The Sun. — London, England, 1837-02-25 00:00:00

01 so many persons, and involving so many millions of pro perty, passed through this House with so much precipitation.— ( No, no.) It was perfectly clear that Hon. Gentlemen must have given their sanction to this Bill without contemplating the proceedings of the Board of Commissioners. It was the first time in the history of this country that such extraordinary powers had ever been entrusted by that House to any admi nistrative or other Board, as had been given to these Corn rnh-sioners. And yet these three Commissioners might merit the eulogy passed on them by the Noble Lord; but what was the nature of the power entrusted to them? They were enabled to make rules and regulations which were binding as laws, which affected the whole property and a great portion of the population of the country. And such were the rules made by these Commissioners, that that most respectable portion of his constituents to whom he had alluded felt themselves placed in a humiliated situation. The Noble Lord defended the principle laid down in the Report, that destitution should be the only ground and warrant for relief. They bad been told that a greater number of persons received relief out of the workhouse than those who had been compelled to take refuge in the workhouse. This was not from any feeling of humanity on the part of the artificers of the rules, or of the Home Secretary, but from the mere circumstance that they had not yet erected a sufficient number of places large enough for the reception of these poor persons. But here was the rule drawn up by the Commissioners, and which had received the sanction of the Noble Lord the Secretary for the Home De parLment ; and therefore, when the bastiles sufficiently large and nu7eerous had been erected to cover the land , they would be told by those persons that there were no persons receiving relief out of the workhouses, and that the rules were in full operation. The Noble Lord said that this measure had not only effected a saving of two millions in the expenditure of the Poor-rates, but that it had created a feeling of satisfaction in the minds of the industrious part of the community. Now, before he alluded to the latter topic, he should like to know how that saving had been effected ? They were told that two millions had been saved in an expenditure of six millions in the course of two years, and this must have produced a mighty effect somewhere. Now, when they recollected that this two millions must form an impoi tent item in the income of the poorer classes, there could be no doubt that this amount was wrung from the poor by the operation of the Act.—( Loud cries of " No, no.") He could show this by papers in tho possession of the House.—( Cries of " No.") He said yes, and could proa - e it to be the case. He held in his hand a paper showing the reductions that had been made in cne parish in the allowances to fifty poor old men and women. _These old men were patriarels in years, and the old women were ge nerally between the ages of seventy and ninety, and these were the persons that had fertilized the fields with their labour. These, for the most part, formerly received only 2s. or 2s. 6d. a week ; and what did the Commissioners do through their agents? They told these poor creatures to appear before the table of authority, and informed them if they were not pre pared to allow 6d. a week to be drawn back out of their al lowance of 25., that they might add to this mighty fund which was so ostentatiously offered to the landlords—unless they ave up 25 per cent. of their incomes to those who occasion ally gave up 10 per cent. of the rent to their tenants—unless 4 these poor creatures, who had only twenty-fourpence a week, gave up sixpence out of it—they must be prepared to take up their abode in such mansions as had been prepared for the fu ture residence of the unfortunate poor and destitute. These wore proceedings unworthy of a Christian country, and were disgraceful to any Government. He did not mean to assert there were no defects under the operation of the former law—(Hear) —he admitted that there were many defects, but they had not resulted from the operation of the main provisions of the old lave, which had been in exist ence and operation for nearly three centuiZs, and which, in fact was the charter of the poor. These defecn,;, which had been so urgently dwelt on, where the growth of tha: same selish policy which ultimately led to an attempt at the,: correction. As long as the country went on in a rampant state of prosperity, when .the poor-rates were eight millions a-ye.ar ; when the rent-rolls were at their highest; when the price of corn was exhorbitant, who ever heard of attend ing to the comforts of the poor ?—who ever heard of divising a system for the improving the condition of those classes ? who ever suggested an enquiry into the working of the system of Poor-laws ? And they never would heard of any such thing to that hour, if they could, by any possibility, have gone on with the old sys tem. Inquiry, however, was at length instituted; but not till they found that their expenses and their financial difficulties had increased to such a degree that something must be done ;—they thought of no remedy till they had conversed with their tenants, who told them they could no longer continue to pay as they had done before—that the rate formed_the heaviest item in their expenditure— that the Bill was large, and that the Poor Rates were rapidly increasing. Until then, nothing was done, no Commissions were appointed to inquire into the defects of the system. He laid it down as a maxim, which was as firm as the laws of nature themselves, and which was as ample as it was universal in its application, that every man had a right to relief from the pro duce of the land on which he lived. Were the people to be told that this provision of nature was to be turned away by a spirit of persecution, and that those who'happened to be poor were to become the objects of punishment and degradation ; for to both of these were the poor now subjected prac tically by the -operation of the new Bill ? What could be more cruel than the treatment of the aged patriarchs and matrons of the land ? What harsher than the orders which prohibited relief to be given except in the work house ?--(Hear.) It was nothing to say that there were relaxations of this rule. The relaxations arose merely out of the want of accommodation. As soon as ever a sufficient number of these prisons, for they were no better, could be erected, the rule would be enforced with the utmost rigour. Another rule was, no relief should be afforded except in the case of extreme emergency, and then that the relief should be in food -of the poorest quality. No distinction was made be tween worth and profligacy, between industry and idleness. Now could the Noble Lord say that such a system was popu lar, was acceptable to the people, was calculated to bring about a feeling of independence? The Noble Lord might rest assured that if the law were allowed to remain as at pre sent, it would be resisted by every man in whose bosom a spark of humanity existed. He was at a loss to understand what the Noble Lord had meant by saying that his amend ment contemplated a most enlarged inquiry. There was a vast difference between the Noble Lord's speech and his amend ment is this respect. It was essential that the inquiry in stituted should be of the fullest and most extensive nature. It was an inquiry in which no less than two millions of Eng lish men and women were deeply interested, as permanent or occasional recipients of relief. It was due to them and to the country at large to inquire whether it was not the case that the Poor-laws were worked in the most barbarous and iron hearted severity.—( Hear, hear.) The Committee must be a thoroughly impartial one, and its inquiries must be of the most extensive character to give anything like satisfaction to the country, or to effect anything like benefit.