The Sun. — London, England, 1837-04-29 00:00:00

with the most e ,tfective workhouse accommodation. I Well, t hen, the calcul; Alen I hold in my hand demonstrates clearly that instead of one per cent. on the entire population, as calculated by Mr. Nich ells, the proportion relieved in-doors and out of doors, is five; per cent., and, therefore, proceeding on Mr. Ni cholls's o ' - e -n data, it follows, that not one hundred, but five huneired, workhouses would be required ; that 400,000 persons% and not 80,000 perions, must be accommodated; and that tie ;Amount of the annual charge must 1,560,000/., instead of 312,000/. Will the Paouse be content to proceed upon cal c ulatioras which I prove to be so grossly fallacious ? But why does Mr. Nicholls ma le the workhouses the test of destitu tion ? What the Noble Lord (Lord J. Russell) stated was, that the able-bodie d poor were to be relieveed in Ireland, and that the Bill shoield not be limited, as the Irish Poor-law Com missioners had s.uggested, to the relief of the sick and maimed alone ; and tb.en the Noble Lord, applying Mr. Nicholls's test said, "It a:11.1 be a proof of destitution—of such destitution as demands relief, if they go into the workhouses we propose to estah',j,-% ?" Do you then want proof of destitution in Irelan,lo Is the wretchedness of the people a matter of douba ? Do you require proofs, such proofs as these, that they are starving ? Such language sounds strangely indeed thane ears of those who know anything of Ireland. But England it was said that the poor-law system was so de fective that until the new law was adopted nobody would 'dream of introducing it into Ireland. What did the poor ]aw system produce in England? It produced laziness, dissipation, want of care; it took away habits of thriftiness and industry, it engendered profligacy, and made Men desti tute from their own incaution ; it produced all these con see,uences in England. They became at length intolerable, Arid you said, " We will redress them, and in order that we Inay find out who are really destitute we will adopt a tea which noose but the destitute will abide ; we will separate the idle and vicious from the honest and industrious ; we will relieve tthose only who stand the test we apply to•them." Accord ingly, a sort of prison discipline was invented for the govern ment of all the English workhouses, a discipline, no doubt, to which none but the really destitute would be willing to submit. But do the Irish require any stimulant of that kind to keep them from idleness or to induce them to work? Does ever Mr. Nicholls say that the Irish people are idle and will net work ? What works are there requiring great physical strength and unrelaxed exertion where Isishmen are not the chief la bourers ? Must you imprison them, then, to make them work ? No, no 1 the people of England would never have required such a stimulant for their industry, if you had not first demo ralized them by your Poor-laws ; and till you have demo ralized the people of Ireland, by the operation of a like system, you need not threaten them with imprisonment to snake them work. The system of poor-houses, as proposed iii this Bill, may hold out to the Irish landlords the delusive no tion that there is an extent beyond which the rate for the relief of the poor will not go. Such a notion may for a time be en tertained by the landlords, but it will be fallacious. It is, in deed, a delusion you are practising upon, yourselves, if you think you can with such a paltry sum do anything for the sub stantial relief of the people of Ireland. I would implore you before you plunge into this Bill to consider this—by adopting such a measure do you deprive the people of Ireland of no thing? Do you take from the poor of Ireland nothing? Your Report shows that the Irish poor receive at present in alms an annual amount varying from 1,000,000/. to 1,500,0001. They do not receive it in coin, but in kind, and this is easy to the farmer who affords the relief. Has any farmer in Ireland told you that he would rather pay money than the produce of his land? No. Your humanity to the farmers is delusive— your inhumanity to the poor is obvious. You take away from them the 1,500,000/. of charity they have at present, but do you take away from them nothing else? Do you take away from them no kindly feeling ? Do you know the evidences which have been given of strong filial and parental affection in the Irish ? Have: you read nothing of their habituol kindness and considveration for all of kin to them ? I have a multitude of passages in my hand, extracted from the Re port of the Commissioners —passages which do the greatest credit to the affecti.ons of the unfortunate Irish poor. They are in misery and distress; but their kindly feelings never freeze under the chill hand of poverty and destitution. There they are, the son supporting the mother, the daughter supporting her aged parents —nay, with the latter it is often a' speculation to marry young that they may have a partner to assist them in the offic e o f maintaining those who can en longer support themselves. There is not a higher testimony to the moral qualities of the Irish poor than the evidence that has been placed before us relative to their condition. Do you wish to take all these away ? You know it is a very natural thing for a son to say, " Why should I dimini my own means to support my infirm father when there is the union workhouse to receive him? Why should I exhaust myself with labour to maintain my mother when there is the same refuge for her ? Why should I assist my blind cousin, or lend a helping hand to my ;erne uncle, is there not the union workhouse to receive them ?" This is only a natural train of argument. You will deprive the Irish poor, therefore of the charity they at present have.—you will extinguish in their bosoms these kiadly feelings and generous emotions which are beyond all price, and you will reduce them to the same miserable and degraded condition cut of which you are• now seeking to raise a considerable proportion of your own agricul tural poor.—( Hear, hear, and cheers.) Again, then, I im plore you to hesitate before you plunge into this measure. I have menti one d many reasons that should induce yr.o to do co. Are there no others? In Ireland you hate around the Imorest and most destitute class a broad margin, t.:o‘.npo',ed of men who are not actually paupers, but who arc ecarealy able by dint of the strongest and most incessant exer io.:s to eke out a livelihood. All these are for the future m elee the operation of this Bill to become rate-payers—every man rented at 51. a-year is to become a rate-payer. This swill include every man who at present just saves himself from • begeing. There are multitudes of this class. I would have You reC‘JTet- then th:,t when rim urn fntincr ntrni! from tl o til%nerto save prevented them from becoming beggars also. is there not another consideration ? What ;s it that sup ports the Irish labourer at present? What fund is there . ;.1 Ireland for the pa) meet of wages ? There is not carat.. 1/ enough, to pay for labour in Ireland. Da you want to telys awe% part of the funds - that row exist ? Is not eve: - 7 sh;liing levied for Poor-rates a shilling taken from the means ct paying the wages of labour ? By imposing a rate, there. fore, you be destroying the inadequate means that eves snow exist fur the payment of wages. But it is said (and thi no doubt, would be a great b oon if i t cou l d be accomplished)-- it is said, " a measure for the relief of the poor will tran quillize Ireland—there will be no more insurrectionary move ments in the country when the people find that their wants are supplied," To accomplish that end you must carry your calculations i muc h further than vou propose to do by this Bni—you must go the full length of the 1,500,000/. of elm teny, which you will be putting aside if you hope to give per maneet tranquillity to Ireland. I confess that the measure, as it now stamls, does not appear to me to he calculated to give tranquillity to that country. How does it proceed ? There is to be no parochial r,lief. All relief is to be given in the workhouses. Perhaps Mr. Nicholls, in his sagacity and wisdom, will be making rules for the government of those houses. What will he the consequence? You will give to every man ashom you refuse to relieee a cause for prmdisl agitation. I conjure you to consider whether, to make your relief substantial end beneficial, you must not make it retie. in amount to one-hall; or, at any rate, one-third of the rent-roll of Ireland. If you enter upon this course of policy at ell, you must not do it piecemeal—you must not dole out _Tour charity in small driblets. Let it be as extensive as the evil, cr do not attempt it at all. This, too, must he reeollected :in the introduction of poor-laws into Ireland you do not propose to establish any law of settlement. Noe , poor-laws have been recommended for Ireland as tending to ineke landlords