The Sun. — London, England, 1837-04-20 00:00:00

j f • •• • 4 -0 v- 0 ) c A r " Ell . , „?, _ , 4 7 .'4 lOW • - - ~443" I) _ ' , IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF C021241101V5, ApAn 19. The g•PEASER look the chair a few minutes before Four o'Clock. Captain ALSAGER presented a petition from Mr Newton Smith against Gibbs's Brighton Line of Railway. GAIWNER'S DIVORCE BILL LONDON, THURSDAY EVENING, APRIL 20, 1837. No. 13,916. PRICE sd. The other Bills were then postponed to future days, in order to allow the adjourned debate to be proceeded with. The Consolidated Fund Bill went through Committee, and was ordered to be reported to-morrow. Mr. TOOKE moved the third reading of this Bill. Mr. GORDON trusted that the Hon. Member wouli postpone his motion for the third reading till to-morrow. Circumstances had taken place which he could not detail to the House which bad induced him to make this request. Mr. TOOKE said that he had every disposition to act courteously to the Hon. Member ; but be felt that he •sho u ld not b e doing his duty towards those who had in trusted him with this Bill if he did not move its third read ing tn - daY. He was quite sure that the suggestions which had been alluded to by the Hon. Member would not be ac ceded t o b y t h e pr i nc i pal party concerne d , i n a ddi t i on to which no Parliamentary ground for delaying the third read ing had been brought forward. From the information he had received, he felt quite convinced that no possible good could result from the delay. Mr. GORDON trusted that in the next twenty-four hours an arrangement would take place that would do away with th e o bj ect i ons h e enter t a i ne d f or t h e third reading. After some observations from Mr. AGLIONBY, the 800. Member for Truro agreed to postpone the third reading till to-morrow. On the motion of Mr. LAMBTON, the Durham June tion Railway Bill was read a second time, and ordered to be ommitted. On th e mot i on o f M r. DOTTIN t h e L on d on an d Green wich Railway Improvement Bill was read a third time and passed. On the motion of Sir E. WILMOT the London and Birmingham Railway Improvement Bill was read a third time and passed. _- 14 r. CHALMERS presented a petition from the mer nts and agriculturists of Montrose, complaining of the ' mi smanagement of the Clyde Canal Company. WORCESTER CATTLE-MARKET. .Mr. ROBINSON brought up the Report of the Corn llnttee on the Worcester Cattle-Market. . o .n.the motion of Mr. MARK PHILLIPS, the Vic . Park (Manchester) Company Bill was read a third Mme and passed. CHURCH RATES. Petitions against the Ministerial plan for the abolition of Church -rates, were presented by Mr. Davenport, Sir tdward Knatchbull, Sir Roger Gresley, and other Hon. tMemb ers ; and in favour of the abolition of Church-rates "Y. Ur. Potter, Mr. Divett, Mr. Chalmers, Mr. Baines, "Ir. Ord, and other Hon. Members. Sir J. TYRRELL presented a petition from a Board of G uardians in Essex against any material alteration in the Poor Law Bill. SUMMARY PUNISHMENTS. Sir E. WILMOT brought up his Bill giving power to Magistrates to punish summarily in cases of theft where the parties convicted were under 15, and the article tolen !)f lees value than 10s. He would move the secondsread lug of it on the sth May. _ Captai n ALSAGER presented a number of petitions from operatives in Manchester and Stockport, praying for A Ten Hours' Bill. Mr. CLAY presented petitions from the power-loom weavers of Glasgow and Manchester, praying for the abo lition of the Corn-laws ; and one from the Literary Insti tution of Poplar, praying for a national system of education. Mr. WILKS presented a petition from Brosley, in favour of th e Church-rate abolition Bill. Mr. WYNN presented four petitions from places in ...Wales, aga i ns t t h e a b o liti on o f Ch urc h-rates. The Hon. Member also presented a petition from the county of Mont gomery, praying that the surplus revenues of the sees of 13 augor and St. Asaph, instead of being applied to the in crease of the revenues of those sees, might be devoted to t he augmentation of poor livings. An HON. MEMBER presented 25 petitions from different Pans of Gloucestershire, against the abolition of Church rotas. , Mr. HUME presen t e d a pe titi on f rom Chi sw i c k, c o m - Plaining of the operation of certain parts of the Poor Law Amendment Bill in the Union of Brentford, and praying the House to afford such relief as it might think proper. — Referred to the Poor Law Committee. Mr. BROTHERTON presented petitions from Man chester in favour of the Ten Hours' Factory Bill. _ Mr. AGLIONBY presented petitions from the ope ratives of Manchester and Salford in favour of the Ten liours' Bill, and that no person under ten years should be employed in factories. CARDIFF IMPROVEMENT BILL. On the motion of Mr. DILWYN, the Cardiff Im provement Bill was read a third time and passed. FIRE INSURANCES . Mr. J. PONSONBY presented a petition from the Corporation of Derby, praying for a reduction of the duty on Fire Insurances. Mr. HUME presented twelve petitions from places in Kent in support of the Ministerial plan for the abolition of Church-rates. Mr. CLIVE presented petitions from Salop, praying for some legislative enactment with reference to Statute Labour. On the motion of Mr. HARVEY the West London and Westminster Cemetery Bill was read a third time and passed. POOR LAW COMMITTEE—BREACH OF PRIVILEGE. Mr. HARVEY gave notice that in pursuance of the understanding come to yesterday by the House, when the Noble Lord the Secretary for the Home Department would bring forward his motion to-morrow evening, he (Mr. Har- V ey) would move by way of amendment that the Poor-law Committee be instructed to report the evidence received by them from day to day, and he should take the sense of the House on that amendment. Mr. AGLIONBY presented seven petitionsfrom places ' ll Cumberland in favour of the Ministerial plan for the abolition of Church-rates. Mr. BRAMSTON presented two petitions from Essex against the abolition of Church -rates. Mr. FITZSIMON presented a petition for the reduc tion of the duty on Fire Insurances. QMr. W. W. WYNN presented a p et i t i on f rom t h e uarter-sessi ons o f the county of Mont gomery, pray i ng r c ompensation to road Trustees for the statute labour. I Lord WORSLEY presen t e d a num b er of petitions the Government Lincolnshire, in favour of the Church -rate measure of le Government ; and one to the same effect from Ryde, in the Isle of Wight. Colo ne l PERCEV AL presente d pet i t i ons f rom Salop against the abolition of Church-rates. M. GOR ING presented petitions f rom diff erent parts °‘, S ussex agai ns t t h e Mi n i s t er i a l plan for the abolition of ‘ ,l ntrch-r a t es. AGLIONBY presented petitions from Kendal favou r of th e G overnment measure f o r the aboli tion of Church;rates, and praying that it might speedily Pass into a law. The Hon. Member stated that at Kendal .. 1 0 'e Chu rc h- rate was lost by a majority of 755, t h ere b e i ng r the rate 229, and against it 984.—(Cheers.) M V TURNPIKE ACTS. pn-v I, t • - MAULE gave notice that he should on the Acts. June bri ng i n a - Bill to consolidate the Turnpike TiA- f BUSINESS OF THE HOUSE. WA LLACE, before the Order of the Day or re- Oming th e a dj ourned debate on Spanish affairs Honourable sre read, ,ged l eave to inquire if there was any +neither present who could state what the proceedings °I the House would be on Friday. The Noble Lord the lecretary for the Home Department had said that . pe l t. ; 'aPs the Scotch business would be brought for; l a l rd would 74afterwards stated that the Irish Poor-law !t e Proceeded with ; and since then ho had hoard m i I t v ha o t :_ne Canada question would come on. Now he this r 'me could not submit that the Scotch business ( sho r u . ld be Put off, and he begged to give notice that unless the !Aoble Lord gave him an assurance that the Scotch bus Jean Lord come on on Friday, he would move that it do so In Preference to the affairs of Canada, or any other question. Mr. ROBINSON begged to ask whether there would he "Y objection, b e f ore resum i ng the a dj ourne d d e b a t e , to nve the Order o f t h e Day for the second rea di ng o f the t India Officers' Bill ? After a few words from the SPEAKER, kr. ROBINSON