The Sun. — London, England, 1823-04-17 00:00:00

'be shown that they involved a breach of neutrality. He should like to know , by what authority it was stated that allowing a ,power at war with another to purchase ships stores from os, and even permitting our subjects to enlist in the service of that, power., was breach of neutrality. But this bill not only von." sravened.this.priociple, but it prevented a native of England, though 'twenty , years living from this country, from entering into a foreign service, under the penalties of a misdemeanour. lied not flyigland.the subjects of all nations in her service? Was there net even a Statute in existence, which gave the 'benefit Onitturalization tea foreigner, who had been employ ed for two years during a time of war in the service of Great 'Britain. Was it not the practice that when bound by treaty to furnish arms, men, and stores, a nation has continued to furnish'thein after the war had broken put. By allow ing to both parties the same rights and privtleges, there could be no breach of neutrality. The Bill was most hostile to the feelings ainl interests of the country. It was not a little singular that this Bill was passed at•the remonstrance of Spain,' in order to prevent us from assisting Spanish Colonies from asserting their independence. What was the consequence ? —That 'very measure now returned upon the head of Spain, for it wan. the great obstacle to this country giving her as. sistance in her hour of necessity. So - far as his judgment went, he thought the line most becoming this country was that of hostility. It was not in feeling, but in principle that he would recommend this country going .to war. A war should not only be just, but the country should be able -to say that it was so expedient, as that we could not avoid it without abandoning our honour and interests. There was no reason Whatever for believing that we could escape going to war.' • As' it appeared to him we should go.'to war with greater chance of 'success, before theforce of Spain was broken, and 'before France had gone so far as to lesiva us the task, not of de ''fending, but of conquering. He did not deny thatx defensive , treaty with Portugal did not oblige us to go to assist her in an offensive war. But she might very well say to herself—r""if I lie by until Spain is conquered by the French, it will not be in the, power of Great Britain to save me." lie was persuaded that the country was in it situation to go to war. Doctor PHILIJIMORE said, that as a fitter opportunity would be presented for discussing the question on tie pro. priety of our engaging in the war, he should not address him self at all to that question at present, but should confine him. self to the one immediately before the House. lie thought the Noble Mover altogether mistook the princiPle of the 13111 of 1819. By the law of England the subject owed obedience to the Sovereign, in return for protection; and in that obedience had always been understood the refraining to engage in foreign wars without the consent of the Sovereign. This was declared by a statute pasied so long back as the reign of George U. in which it was enacted, that any English subject engaging in the wars of foreign States without the consent of , the Crown, should suffer death. The law of 1019 vas passed to remedy . littletnore than a technical difficulty—it being believed that the insurgent provin ces of Spain could not be considered as coming within the de scription of "States." The whole of this statute law too, it was to be observed, was merely in aid of the common law, which had always treated the engaging in foreign wars, without consent, us a misdemeanour. In looking at this subject with regard to the law of nations, it was to be remarked that the question had been much discussed whether neutral States could permit their subjects to assist one of two Belligerents without compromising their neutrality. A writer of great authority, Ilinkerslitike, had laid down, that where by the law of the neutral State the subject could not engage in foreign war without the , .consent of the Sovereign, the consent of that Sovereign for such a purpose was a violation of neutrality. And he then went on expressly to declare, that this was the rule of England.— The Act which was now sought, to be repealed, was in strict conformity with the ancient law; and he thought it would thew a gross partiality to repeal it. If we decided on neutrality, it should be a fair and bona fide neutrality: Ile should oppose the motion. . . . . . . MARRYAT said he had opposed the Act originally, because, among other reasons, he thought it was an infraction of the liberty of the English subject. Now however, that it stood upon our statutel3ook, he thought it would be highly objectionable to repealit at the present moment, for the re peal would give Spain a decided advantage over France. He thought our determination to neutrality was a wise one, and that the proposed repeal would be perfectly inconsistent with it. At another time, when the repeal of the Bill would not affect our neutrality between the Belligerents, he should give his hearty support to such a motion as the present. He ad mitted that the conduct of France towards Spain was aggres sive: but he thought that was no reason for our making our selves parties to the war, especially when he considered the hostility which Spain had so often directed against the com merce of this country. Spain had not entitled herself to call upon us for the smallest sacrifice of our own interest for her benefit. Before he sat down he could. not forbear expressing I his sarprise at the call for war which was now so loudly made by the same lion. Members who were reluctant to sanction the former war, and who now not only called for war, but at the same time also for a remission of taxes, which those Geo denten must well know would necessarily be increased if we went to war. Lord JOHN RUSSELL said that the substapce of the objection made by the last speaker to the repeal of this