The Sun. — London, England, 1846-06-12 00:00:00

that 11r. Bright got a seat for the county of Durham. He thooght it was a most unwarrantable personal attack upon his personal character. CORN-LAWS. The Duke of RICHMOND presented a petition from For far in Scotland, against the proposed measure of the Govern ment. The Marquis of LONDONDERRY—The Noble Lord said I belonged to the protection society, but how long ago is that ?—(Laughter.) It is more than two years ago..-.( Great laughter.) The question has undergone considerable change since that period. The Earl of WINCHEL SEA said, if a constitutional course was proceeded with, and if there was an appeal to the people made, they would find that the great body of the people had not changed their opinions upon the subject. LoNDON AND YORK. The Earl of LOVELACE moved the discharge of the Committee of the London and York Bill.—Agreed to. The Duke of RICHMOND then moved, that the Bills not cowidered by that Committee should be re-committed. LUNATIC ASYLUMS. The Duke of RICHMOND presented several petitions from Gloucester and Hereford against the Lunatic Asylums Bill. The Noble Duke also presented a petition from the board of guardians of the Chichester union against the pro posed law of settlement. The Duke of WELLINGTON requested the Noble Duke to put off the question of which he had given notice. After a few words from the Earl of Winchilsea, the Earl of Radnor, Lord Abinger, the Earl of Wicklow, and Lord Redes dale, the subject dropped. CORN-LAWS. Earl GREY presented a petition numerously signed by persons residing in the county of Staffordshire in favour of the corn -laws. THE SMOKE NUISANCE. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE wished to ask the Noble Viscount, the Commissioner of the Woods and Forests, what was the reason that the report of the Commission, appointed to inquire into this subject, had not before that period been laid upon their Lordships' table ? Viscount CANNING stated that the report would be ready tomorrow. It was quite an accident that the report which bad, two months since, been sent to the House of Commons had not been laid before their Lordships. CORN IMPORTATION BILL. The Earl of RIPOS moved that the order of the day, for going into Committee on this Bill be read. The Earl of STAN HOHE rose for the purpose of opposing the motion of the Noble Earl, and moving as an amendment that the Bill be committed upon that day six months. He had not either the vanity or the presumption to think that any observations he could make to their Lordships could affect the course which their Lordships intended to adopt.—( Hear, hear.) He was aware that after the Many able and eloquent speeches which had recently been delivered by several Noble Lords in that House, and more especially after that admirable and unanswerable speech of the Noble Lord, whom he then saw in his place (Lord Stanley), a speech, whether from the arguments which it contained, or the e l oquence w i th wh i ch it was adorned, or the valuable in • formati on which it contained, appeared to him superior to any thing which he had ever heard upon the subject. He was, however, unwilling to give a silent vote upon the question. He 'would consider it in some degree a dereliction of the duty which he owed to his country, if he did not make some obser vations upon this question. They were then arrived at a crisis far more important than any to which their Lordships had hitherto arrived, and which must be so regarded when their Lordships considered the amount of interest involved, and above all the social as well as political results which would follow this measure. Such a measure as the present had never before been before a Committee of their Lordships, had never been introduced by any party, and there never was a proposition, in whatever quarter it might originate, which was so feebly and so miserably defended by so many false assumptions and false arguments. It was in th e . first place assumed that there was imminent danger of famine in Ireland, because there was in some districts, not in all, a deficiency, not a failure, in the crop of potatoes. But it Was at that time satisfactorily proved, in a manner which ad mitted of no possibility of doubt, that there was even then, and still was, an abundance of sustenance for the people of that Country, and especially of that sort which formed the principal articles of snstenance to the poorer classes. The crop of pota toes had beedmore than usually abundant. He did no t d eny — on the, contrary, he de e ply depl ore d, th e di s t ress o f t h e peop l e of Ireland. That distress arose, not from the scarcity of food, but unfortunately in this year, as in many others, there had been a lamentable state of destitution to which all the labourers of the country had been reduced in consequence of the want of e mployment. He believed that the reports to the F, r e e at autocrat of the Cabi ne t,i n November last, upon c heat failure of the potato crop, had been both er roneous and exaggerated. H e thought that if there had been a scarcity of food, the then existing corn-laws had the power of adjusting themselves to that state of the country. The Government had acted very unwisely in giving Publicity to these reports. Th e y h a d h a d t h e e ff ect o f ra i s i ng e price of corn in the foreign market, and had induced those Parties who had a stock by them to hoard it instead of selling it. Sir Robert Peel, for reasons best known to himself, had encouraged and fostered this panic. If the order in council Was necessary, it should have been made only for a short pe riod, and there was no necessity for the present measure; but the Prime Minister said he was not prepared to make such an order unless he brought forward some settlement of the corn question ; and such was the origin of the question they were now discussing. The old fable of the mountain in labour which brought forth a mouse was reversed, for it was a mouse Which had conceived and brought forth a mountain— (Laughter) —for they had a Prime Minister who was raised to e minence by the hopes and expectations which his party enter tained that he would be true to his colours, and that he would An t llesert the principles which he ha uniformly professed. measurepromise? which would throw the country into confusion, Bence brought discredit on the nation, and ruined the confi en of the people in the faith and worthiness of all public • Could the Minister be misled by party, any who had so n * ae ceived his ow Could they repose confidence in any man ho could act in 7 such a manner? And wh a t con fid ence cou ld they repose in Sir Robert Peel ? In his opinion, as soon as he t180.2.,e.ed the good effects of free trade, he should have refused „I!, for which, by his own confession, he was wholly in- P""a- —( Hear, hear.) But they were told that there was no ineonsistetiey in Sir Robert Peel's conduct .. by another Noble Lord, and that ever since 18-42 his principles wrapped h in obscurity. He himself was appealedprtomel expressed his coot,, o n the sineeritv n a f n thr. Mir:latt r t Pr: had, with his usual frankness, done so, when measures were bro ug ht forward which he considered would be dangerous to the country. But that was an assertion which he could • never admit to have truth in it.—( Hear, hear.) They had been told that this conversion in the Minister was the result of his experience ; now he would say that there might be some truth in that assertion, and that a great change had taken place when he saw the exertions of the Anti Corn-law League, and the sluggishness of his own sepporters, and that he considered that the active party was the stronger ; but he (Lord Stanhope) wished that he would discover his mistake. But he would ask, why change a system which had been at tended with such beneficial results? They were now called, upon the mere ipse dixit of the most rash and presumptuous Minister, to change that line of conduct which had raised them to eminence. He trusted that they would not do so, and that theywould reverence those institutions which had conferred beneficial effects upon the country. If the principles of free trade were those of common sense, they had a right to have them applied in the fullest extent, but they were not, they would have a measure of that kind before them, for to "c• such a measure would be less objectionable than the pre tlsent. But had any person on the other side of the i _ouse the hardihood, the temerity, to offer such for their adop um He dared them to do so. They could not do so, as they Would ruin the commerce o f th e coun t ry, an d e ff ectually restore all its force the protective system of their ancestors. '(Hear, h ear .) H e con j ure d t h e i r Lordships not to pass the Bill, as it would r u i n th e i nterests of thousands of of their the fellowir countrymen, who earned th e i r b rea d b y t h e sweat brow, and who were not properly represented in the e ther House of Parliament. If prices were to remain the _ s ame after th e p ass i ng o f thi s measure, he defied its most an e xious and ingenious supp or t er t o s h ow i ts ut ili ty.—(Hear, a ) If the prices were to remain the same as had been re- Prusented, what became of the cry of cheapness ? Where would the large loaf come from ?—( Hear, hear.) He feared very much that the large loaf would dwindle into something like a penny roll. It was perfectly apparent, that it was only by a considerable reduction in the wages of their working People that the manufacturers of this country could com • pete with foreign countries. The first Minister of the Crown introducing this measure, had said that its main object was not to produce cheapnessof food. It was plain, therefore, that he was a mere instrument in the hands of the Anti-Corn-law Leaguers to aggrandise themselves at the cost of their fellow- Countrymen. No free discussion of the subject of the corn laws had been permitted at Covent-garden, or any other places where the members of that League had held their meetings-- if any one attempted to oppose them he would be speedily ejected.—( Hear, hear.) This was not merely a landlord's question, as had been represented ; the tenant-farmers of England were vitally interested in it, and he felt, that if it Passed into a law, they would be ultimately ruined. It had been said that this country couH not produce sufficient corn for the people it contained, but he felt satisfied, that if it were properly cultivated, it could feed many millions more than the present population. He challenged any man to produce any country in 'which the prices and profits of labour were uni formly low, and at the same time it was found practicable for any the most despotic or oppressive monarch to raise a lar ge a mount of taxation. It had been said that the farmers of this country had proved themselves to be deficient in skill and industry ; but he repelled the charge as a gross calumny. a•-•( Hear, hear.) If this Bill passed into a law, what was to become of the occupiers of small plots of land ?—( Hear, hear.) They formed a most valuable, important, and meri torious class of the community. They occupied an inter mediate position between the labourers and large farmers, and they had declared that this measure would comptl them to leave their homes, and give themselves up to desti tution -and Were their Lordships despair.—( Hear, hear.) prepared to act thus harshly towards millions of their fellow eititens and subjects?—( Hear, hear.) And not on l y would that porti on of the community, but even those who so cla mourously cried out for this measure at the meetings of the Anti-Corn-law League would be ruined by it, for when the small tenant- farmers were ruined the manufacturers would lose all the advantages of the British home-market.