The Sun. — London, England, 1846-02-10 00:00:00

4 rYver . nt was one that alit cted the merchant, the ;;',“ ITP.,chanic, and th.e ceived no state so critical as that of being de- pendent upon foreigners fur a supply of corn. What e..i.r tiie result of those measures might be, he thought victories he had achieved. He had supported his Right ) Hon. Friend at the head of the Administration, f upon agreeing with his general policy, but he on the present question differ with him. The Right Honourable Ba.:onet, however, should con et-de to his supporters the right of scrutinizing his men eures, and judging whether they deserve his support; but if he refuses to then the right of scrutinizing particular measures, and by their doing so he is induced to throw Alp the Government, why the responsibility of the ant was upon himselt and not up en his supporters. Thank ing the House for their indulgence, he begged to re sume his scat, seconding the amendment. Mr. LASCELLES trusted the House would extend its indulgence whilst he stated to them the grounds which would induce him to support the measure of the Government. The Honourable Member who had just concluded his address seemed to think that the country had attained to its present eminence in consequence of the restriction of commerce. Well, if the .Hon. Member thought so, he confessed the Hon. Mem ber had read history very differently to himself, for he found that since the establishment of the restrictive system nothing but distress had existed in the country. On the reconstruction. of the Conservative Cabinet, it was very evident what thepolicy was which they intended to pursue, and he must candidly assert that if the measure which had been proposed by the Right lion. Baronet had been brought forward by the Noble Lord opposite, it would have received his unconditional support. It might be observed, with respect to sugar and corn especially, that the indications of the measures of the Government were sufficiently evident, immediately after the present Government had taken office. He had, therefore, no pledges to break, no assertions to retract, and he had no hesitation in giving his full adherence to the policy which the Right Honourable Baronet had thought it prudent to adopt. With regard to the course which the Government intended to pursue with those m , asures he mus, profess his perfect ignorance, but, at the same time. he must protest against anything like an unprin cipled change of policy. From the very first mo ment that the Government • took office, the whole of their acts indicated the course which they intended to pursue. The very reasons on which the tariff was intended to be based were evi dent ,in the regulations laid down in its provisions. Numerous questions had been put, session after session, to the Right Hon. Baronet with respect to thq corn laws, as to whether it was his intenti.n► to alter the pro tective duties or not. To all these inquiries the Right Honourable Baronet had invariably answered that he could give no pledges, but that his conduct must be directed by circumstances. Now, he did think that this was a matter of cons►derable importance. He. believed that it was not the object of the Right Hon. Baronet to bolster up any particular system, but that it was necessary to go to the bottom of the system of restriction. When that Right Hon. Gentleman propounded his policy with respect to sugar and several other products, there was a suffi cient evidence given to the country of the policy which they intended to follow There might be suffering and distress in individual cases, but these were occurrences which followed in all such cases ; but that was 'ng cAmic ‘ ,1 3 it t, ti,, i. , - I ' L. ~4 4 'd ~, ho exprt S,it 71 of ' EL l ) 7 i - , T 0:10' r Pt,.. , i; tit t1.0:::,4,r Ilk:c.;;;T•i,- :1 k treater thwtotoion in pric. , s than nag . nbers might expict to see the Right lion. Barcnet head 'of the Government coining down to the to reffulate trade.— f the lead to y Colonies, largo ni l li col Kline Ir N ' ;,.... '' - i ' led •faile - r ' e j ' ir the '. i p7,t17: " 0 ; ra p'i . l . l ‘'ir:i;;;(l:a I (Hear, hea . x.) . lie belnwed that if the propos:lt ‘,. lii -Why which no one more s;neerely deplored than Right }lon. Baro:let were . passed into . a law it wool]] . r,talit„.l 3e2. there was no real ground to tibia ehend a have the effect of reducing the capital of the traders o! l eap s le that country, for every report stated that the this country ; and, consequently, the amount of English se a t l eroe was a large one. Looking at the return speculation and enterprise ; and turther, that the scheme t hat adlite lY been pre:entel to that H o use, he found would be found to be of far greater advantage to the a6 o ,,. bet ween the sth July, 1545, and the sth Jan., 184 e, foreign than to our own manufacturers.—(gear; S ek T r a million quarters of grain, and more than a hear.) He could not preteed to say that he had e ats " weight of be ans , had been imported into this never been of a contrary opinion, but his belief at the ta re /: , This did not look much like a famine. That 1 present time.was . that it would lead to agricultural &s -kew, ''' no ground for an apprehension of a famine he I tress ; that it would also tend to lower wages in this at te_ ut .they had ample proof in the fact,. that country—(Hear)—and that the working classes would to e time when the Rigorders. If ep ee ht lion. Baronet wished find themselves injared before the higher . ri , • the ports, tire price of wheat in this die proposal of the Right Hon. Baronet . passed the House . 0 .- _. . Il e . ' 3 ' "as 563. 2d., a price which the . Right Hon. tut y might henceforth consider free trade to be the ruling Is e _ . "et himself considered in 1842 to be a fair price. principle of her Majesty's Government —(Opposition li tic i: ri h ... e, trust d, the Hous , would not consider thst he i elieers)—and that sooner or later every interest must Ilea u, Le the responsibility ot a Prime Minister; f•rr I bow before it.—(l - . l . e . er, hear.) When they had removed Ilitt er ` rit :Le was fully alive to the anxiety which a hli- i eretee ion from agricultural reduce he could not see p eted, i ,t feel at a time when a scarcity was a•eicie I Ai th what other.—(He House could continue 'protectiOn Hear, hear.) He felt convinced that Wei se e and he was fully aware that at such a thee, arid i upon any he here than usual! circumstances, a Lord Lieutenant wuuld be the shippingtifittree.retis(otoa.Lid all other interests must give up ief ero " ao usually anxious to supply the Minister with all claim ii (Hear.) Of what use would their cro p : I :i' il upon a Abject of a deficient potato navigation to lawsre protection.—(Hear.) be ? The greatest interests in the had no often and as frequently as possible. lie . country . must be neglected if this removal of agricultural th e R . doubt that the alarming paragraphs which I protection should take place. Where the sweeping 5 i,, 4 l 'gh . t. Hon. Baronet read to them on a former octa- torrent was to he for when the barriers had been tf lees t .' s eic a great impression on his mind ; but when I broken down, e t , o 's u i h e, k it Hoe. Baronet was considering the question, 'he felt convinced that it justice were to es the ee n t to have taken into his consideration the state be done to all parties, no rot, etion should n e i e. : : t h arkets in this country. • He believed there wi-r,. ' continue in the eve . nt of the prrfssnt Government el e . / ' l es who e melted the progress of the nation more scheme being carried in.o effect.—(Hear, hear.) If they tie ' a ee s th, sited e h o knew es well the probable chances or ook the case of the Noble Lordopposite (Lord J. Rus the ' 1 ) I to it ' ehs ,iebnance or scarcity in the country, as corn mer- se 1 --I he were come into power again, he (Mr. uts• Had it been the unanimous opinem of all parties Miles) felt confident that the Noble Lord must Outbid Bartle suhieet tl.at a famine might he: ant:cipated, he was tin.• Right Honourable Baroliet—(Hear, hear)—or e., - . • Iv , i lne tenant farmers and landlords of the country if he did not intend to do that, he (Mr. Miles) to thil have joined with hint in asking the Government would be glad to hear from him what were his opinions sihaiihit all the produce or grain which they could pos- upon the subject. Let him (Mr. Miles) take the case of o ri get to drive away the famine, be the consequences the Anti-Corn-law League. Would they dissolve ? s the act whet th e y might; but e' thought they had Would they retire into private life ?—(Loud laughter.) C i V l e prop, in the prie, of wheat that there' was no ' such W sold the Hon. Member for Stockport—would the Hon. Le tie_ e: ti l ( o l b o e ot an i t i l e c l i p pa t te h r i i : an d 'without wishing to impute, :Wernher for Durham—cease to agitate ? Was he (Mr. king, that the cause of pro- Miles) not to suppose that others would rise up in their '4'9 had long been destined in his mind.—(Cheers.) places to agitate some other question 2—(Hear.) He as a vY 4.4 been called me i n t o lo o k upon this question thought that i f t hose o p inions were once sanctioned by le ate w r 4 °le, and he was qu i te p re p are d to t a ke up the the Legislature,' others of a similar nature would quickly e°/iPreh"t as a thing of detail, but as a portion of a meet with determined advocates.—(Hear, hear.) He theensive po l icy H e was qu i te prepare d .to view thought that the Right H o n. B aronet would find that he . te sub d e eet in this light, and in doing so he had only fanned the flame whilst he fancied he that side ' ask whether the gentlemen sitting on was extinguishing it.—(Hear, hear.) But when we Usel e , of the House were ready to aban- had got this free trade, as proposed by the Right Hon. the mal t 's like p ro t ec tion, and looking upon Baronet, (which he would certainly call a one• sided thew, }leer in the way in which it had been put before free trade.)—(Hear, hear) —if he rightly understood the th sea t tl e . would ask the Members of that House whether Right Hon. Baronet he meant this, that every import nit e rt'ady to assert that in oration this measure pean, every foreign, nation should be allowed to import tit a ? P r re fair and just to every class in the cOmnius their goods into this country free of duty without any eny par 4 . ti. Petting t hi s inquiry he had no reference to corresponding advantage in return—he thought that the in a aetilar interest, for he was equally engaged manufacturers of this country would find it exceed- I p l :Ze ti lu e l i j :t 1 y knew with what ability the Right ingly difficult to compete with foreign nations un hal rr reble Baronet at the head of the Government less they reduced the wages of their labotners— urged the existence and preservation of (Hear, hear) —for already we were successfully c_ioemr of e a 'u duties. He knew what an immense amount peted with by the foreign markets—by those of te . - / tight or : , matron, after thirt 'ears' exuerienee, that many, Switzerland, and France, in cotton goods, in Il e il °n- Gentleman meat have attained.L-(Cheers.) hosiery, and in silks—(Hear, hear) —and unless this knewltih t , at the same time with •what readiness that country had some additional advantage over foreign Ject. .„1". Baronet could change his views of a sub- countries, it would be impossible for the manufacturers in to with with what talent lie was ready to advocate ef this country successfully to compete with them. ci aerit ' L :louse the opinions he now entertained.