The Sun. — London, England, 1837-05-31 00:00:00

tablishmeilt. Thatof nate , others, stricl they claimed that privilege. He thought that the reso lutions of the Noble Lord were not practicable, and that it would be better for the House to proceed with the other bOrders of the Day. The Hon. Baronet concluded by mo °R as an amen d ment the following resolution, which he ad proposed in Committee : That th e pr i v il eges claimed by this House -Orn the king at the openin g of each Parliament, and entit'd by the King, and also the other privileges pertaining to this House, which have been recognised by the Cott . rts of law within this itahn (t he sam e b e i ng privileges fer maintaining the hedom of de bate withi n t hi s House, and the s ecur ity o f t h e persons o f Members thereof m a fry violence, and from all arre s t In ele n ex f s ) ourts of l aw , for contempt or in execution of c ri. P r ocess), are essentially necessary to the exis rtet and in of thi s House, ns a body summoned to tne 4sel th e Ki ng touching the arduous affairs of Church and ; a te ; and that any person offending against such privileges guilty of a violatio n of the law of Parliament. " That the right to punish p ersons gu il ty o f suc h offence, Wheth er such offence were by interrupting the freedom of de batet withi n t h e House, either by direct violence, or by threats ° any Member thereof, or by publishing any libel against the proceedings of this !House, or were by contempt of the House before it, or were by arrest of any Member thereof, other than In execution of lawful process, as aforesaid, bath been r tt e nd Peatedly claimed and enforced by the authority of this House 'Tnthat no other authority hath or ought to have any jurisdie whatever in limiting the exercise of the powers of this House in punishing all persons so offending. " That although this House b.;ith occasionally addressed the Kin, ,, g to direct his Majesty's Attorney-General to prosecute offenders for publishing libels against the proceedings of this t l .use, yet that this ',louse bath likewise an undoubted right 0 inquire into all libels against its authority or procee di ngs, sod to • 1 - P un ish the sa me accordingly as b reac h es o f i ts privi _ege,„ " That no Member of this House bath any claim of' privi tege That respect to the publication of any matter or thing pur °rting to b e his seech, which, by the due course of law, may se found to be a libel; and that this House hath never inter te!•ed, and ought not to interfere, in any legal proceedings in stituted thereon. That this House doth not claim any right, and that n o other body of hi s M a j esty ' s su b jects hath any right, t o publi s h li bel if matter or thing w hi c h b y l aw would be adjudged to be a thin contained i n an unaut h or i sed publication, or to do any which by l aw wou ld b e adjudged to be a trespass or any Personal injury. ieThat the printing of papers presented to this House, whe r th e same be accounts, reports, or otherwise, is, and ought ° be, for the use of the Members of this House, and as such ought to be publication privileged ; but that any sale or dis ersal of such papers to any but the Members of this House 13 . and ought to be, publication not privileged. t That while this House will resent and resist every at pri?Pt on the part of others to libel its proceedings, it doth not ~1 4n , And ought not to claim, any exemption on the part of ,I,Seeaker, or any of its officers, from any legal liability to ti "cinh it Proceedings may be subject ; and that any publica f which would be a libel against an individual if proceeding VI:°' 1 1 another individual, is a libel if published by this House, Y claim of privilege notwithstandi n except as aforesaid ; ris°d that any act which would b e adjudged by law to be a tres iliess or Personal i n j ury if committed by an individual, is a Pass or pers ona l i n j ury i f committed by order of this ouse, any claim of privilege notwithstanding, except as -the question having been put, The ATTORNEY-GENERAL said, with reference to the resolutions proposed by the Hon. Baronet, he had Ant th em to the Committee, and he stood alone in his sup ofPt them—on the on e s id e , t h e ayes , t h ey h a d t h e name Of Sir Robert H. Inglis ; and on the other, those of the t,.°es, Sir George Strickland, Sir Frederick Pollock, Mr. VVynn, Sir Wm. F o ll e tt, L or d S tan l ey, Si r Geo. Clerklll Mr. Serge a nt Wild e , M r . A ttorn ey -General, Mr. Connrdll, Sir Robe r t P ee l. H e d en i e d t h e di st i nction „), between papers printed for the Hous e , an d f or t h e l e or the public at large. He was mu c h a f ra id th a t if t h ey l e of the doctrine propounded to them, actions might b rought yi against the Speaker. If the doctrine of the ; 4 °o• Baronet were assente d to, i nd i ctments might be pre .e Nrred against th e Sp ea k er , an d h e m i g h t b e committed to e vvgate, for having, in the discharge of his duty, done tthe hat which belonged to his office. It was the privilege of People of England to know what they were doing. Re ports 1 641 down t o 1837, t h e pract i ce of pu b l i shing the 4 ePort s of that House had been uniform and uninterrupted, °a d , in hi s op i n i on, t h e parties through whom these Par liamentar papers were ma d e pu b l i c ought not to be made b lto it bepunishment, e i t h er c i v il or criminal. Should said that Parliament had not the same privilege as th e ordinary courts of law?—(Hear, hear.) It had been ov er and over again decided that the publication of what I ° . uk place in a court of law, however much it might reflect t b Pon particular p art i es, cou l d not be made the subject of trial. For these reasons he (the Attorney-General) en tirely concurred in the resolutions proposed by the Noble Lord. Another action was pending against Mr. Hansard upon th e same report ; and it therefore became absol u t e ly n nation necessary th at the House sho u ld come to some spec ifi c de (Htermi upon the p o i nt without further loss of time:— ear, hoar.) For his own part, he had no doubt that the' Judges, when the point came to be fully and properly argued before them, would be of opinion that no action or indict- Meut could be maintained for what that House had ordered la be published.—( Hear, hear.) Air. PEMBERTON thought that the resolutions pro- Posed by the Noble Lord went immeasurably further than ti l° subj ec t d eman d ed or required. He thought, indeed, tthat if they were adopted by the House, no court of jus ee he rea f ter would be able to administer the law of the nd as established by statute. The late trial, and the a°lequent proceedings adopted upon it, had awakened a aPirit that would not easily be allayed. Supposing the re solutions proposed by the Noble Lord to be adopted, what toWer would there be of enforcing Did the House i_ Q lleee that the Judges, who were bond to administer the tlie_,"'.%! according to their opinion of the law, would yield obe nce to these resolutions ? He believed that, in spite of 1,11,ee resolutions, they would continue to pursue the course c ` l ' l loh they believed to be correct, in the same manner as l o s .e Justice Holt had done in a remarkable instance, to 'deli he need not more distinctly refer.—(Hear, hear.) Me . Sergeant WILDE thought that the question was, 43t nether the H ouse o f C ommons should for the future dis atinue to publish such Reports as it deemed necessary l e e Publi c s h ould be acquainted with ?—(Hear.) The high 80 c lalsit or i a l power possessed by the House no doubt might li e la etitnes operate p re j u di c i a ll y to individuals ; but if those e o „P°rts only were published which exposed no abuse, dis beiered ao wrong, he apprehended the public would gain (4 v ery small portion of benefit from such publications.— e ar, hear.) Then his Hon. and Learned Friend (Mr. Dtle‘l,l.l)erton) spoke of public opinion, and the operation of the hub spirit, and applied the argument to his own view of sebj e . t to , ; he (Mr. Sergeant Wilde) would only ask him its re how that House had been compelled to open toto fi l4l erY to strangers, and allow full publicity to be given Proceedin s—( Hear hear.) It was true that the everstill g • • ev e , d the discretion of excluding strangers, when to Li but n publi c i nterest seemed to require such a step ; °° now with closed doors would be utterly impossible. 