. On the subject of the Church raies, he trusted they would be found unanimous. The Irisis Church was the " evil of evils," and that, with other questions of equal importance, would require discussion ; and he trusted that their cause, protected by God's blessing, would be successful. He concluded by proposing " The Vote by Ballot, and its able, honest, and independent ad vocate, Sir William Molesworth." The toast was received with thunders of applause. Sir WILLIAM MOLESWORTII rose and was received with loud cheering. After it had subsided he spoke as follows : The grand object of a good Government is to elevate as much as possible the social condition of all classes of the community. To the gentlemen whom lam now addressing, the condition of the industrious classes must be a matter of the most intense interest—no one can doubt that much can be done by a really good Government to elevate them by education, by teaching them to rely upon their own exer tions, and by rendering those exertions as profitable as pos sible. It is impossible to overrate the importance of edu ; each day power is passing into the hands e ating the people of th e masses ; each day the masses are acquiring greater a n d greater influence over the Government of the nation ; • tne question is, whether that influence shall be exercised by 'men utterly ignorant, any more than those who have ac quired as much knowledge as can be obtained in their station of life. There is no set of men so easily reasoned with, or so easily instructed as the industrious classes ; for they have no interests permanently opposed to the interests of the community —their prejudices are therefore the prejudices re sulting merely from ignorance, which can be easily removed. The industrious classes wish to be instructed, as they are convinced, that all instruction must tend to their good by teaching them what are their best interests ; therefore, ninny the Conservative party dread the instruction of the peopl e for principally this reason , namely , that the people will become acquainted with their own interests, and insist upon those interests being steadily consulted. A popular Government would adopt every means of instructin g the People. For this purpose a really good system of national education is required, and every facility should be given to the diffusion of knowledge ; and here I cannot but express ,disapprobation of the conduct of the Chancellor of the sis t t eZquee with regard to the taxes upon knowledge, in in that tax falls te mo :upon a penny stamp upon newspaper . s ; in uil ; entirely upon the industrious portions of the corn while who do not receive their newspapers by the o post, T hus the richer classes it is simply a cheap pstags f , the richees.poorer contribute towards paying till postage u _ exe Id of theinselives The Members of the popular party every obst acle • people, and t 0 obtain the repeal of that tax, and to remove which stands in . the way of instructing the so , d , gove of teaching the industrious classes how much rnment depends upon their own exertions—how .much th Teeln, a '' happiness and prosperity are in their hands. This i t t be ten i Z n i dstisti s t7 : l 4 :r tb l au nceean no t be too carefully cultivated, for anything else to elevate the condition of this feoint,:°.lus cl asses —every thing which tends to destroy account I ° , vas s roductiv e of the greatest evil—and on this enabled th e idie(Tanosed to the old system of poor-laws which community bett e . : l ,rdligate to live at the expense of the system which t eed : ( " i an their meritorious neighbours—a which taught th e t a b:: Pauperise the whole community, rates, instead of relying,"lng classes to rely upon the poor .es!ions. file present sy:ss they ought, upon their own ex good of the community, s h e e n ' acknowledges, that for the destitute ought to be relieved, but that the condition o f ferior to that of the indepeodeentn.auper should be made in the flabourer, who meritoriously supports himself—so that motiv e to ruin the conditio n of the may should recoil from the degradation e have a strong o l latter nes, and the latter persons have drawn terrific pictures of e Pauperism. Some , ases of conceivable cruelty, which are supposed to have iich c be 'r i e e e vi e . ned under , extremely the present poor-law ; those cases are, I exb aggerated, and the remedy is one wl possible that in som an be e e as c i ., y ses o - tained. Undoubtedly it is good law may be ill-administered, and that, I will not den • a m h ay be the case sometimes „with the present poor-laws y ' t ou g h the cases are but few—but a distinction must care- 1 fullyhave be drawn. Those persons to whom I have referred finaameelgene on to attribute to the framers of that law, y, the Whigs, motives of a discreditable descrip tion ;at the same time they have A thout proper to ex empt from a ll bl ame the Vag majority of the popular party who supported that measure. There is no foun dation in fact for these imputations. If the law is a bad one, whatever blame attaches to the Whigs, the same amount of blame attaches to the Radicals. If the law is a good one, whatever amount of credit is due to the Whigs. the same amount of credit is due to the popular part who supported that measure. lam one of that number— and still most cordially and zealou,ly support the law in question as a means of improving and teaching the indus trious classes to rely upon their own exertions, and that of elevating themselves in the social scale. If the industrious classes are to rely upon their own exertions it is the duty of the Government to take care that those exertions are as profitable as possible, that every obstacle should be re moved which prevents the industrious from attaining the highest possible wages. In no country in the world is there such an accumulation of capital as in this one—in no country are the people more industrious, nevertheless the profits of the capital are low, and the wages of labour are small, and there is a wider spreading feeling of dis tress amongst the labouring classes. The cause of this distress is, that labour and capital are not sufficiently productive ; and the field of employment, both for labour and capital, is too small. Can this evil be remedied by the Legislature, or is it one over which the Legislature can exercise no controul ? In my opinion, at least by repealing obnoxious laws, the Legislature at present can increase the productiveriess both of capital and labour, and can extend the field of production ; and any Government which sincerely has the interests of the community at heart, would attempt to do so, and would endeavour, for instance, first to repeal the corn laws—the corn laws cause a large quantity of capital and labour to be expended in the pro duction of a small quantity of corn—thus capital and labour are rendered unproductive ; consequently, the amount to be divided between the labourer and capitalist is small, and pro fits and wages are consequently low. By repealing the corn laws, we shall be enabled to exchange the proceeds