Bill, was, that it would be of service to a gallant nation. But the Honourable Member professed his readiness to support a mo tion for the repeal when it could be of no use. The Honour able and Learned Civilian had spoken of the English Law, and he (Lord John) bad waited with much expectation to hear the name of the English law book to which he would refer in sup. port of his argument. He had, however, contented himself' with quoting Binkershuke,_a foreign writer, and one (Avery ques uonable authority. The caution given by his Honourable Friend the Member for Hertford against the effect 'of elo quence, was, he thought, unnecessary, and the circumstances of the two cases were not at all analogous. Mr. Wedderburn was the Advocate of the Crown, and had exerted his poweee in favour of a war for the suppression of liberty. Ile (Lord John) had :tot the same confidence in Ministers which his Hon. Friend had. He thought they must have been ignorant indeed, not to know of the Trench. influence which was at work at Madrid to countermine the Spanish Constitution. Ile had been given to understand that a French Minister had sent for the Spanish Ambassador at Paris: and, in tbe name of his Go. vernment had stated, that if Spain would consent to certain alterations in her Constitution, France would assist her to re gain her American Colonies, and would go to war with England for that purpose, if necessary. He would conic however to the question peculiarly before the House. Queen Elizabeth had permitted soldiers to be raised in England for the aid of the Protestants in the Netherlands. The Noble Lord here read the Declaration of Elizabeth on that occasion, which, he interred the right of the Netherlanders to throw off their allegiance to Spain. She had even assisted those Netherlanders with money, although England was then under a treaty of amity with Spain. The present state of things was worthy of remark on a comparison of our situation with that of Eliza beth at the time in question. The Spanish Revolution took place early in 1020 ; and in the course of the same year, up. peered the celebrated Russian manifesto, declaring . that new institutions should emanate only from Kings, a maxim which had been adopted by all the other Continental powers. Virtte • it then too much to say that the present contest was between despotism on the one hand, and liberty on the other ? It was, however, the liberty of England which was principally aimed at, for that was considered by tyrants as the most dan gerous. To protect that liberty, by supporting the liberty of others, we had the same reason as that which had induced the conduct of Queen Elizabeth. He denied, however, that the repeal of this Act would be a violation of neutrality, if upon neutrality we should ultimately. resolve. It would be merely a restoration of our old law, as it stood before the year 1814. Mit whatever might be the course on which the Government should determine, the hearts of the people of England would not be neutral. They would express their sentiments in fa vour of the gallant Spanish nation, and their hopes for her sue ceas ; and he saw no sound reason against our yielding to the generous feelings of the country, and repealing the present Bill. Mr. T. COURTENAY rktd that Elizabeth, on the occa sion alluded to by the Noble Lord, had given assistance to the Netherlanders, because she had no objection to go to war ; and indeed she afterwards did engage in it. There was, therefore, an end of the comparison made by the Noble Lord , if it wore agreed that we should remain neutral during the present con test. Those who. in 1819, opposed the present Act, and those who then supported it, might, on the present queation, have the same opinions as to the effect of its repeal. It could not, be believed, be denied that the repeal would benefit the :Spaniards only. It would be impossible, then, to call this neu. trality.. Genius, Mattel, and other eininent writers on the law of nationii had laid down that a neutral should give no as sisionce to a belligerent, unless she were under an obligation to 'do so. He perfectly agreed with his Right lion. Friend, that we should be content to apply to ourselves, as neutrals, to the doctrine we had laid down to neutrals when we ourselves were belligerents. And no doubt could possibly exist that we had gone much further than declaring such a measure as the pro posed repeal to be a violation of neutrality. This would be seen on reference to most of our state papers, particularly that , of Lord Howicic to the Spanish Govermnent during the admi. nitration of Mr. Fox. Without arguing the greater question, as to the propriety of our remaining at peace or going to war, he thought we ought not to repeal this Act unless we mid first ,decided for war. Sir ROBERT WILSON said, he also should forbear going into the question of peace or war, and should confine himself to the question directly before the House. Nothing whatever had occurred to change his opinion of the present Act, which beconsidered as impolitic and unjust in princitle l and de : grad* to the national honour. The Learned hau qUOtOkt Oerman authority to prove what was the law of Eng land; but he believed the peactice of this country had not been conformahle to the maxim advanced by the Learned Civilian. —The many Irish Officers who had been taken in the Freneh service had beta treated as prisoners of war. .He was informed and he helieVedv.tbet the old Spanish Government had asked for this Act, and, that, the new one asked for its repeal. Much had heen.said of neutrality ; but had we remonstrated witlo France on her-conduct, and treated that as a breach of neu.. , trlity? The present Act was in one respect nugatory, for it did not prevent Englishmen enlisting in favour , of nations who ' were struggling for their liberties, although it imposed punish ments on them. when they returned. He applauded such men,' and would himself he ,prepared to suffer : the inconvenieicts- - and peiialties ofthis Act; to serve the cause