The Sun. — London, England, 1846-01-23 00:00:00

that I have had the advantage of Hearin her I her Maeesty's Speech ; and it is onl y now t hat n'a've learnt that the real quest eon which ha s agitated the country was not tr.* be discussed ; and—except perhaps in a kind of protest —we should address her Majesty without any 'attempt at a difference of opinion. Sir, I am not now --after the indication of the Right Hon. Gentleman,„ the first Minister, that an early day is to be appoite cse i for the discussion of that question—l am left now, 9 44 tee so formal an announcement from so high a quartez, presuming myself to introduce that question to tie "e notice of the house. Not even the allusion made to P: by the Noble Lord who has just sat down, or even lte details entered into by the Right Hon. Gentleneaß 'shall tempt me, or I might say would even autho; i se me, to touch at such a moment upon such a city,stion. At the same time I am bound, in fairness to t rte House—rising with their indulgence, at this enoneeeit ter the debate—l am bound not to conceal 'what my opinions are on the general question, ehreugh -shall not attempt to express them, txcept in giving the result. I am not on e of those who are converts to the new opinion. 1 am, perhaps, a member of a iallen party. Those O;':inions that I have feebly some times attempted to tespress in this House in rayon.; t.,/ protection, i adhev, to, and I sincerely in tend t‘y a .ao so. They sent use to this House, and if I re line eished them I should relinquish my seat—(Cheers) and I should not have appeared here. I give that 'etemk expression of my opinion. I will now attempt, with the indulgence of tbn House, to give the reasons by I rise at this moruent., I confess that the tone of the Right lion. 13arenet vas hardly fair to the House ; for while he stotsped discussion on the great question on Pie present occasion, he entered into some details, and gave N ent to his feelings with a fervency quite unusual. Sir, I admire a Minister of this country who has the coue le ge to say that he holds authority; in order to vindi crate; his opinion, and to give expression to the conviction of his intellect and conscience. Sir, there is hardly tiny man in this House, who will rise and say they are not the feelings of a very great and courageous spirit, which should at all times, and under all circumstances, be respected. Unfortunate, indeed, will be the position of this eountry, when its destinies are regulated by a Minister who recommends a policy adverse to the con viction of his mind. But, Sir, while the Right Hon. Bironet has touched on the subject of such high deli cacy, we may be permitted to ask ourselves what are the causes, and what are the circumstances, that ren ;tiered it necessary for one so able, and one so eminent, occupying a position so high—at least of so great a re sponsibility—to enter into these apologies, to enter into theso vindications, and rising in the House amid the cheers of former opponents, to place himself in a posi tion of such an apologetic character to those who once were his party ?—(Cheers.) Sir, I hale no doubt that the Right Honourable Baronet has arrived at conscientious conclusions upon this great subject.—(Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Gentleman says that it is not so much through the force of argument as the cogency of observation that he has arrived at these conclusions. But, Sir, the observation which the Bight Hon. Gentleman. has made must have been made 'by him at a' period when he filled in this House a post acaroely less eminent, andin which he exercised scarcely less control than he does now. I want to know how is it that the Right Hon. Gentleman who certainly is in the enjoyment of the full maturi ty of manhood, should have arrived at this change of opinion —no doubt con scientiously—should have arrived at this state of opinion, when, after a long opposition, this question was argued in all its bearings, a Goeernment was formed in oppo sition to the very opinions he now advocates? I think, myself, not only is a Minister bound to advocate that policy which he believes to be necessary to the welfare of the State, but he is bound, under all circumstances, and at any sacrifice, to announce his opinions. But what are we to think and say of an eminent statesman, who - having served—as he has informed us—under four Sovereigns-- who cannot want - experience any more than - he can royal confidence—who was called to steer the ship on so many occasions and under such perilous circumstances—what are we to say cif that Minister, our greatest and most renowned statesman, who, by the observation of three years, has found it necessary utterly to change his conviction on an important topic, which must have presented itself fir more than twenty years to his observation, and which has been debated in this House, under every variety of circumstance. Sir, I will Say, of such a Minister, that he may be conscientious, but he is unfortunate. But this I will, say of him, he is the last man who should turn round and upbraid his'party in the tone of menace. --e(Cheers.) Sir, I must say that I find a difficulty in paralleling the position which the Right Hon. Gentle man now occupies w ith anything which history or experience - affords us. T he only circumstance, the only incident which occurs to me as bearing any parallel to it is in an event which occurred in that late war in the Levant, whi -h was terminated by the policy of the Noble Lord opposite (Lord Palmerston). I re member when that great struggle was taking place which affected the existence of the Turkish empire—when the Sultan of that day, a man of great energy and great resources, determined to make a last effort for his em pire, fitted out an immense armada. It consisted of many of the finest ships that were ever built. Its crews were picked, and its officers were chosen with discretion and rewarded before they fonght.—(Laugh ter.) Never did Rich an armada pass the Dardanells since the days of Solyman the Great. The Sultan embraced the Admiral —all the muftis prayed for the success of the expedition, as the muftis hero did at the last election. Away went the armada, but what was the astonishment and consterna'ion of the Sultan, when the Lord Fligh Admiral steered at once into the enemies' port. —(Cheers and laughter.) Now, Sir, the Lord High Admiral in that instance was much misrepresented. He too was called a traitor, but he vindicated himself. He said " True it is, I did place myself at the head of ,the valiant armada—true it is-my Sovereign embraced me, and that all the muftis of the kingdom offered up prayers for the success of the expedition, but I have an objection to war ; I see no use of prolonging the struggle, and the only reason I accepted my high office was that I might termi nate the contest by betraying my master." And, Sir, these reasons, offered by a man of great plausibility and great power of discussion, and adroit in debate, have had their effect, and whgt is still more surprising is the fact which the Hon. andallant Admiral opposite (Sir C. Na pier) will bear witness to, that at this moment that manis First Lord of the Admiralty at Constantinople under the new reign. —(Sir Ckailes Napier made some observation which we could not hear.) Well, I am convinced at all events that he remains a very influential personage in the Ottoman world. Now, the Right Hon. Gentleman has turned upon us and said, " A certain power made me Minister, and a certain power can prevent me from be ing Minister." I protest against such an authority : I never will acknowledge such a servile position. Sir, the sympathy of all sides of the House must be with the Hon. Gentleman ; but, like his former adhesion to free trade, it must be sympathy in the abstract because no person has a right to fill the position of the Right Hon. Gentleman, and give utterance to senti ments so magnanimous, without some reference to that understanding which placed the Right llon. Gentlenian at the head of the Government, and which, after ell, should not be lost sight of in esti mating the position the Right Hon. Gentleman now occupies. It is all very well for the Right lion. Gen tleman td say, I am the first Minister of the country — and, by the by, I think; the Right Hon. Gentleman might as well adopt the phraseology of Sir Robert Walpole, and call himself sole - Minister, for his speech to-night is rich in egotistic rhetoric—l think he is per, fectly justified in such a course, as almost all his Cabinet voted against him, and so I think he is quite right not to notice them. It is all very well for the Right lion. Baronet to advance to that table, and say I am thinking of posterity—l am certainly doing that which is exactly contrary to what I counselled on the other side of the table; but I am appealing to posterity, and therefore I care neither for your disapprobation nor your cheers. But then we might ask ourselves, as Members, of the House of Cornmons—ss subjects of a popular Government —we might ask ourselves, what are the measures by which the Right Hon. Gentleman has attained this position ? The Right Hon. Gentleman has supported a different policy fur a number of years. He (continued the lion. Gentleman) remembered When the Right lion. Gentle man was in 'a different position, and was a little more bashful.—(A laugh.) The Right Hon. Gentleman calls upon the Queen, but Would the, Queen call upon the Right Hon. Gentleman ?—(Hear, hear, cheers, and great laughter.) In 1821 he would not place himself in opposition to the then Government of England. It was all very well for the Right Hon. Gentleman to take this highflowingcourse, andif he could maintain it may be for the benefit of the country. He-thought and said with . great respect r -for he belonged to that party which he believed could now triumph no more—( A laugh)—and that they bad nothing at their side except the Constitu tion—the duty 'of a great statesma n wa s to r e present great ideas, that may lead to great events, as well as lead- hint to power. He did not care whether he was a teatinfactiirer or a Manufacturer's son.—(Hear, hear.) He cared not what may be the position of a man who never originated an idea, who watches the atmosphere, and takes big observations, and when he finds the wind in a eeetainpoint, sails in that way. The man who does soTaY.be 'powerful Minister, but never can be a great statesman.' He is as much agreat statesman as a man who gets up behind' a cai.ti age laughter and cheering. ): Bo 's a great whip.