The Sun. — London, England, 1837-11-28 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY, NoVp]miEß 28. 18,7. that town, and a master cutlerpresided at the meeting at which it was agreed to.— [The Noble Lord then real the prayer of the petition, which was to the effect that the welfare of this nation depended on the education of the people, and that the Legislature should establish such a system of national edu cation as would raise the moral and religious character of the people, and to extend to every individual the means of knotting his duty to God and to his neighbour.] This Petition was sent to a Noble Friend of mine who is connected intimately with the Town of Sheffield, but he w•a obliged to leave town before the petition was in a state in which it could be presented to your Lordships, and we did not receive it until Saturday. The petition was laid on the table. The Bishop of LONDON said, that as the Noble and Learned Lord seemed to be of opin'on, that there did not ',:cxist in this country any body of men who would make a system of national education compulsory upon the people, he would read an extract from the proceedings of the Central Society of Education from which it appeared that that body was favourable to such a system. The Right Rev. Prelate read an extract in a low tone, of which we understood the bearing to te in commendation of the German systems of education, which are under the control of the several Stater, and are compulsory. Lord BRO L7G II ANI thought that the words which the Right Reverend Prelate had read, must have found their way from some accident into any document emanating from the Central Society of Education. lie did not believe that the con duct of the German Princes with respect to the education of their subjects would be recommended for imitation in this country any work emanating from that Society. He was not a member of it, but for many of its members he entertained much esteem. His Friend, the Member for Waterford, was the Vice-president, and the Society had done great service to the cause of educa tion by the publication of their works. The Bishop of LONDON was understood to say that in justice to the Society he should explain that the extract which he had read contained the opinions of an individual only. The Eari of WIN C HIL SE A said that the country was in debted to the Right Rev. Prelate for having drawn theirattention to these facts. If any one had taken the trouble to examine the objects of these meetings, he would have no doubt that it was to establish a system of National Education, from which all religion was to be studiously and purposely excluded. ( Hear, hear.) Suci a proposition as that he contended would never be entertained for a moment in this great Christian country. That House would weigh well the conse quences of such a proposal, and would take care that religion should be the foundation of any system of educa tion that might be introduced into these countries. Without religion, every system of education would be per fectly useless. He would only state, that when the question of introducing a system of education for the lower orders came before the House, he wculd boldly contend that it was their first duty as Christians to give their assent to no system that the great truths of Christianity were not put prominently for ward in. He would not occupy the attention of their Lordships further than to add that he did not charge the individuals in the Society alluded to with endeavouring to exclude reli gious education ' • but, he , did say, that when such facts were stated, as they bad just heard from the Right Reverend Pre late, some inquiry ought to be instituted. STATE OF IRELAND. That part of her Majesty's Speech relating to the present tranquillity existing in Ireland having been read by the Clerk, The Earl of RODEN said—l have already stated to your Lordships the reasons that inducOd me to refrain from making any observations upon that part of her Majesty's Speech (which has been just read by the Clerk) on the first day of the Session, because I felt as strongly as any other of your Lordships, that upon an occasion so interesting as that, when her Majesty for the first time came down to make her Speech to her first Parliament, it would ill become any Noble Lord to provoke any debate, or any appearance of a difference of opinion upon so interesting an occasion.—( Hear, hear.) I therefore felt it my duty to take the opportunity afforded to me today to call your Lordships' attention, for a short time, and as shortly as I can, to these circumstances alluded to in her Majesty's Speech, and to endeavour to prove to your Lordships, by a reference to facts and docu ments, which I think are not to be denied, that her Majesty's Ministers had no grounds whatever for stating to your Lord ships, that tranquillity existed to such a degree in that part of the empire as to give this House reason to enter into measures connected with Ireland, which were of the greatest importance to that part of the country. I confess it appeared to me that that part of her Majesty's Speech was very dexterously worded, and, perhaps, with the view • of making it appear, as it has appeared in a certain periodical paper, which I know is a paper very popular amonr , some of your Lordships, that the Administra tion of the Noble Earl opposite ( Mulgrave), who sits at the ta ble, bad been the means of allaying many of those evils which had existed for some period, and which had produced tran quillity in that part of the empire, or at all events com parative tranquillity, which had not existed before.—( Hear, hear.) My Lords, I believe that so far from this being the fact—so far from the state of Ireland being more tranquil than for a long period of time—at no period--(and I would hardly except those periods of open in surrection itself)—( Hear, hear)—has property, has life— has the exercise of the Protestant religion in Ireland been in greater danger than at the present moment, when I now have the honour of addressing you. My Lords, I feel that in bringing such a charge as this against the Noble Earl, and his administration—in bringing so grave and heavy a charge before I refer to his acts—l must beg leave to say that his pernicious course of government has in my opinion tended to produce this fatal—this melancholy state of things.—( Hear, hear.) I feel that such a charge is indeed a grave and a henry one, and it would ill become me to make it, did I not feel that I was standing on grounds from which I could not be shaken ; and did I not feel con vinced that I have facts to prove what I have ventured to state. I feel confident that in the course I have felt it my duty to take to-night, I am not swayed by any private motive or party purposes, for I have no political ambition to serve or gratify ; but I feel that I stand here, my Lords, speaking the sentiments of a very large and a very respectable class in Ireland with whom I have had the honour of much intercourse for many years —'hat I have received the confidence of those individuals not of one class or of another— but I will undertake to say, and I say it with pride and gratitude, of various different denominations of persons— . But, my Lords, I am not desirous of making any overstate ment, or of painting it in colours which may make the case appear worse than it really is; but I desire to refer you to facts, and to the papers which I shall move for, as proof that her Ma jesty's Minsters have no right to state that Ireland was in that state of tranquillity which is referred to in the Speech from the Throne.—( Hear, hear.) I may be told by the Noble Earl, in answer to my statement, that there is not only his authority against the statement I make, but that there is the authority of the Judges and Assistant-Barristers of the As sizes. It may be said, for I have seen it stated by the organs, or those who pretend to be the organs of her Majesty's Minis erg, that the Judges have expressed themselves gratified at the Assizes that the calendars were so small; and that was held forth as a proof of the general tranquillity of the country. But I think the fact of the calendars being so small—when I compare that with the proclamations of the Noble Earl, and the papers I shall move for establishes my position, and proves that the law of Ireland is a dea I letter—that crimes are committed—that the culprits are ealarged, and that therefore the individual offenders are not brought to the bar or justice--( Cries of " Hear, hear")—the papers I shall take the liber.y of moving fsr are those connected with crime from the Ist ,of January 183 G, to the Ist of December 1837. I find, on re ferring to the proclamations of the last six weeks of the Noble Earl, that there have been 13 murders committed in dif ferent parts of the country. 11.,sides that there have been various other crimes commited—attempts made for fire-arms—at tempts at assassination—beating people, Sac. In twenty-five counties there have been various visitations of such a nature committed—crimes which Lord Bray stated were the cer tain results of political agitation.