The Sun. — London, England, 1837-01-12 00:00:00

GREAT REFORM DINNER AT HEYWOOD. (Abridged from the Manchester Guardian of Wednesday.) About August last one of the so-called operative Con servative Associations was formed in this flourishing manu facturing village, which, for the information of our distant readers we may state is about eight miles north of Man chester, and is equi-distant three miles from Rochdale, Bury and Middleton. So long as this little club—origi nated, we believe, by the Rochdale Tories—remained quiet and kept its doings secret, it was unnoticed, or laughed at by the inhabitants ; but a short time ago the walls of the town were placarded with bills printed in blue letters, set ting forth that the Operative Conservatives would have a grand dinner on Monday the 9th instant ; James Fenton, Esq., of Rochdale, in the Chair. This awakened the spirit of the inhabitants generally, and they speedily determined to have a reform dinner on the same day, and invited John Fenton, Esq., late the member for Rochdale (and brother to the gentleman fixed upon by the Tories for their Chair man) to preside on the occasion. Stimulated by this sort of emulation, great was the exertion made by both parties to make a muster which should show their strength in the place ; and we believe that both sides determined to have a procession through the streets. Bands of music, ribbons of the opposite colours, light blue and crimson, flags, banners, &c., were had in requisition, and preparations were made for giving the greatest eclat to the proceedi ngs . Monday last, the day of the dinners, was a general holi day in the village ; the streets were thronged with men, women, and children, in their Sunday attire ; and all was ga y. During the day several coaches arrived from Roch dale laden with passengers, to the dinners. About 2 o'clock the reform procession, including the Lodge of the Union Odd Fellows, and the operatives generally, wearing red rosettes, formed at the Brunswick Arms Inn, and thence paraded up and down the village, again and again forming in the Market Place, precisely opposite the Queen Anne, where the Tory dinner was to be eaten, their band playing " Hail, smiling morn," and other airs. But no Tory pro cession made its appearance ; not a blue ribbon was to be seen in the streets, and outwardly there was no appearance of a single Tory being .in the place. Doubtless this was the result of a p ru d ence w hi ch foresaw that the compa , rative number the Tories could muster would be so ridi culously small, that they would have met with nothing but derision on what they meant to be a day of triumph. The building in which the really great Reform Dinner was held, is one in every way admirably suited to the pur pose. It is a large loom-shop, attached to the mill of Mr. John Hilton Kay, manufacturer, near the centre of the village. The area of this vast apartment comprises nearly two thousand square yards ; its dimensions being 54 yards by 36 yards. In the room provision was made for the con venient accommodation of twelve hundred guests, there being about 200 plates at the large, and about 80 at each of the 13 smaller tables. But the plates were so wide asunder that many late corners found seats between those who occupied the assigned number ; and we should think that there could not have been fewer than from 1,250 to 1,500 per sons present at the dinner. At four the procession arrived at the floor and were admitted, the Rochdale visitors being seated at the principal table, to the Chairman's left, and those from Bury at his right hand. About that time Mr. Richard Shuttleworth, of Rochdale, took the chair, and baying said grace, upwards of 1,200 knives and forks were in an instant in rapid action. The cloth was drawn about six o'clock, and at this time the following gentlemen were seated near the Chairman :—At his right, Richard Walker, Esq., M.P. for Bury ; C. J. S. Walker, Esq., of Longford ; Edmund Grundy, Esq., banker, Bury ; John Brooks, Esq., of Ardwick ; Thomas Potter, Esq., of Buile Hill ; Mr. J. S. Ornerod, of Manchester, &c. On his left were Richard Potter, Esq., M.P. for Wigan ; John Hilton Kay, Esq., of Heywood ; Mr. W. Fitton, of Royton ; Mr. Edward Taylor, manufacturer, Heywood ; Mr. Edmund Grundy, of Parkhills, near Bury ; Mr. Alfred Grundy, of Bury, &c. Non nobis Donline having been sung by the glee singers— The CHAIRMAN rose and gave " The King," which was drunk with three times three hearty cheers, that might have been heard half a mile off. Then followed " The Queen," " The Duchess of Kent and the Princess Victoria," " The Duke of Sussex, and the rest cf the Royal Family," and " The People, the only source of legitimate power." In ac knowledging the last toast, Mr. WILLIAM FITTON, of Royton, adverted to the " Operative Conservative Association" in Heywood, formed by the very men who, a few years ago, would have trampled the working classes in the dust, as a striking proof that the power of that party was on the wane, and, finding them selves falling, they called around them for support the same creatures who awhile ago they had abused as " ragged ras cals," and .poken of as " the dirty swinish multitude."-- (Cheers and laughter.) Mr. Fitton then adverted to the singular position of the United States, with about 50 mil lions of dollars in its treasury, as contrasted with the state of Great Britain with its heavy taxation. He alluded to the forthcoming election, which would probably occur in March or April, when it was very likely that a gentleman in their own neighbourhood (Mr. Fenton) would be a can didate for the adjoining borough of Rochdale ; and when a demonstration by the people of Heywood in his favour might do much to rescue the representation of Rochdale from its present degradation. The Tories would doubtless make a desperate effort in the forthcoming struggle, for to them it was a mortal one ; and if they could not prevail, their endeavour would be to prevent their downward course being a rapid one ; they would clutch at any power that was left to them, and only let it go inch by inch ; but if Reformers did not quarrel upon trifling differences, Reform -was as sure to be as triumphant, and that speedily, as it was in its nature good. In fact, it could only be retarded by differences and dissensions amongst the Reformers them selves.—(Cheers.) The CHAIRMAN next gave " An extension of the suf frage, shortening the duration of Parliaments, and vote by ballot," which sentiment was responded to at some length by Mr. Jame s Taylor, of Spotland Bridge. He st a t e d t h a t (as we understood) in Rochdale household suffrage to uni versal suffrage was in the proportion of ten to twelve. The next toast was, " The Liberal Magistrates of the county." THOMAS POTTER, Esq., in returning thanks on behalf of the body of functionaries included in the toast, said he was probably the oldest Reformer in the room, and he had at all times espoused the cause of his humbler brethren of the working classes. If the freeholders of this division of the county were only united, he would tell them they could turn out both the Tories who now misrepresented them in Parl iament. —(Cheers.) The next toast was " The Liberal Members of both Houses of Parliament." RICHARD WALKER, Esq., M.P. for Bury, rose amidst load cheers, and after acknowledging the toast, said that the Liberal Members in both Houses certainly needed encouragement ; and it was to him an ani mating sight to behold more than a thousand individuals assembled in Heywood to celebrate Libe ral pr i nciples. The p r i nc i p l e of the Reform Act had been agitated for 25 years, and su c h measures ha d b een thrown out by imm ense majorities till the Duke of Wellington fortunately said, the People should have no reform. And here he would observe that he thought the observation of Lord Lyndhurst, that the p eop l e of Ireland were aliens in religion, i