careful of the tenants on their estates, because, not taking care of them upon their estates, they would have to support them out of the poor-rates. But if you establish no law of settlement you will not affect the land lord in that way. It is the union, and not the landlord, who will have to pay for the support of the poor wherever they are found ; and whatever the burden upon the landlord, it wi:l only be shared by him in common with his neighbours. Thus the inducement to the landlord to take care of his tenantry will be wholly lost, unless the Bill be accompanied by a law of settlement. Yet lam not asking for a law of settlement. I know the difficulties that would attend the introduction of such a measure. Mr. Nicholls, to be sure, thinks it would be easy enough, because, says he, there would he no ,diff icu l ty in procuring a certificate of births from the clergyman. That applied only to the Protestants ; but how were the Roman Catholics, whose priests succeed each other with great rapidity in almost every parish—especially those that were sickly— how were they to obtain certificates of their birth ? I mention this only to show of what materials, Mr. Nicholls's mind is composed, when he says it would be the easiest thing in the world to do this or that. I approve of the want of a law of settlement in Ireland, because, though there may be a prima facie case in favour of the introduction of such a law, the report of our own Poor-law Commissioners, as well as the experience of all foreign countries where a law of settle ment obtains, prove that the effect of it is to enslave the paupers by tying them to the soil where they were born, and hunting them like rats, if they venture to remove from it, lest they should obtain a settlement elsewhere. Instances of this have been abundant enough in London, where women actually in labour have been trundled about from parish to parish by the overseers, each anxious to prevent the child from being dropped within the precincts over which he presided. A law of settle ment cannot be introduced into Ireland ; yet by not introducing it, you prevent your Poor-laws from affording to the poor that security against the severity of the landlord which you say you are anxious to establish. There is another point for considera tion. Any attempt to make labour productive by raising a poor rate will be abortive, and end in disappointment. A labour-rate has failed wherever it has been tried. I wish this to be fully understood before we proceed with the present measure. I have felt it to be my duty to spend a considerable portion of my time in reading everything I could get on Poor-laws, foreign and domestic. Perhaps my inquiries have led me into error. If so, I must certainly say that I have adopted my errors upon the most deliberate consideration that my mind is capable of bestowisig upon the subject. To me it seems that no—propo sition has been so fully demonstrated both by theory and practice as this : that you cannot make labour productive by means of' any fund you may raise for the purpose, where that labour has not been rendered productive by the enterprise of private and individual speculation. In America the price of labour is ss. or 6s. a-day. The poor-bosses are full. Why do they not Mend their paupers out to labour? Because it is found that slave labour nobody will buy. A man labouring- upon compulsion takes a pick-axe and employs himself with it for half an hour, making a hole large enough perhaps to put in his finger. The Americans have now gone back from the old system of Poor-laws, and remedy the evils of poverty and distress, not by levying a poor-rate on the industrious, but by turning out the idle from their workhouses, and leaving them, f they like, to perish, which no man in America need do if THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY, APRIL 29, 1837. Lord had spoken of bringing the measure into partial opera tion by the establishment of four or five workhouses at first ; but that would be a gross injustice to those counties where there were none, as they would have to pay equally for their erection and support with those who derived benefit from them. To remedy this it was proposed to pass a law of set tlement; but to this he (Mr. O'Brien) objected, because he did not think it necessary, and because he believed it would lead to endless litigation. There was an omission in the de velopement of 'the measure. The Noble Lord should have considered whether it was not in his power to improve the condition of the Irish labOurer by other means than work houses. The Irish labourer would, he (Mr. O'Brien) was convinced, submit to anything sooner than go into one of them. It was in the power of Parliament to remove the redundant ►population if the Noble Lord only proposed it. It could be done by emigration ; and the expense would be nothing in comparison of the amount laid out in sup port of the poor even in workhouses. Asylums might then be provided for the aged and the infirm poor, and out-door re lief should not be altogether prohibited. He (Mr. O'Brien) did not wish to thwart a measure having- in itself the elements of utility as the one before the House had, and because he be lieved it to be susceptible of conversion into a most excellent mode of relief for the poor of Ireland. And he hoped the Noble Lord would let no solicitation, come from whatever quarter it might, induce him to abandon it on any account. It was a proper way to begin, notwithstanding its defects. He thanked the Noble Lord, not alone in the name of the poor of Ireland, and as their representative, but as an Irish land lord ; for every step taken to make the poor happy and com fortable gave an additional guarantee fbr the stability of pro perty in Ireland. Loi d MORPETH bad heard with sincere pleasure the speech of the Hon. Member, and he was glad to find that the discussion on the second reading of the Bill was likely to turn 'out a neutral ground on which Hon. Members could throw out suggestions and propose improvements. All that really con stituted the essential provisions of the Bill for the poor of Ire land was sufficiently established. The appalling destitution of a great proportion of the Irish people—the pitiable form which this distress assumed—the heavy and increasing burthen they daily became to those above them, together With the growing conviction which seemed to pervade all classes that the time was come for making some decisive experiment, seemed to point out a course of general arguments on the subject as super fious, and stamp them with the character of " foregone conclu sions." To act on the views developed in the speech of the Hon. and Learned Member for Kilkenny would be to leave the country in the condition in which it was found ; yet he (Lord Mor peth) firmly believed that the Hon. and Learned Member fully sympathised in the distress of the people. In dealing with the subject of relief. to the poor of Ireland two chief courses suggested themselves to the Government for adoption. The first was to improve and extend the existing institutions of the country for the relief of the aged and infirm ; to employ the able-bodied in public works, and to provide on a large scale for emigration. That was the course recommended by the Commissioners. He ( Lord Morpeth) felt disposed to speak with the utmost respect of those Gentlemen as a body; but that a Government which was bound to attend to the claims of all parts of the empire should not be able to take up these general recommendations could not be a matter of great sur prise. He gave the Members of that Commission credit for the most philanthropic viesss ; but, in doing so, he likewise claimed the same credit for Mr. Nicholls, to whom, he was sorry to say, the Hon. and Learned Member for Kilkenny had not altogether fairly adverted. And as he was on the subject, he (Lord M.) should also take leave to say that Mr. Ma honey had complained that a quotation from him, used by the Hon. and Learned Member, bad been misrepresented. With respect, however, to the course in question, the fear was that in endeavouring to open so many sources of legislative expe riment the danger would be incurred of damaging all and serving one. And while destitution was recognised as the principle there would be a chance of being led into so many nice details to ascertain its various shades as at the last to cause any measure founded on it to end almost where it had begun. The other course, that which his Majesty's Government adopted as the basis of the Bill before the House, was to offer relief on such terms as none but the destitute would accept of. As that principle u folded it self, the House would hare an opportunity of devising other remedies, if those already proposed were found insufficient. If he (Lord Morpeth) should not find it answer in the application he shouleObe the first to suggest that the valves of emigration should be opened; and that employ ment in the public works should be also given. With this view there were already some valuable Bills before the House, introduced by the Hon. Member for Galway : and it was his (Lord Morpeth's) ir•tention also to propose, concur rently with the poor law, a Bill to extend and amend the sys tem of medical charities throughout Ireland.