—( Hear, bear.) A Committee composed of Gentlemen in favour of the prin ciple—a packed Committee—would not only be `repudiated by the country, but would be felt as adding, to the original in sult inflicted by the measure itself. Before he sat down he wished to sae a few words on a point which possibly might be allu'ded to by others. When the new Poor law Bill was under the consideration of the House ho had given his vote in its favour, accompanying his vote by the declaration that he so voted under the full convic tion that it was impossible the new Poor-laws and the corn• laws could co-exist.—( Hear, hear.) For what was the effect of the corn-laws ? Why, the effect on the poor man with a family, earning his los. a week, was, that out of this I Oe. he had to pay 6s. for lumps of bread, which but for these corn-laws he would have to pay but 3s. 6d. for.—(hear, hear.) The effect of the corn-laws, then, was to take out of the poor man's pocket more than half the entire fruits of his industry—to rob him, in other words, of upwards of halt his property. The duty on tea amounted to four millions an nually—that on malt to five millions; and thus were nine mil lions of solid money taken from the pockets for the most part of the working community, to unequallise the pressure of tax ation in this country. The duties en tobacco and spirits were vindicated as being articles of a demoralising and inju rious character, but there were no such pretences to be urged in defence of the duties on malt and tea, which were essential necessaries to poor men and women. The Hun. Gentleman concluded by expressing his gratification at the exemplary at tention which had been paid to this subject. Mr. Sergeant G 0 ULB URN said that a full inquiry into this subject was universally called for. Ile entirely concurred in the commendations passed by the Noble Lord on those clauses relating to the able-bodied labourers ; but he could not approve of those parts of the Bill which bore so hardly upon age, infirmity, and sickness.—( Hear.) With regard to medical treatment, the Noble Lord had said that he did not see why a man who could not maintain himself should look to have better medical attendance at the bands of the parish than he would receive on his own account. Now it appeared to him Mr. Sergeant G.) that an individual reduced to poverty by no fault of his own, and with sickness assailing him, was entitled to the best medical treatment that could be procured The medical attendance under the new Act required great inquiries to be made into it, for the effect of the system was, the office being farmed out to the lowest bidder, that the poor were almost en tirely neglected, or were quartered upon some young practi tioner desirous of gaining experience. He was quite ready to admit that the Poor-law Commissioners were themselves men of the greatest honour and warmest humanity ; it was not they but the law upon which it was their duty to act that required strict inquiry ; and as he felt that that inquiry would, be most etOeiently elicited by the proposition of the Hon. Miaiber for Berkshire, for that proposition he should vote. Mr. HUME had voted for that measuic because he found that the poorer classes of the community—those who lived by their industry —were, in consequence of the abuses which had existed under the former working, rapidly sinking in the scale of society.—( Hear, hear.) The s 3 stem of indiscriminate re lief had worked great evil. Ile thought the Hon. Gentleman ;said his Hon. Friend had not done fairly in quoting the acts of cruelty that had taken place. It was notorious that acts of cruelty in the a dministration of the Poor-laws before this mea sure passed might have been selected from every week in the year.—( Hear, hear.) He repeated, then, that it was not fair to select evils now as evidence of the bad working of the Act when before it passed evils existed, and to a much greater ex tent. The question was, whether the principles cf the measure were correct, and whether they had been properly carried out by the Commissioners. Why did his lion. Friend complain now of the powers given to the Commissioners? The time for his doing so was while the Bill was in its progress through Parliament. If be thought with the Learned Sergeant op posite that the inquiry proposed by his Majesty's Government was to be limited in any way, he should object to it. The in tehtion was to investigate the whole operation of the Act, to inquire, not into its principles, but what had been the applica tion Of those principles.--( Hear, hear.) Mr. D. W. HARVEY (we bejieve) said, Why move an mendoent? Mr. HUME—lie was asked why move an amendment ? ( Hear, hear.) When he knew that the appointment of the Committee was moved and seconded by men who had declared themselves hostile to the measure—when he recollected that • the Hon. Gentleman who moved it had done every thing in his power to damage the Act—when they bore in reir.d the ,:taternents he had made, the complaints he had brought for ward one after another, and over and over again, as often as they were refuted—when it was remembered that he was op posed to the principles, and to every regulation which .bad been enforced, how was it possible to go into Committee with the expectation that there would be a fair inquiry ? Was it not to be expected that the Hon. Gentlemen of the Committee, men called under his auspices, would do every thing in their }sower to damage the Bill ? The seconder of the motion said he had opposed the Bill from the commencement, and he ( Mr. Hume) did believe that the Honourable Gentleman was one of the minority of 20. He said lie had advised resistance to it, and further that it never should come into his peaceful valley—( .tear)—he would use force, and do all he could to prevent the adoption of the pi inciple. Now, he would. ask of these gentlemen who had the direction of the Committee how was it possible they could go fairly into the inquiry ? But he understood the Noble Lord that he would admit of every in quiry that did not go to the repeal of the Bill and affect the principle.—(No, no.) He understood it so.—( Hear.) His Hon. Friend complained that destitution had been laid down as the principle on which relief should be 'given. He always understood that it was the principle of the 43d of Elizabeth which was acted on at the present day ; and was it possible that his Hon. Friend could attack a principle so well founded? His Hon. Friend said he had presented a respectable petition, complaining of the operation of the Act, from the vestry of St. George's, Southwark. He recollected only last year this :tune vestry finding fault with the Commissioners for hav ing enforced certain regulations they had passed respecting the sale of bread. What was their complaint against the Bill? They complained not of the quantity of bread, nor of the quality, but they were dissatisfied because it was supplied by contract.—( Clear, hear.) Bread was furnished by contract at a cheaper rate, and equally good in quality. Fivepence per quartern was, he believed, the contract price; but the bakers of the parish used to obtain 7d. for it.—( Hear, hear.) If this single act was an evidence of their general proceedings, their petition was worthy very little attention. His Hon. Friend said that two millions of persons formerly received out-of-door relief, and he (Mr.. Hume) believed that the gin-shop and the beer-shop used to obtain the larger portion of the funds so dis posed, instead of the poor families that ought to have received it. The Act deprived the gin-shops not only of the tax which the poorer rate-payers paid, but put an effectual stop to the accompanying idleness and dissipation. If the testimony could be believed which was afforded by the different Unions in favour of the Bill, it appeared that instead of the reduction which had taken place in the pecuniary allowances having been attended with that general distress which was attributed to it, a very great improvement had taken place, both in the physical and moral condition of the poor. He believed that the Act promised greater benefit to the poorer classes than to the rich, who would be relieved from the payment of the rates. It was an Act calculated to improve the moral condition of the poor, to increase their industry, and to draw a proper distinc tion between industry and idleness. Did the Hon. Gentle man recollect the arbitrary opinion certain of the public jour nals expressed? Did not the Times, a month before the pas sing of the Bill—did it not, day by day, attempt to persuade the people to oppose it ? And if the Honourable Gentle man had not been roused by the Times and other journals, surely he ought to feel satisfied that the Bill was not the barbarous Act which he described it.