The Sun. — London, England, 1852-02-04 00:00:00

SUN; ben -- - 11111th-injured man, who had exerted himself in oppo • dered t hat no reason had been given of a nature to justify !loon to a b a d Government; and, having done so, had been the dismissal of the late Foreign Secretary, but, after the Interfered with by another Government. 114 had never explanations which had been offered, he (Lard D. Stuart) 18;11,rd Kossuth ask for the inte rv ention of England in the , entertained the conviction that there had been a forgone _ airs of Hungary. He only asked for non-intervention, 1 conclusion —a determination to get rid of the Noble Lord, and he was right, because if Russia , or any third party, I and he feared the step had been taken in consequence of re- Were permitted to interfere in the affairs of, another Govern- presentations coming from abroad. Of this he was satisfied— ea nt in a very short apses of time the absolute Governments that the proceeding would not be found conducive to British M ight unite to make Europe despotic. interests. M r. H. J. BAILLIE could not understand on what Sir H VERNEY considered that the cause of liberty rounds the explanations by the Noble Lord (Lord John and of Protestantism throughout Europe was most deeply t art' relative to the statemeat of the late Foreign Secre- indebted to the Noble Lord (Lord Palmerston), who had l'lrY had been given—whether to satisfy the curiosity of the been the friend of liberty and Constitutional government mourable Member for Marylebone. •or an appeal so the wherever they had existed. What was the first thing that J.!clglnent of the House. He had always had the misfortune had taken place since the Noble Viscount left office ? The ‘e differ. from Lord Palmerston upon matte rs of foreign efforts of the Bible Society had been condemned to be 13e neY , , and he might, therefore, possibly be re- sto pp ed where Austria bed authorit y , and the Scottish ,ene carded as not altogether unprejudiced. But, having missionaries were re q uired to leave Hun g ar y , though tstd to the explanations g i ve n, and the state - they h ad done nothing contrary to the laws of that coun- Tents made on both sides, he could not arrive at try. But if the Noble Viscount did on the 16th of De flY other conclusion than that the Noble Lord (Pal- camber write a dispatch contrary to the opinion of the Whole had been offered up as a sacrifice for the sins of the British Cabinet, and embodying sentiments which it tul °l° _, Administration.—(Cheers and laughter.) They were would have been a very different thing to utter on th eby those powerful organs of the press which defended the first blush of the events in France—(Hear, hear) —if he __ e Government that our foreign relations were not in that did this without consulting the Members of the Cabinet, and went state in which they once were, that the Govern- without receiving the accustomed sanction, the opinion of all of this country was very much hated and abhorred by the House and of the coun ry in general would surely be, foreign Governments, that we were without a friend or that under these circumstances, the Prime Minister was illy • ~ ,ln rope, except Sardinia, and that all this was to be justified in declaring that he would no longer act with the in 18461 to the Foreign-office. Now , if it were true that Noble Viscount as the responsible Minister of the Crown for an , 1 1 8 L ., 461 our Government outraged Austria, Naples, Sicily, conducting our foreign affairs.--(Hear• hear.] the Spain—if, in 1850, the Government wantonly persecuted Mr. OSBORNE observed, that his Noble Friend (Lord D. , e unhappy G ree k s , t h e N o bl e L or d a t the head of the Go- Stuart) began by criticising certain observations of the t ree:mut was responsible. — ( Hear , bear.) Hs supported mover of the Address; but whatever cavil might be taken 04 t Policy In the House of Commons, and promoted to high on the ground of particular expressions used by a gentleman eethose who were most clamorous in aPProving it.—(Hear.) not accustomed to speaking in the House, the House gene- Until thisday he thought the Government entirely approved rally wou'd probably be more struck with the readiness of tee Wks! of the-Noble Lord lately at the head of the Fo. the Hon. Baronet's address, and feel regret that he did not _g li offi __ . ce To-day the Noble Lord, it appeared, was dis- oftener mingle in the debates.—(Hear, hear.) The present t n ed, becau se h e, a mos t a bl e , experienced,'and successful discussion had been so wrapped up in one absorbing subject t Minister, as h e was described, had had the "presumption" to that it would be almost looked upon.as an impertinence to 'PhaetliPm him se lf t h e managemen t of his own department. allude to any other; but there were other . matters interest was th e o ing to -the country. The speech mentioned three counties real! head and front of his offending," and was it Y 'Von such grounds that a most able and successful of Ireland, but no member from Ireland had risen to express Minister was to be so lightly shaken off? Was there a man an opinion upon this remarkable passage. It was a grave on that House who believed that these were the real groands, question for the House, whether in the state of those three r an n ° had any doubt that the recent changes in Europe counties the ordinary trial by jury was perfectly success at th ranee had at last browht conviction to the Noble Lord ful.—(Hear, hear.) Without calling for excessive powers, had he (Mr. Osborne) was not the man to do so—he would . e head of the Government that his foreign policy woulda failure, and that under existing circumstances it throw out to the Government whether, it being impossible be dangerous to _persevere in it? taut, if it were ne- to procure a verdict under the peril of being shot for giving ce_ssary to offer up his Foreign Secretary to the evil genius it, there might not be imported into Ireland the Scotch !3f. continental despotism, would it not have been the most principle of allowing a majority of the jury to convict ex- V s t , the most g enerou s, a nd the most chivalrous course if cept in cases of treason.—(Hear, hear.) Life and property thought First Minister of the Crown and his colleagues bad also could not be secure under the present system.—(Hear, ;u°laght proper to accompany the Foreign Minister in his hear.) The system of offering money rewarjs in Ireland resignation? ? But the Noble Lord had not hesitated to get was mischievous and unproductive; would it not be better Of one of his colleagues when he and the rest of the to offer a grant o f land in a colon y to an a pp rover.—(Hear, cabinet were equally responsible.—(Hear, hear.) hear . ) Gent l eme n here had no conce p tion of the horrible mr • GRACH had never heard Kossuth, in his many state of districts that were under the Riband system.— ales, ask for the intervention of this country in the (Hear, hear.) With regard to the subject on which an ex „e'_`l,r, of Hungary. All that he complained of was inter- planation had been offered to the House, he must say he felt rition by other countries, since, if Hungary had been al. more than common pain at what had occurred. He looked lo wed e _ to settle its dispute with Austria the result would have upon the loss of the Noble Lord who had retired from the w e n very different.. He (Mr. Geach) had been in France Government, not only as a great loss to the Government, but all the 2d. of -December, and had gathered the opinions of a great national loss. But he wished to state that he could IT classes. He believed that the People of France were not entirely approve of the way in which that Noble Lord ~.talost universally satisfied at the solution of the difficulty had spoken of the recent transactions in France. As a ; 1 ' Which they had become involved, not as being the best Member of that House, representing the great county for isFrance, but as being the best solution possible under the of Middlesex, he (Mr. Osborne) felt that he could 'not -cun istances. , He regretted, considering the feeling that go before his constituents and say that he sat silent eXisted in France with regard to the expression of opinion while he heard any Minister, or ci-defiant Minister, give ;In the part of the p ress of this country, that a gentleman se - even his q ualified c pp robation to the coup d'etat.—(Hear, ]acted for th e important Position of movin g the Address hear.) He did not wish to add fuel to flame, but he would should have been so indiscreet as to express the opinions to adopt the words of Lord Chatham, and say, that " p ower Which he had given utterance. without right is one of the most pernicious and detestable Mr.G, MILNES thought the Noble Lord at the head of the thin g s which the human imagination can conceive—perni f ev ernment would find that the speech of the Hon. Member cious to the man who holds it, and destructive to the people °r Inverness.shire in a great measure represented the over whom he wields it."—(Hear.) He hoped there was no ePini , Xis of Europe on the subject of the dismissal of the late Member of that House who could, even b y implication, give Foreigndebate Secretary. 'He believed when the reports of this any app r o val t o the p roceedin g s.—(Hear, hear.) He would . yttte went forth to the public it would scarcely be credited sa y no more of the unfortunate rupture which had taken lo bf i t tirOpe that upon the mere ground of Ministerial disci - p iece, but he ho p ed matters had not proceeded to such an h! l e a great change had taken place in the Government of ext remit y but that, in p rocess of time, the differences might .8 country and that an important Minister had been sum- be:healed , and the Noble Lord mi g ht j oin that body of which rit t _ r ilY dismissed from office. He did not presume to doubt he was so leading an ornament.—(Hear, hear.) L O. Perfect veracity of all that had been stated by the Noble Mr. ROEBUCK would be sorry that the debate should os l l (Lord John Russell), but he believed that public pass away with simply a personal explanation. The Speech yonion, both in this country and elsewhere, would see be- from the - Throne travelled over a vast variety of interests.— ', 1 ,,," i 1 ie 1l the statement he had made motives and intentions (Hear.) He wished, in the first place, to bring from the he had n o t expressed, and of which he was, perhaps, discussion some sort of moral with respect to the pecu -114(111' ter Y conscious himself. It might be said that the charac- liar position of the Government. It was admitted by until he rep u t a ti o n of a Minister were hardly understood the Noble Lord himself (Lord J. Russell) that il 'llt he had l os t power, and it was perhaps only when tha the position of affairs at home, in our colonies, x e u vra of the fall of Lord Palmerston spread throughout and' abroad, was in the highest degree difficult. We 4 , l l°Pe that the estimation in which that Noble Lord was were on the eve of great administrative changes. In our tu was realty ascertained. What was the meaning of the colonies we had discontent border in g u p on rebellion, and in tl,. ` l Versal jubilee of the absolutist Powers of Europe—of the some actual war ;on the continent we saw a p ers on i n re joicings p of the oppressors and the lamentations of the op- power, with nothing on earth able to c ontrol his will ; and flirted? What, was the reason that Lord Palmerston's we ourselves were trembling, not with fear, but with anxiety had been regarded as showing the accession of the lest the peace of this great country should be invaded; and English Government to the new order of things to be in- surely this was a time to scan somewhat narrowly, if not il ti sgurated in Europe? He (Mr. Milnes) had always be- with severity, the capacity, firmnes s and energy of those who eved that the Administration of the Noble Lord had been had in charge the destinies of this country At this critical ;rely misunderstood and misrepresented throughout En- period the most marked person of the Administration—he He had found that wherever upon the continent men around whom all the party battles of the Administration Weree, aspiring after liberty, or were i n any way oppressed, had been fought, whose political existence had been made there the name of Lord Palmerston was mentioned with re- the political existence of the Government itself, and upon eet and regard by the oppressed and the suffering. In the whose being in office the Government had rested its exist remoteteant dietricts of Germany, in the cities of Spain, in all ence as a Government—was dismissed ; the right arm of portions of th e wor ld w here principles of liberty the Government was cut off when it was most needed. oo lre e r: i il e d rtgg in l d ing i n t o bi rt h , t h e N o bl e Lord's name was re. What was left in that Government that should conciliate our il._ffection;7ith respect- - he m i g h t a l mos t say with reverential confidence ?