The Sun. — London, England, 1846-01-28 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, Tuesday, Jan. 27. Their Lordships met to-day at Five o'clock. The Duke of RICHMOND laid upon their Lord ships' table a Bill to prevent the sale of spirits at toll bars in Scotland. The Earl of MINTO presented petitions from various parts of Scotland in favour of a total and immediate repeal of tl•e corn-laws. The Earl of STRADBROKE presented 37 petitions from places in, Suffolk in favour of the present system of protection. The Duke of RICHMOND presented petitions from Ross against any alteration in the corn-laws. He would take (his opportunity of stating that a person of the name of Feargus O'Connor had asserted that he had received a proposal from him (the Duke of Richmond) to induce him to desert his pre sent principles, and advocate those entertained in favour of the corn-laws. Now he begged to say that he had never directly or indirectly had any communication with that individual, that he had never attempted to buy any body, and never would, because he believed that if men would take money to abandon a cause, they were not to be trusted. Earl GREY presented a petition from Forress in favour of the repeal of the corn•laws. THE NEW HOUSES OF PARLIAMENT. The Marquis of CLANRICARDE moved the re-ap pointment of the Committee with respect to the building of the new Houses of Parliament.—Ordered. RAILWAYS. The Marquis of CLANRICARDE wished to ask the Noble Earl at the head of the Board of Trade a ques tion with reference to the progress of railway Bills in that House. He understood that in the House of Commons a Committee had been moved for with respect to railways. Now he thought that a bad mode of pro ceeding, and one altogether unworthy of the Govern ment of the country, because it was in fact shifting the responsibility of the Government. The labours of the Committee of the Board of Trade last session ad done little or no good, because instead of reducing the evil of the !gambling system it. had increased it.— (Ho ir, hear.) Now, what he wanted to know was whe ther any distinction would be made with respect to Irish railways? If the Government were desirous of providinr , employment in Ireland they could not do so better than by aiding and expediting the completion of such works as Parliament should think it proper to sanction. He wished to know whether the appointment of the Committee would cause any delay in the intro duction of Irish railways? The Earl of DALHOUSIE said that the appointment of that Committee would not cause any delay either to the Irish or Scotch railways. He would not enter into the question now, as it was his intention, on Thursday next to bring the whole question before the House. The Noble Earl then gave notice that he should, on Thursday next, bring before their Lordships the whole question as to the manner in which that House would consider the different railway Bills that should come before it. On the motion of the Duke of BUCCLEUCH, re turns were ordered relative to the Dublin metropolitan p POOR (I REL AND). The Earl of CLANCARTY gave notice of his inten tion, on Thursday, the sth of February, to move for the appointment of a Select Committee to inquire into the operation of the laws with respect to the destitute and sick poor in Ireland. Their Lordship; then adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMOfQS, Tuesday, Jan. 27. The SPEAKER took the Chair precisely at Four o'clock. Mr. CURTEIS presented a petition for leave to in troduce a Bill for the Rochester, Canterbury, and Dover Railway. Petiti.ins, numerously signed, were presented from the inhabitants of Tring, Coventry, Walsall, Salford, and Kettering, for the total and immediate repeal of the corn-laws. Mr. HUME presented a petition from the towns people of Arbroath and Dundee for the immediate re peal of the corn-laws. At half-past four o'clock his Royal Highness Prince Albert, accompanied by the Earl of,Jersey, enterod the House, and took his seat on the cross benches imme diately behind the Serg( ant at• Arms. HONG-KONG. Dr. BOWRING gave notice, that on Thursday, he should move for a return of the expenditure of the co lony of Hong-Kong. ISLE OF MAN. Dr. BOWRING postponed his motion for corres pondence, or extracts of correspondence, on the subject of the House of Keys, in the Isle of Man, till Thursday next. COLONIAL ACCOUNTS. Dr. BO\VRING then moved that the resolutions of the last s!sbion on Colonial ae•!ounts should be read by the Clerk at the table and confirmed. The revolutions were then read at length by the Clerk, and agreed to. Mr. M PHILLIPS presented a petition, signed by 52,57f1 inhabitants of Manchester, praying for the total, immediate, and unconditional repeal of the corn and provision laws. On the motion being put that the Speaker do leave the chair, Mr. MILES rose, and said he wished to ask the Right Hon ,urable Baronet at the head of the Government a question before they resolved themselves into a Committee of th who 'e House, and he was sure, from the well-known courtesy of the Right lion. Baronet, that he would answer his question if it was in his power to do so. Ile understood Vint the Hon. Baronet was now abut to make his financial statement, and he wished to know whether it was his intention to take any vote that evening upon the question? And if it was, he should he glad to know if the Right Hon. Baronet was prepared to press for the decision of the House upon his financial proposition before the country had had time to express its opi • nion upon it. He hoped that previous to their coming to any decision upon the question, Limo would be allowed for duly and properly considering it in all its branches; but, at all events, whether the Right Hon. Baronet answered the question in the affirmative or the nt gative, he would afford ample time to the counties to state what their opinions might be upon it.—(Hear.) Sir R. PEEL—The statement which I shall make to- night will be more a cornmercial than a financial statement, and, therefore, I do not intend to take any money vote in the Committee of the whole House.—(Hear.) It is not my intention to ask the House to express an opinion to-night upon any part of the statement, because it is my earnest wish that the proposal I shall make should be maturely and deliberately considered by the House b fore they come to any decision upon it.—(Cheers.) For this tii.re are sufficient reasons. I believe that the task which is imposed upon me is such that the House will he content to take a candid and indulgent consi deration of the position which I hold, and whatever may be the opinion entertained, I have no doubt in my osn mind as to the result at which we shall arrive ; but I trust in the mean time that the matter will be die cuss-d in a candid and impartial spirit. The SPEAKER—The subject fir consideration is the alteration to be made in the corn laws, and the altera- (ions which have lately taken place.—[The Speaker tben r. ferred to the Queen's reply to the Address, part of which he lead, and the whole of which has appeared in the columns of The Sun]—The question now is that I 1. ave the Chair. The House then resolved itself into a general Com. mittee, and Mr. Greene took the chair. THE PREMIER'S STATEMENT. Sir ROBERT PEEL, whatever may he the opinion entertained of the course intended to be pursued by her Majesty's Government, or of the proposal which, on their behalf, I have to submit, no one will entertain a doubt that their objects are of the highest order, and that the purpose of the Minister is one perfectly coincident with their views of the advantage to be derived from a full con sideration of the interests of these several portions of the community, and I think that none will disagree with me in the certainty that the public interests can be better served by candid dealing than by mere party endeavour. It may suffice to say, that in this discussion I calculate on the impartial consideration of the House. I am a Ira? o that in so important a discussion as that which may possibly take place her Majesty's Government. whatever may be the result, are determined to fulfil the duties of their several offices, and, whatever may be the character of the Ministry, on this they are agreed—that the relief of the duties on commerce, whatever that may be, and the relaxation of the duties on commerce, which I had the honour last session to propose, should be con tinued this year, and enlarged fur the relief of the people. I am about to proceed on the assumption that protective duties ought to be abolished, and are in principle open to e'ojection, and that the policy of maintaining them bla) be &fended, but that there must be special considerations either of public policy or of justice, to vindicate their maintenance. am about to act upon this assumption. During the period of the last three years there has been in this country an increased production of revenue, notwithstanding that there h as b een a remission of many ' heavy that there ha s b een an increased demand for labour— that there has beer, an increase of eommerce, and that there has ken increased comfort, happiness, and con tentment in this country.—(Hear, hear, and cheers) I do not say that th ese b lessings have n e cessarily been caused by any particular policy you have adopted, but this I say, the enjoyment of them has ben confirmed by your measures —that these blessings have been sanctioned by the House of Commons —the policy of rep ealing prohibitory and re d ucing protective duties. I am not now, then, by pr a i s i ng that policy, about to call upon the House to recede fro:n any course that has been pursued a course which has been sanctioned by the House of Commons, and which, as productive of public good, ought, with regard to consistency, to be persevered in.