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) He considered it a measure of justice, exhibiting one of the greatest triumphs of principle against a united L attack. Those journals attempted to write the Bill down, and prophesied that they would do so. Up to this time they were - retailing every story they could rake up, however improbable, a ,;l he had no doubt they invented many.—( A laugh.) He h a d se ,;:s stories which bad been contradicted by authority ripped up agar :2 and again. No doubt when they had the edi tion of the volume winCh the Hon. Gentleman had that night read, it would be found to bt, made up of the rakings of the Times for the last twelve months.—(Cheers.) He should say that the Act was generally popular in the country. He was the last to say that unmerited poverty should be oppressed, or that the sick and aged should be treated with severity. He had observed, when the Bill was originally introduced, that so great a change as it contemplated could not possibly be made without great individual suffering; but he said it might be left to the discretion of the Commissioners so to use their powers as to make the. inconvenience felt as little as possible. His Honourable Friend had asked him how he could support the principle of conferring on the people the benefit of local administration when he sanctioned the prin ciple of this Bill ? The only departures from the principle is the present Bill were these : there were accumulated votes given, which made the Bill very unsatisfactory; and he admitted another evil, which he hoped would be brought under the con sideration of the Committee : he alluded to a portion of the guar dians being guardians ex officio. He believed that there had been instances of the ex officio guardians outnumbering those regularly elected. Such a state of things ought not to exist. He trusted an inquiry would be instituted to ascertain the extent to which the ex officio guardians had interfered with and obstructed the arrangements of the Commissioners and the elected guardians. With these exceptions to the prin. eiple of the Act, he considered that of a local administration by guardians elected by the rate-payers to be best. The guar dians were chosen by, they were the representatives of, the rate.payers—it was to their interest to attend to the interests of those who paid ; and as to the centralization, he looked on that as nothing more than the supervision neces sary to see that a uniform system was carried on.—( Hear, hear.) lie had seen in some of the country parishes the man who had to distribute the rates afraid to refuse them to,those who applied for them. Every man wishing to do his duty must have been pleased to have a power behind him which would enable him to carry the Act into effect. The _Act bad surpassed his expectations ; he had no doubt it would prove a source of happiness both to those who had to pay the rates and those who had to receive them. The Hon. Gentleman having resumed his seat, no less than eight Hon. Members immedi ately rose to address the House, amidst loud cries of " Divide." During the contest Mr. BROTHERTON, we believe, moved the adjournment of the debate. The question having been put by the SPEAKER, Lord J. MISS ELL said, he really hoped the House would feel the importance of finishing the debate to-night. —( Cheers.) There was some very important business be fore the House next week, and he thought it would be a ' ()Teat misfortune if the debate should be prolonged be y ond that evening. Colonel SIBT HO RP hoped that the Noble Lord would consent to an adjournment. The gallery was cleared for a division, but none took place. On the return of strangers to the gallery, it was found that the debate had been adjourned, we believe until Monday. Mr. AG LIONBY obtained leave to bring in a Bill for facilitating the recovery of the possession of tenements after the determination of the tenancy.—The Bill was read a first time. The other Orders of the Day were then disposed of, and the House adjourned at a quarter past twelve o'clock. THE DEVONSHIRE ESTATE, AT BLACKAWTON, AND ON THE RIVER DART. EXETER. FEB. 21.—The power of steam, it should seem, was not sufficient to get the five plans of this extensive pro perty completed in time—the consequence has been that the sale has been delayed from the 11th to the 18th of March. The following are preliminary remarks, made by Mr. Robins, with a view to enlist the attention of "our Devonshire Caps tilists"—he has been influential more than once in our great city, and there is little doubt that his power of persuasion will be again manifest at the approaching sale. The valuable property, the subject of the present sale, pos sesses claims of a varied description, entitling it. to general at tention. It is all freehold, and surrounded by excellent roads, and is in the immediate vicinity of several populous Market towns. That portion of it which is demised at nominal rents for lives must speedily become productive ; many of the lives being much advanced in years, and as they respectively termi nate, so will the rental increase, until it becomes, by that means alone (to say nothing of the very cheering prospects now existing for both owner and occupier) more than half as much again as at present. The Church Preferment possesses advantages of no small import to those who would find respec table and lucrative employment for their progeny, without a large outlay of capital ; and as the gale is intended to be peremptory, the present opportunity may be classed amongst those of very rare occurrence. Mr. Robins has .‘ many a time and (ft" admired the sound udginent mhich inclined his Devonshire . friends to prefer the solid security of terra firma, to the uncertainty of thefands, or the visionary schemes which have deluded the incautious Al- a lengthened period ; and he trusts to be again enabled to offer Ids congratulations on the continuance of the same spirit at the approaching sale.—Exeter Paper. - ---- - NEW STRAND THEATRE•—We last night attended this amusing little theatre, and, on the whole, were much pleased with the performances. Mr. Webster, a most careful comedian—gave an entertainment, a la Mathews, entitled " Whims and Waggeries," which contained some capital sketches of character--especially one entitled " Silly Sally." There were also some clever conjurations with cards, &c., performed by a gentleman named Buck, who . has been very successful in Paris. The house was tolerably well filled. MRS. GORES NEW NOVEL " FEMALE DONII NATION."—Tbe success of this work, a second edition'of which has recently appeared, is most justly deserved. Mrs. Gore is an artist of high genius. It has been truly observed that she knows bow to throw light and shade over her pictures—to ex cite the sympathies of her readers—to call forth their admira tion and love, or scorn and indignation; and, above all, she is a mistress of the art by which whole portraits are drawn by a single touch—a flash of light, that by a simple, but irresistible appeal, reveals the very heart and soul of a character. Her style continually reminds us of that of " Cecilia," to the genius of whose author Mrs. Gore bears a strong affinity. CONFESSION OF AN IRISH PEASANT, OR THE PRIEST OUTWITTED.—Luke M. Geoghan being at confession, owned among other things that he had stolen a pig from Tim Carrot. The priest told him he must make restitution. Luke couldn't—how could he, when he had eaten it long ago ? Then he must give Tim one of his own.