The Sun. — London, England, 1852-06-18 00:00:00

Ii kte Government had passed a measure to remedy these evils. In that measure Parliament gave greet, and aloe )st extravagant, powers to the Board of Health, but great as they were they were insufficient for the pur- Pose ; the net became practically inoperative, and alter two years the Board of Health, in its second report, ad mitted that there had not been one burial-ground closed in the metropolis, and that nothing had been done to Mitigate those evils. The causes which led to the failure of the Act were two-fold. In the first place, as the money for carrying out its provisions was to be raised by loan, it was discovered by the capitalists, to whom !polieation to that effect had been made, that the ex tstence of the Board of Health was not guaranteed for k longer period than three years. Thfs objection, no doubt, might have been surmounted by giving the security of the State, and it was therefore one of form only. But the second cause of failure was an objection of a substantial nature. It turned out that the fees to be levied, and Which the insurance company who were applied to for the loan in question had to look to for the repayment of their advances, did not necessarily go to the Board of Health. In fact there was no provision against the crea tion of extramural joint-stock cemeteries by any parties who chose, and as the cost of the cemeteries to be created by the Board of Health would be very great in consequence of the compensation that body would have to pay e y for closing intramural graveyards, the probability Was that a number of those joint-stock cemeteries would spring into existence. The Board of Health had ex- Pressed themselves to the effect that they went direct to the root of all these calculations, and that if it was not remedied, the Act would remain a dead letter. To re reedy it, they proposed one of two alternatives to the Government—namely, to make it compulsory on all per sons to bury their dead in their cemeteries; or to levy a fine equivalent to the burial fees upon all interments in cemeteries other than those of the Board tiealth. The late Government, however, declined to adopt either alternative, or to accede to this propo sition. That was the state of the case when the Present Government came into office; and their atten tion being at once directed to the subject, it teemed to him (Lord J. Manners) and his colleagues to be a bounden duty to endeavour, at least, to cut the Gordian knot which hampered so completely the operation of an Act of Parliament, passed, he was free to say, in his °pinion, with the best intentions. They considered, therefore, that the proper remedies for the evils that ex isted was to be found, not in carrying out to such a great extent the principle of monopoly and centralization pro- Posed by the Board of Health, but in a more consitu tional, simple, and effective system, based upon the old Parochial system of burying the dead, which had existed from time immemorial in this country, subject of course to the supervision of the state as regarded those abuses end grievances which, it was admitted, defaced parochial l aeogement in some parts of the metropolis. The Go- Verement had accordingly introduced the Bill which he then asked them to read a second time, and the prin- Cipal provisions of which he would r ecite briefl y . In tut) first place, it proposed to repeal in tote the Act of 1 850; in the second, to give power to the Secretary of State to close such burial grounds in the metropolitan districts as should be proved to be noxious and unwholesome • in the third, to give p ower to t he parochial authorities to replace these burial grounds so shut up by others out of the districts of the metropolis; and in the fourth, to reserve to the Go vernment the power of opening new burial•grounds, Where parishes were deprived of such accommodation by t he shutting up of the old ground. The Bill had been already some weeks in the hands of the Hon. Members, a nd therefore he should forbear entering into farther aetails of its provisions. He wished, however, to meet taken objection which had been taken, and he thought Wren fairly, to the constitution of parochial boards !?rider the Bill. It had been urged that in the city of L ondon, where some 50 or 60 parishes might unite for _ burial ground, that inasmuch as the Bill provided t hat not less than three members should represent each Parish in a joint burial board, it was obvious that a board of 150 or 160 members would never be able to t i t :Lnsact business. To meet this objection, however, he k jaord John Manners) proposed to substitute in the City of London for such separate burial boards the old m achinery of corpor a te action which existed in 1848, aoci which was then found effectual for the purpose to hit was applied. That would at once have the in laded effect, and at the same time preserve the principle ut responsibility. On one important point, the P r esent Bill escaped the greatest difficulty of all other 4 eenses—namely, compensation. As it was proposed r Close only such burial grounds as should be proved a Public nuisance, no compensation could be deman ied, a nd none ought to be paid. It might be objected that _ the Bill stood the Home Secretary might close g r ounds as nuisances which in the eye of the common a tsi . were no nuisances at all. All ho (Lord John r i anners) could say was, that nothing was more Some than that his Right Hon. Friend the present ;cloe Secretary would exercise that power in a manner `g;;;',, avoid such a difficulty; but, nevertheless, he (Lord J. unners) should be prepared in Committee to propose i leisuse to meet this objection in the fullest manner. It did not anticipate any objections to the Bill; he he would amendments might be proposed in Committee , and would be ready to give them his best attention. He therefore asked the House to assent to the principle of ~1 6 measure, and he committed it accordingly to their ee l Passionate and deliberate consideration, firmly be tj:tiog that, though the Bill might not, perhaps, meet views of those excellent but mistaken men, who sub- Ititted that the burials of this great community should 4 , s tinclertaken by a department of the State , st ill that it arded a practical remedy for a practical evil, with as 4 t tle alarm to the ancient constitution of the country, ti t i l ti as little violation to the feelings, to the rights, to 5 habits, and t o the customs of the inhabitants ot the metropolis, as was cons i sten t w ith a due regard to the e nforc emen t of public decency. t V iscount EBItINGTOI would not oppose the mea -11113 if he believed it to be a practical one; but he be eved it was the contrary, and that it would excite public eg f pectation higher than the former Bill, without satis sing, it in the same manner. Therefore he protested ,Rainst it. He did not think the burials of the metro -4°litan community should be made a department of the Conducted ; but he thought that this department should be the on representative principles. He objected to t i 7 Bill being brought in at the close of the session, on t t e eve of a dissolution of Parliament, and in a thin w i Tlse, to repeal the Interments Acts of last session, ti,, leh had been passed after the most mature considers s'a by large mejoritios of the House, and with the .p._ t jroral of almost all parties. The Noble Lord had lost to what he called the failure of the scheme of r or l it ?mien; but it could not properly b 3 called a failure, pt o; tee whole scbeme in its completeness had not been lied, for it had not been wholly embodied in the Act i t last session. Instead of introducing the present, 4 Would be far preferable to pass a temporary, men are, which would meet the exigencies of the case rich this Bill did not), and leave it to the new Par tt4itaient to come, with full time for due deliberation, to , 0 consideration of a permanent and complete measure, fi t could not be said that there was any overwhelming pl easure to proceed with this measure, for under the Act W hich year the Government had got a burial-ground lcb together with the unoccupied ground of the C iiSting cemeteries, amounting to between 150 and 200 or es, b , would suffice until a measure of large scope was b oards Besides, experience showed that paroc hi a l °Lard s such as those contemplated by the Bill, would not tt ) ride an e fficient and economical management; and re-opening of the religious que stion out of the este, el:binent of mortuary chapels fo r members of the i .!urch and of dissenting bodies, would lead to much p; s easion; and the disposal of the mortuary fees as pro posed was by no means satisfactory. On these round's, then, he was strongly opposed to thus summa : disposing of the important question of extramural in :lista of the metropolitan dead. rela tive T. DUNCOMBE insisted to sot himself r i g ht occ asion to a statement which he had made on a former sqsion relative to some practices at the burial - ground t• Clement Danes, iu the Strand, as ho had been h t ' b r ,ged by the parochial authorities of that parish with te g : lri g misrepresented the circumstances of Ot revolting at t ? to which he had referred on that occasion. The t it ,,‘eroent was that a young man, who had died of malig eCt smallpox, had been buried in St. Clement Danes' erehyard, and that the uncle of the deceased, in pass il4t I F, three weeks after bur, had observed coffin ti on of his nephew exposed to ial view, and read the the inscrip *r.9 on it; that the sexton was at work on the grave, ich had been re-opened and the coffin tossed about. I!