The Sun. — London, England, 1852-11-11 00:00:00

lEttition ~.~~~ ~~ SUN OFFICE, Seven o Clock. OPENING OF THE NEW PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS-(THIS DAY.) The doors of the House of Peers were opened pro ly at 12 o'clock, and the arrival of company was con lump+ from that hour until shortly before the Queen 3 fluted the Throne. As usual on these occasions, the . cues on the fluor of the House, with the exception of • - row in front, were entirely occupied by ladies. The Tries were also set apart to their use, and they were most entirely filled. Among the first Peers who entend the Honse, were iho Duk.) of Newcastle, Lord Vivian. the Earl St. Ger tbe Earl of Clanrielrde, the Earl of Harrowbyi and the :fake of Baccleuch. Thy feathers of the Ministry present were the Lord ChanrOor, L)rd Colchester, th e Etrl of Malm""Y' `he E.irl of anhy, tho Earl of Hardwick°, the Earl of i4iinton, the Duke of Northumberland, and the Marqu is ' I).t Saliabury. ic Afcer P ra Yv" had been said by the B6hop of Nor 'v --h-' several Per a.asembied round the table, and were ,770113. The Judges of the Equity and Common Law Courts were nearly all in attendance. Their Lordships occupied the cross benches in front of the Throne ; a large muatvr of the corps diplematique and several of the Bishops• -_including the Archbishop of Canterbury and Bishop s of London and Oxford—appeared in the bench 'Mow them. T'ae Duke of Cambridge arrived early, and took up a 7.9litioa near the Throne. There were altogether about 100 Peers in the House. ' - '..sides those already mentioned, the Earl of Cardigan, Lind Abinger, Lord Besumont, the Marquis of Win 30ester, Lord Redesdale, &c. &o. At two o'clock, by which time all the company had arrived, the House presented a very gorgeous appear ance; the gaily and various-coloured dresses of the Pceresses, and the other ladies, contrasting well with the robe , of the Peers, and the uniforms of the corps diplomatique. At 20 minutts past two, the firing of cannon announced the approach of the Queen ; a few minutes afterwards bar Mijesty entered, leaning on the arm of Prince Albert, and preceded and followed by the usual Officers of State and Pages. The Earl of Derby carried the Sword of State, the Earl of Lonsdale the Crown, and the Mar (pis of Winchester the Cap of Maintenance. Her Majesty having taken her seat on the Throne, and requested her people to be seated, the Deputy Usher of the Black Rod was dispatched to summon the Commons. Without many minutes delay the Speaker made his appearance, followed by the Chancellor of the Excbe• goer, Mr. Secretary Walpole, and Sir. J. Pakington, and other Honourable Members. Her Mijesty then read the Royal Speech, for which aeo another column of The Sun. Her Majesty delivered it with great distinctness and emphasis, every word being beard at the extreme end of the House, except when the bustle created by the rush of Mmibers to the bar, and the cracking of the ohandAier lights. drowned her The LORD CEINCELLOR took his at on the Wool sack at 5 o'clock. The attendance of Peers on the Ministerial side was ;;-y.ceedingly numerous, but the Opposition Peers also rututered strongly. The Earl of Derby, the Duke of Northumberland, thm Earl of Eglinton, the Earl of Malineabury, Lord Col chester, occupied the Ministerial bench ; among those on the Opposition side were the Marquis of L.insdowne, the Duke of Newcastle, the Marquis of Clanricarde, the Earl of Carlisle, Lord Brougham, the Earl of Aberdeen, Lord Stanley of Alderley, Earl Granville. The attendance of strangers in the galleries and below the bar was numerous, and the gal appropriated to Peeresses was filled. "~ now in operation, and gave general satisfaction. There ; was one more topic he would touch upon. It was now j the chief thought of the people at large he need hardly say he alluded to the lame n t e d l oss o f th e D u k e o f Well ' ington—a loss not only to thi s coun t r y b u t t o the world at large. His funeral only be attended by Englishmen, but by deputations from several countries. It had been a stated th at i f that great man was go ne, in the evont of a Europea n war no genera l could b © found to lead the British troops to victory. To this opinion he co7ld not subscribe, for, in his opinion, the Duke of Wellington would have lived in vain had he not set an example to Englishmen which he had no doubt would, at time of need, be followed, (Hear.) He would not longer de tain the House, but would move the adoptionflof the Ad dress. The Marquis of BATH, in seconding the motion claimed the indulgence of the House, it being the firs time of his having addressed them. The Noble Lord referred at some length to the readiness with which the militia had enrolled themselves. Though it was true that the great majority of the population wore in a state o unexampled prpsperity, it was no less true that therewas a class which rt pair d help, this 11, Ip, ho believed, would bo afforded by her Majt sty's present Govertimet t without interfering with the existing policy of th country. The Noble Lord concluded by seconding the adoption of the Address. The MARQUIS of LANSDOWNE rose, and was (Left speaking.) HOUSE OF COMMONS—(THIS DAY). The SPEAKER did not not resume the chair till half.. paat four o'clock. THE INQUEBT AT SIX-MILE-BRIDGE. Sir JOHN FT IZGERALD gave notice that, on Tuesday next, he should move fur a copy of the evidence taken at the coroner's inquest in the Six-Mile-bridge affair. THE ADDRESS. The LORD CHANCELLOR having read her Ma jesty's Speech, Tao Earl of DONOUGHMORE rose to move that an humble address bo presented to her Majesty, which, as usual was e.n echo of the Royal Speech. The first topic to which it would be his duty to allude, was an Act which had been passed in the course of the last session, t;,ie enrolment of the Militia. It had been judged necessary that the people of this country should be placed in a position to resist foreign ievesion, alit because foreign invasion was considered itero;nent, but became it was thought right that this great country should be prepared to meet an invader upon her own covets. That measuto he was happy to say had been moat SUCC:.biltii. The effieers of the Militia deserved pelt credit for the mauner in which they had come foereard—(hear, hear, tram Lo-d Derby)--to use their icituence in the organization of this force. The popu lation of the country at large had also come forward in the most aatisfactory manner, and he might state that in very few instances would it be necessary to have re• course to the ballot. The condition of foreign efnirs was most Satisfactory. They were assured by her Majesty that she continued to receive assurances of kindly feel ing from all foreign Powers. The Noble Earl then pro ceeded to allude to the present position of France, and animadverted in strong terms on the freedom with which the President had been attacked in the public prints. The ruler of a neighbouring- country, he said. hat ,been subjected to most unmerited abuse. It was, not at this day the feeling of the British nation to , enter upon any propagandism of their politi cal principles. The sufferings of the French nation, which bad resulted from a feeling of this nPare, which they had shown at the close of the last century, was of itself a Eufficieut warning egainet this. Ho believed there was on both sides of the House, and in all parts of the country, a deep appreciation of the benefits we derived from cur constitution but that was no reason why we should endea vour to force our system upon any other nation. The French nation had fur reasons best known to themselves, thought fit to change their system of Go vernment, but that was no affair of ours, and he regretted that the chosen ruler of France as he might call him, should have undergone such undeserved attacks from a portion of the press of this country. This 'cleat topic in the Royal Speech, relates to negocietions lately car ried on with the United States, and that wee a subject en which there had been so much misapprch ensien, that he should feel justified in going mere into details an it. In 1818 a convention of commerce had been signed, on the 20th of October, between England and the United States, in which there was one article regulating the rights of both countries to the coasts of Labra'ior and Newfoundland. The United States there renounced all liberty of taking or drying fish within three marine miles of these coaata. The con ditions of this treaty had been rigidly maintained by the authorities ref this country, and between the years 1821 and 1851 ees American vessels had been seized for in• fraction of it. A discu , sion subs* quently arose whether the three marine miles meant a line drawn at that distance hem the detentations or from the pro te.haent heaellands of the coast, It turned out 711,,twards, that the valuable part of the fisheri,s y e a within the distance of two mil, s from the coast, even u; e 3 o i e r le di:ig to the Ami rican interpretation, so that had Ptei that interpretation, the Americas Gov ern meet would not haveenjeyedthe cod-bank fisher' ,es— the most valueblewa portion. He was happy, flowerier, to otate that th ere now reason to hope that thee Acr,erioan Gevernmeht advantages that very the subject, and 110 be b li gun to negotiate 'cords ally on large and impor tant commercial North American colonies ite2t a would ba ained, to our With re spec; to the re by cmat ,ypesueittleme-ut of the question, cat rivers, he bet eyed it we e hh " of . the South Ameri . t advantages which must bePir aible to describe the gr eat ' , red to • MV,TOO from this opening. Th e 1 , : 1 _ British corn aliuded to in the Royal Sp. me z h l subject which was Brazilian slave trade , (Cri a e s s with regard to the 1 0 the year 1850 the importati .o r , of Hear.") r 1851, it via.; r educed slaves"s 23'"c' while in the y eato 3 0 00. the duty Gil wince the present G with regard to oven-i t:neat h 8 trel •••47 with vo entered i n a t he Oport o 14.7 in e C esparsy, which wor ,id tend to ab o li sh mono_ J pots in that importan t ;ranch of comm erce. The war which was n ow eoinr ' on in our Eastern /30 ,7session rendered enquiries 1.1 • with viov to legislation. e dad e tY of the country could no doubt that the genet - A I. prosper; :itiributrei to the gee 1 .ra j eheaperin of food. With g d regard to the tinhapp• state of Ire , ece. a mild Govern meat _ os of im. on a sound b as i s w as the only Leans rrt'vigg it in its c' audition ; unfortunately there stil l -misting in Ireland a spir i t of insubordination an d resist ance to legal authc sits, and until thisis removed very little could be don e• T he national Ch urc h like all other ancient instiitrioi is , required reform administered with . a temperate had. The questio n o f h er re form is one o` the setae character. In the case of University reform, str: aidorable ate . ?s had already been made in the proper direotion. The moist important measure of the last Seg.