—(Loud. We have heard, also, from the Right Hon. Baronet at I s let:l4e ) , He should , wish to know whether the the head of her Majesty's Government that the price of "I:: t t i ; ihre:7l- i tr i f li t s hat House, who were now eo reasly to food does not affect the rate of 'wages—(Hear, hear) — time r e Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the and he considered it not at all unlikely that agricultural present pr o ceedings, had been moved labourers would be employed upon railways, and other Ve; )a. . interest or ► their convictions to the Present line works, at a far higher rate of wages than was now paid t h'ee llier? lie would wish to know how many of them to them. The manufacturer possessed great advantages tectise months i ago wer e prepared to abandon pro- over the agriculturist. He had an establishment much mes s . it ies, and ' to agree with so much readi- better adapted for the purposes of supervision, and he of f ree " 0 vote the doctrines and practice could look upon all his workmen at one glance—each. e xhiei t - , tr ade. He really thought the answer would has his app oin t ed p iece, and each his allotted task. What flee,__' "rious.contrast between profession and prac- cares the manufacturer what weather takes place? What of th,n(i'-'0U(11 cheers.) He wished to know how many is it to him if the sun shines or the rain pours down? Ile tem, at that time were prepared to vote with the But, Sir, can we sly so of the farmer? Can he look rea lly hilaberfor WolverhamPton—(Mr•Villiers)?—how with one glance upon his farm and his workmen? Is , t hat t hem , had at that time oPPesed the measures of he subject to no vicissitudes of weather? Is he sure of ' .4r Ste Gentleman and of the Honourable Member reaping what he has sown? Dues he always sties c4 ,P"rt (Mr. Cobden ?—Loud cheers.) A obtain his twelve hours' work from his la tlctees e nange had come over the views of these gen- bourers, as these manufacturers do ? Can withinoppone_thelast three years,forthere werenogreater he limit their labour and sternly demand of d them te e ' T its of the views of the-e Hon. Gentlemen than their twelve hours' toil ?—(Hear, hear.) Or . o t they tha u Vie were now their most efficient supporters. He sternly refuse to allow a reduction of two hours d m oi l:e a t; L e e g ee t, for his Own part, that if any such great change daily labour as these manufacturers do ?—(Hear, as , it eoe rl e e over their minds as they now represented that hear.) Much might •be said to show thattherew stit 4 - o h' have been their 'duty to appeal to their con- between the agricultural and the manufacturing interest The l a „ t8- ' and imitate the example of the Noble Lord, those differences which would not admit of their . l being 'east -.- Member for Dorsetshire. They would then at governed by the same laws and the . same princip es.— l 'oule e Placed themselves in a right position—they (Hear, hear.) It would task the energies of the labourers their l° ;;;: e given an opportunity - for the termination of to the utmost if protection were to be 'taken from •;: s a ra rsi oat e i - Aa t ge ti n i t e e y nt s and in the succeeding session of them. Again, what advantages have the manufacturers over Would have stood before the country the. agriculturist with reterence to the burdens they he ve il ? t . honolir, princi le, and truth. But what, now both had to bear ? He held in his hand a return.from t '°efid ' e u i l ee as k, was the po p siiion of Parliament? What one of the largest manufacturers of cotton in the country. alsititee. , e Could be placed in the proesedinees of a publtc In that return he found that the amount of the work Such t r e,,' ' tor his own part, he thought that when turned out in one year amounted to a trifle more than e e nd o ever sstion as this was practisee, there was an 700,0001., that the wages p aid durin g that was 30,0001., more h e Puhiie eenfidence in public men. The and the whole amount of the burdens amounted to the convinced e r t ' L r'd this qaestion the more he was small sum of 5501., a sum scarcely worth noticing : — from the G v aa the propositions which had emanated (Hear, hear) When he looked at the compensation e thr°° o l P e e r ernt nent otieht not to be allowed to pass offered to the 'landed interest for this protection eou ntey ' w a Y 4ltt ent before the deliberate opinion ot the which they were called up en now to give . up, tak en ', l s le c ould 0 - with respect to them.—(Cheers.) the consolidation of highways, the payment of medical 'ssed b ° , t ) , a g. n ree in the opinion which had been ex- officers, making together a trifling sum of some three that they --e ee'ght Hon. Baronet (Sir Robert Peel) or four hundred thousand pounds, spread over the whole %air i l y Prosperity they had recently - enjoyed was kingdom in such a manner as scarcely to be felt, he fro m tir in g t o the measures he had brought forward considered they would have been more pleased if the the affair' t° time.—(Hear, h e ar.) Look at the state of Right Hon. Baronet had offered them nothing at alt. S ilk (I . ;_ r ' °f this country when the Noble Lord oppo- They were told by her Majesty's Goverhment that in fake'r'l J. Russell) retired from office, and wneg the the West India colonies free lab?ur had done much for fake ,S honourable) Baronet was called to fill the that part of the world.—(Cheers from the Opposition.) r evose i d e held. At his accession great confidence was Ile would not detain the House with contrary proofs. the t° hie' ;he had a large majority in that Muse; They would be told that in the next year, or before ----ia trade-s of the country was in a critical state the year forty-eight, that the West India colonies would 'eue ne h e st ate of the greatest depression, the real Dense - derive benefit from tree trado—(Hear, hear.) But, Sir, a tte , of which w as i n hi s (M r . Mile s ' s ) o pinion, to be if they were to getfree trade he would ask what use were *hieueut had to bad harv es t s , and to the immense trade the coloniet? — (Hea r .) He had no ob j ection to extend the Peri od Il i ad taken place fir ye a rs b e fore. It was at this principle of free trade, but the Government did not *fly s . t" 4 t. the large a m oun t o f ca Pit a l i nves t e d in rail- propose to extend the principle of free trade to t h e hest ed ‘ s as found to answer. They had seen since that colonies. If they did, why did they not propose t o take lie On t(-) whlt extent spedulation in railways had gone. off the duty on their corn, their maize, and their other aki C a e l could have foreseen the great increase which commodities, which they could send into this country in %se e t e t e' , Place i's railways—no ot.e ccule have fore- abundance ?—(llear.) Why did they not give greater the l seluseeMgrnegactleamssepslo.l7Hentara.apich they have given to advantages to the colonies than they now propose. So great was the demand of a total repeal of protective duties were advantageous te l ,: t i tiurers in connexion with' these great works, to the country ?—(Loud cheers.) They gave the traders, ( Atte 1 many counties in England none could be merchants, and manufacturers of this country a decided . Th ea tt Ud fur the ordinary purposes of agriculture, preference over the colonies.--(Hear, bear.) It• they Via' - e t , h 'Y must look -to the great in- were to have free trade they should in justice extend it in en e, ,in the iron trade, The price of to the colonies also. They should no longer allow the Or l e ' a e been more than doubled within the last two manufacturers of this country to have a monopoly. re a r e Years, and if he might judge from the number They must enable their colonies to form a connexion Its s uways aahich would receive the assent of the independent of this country.—elicar and cheers from the eias te , 4 during the present session, a relapse in that de- Opposition.) They had heard the system characterised could not be apprehended at least for as p p system of fair play, and they were told that ira ne , time to come. Let them look at the increased th e co l on ie s were treated fairly, and that the pros tcj e tho ral e rs e t w i i . l u: ' t s nt w o 'h f ic tr h ad th e is increase in the iron trade would have purity of the country depended on the measure , whole trade of the country. In this trade of th-e Right Honourable Baronet.—(lronical cheers.) wages of those engaged in it had been : trebled. He feared that the manufacturers of this ccuntry were •,,,C, when they took these thi ngs i n t o conideration, too Much etimulated, an that it was ot safe to extend S t 4n , they saw the periodical fluctuation of prides which the enterprise of indi ideals; and he r was sure the pro • e s , always taken place—when they saw the increased press of trade would prove his fears were not unfounded. ira 4 t el ra Ptien which must 'result from the great activity lie felt and begged to emphatically state, that iee e es_ its well as in other trades and which was quite he believed he was advocating the best in the war of the Right lion. Baronet's measures—that terest of this country,_ both the manufacturers k ti "in Indi a h a d t e rminated—that trade had been I and the agriculturists, .ad every class of British sub ene) , t(k ) ,l i `ed—that they had bad a succession of I jects, by their advocating protective duties.—(Cheers.) eeharvests since the Right Honourable Baronet's I lie begged to move the amendment of which he had h .ee . s4h 'il to The e seeributed,oarlisee—when he knew all this I already giving notice. te ts'ilild hardly believe that all these advantages were . Shr :WILLIAM HEATHCOTE would ask per gHon. the Ri ht Baronet stated, to 'elision to second the amendment moved by the t"ras ‘) ,„ P .. c.r e htiur. of the measur es which he had brought Honoura.ble Member who had just sat down. Why " I ise d carried through the House.—(Cheer a.) i lie considered the measure of the Minister insufficient ii theVY oi' these advantages would hive taken place I when takenseparatTelhheyanodverdieosotkreudettivhee o e f vil ea o c f h s o h t a h k er_ se ute ee ble 1 Jord opposite (Lord J. Lussell) had been 1 when combined. e e" tn ., t ue .---(11 % a) Neither could he believe that large itee the settlement of that . hver,yas H o o o u w se he o fo f re P t a h rl e t . ill'irsuishr_r:iti;.- ar-) were evidences of the country's anent upon the question whic w . to tes et oe T l -:?e a y had_ o s t een chi f i o la rt n markets—the He believed that the Minister, in proposi ng these ; m h e t a i - t g lutted withsures, had the best interests of the counrtry wei r, sine e ': i i i (-11. and ;Ne e ' : "Li "tile r goods of this China—glutted which , he intended to oppose them, as he be teve l d them pre ; , ", in e es it ire some time to be got rid of judicial to those very interests. He did not consider t - o rt e l i d ie W e lt - i l e '2 h id . r e ing the details of this measure, the first • the measures of the Minister a large, or liberal, or im- quo as sure e e e i telt bound . to notice was corn. He partial scheme for carrying out the principles of free 1 sheee` House that it was not his intention to , trade, for he was forced to remember that • pro ' w ith • -3 ' ? ihatle Right lion. Baronet which he had I teethe duties were removed from some articles, whilst ::p r b e e : l ett di i ii ;' e l h a t ;u o r c ; lim o , -on that question, so as to charge him ,on others a very inadequate reduction had been made. th at st, is si stency on that subject —(Hear ) ele knew ' But, if he did consider them impartial, he would bedisposed e he ould have no weight with the lion -e to object to them, as he believed they would be a step in , Baronet w had told them that he had the downward course. He believed that the legislation Vole nij'i his prin 'pt and that he now.propose'e to ', for the last twenty years had been productive of evils '''' thJ e p' ; ` le law sehi e n i ii e ll s ; himself had passed in 1842. ' far beyond weat were generally observed—the poison she Est s'hilt I l s o t n s . , B w a ' t r h one e t considered the that essential to I h-id been concealed, but it was not the loss dangerous. Lszoetilii inter s (Mr. Miles) fur one ; Cut it was not impartial—it was anything but so. It ' 44 , tree '' ° , t illatne him e but °' h in c c( 3 ) 7 .A . 1cl not consent to follow was not so in appearance, and it was less so in d ttite e i t: e ; la niSe his 0 1 ;i n iu u so suddenly.—(Cheers.) The reality. It was not in appearance, because it di ]fir! ' 842 , he b,etieved had been admitted by all not profess to take an adequate - ratio in the removal Sas• h a `Cell e , e • s e" worked well as far as the corn - la ws went. of p rote c tive impositions. If the different branches :Prie s '' 8., It had condueed to geeat stea diness of of industr y were to have protection in propertion to the .4 "tieh aed ' as fur as heman c alculation could gO, he amount ,it manual labour employed in them, then that ilect s ‘ t e; t had answered the Riht lin. Baronet's ex- department in which most manual labour was ht e ) x o - r aireea : t r i ls • Under that law the night ' Hon. Baronet had pended had least protection. Those branches of . a I : a t : e el: 1r . 