The Sun. — London, England, 1846-05-12 00:00:00

TEE SUN, LON'DON, TUES_DAY EVENING. MAY 19, itme, he former for the purposes of revenue ; and he would ask. had state before the House and the country the reasons why their not agriculture the same claim upon them. He had, he considered, I opinions still remained unchanged upon the measure. 1 a plan which he could recommt-nd to the Right Hon. Baronet. Had the intervals that had elapsed between the different stages It was a gr e at commerci a l plan, and one which would answer of the discussion upon it admitted, he would have called upoo all purposes. 'They might read in the first pages of almost his constituents to express their opinion upon it, and if they all political economists, that moderate taxation did considerably differed from him, he would tl.en have requested of them to stimulate industrs. - (Hear, h ear .) why, thi s then was t find some other gentleman in whom to repose the trust con the very thing which they wanted. Let him adopt this fided to him.---( Ilear a hear.) He should confess he was at a plan and Le woull do away with the injustice and double loss to see the validity of the argument that if the ports had the revenue.-( Hear, hear.) But, in truth, protection was a been thrown open it would he impossible to close them again. benefit in one case as much as the other. He held in his hand If the ports had been thrown open, then the question as to a letter, written by a Noble ancestor of his more than two eerie closing them should be legitimately tested.-( Hear, hear. ) turies ago , an d h e con s idered that the cause of protection could At that period it was expected that th e arrangemen s then ex be stated by few in that House in a clearer manner. The 110- isting would never have been disturbed. He could not conceive bleman to whom he referred was Lord Franc's Rios. how the experience of three years justified the sweeping The letter was addressed to Mr. Caren. In this letter the writer changes which were contemplated by the Government. He said that an importation of corn was an exportation of money, and believed that the free importation of foreign grain would have that even in a case of necessity it was a hurt to the common- the effect of throwing the land out of cultivation, and the wealth.: w th e i m p or t a tion of corn was unlimited, the effect of it labourer nut of employ. He would tell the operatives that corn would be to destroy husbandry , and therefore the poor would could not be introduces! into this country at a lower rate than starve for the want of work, as tillage lard would be thrown into at p resen t. M r. MiC u ll oc h h a d state d th a t it was impossible she e p pasturage. What, asked the writer, was th e use o f corn for foreign corn to be sold in this country under 525. perqr. being c h ea p if the poor man had no money to purchas e it w ith? Th ey h ad b een told that t h e w i t hd rawa l o f protect i on would be This w as the opinion entertained in 1610 on this subj ec t. H e the dissolution of the constitut i on. Th ey h a d b een t o ld that now c ame to the most important point in the argument. It the proceedings of the League were intended as an attack on was the relation of the rate of wages to the price of food.- the landed interest. He knew that a section of the party oppo (Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Baronet, the Member for site had acquired great influence out of doors and in that Tamwo r th, said that he could no longer supi ort the corn- laws House. If those measures were to he successful either in the because the price of corn did not affect the rate of wages. The present Parliament or in any other, he trusted that they would Right Hon. Baronet dismissed the manufacturing labourers at be attended with the benefits to the people which the Gentle once from his consideration. To that he (the Noble Marquis) men opposite anticipated. Whatever might be the result, it would say he had heard it stated, by more th an one M em b er wou ld b e a l ast i ng sa ti s f ac ti on t o th em th a t th e y h a d no t given on the opposite side of the Heine, that the principal argument up a system founded on settled principles for a newfangled why the corn-laws should be repealed was, th a t b y t h e re d uce d d oc t r i ne . Th e y (th e p ro t ec ti on i s t s ) h a d t hi s satisfaction that wages paid the labourers they could b e t ter compete w i t h t h ey h a d never a b an d one d or b e t raye d t h e trust w hi ch h ad b een foreigners.-( Hear.) This was a point, however, in his (the committed to them. Marquis of Granby's) opini in that should not to determined in Mr. SHERIDAN wished to take the present opportunity of such a summary manner. But he would proceed with the speaking on a matter of a personal nature, which was inch argument as it related to the agricultural labourers. rectly cenneeted with the business before the House. The The Right Hon. Baronet said that during the year Hon. Member for Dorsetshire, in bringing forward the report 1837 the price of corn varied 38s. Between 1837 and on the Corn Importation Bill, had thought proper to cast some 1841 the variation of the price was 38s; whereas, imputation on the veracity of the statements which he (Nlr. during the same period, the rate of wages varied but ls , Sheridan) had made. He trusted that he might be allowed on 1 varying from 10s. to I is. per week. Now, he (the Marquis of the present occasion, as it was a matter that affected his char- Granby) must say, had this been the case, these would have acter, to occupy the attention of the House, while he endea been some show of reason for not maintaining the corn-laws ; voured to protect himself from the unjust aspersions which had but he submitted, the Right Hon Baronet had been mistaken, been cast on his veracity by the lion. Member for Dorsetshire. in the argument. If the Right Hon. Baronet would go down He thought that that Hon. Gentleman would be better employ to Thetford, he would find it otherwise than he had repre- ing his time if he were tolook into the condition of his own poor sented, and that though the money rates of wages might not in Dorsetshire than occupying himself with comparing have much varied, the actual wages received in other modes the amount of dertitution in Ireland with other parts of the than by money had greatly altered. He (the Noble Marquis) country. The Hon. Gentleman had asserted that the quota relied on certain returns furnished to the House of Lords by a lions which the Noble Lord the Secretary for Ireland had Noble Relative of his, and these returns showed what had been made use of on a recent occasion were in direct variance with the variation in the rate of wages in the neighbourhood of Bel- the truth. He would not go into any detailed statements with voir. In 1538 he collected the average wages of forty-two respect to these accounts. They were made public on his au labourers near Belvoir, by going throughout the different thority, and he was responsible for their truth. He was satis cottages of the labourers. The price of corn in 1838, was fled as to the correctness of his statements. Since last Friday 60s. a quarter; in 1839, it was 52.5. ; the wages of the labourer he had addressed various letters to persons in the country, and in 1842, were I Is. 2(1. a week ; in 1839, according to the in reply had received letters from clergymen which stated that return which has been made to the House of Commons, they the rate of wages in their county averaged 7s. per week. The had risen from 19.5. to 133. a week, so that the difference Hon. Gentleman then read a letter from the Rev. Sidney between the rate of wages in 1838 and 1839, was Is. a week. Osborne, with respect to the labourers of the Blandford Union. although the difference in the price of corn was no t more th an It was a d ocumen t d ate d 1843 ; b ut t h e Rev. Gentleman was a fifth of t h at amount. It appears by the same returns, during well p rsuaded that the description contained in it with the year 1838, the labourer consumed on an average, during respect to the labourers of the Blandford Union was equally the week, Sibs. 1 loz. of meat, while in the year 1839 the applicable to the present year. The labourers were divided consumption was 31bs. filoz. So that the labourers abso- into two classes ; the first class received wages averaging from lately consumed as much as 42Ibs. of meat less in Bs. to 9s. per week; out of which they had to pay house-rent, the cheap year than they did in the dear year. If they were the other class received wages averaging from Bs. to to take this calculation as the basis of their consideration, it 9s. per week, and these accounts tallied exactly with would he conceived be quite satisfactory. If such the information he had derived from his own inquiries were to be taken they might very well set the ques- The Hon. Member for Dorsetshire had stated that he did not titan at rest, but if they were to have recourse to a know of a case in which wages were so low as 7s. per week; further test, namely, tha t of the proportion of the labourer, it did appear to him a strange circumstance, that a gentle man, they would find that those wages varied from 40s. to 50s. holding so high a position in the country, and so highly re per cent., and that the lower price prevailed during the years spected as the Hon. Member, and who was chairman of the when there was a cheaper price for corn. This principle held beard of guardians, should come forward and coolly state in throughout the returns which had been furnished by the corn his place in Parliament that he did not know of a single markets, and as shown in the reports from the various towns in instance in which the wages in his county were so low as 7s. which the corn markets were held ;so that no doubt could pos- per week, when day after day, month after month, aibly exist upon the subject, where the competition of the labour and year after year, he was in the habit of market came into contrast with those of tee prices of the corn affixing his name to the reports in which market. If the Hon. Members on the Treasury benches those very cases occurred. He had written to the relieving wished to convince him that the poor man would be bi tter off officer of the Dorsetshire Union, and in reply he received a for having the price of corn lessened, he would say to them, letter, dated the 10th of May, 1846. That letter contained an let them give up their salaries for one year-(Laughter)-and account of the wages of the ab!e- bodied men, who had applied then tell him they found bread cheaper, and he would believe for relief at the union. It stated the average rate of wages in them.-( Hear, hear.) Even if they did that, still they could the district did not exceed 7s. or 7s. 6d. per week. He had not feel any effects from it, for they would have something to asked the relieving officer, and he would ask his Hon. Friend, fall back upon, while the labourer had nothing but his employ- whether he could state a case in the county of Dorset where went ; and deprive him of that, and you deprive him of every. a man, who is paid by the day, received more that Bs. per week. thing.-( Hear, hear.) He would now make a few The relieving officer of the Dorsetshire Union, in answer to his observations, and only a few, upon the Irish part question, had said the: lie did not know of a single instance of of the question. He believed that all parties a man working by the day receiving more than Bs. per week; in that House would agree that a great deal neither did he believe that there was an instance in that county. of distress did prevail in that country. But he could not see Se much, then, for the statements of the Hon. Member with why that should be made the foundation fora repeal of the corn- respect to his veracity with respect to wages in Dorsetshire. lie laws. It had been said that if the ports had been thrown open thought he was justified in saying that hi s H on. F r i en d h a d to relieve th a t di s t ress , i t would be impossible ever to close done him great injustice when he stated that his ( air. Sheri them again ; but he could not for the life of him understand dan's) assertions were not in accordance with the statements that argument ; and he believed the Government were now be- that had appeared in the public prints. The Hon. Member ginning themselves to see that that was a bad argument.- had said that it might be true that in some places the agricul ( Hear, hear.) They also argued that it would be better to tural labourers received a very trifling surn per week ; but to relieve the distress in Ireland by repealing the corn-law than explain the cause of his smallness of remuneration was, that he to call upon this country to subscribe money every year, for a w was not up to his work." Why, how was it possible for a man number of years, for that purpose. Now he should say that he that paw compelled to feed upon horse-beans and turnip-tops to regretted vet y much that the Government had introduced, with be" up to his work?"