The Sun. — London, England, 1837-12-23 00:00:00

i ng winds that a new conflict should disturb the relations of amity which ar e equa ll y b ene fi c i a l to b o th. M oreover , suc h a W ar invariably appeals to the vilest passions of a nation—to its worst national vanities, and tends, for a time, to put a stop to all improvements ; and many who fear the march of improve- Melt will, 1_ doubt not, gladly seize upon such an opportunity as the pres;ent with the hope of occupying by war the national mind. ar,d turning it away from the consideration of Reform, and tb'as delaying, for a time, the progress of all Reform. I 31r.e 9. cely trust that the people of this country are enlightened :lie ugh to forbid such a war, to disregard the prejudices in ' ll 'sour of extended dominion, and count as little the loss of a 'Useless portion of their territories, when those territories can only be maintained by the infliction of such enormous %vas. Should, however, a war take place I must declare that I should more deplore success on the part of this runtry than defeat ; and though as an English citizen could uot but lament the disasters of my countrymen, 8 1 111 it would be to me a matter of less poignant regret than a success which would offer to the world the discs tlroUs and disgraceful tpectscle of a free and mighty na tion succeeding by force of arms in putting down and tyran nising over a free though feebler community struggling in defence of its just rights. May such a calamity be averted. .;_May such a reproach never fail upon this country ; but if, un happily a war does ensue, may speedy victory crown the efforts of the Canadians, and may the curses and execra tions of the indignant people of this empire alight upon the heads of those Ministers, who, by their misgovernment, ig norance, and imprudence, involve us in the calamities of civil discord, and expend our national resources in an unholy struggi, aominst liberty. And then— Several Lion. Members rose to order, aid 111 r. C. LCSHINGTON appealed to the Chair whether until language as the Hon. Baronet had used was proper for the House to heir? Mr. HUME--The Hon. Baronet has liberty of speech, and when he thinks proper to express his sentiments upon this or any other question in fitting language, I maintain that no man should dare to interrupt him.--( Hear.) Sir WILLIAM MOL E S 0 RTH having intimated that 1 20 had concluded, Sir G. GREY proceeded to address the House. After the statement made by his Noble Friend near him as to the Course which Government had deemed as the proper one to be adopted, in order to obtain the deliberate judgment of the House, and as to the measures which they felt it their duty to lay before it for their consideration, ho certainly did not intend to enter at length into the various topics and state ments which had been brought forward by the Honourable Member who had spoken, and which, he thought, might have been much Letter postponed until the information promised to be laid on the table to-morrow had been con sidered. This course he the more regretted had not been followed on finding that in almost all the speeches the House had heaid there had been a gross misrepresentation of facts, and of the state of things in the Canadian pro vinces.—( Hear, hear.) From those speeches it would ap- Pear that there was a contest actually going on between the British Government on the one hand, and the united people of those provinces on the other.—( Hear, 'hear, from Mr. Hume and other Honourable Members.) The Honourable Member for Kilkenny cheered him, as much as to intimate that such was his opinion, but in the face of the House and of the country he positively and solemnly denied that such was the fact.—( Chet rs. ) The Hon. Members who had spoken seemed very carefully' to have examined the Canadian papers for resolutions passed at public meetings by those of the inha bitants of those provinces who were in opposition to the Bri tish Government ; but had they been equally careful in .no tieing the numerous meetings which had been held in different parts of the provinces, at which some of the most influential of the Canadians had recorded, in the strongest and most un mistakable manner, their sense of the value of the British Constitution, their decided attachment to the British Consti tution, and their firm determination to uphold by all means in their power the connection existing between the two coun tries.—( Hear, hear.) Were not these Hon. Members aware that there was in Canada at the present moment a powerful, influential, and numerous minority, who, deprecating the steps taken by the French party, and fearing that unless they were resisted the property they bad purchased on the faith of the British connection continuing would be deteriorated in value, had most energetically rallied round the Government, and acting as well fur the interests of the British as of the French party, expressed their firm determination to stand by the present Constitution ? It was stated that the entire of Canada was at present in a state of commotion ; but that also was far from the fact. It was unfortunately true that a portion of Lower Canada was in a state of disturbance, nab, that, if not in actual insurrection, it was bordering upon it, and that a conflict had taken place between the disaffected and her Majesty's troops. But this state of things by no Means extended itself over the surface of the provinces, for in a great portion of it not only was the law vindicated, but the Government authorities in those portions of the provinces Were able to offer the Government the best assurances that Et'' , l7 attempt to spread disaffection in them would signally fail. The Hon. Baronet who last spoke had charged the Govern ment authorities at Montreal with showing favour to a lawless mob, merely because they happened to be of their opinions— but how stood the fact? Why that on the occasion alluded 'to the British soldiers were called out to protect, and actually did against the mob, the property of M. Papineau.—( Hear, hear.) The conduct of the Canadian authorities, as well as the instructions sent out to them from the British Govern ment, he maintained was dictated by an anxious desire to draw together and unite in a bond of affection opposite opinions and clashing sentiments, and though they had not yet succeeded they did not despair, and yet hoped to see all classes in the provinces rally round the British Constitution. The Honourable Member for Westminster would induce the House to believe that sympathy and cordiality existed between the French party in Lower Canada and the inhabitants of the upper province, together with the inhabitants of the other pro vinces in British North America. If he was to understand that Honourable Member, as disclaiming any feeling of dissa tisfaction at the supposed existence of such a' state of affairs, he was happy in being able to assure him that the fact was quite oth:rwise ; and the best proof to the contrary he could adduce was to be found in the fact that in Upper Canada all the British soldiery had been dispensed with by the authorities, and placed at the disposition cf Sir John Colborne, who com manded in the lower province. It was also said that New Brunswick participted in the revolt. From what source this intelligence was derived, he could not say', hut lie was in a si tuation to assure the House that the latest intelligence received from that quarter by the Government, mentioned that an una nimous vote had just been passed by the United Assembly of the province, expressing in a very warm manner, their grati tude to the British Government for the conduct and policy Pursued towards them and the colony generally. The Hon ourable Member for Kilkenny had brought forward some ge neral charges against the Government in regard to the appoint ments they had made to the office of Chief Governor of Canada, all of whom he had designated as tyrants and oppressors. To this general charge he gave a general and unqualified denial. And this brought him to the observations made on the appointment of Sir George Arthur, who, he must 85 y, had been most unhandsomely treated. The Hon. Baro n who spoke last had alluded to the evidence given by this tl ernan before a Committee of which he had been a Mem ber, but he believed it was not competent for the Hon. Baro net to state that any opinion injurious to the character of that officer had been either expressed by that Committee, or resul ted from his evidence before it. He (Sir G. Grey) had also access to the documents to which the Hon. Baronet alluded, and he must say that the impressions they left on his mind were totally different from those expressed by the Hon. Baronet. His decided impression was, that the colony of Van Diemen's Land had decidedly flourished under the government of Col. Arthur, and that that officer had preyed himself in every way qualified for the office entrusted to him. The Honourable Baronet had indeed been candid enough to admit a belief that Colonel Arthur had only executed his instructions ; but why, if so, not blame those instructions, instead of the Irian who executed them ? But the best proof of the excellent manner in which Colonel Arthur had discharged his d uty was to be found in the fact that only one charge had been brought against him, and that he had most successfully refuted all the allegations on which it was founded. An Ho nourable Member had alluded, in connection with Colonel Arthur's character, to a - memorial from Honduras, a copy of Which was about being moved for. If it was so it should be Produced ; but in that case he should at the same time produce two addresses presented, subsequently to the forwarding to Government of that memorial, to Colonel Arthur, addresses of Which any man might be proud.