—(Great h --( A Taugh).:--both ge t good t are disciples of progress. laughter)— but hoW far Vs the cfrigLPlaces---(Great powtw-- --- (eheeis.) The 'Rightee u n o t n um indebted to their himself' m thin position. He tells " Gentleman places offices tolder four sovereigns, aasetxheart .h e held high those 'high offices. This is the rep utatio ncised power in this man of ability and experienc e-- that aof truete(l, t and that a Conservative sovere i gn !ng Mal trusteUhilii. He tells you this as a re cem mendat,ion to follow him. But is this the way for a great statesman to win the proud aristocracy ?—(Heatelear, and cheers.) It would never reconcile him to be dragged upon a wheel. He had not arrived at that conclusion, and the majority of the House he hoped would, be opinion of the the smile. He is the o nl y man w ho, coming forward and devoting himself to the country, says he sacrifices him self to hisS Sir overeign's deliveran ce. the Right Hon. Gentleman tells us he is still purely Conservative, and sap his Conservative Administ r ation is determined to put " (lien agitation. He confes sed when he heard this, gfeat is was the power of Parliamentary faces, he was thunderstruck.—(Hear.) He felt that men who appeared to speak the truth were most likely to mislead. A man who differs from him, however, may be permit ted to speak in a popular assembly. But when he said ne w§tild put, down agitation—when he said this in the free or the 'Hon. M em b er f or S toc k port, an d t h e H on . Al ember , for , Dinham—when he said face of • &eat ro n ht thoug ' Right G aaetal and attempted it, he enftleman would achieve one of ,Sher; great 'qualities making iiiiineaseileneeellioeLet statesman, that of He will when he induces the N oble 'der ''sgitation South Lancashire to come forward and sta n d of , (A laugh.) He remembered, when in the ta t Il t is o b f ail.— Tovolutlons, hemming of the inconvenience of the pgrrod aristocracy, and the necessity of inventing some means of managing reform constituencies—he remembered when a great mind delivered itself like an oracle, who ought to be ranked with the Seven Wise Men of Greece, for saying register ! register ! register ! Register to save the Constitution—register to save the corn-laws and the Church. This was the way the Bight Hon. Gentleman went on before the green table. The states man who opposed emancipation against argument, may now be said, Gentlemen, to be a member of the League — ho who over and over again opposed political ex pedients one thousand times more urgent.—(Hear.) There was the Right lion. Gentleman now trying to prove himself right, who had proved himself false ten thou sand times. A Learned Member for some county, the name of which he could not then remember, said he was ashamed any longer to resist those claims, but had not the. courage to propose their abolition. The moment he heard South Lancashire was invaded, the moment he heard Yorkshire was in danger, he deserts the principles of protection, and having arrived at an opposite conclu sion, he comes to Parliament to convince them with ar enments thee , had heard for thirty years. He gave hint c''re dit, however, for extremely singular conj,etures— as a Minister who tells them, it was not intellect, it was not great talent, but it was the state of the registrars they should appeal to, although, when he was in opposition, he read them a very different lesson, and gave them very different counsel. But he comes forward, and says he was acting for posterity. What a blessing it was for the country to have a Minieter who was only thinking of posterity—(Great laughter)—not thinking of t a r poor, but of posterity; and not thinking at all about the present constitution. Ono feature of the present Cabinet was to support peace, and in the history of parties he would defy any man, even the Honourable Gentleman the Member for Edinburgh himself—(A laugh)—to show any instance to equal the present in this or any other country where Ministers were more determined to keep their places; but "coming events cast their shadows before," and he saw in the element of the Government shadows that no gentleman could possibly doubt. They would resist a moderate proposal—(Hear, heir) —by men who could make such gross and palpable blunders as they had seen. The Whigs will be the chief mourners ; they weep over an abortion, but which still excited all the kindest feelings of maternity —(Laughter.) They (the protectionists) follow, mourn ing over an offeeiring that had been assassinated ; and the nurse they engaged had done it all.—(Loud laughter.) They saw her fondling it, and exclaiming " What a darling 1 Did you ever see anything of its age equal to it ?"—(Renewed laughter.) But immediately after the purse, in a fit of patriotic frenzy, dashes its brains out, and comes down to give to the master and mistress an account oft a terrible murder.—(Laughter.) Never had the House oconnOns, even in the most strong times of the country, been placed in a similar position by a Minister. Never had it been tried to carry out a similar policy. And what had produced this ? A Minister had lost a valuable colleague. He had not been present in the other House when the Noble Lord to whom he referred had made a speech, and therefore he had not 'had an opportunity of hearing hid explanation of the reasons why he had withdrawn from the Ministry ; but from what he (Mr. Disraeli) had learned, that Noble Lord stated the reason of his withdrawal. They all knew where Lord Stanley had been ; he would ask them where was Lord Stanley now ?—(Hear, hear.) As he said, lie had not bathe satisfaction of hearing the Noble Lord's speech ; but he understood he had told them that he had withdrawinhecause he did not agree with the Govere ment on the question on which they had been called into power, on which they had derived their official ex istence, and on the operation of which they had gained the confidence of the house of Parliament.— (Hear, hear.) Ile said the confidence of Parliament, for he was not one to sacrifice party, or the confidence of Parliament, by such a course as the Right Hon. Gentleman pursued.—(Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Gentleman talked of being independent of party ; but could he reconcile his policy with the constitution of the country? Who, on either side of the House, had gained any important or commanding position, without receiving the confidence of Parliament? The Right Hon. Gentleman might say that he had obtained the confidence of the Sovereign, but he (Mr. Disraeli) maintained that without the confidence of the House of Commons—without the confidence of that House, no ' commanding position could be obtained.—',Hear, hear.) It was impossible to carry on the business of the coun try, it was impossible to achieve any great benefit for the peoplewithout parties.—(Hear, hear.) There must be distinct principles enunciated and maintained.—(Hear) Whether it was my Lord John this or that, or whoever it might be that was called on to form a Ministry, this was a feature in the construction of the Government of England. If a Government is to be constructed, there must be principles on which it must declare to pro ceed, and a party to give it their support. A Govern ment ought not to recommend measures which it did not approve of at one time, which it considered essential to the welfare of the country at another.—(Hear, hear.) Was this not committing a great party connexion to a false policy, and which might bring down on them great evils ?—(Hear, hear.) That House of Commons existed on the principles of party. If they destroyed the Go vernment of parties—of definite ideas of sympathy with straightforward and honest policy—what would be their position ? Six hundred individuals—men at the direc tion of the Sovereign, under the will of the Govern ment—to be used for the purposes of corruption, and not employed for the benefit of the people.—(Cheers.) Who could doubt that such would be the result of the policy of a Government without a party ? Had it not been so in a neighbouring country,, which was as yet in the infancy of the representative system. They knew that such was the case.—(Hear, hear.) There was no Parliamentary party in France, and they knew the state of things there. They knew that whatever might be said of danger from Bonapartists, and the supporters of the Napoleon dynasty, that the real danger to that country'was the-corruption of the servants of the State —of the Government—the whole power of which was at the command_ and under the direction of a single indi vidual.—(Hear, hear.) Would it not be so here? Nay, was th4e riot, a danger of its being so if a Government withouti a prrty were to be considered a Parliamentary principle.—(Hear, hear.) But such, if attempted now, had never, lieretofore, been endured. That which had not beep submitted to from Walpole and other Ministers of eminence.in the pistory of the English 'Government, would not be endured, ho was persuaded, raieve-L(Hear.) The Right Hon. Gentleman says ho will rule and exercise authority without respect to party, and will leave his character to posterity. He would • beg' leave to inform 'him that very few were the names that reached. that goal—that a place in the future was a boon vouch safed to fevi—that those who reached Poiterity were not much more 'numerous than the planets,—(Loud laughter and cheers.) And he was going to commit his fame to posterity on the principle of relaxed protection.— (near, hear.) But he advised the Right Honourable Gentleman ef the danger with which that course was fraught., (Mr, Disraeli's) declaration was; that whatever, opinions, whether of protection or free trade; were advocated in that House, he, at least, would op pose , free politiese—(Hear, hear.) He would say to every man who had obtained a position in that' House, to stand by the principles by which he had risen, whether those principles were right or wrong. If right, carry them • into operation, but if satisfied they are wrong, retire, and let those who have consistently advocated an opposite course carry them out.—(Hear, hear.) Though the Nbble Lord who had endeavoured to form a Ministry had n6t succeeded in that endeavour, it did not declare whetter ho was right or wrong in the policy he was seeking to carry but ; but he (Mr. Disraeli) did not think it was'right that a Parliament elected on the prin ciple of protection, and a Minister who had obtained a large Majority on the faith of that principle, should now turn his back oti that which had brought him into power. hear.) He admitted that notwithstanding the great. talent •of 'the. Minister, and however much the exercise of that 'Might have operated in bringing the Conservadie 'Tarty into power, it was not fair to the people of England to propose such a measure as 'that he was about to do.