- eion we those C f l w reform, and those measures were TENANT RIGHT IN IRELAND. Mr. Sergeant SHEE gave notice that, on this day fortnight, he should move for leave to bring in a Bill for regulating the custom of Tenant-right in Ulster, and securing compensation to improving tenants; and also for limiting tne power of evictions in certain cases. REPUBLIC OF PERU. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER brough up a report of the treaty with the Republic of Peru. THE ADDRESS. The SPEAKER then read the Queen's Speech, (for which see Lord's report of to•day), after which, Lord LOVAINE said, in moving that an humble Address be presented to her Majesty, in reply to her most gracious Speech from the Throne, he con fessed he wished the task had fallen into the haads of some more able, experienced, and talented member, who would have been enabled to give due weight to the important topics which it contained Ho felt more embarrassed when he saw that the first subject mentioned in that Speech must call forth the affections, regard, and regret of every man who called himself a native of Great Britain. (Hear.) He alluded, of course, to that portion of the speech in which her Majesty with her usual kind and affectionate regard for the wishes and feelings of her people, invited their representatives to join in a provision for the funeral obsequies of the late Duke of Wellington. (Hear, hear.) The House would excuse him if he approached with awe an event which had cast a shadow of grief and dismay over this mighty empire—the passing away of that lite which for nearly half a century had been a bea con to guide every Englishman in the path of honour and duty. (Cheers.) No obsequies they might give, no funeral pomp they might bestow, would be ade quate to the respect, love, and admiration which the House and the country bore for that immortal mare (Cheers.) Their love was not fuunded on mere evanescent vulgar admiration of twittery glory. It was not that he had given to England the supremacy of the vast empire of India; it was not that he bad raised England by his victories to the highest rank among the nations of the world; it was not that ho finally became the conqueror of the conqueror of the world, that this country loved him so well, but because be was not so dazzled and blinded by the effulgence of the glory he bad earned and rendered deaf by the voice of victory as to be unable to discern that the true end and object of all war was an honourable and lasting peace. (Cheers.) When he had brought the most tremendous struggle in which any country ever engaged to a close, ho devoted himself to the establishment of peace by every means of conciliation and moderation that was consistent with the honour and safety of England. How he had succeeded, the history of the last 37 years could tell. Thy loved him because be had always proved him, s‘,ll a most faithful servant of the Crown. and been ever ready to defend the rights and promote the welfare of his fellow-citizens. He (Lord Lorraine) believed that his political opponents would bear witness that his coun sel was ever ready iu the darkest hour of dan -oer and difficulty, and that they might always rely on his honour, sincerity, and sagacity to point out the path of afety which seemed to be hidden from less gifted eyes. His Ls ate would be handed down to posterity as an ex ample, not only of a great statesman, and of tho greatest warrior, tut as a colossal example of unswerving obedience to the call of duty, truth, fidelity, and honour. (Cheers.) He trusted that the country who loved him would be warned by his advice, not to be intoxicated by a feeling of security and by the peace which had so long subsisted, to allow the country to be exposed to danger. The Noble Lord then alluded to the success which had attended the enrolment of the Militia, notwithstanding the evil augu ries respecting it. After a brief reference to the differ ences on the American Fishery question, the Noble Lord went on to observe, that her Majesty entertained sanguine hopes of the fiaal extinction of the slave trade, Cuba being the only spat in the world where it now flourished. He next adverted to the gratifying in telligence that transportation to Van Dieman's Land would soon cease, expressing a hope that some other means would he found for disposing of the criminals of the country. Ile readily admitted that the commercial policy which had been adopted for the last three years had contributed to the very great prosperity which existed in the country. (Loud cheers from the Opposi tion benches.) He said so as the representative of an agricultural county. But he drew a very great distinction between what was called Free trade and the abolition of the duties upon turn. Ho believed that the abolition of prohibitory duties on articles of liv- ing baying due regard to the revenue to be raised was judicious and unexceptionable. But the abolition of the duty upon corn stood upon another footing. There could be no doubt that the repeal of the corn laws had occasioned suffering among a large and important class, and he was confident that the recommendation in the Royal Speech would no: be overlooked by the House. After expressing a hope that all party differences would be laid aside, the Noble Lord concluded with moving an Address, which was, as usual, an echo of the Address. Mr. EGERTON rose to second the Address. The Hon. Member commenced by stating that, on the oubject of that paragraph in the Royal Speech which alluded to the death of the late lamented Duke of Wellington he felt quite assured that the greatest unanimity would prevail. He would direct the attention of the House in the first instance to that para gr4ph in the Speech which alluded to the establishment of schools for the purpose of instruction in mechanical art. It had been a matter of observation which the ex perience derive d from last year's Exhibition had fully confirmed, that enterprising and energetic as our menu fecturers were, in some branches of art they required a greater mechanical skill and more taste. The English had been excelled by the artizans of other cJuntries where greater facilities had been given for the purpose of in struction. He maintained that her Majesty's Govern ment were entitled to the highest praise for legislation on this subject. As it had been the privilege of two Ministries to confer great boons on the country—the one by giving it cheap food, the other by giving the bless ings of increased light ant better drainage—so he hoped that it would be the privilege of the present Government to confer on the working population of the country the advantages of social education, by means of which the manufactures of the country would be promoted, and it s trade extended. He had tocongratulate the country on its great prosperity, and on the fact of the greatest activity existing in every branch of commerce, and that, in spite of the large reductions of taxation, there was no falling This he justly considered a source of the greatest satisfaction to all. (Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") osif fre ili vr ttyh o : ul r g : That satitifaction was in his mind very much enhanced by the reflection that the working classes of n country had had a very large share in that pro the experience Lee cheers from the Opposition Benches.) shy that a t th a e n t y w o ri l l a r s ' t years,Gen Gentleman m and e n w w . hhoo had dd seenh a d , Opposition) —meat labouring had co n f erred on rho an unrestricted importation of f oo d ) ust feel that tmhaell—ti the benefit which ia 121 (C o h h e a e d rs no fr w om co t m h : when the question must be finallycheers from the Oppcsit en) finally settled. (Ren ew ed made to the COll6 itafnests e t IaPPQaI having been which bad been taken ought to the country, the vt rd at those divisions which had so lungb distractedttqaitsced in, and c!aabes of her Majesty's subjects, ahouldbe different to. But, at the same time, while they settle d an end lion, it woo fitting time, and prope r tima, that gozes; UN, LONDOI:4i, TIIURSDAY NO-VEMBEIt classes, whose sufferings hill long beau dilated on should not bq overlooked, and that