-( Hear, hear.) The agricultural wages the Coercion Bill, no better measure for the relief of the distress were scandal only low.-( Hear, hear.) lie hoped the House in Ireland.-( Hear, hear.) He would refer to the observation would consider that he had fully answered the statements of made by the Hon. Member for Lynn, who had said that by this his Hon. Friend. He firmly believed that the withdrawal of measure they would throw out of employment 500,000 families, of all protection would not have the effect of improving the and add to the two millions of destitute al rea dy i n that country condition of the agriculturists. Wages did not vary with the three millions more. He had not beard that observation con- price of corn. The Hon. Member having read the letter of tradicted. They would have to ask the people of this country an agricultural labourer, which has appeared in the morning to feed twice the number that they would otherwise have to p a p ers , t o s h ow t h at the wages of that class were stationary feed, and at the same time diminish their powers of going to and fixed, proceeded to say, that as long as the poor-law the relief of the Irish people, although they would be still as was administered in its present state, so long anxious as ever to do so.-( Hear, hear. ) He now came t o th e wou l d those poor people remain in their present degraded arguments held out to them to i n d uce t h em to condition. -( Hear, hear.) The Poor-law Commissioners, consent to the repeal of the corn-laws, and here he was met by when applied to for relief by an agricultural labourer who had a head-sea-a sea which, in nautical la nguage , was ca ll e d a a family, refused to admit hint into the workhouses if he were confused sea. He no sooner recovered from the shock he re- able-bodied, and only gave him a few loaves, eeived on one side, than he recoiled f rom a s h oc k on t h e other. that sort ; he was consequently to return to his customary Ue had been told by some that th e a d vantage of the repeal labour for any sort of remuneration. Notwithstanding the would be the cheapness of the bread, and immediately after he present flourishing state of the country, there had not been (Hwas told by others, and in some instances by the same people- the slightest increase in the wages of the agricultural labourer, ear, hear) -that the people were not born, and the country during the last year, in Dorsetshire or the other argricultural not discovered from which this great supply of corn was to counties adjoining-( Hear, hear)-and he therefore believed come. In his confusion and distress he naturally turned to the that the adoption of free trade would not benefit the agricul prime mover of all these great measures, in the hops that he tural labourer. should find some consolation, and derive some enlightment from Mr. ' , TOYER. then explained some statements which he hi tn .-( Hear, hear.) Ala., it was going from the shades of had made on a previous evening. The Noble Lord the Secre evening into the depths and darkness of night-(Cheers and Lary for Ireland had stated, on the authority of his Hon. Fri en d laughter)--it was confusion worse confounded.-( Cheers ) Air. Sheridan, that the average rate of wages of agricultural The Right Hon. Gentleman would tell them nothing, because labourers in the county of Dorset was 7s. per week. But if he said that lie could not.-(Laughter.) When he asked him the public believed that statement they would be labouring and the House if it was about to vote for a great social altera- under an erroneous impression, the average rate being 9,. per tion like the present on such a fatal error-which would rend week. In his (Mr. Floyer s) own neighbourhood he believed asunder the ties and associations now existing-which would that the common rate of wages was 7s. per week, but it must increas e the evil of the present day, instead of alleviating it, and be recollected that they were allowed a certain quantity of %Ate the manufacturer with the foreign agriculturist, instead fuel (perhaps not as much as they were entitled to), a house of a [vetting those ties which ought to exist between him and rent-free, and some potato ground, which would make thei r native brothers and friends-he received no answer. their wages equal to 9s. per week at the least. He was not sufficiently acquainted with the subject himself to He did appeal to that House, whether he was not entitled to be able to bring forward facts in proof of his position, but he stand up and make come remark when lie heard the Dorset• learnt fro m those friends around him that in the event of the shire peasant compared with the poor Irish labourer.--( He ar , abolitio n o f tens corn-laws the price of corn would range from hear.) He had risen to address the House unprepared, and 355. to 405.-( hear, hear.) If so, the statement which had he trusted that some allowance would be made to him if he fbeen made at one of the late agricultural meetings was per- spoke in a stronger method than he intended The words he nctly correct. (The Noble Lord then read an estimate of a used upon the occasion referred to were, that the rate of wages Air. Everett as to the effect on the produce of 300 acres of land in Dorsetshire were from seven to eight shillings a week, but by the abolition of those laws.) The price, at present, of certain the Noble Lord mis-interpreted the expression that the state produce of this farm was 1,964'., by the proposed alteration it ments made by him (the Noble Lord) led to an impression Would be 1,347/. 103. The Noble Lord could state that there which was wholly at variance with the truth. He (the Noble Was a farm which now brought in 1,8411. 53 , which would Lord) considered that he (Mr. Floyer) said that his statements "(Honly produce 1,300/. ss. after they repealed those laws. were wholly at variance with the truth. Now he never said ear, hear.) He bad endeavoured to prove to atn , N such thing-he never meant to make such a c h arge upon the H ouse t h at the repeal of the corn-laws was most impo- his os,i eFriend, who always weighed his words carefully, and litic and unjust, and he would go further and say that spoke them with consideration. And now with regard to the if there really had arrived a necessity for the settlement of present state of the Dorsetshire labourer. He believed that presethe m , there could be no permanent arrangement under the he had already stated, that it was quite as good awnodrei:,:aanntbdneuttintheer. nt Government.-(" Hear, hear," from the protection than it was at almost any period. He employed a g benches- ) The Right Hon. Baronet had come into power by bar of them during the winter at certain task-wort , of the agricultural body, and he would read to the earnings of these men varied from ten to eleven shillings the so H owe an extract from the Quarter*y Review to prove that the week. The present winter he had employed a Right Hon. Gentleman had defeated the Whig Ministry upon in the same manner, and gave them the same work n 1842. The reviewer took the lan- to do, and of precisely the same quality; but some this question in , t h e Right Honourable Baronet and then of thorn, from the demand for labour prevailing, left off working and went to other employments, and he ad - He eoh whichire labourereatsed him wa s a eo u rn ag at e e n o te ' d upon it ; and what said _that Ho'n. Baronet? t h o e t s t a e y r - He help the now as he aid then and he upheld t s ame language b .f ,s u a ced ethpartesaesntene stateof theof thereasDonors a graduatrdledtauitlys: heute,eui could dtnhoeyt pledge himself. m sel t f o t t h h an t the usual. As to the condition of the poor-house, it de the principle of what amount, or the exact Well, then, he considered, by accepting these conditions, the prattled, as Hon. Gentlemen were aware, upon very different plight himself to maintain acorn- Right Hon. Baronet didcircumstances, and on matters which had very little reference lucid arguments, was fol- able- bi s id a.. ie te d la w ; "and thin ' remarkablPeleandbold declaration," says the Re- efw es. But he was able to state that very few usually, were inmates of the house over which he viewer " strongly by in which 3C2 Conservative speakinlabourers, not above four or five at the most, enforced lowed ' by a celebrated division, Members acce pt e d the proposition of the Right Hon. Baroneyt., tg e d e t s h e e w g h o o u n ld our to preside as chairman. But he was sure the agree with him that the poor-house was not a what terms he would safe criterion and .called him to power by an unexpected majority of ninety- one. Sir R. Peel declared boldly on on to go by, in judging of the condition of the la 'wasthe pre- as he believed, at from seven to eight shillings a bushel. d • support was bo • unng poor. And with reeard to t Hear, hear.) accept power. Those,„ po atoes, they were selling, conditions wf , re i a 3u ce t e w p h te at given with unexampled enthusiasm._ The stock was by no means what is termed the Parliament should be w over," nor had • sent conduct of the Right lion. Gentleman ? Before those _( it deteriorated since it was first • 'measures could come into operation, stored ; in he did ask the Right Hon. Baronet, supposing fine he might state in conclusion, that ion, he believed the condition dissolved, and h r Parliament, would of the labouring e a '- the corn-law should be repealed in anot e , had been period since heh P acl asti was as good as he had known it at any measure?-( Hear.) IN ell, they known anything about such matters ; and it be a permanent before earlier period, he would sit down, he wished told that they should have discovered that ati a n, to state that he had no in butt who was a tention to address the Lord Grey discovered 1 , H ~ H ouse that evening, but he had been had not Cries of " ear. ) called up by the remarks of the Hon. Gentleman ; nor had he He could not presume to say what the effect of the p a oar in Dorsetshire was indeed • might be, but this he would presume sufficient, it was far from what he could wish it to • to which he had alluded but there was mode of paying their be; several Members who supported a did behove the . lie . to say, that it tto consider what might say next, been adopted in many instances, and which he considered liable the Right Hon. Barone and to consider whether he miTht not ask whether the point to a great deal of unfairne ss .-( H ear, h ear.) That mode was Which he had propounded .ed might not be discovered sooner ? by paying so much corn p er wee k -w hi ch was certainly given d e minority of this 1-louse, but he a t a reduced rate-with so muc h money. And what he corn- He would not say Would appeal to the great this of tI 2 r 4O by whom that Right Hon. Ba- plained of was, the mere money part of the tr ansact i on was only toner's opinions had been approve d. He did not wish to depart taken into account by the House, when statement o f t h e rat e from the facts before the House, but he could not help re- of wages were made to it. A bushel of wheat was o ft en t h us paid per fortnight, or per week, at a rate of about five shilli ngs blinding the Me m bers of that House, that they were asserting the p r i nc i p l es which the P rime M in i s t er chose to dictate.- the bushel, and the remainder of the wages was given in th e (Cheers.) H e an d th e f r i en ds around him had supported the shape of w money. He considered that he had a right to pl ace iin the knowledge of Hon. Gentlemen, c orn-laws becau s e th e y thought them to be right, and they these facts it r efused to negati ve th em because they did not conceive them and he hoped his lion. Friend w. old forgive him e right.-(Hear, hear.) He was happy that to be wro ng . -(Ch eers.) He thought that what was right for for exercising that the b ene fi t of one class could not be contrary to the interests he was able to agre e with him in the latter part of his speech, in the duty on corn could of another.-(Cheers fromthe Oppositionb -h s ) He was for he did not see how an alteration enc. e . a nxious to support the present corn-laws, because they took better the condition of the labouring poor. In considering this care of the i n t erests of the tenant as well as the landlord, of ques tion, they should consider to what extent the people of that regardthis, he the labourer as well as of those • of his employer.-( Cheers.) country could consume corn ; and with to by I • Noble Friend below lie would entreat them to believe would allude to a return quoted its that the • could not iure the roots of the tree without at the Y detri- hint (Lord G. 13entinck), by which it appeared that in the woulde same time doing a Ment to its branches ; and he r which was a year of remarkable agricultural pros still further entreat those year lb - , lion. Members who usually and there were seventeen millions of quarters passed most energetically supported parity, that the Government, to recollect this country ; bread was at that time that they could not injure the throne rh the markets of interests of any other class without the poorest man-not one that had a affecting their oven, and accessible to that they could not now interfere • could get sufficient.