The Sun. — London, England, 1837-04-19 00:00:00

parties. Similar language to that used by Colonel Evans to his constituents had been used by Mr. Villiers, the English Minister at Madrid, at a festive meeting held at Madrid in co mmemoration of the raising the siege of Bilboa. He was represented to have said that they were then carrying on a contest for constitutional liberty in the Basque provinces— and he added, that the object in supporting the cause of the Queen of Spain, was to create a new balance against the despotic Powers. Now, teas not this language calculated to provok e the Great Powers, !f they had not heard sufficient previously, to take part in tie contest ? The truth was, the Noble Lord was involved in a dilemma by the cause he had favoured. He would ask, had the Noble Lord read the letters that passed between Ferdinaild and Don Carlos, when the latter was in exile, relative to the cession of . I, is right to succeeding to the Throne of Spain? In these letters .tte con stantly refused to surrender his right of succession, and that he wool I rather part with his life than yield.—[The Hon. Member here read extracts from this correspondence.] The character of Don Carlos had been assailed in every possible Way, and he had been designated as a bigot and an assassin ; but were the Ministers of the Queen of Spain less assassins, who had issued the cruel decree relative to that Prince to which he had adverted ? So far from Don Carlos being the cruel despot that had been described, he spared the lives of five Englishmen who had been taken prisoners, on Baron de Haber instigating him to do so ; and this took place notwithstanding the feelings of exasperation entertained by the Basque people against the invaders of their provinces. In addition to the t 3 ritish naval force, the marines and artillery, it appeared that a number of sappers and miners were also employed in the North of Spain, and the Secretary for the Admiralty told them last night that this force never received orders from General Evans, but they merely attended to his re quest to carry into effect the detail of operations. Now What would that Honourable Gentleman say to the fact that the marine force of his Britannic Majesty were brigaded on the heights above St. Sebastian with the Le gioe on the 7th of January last, and for sonic time follow ing ? lie wou ld a pp ea l t o the sense of the House whether t his was not an ex t raor dinary expl a nation to emanate from the Secreta r y of the Admiralty ? It ought to be a warning to t he Government of this country that the first step of the new President of the United States had been to declare his decided !"' / Jlection to interference with the affairs of other countries. What w ere t h e wor d s o f M r . V an B uren ?—" O ur course o f foreign policy has been so uniform and intelligible as to con stitute a rule of executive conduct which leaves little to my discression, unless, indeed, I were willing to run counter to the of experience, and the known opinion of my constituents. We sedulously cultivate the friendship of all nations, as the condition most compatible with our welfare and the principles °f Our Government. We decline alliances as adverse to our P ea ce. We desire commercial relations on equal terms, being ever willing to give a fair equivalent for advantages received. sve endeavour to conduct our intercourse with openness and sincerity, promptly avowing our objects, and seeking to esta blish that mutual frankness which is as beneficial in the dealings of nations as of men. We have no disposition, and we dis airn all r i g ht, to me ddl e i n di s p u tes, whether internal or foreign, that may molest other countries, regarding them in their actual state as social communities, and preserving a strict neutrality in all their controversies." This was what he (Mr. 'Maclean) looked upon to be sound policy, and he was sure that even the Noble Lord opposite must in reality be of the sa me opinion. He trusted that the Noble Lord would explain to the House on this occasion what course it was he intended to pursue in reference to Spain. Mr. HENRY L YTTON BULWER had many things on which to compliment the Hon. and Learned Gentleman who h ad just sat down—on the lessons lie had given in courtly man ners, on the length to which he had been able to protract the subject in debate—( Hear, hear)—but more especially on the °PPortunity which he had at last found of celebrating his coun trYtneo's defeat.—( Cheers.) As to the Hon. and Gallant his w h o b roug ht f o rward the motion, he did j us ti ce t o Is talents and character, but he still thought he was placed I n an unhappy position when he had to prove a national dis grace, in order to obtain a political triumph—( Hear, hear)--. an d e when the re w ou ld a l s o be many who would think that on this occasion he had bean too ready to make the ruined reputa tion of his brethren in arms a stepping-stone to party purposes. thi (Hear, h ear . Si r H. H ar di nge ma d e so m e observati on .) he said the more frankly and considerately, when he looked at the time at which the motion had been brought for_ Ward.`( Hear, h ear .) Had he waited until after the 10th of t i "n, ne, when the engagement of those persons would have ex- P' r ed, and when, if the service they were engaged in was so unprofit a bl e, t h ey wou ld b e returne d h ome , t h en t h e H on. Ge ntleman would have acted in a manner well consistent with lies established character for manliness and generosity. But what did he do ? He called for the recal of these gallant men, at a time when such recal must be most painful to their feel- In gs as men and officers. He would not allow them a me. Inent's delay, by which they might profit by a success that Would take the sting out of his motion.—( Hear.) The House Was then entering on a party contest, which would decide which of two parties should direct the foreign policy of Great Bri tain• But before they went farther let them for one moment Pause there—let them for one moment forget whether they Ware Whigs, Tories, or Radicals, and only remember that they were Englishmen ; and that they had countrymen who had, upon the whole, exhibited great gallantry, as well as suf fered great privations, and who were at that time placed in a Position eminently critical to their professional reputation. It Was not fair that these gallant men should be made the vic tims of any favourable opportunity for a party manceuvre in that House. If the Noble Lord's policy was wrong, let that Policy be attacked and condemned—let those who had sup_ ported that policy be condemned and attacked ; but it was not rn. he said an d repeate d , t h at any bl ame or reproach should b een east up on t h ese persons. A nd what, upon the whole, had h ad thei r con d uct ? H e wou ld not go i nto every d eta i l wh i ch "ad been quoted from a book where the author had, at least, t oe merit of binding up his recent and former opi n i o ns toge ther, so that you might on the face of the volume see the felth that should be placed on its authority—he would c ot go over all these details, but he would say what upon the whole had been the conduct of these men ; and here he refound t o the Honourable Member for Sandwich. That Hon. Member had said last year in the House that he held lasrtaite docume nt i n his hand--the report of the Adjutant-Ge wof Don Carlos. And what said this Adjutant-general ? _' 11 11 ?y, that t h ere were 100,000 men well armed and equipped ou der the eommand of the Pretender. Well, then, taking on half of what the Hon. Nembcr said—and the lion. Mem ber' could not, at all events, believe this to be an ex 04,,fferated statement—what did it s a y ? Why, th a t th e 5,000 1 a r ..„,1,000 men who b ore t h e B r i t i sh name, and who had every I. _n!eulty t o contend against, and that yet notwithstanding they contended for two years aga i nst 50,000 men, an d had ac ,t,adY heat them in seven or eight engagements—( Cheers)— n when he said seven or eight engagements he did not speak t v i a a kliely or loosely—at Arlaban, on the heights of St. Sebes ho:, at the capture of Passages. on all these occasions they their victorious ; twice th Carlists had attempted to force t "' lines, and had been driven back—twice they had at ifitiked the lines of the Carlists, and had driven them in ; and oie "en the gallantry of these men merited praise, still more the Frier,constantly heroic conduct of his lion. and Gallant hi s their C omm ander. That Hon. a n d G a ll ant Fr i end of in been attacked continually and indirectly, perhaps, dur th%this debate, but more openly on other occasions ; he would, e e t r ef ure, make no apology to the House for reading two Gal l cts from letters which related to his Honourable and th o att „t Friend—one bearing upon a specific charge, w. "ir regarding his general conduct,. and abitity— the Itti regard to your queries relative to the command of Pla . e : e .g i 'm in connection with the punishments which took and oi l : it, I know that the opinion of many superior officers, resp eet • se of experience, was, that if he erred in any manner dis . punishments, it was not in the severity, but in his Avoson at all times to carry his pardon too far."—(Col. tu t i ugall, who commanded his own regiment five years with_ ti_ n.meting a lash.) What says another officer equally dis e.ngurthed, who has retired from the service on account of his 'sou nd _ ti et i n s. and does not think glory is to be attained by calurn- I ut • g his chief ?