The Sun. — London, England, 1846-04-07 00:00:00

amount of railway undertakings which had sprung up, and which were absorbing the capital of the coentey. It had been proposed that Parliament should nut pro ceed with the rail we v °fere it without I.ite ing a moo Trig of tire heliters of the various blies. so that no Bill should be gone on with tit the sanction of the great majority of the shareholders was obtained. He would propose that no sanction should be given to any reilsvey Bill where, after a meet ing of the sh seeholders, the II ,1.1•30 was petitioned by a majority of that meeting, not to allow such Bill to proceed. This would prevent many of the schemes which were not likely to turn out good speculetions, from being passed. Be hoped her Majesty's Govern ment would give this ite e eortant matter their fullest eon sideration. Sir R. PEEL said there were few nereons in that Rouse who could not at first have seen that many of the railways which were sought to he sanctioiled were Tie profitable speculations. There had been a s pi r it o f sp., culation for some time past, but hr thought it ceul linat hr checked by that !louse. The ep sedation in railways wa the same as the speculation in ei ,, uthAmeriean Bonde,ani the interference with one would be an ivterference wi'l the other. The experien cof time would provere these railway speculations from bring trio large!) indulged in. lie thought !het there was st greater right to interte.re with this queeeloe than in the ordinary remenercial speculations, fir he went on the principle that every persen was „he best judge of his o,vre comae -tee and was best competent to manage his ewe lief:lire, At the same time, consoler ing the extensive pee ere the I feuse had in railway spe culations, it was in sorrier iii.ri-ure a party to them. Speculations or this iiind elilTerlel from 1 t • in reaper that the the ordinary run ,f upecit.u.lon_rie Legislature was called upon to tike ewe.) , and interfere with private property fur public purposee, and it at,. peered to diet the 800,. :night. there: , ire, to ter pose with respect to that sprrrA:s nt speeuer. toe. - far itS the in lividly's! , teemselves wet- tee he had lie pity fel- them, fear this sir spfecol a would never he eerie toed except Iron tine per sonel sutltrieg of the parey—(llear, anany of the speculeteire diverted their niri:rey ti; their ordinary comer.), and from the trait, IT ',e t which they derived their subeietencte At the commence ment, he,Etin the part of her Nlajesty's Government, gav, it as his opinion that it 'night be possible to interfere with this habit by putting a check upon sons of the rade av Bills. He spike with cerisiderahle hesitation on this subject, as It might be unwise ler flou at to interfere on this .eubject. His [lon. Friend the Member foe Liver poet a dled the at' entron of the lou s es to teei,s elbirait It would be for the House to consider whether it had the power to interfere indirectly in putting a stop to those railway speculations. It would be in the recollection of the House that a vast number of Bills were projected last year, but after they had been prepared a great change of circumstances took place; for instance, the amount of capital became greater than had been anticipated. It appeared that the profits were not likely to be what had been anticipated ; the difficulty of pro curing money had been increased. The hope was entertained during the railway fever that money could be had at two and a half per cent. ; but when it came to be applied for it was found impossible to be had even at five per cent. ; and all these circumstances had acted very powerfully to deter many from engaging further in railway speculation.—( Hear.) As the law now stood in reference to railways, he apprehended the case to lie pat thus :—a railway was projected—parties took shares and held scrip, and they appointed a provisional com mittee and directors. Well, a great change took place, such a change as made it desirable on the part of the sub 'cribers to dissolve the company ; and if it was found that the line would not be a profitable one, or that it would not be for the benefit of the public to make it, he could not see why there should mot be a power in the legislature to dissolve it. In such a case he would ask what test should the House apply in order to ascertain that it was desirable to dissolve the company ? He should say the test would be the feelings of the subscribers.— (Hear.) If a majority of the subscribers were of opinion that the company should be dissolved, he could not see why this House should not lend its sanction to such a proceeding. He was aware of some Scotch companies in whico the shareholders were a good deal alarmed, when they had heard that their Bills had pissed the Standing Orders' Committee, and they came to the resolution to dissolve the company.—(Hear, hear.) He knew another case in which 100,0'01. had been subscribed, 10,0001. of which had been expended in preliminary proceed ings, so that 90,000/. remained vested in Exchequer-bills ; but the directors and subscribers having become convinced that the lint would not be a profitable one, they came to a rest lu- Con to dissolve the company ; but then there was 90,0001. still invested, arid in the meantime a few of the subscribers objected to the dissolution of the company. Even supposing the Bill were to fail in the present session, the directors would not be relieved from their ob'igation to do all in their power to get the schemesanctiened by the Legislature. He was not aware that the directors had power to dissolve the company, or the shareholders the power to absolve the directors from their obligations, even supposing the Bill had failed to pass the Standing Orders' Committee; and yet it was mani festly for the advantage of the public that such a company should be broken up, and the balance of their subscription divided among the shareholder s ; but a single shareholeer might file a Bill in Chancery, and prevent this enurse being adopted. Now he thought the House ought, with a-, little delay as possible, to pass a Bell enabling the majority of the shareholders to diseave the company in the event of their aeeertaiiiing that the scheme would net, in the end, prove a profitable undertaking. !le should propose, however. that the liability of the directors and the parties to the original agree anent should still remain, and they should became j Untie liable for the debt of any crelitor of the c rmjant. It might be necessary to have some kind of an raft est assigner', to See ii the balance of the funds were properly aopreeriated, and the claims of creditors fairly and non° r ii , q , utlated. It , the House would sanctien a hill of this u a Y yowl, en able the majority of the shareholders t Prin'lli k ' u t s lie h Y and prevent the public from incurring; c t r h e e a in i cas t tiv '' e t n e l l e f m nc , j u l e a h n :r i i e ; establishing undertakings which held g out ne advantage, or of yielding any profit to the parties promoting the undertaking, and prevent the majority of a the ies sh i a ) r t :h7ll;e7 falling a sacrifice to a few surveyors, solicitors, and engineers, ' and be at the same time of incalculable advantage . He thought they aught to make some provision that a majority of sub scribers in point of number, and in point of amount of shares held by teem, should be taken as a fair and full represeniation of the opinion of the subscribers at large, and he thought that the parties ought to be allowed to present a petition to Parlia ment, expressing their willingness to withdraw the concern ; and he thought also that Parliament should give th power to the parties to make that representa tion. There would be no principle of selection or interference, and he believed that i f th e y were t o pass such a Bill, it would effectually relieve the money market. He hoped that in the course of to-morrow a full explanation would be given with respect to the subject. Mr. LABOUCHERE had always been of opinion that this matter should be taken up by the Government, and he had felt great disappointment, when the Committee upon this sub ject was appointed at the commencement of the session, that some proposal was not made by the Government to that Com mittee. He regretted very much that the question had not been taken up before by the Government, as an earlier interference would have been more effectual than an interference now. As far as giving facilities to those parties who had embarked in these undertakings to get rid of them, he would have no ob jection, and he thought such a measure would give universal approbation, but if they attempted to go further then they would pursue a course full of embarrassment. It seemed to him that iv. they rejected a Bill on the ground that it was not right the capital should be so applied, it would be an interference with capital which he thought objectionable. He would not, however, he so wedded to abstract principle as not to conside the subject, on good cause being shown to ;;that effect. He thought that something was required to be done, but he was of opinion th a t t h e scheme proposed by the First Lord of the T t r ig es t u[ i y nn w . as ßa n r o o t he c t alcul a t e d to h ave t h e e ff ect i ntended by the Sir G. CLERK said, with r es p ec t to t h e Committee appoint e d b y the House to fix the amount of capital. that Committee was not autho r i se d to li m i t the numbere of railway Bills t otaken t hi s session. The Right Honourable Baronet had properly said that it would he very impolitic to interfevreeriyn 1 1 , tey degree with the applica tion of capital, and that nothin m ut a question of the greatest necessity would justify the Govegrnitjeynotnin such an interte.-ence. He could assure the Right 1100• his Committee, he if be had re ceived any encouragement from been prepared to put this case before them eZu,wthoaerstsheoubaddhareve ceived no encouragement, he did not think it to raise any discussion on the sebject. The case, howeh hvise while now in a different position, fsr in various parts of the caotiuriotwriirave especially in Liverpool, there was a strong feeling t e facility should be given to persons who, in the course of last autumn, had embarked in those schemes, and who were no w convinced of their fully, of withdrawing from them, care being taken that all agreements entered into by the m, and all ex penses incurred, should be discharged. Ile trusted that the measure alluded to by the Right Hon. Baronet would be of such a nature as to carry out the obj.ett the petition ha I in view, while no injustice would he done to the promoters of any of those schemes w h it might have been actuated by a wish to further the public good. Mr. WARD said that he thought that the Right Hon. I dulae ronet had taken the right view of the subject, and, with all deference to his Hon. Friend near him, it was material in the present state of the public mind, that the option should be given to the majority of the shareholders, that on theirapplitics tion the Committee should not proceed with their Bile NI is r. Hon. Friend had spoke,' nt previsional directors. lie ( Ward) did not believe that in three years such an animal as a in the three live provisional director would exis t kingdoms. The Commiteees of 'he House would be willing to act on the wishes of the shareholders. when a majority 01 t hem expressed their opinions that the Bill should not be proceeded with, and he thought that it would have a happy effect on all those large claws of witnesses now connected with the railway interest. Mr. W PATTEN said that he acre , d with the Hon Gen tleman who Paul just es , oken, but it must be recollected hat the measure would only give power to the company to dissolve itself on the vote of its shareholders. A crest trej rity of these Bills were under consideration, or in the course of being committed, and an enorm ,us amount of expense was incurred without any power on the part of the shareholders to prevent it. The proposal of the Right Hon Baronet was well worthy of the attention of the House. He thought. it of great impedance that it should be known to the country, that any petition presented to the House requesting the withdrawal of Bills would be referred to the Committee on the Bill ; and it would then have its due weight on the consideration whether the Bill should be proceeded with or not, and that if the share holders wished to withdraw a Bill a petition to that end would have due effect. Mr. P. STEWART said that the only consideration was, that although it, had been i suggested that t should he compul sory am scrip holders to report their opinion of the lines with which they were