of gallant Spain. He wag; confident the people would never submit to the degrad ing neutrality which was attempted to be imposed upon them ; for he considered it would be a humiliation to this country if it allowed Spain to be overrun by France. He should support, the motion. Sir JOSEPH YORKE 'assured his Gallant Friend that he did not yield to him in feeling for the cause of Spain, though he could not cement trithe refusal of this Bill. He had care.' fully read. the Papers lately put on the table of the House, and which he thought did the Right Hen. Secretary of State so much credit; and he had made up his mind that' a strict neu-' trality was our proper course. Indeed there_ was a clause in the Bill of the utmost importance, which, on no account, could he consent to give up. It - was that which forbade the manning of foreign ships of, war with English .seamen., If we gave up , `this prevision we should, when we wanted to man our own ships' with seatnenk - firid a great paucity of that materiel--(A laugh.)— He knov that newspapers were not always correct, but he knew also that they sometimes spoke truth; anti he was therefore not a little alarmed at having read'a paragraph stating that MO sea.' men had sailed:from Liverpool . to man a ship of war of a Sore-, reign whom . no one ',Woulsl , have expected to, hear of except in the Tao, of ,the Arabian Nights. Ile meant the Emperor of ltrizil..'.-(Laughter.)L-Ile lipped this was not correct. So` convinced, Sir' said the Gallant Admiral, "am lof the' necessity of preserVing the means of maintaining our navy,; that if. the salary you receive for discharging the duties of that Chair, the allowance to his Majesty on the Throne, and the! salaries of all the Ministers of State, were necessary to be' taken for the support of that navy ; I should, notwithstanding! my great regard for yeti, Sir, give my vote for taking away your salary for that purpose, as I would also for taking away' the other sums."—(Laughter.)—lle certainly had not read Gro tius nor Puffendorif, nor was he possessed of that refinement; which enabled Learned Gentlemen to split hairs in an argn; ment, and twist them to their own purpose, but he thought he gave a conscientious vote against the repeal of the Act ; thus forming our conduct upon the maxim taken and quoted by the Right Hon. Secretary from the Secred Book—" Do as you would be done by."—(Cheers.) Mr. IL GLIftNEY said his opinion was against the Bill in the first instance ; but he thought it would be unwise in us now to repeal it. He would retain the Bill, rather than run the chance of our losing the blessings of peace. Mr. A. BARING said, that if, by voting with the Noble Lord (Altborp), which he was then disposed to do, he should contribute, as far as his humble vote went, to plunge the country , into war, he should be the last man to give such a vote. But it was, by no means clear to him that such would be the effect of repealing the Bill under consideration ; and to have his doubts removed - , he required that it should be shown how it happened that this country passed so many yearn in peace before this Bill was passed.—( llear.)—They must, in deed, have to do with tetchy Allies if such a measure were to bring war upon them, and he should be surprised if the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite (Mr. Secretary Cunning), who would of course give his opinion, were to confirm by that opinion SO extraordinary a notion. The argument of his Honourable Friend, of the danger threatened by the repeal of this Bill, from the circumstance of some hundreds of sailorshaving taken water at Liverpool to go into the service of the Brazilians, in his opinion told the other way,. since it shewed that the Bill was inoperative from the repugnance felt towards it.— They had seen in other wars, both by land and sea British subjects taking part. In the wars of Catherine against Swe den, the naval war was carried on by British seamen on both sides. He need not mention the names of Admirals DAM ' stone, Knowles . , ,and Sir Sidney Smith, as well as many others in proof of this. When there came an apprensien of war with Catherine on the part of this country, they were all called home again by proclamation, and by this means the Country had the advantage of experienced seamen after a period of inactive peace . It he were required to point out similar in stances in land. warfate, lie,should mention the name of Marl . borough, Who; reeeived his Military education in serving in the French armies under Turenrie. Unless other arguments than those which had already been advanced against the repeal of this Bill were urged, lie hhould certainly vote with his Noble Friend, (Lord'Althorp). Haring said this, he would venture a fen , Words the 'general question, which ha thought had not fairlyheen corMeeteil with the motion before the House.— tie wan wog anxintis that the' country after the struggle she hattgone through shottlii have the benefit of some interval of peace. l --( Hear, bear !) - But he did not see that Government had any, right to tell them that peace could not be enjoyed without their submitting to seine indignity. If this were a true posi tion, it proved either that there was a great iniquity on the part of the ruling Powers of the. Continent, or that there had been great want of skill in our diplomatists. lie was ready to maintain that no man who could read the Papers that had been laid on the table could say that he found in them that which proves that this case had been so argued, or so earnestly put before the Continental . Alliance as tojustify their being told, that the war between ' Frenee and Spain could not have been prevented. He did not mean to enter into in analysis of the Papers, when so many near him were so much more able than himself to do so;, but he must say , that in his honest opi nion, there never was a case of such immense importance to the liberty of this country, Or to which the unanimous feelings of the country were so strongly pledged, so loosely thrown away—(Hcar, hear,'hear !)