of our industry for the corn of other countries. Thus the field for the productive employment of capital and labour will be in creased, with a smaller quantity of capital and of labour a larger amount of corn will be obtained ; both labour and ca- pital will be rendered more productive, the amount to be di vided between labourers and capitalists will be augmented, and consequently both profits and wa g es will be high ; for wages are high or low, in proportion as by them can be ob tained a greater or a less portion of the necessaries of life ; first and foremost amongst which is corn. By the present corn laws the price of corn is enhanced, consequently wages are low ; by a repeal of the corn laws the price of corn will be diminished, and wages will be high. There are many other arguments in favour of free trade, generally, the most noxious violation of the principle of which is the corn laws. Insidious attempts are made to turn your atten tion away from this subject to other questions ; for instance, the poor laws, by means of any alteration of which, in my opinion, no relief can be given to that feeling of distress under which you have suffered—that distress can only be alleviated by so extending the field for the employment of capital and labour—that profits and wages will be high, whether or in what manner the Legislature can extend the field of production, I will not now discuss, though I cannot refrain from expressing my opinion that much could be done by a really good Government ; but undoubtedly the Legis lature can remove those restrictions on industry by which both wages and profits are at present unnaturally lowered. I again repeat, the corn laws are the worst of those re strictions, and any Government which prefers the interests of industry to those of the landlord, would exert itself to do away with that pernicious statute. But in order that the Government should permanently and steadily pursue the interests of the industrious classes, there must be an identity of interest—a similarity of feelings between the people and their rulers : in my opinion this can only be attained permanently by a complete system of repre sentative government, for I consider that in this country the people will more steadily and more beneficially pursue their own interests than any set of men will do so for them.—(Cheers.) I consider that the poorest men in the community have the same stake in good government —the same interest in the preservation of property—. and in the accumulation of capital, as the richest ; an d I believe that in this country the vast majority of the peo ple are sufficiently aware of these facts, so that power may safely be placed in their hands. But as it is impossible for the people to assemble in masses, and to determine by what measures their interests can lie best secured ; or congregate in multitudes to discuss a law—the people are obliged to choose representatives to be the guardians of their interests, and to determine in their stead the laws which are required for their welfare. In order that their guardians should really represent and steadily pursue the interests of the community, it is necessary that the people should have the fullest and freest choice of their representatives, and that those representatives should be frequently and strictly re sponsible, to the electors. It is evident that the only prin ciple upon which a person ought be excluded from the elec tive franchise is, upon the supposition that he is so igno rant of his own interests as to be unfit to express an opi nion with regard to those interests. I will not stop to inquire what portion, or if any portion of the community is in such a state—but numerous are the reasons for ex tending the elective franchise as much as possible. The elective franchise interests the possessor of it in the con cerns of the nation—he feels that he is a portion of the ruling power—that the laws are his laws, to which he has in directly given his assent, and which he respects as emanat ing from himself ; even when he disapproves of a law or an act of a Government, he does not consider it as the oppres sion of the powerful few over whom he has no controul, but as an injudicious act of his friends and equals, with whom he can hope to convince by argument the act of a majority which to-day is against him—which to-morrow may be with him—these feelings, more than any others, tend to produce order and tranquillity in a community of intelligent and in dustrious men, whilst the limitation of the franchise pro duces the contrary feelings—divides the community into the proportions of the rulers and the ruled, of the electors and the non-electors, and the latter are apt to consider the for mer as oppressors, from whom redress can be obtained only by brute force. Instead, therefore, of the calm, quiet, and deliberate expression of the opinion of the people by means of their votes—shielded as they ought to be by the secresy of the ballot—the opinions of the people can only be ex pressed by their assembling in simultaneous masses, and under the influence of angry and excited feelings they are apt to be carried away by the impulses of the moment, and passion instead of reason determines their conduct, These are, in my opinion, cogent reasons for extending the franchise as much as possible. The first step at the present moment should be a repeal of the rate-paying clause, which has disfranchised an immense number of elec tors. The only plan upon which a property qualification . . . . has ever been justified is, that the person possessing such a qualification is sufficiently acquainted with his own interest as to be competent to join in the choice of a re presentative of those interests. Now it is evident thlt the mere fact of paying the rates a few weeks sooner or later does not alter the fitness of an individual to select a re presentative. The elective franchise ought not to be looked upon merely as a right to be purchased for a certain sum of money, but ought to be considered as an obligation which is to be imposed, for the benefit of the community, upon all who by nature and education are fit—of which fit ness, absurdly enough, the possession of a certain amount of property is considered as a test—and of which fitness the individual is no more deprived by abstaining from paj ing his rates than he would be by abstaining from pa)ing his taylor's bill. A repeal of the rate-paying clauses, I think the Members of the popular party ought to exert Lemselves to obtain immediately. lundoubtedly think that all householders are perfectly qualified to be electors. Indeed, the danger appears to me to be on the other side, of limiting the franchise, whilst there is little chance of evil, and much prospect of good, in extending it. But in order that the po ss e s sion of the elective franchise should be of any use, it is necessrry that the elector should be enabled to exercise it conscientiously, without fear of punishment, without hope of reward. First, therefore, and above all things, Gentlemen, it is necessary that we should obtain