said he was in the hands of the : l ion,se, a n d b efore moving the adjOurnment of the Bill, he mud ask the House wh e th er t h ey were pre pared to go vvith it or no. It wou ld b e i mposs ibl e f or t h e House to sir ° eniployed on it up till n i ne o ' c l ock. JO HN HOBHOUSE was not t h en prepared to 2 t en with the Bill, as t h e H on. Member ha d informed in the morning th a t it was not his intent i on to procee d :nth the Bill. The second readi ng o f t h e Bill was then lilt e d for Wednesday, 10th May. BRIBERY AT ELECTIONS. it eeled kr. HARDY was sor r y th at t h ere was no one con with the Home Office present. He believed, how ever, that there was to be no opposition to the Bill in its Present stage ; he hoped he might therefore be allowed to m ove that it might now be read a second time. h •Mr. C. ROSS hoped the Hon. Gentleman would not Tialst in his motion, for he knew that many Honour ; n'aontlemen, opposed to the Bill, intended to have „ hr k e ted their' reasons on the second reading, and were not , w e s ent, as they - did not for a moment expect that the i_eond reading wouLl. be taken upon a night when such an `ntn.rettilit adjourned debate came on. 4 -un second reading of the Bill was then fixed for Wed 'ol4-aY, 3d of May. SPANISH AFFAIRS. The Order of the Day having been read for resuming the adjourned debate upon Spanish Affairs, Mr. OTWAY CAVE rose, but the Hon. Gentleman spoke in so low a tone as to render it almost impossible to catch a single sentence that he uttered ; we however understood him to say that General Evans would be highly gratified by the manner in which his name had been men tioned on that side of the House, particularly by the Hon. Member for Marylebone, who had spoken of him, though absent, as became a man and as a gentle man.—(Hear, hear, hear.) He (Mr. Otway Cave) consi dered the present motion had been brought forward in or der to smooth the way of Don Carlos ; and if he wanted any proof of that, he had only to refer to the cheers that followed the statement that such was the fact by his Honourable Colleague last night. , —(Hear, hear, hear.) It had been asserted by Hon. Members on the other side of the House that General Evans was a sort of mercenary Commander of an unorganised Legion, and that if the English forces were allowed to remain in Spain, further disgrace and disaster would be inflicted. Now, those as sertions were made the ground work for the present mo tion. He trusted the House would bear with him while he stated a few facts which he thought would shew the mo tion ought not to be countenanced. The cause of the disor ganization was mainly to be attributed to the Horse Guards, who refused to allow officers to go out to Spain, and who made every officer upon leaving this country state that he would not go into service in Spain.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") In the second place it was to be attributablo to the political writers of the Tory press, and he said that advisedly, who had endeavoured, by every species of abuse and intimidation, to seduce the soldiers of the Legion, and to dishearten them by statements that their countrymen had no sympathy for them.—(Hear.) The charge brought against his Majesty's Government was extremely inconsistent. Parliament had never been called upon to set aside an Order in Council from the time of the American War. The King in his speech from the Throne had given permission to his subjects to enlist in the service of the Queen of Spain, but the Horse Guards had set its veto upon that permission, and had refused to allow any officer to take part in the contest under pain of trial by Court martial. He complained of the motion having been made at a time when the Legion had been disheartened and dis organized by defeat.—(Hear, hear.) He hoped to be able to satisfy the House that the charges brought against General Evans and the Legion had no foundation in fact, and if he proved that, be was satisfied the Right Honour able Baronet would be quite ready to do an act of not tardy, but immediate, justice to men, some of whom were his own companions in arms. At the time those charges were made, there happened to be in England, an officer of high distinction, whose cha racter was above suspicion, who was well known to many Honourable Members of that House, and who, although he had had a personal difference with General Evans, was so disgusted and shocked with the scandalous nature of the charges brought against him, that lie had sent him (Mr. 0. Cave) a letter, although he had scarcel♦ the honour of his acqu•iintance, merely because lie knew him to be the personal friend of General Evans, which would completely bear out everything he had stated, and which, with the per mission of the House, he would now read. The letter was from General Shaw. The SPEAKER interrupted the Hon. Member, and said that he might read any extracts from the letter for the purpose of refuting allegations that had been made in that House. Mr.o AVE—The writer had the utmost respect for SirH. Hardinge, and therefore he was sorry that he had been induced to make such charges against Gen. Evans upon the autho rity of others. He (General Shaw) was not a personal friend of General Evans, for lie did ❑ot think that lie had used him well—that however was a personal matter. Sir Henry had called the Legion mercenarics.—(Hear, hear, hear.) • He could assure him if he meant they were fighting for pay, that they were not. Many -of them had for years been fighting for those constitutional principles which in a very few years must govern the world, and he could farther assure him, that,Si r Henry had received more pay for one campaign in the Peninsula than he (Gen. Shaw) had received, during six years that he had been in command of a brigade. The letter then proceeded to give categorically a positive denial to all the statements quoted by Sir Henry Hardinge from the work of Major Richardson. Though he had left the Legion he bore good testimony to their conduct. Such were the officers, and such were the men whom they were called upon deliberately to stigmatise by their vote that night, for the purpose of casting a slur on their foreign policy, and embarrassing the Government. That House had been called an assembly of gentlemen—he would call on them by the feelings of gentlemen not to inflict that disgrace on themselves, by perpetrating such an act of monstrous injustice as to condemn men who were not there to defend themselves.—(Cheers.) It was a most fortunate thing that he had been in possession of those facts, otherwise a verdict might have been obtained against those brave and honourable men—(Hear)—they would have been stigmatized in the eyes of all Europe ; mutiny and dissatisfaction would have spread through their ranks, and have prevented General Evans from re trieving their loss. Perhaps he might now be allowed to say a few words as to General Evans himself. He knew, and could give proofs of it, that General Evans had been actuated by the noblest, the highest, and the purest motives.—( Cheers.) Those who had the honour of knowing him knew that he was incapable of being actuated by other than the most honourable motives. But as it might go forth to the world if this motion were carried, which he thought it would not be—(hear, hear) — and as from the speeches made on the other side of the House, any one who had heard them would think Gen. Evans was a mercenary—and that was the term which the Right Hon. and Gallant Officer opposite had applied in the heat of debate be would admit—but whiCh he was sure he would retract.—(Loud cries of Hear, hear, hear.) He had said that General Evans was himself a mercenary, and that the soldiers of the Legion were a brutalised and demoralised rabble. That having been stated, which of course would go forth to the world, he would, with the permission of the House, read another extract from a letter lie held in his hand.—(Hear, hear, hear.) When General Evans was about to leave the coun try, it was thought by his friends he ought to make some stipulatio n for himself ; that as he was giving up great advantages in this country, and exposing himself to risk ; and as that which was dearer to him than his life, his repu putation would in his absence be exposed to every species of slander, he was urged to make a stipulation that be should receive 10,0001., for going out on the expedition. What was the conduct of General Evans on that occasion ? He had declined to accept of one farthing for his services in that cause.