The Sun. — London, England, 1837-02-02 00:00:00

CHURCH RATES. GREAT MEETING AT THE CITY OF LONDON TAVERN.—(THIS DAY.) A Very numerous and most respectable meeting assem bled this day, in the Great Room of the City of London Tavern, for the purpose of !meting about 400 delegates, who • are now in town from all parts of England, Scotland, and Ireland, in order to procure, if possible, the total and unqualified abolition of Church-rates. Amongst the gentlemen on the platform we noticed Mr. Hume, M.P. ; Mr. Ward, M. ; Mr. G;1lon, M.P. ; Mr. Hall, M.P. ; W. Craufurd, M.P. ; John M.P. ; Edward Baines, M.P. ; Dr. Bowrir.g, M.P. ; B. Hawes, M.P. ; Mr. H. Weymouth, Sir C. E. Smyth, C. Hindlev, M.P. ; Thomas Duncomhe, M.P. ; Sharman Crawfbrd, Esq., M.P. ; and Mr. D. W. Harvey, M.P. At hall-past I I CHARLES LUSIIINGTON, Esq., took the Chair amidst loud cheers. He addressed the meeting as follows : —Gentlemen—Allow me to express the high gra tification which I feel that the counsel and invitation of the Committee of the Church-rate Abolition Society has pro duced the attendance in this metropolis of so large, so respectable, and so influential a body of delegates, as now swell the foremost ranks of this most numerous com pany. In vain have the enemies of civil and religious liberty endeavoured to cast contempt on the impor tant meeting, which has roused You and the country generally to the, importance of our object by saying it was held in some obscure tavern, and attended only by infidels, atheists, and blasphemers.—(Laughter.) The ardour of that meeting, the just indignation there expressed, has pe netrated to the remotest corners of the Lind—a spirit Las been roused which will enable you to defy your opponents. —(Loud cheers.) Had that meeting been so base and in significant as alleged, the Society, which was its offspring, would have fallen dead-born, unfostered by a single cheer of the public sympathy. Instead, of that, however, it has cre ated a stability in our cause by which many of the large towns, not to mention many of the small ones, have refused Church-rates—(Cheers)—and has called together the im mense assemblage of delegates around me, who are pre pared to demand and assert their claim to justice. With regard to Church-rates, it has called forth the consenta-, neous appearance of all who valued religious freedom.— (Cheers.) The resentment of long-endurance has at last touched the nerve of exquisite sympathy—(The remainder of the sentence was lost amid loud cheering.) England has sent delegates congregated from her far-distant counties. Wales, that dark and dreary abode, destitute of all reli gious instruction, is much indebted to the Dissenters— ( Hear)—Wales, whose Bishops the House of Peers would exempt from all knowledge of the language of the country in which they are to teach—an exemption from the only means by which they could communicate with their flocks—(Loud cheers)—Wales has sent her Repre sentatives. Scotland, though not immediately paying Church-rates, yet warily apprehensive of some insidious plan of commutation—(Cheers)—and warmed with a • friendly feeling towards their dissenting brethren in Eng land, have joined their associated strength—(Cheers)—they have come to join this strenuous " league and covenant" --(lmmense cheering)—in defence of our religious liberties. Among the Scotch deputies are some from Glasgow—(Loud cheers)—taintless from the fallacies of recent sophistry, and • undefiled by the b r illi ant kodations of hereditary and responsible power— (Loud cheers) —where was seen the harmonious dove-tail ing of Presbyterianism and Episcopacy.—(Loud cheers and much laughter.) NV,-.lcome then to our friends in this vast city, and be assured of their decided support and zealous co-operation. I find, gent ;'men, that no less than 400 de. legates are now in this city r..'oresenting 600 large towns, - and are now assembled here. i f find also that ISA aux iliary societies have been formed, azid when I look around me I perceive groups of liberal Members of Parliament — (Loud cheers) —prepared to countenance and abet you in the struggle. Under such propitious circumstances, well may your friends smile and promise victory.--(Cheers.) To persons so well acquainted with the practices and in flictions of Church-rates as you are, I need not descant on the history of their exaction, or attempt to trace their lineal apostolical succession. —(Loud cheers.) I need not trace them from the days of King Canute, when I supposs Dissenters were obliged to pay Church-rates, up to the atro cities of Bungay.—(Loud cheers.) But I may be per mitted to make an observation on the hypocrisy of certain opponents, who affect to deplore the backsliding of the Dis senters in standing forth to vindicate their rights, and in not submitting unqualifiedly—in not following unqualifiedly —the maxims of primitive obedience—in submitting. nnreservedly to insult, mal-treatment, and unmerited de gradation. (Cheers.) These pharisees—(Laughter)—anoint ing their faces with the oil of plural complacency, call upon the Dissenters to cease to be political, and express their sanctimonious astonishment that professors of the Gos pel should refuse to contribute to the furniture and-surpluses of the'Established Church, the only true Church in Chris tendom.