--:m which, from the beginning to the end, he was unable to see the proof of any thing like earnestness or resolution .--( Hear 1)-- He never read any pa. per; that gave him more pain; for he did think they threw discredit on the Orivernment, and compromisedlhe character of the country.—(Cheers from the Opposition, returned by the other side.)—He must again say, that if in reality we were en gaged with suchtetchy allies that we could not move one way or another without exciting hostility, it was time we should adopt a manly course and pursue 'without fearing those who might choose to he offended by it...(Vaasa 1) Mr. WYNW thought, that whether with regard to the System of neutrality which had been adopted, or with refer ence to the particular nature of the .Bill itself, It was im. possible not to see the impropriety of agreeing to the motion of the Noble Lord. They who said that the provisions of this Bill were unknown before it was _passed, could nut be aware that by the common law of the land it was a misdemeanour to enter into the service of a foreign State without permission from the Sovereign. The Officers of the Irish Brigade had been quoted as having been treated as prisoners of war, when taken in arms in Scotland. But was it not a fact, that these officers were descendants of Irishmen, who emigrated with James 11. Besides which was it contended that no officer were executed on that occasion who were taken with French Commissions in their pockets ? If privateers against this country had been fitted out, and manned in the ports of France, against this country in time of peace, would not the walls of that House resound to the ac cusations of perfidy of the French Government, by those very Gentlemen who now contended for a similar line of conduct ? —The two cases which had been quoted of Admiral . Knowles and the Duke of Marlborough, were cases in which both those officers had received express permission from their Sovereign to join in the war. Nor could lie think it so easy to recal m dividuals established in foreign service by proclamation. He could not reconcile to himself the idea of two regiments of Englishmen engaged in different• services presenting their bayonets at each other's breasts. Such bands upon their re turn to this country would become dangerous instruments in the hands of faction. Ile was at a loss to think how those who had perused a narrative of the sufferings of their countrymen in South AMerica could wish to giOe any facility to that which might lead to a similar s t a te of misery. He had uniformly supported the Bill, and he should continue to do so by oppo sing the present motion. Sir FRANCIS BLAKE said; it 'was hiti opinion that if a higher tone had been taken by this Country at an earlier period, the invasion of Spain would hve been prevented.—(Loud cries of "Question !") Mr. Secretary CANNING began by observing, that those Gentlemen being, he believed; by far the greater number of them ho had then the honour of addressing, who had not been present from the commencement of the debate, could hardly nnagme under what degree of restraint he put himself, when he said, that it was his intention to confine what he had to offer within the limits of the question then before the House.— ( Hear !)—Those who had not been present throughout, could not know that from the beginning there had been presented, whether studiously or accidentally, he knew not, a sort of set-off to the tessilation ascribed on the preceding night by an lion. and Learned Gentleman opposite (Mr. Brougham) to the bench on which he (Mr. Canning) sat, in the alternation of the voices for peace and war, as they had been raised on the other side.— The repeal of the Bill then under consideration had been proposed from a love or peace, and with a view not to provoke hostilities, by a Noble Lord (Althorp), in a way that he must do him the justice to say was marked by that moderation and good sense which distinguished all his labours in that House. This motion had been seconded by a speech to which he could give no other character than that it was the direct contrast of the former— (Hear, hear !)—a speech professing war—indiscriminate and unqualified war, directed to the support of a pacific motion, and aiming at open hostility.—(Hear, hear!)--He would not attempt to follow the Noble Seconder into the matter of that speech, for in order that lie should be believed, he repeated it oat requisite that his hearers should have been present when it was deliiered. The bacedemonians were in the habit of de terring from intoxication by presenting a slave in that state before their children. There was, however, a moral as well as a phyical intoxication, and the fury which he had seen that night exhibited he could listen to nothing but the contortionsof the Sybil without her inspiration.- 7 ( Hear, and a laugh).—Such a speech, for the reasons he had given, he would not then make answer to until the proper opportunity arriv ed. He did not ' now decline the contest because he feared it, for he begged the Noble-Lord to believe that however he might have truckled to France, he was not going to truckle to him.—( Loud cheers re-echoed for some time - by both 'sides of the House.)—He was perfectly ready to meet the whole case whenever he, or those who• held his opinions, should please : he postponed it only because an opportunity had been promised for his doing so; and because the present question must be discussed, and if at all, upon the assumption of neutrality. He wished to assume nothing that could not be granted r but he begged to observe, that it was impossible ' to treat the question, at all without some assumption es the basis. H e m ig ht therefore take it for granted that nbutrality, without the sacrifice of any one national interest, and without the prostitution of one particle of national honour, was the course marked out for this country to pu rsue in the present state of the world, so long as it could e preserved consistently with those interests, and without the compromise of that honour. He did not mean to quarrel, as he had said before, with those who held a dif. ferent opinion. He was ready to meet them at any time ; but, meanwhile, let them act fairly towards each other—let them not deal in imputations which it would be inconvenient at the time, they were made to answer, and such as no man ought under such circumstances to throw out. It was but fair to abstain from the Intemperance of debate they had witnessed that night; whereas the wise and proper course was to try the different questions on their own distinct merits as they came before them, with reference to the particular standard of policy in the meanwhile adopted.