—(Loud cheers.) He did not think that the House would sanction an imputation on the character of General Evans or the British Legion, for the purpose of embarrassing his Majesty's Government.—( Hear, hear.) These charges, he contended, were frivolous, unfair— he was sorry be had . to add ungenerous—and he was satisfied he had proved to the House that they were un founded.—(Cheering.) One of the charges against General Evans was that he had made a reconnaisance on a Sunday ; but the Hon. and Gallant Officer had served, with honour to himself, under the Duke of Wellington, and he would .not venture to assert that he had never undertaken any military operation on a Sunday.—(Hear, hear, hear.) He said that it was most ungenerous on the part of the Gallant Officer—these charges were made not only in their absence, but when they were unfortunate ; for the Gallant officer well enough knew his profession to be aware that if his motion were carried, the Legion would never have an oppor tunity of redeeming themselves. The Legion had suffered a severe defeat ; but it was to be remembered, that out of eight actions, in seven they had covered themselves with glory, and that even then they had not lost their honour. —( Hear, hear, hear.) He quoted the opinions of Gen. Harrispe, who, writing to General Evans, said the Legion had sustained their honour, and that only time and discipline were wanting to make it as good an army as the regular one. The Legion had endured great privations and sufferings, which were revolting to the generous and humane throughout the world. Let them not by their vote add to those sufferings—do not refuse to give them an op portunity of redeeming themselves. The Hon. and Gallant Member was not the hand which ought to have inflicted this blow on the Legion, and for the purpose of serving Don Carlos. When Don Carlos was in Portugal, his only cry —a most abject one —was, " Save me from Rodil." Ho was saved by the interference of the English, and his return was, issuing the butchering decree of Durango, as the Standard newspaper called it. He would read to the House tho observations oft tha journal, which formed an honourable exception to party publications, and put the claims of Don Carlos in the clearest light. The Honourable Member thou read an extract from the Standard. He hoped that Don Carlos would yet die a felon's death—suspended from a branch of one of those trees the roots of which he had nourished with human gore. If he should fall into the hands of the friends of constitutional liberty in Spain, he ( Mr. Cave) hoped they would recollect bow their former clemency had been abused. Let them recollect the fate of Riego, a man as brave in battle as he was humane in victory and amiable in private life. All his noble qualities could not save him from the torture of the Inquisition, that true Conservative engine. If they had again the power-let them not leave it within the reach of any man to trifle with the sword of justice. Until the upas tree shall be cut dorm let not the hatchet tremble in the hand.—( Cheers.) -:7k Sir H. H A RDING E said that it was necessary he sltould make a few observations in explanation of what had fallen from the Hon. Gentleman opposite in his speech—a speech which did the Hon. Gentleman great credit.—(Cheers.) The warmth of the Hon. Gentleman on this occasion, considering that he was the personal friend of General Evans, wag not only justifiable but must call forth the sympathy of 'the House.—(Cheers. ) What he (Sir H. Hardinge) had stated on the authority of Major Richardson, he so stated bedause he knew that Major Richardson was an officer in the Bitish service ; and, having made inquiries respecting him, he Aund that he would be justified in maki:ig any statement oat his authority. The cause of the dislike, as he understood, which the brother officers of Major Richardson entertained towards him was, that Major Richardson hail published some state ments which gave them offence at St. Sebastian. A Court of Inquiry was instituted, and it was admitted by General Evans in his own handwriting that there was no imputation on Major Richardson, and it was after that occurrence he got his majority. Mr. BARRON rose to order. This was the tenth speech the Hon. Gentleman had made on this subject. The SPEAKER said that the Hon. and Gallant Of bad a perfect right to give an explanation of any matter that related to himself; but he could not go into a defence of Major Richardson. Any other Hon. Member could do so as well, if it were necessary. -11 1 Sir H. HARDINGE was at all times ready to sabtint to the opinion of the Chair, but he thought it necessary to say a few words. Sir T. TROUBRIDGE rose to order. He meant no dis respect to the Gallant Officer, but he wished to know from the Chair what really was the rule of the House, as it had been laid down a few nights ago? Sir H. HARDING E--The House will recollect that, from the form in which my motion is brought forward, I can have no right to a reply, and, therefore, I hope the House will per mit me— Mr. BARRON—I rise to order. The Hon. and Gallant Officer is endeavouring to do that now which the rules of the House do not allow him. He is now making a reply. Sir H. HAR DING E—l did not interrupt the Hon. Gen tleman opposite (Mr. Cave), as I might hare done, while he read a long letter in vindication of General Evans ; on the contrary, I heard that letter with satisfaction.•. I think, there fore, that I may be all owe d t o sa y a few words in vindication of another officer, without any Member being so presumptuous as to call me to order for doing so. Mr. BARRON, with great excitement —I shall always, Sir, be so presumptuous as to do my duty in this House, and I think it a piece of excessive impertinence in the Hon. Gentle man—[Here an Hon. Member who sat by the side of Mr. Bar ron pulled him to his scat and broke the sentence.] The SPEAKER was sure the Hon. Member must at once see that he had used language which was quite unparliamen tary and unjustifiable. The words excessive impertinence were such as ought not to be used in that House. Mr. BARRON—UtiIe Hon. and Gallant Gentleman with draws the term " presumptuous," or says that he did not mean to apply it to me in an offensive sense, I have no objection to retract the expression I used, but not otherwise. Sir H. HARDINGE—There is often as much offence in manner as in words. It is the farthest from my intention to give offence or insult to any Hon. Gentleman in this House. As to the expressions that have been used, I desire to pay no attention to them now. I lay them by for the present. Major CURTE IS—I really think the Hon. and Gallant Gentleman ought to explain. Sir C. BURRELL—Both the Hon. Members are bound to explain, and satisfy this House that their explanation is complete. Major BE AUCLERK—I think the Hon. Member for Waterford ought to be perfectly satisfied with the declaration which the Hon. and Gallant Officer has already made, that he meant no insult to any Member of this House. I should my self be satisfied with such a declaration: Lord PALMERSTON said the lion. and Gallant Officer's statement might be thought qualified, but words had been ut tered which should not have been used. He (Lord Palmer ston) would put it to the House whether in the heat of debate both Hon. Members had not used words which they certainly should not have used, and which lie was satisfied they would not have used under any other circumstances ? The expres sion of the Hon. and Gallant Officer was one offensive in its nature ; but the word " retort," used by his (Lord Palmer ston's) Hon. Friend behind him, was not applicable either. He (Lord Palmerston) therefore submitted to the House that both Hon. Members should say the words used were not em ployed in an offensive sense. The SPEAKER was in hopes that, after what had occurred he should not have had to interfere in the matter any more. The moment he heard the word " impertinence" from the Hon. Member for Waterford, he felt himself bound by his duty to call him to order. The explanation afforded by the Hon. Member convinced him that the word was used in the heat of the moment, and without any offensive meaning. The subject would have been dropped but for the words of the Hon. and Gallant Officer already noticed. That was the state of the case ; and he hoped that the Hon. and Gallant Officer would have no hesitation in saying, as the Hon. Member for Water ford did, that he did not use it with an offensive meaning. Sir H. HARDINGE should submit to the authority of the Chair. He hoped that at his time of life it was not necessary for him to make any display for the sake of acquiring a cha racter for courage.