-(Hear, hear. ) with the rights of those shilling to pay but an equal claim to interfere with their there was The people had . t was given to cattle. They But even if the Right Hon. Baronet was ' million and-a-half of landed interest would not be injured, he right, and the had in hand at the present moment one they would thought it would be quarters of wheat, and before the close of the year but poor recompense for the loss of the con. - -(Loud cheers.) He did not believeyethoemLanery of England. have it amount to two millions. Now, could any personricultu 'Unction the present measure ; but, if the gislature would sitter that corn could be introduced profitably to this . ag , A nticipated evil would prove din, incorrect.-iie lie hoped the rist at a rate below the present rate of duty ?or did any person T ar, hear.) He consider that if they repealed the corn-laws, that the importa laoped the explanations of the Right Hon. vacant, would be verified. The Right Henrlaßronet, however lion would be limited to the amount he had already men- Would not retain the helm of state unless that aronet said he tioned? No, surely not. All other nations, finding here a free low e d to traverse freely. He (the Marquis ' of Gr helm was al- market, would pour in their surplus corn in their most that, if the night Hon. Baronet succeeded ir anby ) feared abundant seasons. The consequence would be to throw an im ourse of the vessel of state from its direct I altering the mense quantity of land out of cultivation, and instead of seven the port of posterity, he would meetand tried course teen eighteen millions of quarters of wheat they would have or k ariner that had gone before I • I, liin.-( Hear hear the fate of many a some hundreds, In conclusion he would say that he would , . .) He would oppose to his utmost the principle of the Government measure ,e drawn aside by tides and c •ut rents, until at last, tossed as destructive to the best interests of the country.-( Hear.) a bout by the winds and waves, his vessel would become a Sir JOHN EASTHOPE said, so far the wretchedness had i rcek on the barren and inhospitable shores of free trade.- been allowed, and they should not be much longer detained to tt lltl cheers ) If that le e .no.. .should happ en , t h en h e had no dou b t inquire whether those poor creatures were existing on some "al': toble Lord the Member for Lt nn, with hi s crew , wo uld seven s hilli ng s per week, and th ey were told by some of the Ilight ... the assistance, and do what they could to get the representatives of this country, that they cannot understand for th it lola. Baronet off.-( Hear, hear.) But his fear was, the life of them, how an importation of corn, by keeping thenthacce_ relief would come too late.-(llear, hear.) He down the prices, can benefit these poor creatures. But if they s aeu " i a . , d the Ho - use for the attention it had paid him, and he could net understand, he humbly and most earnestly hoped ti rce u i h now sit down, by moving that the Bill be read a third that their luminaries would go to the poor creatures themselves, 'tat a ' t. d aY six re ' , laths. (Th e N o bl e M arqu i s resu med his an d if th e y h a d enoug h lif e l e ft i n th em th e y would answer the Ai midst loud cheees from the protection benches.) question satisfactorily. They said it was a matter of no con trld r i c ( ? 2 ! i SKELL said he rose to second the amendment, sequence to have bread cheap for poor creatures living on seven th e ~ ,oing so he felt it to be on small disadvantage to follow shillings per week, to provide for a whole family, and that h,w.euanerirabie speech of the Noble Lord who hadj"t sat down 1 let bread be cheap or dear, it was all the same to them. They he , ,it was a duty front which he could not shrink, when wished to be sent to the country on the question. He thanked vhie?nsidered the auspices and other circumstances under God it would go to the country, and their advocacy of the thi, n this measure had been introduced, and he thought that people would be properly understood. He availed himself of WU the t' tine when Hon. ..Members were called upon to the opportunity of expressing the obligations of thole labourers, who were not reduced so low as seven shillings, and their unbounded g r atitude f or the f e arless manner, regard less o'i all consequences, in which the Ministry had dared to come forward, and confer upon the country one of the greatest benefits which the country had ever experienced. He hoped the lion. Gentlemen would discover their mistake, but let them be sure that the labouring poor knew that they were in error ; they knew that it was not the fact that the price of bread did not materially affect them, and it would be a common waste of time-it would be an insult to the common sense of the country, to consider the question further. He did not intend to go into the debate, for he considered that the question had been worn threadbare ( Hear, hear)-and he would conclude by once more offering his warm acknowledgments to the Minister for the manly and noble course which he had so generously adopted and so fear lessly pursued. Mr. W. MILES would challenge all who conceived they knew more of agriculture than those who cultivated the lands, to go with him into the question of the effects of these contem plated changes, and he would prove to their satisfaction that they would be injurious, not only to the landowners but to the farmers and labourers. He would in the first place refer to the law as it was in 1828. He would then glance at the present state of the law, and thirdly, to the effect of the proposed alterations. The Hon. Gentleman, after detailing atfuoniiderable length, and with as much gusto as if that were the first night of the de. bate, whet in his opinion the law of 1828 conferred upon ttie country, proceeded tosay that the law of 1842, as compared with that of 1+528, was good for the consumer as well as the producer, and was equally beneficial to the state. During the law of 1828,the quantity of wheat imported into this country for the thirteen years which followed was 13,G26,315 quarters. This was im ported on an average at 14s. per quarter, and was productive of a yearly revenue during this period of 255,4931. Since the law of 1842 came into operation, the quantity of foreign corn imported amounted to 4,914, 762 quarters. The average price per quarter at which this was imported was 118.4d 5 , and it brought to the revenue the sum of 690,368/. Thus it ap peared that by the law of 1842. as compared with that of 1828, the price of corn was lower to the consumer while there was a larger amount of revenue to the State. The inference deduci ble from this comparison was clearly in favour of the law of 1842. He would now allude to the state of things which migkt be expected in the event of the alterations which he had proposed being car ried into effect. His Noble Friend near him (Marquis of Granby) had with great perspicuity stated what would be the effect with regard to two farms, the statistics of which he gave. But as these estimates referred to farms cultivated on the three-course system, he (Mr. Miles) would show that th same injurious consequences would take place to the agricultur ists. The Hon. Gentleman, after illustrating his argument, by detailing the anticipated prices which, according to his calculation, would be paid for the produce of two farms by the new tariff, proceeded to say that it was impossible for the English agriculturist to contend with the foreigner. What, he would ask, were the prices at Odessa in February last? In February, 1829, the price was from 16s. to 173. On the 14th June, 1845, the price was from 21s. to 25s ; so that the fluctuation during that period was only 4s. Now if the freight be added, the price would range from 245. 9d. to 28s. 9d., as the freight could not be calculated higher than 7s. 9d per quarter. At Stettin and Holstein, the prices ranged from 255. to 265., while the freight was only from 3s. to 45.; nor did it appear, from any of the returns which he held in his hand, and which were carefully and accu rately prepared, that the average price of foreign wheat was more than 345. 92. from any place it might be expected. He found that when the price of wheat in England was at 335. 6c1., it was selling at Odessa for 265. Odd. ; and this would show the effect of the importation of foreign corn on the markets of this country. He should prove to the House how land would be depreciated by free trade. He would take a farm in Nottinghamshire and show how much it would suffer under a free-trade system. The Hon. Member here read several documents, to prove that when wheat was selling in this country at 3 8 s. and at 455. the quarter, it was to be had at Odessa for 275. The Hon. Member then stated that, with reference to a farm in Nottinghamshire, it at present pro duced 2,355/., and under a free trade it would only bring, under the most improved system of culture, a sum of 1,323/. 10s., making a reduction of about 11. Is. 10d. per acre. Was not that a consideration ? If they were to carry cultiva tion from the lowest valley to the top of the highest hills, they could not make up the deficiency which would.be caused by a free-trade law. He would advise the House to pause before they meddled with the agricultural interest. It was proved, that if it required 100/. per acre for the purposes of a farm, they would he interfering with two hundred and fifty millions of agricultural capital. He would read statements to the House which were on most undoubted authority. Those statements, he would contend, for they were confirmed by the accounts which had been received from the northern dots . riots. He found by some returns he held in his hand, that the relative prices of labour and corn for the forty years from 1804 to 1840 ranged at about Gs. sd. and 10s. Oid. for labour. But in the year 1815, when prices were at an un usual price, the rate of labour was 155., while the price of wheat went so high as 120 s. He had thus endeavoured to show, in corroboration of the statements of his Noble Friend who had spoken to-night, that in some counties in England the prices of labour did not rise and fall with the price of wheat. He now only wished he was able to show the differences of prices of those articles between this country and other coun tries; but he would at least show the difference between this country and other countries in regard to the amount of taxa tion. He would ask the House to look at the amount of the taxes per head in this country and in America. It appeared that in the United States of America the land taxation amounted to about 6s. 2d. per head, and what was called the state taxes amounted -to about ss. 92. per head : while the taxes in England amounted to about 1/. 7s. 9d. per head. Again, in America the payment of those taxes was made, and the revenue raised by the sale of land, which was generally at the rate of about ss. per acre, or at the enormous rate, on thirty years' purchase, of 2d. per acre. Then they had, in England the fact that the sale of land brought 1/. per acre ; and they had bogs amounting to about 11. lie. per acre; so that with these facts before them, he would ask how could this country come into competition with America? He would not now dwell upon Russia, for he was aware that he wearied the House when he last addressed it upon this question ; but this he would say, that if that country were regarded with attention, he did think that just cause would be found for alarm, because it would be found from statistical works that had been pub lisped upon the subjects, that there were parts of Russia so fertile, that that country would in time undersell all the world in agricultural produce; for even now, after Russia had exported supplies to all countries, she still had twenty-eight millions of quarters in store. He had now endeavoured to call the attention of the House to the po sition in which this measure would plane the landlord, the far mer, and the labourer ; and with regard to the latter, he would say that the rights of the agricultural labourer bad as good a right to be respected as those of the manufacturer. There was one point, however, which he had not heard alluded to, and that was the effect which this measure would have upon clerical tithes. It would be recollected that the Tithe Com mutation Act was passed in the year 1835, when corn was so low as 395., and it was upon an average then taken that the commutation was struck. But the effect of this measure on the clerical tithes would be to reduce the income of a clergyman having 1101. a year one.lifth. He would next ask the House to consider their colonies. What reward would they give their colonies who had stuck to them with so much fidelity? Were they to be cast off in favour of hostile countries? He would just show the House the state of the exports from this country to America for a few years past. The Honourable Member then read a long statement, showing the number of yards of calico exported to America for the last five years. If they would cultivate our American colonies, which took so much larger a quantity of our produce than any other coun tries-if they would use those colonies, they would do more good to the agricultural population, than they could effect by throwing open a free trade with countries in the face of hos tile tarills. If they were mad enough to throw themselves on the mercy of foreign nations they would endanger the safety toldanalprosperity o 51 , e rn r t e y n os compensation; all tt o n They had been t ; h eb ewishedmercantile th classes. word sses. used in the House of Commons. It was an insult to every h T a n d e class of farmers which possessed sufficient knowledge of arith metic to do a common sum. He would refer to the compen sation to be given in the county of Essex alone. lie would take that county as a fair sample of all the rest, and by re ferring to figures which he held in his hand, he could show that the proposed compensation was utterly inadequate. He would show, that the actual loss to the farmer in Northamp tonshire was 1/. Is. 10d. per acre, and in Lincolnshire 1/. 