—No ; Luke didn't like that—it wouldn't satisfy his conscience—it wouldn't be the downright identical pig he stole. Well, the priest said, if he wouldn't, he'd rue it, for that the corpus delectum, Tim's pig, would be brought forward against him at the day of judgment. " You don't mane that, father ?" Indeed but I do," said the priest. " And may be Tim himself will be there too?" said Luke. " Most certainly," was the reply. " Och, then, why bother about the trifle this side the grave ? If Tim's there and the pig's there, sure I can make restitu tion to him there you know," PRICE OF STOCK - , 'I II IS 1).-1,Y A - 1' ()NE O'CLOCI:. !I nk 5t0ck...... ... S per Cent. Bed. S per Cent. Luna B9si % Y .i ,SC llth Sim Stuck -- 3k, per Cent__ ...., „„........ !9 1 4 'DM A - anti:ties Ditto Red (15741,;1,04 : New Ditto ---- New 3 pe:Cet t . - New sper Cent... - -- 7 1 Exch. Biils, .til,i'o 4 ! ...... .. :SO 32 pm. Bank Long Annuitiestocispirc !Ditto ........ ......56 0 :I (13i: pm Jar. 5, 1-;:T! l5 1-111 Ditto Small lO 3•2 pm. Oct. in, INA, l47‘ Ditto Commercial — pm. Jan 5, 1. 60 11 11-16 Ditto Advertised —— Pm Jan. 5, FS — V:ank Stock for Account --- April a, 113 , 4' -11ndia Stock for Account --- Jan. 5, l• 7! . — iCousol, for Account 90% tBl Oinnium — pm. VRICE4 OF FOREIGN FUNDS 'FIIIS DAY AT ONE O'CLOCK. . trtrian tt..ninis . - Itn-iyirill I::iiini, Ditto A eeetti.t.... ..... - Bortingliese Ponds lita7iiinen it,ind; '-'i4 6 ri , t, Anivoint,t Ditto Account - Ditto New Bond, ....... ...... Buenos Ayres Bonds _ - ' Ditto Account • Ditto Accen,lit ...... ......... ... —' Ditto, nper rent Chili .o Bond; . Ditto Account .... ......... -! Itni,sian Ponds, 11t2..:.... ......... Columbian Bonds Ditto Accoui.i. . ..... ... ..... ... —' Ditto Metalinc Columbian Bonds,. 8.2. t - - Siianisti iSciun's Ditto Account lYnish Ponds ... - i Ditto Bonds, ISO— ..`264% 6%4 Miro Account Greek Dennis__ ...... .. ...... ... French, 5 per cent__ ..... —t. —c Ditto Bonds, IS 5 — -- 4 per cent........... —E. --c. Ditto Account \ lexicon. Bonds, 5 per cent.... —! ---- Exchange Ditto Account . Ditto. 6 per cent ............ ---! Ditto Account Ditto Account .. ..... ........ —' Ditto, s,er cent. 10.1%k Nea d ,,1itztn......... ................. --' Ditto Account 2 PRICES OF SHARES THIS DAY AT ONE O'CLOCK. Paid. Per Share General Mining Association ID 10 Rhymiiev Iron Mining Company Eastern Counties Railway 2 1 G. rat Western Railway Company 4O 471; Brhton Railway Company U Bri g hton (Rennie's) 3 / London and Birmingham Railwar Con•pany 75 113 11,4 Westminster and Greenwich Railway Company 2 Colonial Bank lO 7 COURSE OF EXCHANGE YESTERDAY. Amsterdam C.F. 12 5 Leghorn 47M Ditto, at sight :tott(rdam ' 3 U. 12 5% Milaq :11 Antwerp... llamburg. M.B. 13 11 , . 'tea es &Rona—. . l3 12 % Palermo per oz. 120 Paris, 3 days' sight 25 55 Lisbon Ditto 2 Us. 25 85 Oporto ..... ... 53% Marseilles. Frankfort OR Maine, Ex. M. 153 Bahia 26 Petersbuigh, ruble .3 Us. 10 0 Buenos Ayres ......... ..-.. ..... ...... -- Berlin Vienna, effective 11 2M.10 16 , Cork l% Trieste......ditto ........ ......... 10 18 Madrid 15% Cadiz 36y, Bilhoa 95 Barcelona 16 Seville ti Gibraltar PRICE OF BULLION, PER OZ Portugal Gold, coin £o 0 0 Foreign Gold, in bars— 3 17 9 New Doubloons New Dollars Silver. bare. standard 0 5 OM PRICES OF IRISH STOCKS. DUBLIN, FEBRUARY 23. 3 per Cent. Consols 5951," Grand Canal Deb.. b per cent. ae% Ditto Reduced -1 Ditto, 4 per cent 59% 354 per Cent. Stock 96% , Hibernian Bank Ditto New, 1830 3 , 4 per Cent. Debentures 9O National Insurance Co - Bank Stock - City Debentures, 4 per cent... 79 Royal Canal Stock 3 4 ,, ' Ballast Office Debentures, 4 Grand Canal Stock 27! .0 per cent. MAILS. Arrived. Due. Arrived. Due. Arrived. Due 0 America.... ..... . 0 0 France ....... ..... 2 0 Li5b0n,......... 0 0 Brazil ....... ..... 0 0 Omni. & Jersay 0 0 Malta 0 BnenosAyres.. 0 0 Hamburg I 0 Mexico 0 0 Carthagena...... 0 1 Holland .......... 0' 0 (Mend.. ....... 1 Dublin... ...... 0 0 Jamaica 0 0 Sweden... ...... ~. 0 1 Flanders ...... ... 0 0 Leeward Islands 0 1 Waterford (i HIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE 'ID-MORROW. M0rning........27 minutes after 5 I Evening...... 49 minutes after 5 MR. JAMES'S NEW ROMANCE. On Wednesday, March 1, will be published, in 3 vols. post Bvo., A. fit By G. P: R. JAMES, Esq., Author of " Darnley," &c. London : Longman, Rees, Orme, and Co. Of whom may be had, by the same Author, THE GIPSY. 3 vols. LIFE OF JOHN MARSTON MARY OF BURGUNDY. I H ALL. 3 vols. 3 vols. ONE IN A THOUSAND. 3vols. HA3IBURGH, FEB. 17, 1837. ALL those having to remit 201. to us, are requested to observe that they may save half the Postage by directing their Letter via France. HEINE BROTHERS, TO CORRESPONDENTS. The two letters from Newport were received, but the contents were anticipated by the result of the elections. The publication of Tim Sun NEWSPAPER commenced this day at 10 minutes past Three o' Clock. THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDA, FEBRUARY 25, 1837. LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING. FEBRUARY 25, 1837. In the House of Lords yesterday, the Royal Assent was given by Commission to the Grand Juries (Ireland) Bill, and to the Births, Registration, and Marriages Bill. The Post Office Contracts Bill was read a third time and passed. Petitions on the Church-rate question were pre sentel A Bill was laid on the table by Lord Go- DOLPHIN, to prevent the reading of notices, or doing any other. parochial business in churches during Divine Service. The same Noble Lord announced his intention to bring forward a Bill for the better regulation of the law of Divorce. In the House of Commons, Mr. FARRAND, the new Member for the borough of Stafford, took the oaths and his seat. The Licensed Victuallers' Assurance Company Bill, and the Greenwich Pier Bill, were severally read a second time. The Manchester and Tamworth Railway Bill was read a second time, after a lengthened discussion, in which Lord STANLIZY led in opposition, and Sir R. PEEL in support of the Bill. The Public Records Report was-brought up. In presenting a petition from the medical practitioners of Bucks, com,)laining of the state of medical treatment and practice under the Poor-law as now administered, Sir R. PEEL asked Lord JoHN RUSSELL if he was prepared with any amendment to the Act with respect to medical treat ment. Lord JOHN RUSSELL replied that he would resist any motion that would go to the repeal of the Act itself, or to any extensive change in its machinery or its details. He would therefore propose, as an amendment to the motion of the Member for Berkshire, " That a Select Committee be appointed to inquire into all the various measures of the Commissioners, so far as the working of the plan was concerned, and amongst others, the plan adopted by them with respect to medical relief." Mr. WALTER then brought forward his motion for a Select Committee to inquire into the operation of the Poor law Amendment Act, and to report their opinion to the House. Lord JOHN RUSSELL moved as an amendment, " That a Select Committee be appointed to inquire into the admi nistration of the relief of the poor under the orders and regulations issued by the Commissioners appointed under the provisions of the Poor-law Amendment Act." The debate which ensued was protracted till past twelve o'clock, whe❑ it was adjourned to Monday. The world will shortly learn from authentic sources how far the dismal prophecies of, the Hon. Member for Berk. shire, and his official organ of Printing-house-square, are fulfilled with respect to the working of the English Poor Law Amendment Act. As external evidence is wanting to prove the accuracy of the Hon. Gentleman's very small powers of prophetic vision ; and as the Times is sadly puzzled to refer to the Poor Law at all, without provoking general ridicule, an inquiry into the working of the Act is demanded at the very time when_ such an investigation is judged most embarrassing to the Commissioners. Had the dire fore bodings of Mr. WALTER been realized—had the Poor Law Amendment Act