the ballot. That question is one almost of life or death to the Liberal party, for the majority of the electors of England are men in dependent circumstances ; they cannot be expected, nor will they, nor ought they, to sacrifice themselves or their families, for the sake of their poli tical convictions. The shopkeepers in every town, the farmers in every county, the dependent electors through out the whole of this empire, will tell you that without secret suffrage the elective franchise is to them an evil and a curse—a moral obligation imposed upon them only to be violated. We ought to assemble, to agitate, and to petition, till one universal cry in favour of the ballot is raised throughout the nation, and the table of the House of Commons be laden with the prayers and commands of the people demanding vote by ballot. The men of Birmingham have often set a good example , to the rest of England—they are looked up to and re spected by the remainder of the citizens of this empire. The line of conduct which they adopt will be universally followed—now is the time for them to act—union amongst themselves is necessary, and this union should consist in unity of purpose, in clearly and distinctly determining the means by which their ends can be obtained—those ends are all the benefits of good government. For this purpose, the power of the people over the Government must be aug mented, and the first steps at the present moment are the repeal of the rate-paying clauses, and vote by ballot. Three cheers were then givers for Sir William Moles worth and the ballot. The CHAIRMAN then gave " The Men of Birmingham, and may they ever be actuated by the principles that dis tinguished them in 1832." _ _ Mr. Muwrz rose to return thanks. The men of Bir mingham had no doubt done their duty in the great task which th e y h a d undertaken. They h a d no t on ly d one jus tice to themselves, but to the nation at large, There was no doubt that great events were, as they .had been told, about to take place ; for the aristocracy, vindictive as of old, were determined to enslave the people to the utmost of their power.—(Hear, hear.) The Tories, because the Political Union had been quiet of late, asserted that the people of Birmingham had become tired of that body, :nd saw that the pestilential members of it had deceived them. What was the foundation of this ? In the year 1832, the people of Birmingham were punished in their comforts and in their pockets, and made miserable in their families. They rose to emancipate themselves ; hut had they done so ? The Whigs had not effected what had been anticipated from them ; they had not done What they should have done, and what they must yet do.—(Hear.) He said what they must do if they wished to exist.— (Hear.) Why the Whigs had not done this, was that they were first to aristocratic, and, in the next place too timid ; they wished to do everything so excessively genteelly, that they never did anything at all ; in fact, they would sooner let the people die of starvation than take one step to save them ; but he would tell the Whigs, that if they did not regenerate themselves they would be very quickly regenerated by the nation.—(Hear.) By a change in the commercial affairs of the country the people had had some-' thing like prosperity ; but there were too many here who knew that this state of things was not permanent, and.that in a few months, perhaps in a few days, this state of things might be changed to the same misery and humiliatory circumstances which operated in 1830. In that case the men of Birmingham would strike the foundations of Eng- land and the thrones of the world, and they would have what they were entitled to in the beginning. Mr. Muntz at some length commented upon the " diabolical conduct" of the Tories in prosecuting the American and French wars, and contended that the faction had been compelled to resign through the exertions of the Political Union. In com- menting upon the recent speeches of Sir Robert Peel, at Glasgow, be considered that to the " boys" as one of the soundest and most agreeable sermons he had ever read ; but that the Hon. Baronet had spoken too eulogistically of classical attainments. As to the second speech, it was something like the celebrated manifesto at Tamworth. Sir Robert spoke as having no doubt of being able, with the assistance of those who feared God and honoured the King, to take again the Government into their own hands, and that to the satisfaction of the country.—: (Hear.) And then Sir Robert Peel spoke of the Lords being responsible to God.—(Oh, oh !) He would ask them as commercial men, whether they would like to leave their ledgers to such responsibility ?—(Hear, hear.) If they did, he thought they would soon have a pretty good number of returned Bills.—(Cheers.) . All this might do very well at Glasgow, where there were parsons filled up to the chin with nonsense, but it would not do for men of common sense like those whom he now had the pleasure to see before him. It was a disgrace to the people of England that Sir Robert Peel should have the impu dence to tell them this ; but it was some consolation to know that the time was drawing near when the Liberals would join together and obtain, and maintain those rights which God had given to them, but which the Tories had taken away—(Cheers)—and when they should say to that faction, " Ye shall be so effectively changed as ye shall not know yourselves." The CHAIRMAN called on Mr. Douglas to propose the next toast. Mr. DOUGLAS said that the speech he was about to make was not intended for him, but for Mr. Roebuck ; it was that of Peerage Reform.—(Cheers.) Why he took the " Peers" was, as Falstaff said, because " they lay in his way ;" they left him no alternative but to knock them out of the way, or break his shins over them.—(Laughter.) Sir Robert Peel was very anxious to place the Reformers between the horns of a dilemma on the question of a Re form in the House of Peers—his position was, that they must have a second House or none at all. He (Mr. D.) had no objection to doing away with the House of Lords. If they had a good House of Commons, the deliberation in a second House, which, if worthy, must do the same thing that the first did, was in his opinion a piece of prac tical absurdity. He then proposed, for he understood, he said, that there was another toast put down on the paper for him, " the health of our worthy Chairman."—(Cheers.) A person here entered the room, and begged to be al lowed to ask question.—(Hear.) He came from one of the dinners to know whether a deputation from this (the central one) would attend it. He begged to say that Mr. W. Gammon, had been waiting with the company ever since four o'clock. The CHAIRMAN explained. The CHAIRMAN, in returning thanks, said that for the last half century they had an aristocratic Government, at tempting to create prosperity without liberty ; but not a prosperity for the people, for the aristocracy did not care " one curse" about them. They wished for prosperity merely as a man did who fattened his victim.