—( Hear, Hear.) It was true, as had been stated, that the nature of the Government to which Colonel Arthur had been just appointed, was different from that he formerly held ; but of this he was persuaded, that Colonel Arthur, implicitly fulfilling the instructions he should receive from home, would as effectually discharge his duty in his present as he had done in his late capacity.—( Heat' ) Before sitting down he begged to say, that up to the present Moment the Government had no reason to believe that, as alleged, many of the British troops had fallen in the late en counter. Indeed, as far as his information went, he did not believe ono single man had fallen.—( Hear, hear.) Mr. WARBURTON said that if the present position of affairs in Canada was attributable to , the conduct or miscon duct of any particular party in Canada, he should have thought it desirable to have waited for the papers proposed to be laid on the table by the Noble Lord ; but considering t he existing posture of affairs in that province to be the natu ral consequence of an infant colony opening into manhood, he did not see how the information the papers contained eould assist their discussion. The conduct which had been "opted by the British Government towards Canada he Would not call criminal, but he would give it a name which generally implied what was worse than a political crime_ he should call it a political blunder.—( Hear, hear, hear.) ,A 0 Honourable Member had attempted to show that the con uact of the British Government in Canada had not been op- PrEssive. That might be considered oppressive by a p eo p le °n the o th er s id e of the Atlantic which would not be con raler.ed oppressive in this country. The conduct of Marshal Sachet in the government of several provinces in Spain had d t- cn greatly admired out of that country. He had intro- Olced into those provinces the greatest improvements ; and s administration of power was infinitely superior to that of th e t , preceding authorities. Yet the resistance of the people of "ose provinces to his measures was justifiable, for the changes v 'ere not in accordance with their wishes. We must not Judge of the feelings and principles of the inhabitants of other stountries by our own feelings and principles. How well was i Said by M r. F ox, w i t h reference to the Canadians, in the a 'that ° en the Quebec Bill, 44 Make them feel that their insti attle . ns may be advantageously compared with the republican stitutitms of neighbouring States." Who would tell him tab le Warburton), when during the last twelve years the of the House bad been covered with petitions from the tillariaodians complaining of their grit vances, when Committee a tiee 'ornmittee had been appointed to take those gnev into consideration, and when the justice which this THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY, litCEl ✓II3EH. 23, 1837. country always professed its disposition to administer had been so tardy in its administration as not to be worth having, who would tell him that the Canadians had no cause for dissatisfaction ? Look at all those things, and then could it be said that they had no reason to complain of oppression, and of the acts of the Legis lature and Government of this country ? There had been two courses open to her Majesty's Government on the subject. On the one hand there was the course which had been so often recommended, not merely by a few persons on his (Mr. Warburton's) aide of the House, but by enlightened Members on tile other side of the House. This was the course so strerngly recommendod by Lord Ashburton when he had a seat in that House. " Let the Canadians," said that Noble Lord, "be governed in such a manner as may pre pare them at the earliest possible period for a state of inde pendence." Had that been done ? Instead of characterising the demands of the Canadians by the term " organic changes," it ought to have been considered whether those demands re lated to objects which the Canadians themselves thought de sirable. If, on the whole, concession to those demands would have introduced a greater portion of democratic arrangement, what had that to do with the question whether those arrange ments would be consistent with the principles of our gave: n ment at home? Why not give the Canadian people that which it was evident their hearts were so ardently set upon ? Had they not repeatedly demanded an Elective Council ? Why not give it them ? " Oh, hut," exclaimed the opponents of their claims, "that would be to organize a change." The answer was, that it was the change which the Canadians wished for. That was one course which might be pursued. They might grant the Canadians all the changes they re quired. If they did that the separation of the Canadas from the mother country might be for a considerable time deferred. If they would not consent to do that they might come to the alternative to which, sooner or later, they must arrive—sepa ration. Let the House consider the advantages which would belong to this or to that course. In the first place let them consider the enormous expense which had attended the maintenance of the administration of power in the Canadian colonies. Those expenses were not on the ordinary scale of the general system. There must be taken into the account the enormous sums which it had been necessary to expend for the purpose of advancing the prosperity of the colony. Twelve years ago, when he first entered that House, one of the first subjects which he had heard discussed was the Rideau canal, the expense of which was estimated at above a million and a half of money. That was only a single instance of the vast expense to which the colonies had sub jected the mother country. No colony, while the mother country was employed in raising it up was ever productive to that country. The object was to plant on a deserted soil, or on a soil inhabited only by savage hordes, a population which, when it became powerful and enlightened, might become consumers of the produce of the nation from which they sprung. That was the promised land to which all states looked when they planted colonies. Up to the present pe riod, the Canadas had been productive of nothing to the mother country but expense. To get rid of them, therefore, would be to get rid of a certain loss of money. The -sery trading monopoly occasioned by our possession of the Cana das, had (as he had frequently represented to the House) cost the country 1,200,0001. in the amount of duties. If they got rid of the Canadas, that extension of trade would follow which was the necessary consequence of the independence and pros perity of a colony. All the advantages would accrue to both countries which, under the principles of free trade, must flow from an interchange of commerce. Such vas the invariable result of the prosperity that followed the establishment of in• dependence. The next advantage would be the encourage ment to emigration, which would be occasioned by separation. If the House inquired into the extent of emigratiou from this country to the United Stater, while those States were colo nies of Great Britain, with the extent of emigration after those colonies became independent, they would see that the increased demand for labour which followed independence was the source of very extensive emigration. Let no one say that at present there was a great opening in the Canadas for our superabundant population. Bat as the Canadas in creased in prosperity the emigration to them from this country would speedily be doubled. But there were other advantages, too obvious to render it necessary to dwell upon them. There was the saving of the expense and misery of a cruel and dis graceful civil war. The next advantage was the escape from the danger in which we were placed while we maintained these colonies of being engaged in war with other countries. Dis agreements had already taken place between the diplomatic agents of this country and of the United States, with refer. ence to the boundaries. Those boundaries Isere yet unsettled ; and on the settlement of them it was not impossible that discus sions would arise which would involve the two nations in hos tilities. Now, if we were to make up our minds to an ami cable separation, we should avoid all the consequences of war; we should avoid all the bad feelings engendered by every war, and which were produced in an aggravated shape by civil war. He trusted, therefore, that they would put aside those sentiments of national pride by which so many persona were influenced, and which frequently led Govern ments to adopt measures which they anew in their hearts would be injurious to the countries, the affairs of which they were administering. So far was he (Mr. Warburton) from regarding a separation with feelings of shame or disgrace (he believed the alternative would be productive of more shame and disgrace). that he devoutly wished the period of such separation had arrived ; convinced as he was that the change which would then take place in the relations