failed as signally as it succeeded—had the disturbances consequent on its passing been such as to com pel Ministers to conic down instantly to both Houses of Parliament and propose its repeal—the Hon. Gentleman would have forgiven the Whigs the egregiousness of a blunder in legislation which would for ever have esta blished his reputation as the Berkshire Seer. It is the success of the Act that galls these who bawled loudest in opposing it. They cannot forgive the Government for having proved them as deficient in foresight as they were impassioned in senseless vituperation. Had the Times possessed but an atom of that second-sight for which it so often takes credit in speaking of the fate of the Reformed Government, we would, ere this, have read the agricultural population's detestation and horror of this Act-in the blaz ing farm-yards of England and Wales. Our Contemporary disdained then to contemplate dangers which could only be investigated by a Parliamentary Committee. The Criminal Judges of the land were the functionaries who Were to read comments upon the New Poor Law Bill ; and to twelve men in a jury-box was to be entrusted the conferring of the last boon upon paupers, which Ministers -intended the amended law should bestow upon them. There was to have been burnings here, and robberies there, and insurrec tions in every place—with a numerous show of lamp -post executions, and hangings in chains in the distance. Well, instead of these horrible spectacles, we find, by reference to Parliamentary documents, that, under the working of the New Poor Law Act, the social and moral condition of the pauper is gradually improving—that an effectual check has been pr,t upon abuses in the dizAributiori of the pauper funds, which threatened to swallow up the entire rental of the conn try—that a decrease of agrarian outrage is everywhere observ able—and that, in short, while the cost of supporting the poor. is greatly diminished in every Union and Parish throughout England, the really deserving objects of national and parochial charity are better provided for than they were under the old system. The law as it stood before the Amendment Act was passed was not so much a Poor-law, as it was a Parish-Guardian Contract Act. It ' was not the paupers, but the guardians of the paupers, for whom it provided comfortable guzzles, at the expense of the parish. It was a law for the maiutenancc of parish guardians, parish overseers, parish beadles, parish lawyers, parish doctors, parish nurses, and parish busters, at the expense of their more honest and more industrious neigh bours. The parish authorities under the old law treated the paupers as certain Asiatic potentates treat the grandees of their Court, when regaling themselves with the most savoury dishes. Travellers assure us .that these monarchs never eat but when surrounded by choice favourites, who are each permitted in turn to lick their chops on the escape of any part of the viands. The old parish guardians and overseers maintained a state not less dignified, and at a cost somewhat similar. Their favourites among the paupers were suffered to lick their chops for six days in the week, and on the seventh were invited to praise GOD that the law allowed no man to starve in " merry England !" The real object of Mr. WALTER'S motion is to prepare the way for the repeal of the Poor-law Amendment Bill ; and the adjournment of the debate upon it, over till Mon day, is intended to embarrass the Government with respect to the Church-rates question. Had Mr. WALTER only in tended that a full and impartial investigation of the work ing of the new law should take place, he would at once have .agreed to the adoption of Lord JOHN RUSSELL'S amendment. But the Noble Lord proved in the course of his speech, that investigation, impartially conducted, would not serve the purpose of the Hon. Member for Berkshire ; and that in fact the Hon. Gentleman dreaded that impar tiality in inquiry which he affected to invoke. The follow ing extract from the speech of the Noble Lord admirably illustrates this fact. We would be glad to see a commen tary upon it by some of the admirers of the Hon. Member for Berkshire : ‘. Whenever any complaints had been made either to him (Lord John Russell) or to the Poor-law Commissioners, he or they directed an immediate inquiry to be made, to ascertain the correctness of the representations made to them • and in every instance it was required that the Guardians of the Union to which the complaint related should return an immediate answer to the inquiries made of them.--( Hear.) But when the Poor-law Commissioners saw that the Hon. Member for Berkshire was about to bring forward a proposition in the House, they inquired of him whether he had any particular statements of fact to make ; because, if ho had, they would be ready to institute an inquiry for the purpose' of ascertain ing what the statements were on the other side.—( Hear. ) The Hon. Member for Berkshire declined to give the Poor law Commissioners any information upon the subject. The Hon. Member said it would prejudice his case if his state ments were inquired into—(Cheers)—and he added, that ho had no belief in the statements contained in the reports of the Poor-law Commissioners, and therefore he was unwilling that any statements of his should be sifted before - he brought for ward his motion in the House.—(Cheers.) This solves the riddle. The Hon. Gentleman did not want his statements of fact to be investigated, for he knew that such an investigation would entirely defeat his pur pose. He wanted to make an inflammatory harangue, and to ground a motion of inqui4 upon it, which would care fully exclude whatever related to the beneficial operation of the New Poor-law Act, while as carefully collecting whatever the passions of the most ignorant and interested individuals would lead them to . urge against it. It was well remarked by Mr. HuME, that if all the statements put forth against the Bill were true, they would not in the least affect the real question of its beneficial operation, -as hun dreds of such statements might be authenticated in the transactions of every single week under the old system. Mr. WALTEIt'S motion is for a partial inquiry—Lord JOHN RUSSELL demands a full and thorough investigation ; the Hon. Gentleman seeks but to learn the abuses of the new law—the Noble Lord is anxious that its uses and abuses should be made public together, in order that all may be able to compare its ope ration with that of the lard as it stood before the passing of the Poor-law Amendment Act. Lord JOHN RUSSELL em phatically stated that his amendment, if carried, would en able the Committee conducting the investigation, " to con vince itself of the minutest particular of the manner in which the new law had been carried into operation." His Lordship proceeded to state in detail, that it would he at the option of the Committee to inquire into all that related to the establishment of Unions—the regulation of work houses—the dietary system—the extent of medical relief— the expenses entailed upon the country by the Commissioners —and, finally, the parts of the country in which it would be most advisable to establish or abolish the operation of the Amendment Act. Now, if we are to have an inquiry at all, this is the inquiry which is really wanted, and this is the only one which Parliament will authorize. The grant ing of the Committee will redound to the credit of the Government, for it will cost little trouble to show that the operation of the new Poor Law has been highly beneficial to the country. Mr. WALTER. has shot beyond the mark, and may now consign his empty quiver to the keeping of the Times. Last year, during the discussion on the Irish Municipal Bill, Lord STANLEY told the Government that the Bill might pass the Commons, but it would most assuredly be rejected in another place. This session he repeats the as sertion in rather more insolent language. Mr. SliElL be- lieved he used the words, "the Irish people never shall have Corporate Reform," which the Noble Lord attempted to qualify by