The Sun. — London, England, 1837-02-01 00:00:00

- . THE INFLUENZA. Among the causes which have led to the fatal termination in so many cases of influenza lately may be mentioned one, unfor tunately too prevalent with the public--namely, the practice of considering the complaint a slight one, and expecting to re move it by simple remedies ; thus tampering with the constitu tion, and rendering a disease, in the first instance controllable by proper measures, totally unmanageable and almost irrevo cably fatal. The young and apparently healthy have equally been victims with the aged and the weak, for want of neces sary attention to the health in these instances ; and where life has been preserved under such circumstances it has not unfre quently been at the expense of a debilitated constitution, and possibly permanent injury to the lungs. The epidemic com mences its ravages generally by the symptoms of a cold more or less severe, which is either neglected or else treated with hot punch at night. Thi., of course, aggravates the fever and inflammation; and when at length the medical man is sum moned, it is to find that the disease has made such progress as to baffle his best endeavours, and to desttoy the patient. Such is the history of perhaps a large portion of those cases which have terminated fatally. The tendency of the epidemic to in duce bronchitis and pneumonia has been manifested in almost every instance ; but it has sometimes happened that in flammation of the windpipe has been present. Death has en sued in a few cases from a very singular cause—the violence of the cough causing such a determination of blood to the head, as to induce the rupture of a vessel, and consequent apoplexy. It is a fact, that no deaths have occurred among the new po lice force from the epidemic, and it has been attributed to the circumstance that the men are all under 40. At first view this may appear plausible enough, but it will net stand the test of examination, for many persons under that age have perished, although not so constantly exposed to the vicissitudes of the weather as the police. The explanation may be found in the fact, that these police, as soon as they labour under any indis position, declare themselves on the sick list, and are imme diately relieved from duty, and have proper treatment. Had this plan been generally adopted, there had been less fatality. On Sunday there were numerous funerals proceeding to all the burial grounds in and around London. The mournful pro cessions extended in long lines to the respective cemetries, fol lowed in many instances by troops of friends of the deceased, who were too poer to pay for sable garments. Those of the working classes and members of benefit societies were con - veyed to their last bourn by their brethren of the club to which they belonged ; others acting as pall-bearers. A numerous concourse of spectators assembled round the church-yards, ad mittance being denied them by the policemen, to prevent con fusion, and their earnest conversation and anxious counte nances showed the deep feeling entertained by them at the ra vages of death. The parish of St. Pancras afforded a melan choly spectacle. From nearly every street a funeral train might be seen proceeding—and in a few hours 36 coffins were borne to the old churchyard, and 24 to the other in the St. Pancras road, being an increase of 16 over last week. At five o'clock the gates were closed, and the sextons directed a fresh body of men to prepare no less than 30 more graves in the old ground —notices to that number having been given of proposed inter ment for the following day. Twenty-five may be taken as an average of the daily burials in this one ground for the last fort night ! The inclemency of the day, the continued fall of snow and rain, which appeared seriously to affect the mourners, heightened the solemnity of the awful scenes. The numbers of burials in the following burial grounds were considerably more numerous than on the preceding Sunday, viz., St. John's-wood burial-ground, Regent's-park, 80 ; Pad dington-street, Marylebone, 35 ; Paddington churchyard, 34 ; St. George's, Uxbridge-road, 46 ; Tottenham-court-road (Tabernacle), 26. During the whole of Friday, Saturday, and Sunday morning, the sextons belonging to the various churchyards were necessitated to engage a number of extra persons to net the graves ready for the bodies to be interred during the week. It was considered by the faculty that the disease was on the decline, but since the wind has changed to the east and north-cast the malady has increased. On Friday the head-coachman to the Marquis of Lansdowne received orders to get his Lordship's travelling carriage for a journey to Brighton. The coachman accordingly had the four-in-hand harness put out ready for use. In the aftcrnton a man came into the stable-yard, and on being spoken to by the head coachman's wife, said he had come from Messrs. Laurie, the saddlers, for the harness, to do some re pairs to it. The wife replied, she should not give out the har ness wiliout her husband's leave, and added that the helper was at a neighbouring, public-house getting his dinner. The man then went away, and was seen by a neighbour to join ano ther mar,, and to remain in conversation with him for a few mi nutes. The second man then went into the public-home where the helper was, and told him a story similar to that of the first man. The helper said lie had received no ort4rs, and he should not let the harness go until the coachman returned. The helper then proceeded to get his dinner, and the man went away and rejoined the first man. The first man returned to the stable yard, and seeing the coachman's wife said, " It's pit right. I've seen the helper, and he says I'm to have the harness." The woman believing the story gave him the har ness, worth 401., and the fellow got clear off. UNION OF ALL THE PARISHES IN THE CITY OF LONDON.-The Poor-law Commissioners on Friday trans mitted to the Lord Mayor and the City,authorities an order for the union of all the parishes in the city of London and the liberties. This union is to be called the City of London Union, and it is to be formed and come into operation on the 30th of March next. The union will comprise 103 parishes and districts. The number of guardians to be appointed is 127 ; of which number four are to be elected for each of the parishes of St. Botolph Without, Bishopsgate; and St. Giles Without. Crippiegate; three for each of the parishes of St. Botolph, Aldgate ; St. Bride's, Fleet-street; and St. Se pulchre Without, Newgate-street ; two for each of the pl rishes of St. Andrew, Holborn, London Liberty; St. Bar tholomew the Great ; St. Botolph Without, Aldersgate ; St. Dunstan's in the West ; St. Anne, Bleckfriars ; Chrio . Church, Newgate-street ; and St. Katherine, Coleman street ; and one for each of the other parishes in the union. The day of election for guardians is to he the first Thursday after the 25th of March in each year, but the guardian= going ote of office are eli g ible for re-election. The qualification of a guardian is the being rated to the poor-rate in any parish of the union for a rent not less than 401. The Commissioners have directed their Assistant Commissioner to report on the temporary districts into which it may be expedient to divide the City for the attainment of the object of the new Act for the Registration of Births, Marriages, and Deatlr. Very trifling incidents will sometimes enable us to put a proper estimate on the value of things. The Tories have expressed a great deal of virtuous indignation at the very i ?ea of disfranchising the honest and incorruptible freemen. In the glowing language of Mr. Goldney, it made the gene rous heart of Sir Richard Rawlinson Vyvyan, Baronet, nearly burst with indignation ! Wr have found something like a clue to this sympathy for the poor " thirsty" freemen. A gentle man picked up the following precious morceau, which he has left at our office, for the inspection of the curious : Pin, 1837. Mr. Bl:sset, To E. Bailey, Jan. 16, 17 quarts of beer, for 17 freemen of the city of Bristol, resident in Pill, 6d. each... ...... £0 8 6 —Bristol Mercury. A grand Celtic Fancy Ball attracted in the Assem• bly Rooms. George-street, Edinburgh, on Friday last, not. withstanding the prevailing illness, a large concourse of al that is most eminent in rank, beauty, and fashion. The late Lord Audley was in his 54th year ; he was the 17th Baron, and lineally descended from Henry 11. and the Fair Rosamond. His Lordship possessed considerable natural talent, and a genius for mechanical inventions, among which may be reckoned a portmanteau and portfolio, which bear his name; also a lock, of which he was patentee, but which, it is believed, has not yet been offered to the public. In early life his Lordship obtained a commission in the Guares, which he held for 17 years. The vault in which his remains were deposited contained the relics of his Lordship's father and mother, the latter of whom was the daughter of the late and last Earl of Delaval ; she died in the 28th year of her age, 52 years ago. His Lordship, in person, was somewhat above the ordinary stature, and a little difficulty was experienced at the interment in consequence of the narrowness of the aisles or the church at Melksham, and the bulk of the coffin, which weighed about 8 cwt. His present Lordship had just entered his 21st year, and is said to have expressed a determination not to apply for a continuance of the pension granted to his father. To day, at noon, in placing upon the top of the Lyons diligence, of the Lafitte and Callaird office, a basket which had been brought a few minutes before, and which was said to contain various articles of value, some motion was felt within the basket. On this being observed, the basket was opened. when amen was found concealed in it who could ex plain his singular situation only by his wish to conceal his journey from his wife. He was conducted to the police. He is a confectioner of the name of D—. His object was to travel economically, and above all, without his" wife's knowing of it. In his basket were along with him ten bottles of cham pagne, two cold fowls, two loaves, two pounds of chocolate, and a phial of ether. He had taken care to secure an opening in order that he might breathe.