between the colonies and the mother country would he ad vantageous to all parties. If, on the other hand, they determined to retain the Canadas by war, they must be prepared to incur all the disadvantages of such a course of proceeding. What he most feared as the consequence of the breaking out of civil war in the Canada?, waS, that it might involve us in hostility with the United States, and that would necessarily lead to the breaking out of war in Europe. The course of events which would lead to this result, and which had already been pointed out by an Honourable Baronet, was obvious. Thousands of American citizens would cross the boundaries for the pur pose of assisting the Canadians. That would occasion complaints by Great Britain that the United States were taking part against us in the quarrel between ourselves and our colonies. Now, they all knew that the Government of the United States, if they were inclined to do so, could not prevent American citizens from taking part in thet quarrel. But the circumstance would produce a state of e xasperation between the two countries, and the transition to war would be easy. This country, then, would be en gaged in hostilities with the United States ; and being so engaged, a quarrel between this country and some of the European states would inevitably follow. If he were asked what powers was most likely, if they did not actually engage in war with us, to take a course which would be highly detrimental to our interests, he would say all the northern powers of Europe. Russia, Prussia, Sweden, Nor way, if they did not do so openly, would secretly endeavour to promote the cause of the Canadians, in order to destroy the forced trade which we had established with the Canadas ; and to recover their full and free trade with this country. This was an object which would render all those powers either the open or the secret allies of the Canadians. As to the question of the ad vantages or disadvantages which would result to the people of Canada from a separation from this country, that of course, was a matter of opinion. But if a people took up arms, and subjected themselves to all the penalties attendant upon revolt and insurrection for the attainment of what they considered a beneficial object, it could not but be ac knowledged that of the value of that object they must be the best judges. It was idle, therefore, to talk of drawing up a Bill of indictment against the colonies. He was satis fied by their conduct that they wished to discontinue their connection with this country. It had been frankly admitted that the supporters of the British Government in Canada were only a minority of the population. And yet, forsooth ! for the sake of that minority we were to plunge into civil war. The loyalists in America, on the breaking out of the revolution, were a minority. The Orangemen in Ireland were a minority. To tell him that the acknowledged fact of the friends of British connection being in a minority in Canada was not a proof that it was not desirable to maintain that connection was to tell him what he could not understand. He must say that the conduct pursued with reference to this subject by the present Government, considering to what party in the State they belonged, struck him with astonish ment. In the course of his reading, as bearing upon the his tory of this country, he had always admired the conduct of of the Whigs at the time of the quarrel between the Ame rican colonies and the mother country as one of the brightest efforts that had ever been made in the cause of freedom. What would be said, therefore, if the very same party were to pursue an opposite course in the present instance? Who would not laugh if such a one there be ? Who would not weep if Atticus were he ?" If, however, the indications which had that night been given were to be followed up ; if the course which had been darkly shadowed out were realized ; if that were carried into effect, which he feared he had but too truly anticipated, he should feel it his duty to do all in his power to oppose a Government so acting. For ha could foresee nothing from such a course but a repetition of all the disgrace which we had incurred in vainly endeavouring - to prevent the United States from ac quiring their independence. Still, he could not but believe that her Majesty's Government, having before them the his tory of the American war, and seeing that similar consequences were likely to result from engaging in a similar contest with Canada, would feel their error. if they should really enter tain this feeling, if they should at length come to the con clusion at which he (Mr. Warburton) had arrived namely, that the separation would be advantageous to the mother country, he hoped they would make up their minds to relin quish their opposition to that separation, and not to plunge into a civil war, which must lead to disastrous consequences in whatever way it might terminate.—( Cries of " Hear, hear.") If in such a war they should triumph, they would triumph.—( Hear.) They would "make a solitude, and call it peace." If they held the colony they could hope to retain it only by a monstrous expenditure ; and, whatever the expenditure might be, it would eventually be ineffectual. If, on the contrary, as was recommended by his (Mr. Warbur ton's) part of the House, they agreed to the terms of an ami cable separation, they would derive from it all the advantages which he had described, and many more which he would not tske up the time of the House by enumerating ; and, so far from losing the advantages of the connection between the colony and the mother country, those advantages would be increased to a tenfold degree. But, independently of the question of separation (and a separation was not inevitable at the present moment) Government had the alternative of granting all the changes which the Canadians wanted, whether organic or not, or of plunging into a war. the termination of which no man could foresee. He was aware that the number of individuals in that House dis posed to support the cause of the Canadians was not large. If Parliaments were shorter, or if they were nearer a gene ral election, he should expect better things. Unfortunately they were at the commencement of a Parliament; and therefore could not feel any assurance that many Members would be found disposed to oppose the Court. But, whe ther the House or the Government did or did not pursue the course which he recommended, he anticipated that the period ould shortly arrive when the consequences of the breaking out of the war should become manifest, and when the oppo sition of Government to liberal principles should be more dis tinctly marked, the great majority of the people would de clare themselves in favour of the cause which now met with SO few supporters in that House. \Vhen the people expe rienced all the evils of war, when they found their comforts diminished, when they found all improvement stopped, when they found all attempts at national education at an end, their eyes would be opened, and they would raise their voices against a policy productive of so much mischief. Mr. YOUNG observed that it was a melancholy aad hu miliating spectacle to see an Hon. Member of that House rise in his place for the purpose of dwelling on and exaggerating (though certainly not intentionally) the disasters which threatened his country, pointing out the parts in which it was most vulnerable, and showing how a colonial population, in a sate of revolt, might triumph over the law. The Honourable Gentleman reminded him of the advice given to the Irish people— " Then put your trust. in Gm!, my boys, But keep your powder dry;" for he suggested the mode of warfare which would have the most deadly effect on her Majesty's troops. He (Mr. Young) should not have expected this from any Honourable Member, still less from a person holding the rank in society of the Honourable Baronet the Member for Leeds. The whole of the Honou, able Baronet's statement was pervaded by falla_ cies. Such, however, was too much thepractice of that small knot of politicians at the head of whom (now that the late Member for Bath was no longer in that House) the Honour able Baronet had placed himself, who professed to monopo lise all information respecting the condition of Canada. There were many Members of that House, however, who were fully as well informed on that question. While the Honourable Baronet endeavoured to throw the House into a state of de spondency on the subject, he ( Mr. Young) proceeding on sound and solid in'ormatioo, would present to the House a ye, y different picture. The effect of the Honourable Baronet's ad dress to the House would be to stimulate the discontented in Canada to effort. The Honourable Baronet had said that the desertion from her Majesty's troops was enormous. He (Mr. Young) could tell the Honourable Baronet that there had been much less desertion since the existence of the present dis turbances than before. The Honourable Baronet also spoke of Lower Canada as if all the people were averse to British rule and British connection. Now, that was far from being the fact. The inhabitants of Lowcr Canada were composed of one quarter belonging to the British party, and three quarters belonging to r the French party. The British portion were all but universally in favour of British connection and lititish rule ; and the French party were not