—(llenr, hear, hear.) He also trusted that his Right Hon. Friend the Chan cellor of the Exchequer would not be inattentive to provide facilities for emigration, should the case become urgent. 00e of the arguments against the Bill under coos' Lion was the alleged insufficiency of the workhouses to n(ba?rno date the destitute poor. It was asked how could they relieve the distress of 2,300,000 individuals if they only held 80,000 ? Now he ( Lord Merpeth) did not mean to enter into the ques tion as to whether that amount of destitution was an exagger ation or not, but he would say that if it were not the rating of England and Scotland, with all their riches, could not permanently provide for such a mass of poverty. But he believed that the account was not sufficiently ac curate, as he conceived it to comprehend all persons in the working class. Now, the Bill before the House was intended wily to include those who were depressed below the level of the wet king class, and who could not obtain the same sort of subsistene. If he (Lord Morpeth) were asked what security he could offer that none but the very destitute would apply for this relief, he_w_ou . A ‘ Eive .,,, q,4 r ut o ter th a e is a tr tu tti riiiifiniefic — of the Commissioners than their own words; when they state that " able-bodied men will endure any degree of misery rather than make the workhouse their domicile." It should he remembered, also, in considering the subject, that permanent relief to ..0,000 or 100,000 poor—those pressing heaviest on the resources of the community— was equal to occasional relief to an immensely greater nurn. ber. The course adopted by the Government was, there fore, he contended, the safest one. The experiment would be sufficiently hazardous, with every possible check ; how much more so if it had none. The extraordinary power oft he Commission was obje c t e d t o ; b ut i t was a b s M ute l y nece ssary that such ample and such elastic power should be given them for the good of the country. When the lion. Mernber who had spoken last said that Mr. Ni co ll s h a d l eg i s l ate d f or Ire land on a sixweeks' acquaintance with the country, he did not make ajust representation of the facts of the ease. As to the law of settlement it would be very difficult, and not de sirable, to establiAl it in Ireland. It was said there would be a ,-,:reat pressure on the first workhouses that might be esta blished, particularly in seaport towns. The guardians, how ever, would naturally provide first for their own poor, and would then take what order they could for other destitute .poor. When workhouses were ready, meudicity would not be per mitted, and the poor, therefore, would find it difficult to make their way through intervening parishes to the workhouse. All ho desired now was to sanction the principle of a legal provision for the poor, and to meet the Government upon this neutral ground, determined to forward the great object proposed. Colonelly CONOLL Y would admit that he at first heard the mention of Poor Laws for Ireland with some apprehension, but his apprehensions had reference to the English system pre vious to its amendment. The working of the. Poor Laws as amended had removed much of his fear. Seeing what success the system, as amended, had in this country, he could no longer oppose himself to the making trial of a poor law for Ireland. Laying aside, therefore all party feelings, he was ready to give every assistance in his power towards forwarding a measure which would have the effect of affording some relief to perhaps the most wretched population in Europe. He preferred the, English system to any entirely new and untried one. The measure, he had no doubt, would gratify the poor, at the same time that it' would operate as a punishment upon those whe neglected their estates.—( Hear, hear.) He would not tres pass further at present on the attention of the House, and he trusted the experiment would prove beneficial to Ireland. The hour of twelve having arrived, Mr. BROTHERTON moved that the debate be adjourned to Monday, which was agreed to. The Orders of the Day were disposed of, and the House adjourned at Half-past Twelve. shocking the feelings of society, and exciting sympathy for the offender, are contrary to reason, inconsistent with morality, and opposed to the interests of justice." The letter to the City Members was signed by about two hun dred electors. The names were obtained within a few hours. Had time permitted, thousands of names would have been adhibited. Many persons expressed their disapproval of the punishment of Death in any case whatever. There is not a doubt that this feeling is greatly on the increase. The number of Executions in London and Middlesex, in three periods, together with the number of Commitments for offences that were capital, on the Ist of January, 1830, were as follow : ( From a Return made to Parliament, dated March 22, 1837. ) LONDON & MIDDLESEX. I Executions. Commitments. he be willing to work. It is an idle dream to imagine that you can produce productive labour through the agency of a poor-rate. Neither can you produce a paradise in the midst of a wilderness, by establishing colonies of the the poor where there is an inch of fertility. The attempt has failed in Holland as well as in Belgium. I have shown a case of great misery and distress in Ireland. I have traced it to political causes. I think, before you introduce your Poor law, it would be wise to see whether by other political mea sures you may not do something for the good and prosperity . of Ireland. Come out upon me with an absentee law, and give me 6s. Bd. in the pound on the rent-roll of all absentees. This may be called a dream, yet after all I believe it would give more permanent and more substantial relief to the poor of Ireland than your proposed Poor-laws. I know full well that some political economists have talked of absenteeism as not being a mischief to Ireland ; but the doctrines of those men are now derided by all. The nobleman, whose rent roll amounts to 50,0001. a year, in the•course of twenty years draws 1,000,0001. from the resources of Ireland, no part of which he ever returns. To procure this sum for him all the corn, all the cattle reared upon the soil of which he is the lord must be sent to foreign markets. In the regular course of things the value of the corn and the cattle so exported should be brought back again. But it is not so in Ireland ; no part of the price of her produce ever returns; and as well for these districts who had to support ab sentee landlords would it be if the ships which bore their pro duce from their shores sunk half-channel over.—f Hear, hear.) This, after all, is the dreadful feature in the domestic economy of Ireland—nine-tenths of the rent-roll of the country are spent abroad. We have all the degradation and misery of a province, without the benefit of provincial protection.—( Hear, hear.) But I will trespass no further. I will close by saying that I have a very strong conviction upon my mind that you will find it as much in vain to attempt to create s Act of Parlia ment charityin Ireland, as it has been to create Act of Parlia ment piety. Ido not think you can generate virtues, and make them spread by Act of Parliament. I have cer tainly a strong impression that a Poor-law has never done good to any country where it has been adopted. I make that avowal frankly. I look at the Poor-law in England : I see it reducing wages to half the amount they were before ; yet I know that it has been introduced under the most fa vourable circumstances, and in the most prosperous times. I do not hesitate to declare then, that my own individual opi nion is not favourable to a Poor.law, but least of all is it fa vourable to such a law as this which you propose to give to Ireland. I would only implore you, before the step is de cisively taken, to have it fully, maturely, and deliberately con sidered in all its bearings—to give nothing to the unholy cry of those who hold themselves out as the especial patrons add friends of the poor, because they are favourable to these laws. I entreat you to yield to no clamour of that kind, but fully and maturely to consider the Bill in every stage. Then, be the result what it may, 1 shall feel that I have done my duty. I have not, I owe it, moral courage enough to oppose a Poor-law altogether.