—( Hear, hear.) Even if no land were thrown out of cultivation by this roes sure, the farmers of this country would be compelled to dis pose of their produce at a price which would not remunerate their toil, in consequence of the great influx of foreign pro dose. In the year 1842 their Lordships saw the calamitous effects of reducing the wages in the manufacturing districts, and that distress might be consideredifast;.; very faint outline of the affects of the present measure. measure had be come inevitable it had become se fromitithteehe;rerevile conduct of conscience they those who supported a course which condemned. A Noble Earl, connected with the count of York, seemed to anticipate with ‘- ta l comfort which would be thegreactonsequence oef ease Was the Noble Earl so prejudi ced meas' ae. as to believe that the working classes of the country would submit to be plundered without offering the most determined resist ence—not the resistance of force, but that passive opposition which would necessarily tell on a measure against their inte rests? At the time of the Reform Bill a question was asked by the Noble Duke sitting near him which seemed to surprise the Opposition, viz., how is the Government to he conducted? The Noble Duke might ask that question now, and the answer could be best given by those who had brought on this measure. Did Sir R. Peel know the position he stood in, and was he net aware that the present Bill had been forwarded by many who had meanly crouched to others ? It was wise and politic on the part of the great Irish agitator to give his most cordial and unqualified support to this measure, for he was well aware that it was one of the best means which could he adopted to for ward the objects he had in view. If he had not already too long occupied the attention of their Lordships he could pro ceed to show that such would be the effect of this measure, and could adduce the latest intelligence from Ireland, which would fully bear out the assertion he had made, If their Lord ships were to sanction such a measure, a measure which had such I an evil tendency, that House would at once be considered an j Unconstitutional incumbrance. If they were to give the coun tenance of their authority and names, once illustrious, to the measure, the general cry throughout the country would be for the abolition of the House of Lords, which had forwarded a measure of such pernicious tendency. When measures not unlike th e present one were brought before t h a t Ho e se ip 1842, only five peers were found to vote for it and now with oat °Y nevr arganaent—without any essential difference in cir. curnstances of any nature-211 peers were found to vote for the adoption of a course which, by their silence, they had rejected a few years ago. That the count:y was not universally in favour of this measure, was evident from the fact that when even the advocates of the League and its principles had stoo:1 forward as candidates to represent the people, the elector, in every case where he had a choice, had given his suffrage in favour of the candidate who was in favour of supporting the corn-laws as they then existed. Try the result of the vote by ballot in the House of Lords, and he was satisfied that not twenty Lords would be found to vote for the measure. A party had been formed for the agricultural body which was power fully unprecedented, because founded on public principle.— ( Hear, hear.) There was at the head of that party, in the other House, a Noble Lord who had distinguished himself in the defence of the agricultural interest, and he would say of that Noble Lord, that he deserved the thanks of the country at large.—( Hear, hear.) It was the duty of Parliament to reject this measure, as calculated to inflict a lasting injury on the industry of the country. It was their duty to reject it, as the beginning of an attempt to uproot the ancient institutions of the land, and as one which would bring ruin and desolation on the agricultural body. The Earl of ESSEX said he had a few words to address to their Lordships upon the Noble Earl's concluding remarks. The Noble Lord had said that if the question was tried in that House by an appeal to the vote by ballot, that not more than twenty of their Lordships would be found to vote for it. He would say there was not a vote given in favour of the measure but what was an honest vote. The Noble Earl had attributed base and sordid motives to those Noble Lords who had voted for it. Now, if they were to appeal to the ballot upon t!.;s measure, he would say for himself, that he would, so help him God I be one of the twenty who would vote for the question. The Earl of STANHOPE having explained, The Earl of RADNOR said that he would address such arguments to their Lordships as applied to the question. He was sure that the measure was one which should not be de layed. There was no ground for attributing base and sordid motives to those Noble Lords who had voted for this measure. They had voied in accordance with the dictates of their con sciences for a measure called for by the exigencies of the times.—( Hear, hear.) Many motives had been attributed to Hon. Members of the other House who had voted for the measure, and charges of the most unfounded character had been brought against them for their votes with respect to the question. He did not stand there to defend Sir Robert Peel ; that Right Hon. Gentleman had many Noble Lords in that House who were able and ready to defend him should it he required.—( Hear, hear.) He could not, however, but regret the ill.feeling which had been displayed against the Right Hon. Baronet, for it was well known that he had made many sacrifices in taking the course which had been so much condemned by many Noble Lords. He would not have taken that step had not the necessity of the times called for it, and it was too bad to find that for obeying that necessity he should have been attacked, and the worst motives attributed to him by persons whose characters stood high and whose opinions had weight.—( Hear, hear.) The Anti-corn-law League had been attacked, and a Member of that body, having used an expression at a meeting held in Drury-lane Theatre, it was laid hold of and perverted into the worst possible meaning. It was made out that the League and its machinery was not to cease with the passing of this measure. The Noble Earl who last addressed the House, said that the League had ulterior mea sures in view. This might or might not be the case. If their ulterior measures were consistent with reason, what had that to do with the present measure ? If those ulterior views ' were inconsistent, and such as ought not to be sanctioned, then they would be resisted, and the anticipated evils would not result.—( Hear, hear.) The farmers said they could not get the price they ought to receive for their corn if there were no corn-law, and therefore it was they ought to be pro tected against the foreigner. It was owing to this argument that the sliding-scale was established—a very pretty thing, he admitted, as a theory, hut totally useless in practice. In his opinion, those who argued in favour of this system were the wildest theorists he had ever met with. One Noble Lord, whom he did not see in his place, had told them that he had experienced the working of free-trade principles in the east of Scotland. The Noble Lord told them that the removal of the duty on marilla proved a very serious injury to people residing in that part of the country; but the Noble Lord forget that the people injured by the removal of the duty were the minority, while the majority derived benefit from the alteration in the law. I f the position the Noble Lord took upon this point was good, they might just as well say that a railway should not be made, because it would inflict in jury on an existing turnpike road.—(Hear, hear.) Then, again, they were told that the removal of protection would go far to annihilate agriculture in this country ; but he, for one. did not believe it would produce any such effect. Another argument used in favour of protection was, that owing to the existence of low wages, and the people living poorly in Poland, the farmer of this country could not compete with the foreigner without it. Why, the people of Ireland lived as poorly, and received as low wages as the labourer in Poland, and yet the English farmer found no difficulty in competing with the Irish produeers. This incon testible fact, he thought, was a sufficient answer to that argument, and he would, therefore, pass on to another branch of the subject. It was urged by some Noble Lords that protection had always been the policy of their ancestors, but he by no means admitted this, for during several reigns importations of corn were expressly invited by the Legislature. In the reign of Edward IV. protection certainly did exist. In fact it commenced in this reign, but even then the protec tion preponderated more in favour of manufactures than agr . culture. Previous to that reign, Acts were passed invitim, importations and prohibiting exportation of corn ; and even when the protective Act against importation of the reign of Edward IV. was passed, it was strongly denounced by large bodies of the people.—( Hear, hear.) In the reign of Elizabeth the landed interest became very powerful in Parliament, and a protective system was established in favour of agriculture, but it created a great stir in the country, and was strongly resisted by the Commons.—t Hear, hear.) At a subsequent period of the reign the outcry against the dearness of the bread became so great that the Legislature was compelled to reduce the amount of protection, and from that time down to the present the people had always showed themselves to be decidedly averse to monopolies of every description.—( Hear, hear.) He need scarcely say anything more he thought i 3 refutation to the argument, if argument it could be called, that their ances tors were favourable to protection.—( Hear, hear.) He wished that feeling had continued ; but the landed interest prevailed in the House of Commons from the time of Charles 11., and protection was regarded as necessary for agriculture. The ennfessed object at tire time or the resun anion of protection was to keep up the value of the rents of land. Again, in eh... time of William and Mary, an Act was passed which had con• fessedly for its object the prevention of any deterioatien in the amount of rents. Bounties upon the exportation of corn were afterwards invented, and were paid to the amount of 6,000,000/. to the owners of land. This was an injustice, and while it raised the price of food to the poor it put money into the pocket of the landowner. On the average, for every five year. there had been two Acts of Parliament ; and a system which required so many alterations, must be manifestly improper. The Noble Lord entered into a long statistical account of the quantities of corn imported into this country, as compared with the increase of the population, and applied it as an argument that restriction en the importation of foreign corn should be altogether rescinded. The advantages of protection were greater when the population was smaller than it was now when the population had so greatly increased. If the present measure was beneficial to the manufacturing interests alone, it ought to meet with the best support of the landed interest. By the population returns it would appear— The Duke of RICHMOND —Those returns are incorrect. Earl RADNOR—Don't interrupt. The Duke of RICHMOND—SureIy the Noble Lord will not proceed in an error when he could be shown his mistake. These population returns included all the blacksmiths, tailors, and others in the villages, as employed in agricultural pursuits. Earl RADNOR—These returns were the only guide they had to go by, and he was justified in applying them to his case. The agricultural population were increasing, and at, increase c food was wanted to supply their necessities. If, therefore, fc no other reason than to increase the best interests oft h agricultural population, the present measure ought to be allowe to pass. The Noble Lord proceeded to state what he though were the equitable duties upon different articles of foreign manufactures at the time when English duties were in force. Lord STANLEY said he alluded to the difference between the Baltic timber trade and that of the Canadian trade, in the statement he made. Lord BROUGHAM said that nothing could be more proper or well-timed than th e i nterrupt i on of the Noble LordPe pn site, though h e (L or d B roug h am) had been called to order f,or an interruption of a similar nature, a few nights ago. The Earl of RADNOR then resumed, and quoted the quantity of sugar and indigo imported from the West Indies in several years, and contended that they bore no comparison with what would be the amount of these exports, if restrictive duties should be removed. The Earl of WICKLOW said he rose to address a few ob servations on the question, as he was the only Noble Lord con nected with Ireland who had yet done so. He did believe that agwdo.osd high, been in t w i ti n icm t e r o ep d a u trn e d i o n en g oend t Sir Robert Peel could have had no object in view other than , s t l h a i y i e n P t i , h u t a b i. t y l it. was s h ifd i o s er m rtht e h a ei s s ure. But he should andHe didaie there were e that s some hee who,ho i no fpart t mea sure,hey had af t teark the e n . tunities afforded them of refleetth'lnal restitution was not far distant, t gn h p o o u n r, it arul H d e h th av o e ug o h p t p t o h r- , principle of protection was not y and fairly carried out in the present measure. The yeomanry n f and farmers of England of Poland, or the labourers of otherneXtrieetsitiwetai should not be placed in a situatio with t, the t serfs of o pay such high prices for articles on which customa Y ' duties were paid. Ho did not think a reciprocity of trade would be established between other countries in their dealings with this nation. They were benefited at the expense of the people of this country. It would be proved that by the proposed mea sures the people of England would pay the income-tax in order to keep up the revenues of other countries.