—Charte of Friday. POTATO STARCH.—It is not generally known that frosted potatoes will produce starch of as good quality as those that have not been injured. Each stone of potatoes will yield from one and a half to two pounds of starch, worth at least three half-pence per pound. The mode of extracting the starch is easy, and understood by all the country people. If it is to be done extensively, a small mill of simple construc tion and trifling expense—a patern of which can be seen at George Clune's forge in this town—has been found well adapted for the purpose. Potato starch has latterly been much sought for in the cotton manufactories, and is found to make a super for dressing to American flour, which has heretofore been principally used for that purpose. The common white potato yields the purest starch, and the remainder of it is capi tal feeding for cattle or pigs, as it does not lose more than one-third of its nutritive principle, by the quantity of starch extracted.—Clare Joarnal. Continued bad weather, and, above all, excessive dampness contributed towards propogating in an extraordinary manner the grippe. The Quartier Latin is violently attacked by it, the young students especially, who in the amusements of the Carnival, exposed themselves to the unwholesome influ ence of the atmosphere at night, are struck en masse by the epidemic. Yet not a fatal case of the grippe is n)entionod. The gravity of the disease, if there be any gravity in it, doe& not extend beyond five or six days, and with a little care the disease is at an end in the course of about ten days.--La Paix of Sunday. The Right Hon. the Earl of Durham has presented 'no chaldrons of coal to the Guardians of the Sunderland Union, to be distributed amongst the poor of Sunderland and Bishopwearmouth. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF COMMONS, JAN. 3L The SPEAKER took the Chair at a Quarter before Four o'clock. Mr. PARKER, for Sheffield, and several other Members, took the oaths and their seats. The SPEAKER informed the House, that during the recess, he had issued Writs for the Boroughs of Caine, Mahon, Evesham, and Longford. The Marquis of CH AND OS moved for a new writ for Buckingham, in the room of Mr. W. Praed, deceased. Lord MORPETH moved for a new writ for the borough of Morpeth. Mr. STANLEY moved for a new writ fur Carlow, in the room of T. Kavanagh, Esq., deceased; also for Dungarvan, in the room of Mr. O'Lochlen, who had been appointed to the Mas tership of the Rolls ; and also for Cashel, in the room of Mr. Woolfe, who had been appointed Solicitor-General of Ire land. The Right Hon. Gentleman also moved for a new writ for Anglesey, in the room of Sir Richard Bulkeley. MUNICIPAL CORPORATIONS—IRELAND. Mr. STANLEY gave notice, for Lord John Russell, that it was his Lordship's intention, on the 7th of February, to bring in a Bill for the Reform of the Municipal Corporations of Ire land. POOR LAWS—(IRELAND.) The HoN. GENTLEMAN then gave notice that the Noble Lord would on the 9th February move for leave to bring in a Bill for establishing Poor Laws in Ireland. ECCLESIASTICAL' COMMISSIONERS. And on the 16th February the Noble Lord would move for leave to bring in a Bill to carry into effect the recommenda tions of the Ecclesiastical Commissioners. CHURCH-RATES. And on the same day the Noble Lord would move for leave to bring in a Bill respecting Church-rates.—( Hear, hear.) The HON. MEMBER then ga . ve notice that on Thursday next he would move for a Committee to enquire into the opera tions of Joint Stock Banks—that his friend, Mr. Labouchere, would, on the 28th of February, move for leave to bring in a Bill to improve the practieb in the Royal Mint ; and on the 2nd of March he would move for leave to bring in a Bill to amend the laws relating to the Post-office. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL gave notice of his inten tion to bring in a Bill for amending the Municipal Corporation Bill for England; and that on Monday next he would move for leave to bring in a Bill for abolishing Imprisonment for Debt—( Cheers)—and one for the better registration of voters. Lord MORPETH gave notice that he would on an early day move for leave to bring in a Bill to amend the Grand Jury Law for Ireland. The Lord ADVOCATE gave notice of his intention to bring in a Bill for restricting the punishment for sedi tion in Scotland ; and one for regulating the offices of Lords Ordinary, and other officers in the Court of Session. Also, one for the better recovery of small debts in Scotland. Mr. STEUART gave notice that he would move for leave to bring in a Bill for regulating the Court of Exchequer in Scotland. THE BALLOT. Mr. GROTE gave notice, that on Tuesday the 7th of March, he would move for leave to bring in a Bill to provide for the election of Members being taken by Ballot.—(Great cheering.) Mr. BROTHERTON gave notice, that on Friday next he would move that it was desirable, except on particular oc casions, that the House should not sit after twelve o'clock —(hear, hear, and cheers)—and that it should be an order of the House that when a motion for adjournment was made after that hour, it should be agreed to without being put by the Speaker.—( Cheers and laughter.) Mr. WILLIAMS gave notice that on the 18th February he would move for leave to bring in a Bill for repealing the Ist Geo. 1., chap. 38, generally called the Sep tennial Act.—( Cheers.) On the 21st, for leave to bring in a Bill to repeal the stamp duty on the admission to freedoms in boroughs in England and Wales ; and on the 7th of February he would move for certain returns respecting Exchequer Bills, and the amount in circulation from Ist November 1836, to the same period in 1837. Mr.; ROBINSON gave notice that on the 14th of Fe bruary, he would move for leave to bring in a Bill as to certain amendments relating to the East India Company. (In the 14th of March, to bring forward a motion relating to the ship Vixen. o.lthe 2lst March to bring forward a motion to enable parties to manufacture flour tom corn in boi.d and for exporta tion. Mr. WILKS gave notice of motion, that on Tuesday next he would move for leave to bring in a Bill to amend the Mar riage Act. Mr. CLAY gave notice that he would move for a Committee of the w hole House for a repeal of the Corn Laws. REFORM OF THE LORDS. Mr. WARD gave notice of a motion to reform the House of Lords, on the 14th of March. Mr. ROEBUCK gave notice that he would call the at te;ition of the House on the 2d of March, to the subject of N - tional Education, and in February to bring in a Bill for the es tablishment of Lwal Courts. Mr. HUME gave notice that on that day-week he should move for leave to introduce a Bill placing the finances of counties under a county board.—( Hear.) On the same day, he should move for leave to bring in a Bill to regulate the expenses of elections, and on the same day he should move for a return of the names and services of those included in the late promotion in the army and navy ; and on the lith April he should move for leave to introduce a Bill to extend the suf frage to householders in general.—( Ilear, and cheers.) Mr. E WART gave notice that on the consideration of the Sessional Orders he should move that strangers be admitted without the orders of Members to the strangers' gallery of the House ; also, that he should bring in a Bill to abolish the law of primogeniture. On the 18th of April he should move an Address to the Crown for the appointment of a Minister of Education—( Hear, hear)—and a Committee to inquire into the state of education of the people. . Mr. WARD gave notice, that on reading the Sessional Orders he should move that the present mode of taking Par liamentary divisions be extended to Committees.