_n Never was General so beloved, indeed a et4 l V) . _t almost say idolised, by those under his command, both i n da. i . s , and soldiers, as General Evans is; and his intrepidity alie "ger and cool foresight in action are the admiration of us u sed t rs.) Th e strongest argument he had heard hlo as n that which h a d reference to t h e B asque p rov in c es. 'ihert l ee"tlernaesaid, Would you interfere with the der Y an d hide o r di n ,_ yendence of the Basque people ?" And un- People ~tore cir cumstances he should not. But the Basque str u , „.`ere in a particular situation—they deemed they were th e for e 'estrum their own liberties, but they were made iii'st oo kth ents °f those who in a most important case emit' if the Policy of the country.--( Hear, hear.) No terroHon. and Gallant Gentleman were to describe qualifi er) " of a field of battle, which no one was better 'w ow , to d o; or the horrid scenes which that field of a "towexrillibit after battle—if he exhibited the storming nutt e d b 'arid all the savae acts of atrocity like' ) to be com tr thyatinfuriatedsolders , at that time rarely under cons t teus e bu b ,e v would be able to harrow up the feeling. of the que st i o n r `,%.as . that a statesmanlike way of meeting a great "..4 horror s of 1 ` 1 ,,, ,e all , he not reply in the same manner by show that cause against which these men were rack", the ...A . light lie not lead the House to the dungeon, the scre e . 4 tase? Mir ne not point to the torture the thumb kelt I : . alid all those devilish and inquisitorial engi'nes by which Re v v“ , attempted to torture not merely the body but the , 5 is of their eonte_creatures? But was it in rational argument to yo u to nlaed that the ill-timed acts of any ally were b to induce vsithdrawo from his cause, if it was according to your he a .") a "d to sy st r ' • Last n S i your engagements to adhere to it 2—( Hear, .reference had been made to the frightful ? a f , t e l t 4l e Lifs,s‘sNa.ssfriation which had prevailed during the whole t 0 the e et i u 2 ore at: throughout the Peninsula. But there was a '" in . point, that of El Arish—it had been alluded etlthe Irii_g_hitsprevious. There we acted in company with allies ~rrrod?"%\,,,--1--witli those allies we took the fort. What oc. Sid, ey v s l tn y i , th our allies murdered 300 men in cold blood. protested against this ; he did all lie could _thiriP.kreivteln't,,i_te—ssbnut certainly the British Government did not e ry to deliver up Egypt to Buonaparte, to 1 1 1 4sN) ave 4" vie tn u.. re s t of their countrymen. If we triumphed rtt,re pe e ltd be e . free as the Basque people; t°° it to believe ttrilumlp but if the hed, then, indeed, there was every . t b ie man whose cause they had espoused spre,lde.Nulf their at li l erty in the general tyranny be would turnughout the e ie and. Now, as to the two cases of the Legion,gb t(.41-loptinnio the Hon. Gentlemen would express n on the quadruple alliance itself ; but they a 44 4 0 t,.en- ns of that alliance declare you should only afford as al forc e t Y n ritue Queen of Spain, and time use of marines the employ See them is not a naval force much Hon Friend : r _inus i natit Y_ _of the Admiralty had with * mach abir nracival foreeues' tw o in particular, where marine . s ' a tY s p j a h r u t w ; wh- ._trad been so employed ; but then, said a Noble And 4)11 0weu . , , you should not employ so !nee upon lat did all marines. treaty , ._(3.LI"S amount to ? Why, that we l liad acte4 t a niggardly, but in a generous, manner. --(Hear, hear.) Hons Gentlemen talked of national honour. with honour or consistency, at this most critical period of the But the Legion—that had done not'hing. Now it was f a i r i n c on t es t, w i t hd raw f rom our pledge of co-operation.—(Loud considering what the Legion had done to consider what cries of hear, hear.) The amount and extent of this co would have been done without the Legion. Had the Le- operation depended on the terms of the Quadruple Treaty. gion not been in Spain last May, St. Sebastian would ha ve To many of the articles of that treaty a very different inter fallen ; had St. Sebastian then fallen, Bilbao would not pretation had been given ; but if the House would allow him subsequently have been relieved—(Cheers)—had St. Se- he would state shortly what he conceived to be the true ob bastian and Bilbao both been taken by Don Carlos, that me- jects of the treaty. The preamble of the treats' which was morable event of which the Hon. and Learned Gentleman the signed in 1834, stated the object of the treaty to lbe to compel Member of Oxford spoke would have taken place, and Don Cari es an d D on Mi guel to withdraw from the Portuguese Don Carlos world have been recognized by the Northern dominio n s, w h ere , at t h at time, the Infant Don Carlos had Powers.—( Cheers.) But this would help the quadrupl e taken refuge, and where he formed a nucleus of a party corn treaty. That Hon. Gentleman had forgotten that his leaders bined against the authority of the recognized Queen of Spain. meant to stand by that treaty. In what condition, then, would The prea m bl e s t a t e d t h e motives which induced England to have been the treaty ? Would it have been favourable to an concur in the line of operation there pointed out ; it was stated amity with the N or th e rn P o wers to have one sovereign whom to be "i n cons id erat i on of the interest which this country bad they recognised, and one whom we recognised, both contend. always taken in the security of the Spanish monarchy, and our ing on the soil of Spain ? But he was arguing as if the Hon. anxious desire to assist in the establishment of peace in the Pe -61-.ntleman really wished to maintain the quadruple alliance ; ninsula mad the rest of Europe."—(" Read on.") lie would whereas the belief was, that they desired nothing but to dis. read the whole treaty if t h e H on. Gentlemen opposite wished. credit and estroy that alliance. Should he justify it? How, It went on to st a t e , " cons id er i ng also the special °Hien - and under what circumstance, was it f or m e d? A us t r i a a t th a t tions a r i s i ng out o f our ancient treaties with Portugal. "__ - time had the occupa l on of Bologna—Rus s ia, h er f oo t o n P o - (Cheers f rom t h e O pposition.) This had nothing to do :. land, grasped at Constants.?enole—the freedom of the free town with Don Carlos.----( Cheers from th e Ministerial ' s id e of of Frankfort had been violat e d—;e independence of the minor the House.) D on C ar l os was now dangerous to th e order states in Germany had been invaded Portugal there was a of things recog n i ze d i n S pa i n, as Don Miguel was at struggle of opinion—i ll Sp a in a struggle of --::: opinion—Belgium that time in Portugal. Th ey were b ot h iecludedin the s ame stood unrecognized—France menaced—and tine country, ac _ article. General Renodpa were sent ursuanceo into the Portuguese tevrit or i es , t h ey At treaty, th e Sp a ni s h t roops under cording to the Opposition at all events, disregarded and cieficd, At such time, an d un d er suc h c i rcums t an ces, if there could be drove Don Carlos to the shores of the ocean, and compelled a wise and extensive policy, favourable to the peace of the hint to seek refuge on board of a British man-of-war. He world, and favourable to those principles which make peace thought that it was a great want of foresight that they did not prosper, it was the policy of uniting the great Western Powers bind Don Carlos by express stipulations before they gave him of Europe in an alliance of which the solid basis was constitu- refuge. As it was, he believ e d th a t no engagement was on tional a n d liberal opinions.—( Hear.) Did our Government tered into with him before he was ree,cived on hoard of th e alone see this? No, their enemies saw it also. Why that Council British vessel ; he took refuge in this country, and after pass at the Po, of which a Noble Friend had spoken so e l oquent l y ? ing a fortnight here he took the shortest road to the Basque Why was Rome said to be now ransaking her e xh aus t e d trea- provinces, to renew his endeavours to shake the Thrones of sures to aid the Pretender ? Why was Sardinia supposed to Spain and Portugal. Under these circumstances, there was be sending secret supplies to the same quarter, and Russi a an additional article agreed to. The preamble to the addi offering officers and gold ? Why was it d a ily sa id th a t D on tional article stated that the "contracting parties having taken Miguel was about to appear in the camp of D on C ar l os , th a t into their serious consideration the recent events (that was the it was there also that the Due de Bourdeaux should make his passing of Don Carlos into Spain), and being deeply inn_ first essay in arms ? Why, because it was felt throughout the pressed with the conviction that in this new state of things world that it was to the camp of Don Carlos that tine friends of new means were thought necessary for effecting thu objects of despotism should resort—because it was felt throughout the the treaty, they therefore included them in these additio na l world that it was on tire soil of Spain that the battle of free_ articles." The additional articles were known to everybody, dom was to be won or lost. And were Hon. Gentlemen op- they were more recent, and had been more canvassed, posite insensible to this ? No ; they knew well enough that aed were in the hands of every lion. Member; and the though Spain was spoken of by this motion, England, Scot. only question was, whether the construction put by the land, and Ireland would be equally affected by it ; they kn ew Government on the words " naval force," was, or was well enough that if this motion were carried, the Irish Cor- not the correct interpretation. What was their position at poration Bill might as well have been lost. What was the this moment? The Queen of Spain was recognised by this state of France at that time ? There were not two parties, country—her title was admitted last night to be incontestable but two divisions of parties ; and it did so happen, that in the by the Hon. Baronet ( Sir S. Canning.) That Hon. Baronet whole of one portv there was not a single man in the slightest had the best possible means of ascertaining wh a t were th e degree tinged with popularity who had not pledged himself feelings of the majority of the people of Spain. Tine Queen, on the Spanish question.