—( Hear, hear.) Those crimes have been the result of a system—of a conspiracy which has been established for some time under various names. We find it sometimes called by Ribbouism, sometimes by White footilm ; but by whatever denomination we find it, themsame. ob ject is visible—those companies of marauders are nightly visiting the peaceabla inhabitants—the Roman Catholic inhabitants who Ire unwilling to join in the conspiracy, beating them, and sometimes inhumanly murdering them ; but the great result is the destruction of Protestant property, Protestant life, and iwevention of the spread of the Protestant religion in Ireland. —( Hear.) All that will appear from the papers it is my ietantion to move for, and I shall have to move for others after the recess. It does appear to me that it would be more important that the whole of this conspiracy, and the whole of the state of Ireland, should undergo investigation before a CommiW e of your Lordships.—( Hear. ) This conspiracy is known to her Majesty's Government, a-id I be lieve the Government of Ireland has received notice of its existence and of its operations ; but if the Noble Earl doubts it, or if any Noble Lord doubts it, I would refer him to the opinion of one who must be considered by the Noble Earl a great authority, and an authority entitled to great respect by her Majesty's Government, the opinion of Mr. O'Connell, the great agitator of Ireland—( Laughter) —delivered in Ireland on the 6th of Nov.---[The Noble Lord read from a Newspaper a part of a report of Mr. O'Connell's speech of that date, in which the Learned Gentleman was repre sented to say that a violent combination was spreading in Ireland which had existed five or six times before, and which he had always been able to put a stop to.] But I find that the opinion of this gentleman coincides with the opinion of the N o bl e Earl expressed the other night in this House that these outrages are net of a political nature. This is the substance or the oath which is taken by the Society cat:lngs themselves Ribbonmen.—( Hear.) One part of the oath imposes an obligation of seer -sy -on every Member of the Society, that lie should he at all times ready, when required, to tarn out and assist, at a moment's warn- Af i s O'Connell in obtaining " Justice for Ireland." I don't say these are the words of the oath, but that is the substance of it, and if Noble Lords will be kind enough after the recess to enquire into these things, we shall soon be able to ascertaht the truth or falsehood of what I have stated. But when I consider and believe that this is the substance of the oath, and when I bear in mind that her Majesty's Ministers, too, have been informed or a very large exportation of arms from Liver pool within a very late period ; that those arms have been sent over to Ireland ; when, I say, I consider these circumstances I can have no doubt as to the ultimate object of that coaspiracv which I 'believe is going on to a very great and very alarming extent in many parts of Ireland. It has extended itself within the last year through almost the whole of Leins ter, Munster, and Connaught. I think we should be able to prove in that Committee, if we are allowed to go into it, that there is hardly a county in which this Society is not extending it self, care ins* with it misery, wretchedness , a nd wickedness wherever it oes. I would call your Lordship's attention to the month of January 1830 ; it was at the time of the Catholic Association. I remember it was at the period when the Protes tant gentry of Ireland were assembled in Dublin for the purpose of petitioning your Lordships' House, which petition, in common with the Noble Marquis near me, I had the honour of presenting to your Lordships ; and it was about the month of January.. I remember that that same gentleman to whore I have already alluded, stated, on the supposition that there was a likelihood of there being a change in his Majes ty's Councils about that period, that if sump a thing took place, the sure and certain consequence was, to use the expression of that gentleman, " a brutal and bloody rebellion in Ireland." From that period this Ribbon conspiracy commenced, determined to accomplish that pro phecy whenever a fitting opportunity should present itself. We find now that every exertion is being made by the individuals who have act this machine in motion, by their speeches and ajtations, to pre , ent it from proceeding further before the time artices. I think it my duty to state, I.ecause I Eelieve it to Le true, that if a Committee of this House is granted after the recess, that such eireumsieeees as those to which 1 have referred would be fully proved. My Lords, I am very unwilling to detain your Lordships at any very great length, but I feel the subject is one of vast and great importance. I feel that the people of this country are little aware of the real state of Ireland.—( Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") They are blind to the misery, the wretched ness, and sufferings of the loyal people of that country, whether they be Protestants or Roman Catholics.—( Hear, hear. ) I have selected a few cases taken from the Proclama tions of the Noble Earl, which I beg leave to read to your Lordships, in order to produce what I am desirous of producing—a proper effect on your Lordship's minds as to the state in which her Majesty's loyal and peaceable subjects are placed under the Government of the Noble Earl. The first was in the county of Sligo, a county which has been fora long period remarkable for its peace and tranquillity—a county which, till within a year ago, has been as desirable a part of the world to reside in as any part of her Majesty's dominions. But since the system of political agitation has commenced it has been turned, one might almost say from a paradise into a desert, and that which was once happiness for persons to live in has now become a scene of distress and misery.—( Loud cries of " Hear, hear.) This case relates to two unoffend ing Protestants of the name of Nl‘Kenzie and Allen. Those two men were sent to a village in the county of Sligo in the end of August last. They were met by a mob not far from the - village, who dragged them off the car on which they were travelling, beat them severely, bound them with cords, and led them to an out-house in the village, where they had bags or sacks over their eyes, and conveyed them thus blindfold to the mountains. They treated them with greatest barbarity there ; they were beaten with bludgeons, left bound and blindfolded for some period, and afterwards taken to a hut and left without food. While they were in this state a poor man acquainted with Mackenzie came to them, loosed their cords, and took them to his house. After six days and nights confinement, and after this inhuman treatment these two respectable Protestants were at midnight conveyed on horse back to the house of Mackenzie, and upon the next morning Allen died. An inquest was held on the body of this unfortu nate man, and a verdict was returned that he died of wounds inflicted on his body by persons unknown; and a reward of 501. was offered by the Government for their apprehension. My Lords, the next case was also one that occurred in the county of Sligo. A poor man, a Roman Catholic, of the name of Devanny, a blacksmith, was ordered not to shoe the horse of any Protestants, who were called Hanoverians, a name which is now the term of reproach for all who are Pro testants.—( Hear, hear.) This man persisted however in doing so, in consequence of which he was attacked by a large party who were armed, rushed in at the door of the cot occupied by Devanny and his wife, and commenced beating him most cru elly with sticks, when the wife, who thought their object was to murder her husband threw herself over his body to protect him ; but the password, " Spare him not," had gone forth from the pacificators, and the husband and wife were most brutally bruised and cut. The former lingered till about a fortnight since, and death has put an end to his sufferings ; the latter is in a precarious state, and it is thought cannot long survive. The daughter, a girl of 17, concealed herself in the house, and when she thought the party had gone, looked out at a window after them, and one of the party shot at her. Such is the spirit that actuates those who form this Ribbon conspiracy ; they attack those who oppose them, Protestants and Roman Catholics. This affair was reported, as I understand, my Lords, officially to the Government, but no reward has been offered, and no notice whatever has been taken of the circumstance. The next case I shall allude to is one from the county of Sligo, which occurred on the 10th of November last. The circumstances are well known to a Noble Lord, a friend of mine, who is now present, and if I state any thing which is not correct, I trust he will set me right. The cir cumstances of the case were : —A respectable Protestant, named Fairbanks, left his borne, on the morning of the 10th of November, to take his barley to the market of Sligo ; lie called at the house of a Roman Catholic neighbour to take some butter for him ; within 20 minutes lie was found a corpse on' the road-side near his cart, with two coils of rope round his middle, and his brains beaten out with stones. This is another proof, another instance in the chain of facts, that the tranquillity of Ireland was in a miserable situa tion, and it showed the treatment to which her Majesty's sub jects were exposed. I could state many other similar facts connected with this country. but I do not wish unneces sarily to detain your Lordships.