clothing the idea in a paraphrase. "My words," he said, " were, while the Irish Church was sub ject to danger, and while the General Association was using threats and intimidation, the more these threats were used, the more would the people of England be determined that they should not have what they demanded." The meanie g is in substance the same, with only this difference, that he .would shift the blame from the House of Lords to the people of England—that people, too, who under most disadvantageous circumstanceshave returned representatives who by large majorities have solemnly resolved that the peo ple of Ireland shall have Corporate Reform. But such an ex planation will be received as the explanation of the" Alien" Baron was received last year—it will be taken for nothing. The offensive words have sunk deep into the minds of the Irish people, and explain and modify and deny the'words as these Noble Lords please, that people will still be lieve that the majority of the Lords are resolved to treat them as aliens. We wish that majority joy of their Leader, and joy of their new ally. The imprudence of Lord L YND. HURST created the General Association—the insolent threat of Lord STANLEY, that the people shall never have Corporate Reform while it exists, only increases its powbr ; and the calumniated people of England will yet show that they are determined to do justice to their fellow-subjects struggling for their privileges, and demanding only what they themselves, with great difficulty, obtained. The speeches of the Members for Tynemouth and Worcester, men not peculiarly attached to the present Government, and the manly conduct of Sir GEORGE CREWE, are only spe cimens of what may be expected from English Members, if the Lords only persevere in their passive resistance. What a hopeful-prospect they have, if, by chance, the power should be thrown into their hands, and they attempt to use it in a crusade against the Irish nation ! It is with unfeigned satisfaction that we point the atten tion of our readers to the conduct which the Conservative Member for South Derbyshire has thought it his duty to pursue on the subject of the Irish Municipal Corporation Bill. " Last year," says the Hon. Gentleman, in an ad dress to his constituents, " when the same measure was brought forward, feeling the intricacy and difficulty of the question, I yielded to the opinions of those who I thought understood the matter at issue better than myself, and I did record what I believed to be the sentiments of those whose votes at the election sent me to Parliament as their representative. Since that period I have deeply reflected upon the subject, and examined it, under all its bearings, with the utmost of my ability, and, as I always would do, impartially. The result has been, that, as far as regarded myself individually, I have felt dissatisfied with that vote, and now, upon the re-opening of the question in this Session of Parliament, after listening attentively to the arguments and statements on both sides, I have decidedly felt that I could whic h I n ot have reconcile honour tl e generallyplan proposed act by the party withm yo w n s tnh timents, either as to the Justice or the policy of refusing the demand of Ireland to receive an equal participation in civil rights and privileges, which had been . fully granted to Eng land and Scotland, Under this conviction, my first impulse was to declare, in my place in the House, the course which I should pursue, and the reasons which induced me to take it ; but here I felt that I should be purchasing, perhaps, a little popularity in opposition to those wl-mm I am proud to call my friends, and this, in courtesy to them, I wished to avoid ; I therefore left the House without voting at all. Upon any convenient opportunity I shall be prepared_ to give you any explanation )ou may require of the reasons and arguments by which I was guided in my decision upon the question itself ; but, in the meantime, allow me to re quest, that if you consider my conduct in this business re prehensible, you will tell me so at once, and permit uvr to resign into your hands the trust. committed to my care?' Sir G. CREWE has here acted a manly, independent part ; and so acting, must of course be prepared to receive the abuse of those purblind Conservatives, whose policy, on the particular question of the Irish Corporation he has, from the most conscientious motives, abandoned. Ilis coL duet on this question reflects on him the highest credit, and stands out in marked contrast to that of the majority of his party, who, in their votes and speeches, art influenced solely by factious feelings. A discussion of considerable interest took place last night in the House of Commons, on the motion of Lord F. EGERTON, for the second reading of the South Union Railway Bill. The merits of the questiOn at issue appear to us so simple and clear that we are really surprised they should have been made the subject of debate. The par ties who oppose the proposed Railway are acting most in consistently, as well as most selfishly. They are, in fact, standing up for a .monopoly, and that too in an article which is now no longer a luxury, but an absolute necessary of life—railway transport. " We" say they " have fixed upon a particular line, and have laid out upon it immense sums of money, for which we expect an adequate return — no one must interfere with us—no one must trench upon our vested rights." This is the substance of their argument, and it is precisely the argument which monopolists in all ages have had recourse to in order to benefit themselves at the ex pense of the public. Now such a doctrine comes with a peculiarly bad grace from a Railway Company, because, if we are to believe the statements made in the prospectuses issued by these Companies, and in the preambles of their Bills, we must suppose that the public good is the sole moving principle which induces the promoters of such un dertakings to embark in them, and that if any private ad vantage should accrue to them it is merely a sort of col lateral circumstance which they had not at all in contem plation. The greatest efforts are made to convince Parlia ment that the districts through which Railroads pass will be greatly benefited—that the means of cheap and rapid com munication being afforded, the resources of the country will be called forth to an incalculable extent, and that no other species of transport can bear any compa rison with the Railroad. Now all this is perfectly true, and it is because it is so that we condemn those who, having obtained the sanction of the Legislature to their undertakings, on the ground ofpublic utility, afterwards turn round and endeavour to prevent others from embarking in similar undertakings, because it would hurt their private interests. If public utility is to be the criterion in one case, let it be so in all ; or if Railroads are to be consi dered as private money-getting speculations, surely that field in this country is equally open to all. No one has a right to say to another, " I have built a factory in this place, or endowed a school in that—you must not come near me." Why, then, should those who have constructed a Railroad presume to say that no others shall construct a similar one that shall compete with it, however advantage ous to the public, or to individuals, such competition may be. The thing is ridiculous. NOw let us apply these principles to the South Union Railway. The object of this .Railway is to connect Manchester with Birmingham by a shorter and more con venient line than that which has been proposed by another Company. The distance saved is upwards of twenty miles, and the public advantage is a point which the opponents of the plan have wisely refrained from Mooting—it is beyond question ;, while so profitable is the new undertaking likely to turn out, that they are, or pretend to be afraid, that it will greatly curtail their profits, if not upset their concern. The line embraces in its course several towns of consider able importance, and what is of perhaps still greater moment, it