n country, in language and feelings, would have a similarly fortunate result. It had been said that Lord Lyndhurst did not use such words. He (Mr. Walker) heard him use them. H e was at th e b ar of the House of Lords, by t h e s id e o f M r. O'Connell, a t th e t i me, and when they were uttered M r. liConnell turned to him and said, Do you hear that ?" e e a r t itPtlied, " ( Yes I do hear it ; and I think Paddy w ill f ortuna ,_ Cheers.) But the Duke of Wellington's effeetet io expression raised the whole country and form he Parliam en t ary reform. An d h ow had this re fitted " used ? The county of Lancaster had nipro county in Ore by the Reform Bill than any other Engl an d, h er representatives b e i n g increased fr hi om 14 t o 26. What had been the result? Why, that ts great . of . it county had not a single vote in the state, thirteen WhenmFtnbers voting one way and thirteen the other. formers be Reform Bill passed they brought in two Re the tritiscial7 immense majority ; and why not again? Let Lord Fra n ci s on once be roused, and they might be assured the c ourse Egerton I.egerton and Mr. Wilbraham would walk off vidual abstract rtl the electors throw aside their own indi must result from tZions, and work together, and great good that all the battleseir co-operation. It was on Irish ground On English measur o e f ref orm must be fought in Parl i ament. in degree ; b u t s i the Tori es diff ere d f rom R e forme rs principle. He was a r is.. l l questions th e difference was of religion, but most wuefei h i urch nsan, and not ashame d o f hi s apY ashamed of the way in which the church revenues were propriated. H e wanted the drones to have a little less and th e b ee . the least doubt that the lisruhi s ). a little more. He had not work for less than 15,0001. a y, ISII° P of Canterbury would ; and he should very much like to see a curate have bettearr be thou Y than 80/. or (Cheers.) He did not repudiatePa Parliaments ; he had always voset,ll7 principle of short the Septennial Act ; but for , the repeal of Le a much greater public good tha n g a nt triennial would Aa to himself, his constituents had ineestiseer l Parliaments. which he thought he should best dischargahu? with a trust h most cordial and uncompromising support to ythgivh7inogyetirnrici e should l meat of Lord Melbourne.—(Cheers.) It w as in his the most liberal government we could have under present circumstances circumstances ; if we tried to go further, we fare worse : and he hoped we should never try again toungyo backward. —(Laughter.) It was necessary that minor differences should be merged in support of this government, by Whigs and Radicals, and Reform members of every shade ; and he trusted they would see that the best government they could have for the people, was the present. Ireland was satisfied with the present government, and that he considered a matter of great importance. Mr. O'Connell was satisfied with it ; and that too was import ant. It was the fashion :in some aristocratic circles to cry down Mr. O'Connell ; but there he was and would be ; and whilst the wrongs of Ireland were unredressed, there he ought to be.—(Cheers.) He (Mr. Walker) was always an advocate of a poor law for Ireland, of what kind he did not pretend to know ; for with 2,500,000 paupers it was not eay to find money to support them. He believed Mr. O'Connell was much of the same opinion ; he was not against poor laws, but against the introduction of that kind of poor law which we had in England, which, in the present anomalous state of Ireland, he agreed with Mr. O'Connell in thinking not likely to be very efficient. The only plan he thought would be to administer relief to those who could not keep themselves, and to trust to the good feeling of society in Ireland to try to work out an improve ment in the labouring classes. The House of Lords had interposed, he thought most unwisely, in stopping those reforms which Lord Melbourne's Government had thought fit to apply to Ireland. He thought the Peers did not know the position in which they stood. He thought that , if a good House of Commons were returned, and if the British lion were thoroughly roused, the Peers would grumble a little as they did on a previous occasion ; but they would give way and think themselves very silly people. He did not like the pressing of abstract questions, which divided the Reformers, and really placed larger power in the hands of the Tories.—(Hear.) The next toast was " The health of Richard Potter, Esq., Member for Wigan." Mr. POTTER said the present time was one which re quired the union of all classes of reformers ; and he was grieved to see some gentlemen of very considerable talents, and influence, who, because they could not get all they wished, were endeavouring to run down the present Mi nisters. He was one that regretted that Ministers did not go further ; but because they did not come up to his mark, was he to turn round and stop the progress of all reform ? He regretted their opposition to the ballot, because he thought it would be a most important concession to the people, and would stop the undue influence of wealth on the one hand, and of physical force on the other. It had been asserted that since the present ministry came into power, little had been effected ; but they had reduced the taxes by more than 8,000,0001., and there was now a surplus revenue of nearly 3,000,000/., which would enable them in the ensuing session to take off more taxes. He hoped the cotton tax would be one, and the duty on soap another ; but there was one tax, which he would have them to petition against and never rest till it was altered, he meant the bread tax.—(Cheers.) The battle must be fought in the House of Commons, and much depended upon the next election. The next toast was " His Majesty's Ministers," which was drunk with great cheering. Mr. WALKER spoke to the toast, expressing his opinion that the people would attain the end of good government by retaining in power the present Ministers, who depended entirely on popular support. EDMUND GRUNDY, Esq., banker, of Bury, rose to pro pose a toast, " John Fenton, Esq."—(Loud cheers.) Mr. FENTON, who had entered the room about half an hour after the cloth was drawn, returned thanks. He would propose as a toast, " The Reformers of Heywood." After adverting to the Church-rates, which he hoped the men of Heywood would labour to get abolished, he stated that be had written to Mr. O'Connell to be present at a dinner in . Rochdale, but he had not received his reply, owing to his movements making it uncertain where a letter would find him. Mr. W. S. BOOTH, Secretary to the Dinner Committee, returned thanks on behalf of the Reformers of Heywood. The toast of " Total Abolition of the Church-rates," was acknowledged by Mr. JOHN BROOKS. The principal guests departed about ten o'clock, and the greater portion of the assembly soon afterwards separated ; some, however, remaining to a later hour. IRELAND. TO R. L. SHELL, ESQ., M.P. SlR,—Your conduct in regard to the poor-law question, which I had the honour to bring before the General Asso ciation', appears to me so equivocal, that I feel myself called on, in justice to my own consistency and firmness of pur pose, to make a few public comments upon it. Yesterday fortnight you came down to the Association, in the absence of the hon. and learned mover of the amend ment, and told us in poetic phrase, and with a rhetorical artifice, that you did not come to throw a " wet blanket" upon the discussion. You did, however, proceed to wet your blanket as copiously as you could with a plentiful outpouring of your most liquid notes ; aye, and no scanty sprinkling of the foam of a grand histrionic passion. For you did pretend to be angry with the " infatuated Quixot ists" who had taken part in the discussion ; the last of the Quixotists being the Noble Lord whose truly eloquent and convincing