10s. He would refer to the opinions of the lion. Alder man the Member for Stoke-upon-Trent, ( Alderman Cope land), as lately published in a letter to his constituents, and which letter at once indicated the course which the Government ought to pursue with reference to this change. He would also refer to the pamphlet of Messrs. Morton and Trimmer, in which the evils of the present course were distinctly pointed out. He had also come across a state ment of the opinions of America on free trade; and if he had laboured fer an hour, lie could not suns up those opinions more effectually than they had been summed up in Hunts' Magazine in 1832. With the permission of the House, he would take the liberty of reading a short extract from the work. It stated that the opinions of America were in favour of the protective system, o p l e statedba d t h s e o r e d e w e a p s a n n o n q t u e e r s e t s i ot,n as sf tonaptrioontnaoltpeotihiceyntiannwufhaoicthuritnhge It because it wo u ld promote the interest of the country in general. t t of i saa, werennelut toet t Ite e nt wiir r tenoe e he, ,sens : dit ; tp.rbuthe a reseqt n iehmiu d atf3eiuur s ist ttoernyi vtg e coieei ht immtptdhpphomouerlesl employed eiy e mnepaye a brod p bwooit i entuei t ocen a druaeg i el became tdrri Cl i heote f aenet prostration ihrerl , fdeet O r tey : ihsvi a mr , 00 ei out afsembit work ohnneseofadwrnl favourt d kaoge o birt whet ! e a u ae, brrihsear them, ;;re,ufaothti whichnhnhri pro.desee, rightful inheritance. He (Mr. Miles) agreed with him that it was a labourer's question. It would injure those classes who have only interest on their side, and not capital, and who acted as a medium to raise the labourer to a higher condition. It was for these many reasons that he took the strong ground he did, and stated at once he 'would give what opposition he could to the passing of this Bill. He thanked the House for the at tention they had shown to him, on every point he had thought it necessary to adduce. He thought that when they considered lesson eeolo to urs th t o h s e e y wfirh.ot hloraidstesduc_cetehreledhathdeysmhoiwnnthnaot the s it uat i on i n which that question was, they had held out a h i e n n desertedcondemning by t t h h e e i r a n t t a e t r u a r t a t l o n ofleadersthye systemtli e had f our self-interest flinchedgHoooudser moral o f r r ‘a o Vi m th commercial policy-they had evinced a willing desire to defend the manufacturing interest, and had striven for the agricul tural interest. They were yet undaunted in their defence in that House, and they were yet unshaken amidst the wreck of principles and party. It had been said that they had delayed this measure, but he should like to know when a subject of such high and immense importance had ever been brought forward to the House of Commons-- when an entire change in our commercial policy was deter mined, and against that commercial system under which they had so long existed. They were goi ng t o new an d theoretical principles, brought forward by one whom they m us t all admire. The talent lie had universally displayed appeared to I im to want the political firmness and constancy which were hi world difficulties and changes occurred which ren that in t s the attributes of every great statesman. He might be told Lord and the Hen. Member who have addressed the House on the motion for the third readine of this Bill, in speeches of great talent and acuteness. I'sly Noble Friend, who has jest sat down, has observed that thinness and constancy are the great qualities to be possessed by a Minister, and avoiding the term,. of vituperation, in which other Hon. Members have indulged, has censured the Prime Minister for tergiversa tion, as he cal!s it, on this important measure.—( Hear. ) I must, in answ e r to that, say, that charged as isci were at an extraordinary time of public difficulty and danger, we should not have acted in consistency with the public interests, Lad we hesitated to give effect to the opinions we entertained on this great question—( Hear, hear)—which now engages your atten tion. The Hon. Member, who has just sat down, has stated that he believes this question, on which we are at issue, will not pass into a law on account of the opposition it will encounter in another House. —( Hear, hear.) i will not venture to prophecy like the Hon. Member, hut I will venture this opinion, that whatever may be done elsewhere on this question, both in Parliament as well as out of Parliament, in my opinion, it is virtually settled— Loud cheers)—and there is every prospect that in a short time it must become the law of the land.— ( Renewed cheers. ) Entertaining this opinion, and having great interest in agriculture, arid desirous of the success of the landed i n t eres t, I must say that I altogether differ from the Noble Lord ( Lord G. llentinck) in the views he has expressed as to the effect of the measure on the landowners and fer niers of the country.—( Hear, hear.) I cannot think that either the farmers or lanolords are interested in the continuance of the pre fi se e nt ha gue s fs)bt j io e n cted tha i t n t t h h e e c m ou ea rs s e ure of d p e ro b t a e t c e t s ive en sys t t h ethe e m. will prove most injurious to the firming as well as to the landed interests—( Hear, hear)—and he has referred to the stock in wheat that is ready to be let loose on the market as soon as the Bill is passed. We are told that the stock in hand is 1,500,000 quarters of foreign wheat. It is my belief that the evils apprehended by tins large stock, have been caused by the delay created by the opposition of the Noble Lord and his friends, S and the longer the delay the greater the evil to be apprehended. If this wheat had been admitted inio the home market in January or February last, the effect on the markets would have been gradual and unfelt, Four months have gone since this accumulation has been going on, and still have kept back that steady influx into the market which, had this law been passed, would have been going forward. During this period, no new market has been opened for this accumulation of grain; and, in my opinion, if you protract. still longer the settlement of this question—if you still hesitate referring to public opinion, the effect will be too sudden, and, as in times past, under similar proceedings of this kind, throw into the market a large stock of grain, which will operate injuriously on prices, and on the interest of those wee, are holders of stock.—(Hear, hear.) With this incidental reference to the Noble Lord, I will refer to the other topics involved in this question ; but before doing so, I wish to glance at the ground taken ley the Hon. Member who last addressed the House. He says that the present corn-law is a good financial measure.— ' (Cries of " Hear, hear.") I will not charge him with inconsistency in advancing that opinion, but with reference to this point, I submit that my experience has led me to a different conclusion. It has been my unvarying opinion that it is not good or expedient as a fiscal measure, and is not to be supported on such grounds. I neither think that a duty on corn is defensible as a fiscal measure, or that it is beneficial to the landed interest. The Hon. Gentleman then went on to say that the producers were satisfied with the existing corn laws.—(" Hear, hear," from the protection benches.) To that I will say, I do not believe the farmers have any reason to be satisfied with the working of the measure._( Hear, hear.) But you must riot consider it as a measure for the farmers or the landowners alone. You must consider the measure with reference to the great body of the consumers, whose interests it is important should be duly and fairly consulted.—( Hear. ) The lion. Gentleman says that the gentlemen on his side of the House have adhered with firmness to this questic n, and have continued their opposition against great dif f iculties. That they have maintained their opinions with great ability and un varying courage I admit, and that you (the protectionists) have consivtently fought the battle; but I recollect, that during the debates that took place the last three or four sessions upon this question, we had not the benefit of that ability and courage in the supeort of the protective principle. I must say, that till the present session, we have not had the benefit of their advocacy. ( Hear, hear. ) With respect to myself I have been placed in the position of arguing this question for many years, and from that I can state as the result of my experience, that I have seen during the course and development of public opinion, arguments as sumed some years ago in support of a corn-law that are now entirely abandoned as no longer tenable. I have often heard arguments about the interests of farmers and landlords in rela tion to this law, which are now abandoned as unavailing. No Member is found now to urge them in the House.—(Cheers.) 1 am glad that the issue of the measure is now reduced to a small point of debate. A point that was most clearly and explicitly put, I believe, on Friday last, by the Hon. Member for Shrewsbury- (Mr. Disraeli). That Hon. Member said that the question—the real question they had to consider was, the effect of the measure on the interests of the people generally, He said if the measure did not tend to displace the labourer and operate as a scheme of political destruction, then it was good, and they ought not to oppose it. It was, therefore, not the intention to treat it as a landlords' question. Such was the way in which it was put by the Hon. Member for Shrews bury, and responded to this night by the Hon. Member for So nsersetshire. They rest the question of the corn-laws now on the ground that they are conducive to the happiness, the benefit, and the welfare of the labouring classes. This is the whole question now, iuvolving a conclusion which I cannot concede. The Hon. Gentleman who last spoke has referred to a pamphl e t, wr itt en by Messrs. Morton and Trimmer, on the operation of these laws, making reference to the great number of farms in Lincolnshire and Northamptonshire with regard to the value of land and the price of wheat. He stated that, under the operation of the law of 1 84 2 , the average price of wheat had been 525., and that under the proposed law it would be 403. Why, I must inform the Hon. Gentleman, that frequently under the restrictive law the price of wheat has often been as low as 395. throughout a whole year.— ( Hear, hear.) The grounds upon which he has come to this opinion lie has not stated, and in their absence I can only deal with his inferences. I must confess, however, that I can scarcely understand the argument, as put by him. The Hon. Gentleman not only prophecies about the effect of this Bill, but he gives his results of a most fanciful character to support his views. lie says that Russia annually accumulates 28,000,000 quarters of grain over and above the consumption of the Russian people —( Hear, hear.) To this, Tamboff is but a joke. :28,000,000, year by year, not only beyond the consumption, but beyond the present exports of that country, and available for exportation when this measure shall become the law of the land. But this is not all. The Hon. Gentleman, along with this, tells us of wheat which is culti vated in land in America that requires no manure. He says that there is land in Virginia which has been year by year under cultivation fur wheat during the last century, without the application of manure.