The Sun. — London, England, 1837-07-31 00:00:00

MALDON ELECTION. (From the Chelmsford Chronicle.) Mr. LENNARD, on coming forward to address the elec tors, was received by the cheers of his friends and marks of disapprobation by the opposite party. He said—Gen tlemen, it is my duty, if you desire it, as one of the can didates for the honour of representing you on this occa sion—it is my duty, I say, to the best of my abilities to address you, for the purpose of laying before you the grounds on which I presume again to solicit your suffrages. But if it should not be your pleasure to bear the different candidates (and I cannot hope that if one is not heard, any other will be), I shall exceedingly regret it ; at the same time, however, you will save me from that which in my present state of health is a task of difficulty—the going through a somewhat lengthened statement. There is one point on which I am sure we shall all be agreed, and one in which I am sure you will all sympathize with me in an ex pression of regret—l mean the necessity which has been imposed upon my friend, Mr. George May, of coming for ward as the substitute of his -venerated f a ther.—(C heers.) The private virtues and the political integrity of his distin guished father, have won from him, even from those who are his political adversaries, respect, esteem, and attachment. —(Cheers.) But I am grateful to his excellent son, for the able manner in which he has brought me before your notice, and I think you will agree with me that he well re presents those virtues and those talents which, I hope, will long distinguish his amiable father—you will agree with me in hailing the first appearance on the public stage, of your young townsman—(Cheers) —and I think, also, that you st. will agree with me, that he gives evidence of being- capable of taking a part in the affairs of this borough, which it must be most gratifying to his friends to see him fulfil ; and he he has now given to us the first fruits of that talent which future time will bring to maturity.—(Cheers.) I beg to say that I fully concur in the observations of Mr. Bygrave, that Mr. May, in speaking of me, has done me more than justice ; but it was, perhaps, necessary to do so, because I think that Hon. Gentleman, in talking of polishing up my character, has done me something less than justice.—(Hear and cheers.) Gentlemen, in addressing you on the present occasion, I shall take the liberty of stating fully my political opinions, and when I differ from the party who are opposed to me on any question, I shall speak my sentiments with perfect freedom, but I shall endeavour to avoid what is personally offensive to either of the two Hon. Candidates, who are my personal friends —(Cheers.) Against both these gentlemen I have been politically opposed—very often to Mr. Dick, and once to my Hon. Friend Mr. Round, and I must say that en that cccasion I learned a lesson from him of kindness and candour to an opponent -which I shall not forget in the present instance. Mr. Hurrell has told you that if you look to Mr. Rouud in pri vate life you will not find a more suitable gentleman in the country ; but this is not the view in which you are to look at men for representing you in Parliament—you are to look to the principles they have professed and acted on, and from them you are to judge of their fitness : I shall therefore tell you what principles I maintain, if you send me to the House of Commons. When I first appeared before you I told you I was an advocate of effective reform in all our institutions where reform was necessary to be in troduced, and I told you that my great object would be to assist in removing disabilities from all classes of my fellow citizens—to make-all men equal in point of civil rights—to lay the foundations of liberty so broad and deep (those foundations which had been almost upset by the Tories), that the liberties of the people might be built on them, on a sure and imperishable foundation.—(Cheers.) And 1 think we have gone far to accomplish that task. We have relieved the Dissenters from many disabilities ; but there is still much to be done, and if you return me to Parliament, it is my intention to follow up the great work which has been begun. My desire, as a representative of the people, is to take care of their interests, and to see that what is called the democratic basis of the ConstituCon shall be made as broad and firm as the iutelligence of the people, and their power to maintain it will justify us in mahio,g-it.:--(Cheers and disapprobation.) Now, you have been told by my friend Mr. Payne, that 1 have appeared torture you five times as a candid ite : I have done so, and five times you have re turned me to -Parliament.—(Cheers and confusion.) Five times, then, have you expressed your approbation of the principles I professed and advocated in the roost distinct way you could < xpress it ; and why is this appeal wide to you again Do they hope that ynu arc so unstable that you cin desert your principles, and say one thin' one day and a .other another ? I ;.m satisfied it is not so. And tot me a;k them, if they' failed in the year 1826, when the velide power of the Government and Court, and the patronage of the Crown was against us, do th , y halieve that when the Crown and the Government are with us, it is likely we should be sar.gnislied by the attempt now made ?—(Cries of ‘• No," cheers, and some confusion.) Did they build their hopes on a rumour that there were disagre,•met:ts in tie BAbrin camp ? Be it known that though the It, firuk:rs, as all thidLing men mist do, hate their thf freners of opinion, they have or in I his,— that no Tory hand s' '- art and nue mind ti: he universal d:srlini ss !I ever ex la:np in:lepnden , e which in which orerspreml the rest of the county wls ee burn brilitty here,—which has now lit up liarwiel and I trust will cmteni itself to Colchester and the eouiity.—(llear, l!ear.) Is it tins i bet tht.l trust ? They shall litße their ;thswcr, thin, to mot rc,w n;glit.—(Cheers an.l disapprobation.) But the n1:1 game if 182 e; is to be Tile frectupn of th's boron : zit are .:gun to be insulted ix lirokcn reel as patty a;tf•mp:g to impose upon their understands instead of brit _ fairly befo:e them the points of difF.rerce in the principles of me aml my opponews. It- a placard w'uich ‘ l noticetl On entcring tl:e tor,n I siw " Vote for Dick and 11 , ,und, and the Ri ; ;lns or the Freemen." Why, wlidt has Mr. Round dove io.- the rights of th, freenien ?—(Clie: rs, and a per son cried, •-• Ile is going to do it.") I do not blame Mr. Round, but he las done nothing yet for the freemen. I rite him ercd:t for doing everything he can fur this borough, but compare him, if you Lke, with me. I challenge the comparison. I have toiled might and day in the House of Commons for the benefit of the freemen—(Cheers)—and let me a:•; . you this—When the r'gl.ts of 'our wives and ihughters y,-.:re attacked in tl.‘r! House of Common -, v h,re was the voice r”isel hi th,•ir d; fence ?—tvho di: ide 1 the I lon . , c in f.;•.-eur of retai:iit-2 to them tii. franchi,,e ? It was myself. It is true Mr. Dick vo:cd with me on that occasion ; but did he take on himself the labour and yesponsibility of div:ding the House of Com mons upon it, or the toil of going through all that trouble which belo:),gs to the advocacy of a question in Parliament ? WLat is the next thing ? Why, I saw another placard bear ing the inscription, " Dick, Round, and the Queen" — (Cheers and laughter)—and this puts me in mind of the men in the ci%il wars, who made war on the King in the King's name.