speech you had just heard, but to which you found it much easier to give a transect than an answer. You were angry with them for wasting the public time upon " abstract questions." Good God, Sir, do you call the question of how best to relieve the bitter distress of 2,300,000 human beings—for as a believer in what you termed " Mr. Blake's report," that is your estimate—do you call that an abstraction ? I have heard something of the poet's eye in a fine frenzy rolling from earth to heaven ;" but your's must have been very unwontedly fixed heavenwards only, thus coolly to overlook the contemptible interests of these poor starvlings of earth ! Men whom you have yet to establish your right to lecture upon political wisdom were gravely debating the rights of the poor, when you break in upon them, and tell them they are but dreamers, and bid them look after the registries ! Do you mean, Sir, to degrade the General Association of Ireland into a mere registry office ? Of what value are the registries but to enable the people to send honest servants to Parliament ? And where could they better determine what services they expect from them than in the rooms of the Association, where the public sense of the country is gathered ? Will the honest frize-coats come up to the hustings the less boldly, if you give them a law that will protect them, at all events from that utter destitution into which their angry tyrants have often enough driven them ? Oh ! how long are we to witness the sickening spectacle—sickening to the heart of every pure and generous patriot—the spectacle of men of strong ambition and loose principles, stepping into Par liament upon the shoulders of those poor brave fellows, and kicking them off as they get in ! You talk to us, Sir, of the Tories—you are talkirig of them eternally—you seem not to be able to expand your self to anything rational—the personal and the party theme seem to be as much as your mind can grasp ; they are, at least, those you are fondest of playing with. You bid us look to the Tories, and tell us that the poor-law is just now the game they are playing. Well, Sir, and suppose it ; and what then is the soundest and manliest policy by which to defeat it ? It is to take the game out of their hands— to make their pretence our purpose. It is you, Sir, and not I, that are playing into the hands of the Tories. You, Sir, and thcse that act with you, by contributing only a " wet blanket" to that great question of questions, upon which both parties in England are agreed, at one and the same time, give a clear openin g to the Tories to attack us, and obviously embarrass the Whigs, by obliging them to defend us. You give a triumph to the one, and throw scandal on the other. You talk of us who call for a poor-law embarrassing the present Government. Why, Sir, it is you yourself are doing the mischief you so idly attribute to us. This truly honest and paternal government, not satisfied like you, with the petty and pettish game of mere party politics, is pledged to lay the foundation of good government in this country by a good poor-law. It *must clearly be of use to them to be sustained in carrying that pledge into effect by popular opinion ; and yet you, a popular Member of Par liament, are seeking to stifle the expression of that opinion ; and still you call yourself a friend of that Government ! You moved the adjournment of the poor-law question—you were bound by Parliamentary etiquette to resume it at the time agreed on ; and now, instead of doing so, you give notice of a motion to supersede it altogether. You evaded the question the first time by taking refuge behind the regis tries ; we cared as much for the registries as you did, and we respected that plea. You want to evade it now by some motion, we know not what, about some continaenti futuro meeting of half-a-dozen miserable lordlings. Who but you cares about these lords? 'Without any following in the country, what are they but so many units at the wrong side of the ciphers ? If the Association is wise it will beware of giving them any importance by condescend ing to notice them, and regard them and their proceedings with silent contempt. But how can your prophetic mo tion affect them ? Are you in their confidence, and do you know what they are to resolve upon ? Would there not be a little common sense in waiting to see what they are • about ? Could you not fish up in the wide sea of your poetic fancy any better pretext than this to cover an ob viously insidious purpose? But there is another : we are to have a vote of thanks to the gallant electors of Long ford. Sir, you arc mainly indebted to the priests of Long ford for that most opportune victory ; and as one of their order (and I write it proudly), I can tell you they will cheerfully dispense with your barren vote of thanks, and would prefer in payment of your gratitude your vote for a poor-law. " But, you are not opposed to a poor law." Oh ! no, not at all ; and yet you have taken a very odd course to convince us of that. If you are in Avour of it, why don't you come forward, and shed some fragrance upon the dis cussion of it by the flowers of your oratory. Or, if you are against it, and must have a lord to attack, why don't you try a lance with Lord Miltown ? There may be some pru dence in the course you take certainly, but very little dig nity or valour. To tell us this is not the time to discuss such a question—a question actually impending over us—is absolutely puerile. I trust the arriere pease is not some thing worse than puerile. Can it be your wish, Sir, to keep the country silent now, that you may draw an argument from that silence by-and-bye against the measure of the go vernment ? You put forward as a bug-bear, to turn us away from our purpose, half-a-dozen Conservative Lords— do you mean, by this manoeuvre, virtually to effect a com bination of Conservative and Liberal (?) landlords against an efficient poor law ? I am very sorry, Sir, to be compelled by a stern sense of duty to address you in this fashion. I appreciate duly your talents and services, but am not to be blinded by them. I would not have presumed to bring this great question be fore the General Association, were I not conscious that I was not likely to be moved from my purpose by any man. The dignity and gravity of the General Association shall suffer no outrage in my person with my accord. I shall insist in the adjourned debate on the resolutions I had the honour to propose taking precedence of any other, after the ordinary business is transacted. I shall divide the house upon it if necessary, and bow only to the clearly expressed sense of the majority. If there be anything unpleasant in this proceeding, you, Sir, not I, must bear the blame. If you arc impatient to vent your " splendid bile" upon those unfortunate Lords, why not call an early extra-meeting, as Mr. Grattan suggests, and favour us then with your myste rious communication? I do not grudge you your lords and your lordly motions, since you prefer them. Then, pray, do not interfere with me in my paltry motion i❑ favour of the pitiful millions ! . _ I have the honour to be, &c. THADDIEUS O'MALLEY. 79, Marlborough-street, Jan. 6, 1837. DUBLIN, JAN. 10. THE REGISTRIES.—Nothing can be more favourable to the cause of Reform than the returns of the registries. The Dublin Evening Post says that Carlow and the Queen's County will change their representatives at the next general election—that Cavan will be rescued in part —that - even Sligo will be shaken, Colonel Perceval, not withstanding—and Donegal will get rid of one-half of its incubus. As to the county of Dublin, there will—there can—he no contest. DISTRESS.