opens up a most ample and valuable channel of traffic from the towns of Nottingham and Derby. The promoters of this new line, be it observed, come not to Parliament with a bolstered-up case. They have no weak points which they wish to conceal. They have complied with the Standing Or ders of the House of Commons—they have done everything that the laws of Parliament require. They can show a sub scription list such as perhaps never was exhibited in any similar case. Out of twenty thousand 1001. shares they can shew 14,000 subscribed for in one town—in Manchester alone ! This is as strong a proof as can well be given that the people of Manchester consider the South Union Rail way as likely to be highly beneficial to their interests ; and after this it is surely too much to say, as Lord STANLEY said to them last night, " You shall not be heard on this question—the House of CoMmons will not listen to anything you have to urge in defence of your pro posal—your application shall be refused instanter." This was really the Noble Lord's language. He opposed the second reading of the Bill. He resisted as far as he could the motion of Lord FRANCIS EGERTON, which really decides nothing—it merely gives the South Union Railway Company an opportunity of proving before a Committee of the House of Commons, that they have sufficient grounds for the application they have made for a new line. If they cannot prove this—if they cannot show good reasons why the inhabitants of Manchester should not be compelled to go half-way to Liverpool on their road to London, in order to put money into the pockets of the shareholders of the London and Bir mingham Railway Company, then, as a matter of course, the Committee will report to that effect, and the House will decide that the new line is not wanted. But to attempt to stifle all inquiry at this incipient stage of the Bill is, to say the least of it, not very creditable either to those who are making it, or to those who lend their Par liamentary influence to render it successful. It is not often that we can compliment Sir ROBERT PEEL on his speeches, but we are bound to say that we never read a speech on a matter of business with more satis faction than that which the Right Hon. Baronet delivered on this occasion. He left poor Lord STANLEY not a leg to stand upon—perfectly demolished all his laborious so phistries, and frightened him from his intention of dividing the House. osi sic oninici ! • TIIE DIVORCED, BY LADY BURY.—The infor mation conveyed by the Noble Authoress, that the history is one of real occurrence (a circumstance which, as the writer sup poses, will be recognised by most readers), neither adds to nor lessens, in our judgment, the effect of the story itself. The whole tone of it is real, the characters completely the people of the nineteenth century, and the scene, its accompaniments and decorations, entirely the representation of the " world " as it now is TILE DIVISION.—A word with respect to the ma jority of 80. It should have been 82 ; for two Liberal Irish Members, Mr. Cornelius O'Brien and Mr. Fitzstephen French, left town the very evening of the division, to attend the Grand Juries of their respective counties. In our judg ment they would have better discharged their duty to their constituents by remaining for the close of the debate. Their votes here might have been of use; their presence at Ennis and Roscommon could have been dispensed with._ Morning Paper.—[ We agree with our Contemporary, and leave it to the constituents of both Hon. Gentlemen, now that they have them at the Assizes, to decide upon the urgency of the busi ness which, "at such a time," could induce them to absent themselves from the division.—Evening Paper.] IMPRESSMENT.—Government seem preparing for the abolition of this inhuman practice. The Lords of the Ad miralty have ordered the flag-ships to enter 30 first-class boys, of the age of 17, for foreign service, at a pay o f 14 s . 9d . per month. They are not to continue in the class more than three years. Line-of-battle ships are to enter ten ; fourth and fifth rates, eight; sixth rate and sloops, six; and all smaller ves elss, four, in addition to their present complements. This mea sure cannot fail to prove beneficial to our navy. We find, from the Votes of the Lords, that the Earl of Fingal and Lord Gardner lave presented petitions claiming their right to vote at the election of Irish Representative Peers. We regret to add that the Marquis of Hastings, the Earls Fitz william, Egmont, andtLudlow, and the Lords Lyttelton,Walls court, Nugent, and Talbot of Malahide, have as yet taken no steps to insure their votes at the next election. We trust they will not allow the Session to pass without establishing their right. It is the supineness of the Liberal Members of the Irish Peerage which alone allows the Tories to obtain their appa rently great majorities. A fire, attended with a 'melancholy loss of life, broke out in tho High-street, Rotterdam, at two o'clock on the morning of the 21st inst., at the house of a Jew haber dasher named Mugg. Tho fire is stated to have originated from an escape of gas, which, upon the production of a light, ignited, and speedily destroyed the house, with goods of con. siderable value. Mr. Mugg, his wife, and some other in mates, narrowly escaped in a state of nudity ; but his two daughters and a female servant unhappily perished in the , -t 4 't ,IkL! : ' S‘ l'1,1•411141111,, n,kt"?.' • ("s c., 1 / 4 1 , • . Ziat SPIRIT OF T EVE PUBLIC JOURNALS. The debate on Mr. \ ter's motion last night was ad journed to Monday next. The real object of the motion, as.. explained by its seconder (for Mr. Walter took care to avoid being explicit on the subject), is to effect the repeal of the Poor-law Amendment Act. It had been affirmed by Mr. Walter that Lord John Russell wished to screen the Poor law Commissioners ; but his Lordship took care to remove all misapprehension on the subject by his'amendneent—" That a Select Chmniittee be appointed to inquire into the adminis tration of the relief of the poor under the orders and regu lations issued by the Commissioners appointed under the provisions of the Poor-law Act. These words were, he conceived, sufficiently comprehensive to admit of an inquiry into the whole of what bad been done under the new law, and would enable the Committee to con vince itself, e, en to the minutest particular, of the manner in which that new law had been carried into operation." If Mr. Walter really wish information as to the working of the new law, he will obtain all that he can possibly desire under the terms of the Committee as proposed by Lord John Russell. The difference between the two motions is, that the whole sub ject will be investigated in the one case, whereas in the other a Committee was sought for with a view to propose the repeal of the law. The speech of Lord John Russell was excel lent. We had rather be excused from characterizing that of Mr. Walter, who certainly neither in matter nor in manner sustained on this occasion the title conferred on him by the Standard, of being, after Mr. Hardy, the greatest of modern. orators 1-21/orniefe Chronicle. Last night the attention of the House of Commosis tea§ called to the considcratio:i of the much vilified Poor Law Amendment Act by Mr. Walter, who moved for the appoint ment of a Select Committee to inquire into and report upon its operation. This motion was met by an amendment from Lord John Russell, who in a most clear and convincing speech completely overthrew all the statements and mgements of the Honourable Member for Berkshire, and proved to the conviction of all not wilfully blind to truth, that though some few instances of harshness and severity may be established against some few of the Guardians, yet the general operation of the law has been at tended with meet beneficial effects to the commurite. Not only has there been a diminution of the amount of rates, but also of pauperism —and many individuals formerly hying in idleness and profligacy, by the operation of the existing laws have been reclaimed, and