The Sun. — London, England, 1846-02-10 00:00:00

_~. i :nueso.. r • They Com• to any o con ore de would - e ivere. ^. ) me on lye de re, he he dis ;e in a po- the ahee re il l 'ort' ne► AS a )tilt , Liv ,, :ti:,,,i„H.• ,i,t, ~„,,;::i.ni,,, i , —, . „ ion. Barom t at the coannericement of the sessien, Le elp h ald net but agree in the expression of the Noble Lord Le late Secretary for the Colonies,and he a• a lieved the exprma n of a large majority of the }light Roe. Baronet's colleagues, that there was re, peouliar necessity for the rucasure. There was a ' Undo u , hted failure in the potato crop in Ireland. a . . a ; ' 4lll itY Which CO one mere sincerely deplored than f .'ntn , elf , yet ther e was its , real greand te ~phi ele nd e bee; in that country, for every report stated that tie , 'Arley crop was a large One. Looking at the return Which had lately been Presentei to that Hou: , e, he found : t hat between the sth July, 1845, and the sth Jan., 184 a, a bove a million quarters of grain, and more than a ~,,11ndrel weight of beans, had been imported into this there This did not look much like a famine: That til'ere ,the no ground for an apprehension of a famine he "ght y had ample proof in the fact, that et the time when the Right Hon. Baronet wished e ll' , ) , ° Pea the ports, the price of wheat, iu this - "trY was 565. ad a price which the Right Hon. 8 ~ Bar himself considered in 1842 to be a fair pr,ce. " O W, he trusted, the House would not consider that he ilnidervalued the responsibility of a Prime Minister; fir il l .'"'n it, he was fully alive to th anxiety whic a ;.'1!- ,ter must f ee l at a time when e a scarcity was h antici pated, and h e was fully aware that at such a time, and Mar such circumstances, a Lord Lieutenant would be mere than usually anxious to supply the Minister with ‘ l er ilf a °4 "tion upon a subject of a deficient . potato had Pai often and as frequently as possible. lie h ,no doubt that the alarming paragraphs which t- ' alight Hoe Baronet read to them on a former vete . h l° e ll ratle a g . reat impression ou . his mind ; but when h 'tight lion. Baronet was considering the , ques s t t ion, r•f e ' (:).401t tot have taken into his consideration the ate - tne markets in this couatry. 40 ~ • . He believed there were rarttes who watched the progress of the nation more el ° , i ' e t a, and who knew as well the probable chances of 4 1 , -- aoandance or scarcity in the country, as the corn trier s Had it been the unanimous opinion of all parties t.: ' B e subject that a famine might be ant i cipated, tie was "fe the tenant farmers and landlords of the country 1 aettld havejoined with him in asking the Government ta atadrnit all the produce or grain Which they could pos t get to drive away the famine, be the consequences ;N, the act what they might; but he thought they had heile proof in the price o f w h eat t h at there was no such to be anticipated, and w i t h out wishing to impute, I.e_could not h e l p t hi nking, that the cause of pro hadl long been damned in his mind.—(Cheers.) eY had been called upon to leak upon this question as a Ma ke hole, and he was quite prepared to take up the c „, a t e, Let as a thing of detail, but as a portion of . a tripreh,nsi th e , ye policy He was quite prepared to view he sub in this light, and in doing so that ' °ll4 id ask whether the gentlemen sitting on t i th an rn at - t - e e r in °l the t w he ay House were ready to aban the nieverYthing like protection, and looking upon in which it had been put before th em, h e W ould ask the tlernbers of that House whether w o ' tila were re ady to assert that in operation this measure alt .) , , Prove fair and j us t t o every c l ass i n the comnau • ny 1° P l ating this inq u i r y h e h a d no re f erence to all)articular interest, for he was equally engaged hOti Ile knew with • what ability the Rialit 4114 cfrarable Baronet at the head of the Government Preteeejnently urged the existence and preservation of Ilrit' ja i 'e duties. He knew what an immense amount ight "„rtnation, after thirty years' experience, that k 'lon. Gentleman must have attained.—(Cheers.) j 4 ti ght tw at the same time with what readiness that ,eet, '' 4.,0ra Baronet could change, his views of a sub la th at with With what talent he was ready to advocate 1 thett;' douse the opinions he now entertained.—(Loud 1 11%1.) He should wish to know whether the Ikea thernhers of that House, who were now so ready to Lliev,„" Right Hen Baronet at the head of the 1 the tn ent as his Hen. proceedings, had•been moved '4 th`,t interest or their convictions to the. present lit re th , n 1 9 et t He would wish t) know how many of them tee month ht , iat . ago were prepared to abandon pro -oss t d uties , and to agree with so much readi- S ° ' f € . e " () vote the doctrines and practice it a tl. c „ 44 ,'• Re really thought the answer would ~e.a..(La.sa.,rtous contrast between profession and prac- Ole % ""a cneers.) He wished to know how many ao to , at that time were prepared to vote with the 41 %4 ee loer for Wolverhampton —(:Mr. Villiers)?—how that " 01 the for had at that time opposed the measures of l in S (i ta ti " a arl and of the Honourable Member ill'an g -- "-Port (sh Cobden)?—(Loud cheers.) A Nel l • eha nge had. craneover the views of these gen . ,tph__ Withiathe thraeat, ea last three years, for there were nogreater 14 who " , the views of the-e Hon. Gentlemen thin laNht, for now their most efficient supporters. ale it' eortr a r ' llB own part, that if any such great change , t .'iora d bias their minds, as they now represented that ti l ltt liti A a ve been their duty to appeal to their can 4 1 , 14 te 'i st a ' u d i mitate the example of the Noble Lord, ~,t hav enl her for Dorsetshire. They would . then a th't,".l(ll4:Placed themselves in a . right position—they . Ta i l s on,, ,, a j i ven an opportunity for the termination of ~..."I n e- t '',Li ael its, and in the succeeding session of 11,`° 0 11 o f 'OY woald have stood before the country oa l teuld a,c'itn"r, principle, and truth. But what, now t 4„ 'lne E , „ ,was the position of Parliament? What 11 4 ,7c 4 b1y ? old be placed in the proceedings of a public sad ter gi ''or his own part, lie thought that when tll.o % 4 4 vinthefeeeti : toh l ::: stri t a i ° , ::: I T h h i i s , IV:i.3 piactisetl, there was _an % vir e h_ P.uhlie eeinmenee it ; public men. The question the mitre he was the th ,„,., Pl'oposittons which had emanated hater Pa.rlia.,.,llZ-",t ought not to be allowed to pass h t litry Was t'V i t fore the deliberate opinion of the Pp, e ° l lld not agree with respect to them.—(Cheers.) tlik:sed snot a "g, l•o ° itl the opinion which had been ex tih.:' tha Prose le Right Hon. Baronet (Sir Robert Peel) t1: 10 1y o,,,erlAY they had recently enjoyed was 8141 time ,"t 9 ; Jo the measures he bad brought forward cit :tiff sirs L o o f tun e. _ (Hear, hear.) Look at the state of 11 l (Lem j . this country when the Noble Lord oppo %pit ti • Russell) retired from office, and when the 4 '4 h e h el iouraul e Baronet was called to fill the 1 4 1 : 5 5 0 t.1i 0 e h i . d . At his accession great confidence was ill tr ade " o in ts ; he had a large majority in that House; t ilki ii 4 Stat e e the country was in a critical state k ttr ee o f wh , o x the greatest depression, the real conse wlii„l,ted t o le ,h was ; in his (Mr. Miler's) opinion, to be Deri'„" . , hi t d ~..elad harvests, and to the immense trade i ‘ ' ' th' tj 4 ) ," 4 Place for vears before. It was at this 4 ti„,"as ‘ te"„" e , lo -I'.ge a,mount of capital invested in rail t4!;(., " to what to answer. They had seen since that 0 er,, i a t L ektent speculation in railways had gone. 6S k eg e l'a-va foreseen the gr,at increase which e l a k e gr eas e in railways—no ore mull have fore '4o. Luottrn-„,tit,emPloyment which they have given to 1 4 ' 1°0 ; tt; - r i t e T -ss es.—(ll,-ar.) So great was the demand ~,kc„_ ' 4 ~-: in connexion with these great works, tsar my counties in England none could be ! N th. the ordinary purposes of 'tl had the l ' 4t • ' Y must look to the great in brielr - u - iron trade. The price of 3,:e1l More than doubled within the last two 1 1 ' 4 4 4 's, and • • 'A ke ay s _,, . it he might judge from the number slat tt4 d atin v'tnich would receive the assent of the ', 1 . 1 t or the present session, a relapse in that de ,‘gbktihglile t° de could not be apprehended at least for • ta- whi ch - c"nie• Let them look at the increased \z t ht Zi t h oi this in. crease in the iron trade would have iN'* c o s e trade of the country. In this trade t," % ht h ° , t. those engaged in it had been trebled. ~,4 4 ;i t h ty- j ,,t " Y took these things into consideration, ''' l l,„ - "Vilv, - "W the periodical fluctuation of prices which Itil'.l'lll4l,-11 ta ken - place—when they saw the increased 1 1 ,7ttLas '„- Which must result from the great activity .4 -°, 4 .. q 1 as i ther trades and which was quite ktls lt tr - 4 of t n ," • A l a 1 ,he Right Hon. Baronet's measures—that 85,,,, at., cdm a 1, u _sq h - w„ ead terminated—that trade had been 'e IR "'at they had had a succescion of 11 6 Ni qh Nltg .. ttj-I,') aid-g, Since the Right Honourable Baronet's . i 4 -..Q.4;,°,,,, Llee—wheti he knew all this Otik"latilzioetteve that all these advantages were WT,!'laPtior, „: 44 the Right Hon. Baronet stated, to 4.41 mhoad -` the measures which he had brought 1 4 th, N y or tol.arried through the House.—(Cheers.) Oft tibl gese advantages would h.nve taken place , ~,e e .--.41 . L rd PI") - ert.i. 4 oar cl N oPposite (Lord J. Lassen) hind been aa,Deta tb a expolft Yeitlic-r could he believe that large , e,;: t. "ata'• r Th: l , ll e l k na were evidences of the country s ll 'o t h t ? 4 4 4 - Itk viii, " 441 seen foreign markets—the ke;, l r Q u • otb er T : 4l of China—glutted with the I l't' ill e ' -11.0 8 "% CI S . of this country, which i g eld Whi c h W e hTg id t _ering ijlti th 9 time to be got rid of ! I t It) 41sar he telt e details of this measure, the first li la te ka, e the il bo und to notice was corn. e o oli es ~`4 01 .1.s ,i, •ttl i - oar -0, the b e t hat it was not his intention to t a il kt il eea s rll i acl e oa e e i ght [lon. Baronet which he had 4 1),,,t11ei, tt s lene y , at question, so as to charge hint I aye44oh„eoer w" tilitt subje c t —(Hear.) He knew V i titii. r 11 would have no weight with the tlou,,e l a r t ' l l t te b tl l l his P r incipl es had told them that he lead '/:t' ' , il,' -I' which' es, and that he now proposed to kit''''" t Ho- he himself lead passed in 1842. 11i j41 4 '144 4 11. liaronet 1 ta , hi,t b, Ists o f th coniadered that ess ta vi r et- atria, a: "e coUntry, he (Mr. Miles) for one h qr l 'irtri 4 , 1 1 .' 41 , but h e . 1 r t i 8 4 , i s 0ni ,.., coa el not consent , .. to follow \(,, I 'l ls to h 4 ' he b A y'" , l so suddenly.—(Cheers.) The liti, o rr 4 0 Iv o - ''r!, had been admitted by all th,a, a k) I t !iced well as fa the corn-laws went. D '4,..} 1 !1d, a had eon , ras !ta t i'.t i t 3 fa r ~. ULU-T(1 to great steadiness of katctitaa, h ad a n 3 , 4,7 'Hunan calculation could go, he ba , kt k 11 11d er ti '; re d the Right Hon. Baronet's ex al le il a, Me e -at law the Itie-ht on. Baronet had 41 i ii% / .„ 44 he ( N o t 1 565 . a' b • 6 a i r •' f the !- t - 4 ...r, m il • s emg a i price or . 1 - c 4t 4 e 'er i et Wh at ~., es) would like to ask the Right Li ll hAti ee ,Ow,...._ ( aice he Considered a fair price for fVe tt soa p - l e aim, , eer s.) He would he glad to know '4 l 'Ll.d er , at under a repeal of that law ? I le n'' to th at this 1 / 4 4 1 ,, li es th e f measure profered such great Nkl4 •or 1 5, farmer a s to compensate him for the a i 'Posit a ~'• a quarter for corn, which Hon. Gni rce (fir 04 4 11 t ;t tl e PP ? se d ? But the Hon. Gentleman Z a e ll,,P. Q 1 Would pie he did not consider that the ttir,,,,,,4liiattn„..4sleia) a.,kqetherediu,.cresd by_ this measure. Might a,atia;A et ., 4 ‘v ? gi l d „.",i,t3ht_.llon. Baronet why he Oi l) l it (4 ...g 0 0(1 , to ht tne Bight Hon. Baronet's ar ?l4 1,, ti on. , ignt he ask what became of the tt l) t til itt4 l l ? Th"eenitim,en opposite with respect to the tt i 4 tki b,1,1"e StOr ' git Honourable Gentleman . a tt il k ta, a , Y, and Honourable Gentlemen li ka , tlt t Phrti, "' another. Was he not justified, then, ll ' V kid • 4 t° liv s i t , u-for e they a,ked for that la aa 'ld ea - ate ‘' I) P - "lt.' *as u ' l ng the co of his conviction. Pr ant •ed t , n o „ e , es .. untry 51 ~4 oat th - stty fur the Proposed chang e ? tie4l4, 444 ,Preducerre was avast difference between th e ~, _. ,-• b.