The Sun. — London, England, 1852-03-20 00:00:00

tettril Vbition+ THE ARMY AND NAVY. (From the United Service Gazette of this day.) TRE Navel. A.DsC.—Captain the Hon. Dun dee, C. 8., Superintendent of Deptford Dockyard, hhe of Rear as been appointed to the vacant office of A.D.C. to t Queen, Ties, Elorty, promoted to the r ank AdmiraL TIED CEAEncI. SQUADRON.—The Channel squadron is now being concentrated. The Hogue, 60, screw-ship, is ordered from Queenstown to Portsmouth, and the Leander, 50, is ordered from Queenstown to Devonport. The Arethusa, Dauntless, Hogue, and Arrogant are ordered to be paid wages, and the crews are to have a fortnight's holiday. The same indulgence will be granted to the other ships belonging to the Channel or Western squadron. Das RBIERY2I STRAM SQUADRON.—The Admiralty have commenced the appointment of masters to take charge of the reserve steam squadron at the ports. The Vulture, Odin, and. others, have had their officers as signed to them. SIR E. BELCHER'S ARCTIC EXPEDITION,—The ships and their screw tenders are now fully manned within half a dozen, and most of the stores have been accepted and are being daily received. The store-ship North Star has come up to Deptford to load. She is to have a com plement of 40 instead of 35. The expedition will be ready by the middle of next month. Captain Granville Gower Loch, C. 8., has commis sioned the Winchester, 50, at Portsmouth, as flag-ship for the East Indies, to relieve the Hastings, 72. She is to have a complement of 450. Captain Loch takes out the Winchester to the station, and brings home the Hastings, whose crew has been nearly five years in com mission. The Hastings will then be paid off, and Captain Loch will have another ship. Commodore Wyvill, at the Cape, by last accounts, was about to proceed to the Mczambique, and it was said, in accordance with instructions from the Governor of Mauritius, was about to negotiate a treaty with the Sovereign of Madagascar. CHATHAM GARRISON. —An additional ward is ordered to be erected at the Garrison Hospital, and lighted with gas. The Hospital at Fort Pitt is to be lighted with gas. WOOLWICH GARRISON. —In consequence of the death of Colonel Cruttenden, Royal Artillery, orders have been issued by the Commandant to the troops to discontinue practice until further orders. DRAFTS FOR CANADA.—Drafts from the following corps are held in readiness to embark for Canada to join their service companies. viz., 66th Regiment, 2 officers, 2 sergeants, and 50 rank and file, with a pro portion of soldiers' wives and children; 21st Highland Light Infantry (Ist battalion), 1 officer, 2 sergeants, and 90 rank and file—no soldiers' wives will be permitted to embark with this detachment; 20th Regiment, 1 officer and 85 men; 23d Fusiliers, 2 dicers and 82 men; 34th Regiment, 2 officers and 42 men. MILITARY HOSPITAL.—A hospital for the use of the sick troops is ordered to be built at Fort Peddie, Cape of Good Hope. The barracks at Edinburgh Castle are to be lighted with gse. Captain the Honourable W. Month, 7th Fusiliers, is Acting Town Major at Portsmouth during the illness of Major Maitland. STAFF APPOINTMENTS. —Major-General Simpson, from the command at Chatham, to be Lieutenant-Ge vernor of Portsmouth, and to commend the south-west district; Major-General Shaw Kennedy is to succeed Lieutenant General Riddell, in Edinburgh; Colonel Eden e Assistant-Adjutant-General in North Britain, is to succeed Major-General Cochrane, as Deputy-Adju tant-General, in Dublin; Colonel Torrens, 23d Fusiliers, is to be Assistant-Adjutant-General in Edinburgh. STAFF OFFICERS uF PENSIONERg.—The new regula tion limiting the retirement to halt-pay to officers who have completed 21 years' service on Lull-pay, affects the claimi of candidates for the situation of staff officers of pensioners who may have had promises for such appoint ments, inasmuch as none but officers of the above stand ing can claim to be put upon half-pay, without which they cannot attain the staff officership. REINFORCEMENTS Fell JERSEY.—We understand that the Government have decided in sending additional troops to the Island of Jersey, and the Horse Guards authorities have selected the 7th Fusiliers for that ser vice, to embark in April. HOUSEHOLD BRIGADE OF CAVALRY. . —An exchange of quarters is to take place on the 7th of April with the Household Brigade of Cavalry. The Ist Life Guards, from Regent's-park to Hyde-park Barracks; the 2nd Life Guards, from Hyde-park to Windsor; and the Royal Horse Guards, from Windsor to the Regent's park. MINING INTELLIGENCE. (From the Mining Journal of this day.) The market has been rather inactive this week, and a less amount of business done. Cwmystwith have ad vanced from 12.5/. to 1501,; Tremaynes to 241.; whilst South Tslgus, Merlyan, Bedford, and Mary Ann fully maintain their price. St. John del Rey have advanced during the week from 24i to 291. In mines which have not paid dividends a rise in price has taken place-in Ecton Mountain, Nant-y-Car, and Crebor. In the Metal Market-Copper is still in considerable request, though no advauce in price has yet taken place. Tin is in less demand, and not much doing either in English or foreign. Tin-plates are without change as to price, and a lair amount of business doing. Iu the Bullion Market-Mexican and south American dollars, buyers at 4s. lOid. per oz. Spanish pillar dollars, ss. op. per oz. Bar silver containing gold, all gold above 5 grs. in the pound to be paid for, ss. °id. per oz standard. Bar silver without gold, ss. Oil per oz. standard. Bar gold, 775. 9d. per oz. standard. Spanish doubloons, 78s. per oz, Columbian doubloons, 775. 6d. per oz. American gold coin, 765. 2id. to 765. 3d. per oz. Platina, 16s. per cz. Quicksilver in bond, 3s. per lb. At Wheal Trelawny quarterly meeting, on Monday, accounts showed-Balance last account, 272/. 13s. 6d. ; call in Dec., 2,6001.; silver lead ore sold, 4,6761. 13s. sd. =7,549/. ss. lid. Labour cost for three months, ending December, 3,3991. 17s. Bd.; lord's dues, 2861. la. Id. ; merchants' bills, 5821. 7s. 6d.; new 70-inch engine, 1,7681.; pit work, 5631. 10s. Id.; boiler and steam pipes, 390/. Os. Id.: leaving balance next account, 5591. 10s. tid., less arrears of calls unpaid, 530/. At Wheal Williams meeting on Tuesday, the accounts showed-Calls, 2,000/. ; discounts, 41/. 1 Is. 5d.e5.2041. 111. sd. The balance of assets over liabilities was 1,084/. as. 7d.; and the estimated balance of expenditure to the period of next meeting was 680/. 18s. sd. A call of 4s. per share was made. At the East Wheal Russell meeting, on Tuesday, the accounts showed-Calls, 4,500/.; discount, 551. 4s. 4d.; sundries, 71.-18 s. 6d.; advanced by purser, 171/. 3s. 6d. -.4,734/. Is. 4d. The balance of assets over liabilities was 895/. 18e. 11d., and an estimated balance is required to meet the expenditure by next meeting of 1,5091.35. id. -to meet which a call of 7s. 6d. per share was made. At Bryntail Mine meeting, on Thursday, the accounts showed-Balance last account, 272/. 9s. 6d.• ' ore sold, 12 51.--1,0971. 9s. 6d.-Labour cost, Dec. , 3231. 6s. 3d.; Jana 2881, 18s. Bd.; merchants' bills, 88/. 18. 2d.; car riage of ore, 341. Bs.; lord's dues (11, per ton), 86/.: leaning balance to next account, 276/. 15s. Tregardock Mine meeting on Thursday the ac countst sho we d-J anuary cost, 82/. 12 s . lid. ; February, ditto, 741. 6s, 7d.156/. 19s. 6d.-Balance in hand last account, 1181. 7s. sd. ; calls received, 121. 105.: leaves balance to next account, 261. 2s. Id. A call of 11, per abare was made. At Wheal Rep meeting, on the 12th instant, the acc ounts showed-Balance last account, 333/. Is. 3d.; labour cost for fou ius, 5 four months ending January, 6404 18s. 9d.; merchants' b leaving balance 4d.=1,491/. 17s. 41- Less call Nov. , 535/.• , s tc r e to next account, 956/. 17s. 4 d. A call of 1 0s, per At Tregorden Mine meeting, on th e 10th e was i rns ad ta e. n t the accoun t s showed a balance of li a bili t i es to end of 'Fe bruary, of 6361.81. 4d., to disch arge which a call of 31. per share was mad e. During the week t h e following shares has© changed d hands:-Alfred Consols, West Proviance, Tr ema y ne , I,Tolgus, Bryntail, Cefn Bruno, Cwmystwith, S outh South Tamar, Mer rl y n, Mary Ann, Wheal Gold en , B e ll and Lanarth, Trevely an, Garreg, Osbert, venam, W es t Ding Doug, Chiverton , Robins, West Tolgus Crebor, Son, North Trelawny , East Rashleigh, East m re' Ec- Ge°ll, Uny, Trenault, _Bosparva, West Wheal Rose, Union, Wheal Harriet, West Camborne, Coedalsawr Pool, West Polgooth, Cwmdyle Rock, Zion, Okel T or, Duke .of Cornwall, Pembroke and East Crinnis, Cube rt, Charleston, B ern, Bryn Arian, Carbona, Cefn Gwyn, East Frongoeb, Pol gear and Lancarrow, West Goginallt Esgair Llee, South Wales, Tyn-y-hesth, Fanny, North Robert, East Rus sell, Lydford, Boringdon, Caradon Wood , Po 4 Wheal Basset, and Wheal Willia ms. Carvannal, OPENING of the GREAT GRIMSBY DOCKS. Thursday was appointed for the opening of these docks, or; more correctly speaking, for the inauguration of this great undertaking, inasmuch as, though the works are advancing towards completion, some time must yet elapse before the commencement of actual business. The celebration of Thursday was, in fact, merely a festival given by the contractors, Messrs. Hutch ings, Brown, and Co., on the completion of the substantial portions of the works which they had specially engai, to execute, and which they have performed to the great satisfaction of the directors of the Manchester and Sheffield Railway, with whom the project of the docks originated. A special train conveyed the directors and their friends, and the visitors, from the station of the Great Northern Railway, at King's-cross, at half-past eight. The day proved remarkably fine, and the jour ney wes pleasantly accomplished within four hours, the train arriving at Grimsby at half-past twelve o'clock. Grimsby, at the mouth of the Humber, five miles from its confluence with the sea, has in front a deep roadstead with excellent anchorage in blue clay, protected from the ocean by the promontory of Spurn Point. Great Grimsby Roads afford the only refuge between the Thames and the Frith of Forth. The old dock was purchased by the Man cheater, Shefiald, and Lincolnshire Company, when they decided on their" water terminus." It has an entrance lcck of 150 feet in length and 37 feet in width, with 18 feet on its cill at high tide. In 1845 they obtained an Act for the new dock; the first stone was laid by Prince Al bert on the 18th April, 1849. The entrance tidal-basin h as an area of 15 acres; its depth at lo v.. spring tides is 9 feet; low: . n Pay 12 ;3; high springs, 27k; hi g h Le ap s , at larding slip within t h e tidal-basin, the largest 6 a 24 st e amers an lay to safely at any t i me of tide. The dock is entered from its tidal-basin by two locks of massive masonry, w ith double t gates . for ebb and flood tides. The A r Ev - 813 lar , ger lock, cons hi tt:e itt e r t Lb t .7: ar r angement with Govern- PI.• re09,, tb ,7 144 . 4. - t ,,66 feet , breadth .7:ere, •13 itr length 22i, at- Ue_ l39a Pf a ir.L hi g 4 , ,7_: -F-,- , . mitweel . k ~I;ty : low __,.. in _ 7, f eet Ellwall to wall 79, 7--,...