The Sun. — London, England, 1846-02-13 00:00:00

_ _.-- ,nising en of should o hear a hope 1:d lieve he was wages: i ta tiora r even' telt compelled to give to this . question hi s mos t earnes t slid 110 "Pst oeeusitioil, bat in d o i rg thet lie was deterth mined tt - ,at his exposid is -of the fallacies which the question had been surrounth d 14 ° 111 d be earnest, unequivocal, and decided, awes well known that his feeling for several Members of the Government, of which the Right Hon. Baronet las at the head, hid been • both cordial and enduring. t,_(l notwithstanding the difference which had 0 4 : en Place in the Right Honourable Baronet's T,Pations, he still professed no personal antipathy, r his feelings were those of sincere friendship and un .l.tninisheil attachment ; and yet he Mt bound es a man, ' 0 ; a Member of that House, and, above all, as a member abrasionmmercial community, although it was a great ter of his own personal feelings, to express his de tiartltiled, earnest, sincere open, and avowed oprosi• iate to the measure which the Right Honourable „IPonet had submitted for their decison; and whilst that A Honourable Gentleman continued to be the master ';',,ltnand the presiding genius of the Cabinet, he must ti : e 'r ; _h ld from them anything like adhesion to tai , h r t policy, or support of any measure they tb b thi linag forward. lie did n o t mean t o sa y at ii , tea g uPpott was to b e w i t hh e ld s i mply on any b tter 'of ag r i cu l tural protection, but upon those great es ta in whi c h the whole of the welfare of the popu lation tie s wWaS involved. He could not help feeling that de ee i 18 a matter of the utmost importance, and he to y y regretted that the Right Hon. Barons t had not ea ' a u ti w il ed the example of the upright and straightforward own parts f the Hon. Member for Stockport,. For his altb oa v a r= be should give his vote on this question, 'with t,l_ it Was against the object of the party det ee ,""l he was accustomed to act, with a b e nate he whatever the consequences tutii,,, although a fasted = % accord with' . , anee the principles he had always pro disregard of party might, though kat d IY, be laid to his charge. The Hon. Gentleman iides ( 7 f li th antd loud and prolonged arge.( cheers from both ' kr, e c actise.) 44, 3 ' W YNN s 'el --ee th e al , that many of those who had ad . - qu estion llouse had lamented that the nature of this lace t ills such as to cause very considerable differ this o „ °Pinion amogst the political leaders of ,ef tlee,e;ll,trY• Although he might differ from some geld ' l 7 to his vote, and should vote fur those who 1 41 thi s l 3 "t 1 opinion, yet he felt himself divided -6 ,4 41 4) 111 3 4° n , Which so very much divided 11'13- a rn il Os S t -- rnen in general. lie differed in opinion tits, but thae,spectable meeting of his own consti k Albers of 0 :" was a circumstance to which many ,e hed h ad cat lioese must necessarily be exposed. aeeonfidence tare F g" )(4 - 1 fortune to enjoy for fifty years tiled fro m ' "IS constituency, and if he had ever . had a , their opinion on any paticular question, ! l eathe r . g: n " . • / edged that it might be a conscientious t t l l k tY to Ile was satisfied that he had performed his thi °e its i nt ' e°antry by consulting what he considered th.." Pa % e ,. r c e sfs rather than the !'celings of any pa t h l thi I' % " 1 4 1110 p'3rsons whom he represented. He felt 67 the ' -es "on put the well-being of the agriculturist tiZerests tymanufacturer in the balance, arid their nil, ! re 3 ° Much alike that they could not look at e,the b e 14 etmsidering the other. He had heard speak Ir i vide a l i efi t of leaving a question of this kind to the a witar_ themselves rattier than to the Government. ltt t o pr'eare that it had been the policy of the Govern ti?ta ane r ,a°te laws for the protection of the agricul ,irtetiturtse na anufaeturers. Much as he respected ,„tasp o; l°ll 3 and legistation of our forefathers, there t he _ bt itar p r ' llt ° l l which he differed from them so much tr i tedh aet 'ea of meddling with what might be easily the re Y the indiviclu-ls concerned. When he looked 0 7 4 : , t tgantibaelions relative " to agriculture-the limit that th,„ dat e h quantity of land to be devoted to pasture ki t 'et, 4, e was surprised ; and when he looked at be 1, 0 4 t t he price of wheat was to be regulated It,, Ohi e T Treasurer, the Lord Chancellor, or the . Oa s k i., Justice, he entirely disapproved of . it. tlite eee tL tha ery vessel which brought over wino to ht`g.ll)te3, rev ,ld also bring over bowed staves : - Letitteyer It Was said that for every butt of wine et te e - "In 1 .„'„, en bowed staves would accompany it. a lp --te•mi-iseinher that it was not till the close kI N N ; ,Ta l i r ,: 3f , Jornes I. th at a permanent change in isai t ' l liste at 7 4l Policy took place, but it was not till the ' ace, ' l) A tt °f Mr. Pitt, that a more generous change i ie ' his 4 bout the period of the Union, he first pro ,' 1 1 lie e t , un itnercial policy. Acting upon his usual eh___ i te "" e ew aside the prejudices of his pre neZat tie of"`L brought those principles into . law. 4 4 1 : 44 it se •he could give to those who questioned %ib-alehYti, altering the present state of things was ke 1 leh,," French merchant gave at one time to i thit' lle thlra,,, 4l he inquired, " What can I do for • WI 14 1 1M._ . "11 0: 14 ._ ent of your trade and prosperity . the l et e a lletj-th.."° let them alone."-(Hear, and laughter.) b e tt - i i a t t t ''' the Government would carry their IKEA- I le OtiV ° l, 4 atilt greater extent. He confessed he ' 4 ,4l , 7 le l ie tt e p t ei e :Lb w e e tt v e e r pleased if they had done so. that it could not be done Nitti ‘l fetv it l l ' l that so far as it could have been l e eti ee e to the r country it had . been done. The I t , .k,,ebeli,„7 Prise, and the capital of this country 1 0%011111 h1 , k , obviate the great evils of which the NJ: i 7ta u; ,,fin last addressed the House had spoken.. t wee , i' l asb oa - ii_ . 4 that the agriculturists could not assist (i t d' je t , u'en• as the manufacturer did his work ti/4i_te/ „hi rrc r i ed machinery-. lie could say that so Ntes-trel vxPerience and observation went, he l ( 6ei n r ? that opinion. He thought ho saw daily ei O t h ,.. Ut e : e ffects of the application of machinery to VI a .--(l.l ear hear.) He saw large proprietors at 14 eof rn th • ' el_ Dli rld .eir estates machinery for the menu ,,stetiatae oast n tiles, These tiles were sold to the tenant I'etti t td t o He hoped that this system would said lse Ca:i riot g'r'eater extent. It . had also been a Wal e L° die interest of this country to depend netiloil that e°llntries for the stleply of corn. lie was ‘1 tb' es •as w was a fallacy. He censiitere.l that the i!l t) , tit col . nUld i c ,, as anxious to encourage our buy- L i ke , 1t 1 141 14 set they were anxious to sell it. He thought kNee e t - a .as the old Dutch merchant,in the at litity G l ' bet wet , n that conntry and France, whit b ,..s t 'le We; portel his merchandise there, repliee, 'lity r t.s e t in -e „Id they were in want of sulphur in the iliaffie-i-s=4l,e'te would send a s:lip-load of that obtain t it 'uotith of Acheron, provided he wale (»tam e k t kil v iltite s t r anoe to cover the damage that might bt. LetZealb„ gegng of the sells. lie had also known ekt o ,,_iiise - o i s . of the Anti-Jacobin Clubs who would Ntb-`ad to ‘alte a ' gl • a bottle of claret, upon ~if thl atit t est it aeould as g '." assistance to the French i i l) Pi t il lts t ' 4 1 : 1 4 s.l. , !ch, he conceived, lve would be the state la : b oa. te thi it this country should . be dependent 'la e a rrti t` Y of corn upon foreign countries. ',l, . - eti ee f s ee the policy which directed those mea tcials.ante th e a greater extent, and with that view ho ktle,q,4 Government every support. . l itc'ene „„4THCOTE said, in addressing himself In.' . ttpal 11 I l e etion he would endeavour to be as brief as t uto -4414,ietdenthinic that anappearance of consistency was 4 .11 -I tia• ° l' the en his i d on this (the Oppo. h . 't ow Jesi o , l44 'louse brought Oh t Isl i p, ' , O the agricultural interests he opposed them ; o . rward me asures which he ,i ° er e , the G e ,„ t brought forward measures L 'st ‘ eltirendere diefinit e e r i n y m m e o n re injurious, more extensive in 117 t 4 e s tS e,,elt they - wou'd ir.flict, he would give d tltteXtiooloo siti on.-(Ministerial cheers.) He . begge jt l'• h e . the state of things which existed during the l a % ll sit s , lf It' manufactories were prosperous, trade was ' and agriculture was beginning to recover itself on iiit t 1 1, end deadly wounds infl.cte . d by 1 / 4 ) 41 4% e* ofe'l, t he Governmen a t , , i i e n d t t h i m a st s i e t a h n o e ,, f e ß th o i f f n s ro- . things, t ek t44 l l o Z l i n the u r r e e n s n , r ace o om d f p P olitieal y terg. - rvis'ation. The sat ),9entlernan at the head of the Government had bll ti ,titi tt 71s Noble Friend, because he brought forward a t e es t 4l / 4 1 141 ,'r a fixed duty of Bs. But now he came for t 1 4 11 4 el te !Posed a fixed duty of 45., and at the end of three i...yetindts.to remove all protection from agriculture. l : t Zliii;l t his a dangerous experiment. He wa; justified Otiera eoe s . for it was an experiment that was contrary to tittl'et ' - la ki `k of all countries and all time. The Right Hon. iitlehlottittorld its that . all history and records of events should eZeni t ,:a A A 'ala the annals of England previous to the period 014 014 iltliit till:ministration. FTe (Mr. Ileathcote)_ O l . e t k e hi t Years' experience of the Right Hon. Baronet ho, t4 k r li e ,?at in Proposing to the House the present.. I, tlt we, as , tp k.nr. lleatheote) was quite ready to admit that 1 1 ,4 to eat N .• of crime and en., g el odi tio r ()verity, a diin'nution . t 4 44 t4 tl ßtit th n of morals at present in the country ; Witt Il k ' i Plop,:nse adv antages were entirely owing to thewinn !ttkliallecle.hastit f labour. she cause of th . is was 0 i e g s .4 i ' k r oadi`'. %i t , t ik expended its capital in a variety of sourc , t ait 11 ,7 ta o L 4 ttrf, e , te "arY, and especially in the construction *ar $l - ,'t - 'a s ki p Parts of the country, and thus iroprov- Ke4etlt:oeoitaeilities of conveyance. He would ma b in- r tl is e agar e n g th e 4 h 1 ,las more indebted to . the Ho d n. A e l r e ,, m i e n gibers.) ,11,of J.° ,, astp., i ndson ) f?t• his activity n a a n ny ~ e fr n ee-t y rade :Iva ith l .4 l ll th e " : lti c ,Zon of railroads, than t_ ear t r h c" tol d /ea r iln uon. Baronet.- H f ,_ hear, and Itlts tA a Pre ikA the T 39, the Hon. Member or K . endal came t iot e ,,"'. , -.l.,:ero,,'oUse that the manufacturing interests 1;4 i;' 10 11, ~'mere - „,"e Condition, and yet wheat had . fallen Bs. le I ,' °tit , 4 , th e -- f a ,' an attempt to annihilate the interest of t 4 It'' l t e1;,,, u e1l t r }: ll awers of' the Right Hon. Baronet would th e It lied 'l Presented themselves on the hustings at t lle „„ 64 t ti e ," t ake n i e in Member for Wiltshire had alluded tete7 4l -l a - e l ahe it i. '',ee in I ,le year 115, as if that had been pail tht j a i ll, l pillrite corn-lags were to be heard of.. p lN x - i s y t. ,. it, nth: „ p t wo ,. eetio n to agriculture had been in , I N ) , 4 f wh eat - ° , had t;ndred years, and he considered, further, 'it w l at te , a ;, e n , z)trirnitted in 1815, by forcing up, th l e , 4% 4 414 ael t til ' ti ng toe gr!ate r error would be cornmitt b e e d ar i ) ant Ity 1.4 Jos hetie ab,ilish them altogether.-(Hear, le t,tt, , , a 4.ify the ther e was an y strong cause of public ,`‘ef ew _ l °Oil t ; ° °g fe e l ing Present measure?-( Hear, hear.) He i l l 4?Ili11 4 t° that n ''',°.f the public with reference to this sub see' eq., As wulch overrun England, previous to ,i :et t 4 fa re the `serf a ' he knew, all was tolerably peaceable ieatle ton„a carried on was exclusively a defen , Po e : e „,:" tn, e manufacturers put on the armour rf e" to , 1 Thk.euiturists the whole panoply of fry, it sett, 'ste n . or assumed . t kl ef as, wan , = the last five or six years, with re- A it Pad e. %e sti a complete record of defiance of Prot .c- failur e of the gentlemen who support h ti kr, ll Q lll Gli /,...... 4 1 t ; t hesi f i 11 EA T Li l le West Riding of Yorkshire for instance ? 4,0443%0, "COTE resum e d that was an exception; kk e t e t t pktie el e , ti• on the free trade gentlemen had . nothing to boast lit ri,jettl ..i s h:y . h a y, they had failed in the very heart of 11,,544, . Th ee ,_ , _a tailed at Birmingham, at Sunderland, ti;ed it. e Vottl:_failed at W igan. -(Cheers.) His Noble llti t ,„X th There Kear London, had admitted it, and con 1111es e Peo n ' no doubt whatever that a large proper *o, - et -°f ' e a this country were opposed to the 4.4 sh r o 'e t , trade. In the year 1841, whole consti- L l 4_Proi setio 'n l _ e of the elections, passed resolutions in petlts tit 7e of p ,, A '' t . a.rd now the Parliament, elected under le 0 ,. I-0,51;; "1011, was about to decide in favour of e e out. , ,' 4 1 . 