so generally averse to that connection and rule as the Hon. Baronet ap peared to believe. In fact, they were a peaceable, quiet, orderly set of persons ; and, in the main, were much attached to British rule and connection. The priests, who had great influence over them, were of similar sentiments ; and when the Hon. Baronet talked of the causes of the present distur bances, let him not look so far off as Canada itself. In esti mating those causes, he (Mr. Young) could not leave out of his consideration the inflammatory harangues made, not only to the population of Lower Canada, but much nearer home-- as, within those walls—a course of conduct which, he re gretted to observe, was not abandoned, although the standard of insurrection had been raised in the colony. As to the increased value of Canada to this country in the event of a separation, he was prepared to disprove the suppositons of the Hon. Member for Bridport. The three advantages which this country at present enjoyed from the connection with Ca nada were, first, that it afforded an outlet for our manufac tures; secondly, that it employed British shipping; thirdly, that it afforded facilities for emigration. He would advert to the second branch, with which he was the most acquainted. la the first place, however, he begged to remark that he did not think the question should be placed on the narrow ground of how much benefit or how much loss would result from the separation of Canada from Great Britain. National justice and national honour were the considerations which it was more imperative to attend to. But as to the advantages which British shipping would derive from the separation, the lion. Baronet perfectly in error when he said that the advantages which British shipping had derived from the separation from the United States was a parallel case, exemplifying the advantages which British shipping would derive from a separation from Canada. Did the Ho nourable Gentleman know that almost all the existing carrying trade between Great Britain and the United States was in American bottoms? That was the fact; and therefore there was no ground for the inference which the Hon. Gentlemen attempted to draw. He (Mr. Young) re peated that national justice and national honour were the con siderations which ought to be kept especially in view. He was astonished at the sarcastic allusions which had been made by the Hon. Member for Westminster to the rich meadows which had been granted and set apart for the Land Company, as affording rich prizes to those engaged in the present con test. If the Legislature, granting these lands, had induced the proprietors to invest capital in cultivation, were not theie proprietors entitled to protection ? Had the numerous per sons who had been induced to emigrate to C!nada no right to be protected? Were we to give up the possession of poli tical power in Canada into the hands of those who would exer cise the most writhing tyranny on all those who were friendly to British connection and British rule? For these reasons he ( Mr. Young) thought the Honourable Member for Ashburton perfectly justified in the indignation which he had expressed on the subject. As to the causes of existing events, they might be a fitting matter for consideration at a future period. But when the house was in a flame, that was not a time to suspend exertions for its extinction for the purpose of inquiring into the cause of the conflagra tion. The Honourable Member for Bridport might indulge in his philosophical harangues, but he would not eradicate the conviction of the advantages of our colonial possessions from the minds either of the House or of the country so easily as he and his little band seemed to think. He be- lieved that there was no justifiable foundation whatever for the endeavour now made to subvert the British authority in Canada.—( Hear, hear.) He believed that :he attempt had tlo sympathy, no support in the feelings or wishes of the great mass of the Canadian people—(Hear, hear)—and he was satisfied that if the contingency were to arise which had been suggested by the Hon. Member for Bridport (Mr. War burton)—if they the Members of the House of Commons were about to return to their constituents. it would be found that the great majority of the people of Great Britain would re spond to the sentiments expressed by the Noble Lord (Lord J. Russell) when he said that he conceived it to be the duty of the Government to do everything in its power to maintain the British authority in Canada. He believed that the people of Great Britain would rather reject the men, who, like the Hon. Member for NVestminister wished to lay the honour and justice of this country prostrate at the feet of a few unprincipled and selfish agitators than they would those who declared that they would maintain the authority of Great Britain in Canada inviolate, even though it should unhappily, for a time at least, be necessary to employ the strong hand to attain that end.—( Hear.) It was well known that he (Mr. Young) had attached himself to no party in that House; but until order and obedience to the laws were restored in Canada he should feel bound to give his humble support to the Govern. merit in any step they might deem necessary to secure the au thority of Great Britain in that province.—( Hear.) Mr. GROTE, in the few observations which he should make upon the present crisis, did not intend to expose himself to anything like a charge of using expressions of triumph and exultation—expressions which had been most improperly end most unjustly applied by the Hon. Member who spoke last, and by seceral other speakers on the other side of the House, to the Hon. Gentlemen who sat behind him (Mr. Grote). His own feelings upon the subject was ono of deep sadness and concern.—(Hear, hear, hear.) If, indeed, there were in his bosom one lurking feeling of triumph, it 'rested solely upon the recollection that he was one of the very areal minority who offered their most strenuous opposition to the fatal resolutions of the last Session, and which had given birth to all the present disasters in Canada. —( Hear.) He would not leave the responsibility of those resolutions upon his conscience, taking them in connection with all the consequences to which they were destined to give birth, for anything that c)uld be offered him.—( Hear.) There was no part of his public conduct to which he looked back with such unqualified gratification, as to that in which he, united with a few others, bed carried his opposition to the utmost verge that the forms of the House would allow, to prevent, if possible, the passing of anything so unjust as thosu resolutions to which all the pre sent calamities of Canada were attributable. Every prediction which the opponents of the resolutions ventured to hazard had since been verified, and more than verified, in the way of calamitous consequences.—( Hear, hear.) However disa greeable it might be to the Honourable Gentleman opposite To entertain the idea of separation from Canada, he vva'squite sure that no person could weigh the subject well without seeing that that topic must, before long, be brought under the mature consideration of every reflecting man in the kingdom. When the resolutions of last year were under dis cuFsion, he ( Mr. Grote) said that there were two things, either of which it was desirable (though certainly not equally desir able) to accomplish—either an amicable union, or at least an amicable separation.—( Hear.) From the present posture of affairs he very much feared that neither the one nor the other of these alternatives would soon be within their reach. Not withstanding the urgency of the time, and the great changes of circumstances which had since taken place, he regret ted to find the same tone adopted by the Government and the Honourable Gentlemen who supported the views of the Government, as that by which they seemed to be inspired when the fatal resolutions were under discussion. Ile regretted to find the same confidence expressed by the Government and by so many Honourable Gentlemen on the opposite side of the House, that it wanted only the expres sion of a strong opi n i on f rom a l arge major i ty i n the British Parliament at once to put down all idea of resistance in the minds of the people of Canada. Last year all the distur bances, all the disquiet of the province was attributed to a few agitators who were talked of as insignificant and unworthy of a serious regard ; and even now the same language was held, although occurrence after occurrence took place to show that such talk was nothing better than the grossest delusion.— ( Hear, hear.) It had been asserted by many Gentlemen in the course of the debate that th ere was no analogy between the present state of Canada and that of the provinces of the United States in 1774. But he had not heard one single argument to prove to him that there was any disparity what. ever between the two cases. He contended not only that the treatment of England towards Canada was analogous to that of the treatment of England towards the United States, but that the grievances of which the Canadians complained were also in every respect exactly . analogous to th e gr i evances o f which ' the United States complained.