_iit was stated to be th e m i sre p resen t a tion; he had made biz on his attention being directed to it by the paro miel authorities, and he found that it was not three t t N", but three days after the burial of the you n g man wi t i the unc l e no ti ce d th e opening of the grave upon l eh the sexton was at work, but that he could no t 11 4 a to what extent the coffin was dist urbed. He (Mr. ,' t o "boombe) had, however, received a st atement relative V , i , e practices at that gravey ard in the centre of the s t - c laisd, fr om a person named Woolridge (as we under ), who had resided clos that that churchyard in the i til noYment of a baker, and statement was corrobo itlke-e" by another person who also gave his name, and rid s'la their united testimony it appeared that it was usual o f S L aturdays to open the graves, after an examination let i l u e ground was made by means of a long iron rod, h Ot i ',lb Was forced into the ground for the purpose—that t over th s 'uo graves being opened, a triangle was fixed d is, t a+ by means of which pails filled with decomposed hatter were drawn up, which was removed to a stone 'le ak log at the side of the churchyard—that human tl l „'s Were frequently seen thrown carelessly about, that as,; alevium which escaped from the open graves was offensive, the graves being left open a ll the Saturday d tarpaulin only thrown over them , u ntil Sun hay tk r r ,aing, when fresh bodies were interred in them —t f 5 ,,,1N their residence in the locality, the health of their isr a gies suffered greatly from the noxious exhalations tl4 lb g from tho burial ground, and that on that account N c ir had to remove to another locality to reside. They as k e d that they bad frequently seen the grave-diggers, inter being at work on the graves, scrape off the decomposed th a ;'e,r from their tools. He might remind the House 11, - „"b the evidence given before a Committee of the rs - ,,'"e relative to this same burial -ground of St. Cle theaTt Danes it was stated by one of the gravediggers 4; When engaged with others at work uponag b ra ee v n e iss ri e _ eognised the head of his own father, er,who had thu, " 1 there which had been cut off from the body— ited e knew' it by its having one tooth knocked out, another splintered—that when he told the grave- Opt 1 8 of the fact, and desired them to desist, they Cl e 'r e ..'aughed at him. He made th e authorities ot St. aie ls t Danes, then, a present of the correction which Wi t r v ? gave of what they called a misrepresentation. t!ty th r e B Pect to the Bill before the House, he eould.only It at he thanked the Government for introducing it. titie w r by far the best measure that had y et been intro- Peait n 011 the subject, and he also thanked them for re cant -4 the Act of last year. With respect to the pre. tb e eteasure, ho would only suggest that t he closin g of 00 2tellyards Fr hich were most objectionable should '"Pillsory. would *Nee the introduotion a a I al THE SUN, censpulsory cl tuse for that purpose which should compel the closing of the churchyards on a particular day named, and he would not tnrow upon the Secretary of State the invidioas tack of compelling them. He a l so highly approved of their giving no compensation in the ease of those burial-grounds. The Government was uudoube - eily in earnest on the question, and the Bill would contribute to the welfare of the metropolis. Lord SEYMOUR said it certainly was desirable to close the graveyards in the metropolis as soon as pos sible.—(Hear, hear.) That was the reason the Bill of 1850 passed, which failed because the Board of Health could not raise the money required for the purpose. Moreover, the Board proposed regulations to which the Government could not acceed; as, for instance, that the families of all persons buried from London should pay a certain sum towards the expense of carrying oat the measure, which was obviously inadmissible. The late Government had, therefore, prepared a new measure, which was obviously inadmissible. The late Govern ment had, therefore, prepared a new measure, repealing the present Act, and giving the Secretary of State power to prohibit metropolitan interments. So far he quite pc" proved of the measure, not, perhaps, in all its details, but undoubtedly in its principle.—(Hear, hear.) Sir B. HALL concurred in thanking the Government for bringing in this Bill to repeal the Act of 1850, and tukine the question out of the hinds of the Board of Health.--(Bear, hear.) The Board would happily ex pire in the ensuing year, and the metropolitan Members would resist its resuscitation, He hoped the Bill would as speedily as possible pass into a lave.—(Hear.) The Bill was then read a second time, and ordered to be committed on Monday, at twelve o'clock. ME fROPOLITAN SEWERS BILL. The House then w,mt into Committee on this Bill. Lord EBRINGTON said several places in the neigh bourhood of the metropolis suffered from want of efll3ient sewerage, and ho should propose a clause to place them under the Public Health Act, exempting them from the Commissioners of Sewers, aqd enabling them to control their own drainage. Sir B. HALL rose to ask the Chief Commissioner of Works what is the amount of debt and liabilities due from the Commissioners at the present time, and what has been the increase of the debt and liabilities since the passing of the Act of last year; how much has been levied by rate since the last Act; and how much of the sums so raised has been expended in reducing former liabilities, and bow much in new works and management; and what is the state of the Victoria sewer; an what was the total cost of that sewer? He said, on reference to the accounts, it appeared that the cost of manage ment had in one year amounted to 25 per cent. on the expenditure.—(Hear, hear.) Last year the ex pense of management had amounted to 35,0001. out of 84,0001., or about 40 per cent. l—(Elear, hear.) At the same time there was an increase of deb , , as com pared with the last year, of no less than 10,0001. — (Hear, hear.) The ratepayers could not be satisfied with such a state of things, especially as the board was practically irresponsible.—(Hear. hear.) He hoped the Noble Lord would look into the matter. And next year he understood that the Noble Lord intended to consider the whole subject. For this reason he doubted whether it would be well at present to pass this partia measure. Lord J. MANNERS said the amount of present lia bilities of the Commission was 113,0001.; the increase was last year 98,0001.; the amount levied on the rates had been 57,8001., ot which 34,000/. had been applied to the re. duction of the liabilities, and 11,000 to new works. The cost of the Victoria sewer was to cost 25,000/. He thought there were good grounds for passing the pre sent measure, on considerations of justice to the agricul tural districts. Lord R. GROSVENOR said the exemption the Bill introduced was objected to by some metropolitan parishes, and he hoped that clause would not be pressed. Lord EBRINGTON said certainly some modifica tion of the law was required. He said the great pro portion of the expenditure of the Commission absorbed by expenses of management, was owing to the state of the law. Mr. MILES said surely th e metro p olit an Members could not object to rating the land around the metropolis at the same rate as the town parishes.—(Hear.) Sir B. HALL did not deny that there might be reason for some re-adjustment, but only objected to its being attempted as a temporary measure. As to the accounts, they actually showed that the ex p ense of management exceeded the amount of work done.—(flear.) Mr. R. STEPHENSON said that nearly the whole of the expenses beyond the original estimates fur the con struction of the Victoria sewer was attributable princi pally to the Woods and Forests, in consequence of their objecting to the discharge of the sewer through Crown property. Whether the responsibility of this rested on the lite Chief Commissioner (Lord Seymour) or not, he would not undertake to say. Lord SEYMOUR admitted that the Woods and Forests had objected to the discharge of the sower through Crown property,. but the reason for that was, that if they had done otherwise the effeot would be greatly to dete riorate that property. The clause was brought up and added to the Bill, which was then reported to the House. The Consolidated Fund Bill was read a second time, and ordered to,be committed to-morrow. The Militia Ballots Suspension Bill was read a se cond time, and ordered to be committed to-morrow. The Militia Pay Bill was read a second time, and or. dered to be committed to-morrow. NEW ZEAL AND GOVERNMENT BILL. On the motion for reading this Bill a third time, Sir W. MOLES WORTH rose and said it was his in tention to move the omission of the whole of the land clauses, on the ground that the House was not in a po sition to decide what were the just claims of the New Zealand Company upon the land of the colony, until an inquiry had been instituted into the conduct and affairs of that company. He should also demand an inquiry into the conduct and affairs of the company before the passirg of the land clauses; because, in obtain ing their Act of 1847, the company had concealed from the Colonial-office, from the Treasury, and from Parliament, the true state of their affairs. The Can terbury Association, in a letter addressed to the Right Hon. Gentleman the Secretary for the Colonies, alleged that the New Zealand Company had applied a portion of the funds placed in their hands, in 1846 and 1847, to private purposes, and not to the legitimate purposes of the company, and this was an additional reason why a full inquiry should take place prior to the passing of the laud clauses. No less than 236,0001. had been paid out of the public purse to this company, and he thought it would be unjust to saddle the colony with the expense which these clauses would entail until a full inquiry had been had into the affairs of the company. At the pro per time he should move the omission of the land clauses from the Bill. The Bill was then read a third time. On the question that the Bill do pass, Sir W. MOLESWORTH moved the omission of the land clauses. Sir J. PAKINGTON said that the Hon. Baronet had pressed the omission of these clauses on precise'y the same grounds which he had advanced in Com mittee, and which he (Sir J. Pakington) had then combatted.