01 , 41, 1,4_ at the whole state of the case, whether 11,:,‘ttii;tctititt04,:eiis0esciti0tittotbi.,:htaatljnorgeeeef.efiltithsastiosfif:ed. that the principles of free tats - Nei th :°Pted either with safety or with honour. .r could foreign nations be made to alter the people of England had li t , ; ,, s e t , w ith _ their opinions. He would now speak c e P i' to " "tilltr;espect to the famine that was said to s regarded Ireland, he should be 4 41 1 4 ; 4 41g reh t l e ,r: .thaitt unhappy country every means ~ 4 1 _, , 0f h is en_ own n rorn the purtending distress. At a 1 hoof ° ., he had told° 4constituents, which had recently V:lt the nle p e , plef them at once that if any measure for the 4 t l vi "lci all o Ireland should be brought forward, he, ilttl4 it 4 ci hr at re ceiy, ; I 'w •tirn to give it his support.-(The pro a x' • *lll W i t e • '.''' .... r: w w e Irteh ;r i ll ' t opteda:tieu chfeoerr cheers the of a aelays relief assent) of I r e lf . , ,no,t.carried into effect at once ? When peo ere staivin i ,. t were cruel and dangerous. If local THE SUN LON DON, F diffidulties or distress existed, local remeeies should be applied, but do not, because local distress exists, disturb the great laws which regulate a mighty empire; with respect to the question of famine pervading the whole country, he thought it was contradicted at once, by the prices that were obtained at present. There may be fa mine in the newspapers, and among her Majesty's Ministers, but there was no real famine while the present prices of corn were maintained. Ile would now address himself to the ques tion which was immediately before the House, as to the aboli tion of the corn-laws. The corn•law! prevented low prices, to which there was a tendency. If all regulations with regard to price were tak,n away, there would always be either too much corn or too little. When there was a good harvest, fo reign nations would keep their surplus produce for themselves, and this nation wou.d go without, and be exposed to all the disastrous consequences. In good years, on the contrary, there would be an criorm:Ats influx of foreign corn.—(Hear.) The surplus which is likely to come under free trade, is ex tremely different from what it is under existing circumstances. Foreign nations at present have a dread at the extreme uncer tainty of the sliding-scale, which prevents them from growing more corn than they can dispose of with a profit, but when there was no duty at all to frighten them, there would be a great superfluity. An Hos:. MEMBER—Say plenty. Mr. FIEATI - ICOTE continued —Ye=, he was for plenty, but not for a wasteful. superfluity. He had had the honour, some time since, to represent the town of Boston in Parlia ment, and he found that it was much cheaper to export wheat from Hamburg to London than it was to bring it from Boston to London. It was cheaper, because the wheat was conveyed in foreign ships. He believed that the countries in the north of Europe would undersell the United States in corn. The consequence would be that corn would be purchased from countries who will take nothing but specie in exchange, and yeur manufactures will be sent to a country who will not re ceive them because you will not take their corn. He did think that when a great experiment I.ke the present was about to be tried, the farmers and agriculturists ought to know what they had to expect. He would now read to the House some extracts from tables of the prices of foreign corn which he had prepared about four years ago. From the years 1815 to 1816, in Dant zic ce en, doting twenty-five years, the average appears to be 28s. per quarter, and during the last seven years of that period it was 253 per qnarter. During a period of seven con secutive years in -Denmark, the price of corn averaged only 18s. per quarter. Now, it might be said that this was because Denmark was a s I all country, and that low prices would be ob tained when there was an abundant e. To this he would reply that the price of Denmark was the pt ice of all the North. He would read the prices for the same average of years in different parts. In Prussia, it was 165.; in Cologne,l6s.; in Brandenburg, 175.; in Siberia and Pomerania, 17a.; in Dantzic, 225.; at St. Petersburgh, 225.; and at Riga, 203. per quarter. He would ask what would be the effect of the introduction of foreign corn at these prices ? It had been said that the corn-laws of this country were no protection to prices, but he found that while the price of corn at Daatzie rose only Bs., the price during the same year in Eng and was 575. per qaarter. They had been told, over and over again, that the corn-laws were of no use. He would refer to the year 1822, during which period great distress existed in the country. The price of wheat then was 445. ; in Denmark at tire same time, it was only 18s. In 1835, when great distress was also prevalent, the price in England was 395. ; in Den mark at 19s. ; so that if the corn-laws had not then beer. in existence, the country would have been entirely overrun. He would, in conclusinn, beg of those who took upon themselves the responsibility of the present measure, also to take upon themselves the responsibility of its consequences. If he should succeed in throwing out this Bill, he should think he had achieved something to be proud of. If, on the other hand, he should fail, he should feel satisfied that he had done all that laid in his power in opposing the meaure, to accord with the wishes of his constituents and the best interests of the country. Mr. W. MARTIN was of opinion that the time had now arrived when the interests of the country required that a change should be made in the corn-laws, and that was the only justification he could give for abandoning protection. What regulated the price of corn was the price of the last bushel which they were compelled to import from abroad. He believed that free trade would not materially reduce the price of corn. He did not believe that they would see, on an ave rage of ten years, the price of wheat imported from abroad at less than 50s. per quarter. It might be said that improve ments would come by degrees, but he would remind the House how slowly improvements came upon agriculture. It was not so with manufactures, as improvements were continually taking place in them. But in agriculture, if an experiment were tried, it required a great length of time to test its efficacy. This was an additional argument in favour of the Government proposition. Many persons, however, expected that we should be Inundated with grain from the United States. Why, the price of wheat in New York, for some years together, was higher than it was in London. The lowest price he had ever heard of in the United States was in Michigan, where he understood that it had been grown as low as 235. a quarter, and yet it was a notorious fact, that at the time that was the price of corn in Michigan the price in New York was as high as in London. On these grounds, he felt little alarm as to the prJbable influx of corn to this country from the United States. He thought it was to our interest to place our trade and com merce on a healthy footing, whether the United States were disposed to follow our example or not. He believed, however, that other rations would be quite ready to follow in our foot steps. He believed that, in the step they were taking, they were laying the foundation of lasting prosperity for their children. _ _ Several Hon. Members rose, but there were loud calls for Sir. T. BARING, who said he much regretted that he was compelled to act in opposition to those whom he had hitherto followed, and whose patriotism and stern sense of duty he had always admired. lie believed that the present measure was unwise and inconsistent. The arguments upon which the Right lion. Gentleman rested his change of opinion was to him (Mr. Baring) quite inconclusive.—(Cheers.) Such a measure as the present required time for full and extensive con. sideration. If some measure, some temporary . measure, were required for the alleviation of distress, that was no reason for the introduction of such a measure as that which was before the House. If the last change in the tariff had been successful, that was an argument in favour of a gradual change, and against such a sweeping measure as the present. He did not believe that the prosperity of the last three years had depended solely on the changes in the tariff. It appeared to him that the prosperity of the country had arisen from the activity of trade, and from the advantageous employment of labour, It was important for him to state the relative connexion between the price of food and the rate of wages. He believed that wages might be high and the price of food law, or that the price of food might be high, and the rate of wages low. There was a large remuneration given for labour in America, and yet food was cheap there.—( Hear, hear.) They had a very low rate of remuneration for hhour in Poland, and provisions were not c'leap there. That fact proved to him that there was no connexion between the price of food and the price of labour.—(Hear, hear.) If the demand for labour decreased with an increasing population, the result would be that the wages must be regulated accord• ing to the pt ice of food, and the wages would therefore be reduced to that sum of money on which a man could exist. He could not, therefore, see anything in these three years of prosperity, gratifyisg as they might be—anything to justify a very grand experiment, which would shake the resources of the whole agricultural country ; it would open a future of which none could see the result. No one viewed the calamities that might happen to Ireland with more regret than he did, and he knew that the reports of famine and disease in that country had given great diasatistaction. If that report was founded on tr.:lh, it would cause an influx of provisions there, and there fore they reed not fear for Ireland. A special case requires a special remedy.—( Hear, hear.) He had undoubtedly heard that the poor Ii ishman lived solely on his crop of potatoes, and if that failed, he had no means of existence. In a case like that he would look to the land cultivators around him for relief; and by this measure the prosperity of those persons who could afford him relief would be reduced. He regretted to hear the statement of the Secretary for the Horne Department—it struck him both with surprise and sorrow.—( Hear.) If ever there was a truly patriotic Minister, he believed that no man was more so than the Right Hon. Baronet, and he would feel it his duty to do all in his power for Ireland. With regard to the scarcity in England, it did not seem to call for a great change in the corn-laws. When the Hon. Member for the City of London moved for a return of all the corn in the ports of this nation, there appeared to have been about 430,000 quarters. It struck him (the Hon. Member for London) that this was a very imperfect supply for this country. but there was at that time in the country, a sufficient stock to last it for two or three months. That fact proved to him (Mr. Baring) that, although the stock of _ bonded corn might be small, yet the real supply rested on the stacks and granaries that were in the country. The 430,000 quarters that were then in the ports were now increased to a million quarters, and that. showed that the first cry of alarm drew ample supplies to this country. It had been proved to him that the potato crop had failed, Litt he found that the supply of barley and oats had been sufficiently plentiful. They knew that the sliding-scale hed failed, bec a u s e sufficient food could not be introduced. Speculators saw that no advantage could be taken of the sliding-scale, and therefore they had to take ad vantage of the sliding-scale of Ministerial nerves.