—( Hear.) I yield to the necessity of doing some thing; but I aia not deceitful enough to prophesy that you will reap any lasting or solid advantage from the introduction of Poor-laws into Ireland. Mr. SHARMAN CRAWFORD agreed in many of the sentiments of the Hon. and Learned Member who had just sat down. He agreed with him in his objections to poor houses, but not to the principle of a Poor-law. He agreed with him that England was the cause of the evils of Ireland; but he thought the greatest error of all had been our permit ting the settlement of lands in Ireland to take place, without the concurrent introduction of a Poor-law. One great objec tion to the Poor-law was, that it took from the industrious man to give to the idle pauper. To such a Poor-law as that he would never consent. He looked at a Poor-law as being an act of justice to the poor man, in reparation for the injus tice done to him in the monopoly of the land by the rich. The poor man had a natural right, which no acquired right of property could put an end to; and every man who entered upon the possession of a property, took it subject to that right of the poor man. He did not see why this monopoly should not be regulated as elsewhere. The law interfered to prevent the lender of money from exacting exorbitant interest ; on the same principle the poor man was entitled to protection against his rich landlord. It had been alleged that the pauperism iii Ireland resulted from the first subdivision of the land. But it was a remarkable fact that in• those parts of Ireland, in the county of Down, for instance, where the subdivisions most prevailed, the, peasantry were in the most comfortable condi tion. This arose from the circumstance of the relation be tween landlord and tenant being on a better footing there than elsewhere. The only effective mode of putting an end to pauperism was to impose an adequate tax on the landlords. To the plan itself he entertained many objections. He par ticularly objected to in-door relief being made a sine qua non in all cases. The poor-house might do very well for some, but for the whole mass it would be wholly inapplicable. He con sidered that a poor-house might be a good addition to a Poor law Bill, but it was not sufficient to constitute a code of Poor laws, and the Bill b e f ore th em did nothing but establish poor laws. He thought, WO, that its tendency was to in. crease vagrancy, and that the proper mode to adopt would be to vest the power given to the guardians in the rate-payers. At present there were in Ireland institutions on behalf and for the benefit of the poor for supporting them where they re sided. It was the most beneficial and economical system, as 3/. and 4/. a-year was sufficient to maintain it. He thought that the pour might be relieved by the plan heretofore adopted much better than by the mode proposed by the present Bill. It had been alleged by the Hon. and Learned Member for Kil kenny that they were to argue upon the Irish as they did teem the English system. Tire question was, whether they should have an Irish Poor-law or not ? The I-lon. and Learned Member had shown the distresses of his countrymen, and ex posed the evil of the present system. Had he shown a remedy ? His only remedy was the expatriation of the poor man from ids native lend not the sort I. xe.mesi , bit 1 c'el-y"Lis tro lamented that the Hon. and Learned Member for Kilkenny should depict so painfully the miseries of his countrymen, and yet object to a ineosure for their relief. He said that the ' landlords in Ireland were poor. That was very true, but if the landlords were involved in debt, he hid not consider that a reason why the poor should not be protected. Means should be taken to allow landlords to raise more money than they now could by the present l aw of settlement. lie would not detain the House by catering into details, but content himself by stating that he objected to the power given to the Com missioners being the same as under the English Bill—not that he distrusted the guardians, but that, without an adequate local knowledge of Ireland. it was impossible they should efficiently perform the duties of their orrice. In Committee it was his intention to propose various amendments, and if effectual in rendering tire Bill more applicable to the state of Ireland, he should then vote for the third reading, but otherwise he should oppose it. As an advocate, however, for the Poor Laws, he could not conntenance the evils he thought would be produced by the present system. Mt. RICHARD 6 thanked the Noble Lord (J. Russell) for the wanner in winch he had brought fore ard the question. The speech of the Hon. and Learned Member for Kilkenny could have left no doubt en the mind of the Houte that he was in reality an enemy to Poor. laws. He had stated the dreadful and uire distress of his countrymen, and he had talked of the relief of the poor, but he • left the poor to relieve the. poor. The Hon. and Learned Member objected to Poor laws, but he forgot that there was one now in existence which had begotten vagrancy, mendicity, and insecurity. The evils now existing in Ireland were chiefly want of employment and want of capital ; yet the honourable and Learned Member proposed to leave the country in that condition.—( Hear.) He thought that the Mendicity Society of the city of Dublin ought to be the model for the Poor-laws. It supplied the able bodied labourer with work, and was open to all for employ ment, but did not afford them lodging. The workhouse was open all day for the destitute, able-bodied, arid infirm poor, and it did not interfere with the price of the labour market. A man might require work for a day, a week, or a fortnight, but on such a plan he need not become an habitual pauper. In Dublin, Cork, Newry, and Belfast, they were well ac quainted with the plan of the Mendicity Society, and lie thought it was the plan that should be adopted. The ap pointment of three :or four Commissioners to administer the law, invested with sovereign and despotic power, he con sidered as an insult to the people of Ireland. It was per fectly monstrous, and should be entrusted to the Irish Rate payers. Mr. S. O'BRIEN had not expected a discussion on the principle of poor-laws. He thought the details of the Bill before the House were all that would be dealt with, inas much as the principle had been long since recognised. Three years had been spent in the research into the. dis tresses of Ireland, and 60,0001. were paid by this country to the Commissioners—( Hear, hear, hear)—were their sug gestions attended to. On the contrary, the Noble Lord, instead of attending to their suggestion, selected the secre tary of the Poor Law Commission sitting in Somerset House as Iris lawgiver ; and embodied a report made by him on the state of that country after an absence of six weeks there to _obtain information. The Irish Poor-law Commis• sinners came to the conclusion that the mass of pauperism could be relieved through the medium of workhouses alone ; Mr. Nicholls, on the other hand, said that nothing but work houses could serve the purpose. How many were necessary ? Mr. Nicholls said as many as would relieve 80,000. That was Iris assumption —an assumption grounded on the state of pauperism in England, and the exaggerated statements of the Irish Commissioners that 2,500,000 persons were in distress for a certain period of the year. But the assumption did not hold good ; for the state of the Irish poor was very dif ferent indeed from those of England. In fact so different was it that there was no parity between them. The Irish labourer took a bit of land on which he grew sufficient per haps for his sustenance—at all events something to aid it. If he could procure employment for the part of the year his crop - was growing, he and his family would be comparatively comfortable ; if not, they would be reduced to the greatest distress. But employment was very difficult to be found. That was the great cause of their destitution. But though Mr. Nicholls assumed' 80,000 to be the maximum to require relief in the year, the Bill by no means accorded with his cal culations. The object of the Bill was to give four Commis sioners, sitting in Somerset House, power to erect not alone 10, but 10,000 workhouses, if they chose, and to tax the pro perty of Ireland to any extent--aye, even to twenty shillings in the pound, if they deemed it necessary. In point of fact, they had the power of converting Ireland into one great union— to dismiss the guardians of the poor, and even to imprison those who disobeyed their injunctions. He (Mr. O'Brien) did not by any means approve of such extensive powers being vested in any individual. In England it would be bad enough, notwith standing that the influence of public opinion would neu tralise the evil of its operation ; but in Ireland, where no public opinion existed, or, rather, where no public opinion bore directly upon legislation, the consequences might be incalculably mischievous. From this and similar objections lie hoped the Bill would be freed in Committee. Tho Noble PUNISHMENT 'OF DEATH. (From the Glasgow Chronicle.) It was generally understood by the'friends to the Reformation of our sanguinary Criminal Law, that the measure of Lord John Rus sell provided for the entire Abolition of the Punishment of Death, except