—(Hear, hear.) Sir, lam at the same time, in advising the continued application of these principles, not about to discard the other recommenda tions contained in her Majesty's Speech, namely, that the adoption of good principles should not be the means of endangering the public credit, or of causing thecausing any p ermanent l oss i n the revenue rcountry. N e i ther, Sir, have I lost sight of the other ee rminendati en — namel,y, that in proposing sound Pri"lPle 4, wit should act with sober forbear &nee? DOt prejudice any - great institution T E SUN, LON DON WEDNESDA Y MORNI NG, JANUARY 28, 18t6 I hope this will not be rendered necessary, either on 1 account of any measures I may have to propose, or I you may have to adopt; above all, I hope that the confidently expressed opinion of her Majesty, that this great subject will receive the deliberate and dispassionate consideration of the House of Commons, may be realised. I have already said, in reply to a question put by an Hon. Gentleman, that I do not contemplate asking the House of Commons to pronounce to-night any opinion upon the entire, or a component, part of the measures to be submitted for your consideration; but that, on the contrary, it i s the wish of the Government the questions shall be dealt with by you in a calm and dispassionate manner. — (Hear, hear.) It may be possible, that as I am about to propose so many reductions, some Hon. Gentleman may denounce me as rash and improvident, and de clare that my measures ought on that account to be rejected by this House. If such should be the prevailing impression among those who are favourable to protec tion, nothing can be more easy than that, on the day when they are called upon to consider those great and momentous questions, I should be permitted to ask the House to put upon record a counter principle.— (Cheers.) My motion will be some such resolution as this ; not that any protection on any particular branch of trade is advisable, but that there should be a comprehensive system of protection for all articles of domestic in dustry, believing, as I do, that it will be for the good of the country that our native in dustry should be protected.—(Hear, hear.) I think that that principle ought to be sanctioned.—(Hear, hear.) It may be, on the other hand, that the House and this country, considering the great difficulties of this question— considering the variety of opinions —considering the nature of the contest, which has long existed, and which I fear will long continue, unless there be a satisfactory and early adjustment of this question—(Hear, hear) — it may be that even those who may dissent from par ticular parts of the great scheme which I am about to propose to the consideration of this House may be disposed to accept this proposal as an entire settlement of the question,. and that the voice of the country may pronounce upon it as such. This were an unjust thing. An inequitable or unwise adjustment, it may be considered, would be preferable to the perpetual conflict in which we are in volved ; and if that be the position which the general opinion of the reasonable and intelligent of all classes shall take, in that case I shall have confidence of ultimate success. On the other hand, as I said before, if I touch so many interests by the application of that great principle, that protective duties are not in them selves abstractedly, and ought to be relinquished; in that case another fate will await my proposal, and the sooner it is disposed of the better will it be for the public good. Sir, that principle to which I have referred, namely, the relaxation of the protective duties, I am not about to apply to any one particular class of trade.—(Cheers.) I am not about to select that great interest connected with the agriculture of this country, and call upon them to relinquish protection, and at the same time forbear to call upon other interests to relinquish their privileges. I shall make no isolated proposal. Tho principle for which I shall contend is a just and a wise one—l shall ask all classes to give up their protective privileges—(Cheers)—and to make the sacrifice, if it be a sacrifice, which that application shall cause.—(Hear, hear.) Sir, the House is aware that during the last three years, what is called " the Customs' Duties Act" was amended ; at that time the Customs' duties were submitted to the review and consideration of this House. In 1842 it was my duty, as the head of the Government, to propose a great change in the then Custom's duties. The general principle of the plan under which I then acted was to remit the duties upon arti cles and raw material constituting the element of manufac turing industry. The plan then submittegl to the House was to subject the general manufacturing articles of labour in other countries to duties not exceeding 201. per cent. The House adopted the principle upon which he had acted in 1842. In that year be selected a number of the raw articles for the remission of the duty. In 1844 we reduced altogether the duty upon wool. In the year 1845 we reduced alto gether the duty upon cotton. There is hardly a raw material remaining for import into this country upon which the duty has not been either entirely abolished, or considerably diminished. The manufacturers of the country, therefore, now have an advantage which they did not possess hitherto. They have free access to the rag n.aterial which constitutes the fabric of their articles of manufacture, awl I consider that I am therefore entitled to call upon the manufacturers to relinquish that amount of protection which they now have.—(llear, hear.) The manufacturer has now an advantage which he has not had before. There might have been great doubt as to whether you might have continued to derive the same amount of revenue from the importation of cotton wool which existed in 1844. But the House disregarded the amount of 600,0001. or 700,0001. of revenue derived from such a source. They wished to establish the stability of the manufacture of articles from sheep and cotton wool, and to place it upon a sure and certain foundation. They were willing, therefore, and consented, to forego this amount, so easily levied, and which caused so little complaint from the great body of the people. In order to remove this duty, not only upon sheep, but also upon cotton wool, this House submitted itself to the imposition of the income-tax, in consideration of the removal of the duties upon these raw materials. I propose, Sir, in reviewing those articles upon which there at present exist duties, I propose to take first those articles of raw material which still remain subject to a duty ; and in dealing with these articles, I beg to call upon the manufacturers to relinquish that amount of duty which they now pos sess. Sir, I hardly know any articles of the nature of raw materials subject to duty except tallow and timber.—(Laughter.) Tallow is an article of very great importance to the community, and the people at large, it being used in the manufacture of soap, candle 4, and also for the purpose of dressing leather. I propose to make a reduction in this article from the amount of duty now levied. With respect to the duty on tallow from the United States, the duty on which was 3s. 2d., I will, purely for the purpose of encouraging that produce, n hick was now chiefly procured from Russia, propose a re iaxation in that duty, with the hope that it would ulti mately procure a reciprocal reduction on their part with respect to the produce of this country. I will, therefore, for that purpose, propose to reduce the duty on tallow, which now is 3s. 2d. to ls. Bd. I am taking the articles of raw material first, and shall now come to timber, the produce of our own colonies timber is the only article which I cannot definitely give an explanation of, as the reduction which I am dis , posed to make must depend on the manner in which I am met by other :mates on that article. The coarse her Majesty's Government intends to pursue will be a gradual reduction, to a certain sum, of the existing duties on • timber.—(Hear, hear.) The reduction will be apportioned, if possible, so as to cause no derangement of the duties on timber from the Baltic. But at a very early period it was the intention of her Majesty's Government to make known their ar rangements with respect to timter, on v hich it was difficult to get that information which was necessary. And now, after having made all these reductions, I hardly know a single raw material which has a protec tive duty imposed upon it. After having taken this course after having afforded the manufac turer every facility—after having given him a free command of the raw material—l will call on the manufacturers of the three great articles which enter into the consumption of the great body of the people, I will ask them to give that proof, which I am sure they will—(llcar, hear)—of the sincerity of their convictions as to the impolicy of protection, by consenting to relinquish the protection on corn.—(Hear, hear, and loud cheering from the Opposition benches.) The three branches of manufacture of which I speak are those which give clothes to the great body of the people—l mean those of linen, woollen, and cotton. I will ask them to set the example to others by relinquish ing at once, cheerfully, the protection on corn.—(Hear, hear.) My Honourable Friend the Member for Dorsetshire (Lord Ashley)—and I call him my Honourable Friend, for it shall not be my fault if these unfortunate political different es interfere with Invite fris ndsbip and regard—l will call him at once my Hon. Friend—expressed a hope, being jealous of an ex pression which occurred in her Majesty's Speech, that the small interests of the country should not be visited injuri ously. I will tell him that those interests will meet with the especial c are o f t h e Government. I do not purpose in this review of the tariff to subject myself to the impu tationnow thator protect, as much intention. I declare it concealingmean to my effect great interests and therefore be grati fi ed in M h as i y s interests alluded to. I shall propose, with e goods, including the great mass Rx possible, these small r f a h bl e e nav Friend will, regard e x pectation.—.(Hear. hear.) as calicoes, prints, &c., to make an alteraymtigono. goods, factured goods were now subject to a duty of loanpuer cent. These I propose to make duty free ; and those articles which are charged 20 per cent., I propose to reduce to 10 per cent.