—(Hear, hear.) Ho regretted, therefore, that the Honourable Baronet should have thought it necessary again to re-open the question. He thought that the House would feel it impossible to re verse the deliberate decision it had arrived at upon Lord Grey's statement years ago. That Noble Lord went into the subject most fully—ho examined it most nar rowly, and gave his deliberate decision upon it. He de clared that he thought no Government could, with pro priety, invalidate the bargain that was then made with the New Zealand Company. Tnat bargain was ratified in the most deliberate manner. A purchase was con cluded, and under that purchase a certain sum of money was now due to the company. All he asked the House to do was, that which in common justice they were bound to do towards this company, namely, to take care that they were not sufferers by the change which the present measure would make in the government of the colony. He was sorry to see that the Honourable Baronet was willing to risk what he acknowledged was a great boon by pro Dosing the postponement of this measure. He (Sir J. Pakington) attached the greatest importance to these concessions, and he appealed to the House not to reverse the demsion of the Government in this matter at a time when these colonies stood in a very critical position. He appealed to them not to dash away those hopes which they had led the colony to entertain in reference to these important concessions. He reminded them that in the petition which was presented to the House that evening from New South Wales, to which the Hon. Baronet attached so much importance, this question of the waste lands was made an important feature. The SPEAKER having put the question, Mr. GLADSTONE said he cordially supported the proposition of the Hon. Baronet the Member for South wark and the frank admissions which he had made. He did not mean to find fault with the Government, but when the Right Hon. Secretary said that a postpone mentnmi of these co ncess i ons was a g r e at evil, and would endanger t n h g e erthequestion altogether, he must say that he Gladstone) ascendancy o f hadthe thosemost p r p i e h r e f i e p c l t e s upon faith in whicht he success 00l colo nial pass ai much a s l s a legislation hbeatdteornteo. p o s s They h t o p ti o bel e d ooua g conducted. He thought it ought measure t r i r e e o oolfleteht that eki kind dt they than hadto refused to make those inamendmen p t o s h ci w u h e i n c w w e a r s e , s t o ha strongly ill urged whteh t th a former measure was oe s a bad of t the one,an y d called pTo the e ei n c r conse ch quence ocolonists themselves, al though had stmt h oh a e s e te a t e o d th r e em co o l e o remonstrances an measure Hon Friendb viewed he n t h w e a a s free hst re to wasad m a i t thatgreat boon.th i of 1850, had made allegations of the suppression of facts . New Zealand Company, and of obtaining the aid of of P ar liament in consequence, whereas, if these f ac t s wore k no wn, the company never would obtain this measure. If they postponed this measure for the purpose of having these facts inquired into, they would have the means in the next session of Parliament of doing what was right. He thought that the House would be incurring a grave responsibility if they wilfully declined that information which was at their command. The Hon. Member for Cockermouth had himself admitted man that tof these statevere ments. (Here Mr. Agby denied he had done so.) After the statement made by the Hon. Mem ber for Southwark, it was their bounden duty to go into the case. He (Mr. Gladstone) did not admit the bar gain of 1847. He looked at it rather in the nature of a boon than a bargain. A very large boon had been con ferred upon the company, and nothing whatever in the nature of an equivalent had been rendered by them to the public. He considered that they would be neglect ing their duty if they now refused to examine into these facts. Ile cordially supported the motion of the Hon. Baronet. Mr. AGLIONBY said that the Right Hon. Gentle man had spoken under a misconception and a want of knowledge of the subject. The members of the com pany were prepared to assent to any ordeal of an inquiry that might be proposed, out of which he was sure they would come at all events as clear as the iii B 4 jon, Gen- LONDON, tleman or the Hon. Baronet who had moved the amend stmt. He would not then go into the subject,and he thought h WdS most unjust to the Government and the colony to continue those disputes, which were so improperly raked up by the Hon. Baronet. It was said the company were not satisfied with the Bill. He confessed, on the part of the company, that they did not receive in the Bill the full measure of juTtice thv were entitled to. But, be lieving in the good faith and good intentions of Govern ment, he abandoned those objections. Thinking this a good opportunity to give the colonies the means of self government, he abandoned the just claims of the com pany. He was satisfied with what Government intended to do, and he left the case where it at present was. Mr. GLADSTONE denied having made any charge against the company; ho had only reasoned upon the Lion. Member's own words. Mr. AGLIONBY—I will explain that matter by and bye. You will pardon me; you do not understand a word of the subject.—(Hear, and laughter.) Mr. A. SMITH had spoken to the Hon. Baronet on the subject of the charges ho had made against gentle men with whom be was personally acquainted, and with whom he had acted for so many years; and had remon strated with him for not having communicated personally with those gentlemen, and received from them an expla nation of the trumped-up charges—for trumped-up charges they were—which would have cleared the cha racter of the Hon. Gentleman who had been so unjustly attacked by the Hon. Baronet. He had offered the Hon. Baronet all the papers and letters for his perusal, but the Hon. Baronet replied he was engaged in the Southwark election, and he could not give his attention to the sub ject. Though the Hon. Baronet had not time to read the paper he could find to make unsupported charges. He wished the Hon. Baronet success in his election, but he also wished the Hon. Baronet in his future charges against gentlemen would ground these charges on fairness and justice.—(flear.) Sir W. MOLES WORTH explained that he had been invited into a private room by the Hon. Member to look over the letters and papers relating to the New Zealand business. He had replied he was engaged with the Southwark election, and he could not look over the papers; in fact, he could only look to official papers pro. duced officially for information on the subject. The Hon. Memb;r answered that Government Would never produce the pipers. He mentioned these matters be cause the Hon. Gentleman himself had referred to a private conversation which had passed between them. Sir J. PAKINGTON explained that pressure of pub lic business was the only reason which prevented the official papers from being produced. Mr. MANGLES wished for full inquiry into the con duct of the New Zealand Company, as the charges brought against the company were entirely unfounded. He was anxious the colonies should have the boon of self-government secured to them. The House divided, when there appeared— For the omission ... 21 Against it ... ... 99 Majority against the omission —7B Mr. AGLIONBY was proceeding to address the House in explanation of the charges, when he was interrupted by cries of " Order," " Spoke." He claimed the indul gence which the House usually extended to Members when personal matters had to be explained. He had not availed himself just now of the opportunity of replying to them, because he conceived he would have been per mitted to make a reply before the discussion closed. Most certainly if the second opinion which the company had obtained had been in accordance with the first, he should have held that the company were bound. The answer which they had sent out to the settlers at Nelson was that the company had every desire to meet their wishes. The opinion having been that the com pany had not the power to carry out the regulations which the settlers wished, he had brought in a Bill to enable them to do so, but it was thrown out by the House. Much as he disagreed with Earl Grey on many points connected with the New Zealand Company, he would always admit that Earl Grey was a man of high honour and statesmanlike views, with a firm determina- tion to do what was right, and that his equal or superior was not to be found in the kingdom. Earl Grey had stated that he had gone through all the charges against the New Zealand Company, and that he had come to the conclusion that the directors were not to blame. Sir W. MOLESWORTH said he should be ready to prove the charges ho had made before any Committee of Inquiry. and he challenged contradiction of them. The Bill was then passed. The Appointment of Overseers Bill was read a third time and passed. The Representative Peers Scotland Act Amendment Bill and the Holloway House of Correction Bill went through Committee. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL having moved that the House should resolve itself into a Committee on the Corrupt Practices at Elections (N 0.2) Bill that day three months, Mr. ANSTEY moved as an amendment that the House should resolve itself into a Committee on the Bill this day. The House divided, when there appeared— For the motion of the Attorney-General 67 For the amendment of Mr. An s t e y 24 Majority —43 ••• •• ••• The House having resolved itself into a Committee on the Protestant Dissenters Bill, On clause 1 having been put, Mr. ANSTEY proposed that all the words relating to registration should be omitted from the clause, and that the following words should be inserted in the place of them:—" After the passing of this Act the said recited Acts shall be repealed." The Al' TORNEY-GENER AL stated that the pro vision in the clause under which the registration of chapeli should be made before the registrar-general, had been adopted at the suggestion and request of the Hon. Member for Manchester. Mr. ANSTEY withdrew his opposition to the clause after that statement. The clause was then agreed to, and the Bill passed through Committee. THE COUNTY ELECTIONS POLLS BILL. Lord R. GROSVENOR baying moved the third reading of this Bill, Mr. Alderman THOMPSON opposed the motion. Mr. WALPOLE said that he had supported the second reading of the Bill; but he had done so on the supposition that it could be brought into operation at the next election. As he found,. however, that that could not be done without great inconvenience to the voters, he felt it to be his duty to oppose the further progress of the measure. Mr. J. STUART said he believed the Bill would operate very unfairly in many of the counties. Mr. R. PALMER also opposed the Bill as it then stood. He certainly thought that it ought not to come into operation until after the next election. Mr. PACICE said he believed the Bill would disfran chise a fourth of the freeholders in the counties. Mr. FORBES opposed the Bill, and moved the ad journment of the House. Lord R. GROSVENOR said he had no objection to have the operation of the Bill postponed until after the next election. Mr. R. PALMER said that if the Bill were to be postponed until after the next election, he saw no reason why it should then bo pressed, or why it should not be deferred until another session. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said he thought the objection of the Hon. Member for Berkshire (Mr. Palmer) to their then proceeding with the mea sure was unanswerable. But, at all events, he trusted, that they would at once come to some decision on the subject, and that they would not continue sitting after two o'clock. The motion for the adjournment of the House was then withdrawn, and a division was taken on the ques tion that the Bill be read a third time — For the third reading ... 39 Against it „. 49 Majority „. —lO Colonel THOMPSON moved a series of resolutions on the subject of the increasing production of the gold mines, and the duty of the Government to take care that the contract with tho holders of public securities should not be practically violated in consequence of that production. The motion was negatived without any discussion, and without a division. Mr. ANSTEY moved the following resolution:— " That after Mr. Speaker has taken the chair, the House shall not be counted until the doors are locked and the division bell rung, as upon a division, and that all Mem bers being at the time of such count within the House, or in the division lobbies, upper corridors, or chair lob bies thereof, shall be counted with the rest of the Mem bers present, as upon a division." The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER opposed the motion. The resolution was negatived without a division. Mr. W. PATTEN moved for copies of all correspon dence with the several departments of her Majesty's Government, from November, 1842, to June, 1852, re specting the grant of coal made to Sir James Brooke, the Governor of Labuan, and by him transferred through Mr. Wyse, to the Eastern Archipelago Company.— Agreed to. The House adjourned at a Quarter-past Two o'clock. HOUSE OF LORDS, June 17. The Royal Assent was this afternoon given, by Cora• m i ss ion, to the following Bills: St a mp Duties (Ireland) Continuance. Turnpike Roads (Ireland). Proclamation for Assembling Parliament. Law of Wills Amendment. Registration of Births, Deaths, and Marriages. Apprehension of Deserters from Foreign Ships. Law of Evidence (Scotland). Public Works. Kennington Common, &c., Improvement. Belfast Custom House. Kelvin Bridge (Glasgow) and other Works. Somersetshire Central Railway. Newmarket Railway. Glasgow, Kilmarnock, and Ardro Athlone Markets a n d Customs. Ardrossan Railway. St. Helen's Gas Bill. Ulverston Waterworks. Abbey Tintern and Bigswear Roads. London (City) Improvements. Middlesbrough and Guisbrough Railway. Sharpies and Hoghton Roads. Shields and Morpeth Roads. Merthyr Tydfil Waterworks. Battle and Robertsbridge Road. London (City) Small Debts Extension. South Essex Estuary and Reclamation. Runcorn Improvement. Shillingford, Wallingford, and Reading Road, and Shil lingford Bridge. London, Tilbury, and Southend Railway. Lancaster Waterworks, Cemetery, and Gas. Portrush Harbour. Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincolnshire Railway (No. 1). London Gas Light Company (Amendment of Acts, &0.---NO. 2). Stockport and Marple Road. Pedmore and R3wley Roads. Stroud and Milky Road. Macclesfield and Buxton Road. Kirkby Stephen and Hawes Road. Marsden, Gisburne, and Long Preston Roads. Bury and Little Bolton Road. Branaley and Ridgewiek Road. Wakefield and Denby Dale Road. Rotherham and Pleasley Road. Leven Railway. Lancashire and Yorkshire and York and North Midland Railways. Beaconsfield and Redhill Road. Manchester, Buxton, Matlock, and Midlands Junction Railway. Kettering and Northampton Road. Railway Passenzers' Assurance Company. Greenfield and Shepley Lane Head Road. Leeds Waterworks (No. 2). Tramore Embankment. Limerick Improvement and Market. South-Eastern, and Reading, Guildford, and Reigate Railways. Ipswich Dock. Tyne Improvement. South Wales Railway. Londonderry Bridge (No. I). Londonderry Bridge (No. 2), Edinburgh and Glasgow Railway. Yeovil and Ilchester Turnpike Trusts. London and North-Western Railway (No. 2). Eastern Counties Railway (Power to use the East Anglian Railways, &c.) Leek and Hassop and Middlehills and Buxton Road. York, Newcastle, and Berwick Railway (Deviation of Bishop Auckland Branch, & e .) BowdenPresbyterianp ark M E i s n t i a s t t e. er Widows' and Orphans ' F un d. Clarksou's Estate. Watson's Hospital (Edinburgh) E state. Balmoral Estate. The Lords Commissioners were the Lord Chancellor, the Marquis of Salisbury, and Earl Fortescue, The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the Woolsack at Five o'clock. MR. MATHER'S CASE . Lord BEAUMONT gave notice that he should, on Monday next, call the attention of the House to the correspondence which had been lately laid on the table, relative to the recent assault on Mr. Mather , at Florence. the Chamber of Commerce at Live rpool, pray i n g for an amendment in the Passengers' A ct. Lord BROUGHAM presented a peti t i on i n f av our of eopyhold enfranchisement. The Bishop of WINCHESTER p resented a num b e r The Earl of HARRO WBY prese nted a pet i t i o n from of petitions against the Maynooth grant. BILL. ECCLESIASTICAL COURTS (CRIMINAL) JU RISDICTIONLord WODEHOUSE moved the second reading of this Bill. The Bishop of SALISBURY opposed the Bill. He allowed that reforms were necessary, and professed him self desirous of seeing them carried into effect, but he did not think this Bill calculated to bring about any re form. He thought, in dealing with thi s subject in a fragmentary manner, they might tr enc h upon principles which it was desirablo to maintain i n t act. The Right Rev. Prelate concluded by moving that thi s Bill be read a second time this day six months. Lord CAMPBELL said that a Committee of their Lordships' House had investigated this subject, six of the members of which were prelates of the Church, so long as twenty years ago, and had repo r t ed in favour of a measure of the kind now submitted to t h eir Lordships. The Right Rev. Prelate appeared to b e i n favour of a more sweeping measure of reform in reference to the ecclesiastical courts than the Bill now before the House was, but this Bill was wholly unexceptionable i n t h a t respect, and did not stand in the way of f u t ure e legis lation in reference to those courts. The object of the Bill was to abolish the jurisdiction of t hese courts in caansdestheofonbrawling objection Prelate to the measure appeared to be that it was brou g h t forward, not by the Government, but by an independ ent Member a o f the R iaguhdt Rev. es of d e f amat i on; of the House—an objection which was wholly futile, for it properly lay with any independent Membe r to bring refornaWhich pro ceededno provided forward a measure for so manifest a reform of a b uses as this was. The Bishop of OXFORD could not ac qu i esce in the had v i e ws of the Noble and Learned Lord who s -- j ust sat down. The Noble and Learned Lord had misco nceived the argument of hie Right Rev. Friend, wh ose objection wasto thoseon nodefin i te piecemeal attem pls at principle, substi tuteand for the existing r em edies which they Proposed to do away with. H e (th e Bishop of Oxf or d) admitted, with his Right R ev . F r i en d, that the s u bj ect deserved great the attention of th e L eg i s lature, and that areat reforms ought to be introd uce d i n to the ecclesiasti cal courts of the country. But it was because he believed the pro ceeding with those nibbling measures was not the way to produce reform, but rather to leave real difficulties untouched, that he objected to this Bill, particularly as it did away with the only remedy at present available for certain great existing evils, and substituted no other reremedy in its place. Such legislation as that he re garded as vicious. The particular offences to which the Bill applied could not be dealt with in the ordinary courts of justice, and, therefore, if they abolished the existing remedy, they must substitute a n ew one. He admitted that there were many cases of defama tion which he should be glad to ace not brought before these courts ; but in the main these courts were most effective in repressing off ences o f this kind, which were of frequent occurrence in the more populous parts of the country. D u ring the throe years prior to January, 1830, the number of