The Sun. — London, England, 1837-02-17 00:00:00

• ..•••••••....r., great benefits which these Societies had conferred on the public, be should entreat the House not to concur in the motion of the Hon. Member. Within the last 10 or 15 years no less than four Select Committees had sat for the purpose of inquir ing into this subject. The result of the last Committee was, that his Noble Friend, now a . Member of the other House, brought in a Bill which was now the law of the land, and by which those Societies were now regulated. The Honourable Memb e r h a d ta lk e d a b out t h e num b er o f petitions which h a d b een presente d f rom B ene fi t So cieties, complaining of the law affecting them.—( Hear. ) NOW, since the year 1829, when the law was altered, there had been only one petition presented from Ireland, five from Scotland, and about 20 or 25 from England, while the members of Benefit Societies in the United Kingdom, which at present existed, did not fall short of 5,000.—( Hear, hear.) This afforded pretty good ground for believing those Societies were tolerably well satisfied with the present management. \Vhat grievance had these Societies really complained of? The Only thing the Act proposed was, that if they chose to take advan tage of certain privileges accorded to them, then it was required that they should do certain things which the Act enjoined. They need not do so if th e y did no t c h oose , b ut t hey must submit to cert a in re g u l a ti ons , if th e y wished to avail themselves of the benefits of the Act. The Hon. Member ought not to forget the security which the present system conferred upon the subscribers to the Societies. T. show how beneficial this law had proved, he would state that Benefit Societies had nearly doubled, and Savings' Banks had increased their deposits in the same proportion since 1829. He objected to a Committee most strongly, upon the ground that it would create an alarm ammig the poorer class of society.---( Cries of " Hear.) Let the Hon. Gentleman at once bring in a Bill, but he at °nice told him that he (Mr., P. T.) would not consider it an improvement in the law, and could not give it any support, though he would not oppose its being brought in. Colon e l WOOD w as sorr y t o h ear th e d eterm i nat i on o f t h e Right Hon. Gentleman. It was of importance that the poor should be encouraged to lay up some of their earnings to secure them an independence for the rest of their lives. Mr. HUME was sorry that the Right Hon. Gentleman ob jected to this Committee. He understood that a pledge had been given last Session that Government would institute an in quiry in this Session. It was peculiarly important that every restriction upon the full development of this very beneficial system should be removed, now that the new Poor-law was beginning to produce such a change in the feelings and views of the working classes. Hon. Gentlemen were perfectly cor rect in stating that the working classes desired alterations to be made in the existing law. He himself had received thirty or forty deputations from the labouring classes in various parts, requesting hi m t o e nd eavour t o b r i ng a b ou t a lt era ti ons i n th e Jaw, and had been entrusted by them. with petitions to the ( louse to that effect. No possible harm could result from th e appointment of the Committee, and it might lead to much Mk!. He should cordially support the motion. Mr. ING HAM thought the appointment of the Committee , I Yould be attended with the most ruinous result to these Socie "(3,and that the grievances complained of did not call for it. Mr. BAINES thought that the enquiry might be benefi eml, inasmuch as it, might be attended with the extension of t hese Societies. Mr. YOUNG deprecated the appointment of the Commit tee as wholly uncalled for. Mr. F. BARING considered that the Committee was pre- Mature, as sufficient time had not elapsed since the passing of the Bill to enable• them to make calculations more correct. Ting in a Bill to effect his objects h ee, e would vote for its being referred to a Select Committ thinking that some advantage might result from the evidence which would then , e produced. Mr. LAWSON said a few words which were inaudible in the gallery. Sir G. STRICKL AND opposed the Committee. Mr. LW &R,T thought the suggestion of the Hon. and Learned Member for Kilkenny was the best which could be adop te d . Mr. T. DIINCONIBE said there were very great com plaints against the present state of the law for the construction of Benefit Societies. He had received a letter within the last two hours, requesting him to support the motion of the Hon. Member for Southampton. He was assured that the deter mination of Government to oppose the motion would occasion a great disappointment. Mr. A. TREVOR supported the motion for a Committee. Mr. FORSTER was bound to say, from the communica tions he had with many of the members of Benefit Societies, that if an alteration in the existing laws were proposed they Would oppose it. Mr. 13ROTHERTON said a few words which were corn- Pletely inaudible. Mr. T . ATTWOOD stated that the operatives disap proved of the present state of the law. He thought it was most injurious that they were not allowed to invest their looney in the way they approved of. They ought to be per mitted to have different rules suited to different localities. Mr. BERNAL had rece i ve d a var i e ty o f p et i t i ons u p on this subject, and he was prepared to discuss it at some length, but ref,ained from doing so on account or the evident ill health of the Speaker—a circumstance that he trusted would induce the House to bring this debate to a close.—( Hear. ) The SPEAKER assured the House that he did not see any reason why he should not sit there. Nothing could be so Painful to him as to cause unnecessarily any obstruction to the Public business. Mr. BARLOW HOY replied. He did not bring in a Bill upon this subject, because the Right Hon. the President of the Board of Trade had stated it to be his intention to give to such a Bill every opposition hill's power. Mr. POULETT THOMSON assure d th e H on . M em b er I le must have misunderstood him when he supposed that he (Mr. Thomson) would oppose any Bill which that Hon. Mem ber wished to bring in. He had, indeed,. heard something of that Hon. Member's plan, which was one to which 'he could but give his support. Mr. M. PHILIPS remar k e d th a t th o ugh there were many B enefit Societies in Manchester, yet he did not hear from them 40 Y complaint against the present state of the law. The House then divided : For the Motion Against it Majority 76 THE BISHOPS—HOUSE OF LORDS. CHARLES LUSHINGTON, who was addressing tha° House upon the return of strangers to the gallery, stated t if it were the wish of the House, he would postpone the 11 "tion of which he had given notice for that evening.—( Loud rie , B Of " Go on.") He was perfectly aware that his reso 111'°11 jarred against the long-received prepossessions of many °a. Memb ers , the sincerity of which he cordially respected; 1, 11 „ ,ht giving them credit for their conscientious opinions - "ad a right to expect that his own motives would ' a t he • • F reted.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) Indeed, the erp question was one of paramount importance, and involved io • mderations of so grave and momentous a nature, that the t l e r,d ulgenee of prejudices, at all times to be deprecated, would utterly displaced on the present occasion , when every man raid bring to the discussion the coolest reflection. He con i,ed, that in preparing himself for such a motion as this, he L a d Paid but little attention to the journals of the House of tht;!(bn or of that House of Parliament ; but he stood upon the effects which their politico-ecclesiastical system lad upon the people of this country.—(Hear, hear.) He 11 ght for the best polemical writers upon this subject, atd above all, he looked to one authority—to that au le,-I°ltY in which there was no error--he referred to that, the 1 1 .4 "° of the precedents in which could not be disputed. ° assured the house he was not about to propound 4 11 ' homily ; but he assured them that in his ex ot that volume, he could find no authority for th e , frequent assertion of the Bishops in this country—for th , e . "' assuming a dignity incompatible, in his opinion, with k," fulfilment of their sacred functions. Allowance, he 1 1 L e w Was to be made for the altered spirit of the and the necessary deviation from primitive simpli -1-!:Y b ut there was nothing to justify te extreme elevation of i b shops, and their assumption of h political power ; that Ili one of their own bishops—Bishop Watson—termed olue pride of prelacy," interfering with gosrel purity.—. ea •r• ) In his opinion upon this subject he claimed the con- L i trenee of numerous pious clergymen belonging to the Esta 44hed Church, with regard to the commixture in their bishops I ,he eccl es i as ti ca l di gn ity w ith th e s ecular power, as being ~ g i nlY detrimental to their spiritual usefulness.