—( Hear, hear.) He defied any person to place his finger on any page of history in which both parties had voted as on the present occasion to sup port this Bill.—( Cheers.) Why was it, if the measure was so good, that the public were to b e d epr i ve d of the benefit of it for three years. He thought it was only brought in as a sop during those strange occurrences which took place in the month of November last ; but in their giving the sop they forgot the original arguments upon which the Bill was founded, What were these argument? It was the potato panic. And it was absurd to think of remedying that state of things by a provision to come into operation three years hence. With regard to this potato panic, he would say that the Go vernment had been grossly misled. Their Lordships and the public were told that the worst had not yet come, and they were told to wait till the end of May or beginning of June. They had now arrived in the month of June, and he was happy to say that there were no g ro u nds for these fears.—(Cheers.) The only benefits to be derived by this country from the f commerce. This was the opinion of Mr. urke, and he colonies was of a twofold nat ure—taxation and mono p ol y of B • might, perhaps, be ridiculed for quo t i n g such an 'authorit y b y the new and superior light of the political economists of the so far as r egar d e d Canada (the mo-t present day. With reference to the monopoly of commerce, important of all our Colonies), it appeared from a letter of Cathc ar t th at t h at not i on was t o b e a lt oge th er a bandoned. The result of Mr. Gladstone to Lord such a measure, he positively believed, would be the dismemberment of Canada from this Country within five years diminution of from the passing of this measure. When the question was put to the Minister, what would he do with respect to t ; if , e hear. ) tithes when a d"imWineutwioilnl make eriees would take place, the answer given was, question turns Hear ' change, because we do not anticipate any would be the ti nf r a e is to be no diminution in price, what hear.) The Government Well, it is upon this the whole of passing the measure?—(Hear, answered one argument by cutting another from under their feet. It was a la menta bl e i nstance q c u a e s ra e st e i n o ttil Catholic sanctioned by repe a t e d Parliaments, leg a i n s d late that of great differenc e b e t ween this of the ignoran ce w i t h which states There was a Emancipation. I n th e one and measure had b een could not for ever opp ose t h e wishes of tii tehHouse of L or d s members of the Anti- Corn-law League' weeril:eople. Th e men he admitted, but th e y must not, like the g7rearsysh clever mentioned by Mr. Bu r k e , cons id er themselves the on7yPP" habitants of the field, because they were the most noisy. Such a measure as that prop ose d was never carried th e fits time it was brought. forward. The House of Lords was created as a drag upon the vehicle when it went too fast. It was their office to obstruct, and not to push the vehicle down the pre cipice which led to destruction. He would, therefore, con jure their Lordships net to sanction a measure which would infallibly lead to the worst results, Lordi-NiTELTOl\F;aid7as representing the colonial in terest in that House, he would wish to offer some observations to the House, The only COOIIiC9 interested in the question, THE SUN LONDON, PRTIDAY ' EVENING, JUNE 12 1846. were, the Australian, Van Diemen's Land, and South Aus tralia, and the Canadas ; and he thought he could show that it would effect the interests of the Australian colonies but in a very slight degree—he might say not at all.--( Hear. ) He argued the question of Canada under disadvantages on account of the address which had been received from the legis ture of that country, and he was also under some disadvan tage as to a knowledge of what the next mail would bring forth. He must say, however, that the wh o l e t one J f t h e address was different from what had previously taken place in the legislature of that country. From all he could learn, there was but little dissension when the address was voted, and then the object sought was mainly'the appointment of a select com mittee to inquire into the subject. The address, he must say, had come upon the Government unexpected, but the next mail, he was persuaded, would throw some different light on the sub ject to that which certain Noble Lords had drawn from it. From that address, however, they were not to suppose for a moment that there was any dimunition of the loyalty of the colony. To expect from this measure that there would be any diminu tion of their loyalty was the most absurd idea that could be entertained. As a proof that the feeling of the Canadians was not so strongly against this measure as represented, he would refer to a speech of Mr. Merrith, in supporting certain reso lutions approving of the policy of her Majesty's Government, in which he speaks in the highest terms of the advantages the measure would realise eventually. There had been a great public meeting at Montreal, at which the measure was fully discussed, and then it was only rejected by a small majority ; a very large minority being in favour of a resolution to support it. He would now proceed to show that the Canadians need entertain no apprehensions as to the effects of this measure. Mr. Cayley, the Superintendent General of Canada, in speaking on the resolutions submitted to the Legislature of that country, entered into a calculation as to the effects of the mea sure on the trade of that country. A gentleman in this coun try had also entered into a similar calculation as to the pro bable price of wheat under the operations of the Bill. The gentleman to whom he alluded was Mr. Loseby. It had been proved by those calculations that the price of wheat would not differ much after the passing of this measure. On looking over the report of the gentleman alluded to, he must confess that he could not discover on what ground it was that it had been so strongly asserted that Canada could not compete in the corn trade with other countries. The soil of Canada and the wages of labour were about the same as other countries, as far as he could learn, and the best wheat of Canada was equal to the best wheat of England or Scotland. He believed it had been proved that the difference in freight between New York and England, and Quebec and England, was considerably in favour of America, but he also believed it might be said that such difficulties ought to be overcome by the energy and enterprise of the Canadians. As he understood there had been little shipping carried on by the people of Ca nada between England an America. He found that on the whole question of transhipment of wheat from the corn-grow ing portion of Canada and the western flats of America, Ca nada ought to be considered as being fully on an equality. It was stated, as long ago as 1842, by a Committe which had been appointed by the Legislative Council of Canada, that the protectiv e s y s t em did not con f er much b enef i t upon the people of Canada, and they admitted that the cost of conveyance be tween the two countries was much about the same. What arguments had been brought forward against this measure in the far-famed address, of which they had heard so much ? There was only one argument, which was that the route by St Law rence was frozen up for more that six months in the year. Why, that was perfectly true; but what of it ? The same was the case with regard to the route by the canal, which was the great route for American produce. His Noble Friend had told them in the most explicit manner, the other day, that if this measure were passed into a law, he knew of some merchants of Montreal who intended removing to New York. He (Lord Lyttelton) was perfectly well aware of that ; and he could tell his Noble Friend more—they would be able to sell wheat there much cheaper than the others possibly could do.—(Hear hear.) He had only another argu ment to notice on this subject, and that was the improvement of the system of agriculture in Canada. He be lieved that much had been recently done to improve the mode of cultivating, land in that country, and that further improve ments would follow. He had taken the liberty to trouble their Lordships longer than he had purposed, for the purpose of showing their Lordships that this measure would not injure our colonies. He had not entered into a general discussion of what. was called the colonial system. He would not adopt any of the violent arguments of the Anti-Corn-law League, and he would not calls the colonial system one of mutual robbery, but lie would say that it was naturally, and of neces sity, a system of mutual privations and mutual impediment ; and he would also say that those restrictions which that system had imposed on trade had had the most prejudicial effects. Their Lordships had been asked, of what use were the colo nies to us, unless this protective system were persevered in? and his Noble Friend had said, that by preserving the colo nies we realised great profits to ourselves. He (Lord Lyttelton) denied that this protective system with regard to the colonies had been of any use to us at all. He had always considered that the use of the colonies was to provide outlets for the teem ing population of this country, and to be a means of dissemi nating and continuing throughout the world our laws, our habits, institutions, and religion. That, in hisopinion, had been the use of the colonies ; and the object of the people of this country was to impart to them as much as possible the freedom which we ourselves enjoyed. In the language of his Noble Friend the President of the Board of Trade, this system of protection had only had a nominal existence in the colonies. It was palpable that it had acted injuriously towards this coun try, as well as the colonies. But it was said to be an ancient system; it was, however, by no means cesval with the esta blishment of the colonies. When the Virginian colony was first established, a charter was granted to the settlers, enabling them to trade freely with all the world. The same system had been pursued with respect to the other colonies. He contended that the present system had no existence worely of the name in the colonies. He ventured to make these few observations, and he hoped their Lordships would see that the colonies could not be injured by this measure. The Duke of BUCKINGHAM said he had not as yet ex pressed his opinions on this Bill, but he should be sorry to see It go into Committee without addressing their Lordships. He should, however, refraip from trespassing long upon their time, because they must have been already wearied with the many speeches that hod been already addressed to them on this subject. He had listened with great attention to every speech, but he confessed his surprise was not a little, to hear a measure proposed by her Majesty's Ministers, so different from the opinion they entertained some years ago, when they pro fessed themselves to be strong protectionists.