The Sun. — London, England, 1852-03-31 00:00:00

fund available for immediately carrying out a resolution of that House upon the subject.—(Hear, bear.) The expense had been, he thought, underrated by the Hon. Member; but even that was not the main difficulty. It wont i be necessary to reserve to the Government the power of investigating ail the details of the question, for he apprehended that some difficulty might arise be tween naval officers and crews of mercantile steamers serving together in cases of emergency. The crews might also probably be unwilling to place themselves under martial law, and it was here that the chief diffi culty lay —(Hear, hear.) He was perfectly certain that the present Board of Admiralty would rejoice if every vessel now belonging to any company could be rendered subservient to purposes of defence, and he was not pre pared to say that by strict economy such a desirable re sult might not be arrived at without any considerable increase of expense.—(Hear, hear.) The Admiralty would carry out the resolution proposed by the Hon. • Gentleman in the fairest spirit, and in the earnest belief that it might be brought to a succ , ssful issue. —(Hear, hear.) And he thought that the following words of Mr. Laing before the Committee afforded some encou ragement for hoping, that in cases of emergency no insuperable difficulties would arise on the part of the. merchant seamen towards rendering the mercantile marine available for the defence of the country. Mr. Laing was asked whether he had any means of knowing what were the views of the merchant seamen and engi neers on the subject, and whether they would make any complaint against being subjected to the rules of the Queen's service. Mr. Laing replied—" The only proof that I can give is this. Last year, at a time when there was disturbance, and no one knew what the result might be, I received orders to have so many ships in readiness ss might be required. It never entered into my mind to ask the crews or engineers any question on the sub ject. I merely told them that ships were wanting, and that we did not know where they were going to, and they never asked any questions about it, nor exhibited the least reluctance." It was in no niggard spirit that the Board of Admiralty accepted the proposition of the Hon. Member, but in the earnest hope that the defences thus provided would be found sufficient, and that in these arrangements a good feeling might be promoted between the navy and the mercantile marine, so that another connexion might be formed between those sister branches of the sea service of the country. The Admiralty ac cepted the proposition of the Hon. Gentleman in the erieit. in which it had been brought forward , an d he , confidently trusted tnat Lee _--la t., fnund to arise from it —(Hear, bear.) Captain SCOBELL considered that the statement of the lion. Member the Secretary to the Admiralty was very satiaractory, and he thought it would go far to show that the country was Perfectly safe. — (Cheers.) The speech should properly have pre ceded the debate on the militia last night, for it would have dissipated the doubts which many Honourable Members entertained with regard to the defence of the country. He rejoiced that the • Admiralty had thought proper to avail the m selves o f every means of defence for the purpose of guarding the British Channel. Admiral STEWART rejoiced in the employment of mercantile steamers in cases of emergency, but be could not shut his eyes to the fact that in the mixed strews which manned them there might be great difficulty in obtaining that amount of discipline which was necessary ould ad a all vessels employed as a nationa l defence. He should feel rejoiced at everything that w d to the cordiality of feeling between the merca ntile marble and the navy. —(Hear, hear.) An Hon. Gentlema n had stated that there were not ships ready to go to sea, but he overlooked the fact of their screw-vessels; and h e (Admiral Stewart) hoped the day was not distant when vessels of war would no longer put to sea unaccompanied by a tender or screw. There was an im portant ques tion asked—" How was the active list to be kept h ree ve d efficient?" That was a very difficult prOb eolet m•— ad ffiear, hear.) He did not say the late Governor the difficulty, but they had taken an iePg rtan t, step towards the alleviation of the di ffi culty.--(L:ear, °ear.) It could scarcely be done by reference to the Years o f the officers, as in other countries, for Lo rd , D uncan fought one of his greatest battles at the age o ' "renty years.—(Hear, hear.) Another great problem was the' manning of the navy and the state of the gunspry. The gunnery afloat now was as different as;possibl, frol n that in use at the close of the last war — as dieetent aa a blunderbuss from a rifle. He now anxiously Press could ed oft the notice of the Admiralty the fact that t hey not pay too much attention to the education of the seamen gunners of the fleet. He denied there were tyrannical i officers in the navy at present; the day for that c r ass of Bien was passed over, and be asse r ted the Britis h navy Was better treated than any other c lass of met in the Public service. Captain HARRIS regarded the stat em e nt of the Secr,etary of the Admiralty as most important , particularly " was divested of all official reserve. He did not admire tha t o cial reserve, because the French and Russians were quite aware of the resources of this country, both by sea and —(Hear, hear.) The arguments of the Hon. Membert°r a Bath was, that we had not a suf f icient number of aten elll- vessels to prevent the advent of a foreign power t° shores. And almost in the same breath he said , that eel ",,s fences were sufficient, He (Captain Harris) was at a l ess o .reconcile these two statements. Captain SCOBELL had stated that we had a suffic ient number of ships, but that we had not men to man theta , Captain HARRIS said that was the case, and that !' s the reason why Parliament was now called upon to poll" some additional defences, which would be available i n CI of sudden emergency. Ye was truly glad that the Govetl . same at the eleventh hour, had proposed to man the DK, by means of a reserve force. He had himself suggested plan, and he hoped that in working it out, some margi n Would be left to the Board of Admiralty to lay down sea; regulations, especially with respect to the service of warran t officers in the coasting trade as they might deem necessarl; He was glad that his suggestion as to a naval reserve had been adopted by the late Board of Admiralty. Mr. HUME said the Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Stafford) had satisfactorily proved that our coasts were not so denuded of protection as had been said. He trusted that the Admiralty would not allow the practice of sending home ships-of war to bring bullion merely for the purpose of giving a per ventage to the captains. The Hon. Admiral (H. Stewart) had talked of the high feeling of our naval officers, and had stated ,that they were well affected to our commercial Marine. How could that be the case when our naval officers Would not throw out an anchor or a cable to merchant vessel ix distress without demanding salvage? This was an abuse Which ought to be remedied. No captain of a French or American man-of-war ever demanded a, shilling for services rendered to a merchant vessel, but in this country many of our officers had sued in the courts to obtain payment from merchants for services rendered to vessels belonging to them. An order bad, he understood, been already issued remedying a portion of this abuse, but he hoped the Government would complete what they had so well begun in that respect, and direct that our officers should afford assistant to merchant vessels in distress without claiming any salvage. He must state that a very great improvement had of late years ' been effected in the pay, provisions, and accommodations of our sailors. No difficulty was experience by the ameri cans in manning their navy, and he could not conceive why the English navy should be an exception. He doubted Much whether the proposed naval reserve would do much good. If the House considered the statements made in the speech of the Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Stafford), and considered also the speech made the day before yesterday at Paris by the President, in which he stated that he wished to cultivate most amicable relations with other countries—that he in tended to reduce the armament of France, and that the law was re-established—he thought they might dismiss the sub ject of a Militia Bill altogether.—(Hear.) Our colonies did not require ships of war for their protection. It was singular to notice that no mention had been made in this discussion of the United States, which, in fact, was the only com peting power with us as to a mercantile marine. At the termination of the Mexican war the United States reduced their naval establishment in order that they might husband their resources, so that they might inore effectually employ th em if a war should break out. This was an example that the Government of this country ought to follow. He wished to encourage our commerci al nav y . Let free trade be the word, and then we should find no difficulty in manning our navy. He would merely add, that the statements which he had heard from the Government was extremely satisfac tory—(Hear.hear)—for. it evinced on their part an anxious desire to improve the condition of the navy, and also to at tend to practical suggestions made by others. Mr. W. COWPER wished to refer to one statement which had been made by his Hen. Friend (Mr. Hame), who ap peared to have got rid of his usual good temper when he spoke in somewhat disparaging terms of the officers of our navy. Those officers had only received what they were entitled to receive by the law, and therefore the y could not be blamed for dema ndin g their le g al eights. They were gallant and honourable men, and they collie, not be accused of being actuated by any grasping or unworthy motives.— (He a r, hear.) He appro ved of the s y st em of n aval re serve, which he thought would furnish a body of seamen, . w ho would be paid and bound to assembl e and joi n . w hen required. He considered t hat blame was no.ititli3s to be placed on Government for taking into account the amount of naval strength of foreign powers. Our mean s of defence ought to bear some proportion to the means of attack possessed by foreign powers. He was of opinion that our defences were not altogether in so satisfactory a state as they ought to be; for he believed it would be found that France had relatively a greater naval strength than we had. He did not think the fear of invasion was such a folly as had been described. He felt satisfied if we were by any means dragged into a war with any foreign power, that power would most certainly attack us by attempting to invade our shores. Colonel Moore, who had treated the subject scientifically, was of opinion that any attack upon this Country would most probably be made in several places simultaneously, so that if our naval force were concentrated on any one place, the attacks at the two others would very likely be most vigorous. It was said that disembarkations were dangerous things—no doubt; but that did not prove that they were not likely to be attempted, or that they might not be successful. For, in war, the most audacious attacks were often the most successful. Captain PECHELL said he was sorry he had not heard the speech of the Hon. Secretary for the Admiralty, but he understood that the Hon. Gentleman had recommended some sort of system for the defence of the coast. Now it was absurd to place guns in a coast town without fortifications; it was only the way to get the place battered down. Mere guns were no defence against steamers with projectiles. Did the Hon. Gentleman then Mean merely to mount guns? Mr. STAFFORD.—No. then, mean to fortify the Captain PECHELL.—Did he, Coast towns? Mr. STAFFORD.—No. Captain PECHELL.— Then what did the Hon. Gentleman Mean? Mr. STAFFORD.—As the Hon. and Gallant Gentleman Was not in the House when I spoke, he can scarcely expect to understand what I said —(Hear, hear.) I said the south eastern coast was now defenceless.