—( Hear, hear.) The prin. Gu t of the right of the British That was estates the iin cipal grievance arose, in fa . Government to take the peC”lei money. ettad of I, t . li n e r:s of the (lotted complaint nn su d bs t t ii a e , the resolu tions ground of the complaint 1771 ;it was also the tthief Lsubstan tially their of Canada at the present evin:ent. r own ro il y:the tions of last year the Canadian People' tially deprived of all control over the. own treasury. —( Hear, hear, hear.) He had lists'ned with surprise to the Honourable Member foe Newark (M:. Glad stone) when he said, as he had done that evening, that it was not a mere speculative grievance or grievanc:p of principie,. bet a series of protracted oppressions which led the United State= of America to shake off the yoke of Britain. That statement: was entirely inaccurate. It was not necessary to read more than the speech of Mr. Burke upon the subject, to be convinced that the resistance of the Americans arose entirely - out of the assumed right of the British Parliament to tax them without consulting their own Legislature. In point of fact the British Parliament did nut take any money—did not exercise the right it claimed in that respect ; it was th.a mere claim of the right tihich caused the bloody and protracted war in which the Americans engaged, and in which they would rather have died than submit to what they conceived to be the injustice and tyranny of the mother ,country. He believed that no greater practical grievance had been entailed upon Canada, any more than upon the United States, but the British Legislature unfortunately assumed over the former, as it had done over the latter, a right of control, which, however the Noble Lord the Member for Streud (Lord J. Russell) might regard it, he was sure would have been consi dered by the Lord John Russell of former days, and by Al. gernon Sydney, as equal to a sentence of slavery.—( Hear, hear.) Although he admitted that in the present circum stances the question of union or separatioo between the mother country and the colony was accompanier! with diffi culties peculiar to the time, yet he maintained that the British Legislature must not fear or even delay to face the evils of which it had itself been the cause.—(Hear.) After matters had conic to such a pass as that in which they now stood in Canada, how could the British Legislature hope to govern the colony except by superiority of force—how could it ever hope that its occupation of the country should be other than ono of continual disturbance, revolting to the feelings of those who bad to keep it, and absolutely intolerable to those who had to submit to it.—( Hear, hear.) Surely the material advantages, in point of wealth and commerce, must be great indeed if they could be worth purchasing at the cost of eternal coercion, and an unceasing struggle to put down the feelings of the great mass of the Canadian people. —( Hear, hear.) Whether the state of affairs in Canada was as serious as had been represented or not, it was, at all events, certain that a series of disturbances had taken place ; and that the tendency of timings was such, as to render the continuance of pacific government scarcely to be expected under any circumstances ; even if the House were disposed, wiich he did not think it was, to adopt a conciliatory course, it was much to be feared that it would now fail of producing that harpy effect which, if adopted at an earlier period, it would have undoubtedly secured.—( Hear hear.) Although sufficient information had not yet been received to enable them to estimate the extent to which the flame of rebellion had spread, they had still sufficient knowledge upon the subject, to convince them that all the care and attention of the Go vernment would be required to meet the difficulty in which the country and the colony were involved.—( Hear, hear.) He should be pleased to find that the rebellion had not reached the height which many gentleman seemed to anticipate, be cause it might give time to the Government to retrace, and perhaps retrieve, its policy. —( Hear, hear.) In conclusion he implored the House to allow the present disturbances of Canada to serve as a warning for the future, and instead of indulging at all times, when the rights and interests of the colony were discussed, in a tone of triumph at the supe rior power of England, to allow a little space for concilia tion and justice, and to deal with the Canadians as they would with men who, though freemen like themselves, were still desirous of remaining, if they could so with ho nour, in connection with England as their mother country. Sir IL H. INGLIS thought that the want of interest taken in this matter was perfectly extraordinary, when its vast importance was considered. It was plain, from the accounts received, that the colony was at this momet at open war with the mother country ; therefore, unless Ministers were prepared to take the whole responsibility of meeting the exigency of the case upon their own shoulders, they ought not to al. low Parliament to separate for forty-eight hours, much less for three weeks. He denied, in opposition to the statement made by the Honourable Member for Westminster (Mr. Leader), that either he or the party with whom he acted were disposed to become, or had ever been, the advocates of an unjust war, but tliy were the decided advocates for up holding the British authority in Canada.—( Hear.) The Hon. Member for Brilport had talked of an amicable separa tion. Was this a time to entertain the notion of an amicable separation ?—( Hear.) It was idle to talk in such a strain. He ( Sir IL Inglis) hoped that the Canadians would soon be reduced to that state of subjection in which he believed the great mass of the population desired to find themselves. The desire to uphold the British authority in Canada was not confined to that portion only of the population which was of British birth ; it extended in a very great degree to those who were of French origin.—(llear, hear, hear.) The Honourable Member for Bridport had dwelt much upon the necessity of discussing this subject with calm ness and temper ; and yet in the course of his own speech the Hon. Member had indulged in expressions which, to say the least of them, were the very reverse of calm. He ( Sir IL Inglis) denied the existence of abstract rights in any man or any body of men. He maintained that the only rights which the Canadians wero entitled to urge were, the rights of a pacific Constitution awarded to them by a conquering Power. Beyond those rights, so conceded, any attempt to demand me; e was, and ought to be, considered an act of insurrection. Every rational man, too, would sec that the real independence and liberty of the people of Canada were more likely to be sa crificed by the acts of the present rebels than by any Act of the British Legislature. The Honourable Baronet con cluded by expressing a hope that the Government would not adjourn the House tor more than the shortest possible period. Captain PEC HELL lamented the tone and manner in which that discussion had been carried on, and he must especially express his dissent from the observations of the ' Honourable Baronet the Member for Leeds, relative to the probability that Nova Scotia and New Brunswick would be found making common cause with Canada, and to the de sertion which was likely to take place from the ranks of the British army, in case of open hostilities. Nova Scotia and New Brunswick were in precisely the same situation now as was the province of Canada during the la'e war with the United States. Canada might then have easily joined those States, but had not so done; and the same reason which restrained the Canadians then would actuate the in habitants of Nova Scotia and New Brunswick at the present day : and with respect to desertions, they all knew what in decements were held out in the American war, and how firmly all overtures had been resisted by the British soldiers. He anticipated, therefore, none of the evils from these sources which were dreaned by the Honourable Baronet ; and he hoped that whatever might be the ultimate extremity referred to in that discussion, Ministers would not agree to the advice of the Hon. Baronet the Member for Oxford, and would not consent to any proposition for a shorter adjourn ment ; he thought that such a shortening of the vacation would be most unsatisfactory—( Hear, hear)—and he trusted that the House and the country would rely on the good intent and discretion of her Majesty's Ministers. Mr. MACLEAN hoped the House would duly feel the importance of the subject under discussion, and he was of opinion that the Imperial Parliament ought, without loss of time, to enter upon a full consideration of the situation of the Canadas, and, if it were deemed necessary, to send to those colonies the opinions of the House and of the coun try. The sooner the House entered upon the question, the sooner they expressed that opinion, the better it would he for the character of the House and for the interest of the provinces. He could not help remarking the discrepancy, also, which existed between the arguments used by the Honourable Member for Bridport, in the case of the Canadas, and the arguments which he had held in that House in rela tion to other parts of the Brittih dominions. He said that it did not signify to his argument (even were he to admit that the language and conduct pursued by the leaders of the po pular party in that country might be rebellious, that it might even be treasonable), that it signified