—( Hear, hear, and cheers.) I wish, however, to say a word or two as to the means taken by the Noble Earl to prevent these outrages, and put a stop to such scenes as these. One would suppose that when a county like Sligo had been drawn from a state of peace and tranquillity, in a very short period, to a state in which crimes like these might be perpetrated with impunity, that her Majesty's Government would send persons to that county not influenced by party or political feel ings, or by any strong feeling in one way or the other, butfair, honourable, and upright individuals, who would take care that peace be preserved. But, my Lords, the Noble Lord sent into that county an individual named Blake, as stipen diary Magistrate—an individual who had in the month of .lanuary last been engaged in a tour with the great Agitator himself, to whom I have already referred, in the county of Sligo ; and who on the 25th of January dined at one of those agitating dinners, when on the Ist of February following this person was appointed a stipendiary Magistrate for that very county. I am unwilling to go into the private character of that individual, but circumstances oblige me to do so ; and I must further state, that he -was tried by a court-martial, and dis missed from his Majesty's service, for highly improper con duct. I do not throw such weight upon that part of the case, as upon the evil of appointing a man to that county as a stipendiary, who was noticed for his agitation, and who had taken a decided part in favour of those from whom all the resulting evils have arisen. I shall now, my Lords, leave the county of Sligo, and shall beg to call your attention even to the City of Dublin—to the very spot where the Noble Earl himself lives—where he lives in security in his Caele, and with his guards around him. But the poor Protestant farmer, to whose case I am about to allude, had not the pro tection of guards or even of the law. This individual whose name was Andrew Ganley, an egg-broker, was attacked and murdered on Sunday, the Ist November, in the densely peopled streets of that city. A number of persons heard his cries ; but while I admit that a murder may be perpetrated anywhere. I beg your Lordships to mark this circumstance. Not a single soul ran forward to aid him—neither watch man or constable were present to prevent this outrage. Connected wi th this man there is a peculiar and striking evi dence of the awful Ribbon system. This man had a bro ther in Longford, who was charged on oath by an infamous wo man vvi:ll hating shot an individual. He was brought to trial but honourably acquitted. That woman was afterwards tried for perjury and convicted, and, I believe, sentence of trans portation passed upon her. The whole crime of that man was, that he was a loyal, staunch Protestant, and not afraid to avow it. In Kilkenny and in Mayo we have similar instances of murders. In Kilkenny a re ward of 501. was offered, and in Mayo a re: ward of 501. for an attack upon a respectable in habitant of Ballina, named Strogen, who was beaten by men who could not be ideritified—a part of the Ribbon system being to bring men from another county where they would not be known. The next instance is more likely to show the state of society with respect to gentlemen and farmers living on their estates in some parts of Ireland. The circumstances occurred during the late election for the County of Tipperary. I admit that an elec tion is a time when a greater excitement is likely to prevail, but it is the duty of tic Government to preserve the peace, in order that at no time any great excesses shall prevail. The circumstances were these: in the barony of lower Ormonde, near Clonmel, a party of electors were coming into the town, and they were obliged to proceed as a kind of caravan, all armed all prepared for any attack that might be made upon them. They advanced, I don't know in what number, but as they advanced they found the importance of the precaution they had taken, and had they not been armed probably many of them would never have reached the town of Clonmel. A letter which s I now hold i n m y h an d w ill b e st state the facts, and I shod take the liberty of reading a few extracts for your Lord ships.—[The Noble Lord here prdceeded to read extracts from the letter, the purport of which were to bear out his statements. ] My Lords, that it is n o t on l y i n t h e county o f Ti pperar y, b ut in Sligo and other places, that such is the state of the coun try, that the gentry are unable to leave their houses unless they are fully armed. I now come, my Lords, to the last in stance with which I shall trouble your Lordships on the pre sent occasion._( Year, hear, hear.) It is a most bar barous murder which took place in Tipperary on the 12th of the present month. It is one of such a gony t h at I should not do justice to the subject unless I laid the details of it be fore your Lordships. A poor man of the name of Murphy, residing near —, in the county of Tipperary—bet ween seven an] eight o'clock in the evening an armed band of men —five in number—came to his hous e . When they arrived at the house they inquired if' the poor man Murphy was at home—his wife with ten helpless children was in the house, and she answered, No. The ruffians not satisfied with this answer, rushed into the house, and carefully looked over it expecting to meet with their victim, but they found that the answer was a true one. The ruffians then retired without the walls, but they waited at the back of the house. The poor wife feeling that her husband was in danger, and fearing the real object of those five men who had visited them at such a most unseasonable hour, endeavoured to effect her escape from the house by a window at the back, in order to warn her husband of the danger in which he stood. On her endeavour to get out of this window one of those individuals presented his musket or his blunderbuss—pushed her back, and stood guard over her for two hours. My Lords, it was two hours before the victim appeared returning to his house without any fear, my Lords, without the slightest apprehension. My Lords, can I attempt to describe what must have been the feelings of this poor woman, with her ten children during those two dreadful hours—every moment expecting the return of her husband ; and she, well-knowing whose hands he would fall into ; my Lords, the poor victim proceeded towards his house, when these five individuals rushed upon him, and murdcred him before the face of his wife and ten children. My Lords, these are tales not of bygone days, that almost lose their effect in the narration, but they are of every day's oc currence, taking place under the eye of the Noble Earl —under the Gore rnment of the Noble Earl, and may at tl is wry moment be taking . place. And could Ibe silent? Should I not have been guilty of the greatest dereliction of duty to your Lordships, to my country, and to myself, were I to allow her Mjesty's Ministers to put into the mouth of her Ma jeAy that the domestic tranquillity that at present prevails in Ire lend presents a far our4ble opportunity of entering into the consi deraf on of the state of the municipal corporations of the towns 31 borrarrlls of I. elltnl—of entering into a suljc,.:-t which is to live. more political power to those who are the instigators of such crimes, and the very cause of them, without elvering Fro!est the truth of sub a state ment ? do indeed feel that I should have been guilty of a greet dereliet;on of duty if I had not brought this subject forward ; and I would appeal to the Noble Earl, and to that humanity which inhabits the breasts of most of us, and which I cannot entertain a doubt inhabits the breast of the Noble Earl, whether it is not imperative on him to prevent by every means the recurrence of such scenes, and not to ap point to office men who are themselves engaged in those poli tical agitations from whence spring all these miseries. If I fail in moving the heart of the Noble Earl I would appeal to the Noble Viscount opposite at the head of her Majesty's Go vernment—a man possessed of greater power than perhaps any Minister possessed who ever sat in this or the other House of Parliament since the accession of the House of Hanover to the Throne—whether r consider the circumstances attending the situation of the Noble 'Viscount, the just popularity of the Noble Viscount by those by whom he is surrounded, or the present circumstances of the Throne itself—l would ask him to exercise that power to put an end to such revolting. scenes as I have just alluded to.—( Hear, hear.) My Lords, I cannot help making this appeal to tte Noble Viscount, and if I fail there I have still one consolation left—there is a God in Heaven who feels and who sympathises for the suffer ings of his people—a God of justice, whose peculiar care is the fatherless and the widow—( Hear, hear, hear)—and who, I believe, will visit with vengeance for the scenes of blood that are now desolating the land. I do, then, ontreat your Lordships to take the case of Ireland into your most serious consideration, and I shall conclude a most painful duty, nevertheless a duty I have felt bound to perform, by moving for certain returns which I shall now read.