—(lm men,e cheering.) With regard to the alleged statement of the exportation of foreign corn into othr countries. What was the case with regard to Holland and Belgium ? About 100,000 quarters were sent there, and an ample supply was still at the disposal of the country. They had been told last year that there would not be a sound potato by Christmas. A small quantity had been sent to Holland and Belgium, and an ample supp l y could be commanded. The Hon. Baronet at the head of the Government had told them that in Liverpool and other places the price of rice had risen, but a reaction had now taken place, and the price of rice had fallen 25 and even 30 per cent. The public press, or at least that portion of it that opposed the corn-laws, spoke of the starva tion and distress that existed, as connec'ed with them, as it was their wish to cause a !eeling against them—( Hear, hear) —and even the Noble Lord who represented the City of Lon don had adopted that principle for a short time. From the public press, down to a private letter, they were met with the cries of want and distress, but he believed that the greatest want which existed in the country, and which threatened the most danger, was the want of a Ministry—(Loud cheers from the Treasury sida of the House)—and the greatest scarcity was the scarcity of statesmen who could properly govern the affairs of the country—( Continued cheering)—and he was not alone in that opinion. The Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Government stated, when he introduced the measure, that the state of the manufacturing districts required these great changes in the landed interest. He said, in answer to a ques tion which had been put to him, that serious apprehensions were entertained as, to the sad results which would follow in those districts in consequence of the deficient harvest, and it was therefore most advisable to bring in the present measure. The Right Hon. Baronet also referred to a document which made a great impression upon his mind, and be (Mr. Baring) must confess that i had a similar effect upon his own mind. That document stated that it was probable that we should be visited h the same calamities as this count: y laboured under in 1832. The Right lion. Baronet read one extract from that document, which supported his present views, but he declined that .portion to which he (Mr. Baring) would now tike the liberty of calling the attention of the House.—( Hear, hear, and laughter.) The document to which he referred was a circular published by Messrs. Gibson, Ord and Co., eminent merchants of Manchester, on the 22ti of January last. They stated, in one of the paragraphs of that document, that although great anxiety and alarm very justly existed in the country with re gard to the failure of the potato crop, yet there were not grounds for the present very serious excitement. They also stated it to be their candid opinion that it would be a mo.t injudicious plan to open the ports to alleviate apprehended famine—(Mi nisterial claeers)—because such a step would produce the greatest disarrangement in the home and foreign markets.— Such a step, they stated, would be so extravagant and so wild, that they would certainly protest against it.—( Hear,. hear. ) Their goods, they said, would be rendered unsaleable, and the trade• of the country would, for a time, be rendered com pletely stagnant. The cause of alarm, they believed, had been must grossly exaggerated, and it was impossible that the de ficiency could be so great as anticipated. The surplus corn that had lain over for the previous years would, in their opi nion, nearly make up for the deficiency.—( Hear, hear.) The Minister had several courses, they said, open to him to alle viate the impending distress ; but in their solemn opinion they believed that the opening of the ports would unquestionably be so sudden and unexpected a transition, as to some extent to embarrass the Government of the country.—(Ministerial cheers.) Those Gentlemen were not in favour of the corn • laws, but they said that it was their belief that the time had arrived when a change shouid be made in the laws affecting the importation of foreign corn.—(Loud Opposition cheers, and ranch laughter.) Tisoy said that the appreheasiog of the • present scarcity had prepared the minds of all men for it.— ( Cheers and laualiter.) They believed that provision should be made to the utmast possible extent for the apprehended calamity.—(Coetinued Opposition cheers and laughter.) They said, however, that they did not advocate a total and imme diate repeal of the corn-laws, but they were afraid that the existing alarm in the minds of men might make the present a proper time for a great reform in those laws. —( Cheers.) They stated, however, that it would be unjust to the landed interest to create such a revolution in the agricultural policy of the Government as might paralyse the energies and in dustry of the country. They recommended that a moderate fixed duty should be imposed in the first instance, with a progression to an enitre abolition of all duties.—(Loud laughter and cheers from the Opposition side of the House.) Those parties, therefore, who, be it remem bered, were enemies to the present corn-laws, recommended not immediate repeal, but a fixed duty. They also stated that the present alarm about. the failure of the late harvests had been much exaggerated, and further, they did not believe that the present circumstances of the country called for such a step as the opening of the ports by her Majesty's Government. He (Mr, I3aring) referred to the document from which he had read these extracts, because' the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Government had given the stamp of his approbation to it by reading extracts from it when he introduced the present measure. That document showed that the flight Hon. Baronet would not have been justified in opening the ports, a course which he bad proposed to his col leagues in the Cabinet, but which step they, of course, deprecated. (Hear, Lear.) For his (Mr. Baring's) own part, he would say, that in his humble opinion it would have been most injudicious to have opened the ports at that period. This country would, in such an event, have exposed itself to the mercies of foreign powers ; it would have increased the prosperity of other countries by putting an end to its own.—( Hear, hear.) Considering the recent relaxation in the tariff, he confessed that he did not see how the Right Honourable Baronet was justified in bringing forward the present proposal ; which was nothing less than a most sudden and Sweeping mea sure.—(Hear, hear.) Perhaps he might be allowed to say a word or two upon the general measure, particularly in reference to the strong opinion which had been formerly expressed by the Bight Hon. Baronet, as to the importance of a great reserve in the revenue and expenditure. It seemed to him (Mr. Baring), although he did not pretend to any accuracy with respect to the finances of the country, that when the Right He n. Baronet proposed an augmentation in the expenditure on the charges of the Con solidated Fund— being more than half a million—he should re collect that a great loss would arise to the revenue by the abo lition of the duties on the importation of foreign corn,which must necessarily be made up by the imposition of taxes, for he could not expect that the loss would be made up by the duties to be received on the anticipated increa e of foreign goods hereafter to be imported into this country in censeqm• nee of the repeal o: the core-laws. Ile was afraid he had trespass d too long upon the attrition of the House— ( Cheers)—but he was anxious to say that he was not one of those who thought that protection ought to be indiscriminately applied to all articles; he conceived that if protection was claimed for any article of industry, a case should he made out to justify its protection. Each interest in his opinion should be treated according to its peculiar circumstances. He believed that in every s'ep the Legislature, in dealing with subjects of this sort, should adopt the principle which had been long ago laid down by Dr. Adam Smith, and which doctrine had been quoted by the Noble Lord the Member for the City of London at some length. The doctrine to which he ( Mr. Baring) alluded, was tl at Government, in legislating in matters of trade, should take care that the abolition of protective duties be made slowly and by graeations. As regarded the corn-law of 1815, he ( Mr. Baring) was not one who looked to the present as a final measure—he could not believe in finality in any matters of legislation.—( Hear, hear, and laughter. ) Fist still he thought that there was an understanding that that law had worked well, and that it would not be changed by its own authors.—( Hear, hear.) He would not go into the workings of that law, but he would only say that the Government, in questions of this sort, should, in the words used by the Right Honourable Baronet at the head of the Government the other night, " act most cautiously and delibe rately." He hoped, too, that the present measure of the Government would ultimately prove beneficial to this country, but he really could not see why Government should put a check to the confidence of those concerned in the culti vation of the land. It was impossible to say what would be the result of the present measure. There was nobody to in. form the House what would be the amount of foreign corn that would be imported into this country under the proposed measure, and it was also impossible for anybody to protect the price of corn. —( Hear, hear.) In his humble opinion great injury would arise from the sudden change ; it would affect a great interest.—( Hear, hear.) It would shock the confidence of the agriculturists, and destroy stability in every thing connected with the land.—( Hear, hear.) Now, what were the advantages proposed by this measure? Some said that it would cheapen the price of bread ; and if it would not, why bring it forward ?—( Hear, hear.) He believed that every article of consumption was by increase of consumption made cheaper. This shad been the case with respect to the articles of cotton, coffee, tea, and tobacco. The Hon. Baronet had shown himself that the price of wheat had cheapened pro portionably with the increase of consumption and population. Such, he could show by a document which he then held in his hand, had been the effect in the Western States of Ame rica, and the Right Hon. Gentleman the Secretary for War also showed that a similar result had followed in Ohio. But statements on this head were always very uncertain. He, however, held a document in his hind which was generally believed to be correct, although, for his own part, he did not attach much importance to it That document stated that while the population of that country was 600,000 in 1844, the amount of corn consumed was 3,280,000 quarters; and the amount consumed in 1845 was 6,000,000 quarters, whilst the population was 7,000,000. So that the tendency in these countries of an increase in the population was to produce an increased consumption of corn. The forma tion of railroads, however, would almost answer the purpose of the present measure, became those means of transit would con siderably decrease the price of corn. If we depended on foreign supplies of corn, it seemed to him that we should be liable to a great rise in the price. They would find that cotton was subject to great fluctuation in price without the opera tion of free trade. In 1836 the price of cotton at Liverpool was 9d., and at the end of March it had risen to lid., and in the December of that year it was Mid. In the commence ment of 1834 it was ;OA., and at the close of that year it was Bd. The whole of those fluctuations showed that the varia tions were equivalent to 70 per cent, It was sometimes said that the rate of freight was quite suffic'ent to serve as a guarantee for the protection of corn. Now, what was the case with regard to freight? Freight might be taken at 9s. from Odessa, 2s. from Hamburgh, 4s. from the Baltic, and 6s. from New York to Liverpool, with the addition of two or three shillings to London. It was Bs. from New Orleans, and a further charge of 2s. upon the home producer. From Norfolk the freight was Is. 6d., and Boston his., and the effect was that corn shipped at Boston would have to pay the same freight as that shipped from Hamburgh. He had to apologise to the House for occupying their attention so long—( Cheers) —but he would solicit the indulgence of the House whilst he stated, that in his opinion there was a strong feeling on the part of many connected with trade that a moderate duty was far preferable to a total abolition of the corn-laws.—( Cheers. ) It was not, however, for him to enter into the truth of such a position, but he must say that their epinions were deserving of attention at the present moment.—( Hear, hear.) If the Government ever intended making a satisfactory settlement of this matter, now was the time for doing so. lie should certainly see to tranquillity in the country, but he had no des:re to see the tranquillity of content.—( Hear, hear, and laughter.) This measure would produce a great shock in the country, and the people could have no confidence in those who took part in public affairs. Na tional blessings were dearly bought at such a lamentable cost as that offered by the Right Hon. Baronet.—( Hear, hear.) Had it been a satisfactory measure he would have had much pleasure in tendering to the Government his cordial support. It was not a measure calculated to give that satisfaction to the country which ought to be looked for in a measure proposed by the Prime Minister of the Crown. Was it a wise, a politic, or a statesmanlike thing to send a great interest, like the landed interest, from that House without any confidence in any Go vernment ?