these offences brought before the courts was 311, which showed the necessity that existed for maintaining a remedy. When, however, they had substituted a better mode of dealing with these offences than the present one he should be glad to see the present mode done away with, but not before. By this piecemeal interference with the main tenance of the discipline of the Church of Christ —a dis cipline which was was ono of its inalienable rights — by thus removing remedy after remedy for admitted abuses, without giving a substitute, they would pro duce, not a chaos. system of reform, but a hop e l ess No one knew better than h© (the Bishop of Oxford) did the necessity which existed for a thorough and complete reform of the abuses of the ecclesiastical courts, an d he hoped he should live to see it effected; but it must be accomplished, not by removing, in this piecem ea l fash i on , o ne parti cular abuse after another existing in the system of the discipline a nt law of the Church, but by b r i n ging back to a more rnal, simple, and Primitive state what the abuses of modern times had corrupted. Lord WODEHOUSE observed, in reference to what had fallen from the Right Rev. Prelat e , th a t there was a remedy existing at common l aw for the offences treated of in the Bill, for they could be misde meanours. Punished as He should divide the Souse on th e second reading. Earl FITZWILLIAM said their Lordship wo uld be glad to know what was that p r i mitive state of the la w which the Right Rev. Prelate (the Bishop o f Oxford) de sired they should return to. F rom the to ne - of the Right Rev. Prelate's speech it was easy to -- see what the spirit of the law would be which the i R -- ght Rev. Prelate would have established as a restoration of the p rimitive system , and he thought their Lordships cai ,,,, -.6 ' 4 conclude that the Rght Rev. Prelate's objection to the pro osed a mendmen t h t of the ecclesiastical law was, not at p the Bill wa s so small, but that he thought the co mmencem e nt of a reform of that law might lead to a something still greater, as a reform of those courts which, even - ac co rding to the Righ Rev. Prelate's own statement,:were scandal to the coun try. The country, however, af ter the statement of the Right Rev.,Prelate, would no w k now Where tollook for t he destruction of the abuses of those courts. The Earl of DERBY said, th at after the statements of the two Right Rev. Prelates, and afte r the declara tion which ho understood had beep mad e io t h e other House of Parliament, and which he -- hade no objection to repeat in that House—viz,, that the subject of the eccle siastical law and of the practic e of tho - se courts should receive the earliest attention of he r ' ment, he hoped the Noble Lord would Me ei t t 5 notrYess the Gover n He was firmly convinced that What the Noble Lord on the cross benches (Earl Fitz willi fsens , • had attributed to the Right Rev. Prelate (Oxford)... ez 1 would be found an uncompronassie erne y, that he is la b e to e abuses of the ecclesiastical courts, wool n d b e s h o wn to th be the case in reality, and not in the m anner i n which the Noble Lord had supposed by way of taunt a nd of cast legridicule upon the statement of th e RI ht Rev. Pre © that Ho (the Earl of Derby) wa s f ar g f m saying that a question of this kind might ro not be brought forward by any i a -nee/s en s of Parliament in either House ; M mber b 4i , ent e rn time he might venture to express his at the sa . ft where there was a lage question to be _ ,e o_pinion, til_aC difficult and complicated character, an d r o ttlt with, of a moval of abuses which had arisen in p ro cess of the re 7 which might be attributed principally to th _of time, and cumstances and habits of the time, the G oy : a ltered cir the means and appliances at their com mao r° ,ment, with assistance they could call to their aid, ,must : with the tunities, if they set about it in earnest, of de al ing with manner thau it could treated if taken up h more effective vidaal Member of l ame Parint only. No concealing himself however however, the di ffi culties of he t sfleg fkom even presuming to say that they should beet , , and not before the House a satisfactory scheme, b ut " d le to lay that their attention should be devoted to t eclaring with a view to removing those abuses Whi c h question, milted on the part of the Right Rev. Prelates he ere ad express a hope that the Noble Lord wh o b d ' ne must a d the Bill would, after that statement, and looki n introduce period of the session at which they had arriv e ,g to the to leave the question in the hands of h er nt .eat c,onsent vernment, and not press the measure fu rt h er. Y 3 a Go- Lord WODEHOUSE was sorry that he co u l d as sent to the proposition of the Noble Ea r l, but must not the measure. The country expected it, aedwpress a rd it as an earnest of that more extensiv e ould re as promised that evening. re f orm which The Marquis of CLANRICARDE said that the first time he had heard the postp onement that was urged on the ground of the lateness of he at of a Bill the 16th of June—(lronical ch eers from the tse!sion, on benches)—particularly in th e case of 0 _ Bill Ministerial passed through the House of Commons, sup which h a d both sides of the H ouse , an d amended by the lawted by of the Crown by th e i ntro d uct i on of the onrofficers which he had deemed requisite in the measurye— proviso too, which had been brought up to their Lorda Bill,p Howe without one dissentient voice. If the G s v hi- a' ment had not thought it a proper Bill, they otheht e ern have given it their approval in the other House:" Ba n t o tto should not, at all events, now, on the plea of the th ey of the session, seek to throw over the Bill whene nheasds given no pledge that they would undertake the reform which was admitted to be needed for those scandalous abuses. It was by no means creditable to the Govern ment thus to reject this proposed amendment of abuses FRIDAY EVENING, JUNE 18, 1852. without any project of reform being put forward even as " looming in the distance."—(Hear, hear.) Lord CRANVVOB ru S il i t ni r r e e wj l o y hiic h eehodp would not consent to withdraw the Bill.—(" Hear, hear," from s t. e proposed o o p r d o 8 e W d o t d o e d b e o a u l s e w . ) i t h was not the Noble Lord's intention. Although the mea sure hoped tshh ecundoubtedly Lord a very small matter, it was nevertheless an acknow ledged abuse, acknowledged to be so by six Right Rev. Prelates who were upon the Commission; and the re moval of it. so far from interfering with the great reform contemplated by Government to be made hereafter, would, in his (Lord Cranwortll%,) opinion, clear the way for and facilitate the passing of such a measure.—(Hear, hear.) But he had a further reason why he thought the 13111 should pass now, and it was that the arguments of the Bishop of Oxford went to the assertion of the doctrine that there ought to be ecclesiastical jurisdiction over lay men. Now, at a period like the present, when so much was said respecting the " encroachments" of ecclesiasti cal jurisdiction upon the civil rights of the country, he felt that he should be guilty of a neglect of his duty if he did not rise and enter his protest against the doctrine the oa s w o n o : words then,of the if forß ignhot which Reverend inevitably Prelate. the Bill.—(Cheers.) flowed F fr ort o h m is r other, he trusted his Noble Friend wou ld per severe w i t h The House divided, when there appeared— For the second reading ... Against it ... 45 ... 80 ... -35 Majority ..„ The Bill was therefore lost. On the motion of the Ea! of DESART, the Passen gers' Act Amendment Bill was read a second time. ENFRANCHISEMENT OF COPYHOLDS BILL. The House having gone into Committee on this Bill, Lord LYNDHURST rose and drew attention to the circumstance that when the Bill was read a second time by their Lordships, and his Noble and Learned Friend on the woolsack proposed to refer it to a Select Commit tee, his Noble and Learned Friend opposite (Lord Campbell) expressed a doubt of the good faith with which that motion was made, and declared that his Noble and Learned Friend's object was to get rid of the Bill altogether. Now, as the Bill was originally framed, there could be no doubt that, if passed in that shape, its operation would have been most injurious alike to the lords and tenants of copyholds But by taking the course which the Lord Chancellor did, and referring the mea sure to a Select Committee, its blemishes had been re moved, and it was likely to prove a much more useful and valuable measure than it would oth rwise have been. As a member of the Committee ho (Lord Lyndhurst) wished to bear his testimony to these facts, and to thank his Noble and Learned Friend for the course he had adopted.—(Hear.) Lord CAMPBELL said that if, when the Bill was read a second time, he had thought there was a bond fide intention to pass it in the present session of Parlia ment, he should not for one moment have doubted that the proper course was to refer it to a Select Committee of their Lordships' House. He had always applauded that mode of proceeding in this House, particularly in refe rence to Bills which ware directed to effect alterations in the law. It was the course which he himself had uni- formly pursued; and he repeated, that if he had ima gined, when the second reading of the Bill was moved, that it was the intention of his Noble and Learned Friend that it should pass daring the present session, ha should not have objected to the proposal to refer it to a Select Committee. Let him remind their Lordships, hOwever, that on that occasion his Noble and Learned Friend said that the measure was wrong both in its prin ciple and its details.—(Hear, hear.) He rejoiced that the Bill had been referred to a Select Committee, and no doubt it now came before their Lordships in a greatly improved abape.