—( Hear.) The Returns the Noble Lord then moved for, compris'ed—Returns of all the Rewards that had been offered by the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland for the perpetration of murders and other crimes, from the Ist January, 1836, to Ist December, 1837 ; the number of rewards claimed ; the reports of the police of all offences ; the offences that had been tried at the assizes, the number of convictions, (distinguishing the nature of the crimes,) and the punishments awarded. Earl MULG R AVE rose and said—My Lords, I have paused for a moment after the Noble Earl sat down, to see if any Noble Lord was anxious to add any thing to the statement of the Noble Earl, or to draw my attention to any other point than, what he has adverted to, because I am aware that any. thing I state will be liable to be replied to, and I have thought it would be better for me to have heard everything that could have been stated before I addressed the House, especially as I shall have to occupy your Lordships' for some short time. My Lords, I begin by stating my obligation to the Noble Earl for bringing this question fairly forward for the consideration of the House, because I am sure your Lordships will feel that any man who has been the subject of the daily vituperation of the public press, it is some consolation to find a Noble Lord come forward with the manliness the Noble Earl has shewn to make his charge, and then to allow the country to judge between me and the vague accusations in loose terms brought against me by the Noble Earl. The Noble Lord has entered into . circumstances o f w h a t t oo k place within the last few months in Ireland, and he has en tered into those circumstances with a feeling of distress with which I participate.—(Cheers.) But, my Lords, he says those circumstances are attributable to my pernicious course of government.—( Cheers.) I deny it, my Lords, and all that I a-k of him is to compare what really did take place with the anonymous libels with which I have been assailed for the pur pose of ascertaining the truth.—(Cheers.) He says that tile Government have connived at all the insurrections that have taken place in Ireland. I repudiate that assertion with scorn, and I tell the Noble Lord that he ought not to make the assertion he has done without grounds upon which it is founded. lie says that I have appointed persons to office merely for political purposes.—( Cheers.) Before I sit down I shall read the names of all those that I have appointed, and I will then safely appeal to the House whether, in the selec tion of those whom I have appointed, I was instigated by political motives.—( Cheers.) The Noble Lord says, from authority according to his own statement, that there is in existence in Ireland a conspiracy. My Lords, I would aek whether there has not been at all times in Ireland a combination with respect to the tenure of lind—(Cheers)—but I utterly deny that the combination which at present exists is connected with any po litical object.—( Cheers.) If such a combination upon such a subject did exist, I would take care, if it came before :ne, to sift it to the bottom.—( Hear, hear, and cheers.) The Noble Lord goes on to mention a society in Dublin. My Lords, I took occasion, before I knew that I should have to appear in your Lordships' House upon the annual inaugura tion of the Lord Mayor of Dublin, to explain to the Recorder and the Judges that there did exist, not a political combina tion, but a combination among workmen of different trades, which originated in Manchester.—( Hear, hear, hear.) My Lords, as to any impo:tation of arms from Liverpool to Ireland, I know not whence the Noble Earl derived his information ; but it curt inly did not occur while I was in Irel ind. I have been furnished with full intelligence by those Members of the Government who remained in Ireland, and I beg to say that I do not believe - it to have been the case.—( Hear, hear.) My Lords, the " tranquillity" to which allusion was made in her Majesty's Speech, and on which were founded certain recommendations, I conceive to mean nothing else than a general domestic tran quillity, founded on the absence of any insurrectionary movement, and of any political agitation—allow me to add, my Lords—for never was Ireland so free from pe t ., litical agitation as at present.—( Hear, hear, and cheers.) It means, my Lords, that the public mind is ink,that state in which it is more fit for the consideration of measures of a per manent nature, than it would be even if distracted as in for. mer times by the odious necessity of passing Coercion Acts. But the political tranquillity for which the Government have ever gained or claimed credit, is not unaccompanied altogether by occasional intervals of disturbance.—( Hear.) On the contrary, we do not, my Lords, pretend to any " animal magnetism" to draw the hearts of the people to our Sovereign—(Laughter)'.—it is only by endeavouring to induce confidence between the governed and governors. My Lords, I do say that the moral improvement of the people will never be complete while there exists a cause which is in itself sufficient to alienate their affections from us, a vicious in gredient in the social system, which has sunk them to the degrad ing level I may almost say of destitution, and allow me to add that when your Lordships come to consider the state of Ireland, there is one measure which you must be prepared to meet with a cool head and a bold hand, for until the security of industry is united with security of property you can never expect any permanent tranquillity in Ireland.—( Loud cheers.) The Noble Lord has moved for certain returns. Now, my Lords, there can I believe, be no objection to the production of the whole of them. I can assure the Noble Lord that the the Government to which I have the honour to belong desire no concealment; indeed, if the Noble Lord can so frame his motion as to throw more light upon the state of Ireland the whole of the information which we have is at his service. We de sire that everything known to us should also be known to your Lordships. My Lords, the constabulary officers are aware of all the outrages which are committed—they report them to the Government—they are also aware of the arrest of the offen ders. Now, the Noble Lord wishes to know bow many of those pet sons so taken into custody are brought to justice. Now that part of the returns I am afraid we cannot make, but so far as we can we will giro them under the third head.--( Hear, hear, hear.) The Noble Lord has excited sympathies and feelings of compassion in your Lord ships' I reasts; although the cases are not so new to me as to your Lordships, still the mere recital of such scenes has raised feelings of deep compassion in me ' • but, my Lords, when we talk of the tranquillity of Ireland, we must compare the returns with those made in former times—compare the state of crime now and at former periods. I must premise that former returns are not so fully made out—do not contain so many of the actual outrages—are not so complete and perfect as the present. The first returns to which I will allude, are those from October 1832 to March 18,3, and from October 1835 to MarCh 1836, both inclusive. It comprises mur ders, homicides, burnings, firing of dwellings, robbery of arms, oaths unlawfully administered, misdemeanours, riots, party riots, &c. In the first six months before the passing of the Coercion Bill, the number of offences comprised in this list amounted to 6,155, while the same list made out for the six months of last year amount, my Lords, to only 2,308. ( Loud cheers.) Now, my Lords, when any Noble Lord of this House states that Ireland is in a worse state than it ever was before, surely you must suppose that he is too crelulous. But I may be told, my Lords, that the country was more peaceable last year than now—that the country is in a worse state now than before. My Lords, I have here a list of the same description of outrage as that I have formerly alluded to, made out for the first nine months of each year for 1832. For 1832, the number of those crimes were, 7,460 ; 1833, 6,547; 1834, 6,016; 1833, they again rose to 6,645. In 1836 thee had again fallen to 5,384. Now, my Lords, we come to 1837, and the number dui in,,o• the first nine months of this year amounts to 3,784.—( LAO cheers.) It is also to be rem emb 'red, my Lords, that there were many excitieg caus during the last nine months, amongst which there was the general elrction.—( Loud cheerng. ) I believe I will also give pleasure to the Noble Duke opposite if I prove that the convictions bear a greater proportion to the committals, and the committals to the number of outrages, than they have ever done upon any former occasion. Such facts I undertake to prove, and I have no doubt that it will be deeply gratifying to your Lordships. Now, my Lords, it is worthy of remark upon this subject, that the Noble Duke alluded to the Crown Solicitor's return, and stated that from those returns it was clear that the number of parties who were prosecuted had increased. I therefore directed an inquiry to be made, and although I am afraid that I have not got all these answers, yet those I have show that such is not the case.—( Cheers.) The Noble Earl then read letters from Mr. Drum.nond and Mr. Barrington, for the purpose of justifying this statement. There is another result which I wish to call to the attention of the House, which is to the return of Inspectors General of Prisors, because upon this arguments have been raised in the public press unfavourable to the state of crime in Ireland. Non, my Lords, upon examining these returns, it is most remarkable that in cases of great crimes, 1 where 40,000 bad been convicted in England for similar offences, in Ireland only 2,000 had been convicted. but in minor crimes Ireland had the preponderance.