—( Hear.) He was bound, however, to say, in self-defence, that before he used the word " presume" —which he admitted was not a Parliamentary one—the Hon. Member's manner to him had been markedly offensive. His after-allusions made it much worse. He felt, however, how useless it was to go on with the matter, and with that convic tion lie should not hesitate in saying, that he would found no further proceedings on it, on the word " impertinent." Mr. BARRON begged to say, that' he would freely with draw the offensive words. Sir H. HA RDINGE—WeII, it is perfectly useless to go further. The Right Hon. and Gallant General then went on to explain, but the few sentences he began with were in audible. Lord PALMERSTON rose to order. He would put it to the House whether the Right Hon. and Gallant Officer was not going too far—that is, whether he was not making a speech, ii place of giving an explanation ? Sir H. HA RDING E would submit, and confine himself to mere explanation. On the occasion alluded to he stated that the men of the Legion had on several occasions signalised themselves by various acts of bravery, and that it was only when they disgraced themselves by acts of insubordination and violence that their services ceased to be useful. With regard to General Evans, he had borne the highest testimony to his character, for he had said that he believed him to a humane, a brave, and a generous man. Every friend of that Gallant Officer would, therefore, exonerate him ( Sir H. Hardinge) from any thing which could be construed into a charge of abuse of him. The opinion he (Sir Henry:Hardinge) ex pressed on the occasion was founded on the letter of Colonel Churchill, which stated explicitly that the force was rendered totally inefficient through insubordination. Captain BOLDER - 0 (who was very inaudible), in re ference to the manner in which the character of Major Ri chardson had been alluded to by the Hon. Member for Tip. perary last night, was understood to say that that officer had been wickedly calumniated. Mr. O'CONNEL L rose to order. He put it to the Chair whether one Hon. Member should say that another Member had " wickedly calumniated" any one ? The SPEAKER did not hear the words complained of; but if they were uttered they were certainly not in order. Captain BOLDERO would bow to the Chair, and will ingly retract them. The Hon. Member had said that Major Richardson was dismissed from the service of the Qaeen of Spain, and that the officers of the Legion refused to associate with him. Neither of these were the facts. It was true that the officers of the 6th Regiment had written a certain letter to him, but the causes which led to it were easily explained. Major Richardson (then Captain Richardson) was wounded in the action of the sth of May, and he came back to England to recover his health in consequence. While here he wrote and published a pamphlet which it seems was not palatable to the Legion. On his return to Spain, the officers of the 6th Regiment, who took it into their heads that they were particularly reflected on in that work, wrote him a letter, de manding a retractation of those passages which they deemed offensive. Captain Richardson at once declined, and wrote to Gen. Evans, demanding a Court Martial on himself or on them. Some time elapsed before he had an answer to this ap plication. At last a Court of inquiry was held on him on the 30th of June, 1836. The charges he was called on to • answer were two, namely that he had written a pamphlet and published it in England, in which he had spoken ill of the Le gion ; and that he had on May sth quitted the field of battle at 8 o'clock in the morning, without sufficient cause to justify him, as the wound he had then received was so trivial as nut to warrant such a proceeding on his part. The President of that Court-Martial was Colonel Chichester, an officer well known to most Hon. Members in the House, at least by repu tation ; the others were Colonel Kinloch, Lieut.-Colonel Beatson, Lieut.-Colonel Harley, Lieut.-Colonel Kirby, Lieut.-Colonel Sloane, and Major Hogg, all officers of dis tinction in the service of the Queen of Spain. In disproof of the latter charge : Surgeon 'Thomas Cross, of the Artillery, was called by Captain Richardson, and stated as follows :—On the sth of May, about half-past eight in the morning, I saw Captain Richardson coming from the front ; he was very faint, and covered with mud. I ran to him, gave him my arm, and took him to where the medical officers were. Whilst wo were examining his wound he fainted, and I considered he was suffering very much from the wound, from fatigue, and fast ing, although brandy had been administered to him. Upon inquiry I found that he had been trampled under foot by at least half a company, which, in conjunction with his being struck three times by the enemy, of which I saw the marks, I thought sutlicient to account for his subsequent exhaustion. I recommended him more than once to quit the field, which he peremptorily refused to do. This was about nine o'clock. He again returned to the ramparts, where in half an hour after I saw him, and returned to him his pistols. I saw Captain Richardson in bed about half-past eleven; he was much ex hausted, and suffered much pain from the wound, whilst I was . dressing it. " Surgeon Duplex, of the Rifles, having been summoned. stated as follows :—I saw Captain Richardson's wound on the 6th of May ; it was a very severe contusion, and knowing that he had but very lately recovered from the fever, and hearing that he had been trampled upon, I wondered that he had been able to stand the fatigues of the day at all." So much for the evidence, and the way in which that charge was refuted. The trial concluded, and the following was the opinion of the Judges on it : " The Court having maturely weighed and considered the papers printed and written, which have been laid before it, together with the evidence which has been produced, are of opinion, with respect to the printed preface, that, although it exhibits considerable disappointment and vexation on the part of Captain Richardson, which, under all the circumstances, the Court cannot but consider natural, still there is nothing in it calcalated to cast discredit on the Legion." The opinion of the Court then went on to say, in respect of the first charge— " With reference to the letter received from the Assistant Military Secretary, dated Head-quarters ' St. Sebastian, 30th of June,.1836, the Court i s o f o pi n i on that his having done no duty with the 6th Regiment is very satisfactorily accounted for from his having been upon the staff when appointed to it, and afterwards from his severe illness. With respect to his having retired from the action on the sth of May, at 8 o'clock lit the morning, on the ground of a wound in the arm, which was so extremely slight as not to justify his having withdrawn himself, the Court is of opinion that it has been proved he did not withdraw until some time after he had been recommended by a medical officer to do so, and that, under all the circum stances, not the slightest imputation rests upon him for having retired when lie did." The finding of the Court-martial was communicated as a matter off' course to General Evans, and the following re marks were made on it in his own handwriting : " He has cordial pleasure in fully concurring with the Court that not the slightest ground of imputation rests upon Captain Richardson for his conduct on the sth of May, in which he is proved to have done his duty as became a British officer. On the other hand, on the part of the officets of the 6th Regi. ment, not knowing all the facts, not knowing the grounds of complaint, and of palliation of the manner - of that complaint, only evinced a becoming spirit in resenting the supposed offen sive insinuations which Captain Richardson had thrown out, no doubt in a moment of irritation. " This inquiry, and its satisfactory result, must be deemed by Captains Richardson and Calder to have cancelled the let ters which have passed between them : and these officers are hereby distinctly directed so to consider them ; and had not Captain Richardson tendered his resignation, urgently re questing it to be received, the reparation would now be done him for the injustice of which he bad a right to complain by appointing him to the Majority vacant by the death of Colonel Tupper. (Signed) "D. L. E VANS, Lieut.