„ )dt f•-i:;4% i M *4 !" \ is r b i .. cll9 s:i atil h 'i la neaps 22 " '''C' . ? . : ~i. ' : p i th gs on . oill 16 to 17 feet, at thre2-quarters 'tid:2of3:22 THE SUN, feet. The small or second lock is for general purposes and is in length between gates 200 feet, breadth from wall to wall 45, and, its 611 being 9 inches below large , lock, it will have at half tide a depth of water of 17 to 18 feet, and at three-quarter tide from 21 to 22 teet. The dock has a water area of upwards of 25 acres, including timber pond at the upper end, and it neve r contain a less depth of pure fresh water than 25 feet at its en trance, shoaling gradually to 20 feet at the timber pond; the general depth will be two feet more. The supply of pure fresh water is important to steamers, as it will secure the full term of durability to their boilers. In case of war a whole fleet of war steamers could reach the German Ocean in half an hour: In construct ing these works 135 acres have been reclaimed ; wharfs or quays extend 3,600 feet in length, the quays to be traversed by railways from the main lines and into sheds and warehouses. Sheds are close to the quays 750 feet in length, and 50 feet in breadth, affording a covered area of 4,000 feet, and a vaulted warehouse 150 feet square for free and bonded goods. A. communication is open to London, throngh Louth, Boston, and Peter borough, through Market Rasen to Lincoln, and, by the Midland Railway with Nottingham and Derby, and the Great Northern Railway to Boston, through Gainsborough to Retford, where it communicates through the Great Northern with Doncaster and York, from Retford to Worksop, into Sheffield, where the Midland and Lancashire and Yorkshire Railways afford communication with Leeds, and all the Yorkshire clothing districts. The parent line com pletes a communication between Sheffield, Manchester, Liverpool, and all the hardware, iron, pottery, and cot ton districts. Great Grimsby has every necessary for outfit and repair of steamers and ships, including excel lent hard coal for steamers, brought by railway, and de livered at very low rates on board. A large hotel of the first class has been built by the Earl of Yarborough, the chairman of the company; there are also several com fortable inns. New Holland, 16 miles from Grimsby, is the terminus for Hull, united to that port by a steam communieation of 15 minutes. The company have con structed extensive works there; the tidal-basin being be yond the limits of the jurisdiction of Hull, ships are free of dock port charges, an advantage which has led to the chartering and discharging of an increasing number of timber-laden and other vessels in the new river port of New Holland. For the transit of passengers a pier of 1,500 feet in length, to the end of which the trains run, extends into the river; passengers can descend on a covered platform, and passing through two iron tubes to a floating iron pontoon, go on board steam-boats fitted after the American fashion, with decked saloons, which lie alongside. The heavy goods traffic is conveyed to Hull principally in lighters, towed by steam-tugs and by an iron steam-screw. Leaving the main line and taking the branch joining Hull with Lincoln, we find that all the populous and wealthy exporting and importing districts are brought into communication with the ports of the German Ocean and Baltic Sea, through the rail way terminus at the port of Great Grimsby. Thus it has been brought within five hours of Leicester, Nottingham, and the lace and hosiery districts—six hours of Bir mingham and the hardware districts—three hours of Sheffield and the fine steel district—four hours of the pottery district—five hours of Leeds or Huddersfield and the woollen districts—five hours of Manchester and the cotton districts—and seven hours of London. In ' addition to this railway communication, the railway company have taken advantage of the extraordinary natural capabilities of the port to construct on them docks and warehouses, with all the appliances that modern science, tempered by experience,can supply. The Grimsby Docks are on the edge of a channel of deep water. Coast ing steamers can enter them at any time of the tide, while the largest steamers will find sufficient water on the dock cill for at least twelve hours out of the twenty four; at all times they can lay to at the landing-pier within the basin, and enable their passengers to step on. i shore without requiring to use boats. One incontestable advantage Great Grimsby will possess, from the extra ordinary but salutary powers which its constructors have monopolized—as railroad, warehouse, and dock proprietors, one system and one unbroken responsibility will pervade the whole line; the manufacturer or the foreign shipper will know that, from the last land termi nus to the last water terminus, or vice versci, his mer chandise is always under the care, without change or transhipment, of one set of officers. About one hour and a half was devoted to an inspec tion of the docks, and the various works connected there with, which, in their general appearance, as well as their various details, presented a most interesting subject for contemplation. Shortly after two o'clock the company assembled in a large tent in the great lock pit of the docks, which was hung with flags, and tastefully de corated for the occasion. A handsome cold collation was provided by the contractors, three tables being laid out, extending the whole length of the tent, besides the raised table on the platform, reserved for the direc tors and more distinguished guests. The viands, which were most abundant and excellent in quality, were pro vided by Messrs. Holt and Archer, of the Nell Gwynne Tavern, Strand. The Earl of Yarborough, Chairman of the Manchester and Sheffield Railway Company, pre sided at the festival, and was supported by the Earl of Powis, Lord A. Paget, Mr. Roebuck, M.P., Mr. Parker, M.P., and a great number of gentlemen connected with the railway company, or who have been engaged in car rying out the undertaking. The usual loyal toasts having been proposed and duly honoured, the Vice-Chairman, Mr. Hutchings, gave the " Health of the Directors of the Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincolnshire Railway." The Noble CHAIRMAN, in acknowledging the toast on behalf of his colleagues, described at some length the difficulties they had had to surmount in bringing the undertaking so far to a successful issue. Energy and perseverance were still necessary, but the amount of suc cess they had achieved was due to the unanimity of purpose by which all parties had been actuated; and when they looked round and saw what had been done, they might in some degree appreciate the difficulties they bad overcome. It was six years since the first pile was driven, and they had used 60,000 trees in the construction of the docks, which, if set at the usual distance, would constitute a forest of 2,000 acres. Many of these piles had to he driven seventy feet deep, and the greater number not leas than forty-five. It was with a proud feeling that he reflected that Englishmen were able to carry out such stupend ous undertakings without asking the aid of the Govern ment.—(Cheers.) He might almost say, in spite of the Government, for when they applied to the Admiralty they were told that the plan could not be sanctioned without the dock entrances were constructed large enough to admit the largest class of war steamers, This had been done ; but he hoped and believed the docks would be seldom used for that pur pose.—(Loud cheers.) After referring to the immense advantages to be anticipated in the increase of traffic, both to the line of railway and through making the docks a grand water terminus for the great manufac turing districts, tending, thereby, to the promotion of our foreign trade, his Lordship concluded his address with a cordial tribute to the services rendered by the contractors, engineers, and other parties employed in the construction of the docks. Mr. PETO then proposed " The engineer-in• chief, Mr. J. Bendel, and the resident engineer, Mr. Adam Smith," in very eulogistic terms, and expressed his conviction that the results of this great project would fully answer the high anticipations of future prosperity that had been held out.—(Cheers.) Mr. RENDEZ., at some length, acknowledged the c om pliment. Several other toasts having been given, Mr. CHAPMAN, deputy-chairman of the Manchester Railway, proposed " The Members for Sheffield," which was responded to by Mr. PARKER. At the conclusion of his speech a loud call was made for Mr. Roxiuca, who at length came forward, and ob served, in reference to the occasion on which they were assembled, that no man could come there and see what had been done without feeling a pride and regard for his country, and a satisfaction iu his race, nor without reflecting also whether the way in which we were governed might not have something to do with it. The vast extent and character of the undertaking could not fail to astonish all who saw it that day for the first time; they had in truth " scooped out an empire, and usurped the soil," in the construction of these works.—(Cheers.) These were works that ennobled our kind—(Cheers) — because they showed the power, not of will over will, but of intelligence over intelligence—(Cheers)—and he trusted it would not be long before he saw these scien tific conquests over nature accomplished, not only in this country, but all over the world.—(Cheers.) Let them cultivate that intelligence by sinking all the peculiarities which stood in the way of its perfect development, in order that man might be ultimately made what he ought Contractors to be—the great dominant superior of all the beings of the r. earth.—(The Hon. Gentleman was loudly cheered '`"A,F,, , stitaing his seat.) - Mr. g ß e E d N ' D th Fz e toa s t a t spe of ec ' h i The "proposed Nc ae k b u y " M l em bodying precedingm:vital of the facts and statistics given in the "The Mem ber toasts followed. for the Borough," and some other The company shortiv afterwards broke up, apparently highly gratified with t i a A large proportion of e proceedings of the day. station visitors returned to town f ro m the Grimsby ow ing to a slight accident n by a special train, which, to deta i n ed at Hitohin station one of the carriages, was , and did not arrive in town I for nearly an hour after the anticipated time. Iged rowedc . ATCH. betweenthtehe3gen tlemen of the two universities isb Saturday , April, and the distance to Putney-bridge to Mortlake. Beth is from active training. Messrs. Searle intend ch artering are i ri steamers for the Cambridge gentlemert.arteing twii the champion watermen, who , h as e spornbes,' Childe Harold—Noulton and Wyld, the Waverl y, ii", steamer hired by Harvey and West, of Oxford, I n ' c l u t a' announced to accompany the match, so that there will plenty of accomodation for those anxious to witnee ts th e , race. Let us hope all of them will be kept in the r e „ of the contending crews, and that the cutters and nth er boats will beck a clear course. THE LONDON GAZETTE, March la. LORD CHAMBERLAIN'S OFFICE, Merecs 2, 1852. Notice is hereby given that her Majesty 24th will March old a levee at St. James's Palace on Wednesday , instant, at two o'clock. LORD CHAMBERLAIN'S OFFICE, Mancs 2. Notice is hereby given, that her Majesty will ho ld a drawing-room, at St, James's Palace, oa Thursday , the Ist of April next, at twoio'clock., FOREIGN-OFFICE, MARCH 17. The Queen fias been pleased - to approve of et:liana briel de Lantivy as Consul at Dubliii for the French Republic. WAR-OFFICE, MAR= 19. • 2d Reel:nest 61 Life Guer di—Coinet and Sub-Lieu- - tenant Joseph Awty (Riding-master) to be Lieutenant, LONDON, without purchase, vice James Alexander George, Lord Loughborough, deceased, Dec. 29. 