4 41 0 ,„ hear.) I n t h e same way that i t was necessary to 4 1 1 t ee publi cat i on of the debates, was it also necessary *e t °II the publi cat i on o f reports.—( Hear, hear.) They 1 4 ,, c e °°%e discussing what was the law of Parliament. The th e 2c:l Parliament was as much the law of the land as Of I;;Mlite la w or the common law. Suppose the question Put e r ,‘, ll ege Were raised in the House of Lords, and dis th,t'eut the Court of King's Bench, and the decision of l 'rer, (144 were afterwards app ea l e d aga i ns t by a wr i t o f of L 0 whither would the questi on th en go ? T o t h e H ouse boa rm 45 the hi s ey who ghest tribun a l o f th e l an d, so th a t th e very 'Toe ;6, 4 Privileg es w ere di s p u t e d wou ld h ave to d ec id e i Mica ei , - ;", 4.1 the last resort. Th e question first of all was, , P4 blisbi n ,e blouse of Commons had exercised the right of fr o alts Proceedings? It was clear that it had done 34 1 d tn e earliest period from which any information ttlitoits obtained from the journals of the House. He "ed t 1 with respect to ,s let each House of Parliament, 4% 8 I e ges, was in itself the Parliament, and that each Pti ve e Possessed entirelyand in full all the Parliamentary Wi r t ' ' , F, 3 as if th e two Houses sat united in oae chamber. 4. DUNCOMBE should certainly vote against 1 I•e8olut. `% I °° 3 ; but in doing so he did not consider that on . p a t all committed to the amendment proposed by his ."end opposite. In proposing the resolutions he Priviloalned that the House was about to vote to itself a kith ,g k e which it had never possessed before. He had read Cs greatest pleasure and satisfaction the charge of l ad e °t tl Chief Justice of the King's Bench, in which the w Peed ere enee of the Bench and the liberty of the subject win, manfully manfully defended. v ane • H UME was surprised to hear his Hon. Friend ad -111/41- su ell opinions. For himself, he would say that the d t l• ; ) ki 0 1 1 if Portant duties of Parliament could not be car 111e h o ,seeh a doctrine were to prevail. At the same I,, •it aurnitted it was incumbent on the Committees of i us ' of Commons to take care that nothing was en- L'ntic s ° their minute s which was not strictly necessary to - 4 -° the subject to which their inquiries were directed. 'l4el,iet.Preeaution would in a great degree prevent any tr ao ar ising from the publication of their reports. tbiti ß ob gers were then ordered to withdraw ; but . after is1 ;10„. sent from the gallery some minutes, and no division tire. Place, we returned to the House, and found Ince ()ULBURN arguing against the Resolutions, %pr egs • wk ate ' i ng a hope that the House would pause before ,I„"nseet};°_tne declaration, that any person in this country, . th e Heracter might be impugned before a Committee i „ Sir 4,°,,,u5e, should be without redress. ' v erve, 'uERT PEEL said that the first impression of ttetl.t."lo44°' an EEL of those who had not paid much the t ° this subject, would unquestionably be adverse - pri • ra netple upon which the report of the Committee NIA °°cled ; for it must ppear manifestly unjust that any . . la4 he e 41° . thority should hi a lv • e • the power of Ruth ej t h .w i e tti on °risme the int-n -and sale of libels upon the characters of ' At the same time, however, he was convinced Mr. HARDY particularly objected to the second resolu on as tyrannical. Sir R. INGLIS proposed to take the sense of the House on the second resolution. The first resolution was then agreed to. On the second resolution, Lord HO WICK proposed to make an alteration which, while it would retain all that was necessary, might meet some of the objections urged against the reso lution. The amendment he had to suggest was, that they should stop at the word " privileges" at the begin ning of the third line ; the resolution would then read thus :—" By the law of the privileges of Parliament, this House had the sole and exclusive jurisdiction to determine the degree and extent of its privileges." After a few words from Mr. Pemberton, Mr. Sergeant Wilde, Air. Hume, and Lord Howick, The House divided on the original resolution, when the numbers wore— Ayes Noes 126 36 Majority in its favour. ..... .. ... ---90 The resolution was then agreed to, as was also the third. BANKRUPT LAW. The SOLICITOR-GENERAL obtained leave to bring in a Bill to amend the law relating to Bankrupts. THE PUNISHMENT OF DEATH BILL. The Bill was committed pro forma. THE EXCHEQUER BILLS BILL. This Bill was read a third time and passed. The other Orders of the Day having been disposed of, the .ouse adjourned at a quarter to two o'clock. THE CANINE CREATION AT A PREMIUM.— The dog-star is in the ascendant—the dog-days are at hand— and the favourite proverb of a certain class of casuists, that " every dog will have his day," is on the point of being brought to proof, in the moat novel and convincing manner by a dog being elevated into a semi-historical personage, under the characteristic style and title of " SNARLET Yc'w"—the dog hero of Captain Marryatt's new novel. That the said Snarley Yow will " a tail unfold," capable of tickling into inextin guishable laughter the risible muscles of all the novel-readers throughout the three kingdoms, nobody can doubt who is ac quainted (and who is not ?) with the unrivalled powers of comic humour and invention which are possessed by this highly popular and admirable writer. MR.COOPER'S NEW WORK ON ENGLAND, &C.— We are requested to state that the new work, entitled " Eng land, with Sketches of Society in the Metropolis," by J. Fe nimore Cooper, Esq., author of " The Pilot," &c., is pub lished this day by Mr. Bentley, 8, New Burlington-street, who has also just published " Aunt Dorothy's Tale ; or, Ge raldine Morton," a Novel. Agents :—For Scotland, Messrs. Bell and Bradfutr, Edinburgh ; for Ireland, Mr. John Cum ming, Dublin ; and may be obtained of all booksellers. BURKE'S PEERAGE.—GARTER'S ROLL.—It is very extraordinary that the document, by which the Lords are summoned to Parliament, by which they record their votes when assembled there, and by which the precedency of each Noble Peer is strictly established—THE OFFICIAL ROLL OF GARTER KING OF Ands.has never been published in any work upon the subject before the appearance of the present edition of Mr. Burke's Peerage and Baronetage ; it is more extraordinary s,ill, considering the importance of that docu ment, as a clue to the proceedings of the Upper House of Parliament, and its value in that point of view to every reader of the debates. To a person not conversant with Parliamen tary rank, how incomprehensibl e is the designation in debate of the Marquis of Londonderry, for instance, as the Noble Earl—and the Duke of Leinster, as the Noble Viscount—but the former is found to sit, by Garter's Roll, as Earl Vane, and the latter as Viscount Leinster, and in that rank they are re corded upon the vote paper. The same observation applies to several other Noble Lords. It is absolutely necessary, therefore, in reading the debate upon any important subject in the Lord's, to have Garter's Roll at one's elbow•. that upon mature rellettitti these who had given way to this first impression, *ould ultimately acquiesce in the ab solute necessity, if the House of Commons were to be al lowed to discharge its constitutienal peters, of maintaining this privilege of publication, and in maintaining for itself the e'e,clUsiVe. right of judging of the extent and ,natpre,of that privile ge .—( H ea - , h ear.) WO iti he Vei4iild a.elre ebb tltitl , of the House of Cotii . .......lti institute free inquiries into alleged. alleged. ebeeeS ei publi c t rus t s ? If that wgrc ciAtY, elt wtre one of the public fuuctions of the House to institute those inquiries, what was the limit whith tat te be })laced; or the diecretion to be ekei•ei.e(i; lr eeridUcting those in quiries '? Was it not iiianilkst, ii the House did not possess a free aid unfettered power of compelling the appearance of witnesses and of instituting a fret and unrettered inquiry, that their privilege, or their duty rather, as the grand inquest of the nation, must be at came para lysed ? But if the House of Coeittiona possessed the power of compelling the attendance of witnesses, arid of compelling those witnesses to make a diseltlsntt of the truth, ought they not, having so done e and having given publicity to such evidence, to prated those witnessess from the eon sequences of that disclosure ? And as to the publication of the evidence, might not that publication be essential in order to satisfy the public mind with respect to the grounds of their legislation, and to make the constituency of the country aware of the principles upon which their Repre sentatives acted ? He would say, therefore, that front the dictates of reason, and from what common sense suggested, the House of Commons ought to have the power, subject to no extrinsic control, of exercising their inquiries freely, without being exposed to any legal results. But it was not upon reason and Common sense alone that he founded this principle—he founded it upon the uniform practice of Par liament.