their claims for redress, if they could be substantiated--(Hear, hear from the Opposition benches)—should meet with due THE EMPIRE, The following is the report of the commission charged to examine the proposition relative to a modification of the Constitution, conformably to articles 31 and 32 : " Messieurs les Senateurs,—France, attentive and excited, now demands from you a great political act. You are called upon to put an end to her anxieties and to secure her future. " But this act, however important, does not meet with any of those great difficulties which obstruct the wis dom of legislators. You know the wishes expressed by the Councils-General, the Councils of Arron dissement, and the addresses of the communes of France,—wishes for stability in the Government of Louis Napoleon, and for return to a political form which has struck the world by the majesty of its power and by the wisdom of its laws. You have heard that immense petition of a whole people, following in the footsteps of its liberator, and those enthu siastic cries, which may almost call a plebiscite by anticipation, proceeding from the hearts of thousands of agriculturists and workmen, manufacturers and trades men. Such manifestations make the teak of statesmen an easy one. There are circumstances in which fatal necessities prevent the firmest legislator from acting in harmony with public opinion and with his own reason; other circumstances there are amidst which ho wants much reflection in order to solve question; on which the country has not sufficiently decided. You, gentle. men, are not exposed either to this constraint or to this embarrassment. The national will urges you on and supplicates you, and your vast experience tells you that in yielding to her entreaties you will assist in re placing France in the paths which are suitable to her interests, to her grandeur, and to the imperious neces sities of her situation. All this is, in fact, explained be the events which are being enacted before you. " After periods of great political agitation, it always happens that nations throw themselves joyfully into the arms of the strong man whom Providence sends to them. It war the fatigue of civil wars which made a monarch of the conqueror of Actium; it was the horror of revo lutionary excesses as much as the glory of Marengo which raised the imperial throne. In the midst of the recent dangers of the country, this strong man stood forth on the 10th of December, 1848, and on the 2d of December, 1801, and France confided to him her stand ard, which was then declining. If, on this memorable Tourney, which was nothing but a series of triumphs, she has declared her will to confide it to him for ever, it is because by his courage and by his prudence the man has shown himself equal to the task; it is because, when a nation feels itself tormented by the agitations of a stormy Government, a necessary reaction leads it towards him who can best secure order, stability, and repose. " Louis Napoleon, therefore, is in this wonderful situ ation,—that he alone holds in his hands these inentima ble gifts. He has, in the eyes of France, his immense services, the magic o f hi s popularity, the reminiscences of his race, the imperishable remembrance of order, of organization, and of heroism, which give a louder pul sation to the hearts of all Frenchmen. He revives in the eyes of Europe the greatest name of modern days, not only for the military triumphs with which his history is so rich, but for chaining down the political and social tempests, for endowing France with the conquests of peace, and for strengthening and fertilizing the good relations of States. Both at home and abroad it is to him that is attached a vast future of pacific labour and of civilization. That future must not be at the mercy of the chance of events and to the surprise of factions. " Hence France demands the monarchy of the Empe ror; that is to say, order in revolution, and rule in de mocracy. She wished it on the 10th of December, when the artifices of an inimical constitution prevented the people from expressing their opinion ; she desired it again on December the 20th, when the moderation of a noble character stifled the demand. But now the public sentiment overflows like a torrent ; there are moments when enthusiasm, toe, has the right of solving political questions. For some time past visible signs announced what must be the mission of Louis Napoleon, and the provident season of statesmen put itself in accordance eith the popular ins tinct in order to fix its charac ter. After the bitter sarcasm which p ut the heir to crown at the head o f the Re p ublic, it was evident that France still democratic b y habit, never ceased to be , monarchical is her inst incts, and that she wished for the re establishment of t he monarch y in the p erson of the Pr nce who revealed himself to her us the conciliator of two ages and of two minds, the line of union of the Go vernment and of the p eo p le, the monarchical s y mbol of or isaniz-d democracy. , " At the end of th e last centur y the preponderance or the democratic element gave rise to a belief in speculative or ardent minds that France ought to mark the new era into which she had entered by a divorce between her Government and the ssaonarchical form. The Republic was borrowed from the recollections of antiquity. But in France political limitations seldom succeed. Our country, • I ideas and to certain traditional habits, by it which it preserves the ori g inalit y on which certain national prides i the a lth oug h taxed with frivolity , is i nvincibl y attached to itself. The Republic cou ld not acclimatize itself e French soil. It perished b y its own excesses, and it only went into those excesses because the instincts of the nation were averse to the new form of government, The Republic was but an interr e g num, brilliant abroad and terrible at home, between tw o monarchies. " At that period glory raised to power one of those men who found dynasties and who traverse ages. Flouriihing• on that new stem France beheld a monarchy suitable to modern times, and yielding to no other in itp, grandeur and in its power. Was it not a great lesson to ' see a similar fortune reserved 50 years after for a second trial of the Republican form ? Is it not a striking example of the perseverance of the French mind in • hines which are like the substance of her political life? Is not the proof complete and decisive ? " It will be the more so as the Imprial Monarchy has all the advantages of the Republic without its dangers. The other monarchical regimes (the illustrious services of which we will not depreciate,) have been accused of having placed the throne too far from the people, and the Re public, boasting of its popular origin, skilfully en trenched itself against them in the masses, who thought they were forgotten and overlooked. But the Empire, stronger than the Republic, on democratic grounds, removes that objection. It was the Government which the people most energetically supported, and most deeply regretted. The people have again found it in their memory to oppose it to the dreams of idealogista and to the attempts of perturbators. On the one hand, it is the only one which can boast of the right recognized by the old monarchs.—` That it is to t. e French nation that it belongs to choose its Bing;' on the other, it is the only one which has not had quarrels to settle with the people. When it disappeared in 1814, of the nation against the Go of an unequal foreign war e s c r a s e d m it b e r i n i z their lli m more re affections b y th e far violence e vit fr erw e n c am t s et en l no t t ha b t yT vi sh o e l esnterthudge'ingvcl:ers ca. But the people have never anonymous and tumultuous Empire their emanation and their Govern- THE TEETH AND BREATH.— How cif ;en do we find cbielest of its ornaments, and the br et ith made disa the human face divine disfigured by neglecting the of its proconsul. than by the victories which were the c tmwph e ro. s ei ne s ki te e t ceased which and French s cdi r e hi ec e t n_ht i chi:el:ay ntyhvalour. grceublo to companions by non-attention to the Teeth! Teat is why the Nspoleoniau monarchy absorbed the Though perfect in their structure and 13 Imposition, to Republic once, and why it must absorb it a second time fl i o t r t m l e t d r ou teethb l e ; knewond if h tho ow ssoer, soon decayho are s t blest ea l steals into ad w the it h w mouth e l express delegation of power by the people. But keep them in a pure and health Einlte requires some he Republic is virtually in the Venpire, by the contract r io likelion c a h o a d r e e c x te p i rof the institution, and by, the communica making unsightly what otherwise are do' ughtful to ad- the Empire is superior to the Republic, because it is also mire, and designating unhealthiness by f ere impurity of the monarc hy. that is to say, the g overnment o f a ll eon _ the breath, they wou ld s p a re n o enema to chase away tided to the moderating action of one, with hereditary these fatal blemishes. But although in test ladies are succession as a cuu diti " , and stability as its con careful, and even particular in these de licate matters, sequences. Monarchy has the excellent quality of yet few are sufficiently aware of the impe cativo necessity yielding admirably to the progres s of civilisation; by of avoiding all r•oxious or mineral substar •ces of an acrid turns feudal, absolutist, and mixed, always old, and nature, and of which the greater part of t so cheap tooth- treopen sews a modern, it has only to the era of powders of the: present day are composed . It is highly its was democratic transformation which was i naugerated satisfactory to - point out Messrs. Rowlant l's Odont o , or b That is what F y the Emperor. twice now wishes; it Pearl Dentifrice, as a preparation free fro m all injurious is what is asked of you by a country fatigued with elements, and' eminently calculated to embellish and utopian ideas, incredulous with respec t to political ab preserve the d (soul structure, to impart i . grateful fra- stractions, and whose genius, a union of sound sense and grance to the breath, and to embellish al id perpetuate • constituted that it has • • • poesy, is so us faith in power, the graces of the meuth.