—(Hear.) The LORD CHANCELLOR had hoped that his Noble and Learned Friend would have withdrawn the censure w th h a ic t, h in he p h re a p d e t a h in o g ugh te t prreofeprer tthe passßillto a upon him— namely,select Committee, he professed one thing and meant another. Now, he (the Lord Chancellor) considered that it was his duty, at all times, to tell their Lordships what were the real and sincere opinions he entertained upon any eawhetherbefore the those H opinionsouse, and were that be was snr not e popular or unpopular.--(Hear, hear.) On the second whichfirst t o might ascertain c o me reading of this Bill, his Noble and Learned Friend s aid that ho did not object to its being referred to a Select Committee ; but what he o b je c tod to was, that the motion for so referring it was made indi rectly for the purpose of defeating the measure. That his Noble and Learned Friend repeated over and over again. Now, heibegged to say that he had never changed his opinion with regard to this measure. He looked upon it simply as a choice of evils. Public opinion had called for a remedy for an evil which no one denied; and be contended that Parliament could not pass a mea sure upon the subject without inflicting considerable injury upon a large class of persons. He was prepared, however, so far as it lap in his power, to render this as good a measure as it could be made, and to lessen the evils which were inevitable under any circumstances : but take what care they might in passing this measure they would not be able to prevent a great mass of abso lute evil and distress falling upon a great number of persons. The members of the Committee had but one object in view, and that was to make the Bill as perfect as possible. In the endeavour to accomplish that ob ject, they had adopted several additional clauses, and made alterations in almost every one of the original provisions; and they had been most anxious to protect, as far as they could, the poorer class of copyhold te nants.—(Hear.) The Earl of STRADBROKE said it would have been perfectly impossible to pass the Bill in the shape in which it originally came from the House of Commou,; and he was confident that, in proposing that it should be referred to a Select Committee, it was never the in tention of the Lord Chancellor to throw out the Bill. Lord BE AUMON T bore his testimony to the pains taken by the Noble and Learned Lards to make the Bill of a practicable shape. A more difficult question to deal with it was scarcely possible to imagine; but be believed the Committee had completely succeeded, and that the Bill was now in a state to do the least harm and the most good of any Bill that could be framed. Lord CRANII 7 ORTH said from the first moment the Committee met until the last, when the Bill assumed the shape in which it was now presented to their Lordships, there had been the most unremitting and impartial en deavours on the part of the members to do justice be tween the parties whose interests were affected that he had ever seen in the whole course of his life; and, not withstanding he thought he saw sometimes an almost ridiculous sensitiveness respecting the rights of the tenants, he believed that the interests on both aides had been as fairly arranged as possible.—(Hear, hear.) The Bill was then passed through Committee. On the motion of Lord CRANWORTH, the Trus tees' Act Extension Bill was read a second time. LUNATICS BILL. The Earl of SHAFTESBURY moved the second reading of this Bill. The Noble Earl said that a late event had drawn public attention to the necessity of a measure of this kind—that necessity had increased ten fold since the last session. The Bill was founded mainly upon the report of the Commissioners of Lunacy, who were appointed to inquire into the subject in 1848. Several instances had occurred recently of dangerous lunatics roaming about the country, who could not be taken charge of in consequence of the defect in the law, unless they had committed some overt act of outrage. The Bill before the House merely provided that if any person of this description was observed going about, any person would have the power to go before a magistrate, and having made a deposition upon oath of the danger ous character of the individual, the magistrate was re quired to order him to be brought before him, and then to have the alleged lunatic submitted to the examination of two medical men, who were to report upon his case. If they reported him to be sane, the person would of course be discharged from custody, but if they reported him to be insane, the m igistrate was thereupon re- quired to order hire to Co transmitted to a lunatic asylum. The Duke of RICHMOND wished to know what pro vision the Noble Earl made for the expenses attending the maintenance of these lunatics? The LORD CHANCELLOR agreed fully to the prin ciple of the Bill, but as it was one of the greatest import ance he would ask the Noble Earl to postp one t he second reading of it until the next session, which woul d uld be soon, and when they would have ample time to consider it in all its details. The measure, in its present shape, was open to some objections, which, if ample time were al lowed for its consideration, could be removed without detriment to its principle. The Earl of SHAFTESBURY consented to adopt the suggestion of the Noble and Learned Lord. The Bill was accordingly withdrawn. SUITORS IN CHANCERY RELIEF BILL. Toe LORD CHANCELLOR, in moving the second reading of this Bill, said it was framed upon the report of the Commission appointed to inquire into the sub ject. The mea sure had come up from the other House, and he believed that the general principle of it was ad t m i g ht be truly called a Bill for the re liefin Chancery. Although they would a great amount of the burden that had icorhsine d to them, ho was, however, sorry to say m hb ei i t t hr t eeeolrdfi hitherto ovest ed su it ors that the compensation which it would be necessary to give for the abolished offices would exhaust a great portion of the money that would be saved by the pro posed regulations. It must, therefore, be a considerable time before the suitors could have the full benefit of that relief which the Bill was calculated to give them. The me asure proposed to abolish fees and copy money, and, M lieu thereof, to substitute stamps. It would place upon the Consolidated Fund the salaries of the Chancery judges, amounting altogether to 28,0001. It would a bolish a considerable number of offices, and re duce the salaries of those which it would be necessary to A great saving of the public money would e 'ffected. There was an important proviso in the Bill, under which the poor man who had become a lu tic would be treated differently to the rich man who na had become a lunatic. The expense to the former would be considerably less than that to which the latter would be subject. Such expense would be regulated by a per centagepon the property of the individual. He hoped n t h a t no impediments would be thrown in the way of Bill, but that it would be allowed to pass without the amen dment. thus s tin b u e e Lord LYNDHURST said he fully agreed in the prin -66, of the measure, but in Committee he intended to mover tw o or three amendments, to prevent any injustice being done to the parties under the Bill. Lord CRA.NWORTH said that the Bill proposed to g i v e compensation to certain clerks, who had been trans ferred from the Court of Exchequer to the Court of Chancery, such compensation to be calculated only for t he time they have been in Chancery. He suggested that the compensation should be calculated from the pe riod the had bee in ass Court of Exchequer. The Bill y was then r ead econd time. MILITIA BILL. Their Lordships then went into Committee upon the mil i t ia Bill, when clauses up to 5 were agreed to. Pak® ItICIDIOND Paid tho as h e I vo u9l present on a former occasion when the Bill was dis cussed, he wished to make one remark in answer to the observation of the Noble Marquis opposite, that 56 days' training would not make efficient soldiers. If the Noble Marquis meant that it would not make them es efficient as the Guards or soldiers of the line, he agreed with him, but he should feel ashamed of any regiment if after .56 days' drill they were not fit for fighting behind stone walls at Portsmouth. The Bill permitted colonels to en list not merely raw recruits, hut men who hal served, and there were many in the country who had been in the army for four or five years, and who would no doubt gladly enlist into the militia. He was glad to fiad that officers who had been in the army and in the India ser vice were to be permitted to be captains and majors of militia. There could be no doubt that recruits would more willingly follow such leaders than they would coun try gentlemen. To a certain extent the present Bill woule, answer. It was a step in the right direction, though it did not go so far as he could wish. If he had to face the Chasseurs do Vincennes in Sussex, he would cer t_ a i u n a l y prefer b e i ng at the h ea d o f a regiment of th e would gi ve of th e l i ne, for he f e l t pre tty s ure that they , give as good an account of them as our Infautry did of the Chasseurs In whatever way of the Imperial Guard at Waterloo. he hoped they t he patronage of the militia was be stowed,Lieutenant. He had would give none of it to . Lords .us for the office of the received about seventy applications fantry regiment, an adjatant_ of the Sussex Light In vacant at present. office which was unfortunately Viscount HARDINGE, in said that the drilli ng would be answer to a Noble Lord, re the line, who would return to the e naged by sergeants of line after the drilling of the militia was over . In case any e: of these sergeants every facility would be given them b theregiment, Horse Guards thought, however, that after the militia wer;quired. He it would be a great disco uragement to th e embodied, sergeants were always to b e se