—( Hear.) He was not one of those who wished to use harsh terms on any ecca he would net refrain (mom referring to the conduct of some of her Majesty's Ministers on this question. They were now called upon to open their ports to foreigners, and to say that free trade should exist. In order to place this country in the situation of other countries they must release it from the burdens with which it was now overwhelmed. He denied that it was either right, proper, or just, to force free trade on the country when there wee no country under the sun so heavily burdened with both general and local taxation. If they thought that the farmer could compete with the foreigner, in a few short years they would be convinced of the contrary. It was impossible for the English farmer, however practised he might be in agriculture—however anxi , ius he might be to cultivate his land—it was impossible for the English farmer to enter into any competition with the foreigner while he was burdened with local and general taxa tion. He had heard in that House that the farmers of this country, unlike farmers elsewhere, invested considerable capi tal in the cultivation of their lands. Let them leave those farmers to themselves—let them exercise their profession, and they would cultivate their land ; but if the House interfered, as it was now about to do, the capital of the English farmer would be lost. It was important to the country to get the land in a state of high cultivation, and he contended, though he might be opposed in that opinion, that under the system of free trade that land which was now brought into a state of cultivation would no longer be so, and would become estranged from the purposes of agriculture. With regard to another point he had heard of—the reduction which this measure would cause in the price of labour—could they sup pose that, in the reduction of the price of corn that must naturally follow the introduction of this measure—could they suppose it possible that the farmer would pay his labourer at the same rate of remuneration which he formerly did ? If they reduced the farmer in the extent of his profits, so must he reduce the wages of the labourer who was placed in his hands. There could be no greater misfortune than to find an agricul tural people reduced from wages not excessive to a state of destitution, and such would be the case if they took the step which they were now about to take. He would also allude to the tithe question, which was a very important one. Not many years ago, an Act was passed, in consequence of many petitions being presented, expressing the great distress of the clergy, and begging their Lordships for some better manner of managing the tithe system. The tithes had been com muted, and the heaviest wheat land brought into cultivation. What would be the result with re gard to the tithe question when this free-trade measure was passed ? Their Lordships would find that the clergy of this country would be compelled to make up their minds to a reduction in their salaries of 25 per cent. He would ask if the clergy of this country were to be left in that situation? It was a most important question to be con sidered, and he was glad to find, in the division of the other night, a considerable number of the Prelates in that House had given their votes against it. Looking at the question in another point of view, they must not forget the burdens which more or less pressed upon the landed interest ; and if they decided that free trade was to be the order of the day, they should in justice, without any delay, relieve the land of their extreme burdens. He, for one, should not hesitate to call the attention of the House to several points which he considered burdensome upon the land.--(Hear, hear.) He should agitate until he received justice. If they thought that by deciding this question this week, or the next, they should set it at rest for ever they were mistaken. So far from it it would only tend to keep up agitation year after year, for many Noble Lords in that House agreed with him in the opinion which he had formed of the necessity of protection, and he and they would never cease agitating until they again restored protection to the country. He thought if he lived until a few years hence, he would find the Minister of the day obliged to come to Parliament to ask for protection to agricul twEui.rteehh.ouegtTesehereeinwrgeovuteilindeunebeecwesbosueitlldyd off enoughapll r , ot a e n c d tt ieo n n o mt eoCeothuartohcheeol home o ear Parliament , without which ruin would fall upon the country. How was it with a Noble Friend of his, now President of the Board of Control, who in 1841, when he (the Duke of Buckingham) had the honour of sitting on the same side of the House with him and his colleagues, and cheered him on in the speeches which he made—how was it he then expressed himself ? He would take the liberty of very briefly dngnaotpofaritlieodn i c n f i t . t h s i s o s p p e e r e a e t h i o . n _ H t e h a h t a d i t s t h a a t e d d p t r h o a d t u the new l r a e w pea h t a i effect it was intended to produce, but that he could not divest himself of great apprehension when we were to depend upon foreign importation for the main part of our supplies—that if the projects of the Government were carried into effect, no man could doubt but that a vet y large portion of land in this country would be thrown out of cultivation—no man could see the extent of the evil or where it would stop. He thought one of the most fatal results connected with free trade would be to throw out of cultivation the greater part of our soil, and to depend upon foreign countries for our supply ; for if once there was danger of a scarcity in this country, and foreign ports were, at the same time, to be closed against us, was there one of them who would not he alarmed at the re sult? He would then go on to another great authority in that House, and which had always commanded respect, and which t always would as long as the Nobelt to a Noble Duke such a measureexisted.The Noble Duke had recommended for the sake of the people of the country and the land, for it would result in the destruction of c ultivation. ij He would accede to any measure which would n ot of the soil. He agreed with in the opinion which he gave in 1841, and wished that he would adhere to it in 1846. He looked on the measure h nu t r h e e the N obclealtiv Duke ation with great a l a r m —th a t alarm was not of a selfish natu re, for the me asure wou ld a ff ec t a ll the population, both manufac turingnti- A an d agr i cu l tura l . Th ose w h o h a d formed the Corn -law League, and had carried on warfare against the gu agri cultural interests, would themselves be amongst those who suffe re d i n the general destruction they would bring on all clas ses . H e regretted deeply that his Noble Friends, with whom h e h a d acted for so many years, should now have changed their opinion, and had show n any over to the free-trade system. If they d or just ground for the ch ange he should have b een as ready g t o ne applaud th em as h e now was i n say i ng they were wrong, r f u e I n u 'cl e e s r s n o e f c a e l s l s f a o r r y m t e h r e s t l a a t s et me c he o n u t l s d . se i e n y o w g o r u o l u d n h d a ew done ich co u e l h d a change of opi n i on , an d t h e forget better had they i n th at month retired from office, ou n e d m h u ave lift the Noble Lord t o carry out those measures which he had always acted up to, and which the present Goverriinent never supported. He saw no reason whatever which could have in duced Noble Lords to change those opinions upon this ques tion which they had formerly entertained. Be wculd see the time when they would be sorry for what they were now doing. The Noble Lords were introducing a measure which was not called for by the country, and he hoped they would see that it was not yet too late to retrace their steps. It was not yet too late for their Lordships to put a stop to the further progress of the all, and by their votes save the country from the injury about to be entailed upon it.—( Hear, hear," from the Earl of Stanhope.) Some were opposed to this measure on various grounds. Many were against it on party grounds, but the great majority were hostile to it for the in jury which would accrue to the industry of the country.— ( Hear, hear.) He believed that this Bill first emanated from party feelings—it emanated out of a struggle in who should re tain office. It would have been better for Ministers tohave re tired from office, than to sacrifice their recorded principles to the love of power.—( Hear, hear.) Holding the station they did now, how was it they did not act up to those principles which they held in 1841. He would_ read to their Lordships an extract from the speech of Sir Robert Peel, wherein the Right Hon. Baronet said that he wished to secure wheat at 545. per quarter, though he (the Duke of Buckingham) believed that it would not have been hear.) nec essary T t h o e h ß as i , g e h s r ec H u o re n d m G o pn re ti t e l m ia a n n 4o s s a . id th a e t qthuaatrtteim that r. Hear, wished to secure agriculture on a solid basis, and that it was for l i the interest of the agriculturists to have a legislative protec tion. The Right lion. Baronet then said he was of opinion that nothing would be more dangerous than to disturb that protection, which should always be attached to the agricultural interest. He also said that to do so would be to place the country at the mercy of foreign nations for its supplies. The Noble Duke then read an extract from the Right Hon. Baronet's speech in support of those points. He was sure that the feeling of the country was against this Bill, and those Noble Lords who doubted it he would ask to go along with him in presenting an address to her Majesty to remove from her councils, her present Ministers. He hoped their Lordships would reject this measure as one calculated to inflict great and lasting evils upon the whole industrial popu lation of this country. Lord Cowley, Lord Colchester, and the Bishop of St. David's rose together amidst loud cries for Lord Cowley. The Right Rev. Prelate and the Noble Lord gave way to Lord COLCHESTER, who said that he would make but a few mu - arks to their Lordships on the question before them. He fully agreed with the Noble Duke, who last addressed their Lordships, in saying that this Bill would greatly injure the agricultural interest, and indeed the interests of the indus trious community generally. He would wish to see the Bill of 1842 maintained, and for that reason he wonld vote against the present measure. The Noble Lord then quoted several statistical tables, showing the comparative im portation of foreign corn, and remarked upon the prices of wheat from 1841 up to the present period. Why, Mr. Greg himself, a Member of the Anti-Corn-law League, and a thorough free trader, admitted that even now the British mannfucturer was undersold by the foreigner in the South American and China markets ; and yet the manufac turing interest wanted to destroy their home market by ad mitting their foreign competitors into it. Thanking their Lordships for the indulgence they had shown him, he should sit down, determined still to give his decided opposition to the Bill.—( Hear hear. ) Lord HOWDEN would at once relieve their Lordships' minds from any fear, arid himself from the well-merited reproach of extreme arrogance if he were to intrude observations upon their Lordships on a subject with which neither his intelligence nor his experience made him familiar.—( Hear, hear.) He might state, however, that the first notice he had the honour of giving in their Lordships' House some six or seven years ago, was on a subject connected with the corn laws. It was indeed a mild, moderate, milk -and-water pro position, in no comparison with that now before their Lord ships, but he, and those who acted with him, were left in a minority. But mild and milk-and-watery as it was, it was strenuously opposed by the Noble Viscount who was then at the head of the Government, and by every mem ber of the Cabinet, except one Noble Earl, whom he did not see in his place._-( Hear, hear.) He spent the early pars of his life in a country which once was looked upon with peculiar favour by Noble Lords who sat on the cross-benches, because of the attachment of its inhabitants to the protective principles of their ancestors ; but time and experience proved to them that it was to the interest of their country that the people should be fed as cheaply as possible. He alluded to the two provinces of Spain; and he could not help thinking that it would greatly advance the interest of this country if the same principle were adopted.—( Hear, hear. ) It was his conviction that the Prime Minister had not erred in thus bringing for ward the measure. Their Lordships had been told that pro tection was the animus which ran through all the institutions of this country, and that on the back of a worm-eaten enactment of Edward IV. was to be traced the chart which was for ever to guide the vessel of the State. Reference had been made by a Noble Lord to Burke; he would refer to another authority, Lord Bacon; he said with reference to commerce, " Let there be freedom in all the intercourse of nations. He saw with prophetic eye through all the long vista the changes now pro posed. He would refer also to Cervantes, a genius who, like Shakspere, seemed to know something of everything. His advice to Sancho was, " Now, Sancho, remember that you take care to provide a supply, especially of eatables and drink ables, for your subjects, for nothing can so quickly alienate the minds of your subjects from you as a scarcity of these necessary articles." Why, there was the very gist of the matter.