iii the case of premeditated and accomplished murder. It now turns out, however, that such is not the case. On the con trary, the proposition of the Noble Lord, if acted upon, would in crease considerably the number of executions. Efforts are there fore being made to defeat the measure of Lord John Russell. Edinburgh has actively set to work on the subject; and the follow.. ing letter has just been numerously and respectably signed by the electors of Glasgow, and transmitted to the City Members, Mr. Oswald and Lord W. Bentinck. " We, the Undersigned, being Electors in Glasgow, a n d, li a bl e to serve on Juries, earnestly entreat you, as our representatives, to be in your places in Parliament, at the discussion on the Bills for the Amendment of the Criminal Law (Parliamentary Papers, No. —), in order to give your support to Amendments that will be moved, to limit the punishment of Death to the single case of Mur der—in conformity with what we believe to be the general feeling of the community. " As a division is expected, we further solicit the favour of in formation addressed to William Smeal, grocer, here, stating the re suit of that division in order that we may be prepared for any fu ture proceedings which the nature of the result may render needful." (Here follow the names.) Subjoined to the above letter, are the following REASONS.-1. Because, admitting (what can never be admitted) that the penalty of Death is right wherever the Legislature chooses to ordain it, yet it is proved by the Parliamentary Returns of this country, as well as by official documents of Foreign States, that other penalties are more effectual in the repression of offences—a fact explained by the general aversion to commence a prosecution which involves the offender's life, and the well-known reluctance of Juries, in such cases, to convict. 2. Because, to submit unequal offences to the same penalty, is, to confound the gradations of iniquity, and practically to encourage the greater crimes. If, in the commission of robbery, or burglary, there exists not the inducement to refrain from shedding blood-- the capital law, meant for the protection of society, must tend, i n fact, to diminish the security of life, by " inciting the commission of a greater crime to prevent the detection of a less." 3. Because a punishment, which can never be recalled when once inflicted, should not be awarded by fallible tribunals, for any crime, at least, to which the sense of the community irloes not award it—otherwise another check on crime is weakened, by diminished reliance on decisions of the Courts of Justice. 4. Because, in fine, the efficacy of Criminal Law depends less upon the severity of punishment than the certainty of infliction ; and because 1 $ laws which cannot be carried into execution without In three years, ending 31st December, 1830 52 Do. do., 1833 12 Do. do., 1836 None. TO THE RIGHT HON. SIR JOHN CAMPBELL, M.P., &C. Edinburgh, April 18, 1837. Sir,—The subject of Capital Punishment, so deeply interesting as it affects the moral well-being of mankind, appears to be on the eve of Parliamentary discussion ; and whatever decision the Legis lature may come to, it will probhbly be, for some time at least, a definitive one. When human life is at stake, and when such a question has to be answered as, Whether the judicial shedding of blood for crimes of secondary enormity contributes to preserve or endanger the inte rests of the community ?—we are willing to believe that there is not a Member of either House of Parlianient who would approach it under the influence of political feeling. Under this impression we feel no difficulty in respectfully ad dressing you, in our characters as Members of the Edinburgh Com mittee of the Society for Diffusing Information on Capital Punish ments. You must be too well acquainted with the subject of Capital and Secondary Punishments, to render any detailed statement on our part either desirable or proper. We may, however, be permitted to express our surprise that the Bills brought in by Lord John Rus sell, partly founded on the Reports of the Criminal Law Cohimis sioners, should sanction the continuance of a Capital Punishment in various cases besides Murder ; although the history of British crime during the last nine years, and of -the ample experience of foreign countries, demonstrate the fallacy of such a proceeding. The history of the Forgery question is decisive as to the fact of an extreme penalty being no protection of property. Besides, every amelioration hitherto made in our criminal code, has proved the wisdom of inflicting a secondary and certain punishment. We earnestly beg your attention to the following conclusive sum mary, from Parliamentary . Returns, regarding Offences that were Capital on the Ist January, 1830. LONDON AND MIDDLESEX. Executions. Commitments. In Three Years, ending 31st Dec., 1380...52 960 Ditto Ditto Parl. Paper, No. 165. Having considered it our duty to express our sentiments at the present, moment on this most important subject, we may add, hat we confidently believe, that the views and feelings of nine tenths of the reflecting portion of your constituents are in unison with our own. We feel sure that you will not attribute. this statement of ours to any improper motive. Watching, as we have done for some years, the public mind on this question, we think it right to inform you, and we trust you will rejoice to know, that such is the universal feeling in this city. We hope that you regard the subject in the same point of view, and hold that it is neither wise in legislation, nor consistent with humanity to inflict the punish ment of death for any critne short of wilful and accomplished murder ; and that you will be able to advocate the principle when the Bills alluded to come to be discussed. The second reading of all the Bills is ordered for Monday the 24th instant.* We are, Sir, your obedient servants, Robt. K. Greville, LL. D., Sec. Henry Tod, W. S. For Hon. H.D.Erskine, M.B. Alex. Cruickshank. Pat. Neill, LL.D. D. T. K. Drummond. J. S. More, Advocate. John Wigham, Jun. J. Hamilton, Advocate. . John Gairdner, M.D. W. Beilby, M.D. James Pillans, Professor. Ed. Criiikshank. Martin Barry, M.D. . William Alexander. We Members of the Town-Council of Edinburgh, unite in the sentiments contained in the above letter. (Then follow the signatures of) The Right Hon. James Spittal, Lord Provost. Thomas Sawers, James Donaldson, Magistrates of Edinburgh. Peter Crooks, Andrew Miller, D. MiLaren, Treasurer. Peter Lamond, Dean of Guild. William Dick, Convenor of the Incorporated Trades. R. W. Jameson, Councillor. Henry Banks, Councillor. Thomas Russell, Alex. Macaulay, M.D., George H. Mendell, Frederick Maclagan Robert Deuchar, John Duncan, Andrew Falkner, John Robertstm, James Gifford, Sir J. G. Dalyell, John R. Stodart, George Inglis, Jun., Francis Howden, Patrick Neill, LL.D., Thomas Penton, George Grant, A letter to the same effect has been addressed to the Lord Advo cate, the representative of Leith by the Provost, Magistrates, and others of the most respectable inhabitants of that town. The discussion of these measures has since been postponed at the request of Sir Robert Peel. It is to take place upon the committal of the Bills on Friday, the 19th of May. PRICES 01 STOCKS THIS DAY AT ONE O'k LOCK. Bank 5t0ck...... 204 3b :India Stunk.. - 3 per Cent. Red. 896% i i)itto Bonds ' 29 31 pm.. 3per Cent. Cons_ .. 90%%%% South Sea Stock - 3% per Cent. .... ... - 1 01 d Annuities - Ditto Red- ....... -. ... - New 3% per Cent.. 98%% I 3 per Cent. Annuities, 1751 - New 5 per Cent.. Bank Long Annuities to expire IDitto 500 11 33 pm. Jan. 5, 1860 ' 144 9-16 7-16 I Ditto Small Oct. 10. 1859 - 'Ditto Commercial 27 28 pm. Jan. 5, 'B6O l4 13-16% • Ditto Advertised Pm Jan. 5, .880 - I Bank Stock for Acc0unt......... 204 'it April 5, 1880...... - India Stock for Account -- J +n. 5, 1870....... - : Consols for Acconnt 1 mnium pm. i RICES OF FOREIGN FUNDS THIS DAY AT ONE O'CLOCK. Austria Bonds . ........ ......... —' P e ruvian Bonds Belgian Bonds 1 Ditto Account — Ditto Account.... ...... .. .. —; Portuguese Bonds 7l Brazilian Bonds Ditto Account . S4 I Ditto New Bonds — Wienos Ayres Bonds Ditto Account 464 Vs Ditto Account — Ditto, 3 per cent 2 9 1,4 Chillian Bonds — , Prussian Bonds .. Ditto Account Calumbian Bonds ! Ditto Account — Ditto Account Columbian Bonds, :821 —l Spanish Bonds — Ditto Account Danish Bonds ... Ditto Account greek 80nd5.... .............. ... French,' 5 per cent , —I. —c. Ditto Bonds, 1825 — 4 per cent. ...... .... —f. .—c. Ditto Account — 3 per cent.. —l. —c Mexican Bonds, 5 per cent — Exchange —4. —,. Ditto Account . Dutch, 214 per cent. Ditto, 6 per cent............ Ditto Account 53 Ditto Account ...... ..... .... Ditto, 5 per cent. — Neapolitan —t Ditto Account — PRICES OF SHARES THIS DAY AT ONE O'CLOCK. Paid. Per Share Birmingham and Derby Railway Company lO 3y4 Great Western Railway Company... . .. 