—( Much laughter.) The SECRETARY here rose and said that he had been in structed to inform the delegates that Lord Melbourne and Lord John Russell had appointed two o'clock to-morrow afternoon to receive them. They would therefore meet at the Crown and Anchor Tavern at 12 o'clock to-morrow to receive further instructions. The CHAIRMAN resumed. I would ask, is pleading for claims and rights confined to the Dissenters If lam not mistaken, great was the company of Archdeacons the other day—(Much laughter)—l conclude they had no political views. —(Renewed laughter.) Their object simply was to clutch patronage and preferment. We also hear that the Canons Residentiary of St. Paul's are not at all political. So much so that they absolutely exclaim against the Bishops for combining the sweets of rapine with the odour of scan tity.—(Great laughter.) I saw also that the briefs of the Deans and Chapters against the Bishops comprised one hundred and twenty folios—no less than forty yards of dignified grievances.—(Hear, hear, hear.) About the year 1583, the Government of Queen Elizabeth beirer anxious to conciliate the non-conformists to the Established Church, offered to giv e u p th e ceremony o f k nee li ng a t th e communion, the sign of the cross, baptism, and the use of the surplice ; but our ancestors were unwilling that the slightest semblance of Popery should remain, and their answer to Secretary Walsingham was, Ne ungulam quidein esse relinquendam.—( Hear, hear.) And if in the iron reign of Queen Elizabeth they would not relinquish 'the proper form of proceeding in religious matters, much less will they do so now, when the number of their friends is increasing, and their power is increased, and when instead of supplicating they may dictate. (Loud cheering.) Gentlemen, you are perfectly well aware, I be lieve, and it should be distinctly understood, that the purpose of this meeting is strictly confined to Church rates.—( Hear, hear.) However if you will allow me I shall make one observation which I think is entitled to some consideration. I have very little doubt that the Ministry will bring forward a satisfactory ni;. - ttion—( Loud cries of " Hear")—and I have the greatest. hops that a House of Commons will not disregard the great demonstra tion of feeling which has been made throughout the country. But I need scarcely remind you that you have other causes for complaint besides the Church-rates. You have with re spect to your marriages a very humiliating clause which re quires you to give notice to the guardians of the poor of your intention. Your ministers are not allowed at present to perform burial rights in your parish church yard, even though you have a right to be buried there by the proprietary possession of a- vote ; and you are also at present denied full admission to the National University. In addition to these, there are some other disabilities of which you should demand the extinction. Tile machinery then of this Society should remain in force under another name, and the agitation—(Cheers) —which has been so suc cessfully employed in advancing the immediate object, the abolition of Church-rates, may be beneficially extended to the removal of your other grievances.—(Cheers.)— Let, me therefore counsel you to continue in your present attitude of union and organization.—(Loud cheers.) Be- fore I sit down, therefore, gentlemen, let me repeat the ex hortation to you. Let England remain in her present position of steady and determined assertion of the rights of the people—(Loud cheers),—especially when they touch upon the privileges of the Dissenters.—(Renewed cheers.) Let the Welsh delegates take back the spirit of this meeting to their native mountains—(Tremendous cheering) ; and as for Scotland, I will only say, " Speed forth the signal, malice, speed."—(Great cheering.) Convey the fiery cross of this day's gathering to your learned cities, your manufacturing emporiums, and around your beautiful lakes. —(Tremendous cheering.) And if you all require one cen tralising watchword, and one common motto to animate and constringe your determination to efface every blot of con. tuntelious disparagement, it will be supplied by your firm and pious ancestors, who, in despite of tyranny, deprivation, torture, and death, cried still Are unyulam quidem esse re linviendum.