concerned, before Permission was given ,y law to the construction of the f s t c h hm e, the proceeding would be attended with diffieulty. opinion s were gathered and compared, it would relieve Parliamentese of a great respon sibility, and also tend very considerably to remove a weight from the money market. Mr. BARING should feel very stronglydisposed to hesitate, unless a very st rong reason indeed w e re given, before he con sented to limit the capital for railways. Mr. B. DENISON was of opinion that, were the share holders resided in different parts of thecouetry, the introduc tion of the c l ause wou ld occasiongreat line, inconvenience; he t s for instance in the ca s e or th e London and Yorkare holders were spread all over the kingdom, and it would be postersus to call th em t oge th er at a meeting in order that pre- the might give in th e i r o pi n i on t h at the Bill ought to be Y e ceeded with. It wo u ld b e t h e i nterest of existing railway s for the promoters of the m t o i n d ucepart i es who had taken up with new lines from going on with them. Mr. BERNAL was of opinion that it was perfectly possible for any shareholder to vote by proxy. The shareholders might go b fore a magistrate and make an affidavit, in any distant part, and it might be transmit ted ae his vote to any place, how ever distant, where the meeting should be held. After a few words from Mr. HODGSON, who briefly ex- Plained the Manner in which the affairs or railway companies were wound up, Sir R. PEEL observed that he was before unacquainted with the mysteries of winding up. He would defy any man to With " 7 tQuidengs at 414 Want Of whit ought to be adopted with respect to railway affairs ; and the Government isteurred no blame in acting in the combined manner they did with respect to these subjeets. It would not be wise to inter fere too early, or before the fever had abated. What he pro poses: was, that the original shareholders, end those who had sold their interest, should have no voice whatever in the choos ing whether this scheme should be proceeded with or not. He was of opinion, that if a certain number of share holders should present a petition to Parliament set ting forth that it was l heir opinion that the scheme, if carried out, would not be beneficial to the public ; in that case he shou d think it advisable that proceedings in that House with respect to the Bill ought not to be carried any fur ther. It. should, however, be clearly understood, that the peti tion so presented should receive the signature of the majority of the shareholders; and that, at whatever stage of the Bill the petition should be presented, all further proceedings should be immediately stopped, so that it would be unnecessary the Bill should be read a third time. Of course, the original share holders, who had fasted with their shares, would not be allowed to have a voice in the matter. It must be observed that the directors of the company had no certain knowledge who the shareholders of the company were, and therefore, to a great. extent, any collision between them would be prevented, and each would act as a check upon 'he other. It appeared to him that all parties would carefully look after their own in terest. Th e y would also have a 1 wits pettifentia, by which they would he enabled, if they thought proper, to he relieved of th r project to a termination. He sti r , e . scm ib is e ib v i e li r t y y E p e t e h s e s any objection against the sorry r c y a r t r o y , i . r x i principle of the clause ; but some restrictions with respect to the regat at' r I of the majority of shareholdere should be to a introduced. Mr. Ewes and the Cie A weer:Loa of the Excel EQII ER. made I,ervati,rs but to so low a tone that they were quite some 0 .• ineuilibls in the g a llery. Air. ('OLLE I T cog tirlered that it was incumbent MI the Government to lay down some definite plan by which railway affairs might be regulated. The same difficulty ead occurred with refeiteime to gauges, and no disticer plan had been decided on. Al important Commission hid been inves'igating this matter newards of three months, and their report had not yet been produced. lie theueht. that it was highly desirable that lion. Members should Insve an opt nullity of perusaag that rep-,rt. during the Easter recess and hoped that it woold he very shortly laid upon the table. He was very glad that the Right 800. Baronet hail drum a proper line between shareholders and seripholdets. He Inn, keit forward to this as a measure which would afford great relief to a considerable portion of the public, and hi truster' it would prove to be such. It would also be very important if it afforded relief from responsibility to those who had signed the deed of register ; of course, after due regard being had to all the just claims of creditors. Lord al 0 RPETH said, he looked upon this Bill as a most prudent and proper measure ; but it would be well that care should be taken, in all cases where companies were to be di.severed, that the scrip holders had expressed a wish to that effect: Mr. RUTHERFORD said he quite agreed with the Right Honourable Baronet that this was a very necessary measure, but he thought it would be defective unless it. contained a clause protecting all parties who had fair and just claims on the Com pany. and to take care that those clainis were satisfied before the company could be dissolved. There was also another point of importance to which he would wish to call attention ; it was this —suppose that while a Biil was under investigation before a Committee a number of shareholder, should send in a petition praying that the proceedings should not go on any further, what, difficulty could this House have in declaring in favour of that petition, before this Bill had passed? This course might be adopted viithont affecting the liabilities if the parties. Lord GRANVILLE SoMERSET gave notice that he would postpone the third reading of all railway Bills until after Easter. Mr. RICARDO hoped the Bill would provide against men of straw signing the deed of register, and thereby prevent a great deal of fraud. Mr. C. BULLER said he hoped that the House, before it hie ke up, would adopt a resolution by which the public would be made aware that it was the intention of the Government to propose such a measure as this, in order that parties might be prepared to act upon it. In reply to an observation made by Mr. JOHN ABEL SMITH, which. was inaudible in the gallery, Sir R. PEEL said it would be better to abstain from en tering into those details at present ; but it would be advisable to have a clause in the Bill, empowering the. Standing Orders' Committee to dissolve a company under the circumstances already stated; and also a clause requiring that a meeting should be held, at which a majority of the shareholders should declare in favour of dissolving the company. Lord SAN DON hoped that no delay would be given to the measure. Mr. J. O'CONNELL would wish to observe, that in refe rence to Irish railway Bills, though a great desire had been manifested to facilitate the passing of them, with a view to giving employment, yet many Bills had been passed towards the carrying out of which not a single step had been taken. He, therefore, hoped that some measure would be introducest by which parties would tie compelled to complete a line in a given time after the hill had been passed.--( Hear, hear.) The motion was then agreed to. Lord SANDON presented a petition from the merchants, bankers, and brokers, in Liverpool, praying the House not to encourage the great excess of railway speculation which had arisen this year. lie also presented, on the tart of one of the. Members for the city of London, a petition signed by every member of the Stock-Exchange praying that, with a view of benefiting the general commercial state of the country, those persons who had embarked in railway speculation should have facilities afforded to them of withdrawing' trorn the schemes. NOTICES OF MOTION.— ECCLESIASTICAL ItE• VENUES IN IRELAND. Mr. ELLIS gave notice of his intention to ask the Right Hon. Baronet the Set retasv of State for the Home Depart ment, whether in was the intention of Government to take any steps to restrain the Ecelesantetat Commissioners of Ireland intro expending the capital of sum, of money arising from the celestas' ical revenues der,verl from land in that country. Mr. W. COLLET ( who was very imperfee;lv heard) ga ve newer that it was his inte n ti on , on go i ng into Committee on he Protection to Life Ireland Bill, he would move for a clause to give compensation to the teeant farmers who might be injured by the passing of the Bill. Mr. S. O'I3IIIEN saint that he would postpone his motion for a Select Committee to inquire into the organisation and admi nistration of the co' stabulary force in Ireland, and of the Dublin police ; and also his motion for a Bill to amend the laws relating to grand juries in Ireland. He also gave notice of his intention of moving, after Easter, that an humble address be presented to her Nlajesty, urging en her consideration that not one of her Majesty's advisers or :Ministers of State, was, by a re sidence in the country or in any other way, acquainted with the Irish people, mid also that the executive officers of the local Government of Ireland were perfect strangers is Ireland, and yet held situations of the highest responsibility. And under these circumstances it was not surprising that it should be found that in the conduct of those officers there was a disre gard of Irish interest and of Irish fe , ling ; and also a total want of confidence in those officers on the part of the people. He also gave notie, of his intention to move on Thursday next that, with a view to diminish the expense of the railway projects of Ireland, all inquiries into the merits of Irish railways, which had hitherto taken place in this country, should after the present session be allowed to take place in Ireland. PROTECTION TO LIFE IN IRELAND. Sir R. PEEL said that be did not know what probability there was of the House coming to a division that evening, on the first reading of the Bill for the protection of life in Ireland, but supposing that it did net, he would ask of those Hon. Members who had notices for tn-morrow to allow the debate to proceed. He did not wish to interfere with the full discussion of the measure, but if the House would allow him to take the discussion on the Corn Bill, a considerable amount of good for tke nation might be effected, and if Hon. Members could con clude the discussion that evening, and permit the discussion of the Corn Bill to be proceeded with to-morrow, they would render the nation a most essential service. Mr. S. O'BRIEN said that he could assure the Right Honourable Baronet that every one of the Members on his side of the House felt as deeply as he did the inconvenience suffered by the country from the course taken in the conduct of these Bills. The Right Hon. Baronet, hoe ever, had it in his power to move the adjournment of the debate till after Easter. and to continue the discussion on the I Corn Bill. As far as he himself was concerned, he would give I way to the discussion on the Corn Bill, but would not in any way facilitate the discussion on t he Coercion Bill. The SPEAKER said that the Hon. Gentleman should de- ! fer his speech until after the motion for the reading of the order of the day. On the motion that the order of the (lay he read, Mr. S. O'BRIEN said he did not wish to adopt any con cealinent in the course he was about to take. It was the bounden duty of tine Irish Members to take care that the dise cussion on the Coercion Bill should be a discussion in which the misgovernment of Ireland should he fully canvassed, and that every opportunity should be given for the exposition of the wrongs of the country, and for the suggestion of such measures as would conduce to the removal of those evils which the op posite party se utterly denied. Sir it PEEL said that in permitting, after due?discussion, the Hill to be read it a first time, the lion. Gentleman would Wave an opport ma of speaking on it in its eubsequent stages. of the Right tr -id that he wished to ask a question . was the intentiona"et. He had heard a report that it Gough from Ind,* of the Government to rectal Sir Hugh report was true' • le would wish to know whether such a Sir R. PEEL said as the one a ll u d ed that he (lid not. k now o f any such report vt•enl liar M a je sty to mto inter lir Hon. M em b er. H e bail just ad aetm er the Ir.nour o f a peerage on Sir Hugh (tough, and th proceedi ng would not show any inten- ' tion of re-calli ng hi m. Mr. .1. O'CONNI-F.1.1. said that Bill, it. was