4 : on l e t r t ie v : l, ci a f t 565., as b e i ng a f a ir price for the where machinery was employed did not i r a e t er d ire to an4 t he l ' e an d he (Mr. Mils weuld like to ask the Right —(Hear)—and by the measure contemplated price he con sidered a fair prise for brought in by the Government agriculture was left wh et r e u h cr n ow , —(('beers.) ) would he glad to know without any protection at all. The measure contem ajll ' tee " aim , d at .uedsr lie a repeal of that law ? plated was based on a misunderstanding of the whole ehan e consider that this measure ' profered such great subject.—(l-lear, hear.) The farmer, in comparison with i , 44 1 " txt %"i t l g u e , s . e t c; t l i t h e h f ' a irreer as to consPensate hire for the other persons enga g ed in industrial occupations in his ih.. a lto told them ]that for i.l corn, which Hon. G - n - own country, and with foreign agriculturists, was not d kind itl_.'lPPesite suppessil ? Bat' the Hon. Gentleman in the same advantageous position. He will be foun 'es ser ' s ee he r te not v. , mider that . the exposed . to a very unequal pressure cf taxation. He ir,et.:)2,1.7, .. N . lile ay s) or a ili sd l c be th r ee d uce d by this uesiteure- Might was obliged to submit to a large amount of local expen Right lion. Baronet why he desire, which in foreign countries was defrayed at the to e, „," k in: law ? And if the Right I ion. Baronet's ar- general charge.— (Hear.) At that moment also he was . tee _ Its were ,good, might he ask what twee= of the under the pressure of the incoeue-tax—under er the f stamp i ea sl e h's le lit of Wee. Gentlemen opposite with respect. to tl,e laws ; he will also be found under a weighto meaty told Pse 1` a 1 ? The Right flonoutaNe Gentleman indirect taxation in the Custom! . and Excise. () Dee se -la one etery, and Honeurable Gentlemen It will he found, too, that while the for m I n the u V I ',. t w t i s , tee told them anuther. Was he not ,ilistithel, then, lecturers are able to • have quick returns ree es , - I ttt g , Parties to hesitate before they il.keel for that capital they have embarked, the agriculturist tr has . to wait te et J e ts: ss tid informing the country of . his conviction a l un g time before be receives any . return.—(Hear.) u t e e , ( r He o a s r e . , ) ; i tibeeut,,,,i s! m r v e ea, wa sthat n t o h t , : leecesys, ity for the proposed change ? He 'Sir. W. H. referred to those details or . h tz P ue i i . i. e ,d :s l p ,) ..sod uced by as a vast difference between c• ,n sidering the great questien of co mpensation. l le.a ae r. , ) l good harvests and cheapness He could not agree with that view which would ower p s l of the importaiion of corn. He was afreid the country at the mercy of the foreign r it i eulatioli iglu Hon. Baronet had been misled in his corn. Ile could not forget that the farmersgr of this Purity e ' aid had overestimated the pros country had for the last fifty years met the wants of the A. 1 ' whi&e this country had been placed. consumers cf corn produce according to the protection geat r es te , mate "'tete , on this subject—an authority which had been afforded them. He had supported `• Ch ea l ,r te ' l s be .gleant Mr. Ruskisson—had sa id, . el i n i s ters in their Canadian policy, but he could d n . ot ae r e ed l, iese prodectel by importation of corn from support them in a m , asure . which would work to the !s -and he th t. IS 11, Q :Ain. forerunner of scarcity, hut a bleeds' advantage of , the interest of the country generally. tee , i ' iiPlitY is the only s-i',. c• e- il• th ' ' m a t e pri,,,, 5, ,• . .". : , •A A 4 1).1 Wl' stead 3 and H er i j ,y . h:rn il i e n ( Al r. ' I II hill'est 's Ministers were now about to which Mites was of that opinion, • pert with ati those commercial advantages gro wt h wer t h ought that no check should be given to the Napoleon, in the plenitude of his po the , :-., this country, for he con- would have considered cheap if purchased by half h no reason why this measure should not be carried into law.—(Hear, hear.) He was so little accustomed to addressing this House, that he trusted he would be excused for having trespassed on its at tention so long. But he had a strong feeling upon this subject ; and while he expressed his sentiments as he had done, he was placed in the painful position, of adopting a course at variance with the opinions and wishes of his constituents ; but he could look back upon his past connexion with them with pride and satisfaction.—(Hear, hear.) Lord NORREYS said that having sepported the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of her Majesty's Go vernment in a4i his measures for this country, as well as in all his Irish policy, it was with considerable regret that he now rose to express his opinions upon the proposition now before the House. He waited to hear the Hon. Baronet's explanation before he had taken any course in reference to them, because he did think that to attack him before he had developed those measures wculd be unfair and unmanly, and if he (Lord Norreys) had done so, he would stand degraded in his own eyes as well as in the estimation of this House.—(Hear, hear.) No doubt, the letter of the Noble Lord the Member for London, as well as other events that had taken place, had caused a necessity for some alteration in the existing state of the laws upon this subject. He did not expect that the Right Honourable Baronet would propose such a measure. He was free to admit the diffi culty with which he must have made up his mind for any alteration in the corn-laws, but he might have avoided the difficulty to a considerable extent. He might have taken a course which would have opened the eyes of the agriculturists to the position in which they then stood. If the Right Hon. Baronet had refused to return to power until the Noble Duke had had the Government offered to him, he would have adopted the proper course.—(Cheers and laughter.) That vas the course which would have opened the eyes of the agri culturists, and would have enabled the Honourable Baronet to have proposed a far different measure. He was sorry that the course taken by the Right Hon. Baronet was not in accordance with the advice he gave in 1839. There was more necessity for an alteration then than there was now. Was the con duct-of the Right Honourable Baronet consistent with his measures in 1839, 41, and 42 ? lie had once objected to a duty of Bs, per quarter, and he now came to Parlia ment to propose a duty of 4s. and that to be followed by total repeal. What inference could he draw but that the Right Honourable Baronet had been wanting, not in political integrity, but in po litical foresight. He had heard his Friend, the Right Hon. Member for Edinburgh, upbraid him with inconsistency in his political priaciples with re gard to the corn-laws. Ile (the Right lion. Member tor Edinburgh) had charged the Right Hon. Baronet with declaring one thing out of office and another while in office, anehad, during his remarks, used a quotation which he (Lord Morris) thought very applicable to the case, and which were simpy the words of Dido, " Nusquam - tufa fides."—(Loud laughter.) He should say, that if the measure should be carried it would not be carried from the conviction of its wisdom or necessity, but because, seeing that the thing was inevitable, the supporters of. the Right Honourable Baronet would prefer doing for him what they would not be inclined to no for the Noble Lord opposite (Lord John Russell). But why, supposing that the First Minister of the Crown thought fit to change his opi nions, should his followers change theirs ?—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) Whatever might be the result of the measure, for the consequences the Right. Hon. Baronet should be responsible.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. B. COCHRANE could not agree in the notions of many gentlemen who preceded him ; and, looking to the history of the corn-laws, he was compelled to say that he did not see any violation of principle (as we understood the Honourable Member) in the present conduct of the Ministry. Protection existed previous to the Revolution. An alteration took place in the laws in the year 1773, and again in 1791. The next alteration took place in 1822, and subsequently in 1842, when the Bill was introduced, which they were then called upon to overthrow altoeether.—(Hear, hear.) In all this there was no prircipFe, or if there were, it arose from a breach of faith. There was another point in which he differed with the Honourable Gentleman who had addressed the House. It had been stated that Members of Parliament had no right to support this measure, unless they first appealed to their constituents. The authority. of Mr. Pitt had been asked, and great importance was attached to his opinion. Now, what said Mr. Pitt in 1798, when pro posing the legislative union with Ireland? He said if the question of Parliamentary confidence was sepa rated from Parliament, on the principle that it had no right to decide without an appeal to the people, they would be adopting a n principle otnd oe of all s t m a n o dp s r t is d nt a iec n i hp g l e ea r s o p u or s ri np t c o oi pi i the ltei,.c a s l t a Hs t o e ec , a em nd one t yig. h o tH point fcpr versionue tldo latti Houseanswer e l t e o c tietd— under h n a d t e r t h a e t Septennial s A s c y t a a te , e m s ; p a thats sed the Roman Catholic Relief Bill was carried by a House returned on priucipl e s o pp ose d t o that measure. It was impossible to desne the limits of Parliamentary ac countability. If the principles maintained by the Honourable Gentleman who had addressed the house in favour of protection was to be acted upon, it would make that House a mere assembly of delegates, instead of a deliberative and legisla tive asssembly, leaving gentlemen divested of the privilege of argument and reflection.—(Hear, hear.) It would be most dangerous and derogatory to the character of that House, if it was to be held that no Member should be at liberty to alter his opinion, supposing he had seen good reason Tor that change. The Right Hon. Gentleman at the head of the Government had been charged with great inconsistency in bringing forward this measure. He (Mr. B. Cochrane) did not see that other public gentle men were more consistent than the Right Hon. Baronet. Honourable Gentlemen were in the habit of quoting Hansard to serve their purposes, but that pub lication would serve the purposes of others as well as those who used it. One gentleman quoted Mr. Hus kisson's opinion in 1814, while another quoted his opinion in 1828. They might refer to what Mr. Can ning said in 1827, in contrast with what he advanced in 1815. He might refer to Lord Ashburton, who was now an advocate of protection, yet who in 1820 presented a petition from the citizens of London, praying for a total repeal of all commercial restrictions " Facies non omnibus una." lie could not agree that all public men were dishonest because they changed their opinions. On either side such a doctrine wss unfair.