—(Hear.) A great deal had been said of the necessity of the present Ministry resigning. He did not see that any benefit would arise from this ; if they did resign they would have the Tories in power again ; and then let the meeting only consider of the Clergy preaching up to their knees in blood, with bayonet in hand. He then wave " Daniel O'Connell, and happiness and pr os p er ity t o Ireland." u Mr. MACDO . NNELL returned thanks. Several other toasts were drunk, and the Meeting sepa rated. REPRESENTATION OF SOUTH DEVON. On Monday last a meeting of some of the most influen tial gentlemen identified with the cause of Reform in this division of the county, was held at the Guildhall, Totnes. Stanley Cary, Esq., presided. Among the gentlemen pre sent were Sir R. Newman, Bart. ; J. Parrott, Esq., M.P. Col. Seale, M.P. ; Col. Carlyon ; H. Studdy, Esq. ; J. Garrow, Esq. ; T. Newman, Esq. ; Captain Comby ; Peak, Esq. ; Alen, Esq. ; Harman, Esq. ; Clark, Esq. ; Captain Seale ; H. Watson, Esq. ; W. W. Rowe, Esq. ; R. Tucker, Esq. ; Captain Wells ; W. F. Windeate, Esq., Mayor of Totnes ; Abraham, Esq. ; Kingston, Esq. ; Vallence, Esq. ; and Messrs. Pe therbridge, Thuel, Skinner, Harris, J. Gillard, Esq. Letters were read from the following noblemen and gen tlemen, expressing their approbation of, and determination to, assist in carrying out ,the objects of the meeting. Lord Cranstown, Lord Seymour, Lord Russell, J. Rundle, Esq., M.P., Honourable Newton Fellowes, Captain Ham lyn, G. Soltau, Esq., E. M. Elton, Esq., Geo. Latauch, Esq., Mark Kennaway, Esq., R. Crouther, Esq., Gustavus Smith, Esq. The CHAIRMAN said he had convened the present meeting in consequence of the trust reposed in him at the late public dinner. Its object was to adopt effectual measures for restoring the South of Devon to an ho nourable share in the liberal representation of the county, to remove the disgrace of being under Tory sway, to wipe away the stain incurred by allowing the Tories to triumph over the man who has 'done more than any other for the cause of civil and religious liberty. Many of the electors, feeling they had no representative in the House of Com mons, had omitted to attend to the registration, but it was, therefore, their duty to register their names as voters ; if they failed in thi4, another election would find them with out the power to exercise their ,right. The Chairman, having acknowledged the readiness with which the gen tlemen of the county had responded to ,the exigencies of the present occasion, called on those present who intended to address tle meeting ,to come, forward with their views and observations. Sir R. NEWMAN, Bart., rose to propose a series of reso lutions, which he said embodied, some of the requisites so highly essential for obtaining the object of the meeting in the event of a re-election. The loss to the county of the distinguished talents and eminent qualifications of Lord J. Russell was to be imputed to the want of necessary precau tions in getting themselves registered, not to any falling off in the ranks of the Reformers. Much as he hoped that. Reformers would profit by their experience, still it was too true that many had not so privileged themselves ; and it was the object of the present meeting to stimulate them in the attainmea of an object so desirable as an efficient re gistration.—(Cheers.) Before they-could expect that a Reformer would contest the county, it was indispensable that they should have some means of ascertaining the probability of his success. 1 t was a duty which the electors owed the present Ministry to endeavour to maintain them in power, as they had fulfilled all just expectations—indeed, all they had professed to do.—(Hear, hear, hear.) No other Ministry had better served the interests of the country, considering the difficulties with which they had been sur rounded. And the present Ministry, so worthy their con fidence, could continue in power only by the support of Re forniers—by that support contemplated by the present meeting. It was, therefore, the duty of Reformers to send men to Parliament who would assist his Majesty's present Ministers, as it would be impossible for them to stand un less backed by a majority in the House of Commons.— (The worthy Baronet sat down amid loud cheers.) Colonel SEALE, M.P., in seconding the resolutions, said the battle of elections must be fought at the registration rather than at the poll, for if the Reformers have not a ,strong register a large majority of good wishes is of little service. The registry has not been so well attended to by the Reformers as it has by their opponents, who every year worked the machinery with immense labour and expense. Still he understood the Reformers were not so badly off as not to be able to return at least one Member.--(Cheers.) This be understood from gentlemen who had given great attention to this subject in different districts. He also ap proved of that part of the resolutions which empowered the Committee to examine the present year's registrations that they might be prepared to offer some notice to a liberal candidate or candidates in the event of another election. The 'Hon. Gentleman again expressed the satisfaction he felt in seconding the resolutions, and sat down ufnid loud cheers. THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY. JANUARY IS, 1.87. J. PARROTT, Esq., ➢I.P., after a few preatory observa tions, said lie hoped the time was not far distant when the opinions of the Reformers of Devonshire would be repre sented in the House of Commons. The supineness of the Reformers had put the representation of this division of the county into the hands of their opponents ; but the time which would put Reformers to the test was nearly arrived. A . diSiolution of Parliament was at hand, when those who .had stood firmly by the people would be le-elected without trouble, and the waverers be cast aside for more decided men, for those who will cut deeper than has yet been done into the abuses of the state with at iew to more complete re form. The Hon. Members concluded some observations on ge.ieral politics by saying he bad no doubt but they (the Reformers) would be able to carry at least one representa tive. Though he should be ready to support a decided Reformer, be would not take any trouble for a waverer. He was happy to find those sentiments were approved of by his constituents, and `he wished those of the county would follow their example.