-Gen. " St. Sebastian, July 10, 1836." (True "W. CONSIDINE, Col., Mil. Sec. He ( Capt. Boldero) hoped that that was a sufficient answer to the charges of the Hon. and Learned Members for Kil kenny- and Tipperary against a gallant and deserving officer ; and he trusted the House would consider he stood in as ho nourable and upright a position as did he (Captain Boldero) himself. He defied those Hon. Members to prove one single word they had said in his disparagement. At all events Capt. Richardson did not remain in retirement after that proceed ing ; _he withdrew his resignation, and was appointed Majo of the 4th Regiment by General Evans. In that capacity he did duty with it, and received, on relinquishing his command, an address for his gallant conduct. So much for that subject. With respect to the question before the House, it resolved itself into three heads. (The Hon. Member was inaudible in his brief enumeration of them.) The Hon. Member for Kil kenny had said that the Auxiliary Legion were badly treated, badly fed, and badly lodged, yet that, notwithstanding all, they had behaved bravely in action, and carried victory by the success of their arms. In four or five instances no doubt they had done so, but did it enable them, after all, to obtain a better position than the one which they first held ? Not having obtained that position up to this period, it was useless to hope for it now ; for General Evans had then 7,000 or 8,000 available men under his command, whereas he had only from 3,500 to 4,000 at present. The second head (as we understood the Hon. and Gallant Member) was cruelty. In regard to that, what was the situation of the Legion ? Immediately on their arrival in Spain they found themselves placed in positions where they had to witness cruelties of the most revolting nature, committed by the party opposed to them, as well as those with whom they acted—by the Chapelgorries as well as by the Chapelchorries—by troops not within the pale of the Durango degree. There could be no doubt that they were influenced by them ; and that the order to give no quarter stimulated them still further. If lie (Captain Boldero) were placed before an enemy who he was sure intended to run him through, whether he resisted or whe ther he did not, by George I he would give him no quarter. —( Hear, and laughter.) The third head related to the ad vantages gained for the cause of the Queen by the Legion. That advantages —one solitary advantage he should rather have said—had been gained for the Queen's cause was beyond a doubt ; but that was not gained by the Legion. He alluded to the relief of Bilboa ; and every one knew that the Legion had nothing whatever to do with it. It was a well-known fact that Don Carlos lost possession of that city through his humanity. An Hon. Member had said in the debate of last night that Don Carlos could capture St. Sebastian in the same time as Bilboa. In answer to that he (Captain Boldero) should only state that Sir Thomas Graham, with ten thousand picked Eng lish soldiers, was sixty days doing so. Allusions had been made to the terms in which the French spoke of our fellow countrymen on that occasion ; but he (Captain Boldero) de nied that they stained their arms. The conduct of the British troops on that, as on every other occasion, added lustre and brilliancy to their feats of arms. But it was urged that the Government co-operated, rather than interfered, in the Spanish question. Now he (Captain Boldero) would wish to know the difference between co-operation and interference. He had asked the Noble Lord opposite last year for what purpose were sappers, and miners, and engineers sent out of the north of Spain, and the Noble Lord had replied that they were neces sary to secure Lord J. Hay's anchorage. If that was the fact it would be all very well ; but he (Captain Boldero) could not conceive how sending them into the heart of the country, to places from which a shot could not by possibility reach a ship, was the way to effect that objeet. If the motion of the Right Hon. and Gallant Officer were to be lost he (Captain Boldero) trusted that the Noble Lord opposite would state his inten tions to the House on the subject. Mr. OTWAY CAVE and Capt. B OLD ERO mutually explained. Mr. ROEBUCK said that the Hon. and Gallant Member who brought forward this motion, made some allusion to him, which seemed as if intended to catch a vote, but lie should not succeed by the manoeuvre. All parties, said the Hon. and Gallant Mover, were interested in supporting the motion.— ( A cheer from the Opposition side.) The Gallant General cheered, but did lie forget that all the difficulties under which this country now laboured, arose from pursuing a different po licy ? Did not the Tories, while in power, interfere upon all occasions in the affairs of other nations? Was not England on that account called the bull dog of Europe ? Did they not interfere when Napoleon was endeavouring to civilize Spain, and did they not say they would assist them to establish a free Constitution in Spain, and encouraged the Spaniards to fight for what they called liberty? Did the Spaniards not perpetrate the greatest cruelties upon the French, and did they desert them on that account ? No, it was then called courage and patri otism. After exciting them in the name of liberty they gave them over to the beloved Ferdinand.—( Hear, hear.) This was a mere contest fur place. His quarrel with Ministers was for interfering at all. If the Spaniards wanted li berty, they —and every other nation—should obtain it for themselves. They could not maintain it otherwise. If Ministers were so deeply interested in the cause of liberty they ought to look to France as well as Spain ; for the mad doings of Louis Philippe threatened the existence of a Consti tution in France as much as Don Carlos did in Spain. They ought to mend their own Constitution, in place of going about it in this Quixotic way, seeking to establish Constitutions in other countries. Where was the Member for Tipperary (Mr. Sheil), who spoke so eloquently last night on Spanish liber ties, when the question of Canadian liberty was under discus sion ? They should not confine their efforts for liberty to Spain, but extend them to England and to all her dependen cies—to their American colonies and to Ireland. He did not know whether the Member for Tipperary and other distin guished Members of that House were prepared, in the event of any change, to give up the principles they hitherto maintained. The Hon. Member for Tipperary, and others of great power and eloquence, reserved their exertions for great gymnastic occasions, but absented themselves when the real hardworking business of the House was to be done. They had already, be s id es the loss of life, expended six hundred thousand pounds in the cause of Spain. He hoped, if lie should ask the Chan cellor of the Exchequer for 20,0001. towards education, he would not, after this, say he had no money. He was always opposed to interference in the affairs of other countries, and if the Tories should get into office he trusted they would act upon the same principle to which they seemed now so friendly. It was said in a certain publication that the Radical Members voted upon every question, without considering whe ther the result would be to turn out Midisters or not, and maintained the principle that they should have no relations with other countries but those of commerce. Au Hon. Mem. her behind asked how this could be done? He would refer him for an answer to Van Buren's address, and to the example of the United States of America. This was the principle of the Radicals. He wished the world to know how many would act up to it that night. The despotic Powers of Eu rope had as good a right to interfere in support of Don Carlos as they bad in support of the Queen and constitution, How did they kn ow w h e th er th e Sp an i ar d s w a nted a Con stitution? What was it to them who reigned in Spain? Was it worth their while for such an object to embark in this mad and extra vagan t career , w hi c h was ne i t h er inter vention nor co-operation, war nor peace, and should be rather considered as a pi ra ti ca l an d unpr i nc i p l e d crusa d e against the free people of the Basque provinces ?