—( Hear.) The ,„ 1A,1 411" " of Lord Henley was, he believed, well known. He 1-1 0 ' recommended the retirement of the Bishops from the c h k 's° of Lords. That eminent person, Dr. Knox, a high "rehnian, whose correspondence with Bishop Jebb must be k nown to many Honouroble Members, observed in another tu. r , o ,! - --" The dienities, titles, and emoluments, of our Esta- Th ment obviously constitute as severe a test of virtue as the end of man could well be tried by ; and that these objects ' l " i ster to the b a d p ass i ons o f thousands must be admitted." "(Hear.) Such were the sentiments of an enlightened clergy aer' or the Established Church.—(Hear t ) In these senti „,ilts he was sure that many members of the Established ..t.l.tturch, both lay and clerical, cordially concurred. In a Ve,Tophlet published a few months ago, entitled " Fundamental i-ehvurth Reform," the following remarks, which he begged il° to read, occurred. This tract, he should premise, was r o i ti tte " y ' it clergyman who had not announced his name, .„ I,lbi gh the finger of fame had pointed at the author. Young, Co u,°,, liberal, erudite, eloquent, and pious, a hundred . mitres t " not add to his impressiveness in the pulpit, nor increase the Christian influence. The writer remarked, speaking of 181)O S -- -." Some of our bishops are still too wealthy. uld it be said that their wealth is needed to maintain their p eer as spi r it ua l P eers, i t may b e rep li e d th a t their spiritual fr om ra F e is worse than their wealth. They ought to retire ,en.,.sarliament, and then their wealth would be no longer long permit they will before long. Public opinion 1 111 h l noti to permit such a hindrance to their usefulness. Of irrational practices defended by some and allowed by • Lu ries, just because we are so much creatures of habit, i t is one of the most irrational. In esery view of the case Thoiaat.nisehievous and absurd. It makes the whole bench 9 a into'. Maelstroom, sucking even remote circles of the clergy the .a e gulf of worldly ambition. To the bishops themselves roptation to worldliness must be almost insuperable." • 'pit n' • • • " Sometimes, by voting must re. Ministers against popular opinion (the Rev. Gentleman tii sgust ter to other times), however conscientiously, they have ,or o f es . many. They have increased that disgust by their oneslonal defence of our Establishment ; but when, except t 1; _ _ or two illustrious instances, of individual fidelity, have / 1 , 0 :, ) .: 1 4 ere tided evangelical religion, or taught the House of Li s ~ , , , , a , r t ( 7 ,141se‘1,11 legislation on a reverence ' for God and for 1.6, NI hat has been the effect of all this upon the na- Lc!, It has stamp e d the Church with an aspect o f secu l ar i ty the o d r ,rimental to its piritual influence. It has accustomed . 1 , 1 1 e lwentious journals to throw unmeasured contempt upon whole ep. scopal ord er , "trAnged tioap from the'irr.lthas made bishops courtiers, it has clergy ; with the dignity of peers they have assumed, perhaps unavoidably, a forbidding superiority over their brethren ; they can never be brotherly...they can scarcely be paternal. On all accounts, therefore, their retirement from the House of Lords is much to be desired; and the bishop who, in his place in Parliament, superior to self-interest and pre judice, and the animosity which might be caused in the minds of a few, should move this removal, would deserve to have his name enrolled among those of the most distinguished pa triots." Such were the sentiments of an enlightened clergy man, in the substance of which immense numbers of Church men, clerical as well as lay, cordially participated. These were the observations, he admitted, of an anonymous clergy man ; but what said the Rev. Edward Duncombe, rector of Newton Kyme, in a pamphlet entitled " A Guide to Church Reform ?" He hoped the House would bear with him, whilst he read a little more on this subject.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. Duncombe thus expressed himself—" Pomp, and form, and absence have supplanted the authoritative powers of respect, and presence, and affection. Instead of flying to a diocesan with the dependent love and anxiety of children, many of his clergy approach him with fear and trembling, enter his palace and await his coming with nervous apprehension and breath less palpitations, and quit it, grateful that the interview is over." And again—" Our Bishops hold merely their formal and periodical intercourse with their clergy, are rarely ever seen, still more rarely known, by the laity of their dioceses."— " A good and honest Bishop," said a canon residentiary of St. Paul's, who had lately written a pamphlet commenting on the acts of the Ecclesiastical Commission (he thanked God there were many who deserved that character), " ought to suspect himself and carefully to watch his own heart. He is all of a sudden elevated from being a tutor, dining at an early hour with his pupil (and occasionally, it is believed, on cold meat), to be a Spiritual Lord ; he is dressed in a magnificent dress, decorated with a title, flattered by chap lains, and surrounded by little people looking up for the things which he has to give away ; and this often happens to a man who has had no opportunity of seeing the world, whose parents were in very humble life, and who has given up all his thoughts to the Frogs of Aristophanes and the Targum of Onkelos. How is it possiule that such a man should not lose his head, that he should not swell, that he should not be guilty of a thousand follies, and worry and teaze to death (before he recovers his common sense), a hundred men as good, and as wise, and as able as himself ?" He was convinced, with Archbishop Leighton, that worldly titles and distinctions were not conducive to the real re- spectability of the Church ; and so convinced was that Pre late of the truth of this sentiment, that he would not allow his friends to address him by the title of " Lord Bishop," nor was he pleased when other persons so addressed him. These lauded distinctions had in effect a contrary tendency to that which was anticipated. If any Hon. Gentleman doubted, this, let him suppose a number of persons to enter a provincial cathedral. They might ask " Who is this stately person, encumbered with robes of white and black, who walks up the aisle surrounded by the dean, the sub-dean, the canons, and the prebendaries, the deacons, and the choir of vicars cho ral, whilst the organ, which is about to be attuned in melo dious praise towards the Creator, pays almost equal homage to the creature ?" They would naturally inquire who this pompous dignitary was. They would inquire what was the style and title of the Lord Bishop of the diocese, from which he had been absent seven or eight months for the purpose of attending his duty in Parliament—who had just arrived from his London mansion to his country palace, and was then about to mount his throne in the House of God—who was exalted above all the attending ministers, gazed at by the mul titude as a superior being, and almost exempt from the failings of sinful mortality. Perhaps, in a moment of ab straction, the thoughts of that exalted person were wander ing all the time to the last vote he had given in the Senate —a vote to disturb the peace of eight millions of his fellow creatures—( Cheers, and cries of " Oh, oh")—a vote which might tend to plunge into desolation and blood a whole people.—(Loud cheers, and cries of " Oh, oh.") At the same time, while listening to him who treats of his Divine Master's revelation, he neglects to contrast with them his own actual position and splendour and inquires not whether the Bishops of the Church in these times of worldly do mination, follow the example of their apostolical prede cessors. There might be present the scoffers and the scorners of all religion, and they would not fail to make this contrast, and to inquire whether this pomp and parade was such as persons in that station ought to exhibit. There might be present, also, reflecting persons, who would not fail to draw a similar contrast. He would read the words of a right reverend dignitary, Dr. Jebb, of Limerick, on this subject, a most eminent man, who was beloved by everybody : " This is the first day I was able to set apart for being en throned in the cathedral of Limerick. On many accounts, political, moral, and religious, I do not like the reducing this, which ought to be a solemnity, into an unimpressive form ; matters, therefore, were so arranged that the chapter, headed by the dean, met me at the cathedral door, a short time before the hour of daily service, which immediately followed the act of enthronement, and thus one had something more and better than a mere legal and official ceremony." Thus it appears that, in the opinion of this good Bishop, he who so extolled the hu mility of that " human seraph" Archbishop Leighton, political ends were to be promoted and religion benefitted by his unu sually ceremonious enthronement. The following year he left his diocese in the month of January, and did not return to it till September. The exercise of their baronial duties greatly in terfered with the clerical offices of Bishops ; it was impossible that a Bishop could attend to the duties of his diocese and to his duties as a Member of the Legislature at the same time. But the evil was rendered still greater, as it happened that it was almost always found that the bench of Bishops opposed every measure of a liberal tendency, or which enlisted on its side the feelings of the people ; that, in fact, they invariably opposed every proposition that had for its object the extension of liberty, civil or religions.