—(Hear, hear!)—Taking it then for granted that this policy met with the general' concurrence of that House, and of the Country, in which if he was wrong, opoortunities would occur of setting him right and diasi. panng the delusion, he would proceed to the discussion of • the Noble Lord's motion' -with reference to the system of neutrality. He would merely, observe, that of those who seconded that motion, those who advocated neutrality, were nearly equal to the number of suffrages for war. To show the . nature of the proposition, he would recal that the Bill before them was passed four or five years ago, partly in mitigation of the Statute Law, and partly in declaration of the Common Law. it touched upon that part of the Common Law which forbade any man transferring his allegiance without the per missiqn of his Sovereign, and moderated those statutory en actments which annexe d to this transgression severe and san guinary punishment. By the Article of Peace in 11114 this country bound itself not to give succour to what Spain then denominated its revolted Colonies. In the process of time as these Colonies became more powerful and put forth Par. Bement'', questions of much difficulty arose which hinged between the de lure relations of Spain with them, and their own de facto independence. It became doubtful whether the Common or the Statute Law could properly be con sidered to apply where the limits were daily becoming less perceptible. To remedy this dubious state of the law this Bill was introduced, and by it, in fact, the first step towards an ac knowledgment , of the colonies was made. The object of it was to prohibit the exportation of arms to the colonies or to Spain. When a war between France and Spain became probable, it was necessary to review these relations, and the question was, whether to act in a neutral sense, the prohibition was to be extended to France, or taken off, with regard to Spain. It was seen that if it were extended to France, she would still possess the means of obtaining arms and ammunition through the Belgic Provinces, so that in that point of view it would be nugatory. These two modes were pointed out to Spain a few months ago, and her choice has been acceded to. She was told, however, that the Bill must be repealed as regarded the Colonies at the same time ; but it was always only that part which related to arms and ammunition only.— Thus it would be seen that no partiality on either side was ahewn. To have repealed the other part would have been equality in words, but not equality in point of fact; and the House, he was sure, would see it in that light. EVery one who heard him knew, although he might not say it, that assistance would by that means be given to Spain, and not to the other belligerent. Whether it was right or not to fa vour Spain, was part of the larger question, and not then before the House, as they were then arguing on the assumption that neutrality was the proper course. If, therefore, in what had already been done in the way of repealing, the weaker, and not the stronger, Wetly, had been benefited, it only remained for them to examine the Bill itself to see if there was any thing in its peculiar nature obnoxious to the principles of' fair dealing betwixt nations. It went to prohibit the interference of Bri tish subjects in arms with foreign nations, the' Allies of Great Britain, and to prevent the fitting out and manniug of privet.' teem in British ports. The justice of this he thought, could scarcely be questioned. As to its interference with any aid' Spain might derive by foreign land forces, he did not think that could possibly be estimated very high. He did not mean to say that there was no disposition on the part of Spain to avail herself of the assistance of here and there a distinguished indi vidual or so. But in order to gratify that disposition, a change in the existing laws must first be effected. The Cortes, upon first calling out the army on the approach of the French, even passed a law that those foreigners who had formerly •aerved in her ranks, and been discharged, might be allowed tit return, and be permitted to rise, upon good behaviour, to the rank of ser . jeant—(A laugh)--and foreigners not bear. in the laurels of former service might be admitted to the pn ilege of bearing arms in the Spanish service in the rank of full private, but not beyond that could they advance. This being the state of the law, he did not think, he must confess, it was likely to lead to the exportation of much military skill, or induce the expatriation of any of those great individuals to whom the honour and safety of our Mother Country was likely to be entrusted in times of,danger.—( Hear, hear 1)—It was not however upon these considerations that the present question was to be determined, but on the principles of neutrality. But he could not put out of sight that it would be most obnoxious to his feelings to see Englishmen _go to Spain to turn the points of their bayonets against Spaniards. Formerly we had gone there as an united nation to assist another united nation againit a common foe. He must say , he had rather they should take part in the foreign war, than in the civil dissentions. It might certainly create a sentiment of gratitude towards this country and towards those who should go to their assistance. He was not, however, altogether sure that this would be the effect of such conduct. He coould not help bearing in his recollection some certain Proclamations that were issued in Spain, after the ter mination of the last Spanish war, in which, so fur from expres sions of gratitude being found for the blood of the gallant Eng lishmen shed on their soil for the recovery of Spanish liberties, congratulations were put forth that the land had got rid of its foreign deliverers.