--(Hear, hear.) : He was a great party leader no . doubt, and had achieved a victory ; but how had he done 'so ? He had obtained 'a grand victory, of •course, judging from his present policy, the impolioy of which, not to use any harsher lan guage, was clearly apparent. Such was the case. If the Right Hon:* Baronet had not come forward at the time lie obtained his Parliamentary majority, and with the greatest_ frankness responded to the call of the country, he would nethave been placed in the comeaan ing position he then occupied.—(Hear.), Did not men say that he made speeches to suit the occasion, accorao dating addresses in order to appeal to the sympathies of the people, so as to Carry his majority and"elevate him self into power ? He recognised a Parliamentary Go vernment, because he promised to support the views of the party which had carried him into power, and who he had 'urged forward with his cheers and ad ulation.--(Hear, hear.) They (the. Coaservative party) might use him to secure the success of their Parliamentary number, but how they coull.d be expected to-support the principles advocated by quo men theyrferreally opposed, he could not understand.—. (Hear, beef.) The- Ministry they were now called - om to Support was not the Ministry who should interferes E with those laws relating to protection. That feeling; „ was not confined to this House, b u t p reva il e d eaten -. sively out of doors.— (Hear, hear.) He said this as an advocate of protection, as one who, while he would not; shrink from maintaining his opinion, would listen. with_ patience to any refutation of them that might be offered: a from any other Member of the House.—(Hear e hear.) I He: vrould impress it on their consideration, that whether a Whig or Conservative Administration was in power,: whether the Noble Lord on the Opposition, , or th e , Right Hon. Gentleman on this side was .at the head of i . the°4l/dinirtistration, that they should nratisact theer business and conduct their policy ,on the : principle that Parliamentary party had been , an institution, and was still to continue an, an instieetion of this country.—(Hear.) The character of the Ministry much depended: on Parliamentary con sisiency arid 'the support of party. Let them not, there- r f' t o h r ey e„ c e o n u c i o d n ralooligefdei disclaimeenpoliticalintegrity ntyct ehi inos t feprsgiv denunciatione rs at o a , of bu p t ar d t o y whea t t o o n rt ly to t f e a o r a t t h ,o e e i üblic m a e party,ei and but th e fo, T nt honour bou and popular character of the British Parliament Hon.Gentlemansat down amidst long-continuedehe' g he Lord NORTHLAND said that he protested i j a rLu tli2 name of the people of Ireland against the ineaaureeif the. Right Hon. Baronet at' the head of the Goverment, If, he wished tie satisfy the people of Ireland,' he would not have proposed anything of the , sort. Ile , (the Noble Lord) represented a great county is , and he could coafid9ntly assert that this measure would entail the sister country -- incalculable evil upon the people of (Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") What would become of gentry and agricultural labourers if He manufac turers were to be appea sed ? was not i prepared on the present occ asion to en ter into_d fully a scussion of - the question, for he did expect that some Hon. Gentle man on his (the Opposition) side of the House, would have risen on the part of the Irish ae, Baronetv to oppose the measures of the Bight aricultural interest 9 trIE SUN, LONDON FRIDAY EVENING, JANUARY 23. 1846. had, in fact, expected that his Hon. Friend, the Member ; for Roscommon, would have been prepared to do his duty on this occasion. He would at present content himself by saving he much regretted the course taken by the , Right Hon. Baronet.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. MILES said he wished the public out of doors to : know that the representatives of the agricultural interest I had in Parliament offered their most decided opposition 1 to the Right Hon. Baronet's measure.—(Hear, hear.) The Right lion. Baronet had, in a speech of sarcasm, I mixed certainly with some kind words, laid his scheme before the House, and he was glad to hear the able ! speech of Mr. Disraeli, who laid bare his hypocritical conduct on this question.—(Hear, hear.) He (Mr. ; ' Miles) wished to know wheth er th e Conservatives, I in electing the Right Honourable Baronet in 1841 as I their leader, wished, or expected, that he would in so brief a period reduce them to the lowest seat of i , infamy which could be occupied by any body of men.—, (Hear.) What would become of the other Right Hon. I Members of the Cabinet, and the other gentlemen of the city interested in the hw, if the measure of the Right I Hen. Baronet should meet with the sanction of the Le- I giilature ?—(Hear.) Was there no public spirit, no I public en . husiasni, no recollection, he would not say of the promises, but of the implied confidence at the hust ings ?—(llear, hear.) Was everything forgotten because 1 the Right Hon. Baronet thought proper to bring forward a measure which it appeared had.met with the decided opposition of the majority of the Cabinet ?—(Hear.) He I did think that the agricultural interest should bestir itself at once and use every constitutional means within their power for the purpose of opposing the attempt of the Right Hon. Baronet. The great question now to be ! decided was whether there should be any or no protete tion at all. That was the true basis on which the next. Government must be formed,: and which he thought the people had a right tocali upon the Right Hon. Baronet at , once to adopt, previously to his forcing, or endeavouring ! to fdrce, his measure upon the country !Let the Prime Minister resign his trust and appeal to the country, and he would then see whether the people were satisfied with his measure. He would then see whether they were prepared to accept the measures sanctioned by the gen demon of the And .Corn-law League. That, in his opinion, would be a constitutional method. Before be I sat down, he was desirous of alluding to a sentiment I which had fallen from the Noble Lord, with respect to the failure in the potato crop. He (Mr. Miles) thought that I no man, whoever he might be, is ho possessed the slightest spark of humanity, could have read, the ac counts which had been received from Ireland in August, September, and the beginning of . October last, without bserving from those accounts that a famine in the spring would come. upon millions, he might say, of the Irish people. It was then asked, what might the Prime Minister constitutionally do for the alleviation of the anticipated sufferings of that re ople. He had the pleasure of meeting a large Company of tenant farmers, and he put the case to them as fairly as he - could. He stated this, viz. : that if the Right Hon. Baronet, the Prime Minister of the Crown, should under such circumstances be disposed to open the porta for a time, were they, the tenant farmers, of opinion that he would be justified in adopting such a measure ? He was happy to say that the tenant-farmers received that sentiment with enthusiastic applause.—(Hear, hear.) So little egotistical, so little monopolist, were the tenant farmers of England.— , (Hear, hear.) But as he understood from the expres sion of the Right Hon. Baronet, be proposed to the Cabinet, on the sth of November last, that the pro position to open the ports should be accom panied by an understanding to the effect that an alteration should take place to the corn-laws. Now, as the most sanguine expectations of the Right Hon. Baronet had been - exceeded by the operation of his measure of 1842, he (Mr. Miles) thought that the House and the country had a right to call upon him to suffer the laws relating to the importation of corn to remain in their present condition.—(Hear, bear.) They had a right to call upon him to permit those laws to remain firm upon the same basis on which he found them. Not only would the agriculturists, but all classes of native industry in the kingdom, be taken by surprise and filled with indignation, on hearing. the intentions of the Right Hon. Baronet with respect to this question. —(Hear, hear.) It would appear that the protection which still remained to the people of England against foreign traders would. be rendered almost useless, and 1 he would therefore say that the country was en titled to a fair discussion on the question.— (Hear, hear.) He would venture to say that there i i r were many Hon. Gentlemen connec d with the present Government, who would support h 2 .Ir. Miles's) views and statements.—(Hear, hear.) Ita mild also venture to say that the strongest constitutional opposition would be offered against the measure of the Right Henourable Baronet.—(Hear, hear.) Every impediment should be thrown in the way of its passing, and he hoped and trusted that the Right Hon. Baronet, having now proposed bis plan in most solemn and deliberate manner, would at once appeal to that tribunal which should decide this question—via., the people, of the United Kingdom.—(Cheers.) Colonel SIBTHORP was much surprised, after having beard the speech of the Right Hon. Baronet, that he had not long ago gone over to the ranks and the tender mercies of the Anti-Corn-law League.--(Laughter.) The agricultural interest having placed a solemn, trust in the hands of the Right lion. Baronet, had a right to ex pect him to discharge it honestly and fairly ; but he had betrayed them ; his conduct teemed with the greatest hy pocrisy, and he had now openly allied himself with that ignominious band, theAnti-Ccrn-lawLeague.—(A laugh.) He thought him at one time the man to save the covn try—(Laughter)—but now ,he must unequivocally assert, that if there is any man more likely than another . to destroy the country, it-was the Right Hon. Gentle man.—(Shouts of laughter.) The Address was then agreed to, and the House ad journed at Half-past Ten o'clock. THEATRE ROYAL, DRURY-LANE. THIS EVENING Will be repented n Grand Opera, in flues acts, called MAItIT,A NA Charles the Second. Mr. Ilorrzwi ; Dnn Caesar De Bazar), Mr. D. W. King ; Don Jose de Santarem, Mr. Stretton ; Maritana, Mise Ramer; Gaaarillo, Miss Poole. In which Mdlle. F. Fabrl and M. Bretin will introduce a new grand Pas de Deux. Between the Second and Third Acts of the Opera Professor RISLEY and his ,SONS will go through a Series of their Classical and Popular Exercises. To conclude with a new grand Christmas oomio rimtoraine, called HARLEQUIN GULLIVER ; or. Giants and Dwarfs. ' THEATRE ROYAL, HAYMARKET. THIS EVENING Will be performed ROMEO AND JULIET. Romeo, Mise Cush mV. (the last night of her engagement) ; Juliet, Miss Buse]. Cushman (the last night of her engagement). To conclude with a Giand New Extravagiuna, entitled THE BEE AND THE ORANGE TREE; or; , The Four Wishes. Principal Characters by Mr. Hudson, Mr. James Bland, Mr. Caulfield, Mr. Clark, Miss P. Merton, Miss Julia Bennett, Mrs. Caulfield, and Mrs. Stanley. THEATRE ROYAL, ADELPHI. THIS EVENING Will he pertbrnsed THE CRICKET on the HEARTH. John Peery bingle, Mr. 0. Smith; Caleb Plummer, Mr. Lambert; Tackleton, Mr. Cullenford ; Edward, Mr. Selby; Dot, Mrs. ; Bertha, Miss 'Woolgar ; May Fielding, Miss Taylor. To be followed by a N;3v Farce,' entitled THE PHANTOM BREAKFAST. Supported by Mr. Paul Bedford, Mr. Wright, Miss Woolgar, &c. To conclude with an. entirely New and Original Christmas Pan omime, called HARLEQUIN AND POONOONYINGKEEWANG FLIBEEDREFLOBF.EDEEBIJSKEEBANO; er, The King of the Cannibal Islands. Harlequin, Mr. 