—(Hear, hear, hear.) There was a series of cases showing that for the last 120 years Parlia ment bad been in the practice of instituting these inqui ries ; but suddenly an allegation is made by a report of a Committee that Mr. Stockdale has published an obscene pamphlet, and immediately an action is brought against an officer of the House of Commons for that publication. What said the authorities ? He would take the authority of Lord Tenterden, who stated that he doubted that there existed the privilege to sell a libel. Lord Denman said that if this publication had been written or printed merely for the use of the Members of the House, it would have been a different thing. They had, then, this admission that there was little doubt of the authority of Parliament to in stitute these inquiries, and that there was also little doubt of their right to print for the use of their own Members a fair statement of that which was disclosed. Now, he would ask for no further concession in favour of the prin ciple for which he was contending, which was, that the House had the power of protecting parties from the conse quences of giving evidence which the House had compelled them to give. The only remaining question was, whether there was a legal principle which made a distinction between printing for the use of Members and the subsequent sale. —(Hear, hear.) He imagined that there was not ; and if so, the doctrine that the sale of publications printed for the Members subjected the officers who printed them to ques tion by the Court of King's Bench must be abandoned. In the eye of the law there was no distinction between publica tion and sale. But if this were so, how happened it that a different view would have been taken of this case if the publication had been only for the use of the Members ? Let them look at the absurd consequence which would re sult from the adoption of such a principle. It had been the practice, before that of sale commenced, to print more documents than were required for circulation among the Members, and to distribute them freely ; but if the principle were laid down which had been propounded, should the Speaker give a single copy, he would be subject to prosecu tion. He referred to these things merely to show the ab surdity of the distinction between publications for the use of Members and the subsequent sale. It was impossible to maintain such a distinction. If they admitted the right to publish for the use of Members, and the right of the Mem ber to publish, in vindication, to his constituents, of the course he had pursued, then they must allow that there was no legal distinction of such a nature as that which he had described. The Hon. Member for Ripon had suggested that the better course might be to trust to a declaratory Bill, The objection to that was, that the House of Lords might not agree to it, and then they would have thrown a doubt upon the extent of their privileges, without having succeeded in obtaining a law to secure them. He admitted that the power claimed by the House was arbitrary, and that therefore it became them to use it with the greatest possible caution and discretion. Mr. GOULBYRN thought it too much to attempt by such resolutions to sanction the power of the House to pub lish all and every imputation that might be cast upon indi viduals in evidence given before Committees of the House. Mr. WYNN said that whenever power was given for the benefit of the public, it would be impossible to guard against some amount of positive evil resulting from its exer cise ; and the question then was, whether the law of Par liament and the interest of the public should abate in favour of the interests of private individu a l s . Th e privilege had existed, ever: since the reign of Henry 111. No one but Chief Justice Holt, and he was opposed in opinion by the eleven other jadges, had attempted to question the principle that the House of Commons was the only competent judge of its privileges. The result'of allowing the right to be ques tioned would be to decide all questions affecting the privi leges of the House by an appeal to the House of Lords, and the common privileges would they depend solely on the sufferance of that co-ordinate branch of the Legislature. He should give his most cordial assent to the Resolutions. Mr. WAKLEY was anxious to put a question to the Attorney-General. Their great object was to disseminate the proceedings of that House throughout the world. Now, he was anxious to learn whether the privilege they were about to confer was to be restricted to the officer of that House, or to be allowed to the public generally ; in other words, he desired to be informed whether, under the sanc tion of that House, individuals would be allowed to repub lish any petition or report that had been issued from their office ? They would restrict and narrow the benefit to a great extent, unless authority were given to all to do that which the officer was authorized to do. TIE SUN, LONDON, WIEDVESDAY, MAY 31, 1837 King, at Windsor Castle, on Monday; The Right Hon. Gen tleman returned to town in the afternoon. The First Commissioner of the Poor La, 9 had an intetsie* with Viscount Melbourne ? yesterday. FROM LAB1 1 NIGHT'S N GAZETTE ; Mai; 36, 1t.37; The King has been graciditsly pleased iO,idriiitiate and a t ppoiiti Lieutenant-General the Right Hon. Sir Ridiard Bart., KlJ;g!:,t. commander of the Most Hon. Military Order of the Itatli, to be a Knight Grand Cro” of the said O r d er , i n th e room Of Pir AieltiriNt H. deeetwft, CROWN-OFFICE, MAY 50, /Etat MEMBER RETURNED TO SERVE IN THIS PRESENT PARi.i.i2titit?': city of Glasgow.—John D enn i s t nun , E sq ., i n t h e room of J ames Ostietthi, Egg:, itiho has Accepted the ChiltQrn Hundreds. Commissions by the Lord Lieutenant of the County of Somerset. liminster Division of Yeomanry Cavalry.—J. Sicholetb, Gent, to be Lieutenant; C. W. Loveridge, Gent., to be Cornet, March 14. DECLARATIONS OF INSOLVENCY. WILLIAM BRIDGER, grocer, Petworth, Susset. AIANFORD NOTT, toy-dealer, Reading, Berkshire. MARK ELPHICK, licensed victualler, Newington-causeway, Surrey. BANKRUPTCY SUPERSEDED. ROBERT LYNIIAIII COURTNEY, ironmenget, Walsall, Staffordshire. BANKRUPTS. JOHN LARGE, coach.maker, Great Queen-street, Lincoln's Inn-fields, to surrender June a, et one, and July 11, at half-past ten, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Clark, Sstithin's-lane, official assignee ; Rogers, Manchester-buildings, Westminster, JOHN LEWIS, draper, Conwill Elvet, Carmarthenshire, June 15 and July 11, at the Boar's Head Inn, Carmarthen. Morris and Jones, Carmarthen • Chilton, Chancery-lane, Lond on . WILLIAM El AM, 1 ivery- stable- keeper, Upper North-street, Gray's-inn-road, June 9, and July 11, at one, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Cannan, Sambrook-court, Basinghall-street, official assignee ; Chamberlavne Quality-court, Chancery-lan e . CHARLES FOSTER, bill-broker, Kingsbury, Middlesex, June 13, at. two, and July 11, at eleven, at the Court of Bank ruptcy. Goldsmid, Ironmonger-lane, official assignee ; Stovin, Portsmouth-chambers, Lincoln's-inn-fields. ANDREW DOBBIE, publican, Manchester, June 14 and July 11, at two, at the Commissioners'-rooms, Manchester. Bower and Back, Chancery- lane London ; Heath, Man c h es t er . CHARLES NOADES, tailor, Leeds, June 17, and July 11, at eleven, at the Court-house, Leeds. Woodhouse, Condell, and Hubbard, King's Bench-walk, Temple, London; Stott, Leeds. GEORGE STEVENS, grocer, Wolverhampton, June 10 and July 11, at eleven, at the Lion Inn, Wolverhampton. Brown, Shiffnal, Salop ; Williamson and Hill, Verulam Buildings, Gray's inn London. Gray's inn, BEATTY, linen-draper, Over