--(Hear !)—He would be told, he knew, that this proceeded from the bigotted councils of Ferdinand. He had been frequently told; in the course of the late negociations, that this bigotry would stand in the way of amicable arrangement. As far at least as the Colonial negociatione were concerned, it was however the reverse in fact. The opposition of the Crown of Spain was as one to ten of the difficulty of influencing its popular assemblies. This disposition might, perhaps,. make them more national; nor did he say this to their prejudice. Ile only stated it as the fact, that the Spanish nation was of all others the most difficult to amalgamate with, or to move from their stubborn resolutions. He stated these things as bearing upon the question before them, to shew that they had no grounds for repealing this measure merely to facilitate the mixing of English soldiers with the Spaniards, whilst this indi moos obstruction existed. The Noble Lord seemed to think Ile hail been guilty of treason mist the people of this country in saying their interest lay in neutrality. 'As though.it were a maxim with Great Britain never to be neutral ! As though our insular situation did not admit of our not mixing in a 3 Conti- nental broils !—(hear !)—lt seemed to be the aim of those Gen tlemen who backed their opinion, that were bound to reverse the dispensations of Providence in our favour, and to prove that there was no distinction betwixt our case and that of those na tions countentinous with others at war. He knew that we had found it difficult to keep ourselves out of Coninental wars hitherto, but that imposed no obligation. Gentlemen told him that we must sooner or later be drawn into this war. Then he (Mr. Canning) gave his vote for its being . later.—(Loud cheers from the Opposifion.)—lf we were to join in this war let it be strictly on English grounds.—(Continued cheering.) —lie did not mean to say it was no part of the duty of Great Britain to assist the weak ageing the powerful oppressor, nor of her interest to aid towarila the balance of power. But in all wars undertaken with such or any,other views, he consi dered it to be a sine gun non, that the cause should be just. Secondly, that our aid should carry with it all the probability of success ; and next, that if 'the cause were just, the inter ference should, if possible, not be productive of harm to our. selves, and if possible of good,—( Hear, hear, hear 4—Although opposite sentiments might sound very magnificently in the mouth of irresponsible - Statesmen, yet for him upon whose shoulders the weight of a nation was placed, to disregard such maxims, would be to deserve that with which the Noble Lord opposite threatened him (Mr. Canning). Let them then cir cumscribe the question of war, in order to wage it efficaciously. When Hon. Gentlemen talked of " participation," be con fessed he was astounded. Was there any man, he asked, who had read the history of his country for the last twen ty years, could imagine that " participation" was the sense in which Great Britain mixed In the war of the world ?—(Hear I)—Was it not known that where she appeared in arms she took, the whole upon her shoulders ? Was not the whole of the last Peninsular war carried on by her ?—(llear, hear, hear!)—And now, be it remembered we should now go to aid a whole people struggling for the 'attainment:of ifeemitionobject. They ' would first have to unite a 'contending people, : and then unite them with ourselves against the common foe--(Hear, hear Then he would say that any man Who should Undertake Stich a case without better data as to the actual state of Spain than' he could possibly have, possessed . greater hardihood than he (Mr. Canning) was disposed to imitate. The choice of his Majesty's Advisers had been neutrality, and he considered they had chosen well. 'lf they had chosen: too humble a line of action, it was not to be exalted nor its errors mend ed by misstatement and misinterpretation.—(Hear, hear !) —Let the House chase from their seats if they would the Neutral Ministers but until they declared for war, let them, faithfully execute the system they had selected. The Right Hon. Secretary referred to a decision given by Mr. Jefferson, President of the United States, and by which he said he was trig the line of neutrality should be marked out to be pursued by this country. It happened in 1793, that the Minister of this country complained that vessels were equipped and manned in the French service against 'England, in the ports of the United States.. President Jefferson wrote to the Gover nor of New York, desiring all such vends to be seized and delivered over to the proper law tribunals to be dealt with. He than proceeded to aniiroulvert on. the case in the following terms s— The arming and equipping of vessels in our ports to cruize against a nation at ileace with us is incompatible with the sovereignty of . the United' fiftates; , inasmuch as it makes her instrumentalin the prejudice of her, own Allies, and tends to endanger her peace." Upon that single sentence he was prepared to defend the princiP eof • this BM. 'lt Im possible without contravening the prineiple there 'had down to repeal this Hear, hear, hear !)