7th Dragoon Guards—Captain Sir George De Ia Poer Beresford, Bart, from half-pay, Unattached, to be Cap tain, vice Chichester, appointed Paymaster;, kaieatenant William Middleton to be Captain, by purc hase/vice Sir George De la Poer Beresford, Bart. who retires; Comet John William Wetherall to be Lieutenant, by purchase, vise Middleton; Captain Nugent Chichester to be Pay master, *ice Liston, who retires upon half-pay as a Cap tain Ilnattached, March 19. Ist Regiment of Foot--Ensign Theobald McKenna to be Lieutenant, by purchase, vice Webster, who ; retires, March 19. 38th Foot—Lieutenant Arthur Layard to be Captain, without purchase, vice Brevet-Major Tudor, who retires upon full (pay; Ensign Frederick Berwick to be Lieu tenant, without purchase, vice Layard, March 19. 50th Foot—Ensign Daniel William Tupper to be Lieutenant, without purchase, vise Baird, who retires, March 19. 85th Foot—Ensign John Armitage to be Lieutenant, by purchase, vice Peel, who retires, March 19. Cape Mounted Riflemen—Ensign James Christopher Grant Kingsley to be Lieutenant, without purchase, vice Mac Donnell, promoted, Nov. 11, 1851. CONXlSSARlAT.—Commissariat Clerk Edward L. Ward to be a Deputy-Assistant Commissary General, Feb. 8, 1851. EIOSTITAL STAY7.—Assistant Staff-Surgeon Melville Neale, M.D., to be Staff-Surgeon of the Seoond Class, March 19. BRRTET.—Captain Sir George De la Poer Bamford, Bart., of the 7th Dragoon Guards, to be Major is the Armv, Nov. 9, 1846. MEMORANDUM.—The name of the Ensign appointed to 31st Foot, on 12th March, 1852, is "Annesley Cary," and not Annesley Carey; the Lieutenant pro moted to be a Captain, Unattached, without purchase, on 12th March, 1852, is Lieutenant William Hardinge, from the 39th Foot. ADMIRALTY, MARCH 13. Corps of Rdyal Marines—Second Lieutenant Robert Bland Hunt to be First Lieutenant, vice John Cree Giles, deceased. Commission by the Lord-Lieutenant of Leicestershire. William Ann Pochin, Esq., to be Deputy Lieutenant, Feb. 27. Commissions by the Lord-Lieutenant of Dorsetshire. William Bragge, Esq., to be Deputy Lieutenant; Henry Pickard Cambridge, Esq., to be Deputy Lieutenant, March 16. Commission by the Lord Lieutenant of Oxfordshire. Oxfordshire Regiment of Militia—John Cheney Ewart to be Lieutenant, vice the Hon. Thomas Edward Stonor, promoted, March 17. BANKRUPTS. William Green, builder, Coggesball, Essex, to sur render March 30, at eleven, and April 29, at twelve, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Bell, official assignee, Cole man-street-buildings; Nichols and Clarke, Cook's-court, Carey- street. Christian Klug, revalenta arabica manufacturer, New Boad-street, March 30, at one, and April 29, at eleven, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Johnson, official assignee, Basinghall•street; Sharpe, Field and Co., Bedford-row. John Branch, corn dealer, High-street, Camberwell, March 27, at eleven, and April 30, at one, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Canna!), official assignee, Alderman bury; Wilson, Gresham-street. Robert Wood, upholsterer, Wardour-street, Soho, March 30, and April 30, at one, at the Court of Bank ruptcy. Graham, official assignee; Kinsey, Bloomsbury - square. e James Dormor, grocer, Cbarles-street, St. John's Wood, March 22, at eleven, and May 1, at one, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Pennell, official assignee, Basinghall street ; Cooke, Lincoln's Inn-fields. Benjamin Smith, salt manufacturer, Droitwich, March 31 and April' 2e, at half-past eleven, at the Birmingham District Court. Christie, official assignee, Birmingham; Motteram, Knight, and Emmet, Birmingham. George Henney, victualler, Elmley Lovett, Worces tershire, March 31 and April 29, at half-past eleven, at the Birmingham District Court. Whitmore, official assignee, Birmingham; Smith, Birmingham. John Greener, jun., ironmonger, Wigan, Lancashire, April 1 and 22, at eleven, at the Manchester District Court. Lee, official assignee, Manchester; Barrow, Wigan. PRICE OF SUGAR. The average price of Brown or Muscovado Sugar, com puted from returns made in the week ending March 16 1852, exclusive of Customs Duties paid or payable thereon on the importation thereof into Great Britain:— From the British possessions in A m erica 19s. 111 d. per cwt From the Mauritius 218. 6}d, From the East Indies 255. 4d. A verag e price of the three foregoing de scriptions of sugar, jointly, computed as above, and exclusive of duty ... 21s. 7d. By authority of Parliament, HENRY BIM(); mu., Clerk of the Grocers Company Grocers'-hall, March 19. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT, HOUSE OF LORDS, March 19. The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the Woolsack at Five o'clock. PETITIONS. Lord MONTEAGLE presented a petition from the county of Limerick praying for the repeal of the Eccle siastical Titles Act. The Earl of CARLISLE presented a petition from Edinburgh against the Regkum Domini and the May- nooth grant. The Earl of LANESBOROUH presented a petition from Cavan praying for relief to the sgriculturalinterest. 'THE CORN-LAWS. SA The Duke of NEWCASTLE then rose, in pursuance of his notice, to present a petition from the Commercial Asso ciation of Manchester, praying that the country may as speedily as possible be relieved from the state of anxiety and suspense which at present so extensively prevails among all classes of the population as to the course of commercial policy which her Majesty's Government proposes to adopt. The Noble Duke spoke to the following effect, but we cannot say in the following worth, as in many parts of his speech he was perfectly inaudible, and in all very indistinctly heard : —I should have been happy, my Lords, to have presented giving notice, or without even the few which I think it now necessary to preface c'tthhbiesserryPeeatsitenn°i°tnastwrojintlu o o fi t t. had it not happened that in his speech on Monday last the Noble Earl at the head of her Majesty's Government, in dealing with another petition on the same subject, had amused the House at the expense of the peti tioners who signed it, and had denied the truth of their grave assertions, and had expressed his doubts of the alarm which they professed to feel, and had altogether impugned the justice of the prayer with which they concluded. As the Noble Earl on that occasion laid great weight on the ignorance of those petitionars with regard to the subject with which they were dealing—[The Earl of DERBY dis sented] —I certainly understood the Noble Earl to say that an auctioneer was not a competent judge on such a subject —(Hear)—l wish to call his attention to the petition which I have now the honour of presenting, and which I received the day after the former petition was presented, not indeed from Snaith, but from Manchester--not from an auctioneer and a surgeon, but to men whose entire lives have been de voted to the consideration of commercial questions—men whore even he must admit to be intimately acquainted with Bich subjects—men whom, as a resident and large proprietor in the same county, and as a Member of this House, and as Prime Minister of this country, the Noble Earl must regard with respect when they come before your Lord ships for the purpose of expressing their opinions on any subject. The petition comes from the Manchester Associa tion. And what is that association? It is not a political association—it is not opposed in general politics to those of the Noble Earl ; but it is composed of men who have com bined together to promote the general interests of com merce—of men who differ on all political points excepting this—of men who never belonged, I believe, to any party, either in this or the other House of Parliament—and of men who never come before us except on questions in which they feel themselves peculiarly interested. I, therefore, think my Lords, that you will agree with me that some deference is due to them, and that, however you may be inclined to dis pute the competency of others on this subject, you must attach some importance to their opinions when regularly brought before you. I shall read their petition to your Lordships, as it is but short. [Here the Noble Duke read the following petition, which stated— - That this chamber has witnessed, under feelings of un mixed satisfaction, the - speedy and constantly progressive march towards contentment and happiness which the in dustrial classes of this country have made under that most wise system of free commercial policy which was fore shadowed by Mr. Huskisson in 1824, and received develop ment under the Ministries of which the late Sir Robert Peel and Lord John Russell were respectively the chiefs. That, in the opinion of this chamber, so well are the benefits which have already accrued to this country understood, and so hopeful the progress which each succeeding year mani fests, that any retrocession from that policy, and especially the re-imposition of ar* duty on corn or other food consumed by the great mass of the people, will evoke consequences that every true patriot would deplore. That not only would the fact of sucli retrocession be moat calamitous, but the anticipation of such a possibility is in itself detrimental to every interest in the State. Uncertainty paralyzes the operations of commerce and shipping, endangers industry in every branch, and retards the progress of agriculture both at home and in the colonies ; and as from recent changes in the Government of this country that dreaded uncertainty exists and is increasing, your petitioners, disavowing, as this chamber has always disavowed, all intention, of inter fering in party politics, humbly but earnestly pray that your Lordships' House h e at no take such measures as may assure the country that no retrocession shall take place in the commercial policy now existing, which, founded on the immutable principles of justice, is diffusing happiness by spreading employment on every side, and elevating the moral character of the people by diminishing poverty and crime.") The Noble Duke then proceede d :—Now I hope 'that I may t b b e c p s e e r m as Be i tt r e ti d 0 t u o a, : d e d fa m r y as h m u m y b e l x e pe t r e i s e t u i T e o i n n ) , m to y , t u h w e n t ru e e t an h t o y f I-4 , large manufacturing and agricultural county—is con ;earned. - The Noble Earl on aformer occasion seemed to en itertain doubts -whether any mischief or . inconvenience could I C Ert r atn there s I ,e be im .fe ru lt u a ri t ity th , e aapretsheeritatruime e ib b r y w t h h e e at r ew c in ul g tu , maul and the eoef other and impo rtant matters in which aorfeagrmanicyultgruraufleindustry, W:0 for this year over. B:SpgriceulliSteuVlinbteeretshte, ncaeutseenoifythweitghrereafteesretumceiectehireefuttos, the but also with reference to other contracts between landlords and tenants. I am sure also that the Noble Earl will ac knowledge that its effect on the farmers and occupiers of land is .also to be deprecated. I - could easily show, my . . I : ll: i ° d rarY e dni: of ferclatSta t th he atet :N inif o lof b rer i affecLe d. •by this suspense, the manufacturing and o a n r e t i still n en t motsire . various parts of :I s le t : t Fe h o e tnairgu a l f:icultural interest ', be injuriously i A a ff w a e ir l s l , , w aw h a o re is t n h o a w t The iv 8 sittingd al re a dyN o r e b p l e r e sb S ye e fnr c tot r ha e - me_ tions-of the mischief accruing to them from this uncertainty have B°.' rece existing in the English markets. (The_ Earl of Derby inti mated his dissent.) The Noble Earl appe ars to doubt the fact.; . but I have m y se lf re • caved representations to that pur iyort from-A.ustriao Naples, -and Denmark, all communie,atiug ?to me the mischief which those states apprehend from the tltuitinuance of suspense in the operations of trade in this t r y.. I may be is told that sountriso like Austria and policy se restri • b ;Naples, whose otive, ...eve