nothing whatever as to the value of his deductions, that there had been overt acts of treason, or even open rebellion. Was Ca nada, or was it not, to be considered as an independent coun try ? Did not the Hon. Member see that, being a depen dent colony, if he were to push his argument to the extreme, and were to follow it out, it might apply to any other colony which might take the same course which Canada had pursued, and would he then declare that the intention of the Legisla ture and of the Crown were to be frustrated, because they were not in accordance with the views of a small majority in the colony ? If the argument were brought nearer home, and to a country separated only by the sea, as Canada was—if they came nearer to oar own shores, would the Honour able Member declare that the inhabitants were justified in a rebellion, because acts did not pass the Legislature in accord. ance with the feelings and the opinions of the majority ? It was clear that the Canadas formed part of the colonies belong ing to this country, though it had a Local Legislature ; and at first they had conferred with the mother country as to the course to be pursued. It was the intention of the colony to submit its grievances to the Imperial Parliament ; Committee after Committee had been appointed, the opinion of the Legislature had been unequivocally d ec l ar ed, and ought the colony now to hesitate in the adoption of this decision ? Surely it ought to be bound by the course which Parliament had taken.—(Oh, oh.) The Hon. Member said " Oh, oh" —(Laughter)—but did he mean to say that a majority ought to make any objection after they had submitted their in terests to the consideration of Great Britain ? What ! be cause they were to submit to the opinions of the majo rity, were they to impeach the decision of the mother country, given as it was after a full debate? Were they to preach up the doctrine that when Parliament, by a large and overwhelming majority, had sent out its resolutions, were they to be met by the declaration of the Canadian Legisla ture mentioned by the Hon. Member for Leeds, conveyed through the Speaker of that Assembly in the most insulting tone which could have been adopted towards the mother country, and in a tone than which none could have been adopted better fitted to blow the flame of a civil war ? . ____ ...._ ..., -. ... _.... _ The course was the more pernicious, promulgated as the declar:ltion was by the S ; )eaker, the head of that Assembly, and the local organ of the legislature. When, again, Lord Gosford, in the name of her Majesty, had published a proclamati on pro hibi t i ng M ag i strates f rom attending il. legal meeti ngs , ts ere t h ey not to ld t h at l ar ge assemblages were held, at which language was used which might or might n o t b e treasona ble, and that magistrates at tended those meetings when the proclamations were torn down and treated with the greatest insult ? Were they not told that meetings were held subsequent to set aside her Majesty's authority, and to appoint justices from among the pacificators, and in which it was declared that no obedience should be given to the recognised law of the country ? And were they to say that Lord Gosford, when all law and all authority had been set at defiance, should take no steps to discharge his duty to his country • and his loyalty to his Queen? He (Mr. Maclean) would like to be told by Hon. Gentlemen opposite what ccurse they would have recommended Lord Gosford to pursue, when placed in the position which he was admitted to have been? If he had conceded to those who were almost in open rebellion, he would have given up the Queen's right, and would he not have been rightly considered a traitor to his country and his Queen ? chen he came home would be not have been rightly taunted with baying Abandoned his important duties, and with having di s pl e y e el arrant cowardice ? And would he not have rightly lost the conilessese of his Sovereign and his character as it British subject 2 - He (Mr. Maclean) would not then enter upon the character of Lord Gosford's mission; but he believed that, taking all the circumstances into con sideration, the Noble Lord had fully discharged his duty, and it was curious to hear him now charged with an abandonment, having been forced to a most severe exercise of it. A hope had been expressed by an Hon. Member of that House, that the time was coming when that painful dominion of the mother country would cease, and it was supposed to come from a person speaking the sentiments of a majority of the people of England, and it was thus calculated to excite dissension among the people, because the English people were thus considered favourable to the views of Papincau's party in• the colony, and he thought that the advice would have been Lees followed if it were known that it possessed so little autho rity as it really did from this adventitious vveight. The Noble Lord the Secretary for the Home Department had requested the postponement of any discussion on the affairs of the colony, and he (Mr. M.) must say that the &bete might have been I spared, and the irritating topics which had been urged might well have been avoided; but as they tad been introduced, he must take the first opportunity which presented itself of de claring his surprise, that if what he regretted as much as the Honourable Baronet the Member for Leeds should hap pen—if there should unfortunately be a collision between her Majesty's troops and persons in arms, any Member of that House should express a hope that her Majesty's arms would be defeated, he could not help entering his protest against any such doctrine, and expressing his own wish, and what he hoped was also the wish of the majority of that House, however painful it might be to coretemplate the possibility of a meeting of a hostile nature, that they might not witness the defeat of the authority of the Crown, ens(' esf those sent to sup part it; and if, unfortunately, a collision should take place between the discontented and her Majesty's troops, he did sin cerely hope that the loyalty of the people would succeed, and that her Majesty's troops would be victorious. With regard to the comments on the characters of the gentlemen who were now, or who were about to be conneceed with the co lony, he must also say a few words. Of Colonel Arthur he knew nothing; but with regard to the officer wi:o was now entrusted with the command there, he must observe that the remarks of the Honourable Gentleman the Member tor Kil kenny were entirely unwarranted. Sir John Colborne was the son of an old officer who had borne the best of names ; he had been highly esteemed in all the relations of private life, and he had discharged most important services to his country, and had displayed great loyalty to his Sovereign. When the Hon. Member talked of him, therefore, as a firebrand, did he think that he was likely to allay the ill-feeling at present ex isting ? Was it wise to distinguish with the name of a fire. brand the most respectable officer who was sent to the dis turbed province ?—( Hear, hear)—and who, he was sure, in the opinions of military men of all parties, was considered as meriting the esteem and the confidence of the country. He (Mr. Maclean) deprecated this most unseasonable discussion, because its tendency was to give a false colouring to events which had happened, and to give an evil direction to those which were about to follow. Sir C. B. VERE bore testimony to the great claims of Sir J. Colborne to that respect and esteem which he had ac quired among his brother officers. Heebelieved that the cha racter of no officer in the public servierktood higher, nor was there one better qualified to have trust reposed in him. He was a friend whom he ( Sir C. B. Vere) had not seen for years ; but he might safely say that every Minister with whom he had had communication in the situation in which he had been placed, whether of the one political party or the other, was perfectly satisfied with the manner in which that Gallant Officer had discharged his duty. Mr. JOHN EL LIS impressed upon Ministers the neces sity of withdrawing their consent from any lengthened ad journment. When he considered the nature of the sentiments which had been that night expressed, when he considered that the present debate would be a long way on its road to Canada before the three weeks would be up, and before any counteraction could be given to these sentiments, and when the House remembered that Lower Canada was on the very verge of insurrection, and that the flames of rebellion were ready to break forth there, he trusted that Honourable Mem bers would induce the Noble Lord to fix an earlier day than the 16th of January for the re-assembling of Parliament. He must at the same time express his astonishment that the Hon. Gentleman, the Member for Westminster, so soon after the news of a collision between the British troops and the insur gents had reached England should come down that House and deliver a speech, he would net say tainted, but at any rate completely pregnant, with gratulation,—( Hear, hear,)—in which he did not point out any means of effecting an amicable separation, but suggested means by which the colony might resist that connetion with the mother country, which the ma jority of the English people were most anxious to keep up. He ( Mr. Ellis) hoped that the debate would be resumed at an early period, and that the language then held would be more in acco:dance with the sentiments expressed by the Noble Lord in bis opening speech than had been uttered that evening. Mr. C. HINDLE Y said that if there were any one vote which he had given in that House with which he was better satisfied than another, it was on the Noble Lord's Resolutions regarding Canada. He thcught that all must most earnestly desire that Government should take some conciliatory steps on this pressing question. If England could keep Canada, let them act towards it as they would towards any other part of the British empire ; and if they must part with it, let them part on the best of terms, and make the necessary arrangements for rendering it a prosperous and separate country. Mr. BORT H WICK remarked that the last recommenda tion of the Hon. Member for Ashton differed most materially from the course suggested by the Hon. Member fur West minster, when he expressed his cordial and hearty approba tion to what amounted to all but open rebellion.