Darwen, Lancashire, June 17, and July 11, at eleven, at the Bridge Hotel, Bolton-le- Moors, Lancashire. Mayhew and Johnston, Carey-street, Lin coln's Inn, London ; Da.ckhouse, Blackburn. JOHN CONDON, brick-maker, Bedford-row, June 13 and July I], at one, at R a d en h urs t' s N ew R oya l Hotel Birmingham. Thorndike, Staple Inn, London ; Wh ee l er , Bi rm i ng h am . JOHN ANDERTON, dyer, Bradford, Yorkshire, June 6, at ten, and July 11, at nine, at the Court-h ouse , B ra df or d. H aw ki ns , Bloxam, and Stocker, New Boswell-court, London ; Moulden and Ridehalgh, Bradford. WILLIAM JONES, builder, Wolverhampton, June 10, at four, and July 11, at ten, at the Lion Hotel, Wolverhampton. Rickards and Walker, Lincoln's-inn-fields, London ; Foster, Wolverhampton. WILLIAM ARMITAGE, dyer, Sowerby Bridge, Yorkshire, June 9, at twelve, and July 11, at two, at the George Inn, Hud dersfield. Jaques, Battye, and Edwards, Ely-place, Holborn, London ; Stocks and Macaulay, Halifax ; Battye and Clay, Hud dersfield. SAMUEL LOVELESS TAPSCOTT, coal merchant, Mine head, Somersetshire, June 15, and July 11, at twelve, at the Fea thers Hotel, Minehead. Blake and Boyle, Clement's Inn, Lon don ; Leigh and Warden, Bardon, near Taunton. WILLIAM TATE, cotton manufacturer, Chorley, Lancashire, June 13, and July 11, at three, at the Commissionere-rooms, Man chester. Johnson, Son, and Weatherall, Temple, London ; Bag shaw and Stevenson, Manchester. ROBERT JORDISON, grocer, Stockton, Durham, June 6, and July 11, at twelve, at the Black Lion Hotel, Stockton. Per kins and Frampton, Gray's Inn-square, Middlesex; Wilson and Faber, Stockton. JAMES ORANGE, lace-manufacturer, Nottingham, June 8, and July 11, at eleven, at the George the Fourth Inn, Nottingham. Payne, Nottingham ; Taylor and Collisson, Great James-street, Bedford. row, London. JOSEPH HORATIO BUTTERWORTH, stuff-merchant, Gutter-lane, Londoa, June 23 and 24, and July 14, at two, at the Commissioners' -rooms, Manchester. Hardwick and Davidson, Lawrence-lane, Cl-eapside, London ; Lee, Leeds. HENRY MARTIN, tailor, Woolhampton, Berkshire, June 16, and July 14, at one, at the George Inn, Reading. Robertson, New Inn, London ' • Street, Reading. THOMAS and WILLIAM HARTLEY CARR, woollen manufacturers, Dewsbury-moor, Yorkshire, June 17, and July 11, at twelve, at the Yew-tree Inn, Birstal, Yorkshire. Van Sandau, Old Jewry, London ; Jacomb and Tindale, Huddersfield. MARIA ANN HUGHES, ironmonger, Birmingham, Warwick, June 6, anti July 11, at two, at the Hen and Chickens Hotel, Bir mingham. Austen and Hobson, Raymond-buildings, Gray's-inn, London ; Arnold and Haines, Birmingham. DIVIDENDS. At the Court of Bankruptcy, Basinghall-street. T. and J. Hurst, booksellers, Pall Mall, June 20, at eleven—T. Neal, sen., E. Neal, and T.' Neal, jun., clothiers, Wootton-under- Edge, Gloucestershire, June 20, at one--C. Baker, miller, Wim bledon, Surrey, June 23, at one—Z. Allnut, paper manufacturer, Wycombe, Buckinghamshire, June 20, at eleven—P. Astley, woollen warehousemen, Wood-street, Cheapside, June 20, at twelve—T. Wigginton, jeweller, Sheerness, June 20, at one—F. J. Mason, bookseller, W es t Strand, June 20, at twelve—A. Tulley, • grocer, Church-street, Hackney, June 21, at eleven—J. Cooper, painter, Hanover-street, Hanover-square, June 21, at one—H. Sutton, surgeon, Brighton, June 20, at two—J. B. Foster, brick maker, Lower-road, Islington, June 21, at two—F. Joyce, book seller, Southampton, June 22, at eleven—J. L. Brickeil, licensed victualler, St. Mary-at-hill, City, June 22, at twelve. In the Country. H. Shepherd, dealer, Beverley, Yorkshire, July 6, at twelve, at the Tiger Inn, Beverley-1% E. 'Wall, coal dealer, DudbridgeWharf, Gloucestershire, Aug. 14, at ten, at the George Hotel, Stroud, Gloucestershire—T. P. Birks, manufacturer of oil of vitriol, Bury, Lancashire, June 23, at twelve, at the Commissioners' Rooms, Man chester—W. Boulter, tobacconist, Worcester, June 22, at twelve, at the Unicorn Inn, Worcester—J. Davies, grocer, Liverpool, June 21, at one, at the Clarendon Rooms, Liverpool—J. Marshall, ribbon manufacturer, June 21, at eleven, at the Craven Arms Inn, Coventry—C. Eldbridge, builder, Brighton, June 29, at two, at the Town Hall, Brighton—T. Daniell, copper smelter, Trelissick, Cornwall, June 20, at eleven, at Pearce's Hotel, Truro—E. Dar byshire, power loom cloth manufacturer, Manchester, June 25, at three, at the Commissioners' Rooms, Manchester—T. Walsh, linen draper, Bath, June 27, at two, at the Commercial Rooms, Bristol—J. Bishton, ironmaster, Capponfield Iron Works, Stafford shire, June 21, at one, at the Lion Inn, Wolverhampton. CERTIFICATES, JUNE 20. T. Gore, flax spinner, Clayton Mill, Manchester—W. Harris, sen., and B. Harris, millers, Stoke Pri ors , W orces t ers hi re .—T. Webb and W. Pritchard, Pillguenley, and Z. Williams, Machen, Monmouthshire, coalmerchants--T. and W. Preedy, grocers, Ox ford—L. Hill, shopkeeper, Fleet-street—J. Marshall, ribbon manu facturer, Coventry—J. Ahrenfeld, merchant, Liverpool-L-J. H. Neild, brewer,. Motley Bank, Cheshire—J. Sayre, cheesemonger, High-street, Shadwell—R. Crofts, ribbon manufacturer, Coventry —S. Harris, timber merchant, Wardour-street, Soho—T. 3loly neux, linen draper, Falmouth. PARTNERSHIPS DISSOLVED. E. Oates and C. Gumby, list dealers, Leeds—H. Banner and Co., sharebrokers, Liverpool—W. Slack and J. Gunson, corn dealers, Manchester—R. C. Young and M. Hobson, builders, Gateshead—T. Davie and Co., shipbuilders, Sunderland—J. Pres ton and R. Watson, worsted manufacturers, Colne, Lancashire—A. Campbell and H. Pringle, ;shawl merchants, Birmingham—T. Street and P. Suddel, joiners, Bolton-le-Moors—J. Bunn, sen., and J. Bunn, jun.—J. Smith and E. Sergeant, drapers, Barrow upon-Humber, Lincolnshire—F. Schwann and J. Shaw, dyers— Huddersfield—J. Know and J. Cliff, joiners, Manchester—J. and A. Russell, linen drapers, Bradford—R. Jackson and W. Parvin, organ builders, Bolton-le-Moors--R. Varley and Co., wooll en merchants, Leeds—J. Whittaker and Co., grocers, Padiham, Lancashire. His Royal Highness Prince George of Cumberland attained his 18th year on Saturday last. Lord Haddo, eldest son of Earl Aberdeen, is not to remain an attache to Sir Charles Vaughan, at Constantinople. After the expiration of a tour of four months his Lordship will return to England. Lady Compton Domville had a splendid Ball on Monday night at her residence in Grosvenor-square. This was the second ball this lady has given this season, and was on the same scale of magnificence as the former one. Upwards of 300 persons of distinction were included in the brilliant assem blage. Dancing was commenced shortly before 11, and did not terminate until nearly four. The Marquis Conyngliam, as Lord Chamberlain to the King, gave a grand dinner on Monday evening, at Dudley House, Park-lane, to the Marquis Clanricarde, Earl Brown low, Earl of Aboyne, Sir Augustus Clifford, Lord C. Fitzroy, Hon. Wm. Ashley, Hon. Captain Courtenay Boyle, Mr. Wood, Mr. Blackwood, Colonel Lister, Lord Suffield, Lord Falkland, &c. The Earl of Minto gave a grand banquet at the Admiralty on Monday last, in honour of his Majesty's birth day. Lord Dalmeney, Rear Admiral Elliott, Lord Mel gund, Sir William Parker, Sir Edward Parry, Sir John Sa vage, Sir Byam Martin, Sir George Parker, Sir John Lewis, Hon. Robert Dundas, Sir Thomas Hardy, Sir J. Brenton, Sir T. Troubridge, Sir John Barrow, Sir William Symonds, Sir William Burnett, Captain Beaufort, Captain Clavell, &c., were among the guests. Covers were laid for 30. THE SALMON RIVER.