—(Laughter.) Why, lass not the Queen, in the most frank and cordial manner, adopted the principles of the Reformers ?—(Cries of " No, no," and cheers.) What evidence can there be more strong than this, that she is not only surrounded by the Liberal Ministers, but has placed their families about her Court, to assure the people that her heart is with them, and with the principles which her Government advocate. But Ido say it was a rash and imprudent thing to put forth such a bill in favour of the Conservative candidates ; for do we not know that the King of Hanover, that precious chieftain of the Tories, who voted for all their measures—who was their chosen child and champion—do we not know that many of his party were intriguing to displace that Sovereign from the throne ?—(Cheers, cries of " No, no," and some uproar.) I say there was pregnant suspicion of it. Ido not say there was positive proof, but there was pregnant suspicion. I will call attention to a book which Mr. Divk will recognise as the manual of his party—the Quarterly Review—and when they have read the two first pages of the review of " The pre sent and future Parliaments," I ask them what is meant unless it be strongly to impress on the minds of all that thore is the greatest inconvenience possible in having 'a young Queen upon the Throne. When 1 see the manual of the Tory party dealing in such language as that, it con firms the apprehensions I feel of the motives and conduct of that party, and the course they would pursue if they thought there was any chance of effecting their object.— (Cheers and disapprobation.) Allusion has been made to the much-talked-of Poor-law Amendment Bill—(Hear, and cheers)—and I am glad to be able to discuss that subject to the face of the two Hon. Candidates, who I know have too high a respect, I will not say for their characters, but they have too high a sense of honour to attempt to gain a mean advantage by professing on these hustings hostility to that which I believe they are known to approve. I ask you this—if that powerful body be longing to their party in the House of Commons had not liked the Bill to pass, why on earth did they not stop it ? —(Cheers)—for I will venture to say that one speech from Sir Robert Peel would have prevented its going through the House of Commons. But the truth is they do ap prove of it, and I, on my part, have never shrunk from that avowal, because I would not gain a single vote by withholding that avowal if my election depended on it.— (Cheers.) I am attached to the principle of tho Bill, for I believe it is calculated to promote the independence, the happiness, and the welfare of the working classes.— 'Cheers.) If there are hardships under the new Bill, and I know there have been, we know there were many under the old law, and I ask you whether my whole course of conduct in Parliament does not induce you to belieNe that if the law could be there ameliorated, I should be as much disposed to do it as any gentleman of the Tory party in this ? tor any other part of England One point touched 0 n fi:s at if the Tories . had bad their lash. _t he e re s. l a y s .i .e s A:!5;;..4 : *lave been groaning under the t T :illlt' . fof, him from the Tory party-- . 1 was part of their 4 °A 7, -', - Creecit ,at-lo alteration could be made in the system witll- ;_....) out destkiedon to the country. Look to another q uestion --;--', s '. - - - •;- , it is.ontihat will touch us all, because any man am on g st ._ A., .J k <L-: you may be falsely accused of a crime—l mean the mea sure for giving counsel to prisoners. Who advocated that ? Wss it not myself and the s upporters of the Liberal party ? Just fancy yourself brought into a Court of Justice—a crowd around you—an ingenious speech made by counsel against you—heated and embarrassed as a man must be when attempting to speak in public for the first time, do you think that his powers would not fail him— do you think it possible he could make a speech with any effect ? I therefore said counsel must be given to. a person accused of any crime. I say, then, is the party which advocated the abolition of slavery, the giving of counsel to prisoners, the abolition of flogging in the army—are they, I say, wanting in human kindness, and do you believe they are not fully as much prepared as any of the Tory party to remove oppression from you in every case in which oppression is found to exist.—(Cheers.) I do not mean to find fault with Mr. Hurrell for what he said when speaking of my friendship for the Church, became he ap peared to be speaking under great excitement, and I think he could hardly be aware of the force of his expression. I will not impute to any person holding that rank in society which entitles him to come forward and propose a candi date, that he intended to commit a gross impertinence, and to say that we were a pollution to the Church. I know what it is to speak in public, and I know how apt a man is to say more than he really meant, and I can excuse Mr. Hurrell for what he has said.—{Mr. Hurrell—l admit I worded it rather too strong.] But is it a greater pollution for a man like myself—is it a greater abuse for him to go into the Church, than for that Church to be made to bear the emblem of a po litical party? Ido not profess to be very straight-laced, but I was shocked when I saw the blue flag flying from the tower of the Church (St. Mary's) in this town. Does the clergyman, or the person who sanctioned it, or the churchwarden—does he think to promote . Chris• tian and kindly feelings amongst his community when he ventures to set up on the Church the flag of one party in contempt and opposition to that of the other ? Has the clergyman no members of his congregation who will be offended by that display ? Does he not think the cause of religion is injured when it is make a stalking-horse for party ?—(Cheers.) Is his appeal to you on the solemn in terests of religion to be connected with his own shortsighted views of political policy ? I own lam disgusted with such a hypocritical display of religious feelin g .—(Cheers and dis approbation.) Now, as to the party that I support being hostile to the Church, I would say, look to the Tithe Com mutation Bill, and I appeal to the Blue farmers who I see present, if there was ever a measure more Conservative of the interests of the Church than that measure ? We have actually given the clergymen unalienable possession of one fifth part of the property of the country, and a right of dis tress over every acre of our land ; and do you believe that party is hostile to the Church when they approved the pro ject, although opposed as they have been by the clergy of the country, certainly by the most unfair and most unjusti- fiable means. I ask you how deep must our reverence for the Establishment be, when we take such care to provide for the temporal provisions of these Ministers, who have so bitterly, so indefatigably, and so unjus tifiably, opposed us.—(Hear, and loud cheers.) There is another point to which i wish to allude, and it is one on which I think, before another year passes, we shall be all agreed. I know that many now differ, but I think we shall agree upon it—namely, the Church-rate question.— (Cheers, and cries of " No, no.") I believe that if the ene mies of the Church were to devise the means that were most likely to be hostile and prejudicial to it, it would be the attempt to maintain the present system of collecting Church- rates ; for look to the consequences of it ; if you attempt to collect them, you will have the lawyer and the tipstaff in every parish in the kingdom, and if you do not, the fabric of the Church must fall.