—(Hear.) We must judge of the possible future and it was natural that those Powers which repre- of this Government by its actual past ; and, looking at those nnte pe d e op i mions totally alien from the wishes and desires of confidence in them?—(Hear, hear.) who remained in it, it was right to ask why were we to ; 14 2 Mop le of England should regard the Noble Lord with place The Noble ..„ s y. e cnot t rary feelings. They consequently represented the Lord's Government was founded upon a most unwise (I 'l4r dto their people as as sortof hob oblin—an object Policy ; the system of his administration, as far as the forma e terror and evil g . with tion of his Government all kinds oe r repute , connecting his name wholly alien evolution and confusion, to which his spirit was family party—(Hear, hear)—and the great interests of the just influence. and thus endeavouring to diminish his real and country were forgotten. The Noble Lord surrounded him the Noble Lord i t: (Mr. Milnes) thought, therefore, that self with those who doubtless were very near and dear to him done great injury to t theth•but who were not so importaut to the country. head of the Government had —( A laugh ) taken. 'He believed —(Hear.)takemanagement of th is country by the course he had To the . epartment of the In the affairs s Europe were approaching a period that House; had there existed a Government in the House? of -turope w hen the Foreign- Had the Noble Lord the least power to carry through the o %ce of this country would require to be guided by a prat- House any plan he propounded, so that there should be a tised hand, and the authority of the Noble Lord (Lord Pal- unity of conduct and purpose, and a firmness of policy ? Inerston ability, 2 ndlight prevent a great many evils which all the (Hear, hear.) In regard to the law, the business had been not enable lust and good intentions, of any successor might thrown abroad, and the real changes were made by pri no, him to avoid. The fall of the Noble Lord had vats persons.—(Hear, hear.) In regard to the colonies, i s : t been accompanied by any peculiar demonstration of the proposition after proposition was made and abandoned.— eZyc.dveement of our relations with foreign Powers, but was (Hear, hear.) Haw was it with the Admiralty depart tiot_n _nt with a large demand for the increase of our na- ment? Was not the whole machinery of its administration %fu r defences. He (Mr. Milnes), as a supporter of the disgraced before the country ?—( Hear, hear.) We could not h tt :e m dtment, felt very great regret at the dismissal of the send out a ship to take men to a colony, but it had to put a se ,seore e ign Secretary, which he believed had materially in at Plymouth in a few days —( Hear, hear)—so ill-found 114 17 d the efficiency of the Government, and had dimi- that it could ,not go on without.—(Hear.) Another had v iii . 7, its influence in the country ; for the department over no t provisions enough on board, because it was unable to Of the tile Noble Lord had presided had certainly be en ens reach awes Cape in less than three months, and was obliged to je et r_elost popular and the least obnoxious to general o b. stop sel on the way for help.— (Hear, hear.) These must. The Noble Lord at the head of the Government were mere routine matters, which a common clerk ought to eight have seen in the demonstration which took place some b e able to perform , but the Admiralty was unequal to them. t ertoi een months ago what was the feeling of sympathy en- (Hear, hear.) They could not build a ship but they had tili ni n , e d, for the Noble Lord (Lord Palmerston) on that (th e to cut her in two again.--(Hear, hear.) From the begin woliisdserial) s id e o f th e House—(Hear, hear)—and which ning to the end of that establishment it was clear that o w follow him into the position of independence he had searching ra dical in q uir y w as req uired. - (Hear, hear. ) To d.asinerned. He - wou ld only express his hope that the return to t he Kafir war. In j ustice attended our entrance er alsaal of th e N o bl e L or d might not be the Precursor of into that c ountr y , and what benefit had we obtained? We Of il t er k s ymptoms of wea k ness an d dissolution on the part had there some thousands of the finest troops that England e tre " Ministry, which he would profoundly and sin- could furnish, and we should soon hear at what expense.— r . 7 regret. (Hear, hear.) We should find that what was begun in in )40....w0_r,d D. STUART observe d t h at the Hon. Baronet who justice proceeded in imbecility, and that the colonists, whom ev ent of the address had referred to what he had called an we had pretended we would protect, were exposed to all the tettiltr of small importance—the visit of Kossuth to this outrages and spoliation that savages could perpetrate, and n its _ 7.• . Now, ne (Lord D. Stuart) considered tbat the devastation reigned from end to end of the colony.—(Hear , vio rdler in which Kossuth lied be en received rendered his hear.) Bad the Government abstained from creating dis reid''„all avant o f some importance. The feeling of the content and alienating the colonists, sent them a constitu ei.„7. classes in favour of the great patriot bad been uni- tion, and told them to take care of themselves, there would cl i Zt,s and, if the same feeling did not pervade the- higher have been no call for all this.—(Hear, hear.) Why had W e 3 .- -11 few of the nobility or gentry came forward to New Zealand been kept in hot water so long after the con- W er d r ae the distinguished exile—he must s a y th e i r back- stitution was passed, though there had' been nothing ,t° % l i o ness did them very little credit. He could add hischange our relations with that colony ?--(Hear, hear.) at, fly to that of the Hon. Members for Birmin g ham an d home the whole administration of the law w as in a state 0, Po rs ,, n tFY, and could declare that Kossuth was not su p. dislocation. Nothing was so mischievous as constant ehangke li -""'''' in this country on account of his advocacy of re p u t. There was no presiding mind in the matter ;it was left t° ue e4e doctrines Kossuth Was ce nn ,, and that bad not called upon this dealt with by individual members at their pleasures, ce u iP7 to interfere by arms in behalf of Hungary. He there ever such peddling ?— (Hear, hear.) It was said that timi tl k ,gt'eOngratulate the Hon. Baronet (Sir R. Bulkeley) no one but the Noble Lord could take the Government; th,at Molise " success• in conciliating the different parties -in but let us really have a Government, and not have the House kttekesuciiiiie; and he did not think the Government would feel merely an arena for every gentleman to try his hand. — hieebligeel to the Hon. Baronet for the mode in which he (Hear, hear.) Foreign policy was a delicate matter, but advocated their cause . The Honourable Gentleman though the Legislature was not called upon to ex hadst,s. told them that he abhorred the ballot—a noble press an opinion as to changes abroad, individual efl.lllNent to be Cheered by hearty Reformers, many members of a great representative assembly were not tra ns; . W h k ern thonght as he (Lord D. Stuart) did, that veiling beyond their duty in expressing, ther." ballot was a sine qua non, without which guarded language, their sorrow at least, if not indignation, at i n grave and to i° , Would be no true, free, and complete represen- what had passed in a neighbouring country.—( dialltleef the people . The Hon. Baronet also talked of the It was idle to say there was no danger to our relations with 1n l ike Of the landed interest of the country generally to the France, ruled by a man whom no sanction held. We must Hear, hear.) eiro ver ine 'bts He (Lo r d D. St uar t) did not know how the know that he would -consult only his own interests, and that to k . titnent would like that statement, or whether it was we should de wisely to be upon our guard, not in any the ei i ,7 taken as an i n di cat i on t h at t h e Ch ance llo r of the Ex- most distant way sanctioning the opinion that he bad done Otter intended to relieve the country from the impost.— justly by his people, though at the same time strictly ad ioictlaugh.) With regar d to Irel„d also th e Hon. Baronet hering to the rule of not interfering with the domestic affairs to _them that it had attars)maintain the Protestant always bee n ad!) , r i no i' p l e o f t hi s . country of France.—(Hear, hear.) He (Mr. Roebuck) should be past, that the principles which had hoped, however, whateverin toe might have been sorry to create an unwise panic, and fancy that we were nourish. bit this country were those Prudence, were now about to be the victims of an invasion, when all we required equality.- s '.- He ' felt - great re change in regret at th the Ministry, for he thou of complete religious at the hands of the Government was calmness, 'stored at a . great Minister whothe made by preceding e late lamentable watchfulness, and caution.—( Hear, hear.) thought it much to be de- Mr. NAPIER answered one of .the principal departments ofd beEel Irish Members, and referred to the case of charged with Member to the years, during - which he had conducted t - he credit to himself, and with honour to the public State for many the three counties in the north of Ireland. The special affairs with commission which had been issued had proved an abortion. had, in most difficult times preserved uninterrupted should have been removed from office upon wh u al ) country, and wh o The ordinary course of the law was insufficient secur.t to fo p r rog e re o a r li d peace : conviction for murder. There was no would be not but call the most paltry pretences The spe ee e o c " le remedies for the evils of bad heats] to-night from the Noble Lord at the head they Parliament for further powers. The . each property, and yet the Government did not inte l n y d to apply to Governmentwould forththe -and goto world,unfortunatelreland e were only to be found in making of the law to protect scanned with a careful eye both in this and in foreign coup - individualhim. satisfied with the efficiency _ .. .. e tlese. What might be thought of it abroad he did not Others pecial commissions had proved successful. It .neer, but he believed thepeople of E land would see it ng complained t also that the Government had not in the recent V trials exercised its right jurors. Ireland A 3 pretty clear that the Noble Lord (Lord J. Russell) was was cert • all desirous; for some reason or other, of finding an excuse for hop e of returneinly slowly recovering from her visitations, but t at ting rid of his Noble Colleague. Whether the Noble Lord vigorous ad ministration dia to prosperity would be vain unless there was a of the . tis r rd Palmerston) was too liberal in' his principles, or whe- Mr. E. B. ROC HE ii t4 ! his advocacy of those principles occasioned remora - petrated in Ireland as HE deplored .the murders recently per kier o f a disagreeable nature from foreign Courts, or tleman who had much as the Hon. and Learned Gen- Wile th coercion would just sat down, but feared that a return to %b er there was some truth in the existence of the foreign aggravate the • which was alluded to in the debate on the affairs of of the state of the relations between evil. These murders arose out reece in 1850, he could not say, bat it