— ( Hear, hear.) Captain PECHELL. — Well, let the Hon. Member make another disposition of the naval force. He hoped such a system as that of the martello towers would not be recurred to,. which was nothing more than a system of jobbing Why, there had been a great ditch dug 30 miles long and 28 feet wide, which was expected to stop a French army that had crossed the Vistula or the Rhine.—(Laughter.) however, it was really too bad that Hon. Members should delay the business of the House by p rolon g in g a discussion of this sort.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear," in the midst of which the Gallant Gentleman, as if perceiving the applica tion of his observation to himself, sat down.) Mr. ANDERSON shortly replied. He was so gratified with the extremely satisfactory s peech of the Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Stafford) that he should withdraw his mo tion.—(Hear, hear.) He first wished to explain two points. The expense of the system he proposed would only be about 1 00004 a year; and the objeet a ilia Bole= Y 9 a o oopeoihlly .z..; . t- - promptitude, in order that the steamers might be ready for war purposes at a week's notice. Lord PALMERSTON said he hoped iron steamers would not be subjected to the system, as they could not be used for the purposes of war.—( Hear.) Captain DUNCOMBE said the Admiralty had already ar rived at that conclusion. THE WINE DUTIES. Mr. ANSTEY moved for a Select Committee to inquire into the causes of the decline of the revenue derived from the import duties on wines. He did not mean to contend that the duties had declined during the last two years, but that the revenue was less now under high duties than in former years it had been under low duties. He could prove that under lower duties the consumption had been greater and the revenue larger. In 1788-90 the wine trade was comparatively free. The genius of Mr. Pitt had emancipated it from many regulations which the prejudices of former days had imposed. The treaties of 1786 with France had been made the prelude for remission of the duties, which had been reduced from 9s. 2d. a gallon to 45. 6d. on French wines, and 3s. a gallon on Peninsular. And Mr. Pitt then said, '‘ The reduction on the duty will increase the consump tion and afford an opportunity for exporting fabrics in *hich the capital and navigation of the country arc engaged, and for disposing of cotton and woollen and hardware manufactures, as well as increasing our revenue." In 1784-86 the annual consumption of all wines imported had been 3,350,130 gal lons • in 1788.90 (after the reduction of duty) it had risen to 5,742,600 gallons, showing an increase of consumption to the extent of 2,292,530 gallons, and the revenue had in creased 88,586/. In 1791 the consumption was 7,850,000 gallons; in 1849, only 6,437,200 gallons; yet the popula tion had doubled in the meantime. In the reign of Charles 11. the duties on wine had been only 4d. or 6d. per gallon, and in 1669 the consumption was more than 9,000,000 gal lons (of imported wines)—more than it had ever been since. Under the Methuen treaty, in the time of Queen Anne, the duties bad been increased to about ss. a gallon. In the period of Mr. Pitt the duties had been reduced, and since that time had been varied fifteen times. About twenty years ago, under Mr. Robinson, the duties had been reduced ; and the consumption had increased from 5,000,000 gallons to 8,000,000 gallons. In 1831 there had been a step towards improvement by means of the equalisation of duties. But in 1840 the duties had again been increased, and that in crease had continued to the present time, the duty on French wine being ss. 6d. a gallon. The effect of the dif ferential duty in favour of Portuguese wines was, that whereas that natural price of a pipe of Port would, but for the Oporto Wine Company, be 101, and even under the monopoly of that company would be only 204, the duty raised it to 33/. The effect of the raising of the duty in 1840 had been to decrease the consumption from 7,486,000 gallons to 6,550,000 gallons ; and the revenue had declined from 1,849,600/. to 1,790,000/. In live .. years following „ the Ahleeetnhuesnatsroe9alt.y, In a lie t a h v e e7 v e e annual uulvu.., ~. _,,.. yea rs following the lower e d d ut i es or e. 1.. eon,., the had been 1 , 148 ,75 5 /. ; in the five years following theglealarg tion of duty under Mr. Robinson the amount had been about 1,500,0004 In the five years following 1839 it had been 1,849,6584 ; and in 1850 the amount had been (after the increase of the duties) 1,167,9901. From these premises the Hon. Member contended that the duties should be equalised, , not by increasing the duties on Portuguese wines, but by di minishing the duties on French wines —a course which would be the more just, since the Portuguese had systematically disregarded the Methuen treaty. 'deprecating any resort to an ad valorem duty, as impracticable, or at all events, as opening the door to fraud, he was of opinion that a duty of Is. a gallon on French wine, answering as nearly as possible to the 1 franc octroi duty of France, would be an equitable daty, and at the same time lead to an increased consumption of real (not sparious) wine, and to an accession of revenue. According to a memorial presented two years ago to the Noble Lord the Member for the City of London, it appeared that in Paris the amount of wine consumed at 1 franc duty was at the rate of 216 bottles per head per annum. Now, assuming the consumption of wine in this country to be increased to only the extent of three bottles per head, it would yield a revenue of three millions, in place of one million and a half now raised with so much difficulty. Supposing the amount to be raised to 18 bottles per head (half of the amount con sumed in Hamburgh), the revenue would be benefited to the extent of four millions per annum. Such a revenue would enable the Government to get rid of much of the house duty, to reduce those taxes which pressed upon the comforts of the people, and would lead to a prospective re peal of the malt tax.—(Hear, hear.) He hadalreaaldsyo s t a ted that the monopoly of the Oporto Wine Comp any en h an ced the price of , wine in Portugal. He might add that it was intimately connected with the subject matter of his motion, for it was well known that excess i ve t ax ation on commodities of this kind not only checked com petition, but tended to create an artificial taste for spurious articles. At the present moment the Portuguese Govern ment, by their system of taxing exports, got 350,000/. per annum more out of the pockets of the people of this coun try than they were fairly entitled to. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman concluded by expressing his belief that the adoption of his motion would lead generally to more friendly commercial relations between this and other countries. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER—The Hon. and Learned Gentleman has entered upon a very long and, as I collect, a very accurate narrative of the history of the wine trade ; he has sketched it from the period of,the French treaty of 1787 and has gone back, indeed, to the treaty of Methuen. I can assure the Hon. and Learned Gentle man that I entirely sympathise with the policy recom mended by Mr. Pitt—a policy founded on a high com mercial principle. I recognise the great advantage which both countries derived from the policy then pursued, but I may be permitted to say, that the principle adopted by Mr. Pitt was the principle of reciprocity—(Hear, hear)—and that although we have at several periods reduced the duties on French wines, we do not find that France has manifested the feeling of reciprocity for which we were in debted to Mr. Pitt. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman has also stated some general principles of taxation, to which I also give my assent. I think with him that reductions of taxation may lead to increased consumption, but at the same tim e I feel bound to take into consideration the circumstances tinder which that increase of consumption may take place.— (Rear, hear.) I cannot forget the immediate effect of a considerable reduction in the wine duties in 1831, and I t herefore think it is necessary, in reference to the revenue of 4, 11 ,e country, to treat the subject with con siderable caution. :ie motion of the Hon. and Learned Gen tleman is not, in m y pinion, accurately expressed. He asks for a Committee to c ' n quire into the cause of th decline in the revenue derived say that import duties on w e ine. Now, it is not accurate to '',Y that there has been any decline i n the revenue so de rived. And to show that I am correct I will place before the House the last return , only j ust received of the State of the wine trade for t he last four y ears—and e ere, eie Perhaps, the Hon. and Learned G entleman will p ardon ''"- for saying that I think, in order to form an opinion as to the state of the revenue derived from the import duties \",a,a.c,3' tn branch of commerce, it is mo re p ractical to look to , e- times in which we live thanto 7. thoee e o a f the Methuen Pe at y or ire is a the French treaty of 1787.—(Hear, hear.) Now ire return of the quantities of wine retained for home 1 13s Polstion, and I will first take revenue ; for it is upon f " L cline of revenue that the Hon. and Learned Gentle r has dwelt. The return is drawn up to the last I P cut, and, from it, it appears that the amount of duty re, v f ,,, 41 on wine in the year 1849 was 1,732,000/. ; in 1850, 1,777 1 " 852 4 but.uet is entirely attributable to the large quantities TiT :. 'Ll iTte , perceives n 'ill lBs i, 821 t 11 0 e 0 r j e l. Is ' a a nd slight in decline lBs2 for , of I°e taken for home consumptio n b y vintners and lice e ., " Victuallers in anticipation of the increased con -s'l°l by strangers visiting the m etro p olis to see the Gret - exhibition. It is a curious circumstance, that all the ra ngement made in this respect were ill judged and led fell great disappointment. Not only our own coun tryne congre ga t e d in the metropolis, but especially foreig s, instead of wine drank beer, and particularly LondtPorter, in enormous quantities.—(Hear , hear, and a laugh. It is represented to inn officially that the foreigners drankabileg but London porter, and this accounts for the appare diminution in the consumption of the y ear j ust conclue• But even in 1851 there was not a general deereasin the revenue derivable from wine. The diminu tion wanly in one article. Especially in anticipation of an augmen' c onsumption of that article by foreiner, the trade with littforesight took port wine out of bond; and it is only i n tt artiele that a diminution appears. Compared with 181 5 0 d 1850 there is an increase. A considerable quantity'7ine was taken out of bond in 1850, in anticipa tion of th'' , hibition. Of French wines taken out of bond, there weka 1851, 340,000 gallons, and, in 1852, 447,000 o g r al i lo o n 7 : o ; o6 na lo t ri i s n . in crease the year just ended there is an excess 2,469,000 lops,,s n O d f: S i n p apish iBs2, 2, wines ss3,o t o h o e ; r e showingwer e , in a n lB 51, fore, has bt in the wines of Portugal. Of the wines of Portugal l f )tiliC/ out t llons in 1852. The diminution, there were, in 18 .2,4 46,0 0 0 f 0 in 1851, 2).000 gallons; in ihnolmBseo,co2n,67B7opotoiogna, gallons; in gallons • and in 185 2 (showing a diminution):,s24,ooo gallons. Comparing 1852 with 184 and 9,h Lead hooves there is an increase. The Honour ableGentleman will see, therefore, that the terms of his 'ti on are not correct.—(Hear' hear.)The quantities of 'des of all kinds, i nc l u ding Cape, retained for home coniption during the last four years are ail follow :—ln 18 there were 6,136,000 gallons • in 1850, 6,251,0 0 0 galls in 1851 , 6,437,010 ; and in 1852, 6,280,0 0 0; the; year exhibiti ng an excess over 1849 and 1850, and nearltlualling the great year 1851. Therefore I again say it iPneous to assert that there has been any decline in the tulle derived from wine.—(Hear.) Sir, if the Hon. and arned Gentleman really requires a com mittee to inquir",t 9 tbe revenue derived from wine, I,' knowing the assiY which he would bring to bear in the investigation, whet oppose it.