—( Hear, hear.) If they were at war let it be openly supported ; let a fleet and army be sent out ; and let them fight their way to the Pyrenees. They were told that the marine force only was employed in the Queen's cause, but the people of England would not be thus deceived. They well know that a military force was smuggled into Spain under the name of Marines. During all their proceedings in Spain to support a Constitu tion, Ministers did nothing for Canada, nothing for Ireland, nothing anywhere, but kept their places.—( A laugh.) Three nights had been now expended in this sort of bushfighting, and the Noble Lord (Palmerston) had not attempted yet to make his appearance. He seemed afraid to be hit. That was the usual course of the Noble Lord. Question after question was put, but nothing could be got out of him. He would not rise. -,—(A laugh.) Why not say at once boldly what his policy was. The Right Hon. Member for Tamworth (Sir R. Peel) might attack him—but was there not an army on the same benches to defend him ? He hoped the Noble Lord would at length tell them what he meant. This was a war neither of defence nor offence. It was nothing at all—time wasted in party debate without any effect but to render Government less respectable in the eye of the public than it was before. Mr. C. FE RG USS ON then rose. The present Govern ment was charged by Hon. Gentlemen opposite with having disgraced the country. Were they, then, who placed confi dence in that Government, to be taunted with a charge of in terested motives when they rose to defend it ? The Hon. and Learned Gentleman appealed to the Members known as Radi cals in that House, and asked them whether they were pre pared, considering the principles they professed, to vote for Ministers ? If they should vote for Ministers, what would be the inference? They asked for no favour from the ,House. They had been attacked—they defended themselves ; and if the Radical Members, for many of whom lie entertained the most sincere respect, saw in their conduct as regarded Spain nothing deserving censure, would it be inconsistent in them to vote for Ministers ? If, however, they thought the sole object of Ministers was to retain power, then indeed they would have some reason fur voting with the Hon. and Gallant Officer who brought this motion forward. From the tone of the Hon. and Learned Gentleman upon this and upon other occasions, it would seem as if he wished to establish the reputation of being the only honest man in the House.—(Hear, hear.) He seemed to think that the country should never enter into any alliance. This would be directly at variance with the whole policy of their ancestors, whose principle it was to interfere in all great Continental questions when a proper occasion called for in terference, and he trusted they would never shrink from so important a duty. The question now before them was one of the greatest importance, and he fully acquitted the Hon. and Gallant Member who brought it forward of any sinister motive, but he had no hesitation in saying that if it should be agreed to the result would be to place one foot of Don Carlos on the Throne of Spain. They were bound by the Quadruple Treaty ; and if this motion should be carried, they must basely abandon the Queen of Spain.—(Hear, hear.) He could not concur in the doctrine laid down that there was no connection between this Treaty and the Order in Council. This he must deny. On the demise of Ferdinand, in September, 1833, France and England seemed to run a race to see which would be first in congratulating the Queen, and offering their aid to maintain her rights. France appeared most zealous to main tain them. The Order in Council was made in favour of their ally. Don Carlos, on the death of Ferdinand, raised the standard of insurrection on the 24th of Oct., 1833, and it broke out in one of the Basque provinces. If the Basques, therefore, had since suffered all the horrors of war, who was to blame for it but Don Carlos himself, who excited the insurrection ? This ;country did not make war upon the Basques; on the con trary, he believed there was no Englishman who would not be most willing to Spare that ancient and brave people, and be trusted that when peace was restored, England would 'still be found willing to exert herself for the liberties of the Basques. They had no choice, therefore, as to the seat of war. Thought one of his own ancestors suffered for his adherence to the Crown of England, still he did not the less admire the bravery and constancy of those, however mistaken, who, from a conviction of its justice, shed their blood in support of the Stuarts. No one could blame the Basques for maintaining as long as they could the cause they considered just. In the out- • set of the treaty he would admit that Portugal was the great , object of consideration, but not exclusively so. It was clear , front the preamble that the circumstances of Spain were in the contemplation of the contracting parties. Spain, however, was brought more prominently forward in the additional articles. But it was not overlooked in the original treaty, as appeared by the following passage in the preamble:— " The two later Sovereigns, taking into consideration the interest with which the safety of tlfe Spanish monarchy must always inspire them, and animated with the most ardent desire for the restoration of peace both to the Peninsula and to Europe, and his Britannic Majesty taking into further consi deration the special obligations which result from his ancient alliance with Portugal, have consented to act as parties to the said treaty." Now, if the Spanish Monarchy and Spanish interests were not intended to be protected, why were they, as was the fact, put so prominently forward even in this first treaty ?—( Hear.) That treaty went on to say that the object of the contracting parties to it was not only the maintenance of peace in the Pe ninsula, but also in every other country in Europe. But the peace of Europe depended upon the state of the Peninsula— ( Hear)—and if that portion of Europe was not in a state of tranquillity, it would ever prove a bone of contention about which other countries would be liable to dispute and contend. ( Hear.) It had also, he would contend, been ever considered that there was no country in Europe in which England ought to take so lively an interest as the kingdom of Portugal. The security of that country the Right Hon. and Gallant Gen tleman opposite well knew was intimately connected with the interests of Great Britain. This had been found to be true during the late memorable war, and should similar circumstances again occur, and France ever resume the posi- • tion she then took up, in spite of the ridicule and taunts of the Honourable and Learned Member for Bath, he would say that nothing could be more for the advantage of this country than a firm alliance with Portugal. (Cheers.) The original treaty insisted on the expulsion of Don Carlos and Don Miguel from the Portuguese dominions ; and this part of it was most material, for it engaged the King of England to " co-operate with France and other parties to the treaty by the employment of a naval force in aid of the operations to be undertaken in conformity with it by the troops of Spain." Thus, then, there could be no doubt that as far as 'this first treaty was concerned it, was intended that a naval , force should be employed in co-operation with the military , force. But what said the second treaty?