—The distress under which the• poor are labouring is excessive, and is confined to no particular locality, but extends throughout the breadth and length of Ireland. A considerable portion of the population are literally dying of want. No less than one hundred and forty famishing paupers applied for admission to the House of Industry, Cork, on Wednesday, but were rejected, as there is no more accommodation in the house, which is crowded, and the funds are exhausted. In Dublin, as elsewhere, the prevalent and wide-spreading distress is dreadful. In such a state of human suffering shall we suffer sophists to stave off a legal provision for the destitute poor of Ireland. THE BATII REFORM MEETING.--The proceedings at the recent meeting, wherein Colonel Napier and Mr. Roebuck gave expression to their opinions on the present administra tion, and Mr. O'Connell's support of it, are commented upon with some severity by the Irish journalists. Accord ing to them the reason why justice has not yet been done to Ireland, is to be found in the alleged lukewarmness of the English constituencies, and that no blame ought to be attached either to the Government or to Mr. O'Connell for the small amount of practical benefit received bylreland at the hands of his Majesty's Ministers. MEETINGS.—The 24th inst. is the day fixed on for "the great big" Protestant (Orange) gathering in Dublin. It is understood that those ardent lovers of truth and free dis cussion will exclude the Press—in fact, that the meeting will be tiled, like any other Orange Lodge. On the pre ceding day, however, there will be another meeting in the British metropolis, where the Press of all shades will be afforded an opportunity of recording what actually occurs, not what Conspirators—like the Irish Orangemen—chose to publish.—Dublin Evening Post. Mr. O'Connell has accepted the invitation to a public dinner in the town of Sligo. PROTESTANT RENT.—At the eleventh hour Randy Plunkett is making a most piteous appeal to the lieges to get up a Protestant Rent ; and he calls upon his fellow- Protestants in England to aid and assist him. It w.ll not do, Randy, we tell you. The English Conservatives will have enough to do to support their own cause. The Standard, indeed, says that a million ought to be expended on the Irish Registries. But, at present, the Irish Regis tries are altogether hopeless. The thing cannot be. As to the Protestant Rent, it's a bane.—Dublin Evening Post. DESTRUCTION OF TUE MINISTERS.—The 7 Cork Stamford is a wag in his way. He utters the strangest. possible things with a gravity that renders him particularly amusing. To clay our contemporary treats us with the following morceau which we think almost equal to any thing in Tom Thumb :—" The rope of sand," aye, the rope of sand, proclaimeth the Corkcutter, " which hitherto held together the heterogeneous band of Papists, Dissenters, and Infidels, who bolstered up the cabinet of Incapables, is fast dissolving. The incongruous and motley crew, are breaking up in all quarters, and taking different and oppos ing stations. The Whigs with O'Connell and his tail, have been abandoned by the whole force of the ultra-Radicals, who , call themselves the Independent Reformers. The journals of this out and outer party predict the certain downfall of the Melbourne Ministry, and, that the Tories know well the precise moment when the present Go vernment shall have attained its acme of unpopularity, and are ready at the proper opportunity to put an end to the convulsive struggles with which they strive to retain their places, by giving them the coup de grace. The tenacity with which O'Connell's proteges cling to office, can only be compared to the gripe of a drowning man ; but,: vain are their efforts ; they grasp only at straws. The disarray and confusion now pervading the ministerial ranks may well be imagined, every thing indicates an approaching break-up. The honest part of the Reformers openly state in their ac credited organs, that the Ministry, by having had the fa tuity of not acceding to the Radicals' demand of advancing the movement, will lose the benefit of their support, and therefore their destruction must ensue, and the return of the Tories to office for a time' be inevitable." The return of the Tories to office inevitable! Well, this is, in truth, a discovery—a great discovery. The re gistries, we suppose, led to it, and Longford has, perhaps, lately lent its light also to our sagacious Contemporary. FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE. FRANCE. CHAMBER OF PEERS.-SITTING OF MONDAY, JAN. 9. ( Baron Pasquier President.) The proceedings commenced at a quarter-past two o'clock, by the President's reading a communication inti mating the appointment of the President, Vice-Presidents, and Secretaries of the Chamber of Deputies. The order of the day was the reading of the proposed address in answer to the King's speech. Count Bastard, in the absence (from illness) of M. Barthe, reporter of the committee, read the propoSed ad dress, of which the following is the substance : " At a moment when the interests of France seemed to acquire that degree of stability and prosperity which it was the intention of the Government to give them, a new at tempt threatened your Majesty's life and the tranquillity of France. It was with sincere satisfaction that the com mittee congratulated your Majesty on your fortunate escape from that atrocious act which was directed against your sa cred person. The repetition of such criminal projects de monstrated the necessity of making every effort for extend ing the benefits of a religious and moral education through out France. They were gratified to hear from your Majesty that the friendly relations with foreign states were fully maintained ; that the differences with America and Swit zerland had been happily and satisfactorily arranged, and the intercourse with these countries had resumed its former pacific character. It was painful to reflect upon the situa tion of the Peninsula, where efforts were still made to shake the institutions of that country, and prolong the reign of insurrection ; the Frenel'i Government continued to act up to the spirit of the quadruple alliance, and did every thing that was consistent with the promises made to Spain and with the true interests of France. An armed intervention would have been not only injurious to those interests, but contrary to the spirit of the above treaty. Should, howe ver, the honour of this country require a direCt intervention, they had no doubt but the Government would not hesitate to take those prompt and necessary steps which a sound policy dictated. The Committee fully participated in the regret which your Majesty * felt at the unfortunate result of the expedition against Constantine, and they entirely ap proved of the determination of your Majesty's Government to take immediate steps for repairing that check and se curing the success of the French arms in Africa. A sense less attempt had been made to excite an insurrection in a large and populous city of France ; but they had no doubt that a strict execution of the laws would have the effect of preventing a repetition of such criminal efforts. The state of the finances was a source of congratulation, and proved the increasing prosperity of the country. It was also most satisfactory td. - bbserve, that various measures intimately connected with the interests of France were to be sub mitted to the Chambers, particularly these questions re lating to the progress ofindustry and agriculture,and which would tend to secure the prosperity of the country." In reply to the President, The Chamber decided that the discussion on the ensemble of the address should be commenced forthwith, instead of examining it paragraph by paragraph. The Duke of Dreux Breze first spoke in opposition to the address, and began by saying that the dissolution of the late Ministry demanded explanation on the part of the pre sent Cabinet. The last Ministry was overturned because it sought to intervene to support a revolution in Spain. , Did the present Ministry differ from this ? The object of Eng land in Spain was merely