a m easure which he w ith regard t o th e C oerclon ieved would be injudicious for the ends it was intended to ane w o utrages which it p roposed to put- d e o r w s o it wlout was increa s e th ose Bill which w o uld harnisb from the minds of th e Irish peopl e ' a ll chance an y feeling for any sympathy which homishoawotothe atof This Bill would never reconcile the diff erences between the two countries, but would produce results of a most disastrou s nature to the people of Leland. The people of Ireland saw that during the seven centuries of oh. connexion between t h e countries. th e y could not look back t o any b ut a mischievous operation o f our G o vernment. It was t i me that th s state of thine.; shroud be changed. He believed th a t th e interest inf the two cowl • • tries was b nund up in the con , exion t between them, and in t he wish to preserve that connexion he t would rather that this measure were pne tioned ; and he did not believe that the Government would b lose anything by the delay, Had the Special Commission sent out by G o vernment failed, or was there anything to encourage anyt hing like a renewal of the the bad than increasing experiment ? Arty expense was better feeling of the country. If the Government. proceeded with the Corn Bill, mid adjourned the present measure, the y would be able to try the force of their hands. When the Government at some future period could say that it had tried every remedial measure, and that they had failed, it would find a support from his (Mr. O'Connell's) aide of the House that it had never calculated on He was sorry that an accusation had been made against the opponents of the Coercion Bill by a leading journal of that morning, as having offended public opinion. Whatever accusation might be made against them, a great heat of feeling had arisen and would continue threughnut the course of this debate, and he had himself been betrayed into some warmth on the question. He certainly could net consent te give up this measure so as to facilitate the Corn Bill. It was his country to which he had to look, and it was for the welfare not of one but of both countries, if this Bill were well considered before it was allowed to pass. Sir R. PEEL said that he was not. aware that, on any occa sion, he hail been betrayed into any heat on the subject. He had asked the Hon. Members on the other side of the House to allow the orders of the day to have precedence, and had re ceived an answer. He hoped Hon. Gentlemen would proceed to the orders of the: day without further delay. Mr. COLLETT would ask the Right Hon. Baronet to what period the House would adjourn for Easter ? The state of the public business required that such an adjournment should bo for as short a period as possible. Sir DE LACY EVANS said that he thought that the perti nacity of the Niembers for Ireland was excusable. Considering the extraordinary nature of the Bill, it was wished to bring before the House, he thought that Hon. Gentlemen had not made it clear what the determination of the House was as to the entire to he pursued. According to the determination of his Hon. Friends on this side of the House, neither the mea sure under discussion, nor the Corn Bill, would be advanced at all. After a few words from Mr. C. POWELL, which did not reach the gallery, Lord MORPETH said, that while this subject Witt before the House, he could not refrain from reading a letter which he had received from York. It did not bear immediately on the q, uestion• but it related to it its some degree. It stated , that rt i n e s ; c t e were h e state of rem decision a ontheCerixrtnlte d ll 7 tariff,pres d sto,and that tradteatnda large co body of operatives of a respectable class were in a state of destitution, and depending on charity, The question of t r h fe e r r e d hand,w i th he in thispriority e measure discussion te;bu h he must sntot say, n t t h h a e t l o ca n st th i e nt o e hoped that ample means would be given for the termination of the debate. Sir It. PEEL said that he would inform the House of the length of time for which he would adjourn the House, from Tursday next, to-morrow (this day). Mr. P. SCROPE could not see any reason why the Coer cion Bill should be proceeded with at once, and the Corn Bill adjourned over Easter. Sir R. PEEL said that it was clear that the House would make no progress if it took the Corn Bill to-morrow; it would be of great advantage to the nation if it was proceeded with at once. He had asked Hon. Gentlemen to pospone their motion for that purpose, and he had received his answer—he did not wish to press the question further. Sir J. GRAHAM said that he had offered to Hon. Member,: that the Bill should be read a first time as a mere matter of courtesy to the other House. Mr. WARD said that the Right Hon. Baronet was under a misconception as to the words he had used, for he had said that he did not ask this first reading as a matter of courtesy betweeo the two Houses of Legislature, but the time was arrived when it was necessary that the opinion of the House should decide what was to be done on this question. Sir J. GRAHAM said that it had been remarked that he had wished the first reading of the Bid under pretest, but he thought that such a precedent, was one from which considerable incoevenience and disorder was likely to arise, and he could not encourage such a principle. Sir W. SOMERVILLE said, if the determination was come to to adjourn the debate, it should be adjoirned till some tnne after Easter. They might th, ngo on with the Commit tee on the Corn Bib to-morrow night. In such a case, they would get through with that Bill before the holidays. If the Govermneet would go on that night, on them rested the re sponsibility. Atter a few words from Mr. BROWN, in concurrence, Colonel R A WDON suggested that if her Majesty's Govern ment would go on with the Corn Bid, and if lion. Members who had motions for to-morrow night would give way, as he had no doubt they would, there would be no difficulty in going on. They would then have a free stage le:fore them. If they o (mid persist in going on, he would move the order of the day fur the adjou-ned debate be read that day thre months. Mr. C. POWELL inquired whether certain returns, re lating to the outrages committed in the disturbed districts of Ireland, had been received, and were ready for production? Ste J. GRAHAM said he had not yet received all the re turns. Colonel RAWDON said he would move that which he be lieved was more regular than that he intimated to do. He begged leave to move that the other orders of the day be pro ceeded with 1.-)rd AIORPETH hoped the Hon. and Gallant Member would not press his motion, but would allow the debate to pro ceed. Mr. B. ESCOTT said, though opposed to the measure, he could not consent to meet it in such a factious and unusual manner. If the Bill was not taken now, the Corn Bill would not be proceeded with that night, and the evening would be lost. He hoped they would proceed with the debate at once. Mr. J. COLLETT said he should wish to hear the case of the Hon. Gentlemen opposite. It must be a bad one else they would not seek to meet the Bill in this unbecoming and left handed manner. Sir R. PEEL was not to be provoked by the course taken. There had been a full understanding on 311 sides that they should that night. proceed with the dis,:uvion of the Irish Pro tection of Life Bill. He did hope therefore they would be allowed to proceed with the adjourned debate at once. Colonel RAWDON, in deference to the feelings expresssed by lion. Members would withdraw his amendment. On the order of the day being then read, _ _ Mr. CHRISTIE asked a question of the Home Secretary about the poor-laws, the purport of which did not reach the gagery. Sir JAMES GRAHAM replied that he had not heard of the matter referred to, and could not give any answer about it. If notice of motion was given, then ha would be prepared to meet it. Mr. M'CARTHY presented a petition from the city of Cork agtiost the Irish Coercion Bill. It was agreed to at a meeting presided over by the Mayor, acrd signed by about 3,000 mo.t respectable persons. It deplored the state of Ireland, but attributed the outrages that prevailed to agrarian causes and the social condition of Ireland, especially the law relating to landlord and tenant. As the petition was one of great importance, he would give notice that to-morrow he would move that itbe printed with the votes. ADJOURNED DEBATE. The adjourned debate was then resumed. Mr. CAREW proceeded to address the House. He did not intend to consume much of their time in stainer the reasons why he opposed the present Bill. Had her Majesty's Govern ment come to the House with remedial measures, while they proposed the present measure, they would have had a much stronger cams to rely on than the prsent ; the result would have been of a more satisfactory and censistent character. The measures hitherto brought forward, instead of being of an healing character, had been, generally speaking, coercive and oppressive. It could not be denied that a good landlord and tenant law was much waited for Ireland; as for a long time the process of dispossessing fence-its had been going for ward to a great extent. Evidence had been produced, showi ng the deplorable results which had followed from this system of ' clearing land, and the want of security that accordingly ex isted. The Hon. Member here read a number of extracts and documents in illustration of these proceedings in various counties iti Ireland, showing that outrages, threatening notices, and all the hearthurings that for some time past had charac terised the relationship between landlord and tenant, flowed from the system of eviction. To exrect anything like peace and order under such a system was impossible. The state of Ireland in 1e32 had been well described in the report of a Commission then aepointed to inquire into it, end yet, though sixteen years had passed away, the case of Ireland was as bad as ever.—( Hear, hear.) The recent report of Lord Devon's Commission amply established this. It had been clearly proved that party had nothing to do with these outrages, hut they were entirely of an agrarian character. A Bill to change this system would be of far more effect in heating the evils of Ire land, and in removing outrage, than any number of Bills they could introduce and pass of a coercive character. But this ought not to be all. The religious inequality that prevailed in Iceland should also be done away with. Did they ever know any other country where the religion of a minority was the es tablished religion, while the faith of the great body of the people was proscribed, and its votaries called on to support the establishment of the minority. The longer the equitable set tlement of this question was delayed, the greater would be the difficulties of the country. They had in Ireland 6.400,000 Catholics, w hile the Established Church did not number :shove 800,000, and the other dissenting bodies about as many more. It was not therefore for a moment to be b true that the great body of the people should be treated thus. As Mr. Burke truly said, the Church of Ireland was one which the people of the country would not ask the assistance of, either living or dying. That Church had also got to be very unpopular with the people of Ireland, because its bishops had opposed the measure for the national system of education in Ireland. If the present had been the first Bill on the subject, he might have been disposed to consider it. But it was not so. Not less than seventeen Bills of a similar character had been introduced since the Union.—( Hear, hear.) He would coaelnde generally by say ing that he did not think the Government were proceeding in the right way to conciliate Ireland, or to command its confi dence. They had departed from the impartiality that charac terised the Marquis of Normanby's Government, and as such, had failed in all they had done to tranquillise that country. The O'CONOR DON said, that atter the able and tempe rate speech of the Hon. and Learned Member for Cork (Mr. O'Connell) none ctaild doubt but that the measure was of a most unconstitutional and arbitrary character. Neither hail it been shown that the measure had any real connexion with the crimes sought to be suppressed, The Right Hon. Gentle man. the Secretary-at-War, had stated that the Bill was mainly a Bill for the protection of the poor, who were subject to be attacked at night, while the rich were shot during the day. From what he (the O'Conor Don) knew of Ireland, the Bill, instead of being a boon, would be looked on as a curse, and operate most injuriously. —( Hear, hear.) A great num ber of markets in Ireland were held till a late hour in the day ; and people, if they attended them, could not avoid travelling home after dark. But if this Bill was carried out, it would be impossible for them to attend to their business at all.