—(Hear.) It was ridiculous to propose an unalterable law. Who ever did so was an unalterable fool—(Great laughter) — but a public question was not like a meta physical question ; he would say himself, if he might be allowed so long to trespass on the House, that he had seen many changes, and he did lament the necessity that drove a nation on from change to change. Why, they had seen an entire change in their commercial relation proposed within the last. twelve days; they found those changes going on perpetually. They found many changes within the last six years. Who could say that this law was to re main unchanged? There was another point to which he would wish to draw attention, and that was with re ference to the Reform Bill. He wished to remind them how that Bill was passed. Who were in effice when the Reform Bill passed? Why, the Noble Duke now in office was at the head of the Agri cultural Association, when that Bill passed. There was another Noble Lord associated with their Majesty's Government at that period, who was now se parated from them. The Government ,of that day, of which that Noble Lord was a member, threatened to swamp the House if that Bill were not passed. An Hos. MEMBER interrupted, but in so low a tone, that he was quite inaudible in the gallery. Mr. B. COCHRANE would affirm that such was the case. But it mattered not. .In .the Government the people had THE SUN LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 10, is 4 confidence. When the Right lion. Baronet resigned the post he held, the funds fell, but the instant he resumed his official position they rose. In these times it was important to have a Government in which the people could place confidence; and this should not be overlooked in a discussion like the one be fore the 11 ,use ; but they must not forget that there were parties in the country who had no confidence in the Govern ment, or in the measures which they had brought forward. This was ably urged by the Noble Lorkopposite (Lord John Russell) in his addresss to his constituents, and said there should be no surrender of those principles which the present Government had pledged themselves to support. If the Hon. Baronet, in bringing forward this measure had talked of the clamour which had been raised against these duties which b., proposed to reduce, or abolish—had he staied that he had given way in consequence of the agitation that had been carried on iri the country—that fact he had been obliged to surrender his conqt;*ntious opinions to the pressure from without, he could have under stood his position, and aided in extricating from the difficulties which environed him, but he did not state anything of the kind. He only stated that his opinions had undergone a great change, and that he founded the measure he had brought for ward on this alteration. Let them take any person unbiassed by party feeling or by prejudice, and if they told him that all the wealth and greatness of this country had grown up under three institutions, which every other country envied. but which none had successfully imitated—if you said it had grown up principally under the reign of Tory Ministers, all in favour of the relaxation of commercial restrictions—under the go vernment of such men as Lord North, Mr. Pitt, Mr, Hus kisson, and Mr. Cannin g —he could scarce ly b e brought to believe that such changes had been proposed by a statesman who had stated that he was a surporter of the principles advo cated by the-e great men. Mr. Pitt, in bringing forward his commercial treaty with France in 1787, spoke in similar language to that used by the Right Hon. Baronet the other night. Who could accuse a man of inconsistency because he said that he could not see why there should not be a kindred spirit be tween a free commerce and a free country? When the .present measure was brought forward, in 1842, by the Right Hon. Ba• ronet, what he ( Mr. Cochrane) said was this—that he thought that any state in the agricultural interest was better than a state of uncertainty. Now, he would ask the House whether there had been any confidence in the country since that period? The farmers had entertained differences as to whether the corn-laws would be repealed in five or ten years; but on this point they were agreed, vis., that the corn-laws could not be maintainett. Now, Hon. Gentlemen around him might say corn-laws ought to be interfered with. He feared that if we have to purchase corn from foreign countries, the specie of this country would be carried out of it, and that this defalca tion in the amount of the specie which went out of the Bank of England, combined with the limitation of the paper money issue, would , occasion great confusion, in fact, ruin both in commercial and agricultural pursuits. Looking with these views on the subject, and bearing strongly in mind the lan guage of the Right Hon. Baronet and his colleagues in 1812 on this question, he could not consistently with his own con victions follow him ( Sir R. Peel) and give his support to the measure. He desired to thank the House for their kind atten • tion on this his first attempt at addressing them, and would sit down trusting that Divine providence would enable them so to shape their measures with moderation and justice that the issue would result in benefit to the whole nation. Sir J. WALSH thought that the party to which he was attached must be admitted to be the organ of opinion of a great multitude of the population of this country, and he thought they might come forward to defend themselves from imputa tions of a personal character which had been showered up on th e m throughout the country. The Honourable Gentlemen opposite had held them up as the weak and impotent advocates of a base and selfish monopoly. They bad been represented as acting by no other method, and impelled by no other aim, than that of maintaining the rent of the landlords. He thought that they appeared before the House under circumstances of great disadvantage, as they had been deprived, by the sudden change of opinion of the Right Honourable Baronet, of the able advo cacy of their case, on which on former occasions they were ac customed to depend. The Right Honourable Gentleman had accompanied his measure with some proposals of compensation and alleviation to the landlords. They (the landlords) were bound to give their opinion, and to defend their character from the charges which had been brought against them. He would deny that they considered this matter as a question of rent, and of rent alone. But before he entered on that subject, he would ask, whether, if they were to argue the question on that narrow basis—whether, if they were to consider it on the cir cumscribed circle of rent—if, even on that ground, it was not a question which might not well engage the attention of the House ? From the return of 1843, which had been moved for, by the Hon. Member for Wolverhampton, it appeared that the amount at which the rental of land in England had been assessed to the income-tax was 45,750,0001. This was the amount in Great Britain alone ; and he thought a further sum of from 15,000,00 W. to 20,000,0001. for the rental of Ireland was only a fair average. This was a question of rent, involving the consideration of a sum amounting to 60,000,0001. of yearly income. He would a.k, how was this income divided? When Hon. Gentlemen opposite talked about the rents of the landlord, which had been published in their addresses throughout the country, immediately nothing else was suggested than the territorial revenue of some great pro prietors, of some Duke of Northumberland, Duke of Bedford or Sutherland, or some of those wealthy commoners whose domainsHnnse that h of nt the h e rpeee we peerage itself entire however Englandin whichremindthe Heco w o uld counties there was no such thing, comparatively speaking, as an estate. There were counties in which small plots of land were owned and cultivated by yeomen—by farmers, to whom the lands had descended by a long ancestry, who themselves held and cultivated the soil. Another most numerous class was the small retired tradesman, who with that love of rural life which characterises an Englishman, had invested the fruits of a life of industry, strict and successful enterprise, in the purchase of land. Mr. M'Cullock had estimated the number of landed proprietors, small and large, of Great Britain, at 200,000. Thus 200,000 persons, with their families and do mestics, dependent upon them, were interested directly in that question of land. He would say, on that ground the question should not be considered as a mere narrow class in terest. The land inte , est was one on which depended the well being of a great proportion of the people. The question must necessarily involve in it the interest of the tenant-farmer, and of all connected with agriculture. The Right Hon. Baronet who had brought forward the measure, had stated that the great relaxation which would be given to the duties on articles of consumption, would form a counterbalancing equivalent to any loss which the farmer might sustain—that the greater cheapness of many articles would bean equivalent for any dimi nution of rent, or for any injury that might accrue from the want of protection. The theory of rent was a simple one. It depended on the state of cultivation of land. Good.soils were more profit able than poor soils. The profits of the farmer enabled him to pay proportionably.. But what would be the result if a great quantity of foreign wheat were brought in, so that the farmer's profits would be diminished. Why, his capital would be wasted, and the poorer soil of lands would be thrown out of cultivation. He would no longer be able to employ his capital profitably, and the whole agricultural population would feel the evil effect. Many causes conspired to render protection neces sary for the farmer. There were fluctuations in the currency to which the farmer was exposed equally with those engaged in commerce and trade. He had also to contend against the will of Providence as regarded the elements; the vicissitudes of the weather were fraught with danger to him. Since the year 1815, the population had increased by upwards of six millions, and what had been the history of commerce and manufactures since the year 1815 ? Hon. Gentlemen opposite said that re strictive laws cramped commerce, and yet, since the period he had mentioned, a most extraordinary and rapid increase had taken place in all our staple manufactures. It might, however, be said that the agriculture of the country had reached its utmost limit of improvement, and therefore they must look to other countries for supplies. So far from that being the case, there never was a period when agriculture was more calculated to take a great stride in advance. Never was there a period when capital was more ready to be applied to the improvement of agriculture than now, if the% would but give it security. So far from agriculture in this country having reached its utmost limits of improvement, he believed that it was at present only in its infancy. Much had been said about the peculiar burdens on land. Those peculiar burdens had been denied by Hon. Gentlemen opposite. They were first denied by the Hon. Member for Montrose and by the Hon. Member for Sheffield; and it had been asked by those Hon. Members and others what the peculiar burdens upon land were. The peculiar burdens upon land pressed as heavily upon agricultural, as the metropolitan police-rate would upon the shoemakers of London, if that rate were imposed upon that body exclusively, and he considered this an apt illustration of the position of the agriculturists. He could not but look upon the proposed change as a leap in the dark. The repeal of the corn-laws would cause corn to come from quarters from which it was not now expected. Corn would then be grown in Spain, and sent to this country. When he was at Hamburgh, in 1813, a merchant informed him, that it was perfectly practicable to purchase corn in any quantity at 365. per quarter, and to freight it over to this country at 4s. per quarter. Indeed such was the competition between the Danish, the Hanoverian, and Hamburgh ship owners, that corn might be sent to Hull or London at Is. per - quarter. If that were the case, how severely would the pro posed messure be felt in this country. The Right Hon. Gen tleman took the state of Ireland as one cause for this change. He (Sir J. Walsh) was too well acquainted with that country, net to be aware of the appalling consequences that would follow a failure of the potato crop, and he was perfectly ready to admit that there was no practicable measure which they ought not to adopt to . alleviate such a great calamity. But he could not conceive how a calamity of this sort, which, however frightful, must, in its very nature, be temporary, could be made a pound lighter for 'the proposed change. Was the present state of Ireland a sufficient cause for a permanent alte ration of the law ?