—" If honour or po licy," said the Right Honourable Secretary, " singly or in conjunction, should unite with circumstances to dratv us into a war, let us at least keep strictly within the lines which sepa rate us from that awful alternative. Let us keep the peace honourably, if for peace •we decide—and if for war, let it be for the preservation 0f our just rights, with the exertion of those energies which we have .ever shewn to, belong to us in the proudest , eras of our history. , Let it come, whether in the shape of retribution for insult and aggression ; in the shape of protection to the weak against the strong, or of friendship towards an Ally; but let it not come, for the honour of England I demand it, in the pettifogging way of fitting out ships for a paltry gain, for a dishonourable profit. Let us not be sneaked into a war. The more honourable we keep the course we have prescribed to ourselves . , the more honourably shall we be prepared to maintain our rights, and the more ef ficiently conduct a war should unfavourablecircuinstancett place us in such a situation." The Right lion. Gentleman then sat down amidst the unanimous cheers of the House. . Mr. DENM AN observed, that this Bill had throughout been defended 'on particular grounds alleged. Now there was an end to those, why not repeal it ? If they were to have laws passed for particular cases, and then rendered permanent, those cases having passed away, because they had been passed, this coun try would be in a pretty perplexed situation. He did not think. peace would be preserved,. but for the sake of real neutrality he thought the Bill ought to be repealed. He expressed a hope that the country would not be fettered by foreign•policy so as to abridge the feeling of action. The question was then loudly called for. Lord A LTHORPE, replied, and the House divided, For the Motion . - 110 • Against it - - - 216 Majority - - - —lO6 The third reading of the Nary Pensions Bills was posponed to Friday.—Adjourned at Tweble o'clock. PARLIAMENTARY PROCEEDINGS. HOUSE OF COMMONS. Mereuril 16 0 die itprills, 1823. 'ROMAN CATHOLIC CLAlMS—Petitions from the Gentry, &c. of Killyman ; Provost, &c. of Bandon Bridge ; Protestants of Aughalurcher ' Drummully; Counties of Monaghan, Dub. lin, and Antrim, Lisburne, Enniscorthy, Nenagh and Clogh jordan, Shinrone, Roscrea, Bedworth , Stoke and Stow, and City .of (Mord ; Gentlemen, &c. of Tynellspass ; Society of Aldermen - of Skinner's Alley and Guild of Merchants,- Dub. lin ; Deans, &c. of Gloucester, Chester, and Norwich ; Cor poration of Beveiley ; Arclideaconries of Ely, Dorset, York, and Cleveland; Sohn Stirling, Moderator of the Synod. of Ayr and Chancellor, &c. of the University of Cambridge— , AGAINST ; to , lie on the, table. Petition of Nobility, &c. of the County of Kilkenny, Ix FAVOUR or. MASTERS AND A Pints:wricxs—Bill "to enlarge the powers of Justices in determining complaints between Masters arid Servants, and between Masters. Apprentices, Artificers, and others," presented, read a first time, to be read second an Friday, April 2.5, and to be printed. ,W.auxitoust)rei BlLL—Petition from Gloucester ' AOAINST. Roans — Kettering , &c.—Petition from Bedford and other places, against; •to lie on the table. SMALL DENTS—Petitions from Wollaston, and Wellingbo. rough, in favour of a Small Debts Act, referred to the Com mittee on Small Debts. GAS LlGHT—Dublin (No. l.)—Petition from the Dublin Gas Light Company, against; referred to the Committee on the Bill. Bristol Oil—All who come to the Committee to have Voices. ComastJTATTOM of Tt T 11ES (Ireland)—Petition from Diocese of Elphin, against, Ozarilnat. Tu Tommy ACT—Petitions of Occupiers of Land in Doncaster, Campsall, Kirksmeaton, and other places, against ; to lie on the table. fliinoun--Stranraer—Petition of Merchants and Ship•awners of Belfast, against ; to lie on the table. BRlDGE—London—All who come to the Committee to have Voices. MEIsAUE FRODI THE LORDS—That they have agreed to Grants of Aids Bill, and Innkeepers Bill, without amend. ment. Caats—Accounts ordered, "of the Duty per ton payable in Great Britain on Coals carried Coastwise and exported, (ex. eluding the Exports to Ireland), and the total amount of the Duties levied on such Coals, in the years 1820, 1821, and 1022; distinguishing the amount in each year." NOTICE OF MOTION for THIS DAY. Mr. Plunkett—Catholic Question. ORDERS of the DAY for THIS DAY. , 1. House to be called over. 2. Union and Intercourse (Ireland) Acts—Committee there, upon. 3: Division of Counties Bill.,—Re_port. PRIVATE BILL — SECOND RF4DISO3 fur Tuis DA T. Hackney Improvement. TII E TII EATRES. Day a It-LA NE.—The Suspicious husband was represented last night at this Theatre. We lately noticed the performance of the same play at the same theatre, and therefore need only add that Mrs. DAvisox last night was the Ciarinda, of which she gave an animated personation, ELLISTON as usual was all vivacity in Ranger. COVENT-GARDEN.—The only novelty at this Theatre, last night, in Much Ado about Nothing, was the Beatrice of Miss CIiE3TER. It was sprightly, characteristic, and amusing, and justly received great applause. Mr. C. KEMBLE'S Be nedict is one of his very best comic efforts, and it was last night as effective as ever. The subor dinate parts were well assigned, and Faartutes Dogberry was prominent in humour. Mr. C. KEMBLE was received with three rounds of ap plause when he came forward to announce the performances for this evening, a due tribute to the admirable spirit and cricical precision of his Benedict.—A good . house. Vie Bishop of Winchester arrived at Littleharnpton, on Tuesday last, to pass several weeks there. The Bishop of Chichester has quitted the Episcopal Palace at Chichester, for his town residence. On the evening of Friday se'nnight, Mr. Bennett, Organist of Chichester Cathedral, had his annual Concert, at the As. sembly Rooms, in that city.—The company exceeded 300 persons of rank and fashion. On Saturday last the new Dean of Salisbury, the Rev. Dr. Hugh Pearson, was installed in the Cathedral of that City, and on Sunday morning he delivered a most excellent and animated discourse from PsMm exxii. 