l ecte d from ethenle' if the therefore, after the militia were d r ill ed and e li ne, a nd , m!)odi , the appointment of sergeants wou ld rest with the colonels. The clause (6) as amended was then agreed to. Clauses up to 25 were agreed to, with verbal amend merits. On clause 26, The Marquis of SALISBURY proposed an amend ment to the cffect that the Queen should be empowered to keep the militia in the field for training and drill for a period not exceeding fifty-six days, and not less than three days, each year. Viscount HA.RDINGE (in reply, as we supposed, to some remarks of the Earl of Stradbroke) said, that in early life he had been engaged in training Portuguese soldiers, and thirty days were found sufficient to fit a recruit for the ranks. He had consulted with a friend of his, now a commanding officer in the Guards, and who had served during th e w h o l e o f l ast war, and his statement was, that after thirty-five days' drill recruits were sent into the ranks. At present, during peace, recruits were drilled sixty.five days; but the reason of that was that there was time to spare, and because it was not thought right to the recruit to place him upon responsible and important guards before he was tho roughly disciplined. A recruit might be perfectly well trained for infantry purposes in thirty-five days. A NOBLE LORD having, as we understood, suggested a more extended drill than that provided for in the Bill, The Earl of DERBY remarked that other considera tions were involved in the clause than the comparative efficiency of the recruits. There was the amount of the expense, and the pressure on the population, to be con sidered; and as the House of Commons had agreed to the clause, after having maturely considered those points, he was inclined to agree to it as it stood, with reference to the period of twenty-one days. The clause was then agreed to. The remaining clauses of the Bill were then agreed to without alteration, after which the House resumed. The General Board of Health Bill was read a third time, and passed. The Turnpike Trusts Arrangement Bill went through Committee. The Scutch Mills for Flax (Ireland) Bill went through Committee. :PENINSULAR AND WATERLOO LIEUTENANTS. The Duke of RICHMOND presented a petition from 200 officers, lieutenants of the Peninsular and Waterloo campaigns, the greater number of whom were wounded and suffering severely. They were on the retired list, and did not wish to put the country . to any additional ex pense; but certainly their services entitled them to the boon which they now sought, which was that they should be gatetted to the rank of brevet captains. The petition was ordered to lie on the table; and their Lordships then adjourned. LITERATURE. THE LIFE OF MARIE DE iii DICIS. By _ __ Miss Pardoe. 3 Vols. Colburn. Miss Pardoe has already distinguished — herself by her lively delineation of men and manners, by her descriptive pictures of "cities," and her vivid por traits of individuals. Having some time back given us an account of " Louis XIV. and the Court of France during the Seventeeth Century," she has now selected for ber theme the court of the same country during the preceding reigns, and for her heroine the Queen of Henry IV., and the mother of Louis XIII. Than the life of Marie of Medicis few fitter inflects for a biography could have been selected. " All the existing records of European royalty," ob serves the authoress in laPr preface, "do not, probably, comprise the annals of a life of greater vicissitude than that which has been chosen as the subject of the present work. We find numerous examples in history of queens who have suffered exile, imprisonment, and death, but we believe that the unfortunate Marie de Medicis is the only authenticated instance of a total abandonment on the part alike of her family and friends, which terminated almost in starvation. Certain it is that after having occupied the throne of France, presided over its councils, and given birth to the ancestor of a long lino of princes, she was ultimately indebted to the sympathy and at tachment of a foreign artist (Rubens), of whom she had once been the zealous patron, for a roof under which to terminate her miserable existence!" Hence the very interesting and varied character of this work may be surmised. In the first volume we obtain a glimpse of the court of Henri of Navarre, a glimpse which throws no agreeable light upon the character of that Monarch in his domestic life. After his separation from the unworthy Marguerite of Va lois, and after the death of his favourite, Gabrielle, we find the Monarch yielding to the repr esen t at i ons of his wisest of counsellors and truest of friends, Sully, and consenting to espouse the Florentine Princess. Welcomed with the most magnificent festivities by the nation over which she was to reign, and naturally indulging in her own heart many dreams of happi ness, Marie de Medicis entered France. Henri has tened to meet her on her way, and received her with affection ; nevertheless, even at that time and for years afterwards, Madame de Verneuil retained her empire over the heart of the Monarch, and divided with the Queen the homage of the court. If the, at times, indignant and austere deportment of Marie embittered the happiness of her wedded life, there is, according to Miss Pardoe's showing, no cause for astonishment and little room for repre hension. Surrounded by her Italian friends, who felt themselves wronged in the wrongs of their mis tress, and who lost no opportunity of aggravating her wounded feelings, by expatiating upon her indig ties, Marie of Medicis was certainly placed in s most cruel and trying position. The embarrassments of Sully, the would-be peace-maker between the King and Queen in their many disagreements, were of a most perplexing nature, but to the last he retained his power with the King, who often heard from his lips censures and counsels such as are seldom ad dressed to royalty. The character of Henry of Na varre, notwithstanding his very reprehensible con duct in his domestic relations, is in many respects most fascinating, and the narrative of his deatb, and especially of its preliminary presentiments, as here re corded, is singularly affecting. The Queen had just been crowned prior to assuming the dignity of re gent during the King's absence at the seat of war. Public rejoicings celebrated the ceremony, but in the midst of it all the Monarch was sad, and spoke of death to his familiar companions, who, remonstrating with him, reminded him of the many blessings which he possessed. "True," replied Henry, " but I must resign them all." A few hours afterwards the knife of Revillac verifi , d those words, plunged France into grief for a monarch who, with all his faults, was the darling of his people, and placing a crown upon the infant brow of Louis XIII., elevated M ar i e d e Me dicis to the perilous position of regent. A. compli cated web of intrigues for place and pow er of plots and coun t er - p l ots, of rivalries s heartburnings and en m iti es occup i es the greaatr'ecir part, if not the whole, of the remai n i ng volumes. Unhappy as a wife, unhappy asa sovereign, Mari e d e M e di c i s was most unhappy as a mother, which c i rcums t ance inducesto be lieve her not entirely faultless. To hold captive the heart of a King accustomed to adulation, have been in th e p ower o f th e Fl orentine might not Princess, whose marriag e h a d necessar il y been state policy, and n o t o f affection, Ivh.l a Matter of to preserve untroubled rule amid such element 1 e surrounded her path as reg en t, woul d powers of a Napoleon ; b u t to wi haveof discord as tasked the preserve the confidence o f h er own the affection and one might reasonably i mag i ne a Boas was a task, city of any woman havin ' Within the cilpa: Thus, while we sym g L a mother's heart' in her fall, the bitternessPatuise with Mariewas doubled by the fact that a son' s of whi g e h blow, we cannot but think that a more judioious_e igh hand dealt x t erc ise of maternal affection during his early days lau the position of his Louis XIII., and .. mother The " arrieliotrhastevde young King appe ars, h • amiable, and the spirit however to . a ._ n e arly ma nifested itself. on of insubordi vi n h t e i n o the Regent dihsPaevseitiebleeenf utnhe (having some hour s onehim for some previously orderedoccasion, neglect of duty to severe punishment) entered the undergo f,ar, cr making the cus tomaryobeisanePresence of the l' ln r , prefer, e demanded by etiquette, " I should offended Sovereign, Madame," said th e ~ Full of ann. " fewer floggi ngs and fewe r courtesies. dotes of -- all kinds , gra ve and gay , livel y and severe, these volum es will to be a ttractive to the " general readers," who read be entertained as well as to be inf orme d. A "I" ble LuanUscript mew*, i LIVES OF THE PRINCESSES OF ENG LAND. By Mrs. Everett Green. Vol. IV. Colburn. The fourth volume o f th ese i nteresting memoirs will be welcomed by all the readers of the previous biographies. The authoress apologises for the long delay in its p u bli cat i on, wh i ch has been partly occa sioned by the necessity for personal examination of the Scottish records bearing upon the life of Margaret Tudor, eldest daughter of Henry the Seventh. The long and troubled reign of this Queen occupies the greatest part of the present volume. Though she does not appear to very great advantage in the stormy records of plots and factions, the authoress defends her by asserting that the position in which she was placed gave full scope to her f au lt s , w hil e her virtues bad no opportunity for display. There are tlso the lives of Anne, fifth daughter of Edward the Fourth, and Catherine and Bridget, her sisters. The work will be concluded in one, or at most t wo vo lumes, which will comprise memoirs of the Queen of Bohemia and the daughters of Charles the First. The 8:er:et:I:ill form a great acquisition to all interested in the details of history, especially as they afford such complete information on subjects so important, though England. known, as the lives of the Princesses of 1 THE REBE LS „., -- -4-..9 OF GLENFAU. A Romance of t h e z it " This book has Century. 