- ...._ 0 ,, ~,1 , 4 t.. hi . , ,,.. til t i na _ 7 g t , ? a harvests and cheapness i' a,„ , ant andea.ta,,at ion of corn. He was afraid iii 'l,, Baronet had been misled in his ft4l'c litt Whi ch 'tad over -estimated the pros • k .: ,, 1 , , , utimait„this country had been peced ruetal`4r. j 'et, 1, -, on this snbject an authority ed t:4 '''d e meant N ita Is ti. Prod uc ~ . Ir. Huskissol,—had said, til '"° eu by i ort 'lT a ion of corn train a4 r aip ph, ,sur e f , 1 ,,, ~ :orer un ail , SI R , ,_„.. - ti le or 1 nrr of scarcity, but a steady t t4 a, tiyateesa, „ '•Y safe fouladati f . Wth gOIAht il ''' ( Ntihierhseck Miles )sho u w i i n o bf: t g r h i a a v t e t e nC: ll 3ln i a t , F e , et ''''._ tha t: , cor n " 1 Co untry, fur hero con- ~__ ,__ 'internment wee one that affected the merchant, the eeived no state so critical as that of being de • • s hour ee see h eroe) i. eelent up. n Foreieners for a supply of corn. What eser tee reselt ; e etereseees eeeht he, reeee no man count' feretel. Dis own opinion was, that it would lead to a greater fluctuation in prices than lied ever been known--(Hear)—and that before long Hen. Members night expo er, to see the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Government coming down to the House to propose some measures to regulate trade. — (Hear, hear.) He believed that if the proposal of the Right Hon. Baronet were passed into a law it wonlii have tee eff , ct of reducing the capital of the traders os this country ; and, consequently, the amount of English speculation and enterprise ; and thrther, that the scheme would be found to be of far greeter advantage to the foreign than to our own manufacturers.— (Hear, hear.) He could not pretend to say that he had never been of a contrary opinion, but his belief at the present time was that it would lead to agricultural dis tress ; that it would also tend to lower wages in this country—e(llear)—and that the working classes would find themselves injured before the higher orders. If the proposal of the Right Hon. Baronet passed the House they might henceforth consider free trade to be the ruling principle of her Majesty's Government—(Opposition cheers)—and that sooner or later every interest must how before it.—(Hear, hear.) When they had removed erstecAon from agricultural produce he could not see with what justice the House could continue :protection upen any other.—(Hear, hear.) He felt convinced that the shipping interest and all other interests must give up all claim to protection.—(Hear.) Of what use would their navigation laws then be ? The get atest interests in the country must be neglected if this removal of agricultural could not foresee, iiad be protection should take place. Wh ere t h e sweeping ir)t)(r6rkeerlit down, wa h s t o e e n d , for one when theoubarriers lie felt convinced thaat if justice were .to be done to all parties, no protection should continue in the event of the present Government scheme being carried into effect.—(Hear, hear.) If they took the case of the Noble Lord opposite (Lord J. Rus sell)—if he were to come into power again, he (Mr. Miles) felt confident that the Noble Lord must outbid the Right Honourable Baronet—(Hear, hear)—or if he did not intend to do that, he (Mr. Miles) would be glad to hear from him what were his opinions upon the subject. Let him (Mr. Miles) take the case of the Anti-Corn-law League. Would they dissolve ? Would they retire into private life ?—(Loud laughter.) Would the lion. Member for Stockport—would the Hon. Member for Durham—cease to agitate ? Was he (Mr. Miles) not to suppose that others would rise up in their places to agitate some other question ?—(Hear.) He thought that if those opinions were once sanctioned by the Legislature, others of a similar nature would quickly meet with determined advocates.—(Hear, hear.) He thought that the Right Hon. Baronet would find that he had only fanned the flame whilst he fancied he was extinguishing it.—(Hear, hear.) But when we had got this free trade, as proposed by the Right Hon. Baronet, (which he would certainly call a one-sided free trade.)—(Hear, hear)—if he rightly understood the Right Hon. Baronet he meant this, that every Euro pean, every foreign, nation should be allowed to import their goods into this country free of duty without any corresponding advantage in return—he thought that the manufacturers of this country would find it exceed ingly difficult to compete with foreign nations un less they reduced the wages of their labourere— (Hear, hear)—for already we were successfully com peted with by the foreign markets—by those of Ger many, Switzerland, and France, in cotton goods, in hosiery, and in silks—(Hear, hear)—and unless this; country had some additional advantage over foreign countries, it would be impossible for the manufacturers of this country successfully to compete with them. We have heard, also, from the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of her Majesty's Government that the price el food does not affect the rate of wages—(Hear, hear) — and he considered it not at all unlikely that agricultural sabourers would be employed upon railways, and other works,' at a far higher rate of wages than was now paid to them. The manufacturer possessed great advantages over the agriculturist. He had an establishment much better adapted for the purposes of supervision, and he could look upon all his workmen at one glance—each has his appointed place, and each his allotted task. What cares the manufacturer what weather takes place? What is it to him if the sun shines or the rain pours down? But, Sir, can we say so of the farmer? Can he look with one glance upon his farm and his workmen? Is he subject to no vicissitudes of weather? Is lie sure of reaping what he has sown? Does he alwae s obtain his twelve hours' work from his la bourers, as these manufacturers do ? Can he limit their labour and sternly demand of them their twelve hours' toil ?—(Hear, hear.) Or do they sternly refuse to allow a reduction of two hours in their daily labour as these manufacturers do ?—(Hear, hear.) Much might be said to show that there was between the agricultural and the manufacturing interest those differences which would not admit of their being governed by the same laws and the same principles.— (Hear, hear.) It would task the energies of the labourers to the utmost if protection were to be taken from them. Again, what advantagoehave the manufacturers over the agriculturist with reference to the burdens they both had to bean? He held in his hand a return from oe'e of the largest manufacturers of cotton in the country. In that return he found that the amount of the work turned out in one year amounted to a trifle more than 700,0001., that the wages paid during that wes 30,000/., and the whole amount of the burdens amounted to the small sum of 550/., a sum scarcely worth noticing.— (Hear, hear) When he looked at the compensation offered to the landed interest for this protection which they were called upon now to give up, the consolidation of highways, the payment of medical officers, making together a trifling sum of some three or four hundred thousand pounds, spread over the whole kingdom in such a manner as scarcely to be felt, he considered they would have been more pleased •if the Right lion. Baronet had offered them nothing at all. They were told by her Majesty's Goverhment that in the West India colonies tree labour had done much for that part of the world.—(Cheers from the Opposition.) He would not detain the House with contrary proofs. They would be told that in the next year, or before the year forty-eight, that the West India colonies would derive benefit from free trade.—(Hear, hear.) But, Sir, if they were to get free trade he would ask what use were the colonies?—(Hear.) He had no objection to extend the principle of free trade, but the Government did not propose to extend the principle of free trade to the colonies. If they did, why did they not propose to take off the duty on their corn, their maize, and their other commodities, which they could send into this country in abundance ?—(Hear.) Why did they not give greater advantages to the colonies than they now propose. of 31 total repeal of protective duties were advantageous to the country ? = (Loud cheers.) They gave the traders, merchants, and manufacturers of this country a decided preference over the colonies.—(Hear, hear.) If they were to have free. trade they should in justice extend it to the colonies also. They should no longer-allow the manufacturers of this country to have a monopoly. They must enable their colonies to form a connexion independent of this country.—(Hear and cheers from the Opposition.) They had heard the system characterised as a system of fair play, and they were told that the colonies were treated fairly, and that the pros perity of the country depended on the meesure of the Right Honourable Baronet.—(lronical cheers.) He feared that the manufacturers of this country were too much stimulated, and that it was not safe to extend the enterprise of individuals; and he was sure the pro gress of trade would prove his fears were not unfounded. He felt and begged to emphatically state, that he believed he was advoc a t i ng the best in terest of this country, both the manufacturers and the agriculturists, and every class of British sub jecls, by their advocating protective duties.—(Cheers.) He begged to move the amendment of which he bad already giving notice. Sir WILLIAM lIEATHCOTE would ask per mission to second the amendment moved by the Honourable- Member who had just sat down. He considered the measure of the Minister insufficient when taken separately, and destructive of each other when combined. They overlooked the evil of shak ing the settlement of that very House of Parlia ment upon the question which was now before them. He believed that the Minister, in proposing these mea sures, had the best interests of the country in view; but he intended to oppose them, as ho believed them pre judicial to those very interests. He did not consider the measures of the Minister a large, or liberal, or im partial scheme for carrying out the principles of free trade, for he was forced to remember that pro tective duties were removed from some articles, whilst on others a very inadequite reduction had been made. But, if he did consider them impartial, he would be disposed to object to them, as he believed they would be a step in the downward course. He believed that the legislation for the last twenty years had been productive of evils far beyond what were generally observed—the poison had been concealed, but it was not the less dangerous. But it was not impartial —it was anything but, so. It was not so in appearance, and it was less so in reality. It was not in appearance, because it did not profess to take an adequate ratio in the removal of protective impositions. If the different branches of industry were to have protection in proportion to the amount of manual labour employed in them, then that department in which most manual labour wits ex pended had least protection. Those branches of labour where machinery was employed did not require any —(Hear)—and by the measure contemplated to be brought in by the Government agriculture was left without any protection at all. The measure co-Amu plated was based on a misunderstanding of the whole enbject.—(Hear, hear.) The farmer, in comparison with other persons engaged in industrial occupations in his own country, and with foreign agriculturists, was not in the same advantageous position. He will be found exposed to a very unequal pressure cf taxation. He was obliged to submit to a large amount of local expen diture, which in foreign countries was defrayed at the general charge.