—(Tremendous cheering.) Mr. WARD, M.P.; rose to propose the first resolution. and was received with loud and repeated cheers. He said he could assure them that he felt it a proud and gra tifying distinction to be charged with the honour, for such he esteemed it, of proposing the first resolution on the pre sent occasion. --(Cheers.) He said h e regar d e d i t as a high and gratifying distinction, both with reference to the reuse in which they were all engaged, and the singu lar and st r iki ng proo f w hi c h the present stateof the room afforded of the earnest and patient, but perse vering zeal in the cause, as he conceived it to be, of civil and religious liberty.--(Loud cheers.) When he looked at the number of individuals then present—when he recollected that undoubtedly they were, many of them, men of high character and intellectual abilities ; and when he looked at therm, not in theirindividual capacity, but, as their Chair man had told them, as the representatives of hundreds of thousands of other men whose hearts and wishes were with them, and whose prayers would accompany them, lie could .mot entertain the slightest doubt as to the result of their proceedings. He looked upon such a union, supported by ;uch sympathies, as irresistible.—(Loud cheers.) The re -40Iution which he had to propose was this—.• That the exaction of Church-rates for the support of the fabrics of worship of the Church of England from those who cernsci -ntiously dissented from her communion, was unjust, be ,:ause it compelled men to pay for an institution from which they derived no benefit.—(Cheers.) It 'was disho nourable to the Establishment itself, because it implied that the sympathies of the people were not with them. It was unnecessary. because the Church possessed property .vilich was originally granted for the purpose, and was imply sufficient to maintain the building of the Establish ment. It was injurious to the interests of true religion ; and it was unscriptural, as it was opposed to the voluntary spirit of support as recognized by the New Testament., and followed by the primitive Church ; and because the impo sition of Church-rates created divisions and animosities in every parish in England.—(Cheers.) Before he entered on the resolution, allow him to say that there was one por tion of it in which he could not entirely and absolutely concur. He would at once say that he never could make a speech ad captandum ; he would never claim credit for professions which were not perfectly sincere ; therefore as a member of the Church of England, he could not re gard a National Establishment as unscriptural, provided it rested on the will of the majority of the people. He saw nothing unscriptural in the majority asserting their right to form an Establishment, though he admitted, that when the feelings of the majority changed, they should also change the nature of that Establishment. That was the only sentiment to which he did not at once subscribe. He ad mitted that the Church-rates were unjust—that they were dishonourable to the Church itself—that they were unne cessary—and that they were injurious to the interests of true religion. In all these he most cordially concurred. It was his belief (and he spoke individually) that the Bill which the Government was about to introduce would be a good Bill, and would be calculated to give them all full satisfaction—still they must continue their exertions in order to obtain security. It was in the continuance of those exertions that they had a guarantee, in the first place, that the Bill of the Government would not disappoint their just expectations. If the Bill was, what he confidently ex pected, it was through these means that the Government must be enabled to carry it.—(Cheers.) Let them recollect the peculiar position of that Government—let them re collect that it rested not on the basis on which Go vernments have hitherto rested—let them recollect, that it had neither the support of the Church, of the Aristo cracy, or of the Court, and that it rested alone on. the confidence and affections of the people.—(Loud cheers.) Let them recollect this, and they would not want the exhortation of their Chairman to continue their present or ganization, until they had security that all their just de mands world be granted.—(Great cheering.) When he said he believed that the Bill of the Government would be a good Bill, this sufficiently implied that the prin ciples on which the former Bill was founded would be entirely abandoned.—(Hear, hear, and loud cheers.) that not one-half of the Church-rates, dor one-twentieth of the Church-rates, nor any part of the Church -rates, should be charged on the Consolidated Fund.—{Cheers.) He looked upon that as the only position on which a good Bill could be founded, and whatever his feelings might be towards the present Government, if the Billannounced by Lord J. Russell to be introduced on the 20th of the present month, placed one single fraction of charge on that fund, he should feel himself, however reluctantly, compelled to oppose it.— (Tremendous cheering.) He should oppose it, because he was convinced, that upon no other principle than that, could any Bill be introduced that would not be useless. It would be wrong morally and politically, and it would have the effect of breaking up a political party.