was 'clear, from Government bad shameful] landlord and tenant, and 4 P4ever reason, there was a foregone conclusion and important question. With shamefully the settlement of that beterrniqation on the art of the Noble Lord (Lord John that when measures of exte z a t n to the franchise, he hoped Zasaell) t o ge t rid' of" the Foreign Secretary as soon as Ireland would not be forgott en , as at were in contemplation, 1 1 :. °e nld, and he took the pretext of the Noble Lord's boroughs in Ireland with only 8,046 present there were 24 ,:t.ing offered an op i n i on upon a certain question. Could complain generally of the mode in. which each business he must ia,than b e li eve th a t if the Noble Lord (Lord John Rus- conducted in that House. - Bills were proposed then . was qt 11 ).. YV been anxious to secure to the country the services poned, afterwards cut in halves, and ultimatel y tr 13" - Is s °bre Colleague he would ee this to have allowed such a reason half given to Ireland, as had been the case withye worst hoped that before the Medical at --'''' operate? The Noble Lord (Lord Palmerston) had Charities Bill. He, ated t would be inaugurated with long a wiser and more anb that he gave an extra-official opinion upon a certain generous policy , h regard to Ireland. le o il l ?efe That opinion, it seemed, was disapproved' by the Mr DISRAELI—r • nw'll' am u ting tat we should assent pc, le Lord at the head of the Government, but the late to the Address to the Throne without making a few observe teerei.4ll_ Secretary had told them that similar opinions had tions. I know it is inconvenient , under any circumstan ces , eill i i - ZPressed by the Noble Lord himself (Lord J. Rus- t o ma k e o bservations on an address to 'the Crown upon offered. The subjects th ''Y the Chancellor of the Exchequer, the President of which no amendment has been , ar e s o EI Co unc i l . so universally engaging, that really the sse , the Secretary for the Colonies, and interesting, so various, attempt til e 'l , Noble Lord who had succeeded to the Foreign-office. If, nobody thinks it an body's business to , them. Every 'Ner e t " Statement were c or r ect and the Ministers present body i s conv i nce d t h a t i n the course of the session legitimate ,a_, perfectly aware in detail no—it opportunitieswill be afforded of discussing the ..eas p rat y whether it was inaccurate or h ve been placed before dltoio, . Y clear that the reason assigned for Lord Palmer- programme of questions which a of v_ dismissal could not be the real reason. The speech 1 the House ; and it very often happens that we are told by lef th e Noble Lordunanimity Government certainly the Minister that the House is pledged by its ~, 4 an is ,„, at the head of the on the therefore, indis reSefiression that the late Foreign Secretary had ex- reaid in strong terms his approval of the conduct of the I posed at all times to refrain (though the office is not a very kite? An s t of France. If that were so, it would very much ' agreeable one) from offering some remarks on the address,, Ors (Lord D. Stuart's) o pi n i on of this case, because, when no amendment has been brought forward which , oat] Ve as he was th a t a o d n d e rstanding should re- naturally arrests the attention and commands the interest _ etweeu this go_ u p g u Y clegree country and France, he could notlook with of the House. ' There is also which weighs another reason te - rsned b oft_ complacency upon the conduct which had been with me—that it is scarcely respectful to the GO trance chose e hePresident. It was true that if the people of vernment to pass unnoticed . the -interesting and remarkable li t t ) : , r e.gar for the to be governed by a military despot, who had scene with which the opening of Parliament has peen liberty, off y+ right, and justice und er hi s feet, it was their own Commons—an experience which is longer, I confess, their and this country . '''' ; but he had no b u siness to interfere with than I care to recollect—l should say tat when it ,y British . thought the proer course to be pursued by is the duty d en Hon. Member to make inquiry of a Minister ts favour Minister was to abstain from 'yin an opinion he is in ge n er al no t ver y successful in eliciting any particalar Wish ‘ i h r of such condo • gi . g information—(A laugh)—and h —and I a , the ed that in this •t as he had described, and he members of the et" greater caution had been used by not think the Honouroble Baronet the Member for Mary lebone has to-nightproved a remarkable tiattiapprobati f Go v ernment generally with respect to 1 is exception to that p „ . _ o on o such nefarious ' - had which the experience of the great body' ,of oceedings asMembers. we ll the Other Side 9f the Channel , lie consi- , The lion. Baronet gaye due notice of his intention to address country has been perpleted and.has been bewildered. - I ask you to give no opinion now, and I am giving _none, on .the merits or demerits of the. system you destroyed ; but this, Sir, I wish to impress, that while we have destroyed the'old s y s tem we. have never established a new one.-(Hear, hear.) We have never distinguished between. imperial duties and municipal rights-we have never settled any of the great questions on which the material prosperity of any of our co l on ies depends. We went on in the in f anc y o f the change w ith experiments,. until five or six years ago we had an ill us trious and avowed: colonial ref ormer. , w h o took the seals of office; .and what has been the con s eq u ence? A.Kafir war.-(Hear, hear,) •I must say that, as the,Noble Lord so easily gotaid of one. Secretary of State, I wish. he had tried his hand.at some other Secretary of State.-(Hear, hear, and laughter.) . Let him take a hint to night. The Noble Lord is a bold and an adroit man. He can finish- the business with a rapid dexterity which very few of us can rival. Why, half Europe was kept in alarm by the Secretary of State which he recently discharged; and I can fell him that all our colonies are quite , terrified .at the other.-(Cheers and laughter.) Sir, in taking up this remarkable document- and having travelled, with it from Schleswig-Holstein to Ger many and,Denniark, the Cape of Good Hope, Ireland, ind New Zealand, I was somewhatstruck with a strange omie aim in the Speech, to whicn.l beg the House's attention. I dare say, even in this age of rapid events, the House can scarcely have fargetten the circumstances under which it as sembled last year. The Noble Lord had written a letter, as he has written a.letter now, and as he always writes a letter -(Laughter) - but.that letter was published. It must still .dmeeopsetsptassayimoupaattehciehsaroafeter. the TeohuenNtrobloenLaordsuabpjpeecat,ledntoot be fresh in the. mind of the House a n d t h e country-a l etter e th f e a only of, grave, hat I might say, of eternal interest., The Noble Lord announced - ,to the people of England that there had been an insolent and an insidious aggression upon o g f i an t la d e . N S o b i r l e . I L . o a i • ili t I . 11 ( )tI one o th f e th tv e e w re i . l g o n c a ri n 4 d e t is h e e 4 r t e ti a 4 ln t i ,ie or te E r n , gretted that there were expressions in it which hurt the feelings of largebodies of ,her 'Majesty's subjects, and which for aught I know might have been misapprehended by them. o 6 b g l ai e d L ,d e o r u d b i t s . not u o t n r e e i ne It is enough that the. oble Lord exp l ained those ,expres, whoseibe r ll truth that that under letter any was addressed virtually. to the peopl e o f E ngland. Remem berthecircumstancesNoble the purport Of that letter. Remember what it announced -to what symeatlnes it appealed, and what result it was pledged to. Remember the effect it produced on the Country - one not equalled by the Reform Bill of 1830, with all its factitious excitement,. and certainly not likely to be equalled by the Reform Act of 1852.. , There, were .. n o hired ..agents going about England to stir up. the, passions an d convictions of the people into a response to the letter of the Noble Lord. There were no messages ,between DoWning-litteet and Bir-, mingham and Manchester. There were. no organized com-. mittees ; but the conviction of. the people, the indignation of the nation, in the proudest city and the huniblest hamlet, an swered that. latter of the Noble Lord.-ru .-ear.) It was ,quite clear, then, that a Minister who took a step like that was not justified in taking it unless, he had resolved to act upon it. Talk of the Noble Lord being a bold man beet...._,4e he.dared to turn out one of the members of his Cabinet! -, Why ,he ,was ten times a bolder, pan when: he told the n a ti o n t h at t h e Pope of Rome had committed an insolent and insidious ag gression on ,their s9VeFeign., W ell, it may be that the Noble Lord acted from impulses-from the impulie ,of a high 7 spirited and generqii.si gentleman as he is. Ile may, in, a moment of indignation, hive done that, which *as 'rash, but. which he might fairy ;We believed that the feelings, of the people and'of the Parliament .of England would have sus tained him in doing, if it was not .meelianicallY wise. But it was not a rash act,. The Noble Lord had three months. to ponder on his course.: The Noble Loid met p ar li an i era.. , He came forward and aldressedius and. idle country in an oration equal to the occasioni sustaining his great. reput a ti on ' and not 'unworthy Of hisfioble .cause; h e 7 gay.e to the nation the reasons that had likticed him to aka that, singular that unexpected-that startling step, which.for three months had agitated, without ,exaggeration tricity sallied disturbed and agitated, every hearth in :the kingdom,. tie came to this table, and told uattiathe had,not ac ed in . haste or in pas- sion. nq, made what I at",the - time ventured to describe as the most .important , statement that had for ~ years ' been made by a • Prim& Ministei of England.: ,Ile gave , us the solemn conviction "Cif the Cabinet-)f .that that Cabinet of which the,. Noble Lord ,the Member. for Tiverto n ( L o r d Palmerston') was A . th eh ih e i..,.that . there was , an orga nised conspiracy, egaipst the Protestant liberties of Eng land and of Europe, and that he was determined . to baffle the conspirators, and to' look to the people add the Parlia ment of England, without respect to parties, to support him in his endeavours. With, thi s conviction, and n ot act i ng front impulse,' but 'frOnt the statesmanlike conclusion of a man worthy tulead Ails empire, the Noble Lord gave us the convictions of his Calsinet, and brought forward the measure which was to meet this . all-surpassing , emergency. I will not make any observations now on the measure of the Go vernment---4 measure that was Heralded by the memorable letter.of NoVernber-on a Measure, Which was introduced on the deeply=eprisidered, - - elaborately-maturekand . most im portant deelarationof ' the Preinier of . England. I. voted for that measure ; for there' was no` other means of expressing, even in' the most fuigatoiy Wanner, the feelings of the House' of Commons on the' subject. ' But I ventured, then, to de nouoce that measure as, paltry, and. most inefficient, and as one the least calciilate'd 'to cope w ith - the exigency, and as one the least 'worthy' of "the cause and the man ever devised • and bronght 'forward in Parliament. I, on the part *of many `with 'whom I have the honour to act, ventured to expiesi the principle upon which the . proper measure ought to' be founded. 'I said the ' measure pro posed by the Noble Lord asserted and vindicated no .principle-that it • did ' 'not b r ing the hierarchies of the' Roman 'Catholic Church in Great Britain within the grasp . . of the law. - ' Tie - Noble Lord, however, 'notwith standing his pOrteotans annbacentent that there was, ac cording to . 'the conviction of his :Cabinet; a conspiracy throughout Europe against the Protestant liberties of Eng land, the Noble' Lord - persisted in his Measure. - I did not doubt the statement of the Noble Lord at the time. 