4O 41 4056 4214 . I Brighton Railway Company (Stevenson's) 5 Iti London and Birmingham Railway Company B5 - 112 14 Manchester and Leeds Railway Company 5 5y4 7 Manchester South Union Railway Company 5 4 North Midland Railway Company l5 I 114 14 13 South Brighton, Lewes, and Newhaven Railway '2 1 COURSE OF EXCH Amsterdam C F 12 6 . . Ditto, at sight Rotterdam 2U. 12 6K Antwerp.. Hamburg. M.B. 13 14% Altona.. .-. Paris, 3 days' sight 25 70 Ditto '2 Us. 26 0 __ ._ ,NGE YESTERDAY. Leghorn 47 Genoa 26 30 Milan 31 a' Venice Naples 39% Palermo per oz. 118 Marseilles. Frankfort OR Maine, Ex. M 155 Petersbutgh, ruble " 3Us lO 0 Ber6ii Vienna, effective fl 2M.10 20 'Trieste ditto lO 22 Madrid Lisbon Cadiz.... • Bsg Gilboa .... . 15 Barcelona 15 Saville l5 nibrattar .. 5:2 hi Oporto 52 Rio Janeiro - 8 Bahia 26 Buenos Ayres -- Dublin, 21 days' sight 1 Y. 2 Cork PRICE OF BULLION, PER OZ Portugal Gold, coin £0 0 0 Foreign Gold, in bars 3 17 9 New Doubloons .. New Dollars ........... ...... 0 4 .0S Silver. bars. standard 0 4 113¢ LLOYD'S. SHIPPING.-( THIS DAY DEAL, Aram 28.—Wind S.W., light airs, and nearly calm.— Arrived the Zcenit, Smart, from Rio Janeiro; Idris, Foster, from Trinidad ; Uranies, from St. Croix ; Minorca, Busk, from New Orleans ; Ramona, from Terceira; Penelope, Cawse, from Ali cant ; Lady Day, James, from Waterford ; and Ann, from Cadiz, having been in contact with the George Canning, from London to Mauritius. FALMOUTH, APRIL 27.—Wind W.S.W., fresh breezes.—Ar rived the Swift packet from Tampico—sailed the 15th ult, and Havannab the 31st, having on frcie2o,oo.o dollara_:LNLAtimr.i. Wind S.E.—Arrived the London, Wimble, from Calcutta. PORTSMOUTH, Aram 28.—Wind S.E., fine. HASTINGS,, APRIL 28.—Wind S. S.E.—Off port, the Welling ton, Liddell, from Madras—sailed 21st January, Cape of Good Hope the 2d, and St. Helena the 31st ult. ; and Maria, Teneriffe. CLYDE, APRIL 27.—Arrived, the Cecilia, Inglis, from Deme rara ; the Tuscany, from Savannah. SWANSEA, Amitt. 28.—ArrivSd, the John Hardy, Laing, Cuba. LIVERPOOL,, APRIL 27.—Wiud S. W. to N.W.—Arrived, the Independence, from New York ; the Ceylon, Mellican, Mobile ; the Caronge, Robinson, from Charleston ; the Fairfield, Slack, from Savannah ; the Racer, Tbwgood, from Trieste. The publication of THE SUN NEWSPAPER commenced this day at 20 minutes past Three o' Clock. TIE FUNDS.--(THIS - DAY.) CITY, TWELVE O'CLOCK. _ We have received New York papers to the 11th hilt. From a paper of the Bth inst., we extract the following:— " Exc IMANGE.—SaIes of private bills in England at 10% to 12 per cent. cash ; France, 5 franks 15 cents ; Holland, 411,x; Ham burgh, 36%; and Bremen, 82 cents. The Bonds of the United States Bank on England, without interest, sold at 1 or 2 per cent., cash. The transactions were not extensive in private bills ; but a large business was none in bonds. Export of specie this week 34,457 dollars. The New York Express of the Bth inst., gives the following city news ; " The week bids fair to close with the same gloom that has pre vailed for the last three days. The Money Market is as tight as ever, and confidence in all personal securities almost vanished. Stocks fell off a trifle, if we except the State Bank ; that fell to 96. An impression seems to have got abroad that the Bank has suffered by the stoppage of Hicks, Lal,vrente, and Co. We believe this to be an error. The Bank no doubt has some of their paper; but not to an amount of serious consequence. There has been several failures to-day, but none of great magnitude. Messrs. M. Allen, who are among the unfortunate, will pay their own engage ments on paper, but not their stock deficiencies. The packets do not sail for Liverpool to-morrow. Something was done un Ex change. Confidence, however, is so much impaired, that there are only a very few houses whose bills are taken, which houses have been able to sell their bills at I 0 and 125 per cent. The United States Bonds payable in London in April, 1838, bearing no interest, are selling freely in the market at par. This is a most ruinous rate to those who have negotiated this description of paper. It is a loss of full three per cent. a month. The fall of Stock within these three or four weeks has been greater than we have ever known. The ope rations in Grain are truly immense. Stocks (7th April) 114 i United States Bank." Buenos Ayres papers have been received to the sth of February. They bring a translation of the communication from the Govern ment to the House of Representatives, upon the financial affairs of the province (or what might be called the Budget), and the ways and means to cover the deficit. They further state —" We wait with some impatience the arrival of fresh inteili gence from Chili, as the next accounts must inform us of the com mencement of hostilities. The Peruvian Minister in Chili has pro posed an armistice, to give time for the adjustment of peace, to which Chili had refused to accede." The New York Commercial Advertiser of April 10, states of the Richmond market—" The money pressure continues so very severe, and confidence so much impaired, that no one seems willing to engage in new commercial transactions." The anxiously-looked for packet of the Bth bast., from New York, has arrived, by which we have received New York papers of the 10th inst. They are anything but favourable in respect to com mercial affairs in the United States. More houses continue stop ping payment. Confidence continues lost—and the United States Bank paper is at par. Upon the whole everything has a gloomy appearance to the last date. There is also great disappointment experienced by the packet not having brought over the specie expected. We have no doubt that our sovereigns havg 6 gained a firm footing in the United States, and good care will be hilt en that few of them will visit England again. Accounts from Liverpool received this morning state that the New York Packet has brought over a million of Bank bonds, and seventy thousand dollers. From New Orleans it is stated that the stoppage of a large cotton f ac t ory i s f u ll y confirmed'; but the assets are sufficiently large to inspire confidence in the creditors, and would be able to pay all demands. Several of the smaller houses have also stopped there. Consols which closed yesterday at 90i r for the Account, and time, opened at the same price, with little doing ; Exchequer Bills, 30 32 : India Bonds, 32 ; Bank Stock, 203 4 . In the Foreign Market, Spanish Active 2121 ; Portuguese, 40 4 ; Three per Cents, 204. _ HALF-PAST ONE. Extract of a letter from Philadelphia, April,7 :—" We have just returned from the United States Bank, to whom we offered 12i per cent. cat-h for bills on London ; but they refused to draw bills at any price, and will only sell their Bonds payable in Lbndon at 12 months, without interest, at 7 per cent. premium. The Charlestown papers state that Messrs. Josephs's paper was sold in the street yesterday for 20 cents. on the dollar. Cape of Good Hope papers, received to Feb. 26, state that the news from the frontier, during the week, are of a pacific character. The general topic of conversation this morning in the City, en tirely relates to the very unfavourable commercial information re ceived from the United States. These are by far worse than- was anticipated. The failures are to a great extent. Consols may be quoted at 90* Money ; 90i for the Account, little doing. Exchequer Bills, 31 33 prem. ; India Bonds, 29 31 prem. ; Bank Stock, 2031. In the Foreign Market, Spanish Active heavy at 21i ; Portu guese, 46*; Three per Cents., 29*; Dutch Two-and-Half, 54 ; American Bank Bonds, 931- 94i. We hear of a failure this morning of an East India house. THREE 0' CL 0 C.K. ConsoVer the Account, 90i. LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, APRIL 29, 1837. The Tory party having run through their long list of grievances, and being sadly in want of a fresh stock, have, in their destitution, been compelled to fall back upon that favourite one which they set forth with such emphasis at the commencement of the Session—namely, the miscon duct of Lord MULGRAVE'S Administration in Ireland. The Marquis of DOWNSHIRE opened the discussion on this thread-bare and thrice-answered theme last night, by the presentation of an Irish Protestant petition, which of course—as was intended—gave Earl RODEN an opportu nity of enlarging, at most wearisome length, on the va rious sins of omission and commission, of which he de clared the Irish Government were guilty. Foremost among these was the merciful and considerate character of its legislation. A sinning on the side of severity the Noble Earl could have understood and pardoned; but a leaning to the side of mercy was what he could by no means understand or approve. It was anti-Tory in the most extensive interpretation of the term, and every way calculated to " draw iron tears" down the cheeks of those benign Orange functionaries who headed the late glorious campaigns at Rathcormac and Carri - eishock. To rule Ireland well, you