—(Loud cheers.) And on Tuesday, the 213 t of February, he should move for leave to bring in a Bill for the sale-and distribution of Waste Lands in the British Colonies for the encourage -I,lnent of Emigration.—( Hear.) Mr. BUCKINGHAM gave notice that on the 9th March he should move for leave to bring in a Bill to regulate the maritime shipping interests, founded on the Report of the Shipping Committee. On the 23d March he should move for leave to bring in a Bill for the better manning of the Bri tish Navy in time of war. BENEFIT SOCIETIES. Mr. B. ITO Y gave notice, that on the 16th February he should move the appointment of a Select Committee on the laws relating to Benefit Societies. . _ THE TEXAS. The HON. MEMBER then gave notice, that on the 9th of March he should move for copies of the correspondence since the Ist J inuary, 1836. to the present time, between his Ma jesty's Government of Mexico, and the Government of the Texas. Also, for copies of any correspondence upon that sub ject betwee n his Majesty's Government and the Government of of the United States of America. REPEAL OF THE SEPTENNIAL ACT. Mr. HAWES gave notice, in the absence of his Right Hon. friend Mr. Tennyson D'Eyncourt, that on February 28, he should move for leave to bring in a Bill for the repeal of the Septennial Act.—(Much laughter and cheering.) THE BISHOPS. Mr. C. LUSHINC;TON gave notice that on Thursday, the 16th February, he should move that it is the opinion et this House that the sitting of the Bishops in Parliament is un favourable in its operation to the progress of the Christian re ligion in this country, and tends to alienate the affections of the people from the Established Church. PAROCHIAL UNIONS. Mr. WAKLEY gave notice that on the 14th of February, he would move for leave to bring in a, Bill to abolish the sys tem of plural voting in vestries and unions. The Honourable Member also gave notice that on the same day, be would move that some inquiry be directed to be made with respect to the efficiency of medical treatment of the sick poor in parochial unions. HACKNEY CARRIAGES. Mr. Alderman WOOD gave notice that on Friday next he would ask permission for leave to bring in a bill for the regulation of hackney carria,9;es.- 7 (Great laughter.) FICTITIOUS VOTERS. Mr. HORSEMAN gave notice that on Friday next he would move for the appointment of a Select Committee to inquire into the practice of registering fictitious voters in Scotland.--(Hear, hear.) RAW COTTON. Mr. M. PHILLIPS gave notice that on Tuesday, the 14th of March, he would move the repeal of the duty on raw cotton. UNIVERSITY OF LONDON. Mr. TOOKE gave notice that on Tuesday, the Ist of March, he would move for leave to bring in a Bill to ex tend in degrees in Arts and Law to the University of London the same privileges to persons under articles to attornies as were enjoyed by the Universities of Oxford, Cambridge, and Dublin. The Hon. Member also gave notice that he would move an humble address to his Majesty for a copy of the Charter granted to the University of London. COMMISSIONS. Col. SIBTHORP gave notice that on Thursday the 2d of March lie would renew his motion of last Session respecting the various Commissions that had been issued during the last fire years ; also for a return of the salaries of the different Commissioners, conformably to a similar motion in the last Session. EAST INDIA COMPANY. Mr. G. F. YOUNG gave notice that on Tuesday, the 9th February, he would present a petition from certain officers in the East India Company's Service, complaining that their compensation had been withheld by the Board of Control He would move that the petition be referred to a Select Com mittee. The Hon. Member also gave notice that on the 28th of February he would move for leave to bring in a Bill to alter and amend the law relating to mortgages on ships and vessels CONTROVERTED ELECTIONS. Mr. C. BULLER gave notice that on the Bth Feb. he would move for leave to bring in a Bill to amend the law relating to controverted Elections. PAYMENT OF TAXES. Mr. T. DUNCOMBE gave notice that he would move for an alteration of the law, which required that voters previous to registering their votes should have paid up their taxes. HOUSE OF LORDS. The same HoN. MEMBER gave notice that on Thursday, March th e 1 6t h , he would move the following resolution : " That the practice of voting by proxy in the House of Lords was incompatible with the principles of justice and reason;" and that the resolution be conamtuticated to the House of Lords...( A laugh.) THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 1, 1837. PATENT LAWS. Mr. MACKINNON gave notice that on Tuesday, the 14th February, he should move for leave to bring in a Bill to alter and amend the Patent Laws, and for better securing to indivi duals the benefit of their inventions.—(Hear.) UNIVERSITIES OF OXFORD AND CAMBRIDGE. Mr. PRYME gave notice that on the 28th of February he would move' that an Address be presented to his Majesty, that he would be graciously pleased to issue a Commission cn quiring into the state of the Universities of Oxford and Cam bridge. RECOVERY OF DEBTS. Captain PEC HE LL gave notice that he should bring in a Bill to extend the recovery of debts in the Sheriff's Court to sums under 501.—( Hear, hear, and laughter.) MR. LECHMERE CHARLTON. The SPEAKER.—I have received two letters, one from the Lord Chancellor and the other from Mr. Lechmerc Charlton, a Member of this House, which I think it my duty to read. The letter from the Lord Chancellor is as follows : " Bruton -street, 31st January, 1837. Sir, I have the honour of making known to you for the informa tion of the House of Commons, that I issued my warrant on the 28th of November last for the commitment of E. L. Charlton, Esq., one of the Members for the Borough of Ludlow, for a contempt of the High Court of Chancery, in writing and sending a certain letter dated the 24th of October last, to William Brougham, Esq., one of the Masters of the Court, which was followed by a certain other letter, dated the 9th November last, addressed to myself. I have thought it right to make this communication for the purpose of accounting for the absence of the Hon. Member, and to testify my high respect for your Hon. House."—( Hear, hear.) The letter from Mr. Lechmere Charlton is as follows - i—" Fendall's Hotel, Palace-yard, 31st January, 1837.—Sir, I have just reason to believe that Mr. William Butt, who is a messenger of the Court of Chancery, and others employed by him, are determined, under the direction of the Lord Chancellor, to interrupt me in my progress to the House this day, and I humbly request that you will ipuchsafe to extend to me your protection. I seek not to withdraw myself from the criminal jurisdiction of the realm. To be protected, however, from the violence of the Crown or its Ministers, is I apprehend the esta- blished and undoubted privilege of a Member of Parliament. I ask for no more than to be allowed without molestation to take my seat, to state what, no doubt, is, already known to the House, and then submit, with all respect, to its decision."-- (We were not able to bear every sentence of the last letter, as the Speaker read it, but the above is a correct outline.) Mr. HUME did not know if any Gentleman intended to make any motion on this subject. He wished to have pro perly ascertained %hat were the grounds of the impediment of which Mr. Charlton complained, and when this was regularly before the House, the House would be in a condition to state its opinion. He thought the better course would be to have the letters, referred to by the Lord Chancellor and by Mr. Charlton, printed and placed iu the hands of Members. Mr. ROEBUCK wished to have ascertained whether or not the Hon. Gent. made the .attempt to come down to the House ; because if he had not, then he could not have been stopped on the way. After a conversation in an under tone, which did not reach the gallery, Sir ROBERT PEEL thought the letter should be printed, for the purpose of enabling the House to consider to-morrow what course they ought to adopt. It might be a question whether the Lord Chancellor's letter should not be referred to a Select Committee, which was the course adopted with re spect to the case of Mr. Long Wellesley. The Lord Chan cellor stated in his letter that he had issued the writ ; and for the purpose of accounting for the absence of Mr. Lcchmere Charlton, he stated that he had done so, and that probably, in consequence thereof, Mr. Charlton might not attend. The Right Hon. Baronet concluded by moving that the letters be printed, and be taken into consideration to-morrow. Lord JOHN HUSSELL had supposed the letter of the Lord Chancellor and the letter of Mr. Charlton would appear on the Votes of the House to-morrow in order that the subject might be properly taken into consideration. He could not but agree with the proposition of the Hon. Baronet that the letter should be printed, and taken into consideration to-morrow. making that proposition, he begged it to be understood that he did not raise the point put forward by the Hon. Merri lbcr for Bath. THE KING'S SPEECH. The SPEAKER then proceeded to read his Majesty's Speech. The Clerk read the speech. Mr. SANFORD then rose and stated that as he was suf fering under very severe indisposition, he trusted that the House would grant him that indulgence which he had so often seen extended to others in the same situation, and in order to merit that indulgence he would endeavour to be as brief as possible in fulfilling that duty which fell upon him__ the endeavouring to induce the House to agree to that Address which he would have the honour to move, and which, as usual, was pretty much in accordance with the speech of his Majesty. It must be a matter of great congratulation, and one for which the country would be grateful to an over. ruling Providence, that the country had been, for a period of 22 years, enjoying the great blessing of peace. Having seen misfortunes which ovens helmed Europe for many years by the war which desolated many countries, the people of this country now knew the great blessing which they enjoyed by having profound peace. It was also a sentiment in which every one who bad heard the Speech read must agree, that every suc ceeding year would add to and cement those bonds which happily now existed between this and foreign countries.