— (Here Mr. Harvey and Mr. Sharman Crawford en tered the room, and were received with great cheering.) When silence had been restored, M r . Ward proceedd. He had stated that on any other principles the introduction of such a measure would be unjust, as well as useless.— (Cheers.) It would place the Dissenters, as regarded Church-rates, in a worse situation than they were in at present ; for any transfer of the Church-rate to the Con solidated Fund would deprive them of that controul which they now had over it. For instance, they had now the power to grant the Church-rate or not, according as the majority of their numbers went.—(Cheers.) It would be unjust and impolitic to take that power out of the hands of the majority, and make Church-rates similar to tithes. The distinction between Church-rates and Tithes was this, that , over one there was control, and over the other there was not.—(Cheers.) He had a letter that had been published by a gentleman of high standing in the Church (Arch deacon Bathurst), in which he took a most erroneous view of the subject, for he said that Church-rate, like Tithes, had been immemorially upon property. He (Mr. Ward) was of a very different opinion; the property of the Church, the Tithe fund for instance, was to be appropriated to the support of the National Establishment ; but such was not the case with Church-rates. The arguments which had been used by Archdeacon Bathurst, were those that were put forward by the opponents to the extinction of Church rates, and they must be prepared to meet those arguments and beat them also—(Cheers)—and he felt no doubt that they would be both met and beat, if such meetings as the present were continually taking place.—(Great cheering.) There were one or two arguments of this description in a publication of the " Quarterly Review," of so singular a character that in his opinion they were totally unjustified. One was that the Dissenters had a full equivalent for Church Rates, in having better men to deal with—(lm mense cheering, and great laughter)—by which the moral atmosphere we; purified, which was worth more than any rates they might p ( Great laughter.) He did not regard with any light or trivial tneir;:r the purification of the , moral atmosphere ; but he would asf:ivhet:ar in thousands of places the Dissenters had not been the instrum.l'Pts of purifying the moral atmosphere, without the least assistance whatever from the National Church.(Great cheering.) He would ask any one who admitted the power of the Dis senters as a body, whether that power had not been exer cised for the best of purposes ; and whether the National Church itself was not deeply indebted to them ?—(Great cheering.) Then the " Quarterly" said that every Dis senter would be, or had been, a member of tile Church of England—if he had not himself, that his descendants would.—( Hear, hear.) This was certainly a most excel lent reason for compelling the Dissenters to return to the bosom of the Church ; but still, before they compelled them to pay Church -rates, in his (Mr. Ward's) opinion, they should at least allow them to return to the Church. Another argument to which he could refer with no other feeling than that of disgust was the threat which was held out of exclusive dealing.—(Hear, hear.) As a member of the Established Church, he regretted that such an argu ment should be used by those who called themselves its friends. Such an argument was in point of fact nothing else than an attempt to huxter away the rights of conscience. —(Hear, and cheers.) To make men slaves to an impost which they firmly believed to be unjust in principle and grievous in its operation, by the threat of oppression in case of refusal—he believed in most of the country towns the interests of Dissenting tradesmen have suffered by the system to which he alluded.—( Hear.) He could not conceal the shame with which he adverted to this fact, as an argument used by the members of the Established Church, and he believed, if extensively put in operation, there was nothing more calculated to ensure its speedy and certain downfal.—(Cheers.) One other plan to which he should advert as a reason in favour of Church-rates was, that it was an established system--(Hear, and laughter)— that it worked well. The proof of its working well was to be found in that large and influential meeting—( Cheers) in the anxiety which brought together over 400 delegates from the remotest parts of the country to- oppose anti - ptit it' down—(Cheers)—and yet they would he told that it worked well.—(Cheers.) That was the old plea for every abuse. For the last 300 years it was never proposed to do away with any grievance, but they were told that the system worked well. They were assured that the rotten boroughs worked well.—(Cheers.) That the Test Acts worked well.—(Continued cheers..) They were now assured that the monstrous evils of the Irish Church worked well.