—( Loud cries of Hear, h ear , h ear.) o f Sp a i n was supported by nine-tenths of the Spanish people Supposing, then, the present motion carried, and the and by the Cortes, and the only at the head o f w h om was Don party by wh om s h e was op- Honourable Gentlemen opposite in office, wh a t wou ld b e t h e posed was the remaining t en th, y case as far as regarded France ? One of two thi ngs mus t h a p_ Carlos. The Hon. Baronet ( Sir S. Canning) asked whether pen in that country. Either the more popular party would we were at war with Don Carlos or not ? We could not be come into office, in which case they would find a party in this at war with'Don Carlos, because he was merely a pretender. country already pledged against the policy they were pledged —( Hear, hear.) But we were bound by the treaty to co to pursue, in which case the alliance so much prized by the operate with the Queen of Spain against hint as if he were Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Tamworth went to the actually at war with this country. It was just as much as if dogs ; or the more unpopular party obtaining power wer e Don Carlos was actually 211 independent Sovereign, and as if linked and leagued, in the presence of the two countries, he had declared war against this country. In his view of th e with the more unpopular party in this country obtaining case, the Quadruple Treaty pledged us as distinctly and po power also. Could any man look at this state of things, cal- sitively to the exclusion of Don Carlos from the Basque pro culating on the easily excitable dispositions of their neigh- vineea as from the territory, of Portugal.--( Cries of " Oh, hours, aroused as it would be by tine great force of public opi- oh, oh !") It might not do so in exact words, but it did nion amongst the great bulk of the two people, by whom pub- in spirit.---( Hear, hear, hear.) He would ask whether lie opinion is formed—could any sober person look at this it did not exclude Don Carlos from the throne of Spain, and state of things without foreseeing that there might be—what whether it did not render it incumbent on us to put a stop there would very probably be—another great convulsion simi- to the civil war in that country ?—( Hear, hear.) It seemed lag to that of 1830, and of which the consequences would ex- to him that the Honourable Members opposite were anxious tend as widely.—( Cheers.) So much for F ra nc e ; an d, i n to put this question to the test of success,..-.(Cries of " No, the mean time, in Spain, what would you be doing there ? d e - no l" and cheers.) He admitted that success was essential livering up that country to a bigoted and persecuting priest_ it influenced mon's jud gments , w h et h er i t influenced their con hood or an ignorant and sanguinary mob.—( Hear, hear.) O n sciences or not ; and there could not be a better proof of this one side was the Inquisition, On the other the guillotine. than the conduct of the party opposite on this very questions. o Withdraw," said Hon. Gentlemen, " and leave these two —( Loud cheers.) He asked thorn why was not the policy of unhappy engines for human mischief to come into conflict.— the Government with regard to Spain made the subject of (Loud cheers.) Looking, then, at the state of Europe, of complaint during the present Session till now ? He asked in France, of Spain, and, what h e was b ou l i d t o l oo k a t more — what material point the line of policy pursued in consequence looking at England and the honour of England, he would con- of the quadruple alliance was changed, so as to cause the pre- C ot h io ee n r . s_.) ci T ie h e e r rz ) we i r , e hey pr i e la c d ise b ly een tin t e hr s e a a n t i! graceful to consent to or f a tal to car r y, it wou ld b e th e mo ti on elude by saying that if there was a moti on it would be dis scot g rounds motion for the ?. m ( of the Hon. and Gallant Gentleman.—( L ou d c h eers .) coed with it during th e w h o l e recess; they had heard nothing ' Sir H. HA R DING E said, the Hon. Gentleman had en- but denunciations of the policy of the Noble Lord ( Palmer tirely misrepresented his intention in bringing this question ston) from every organ of the Conservatives. Th e y h a d b een forward.—(Hear, hear.) He had carefully abstained from told up to the first day of the Session of the expensive mode noticing any part of the military government, conceiving that of intervention, of the neglect of British interests, and of the that did not come within the scope of his motion. The House incapacity of the Noble Lord the Secretary f o r F ore i gn would recollect that he had attributed th e impolicy o f t h e Aff a i rs . What was the result of all this ? It happened that measures which had been adopted entirely t o his Majesty's th ree days before the meeting of Parliament intelligence was Minist e rs, and th a t h e had altogether abstained from any received of a victory gained by tine combined forces of the military criticism on the conduct of General Evans. It was Queen of Spain and the British Legion. And so great was not for him, on such an occasion as the present, t o i m p ugn or the re-action which attended the receipt of this intelligence, defend the conduct of the Hon. and Gallant Officer ; but he and so great was the interest excited in the public mind begged to add, that whenever the military conduct of General by the gallantry of our fellow-countrymess in Spain, that the Evans was made the subject of discussion, he was ready t o Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Tamworth, feeling that give his military opinion respecting it, as freely as he had the moment was very unpropitious for such a discussion, already given his political reasons why he considered the quelled some little symptoms of insubordination, and availed longer continuance of the British Legion in Spain detri- himself of the very first opportunity that the forms of the House mental to the best interests of this country. His opinion, allowed to express his admiration of the conduct and gallantry confirmed by that of Colonel Churchill, was, that such was of the brave men who had successfully defended Bilboa.— the state of insubordination and demoralization of the Legion, (Cheers.) He would ask, what prevented the Hon. and that it was impossible to expect it could render any impor_ Gallant Officer (Sir H. Hardinge) from bringing forward taut service to the country whose interests it professed to this motion on that occasion, and what encouraged him to do vindicate. so now ?—( Loud cheers.) The simple fact was, that success Mr. H. BUL\VER did think that in making a motion at no longer beamed so decisively on the cause of liberty in the this moment for the recal of the officers of th e Le g i on th e Peninsula.—( Great and continued cheering.) This was the Hon. and Gallant Officer opposite was inflicting disgrace on first time that he had heard in the British House of Parliament them. He also thought, and he believed asinnilar opinion was that a fair ground for abandoning an ally was that he was un entertained by the country, that the effect of the observations fortunate.—(Loud cheers.) But he begged to ask what this of the Hon. and Gallant Gentleman as to the conduct of the want of success consisted of? He might ask whether s uc h a officers under General Evans was more or less to cast an im- defeat had been sustained by the Legions as to disable them putation on the character of his Hon. and Gallant Friend, from acting any part in the contest ?—( Sir H. Ilardinge was Sir R. INGLIS said it appeared to him impossible for any understood to say " Yes.") The Hon. and Gallant Officer titan who could read or hear to mistake tine effect of the motion said " yes ;" he (Mr. Ward) doubted this.—(lleac, hear.) of his Hon, and Gallant Friend. If, as was alleged, it had After three days' hard fighting—salter most gallantly carrying reference to the recal of General Evans, it could only antlei. a position,defended by, he admitted ; gallant mien likewise—after pate that event by a few days, inasmuch as, according to the carrying this position, they found that from the want of co ope. communication of that Hon. arid Gallant Officer to his consti- ration on the part of General Saarsficld, which they were en tuente, it was his intention to he with them on the 10th of titled to expect, and when the Cellists brought overwhelm- June. The object of his Hon. and Gallant Friend was to ob big numbers to boar on them, he begged to repeat, after sus tain she recal of the marines, and to pray his Majesty not to tuning a conflict of three days, they were compelled to retire. renew the Order in Council for the suspension of the Foreign Ile did not disput e th a t th e l oss on b o th sides was nearly Enlistment Act. Incidentally the motion of his Honourable equal. But he would ask wheshor General Evans himself arid Gallant Friend might have the effect of recalling General had attempted to disguise his losses ? Had he not in the most Evans, but nothing short of the blind partiality on th e 11 0 . candid manner revealed the whole state of tire case to the nourable Gentleman opposite could load any orne to suppose country ?