1. The congregation was nume. rous and most attentive. The Reverend, Preacher did ample justice to the expectations formed of him. He is what is called an Evangelical Preacher. The Select Convivial Society held their Annual Dinner, at the Three Tuns Inn 4 on Wednesday last : words would but feebly describe the harmony of such a Meeting, or the excellent repast provided by Osborn ; the evening will be remembered with pleasure by all the'convivialists. Saturday, 4'; ~,Nr _ - * MASONIC NOTICES FOR NEXT'WEEK. ENGLAND. Monday, April 21, Loxpox. Nos. 1,8, 14, 14,V,1463. 293, 308. „ d , COUNTRY. Nos. 20, 72, 102;21'9,11. 311, 36/4 423r420;ta01 , " 589, 510, 521; , 541,11#Pit, h i f. 583, 680. ,-. . t, ~„;". Tuesday, - 22, LONDON'. Nos. 316, 349. • t t na Court-rut. Nos. 38,° '87, 427, 471, 477, 407, 5 01 ,)3“ 528, 579, 592, 649. Wednesday, .-23, LONDON. Nos. 2, 12, 235. COUNTRY. Nos. 54, 84 121, 126, 129, 164, 214, 215, 291, 314, 400, 414, 44 0 , 442, 461 F, 472, 478, 548, 50, 677, 606, 661, 690, 705. --- 24, LoNnox. Nos. 7, 02, 142, 156, 216, 327, 481. Gen. Com. Fern. Sch. at 12. Coust ter. Nos. 45, 57, 70, 110, 153, 176, 178, 21 4 , 243, 269, 384, 420, 453, 461, 483, 518, 545, 556, 506 , 586, 587 642, 679, 717. Friday, - 25, LONDON. • • COUNTRY. Nos. 53, 236, 283, 533.- 26, LONDON. COUNTRY. Nos. 358, 412, 493• IRELAND. No. 67. Monday, April 21, Coux. PRICE Tllll DAY AT Ralik Stock 3 per Cent. Red. 75ki 3 per cent. Cons. 763 : 1 3i per Cent 4 per Cent. Old 1 New .961 1 5 per Cents. 1797 Bank liongAnn. 19 9-16ths Imp. 3 per Cents. F STOCKS os E O'CLOCK. India Stelek .................. India 80nd5.... 335. 345. South Sea Stock ............. Old Annttities ............... Ex. Bills ............... 14 17pr . DittoDittoSmall ................... - Bank for Act. . . ............. Indio for Con. Acct. ...... Cons. for Acct. ............ 761 iii 1 1-1 1 1 0. 0 rn il ing Ni:/ 4 1 9 1 1 E li R nu A te T s L a p e N r D 7 O . 1•11 Evening, N9TinOieuftesollaftEleOrii;: -1 THE SUN. SOLEM RUTS DIOERE FALSUM AUDE4r • LONDON, THURSDAY, .dPKIL 17, 1823. We this day The grounds a Diplomatic Disclosures recently communicated to Parliament. r n es d u me the considerationsconsi considera ti on e o ve n ti w o i n i i coif) the ii nisters have resolved on the adoption of a policy, seem, from the documents communicated to Parliament, and, the explanations with w hich they were accompanied, to be threefold. First, That Great Britain is not bound, on principles of public law or justice, to interfe re . for the protection of the Spaniards agailih France, unless, in the progress of the contest/ circumstances should arise to compromise the stitution and Government, honour or the interests of England herself- a Secondly, That the Spanish nation is divide on the great question respecting its present OW neutral participation in the. conflict would not o nly be supporting F the Spanish Constitutionalists against one half of the France, but would be maintaining Spanish nation against the other. Thirdly, That France has solemnly disclaimed all views of ambition and aggrandizement, and [ has pledged herself to relinquish her influence over Spain, as soon , as she shall have obtained a and therefore that our modification of her present Constitution. The first of these positions, that Engla nd i 5 not bound, by considerations of justice, to int e !' fere, is utterly untenable both in fact and i e principle ; and when it is taken in connecti de o n with the third position, that France has ma professions of moderation, it involves diction which we shall hereafter render salli. ciently manifest. ill The only justifiable ground for our neutral t h e is stated in the Second position, viz • that that Spaniards themselves are divided ; and to I point, therefore, to which we think Ministerii ought to have confined their viudication, vie shit first direct Qu it to e Sp anish Assuming it to be the case that the , people are equally divided on the question WiliC: has involved their country in the miseries, o f civil commotion, and in the , perils of a fe i r e t t o a division in which “ war, still we have the evidence of facts, aan., is a contra acknowledgment of Lord LIVERPOOL, that 1 1 19 are ranged on the one side, and the lande rs i a ble commercial interests on the other." Th e e' ll his Earl not only stated this as his conviction, i% i speech on Monday night, but he added , ve; will admit that all the intelligence is on o ne ,pith sl but the though there is the fanaticism of liberty ith the priests and the peasauna _ e one party, there is the fanaticism of religion ' f l o g the other!"—lt is the more worthless portion c`,, ea , Spanish nation, therefore, whiCh France is en he Touring to elevate on the ruins of the dignitYPit i s which French bayonets are employed genius, and the civilization of-their countrYlido, the wealth,theintelligence,and the reason er hotl under the feet of Spanish rapacity, ig n° l 2l o ll of and superstition I If there had been a shauf " ter . a doubt remaining, as to the iniquity °flier li b l i e ct vention with the affairs of Spain, the Spanis n i ° ,,,ich which France proposes to accomplish, an" " f t he we have just stated on the high authoritY,:iistes First Minister of England, not onlY A 6 % 1- fight that doubt, but places her conduct in I di sgust that even aggravates the abhorrence and is t which it had previously excited ! i t is truet th e the Duke d'ANGOULEME has proclaimed that Spanish flag alone shall wave over the fcr h ` e w ill which his troops are to occupy, and th at tio of leave to Spaniards themselves the form°, the ir laws and institutions for the government 01 • t he ..art's Is . country. But the fl ag of his SP O w ho m fic I. to 0, flag of the Inquisition, and the men whnoority, endeavouring to invest with legialative °°. no roe are the Priests and their blotted and if he a d, adherents who have conspired aga inst i , lit is true that the French . Governments , 6 : d OOP indignant reprobation of EtlrOpe COMPeile 1 ,,, i to ir deo / 6 ' pancement and the freedom of their cnan t . r ti J ci the to abandon the open profession ofthe ~.,„ocri. M d id ho e Dir ' erect a despotic throne at —a r s ti .ii ie. 8 It ~l te l thi !ill