—(Cries of " Hear, bear," and cheers.) The articles which constitute in a great measure the clothing materials of the great bulk of the people I propose to make duty free.—(Loud cheers and interruption.) Allow me to state the whole of my scheme before you draw inferences as to any part T of it. I do not wish you to suspend your judg ment for a year. I merely desire that you refrain from forming conclusions till I continue the details of what I propose.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) I am the more anxious to call upon the manufacturers to, relinquish these duties, because, according to high authority it was not the agriculturists but the manu facturers who first called upon the Legislature for the imposition of protective duties.—(Cheers.) I doubt not, therefore, but they will now come forward and set the first example in giving them up.—(Cheers.) Adam smith, I a great authority, says—" That farmers and gentlemen connnected with agriculture were, of all persons in the community, the least subject to the wretched spirit of monopoly."—(Great laughter and cheers.) He also said, " that it was not the agriculturists, but the manufacturers, who had first appealed for the protection of the restrictive system.—(Loud cheers.) They are always ready to call out against the restrictions on all other articles but that which pressed heaviest upon their countrymen. They may be said to be the original inventors of all monopoly."— (Laughter). lion. Gentlemen may have cause for laughter, by the reading of this extract, but it is perfectly true. I propose that the duties on the coarser articles of manufacture shall be materially reduced, and which will have a material effect on the manufacturing inte rests of this country, but not to the great injury of the manufacturing interests. I propose that the made up woollen goods shall also be reduced in duty to the same amount, namely, a reduction of from 20 per cent. to 10 per cent.—(Hear, hear.) I stated the other night that flax was a very important and a staple article of our manufactures, and also that although there was no duty on that article, that its great import was not injurious to our growers of that article, and I believe that has not been contradicted. The duty on linen goods varies according to their quality; but the reduction of duties on those articles cannot be so injurious to our manufacturing interests as may at first be imagined, for I am of opinion that the improve ments made by our own workmen will always keep up the market in their favour. I now come to another very important article of our imports. I mean the silk trade.—(Hear.) how, don't let us suppose that the existing duty on silks operates as a protection to the domestic manufacture of that article.-- (Hear.) You have a duty which you call 30 per cent , but which with respect to many articles is a great deal higher; and as a false reliance is placed on this, as to its being a protection to domestic manufacture, I think it proper to state that there are many houses in Paris, and on the continent, which will guarantee to deliver goods in London at half the duty at present levied.— (Hear, hear.) It is therefore a mistake to imagine that the duty affords the protection which is stated. In the first place it appears that it is an encouragement to smuggling, as the article may be frequently purchased from those engaged in this traffic for a small sum, com pared with that which it will realise in the legitimate eourse of business. I conceive, therefore, that by a new arrangement with respect to the silk duties —in fact, that a reduction of these duties which are not interfering with any domestic manufacture, will, at the same time, diminish the profit of the smuggler, and encourage a lawful and wholesome trade.—(Hear, hear.) Now, the general impression is, that there is a duty of thirty per cent. on silk manufacture. I hold in my hand an account of the duties upon the silk manu facture as at present levied ; and, although, in respect to some it may not exceed thirty per cent., and in others less than ten per cent., yet there are many articles comprised under this definition with respect to which the duty is much higher than this. In the case of crape the duty is not less than 40 or 50 per cent. ; on fancy silk the duty is not less than from 301. to 381. per cent. ; on silk bonnets not less than 1451. per cent ; in the case of turbans it is at least as much. Does any man, therefore, believe foreign turbans, bonnets, and hats, pay a duty of 1451. per cent. It is no such thing. The article is in common use here, but its value is reduced by the common smuggler. Now I propose a new arrangement with respect to silk, but I must not now enter too much into details, as the whole of my statement will be subject to correction after it has appeared to-morrow morning. I now wish to introduce a new principal, based on a gene ral scale which shall enumerate each species of silk, and the amount per pound at which it will be ad mitted, with an option to the Custom-house officer to levy a sum on every quantity of silk of the value of 1001. a duty not exceeding fifteen per cent. The general principle, therefore, shall be a reduc tion of 15 per cent. on this article, which, heretofore, had been, at the lowest, 30 per cent. on such articles ; but in reality it was greater on some articles and less on others. There is another article of manufacture which I think may be fairly permitted to enter into corn petition with the same article in this country. for I do think it would have the effect of stimulating that trade to greater industry and exertion ; I speak of the article of paper—(Hear)—that is paper hangings. At present there is a duty upon all foreign paper-hengings imported into this country of one shilling per square-yard ; and this applies to all descriptions of paper.hangings. Now, I believe it is possible for some descriptions of this article to be manufactured and sold at the rate of one farthiag the square yard. Of course the very fine descriptions, such as those with gold borderings, may still be liable to the duty of one shilling; but I do think that a shilling per square yard duty upon paper which can be made for one farthing per square yard is exorbitant, and therefore I propose to reduce that duty on certain de scriptions from one shilling to twopence the square yard, upon paper hangings coming from abroad.—(Bear, hear.) I now approach those de scriptions of manufactures which are connected with metals.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) It is impossible that I can go thro'igh its detail without entering into minute details, and therefore I do hope that the House will hear me with patience.—([tear, hear.) We have already reduced the duty upon foreign ores ; and I do think that if there be any articles of manufacture in this country which more than another, can bear competition, it is that description connected with metals. The manu facture of metals (I do not mean to particularise them), are now chargeable with a duty of 15 per cent. I pro pose with regard to them, and I include all descriptions, which I do not now mention; but I say, as a general rule, that this duty shall not exceed 10 per cent.— That is the maximum duty which I now propose on those articles, without enumerating them. I have made an exception with regard to paper-hangings, for the reason I have already stated ' • but the duty of ten per cent. on metals shalt be without any exception. With regard to the duty of 10 per cent, on all such manufactures as umbsr.lead, and also hardware and other articles, such duty can be considerably reduced; as also on all manufactures of hair. At present there is a duty of 20 per cent. on the import of foreign carriages, which I propose to reduce. That will be giving an im mense advantage to the consumers of this country, as no article is so very dear as a carriage and equipment. —(Hear, hear.) Look at the carriages made in Brussels, and also in Edinburgh. The price there is considerably below the London price, and I see no reason why foreign carriages should be subjected to a duty of 20 per cent.; and I propose therefore to encourage a wholesome competition in this country by permitting foreign carriages to come in at a duty of 10 per cant. There is also another manufacture in respect of which I propose a con:iderable reduction — I propose to reduce the duty on canvas. As I have reduced the duty on spermaceti, I this night propose a reduction of the duty on candles to about one half ; and I also propose a reduction of the duty on foreign soap to one-half. In the case of hard soap, now subjected to a duty of 305., it shall be reduced to 205., and in the case of soft soap, now subjected to a duty of 205., it shall be reduced to 14s. There are a great many articles besides on which the duty is so slight that I propose to remit them alto gether.—(Hear, hear.) In 1842 the tariff which I pro posed contained the names of nearly 1,100 articles. Those names still remain on the tariff, because it is con venient to the Custom-house officers to run their eyes down the alphabetical list to see what articles are free from duty, but in the case of more than 500 of them, the duty will be either reduced or omitted. These articles I have no objection to state to the House, should it require it.—(Cries of" No, no.") Well, then, I will proceed to the other proposal I have to make. There are still some manufactured articles on which I deem it advisable to reduce the duty to 10 per cent. Respecting the article of gloves already a great reduction has taken place. I now come to an important article of consumption, namely, that of boots and shoes, on the raw material of which I propose to reduce the duty.—(Hear, hear.) On a former occasion an altera tion was made in the duty on the material which en tered into the composition of these articles, but the duty on raw hides was still retained. I now propose that raw hides shall enter duty free.