—( Hear, hear.) The general state of Ireland was one of the strongest arguments that could be used in favour of the present lase. Ireland was purely an agricultural country. There was a denser reputation in that country than in this, and they were entirely dependent upon agriculture. The trade in agricultural produce between England and Ire land was one of the greatest links and bonds of union that could possibly exist between the two countries. There were two great links—one was the trade in agricultural produce, and the other was the Protestant Church of Ireland. They were going to destroy the one, let them take care to defend the other. The Right Honourable Gentleman based his measure on the experience of the last three years. He ( Sir J. Walsh) was sure that public opinion, and that posterity, whose suffrages the Right Hon. Gentleman was so richly desirous of obtaining, would consider that another cause had been in operation in England some two years past, which had had a most powerful effect in producing this result. He believed that the efforts and funds of the Anti- Corn-law Leag ue had produced the change which that linuse had been called upon to sanction. The Anti-Corn-law League Association was the seeond joint stock agitation company which had produced so important a change in the policy of this coun try. Let them read the history of the first, and then let them solve him this problem:—How many more of these repeal asso ciations would it take to crush the independence of Parliament? —(Cheeri.) This was an evil that some day or other the Minister would have to grapple with, and this was a system which could not long co-exist with the representative Government, but must sooner or later prove the distruction of its independence. He opposed this measure because he believed it to be a dangerous experiment upon the resources of this country, and he opposed it doubly because he believed it had been brought about by the influence of an asso ciation which he considered every lover of order and a regular Government was bound to oppose. Mr. B. HOPE wished to say a few words upon this im portant measure. He would discuss the question upon the simple ground of whether or not the present Parliament was morally as well as equally bound to maintain protection.— ( Cries of " Oh," from the Opposition benches.) Who were the Parliament that were elected five years ago, and who was the party that elected them ? In 1841 there was a great struggle—whether it was right or wrong was not the question— the Bight Hon. Baronet led that struggle against free trade, when the Noble Lord. the then Member for the city of Edin burgh, made a last effort to maintain the Whig Government which had existed since the year 1830, and which in the national course of events had become a great fete. The Noble Lord, the Member for the city of London, brought forward a measure for free trade, but the opposition of the To ries compelled the Noble Lord to appeal to the country upon it, and then in the teeth of the cry of " cheap bread" they were returned to the present Parliament, pledged as protectionists, and pledged to crush repeal. The people returned the Right Hon. Baronet as the leader of that party, and now, in the year 1846, they were called upon to pass the very same measure— nay, a stronger and more sweeping measure, if possible, which they had pledged themselves to their constituents to oppose, right or wrong. This had now become a matter of principle ; and by what measure of political expediency any change could be justified, he was at a loss to understand.— (Hear, hear.) To be sure the Righ t Honourable Baronet was elected in 1841 by his party, and he is still their leader, but the Right Hon. Baronet should recollect, neither himself nor the Noble Lord, the Member for the City of London, nor the Hon. Member for Stockp ort, nor any. other leader of any political party, was such by hereditary right. He was the leader of his party simply and solely, as being she exponent of their principles, and of course he maintained that position as long as their principles agreed; and it could not be a matter of sur prise to him it his party, finding that he has altered or de serted the principles by which they elected hint, should again retire to chose their own leader, or each to take his own line for himself.—( Hear, hear, and laughter.) Such ought to be the case now, for the Right Hon. Baronet has brought for ward a free trade measure, in a speech abounding in the same glowing eloquence as that which he used while tram pling under his feet, in that House of Commons, or that Parliament, and during the early debates of the present Par liament, the very principles of which this measure was t o carry out.—( Hear, hear.) And upon what ground was this change to be made? Last Tuesday week they were all present, and heard the grounds, and what were they? They had a long and very clear exposition of the Right Hon. Baronet's views ; but what were the arguments which the Right Hon. Baronet advanced to shoo that the measure, which in 1841 would have been the destruction of the kingdom, should now be its salva tion. What'did the Right Hon. Baronet mean by true Con servative policy, or what was true Conservative policy ? To ryism was a tangible thing—Whigism was a tangible thing— Protectionism was a tangible thing—and so was free trade. All these things have their meanings, but what meaning was there in the new word Conservatism?—that word which he heard in 1832, at a time when the old Tory party, finding a difficulty in gathering together under their old banner, ventured to rally round and support—what? Toyrism ? no; Whigism? no; but Conservatism. Toryism and Whigism was now no more ; and, in his opinion, Conservatism ought long ago to have been sent to the catacomb of all the hoaxes.—(Laughter.) The Right Hon. Baronet came down to that House in the end of 1841, to advocate protection, and for what reason? Why, be. because it was consistent ; and now, in the beginning of 1846, the same Right Hon. Baronet came down to that House to advocate Conservatism ; and what did he say was his reason for doing so ? Why, because it was consistent with the principles of true Conservatism. This might be true Con servative policy, but it was not the policy to serve the intention that the reason was that the farmers had no confidence in Ler Majesty's Government. —( Hear,) There had certainly been of late a great change in the policy of the country • but he keew that in Scotalnd the farmers had openly said that they were totally indifferent about the corn-laws.—(Hear, hear.) In Scotland they gave nineteen years leases, and he believed if thcj did the same thing in England there would be much more indifference among the English farmers than there now was with respect to the corn-laws. —( Hear, hear.) In all times of excitement, the people considered the Prime Minister either the greatest saviour or traitor of his country; as in ancient times the people of Rome pronounced the chief of the Senate to be either a lord or a tyrant. He ( Mr. Cochrane) considered the Right Hon. Baronet to be neither the one nor the other—(Laughter)—but he slid consider him to be a Mi nister who had done his best for the gorid of his country in her emergencies.—( Hear, hear.) In 1830 a case exactly parallel occurred—the Right Hon. Baronet lost his office, and we had a Whig Government. He ( Mr. Cochrane) would vote for the present measure, because he had confidence in the financial policy of the present Government. He would vote for this measure, on precisely the same principle as the Hon. Member for Newcastle had laid down before the House a few nights ago —that was, because he had confidence in her Majesty's Minis ters. He went for this measure, because he preferred wise legislation to agitation, and freedom to protection. He protested against protection to one class, in preference to another; if there and were to be protection, let there be protec i t ir, i e o a nt b o e a a l r l . ) classes to all interests in the British empire._( Protec tion in the hours of darkness and of trouble, which he trusted to God were far from us. He would vote for this measure principally because in doing so he should show that he did not entertain any partial feeling toward, or prejudice against, any particular class. He was determined to be guided by no pri vate interest or prejudice or partial views, and he would do (humble though it might be) as much as he could towards the lowering of the burdens of the people of this great country. He would contribute his humble mite (wrongfully it might be, but at all events most sincerely) to increase the welfare of his country, and especially of the poor, though net less loyal, classes of his fellow subjects.—(Cheers. ) Mr. DEEDES was aware that in rising to address the House upon so important a subject, and at so early a period of the debate, he was laying himself open to the charge of great presumption. But when he considered the great im portance of the question with regard not only to the subject itself, but also with reference to the interests of all classes of her Majesty's subjects—when he considered this, nothing but an imperative sense of duty would compel him to offer himself to their notice at this period of the debate, and he hoped that he should be favoured with the attention of the House— (Hear ; bear)—and at the same time with a liberal portion of that in dulgence which was wont to be bestowed on all who, like him self, laboured under the disadvantage of addressing this House for the first time.—( Hear, hear.) He was much tempted to offer his opinions upon a previous night; he, however, refrained from so doing on the ground that it appeared to him to be understood that no discussion upon the merits of the question was to be entered into, and also because he was desirous of removing from himself all imputation which might be cast upon him for having formed a too hasty opinion upon so great a subject, or that he had arrived at a conclusion which a more mature con sideration would not have warranted him in doing. He was glad that he had thus abstained from speaking on a former oc casion, because he had had the opportunity since then of meeting, in the county for which he was a Member, a very large body of his constituents, and of hearing their opinions upon this important subject. He was therefore at this period fortified by the unanimous opinion of a large portion of his constituency, who had met for the purpose of deliberating upon the matter, and expressing ti eir opinions upon the same. Under these circumstance., he trusted that the opinions he might now express would receive a more favourable reception than if spoken only upon his own authority. —( Hear, hear.) He assured the lion. Member for Finsbury (Mr. Wakley), who was kind enough upon a former occasion to give a cau tion to lion. Members upon that side of the House as to the mode of employing the intervening time between that and the present occasion, and warning us that we should take care how we stirred up the anger of the people, and what would be the effects of having recourse to agitation. He was happy to assure the Hon. Member that he would have seen, had he been present at the meeting to which he alluded, that his friendly advice had been followed to the utmost ; that nothing but the most decorous conduct had been evinced, and that there was a total absence of everything like angry feeling in the discussion of the subject. The Hon. Member for Fins bury told them he never attended the meetings of the League. He would say that he was sorry he did not, for it might have had the effect of repressing those violent and angry discussions which so frequently took place. His ex ample might have hart a salutary influence on that body in discussing a measure which he acknowledged to be of great importance. He would venture to say that the Hon. Gentleman opposite looked on the measure as one of the greatest importance, and that it involved nothing more or less than a complete and total wiping from tle statute book of the country all protection to native industry which the wisdom of their forefathers had instituted. Sir, let it be remembered, that under the very operation of these very laws this country arrived at a position in the scale of nations which has been long her glory and her pride. It was reserved for the present rulers of this country to prove that those laws ought to be ex punged from the statute book, and that they were only bound to legislate in such a manner as would do everything to open the doors to foreigners and drive the corn of this country out of the market. He considered that the extent of the changes which they were now called on to make were of a description which should only be come to once in a hundred years; for seldom could arise circumstances which would justify so complete a revolution as an alteration of this law would create.