—(Cries of " No, no," and cheers.) But what is worse than all this is the heart burning and contention which it .engenders between neigh bours who ought not to have it thrown in their way, when so clear a means of obviating it is presented. Besides, and I now speak to the poorer classes of my audience—if this rate be collected at all, it must fall more heavily on you than hitherto, because it is not a legal rate unless every oc cupier is assessed : the consequence is that, to enforce pay ment of the rate, it must be made to press on every one, and every cottage in the kingdom will be taxed for party sake, because the Government has devised a means which will relieve ycu from this vexatious im post—(Hear)—and at the same time provide a fund which will never be in!erfered with, for the meintenance of the fabric of the,Chureb of England.— Cheers.) I shall only, in conclusion, call your attention to one or two practice! questions. In the first place, are you disposed to give to Ireland the same degree of liberty which you yourselves possess ?—(A person called out "No ") A gentleman says " Neer —then are you prepared for the al ternative? Can you believe that seven millions of Irish. men will consent any loeger to be kept in base subjection ? —no ; they are ready to form a firm friendship with you, but they rrill not let you any longer trample them in the dust ; and if you Al not form that friendship, you must take the consequences of a civil war. You who arc called on to man the Queen's ships—who arc kidnapped into the arm:;—who Lear the weight of taxation—(Considerable conruson, which droweed the conclusion of the sentence.) But, gentlemen, I will not detain you longer on this sub ject, and I shall only make one further observation. TLe question v. hich is now to be decided is, after all, nothing more than this—it is between the two great adverse princi p'es which, like the two genii in the Fairy Tales, are strug gling for Reform and Toryism ; the one represented by a youngoirtuous, and Constitutional Queen, and the other by —(A person in the crowd called out " by Cumberland")— Ly C: a:be:land ; I think him for that word—l will not add another word to it, for the - name of Cumberland is pr -grant with meaning.—(Cheers and uproar.) I know the Tories are willing to disclaim him ; they say this act of abominable tyranny was not with their advice. But why do they say this? Not because they do not adopt his principles, but because he showed the cloven foot too soon. —(Cheers. t and disapprobation from the Blues.) Do 3ou know the German story of the man who sold his shadow to the Devil ? He was always very careful, but one sunny evening he forgot himself, and walked out with his sweet heart, and she seeing all other things throw a shadow in the sun while he did not, guessed how it was, and eben doned her lover. So now the Duke of Cumberland has sl.oe n what is his true character, I trust the people of Eng,- lind—(Cheers and uproar)—l trust the people of Englan.l give him up.—(Cheers ) I say he has let out the real objects and principles of the Tories ; and what he has done in Hanover, if he were Klee,- of England, he would do here .if he could.—(Cheers and dissent from the Conservatives.) He has abolished the charter of his subjects in Germany, and would abolish our charter if he were able, but thank God he is not, nor ever will be, because there is a spirit in the people of England that would raise up war rather than be trampled under foot by any German despot that ever lived. —(Cheers and some uproar.) I will only say that there never was a time that called on you for every effort more than the present, because now is the time for the ac complishment of all those really beneficial objects promised by the Reform Bill. The Court is with us, and you have only to elect a House of Commons that fully participates in the feelings and desires of the people, and depend on it the victory is ours.--(Cheers.) Hitherto some electors have said, " If we send Reform Members to the House of Commons what can they do opposed to the House of Lords and the Court ?"—but now the Court and the people are with us.—(Cries of " No, no") —and we shall have a House of Commons with us ; and recollect, from what passed at the time of the Reform Bill, when we had the Court and the people with us, how weak a barrier was the Tory majority in the House of Lords to oppose the wishes of the people.—(Cheers.) Now, then, is the time for a great effort. Let it not be said of this borough, which has so long kept up the standard of independence—let it not be said that you would not bear a part in that arduous strug gle, in obtaining the fruits of that glorious victory which is now in your hans.—(Cheers.) I call on you, then, that you may be a party to the safe reform of all abuses—l call on you to send me to bear a part in promoting that cause— for I, as one of your Representatives, assisted to lay the foundation of Reform, and it would give me great pleasure to help to reap the glorious fruits.—(Loud cheers.) DESTITUTION IN THE HIGHLANDS.—We are authorized to state that, after consultation between the several committees for relieving the existing destitution in the High lands and Islands of Scotland, and after due deliberation upon the amount of the funds at their disposal —upon the extent of the destitution, and the period which may elapse before the crops become available—having respect also to the aid which may now, it is understood, be derived in some districts from fish—the cheering prospect which there presently exists of an abundant harvest—and the great distress in many of the ma nufacturing districts—these committees feel that, under all these circumstances, they would not be justified in longer pressing the claims of the destitute Highlanders and islanders on public attention, hopeful that the fund collected will, under Providence, be sufficient for affording the requisite relief. The committees in Scotland, in making public this resolution, desire to record the deep sense they entertain of the noble and generous liberality with which the English public have come forward in this cause, no less than of the aid received from the sister island of Ireland, and especially bow much they owe to the general committee in London, for the unwearied zeal and energy with which they have laboured in the cause—a zeal, indeed, which they are gratified to have found to be alike characteristic of similar committees every% here else. As soon as the distribution is completed, a full statement of the funds received, and of their application, will be made public. —Scotsman. When Dr. Johnson courted Mrs. Potter, whom he afterwards married, he told her that he was of mean ex traction, that he had no money, and that he had an uncle hanged 1 The lady, b y way of reducing herself to an equality I h imself, w ith the and Doctor, that, she that had de nothada no re l more at ion hanged, money had fifty who deserved hanging. A n d t h us was accomp li s h e d this very curious amour. th she an THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY, JULY 31, 1837. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS In Ireland the work goes bravely on : the popular enthusiasm for the cause of the Queen and Reform is at its height. In all directions the triumph of the people is accomplishing, and most confidently do we calculate upon an increase of from ten to twelve Mem bers to the ranks of the Reformers. It is, however, with sorrow and disgust we are compelled to announce that in one district, and that a county in which the Liberal interest, if not broken by treachery, must be omnipotent, the bright and cheering prospect presented by the rest of Ireland may possibly be marred. In Galway—Catholic Galway—which has hitherto dis tinguished itself by sending to Parliament such men as Martin and Bodkin, the active, honest, and unflinch ing champions of the people, the Queen's Government is about to receive a shock, the cause of Ireland to be retarded, and that fine county to be disgraced by being represented by men holding sentiments re pugnant to those of the great mass of the constituency. Our readers will naturally ask from what baneful cause all this mischief will proceed----whether from the rampant and successful bribery of the Tories, from the corruption and debasement of the people, or from the fierce intimidation of the landlord. Alas there is something more deadly to the cause of liberty than bribery, and more ruinous than intimidation —we mean the treachery of friends. Will our readers be lieve us when we announce to them that this blow to the cause of a popular Government is about to be struck by a hand hitherto considered pure and spot less ? Will it be credited that Lord Clanricarde, the eloquent denouncer of his country's wrongs, the fore most assailant of the Orange faction, whose intrepid denunciation of the horrors soon to attend the revival of its baneful sway has earned for himself the attachment of his countrymen, is about to act a part (and this on the spur of some petty provocation, that a high mind would disdain to acknowledge), of the most transcendent treason to the cause he has hitherto professed to love, of incalculable service to the interests of that faction he has professed to abhor, and of irretrievable and utter ruin to that fair fame which his former services have acquired for himself? Sir John Burke, it appears, was ambitious of representing Galway, but having discovered that the constituency was not impressed with a similar passion, nor ungrate ful enough to turn out an old and faithful servant to make room for one who, though a Catholic, has not seldom been suspected of an anti-popular lean ing, this honest patriot is determined to wreak his little vengeance upon the county, and to aid in returning two Tories—to assist, as far as in him lies, in overturning the Government of the Eerl of Mulgrave, and bringing back the reign of a faction nho brand him as an alien, and would treat him as a slave. To this base and hateful game Lord Clanri cards (if common report be not a liar, and we would fain believe it so) has stooped to become a party, in fluenced, it is said, by some miserable animosity against the Government for not acceding to a late request. Lord Clanricarde has declared that he will remain neutral in the ensuing election. But we tell this No ble Lord that to affect neutrality at such a time as this is to confess dishonesty. If his sentiments are indeed changed—if he consi lers the Qieen's Government deserving of an overthrow—if he yearns for the revival of the Orange faction—if he eschews his former political associates, and renounces his former principles, let him honestly say so, and boldly act thereon. Such a course would be manly and noble compered with that he is now pursuing. But now to adopt neutrality, when the mightiest interests of mankind are trembling in the balance—to manifest indifference as to whether the principles he has himself espoused and advocated should prevail, or those he has denounced should triumph—is to avow that all his conduct hitherto has sprung, not from principle, not from a conviction of its rectitu le, bur from some ignoble purpose. We tell Lord Clanri carde, and we speak to him more in tenderness than in anger, that his truth, his character, his honour, are at stake. On the course he will adopt in the ensuing contest, on his cordial support of the Government, must depend whether he is to be.considered either as one whose tongue belied the dictates of his heart --•shose professions were just as ardent as they were insincere—or as one who, to a paltry feeling, sne'n as a g nerous mind could never harbour, would sacrifice the best interest of his ccuutrv, the respect of every honest man, and his own hitherto unsullied character. —Moving Chronicle. Considering the unparalleled exertions and enormous amount of corri:pt influence employed by the Tories to make an inroad on the representative trust in the present elections, the cities and boroughs of England hare for the most part well discharged their duty, and nobly repelled or bravely resisted - the assault made through them on the general interests and liberty. Lon don and the metropolitan boroughs have preserved their representation unpolluted by the presence of a single Tory ; other constituencies have expelled the eneeiy who had previously been in possess . on, and though in some instances, owing to the most barefaced intimida tion, gross bribery, and the want cf protection by the ballot, the result has been the reverse ; yet so far as the elections have as yet proceeded, there have been import:lnt accessions to *the cause of Reform. Now collies the tug of war in the counties, and as here is where the Tories place their greatest reliance, and in reality have their greatest strength, it behoves the ho nest end independent tlecters to make a proportionate effort to protect their own and the public rights. The next is likely to be a long Parliament—and in pro portion to the chances of its duration are the dan eers of leaving the late Tory minority in a position to delay or to defeat, as hitherto, the renovation of rot ten dilapidated institutions. Were the electors left to the free exercise of the franchise, we should scarcely feel it necessary to make any appeal to them ; but when the Tory landlords are threatening to per secute with their utmost vengeance every tenant who will vote for a Reformer—when a calculation has been made and published of the expense which would be necessary to purchase every county in Great Britain, and estimated by the Standard, accustomed as it is to debasing associations, at so low an average as four hundred pounds each, allowing for other undue in fluence, we cannot too frequently nor too impressively urge upon the county constituencies the dangers with which they are threatened, if they basely yield up the representation to such atrocious appliances. Well may the Tories afford an outlay not of thousands, but of millions, to purchase a seven years' lease of the national purse. Well may they expend one year's income to secure more than a similar amount of pensions and patronage for seven years, with the chances of a perpetuity. Well may they purchase votes at 101., 201., 501., or 1501. each, or stick an apple full of sovereigns as a present to the voter's child, if by a recovery of the representative trust they might continue to plunder such elector by indirect means of treble the amount, and entail upon his child burdens similar to those which their former mi nistration have inflicted upon himself. These golden apples, like those flung before Atalanta, are intended merely to delude the electors to their own overthrow, and by diverting them from their course to cheat them of their inheritance. Lord John Russell, in his admi rable speech at an entertainment given to himself and colleague, Mr. Poulett Scrope, at Stroud, gives an exposition of Toryism to which we refer every elector who has a doubt of the side on which his true interests lie in the present struggle. One part of this speech,which is all excellent, and which, from the Noble speaker's known moderation towards those of his own order who differ from him in politics must produce a powerful effect, we cannot refrain from extracting in this place : " The taxation," said his Lordship, "had been rai se d to an intolerable amount, to meet monstrously extra vagrant and wasteful expenditure, and to defray the interest of a debt which that had increased f rom 250,000,0001. to 850,000,0001.