—The salmon river is one of the upper branches of the Oregon or Columbia. It takes its name from the immense shoals of salmon which ascend it in the months of September and October. The salmon on the west side of the Rocky Mountains are, like the buffalo on the eastern plains, vast migratory supplies for the wants of man, that come and go with the seasons. As the buffalo, in countless throngs, find their certain way with the transient pasturage on the prairies, along the fresh banks of the rivers, and up every valley and green defile of the mountains, so the salmon, at their allotted seasons, regulated by a suldime and all-seeing Providence, swarm in myriads up the great rivers, and find their way up the main branches, and into the minutest tributary streams ; so as to pervade the great arid plains, and to penetrate even among barren mountains. Thus wandering tribes are fed in the desert places of the wilderness, where there is no herbage for the animals of the chase, and where, but for these periodical supplies, it would be impossible for man to subsist. The rapid currents of the rivers that run into the Pacific render the ascent of them very exhausting to the salmon. When the fish first run up the rivers, they are fat and in fine order. The struggle against impetuous streams and frequent rapids gradually renders them thin and weak, and great numbers are seen floating down the rivers on their backs. As the season advances, and the water becomes chilled, they are flung in myriads on the shores, where the wolves and bears assemble to banquet on them. Often they rot in such quan tities along the river banks, as to taint the atmosphere. They are commonly from two to three feet long,—Washington "Adventures of Captain Bonneville." SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOUICNAL`. There is nothing like a plain story to put down stupid and pompous malevolence. It has always been the custom to exoedite a writ to the place of its destination on the 'lllN f,. the House of Commons. On the liuitirl"67l,l4:3,7iiNt"linToy moven a new writ for the city o'f Glasgow: The -trit i vtith the vievv of ! - eing .for 4arded as usual by post that eeeniag, was sent to the Crown-offiee toi the purpose of having the great seal affixed to it. inc Chancellor vi , ,es sought, and had he been in Bruton -street, at his town residence . , :'here it was supposed he would be, the matter would have been at Mitt and im medately settled, and the writ in question at the Post office in time to be dis.patched that evening in the regular course by theonail ; but the chancellor was at Wimbledon! Wimbledon is some little way off, it took some little time to go there, and consequently the mail had Started thirty minutes before the writ returned. There was no time for much research or consideration. Mr. Stanley had a duty to perform, and he applied in this emergency to the person whom he might naturally consider the best authority on the sub ject, that ie, an old-standing clerk in the Treasury. " What is to be done in this case ?" says Mr. Stanley. " Oh, Sir," says the clerk, " the writ is to be sent by an express of the Post ; this is the way ; and I remember instances of a similar kind." Mr. Stanley accordingly sends the writ to the Post-office, requiring it, if possible, to be forwarded in the manner described. The if possible left the matter open to the discretion of the Post-office, and the knowledge of the law possessed by its function aries ; since, if their practice or information told them that the request expressed in:the:note was impossible, why, then the whole affair was concluded, and the writ could not be sent. But the person employed at the Post-office sent the writ. It arrives at Glasgow some few hours—earlier ? no ; later than the mail. It does not, as it happens, reach the Sheriff sooner than it would have done, even had the express not been sent. No party, therefore, suffered in con quence of any error, if any error were committed. But the Act of Parliament said that the writ should be sent by the next mail or post. Well, it was the accidental missing of the next mail that occasioned Mr. Stanley to recommend, "if possible," the express. It was in the wish that the in tention of the law should be complied with—it was in the desire to act in the spirit of that law, which in specifying the next mail meant the earliest possible conveyance under the authority of the Post-office—that Mr. Stanley's note was written. And then that slow and solemn coxcomb, whose ho peless heaviness the Whigs, when they had the misfor tune to have him for their Right Honourable Friend, feelingly deplored, and whose ignoble and virulent nature they have now full opportunity to learn, comes grandilo quently forward and puts his big and clumsy hand on this magnificent mare's nest, which he deluded himself into be lieving offered some miserable hope to his cupidity for office, and some yet more miserable qualification to his personal spite against a party. But it is not merely the thing that is done, it is the way of doing it that marks a man, and classes him with malevolent foes or gentleman like and generous opponents. Sir J. Graham's first step is to tell Mr. Stanley, some nights ago, that he intends to ask him a question. " What question ?" says Mr. Stanley. " I shall not tell you," says the Right Hon. Baronet, the old Whig, the former friend, the Member for Cumberland—" I shan't tell you." Now, what is the ordinary practice in the House? Why, actually to give notice, some days previously, that you are going to ask such or such a question of a Mem ber, when that question affects his personal or political cha racter, or the conduct of the party with which he is acting. This is the ordinary and usual practice between enemies— political enemies—in the House. But the Right Hon. Baronet thinks he may take the liberty of former friend ship. He was on such good terms with his Hon. and Right Hon. Friends, they sat so long and so closely together, that he may fairly be excused if he omits every thing like common kindness or courtesy in his pro ceedings towards them. The House recognised this pecu liar claim ; and loudly did they cheer Mr. Stanley when he said that the Member for Cumberland was the only Member in the House who would have displayed such exquisite good nature and good breeding. But this is not all. No : the Right Honourable Baronet had still a passing observation to make—a kind of gentle challenge to give—a small and indif ferent doubt to express. He wished—yes—he wished to be made quite sure that the note which Mr. Stanley offered to produce, and did finally produce, as the one he had written, was really the one he had written. He did not doubt the Honourable Gentleman—certainly not—but mes sengers had been sent with the letter—(what would that have had to do with its contents ?)—these messengers might have done something or other with the letter, it was not clear what, which would have made Mr. Stanley ignorant, we presume, whether the letter he held in his hand was his own letter or not. The House of Commons, which represents, after all, a great portion of the frank, spi rited, and honourable-minded people of England, could not stand this, so sneaking a mode of insinuating so atrocious a charge. It could not stand this double absence of courage and candour. The Right Hon. Baronet, pre suming upon his own nature, had gone one step too far for the nature of other men. The indignation .of all parties warned him of it, and, after two or three heavy at tempts to flounder out of his difficulties, he did the best thing for himself lie could do, and abandoned all further proceedings upon this very solemn and stupendous af fair. It may be well to remark, that no one supported the Right Hon. Baronet but Lord Stanley (! !), who, having attempted a question in his favour, to which he got an unsatisfactory answer, prudently abstained from further assistance. His Lordship, whatever might be his wish to advance to the rescue of his Right Hon. Friend and fellow-renegade, was forced to yield to the strong feeling in the House, provoked by his ungene rous and ungentlemanly conduct. The House subse quently occupied itself with discussing the resolutions of Lord Howick in support of the privilege of Parlia ment as to publishing and prohibiting the prosecution of the publishers, of its own documents and papers. The ques tion is a delicate one, inasmuch as that abuses of a very grievous kind may very possibly arise out of the prac tice at present prevalent. At the same time it is quite clear that in all inquiries before the House of Commons facts will and must be stated which in a Court of Law would be matter of libel ; and that to prevent the state ment of these facts would be in reality to prevent such inquiries. It then follows that if the inquiries in ques tion are advantageous to the public, the publication of them must be advantageous also. But if you sanction the publication, you must protect those whom you en trust with it. Of the two evils, therefore, as to publica tion, the last seems . undoubtedly the least ; and all that we wish to call attention to in respect to the privilege which a vote has now claimed is the difficulty of main taining or enforcing it. But we are much mistaken if the Courts of Law will, in the teeth of this vote, venture to repeat the proceedings which have led to the decision of last night.