to reconquer the commercial in fluence which she had lost in 1823. The treaty of the Qua druple Alliance, which aided England in doing this, was contrary to the interests of France. And why did England interfere in Spain ? Was it to support or forward the cause of liberty in Europe ? The best answer to this is to observe what is the conduct of England with respect to Hanover, where she has full power, and where her King reigns. But in Hanover England shows itself absolutist and despotic. How can the same Government show itself liberal in Spain ? It is merely because the Liberal cause in the Peninsula is favourable to her commercial interests. Look at her con duct in Portugal, where all this is clearer still. The effect of the Quadruple Alliance (exclaimed the orator) will be no other than to give England another Gibraltar in San Sebastian ! The Duke de Dreux Breze continued in this tone to fulminate against England, an alliance between which country and France was owing merely to an accident, viz., the revolution of July. The true ally of France was not England, but Spain. England cared not what form of government she supported in foreign countries, provided a friendship with it suited their interests. The orator then passed to the late events in Portugal, and to the combined efforts, as be called them, to effect a counter-revolution. After saying nothing new on this sub ject, he returned again to Spain, and declared that the question was, not between intervention and non-interreti tion, but between the Quadruple Alliance and its aban donment. Passing to Algiers, the orator accused the Ministry of not having sent sufficient force against Constantine, out of obsequiousness to England, which was opposed to it. Thus, according to the orator, the Quadruple Alliance was the cause of the defeat of the French before Constantine, which was moreover defended by the artillery and the money of England. The orator terminated by asking the President of the Council several questions, viz. :—What was the cause of the change of Ministry ? Would the Ministry persevere in the policy of the Quadruple Alli ance ? Had it demanded of England an explanution of the fortifications of San Sebastian and Passages ? What were the conduct and orders of Admiral Hugon at Lisbon ? M. Mole rose to answer, but not to every point touched on. The present Ministry declared that it would not change, but continue the policy of former Cabinets, and of that of the 11th of October. The Quadruple Treaty should not be abandoned. With what aim bad this treaty been concluded ? You will see in the preamble to that treaty. The orator here read this preamble. The aim was to re-establish peace in the Peninsula, in order to preserve the peCe of Europe. The Minister then read article 4, and the articles of the additional treaty. France shrunk from any further co operation, because it feared that it would not be able to stop at the point it liked. The English Government held a contrary opinion, no doubt. The Ministry of the 11th October had consulted England above intervention, which England then refused. But during the last Ministry the English Government came forward and proposed a co operation on the part of France, which no Spanish Minis ter demanded. It offered France to occupy San Sebas tian and Passages. The French Government recoiled from the offer, not being able to stop and limit its co-ope ration, as England, employing a naval force, can. The last French Ministry,- however, changed its mind, sent a mis sion to Madrid, and made offer of a more extensive co-ope ration. This is not the opinion of the present Cabinet, for it would be nothing else than to take upon France the re sponsibility of governing and managing Spain. The pre sent Government will not do this. It cannot send armies to Africa and to Spain. But, nevertheless, the English alliance is the basis of French policy ; and to abandon it would be fatal..As to San Sebastian and Passages, England offered to France to occupy it frankly beforehand. Lately, when the English formed some fortification at Passages, explana tions were asked. Now the British Government gave these explanations in the most frank and loyal manner pos sible. There might also be recrimination between the two countries on commercial grounds. The merchants of both France and England naturally profited by the weakness of the Spanish Custom-house to pour in goods. The Minis ter then mentioned some particulars about Malaga. Passing to Lisbon, Count Mole denied that the French fleet was there for any aim of counter-revolution. The English Ministry desired merely to secure the safety of the Queen of Portugal. And Admiral Hugon's orders were precisely in the same spirit. M. Boissy d'Anglas then occupied the tribune, and spoke some time. M. Cousin rose and said that the debate being concen trated on the question of Spain, he begged to suggest to the President of the Council a doubt that the Ministry of the 6th September was, as M. Mole said, a continuation of the Ministry of 11th of October and that of 22d of February. He (M. Cousin) would be in time establish this difference at the tribune, unless some members of the Cabinet of October 11, and February 22, would rise in the interval and anticipate what he had to say. . The Duke of Noailles then rose to state, and in sisted, that intervention in Spain was not the interest of France. He entered at large into the Spanish question, and blamed the conduct of the Government in sanctioning the repeal of the Salk law. He carried his criticism down to the present day. The Duke of Broglie replied to the Duke of Noailles, and defended the French Government from the accusation of allowine . the Salic law to be abolished in Spain. But the Salic law bad never existed in Spain. From time imme morial to 1812 the law of succession in Spain was the same as it is now. The exclusion of females from the throne never existed, even under the pragmatique of Philip the Fifth, which, indeed, preferred males to females; but in default of male children allows females to suc ceed. In 1789 the pragmatiquc of Philip V. was secretly annulled by M. Florida Bianca, and a statute contrary to it prepared. It was this statute that Ferdinand repro duced in 1830. Of the three personages interested, Charles X., Don Carlos, and the King of Naples, none protested at the time. The Act was promulgated by Fer dinand, and sanctioned by the extraordinary Cortes. Was ever law more regular or more constitutional ? France had all along an enemy in Don Carlos, the chief or the instru ment of a bigotted, sanguinary fastion. Don Carlos had been the despair of his brother, the, despair of the French Government itself in 18:23. To have taken his part would have been for the French Government not only an im moral act, but the act of a dupe. There are two modes, said the Duke, of considering the Quadruple Alliance. One, that it means nothing ; and leaves the signing powers free to do or retract what they please. Another, that it binds both countries up in the same destiny, and obliges both to make every effort necessary for the object of the alliance. Both are wrong. The countries are to work to the same end, but in different proportions, according as each may be most interested. But France ought never to be placed in a state of dependence in the affairs of the Pe ninsula, and responsible for all that may take place there. France and Spain are like great vessels at sea ; but he would be sorry to see their hulks linked together, for one would be sure to fall foul of and damage its neighbour, and both, perhaps, be destined to founder together. M. Cousin then rose, and said that the subject of dispute had been mistaken. The Spanish Government had succes sively demanded intervention, the intervention which the Duc de Broglie wisely deprecated, and that this intervention had been refused. But what the last Cabinet wanted to do was, to