—a debt incurred not merely in maintaining a long, and for the most part unnecessary war, but farther it: con tinuing many most extravagant as well as mas t useless establishments. And as if all these things were not enough, they depreciated the currency, where by those burdens of taxation become more intolerable. l'hey marred the Poor-laws so as to defeat the object of Elizabeth's Act, defraying the wages of the poor ou t of funds meant only to meet their wants and ne cessities when in poverty or infirmity; so as to re duce the labourers, to quote an expresston once used to him by the late Mr. Home, to a state of They had effected a union with Ireland, but not founded on correct principles, for it was not based on the interests, feelings, and affections of the people of both countries. It was union bought with about e 00,0001„ and the distribution of honours, titles, Bfc., certainly without much stint, in order to purchase the Irish Parliament to abandon the rights of their constituents, and not with the view of con ciliating the Irish people. Those were of the things for which they had to thank Tory Governments." These are a few of the blessings which the Tories have bequeathed to us. Well may they afford to pur chase votes ! Eight hundred and . fifty millions sterling of debt they have laid on a population of twenty-four millions, upwards of 331. a-head. The great portion of this debt was contracted in expenditure not only useless, but absolutely adverse to the public good, and chiefly for Tory purposes—so that, if every man, wo man, and child in Great Britain had a vote, and the Tories offered thirty pounds each for their purchase. still in a pecuniary point of view, independently of nobler impulses, it would, judging from the past, be the interest of every elector to spurn the offer, and vote for those who are desirous to alleviate the evils which Toryism has inflicted on the State. Ponder on these things, electors ! and save your children from inflic tions like those which your fathers, in the absence of that intelligence which is happily diffused amongst you, suffered faction to perpetrate against the general good. The fault of your fathers may be palliated by their lot having been cast in a less enlightened age, and in a less advanced state of popular freedom ; but every dereliction of public duty on your part, having no such pleas to offer in excuse, will doom your names to the unmitigated execration of your children's children.— Morning Advertiser. The Whigs, having no merits of their own to rely upon in their appeal to the people, dishonestly and delusively make use of the Queen's name in soliciting the public suffrages, as ingenious impostors, in an other line of business, ask for charity by means of forged signatures to a fraudulent petition. O'Connell, identified with our Whig rulers in policy, adopts the same tactics, and with the effrontery of a sturdy men dicant, exhibits the Queen's name upon the phylac teries of his trade. He has even christened his sedi tion-society anew with the title of the " Queen's Friends." This is certainly the most comical piece of impudence of which even that political mounte bank has yet been guilty. To call an anti-Protes tant and anti-English confederacy the " Ministers' friends," is appropriate enough—inasmuch as those ministers have signalised their misrule of the British empire by a systematic hostility to the principles of its glorious Constitution, and have admitted, through the mouth of their nominal chief, that they are re solved to " inflict a heavy blow and great discourage. ment upon Protestantism." Another amusing piece of Whig fraud which is set at work at elections, is the use made of the name of the King of Hanover, in regard to the administration of the affairs of his own kingdom. We think the King of Hanover and his subjects may be well left to settle their own affairs between themselves. The Whigs profess the principle of non-intervention in the affairs of other nations. A principle which they have continually violated, as their disgraceful Anglo-Galli can convention against the King of Holland, and their dishonest and murderous " buccaneering war" in Spain, have shewn. We also profess the principle of non-intervention, but we profess it honestly, and would have it faithfully and rigidly acted upon in all cases ; therefore, we say, let the King of Hanover and his subjects be left to settle their own affairs. If the Hanoverians complain not, what right have we to complain of the measures of the Ha noverian Government ? We go with Mr. Oat ler, when he says " I fear Belgium more than Hanover." In the present state of things, the in fluence of the son-in-law of Louis Philip, upon the councils of Great Britain, is more to be feared than that of the King of Hanover. The Whigs profess "liberty" while they are covering the country all over with their enormous bastiles, for the imprisonment of the population who have claims upon the public charity. This is as honest as their fraudulent use of the Queen's name for the purposes of the elections. —Morning Herald. The elections proceed ; the honest and honourable Conservatives beating the Whig-Radicals and the Radicals proper, in their destructive alliance ; while the latter maintain as heretofore in respect to talent, integrity, and influence, their supertority over the inconsistent and unprincipled Ministerial faction. Sir Thomas Dyke Acland has recued one of the divisions of Devonshire from the Whig-Radical dominion, by which glorious rescue the Conservatives gain a vote in the House of Commons. And in Scotland Dr. Bow ring is effectually taught that lie must not again aspire to the honour of writing M.P. after his name until, by some new Bill of Reform, the Tower of Babel is con verted into a Parliamentary borough. These, we be lieve, arc the only changes of importance which have taken place in the representation since we last ad dressed our readers upon this interesting subject. The coining week, however, is pregnant with im portent events, and of these the most important._ is the election for the metropolitan county. Can af;- body point out in Mr. Hume a single quality, moral or intellectual,which entitles him to represent the county of Middlesex ? As to Mr. Byng, we ask no ques tions. He pays the expenses, on condition that the econom:cal and radical candidate shall take him iu tow ; and he supports Ministers, notwithstanding that lie holds their position and their conduct, as every English gentleman must hold both, in contempt, be cause by supporting them be has got a Peerage for one member of his family, a place for another, and the prefix of Right Honourable for himself, and also perhaps, in the expectation of getting for himself, or those who are dear to him, still better things. The county elections ought not to be subject to the kind of influence which has decided those of Westminster and Windsor. Middlesex, East Surrey, and the two divisions of Kent, though within the range of the influence of Whitehall, like the two close boroughs we have mentioned, will