— (Cheers.) He had not much sympathy with the new econo mical theories of the present age, but he had almost, he would say, a blind veneration for these corruscations of olden genius. He had no fear of what foreign relations would be able to do, but he did fear that circumstances would occur which would render the measure inoperative. It is possible that the present Minister would cease to rule th e country. Their Lordships were then only preparing the way for a party with whom they had no sympathies. What reason, then, had they to set up a banner for themselves? They had vast posse'sions, ancient rank, and extended influence, and they were throwing them into the scale to weigh down the political fortunes of a man who was the only one capable of defending their interests.—( Hear, hear.) He had heard of treachery, it was an ungracious word, and he only hoped that their Lordships would never find that they had been traitors to themselves. But he could not help saying that some had acted unwisely in adverting to that dark state of things which they believed would be consequent to the success of the League. But there were some things which were dangerous to speak of, some prophecies which tended to their owo accomplishmert. So long as tl.eir Lord ships did their duty, he cared not what were the aspirations of the League. He rather feared the effect that might be pro duced by the apprehensions which had been indiscreetly ex pressed by som e o f th e i r L or d ships. He confided in the good r se e n ri s expanded xe i q s np t uae a ein n sedt t rie v ondn i n s oedefanthde c m o o u r n e tr i y m ; p b e u nd t i h n e g asked those who were conjuring up o o n m th oea.nrz in y i e n mt h w b : r h oy a uo t g, hbmuiotgnhweth which ha hadthen cti of the Le g i s l a t ure, end was s immediate disposition o f expectant millions as to the upshot of t l t yonetlongeritself l r op r ipan o es r sds n dei fettturthilieaeum‘tyr sawi e e n n a o t t hi yet ng b t rno fear e a d t , a a n n d e a r e l x i e i r now waiting at their Lordships' threshold, awaiting whatever sentence they might be pleased to pronounce.--( Hear, hear. ) On the motion of the Marquis of EXETER, the debate was adjourned. Their Lordships then adjourned at a Quarter to One o'clock. HOUSE OF COMMONS, June 11. The SPEAKER. took the Chair at Four o'clock, SOUTH YORKSHIRE COAL RAILWAY AND CANAL BILL. Lord AIORPETH, on the motion for the consideration of the report on thi s Bill, moved that the Bill be recommitted to the former Committee, and that the Committee have leave to sit and proceed on Monday next at one o'clock. The Noble Lord, at considerable leugth, stated his reason why he thought the House ought to agree to the recommittal of the Bill. All the considerable coal owners in the district were in favour of the proposed line. Air. * B. DENISON seconded the motion. He believed that if the present Bill had not been included in a group, it would have passed as an unopposed Bill, as there was not a single landowner on the line who objected to it. He was greatly astonished that the South Yorkshire line had been thrown out ; and he trusted that tb,e Bill would be re-commit ted, for the Committee to consider their former verdict. Lord G. SOMERSET said he did not mean to oppose the motion of the Noble Lord ; and after his statement, and that of his Hon. Friend, he really thought that a case had been made out for the re-committal of the Bill. He wished,,bow ever, to have the debate on the motion postponed, as it would be more satisfactory to have the opinion of the Committee as to their decision before it w.ts submitted for their recon• sideration. iganunsadui ffin the t c e i d e . C with i th o. supply the wa n t s o f the public. He objected to the Mr. S. WORTLEY was of opinion that the rejection of t o v wp e hr n c y p hert manner.htoe tli the Bill by the Committ ee was a lama extraordinary proceeding. After a few word s f rom Mr. IT. BERKELEY, o t m the it t district ee h a d t t h h r o ci u u g g M. EN T WISLE thought t h at the genera l b us i ness o f t h e House, more parti cu l ar l y as connected with railways, was con ducted in a very slovenly line a t u dwas out pass a a s , recom mittalw of the Bill, as the Committee had already given their decision. Lord SEYAIOUR was a member of the Committee, but was in a minority with his hon. colleagues ; if the Bill was sent back it was of course agreeable to his opinions, but he thought there would be no benefit in doing so. Mr. SHAW thought the house should not send the Bill back to the same Committee. He did not think any good would result from such a course. Mr. C. WOOD considered this railway was one in which no jobbing at all had taken place. He thought it would be a pity that a railroad got up in so honest a manner should be thrown out. He thoughs the Bill ought to be recommitted. Mr. ENTWISLE rose to explain. Lord G. SOMERSET made some remarks, which were in audible in the gallery. Mr. R. YORKE thought if they allowed the Bill to be recommitted, they would open a bad system of jobbery. Lord MORPETH said, that after what had fallen from the Chairman of the Committee, he felt called upon to divide the House. Strangers were then ordered to withdraw, and the House divided, when there appeared— Fer the recommittal of the Bill 4l Against it ......... ••• Majority ...... FRILFORD INCLOSURE Mr. GREENE moved, on further consideration of the re , port on the Frilford (Berks) Inclosure Bill, to move that the Standing Order, No. 121, as far as relates to the amendments hereinafter named, be suspended :—Clause 15, page 7, line 11, to leave out " they," and insert "he." Clause 90, page 37, line 9, to leave out " plain or unstamped "—Agreed to. WAKEFIELD. PONTEFRACT, AND GOOLE RAIL WAY (METHLEY, ASKERN, AND OAKENSHAW BRANCHES). Mr. MONCKTON MILNES moved the rejection of this Bill upon the third reading. His constituents were strongly adverse to the line, and the promoters of the Bill had not en deavoured to remove any of the objections which they enter tained towards it. 4 Capt7iihßNAßD said that the gentlemen in question had every opportunity of appearing befo re th e C omm i ttee and making that statement, but they f a il e d t o d o so, and the Committee of course came to the decision which had been reported to the House. He was sure that if they were to have the decisions of the Committee overturned upon the statements of 'gentlemen after the sit tings of the Committee, there would be no end to their labours. He could assure the House that if such decisions were to be reversed in that manner he would not sit on a Committee on any condition. Captain CONOLLY said that the Bill had been agreed to at a public meeting of th e ratepayer, an d h e saw no reason why it should not pass.—( Hear, hear. ) After a few words from Lord MORPETH, Mr. 111. MILNES said that after the explanation of the lion. Gentleman behind him (Colonel Conolly) he should not persevere with his amendment, but leave his constituents, if they were so inclined, to prosecute their case in another place. The amendment having accordingly been withdrawn, the Bill was read a third time and passed. REPORTS. The following reports were received and agreed to :—Air drie and Coatbridge Waterworks; Caledo n i an R ailway (Dum fries Branch) ; Caledonian Railway (Dundyvan Branch); Caledonian Railway (Langholm Branch) ; Ea r l of Blessing. ton's Estate Bill; Forth and Clyde Navigati on an d Bowl i ng Bay Improvement; Glasgow, Dumfri es, and Carlisle Railway ; Newcastle anti Berwick Railway"; Nee/castle 'and Darlington (Junction Railway (Durham and Sunderland Railway and Wearmouth Dock Purchase and: Branches) ; North British Railway (Carlisle Extension); Northumberland and Lanca shire Junction Railway; Wakefield, Pontefract, and Goole Railway, and Port, &c. of Goole ; Wear Dock Railway ; Frilford (Berks) Inclosure ; Glasgow Southern Terminal Railway; Newmarket and Chesterford Railway; Oxford, Worcester, and Wolverhampton Railway ; St. Helen's Canal and Railway; Shropshire Union RailwaTs and Canal (Newton to Crewe, with Branches) ; Yeovil Market and Fairs (by Order); Yorkshire and Glasgow Union Railway. THIRD READINGS: • The following Bills were read a third and passed:—Deeside Railway ; Forth and Clyde and Monkland Navigation Junc tion; Herculaneum Docks; London and South Western Rail way (Farnham and Alton Branch). CHORLEY WA I'ERWORKS, BURY AND STOCK. FORT IMPROVEMENT BILLS, &c. On the motion of Mr. ESTCOURT, an instruction was agreed to the Committee of Selection to refer the Chorley Waterworks, the Bury Improvement (No. 2), and the /.;tock. port Improvement Bills, to the South Lancaster List and the same selected Members; and the Salthouse Embankment Bill to the North I.ancaster List and the above selected Members. Sir HOWARD DOUGLAS presented a petitioon from Liverpool in favour of the Liverpool and Berwick Railway (as we understood). THE GAUGES. Sir GEORGE GREY said he — wished to know if the Government intended to propose any measure founded on the minute of the Board of Trade relative to the report of the Broad Gauge Commission ? Sir. G. CLERK said he wished to state in answer to the question of the Right Hon. Baronet, that it was his intention to move, on Monday next, a series of resolutions founded upon the report of the Broad Guage Commission. LIGHTHOUSES. Mr. P. STEWART said he wished to put a question to the Right Hon. Gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer on a subject of great importance—namely, the subject of light houses. He wished to ask if it was the intention of Government to carry out the recommendation of the Com mittee which sat upon the subject last year—namely, that all lighthouses and buoys, necessary for the safe navigation of our seas and rivers, should be paid for and maintained out of the public revenue, instead of from tolls levied upon the tonnage of shipping ? The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER admitted that the subject was one of very great importance, and one which had long been under the consideration of Government, but he could give no assurance to the Hon. Member of carry ing out the recommendation of the Committee. PETITIONS OF MR. FLETCHER. Mr. AINSWORTH moved that the petitions of J. Fletcher Fletcher, against the Manchester, Bolton, and Bury Canal Navigation and Railway Bill, and the Manchester, Bolton, and Bury Canal Navigation and Railway Extension Bill, be re ferred to the Committee on the Bills. After a few words from Lord Granville Somerset, Mr. Greene, and Mr. Hodgson, Mr. AINSWORTH withdrew the motion. IMPROVEMENT OF IRELAND.—(COMPENSATION TO TENANTS, POWER OF EJECTMENT, AND SHORT LEASE BILLS.) Lord LINCOLN, in moving for leave to introduce Bills to provide Compensation to Tenants of Land in Ireland for Improvements made by them ; to amend the Law in respect to the power of Ejectment and Distress in Ireland, and to provide for a short form of Lease of Lands and Tenements said it was his duty, a few days ago, to address the House on a subject connected with Ireland, on which great feelings of antagonism were created in that House and elsewhere. But it was now his duty to address the House on a subject which he trusted would meet with the general approbation of the House. It was one on which he hoped all men would unite, as it was one on which no feelings of political animosity would be excited, one on which they could enter with no different feelings, except to emulate each other as to what was best to be done for the benefit of the people of Ireland by improving their condition, and putting them in a better position to cultivate the soil, and by giving them better security for the investment of their capital in land, for without that security the proper cultiva tion of the soil could not be effected. He thought it would better suit the convenience of the House to introduce the three Bills to effect these objects together. He need not inform the House that a commission had been appointed to inquire into the state of Ireland, and that that commission had made such reports to the Government as drew their attention to the tenant system of Ireland.