— ( Cries of " Hear, bear, hear.") The people now with their increased intelligence before them, were aware that the real happiness of the great multitude was to be obtained only by the blessings of peace.—( Great cheering.) What ever despotic moua-chs or crafty ministers might wish to plunge countries into war, they would find that the people would say that they would better consult their interests and the interests of all countries, by:studying and applying their minds to the system of commerce which now pervaded the world ; they would find it impossible now to plunge any country into war.—( Hear, hear, hear.) That was a subject of congratulation. But the next paragraph of the Speech must be the subject of regret to all those who wished well to that country, with which England had been so long and so intimately connected. It was more particularly the sub ject of regret that Spain should be plunged into such a state of anarchy and confusion, considering the fine climate which it enjoyed, the productive soil which it possessed, and the natural facilities for commerce which belonged to it. Upon looking to these things, they would at once see that they proceeded from a system of despotic government ; a sys tem which led to the anarchy and confusion now com plained of. To it might be added the mischiefs which resulted from a religious bigotry,keeping the people in a state of subjection to a religious superstition. He trusted that a new era had arisen, and that by the effective co-operation af forded by his Majesty's forces, peace would soon be established. The next subject to which the Speech directed their attention was the state of Portugal. In the case of Spain it was neces sary to send forward troops to the assistance of the Queen ; but in Portugal there was no departure from the principle of non-intervention, and no necessity to interfere between the contending parties. The condition of Canada was next adverted to. Until the Report of the Commissioners was placed befo:e them, it would be quite impossible tolsay what measures of Legislation should be introduced ; but he hoped that they would be such as to preserve to Eng land those colonies which were so important to the mother country, particularly in the view of encouraging emigration. Many of these questions had been already brought forward, and they must be again introduced ; and he trusted they would meet a different fate in the present session, from what they did in the last. A recommendation had been given by his Ma jesty, that an alteration should be made in the law of impri sonment for debt, and one for the establishment of local courts throughout the country. Nothing could be more im portant than such measures, because he ( Mr. Sandford) had bad an oppor.unity to see the distress arising from the difficulty of collecting mail debts throughout the country. The credi tors were unable to obtain their just demands under the present system, and some alteration should be made, either by giving a greater power to the Magistrates at Quarter Sessions, or by the introduction of local Courts.—(Hear.) He trusted that the report of the Ecclesiastical Commissioners would be carried into effect before the termination of the present ses sion, which would have the effect in his (Mr. Sandford 's) opinion of confirming one expression in his Majesty's Speech, wherein his Majesty expresses a hope " that such further measures may be introduced as may give increased stability to the Established Church and promote concord and good will," which he, Mr. Sandford, was satisfied it would do amoug all classes of his Majesty's sub jects. Nothing would tend more to promote this object than the settlement of the Church Rate, and he trusted that a measure upon that subject, would be speedily prepared. It must be granted that the revenues of the country had greatly increased, notwithstanding the great diminution that had taken place in taxation of late years. This was the strongest proof of the general prosperity of the country.—( Hear, hear.) H e must say that the commercial and manufacturing interests were in a state of prosperity at the present 'moment.— ( Cheers.) He wished he could at the same time say this of all the other classes of the community. He regretted to be obliged to say that, comparatively speaking, the agricultural interest was in a state of embarrassment. This he was bound to say for that class to which he had the honour to belong, that they had borne their distresses with patience ; and he was happy to say that he believed that that honest and industrious class was at this moment in a fair way of improvement.. It was most satisfactory to him to know that such was the case, and the more particularly when he considered the state of pressure from which they were, as he hoped, recovering.—(Cheers.) At the same time he was bound to say, and he thought it only fair to those who entertained certain opinions with regard to the agricultural interest, that he did not think it was in the power of the Legislature to grant relief ; and that their prosperity, which he hoped they would soon enjoy, could not be derived from legislative interference. This, he thought, was satisfactorily proved by the examinations that had taken place in the Committee of which his Hon. Friend (Mr. S. Lefevre) was Chairman. He (Mr. S. Lefevre) then stated it was impossible fiur the Legislature to give relief, and he (Mr. Sandford) cordially concurred in that opinion, viz., that the agricultural interest had more to expect from the absence of legislation than from legislative interference. They were indebted to his Hon. friend, the Member for Northampton, for having brought that subject before the House. With regard to the subjects mentioned in His Majesty's Speech, connected with the Sister Country, knowing by whom he should have the honour of being followed, he should leave that to him who was more familiar with the matter. But there was one subject, which of all others he believed to be one which would afford the greatest satisfaction in that country—he meant the esta blishment of a Poor-law in Ireland. —( Hear.) No measure could be introduced into that House which would give more general satisfaction to the people of this and the Sister Country, than a measure which they conceived would ameliorate the con dition of so many thousands in Ireland.—( Hear, hear.) Be fore he sat down he might anticipate a very different termi nation to this Session from that which unhappily had been the termination of the last.—( Hear, hear. )—They had a great authority for saying, that a house divided against itself could not stand ; and if that were the case, they might well suppose that a Constitution divided against itself could not stand. He hoped that a new spirit would exist in the present Parlia ment, and regretted that want of corporeal strength prevented him from giving utterance to his sentiments with greater effi ciency. The Hon. Member concluded by moving an Address to his Majesty, which, as usual, was an echo of the Speech. Mr. VILLIE RS STUART, in rising to second the Address moved by the Hon. Member for Somersetshire, asked for the indulgence of the House while he addressed them. It was always a pleasing duty to ask the House to con cur in an Address in reply to the Speech from the Throne, and however difficult might be the task he would rather encounter its dangers than neglect it altogether. Tak ing into consideration the early assembling of the great Council of the nation, he saw in it the anxiety of his Majesty to bring , to a speedy adjustment the great questions which now occu pied the public attention. The assurance which his Majesty gave them in the Speech from the Throne, of the anxiety of Foreign Powers to continue their friendly relations to this country, afforded a proof of the disposition of these States to continue their present relations upon the same terms which have been already found so extremely beneficial to this country.