—(Loud cheering. Mr. TUCKER, who was called on by the meeting, said he agreed as to the necessity there was of paying stricter at tention to the registration. Although the Reformers had been beaten by 600 at the last election, he knew that since that time 400 had been added to Reform ; and if the Re formers had now to fight the battle, they would be in a ma jority of 300, instead of a large minority. One of the great causes of opposition by the clergy was now removed ; the Tithe Bill had allayed their fears. He spoke with con fidence as to the favourable prospect of a stanch Reformer, such as Lord Seymour—(Tremendous cheering)—who, •he was sure, would be returned by a large majority over Mr. Parker. Mr. Tucker concluded by saying he consi dered it the duty of every Reformer to exert himself for the removal of the present blot on the representation of the county. Other gentlemen addressed the meeting on the same subject, and, after a vote of thanks to the Chairman, the meeting separated. The Committee immediately commenced their duties, and sat again the next morning at nine o'clock, to register names, subscriptions, &c., and to make all the preparatory arrangements. MEETING FOR THE ABOLITION OF CHURCH-RATES. (Aridged from the Sheffield Iris of Tuesday.) Yesterday a numerous meeting was held in Town Hall, for the purpose of considering tne propriety of peti tionineParliament to pass a law for the total abolition of Church-rates ; also tcL memorialize his Majesty's Govern- Ment on the same subject. THOMAS BLAKE, Esq., took the Chair. Mr. THOMAS DUNN, in proposing the first resolution, said he was not an opponent of the Church ; on the con trary, he loved the Church ; he revered its principles, and . instead of being an enemy to the Church, by opposing Church-rates, he contended he was doing it service by vot ing for their total abolition. Mr. LUKE PALFREYMAN, in seconding the resolution, said he was sorry that he could not do full justice to the subject, but he was glad to see the town come forward in the manner that it had done, when he recollected that it was among theifirst to oppose Church -rates; having been re lieved from the burden nearly twenty years since, and now coming forward to relieve others, was highly creditable to the inhabitants. He had also another source of gratifica tion in thinking that the principles he then advocated had become the general opinion of others ; those opinions had been given by him on his first appearance before the public on that question in the vestry of the parish church. He then alluded to a paragraph in the Sheffield Mercury, de signating the names which were attached to the re quisition •as containing amongst them sectarians of all classes, aid infidels of all grades. Now he was sorry the Chairman had not read over the names which were included in the requisition, for he challenged the writer of that article to find a more respectable number of men—men of stricter moral characters—men who made better fathers—husbands—in short, better members of so ciety. Whoever it might be that wrote that paragraph, he would say thus much about him—no matter, if he pro fessed to be a Churchman, he was a man that had not the true spirit of Christianity within dim ; for that religion says he alone has the true spirit of Christianity who thinketh no evil ; but the heart who could imagine so gross a falsehood, Was one not imbued with this true spirit of Christianity, and the hand that penned it was one which, in other times, would have lighted the fires which bigotry made to extin guish and destroy religious liberty. Mr. P. contended that there had been nothing that had done so much injury to the Church as Church-rates. He himself had been employed to act professionally, to recover a rate for an adjoining pa rish, a rate of 2s. 9d., and being obliged, i❑ order to recover that rate, to carry it to different stages, until the expences had amounted to 1301. The resolution was unanimously agreed to. Mr. Wm. FISHER, in moving the next resolution, said, lie had great pleasure in referring to his former opposition to Church-rates, because it had, in a measure, proved suc cessful, not only in abolishing the rates here, but also in stirring up the inhabitants to assist others to abolish them. They were not seeking to fill their own pockets, but endea vouring to assist their neighbours. He concluded by moving the resolution,which was seconded by Mr. William Ibbotson, and carried unanimously. The Rev. R. BAYLEY spoke next at great length, and . with powerful eloquence. We regret our limits will not permit us to give even an outline of his admirable and con vincing speech. Mr. E. ELLIOTT said—l oppose the miscreancy of Church-rates, because they are a miscreancy, and because, as your enemies and mine well know, they prevent you from seeing other miscreancies of infinitely greater im portance. When you have got rid of Church -rates, you will, perhaps, be able to see those giant miscreancies which take from you sixpence in the shilling of your profits and wages, and offer the sources of both to foreigners ; and in order to get rid of those giant miscreancies, you will, at length, I hope, try to obtain household suffrage for yourselves, and the Ballot for us all. You think it strange, no doubt, that a man whose eldest son is become a clergyman of the Establishment, should oppose. Church-rates ; but my son is of age, and I am not answer able for his mistakes. He might have from me several hun dreds a-year as my traveller ; but he chooses to be a poor curate. This, however, I can say for him, he preached his first sermon to fifteen hearers, and his third to 500 ; and that he has no salary but the scat rents.--(Hear, and ap plause.) _ _ _ A lOng discussion followed,' between the Rev. T. D. Gregg, in defence of the Church ; Mr. Palfreyman and Mr. Brumley ably replied. The other re,olutions were se verally proposed and seconded by Messrs. Doncaster, Dunn, jun., S. Jackson, Hoyland, Iloole, Roebuck, and J. W. Smith, and carried with great applause. The following is a copy of the petition, which was una nimously adopted : " To the Honourable the Commons of Great Britain and Ireland, in Parliament a;sembled, the petition of the gentry, merchants, manufacturers, and inhabitants of the borough of Sheffield, in the West Riding of the County of York ; " Sheweth,--That in • the opinion of your petitioners all compulsory support of religion is alien from the spirit of Christianity, unreasonable in its own nature, and unjust in its operation. " That Church Rates beinr , levied equally on those who attend'the Established Church, and on those who receive no benefit whatever front the ministratiuLs of its clergy, arc an oppressive and vexatious impost,. from which your petitioners deem it only just that all Dissenters from the Established Church should be relieved. " That as the objection to Church Rates is, in the judgment of your petitioners, founded mainly on the injustice of a com pulsory support of religion, your petitioners could not be satis fied by the substitution in their place of a charge upon any part of the national funds. " Your petitioners therefore pray that Church Rates ,tray be immediately and entirely abolished. " And your petitioners will ever pray." A similar petition was also addressed to the House of Lords. The Memorial was addressed to Lord Melbourne, First Lord of the Treasury, and Prime Minister of the British Empire, embodying' the sentiments contained in the first three resolutions of the meeting, and adding an assurance of confidence in the present Government, _►nd urging them to introduce a measure for the entire abolition of.Church rates, at the earliest possible period after the meeting of Parliament. The Earl of Ripon arrived in Carlton-gardens, from his villa, at Norwood. Mr. COoiier, the distinguished author of " The Pilot," is about to publish his " Recollections of Europe." These consist chiefly of a narrative of his visits to England and France, wherein he records, in • a very lively and inte resting manner, the impressions produced on his mind by the manners, and, especially, the antiquities, of those countries, together With the incidents which occurred to him during his residence in both. His curiosity was constantly on the alert, not alone as regards the institutions of the "old world," but as to its society and opinions ; and he has em bodied in his work a series of personal sketches and anec dotes which, coming from such a pen, cannot fail to be read with intense relish. COURT OF ALDERMEN.