—( Hear, hear.) Three Members of that commission were also Members of that House, and that they were fully qualified for the very arduous duties they had performed.—`Hear.) This motion had partly emanated from the reports of that Commissioner ; when he said this, he did not mean it to be understood, that the many recommendations made by the Commissioners had been entirely dealt with, But it was not because there were not other measures brought forward, or those recommended, that they might not be brought forward at a future time. This question was not quite new to the House, for it had been fully argued by the press and other great authorities of this country, so that it was pretty well understood. This being the case, it would be troubling the House to bring forward fresh argu ments in support of the policy of this question. He would therefore avoid touching on such topics as did not immediately bear on the question befere the House. No one would deny that this was a most difficult subject for legislation, and it would also be admitted to be as delicate as it was difficult. When he said that it was encircled with difficulties, as a legislative question, he did not mean to say that it was a subject.perfectly understood by the House, for it had been repeatedly brought forward by the Honourable Member for Rochdale, but who had as repeatedly as he had brought it forward altered his intentions with 'respect to the manner in which he would have the House entertain the subject. Now, feeling as he did, that it was not only right, but necessary, for Parliament to attempt to legislate on this subject, at the same time he felt that, whatever Bill they might pass, the relations of landlord and tenant, and relations of that nature, could be regulated so that much would not be left to be done by themselves. Much must still be left to the justice and mo deration and good feeling of both parties interested—he meant the landlord and tenant. Parliament, he thought, ought to at tempt to enact salutary laws on the subject, but he was convinced that much must depend still on the individual character and conduct of the landlords themselves. Their legislation would be successful, and he felt certain that much, though not enough. could be done. He felt convinced that the Noble Lord op posite (Lord John Russell) agreed in these views of the sub ject, for during the present session he delivered a speech, when he said that it would be most unwise for Parliament to touch upon and unsettle these relations, especially in Ireland, unless aftersufficient inquiry into them. Having nowstated what Parliament could do, and also what ought to he done, he was convinced by the report which had been made by the com mission, and other documents that had been laid before the public, that it was the duty of Parliament to take up and legislate upon this subject. He might be told, and with some show of argument, that they ought not to interfere with landlord and tenant, but he was not prepared to admit the abstract doctrine. The Noble Lord was struck with an expression used by Mr. Nicholls, the Poor-law Commissioner. Speaking of the poor law in Ireland, he said, " Want of employment brought on destitution, destitution caused turbulence, turbulence was followed by insecurity, insecurity by want of capital, and want cf capital by famine." He felt that the views expressed by the Commission were correct, and that it was not only justifiable, but binding on the House to interfere. Before going further into the subject, he would draw the at tention of the House to a few of the leading clauses of the first of these three Bills. It should be observed that the report of the Commission recommended that wherever the tenantry of Ireland possessed any superfluous capital, they should be encouraged to invest it in the soil of the country. But it was to be lamented that the only capital which the Irish tenantry possessed con sisted in the labour of themselves and their families. Look at the produce of this country, was it not universally allowed that wherever they had any superfluity they were always ready to co-operate with their landlords? And he thought, therefore, that the other recommendation of the Commission should also be attended to, and that the landlords should also be encou raged to co-operate with their tenantry in the general im provement of the soil, and that facilities should be given for entering into agreements for their common advantage. Not that he conceived that all these evils were to be cured by le gislation, but the Legislature might do much ; and one point to which he would direct their attention was that shown in the first of these three Bills. It would be in the recollection of the House, that when last year his Noble Friend the late Se cretary for the Colonies (Lord Stanley) proposed to bring in a Bill for the improvement of the condition of the Irish pea santry, he proposed to establish an entirely new machinery. But such:was not the case now. The:same machinery would still be necessary, and that portion relating to the employment of assistant barristers was to be retained. The Bills had two kinds of compensation—voluntary agreement, and that which was to be compulsory. By voluntary agreement he meant all impiovements that did not come under the head of compulsory compensation, and those improvements were not to be made a charge upon the land. The improvements, as he had observed, were of two kinds, and they had this broad distinction, that all improvements relating to buildings and furrow drainage were to be under the head of compulsory compensation, and were chargeable on the land, while general improvements, not of this character, were to be classed under the head of volun tary agreement, and not so chargeable. With regard to volun. tart' agreements it is provided that if any tenant wishes to effect any general improvement, he shall serve a notice in the form provided in the schedule of the Act on the immediate land lord. If the landlord agrees, then he will signify his assent in the form also provided in the Act, and then improvement may be carried into immediate effect. If he refuses, the whole matter drops to the ground. By the second course the tenant has the option, if the landlord's consent is got, of enforcing compulsory compensation for any buildings erected, or for fur row draining. On this point the Bill differed from the view of the Commissioners; their view was that buildings only, and not furrow drainage, should be considered as coming under the head of compulsory compensation, thus assimulating the law to what it was in England. But furrow draining was so essential an improvement in Ireland, that he hoped under exisiting circumstances the House would see the propriety of deciding that draining as well as building should be included. He hoped also the Commissioners would have no objection to the.alteration, as Ireland was as present situated. He need not point out to the House that, in justice to the landlords, they would be forced to provide wardens to examine carefully into all the improvements that were proposed to he made. In that stage of his explanations, he might mention one difficulty,which he was sure everybody who had looked into the subject was aware of, namely, that at this part of their proceedings they were met by difficulies which they would not be met with if th,sy were applied to England—the multiplicity of landowners in 1,-eland. This difficulty had, however, been aimed at in the Bill, aurt he confidently expected that some of the difficulties w ith which the object was surrounded would be surmounted, but at the same time he admitted that great difficulties did exist in connexion with this portion of the Bill. The notice to which h e h a d xeferred was to be served uponall landlords, and he was informed th at the tenant well acquainted with immediate landowner, were always the various parties who ow ne d t h e land; and, there fore, he had proved that which would he thought be necessary —that the notice should he served upon the land lord by those renting land for a certain period, namely, a thirty years' tenancy, or three lives—the notice on the immediate landlord being by personal appearance, but on the owner of the land by post. When the tenant served this notice he was to be bound to name an arbitrator, and to offer either to construct the work himself, or if the landlord would do so to agree to pay the additional expense on the outlay, amounting to not more than 51. per cent on buildings, and 41. per cent. on drainage. This, however, was a matter of detail whic h might be alt ere d in Committee if the House thought fit. The reason of the introduction must be obvious—that it was better that buildings should be constructed by the.landlord, instead of the tenant, because they had a great security that c l e f con sanc eructed by the landlord they would be properly fit for use.--( Hear, hear.) And then so much depeemrndmedanujieorn. the Arainsge of the land being executed t in a so much of de- But tixis, as he had already said, tail, that it would be for the CommwiatsteiViotiola,dteearl with it. If the it would become a landlord sf,ould assent to this p P charge upon the inheritance, an-dr°would°s at once be carried out ; but if he did not, then he should serve a motion to that effect upon the Clerk of the Peace, that an arbitrator should be ap pointed,, and that appointment should rest with the assistatant barrister and the justices of the quarter sessions; if the arbi trators should agree, then they would make an award, but if they did not, then Au ump ire should be appointed, and against that award, of course, no appeal would be. So soon as the works or improvements were completed, the fact would ,be registered with the Clerk of the Peace, for the purpose of giving the date of-the period at which compensation should help*. It was proposed that the tenantry who should be evicted seven years after they had' made improvements should have one-half" the outlay; if after 14 years, one third ; :after 2l,years and 28 years, one-fourth. He now came to the second part of this Bill, vis. f thst -whi c h re l ated • to the subject of ejectment and distress. This Bill proposed to re peal-the 56th Geo. lIL, which-gave '• tbe. power to levy a dis tress on growing crops. .There_weye;deubtlese, many advan tages connected with this power, and some difference of opi. nion existed respecting it in Ireland, but be believed that the disadvantages resulting from it far overbalanced any benefits by which it was attended. The next object was to limit the costs of ejectment, according to a rule and form in the schedule attached to the Bill, and this he thought was an unlimited benefit. In doing this, he was aware he was not doing se much as was desired, but he trusted that too much would not be ex pected from the power of Parliament, for the utmost that it could accomplish was its interposition of irresponsible power on one side, and helplessness on the other. He confessed that he agreed with the opinion expressed in the report of the Commis stoners, that it would not be to the interests of the tenant to have those Acts repealed. That was a strong prima facie evi dence for the retention of those Bills. Mr. Kyle, who was an eminent authority, was of opinion that it would be injurious to the tenant to have an expensive mode of ejectment. Mr. Baldwin, assistant -barrister for the county of Cork, entertained a similar opinion, and was favourable to the tenant having the opportunity, by a civil bill process, to demur to an ejectment. The expenses of a process in the Civil Bill Court did not amount to more than los. or a pound, while a similar process in the superi or C ourts would cost 20/. That in his opinion was so strong an argument in favour of the process by civil bill. that he could not agree to the propositi on of the Hon. and Learned Gentle man , t h e M ember for Cork. Itremained for him to explain t o th e H ouse one or two of the leading tions included in th e p ropose d B ill. The principle a was that the landlords were t o b e compelled to give the ir t o e v n i a s n io t n s the particulars of the demand before; the judgment be served. Power was to he given to the tenant either to pay the landlord at once, or to pay the sum mentioned on the record into Court, as he might think fit. Another alteration was of particular importance, as bearing upon recent events which had taken place in that country. At present the landlord, when he wished to eject a particular tenant, was obliged to eject also the tenants holding under him. A great deal of the difficulty of dealing with Irish affairs might be clearly traceable to that cause. A proposition was intro duced into the Bill, by which the landlord would have the power of ejecting any particular tenant without interfering with the holdings of the sub-tenants, who would remain in the same position as they were before. The last of the Bills which he intended to submit to the consideration of the House was a Bill for providing a sufficient form of lease. It was proposed that parties desirous of obtaining a lease should be able to write it out themselves, according to a certain set form, without the intervention of a solicitor to add to the expense. The objec tion to the length of form of the lease would be to a consider able degree removed by a diminished stamp duty. It was in tended to afford a diminished stamp duty of 2s. 6d. on all leases on land, not exceeding 501. a-year rent. He was desirous of introducing a measure which should be for the benefit both of the poor and the rich, which should alike protect the rights of property and the rights of labour. He hoped that the House would give these Bills their attentive consideration; and, in conclusion, would most sincerely hope, in the event of their becoming law, that their result would conduce to the prosperity of Ireland.