—( Hear, hear.) And yet was it not this very moment that the motion of his Hon, and Gallant Friend had that ape- that an old brother officer in arms had chosen to throw inn cial object. He supported the cause of Don Carlos, because pediments in his way, and to cast the weight of his authority Inc considered his right indefeasible. Th e cause o f D o n Ca r los inn military matters in the scale against him ?—(No, no, from was the cause of legitimacy, and that was the reason why the the Opposition.) When stating his reasons why British ho- Tories were favourable to it ; but they had no wish to inter- noun would not allow of the continuance of our co-operation fere on behalf of Don Carlos. What they desired was to leave in Spain, the Right lion. and Gallant Gentleman referred to the two parties to settle their differences as they could. The the atrocities committed in the course of the present disas_ Tories would not support even the despot Don Carlos by trous warfare. He (Mr. Ward) tre'eply regretted those atro spilling British blood on the shores of Sp a in.—( H ear .) Th e c ities ; he wished from his heart that th e y had been avoided ; Hon. Gentleman did not hesitate to say that tine Tories would but at the same time Inc must remind the House that he had support the cause of despotism wherever they had the oppor. tine authority of tine Right Hon. and Gallant Gentleman him turnty ; and, as another instance of their disposition in this self for stating that the guilt of such proceedings was almost respect, he had referred to Poland. Now, he ( Sir R. Inglis) equal on both sides. If Cabrera's mother was murdered, had was not an approver of the treatment which had been exile- not her son revenged her death upon thirty innocent females, rienced by the Poles ; on th e co ntrary, he believed that the who expatiated with their blood that atrocious murder ? Were Poles were, of all the people in Europe, the must deeply ins- not instances of a like kind before them in abundance? And jured.—( Cheers.) Tine Hon. Gentleman had alluded to the if so, what justice was there, when tine guilt was equally shared courtly phrase of his Hon. and Gallant Friend, of which, with between the two parties, in stigmatising the one in favour of his diplomatic habits, he was doubtless a 'v,,ry competent the other? With respect to the claims of Don Carlos, and judge ; but perhaps the Hon. Gentleman would excuse him if tine manner in which he vindicated them, let it be borne in Inc suggested to him, that he might find it somewhat ineonve. mind that he had never once dared to openly face the Le nient if in some places out of this House—if in a foreign gion. In this, for he knew something of Don Carlos, had Court, for example—when speaking of Don Miguel, he de- that individual but pursued the line of policy which had ever scribed him as t h e mons t er Ki ng .—( C r i es o f "Oh I") The marked his career. In th e ti me o f t h e l ate Ki ng o f S pa i n b e Hon. Gentleman should recollect that the individual to whom j believed that Don Carlos bad secretly countenanced and fo he thus referred had been recognised as King of Portugal by f merited every plot which had manifested itself against the this country.—( Loud cries of " No, no.") If not by this reigning Sovereign, though he kept himself in the back country, ire was by some of the other States of Europe. Ile ground, in order to shrink from the public avowal and believed himself to be the lawful Sovereign ; and as their consequences of his sedition.—( Hear, hear, hear.) For the King tine people of Portugal allowed him to rule over them. future, he believed that if Don Carlos were to succeed to ile would then come to the main question. namely, what was morrow, the first act of his home policy would be to re. a naval force ? The Noble Lord ( Lord Palmerston) defined establish tine Inquisition, and of his foreign policy to give a naval force to be that the principal part of whose operations to Russia such an ascendency upon the Peninsula as must was sustained by ships. Would it be denied that tine great I prove very formidable to this country, coupled with that which body of these men had been for weeks, he might say months, she had already acquired inn other parts of Europe. The Hun. out of their ships ? Could it be said that, its com mo n par_ Member for Oxford wanted Government to withdraw the La- I ince, they (the marines) came within the construction of tine gion, and to leave tine two contending parties to fight out their words " a naval force ?"—( Hear, hear, hear.) Tine sup- j disputes without any assistance from this country. Did the port agre e d by the treaty to be rendered to the Queen of Hen. Members think that inn such a course they would be pro- Spain was limited to the supply of arms, ammunition, &c., and meting tine cause of humanity?—( hear, hear, from Mr. if necessary, a naval force. From tine returns it would be Maclean.) The Hon. Gentleman then went on to deprecate seen to what extent these supplies of arms had been carried the fatal system of reprisals which had been carried on between —and the naval force was very considerable, looking at the two contending parties. These reprisals be ( Mr. Ward) the number of men concerned, and still more from the moral sincerely deprecated, but he woull ask whether they were influence of the name of England being attached to them. without precedent in the history even of our own country? The question was, whether this country was at war or not ? Let them look at our own conduct in the civil contest which He put it to the House whether this was not an instance in was carried on during the latter part of the last century, and which the King's troops had been engaged without an actual he feared that they would find but too complete a parallel for declaration of war. fie would now state, as he had stated the atrocities committed in Spain at the present moment in the before, that this was an unauthorised war in which General proceedings of the Irish rebellion ?—( Hear, hear.) If be Evans was engaged. These were the reasons that induced I were not mistaken, also, the Duke of Wellington himself in Trim to concur in the motion of his Hon. and Gallant Friend. the early part of the Peninsular war held a correspondence Mr. W. G. WA RD was perfectly oilling to admit that with Marshal Soult, in which he threatened reprisals upon the the question before the House ought to be discussed in the French in consequence of tine barbarous massacres perpetrated most calm and di s passionate mariner. Whatever might be the by the latter upon their prisonors.—( No, no, from the Op result of th e que stion, the decision was one in which he con- position.) He believed that the only hope which there was of ceived that our national character for consistency and ho. terminating these atrocities, and with them the contest now nour was d ee ply involved.—( Hear, hear.) There was a waging in Spain, was to continue our present policy. The great diff e re nce o f o pi n i on , an d tine Honourable Baronet who Hon. Gentleman opposite inquired for what they were con bad just s a t down h a d expresse d hi s o pi n i o n with regard to tending in Spain? He answered, for British interests in the the policy which led originally to the conclusion of the I Peninsula, and for the promotion of our trade there, by re- Quadruple Treaty. Many thought that that act was unwise, ! etoring that great country once more to the position which she unstatesmanlike, and uncalled for by the circumstances of was entitled to hold in Europe. Upon these grounds be Europe—(Cheers from the Opposition)—but others thonlit tgiould give his most cordial support to his Majesty's Govern and he (Mr. Ward) thought, that it was a wise, a statesman- moot in resisting the present motion.—( Ch eers .) like, and a necess ar y act , an d one t h at was i mperat i ve ly ca lled Mr. MACI,V,AN explain e d that he h a d tosser b een i n fa for by the peculiar circumstances of this country.—( Loud • your of absolutism, in Any form or shape, cheers.) It was with great pain and regret that he saw a Lord M A HON !walled to the House the forbearance with question involving the highest national considerations mixed which he and tine party who sat on the opposite bide of the up in parts of the speech of th e H on. an d G a ll ant mover w i t h House, 114(1 manifested toward s the policy p ursue d b y hi s M a . natters of a merely personal nature, which were calculated to jcsty's Ministers in the affairs of Spain. The time was now work upon the feelings of the House, but ought not to be al- arrived when such forbearance could no longer be bestowed lowed to influence its opinion•—(llear, hear, hear.) It must u p o n it ; th e i n f rac ti o n of the additional article of the qua. be admitted, that it was not upon the treatment which the dreple and the disestroge qnscq4e•sines of that in- British Legion had met with, or the degree of success wtnicb treetitia, beinif !Ma fally t t pperent. ft waS now the 'duty of had attended its operations spinet the Carlists, that the de, the gouge tq see whether it wool& eanelion by a solemn votes eieion of the question should rest.