—( Hear, hear.) He (Mr. Borthwick), however, thought that the Hon. Member for Westminster did not speak the senti ments of the great body of the people, who were indis posed to enter upon a course of headlong revolution. He thought that the country would rather support the dignity of the Crown and mint lin the present connection with the co lonies. When the Canadians had laid down their arms, when they had returned to peaceful allegiance, then, and not till then could they talk of the redress of grievances ; then, and not till then, could they pay any regard to the suggestion for the :peaceful separation of the colony from the mother country. The Hon. Member for Bridport had stated his sur prise at the course which the Whig party were now taking, and had referred to the opinions of Mr. Burke upon the Ame rican question; but he (Mr. Borthwick) thought that if Mr. Burke were alive he would take the same course as had been pursued by her Majesty's Ministers—that he would assert the authority of the Crown and of Parliament as the only means of restoring peace and tranquillity to this unhappy province. In conclusion, he had only to contrast the wishes of Hon. Gentle man opposite, that tbo arms of Queen Victoria might be de . - feated in one of her own colonies, with the desire expressed by the same Gentlemen with regard to Spain ; they had then de-. dared that however unjust might be the cause in which they were employed, they hoped that the British arms might never experience defeat ; but now, when the cause was just, and the scene was in one of our colonies, they expressed a wish that the same arms might be defeated, and that rebellion might be successful. Lord JOHN RUSSELL thought that the Hon. Baronet the Member for the University of Oxford could hardly have been in his place when he (Lord John Russell) originally made his statement to the House. For the information of the Hon. Baronet, and of others who might not have bsen pre sent, he would recal to the recollection of the House what he bad originally stated, and the actual circumstances of the case. He was about to move the adjournment of the House from to-morrow to the Ist of February, and no complaint had been made to such a course. The House was quite ready to leave to the Government the responsibility and the arrangement as to the administration of the affairs of Canada as well as of the other parts of the empire. He (Lord John Russell) had, without any suggestion, come forward with the proposition that the House should adjourn to the 16th of January instead of the Ist of February, not on the ground that it was neces sary to take any measure fitted for any immediate emergency, or that the Government thought that Parliament need take any steps to promote the honour of the Crown and the main tenance of the colony ; but what he did state was, that as un certain intelligence might arrive, week by week, and some important information had been already received, it was not parliamentary, nor was it according to the Constitution of the country, that Parliament should separate for so long a time as five weeks without an expression of concurrence on the part of the House in the course of policy which the Government had thought it its duty to pursue. On this ground alone it was that ho had stated his intention of moving a shorter adjournment • and if ha made it still shorte r, if he bad moved only for an a djournment of one week with out immediate and sufficient necessity, be would have run the risk of not obtaining so full an attendance of Members as was requisite to ascertain tho fair opinion of the House with respect to the policy which had been pursued in Canada. ( Hear, hear.) He should have had little to add to these few observations, had it not been for the spirit that had sprung up in the course of the debate ; but he could not help noticing the tone and manner that had been exhibited in some of the speeches that had been delivered that night. He did not find fault with the t.hilosophic view which the Hon. Member for Bridport had taken of the subject, when he said that it was no matter or consequence whatever whether or not the complaint@ of the Canadians were unfounded and unjust, but that the consequence of those complaints ought to have been an instant separation. He would not now go into a discussion of this philosophical view of the question beyond merely observing, that if Canada was justified in a separation for such a cause, why should not some parts of this country be equally justified in a separation ? For instance, Scotland. Suppose that country to require another Sovereign than a member of the House of Hanover, when that family was called to the Throne of England, and that it considered a re fusal a ground of just complaint—would Scotland be justified then in calling for a separation and dissolution of the union with this country ? If this were the case would it not lead to the destruction of all social order? If this country were to give way to Canada in order to avoid a civil war, did the Hon. Member for Bridport imagine, after the speeches he had P) t '- 7131,L0- , --* ) _ l~.' { - _ ir '~ =7a; f, • - heard that night, that a large portion ofit4r Majesty's stitteasit -i4 in Canada would, if thus abandoned, be sithieet to tile` their property and their lives ?—( Cheersl4 lisid• tEt4'nVIL heard that night, not from a Canadian or a foreigner, but from a Member of that House, satisfaction ex2ressed at tke defeat of the British troops—(Cheers)--and a gloating eve: the prospect of the destruction of all public and private pro perty—( Cheers )—property which was given and astigned to settlers in Canada—under the sanction and gua antce of British laws ?—( Cheers.) Did they not hear delight ex pressed et the prospect of lands granted in this manner becent- . mg sacrificed and confiscated by a new republic ? It had bees said that the present question was the same as that which caused the American war. He fully agreed, however, with the Hon. Member for Newark, that the questions were totally dis similar in character, as he hoped they would be in the result. America did net desire to avoid contributing to the ex penses of the Government, but they denied the right of the British Parliament to tax them by the Stamp Act without their own consent; and this was the reason that Lord Chat ham had called that Act oppressive, because the consent of the American people had nut been asked. But was this the case with Canada? No, the store of Canada was widely dif ferent. In the year 1791 the C.institution of Cannda was settled, and an As:embly was established, to be elected by the people. This country did not attempt to tax tile Ca nadians, but left that power to their oun Legislative Assem by, and also the disposal of the revenue wising from those taxes. This country never pretended to tax them, - or dis pose of their taxes. What the Canadians demanded was, that the Legislative Council should be elective as well as the Assembly, and that persons holding public offices should be removeable at pleasure. Because, then, their demands .were not granted, they refused the supplies and stopped the machinery of Government. The act of his Majesty's Ministers eas therefore a defensive act, to pre vent the machinery of the Canadian Government from being entirely put an end to. Even if they were to grant the demands made upon them, he did not think it would se cure the peace and harmony of the colony. Suppose the Le gislative Council to be elective, and a Bill was introduced into the Legislative Assembly for preventing troops from entering Quebec or Montreal, and it was agreed to by a Council so constituted. what remedy would remain ? The Governor, it was true, might refuse his assent to such a Bill; but might not the two Assemblies refuse the supplies, as had been done before, and what remedy would then remain? The machinery of Government must necessarily be stepped until the demands were complied with. They would refuse the supplies, on the ground that no troops ought to be sent to those places. Their position, as regarded Canada now, and as regarded the United States at a former period, was, therefore, as opposi-e as any two things could be. When the resolution passed that House last ses sion, he did not indulge in decided predictions. It was not his habit to do so. He ventured, however, to express a hope that t 7 tese