—(Tremendous cheering). That the refusal of justice to the people of Ireland in reforming their cor porate institutions worked well—(cheers)--and whenever the public loudly complained of any evil, they were certain of being met by the cry that the system worked well. But there was only required a determination to put down the compulsory assessment, and the law should quickly be altered. The, enlightened portion of the com munity had already declared in favour of justice, and per severance was only necessary to complete the final over throw of Church-rates. He had great hopes of success when he saw around him such an assemblage of men of in telligence, of integrity, of great influence, and of standing in society, who had forsaken their occupations and their homes to declare their opposition to the system now sanc tioned by the law.—(Cheers.) He could not admit it to be essential to the maintenance of the Established Church that Church-rates should continue. As a member of the Established Church, he protested against it—(Hear)--it had caused an excitement in every part of this kingdom, which required that the question should be promptly and finally settled.—(Cheers.) Every person connected with the Church of England, And, believing as he did, in its doctrines, should call for a speedy settlement of this sub ject ; it was essential for its existence, and it was impera tively called for by every thinking man in the community..., (The Hon. Gentleman sat down amid loud cheers.) Sir CULLING E. Small said it afforded him ;mach plea sure to second the resolution proposed by bls Hon. Friend the Member for St. Alban's, and he entirely concurred in the sentiments it expressed. He would venture to make observations a sor ve e rted t o b y mor. War d, nt Ue that part of it trouieghblt it serira tad been un already I ' that they should have Chu rc h-rate; - establishedl in this country ; that Dissenters from the doctrines of the Church of tngland should be taxed for the support of its worship ; that they should maintain its fabric ; and that it should depend for subsistence on the contributions of the Dissen ters. On that head his mind was decidedly made up. As a member of the Established Church, he thought that the . appointment of the ministers to particular localities should be : placed in the' hands of a few individuals. He was of opi nion that this system ought to be revised. He was doubly happy in having an opportunity of seconding the resolution, because, as a Churchman, be was anxious for the welfare of the Establishment to which he belonged, and he thought it could not prosper while they continued to exact from those who joined not in its worship the means of its support. He believed the Church to be a faithful expositor of the revealed will of God as far as individual salvation was concerned ; but it did not therefore follow that about 24 individuals should have the entire nomination of its minis ters and pastors. He considered Church-nites to be de cidedly injurious to the Established Church, to be opposed to the good of the people, and their effect was to make all persons seriously consider whether that form of worship which re quired such support could be consonant with the will of the Divine Being. He should ask how Churchmen acted when it was desired to put education on a liberal footing in a parish—who were the oaponents but Churchmen? Who came forward and said that nothing but the cate chism of the Church of England was the only book that should be taught ? Churchmen. The alteration of the system of Church-rates would give the members of the Church of England that influence which they ought to possess over their congregation. He dissented from' the opinion that the substitution of those rates should be made a sub ject of Parliamentary legislation, and should lament to see it matter of law. Let those who used the Church come forward and show by their using that Church that they not only approve of her principles, but also that they ap prove' of the Ministers; nay, that they admire and reve rence them.—(Cheers.) He hoped that the Members of the Church of England would contribute, and will have it in their power to have a sufficient security that their Ministers shall be pure and godly men. He saw from the crowd around him, and he felt convinced that all Chris.. tians would use their influence in promoting the objects of the meeting, and that the result would be that they should pay, or not pay, exactly as they pleased. To the members of the Church of England lie said that it was far for their interest that an alteration should be made. The great and ruling motive with him was the absolute injustice inflicted upon Dissenters, and upon that principle he never would be a party to injustice. He would never cease to advo cate the question, merely because his individual interest was concerned. The claim was a paramount one. With respect to the conduct of the-, archdeacons, he should ex plain a fact with which the meeting had not perhaps been acquainted. How were those archdeacons to be rewarded ? By the recommendation of the Ecclesiastical Commission. Those gentlemen were to have an annuity of 2001., and ca thedral canonships amounting to 8001. a-year.