—( Cheers. ) Mr. S. CRAWFORD observed that it was upwards of ten years since he had introduced the present question into the House. He must say that he had received very little support or encouragement in his attempts to legislate on that subject. The great object of all his Bills had been to provide sufficient compensation to the tenant from the landlord in all cases of ejectment. He was of opinion that compensation on an eject ment for three years on the lease was insufficient, and was a feature of the proposed measure that ought to be amended. He knew the law existed which gave the tenant power to recover from the landlord the excess of levy; but that was but a poor return, for a tenant might be ruined before he could obtain any remedy for the loss which he had sustained. He hoped the Noble Lord would excuse his opposition to the Bill, for he opposed it with much regret. Mr. J. O'CONNELL thought, that next to a decided in terference, this was the next best measure that could possibly have been offered. He could have wished that the principle of tenant-right custom, found to be so beneficial in the north, had been made one of general application. It had produced peace, and he thought it might have been greatly enlarged in its sphere. Wherever the tenant-right existed there, there was peace, there there was order and plenty, and there the landlord got his rent. He would give the Government every credit for their intentions, and for the spirit in which they had brought forward their measures. This was notoriously a most difficult subject, and one on which he himself was hardly competent to judge, With respect to the repeal of the 56th Geo. 111., he greatly regretted that the Hon. Member for Cork could not be present to-night, as he would have been able to give a clear exposition of its bearings. With respect to the pressure of costs, he thought that th e t enan t was qu it e as li a bl e to b e ru i ne d by the ejectment as by the excess of levy. It should be ob - served that Ireland was in a position very different from that of any other country. There the population was superfluous, and with no other opportunity of employment than that which was derived from agriculture. He could have wished that there was a power in their Bill to restrain the landlord in some degree from ejecting the sub-tenantry. He knew hundreds, he might say thousands of instances in which the greatest misery had been occasioned, and needlessly occasioned, by the exercise of the power which the landlords possessed. But again he must re peat, that the condition of Ireland was to be especially consi dered, and in sitting down he was glad to give his cordial co operation in carrying this Bill though the House. Mr. OSBORNE, after apologising for the aspersions which he threw on the Noble Lord (the Earl of Lincoln), said that he thought this Bill would be very likely to greatly increase the number of leases. ' None but those who knew the difficulties of the subject could appreciate the temperate and able way in which he had brought it forward; but he thought that an evil would be suffered from the imposition of 5 per cent. for drain ing. He had been occupied much in draining himself, and that he thought would prove a great difficulty. Sir ROBERT PEEL—It is only - 4 per cent., and rated on the outlay. Mr. OSBORNE—That, of course, did away with his ob jection, and he would only now ask when the Bill would -be printed? The Earl of LINCOLN said that there were a few altera tions yet to be made, but be hoped it would be printed to.. night. At any rate he was certain of having it to-morrow. . Mr. SHAW congratulated the House on the unanimity with which this Bill was received, and he could not refrain also from congratulating this Nobly Friend on his great success in this his first step on a very difficult subject. He thought they had better not commit themselves to any principle, but wait till it was printed. Mr. WYSE wished to know whether there was any provi sion in the Bill for rendering the payment of the rent gradual. He had known cases where the proprietor, residing in France, had failed in receiving the rent front his immediate tenant, and a distress and ejectment were immediately enforced against the sub-tenants, and they were all irretrievably ruined. The Earl of LINCOLN said that, by the advice of an emi nent lawyer connected with Ireland, the clause affecting the payment of rent had been much modified. - Sir R. FERGUSON thought that the Hon. Member for Rochdale (Mr. Sharman Crawford) had gone too far in saying that the object of this Bill should be retrospective. Mr. P. SCROPE differed from the last Member, for unless the Bill were retrospective in its effect much of the evil which was suffered could not be remedied. Knowing what be did of Ireland he was quite sure that both sides must be protected, and that could not be unless the principle was adopted which the Hon. Member for Rochdale had advocated, but he did not wish to disturb the unanimity of the debate, and thanked the Noble Lord for the introduction of the measure. Leave was then given to bring in the Bills. THE CASE OF MR. DONOVAN. Sir H. W. BARRON rose to bring the petitien of John Donovan, an officer dismissed from the Customs, before the House, and to move for a Committee to inquire into the case. He said the case was one of great hardship, as a meritorious officer in the present case had been dismissed through repre sentations made to the officers of Customs, which he could prove were altogether untrue. The Custom-house authori ties had been entirely imposed on. Mr. Donovan had been in the service of the Custom-house for thirty years, and had only on one occasion been charged with neglect of duty. That circumstance, however, had nothing whatever to do with the present case, as after the occasion on which this took place he had been promoted. The Hon. ➢Member was pro ceeding to state the particulars, when An HoN. MEMBER. moved that the House be counted. The gallery was then cleared, and there being only thirty four Members present, the House adjourned at a Quarter to Eight o'clock. The Conuntttee of geKifiOtion knve feorallll464 fiare,l Committees on Railway tiroups . A Committee consistin,T of —Mr. Escott (Chairman), Mr.LEash leigh, Mr. Leader, - Ron." 11:7'.F. Berkeley, anti Mr. Gor'ng, to whofn they )rave referred the c omprised in Group No. 45 of Railway : Lancaster'and,Carlisle Exten:don to the Caledonian Railway, ant • Lam:aster and Freston Jun c.lon Amalgamation, Cocker:loath and Workington rxreasion, Furness..ftensions,.. . ' IVhiteliaven and Furness Junction, . Caledonian r — uTh — sle Bei - 1770: The. Select Conirmitte• to meet on •Alonday„Ttine 22, at one. A Committee consisting of--Mr. E. Bailer (Chairman), Mr. piplie, Mr. Plumptre, lion. R. Gore, and Mr, Collins, to whom- they hate referred the Bills cornprised in Group No. 59 of - Railway Bills, Huddersfield and Sheffield, and Manchester and Leeds, Liverpoo/ and Buiy, and Manchester and Leeds, Manchester and Boltoa, and Bury Canal and Railway, and Man.- Chester and'Leeds, M-anchester and - Leeds, and Leeds and Bradford, Manchester and Leeds Extensions, Sheffield and Ashton and Manchester, Blackburn an 1 1 reston.and East Lancashire Railways Amalgamation Comm eon i s t is te r e i n t g o i o n f e l t s o r n r, 11 T 1 . o n E d g a e y r , to J n u n ( e c i aLo i n o e : r Lancaz ter and P ze i i t i/i Juncti a. e A The co S i e n l ini eet ttee P. Egerton, Mr. Wrightson, Mr. Broadwood, and Mr.Fonnan, to Whom they have referred the Bills comprised in Group No. 63 of Railway Bills, viz. : Midland Great Western (Liffey Branch and Longford Deviation). The Select Committee to meet on Thursday, Jane 25, at one. EIGHTEENTH REPORT FROM THE SELECT COMMITTEE ON RAILWAY BILLS CLASSIFICATION. The Select Committee appointed for the Claselfication of Railway Bills, according to the Resolutions adopted by the Rouse, have further considered the several matters referred to them, and agreed t' the following report : Your Committee recommend that the Liverpool and Bury Branches Railway be transferred from Group No. 41 to Group No. 42. PARLIAMENTARY DIVISIONS From the Votes and Proceedings of the House of Commons ) THURSDAY, JUNE 11. SOUTH YORKSHIRE COAL RAILWAY AND CANAL BILL. Report considered ; Motion made, and Question proposed, " That the Bill be re-committed ."—Debate arising ; Motion made, and Question proposed, .• That the debate be now adjourned:"—Motion, by leave, withdrawn :—Main Question put. The House divided: — MINORITY—AYES, 41. Ainsworth, P. Divett, E. Redington, TIN. Arundel, Earl of Dundas, Admiral. Smith, J. A. Astell, William Dundas, J. C. Spooner, 'Richard Bailey, Joseph Eiphinstone, H. Stansfield, W. R. Baldwin, Barry Etwall, Ralph Thornely, Thomas Barnard, E. G. Hamilton, G. A. Villiers, Charles Barrington, Viscount Hamilton, W. J. Charles Watson, W. , Barron, Sir 11. Hope, Sir .1. W W a o wn rtley j , J. T. Berkeley, 11. F. S. 31 M :C D ar onn thY ell : , A1 J. e fi an . Alexander Wood Blake, Martin J. Bramston, T. W. Marsland, Henry Bretherton, J. Masterman, J . Wrightson, W. B. Burrell Sir C. Milnes, It, M. Busfeild, William Morri son , J ames TELLERS. Morpeth, Viscount Cripps, W. Plumridge, Captain Denison, E. B. MAJORITY—NOES, 51. Allis, J. P. Estcourt, T. G. Miles, William Austen, Colonel Fielden, William O r d , W illiam Baine, Walter Forster, Mathew Pechell, Captaia Bankes, George Gaskell, J. M. Ricardo, J. L. II Beckett, W. Goring, Charles Romilly, John Bruges, W. H. Greene, mas Tho Round, C. Buck, L. W. Henley, J. W. Shirley, E. P. Buckley, Edmund Hervey, Lord A. Somerset, Lord G. Buller, Sir J. Y. Ilildyard, T. B.T. Strutt, Edward Cholmondeley, H. Hinde, J. H. Th orn hill, G. Christie, W. D. Hodgson, R. Trollope, Sir J. Chtirchill, Lord A. S. H oul dswortb, T. Waddington, H. S. Clerk, Sir G. Hume, Joseph Winnington, Sir T. Collett, W. R. Johnstone, E e. T r J. Crawford, W. S. L oc h, J ames TELLERS. isle Drummond, H. Manners, Lord C. Entw, W. Duncan, George Yorke, Worcester , iii.laroals Connolly, ColonelMildinay, 11. St. John Shaw, Rt. lion. F. PARLIAMEN TARY BUSINESS. (From the - Votes and Proceedings of the House of Commons.; thisommittee : E d THU RSDAY, JUNE 11. The following resolutions ORDERS' or 1. That, in the case of the Portsmouth Harbour Pier Bill, amend mentswereported CO from m I on third reading, the amendments are of such a nature as may be adopted, if the Muse shall think fit. 2. That, in the ca se of the Newcastle-upon-Tyne Improvement Bill, amendment on third reading, the ameudnaent is of such a nature be adopted, if the House shall th i nk flt. as may a That. in the case of the Australian Agricultural Company peti tion for leave to present a petition for a Bill, the sessional order ought to be dispensed with :—That the parties be permitted to pre sent a petition accordingly. 4. That, in the case of the Morayshire Railway Bill, amendments on third reading, the amendments are of such a nature as may be adopted, if the House shall think tit. a. That, in the case of the Londen and South-Western Railway Acts Amendment Bill, amendments on third reading, the amend ments are of such a nature as may be adopted, if the House shall think lit. _ . _ 6. That, in the case of the Ayrshire Bridge of Weir and Port Glasgow Junction Railway Bill, amendments on third re►ding, the amendments are of such a nature as may be adopted, if theliouse shall think fit. 7. That, in the case of the Dublin Pipe Water petition for leave to (resent a petition for a Bill, the sessional order ought not to be dis pensed with. Third resolution agreed to.