— (Hear.) At that moment also he was under the pressure of the income-tax--under the stamp laws ; he will also be found under a weight of heavy indirect taxation in the Customs and Excise. It will be found, . too, that while the manu facturers are able to have quick returns for the capital they have embarked, the agriculturist has to watt a long time before he receives any return.—(Hear.) He (Sir. W. H.) referred to those details for the purpese o considering the great question of compensation. —( hear.) He could us.t agree with that view which would place the country at the mercy of the foreign growers of corn. He could not forget that the farmers of this country had for the last fifty years met the wants of the consumers of corn produce according to the protection which had been afforded them. He had supported Ministers in their Canadian policy, but he could not support them in a measure which would work to the dis advantage of the interest of the country generally. Her Majesty's Ministers were now about to part with all those commercial advantages which Napoleon, in the plenitude of his power, would have considered cheap if purchased by half the THE SUN LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 10, 1846. victories he had achieved. He had supported his Right Hon. Friend at the head of the Administration, upon agreeing with his general policy, but he mast on th, present question differ with lien. The Right Honourable Baronet, however, should con cede to his supporters th e r ight of scrutinizing his mea sures, and judging whether they deservh:his support; but if he refuses to the m the right of scrutinizing particular measures, and by their doing so he is induced to thr ow up the Government, why the responsibility of the act was upon himself and not upan his supporters. Thank ing the House for their indulgence, he begged to re sume his seat, seconding the amendment. Mr. LASCELLES trusted the House would extend its indulgence whilst he suited to them the grounds which would induce him to support the measure of the Government. The Honourable Member who had just concluded his address seemed to think that the country had attained to its present eminence in consequence of the restriction of commerce. Well, if the Hon. Member thought so, he confessed the Hon. Mem ber had read history very differently to himself, for he found that since the establishment of the restrictive system nothing but distress had existed iu the countoa On the reconstruction of the Conservative Cabinet, - it was very evident what the policy was which they intended to pursue, and he must candidly assert that if the measure which had been proposed by the Right Hon. Baronet had been brought forward by the Noble Lord opposite, it would have received his unconditional support. It might be observed, with respect to sugar and corn especially, that the indications of the measures of the Government were sufficiently evident, immediately after the present Government had taken office. He had, therefore, no pledges to break, no assertions to retract, and he had no hesitation in giving his full adherence to the policy which the Right Honourable Baronet had thought it prudent to adopt. With regar d t o the course which the Government intended to pursue with those measures he mus: profess his perfect ignorance, but, at the same time, he must protest against anything like an unprin cipled change of policy. From the very first mo ment that the Government took office, the whole of their acts indicated the course which they intended to pursue. The very reasons on which the tariff was intended to be based were evi dent in the regulations laid down in its provisions. Numerous questions had been put, session after session, to the Right Hon. Baronet with respect to the corn laws, as to whether it was his intention to alter the pro tective duties or not. To all these inquiries the Right Honourable Baronet had invariably answered that he could give no pledges, but that his conduct must be directed by circumstances. Now, he did think that this was a matter of considerable importance. He believed that it was not the object of the Right Hon. Baronet to bolster up any particular system, but that it was necessary to go to the bottom of the system of restriction. When that Right Hon. Gentleman propounded his policy with respect to sugar and several other products, there was a suffi cient evidence given to the country of the policy which they intended to follow There might be suffering and distress it, individual cases, but these were occurrences which followed in all such cases ; but that was no reason why this measure should not he carried into law.—(Hear, hear.) He was so little accustomed to addressing this House, that he trusted he would be excused for having trespassed on its at tention so long. But he bad a strong feeling upon this subject ; and while he expressed his sentiments as he had done, he was placed in the painful position of adopting a course at variance with the opinions and wishes of his constituents ; but he could look back upon his past connexion with them with pride and satisfaction.—(Hear, hear.) Lord NORREYS said that having supported the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of her Majesty's Go vernment in all his measures for this country, as well as in all his Irish policy, it was with considerable regret that he now rose to express his opinions upon the proposition now before the House. He waited to hear the Hon. Baronet's explanation before he had taken any course in reference to them, because he did think that to attack him before he had developed those measures would be unfair and unmanly, and if he (Lord Norreys) had done so, he would stand degraded in his own eyes as well as in the estimation of this House.—(Hear, hear.) No doubt, the letter of the Noble Lord the Member for Landon, as well as other events that had taken place, had caused a necessity for some alteration in the existing state of the laws upon this subject. He did not expect that the Right Honourable Baronet would propose such a measure. He was free to admit the difli• culty with which he must have made up his mind for any alteration in the corn-laws, but he might have avoided the difficulty to a considerable extent. He might have taken a course which would have opened the eyes of the agriculturists to the position in which they then stood. If the Right Hon. Baronet had refused to return to power until the Noble Duke had had the Government offered to him, he would have adopted the proper course.—(Cheers and laughter.) That vas the course which would have opened the eyes of the agri culturists, and would have enabled the Honourable Baronet to have proposed a far different measure. ge was sorry that the course taken by the Right Hon. Baronet was not in accordance with the advice he gave in 1839. There was more necessity for an alteration then than there was now. Was the con duct of the Right Honourable Baronet consistent with his measures in 1839, 41, and 42 ? He had once objected to a duty of Bs, per quarter, and he now came to Parlia ment to propose a duty of 4s. and that to be followed by total repeal. What inference could he draw but that the Right Honourable Baronet had been wanting, not in political integrity, hut in po litical foresight. He had heard his Friend, the Right Hon. Member for Edinburgh, upbraid him with inconsistency in his political principles with re gard to the corn-laws. He (the Right Hon. Member for Edinburgh) had charged the Right Hon. Baronet with declaring one thing out of office and another while in office, and had, during his remarks, used a quotation which he (Lord Morris) thought very applicable to the case, and which were simpy the words of Dido, " IVusquanz tufa fides."—(Loud laughter.) He should say that if the measure should be carried it would not be carried from the conviction of its wisdom or necessity, but because, seeing that the thing was inevitable, the supporters of the Right Honourable Baronet would prefer doing for him what they would not be inclined to do for the Noble Lord opposite (Lord John Russell). But why, supposing that the First Minister of the Crown thought fit to change his opi nions, should his followers change theirs ?—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) Whatever might be the result of the measure, for the consequences the Right. Hon. Baronet should be responsible.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. B. COCHRANE could not agree in the notions of many gentlemen who preceded him ; and, looking to the history of the corn-laws, he was compelled to say that he did not see any violation of principle (as we understood the Honourable Member) in the present conduct of the Ministry. Protection existed previous to the Revolution. An alteration took place in the laws in the year 1773, and again in 1791. The next alteration took place in 1822, and subsequently in 1842, when the Bill was introduced, which they were then called upon to overthrow altogether.—(Hear, hear.) In all this there was no principle, or if there were, it arose from a breach of faith. There was another point in which he differed with the Honourable Gentleman who had addressed the House. It had been stated that Members of Parliament had no right to support this measure, unless they first appealed to their constituents. The authority of Mr. Pitt had been asked, and great importance was attached to his opinion, Now, what said Mr. Pitt in 1798, when pro posing the legislative union with Ireland? He said if the question of Parliamentary confidence was sepa rated from Parliament, on the principle that it had no right to decide without an appeal to the people, they would be adopting a principle most dangerous to the state, and one of per version of all principles of political society. He could not understand such a principle. He might point to an answer to it— that the Septennial Act war passed by a House elected under a three years' system • that the Ronan Catholic R e li e f B i ll was carried by' a House returned on principles opposed to that measure. It was impossible to define the limits of Parliamentary ac countability. If the principles maintained by the Honourable Gentleman who had addressed the House in favour of protection was to be acted upon, it would make that House a mere assembly of delegates, instead of a deliberative and legisla tive asssembly, leaving gentlemen divested of h tl e ie ar.) pri Ivtilewgeouldof be arg mostuna e n d t a n a g n c d , r u r s e fl a ec n t d i o . de — ro ( g i 4 l t c o a r r y , to the character of that House, if it was to be held that no Member should be at liberty to alter his opinion, supposing he had seen good reason for that change. The Right Hon. Gentleman at the head of the Government had been charged with great inconsistency in bringing forward this measure. He (Mr. B. Cochrane) did not see that other public gentle men were more consistent than the Right Hon. Baronet. Honourable Gentlemen were in the habit of quoting Hansard to serve their purposes, but that pub lication would servo the purposes of others as well as those who used it. One gentleman quoted Mr. Hus kisson's opinion in 1814, while another quoted his opinion in 1828. They might refer to what Mr. Can. ning said in 1827, in contrast with what he advanced in 1815. He might refer to Lord Ashburton, who was now an advocate of protection, yet who in 1820 presented a petition from the citizens of London, praying for a total repeal of all commercial restrictions " Facies non omnibus una." He could not agree that all public men were dishonest because they changed their opinions. On either side such a doctiine was unfair.