—(Hear, hear, hoar,) centinuenee of that peljey, end its deplorr,hid results. pndef rested, as 4 ;Winne' question, upon the nature of the oblis these eircomiteileeP / and nilcier this ponsideeationi of them, it gat i e „, w hi c h we o sederpci ourselves liable to fulfill, and was that his Hon, and Gallant Frieind Caine forward to vindi upon the question whether breat 4ritan was not bound to I date his country's honour, as he had heretofore done at 'Water. remise the hopes she held out to Spain, whell/IP 1/1) P 91114 100, and to wipe away the Stain which now dimmed its Stan- pard.—(Opposition cheers.) In his speech in reply on the 12th of Dec em b er , 1826 , M r. C anning spoke as follows, and he would ask the House whether it did not most accurately de scribe the circumstances of the present case :—" It has been suge - ested, Sir, tout we should at once ship off the Spanish refugees in this country to Spain, and that we should, by a repeal of the Foreign Enlistment Act, let loose into the con test all the ardent and irregular spirits of the country. Sir, this is the very suggestion which I have anticipated with apprehension, in the present unquiet state of men's minds in Europe. All such expedients I disclaim, and I deplore and dread the employment of them." These were the w:wds of Nlr. Canning. Now, if it had pleased Provi dence to prolong the life of that gifted man, with what feelings he would have contemplated the events of the present day I How rejoiced he would have been to see how worthily the soundness of his policy was maintained by his own relative, but with what pain he would see the Noble Lord, who had followed his principles during his lifetime, acting in direct opposition to these principles at the present day.—( Hear, hear.) The Hon. Member for Mary-la-bonne had asked his Hon. and Gallant Friend the Member for Launceston why he brought forward this motion now—why did he not wait till the 10th of June, when the soldiers of the foreign Legion might be here, if it were desired, to give their testimony upon the matter ? Now, could it be possible that the Hon. Member for Mary-la-bonne, when he made this remark, had read the words of the motion of his Honourable and Gallant Friend ? The precise object of that motion was to give the House an opportunity of seeing the gentlemen belonging to the Legion ; and to that effect it was moved that the Order in Council permitting their en gagement in the Spanish service should not be renewed. If the Order in Council suspending the Foreign Enlistment Act were to be renewed, how could the ofliceis who belonged to the Legion be expected to come back on the 10th of June ? He must say, with all respect for the Honourable Member, he had not expected to hear such an observation fall from a gen lemur' of his abilities.--( Hear, hear.) In the debate last which the treaty was intended. England was bound to put a large construction on the treaty, because it was a treaty by which Great Britain undertook to pr: form a certain compact. The universal law of nations demanded that we should carry the treaty to its fullest extent. The Right Hon. and Gallant Officer who had introduced this motion had sub mitted to the consideration of the House the propriety of de siring his Majesty not to renew the Order in Council by the provisions of which British troops were serving in Spain, and were exempted from the operations of the whole of the provi sions contained in the Foreign Enlistment Act. The Hon. and Learned Civilian proceeded to justify the enlistment of persons into foreign service, and said there were few instances of persons being prosecuted for doing so. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman proceeded to argue that the Foreign En listment Act was not of the character which had been stated. Four articles were introduced into it in 1814, as applicable to the case of Spain, which were such as to deserve the severest opprobrium. Within three or four years after this period we had issued proclamations in South America, calling upon the inhabitants to resist the power of Spain. In 1819 the Parliament declared it to be fitting that his Majesty's subjects should be permitted to serve in the South American States. So far as the principle went, the Foreign Enlistment Bill had been recognised, but it had been found extremely difficult to carry it into effect, and certainly no Government had hitherto ventured to take such steps as Don Carlos has done with regard to troops employed on foreign service. During the late American war, British ships had been gallantly defended on the part of their commanders, and when by superiority of numbers and number of guns they were obliged to strike, it was no uncommon thing to find 70 or 80 British sailors on board the American vessel, who had christened some of the guns with the names of their own Admirals, and who, though British seamen, were classed as American sailors; yet the Government of Great Britain never had the remotest notion of bringing these men to the scaffold.-_( Hear, hear, hear.) And he would say, that if ever there was an occasion when an Order in Council ought to have been fully enforced, it was on the occasion of the American war, when the in terests, the happiness, and the welfare of the country were at stake. With regard to the question, what was to be done with the troops of the British Legion when they left Spain, he would say, let them be lodged in the hospital at Plymouth, and they would be taken care of. Another argument was, it was impolitic and cruel to expose British subjects to such barbarity in a foreign country, and that care should have been taken to prevent such scenes as had occurred. And who had been the author of these barbarities? Don Carlos, who had declared that when a British force arrived on the confines of Spain every one that fell into his hands should be destroyed. The best way, however, to counteract that was to send such a force to that country as would be able to prevent him carrying his threats into execution.—( Hear.) Success - would have consecrated such a step as a precedent. He did nr,t suppose a Reformed Parliament would abandon the great principles on which they had hitherto acted.—(Cheers.) De would say, if a Reformed Parliament of Great Britain, who had hitherto ad vocated the cause of freedom and liberty, should abandon their position, and no longer stand first and foremost in encouraging an example of resistance to despots and tyrants, and of spread. ing in every direction these blessings to other nations that were willing to accept them, then they would hear, on the an nouncement of the news, that bonfires were lighted up at St. Petersburgh, in the capital of the despot almost equally op posed by all parties in the House, and who had hitherto been prevented from extending his gigantic power only by the union of the Western free States to resist him amid his brother allies. —(Cheers.) But the Right Hon. and Gallant Gentleman said the feelings of the people of England were opposed to such interference, because they did not wish to see the blood of England shed In a cause foreign to their feelings. Now he could say safely that he had twenty constituents to one as compared with those of the Gallant Officer; and so far from fearing to face his constituents on account of the course he had pursued that night, he would glory in the declaration ; and he had undoubted confidence that so far from his con stituents not sanctioning that course, they felt deeply as he felt, and they felt honestly, too, that Great Britain was the great bulwark in the cause of freedom over the world ; and if they deserted that cause which they had hitherto gallantly defended, they would give way to tyrants, and yield, as the King of the French had done, to the Holy Alliance. Mr. GROVE PRICE supported the motion. He called on the House to consider the bad moral effect of inducing men to fight, not for the honour of their native country, and of throwing away their lives for a cause in which they had no interest. There had been no instance of a country being res tored to tranquillity by means of foreign troops, and he consi dered it only an act of cruelty and barbarity to send British subjects to fight against a people with whom they had no quarrel. What there was to justify our interference in the affairs of a people who were in a state of no hostility with us_ who had invaded no rights, disturbed no.settlements of ours— who had infringed no tittle of our commercial nor mercantile laws, but with whom we had voluntarily plunged into a state of warfare to follow up the phantom-chase of the Noble Lord opposite.—( Hear.) The remainder of the lion. Gentleman's speech was lost in the confusion that prevailed generally in the House. Mr. SHEIL- . --If the Learned Member had been born in Spain, he ought to have been returned to the Cortes as repre sentative of La Mancha. —( A laugh.) What a strange ano maly will enthusiasm produce in even an accomplished mind 1 Despite his habitual horror for Popery, he has a profound re verence for his Catholic Majesty—he regards the Inquisition as a venerable Conservative institution, and I question whether in the event of the triumph of Don Carlos lie would not gladly journey across the Pyrenees, in order to witness the burning of the quadruple treaty in splendid auto da fj.—( Laughter.) The military and political character of the Gallant Member by whom this motion was brought forward gives it a peculiar interest. As a soldier his opinions, when unbiassed, are of the highest value.---( Hear, hear.) And the part he plays as a politician is so conspicuous, that it is not unreasonable to conjecture that this motion is part of a combined plan of operations, by which a very important position is to be car ried by the Gallant Officer.