—Yesterday a Court was held for the despatch of public business. The Sheriffs pre sented a report of the condition of the gaol of Newgate. It stated that the improvements were rapidly progressing, and would, when completed, no doubt afford much gratification to the Court, time public, and the Secretary of State for the Home Department, who afforded the greatest facilities by the removal of the convicts. It recommended the appoint ment of a schoolmaster and schoolmistress for-the youth of both sexes confined in Newgate, The report was referred to the Gaol Committed FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE. FRANCE. PARIS, JAN. 1.5.---NEWS Frtom vate Correspondence of the Cwiviitnii , ,,fuel' PAMPELUNA, JAN. 9.—A reconwlisianc•. has advanced within sight of Estella, but perceiving 1, numerous columns interrupted the road to Santa Barbara retreated in good order, bringing hack 18 Carlists prisoners The accounts' of the officers of the expedition and the state. mews of the prisoners agree in saying, that the town is for. tified and flanked by redoubts, and that it is the rallying point of the bands of Gomez and Cabrera. The prisoners ad,l, that Garcia has received orders from the Infant Don Sebastian to defend himself to the last extremity, and that Gomez is gone to Durango, having been sent for by the Pretender to receive instructions concerning, the moveable corps of cavalry which is forming at Estella, and which is placed under his orders. General Sarsfield has united the army of Navarre and the Algerine Legion in the environs of Pampeluna ; the force amounts to 8,000 men. General Clonard and Bri gadier Conrad advise to march against Estella. The Viceroy intends to leave that toWn on one side, and to march to Galacanda, whither Narvaez is to proceed from Vittwia.- A courier from that General is expected before a definitive resolution is taken. The officers and privates have received a sum on account of the arrears of their pay._ jOO c,1%. - The Bulletin de Guipuseoa of the sth (a paper St. Se bastian), devotes an article to a parallel between the Eng lish and French co-operation in the Peninsula. It is good for us to know in what rank the Doctrinaire Cabinet places us in the gratitude of Spain : ‘. What a Contrast ! one of our Maritime Allies keeps a squadron upon our coast to be an idle spectator of our misfortunes. The forces of the other bound by the same treaty, and which, besides, should be less interested in our cause, hastens at the first signal of danger to render spontaneous services of the highest importance ; while the one says in a public speech that the blood of its children is reserved for the defence of its own cause, the other lavishes their blood like a frank and generous friend, and seeks an opportunity to free us. Let those examples teach us to distinguish our sincere and upright friends, and attach our selves to them by the ties of eternal gratitude ; let them teach us to do without the apparent friendship of those who, thinking only of their interest, abandon us with cold indifference when their allinnce might be of use to us. Let us also record those facts, that our descendants may know the country which produces frank and generous friends, in order that our gratitude may be eternal, and that the union and connection between the two countries may become more and more intimate."—Constitutionne/, 16th January. 1 PARIS, JAN. 15.—The return of Marshal C!ausel does not seem to be so near at hand as was s.upposed. On the sth of January he signed at Algiers an Order of the Day, the object of which was to pay a tribute of praise due to the engineers who took part in the expedition to Constan tine, and in particular to Colonel Lemercier, and to order that the new barracks built at Algiers shall be called " Casirme Lemercier." This Order of the Day is pub lished in the Algerine Moniteur of January 7, which says nothing of the departure of the Marshal. — Journal du C'onmerce, Jan. 16. JAN. 16.—Yesterday M. Decazes was sent for to the Tuileries, where he remained two hours in his Majesty's Cabinet. Some persons thought this morning that we might have a Decazes' Cabinet. If we are well informed, Count St. Aulaire, father-in-law to the Referendary, was the organ of the Court of Vienna, which has a predilection for the men who, from 1816 to 1819, saved the Throne and the Altar. In this case we should return to the fine days of the Restoration. —Bon Sens. The ',Toni/cur contains only some nominations of Mayors. —4llessagcr, - FRENCH FUNDS—PARIS, JAN. 16. Five per Cents., 109 f. f.Ki 109 f. niree per Cents. 79E 80c. 85c. 60c. Rank Actions, 2,35itf. Rente de Naples, 98f. 80c. 70c. Roman Five per Cents., 101%%%. Spanish Actives, 27 264,% ►~j, Spanish Ditieres, 12 115 i. Spanish Passives, 7%%t, . Belgian Loan, Five per Cents, 102%. Portuguese Three per Cents. 31. Dutch Two and a half per,Cents., 55. haytian Loin, 370 f. 375 f. EXCHANGE ON LONDON. One month, paper, 25f. :We c. ; money. 25E 30c. Three months, paper, 2.51. 1234 c.; money, 25f. 10c. - o,,ri It ihe tIC. BOURSE, HALF-PAST FOUR.—The funds declined to-day, be cause of an unfounded report that M. Guizot, in the Chamber of Deputies, had said that on the first success of Don Carlos France would interfere in Spain. On the other hand, the Spanish Actives have fallen about 1 per cent., although that stock in your market on Saturday had risen, and, strange to say, the discussion in the Chamber of Deputies is the alleged cause of this decline. LAST PRICES, Five per Cents.. 1091. be. Three per Cents. 