—Court Journal. unle-s that power is revealed is the form of a hero or a MYSTERIOUS AFFAIR.—Monday mot ning, a few prince. minutes past five o'clock, as two men were 1 !roceeding in a " Even if the love of Frenchmen for monarchy be only cart along Fang William-street, in the Strr end, they dB- a prejudice, it must be respected ; a People can only be covered the body of a man lying en the pavement, about half overned in ' accordance with its ideas. But • • way down the street. Whether the poor falloff v fell down in it must in particular be respected, because it is i n • . d by th e a a tit, or was knocked down by some person, .is at presentand the most 1 s most essential necessities , sgitimate fate quite a myritreree rests of the country. FATAL RAILWAY ACCIDENT.—On Sundt, y evening, i, France is a groat State, desirous of an accident, resulting in the death of two highly re- presenting at borne andabroadthe force which avast territory and erectable 'persons. took place at the Seaforth station ofive She • 35.000 000 of inhabitants g • la both ~,, . the Liverpool, Crosby, and Southport Railway. Dlr.l• arie Edward Hamnett, of Islington, Liverpool, principal •of . . cultural and commercia . Notwithstanding the for tility of her soil, she would be poor if an seine cut firm in that town, was, with his niece, a kanu'actures governess in a school at Seaforth, waiting for th e art rival wore not to add immense personal to real e s • pleat, and if of the 8 p.m. train from that station to Liverp col . It not . the taste for polite enjosand d meats mu crate luxury did was rather stormy at the time, and on the arrival 0 f the give to labour an aliment, and one whice atthe is always new. But labour in order to arrive train a great many passengers rushed to obtains .eats. result of its ventures, ' needs be supported by so m any advances Mr. Hamnett, who, is upwards of 80 years of agee was of funds , most such a oraevering continuance of also endeavouring to obtain a seat, and was getting into that all success wouldPescape it if it were interruptedeffefforts, r t o s r , a carriage when the train began to move off, whet ihe troubled by the storms of a disquieting and aebyersive let go the handle of the carriage door, and, with his policy. It requires stable i n stitutions, for th ew alone niece, who had hoid of his ar m at the time, was drag godcredit. beget confidence, and secure under the carriages, and both were instantaneoi sal-, "All these conditions of an orderly and pro s porous killed. life the monarchy procures to France; any othe r form THE SoCTETY FOR THE PROPAGATION OF THE G OS- can only compromise them. TEL IN FOhEIGN PARTs.—During the past year this soc iety " Monarchy is tho government ofgreat States, sums in aid of the operations t of has paid the, following which durable institutions are marvellously suitab e—aa the Ch urc h in the several colonial dioceses: -- Mad. r.9 - as , the most solid foundations are required for a vast edifice. 10,905/.; Calcutta, 9,9171.; Quebec and Montreal,. 5 6 0 9 , 1 ,4 1 •; The Republic, on the contrary, is only the P -Mena- Newfoundland. 6,421/ ; Toronto, 5,338/. ; Nova , S r cotia, 3 , 3 , 0.1 . • meat of small States. If we except the United Stria e of Fredericton , New Brunswick, 5,143/ ; Cape Town, Coy' lo ie; America, which, by their geographical position, forte „ n Sydney, 2,8.32 .; Melbourne, 1,1971.; v.Colombo, La no, exception to all rules and which besides are only a e, de. 1,284/. ; Jamaica, 1,6841. ; Tasmania, Van iemen'_s ea _, nd, ration, Republic ' a has never been able to establish itself I,leB/.; Guiana, 1,253/. ; Barbadoes, 1,1841. ; Nev 6/ Za in • in • ; Beß m- except small nations, which the embarrassment s o f 1,076/. ; Adelaide, 0871. ; Newcastle, Australia, 2, . o that bay, 596/ ; Victoria, China, 123/. ; Antigua, 525/. ; Born e t , difficult and complicated- f ofgovernment are 217.; Ruspert's Land, 3191. In addition to these, the some • y coreected by a small extent of territory and a limited has granted to Europe, 4741. ; the Seychelles, AO/ ; Egy ; A, population. 5447.; making the total grants, including home opeettioi ts, , Ancient Rome, so far from contacdicting this rule, 78,500/. fully confirms it. The Republic w as onl y in the cit y , FORTUN - E-TELLINCL—A fellow,named Tett( mean, who a7id for the city. Beyond it there ware only avariciou s has just been committed to the Rochdale Hous 'e of Core roasters and oppressed subjects. If ever France can b e rection, a short time ago induced a woman, na. "led An° said to have had a leaning to a republican government Howard, of F'acit, near Rochdale, to believe the t he pose it was in the middle ages, when the re p ublican spirit, aessed certain, supernatural powers; and, amongst` ether extinguished from the time of the Cellars, hail again marvellous revelations, he told her that she was fielder awoke in a part of Europe ; when France was checkered the power of some mysterious enchantment, from se h.;ch wCtt, all but independent provinces, and when the feudal he would deliver her Go too payment of ss. The tvotna el , p r incipalities were in all parts menaced by the coin paid the 'money, and in consequ e n ce o f a p ro mis e sh e flak i m unal movement. But since that moment all the made to give herself and children to be controlh al ,i , y , , i n terior action of France has remo ved her from the him. she became very unhappy, supposing that she ha f-i- republican form. She, in particular , h as se p arated from by that promise rendered herself subject to an bah trna I i t w hen she gave herself a united territory and thirty-five power, from which she could not be released. Her i 'ears millions of inhabitants, living under the same laws, in became 8 0 alar min g as ultimately to dethrone rea son , , h same country, and united by an infinite chain of and sh 3 has been conveyed by the local authuritie I to " e interests, which the same movement of circu the pendent , lunatics asylum. ; e a 7n causes to terminate in a sole centre. Such a people DETEEMINND SUICIPE BY A GERMAN GOVERNEss, i„ -- „ - ', ,t to be shaken, as were the citiz-ins of a single City, —Yesterday afternoon, information was forwarded to Thomas even' If called Athens or Rome. A country which lives Wakley, Esq., the coroner, of a determined suicide of a Gar- . I 1 1 1OUr, and not by the labour of slaves and pre man governess, who resided at Miss Allison's seminary, No • Isy its • . r L :he State cannot be occupied with speeches 21, Glouceeter-gardens, Hyde-park, by throwing herself trent; s , ants set ort . with , • • he third floor window. o f the I 'oru $ Ulf the permanent agitation of cortitia, consideration from the Housl. The question having been put from the Chair, Mr. C. P. VILLIERS rose, and said ho hoped the hour would allow him to make a few remarks upon the address. He thought it was desirable that upon all occasions they should, if possible, respond with una nimity to a speech or a message from the Throne ; that was the feeling which had guided previous parliaments, and as the speech or message was generally the pro duction of the Ministers, there could be no amendment moved to the answer unless the speech or message from the Throne contained something that was wrong, or some omission. Now, there was very little that he had find fault with in the present speech ; certainly he did not complain of its opening, for he was satisfied that both the House and the country would sympathise with the spirit that it breathed. (Cheers.) With regard to the other part of the speech, however, the Rouse would remember the circumstances under which the Govern- ['lent camo into office. (Hear, hear.) It would b© re- . _ collected that when the present Government came into office, the First Minister acknowledged him self to be in a minority in the House of Commons, and declared himself favourable to the principle of protection. (Cheers.) The Minister, however, de __ dared his determination not to obstruct the progress la' public business by proceeding to an immediate disso lotion, but that he would appeal to the country at the end of the Session, and cal! Parliament together in the autumn to decide upon the question of Free Trade (fisar.) That was a brief outline of the history of the past , and now, having ascertained what was the opinion of the country, and being satisfied that it was opposed to a return to our former commercial policy he called upon the Government to give the House and the country a pledge that they would make no arrangement, either di rect or indirect, to reverse that policy. (Cheers.) He must be permitted to remind the House, that the Oppo sition had given the Government a fair trial The Government was not pressed upon the question of Free - trade last Session; but on tte contrary, all opposition to them was withdrawn npon the understanding that the opinion of the Crown