—(Hear, hear.) But it appears to me that is perfectly master of the facts of the case, as, no doubt, also a great number of other Gentle men in this Hoiri Hear, hear.) The principles of political eeonomyt;c l l the Honourable and Learned Garernivteleirt m nve o o r u e let 'Y are familar to most of us, and it appears to me thath even the Committee he would not acte results than he has now stated. Perhaps, therefore, lion. and Learned Gentleman will, ou consideration, e dtisfied with the accurate and able statement he has g utted to the House, and not press his motion for a Committ The wine duties must necessarily' engage the attention a one in considering the collection of the revenue of thetntry ; but, at the same time, it appears to me that theire many articles which possess superior claim to conittion at the hands of the Chan cellor of the Excheq than the duties on wine.— (Hear, hear.) Undoubti it would be very possible to deal with the duties one We might diminish duties, and not at the same timjure revenue • but it would b e necessary to proceed witlution. At the same time, I must repeat my opinion Of import , duties are to be di minished, there are manycles which have very superior claims over the differelvines imported into this country.—( Hear, hear.) Lord PALMERSTON shat if the Right Hon. Gen tleman the Chancellor of thrchequer was not now able to answer the question wl , he (Lord Palmerston) was about to put to him in conon with something which had fallen from the Hon.tan'arned .Member who had in troduced the motion, he woterhaps furnish the required information on a future day. 1 Hon. and Learned Friend (Mr. Anstey) had adverted a great abuse practised at the Oporto Wine Company ilerence to the wine trade between Portugal and this cry. Her Majesty's late Government had had represenns made to them that the regulations established by the ugues Government with regard to the Oporto Wine Cony, and the practices of tro ng a at r representations eaenniasitenatieldbt iji that company, were inconsistenth the stipulations of the treaty of 1842. It was the on of that Government that these representations were founded, and that im pediments and restrictions were Ped upon the exporta tion of wine from Portugal, an its importation to on w eanegf i stt t : : ira: itact4ahtdehe time t o article tah te whicho Govern mentf h the o treaty. th i this o country, PortugalS established between (Lord Palmerston) ceased to be SerY of State for Fo rueliegntwAoffaiorvs,earnnmuenndtesrstt eneral election had taken place in Portugal, the Portug Government would remedy the abuse cornpliined of - thiller by some altera ti nieby the executive Government, ci some new law to be proposed to the Cortex. th e practio the Oporto Com pany should be placed in harmony wit regulations of the treaty to which he had referred. Ile`?ound to say that the Cloyerniuelit of Portugal not only Ittgil that the re- f~ ~y~ gulations complained of were at variance with the stipula t►ons of the treaty, but Rated their willingness to make the two harmonize. He should be glad to hear what was the state of tho communications between the two Governments on this subject at the present moment, and whether the Por tuguese Government had taken any steps towards redeeming the pledge they had given? Mr. HENLEY said that communications on this subject were at this moment being carried on between the Govern ment of this country and that of Portugal; that her Ma jesty's. Ministers fully appreciated the importance of the question, and that no pains should be spared to bring it to a satisfactory conclusion.—( Hear, hear.) Mr. ANSTEY said he felt obliged to the Chancellor of the Exchequer for his courtesy, and would so modify his motion that it should simply be for a " Committee to inquire into the revenue at present derived from wine duties." The motion, in its altered shape, was then agreed to. THE BALLOT. Mr. H. BERKELEY then rose to bring forward his mo• Lion in reference to the ballot. He said that they had before them the prospect of an immediate general election.—(Hear, hear.) He did not know whether his Hon. Friends cheered for joy ; at all events, it was a prospect full in their view, and with that election all the glaring faults of their electoral system would be brought into full play. The electors would be soon exposed to the realities of those evils which he had been endeavouring for several years, though feebly, to por tray. He asked the House for permission to bring in a Bill with a view to alleviate those evils. They had last year a great influx of foreigners from every part of the globe visit ing this country, and they found us a quiet steady people who were very much attached to order. Let the same visit ors but come here in a few months hence and they would find us in the midst of the most admired disorder. They would find us engaged in a kind of electoral saturnalia, and when they witnessed the riot, drunkenness, and debau chery that would then exist-. that tyrannical intimida tion that takes place on such occasions, they might be induced to fancy that they had got amongst a nation of madmen. If ever an election bid fair to be marked with violence, the election- that was about to take place would have that attribute. A rich and powerful party, after a lapse of several years, had just obtained power—ihey have just raised the honied bowl to their lips, and it depended upon the general election to determine whether they shall drain it to the dregs, or they shall be obliged to hand it over to, others. A fearful straggle will, no doubt, take place, and already the note of preparation has gone forth— already crowds of low attorneys have crept from the police and bankruptcy courts (where they have been hitherto engaged wringing their fees from the hands of poverty and vice), to become electioneering agents in the ranks of the wealthy and the noble. What was the nature of their agency? It was a certain inquiry into the lives of the electors, in order to find out their misfortunes and liabilities; and the develish ingenuity with which they create screws from electors a dishonest and unwilling vote was almost beyona if such was the agency, what was the attorney? Their trade was to elector's con science—their means, the elector's misery— their em ployers, the HouSe of Lords—the result, the House of Corn mons. —(Hear, hear.) If any persons were bold enough to deny that potition, and to take up the cudgels in such a quarrel, he would refer them to their own knowledge of the whole community ; and beyond that he would refer them to that excellent little work of Mr. Dod, in which they would find that there were 96 borough Members of Parliament elected through the direct intervention Peers —(Hear, hear.) He would refer them also to their own Committees, and to their own canvassing -books used at their own elections. And if they wanted further evidence, he would refer them to the statements which were made in 1842, when he had the ho nour of seconding the motion of Mr. Ward —statements en tailing the kind of screws that were used at elections, and quoted from books of candidates in the different counties and boroughs. He had before him evidence in support of those statements. He had the analysis of the evidence that was taken before the Committee that sat in 1835 to inquire into the malversation of the franchise. It was not the aristocracy alone that were the guilty parties, but the democracy was to the full as tyrannical as the aris tocracy ; and between the two the electoral interest was condemned to much suffering. He would only quote one case from that book—that of a man who was dear to their Protectionist hearts. It was the case of a regular pet Tory, and withal that of a very honest man, placed under the bar •of proscription. James Gilbert, in his examination, stated that he resided in Birmingham, and was a licensed victualler and wine•merchant, who took an active part in the election of 1831 for Birmingham. He said that he canvassed for Richard Spooner, Esq., that there was an extensive system of intimidation practised, by which the votes of the electors were in fluenced. He said he was a partisan on the Tory side —that he had always taken a part in those elections for a period of 40 years—that he had known instances within his own knowledge of votes being influenced at the previous election, and he particularly mentioned three strong cases. On being asked respecting political unions, he said he thought that such unions contributed greatly to the promotion of a system of exclusive dealing, and that if it were not for such unions Richard Spooner would never have had a seat in this House. To the question whe ther he did not think that many men as strong partisans as himself would not rather have a system of secret voting, he said he could not say; he had heard their wives express such an opinion often; but a good Tory never flinches.— (Laughter.) He was then asked whether he thought a good Whig ever flinched. He said he could not tell, for he never kept company with such gentry.—(Loud laughter.) He then went on to say that a Tory never preaches about reform, for it was no good for them to do so; but he preaches gene rally that the Church was in danger.—(Renewed laughter. ) The witness, though most reluctant to speak in favour of the ballot, which he said would not be kept secret, said he be lieved it would be a good thing to many if their votes were unknown. He himself would never advocate it, because he said he was brought up a Tory, and would rather go to the workhouse than change his politics. He further stated, that if they had a system established at that election by which nobody could know how the electors voted, Mr. Spooner would have been at once returned; but, as the case was otherwise, many persons voted against their own opinions. In conclusion, the witness said that it was certainly very Lard that an honest man should be injured for conscien tiously exercising his privilege. He (Mr. Berkeley) sub mitted that that was a tolerably fair account of Birming ham, though given nearly twenty years ago. The Right Hon. Gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer said, in the recent debate upon national representation, that " cor ruption at elections could ne t b e stoppe d by law; it must be done by elevating the tone of the community." It struck him (Mr. Berkeley) that this was rather a novel position for the Right Hon. Gentleman to take up, and it would ap pear that the Noble Lord the Member for London, and those Hon. Gentlemen who were en d eavour i ng to legislate against bribery, have been proceeding in the wrong direction. Why do they pass those sessional orders against the inter ference of Peers at elections if no legislation was to take place on the subject ? Why should they pass the stringent Bribery Bill—or why should they occupy themselves in the futile endeavour to stop the evil it the statement. of the Right Hon. Gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer, that they were all wrong, was correct? But how were they to elevate the tone of the community ? His Hon. Friend the Member for Birmingham had told them that out of every election at Birmingham there were 1,000 electors who dared hot go to the poll under their present system. He asked them, in addition to those electors, to consider how many refused to be on the registry. They could then form some opinion as to the frightful curtailment of the franchise which takes place under this system. At the last election for Bath 430 electors had stated that they. dared not go to the - poll, for if they did they should shut up shop. He now as k e d the Right. Hon. Gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer to tell them how the tone of the community was to be elevated. Now it struck him (Mr. Berkeley) that the only mode by which this was to be done was by education. But then they saw men whose education was superior to the same class in any part of the world— noblemen and gentlemen—lending themselves to depress the tone of the community by the practices they encouraged at elections. He said that this talk about elevating the tone of the community in the face of such difficulties was a mere farce; and