79E 80c. Bank Actions, t1,351f. Bente de Naples, 99f. Roman Five per Cents., 101%. Belgian Loan, 102%. Brussels Bank, 32. Portuguese Three per Cents., 30Fy Haytian Loan, ME Spanish Actives, 26M. Spanish Passives. N p mith flares, 9k. New Differes, 11%. AMERICA. DISASTROUS CONFLAGRATION IN WASHINGTON. (From the National Intelligenrer.) THE GENERAL POST-OFFICE AND PATENT. OFFICE IN ASHES " It is with no ordinary regret that we perform the duty of announcing the destruction, by fire, of the building in the central part of this city, which has for many years been occupied by the General Post Office and Patent Office, and the city Post Office, with an important part of the contents of those buildings, including the entire contents of the two latter. " This calamity, great as it is, has long been feared by those old residents of Washington who knew the combus tible nature of the building (the floors being all of wood, and some of them not even counter-sealed), and the custom of stowing fuel, not only coal but wood, in the vaults un derneath the first floor. The calamity has come at last, and affords the second demonstration, within four years, of the utter absurdity and improvidence of the sti uctures to which the public archives, records, and Government accounts have been hitherto for the most part confided. " The first alarm of fire was given by Mr. Crown, a mes senger, who usually sleeps in the room connected with the city post-office (the postmaster's own room). The clerks had been at work, assorting the mails, until half-past two o'clock, when one of the persons belonging to the office (Mr. Lansdale) passed out of the east door, and along the whole front of the building, without discovering anything to give rise to a suspicion of danger. Not along after three o'clock, Mr. Crown was roused from a light slumber by the smell of smoke. Opening the door of the city post-office, he perceived a dense smoke, without any visible appearance of fire. He gave the alarm instantly, first rousing Mr. Cox, one of the clerks who slept in the back-room adjoining the post-office, and who, coming out of the door of his room, passed along the whole of the long room with difficulty through the smoke, hearing the fire crackling, but being able to see nothitig. The- watchmen in the body of the building, some distance from the city post•office, had per ceived nothing of the smoke until they also were alarmed by Mr. Crown. • " The hour of the night when all this took place being one at which the whole world is buried in the deepest sleep, it was found almost impossible to spread the alarm of fire. One of the church bells began to ring, but the ringer, not seeing any flame, ceased ringing almost as soon as he began, and it was a full half-hour beform the alarm bells were rung, and more than that time berme an engine or a bucket of water could be commanded.. As it was, the fire had its own way, and was at last seen in the vault or cellar immediately under the delivery-window of the City Post office , followed shortly afterwards by flams from the win dows of the latter, and within five minutes afterwards by flames from the roof, the fire having crept up along the stair case, or partitions, to the top of the building, before it broke out below. " From the moment of the flames bursting out from the lower windows, it was obvious that all hope of saving the building was in vain. In little more than one hour, the whole interior of the building and its contents were de stroyed. " The book's of the General Post Office were all, or nearly all saved, exertions having been made for their safety from nearly the first moment of the alarm ; but a mass of papers, &c., belonging to the office were destroyed. Not anything was saved from the Patent-office or the City- Post-office, the Volume of the smoke preventing anybody from penetrating the latter so as to save anything. " As to the origin of the firo, it is impossible to say any thing, for nothing seems, to be known of it except that it was in a cellar or vault in which pine-wood and coal were stowed, all of which were probably in a state of ignition before the fire disclosed itself to the eye. We the more willingly forbear any conjecture as to the cause of the fire, since both Housls of Congress have taken steps, through committees, to investigate it, and in one house with power to send for persons and papers. " Most fortunately the night was calm and compara tively serene, or the destruction of private property would have been inevitable and great. I - lad it occurred on the night previous, when the wind blew almost a hurricane, several squares of valuable buildings must have been de stroyed. The mea ns o f th e city for extinguishing fires are wholly inadequate to the value of the property at stake, and the sources for the supply of water for the en- Ougs are limited iu their extent, as well as precarious, We trust that the lesson we have j Ist received will not le lost pn those who ii,ive it in their power to apply the retnef 7 y, of all Ole amount of loss of rapers .-:nd property :•to - taiae I ht.- disaster. thit which is ilio“ to he rigrtlt , d (ben :opt-kJAIe) I , that the ‘, hole of :hp t'- posico i c,l tt).tH. of i n , d i , ne mould •ring ashes now only rettnlin of th it collected eti deuce of the penctrttion, ingentiit,, and t nterprise h peculiarly distinguish the descendants or Europe iii tl e Wes'ern World." Ncw Yonx, Drc.24.—ExcoANGE.—There were s to a fair extent of bills on England and France for ti e packets of to-day, kit at a furtl:er reduction in rates, owing to the large quantity in market : on England the sales were at 7 to 71 per cent. ; and France. 51. take. to sf. Me. cash. The sales tvore trifling in other description , : : on Holland, at 40 ; Ham'inr ! * . , 351 ; an I Bremen, 791, to EO cents. Export of specie this week, 19,750 doflar3. BY THE GOVERNMENT EXPRESS. (Correspondence of the Daily P,xprecs) WASHINGTON, DEC. 2:2.—Great interest has attended the deliberations of both Houses of Congress. Mr. Web ster concluded his long speech. which in all resp,.ets sus tained the character and ability of its commencement. Dr. Niles, of Connecticut, followed in reply. The House was engaged in the early part of the day in the hearing or along message from General Jackson upon the subject of our Texian affairs. He is not in favour of recognizing the independence of Texas before Mexico shall have acknowledged it. Twenty thousand copies of the mcs saffe were ordered to lie print e d. t 'A long debate followed upon t' e Mint Bill, when tle House adjourned. PUBLIC MEETING IN NATCllEZ.—Pursuant to a notice signed by a numerous body of citizens of Natchez, a large meeting was held in the Court-house, at 12 o'clock, on Thursday, of the present week. 