—(Hear, hear.) When the tariff was formerly altered, I retained the duty on all articles that were imported for the purposes of tanning, but now I propose to remit the duty altogether. There is one article to which I will refer which does not take the character of raw material, but which is of the greatest importance to the working classes—l mean the article of dressed hides. As this article extends largely into boots and shoes, and is of great importance to the people, I propose to take the duty altogether off dressed hides. Having explained what I mean to do with this article. I will now proceed to state what amount of duty I mean to propose on articles made up of these dressed hides, to which I have re ferred. I intend to diminish the duty on foreign boots and shoes, a step which I am persuaded will be a great benefit. Having taken the duty off the raw I material, I propose reducing the duty en small boot and shoe-fronts, from three shillings and sixpenc I to Is. 9d. per dozen; on large boot fronts from ss. 6d. to 2s. 9d. per dozen; on boots from IL Bs. to 14s. perdozen; on shoes from 14s. to 7s. per dozen; other articles of this kind to be reduced in the same proportion. There is another reduction I mean to propose, which was omitted in 1842, but which I regret was not then car ried into effect. I mean the duty on the article of straw plait. On this article I propose that the ! duty shall be reduced from 7s. 6d to ss. ; and on straw hats, from Bs. 6d. to ss. per dozen. I omitted to state that there is another article con- nected with the silk manufacture that I propose to reduce the duty on—l mean the article of dyed I ma be nu li f e ac ve tu l re h lvie thrown silk. I hope I am convincing the House 1 that I am disposed to act fairly and impartially in re spect of the application of those duties .—( Cheers.) generally every article wich can be called an article s, c l ot hi ng , ymu s ed.l manufacture,have gumption, and the House will, I intend to reduce Ig s a :ho h w ao t n n h pd e :ro , u t w hp t o h oe r sr a d e- t things generally in aye per ceive that I have pretty strictl y as articles of con laid does • etly adhered to the general principles I had the b egi n, h b • ning. I shall call your attention now to another article of great importance, which, tithough it may be included among manufactures, yet, in com mon parlance, does not coins within the denomination of manufacture. It is an article on which reduction seems at the present time to be peculiarly required. I propose to reduce the duty on brandy, and other foreign spirits. (Great cheering.) The present duty upon brandy is not less than 225. 10d. per gallon, and this high duty has, I believe, prevented any increase in the importation of the article.—(Hear.) At thepresent moment, I think the con sumption of foreign brandy is not so great—certainly not greater than it was at the latter end of the 17th century. — (Hear.) This, I repeat, is mainly attributable to the fact of the present high duty. There is no article in respect to which smuggling so much prevails as in the article of foreign spirits. A diminution of the duty is not, there fore, less protective to the home manufacture than if the high duty were continued. The reduced duty, I have every reason to believe, will have the effect of converting an unlawful into a lawful traffic, by the increased demand for the article consequent upon that reduction. I propose, therefore, that the present duty on brandy and foreign spirits shall be reduced from 225. 10d. to 15s. per gallon. Sir, there remains but one article to which I will revert, in respect to which an arrangement was made as late as the last year, but which I now intend to reduce still further—l mean the reduction of the protective duties on sugar.—(lmmense cheering.) It is quite impossible, in respect to this article, consider ing that prolonged discussions will take place concerning it, it is quite impossible that I can enter into the details of the arrangement which I shall propose. I submit to the House, on the present occasion, the inten tion of her Majesty's Government, avoiding any details. I am very much afraid that the proposal I have to make will not at all meet with the approbation and the concurrence of those who raised those cheers at the mention of the article sugar. I may, however, generally state, on the present occasion, the proposal which her Majesty's Government have undertaken to make. Now, in the last year I estimated the pro bable amount of increased consumption of sugar, in con sequence of the reduction in the duty, at not less than 50,000 tons a year. Up to the last return, the increase in the consumption had already reached 38,000 tons, and whether or no during the remaining period my estimate has been borne out, I cannot undertake to say, as it would be exceedingly difficult to calcutate, unless I had the total amount of increase up to the present time. Still there cannot be a doubt that there will be a very considerable increase in the consumption of sugar. The amount of free-labour sugar brought into competi tion with British colonial sugar has not equalled my ex pectations. I calculated that the amount of free-labour sugar would be 25,000 tons. The amount which has been actually brought into home consumption has fallen very short of that, but I believe that this may be accounted for by the failure in the crop at Cuba, and by the increased consumption in other parts of Eu rope. This, of course, caused a deficient supply to this country from those parts of the world in which free labour is employed. Although this will in a great measure account tor the reduced supply, yet I am bound to say , that I think the British Colonial sugar can bear in creased competition with foreign sugar, the pro duce of free labour. I am not prepared to make any relaxation in our principles with respect to the admission of sugar the produce of countries carrying on the slave-trade. We shall adhere to those principles but with respect to sugar, the pro duce of free labour, while the consumption of that sugar is so limited, and her Majesty's Government have not thought it right to exempt that sugar from the operation of the general principles which I have stated. We pro pose, therefore—assuming that the population is to use foreign sugar the produce of free labour—we propose to deduct 3s. 6d. from the amount of the present dif ferential duty. In the case of muscovado sugar the amount of differential duty is, I think, 9s. 4d., and in the case of clayed sugar, the amount of the differential duty is 1 ls. Bd. We propose to deduct from the amount of differential duty on each descrip tion 3s. 6d., leaving the amount of differential duty in favour of British colonial sugar, competing with sugar the produce of free labour, ss. 10d. ; and in the case of the finer sugars, clayed, the diffe rential duty will be reduced from 1 ls. Bd. to Bs. Now I come to those import duties which have a decided influence on agriculture. I would not only say those which have an immediate effect, but those which are con nected with agriculture.—(Great cheering.) I think that I am perfectly justified in alluding to their interests, and in considering those who are intimately affected by it ; for there are great properties which are concerned in the matter, and of which the best judges are desirous of obtaining a definite result. I would allude then to the article of tobacco, an article which, although it may be considered as a matter of luxury by the higher classes, is felt to be a necessity by the poor. In making this allusion, however, I do not expect that, because it is an expensive article, it should be left out of the account.—(Hear, hear.) But in making these re marks, I do hope that the House will not leave out of their calculation the consideration of revenue.— (Cheers.) We must not forget that we ought not to depress the revenue of the country, for upon that depends all our means of doing any good to the public, and the opportunity of reducing the impositions upon those commodities which ate absolutely needed by the people. I, Aserefore, propose that all those duties should be reduced as far as possible, but yet it should be recollected that a revenue must be raised, not for the purpose of hostile aggression, but for the sake of national defence. I would, therefore, propose that a revenue should be raised for the object of national defence. You must, therefore, keep that consideration in mind, and believe that, while I am proposing this reduction of the import duties that I am not at all unmindful of the necessities which exist in consequence of the obligations into which the agriculturist has entered; for I re collect that there are certain duties which cannot be obviated. It is our business to provide for them. I am aware that some of the duties imposed upon agricultural produce are extremely high ; and as my object is to relieve that interest from as many of its burdens as I can, I would attempt a reduction similar to that which I proposed on manu factures during the last session. Now, the duty on grass seeds can affect nobody, while its remission may be of service to the country. I propose to reduce that duty. In the year 1842, it produced 144,000 h By the remission of the duty the country will be largely served, whilst no injury will affect the revenue. I believe that the producers of clover in this country look upon the duty levied upon the im portation of clover seed rather as a heavy tax upon themselves than as a protection.—(Hear, hear.) With respect to the removal of the duties imposed on agricultural seeds generally, then, it will not be so much a removal of protection, as conferring a benefit on agriculture ; and I intend so to reduce the duty on seeds as to make it less than n .urinal.—(Hear, hear.) It was reduced one-half in 1842, and it subsequently underwent a still further reduction, and I now intend to simplify the duty imposed on seeds in the same way that I have pro posed to simplify the duty en articles of manufacture. The uniform duty on munufactures I have fixed at 10 per cent., and I propose that the duties on seeds shall not exceed ss. per cwt.; hitherto in some cases, such fur instance as onion seed, the duty has not been less than 12 , . per cwt.; but now with respect to all seeds I propose that the maximum duty shall be ss. per cwt. I have already spoken of some other articles, which are of the utmost importance to agriculture, namely those used for the fattening of cattle. I believe it is impossible to over-estimate the importance of pro moting the fattening of cattle, because it tends to advance an improved system of agriculture.