—( Hear, hear.) If these facts are true—if Russia has 28,000,000 quarters of grain, or America has land that for a century has grown wheat without manure, all I can say that all restrictive laws that we may devise must fail. It will be impossible for them to stand against smile facilities as those for the rapid and abundant sup ply of food. --(Loud cheers.) The Hon. Member then re ferred to the question of tithes. I will endeavour shortly to reply to his objection on this head. In my opinion, so far from thinking the change will be injurious to the tithe receiver, it will be otherwise. Under the Tithe Com - mutation Act it has been regulated that he cannot suffer from land being thrown out of cultivation. if it is thrown out of cultivation he is protected by the commutation-laws, and he can only suffer, it he suffers at all, in the variation of the price. Before the passing of the commutation-laws, he was liable to all fluctuations, but now it is arranged and so altered that he can but suffer in a very limited degree. I must say it is my decided opinion, as far as it relates to the tithe owner, that if this meas.ure passes it w ill i n volve no injus tice whatever, nor will h e run t h e slightest risk--(ear, hear. ) Now with respect to th e co l on i sts, my Humble Friend has re ferred to the Carada s . It w ill b e remembered that he was an eager opponent last y ear o f p l ac i ng the Canadas in the same H position as an integral portion of the British Empire. 11 , hen the Honourable Member for Gateshead brought forward his motion for placing the Canadas on the same footing as the other portions of the empire, the Honourable Member and those who now act with him voted against that proposition. This was the course of proceeding, notwithstanding his profession of sym pathy for the Canadas, that he thought fit to take when the ques tion was placed before him by the Hon. Member for Gateshead. Now, Sir, I have just one other topic that I would wish to refer to, I mean compensation to the landed interest.—( Hear, hear.) On the part of the Government, I absolutely disclaim that term "compensation.".—(Cheers.) I say, if it he necessary for the public good that this measure shall be carried, it would be unworthy and disgraceful on the part of the Government to propose, as it would on the part of the landowners to accept, compensation for doing an act of justi ce .—( L ou d cheering.) A measure ispropoundedby Government which, in thir judgment, conduces to the public good, at the same time that it affects not injuriously a smaller section of the people. Are the greater to be sacrificed to that lesser portion?—(Cheers. ) Sir, I will now take leave very shortly in passing to advert to another portion of this extensive subject. 1 Alude to what was said by the Noble Lord the Member for Lynn, on the subject of information relative to the social state of Ireland, and the distress which at present prevails in that country. The Noble Lord, the Member for Lynn, stated that her Majesty's Government were mistaken on the subject of Ireland ; he stated also that they, for the purpose of substantiating the facts as stated by themselves, kept back such information as told against them from the House.—(Hear, hear.) He stated that information had been received from the Commander of the Forces which had been withheld; he stated also that information had been received from the Poor-law Commissioners, and that that information had been denied to the House. Now, Sir, I have made every inquiry—l have made every inquiry in the proper quarter, with respect to any inform a ti on rece i ve d from Ireland—l have seen no information of the character described by the Noble Lord. 1 have made inquiries at the Horse Guards as to any information from the Commander of the Force.; in Irelend, and sertion of the kind made by the Noble Lord. , , I am in a condition to give a positive contra — diction andthoeaanryas cheers. ) 'With reference to the Poor - law Commission. I felt it my duty, in the month of November last, to recommend to her Majesty to appoint a superior officer to preside over the Commission in Dublin, and since that month I have been in constant communication with that superior officer, who is also a member of the Scarcity Commission, from which weekly re ports are received by the Government. He sign 3 each of these weekly reports. I have laid en the table of the House four of them extending throughout the month of M arch, and bringing up the information to the latest period, with the excep tionerfe of two more reports which I have since rece i ved, and these latter reports also confirm the statements al ready so re peatedly made by her Majesty's Ministers with respect to th e scarcity which prevails in Ireland —( Hear, to a hear.) The Noble ticy Lord the Member for Lynn referred to tri a l s made by the Poor-law Commi s sioners in the months of O c t o b er and Septeni I be c r a , nwai affirm r t m h e thatv iew t h o e f s e ascertaining investigationsthereferred extent of this distress. different matter, and the information r eceived h d j therefore no official bearing u p on this subject. a superior officer I have already re f erred to left I T r h e e land in November, and oth er v i s i ts re f erred to by the Noble Lord took place in the months of November and October. I do not know what the Inspe c t ors o f P r i sons, in Ireland,* did with reference to this distress. I have never received any information from the m w ith respect to t h e i r inquiries in the state of Mayo, bnt as soon as I do receive an answer to the inquiry I have instituted, I shall not fail to communicate that answer to the Noble Lord. The Noble Lord has said that we have misrepresented the extent of the distress which at present prevails in Ireland. I have never said that distress extended over the whole of Ire land. I have never said that the distress in Ireland was universal. I have said that there was a wide -spread scarcity throughout almost every locality in Ireland, and that the greatest difficulty would arise from its continuance.— ( Hear.) Now, to that statement I still adhere in the most decided manner.—(Hear.) I know not whether the Hon. Member for Armagh is in his place.—(Mr. Bernard here caught the eye of the Right Hen. Baronet.) Th e Hon. for pecu niaryb Member is here. I hold a letter signed by thenmlleonnt. dated not very long ago, in which he states, t..e di s t ress in his own neighbourhood, in the most glowing colours, and con cluded, by T this letter he signs his name. 1 making an application to Guye r toescribes the distress in Ireland as of such a char acter as irn_ peratively demand the immediate consideration and attention of tne Government. The letter is addressed to the Lord Lieutenant, and is dated, November, 1845. It states, ~ We, the undersigned inhabitants of the town of Loughrea, and its neighbourhood, from the frightful calamity with which this county:is threatened from the failure of the potato crop, feel it dered it impossible to carry out those political principles, but he shnuld like to know what difficulties had occurred to induce the Right lion. Baronet tilts to turn his back on his old friends? Difficulties they had alwk - s been ready to meet with him. They could hear no more about Ireland every remedy the Right Hon. Baronet had brought forward they had been ready to assent to, and therefore Ireland could not be thrown in their faces. He was still unchanged, and he conceived that when sitting with those 150 Gentlemen who backed the Right Hon. Baronet in 1834, when he advocated principles which he admired and defended, he felt himself placed in that situation which, deserted by their leaders, all the arguments in support of the cause were to fall on persons who had taken little part in it. There was another ordeal through which the Bill must pass, before it became the law of the laud—_( Hear, hear)—atid he hoped that when the probable effects of the Bill were calculated, and the letter of the worthy aA whoml d d er unswayedm this n widely Bl be b known y entrusted party would, ei c al o i, n nu s g i ns d a, %r ed ted justly, b y l a p t to popular u t eci dr persons eciamuio, ou t n o r its merits, and would judge between the people and a Minister who now held office nearly at the will of his former political opponents. Sir J. GRAHAM—I have longed for the opportunity of expressing myself on this important question, which now, for nearly three months, has been the subject of discussion in this House; and having on several occasions before addressed the House on this subject, I am most unwilling, needlessly, to occupy the attention of the House; but, at the same time, I should be unwilling to appear wanting in respect to the Noble our incumbent duty to address your Excellency. We con sider, that in an emergency like the present, when the great body of the Irish people were threatened with the frightful evils which follow in the train of the scarity of food, that we are justified in suggesting to the Government, that to provide good employnaent for the labouring classes will be the very best means of averting these calamities. We subm t, therefore, that a grant from Govern ment of 14,0001. would tend to improve the district, and give employment to the labouring classes, whose condition without it it is fearf u l t o contemplate, unless some ' measure of this kind be a_lopted." This letter is signed by the Lord Primate, by Archbishop C ro ll y, L ord Hertford, Lord Charl Te, Lord Gos port, and by Will iam Bernard, Esq., M.P. But, ev ' Sir, although lam afraid that the Irish case is a case of such depre s si o n as will force itself more painfully on the attention of thi s H ous e day by day, y e t I h ave never rested my _support of this measure upon the Irish case a l one. l am speaking that which I shall be always ready to repeat, that the urgency of that case did precipitate the necessity of re-considering the law which regulated and ordered the importa tion of corn into this country. But fro the moment th a t t h at recommendation was e rendered neces sar y, g views of ge nera l po l icy and a knowledge of proved the ge nera l con dition of the pe ace o f t hi s country to the Go vernmen t beyond a d ou b t th a t t h e repeal of the. I wish existing rest r i c ti ve l aws had become indispensably necessarynot unnecessarily to trespass on your attention, but I repeat the ar guments w hi ch brought me to th at conclusion. Something was said by the Hon. Member for Shrewsbury on a for.rer evening, •w h reference to the i n j ur i ous effect which he t anticipated i from the export a ti on o f precious metals .consequent on a large importation of corn from the north. (H ear hear. ) Among other reasons why I a d vocate thin change is one, the very converse of that whi c h t he li on. Member brought before the House. I consider, in the present state of our monetary system that any large importation of the precious metals would be very injurious to the commercial interests of England ; but my own belief is, that if the ports are kept open for a steady importation of corn from abroad, that so far from any im portation of the precious metals taking place, it will be pre vented by the measure which the Government propose shall he now adopted. When our trade in corn with foreign countries is fully established, there will be an interchange of commodities, which will extend the commercial relations of the several gauntries, and thus any injurious exportations of the precious metals will be effectually avoided. Well, Sir, I am also anxious to state my opinion with reference to the effect produced upon foreign trade by the measure now under discussion. I consider the question of foreign and home trade so intimately connected that they may be considered one and the same interest. I find that the foreign and borne trade are in a series of years most materially and indissolubly connected. The high price of provisions in the first instance consumed, prevents a consumption of home manufactures ; the home mar ket is consequently paralysed, and the manufacturer is com pelled to have recourse to a forced exportation to foreign mar kets. The foreign market is glutted—foreign interests are injured—and the home market, from its intimate connexion with the foreign trade, is seriously injured. Then comes the question, what is the effect of this importation into the foreign market ? Now, Sir, I perceive that wheat in this country is more universally consumed than in any country in the world. And whatever may be the price, and whatever the scarcity of that article, the consumption is very little if any less, and the price scarcely suffers the slightest variation ; for the labourer, who will not be prohibited its use, will rather forego everything else, not absolutely necessary, than be with out wheat and bread. At any sacrifice of wages, wheat is still purchased ; but the surplus remaining of his wages, as it is in exact ratio with the price of that food, is so much less expended in home manufactures. If this be true with refer once to this part of the argument, the price of wheat has a great influence on the manufactures of this country, because the enormous sacrifice, on the whole amount of the labourer's wages, incapacitate him from the purchase of other articles. What is the effect of these laws on the condition of the la bourers? It has been said that the high price of the wages of the labourer are not dependent on the price of provisions. I admit the number of the agricultural labourers. I admit their importance—l will not say paramount importance—but the great importance of this class must be obvious to all. But having given my most anxious consideration to this measure, I have come to the conclusion that it is not high prices, with reference to the labourer, whether manufacturing or agricul tural, will benefit or injure both classes equally. An Hon. Member has said that, under no circumstances, do the labourers of Dorsetshire receive more than 6s. or 7s. per week. From that sum they had to deduct one or two shillings for the house rent, making the net earnings of the Dorsetshire labourers, somewhat between be. and 63. per week. The same Hon. Member stated that, prices did not vary with the price of provision ; if corn rose, wages did not rise—their condi tion was literally hopeless. I say that it is anything but hopeless.