—( Hear, hear. ) The result would be, that tlet attacks against parties would be directs d in another way than they were at present. In July last he had sat on the grand jury of the county of Ros common, when the state of Ireland was discussed, and a motion made for a petition to the Legislature in favour of a Coercion Bill. He opposed the resolution then, and it was stated that the Government would not support a Bill of that kind. In that, it seems, he had been mistaken, as the present Bill would show. He opposed the Bill, because lie be lieved it would be the means of aggravating instead of heatng the evils of Ireland. Ocher resources might be easily proposed that would be ffar mere effectual; but now, as ever before, Ireland had been the victim of tardy legislation. What ever measures of a healing character the Government had to stropose, the sooner it did so the better, especially the Land lord and Tenant Bill. It was an astonishing, yet a melancholy fact, that whenever Ireland was alluded to from the throne, it was in regard to its evils and distress, and not to its prosperity. —( Hear, hear ) It would be much more satisfactory and useful to consider the resources of Ireland, and how to develop and apply them in the best manner, than in proposing coercive and irritative measures like the one before them.—( Hear. ) Mr. M. MILNES said that in the observations he was about to make he would coafine himself strictly to the question, and not launch into the sea of Irish politics. 1-1 e looked on the Bill before the House as a measure of police merely, and he hoped a very temporary measure of police. And while it was, he thought, required in the present state of Ireland, he hoped other measures for the advancement of the social and moral condition of the country would not be lost sight of. He believed that the Government would be ready to receive any suggestions from lion. Gentlemen opposite calculated to 6H i e a ol m dn e ,: n uf t r; phalre t ty l . e Gentleman thi s Bill more effective. This spirit had been shownw durin g t h e progress of the Bill through the other House of Par e 1 ee fullyHehope concurredtdhtSecretaryw ou i d t h n e o at sentiment b e el War, ti a m l l allowed ehd e e f nt t oh h eg e os ß tfao ig tre la thd t e n on br se o n ua t h to t imorawkeardlraeslaannd insult a g ai n t t o h the Ireland. t a t n l d e- . t that thislie wou l dßill had never b The bitterest enemy of the Government must admit that they had done much to ameliorate the condition of that country. They hid succeeded in reducing the lines of party which for merly exited in Ireland. He should give his support to this Bill, as a measure of policy, the continuance in force of which hi' hoped would be but temporary. It must be recollected that the measure was intended mainly to meet the outrages which were committed at the night time. These outrages were the most difficult to meet, anti, therefore, an ex t raor di nary remedy was requ.ret • I. He did not mean to say that thee could which bad their foundation in the relation which at present exis t e r a dicate tho.e evils ed bet wren landlord and tenant. To do that a general change in the law must be effected.—(Cheers.) The object of this Bill was tom eet certain evils, which required stringent powers for their suppression. He trusted, however , that her Majesty's Government wo uld not use any undue everity in this were modifications which matter. There s might be made in the Bill, in the introduction of which he He should be ready to co-operate. hoped, however, thatithis measure would be followed by extensive remedial measures. No English Government could go on without ituch measures. No matter what Government was in power , the next year would be a most important one with respect to the prosperity of Ire - land, and he trusted that much time would not elapse before, with the blessing of Providence, they were enabled to wipe away that great stain which rested upon this country with re spect to the past Government of Ireland.—( Cheers.) Mr. D. BROWNE expressed the gratification which he felt at the conciliatory spirit which moderate tone, awl the had been exhibited by the Hon. Gentleman wh o had just sat down, and he trusted that her Majesty's Govern ment would follow the example of the Honourable Gentl e ma n, and that they would adopt the course which had been recom mended to them. He (Mr. Browne) believed that the re dress of grievances would be the best remedy and preven tion of that crime which they all so much deplored. The poor man's home, by this Bill, would be rendered a prison, and compared to which the convict's dwelling was a pleasant home. The poor man would never be enabled to return to his home without fearing that he would be subjected ta, the ',pimp which this Sill would give noimarioi of the lew the.pdwer of practising. There was a great deal of predial ex citement in Ireland, and this had arisen from the system of Go vernment adopted towards that country, and they could never expect that excitement to abate until they removed its cause. The legislation with respect to Ireland, from the time of the union, had been for classes, and not for the people. The t'ifferent Governments had ranged Protestant against Catholic; and such was the rancour of the contending parties, that they appeared to forget that they had a country. One of the imelied engagements at the time of the union was, that Catholic Emancipation should be granted; and yet, for nine and twenty years, the Catholics were excluded from political rights. The enormities of the monster grievance of Ireland —the State Church —had been continued without any attempt at reformation. He said, while they were advancing science of every descripti on i n t hi s country , th e y were allowi ng th e science of legisl a ti on i n I re l and to rema i n stationery. He now came to another b ranc h o f t h e su bj ec t, namely, the Coercive Acts passed against Ireland from the time of the union to the period of Catholic Emancipation. For sixteen or seventeen years Ireland was under the restraint of coercive laws—large pow ers were given to the Lord Lieutenant for the Purpose of keeping the people in forceable suhj ,ctioo, and many offences, which had previously been looked at in the light of misde meanours, were made criminal and transportable offence.. The system, however, proved unsuccessful, and, discontent still continuing, Catholic Emancipation was tardily conceded, but years elapsed before even that measure was tally carried into effect—( Hear, hear )--- while other grievances of a no less extensive and oppressive character were still permitted to exist. The law of landlord and tenant, for instance, was no new source of discontent. It existed in the time of Lord Castlereagh ; and even then the people were driven to acts of lawless outrage and desperation to protect themselves from the tyranny ,if the landlord, or the cruelty of his agent. A lawless combination, even at this early period, was formed amongst the people, not to oppose or procure the downfal of an, existing form of religion or legislation, but to produce a social revoke ion in the country. It was instituted for the purpose of compelling the landlords of Ireland to adopt one particular principle in the letting of their lands. This grievance, occasioned by the law of landlord anti tenant, then, was of no modern creation ; on the contrary, it had existed for •years ; an d yet, up to the present day, the English Gov ernment h ad ta k en no s t e ps, nor evinced any dispositi on t o apply any remedial measure to this baneful and cruel system. Thers, was no mercy and security for th e tenantry of Ir e l an d. T he landlor d was a ll p o werful, and eeuld crush h is h um bl e tenant in a s i ng l e momen t. Thi s was acknowledged by the ablest and largest circulat ing journal in England, anti he for one asked the House whether it was not high time that some remedial mea• sures should be applied to this system. The Government answered that they intended to bring forward remedial measures, but refused, when called upon, to say what these remedial measures were.—( Hear, hear.) Well. then, he could tell them that this Coercion Bill would fail to have the desired effect. It would in no way stop or reduce the extent of murder in Ireland; and, like all former measures of a coercive tendency, they might rely upon it this Protection for Life Bill, as it was called, would turn out to be utterly useless in abolishing the system it was directed against. If they wanted to insure peace and contentment in Ireland, let them base their Government upon justice, and not attempt to ad minister it through coercive measures. That policy had never succeeded and never would, and Ireland could only be effectu ally governed by laws that were strictly in accordance with the spirit of equity and justice.—( Hear, hear.) There was an. other diabolical system existing in Ireland, which ought to be done away with—he alluded to the abominable spy system which existed to a greater extent in Ireland than in any other country in Europe.—(hear.) It was well known that some of the Government spies had concealed ribbon documents about the persons of unsuspecting individuals, whom they decoyed away from their homes, and by this means succeeded in procuring their conviction for offences which they never committed, and for which they were punished with transpor tation. Again, these spies often resorted to the detestable devices of concealing arms in or about the premises of inno cent and unoffending persons, and afterwards laying informa tions against them for unlawfully having arms in their posses sion.—( Hear, hear.) Nay, similar devices were often resorted to to procure the conviction of innocent parties who were un justly accused of the crime arson, robbery, or murder.— ( Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord, the Member for Lynn (Lord G. Bentlnck), had the other night turned up the white of his eves in pious horror when a statement was made of the mur ders in Ireland, but what had that Noble Lord to say iii de fence of the innumerable and cold-blooded murders that had been recently committed in England? The Hon. Member then proceeded to read a list of the murders that hail been com mitted in England daring the year 1845, one of which was the murder of am old woman by her son, a species of murder which the Hon. Member remarked was not very prevalent in Ireland. —( Hear, hear.) The total number of murders committed in England during the present year was about forty. And yet that year was, according to English jour na l s , a y ear o f unex ampled prosperity. He did not w.sh to speak offensively of the English people; he was only answering the statements of the Noble Lord the Member for Lynn.—( Hear, hear.) But what would have been the number of murders in England during the past year, if, i.istead of having been one of unex ampled prosperity, the people had been reduced to the same depths of poverty and misery as were the Irish people at the present moment ?—( Hear, hear.) During even the past three months of the present year, 1846, there had been a !sing list of the most diabolical murders committed in England, but if the list was read in full, he doubted whether lion. Gentleman op posite would appear so horror-stricken as they appeared to be the other night.— ( Hear, hear.) Perhaps that arose from their being accustomed to the thing.—( Hear, hear.) Perhaps, like the grave-digger in Hamlet, who said madness was so common amongst those beside him that it did not excite any wonder, murder was so common in England that the English were not surprised •at -its alarming prevalence in their own laud. But, as he said before, he did not intend to use ally language of this sort for the pur pose of hurting the feelings of the people of this country. Let the Government give the Irish people institu tions equally to those enjoyed by Englishmen and Scotchmen. Let the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Govern ment come down to the House and tell the Irish Members that he would give them equal franchise;.—( Hear, hear.) Let. him conic down to the House and tell them that he would not tolerate the difference which at present existed between Ireland and England with regard to the church revenues—let him come down and say, that he would no longer suffer (if he could possibly prevent it) the monstrous anomally which ex isted in Ireland of all the ecclesiastical revenues of the country being handed over to the church of the minority. While in England and Scotland those revenues were appropriated by the church of the majority.