they could not be surprised if these honest and rough-handed men would reply to them in the language of Lord Duberly, " fine words butter no parsnips." He hoped that the Right Hon. Gentleman would be able to show the advantages of an elevated tone in the community to those noblemen who at the last South Nottingham elec tion hunted the unfortunate electors out of haystacks, and afterwards sent them like caged rats to the poll. Why, in stead of fixing their attention upon isolated places like St. Alban's, he might go through the alphabet of boroughs and towns in which there were similar practices resorted to. He might quote Bridport, Bristol, Birmingham, Coventry, Car low, Cashel, Clonmol, Denbigh, Exeter, Gloucester, Here ford, Halifax, Leicester, Leominster, Lyme Regis. \Vestmin ster, Youghal. There were also the counties of Cheshire, Clare, Devon, Denbighshire, Essex, Kerry, Limerick, Water ford, Wexford, &c. He should like to know how they were to improve the electoral system by elevating the tone of the community in connexion with the course they had re cently pursued in reference to Sudbury, St. Alban's, the Scotch burghs, Harwich, and Gloucester? Why, was it not a patent fact that this system of demoralization was en couraged by the best educated men of the land? He had now to deal with the speech of his valued Friend the Right Hon. Gentleman the Member for Perth (Mr. Fox Maule.) He might have passed him over but that he was patted on the back by the greet leviathan of the press, who quietly embalmed him his speech in a leading article. His Right Hon. Friend gave two reasons for his conduct in reference to the ballot—the one was for the vote he had given in favour of it; the other for the part he took against it. The reason he gave for voting for the ballot was this—that, although he thought thehallot a bad measure, yet, inasmuch as there were some ficticious votes in Perth, which he was unsuccesful in his endeavours to get rid of, he voted for the ballot by way of a cure. Now that was an extraordinary mode of legislation. The Right Hon. Gentleman, it appears, was prepared to give what h e cons id ere d a miserably bad measure lc Great Britain and Ireland, in order to cure a little rascality in Perth. The Right Hon. Gentleman stated his reasons for voting against the ballot to be these—that •it had never been the means of establishing liberty and protecting the freedom of the press or of defending and maintaining the law. Now he (Mr. Berkeley) admitted that the ballot did none of aim things; all it did was to enable the elector to give an unbiassed, unfettered vote. He believed that such a ballot-box as they had in the Carlton and Reform Clnb Houses could secure such a result. The Right Honourable Gentleman was but raising shadows for the purpose of knocking them down. Louis underNth a os l same eaball deputies, of a es, Napoleon was most thosen secret andP r s e o s l i i d d e n t description. o f France who were considered by some persons as martyrs, were also elected by the ballot. He claimed, pn then, the working of the ballot in France under the late con stitution as an example highly in favour of the institution.— (Ironical cheers) He said that the elections in France were conducted with admirable order, and that they formed a strong contrast to the riots and disorder which characterised the elections in this country. Under the French ballot men of talent, good conduct, and respectability were elected. Belgium also afforded a brilliant instance of the working of the ballot.. In the Chambers there, the aristocracy of birth, of talent, respectability, and landed . property were strongly represented. In America, t oo , the working of the ballot was perfectly satisfactory.—(ob, oh.) The Right Hon. Gen tleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer, with that extra ordinary ability and ingenuity which marked all his speeches, seized upon the facts of a disturbance having taken place in New York during an election, and quoted a letter fer the purpose of showing that open bribery and in timidation had been there practised—that assaults were committed by the electors, and the ballot-box, whi c h he said was the cause of all this, was smashed to pieces. The Right Hon. Gentleman, with extreme plausibility, lays this all to the fault of the ballot. Now, having resided for six years in America, he (Mr. Berkeley) could only say that be never saw - an election conducted there except with the greatest order and tranquillity, and in speaking to Americans he had always heard them hold this language—" We scarcely want the ballot here, because there is an absence of bribery and intimidation. But you want it in England, be cause you have the law of primogeniture, and the law of entail, whereby property is accumulated and lodged in the hands of a few persons, consequently the tyranny. of certain classes IS felt," . He wptild ask how the Btattniont of the THE SUN, LONDON, MARCH 31, - 1852. Right Hon. Gentleman could prove such a state of things as i Mr. B. COCHRANE said it was a c o m mon thing for he argued had ex i s t e d in America ? Did the House think Hon. Members who introduced a motion to imagine the that if open voting had been established there that intimida. presence of some distinguished foreigner in this country, tion and bribery would be checked? It was the simple and to ask what opinion he would form of their proceed fact of a disturbance having occurred in New ings. The Hon. Member who introduced the present mo- York, which might have taken place anywhere, that tion had supposed the presence of some foreigner at our furnished the Right Honourable Gentleman with an elections, and had asked the House to imigine what opinion argument against the ballot. When he said that the Go- he would form about them. As such a foreigner would vernor thought it advisable to recommend the Legislature to require a cicerone, he would advise the Hon Member for take measures to put a stop to bribery and corruption, he Bristol to recommend him, if he wished to .obtain a know should recollect that there was not one word uttered with ledge of our electorial system, to take for his guide the respect to the inefficiency of the ballot.—(Hear, hear.) He celebrated Coppock.—(A laugh.) The Hon. Member for would now read a letter which he had received from an Ame- Bristol had congratulated the House on his present motion rican gentleman of great respectability. (The Hon. Gentle- being opportune. He took a different view. In all the man read the letter to which he referred. It described the discussions of this question of the ballot, he never heard destruction of a ballot- box at an election riot, in one of the the reciprocity of the ballot started. He should like to states of the American Union, and concluded with the fol- know what their constituents would think if Members were lowing passage:—" Tho destruction of the ballot-box will to resort to the ballot in voting in that House. If any at once point to the fact that it was held in no great estima- candidate at the next election should make such a proposal tion by the promoters of intimidation and bribery; and I he thought the distinguished foreigner would soon see that think I may venture to make the calculation that we shall the popular view was not in favour of such a poposal. find that our local Legislature will pass a stringent law on the America had been referred to, as it often was, by Hon. subject of bribery, and recommend that in future the voting Gentlemen opposite; but America was a republic, and we urns should be located in:a place of more security.") ( Hear.) were living under a constitutional monarchy. If the Hon. It was highly probable, he thought, we might hear at no Gentlemen wished to see the result of the ballot and dista It period that other disturbances had arisen, and that universal suffrage in America, let him read the report other ballot-boxes had been broken up. In the Carolinas, for of a late debate in Congress, and he would find an instance, in Alabama, in Maryland, and Virginia, the ballot- interesting controversy between a Mr. Brown and a box was the protection of those who wished to do away with Mr. Willcox, which ended in Mr. Brown rushing up to Mr. slavery_( Gear, hear.) In those States the ballot-box pro- Willcox and knocking him down.—(Cries of "Oh.") There tected the advocate of emancipation from Lynch law. In was another point of difference between the two countries. the ballot-box in the Southern States: had taken root the In America, before a Member could propose any change in benign principles of Christianity, and from the ballot-box the Constitution, there must be a majority of two-thirds of rushed forth the glorious truth that, of whatever colour Congress in its favour, or a majority of two-thirds of the the skin of a man might be, in the eye of God his soul was states; and after being proposed, and before it could be car but of one hue. (Hear, hear.) When, therefore, they saw ried into execution, there must be a majority of three-fourths the enemies of the abolition of Avery desiring to put aside of the states in its favour, and not, as in this country, a mere the ballet-box in America, and when they saw also those majority of votes. Reference had also been made to France. who wished to keep Englishmen in serfdom declining to give Was the Manchester school satisfied with the result of uni them the protection of the ballot-box here, then he said a versal suffrage in France?—(Hear.) Were they gratified very strong case had been made out, and that a case entirely with the proceedings of the 2d December, and with the re in favour o f th e ballot.—(Cheers.) The arguments used cent inauguration of constitutional government at the against the ballot were merely colourable, and gentlemen Tuileries ?—(Hear.) The ballot had been described in better opposed it, not because they doubted its efficacy, but be- language than any he could use by an Hon. Member of that cause they believed it would be perfectly Vficacious.—(oh, House. The Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Ripon's oh.) He was strongly brought to this conclusion by read- opinion—he meant his former opinion—(A laugh)—of the ing an account of a large Conservative meeting, which took ballot was stated in the debate on Mr. Grote's motion in place the other day in the city of Bristol. That meeting 1842. On that occasion the Right Hon. Gentleman charac consisted of a very influential body of Conservatives, who terised voting by ballot as inconsistent with the English had met to select a candidate in the place of his Honourable character, and added that no honest m a n wan t e d th e Friend and Colleag ue (M r . P . Mi les), who had expresse d hi s ballot.—(Hear, hear.) The Right Honourable Gentleman intention to retire from the representation of the city at the went on to state that the only persons to whom the ballot approaching election. The chair was taken by Mr. Vining, would be available would be "dirty, hypocritical scoun a gentleman of great respectability, with whom he (Mr. drels."—(Laughter-) Lately, however, the Right Hon. Berkeley) had the honour of being acquainted, and the son- Gentleman had expressed at Carlisle opinions not certainly timents which fell from that worthy gentleman were strictly favourable to the ballot, but very much softened compared Conservative, at the same time that they were full of can- with his former opinions; and he added that circumstances dour and redolent of the most Arcadian simplicity.— might change his convictions on that point. • Not content (Laughter.) By way of illustration, he begged to quote a in 1842 with stating that only "dirty, hypocritical noun short extract from Mr. Vining's speech, which he had taken drels" needed the ballot, the Right Hon. Baronet went on t o from the -23riatol Ciazette.-=.41r.-Vinieg mad: .. What is the state that it afforded an opportunity for a man who pretended use of registration if a man is to vote by ballot? And what friendship to practice deception—that it offered a means is the use of inquiring how a man is going to vote when he for the gratification of revenge and bitter hatred—and that may conceal that vote by the ballot?"