'T. Ireland ; Columbine, Miss Fleming ; Clewn, Mr. C. J. Smith; Pantaloon, Mr. Mitchenson. ' THEATRE ROYAL, LYCEUM UNDER THE MANA.OEMEN'T OF MRS. REELEY. " The Cricket on the Hearth," and • " The Enchanted Horse" every Evening until further notice ! THIS EVENING WILL BE PERFORMED THE CRICKET ON THE'HEAtTII: A FAIRY TALE OF HOME. The Principal Characters by Mr. and Mrs. Keeley, Mr. Emery, Mr. F. Vining, Mr. Meadows, and Miss Grove. After which will be repeated a New Grand Romantic extravaganza, entitled THE ENCHANTED HORSE ; or, Prince Fireux Sehah of Persia and the Princens of Bengal. Principal Characters by Messrs. Keeley, Wigan, F. Matthews, Collier, Turner, Kinlech, &e.; Mes, dames Keeley, Villars, Hodson, Dawson, Howard, Arden, &o. Stalls, sg. ; Boxe44s. ; Pit, as. ; Gallery, Gd, PRINCESS'S • THEATRE, OXFORD-STREET. THIS EVENING After which, a New ,Farce, called TOO MANY COOKS SPOIL THE BROTH. Gregory Granite; Mr; CoMpton George, IHr. Ozberry ; Fanny, Miss E. Stanley. To be followed by the New Christmas Pantomime, entitled THE KEY OF THE KINGDOM; .or, HARLEQUIN AND, THE FAIRY BLUE BELL. Harlequin, Mr. W. II Harvey; Columbine, Miss Bullen ; Clown, Mr. FlexmOre:,• Pantaloon, Mr. T. Hill. To conclude with THE CRICKET QN Till HE thTll. The Principal Characters by Messrs. Ryder, Cop ton, Le!Al Murray, Courtney, Mrs. Stirling, Miss Marshall, Mrs. Fesbroke, Miss Breutnell, and Miss Soniers. ROYAL OLYMPIC THEATRE. IMMENiE SUCCESS OF TIIE NEW BURLESQUE. THIS EVENING Will be performed the favourite Vaudeville of CAPTAIN CHAR LOTTE. In which Mr. Walter Lacey and Miss Kate Howard will perform To be followed by a DIVEItTL‘StMENT. • After which will be repeated THE CRICKET ON OUR OWN HEARTH. In which Mr. James Browne, Mr. Romer, Mr. Cockrill. and Miss Kate Howard will appear. And concluding with the now Pantorninie, unapproachable for glee and grandeur, called FORTUNATUS ; or, THE MAGIC CAP. Fortunatus, I<iise Hamilton; Prince. Megrim, Mr. Cockrill ; Fairy Queen, Miss Bromley ; Harlequin Mr. Smythers ; Pantaloon, Mr :Merles ; Clown, Mr. Jefferini ; Columbine, VIM Lsidlaw. • ROYAL VICTORIA THEATRE. TUTS -EVENINd. Will be repeated THE CRTC KETI,OF THE HEARTH. A Fairy Tale ' - )t Home. John Peerybingle, Mr. E. F. Saville; The £tranger, Mr. ;Fredericks ; Tackletoii, Mr. Searle ; Caleb Plummer, Mr. Herbert ; . Awry Peerybingle, Miss Vincent ; Bertha, Mrs. Lee ; Tilly Slowboy, ;Miss Terry. After which, Professor HEMMING awl his SONS will igive more Tunparalloled feats of Classical Gymnasia than ever yet has been ex lb hated, and surpassing even the celebrated Risley himself. T v o ille conel r u ed de ar iel icti th : 7 D ll . E le K , I s N e G an 'S t, 7 1 j A e G rix, E r ß t; ~ ~.i .p pori tt ei ed h ab yr a lif ,4, es ju sr is s s . 15a 'Terry,'Stc. r , . IJINECT StINYPINLD AND MACCLESPINLD RAILWAY. •It appearithat from•seme inadvertence a repetition of the m intake made originally in the Times, and: copied by us, t as inserted in our Afternoon Editicn. We have reason to To al convinced that the standing orders have been hitherto strictly complied with, and that this is one of the bond fide Zie.hemes which will go tnParlianient. Lord firanville Sonieteet, the• Earl of Lincoln, the Chancellor e( I lie Exchequer, and the Right Hen. Sidney Herbert, had an interview with the Earl of Dalhousie yesterday, at the office of the 13oard of Trade, 'ICHE WEEKLY CHRONICLE. The Proprietors and Editors of this Paper are desirous, on the MEETING OF A PARLIAMENT so important to the principles of FREE TRADE, to cell the attention of their Subscribers and of the Public to the claims of the WKLY CHRONICLE as the Advocate of an enlightened Policy, on all questions whieh relate to our Industrial economy, and to tho politiCal progress and social happiness of the People. The Weekly Chronicle has, from tke period at which it came into the hands of its present Proprietors and Conduetors, faithfully and firmly supported these principles—seeking at once to carry them out without violence or personal raneour, and to establish itself in the respect, not only of its Readers, but even of its Political Antageuists, by a strict regard for Truth and Fair Play, on which groun d s a l one , as its Editors feel confidant, can any well-intending party be ade quately and suceessfully supported. As a Newspaper, the Weekly Chronicle will be found to contain a larger quantity. of carefully compiled and well digested reading matter, than any of its contemporaries; and it has ever given, and will continue to give, the fullest digests of the proceedings in Par liament, consistent with its limits, which are of the largest size re cognised by law. The importance of this in the coming session must he evident ; Whilst in early intelligence of Political Movements the Weekly Chronicle will maintain its lead, possessing, as it does, peculiar and exclusive sources of information, which its entire independence from personal influences and party trammels, enables it to give without mystification or reserve. One of the features of the Weekly Chronicle are the popular Letters of COTTON TWIST _ . andquestions of Free Trade and Industrial T6thd to ofwhi m which a Third Series w e r e comenced with, and e will be continued froin week to week throughout the present year. Sold by all Newsmen in Town and Country, price 6d.; or sent by per Annum. Post (if pre paid) at 6s. 6 d. per Quarter, 13s. the Half-year, and 26 5. Office, 337, Strand, London. OPENING OF PARLIAMENT. THE ILLUSTRATED LONDON NEWS, To-morrow, SITuRDAT. January 24, 184 i, will contain Splendid Engravings of her Majesty Opening Parliament—the Royal Arrival at the House of Lords—the Procession to the Robing-room — the. Speech from the Throne. Also Ten Illustrations of the present state of the New Houses of Parliament—Railway Accidents on the Rotten and Havre, and South-Eastern lines—The Madrigal Society's Festival in Freemasons' Hall—Portrait of Lord Francis Egerton, M.P:—Connemara Cabin, drawn by - Topham—Portrait of the Em peror of Morocco's l'hysiclan—New Tale, by the atttkor of " Susan Hopley," &c. • With her Majesty's Speech, the Debate in both Houses of Parliament, and all the, news of the week.—Price 6d., stamped.—Office, 198, Strand. • THE DUKE OF RICHMOND AND FEARGUS O'CONNOR. TIIE'«NORTHERN:STAR"GfTO-240RR0 the 24th 'instant, will contain full parAculars of the Duke of Richmond's attempt to bribo that paper and its Proprietor to the cause of the Landlords. The " STAIt" will also contain comments on the following subjects :—NO VOTE, NO MUSKET—COERCION FOR IRELAND.--THE DUNCOMBE FESTIVAL—THE DAILY Nk.WS NEWSPAPER —together with all the News of the Week. Office, 16, Great Windmill-street, Haymarket: London ttents— Hetherington, Holywell-street ; Cleave, No.l, Shoe-lane ; and may be had of all New svonders. MR. CARTER, THE LION KING, present Lis compliments to the Nobility, Gentry, and the Public, wh hare so liberally patronised him on every occasion, and begs W Inform them that neither himself, nor any of his lions, tigers, &c., will ever appear at the Marylebone Theatre, or any other minor house in London. P.S.—Mr. CARTER'S MAMMOTH HORSE will be exhibited at he Egypthui Hall, Piecadilly, every day, from 11 A.m. till 9 F.)1., for short time previous to 119 r departure to America. THE WEATHER.—SUN OFFICE, JAN. 23. THERMOMETER, Lowest, 40; Highest, 54; Noon, 49, ' BAROMETER, 29.29.—W1ND S.W., rain. RICHE WATEIVAT LONDON-BIiIDGF. THIS DAY. 31.rning .. 6 minutes after 8. I Evening .. 45 minutes after 8 . -. V 4 *„„ ll', isi, ' _ r.55.72 . 1r -c• . , i' Kr. ,7-.--A , ~''' ' , "..-,,'' , , - t, . • ~..,.......4„..cait...41.4,,,,ay-,,,..... r „: .. r - ,_2• . 1 .. .y - 74,1444. SECOND EDITION. is roused, is utterly hopeless ; and even the protectionists seem aware of the fact. The violence of the Duke of RICHMOND in his remarks last evening, shows that even he despairs of success. A man engaged in a good cause, and confident of success, never gets into a passion. It is only the man who cannot listen to reason, who has no arguments to rebut those of his opponent, and who fore sees that he can make no figure at all unless he blusters and threatens. These are the most undisputed symp toms of defeat. In conclusion, we may state that the Royal Speech altogether is worthy of the occasion, that it foams an appropriate developement of the Ministerial crisis, and that the country has great mason to be satis fied with the earnest language in which it is expressed, and the important topics which it embraces. The new session has opened under glorious auspices. The events of last night are unparalleled in the annals of our history. The leader of the Opposition and the chief of the Government both manfully came forward and owned they bad been wrong, both sacrificed the comvictions and opinions of long years as an expiatory offering on the altars of their country. People of England, behold your triumph ! You have not endured, you have not spleen in vain. Your suf ferings have been acknowledged even in high places, your sentiments have been echoed by the First Minister in the land ! We have long given that Minister full credit for his sagacity ; we felt assured that he would at length comprehend his position. The event has more than realised our expecta tions. Sir ROBEALT PEEL does indeed understand his proud position, and his conduct last night proves he is worthy to maintain it. He spoke as became the First Minister of the country; casting'party considerations to the winds, rising high above personal feelings, he proclaimed his intention of governing the people for the people and by the people alone. Wldly he flung the gauntlet to the " proud aristocracy," who lent him their support that they might make him their slave. "If I ant to be Minister of England," he exclaimed, " it shall be on no servile tenure ; if I guide the helm, it must answer to my touch, or I hold it no longer !" These are bold words, honourable to the Minister who proclaimed them— honourable to the people who will re-echo them