co-operate, not to intervene ; to allow French sol diers to enter Spain to support the cause of liberty under Spanish colours, ay, and shed French blood for Spain. This was nothing new. What was the grant of the Foreign Legion ? The last Cabinet had done just that the previous one had done, viz., refused interven tion and granted co-operation. This co-operation was to consist of 12,000 men in addition to the Foreign Legion. The present Minister gives plenty of vows and good wishes, and at so cheap a price it hopes to retain the English al liance. But he should say, less words and more deeds. The policy of the present Cabinet is to leave everything to events. For instance, had Bilboa fallen, and Don Carlos reached Madrid, what would you have done? You don't know. Your plan is to take no resolve, but to watch events, which, if they permit you to live and offer up vows, you are thankful. Such policy is neither wise, nor honourable, nor manly, nor French. Count Mole here rose to protest against his Ministry being considered one of mere vows and hopes. He would not dispute about words, but he would say that France could not co-operate without intervening . , nor intervene without co-operation. France had ceded the French Le gion to Spain. The Government had dissolved that Legion, and merely allowed its soldiers and officers to take service 'n Spain if they like. I repeat that I look in Spain merely `,,a the French question, and to French interests. My policy Ls concentrated in that. [Here the debate was adjourned.] SITTING OF THE 10TH. No Peer demanding to speak on the ensemble of the ad dress, the general discussion is considered to be closed, and the President read the first paragraph; which was at once adopted. A Peer objected to the epithet sacred ap plied to the King. The second, third, fourth, fifth and sixth paragraphs adopted. The Due de Broglie observed that much attention should be obtained to such parts of an address as did not corres pond to similar parts of the Royal Speech. Of this was the recommendation of a -better system of moral and reli gious education, which might seem to reflect on past Ad ministrations, as wanting these things. On the reading of the paragraph relating to Spain, M. de Dreux Breze asked whether, in addition to other sacri fices imposed upon France by the Quadruple Alliance, she was also to abandon the 58 millions of francs due by Spain for the expense of the expedition of 1823 ? If this sum had been paid, there remained 47 millions. M. Mole said that the French Government had not in sisted of late on the payment, but held its right in reserve. Marshal Soult said that yesterday he had heard an orator Make a distinction between intervention and co-operation. The Marshal declared the difference between these two words and things surpassed his intelligence. Co-operation was a compromising, shameful, disguised intervention. Why talk of intervention at a moment so perilous to France ? The French Legion ceded to France was, in fact, a Spanish force. But h e regre tt e d th a t F renc h officers had remained at its head. Some of their chiefs thought proper to retir e from that service, and others were sent to take their place ; these being sent evidently from France, the c)rps became half French. Colonel Suazee subsequently obtained per mission to recruit amongst the French soldiers who were not on actual service. This did not succeed. It was then imagined to recruit another force from the French troops actually in service. This was a most pernicious idea ; it disorganized the French regiments. Privileges and pro motions were showered on this new-formed force. Its first regiment marched, when circumstances recalled it. It was cruel to seduce French soldiers from their regi ments, and send them to such a country as Spain, which was nothing else than to co-operate with anarchy. More over, it was creating enemies for France ; for every force in Spain must live on the country freely, since to hope for pay was absurd. To whom were their troops to be amenable? They were neither French nor Spanish. Under what mili tary law were they to be governed ? Their cockade was Spanish, their coat was French. What were these troops to do amidst the conflicting orders of juntas and generals, who each and all were in revolt ? Insurrection might be come necessary ; but it had not been necessary since the death of Ferdinand. Whilst be (the Marshal) was in the Councils of the King he had been against all idea of inter vention, and now he still remained so. And by conse quence he was against co-operation, as disguised interven tion. M. Cousin said he would not, like the Marshal, criticise the minor military and administrative arrangements of the two previous Cabinets in carrying on co-operation. He would merely insist on two points. With respect to the first ; viz., the distinction between co-operation and inter vention, he as Academician, could give an opinion. There was between them something more than a dispute of mere words, since a mere difference of words would not have overthrown a Ministry. He cared not for this difference of words. He would, however, insist on the difference be tween two things : one was intervening or co-operating .with French soldiers under French colours, the other was intervening or co-operating by lending - men and money to a cause with which we sympathised. The Marshal de clared that this last mode was disgraceful and faulty. There was, in reality, a third mode of aiding a friendly cause ; this was aiding it with vows—that is to say, with nothing. Now, this last is the mode of the present Ministry. On the contrary, he (M. Cousin) was to give efficacious succour to Spain, do it how you will, and call it what you will. This was what the Cabinet of the 11th October promised to do. But Marshal.Soult says that it is shameful to shed French blood, but under French colours. Why, then, the Cabinet of the 11th of October risked this, in sending the Legion of Suazee to Spain, and the Foreign Legion. Was not this what Marsh a l oult calls a disguised and shameful intervention ? He insults the two last Miniiters. M. Mole pretended that the Foreign Le gion was degraded ere it was sent to Spain. But this is a quibble, not worth examination. The fact is, if ever there was a co-operation, it was the sending of this Legion, of which every officer was a Frenchman. Were not their grades guaranteed to these officers ? What is this . but co operation, or intervention if you please ? The Legion sent into co-operation fought well, rendered services ; it did this without compromising Government and Frnnce. And this is the excellence of co-operation—viz., giving aid without compromising the country. He (M. Cousin) would leave to the Duke of Broglie, the head of the Cabinet of 1 lth of October, to reply to Marshal Soult. M. Guizot then ascended the tribune, and declared his intention to prove that the policy of the present Cabinet was the same as that of the Cabinet of the 11th of October. That Cabinet was guided by two ideas-Ist, to give to Queen Isabella all the succour possible ; and 2d, to keep the freedom of stopping where it was wished in succouring Spain, and not to compromise the country in the internal affairs of Spain. M. Guizot then read a fragment of a dispatch from M. Thiers to the French Ambassador in Spain on the 30th o f April :—" Armed intervention, however called or restrained even to the occupation of the Bastan, cannot he granted as long circumstances remain as they are. And any demand of co-operation or intervention made of France will remain without result." Here M. Thiers treats co-operation and intervention as the same thing. Guizot then sought to prove that all the succours given by M. de Broglie's Cabi net were indirect, and were like that lately recommended. Then it was the Spanish ambassador who recruited, whereas 'under the Ministry of the 22d February, it was the Mi nister of War who did this. The recruiting too was al lowed even in organised regiments, which was not permitted by former Cabinets. These provisions were rejected by the Cabinet of the 11th Oct. On the '26th June, 1835, M. de Broglie wrote to the Duke de Frias as follows :—" That the government would afford all facilities for recruiting the Foreign Legion, but would remain judges how far they should go." The Cabinet of the 11th October always took care to have it in his power to stop when it wished. In that Ca binet was M. 