—( Hear, hear.) It also showed that the peace which we so long enjoyed was not maintained by the sacrifice of the national honour or dignity. If his Majesty were enabled to congratulate them upon the general tranquillity of Europe, he regretted that Spain afforded a solitary exception; but he was confident that that House would witness with sincere joy the termination of the unfortunate conflict which now raged in the Peninsula. Out of this tempo rary evil, however, a permanent good might arise, and that gallant Nation, which had so often cemented with its best blood its liberties, when attacked by foreign foes, would prove itself no less determined in putting down its more dangerous, because more treacherous, cue mies.—( Hear, hear, hear.)—He trusted that the free dom of S pin would be shortly based upon as solid a foundation as our own, and that the gallant conduct of the brave people of Bilboa and other places would not go without its reward. It was a matter of congratulation that the Constitution of that country was not fettered as others were, but was al most as free as our own. Having got so far through the Speech, he came to that part of it which related to the commercial concerns of this country—that was a topic upon which he would say almost nothing, as he was then in the presence of many Gentlemen who were much better acquainted with that subject than he could possibly pretend to be. He would, therefore, more particularly turn his attention to a subject with which he was better acquainted. The next topic of the Speech related to that country with which he had the honour to be connected. If he had been gifted with eloquence, it was a topic on which he could have spoken for hours; but not being so, he would only express his hope that now the great Council of the nation was assembled it would adopt a conciliatory policy towards that country, and keep in view that great and first principle upon which they should act, that the prosperity of the United Kingdom would depend upon the prosperity of all its parts. To make an ex ception to the general policy of the kingdom against one of its parts was in his opinion one of the- worst things that could possibly be done. The effects of the Union, in order to be strengthened, must be real—must be of real be nefit to both parties.—( Cheers.) Until a conviction of that kind was felt, the Union was in abeyance.—( Cheers.) It was for them to bring home to the minds of the people that they had an interest in being a united people, and that to enjoy the same rights, the King had called their particular attention to the subject of Municipal Corporations for Ireland. To that portion of the Speech which alluded to the Poor Laws for Ireland, he looked with particular satisfaction. The Hon. Member referred to that panacea of a largo population in want of employment, viz., a Poor Law for Ireland, which will remove evils of the greatest hardship, and will attract the atten tion of the Legislature to the necessity of giving employment to the poor. As to the next point of the Speech, which referred to the the Reform of Municipal Corporations, the people of Ire land were entitled equally with English and Scotch sub jects, and had as strong claitns to loyalty as either of those countries.—( Hear, hear.) It was a matter of pure satis faction that his Majesty had never expressed a want of confidence in his Irish subjects—( Hear)—although there were many who ascribed to themselves a peculiar loyalty, and denied an equal right to give power to the Irish. —( Cheers.) Such persons had no right to that especial loyalty, nor had they any claim to stand between his Majesty and a brave and generous people, whose loyalty was very simi lar in intensity to woman's love.—( Hear, hear, and laughter. ) True loyalty was uninfluenced by any selfish feeling * and what ever the treatment of his Majesty's Irish subjects might be, it would bc a difficult matter to estrange their affections from their Sovereign. The best means, however, of avoiding any estrangement would be the adoption of a policy which would give them the entire confidence of their English fellow-subjects. If that line of policy was adopted Ireland would indeed be come happy, and England powerful. If not, he would say indeed farewell, a long farewell, to all their hopes of tranquil lity and prosperity. If such a policy were adopted, he saw be fore him a gradual improvement in her affairs, instead of that feverish excitement which has occupied the inhabitants of that country upon political subjects, and which had rendered Ireland a scene of agitation from end to end, and which had left the mind of every man smarting under the sense of in. sult and degradation which had been heaped upon them.—( Hear.) That moment might be delayed, but it could not be averted—he was quite satisfied that it would speedily arrive. So long as it was delayed, so long would the tranquillitys,be : delayed—so ' long would her prosperity be delayed—and so long would the power of England be paralysed. •For centuries England had treated Ireland like a conquered country ; gradually - she had relaxed that system, am' raised Ireland in point of law to an equality with herself ; and he would now ask, would they venture to keep her in a state of degradation in point of practice ? He was satisfied that they could not—the moment that the Emancipation Bill was passed they hod raised up another nation to an equality with them selves, and that, nation was determined to maintain her position.—( [fear, hear, hear.) If thcre was a party still existing in that country who were not satisfied with a fair share of power, but were deter Mined to recur to the old state of things and the old system of ascendancy, lie (Mr. V. Stewart) would pray his Majesty's Ministers not to be led away by their views, and not to let their policy be their guide in legislating for that country. As as Irishman, deeply interested in her prosperity, and having a deep stake in the country with which he was connected, and by which he must rise or fall, he would entreat of them not to be led away by the policy of that party, by depriving his poor but happy country of her fair share of the privileges which other por tions of the empire enjoyed.—( Hear, hear.) Whatever line of policy might be adopted, much gratitude was, in his opinion, (Inc to his Majesty- for the gracious manner in which he had called the attention of Parliament to the state of Irelami ; and he felt that in seconding the motion that an humble address be presented to his Majesty he was but fulfilling his duty as one of the representa tives for that country.—(The Hon. Member sat down amid loud cheering.) After the Address had been read from the Chair, Mr. ROEBUCK rose, and said that as a silent vote upon the Address might be construed into a general approbation of the conduct of his Majesty's Ministers, he should, to save himself from misconstruction, particularly under the present circum stances, say a few words to explain the reasons which induced him to vote for the Address. He would now state why he was compelled—differing as he did from them upon many important questions, nevertheless, to give them that sup port which they would obtain from many Members on ilia side of the House to maintain them in the position of Ministers, though they could aiot give a general support to the principles upon which the present Government was conducted. In doing this it would be necessary to speak of the different parties who were endeavouring to gain an ascendancy in this country, and he would not have the meanness to shrink from the task, although he would endeavour, whilst performing it, to speak with no unnecessary asperity. He would, then, endeavour shortly to state what lie thought the exact condition of political parties in England, and more particularly of that section, the democratic section to which he belonged. In doing, this he would recommend a policy to the democratic party in that House which a few timid men in that House might disregard, which the dishonest would not adopt, but to those who had judgment to de cide what was proper, and courage to follow it—who demanded a frank, fair, open, and uncompromising- policy—of those he , would claim the support. It appeared that at the present time there was going on in this country, and not only in this coun try but in the world at large, a fearful struggle be tween two great principles of Government—the one which endeavoured to make the many dominant, and the other which endeavoured to maintain the domination of the few. There were in this House two parties at the present moment, the Tory or Aristocratic party, who were ranged in an hostile but honest faction against the opinions of the democracy, and this party formed, unfortunately as he believed for England, a very large majority here. There was another party, the democratic party who were a small, and, to use a phrase that was not disagreeable to the other side of the House, a miserable minority ; but the latter party was supported by the people at large out of doors. Supported then, as they were, by the masses out of doors, the party which represented the aristocracy, wise as they were in their generation, saw that there was no chance of defeating them by open warfare, and they choose rather to oppose to them as offshots of themselves in the persons of the Whigs.