—(Hear, hear.) It has tended to restore the fertility of many soils more, I believe, than any of the artificial means which are sometimes resorted to, and, I am sure the House will see that any measure which will promote the fattening of cattle must prove highly beneficial to the country.—(Hear, hear.) I believe there is no manure so valuable as that which is directly derivable from the soil itself, and nothing, I am con vinced of it, will lead more to the improvement of agriculture than by encouraging the fat tening of cattle on the land itself, and thus promoting the acquisition of manure for agricul tural purposes.—(Hear, hear.) I propose, therefore, that the article of grains, which I believe would be much employed for the fattening of cattle, shall be here after imported duty free. There is another article which might be applied with great advantage to the fattening of cattle—namely, Indian corn—which I also propose stall be introduce] duty free.—(Cheers.) By removing the duty upon grain I do not consider that I am de priving agriculture of protection, but rather conferring a benefit upon it.—(Hear, hear.) Maize is an article that is much used abroad for human food, and I believe its utility for this purpose has been much disregarded in Europe, and in no place more so than in this country. It is used, if I am not mist , lien, for human food in, Italy, America, and many parts of France, and look • ing at its utility for the fattening of cattle, I think, with respect to this article also, I am conferring a benefit on, rather than impeding the progress of, agriculture in this country, by removing the restrictions imposed on its importation.—(Cheers.) I also propose that an article called buck-wheat should be subject to the same rule ; that is, that it be admitted at a mere nominal duty. I propose that the m eal o r fl our should be admitted on an equal foo tin g with Indian corn. If any gentleman will ascertain the very o l large Great e sums Bpriatiain in paid annually purchasely bythebeostf f l a ii r i m se e e r d s cthakroeuagnhd rape, h e will agree with me that an increased facility for thc admission of articles that can be used for the fattening of cattle will be of no disservice.—(Hear, hear.) The demand for the articles I have last named is very considerable, and the consumption by some th farmerse chief being ob ject very upon great,some farms if I am is to in f r r o m v e i d d 0 correctly, anade quate quantity of manure for the p ur p ose of im p rovin g the soil. Th e p r i ces of linseed and rape - ca ke has been gradually r i s i ng o f late years. In t he y e a r 1843, linseed cake was from 9/. to 10 / ; in 1844, from 11/. to p ( 3 121. ; and in 1846, from 12/. to 15/. The price of rape cake was in 1843, 4/. ss. ; in 1- Re -a 41 . 10s. to 51. 10s. ; and in January, 1846, the price rose to 6 1. I ho ld now i.i my hand a letter from a m erchant, a resident of the United S t ates, who recommend s that there shou4l be a free importatiou of all the articles used to fatten cattle. He recommended especially for the purpose an article termed rice-meal. Now surely a cheap supply of that ar ticle is very desirable. It is the refuse of rice ground t han oil-cake or the other up, and is much less costly d descriptions of artificial fir od DOW used b y farmers, and for the feedin o therefore, is admirably fitte such an article wo g uld, f cattle. The admission of far from a disservice, in my opinion, be so hear.) I come now a positive advantage —(Hearf e pple.—(Hear, hear, connected with the food of the p . Sir, on intro aud cheers from all parts of the House. ) atest difference of ducin this question I anticipate thehtg,,ree to meet who want Sir, to the consideration of those articles immediately opinion. —(Hear, hear.) I have t no delay arid no qualification, ihava , also to meet those who insist upon it that there shall be no relaxa tion of, or reduction in, the present amount of protection. —(Hear, hear.) Sir, my object will be, if possible, to make some adjustment of this important question. I know that nobody will approve of my plan— (Great laughter)—but our desire is, without favour or undue partiallity towards any class, to suggest that which we believe to be just, and calculated to ter minated that conflict the continuance of which might be fatal to the country.—(Hear, hear.) I do trust that by the plan which I have proposed the jealousy and dis sension between the different classes of her Majesty's subjects may be removed without any injury to any par ticular class, and thus, it is to be hoped, that we shall promote the general interest of the country. I consider that it is for the public advantage that this subject should meet with a final settlement.—(Cheers.) I am not about to propose an immediate repeal of the duties which are imposed upon corn. What I have to propose is an earnest of the principle upon which I shall act. I am induced to propose an iminediate reduction upon many articles of primary importance, and which constituted a principle portion of the food of the people ; but I must state this in respect to the plan which I shall propose, that there shall be an immediate reduction of the duties on those articles on which I do not propose an immediate and total repeal. I propose that the duties—speaking of the articles of consumption—l propose to take that extensive review of the articles included in the tariff relating to the articles constituting the food of the country. I propose to make a reduction —an immediate re uctien—upon the duties of the whole of them. I propose, on the part of her Majesty's * Government, that the duties should be immediately reduced upon butter from 1/. to 10s. per cwt.; upon cheese from 103. per cwt. to ss. per cwt.; and upon hors from 4/. 10s. to 2/. .ss. I will now mention the articles of agricultural produce upon which I propose an immediate repeal. With respect, then, to those articles of general consump tion, upon which the reduction will be total and imme diate, I propose to abolish entirely the duties upon bacon, also upon fresh beef and salted beef, upon salt pork and fresh pork, and all other arti cles of animal food enumerated in the last tariff—these I propose to be admitted duty free. With reference to potatoes and other articles enumerated under the head of vegetables, and which form articles of general con sumption, I propose that the whole of the duties shall be totally and immediately repealed. Everything, then, in cluded under the heads of vegetable and animal food will be admitted duty free. In thus acting, observe that I have dealt equally with the agricultural and the manu facturing interests. To the agricultural interest I give increased facilities, by removing the duties now levied on seeds and other articles. The reduction in bacon, butter, and other articles of food, will also benefit the manufacturers. I believe that the growing and increasing skill of the country, and the stimulus that will be afforded them by competition, will give them an increased advantage over foreign countries. Then, having removed the duo( s from all articles of food, I propose also to remove at once all the duties upon the importation of cattle.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) In short, I propose that all cattle imported into this country . shall be admitted duty free.—(Hear, hear.) There is no necessity for mentioning the amount of duties now levied upon cattle, still less occasion have I to mention the several amounts o duties upon other animals mentioned in the late tariff. I will now propose the reduction of all duty on cattle, both lean aril fat. The increased facility for getting the lean cattle will, I hope, be some :compensation to the agriculturists for doing away with the duty on all animals.—(Laughter.) Those who may be disposed to find fault with this measure, will, I hope, bear in mind that I have proposed, the removal of protective duties from some of the great articles of manufacture. But I call on the manufacturers to show the first ex ample. I now come to the proposal which I intend to make with respect to corn.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) We propo e at once to remove the duties upon all ani mals enumerated in the tariff ; and I propose, Sir, as a proof of an adherence to these principles, that the duties upon animal and vegetable food, and also upon cattle and other animals, shall at once cease. I do not propose an immediate repeal of the duty on th Lt article, but to come to a gradual repeal, in order to give time for the adjustment of agricultural interests. I think it would be out of my power to sum gest any modification of the existing corn-laws, which would meet with the approbation of the country, and I will not, in consequence, propose such a measure. Some persons have complained of the manner iu which the duty upon foreign cattle is now levied, these duties will now be entirely abolished.—(llear, hear.) I propose that a very considerable reduction should be made on corn, and that the reduction shall be limited to a period of three years.—(Loud cheers from the Opposi tion benches.) My measure shall contain a provision that at that period of the year, namely on the Ist of February, 1849, oats, barley, and wheat, shall be subject to a nominal rate of duty, which I have already proposed to affix to Indian corn.