—Cheers.) I will now go to some of the smaller offences, and I will show you that they bear the same proportion. In 1832 there were 772 committals, and 203 convictions. in 1833, 826 commit tale, aril 303 convictions. In 1834, 520 committals, and 315 convictions. In 1835, 922 committals, and 409 convictions. In 1836, 843 committals, and 425 convictions. From January to December 1837, 547 committals, and 229 convictions. In the course of six years, according to this statement, the com mittal.; had (increased, and this is the first year in which they have diminished. What does this prove my Lords ? That the laws are administered with greater vigour, and that the consta bulary are improved ; and let me cl;s , :irve, my Lords, that a proof of this i.nproveme - nt is to be found in the very part stated by the Noble Lord with respect to the proclamations in the Ga zette, for it is the constabulary ofli..er who recommends the proclamation to the Government, and the increase in the number of those proclamations onTv evinces the greater disposition of Government to bring offenders to justice.— ( Hear.) The result which I have read to your Lordships is, I contend perfectly consistent—fur the diminution of crime and the increase of proclamations are facts, from which you can alone draw a favourable inference towards Government. My Lords, on enquiringst the Home Office, I found that the Irish returns included all offences tried at Petty Sessions— summary convictions, every one of which were excluded from the English returns; and when we got a corresponding return from the Home Office we found the summary convictions amounted to 53,464. Certainly that applies to a state of law which in Many respects does not exist in Ireland. The Game Laws, the Vagrancy Laws, &c., but even taking off all that we ought to add at least 20,000 to the 14,000 included in the English returns, which makes 34,000, leaving to Ireland only 18,000. The Duke of WELLINGTON was understood to say these returns are for six months only. Earl MULGR A VE (we believe) replied in the affirmative. My Lords, considered relatively to the population, the pro portion is in England one to a thousand, in Ireland one to eight hundred. The proportion, therefore, is so far unfavourable to Ireland as four to five. But, my Lords, who that consi ders the state of society in Ireland, and the manner in which it has been treated, and the circumstances (I make no political allusion) existing in the destitution of masses of the population can think that this is after all an unfavourable return ?—( Loud cheers.) One other explanation, my Lords, as to these re turns. 340 are stated as having been charged with mur der. Of these 274 were found innocent or the bills were ignored, 22 only were sentenced to death, and f,rom 40 to 50 were discharged. This seeming absurd, I found the mistake was, I am sorry to say, a very common one in Ire land, where death often results from casual violence, the con fusion of manslaughter with murder. Thus it was that the number of persons whi) suffered the punishment of death from murder out of the whole 340 was only 22. —( Hear. ) There is another observation connected with the large increase of committals. It had been the observation of many intelligent gentlemen, both Crown Counsel and Crown Solicitors, connected with the administration of jus tice in Ireland, that in proportion as the country was less disturbed minor offences had increased. In 1835, the num ber of Whiteboy offences was 4`25 ; in 1836, 280 ; and in the present year abdtt 169. I have so far, my Lords, disposed of those general returns, and I come to what the Noble Lord states as the effect of the general election on the tranquillity of Ireland. The effect of the general election is twofold. One of the effects, which was direct and most objectionable, and did not extend so far, was in some of those cases to which the Noble Lord has alluded, in which parties were directly molested for their votes by the popular party. The other effect was the extent t • which it has disorganised again the relation between landlord and tenant. With regard to the first effect of the general election, the noble Lord has alluded to the county of Sligo. The Noble Lord has also alluded—and I bad hoped that the name of that unfortunate gentleman would not again be brought forward—but he has also alluded to the case of Mr. Blake, whom he states was most improperly made a stipendiary magistrate of the County Sligo. My Lords, with respect to my havin sent Mr. Blake to Sligo, I will candidly own that there was a very great difficulty in finding a sufficient number of stipendiary magistrates to attend the seve ral contested elections at the same time, and when I returned to Ireland and found that Mr. Blake hal been already sent to Sligo. I did, :perhaps, think that of the whole list of sti pendiary Magistrates (for it should be observed that there never had been any sustained imputation against him in the discharge of his duty) that Mr. Blake was the one who should have some assistance in the discharge of his duty. Major Crossley and Major Brown were accordingly sent there. Now, with regard to his appointment, the Noble Lord states that he was disgraced— Earl RODEN—No, no —dismissed. Earl M ULGRAVE—I understond the Noble Earl to say that he had been dismissed his Majesty's service for dishonour able conduct; but all I can say is, that Mr. Blake was re . __ commended to me by a Noble Friend of mine, then acting as Vice-Lieutenant of the county of Mayo. by a relative of my own ( Lord Dillon), and by many other gentlemen. I ascertained that Mr. Blake had acted as a magistrate for the county of Mayo for several years, and I understood that his conduct had been w ithout reproach ; upon this information, and upon these t ecommenda tions, I did appoint him. Subsequently to the election for Sligo, a report for the first time reached me that Mr. Blake had for merly been dismissed from the Army by sentence of a court martial. I then took a step which I thought I was right in taking. I applied to my Noble Friend at the bead of the Army for a report of that court martial. I read that report, . . and, conceiving that an Officer who had been thus dismissed her Majesty's service, ought not to be placed in the situation of a Stipendiary Magistrate, I cancelled Mr. Blake's appointment. I should however state that I heard that the whole case had been in vestigated ten years since by the late Lord Chancellor, Lord Manners, on his being recommended for the Commission of the Peace ; and that Lord Manners had decided that he was fit to hold it. I repeat, however, that after perusing the pro ceedings of the Cotirt AlSrtial, I decided differently from Lord Manners, and Mr. Blake has accordingly been dismissed.— ( Cheers.) In closing finally the case of Mr. Blake, I must ob serve that, so far as his conduct could be noticed as a magistrate, no fault could be found with him.—( Hear, hear.) - Charges were made against him by the Honourable Member for Sligo,• and with the facility with which I have on all occasions given to both parties an opportunity of bringing them forward I granted an investigation, on the application of Co. lonel Perceval, without difficulty or hesitation. Col. Shaw Kennedy went down to Sligo y by my desire, but Colonel Perceval declined to proceed with his charges. I believe that as a Magistrate Mr. Blake's conduct was without reproach. Having examined all the features of his case, I considered it was not proper that Mr. Blake, having been dismissed from his Majestyt service (in ignorance of which I had appointed him), should retain his situation, and I directly dismissed him. Now the Noble Lord alluded considerably to Allen. I refer to that again only to show your Lordships how misstatements, when they are not made face to face—what party zeal will do when parties make charges and when the person charged has not an opportunity of answering them—what erroneous impressions may prevail in the, mind on such occa sions. There is a certain Colonel, a Member in the other House, but it is not as a Member of the other House I have now to do with him, but as an itinerant speaker through out the country—Colonel Connolly.—( Cries of Hear, hear.) I saw that he had made a statement that Allan had been murdered, and that the Government had taken no more notice of it than if he had been a dead dog..