--(hear, hear.) The motion was seconded by a profound, but unemployed, diplomatist— ( Laughter and cheers.) An eminent negotiator once in the confidence of the Whigs, and now not undeserving Tory trust. I —( Loud cries of " Hear, hear I") There is a practical an tithesis in the Right Hon. Gentleman, for while for the Em peror Nicholas he has no strong personal relish, he is not without some propensity to the adoption of a Sclavonic po licy at Madrid. I like to do justice, and I should think that the Right Hon. Gentleman must have laboured under a very strong and painful sense of public duty, when he took a part so prominent in assailing the measures of his Noble, and I believe that he has found in him his faithful, friend.—( Hear.) There is another view in which this motion is most important ; it is an announcement of the policy intended to be pursued by the Tories upon thiiir anticipated advent to power. The Hon. Member for Tamworth has recently intimated that he will, al 'though with great reluctance, submit to the infliction of power, and give the House of Commons an opportunity of atoning for that parricidal blow by which his official existence was sud denly abridged.--( Loud laughter.) It is as well, therefore, that we should know, that in the event of the Whigs resigning, of Lord Melbourne departing Mani his . pledge, and of the House of Lords appointing the Cabinet, it is as well that we should be apprised that the victory of Conservatism at St. James's will_be followed by the triumph of Conservatism at Ma drid. The decision of the House, Sir, upon this question must turn on the proper construction of the quadruple treaty and the course pursued by the Government. Let me examine both. What standard shall we adopt in interpreting the treaty ? Not a mere literal one—not a mere verbal, special pleader test. We are not to play the part of Scaligers in politics__ of " word hunters, that live on syllables," but we are to con sider the circumstances under which the treaty was entered into, its objects, and the means by which they are best to be accomplished. It may be asked at the outset what concern have we with Spain ? I answer by asking what concerts has Russia with Spain ? What have Austria and Prussia to do with Spain ?—and if despots feel their interests so deeply in volved in the form of government which she assumes, shall it be said that the pe o pl e of' this free cou n t r y oug h t to b e i nd i f-. ferent - to the extension of the principles from which our glory, our power, and our virtue are derived ? We shall see the consequences of neglecting liberty in Spain. In 1820 the Constitution was proclaimed —at the Council of Verona it was determined by • Russia that it should be crushed. In 1823, under the influence, and swayed by the councils of the Auto crat, the Duke d'Angouleme marched into Spain. He obtained possession of Spain as the trustee for Alexander, and was a mere instrument in the hands of the Czar. The ascendancy of Russia was established, and she took advantage of her predominance over France ; being sure that her dependent, bribed by the gift of Spain into acquiescence, would not join us, she fell on Turkey, crossed the Balkan, extorted the treaty of Adrianople, and laid the Sultan so prostrate that England, however disposed, could not lift him into independence and dignity again. —( Hear, hear.) This is the simple narrative of incidents of which we yet feel the results ; the transactions in the East were beyond doubt influenced by our original su. pineness with regard to the Peninsula, through which France might have been swayed ; and it is tho duty of British Mini sters to endeavour to repair these errors, and to regain an in fluence through liberal institutions in the Peninsula.---( Hear, hear.) Thus it is that I account for the policy by which the quadruple treaty was dictated, and with a view to which it ought to be interpreted and enforced. Now, let us look at the more immediate circumstances under which it was framed. Don Carlos and Don Miguel were b o th i n P ortugal in April, 1834. If Don Carlos should recover the throne of Spain, it was ob vious that Don Miguel would recover that of Portugal. We were bound under treaties to protect Portugal, and thus it was that the entire Peninsula was embraced in the treaty. Instead, then, of wasting time in cavils about particular passages in the treaty, let us see what was doing and what ought to have been done under the treaty„ The Duke of Wellington gave it a com plete ratification. He ordered fifty thousand muskets to be sent to the Basque provinces. For what purpose ? I call on the Gentlemen opposite, who cry out so vehemently for justice to Navarre, and have very little regard for justice to Ireland.._.] call on those who tell us that the Basques are fighting for their immemorial rights, and who protest that we ought not to interfere in the struggle, to tell me for what purpose the Duke of Wellington sent 60,000 bayonets to Spain ?—( Hear, hear.) Thera Is no distinction between the transmission of arms and the authorisation of British subjects to cotes tlos service of Spain—(lleari flour)—and they in dulge in mere factitious sensihility who contend that the Basques, after having asacioiated their cause with an avowed despot, are engaged in a struggle which entitles them to the sympathies of Great Britain. I now come to the Order in Council. Let it net 110 supposed that our Government vo loeteered ju ktranting permi ss i on to B r i t i sh su b jects to enter lona the Spanish service. On the 7th of May, the Spanish Mi nistry applied to us for co-operation. It was feared that direct intervention would alarm the sensitiveness of Castilian pride. In 1819 the Foreign Enlistment Act was passed ; but a power ?FM reserved to the C rown to suspend its operation. wai clear that circumstances were anticipated under which evening one principal point under discussion was how far his. torical precedent could be adduced to justify the present policy of Great Britain. Upon that point be belieted scarcely any precedent had been adduced except from the dark ages of our history, when it was not unusual for men to engage in war i n service of f ore i gn powers, without any regard to tit' _ into. rests of their sovereign or cou n t ry i n i ts issue. gaz o At that time soldiers of this character were termed mercenaries, a term which he would not apply to the British Legion in Spain, be cause he was aware that the spirit of that term had been mis unders'ood by many persons, and he did not at all mean to in sinuate that the persons who formed part of that Legion were actuated—as the expression was supposed to imply—by none but mercenary motives. Looking at the position in which Great Britain was placed, this Legion stood in a situation in which British soldiers ought not to stand—a position for which he could only find a parallel in the mercenaries he had alluded to in the darker ages of our history. The proceedings of Nel sou at Corsica, and of Sir Sidney Smith at Acre, had been pointed to ; but both these precedents were equally inappli cable, as they were drawn from a period when this country was avowedly at war.—( Hear.) The simple question now before the House, therefore, was this, whether the course which his Majesty's Government had pursued in regard to Spanish atFairs had been justified by the Treaty of Quadruple Alliance? If it was so justified, then he admitted it would be unfair to them to find fault with them for what they had done, or to oppose obstacles in the way of the pursuance of that policy. fie wished the House to remark' this important fact, that the objects of the Quadruple treaty were accomplished before the additional articles were signed. It would be found that all the proceedings of the Noble Lord opposite were founded on those additional articles, and not on the original treaty. It was those additional articles which imposed upon us the duty of naval co-operation. If his Majesty's Government were to tell him that it was advantageous to this country to send out as many more Englishmen to be sacrificed, and to spend ano ther half million in the execution of their project, he would iy that they might have good arguments in which to found such an assertion, but that so necessity for such proceedings was imposed on them by the treaty. He (Lord Mahon) and • his friends on that side of the House were quite willing to fulfil the conditions of the treaty ; but they were not willing to adopt any such interpretation of those conditions. What was there in the treaty which justified the change of a naval co-operation into a land army ? He had on a former occasion put a question to the Noble Lord, which the Noble Lord had not thought proper to answer. lie had asked the Noble Lord what limit there was as to time or expense to the treaty. If the mi litary aid were required for twenty years, and if an expense of twenty millions were required, were we bound to afford them ? This was really an important question ; for it in. volved the consideration whether or not the country was pledged to an unlimited expense and time. The Honourable Member for St. Alban's had asserted, that at the beginning of the Peninsular war the Duke of Wellington threatened to shoot his prisoners taken from the French if the French did not adopt on their part a course of lenity towards the Portu guese taken by them. The French on the invasion of Por tugal put to death many of the Portuguese militia, on the plea that they were not military but civil, and therefore rebels. The Duke never threatened death by way of retaliation. On the contrary, he offered rewards for such French men as were saved by the Portuguese peasantry and brought into his head-quarters. There was not the slightest ground for the Hon. Member for St. Alban's parallel