show, we have no doubt, that they possess enough of the vi gour of independence to repel the contagion of of ficial corruption. No more is required than that the voters of these counties and divisions should fulfil the promises they have given to secure the triumphant return of the Conservative candidates in the whole of them. That the pledges these voters have given will be honoroubly redeemed we feel assured. They will not have it said that they promised and did not per form, because they were threatened with the loss of trade to their shops. They will not place themselves upon the degraded level to which so many of the elec tors of Westminster, and Windsor, and other towns within reach of Court and official influence, have permit ted themselves to be reduced. Men have a right,and it is a right which we should never think, which no Conser vative would ever think, of narrowing, to vote for the can didate whom they conscientiously believe most likely to render good service to the community in Parliament; but they have not a right to promise their vote to a can didate, and, when the day of election comes, to give it against him, or even to withhold it, merely because they have been strongly canvassed to do so by a gentle man usher or an Under-Secretary. In conduct like this there is not merely political error, which men may justly think themselves bound to tolerate, but that degree of moral and social vice which stains all who volun tarily suffer it to pass without punishment or rebuke. Public morality, apart from all considerations of party politics, requires that he who promises and does not perform should be a marked, degraded, deserted, im poverished and ruined man. The bread baked by a Radical baker may be good and wholesome bread ; the bread of a. Whig baker, though this is less likely, may also be good and wholesome ; but in eating the bread of a baker who had "promised to vote for a can didate, and had not fulfilled his promise, we should suspect poison. It, would stick in our throat, or, if we swallowed it, the disgestive powers would instinc tively refuse their aid. We expect to be furnished with a list of the Westminster tradesmen who pro mised to vote for Sir George Murray, some of whom even signed the requisition calling upon him to come forward, and who were either missing on the day of election, or found voting for his Ministerial and Ra dical opponents. When we get this list, which we doubt not we shall get, these honourable persons may be assured that it shall appear—names, addresses, b n ail, lorft. s " atisfy the pla s intiff for the blows received " right d e His ordhi was appy lthough. trades, and all, in the columns of t hi s paper. a the election contest w a s carried on with great spirit, never Morning Post. a•MMIMNEIONVONC•IMV.........!! was there an occasion in which the bad passions were per— haps so little exercised. He had not heard of any squab— ble but that which had been just disposed of, and in his opinion the judgment of the birds upon both parties ought o have been considered as final.—(Laughter.) LAW INTELLIGENCE• COURT OF CHANCERY, Jur,r 29. NELSON V. BRYDGES. In this case a bill was filed for the equitable performance of an agreement to dispose of a certain portion of a stone quarry in the parish of Bradford. The Master of the Rolls decreed in favour of the plaintiff, and the defendant ap pealed. The LORD CHANCELLOR now gave judgment, observing that the point raised in the argument with re spect to the difference between a license and a lcase was of no consequence, the greater part of the mining property in England being worked'under licenses, and not under leases. His opinion, therefore, was, that the Master of the Rolls' judgment was substantially correct, and that the appeal must be dismissed, with costs. MARLBORO UGH-STREET. Count Bathiany, of No. 58, Portland-place, applied to the sitting Magistrates for their advice. Having a pair of valuable horses fur sale, they were sent to Tatter sall's, and put up. A person fashionably dressed, dark com plexioned, and speaking with an Irish accent accosted Count Bathiany, and spoke about purchasing them. This indivi dual having obtained the Count's address, called on him in Portland-place, and, after some bargaining, agreed to give eighty-five pounds for the horses. Soon a.fter this Count Bat recYved a note, enclosing a check -n the London and Wcstmiuster Bank, from the presumed purchaser, signed Thomas Holbrook, which check being considered to be the draft of a substantial person, was not objected to. The Count, however, had some reason to befit:it e that it would not be honoured ; anti, on making inquiry at the London and Westminster Bank, ascertained that a. person of the name of T. Holbrook, who gave his address, No. 7, King-street, St. James's, had opened an account with the Bank, and had a small balance in the bunker's hands. Count Bathiany, having discovered that the horses had been almost immediately after the dleck had been received, removed by the purchaser from the .sta bles, and that all clue to their destination was lost, and also that the presumed purchaser was not knor:n at the addreos in King-street ; considered the affair entitled him to apply for a warrant against the party who had obtained posses sion of the horses. The MAGISTRATE was of opinion that there was not le gal evidence to justify the issue of a warrant, but recom mended the Count for the present to procure the assistance of one of the officers in the recovery of the property. Mace, an active officer of this establishment, was con sulted on the point, and hiving taken the matter in hand, succeeded, by a well-laid plan, in not only discoverAlg where the horses had been removed to, but also in procuring their unconditional restoration. DENYS V. LOCOCK. In this case a bill had been filed by Sir George Denys for the recovery of a sum of 10,0001., alleged to have been bequeathed to him by Lady Charlotte Denys, his mother. The bill alleged that by a codicil to her Ladyship's will the sum of 10,0001. was bequeathed to him absolutely ; that by a second codicil this bequest was changed into a life interest in the same sum ; and that by a third codocil it was revoked altogether, hut under a promise obtained from Lady Shuckburgh, the Lister of Sir George Denys, that she should provide for the family of Sir George Denys to the extent of that sum. The bill further alleged that this change in the intentions of the testator had been brought about by the representations of Lady Shuckburgh, who exercised a very great influence over the mind of her mother during the illness of which she had died, and that before the exercise of that influence Lady Charlotte Denys had always expressed the greatest kindness in speaking of her son, and intimated her determination to provide for him. The bill, therefore, relied on this promise, alleged to have been extorted from Lady Shuckburgh, as constituting a trust for the benefit of Sir George Denys to the extent of 10,0001., and it prayed an investment of tue money. To this bill the defendant put in a plea, admitting some parts, but denying others ; and the Vice-Chancellor held this plea to be good. The Lord Chancellor, in giving judgment, observed that the plea must be overruled, as an attempt to do that which had been impossible, to answer a part of a bill and put in a plea to a part as a defence to the whole. • TICE-CHANCELLOR'S COURT, JULY 29. SCHENCK N. JOLLY. Mr. Russell moved for an injunction exparte. The plaintiff was a shoemaker of some repute in the fashionable world in Paris. Being desirous of extending his business to London, he employed the defendant here to carry on the business for him. After some time the defendant was found a defaulter to the amount of 8001., for which he gave Schenck a warrant of attorney, and all the debts of the London business, consisting principally of debts from ladies of fashion, were assigned to the plaintiff, who continued the business on his own account. Jolly subsequently became insolvent, and paid only a few shillings in the pound. It _ . appeared he had recently, however, set up business en his own account, under the name of " Fancott and Co., late Schenck and Jolly." Many ladies of distinction were de ceived by this addition, and one who was indebted to the old establishment, and whose debt was assigned to the plaintiff, had gone to the defendant's shop and paid her account, which the defendant did not hesitate to receive. Under these circumstances the injunction was applied for to restrain the use of the addition, " late Schenck and Jolly." His Honour granted the injunction. ASSIZE INTELLIGENCE. NORFOLK CIRGUIT.