—(Hear, hear.) Who could doubt that their interest would, by the proposed measure, he seriously injured and their very existence jeopardised.—( Hear ' hear.) Humble as he was, he would venture to say, that while he was in favour of all fair concessions for the freedom of trade, he still thought it both nee.iseary and politic to maintain a moderate protection to agri culture. —( Cheers.) I.ord MORPETH said, if the question had been a less im portant one he would have hesitaeed, at so short a period after having resumed his seat in that House, from presenting him self again to their notice, especially when he rose to take that view of the question which, in his judgment, had received nearly all the illustration of which it is capable— everything which the most consummate ability, the most industrious re search, the greatest amount of official authority, and a pro tracted discussion could possibly bring to elucidate the subject. The question had also received many very illustrious additions. The Hon. Member who had just sat down he knew before to be a friend to free trade in the abstract.— (Cries of " Hear, hear.") But he thought, after his speech of to-night, it would be difficult to discover if, either in abstract, or in detail, he was favouraby disposed to a general relaxation of restrictive duties. He has not told us how far he would go, or where he would stop. lie (Lord Morpeth) thought that a great interest which had been brought forward in the debate, like the agricultural interest of the country, if there was one course more than another which he deprecated, it was that of being subjected to this constant changing, gradual system of experiments.—( Hear, hear.) The Hon. Member has told us that the great want in the preceding autumn was the want of a Minister. Now I think, said the Noble Lord, that want is most sensibly felt by that great and important party of which the Hon. Member is so distinguished an ornament. They have contested every vacant seat in the country, but even still they seemed to be lament ably deficient of a leader and a head.—(No, no, and hear, hear.) If such is not the case, we shall shortly see, when they have displayed their full force and numbers, and made the echo of their own opinions responded to in the country, we shall then see a successful, stable Government formed—( flear)— upon the principles of undiminished protect ion to agriculture. The Hon. Member for Huntingdon ( Mr. Baring) had s'ated, that the present would be a favourable time to effect a com promise on this subject. Ido not know whether he comes down here as the bearer of any overtures upon the principles of compromise. I can tell the lion. Member that the opinion, both in the country and in this House is, that the time for a compromise is gone by. —( Hear, hear.) A compromise was once offered—( Hear, hear) —by the party with whose leader I have the proud satisfaction of acting. The Hon. Member must not ferget, that at that period the party who now hail him as their honourable ally, rejected all notion of compromise. I feel that the best excuse I can have for offering myself to the attention of the Iloese upon this long di,eussed and wide stretching question, ulside has, as I have already stated, re ceived nearly all the illustration it is capable of, would be to confine my observations to what is special and peculiar in my own opportunities that I have bad, and the position which I he'd with respect to it. Since I last. hail the honour of ad dressing this House I have been a traveller on the North American Continent. I have for two years lived in agricul tural districts in that country, and I have lost mot re gained the re p resentation of the West Riding of Yorkshire. And I co cider that the effect of my return as a member for this House, from so large and populous a district as thet West Riding af Yorkshire—as one of the most significant and signal verdicts which could be given—which has been submitted to the country in the sessions of 1846. But there is only one cir cumstance which seems to me to require remark with reference to the opinion of the large Is ely of eonstituents whom I have the honour to represent. The question which lire been brought More them—the projects of the Right H no. Baronet at the head of her Majesty's Gevernment—concerns, as we all know, an infinite variety of 8., tides, besides corn and other provisions. —( Hear, hear.) It meddles almost as much with manufactures as with agriculture.—(No, no, and hear.) Hen. Nlembere say " No, no ;" I maintain that it meddles as much with many leading branches of manufactures as it does with agriculture. (No, no.) Well, it meddles as much as it possibly could.—( Hear, hear.) The abolition of protection in one instance is the same, but in another unlike. The repeal of the duties on manufacture is immediate, and upon corn is gra dual.—( Hear, hear.) I was proceeding to say that the con stituents, by whose choice, I have the honour torepresent, corn prise amongst them the largest woollen, worsted, and steel ma nufacturers in the country. It comprises, also, the largest linen manufacturers in the kingdom. It has alio large iron and considerabia cotton msnufacturare. Now, as RIDAY MORNINti s FEBRUAItY 13, 1846. have just said, the withdrawal of protection to most of these articles is total and immediate, and, with reference to some other of them, the protection is merely nominal. I might men tion that in the case of the cutlery of Sheffield, knives, scissors, raaors, and other articles, for which it has acquired such cele brity, that these articles have been imitated on the continent of Europe—the Sheffield mark has been forged, and they have then been introduced andlsold in this country as genuine Sheffield manufacture. However this may be, certain it is that not one of these interests—all of them directly affected— yet not one of them, in the whole interval of the fortnight which was allowed for the consideration of this measure—not even in the excitement of some vehement appeals which have been made in the principal cities and manu facturing towns— (Hear, hear)—not when all the represen tatives of these manufactures were assembled in large numbers before the hustings at Wakefield—not a murmur, not a whisper, or a demur, or a single feeling of disapprobati' n at this re moval of protection was heard to proceed.—( Hear, bear. ) The general feeling and the expression was, competition may come, we are prepared to meet it ; all we ask is, a fair field and no favour. And why, let me ask, why may not that interest which so often plumes itself as being the most important, the noblest, and the most English-like occu • pation in the country—why should not that interest take a leaf out of the book of these manufacturers, and consent to be no longer the only interest dependent upon a nation's industry? Now, Sir, with reference to my agricultural residence, and the impressions I have derived from it We have now to learn for the first time during the course of this debate, that the land owner pretends to himself, or rather endeavours to persuade himself, that he has not been induced to take the; side he has done for any reason connected with his ownlinterest—he consi ders himself only on a par with the manufacturer. He endea vours to persuade himself that he is not induced to take his part against the corn-laws by any consideration of his own interest, but it is the interest of his tenants and the agricultural la • bourers which he has at heart. It is through the labourer's breast, and by the wound that is irelicted upon him, that he thinks he shall bleed. Now, valuable as I admit the services of the agricultural labourer to be, and immense as I consider the obligation on the part of these individeals to assert and to cherish them, I think it, however, neither more nor less than an act of positive injustice to the community at large to select any interest as a special object of favour— or, as they are not ashamed to term it, protec tion.—( Hear, hear.) In the next place, I ques tion if the protection you wish to preserve is not miscalled and misplaced. The Hen. Member for Northamptonshire (Mr. Stafford O'Brien) presented, in his own picturesque and pathetic style, an interview between a landlord and a farmer, whom he represeets as being turned off his land and compelled to leave his farm and home, endeared to him by so many pleasing recollections, because he could not give the same rent as some enterprising member of the Anti-corn-law Leaeue. —( Hear, hear. ) Mr. STAFFCRD O'BRIEN.—No, no. Lord MORPETH —I thought I understood the Hon. Member to represent the case of a person with more capital, energy, and ability. Mr. STAFFORD O'BRIEN.—I did say so; but he would not necessarily be a Leaguer.—( Hear, hear.) Lord MORPETH.— This argument would not apply, for where they could hitherto buy six quarters of wheat they could now only buy three quarters. The peo ple—the commercial people of this country and the agricul tural labourer, I consider have identical interests, and I say, therefore, that this measure will be a benefit to both. It wig hardly be disputed that the real interests: and well-being of the agriculturist must depet d on the general prosperity of the country, which has such an effect on the working classes, that with the advance of commercial prosperity, their condition in a like ratio became improved.—( Cheers.) Now, had not the demand for labour always existed in a greater degree in years when corn was cheap than in years when corn was dear ? Had it not always been found, that with cheapness of bread, there was an instant demand for labour.—(Cheers.) An Hon. Gent, on the opposite side of the House, said, in talking of the three years experience which they have had, that the prospe rity of that time did not arise from the working of the. tariff, but that it arose from the activity in railway speculation. Why, the Hon. Member for Rutlandshire, said, that in the year 1839, great prosperity existed (he alluded to the late lamented Member for Kendal), but it must be remembered that 1839 was only the beginning of that activity. What do we find in that very year which we are told was so remarkable for the prosperity of their manufacturers?—why, that part of 33 to 35, and 39 to 41, the amount of employment proves a decrease of 33 per cent., while the price of meat rose to an enormous extent. Why it is so plain a principle that no one now will deny it, that when corn is dear the food of the working class must be proportionally entrenched upon.—( Hear, hear.) I want you to take the most excessive view of this matter—let them bring fewer bags of cotton, and even fewer skins from the farmer, but still they the protectionists) must bring "grist to their mill." The demands of the working classes are, that they be enabled to buy in the cheapest market ,the food which is necessary for their support. But I have no hesitation in sayit'g, that these laws are no pro tection to the agricultural farmer or the agricultural labourer. —(Cheers.) I deny that they are protected by those legislative enactments. The Noble Lord, the Member for Liverpool, told the House that the rate of wages did not rise in the same pro portion with the price of provisions. In my own neighbour hood, and I can speak from many years' experience, I am happy to say that wages never varied at all. They have always been in Nottinghamshire so high as 12s. a week. The labourer who paid Is. 9d. for a stone of flour has to pay now 2s 6d. This fact proves that his command over the necessaries of life are materially diminished by the increased price of fool. The difference of 10d. in a stone of flour, makes, on an average of six in the labourer's family, adifference of 2s. 6d. a-week. Now, I put it to the House, whether we should not attribute that uncommon grievance to the income-tax. The labouring man now, by the sweat of his brow, can only earn 311. a-year, and I do think that the time is come to do something for them. I will show the proportion in the articles of food in three families, the tradesman's family, the professional man's family, and the workingman's family.—( Hear.) I find in these families, supposing them to consist of an average of six persons, the tradesman's family pays 12/. 13s. for bread, being 15 per cent. of his sole expenses ; the professional man's family pays Si. 18s., being only 10 per cent. of his expenses; while the working man pays, not 15 per cent., but 48 per cent.— ( Cheers. ) This proves how much more heavily such a re duction as he had alluded to was felt by the labouring man than by the classes immediately above him. The professional man pays for every article of food about one-third ; the food of the tradesman is about one-half; whilst the working man has to pay about threeefourths of his income, leaving him only 25 per cent. for clothes, rent, taxes, and every other outlay incidental to his family. Does not this prevent him in a great degree from bettering his condition and giving his children food ?