'I am sure that no man in the position, with the character and the abilities of the Noble Lord, cou ld in his place in Parliament have made such a statement to the country " unless he was profoundly 'convinced of its truth. .I am sure that on` that occasion, instead of exaggerating, he placed before the House and the country, 'I should - say, the calmest expression of what his Government felt. Well, now, I ask the Noble Lord what has been the fate of the . Bill which he persisted in car rying through the Perliament ?-(Hear, hear.) Has it vin dicated the outrage which Was offered to the Sovereign and her kingdom? Has it punished the iniolint aggression? Has it bellied that great EutoPean conspiracy against the realm of England and the Protestant faith? Why, we' all know that it has ' been ' treated with con tumely' which cannot be expressed, and with derision which I think was merited.-(Hear, hear.) . We knol that from the first in Ireland it Wei publicly announced that it would be treated as a dead letter. But we may be told that Protea tantism is weak in Irelandthat Ireland is 'always . to ' be re garded with peculiar consideration that it was never in tended to check in that country the indulnce in these ilia gitiMate. yranks-that the honour'of E gland t least has been yindicated:•-•that the great Cardinal hasb ee n a put in the position which he dederYed. ' But the Noble Lord recemmended,. in a. great Cardiaa h'l think was scarcely as dignified'as his usual tone, whic England, ' has not quitted Englim4 but I find ;f i ne, to quit_ o __ newspapers' as the Lord' Cardinal --the lin , adve , kt r i 6 sat isi l iop , u o e f 1 Westininster.--(Hear, .hiat.) And I. haveord ther in-' stances brought tinder My' notice which had o ~ 1 'that the law has been evaded, but that it live -prove, not on a' . been 'as flagrantly set at nought in England as 'it had been in T 1 ' A- and that recently; just as Parliament-was going -re an-, if they meant to show before Parliament 'Me to meet,just as they were determined,to have some synodical acti ng a ilin there had - taken plaCe an aggregate assetnblage of the hi e h i o ef t h e Aratieati,' to g i ve a kind of, response•to the letter ° f' s he Noble Lord. Well, but I see no mention of all this • r o the Noble Speech -no notice whatever of that which fo in the Queen 's ta part of the Royal Speech. last year:.....notriillleclao promineu soient salon or the ' insidious . con • nag about the in aggre ~ _ spirse-, a it was our duty to bane, and which were the ,great toic • tendt year. Here we find not a single' Syllable about sf mteres all this; surely with regard to such an omission I ma y ask the Noble' Lord what the intentions of the Governinent . 'mean, as the only Measure they have ado are? Do they, 000l_ p ti s hipg their' object=-do-they mea red ' 'an failedc ina to some other measure? Dn'You mean to' have recourse w ea o proose some no law to Parliament in place of that which last' we told was not only necessary but indis ich year Who hear.) Is it found that the aggression wrnable ?-(ll6ar ' that there was no conspiracy against the ot insolent, and_faith ?- ( Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord his infor mation as to why . he has thanged bound to, gi Ve lt t l.s a sub *hieh he is bound ' ject on to speak fra nPinion. the pen le of England.-(HCar, hear.) Rae we nkly to p. him to believe that last year we J'el•lng occurred to induce w ere, rash and ill-advised? hear-) .In his place -(Hear,, _ . a , this table, in the most solemn manner, after opportunity, s° •the Noble Lord, inf o r sideration, in this •that it was le Collar) , the knowledge of the Cabinet th in ,at there was a conspiracy Protestant f • against theaith a Eng land. Has the Noble Lord discovered and , liberties of Eng- Until the Noble Lord comes forward that he was mistaken? I, like others, must form -*my opinion that information, instructionand priVate information public ion from those means of that are open to thing ' am I don't see any -In the occ ur that Rome is les • rences of Europa to conv i n ce me , s ambiti that the designs of t h e Papal Court ous-(Hear, hear)- (Hear, hear )-or that the Vaticau r° more mitigated defeats that'she, no longei'means to e i fts experienced such land, which the Noble Lord last ye __ a t un this realm of Eng-. -(Hear, hear.) Every place where ar the old us she aspired to ? can be traced, we find her not o u t influence of Rome mount.-(Hear, hear.) What i s h. ?' Successfl but pare hear)-or in England, or whaty! conduct in Ireland (Hear, tours® does she adopt rse in other countries? In every piaci, she of sepremacy.-(Hear, hear.) If the isEl'oexhibits the stamp feed last year in sounding the t ocsin in ~ ble Lord was justi does it happen that on this occasion ' 44 h : national ear how either by intimation from the Throne or je dnes not think fit, Minister, to say anything on the or speech of the I think we' have a right - to press up o (Hear, hear.) quire in a manner that cannot beun, and to in • 'her Majesty's Ministers, what th e ,. __ mistaken of to change the .murky convictions ~,r hZ i a a at present public mind during the last Year? huh filled the • -- arlear The Noble Lord said he would confine ki tase i ft ! hear.) peisonal question ; but, instead of confi n i ng - I P - Right to the personal question the Noble Lord has • traverunself to the all Europe and Asia, but America too.-(Bear, not only were not the politics of a single court, nor the re ar.) There a single country, that the Noble Lord did not t o with and enlighten the House, with one exceptio touch upon Court of Rome which last year he said had h-that very insolent aggression on the Queen, and engaged i o a minitted an againet our liberties.-(Hear.) As to the subject c_onspiracy I am not going to enter into any long discussion 'f Irelana, unhappy country, which I ant sure, ere lon g , w i ll u l e Trl' that consideration.-(llear, 'hear.) It appears that some elicit our counties are the scenes of outrages of the most serious d cription. -(Hear, hear.) I must say I am extremely di s 7 in what has occurred in Ireland, and at *the necessity or, introducing in her Majesty's Speech this r, .rarag a Y i a . (Cries of " Hear, hear.") Considering the : .nterest P li r Majesty's GovernMent take in the cause of " law and order"-r(Laughter)-and considering that one member alone of the Government has expended a considerable sum out of his -- avrn-pociret-to-recure 6, l aw and order"-(Laughter) -it is extremely disappointing to En g land, and mortifying to the House of Commons, and must be most astounding to Lord Clarendon, that after such an investment he should find so many counties in a state that al curet requires a Coercion Act.-(Hear, hear.) That is a subjec op 1,; 1, wo.ca we require The Inv ' t some information.-(Hear, hear.) _ eS meat of capi- tal, if confined to the private revenue of th e Viceroy, i s one that for his sake I regret, but if it were a p u bli c investment for public objects, certainly the Queen's Speech seems to prove that it was a sorry one.-(Hear , h _ ear.) ; There is an other point that I cannot but n otice, and that is the absence of any expression to show that- _you . sympathise.avith the difficulties of the cultivators of t he soil. (Hear, hear, from the Protectionists.) At least you s hould no tice them. Two years ago these were noticed without being acknowledged last year they were sympathised with.-(Hear, hear.) I am not aware that any mitigatory circumstances can now be appealed to. I am not aware of any change of such import anee in the condition of the cultivators of the soil as would authorise a Minister who had established the precedent of noticing the state of 'their fortunes in omitting them from the Queen's Speech this year.-4Elear , hear.) It might be a question,with the peculiar opinions of the Noble _Lord and, his colleagues, to makelhat acknowledgment and offer -that a question to the First Minister with respect to a subject of imperial importance. The First Minister responded to his inquiry, and was replied to by a statesman recently of his councils. The persons, -therefore, were considerable, the subject important, and the audience were the assem bled Commons of England. But, so far as I can say, from listening to this performance, it appeared to me to be a Downing-street eclogue, and that, so far as we are con cerned, no reasons have been given or information impacted to account for circumstances so remarkable and a catas trophe so sudden. (Hear, hear.) The First Minister, in deed, did impart one most interesting piece of intelligence. He gave us one of the great rules by which he manages his Cabinet. He tells us that he had not consulted his Cabinet —that their expression of opinion would have made the transaction appear the affair of a cabal. We have heard comments on the conduct of the present ruler of France, but the Noble Lord seems to have acted on much the same principle as Prime Minister of England.—( A. laugh.) Not withstanding those remarks of the Noble. Lord, I think we are bound, after the scene that has taken place, to express 'our opinion as far as the displacement of the Noble Lord, the late Secretary of State, is concerned. It has always been my lot and my duty to oppose the political system re presented by the Noble Lord. I never refrained under any circumstances from doing justice to the abilities of the Noble Lord. I never for a moment supposed that he was justly exposed to 'hose absurd or strange imputations which have been sometimes circulated. I always believed he was a faithful British Minister. I always believed the great ob ject of the policy he recommended was to maintain and to vindicate the honour and interests of the kingdom. But I thought that, unfortunately for this country, the means by which the Noble Lo r d sought to attain that object were often means directly adverse to the result he wished to ac complish. But I never severed the policy of the Noble Lord from the policy of the Cabinet. When that great de bate occurred which involved a direct impugnment of the department over which the Noble Lord presided, I for one repudiated the idea that you could consider the transactions of a single Minister except as associated with the proceed ings of the complete Cabinet. The First Minister came forward candidly to take his share of the responsibility on that occasion. I remember how that subject was intro duced in the other House by a Noble Friend of mine; I remember that the motion of that Noble Lord was sup ported by various sections not acting in political commu nity ; and I remember the charges brought against the Noble Lord and those who supported him in either House. We were called conspirators. We were held up to public reprobation as, in fact, being instruments of a foreign cabal. I know that I was tempted one afternoon to give an opinion, and a very honest one, on the subject, because the Govern ment had denounced us as a band of conspirators for having challenged the conduct of the department over which the Noble Lord the Member for Tiverton presided. I under stand, from what has passed to-night, that the present Go vernment is the representative of that policy with which she Noble Lord was identified ; that in no respect is their policy varied from that which was pursued under the Noble Lord's auspices. I thought that policy would lead to incon veniences and injuries, which I understand that it has. If that policy is to be administered unchanged and un-. mitigated, I 'would rather have it administered by a man whom we all recognize to be able, and in whose panegyric all his recent colleagues join. If the Noble Lord at the head of the Government, indeed, had come forward to-night and said that experience satisfied him that he had been rash in prosecuting that policy ' • if he would tell us, as we have seen, that our policy had left us isolated in Europe, that we found ourselves, at a most critical moment, without allies—that we found it necessary to take steps which would place England in a more secure position—we should at least receive an assurance which would be agreeable to the nation ; and how far that would be consistent with their conduct to their late colleagues would be a matter between them and their consciences. I must make one ob servation, also, on the speech of the First Minister. The Noble Lord, eminent in many respects, was eminent for his constitutional knowledge—for his acquaintance with the spirit of the constitution ; but I cannot recollect any ana logous occasion on which the name of the Sovereign had been so frequently introduced.