with p ride. The Duke of RicroioNn's fury is now all in vain. What ! did he thick that the whole nation was to be govern ed by his will? The Minister rules the country, the Dukes rule the Minister; and where are the rights of the people—where the result of our struggles and our triumphs —our revolutions and reforms, if the mighty multitude are to submit to the party feelings of the few? After years of misrule and oppression, the English people have now a Minister who boldly asserts their power. We have been no admirers of Sir R. PEEL during his inconsistent, Conservative career, but we gladly forget ail the faults of the past in admiration for the principles he promulgated last night. The waters of Lethe will pass over the events of past years, while the memory of the present shall endure to all time; it will endear him to that posterity whose admiration he so prizes, but, above all, it will win for him the• approval of his country. It was no light task to relinquish the guiding principles of his life, it was no easy thing for him, once the idolized of his party, to speak amid the silent displeasure of his friends. He was supported by his sense of public duty, his confidence in the justice of his cause. It now appears that as far back as November he advocated the opening of the ports, day and night he studied the condition of the peo ple, and that observation has produced these glorious results- When, overruled by his colleagues, he was compelled to re sign he freely promised to support the measures of Lord Jenne. During that embarrassing interregnum, truly deno minated the " Ministerial crisis," the two rival leaders thought not of the pride of place ; each was anxious to assume the Government himself, or strenuously to sup port his .opponent, as might best accord with the interests of the country. Both received the most powerful assistance from the QUEEN, who, fully understand ing the duties of a constitutional Monarch, was only anxious to promote, the welfare of the•people, and assist any Govern ment in performing its duty. How finely does this contrast with the poor ambition of most sovereigns, who, identifying themselves with the interests of a party, from being monarchs of a nation, sink into chiefs of a faction. VICTORIA. has al ways been dear to her people ; now their love will, if possible, be tenfold increased. Tuesday next will inform us of the plans of the Government, but the intentions of Sir R. PEEL were fully explained last night ; he is no longer the chief of a party. The Conservative party is no more. Mr. DisaaEra, in one of those eloquent and sarcastic discourses which he only can pronounce, endeavoured to rally the last strength of the party, yet ho admitted it was " a party which could triumph no more." The sound of wailing may now resound from the ranks of monopoly—the funeral escutcehon may be affixed to 17, New Bond-street—the exclusives may struggle, but it is with the death agony— " - Fuimus Troes ; fuit Ilium et lupus Gloria Teucrorum." Sir ROBERT PEEL will fear little from the attack of the ab solute, arbitrary few; he trusts to the confidence and co-ope ration of the country ; he trusts to the support of the people. and he will not trust in vain. All ranks and classes of that mighty body, to eking at the events of the last few weeks, will unite in proclaiming " Honour to Lord Joiis RUSSELL and Sir ROBERT PEEL ! and all praise to Queen VICTORIA !" the patriot Statesmen and truly patriot QuEsic The first night of the session is, for once, no failure. The brightest expectations must have been realised by the pro ceedings last night in the House of Commons. Fuller ex planations could not have been desired of the late Ministerial crisis ; and Lord FRANCIS EGERTON'S and Sir RoBERT PEEL'S speeches enunciated free. trade principles broadly enough to satisfy a League auditory. We will not stop to inquire how it was that Sir ROBERT PEEL having obtained his SOVEREIGN'S permission to explain, the Duke of WELLINGTON had neglected this precau tion, how indeed every one had asked and obtained permission but the Duke of WELLINGTON—Lord J. RUSSELL, Lord LANSDOWNE, Lord STANLEY—the Duke of WELLINGTON alone having • a padlock on his lips. It is enough that we have Sir R. PEEL'S explanation. The Duke of RICHMOND himself needs no more. We understand, then, that Sir R. PEEL intends a final settlement of the corn-law question- His plan previously to his resignation was total repeal at no distant period, with a small duty at first to disappear gradually. To this plan Lord J. RUSSELL refused his consent when power devolved on him. This plan cannot and will not be sup ported by the leaders of the anti- corn-law agitation, while it will be opposed as stoutly by the protectionists as a measure of total repeal. The only alternative, then, for Sir ROBERT PEEL is total and immediate repeal; and he who,has braved so much cannot, we believe, stickle at the trifling difference between what he has already proposed and the measure which he can alone carry, or which alone offers a prospect of a peaceable and final settlement of the question. Sir ROBERT PEEL'S proposal to the Cabinet on the Ist of November, and Lord Jolts RUSSELL'S advice as to what should be done in his letter of the 26th of November— written necessarily in ignorance of Sir ROBERT PEEL'S sen timents, and in the belief, justified by circumstances, that he intended nothing—singularly tally with and justify each other. Sir ROBERT PEEL had proposed just what Lord Jolts RUSSELL censured him for not having proposed: but his colleagues would not concur with him, and he waited till the end of the month to make one more trial of his dis sentients. On the Ist of November Sir ROBERT PEEL proposed to call Parliament together in a fortnight, for the purpose of opening the ports. This is exactly what Lord JOHN RUSSELL said he should have done. After last night's explanation it must be ad.. witted on all hands that the Prime Minister at least has shown himself fully sensible of the magnitude of the crisis, and that Lord Joust RUSSELL was actuated by high feelings of public duty both in forbearing to speak out before th e appearance of his letter, and in speaking out w h en h e di d. It must be confessed that the new " c oun t y party, " to use a vulgar phrase, " made a mess of it " last night. With such opposition as is threatened—as was distinctly threatened last night by the Duke of RICHMOND, in one House, and by Mr. MILES, in the other—the least they could have done last night was to move an amendment to the Address. An amendment was intended. The Duke of RICHMOND lost his opportunity in the House of Lords, and' then lost his temper, and tried to throw the blame on the Lord Chancellor. This probably led to their being no amend ment in the Commons. When Sir ROBERT PEEL rose, Mr. COLQUHOUN rose also—to move an amendment. But he did not rise afterwards. So it was. left to Mr. DISRAELI and Mr. MILES. to damage the Minister with only general abuse. The policy of the protectionist party, it appears, is to pro voke a dissolution. The Duke of Ricumostn is confident that the cry of protection will be responded to by the large con stituencies of the kingdom, and they dare Sir ROBERT PEEL to dissolve. We hope the protectionists are ready to abide by the response of the constituencies, whatever it may be- We suspect the Duke of Ilicznioxn reckons without his host, and that the result of -an appeal to the country will be a large majority for free trade—large even while the representation is Duke-ridden, as it is. If the rotten and nomination boroughs were gone, and we had none but large constituencies to appeal to, protection would be in a sad plight indeed in the House of Commons. We hope, then, that the Duke of Ricustosp, and the other Peers who last night urged, as if by concert, an appeal to the country, are ready to defer to the country's voice if it should be against them. There is, otherwise, no sense or sincerity in the point which the county party mean to make. If they will abide by the result of a general election, we have in the policy of the county party a stronger assurance of a speedy and peaceable settlement of the corn-law question than any that has previously presented itself. By the by, the Duke of RICHMOND has begun with very vehement questioning; and some one should question him as to Mr. FEARGUS O'Connon's statement, that he had had a message from the Duke. Is it the Chartists that.are the Duke of RICHMOND'S hope in the " large constituencies ?" Of course the Duke is able to deny that lie ever sent a message, but, for all that, we believe that the Chartists have been felt, with his knowledge. It is not the first time that the " g en_ of England" have availed themselves of Chartist ae'd" We hope Mr. DUNCOMBE will apply his practised powers of f er reting out the truth to the negotiations between the Duke of Rictimonn's emissary and Mr. FEARGUC O'CONNOR, The Earl of HOME, in a short speech, moved the Ad dress in the Lords, which was as usual an echo to the Speech. Lord DE Ros seconded it. The LORD CHANCELLDR then put the question, and, having waited .for s9tne, short time ,without Any ~log3r rising, declared that the Contents; hint, Niliereugori The Duke of RicazoND rose and said be was not at all surprised at the desire wh i ch was evinced to suppress discussion. He was interrupted by The LORD CHANCELLOR, who said I beg the Noble Duke will not state that. I waited deliberately for a few minutes, and finding that the Noble Duke was not in clined to rise, I put the question, and put it slowly, The Duke of RICHMOND continued. He knew from that Address that the Minister intended to withdraw protection, and he should like to have heard a more manly speech, declaring the intention of the. Minister to get rid of the corn-laws at once. It was a violation - of tile compact entered into with the agriculturists in 1842 There was no cause for this alteration. The potato disease had been assigned as a cause by the Anti- Corn-law League, and adopted by the Government. He saw no difference between the Government and the .Anti-Corn.law League; or why Mr. Cobden should I not be created a Peer.