resolutions would be productive of good, though there mivht arise, perhaps, some slight and temporary struggle in con sequence. Now that this struggle seemed to have com menced, he must say ho felt no fears as to the result. The impression on his mind was not one of apprehension, though he would not, at the same time, speak with confidence. It may be true, as stated in the course of the debate, that there were no means of securing Canada against the wishes of the people. Everything had been done to show them that it was the de sire of the Government here to conciliate them as much as possible. They were lightly taxed, and in every respect in dulgently treated—they had no grievances to complain of therefore, he saw no reason why they should not remain contented under the British Government. He did not, far his part, look forward to an early separation of the two coun rries. He knew not how far the principle of separation laid down by his Honourable Friend (Mr. Warburton) might be pushed, if temporary difficulties: were to arise of a simi lar nature in Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, and in their other North American colonies ; but certain he was that. if they wore to yield now to aggression, it would not tend to lessen their difficulties if similar circumstances should arise as regarded the lest of their colonies in that quarter. It was said that a struggle with Canada might involve them with other powers. He did not see much in this argument ; but if they were to assume a timid and pusillanimous tone—if they were to refuse to listen to those who looked to them for protection—if they relinquished her Majesty's loyal subjects in these colonies, and withdrew the troops—if they acted a part so weak and cowardly—they must, in that case, expect not peace, but aggressive force, and even the scorn and contempt of other powers.—( Cheers.) What would otlu r nations naturally say ? Here is that nation, once so powerful, so great in war, so flourishing in peace, sub. witting to one of her own colonies. This would be the lan guage if they were to look to submission and timid defence, rather than to victory. He must say that he deeply re gretted the language be heard that night from some Hon. Members, titan which, if acted upon, nothing could be more fatal to the best interests of this country. The dis content existing in Canada might be overcharged, or it might not • but let it be treated in such a way as to be accompanied with the degradation and humiliation of the mother country—then indeed they might be assured that no foreign possession of the Crown would long remain under the control of this nation. Mr, D. W. HARVEY said it had been understood that the House was to adjourn to the Ist of February. Now, however, they were informed by the Noble Lord th it they would be as sembled again on the 16th of January. Were it not for what fell from the Noble Lord towards the close of his speech it would be difficult to see a reason for this. The Noble Lmd did not at tempt to go into any explanation of the causes which induced him to propose a course so likely to excite alarm throughout the country. The impression abroad must necessarily be that the motive forcalling Parliament together again so soon was to call for men and money. The Noble Lord told them that, for weeks back, news was received from Canada calcu lated to excite alarm. The Government, in that case, acted very wrongly in pursuing so long a course of irresponsible danger. It was clear now that war with Canada they were to have, and that for a mere philosophical abstraction—a war solely for opinion, solely because the people of Canada, or of any other colony, ventured to think that they would be better governed in one mode than in another. For this, and this alone, they were to enter upon a war, unlimited as to time and measureless as to expense. The Noble Lord said the people of Canada had no grievances to complain of, except one merely of an abstract nature. He denied it. There no instance of a whole people having ever continued long to struggle for a merely abstract point. The natural indolence of human nature was such as soon to become tired of so pro fitless a contest. - They were too sluggish for it. When people were long engaged in hostility to a Government it was always on account of some practical grievance. Would any one, having read the papers upon the table relative to the affairs of Canada, pretend to say that they had no grievance to complain of ? Why; had not Committees been sitting for the last ten years on the affairs of Canada, and were they now to be told that there were only a few Canadians struggling for a mere faction, a mere theoretical grievance? Was it not long 'a matter of loud complaint there that the Judges ap pointed were utterly unfit for the duties of their office ? The Noble Lord said there was no analogy between the case of the United States and of Canada. The United States re sisted the imposition of taxes upon them in that House, but in the case of Canada the Legislature did not, indeed, impose taxes on them, but they stepped in and seized the money which the Assembly of Canada had voted for the use of that colony. An Act of more determined plunder was never per petrated. They were told the contest now commenced was but a slight one. If so, it would soon tell its own tale. But was this likely ? Was it not more probable that it would be alarming, that it would be extended, that it was impossi ble to say how or when it would end? The people of this country would not remain indifferent to this struggle, when they came to uuderstand that the object of it was to prevent a w h l o f l s e u eh peoplean i m fr i o ir m e s s a i d o o n p l t v i a n s g p t r h o a d t uc f e o d rm e n oft the o i v i e o r u n s m e, e i l t i t w w a . which they they considered most conducive to their own interests. It was the natural-born right of men to govern themsel v e s in society as they considered most conducive to t h e ir interests and well-being. The Noble Lord refuse d this ri g ht to the Ca nadians, and he rested the fame of this gre at and free nati on on the defeat of this great principle of right and justice. He did not think that they would impair the honour of the country or tarnish the splendour of the Crown, if they were to permit the Canadians to govern themselves as they judged most expedient. The more ready and willing they were to extend the same political bles%ings they enjoyed themselves, the more would the glory and the greatness of the country be extended.—(H a-, hear.) Mr. WAKL EY said the House had been now engaged in discussion for five hours, and what communications had been made to them on the subject of Canada ? They were to be called together again on the 16th of January. For what pur pose ? Was it to tell them something of which Ministers were ignorant now ? Was the Noble Lord prepare 1 to say that the Government of Canada should not be altered ? If the tranquillity to be given to Canada eat only the tranquil lity of cannon acid the bayonet it would not last lon g; it would be only the tranquillity of suppress ed vengeance. This would not do. The time was passed—for ever, he hoped— for the employment of brute force to coetrol opinion. Ile wo uld intreat the Government to hold out to the people of Canada the olive branch of peace. Let them not from false pride, be ashamed to confess they were in error. Let t h em rattier glory in acknowledging it, and aneounee to the Cana dians that their grievances should be i cdressed. There was an inquiry into this subject by a Committee in 1823 . Were the grievances then found to exist redress - d? No. If they were wrong, endeavour to undeceive them ; reason with them in the soothing accents of peace, conciliate them, but do not address them in the language of cannon and musketry. The Hen. Member opposite (Mr. Young) expressed himself fa vourable to the course which Minister; s: cm disposed to pur sue. There might be occasions when Medsteriat mendicancy would willingly accept the smallest trifle of support. The support of the Hn. Member wp•s of that eheraett r. He had only a mejority of six on his election, and he te r ieved he would not 'be able to retain his scat—that he was only keepin,...e it warn for the right owner. He would entreat every friend of the democratic principle 'to undeceive the people of Eng land with respect to the nature of this contest. Lie would i m p lore the people to meet ; for if they did not he feared t he y were on the eve of a dreadful war. Let it only comm ence, and it would be impossible to say what the end mie ht be. Re p orts had alrealy arrived of tillages having be en burned, and men slaughtered on both sides. Let Min i s t e rs retrace tin it ste p s, or the consequences might be frigh tful. It was impassible to say what the consequences might be. Mr. LEADER rose to r e p l y . Ile had been attacked by Hon. Members, and p articularl y b y the Men.ber for Asliber toe, and represented a s havin g ex p ressed exultation at t he defeat of the Britis h troo p s in Canada, and at the confiscation of British preperty. Nothing was further from his intention. on his mind. Ho rejoiced that the Canadians resisted oppres sNi eo n , M b em ut be h r e 0 couldn the oppositei i ote xul s t i d in e the s m defeat ore of deeply ßritish i 11 t , troop. r( se g d • than himself in the welfare of the country.