—( Hear, hear, and cries of " No.") It was not the custom of any other Protestant clergy to mix up baronial and ecclesiastical privileges. In the Church of Scotland there was no union of civil and ecclesiastical offices; and as an instance of the rigour with which this prin ciple was enforced, he might mention that Lord Belhaven was compelled to give up the office of elder when he undertook the office of Lord High Commissioner of the General Assembly. Neither was the English form of church government per mitted in Denmark, Sweden, or the United States, or amongst the Protestant Bishops of Germany. The Esta blished Church in England was the only Church, except the Roman Catholic Church, which suffered the heads of the Church to intermeddle in political affairs. But in some Roman Catholic countries the Bishops were prevented en tirely from interfering in political affairs, and the conse quence was that they enjoyed the reverence and respect of ail classes and parties in the country. If the Bishops of the Church of England followed this example, they would meet with the same reverence and respect.—(Hear, hear.) Let them remain in their dioceses, let them promote education, let them exalt their clergy, and apply themselves devotedly to those duties which by the most serious pledge they were bound to do.—( Hear,hear. ) They would then no longer be assailed ; they would meet their reward in the affection and reverence of a whole people. When he used the expression of " exalting the clergy," lie meant it in a very different sense from that in which it had been lately used in the address of a certain Pre late at an ordination. The charge to which he alluded com prised forty-eight octavo pages, forty-one of which were occu pied in a political discussion of certain Acts of Parliament passed last session, one of which especially, this political Pre late described as " degrading and corrupting," as " wholly un necessary," as " pregnant with the most disastrous consequences to the Church of England," as replete with danger and mis chief ; and he charges the members of the Ecclesiastical Commission with " a proneness to extend their own powers, a mischievous latitude and laxity in construing the terms in which their trust is confided to them ; a vio lation, in short, of both the letter and the spirit of the commis sion under which they act." He would ask whether charges of this description were calculated to increase the respect of the people for the Established Church ? Aiid let it be remembered that the acts thus described, thus commented upon, received the sanction of his Majesty, who was not only the political, but the spiritual head of the Church. He was not surprised, when the heads of the Church thus took the lead, that the inferior clergy should follow the example of their superiors, and be come notorious, from the dean down to the lowest curate, for their addiction to politics. There could not be a better proof of this than the fact that Dr. Hampden—a most eminent, learned, and pious man—was made the victim of clerical vengeance, be cause lie dared to advocate the admission of Dissenters to the University. A political bias extended through the whole of the clergy, from the highest to the lowest. In the case of Dr. Hampden, the clergy of the University of Ox ford and the Vied Chancellor objected to the appoint ment, although it was sanctioned by his Majesty ; and they bad seen many instances lately in which the clergy of the Established Church had shown disrespect to his Ma jesty's representative. The people saw these things, and saw them with regret ; and they attributed them in a great mea sure, if not entirely, to the political character given to the Church by the admission of Bishops into the House of Lords. The Hon. Member concluded by moving the following resolu tion :—" That it is the opinion of this House that the sitting of the Bishops in Parliament is unfavourable in its operation to the general interests of the Christian religion in this coun try, and tends to alienate the affections of the people from the Established Church." Mr. HAVE S rose to second the motion ; he did so most cordially, under the conviction that, by doing so, he was giving the best support to the religious character of the Established Church, and at the same time acting upon the soundest principles of religious liberty. It was, in his opinion, contrary to the doctrines of religious liberty, that any one sect or denomination of Christians should possess po litical powers which others did not enjoy. Those who had advocated the Test and Corporation Acts, and the measure of Catholic Emancipation, but who now opposed Govern ment, ought to have known that the vantage ground which the friends of religious liberty had thereby obtained would be made the most of on every occasion in their power. They should not be surprised, therefore, at the motion which was now made. Lord Henley had stated in his pamphlet on the subject of Church Reform, that the strength of the Church should rest in the heart and good esteem of the people, and ought not to be polluted by politics. It was Impossible, therefore, as well as injurious to the State, for the Church to mingle in politics. If any argument were wanted to prove this, he would point to the Church of England, and ask what had it gained by its political supporters ? And then to the Church of Scotland, and ask whether she was not every way as secure as the Church of England, although she had no Parliamentary privileges ? Look at the Dissenters of Eng land also—was there any lack of defenders for their rights ? Not at all.—(Hear, hear.) He was convinced that if the Church of England left her defence in the hands of laymen, instead of taking it into her own hands, it would be much better for her. Mr. HUME and Lord J. RUSSELL rose together : the former, however, persevered in the midst of general cries for the latter. He presumed that the arguments used by the Hon. THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 17, 1837. mover and seconder on this occasion were such as could not be answered, at least nobody on the other side seemed pre pared to answer them.--( A laugh.) He rose, therefore, chiefly with a view to claim the vote of the Noble Lord the Secretary for the Home Department. —( A laugh.) The same arguments which the Noble Lord had used the other night, in giving his candid opinion that magistrates ought not to belong to the commission of the peace (Loud laughter, in which the Hon. Member joined.) He was very glad to see that he was honoured by so much attention on the part of the House : he meant clergymen. The Noble Lord had impressed upon the House that the duties of clergymen were inconsistent with the commission of the peace. If that argument were true as respected clergymen in general, he thought it peculiarly applicable to the Bishops,who had plenty of duties to attend to if they chose, and wore well paid for it. Now he would first put this question to the Noble Lord : whether, upon the same principle he had formerly laid down, the pre sence of the Bishops in the House of Lords was not inconsis tent with their sacred duties? The Bishops had always acted the part of political agents in the House for the Government which had preferred them. This was not precisely true, perhaps, of late years, for latterly the Bishops had been generally opposing the Government. But let them look back at the history of former years, and they would find that for ages the Bishops had been the constant supporters of Govern ment in everything that they proposed militating against the people, instead of interposing as p eac e-m a kers between th em and the people over whom they sought to tyrannize. The Bishops had always been the eiders and abettors of tyranny.