—(Cheers.) The Anti Corn-law ' League had done all the. mischief, but he trusted the House would never succumb to that body or its money. If they got ridof protection at all, they mustgetrid of it altogether. - He would. not move any amendment, but he entered his protest against that clause in the Speech which related to the relaxation .of protective duties. Confidence in Sir 11. Peel might exist in some quarters, but _not among the generality of the middle classes. Why did not Sir Robert Peel in the present _question appeal to the country that was, all the agricultural body. He trusted they would . not be intimidated by the un constitutional proceedings of the Anti-Corn-law League, and contrasted, the arguments used by Sir ROBERT PEEL, when he sought the assistance of the agricul. turalists to obtain office with them, which he had used after office had been obtained. He would ask if a single institution—nay !' if a single salary in this country would .remain, if they abolished the protective duties. He would not propose an aMendment, but he would enter his solemn protest againe, that .portion of the Speech which was contrary- to every principle which the present Government had ever brought forward. • • He thought the House entitled to know the reasons of the late Ministerial changes, and he solemnly. protested against _ any diminution of protection. The Duke of WELLINGTON begged the House toecon sider whether it would be right in him to make any statement as to the measures which the Government in tended to propose, seeing that those measures would be. presented to the House in the course of a very few days. He intreated them to adopt the address, and leave. ex planations-to another time. He could not state what had passed in the Council without his previously obtaining permission - of the SOVEREIGN ; and- his Noble Friend,. . -a ho was a Privy Councillor, ought to .have been aware of this. The Duke of RICHMOND gave notice that he would ask . the question to-morrow ; but, subsequently, at the re quest of the Duke of WELLINGTON, he postponed it until Monday. Lord STANLEY stated tint the reason why he had separated himself,from his colleagues was, that while his opinions on the subject of the protection due to the agricultural interest had undergone no -change., the op►nions of his colleagues on that point had undergone a great change. That was the only point of difference among them, but on that point he felt it his duty to separate from. them. their Lordships were 'subsequently addressed by the Earl of HARDWICKE, the Marquis of LANspowisu, Lord BROUGHAM, the Earl of MALMESIWRY, the Earl of RAp- NOR, the Marquis of SALISBURY, and some other Noble Peers, after which the Address was agreed to, and the .House adjourned to Saturday, when their Lordships will attend to present the address to her Majesty. The Commons, after leaving the bar of the House of Peers, adjourned to a quarter to 4 o'clock. Several new Members took the Oaths and their seats. and new writs were ordered for Selkirk, Newark, the County of Bute (in the room of Mr. James Stuart Wortley, who had accepted the office of Judge Advo-, cate General), the West Riding of Yorkshire, Cork (in the room of Sergeant Murphy), Cashel (in the room of Dr. Stock), ,East Sussex (in the room of Mr. Darby) and Midhurst (in the room of Sir Horace Seymour.) Sir R. PEEL gave notice that on Monday ho should move for a Committe of the whole House, for the pur pose of - considerin.o• what course the House should pursue with regard to the Railway Bills, and that on Tuesday he should move for a Committee of the whole House to consider the commercial policy of the country., Various other notices of motion having been given, and the Speaker having read her MAJESTY'S Speech, Lord;FRANCIS EGEATON moved the Address, anclOn the course of his-speech his Lordship took occasion to observe, that his opinions on the subject of protection had undergone a great change, and that he thought the time had arrived when it was necessary seriously and delibe rately to reconsider the whole of our commercial policy with a view .to the removal of restrictions. Mr. BECKETT DENISON having seconded the address, Sir i R. PEEL rose to explain the motives on which he had acted, and which had governed his con duct. He felt it unjust to be condemned without a hearing. He said nothing on that head ; if a feeling of momentary .indignation had been raised, he felt .that he had been , trusted with confidence formerly, but if he did not ask for a reversal of the sentence, he wished to be heard after condemnation, in explanation of the grounds which had indaced him to tender his re signation, and also the grounds on which that trust hid been:re-assumed. The cause of the breaking' up of the. Government was that great mysterious calamity which had destroyed the article of food on which so many of the poor in this . and the sister kingdom depended for their subsistence. It. was a subject requiring • immediate decision as to the laws regulating the impor , Cation of food, but though that was the immediate cause, he would not deny that his opinions on the subject of pro ' tection had previously undergone a change. He would assert his right to act on enlarged experience. He did not consider_ there was any reason to feel humiliated, or abashed in avowing this change, but he should feel ; humiliated 'if those opinions, having undergone a change, he had shrunk from the avowal of it • by the fear of the charge of inconsistency.—(Cheers.) His opinions ,on the subject of protection had been modified by the experience of the last three years, and he had no wish to deprive those who had before been by mere reasoning brought to a conclusion against the policy of protection of any of the credit due to them. The ex perience of the last three years proved that abundance ' and cheapness of provisions would rather alleviate than increase the burden of taxation. During the three years preceding October there was comparative cheapnes with high wages, and during the.preceding three years there were high prices and low wages, and he could not resist the conclusion tlfat wa ge s do not vary with the price of 'provisions, but with the demand for la bour. He had estimated the loss from the removal of the Customs' duties at four millions, the ' actual loss had been one million. He had estimated ' the loss from the removal of the Excise duties on glass ' and other articles at one million, but he believed that the loss to the Excise, this year would be nothing— ; that the void would be absolutely filled up. How could he stand up for high protective_ duties after this, when • he saw that all his own estimates had been falsified. Then with regard to morality, his Right HOn. Friend • at the head of the Home Department had stated the great decrease in committals in 1843 and 44—that had continued in 1845 ; this was 2,237 less than in the preceding year. ' With regard to sedition, the office of Attorney- General had been almost a sinecure, not because the Government had been more lenient, but because' the people had been more contented and happy. It was clear, therefore, that employment, low prices, and comparative abundance contributed to !he public peace, and these advantages were concurrent with the diminu tion of protection. Had the agricultural interest been in , jured ? Protection to them had been diminished on four great articles.;, foreign flax was admitted duty free. In 1844 'the duty on flax was 10L per ton ; it was now removed, yet the price of flak in Belfast ;Isar ket was in Janua'ry, 1846, higher than it was in 1844. The permission to import foreign cattle had given rise to great alarm. Had any injury been inflicted ?• A low duty had been substituted for absolute prohibi tion—there bad been a gradual increase of importation, and with increased importation there had been increased prices, as was proved by a comparison of the contract prices for the navy during the years 1842, 43, 44, and 45. There was no article he had touched on with so much alarm last year as lard. A division had absolutely been taken 'on it. Since 1842 the importation of lard had in creased to an immense extent, and yet the price had risen from 48s. in 1844 to 625. in 1846. Then there was the article of wool. In 1844 it wit - 8 proposed to remove the duty from foreign wool. The importation of . foreign wool had increased annually in consequence of the removal of the duty, and yet the price of South-down wool had increased from 11-}d. in 1842, to is. 4-11 in 1845, so that experi 'ence proved that, by the removal of protection, the welfare, the health, and the morality of the people had been improved, concurrent with an in crease of price in those articles from which pro tection had been withdrawn. He felt that, with these opinions he •could not have met Mr. Villiers's motion with a direct negative. He could not defend the corn= law, either on the ground that in' consequence of high taxation protection was necessary, or that on the ground of keeping ,up the wages of the labouring classes protec tion was necessary. He could continue the conflict ito longer. He must decline it. Others mustdefend protection. At the same time he should h ave wished- to have committed the judgment of this case to another Parliament, but during the 'conrse of the last autumn a great calamity had happened, the consequences of which it was difficult t o ca l culate ; and he felt it his duty, early in November; to provide . against this calamity by advisi ng the s - uspenston of the duties payable, on the importation of foreign corn The period between Ist Ncivember, 1845, and 6th No vember, and that between 25th November and 6th De cember following, were periods of importance during the late Ministerial crisis; and he would read to the 'House the communications which he hid received during these intervals, - and which had induced him ,to Offer the advice to which he had alluded. (The Right lion. Gentleman here read various commu nications 'which he had received from foreign- countrie , s, • and from persons in England, relative to the failure of the .harvest throughout Europe, and to the prohibition 'of exports from foreign countries.) The pressure was 'reat in England and in Scotland, but it was greatest' in Ireland; in'the report pre , sented by the - COM taissicin ••on • • that'' • subject, among the members of which • were' Mr. Lucas and Professor Kane, . it' 'was stated that - 4,000,000 of _persons depended upon, the potato crop, so that the Government found itself called upon to provide for the subsistence of 4,000,000 of people in that country. The Government hid Sept over Professor Linley and Dr. Playfair to inquire into the subject. fr, Linley had given to him in an interview the most alarming accounts, end these accounts had been cong-nwil by ti v e of the Commi,si..n. T',( .i,; r on 'the 31st of October, and many meetings were held between that and the 6th' of Noiember. On 'the Ist ,pf November ',there , was no deliberation e it 'appeared to him that there- was the 'full- juidifi:- cation for the Cloyertunenti either by Order in council, or ~ r __._ ~ \_------ * strove by calling Parliament together in a fortnight, •'° rt r andy all restrictions on the importation of grain. He wi_Ne , ~,, to take on himself the issue of an Order in Ct , °'. :10 but