—Report to lie on the table. RAILWAYS. • Select Committee on Group No. 42. Viscount Duncannon discharged; 'Mr. W. Russell selected, and added to.the Committee. - Select Committee on Group No. 61. Mr. Walker discharged ; Viscount DancaiulOn selected, and added to the Committee. EASTERN UNION RAILWAY. Yesterday the new line of railway between Colchester and Ipswich was privately opened by its projectors, the directors of the _Eastern Union Railway Company. A special train, occupied by the directors and a party of their friends, to the number of about 250, left the Shoreditch station at ten o'clock A.M., and arrived at Colchester at half-past eleven. Almost at the same moment there arrived from Ipswich a train con • sisting of fifteen carriages, all tastefully decorated with flags, streamer; banners, festoons of flowers, and boughs of pants, a very l arge laurel, and carry i ng two bands of musicians. The occu proportion of whom were ladies, were o c mh line. e a l n y d An e t h c od e re al adjoining o t i njfi permission upwards localities, to omfa an k t o s s i i d re i t n ri c g t p or i sn o n hi aP t ns h wd e si wa personshg ° r a n i t u t i h t r o ee u ds hour having occurred at Colchester, during which period the travellers from both termini p artook of refr eshments pre pared by the directors with a befitting regard to taste and elegance, both trains were united, and the enn having, in Yankee phrase, "boiled up a good gallop," the journey to Ipswich was performed in gallant style. It was a curious sight, and illustrative of the times, to see the panting brass-bound engines, with their glittering retinue of four-and-twenty coaches, in all " the beauty and the sheen " of perfect newness, shooting along through corn-fields and grass-meadows at the rate of five-and-thirty miles an hour, amidst the harmonious . clangour of drums, trumpets, and cymbals, while flags floated joyously over head, and the sun, who had quite a gala-day of it, beamed gloriously all around. The new line, which is, in fact,_ an extension of the trunk line of the Eastern Counties Railway, with which it joins issue at Colchester, is sixteen miles iu length. It skirts some of the noblest demesnes in England, and runs through a tract of country remarkable for the rich fertility of its soil and the enchanting beauty of its scenery. Owing to the abruptness of the undulations, and the fre quency of their recurrence, the character of the surface is not peculiarly favourable for the construction of a railway, but the skill of the engineer appears to have dealt cleverly with every difficulty, and the power of attaining great velocity is agreeably combined on this line with delightful easiness of motion and entire absence of oscillation. For a long portion of the journey the cuttings are very deep, and the gradient is for some miles together as deep as one in a hun dred, but it not unfrequently happens that the line runs for a long district through table-lands, so that the ruling gradient may on the whole be averaged at one in the hundred and twenty:five. The line passes through three towns, Man ningtree, Ardleigh. and Bentley, and it is in contemplation to establish other stations besides these. The engineer of the works is Mr. Peter Bruff, under whose superintendence they have been executed at a cost of 20,0001. a mile. The special train reached Ipswich at one o'clock, and its arrival was hailed by the enthusiastic acclamations of the townspeople, who assembled at the terminus in thousands to testify their gratification at an event to tnem equally novel and interesting. The visitors repaired immediately after their arrival to the demesne of G. H. Gower, Esq., who kindly placed at the disposal of the directors during the day his pleasure grounds, which are most picturesquely situated on the banks of the Orwell, and on which marquees were erected. A small steam-boat, the River Queen, was spe cially engaged to convey the directors and their friends up the river to view the sailing and r ow i ng matches. Eau hundreds availed themselves of this privilege, and the river presented a gay and animated appearance. Indeed, it is nothing more than justice to the directors to admit that they left nothing undone to promote the happiness of their guests. All business in Ipswich was suspended, every shop was closed. and there appeared to be a general understanding that the day should be spent in enjoyment. In the evening the event of the day was celebrated by a public dinner in the Assembly Rooms, White Horse Hotel. Covers were laid for 180, and at half-past five o'clock fully that number of guests sat down to table. The entertainment was in all respects unexceptionable, and the wines were of prime vintage. - - • - - - Jain Chevalier Cobbold, Esq., chairman of the Eastern Union Railway Company, presided, and the follow ing gentleman were amongst those present :—The Mayor of Ipswich, Lord Rendlesham, M.P., G. Hudson, Esq.;M.P., Captain Gladstone, M.P., Major Beresford, M.P., Lane Fox, Esq., M.P., Hon. and Rev. Frederick De Grey, Hoo. L Burrell, David Waddington, Esq., deputy-chairman of the Eastern Counties Railway ; John Footman, Esq., deputy , chairman of the Eastern Union Railway; the Mayor of Nor wich, Rev. John Fenwick, Rev. S. Croft, J. Cobbold, Esq., sen., Messrs, F. A. and G. A. Alexander, R. J. Harney, Esq., of Norwich ; F. Pratt Barlow, Esq., J. Orford, Esq., Jeremiah Head, Esq., P. B. Long, Esq., James Pon s f or d, E sq., James Ransome, E s q , Allen Ransome, Esq., George Josselyn, Esq., The Rey. J. kenwick said grace. The dinn er took place at the Assembly.room of the White Horse Hotel, provided by Messrs. Chaplin and Castle. The cloth having been drawn, and the usual toasts of loy alty having been given. The CHAIRMAN proposed the health of the representatives of the town of Ipswich, Captain Gladstone and Mr. Lane Fox.—(Loud cheers.) Captiin GLAnsroks returned thanks. He felt deeply grateful to the committee for having afforded him an oppor tunity of being present on that, to him moat interesting oc casion. That was indeed a great day for Ipswich.—(Cheers.) The Colchester and Ipswich Railway, the opening of which they were that day met to celebrate, had not been projected as a matter of gambling or wild speculation.—(Hear, hear.) It was a bond fide enterprise, as was testified by th e f ac t t h at the majority of the shareholders were persons who resided in Ipswich or its neighbourhood, and had a direct personal in terest in the prosperity of the town and the undertaking.— (Hear, hear.) It was not to every enterprise of this kind that the praise could be awarded which was due to that rail way—namely, that it had been completed within the exact period originally contemplated, and that the cost was within the estimate.—(Hear, hear.) He entertained sanguine anticipations of the success of the project, and was sure that the day was not far distant when Ipswich would, through its instrumentality, become as important a place as, froth its fine river and excellent docks, it was well calculated to 1)e. Mr. LANE Fox also spoke to the toast. The CHAIRMAN proposed " The Health of Lord Rendle sham and E. Sherlock Gooch, Esq., the representatives of the County."—(Cheers.) Lord RENDLESHAM, in acknowledging the compliment, observed that there was but one thing he regretted in con nexion with the event they were assembled to celebrate, and that was, that the railway was not opened, as it ought to have been, and might have been, ten years ago.—(Hear, hear.) He hoped they would soon have a railway to Wood bridge.—(Cheers. ) " The health of the Earl of Stradbroke,Lord-Lieutenant of thecou c n u ty l , i " RmAN p having ro b po ee s n ed dly l k l N e Vi honours,t h h ea a l l z l h thoefzhell yor ia of The Norwich." of the tit ailw Com pany."—(Louda cheers.) r The MAYOR of Norwich returned thanks. The CHAIRMAN proposed ' , The health of George_ Hud son, Esq., t D ernC ct o o un rs t o i Company, and 31.P. the C h ha ea inn ith an of o th f tehoe Eastern Directors Mr. HUDSON returned thanks. It had been his good for tune to be engaged for a very long time in railway projects, but he did not claim any merit for himself on that account. It was true that by close attendance t 6 matters of detail, an d to their commercial management, he might have cont r ib ute d to the success of such enterprises; but he had no right to re ceive, nor did he seek any merit, for anything he had done in promoting such undertakings. At the time he first en. gaged in the Eastern Counties Railway he had innumerable railway enterprises on hand; in fact he was engaged in un dertakings in connexion with which there were no less than some 20,000 shareholders, whose interests and comforts and way of living were all involved in the projects in which he was bound up, and many persons might have thought hewas going too far in undertaking anything more; but he could not refuse the invitation which was made to him by the directors of the Eastern Counties Railway, and he would never regret the day he had embarked any portion of his fortune in that project. As for the Eastern Union Rail way, all he could say of it was that he considered it an admirable undertaking, and it would be ever his anxious wish to render it as advantageous to the public and as beneficial to the shareholders as pos s ible. He was sure that it would, in th e course o f ti me , p rove o f the greatest possible wished it all possible success—a sentiment which he assu re d all his brother d irecto rs.—(Lo ut } Gentleman concluded by propos service to the best interests of Ipswich, and from z his heart be them was participated in by Chairman of the Eastern h astic pludits. ) Union Railway.—(Ent usi . _ i c ri h g e e t r h s e . )health The The CHAIRMAN returned , thanks in appropriate terms, and health of ' the High Steward, the Mayor, and proposed the ofj Honourable c . cob b .0 Esq., _ The Mayor of Irswicn acknowledged the compliment. Several other toasts were given and responded to, and the was made on the quay, op posite o'clock i separated at ni , highly gratified with the the Corporation of Ipswich. "—( Cheers.) n u t t r displayta i n m eonft fireworks. posite the Custom-house, and the joy -bells of the town rang a merry peal at frequent intervals during the day. e v A e companybg brilliant a e The visitors from London were conveyed back by a special train, which left Ipswich at half-past nine o'clock, but did not reach Shoreditch till half-past one. [ADVERTISEDIENT.] —Do you wish to avoid all th e torture " which shaving has entailed upon your chins ?" then hasten and try Ross and Sons' newly-invented Railway Strop so named, as it enables you to shave yourself at a railway pace, and with as little friction, making even the c ommonest razor cut well. The composition is entirely new, and surpasses everything hitherto invented for the purpose. Likewise, in stead of paste, which few can apply properly, theirs is a powder for renovating the strop, and can b e used by a child.—To be had, wholesale, retail, and for ex p ortat i on of the Proprietors, Ross and Sons, 119, and 120, Bishopsgate-street [ADVERTISEMENT.]—T HE EYES. -39, Albemarle street, Piceadilly. Optical Instruments to enable - persons at ad vanced ago to read with ease and to discrinainate objects withperfect distinctness. Messrs. S. and B. Soloraons, opticians, have invented Spectacle Lenses, &c. of th e "greatest transparent i power,i Which are patronised by his Majesty the King of itanover, her Grace the Dowager Duchess of Bedford, their Graces the Archbishops of Can terbury, York, and Dublin, the Dukes of Devonshire, Norfork, Ar gyle, Marlborough and Manchester, Bishops of Exeter and Lincoln, Cork, Elphin, and Kildare. By this invention, imperfect vision is preserved and strengthened, and very aged persons are enabled to employ their sight at th e mos t m i nu te occepatlon, and can see with these lenses of a much less magnifying power, and they do not r e . quire the frequent changes to further helps. Also, Achromatic To leSCopas, Opera Glasses, Microscopes, Invisible, and an kind !! of Acoustic Instruments, for relief of extreme deafness. Caution.— ne with a person of the same name in theft' immediate neigh- Messrs. S. And B. Solomon' , Opticians , are not in any way e ft _ bourhood, nor in any part of the country. To prevent rnistakea, b e eitutious sand observe, only to be had at 39, .AlbeMarle-atteet. opposite the I'•rk hotel.