--(Laughter.) it was demanded only by the most contemptible sort of vaga " Why," said Mr. Vining, ." a man may register one bonds, merely to lend to a lie the appearance of a truth.— way, and vote another!" Now, perhaps Honourable (Laughter.) One could not improve upon such language, Gentlemen were not au fait in discovering the meaning of and it would be difficult to string more epithets together so that expression. It meant simply this, that political expressive of bitter contempt.—(Cheers.) In his (Mr. partisans paid defaulters' rates—and churchwardens were Cochrane's) opinion they might as well try to protect voters adepts at that practice—and thus secured the insertion of from the east wind as from the influence of landed proprie the man's name on the register, one of the modes this which tors. He was in favour of open and manly voting, and was were resorted to of bribing beforehand.—(Hear, hear.) opposed to a system which would result in a tissue of false " Why," said Mr. Vining, " a man may register one way hood. That evil was powerfully touched on in debate by and vote another," " Suppose," continued Mr. Vining, one now no more—a great ornament of that House, and a you give a man 51., he may receive the money and vote whose loss they all lamented. In the debate on the ballot in another way.—(Laughter and cheers) You are making a 1842, Mr. Sheil admitted that the ballot would enable a man disguise his real sentiments and meaning. You are man to promise his vote one way, and go . to the poll and making a man determine to conceal hi s sen ti men t s. If I vote the other way.—( " Hear, hear, " from the Opposition.) purchase a man," said Mr. Vining, " and I am not able to He confessed that he felt surprised to find Hon. Gentlemen know how he is going to vote, he may vote against me, opposite cheer that sentiment, because it was one which though he has said he will vote for me.—(Great laughter would justify the most flagrant political demoralisation. and cheers • and Voices.-.`That is what we want ; y ou Th e N o bl e Lord the Member for London had n o t th oug ht would not then have us under your thumb.)"—(Laughter proper to introduce the ballot into his recently proposed re and hear, hear.) " Gentlemen," said Mr. Vining, waxing form scheme; but he did not feel certain that the Noble Lord a little warm, "I feel that the majority of you are might not hereafter pass into the lobby, in conjunction with with me e now then, I will ask, let us oo• operate cor- the Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Ripon, with the dially in supporting t rue Conservative principles— (Loud supporters of the ballot. He (Mr. B. Cochrane) looked upon laughter) and promoting the welfare of the State," the ballot as a most objectionable measure. It was easy to said Mr. Vining "and our own interests." point out anomalies in the working of the British Constitu (Hear, hear, and laughter.) There, then, was a candid tion ; and the writings of the French Socialists were no doubt Gentleman, and he (Mr. Berkeley) would be equallycandid. filled with the finest theories. But no attempt had ever yet What were the faults which Mr. Vining found with the been made to carry out those theories which had not utterly ballot ? It would ruin his politico-commercial transac- and ruinously failed, while the British Constitution had for tions. Poor injured gentleman ! When he had bought his ages given to the people of this country an amount of man, it would be altogether doubtful whether his living bale security and of freedom such as no other nation had ever of goods would be delivered to the consignee.— (Laughter.) enjoyed.—(Hear, hear.) It was not because the vote was g i ven i n secre t, b u t b e - M r. COBDEN said he would promise the House that he cause the Si. note was sunk in the ballot-box.— would not trespass at any length on their time in dis (Hear, hear.) With regard to the ballot not stop- cussing a question which had already been more exhausted ping intimidation, why it was a farce to argue the subject. in argument than any perhaps that had ever been brought The fact was that Gentleman refused to trust the people. under their consideration. It was an historical fact that They believed that the tendencies of the people were de- Mr. Grote, in the course of his discussions on the ballot, mocratic. But in his (Mr. B er k e l e y' s ) op i n i on suc h h a d b roug h t to t h e su bj ect a degree of logical power a feeling as that very much resembled the feeling of a man and mental acumen, which:had gained for his advocacy of who supposed that under the foundation of his house there the measure the most perfect intellectual triumph war a subterranean fire, and that some day, by some con- ever known.—(Marks of dissent on the Ministerial benches.) vulsion of nature, a crater must burst forth in his kitchen.— He (Mr. Cobden) did not mean to discuss the fallacies (Hear, hear, and laughter.) The Noble Lord the Member which had been put forward by the Hon. Gentleman who for London (Lord J. Russell) told them the other night, on had just addressed the House. He would not seek to point bringing in his Reform Bill, that he thought the people were out to that Hon. Gentleman the difference which existed entitled to some reward for their exemplary conduct. Yet, between a Member of Parliament who came voluntarily unfortunately, the Noble Lord was one of those who denied into that House to represent the opinions of others, and an to the people an act of simple justice.—(Hear.) The Legis- elector who had merely to give effect to his own individual lature had defined the franchise, settled the electoral quali- opinion. That difference was one of those points which had fication, and invested a man with the privilege of voting. a l re ady been demonstrated. Neither did he intend to discuss How, then, in the name of justice and of common sense, the thousand-times repeated objection of the Right Hon Gen could they refuse to protect the elector in the exercise of tleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer—that if the ballot his chartered rights ?—(Cheers.) They who refused to were given to a limited constituency it would convert trust the people now, did they refuse to trust th em on the that constituency into an oligarchy; for that objection had 10th of April, 1848? If the people were so ill- been already a thousand times answered by this argument disposed then as they were represent e d t o b e now, where —that if the unenfranchised were fit to dictate to the en would Hon. Gentlemen be at this moment? On the 101 of franchised, they ought themselves to be entrusted with the Ap r il, 1848 (continued Mr. Berkeley), you appealed to the right of voting.— (Hear, hear.) But Hon. Gentlemen oppo people pro aris et focis, and they stood at your thresholds site were the very people who refused to extend to them armed, and were cherished guests at your tabl e s and firesides. that right. The intellectual mode of dealing with that But when I ask von to give them the means of voting as question had already been triumphantly settled.—(Cries of they please, and to trust them with the use of the franchise, "Hear, hear," from the Opposition M em b ers, an d "N o, no, " you deny it! In conclusion, the H on . G en tl eman o b serve d on the Ministerial aide of the House.) But he that, although be was wedded to the principle of the ballot, thought there were moral aspects of the question, he was not equally so to the details. All he asked was, a which could be better argued at present than they could fair trial of the ballot. If Parliament liked, let it be per- have been when Mr. Grote had dealt with the subject 17 missive. —(Hear.) Let it be adopted only in those cases years ago, because they had since had an opportunity of where it might be demanded by a certain number of the witnessing the effects of the ballot in the elections of a electors, and where the constituencies numbered 1,000 voters neighbouring country, under the most exciting circum and upwards if they pleased. But, at all events, he hoped stances, which showed the immense gain this country the House would permit him to b r i ng i n a Bill t o g i ve pro- would derive from the ballot by the su pp ress i on o f th at tectiin to the electors at th e p o lli ng -b oot h s, an d , i n so doing, fearful demoralization and violence which disgraced our perform an act of abstract justice to the people, and at the e l ec ti ons . H e sa id t h a t t h e examp l e of France, as regarded same time do honour to themselves.—(Radical cheers.) the moral aspect of the question, was conclusive. Six mil- Mr. BARROW said the Hon. Gentleman who had just lions of people had voted in France in one day with universal spoken was rather unfortunate in having alluded to the last suffrage and under the most exciting circumstances ; and yet election for South Nottinghamshire; for the fact of his (Mr. their votes had been given under the system of the ballot Barrow's) standing in th e H ouse - of Commons at that mo- without the slightest tumult at the polling places, But ment was the best possible proof of the absence of intimida- how were elections conducted in this country? Why, he tion on the occasion to which he referred.—(Cheers.) He could point out half-a-dozen places in which, although a tknew assistanceth at , iin part, ofm shoeoe we g d en h a i e s m tce w s h s that o at werelv tehleecmtsioenteos few hundred people only had p o ll e d, th e mos t v i o lent scenes had taken place. In the Isle of Wight they had friends of the vote by ballot - not because they sought it had an election, accompanied by the most tumultuous pro for their own sakes, but because th e y believed it would be a c udings, and ending in the death of one individual. At protection to their friend s an d ne i ghbours. They were well Boston a gentleman had been imprisoned in his own house, aware of his sentime n t s w ith respect to the ballot when they from which he had not been allowed to move. At liar gave him their votes, and he felt perfectly satisfied that they with, before the election had terminated, the mob hal would give him credit for the honesty of his principles at stormed the hustings, and had carried away the materials least, in venturing as he did now to declare that he was not of which they had been constructed. What had happened a convert to the necessity of the ballot, and that, so far from the other day at Enniskillen ? About 150 people had polled believing it would deliver the people from a state of serfdom, there, and such a riot had taken place that the armed police he believed it would increase bribery and demoralisation to had to be called out, and had charged the mob with drawn such an extent as would be positively frightful to con- sabres. Those were the scenes which occurred at our elec template.— (Cheers.) Allusion had been made to the tions. But it was said that there had been a tumult at an advantage of the ballot in the clubs. But for his part, he election in New York. Now it should be borne in mind confessed that a large portiere of his objections to the ballot that all the New York journals had been horrified at that were the result of the ill-feeling he had witnessed in clubs fact—that almost unprecedented fact, and had declared that in cases of black-balling. He had seen so maple mischief those who had so interfered with the most sacred right of arise from it that even in those cases where, through the American citizens ought to be shot like dogs. But was honour of the scrutineers and members, perfect secrecy was that the language which was held in this country with re observed, he had come to the conclusion that spect to similar scenes? By no means. The cases of the system had better be abolished. He was Harwich and Boston were laughed at, and the case of En rather surprised to hear the secrecy of the ballot niskillen did not even excite a passing remark.. That House assumed as a matter of necessity. In proof, however, of had passed a great number of Acts to put an end to bribery the fact that it did not secure secrecy, he might refer to that at elections, and they were at present considering a Bill for country which had already been referred to so often, and in constructing a tribunal that would deal with future acts of which the ballot had been in operation for the greatest bribery. The effect of the adoption of the ballot in this length of time. He did not believe that secrecy ever had country would be to repress those outward demonstrations been or ever would be obtained; for he found that in Massa- of opinion which led to so many collisions. It would put chusetts. one of the oldest states of the American Union, the an end to the system of flags and banners, and brass-bends, Legislature appointed a Committee last year with the express and to that drunkenness and disorder which at present object of considering in what manner they could secure disgraced our elections.