he did not adopt that course. He was PrePa re ' a . call Parliament together and propose the temp _ rary removal of all restrictions. His opinion Waas' overruled, and if he did not resign it w e e, on sicaount of public and not of private reasons. . -- a felt it was his duty to remain. The Cabinet re-asseni!te on November 25 . '; the events which had occurred in " g)it interim had not altered his decision. A Gani mi l it of Inquiry had in the meantime been appointed, an be , became necessary to determine w hat sluill id cl . te the instructions issued to them. lie then gang that he considered the issue of those instraetio_ incompatible with the maintenance of the existing Per, hibitory laws, and that' he could not consent h to 11 issue of those iastructions i4thout reservieg to i le i the power of proposine• an alasration in the corn 1V te , During the interval ° his position bad been m a ce . the sh rially changed. He hid been overruled in billet, and the Noble Lord had • written a letter!e tio , contents of which materially affected his P ° 1 1 b e d If on the l-t of November, the Order in CODOci,IO, been issued it would hive been the ste t of the Ow' t ee but his position had become materially altered 1798. the litter of the Noble Lord. He felt after the letteriob,oes Noble Lon!, that 'nothing but a united O l ate e could give him the chance of bringing t he il' i ibit to . a satisfactory conclusion. Notwithstanding, airs* if he he would not have abandoned the helm of 26 , a or had been sueported by the Cabinet. He had been ft,l posed by Lord Stanley. a Noble Lord for w l l ° °l 0 1 , 6 14 i ... the sincerest respect and admiration, but who 1',;,, o re) contended that there was no reason for alarm.--(1',...5i01l He (Sir R. Peel) thought there was a full justintlete for extensive ineaeure., and his Noble Friend wa! i t ', ° i t aie only member of the Government who would have 1t:7 4. s o duty to retire if he had persevered in his prop i t ' therefoie not being supported by the Cabinet,- he . 0 0 his duty to humbly tender his resignation. Her 1 4 3 01 : sent for the _Noble Lord the Member for the GUY a iatio don. He (Sir R. Peel) felt he was then at liberty, o ,° - ,,," or private capacity he Would have done all lie conk' `5,;;116 mote the aettleinentuf the question.—(Cheer s.) ap' 19th of DeCember he received a summons Irma he r o ar, jesty for the 20th, for taking a final leave. 'C i I s ear on her Majesty, having previously received a el ter med cation from the Noble Lord, her Majesty i„„` o i° him. that be (Sir R. Peel) was again c alled ti orioi Corm a . Government. ' He informed her , 11,1( t° that the Noble Lord, not thinking it adver, - ;itlr form, .a , Government, he (Sir Robert Peev., Ill' drew his ;resignation, and would re -suinee ° ,%fieet Cabinet ; and, consistently with that deterint go' he did re-summon the Cabinet, and reconstitut ed 'r e fill ;term:pent, and undertook to propose a measurehe°o" 103 settlement Lif this great question. He trustee! ooltl: satisfied some of these who considered that his eeree sions were errorieeus that at least his motives wef t de' Let them recollect tha fearful responsibility whir,as° volved. on him.. He should have been guilty of fs bile against the cause of agricultural protection, :efr moving for grants of money to purchase oats 10, f el` . stitute for otat oes, he had resolutely refused to reit' , ii ble , teetion. n the state of things; which it was Pe oc esr , f li which be l vated was probable in Ireland , shoal(' 0 eoe how couldthey maintain the corn-laws? and it °dli e l do to touch the . cern-laws lightly. How cosh r 4: consent to the relaxation of the law I""fl).e,' gard to the import of Indian corn for insta nce, des al i maintain tit with regard to barley, wheat, a n He had felt it rather hard, after all the anaie t Y, ;LO P undergone, to he taunted as he had been. He hau . , - ,,, c o' repeated dyer and over again that he was under o' s ;oe' aopal obligations 6 those who had placed him in thin in i $ -He had se' it said that those who had placed bIl - ,aio ° could displace him. There was some Mferenee of?,',,,iio° hevvae afraid in that respect. He owed no 01 10 00 to any man, or to any body 'of men, f r °l. ol l s he °s coinpelled? to undertake the cares of office. It e e a it undervaltie the support of friends, but he wool aL e ces f , distinctly ,understood in - what the value 'of 01 5 - 0 b; sisted. NOt in patronage, that was ill-cOniPe n v" pec .4 the extent of discontent to which it gave rise: ''',,i,a ' fo, objects nit seeking office he had none; he had ser' r dili h t ; sovereign's. Under Gee. 111. his office Wfiss u n la ',lf During the_ reigns of his successors he bad -4 rak edir highest offices.. Each.of those sovereigns had he n . too favourable a view of his services, and to ea e ",,et, only stated distinctly that there was but Weir,' gild it was .ia their power to offer to lope )hial -- " 10 :, him the simple assurance that he had been a, twj, a faithful servant*. High office gave its pose; ! esli power of rendering. high services; that was' ta re ,, e al ' c , He had always endeayoured to do so, and he a , c- Ceela .think that his deeds had been at variance Will'ali th is native policy. It had not been inconsistent e c ", e - re' policy to revive the -spirits of. the _lndian a ce el; preserve !the peace of the world ' by the all c e c ei' 4 ,4 France, and to substitute the rivalry of peace ',.,,, fet th ' e or to study to relieve the people of this coun...'diffie:i the burdens which pressed upon them. It wag s re forra task to reconcile a proud aristocracy with a ~,, OA Parliament.—(Cheers)—but he thought it waeflie tb;:i l with Conservative policy to endeavour to recOP':olili f , two in Mich a manner that the feeling' Of "f a cie et V jealousyishould be lost in that of physical enriaell', To be relieved from the responaibility and did) As 100; his situftion was what he ardently desired. 1,00 as honour required he would remain at his post,horiti.: would not do so with trammelled and Crippled. 6tit e ee `,l He would not remain at the helm if the helenw; , : t er` permitted to traverse. He did not wish to be Pilin 6 l 4tY England, but while he was Minister he would h° es' . office on' no servile tenour; he would oily hold' t 14 / 1 ;0 vide for' the public interests, and to consult the P security. Lord J. RnssEna. then entered into an an eice,„ s 'ael,,' of the causes which had prevented him &mil Vrw.,ll'", Ministry, and 'read the correspondence (whinn ; . found in another column) which had . taken pla ce subject.* ~o_r , i ..- The House was subsequently a ddressed ,74 0 i0r,, DISRAELI . , Lerd NORTHLAND, Mr. MILES, anCyt-o, 19 - Stirru e on, and the motion. having been' agr eed " House adjourned at Half-past Ten o'clock. ee,'--- . - The Madrid papers of th e 15th c -aa. contain no news ...„...- p er The discussion on the Address in the Chamber of Y-celltt was again adjourned. On the Bourse the Three P er closed at 34V. The other stocks were not q uoted. ,/ , sr The principal topic in . the Paris papers is th ° oil ioC ( M. Timms, in which he denounced the policy of 131 V 13 ba with regard to the annexation of Texas, and the it pre e power in America. The ex-Minister, as might I' s Sit j „ expected, declared himself in favour of the lin't ea tiglrJ d manifested his determined hatred and jealousy O f eti i inter ,D and seemed willing to sacrifice the best b lic'j France to the advancement of the American r e P u ib or 4 the humidation of this country, while at the su° . 1 / 1, i hat 'he called himself " a declared partisan of English ' l b ' eee ' til e We haie space for only a . few paragraphs of his sP iv be they w ll suffice to show that the American affair is L o g i i ii cheval e bataille for the session. After recoun es # l3 , vast i crease of population in the 'United St st . l og A lfl ,l their resent power, he says :—" I - can easilY 1 i l3° , ; # that t is extraordinary and unheard-of prosper it i t for Y c j give u übrage to England, but for my part I eanu ° o alt j sake o my country be at ail uneasy at the devel ° P t d O r o i the poker of the United'States. It has bee o b .l e f. , : c ibv ed ol , tii r : : the' an exation of Texas to the United States dis t ' t he V balanc of power in America ; it is, I' must confess, „,ce , time I ver heard this equilibrium spoken of ; I can „., 0 $ prehe d a balance of power in Europe, which is 0 13 7", the in ependence of all the states composing it ; a ° ..ror n r P evert is equilibrium has been disturbed it has hee 4ro to d, to seek to re-establish it ; but I will ask, what We b o r s , f with America in that respect ? The llonoure .0 w itl i l l GutzqT is afraid that the Spanish • race 1 .0 , annihilated by the Anglo-American one. ' 04,0,6 lei that time comes, when, the United States shall .- tli 0 he o 0 England, 100 ships'of the line and 200 frigates, vial t y shall no longer profess nib principle that the flag CO to merchandise, then the European equilibrium nu,' lisd KO assistance of that of America. If we still possos ° t 0,.50, and Louisiana, I can i mag i ne th a t th e develoPm eTi "4 1 power of. the U n it e d States might give us uneasin e s,- A ; ps,') , imagine that it disturbs the English, who possees 0 00 1 ;0 the American contine n t ; b u t as we h ave g iven 1 1 1'l o or4 r' the question no longer in any way concerns us." 't i sil 0 ° receives the strongest approbation from the Radic , "j to so d , publican papers, and, e ven , the Presse, so opP° se fog A l A Tamits, praises it, because the Pr e s se is hostile t o diord On M. ,THlErts resuming his place. the Chamber $ i air' and on Wed n eiday M. GUIZOT made an able replY ill i§ of his policy. pa.. stil The following appears in the Times, but as no - av ilie a made to the melancholy intelligence, or to a telegr,zii,le:y patch from that quarter in the Paris papers, we C O trust it is either without foundation or greatly exa,b2o o "„ l o 7 , " Letters from our private corrrespondent at Marseil l•- c od:pir, that a division of the French army in Algeria, under tba aj, y; of General Levasseur, and consisting of 2,500 men. _,. 11 0 0 /0 snaking a razzia in the province bf Constantine, been orb to , allow storm en the night of the 3d inst., when the greaterifr; division perished from the intensity of the cold." _ A 00 j/./: "On the Paris Bourse the Stock and Share Markets cio.---„ w o e r es nesday at reduced prices as compared with those of the P t ' u j e 0:00; 4 0, The Three per Cents. at 82f. 95c. ; the New Loan, 831. • ;.; ' ri Cents. 