—( Hear.) If there was any doubt as to the construction of the words " naval force" in it, the House well knew that in construing Acts of Parliament they were bound to read them one with the other. If, then, that principle were applied to the case of these treaties, thee were, he must say, bound by the rules of com mon sense to say that by them this country was pledged to employ a naval force in co-operation with the military force now acting in Spain.—( Hear, hear.) It had been said that the Marines employed had gone sonic seven or eight miles in land in aid of the troops of Spain ; but would they not have wished them to have done the same in aid of their own troops? —( Hear, bear.) It was his opinion, however, that if it should haveebeen necessary to send any number of Marines to. Spain, this country was bound to do it.—(Hear, hear, hear.) An lion. Gentleman lied, in the course of this debate, quoted from a speech of Lord Melbourne, when Mr. Lamb, upon the Foreign Enlistment Act. Now, what Mr. Lamb on the oc casion referred to had said was to the following effect :-- " That lie objected to the principle of the measure then pro posed, because, ill his opinion, the power of deciding the question of peace or war belonged exclusively to the Crown, and lie deprecated anything which had a tendency to take it out of the power of the Crown and of his Majesty's Minis ters."—( Hear, hear, hear.) Between that case and the pre sent there was this difference, that Mr. Lamb then objected to repeal the Foreign Enlistment Act, because it was in tended to be done against the will of the King's Ministers, whereas now it had been done by the Ministers. The Right Hon. and Gallant Gentleman in introducing this motion had stated that the Legion could not possibly be longer maintained in Spain. Ile had the greatest possible respect for the mili tary talent and general ability of the Right Hon. and Gallant Officer, but he considered it in the highest degree unfeir not to suffer General Evans and those who were smarting under that stigma to hav e an opportun i ty o f re d eem i ng t h e i r reputa tion, if that reputation was injured.—( Hear, hear.) But the Hon. Member for Chippenham had himself said last night " I deny that the reputation of the British arms is tarnished." But he (Mr. C. Fergusson) maintained that the chief object of the motion was to show that their reputation was tarnished. If it was even so, were there not hundreds of other occasions on which they had been as much so ? He denied that the service of the army, however, would have been dishonoured by what had taken place, even if the Marines had not been there and afforded them protection ; for he would contend that the conduct of the Legion lied previously, been such as would have reflected the highest honour upon any troops in the world.—( Cheers.) But if, upon one unfortunate occasion, they lied not chanced to have acted up to what was expected of them, why were they to be deprived of the opportunity of wiping off that stain, which he was convinced they would wipe off on the very first occasion afforded them of doing so ? ( Cheers.) But what would be the consequence of withhold ing- that opportunity from them ? What would be the result of their withdrawal from Spain ? Ought they to allow the cause of Isabella to suffer, as it most undoubtedly would, by the adoption of this motion ? They had entered into a treaty with the Queen of Spain, and should they not allow these troops a few short months, to redeem their character, if in jured ?—( Hear.) The morel effect of carry ing this motion would be the probable prevention of the firm establishment of the Queen's Government in Spain. The Right lion. Gentleman teen stated that there were many cases in which B. dish troops had been employed by foreign Powers, amongst which he in stanced the fact of Queen Elizabeth's having granted permis sion for 20,00 men to serve the Stites of Holland. The ce- I 2 a lebrated Claverhous nd many othei. able Generals, had gained great experi ce by foreign service, and thereby sown •he seeds of their subsequent greatness. Even the Duke of Marlborough, than whom no greater General had since ex - isted, saw his first service under Marshal Turenne.—( Hear, ) Mr. W. B. BA RING said that the question they had to decide was, whether the House should add to the letter of the Quadruple Treaty, or go beyond it, and thereby establish more strongly by a vote of that House a system which, until then, had never been pursued in this country by any political party. —( Hear.) Was it to be denied that in opposing the 1,054 , ofthc present Government with regard to their interference in the Spanish contest they were acting in opposition to the principles of Mr. Fox, who always contended that interferon--e in the internal disputes of foreign nations ever tended to exas perate them against the party so interfering ?—( Hear.) The lion. Gentleman himself said that if they abandoned the cause of Isabella, Don Carlos would soon be on the throne of Spain ; but he was at a loss to discover on what principles those Hon. Gentlemen who professed to be the advocates of the people, should wish to allow a small minority to set up a King against the great majority of the Spanish nation.—( hear.) The real question was, whether the Legion should virtually be re called, by the Foreign Enlistment Act being repealed. lie should cordially support the motion of the Right Honourable Gentleman. Mr. VILLIERS regretted that the Hon. Member for Bath had fled the House after having selected such an opportunity for an attack upon his friends:—( Hear, hear.) When he bore in mind how that Hon. Member had attacked, ma ligned, and abandoned his party on this occasion, he was sorry, he confessed, that the Hon. Member had not remained in his place, to hear the language used with respect to his speech by the Hon. Member for Winchester, who spoke after him. He regretted the Hon. and Learned Member had chosen the present occasion, before all others, to attack the policy of his party—that he had selected this opportunity for leaving them—that he had never raised his voice in that strain before ; for, God knew, the Hon. Gentlemen opposite had often enough afforded him ample scope for so doing had he been that way disposed. They had brought the subject again and again before the House, in every practicable form and shape. He did think the lion. and Learned Member was in a situation in which he was bound to afford his party some explanation of his conduct in thus leaving them when they most required his support.—(Hear, hear.) He (Mr. Villier) would have been glad to have heard from . the Hon. Member for Winchester on what pretence it was that, by bringing forward this question, and protracting the debate from night to night, they postponed the really im portant business of the country.—( Oh l) Yes, postponed business deeply interesting to Ireland, England, and Scot land. Why by their long speeches had they put off this debate from night to night, and thus precluded the dis cussion of the important question of Irish Poor Laws, and of another constitutional question interesting to England ? He had not yet heard any new ground alleged for reviving a discussion already argued twice during the Session. It was but a week since the Right lion. Baronet the Member for Tamworth had hurled his biting sarcasms at the occupants of the Treasury benches, when the sentiment most cheered by he posterior benches on the other side was that nothing was completed by Ministers—that every great question stood still. The Right Hon. Baronet also said that, if the Government, fin ling that they could not complete their measures, were to resign, there was still energy enough in the country to com plete what they had begun. What was the meaning of all these taunts? And why did lion. Members opposite, by their long speeches, put it out of the power of the Government to proceed ? When the question was before the House on a former occasion the Legion had obtained some successes in their gallant enterprise,' and they were tkerefore nerved to bear the obloquy so profusely heaped upon them. But now he admitted they had fallen victims to their ill-usage, and had, it seemed, lost all heart. Now, therefore, was the moment for lion. Gentlemen opposite to seize upon, in order to trample on a fallen enemy. lion. Members opposite thought now that the constitutional cause in Spain was declining, and now therefore was in their opinion the tin 4 to strike the final blow. He knew how easy it was to obtain from vulgar minds condemnation of a broad principle from a misrepresentation of a particular case. There might be said to be some excuse for the Honourable Member for Sandwich, whose enthusiasm on behalf of Don Carlos in the fall of life exceeded any thing that might be expected from its prime—for him there might be some excuse for supporting this motion, for, no, doubt were to be carried by a large majority, there would be results to content the lion. Member for Dover and the Hon. Member for Sandwich. No doubt at Durango all would prosper to their heart's content—no doubt the wheel and the rack would be placed in repair.