—( Cheers from the Opposition benches.)— In 1830 the two antagonist principles of which he spoke were brought into distinct array against each other. At that time the people of England had fully demonstrated to them that the monarchy of these realms was not as had been supposed, but was, in point of fact, an aristocratic republic. The people of England determined to suffer the domination of a few, and had the aristocracy dared to continue their opposition to the demands of the nation, they would find themselves swept before the current of popular opinion. In this state of things the Whig party, headed by Lord Grey, offered their mediation, and by means of it the Reform Bill was passed—that reform Bill they were glad to receive, not as all they might desire, but as an instalment of justice, as a means of accomplishing more on the first feasible opportunity. They took it as a stepping-stone to greater benefits.—( Hear.) As soon as the Reform Bill was passed, a large portion of the Whigs, with Lord Grey at the head, and the Noble Lord opposite, ( Stanley), a strong partisan, deserted these principles, and stuck to aristocratic government. They wished to stand still, but it was found that the people of England would not per mit that,and then they threw themselves headlong into their aris tocratic fiction. Then came Lord Melbourne —he stood for ward as the mediator between the Whigs and the people—he had a small section of the Whigs, and he sought such an al. liance with the Radical section of that House. The people believed that the Reform Bill brought into that House so large a number of Liberal Members, that they thought the will of the community would be predominant. The Radical party was obliged to consult the wishes of the people, and then they found themselves obliged to range themselves under the banners of Lord Melbourne, under the name of Re formers. A large portion of the Whigs seemed to have no settled or determined object—their only wish seemed to be to preserve the aristocracy in all their privileges and usurpations, while at the same time they were willing and anxious to take such a share of popularity as they possibly could. There were some who said the Whigs were sincere and ardent patriots ; there was another section who said the Whigs were insincere, and were only anxious to make use of the Reformers for their own purposes; but the large and more influential section said that, taking them as a whole they were better than the Tories, and more could be got out of them.— (Tory cheers, which were answered from the opposite side.) Then, after this special understanding that their own peculiar interests in this matter were to be consulted, and having some portion of power over the Ministry by the union of the Whigs and Radicals, it was the duty of the latter to endeavour to get for the people a large measure of Reform. Acting upon the wish of the people, the liberal party had ranged themselves under the banners of Lord Melbourne, the only justification for which was that the Whigs used large and general words in relation to Reform. They did not call themselves Whigs but Reformers ; that might mean anything after the displays which bad taken place—even in the present year that term might include all the Tories.—(Laughter.) Even the Gentlemen opposite were Reformers—( Cheers) — in so far as their own private interests were concerned, and such was the case with the large body of the Reforming Whigs. That was their gain—that was their feeling—that was how they had taken the name of Reformers, because by so doing, and by their onion with Radicals, they secured great benefits to themselves. Two years ago they all said they loved Reform, and hated Tory ism ; now the people who so hated Reform, would also detest aristocratic dominion and bad laws, and they believed that the Whigs cause before them with the determi nation to put down all irresponsible Government, whether it was in the hands of friends or enemies. —(Hear, and cheers.) Being perfectly cool—being perfectly collected, and well aware of all the consequences of what be was about to say, he felt obliged to declare, that the Whigs had deceived the people. Cheers. )—Their words had been one thing, while their acts had been another, and fell far short of their words—in fact the people had now found out that they were no better than the Tories.—(Loud cheers.) The Whigs wished to maintain a majority in that House ; but how did they attempt to do this ? Not by giving laws which would enable the people to act according to their conscience in the election of Members for Parliament; they endeavoured to keep this country in a state bordering on revolution ; by refusing the protection of the Ballot to the conscien tious voter, they left the voters at the mercy of those who trampled upon them. This, at least, was ungenerous on the part of the Ministry, who were kept in their places by the exertions of those who suffered for those exertions. In fact, the Ministry were kept in their places, by keeping the coun try in a state almost bordering on revolution—( Hear, hear) in order to prevent as it was called an irruption of the Tories. —(Laughter.) They were getting up Reform Associations, and Associations for facilitating the registration ; but they re fused to give the protection of the Ballot which would allow the voter to vote as he pleased.—(Hear hear.) Do they believe that that was a healthful condition? Can the will of the nation be developed by such force? The Radical party fight hand to hand and foot to foot with the aristocracy. The Reformers are called upon to make a fear. ful sacrifice, or they will not be rendered able to tread down their enemies. —(Hear, hear.)—lf the Whigs were serious, let them give the nation means to express openly and avowedly their opinions. Let them be real Reformers, and there will be nothing to apprehend from the gentlemen at the other side.—(hear, hear, and laughter.) The Whigs have recourse to their old means of proceeding, and stand be tween the two parties. The sooner, therefore, that they were removed from that condition, the better. Could it be said by the gentlemen who came from Ireland,who said that nothing was done for Irelrnd—what had his Majesty's Ministers done for Ireland ?—( hear, hear.) He did not mean to say anything against the administration of Lord Alulgrave in that country. That administration was the redeeming part of the Whig Mi nistry. But in truth the appearance of good governor in that country was a miracle.—( Hear.) Lord Malgrave may be removed by death, or by a freak of fortune, or some personal caprice, or by changes of a hundred kinds. What then bad been done for Ireland by the Whigs ?—( Hear, hear, hear.) Had there been a change in the law ? any change in the administration of the law to secure the blessings of good government to Ireland ? And, finally, was there anything to secure the peace and tranquillity of that country in future times ?—( Hear, hear, and cheers.) The only way to eq.-At that would be either by a change in laws, or by controi'lisg the opinion of the House of Lords, by altering the formation of that House, or by so imposing 'upon them by a large majority of that House, as to compel them not to resist it.—( Hear, hear.) Why had they done so last year? Because they had so small a majority in the House of Commons, that the Lords knew they dare resist it, but he would ask that House would they have dared to refuse a Corporation Bill to Ireland, if that majority had been larger, or if instead of twenty or thirty, they lied had 200 ? It was well known that the tactics of the other party had been to reduce the power of Ministers in the House of Commons ; and had not the Ministers, on the other hand, set their faces against any alteration in the House of Lords, or any improvement in the Commons, they allowed the people to go to the poll with enthusiasm, but this did not afford them the means of voting conscientiously.—(Hear, hear.) Then he would say, that unless his Majesty's Ministers did something to re form the House of Lords or improve the House of Commons, they could not pretend to be the friends of Ireland.— ( Hear, hear.) Speaking upon the subject of Ireland, Gentlemen had talked souse time of the English Radicals as being the enemies of Ireland. the • evils of Ireland were of two very different descriptions—there were evils falling on the Catholic gentry of Ireland placing them in an unfair position, and there were evils affaeing the peasanty, vie., physical evils. Now he (Mr. H.) would say that the Catholic Gentry were using the latter evil as a lever to get rid of the first—that they were employing the subject of the miseries of the people to get rid of their own social evils. He was an enemy to placing any other class of men in an unfair position.