—( Hear.) Now would the House think it possible that so late as the year 1842 these very laws received the deliberate sanction of both Houses of Parliament, and that at that time the principles of protection were fully acknow ledged by the very parties who were now for removing all re strictions from corn imported into this country.—(Hear.) What can be said when they found that the same gentlemen who in 1842 sanctioned the laws which we now find on, the statute book are the same gentlemen who in 1846 seek to erase those laws. It would be for the gentlemen who now advise this measure to justify their change of opinion, and he doubted not that in their own convictions they were doing what was right. He was the last man to uphold the doctrine that public men were not at liberty to change their political opinions. But that change must be made with caution, it should be made with care, lest public confidence would be shaken in them Pie could assure the Right Honourable Baronet that on this, as well as on every other occasion, he believed that the Right Hen. Baronet had been actuated in his course of public conduct by the convictions of his own conscience. In early, life he (Mr. Deedes) had always been in the habitof looking up to the Right Hon. Baronet as his political leader, but, in the mean time, he had never hesitated to oppose those measures which he brought forward, which he believed not adapted for the interests of the country. As long ago as 1829, when he brought forward the Catholic Ernaucipatlon Act, not being able to approve of the course taken by the Right Honourable Baronet, he, as a member of the convocation, felt it his duty to oppose his return. In the las 4, session of Parliament he opposed his measure with refer ence to Maynooth. He mentioned these facts only, because be desired to state that on those great public questions he never doubted that he was actuated by any other than honest and proper motives.—(Hear, hear.) With reference to the potato failure in Ireland, he was of opinion that the agricultural pro tection meetings, though much abused, would have been ready and willing to have assented to any measure calculated for the relief of their fellow-subjects.—(Hear, hear.) But he could not go further, for he could not see why the corn-law of 1842 was to be altered. He believed that that measure exceeded the most sanguine expectations of even its framer. The producer got by it a h th is is c o s t n a s t u e m o p f t i t o h n i . n — a s fair remuneration for h e i . s at i e nd o u f st t r h y e , w co h u il n e tr t y he fo c r on t s h u e me la r s d t i t d h n re o e t hear.) state Right Hon. Baronet in his speech re ( Hear, pay an extravagantnupglrdicbeefourndtheersatrotoidcletshoaft took place under the operation of the amended and revised law f 1842, brought on by himself.—( Hear, hear.) In the next herefore, session, therefore , it was strange that he should call upon them to exchange that very law ; and, anxious as he (Mr. Deedes) was to give the Right lion. Gentleman his support, he could faired to N t e h w e thriving r s i h v not, according to the best of his judgment, support him on the presen t occasion, The g Hon. Baronet intimated also that foreigners would time their manufactures in exchange for the corn which they would supply. He (Mr. Deedes) was not quite sure that such a result would follow, and he asked the Right Hon. Baronet if the alteration was h eee )—and supported though it might be by the influ not an experiment on the native industry of the country— would not give way, from an apprehension of the danger which (enHceearand the arguments of the Right Hon. Gentleman, be would accompany it. He feared that if these measures were adopted, the country would be made dependant on foreigners for a supply of the very first article of their food.- ( Hear, hear.) argu ment brought forwa rd b y the Ri g ht li o n. Gen t le man a few e li v e en d i e n P e r s e( a ' agtoe,di such a reference toe of the things, failure and the very first of the potato crop, con firmed him in such an opinion. Belgium, Sweden, and other p laces, he stated, had placed restrictions on the exportation of that article, and prevented this country from obtaining any sup ply. lie (Mr. 1) ) required no further argument to induce him to refute his assent to the measures brought forward by the Right 1 - 14 n. Baronet.—(Cheers.) The Right Hon. Baronet had also stated that no material change would take place in the price of corn in the event of the contemplated measures becom in law. —(Hear, hear. ) Did the Anti-Corn-law League say so 2 (Ironical cheers from the Ministerial side of the House. ) Their argument with respect to , the abolition of a g ricultural protection was qu ite the reverse. The y said that it would re duce the price of corn. ( Hear, hen..) The Ilan. Gentleman then wad an extrac t from a letter which h e had received from one of his own fr iends confirmator y of the views he had ex pressed, and proc eeded to say that the question before the House was whether this taxation should bear entirel y on the pro ducers or on the consumers by the present effect of the corn laws. He entirely concurred as to the propriety of calling this question a landlord question. He was of opinion that the plan of the Right Hon. Baronet would have the effect of throwing the poorer sort of soils entirely out of cultivation. He would give his best attention to the measures before the House, but he could not think that the of his own party. There was a minister once of great power, has last spoken. I confess that I do not think these grea who lived before the days of the House of Common!, and when ! transcissions can he made without incurring risk at least, and the power of England was exercised by the Crown, and not by 1 considerable suffering. ( Hear. hear.) The circumstances of the people. This minister ruled with strength for a time, but • the country may be so far so fortunate that suffering may be he became a little too arrogant, and adopted as his reset°, avoided, but I certainly think that if you wish to get rid of " Ego et rex meus," i protection you wilt run the risk of some hazard, and incur and it ultimately proved his downfall. Let other ministers considerable suffering.--( Hear, hear.) This, Sir, is a beware lest they meet their fall in the cry of " 1 and my confession and admission that is made by all persons party."—( Hear and laughter.) Honourable members who I who have reflected on the subject. Some speak of fa were elected strong protectionists, were, upon this principle of mine, others speak as the Noble Lord has following their leader, brought down to the House of Corn- I spoken, of the difficulty of arrangements between the different moos on last Tuesday week without the common courtesy, classes of persons who ore concerned in trade, but all admit which in former days was resorted to in measures of minor im- that there is considerable danger of losing, capital and diminu portance, and called upon to do that, which in 1841, they had tion of trade.—( Hear, hear.) But, Sir, I come to the plan pledged themselves riot do. In 1841 he knew some- of the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite, the first Minister thing of what was going to take place. The West of the Crown. I agree with the a Lord that Ido not India Sugar Bill was then an important question, and think he has laid down the grounds of it largely enough or ex the Conservative party was called together to consider what tensively enough in point of time.—(Hear, hear.) He has might be its effect and operation, but now when the old corn- alluded to measures about which he would have no difficulty, mercial system of the country was to be revolutionized, they were because I believe he is the Member of the Cabinet by whom not called together to consult on the subject—this would have those measures were introduced. I mean, Sir, the measures been contrary to the principles of true Conservative policy. of Mr. Huskisson --( Hear, hear)—which measures might This would have been a bold measure for the consideration of a have been quoted by him to show the advantage of moderating new Parliament, but now they were going to consider it in a duties, and the doing away in a great extent of prohibitory Parliament which was nearly extinct. Protectionism had duties. I will not make any statement in figures, but I can been the police of England for upwards of a century, hut now say that I think, in consequence of the reduction of the duties they were suing to do away with it, and when the measure on silk, tt e importation of the raw material during the years reached the House of Lords, it would be moved by the. Lord 1837 and 1838 had increased over the years 18.35 and Chancellor from that memorable emblem of Protection to 1+3'35 (during the existence of prohibitory duties) British Industry, the Woolsack ; which, ever since the mere than one hundred per cent. In the article time of Edward the Third, had been placed in the of wool a reduction of one penny in the pound, House of Lords as the seat of its highest and most r - r. - ozT. , :.eed an immense increase in the price of that article, honoured officer of the state, and probably as a foreign :Tool was then introduced at a low rate of duty, and the memento to warn the Parliament of England of what exports increased to a great extent. These, Sir, are instances and in what its true policy should be.—( Hear, hear, and mush of many others , wh ich show the benefit at least of reducing laughter.) Wh e th er that policy was right cr wrong, it does duties. But, then, the Right Hon. Gentleman at the head of seem strang e that the •• should be called upon by a Minister, her Majesty's Government , ha s proposed a plan w hich g oes who, in 1841, advocatey dit in the strongest terms , to abandon it beyond the mere reduction of duty to a moderate amount, and altogether.—(Hear, hear.) But the Right Hon. Baronet might thereby increasing the impor ts and p rice s. He has prop osed say there was n o o th er course Open to him ; b ut h e thought ,- as with reference to the dut i es u p on corn that after the ex p iration be had done on for mer occas i ons, that there were two or three of three years, the duty upon that article shall altogether courses open to him.--( Hear, hear and laughter.) The Right cease. Now, Sir, lam of op inion, that if the Government had Honourable Baronet might have dissolved the Parliament, and undertaken this task in 1812, and had made far greater redue that, in his opinion, would have been one and a better course ; non than they then did, it would have been better for the agri or the Right lion. Baronet might have come boldly forward. culturists as a body, and for the country at large. As the and toad them, as the Noble Lord the Member for the City of matter now stands, lam ready to say , seeing t he contest now London—whose great openness and straightforwardn ess , h e was going on, and the struggle that would continue to go on if no willing to admit, entitled the Noble Lord to great credit—had attempt is made to stop it between the intermediate steps of the dune from the city of Edinburgh—that he had supported pro- sliding scale or a small fixed duty. I am prepared to• repeat tection till he could do so no longer, and that as he was now what I have before stated in public, that the struggle will con satisfied that the principles of all his former life were erroneous tinue unless some efficient measures are taken by her Majesty's he was prepared to give up the Government, and tender the Government to prevent it.—( Hear, hear. ) I must say, I Opposition his warmest support in carrying free trade.