—(Cheers.) I often thought that the fact on this question was sufficient, and that nothing further need be stated, namely, that there was no increase of the quantity of corn grown in this country, whilst there ,was a daily increase of 1,000 children,.or about three hundred and sixty-five thou sand a-year.—( Hear, hear, and cheers. ) When I assert that as there is not an addition of 365,000 quarters of wheat to the supply produced in this country, that it is most important, and absolutely necessary to procure from abroad such supply— ( Cheers)--Ishould like to know where is the Pharasee or sinner (and I do not say he is to be found among the protectionists) who would deny the necessity of getting from abroad, to main tain and support the increased and increasing population of this country, that food which cannot be procured at home.— (Cries of " Hear, hear.") The Honourable Member for Hcntingdon says that the Ministers ground their objec tion to the corn-laws on the necessity of giving food to the people of Ireland, but I say to the Government that they ought to be just before eley are generous; and although the most Saxon feeling has never refused to give aid when the necessities of Ireland required it ; yet it ought not be at the expense of the Englis people. The Hon. Member for Haddington says we ought not to apply such a remedy to a temporary distress, but I do not know what he means by a temporary evil. I do not like the prin ciples of the sliding-scale —a scale that never slided.—( Laugh ter.) I think no one can reproach the Hon. Gentleman for the course he has adopted ; he may be ashamed, but he can nes er be reproached for this measure.—( Hear, hear.) And with' respect to this argument for the weather—l believe it has been found by all those who have given their especial at tention to the variations of the weather, that the same circum stances of cold or hot, wet or dry weather prevail over large circles of the country, and effect their produce in the same proportion; and that breed, when prices are high in London, will be found to be cheaper in Paris. The latter part of the summer of 1812 was distinguished by a very serene and even temperature, while in North America, where 1 happened to 1 be, we had a succession of the most variable weather, though the summers have the reputation of being ex ceedingly warm, and I was told by many that it was the coldest season that they ever remembered. It was in the recollection of the House that last autumn was exceedingly damp, while they might have read in the papers of the constant heat which prevailed in America, so great that it was actually stated that several persons had died of it. The harvests partook of the character of the weather, and, therefore, when we have any seasons of a marked and unfavourable character,. or when we arc drenched with rain, we may take hope and courage; that, if we do but repeal these corn-laws, the rays that are denied to us will ripen their distant harvests, and their superfluities will be wafted over to us to atone for our deficiencies. But with reference to the continent of America, on which I find myself, I do not wish to allude so much to any of the statistical deductions which my residence there encouraged me to make, as they may be calculated at any distance from its shores. I have felt, I confess, that it was easier to make those calculations when in sight of those endless woods and immense prairies which invite the plough over their fertile plains ; I have felt that as soon as the axe once rings among these forests, that fruitful crops of wheat and maize may yet be transported to supply the, deficiencies of the country. I have felt, however, that the distance of the transit must prevent those extraordinary imports whie.h Hon. Gentlemen have con jured up before their eyes. There must be a long time before the valley of the Mississipi can contain the two millions of in habitants which it has been estimated to be able to sustain. Surely it is a pity that we do not make available those faci- , lities which that vast continent unfolds for the growth and transfer of commodities of which we have so much need. I wish for a moment to mention to the House, before I cease' to trespass on its attention, that notwithstanding much that I have heard, and much that 1 have seen, I have not returned from that country with any favourable impressioon of their moderate tendencies, or their scrupulous attention to good faith.—(hear, hear.) Nor do I retu rn to my home with any increased repugnanc e.—(Loud Ministerial cheers. ) By which mona rchial principles, whi c h were t h e elements of our own Con stitution.—( Loud cheer s.) But I is t o c r t i m e feel that we cannot confro nt the exam p le of g eneral e as e and , e o mean to mixed aristocratic, say any diminished attachment to the comfort which prevails among the American people.—( Hear, hear.) We all know the story of the Irish labourer, who re fused to write home that he had meat three times a day, be cause nobody would believe him. We cannot confront the growing aspirations of our own people—we cannot confront the onward tendencies of the age in which we live, if we do not consent to administer and to work out our aristocratic notions in a more democratic spirit.—( Cheers.) Notwithstanding that implied dissent, I contend that no aristocratic institutions which* rest on exclusive privileges will be able to stem the current of the ale.—(Ch e ers.) I contend th a t th ere i s no aristocratical body which rests on especial interests will escape their certain downfal—(Cheers) —and that no aristocracy, no matter how long descended, can exist with the corn-law when the pressure will come, end that corn-law will be pro hibitory. I think t'sat that will be too hard a strain for any title deed, no matter how ancient to resist. I am not imputing to the great bulk of the aristocratic party, that any of their members should have a disposition to come out to promote any personal interest that may affect them individually, or to sup port measures for their exclusive benefit. Stet t h e ,. are the interests not of individuale 4 but of a class %%bleb they have been in the habit of keeping prominent iu their view. There is a concealed esprit de corps amongst them, and a re fined degree of selfishness sshisli merges itself into generosity, and is easily mistaken for it. When we think that a party with whom we. have long acted is likely to be outnumbered in these circumstances, monopoly itself, when it has neared its downfal, will be invested in a kind of stmpatliy, such as that we feel for the culprit when he stands at bay. But we cannot be permitted, when the general interests of the country are at stake,.to indulge in any such misplaced and morbid sympathy It is part of true patriotism, as well as philosophy, to put the universal, in preference, over the particular s I would, there fore, conjure those who belong to the aristocracy of the country, whether connected by hereditary right or landed property, to rise alove any of the especial interests. and to bear their part in the progressive spirit of the age. I grudge to the other side the adhesion of the names efdthe Marquis of Granby and Lord Clive, for I feel that our aris tocracy has ever marched with that progress, and identified itself with every glorious period recorded in our history. Let them not refuse to bear their part in a settlement which, if not adjusted with them, must be adjusted in spite of them.— ( Hear, hear.) I believe they continue to make it an esteemed and honoured party—let them make it as much their pride, as it is their duty, as well as their safety, to be the leaders and not the loggers in the onward march of the British people. —(Loud cheers.) . . GASKELL said that he considered that it was the duty of a public man to maintain a character for consistency.—( Hear. ) Perhaps, without presumption, he might call him his Right lion. Friend.—( Hear, hear.) During the last fourteen years he had supported him, and he would be glad to support him on the present occasion if he could reconcile it to his idea of duty, but he felt it to be impossible for him to run counter to his own implied engagements, and to his recorded votes.—( Loud cheers.) Notwithstanding the eloquent speeches of the Right Hon. Gentlemen the Secretary of State and the Secretary at War, he had yet to learn that this Parliament was elected for the purpose of demolishing all protection to agriculture. In his opinion they had been elected, not only to entertain a total departure from those principles, but even the smallest suspension of that protection which the corn-laws conferred. —( Loud cheers.) He would not enter into the general ques tion. The state of indisposition under which he laboured pre vented him from doing so, and he would not detain the House much longer. He would, however, briefly explain the grounds of the principles which he intended to influence his conduct with regard to this great question. During the last four years, in which he had occupied a seat in that House he had invariably opposed all measures of a similar nature which had been brought forward by the Noble Lord the Member for London, and the Hon. Member for Wolverhampton ; and he did so under the guidance of those Members who were now bringing forward measures precisely similar in their tendency. He was always of opinion that Parliament was bound to give a mode rate protection to agricultere; and he was supporting it in that opinion, with some of the greatest men of the present and past generation.—(Loud cheers.) He was supported by Canning, by Huekisson, by Earl Grey, by the Right Hon. Baronet— (Hsar, hear)—by the Noble Lord opposite (Russell), by Lord Ashburton, and others.—(Loud cheers.) He must be for given, therefore, if he said .that the impressions made upon it by the Right Honourable Gentleman himself and others were too strong to be ontvreighed by the arguments which were now advanced in support of a policy directly the reverse. —( Cheers.) There where other objections which he considered were equally weighty against this measure. He could not help thinking that the Right Hon. Baronet was not the individual to propose, nor the preeent House of Commons the body to sanction, such an alteration.—( Cheer.. ) He was ready, however, to admit that the Right Hon. Baronet was actuated by a sense of public interest in the proposition which he had made, and that he had made sacrifices in bringing it forward; but he had made sacrifices on a former occasion, and the greatest was that in 1829. The present one was the next in importance. With regard to the first, he lost the represen tation c f the college of Oxford—(Cheers)—and the confidence of his party. This confidence,however, was afterwards bestowed upon him, but no w h e h as sacr ifi ce d that party which he had ever declared to be his own pride.—( Loud cheers.) Nobody could doubt but the great majority of the present Parliament had been elected for the purpose of maintaining the principle of protection to agriculture. He would say, notwithstanding the speech of the Hon. Member for Wakefield, that it appeared to him impossible for a Parliament so constituted, unless com pelled by the strorgest, the most cogent, and the most conclu sive reasoning, to concur in the proposal of her Majesty's Go vernment.-4 Loud cheers.) It was not the change of the Right Hon. Baronet that filled his mind with apprehension, but it was the change of so large a hods in that House as would follow in the wake of the Right; Hon. Gentle man. And he confessed that such a change was calculated to lead the public to a complete distrust in public men.—( Loud cheers.) It might be asked, why were they not tied down by pledges? Why did they not give pledges ? The reason why they were not delegates was because they were trusted.— (Loud cheers.) For himself, he could say with truth, highly as he valued the dignity of a Parliamentary representative, much as he prized the sphere of usefulness which that position conferred upon them, he would rather forfeit his seat to-mor row than be obliged to give pledges as to the course which on ordinary occasions he should pursue on public questions. But there were implied engagements from which any representative could not deviate without total abandon ment of centidence and a complete forfeiture ;of all claims to be considered as the 'representative of his constituency.— (Cheers.) His Right Hon. Friend the Member for Wiltshire, said that they Were not to be considered as mere ambassadors and delegates of local bodies.