between the Duke of Wellington's conduct in Portugal and the recent disgraceful transactions in Spain. A decided and honourable determination had been manifested on his side of the House. not to pass any censure on the conduct of the Gallant Officer who commanded the British troops in Spain. But they must all deplore the stain which the British arms had received in that country. It would be quoted against us for many a year. With respect to the Biscayans, he sympa thised with their struggle for liberty; but that sympathy was not at all inconsistent with disregard for the interests of Don Carlos. If ever there was a proposition in the support of which it might be expected that all parties would concur, it was the present. What was its object ? To prevent the further effusion of blood. He would vote for it on the same principle as that which had induced him to vote for the miti gation of the penal code. Mr. WARD begged to recal the attention of the House to what he had said. lie had not east any imputation on the Duke of Wellington. He had said indeed that even in civilised warfare there might be cases in which the lex tali ottis was justifiable, and that it had been pressed upon the Duke of Wellington in the course of the Peninsular war, in order to compel the French Mamlials to recognise certain principles of honourable warfare. He meant to cast no sort of reflection whatever on his conduct. Dr. LUSHINGTON felt some surprise when the Noble Lord stated that the Duke of Wellington had put the narrowest construction on that treaty. But he was not aware that his Grace, to whose opinion he was bound to defer, had ever de clared, that, taking all the circumstances into consideration, the treaty bore any other construction than that which had been given to it by the Noble Lord the Foreign Secretary. Now, the foundation of the present discussion was the treaty of 1834 ; but it was to the additional articles appended to that treaty to which attention must more especially be paid. There were, indeed, some passages it that treaty which deserved se rious consideration, if they wished to ascertain the just exposi tion of the articles. It was not true to say that those who entered upon this treaty had regard to Portugal only, and not to Spain. The contracting parties had placed under their consideration, and placed upon record, the political fact and circumstance, that Don Carlos had headed the rebellious sub jects of Spain. This and all other flatters were enumerated, and the anxious desire of the British Government was that peace should be maintained. But there were also former treaties by which the two countries were bound more closely. Let the House mark the object and the circumstances of this treaty; at the very time Dun Carlos and Don Miguel were within the Portuguese territory, and it was to expel them that that treaty and the additional articles were framed ; but the leading motive was to establish peas: in both Spain and Por tugal. In order to attain that object it was specially provided that Great Britain should co-operate with the armies of Spain and Portugal with a naval force. Mark, then, the intent of the treaty, and see what construction it bore. The object was to prevent Don Carlos from acquiring supreme power in Spain. Then ca,ne the article which was called by a mistake the cor responding article, applicable to France. They were told that the best mode of interpretation was to refer to the article of France, but he trusted be should be able to overthrow this argument. If the intention had been the blockade of the coasts merely, why was not that fact expressed by the con tracting parties ?—( Hear, hear.) Nose, so far from the two articles, which regarded England and France, being corre sponding articles, they were wholly different in their terms and application. In the ono case, France was bound to prevent the transport of stores, &c., across her frontier into Spain ; in the other, England was bound to prevent Carlos from seizing the throne of Spain, by sending into her ports such arms, ammunition, &c„ as might be desired by the Queen. In the . one case there was an active obligation on the part of Great Britain, and a passive obligation on the kingdom of France. Then followed the obligation of Eng land to assist, if necessary, with a naval force. Then the doubt was raised as to the extent of operations of the naval force. He would ask, how were they to try the feeling of the contractin g parties as to their intent? Because, by the intent the treaty ought to be construed and fulfilled. He humbly apprehended that one thing was clear, that the parties did not mean that the British fleet was likely to meet that of Don Carlos —that they did not mean to carry on war on the high seas. That was not the object ; but the object was, a a naval warfare along the coast. Was it or was it not the uni. versal custom of Great Britain, in all such cases, to resort to naval warfare ?• It was vain to talk of precedents, and he defied any one to produce a single case in which a British force had been employed on a coast in which they were not similarly exercised.—( Hear.) It was said that there had not, indeed, been a declaration of war made in the Gazelle. Nor was there. But let the House see what was the bearing of the question. He wanted to know whether it was not just as much an act of war to blockade the ports of Spain and to pre, waror waasrlaink; t v dh e oa n nt t i c s no u i uo p d tl; b e s e l e cv n oa t t ks e c r vn i l io i T g tv cit t h h e s_ a e c ni t o " m ius a t n ik ci s t m o g h o o l l i d ai t l h Hear, hear.) Of all the fanciful mistake: ever yet made was that made by those who said that they were to assist the Queen of Spain with a naval force. If they were to assist by 4 naval force, It meant nothing more nor lois then that it naval force should do that which it had ever done, and been accustomed to do. Now he would take leave of this argument with one observation, namely, that withgat reference to the policy of the question, ciret.4 liritain was bound to do no more than to Fellatio those sol emn o bli gations which henotir and bouety called upon her to regar d —and to do this accordingio 'the true meaning of the contracting sarties, and to afdopt that coorq f Yyhipb §itti w,a4l4sked tp d o . I t was his Imrollle hope, the" whether. these treaties had been entered 4.1t9 this country in conformity stmt Ow just views of policy er riot, still it mot ever be the policy of this country, as it ought to be and was its proudest boast, to observe those treaties freely : instead of confining herself to narrow limits, it would be her boast honestly to al* the great object fur it might be deemed judicious that foreign enlisenent she WA be allowed. It was thought in 1823 by the ,Vi ..•- th thou;li circumstances had ari sen at that jusetm e. that .. :e„od moral effect would he produced b:s repeeling the Aet, thus signifying the interest we took in the liber. les of Spain— (l may incidentally observe that the Noble Len] the Member n for Lancashire voted for the re p ea l c f the Act ; hew I e ill vote to-night it is not for me to anticipate) —the app:ivation to which I have referred having been made to the Whig Go vernment for assistance, it was thought that the wisest csnrse would be to issue the Order in Council. Let r.o.v see how far that proceeding, which was, beyond all doubt, ia conformity with the spirit of the Treaty, has been justi fied in point of policy by events. Three -.charges have been brought against the Legion ; and iesubo dination, inhumanity, and want of disciplined intrepidity in action, have been attributed to them. With respect to disorganize tion, it existed to a considerable extent, but it ought to he recollected that even in the best armies it will, under pees , - liar circumstances, unfortunately arise. Was not the retreat of the Duke of Wellington after his defeat at Bergos, at tended with a l amenta b le loss of discipline, for v hie); the Duke of Wellington is not in the slightest degree responsible. And how can it be wondered at that such levies as comcosed the Auxiliary Legion should in the midst of hardships, cer tainly not occasioned by themselves, have been defichent in subordination.—( Hear, hear.) With respect to the excesses into which the Legion had been betrayed, let it h e remem bered that, although they were not justifiable, they were not unprovoked.—( Hear.) They gave no quarter, and they re ceived none ; to the merciless they showed uo mercy ; and I question whether the Gallant Officer opposite at the head of the best troops in the service could, notwithstanding all his habits o f control, restrain his men from vengeance if they saw their fellow -soldiers lying butchered and mutilated with every inci dent of the most degrading '.gnominy before them.—(Loud cries of " Hear.") Bat f rom every part i cipation in these offences against human;ey General Evans is entirely free._ (Load cheering.) isle order of a vindictive character was ever issued by hin t, But while the Gallant Officer is thus at once vehemesit and pathetic, in reprobating the excesses of retaliation, what will he say of the atrocious Durango Decree?--(Loud cheering, and cries of " Hear, hear I") by wb ; .ch murder in cold blood was enjoined by Don Carlos? The, Tories will of course condemn him ; but while they con d'smn him they recommend measures of which the effect will be to plant the crown of Spain upon his head.—( Cheers. ) With respect to the last charge—the want of valour—it cannot be denied that a portion of our troops, in a most discreditable manner, gave way. But I believe that most troops, excepting, those which have acquired a veteran stability, are occasionally subject in a moment of surprise to such moral disasters as in the instance referred to befel the Auxiliary Legion.