— consider the plan of the Right Hon. Baronet as a great measure (Loud Opposition cheers.) That would have been a policy —a measure which will lay the foundation of a complete new which they would have commended, whatever their principle as to commercial legislation—a principle which will private views might have been, and looked upon it as a have the effect of leaving both agriculture and manufactures magnanimous attempt on the hart of the Right Hon. Bar onet entirely to the energies and skill of the British people. I must for the well-being of his country.—(Cheers.) The Noble say, Sir, believing those principles to be sound principles, lam Lord and his supporters opposite had a right to have the credit prepared to give every support to th e pl an b roug ht forward by of passing their own measure. They had a right to demand her Majesty's Government. —( Hear, hear. ) But I think it is that the conduct of a measure in which they spent -all their incumbent on me to say that, with reference to the mode he lives should be left to them, and the Right Hon. Baronet having has adopted of introducing a new system of corn duties for three been placed in power in Id4l by protectionists, he called on him years, that the opinion which I bad formed in my own mind in to give it up to them. These were the views which had the month of December last, has been more and more strength ledi him to the determination of supporting the amendment, tined by everything I have seen or heard since the Right Hon. but he supported it the more, because, by doing so, he recorded Baronet made kno.vn his plans.—( Loud cries of ,‘ Hear, his protest against a system and policy which he was sorry to hear.") I have heard from all parts—from Devonshire, see being adopted as being one that must diminish the expedi. f rom va rious parts of Scotland, from the midland counties, and ency, if any, and add no lustre to the very best system of ab- from various other parts of England, that the opinion of the stract legislation.—(Cheers.) farmers was to the effect "That if we are to have a system of Lord SANDON was one of those who would support the treeltrade instead of protection, let us know what that system measure, alth o ugh it did no t mee t w ith hi s approbation.— is to he at once—( Hear. hear,)—let t h e duties be repealed at ( Laughter.) He was sorry that the arguments of the Right Hon, once." I consider there was great reason in that remark. Baronet in its favour were so flimsy, and thought those argu- In the first place I think the farmer will be better able to meets would not justify a sudden changing of opinion which arrange with his landlord as to the partieular sums he has to had prevailed for years.—(Hear, hear.) He insisted that pay. and the sums he will have to pay, if he knows at once the the wages of the labourer depended on the price of corn, state of the law, and has not to wait until the end of the and declared that experience both at home and abroad proved month of February, 1849, and take the chance of what may that the rate was varied by the fluctuation in the prices of then be the price of corn. I think also there is some danger grain. He had y e t t o learn that it was an established to the farmer in adopting the proposed plan. In 1848 the principle of political economy that increased consumption pro- prices may be low, there may be a considerable accumulation duced high price s , an d protested that. the experience of of corn in the country, the glut which would not happen in three years in some minor articles of commerce the spring of Isl4B, may happen if there is a sudden reduction of did hardly justify so extensive an experiment as the present. the duty from ten *billings to one shilling per quarter in the spring I luring the present state of un ce rtainty the farmers were in a o f 1849, not owing to the price of corn, but to the effect of the most helpless srate.--( Hear., hear. ) He knew he should be previous legislation. I think, Sir, that the danger will be told by lion. Members on the other side of the House that greater after the lapse of two or three year., than it would be this was not the farmers but really the landlord's question.— if the alteration were total and immediate.—(Hear, hear. ) ( Hear, hear.) Abstractedly speaking that was no doubt true. The present would be a favourable time for removing these If there was a bad harvest farmers would exp ec t the landlords res t r ictions, for in consequence of deficient harvests in most to make abatements in their rents; abatements were made, o f t he countries of Europe. there is now little stock remaining and consequently so far the landlords suffered. All their capital on hand in Darezic or Hsmburgh. There is no reason to was embarked in land, and year by year they found that that suppose that there is any great stock in the United States of capital was dwindling away, till at last they were compelled to America ; there is no apprehension on the part of the farmer, take refuge in some other profession. But he would lastly with reference to a reduction of the duties upon corn, and I take the case of the farmer and his labourers. Those of comdder these together as forming a pretty conclusive proof all others suffered the most in times o f agricultural that there is actually no danger at the present time.—( Hear, distress.—( Hear, hear.) Th e fir s t s t rugg l e w hi c h th e farmer hear.) If they had any danger to encounter, it was when on made to meet the distress was by diannishinn, the number of the continent of Europe and in the United States. prepare his laborers. That step of course added to the number of tions had been made, the ground had been oultivated, and the paupers in the country. Those were the reasons then why he seed sown with a view to send large supplies of corn to F.ng would vote for the measure of the Right Hon. Baronet at the land. I consider, Sir, that the policy of the Government is head of the Government, although he disapproved of it. like furnishing a farmer with a great coat to wear only Though he (Lord Sandon) disapproved of his proposal, still he in the summer, and which he was to take off when felt that the Right Hon. Baronet must be supported, because the winter arrived.--( Hear hear.) But, having, said this he felt convinced that by the Right Hon. Baronet the county much, I put it to the Right Hon. Baronet if he will not re must he governed. He felt that unless questions of this consider that part of his plan which had reference to the corn nature, were settled by very great masses of enlightened opinion, laws.—( Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Baronet has often a country ike England could not long be proyerly governed. He a lleged, is bringing forward his measures for the reduction of felt that whe n opi n i on s h os tile to protection had been enun • duties upon subjects of much less importance than the one now elated by the great leaders on both sides of the House—( Hear) under consideration, that it was almost impossible to know the —'hey ought to be supported by th , great body of the people. effect of such duties till they had been tested by experience. He had now arrived at this position—viz., that all the now, Sir, it does appear to me, that wieh reference to the members of her Majesty's Government, with the exception, he proposed measure, we shall be labouring under this disadvan. believed, of two, had expressed themselves in favour of free t age . I hope that the Hon. Baronet will reconsider that part trade—all, with the exception of the two Hon. Members to of his subject. I wish that his plans may succeed. I wish to whom lie had alluded, had given their sanction to the proposal see this measure successful, not only in this House, but also in then before the House. He confessed that the question the other House, and I would not be one to oppose the progress seemed to him to be no longer a matter of discussion—it was of that measure.—( Hear, hear.) When, therefore, this sub merely a question of time. For his own part, he believed sect cornea into Committee, if the Right Hon. Baronet tells me that the sooner the measure of the Right lien Baronet was that he has reconsidered the subject, and that he still considers passed into a law, se much the better would it be for the coup- the three years' duty to be an essential part of his plan, try at large.—(Hear, hear.) The measure, he confessed. I will then support him to the utmost of my abilities. would entail some difficulties upon those concerned in Sir, I have stated thus much with reference to the plan as it the agriculture of the country; but their tlifficul- affects the article of corn ; it is not necessary that I should say ties could not last more than a few months— much as to the other parts of the plan. With reference to the certainly not more than twelve. But it seas better that the article of sugar, it will not be necessary for me to make any question should be decided without further delay, for it was observation; as regards the articles of manufactures, and the only, as he had before said, a matter of time ; postpone the taking off the duties upon them, I consider that you are bound matter as the might, they would have to come to the same result to do s', yoe are hound to show that you abandon protection at last.—( Hear, hear. ) He believed he had spoken at some altogether as a principle, vie ous and injurious, and not for the length of the peril of the experiment, but he could not say that sa n e of subjecting tl:em to any experiment to which you would peril would extend . so far as was apprehended by lion. diem- not expose tri•., manufacturer.—( Hear, hear.) There i s bee= o pposed to the measure. For the sake of' the millions of another part cr zl , e, subject, and one which I certainly canno t the country, he believed that it would be well that the present approach wi`l 4,e ., .. satisfaction, I allude to the question of uncertainty on the question of food should be removed. But burdens Thin agriculture. The Right Hon. Baronet has pro be could not see the process by which those advantages antici- posed to tsehe certain relief as to local burden., the expenses of pati' by Honourable Members who advocated free prisons anst prosecutions ; these amendments in the law I con trade would be realised. He hail seen in the course sides to Le just, and they are improvements in the e x i s ti ng of his life the price of corn down as low law. These measures are offered as compensation to the landed in as 555., and that was t erme d by th e agr i cu lturists a paying terest. I - _ie not think any compensation could be properly offered. price. If the present proposal were carried into a law, he really lam r,?t sure that as regards the general 'burdens of the believed that instead of land going out of cultivation, it would country, thee the occupiers of land have not more than the he much more cultivated, and, of course, more labourers would share wheels belongs to them.—( Hear.) It is a point upon be employed. He could not think that Hon. Members need anti- which I feel a difficulty, because I have found that whenever cilia' e the risk, which they appeared to do, of the land going out a propositiee was made by the Hon. Member for Sheffield (Mr. of cultivation. He did ent, rtain a hope that, although much Vt'ard), to make a statement adverse to that opinion, and ask for individual misery would have to be gone through in the event a Committee to inquire into this point, none were so ready as of this measure being passed into a law, the vessel of England those agricultural gentlemen to oppose that inquiry.—( Hear, would sail much more safely and smoothly than it did at pre- hear.) The Hon. Member for Radnorshire (Sir John sent. —( Hear, hear.) Those were the general reasons why he Walsh) had draw a comparison, of shoemakers, who were alone had determined to support the Right Hon. Baronet's proposi- compelled to pay the police rates. They might complain that thin. He saw in that measure great wisdom, and although they could not sell their articles so cheap as others who were there was involved in it a perilous experiment, at the same not so taxed—they would complain of the injustice practised time he did not share in the amount of apprehension that was ueon them. But if the shoemakers, who formed the majority entertained by Hon. Members in favour of protection. Under in this House, hid always strenuously resisted the proposal to those circumstances, he felt bound to give his support to the inquire into the subject of their grievances, I certainly measure, • nd he conceived he was right in doing so. should suspect the shoemakers of thinking there was something Lord JOHN RUSSELL then rose and sa id, I believe, Sir, in their case which would not hear to be sifted.