—(Hear, hear.) He thought that a most improper application of the funds which ought to go to the support and spread of education—( Hear, hear, and loud cheers)—instead of going to enrich a set of men who had set themselves in such violent opposition to the people.—(Cheers.) He was happy to inform them that he had been enabled to get up a petition in Hertfordshire—(Cheers)—and many gen tlemen who had doubted about the matter had signed the petition on reading the Manifesto of the Archdeacon._ (Loud cheering.) Mr. HUME was received with loud cheers—He . would only intrude on the meeting for a very short time ; that was to congratulate them on the results of the meeting held in the same place last October.—(Cheers.) The measures then pointed out to carry into effect their great object bad been crowned with complete success. It would show those who had recourse to such futile arguments as had been alluded to, that they had no chance ; in fact, when heread the paper alluded to he saw at once the parties had given up the question—the abolition of tithes—(Laughter) --h e was glad to see that they had more than one cord,- but he thought it would be better for them to keep to the one they had now in view, and not to mix up with the question of the abolition of Church Rates the question of a volun tary Church, or any other grievance under which the Dis senters laboured. No friend of the abolition of Church Rates could have written a document so convincing as to its necessity as the letter of his friend the . Archdeacon Bathurst, who was as good a creature as ever lived ; but like all those brought up under a particular. system, he found it impossible to travel out of the regular track. They ought to receive it as a proof ,that the most intelligent— that the highest in the. Church had no better argument to put forward in support of their claims.—(Hear, hear.) In fact he (Mr. H.) considered-the principle conceded, and he believed also, that not one shilling would be placed in the Consolidated Fund by the Bill now in preparation. The Members of the Hoose of Commons would not be called upon, therefore, to oppose- that part of it s but they would be called upon to give their beit assistance to the Ministry to carry the question.—(Cheers.) He could not look to the proceedings of the past year without some suspicion that the same power which had already strangled many good and beneficial measures would be brought into action on the present occasion. He was satisfied that the conduct of the Ministry could only be strengthened by all friends to the question being united, and he congratulated the friends of civil and religious liberty on seeing such a united and strong body before him. Their exertions in the country during the past four months must have removed any doubts whicl, might have lingered on the minds of the Ministry with re gt.vd to this question.—(Hear.) It would, however, re quire all their assistance to carry this measure through. Allusion had been made to civil and religious liberty—he thought them inseparable ; and therefore he called upon those who were from the country, to use all their endea vours to send to Parliament the friends of civil liberty, for no enemy to civil liberty could be an enemy to religious liberty.. (Cheers.) They must all, therefore, use their utmost entleavoZs to strengthen th e h an d s o f the Reform Ministry, by adding to ie ranks of R e f orm ers. If they were defeated with a Liberal Ministry at the head of affairs, it would be their own fault; they must use: more exertions, and send more Reformers to the House of Com mons. He hoped that Wales, that dark and dismal hole, would send at least fifteen good Reformers into the next House.—(Great cheering.) In that country, where its Bishops knew nothing of the language of the people, That district had vast revenues, but they all knew how they were applied.—(Hear.) He would call upon those dele gates who had come to London from Wales to send them on their return some dozen of good Reformers to the House of Commons—(Cheers)—and that would contribute very materia ly to promote the objects for which they were assembled. In short, so far as regarded the Government, the battle of Church-rates had been fought; but a duty still devolved upon them—to exert themselves tot only now, but when they returned home, to afford every assistance to the Government to enable them to carry their intentions into ef fect. He was quite satisfied] that that was the proper point to which their exertions should now be directed ; the tactics of of their opponents were not a whit changed, and let them believe, that after the declaration that had, been lately made in the South ,of S c otl an d, t h at t h e Established Church should be supported' in 'all its pristine vigour—let them not believe, he would repeat, that there was no mean ing in these words. On thessmtrary, let them rest assured that the determination of their adversaries was to oppose all civil or religious Reform. it was necessary for them, therefore, to redouble their exertions—of their success, of their ultimate victory, there was no doubt. It might be delayed, but the moral and physical energies of the country being once roused, there was little doubt of their final suc cess.