—(Hear, hear.) Whatever was done at the command of the Sovereign was at least done on the responsibility of the Noble Lord. - (Hear, hear.) —and, though it may be explained why it is that minutes should be read to this House which we are informed have been drawn up by a personage whose name is rarely intro duced in our debates, I must express my astonishment at the narrative of midnight dispatches, which were the con sequence, as I understood—though I may have misappre hended the meaning of the Noble Lord —of conduot (as we understood) pursued by the Noble Lord the Member for Tiverton in matters of an urgent nature. I suppose that for everything that has been done the Noble Lord the First Minister is responsible. The Noble Lord is not the man to dispute his responsibility. lam at a loss to comprehend how the Noble Lord will account for that introduction of her Majesty's name, that frequent and unnecessary introduc tion which has taken place. As lam one who never voted for the motion that the power of the Crown had increased, was increasing, and ought to be diminished, as I should be willing to have the converse of that proposition, as I think one of the great misfortunes of our time, one of the circum stances most injurious to public liberty is, that the power of the Crown is diminished, I am not one to look with unneces sary jealousy on the assertion of the prerogatives of the Crown. But the Noble Lord is an eminent representative of apolitical party which has adopted opinions of a very different character. The Noble Lord is a member of that party which introduced—to our disgrace—that resolution on the Journals of this House, and certainly I am asto nished at •the Noble Lord on an occasion 1 ike the present, when he seems to me—l suppose unintentionally-- to have shifted from himself the responsibili which he would be the first to a d o pt f or himself.—(Hear, respect to the programme of the session, the sub jects are various, the localities are different, nor were they introduced in a geographical manner.—(A laugh.) We pass from the Indus to the Pole with a rapidity I have seldom seen rivalled. Of three Members of the Cabinet each appears to have afforded his paragraph; and the Noble Lord seemed in turning out the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs to have forgotten the arrangement of the Queen's Speech. I shall only draw attention for the present to the last paragraph of this State paper : "It appears to me that this is a fitting time for calmly considering whether it may not be advisable to make such amendments in the Act of the late reign, relating to the representation of the Commons in Parliament, as may be deemed calculated to carry into more complete effect the principles upon which that law is founded." Without expressing any opinion on the necessity or non necessity of what is called Parliamentary Reform, or of any degree or kind of Parliamentary Reform, I am bound to say that I cannot agree in the statement that this appears a "fitting time" for the consideration of that question.--(Hear, hear.) It may be a subject which a Minister may think necessary at a fitting time to bring for ward; but when he asks the House to agree to a statement that this is not only a " fitting time" for considering such a su bject as the reconstru c ti on o f t hi s H ouse, b u t a fitting time for " calmly" considering the subject, it is impossible not to stop at expressions which I think so inapposite, and not to ask the House at least to pause before they allow such expressions to pass unchallenged. From all I have heard to-night—when the continent is in a most disturbed state, when the Noble Lord himself told us the whole aspect of circumstances relating to the nature and exercise of the franchise in foreign countries had clearly changed within the last few years, disappointing and confounding the ex pectations of all men at a moment when experience had failed us and experiment distracted us—though it may be necessary to consider the question of Parliamentary reform, I cannot admit that it is a fitting moment for the calm con sideration of the question.—(Rear, hear.) It might be so if there were an irresistible demand in the community for measures on the subject, but no one contended that there existed that circumstance. I will give no opinion on that subject to-night. I will listen with attention, and of course with interest, to the Noble Lord if he favours the House and the country with the reasons which have convinced him that the immortal measure he not only introduced but devised in 1830 has failed of the objects he then thought it would accomplish. I will listen with attention to the Noble Lord when he, lays, down the principles on which he thinks, after twenty years expe rience, a new Reform Bill ought to be established, and ex plains how all those anomalies of representation of which we are all sensible may be removed, many of which, ,it may be remarked, render our system of representation a s practical as we find it to be. I believe I may say there is' 'no Gentle man on this side of the House who is not ready to consider any change that may be proposed, to" supply any well proved deficiency in our representation ; and I would say even more, for my friends as, well as' myself—that there is no one who insists that the increase of the franchise is the same as the increase of democratic power. I. will consider the proposition of the Minister'entirely without prejudice. I will, with interest, watch the Whig critic of the Whig law. The Noble Lord could hardly expect, on the other side, any superstitious feeling in favour of the Reform Law. People said —" It is a new Magna Charts. You cannot trust the men who opposed it.' My answer will be the speech of the Noble Author. 'While I express the most sincere desire to receive without prejudice any proposition the Noble Lord may bring forward, I must. at the same time ex press those sentiments to which I gave utterance last year, that if I find, under the name and guise of a Reform Bill, only a reconstruction of this House which is in favour of the predominance of some political party, which. without that change, cannot govern this country, I will oppose, and I believe the whole country will oppose, a device of that kind. If, also, I were to meet 'a measure the object of which was to destroy or even disturb that just and salutary balance which now subsists between the various classes of the country—if I saw a measure to destroy the legitimate and salutary influence of landed property in this country—the surest security both of the prerogatives of the Crown and of the liberties of the people—(Hear, hear)—the fear of no im putation of being an anti-Reformer would prevent me from giving such a Bill My determined opposition. I hope the subject of Parliamentary Reform will not be allowed to divert the House from subjects of as great importance. I find no less than two colonies specifically mentioned in her Majesty's Speech. Is Parliamentary Reform to prevent you from in quiring into the Kafir war?—(Hear.) Is it to be an answer to us it we humbly wish some ex passage in the Speech respecting the constitution of explanation of that singular liew Zealand ? The House has been so engaged in listening to the interesting discussion of this ev enin g that its attention perhaps has been diverted from that remarkable passage. If If in the Speech that the Act of 1848, f o r sus p ending the t a h tt e e r b e t a io r o e t a o n y thi c s o e lo x n t i r al aordreformersioaryetaitnemthebet.HoWuseealre iptnheedir ope ration of a previous Act, conferring representative institu tutions on New Zealand, will expire early in the next year. Of course, we would naturally suppose that in that event New Zealand would then enjoy those institutions which they had been so long promised. The Speech proceeds to say, "1 am happy to believe that there is no necessity for the renewal of the Suspension Act." This must be most sa tisfactory to those who are supporters of representative in stitutions in New Zealand. What other inference could you draw.from that paragraph than that, the Act of Suspension being about to cease, the inhabitants( of New Zealand would enjoy those representative institutions which were suspended by that Act ? But what is the next sentence? a cia ` sor T en ahotbieodoef consideruon consideration."—(Hear, too o n f . ~c_we these a:o:le: e institutions tahr:otbs hee ar. ) swoi that, b , a t, although however , require y o your o er are sn this-pompous manner informed rtov th be a no t the Act of Suspension allowthat t p h a e rli C a o m n e s n t t i a tu ry tio r n efo o n s t 6n s y li o o a y irsmeinasatmituectime enjoyed, be. Will that 3you into this comparatively humble , r' but or really important iu th ci augti inquiring esn o g u . t ( i ti on ea ? r Ahreeayr.o)u prTepoauredrutaovnctooontsiduedfrolut the and wholetbe colonies o t b h i e e s no l ' onger with impunity r el y o e s e i T oonne called rela tions between the mother country r to it by gen tlemen Year after year your attention has b it ha you can t . inquiry. zealous and well informed on this subject, wh o h ave s carcely been able to comman d a H ouse on le question. n eed not refer to the Hon. B aronet the Memberfor South wark (Sir W. Molesworth). I d o no t agree w i t h all or witl a many of his views and principles with respect to colonial ad ministration ; but no one can deny that he never addresses the House on that subject but in a manner which ought to command our attention and deepest consideration. Well, you have destroyed the ancient colonial empire of England. You have destroyed it in deference to the dogmas of political economy and of abstract inquiries. Ido not believe that the country itself has ever approved of that destruction. I regret th a t it did not take ea attire part in opposition t o it. no THE LONDON - WRD NE S D'A . 7 P- 7 - 1- CE.; N 1%1 _ PERA U A It ; V 4, 1852. sympathy which he has done on more than one occasion ; but having established that salutary precedent, I think the Noble Lord is bound to inform us what are the reasons that this .omission has occurred, as well as the omission of any notice of the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill.--(Hear, hear.) Not withstanding some petty and mitigatory circumstances, I be lieve there is still the same strain upon the energies, and the same drain upon the capital of the cultivators of the soil. -(hear, hear, from the Protectionist Members.) That has been occasioned by our legislation, and as we have occasioned At by our legislation, we are bound to consider whether_ by our legislation we cannot remove it. (Hear, hear.) I am told there is a slight rise in prices-an extreme Free-trader told me with great exultation that wheat is rising. Now, I never connected this subject with price.-(Hear.) 1 think that is a question with which 'we have nothing to say. You have chosen by your law to place the country and its soil in competition with the cultivator of the soil of other countries. We bow to your decision. You place the British cultivator in illimitable competition with other cultivators, but take care that you place him in. com petition with them on equal terms.-(Hear, hear.) If there be an inequality, take care it - is not produced by your legis iatien.-(flear, hear.) I observe to-day a new edition of a treatise upon taxation, written by one of our most eminent writers and unmitigated Free-traders; Mr. M'Culloch having examined our isolated system of free trade in grain, consummated in 1849-having done so with all the ability which distinguishes him, and with as much impartiality as an unqualified Free-trader can on such a subject command -expresses, in the year 1852, his opinion th a t t h e Culti vator of the soil is subjected to unjust taxation. which no other class of the community shares, and to restrictions on his industry which are peculiar only to him.