—ilforning Chronicle. The insolence of Whig-Radicalism is, perhaps, the most inexplicable of the ingredients in its incongruous character. What, for example, after the recent and wretched reduc tion of the Ministerial majority to " five," could be so na tural in the discomfited as a bearing "of mild behaviour and humility ?" One would have thought that the scribes of the faction would have assumed a virtue though they had it not—that, even if resolved on retaining office till hurled from their fastness by the popular will, they would have prepared to entertain their fate with decency, instead of provoking castigation, at a moment when they have so many claims on the pity (contemptuous, not commiserating) of their political opponents. But no ; this is the moment they select for advancing pretensions the most insolent and unconstitutional on a subject which, if approached at all, must demand a delicacy of treating it impalpable to the gross apprehensions of the " or the faded frippery of the Ponderous " Levity" Journal. We _ _ long since disposed of Mr. D - aniel O'Connell's proposal of approaching the Heiress Presumptive with a Popish congratulation on the attainment of what the now-extinguished agitator . termed a " political majo rity." We have at present to remark on the instruments of Mr. Daniel O'Connell—the Whig-Radical Journals, who are exerting themselves to the utmost for the purpose of giving a political significance to the national homage offered to the Princess Victoria on her Royal Highness completing her 18th year. The " Ponderous-Levity" jour nal had the impertinence, the " ill-bred insolence," to con- nect the celebration of the anniversary of the birth-day of the Princess Victoria with the anniversary of the establish- ment of the Reform Club! In explanation of which effrontery the Ministerial print informed us that the faction hoped on some future clay to hail her Royal Highness as the Reform Queen. Is not this ill-bred ? Is this not inso- tent ? ln point of fact it is, in terms not to be mistaken, saying to the subjects of our present gracious Sovereign, that under a certain, and, as we and all loyal Englishmen hope, a remote contingency, the enemies of the Constitution in Church and State are justified in anticipating the ful- filment of their factious deigns. Let us, then, consider for a moment the question thus impertinently forced on the national attention. In the event, so deeply to be deprecated, of these dominions being deprived of the paternal and benignant sway of the truly English Monarch by whom their destinies are now directed, a question must arise. superior to any individual influence, however exalted, saving as far as such influence is subservient to the con stitutional Monarchy by which the people of England have wisely determined to be governed. This question is, on what grinciple the British empire is in future to be governed? Simple, indeed, would this question be were it left to the decision of the wise, the good, and the brave, by whom in the most trying moments of our his tory the vessel of the State has been rescued from diffi culty and danger. But it would appear that the base and heartless advocates of the Whig-Radical faction indulge really entertain of this affair, notwithstanding their attempts to make a boastful noise about it, is sufficiently indicated by their dishonest quibbling with reference to the last election. The Tories, they say, have polled five votes less than they did at the last election. Now, at the last election there was no candidate who belonged avowedly to the Con _ this is by no means the worst part of the quibble. The Morning Chronicle, which notices so loud!y that Mr. Monteith polled only 2,292 votes, while Mr. Ewing polled 2,297, takes care not to notice that Mr. Oswald polled :,832 votes, while Mr. Dennistoun has polled only 3,050. It is indeed forced into some comparison with the election of 1835, but, as usual, it takes care to make a false one. It condescends to admit (suppressing, however, the just in ference) that Mr. Dennistoun polled 217 votes less than Mr. Dunlop polled in 1835. But what have the votes for Mr. Dunlop to do with the matter ? Nothing at all if the question were examined honestly ; but an opportunity was afforded for deception, which the Chronicle could not let slip. The writ sent to Glasgow was not to elect a Member in the room of Mr. Dunlop, but it was to elect a Member in the room of Mr. Oswald. Now, Mr. Oswald had a majority over Mr. Ewing of 1,533 ;_and his successor, Mr. Dennistoun, has a niaj;rity over Mr. Monteith of 758. And this is the great Ministerial victor about which so much noise is made! We have admitted too much in saying that Ministers %%ere only not defeated. They were defeated to the extent of their majority being reduced by more than one half. This is a good beginning in Glasgow, aud, as Treasury tricks will not work always to such ad vantage as they did on a late occasion, we may hope that the next time the other half of the Ministerial majority %vill be taken away, and leave the Chronic/0 to twang its lament in the same dignified strain as it lately practised upon the occasion of the Westminster demonstration. — Morning Post. We have now enjoyed nearly a fortnight of good weather ; and the accounts we have received from different parts of the country regarding the progress of vegetation are of the most cheering kind. —Scotsman. Er Er"' , an expectation that the day ni enabled to decide the political It/ infatuation can these vain men ha vlit Vet?, 0 they suppose that the throne of Elic,r,la (I, can be approached by a body of men, - Fljo pre t apd the destruction of the institutions in MOM have hitherto proved the safeguard of the English monarchy ? Will these degraded and desperate politicians say to any fatnre occupant of the throne or these kingdoms, that Popery mutt ha rampant in Ireland, the Peerage abolished in England, the Established Church destroyed, and the whole scheme of our polity changed ? Will they submit to the consideration of the Sovereign, and that Soverign a Queen, the undefinable baseness of feeling and of principle by which Mr. Daniel O'Connell and the Minis ters now serving under him seek to make all things subser vient to their sordid views of self-aggrandizement and public spoliation ? Is it t o b e t h oug ht o f that, under any circum stances, this renowned nation, which has vanquished all honourable foes by sea and land, should at last be doomed to the intolerable degradation of seeing her treasured re collections, her ennobling nationality—in short, all the effects of the wisdom, the enterprise, the valour, and the glory of centuries, sacrificed at the shrine of the vainest and vilest combination ever yet associated for the ad vancement of a mercenary and base ambition ? No, this can never be. In the very magnitude of the danger we discover a certain and steadfast hope. There is no machination, however cunningly contrived, no possible association of the disreputable, the reckless, and the mean, which can encounter, still less conquer, the indomitable spirit which gives life and heart and energy to this em pire, and which from month to month is continually con firming the " reaction" which the Whigs and Radicaii; so much deplore. On many grounds we would rather have refrained from these remarks, but the insolence of the sup porters of the " Five" Administration, the gross and unpa ralleled brutality of their anticipation, have rendered it necessary that we should give utterance to what we know to be the general feeling of our fellow-countrym en in fa vour of that constitutional Monarchy, which, having baffled the conspirators now combined against it, :nay be confi dently declared beyond the reach of any future danger.