—(Hear, hear.) My impression as to the policy of providing immediate relief for a great portion of the people remains un changed. I cannot admit—and I sincerely regret it — but I cannot admit that I take an erroneous estimate of the pressure for relief which, before the arrival of the next harvest, may arise. I think,, not only looking at the prospects of the next spring, but looking at the consequences of the deficiency in Ireland, that it is of the greatest importance, as far as legislation can take pre caution against the suffering, which it was painful to consider might prevail. Indeed, I wish it were possible to take advantage of these uuhappy circumstances, and extract benefit from them, namely, by introducing in Ireland a taste for a higher description of food. The potato, in which there was such a deficiency and disease, is the food of millions of our fellow countrymen. We have, then, to consider what provision is to be made ; for we cannot make an immediate change in the tastes of the people. I propose to make such a reduction on the present duties as shall realize a great part of the advantages which would attend the opening of the ports. I pro pose that there should be a great reduction in the amount, and that amount so reduced should continue for a limited period, and afterwards be changed into a merely nominal duty. My colleagues and myself have addressed our selves to the subject with the greatest diligence and im partiality, and the result of that has been the law which we now propose to meet the present exigencies and great wants of the country. According to the present law, the rate of duty upon other de scriptions of grain has been regulated by the rate of duty on wheat. Now, with regard to barley, oats, peas, and other inferior grains, we propose that there shall be a reduction in the same ratio—a reduction of a corre spon'ing amount with the principle now stated. J pro pose, from the passing of this Act, that all colonial wheat shall be admitted at a merely nominal duty.—(Hear, hear, and cheers) I also propose that the duties on meal, the produce of the colonies, shall be removed.— (Cheers.) I can see no reason why they should be any longer retained. Thus, I offer to those who insist on the immediate and unconditional repeal of these laws— I offer the immediate admission, free of duty, of all kinds of colonial grain.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) I propose to admit, as I said before, maize from the United States, du 'y free. Well, then, we now pr• pose the following ditties up to the Ist of February, 1849. That from the colonial possessions all corn shall be imported duty free. That from all foreign countries, that when corn shall be under 48s. there shall be a duty of 10s.; above 495., it shall be be at an invariable duty of 4 s. With res p ect to wheat a 9 n s. d ; a t a n s d 3s w ., h e s n s a ; t a s n O d s. 7s. w , hen; it a s t h s al s. le , x 6 c s. ; eed w s h 4 e i n ., i a t t , s b 2 a s i there shall be a duty of 4s. I think that after having laid before the House the general rates of duty, it will be better that I should not go more into the details as they will all appear in the morning in the printed papers. As I said before, there shall be a duty of 4s. on foreign wheat from the present date. This, then, is our proposition. We propose to accompany that arrangement with other provisions, calculated—l will not say to give compensa tion—but calculated, in my firm belief, materially to advance the interests of that portion of the community which, after the lapse of three years, will be called upon to relinquish that protection which has, up to this time, been extended to them. I believe that this is a just arrangement, and that whilst it will promote the interests of other portions of the country it will also lead to their own advantage. I thank them for the way in which they have borne their burdens, and to the example which they have thus set to other portions of the community: I am obliged to them for the forbearance which they have exercised. I will now state what are the measures with which we propose to accompany this present reduction and ultimately an extension of the measures which I believe will be of great advantage to that portion of the public, with whose welfare the interests of the whole country are bound up—the farmers. I am perfectly aware that there are burdens which press heavily upon them, some of which are, in my opinion, capable of alleviation—not by putting them on other articles, but by introducing a reform in the administration of the local measures of which they have reason to complain. But first let me take the existing arrangement with respect to one great source of ex penditure—the one great burden which is constantly and justly complained of by those engaged in agri cultural pursuits I mean the amount of rates levied in connection with highways. (Hear.) Well, now, is it not possible, without subjecting other parties to the expense of supporting the highways, to introduce an useful reform into that expenditure, by which they would experience a great relief ? I believe it to be possible. Why, what is the practice with re • spect to the highways of this country ? There are 16,000 different local authorities, each of which have the charge of roads. Now, each of these highways becom ing of great importance, as railways advanced, turnpike roads and highways now oflit tie importance, will become of considerable value and importance. But what can be more defective than the system that places a highway, which is a continuous channel of communication, and which passes through different parishes under the con trol of different parishes and different local trustees;. The result is, as I have said, that the total number of persons who'.have the management of the highw a y s i n this country is not less than 16,000. It is the practice of these trustees to appoint a surveyor in each parish, who knows nothing whatever about the matter l Ev a e rte n qw i u f hir t i h eedh is tioosffibeeer regulatedmateriallydid alaltered, e r s e t A i d i is quite unnecessary. Indeed, the present entire osi tion of the system for regulating the highways is posi tion voluntary- union for the purpose ll) (7 re has led to a very bad and defective system of a iev w an h c i e e s h ; buse:aesrai several is nagement. One of the modes of management m ay there is hardly an instance . of this A . bg a th y s t. t fiotri o si f tani P s o a offi r n l ec ia ew m it e hi n cla t isl , t parishes s ry that is the very 3 b n reason car ried into effect.—(Hear, t ente rm e e t d l e being into those a ce ear, hear.) Now, in order to re medy this, what I propose will not only have the effect of affording relief to the agriculturists from the burden which this system imposes on them, but I also propose to alter this power from a voluntary to a compulsory one, in order that the parish authorities may be com pelled to practiee this superintendence which is now but voluntary; and if you agree to that you will then have only 600 authorities instead of 16,000.—(Hear, hear.) I would propose to make the guardians of the unions the parties upon whom it would be compulsory to appoint a competent surveyor to discharge the duties to which I have alluded. With regard to the system of the voluntary union of parishes, I will first read a state ment I hold in my hand of the results of a different mode of management adopted in a district of the north of about 70 miles in extent. (The Right Hon. Baronet then read the document, in which it was stated that by a different mode of management the expenses had been reduced very materially. In one instance where the charge upon the parish for the maintenance of highways was from 6d. to 9d. in the pound, while many was completely thrown away, they now had better roads, and the tax was reduced to from Is. 2d. to 3d. in the pound, and in other districts the reduction was from 3d. to 4d. in the pound.( I now come to deal with a law which has for a long time been very justly complained of by the agricul turists. I mean the law of settlement.—(Hear, hear.) There is one law, of which the agriculturists com plain, and very justly, and that is the Poor-law settle ment. In the time of prosperity many of the people are employed in manufacturing towns, and a great portion of a man's life is often consumed as a manufacturing labourer. The whole of his character for good conduct and industry is derived from the town in which he works. A revulsion in trade takes place, and then what is the course adopted ? The man and his family are sent back to the rural dis trict from which they came. The man who has sent his life as a manufacturer returns to the rural districts, his usual eccupations are interrupted, and he is quite unfitted for his new occupation. He is trans• ferred to a new home, and separated from his con nexions, and of course his moral feeling is destroyed. I will therefore propose, for the purpose of re lieving the land fro m suc h a b ur d en , an d in order to do justice to the labouring man, that an industrial residence in any parish for five years without the corn • mission of any offence, shall give to the individual a set tlemement, and the power of removing him shall be taken away. In the case of such a man after having devoted five years to labour, his claim for support shall not be on the place of his original settlement, but shall be on the place where the price of his labour and in dustry has been bestowed.—(Lou heers.) In 1842, when great distress prevailed in lhe manufacturing districts, the practice was that the manufacturers who had settlements in the agricultural districts were at once returned to their original settle ment. What I now propose will be a great im provement, and, therefore, after the passing of this law, no person who has resided for more than five years in any parish shall be removed fram that parish. No residence in prison—in arty lunatic asylum—in hospital—or in any poor-house, or receiving relief, to be counted as part of the time, and neither shall it be reckoned as an interruption to the time. Not only shall this extend to the man, but to his children, and to the children of his wife—legitimate or illegitimate, under the age of 16 years,. and such children shall not be re moved where the removal of the person himself is forbidden. that there shall not be the power of separating the chil dren from their parents, and that every man shall have the power, the right of requiring support, not from his place of settlement, but birth. At present, immediately upon the death of a labouring man in the manufacturing districts the widow of that man is removed. Now, we shall propose that no widow residing with her husband at the time of his death shall be removable for twelve months from the parish in which her husband resided. At present, when a man's health is wasted by extreme labour he has no course to adopt but to leave e ork. Now, we propose that in sickness an asylum shall be found for him, and there shall be no power of removal from the manufacturing to the rural districts.