—( Cries of " Hear, hear.) He would entreat the Right Hon. Baronet—and he addressed him with diffidence and with the greatest respect, and never had he used either in that House or elsewhere, as Hon. Members on his side of the House would attest--( Hear)—any but the most respectful language concerning the political conduct of that Right Hon. Gentleman —h e would ask him to look to the state of Ireland, and reflect within his own mind whether coercive measures would tend to tranquillise Ireland ?—( Hear. hear.) Let him look to the anomalous condition of her pets pie, whose histo r y was unexampled in t h e hi stor y o f any coun try, while the a b un d ant contents o f h er granar i e s were ex ported to this country.—(ear, hear.) Let him look to the enormous rents whi c h were extorte d f ro m the people for the purpose of swelli ng t h e absentee tr ib ute , w hilst the people were in a state of starvat i on for want o f f oo d an d e mployment. H Let him look to the houses of her nobility, which had been desecrated to mean and lowly purposes, her streets deserted, her shopkeepers bankrupt, her custom-house a depot for English merchandise—( Hear, hear)—her exchange a delusion —her bank a monopoly and her very n and let him ask himself whether, Castle, under the p resent state of t hi ngs , a place of despoti sm . —( Hear, hear.) H e would repeat, l et t h e Ri g ht Hon Ba rone t look at this state of things, by passing this m easure, he was d o i ng what was best calcu lated to maintain i nv i o l ate the leg i s l at i ve un ion of England an d Ireland.—( Hear, hear. ) Let him, if he wished to bring peace to Ireland, purs ue an oppos ite course ; let him, like a great state'man, increase the prosperity rather than irritate the feelings of the people fit whom he was appointed to legislate. Let him encourage the introduction of such measures as would form the basis of the peace and prosperity of Ireland. Let him —to use the expressi on w hi c h he h a d h ear d u s ed in that Hou=seon anther occasion—let him unite the philosophy of Watt with the policy of the son of Chatham. and make a Tweed of the Irish Channel. Let him do that, and be would add another laurel to those which already graced his brow.—(Cheers. ) Lord MORPE I'l said that he had listened with consider- able attention to those Hon. Gentlemen who had taken part in this debate, and he was prompte d t o do so because h e h a d been, on a former occasion, called upon to take a part in the , public business of Ireland ; and he would, perhaps. be excused, if he interposed, for a very s h ort ti me , in the debate n ow be fore the House,—( Hear, hear. ) lle would say for a very short time for many reasons. I n th e first place, he h a d no wish to say anything with respect to the general polity which he should wish te see pursued to• warts Ireland.. In the next place, the present state of public business would make him wish to avoid any re,ponsi hility for unnecessarily protracting its further progre ss .— t, Hear, hear.) But, m ost o f a il, the reason which induc e d him to speak at all on thi s ques ti on was, that he had previ ous l y expressed himself most favourably of the Irish character. From his own recollections, he was too sensible of the great difficulties of those who had to a dminister the government of Ireland, and the heavy responsibilities under which they lay with regard to that country; and he, therefore, naturally shrenk from impeding the measures which the executive au thority at any time, backed by evidence of undeniable effects, might alleee to be necessary for the purpose of furthering the peace of her people. lie could not but depict to himself the horror which must have possessed the members of the then Government when intelligence reached them of the murder of Lord Norbury. He did net state that case for the purpose of arguing that the rank of the murdered person should make a difference in our sympathies, but because it happened at a par ticular time, and when he held office under Government. He was quite willing, and quite anxious, to limit the period and the penalties of the present measure, and he would always contend that such measures as these should be strictly in accordance with the exigencies, but he must say that he could not e d y a e con scientiously object to this Bill in tote. He was ready to admit th ed a r t e it a wouldand conciliation have f an i t ) permanent to himself the ri g ht to, or concomitant with , measures of harshness and oppres sion.--( Hear, hear.) Hereserved redress been a p d re b f e e e r n a e o u i f g ht measuresin either of a full discussion of th e details of thi s me asure w h en i t b ad reached Committee; but he would not take upon himself to refuse, at least, to entertain the proposition to give, for a very limited time, the Queen ' s Government some at least of those powers which they alleged to lie necessary for the safety of human life.—(Hear, hear.) Upon former occasions he had not refrained from bearing his testimony to what he considered many shinin g q ualities in the Irish character.—(llear, hear.) He had not even refrained, when it was even calculated to give offence—when it differed altogether from the opinions of many of his own countrymen, and even when he had felt him self called upon to join and vote in a way which was not unison with the views of several of the representatives in of the Irish people—when he felt himself called upon to speak in favourable terms of the character of the Irish people. quite as ready, and more ready, to allow that in He was in honesty of , dealing between man and man . many points— resignation almost intolerable, hi want and , patience, in hear)—there was a pre-eminence of Irish privation—(Hear, virtue ' probably be yond that of any other nation on the face of hoar. ) And further, his Hon. Friend who the earth. Hear, his speech, had dwelt upon the nurn her had just concluded crimes committed in England—([fear) and atrocity of th e Mor peth) went with him, and he was willi ng admi t and h e (Lord .. be quite easy to pick out crimes in Englatui that it mi g ht their details to those which h ad bee,, coinmitteeually horrid in. and he would g o further, and say that d in there was Ireland in the Irish murders an absence that wantonness which characterised th e murders committed i n t hi s country._ ( Hear, hear ) There appeared to be in the murder s com mitted in England an absence of that strong impulse . which would seem to excite the generality of the unhappy individuals that committed murders in Ireland -4 Hear, was not the number or the guilt of the Irish r. ear.) But it Crimes, ) so much as the system of the Irish crimes, and the con i s mes entailed, and the general insecurity which they had they with in legislating for Ireland. - connex. • _ to deal ion with this part of the auhject, he could not fail to be struck with what had been impressively stated by the Right Hon. G ent l eman the Secre tary-at•War, that what should hav e most weight with the House in the consideration of this measure was the had number of threatening notices , w hic h increased in Ireland during the last eighteen months to 2320. Why what were those notices which stood hanging over the life of a man? They were notices of terror, and made his whole existence a fear and a miser ( Hear, hear.) might be asked where the detail s o f this Bill ee,lculated to effect t4eird ? a lad great doubt whether some of them were so.—( Hear, hear,) But he *mild Say let them consider them, for in such a state of things he dare fiat refuse the proposal to legislate altogether.—( Hear.) With respect to the general policy upon which the Government of Ireland ought to be based, he was willing to go as far as most men he believed. He was a party to the introduction of the memorable appropriation clause— (Hear, hear )—and he stated at the time his opinion that its rejection would be an injustice to the great bulk of the people of Ireland.—( Hear, hear.) At the same time he frankly stated, that that measure of itself was not calculated to give permanent satisfaction to the Irish people.--( Hear, hear.) Whilst he was in office he proposed, in conjunction with his Noble Friend the Member for London, to increase the franchise to the Irish people, and to make them equal in that respect to English and Scotchmen. They also proposed an adjustment of Irish property, and Irish poverty, and it seemed to him that what Ireland wanted in a great degree was the improvement of the law of landlord and tenant. And most cordially did he hope that the measure which was contemplated by the Government would, when produced, be found to be formed in a wise and equitable spirit, and that the enactments would be calculated to meet the desired mi.— ( Hear, hear.) Upon this point he could not dissemble his opinions but that the waste lands and bogs of Ireland might be made more valuable for augmenting the resources of the country and improving the condition of the people.—( Hear, hear.) It was true the Ministry of which he formed a part did ' not propose any measure themselves of that nature, nor was he at present prepared to suggest the delails or plans of one. When, upon the one hand, they had such a vast area of land untenanted and unworked, and upon the other hand, when they had such immense masses of the people without the means of turning to profitable use the hands and the strength which God had given them, he thought it might be possible, either by the wisdom or kindness of man to devise some means of turning the present state into the ele ments of future benefit to the country.---( Hear, hear.) One more word with reference to the Bill then before the House. Whenever the time should come at which the Bill should arrive at its first reading, as a matter of course a considerable time must elapse before it can reach or pass through its subse quent stages. If in i hat interval any improvement in the state of crime should take place, from any cause which might be brought into operation, or the exercise of the ordinary powers of the law, or the exertion of the military and the police —not, I hope, always henceforth to be employed, as they had heard in some of the speeches of Hon. Members—when the verdicts of justice are given featlessly and righteously—and he saw that the two men who were charged with the murder of Mr. Clarke had been recently ap prehended—(Hear)—if the softened and tempered tone of the discussion in this House—the unanimous language of warrants in which these cowardly assassinations had been branded, not only by the organs of her Majesty's Government, and by the ministers of the gospel, but by the favourites and leaders of the popular mind of Ireland ; if, above all, the beneficient and overtaking hand of Providence shall have checked in any way the career of Irish crime, and shall have restored comparative security to property and life in that country, he then hoped that her Majesty's Government would not consider it at variance with their dignity or their sense of duty to meet this improved manifestation in a corresponding spirit, and to dis pense either with the whole or partial provisions of the Bill now under discusssion.— ( Hear, hear.) If otherwise, 'he could only bow to the necessity o f case. He was, however, convinced that for the government of Ireland there was a better way than that.—( Cheers.) He remembered, in the first speech he made within the walls of the then Parliament—he was sorry he could not quote a better authority— it was on the subject of the Repeal of the Catholic Disabilities Bill. He said upon that occasion, " We have made England great, we should now study to make Ireland happy."