121 f. 35c. ; the Orleans Railroad Shares, 1,2 52 t. ' b cic.; Oc' I .020 f. ; Havre, 740 E ; Avignon, 985 f. ; Vierzon, 702 E 45 /1,, ~it' tleaux, 641 f. ; Boulogne, 560 E ; Troyes and Monterealb ~,r v Basle, 2.51 if. ; Great Northern, 752 f. 50c. ; Spanish Three E . Xi 38 %' The following are the quotations for other ....., 0 ,- j er lines l o g, 0 Paris and Lyons, definitive, 625 f. the Paris and Stras 1,1 10 1, 1 : tine, 549 f. ; 'Tours and Nantes, definitive, 572 f. hoc , ; d itta,,A o Avignon (Talabot), 511 f. 25c. ; ditto (Lecointe), 507f.;..,ae1weil pagule Meridionaie), 503 f, 50c.; Bordeaux and Cette (lg.; 502 t• ; ditto (Espeleta), 507 f. ; Charleroi (Kysaeris) , 4 tie (Delamarre), 503 f. A t ' d 11° LYONS, JAN. 19.-Paris and Orleans, 1,260 f.; Paris 5 1,032 f. 50c. ; Great Northern, 757 f. 50c. 4 A ll I.° BUSINESS' DONE IN FOREDiN RAILWAYS Cer A. jiN. 22. yid mi; LONDON STOCK EXCHANGE, Boulogne and Amiens, 12%-Bordeaux, Toulons e ! t oorsyk, (Mackenzie's), 2-Ditto (Espleta's), 2-Calcutta and I: 7 n disa've, hour, % p. - Ceylon, ili -Dutch Rhenish, 8% -Ea „disaat, Great Northern of France Constituted, 15% Great "" Th ipSTe sular, % -Great Paris and Lyons, 216-Great Westerll2: aua r o Luxembourg, 2% -Orleans aid Vierzou, 17%- Orle!Ziii), deaux, 11% -Over Tssel, 14 dis.-Paris and Lyons OA ,Djtto (Gauneroes), 3% - Sambre and Meuse, 5% • „. ill' d s til l t!oct r, We understand(that a most elaborate map of 0;i o f 1 ,ot projected railways has been prepared by the 1508;vcroi d i a with a view to its being recommended by the . ~, o f jell' to Parliament, to take a comprehensive Tl e ni oliO ta iii state of all parts of the kingdom as to railway 1 A e el' tion, and to a selection in the prssent session ° e til number of lines which are most needed. t f r°rll ll' fi' We understand that Dr. Nicholl's retireme ll , n oto to g o office of Judge-Advocate-General is solely on ac sing 41$1 . vate reasons, the Right Hon. Gentleman in" - ,, s iv°, ill' abroad for some time with his family. Mr. Ja t , P ,, - „ fax°_,litt who succeeds him, is returned for .Nichol'Butese ~., - 0 , 0 - fluence (Lord Bute's) that retuined Dr. 1 ,10 _ — , , f erunsf• DIED. r nor ' tlo on - the lath tilt:, suddenly, whilst preaching a - n r , ec toli ~j. the parish chnrch of Spaxton, of which place lie vi'm ' 0 41 ,, William Henry ,GCOr e N, itl tI,P > I , t ye.,i• ‘ , 1 . /:1• 3 ~,; :',,,,,:0f1i On tlie Intl; I ..7 ,In , V, ~ i , , rti, , -- , -,, ',,. 4 , L ""'" - 01, of the late Sir Del hert rakingtun, kart., aged 83. ... 0 , 0 ............................ ~T s o, e r Prld London: Printed and Published by MURDO I ", t. to the so Strand, Printer, at The Sun Office, No. 112, Stre n rc idg, * of the' SAVOY,' in the - County- -of• bliddleself 2a, no. NEW STRAND THRATRE. M. PHILLIPPE'S WONDERS and incredible CHINESE DE LUSIONS will be repeated every Evening, doors, open at a quarter :last-Seven, to commence at a quaiter before Eight. M. Phillippe's most Popular Deceptions and ?canner Experiments will be 'varied by the Amusing Performances of _the Chiarini Family and astounding Feats of the American Brothers. M. Philippei will (by desire), and in consequence of the immense overflows which have attended his Morning Performarioes, give a Grand Juvenile Entertainment every Thursday Morning, commencing st Two o'alock. Stalls, 35.,; Boxes, 2s. ; Pit, Is. ; Gallery, 6d. ASTLEYS' ROYAL AMPHITBATRE OF ARTS. Proprietor, Mr. W. BATTY. Crowded nightly to witness the wondrous performance of the dog Emile. Hundreds turned away each evening, In compliance with the numerous requests at the box-office a re-engagement has been entered into Mr three weeks longer. Continuation of the draina of the DOG of the PYRENEES, after which period it must be positively withdrawn; in order to make way for the representation of tae last new Parisian spectacle of the ELEPHANT of the PAGODAS, which has caused so great ~a sensation in the French metropolis, in which Mr. Batty will have .an opportunity of exhibiting his celebrated pair of trained elephants. The LAST O.IORNI.NG REPRESENTATION will take place .on THURSDAY next, commencing at Half-past Ono precisely. El)erning 7Atit LONDON, FRIDAY, JANUARY 23, 1E46. The royal speech delivered at the opening of the session of Parliament yesterday cannot be charged either with vagueness or inanity—two qualities regarded almost as inherent in such documents. It adverts to four topics at least of great interest ; and regarding the sentiments expressed as those of the Minister rather than of the Sovereign, we are enabled to anticipate with tolerable correctness the more important business to be brought forward during , the present session. These topics are, the state of Ireland—one of the most usual and most prominent features in a speech from the Throne; our relations with the United. States; the increase of the naval and military establishments; and, last and greatest, the whole of our commercial relations with foreign states, as well as our domestic policy for the encouragement of skill and industry. The document, therefore, is pregnant with great pur poses, and, taking into account the character of the Minister now at the head of affairs, his return to office after a great struggle with his colleagues, and the in • effectual attempt of his political opponents to form a Cabinet, the conciliatory measures, which last year he introduced for the better government of Ireland, the unexpected strides he made towards free trade, and the preparations now in progress to increase the strength of the navy, we may be justified in hoping that these pur poses are sincere, and that he is resolved to carry to a still greater extent those principles which form the basis of sound commercial policy, and to put the country in a fit position to meet any great emergency from foreign countries. As regards Ireland, possibly it is difficult to find any immediate remedy for its evils, or anycertain pre vention for the dreadful crimes to which her MAJESTY alludes. The horrible system of assassination has lately increased to a fearful extent, end means must be re sorted to abate the evil, but the great question is how is this to be accomplished ? If no witnesses can be ob tained—if no man, woman, or child will inform against persons guilty of the most horrible crimes, chiefly be cause the law is not sufficiently powerful to protect them against the same ruthless murderers—it is to be feared that the ordinary laws are defective for such a state of society, and that some extraordinary and uncon stitutional system will he adopted. Should this unfor tunately be the intention of the Government, every friend of order and peace and justice, must be anxious that punishment should not be the only resource, but that an ample and thorough investigation should be in stituted forthwith to ascertain the root of the evil, and to abate or abolish it by removing the cause. We cannot form such a bad opinion of human nature as to believe for a moment that these assassinations would be repeated day after day, and that rational beings should be more savage and cruel than the wild beasts of the desert, if they were not driven to such a course of life by some merciless treatment or dire necessity. It may be necessary to inquire whether the landlords do their duty, and whether their agents are not geiley of crimes which these misguided and revenge ful people consider deserving of death. At all events, whatever may be the measures of the Government for putting down without delay such fearful crimes, it is to be hoped that the miserable condition of the peasantry will be taken into account, and that the innocent will not Ibe punished with the guilty. Coercive laws and military punishments have hitherto proved of little avail, and the result, we fear, will be the same, till some com prehensive and wise . measures are adopted for civilising the people, and rendering their condi tion less miserable. The Speech properly refers and in a right tone to the disputes with America. The object of every man in the United Empire is to preserve peace with that country on honourable terms, but on no other. England has hitherto made every effort to settle the conflicting claims. She has not been met in a similar spirit by the last and the present Chief Magistrate of the United States, and the Legislators of both Houses during the present session, have displayed a hostility to this country, and a disposition for violent measures, which we fear leave little hopes for an amicable settlement of the disputed points. Our Government, however, will act wisely, notwithstanding these unfavourable symp tome, in avoiding all cause of blame, and all precipitate measures, and the people will cordially concur in the efforts of her MAJESTY to bring the question to an early, a peaceful, and an honourable conclusion. In the meantime it is proper that we should be prepared for the worst, and that the naval and military establishments should be put on such a footing, that no nation, however powerful, shall be able to attack us with impunity. The allusions in the Speech to the extension of com merce, and to the repeal of prohibitory, and the relax tion of protective duties, are highly satisfactory. " I recommend ou," says her Ma..sEeTsr, "to take into your early consideration whether the principles on which you have acted may not with advantage be yet more extensively applied, and whether-it may .not be in Your power, after a careful review of the existinr, duties upon many articles, the produce or manufac ture of other countries, to make such further reductions and remissions as may tend to insure the continuance of the great benefits to which I have adverted, arid, by en larging our commercial, intercourse, to strengthen the bonds of amity with Foreign Powers." The "corn-laws, it is true, are not here specified, but it is impossible to read the paragraph without the co nviction that they fortn the main topic of the recommendation ; and indeed the speech of Sir ROBERT PEEL, last p night, leaves no doubt on the subj ect. He stated candidly, to his ,e o tl i r e t ag in ue th s e th m e Novem ber o op nth en o i f nooftheor hets ; had he proposed admitted, with equal candour, that his opinions, like those of Lord JOHN RUSSELL on that subject, had un dergone a material, change within, not twenty, but three years, and his speech altogether left no doubt, that this change in his sentiments was the main, nay, the sole cause of the disruption of his Cabinet, and that he was prepared to use every means in his power for carrying his purpose into effect. That he will succeed we have no doubt whatever. He may - bp thwarted for a time. Possibly the Lords may resist, and demand an appeal to the country, but their resistance, DQV( that the country Ni ue this ( *or on —....... V 17, - ; Luci J'a r 1 6„-t, .._()(11 4 -., 114 , hat e In t ; tq /IC 'ar w fl„„ -wrB H t ' 20 :t , E dill ....... , ) ,Por Uthc