—(Hear.) It was ridiculous to propose an unalterable law. Who ever did so was an unalterable fool—(Great laughter)— but a public question was not like a meta physical question ; he would say himself, if he might be allowed so long to trespass on the House, that he had seen many changes, and he did lament the necessity that drove a nation on from change to change. Why, they had seen an entire change in their commercial relation proposed within the last twelve days; they found those changes going on perpetually. They found many changes within the last six years. Who could say that this law was to re main unchanged? There was another point to which he would wish to draw attention, and that was with re ference to the Reform Bill. He wished to remind them how that Bill was passed. Who were in office when the Reform Bill passed? Why, the Noble Duke now in office was at the head of the Agri cultural Association, when that Bill passed. There was another Noble Lord associated with their Majesty's Government at that period, who was now se parated from them. The Government of that day, of which that Noble Lord was a member, threatened to swamp the House if that Bill were not pissed. An HON. MEMBER interrupted, but in so low a tone, that he was quite inaudible in the gallery. Mr. B. COCHRANE would affirm that such was the case. But it mattered not. .the Government the people had confidence. When the Right lion. Baronet resigned the post he held, the funds fell, but the instant he resumed his official position they rose. In these times it was important to have a Government in which the people could place confidence; and this should not be overlooked in a discussion like the one be fore the House ; but they must not forget that there were parties in the country whe had no confidence in the Govern ment, or in the measures which they had brought forward. This was ably urged by the Noble Lord opposite (Lord John Russell) in his' addresss to his constituents, and said there should be no surrender of those principles which the present Government had pledged themselves to support. If the Hon. Baronet, in bringing forward this measure had talked of the clamour which had been raised against these duties which be proposed to reduce, or abolish—had he steeled that he had given way in consequence of the agitation that had been carried on in the country—that :act he had been obliged to surrender his conscientious opinions to the pressure from without, he could have under stood his position, and aided in extricating from the difficulties which environed him, but he did not state anything of the kind. He only stated that his opinions had undergone a great change, and that he founded the measure he had brought for ward on this alteration. Let them take any person unbiassed by party feeling or by prejudice, and if they told him that all the wealth and greatness of this country had grown up under three institutions, which every other country envied, but which none had successfully imitated—if you said it had grown up principally under the reign of Tory Ministers, all in favour of the relaxation of commercial restrictions—under the go vernment of such men as Lord North, Mr. Pitt, Mr, Hug kisson, and Mr. Canning—he could scarcely be brought to believe that such changes had been proposed by a statesman who had stated that he was a supporter of the principles advo cated by these great men. Mr. Pitt, in bringing forward his commercial treaty with France in 1787, spoke in similar language to that used by the Right Hon. Baronet the other night. Who could accuse a man of inconsistency because he said that he could not see why there should not be a kindred spirit be tween a free commerce and a free country ? When the present measure was brought forward, in 1842, by the Right Hon. Ba ronet, what he (Mr. Cochrane) said was this—that he thought that any state in the agricultural interest was better than a state of uncertainty. Now, he would ask the House whether there had been any confidence in the country since that period? The farmers had entertained differences as to whether the corn-laws would be repealed in five or ten years; but on this point they were agreed, viz., that the c orn -l aws cou ld no t b e maintained. No w , Hon. entlemen around him might say that the reason was that the farmers had no confidence in her Majesty's Government. —( Hear.) There had certainly been of late a great change in the policy of the country; but he knew that in Scotalnd the farmers had openly said that they were totally indifferent about the corn-laws.—(Hear, hear.) In Scotland they gave nineteen years leases, and he believed if they did the same thing in England there would be much more indifference among the English farmers than there now was with respect to the corn-laws. —(Heer, hear.) In all times of excitement, the people considered the Prime Minister either the greatest saviour or traitor of his country ; as in ancient times the people of Rome pronounced the chief of the Senate to be either a lord or a tyrant. He (Mr. Cochrane) considered the Right Hon. Baronet to be neither the one nor the other—(Laughter)—but he did consider bins to be a Mi nister who had done his best for the good of his country in her emergencies.—( Hear. hear.) In 1830 a case exactly parallel occurred—the Right Hon. Baronet lost his office, and we had a Whig Goeernitent. He (Mr. Cochrane) would vote for the present measure, because he had confidence in the financial policy of the present Government. He would vote for this measure, on precisely the same principle as the Hon. Member for Newcastle had laid down before the House a few nights ago —that was, because he had confidence in her Majesty's Minis ters. He went for this measure, because he preferred wise legislation to agitation, and freedom to protection. He protested against protection to one class, in preference to another; if there were to be protection, let there be protection to all classes and to all interests in the British empire.--( Hear, hear.) Protec tion in the hours of darkness and of trouble, which he trusted to God were far from us. He would vote for this measure principally because in doing so he should show that he did not entertain any partial feeling toward, or prejudice against, any particular class. He was determined to be guided by no pri vate interest or prejudice or partial views, and he would do (humble though it might he) as much as he could towards the lowering of the burdens of the people of this great country. He would contribute his humble mite (wrongfully it might be, but at all events most sincerely) to increase the welfare of his country, and especially of the poor, though not less loyal, classes of his fellow subjects.—( Cheers. ) Mr. DEEDES was aware that in rising to address the House upon so important a subject, and at so early a period of the debate, he was laying himself open to the charge of great presumption. But when he considered the great im portance of the question with regard not on l y to the su bj ect itself, but also with reference to the interests* of all classes of her Majesty's subjects—when he considered this, nothing but an imperative sense of duty would compel him to offer himself to their notice at this period of the debate, and he hoped that he should be favoured with the attention of the House—(Hear, hear)—and at the same time with a liberal. portion of that in dulgence which was wont to be bestowed on all who, like him self, laboured under the disadvantage of addressing this House for the first time.—( Hear, hear.) He was much tempted to* offer his opinions upon a previous night; he, however, refrained from so doing on the ground that it appeared to him to be understood that no discussion upon the merits of the question was to be entered into, and also because he was desirous of removing from himself all imputation which might be cast upon him for having formed a too - hasty opinion upon so great a subject, or that he had arrived at a conclusion which a more mature con sideration would not have warranted him in doing. He was glad that he had thus abstained from speaking on a former oc casion, because he had had the opportunity since then of meeting, in the county for which he was a Member, a very large body of his constituents, and of hearing their opinions upon this important subject. He was therefore at this period fortified by the unanimous opinion of a large portion of his constituency, who had met for the purpose of deliberating upon the matter, and expressing their opinions upon the same. Under these circumstances, he trusted that the opinions he might now express would receive a more favourable recept ion than if spoken only upon his own authority. ..4 Hear, hear. ) He assured the Hon. Member for Finsbury (Mr. Wakley), who was kind enough upon a former occasion to give a cau tion to Hon. Members upon that side of the House as to the mode of employing the intervening time between that and the present occasion, and warning us that we should take care how we stirred up the anger of the people, and what would be the effects of having recourse to agitation. He was happy to assure the Hon. Member that he would have seen, had he been present at the meeting to which he alluded, that his friendly advice had been followed to the utmost; that nothing but the most decorous conduct had been evinced, and that there was a total absence of everything like angry feeling in the discussion of the subject. The Hon. Member for Fins bury told them he never attended the meetings of the League. He would say that he was sorry he did not, for it might have had the effect of repressing thee(' violent and angry discussions which so frequently took place. His ex ample might have had a salutary influence on that body in discussing a measure which he acknowledged to be of great importance. He would venture to say that the Hon. Gentleman opposite looked on the measure as one of the greatest importance, and that it involved nothing more or less than a complete and total wiping from the Statute book of the country all protection to native industry which the wisdom of their forefathers had instituted. Sir, let it be remembered, that under the very operation of these very laws this country arrived at a position in the scale of nations which has been long her glory and her pride. It was reserved for the present rulers of this country to prove that those laws ought to be ex punged from the statute book, and that they were only bound to legislate in such a manner as would do everything to open the doors to foreigners and drive the corn of this country out of the market. He considered that the extent of the changes which they were now called on to make were of a description which should only be come to once in a hundred years; for seldom could arise circumstances which would justify so complete a revolution as an alteration of this law would create.—( Hear.) Now would the House think it possible that so late as the year 1842 these very laws received the deliberate sanction of both Houses of Parliament, and that at that time the principles of protection were fully acknow ledged by the very parties who were now for removing all re strictions from corn imported into this country.--( Hear. ) What can be said when they found that the same gentlemen who in 1842 sanctioned the laws which we now find on the statute book are the same gentlemen who in 1846 seek to erase those laws. It would be for the gentlemen who now advise this measure to justify theiechange of opinion, and he doubted not that in their own convictions they were doing what was right.. He was the hist man to uphold the doctrine that public men were not at liberty to change their political opinions. But that change must be made with caution, it should be made with care, lest public confidence would be shaken in them Pie could assure the Right Honourable Baronet. that on this, as well as on every other occasion, he believed that the Right Hen. Baronet had been actuated in his course of public conduct by the convictions of his own conscience. In early life he (Mr. Deedes) had always been in the babitof looking up to the Right Hon. Baronet as his political leader, but, in the mean ti me , h e h a d never hesitated to oppose those measures which he brought forward, which he believed not adapted for the interests of the country. As long ago as 1829, when he brought forward the Catholic Emancipation Act, not being able to approve of the course taken by the Right Honourable Baronet, he, as a member of the convocation, felt it his duty to oppose his return. In the last session of Parliament he opposed his measure with refer ence to Maynooth. He mentioned these facts only, because he desired to state that on those great public questions he never doubted that he was actuated by any other than honest and proper motives.