—(Cheers.) Let that Hon. Gentleman take care that the course which he pursued was a ceurse which must inevitably lead to that local delegation, which he repudiated—(Loud cheers)—and to a greater ex tension of that principle. Another doctrine which had been broached was one calculated to fill his mind with the greatest astonishment and alarm—a doctrine which was broached in a quarter which was usually regarded with the greatest deference and respect. That doctrine was, that at the head of the Go vernment was strongly advocated a measure from which a portion of his colleagues dissented; that that Govern ment must, unless those colleagues came over to his opinion, be broken up.—( Cheers.) In the speech of the Hon. Member for Liverpool, and in that of the Hon. Member for Inverness, this doctrine appeared to be sanctioned, but if it were generally recognised, he considered that it was a doctrine which would be utterly fatal to the independence of Parliamentary men—utterly inconsistent w ith the usages which Parliament have always been iefluenced by—that it would have the effect of making them mere agents and local delegates, and be totally at vari ance with the spirit of the Constitution.—(Loud cheers.) There was one other point to which he would call the attention of the House. If those gentlemen who were returned to vote against the principles of the Right Hon. Baronet should again present themselves to their constituencies, afterhaving voted 4 contrary to their promises, what shall they have to offer for their breach of trust ?—( Hear, hear.) When the agricultural portion of the country shall be called upon to tender their votes at the hustings, how would they respond to that call ? ( Hear, hear.) Would they not reply to that call with feelings of indifference? would they not say that they had no cause to represent no interest to protect?—( Hear, hear.) It was no light thing to show the constituency—it was no light thing to show to the people—that their representatives advocated one set of principles at the hustings, and voted otherwise in the Legislature.—( Cheers.) He had given this subject his most serious consideration—he had given it his most serious consideration independent of party feelings, and he had come to the conclusion that this was a measure fraught with the utmost danger to the agricultural in terests of the country.—( Hear, hear.) He regretted that he was compelled to differ in the most important measure of mo dern times with the Right Hon. Baronet, but it was with a clear conscience he should vote against the measure. —(Cheers. ) Mr. ROEBUCK—The Honourable Member, who was for some time most inaudible to the gallery, was understood to say, that considering the various and conflicting opinions expressed by many Honourable Members on the question before the Howe, he naturally approached it with great difficulty. There satwasdown a remark h madeb al ythe Hon s o o u m r e ab a l n e s G w e en ntlem lt an mi w ot who had very hadjust proper for those who had made pledges to their constituents to recommend the giving up of those seats. It would be well for those Hon. Members to give up the seats which 'they had retained on such promises. It was, however, a matter of consideration for Parliament to show that the people were properly represented by the character of the measures which were brought forward. It was a great question in the debate as to the character of delegation. He wished to know if the delegation was nothing? What he wished to know was the representative. Representing as he did a large constituency in his own person—( great laughter)—he may have represented himself in a very singuiar manner, so as to excite the laughter of Hon. Members, but he was the representative of a large portion of the people, but if he were to have thrown up his seat in that House, when conscientiously compelled to differ from his constituents, he would have had to do so long since, for it would be remembered, that he had many times voted con trary to their wishes. It was not the country that called upon Hon. Members to resign their seats, it was the close bole ughs. —(Loud cries of " No, no," " Name, name.") He hoped that lion. Members would not cry out name, for it so hap pened that he could put his fingers on the names of those places. lie would say that those who should hereafter read the discussion of this measure, would be surprised at the senti ments expressed by many. The practical statesman who shall come hereafter, will take the practical philosophy of legislation and would not be projudiced by party views. It was a remarkable thing that the Hoe. Baronet who had brought forward the principles embraced in the present measure should have waited till 1846 before he should have changed his principles; and it was stated to be a remark able thing on that side of the House, by the Noble Lord (Lord (J. Russell). Ile was sure the Noble Lord was actuated by he most Honourable motives, and he would give the Right lion. Baronet the benefit of the same motives. The Right Hon. Baronet had waited till the disease of the potato in Ireland was fully proved, and he deemed that that was a good reason for a change in his principles. lie was not attacking this change of principle, but he was merely stating his opinion of the Right Hon. Baronet as a statesman. He should not look at this question as one emanating from a great party—it was no party question. The Hon. Gentleman who had last spoken said much of party, but he ('Mr. Roebuck) could see nothing of party principle ; but it was arriving at the right principle after a great delay. It was, however, so far as the lion. Member was concerned, a principle not to be applied—for he said do not allow it to come into Committee. lie would come to the principle of the party passed, but now, as avowed, broken up. The professors of those principles say, de not take off protec tion. The lion. Member for Rutland said, if you take off pro tection, all the corn of the world will come into this country. He said if you took off protection corn would fall from 575. to 19s. Tho Honourable Member said that it required protection, , so that it would be seen that the people of this country paid, instead of 195., 575. per quarter. He should look at the party who benefited by this great cost to the country. Who were they? They were the tenant famers and landowners. The Gen tlemen who opposed the taking off of protection were very anxious to maintain wages. But how did they carry out the principle? Why, by making the labourer pay 575. instead of 19s. per quarter. They say, we are about to destroy the agri cultural labourer by taking off protection. How were they about to do this? Was it by reducing the price of food ? lie had not heard it attempted to be proved by those who opposed this question that the condition of the labourer would scot be improved by the measure before the llouse. They had said that he would be ruined, but had they endeavoured to prove it. This was the necessary consequence of such a mode of pro ceeding. The Hon. Member had spoken of the injustice and oppression of those enactments, as some of the consequences of a long Parliament ; but how comes it that he had taken no accourn of the position of the labouring classes. The tenant farmer also required to have his condition attended to. The tetant farmer, by the operation of this law, might still retain his farm, but the law would materially affect him. The Honourable Member for Northampton had stated, that under the operation of the new law, a certain portion of land would not produce as much corn under the operation of the new law, as it would at present; and if the same argument held good in all such cases, he woulsask if the did the nottenantthe liom Aen farmerwasittbr g o e employaruhe that iscaitalin this 1 way,people employed in other branches of business should do the same? —( Hear, hear,) Let it go to the public then, that the pro tectionist party wished to keep up the price of food at fifty. two shillings, instead of nineteen shillings, per quarter.—(No, no.) If it was not than he (fir. Roebnek) wished to know what their object o as.—( Hear, hear.) Was it not their object to raise the price of food?—(Hear, hear.) And for what purpose was that done, but to raise their own rent-rolls? ( Renewed cries of " Hear, hear.") He had heard a Right lion. Gentleman on the opposite' benches describe what the cause was that induced the supporters of the corn-laws to maintain them, and . th a t . was; in his own words, to maintain his position. in .society, or rather, as he (Mr. Roebuck) el inuld translate it, to put money in his pocket at the expens(; of the unfortunate people of the country.--(No, no, and hear, hear: ) No, no; why under pretence of .protecting agriculture, was it not the fact that the protectionists put money in their pockets?—(No, no.) Why let any Hon. Member show him the converse of the assertion.— ( Hear, hear.) It was easy to cry s " No, no," and make a noise and a fuss ; but let the contrary be proved to the satisfaction of the House. He asserted that it could not.—( Hear, heer. ) He might as well take the present opportunity of stating that it would be beneficial if the Legis• lature, whilst contemplating the relaxation of duty on human food, would take advantage of the same opportunity to im prove the moral as well as the physical condition of the people. —( Hear, hear.) There certainly would be the oppoitunity of a greater outlay- of capital; but if care were not taken, the caladium c.f the people would fall Inols if the measure should not be accompanied by an enlarged educational policy; other wise, did they not avail themselves of that opportunity, the con.. dition of the people would be much and seriously deteriorated. --( Hear.) And when they had provided for the destitute condi tion of the people, and had put the labouring classes upon a fair footing; then, and not till then, would they deserve the name of Legislators. Sir HOWARD DOUGLAS rose to move that the debate should be then adjourned.—(Cries of "No, no," and " Ad journ, adjourn.") Mr. HODGSON HINDE said that, on the first night of this debate, he had expressed his opinion in a few words. He be lieved that it was perfectly competent to speak on the original question on the motion of adjournment.—(Laughter.) For a considerable number of years he had enjoyed the honour of a seat in that House, and he had also the honour of representing a very large constituency. He confessed that his opinion was, that native industry ought to be protected, and, in making that declaration, he was in a peculiar position, as his'con stituency was entirely commercial, while he himself was en tirely connected with the agriculturist. He believed that it had been said that it was the interest of this country to buy in the cheapest market and to sell in the dearest one. That was certainly true to some extent, but it admitted of a modifi cation. The true policy of this, and every other country, was to increase the home supply of food, but he did not think that the plan proposed by the Right Hon. Gentleman was the one that would have that effect. It was necessary that we should make ourselves independent of every foreign nation for our supply of food. We bad centrived to do so when every other nation was opposed to us during the war, but the system at present wassuch' that our shipowners could not compete with foreign countries. If the Right Hon. Gentleman would repeal the duties on co lonial produce, it would be calculated to do some good in se curing their prosperity, but the present plan would fail in ac complishing the objects for which it was to be carried. He would refer to the Hon. Member for the West Riding of Yorkshire (Lord Morpeth), who said, that great benefit would arise from the meaeure in unfavourable seasons. That when there was an unfavourable harvest in Northern Europe, there would be, in all probability, a favourable harvest in Ame rica, and vice versa. Would not this take place by extending the advantag es now proposed for the benefit of foreign countries for the colonies alone? In that ea e they would not be dependant on the caprice of foreigners. The Hon. Member for Liverpool, and another Hon. Member who had addressed the House, had expressed themselves in disapprobation of the measure, yet said they would rote for it, because it would avoid the greater evil, of the Noble Lord the Member for the City of London coming into office. He (Mr. Hodgson Hind) could not take this view of his public duty. Was the Noble Lord ( Lord Sandon) so blind as to suppose that if he supported the Government, in its present measures, that Government could remain in office?