—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") Now, really, was that a statement that Colonel Conolly ought to have made unless he had been perfectly certain of the fact -? What was the fact? The murder of Allen took place in the end of August. On the 6th of Sep tember not only had the reward been offered, but money had been also offered for private information, which led to the appresension of—(as we understood the Noble Earl). — a Roman Catholic Clergyman. He was immediately arrested—there was no impediment in the coarse of justice - the whole of the circumstances attending the ease were investigated, and I will say no more upon it, as it still stands for farther trial, than that I believe every party was perfectly convinced that this Mr. Spellman was not any farther implicated, than that he ought to have been, as it was, admitted to bail. Now the Noble Earl alluded to another most lamentable case in Sligo, which, with every case of the sort, of course requires every investigation immediately to be made into it. But neither in this, nor in any other case, will I admit that the man was murdered from any feeling with which Protestantism had anything what ever to do. Colonel Conolly, I believe, has stated that no Protestant life is safe in Ireland. Why, my Lords, I have the authority of many, who attend the assizes in Ireland, to state that they believe there is no such thing as that of a man being murdered for his reli gion. A man has been very often murdered from that combination which existed in reference to the tenure of land ; as lie has come into possession of that land he may have been murdered, but it has been simply a coincident that he has been a Protestant. In reference to Bailey I believe he was murdered by one who it was supposed thought to succeed him. A gentleman who has had great experience has stated that it had been asserted that homicides had chiefly taken place in Ireland on account of religion, but he denied that such was the case. I do not believe that any person has been murdered in Ireland on account of his religion. The Noble Lord has alluded particularly to the county of Sligo--( Hear, hear)—and to show that what has taken place in that county has not escaped my attention, I will read to your Lordships a communication. which I have reiceived with respect to that county. [The Noble Earl then read a letter which he had received with respect to the state of Sligo, from Colonel Shaw Kennedy.] Now, my Lords, hi the month of September, such was the state of the case.—( Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord threw out something. like a sneer at my conduct _he seemed to think that I had not taken proper measures for putting an end to such a state of things. My Lords, as the result of my endeavours, I am happy to say, that I received not only assurances from Colonel Shaw Kennedy that tranquillity was rapidly extendin a., but that the de crease , as I wa s s h or tly after able to inform my Noble F . riend Lord J. Russell, wa s one-fourth. Then, my Lords, with respect to the case of All a n and M'Kenzic, though I cannot but express my feeling of horror at the atrocity, still it must not be forgotten entirely that kidnapping is not confined to that part of Ireland. In the county of Kilkenny such things have been, while at the late assizes for Sligo there had been two convictions for the kidnapping of two voters, who would have voted against the Conservative interest, as it was called. Now, as that plan was countenanced by persons of education , there was some excuse for the ignorant, for he believed the parties did not mean to murder when they first went out. Then, m y Lords, with respect to the effect of the General Election, their Lordships must recollect how much the tranquillity of that county depended upon the competition for land—how very diffe rent was the situation of landlord end tenant in that country and in England. In that country land has become a necessary of Land, in that case, becomes a necessary of life, and a hard bargain is driven by . the tenant to obtain it. I will not pursue the subject further. I will not go into the so cial relations which establish a kindly feeling between tha landlord and the tenant in England, and which are so different in their results in Ireland. Of this, however, I am sure, that in Enitland in most cases there is sympathy between the landlord and tenant without dependence; and that in Ireland there is dependence without sympathy. --(Hear, bear. ) With respect to the last election, I can not avoid alluding to the conduct of certain individuals, who stood for different districts, in which they knew well they had no chance of success.—( Hear, hear.) Ido not for a moment mean to contend that these persons had not a right to do so if they pleased; but I s , y thr.r, taken in cooecction wiih the unconstitutional threats ti, - re held out, such conduct na zst tenet to ~li-turb the country.—( Hea , , hear.) Recollect, my Lords, the situa'ion of the pdpular party at that period, The popular party were then identified with the English Government, and English interests.—( Cries of Hear, hear.) Three years ago the whole country resounded with the cry of repeal. Where is it now? There is not a murmur on the subject from one end of the country to the other. —( Hear, hear.) They are perfectly satisfied with the English . Government. —( Cheers.) Upon this subject I must say that it is to the landlords of Ireland we must look for the mainte nance of the tranquillity of that country_( Hear, hear)--and there bad been certain rumours of the conduct of cer tain landlords in that country which I shall be very glad to bear explained. I see a Noble Earl opposite, ' and a report has I cached me connected with the parish of Kinneigh, in the county of Cork. I am aware this is a very delicate subject. I know that a Noble Lord has a right to do what he pleases with his own ; but when considering the effect this may have on the tranquillity of Ire land, I ant bound to say, my Lords, that any wholesale system of depopulation founded on the religious opinions of a body of people cannot for amoment be talerated. I doubt not the Noble Lord has been misrepresented. I therefore give him an op portunity of explaining this report. I have not got the papers here, but I am sorry to say that this is not a peculiar instance. I have a letter which, after I have made inquiries, I believe to be true. [The Noble Earl here read a letter addressed to a principal tenant, as we understood, of the Noble Lord to whom he al luded, refusing to renew his lease—not on the ground of any doubt as to his security, but of his being a Roman Catholic, and concluding in these terms :—" The Roman Catholics have given him every opposition, both with regard to the payment of tithes and in eery election for the county of Wexford, and he is nearly determined not to admit persons of that per suasion as his tenants in future.] My Lords, that letter was accompanied with a statement, that so complete was the system of extermination and persecution carried on against the Roman Catholic tenants, that many of them were unable to find even a night's shelter. And I intreat your Lord ships, when in leaving this House you are exposed even for a moment to the cold air, to reflect upon the sufferings of these people—aged men bed-ridden, if still they had a bed left, women in child-birth, and infants hungry and helpless, ejected in this wholesale manner, and ex posed to all the inclemencies of the weather. My Lords, if such a state of things exist, I will say let those only who think such things are right for such causes --let them, and them only—talk merely of the crime, and think not of the misery of Ireland. I would say more, if any such system is pursued—if any depopulation of the tenantry on the ground of their religion is attempted in Ireland-1 will still labour on ; I will still do the best I can to tranquillise that distressed country ; the greater the difficulty the more time I will devote, the more energy I will exert for that pur pose ; but I will tell such persons I consider them more powerful for evil than,l should be for good—(The remainder of the sen tence was drowned by cheering from the Ministerial benches. ) Much of the Noble Lord's complaint was, that the present state of Ireland was new, and makes that a series ground of accusation against the Government. I think the Noble Lord is bound not only to prove that I am answerable for that, but to prove it is a state of things that did not exist before.— ( Hear.) Complaints of a similar nature have heed made of the state of Ireland, not merely within these last few years, but in the year when the Noble Duke opposite first held the of fice of Secretary of State for Ireland. The Noble Duke brought in a Bill, and stated his reasons for so doing. So did Mr. Peel in the year 1817, stating the evil which this Bill pro posed to remedy had not arisen on a sudden, but that it had existed for a considerable time ; indeed for the whole time he formed pert of the Irish Government, and that this state of things had existed in the year 1814.—)Hear, hear.) My Lords, 1 know nothing except these unfortunate isolated cases. Sir Robert Peel goes on then to use words of praxes. cal wisdom, which might well be applicable to the present time. He says, " Time alone, the prevalence of a kindly paternal Government, and the extension of education, are the remedies which I propose."—( Hear.) Surely, my Lords, when Sir Robert Peel cordially concurred with the Noble Duke opposite in 1829 in carrying that measure, without which no paternal Government could be accepted by the people of that country, surely, my Lords, I may be excused for endeavouring to work out these principles. What time had been wasted from 1816 to 1829 in endeavouring to tranquillize that un happy country, when, much to his credit, Sir Robert Peel re traded his former opinions —(Cheers)—and granted the mea , sure for which that people so long struggled—if Sir Robert Peel looked to the progress of education as affecting the cha racter of the people, he would certainly take care that that education was acceptable to their feelings. —( Cheers.) The same principle which had induced him in 1829 to co-operate with the Noble Duke opposite, had, in 1835, induced him to propose an increased grant to the National ey:tem of Education in Ireland. In referring to these points, my Lords, it is rather curious to observe hew in all ages and in all times a contrast has been presented as regarded the state of Ireland between that which wise men said was good for it in their closets, and that which statesmen carried into execution. My attention has been lately called to a few words of great authority on this point. My Lords, Lord Bacon, speaking of Ireland, strangely enough uses expressions which, remote as is the period, different as are the circumstances, will strike your Lordship's as applicable to the present time.— ( Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord here proceeded to read an extract from a letter of Lord Bacon to his secretary, in which he alludes to the distracted state of Ireland. He then, my Lords, regrets the shedding of blood, and states that it is the Queen's intention to bring the subject imme diately before her Parliament. My Lords, I will venture to say that there is not a native in Ireland who does not feel the great kindness of her Malesty in taking the earliest opportu nity to express her desire for the welfare of her subjects in Ireland. I will only refer, my Lords, to one other document for the purpose of illustrating this subject —it is from a very different person to the last, and in a different age ; it came into my hands accidentally, but it is, in my opinion, most applicable to the present time ; it is a letter, my Lords, from the great Lord Chesterfield, which was found in the Castle of Dublin shortly after that Noble Earl had given up the Lord Lieutenancy of that coun try. In that letter the Noble Earl stated that he was confi dent that lenity towards the Papists made no alterwion whatever in their religion or their sentiments.—(llear. ) Now, I tell the Noble Lord that is exactly what I have done. I am accused, like Lord Chesterfield, of lenity to Papists, and like that Noble Lord, I will continue to merit the accu sation. " I was determined to proscribe no set of people what ever, and I am determined to be governed by none,"—so said my Lord Chesterfield, and so say I. The Noble Lord oppo site, in one part of his speech, alludes to an authority to which he says I ern bound. My Lords, I am bound to no authority but my own. Ido not conceive that in consulting the wishes of an entire people I have given ground to the Noble Lord for saying that I would bow to the authority of any particular person. I require, nay Lords—l care not what insinuations may be thrown out against me—l require nothing but the convictions of my own conscience throughout the entire of the time which I represented the Crown in the sister' country to sustain me against such charges. Mr. O'Connell, it has been stated, monopolizes the patronage of the Irish Government. My Lords, I utterly deny that. Mr. O'Con nell, like every other member of Parliament, requiring informa tion from the Government, has, I admit, had several communica tions with it ; but the applications of Mr. O'Connell I can con fidently state have been fewer than those of any other Member of Parliament. Neither, my Lords, has Mr. O'Connell been consulted upon any one appointment of the Irish Government. But, like Lord Chesterfield, I. would proscribe no man. It hes been the taunt against me that I have treated Mr. O'Connell like any other Member of the House of Commons. So I have my Lords, and so I will continue to do. ( Hear, and cheers.) But I utterly deny tlfat the Government has been controuled by him, or has consulted with him, as to any of the appointments that have been made, and as to the coincidence of his communications with the Government, I am far from disclaiming that, which instead of being a reproach to it, I consider a very great advantage. —( Cheers. ) That I ever acted upon the authority of anybody but upon my own responsibility, I utterly deny in the face of the Noble Earl who threw out the taunt. The Noble Loyd is perfectly aware that on all occasions on which I have an opportunity of addressing your Lordships I have no hesitation in expressing whatever I feel, and on this occasion I take the liberty of re calling the Noble Lord's recollection to an expression, which if accurately reported, was one of the most unjust im putations which has been made in any quarter through out the party warfare that has been going on for , the last two or three years. My Lords, it so pleased the Con servatives. of Ireland to hold a meeting not long since, into which no reporters were admitted but those of their own way of feeling; therefore what was reported of that meeting would not only be nothing but what was said, but also but what the meeting wished to have known. It was at a period of this kind—and I really feel these are subjects too serious to be made the subject of discussion in any political assembly—l feel that, in asking fur an explanation in your Lo r d s hi ps ' House, how much more I feel it when such subjects are brought forward at political party meetings, amid midnight revels. It was said that the Government was vested in Infidels 1 1 My Lords, do I speak too strongly? I feel the Noble Lord's con science must have already reproached him. Wh at could he mean by such a statement in midnight revels ? Lord RODEN-7( As we understood)—l never made use of such an expression. Earl MULG R A VE—Then lam perfectly satisfied. All I can say is, that those words were reported, and that all re . porters were excluded the meeting except those favourable to the views of the parties assembled. I should therefore have concluded from the report, that such wo r d s h a d b een used ; b ut as the No b le Lord has disclaimed them, I now feel assured that he did not state any such thing, and lat once dismiss it from my mind, because I am persuaded the N o bl e L ord feels nothing could excuse such an irredeemable imputation as one of that kind would be. I am, my Lords, at a loss to understand the nature of the charge which the Noble Lord has brought against me. I have endeavoured to prove that Government has done all it could to .. , ii ...._.,_._,--- ~o nrON e • to r s neutralize all those tendencies to crime. I have decreasing. your Lordships that the outrages are vastly to or umit- I ha% e ov, d that the proportion of cenvic:ionsou __ es has tals—of committals to the actual number of ir_a_g . Lar d s , greatly increased since former times. I have now, my s I retaio in conclusi ,n, to say that so long a- ;it t hat . ~ • the co ofidence of her Majesty, I shall ce , c ons ider course which I have adopt ..(1, and which I ej . I h a ve best for the country which is entrus:ed to my eli t a : rg: ibut i r n of no other object in view, my Lords than the "; 16, I impartial justice to all. In the words of Mr. PeeL ut a, lovea ill trust to the confidence of a people in a patern..!.t.. dale meta. and the diffusion of education for the tranou: . !i2 e Y na o ne, country; and with Lord Chesterfield, I would prose 1 ° rs v Lord o ' nor be governed by any man. My only obj e ct, ins „ seace of in the humble sphere of my utility to cherish the e°: e ll r u , i „ the my S-nefeiza, end endeavour to usiasantds t dearts of the Lish people. The Noloie s h t ierci°An loud el.cers. Ties Hari of BANDON said that, not of attending to newspaper reports himself, and nehor, there' scending to answer them when they attacked him: in of t he fore, thought that he had some reason to cornP'"'e accounts Noble Noble Earl for not having produced more authenti o s shoe d him than he had done. He (the Earl of Bando s relati4 beioag not trouble their Lordships with a detail of anYih iil f on ly say to the arrangements of his own estates, but wouldpot to briefly on the subject of the statement made in res t P o s, ad that every one of the 247 individuals whom I e '_', diag in ve tl_te eo t e t . charged with turning adrift were at that moment r their respective houses.—( Hear, hear, and laughter) byi` the for that reason that he thought himself ill-treatedsuch Noble Earl in being called on by him to answer anY allegation. allu ded The Earl of MULGR AVE said that at the time t h o e _ id t he to the report then contradicted by the Noble Earl , h for House he did not believe it, and that ho brought it forty . a l _, f or the purpose not of charging the Noble Lord with it, but the purpose of giving him an opportunity to contradic vite from Lord DONOUGHMORE would undertake to pros, there the police report s which he head in his hand, not only th t t that that at that time a vast amount of crime in Ireland, Du. st ate crime was on the increase. He begged leave distinctly to ye p alulg'" that he made n° charge against the Noble Earl (r r end, opposite of causing the increase of crime to which he vigor by neglecting to carry the common law of the land in° e " sar y to ously and strenuously into effect. It would only be ' l „ ec , mei W state what the convictions were at the last assizes at taionori ha s shoe: their Lord-hips how very efficiently the Noble Earl a nd pushed the common law. Out of 1,131 eases brought le ~t o, for adjudication, there were 866 convictions. thatu' Of oirea df her 25 were sentenced to death, and six had beet' to ted executed ; the sentence of the remaining 19 being e° °3 ve to transportation for life. In addition to these, 8 6 ot , _ t l. a ' o e, suns were sentenced to different periods of transP ° N o ble With such evidence before them, coald oaf, s ee- Lord in that House, or any body out of it l ie d the push ture to assert that the Noble Earl