'Tiers, who even then was a partisan of in tervention. When this statesman became chief of the Cabinet, it was evident that intervention was his idea, was the end of his policy. And co-operation in his hands was nothing else. The present Cabinet would not go this length ; it would go the length of M. de Broglie's Cabinet, but no more. The Due de Broglie then rose to speak, and spoke for sonic time ere our reporter left ; but we must defer his speech till to-morrow. FRENCH FUNDS.-Pants, JAN. 9. Five per Cents., 108 f. 95c. 109 f. sc. 108 f. 95c. Four per Cent., 9tif. 60e. Four and a Half per Cents. 102 f. Three per Cents. 79f. 65c. 70c. 75c. Bank Actions, 2,560 f. 2,355 E Rente de Naples, 9811 70c. 65e. 85c. Roman Five per Cents., 101 11.11 1 A. SpanisleActives, 2594% Spanish Differes, 11/ 7 4 11. Spanish Passives, tiA, '7. Portuguese Three per Cents. 30% llaytian Loan, 370 f. Excllant:l oN LONDON. One month, paper, 25f. 35c. ; motley, 2.5 f. Three months,l paper, 25f. ; money, 25L 123,; i c. • -Coors iluthetimue. FRENCH 1 UNDS -PARIS, JAN'. 10. ive per Cents.. 103 f. 80e. 90e. 85c. Four and a Half ner Cents. 102 f. 25c. Four per Cents., 100 f. Three per Cents., 799. 60e. Bank Actions, 2,3.17 f. 50c. 2,355 f. dente de Naples, 9SE Soc. One. 75c. Roman Five per Cents., 101 1 ,,' 2 %. Spanish Actives, 25 1 ,4 %ey. Spanish Differes, It 11% it. Spanish Passives, 7 6. Belgian Loan, Five per Cents, 102% 1 , Portuguese Loan, Three per Cents, tiOliM%. EXCDA NOR ON LONDON. One month, paper, 25c. 35c.; money, 25f. 32%c. Three months, paper, 251. 1254 e. ; money, 25f. 12%e. —Cour s AutJZ:nliaue. BOURSE, HALF-PAST FOUR.--This has been a day of nearly complete stagnation here, with a trifling tendency to decline. An attempt was made by the Bears to depress the funds by reports of numerous arrests of individuals implicated in the crime of Meunier, but it turns out that the only ascertained new cases of arrest arc three brothers, one of them a soldier of the 49th Regiment of Infantry. Lists of names of parties compromised in a regicidal committee, of which Meunier was a member, are stated to have been lately seized, but whether through the instrumentality of that criminal or not does no appear. LAST PRICES. Five per Cents., 100 f. sc. Three per Cents. 79f. 75c. Batik Actions, 2,355 f. Bente 'Oe Naples, 99f. Roman rive per Cents., 101%. Belgian Loan, 10.2%. Brussels Bank,3l. Portuguese Three per Cents., 30% Spanish Actives, 25 , 3 6 . Spanish Passives, 67f,. Spanish Difleres New Differes, 11. BELGIAN I. UNDS—BmTssm, JAN. 10. Actual Debt, '44 per Cent. Rothschild's Loan, 5 per Cent. 10034 Loan of Thirty Millions 93 ! ,4 Loan of City, 18:32, 4 per Cent. lO l l /6 Society of Commerce, , N per Cent l34Si Bank of Belgium, 5 per Cent l'29 Brussels Papers, Jan. 11. A USTIU AN FUNDS.—VIENNA, :JAN. 2. Five per Cents. Metalliques Four per Cents. Three par Cents. Bank Shares Zeitung, Jan. 7. SPAIN. The General-in-Chief of the Army of the North to the Gar rison, National Militia, and Faithinl Inhabitants of Bilboa. The heroic defence of Bilboa will form a brilliant epoch in the history of this sanguinary struggle. The gallant troops of its garrison —the warlike National Militia—the inhabitants of this second Zaragoza, faithful to the most just of causes, will live eternally in the memory of free Spain, and all nations will admire so much valour, con stancy, and long-suffering. The rebels laving ay .- ailed themselves of all their means, and of all the resources which could be supplied by the country they oppressed, must have been astonished at your resistance. They have had proofs of your energy, and of the inutility of their efforts ; and having become convinced that the breast of every defender of Bilboa presented a strong and impenetrable barrier to their daring, what expe dient, what project had they left to put into practice None, but to reduce you by starvation to that capitula tion which they hoped to arrive at, and to oppose obstacles which they believed to be invincible to prevent the army from affording you the succour you deserved. But the army, imitating your virtues—despising dangers, and rising superior to all (faculties, swore, on sight of my general order of the 16th instant, to die—to perish, rather than renounce the glory of saving you, and of pressing in their arms that garrison, and those faithful and deserving inhabitants, who have so many claims to every sacrifice that can be made on their behalf. Nevertheless, their desire, and my own, could not have been satisfied without the co-operation of the subjects of his Britannic Majesty, and of his zealous represetative with this army, the meritorious Colonel Wylde„ It is just to pay them the cordial tribute of gratitude and acknowledg m mt. Their decided good-will, their important aid, their laborious exertions, their well-digested and opportune sug gestions, have had so powerful an influence, that my heart is delighted in offering to them this inadequate but public tes timony of gratitude whilst awaiting their recompense from her Majesty's Government for such signal services. At the same time, veteran defenders of Billion, faithful inhabitants and zealous authorities of this heroic city, I will, with the same object, represent your distinguished conduct ; and in the meantime accept the thanks which, with all the effusion of his heart, are offered to you by ESPARTERO. ATROCIOUS MURDER. On Tuesday night, a few minutes before six o'clock, a most atrocious murder was committed in Ratcliff-highway. The victim's name is John Halliday Ready, who has for some time, in conjunction with his wife (who had the prin cipal management of the business), carried on the trade of a tailor, draper, and milliner, at No. 125, Rateliff-highway. The name of the murderer is John Pegsworth; a messenger in the tea department of the St. Katharine's Dock. Pegs worth formerly kept a small tobacconist's bop at No. 63, Rateliff-highway, opposite the house of Mr. and Mrs. Ready,- which he had some time since disposed of. A few weeks ago he contracted a debt of one pound with Mr. Ready, who, being unable to obtain payment, took out a summons against him. On Tuesday afternoon the case was heard at the Osborn-street Court of Requests, White chapel, where Mrs. Ready attended on the part of her husband, and swore to the correctness of the debt. The Court- decided that the demand was a fair one, and gave judgment for the full amount and costs, which he was or dered to pay by instalments of 4s. per month. Pegsworth immediately left the Court, and went home. He corn- - plained to his wife of the conduct of Ready in the most bitter terms, and said he would be the death of him for having summoned him to the Court of Requests. His wife endeavoured to pacify him, and to think no more about it ; but he had no sooner finished his meal than he proceeded to a cutler's shop in Shadwell, where he bought a large pig -knife, armed with which he immediately repaired to the shop of Mr. R., in Ratcliff-highway, for the purpose of executing his diabolical intentions. He met with Mrs. Ready in the shop, and began conversing with her. At that time he did not appear to be the least excited, nor did he by his conversa tion or Manner betray the least ill feeling against Mr. Ready, who was sitting on a chair by the parlour fire, and hearing Pegsworth's voice, invited him to come in. Pegs worth entered the parlour, and