should be first taken upon the subject. (Cheers.) He therefore, rose now not to move an amendment to the Address, but to ascertain whether the Minister of the Crown had abandoned his opinion upon the question. (Hear, hear.) Neither the Speech, nor the observations of the mover and seconder of the Address gay the House any information upon that point© Hear, hear.) The Speech from the throne was vague while the observations mover and seconder of the address was equally unsatis factory. (Cheers.) He denied that Free-trade had in flicted injury upon any class of Her Majesty's subjects; and the opposition were determined it should remain undisturbed. (Hear, hear.) The Opposition wanted to know what the opinions of the Government were upon the subject, and ho begged leave to give notice ithat this motion would be submitted before the House broke up for the holidays The Opposition was determined to take the resolution of the House upon the question, and as early as possible a foal decision would be forced both from the Govern ment and the Parliament, as to whether Free-trade should be continued or not. (Cheers.) At the close of the Honourable Member's speech there was a long pause. At length there were cries of " Booker. Booker, and question, question," but no one answering to this appeal. The Speaker was on the point of putting the guns don, when Mr. HUME rose and said he was ashamed of the Government. (Hear, hear.) An earnest appeal had been made to the Government upon a most important and vital question, and yet they had not the man linem to respond to it. (Cheers.) Ministers appeared to b() un worthy of the position they held for more than 9 MU iths Ministers had been considering the question of Free Trade, and yet they could riot make up their minds upon it, or the coinage, tb declare that they bad changed their opinions. (Cheers) The country would be disap pointed at this result, and he for one was disgusted. with it. (Cheers.) What, were there not a man in the Go vernment honest or courageous enough to tell Par liament what they wanted or what they intended to do ? He trusted for sake of the country that there was, but no matter whether there was or not, he was satisfied of this, that Parliamer A would not separate till it had extorted from Ministers a o lear;and now possessed. (Cheers.) The country was pr osperous unmistakeable declaration of the principles wni r.:11 they No class was complaining, or at least had any just cause of complaint against Fro e Trade, and whatever concealment Government might t practice, of this they might be satisfied, that neither tt .e country nor the Home of Commons would ever san cam a re turn to Protection. (Cheers.) Mr WALPOLE said he did not rise, lv) or did any other member of the Government rise, at tip a concluiion of the speech of the Hon. Member Jr Wolver hampton, because they were anxious to see if there was any amendment to be m ade to the address. (Hear, hoar.) He agreed that the ? House had assembled at the present period to settle the question o our commercial policy, and before the Hot tee separated for the holidays, its opinion would be jail en upon that point, (Cheers). [LEFT SPEAKING THE DUKE Or WELLINGTON'S FUICE BAL. - This day, her Majesty proceeded, with Prin C , 3 Albert and the royal children, at four o'clock, to vie v r the lying in state of the body of his Grace the late Di tl ie of Welling ton. Her Majesty was accompanied by the principal officers of her household, and was receiv , ac 1 by the chief officials of the Hospital, the Yeomen oiF the Guard, a detachment of the Life Guards, and also • of the Duke's Regiment. ----- with the terbulent cares of shifting politics. This fever, to which democratic republics give the name of political life, cannot with impunity be communicated to a nation whose splendour particularly consists in the pacific tie • velopmeat of its wealth, and in the regular an :ntelligent activity of its private interests. " Our fathers learned these truths in the rude school of public and private misfortune. They compose all the interior policy of the commencement of this century.* Why should incorrigible innovators have in these latter times inflicted the too palpable demonstration of them upon us? We have seen altars raised to instabiliiy and to periodical convulsions, the two plagues of the social body; we have seen laws made to reduce to solemn pre septa the febrile and terrible crisis which may ruin a people; we have seen the vessel of the State launched on an unknown sea, without a fixed point to guide itself by, without an anchor to cast out; and no one can say what would have become of the future of France if Pro vidence, watching over her, had not raised up the man of the intrepid heart, who extended his hand to her. France, with full knowledge of what she is doing, intends to return to her natural state. She longs again to find her real position and her equilibrium. The French nation, in its admirable common sense, is not so infatuated with its superior qualities as to be blinded to its weak points. It knows itself variable in its iceres clone, prompt to be worked on, and easy to bo led astray ; and, because it distrusts the rapidity of a first movement, it seeks a fixed point in its institutions, and desires to be retained on a stable and solid basis. The French de mocracy has sometimes been compared to that of Athens. We have no objection to the comparison, as far as po liteness and elegance of mind are concerned, but we, in all other respects, utterly disclaim the similitude. 'the Greek democracies were nothing but a perpetual flux anti reflex, never accepting the corrective of their levity. They were, besides, idle and grasping, living on the civic oboli and distributions of food. On the other hand, the French democracy, of a more mas culine and more haughty character, does not look to the State for the care of its wellbeing; it depends on its own efforts for support, and most joyfully submits to the eternal law of God—daily labour. Its speculations em braced the whole world; it cultivates the earth with its free hands; it furrows the mighty deep with its vessels; it multiplies its industrial creations, engenders capital, and makes the future tributary to its able and immense combinations. When a nation thus founds it enterprises on credit and durability, when sometimes not less than half a century is necessary to it to reap the benefit of its operations, it is not the institutions of a day that can give it any hope of their success. Such a nation would bo mad, if it did not desire to make the moving sphere of its interests tarn round the motionless axis of a monarchy. " it is true that in Franco equality is an object of ab solute worship, and a monarchy has, as its very first condition, the privileged existence of those grand and rare individualities which God raises above their fellows to form dynasties, and which aro less human beings than the personification of a people and the concentrated ra diation of a civilization. But equality, such as we con ceive it in France, admits without jealousy those pro vidential grandeurs rendered legitimate by State reasons —below which it finds its level. At Rome and Athens equality consisted in rendering each citizen ad missible to tho supreme authority ; and it is, therefore, that men considered all equality at an end when Augustus had converted the Republic into a Monarchy. In France wo considered it as saved and confirmed for ever under the reign of the Emperor. The reason is that in this country of equality there is nothing that is less supported than the govern ment of one's equals, because equality is there fully satisfied in holding everything in its grasp—places, credit, wealth, and renown—and in having a wide and open road before it, which leads to everything ex cept that extreme point of power, that inaccessible summit, which care for the public tranquillity has placed high above all private aspirations. By these means the democracy wonderfully agrees with the monarchy, and that union is the more solid since common sense unites with the habits of the people in cementing it. But, should cavilling minds, believing themselves more wise than the whole country, bring forward, as an objection to the desire expressed for the hereditary ern pire, the inconveniences which minorities and bad princes may, at certain intervals, produce in mon archical States, we would reply that all human institutions contain within themselves certain de fects anti weaknesses. The moue-rely has not the privilege of perfection; it has simply for France, the a n e a da c n i b e: ne theirt assemblies I st sam s e r t me d o leaibnenestdl believing voh h ifan i ctgwh elementest ah o k l a v nt e e sst they o : n oy e f wpdsieotfiraeetisuiiinlimt toyyt merit of an inconte s iible su p er i or ity o ver th e system of of struggles s ialsoommme ohav perpetual election, whi c h on ly o ff ers a n e t erna l s eries only for the purpose of immediately leaving another pending. proving on the monarchical sy s t em , pl ace d in sovereign and bli ' e ‘ which dynasties represent. B u t h ave no t such assem their history exhibit melancholy instances of venality or tyranny? Has not their baseness given them insolent and seditious guardians? And in the point of view of moral responsibility, which is one of the great cheeks on the conscience, there is not the slightest comnarison be tween a man and an assembly. In assemblies, the re sponsibility of the body effaces that of the individual; and, as a collective responsibility is very nearly illusory, it comes