—( Hear, bear.) Try one experiment—you cannot alter the price of wages—reduce the price of wheat.—( Cheers. ) Possibly the farmers and the landowners may suffer, but I defy you to show that the condition of the labourers would suffer.—(Loud cheers.) I understood the Hon. Member also to say that was net only the present condition of the agricul tural labourers in Dorsetshire, but for thirty years they had been in the same state. I would advise you for once to try, as you cannot raise the price of wages, to lower the price of food.— ( Loud cheers.) 'Tis our duty to contemplate the state of things as they now exist. This country was now a commercial and manufacturing, and not a purely agricultural country ; and if you attempt to legislate for the country as for fi purely agri cultural one, your error will become palpable and injurious.— (Hear, hear.) The country has become, for good or for woe, a manufacturing or commercial country, and you must legislate for it as such.—( Hear, hear.) Admit this snd the connexion between commerce, manufactures, and land, is evident and palpable. Seasons of commercial and manufacturing pros perity have their re-action upon the labourers in the agricul tural districts. Already we have railways, docks, canals ; labour of every description is the means of giving employment to the labourers in the rural districts. When these persons see the great wealth in the manufacturing districts, even in the most distant rural districts, the consequence is, when prices are low and manufactures flourish, wages rise ; and this is the natural cause for the great demand for labour. Now what was the real question at issue ? Let us be sincere in this matter.— (Loud cheering and laughter.) I appeal to the eon.eiences of those gentlemen who sit below the gangway. I say if they be really sincere in their desire to legislate for the good of the labouring classes, whether agricultural or manufacturing. Now let us inquire as to what are the natural effects of low prices, high wages, and full employment. In se asons o f pl enty an oscillation takes place, which leads to low prices in provisions ; this leads to manufacturing prosperity, and the natural result,the increased demand for labour. An oscillation again takes place —the quantity of provisions fail—low prices come, and wares, in consequence, fall. Then again comes low prices of wages, from diminished quantity of food; again comes high prices of food, in consequence of your ports being closed against the ad mission of foreign grain—manufactures languish—the home markets are dull—trade is stagnated—and a considerable export of the precious metals is required to buy foreign corn to meet the deficiency at home, and, as the inevitable result, the wages of the labourer fall. Then what is the condition of the labouring man, whether manufacturing or agricultural ? He is worse than before. He had full employment, high wages, and low prices of provisions ; now he is subject to the converse of all this. He has deficient employment, low wages, and high prices of provisions.—(Hear, hear.) lam quite satisfied that this measure is conducive to the interests of the labouring classes, be they manufacturing or agricultural. I must say that no sophistry, ingenuity, or argument, will satisfy the people of this country that it is conducive to their interests that the prices of food should be high and the price of wages low. I feel convinced that no sophistry will satisfy the people of this country, that any such arrangement of our legislation is calculated to promote the interests of the people of this country, however generous our intentions may be, or however unequivocal our declarations. Now I will refer to another part of the question. Is it for the interest of the working farmer that these laws should continue? In the Committee, Sir, over which you presided in the year 1836, several witnesses gave evidence as to that point. I will merely call the attention of the House to two of them. They bear so directly upon the point that the House will excuse me, if I read a portion of their evidence. I will not detain it long. The name of the witness examined was Mr. Ellis, a tenant farmer. One of the questions that was put to him, was— " It is for your advantage to raise prices, is it not ?—I don't think so. lam not at all of that opinion. I do not see the great advantage of having hige prices. What do you consider most advantageous to the interest of the farmer ?—Stead _ prices. - - hear.) Just let me prove this by elici.ing the attention of the House to the manufacturing district of Lancashire, where the cotton trade flourishes most. Who is the principal landed pro prietor of the district? The Earl of Derby. And what are the opinions of the Earl of Derby? Is be against freedom of trade, and in favour of agricultural protection ? No, he is decidedly opposed to the latter, and favourable to the former. But perhaps you will say, he holds this opinion because his property is in immediate proximity with manufactures that are likely to be considerably improved and extended under free trade. Let us take another part of the country. There is Lord Burlington, who is an extensive agriculturist residing in this part of the country, is he opposed to the corn-law.? Na. he decidedly is not ; and here, then, we have their Lords Derby and Burlington, two large landed proprietors, who are opposed to agricultural pro tection.--( Cheers ) Then there is Lord Francis Egerton, who certainly is connected more cr less with the commercial interest of the country, but still he possesses considerable landed property, and he is opposed to the continuance of the corn-laws.—(Hear, hear.) Let us go now to the West Riding of Yorkshire, the seat of our woollen manufactures. The Earl of Fitzwilliam i; an extensive landowner there, but he is not opposed to this movement. Pats now over to Scotland, which, perhaps. is not so much dependent upon the commer cial prosperity of the country as the district I have already mentioned. Let us go to Lanarkshire.—( Hear, hear.) 'What is the opinion of the Duke of Hamilton? Why, he is reso lutely opposed to the existing protective system.—(Cheers.) You must not say, then, that you represent the whole of the landed interest of the country, or you will be assuming that which I am sure the majority of the House will agree with me you }ee no right to.—( Hear, hear.) The Hon. Gentleman the Member for Somerset has mentioned an extraordinary fact, which, in my opinion, is most . t pe e r price quarter, o f conclusive, i n f avour of the change which we now propose. He 5 4 a 5 37 h within s i nc e the 8 last n 9h threeasave yearsra ged the from p r ? c 2 e s . h d o been exce • edingly steady. Nothing can be more conclusive than this; and here I may observe that I do not think this measure will produce any great in charge the price of better years, but lam satisfied it will • ive the p eo pl e t h e advantage of a l ways having a constant and regular supply of food, and protect them against the sudden rising of prices in times of temporary sca rc it y at home.—( Cheers.) I h ave not arrived at this conclusion until recently, but I arrived at it after a very careful considera tion of the subject, and a minute and searching examination of the authorities upon Hear, hear.) No one can deny that the corn-laws are a monopoly, and I for one, agree witth Lard Granville, when he says, " Monopoly is the parent of scarcity and dearness."—(Loud cheers. ) .Now, Sir, I am certain, therefore, entertaining these opinions. and most anxious that this measure which we are now discuss ing, should pass unmutilated and intact—(Hear, hear)—l have a strong conviction that if it become the law of this land it will protect the labourer against dearness of price in an article which is necessary for his subsistence. I believe it will give security to the farmer in his speculations and in his profits, and, more than all, I believe that this measure, and this measure only, can reconcile the prosperity of the landlord with the interests and food of the country at large.—(Cheers.) I believe that it will extend our commerce—l believe that it will secure the prosperity of our manufactures. lam quite sure that it will place our foreign relations upon the surest and most stable foundations of amity.—(Cheers.) It is my conscientious belief that it will be memorable in our history—(Cheers)—me- morable for this that it has secured the prosperity, the content ment, the peace and happiness of the great body of the people —(Cheers)—without reference to the exclusive interests of any particular class.—(Loud and continued cheering. ) Mr. CALEY then proceeded to address the House in so low a tone as scarcely to be heard in the reporters' gallery. We understood him to say that the Right Hon. Baronet had just misrepresented the opinions of Lord Granville, who whilst he described monopoly as the parent of scarcity, did not intend to describe the present corn-law.—( Hear, hear.) That law was protective, but not prohibitory—( Hear.) It was called protective not because it starved the people, but because it pro tected the employment of labourers in the cultivation of the land. When the Right Hon. Baronet had stated that there were several large landowners who were in favour of the pre • sent measures, he should have recollected that such individuals could never be affected by any change in the commercial legis lation of the country.—( Oh, oh.) They had no proof that low prices reduced the prosperity of the country ; these periods of action and reaction were unavoidable He held the opinion now which he always held, and that was, that this was a dangerous experiment. It would injure land lords, farmers, and labourers, and involve the whole agricul tural community in one common ruin. The Right Hon. Baronet said, that if the people of this country were in favour of free-trade principles, it was their duty to submit to the general feeling on this subject. For his part, however repug nant he might feel t', alterations of such a pernicious tendency, he would bow to public opinion if fairly and generally expressed with regard to them. But he denied that such was the case.—( Hear, hear.) He denied that public opinion was in favour of these measures. (Hear, hear.) How was this public tested? The history of the Anti-Corn law League was that they had made a great number of speeches, and the result was, that the impression made by gentlemen of talent, who generally addressed such assemblies, had gained the opinion of two-thirds of the middle classes in favour of the Right Hon. Baronet's measure. But he believed, however, that if they were to canvass the opinions of the working classes, they would find that two-thirds of them were against the measure. Had they ever called meetings at Manchester ? An Honourable MEMBER—We have : several. Mr. CALEY—If they had, he did not call them public meetings. They were got up in that manner, there was no ex pression of the working classes taken, for they were meetings got up not for discussion, but for the purpose of making speeches for a repeal of the corn-laws. It would be very natural for the working-classes to oppose this measure, for, whatever philosophers might think, it was not yet in the minds of the working classes that competition was for their general good. Competition might be carried out to too great a length.—( Hear, hear.) There was one competition that might be favourable, he meant the competition of reciprocity. He believed that there was no sacrifice that the landowners were not prepared to make for the public gout!, were it shown to them that such a sacrifice was necessary.—( Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Gentleman said that a more or less degree of protection was necessary ; but he thought it very hard on the English farmer, that what remained of it was to be removed. The Right Hon. Baronet stated that other countries would fol low the example of this measure ; but he doubted that very much, unless the principle of free trade had been established in this country for a number of years. If that had been so, then it was probable At. G u i zot wou ld say to the French Chambers, " See what England, the greatest country on the face of the globe, has done—why not follow her example?" The Hon. Metnler, with a volubility of utterance, and in a lowness of tone, that rendered him utterly unreportable, then proceeded to review the factory system, in connexion with the manufacturing districts, which the free trade advocates were desirous of extending, contending, amidst the cheers of the protection benches, that he could not support the present mea sure, on the ground that t r do so would be to extend a system that had been hitherto productive of great mischief, and likely under the proposed measure to be much more so. There were much higher cos siderations than profit or cheapness to be viewed in connexion with the present question. They must view it in its physical, moral, social, and religious influence on the nation generally, but more especially on the working classes.—( Hear, hear.) The Hon. Member implored the Hon. Baronet opposite to pause before, by this measure, he der royed the Church, the constitution, and the colonies. The sentiment of loyalty in the colonies might be at present very strong, but there were other sentiments equally powerful ; and the House might rest assured that, if this Bill were carried, they would render themselves a scorn and a mockery to surrounding nations, and they would sacrifice the freedom, the independence, and indus try of England's hardy labourers. —(Cheers. ) The HoN. MEMBER in conclusion repeated, in a tone of the most profound solemnity, the whole of that well known melody. " Oh Woodman spare that tree." At the conclusion a burst of the most vociferous cheering re warded the poetic effusion of the Hon. Member. On the motion of Mr. NEWDEGATE the debate was ad. journed. The farmer when he goes to take land should 100 to some steady prices, and not to adventitous cir cumstances to help him out of his difficulty. —Do you think the present scale (referring to the sliding scale of 1836) has prevented any alteration of prices ?-- That is a question which I cannot answer, not having been in the corn trade, but I am certain of one thing, that the corn laws have raised a delusive hope in the minds of the people. (Mr. Clay, the Member for the Tower Hamlets, asked him this question)—ls it, in your opinion, that steadiness of prices is most important to the farmer?—My opinion is not in accord ance with that of most people with reference to the interest of the landlord and tenant. Up to a certain point I hold they ge together. It is the interest of the tenant to keep the land in good condition, as it is, undoubtedly, the interest of the landlord that he should do so. It is for the interest of the landowner to have high prices in order to enable him to pay high rents. It makes very little difference to me if I pay a high price or a low one. I think the country thrives better if prices are moderate. It is better for , pq p ru r o o et i tc i i d toi e no d n , p. h u o t we t? ver b , im my w e a x2Len D s o es y a o r u e Hi; answer was—Not I have no doubt but we must come to it by slow and gradual i t pn :h r i eo t n h rin i k e oor p tt you r ito e : eahentaaetnv. have do without e o w hwe o i t f h pn t o r h e u i x i c n t et g . ; we must coma to that ultimately. steps. Now, :his is precisely the course proposed by the Go vernment. The ( uty on corn during the next three years will gradual:) , be reduced, until in 1849 the protection duties wjll altogether cease.—(Cheers.) Now, that is the opinion of Dorsetshire farmers. and I will now call attention to the evi dence of a tenant-farmer in the Lothians. 1 believe be is no longer living, but I had the pleasure of his acquaintance, and I know he was a most experienced and succe,sful agri culturist in that seat of English farming. Well, he was asked by the Honourable Member for the North Riding of Yorkshire this question :—" If you had sold out in 1820, would you have been better than you ar e now ?" The House will see that 1820 was the period when the protec tion was put on. Well, what is his answer ? Why, he said, "I do not know that my case can be taken as a general case, because I set out poor in life, and after a hard struggle improved my condition. I am, however, the only remaining farmer in the parish alive where I was brought up. Excepting myself there is not a farmer remaining in the parish." Now, this is explained still more by the answer to another question from the Hon. Member for the North Riding. He is asked "What is the reason of their having all gone away?" and here plies, " The money rents that were exacted from them." They all conceived that wheat would be 80s. per quarter, and their calculations were made accordingly. It soon appeared that this price could not be realised. but they were not convinced of this till their ruin was the con sequence.—(Hear, hear.) So you see it was calculated by the landlord and the tenant, and in fact settled, that the price of wheat would be 80s., and land was taken upon that assump tion. The tenants were, however, now disappointed; but the landlords still felt justified in assuming that 80s. would be the price. I know that they did so, because of their confidence in the efficacy of the law ; for they were honourable men, who were perfectly well known to ma, from my having been con nected with them almost from my youth. They were per fectly convinced that the price would be SOL, and the conse quence was they postponed too long, indeed till the fall of their tenants was the consequence,—( Hear.) Now there you have the statement of a tenant farmer of the effect of the law upon the body to which he belonged. I have shown you what effect the law has upon the labourers, and I have read to you evidence detailing its effect upon the tenant. Need I say there is evidence to show that it has in no way been beneficial to the landlord ? Have I not clearly shown already that they were firmly impressed with a conviction that the law would produce a steady or a fixed and a high price, and that this conviction resulted in the ruin or the extinction of the tenant ? Can W. S. O'BRIEN—WARRANT OF COMMITTAL. Mr. P. BUTLER moved for a copy of the warrant under which Mr. W. S. O'Brien was committed to the custody of the Serjeant-at-Arms.—Agreed to. CALEDONIAN RAILWAYS. ➢lr. BROTHERTON presented two petitions in favour of this railway. The House adjourned at One o'clock. PARLIAMENTARY BUSINESS. (From the Votes and Proceedings of the House of Commons.) MONDAY, MAY 11. The following Petitions for Railways were reported, and the BU's ordered to bo brought in by tho undernamed lion. Members : Liverpool and Bury—Mr. Patten and Mr. Entwisle. Lancaster and Preston Junction and Carlisle Railways Amalgama tion—Colonel Lowther and Mr. C. Howard. West Lancashire—Mr. Brotherton and Mr. M. Philips. The following Petition for a Railway Bill was withdrawn : Manchester and Bury Atmospheric. RAILWAYS. Select Committee on Group No. 22. Earl of Arundel and Surrey discharged; 31r. Alexander selected, and added to the Committee. Select Committee on Group No. 23. Lord Orsuiston discharged, Mr. Trelawny selected, and added to the Committee. CENTRAL CRIMINAL COURT. OLD COURT. William Jordan, alias Middleton, aged 18, was indicted for stealing two coats and other articles, the property of Thomas Barfield. The prisoner pleaded guilty, and, addressing the Court, said he had made some very bad acquaintances, and he hoped that such a sentence would be passed upon him, as would effectually separate him from the evil connexions he had formed. The RECORDER sentenced him to be transported for seven years. - James Andrews, aged 44, was found guilty of stealing, in the dwelling house of Edward Giftbrd, nineteen silver forks, his property. The jury recommended him to mercy, and he was sen tenced to twelvemonths' imprisonment, with hard labour. Thomas Oliver, aged 22, a well-dressed young man, was indicted for burglariously breaking into the dwelling-house of Richard Chrimes, and stealing a cream jag, two 51. bank• notes, and other articles, his property. The robbery was committed in a most daring manner. The jury found the prisoner guilty of the offence of steal ing in a dwelling-Louse above the value of Si., and he was sentenced to be transported for ten years. [ADVERTISEMENT.]—SPLENDID ARRANGEMENT OF LOOKING-GLAss, producing the effect of a long arcade, and of bewildering as to cause a doubt whether you are in London or in old Rome. "Arch follows arch, and pile succeeds to pile." This unique apartment is devoted to cu tti ng an d arrang i ng t h e hair in, and with another having a beautiful view of Naples, are on the ground-floor. In calling attention to their establish ment, Ross and Sons beg to notice the advantages of their system—vis., they never take apprentices nor young men from the country, nor object to customers asking for the same man to wait upon them; every person has clean brushes, they never being used twice, without being washed ; and parties are not pressed to buy things they do not want. Address, Ross ant} Sons, 119 and 120, ashopsgate-street e [ADVERTISEMENT.] -- SIGHT AND HEARING. 39, Albemarle-street, Piccadilly.—Newly-invented Spectacles, Tele scopes, Opera Glasses, Microscopes, &c. Patronised by Generals Sir Edward Paget, Sis Evan Lloyd, Sir John Beatings, llaiston, Frederick Goodfellow, Clayton, Grosvenor Morrison, Dyott Robert son, Mackenzie, Galway, Biggq, Woolf, Murray, Walker, Fox, Price, Lindsay, and Thackray ; Major Generals Sir H. Elphinstone, Sir John Ross, Sir James Cockburn, Achinty, P. Fyers, D. Macleod, Bouverie, Sir J. Macdonall, Sir R. Barton, Sir T. Dallas, and Sir Wm. Eustance : Admirals Lord John Hay, Sir G. Cockburn, Sir George Munday, Sir George Martin, Sir James 11. Wiiitshed, Sir D. Gold, Ross, Alexander, Curzon, Tompkinson, Hollis, and Price; Vice-Admiral Sir F. Austen; Rear Admirals Brown and Ribouleau, &c. Messrs. S. and B. Solomons, Opticians, have invented Spec tacle Lenses upon a new construction. Immediately they are placed before imperfect vision, that mist and dullness which appear before the eyes is at once removed, every object becomes clear and distinct, so that the most aged imperfect sight becomes bright and brilliant, and is brought to its youthßil, natural, and original state. Also, Achromatic Telescopes, Opera Glasses, Microscopes, Invisible and all tel . kinds of Acoustic Instruments, for relief of most extreme deaf ness Caution—Messrs. S. and B. Solomons, Opticians, are n o t i n any way . b York Ho connected with a person of the same nalne 9 i p n r t o h l eir e immediate neigh bourhood.t To prevent mistakes be cautious, and Observe—Onlyto be had et la, Albemarle-street, rlceadilly, Qppoelte there be a stronger argument against the protective system ? In my opinion I own it is conclusive ? Now, without intend ing any offence to Honourable Members below the gangway, I must say they erroneously assume to themselves that they monopolise the land of the country.—( Cheers.) They state themselves to be the representatives of the whole of the landed interests, but let us see if they really do represent the whole of the landlords of the kingdom.--.( Hear, hear.) I admit that they represent the landowners of the fertile districts, hut the representation is by no means general, while they represent but few landlords whose property lies in any of the manufacturing districts.—( Hear, MR. C. PEARSON'S PROPOSAL FOR A METROPOLITAN TRUNK RAILWAY. WITH A CENTRAL RAIL WAY STATION IN FARRI NGDON STREET. A meeting was held last evening, in the Council Chamber, Guildhall, for the purpose of otferiug- to the inspection of the municipal authorities and the citizens of London, Mr. Charles Pearson's large model of his proposed trunk Mefrepolican Railway. • The open space in the middleof the Council-room, was occupied by a large model of the proposed railway, with its passengers and goods termini. The doors were opened at six o'clock, and long before seven o'clock, the hour at which the proceedings were to commence, every seat in the chamber was occupied. The Lady Mayoress and several ladies honoured the meeting with their presence, and were accom modated with seats c ose to the chair. At seven'o'clock the Lord Mayor took the chair, andirn mediately afterwards • - Mr. ati a aattataer commenced the exposition of his pro-- posed plan. The City of London, he said, had for centuries maintained its commercial supremacy by means of its mag nificent river, which brought it the wealth of the world. Other towns of the empire had latterly taken advantage of the physical, advantages of their situation, and had been enabled, not to compete with Loudon, bat to hang upon its skirts, by improving the advantages of water coaltuttmeetion hY means of the rivers "on which they were situated. As long as the rivalry was confined to water . communication London had nothing to fear, but of late years men had tra velled by iron instead of by water, and unless London was prepared to compete with them in the iron ways 29 w e ll as in the water ways, she must eventually be dretane e a a t . th e race of competition. The Hocking of the a, rests of London by the traffic was matter of notoriety. 