3 Vols. Shoberl.. lines—" Fierce w f or its motto the following graphic severe, by fairy war s and faithful loves, and truths fulfil its promise, fo:°z'l of all conflicts a natioint dressed ;" and truly does it armed against ,fellow- c itiz ens dlaronicles the most dreadful hand, certainly the recordenost: While, on the other spirit he principal characters is as fr o overshadowed by danger as an ug p t against itself, citizens the attachment of the with sorrow and as descaribed. or any tale of the days of yo Y re. eg?d of old romance, narrative re lates to the revolutionary the close of the last centu of Ireland at ry, and the life by stirring time is very ably chief person in the plot, he, who The his energy, vigour by his intellect, and g iro ve p it his influence, was an old baron, the LordlaSci;,:}l7, who, being a Catholic, had endured the and cruel treatment on all sides, was betrayed b arch son, driven away from his ancestral halls and fo rced to fly to the continent. Toe hero was his grandfather, who returned with his rel a ti ve i n di sgu i se at the com mencement of the story, and was then introduced un der a fictitious name to the family of Amy, the fair heroine. Gerald found his position very trying. Honour forbade him from proposing to her to leave a home of affluence to follow the fortunes of a proscribed wanderer, while on the other hand, all the feelings of his nature and the spirit of his race were aroused to indignation at the thought of relinquishing her to some petty suitor, un mindful of her worth and regardless of her supe riority. He exclaimed to himself, in the bitterness of his thoughts, some carpet knight of the saloons who has never seen fire will step in between us, and carry off her who should realize the glory of a poet soldier's home. But melancholy reflections like these had no foundations, for Amy could judge for herself, and discriminate merit, though under a veil, and distin guish talent even through poverty. Meanwhile the stern summons of war soon sounded its trumpet in the ears of the young enthusiast, and compelled him to relinquish the smiles of love for the frowns of fate, the dreams of fancy for the saddest of truth's realities. The scenes in which the conspirators held their assemblies, and carry on their plans, are very powerfully sketched, particularly the one at the close of the second volume, wh en they are arranging the final coup. Altogether, there is great originality in many parts of the work, the difficult plan proposed in its construction is well carried out, the characters, from the high officials of Government to the lowly smith, and mill-owner, admirably delineated, and from the whole the reader may gain a fair insight into the " days that are o'er." The genera tion that is past affords many a theme for the scholar, the sage, and the poet ; but it is .to be questioned if any page of its annals is s more entitled to consideration than the one which records the his tory of Ireland. Misfortune, mystery, and misma nagement are found there ; hence it is not to be won • dered at the novelist is successful when fixing on, as a theatre for the acts of rebellion and ty ranny, as an arena for the display of life's most high wrought passions, the country, which the poet has immortalised as the " island of sorrow" which a dis tinguished Minister declared to be " his difficulty." " t I know not how to commence. Could you conceive a youth wayward and restless, though bred in a cloister's retirement, loved and taught by one deeply learned in a hatever is beautiful in the literature, or valuable in the lore of times new or old? Could you conceive this youth taught by such a friend for kindred love at first drinking in, with greedy ear, the lessons of his gifted teacher's mind, then, as years advanced, in dreary reverie, endeavouring to figure forth the heroes of whom he read, the fair beings they had loved to give a local habitation to, the bright creations of the poet's teeming mind, anon awaking from these visions of boyish fancy, and as the oral recital of the deeds of his kin dred, long bygone, mingled in his daily con verse with news of the great whirlwind which shakes the nations, wishing vaguely to do as his fathers had done before him—to buckle on a sword and cut his way to future? Could you, then, imagine this aspirant cast with all his young ambition into the troubled waters of the great revolution, buffetting with little guidance the waves and difficulties opposing hi m —now avoiding the allurements of pleasure and dissipa lion, now, is spite of many struggles, yi e ldi ng for a space to their influence; at last becoming a so ldi er, first indeed in theory, and atterwards, perhaps, somewhat i n that I practice, where the gentle waters of Adda ran red with the blood of the brave who fell at Lodi?' " The old man gazed with enthusiastic delight on th e 4 _outraged wide prospect! a , Oh, Heaven!' he cried at last, ' I thank thee thus once more behold this dear, dear scene of h i o hi ' s soil_ where, a 3 dreaming youth, as loving ma n, e , 133 es hers father I dread the wrath of heaven. Here en oh, boy, fertile as Arcadia, yuur fathers trod us lords— look round you and behold the strongho lds of your warrior sires! Behold 'heir castles and their parks— See Ti here old religion all lost for sake of old fidelity, fostered by their wealth, their dev otion h flourished, yielding to men fait , their Lve long To the rich a living 9 hope and charity. the poor of God's pleasure upon earth !—to and kindred seeepathy far plains of the new(aka° poor benevolence called this scene. H ow oft w woldo r ld has f ancy f anc ily fi r r e e s when the bivouac slept, wate d in ' h en by the fading h " ' Oh Gerald,' he embers same fancied outli ave I traced in thf ~) g how often in the proudly round him, ' it is A land primeval hills lie 9 Once more gaz d in tfat nature to fight fora , loves and man destr lend of these said n e of this beauteous view 1 Here in the rimless, on her plains and in her a !and mechanical mineral treasures it power prefuse, and wan ting arehafetrbnumeau industry and encouragement to evo ke m In her children exists every noble trait, if , - ti• • depression and fostered ign orance _ Lncivi !zing .. perverted them not to evil. UN THE S • T O THE EDITOR 0- p - • Sun lent its aid to Th e SlR,— There was a t i me cum e t t h e abuses of the nlavrilnYe- our favour, calling the are not altPred, I propose, Trusting your Opinions attention of the First LordbooYff i r w h h e ic A h dm th ir e al e t n y e t l o os s e o d m i zo l f the many naval grievanc h es; Junior officers of the navy couee:ve, paramount. a T he Wren of considerable scientific are men of tair edues-°- , knowledg e; the men were; but great discontent exists. are now well- behaved and reasonable beings — not what th e, ' a lope for an alleviation, and Sir, yours, ikc., T th o ro t u h g e h p y re o s u s r a e lo d n rit e ess ef I : in, .ckilP OF THE OLD BLOCK. London, June 16. GRA CE THE DI7HE OF NORTIIIINBERLAND. TO HIS Dake ,—ln . ad dressing your G race through My Lad a public journal, I feel no apology neces coefglect shown by your predecessors to naval remains with you to remedy. The Articles present what they were when you were last a fi oat Read over that sanguinary code, and con sider if ,jurisprude nce o lre w Yul. a edir s itil2 rt they are suited to the times or people of the clear day. I maintain the law is not clear to ,or or accurately defined as it should be. all The is that the awful brutality of the first an d 1 3 o ns e cli o g e a n ncy; general terminaticn of the maritime code defeats its ob ject by torturous severity, and offenders escape the mis called justice of a naval court-martial. The sentences of naval courts•martial are not looked on by the service or the public, as are those of civil courts, with respect and resignation. The sentences of the former are some times those of expediency, often of ignorance, and fre quently caprice. The law is bad, and the judges and administrators otten ignorant of their power — justice is consequently an accident, and a rare one. We hope your Grace will amend the sanguinary and disgraceful code, more suitable to the chain -gangs of Norfolk Island than to be the pivot of discipline of the British navy. The public gives your Grace the Credit of undertak kg the onerous cffice you hold for the benefit, not of yourself or your friends, but the service of the country. You can do nothing more acceptabl e to t h e nav y th an striking at the root of all ev il —bad laws and injustice. am, my Lord Duke, Your Graces I most obedient and humble servant, June 16. A CHIP OF THE OLD BLOCK. Her Royal Highness the Duchess of Gloucester visited ber Royal Highness the Duchess of Cambridge Mt erd " /1" b 2 r a M. de .Rambur e , _____ --- an be dch am b er under Henri EV., Loui gentlem s of the XM, an d . Lt Buis XIV., a manuscript of many thousand pa Ffe, written f or the benefit of the author's rela tiv es, and the publication of which was strictly for ha lden lest it might injure any member of the family, ha s been entrusted to Miss Pardoe by its pre pea se: .sor, in the belief, that after the lapse of sotnanny ye ars its publicity cannot be detrimental to the inte re sfs of any one living. Prom this manuscript Mi ss P aidoe has gleaned many anecdotes and pieces of in.. f ormation, hitherto urpublished, a fact which neces sarily increases the value of her work. Portraits of Marie de Medicis, of Louis XIII., and of Cardinal .Richelieu, adorn these volumes, which also contain hicsimilies of aut ograp h letters of the Queen, of th e King, of Richeli eu , an d o f Marshal Sch o enber g .