-- (" Oh, oh," from the Opposition.) Did any one deny it? He defied any of the Hon. Gentlemen opposited to point out a single instance where the Bishops, as a body, (he did not deny that there had been some honourable exceptions occasionally) had not always been forward in aiding and abetting against the people, aid every reform to which th ey asp i re d. They had opposed the abolition of the slave trade; they had thrown impediments in the way of the education of the people, while, on the contrary, they ought to have considered their own immediate business ; and as for every improvement in the internal state of the country, he defied any Hon. Member to show that the majority of the Bishops had not always aided and abetted against it. By such conduct the Church had es sentially diminished the strength orits hold in the country, and the sooner the practice was done away with, the sooner the Bishops were sent back to the duties of their dioceses, the better it would be for themselves, - forahe establishment to which they belonged, and for the community at large. Lord J. RUSSELL—Sir, as the Hon. Member for Mid dlesex has taken upon himself to report my opinions, I shall take the liberty of denying the accuracy of his report, and at the same time take the opportunity of informing the House what are my opinions in my own way.—( Hear, hear, and a laugh.) The Hon. Gentleman who brings forward this mo tion, in so doing brings forward a proposal for a change in a very essential principle of the British Constitution, which, as he must be aware, recognises " the Lords spiritual and tempo ral, and the Commons, in Parliamentassembled." The clisnt,se which the Hon. Member proposes to make in this constitu tion is of a very essential and prominent nature. It is not like the change which we effected when we passed the Reform Bill, which was done upon the ground that the Commons ' which ought to represent the people, did not suffi c i en tl y do so, and that it did not perform the functions which it ought to perform, and in consequence of which it became necessary to make it more in accordance with the ancient Constitution. Now there is no such claim, there are no such pretensions, in support of the present motion. It is a motion to alter one of the most ancient points in the Constitution of these realms, and to resort upon new grounds to a new constitution of Par liament. I say, therefore, that to such a change lam averse, unless I have the strongest reasons, not vague and un determined, but strong and well-defined reasons, in its sup port. Now the reasons by which the Honourable Gentleman sought to advocate his proposal aro altogether vague, desultory, and unsatisfactory. The Hon. Gentleman began by talking of removing the Bishops from the House of Lords ; but appeared to be altogether uncertain with what object to wards the Church, and where his object would end. The Hon. Gentleman quoted Bishop Leighton, and then pointed to the Scotch Church, where there are no Bishops, in contrast with the pomp with which the Bishop is installed in this country, and the state of his enthronement on attending a cathedral, which ceremonies and state I have seen attendant upon the person of as good a man as ever lived in this or any other country.—( Hear, hear.) Now, to what do these allusions t en d ? Do they tend to the question of the removal of the Bishops from the House of Lords ? Not at all ; but to the establishment of the Presbyterian system of the Church of Scotland.—( Hear, hear.) The Hon. Gentleman then re ferred to the United States, where there was no Church Es tablishment at all. —( Hear, hear.) When the Hon. Gentle man, therefore, proposes to me to have no longer a Parliament of Lords spiritual and temporal and of Commons, but only one of Lords temporal and Commons, the arguments he uses lead at once to two altogether distinct considerations : namely, in the first place, to a Church in which there are no Bishops ; and in the second, to a State where there is no Church Es tablishment.—(l-Tear, bear.) Now I must own it appears to me that if these are the grounds upon which the Hon. Member proposes the charge he particularizes in his motion, these grounds are not sufficient to support that motion, -nor will the change he wishes in it be sufficient to answer the Honourable Gentleman's purpose. This change, if agreed to, must lead to farther change, and I must own that such a change once commenced, I cannot see any point at which we may consistently stop short of the constitution of the United States, in which there is no Established Church. --(Cheers.) The lion. Gentleman who makes this motion, and the Hon. Member for Middlesex, argue that there nsuqt be a distinction between civil and spiritual functions. The Hon. Gentleman should recollect, however, that in this coun try the head of the Government and the head of the Church are one. The King is the head of the Church, and the Go vernment of the Church becomes that of the Government of the country ; it is impossible, therefore, with such a constitu tion to have the complete distinction of civil and spiritual func tions which the Hon. Gentlemen desire. Such a distinction cannot exist consistently with a Church Establishment— ( Hear, hear.) It is a very different thing for the Duke of Wellington to have said that in the appointment of Magistrates it was advisable not, to select clergymen where laymen could be found to do the purpose ; this is a totally different principle from that proposed by the Hon. Gentlemen to remove the Bishops from their seats and their duties in the House of Lords.—( Hear.) The Established Church is a distinct.part of the Constitution of, tifiascountry. The Bishops, by hold ing seats in Parliament, are the acknowledged representatives of that part of our Constitution. If they are to be ex cluded from their scats, I then do not see by what rule we could exclude the other orders of the clergy from seats in the House of Commons.—( Hear, hear, hear.) It appears to me, however, that the Bishops are that portion of the clergy which can best execute the political duties of the Church, and that with the least disturbance or interruption of their spiritual functions, many of these duties being of such a nature that they can be attended to when absent from their dioceses, whilst the inconvenience attendant upon clergy men leaving the flocks of their respective parishes would be very great.—( Hear, hear.) However this may be, I must say I know not upon what grOunds we should pretend to exclude this great body of men altogether from the privilege of being represented in Parliament, considering the property , that belongs to them, and the station they hold in the coun try. Would it not be exceedingly unfair in Parliament to discuss and pass measures affecting all these interests—as tithes, and advowsons, and ecclesiastical property in general— and to say that on all these great questions they would not allow those who are most deeply interested in them to take any part? With respect to the total distinction and distribution of civil and political functions, I own that all experience is against it, for it has been found that persons who have re ligious functions to perform have not confined themselves to the exercise of these functions, but have frequently taken part in political contests. But if this is a characteristic of Bishops, does not the same description apply to Dissenters ? Since I have been connected with the Government, I have heard of applications to the Lord Chancellor for livings of • which he had the patronage, and may therefore take the li berty of stating how these applications are made, and also the manner in which the patronage was given. I know that both in the time of the former Lord Chancellor, as well as the present Lord Chancellor, such a case as this has frequently occurred. Application has been made in favour of a deser ving clergyman or a curate of fifteen or twenty years' stand ing, and it has been urged that 'he was a gentleman greatly beloved, that he attended. te - -all -the spiritual wants- of his flock, and that all parties were anxious that the vacant liv ing should be given to him, and he was appointed. But might not those who contend that civil and religious functions should be separated raise their voice against such a practice, and say, that though the curate is not a violent partisan, his brother, or his nephew, or his cousin is, and that the living ought not to be given to an individual connected with a person of such political opinions ? With regard to the Dissenters, I know many ministers of the different sects for whom I have the greatest respect and regard ; I know how much they attend to the spiritual interests of the Church to which they belong ; but if I were to select those who are most respected, and if I am asked whether they separated religious functions from spiritual, lam glad to say they do not do so.—( Cheers and laughter.) I am glad to say that so long as I have taken a share in po litics I have found the Dissenting ministers the warmest friends of political liberty, and whenever the rights of their fellow subjects have been in danger, they have always been eager to promote the cause of political freedom, and I give them credit for it.