'fete traffic had outgrown the streets. Varione endeavottre had been neade to remedy this evil. The Corporation, at an expense of 50,000/. had opened Gresham-street as an easement to cause in that b street was utith had not oneratetl o a f e cese riums which operated as a feeder to tit having goods to send into the county carts to this great warehouse, where again, loaded upon other carts, by tt the various railroad termini, amt a: to the various luggage trucks. Noe those goods was attended by expense, pinched so tightly as it did in these days, that expense was a great object of consideration. Now by the plan which he proposed, the merchant would only have tosend his goods to th e Ci ty term i nus, w h ence they would b e a t once transferred to the railway goods car riage,and the expense of one unloading would be saved. The line which he proposed for the Metropolitan Trunk Railway situatedw as til this close thereto thew,asa:loslpt,Caelorsti confluenceopeie o space f t greatear metropolitane-b r e, Cross, d isasspg, t o o ttttt t eat a it k eni e ter c str o t,., iTtonroini at the a n ctir c hi e leis m osbr e apt u cel t lkie railways, ee i Glwwr proposed a a e y -s , s, Road,wl Inn -lane, a t rant l ic i e e ffno p enr i f w street, that then it should hug the wall of the Cold Bath Fields' Prison and debouche in D o ddi natt n-st met ; that it should pass dirough the district of Afutton-Bill, Saffron hill, and Field-lane, diverging towards the north in the upper part of Field-lane; that it should cross under the Holborn valley to Farringdon Market and the site of the Fleet Prison, which should lec the passengers termini, while the goods termini should be in Field-lane, se as not to cross the Holborn Valley; thus he would keep the goods and the passenger termini entirely separate. Hitherto there had been but two methods devised by engineers for passing the levels of streets; the one was to pass over them by means of a viaduct, the other was to pass under them by - means of a tunnel. In both these ways property was sacri ficed. He proposed to adopt a third plan, by means of which the property in the neighbourhood of which the railway should past would be improved instead of deteriorated. He proposed to raise the whole of the streets by taking the basement as the railway line, and. arcading it over with spaces at every ten feet, to admit light and air to the railway, while on the roof of the arcade he would carry the usual ear -1 riage-way and the usual passenger traffic, thus forming a street over his railway, while he secured to his railway all the advantages of light and air, advantages of which a tun nel would necessarily deprive it. This would secure an ex cellent street frontage above the railway, and would transform li"reintoa therabodes arterialofresp ec c t o si n b mll6l l m e e t dut r rn a oi d epe e atol s tl; n o i e e n n s , w w ifhs ' r, h eiocre i m l h e Field-lane, Saffron-hill, an d the other localities celebrated in :‘ t Ol w is o te u r ld Tw s i e s c t t e o eant t e h tl e . s° T u h th e g o r f adie t n h t e s v h a e g t i o n r i t , c h h of the most favourable descrption, and he proposed that, where excavations were necessary, the earth excavated should be used to raise the low carts of the ground over Which the railway was to pass; for instance, the low ground at the foot of Snow-hill, which would be of great advantage in facilitating traffic. Having taken Farringdon Market as one of the termini, he proposed to erect a new market for vegetables, fruits, and flowers, near to Sea -coal- lane, if such should be deemed necessary, and he also left in the neigh bourhood of the Fleet Prison sufficient space for the London and Birmingham Company, should they be disposed to carry out the proposition for a tunnel from Islington, terminating at that point in a City terminus, He insisted most particu larly on the absolute necessity of keeping the goods-terminus separate from the passenger terminus, and as a proof of the advantage of having the goods terminus on the Field-lane side of Holborn, be mentioned its vicinity to the Smithfield and Newgate markets. He then entered into very minute details as to the advantages by the proposed termini, explaining them by referring to the model, and also explained the re adjustment which he proposed to make in the sired.; in the vicinity of the proposed station, explanations which it would be impossible to describe without reference to a map or a model. He then entered into various details to show what would be the outlay for the purchase of property, of good will, and the construction of the railroad; and, en the other side, what would be the probable receipts for area &c.; and lee concluded from these /weir:— railway would be consn - ucted at ta He proposed that it should be - tion, which had answered so 'a Kings_ town line that for six months p one minute beyond its time, and the length of the papa:, d metropolitan line would be abort the same as that of the Jatikey and Kingstown, viz., about a mile and a half. He p - epoeed to give the management of the line to a commission, le members of which should be nominated by the Cot:tore:ion of London, 8 by the shareholders in the various lines which would be benefited .by it, and a certain number ofcommissioners to be appointed by the Board of Trade. If the board were thus constituted the line could never become a monopoly in the hands cf anyone railway company, to the exclusion of the public. He pro posed to raise the funds by. means of a 5 per cent. stock, with a sinking fund of 2 4 per cent., so that in the course of time the debt should be extinguished. As it was nearly ten o'clock before his explanations on the subject of railways were completed, he deferred his observations on country houses for the poor to another opportunity. A vote of thanks to Mr. C. Pearson for his able exposition, and another to the Lord Mayor for his kindness in taking the chair; having been passed by acclamation, the meeting separated. Pers . ons itched them in were depoeitel c(liveyed to Ain tratis;hipped There each trinshipment of 'Aid when competition worked by at 1-reno, ut, a million. in theDalk 72 131 had bet SPORTING INTELLIGENCE, TATTER~ ALL'S. The Chester Cup settling was resumed yesterday aftcriioon, ai.d, as we predicted last week, proved very easy. The Derby betting was not heavy, nor was it by any means important. We may observe, however, that Humdrum, Crown Prince, and the Peri cult had seve ral friends; Humdrum with by far the strongest party. Fancy Boy was also backed for several hundred pounds at 11 and 12 to 1, the 'Ayers, at the finish, not at all disposed to baulk his supporters. Sir Tatton Sykes was likewise laid against at 6 to 1 to three or four hundred, bat in this case it struck us that the takers were in the ascendant. Sting was backed for 200/at 3to / ; Brocardo, in several s places at 25 to 1 ; the Traverser at 20 to I, in hundreds, and a few out siders at liberal odds. A few small bets were laid on the Oaks at 12 to 1 against Osprey, 20 to 1 against Wilderness, and 25 to 1 against Princess Alice. DERBY. 14 to 1 agst John Day's lot—taken 3 to 1 agst Lord E. Russell's Sting—taken and aft. offered 6 to 1 agst Mr. W. "cott's Sir Tatton Sykes—taken 11 to 1 agst Lord Maidstone's Tom Tullock 12 to 1 agst Mr. 31eiklam's Fancy Boy—taken 20 to 1 agst Sir J. Hawley's Humdrum —taken freely 20 to 1 agst Mr. O'Brien's the Traverser—taken 22 to 1 agst Mr. Watt's the Crown Prince 25 to 1 agst Gen. Shubrick's Brocardo—taken 30 to 1 agst Mr. Wigram's Phenerietts—taken 1000 to 30 agst Mr. Merry's Peri colt 40 to 1 agst Mr. Wyatt's Nutleaf 50 to 1 agst Mr. Wailer's Maid of Hampton colt—taken 50 to 1 agst Lord Eglinton's Draco 1000 to 25 agst Mr. Wreford's West Countryman—taken 1000 to lb agst Mr. Mostyn's L'llirondelle colt—taken 1000 to 15 agst Lord Orford's Blackie—taken. (RECEIVED THIS DAY.) NEWMARKET SECOND SPRING MEETING. ENTRIES FOR TUESDAY. _ _ _ - 50L for 3 yrs old, R.3L—Blackie, Lebanon, b c by Emplius out of Messene, Phenericus, and 'gnus! Fatnus. 501., T.M.M., 'w•inner to be sold for 2001., &c.—Alexa, 3 yrs—Balance f, 3 yrs—and Ganymede f, 3 yrs. Black Cat receives from the Retriever colt, and Tanrina from Foinnualla. Two other matches complete the day's racing, which com mences at two o'clock. COURT CIRCULAR. The Queen, accompanied by the Prince of Wales, the Princess Royal, and the Princess Alice, and attended by the Dowager Lady Lyttelton, took an airing yesterday in an open carriage and four. ries in His Royal Highness Prince Alb er t was on horseback;, and the Equer- Wang, Colonel Buckley and the lion. Captain Gordon, at. tended on horseback. His Royal Highness Prince Albert went yesterday afternoon lo lay the foundation -stone of the church for the seamen of the port of London, in Dock -street. Ills Royal Highness was attended by the Marquis of Abercorn, Captain Francis Seymour, and the Don. Capt. Gordon. Her Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent visted her Ifajesty yesterday. The Queen and Prince Albert, attended by the Viscountess Can ning, Non. Miss Kerr, the Marquis of Ornionde, Calonel Buckley, and the Hon. Captain Gordon, honoured the performances of the French Plays with their presence yesterday evening. Her Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent, attended by Lady Augusta Bruce, Lady Anna Maria Dawson, and Captain the Hon. James P. Murray, also honoured the French Plays with her presence last evening. Her Majesty the Queen Dowager honoured the Rehearsal of th Coneert of Ancient Music, at the Hanover-square Booms, with her presence yesterday morning. Her Majesty was attended by th Dowager Lady Clinton, Hon. Mary Seymour. Hon. Charlotte Hud son, the Earl of Denbigh, the lion. William Ashley, and Captain Somerset. Her Majesty the Queen Dowager visited her Royal Highness the Duchess of Gloucester yesterday at Gloucester House. Their Royal Highnesses, the Duke and Duchess of Cambridge at tended by Lady Augusta Cadogan and Mr. Edmund Mildmay, ho noured the Austrian Ambassador and the Countess Dietrichsteit with their company yesterday evening. A deputation . fro - m - Gas CoMpanies, consisting of Mr. Richards, Mr. Gray, Mr. Stewart, and Mr. J. Wilkin, had an interview with the Earl of Dalhousie, on Saturday, at the office of the Board of Trade. The Commissioners of the Metropolitan Railway Termini had a meeting yesterday. There were present Viscount Canning, the Earl of Dalhousie, the Right lion. F. C. Herries, the Lord Mayor, and Sir F. Smith. The Ecclesiastical Commissioners for England had a Committee meeting yesterdays There were present the Archbishops of Canter bury, the Bishops of London, Winchester, Carlisle, Oxford, Ripon. Rochester, and Salisbury ; the Earl of Devon, and the Right Hon, H. Hobhouse. at the Colonial- o M ee from the . The Chairman of the Customs had an interview with the Cha n • cellor of the Exchequer yesterday. Mr. Butler , M.P., had also ate interview with the Right lion. Gentleman. Lord Dunsandle had an interview with Sir George Clerk yester daDyisatpatlLehoetfl. w ce er e e f the rec e Board edy o e s f t T e r r a d d a e y . Governors of New South Wales, South and West Australia, and Mauritius. the Tier Majesty and Prince Alb ert, attended by the vi sc ountess Canning, the Hon. Miss Kerr, te Marquk of Ormonde, Colonel Berkeley, and Captain Gordon, honoured the French plays with their presence last evening. Her Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent, attended by the Baroness Spaeth, I4dy Augusta Bruce, Lady Anna Maria Dawson, and Captain Murray, ceenwed the box next to her Majesty. We observed also present, the Duke and Duchess of Beaufort, Dowager Marchioness of Donegal, the Earl and Countess of Chesterfield, Lady Newport, the Earl and Countess t of Morley, Lally de Dunstanville, Lord and Lady Cowper, Lord Sidney, Lady Adelaide Paget, Marciffis °/11=Mr. Ralph and Lady Howard, Lady Meta, lion. Mr. Caper, alid Mr. John Feu, Marquis Pallaveino, Sir William Massey Stanl ey ,hl,, Lady and the Stanley, Sir George and Miss Talbot, Sir Henry 11 Misses Burgoyne. -,-Intelligence reached WINDSOR, MONDAY EvENING. Auckland, Lora expired on . Hobart, Dean of Windsor, w ho hire. The late Dian, who was also last, at Nocton Priory, Lin Windsor yesterday' evening of the death ol - the the i i i t e t n e i n . , and ee n of Rev. Friday Dr cieln r s of Nocton, and who held the living Dean of Wolverhampton, Oxford, suc ceeded to the Deanery of c andtoWindsor the vicarag e upon th ofe Hasely,appoint ment Largo to the Bishopric 0 of Dr. of Wantage, in this coun f t o y re , aa Oxford 1816. .;