—(Hear, hear, hear.) And was it, let me ask, quite legitimate to ex patiate with so much force upon a single calamity, and to omit the mention of those achievements for which the Legion de serve no ordinary praise ? ( Cheers. ) The Spanish Cortes tied Government thanked General Evans for the battle of St. Sebastian ; the French General expressed his warmest com mendations ; and I shall, I hope, be pardoned for suggesting that an incident which to a French soldier afforded matter for congratulation, ought, in the mind of the Gallant Officer opposite, to have in some sort counterbalanced the unfortu - nete transotion upon which the Gallant Officer has so Ftrongly dilated ? I pass now to the second branch of the motion of the Gallant Officer. Nothing can be worse, it seems, than the failure of the Legion, excepting the success of the Marines. The Gallant Officer would withdraw the Legion, because, as he erroneously conceives, they have failed ; and would withhold the assistance of the Marines because they have succeeded I This is exceedingly anomalous. The Gal lant Officer dwells upon the nature of the service to which he conceives that these fine troops ought to be confined, and in sists that it is only upon the ocean they should be permitted to serve their country. I answer the Gallant Officer by a simple r. ference to their motto. " Per snare per terrans". sets all discussion upon this part of the question at rest. Read the treaty, with a view to the interests of your country, and not to speculations of your party, and you will rid yourselves of. mi serable dissertations on mere words and phrases, and arrive at tic just meg lofty sense of this great quadruple compact. It is alleged that the measures of the Government have not produced any good results.—( Hear, hear.) Try that alle gation by this test. If those measures had not been adopted, if the Auxiliary Legion and the Marines had not given their co operation, what would have befallen the Spanish people ? Would not Bilboa have been taken by assault ? and would not the British seamen see from afar tyon the main the standard of Don Carlos floating front the castle of St. Sebastian ? ( Cheers.) Take another test, if you please it. Let me sup pose this motion carried. The courier that will convey the intelligence will convey tidings of great joy to St. Peters burg, to Vienna, and to Berlin ; and he will convey tidings of great dismay wherever men value the possession of freedom, or pant for its enjoyment. It will palsy the arm of liberty in Spain : it will fill her heart with despair. A terrible revul sion will be produced ; from Calpe to the Pyrenees the cry " W e are betrayed by England !" will be heard ; and over that nation which you will indeed have betrayed, Don Carlos will march without an obstacle to Madrid.—(Cheters from the Opposition.) You cheer me, do you ? Who are you that cheer me ? Not your leaders—not the men who are 'placed conspicu ously before me. They know, they feel, th e impolicy of these rash manifestations. They profess horror ee. the atrocities of Den Carlos, and deprecate his triumph ut you that cheer me disclose your hearts, and exhibit the wishes by which your political conduct is determined. Cheer on —yes, exult in the anticipated victories of despotism in Spain, and with your purpose let the people of r England be made well acquainted. But, turning from yon, I call upon the rest of the House, and to the Briti s h people beyond the House, to reflect upon the events which must follow the triumph of Don Carlos. Do you not know him ? Do you stand in need of any illustra tions of his character ? What was it tha. befel Spain when the Constitution was suppressed in 1823 ? Do you not think that Don Carlos will improve upon Ferdinand's example, and recollect what model was held out to him ? Have we fos_ gotten the 'massacre at Cadiz ? Is Riego's blood effac, d from our memories ? With whom, attended with what coin paninnship, encompassed by what councillors, did Don Carlos land in England ? Did he not dare to set his foot upon our shores with Morello the murderer of Boyd and Torrijos beside Lim ? But what further evidence of his character and his propensities do we want than his terrible Du rango ordinance ? I have heard it asked whether it be befitting that in Spain, the theatre of so many of those exploits whose memory will be everlasting, the British flag should be lowered in discomfiture, and before the mountain peasants British soldiers should give way ? I feel the force Of that question. But there is another which I venture to put to every man who hears me, and, among all those that heat- me, above all to the Gallant Officer by whom this motion hes been ma he. I invoke the same recollections—l appeal to the same glorious remembrances—and in the name of thoee scenes of which the Gallant Officer was not only a vritncee, but bore in them a part, of which he bears the honourable attestation about him, I ask whether it be befitting that in Spain —that in the country whose freedom was achieved by such prodi gies of English valour, where so many of your fellow soldiers who fell beside you lie buried—is it, I ask, be titting that in that land, consecrated as it is in the annals of England's glory, a terelle, refutes 'less, relentless, inex orable despotism should be established, and that the Throne which England sated should be filled by the purple tyrant whose arms have been steeped to the shoulders in the blood of your cottntrymen—not in the fields of honourable combat slain, hut when the heat of battle had passed, and its sweat had been wiped away —savagely and deliberately murdered? Their bones are bleaching on the Pyrenean snow—their blood cries out ; and shall we, entrusted as we are by the Bri tish people with the care of the dignity, the honour, and the just vengeance of our country—shall we, instead of flying at once to arms, facilitate the ascent to the throne of Spain of the guilty man by whom these outrages upon every law, di vine and human, have been committed? Never.—( Loud cheering.) The people of this country are averse to wanton and unnecessary war ; but where the honour of England is at stake there is no consequence which they have not prepared to meet--( Renewed cheers)—no hazard which they will not be found prompt to encounter.—(The Hon. and Learned Member resumed his seat amidst loud cheers.) Sir HENRY HA RDINGE rose to explain. The House would recollect that in tracing the misfortunes of the L glen to that defeat which they had finally experienced, he uni formly attributed that result to the treatment which they re ceived from th e S pan i s h G overnment.—( Hear, hear.) He had on various occasions stated not only that General Evans had taken every opportunity of remonstrating against this treatment, but that he had on every occasion conducted him self in the most honourable manner, an I as it became a gal lant officer to do.—( Hear, hear.) He (Sir Henry Hardinge) had also stated that the men forming the Legion had often maintained the gallantry of their countrymen. But he had also stated that broken down as the Legion were by mis fortune, and latterly disorganized by a mutinous spirit, they no longer constituted a force capable of representing the gallantry of this country. He had also mentioned the fact that Colonel Churchill had declared that the cause of his leaving the Legion was the insubordination of the men, solely owing to the want of pay. He would appeal then to the House, and to the country, whether—(Loud cries of " Chair, chair," " Order, order.") He was sure the House would see the position in which he was placed.—_( Cries of " Spoke.") The Hon. and Learned Gentleman had, in the course of his observations, treated his remarks with great injustice. —( Hear.) He should be ready, as a military officer —( Hear, order.) Mr. S HEIL said, that the only words of the Right Hon. and Gallant Officer which he had caught were, that he (Mr. Shell) had treated him with great injustice. If he (Mr. Sheil) had done so he was unconscious of it, and was extremely sorry for it.---(Hear.) But he would put it to the House whether lie had said more than it was perfectly fair in a poli tical opponent to do?—( Hear.) If the Right Hon. and Gal lant Gentleman would permit him to say as much, he believed him to be incapable of misrepresenting any man ; and he (Mr. Sheil) believed that there was not any man in the House astuated by a higher sense of honour than the Right Hon. and Gallant Officer.—( Hear.) Sir JOHN ELLEY then rose to address the House, but he was very indistinctly heard in the gallery. We under stood him to say, that alter the eloquent speech of the Hon. and Learned Gentleman, it was not his intention to trespass long upon the patience of the House. He, however, was anxious to take a different view of the subject from that which had hitherto been taken of it by any Hon. Member who had preceded him. He believed that the formation of the British Legion was in consequence of the Order in Council, and that that Order was concocted by Mendizabal and d'Alava, but from which the latter subsequently receded. The Hoe. and Gallant General proceeded to say that the Auxiliary Legion possessed none of those peculiar attributes which belonged to the military force of Great Britain. The truth was, that General Evans had been deceived both by hie friends in this country and by the Spanish Government, and THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDA Y A PHIL 19, 1831;