—(Cheers.) To the proposition of the Hon. Member I must therefore object, because in a country like this, where political and ecclesiastical duties are so intermingled, I cannot see how, by dint of resolutions, we are to reach the millennium, and have a certain number of persons of the Established Church ministers of religion—solely and exclusively devoted to reli gious interests, with their eyes constantly directed to what is above—and another set of persons who shall in like manner confine themselves to political interests. The Hon. Member who moved the resolutions said the Bishops had for many years voted against measures in favour of political freedom, and for measures calculated to oppress their fellow-citizens. Now, though I seldom concur in the votes given by the Bishops, yet I must say, while their appointment is vested in the Crown, it is natural to suppose that the Minister of the day will raise pious and learned clergymen to the bench who are favourable and not adverse to his political opinions. That, however, has not always been the case, and I can give instances of Bishops even under Tory Governments who have advocated the principle of separating political from religious functions. I allude tol3ishop Wright, Bishop Kennett, and Bishop Headley, who were the 1 1 warmest advocates of political freedom. The latter prelate, in his place in the House of Lords argued in favour of the separa tion of the functions, because the " kingdom of God was not of this world," and asserted in the strongest manner the Whig principles which he openly professed. And as it happened in these days, when the Government was in the hands of the Tories, so it happened when the Whigs were in office in the reign of • Queen Anne and George I. The parties in power appointed men of learning and piety, but at the same time men who held the same political opinions. This was the case also in the time of Lord Liverpool ; and what wonder, then, was there that these Prelates, when raised to the bench of Bishops, retained the same opinions which they held before their ap pointment? Had they acted in a different manner—had they shifted from day to day—had those Prelates, for instance, voted with Lord Grey on all occasions, and then shifted round and voted in a different way when the Right Hon. Baronet was in difficulty, though the first mode of acting might have been more agreeable to my opini ons , it wou ld not h ave made the bench of Bishops more respected.—( Hear.) The prac tice existed one hundred years ago, and continued in the Go vernment of Lord Liverpool, and it could not be considered any argument for the proposed change that, a Government which had been in office for twenty or thirty years had ap pointed Bishops who professed the political opinions of the party. Rather general reasons had been given by the Hon. Gentleman. 1 dissent from these reasons, because they would not effect the object he has in view, and lam not disposed, therefore, on such grounds to agree to the alteration. Mr. E WART rose amidst loud cries of " Divide." After the noise had subsided, be said, that was the way in which the question was generally met. It was met by clamour, and not argument, for he had heard noargument from the other side— ( Laughter and interruption.) The Noble Lord had admitted that in former times men were created Bishops for their poli tical opinions, and that under Whig Governments they were Whigs, and 'under Tory Governments, Tories.--(No, no.) He bad also stated that within a certain time they had assumed a Tory character. Now the statements of the Noble Lord were at variance with the Constitution. The mitred abbots were swept away at the Reformation, and that was as good a precedent for the change as any precedents for the Reform Bill. lie was astonished at the arguments of the Noble Lord. They were the arguments of the Learned Prelate the Bishop of Exeter, to whom the Noble Lord bad referred in the early part of the evening. —(Laughter.) He was sorry the Noble Lord had become the patron of that reverend, celebrated, and most polemical Prelate, and had adopted his argument, that the Bishops were the pastores pastorunz, and not the pastores populi. He would appeal to the religious feelings of the country on that point, and ask whether they represented the clergy in the House of Lords? They might represent the higher order of the clergy, but they did not repre sent the curates and the clergy in humble life. His Hon. Friend the Member for Middlesex had correctly stated that the votes of the Bishops were not in unison with the feelings of the country. They had repeatedly voted against one great measure for which the people had struggled so much —the abolition of the slave trade ; but he could state more, and the instance which he was about to give would show the practical grievance of allowing Bishops to sit in the House of Lords. On one occasion, and lie had seen the circular, the Bishops were summoned to attend the House of Lords to vote against the abolition of the punishmeut of death for forgery. They went down and voted against their inward feelings, in order to fulfil their political duty. Men of the highest cha racter concurred in the necessity of removing the Bishops from the House of Lords. Hallam stated that the Bishops should be swept away as the mitred abbots had been. Lord Falk land, though a Tory, voted against them. He might quote also the, authority of Spencer and Milton, who were both against there. He hoped the minority on this division would far exceed the minority of last session, as that minority had exceeded that of the preceding session. The principle was working its way silently; there was a current underneath, the people's minds were changing on the subject, and the public feeling would eventually carry the question through the House. Mr., G. BULLER was disappointed with the speech. of the Noble Lord-=( Hear, hear)—because at an early ,part of the evening, the Noble Lord had made a capital speech on their side when he described the Right Reverend Prelate as a libeller and a calumniator. It was strange, therefore, that he could flx on none but one Right Reverend Prelate, and he was astonished at his chivalry in running a tilt on behalf of one whom he had so described. The Noble Lord had asked the usual question when any reform was proposed—how far would they carry the plan ? He would give a plain answer : the an swer of the Radicals was—they would carry the Bishops to the door of the House of Lords, and let them go evhither they liked.—( Laughter.) The most decent course they could take would be to go to their dioceses.—( Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord had spoken of Presbyterianism, and -said if the Established Church were Presbyterian there would be no Bishops in the House of Lords ; but did not the Noble Lord know that in France the Bishops had no seats in the Upper House ? And the same 'was the case in Spain. The Bishops in these countries had no legislative functions to per form, and why should not our Bishops be placed in the same position ? Formerly there were three estates in this country. These were Lords, Commons, and Clergy ; for the clergy had a separate chamber, and were as much entitled to legislation as the Commons or Lords. That, however, had been done away with when the Convocation was abolished ; and he was glad it had been abolished. The effect of the dis position of she clergy to meddle in political matters had fre quently been most injurious to the cause of liberal principles. If the Noble Lord were disposed to deny this fact he (Mr. Buller) would refer him to a late contested election for De vonshire. At that election the Noble Lord was defeated by a majority of six hundred ; and he (Mr. Buller) understood that more than six hundred parsons voted on that occasion against the Noble Lord. The Noble Lord was, therefore, one in stance in his own person of the evils resulting from allowing political to mix themselves with ecclesiastical considerations. At the same time, if they took the Bishops away from the House of Lords, he (Mr. Buller) should have no objection to let some of the clergy into the House of Commons. Indeed he should be glad to see them there ; for he was sure they would be less noisy there than elsewhere.--(A laugh.) In his opinion it was most unfitting that the First Lord of the Trea sury should have a religious patronage to be used for political purposes ; and if any Hon. Member would move for the abolition of such patronage, that Hon. Member should have his support. While that patronage existed, whist, could be expected but that, as the Noble Lord had sAated t Bishops elevated to the bench by a Tory Governm en t should support Tory principles, and that Bishops elevated to the bench by a Whig Government should support Whig principles ? Let them look through the annals of the House of Lords, and they would find that the Bishops did not possess one legislative claim on the gratitude of the people. On the gratitude of governments they had many claims ; none on the gratitude of the people. On the contrary, whenever any question was brought forward which agitated and interested the people of England, the Bishops were always found banded together as one man to defeat the wishes of the people. They had opposed the abolition of slavery.