—( Loud cheers.) Since that period the greatness of England had gone on ad vancing, it perhaps never culminated to a higher point than at present. All parties will be inclined to agree with him that there still remained a vast amount of indebtedness to us to make Ireland happy. —( Prolonged cheering.) Mr. P. SCROPE was not surprised that an Irish discussion should be so discursive as the present had been. He deplored that so mnch attention had been paid to political subjects, which had no connexion whatever with the matter in hand. The attention of the House should be directed to the prevention of crime, and the preservation of life and property in Ireland. The Hon. Member proceeded to read some extracts from minutes of evidence given before the Poor-law Commissioners of Ire land, as tending to illustrate the frightful state of society , in that country with reference to agrarian crimes. The Hon. Member then went on to remark upon the anomalous state of Ireland—the inhabitants of that country were remarkable for their social and hospitable feelings—they would share there last potato with their distressed neighbours, but they always sheltered and protected the murderer, they looked upon him as a martyr, and considered it their duty to support his surviving relatives. They thought themselves entitled to resist the law of the land, which they considered their enemy rather than their friend. What he urged was, that the law protected property while it abandoned those who lived on the property. The system of extermination—of removing the people off the face of the land—must be put an end to. He wished to know where was to be the limits of that system? In the present state of the law, if the landowners of an entire county chose to eject the tenants from their respective properties, the law of the land must come to their assistance, though a wide-spread rebellion should be the consequence. He wished, therefore, to see the introduction of a remedy. The Coercion Bill before the House, could not surely be considered a remedy. The Right Hon. the Secretary-at-War said, a few evenings ago what startled him. He said that this Bill would eradicate the evil. Now, in his (Mr. Scrope's) opinion this did not show the Right Hon. Gentleman to be very well ver sant with the evil which he proposed to remedy. He (Mr. Scrope) always had resisted similar measures. In 1835, when a Bill of a like nature was brought forward, he proposed an amendment, and would not consent to its becoming law unless some measure of a conciliatory kind were to accompany it. The Secretary-at-War had also said that bold and ample mea sures were in contemplation for Ireland. He confessed that he did not place much confidence in these promises, and he warned them that the social state of Ireland was in a perilous condition, and every exertion should be made to prevent the smouldering elements from exploding with the most dsstructive violence. What he would ask, became of those individuals who were ejected? They had no resources, but to perish from want, or from fever, the consequence of want. One point he would wish to add— he denied that these outrages were all connected with land. They were, in his opinion, as much connected with want of employment. Give the people employment—let them secure to them the means of living, and if they did, they would have no grounds whatever for passing Coercion Bills, but they would bind the people by the strongest ties to the Government of the country. How had they altered the condition of the country by the Poor-law Commission ? They had done a little by the temporary relief, but nothing was done to alter the condition of the country—nothing was done to do away with the cause of agrarian disturbance which the present measure was sought to affect. The remedy of the Government would, however, fall short of the intended result.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") The duty of the Government was to adopt such a measure as would allow the tenantry to live out of the land which they toiled to bring into cultivation, and render profitable to the landed proprietor.—(Hear, hear.) What caused this agrarian outrage?—( Hear, hear.) It was caused by the dread of desti tution which the tenantry had of being turned out of their land by the proprietors of the soil at their will and pleasure, and until this was remedied there could be no hope for the peace and prosperity of Irela n d.—( Hear, hear.) In th e reign of Henry VIII. coercion was tried, and it was an historical fact, that about 70,000 persons were hanged. Did this:change the state of things? Ever since that period the landed tenure of Ireland had been the cause of more commotion than any other evil with which the country had been afflicted. (Hear, hear.) He called upon the House to look at the state of Ireland—to judge of the re medies which were called for—and, as they valued the prospe rity of that country, to apply themselves to the real remedy of the state of society in that country. What was it that caused the French revolution? Was it not the encroachments of the nobles, the tyranny of the landed proprietors, backed and for tified by the coercive laws, that paved the way to all th e scenes that resulted ?—( H ear , b ear.) He warned the House that this state of things could not continue. These coercion Bills could not always repress the just aspirations of a people. In their own day they had revolutions in Prussia, Austria, the north of Poland, and indeed over the whole of the north of Europe. The peasants had been rained from a state of serfdom to the blessings of freedom, and did they think that Irishmen would for ever shut their eyes to these facts? It was impossible for any one to look at the Irish who existed in England, without being convinced of their industry, and he would add their perseverence ; and it was only the system which prevailed in Ireland that repressed these virtues. If they had had a fair modicum of justice from their landlords—if the land tenure had been different—then the writers who were so ready to detail the idlenesses and the apathy of Irishmen would have lad a different tale to tell. It should be the endeavour of Government to pass measures which would give peace to that country. The Hon. Member then read extracts, exhi biting the state of Ireland at present, and arguing that it was a doubtful question whether the Whiteboyism that unhinged society, or the exterminating system of the landlord, were the greater evil. if they took from the Irish peasantry their plea of poverty, the necessity of dying in ditches as on the estate of Gerrard, from that moment they would secure the alle giance of the Ira=h people. If they wished to put down agrarian outrages, they had only to give them th e means o f li v i ng . Lord GEORGE BEN TINCK said that he did not wish to express any sympathy with, or any palliation of, the long cata logue of crimes detailed to the House. The difference be tween crime in England and crime in Ireland was, that in England, when crimes were committed, the sympath y of the Engli-h people did not go with the criminals.—( Hear, hear.) The crimes upon which they had to decide were crimes with which the people of Ireland had shOwn great sympathy, and it was because of the difficulty in detecting these crime., and bringing the perpetrators to justice ' that this di ff erence existed. it appeared to him that her Majesty, in calling the attention of that House to consider of and devise measures for increasing the security to life in Ireland, and the more easily bringing to justice the perpetrators of these crimes of desperate assassination, informed the House that she had, with deep re gret, observed that these crimes had of late become of frequent occurrence in that country. He was prepared to support the first reading of this Bill, the more unconditional it was made ; and it was because he thought that in this measure the House would show mercy, not only to the landlord and to the magis trate, but to the tenantry of Ireland, that he was disposed to support it. When they were charged, and himself in particular charged by the Hon. Gentleman the Member for Wickham, who spoke second in thatdebate on Friday night last, with coming down to the House with only superficial information, and hasty statements, gathered from two or three slips cut out from news papers, he begged leave to say, that in the first instance he re ferred to her Majesty's speech from the throne, and he might also have referred to the answer to that speech from that House, in which they (the Commons of England), humbly assured her Majesty, that they, together with herself, had observed with deep regret the commission of crimes of deliberate assassination in Ireland, and promised obedience to her com mands, when she told the House it was their duty to consider some measure for the more effectual preservation of life, and the more surely bringing to justice the perpetrators of these crimes. They did promise to her Majesty to give their con sideration to a measure of that description, and he conceived that the honour and good faith of the House of Commons was therefore pledged to a measure of that description. He did not for one consider that either the party around him or he him. se'f were in any way bound to support all the clauses that were retained in this measure. He assured the Hon. Gentle man the Member for Wickham, in answer to the charge he (the Member for Wickham) had brought against him, that he would not have been so anxious to support this measure hail it not been that the consideration that it was connected with the corn.laws induced him to do so. He was able, both for his:friends around him and himself, to refer to the conduct of their whole lives to prove that they had supported those measures when Government called upon them to do so. He supported the measure of the Government of 1833, of a description similar to the one now before the House, and the measure then introduced, and which he then supported, was stgonger than the measure then before the House. And he took leave to say that he thought that that measure was more effectual for its purpose than the one then under the consideration of the House.. He believed the measure then introduced, on the 29th January, passed both Houses of Parliament, and received the royal consent. He must say that be did not think it was urging on the House to pass a measure of too great haste, it was announced from the throne on the 22d January, and .they had new reached the 6th April, and still had not read the Bill a first time. He should not go again into a detail of all the crimes committed in Ireland, to shock the feelings of that House which the Right Hon. Gentleman had detailed to the Howie. He thought who h o r aw all the . great lessier• of party ouppolling the 1 measure elsewhere, it was hardly just to the House, that those oh his side of the House should not suppott the measure of her Majtsty'S Ministers. His Hon. Friend, the Member for the %Vest Riding of Torisshire, had referred to other remedial measures which he thought shceld be introduced into that House. He had referred to measures frit the extension of municipal franchise, and of Parliamentary franchise in Ireland, and had expressed a desire to see the other franchises in Ireland put on the same feoticg with the franchises in England. For himself, he confessed he could not see in what way the extension of political franchise of any description in Ireland would be at all any remedy for the evils proposed to be relieved by this measure. But when his Hon. Friend referred to other matters and said that he thought that the relations between poverty and property in Ireland required some new arrangement, he cordially concurred with his Hon. Friend, when he saw that Ireland, with eight millions of population, re ceived poor relief but to the amount of 256,000/. per annum.—( Hear, hear.) Whilst in England, which with Wales, contained sixteen millions, nearly five millions was spent in succour to the country. He must confess that be cordially concurred with his lion. Friend in thinking that the relation between poverty and property in Ireland required some new arrangement ; he believed that some better provision must be made for the people of Ireland. There was another point immediately connected with this, to which he would take leave to refer, and that was to the system of absenteeism in Ireland. He could not disguise his firm and lawful conviction, that many of the evils of Ireland arose from the system of absent land lords receiving their rents and spending them in another country. He was well aware, that in alluding to these doc trines he was not subscribing to the doctrines of political economy. He was well aware, that according to Mr. M'Cullock, it made no difference to Ireland whether the landlord spent his money in Dublin, in Bath, or in London, but he confessed he had always been at a loss to understand such doctrine. He believed that the first ingredient in the happiness of a country was, that the gentry, who received the rents, should spend their fortunes amongst the people. He could not help thinking that some arrangements might be made, connected with the levying of the poor-rates in Ireland, in which absenteeism might be made more liable. There was an arrangement in respect to tithes, by which two tithes we re l ev i e d—th e o ne wes the o r di nar y tithe, and the other was only levied as long as the land remained cultivated. He thought that such an arrangement might be applied to the poor-rates in Ireland, and also to all per sons, bei ng l an dl or d s, w ho absented themselves hem that country. He was well aware that another remedial measure might be proposed, w hi c h, notwithstanding what had been imputed to him by the Right Hon. Baronet, the Secretary of State for the Home Department, namely, that he was treading upon dangerous ground, and that what he was now saying might be written in letters of blood in Ireland —notwithstanding all this, still he would say, that a measure might be introduced of a nature very different from that which was now before the House, and which would be much more likely to have the desired effect in that country.