—Buitr ST. EDMCVDS,JuLY 29. The commission day for the county of Suffolk having been appointed for Thursday last, the business of the As sizes commenced here yesterday at one o'clock, after their Lordships had attended divine service in the beautiful church usually selected for that purpose. In the civil Court, where Mr. Justice Bosanquet presided, there were ten causes entered for trial, the number of which was much reduced yesterday, there being five cases disposed of in one way or other, of which one only went to the jury, and that on points quite divested of public interest. The state of crime in this county, as developed by the calendar, is pretty much that which might be expected, fol lowing so soon as the assizes have upon the sessions, there being only twenty-seven prisoners involved in nineteen charges, chiefly ccnsisting of burglary, housebreaking, and horse-stealing. Jonathan Ives, of Ilketshall, was indicted for having re ceived two table spoons and a quantity of teaspoons, all of them silver, knowing them to have been stolen property. His Lordship summed up the whole case to the jury, who found the prisoner Guilty. Sentenced to twelve months' imprisonment, with hard labour. SATURDAY. Samuel Knizlit, his brother Julio, and thrce other men were capitally indicted for a highway robbery, committed on the person of William Garner, a travelling millwri g ht, at Kessingland, in this county. From the evidence of the prosecutor and one William Durant, who described himself to be a " travelling artist," it appeared that, having passed through the village of Kes siogland about nine o'clock in the evening of the 15th in stant, a storm overtook them, from which they sought protection under a hedge. Here sleep overtook them, until eleven o'clock, when Durant awoke and missed his • partner. Anxious to rejoin him he returned to Kessing land, and inquiring at the different inns for his lost friend, he met with the prisoners at one of them, and mentioned his object in returning to the village. To this Samuel Knight replied, " Ay, I and two more saw you sleeping by the road, and if we had had one or two more we would have lumbered you well, for having rubbed some poor fishermen last year ;" an insinuation which the " artist" repudiated indignantly, saying that he had only met with his partner that day, and knew nothing of the fishermen. The result, however, of the conversation was, that the party agreed to accompany Du rant in search of Garner. Arrived at the scene of their slumbers they soon found Garner, and some little alterca tion arose as to whether the prosecutor was a cripple or no, he having se asserted. On this the prisoners pro ceeded to strip him of his jacket, to inspect his arm ; when this got from bad to worse, till Garner and Durant both got a tremendous beating ; the former being also, as he supposed, robbed of 14s. in the course of the affray. Three witnesses having been called, his LORDSHIP summed up, and the Jury acquitted all the prisoners. The same men were again charged with assaulting Wns. Durant, the " artist," with intent to rob him. It however appearin: that though, as in the last case, an outrageous assault had bean committed, no robbery had been attempted under circumstances in which such an object might have been easily carried into effect, his Lordship directed an acquittal also in this case. Under these circumstances, Mr. Roberts felt it to be his duty to apply to the Court for an order to detain the priso rseiensicliunsgtoQdye,arttheartstehsseiyoems a;ya and d e h tri s ed e f r o d r sh t p e a a e s q s a u u i s t e a d t the priso ners in the application as regarded three of the prisoners, who were more clearly identified than the two others, which latter were accordingly dismissed. POLICE INTELLIGENCE. MANSION-HO USE. On Saturday a young man, named John Edwards, was summoned before the LORD MAYOR for having assaulted an old birdcatcher. The complainant having a few starlings and other " conversational" birds for sale against the wall iu Moorgate, and having a respect for the Conservative candidate, Mr. Palmer, had decorated their cages with that gentleman's cards and colours, being of opinion that, as a citizen of London, he had a right to express his feeling in any quiet way he pleased. The defendant, who was con stantly in the neighbourhood, did not like this way of argu ing the matter, and sought means to destroy the birds; but being too well watched, annoyed the owner by kicking him in the shins, and teaching the poor innocent birds to talk very improper language. Expostulation was often used, but in vain. As the contest became more close, the defendant became more insulting ; and, while complainant had a pint of water in his hand, jumped upon his toes and "excru ciated" him so, that he flung the water over his assailant, who immediately, notwithstanding his age, pitched into him " right and left," as if his skin was stuffed with hay, instead of flesh and bone. The defendant said that the bird-catcher had tried it on with the cards and colours of the other party the day be fore, but finding that he could get no customers he shifted to the Tories, who treated him with equal contempt. This set the old man in a rage, and the conduct of the birds made him worse and worse, for he had taught them at first to say, " There goes -- Tories," and afterwards, " There goes the -- Radicals ;" and the poor starlings, not know ing better, called the people that p assed by altogether so that it was quite frightful to hear them."