to pass that that irresponsibility, which some times constitutes the force and independence of assem blies, is also the cause of their excesses. In a Prince, on the contrary, the responsibility is undivided and in evitable, and presses with all its weight on the side of duty. In fine, when evil ore , ps into a sovereign political body, it continues there tie a precedent, increases as a tradition, and the thing itself can only bo kept up by keeping up the evil. On the contrary, if evil glhies to the throne, it causes alarm only by temporary and in termittent perils, which are, besides, extenuated by the institutions and modifications which are more easily ef fected in the case of a man than in that of an assembly. The feeble Louis XIII. was followed by the grand Louis XIV.; and, besides, Louis XIII, is, in the ej es of pos terity, covered by his Minister, Richelieu. " These general considerations appear to us to prove sufficiently that the national sentiment which addresses itself to yon, gentlemen, as to sage mediators between the people and the Prince, is neither a frivolous caprice nor a fleeting infatuation. Behind the fascination of a great name, and above the gratitude which is felt for the acts of a noble and patriotic courage, there are grand thoughts, powerful interests, and an admirable intuitive perception of the public necessities. France, gentlemen, desires to have the life of a great nation, and not that precarious and sickly existence which consumes the social body. During the last four years, while subjected to perilous experiments, she has known how to correct by her good sense the evils of a deplorable situation. But it is necessary that such a situation should be brought to a close. Up to the pres en t time she h as , in the midst of the tempests which assailed her, found onl y safety, s on which no future pros perity ed. At present she is about t o r cuter n i o y y d to found, by means of the fortu nate pilot whom she greets with joy, the edifice of her prosperity on the solid ground of a monarchy. " Let us now look to the details of the draught of the Senatus-Cunsultunt. " Louis Napoleon will take the name of Napoleon 111..' It is that name which re-echoed in the ucclaina tious of the people ; it is the name which was inscribed on the triumphal arches and trophies. We do not specially select it; wo merely accept it from a natural and spontaneous election. It has, besides, that profound good sense which is always to be met with in the won derful instincts of the people. It is a homage to Na poleon 1., whom the people never forget; and it is a pious remembrance of his youthful son, who was constitu tionally proclaimed Emperor of the French, and whose reign, though short, has not been effaced by tho obscure existence of the exile. It solves for the future the question of succession, and signifies that the Empire will be hereditary after Louis Napoleon, as it has been for himself. In fine, it connects the political phase to which we o we our safety with t he g lorious name which was also the safety of pas t times. " And yet, by the side of the traditional element, con temporary events preserve their proper value and their peculiar signification. If Louis Napoleon is called on at present to resume the work of his uncle, it is not merely because be is the heir of the Emperor, but because he deserves to be so ; it is on account of his devotion to France, and of that spontaneous and personal action which has rescued the country from the horrors of anarchy. It is not sufficient for him to be the heir of tho Emperor ; he must be again elected, for the third time by the people. Thus the succession and the elec tion will combine to double his force, the modern fact rendering the old one young and vigorous by the power of a reiterated consent and a second contract. " The Senates Consultant next invests Louis Napoleon with the right to adopt a heir in default of a direct suc cessor. Adoption, wh ich is a common ri g ht in p rivate families, cannot be an exception in dynastic families ; for, when no natural heir exists, it is a principle in public law that the choice of the monarch belongs to the people. But that rule is t h a t of ordinar y times, and can not suit in an absolute ma nner an order of things which again resumes a new cou rse after a long interruption, and in the midst of the mo st extraordinary circumstances. " Louis Napoleon, the depositary of the confidence of the people, charged by it to draw up a constitution, can on infinitely stronger grounds receive the mandate to provide for certain eventualities, and to prevent certain crisis in which that constitution might perish. The strokes of nature have been often terrible in reigning families, and have set at nought the counsels of the wise. The French people will not imagine that it makes too great a sacrifice of its rights, in abandoning itself once more to the prudence of the Prince whom it has made the arbiter of its destinies. This provision, besides, is borrowed from the Imperial Constitution. The Empire which revives ought not to be less powerful in its means *hen was the Empire at its commencement; and in order to remain within the letter and the spirit of that prece dent, the Senates Consultant proposes to you not to ad mit of such adoption, except for the male descendants, j natural and legitimate, of the brothers of Napoleon I. The right of unlimited adoption would be in manifest contradiction with the popular wish for the re-establish ment of the Empire, which is the guiding -star of oar deliberations. In fact, the Empire is inseparable from combination,s r le p l i y ac of e a on n political thet h onethe name of Bonaparte , and cannot be conceived without 6, member of that family with which the new form of tt io mon archy was stipulated France. Everythi n g o ig ht to remain consistent in the work which w e are considering. cha racter, France places a hope which more than anything co n st itutes her faith in the future, nam e ly, that at no r distant which is now rising, and will give to the Emperor scions worthy of his great name and of this g r eat ' B But t period above ' a that wif , e will take he solely country. That debt was imposed on the Prince on the day w the cries of " Vive l'Empereur ! " hailed him on his pee:age; and he will accept it virtually, but necessarily, the day when the crown graces his head. For, since the Empire is established with a view to the future, it ought to carry with it all the legitimato cons( quences which preserve that future from uncertainty and convulsions. " In default of the direct line and of the adoptive line, the case of succession in the collateral line must be pro vided for. On that point we propose to you a clause by which the people should confer oa Louis Napoleon the right of regulating by an organic decree that orders of succession in the Bonaparte family. By that means our Senatus Consultum will remain more per fectly in accordance with the popular wish, which in it unlimited confidence has placed in Louis Napoleon's hands the destinies of the country; it will like wise be more in conformity with the political changes which Franco has entered into since the 2d of Decem ber. The greatest political genius of Italy, in the 16th century, was accustomed to say that in those rare and solemn moments in which the question is to found anew State the will of a single man was indispensible.* That is what the nation comprehended so admirably when it intrusted to Louis Napoleon the task of drawing up the constitution which governs us. At present, that a capi tal modification is taking place in one of the very foun dations of that constitution, it appears natural and logical to again confer on Louis Napoleon a portion of the constituent power, in order that, in the special point which concerns most intimately the interests of the dynasty of which the nation declares him the head, he may enact such provisions as appear to him most suit able to the public interest, and to the interest of the monarch. For his family, as well as for the country, Louis Napoleon is the man of an exceptional situation, and no fear must he entertained of adding to his power, in order that, with the assent of all. his may settle it by the authority of a single person. We therefore propose to you, after a conference with the organs of the Go vernment, which has led to unanimity of opinion, an article thus worded :—`Art. 4. Louis Napoleon Bona parte regulates, by an organic decree addressed to the Senate and deposited in the archives, the order to the succession to the throne in the Bonaparte family, in case he should not leave any direct or adopted heir.' " It is not necessary for us to say to you, that in this system the formula to be submitted to the French people ought to contain an express mention of that delegation. It will be necessary, according to the constitution, that the French people be called on to declare whether it desires or not to invest Louis Napoleon with the power which we conceive ought to be conferred on him. " After having thus spoken of the succession to the imperial crown, the Senatus Consultum carries its atten• tion to the condition of the family of the Emperor. It eivides it into two parts:-Ist, the Imperial family, pro perly so called, composed of the persons who may by possibility be called to the throne, and of their &seen deers of both sexes; and, 2d, of the other members of the Bonaparte family. " The situation of the Princes and Princesses of the Imperial family is to be regulated by Senatus Consulta, and they cannot marry