—(Hear.) The public mind was daily secrecy under the ballot. And, surely, with such an ex- becoming more and more favourable to the adoption of the ample as that before him, he might be allowed to doubt ballot, because there existed a growing conviction that it whether that secrecy which was assumed as inseparable Id offer the most effectual remedy for the evils and from the ballot really did exist.—(Hear, hear.) With re- abuses wu by which our elections had hitherto been accoraapa ference to the ballot as a cure for bribery, he thought nied. Auother question which had been raised was whether he heard the Hon. Member for Montrose say not long or not they could make the ballot effectual ; and it was said ago that he did not believe it would diminish bribery in that it had not been found so in New York. But he be small constituencies, at least; and if it would not diminish lieved that a plan had been devised by which it could be bribery in small constituencies, then he (Mr. Barrow) wanted carried most successfully into operation. The Legislature to know how it was likely to do so in large constituencies, of Massachusetts had appointed a committee two years ago because a large constituency was, after all, only an aggregate to inquire into and report upon the best mode of making or mass of small constituencies, and bribery might be car- the ballot more eflactual, and the plan recommended by that ried on in one as well as the other.—(Hear, hear.) Upon committee was one, he thought, of the most complete and this point, too, he would again refer to America, where the satisfactory character. They had proposed that the Govern- Legislature of the State o f N ew Y or k h a d d ec l ared that b r i - ment should provide adhesive envelopes of a certain form berg had increased, an d was carr i e d to a fearful extent, for all the electors, that those envelopes should be given to under the ballot, a n d th a t i t was necessa r y to take steps for the electors on application to the proper officer, that the providing a remedy. B e i ng conv i nce d, th en , th at ne i t h er voter, after having written the name of his candidate or intimidation nor bribery had diminished under the operation taken a printed ticket with that nano, should place it in of the ballot, he must frankly a d m it t h a t h e was still op- the envelope, then seal the envelope, and deposit posed to the measure. He believed it would be productive it in the ballot-box in the presence of officers of an amount of hypocrisy and demoralization perfectly appointed Cobden) be frightful to contemplate ; an d th a t th e b es t reme d y f or th e lieved that that plan a ff or d e d a per f ect secur i ty f or secrecy evils complained of would consist in elevating the moral tone and a perfect secur i ty aga i ns t f rau d ; b ecause a ll th a t h a d t o of the people. Th e f ac t th a t th e i n d e p en d en t constituency for the, purpose. He (Mr. be done was to take care that the voter placed one envelope of South Nottinghamshire had carried his election against on ly i n th e ballot-box, and any envelope that was not pro the influence of the powerful body who were opposed to him erly filled would be afterwards cancelled. That system individually would of itself also tend to the same result. had been adopted in Massachusetts, and had there been found. Sir B. HALL granted that the case of South Notting- perfectly success f u l . B u t th ere were l an dl or d s i n thi s coun p hamsbire was a remarkable instance of the people having try who would not be very scrupulous in exercising their exercised the right of voting in opposition to the will of the power of coerc i ng t h e i r tenan t s . Th e N o bl e L or d a t p resen t aristocracy. But it should not be forgotten that at that elec- at the head o f the G overnmen t h a d d ec l are d, i n th e mon th tion the Noble Dukes and Noble Lords of that county drove of June, 1837, that if the ballot were adopted, he, as an the electors up to the poll to vote against the Hon. Gentle- English landlor d , wou ld f ee l it hi s d u t y , no t on l y t o see man just as they might have driven a flock of sheep. Al- whether an elector who, was a. dependent of .his voted, but to though the yeomanry of Nottinghamshire had come forward see him put his ticket in the ballot-box. Now he ( Mr. and carried out their object so far as the election of the Hon. Cobden) should say he thought that a more unabashed act Gentleman was concerned, yet that was but an isolated case, and formed no reason why voters in other parts of the coun- benchas)—a more scandalous outrage against the rights of try should not enjoy the protection of the ballot. With re- citizenship could not possibly be conceived than that a land ofelespotism—( Loud cries of" Hear, hear," on the Opposition re gard to the borough he (Sir B. Hall) represented, it was lord should insist on seeing a man as honest, and, perhaps, impossible, from the circumstance that the constituent numbered more than 20,000 electors, that corruption He would tell the Noble Lord who . was at present could exist.— (Oh, oh, and a laugh.) The election previous at the head of the farmers' friends, that he y as intelligent, as himself, put his ticket in the ballot-urn. to his own in that borough did not cost the candidates (Mr. Cobden) and those who agreed with him more than 30th/. He was inclined to think that the riots upon that question would protect the farmers against referred to as having occurred in New York had arisen, such an inquisition; and the plan adopted in Massachusetts not from the voting being by ballot, but from wou ld se t at d e fi ance th e prying eyes of th e N o bl e L or d or the maladministration of the election law. If Hon. Mem- of any other landlord. On another occasion Lord Derby hers wished to see the operation of the ballot in our own had declared that he considered the tenantry of this country country, he would refer them to the annual parochial elec- to be the political capital of the landlords—(Hear, hear)— tions in the parishes of St. George's, Marylebone, and St. and it would be for the Right Hon. Gentleman the Chancellor Pancras, which were conducted with the greatest order and of the Exchequer to defend, if he could, the language of the proprietor. He should not detain the House longer as there Noble Lord upon that subject. On the 22d of February, was a motion en th e paper for t h e ass i m il a ti ng o f th e eo n ety 1841, the Earl of Derby (then Lord Stanley), in speaking and borough franchise, which Hon. Members anxious for a on the Parliamentary Voters Bill, had said it was known that any man could ascertain the probable resu lt o f a the opinions o dissolution wer f e i‘iemhe desirous r s should on on one side discussed, as well asni o t r h d e e r ether that county election, by finding out who were the great landed copiers under them. B.ut was it right, he (Mr. Cobden) should be known. proprietors in the county, and counting the number of oc oannda would i,sk, that the farmers of this country should be alto tance.—(Renewed cries of ' Divide.)' ether deprived of their political rights, and that question of such importance.—(Renewed , . when they g electors bof ~ D M iv a id N e V . . ” W H I e L e L o I n A Id M By a return made i'n 184, it appeared that 214 boroughs, n S o t ro u s n e de a rs ni ta id n s d t su c c r h ie i s nt o e f r; ‘ p O ti ll o ' n " were made aaium er faggot votes should merely withl6l 500, returned 329 Members to the 1 dl d ? 1 y with a constituency of only , . be handed over an or s ( fear, hear.) He be -ah • of that House. It was notorious at the con- lieved that the farmers of England would not be prepared majority to t aristocratic parties in this country for hold the franchise upon such a condition; flicts of the two grea and if they depended entirely on the amount of money spent in should be so lost to all shame, he felt persuaded that the power elections. From the report of the Committee moved for inof this country would not submit state operatives 1811 by the He • effleld it a ea ed that n Member for Sh , pp r of things. He would mention a fact, the Harwich election c05t . 8,3001., t g . hou h there were only 1 showing the feeling of the operatives upon that fe et ' 187 voters, and that the Nottingham election cost 16,0001, After the introduction of the late Reform Bill o f the l4oble though only 673 electors voted.—(Cries of " Divide.") No Lord the Member for London, which would e xtend the fewer than 85 Acts had been passed by Parliament to pre- franchise to Si. householders, to that three-ra a rths of the vent corruption and bribery. His belief was that the ballot operatives in the manufacturing towns in yorkshire and was the only remedy, and he should, therefore, give the nio- 1 Lancashire would become entitled to a vote —after the Cell his corditil atlPPOrts i introduction of that Bill a crowded public alevtiPC bad been - . held in Stockport, and the operatives who attended that meeting had unanimously agreed that if they did not receive ' the protection of the ballot, they would not have the fran chise.—(Load cries of " Hear, hear," from the Ministerial benches.) He believed that in coming to that resolution they had been quite right. It might be thought that a good many millowners would attempt to coerce the voters under their control in the same way in which the landlords had frequently been charged with coercing their dependents. But he (Mr. Cobden) stood there to protect people who had votes against undue influence of any kind, whether it pro ceeded from a landowner, or a millowner, or a customer, or a priest, or a mob.—( Hear, hear.) People holding the most contradictory opinions on every kind of question were em ployed iu mills, and they ought to be allowed to give, by their votes, the fullest effect to those opinions. A Roman Catholic operative ought not to be compelled to vote in favour of a no-Popery candidate; and an operative who advocated what was called teetotal principles ought not to be coerced into the support of a candidate who was perhaps deluging a borough with intoxicating drinks. The difficulty they would encounter would be telt more among shopkeepers in such towns as Halifax and Hud dersfield than in such towns as Manchester or Leeds, where there was a great mercantile community, and where classes were not so mueh divided into manufacturers and operatives. But in those smaller plsces to give the fran chise without the ballot would be an unmitigated curse to the population, and on that view of the question he should vote against an extension of the elective franchise unless he thought it was certain to lead to the ballot.— (Hear, hear.) He hoped Honourable Gentlemen would not go through the terrible process of acting against all reading in Hansard, for in two or three months they would be called again to speak their convictions and to act against all the cherished principles of their life; bat what ever they did, he said, " Don't commit yourself against the ballot."—(Hear, and laughter.) Honourable Gentlemen might laugh; bat be said argument had settled it, the moral aspect had carried it, and it only wanted one more general election, that is, if Government dare disclose their policy, which he doubted, on a great question.—(Hear, hear.) He thought Government were trying to shuffle with that question.—(" Hear," and Oh, oh.) He said from the first be never believed Government would dissolve Parliament on the great question.