no reason to nom ' plain ; but Denmark stands on a different, and, kmay.add, a higher footing, lam not, however, looking /9 much to the interests of those countries as I am, my Lords, to the inte rests of this country, which appear to be stagnated by the uncertainty which now prevails as to the continuance of free trade, If I should be told, in that stereotyped phrase which I have seen used in so many Addresses to the electors of this *counbry,.that it is a matter. of indifference, because you can not fight hostile tariffs with free imports, I shill reply with the undeniable fact that this is by no means an undisputed axiom. However little we may have met with reciprocity in other times, this I can say, that there never was a time in the days or reciprocity wheh so large a relaxation of hostile tariffs was made as has been made during the prevalence of the principles of free trade. If any inconvenience is still felt, it does not attach to the establishment of the system of free importations without any guarantee for their reciprocity, but it has arisen from the uncertainty which has prevailed on the subject during the last five or six years, and it is owing to the course adopted by the Noble Earl opposite and his friends around him, and by certain Hon. Gentlemen in the other House of Parliament, that this uncertainty has existed so long. I know that you may tell us,—and justly and consistently with your views,—that the fault lies witk us, because we introduced the system to which you are hos tile, and which you consider to be false, impolitic, and abor tive, whilst we attribute it to obstinacy on the part of those who, like you, desire the revival of an obsolete and ex ploded system. But, my Lords, it is not merely as to the trade in corn that this uncertainty is prevalent. It prevails, and must continue to prevail, among all other articles of commerce. I was glad to find that the Secretary of State for the Colonies announced the other day in his place in the other House of Parliament, that it was not his intention to proceed with a Bill which he had introduced there, but before he was apppointed to his present office—l mean a Bill for the suspension of the scale by which the sugar duties have been lowered; but, never theless, there must be g rea t uncer t a i n ty i n thi s postpone ment of the Right lion. Baronet's measure, operating inju riously on the colonies, and deranging, of necessity, all the views and speculations of our colonial merchants. There is, indeed, one great interest in the country which I do hope will now proceed without any interference or uncertainty; for, although the President of the Board of Control did alarm the shipowners greatly by the speech which he made on the hustings at Stamford, the Noble Earl at the head of her Majesty's Government has, with great wisdom, within the walls of this House, set the question at rest, by stating broadly and explicitly on Monday last that he adhered to the opinion which he had expressed when the repeal of the navigation-laws was under discus sion, that when that repeal was once carried it must be final and irreversible.—(Hear, hear.) I will not, my Lords, on this occasion enter into any discussion on the policy or impolicy of the cern-laws. I not only retain the opinions unc h an ged which I expressed when the repeal of them was un d e r consideration, b u t I h ave h a d th em strongly confirmed by everything which has occurred since. I wish most sin fecerretlhyewhole question is one of di ff erence of op inion—but feelings t o av oid , in wh a t lam going to say, any observations which may create, I w on 't say any difference of opinion— any of those shall say not hing on this subject, except which bears on the relative first of all, I beg you t o remember, my Lords , what has already ensued since th e r epeal of the corn-laws some five or wiz e years position g it o io. of the Government and the country. And , n That measure, as you know , broke u p a rive a s powerful Government; it brought into hostile array what was before an united party; in some instances it turned sin cere friends at any rate into ;political ene mies ; and it has done worse than t hi s— i t h as ren d e red during five or six years the Carrying on of a Parliament ar y Government a matter of extreme difficulty in the hands of any Minister. I Earl at the h ea d o f h er M a j es ty' s Government to avail himself i a m d s v e e l r advert, of , my Lords, to this only to urge upon t he N oble the great position which he n ow occu p ies to allow this st a t e o f t hi ngs t o e xist no longer, and to run as little ri s k as poss ibl e o f th e occurrence of any events which may which is now easy. Dl y L or d s , y o u do not know, you can not tell in what state this country will be in the month of February next, although all is calm now. I de p rec ate the contin uance o f uncer t a i n ty, and I deprecate still ettl more the st rugg l e w hi c h ma y ar ise out of it. I know that s the Noble E ar l oppos i te i s anx i ous to see it closed. I know his patriotism so we ll, that lam sure, however it may be s ettled, he will hh the Noble tion of that t ranqu illi ty an d repose em which will attend th a t rwejiolilcheeinhebceesineagryin, m y Lords, to remove thi s s t r umental to the restore uncertainty by a settlement of the qu estion one wa y or the otherseal before you can proceed in a satisfa ctor y manner to those social questions of f ho t s h e e internal reforms th swic e explana tion of his p o li c y, w hi c h he gave a few nights ago, declared it to be his humble but useful duty to accomplish. Th e Noble Duke here became for some time nearly inaudible, but we understood him to be calling on the Earl of Derby to look at the state of the population daring the last five or six years. When the Noble Earl recollected the magnific en t scene, in which he himself took no inconsiderable part, at the reception of the Sovereign by thousands upon thousands of her subjects in their hives of industry —where they were once wont to assemble not to greet their Sovereign, but for purposes less favourably combined with the interests of the country—when the Noble Earl, he said, witnessed that scene of universal satisfaction and unanimous joy, he must feel how painful it would be if anything should happen to change all those happy and favourable appearances. He wished to say no more on this question except eo far as the dissolution of Parliament bore upon it. Thn Noble Duke then continued —Apart from this important question of the state to whick the population may be reduced by the continuance of this suspense, I must now tell the Noble Earl that there is arising at present out of the declaration which he made in this House on Monday last a question of considerable importance, which must and will grow from day to day, and which, if not settled soon by a change of opinion in the Noble Earl, will (in my conscience I believe it) be of a dangerous cha racter to the best interests of the country. Igo the whole length of .saying that if the Noble. Ear at the head of the Government perseveres in his determination that the busi ness of the country shall be carried on, and shall attempt to bring in measures of legislation, and to carry them through Parliament, while he is, according to his own confession, in an undoubted minority in one House, and in a doubtful ma. jority in the other— Lord REDESDALE, as we were told, here interrupted the Noble Duke and said—" He never asserted it." The Duke of NEWCASTLE—I beg my Noble Friend op posite to correct me if I am wrong; but I think that if he had listened to the speech of his Noble Friend at the head of the Government he would not have interrupted me. I would not have ventured to express an opinion upon this point until it had been tested by a hostile division, had not the Noble Earl (Derby) manfully confessed on one occasion that he was en avowed minority in the House of Commons, and in a doubtful majority here. I have, therefore, I think a right to assume that as a fact, and to use it as such in debate. Well, then, if the Noble Earl adheres to his intention of bringing into Parliament, where his position is such as I have de scribed, legi s l a tive measures of importance, not of pressing and immediate urgency, I say by that course, which is at once unconstitutional and unknown in the history of the country, he will be endangering in a ve r y serious degree in deed the principle of representative government in England. I know, my Lords, that both :out of doors and within the walls of Parliament an attempt is made to defend this course by the Example of Mr. Pitt. I am confident that the Noble Earl himself has read history too well to see any analogy between the two cases. Mr. Pitt's case forms no prece dent at all. Mr. Pitt's struggle was to pass a Bill in order that he, as the servant of the Sovereign, might dissolve Par liament ; and, without passing that Bill, a dissolution was impossible at the hands of any party—for the Bill in ques tion was the Mutiny Bill. Such, I repeat, was the course of Mr. Pitt ; but the course now proposed to be taken is not to dissolve Parliament as soon as those measures of pressing urgency are carried, but to introd uce , and, if possible, to car ry through Parliament, legislative measures of various kinds and of different degrees of urgency before a dissolution is decided upon. Now, I must say that neither the prece dent of Mr. Pitt, which has been adduced by some politi cians, nor the view which the Noble Earl himself took of his own position at present, is a sufficient justification for such a line of policy. The Noble Earl said that he was in a peculiar position, and that he had been forced into office. I certainly cannot agree in the truth of that assertion; I entirely dissent from it; nor can I for a moment avouch it. It was answered so w e ll an d so f u ll y on a former n ight by a Noble Earl near me, that I felt it unnecessary to touch further on that topic ; but, even if it were as the Noble Earl has stated, I say that 'there is no justification for his persistence in a system which is not fully recognised by the Constitution. Really the truth is, that the position of her Majesty's Government at the 'present moment is a position of great anomaly. I deny that ;the Noble Earl was forced into the Government by anything 'whatever; but I most fully admit that he sits upon those benches by right. Still I repeat once more his position is an anomaly. What, my Loris, are the circumstances under which the Noble Earl is sitting there ? He was at the head ,of a large party, indeed of the only large party in the country, save that of which a Noble Lord in the other House is the acknowledged head. Nothing, therefore, could be more natural, or more in accordance with constitutional rules, than for her Majesty to call on the Noble Earl to form an Mimi nistration . The Noble Earl has, therefore, no reason to apolo gize for his position; but still I say that it is an anomaly. ,He is not to blame for it, though he finds himself with an un doubted minority in one,Honee and a doubtful majority in the other.