—(Laughter.) The LORD MAYOR_But it was a cowardly act in you to strike the old man under any circumstances. What w as it to you whether he w as Whig, Tory, or Radical, or all three if he pleased ? Defendant—l did not care, my Lord ; but because I went on and spoke to the birds he throwed the pot of water over me. " How is Mr. Palmer getting en ?" says I. " Oh, you Radical," says one of the birds. " No, he's a Tory,', says another. " No, but he's a thief," says the old bird catcher, and he chucks the water bang over my body. Ham, the street-keeper, when he went up i n th e midst of the confusion, the irritable a lte r , co tlandsesian assault, e ba n un d t,s a l h n ne t o kt d nt r eo i p w p b t i e n h g ,e, nr . t H o e be di a d his politics. The LARD MAYOA said that the defendant must find (From the Hampshire Telegraph.) The Edinburgh, 74, was commissioned at this port on Thursday ; the following officers arc appointed to her : Captain W. W. Henderson, Commander F. D. Hastings, Lieut. Spettigue, C. H. Kenney, C. E. Powys, R. F. Cleaveland, and St. Leger Aldworth ; Mr. John Davies, master ; Mr. James Bogle, purser ; and Mr. J. H. Ache son, surgeon ; Messrs. Joseph Plymsoll and Alfred Baker Cutfield, assistant-surgeons ; Mr. James Strachan, gunner ; Mr. James Moffat, boatswain ; and Mr. Thomas Barnard, carpenter. The President, 52, will be commissioned on Fri day nest, for the flag of Rear-Admiral Ross, who succeeds to the command in South America. The Susan. convict ship, for Van Diemen's Land, is at Spithead, and will sail in a few days. On Monday sht• took on board 160 prisoners from the York hulk in this harb our. The Malabar, Indiaman, Captain Bas, has embaried Stewart Mackenzie, Esq., and his wife, Lady Hood, and family, who proceed to the governorship of Ceylon ; she wilt sail to-morrow. The Atholl troop-ship, Mr. Alexander Kerley master, sailed yesterday from Cork, whence she will proceed to the Mauritius with the 12th Regiment, and then return to Eng land with the 29th Regiment. The Parmelia transport arrived yesterday, from San Se bastion, with fourteen officers, seventy-eight men, five wo men, and four children, of Gen. Evans's late legion. At Spithead.—The Sparrow, Isabella (Spanish rte amer), Susan convict-ship, Malabar and Windsor, East Inidiamen. In Harbour.—The Britannia, Victory, Edinbu;gb. Ex cellent, loyal George, Alligator, Hyacinth, Se4ower cutter, Parmelia transport, Messenger steamer, arid Cr k - cker tender. PROMOTIONS AND APPOINTMENTS.—Messrs. J. A. Rid dell, T. H. Mason, and J. B. Horkley are promoted to the rank of Lieutenant ; Capt. W. F. Beechey to the African; Lieut. F. It. Coghlan to command Lapwing ; Lieut. Hen., Baillie to command Hornet ; Lieut. P. Haat to the Pickle Lieut. J. A. Cooke to the Temcraire, vice Shewan supetr scded ; Lieut. T. Healer to the Coast Guard ; Mr. A. G. Edye, Mate, to the African steam-vessel ; Mr. J. C. Al- Touzeau, extra Mate, to the Alligator ; Mr. Rd. OfforA Stewart, Second Mate and Pilot, to the Atholl ; Mr. Easto, Master, to command the Jupiter troop-ship ; Mr. J. W. Probert, Mate, Mr. Patrick Brenan, Assistant-Surgeon, to Madamenthus ; Lieut. Fullerton, to Welles!ey.—Royal Marines.—The foPow:ng aie appointed Second Lieute nants :—Messrs: Aslett (son of Lieut.-Col. Aslett), Drury (cm of Commander Drury, H.M.S. Victory), and Suthar (son of Mr. Suther, Surgeon of the Victory). NAVAL INTELLIGENCE. STATE OF TRADE. (From the Leeds Intelligencer of Saturday.) TRADE or LEEDS.—There is scarcely any alteration for the demand of woollen goods, but any change that may be obcrvahle is for the better. BRADFORD MARKET.—There was rather more business done in this market on Thursday, particularly in four-quar ters-wide pieces, and the advance in the prices of good hog wools which took place last week was fully maintained, though some of the spinners were of opinion that that firm ness of price was more attributable to the diminished sup ply of the article than to the actual consumptive demand. Huddersfield Market on Tuesday was fully as good as for several weeks past, and prices rather improved. ROCHDALE FLANNEL MARKET, JULY 24.—The goods that hare been 501 d to -day have fetched rather higher prices than previously ; and the demand h as b een chiefly f o r those of the finer descriptions.. The wool market has undergone little variation from that of the preceding week. The dealers still continue to ask better prices. YoaK Wool. MARKET, July 27--We have again a fair supply of Wool at this day's market, met by a rea per; tablenumber of buyers, w hi c h h as b een near ly all sold up at prices nominal upon our last week's quotations. Good bred Hog, 12d. to 18]. ; half hoa and ewe, l Id. to 12d.; all ewe, Bd. to M. ; locks (with cots), 7d. to 70. and Bd. ; locks (without cots) 51d. to 7d. per lb. The total nu m b er o f journals published in France Is 776-326 of which are in Paris. INTIMIDATION.—A fine example of manly con duct in a body of farmers has just been communicated to us. In one of our counties where there is a contested election, a gentleman who has about threescore of tenants, sent a dis tinct notification to them individually, that every one who did not vote for the Tory candidate would incur his deep resent ment, and find himself a serious loser by it in his circum stances. The tenants having discovered that their grievance was a common one, held a meeting, and after due delihere tion resolved to disregard the landlord's menace, and vote ac cording to their consciences. Will they suffer for acting thus independently ? Not in the least, we firmly believe. The case exemplifies the advantage of union. Had six in dividuals out of the sixty resisted the tyrannical edict, while the rest yielded obedience, those six might probably have been sacrificed ; but the most reckless and hardened aristocrat can not venture either to turn adrift or seriously oppress all those who hold lands under him; and if he were brute enough t make the attempt, he would find Scotland, quiet as it is, too hot to hold him.— Scotsman. • : T. COX SAVORY, Goldsmith, &c., 47, Cornbill, London, informs the Public, that he has a considerable variety of SECOND-HAND GOLD WATCHES, anT of which he offer!! at EIGHT GUINEAS each. They have a 1 bean carefully ex. amined, and are warranted.—Watches purchased in exchange. BIR2'HS. On the 27th inst., at Westwood, Surrey, the lady of L. A. Couss' maker, Esq., of a son. On the 2,Sth inst, in Hill-street, Berkeley-square, the L a dy So phia Tower, of a daughter. On the 16th iust., at Abbeville, in France, the lady of R. Win' Bartolacci, Esq., of a daughter. On the 26th inst., the lady of T. H. Wyatt, Esq., of a daughter, still-born. On the '2Bth inst., in Woburn-place, the lady of W. C. Yenningo Esq., of a son. MARRIED. 1 On the 30th ult., Joseph Ellison P or tl oc k , Esq., Captain, Rft: Engineers, to Harriett, daught er o f t h e late G.L. ConYngua— Esq., of Springhill, Londonderry. On the 26th inst. at St. Mary's, Wallingford, Lieutenant Cecil Arding, of the 58th Regiment, of Bengal Native Infantry, to Elise' beth, youngest daughter of the late E. Wells, Esq. On the 27th inst., a t S treatham, Surrey, Franc i s, e ld es t son ' . ef . Mr. John Fuller, of Croy - len, Surrey, to Mary Ann, eldest da e fi ti ter of Mr. Geo. Drew, of Streatham and Bermondsey. E . On the 26th inst., a t Ch e l tenham, John S turge baston, to Lucy R e b ecca, second daughter o f the lion. Judge kins, of Nova Scotia. DID. On the 28th in s t., a t Borough Heath, Banstead, Surrey, age 17, Sarah, daughter of J. Turner, Esq. in On the 25th inst., in Pilgrim-street, Newcastle-upon-Tyl le, , to her 94th year, M rs . A nn P e areth, last surviving sister of th e ' ll Wm. Peareth, Esq., of Usworth House, Durham. H u gh On Friday last, after a long and severe illness, aged 64, Parnell, E.q., of Lambeth-road, Surrey, deservedly respected. r d On the '24th inst., at the Palace, Hereford, the Hon. Ed er Grey, D.D., Bishop of Hereford, aged 56. yet On the 21st inst., at Iron-bill, near Bristol, George S all Esq., aged 74. Ed ca isrd On 2,.ith inst., at Riverdale Cottage, Richmond, . Harrnsvvorth, Esq., Eccond son of Henry Turnley, Esq., of Bis"' gate-street Within, aged 12. the On the 27th inst., in Fludyer-street, Whitehall, C a roline , e daughter of the late C. Dymoke, Esq., formerly of Sau cethel Hall, Lincolnshire. __ _ _ Lunitoli : i'rinte.i ark', Pub' iAleti by 11 U 111)U Y O. ° _,, u ntj 112, Strand, at The Sun O ffi ce, No. 112, Strand, in do ‘" of Middlesex.—Monday, July 84.1837.