—(Hear. hear.) Government had tried to get out of it; and he had been informed that a Noble Lord had said that night something in the other House which led him to believe that the question would be got rid of by evasion and trickery; but he hoped there was spirit enough in that House, and if not in that House, in the country, to bring them to book.—(Hear, hear.) But if they dissolved Parliament it would be on the bread basket and the sugar-basin questions—questions in which every man, woman, and child in the kfngdom took an into rest.—(Hear, hear.) He could tell them when opinions came into collision on such questions, they would witness scenes such as few former elections had ever witnessed.—(Hear.) If, however, the great question was not settled at the next election (we understood), we might be certain the Parlia ment would be a short-lived one, and that the fact of the great question remaining unsettled would lead to a dissolu tion.—(Hear.) He advised Hon. Members not to put them selves in a false position, especially the young men.— ( Hear, hear and laughter.) There was hope of men under forty—they who were above that age only changed their opinions upoiks compulsion.—(Hear, hoar.) He entreated Hon. Gentlemen, if they could not give an honest vote on this question, to abstain from voting.—(Hear, hear, and Oh.) He should vote on the question with the certainty that in three or four years at furthest there would be very little difference of opinion on it.—(Hear, hear.) Captain SCOBELL rose, amid loud cries of "Divide." He would only detain the House a short time— [Here the interruption prevented the Hon. Member from being heard.] The Hon. Member for Bridport had referred to the Chancellor of the Exchequer's speech, in which he had referred to what had occurred in New York between two representa tives at Washington. The Right Hon. Gentleman did not see he was playing with edge tools. There were a great many points in that Right Hon. Gentleman's speech which ought to be set right, and if the House would allow him five minutes more.— (Laughter, and Oh ) He represented a con stituency which sighed—which longed for the ballot— (Laughter) and therefore, in fairness, the House ought to give him a few minutes.— (Hear.) He would remind the Hon. Member for Bridport who had cast reflections on the Right Hon. Gentleman the Member for Ripon, that " they should not throw stones who lived in glass houses." If he was not misinformed, that Hon. Gentleman had advocated the ballot on the hustings. Mr. WALPOLE said the Honourable Member for the West Riding had put his opinions in favour of the ballot on two grounds connected with the political and the moral aspascts of the question. The Hon. Gentleman said, if the ballot was introduced it would prevent certain evils which he would point out, and the moral effects would lead to an improvement of the moral condition of the people. He could show the Hon. Gentleman and the House that the ballot, instead of preventing the evils, as the Hon. Gentleman contemplated, would leave them as they were; or, rather, add to them.—(Hear.) He could show the Hon. Gentleman and the House that the moral effects which would flow from the ballot would, in a moral sense, instead of an advantage, be detrimental to the morals of the electors. Before he went into the two questions he would refer to some remarks of the Hon. Member for the West Riding. The first had reference to what the Hon. Member said respecting the ballot; the other had relation to the allusion made by the Hon. Member to a Noble Lord in the other House. The Hon. Gentleman said the extension of the franchise without the ballOt would be an unmitigated evil. When the measure was carried for giving the right to vote to persons in boroughs and counties occupying houses of 51. value, of course the Hon. Member would not be found to have voted in favour of the measure (we understood). The observa tions on the Noble Lord he considered were not worthy of the Hon. Member, for he had not quoted accurately the words of the Noble Lord.—(Hear, hear.) The words which the Hon. Member used were very remarkable; he said that the Noble Lord at the head of the Government had made use of the expression that the landlords of England looked on their tenantry as political capital. Mr. COBDEN—No, I did not.—(" Oh, oh !" " Order!") Mr. WALPOLE—I am not misstating what the Hen. Member said.—(Cheers.) Mr. COBDEN I read a quotation from Lord Derby's speech.—(Order, order.) Mr. WALPOLE I believe the words which the Hon. Member attributed to Lord Derby were, that the tenants of England were the political capital of their landlords. Mr. COBDEN— I did not say so.—(Loud cries of " Oh, oh.") The Right Hon. Gentleman is only wasting his own time and ours in arguing on an unfounded hypothesis. (No, no.) I quoted Lord Derby's words from Hansard— ( Oh, oh)—and I said, after some other remarks interspersed, that he claimed the tenants as his political capital.—(ob, oh, and groans.) Mr. WALPOLE—I should be very sorry to misrepresent the Hon. Member. Mr. COB DEN—" Capital" is an American phtas3.— (Order, order.) Mr. WALPOLE—The Hon. Member shall not put me out by these interruptions.—(Loud cheers.) That the Hon, Member used the words I have stated, and in the manner I have stated, I firmly believe, because they were taken down at the time.—(Continued cheering.) If not, let him retract them.—(Loud cheers.) The Hon. Member unquestionably went on to quote the exact language used by the Noble Lord at the head of the Government; but does that lan gaage contain the expression attributed to the Noble Lord by the Honourable Member?—(Loud cheers.) On the contrary, it pointed to this, that the occupying tenantry of counties and the landlords of counties entertained feel ings of mutual regard and goodwill towards each other, and in that way landlords exercised influence over their tenants. That was the effect of the passage quoted by the Hon. Member, and it contained nothing to justify him in asserting that Lord Derby had said, or ever intended to say, that the farmers of England were the political capital of their landlords.—(Cheers.) Now, having corrected what I think an unfortunate misrepresentation, I will now advert to the two principal arguments of the Hon. Member in favour of the proposition before the House. The Hon. Member said that the ballot would prevent bribery, and also the influence exercised by employers over the employed, and landlords over tenants. I deny in toto that the ballot would have those effectF, and for these reasons the first place, it is ad mitted that the ballot can only produce these results by means of absolute secrecy. Now, when Honourable Mem bers assimilate the ballot used in political elections with the ballot used in private clubs, they forget that in the one case the voters, having only personal consi derations to deal with, conceal the manner in which they vote, while, in the other case—that of the political elec tion—men's political opinions are usually well known, and it would be impossible, therefore, that the requisite secrecy could be observed.—(Hear, hear.) We all know that much canvassing takes place before an election as to this or that person's political opinions. The feelings and intentions of voters would be collected at public-houses, clubs, and other associations. It is said that if a shopkeeper does not vote as his customers wish him, he is deprived of their custom, and that if a farmer votes against the desire of his landlord, he is ejected from his farm ; but introduce the ballot, and the only difference would be that instead of these things taking place in consequence of what is known, they will take place on suspicion. —(Hear.) Again, it is said that the ballot will prevent bribery. The example given by my Right Hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequr the other night of the working of the ballot in New York is, to my mind, a canclu sive answer to that assertion.—(Cheers:and " No.") The Hon. Member who says " No " could not have been in the House when the Hon. Mover, in his able and temperate speech, read a letter from an American gentleman, which began by admitting that the observations of the Chancellor of the Exchequer were substantially correct.—(Hear.) Mr. BERKELEY—The :statement of facts, not the infe rences drawn from them.—(Order.) Mr. WALPOLE—The Hon. Member's American corre spondent admits the Chancellor of the Exchequer's state ment of facts to be correct, but denies his inference. Then I put aside the inference drawn by the Chancellor of the Ex chequer, as well as that drawn by the American, and I leave the House of Commons to draw its own inference from the statement of facts admitted to be correct.—(Cheers) The New York case appears to me a complete answer to the as sumption that the ballot would prevent bribery. Then, if it will not prevent bribery, I ask those who maintain that inviolable screcy can be maintained under the system, bow can bribery be punished—ho w can i t be detected ? ,sad pose an election to run very close, and to be determined by one or two votes, if corruption be practised ex tensively on this occasion, how will you be a bl e to detect and punish it if votes be taken by means of the baet? Look at the elections recently in France under the b al lot, u __ ever o where so many votes were enumerated-4n actually be given —that it was wittily rin" rked 1.). aln'llus writer in this country that that was ore than could e first practice i . ...vrm ti e Supposing tration of two negatives making an TA --- y . e a u . v . o e b e . ta te in t proof e of the ballot were introduced, how could you t, frauds committed, and how could you, h party who ought to be the representative , close, and should votes have beethaat ul us the election run given fraudulently against him ?—(Hear.) But I own there is another reason, in a moral a spect, which makes low," -- m more anxious to resist the introductio n o f the ballot.l broadly contend that in this country, w h ene ver a person is .. empowered to exercise any trust whatever, ou g ht to exercise it under the influ ence"h) inion.—(Cheers.) There is no and control reason why the voter datPsuboljueldP be more irresponsible than the high tribunal.—(Cheers.) Nay, more, representative to th hasas much right k what are the t o h p e in r io ep n r s eles f en son c onstituents he represents o aste constituents right to O ask in what way the representative exer ciseshave the • . within these walls in pursuance of the choice his du t y A tituents have made.— (Hear, hear.) I think, too, servations which fell from the Hon. Member for t t h h o s s t - tb -.3b rf,tquoiti.ng the speech of the Right Hon. Baronet the BridP ' - M e mberfor Ripon, are not entirely to be forgotten; and, though those observations are somewhat stronger than any f el n2 inclined to use though I should not be tempted to state that everybody must be a scoundrel and hypocrite when le exercises the franchise by the ballot, yet I say that this practice maY have, in a moral aspect, a material influence on the character of the people—(H ear , hear) —for the opportu nity of concealment will gi ve th e o pportunity for fraud, and for the inddlgence of m a li c i ous an d revengeful feelings, which could.l not be attended . with advantage to the country.—(Hear, hear.) , - Hon. Gentlemen who were in this House at e forme r p er iod, when great debates took place on this subjett; "may recollect the pointed quotation matte by the late Sir R. Peel, yfhen he atlTerted to the effect WEDNESDAY- EVENING, f of the ballot on the people of Rome. He quoted that ad mirable passage from Pliny descriptive of the Roman voter, who had lost all sense of dignity and all consciousness of right or wrong when exercising the franchise by ballot : Tabellas poposcit, stilum accepit, .fidem alyecit, caput demisit, neminent veretur, se contemnit."—( Cheers.) In a moral aspect, I maintain that the ballot would be found seriously detri mental to the character of the people of this country; and my firm belief is that, though by the introduction of the ballot you may by possibility prevent some undue influence of bad over good, yet you will not allow that legitimate influence to have the operation which it ought always to have—the influence of good over bad.