—(Hear, hear.) But, I maintain, that if he re mains is the disposition %which he announced to us on a former night, his position will not only be an anomaly, but also an an unconstitutional position. The Noble Earl, under these circumstances, has been driven to an expedient which I had great pain to hear of. The Noble Earl, in the speech which he addressed to your Lordships in explanation of his reasons for taking office when he was in an avowed minority in the House of Commons and in a doubtful majority here, threw himself on the indulgence of his friends and the for bearance of his opponents. (The Earl of Derby dissented.) I am anxious to be corrected if I mistook the Noble Earl's expression. I confess that this is a position in which, in my opinion, the Minister of a free country like this ought not to be placed; but it is the natural consequence of the Noble Earl's determination to carry on measures of legislation for the country while he is in a minority —and it is an appeal which I believe no Prime Minister of this country ever made before, and which—with :the high respect and admiration that I sincerely feel for his manly and chivalric character—l could not have be- lieved that the Noble Earl would be the first to make. (Hear, hear. ) But this, I say, is the consequence of the position which I have already condemned, and in which the Noble Earl has placed himself, and this must continue to be the consequence so long as the Noble Earl performs the duties of Prime Minister without the confidence of the House of Commons. It appears to me, my Lords, that no legisla tion which is not immediate and urgent should be allowed at present, if the Noble Earl continues to persist in his op position to the policy of free trade—(Hear, hear)—and even A still more stringent measure [if we heard the Noble Duke correctly] might be the only measure to which Parliament could have recourse. [Here the Noble Earl became in audible for some sentences. ] I have once or twice touched on the fact that certain measures must be passed before we can have a dissolution of Parliament. But what are they? We are sitting here, if not as an Oppo sition, certainly not as the supporters of her Ma jesty's Government.—(lronical cheers from the Earls of Malmesbury and Lonsdale.) The Noble Lords are welcome to their cheers, but I say distinctly that as long AS the Government has any reservation of opinion on the policy of f ree t ra d e , as l o ng as we h a ve not a declaration from the Prime Mi n i s t er that no attempt will be made to to te restore the corn-laws, s o long shall Ibe i n opposition b e Government.—(Hear, hear.) But t he Noble Earl from may assured that he will have no more fact ious opposition me than the Noble Marquis had who is n ow sitting near me. my support t —(Hear, he ar .) I gave to the late Governm ent e same _ y the b when I could conscientiously, and I sha ll do h present Government ; but I tell the Noble Ea rl that as long as there is this imp if or t an t difference between u s on the corn laws—the Noble Lords shay again ch eer me they p leas so'long shall Ibe the opponent of .his G ove rnment. When Ear may that question of difference is set at res t the li rely on it that if he shall pursue the same p Noble o which he pursued when I was a colleague of his under the Adminis tration of Sir R. Peel, he will find no man more ready to support him, when I can.—(H e ats hear.) 1 was about to say some minutes ago, when I was interrupted, that we only re,., cognize two votes as absolutely necessary for the Govern ment before a dissolution, viz., the -Mutiny Act and the vote in supply. If the Noble Trail should con don to Par. URDAY E YEN IN G, MARCH '2O, 1852. liament and, on his responsibility as First Minister of the Crown, should say that there was another measure also ne ccseary—as, for example, the Militia Bill—and should give us an assurance that it was required for the defence of the country, I think he would find us acquiescing in such a pro posal. My Lords, with regard to the Militia Bill, I look with alarm at the prospect of mooting a question of such im portaace in a condemned and expiring Parliament. When I know, further, that another most important measure, the Chancery Relief. Bill, is to be presented to this House for ac ceptance, and may perhaps pass here, I am inclined to warn the Noble Earl at the head of the Government and the Noble and Learned Baron on the Woolsack that they will be en dangering that measure if, in the existing state of feeling in the other House, they should lay it before them. A measure of such vast importance would not be met in a fair spirit by a Parliament which was not led by ,the Government, and which had at the moment an interest in its own re-election. My Lords, I have already denied that there is any desire on our part to meet the Noble Earl's Government with a facti ous opposition; and I think that the Noble Earl might have deduced as much from the manner in which the votes of supply have been granted in the other House of Parliament. But I am not now speaking what my own opinions may be if the Government should attempt to carry out legislation for a few months from this time ; but I know the power of the House of Commons, and I know that it is in their power to insist on the point of supply, and I deprecate and tremble on the proposal of such a resource. I see with alarm that the Noble Earl is likely to bring on a quarrel between him self as the Minister of the Sovereign and the representatives of the people—a quarrel which, though it might be but a short one, would be followed in all probability by the most serious consequences—(Hear, hear)—and all, too, for an object which, if attainable by the Noble Earl, is of small ap parent value, while the advantages of our course are palpable on all sides. The Noble Earl on a former night had said that one great object of his Government would be to raise a barrier against the innovations of democracy, and to main tain the prerogatives of the Crown unimpaired. On both those points I go along .with the Noble Earl ; but so far is tdheemNecorbalcey that E b Earl from is mfr ac om ta n a o ll w y rtabisroinwgibag down o wba the eer barriers which now exist—(Cheers)—and is giving encouragement and facilities for accomplishing objects which the legislation of late years had disposed the people to abandon. With regard to the prerogatives of the Crown, I repeat that Igo along with the Noble Earl. But I think that he will rather endanger than scours them if he proceeds in his pre sent career. I hope that those in the other House of Par liament who differ from the Noble Earl are prepared to act by him as I would do. lam sure that if he would give us that fair assurance which I have already described, he would be met in t generous and confiding spirit. The question would be set at rest for ever, and he would only have to ask for supplies and they would be readily granted. The Noble Earl may perhaps object that there are constitutional ob jections to such an announcement. For my part, I cannot see them. I have referred to precedents for such a course, and I find them numerous. I have seen it stated in print that Parliament has nothing to do with its own existence —that it ought to attend to its own business—and that the continuance or dissolution of its existence depends on the Sovereign, and on the Sovereign alone. I know that this may be SO ; but, so far as regards the announce ment of an approaching dissolution in the Speech from the Throne, I know also that the Sovereign has on many occa • sions—particularly in 1807 and 1831—referred to such an event, and has spoken of summoning a new Parliament. There is nothing unconstitutional, my Lords, in such a proceeding. In 1841 Lord John Russell, on being asked by Sir R. Peel whether he intended to dissolve the Parliament because he had bean placed in a minority, stated most succinctly and most correctly that, under ordinary circum stances, it would be improper that a question should be put to a Minister as to the advice which he intended to give to his Sovereign ; but he looked on the circumstances under which Sir R. Peel asked the question, as circumstances of an extraordinary character, and therefore he readily gave an answer to it, and said that he intended to dissolve. The Noble Duke here became nearly inaudible in the gallery, and we heard only a few more of his observations. I hope, said he, that in these observations I have avowed nothing more than a disapproval of the course which the Noble Earl pro poses to take. I assure the Noble Earl that I wished to avoid all provoking topics, but still I do feel warmly on these questions. I feel that the question of protection must be submitted to the country, and settled without delay ; and 1 feel still more strongly that the intention of persever ing in going on with a Parliament in which the Prime Minister has no majority, is far too dangerous an intention to allow any one who loves his country and respects its con stitution, to see it executed without at least protesting against it I shall now sit down, concluding with the ordinary motion, that the petition be laid upon the table, and I hope that the Noble Earl will be able in the performance of his duty to answer the question, which I shall put to him, in such a manner as will prevent irritation and ill-blood arising in Parliament and in the country. I beg to ask the Noble Lord whether he is prepared to assure the House that her Majesty will be advised by her Ministers to dissolve the present and to call a new Parliament as early as the public service may demand. The Noble Duke then sat down amid much cheering. The Earl of DERBY then rose and spoke as follows :—I am far from complaining, my Lords, either of the speech which the Noble Duke has just delivered, or of the question which he has just put to me, or of the tone and spirit which characterised his observations. I think that in the position in which the Noble Duke stands, it is as natural that he should put this question to me in this House, as it is natural that the head of the late Government should put it to my Right Hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer in the other House, as I have just heard that he has done. I hope that I shall not be considered as treating the Noble Duke with the slightest disrespect, if I refuse to renew on the present occasion a discussion on the same subject on which I addressed your Lordships at some length on a former occasion, or if I decline to enter into tke merits or demerits of -free trade, or into the consequences which result from it. One remark, however, I must make, in consequence of an observation of the Noble Duke, that from every country in Europe, or at least from various countries in Europe, there had been addressed to my Noble Friend the Secretary of State for Foreiagn Affairs, communications, in forming him of the alarms entertained in consequence of the state of suspense and uncertainty now prevailing in the mar kets of this country. I thought at the time that I was my self conversant with all the dispatches from foreign countries which my Noble Friend the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, has received since his appointment to office; and, since I heard the Noble Duke's remark, I have been con firmed in my own conviction by my Noble Friend's assurance that no representations, such as the Noble Duke described, have reached her Majesty's Government from any quarter. The Noble Duke has also thought fit to refer to the language which I used on a former occasion, in regard to another pe tition, and one of my reasons for now addressing your Lord ships is that I wish to set him right as teethe mode in which I spoke of the parties to that petition. I did not, my Lords, impute to those petitioners any ignorance as to their own interests, or to this subject. All that I said was that the petitioners were not many in number, and that their interest in land did not appear to be very great ; and in alluding to one individual who does not appear to have taken any offence at my words, I certainly did say that his interest in land was not such as would lead him to entertain an