—(No, no.) He said they had. Let the lists of the divisions on that question in the House of Lords be examined, and that would prove to be the case. On all questions of religious toleration the Bishops had shown their hostility to liberal principles. He was for excluding Bishops from the House of Lords on a principle recognised by the Constitution in other matters. 'Why were Bishops not dealt with as Judges were ? Judges were excluded from the arena of politics.—(No, no.) They were all excluded, with the excep tion of the Lord High Chancellor.—(No, no.) He really could not understand the cause of this extraordinary tumult. His argument was, that there was only one Judge recognised as such in the House of Lords, namely, the Lord High Chan cellor, and his legal merged in his official functions. Other Judges might be raised to the Peerage, but they did not sit in the House of Lords as Judges. Members of the legal profes sion were told, " If you become Judges you must separate yourselves from political discussions and contests." This was most fitting : but, surely, if it were necessary to adhere to such a principle with those who only superintended the tem poral concerns of the people, it must be necessary to adhere to i: with those who superintended the spiritual concerns of the people. If it e ere necessary to guard the character of the Judges from imputation, it must surely be necessary to guard the character of the Bishops from imputation. The tendency of the present system was to make at once bad Bishops and bad Peers. Instead of attending exclusively to the discharge of their important duties, the Bishops were now at the nod and beck of the First Lord of the Treasury. Hopes of promotion were held out to them as the reward of political services. The Hon. Gentlemen opposite might not think it worth while, or they might not think it prudent, to argue this question. They might, perhaps, be desirous to leave to the Noble Lord the unpopular task of defending the Bishops against the feelings of the people. It was of little importance what they did. Let them go on in the way they were going. The question itself was making a rapid progress in the country ; and he had no doubt that ten years hence the majority in its favour would be greatet than the majority against it might, perhaps, be on the present occasion. Sir ROBERT PEEL said that if any unpopularity were attached to the most decided opposition to the motion of the lion. Member for Ashburton, to his full share of that unpopularity, he begged leave to put in a distinct claim.— ( Hear, hear, hear. )—Feeling as be did upon the subject, he certainly would not be guilty of so base an action as to leave the whole of the unpopularity with the Noble Lord. —(Hear, hear, hear.)—lt might not serve the Noble Lord for him ( Sir Robert Peel) to say so, but he must declare that he never heard a speech delivered in a more manly manner than the speech of the Noble Lord, or one which reflected greater credit on the Noble Lord's abilities and judgment. —( Hear, bear, hear.)—For if it were true, as had been as serted by the Hon. Member for Liskeard, that the Noble Lord had lost his election for Devonshire by the votes of six hundred clergymen, and it being undoubtedly true that a large majority of the Bishops were opposed to the present Government, the Noble Lord had set a most laudable ex ample of the conduct which, under such circumstances, ought to be pursued by every man and every Minister; and had not allowed any personal feeling to prevent , him from frankly avowing his opinion on a great constitutional ques tion like that under the consideration of the House.—( Hear, hear, hear.)—There - was one objection to the motion of the Hon. Member for Ashburton which struck him ( Sir Robert Peel) as being at once fatal to it. The Hon. gentle man asked them to proceed, not by a legislative measure, but by a resolution. The Hon. Gentleman asked the House of Commons to agree to a resolution, depriving a portion of one branch of the Legislature of its functions and privileges. Now, what right had they to take any such step ? If the Hon. Gentleman were desirous of involving the House of Commons in a dilemma, he could not succeed more com pletely than by persuading them to pass a resolution which, if passed, would have no effect whatever, but would be nearly a piece of waste paper.—(Hear, hear.) In former questions of a similar nature, it had always been proposed to p rocee d by Bill. But the Hon. Member - for Ashburton proposed, by a resolution, to effect that which he despaired of effecting by Bill. Why should the House of Commons risk bring ing their own resolution—he would not say into coutempt— but why should they pass a resolution which must prove in valid and unavailing ? The Noble Lord had justly observed, that the inferences to be drawn from the reasoning of the Hon. Member for Ashburton led 'to much more serious told extensive eensequences, than the Hon. Member biznaelf seemed to be aware of, Not out/ 1 however ; was that tau elm with the speech of the Hon. Mover. Every argument which had - been used by the Hon. Gentleman who seconded the motion went the length of showing the expediency, not merely of removing the Bishops from the House of Lords, but of abolishing the Establishment.—( Hear, hear.) The Hon. Gentleman said that when Parliament repealed the Test and Corporation Acts, they established the principle that no reli gious creed should have any advantage over any other. Ile ( Sir R. Peel) had never beard such a principle maintained. The Hon. Gentleman also contended that the same thing took place on passing the Bill for the relief of the Roman Catho lics. Ile (Sir R. Peel) had never heard so before; but he had heard the direct contrary. It would indeed be a great discouragement to any attempt to relieve any portion of the people from civil disabilities, if the House were to be told, " You must not stop here; you must carry your measure in finitely further, and stop only with the destruction of the Na tional Church." Because the Test and Corporation Acts w ere repealed, because relief was granted to the Roman Catholics, was it thence to be inferred that no religious creed should have an advantage in this country over any other ? It was evident that if these Hon. Gentlemen were to succeed in expelling the Bishops from the House of Lords, their next step would be to propose that the Protestant clergy should no Linger hold the exclusive possession of Church temporalities. The Hon. Mem ber for Liverpool had mistaken not only the argument but the statements of the Noble Lord. The Noble 'Lord had never-talked of any rapid changes on the part of Bishops from Whig to Tory or front Tory to Whig principles. The Noble Lord had never talked of Bishops rewarding their patrons by mean political subserviency. What was the fact ? That while human nature remained what human nature now was, and al ways had been, men possessed of patronage would, ceteris paribus, exercise that patronage in favour of those who agreed with them in opinion. And nothing could be more reasonable. Why, if his Majesty's present Government were to depart from that usage, and were, ceteris paribus, to select political opponents for Bishops, would not the House hear the loudest reprobation of such a proceeding ?—( Hear.) Undoubtedly, the Noble Lord s t a t e d th a t d ur i ng t h e l ong cont i nuance o f y a Tory Government in power, the Bishops generally professed Tory principles. But did the Noble Lord add that that was out of servility to their patrons ? Not at all. They were originally selected for advancement to the Bench of Bishops because they were supposed to hold certain political opinions. They did hold those opinions, and they continued to hold them.—(Hear, hear.) But it was said by the Hon. Member for Middlesex that after they had become Bishops the hope of translation to more lucrative See'S would tempt them to change their political opinions, and to maintain the princi ples of any new Government. Had his Majesty's present Government found that to be the case ?—( Hear.) The poli tical opinions which they held at the time of their original ap pointment, they still held and acted upon._ The hope of transla tion had no effect upon them : there was not one of them who had voted that black was white.--( Hear hear, and laughter.) All, therefore, that their worst enemies could allege against them was, that they were consistent, bigoted politicians, who obstinately adhered to their own opinions. As to the separation of the civil from the religious duties of the clergy, he was convinced that it would be a measure , highly injurious to the country. He did not wish to see the Church excluded from its fair share of political in fluence. If such an object were to be accomplished; if the clergy were compelled to confine themselves to the discharge of their ecclesiastical duties ; if they were compelled to eschew all reference to or interest in temporal matters ; if they were forbidden to participate in the feelings and wishes of their lay countrymen, he doubted whether, instead of the active, intelligent, enlightened, patriotic men, of whom the great body of the clergy of this kingdom was at present composed, we should not have a set of lazy, worthless, clois tered hypocrites.