'rho object of the meeting was explained in a resolution offered by Judge Winchester, the purpose of which was to arouse and concentrate public opinion against the too common and increasing practices of duelling, street fighting, carrying concealed weapons, and lynching. Brief speeches in favour of the resolution were made by Judges Winchester and Vannerson. After the adoption of a resolution offered by Judge Vannerson, inviting the other cities and towns in the state of Mississippi to call meetings and institute similar measures to promote a healthy state of public opinion respecting the aforementioned criminal practices, the meeting ordered its proceedings to be published, and adjourned sine die. LATE FROM THE SOUTH. SANTA ANNA RELEASED-THE MEXICANS MARCHING UPON TEXAS-CUBA WAR. The brig David, H. Miller, in 10 days from Tampico, at New Orleans, brings accounts from Mexico of a late date. The Neuf Orleans Bee furnishes the following summary of the intelligence received by this vessel : The expedition against Texas appears to have com menced its march, and was proceeding towards Matamoras, whence it will bend its course towards the seat of war. If ye were permitted to confide in letters from the city of Mexico, of November 2d, an army of 4,000 men will l eave that capital under the orders or General Bravo. It will halt at San Luis Potosi, where it will be joined by 3,000 troops, and then repair immediately to its place of destination. Other letters from Tampico, of the Ist of Dec., assert, that the army will be 8,000 strong, that it was recruiting in every state, and that when its organization shallbc completed, it will march against Texas by way of Matamoras. The same letters inform us, that they were fortifying Tampico, and were taking other measures of defence against an in vasion from the sea-side. The Mexicans appear to have been induced to take these precautions by rumours that an ex pedition was about to sail from New Orleans under General Mexia, with a view to land at Tampico, and organise a revolutionary movement against the Government. Measures were also taken by the Government to pro vide provisions for the army destined for the invasion of Texas. A decree of the President an interim, publisbtd in the GazetteTamaulipas of th e 12th ult., revives in full force, for the ports of the north and such places as may be occupied by the army, the law of th 4 12th of last June, which permits the importation of prJvisions into Matamo of 4 ?`,..ft per cent., except coco a ras. Provisions pay a duty and tea, which are declared to be free ; provisions imported into Matamoros or any of the ports designated pay no duty, provided the importation be made in Mexican vessels. In other respects the law of the 16th of June remains in force, with the exception of such of its provisions as may be necessary to the present decree. The articles of provisions allowed to be introduced are flour, rice, sugar of every kind, cocoa, chocolate, coffee, pepper, salted meat, smoked or pickled, peas, biscuit, beans, bacon, Indian corn, lard, vermicelli, tocmox tea, &c. These preparations would lead us to suppose that hosti lities will shortly commence. Private letters state that there is much sickness at Tampico. Captain Driscoll, from Tampico, repor►s that• an affray took place at Tampico between soinc of the crew of the United States sloop of war Vincennes and some fishermen ; the crew of the sloop of war were imprisoned, and the Go vernment refused to give them up to the American Coasu 1. The ship was obliged to put to sea without her men. Captain Driscoll has brought despatches for the Govern ment of the United States. (From the New Orleans Bee of the 12th inst.) SANTA ANA RELEASED.—The schooner Texas arrived here Mier 12 o'clock last night, having left Brassos five days ago. She brings positi ve i n f ormat i on that Santa Ana was set at liberty by President- Houston on the 26th of November last, and that he had set out for Natchitoches, on his way to Washington city. Colonel Nunes, nephew of Santa Ana, is one of the passengers in this vessel. We have received papers to the 23d, and a circular from the War Department, which we give underneath : " COLOMBIA, Nov. 30, 1836.---WAR DEPARTMENT— GENERAL ORDER.—It has been reported to the President, by General Felix Houston, commanding the army of Texas, that the Mexicans are engaged in act i ve and f ormidable preparations for the immediate invasion of Texas. It is stated that General B r a vo l e f t M ex i co 50 days since, in command of the army of operations for the destruction of the Texians. Such information is caLulated to awaken the apprehensions of those who have once suffered from a peo ple who are - alike insensible to the national as well as the human obligations of society. " I am directed by President Samuel Houston to order, that every able-bodied man subject to military service pro vide himself with a good rifle or gun, for service, and 100 rounds of ammunition, with a good horse, if it can be pro cured. This state of preparation is announced, that every Texian may he prepared to rally to the standard of his country at a moment's warning. lam directed to say, that no call will be made upon the force of the country until the necessity is urgent and absolute. "We must be prepared to meet the enemy. We know they are implacable in their resentments, and irreconcilable in their hatred towards us. We must be prepared to meet them, and to act in future upon their own principles of warfare. The immediate organization of the militia of the country is ordered, and each company is to consist of 56 men, rank and file, with one captain, one first and one second licutcncnt. " All those who have an interest in the country are re quired to remain in readiness to defend it with blood and their Eves, if demanded by necessity, " By order of the President. W. G. COOKE, Acting Secretary at War." Lord and Lady Wriothesley Russell have arrived at Chenies Rectory, from Dover, where they haVe been resid ing for the improvement of her Ladyship's health. - The gentlemen of' the long robe are looking forward to a plentiful harvest during the ensuing Session, in advo cating. and opposing the various railway projects now in con templation, to complete which would require a capital of forty millions. The letters received from Smyrna, at Lloyd's yes terday, bearing_date the 16th ult., state that there was no plague in that town at the above date, but that there was Some little appearance of it in the villages around. Yesterday forenoon, during the dense fog, a melan choly occurrence happened to an old waterman of the name of Hawkins, belonging to the stairs of Horsleydown. He was crossing the 'river opposite the Custom House, when, by some mismanagement on his part and the thick ness of the fog, his boat ran foul of a vessel with such vio lence that it was completely split in two, and the poor-old man was immersed in the water. The alarm was immedi ately given, and several waterman and others put off to his. assistance, but the unfortunate man instantly sank. Drags were procured, but his body has not been found. A recent historian remarks, in reference to the un happy catastrophe which terminated the reign and life of Louis XVI., that " it was more in consequence of the re laxation of the Royal power, than from the exertioff of its despotism, that the monarchy was first shaken and finally subverted." The - shirt worn by Charles the First on the scaffold is said to be preserved at Lord Ashburnham's seat in Sus sex, whose collateral ancestors attended the unfortunate Monarch as one of the Grooms of the Bedchamber. The late Master of the Roils in Ireland was brothsx to Colonel McMahon, so many years the confidential friend and companion of his late Majesty while Prince of Woks and Regent. THE LATE EXTRAORDINARY DISCLOS' JR E RESPECTING THE EXISTENCE OF A SPANISH NOVI' ITION IN LONDON.—From an examination that took place yester day, before Sir Frederick Roe, ;it Bow-street , it appears . that the whole of this mysterious transuettoi t I, „true.