overwhelming apprehension of the mischief likely to arise from the uncertainty of our policy in respect of the corn laws. I most frankly admit that the body of petitioners whom the Noble Duke represents is entitled to respect for any opinions which they may entertain. Bat the Noble Duke himself told us that he received their peti tion the day after I had spoken on the former petition. Its date, too, is previous to that of the last discussion which we had in this House on the subject. I believe that the Noble Duke received it on the next day, and therefore it is possible that their anxiety is now miti gated by the ;knowledge which they have now acquired of the course which the Government is going to pursue. But m 7 Lords I am also obliged to the Noble Duke for one ad mission he made to me in the course of his speech. The uncertainty of which the Noble Duke complained was an uncertainty which had not existed merely for the last few days, bat which, according to the Noble Duke, had affected the course of trade not for the last few months, but for the Net five or six years. The uncertainty it was said must continue till the new Parliament was assembled. Now, how was it that it never occurred either to the Noble Duke himself, or to the head of the late Govern ment, to submit the question of that uncertainty to a new Parliament? lam inclined to believe that that uncertainty will now be put an end to, in a new Parliament, by us at an earlier period than it would have been terminated by the late Government, in the existing Parliament. I must also tell the Noble Duke, that in the present circumstances of the country, in the present state of the public securities, and in the present state of the markets, I cannot trace that alarm which the Noble Duke describes as pervading every portion of the country. I am not sure, my Lords, that I should have entered further into this subject at present than was necessary to remind you' of the course which her Ma jesty's Government had said on a former occasion that it would adept had it not been for certain constitutional ques tions which the Noble Duke has raised, and t o w hi c h , for one, hesitate to give my unqualified approbation. There are certain opinions entertained by us, and which, I believe are not shared either by the other House of Parliament or by this. I stated that if the questions on which we entertained such opinions were pressed upon us, we should be in a minority, and that we must rest on the forbearance of our opponents, as well as on the indulgence of our friends. But on such questions as her Majesty's Government is now prepared to submit to Par liament, there is no proof that we are in a minority. Ido not, my Lords, pretend to deny the inconvenience of carry ing on the business of the country by a Government unable to command a majority in either House of Parliament ; but I consider that in the position in which we are placed we are contending with conflicting difficulties and inconveniences, and I think that the danger is less from the continuance of the present state of things for a short time than from the instant dissolution of the other House of Parliament. It must be left to the discretion of Ministers to determine what measures - they would submit to the other House, and at what time. I must now tell the Noble Duke that lam not acting on the precedent of Mr. Pitt, in the year 1784—which I fully admit has no analogy with the present case—but 1 thane ven from a still more recent example which I think the the Noble Duke will consider deserving of respect. vernment year 1834 Sir R. Peel was at the head of a (Jo circumstance the House of draw my defence of the conduct of her Majesty's Government not in command of the confidence of Commons. He foundeople pp aled to the people. dissolved the Parliament, and a— e the answer of the Sir R. Peel was placed in a onminoritvo a minority upon the Speech from the Throne, he w as as also i minorit upon an choice of the Speaker, and he was to t h e appropriation of the with regard important resolution But, just in passing, let Inc revenues of the Irish Church. of something in reference to what having Right g h t remind your Lordships fell from my Noble being strong in a Parliamentary majority. opposite, himself i as p t o o w e t r hse of an Opposition on one occasion in that position, and Sir Robert he would state to thought it fit to take upon that Hon. Gentleman Peel was the House the course whic a li ft t e h r et s which flowed from occasion, and the consequences which it. The Opposition - strong Par iamentary majrity, it was th b being in a oug t y ood political move to pledge the House of Commons to a specific declaration. They therefore pro posed that the House of Commons should declare that no settlement upon the particular question then under consi deration could be safe or satisfactory unless it involved the Friend specific proposition for which they were then contending. The Government (upon that occasion was defeated, and shortly after the Opposition who so defeated Sir Robert Peel succeeded to office. Having done so, no great time elapsed before the new Government found themselves compelled to abandon the very proposition which they had previously de clared to be essential to a satisfactory settlement, and to come to a conclusion which from that time to this had not been disturbed, without including the sine qua non they had before stated to be necessary for any permanent arrange ment of the question. What was the course pursued by Sir Robert Peel under those circumstances, in a Parliament of his own choosing, and in which he was perpetually in a con stantly recurring minority? He held this language ,— have been called upon to assume the responsibility of Cell ducting the public business of the country. 1 will not • shrink from that responsibility so long as I believe that I can conduct it satisfactorily, and can carry through such measures as I believe to be for the public advantage that i a h ou ld sub mit to the consideration of Parliament." It was not, then, . ho a question of dissolution, but it was a question o f t other alternative—that of the resignation of the Govern ment.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord who cheers will not deny that when a Minister fails to obtain the confidence of the House of Commons he has these two alternatives—resig nation of his office, or a dissolution of Parliament. As I pre sume, under existing circumstances, a resignation of office is not that which will be pressed upon us, that which is ex pected from the present Government, as upon the former occasion, is a dissolution. That was what was required of Sir R. Peel and how did he act when having these two opposite alternatives present to his mind ? In what way did he deal with them? The language he held was this— " I hold there is nothing unconstitutional in the post I fill, and in the fulfilment of my duty, to persevere in the dis charge of those duties to which my Sovereign has called me in defiance of the majority that is against me upon any abstract question, and in defiance of any declaration on the part of the House of Commons that I ought to bring for ward a particular question, and settle it in a particular manner. I will perform my duty until the House shall by its vote refuse its sanction to some measure of importance , • which I may thinkit necessary to submit to tueir considera tion " Such was the doctrine laid down by Sir Robert Peel in the year 1834, and such is the principle upon which her Majesty's pre;ant Government are now also prepared to act. But while saying this I do not deny the inconvenience of a doubt remaining on the public mind with respect to any material question of policy to be taken up on the part of the Government. I admit to the Noble Duke, as fully as he can desire, that an early settlement of the financial policy of this country, and an early settlement of a still larger question—namely, who are to be the men, and what are to be the principles, by whom and upon which the govern ment of this country is to be conducted, are matters not of indifference, but are points an early solution of which I am as anxious to obtain as the Noble Duke himself. I do not hold it to be consistent with my duty to offer to your Lord ships or to Parliament any specific pledge with regard to the precise time at which I shall feel it my duty to offer to her Majesty my humble advice that she should dissolve the present Parliament. Circumstances may occur which might render a dissolution dangerous to the safety and welfare of the country. But lam ready to go so far with the Noble Duke as to say—without specifying precisely what are the distinct measures which I think imperatively necessary to have passed before a dissolution of Parliament—that 1 am as anxious as possible, that at the earliest period, consistent with that which I deem to be for the welfare and good of the country—the country should have an opportunity of expressing its opinion upon the prin ciples upon which and the men by whom the Government of this country shall henceforth be cenducted. I will go a step further, and say that I think the next autumn ought not to be allowed to pass over, not only without the country having had the opportunity of coming to a decision, but without Parliament having had the opportunity of pronouncing defi nitively and finally its opinion and its judgment on the course of policy that ought to be adopted on the part of the Go vernment. I will give no pledge as to time,.whether in April, in May, or in. June, that an appeal shall be made to the country; but I admit that an appeal ought to barnacle to the country before the ordinary time of commencing the next session of Parliament; and that the great ques tion in issue should be decided and ;adjudicated I upon by Parliament at an earlier period, so that the ordinary and current business of the next session should not be interfered with by a protracted discussion on the commercial and financial policy of the country. Further than that lam not prepared to give any assurance. I feel it inconsistent with my duty as a Minister of the Crown to say, under all the circumstances, that I shall ad vise the Crown to dissolve Parliament at any particular _ _ period ; but I repeat, that I desire only to Con - diet such business through the present:session as it is necessary for the good of the country should be passed. I will nct specify what are the measures included in that category, except to say that I do include among them one of paramount neces sity—the organization of the internal defences of the coun try. After I shall have discharged the duty incumbent upon me for the present session I beg to repeat thtt I shall be as anxious as the Noble Duke can be that an early de cision and judgment of the country should be taken, and that Parliament should upon that judgment, before tht close of next autumn, pronounce its definitive and final decision. Lord BATE MA N addressed the House from the cross benches, with his back to the gallery, which made it impos sible for us to hear is Lordship. He was understooC to ex press his disappointment at the course pursued by tie Noble Earl at the head of the Government with reference to the question of protection. The Earl of WICKLOW said it would perhaps be re membered that in 826 no one was a more anxious supporter than himself of a fixed duty on corn. He had seen no reason subsequently to alter his opinion. He saw no reason why a duty for revenue should not be laid upon corn as well as upon any other article of commerce. It appeared to him an absurdity to talk of a tax on the food of tits people. Why, the food of