—( Hear, hear. ) Could he suppose that after the events of the present session, the present Ministry could continue to rule the country? The Government, in proposing their measures, he believed were greatly mistaken. He denied the assertions that the Conservative party depended on the Right Hon. Baronet any more than the Right Hon. Baronet depended on the party. Without that party the Right Hon. Baronet would never have come into power. Therefore he should not now exert his ivauence to defeat the objects though that party had produced his elevation. They had heard a great deal of the calamity of famine that . was about to happen. If that calamity takes place it will be immediately, whilst the Right Hon. Baronet's remedy will not come into operation for three years. He, hovrever, described the condition of the country as ex ceedingly prosperous. He stated that the people were con tented, happy, and peaceful, to an extent never known before. The great error of the Government was, that they had no sound discretion, and they all remembered the epitaph—it might apply to the course pursued by them—that was placed over the victim of quackery— " I was well, I would be better, and here I am." —(Laughter. ) Sir HOWARD DOUGLAS moved the adjournment of the debate. FISHERY PIERS AND HARBOURS (IRELAND) BILL. The House then went into Committee; and, after a few words from Sir R. FERGUSON, passed the different slauses of this Bill. The House then resumed, and the Citations (Scotland) Bill, was then read a third time and passed. DRAINAGE (IRELAND) BILL. The House then went into Committee on the Drainage (Ire laud) Bill, when 111 r. F. FRENCH suggested some slight alterations, which were acceded to. Lord CLEMENTS said he was exceedingly obliged to the Government for introducing such a Bill, and that if the Government enabled the landlords of Ireland to drain their property independent of the Board of Work's, it would give very great satisfaction. He hoped the Right Hon. Baronet would not deem it his duty to stop such a useful measure. He (Lord Clements) knew that several parts of Ireland were frequently inundated from ob structions in rivers, which a few pounds would remove. Several clauses were agreed to, and the House resumed. On the metion of Sir JAMES GRAHAM, the Committee on the County Works Presentments (Ireland) Bill was post poned till Monday. Mr. AGLIONBY brought up the report on the Edinburgh and Northern Railway, the Brighton and Chichester, and several other railways. The House adjourned at Half-past One. PARLIAMENTARY BUSINESS. From the Votes and Proceedings of the House of Commons.) WEDNESDAY; FEB. I l. The following Petitions for Railways were reported, and the Bills ordered to be brought in I.y the undernamed Hon. Members : Wished), St. Ives, and Cambridge Junction-31r. FeHowes, Mr. Childers, and Mr. Allix. Manchester, Sheffield, and Midland Junction—Mr. G. H. Cavendish, Mr. Evans, and Mr. B. Denison. Lancaster and Carlisle (Extension to Caledonian Railway), and Lan caster and Preston Junction Amalgamation—Colonel Lowther and Mr. C. Howard. Bristol and South Wales Junction Railway and Ferry—Mr. P. ➢files, Mr. H. Berkeley, and Sir J. Guest. York and North Midland (Widening and Enlargement)—Sir J. H , Lowther and Mr. Hudson. Leeds, Dewsbury, and Manchester (Deviations and Branches)—Mr. B. I)enison, Mr. Beckett, and Mr. Aldam. Grand Junction (Huyton and Aston, Huyton, Prescott, and St. Helen's, Warrington and Kenyon, Warrington and Parkside, Shoxvhill and Portobello, and Edghill and Huyton Branches)— Mr. Patten and Viscount Sandon. North Union—Mr. Patten, Mr. Clifton, and Captain Lindsay. Kirkintillock and Kilsyth—Mr. Craig and Mr. bennistoun Brighton, Lewes, and Hastings Deviations, and Eastbourne, Hail• sham, Seaford, and Newhaven Branches—Mr. Fitzroy and Mr. Elphinstone. London and Brighton (Wandsworth Branch)—Mr. Kemble and Captain Pechell. Newcastle and Darlington (Sunderland and Wearmouth Dock Pur chase and Branchos)—Mr. Liddell, 31r. Ilinde, and Mr. Hudson. Sheffield and Lincolnshire Junction—Mr. Parker and Mr. Vernon. The following hallway Bills were presented, read a first time, and ordered to be read a second time : London and Brighton (East Grinstead Branch)—" for making a Branch Railway from the London and Brighton Railway to or near to the town of East Grinstead, in the county of Sussex." Vv Newcastle and Berwick--" for enabling the Newcastle and Ber wick Railway Company to make certain Branch Railways in the county of Northumberland." Grand Junction (Huyton and Warrington Branch)—" for enabling the Grand Junction Railway Company to make a Branch Line of Railway from llnyton to Warrington, tnd for amending the former Acts relating to the said Company." Manchester and Birmingham —" to empower the Manchester and Birmingham Railway Company to make certain Branch Railways." London arid South-Western (Farnham and Alton Branch)—" to enable the London and South-Western Railway Company to make a Branch Railway to Farnham, in the county of Surrey, and Alton, in the countx'of Southampton." NOTICES GIVEN AT THE PRIVATE BILL-OFFICE. WEDNESDAY, FEB. 11. Surrey Grand Junction Railway—Committee on Petition, Thurs day, Feb. 19. Blackburn and Preston Railway—Second reading, Monday, Feb.l6. Liverpool, Ormskirk, and Preston Railway—Second reading, Mon day, Feb. 16. Cork Passage, and Kinsale Railway—Committee on Petition, Thursday, Feb. 19. Oldham, Manchester, Liverpool, and Birkenhead Railway—Com mittee on Petition, Thursday, Feb. 19. Ashburton, Newton, and South DeVon Railway—Second reading, Monday, Feb. 16. North Staffordshire Railway (Harecastle and Sandbach Line) — Second reading, Monday, Feb. 16. North Staffordshire Railway (Churnet Line)—Second read ing, Monday, Feb. 16. Midland Railway (Birmingham and Clone-eater Branches)—Com mittee on Petition, Thursday, Feb. 19. • einem Junction Railway—Committee on Petition, adjourned till Monday, Feb. 16. Manohcatcr and Southampton Railway—Committee on Petition, adjoOrned till Tuesday, Feb. 17, NAVAL INTELLIGENCE. PORTSMOUTH. WEDNESDAY.—The Scourge steam bomb vessel, Commander Coffin, went from Spithead to the back of the Isle of Wight yesterday morning to make a trial of her mortar, now that she has all her sea-going stores, ammunition, &c., on board, prior to being reported ready and trustworthy for sea service. On the present occasion the Scourge went out about nine o'clock, having on board Captain Chads, of the Excellent ; Captain Stevens, of the Royal Marine Artillery ; Lieutenant Robert 'Telmer, Gunner Lieutenant of the Excellent; and other distinguished scientific officers. The 'firing was under the direction of Commander Coffin. Only tea shells were fired, and those not live shell ; one with a charge of 101 h., and all the others with the fall charge of 201 b. of powder; the range was not observed, but the shock to the vessel on firing was far greater that when she was tried when light. So great indeed was it that the centre bolt of the mortar-bed rose abontyaur inches, and the china and such like ware in the captain's cabin „as smashed. Beyond these no casualties or damage occurred. The immersion on firing was not so great as when the vessel was light. She now draws exactly 14 feet 6 inches aft, and lies 373 tons of coal cm board. The long gun (56-poundcr) was not tired. The opinion of the officers was, that the experiment was successful, but hem such an opinion could be arrived at, when hitherto all the shells that have been tired were not loaded, we are at a loss to understand. The Styx steam-sloop, Commander lioruby, was at Ascension on the 20th of December. This vessel has captured three slavers—viz., the Regenedavere and Ezpiza (empty), and the Isabel, with 352 slaves on board. It is supposed the three prizes will give the com mander 4001., and the officers and crew according to their ratings in proportion. We regret to find, however, that the Styx has been vi sited by fever, of which the master (Mr. R. Rundle), a valuable officer, and seen seamen, whose names are not known to us, have died. A private letter states—" We were ordered here (Ascension) Im mediately, but were so reduced from sickness and prize crews, that, with the exception of the boatswain, the commander was the only officer doing duty, with 9 men in one watch, and 11 in the Other. Our men are now in the hospital doing well. It is snapring ed Com- suffered s mauler Hornby will invalid and return England, h severely from the fever." The Vindictive, 50, Captain SeYmour, flag of Vice-Admiral SiS' Francis Austen, K.C.8., was at Barbadoes, all we ll , on the 19thuit.; as also was the Eurydice, 26, Captain Elliot, which ships were to sail on the 19th instant for the various islands under the Admiral's com mand, touching at Bermuda last. This cruise (says a private letter) was to test the respective sailing qualiti es of the two vessels. The Pique, 36, Captain the Hon. M. Stopford, arr i ve d a t Barbad oes on the 2d ult., at which date she was about to undergo a trifling refit, prior to sailing to England to be paid orr. The Rose; 18, Commander Pelley, arrived at Kingston, Jamaica, on the 6th of January, from Bermuda. The Pickle, 2, Lieutenant -Commander Bainbridge, arrived at Jamaica, on the 6th ult., from Port-au-Prince. The Vesuvius steam-sloop, Commander O'Callaghan, arrived at Jamaica, on the sth ult., from Bermuda. The Hennes steam-sloop, Lieutenant-Commander W. Carr, arrived at Port-au-Prince, on the 23d of December, from Jamaica. The Frolic, 16, Commander Hamilton, arrived at Maxatlan, on the 24th of November, from San Bias. The Ann and Elizabeth schooner, wrecked on the Spit, having driven from her anchors in the night of the 19th ult., during a terrific gale, was "weighed" during last night by 3lessrs. Garratt and Gibbon, the agents to Lloyd's, who have bceninde:atigable in their endeavo rs to recover all possible from the wreck since the vessel went down, and fifteen tons . more of her cargo were got out of her. The v,ssel le now placed in four feet shoaler water than she was. . . The Rattler screw steam-sloop, Commander Smith, went out o harbour yesterday under canvass, and sailed for Plymouth. She di not use her steam, and appeared to be going, with all common sail set, at about nine knots per hour. The - Grampus, 50, Captain H. B. Martin, sailed on Sunday eve ing for Dovouport, where she arrived on Monday, en route to Rio. The sailing qualities of this frigate were good, but her aceammoda ticins, and more essential qualifications as an efficient man-of-war. N,ry inferior. The Cyclops steam-frigate, Captain Lapidge, is getting on with her refit very smartly, and wilt be ready to return to the River Plate in a few days. She had her foremast taken out yesterday afternoon, and hhipped a new one this morning. Tier mainmast is re-rigged, rfird the repair of defects nearly completed. The Java, 50, alongside the jetty, is under the hands of the dock yard artisans, being prepared for commission. The Amphitrite razes corvette, for heavy metal, is cops and painting, and will be ready for the pendant in a day or two. The Trincomalee, sister ship, has been ready some time, and cS pected to hoist the pendant The Dec steam ~ -transport, Master-Commander Thoma:nperlovripler, having coaled, &c left yesterday afternoon fur Plymouth d with supernumeraries. En.B.ATurs.—The remarks attributed to Mr. S. O'Brien, towards the close of our Fatharo3zt.t-y report yesterday, were =ade Lord G. Beutinck. U.: s s howerer,,,-c:za se , Item thi C 41404 Wit t 1111311111164 IP9 6016 Del% wood GREAT FREE-TRADE DEMON- STRATION. BRISTOL, WEDNESDAY IsTroirr.—This evening a tea meet ing was held at the large public rooms, Broadmead, in aid of the Quarter•of-a-Million League Fund. The attendance was numerous and highly influential, several of the leading merchants of the city being present. The chair was taken by George Thomas, Esq., and merchant, and a liberal sup porter of the League. When tea was concluded, The CHAIRMAN said that a p e titi on h a d been sent from this City, signed by 18,000 persons, for a total and immediate repeal of the corn-laws. It wrs sent to Mr. Berkeley, one of the Members for Bristol, with a request that he would pre sent it to the House and support its prayer. A similar request was also made to Mr. P. Miles, the other Memb er . Letters had been received from each of those gentle men, the former agreeing in the sentiments of the petitioners, the latter saying that he could not give his vote in favour of total and immediate repeal. The Chairman went on to state that the present meeting was to assist the League fund, which some time ago it was determined should be raised, so that they might en deavour to obtain a majority of free-traders at the next general election. It was their ivish to raise a quarter of a million, and they ought not to relax in their efforts because they now had a prospect of attaining their end, as it was possible that there might be an opposition in the House of Lords which would give rise to a dissolution of Parliament. If Par liament were dissolved, they would wt the money. He hoped, however, that they would -not want it. At present it was only their intention to call for 20 per cent. on the amount subscribed. It was the wish of some parties that the League might be dissolved, and so it will be when the total repeal of the corn-laws was effected; but till that period. the members of the League must not give up their exertions. They were not disposed to offer a factious opposition, indeed, no opposition to the Ministry, in carrying the present mea sure. If the Bill of the Government were carried, they would attain the object which they had in view, in 1849; and, therefore, it would be folly in them to run the risk of losing it in its present shape. It was a matter of congra tulation that they had arrived at the present stage, so as to be able to see that at no distant period they would at tain that which they had all along been trying for.