— (Hear.) H e sympathised, with th em ; h e b e li eved it was an unfair, unholy, and unjust position, and he would do all he could to enable them to get rid of it—(Hear, hear, hear)__ but he was not one of those who would use the miseries of the people as a means to get rid of those to which be had alluded ; and if he were called upon to point out ono case in which the Catholic gentry had used the miseries of the people as a means of getting rid of their own evils, he would call their attention to the feeling created about tithes in Ireland..—( Hear, hear, from the Opposition benches.) It was said that the tithes fell upon the Irish peasantry, and they had pathetic declamations of how their poor pittance was taken from them by the Protestant parson—(Cries of " Hear, hear")—but those persons who gave them those horri ble declamations and harrowing descriptions never told them that there were a class of persons called landlords who took from the people all beyond the means of subsistence, and if the Tithes were taken away to-morrow, the same still would be the condition of the Irish peasantry. He was one of those who believed that the Tithes were public property, and he should not consent to any scheme for confis cating them to private purposes. He believed that Tithes in Ireland should be applied for the public benefit and advantage sacred to the people, and not to be given to the landlords, whether Protestant or Catholic. Seeing these thin g s, hearing it admitted that tithe was really paid by the landlords, he asked, was it wise, was it prudent, or was it fair, to incite on the peasantry to resist the demands of the proctor ?—(Cheers from the Opposition.)__ Tithe was, in fact, paid by the landlord. The peasant was but the medium of doing so, and it was cruel to howl him on to the struggle under the ignorant belief that he but waged war against an unholy impost.—(Continued cheers from the Opposition benches.) Seeing these things was he to be told that he should be silent, that he should not express what the real friends of Ireland really required ? He told the House that the real friends of Ireland demanded for that country a good Poor Law Bill. And if they con sented to give up the Tithes, it was upon the distinct under standing that the means of supporting the poor should come out of the pocket into which the Tithe was put. Thus the friends of Ireland combined two things.--(Hear, hear, hear.) They proposed to abolish Tithe, and to enact a salutary measure for the relief of the destitute and the infirm, and obtain equal justice for all cl asses of the people. These were what the Radicals demanded ; for it they might be nicknamed, but he cared not what might be said by any lion. or Learned Gentleman in that House . he was convinced the thinking portion of the well-c on ditioned people of England would distinguish between the friends of Ireland, and those who made the peasantry's miseries a fulcrum for the promotion of their ow n private purposes.—(Tremen dous cheers from the Opposition, and hear, hear, from Mr. O'Connell.) The party with whom he (Mr. Roebuck) acted proposed to carry out the principles they laid down, and which would best promote the prosperity of the country, ob tain equal justice fo r England and for Ireland, repre sentative government for both, and eq ua l l aws for all. He might be thought to have missed what was usually supposed to be the bright part of the shield of his Majesty's Ministers ; but he would again ask , was there a ny t hing to redeem them i n the opinions of the people ? As far as regarded the laws of England they bad been wholly idle. Nothing had been done which they (the Whigs) had not been utterly compelled to do—they would have got just as much from the most fierce of the Tories. They had only got what they dared not refuse. If he looked abroad, and there had been a good deal of talk of our foreign relations did they find any cause for gratulation?—(Loud cheers from the Tories.) Did they not find interference undignified and useless.—(Loud cheers from the same quarter.) Did they not find interference useless and mischievous in Port uga l "? Had they not interfered to put down what they really preten ded to advance—liberal opinions ? Did they find any thing in that part of the world to redeem them for their con d uct here ? No.—(Loud cheers from the Tories.) If they looked abroad at the Colonies, was there any thin g there to redeem their reputation ? Why the Whig Administration had been described in all the Colonies just the same as the Tories. (Laughter.) They knew that in England they had been obliged to do something, but the popular will did not extend to the Colonies.., (Hear, - hear.) England cared very little how the Colonies were governed, and there the whole spirit and feeling of the Administration was manifested—they were the same rampant revellers --they were just the same as the Tories. Let it b e reco ll ected that the present Administration had come in upon the popular will ; they had been brought in on the backs of that will, in spite of an adverse Court, and a strong majority i n th a t House.- The whole of their popularity was gone,—( " No.") His Majesty's Ministers were daily losing ground.—( Cheers from the Tories, but they were losing ground for no other reason than that they were too much like the Gentlemen who had just cheered.— ( Great laughter.) - That was the reason why they were losing ground, because they were like the Tories—because they were doing nothing for good Government ; and the only means they had of maintaining. The only way they had left open to them to recover it was to give Ireland a Poor-law—( Hear, hear) — to reform the laws in that country—to do away with tithes there—and to give no fostering care to the Irish Church. In England—to protect the voter by according the ballot—to abolish the rate-paying clauses in the Reform Act—to ensure by these means a majority in the House of Commons—to re form the system of jurisprudence, and to afford a cheap admi nistration of the laws. They should next go to the colonies, and administer justice in the same manner to them, and then let their neighbours alone, and not intermeddle in their affairs. By doing all these—and all these alone—they might once more become popular. But would they do these things!? He for one did not think that they would. With this conviction, he thought it right to tell the Radicals of England that it now behoved them to put them to the test. The first thing that should be done by the Radicals, when it became manifest to them that nothing would be done, was to sever the connection which now existed between them and the Whigs, and to thrust his Majesty's Ministers out of power, into the ranks of the Tories if they resisted it. By this means the people would be truly informed that they were not represented in the House of Commons, and that the Whigs were not their friends. It might be said, that in doing so they would be acting very dangerously. He believed the contrary. Those who made use of that argument urged that the Whigs would by that means be driven into the arms of the Tories. What disho nesty their advocates believed them capable of, when they used such an argument in their favour I But the Tories would be let in ; and then incalculable mischief would ensue if they continued. If the Tories were so mischievous, and if their recovery of power was, under these circumstances, so inevitable, what became of the honesty and consistency of the Whigs in refusing to yield a little to the Radicals, to avert all these threatened disasters ? If the Whigs believed the. " irruption" of the Tories so dangerous, why not keep them out by conceding something to the Radicals ? The Radicals had asked nothing for themselves, and the Whigs therefore assumed that they were disinterested people, who wished for nothing but to see them provide for their own enjoyments.