— Times. The conduct of Ministers in the House of Commons, last night, in reference to the subject of the Brighton Rail way Bill, was such as we consider, and we are sure the public will agree with us in that opinion, to be high.',} de rogatory to the character of the Government of a gl - eat country. The Report of the Committee in favour of the direct line, stood, as we mentioned, for consideration last evening. Captain Alsager moved that the Report be re ceived and adopted, to which Lord George Lennox pro posed the following amendment :—" That an humble ad dress be presented to his Majesty to appoint a Govern ment engineer to report upon the respective lines of railway to the House." This is the third attempt that has been made by a manoeuvre in the House to get rid of the deliberate and solemn decision of the Committee upon the evidence after a most protracted and patient investigatiou. How did Government act in this matter ? Instead of prescrviug, as is usual, a character of neutrality beti‘een the parties pro moting, rival Bills of a private nature, Government acted in a spirit of the most zealous partisanship—throwing all its influence into the scale of Stephenson s rejected line, and bringing up its official forces to defeat, if possible, that Bill for a Brighton Railway, in favour of which the general opinion of the inhabitants of Brighton has been most unequivocally expressed. Notwithstanding all the weight of Government influence, and although the Chan cellor of the Exchequer, Lord John Russell, the leader of the House of Commons, Lord Morpeth, the Secretary for Ireland, Colonel A. L. Hay, Mr. Vernon Smith, Mr. E. J. Stanley, Mr. Poulett Thomson, and a host of officials voted for the amendment of Lnrd George Lennox, yet it was carried by only a 'paltry majority of seven, the numbers being—for the amendment, 164 ; against it, 157. Thus Ministers nominally succeeded in their opposition to the Bill which the Committee had adopted ; but such success is a virtual defeat. Take away the placemen from the division, and Ministers, instead of having a miserable majority, will be found to have been left in a considerable minority. Ministers have no strength to spare at present, but when it shall appear that, in ad dition to their other misdeeds, they have taken to jobbing in private Bills, their moral power, small as it is at present, will be further diminished, and along with it such a reduc- tion of their numerical support must inevitably take place, as cannot fail to accelerate their dowefall. The people of Brighton now see what an ungrateful return they receive from the Ministry which they have supported. Their eyes are now opened, and they will not be likely to fall into that mistake another time. Supported as they were by all the government influence, the supporters of the rejected line did not venture to move a direct negative to the reception of the report of the committee. Had they done that, all that Ministers could do would not have prevented their defeat.. They, therefore, took an intermediate course, which, while it obtained the votes of 90 me waverers, did not appear to be exactly the same thing as setting aside the Report of the Committee ; but it is intended to defeat the Bill for the di rect line by delay, if it cannot be done by other means—and delay is obtained by the course which has been adapted. Several Members, who usually support Government have expressed themselves strongly upon the conduct which Mi nisters pursued last night in making a Government measure of a question respecting a private Bill. Such conduct on he part of Ministers of State will, we hope, be without imi ation, as it is without example.—illorniny Herald. The Whig-Radical trumpet-blowers have very great talents for forgetfulness. The Glasgow election has not only put that of Westminster utterly out of their recollec tion—of which we do not complain—but it enables them to draw general conclusions, which the Glasgow election does not support, and which the Westminster election utterly contradicts. This, we think, is rather too much for the reality of delusion, and deserves to be treated as the boasting of unscrupulous falsehood. In Glasgow the ques tion was merely whether one Ministerial Member should be succeeded by another Ministerial Member, and the consti tuency which happened to exist at the moment of the elec tion—an election confessedly hurried on to answer Ministe rial purposes—decided in the affirmative. In Westminster, which, without meaning any disrespect to our Northern neighbours, we may be permitted to say is a city of rather more importance than even Glasgow —the question was very different. It was whether a distinguished Member of Parlia ment, who in previous elections had been returned by the influence of the party which supports the present Govern ment, could now, by that same influence, be kept out of his scat. It was an election to try whether a public man who denounced the existing Government as " vacillating and incapable" would, nerertheless, be supported in West minster, and returned to Parliament, despite all the in fluence which the King's Government and its revolutionary allies could exercise. Upon that question the Government and the revolutionists were beaten. We appeal to all im partial minds to say which victory tells most decisively for the party who gained it ? Glasgow has done nothing more than Glasgow had always done. The party who gained the election are in no better situation than they were be fore the election took place. Their triumph is simply the negative one of not having been defeated. And even this negative triumph is by no means of an encouraging nature, fur it amounts to this—that, instead of a Ministerial Member, who was elected by a majority of 1,535, they have a Ministerial Member elected by a majority of not half that number. The sense which Ministerialists servative party. Mr. EWing, who is now Called the Tory candidate, was elected, on a former occasion, as a sup porter of Lord Grey's Government, and an advocate of the principles of the Reform Bill. That he now be longs to the Conservative party, we are proud to ac knowledge ; but that he stood as a candidate upon the Conservative interest exclusively we utterly deny. But WINDSOR-TUESDAI In. contradiction of the exaggerated reports said to be in circulation with regard to the pident iittt. of o“.r heloved Sovereign's health; we feel most Sinbere plbasiire iii atitiottiic= ins that his Majesty is tilninSt quite, well again; Old wits yes; t4thi47 suffleiently.:feE6eFed tb bp able to itt,ess ftbm Die boF: ridor of the Castle the review of the troops in the noire A cruard of honour caw to the Castle to escort the Queen, who went down into the park in a carriage an d four : aF t also the Thiqbesq nf filoupester, ,Every person present felt truly rejoiced gild her Majesty, this being the first diU has been in public for more than two months. The Queen's chamber musicians played again last night, this being their first performance in the presepee of her Majesty since the death of the Duchess of ako Earl Munster atritied yesterday at the Castle, and left again this morning for Eaton-square. Her Royal Highness the Duchess of Gloucester also left this film-nine fbr Gloucester Lodge, Piccadilly, and Sir Henry lialford, for Curzon -street, Alay-fair. Baron Ompteda arrived this day, and had an audience of the King; after which his Excellency left for town. This afternoon the Queen walked to Adelaide Lodge, at tended by some of her suite. Sir Harry Neale will leave to-morrow for town. The King, it is expected, will go to town on Thursday next, for the purpose of holding a levee. The sum of 731. 