-(Hear, hear.) Taking into consideration our past and artificial system of finance, he says it ,is almost impossible to adjust the 'taxation with any degree of equality that will free the cultivator from those restrictions with any due consideration to our revenue. He gives it as his deliberate opinion that the proper, just, and scientific means by which a fair adjust ment can be arrived at; are countervailing duties; but at the *same time he says, though those are just, still the oppor. tunity is lest, and the cultivator of the soil, in the present state of the country, must submit to the grieVance under which he groans.-(Hear.) That is the political morality of a political economist.-(Hear, hear, and laughter.) If the data of Mr. M'Cnlloch be correct, I say the consequence that he draws from them is an immoral coneequence.-(Hear, hear.) I say that the legislation that is founded upon them is an immoral legislation.-4 Hear, hear.) If it be the conviction of Parliament that any class of producers is subject to unjust taxation, and that they are to con tinue subject to it that another class of the community May be benefited by that taxation, they act immorally in upholding that system.- (Hear, hear.) It is confisca tion in another guise-it is robbery under the formulary of 'political economy. - (Hear, hear.) And who are the parties thus treated ? They are the most important and the most numerous portion of the middle classes.-(.Hear.) The farmers of the United Kingdom are the greatest employers of labour that we have.-(Hear, hear.) If there be any class more than another' entitled to consideration in the adjust ment of taxation, it is those very cultivators of the soil.- (Hear.) And yet those are the people whose claims you have neglected.-(Hear.)_ With the power and prosperity of the middle 'classes the greatness of England is inseparably united. Not only in this country but elsewhere, the legiti mate position of that class is one that must be looked upon with - interest by all those who look forward to the progressive freedom and civilization of man.-(Hear, hear.) Let me re mind you that of that middle class the cultivators of the.soil form a considerable portion.-(Hear, hear.) Gentlemen on the opposite side of the House should not arrogate to them selves all the influence and authority of the middle classes. - 7 (1 - leer, hear.) There are as many gentlemen on this side of the House who owe their position to the middle classes as upon the other.-( Hear.) I owe my seat to the middle classes-the farmers of England sent me here, and therefore I protest against those sneers that have been too long directed against them.-(Hear, hear.) I ask again, are you prepared to go on with this system of injustice, to strain illegitimately the energies, and to drain unlawfully the resources of this most important producing class of the community ?.--( Hear.) If it be true that you have put ' unjust restrictions on their industry, and inflicted upon them injustice that no other class experiences, is it not your duty to come forward and investigate the subject? And if you cannot relieve them from restrictions they find so injurious, and from taxes you acknowledge to be so unjust, you shOuld, in the construction of your financial system, give them that countervailing pro tection that is their due, on a fair consideration of the sub ject. Last year we were told that the country generally was flourishing, that our foreign commerce was vastly improved, and that the imports and exports of the country had been in creased by our legislation; but, it is a very remarkable cir-, cumstance that in the Queen's Speech this year we have no paragraph congratulating the House of Commons, on the general prosperity of the country.-(llear, hear.) If the present system be carried on, by failures amongst the com mercial body that have riot been equalled since ,the year 1047, you must remember this, that you are at the same time diminishing the commercial capital of the country as well as the agricultural.-(Hear, hear.) If it be,true that in Liver pool alone, the merchants have loSt of their capital nearly 7,000,0001. sterling, it follows that if commercial, and agricultural capital are both in, this situation, the employ ment of labour must be diininished, .and the loss must ultimately fall - on the *tilting' classessL.( Hear, hear.) Is this a s thma to 'encourage in the country the war of class against class?-(Bear, hear.) lam not gOing to enter into any of those high discussione. of policy which the Noble Lord iti his first speech this' evening' so lavishly indulged in. -(Hear, hear.) I am perfectly willing to believe that no possible danger can occur, and that the ~world is governed by the principles of peace, though .we are going to increase our armament-(Hear, hear)-but no one can deny that not only in this "country, but throughout Europe, there is a feeling of apprehension, which I trust may not be Susti fied.--( Hear, hear:) Who are to sustain us if we are exposed to war and peril'? We are told 'by a national poet that so . long as England is true to herielf she has no need of, appres. hension ; but is England true to herself, when, ,under the plea of passing class leglslition, an unjust war is waged upon one of th'e most important classes of her Majesty's subjects ? Is England true to herself when . she reminds one body of the producers of the country that they are to look upon another body of the producers AO enemies ? I see the cultivators of the Soil, year after year, after all the exertion of energy and the sacrifice of Capital, growing poorer and poorer. I . see the list of bankrupt merchants,and I see secret societies amalgamated with mechanics: I see every class placed against each other'; and what are we to do if our condition becomes one of perilous isolation ?.."(lltiar; hear.) If we see arrayed against us, whether on political grounds or, as the Noble Lord told us, from religious sentiment, all the nation alities of Europe, where is 'there the appearance of that united England that was'the boast of our forefathers and the bulwark of the country ?-(Hear, hear.) No political system can be - sound which has resulted in circumstances so menac ing and ruinous.-(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord is about to reconstruct our, Constitution. May he be more fortunate • • - . years of reform' have left' his country in circumstances which no statesman can , Noble Lord will be a greater statesman than I give him cre meaeure which will terminate that opposition of interests 11i d n r i i s v t e ry n , frtohme them id co d 1 didThhee Noble b le rin L g or s d o , m i: l thy e ar nnh o d f rae t eca h nhh e :e_e p :ro e s o uf. p: proposei l in e or . gvej a n 'T ,t h h : e r n owddt hfii h e tsas n ri fe t °llg7' f ai n o aPbr r ts zmfibeilnrefastt°antw:nneerenteieruhntrteaiernip9rhi enterprise. 6.c h w)(ff i f e l Mr. GRATTAN was sorry that he could not offer his con h t r Tr eh e at w n: shr f t e , nnc interests'tl hear, og y a snosthe se and a total want e c e s had a o n n o ,ts sense, butl Ireland ande g e b d enr ooebtncia. required : R u t : lerteteotlo be g v io i t gratulations to the Noble Lord at the head of the ern had been carried on tinder his Administration. t five he or peoples ix o y f e l a r r e s la o n f d a h l a V d h been ig untry, and p h o a v b e it r a ty nt h s a as d sparz,ssitnshr.ousghowal,l why did blinding to three counties in Ireland, had stigmatised the hi pdrenoocfeoifnth,suaptilcqhrzogfeb?is suc ceeded in showing the exceedingly ill manner in which . the country was governed. The - Protestant Church of Ireland a o y f t e e r i n Y proselytisme go verned bboyli ii m h ax ed t . iirn an ts t , l wo t fa h ca e oln c o a mi s: ,Was made worse by the system was a great amid crying injustice, and ought, to be immedi different classes at war with °4ll o 9 n lis e e• another. Lord J. RUSSELL said that there had been three' points -mentioned in the course of the debate, upon which th e H ouse might allow him to afford some brief, explanation. The first matter *high he wished, to noiice was, a .statement o f the Noble Lord the Membe r for Tiverton. Thcsicoble 'Lord had told Lord Norma* that the conversation , to .which "al lusion was Made Was, not to be considered as an official con versatiOn ; but it.woild appear by the . Noble Lord's 'state ment as if he (LOrd John Russell) ,had also eXpressed a st milar oPinion to hitt Own. (He (Lord S. Russell) had asked M. Walewski if he could remember what had passed' on the occasion referred to, and, the answer he had received from that gentlemanen three several timett was that' heceuld not recollect any expression that had' been used to the effect stated. So that it 'appeared the Ncible,LOrd spoke only from, a vague recollection of the phraie used by him (Lord J.. ,Itu:s7 still). An ; Hon: and Learned Member had asked Why. the GevernMent 'dicf not proceed at once to introduce measures founded oh the 'failure of the Special' 'Commission in Ire land ? ins- answer to that question was very simple namely, that, that Kommi'ssion was not yet concluded; and . when it was, they . 'should certainly take such ".mea sures as the faihire of that 'COminission might render necessary ; but' they shoUld be wanting in %their duty, if they were to 'latiOduee . any measure upon the subject, at, present, until theysaW before them' the reitult of ,the trials,' and heard the "opinions of the judges. He' not, therefere,• _think that, - Without some greater, necee m city than the Government hid now before them, 4 1 :4' Bill was called'for in the present State . of the law.. For his own part he looked with confidence' to the constabulary and Mili tary as an effi r cacions means of preventing those offencee. The Honourable Meinber for Buckinghamshire bad spoken. at some length with rept& to the:Ecclesiastical Titles Bill of last year. His (Lord J. Russell's) opinion Was that that measure was sufficient for the . oecasion. that it was aimed at the mischief which it sought to, remedy, and that it Would be unwiseto extend that remedy..' When the Hou. Gentleman asked what 'that Act had Ono, hia (Lord(Jolin Eussell'S), reply was; that it had dode what' it was intended In do, 'be , cause 'it had prevented the offence ; 'Which' it sought to,nnt down. It Was to' be remembered 'that the Offence Was,aqt that some person called another the'Arehbishon of Diiblin or an:tains bOt it consisted in certain persons taking upon themselves thOie titles who had net'a right in,laW to assume _ than. He (,Lord J. Russell) heard an, instance WOO those • biShOps • having 'sighed name,!i llr : name to 'a letter addressed to a Dublih s cirl. B Ppqrs i s s T 0., the': appearance of the . paper ° Woo he found ' that the , printer • had, appended ; to, his • Mine.' • 'lie , (Lord John • Rusiell),, the appeirinees of "theAct,l47.ili ee pe e : • • an, .16oititig sary to have recourse to ' farther leg f v o th re i asubmittedteviolated werefallacious.'t t tdiati :patient Of he did to the hopeful circumstance of the greaten , o r Ireland the most intelligent of the' Roman; Catho w ., g in their adopting the syStern'ot mixed 11 0 tpart,Orthe king. greet ds e. ihaf' that was the t _d a id and' said 1?) , dom. Although it had been' frequebtly mil _ sons to attend " e cled portiOn of the the lion. Member for 'Bncks; 'injustice;thatth the Moneirable Member had never, persiaded the 9 1;1 ail in ithity which . Mr. case. " With regard to the •counvt.earymr. community were suffering Culloch wag no M'Cullbeh 'said they ought ha, id twit the time for a fixed duty perfectly right When sa b and it was certainly a odforeig.n corn had koile ri 1 - 8 41 Lord Stanley' treated most remarkable thing that l and scorn the proposition of a with the greatest contempt which he said was an insult to duty of Bs. a qiiarterOn 'co , of country; "and yet, in 1850 the agricultural interest and 'other places, the Noble Lord at Merehant . .TailOrs' Hal!,' hichlanded int statedthat the great Object w f little - more - than half ;est had at heart Wes a•exed Otto with so Mitch 'contempt.