should rule her in the spirit of unqua lified tyranny. Bully her—trample on her—grind her be neath your hoof—for, like eels, she is used to the worst treatment, and cannot understand any other. Would you behave to a nation of mere " aliens," as you would to Eng land or Scotland ? Would you endeavour to bring her within the pale of civilization, or allow her the slightest modicum of Corporate Reform, who is incapable of being entrusted with the management of her own affairs ? Ne, no ; she is a rank lunatic, and is only to be quieted, there fore, by the keeper's whip and strait-waistcoat. So say the Tories—but so do not say Irishmen, or the great majority of their enlightened fellow citizens in Eng land and Scotland. What is the language held by the bulk of the British copmunity on the subject of the wrongs ---- seat her n the gnirit of forbearance and charity ; raise her in her o wn esteem ; wipe the tears from her Cheek, and bid her lo . ok up and be comforted ; dare, in short, tq be just towards her ; and trust to her sense of honour and gratitude for the result. In pursuing his present course of policy Lord MULGRAVE is but strictly acting up to these opinions, which are those of all good citizens. He treats Ireland neither with mis taken lenity nor undue harshness, but in the uniform spirit of impartiality. Hence his offence in the eyes of Orange men, who having been once despots, .think it hard that they cannot be despots for ever. The debate 04, last night,- though ostensibly on a certain frantic Protestant petition, was in fact little better than a mere echo of that which was brought forward in the Com mons at the commencement of the Session, on the Irish Government. Lord RODEN said nothing that Mr. Ser geant JACKSON, with infinitely more ability, had not said before him. He advanced no new opinions ; threw no new lights on the subject ; but contented himself with the scant gleanings of a field of controversy already fully reaped. Ire land—so ran the burden of his complaint —was tranquil, but it was the " tranquillity of death." There - was no se curity fur Orange life, or Orange property. Every thing went on just as it ought not to go on. Captain Rock lay in ambush among the hedges, and hordes of Ribbonmen prowled unmolested among the wilds of Tipperary. Such, or nearly such, was the picture which Earl RODEN drew of the present aspect of Ireland—a pretty picture enough, but utterly wanting in verisimilitude. Every man who is not styed in Tory prejudices, knows right *ell that the sister country has not for a length of time, been so tranquil as she nowdis. All the reports we have from Ireland concur in this statement, and also that it is mainly to the considerate policy of the Viceroy that this favourable state of things is to be attribUted. Lord MELBOURNE'S remarks on the Protestant petition were severely just. He anatomised and laid bare its so phistries in his most skilful, searching manner. In fact, so complete was his exposure of this wretched document, that Earl RODEN, conscious of his inability to make any effectual reply, felt it his safest plan to steer clear of the subject, and indulge in the irrelevant statements to which we have just alluded. By the bye, this sage Peer, in the course of his prolix oration, fell foul of Lord MORPETIi for having pre sumed to call the Irish Tories a " miserable minority !" Well, are they not ,miserable ? Look at their faces—read their speeches in Parliament—mark the dismal, hopeless sophistry of their arguments ! Was ever such a set of crest-fallen, uneasy individuals, as haunt the back seats of the Opposition bench ? Night after night they attempt to make head against Government ; and night after night arc their virtuous endeavours frustrated. Lord MORPETIS is right. The Irish Tories are a miserable minority, and long may they continue so. It is not a little curious that though the Protestant pe tition was got up full three months since, and expatiates with becoming pathos on the dangers to which the Irish Orangemen are hourly subjected, it has not been presented to the House of Lords till now.' How happens this ? Surely if the danger was so urgent, it should have been an nounced before now ! But the truth is, there is no danger, except to Orange despotism, in Ireland. The whole affair is an artful fabrication, got up for party purposes. A dead-set is now to be made at Ministers by the Opposition in both Houses ; hence the presentation, at this particular juncture, of a petition got up last January. Sir FRANCIS BURDETT has addressed the following cha racteristic letter to the Electors of Westminster : " Brighton, April 27. " Gentlemen,—l have just had transmitted to me by the High Bailiff of Westminster, a resolution, adopted by a publi c mee ti ng in Covent Garde n , o f th e e l ec tors of Westminster, calling upon me to vacate my seat, upon the ground — of my having lost the confi dence of my constituents. This application so far differs from a similar one sent to me a short time since by a meeting of some gen tlemen at the British Coffee-house, that it bears the semblance of proceeding from a public meeting of the electors of Westminster ; the lion's hide at least is assumed, though the voice be somewhat different ; the hands are the hands of Esau,' said the patriarch of old but the voice is the voice of Jacob :' so of this meeting, the voice is the voice of the British Coffeehouse, and the parties, as far as appears, the same ; at any rate, it affords me an opportunity, and I trust a justification, of complying, to use the fa shionable patriotic slang, with the wants and wishes of this por tion of the people ; the gauntlet is thrown down thus publicly, and I take it up and accept the challenge thus publicly given. I will apply for the Chiltern-Hundreds, and then call upon the electors of Westminster to declare themselves for or against a zealous supporter and firm adherent, as I have ever been and am, of the laws, institutions, and con stitution of England. I should not, however, venture upon this decision, provoked to it as I am, nettled and stung by pismires, was I not satisfied from recent appearances that no unfair advantage will thereby be given, or can he taken, by any party ; all will start fair, and upon equal toms, and the opinions, sentiments, and principles of the elect o r s of Westminster will b e clearly 'manifested, and placed beyond cavil or dispute. I shall 'offer myself to your support as the "-. e (i*kt ^4, t, , = ,c_v( autu+ 'y. he countr, supporter of the laws and in stitutions of t The as a resolute opposer of all the new-fan gled notions , s e shallow doctrines , and crud e p ro j ects now afloat. T resolutions passed at the late Westminster m eeting in at garden, with a common fallacy makes an assertion, or taketan sertion for a proof, and comes to a c onclusion as if it were a fat._ t i It asserts that I have changed my p olitics, and that I am oppord all remedies , nrop.osed for the correction of ab uses in Church an State. The tact is, tha it is enthy who make this assertion wnyss have changed, t od not I— t like men n a ship, who fancy the shore I in motion, instead of themselves. " Gentlemen, when I was sent to the Tower, what was ni) r - motto ?It was this— Hold to the laws. I say so still. The banner of Reform when we struggl Con stitution, the whole C o. ustitution, and nothing but the Constitu tion,'_e. was inscribed on together to obtain it. C.f trust, again contend suce,:ssfully fee the suPP?rt tu ,„ -icier the same banner we shall,of the l laws, institutions, and constituijon of Eng2and, against !ill natural alliance, an odious yet ludicrous combo cation of Irish t a.tors, Popish prieits, and paid patriot.g, operating;lion toned, I believe, but I am compelled to tdd, a weak andll one ng Administration, whilst the country and the times de n "' ca n, firm, capable, business-doing, and decided. Believe r n Govern bethere no greater calamity to a country than a weak Execute ,es, ,feel_ ment. These, gentlemen, are, and ever were , my prineip.. toe a wed vaci 11-i t ings, and opinions. Should you concur in the m, y ou will gl•ve the, your support in fighting the battle of the Constitution ; if, on other hand, you do not concur with me in these opinions and i nu ciples, you will do well to oppose me with al l your energies, fo r more determined adherent of old English p rinci p les and govern ment, laws and institutions, breathes not his native air. " I remain, Gentlemen, as I ever was, a true-hearted English- man, ,and your devoted, faithful, and very humble servant, , " FRANCIS BURDETT . ' We are so far from bei.ng surprised at the course which Old Glory" here declares his determination to purs °D u . e, that we anticipated nothing else. It must h ave beeU : vious to the few persons who thoun - Lt the conduct of the poor dotard worth a moment's considevation, that be ha s been for some time past longing to throw himself 114) the arms of the Tories. He has been at some Pa i,,.