—(Cheers.) Lord D. STUART contended that it had been admitted by Lord Derby that that House did not represent the people, for he had declared that he would not attempt to carry a question, to which he had attached great importance, by a majority of the House of Commons, unless he was also con vinced that he had the great majority of intelligent people at large i n i ts favour . S om ething, then, mu s t b e d one t o Place that H ouse on a w holesome basis. The eonstituenci ee of the count were beset by two monster evils—corruption and intimidation and therefore the voter required protection country in the ex erc i se of the franchise. For a long time he was him self an opponent of the ballot. The idea of a man boldly discharging his duty was pleasing to him, and he also wished to give the R e f orm Bill a fair trial, and see whether it would put down corruption and intimidation. That was in 1833 and 1831, and about that time an address was published to the constituents he now r e presented, advocating in the strongest terms vot e b y ballot and triennial Parliaments. To that address was append the name of Benjamin Disraeli. The Right H on . Gentleman d ec lared that since then he had sown his wild oa t s , and h append e d he supposed that that was the only description of grain which the Right Hon. Gentle man would have escaped duty. lie had come to an opposite conclusion to that arrived at by the Right Hon. Gentleman, and he thought they ought to try some remedy to prevent corruption and intimidation. Ile agreed with the Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Walpole) that the best mode of pre venting bribery and corruption was the moral elevation of the people, and nothing could more tend to that end than the ballot.—(Cries of "Divide.") The most humiliating position in which you could plac e a man was, after bestowing on him the privilege of a vot e, not to allow him to give that vote as he thought proper, no thing could elevate him more than to give him thatand protec tion in the exercise of his privilege which would be afforded by the ballot. There was no measure more dear to the p eop l e at large than this; it was now their favourite question; and founded, as he believed it to be, on truth and justice, it would, so far from promoting demoralization, increase mo rality among all classes—among the upper as well as the more humble.—(Divide.) The House then divided, when there appeared,— For the motion ••• ••• 144 Against it .. 246 Majority ••• ••• —lO2 Mr. HUTT, amid some laughter, declared that it had been his intention to vote in favour of the motion, but that by mistake he had voted against it. The House then adjourned at Twenty minutes after Twelve o'clock. PARLIAMENTARY DIVISIONS. (From the Votes and Proceedings of the House of Commons.) T URSDAY, MARCH 30. BALLOT. Motion made, and Question put, " That leave be given to bring in a Bill to cause the Votes of Parliamentary Electors to be taken by way of Ballot." The House divided:— MINORITY-AYES, 144. Adair, Hugh E. - Hastie, Alexander Alcock, Thomas Hastie, Archibald Anstey, Thomas C. Henry, Alexander Armstrong, B. B. Heywood, James Barron, Sir H. Hepworth, L. Bass, M. T. Hi ggins, G. G. Berkeley, C. L. G. Hill, Lord Marcn Bernal, Ralph Handley Charles Bouverie, R. P. Hobhouse, T. B. Boyle, Colonel Hume, Joseph Bright, John Humphery, Ald. Brocklehurst, J. Hutchins, E. J. Brown, W. Jackson, William Clay, James Johnstone, James Clay, Sir W. Keating, Robert Clifford, li. M. Keogh,tWilliam Cobden, Richard Kershaw, James Cockburn, Sir A. King, P. J. Cogan, W. H. Langston, J. H. Collins, W. Lawless, Cecil Corbally, M. E. Locke, Joseph Davie, Sir H, Lushington, C. Dawes, Edwar M`Gregor, John Dawson, T. V. Maher, N. Devereux, John T. Meagher, Thomas ' D'Eyncourt, C. T. Mahon, O'Gorman Divett, E. Mangles, R. D. Douglas, Sir C. Marshall, J. G. Duncan, Viscount Martin, J. Duncan, George Milner, W. - M. Duncombe, T. Mitchell, T. A. Ellis, John Moffatt, George Enfield, Viscount Molesworth, Sir W. Evans, Sir De Lacy Moore, G. H. - , Evans, William Morris, David Ewart, William) Muntz, G. F. Ferguson, Colonel Murphy, F. S. Fox, Richard M. Norreys, Sir D. Fox, W. J. Nugent, Sir Percy Freestun, Colonel O'Brien, Sir Timothy Geach, Charles O'Connell, M. J. Gibson, T. M. O'Flaherty, Anthony Glyn, G. C. Osborne, Ralph Grace, 0. D. Paget, Lord Clarence Granger, T. C. Paget, Lord George Greene, John Pechell, Sir G. Grenfell, C. PasCOO Peel, Sir Robert llardcastle, J. A. Perfect, Robert Harris, Richard Pigott, Francis pilkingten, James Reynolds, John Ricardo, Osman Rice, E. R. Romilly, Colonel Sadleir, John Salwey, Colonel Scholefleld, William Scobell, Captain Scrope, G. P. Scully, Francis Scully, Vincent Shatto, R. D. Smith, J. A. Smith, John B. Somers, J. P. Somerville, Sir W. Stanley, W. 0. Stanfield, W. R. Strickland, sir G. Strutt, E. Stuart, Lord D. Stuart, Lord J. Sullivan, Michael Talbot, J. H. Tancred, H. W. Toiment, R. J. Thicknesse, R. A. Thompson, Colonel Thompson, George Thornely, Thomas Trelawny,.J. S. Tufliell, H. Tynte, Colonel Villiers, Charles Vivian, J. H.! Wakley, Thomas Walmsley, Sir J. Wawn, J. T. Wilcox, Brodie Williams, John Williams, W. Willyams, H. Wilson, Matthew Wood. Sir W. P. Wyld, James TELLEM. Berkeley, Henry F. Hall, Sir B. MAJORITY—NOES, 246. Adderley, C. B. Ferrer, James Miles, P. W. S. Archdall, Captain FeHowes, E. Miles, William Arkwright, George Ferguson, Sir R. Moncreiff, James Begot, William Fllmer, Sir E. Moody, C. A. Baillie, H. J. Fitzpatrick, J. W. Morgan, 0. Baird James Foley, J. H. Mostyn, E. M. Baldock, E. H. Forbes, William Mullings, J. R. Baldwin, Barry Fox, S. W. L. Mundy, William Bankes, G. Fuller, A. E. Naas, Lord Baring, Thomas Gallwey, Sir W. P. Napier, Joseph Barrington, Viscount Galway, Viscount Newdegate, C. N. Barrow, W. H. Ga.skell, J. M. Newport, Viscount Beckett, William Gilpin, Coionel Noel, Gerald J. Bennet, Philip Gladstone, W. E. O'Brien, Sir Lucia' Bentiuck, Lord H. Goddard, A. L. Ossulston, Lord Beresford, William Gooch, E. S. Packe, C. W. Birch, Sir Thomas Gore, W. R. 0. Palmer, Robert Blandford, Marquis Goulburn, Henry Palmerston, Vis. Boldero, 11. G. Granby, Marquis of Patten, J. W. Booth Sir R. G. Greenall, G. Peel, Colonel Bowles, Admiral Greene, Thomas Peel, Frederick Bramston, T. W. Grogan, Edward Pennant, Colonel Breetridge, Richard Grosvenor, Earl Plowden, W. H. Bridges, Sir B. Guernsey, Lord Portal, Melville Brisco, M. Gwyn, Rowel Pugh, David Broadwood, Henry Hale, R. B. Reid, General Brooke, Sir A.B. Raiford, Sir Henry Renton, John C. Bruce, C. L. C. Hall, Colonel Richards, Richard Buck, Lewis W. Hallewell, E. G. Rumbold, C. E. Buller, Sir J. Y. Hamilton, G. A. Rushout, Captain Bunbury, William Hamilton, J. 11. Russell, Lord John Burghley, Lord Hamilton, Lord C. St. George, Chris. Campbell, Sir A. Hardinge, C. S. Scott, Francis Cardwell, Edward Harris, Captain Seymer, H. K. Carew, W. P. Hatchell, John Seymour, Lord Castlereagh, Visc. Hayes, Sir E. Sibthorn, Colonel Cavendish, C. C. Heald, James' Smith, M. Tucker Cavendish, G. H. Heathcote, Sir G. Smollett, A. Caylcy, E. S. Heneage, CO& W. Semerton,iViseount Il Chandos, Marquis eneage, Edft ard Sother ,pr o s:T n isri , :isor T iGirnr. .. : l jas l ... . H. Chaplin, W. J. Henley, J. W. Spooner, Richard Charteris. Francis Herbert, H. A. Stafford, Augustus Chichester, Lord J. Herries, John C. Stanford, J. F. Child, smith Hervey, Lord A. Stanley, Edward Christopher, It. A. llildyard, R. C. Stanton, W H. Christy, Samuel Ilildyard, T. B. Staunton, Sir G. Clerk Sir G. Hill, Lord E. Stewart, Admiral Clive, R. H. Hope, Sir J. Stuart, 11. Clive, 11. B. Ilope,R. T. Stuart, J. Cobbold, J. C. Hotham;Lord Start, 11. G. Cochrane, A. D. Hudson, G. Taylor, Colonel Cocks, T. S. Hughes, W. B. Teiuient, Sir J. Codrington, Sir W. Hutt, William Thesiger, Sir F. Collins, Thomas Inglis, Sir It. 11. Thompson, Alderman Compton, 11. C. Jermyn, Earl Townley, R. G, Conolly, Thomas Joiliffe, Sir W. G. I.l,T T T: r 3ce,o e semllle v r3 o oe: r, G. R. Cotton, W. H. Jones, Captain Cowper, W. F. Knox, Colonel Cubitt, William Knox, W. S. Tyrell, Sir J. Currie, 11. Langton, W. 11. Davies, D. A. Lennard, T. B. Deedes, W. Lennox, Lord A. 'Villiers, Viscount Denison, J. E. Lennox, Lord 11. G. Vivian, J. E . Lewisham, Viscount Vyse, R. Disraeli, B. Dod, J. W. Lindsay, Colonel Waddington, li. S. Douro, Marquis of Littleton, E. R. Walpole, S. u Drummond, Home - Lockhart, W. Walsh, Sir J. Duckworth, Sir J. Long, W. Walter, John Duff, George S. Lopes, Sir Ralph Watkins, Colonel Duff, James Lowther, Colonel WM-Prosser, F. Duncombe, A.' Lowther, Henry Wellesley, Lord C. Duncembo, 0. Lygon, General Whiteside, James Duncombe, W. E. i s I / t l ilm Matheson, i i a aaaa cari Manners, ri k ctnnii i eien e .rr , , sEs C. John ,aL.Lir oloorrrdoddt C J. G. . Wigram, Loftus Dunne, Colonel Mahon, Lord Williams, T. F. Du Pre, C. G. East, Sir J. B. Edwards, HenrywllvVooortirdeeehirusie.3f,:l,r in via and Egerton, Sir P. Egerton, W. T. lliot, J. E. B w. m I.llasautielsrena John y o ung, . llV° : rre E S H ir : T J W: olm . Estcourt, J. B. B.J.Mixes. Maxwell, Hon. J. P. Colonel lV Evelyn, T. F. Farnham, E. B. - 13 3f a a t ek eso euzi n, T e l W. P. Her Majesty, accompanied by —e COURT unicuLAß. 44, Princess Helena, the Princess Louisa, and Prince Arl ' and attended by the Get r ral Buckley, visited her Marchioness of Ely and j Royal Highness the DucMbeees °r ,:;f Gloucester yesterday after noon, at Gl oucester Ho Piccadilly. Ills Royal Highnea, Prince Albert rode out on horseback tended Colonel . yesterday morning, a t tended by Colonel Bouverie. The Royal FaWIIY took usual exercise y Bouverie esterday in The Royal Familf ng ham Palace. the gardens of Biz cki The Queen bad dinner party yesterday at Buckingham Palace. d of the Coldstream Guards attended daring The Bin d in n er. The of Vernlam has relieved the Earl of Morton in Lis duties as Lord in Waiting to the Queen. Colonel the Hon. A. Nelson Hood has relieved Captain the Hon. J. Denman, R.N., in his duties as Groom in Waiting to her majesty. Her Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent visited the Duchess of Gloucester yesterday, at Gloucester House- A deputation on the subject of the Dundalk and Ennis killen Railway had an interview with the Earl of Derby yesterday, at his official residence in Downing-street. Lori Campbell had an interview with Mr. Secretary Walpole yesterday at the Home Office. Colonel Wood had also an interview with the Right Honourable Gentleman. The American Minister had an interview with Sir John Pakington yesterday at the Colonial Office. The Lord Advocate arrived in town yesterday from Ly mington. Mr. James M'Qneen had an interview with the Right Honourable J. W. Henley yesterday, at the Board of Trade. The Oxford University Commission had a meeting yester day, at the official residence of the First Lord of the Treasury in Downing-street. Captain Moorson, C. 8., had an interview with Lord Col chester yesterday, at the Board of Trade. Dispatches were received at the Colonial Office yesterday, from the Governor of the North American Provinces. The Oxford University Commission had a meeting on Mon day, at the official residence of the First Lord of 'the Trea sury, in Downing-street. Present—The Bishop of Norwich, the Dean of Carlisle, the Master of Pembroke, the Rev J. Liddle, J. L. Dampier, Esq., the Rev. Professor Powell, the Rev. G. 11. S. Johnson, and the Rev. A. P. Stanley (Se cretary. [ADVERTISEMENT.] —Holloway's Pills for the Cure of Nervous Debility and Determination of Blood to the Head. —Extract of a letter from Mr. John Lloyd, of Erwn-wen Harlech, Merionethshire. "To Professor Holloway. -think it my duty to i n f orm you that for Sir,—l a long period afflicted with giddiness and swimming in I was the head, attended by loss of appotite, and generally impaired health. Every means had failed to give me relief, and at length it became so alarm ing, that I was afraid o f going out tvithoytin7att—iftidant. Mr. Hughes, chemist, of Ha r l ec h, advisAdi f me- to try your Pills, which immediately did, and am wit to say - they effected a perfect cure, and restered me to ttralth and strength.—Sold by all Druggists and at Profestali° ll9 sTil i 'kEl s tabl i zbli a en t / - .... . . 244, strand, Union, ..r: i -.• 44 a 4 J~ V t _.