—( Hear, hear, hear.) Into that question he would, however, not now enter. As to the plausible ar guments which had been urged in favour of the destruc tion of a monarchical and the establishment of a demo cratical Government, he should be ashamed of himself if he condescended to say a single word in answer to them. He had risen only because he did not wish it to be believed that he was capable of desiring to leave all the unpopularity of resisting the present motion on the shoulders of the Noble Lord. Whether the declaration might be popular or unpo pular he cared not ; but he was prepared to give his most de cided opposition to a proposition, the ultimate tendency of which would be to injure, if not to destroy, the civil and re ligious Constitution of England.--( Hear, hear.) Mr. LUS HINGTON made a brief reply, in which he ex pressed his conviction that the great majority of the people of England were desirous of relieving the Bishops from their Parliamentary duties. The Gallery was then cleared for a division, when the numbers were Ayes. Noes 197 Majority against the motion lO5 On our return to the gallery we found Capt. PECHELL on his legs, moving for a " Return of the manner in which prisoners for trial were confined during the times the quarter sessions and assizes were holden in England and Wales, in the year ending 31st January, 1837, especially as to dimen sions of rooms, classification, and separation of prisoners of both sexes." After a few words from Mr. FOX NIAULE, the motion was agreed to. Mr: Sergeant JACKSON moved for a " Return of the names of all convicts discharged from the several gaols in Ire land, before the expiiation of their respective sentences, since the Ist of May, 1835 ; 'distinguishing the offences of which they were respectively convicted, the sentences pronounced upon them, the date of discharge, and the authority under which they were discharged, whether oral or written ; distinguishing, also, the cases in which such convicts were under rule of bail, and stating whether any, and what, bail was given before the discharge of such convicts respectively." The lion. and Learned Gentleman said he understood this return would not be resisted on the part of his Majesty's Government; and therefore he thought it unnecessary to make any statement to the House ; but as he was then on his legs, he begged to set himself right in reference to a matter connected with the debate on a former evening. The Noble Lord, the Secretary for Ire land had done him the honour to correct him in regard to a letter which he had read upon the subject matter then before the House. He referred to a letter signed E. M. Clarke, dated Lifford, August 13, 1836. lie ( Mr. Sergeant Jackson) then stated that the letter in question of the Lord-Lieutenant's Secretary had not been addressed to the Inspector, but to the Governor of Lifford gaol. Ho held in his hand a copy of the letter which, together with the Noble Lord's speech, had been most correctly reported in the Morning Chronicle. The letter, which was addressed to Lieutenant-Colonel Yorke, com menced thus:—" Sir—Agreeable to your wish, expressed in your letter to the Governor, I have with him selected such cases as we feel justified in recommending to his Excellency's humane consideration," &c. This, then, showed that the do cument was addressed to the Governor and not to the inspector. The Noble Lord, he was satisfied, had contradicted him from inadvertency. He would not go into any statement however, because that Noble Lord, he found, was not going to resist his motion. Lord Viscount MO RPETH said he quite admitted that he had not adverted to the context of the letter, or he should not have made the correction he had. He had no objection to offer to the motion. Mr. Sergeant JACKSON said he hoped the Noble Lord would believe that he considered him quite incapable of mis representing the purport of his letter. Colonel SIBTHORP begged to ask at what period the Right Hon. Gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer would bring forward the Budget ? He was induced to put the question as he had received various communications, and many petitions had been presented, on the subject of the re peal of the duty on Sre ►nsurance. If, however, he was pre mature in the step he was taking, he would not persist in ask ing for the information he sought. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that _ the Hon. Gentleman owed no apology to him, or to the House, in putting the question as to the time when he should moot the question to which he referred. It was undoubtedly the object he had in view to bring forward the state of the finances of the country at the earliest possible period. That period, generally speaking, is the completion of the financial year h Aim ; but, if he were able to do so, he would bripg iorward the Budget at an earlier date. The House adjourned at ten o'clock. BUCKS COUNTY F,LECTION. (From the Morning Post.) YLESBURY, THURSDAY. The polling commenced this mor aing at the usual hour, but went on rather languidly until about. twelve o'clock, when the town began to fill very fast, and preset ted for the first time the stir and bustle of a contested election. Lord Nugent is in the town, exertir ,g all his weight and in fluence for Mr. Dashuood. I regrcr z. to state that a melan, choly accident has just occurred to Mr. D'lsraeli., jun. - fie was standing in front of the George In n, when ir .o suddenly fell down in a fit, and in that state was car tied to t' 11C inn, where he was bled and put to bed. lie had beun up • a ll night, and had travelled through a great portion of the cor ,aty, canvassing for Mr. Harcourt, without obtaining anyrest, and being in a weak state of health, added to the sudden excit ement and the great fatigue he underwent, produced the fit, He is now, however, much better. Close of the First Day's Poll , Feb. 16. ,arcourt. Dashwood. 518 250 262 41 382 120 449 302 Aylesbury Buckingham Newport Pagnel ........ ........... Beaconsfield 1611 MONEY MARKET. --There ha more cheerful feeling in the City to da though it w ou ld b e ton much tosay-th trust have wholly disappeared. It gained in the general estimation that the Bank Di rec t ors h as passed over _ acting on th e currency , an d i t may b: b: even understood to have evinced a dial). more in quart ers w h ere i t was sl-ivrn-t usefully bestowed.-- Times. TIIE NAVY EsTiNiArEs ..--; the Navy Estimates T 1 :10 stnnli-pox is raging w,th great virulence in the. for the year 1837-38 law: been TV 2sented to the House of F• jrest of Dean, and at Newnham , where s ev e ral p ersons have Commons and printeil.. The su A r squired to be voted for the died from it.—Bristol Mercury. service of the year is 4,Z)21,501/ V .eing 12,042/. less than tli,, I n con sequence of a rule laid down by the present vote of last year t h e amoun t c ' t ' ' , :hien was 4,533,54,31. Government, not to appoint to the Rccordership of a borough Of Ge- ' ' -.man pride we pi ; a' . ent the following r-itraot-person any locally dir."dry anecdote ; ._,A Germs omtbscr a Lord left Qvaers in 'ills tvi)l not tion in Parlimilent, Lord John Russell has declined app 1 ,.. to be interred, but that he mi ht be enelosmd uptight in a pillar Mr. Talbot Baines to the RceDrdership of Leeds. 'Fhe ru (.. which he- had ordered to b( Le e d s Town I hollowed, and fastened to a post tract not known either to Mr. Baines or the _ _ in the parish, in order to 1 d e. _liatyax Witliiipg °ITT his body, FeVeixt any peasa.4t or slave from Council, when the recommendatton was ma ... 1 E3press. S hten, altogether, a y (Thursday evening), at the symptoms of dis is at least something the weekly meeting of :host any new measure added, that they are ;sition to risk something Jet assistance would be SPORTING INTELLIGEN TATTERSALL'S-YESTERD4 r. THE DERBY. Although several Derby horses were backed, the undergo any material change. Jereed was backed fes ponies at Bto 1, and Dardanelles at 20 to 1, the odds . quently offered against each; abeut the latter several parties ap peared anxious to take 22 to 1. Troilus sprung a couple of points, and Flare-up regained some of the ground he lost on Monday—his friends, however, are neither numerous nor sanguine. Brother to Boy Middleton is at Monday's drice, and less in favour ; Mango is also in statu quo, but is more in request, and Defender, a point worse, was nibbled at by some pretty safe betters. Last odds :- 6 to 1 agst Lord Jersey's lot—take 13 to 2 8 to 1 agst Lord Jersey's Bro. to Bay Middleton—take 8 1 1 to 1 8 to 1 agst Colonel Anson's Jereed—taken and afterwards offered 12 to 1 agst Captain Gardner's Phantasima colt—offered 20 to l agst Mr. Greville's Mango--taken 20 to 1 agst Lord Exeter's Dardanelles—taken anl aftorwards offered 23 to 1 agst Mr. Sadler's Defender—take 0 5 to 1 25 to 1 agst Lord Jersey's Flare-up—offered 25 to 1 agst Colonel Peel's Clifton—offered 28 to 1 agst Lord Exeter's Troilus—taken, and 26 to 1 after wards taken 30 to 1 agst Mr. Walker's Glider—taken and afterwards offered 30 to 1 agst Lord Stradbroke's Caravan—taken and a!terwargs offered 30 to 1 agst Mr. Osbaldeston's Mahometan—taken .30 to 1 agst Lord Lichfield's Brothe r t o Eli s—ta k en - 35 to 1 agst Lord Exeter's Hybiscus—offered 575 to 50 agst Defender and Dardanelles —taken 500 even between Brother to Elis and Flare-up 500 even between Lord Strafford and Hybiscus 1000 even between Defender and Troilus COURSING. DEPTFORD.INN MEETING.