—(Hear, lam about the first to speak, upon this s i de , upon t h e impor- hear.) There is another difficulty in the question. When about tant question before the flonse.—( Hear, hear. ) And while two or three years since there was a large surplus of about 1 shall give my vote on the same side with the Noble Lord three millions in the Exchequer, I thought it might be worth w ho has just addressed the House, I cannot help saying that I w hil e to the agricultural interest, with a view to their obtaining shall do so with better heart and hope.—( Hear; hear, and some relief from their burdens, to remove the taxes of several laughter.) Sir, I will not attempt to deny the importance of articles—the malt tax ler instance. They would not hear of this question. Hon. Gentlemen on the other side of the House, such a proposition, and when the Right Hon. Baronet dis whom I have heard, and who assent to the preposition of her tributed this large sum of three millions and a hall, he did not Majesty's Ministers, say what is quite tr ue, when they say seem to have any particular regard for this interest. I freely that the system of protection has bet n a system of legislation state that Ido not teel any sympathy with this class.—( Hear, adopted for one particular class.—( Hear, hear.) Sir, 1 am hear.) Nor can I see why any relaxation of bnrdens should not at all terrified by that enunciation.—(Hear, hear.) 1 be made towards those whose burdens were shared equally by know very well that for centuries religious disability was the - their fellow countrymen. I do not consider that that they system of this country.—( Hear.) I know that for centuries the have any claims to a relaxation of their burdens.—( Bear, want of security and liberty of the person was the system of hear.) Had I brought forward any scheme of commercial the Legislature of this country. But I em happy to ackriow- policy, although it would have differed in some respe t cts I fro d re o . ledge that great benefits late flown front the destruction of the plan brought forward by much she system, and I hope we are now at the commencement Of not think that I should h a ve given t te n e ik m 1 the Right. Hon. them so I wouht the destruction of another system which has been i n jurious to relief as he has done, I s do o no l t .. hi or 600,0001. participated the country, and that we shall hereafter be proud of having have given so much as h commercet of the country, and participated in the foundation of a new and a better order 01 W ere they to lay burdens orl things.—( Cheers.) It appears, sir, that the question with to propose an increase of t t aX e ation which would expose the to deserved unpopularity ? No ! and respect to the corn.laws, which in former years had been Government to great w e scheme wi t therefore rae,foprerostaL proposed d t o b n y c e t b t e hat ßi l gb co t nc H ur on in . almost confined, has been of late, hut especially in meetings for these reaso e n n s t l s . and discussions in the country, widened to the whole principle the Government i nn the head of her Majesty's Government.—(Loud of protection, but those who have defendod the present corn-set- B h a e ro r n s et • ) I wish that the repeal had been immediate, but, in laws wish in maintaining them to avoid all appearane n e d o 1 they -e the e present state of affairs, tn getting remoteit d h a o t f existsth period, eero f i or n o d r ..,, fishness or legislation for a particular class, anta w ge ith th r a e t si w w i c il t a to cc c r e ( o H p e le ar o , f this country gene_ have said that they , wish all native a h industry and the advantage But, Sir, the mercial system to be protected. (Hear, hear.) the amendms:in.t so—thatto iglit r it al i l s y too n,,t g t r o e at an advantage the e a t s o u the r e. .! Honorable Gentleman who seconded seemed to confess—or at least appeared to have a When we - I support hear, and cheers.) all native industry was not entitled to protection. find But, Sir, cannot forbear from taking notice of one remark come to the question of protection of native industry we which fell from an Honourable Gentleman, the Memlier for various branches of industry—the gre at co tt on manufactures, Finsbury (Mr. Wakley). The Hon. Gentleman stated (and the woollen manufactures, and the great linen manufactures of he thought he had no particular motive for doing so) that he this country, which are sent abroad to compete with the pro • thought the Right Honourable Baronet at the head of her ductions of nations at the greatest distance from this country_ Majesty's Government was more able to carry this measure such as America and Asia. These interests are not benefited successfully than I was That is an observation that compels by any protection which yet remains upon your me to state, t h at a measure o f t h e same ki n d wou ld b e equa ll y statute books.—( Hear, hear.) It is obvious then success f u l , if 1 h a d rece i ve d the Arne support from my political that the protection you now seek to maintain opponents w hi c h t h ey now rece i ve f rom me.— ( G rea t for agriculture is a protection for one particular class of indus- cheering.) This measure of free trade the protec try—( Hear, hear)—and an advantage for them alone. We tionists say, and they say what is correct, was loudly find, Sir, a great argument, which is the argument of all oppos, dby the Right Hon. Baronet. When Mr. Huskisson writers on political economy, applies to that particular protec- brought forward, in Lion ; that, in the first place, it is an interference with the duetrade, current of trade and labour, and is in behalf of oneparticulargave hi many of us Gentleman opposite, the . m S ecret aryfor the Home Dep artm ent, class. In the next place, that it is a tax upon the of that tie could give rest the stated, when he was in Opposition, community for the benefit of that class. In the • third place,. his support. In 1839 the Secretary of St ate and the Chancellor that the class which you seek to b ene fi t l oses by the pretended of the Exchequer proposed going into Committee on the corn protection that you afford it.—( Hear, hear.) Sir, these are law•s, but they were met then by the party in Opposition.— the propoiitiona which are so true that they have become axioms (Cheers.) In 1841, when we came forward to propose a re in political economy.—( Hear.) I was induced the other day duction on the importation of corn, of sugar, and by the Honourable Member fur Norfolk to read a pamphlet of timber, we were met by a party, many which has been published on this q uestion, and also of whom represented commercial constituencies.—( Hear.) another pamphlet by Martin and Co. on the subject But, Sir, lam bound to say the Hon. Member for Wakefield was of protection. These gentlemen state that a quarter of corn is an noxourtibie exception—(Great cheering)—and he did not raised 17s. in price by the protection which is afforded to it.— join the then opposition, nor did my Hon. Friend the Member ( Hear.) I tho ug ht as I read that statement, and I now believe for Wolverhampton. But, Sir, I think that the Right Hon. Ba it, to be a great exaggeration ; but if that wer e s o, if the price ronet, and those who have introduced such a sound principle of of corn had risen to such an enormous amount by that pro- commercial policy as that which is proposed respecting the tection which you give to agriculture; supposing t here were corn - laws , could not b e i g norant of those renciples; an it 1 ! 20,000,000 quarters of wheat consumed in this country, and to be lamented that they did riot manfully come forward they would be some millions sterling impos e d on the food of the would no t be defeated.—( Hear. ) The Hon. G much of that people of this country. I believe the statement is most would have avoided, for himself and his o pa rt y ,ve generally egregiously exaggerated, but still I believe that while you give odium and reproach which is nCwheers and laughter. ) protection such as is afforded by the present l a w to a cast upo n him b y somebody or other.—( m p a red the course the particular class, which I believe to be an apparent How inconsi s t ent it was when they e w n it h that which he pur benefit to it, that protection is an injury to the rest of the com- Right H o n . Baronet had now tak en , the Hon. Member for munity.—( Hear, hear.) The lion. Gentleman the Member sued in 1841.—(Cheers.) B e eo ut ht Hon. Baronet at the bead of for Hampshire, who seconded the amendment, and who did so Wakefield tells me, that the g i be more successful in cat rying in terms as temperate as could be desired—( Laughter)—the her Nlajesty's Governmentu would be. I tell him again, that it is with Hen. Gentleman stated that a difference was to be made be- this measure than I %o w let ._ (Great cheering.) it it is it twerp those occupations in which mere manual labour was em- our aid that he can d of h conduet which we shall pursue that the ployed, and those in which machinery was brought into rcquisi- conse que o nee thes, measures shall be attended with success.— lion. Now I cannot see the value of that, argument, I cannot progress ed f cheers. . e believe that lam bound to say so see what are the grounds of that argument. Suppose there are (Renewin justice to i my friends—(l - lear, hear )—and if the five millions of people employed in works of machinery, and much Riht Honourable Gentleman has the glory of having adopted others in which little machinery is employed, I cannot see of athny e and carried out a plan of commercial freedom, which will have good ground why the one should have the protectionrotectien. the effect of conferring great benefits on the country—by Legislature, and the other should not enjoy that protectionP is which the poor man would get a better reward for his labour— Well I hen, Sir, if it be the case that the system of N ought to by which all branchesof th a e, ,trade art commerce of the so, then the question comes—NVhat i' the "re yo u d ere ou tr would b • protecoone exteded,. awl ehe interests of all classes take in order to get rid of this particularl written uponpoliticl would be i n trustpromoted-- that I 1 • v• w ii e it. thus operates that it I must say that those writers who dave . rd o, Mr. tins- will be made Smith' Mr. [bear 0, instrumental to the moral improvement of the science, even Mr. Adam lit to be used in dealing pe o pl e i that oug. o this country, which the want of adequate means of kisson, all speak of the cautionhat s hould be the particular Inca- - r •i• p ovn tug for their physical -wants has hitherto prevented— with this question. But e: th e protective system in these (Hear, ' hear)—and limiourable Gentleman if. the Right- ... .„. . sure, and what should . should you deal with the question and what wat. matters? on which we really that is not a s ubject up i• d it is impossible to have much light trim theoretical . that we, although out of office, have •mainly assisted in produo ,i,io. an ' (Hear, hear. 1 I confess with the Noble Lord, who ing this triumph w riters.- - , of the Minister ,of. t the Crown.—(Loud continued cheering.) )u se d,to , 11 erg as u tit s very from )te the of her foruit' r oia l ' e a ld b e ;sing of will be if for ce ivieg ke c °ll a s hort of IV: hat t he i,noYab ale; til ` reo cew irk to Go" L her o ran cor° , , TIO" g0 is 00050 • ' T. :, oif , 0 0 . 1 ,, r .I be 51k o 1( P IScB h oe he " c- ' n aecl ` 11 1 „, tw - .) :use tf il d• ,00 0 # , hio ls . e e i t l f 31 " 11 vibi ja bt the i3l ;ei to Pr' re. for iom e o or .'3 of Or $Oll v tit° * 66°. I b° l ll ' 1 3, h : e l, eg i vi ; e . e et , 01 t f r°v ll ° tjOlol So if • to t ISV r 0 •P n or j i ioa o f arci ttf oil t ;5. fr°lll tb~t t"'o 4 0' r ° c»c h c ril , eve; w a f el ' iv o3l re 11 1 11g p re 0 4 p , t o wh h o ,0, cod e' : e oP le gi d th ° orb e , r ) fo it 4' , ) 110r13 0 4 he r - ,ever;' , Sir, n th e there sorry at on would