—( Hear, hear.) With reference to the potato failure in Ireland, he was of opinion that the agricultural pro tectien meetings, though much abused, would have been ready and willing to have assented to any measure calculated for the relief of their fellow-subjects.—( Hear, hear.) But he could not go further, for he could not see why the corn-law of 1842 was to be altered. He believed that that measure exceeded the most sanguine expectations of even its framer. The producer got by it a fair remuneration for his industry, while the consumer did not pay an extravagant price for the articles of his consumpti on .-_ ( Hear, hear .) The Right Hon. Baronet in his speech re ferred to the thriving state of t he countr y for the last thr ee years. Now it should be understood that this state of things took place under the operation of the amended and r ev i se d l aw of 1842, brought on by hireself.—( Hear, hear.) In the next session, therefore, it was strange that he should call upon them to exchange that very law ; and, anxious as be (Mr. D ee d es ) was to give the Right Hon. Gentleman his support, he could not, according to the best bestof his judgment, support him on the . 1 present occasion, Right Hon. Baronet intimat e d a l so that foreigners would time their manufactures in exchange for the corn which they would supply. He (Mr. Deedes) was not quite sure that such a result would follow, and he asked the Right Hon. Baronet if the alteration was not an experiment on the native industry of the country— (Hear, hear)—and supported though it might be by the influ ence and the arguments of the Right Hon. Gentlem an , h e would not give way, from an apprehension of the dange r w hi c h if would accompany it. He feared that these measures were adopted, the country would be made dependant on foreigners for a supply of the very first article of their food.— ( Hear, hear.) He deprecated such a state of things, and the very first argu ment brought forward by the Right Hon. Gentlem an a few in evenings ago, reference to the failure of the potat o crop, con firmed him in such an opinion. Belgium, Sweden, and other places, he stated, had placed restrictions on the exportation of that article, and prevented this country from obtaining any sup ply. He (Mr. D ) required no further argument to induce him to refuse his assent to the measures brought forward by the Right Hon. Baronet.—(Cheers.) The Eight Ho n . B aronet had also stated that no material change would take place in the price of corn in the event of the contemplated measures becom in e law,—(Hear, hear.) Did the Anti-Corn-law League say so?—(lronical cheers from the Ministerial side of the House. ) Their argument with respect to the abolition of agriculture / protection was quite the reverse. They said that it would re duce the price of corn.—( Hear, hear.) The Hon. Gentleman then read an extract from a letter which he had received from one of his own friends confirmatory of the views he had ex pressed, and proceeded to say that the Tiestion before the House was w' Cher this taxation should bear entirely on the pro ducers or on e consumers by the present effect of the corn laws. He en rely concurred as to the propriety of calling thi s t o question a landlord question. He was of opinion that the plan of the Right Hon. Baronet would have the effect of throwing the poorer sort of soils entirely out of cultivation. He would give his best attention to the measures before the House, but he could not think that the ocofrnth-ilsawcosunoturgyh:outlod be he car i r n i t e e d rf o e u re t d of wit:tahn H ha e. t th fe is ar d e e d fa t l h ea at if we have to purchase corn f rom f ore i gn countr i es, the specie ton in the amo un t o f t h e specie which went out of the Bank d t of England, combined with the limitation of the paper money issue, would occasion great confusion,- in fact, ruin both in commercial and . agricultu ra l pursu i ts. Looking with these views on the subject, and bearing strongly in mind the lan guage of the Right H on . B aronet and his colleagues in 1812 on this question, he could no t cons i stently with his own con victions follow him ( Sir R. P ee l) an d give his support to the measure. He desired to th an k t h e House for their kind atten - tion on this his first attempt at a d dressing them , and would sit down trusting that Divine P rov i dence would enable them so to shape their measures with moderation and justice that the issue would result in benefit to the whole nation. Sir J. WALSH thought that the party to which he was attached must be admitted to be th e organ of opinion of a great multitude of the population of this country, and he thought they might come forward to defend themselves from imputa tions of a personal character which h a d b een showered upon them throughout the country. The H onoura b le Gentlemen opposite had held them up as the weak and impotent advocates of a base and selfish monopoly. They bad been represented as acting by no other method, and impelled by no other aim, than that of maintaining the rent of the landlords. He thought that they appeared before the House under circumstances of great disadvantage, as they had been deprived, by the sudden change of opinion of the Right Honourable Baronet, of the able advo cacy of their case, on which on former occasions they were ac customed to depend. The Right Honourable Gentleman had accompanied his measure with some proposals of compensation and alleviation to the landlords. They (the landlords) were bound to give their opinion, and to defend their character from the charges which had been brought against them. He would deny that they considered this matter as a question of rent, and of rent alone. But before he entered on that subject, he would ask, whether, if they were to argue the question on that narrow basis—whether, if they were to consider it on the Cir cumscribed circle of rent—if, even on that ground, it was not a question which might not well engage the attention of the House ? From the return of 1843, which had been moved for, by the Hon. Member for Wolverhampton, it appeared that the amount at which the rental of land in England had been assessed to the in come - tax was 45,750,000/. This was the amount in Great Britain alone ; and he thought a further sum of from 15,000,000. to 20,000,000/, for the, rental of Ireland was only a fair average. This was a question of rent", involving the consideration of a sum amounting to 60,000,000/. of yearly income. He would ask, how was this income divided? When Hon. Gentlemen opposite talked about the rents of the landlord, which had been published in their addresses throughout the country, immediately nothing else was suggested than the territorial revenue of some great pro prietors, of some Duke of Northumberland, Duke of Bedford or Sutherland, or some of those wealthy commoners whose estates and possessions rivalled the most ancient and extensive domains of the peerage itself He would however remind the House that there were entire counties in England in which there was no such thing, comparatively speaking, as an estate. There were counties in which small plots of land were owned and cultivated by yeomen—by farmlsrs, to whom the lands had descended by a long ancestry, who themselves held and cultivated the soil. Another most numerous class was the small retired tradesman, who with that love of rural life which characterises an Englishman, had invested the fruits of a life of industry, strict and successful enterprise, in the purchase of land. Mr. M'Cullock had estimated the number of landed proprietors, small and large, of Great Britain, at 200,000. Thus 200,000 persons, with their families and do mestics, dependent upon them, were interested directly in that question of land. He would say, on that ground the question should not be considered as a mere narrow class in terest. The land inter est was one on which depended the well being of a great proportion of the people. The question must necessarily involve in it the interest of the tenant-farmer, and of all connected with agriculture. The Right Hon. Baronet who had brought forward the measure, had stated that the great relaxation which would be given to the duties on articles of consumption, would form a counterbalancing equivalent to any loss which the farmer might sustain—that the greater cheapness of many articles would be an equivalent for any dimi nution of rent, or for any injury that might accrue fromjhe want of protection. The theory ofrent was a simple one. It depended on the state of cultivation of land. Good soils were more profit able than poor soils. The profits of the farmer enabled him to pay proportionably. But what would be the result if a great quantity of foreign wheat were brought in, so that the farmer's profits would be diminished. Why, his capital would be wasted, and the poorer soil of lands would be thrown out of cultivation. He would no longer be able to employ his capital profitably, and the whole agricultural population would feel the evil effect. Many causes conspired to render protection neces sary for the farmer. There were fluctuations in the currency to which the farmer was exposed equally with those engaged in commerce and trade. He had also to contend against the will of Providence as regarded the elements; the vicissitudes of the weather were fraught with danger to him. Since the year 1815, the population had increased by upwards of six millions. and what had been the history of commerce and manufactures since the year 1815 ? Hon. Gentlemen opposite said that re strictive laws cramped commerce, and yet, since the period he had mentioned, a most extraordinary and rapid increase had taken place in all our staple manufactures. It might, however, be said that the agriculture of the country had reached its utmost limit of improvement, and therefore they must look to other countries for supplies. So far from that being the case, there never was a period when agriculture was more calculated to take a great stride in advance. Never was there a period when capital was more ready to be applied to the improvem en t of agriculture than now, if they would but give it security. So far from agriculture in this country having reached its utmost limits of improvement, he believed that it was at present only in its infancy. Much had been said about the peculiar burdens on land. Those peculiar burdens had been denied by Hon. Gentlemen opposit e . Th ey were fi rst denied by the Hon. Member for Montrose and by the Hon. Member for Sheffield; and it had been asked by those Hon. Members and others what the peculiar burdens upon land were. The peculiar burdens upon land pressed as heavily upon agricultural, as the metropolitan police-rate would anon the shoemakers of London, if that rate were imposed upon that body exclusively, and he considered this an apt illustration of the position of the agriculturists. He could not but look upon the proposed change as a leap in the dark. The repeal of the corn-laws would cause corn to come from quarters from which it was not now expected. Corn would then be g rown i n S pa i n , a nd sen t t o this country. When he was at Hamburgh, in 1813, a merchant informed him, that it was perfectly practicable to purchase corn in any quantity at 365. per quarter, and to freight it over to . this country at 4s. per quarte r . I n deed such was the competition between the Danish, the Hanoverian, and Hamburgh ship owners, that corn might be sent to Hull or London at Is. per quarter. If that were the case, how severely would the pro posed measure be felt in this country. The Right . Hon. Gen tleman took the state of Ireland as one cause for this change. He (Sir J. Walsh) was too well acquainted with that country, net to be aware of the appalling consequences that would follow a failure of the potato , crop and lie was perfectly ready to admit that there was no practicable measure which they ought not to adopt to alleviate such a great calamity. But he could not conceive how a calamity of this sort, which, however frightful, must, in its very nature, be temporary, could be made a pound lighter for the proposed change. Was the present state of Ireland a sufficient cause for a permanent alte ration of the law ?