— (Cheers and laughter.) As far as he (Mr. Roebuck) was con cerned, he was determined that, in following out those princi ples which he conceived were for the benefit of the people, he should not be cajoled by the fair promises of his Majesty's Mi nisters, or by anything but their acts, to believe that they had the good of the country at heart. If they did what he thought right, he should give them his support ; but on the barren principle on which they staked their political existence—lrish tithes—unaccompanied with any provision for the Irish poor —they need not calculate on it. He believed that there would never be any good done for Ireland until the Irish Church was pulled down : it was a nuisance to be abated at once--it was mischievous to the people at large—and no person who wished well to them could desire to see it longer exist • but of this he was convinced, that the golden temple of the Irish Church would not be pulled down by any except democratic hands. His Majesty's Ministers and the Whigs would never do it, he was quite satisfied. On these principles he would act, because he believed that by them alone he should be able to obtain justice for Ireland, for England, and for the colonies Of Great Britain. ) Mr. BE A UMO NT said that, though unprepared to speak he had no reluctance to rise in reply to the Hon. Member for Bath before he should propose an amendment to the Address. He essentially differed with that Hon. Member when he assumed that the Radicals in that House were the sole representatives of the people. He did not differ much - with him in regard to the fact when he said that the Whigs had lost much of their popularity ; but he did differ with him " entirely when he attributed the cause of it to their disinclina tion to a closer coalition with the Radicals. He (Mr. Beate , mont) believed that the contrary was the case ; and he there fore thought that the diminution in their popularity arose from their greater approximation to them in late times. The Radicals required organic changes; but he (Mr. Beaumont) was disposed to resist any further measures of that nature for England. There had been quite enough of them for the benefit of that country ; and it was his belief that Parliament should now apply itself solely to real Reforms, and the work ef practical legislation. It was on this ground, and for these reasons, that he intended to propose an amendment on that part of the Address which related to the Constitution of Ire land. Ho did so, after having duly considered all the modes in which that country could be most essentially benefitted. The object of his amendment was for the equalization of the two religions which prevailed in that country, and to place the inhabitants of both countries in a state of entire equality with regard to religious opinions. Before Poor Laws could be introduced with arse prospect of benefit to Ireland, the re ligious dissensions which now distracted that country should be healed by equality of legislation. He would never con sent to the establishment of the voluntary principle, because it was his opinion that Protestants should have the arrange ment of the affairs of their own Church, as well as the Catho lics. He should propose his amendment pro forma only, as he perceived that the House seemed disposed rather to treat the question of Irish tithes generally at some future pe riod than to entertain it partially then. Whenever the Go vernment proposed a measure on the subject of tithes in Ire land, he should be prepared to state his reasons for opposing all attempts at an adjustment of them, and to prove to the House that the only safe way of pacifying that country was to abolish them altogether. Not, he would add, to fill the pockets of the landlord, but to apply to the purposes of the poor. The Honourable Member concluded by reading his amendment. It was to the effect—" That no measures which should be introduced for the tranquillity of Ireland should be ef fectual to`that end unless they were accompanied by measures which had for their tendency the abolition of all religious distinctions in that country." This amendment found no seconder, and was withdrawn, at the desire of the House. Mr. JA ME S denied that the Whigs were as bad as the Tories, as the lion. Member for Bath bad stated. He could never agree to that assertion. Neither could he coincide with the subsequent assertion of the Hon. Member, that his Ma jesty's Ministers had lost their popularity, because he did not believe it to be the fact. It was charged against them by the Hon. Member that they would not give the Ballot; but he would ask the lion. Member, were the Tories disposed to give it? His Majesty's Ministers had much to contend with since 'they came into office; but their priucipal source of annoyance was the opposition of the other branch of the Legislature. By that opposition they were prevented from passing measures of very great utility, and there was consequently a great de. sire among the people to reform that branch of the Legisla ture by destroying its hereditary privilege, and making it re sponsible somewhere. (Hear, and laughter.) He (Mr. James) was notin favour of organic changes in the Constitution, but he thought reform was required there. If the Lords acted honestly and usefully he did not believe that there was any wish on the part of the people to deprive them of their' honours, titles, stars, and garters—(Laughter)—or of any power or privilege which justly belonged to them ; but if they acted in this session as they did in the last—if they set their faces against the best interests of the country, and became an obstacle in the way of improvement—it would be the duty of the people at last to limit their power of doing evil. The Lords themselves affirmed the principle of Reform by assenting to the Reform Bill for the other branch of the Legislature. If they did not reform themselves, that principle would be ap plied to them, and at no very distant period the moral force which carried that measure would compel them to bow before it. It was, in point of fact, only a question of time. If one House was amenable to Reform, why should the other be ex empted from it ? It might be said by Hon. Members on the other side of the House, that to do so would be to destroy the Constitution ; but he could not attach much weight to that prediction, coming from such a quarter, when he remembered that the same was said at the period it was proposed to dis franchise East Retford, and one or two other rotten bo roughs, and transfer their franchise to Birmingham, Manches ter, and similar great towns. But even if the Constitution were to be touched by it, he (Mr. James) should say, if the Lords do not act as they ought to act, reform them at any risk. Was good government to be sacrificed for the purpose of merely upholding:one branch of the Legislature in all its iniquities ? It was the opinion of eery matey that the Lords were incorrigible ; but he did not coincide with them. He hoped for better things from their good sense in this session of Parliament. It was now in their power to gain a place in the opinion of the people by concession to their just demands ; but if they continued any longer blind to the signs of the times, and heedless of the spirit that was abroad, it seemed to him that the downfal of their order would be the natural con sequence. In that case they would have no one to blame but themselves, except it might be the Hon. Gentleman oppo site who had been their bad advisers. If he were permitted to give advice to their " High Mightinesses" he should re commend them to give way to the growing spirit of reform. and no longer to impede its onward progress. Mr. CURTEIS said that the absence of all cheers during the speech of the Hon. Member for Bath was a full proof that there was no sympathy with his sentiments in the House or in the nation at large. He (Mr. Curteis) considered that the country was under very great obligations to his Majesty's Ministers, and that they had been most unjustly dealt with by the Hon. Member. The Hon. Member had stated that the mind of the nation was made up to advocate the ballot. He (Mr. Curteis) believed that, on the contrary, the majority was not prepared to support it. Nay, more. In the county which he represented he believed that the majority were dia metrically opposed to it. He would not then enter into an enumeration of the many great measures which the Whigs had introduced, or the benefits which they had conferred on the country; but he would tell the Honourable Mem ber for Bath if there were many Honourable IMembers of his opinion, that party would be driven, he would not say to join the Tories, as the Hon. Member said, but to re tire altogether from public affairs, and mix no more in po litics. He (Mr. Curteis) believed the speech of the Hon. Member to be one of the most mischievous imaginable, and he was satisfied that the great body of Reformers in the country would never respond to it. If he (Mr. Curteis) had to choose a leader between the Hon. Member and the Right Hon. Ba ronet (Sir Robert Peel) opposite, though termed a Radical among his constituents, he should not hesitate to take the latter. He was, however, prepared to sacrifice some of his theoretical opinions to support the Government of the Noble Lord (Lord John Russell) on his side of the House. He be lieved, notwithstanding the statement of the Hon. Member for Bath, that the present Government had considerable popu larity in the country ; and he further believed that, if they had in any degree, however little, lost it, their opponents on the other side of the Housd had gained nothing of it. The Hon. Member concluded by saying that his Majesty's present Mi nistry should have his honest anti independent support. Mr. GISB 0 RNE said that there was a single passage in the King's Speech which occasioned some mistrust in his mind ; he meant the paragraph which referred to joint-stock