- what he (Cheers ) had preiiouslyitreated.e! from the' lion. and Learned Mem- With regard vtliat.f 11 ite.o of the her for Sheffield . as: t sGovernment, the state . that the H t vias ce House' could • of the Govhritifien, „ -at any time; if theyiiishW;witn wra _ _ eir-contrdencii Nat the pre.;. sent Minister of :'Crowni , aik! if there were others more entitled "to • their': "confidence, •and whoin • they theught • • calculated' to carry on the Governinent-;. more' decide, the if the House ,on Government would be ready to' 'hew' to that, decision.'They sdught Only to do their' duty; with respect to the SeVeral i subjeete 'which they ' brought before ParlittMent:'. After the time 'they hid' held °Met th 6 P *l46 ;_., JE B " °1 t 44 " A T., 9- : the,qtaien.4l64gus it *UM (:)t De I belonging to office which should render them unwilling to submit to that decision. But all he asked was for a clear course on those subjects; and if the House was disposed to support the present Ministers, and would enable them to carry on the Government of the country, he trusted it would come to a decision at once. It was hardly becoming the abili ties, and the station, and the talents of the Hon, and Learned Member for Sheffield t• use the jargon he had done with respect to the capacity of some members lof the Government. He (Lord J. Russell) would remind the Honourable and Learned Gentleman that the Noble Lord at the head of Foreign Affairs had shown great talent in conducting the business entrusted to him in the other House of Parliament. Then he (Lord John Russell) was surprised to find it said that because his great grandmotUr was the sister of the Noble Lord's great grandfather - (Laughter)— it must have been for that reason that he (Lord John Russell) had recommended the Noble Lord to the office of Secretary for Foreign Affairs. He (Lord John Russell) had certainly great respect for the memory of his great grandmother—(A laugh)—but it was certainly not for that reason that he had recommended the Noble Lord to her Majesty as a person qualified to discharge the duties of that office—(Hear, hear.) It did so happen that there was a near connexion of his (Lord John Russell's) own who held the office of Privy Seal. That was a Noble Lord who was placed by Lord Melbourne at the head of the Admiralty, and was at one time recommended by Lord Grey to hold the office of Foreign Secretary ; and it would be rather absurd to say to him that he was never to belong to the Cabinet because he was connected with him (Lord J. Russell) by marriage. But the real question was, whether the persons who filled offices in the Government were competent.—( Hear, hear.) If the House thought them competent, and would extend its confidence to them, they would endeavour to discharge their duty in carrying on the Government of the country; if otherwise, it was desirable that the House should at once come to a decision upon the point.—(Hear, hear.) After a few words from Colonel SIBTHORP, Mr. WHITESIDE said his Honourable and Learned Friend (Mr. Napier) had not stated that it was necessary to have a coercion or insurrection Act for Ireland. On the con trary, he said the law of the land would be sufficient, if properly administered. He (Mr. Whiteside) had been fur nineteen years on the northern circuit, and at no period of his experience had the counties of Monaghan, Armagh, and Louth been in the conditi on i n which they now were. The arm of the assassin was sure and strong, and the aria of justice was paralyzed. All he asked was, that the law might be administered by earnest, sincere, competent and conscien tious men, so that honest men might live, and punishment overtake the guilty. He, t herefore, cohsidered himself jus tified in asking the interposition of the House.—(Hear.) Sir GEORGE GREY said that, instead of spreading over the whole of three counties, the language of the Speech was quite accurate in stating that the outrages were confined to certain districts in those counties, and he could, if necesrary, name the seven baronies in which the outrages existed. If the Honourable and Learned Gentleman meant to impugn the conduct of the Irish Government by saying an honest attempt had not been made to enforce the powers vested in the Lord-Lieutenant, he (Sir G. Grey) should be ready to demonstrate on a future occasion that he was labouring under a misapprehension. He trusted that the powers of the law now in existence, and in the course of execution, would be sufficient; but no pledge had been given that, if they should prove insufficient, an application would not be made to Parliament for additional powers.—(Hear, hear.) The Address was then agreed to, and the House adjourned at a Quarter before One o'clock until a Quarter before Four this day (Wednesday). HOUSE OF LORDS, Feb. 3. The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the Woolsack shortly before Five o'clock. There was but a very thin attendance of Peers. The Early of Derby and Lord Brougham occupied their usual seats on the Opposition benches. The Duke of Richmond, the Marquis of Normanby, and Lord Lynd hurst were also in their places. Earl Grey, who was early in attendance, laid some papers on the table relative to the Cape. Lord Minto, the Earl of Carlisle, and the Marquis of Clanricarde, were the only other members of the Government we ob served on the Treasury bench. THE ADDRESS. The LORD CHANCELLOR having read her Ma jesty's most gracious Speech from the Throne, as fol lows: MY LORDS AND GENTLEMEN, The period has arrived when, according to usage, I can agai n ava il myse lf o f your advice and assistance in the preparation and adoption of measures which the welfare of the country may require. I continue t o ma i n t a i n t h e most fr i en dl y re l a ti ons with Foreign Powers. The compli ca t e d a ff a i rs of the Duc hi es o f Hol stein and Slesvig h ave cont i nue d t o eng age my attention. I have every reason to expect that the treaty between Germany and Denmark, which was concluded at Berlin in the year before last, will, in a short time, be fully and completely exe cuted. I regret that the war which unfortunately broke out on the eastern frontier of the Cape of Good Hope, m ore t h an a year ago, still continues. Papers will be laid before you containing full information as to ',the progress of the war, an d t h e measures which have been taken for bringing it to a termination. W hile I have observed with sincere satisfaction the tranquillity which has prevailed throughout the greater portion of Ireland, it is with much regret that I have to inform you, that certain parts of the counties of Armagh, Monaghan, and Loutb, have been marked by the commission of outrages of the most serious descrip tion. The powers of the existing law have been promptly exerted for the detection of the offenders, and for the repression of a system of crime and violence fatal to the best interests of the country. My attention will continue to be directed to this important object GENTLEMEN OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS, I have ordered estimates of the expenses of the current year to be laid before you. I rely with confidence on your loyalty and zeal to make adequate provision for the public service. Where any in c r e a se h as b een mad e i n th e esti mates of the present over the past year, such expla nations will be given, as will, I trust, satisfy you that such increase is consistent with a steady adherence to a pacific policy, and with the dictates of a wise economy. My LORDS AND GENTLEMEN, The improvement of the Administration of Justice in its various departments, has continued to receive my anxious attention, and in furtherance of that object, I have directed Bills to be prepared, founded upon the reports made to me by the respec tive Commissioners appointed to inquire into the practice and proceedings of the superior Courts of Law and Equity. As nothing tends more to the peace, prosperity and contentment of a country than the speedy and impartial administration of justice, I earnestly re commend these measures to your deliberate attention. The Act of 1848, for suspending the operation of a previous Act conferring representative institu tions on New Zealand, will expire early in the next year. lam happy to believe that there is no neces sity for its renewal, and that no obstacle any longer exists to the enjoyment of representative insti tutions by New Zealand. The for of these institutions will, however, require your con sideration, and the additional information which has been obtained since the passing of the Acts in question, will, I trust, enable you to arrive at a de cision beneficial to that important Colony. It gives me great satisfaction to be able to state to you that the large reductions of taxes which have taken place of late years, have not been attended with a proportionate diminution of the nationa l income. The Revenue of the past year has been fully adequate to the demands of the public serrevaic ti sey, While the reduction of taxation has ten ded g An the relief and comfort of my su bjects. h ; I acknowledge with thankfulness t° Almig e y . Ood, that tranquillity, good order , willingge obtnerally Aience to the laws continue to prev ail n tiroughout the country. ad It appears to me that this is a fitting time for calmly considering whether it may not be advisable to make such amendments in the Act of the late rei gn relating to the representation of the Commons in Parliament, as may be deemed calculated to carry into more complete effect the principles upon whi c h that law is founded. I have the fullest confidence that in any suc h consideration you will firmly adhere to the acknow ledged principles of the Constitution, by which the prerogatives of the Crown, the authority of bo th Houses of Parliament, and the right s and - liberties of the people, are equally secured. The Earl of ALBEMARLE rose to move the adop tion of the Address in reply to the Speech. The Noble Earl said it was with much anxiety that he called upon their Lordships for this (:I.d ex pression of their Lordships' feeling— au anxiety W hi c h not arise from his having now to address their Lordships for the first time, but an anxiety which resulted from th e i mpor t ance o f th e t as k which he had to per form. Her M a j es ty t o ld th em that she continued upon amicable terms with every foreign power, and when he looked at the events which had recently oc curred upon the continent he was convinced their Lord ships would rejoice at receiving this assurance. The revolutions which of late years had taken place in Eu rope must make them proud of the institutions which this country enjoyed, because those institutions had averted horrors which had visited almost every nation on the other side of the Channel. Still there were some of their institutions which needed much mo dification, and ho was rejoiced to find from the Speech from the Throne that reforms—useful and wholesome reforms were anticipated by the Govrnment. (Hear, hear.) It had been .said that there were some countries on the other side of the Channel which were the natural enemies of England. He denied this, there coald b. no sach thing as a natural enemy; the Almighty had intended that men, no matter what nation they belonged to, should re main at peace with each other; and if ho wanted any proof that it was possible for men to do so, he would point to the results of the Great Exhibition held in the metropolis last year. These results must have satisfied their Lordships that I?runce was the brother and not the ene my of this country, and in passing this P art of her Majesty's Speech, he would express a hope that the country would aver continue at peace with its European neighbours.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.,' *- lie deplored the events alluded to in thz Spec-ch, n. ev..;: which had recuutly occur-eel Ireland; but Lau app v , `"fs r. highly of that part of her Illejesty's Sae which recommended an increase of th e estitia - a k. not that that be anticipated that any foreig n • .77. 