—( Hear, hear.) The general state of Ireland was one of the strongest arguments that could be used in favour of the present law. Ireland was purely an agricultural country. There was a denser population in that country than in this, and they were entirely dependent upon agriculture. The trade in agricultural produce between England and Ire land was one of the greatest links and bonds of union that could possibly exist between the two countries. There were two great links—one was the trade in agricultural produce, and the other was the Protestant Church of Ireland. They were going to destroy the one, let them take care to defend the other. The Right Honourable Gentleman based his measure on the experience of the last three years. He ( Sir J. Walsh) was sure that public opinion, and that posterity, whose suffrages the Right Hon. Gentleman was so richly desirous of obtaining, would consider that another cause had been in operation in England some two years past, which had had a most powerful effect in producing this result. He believed that the efforts and funds of the Anti- Corn-law League had produced the change which that House had been called upon to sanction. The Anti-Corn-law League Association was the seeond joint stock agitation company which had produced so important a change in the policy of this coun try. Let them.read the history of the first, and then jet. them solve him this problem: '.-1 - loa..Stitiy'amoilb of theichtepealt alll - would it take to crush the independence of Parliament? —( Cheers.) This was an evil that some day er other the Minister would have to grapple with, and this was a system which could not long co-exist with the representative Government, but must sooner or later prove the distruction of its independence. He opposed this measure because he believed it to be a dangerous experiment upon the resources of this country, and he opposed it doubly because he believed it had been brought about by the influence of an asso ciation which he considered every lover of order and a regular Government was bound to oppose. Mr. B. HOPE wished to say a few words upon this im portant measure. He would discuss the question upon the simple ground of whether or not the present Parliament was morally as well as equally bound to maintain protection.— ( Cries of " Oh," from the Opposition benches.) Who were the Parliament that were elected five years ago, and who was the party that elected them ? In 1841 there was a great struggle—whether it was right or wrong was not the question— the Right Hon. Baronet led that struggle against free trade, when the Noble Lord, the then Member for the city of Edin burgh, made a last effort to maintain the Whig Government which had existed since the year 1830, and which in the national course of events had become a great fete. The Noble Lord, the Member for the city of London, brought forward a measure for free trade, but the opposition of the To ries compelled the Noble Lord to appeal to the country upon it, and then in the teeth of the cry of " cheap bread" they were returned to the present Parliament, pledged as protectionists, and pledged to crush repeal. The people returned the Right Hon. Baronet as the leader of that party, and now, in the year 1846, they were called upon to pass the very same measure — nay, a stronger and more sweeping measure, if possible, which they had pledged themselves to their constituents to oppose, right or wrong. This had now becom e a matter of principle ; and by what measure of political expediency any change could be_ justified, he was at a loss to understand.— (Hear, hear.) To be sure the Right Honourable Baronet was elected in 1841 by his party, and he is still their leader,. but the Right Hon. Baronet should recollect, neither himself nor the Noble Lord, the Member for the City of London, nor the Hon. Member for Stockport, nor any other leader of any political party, was such by hereditary right. He was the leader of his party simply and solely, as being she exponant of their principles, and of course he maintained that po,ition as long as their principles agreed ; and it could not be a natter of sur prise to him it his party, finding that he has altered or de serted the principles by which they elected him, should again retire to chose th<ir own leader, or each to take his own line for himself.—( Hear, hear, and laughter.) Such ought to be the case now, for the Right lion. Baronet has brought for ward a free trade measure, in a speech abounding in the same glowing eloquenee as that which he use d w hil e tram p ling under his feet, in that House of Conimons, or that Parliament, and during the early debates of the present Par liament, the very principles of which this measure was to early out.—( Hear, hear.) And upon wh a t groun d was this chanav to be made? Last Tuesday week they wet e 'all present, and heard the grounds, and what were they? Th ey h a d a long and very clear exposition of the Right Hon. Baronet's views ; but what were the arguments which the Right Hon. Baionet advanced to show that the mea sure , w hi ch in 1841 would have been the destruction of the kingdom, should now be its salva tion. What did the Right Hon. Baronet mean by true Con servative policy, or what was true Conservative policy ? To ryism was a tangible thing—Whigism was a tangible thing— Protectionism was a tangible thing—and so was free trade. All these things have their meanings, but what meaning was there in the new word Conservatism? —that word which he heard in 1832, at a time when the old Tory party, finding a difficulty in gathering together under their old banner, ventured to rally round and support—what ? Toyrism ? no ; Whigism ? no ; but Conservatism. Toryism and Whigism was now no more; and, in his opinion, Conservatism ought long ago to have been sent to the catacomb of all the hoaxes.—( Laughter.) The Right Hon. Baronet came down to that House ih the end of 1841, to advocate protection, and for what reason ? Why, he because it was consistent ; and now, in the beginning of 1846, the same Right Hon. Baronet came down to that House to advocate Conservatism ; and what did he say was his reason for doing so ? Why, because it was consistent with the principles of true Conservatism. This might be true Con servative policy, but it was not the policy to serve the intention , of his own party. There was a minister once of great power, who lived before the days of the House of Commone, and when the power of En land was exercised by the Crown, and not by the people. This minister ruled with strength for a time, but he became a little too arrogant, and adopted as his motto, " Ego et rex mews," and it ultimately proved his downfall. Let other ministers beware lest they meet their fall in the cry of " I and my party."—( Hear and laughter.) Honourable members who were elected strong protectionists, were, upon this principle of following their leader, brought down to the House of Com mons on last Tuesday week without the common courtesy, which in former days was resorted to in measures of minor im portance, and called upon to do that, which in 1841, they had pledged themselves not do. In 1841 he knew some thing of what was going to take place. The West India Sugar Bill was then an important question, and the Conservative party was called together to consider what might be its effect and operation, but now when the old com mercial system of the country was to be revolutideized, they were not called together to consult on the subject—this would have been contrary to the principles of true Conservative policy. This would have been a bold measure for the consideration of a new Parliament, but now they were going to consider it in a Parliament which was nearly extinct. Protectionism had been the policy of England for upwards of a century, but now they were going to do away with it, and when the measure reached the House of Lords, it would be moved by the Lord Chancellor from that memorable emblem of Protection to British Industry, the Woolsack ; which, ever since the time of Ed war d t h e T hird, had been placed in the House of Lords as the seat of its highest and most honoured officer of the state, and probably as a memento to warn th e P arliament of England of what and in what its true policy should be.—( Hear, hear, and much laughter.) Wh et h er that policy was right or , wror:g, it does seem strange that they should be called upon by a Minister, who, in 1841, advocated it in the strongest terms, to abandon it altogether.—( Hear, hear.) But the Right Hon. Baronet might say there was no o th er course open to him ; but he thought, as he had done on for mer occas i ons, that there were two or three courses open to him.—( Hear, hear, and laughter.) The Rig ht Honourable Baronet might h ave di sso l ved the Parliament, and that, in his opinion, would have been one and a better course ; or the Right Hon. Baronet mi g ht h ave come boldly forward, and told them, as the Noble Lord the Member for the City of London—whose great openness and straightforwardness, he was willing to admit, entitled the Noble Lord to great credit—had done from the city of Edinburgh—that he had supported pro tection till he could do so no longer, and that as he was now satisfied that the principles of all his former life were erroneous he was prepared to give up the Government, and tender the Opposition his warmest support in carrying free trade.— ( Loud Opposition cheers.) That would have been a policy which they would have commended, whatever their private views might have been, and looked upon it as a magnanimous attempt on the past of the Right Hon. Baronet for the well-being of his country.—( Cheers.) The Noble Lord and his supporters opposite had a right to have the credit of passing their own measure. They had a right to demand that the conduct of a measure in which they spent all their lives should be left to them, and the Right Hon. Baronet having been placed in power in 1841 by protectionists, he called on bins to give it up to them. These were the views which had led; him to the determination of supporting the amendment, but he supported it the more, because, by doing so, he recorded his protest against a system and policy which he was sorry to see being adopted as being one that must diminish the expedi ency, if any, and add no lustre to the very best system of ab stract legislation.—(Cheers.) Lord SANDON was one of those who would support the measure, although it did not meet with his approbation.— ( Laughter.) He was sorry that the arguments of the Right Hon. Baronet in its favour were so flimsy, and thought those argu ments would not justify a sudden changing of opinion which had prevailed for years.—(Hear, hear.) He insisted that the wages of the labourer depended on the price of corn, and declared that experience both at borne and abroad proved that the rate was varied by the fluctuation in the prices of grain. He had yet to learn that it was an established principle of political economy that increased consumption pro duced high prices, and protested that the experience of three years in some minor articles of commerce did hardly justify so extensive an experiment as the present. During the present state of uncertainty the farmers were in a most helpless state.---( Hear, hear.) He knew he should be told by Hon. Members on the other side of the House that this was not the farmers but really the landlord's question.— (Hear, hear.) Abstractedly speaking that was no doubt true. If there was a bad harvest farmers would expect the landlords to make abatements in their rents ; abatements were made, and consequently so far the landlords suffered. All their capital was embarked in land, and year by year they found that that capital was dwindling away, till at last they were compelled to take refuge in some other profession. But he would lastly take the case of the farmer and his laboJers. Those of all others suffered the most in times of agricultural distress.