had not ' s ite common law of Ireland as far it would go ? But la no ; i - ts i of these severe examples, what was the state of th e e va ith: at the present moment ? It was true that in August , n° ot y of standing the excitement of the general election, the e °ti mars Tipperary was extremely quiet—only one man belng of the dered ; but that man was murdered close to the door d Do , county Member (Mr. Sheil), and, as far as he (L er bv the noughmore) could learn, no reward was ever o ffered_ t i vi hst Government for the apprehension of the murderer. B u ari eed they chiefly complained of in Tipperary was, that, a nd bodies of men were allowed to parade the country l ea se night ; and the consequence was, that the comparative a c coe d of crime which existed in August, was in October r ota te to a vast and most alarming extent; and he regretted Iwo that it was still upon the increase. In October seven The beings were murdered, and ten desperately wounded• ot of Noble Earl would admit that this was a great ani tui des ere crime in so short a period, particularly when the ' w ore examples made at the assizes only the July previous_a c h considered. As an additional proof that crime was net '; i es on the decrease, he might mention the number of CO"! e t be at the quarter sessions. There could not he found:l ean t whole world a more efficient public officer than the a S o ' 1 0 barrister for the county of Tipperary. He was a g ° bea r, Catholic, but belonged to neither party.—( Hear , i o to hear.) He put the law strongly and v i g orouslY ssio e, effect; he presided over the Courts of Quarter S e ' o r whose powers had of late years been greetlY t he larded. At the quarter sessions held in O c tober, 18 34 4 5. number of Convictions before the Assistant Barrister was' 1 . 0 1 At the quarter sessions held in October, 1837, the nur°''.hhe convictions was, as he understood, 85. That did root looishioh a decrease of crime. Only three days before the time at w ho se her Majesty's Ministers put into the Speech from the I „ e st , the declaration of the tranquillity of Ireland there was a "; ar y, ing of twenty-eight Magistrates of the county of TiPP e t hat to take into consideratio n th e s t a t e o f one barony in t he county, the barony of Clanwilliam. He begged to ea" ha , particular attention of the Noble Vis coun t o pp os ite to the per ratter of the gentlemen who composed that meeting. a s haps the Noble Viscount thought that they were merely o f assembly of Conservatives, got together for the Pu r r' s t e hete injuring him and his party. No such thing. Among heir were three highly-respectable Cath o li cs , a men who did t a d duty well and with strictness, great landed proprietor s, bas e friends to the Noble Viscount and his p ar ty. Among t sle Magistrates was the Honourable Member for Cashe l ' o r (Lord Donoughmore) held in his hand a copy of the to morial addressed by the Ma g istrates on this oceas ie l a te the Lords Justices of Ireland, with reference to the s av i of the barony of Clanwilliam.—( Hear.) [The Noble ro f here read the document, which describ e d a nuMb e hr i crimes, comprehending murders and oth er ou trages, w • t i c l o had been committed in the barony, declared that it l 43 , decided opinion of the Magistrates neither life nor prop t he was secure in the district, adverted to the disposition °' / set peasantry to obtain and secure arms, and prayed that th e t he of the sth and 6th William IV. might be put in foreei t he common law being insufficient for the preservation public peace ; and also prayed for an extra police and' t ie tary force.] So much for the internal peace and (Wi g ht tranquillity which prevailed in Ireland ! Those twentYl t he Magistrates distinctly alleged that, in their o pinion, n e s 'eal life nor property was safe ; and he (Lord Donoughiner e i t hat perfectly satisfied from the police reports in that barollY sact s, in giving that opinion they were perfectly justified by the The Noble Lord proceeded to read from th e p o lice repe r ` t iais account of a number of outrages that had tak en place d u t ho the last seven weeks in the barony of Clanwilliatn. C t ee 9th of October, two shots were fired into the house of Je his Sadler, Esq., and a threatening notice was posted °" a re gate, menacing him with death if he cam e f orw ard Oand, gate information respecting an individual wh o h a d committed ;Do offence. On the 12th of October, at night, a s Henry Q ul oa Esq., was returning froin Tipperary, he was fired ° t sar a wounded with a horse pistol ; being, in fact, mistaken,' the. Mr. Curathew, a gentleman of Considerable propertY tn harl county of Tipperary, who, during the last four year s ' esta te, never been able to venture out of his hou s e, or his own she without being accompanied by an a rm ed party. v° to red, 19th of October, the house of a Mr. Cr o tty was se vera l in the night by an armed band, wh o fired 9 to shots, broke the windows, and affixed threatening net ice D os the gates. On the night of the 19th also a threatenitie, lice was posted on the gate of Henry Quillen, Esq., filed' him to turn away one of his men, for no reason that 51 ' . ' s old lan could discover but that h e was a person whom be to trust. On the night of N ovem b er 2d, a notice was aw l ; the gates of Mr. Sadler, ordering him to have nothing t e of with a person therein named, and a shot was fired into O t i s ° his windows On the night of the 9th of November a boat was affixed to the door of George Ford, Esq., orderingroher to discharge some of his men. On the 12th of Nq u e d 1)1 the houses of James Hogan and others were a ' t tac- h - ro" armed meta who beat Hogan most severely. They also orio„ .the doors of the other houses and beat their iiirna te , s s 'ing to several shots, and warning the inhabitants to have a ° '"?;hi" do with a person of the name of Tramalce. The baro ns', Lord proceeded to state other recent outrages in the ea °` (of Clanwilliam, especially the barbarous murder of a u r ea the name of Dennis Murphy. He then went on to o e .J oiso that he trusted he load said enough to satisfy their i r arat ioe that the Magistrates were well-founded in the dee h ood which they had made to the ,Lords Justices, that in the l ife' of Clanwillism there was no security for propertY o r and. that the common law was not sufficient, mor° or e; cially to prevent the obtaining and concealing et 0 th gistered arms. What was the law with referenee wa ' s poi offence to ithich he had just adverted? It to go. nished by either a fine of 101., or commitment note; for two months. Now, th a t w a s a punishm ent use s festly insufficient for the offence, especially seeing th e t t hat which the arms had been applied. He had no (1 0 "` .. ) 015 ite t, would become absolutely necessary to bring i .0 an A .0 .'. 11 with provisions similar to those contained in the b i od ace; duced into the other House by Lord Stanley. I! objected to th a t measure t h at i t wou ld b e oppress e o:e that ato , oppressive ? It' h e reco ll ecte d r i g h t l y , it provid d yed 0101 person charg e d w i t h being in possession of unregist d t wit , j a should be b roug h t before the assistant bat sister, :n t . o . seq.!, convicted, lie might be sentenced to transportatio __coatius, years. But that sentence could not be carried into .e,.• he ir' laid so , without the evidence having been previously_ r ioin g the Lord Lieutenant, who, if he saw reason for u might exercise the Royal prerogative of me re Y • d as aware that the N o bl e Viscount mig I) ht object to co__ a" T he Parliam ent to trust G overnment w i t h such .w c op osifi Noble Earl might also think he should lose some P ita sho,_ u a in Ireland by such a step. Be might think that be of tiacss not be so much the idol of the midnight snurder _s ae) a to country. Of this, however, he ( Lord Donought° to ee tvc roo t perfectly conv i nce d, t h at if t h e N o ble Earl w ere w 0;_1, that hou se t o ac k now l e d ge t h a t the commono4;e voiltlor)r strong enough to m ee t ex i s ti n g circumstances (a ,n ars h ad ! 10' s _ k s a admitted that no man d ur i ng the last twentys Noble 100 vigorously pushed th e comm on law than th e „eigh t , dr ver he foto in and to demand additional powers, whate in a te n in popularity with one party, he would gal!? at ge n: ea°, gree with another. 'There was not a reside s '. ID donsar the county of Tipperary who would not alrno d ay in 11 ; v got worship him ; for at present they went ever. d ss h ha d in their lives. ions car e tf The Earl of MULGR AVE in his Pre v aat hod n oun , addressed lois observations to any th i ng te.on to tha t &bet e l ; the county of Tipperary, because no a llusi sd t be t n y beg a i e bi° load been made by the Noble Lord who P o ° sore ' le her ° i re and he (Lord Mulgrave) had paused b. .°t elo r rid defence of his Government in order to gi"`:_ dd i ti ona it 1) 0 .4 Lord an opportunity of bringing forward anY tlia , v obie against that Government. He certainly the ! s c oot/hi, have been a much more convenient co urse in the ma ke o ld who had just spoken, standing as he a ese t aa it w o t Tipperary, had availed himself of that _ Ilia r lateePirroatn, tha t ,P,, e rt statement respecting the barony of a dvert t el d, hoo e h ad have enabled him (Lord Mulgrave) to He lo g v a rl in his former address to their LordshiPs• the Nob' brought down the d o cuments to which 1