---(Hear, hear.) This, I tiunk, will be considered an alteration of the law by which great social advantages will be obtained, and at the same time relief to the agricultural districts. —(Hear, hear.) I now approach 'mother matter in respect to which lam prepared to advise that which, without loss to any other portion of the community, e ill be a great advantage, not only to the agricultural, but all the best interests of the country. There is a dread of competition if the duty is removed, but that competition may be met by skill and industry, and in order that the En g li s h f ar m er ma y compete w iCht he foreigner, we propose that the State shall encourage agricultural improvements. Now on that subject the evidence with respect to the entailed estates is most important, because it shows that, by means of im provement, there is a means of greatly improving the produce of the land. It shows, also, that there are immense districts in this country that might be very greatly improved by means of draining. The difficulty attending on any scheme of meeting the defective system of draining is shown in the re port I have alluded to. There have been various schemes proposed, and some of them by an Honourable Friend of mine, to facilitate agricultural improvements, but they have been met with great difficulties in conse quence of the interfe rtnee of the fermers. The great difficulty has been the raising of money on entailed estates, so as to afford satisfactory security to those who might advance it.—(Hear. hear.) Te ob viate this, 1 intend that the public credit shall be em ployed in order to effect agricultural improvements, by advancing sums of money on certain terms. Those sums of money I intend shall be advanced when application is made that improvements are to be effected, accompanied with a statement and a proper estimate of how it is to be expended.— (Hear, hear.) Hitherto, if we made advances of Exchequer-bills, it was on a high rate of interest ; but in the present case, in advising an application of the public credit to effect agricultural improvements,' propose that the Exchequer bill Commissioners shall be empowered to make advances to the proprietors of estates at a moderate annual charge. These grants, I propose, shall be made through the advice of a Board that ie now in existence—l mean the Board of Inclosures. The Inclosure Commissioners I propose shall make all inquiries respecting what parts of the country should undergo improvement ; they shall receive all applications for money, calcu lating the value of the land, the improvements proposed, and the amount of the expense they will cost; which done, they shall report the result in a circular to the Exchequer-bill Commissioners who in that case shall on their advice make the advances re commended, it being arranged that the money so ad vanced shall have paid on it an annual rate of interest, and also that the principal shall be re paid in regular yearly instalments.—(Hear.) But in this course I propose that in all cases where there are heavy burdens on land—where there are prior claims to meet by advances on mortgage or otherwise —that no advances shall be made by the Exchequer-bill Commis sioners without the consent of the party having the lien. In all such cases, however, I apprehend par ties will perceive it to be their interest to consent to such advances, as they will lead to great improvements in the land, and do much to enhance their interests in the property. I believe an arrangement of this kind will be found a groat benefit ; that the objections to it on the ground of entailed estates may be obviated, and the expenses so applied, I am certain, as to advance the interests of all proprietors, and lead to great agri cultural improvements in the country.—(Hear, hear.) I do not limit the amount of improvements to these merely local advantages. I believe that the spirit of improvement generated by this plan will go on pro gressively. I believe that every proprietor of land will follow the example set him by scientific men, and strive to improve his estate, and that this innova tion on the part of the Government will lead to an ex tended spirit of agricultural im provementover the country. —(Hear, hear.) Well, that is another mode in which we propose to enable the agricultural interest to meet the competition with which they may be threatened on the withdrawal of the duty. Now, with respect to the direct local burdens, I have given the most serious consideration to this subject, and I cannot advise any material alteration of the system on which the assessments take place. There is no doubt that a sum is levied under the name of poor rate, which is employed • partly for the purpose of relieving the poor, and partly for other ob jects. It is said, and said with some apparent justice, that this is a charge upon land, and that, therefore, there ought to ba a very great alteration in the principle en which levies of that kind were made. Now, in point of fact, this charge is not a charge upon land.—(Hear, hear.) As far as this charge is concerned, the oppo sition is not one between the country and the towns—the opposition is not one between land and other interests, the opposition is one that arises between real and personal property. But it must be remembered that real property includes mines, hous es , and manuractures, and it is such real property as this that is subject to this assessment. It might possibly be considered just, and it might perhaps be advantageous, to make personal property subject to a charge for the maintenance of the poor, but you must recollect that the charge is a local charge, and not a general tax. The land could, however, gain nothing by making personal property liable from this rate. It will be no advantage to the land if the same principle were carried out in Manchester, Stockport, and other manufacturing towns. It would be only a dif ferent distribution of the burden within that locality. You may say, su bj ect personal property to the change, but if you do you must also subject personal property in the rural districts.—(Hear, hear.) But now how will y ou l evy small charges on h ouses? It is possible to levy a charge for the general purposes of the country, but if you come to levy an amount small as this on personal property, you may depend on it that this sort of inquisition will not be tolerated. So far from it being a benefit to the land—considering that the charge is always a local one—so far from it being a benefit to the land to raise the amount by means of an inquisition instituted by mere parochial authorities, it would be a burden to the land. Now, I am quite willing to admit that there might be parishes in which there may be a large rural and a large manufacturing population. Well, in parishes so situated, then, I do admit that I think the assessment an unjust one. I am not prepared to suggest any mode of removing that evil, but I cannot think that there would be any advantage whatever to the land, considering that the charge is a local one, in the establishment of an institution for the purpose of making inquires as to the amount to be raised. If you do so, you must inquire into the profits of trade, and the profits of the farmer might also be made the subject of inquiry. You certainly have been charged upon personal property. But even there exceptions were taken— (The rest of the sentence was lost, in consequence of the Right Hon. Baronet at the moment turning his back to the gallery.) lam aware that the State might take upon itself the maintenance of the poor ; but I um sure that there would be the greatest objection to that and while the charge continues to be „---- a local one, my fi rm belief is that the lan r° re rol l e al would not benefit by that course. I am not Prerr;e therefore, to suggest any amendment to the e !, eye principle. But I have always certainly felt tear fee lcc on was a fair claim for direct relief from some Some of these burdens would probabl! and from those land should be re ieved• 1 , 41 to mention any compensation, but I believe 01 by lay a foundation for a great essential improvrw_ewes taking upon the Government tome of those sceee which now bear upon land. Some of those were brought under the notice of the House by t up, Member for Somersetshire last year. I was tt . ),ea ( , 1 , t pt to admit that the relief that we should derisex;sip agie:cultural interest would be but small, bu t e 4l/ 0f now, when you are about to deprive land 0 3 7 we], protection, that. I think the circumsta nces are leesot and that we may relieve the land to a grea t You have the opportunity be effected, and I would only take the cases of le t ' he 'led, expenses of which are always thrown upon r,,reve.s and perhaps a still greater illustration, a t b r' e _ A el' . of ascertainiug h0w.,_,00110 which arise from the o ff ences which are el Ivii; jit as demeanours. By these means the charge s re moval' l' hitherto been borne by the land ought to th e stn and that those expenses should he born e by L H 0001' so as to render them equally imposed 00 ti the ftel° 4 of the community. I think, therefore, that ded bytti: necessary for this purpose ought to be Prd vi ada f° country, and that some provision should be l l e tro s , l the removal of these di ffi culties; and I sin e be e s ipe!!; that no unnecessary discussion will ensue on t it OP, sions. Now, with respect to these Cireumstaccie'differell not to be forgotten that there is a Mat eria !sod tiler between England and Ireland. In l y re - 1, ad 0 117 e; are the peculiar land terms. i n "" n a g ee l te l f e e matter is different. We hoe here c' ..h t le a eon; terms; but in Ireland they have no In a ''” •ed b Y In Ireland a material benefit would be obteinare ilk ministration to trade the advantages wh ich irbe b ell ; to be enjoyed by the agricultural interests. ors P fits to be enjoyed by that inter:te by e o to be taken from the advantages ereneloweleeßy country. But in Ireland there is a and 00 1J t o or public convenience as well as profit, a" , 1 1 0 5i0r1',..4 observed, in order to come to a correct one be dee- i the whole of the community are a ff ected her ho les' c ' thi at which you will arrive. Now, tb e „ l i a le lit of land materially affect that decision, an„d 50 0 P:etf expenses imposed, in consequence 0 1 " -- s ta te ",,e national inquiry, ought to be borne by the if;o than by the landed interest, and that if vi'et it should be imposed generally, _ 4 ," of not to bear heavily on this Il lr e e A °l ,fit United Kingdom. N o w, if we take a fil e . .a te",iP burdens, and of the advantages which Ile° h ; or enjoy, I believe that the benefits wil!