—( Hear, from the Opposition.) The Right Hon. Baronet the Secretary of State for the Home Department had, in his (Lord G. Bentinck's) opinion, in in troducing this measure, propounded doctrines which he (Lord G. Bentinck) conceived much more likely, if carried out, to be 1 written in letters of blood in Ireland ; because the Right Hon. Baronet had stated that unless he should succeed in carrying his measure for the reduction of the protection upon food, there would be an equal want of protection for life in that country, which was, in fact, saying in other words that unless they had free trade in corn there should be free trade in assassination. And what did this argument amount to after all but to this, that crime in Ireland was deemed of such small amount that it was made dependent upon the price of food. He had taken the trouble to examine minutely into the state of crime in the five counties in Ireland which the Right Hon. Baronet had already adduced, and he had found that the amount of crime in those counties in the three months preceding the month of August—a period when provisions were cheap and plentiful—was greater than that which existed during the alleged period of the potato famine. In fact he had found that the number of crimes in those five counties, in the three months preceding the mQI; of August, amounted to 1180, while those committed during the famine period did not exceed 806. What then, he would ask, had the state of crime in Ireland to do with the potato famine, or what justification for Alinisters was it. to say that unless this House agreed to pass a measure for the repeal of the corn-laws it would be of 110 use to pass the present Bill. When he saw that such men as Sir David Roche could not re fuse to eject the widow of one of his tenants while her husband was lying dead in the house to gratify a lawless band; when he found that men who were the best landlords, and who were distinguished for their attachment to the tenants of Ireland, such as the Hon. Member for Meath, could not walk over their es:ates without being armed, he thought he and his party were justified in supporting the measure. l'he Arms Bill of 1834 had been productive of beneficial effects, and this fact alone would have justified their support of the measure. These were the reasons which induced his Hon. Friends around him to support the measure whilst they were tree and open to im prove the details. 'I hey did not deem that they were enter taining any measure' that would prove tvranical towards the people of Ireland, nor did they deem that in support ing the measure it would be inflicting injury on the Irish people, but they rather thought the measure I was absolutely necessary in order to protect Irish improvements of every description, and in order that the hand of industry might not be arrested by the hand of the assassin, and it was fur these reasons that he and his Honourable Friends around him supported this measure.—( Cheers. ) Mr. J. O'BRIEN moved the adjournment of the debate. Upon this motion the House divided, when there appeared— For the adjournment Against it Majority against the adjournment —46 On our return to the gallery, we found Sir R. PEEL addressing the House. We understood the Right Hon. Gentleman to consent to the adjournment till this day. Sir W. SOMERVILLE would make one more appeal to the Government to reconsider this Bill. It was quite clear, from the determination of the Irish Members, that they would not relinquish their pr.vilege of taking their notice before the order of the dal , . That would put off this measure and the Corn Bill until after Easter, and when they met upon it after Easter there would be a further delay of three or four weeks. He thought that the best way was at once to propose that the adjournment be to that day three weeks. The measure would lose nothing by the postponement. Sir R. PEEL said he had already stated that it was his wish that the debate shi,uld be adjourned till to-day, and he would this evening announce on what day he should move that it be resumed, and he hoped that the House would then support him.— (Hear.) He was quite aware of the great power pos sessed by a minority in opposing a measure, but he considered himself responsible for the delay which might be occasioned by Honourable Gentlemen on the other side of the House. He was not disposed to put an end to the discussion, but he cer tainly should give the Hon. Baronet his decided opposition. Sir W. SOMERVILLE could assure the House that since he had first occupied the House on this question, he had a bowl fide wish to save, riot to waste, the time of the House—( Hear, hear)—and he must therefore deny the riOit of the Right lion. Baronet to make use of the expressions which he hail concern ing his conduct, both on this and a previous evening, in the coarse of this debate.—(Cheers.) The Right Hon. Baronet had made use of expressions which he (Sir Wm. Somerville) did not deserve.—(Hear, hear.) If it was the wish of the House. he would at present withdraw the amendment, reserv ing to himself, however, the right to renew it, if he should think fit, this evening. —( Hear, hear.) The amendment was accordingly withdrawn, and the debate adjourned until this evening. COAL WHIPPERS (PORT OF LONDON) BILL. This Bill then went through Committee. Report to morrow. INSOLVENT DEBTORS' (INDIA) BILL. On the motion of Lord MAHON this Bill was read a second time. He hoped the Right Hon. Baronet would be prepared for the production of the budget, not later than to-morrow. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER wished he could give the Gallant Member as satisfactory a statement of the period when the budget would be brought forward, as he could of the state of the revenue. The Government had an- - ticipated a surplus revenue of 90,0001., whereas the actual surplus revenue was 1,750,000/. COMMITTEE OF SUPPLY. A vote of 1873;5:200 Exchequer Bills was then agreed to. BANKRUPTCY AND INSOLVENCY LAWS. Mr. pi AWES moved that the further consideration of the Bill to amend the laws relating to Bankruptcy and Insolvency be postponed until after Easter. METROPOLITAN RAILWAYS' TERMINI.. Mr. PROTHEROE moved for a copy of the Commission, and Instructions to the Commissioners, on Railroads having or proposing to make stations in the metropolis. He also wished to ask Sir Robert Peel a question on the extent of the powers of the Commissioners on Railroads having stations in the me tropolis, with a view of ascertaining whether the Commis sioners will take cognizance of, or interfere with the Bills now before Select Committees of the House of Commons, and espe cially the North Kent Railroad Bill. Sir R. PEEL apprehended • that • the Commissioners would hive no power to interfere with any other part of the railways than those which came within the bounds of the city of Lon don. They would confine themselves exclusively to railway termini within the metropolitan districts. One of the schemes contemplated the removal within the city of London of more houses than was destroyed by the great fire of Lon don. He thought it was a subject, therefore, which called for some supervision on the part of the Commissioners. He considered that it would be better for the Select Com mittee to say whether or not they would recommend that part of the scheme to be gone into. It certainly was better to ad here to the spirit of the resolution, and not to the letter, as a mistake had crept in. Mr. HAWES thought that that part of the Bill which affected the borough of Southwark should be considered by the Committee, before they made their report. ropau-gddhutty, talesup After a few words from Sir DE LACY Evarrs and Mr. MASTERMAN, the motion was agreed to. Sir DE LACY EVANS h onthe a b Bill r. aartdloimami a ! i n o Parliamentary regulate royf electors,t ns an o d f t p o ay a m bo e is n i t h o t f he ra s t t e am s n freemen. The other orders of the day were then disposed of, and the [wise adjourned at One o'clock. EMILIA WYNDHAM. BY THE AUTHOR Or " Two OLD MEN'S TALES," " MOUNT SOREL," &c., TY 3 VOLS.— The above work is published this day by Mr. Colburn, and may now be had at all the libraries. Mr. Colburn has also just published the following popular new novels :-2. Con fessions of a Pretty Woman, by Miss Pardoe, authoress of " The City of the Sultan," &c.-3. The Robertses on their Travels, by Mrs. Trollope-4. Peers and Parvenus, by Mrs. Gore-5. The Citizen of Prague, edited by Mary Howitt-6. Sir Roger de Coverley, a Tale of the Court of Charles 11., by the author of "Maids of Honour," and 7. The Queen of Denmark (Caroline Matilda, sister of George III.), an Histo rical Romance, founded on the private communications of her Majesty's Chamberlain. [ADVERTISEMENT.] —A BAD LEG OF SEVERAL YEARS STANDING CURED BY HOLLOWAY'S OINTMENT AND PILLS.—Mr. Turpin Browse, Richmond Cottage, Widcombe, Bath, has made a declaration to the following effect :—" That he had been suffering for more than five years with an ulcerated leg, covered with fourteen wounds, and that he had been a patient at the United Hospital at Bath for three or four years, and that he had also used the sulphur bath every other day for six months, and all to no purpose, but that he is now perfecely cured after every other means had failed, and by the use of Holloway's Ointment and Pills." 31r. King, chemist, Bath, will vouch for the truth of this extraordinary ease.—Sold by all chemists and at Professor Holloway's Establishment, 244, Strand London. _ THE FISHERY.—Since our last, the fishermen of Mount's Bay have had some good catches of mackeral, varying nightly from 500 to 2,000 per boat, which have realised from 9s. to 13s. per 120. The latter price was ob tained on the day preceding the sailing of the steamers from llayle to Bristol. Many cart-loads (in inaunds) were taken hence to liayle, and forwarded to the markets of Bristol, Bath, &c., and we are informed met a ready sale at remunerating prices.—Hook fish have also been very plentiful ; the fishermen at the Quay to bring ashore from twenty to forty and even fifty fine confir ling and cod per boat nightly. On Friday morning, several boats left the pier and proceeded a mile or two sea ward, and in the evening returned each w have above stated, and finer fish we never r ecolle ith ct toseen. The lings vary in size from about 12lbs. to 6O t lb e s. lasSt forty ha season for this kind of fish has not been for h years. The fisheries of Bl ount's Bay will be considerably enhanced when we shall have a railway to the metropolis: fish brought ashore here in the morning may then be sold in Billingsgate-market the same day.