induced to seek a livelihood by industrious exertion. The Noble Secretary of the Home Department exposed in glaring colours the sinister and factious motives of those who are most clamoeous against the amended ;Poor-law Act, and showed in the case of Mr. Walter himself, the mover of the original motion, that lie was either culpably ignorant of the operation of the law in the very Union where he is a Guardian, or wil fully misrepresented its effects • for from thi s very U n i on his Lordship read several official documents, showing the great improvements which the Act has effected, and proving the results to be directly the reverse of those stated by the Honourable Member for Berkshire. The outcry so assiduously raised against the operation of this law has been for some time becoming more and more faint —many of the cases represented in the first instance as atrociously severe,_ have upon inquiry been found to be eithe r altogether without foundatioe, or grossly exaggerated. Th e di scuss i on of last nise:tit . will tend considerably to abate, and we confidently expect that the appointment of the Committee, whether on the motion or the amendment, will altogether remove, subsiding prejudices. It is rather a suspicious circumstance, that nearly all those most loud in their profession of sympathy with the poor, and virulent in their abuse of the amended Act, are either men of disappointed ambition, or of that faction whose oppression, profligacy, spoliation, and plunder, have been the primary cause of pauperism. Tei s a l one s h ould make the public cautious of giving credit to their representations. The debate was adjourned.—Morning Advertiser. (LLOYD'S SHIPPING:-(THIS DAY.) DEAL, FEB. 24.—Wind N. N. W., blowing hard.—Arrived the Urania, Bergh, from Monte Video; Dart, Ormston, from Madeira. Sailed the whole of the outward bound, except the Druid, for Montserrat. PLYMOUTH, FEB. 24. —Wind N. W., blowing hard. PORTSMOUTH, FEB. 24.—Wind N. N. W., blowing hard.— A small bark has kought up outside the Nap—particulars unknown. FALMOZTIi, SEPT. 23. —Wind W. S.W., strong and violent galef„—Arrived the Sportsman, --, from St.• 'Domingo; Mary Barry, Tewkesbury, from Hamburgh, leaky, part of the cargo thrown overboard, and must discharge, bound to Newfoundland. RAMSGATE, FEB. 24.—Arrived Britannia, Domaile, Seville. BRISTOL, FEB. 24.—Louisa, Wright, for St. Michaels. LIVERPOOL, FEB. 23.—Arrived Dale, Burton, Maranham. WATERFORD, FEB. 22.—Arrived the Maria, James, from Stockholm, cargo shifted and must di sc h arge , b oun d to New York. The Paul Pry, from Yarmouth to Liverpool, was totally lost on the Kentish Knock on the 21st inst.--crew saved. The Scott, late Scott, from Jamaica to Halifax, was on shore near Crawley's Island on the 25th ult., and bilged. The Atlantic was totally wrecked near Mundesley yesterday. The Brutus, Clayton, bound to Sligo, was on shore near Ballyconnell on the 21st inst. " Russian Consulate General, 29, Great Manchester Street, Feb. 23, 1837. " Sir—l had the *lour, on the 28th of March, 1836, to hand you, for the information of the Committee for managing the affairs of Lloyds', a copy of the regulations adopted by the Imperial Russian Government, respecting the admission of ships laden with Cotton into the Russian ports in the Baltic. " The Imperial Russian Government having received infor mation that the Danish Custom-house in Elsineur find some difficulty in giving the endorsement required by the 4th Ar ticle of the said regulations, has instructed me to communi cate to the merchants and shipowners interested in the trade to the Baltic, that all vessels having Cotton on board, and being bound to any of the Russian ports in the Baltic, are to be provided at their port of loading with the necessary Cus tom-house and consular Certificates according to the 3d Ar ticle of the aforesaid Regulations, of which I beg to hand ) ott a copy herewith.—l have the honour to be, " Your obedient, humble servant, " Wm. D o b son, E sq., Secretary at LIoyds."NKHAUSEN. Art. 3.—The following documents will be received as proofs of the stisfactory state of the Cotton " Custom-house clearances delivered in now suspected ports specifying the quantity and origin of the Cotton received on board in the said ports. " 2. Certificates of the same nature delivered by the Rus sian Consul, or by the Consul of those countries to which the ship belongs,.if those documents have been delivered in the ports where the Cotton has been shipped." THE FUNDS.-(THIS DAY. C I 7'); TWEL VE O'CLOCK Our arrivals this morning are the Ostend and Dutch mails, and ship-letters from Madeira. We save received the Journal du Commerce of Antwerp, of Thursday's date, bringing the Amsterdam prices, of the 21st of February. Two-and-a-Half per Cents., 53 3-16 ; Five per Cents., 100 13-16. That paper does not contain any news of importance. There is an evident improvement in commercial affairs ; and a great relief respecting the pressure for money. The demand for Colonial produce and British Plantation Sugar and Coffee begins to revive. In the Foreign Exchange yesterday aftdrnoon, there was no material alteration, and the interest of money for mercantile transactions is not so high as it has been for several days past. Upon the whole, therefore, we may say that every thing has a brighter appearance than for some time past. Consols, which closed ye s t er d ay at 90 k f or the Accoont , Money, 84 90, opened at the same price ; Exchequer Bills, 30 32 ; India Bonds, 28 prem. ; Bank Stock, 207. In the Foreign Market Spanish Active left off heavy at 261 to ; at present, 26i ; Portuguese, 49 ; Three per Cents, 31,1. _ HALF-PAST ONE O'CLOCK. Great anxiety is expressed in the City to have some tidings from the north of Spain—particularly respecting the opera tions of the army under General Evans. Consols have been during the morning at 90 to 908 for the Account ; Money, 894 ; Exchequer Bills, 30 32 premium ; India Bonds, 26 28 premium ; Bank Stock, 207 ; India Stock, 2.57 i-. In the Foreign Market, Spanish Active, 264 8 • Passive. 7;4 3 3_ ; Deferred, ; Portuguese, 48 494 ; Three per Cutts., 31i 32; Dutch Two-and-a-Half per Cents., 53h- THREE O'CLOCK. Consols for the Account, 908. FAMILIES RESIDING IN THE COUNTRY, are supplied with TEAS an d C OFFEES at the WHOLESAL E PRICE for CASH : 81ack...25. Od. 2s. 4d. 2s. Bd. 3s. 3s. 6d. 4s. 4s. 6d. 55 ' Green.. 3s. &l. 45. Od. 4s. Bd. 55. ss. ,6d. 6s. 7s. Od. 85 ' Coffee, Is. tkl. ls. Bd. ls. 10d. 2s....Finest Mocha, 2s. When the order exceeds £lO, the Carriage is Paid. G. T. MANSEL L, and CO., Wholesale Tea Dealers, 2, Bucklershury, Chcapside. LADIES' GOLD WATCHESI A variety of excellent an d carefully finished Ladies' Second-h3n Gold Watches, many of them in accordance with the latest taste' with Gold Dials, Jewelled, &c., are offered for selection, price & e h ° . Six to Eight Guine as eac h , at T . COX SAVORY'S, Wate maker, Gold and Silversmith, 47, Cornhill, London. N.B.—Second-hand Watches purchased in exchange. B I 1? Til S. On the 21st inst., of a daughter, the lady of N. E. Vault a n ' Esq. , of Rhiola, Glarmorganshire. On the 18th inst., of a d aug h ter, the lady of R. S. FIL „A .4 11 " 00 Esq., of Appleshawe. MARRIED. On the 2d inst., a t S t. Luke ' s, Chelsea, Mr. Spreck, ‘O.-f nor l Ete r rietta-street, C ovent-garden, to Charlotte, only surviving ti•-. • of the late Mr. Rush, of Pimlico. bby we On the 21.1 inst., at G reenw i c h , Li eut. Frederick Parry ".t, of the Indi an N avy, to Jane Elisa, and Adolphus J. Lewis', t,sr-• to Emma A gnes, daughters of the late H. B. Ferne, Esq., c " denstone House, Blaiheath. ac k f oo On the 211 iost„ at St. Mary's, D T ryanstone-square, ut bill, Villiers Tnthill;Esq., 17th Regiment, only son of T. E. V. oo t/ Esq„ of Ballinastona, county Limerick, and of Rathmines ,c ,, , , of Dublin, to Jane Anne, secon d daughter of Robert Por t e r, of Upper Seymour- street, Po:tman-square. 1 40. London: Printed and P u bli s h ed by 111URDO YOUNG. a unty 112, Strand, at The Sam Oftiee, No. IP, Strand, in the of Middlesex...434lrday s February 25, 1837.