777, could ever successfully invade the island because it was necessary fur the sake of se r , e a` servation that there should be au increaee in the into Jl . 'kreso - sav''' orces of the pountrv.—(Hcar, hear.) He rejoiced t. find that the subject of law reform was again referred to in the Speech from the Throne, and he hoped the pro posed reform, when it came before them, would prove of an effective character. The day had gone by when it could be tolerated that a man, while seeking justice in our legal tribunals, should be banded about from court to court. He congratulated their Lordships upon the fact that her Majesty was ready and willing to concede representative institutions to several of the colonies ; while the statement that this country bad flourished under a liberal policy afforded him equal sa tisfaction.—(Haar.) In 1848 the exportations of this country to the European markets fell off very consider ably, but in that year there were great social disorders upon the continent, and if he wanted any proof that the interest of this country rested upon the world being at peace, that feet alone was sufficient for him.—(Hear, hear.) In 1849, when the continent had began to return to a comparative state of tran quillity, trade improved, and relief to the poor diminished, and that increase and that diminution continued throughout 1850. Now what better evidence of the wisdom of the policy which this country had pur sued of late years could they have than that? Since the duties had been reduced the consumption of tea, sugar, and other articles of domestic use had greatly increased and he was prepared to prove this by returns which he held in his hand, and which would show that the cunsump tion of sugar had increased 47 per cent. of late years, while the revenue from that and similar articles, such as tea and malt, had been augmented in a somewhat equal pro portion. It was clear, therefore, that a liberal policy not only increased the comforts of the people, but added greatly to the means of the country, which was certainly a very gratifying circumstance to him, and must be also gratifying to their Lordships.—(Hear, hear.) Apolo gising to the House for having detained them so long,. he concluded by simply moving the adoption of the Address, which he read, and which was a mere echo of the Speech. Lord LEIGH had very great pleasure in seconding the Address, and concurred in much of that which had fallen from his Noble Friend.—(Hear, hear.) He was satisfied that in expressing his entire concurrence in the sentiments which the Speech from the Throne con tained, he was only expressing the feelings of the House; and as his Noble Friend bad fully gone into de tail on the questions which the Speech adverted to, he did not feel it necessary to trouble their Lord ships with a lengthened speech.—(Hear, hear.) The comforts of the people were increasing, the revenue was increasing, and every class, not excepting the agri cultural class, was in a state of comparitive prosperity. —(Hear.) How gratifying must it be to their Lordships to know that. True, one part of her Majesty's kingdom had been disturbed with outrages of a shocking charac ter, but,he hoped, ere long, even that part of the country would be restored to prosperity and peace.—(Hear, hear.) Having rapidly gone over the topics in the Speech, it remained for him firstly to second the Ad dress, and secondly to thank their Lordships for the at tention they had paid him.—(Hear, hear.) The motion having been put, The Earl of DERBY said he did not think it neces sary to move any amendment to the Address; but ne vertheless it must not be supposed that he con curred in the manner in which the important topics contained in the Speech were dealt with.—(Hear.) The arrangement of them was not only bad, but they were not properly dealt with. For in stance, the Speech passed from the expression of thanks that the country remained at peace with its allies to the affairs of the Cape, and altogether the order and arrange ment of the Speech was most unsatisfactory.—(Hear.) Last year her Majesty's Speech expressed regret at the fact that a largo and important body of her subjects, namely, the agricultural class, were in a state of deep distress, but the present Speech said nothing whatever upon that point. The Noble Baron, however, who se conded the Address thought it a subject for congratulation that this previous distress had been removed, but he for one, and many of his Noble Friends, were at a loss to perceive where the improvement referred to was to be found.—(Hear, hear.) True, the price of bar ley and oats had of late increased to some trifling extent, but the price of wheat remained the same now that it was when it was admitted that the agricul tural interest was in the deepest distress. They were told then that the reduced price was the result of the transition state in which the law placed the farmer; but they had got far beyond that transition state, and still the price remained depressed.—(Hear, hear.) For his part, his opinion upon this subject re mained unchanged. He was still of opinion that the total and unconditional repeal of the corn-laws would have the effect of making this country dependent for its supply of wheat upon foreign nations, and be need not remind their Lordships that such a state of depen dence was highly dangerous to the peace of the land.—(Hear, hear.) He, therefore, was still of opinion that both for the purposes of revenue and for the purposes of averting the danger to which be had just referred, it was necessary to have some duty imposed upon the importation of foreign corn.— (Hear, hear.) Their Lordships would remember that; the last session of Parliament was taken up with a discus sion upon a measure for resisting the Papal aggression, and their Lordships would t qually remember that Per ii,reset established a law upon the subject.—(Hear, hear.) Now, he should be glad to know what had done to enforce that law.—(Hear, hear.) i b t ee was e ither totally inoperative, or it had been openly n so a note e He rejoiced to , an d os tentatiously broken. He demanded m exPls ofdation about this matter. — ( Hear, hear, and cheers.) becausesee t he he Noblesheu should likea rl( to(l ((Trey) e yh oif he could get h i up in t ) taking andthe part of himself and his col leagues state that the effect of that Act had been to remove caet House, on that q uestion, their apprehe nsions, and to place the Protestant institutions state 'of perfect security; and that the of this country in a obeyed y ihe Government r that and _ proposed to were satis take no law would be implicitly. Ile should hope to hear from the Noble E arl eith e r fied with their leg islatn, were quite satisfied with further step...that had accomplished, or the achievement national importance. He of her Majesty's Speech which that they were prepawrtehdicythotatkheeyfurther steps to carry out foreign powers, and he should referred to our relations with w that l d7helwichpatshseeyn considered that prht o f lionen t o r I n en ' a no ties ofofficial to speak his sentiments, beingboun d respon his that of a great body of he was quite a frank expres not hesitate frankly to stbayt.e awarehis opinion that and e a t nd injuriously affect thepublic sibility ; and . c f his °oPuinl'"l' t ° , n i n' a the most friendly relations with fo peace. Government announced that her Majesty Her Majestycontinued to maintain hat she continued to reign no a maintain as friendly relations with foreign powers as had she last addressed their Lordships' existed when _ was House. He (the Earl of Derby) b unwilling to refer to a question of a expres;ionwirf?..heCTr°ltlvearjesty mere relations nature, ut the country felt some anxiet to powers' were quite unal tered,most for what reason her Majesty's - Government had of the c necessary ahi e efficien ! He had frequently had occasion to find fault with thepolicy ) of the Noble Lord the late Secretary for Foreign Affair; snd had the Noble itlab:mugbehrtsiot Lord been still in office he might li ' ave had cause to find fault with him again, as he had occasion to do with reference to some transactions which had taken place last session. There was no doubt that the Noble Viscount acquainted with the business of his office, anti s was quite e. theh hes t character and talents, and therefore athere pe!. so n n tust have been some very serious cause to induce her Majesty's Govern ment to dispense with the services of one of its most dis tinguished members.—(Hear.) The other House of Par liament must and would be satisfied upon the subject. He would now pass on to consider the real state of our relations with foreign powers. Her Majesty stated that the treaty with reference to the Duchies of Holstein and Schleswig, which had been concluded the year before last, would, in a short time, be fully and completely executed. He re joiced at the removal of the cause of complaint, because ho was aware how dangerous it was to the interest of liberal parties for any dissension t o exist between any two countries, and also because s uch a dissension might kindle a flame of war. He was bound by no ties of office which made it necessary for him to abstain from speaking his opinion upon our foreign relations. He entirely agreed with the Noble Earl who had moved th e Address, that the internal administration and government of eaeh country was a matter f o r the considerat ion of th at country alone; i t was a matter:that affected that country only, and whet ver • ht think or feel, thatparticular coun try countries might _ t as it thought fit. For the last 6U try had a right to act as Government of France had consisted of a succes sionyears the b h a • thought it of usurpations, ut we a on no occasion 'last the s rem,gai menced right to protest - y which cgni 1848, with a monarc h y , and went on u ntil the Rep ublic of merit were bound to respect that fo r m of government which we ern w hi c h France was pleased to call the Republic of 1 n tha 852, On t of each ' oc casions, the :form of government had beeident and t h e people, and we were bound to respect the presr whether to a bstain. We were, however, bound to cons! e country one form of government sicced a neighb i °7 l influence over might adopt might exercise goran ev Beyond that our international relations with that coantry:. any shade or question we had nothing whatever to do with tr might form of government which a foreign coup s 3' republic. It was select— from an absolute despotism dowtenton Franee, or to can not for us to criticise the steps t k aher form of government, vacs the policy or morality, of It was not for us to say or if it was likely to be benee of government which had anything against an existing he state French people, almost unani been acquiesced in by l u t f Derby) would express his firm unani mously. He (the Earth the Prince President was disposed to belief that, personally,relations with us, and to adopt a concilia ent entertain friendly (Hear.) The press affected to in fluence policy towsrds mind with regard to the state of affairs, the public care that when did so to rem em b er th a t it was not freetom and it should take corres pending responsibilities.—(Cheers.) on the press to mai • ntana a tone of modera tion wras incutnbent. expressing in , an opinion d reserve.n regarding our ra tion- an France. his was requiredof every man who lations with the welfare of ed to have his country at heart, and prets ind expec t e d from every man who did not see k t o indict was his c ountr most seriousjume ry. an act of upupon• -- and madnes y e, a at one and the ni ea tim lt e, was to believe in folly a hostile intentions on the part of France, a nd, at t he . same time, to parade the s u pposed inability of thi s country to resist aggression, and to magnify the res ources of our supposed assailants, and to point out how eas ay this country might be subjugated, and then in the ver, y same breath to assail with every term of attack an d vita .peration the public character of the man who wields the pow . er which was deemed irresistible,—so as to temp t hit s. to wield it for the subjugation of the power wl xieh was called th e weakest.-(Loud cheers.) ,J , l