18s. 4d. was collected at the doors of Wind sor Church, on Sunday last, after the sermon preached by the Rev. Isaac Gosset, being the largest sum ever collected there, excepting in the case of the distressed Irish. COURT CIRCULAR. The Duchess of Kent received congratulatory addresses yes terday, from the Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and Commons of the city of London. At two o'clock, the hour appointed for the reception of the addresses, the Lord Mayor arrived at Kensington Palace, in a state carriage, drawn by six hors es , p rece d e d b y t h e City Mar shals, in full uniforms, on horseback, and by the City Marshal men. His Lordship was,•attended by his Chaplain, the Rev. T. H. Horne, the Sword-bearer, and the Mace-bearer; and was accompanied by the following me mbers of the Court of Aldermen :—Aldermen Wood, M.P., Sir Claudius Hunter, Sir William Heygate, Sir Peter Laurie, Winchester,Venables, Humphreys, Sir John Key, Sir Chapman Marshall, Cowan, and Harmer. The Recorder, Sir James Duke, Sheriff, Mr. Sheriff John son, the City Chamberlain, the Common Sergeant, the City Remembrancer, Mr. Under- Sheriff France, Mr. Under- Sheriff Wire, the Rev. Mr. Jennings, Chaplain to Mr. Sheriff John son ; the City Comptroller, the City Solicitor, Deputies Wilt shire, Matthews, and 150 members of the Court of Common. Council, wearing their respective ensigns and robes of office, came up with the addresses. The Corporation were ushered by Captain the Hon. Fre derick Spencer, and Colonel the Hon. J. H. Caradoc, equer ries of the Duchess of Kent, to the presence of her Royal Highness and the Princess Victoria, in the grand saloon. Their Royal Highnesses were attended by the following Ladies and Gentlemen of the Household :—the Duchess of Northumber land, Lady Catherine Jenkinson, Lady Flora Hastings, Lady Mary Stopford, Lady Conroy, Hon. Lady Cust, Baroness Lehzen, Sir John Conroy, Sir Frederick Wetherell, Sir George Anson, General Upton, Colonel Harcourt, Captain Spencer, and Colonel Caradoc. Her Royal Highness the Princess Sophia was present ; also, their Serene Highnesses the Prince and Princess of Leiningen, and several of their Royal Highnesses personal friends. The Recorder read the address to her Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent, from the Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and Com mons, as follows : TO HER ROYAL HIGHNESS THE DUCHESS OF KENT. " We, the Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and Commons of the City of London, in Common Council assembled, approach your Royal Highness to offer our congratulations upon the happy occasion of your Royal daughter the Princess Alezan drina Victoria having attained the age of 18 years. It is scarcely possible for us to appreciate the feelings of your Royal Highness upon this joyful event ; but we beg to ex press our unfeigned hope that you may long witness the fruits of your care and attention, bestowed in so exemplary a manner, upon the education of your Royal daughter, in the admiration and affections of a free people." Her Royal Highness made the following answer:— •' My Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and Commons, of the City of London, " If I consulted my own feelings, I would abstain from a reply, except to assure you, that my heart is filled with gratitude. " The Disposer of all human events has vouchsafed to allow me to be rewarded, far beyond what I deserve, by witnessing, at this epoch, so dear to my maternal feelings, such general expressions of loyalty to our King, hope and confidence in my child, and approbation of the way in which I have brought her up. It makes me feel, I should add a few words more, as what I say on this occasion may reach many who take a lively inte rest in the event you congratulate me on; and as this is most probably the last public act of my life, I feel called on to do so. " I pass over the earlier part of my connection with this country. I will merely briefly observe, that my late regretted consort's circumstances and my duties obliged us to reside in Germany. But the Duke of Kent, at much inconvenience, and I, at great personal risk, returned to England, that our child should be born and bred a Briton.' " In a few months afterwards my infant and myself were awfully deprived of father and husband. We stood alone, al most friendless and unknown in this country. I could not even speak the language of it. I did not hesitate how to act. I gave up my home, my kindred, my duties, to devote myself to that duty which was to be the whole abject of my future life. I was supported in the execution of my duty by the country—it placed its trust in me, and the Regency Bill gave me its last act of confidence. " I have in times of great difficulty avoided all connection with any party in the state ; but if I have done so, I have never ceased to press on my daughter her duties, so as to gain by her conduct the respect and affection of the people. This I have taught her should be her first earthly duty, as a con stitutional sovereign. " The princess has arrived at that age which now justifies my expressing my confident expectation that she will be found competent to execute the sacred trust which may be reposed in her; for communicating, as she does, with all classes of society, she cannot but perceive that the greater the diffusion of religion, knowledge, and the love of freedom in a country, the more orderly, industrious, and wealthy is the population ; and that with the desire to preserve the constitutional preroga tives of the crown ought to be co-ordinate the protection of the liberties of the people." The Recorder also read the address from the Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and Commons of the City of London, to her Royal Highness the Princess Victoria, as follows : " TO HER ROYAL HIGHNESS THE PRINCESS VICTORIA. " We, the Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and Commons of the City of London, in Common Council assembled, approach your Royal Highness upon the happy occasion of your Royal Highness having attained the age of 18 years. " We confidently anticipate with the liveliest satisfaction the benefits to be derived from the excellent education your Royal Highness has received under the exemplary care of your illustrious Mother, and in the full assurance that, in whatever station your• Royal Highness may be called upon to occupy, you will continue to afford an example of those virtues that dignify and adorn the female character. And we fer vently hope that you may long continue to live in the enjoy ment of health and in the admiration and affection of a free and happy people." Her Royal Highness made the following answer " I am very thankful for your kindness, and my Mother has expressed all my feelings." The Lord Mayor, Aldermen, the Recorder, the Sheriffs, and the principal civic functionaries, the mover and seconder of the Address, were afterwards severally presented to the Duchess of Kent . and the Princess Victoria. After partaking of refreshments, which were served in the ante-room, the deputation left the Palace. After receiving the City Addresses, the Duchess of Kent presented to the Princess of Victoria the following : The Bishop of Bangor, with an Address from the Chapter of Bangor. Lord Godolphin, with an Address from the Mayor and Cor poration of Cambridge. Lord Leveson, with an Address from Morpeth. Lord Foley, with an Address from the Mayor, Magistrates, and burgesses of the borough of -Droitwich. Mr. Fectorpl. P., with an addreis from Dover. Sir John Scott Lillie, with an address from Hammersmith. Lieut. - Colonel Rushbrooke, M.P., with an address from the Mayor, Aldermen, and Council of Sudbury. The Mayor and Members for Norwich, with an address from the Town Council of the city of Norwich. Mr. Steuart, M. P., with an address from the borough of Ha ldington. Dr. John Nicholl, M.P., with an address from the gentry, Clergy, and Magistrates, and other inhabitants of the borough and neighbourhood of Cardiff'. Mr. J. H. Vivian, with an address from the inhabitants of Swansea. At the drawing-room held at St. James's Palace, on Mon. day, in celebration of the King's birth-day, Lieutenant-Col. Wright was among the Queen's Gentlemen Ushers in wait ing. The Countess of Stradbroke and the lady Harriet Mitchell were among the company present, and the Hon. Mrs. Raikes Currie was presented by the Lady Harriet Mitchell. Lord Glenclg gave a state dinner, in honour of the King's birth-day. The company included the Commander of the Forces, the President of the Board of Control, the Adjutant- General of the Forces, Mr. Burge, agent for Jamaica, Mr. Colquhoun, agent for St. Vincent, Mr. Mayers, agent for Barbadoes, and several officers of the Board of Ordnance. At Viscount Melbourne's dinner party on Monday, to cele brate his Majesty's birth-day, his Royal Highness the Duke of Sussex, the Dukes of Somerset, Grafton, Sutherland, and 20 other Peers, were present. The Chancellor of the Exchequer gave a State dinner, in honour of the day, at his residence in Mansfield-street. Among the company were the Governor and Deputy Governor of the Bank, the Chairmen of the Customs, Excise, and Stamps, the Lords and Secretaries of the Treasury. The Duchess of Gloucester arrived in town yesterday from Windsor Castle. The Princess Augusta visited her Royal Highness in the afternoon. The Duke of Cumberland came to town yesterday, from his residence at Kew. A Cabinet Council, which was attended by most of the Ministers, was held yesterday afternoon at the Foreign Office, Toe Council sat an hour and a half. The Chancellor of the Exchequer bad an audience er the