—(Loud cheers.) One thing lie would call to the at-. tentioni of. those who .were refusing all measures of national reform, that they were organising a band of men who would make use of their power to demand further and greater concessions. --(Great cheering.) The Dissenters, however, would be acting wisely if they did not attempt to force on these questions which would perhaps only end in defeat—let them proceed gradually step by step, and there was no doubt of their cause being carried to a successful issue. —(Vehement applause.) What was it they asked ? Justice.—(Renewed cheering.) They had heard much, and very properly, of " Justice to Ireland."--( Hear, hear.) Why, the struggle going on in Ireland was similar to that which was going on in England—it was a resistance to the few who had been long oppressing the many—it was the same in principle in Ireland, in Scotland and in England. — (Tremendous cheering.) He had only to assure that meeting, that from what had taken place since they had last assembled in that room, great encouragement was held out to every man to preserve to the best of his exertions. He would only, add that, as an humble indivi dual in the House of Commons.. or elsewhere, he should be most happy to continue his steady support of their claims, until all the evils they complained of were, one by one, rooted out.—(Loud cheers.) He hoped the day would shortly arrive when they would see the Dissenters standing up before God, withoutiany intolerant remnant of ancient days, which had pl ace d a ;Ump of inferiority on the m re maining. He tr us t e d th a t their efforts that day, and . th e i r exertions in the H ouse o f Commons, would advanoe th em rapidly to th e great o bj ec t they had in view. Of t hi s much he was certain, that no man deserved to be free who would not exert himself for that object. (The Hon. Gen tleman sat down amidst the most vehement applause.) The CHAIRMAN then put the 'resolution, which was carried unanimously. Mr. C. HINDLEY, M.P., read the next resolution, which had a beeP Pqr;.;qed to him. He confessed he had come there rather to hear than to speak, and 'he had hoped to have heard the opinions Of the r - f inperons delegates who were assembled there from ditferenP part, pf the country, and whose sentiments would have guided him the better in supporting the Pill which his Majesty's Ministers were about to introduce. But as Members of. Pa rliament had been selected to move and second the different resolutions, he had willingly taken charge . of the present one, .and he believed that he bad been selected, not because .he was the Member for Ashton, but because he was a Member of the Dissenters' Committee of Manchester. He need not tell them of the .spirit of the Dissenters of Mancliester.-L-(Cheers.) He need not say that though none of that body was able to be present in consequence of illness, yet they were there in spirit.—(Cheers.) They were determined to fight the battle, and they would not take any thing less than total abolition.—(Cheers.) If they wished for any further proof of the spirit of Man chester, he had the pleasure to tell them that there had ar rived in this city this week a petition from Manchester, signed by upwards of 35,000 people.—(Tremendous cheer ing.) He felt deeply interested in this question. They were told " why make such a fuss about it ; the tax is of small amount ; nobody feels it ?" Why not, we reply, if it is so light and trivial, why not bear it yourselves ? —(Cheers and laughter.) He could give them an in stance of the weight of the tax from his own district of the county in which he resided. He lived in the township of Duttonfield, which contained about 20,000 people, all of whom were supplied with spiritual food from pastors of their own appointment—(Loud cheers)—and who were paid by themselves.—(Cheers,) - They lived seven miles from the parish church of Stockport. Even its bells they had never heard. The minister not one of the people of the township had ever seen, except when they were about to be united in the bonds of holy matrimony.—( Laughter.) Yet in 1812—he did not know whether his Hon. Friend the Member for Middlesex was then in the House—they came from Stockport, and obtained a Bill from Parliament to build a Church in Stockport, or rather to pull down the old Church and rebuild, and they obtained twelve thousand pounds for this purpose. This was not enough in these palmy days of Toryism, when the churchwardens met over their wine and discussed the interests of the National Church.