—TITESDAY. Claret Stakes.—The winning dogs were Geotli•y Gambado, Beelzebub, Indart, and Els ler. Port Stakes of 3 Sovs.—Wildfire, Image, Erne Nymph and Presto were the winners. Sherry Stakes of 3 sovs.—El Taldo, Bliss, Idalia, and Elftwitch, were the winners. The Huff Stakes of 3 sovs.—Hubert, Winifred, Glider, and Hannah, were the winners. WEDNESDAY. Claret Stakes.—First Ties.—The winning dogs were Beelzebub and Eisler. Port Stakes.—First Ties.—The winning dogs were Erne Nymph and Image. Sherry Stakes.—First Ties.—The winning dogs were El Taldo and Idalia. Hutt Stakes.—First Ties.—The winning dogs were Glider and Hubert. Beaten Dog Stakes.—First Class.—The winning dogs were Wonder and Bolt. Second Class.—The winning dogs were Guns and Gala. The Liverpool Steeple Chase, which is announced to come off the first Wednesday in March, already excites great inte rest. The betting is of a spirited character, and heavy books arc expected on the day of running. Dan O'Connell seems to be the favourite, not more than 2 to 1 betted against Dan. Polyanthus is at present drooping at 5 to 1, but may be in better favour under the genial influilice of spring. The Dis owned is at 7to 1, and Bilk at less than 10 to I. The grey horse stands at the same figure as Bilk. STEEPLE CHASE NEAR YORK. This race came off on Tuesday last. The line of road chosen was from the village of Hutton to the Red House. The road included a few rasping leaps. It was for a sweepstakes of 10 sous. each ; four miles across the country ; list, each. A little after ten o'clock the following horses, with their riders, drew up to the place of starting Mr. Harbord's b. h. Wildgoose...Capt. Blackall 1 Mr.. H. Thompson's ch. m. The Fawn Owner 2 Colonel Thomson's ch. h. Brogdignag Owner 0 Mr. F. Worsley's in. Kitty Clover Owner 0 Mr. D. Cayley's ch. h. Surprise... Mr. Vaughan 0 Captain Taylor's b. li : Tremaine 11r. Bowen 0 The start took place at Hutton in a stubble field near Hutton Hall. At the start they all went together, and came gently over, Hutton Drain ; they next came to Rufforth Drain, in passing which they were not so fortunate, for most of them gen • in. After this, they crossed the Wetherby road, between Rut-, forth mill and the village ; before they reached this place, Tre— maine lost his rider, and ran at liberty. Wildgoose then came on, leading from the Fawn three or four fields, and came over his fences in gallant style, passing the village of Ilessay on the York sidl; he then took hisil( ap into the Boroughbridge road, where an immense assembly had congregated to see them pass. On reaching the road, and pulling him to the nearest fence,. Wildgoose refused ; the Captain then turned him round, mall put him to it again, when the horse cleared. The Fawn way now about two fields behind him. N'Tildgoose went on over some rough ground, and cleared three or four fences pretty cleverly ; on coming near a large drain, called Old Foss, the; banks being very soft, the Captain sobbed his horse, took the reins up in his hands, and set him coolly at it, which he then cleared in a very beautiful style, though very distressed. This leap was about seven yards. Wildgoose now went on, leading over a ploughed field of very soft ground, took his last fence, and reached the goal about fifty yards in front of the Fawn, who, during the latter part of the race, gained much on Wild goose, and was not half so much distressed. Not any of the did run to the winning flag, nor one of them crossed the foss. Captain Blackall came in without his hat, and not one of them escaped without falls. There was a murmur that the winner had not kept strictly to the line of road marked out, but Mr.. Thompson refused to make any complaint, as the Captain wag a perfect stranger. The Captain i; from Ireland. GREAT PEDESTRIAN PERFORMANCE,. A walking match of forty miles came off yesterday between two young men, named Fuller and Burn, on Wimbledon Com— mon, for 251. a side. They started at eight in the morning., but although Burn was the favourite Fuller took the lead and preserved it throughout, and won the match by two miles aria. forty yards, performing the forty mil e s, l a ir toe and h ee l, i n • seven hours, one minute, and five seconds! a feat unparalleled in the annals of walking. Burn completed the distance in less than seven hours and a half. The task was accomplished on a measured mile, in and out, on the road leading from the Wands worth road towards Wimbledon. Very large sums changed hands on the occasion. Fuller may now be considered the champion of walkers in this country. His form is perfectly sym:netrical, and his style of walking graceful and beautifully elastic. He left off perfectly fresh. He walked in a feigned name, and is highly respectable in his connections. Burn is the son of Mr. Burn, the celebrated bootmaker in Piccadilly, and is only. l 9 years of age. SHI ING INTELLIGENCE. EAST INDIA SHIPPING. Arrived.—The City of Edinburgh, Frazer, from Madras, off Portsmouth, sailed 26th Oct., Cape 14th, and St. Helena 28th Dee. ; George Canning, Winn, from Bombay, off Falmouth, sailed 10th Oct. Arrivals at the Cape.—The Chase, Green, Dec. 9, from Algoa Bay ; Time, Pepus, Dec. 15, from London. Arrivals at Madras.—The Heroine, Oct. 19, from the Cape; Memnon, Oct. 19, from Rio; Eleanor, Oct. 22, from Calcutta. Departures from Madras.—The Briton, Oct. 17, for Mun sooncottah ; Charles Dumergue, Oct. 17, for Calcutta ; La mentia, Oct. 17, for Pondicherry; Louisa, Oct. 17, for Men sooncottah ; Roxburgh Castle, Oct. 20, for Munsooncottah and Calcutta ; Josephine, Oct. 20, for Bordeaux ; Lotus, Oct. 20, for Pondicherry ; Heroine, Oct. 24, for Calcutta. Arrivals at St. Helena.--The Morning Star, Dec. 20, from Mauritius, and sailed Dec. 21, for Lo:idon ; Munster Lass, Dec. 21, from the Cape ; the Miranda, Dec. 24, from the Mauritius, and sailed Dec. 57, for London. _ _ Arrivals at Singapore.—The Cowasjee Family, Sept. 22, from Calcutta, and sailed on the same day for China; Good Success, Sept. 23, from China, and sailed on the 25th for Bombay ; Napoleon, Sept. 24, from Batavia ; Orwell, Sept. 24, from Madrm, and sailed for China ; Story, Sept. 24, from Malacca ; Hellas, Sept. 28, from Calcutta ; Emily Jane, Sept. 28, from Calcutta, and sailed on the 3d of October for China ; Sulimany, Sept. 30, from Calcutta, and sailed on the 2d of October ?or China. Departures from Singapore. —The Jardine, Sici7, Sept. 23, and Royal Saxon, Renner, Sept. 25, both for China. Passengers per the City of Edinburgh, Capt. Fraser, from Madras :—Mesdames Fraser, Boyton, Fry, Norton, Partridge, and Kerr; three Misses Kerr, Miss Blake, Col. Kenny, Capt. Donetun ; ',lents. Norton, Sharp, Wroughton, and Renaud ; Ensign flaines, Messrs. Kerr and Partridge, Master D. Fraser, and seven passengers. Arrival.—The Penyard Pa%:k, Middleton, from the Mauri tius, off Scilly. ailed Nov. 16, Cape Dee. Arrival at St. Helena.--The Pacific, Coffin, Dec. 2%lr= whaling, so ; :ied on the sa.me day for __, and spoken, per the City of becween St. Helena and England. The PaciP.e slioke the Artemis, Sparkcs, from Calcutta to London, off Cape L'Agullus. Arrivals at Rio Janeiro.—The Beliona, Arriers, and Snot- - neide, Ferguson, from __, and sailed Dec. 11 for Batavia. Departure from the Cape.—The Caroline, Holing, 13, for the West Indies. Falmouth, Feb. 14.—The AbercromV,le Robinson, Scott, from London to Madras, Bengal, and China, has put back to Falmouth, - after having been as far ac . . long. 12. NV., and ex perienced very bad weather. The Prince George, Chilcott, from London to the Mauri tius and Ceylon, has put back to Falmouth (having experi enced severe weather), alter throwing 100 packages over , - board, with seven feet water in the hold. d e a T u h x e , sailed Alexander,_. S D L ub n o e i i s e , n f a r , oin Dee ß . at l a 9 v . Ship in o eary Gto eorge ar rived at - Bor. E w th. —Th l e on Asia 6 , 9. fr-o7 T Passengers p6r the Huddersfie ld, from 13o mb a y , arrived OC e an t 9 int S Y aotk. e 3. n 1 9. N., g . at Liverpool :---Mrs. Miller, child, and sei..vant ; Mrs. Den man, Dr. Gibson, and E. Andrews, Esc. Passengers per the City of Edinburrp, from the Cape : Captain, Miss, and Master W. K enns ., v. Ships Spoken per the City of Edinburgh :—The St. Geor g e, Thompson, fror. i B r istol t o Calcutta, Nov. 3, lat. 2 . 47. S., long. 86. 20. F,. ; the Alexander, Nov. 9, lat. 8 . 51. S., long. 83. 52. F, ; the Miranda, Hopper, from the Mauri tius to London, 3P . ..1. 2, lat. 7. 3. S., lung 15. 19. \V. ,it:4,v 4 f 0 , ;r t a being " I,fiv ••I