—(flear.) After some allusion to the state of the port of Bristol, which he regretted was not in a position to reap the advantages of free trade, in consequence of the dock question, he expressed his regret that oppoiition,to the Government measure should have been introduced by one of the Members for the City of Bristol. He felt that Mr. Miles, as a merchant of Bristol, in doing that, had compromised the character of Bristol —compromised it by his having opposed a measure which would result in so much benefit to the city.—(Cheers.) He was sure that that gentleman's constituents did not ap prove of his conduct ; he did not doubt but that three quarters of the Conservatives of the city were in favour of free trade. Some how or other, it now appeared that hun • dreds and thousands of the people had become converts to free trade in a very few months.—(Hear, and cheers.) After some remarks upon the benefits which would result from free trade in a commercial point of view, the Chairman said that after they had obtained free trade they would hear but very little more of wan—(llean ) Free trade would destroy wars. He firmly believed that free trade would be the best, and, perhaps, the only way, of set tling the disputebetween this country and America.—(Hear.) 'This was evident from the way in which the question had been met by the Americans, from the sentiments uttered by the Secretary to the Treasury of the American Government, h ich were in accordance with the views of the free-traders.— (Hear.) So many circumstances coming together must im press upon their minds the fact that the finger of Providence was to be traced in them. What they considered to be a great evil, namely, the rot in the potato, brought the ques tion to its point: No doubt but that the Government had made up their minds upon the subject, and were waiting a fitting opportunity to bring forward their measures; that op portunity had arrived, and they had taken advantage of it. There was no doubt but that Sir R. Peel had long entertained the principles of free trade, and when Sir Robert Peel went out of office, he (the Chairman) felt very thankful that Lord John Russell could net succeed in ft riming a Ministry. When there seemed to be a prospect of his succeeding in the forma tion of a Government, lie (the Ch:i man) trembled for the consequences; and when Sir Robert Peel resumed office, he was satisfied that the question would speedily be settled.— (Cheers.) He hoped that they would all be united in support ing the Government on this great measure, and if the house of Lords should not accept it, he trusted that they would be in a position to show that the voice of the country was with the Ministry.—(Cheers ) The Rev. GEORGE Airmsuroxc (Unitarian minister) fol lowed the Chairman. He congratulated Colonel Thompson and the free-trade advocates upon what he might call the successful termination of labours extending over a period of twenty years. It was gratifying now to find men of all par ties agreeing that free trade is the only measure which can work advantageously for this great empire.—(Cheers.) Colonel Tiroast-sox then rose, and was received with loud cheering He said that they met under very altered cir cumstances from what they were in twelve months ago. He could truly say that their enemies were made to be at peace with them. ; let them, then, lay aside all unfriendly recollec tions and hostile feeling, let them make the utmost of the bounty which Heaven had bestowed upon them, and take all reasonable care that none of the advantages slip away from their own carelessness, that they would do their en deavours to carry forward the fruits of their great success, wherever the condition of mankind should open the occasion. He rejoiced that the trust of executing this great object bad fallen where it had. Ile should be glad if they would throw aside all remnants of party feeling, throw aside all recollection of what had passed, and, as honest men, know and feel nothing except that they were seeking the improvement of the con dition of the country.—(Cheers.) It was most remarkable to see how men's convictions had increased, how their appre hensions had sunk, how their jealousies had diminished, till at last the truth broke forth in that very place where they looked for the greatest opposition.—(Cheers.) Reasonable care then was all that was wanted to improve the present object, and that reasonable care it was the intention of the League to exert, as it was not for prudent men to be hasty in think ing all the danger was over.—(Hear, hear.) In respect of this great measure one of their representatives in Parliament was with them. " I know him (continued the Colonel), I know him well ; lie is a ladies' man.—(Laughter and cheers.) So am I. —(Renewed laughter.) I know him because we met in what was called a ladies' committee in the House of Commons. Perhaps he would remember me ; but, whether he does or does not, I am sure lie would not take it amiss, if before you all I should offer him my humble thanks for the part he has taken on the present occasion in support of your cause, and that of all of us."—(Cheers.) Your other Member is in a way of learn ing—(Laughter)—there is, however, less hopeful ways than that ; you must teach him.—( Laughter.) You must in struct his ignorance wherever that seems removable. On one point he is right already—he says that if this great change is to take place, it had much better take place now.— (Hear and cheers.) " A Daniel come to judgment."— (Laughter and cheers.) That is what you elected him for— you knew that he was capable of uttering such a wise sentiment as that when__ )our city sent him to Par liament.—(Loud laughter.) Urge him upon that point ; let it be publicly known that you approve of his conduct ; beg of him that he will impress the necessity he sees on the House of Commons, and let him know that you and he co- incide in the belief that it would be wiser to remove the evil than to postpone it for three years, and that much evil would result from such postponement. That the proposed measure would give the Continent three years' warning, by which all the corn that the Continent could produce would be grown, which would, up to the end of the three years, be poured upon our country; and that therefore it would be much better for the farmer that the total repeal should take effect at once.—(Hear, hear.) I wonder what "farmer's friend " invented that plan.—(Loud laughter.) Now surely that is one of the points which the Minister ought to mind, and you may depend upon it he is only waiting for good assistance to induce him to amend it, if I am not mistaken.—(Loud cheers.) The speaker west on to say that there was another subject which grieved him a little. He did not like the leaving - of a remnant of the duty, even the one shilling. If something of the sort be desired, in ordor that it might be known how much corn came into the country, he would suggest that their object was to get corn rather than to know how much came into the country.—(Laughter.) If, however, it were desirable that we should know the quantity which came in, he would, ask if such knowledge could not be equally ob tained by a one shilling bounty instead of a one shilling duty ?—tHear, hear.) He did not doubt, however, that without either duty or bounty a correct return of the quan tity imported could be procured. Let there-be a 501. penalty for making a wrong declaration, and very few captains of vessels would be tempted to risk the penalty. Colonel Thompson proceeded to extol the conduct of the Premier in respect of the Oregon question, stating that his promptitude had had the effect of subduing the warlike spirit which ]tad begun to manifest itself in the United States, and p i r i ognce th t; eating that his (the Premier's) measures would aye effect of averting the war altogether.—(Hear, hear. R. R. It. Moore, Esq., was next intr oduced and was received with loud cheers. After congratulating _ to the meeting, the company upon the change which had been wrought the s m i o n f d s a of c t o h n e si p d e e o ra p b le le at p l o a r r t g i o e, n and p t a h r e ti c a u t p u o re n , upon ni the the during the last few years—a change not effected by public clamour, or by threats of violence, but by strength, of argument—proceeded to comment upon a passage in the speech of Mr. Sidney Herbert, de livered ill the House of Commons on Monday night, in which he said that the Corn Bill of 1815 was the worst measure which was ever sanctioned by the Legislature, and - a a s no) a f, g l l B - e l a s t error was l . v rs li e e t h ( an Mr a . Moore) believed i t t h a t , a t s the passing t e he measure pa r o t f oi t% f n a wilful injustice and a delibe rately done wrong, and he so belie ve d b ecause o f the history of the enactment of that measure. —(Bear, hear.) lie had no desire at the present time, when it was so near its end, to go back to the origin of that injustice—of that wrong—or to call attention to the hot' haste with which the law was passel, and the refusal of time for poplar opinion to speck out. Ile had no desire to go into the history of the working of the law, and to point out how popular opinion was put down by spilling the blood of the people at Peterloo, in 1819; nor to go over the black catalogue of crime which the law had brought upon the people during the 31 years of its operation ; but he would go to the legislators now living who assisted in the formation of that law, and tell them that all which was past would be forgotten and forgiven, if they would, now that they must have seen their error, exert themselves to obtain for the people a total and immediate repeal of the obnoxious law. (Cheers.) After enlarging upon the importance to the country of having immediate repeal. the speaker said he could say upon authority that the Government were desirous for it. The other day he was talking with a gentleman who had been informed by Sir James Graham that both himself (Sir James) and Sir Robert Peel were desirous that the repeal should be imme diate.—(Loud cheers.) The farmers, too, were equally soli citous upon that head, fearing that very serious consequences might result (rem the three years protection. After some further observations, Mr. Moore came to the immediate object of the meeting which was to aid the great League fund. He hoped the money would not be wanted, but as the League were pledged not to dissolve till the total repeal was finally settled, they must continue their exertions; anti they w . ould ..nno tinue them iu the registration courts and other placVnl"... vestige of the corn-law was left. The spea r k e npeoruncceednt.thewsouubldscrbipetiocnaslieodbsefors;i:n_grioavrtaetti ; s o e o e r mn n ) a t a : 71 1 1 5,1 7 : 250/. ; Joseph Eden, Esq., 250 L; , - 6(1 250/. ; William Tothill, Esq., Charlton, Esq.,i 100/ • 100/ • James • , There were several 200/. • Edward Keate, Esq., 100/. ; Naish and Co., ' Vim. Esq , 10C .; 11. 0. Thomas Sanders, Esq:, qe , , l ii i r r Y ,, an t ; ; ll l _ l. l- :,"a'i l u u t il iN i. 'e believe the collec• ticns amounted to about 3 , 000 • e ---_ - 7 After the collection t he meeting Wok .np. in e t i l i i i r r a i d e m r4 ini — stra i tif O l f some defects ( D .r e li n ni i i i i a r i l l justice) proposes to enact that in all cases where the Court ADMINISTRATION ,sßiu(ti)rremovisg now by law empowered to award any sentence of transportalou, it shall be lawful for such Court, at its discretion, to award such sen tence for any term of years not less than seven years: and that it► all easel where the Court has-power to award sentence of transpor tation, it shall be lawful for the same Court, at its discretion, to award such sentence for any time, however short, which shall appear just under all the circumstances. The provision of 4 and 5 William IV., c. 36, s. 13 (requiring parties to prosecute), is proposed to be re pealed; and it is further proposed, that any person may prefer bills before the grand jury of the Central Criminal Court for any ofTence, as before any cthcr grand Jury. Writs cf csrlicacri fci removing in • d:ctme:As from tillt Court are alo to specify the county, &e., ip vbisat the Fame 1114 De tried, - -