—(Oh !) But for all other supporters of the motion no such excuse could be found, when their conduct was divested of those motives which he had. urged.—( Hear, hear.) To come, however, to the real giusen. tion at issue--the purport of the Quadruple Treaty, and the objects of its promoters. It did require defence, - for there was certainly in the spirit and object of that treaty a deviation from the principle which had been laid down as the basis of the foreign policy of the country—that of non-interference in the internal affairs of foreign States. Yet it seemed, to him that the objection did come with a very bad grace from lion. Gentlemen opposite, considering what course of foreign Policy they had all their lives been engaged in supporting. The true (inject of the principle of non-intervention was the avoidance of the evils and dangers of war; but might not many instances arise in which peace would ultimately become still more dan gerous? But the inconsistency of this line of argument was glaring. Had not the Noble Lord, in the affair of the Adri anople Treaty, been complained of for not having interfered enough ? And the same thing, had it not occurred in the case of the Treaty of Unkiar Skelessi ? Had we not interfered in the suppression of the slave trade ? Had we not done so successfully to put a stop to the burning of Hindoo widows ? And if occasion were to arise when Russia, availing herself of some confusion in the United States of Aieerica, were to take advantage of it, to endeavour to injure our commerce with the United States ; would not such a case as this afford fair grounds for interven tion ? Nay, would it not imperatively he called for? He protested, then, against an attempt being made to set up the principle of non-intervention as one immutable, incapable of extension to meet the exigencies of particular emergencies.— ( Hear, hear.) But for the intervention of England, Don Carlos would not have been alive at this moment. The re turn of Don Carlos to Spain, and the countenance afforded to hint by the Northern Powers, rendered it impossible for Eng land to refuse her assent to the additional articles for the pur pose of counteracting his influence. Previously .to those arti cles being signed no circumstance existed to prevent our sending a regular force to Spain. When, therefore, the ar rangements of that treaty were m a d e , t h e quest i on was, w h at would be the most efficient aid England could afford to the cause of the Spanish Government ? It was then thought, and he (Mr. Villiers) considered it justice, that naval co-operation would be preferable, and that as the sending an armed regular force into Spain would naturally give umbrage to the national pride of the Spanish people, it was expedient to allow the sub jects of this country to enter into the service of the Spanish Government.--.g Cries of " Question.") He must, under all the circumstances of the case, say, that this was nothing e.ore nor less than a party motion, brought forward by the lion. Gentleman opposite for the purpose of defeating the progress of Reform in this country, and discouraging the cause of liberty throughout Europe.—( Cries of " Oh, oh," and laughter from the Opposition beaches, succeeded by loud cries of " Hear, hear," from the Ministerial side of the House.) Sir \V. FOLLETT said, the lion. Member who had just sat down repeated an assertion which, in the course of the debate, had been made by several Hon. Gentlemen on the other side of the House, that this was a mere party question. —( Cheers from the Ministerial benches.) He knew how easy it was to make assertions ; and he was satisfied from the cheers of the lion. Members opposite that they considered it politic to make this assertion, with a view to the division to which the House was about to come.—(Cheers.) But lie was equally satisfied that if the lion. Members opposite had taken the trouble to converse with persons out of that House they would have been convinced that, however they might be split by party —however they might differ with respect to domestic policy and the changes contennAtted in the institutions of the coun try—he said, if they had taken this trouble he was satisfied they would have foun I a strong and general opinion prevailing that they (the Government) were wasting the blood and trea sure of the people of England in a cause in which they had no concern, and for an object with whit h the national interest and honour wile in no stay mixed up.—( Loud cheering.) No one had said that insult had been offered to the Bri-- fish flog ; ro one had pointed out any motive to exist which, could justify them in forgetting the sacrifices to be mado in the fortunes of war, or embai king in a war in whiele neither the national interest nor honour were at all in plicatel lie had heard no one say any such thing.—( Cheers. ) Now, what was the state of the facts ? Why, that they bad British subjects in arms in Spain by the sanction of the Es .ecu tive Government, perishing by thousands, some in battle, with persons who were not enemies of this country, and otheiss, and by far the greater number, in consequence of the he reships they had to endure, or the diseases superinduced by the de plorable situation in which they were placed by the eon duct of the Spanish Government.—( Cheers.) He could . not eginceive thy this was to be treated as a party question, and lie was satisfied that the people of England did not regard it in any such light.—(Cheers.) It. was, however, one that touciied the interest and honour of this country nearly, and, therefoere, with the permission of the House, he would call their attanition to the grounds relied on as a defence by the I-lon. Members op posite. They had not told them that either the interest 'or the honour of England was concerned : but their argutuea a was this. He could not say that it was the argument of the Members of the Cabinet, because none of them bad rspoken, though he presumed it was. Their argument was - this : It is too late for you discuss the policy or impoliey of the Quadruple Treaty ; it is too late for you to discuss the policy or impolicy of the additional articles founded on that treaty. We have entered into that treaty, and agreed to those articles; and, therefore, as the Executive Govern ment brought tl:e subject forward, and House of °JIM-. in • expressed no dissent upon it, you are bound by natieena e- m; faith atin national honour to perform strictly the obligations which you imposed upon yourselves." He was ready to anima that this was a strong argument, and he would go feu-tiger and say, that he was the last man in that House who would. .vote in favour of any motion which, in his opinion, would ha ye rho tendency to occasion any non-observance of either tu itionat faith or honour.—( Cheers.) But the question was, would the: treaty bear any such construction? It was said by tee Hon.. ..rernbers oppoente--" Oh, you have no right to protest:. Against tlie course vs ineli the Government have taken, bee ause the ' Right lion. Baronet the Member for Tamworth, whets in ()Tice was reedy to perform all that the treaty required.—(dc Bear," from the Ministerial benches.) lie was surprised. thsit the , lion. and Learned Member for Tipperary should it cus ^ andl taunt them with a statement that the Duke of Welli ngtone 1 when at the bead of the Foreign Department, had some out 50,000 muskets and bayonets to be used against the Barr it was true that the Duke of Wellington had sent ou t a ,),. j .., A