—Penzance Gazette. The duty o n orarwes amounts to 70,0004 per =aura, And 04 auTanto to 270,0004 COURT CIRCULAR. The Queen' held a Privy Council yesterday afternoon a Buckingham Palace. It was attended by his Royal High ness Prince Albert, the Lord President, the Archbishop o Canterbury, the Lord Privy Seal, the Commander-in-Chief, the First j.,ord of the Treasury, the Secretaries of State for the Homerand Colonial Departments, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, the Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, the President of the Board of Trade, the Secretary-at-War, the Postmaster-General, the Lord Steward, the Lord Chamber lain, and the Master of the Horse. At the Council the Archbishop of Canterbury was directed to prepare a Form of Thanksgiving for the recent victories in the East Indies. The Hon. William Bathurst was the Clerk to the Council in Waiting. The Queen gave audiences to the Duke of Bucclench and Sir Robert Peel. . _ The Court was attended by the Marquis of Anglesey, Gold Stick in Waiting; the Vice- Chamberlain, the Treasurer of the Household. Lord Rivers and Mr. R. Ormsby Gore were the Lord and Groom in Waiting. Her Majesty and her Royal Consort took their usual early walk yesterday. Their Royal Highnesses the Prince of Wales, Prince Alfred, the Princess Royal, and the Princess Alice were taken airings yesterday in the royal gardens. The royal dinner party at Buckingham Palace yesterday included her Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent, the Earl of Jersey, Lady Augusta Bruce, Baroness de Speth, the Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone, Hon. and Rev. C. Leslie Courtenay, and Sir George Couper, Bart. Her Majesty the Queen and Prince Albert examined with much interest the first production of a wonderful shawl-loom, submitted for inspection by Mr. George Smith. The loom has been constructed by Mr. Robert Kerr, of Paisley, so that one man weaves two shawls at the same time. Her Majesty was pleased $o give her patronage to this new manufacture, by the purchase of both the specimens submitted. Her Royal Highness the Duchess of Gloucester visited her Majesty the Queen Dowager yesterday, at Marlborough House. Her Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent visited the Duchess of Gloucester yesterday, at Gloucester House. Prince Castelcicala, the Neapolitan Minister, had an inter nviiner-nwirietch Mr. Secretary Gladstone yesterday , at the Cele- The Bishop of London had an interview with the Earl of Dalhousie yesterday, at the Office of the Board of Trade. Mr. John Wood, Chairman of she Excise, had also an interview with the Noble Earl yesterday. The Bishop of Lichfield had an interview with the Chan cellor of the Exchequer yesterday, at his official residence in Downing-street. Lord Ashley had also an interview with the Right Hon. Baronet. Sir George Hayter is at present at Falmouth, to which port he proceeded by steamer, for the re-establishment of his hcalth, frorn the severe attack he experienced three weeks ago. - The Judicial Committee of the Privy Council ea yestr , day, and resumed the consideration of the petition of the in habitants of Cape Breton. The Solicitor-General was heard, and the Attorney-General commenced his address. The cass MO adjourned. COVENT GARDEN THEATRE. PROMENADE CONCERTS. Mr. Allcroft has taken Covent Garden Theatre for five nights only, for the purpose of giving a series of Promenade Concerts during Passion week. The conductor of these con certs is Signor Negri, and we rejoice once more to see this excellent conductor, to whose exertions the English public are in a great measure indebted for the introduction o Promenade Concerts, resuming his proper place as the conductor of an orchestra. The leaders are Messrs. Thirlwall and Mellon. Among the solo performers are, M. Laurent on the cornet a piston, Mr. Nicholson on the oboe, Mr. Keating on the bassoon, Mr. Hancock on the violoncello, Mr. Carte on the Boehm flute, and Sivori (the first violinist in the world) on the violin. He last night delighted the audience by giving his world-famous solo, "Le Carnival de Venise." In addition to these he has secured the services of Mr. Henry Russell, who last night sang " The Ship on Fire," and the "Maniac, " accompanied by himself on the pianoforte. As a matter of course, both songs were enthusiastically encored ; but, instead of repeat ing them, Mr. H. Russell gave us two negro melodies, pre facing them by relating some piquant anecdotes illustrative of" Nigger" life in the United States. This introduction of vocal music is a great improvement on the ordinary programme of Promenade Concerts, and gives a most agreeable variety to the entertainment. The programme of last night was excellent. After the National Anthem we had a selection from the Messiah, which was very carefully given, concluded with the magnificent Hallelujah chorus, the chef d'ceurre of Handel, which was deservedly encored. We had of overtures those to Fall°, to Illastenello, to Giulluumc Tell, and to Der Frieschutz, all admirably per formed; and we had also a fantasia from II .Don Giovanni, embracing all the favourite airs of the greatest of the compositions of Mozart. This was perhaps the gem of the evening, and was evidently with all concerned a labour of love. Among the lighter music there were three new compositions by Mr. J. G . Calcott---aPolka, a Quadrille, and a Mazourka, lively dance exciting compositions, and which prove that we have an English composer, at least, who need not shrink from a com parison with Labitsky, Lanner, Strauss, or Musard. These pieces, composed expressly for these concerts, reflect the highest credit on the taste and musical science of Mr. Cab. cott, and were received with the most rapturous enthusiasm. Musard's far-famed " Echo Quadrilles," which were first in troduced to the English public by Signor Negri, were re vived last night, and are as popular as ever; and Mr. Carte gave us a solo on the Boehm flute, consisting of varia tions on the " Huntsman's Chorus," which was one of the most exquisite specimens of flute-playing it has ever been our good fortune to hear. All the difficulties of the instrument were fairly met, and fairly overceme, and the tone throughout was clear, powerful, and yet exquisitely delicate. The House was crowded to suffo cation in every part. Let us hope, that encouraged by his success, Mr. Allcroft will be induced to extend his season beyond the five nights at present announced. Of the success of such an experiment there can be no doubt, for good pro menade concerts (and these are among the very best that have ever been given) have always been the most popular of the Metropolitan amusements. SPORTIN G IN TELLIGENCE. TATTERSALL'S.—YxbreaDay. The Subscription-room was cronded until considerably beyond the nsual hour of closing, and, :what with the settling for the Metro politan Handicap (which, by the way, would have been much easier had three or four parties been considerate enough to employ some one to pay and receive for them) and speculating on the various events now in the market, was reasonably brisk. The odds laid however, were in several instances so conflicting, that, while be lieving our quotations to be very near the mark, we by no means pledge ourselves for their entire accuracy. The most prominent favourites for the Newmarket Handicap were Corranna, Beaumont, Arthur, and Spur, each having attained the position assigned him below, after a rather liberal outlay, in the early part of the afternoon, at 20 to I. We did not observe any great inclination to back the leading favourites for the Chester Cup, but Crlm. Con., Vitula, and Mermaid were decidedly in favour. The business on this race was flat. Sting and Brocardo were not in demand for the Derby, but the Traverser and Torn Tullock were; the latter at a great improve ment on last week's quotations. The betting also touched upon the Oaks and Two Thousand Guineas Stakes, but did not exhibit any thing like a " feature." Closing prices : XIWMAZIET JIANDICAT. 13 to 1 agst Mr. G. Moore's Commis 15 to 1 agst Mr. Copeland's Arthur 16 to I agst Mr. J. Clark's Nike filly 16 to 1 agst Mr. Jaques's Spur 16 to 1 agat Lord Albemarle's Beaumont 20 to I agst Mr. Death's Thrapston—taken 20 to 1 agst Col. Anson's Rowland Hill 20 to 1 agst Lord G. Bentinck's Marquis of Conyngham—taten 20 to 1 agst Mr. G. Moore's Wolfdog 20 to 1 agst Mr. Godwin's Dexterous 22 to 1 agat Lord Exeter's Wee Pet 22 to I agst Mr. King's Young Lochinvar 25 to 1 agst Col. Feel's I am not aware--taken 25 to 1 agst Mr. Freeman's Sir Diggery Diddle 30 to 1 aget Mr. Cuthbert's Queen of the Tyne—taken 39 to 1 agst Mr. Deluce's Rosa 8 to 1 agst Rosa, Nike filly, and Dexterous (all half-bred)—t. CHESTER CUP. 12 to 1 agat Mr. Gully's Weatherbit 12 to 1 agat Mr. A. W. Hill's Sweetmeat '0 to 1 agst Lord Geo. Bentinck's Best Bower 22 to 1 agst Lord Geo. Bentinck's Clumsy 25 to 1 agst Mr. Woffenden's Miss Burns 25 to 1 agat Mr. Dawson's Crlm. Con. 25 to 1 agst Mr. Parr's Vitula—taken 30 to I eget Sir J. Gerard's Mermaid—taken 50 to 1 agst Mr. Davies's Redstreak—taken 50 to 1 agst Mr. Wormald's Pedometer—taken 50 to 1 agst Mr. Gully'. St. Lawrence—taken 2,000 °tunas STAKES. 4 to 1 agst Col. Anson's logo 8 to 1 agst Mr. W. Scott's Tzsy. ibth i o —rpe . taken ; 6 to I t previous l y r 4 tel rapt Lord E. Russell's sting • 12 to 1 ii - gist Gen. Shubrick's Brocardo 23 to I agst Mr. J. O'Brien's The TraVen lll,--taken 25 to 1 agst Colonel Anson's Seen 2 2 5 5 tt agst Air r .W f Scott OAKS. T ' A s K,I, T t o . n u o p T e t tllock 7 to I *get Col. Peel's lot 9 to I agst Sir C. monck's Vanish—taken 13 to I agst Col. Peel's Omen Anne—taken 1 24 . 1 33 s a i T d E - 1 D t a A k T c . n 20 to 1 agst Mr. Mated:tic's Fantastic—taken tt's ßA La c u r u s d _r_y 25 to 1 ags 1 31 r 5 oali . i iweepstakes of 10 sovs each, 5 ft, and 25 added. Two runes (9 Subs. Mr. E. Ilawerth'sJolin Davis, list 7115 Mr. Itlanely's Mavournean, list 71b........ . ..... (Owner) 1 Mr. Lowther's Hyreanian, list 71b • . : • • •• • • • • • • •• • • 5t04 on John Davis. Won easy . .- ••••• • • • • Match, 1001., one mile and a half.—Mr. Smith son's Rey, 9st ilb (May), beat Captain Bayly's gr m by Drone, 9st. The Hurdle Stakes of 5 BOWL each, and 25 added. Two miles. (10 Subs.) Mr. R. Y. Shipley's Brunette, aged, 11 st 71b• •.• (Mr. Roland) I Lord A. Lennox's Barnaby Rudge, I Ist 71b •••• • • • • •••• •••• • • • • 2 Sir. C. Montgomery's Blantyre, Ilst 71b Captain Boyle's Yorkshire Lass, list 71b The following also started, but were not placed :—Mr. Slade' Symphony, Captain Ilaikett's The Pope, and Captain Brown's Paddy Brnnette fell at the first hurdle, but was soon up, caught her horses and won devrorly. handicap Hurdle Stakes of 10 toys. each, h ft, with 30 added Trice round and a distance. Captain Barnett's Boxkeaper , list • • • • • • • • ••• • Bra , lley) 1 Mr. Williams's Limerick, lOst 101 b ••.. • • • • ..... •••••• • • • • 2 3 Captain Rogers's Wilton, 10st ••••••.•• • • • • • • • • • •••••• • • • • • • dis Mr. Aston's Adrian, lOst .• • • • • • • • • • • • • • • " • " t Adrian • • 6 to 4 agst Boskeeper, 2 to I a g st Wilton, and 3 to 1 ags Won cleverly by half a length. A Sweepstake of D each, • and 10 added, one mile and aha Three subs, was won easily by Mr. Rowlauul's Adrian, aged, lOst 41b (Owner,) beating Lord Gla mis's Bob Booty. 6 yrs, llst 21b, and Mr Slade's Ascot, aged, lOst 111 b. The Scurry Stakes of 3 sovs. each, with a pur ses added, 12st each one mile and a half , Thre e subs, were w Mr. Rowland' Adraln, 12st, (Owner,) beating Mr. Beck's Punch and Mr. May' Sailfish. bly The weather was very unfavora bl e , but the atten d an ce tolera good. _ ---------- ROBBERY ON BOARD HER MAJESTY'S SHIP TRAria.- CUR.—Whilst the ship was lying at Flynt°Uth. in September last Lieutenant L. C. 11. Tonge lost a gold repeater watch and la s t brequet chain, the disappearance of which until lately,:tats re shits 1 : wrapped in mystery. It appears that on the arrival f r, II _..,_ __! Sheerness in November, two privates of the Borst 21far.ii:iv:ipaith.:n Dennis and William French, obtained_forty -el l t ii ,,/;: r iZ , for five shit dand the latter settee, during which time the chain was wit , lig'i t e h ' e 29th of De. gs a G,-fhattihiacm.maentmtpol,eutwaantchpotolic,es Hugs to Mr. Stigant, pawnbcriokier,,,,et . o t n l :u ta l si, t taTt t u l o t rn e dgas yr yg o tv: r te k tre s o 1:0: that i l ie et d w i tt spe teh ee m i alt e e t r b a i l s Doiartgides:orto thairtyjewslidell,n, eember. Through the y I : and a e n t i d t c . IL was ascertained thAt the watch case bad been melted watch had been sold to a Jew In iloundsditch. llt enDite,quence down snout three weeks since, should be l geant Kendell, of the A division of the metropolitan ,o.peeted the priooners or having committed the robbery, IMP they trt:tiegbn;be:vezve (liesa lbrdglaaefii:rioilyidroegannint,l.idiefyo,:itinthgitetolgitrerce.asrastodtheilii,aist tohfehcisundhal that it the prisoners were remanded i n d de l ( . l i Lieutenant ena n t T o n ' g l4'e e e s h a ah i P° d helsiL li ce e er:t s so h t !l et: 1: - w,t s the guilty part „ a o V ers m t a utd ker b 's ec n n am in e c . ust _ Sergea nt Kendall stated that - since the pri duce the works of the watch robberies. The prisoners were accordingly y, but that DennlS had not only confessed that he property remandedb by untilthe w edn numbe r es that lie had been concerned in other day next, _ CAB ACCIDENT IN BOW-STREET. —Yesterday evening, shortly after six o'clock. a serious accident occurred at the corner of Bow-street and Long-acre, to Charles Driscoll. a young man eighteen years Of age. He was running by the side of a cab soilMting a gen. Oman to purchase a playbill, when his foot slipped, and he fell to the ground. At the moment another cab followed, the Horse and wheels of which passed over [Ms body, indicting such extensive in juries that no Vas removed to the hospitel In a most pltC44otlfi state. THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EV I ENING, APRIL 7, 1846.