got into conversation with Mr. Ready, who was - labouring under illness, and asked Pegsworth to sit down. Pegsworth declined taking a seat, and after he had been talking for about five minutes in a most calm and collected manner on the subject of the debt, and the misfortunes he had met with in business, he asked Mr. Ready if he intended to enforce payment of the debt. Mr. Ready'said be should be compelled to issue an execu tion against his goods it the money was not paid. The words had scarcely escaped the lips of the unfortunate tradesman when Pegstrorth uttered some exclamation, which is supposed to have been " Take that," and plunged the knife with force into his breast up to the hilt. Mr. Ready called out to his wife,." Oh, I'm stabbed," fell back in his chair, and almost immediately expired. Mrs. Ready, who saw the murderer move his arm, but was not aware her husband was stabbed until she saw him fall back, screamed aloud for assistance, and several of her neigh bours and others rushed into the shop, for the purpose of securing the murderer, who did not make the least attempt to escape, but, having completed his purpose, withdrew the knife from the body of his victim, laid it on the table, and calmly awaited the arrival of the police. Yesterday John Pegsworth was brought before Mr. Bal lantine, at the Thames police office, for examination. The murderer is 36 years of age, but appears younger. He is about the middle size, stout made, of ruddy complexion, and dark brown hair. . His wife, a tall and rather handsome woman, having expressed a wish to be present, Mr. Bal lantine allowed her a scat by the side of the bench. She was much affected, and was an object of great pity. Israel Belito kept a tobacconist's shop. On Tuesday, he was standing at his door, opposite Mr. Ready's house, and heard something the matter there. Mrs. Ready came to the door, as if in trouble, and said her husband was stabbed. The prisoner was by the side of the door, and witness asked who it was that had committed the act. The prisoner made answer, "It was I who did it." Witness said, " What reason had you ?" Prisoner replied, " I had cause for it. There is the knife ; I bought it on purpose to murder him." He remained with the prisoner until the po liceman arrived. Mr. Ballantine then said it would be necessary for the prisoner to be brought up again, in consequence of the absence of Mrs. Ready, who was too ill to appear. He should let the case stand over for a fortnight. The street was thronged with people, whose numbers appeared to be accumulating every minute, and Mr. Syinons ordered the prisoner to be removed before the ar rival of the van, to prevent the inconvenience attending the assemblage of a large mob. After his examination ho displayed no signs of contrition or remorse, and during an interview he had with his wife, said that he had made up his mind to be hanged, and that she must soon expect to be a widow. He -had hitherto borne a good character. SUSPENSION OF BUSINESS OWING TO THE IN FLUENZA. This epidemic has been seriously injurious to the interests both of public and private business. On Sa turday no less' than ninety clerks were absent from the Bank of England ; but on Tuesday the inconvenience was ag gravated to a most serious degree, by the absence of no less than one hundred and thirty. - At other publiC establish ments, as at the Post-Office, Custom-House, and Excise- Office, as well as at the Government offices in Somerset- House, Whitehall; and at all the theatres similar inconve nience is daily felt, from the illness of the clerks and others employed in them. Nor is the evil resulting to business from the effects 'of this epidemic confined to public esta blishments ; upwards of sixty men have been absent from the brewery of Barclay and Perkins within the last few days. So much has the influenza prevailed in some quar ters that whole families have been laid up, their business entirely suspended, and their shops shut up. Such is the case with a shop in the Alinories ; also with a public-house, Hawan - len Arms, in Grafton-street, Gower street. The dis order said to prevail much more on the Surrey than the Mi'ddlese Oide of the River. At a vestry meeting held yes teril.iy in the parish of St. Olave, Southwark, it was stated that there was : , .:arcely a house in the parish which had not one or two persuas laid up with sickness, occasioned by th.co prevailing, epid,ani. BANDITS IN AUSTRIA.—For twelve months past a band of rohhers have infested the countries of Totil and Vesperinn (Austria) without interruption. Some troops have marched against them. At the head of the brigands is a young man who had been brought up for the law, and whose assistant is a cashiered officer. The leader has posi tively forbidden assassinations. An infringement on this re gulation was lately punished in a summary manner, in the presence of several peasants. All the operations of the band are directed against the wealthy. By distributing m oney to the poor peasants and mechanics they always obtain infor mation of any measures about to be taken against them, — German Paper. SINGULAR FACT.—In one farm village in Glen lyon there lives at present five generations in lineal des cent, viz., the mother, daughter, grand-daughter, great grand-daughter, and great-great-grand-daughter ; and\ at an entertainment given lately on occasion of a happy oc currence in the family, there sat down with the company tho great-grand-mother and two great-grand -aunts, one grand-father, two grandmothers, and three grand-aunts.-- Edinburgh Courant. The fishermen of Dieppe lately fell in with a whale about twelve leagues from the coast, which they towed into Treport. From some wounds on its back, it is supposed it had been attacked by some whalers, and driven on this coast either by its pain or the hurricanes which have lately pre vailed in the Channel. Government have relinquished to the men all claim for duty, only requiring the skeleton of the whale to send to the Chateau d'Eu. The length of the whale was 4t feet, and its width above the fins six feet ; at this soot the blubber was six inches thick. Although in a decomposed state, it is thought that its sale will fetch 3,000 francs. • - At St. Denis de Thiboult, near Rouen , a disco very has lately been made of a large spherical Roman vase, of a terracotta, five feet and a half in circumference, en closin, a square vitrified vase, about a foot high, filled with burnt bones and ashes. These relicts are in perfect pre servation ; and M. Quesnel, on whose estate they were found, about four fret below the surface, has deposited them in the Museum of Antiquities at Rouen. The following affecting scene, which took place lately at Bastia, in Corsica, proves that the Vendetta system is at least not universal among the natives of that island. A. Farmer, named Bonelli, was informed that his only son had just been murdered. He arrived in time to receive the victim's last sigh. The murderer was seized and brought to trial, and the father was produced as a witness against On being examined, he said, " On finding my beloved son mortally wounded, and his murderer standing by with his hands still reeking with the blood of my only child, my first movement was to avenge his death with my own hands. A sentiment of religion, however, suspended this feeling ; and bending over my son, as be was on the point of expir ing, 1 urged him to pardon his murderer, as he hoped for mercy from Heaven. He uttered the word pardon,' and breathed his last. I also pity more than I hate his mur derer. My son did not - deserve his fate ; but, though you may smite the assassin, his victim will not be raised from his grave." Notwithstanding this affecting address, the culprit was found guilty, and sentenced to hard labour at the hulks for eighteen years.----French Paper. THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY. JANUARY 12, 1837.