the people was taxed in every way ; even corn itself wan taxed. But, notwithstanding the opinions he urged on a former occasion, still he thought the day was gone by when any attempt to reimpose a duty on tie impor tation of corn could succeed. He did not say that tbe Noble Lord might not adopt other means that would be satisfac tory to the country. Consistently with his own opinions, with the grounds on which the Government iad been formed, with the wishes of his supporters in the country, the Noble Earl at the head of the Government might effect a settlement of the question by that other mode which had been indicated, namely, a re-adjustment of taxation; and not only would the Noble Earl maintain his own consistency by resorting to such a mode of settlement, but he would give satisfaction to the country. He (the Earl of Wicklow), for one, would be MOBS happy to see the Noble Earl sacceed in that undertaking. Believing the object could be carried out, he hoped the Noble Earl would undertake the task; while, at the same time, he should deprecate any proposition for establishing:a duty on corn, because he was convinced the im position of such a duty would be attended with serious in convenience to the country. Lord REDESDALE thought that Parliament generally, as well as the country, ought to be satisled with the state ment of the Noble Earl, and he trusted that the impatience manifested for the dissolution would now pass away. There were 255 private Bills introduced already into Par liament, and unquestionably it was most important that those not opposed should be afforded some chance of passing through this session. There was, however, very little chance of those Bills which were opposed being passed. All they could do in respect to them was to grant the parties concerned the favour of " hanging them up," as it was called, and thus placing them in the same state of advancement in which they were in the present session. In regard to the petitioners whose case was represented by the Noble Duke that evening, he wished them to consider the serious impediment that would be raised to the disposal of private business, by at once resorting to a dissolution. Millions of money ware perhaps involved in the passing of those measures, which would necessarily be locked up until next session if they were to be postponed until that period. While the Government avoided interfering with any great public interest or any great constitutional principle, he thought that they ought to be permitted to proceed with the necessary business that pressed upon them, and not be forced to resort unnecessarily to an early dissolution of the, present Parliament. When he interrupted the Noble Duke. in his statement that evening, he did so unquestionably with a view of expressing his opinion that he did not consider the Government of the Noble Earl was at present in a minority in the other House. He believed that if they were to collect the individual opinions of the Members there as to whether they would prefer the Noble Ea r l, or th e N o bl e Lord who preceded him in office, at the head of the Administration, they would find that the majority were in favour of the Noble Earl.—(Hear, hear.) He doubted mnch whether there was one other individual who would command so large a number of votes of the Members of the other House in fa ' your of his taking upon himself the conduct of the Govern ment. Now, in the present position of affairs, that was something to start with.— (Laughter.) What occurred last year.? On that occasion the Noble Lord who was then at the head of the Government resigned because he felt he did not possess the confidence of the other House. The necessity of the case, however, compelled him to return to the head of the Government with no greater accession of strength than he had before. And be it remembered that he was not in a position to appeal to the country, inasmuch as he had no hopes of obtaining an increase of support ; but, on the contrary, there was every probability of weakening his power still more by such an appeal. Again, before three weeks of the present session had gone over, the Noble Lord was again obliged to confess that he did not possess the confidence of Parliament. What, then, was the Government suffering from? It was suffering from the weakness of the late Government, which weakness was brought about by its own measures and by the unnatural position of parties. In not any of those parties was there sufficient strength to form a strong Government. He trusted that they would pass through this transitory state before long, and that the two great parties would be restored to that position in which they had formerly stood. He confessed he thought it most desirable that the present Government should have a fair trial, and to a reasonable extent, before the dissolution ar rived.— (A laugh.) He said that the country ought to have some experience of the Noble Earl's Government. It was, however, said that the Noble Earl had put untried men into office. Why it was a matter of necessity with him to do so. But tke question was not whether those men were inexpe rienced, but whether they were incapable.—(Hear, pP heoeare.) And he must say he thought that t he p arties o d to to the Noble Earl were the last that complain on this head, for they had acts occasioned this necessity. He ('tion ought to was also of opinion that the Opposition ought their°t l t ° are) be tried in the present session, --(Laughter.) to party in party in opposition was very different ghter.) Now a office.— (Hear, hear.) He regretted the tondiictlott w th a e a l b a u t t e f G ai o r v t e h ro at . ment since they went into Opposition. bat they mean before they went the country should know l mackthtoe t G h o e ve s r e n ssion of 1834, to the country. if they ed o w o e k d e f d ro b ment of that when the world Earl t aec a the cause of that secession was day, they see h t g oing on from tha t day to the present. The rla o nt r dh i g e final ah w l a ta c r a wn u ea s d e s 51 T r l; e O N ' C gl n e n e R i of the secess , i , o h n i w e larsisthh tai t h en called the G overnme nt of that day not to yield too readil y to the pressure from without. Nwouwaeinttewreads into, and and he thought it the othe r d ay t h e Cheshani - p lace compact was only fair that the country should have some experience of what the nature of that compact was before the Members of tke other House present themselves before their consti tuencies. It would appear that the Noble Lord the late head of the Governme n t was forming a Radical party, and had promised to introduce a totally different Reform Bill to the wretched one he had tho p u rop h o t sed the other day. Now, he (Lord Red es d a l e ) it was most desirable_e that the count ry should gave some experience of the Noble Lord's Opposition tactics as well as those of the party represented by Noble Lords on the cross benches. (This observation occasioned much laughter in consequence of there being only Lord Strangford and another Peer at that moment sitting in that part of the House.) He would re joice if the duration of the session were prolonged to such an extent as to afford an opportunity for eliciting the opinions of the several parties in the present condition of Parliament, and then let every man appear in his true position before the country. There could be no doubt whatever as to the opinions of those men who declared themselves to be the supporters of the Noble Earl.— (Ironical cheers.) No person could doubt the conservative policy of the Noble Earl. A Noble Lord opposite said " Protection." He (Lord Redes dale) would not go into that subject at any length. He held that the declaration of the Noble Earl was as distinct a one as it was possible to make. The Noble Earl said that he entertained the opinion that it would be advisable to resort to a moderate protection duty, yet that that ques tion was not of itself of such vital importance as to propose any such measure in the present Parlia ment, when it would prove destructive to a Conservative Government. The Noble Earl then said he would appeal to the country on that very point, and that he would abide by the result. The Noble Earl had acted with the most perfect candour upon this question, and had formed his Government of those persons who were prepared to support that policy. Hear, hear, from the Opposition.) The Noble Earl might have strengthened the Government if he had aban doned his policy, but he declined to do so, and said he would appeal to the country for their deliberate decision upon it. He believed that too strict an adherence to the principles of free trade since 1845 had characterised the conduct of those now in opposition ; and, on the other hand, too strong and rigid an adherence to what was called the cause of protection had marked the other party during the same period. The question as to whether there shall be imposed a few shillings more Or lax oPOII fig ma RM reAUY sot oul Which C 9414 i affect the interests of this country in the slightest degree. •j` Why, in fifty years' time it would not signify if there was a . I S I ss. duty imposed upon corn. At all events, he was of opinion that their Lordships ought to be satisfied with the declara tion of the Noble Earl.-( Hear, hear.) The Earl of ABERDEEN said-My Lords, I was pre pared to be satisfied with the declaration made by my Noble Friend at the head of the Government, in answer to the question which has been put by the Noble Duke.- (Hear, hear.) But after the speech of the Noble Baron I confess-- I am almost in doubt what interpretation I am to put upon the declaration made by my Noble Friend.- (Hear, hear.) As for waiting to see how an Opposition be haves, or how a third party behaves, of whom, I am sorry to say, lain one-(A laugh)-having sat in this House for forty years, I stn afraid that it is not likely that the Noble o , Baron will receive much new light upon the subject. (So we understood, but the Noble Earl was at times indistinctly heard.) I believe I have always acted consistently in Ibis • House. I have already mentioned the great subjects upon which I differ from my Noble Friend at the head of the Government, and to that difference I intend to adhere. -(Hear, hear.) But when the Noble Lord treats the question as a matter of little importance, I can only say it is not co much the intrinsic question itself that is to be re garded as its relation to the welfare and prosperity, and , even the peace of the country.-( Loud cries of" Hear, hear.") o I think my Noble Friend at the head of the Government has given such an answer as was c tneistent with his duty . (Hear, hear)-but he must permit me to give my interpre tation of it after that which we have received from the Noble Baron.-(Hear.) I understood him to say that, con- ' sistently with such measures as were of urgent and primal"' ~ importance being assed-a matter which must always be of one degree-(" Hear," trom the Earl of Derby) - he may at tach greater importance to come than I may, but it is for him • of course to decide - (Hear)-such measures as he thinks of primary importance - (Hear)-that he:would then advise her •-• Majesty to dissolve Parliament,-(Hear.) But the impor tant part of the declaration is this that, be it sooner or be it later, a new Parliament will be called to decide that gre et question to which I have referred in the course of the autumn- • -(" Hear," from the Earl of Derby.) With that lam quit e satisfied--(Hear)-and I should feel that pressing for anY pr e : cise pledge as to time would be highly improper, and, in f ee ' unconstitutional.