without the Emperor's consent. Art. 6 pronounces for any infraction of this regulation of public interest the penalty of losing all right to the succession, with the proviso, however, that in case of the dissolution of the marriage by the death of the wife, without issue, the right is at once recovered. " As to the other members of Bonaparte family, who compose the civil family, it is to the Emperor, and not any longer to Senates Consulta, that it appertains to fix by statutes their titles and situation. It is useless to insist on this distinction, as it is explained by the difference which exists between the civil family and that uniting in itself the double character of civil and political family. "We have also to request your special attention to the final paragraph of article 6, which confers on the Emperor full and entire authority over alt the members of his family. These special powers are called for by the gravest considerations, and belong to the right generally claimed by reigning families. Princes are placed in so lofty a position by public right and national interest that they are, in many respects, beyond the pale of the common law. The greater their privileges are, the more their duties are immense towards the country. Montesquieu has said, ' It is not for the reigning family that the order of secession is established, but because it is the interest of the State that there should be a reigning family.' They belong, therefore, to the State by strutter ties than other citizens, and on account of their very greatness must be retained in a sort of perpetual wardship, under the guardianship of the Emperor, the defender of their dignity, the appreciator of their actions and who stands in the place of father and guardian, in order to preserve this patrimony intact to the nation. "If these reasons do not apply in all their extent to the members of the private family, there are others of not less importance, which are drawn from the conjoint responsibility imposed by a name which is the property of the nation, as much as of the persons who have the honour of bearing it. "Besides, several of those persona have the privilege of being the only ones in the State that the Emperor can place by adoption in the rank of persons who may succeed to the crown. But there is no public privilege which ought not to be paid for by duties specially created to justify its necessity, and to co-operate in the object of its establishment. " There is another point which it is sufficient for us to remind you of—the maintenance of the Salic Law in the Imperial dynasty. In France, the Salic Law is, so to speak, incorporated with the monarchy, and although its origin goes back to the remotest periods, it has so completely penetrated into our way of thinking, and is altogether so much in accord will the rules of French policy, that it is inseparable from all transformations in the monarchical principle. "Finally, gentlemen, the Senates Consultant provides for the ease in which the throne should be vacant. It ever the nation should be so unfortunate as to experi ence this affliction' (to use the language of the coiebrated edict of July 1717) it would be for the nation to repair it. Art. 5 formally recognizes this fun dements! essential, and inalienable right. At the same time, it provides for the means of preparing a choice worthy of the French people, by its prudence and maturity. In consequence, an organic Senatus•Consultum , proposed to th© Senate by the Ministers formed into a Council of Government, with the addition of the President of the Senate, the President of the Legislative body, and the President of the Council of State, shall 'tin submitted to the free acceptance of the people, and w;,1.1 give to France a new Emperor. "Such, gentlemen, are the princips - 1 provisions of the Senatus Consultum now submitted to you for considera tion, and which will prepare the au gust contract of the nation with its chief. Should you adopt it, you will order, by a concluding article, in 'virtue of the constitu tion, that the people be consultrtd concerning the re establishment of the Imperial dignity in the person of Louis Napoleon the combinations of whose suc cession we have just explained to you. But, gentlemen, we may affirm, while bending at present before a public will which only asks for an occasion to burst forth afresh, that the Empire is accomplished; and that Empire, the dawn of which has lighted up the path of Louis Napoleon in the departments of the south, rises over Freese) surrounded by the most suspicious auguries. Everywhere hope revives in men's minds ; everywhere capital, restrained by the uncertainty of the future, rushes with ardour into the channels of business ; and everywhere the national sap circulates tend vivifies to produce the most abundant fruits. " This reign, gentlemen, will not far) cradled in the midst of arms nod in the camp of insurgents Prretorlan guards. It is the work of the naiicraal feeling, most spontaneously expressed ; it has Been produced in oar commercial towns, in our p oats, in the most peaceful centres of agriculture and manufactures, and in the midst of the joy of an tdrectionate people; it will cons( qeently be the Empire of ?eace—that is to say, the Revolution of 1789 without its, revolutionary ideas, religion without intolerance, e , luality without the follies of equality, love for the people without Socialist charlatanism, and national honour without the calamities of war. Ah ! if the great shade of the Emperor should cast a glance at this France which he loved so much, it would thrill with joy at beholding the gloomy predictions of St. Helena, at one momore, being so near realised, totally disproved. No, Europe: is not to be delivered up to disorder and anarchy ! No, France will not lose the grandeur of her institutions; and the ideas of Napoleon, directed towards peace by r generous-minded Prince, will be the safeguard of civilisation." " * Debbesi pigliare questo per una regola generale, she non mai, o di redo, occorre clealcuni republics, o regno, eta, da principio, ordinato bene, se non l ordinato uno."—(Ma chiavelli, Remarks on Titus Livius,' 1,9.) * the speeches delivered in the Tribuna on the return to bloaarchy in 1804. Tficitta.—Omnes, eStlta equalitate, jll5Sa principis P - pectare."— .o Annals," 1., 'l. HEALTH of LONDON durinv th e WEEK. The mortality of the metropolitan districts continues to bo rather higher than is usual at the same p e ri o d o f the year. The deaths registered in 'the week that ended last Saturday amounted to 1,10',. In the ten cor responding weeks of the years 1 842 51 th e average number was 984, which it raised i n proportion to increase of population, for compar'ison with the present return, becomes 1,062. The excess of last week's number above the corrected ar arage is, therefore, not considerable. Fatal cases arising from sLirlatina declined from 104 in the preceding week to 82 in the last. Eight children died of smallpox, 6 of measles, 33 of hooping-cough, 5 of croup, 5 of influenza, 18 persona of diarrhoea, 1 of purpura, 47 of typhus ; 4 children of syphilis. No death from cholera was registered. In the last two weeks the deaths from diseasea of the respiratory organs (exolusive of phthisis) fell from 262 to 234. Last week the births of 830 boys and 814 gir • 1- in all 1,644 children were ree , istered in London. Tho average number ih seven corresponding weeks of the years 1845-51 was 1,397. At the Royal Observatory, Greenwich, the mean height of the barometer in the week was 29 534 in. The mean weekly temperature, which was 54.2 deg., exceeded the /average of ten years by 7 high since the week that ended d g e. It has not been so 25th September, and siuee th e b eg i nn ing of October it has not been higher than 49 9 deg*. In the last two weeks it has suddenly risen from 45'6 deg. to 54 .2 deg. The mean daily tem perature was 54.6 deg. on Sunday, or 7:9 declined till deg. above the M average ;it rose ou oeda to d0g 5 , 7 2 and rose again on deg., Thursday, when it was 5 as on Monday a n d Friday to nearly the sam© height Tuesday, when it was about 10 deg. above the avera ge . It was higher than the a vera g e throughout the Week. The wind blew generally from the south-west. SOUTII-EASTERN AND BRIGHTON RAILWAYS. ---It was stated on Saturday in a cotemporary, that arrangements for an amalgamation of these two companies were nearly conc luded, and that Mr. Laing, M.P., the chairman of th e f or mer company, was about to resign. From inquiries made officially at both companies, we understand that there is no foundation at the present moment for either statement._ Morning Advertiser. MORTALITY 11V ?HE MEnwpoifs. NUMBER OF DEATHS FROM ALL CAUSES REGISTERED TN THE WEEK ENDING Epidemic, Endemic, and Contagious Diseases 224 Diseases of Uncertain Seat ... ... 55 Tubercular Diseases ... ... 184 Diseases of the Brain, Nerves, and Senses... ... 107 Diseases of the Heart and Blood-vessels ... 37 Diseases of the Lungs, and other Organs of Respiration 234 Diseases of the Stomach, Liver, and other Organs of Digestion... 54 Diseases of the Kidneys, &c. •• ... Childbirth, Diseases of the Uterus, &c. Diseases of the Joints, Bones, and Muscles Diseases of the Skin, &o. Mal formations... ... •• • • • • Premature Birth ... .., •• ... ••• 13 ... 6 ... 3 ... 22 Atrophy Old Age ... 29 ... 45 Sudden ... ••• ••• Violence, Privation, Cold, and Intemperance Causes not specified ••• ••• ... 37 ~. 26 DEA TllB Sao/1 ALL CAUSEB 1,101 Population Deaths In cone- Deaths Ennmoraf ed. sponding week in the 1851. of 1851. Week. West Districts... 