° to create a favourable opportunity for this e sca p aa" and has at last succeeded. By a total neglect of his Par" liamentary duties, and a public avowal of his hostility to the 1 . progress of Reform, he has disgusted his constituen ts, 10 forced upon them the necessity of calling upon him to res k ° his seat. He has with great alacrity obeyed the call , alt hou2 ? -1. such obedience is directly at variance with the principles (" we may use that word) contained in the letter in which it j 5 announced ; and Westminster's Pride and England's Glorl is now about to appeal from the verdict of the " free and independent electors," to the compassion of the fe,etiou which has hitherto inveterately opposed him, and which he has, times out of number, denounced in the choicest VII' lingsgate: There is one paragraph in the letter wkiah esPe cially provokes a smile. The writer reminds the electors that. when he was conveyed to the Tower, he told them to bola to the laws," forgetting that he had then given the exan3Pic of setting the laws at defiance, by his foolish resistance foe several days to the Officers of the Law, against whor e h barricadoed his house ! But the fact is, the faded Bilrouet never had but one idea, and that went when ParlianAt 'Aa r / Reform was granted. The whole of the Paris Papers of Thursday have ) received. The punishment of death awarded agel l ° s MEUNIER by the Court of Peers, has already been co o f muted by the KING to transportation for life. This act Royal clemency has given the greatest satisfaction to ti l l 4 citizens of Paris of all ranks. The KING appointed ale PRESIDENT of the Court of PEERS to announce t MEUNIER in his dungeon, his reprieve from death, whick the culprit heard in silence, followed by demonstrations the liveliest repentance. The following details connecte d with this affair are from the Debats of Thursday. They cannot be perused without emotion : " We have been so fortunate as to become acquainted with sot of the circumstances which have attended the spontaneo us act e Royal clemency towards Meunier, and we have great pleasure i communicating them to the public, because they display , in all hi simple and majestic grandeur the King whom France has raised !‘) the Throne of July, and whom base calumny still assails, even i n inviolable sphere in which the respect of the people has placed hire' Meunier, immediately after his sentence was pronounced, wrote to the King, humbly entreating pardon in terms of the mos t since° 'repentance. But, before his petition reached his Majesty' the Council of Ministers was considering this serious q uest i o n —and the King himself had spoken in favour of commu tat i '—considering the good sentiments the culprit ha d seve"' times expressed during the proceedings — in fact , the °,r; finance was signed before Meunier's petition was broug ht to 01. Council. At the same moment an aged woman entered the couri i o f the Palace, scarcely able to walk from her extreme disteass. mind. She urgently entreated to be allowed to deliver a Aetitol to the Queen. It was the unhappy mother of Meunier ! e cers of the Palace received her with kindness, and immediate went to receive the Queen's orders. In a few minutes afterwat:,, I the supplicant was on her knees at the feet of her Majesty , bath' her Royal hands with tears, and praying for mercy with conve ls ': i e sobs. The Queen was yet uninformed of the decision of t Council, and could only return consolatory language , tr embling,f e the idea' of giving false h;ipes. Dming this affecting scene .. w d , door opened, the King was announced , and from his own “lnie put an end to the perplexities of the Queen , by informing 'lO mother of the culprit that the life of her sou was spared. " 1 e ha e ,„ commuted his punishment," said his Majesty. " Y ou r son has ~ pented, and I have wished him to live. I did not wait for his Petl, tion to pronounce his pardon." As the unfortunate woman yr!: completely embarrassed and overcome at finding herself in the prr, senee of so much goodness, as well as g randeur, and could 04 reply to it with her tears, the... King added—' Be comfortecli Your son is already acquainted with his pardon. I have just seo, the President of the Court of Peers to make it known to hiFl: r The Kin then raised the poor woman whp still remained 0" y . ; g • seated her in an arm-chair, COon nuing to address her in terms of consolation and benevolence' After a few minutes more their Majesties retired, recommen d " Madame Meunier, still oppressed with her emotions, to tI e ear? - their officers." This act of mercy will do more to put an end to CO. I ' l racies against the KING'S life than the beheading of twenty intentional regicides. The supplementary credits demanded by Ministers Wets voted during the sitting of Wednesday by a majority 1 : 7 ( 193 rotes against 159. So unexpected a triumph encoll - the Minister of the Interior to introduce on Thursday the Bill demanding 1,000,000 francs, (40,000/.) 05 dowry for the Queen of the BELGIANS. The debate 1t, 3 not been brought to a close when the mails left Paris 'l° ' ,„ London. The accounts received in Paris from Africa are very f 3 ' vourable. Some tribes in the vicinity of Constantine declared for the French ; and at Bona the repair of t'l" works lately damaged by the blowing up of the powder 016- gazine were nearly completed. , FRENCH N DS. —Ps ars, APRIL 27 . Five per Cents., 106 f. 85c. 75c. Sue. Mice per rents. 78f. 85c. 70c. 75c. Bank Actions, 2,405 L Rente ae Naples ' 981 , 75c. 65c. 70c. Roman Five per Cents., 103; , §%%. Spanish Actives, 23% 34% %. Spanish Passives, 5%ii5,3( 4 . Brussels Society, 1,527 f. 50c. 45301. Portuguese Three per Cents. 29% 1 4 %. EXCHANGE ON I.ONDON. One month, paper, 25f. 423(, ; money, 25f. 40c. Three months, paper, 25f. ; Money, 251. 20c . —Co,:rs u thentiaue. LAST PRICES. Five per Cents., 106 f. 85c. Three per Cents. MI 3')c. • ' Bank its.tions, 2,eutf . Bente de Naples, 98f. 9 1 c. Roman Five per Cents., 102%. Brussels Bank, 1,360 f. Portuguese Three per Cents., 29%. Spanish Actives, 23'4 Spanish Passives 5%. Belgian Society, 1,530 f. _ New York P a per s t o th e 1 r th instant have bee n in , ceived. Politically speaking they are unimportant ; but to a financial point of view, the extracts from them, whic h - given in our City Article, will be found interesting. lt We are compelled by want of space to keep bac k ti Monday an article on the subject . of th e d e b a te on the A rl " 411 Poor-law Bill in the House of Commons last night. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER. last night g gt h notice that he would postp o ne th e B u d ge t f r om the May to the 26th. • ELECTORS OF WESTMINSTER' • Sir Francis Burdett has declared his determination to CO Q, ply with the request of the public meeting of Monday 1 r He resigns—but appeals to you, by again offering him w s il e r n o o c i f t your suffrages. This is as it should be ; and you have the opportunity of recovering that character which Y so gloriously maintained in Sir Francis Burdett's better dald by rallying round Mr. Leader, the determined stlPP la r ter yeet those imperishable principles, to whi c h f or thirty Year s ' o ld have shown your firm attachment. El e ct ors ! e xercise you r of spirit, and at once re-plac e y ours el ves i n th e p r oud positiFor, being the first constituency in the kingdom.—[Froth 3 - respondent.] Mr. Patrick Stewart, M.P , had an interview "'ial the Right Hon. C. Poulett Thomson, this day, at the 13° of Trade. A din yesterday The Marquis of Ailsa gave hi s fi r st gran yesterday in Whitehall-gardens. Nor f o lk Lord Melbourne entertained the Duke of ;D r and a distinguished party to di nner on Th urs day, in D° °°- t street. 'es 64 The Marquis of Abercorn will com mence a se rl o iP dinner parties early in May, on Carlton-terrace. A Wit leta d cent new service of plate, by Garrard, has been just coe 3 P for his Lordship. ' nes 6. Mrs. Cunlifle gives a grand b a ll on Monday at her residence, in Upper Brook-street. to The Duke of N or f o lk w ill enter t a i n a large P ar - e dinner to-morrow, at hi s res id ence , i n S t . James's-square. - i - al N. P. Willis, E sq ., t h e we ll-k no wn an t 'beell " Pencillings by the Way-side," and other works, ha s appointed American Secretary of Legation at Vienna - ' i s CRUET FRAMES, Plated with Silver EdO' c li, ° I .4 Seven Cut Glass Cruets are offered, price Two Guineas °o ' variety of Patterns. Ep ergnes w ith one rich Cut Gia l nise, price Five G u i neas eac h, or, with four arms supporting Fou beside the Centre, Seven Guineas each. The three Shovi of slfr are fitted up expressly for the display of a large assortmet virotiv VER PLATE, and Plated Goods. T. COX SAVOR I, ing Gold and Silversmith, 47, Cornhill, London 30 Ir. • ( , Loudon: Printed aid Published by 1111311D0 YOU I ' 4 6 , 1 00 112, Strand, at The Sun Office, No. 112, Strang/ ill w ! of iliddlesim—Saturday, April 29, 1831. V ti ~!.='~' .✓`:S ..t