—(Hear, hear.) The first struggle which the farmer made to meet th e distress was by diminishing the number of his laborers. That step of course added to the number of paupers in the country. Those were the reasons then why he would vote for the measure of the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Government, although he disapproved of it. Though he (Lord Sandon) disapproved of his proposal, still he felt that the Right Hon. Baronet must be supported, because he felt convinced that by the Right Hon. Baronet the country must be governed. He felt that unless questions of this nature, were settled by very great masses of enlightened opinion, a country ike England could not long be properly governed. He felt that when opinions hostile to protection had been enun • dated by the great leaders on both sides of the House—( Hear) —they ought to be supported by tlio great body of the people. He had now arrived at this position—viz., that all the members of her Majesty's Government, with the exception, he believed, of two, had expressed themselves in favour of free trade—all, with the exception of the two Hon. Members to whom he had alluded, had given their sanction to the proposal then before the House. He confessed that the question seemed to him to be no longer a matter of discussion—it was merely a question of time. For his own part, he believed that the sooner the measure of the Right Hon. Baronet was passed into a law, so much the better would it be for the coun try at large.--( Hear, hear.) The measure, he confessed, would entail some difficulties upon those concerned in the agriculture of the country; but their difficul ties could not last more than a few months— certainly not more than twelve. But it was better that the question should be decided without further delay, for it was only, as he had before said, a matter of time; postpone the matter as the might, they would have to come to the sense result at last.—( Hear, hear. ) He believed he had spoken at some length of the peril of the experiment, but he could not say that peril would extend so far as was apprehended by lion. Mem bers opposed to the measure. For the sake of the millions of the country, he believed that it would be well that the present uncertainty on the question of food should be removed. But he could not see the process by which those advantages antici pated by Honourable Members ssho advocated tree trade would be realised. He had seen in the course of his life the price of corn down as lo e as 555., and that was termed by the agriculturists a paying price. If the present proposal were carried into a law, he really believed that instead of land going out of cultivation, it would he much more cultivated, and, of course, more labourers would be employed. He could not think that Hon. Members need anti cipate the risk, which they appeared to do, of the land going out of cultivation. He did entertain a hope that, although much individual misery would have to be gone through in the event of this measure being passed into a law, the vessel of England would sail much more safely and smoothly than it did at pre sent.—( Hear, hear. ) Those were the general reasons why he had determined to support the Right Hon. Baronet's proposi tion. He saw in that measure great wisdom, and although there was involved in it a perilous experiment, at the same time he did not s h are i n t h e amount of apprehension that was entertained by Hon. Members in favour of protection. Under those circumstances, he felt bound to give his support to the measure, nd he conceived he was right in doing so. Lord JOHN RUSSELL then rose and said, I believe, Sir, I am about the first to speak, upon this side, upon the impor tant question before the llonse.—( Hear, hear.) And while 1 shall give my vote on the same side with the Noble Lord who has just addressed the House, I cannot help saying that 1 shall do so with better heart and hope.—( Hear, hear, and laughter.) Sir, I will not attempt to deny the importance of this question. Hon. Gentlemen en the other side of the House, whom I have heard, and who assent to the proposition of her Majesty's Ministers, say what is quite true, when they say that the system of protection has been a system of legislation adopted for one particular class.--( Hear, hear.) Sir, I am not at all terrified by that enunciation.—( Hear, hear.) I know very well that for centuries religious disability was the system of this country.—( Hear.) I know that for centuries the want of security and liberty of the person was the system of the Legislature of this country. But I am happy to acknow ledge that great benefits have flown from the destruction of the system, and I hope we are now at the commencement of the destruction of another system which has been injurious to the country, and that we shall hereafter be proud of having participated in the foundation of a new and a better order of things.—( Cheers.) It appears, sir, that the question with respect to the corn-laws, which in former years had been almost confined, has been of late, but especially in meetings and discussions in the co u nt r y, w id ene d t o the w hole princi pl e of protection, but those who have d e fended the present co s r o. and n laws wish in maintaining them to avoid all appearance they of fishness or legislation for a particular class, have said that they wish all native industry to be protected. (Hear, hear.) But, Sir, the Honorable Gentleman who seconded the amendment to-night seemed to confess—or at least appeared to have said so—that all native industry was not entitled to protection. When we come to the question of protection of native industry we find various branches of industry—the great cotton manufactures, the woollen manufactures, and the great linen manufactures of this country, which are sent abroad to compete with the pro • ductions of nations at the greatest distance from this country—. such as America and Asia. These interests are not benefited by any protection which yet .emains upon your statute books.—( Hear, hear.) It is obvious then that the protection you now seek to maintain for agriculture is a protection for one particular class of indus try—c Hear, hear)—and an advantage for them alone. We find, Sir, a' great argument, which is the argument of all writers on political economy, applies to that particular protec tion ; that, in the first place, it is an interference with the due current of trade and labour, and is in behalf of one particular class. In the next place, that it is a tax upon the rest of the community for the benefit of that class. In the third place, that the class which you seek to benefit loses by the pretended protection that you afford it.--( Hear, hear.) Sir, these arc the propositions which are so true that t hey have become axioms in political economy.—( Hear.) I was induced the other day by the Honourable Member for Norfolk to read a pamphlet which has been published on this question, and also another pamphlet by Martin and Co. on the subject of protection. These gentlemen state that a quarter of corn is raised 17s. in price by the protection which is afforded to it.— (Hear. ) I thought as I read that statement, and I now believe it, to be a great exaggeration ; but if that were so, if the price of corn had risen to such an enormous amount by that pro tection which you give to agriculture; supposing there were 20 ,000,000 quarters of wheat consumed in this country, and that on each of those quarters there was a tax of I7s , there would be some millions sterling imposed on the food of the people of this country. I believe the statement is most egregiously exaggerated, but still I believe that while you give protection such as is afforded by the present law to a particular class, which I believe to be an apparent benefit to it, that protection is an injury to the rest of the corn muuity.—( Hear, hear.) The lion. Gentleman the Member for Hampshire, who seconded the amendment, and who did so in terms as temperate as could be desired—( Laughter)—the Hon. Gentleman stated that a difference was to be made be tween those occupations in which mere manual labour was em • ployed, and those in which machinery was brought, into requisi tion. Now I cannot see the value of that argument, I cannot see what are the grounds of that argument. Suppose there are five millions of people employed in works of machinery, and others in which little machinery is employed, I cannot see any good ground why the one should have the protection of the Legislature, and the oth er s h ou ld no t enjoy that protectin s . Well then, Sir. if it be th e case th at th e system so, then the question c omes —Wh a t i s the course you ought o of protecti to take in order to get rid of this particular protection?upon political And here a and Mr. I must say that tho se wr it ers who hay; rdo, written Ricardo, science, even Mr. Ad am Smith, Mr. Hus kisson, all speak of the caution that tug the l.t to be particularusedindemalielat.g with this question. But what shou ld be sure, and what should be the . protective system in th ese matters? and what way should you deal with the q uest i on that is not a subject upon which we really have very little light, and it is impossible to have much light from theoretical writers.—(Hear, hear.) 1 confess with the Noble Lord, who ~. has last spoken. I confess that Ido not think these grea transcissions can be made without incurring risk at least, and considerable suffering.—( Hear. hear.) The circumstances of the country may be so far so fortunate that suffering may be avoided, but I certainly think that if you wish to get rid of protection you will run t h e risk of some hazard, and incur considerable suffering.—( Hear, hear Some .) T e his ;pek S a ir' of isfaa confession and ad m i ss i on t h at is made by all persons who have reflected on t h e subject. mine, others speak as the Noble Lord has spoken, of the difficulty of arrangements between the different classes of persons who are concerned in trade, but all admit that there is considerable danger of losing capital and diminu tion of trade.—( Hear, hear.) But, Sir, I come to the plan of the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite, the. first Minister of the Crown. I agree with the Noble Lord that I do not think he has laid down the grounds of it largely enough or ex tensively enough in point of time.--(Hear, hear.) He has alluded to measures about which he would have no difficulty, because I believe he is the Member of the Cabinet by whom those measures were introduced. I mean, Sir, the measures of Mr. Huskisson—( Hear, bear)--which measures might have been quoted by him to show the advantage of moderating duties, and the doing away in a great extent of prohibitory duties. I will not make any statement in figures, hut I can say that I think, in consequence of the reduction of the duties on silk, the importation of the raw material during the years 1837 and 1838 had increased over the years 1835 and 1836 (during the existence of prohibitory duties) more than one hundred per cent. In the article of wool a reduction of one penny in the pound, produced an immense increase in the price of that article, foreign wool was then introduced at a low rate of duty, and the exports increased to a great extent. These, Sir, are instances of many others, which show the benefit at least of 'reducing duties. But, then, the Right Hon. Gentleman at the head of her Majesty's Government, has proposed a plan which goes beyond the mere reduction of duty to a moderate amount, and thereby increasing the imports and prices. He has proposed with reference to the duties upon corn that after the expiration of three years, the duty upon that article shall altogether cease. Now, Sir, lam of opinion, that if the Governm en t h a d undertake n thi s tas k i n 1 812, and made far greater -reduc tion than they then did, it would have been better for the agri culturists as a body, and for the country at large. As the matter now stands, I am ready to say, seeing the contest now going on, and the struggle that would continue to go on if no attempt is made to stop it between the intermediate steps of the sliding scale or a small fixed duty. I am prepared to repeat what I have before stated in public, that the struggle will con tinue unless some efficient measures are taken by her Majesty's Government to prevent Hear, hear.) I must say, I consider the plan of the Right Hon. Baronet as a great measure —a measure which will lay the foundation of a complete new principle as to commercial legislation —a principle which will have the effect of leaving both agriculture and manufactures entirely to the energies and skill of the British people. I must say, Sir, believing those principles to be sound principles, I am prepared to give every support to the plan brought forward by 1 her Majesty's Government.