„'" - e ieles preponderate, and that the labourer w e '" ~e profits which is likely to accrue to the P ee '"" e leier,ie and particularly to this portion of the Unit's' i be r t , I believe this will be the means of placin e , ff force directly under the entire control of t',: j e t etic e t te meat, and prevent the possibility of all inte:olie local interest.—(Hear, hear.) It system of police as perfect as you can P A ' - e 5 it, and exclude all power of local knowleug - c 'etiv e t e! interference. I propose, therefore, that the tbe r i 0, Government shall take under their entire ce t r- coo lr ' l s police of Ireland, and in order to make w e ' ex po complete as possible, I propose that th e it ehe, e 'l f e the force shall be paid out of the public w above In fact, as some return for the ,‘OOll4, of protection, Government are diel )° ", e rsl commend that the whole charge of th e ; O S / in Ireland shall be borne by th e public. Tbeeteis charge borne by the l a nded interest °' pbtcb try to which I wish to allude, an d ethos' r e propose to share with them. I allude to i n se, —(Hear, hear.) If the performance of ace . „o o o of the functions of the Poor-law Coleet:„ se" given more satisfaction to the country t`"" it is the way in which they have administere er relief.—(Hear, hear.) And yet, I am e 41 1„ tet e ° PI this description of relief has ofte n tremely defective, and many distressingr,ll often been brought before our eyes in c ° , 1 ,,,,10 1 f this defect.—(Hear, hear). We propose, "'" pe improve the medical relief afforde d(.rsl/04 poor and destitute of the country ' of g, "Hear, heal...) And for the purpose buti? the Executive greater control over the til l 1 , medical relief in England and Scotla n ;" th e . 1 . 1 V pose to take one-half of the charge o f t medical relief of the country. 'llitte e h ' etil e e er enabled to do away with the objections wh ie " be ' of / • le i s urged by the guardians to the interferenc e eitehee law Commissioners, in th e ma tt er o f medical ', 6 0 fact that we contribute one-half of the eeP e of i er the relief oceasions. I estimate that the Ai is it t4 charge will b e no t l ess th an 100,0°703 land, and 15,000/. i n S co tl an d. In j, re ll - o°li S j will be a separate law w hi c h p ass ed t h i s „• 0 0 o e time ago, and which will occupy the atte t ;'; other House of Parliament in the course °I the s',4 l session. With respect to Scotland there is e - i charge to which I wish to refer, and from te a 00 Scotland ought not to be released. The L 01:: I maintaining a prison in Scotland I b ej t to be borne by the public rather tb n us erf landed interest ; and, for the ea t ', te the Perthshire landlords, I -maY " et °lel ` the expense of maintaining that establishlnewe 1,1 removed from the landed interest, and tb r° rei t ?, public. There is another subject, havi n g, te to the union workhouses, to which I vvi e s ' e the attention of the House. I mean iP ' e 0 1 e f , system of education which exists in 51 - tbe tb establishments. I am anxious to avni" I ;1 4 ing of any religious qu estion, O t te r %IT, ire may safely interfere in this Ma ley doing so. We propose in no way to inter rete o appointments of the officers, and to avoid , be AP,II stated, the raising of any religiousquestioo , el?"' j recut of the schoolmaster shall still rernn i ",:g j , guardians, but still we shall be ready, if l '„, L- 0 0 01 1, 1 cannot procure them,ito undertake the ce,: r le f e: duty of providing competent schoolinaster,i4o- th e e er g mistresses. If, however, the guardians cl e ' i i c e'", of providing these officers themselves, we r e i t l ie t c eP A eki officers shall possess ample ed n ' ea ll " h e the performance of the duties which s' upon them. We shall claim t il l e , e ssle f ll' inspection, bec ause , if th e schoele - it er, schoolmistresses shall be found incompeten t ' c°m Is ready at the public charge to fin d ee 'r la r tf' and respectable per s oes t o s upply ti: e l e It is our intention as well to undertake t e e d educating the children of the desn,l and it shall be our care to Prf ir t i- s e se s it and competent masters and rnae re o k a bsPy ll that purpose. Then, again, with respec",e t env" the amount of remuneration to be 4iven to 1 4° ' e ji d the same as that of the Commissioner: e s c fe el'e serve, in almost every case in which I l'", e th c o V e ' any remission of the burdens on land, ; i d e al's time I propose the attainment of some rediaette, connected with the public good.—(Hear.) - 0 .0• 0r4 scheme will meet with the approval of tbe i ijoo s ,,, of men, at a very early perioi all res t li tt ee 6 e i : food will be removed, and instantly other e eet apply to the importation of food. Wite,reelel clothing there will he liberty to purchase in e rthe e le e e d mai ket. With r e s p ect t o me di ca l men" also be a great improvement.—(Hear.) l i l , l° retre fe c i parties will re fl ect , t h at i ns t ant ly, v itor e Ore many articles of f o od th ere w ill be a feee;etry i i —with respect to all a free importaajon at Ir y s~ cep WhetLer the measures I have proposed wil l j 0111 ,e1. 1i „ to satisfy both parties I caneot say, b u t a nd 11 ,e' hope the entire scheme will be fair]) 4g 1: 0 6 rately considered by both sides, and Ps i i i: f reflect upon the consequences likely to re,s ile et' c ifi immediate rejection of these measurese - A, o f ht, I do not ask for an immediate expros' °- ,.. 1 „ at this moment, but, after the iotef P A " e e short time I hope you will PeJselr to my proposal. Permit me now, Sri, to c ° ",i o 01 ;4 two observations—one upon foreign policY:to mercial interests, and o n e h av i ng - referene in • te re i e domestic concerns. Sir, I fairly avow tbs ol these great reductions on the produc e t ot v ery countries, I have no guarantee e' e el countries will immediately follow , te ° tare ,:te9 Wearied by our long enduring efforts—V;tel," we have resolved to consult our own innoe") S i, fe jtrul —(Loud cheers from all parts of the Hon sc e les , Aft not to oppress other countries, or curse . % 00 tinning exces s i ve d ut i es an d the enclfe7ts")( unlawful t a x a ti on . —(H ear, h ear, an d eLtev e ,,e have i'P no communication, therefore, w",-005°,1 el any oth er G overnment i n ma ki ng t h e Plfr e 1 11 '0 rJ bye have s u b m i tte d. I cannot prolc"%itoll, i ped France will make any 11 considerable al t a er i t el l o tariff in con sequence of our proposed . pre i sl l° e cannot promise you that R yeses " 3 01 ili a gratitude to us for our reduction n e e pp o6 . 4 o,o You may tax your articles, therefore, in - bet J o 1 :0 our present plan, to meet their ingratitedeLps me ' Op will exact nothing thereby. I may, P r t - e that in many foreign countries, since „ - , e t eo* / i d le ; of cur duties, the people hare been yet they have not followed our e x h - s ee " - o rk only have not followed our example, hu!. " t ir t lj 'ite e i e highered the duties on the admission 0 1 ° j lured goods into their countries.—(flea r.) ,,fthcor,,o mit that fact. I give the whole benefi t e fe see t tPO ment. I rely upon that fact as a positive , fa c i 1 11 .4 present policy of foreign countries. It 13 le, 0%',F,„0 other countries have not followed our exa' n , eitti e e s,r/ they have, in fact, in some cases highered ° l w o b e t erd the admission of our goods. But W hat 0 0 %09 result of that policy upon the amottnt of 401*- -(Hear, hear.) You have defied tb e ,,,,e t r ad e of other countries.—(Cries of " Hear, "eiri t e r ee cC i , export has greatly increased.—(Hear.)en„so/110301:0 the smuggler has been in operation i n b il e , the loco, the policy of other countries with reaP ee s ate r ao t r i l e; sion and exportation of articles of Inant fre l c" - ,o o t el the strict regulations of contiew beir c o so b Your exports, whatever be the tariffs of ey (4 bee °V or the apparent ingratitude with wh ich t b r ally ioy et you—your expert trade. I say, ha s g., -e n ote tio By the remission of duties upon ra n t of Ai vg,tsf have been able to exceed the ainoti b ot 4 . -- rot , revenues of the country. And, 11(4-- deeln'jo0L' existence of hostil e tariffs, the 0 00, 010 1 0 , of British exports has exceeded,:hi 'S e a, amount of the last three years. I sal , m ost t - re ti b el tariffs, so far from being an argume nt s l' - it egep i , 0i val of restrictive duties, f u rnishes a etongait " houg; o o favour ; and dep en d upon it, t hat nations may not at first P end pol l v 4 uIT cow; ta _ e the rem o v a l o f th ese duties, de tillia leP Pre.id l t e f p that your example will ~ (Hear, hear.) When your ez e e „ _ lO. O 00 1 quoted in favour of restrictions it' f 11 7 50 1 1,01 And when your example can be clacr etor eeteel wd laxation, as being conducive to your may aot „.`;`,"s dee" fail to have its proper weight. It Ille4olo, received by Governments, or foreign 0 4 1.0 00 upon it that the exercise of reseumAl duration of the common in ter ° ""-- Oe t th e die ; Itpr