376,427 . . 126 ... 157 North Districts.. 490,896 .. 177 ... 219 Central Districts 393,256 ... 133 ... 181 East Districts ... 485,522 ... 190 ... 238 South Districts.. 616,635 ... 233 ... 306 861 T0ta15........ 2,362,236 Males ... ... Females 1,101 ... 578 ... 523 BIRTHS IN TILE WEEK. Males ... Females ... ••• $3O ... 814 Total ... 1110MNIMI. ... 1,644 RAILWAY TRAFFIC RETURNS. SOUTH-EASTERN RAILWAY. Gross traffic receipts for passengers and goods, week ending Nov. 6, 1852 ... ... ... ... £14,077 0 4 Ditto, Nov. 8,1851 ... ... ... 12,270 6 5 Increase in 1852 ... £1,806 13 11 London Terminus, Nov. 8, 1852. THE GREAT NORTHERN RAILWAY.— (Miles in work, 285 k -Return of Traffic for the Week ending Oct. 31, 1852: Passengers, parcels, carriages, horses, dogs, and mails ... £6,275 9 2 Merchandise and minerals 8,292 1 1 Cattle ... ... 452 9 5 Total .. ... ... £15,019 19 8 Corresponding week, 18M (241 i miles) : Passengers, parcels, &c. ... £5,314 17 5 Merchandise, Cattle, &c. ... .5,784 12 8 Total ... ....£11,099 10 1 GLASGOW AND SOUTH-WESTERN RAILWAY.--Traffic for the week ending Nov. 6, 18i2:— Passengers (20,400), goods and parcels, horses and carriages.. £4,084 2 7 Corresponding week in last year 3,623 8 0 Increase .£4bo 14 7 LANCASHIRE AND YORKSHIRE RAILWAY. (260 mile/ open.)—Traffic for week ending Nov. 7... £17,072 3 0 Corresponding week in last year (260 miles open) ....£15,803 10 0 COUNTRY MARKETS. EDINBURGH MEAL MARLIT, NoN. 9.—There were in the meal market to-day 6 sacks oatmeal, each weighing 2801bs. imperial, which sold at 28s. 2 sacks pot-barley, which sold at 265. 6d. EDINBURGH HAT AND STRAW MARKET, Nov. 9.—• Oat straw, from 6s Gd to 8s 6d per kemple of 16 stones troni wheat ditto, 55 Od to Gs Od ; barley ditto, 4s Od to 5s Od. Hay, from id to 9d per stone. DALKEITH MEAL MARKET, Nov. B.—There were in the market to-day 63 bags of oatmeal, and 6 bags of barley meal ; sales were dull. The oatmeal sold at 245. was of infe rior quality. No pot-barley in market. 1 Oatmeal, per sack, of 280 lbs. First Second Third. imperial .. ... ... 27a Od 26s 3d 24s Od Barleymeal, per ditto ... 205 9d —e Od —s Od Peaserneal ... ... ... --e Od —s Od —5 Od Flour ... ... ... ... —s Od —5 Od —a Od Potbarley ... .. ... —5 Od —s Od ...5 Od COAL MARKET.--YESTERDAY. Prices of Coal per ton at the close of the market :--. Holywell Wall's End, &c. 'ease's West l4s 61 Eden Main —.... ...... 17s 9d Nixon's Merthyr and r a Belmont ... 17s 0h Cardiff .... ._ od Haswell lBs 6.., Wayne's Merthyr...... 213 Ships at market, 13 Sold, 12 'mold, 1. RAILWAY SHARE MARKETS. LIVERPOOL, Nov. 10. STOCK Exciamorait.—The Share Market has been dull and very little business has been doing, but we do not note al material change in prices. The following are the day IS transactions, as given in the committee's list : —Blackburtl (late 8., C., and W. Y. ), 7%; Eastern Counties, 12 7-16; Lancasnire and Yorkshire, 87 ; Shropshire Union Railway and Canal, 3 1-46 dis.; York and North Midland, 23. MANCHESTER, Nov. 10. STOCK ExcHANGL—The business to-day is not very large , and prices are lower altogether. The sales were :—Caledo nian, 28 7 A 1 , 3q ; Eastern Counties, 12 ; Lancashire and Yorkshire, 87 ; London and North-Western, 124 3 4, 1 / 2 ; Man chester, Sheffield, and Lincoln, 31:% ; ditto„lo/. preference , 111: 2 ; Midland Railway Consols, 7914. BIRMINGHAM, Nov. 10. STOCK EXCHANGE.—AC the opening of the Railway Share market this morning prices were firm, but there were for buyers or sellers. Among the sales effected were--Nort h Staffordshire stock, 4*i dis. BRISTOL, Nov. 10. STOCK EXCTIANGE.—The market was flat, with little or no alteration in quotations. Great Westerns were done at 95%, Taff Vales at 170. b'EABORNE MAILS. [N signifies that the mails are sent from the General Post-0 0 by the aigtt—and M by the morning—dispatch.] When made up to I From what when PLACES. GeneralPost-office' ' port die- due. London: patched. America (by Brit. pkt.)NNov. 12 .. .. Liverpool Nov. 1 4 America (by U.S. pkt.) N Nov. 16 ..'Liverpool .• NOV. l Y America (by U.S. pkt.) N Nov. 10 .. ..,Southanipt. Nov. 2 0 Australia (via South ampton) 31,20 th of each month,Southsunpt. Nov. 24 Ditto (via 31arseilles) N24th of month !Dever .. Nov. 17 * Ditto, via C.of G.llopeN!2d of December Africa (West coast)— N,23d 01 th. month Plymouth Nov. 4 , Q !Plymouth_ Nov. 3 0, Alexandria* • • Njl9th & 30th of mo.4)over " Belgium .. NiDaily Dover Daily Brazil , • .. Mi9th of the month !Southampt. Nov. 16 Buenos Ayres •• M i 9th of the month Southampt. Nov. lu California(viaChagret) 1 20 & 17th of montb Southampt. Nov. 161 Cape of Good Hope N 'l4th of the month,Plymouth.. oct 26 Cape de Verde N;l4th of the month !Plymouth_ Oct. 2 6 Constantinople* .. •• N ,7thl7th27thet tuo !Dover Nov. 10 Central America .. M j2d & 17th of men.tSouthampt. Nov. 1 6 g. Channel lsies N Mon., Wed.. &Fri. Soutkampt. Tu. To,V• — • Chili . Ml2d & 17th of mnth Southampt. Nev. 1t1_„, France .. M *Twice daily .. .. Dover .. Twic edaw Greece* .. Nlth 17th27thofmo Dever .. Nov. 10 ilamburgh IST' Tuesday & Friday London .. Tues. 136 b., Holland .. Id Wednes. & Satur. London Sun. Thu,' Honduras . N 17th of the month Southampt, Nov. 16 Ireland M& N Twice daily .. Holyhead.. Twl „, India (via Southamp.) M 20th o f th e month iSoutharapt. Nov. India (via Marseilles) NNth&24thefmontb Dover .. Nov. 1 1 India, via C. of G. Hope N)l4th of month Plymouth.. Nov, 26 Mauritius •N 14th of month Plymouth.. N0V. 26 ,-. dediterranean (via Southampton) .. M 20th of the month SOuthampt. Nov: 24 dediterninean (via Marseilles) Nlth&24th ofmontb Dover • • Nov. 17 alexico M 2d of the month.. Southampt, Dec. 1 Madeira .. .. id 9th & 23d of mutt Southampt, Nov. 4 Malta* 7th,17th,19th,27th I Dover Nov. .. **t & 30th of month liapleso .. N sth 15th 25th ofme Dover .. Nov. 1 2 Papal States* N sth 15th 25th ef mo, Dover .. ,Nov. 12 a l Peninsula 7th 17th 27th ef mo Southampt.lNov. 16 , Pen' M 2cl & 17th of mntb Southampt. Nov 16 Tuscany* N sth 15th 25th of mo Dover .. Nov. 12 , • Test Indies .. M2d & 17th of mnth Southampt. Nov. 16 • ' Van Die.nen's Land (see Australia). * The mails for Australia via the Cape of Good Hope are made UP on the second of every alternate month. Those made up on O D . 20th and 24th of each month via Southampt on and Marseilles 0",, sent by sailing vessels at present from Singapore, but neat Yes" they will be sent In steamers. t Malls are also made up on the 20 of every alternate month O r the Cape of Good Hope. * The mails to those countries thus marked ( 5 ) :are conveyed Dr French packet to Marseilles. BIR7IIB. of A •ON. On the 6th inst., at Townhouse, near Littleboroug h th e wife of Lieutenant Afolesworth, R.N. Palm On the Bth inst., at Leamington, the lady of Henry j 4• or A DATGRUIL On the 9th inst., at Haverstock-hill, the wife of 49°1 Thwaites, E-q. On the 9th inst., at 17, Upper Gower -street, the wife o f 5 ' H. Godefroi, Esq. -- - :MARRIED. Oa the 10th inst., at St. Georg', Hanover-squar e ' C ist; tain the Hon. R. N. Lawler, 2d Life Guards, to Geur,g Ed' Emily. daughter of th e l ate Li eutenant-Genera l Lord ward Somerset. W . On the 10th inst. at St. Pancras New Churc h. . 0. , Hutton, Esq., eldest eon of the late H. W. Huttone r sd- Beverley, to Sarah Isabella, younger daughter of dock, Esq., of Burton -crescent, Tavistock-square. con On DIED oof ..„ occi James a 6th inst., al; Woolwich, in consequence 'l co dent while in the disc barge of his duty on board the Captainen 8 hil:) , of whi ch he was deputy-governor, ,47. Sargeaunt, lat , e of the 13th Light Dragoons, ageuFA., On the 7th inst., F rances, relict of Cotton ThomPsoll, of r tton, near Stami bd, aged 86. On the Bth inst., :it 45 Carter-street, Walworth, Willis° Duncan Rawlings, mg ed 18. vi ll,ll On the Bth inst., iI 1 London, George Emery, of Ball #h t thc, county of Somer: set, Eeq., a deputy lieutenant,..` co unty, aid a Captains in the Dorset Regiment of I‘ lll ; a i s s o us At Much Hadham, Herts, on the Bth inst, Mrs' 'Hunt, relict of the la' .e Mr. William Hunt, aged 76. e „ erne , On the 9th inst.. at the Rectory , Haughton-1 -graiol Durham. the Rev. TI somas Dalton, second son of 1 ` Dalton, Esq., late of C 'andover-house, Hants. _......... _____—..... • _ o :London: Printed and t Publi s hed by BIIJIWO YOth, No. 112, Strand, rrinter, at 77te Sun Offiea of strand, in the Pre cilia of the Savrir in 00 00 `"7_, A i N•youilor 11, --- STEN Depa Decernnr ti be down nol C 11 ROYI ENT 3 IITSICAL I DRE.kII," 1 Henry West day, at Half and the PR beautiful M, ROPE, CHENINTI 11, ell1offnP: HYDRO-ET MATROPE Admissio n , LAST FOIi the ItATTI. WEEKS o ItOTUNDA the Soot In rity of Off visited and TON. The LAKE and Will shortly Admission, Lo'N' DI: Messrs. PQ linen, chin, 'yenta, carri Vided, 11rni will w Bride Cain All the Par BRI Tne prim Contained ii 1. The vi 2. Every 3. All co: 4. All dis from acrim 5. Pain a considered 6. From body, the / 7: Prop eradicating 8. The being diges the energy desideratum 9. Ths d in the comr (Morison's New-road, WAI •f the Than Act of Par' be limited t , Capital 51 fLyries 'Bari William 111 House, ,iumphrey Thomas Ch x,_ , elward Es William Ail Refiat; George D'C John Jfaeg Prince' /3lr Charles The lion. Charles le' glr John V Park, S. F. P. Thorn falgar be o A. re th en (1 the fi t ,oratulttee Lae other I 'NI of Ma into' buts] t he Reuse 411 c1 useless %Pon the Within the The Met tainty as t , t o Water taltin> to f Act, means of i TO the 1,. mantlere , It n e u a 1:1 Deeds ''' Dated Or in relay Genera .'.,__..,_ Ti; Ales a . kid Ogq IC 147 . tic ca;