—( Hear, hear.) But I think it 21 incumbent on me to say that, with reference to the mode he has adopted of introducing a new system of corn duties for three years, that the opinion which I had formed in my own mind in the month of December last, has been more and more strength ened by everything 1 ha ve seen or h ear d since t h e Right Hon. Baronet made known his plans.---( Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") I have heard from all parts—from Devonshire, from various parts of Scotland, from the midland counties, and from varioustither parts of England, that the opinion of the farmers was to the effect " That if we are to have a system of tree:trade instead of protection, let us know what that system is to be at once—( Hear, hear,)—let the ditties be repealed at once." I consider there was great reason in that remark. In the first place I think the farmer will be better able to arrange with his landlord as to the particular sums he has to pay, and the sums he will have to pay, if he knows at once the state of the law, and has not to wait until the end of the month of February, 1849, and take the chance of what may then be the price of corn. I think also there is some danger to the farmer in adopting the proposed plan. In 1848 the prices may be low, there may be a considerable accumulation of corn in the country, the glut which would not happen in the spring of 1848, may happen if there is a sudden reduction of , the duty from ten shillings to one shilling per quarter in the spring of 1849, not owing to the price of corn, but to the effect of the previous legislation. I think, Sir, that the danger will be greater after the lapse of two or three years, than it would be if the alteration were total and immediate.—(Hear, hear. ) The present would be a favourable time for removing these restrictions, for in consequence of deficient harvests in most of the countries of Europe, there is now little stock remaining on hand in Dantzic or Hamburgh. There is no reason to suppose that there is any great stock in the United States of America ; there is no apprehension on the part of the farmer, with reference to a reduction of the duties upon corn, and I consider these together as forming a pretty conclusive proof that there is actually no d anger at the present time.--( Hear, hear.) If they had any danger to encounter, it was when on the continent of Europe and in the United States, prepara tions had been made, the ground had been oultivated, and the seed sown with a view to send large supplies of corn to Eng land. I consider, Sir, that the policy of the Government is like furnishing a farmer with a great coat to wear only in the summer, and which he was to take off when the winter arrived.—(Hear hear.) But, having said this much, I put it to the Right Hon. Baronet if he will not re consider that part of his plan which had reference to the corn laws.—( Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Baronet has often alleged, in bringing forward his measures for the reduction of duties upon subjects of much less importance than the one now under consideration, that it was almost impossible to know the effect of such duties till they had been tested by experience. Now, Sir, it does appear to me, that with reference to the proposed measure, we shall be labouring under this disadvan tage. I hope that the Hoe. Baronet will reconsider that part of his subject. I wish that his plans may succeed. . I wish to see this measure successful, not only in this House, but also in the other House, and I would not be one to oppose the progress of that measure.—( Hear, hear.) When, therefore, this sub ject comes into Committee, if the Right Hon. Baronet tells me that he has reconsidered the subject, and that he still considers the three years' duty to be au essential part of his plan, I will then support him to the utmost of my abilities. Sir, I have stated thus much with reference to the plan as it affects the article of corn ; it is not necessary that I should say much as to the other parts of the plan. With reference to the. article of sugar, it will not be necessary for me to make any observation; as regards the articles of manufactures, and the taking off the duties upon them, I consider that you are bound to do ss, you are bound to show that you abandon protection altogether as a principle, vicious and injurious, and not for the sake of subjecting them to any experiment to which you would not expose the manufacturer.—( Hear, hear.) There is another part of the subject, and one which I certainly cannot approach with great satisfaction, I allude to the question of burdens upon agriculture. The Right Hon. Baronet has pro posed to make certain relief as to local burdens, the expenses of prisons and prosecutions ; these amendments in the law I con sider to be just, and they are improvements in the existing law. These measures are offered as compensation to the landed in terest. I do not think any compensation could be properly offered. I ant not sure that as regards the general burdens of the country, that the occupiers of land have not more than the share which belongs to them.—( Hear.) It is a point upon which I feel a difficulty, because I have found that whenever a proposition was made by the Hon. Member for Sheffield (Mr. Ward), to inake a statement adverse to that opinion, and ask for a Committee to inquire into this point, none were so ready as those agricultural gentlemen to oppose that inquiry. —( Hear, hear.) The Hon. Member for Radnorshire ( Sir John Walsh) had draw a comparison, of shoemakers, who were alone compelled to pay the police rates. They might complain that they could not sell their articles so cheap as others who were not so taxed—they would complain of the injustice practised upon them. But if the shoemakers, who formed the majority in this House, had always strenuously resisted the proposal to inquire into the subject of their grievances, I certainly should suspect the shoemakers of thinking there was something in their case which would not bear to be sifted.—( Hear, hear.) There is another difficulty in the question. When about two or three years since there was a large surplus of about three millions in the Exchequer, I thought it might be worth while to the agricultural interest, with a view to their obtaining some relief from their burdens, to remove the taxes of several articles—the malt tax fcr instance. They would not hear of such a proposition, and when the Right. Hon. Baronet dis tributed this large sum of three millions and a half, he did net seem to have any particular regard for this interest. I freely state that Ido not feel any sympathy with this class.—( Hear. hear.) Nor can 1 see why any relaxation of bnrdens should be made towards those whose burdens were shared equally by their fellow countrymen. I do not consider that that they have any claims to a relaxation of their burdens.—(Hear,e..3ercial hear.) Had I brought forward any scheme of some respects from policy, although it would have differed in much relief have given not think I would the not plan thi broughtnk that forwardshould by the Hight i H o s n o . t m h ßa e m ron a e o t . relief as he has done. _ 600,0001. 500,0004 or much es have given to propose an increa se of Were they to lay so hur as de a ns o o f n ta the a taxation mwehriecehof wouldthe co e u x n p t o r s y e , and Government to great an d to deserved unpopularity ? No ! and for these reasons I will therefore say at once that I concur in the Government scheme as proposed by the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of her Alajesty's Government. --(Loud cheers.) I wish that the repeal had been immediate, but, in the present state of affairs, and the strong desire that exists for, and the advantage that will accrue by, getting rid of the com mercial system with respect to corn, even at a remote period, it is too great an advantage to the people of this country gene.. rally not to support the measure.—( Hear, hear, and cheers. ) But, Sir, I cannot forbear from taking notice of one remark which fell from an Honourable Gentleman, the Member for Finsbury (Mr. Wakley). The Hon. Gentleman stated (and he thought he had no particular motive for doing so) that he thought the Right Honourable Baronet at the head of her Majesty's Government was more able to carry this measure successfully than I was That is an observation that compels me to state, that a measure of the same kind would be equally successful, if I had r ece i ve d th e same support f rom my political opponents which they now receive from me.—(Great cheering.) This measure of free trade the protec tionists say, and they say what is correct, was loudly opposed by the Right Hon. Baronet. When Mr. Huskisson brought forward, in his place in Parliament, a measure of free trade, many of us gave him our support ; but the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite, the Secretary for the Home Department, stated, when he was in Opposition, that he could not give him his support. In 1839 the Secretary of State and the Chancellor of the Exchequer proposed going into Committee on the corn laws, but they were met then by the party in Opposition.-- (Cheers.) In 1841, when we came forward to propose a re-• duetion on the importation of corn, of sugar, and of timber, we were met by a party, many of whom represent e d commerc i a l constituencies.—( Hear,) • But, Sir, I am bound to say the Hon. Member for Wakefield was • an goli.urahle• exception—(Great cheering)—and he did not join the then opposition, nor did my Hon. Friend the Member for Wolverhampton. But., Sir, I think that the Right Hon. Ba ronet, and those who have introduced such a sound principle of commercial policy as that which is proposed respecting is the corn-laws, could not be ignorant o f th ose principles; and it to be lamented that th e y did rio t man f u ll y come forward and propose them. My o pi n i on i s , th at if t h ey then did_ent sol,cmthaet would not be defea! cd.—(Hear. ) The Hon. Gentleman would have avoided, for himself and his p odium and reproach which now and laughter.) cast upon him by somebody or other.— compared the course the Right Hon. Baronet had nowparty, much, generally oft that odium t How inconsistent it was when they with that which he pur sued in 1841.—( Cheers.) But, Sir, taken, the lion. Member for n lo w n r . e ß s a u r c o c n e e ss t fu a l t the head o: in carrying Wakefield tells G her Majesty's would be. I tell linn again, that it is with" pursue that the this measure than I aao._( Great cheering.) And it is in eshall our aid that he can d . oinvee,rntlniawfntht evioßuit,d,libt progress of these measures shall attended wit h (Renewedsuccess.-- n e chers.) I believe that I am bound to say so consequence of the conduct which be w i justice to my friends—Meer, hear)—and if the ' Right Honourable Gentleman has the glory of having ado p te d and carried out a plan of commercial freedom, which will have the effect of conferring great benefits on the countr)—by which the poor man would get a better reward for his labour by which all branches of the trade and commerce of the"' country would be extended, and the interests of all elaseei -- would be promoted—l trust that while it thus operates thatit will be made instrumental to the moral improvement of the people of this country, which the want of adequate means of providing for their physical wants has hitherto prevented— • ( Hear, hear)—and if the Right Honourable Gentleman has the glory of introducing and carrying measures leading to such beneficial results, let us have the satisfaction of feeling; that we, although out of office, have mainly assisted in produc... , ing this triumph of the Minister of the Crown.--(Loud continued cheering.) ,oliq the of tter 3111, yhe the 3ill. •oID rth u la otls