-(Hear, hear.) Indeed, for this House to interfere with the dissolution of Parliament altogether, is, Perhaps, stepping out of its province.- (Hear, bear.) I am aware that in this House, for instance, Lord Chat' ham moved an address to the Crown to dissolve Parliament ; but whatever Lord Chatham's Me rits s ae a Minister might be, certainly his conduct in oppositio7 is not for your Lordships to follow-(Hear, hear)-sfl d trust, if any such motion should be proposed in this House, it would meet with no concurrence fr om your Lordsbies- --- (Hear, hear.) But I must j u st a d ver t to a topic allud ed to by my Noble Friend, when he s a id th a t t h e precedent to which the Noble Duke, I thi n k, h a d re f erre d , o f Mr. ri° first Government, was not stri c tly i n po i nt . That is tru e, except that there is one respect in w hi c h t h e pos ition (4113 1 Noble Friend is singularly similar to th at of M r . Pitt in s" - the first Government, namely, that of himself sustaining whole weight of the Government on his own shoulders. (Some laughter and cries of " Hear, hear," from the 014 tion). 1 believe I may say that without offence to hi s col leagues, for probably they may be the first to acknowlecingel his superiority, his splendid talents, and his high Per e° ' character.-(Hear, hear ) In that therefore he strictly re- semblee Mr. Pitt.- (" Hear, hear," and a laugh). But wh eil i e• • he alluded to the other precedent, of Sir Robert Peel, I °es say he has quite mistaken the facts as they took place' m Sir Robert Peel began by dissolving the Parliamenorates then met the new Parliament, and with small mai against him struggled on for a certain time in the hope prospect of converting his minority into a majority - a e • • (Hear, hear.) And how long did he do that? •`'i remained for two raontba only. Parliament rhe t '„ f a • think, early in February, and I think- 1 7, the honour of forming a part of that Government-w e ; - ; signed on the 7th of April.-(Hear, hear.) Now, be b ad remedy; ; but my Noble Friend, if he were i n the lame po s " tion of being pressed by majorities against him, has the ral' medy which Sir R. Peel did not possess, because he had ready tried it.-(Hear.) Therefore my Noble Friend At an) time may have recourse to a n a pp ea l to t h e coun try, to cce:lse vert the majority against hi m i n t o one i n hi s f a vour, if he, thinks proper to resort to it.- (H ear .) I t seems that i s - though I recollect, sitting on this si of te H course which my Noble Friend is not prepared to tairef Noble Lord always professed to be exceedingly anxious fey sr dissolution-(Hear)-to bring the question to an issue. ''oooe (Hear.) Now, Ido not wish to press this ; - for granted still that my Noble Friend is s n o o m t reluctant to take that course-(" Hear," from the Earl of Derby), that therefore I wish with the most perfect fairness to admt in this situation I think he is bound to carry the moil?: ouset th e ' described as essential and indispensable to the welfare men country, so as to enable him to fulfil the promise be hasrhe_ s ; to the House.- (Hear.) What he said was quite satisfacto r y and all that comet be desired; it was only, the strange 01 put upon it by the Noble Baron which left me no course ba to state my understanding of the matter.-; Hear.) Earl GREY also was satisfied with the declaration of the Noble Earl (the Earl of Derby), though dissatisfied with the,. gloss put upon it by the Noble Baron. But the mere fact 01 the Noble Earl announcing hit wieh and intention to hav e the question of our future commercial policy brought to a speedy issue, and not left in uncertainty longer than we e necessary, would render the existing House of Commons !: incapable of considering any important questions with t I L necessary calmness and deliberation, when Members wool } be occupied with their canvass and future election, th at very speedy dissolution would now be found desirabl e. , (Hear, hear.) Therefore he (Earl Grey) was quite satis fi eu,o with the Noble Earl's declaration ; and he thought it nti l n i t inconsistent with the Noble Baron's idea of a session of n ot only ordinary but more than ordinary length,-(Hear.) t his (Earl Grey') principal object in rising was this-eLsiss Monday, when the Noble Earl stated that he was roereja following the precedent set by Lord J. Russell in 1 withholding a specific explanation of the intentions re; views of the Government upon the great subject of ~„,'l , 7 ). o h ie tion or no Protection, he quoted a speech of tha t t' t hea Lord to show that he declined to state the views ofthrey) Government upon important questions; and be (Fe o '. arse ventured to contradict that representation; but, o , o :i s ea' speaking only from recollection he had not been ab le Lord press himself so strongly as he was now able to , e ,.;, view's J. Russell was called upon to make a statement N o u r o „„ n too of the Administration ; and he replied that he bahrieown long in Parliament, and his views were too genefsbY bi j o , to upon the all-important questions then before the P il o o t geo make it necessary that he should enter upon any soestiens neral statement, but that with regard to specific cl u lo wer , which fie had been asked, he was ready to give s 3 chu rch , and with regard to the queStion respecting the Irish in hie his answer was clear and distinct. He said that Irish opinion the existing state of things with regard to th e its Church was not:altogether satisfactory, and he hsd a l t i o o o of, favour of a motion of Mr. Roebuck on the approP o ,r l 00 0th, property of that church, and the endowment of ill thought but that that motion was rejected, and, though be bythe the rejectiOn wrong, he was prepared to abide o ed ,recorded sense of g, the House of Commons, 4 - too leas not the intention of his Government i° pose any alteratibn of fhit - state of things. added, a tett he would not pledge himself to to so kere the this, if any time ;there should be a change f re sby's opinion of the Irish Catholics and the Scotch f r teriaus and the English p eo pl e - a gene ral change 0. tion of nion ; but he stated clearly that it was not the iritea_tT.ect. the Government to make any proposition upon t he e bu S l oble He (Earl Grey) should, f or one , b e s atisfied if t h tecnons Earl would make that de c l ara ti on w ith regard to Pr °- N and say it was not the intention of the Government cou ntry pose any alteration in the commercial policy of the to -(Hear, hear)- that, though it would be open to ;i_ make it if he saw a change of opinion, it was not his Vie,---.Ll 7 Lion, as at present advised, to make such an alterati vr„ (Hear.) The all important question in the pr esent day freedom of commerce; let the electors show whethe h o f coin' really electing persona in favour of freedom o merce - or not.-(Hear.) The Noble Baron bad si , t r t e s a l was comparatively an insignificant uestion ;he (Earl ' so entirely differed .from him that be agreed with the Noble quhear.) Earl (the Earl of Aberdeen) in thinking of overwhelming importance to the country. - u r p , on its The welfare and peace of the countrey depended b e olicy pursued it the one being understood what was to b - s elsewhere, and the Noble Baron adverted to proceeding ed to the Government; upon this all-insportant question. ( Hear, P hear.) The conduct of the different parties woepo,i, he had only to obtain that they did mean from the Government a I olic of the country n ot es-ear, if he wished things to be de o e t l h a e ra r to disturb the comrnercia p. that made Earl( Grey? this question It was doubt upon with such extreme distrust. Though treat the Government w:him tijogen with confidence, Personally b die dee are ions,o opinions and prices, Ales with os ig to lead him to a • eeceS' ples went, see al e - n idosa oppon, ex anticipate the ,„ it except upon this ce!e o , i , o t d s w y nu . na s o eu o f fs tn : a . p n s 0 ; ' c o t i a c eer et r ai ta y o o r :: theirnbsP ( ni H r e inspire h ear ). declarations could di He stated that a protective blo hear.) What had fallen from the nothingp o nha t hut subject e x t e n; Baron bad made hint even more distrustful than beforNe (Hear, hear.) sa. re-adopted, if the next elections should make the ( ; °ve h - iel went strong_eneugh.-(Hear hear.)b e w e Itwas to ,h the Noble Earl had stated his views, or °" -er ' h little more clearly, i n s e u m b t i r e e c in t th subject.-(Hear,) r.)justice to those one way . 4 , 3 n e s uc it was or not the intention The to whom it i" o p the policy Woulrn„ importance that there should be no doubt Abette r They sh o o f u t l h d e be told-ay Government alteration of our commercial policy.-- (Hear.) The petition was then ordered to lie on the table. PATENT LAW AMENDMENT (No. 2) BI LL ' of eadiag, Lord COLCHESTER, in moving the second r hin ts this Bill, said Lprinciple • with that w" „f otrol3;;;;° -113 Y was in the same N'T. passed their Lordships' House last year, adopting titne to the Commons' amendments, which there was net c consider last year. There was to be a Board of 9 0te d to sioners for Patents, and an Examiner would be Lord ei examine into the novelty of the invention. The ‘'`" s to h e then briefly described the order of the proceedineg wing taken upon petitions for patents. The expense s of "' Forlve rl 3 . ' patents would be very considerably reduce d. to I°° '' ' when there was no opposition, the fees amounted n ta be bit under this Bill the fees for the first three years 'ef°,_ re only 201.,•with (J. stamp duty, and the patent couhWinol newed for a further period on payment of some au_ c t en' fees. There were also clauses in the Bill which wow • phi' able persons wishing to take out patents to ascertail l _ jou sly ther any patent for a similar object had been Pre', oo of grantee], and they could ascertain from the specifica"estere such patents whether their improvements were of , It to render it worth while to persevere in the app am was proposed that the Queen should have power to_ _6 o `,,i t t patents for the colonies, in cases where her Majesty fit to do so. It was intended that a separate Bill eb ° s hape introduced with regard to inventions used in foreigi Ln, boa which came within the jurisdiction of the Brit ish Cr° 13 7 Lord STANLEY of ALDERLEY said th at a esf ble aD already been introduced on this subject by a - & re d ire Learned Lord, who was not now present, which di ; 1 00 some respects from this measure, particularly in some ether relating to machinery. He would suggest, therefore, w o we; the better course would not be to refer both Bills to Committee? cc ede to Lord COLCHESTER expressed his readin ess to a atl d the suggestion of the Noble Lord. D ee to Lord TRURO said he did not rise to oppose the er he would be anxious to afford any assistance in his Pow ode_ the Noble Lord who had charge of it; with a view tu dert alt e e it efficient. He most say, however, that be would unnoseeso to show that this Bill, in its present form, wo uld ie eres' , e expense, would increase delay, and would greatly ... siv e e i dissatisfaction, and that it would be much more teOP",.eserfus the patentees than the existing law. If the Bill wasoecooe° to a Select Committee he would communicate his obi to the law officers of the Crown. After a few words fom the Earl of BNT be re dere d to The Bill was read a r second time, and w as or O, ferred to a Select Committee. • Their Lordships adjourned at a Quarter to Eight HOUSE OF COMMONS, March 19. go ut The SPEAKER took the Chair shortly before o'clock. PETI LIONS. f 0 011 Several petitions were presented in favour 0 • pLnny postage. alable lr Mr. A. RA.STIE presented 0, petition NO - 1 i