—(Great laughter.) A few years afterwards they obtained another Bill, for 12,0001. more ; but this was not enough—(Great laughter)—and they paid, and continued to pay, and they were found so willing to pay, that ac tually, without an Act of Parliament, they came for 9,0001. more.—(Laughter.) Still their spirit was not roused, and they paid the money. Bat in the first Re form Parliament they again came forward to obtain a Bill for 7,0001. additional, and then they were determined not to pay—(Loud cheers)—and, to the honour of the Re formed Parliament, the Bill could not be obtained.—(Great cheering.) Their opponents withdrew, and they took some legal opinions upon the clauses in the former Bill, which al lowed them interest, and so forth, and they sought to levy the 7,0001. They had a meeting, and determined to resist, but ultimately they settled the matter by paying ten shil lings in the pound sterling ; giving 3,5001. to let them know that they were more careful of their money. All this was paid by Stockport, and the township of Duttonfield had never derived benefit from the National Church. They hadll however, paid several thousands of pounds, and yet this was what was called a small impost.—(Cheers.) It was on the grounds of justice that they sought to be relieved from this impost. He confessed that if Government introduced, and he had every assurance that they would not introduce, any Bill which should saddle the people at large with any portion of Church-rates, it should have his most deter mined opposition. He confessed he thought that the Dis senters had been too cool, too quiet.—( Hear.) They had not united the terms of citizen and Christian as they ought to have done.—(Hear.) What said the great Apostle of the Gentiles ? " I am a Roman citizen," and were not the Dissenters citizens of their country ?—(Loud cheering.) As citizens they had a right to notice politics ; and the more Christianity was infused into politics the better. He was amused by the attempts made to guard the Church of England from unholy interference.—(A laugh.) Abun dant care was taken that the temporalities of the Church should only be administered by bona fide members of the Church. He had asked Lord J. Russell three times in the House of Commons, and Lord Melbourne in pri- vate conversation, what constituted a bona fide member of the Church. They were all members of the Church, and bona fide members of ;the Church—except those who lived in Scotland. What constituted a bona fide member of the Church ? Was it baptism ? Why, one of their Bishops had been baptized amongst the Dissenters, and had never been rebaptized.—(Cheers.) Was it then the Sacrament ? He challenged, as to members, who were the majority ?—(Great cheering.) Oh no, it was not this, but those who went no where went to church.—(Loud cheers.) And it was this omnium gatherum kind of argument that was enlisted on the side of the Church to show that they had the majority. The only proof of a bona fide member of the Church was the payment.—( Hear, bear.) And the Church took care to see that they were all bone fide mem bers.—(Cheers, and a laugh.) They were determined to make the people pray. For his own part he confessed that he could not help looking at the intimate connec tion of secular and church affairs as a great injury to Christianity ; and as a friend he was rejoiced to see that the time had arrived when the voluntary system was be ginning to work in the Church itself—he was rejoiced when he saw their subscriptions for churches in London, Man chester and Leeds. He knew that the Church would always be strong which rested on the affections of the people. The CAAIRaIAN here stated to the meeting that a petition against Church-rates had arrived in London, bear ing the signatiires of 38,700 individuals ROWLAND ALSTON, Esq., M.P. for "Hertfordshire, felt the greatest possible satisfaction in seconding the resolu tion which had just been proposed, because in his opinion it contained the sum and substance of that which the Dis senters were themselves asking as an act of justice, and which, therefore, they were fully entitled to. He assumed they were asking (and if he was wrong in that assumption he had no business there) for an entire abolition of Church rates.—(Hear, hear.) Unless these were the principles of those then assembled, and unless those were their objects, he was not with them. But he would then declare that as a private and as a public man he would do 'all in his power to obtain this for the Disseaters of England, who were among the most respectable and influential, and he was delighted to say they formed a very considerable part of the people of England.—(Hear, hear.) He lived in a very large parish in the county of Hertford, and without presumption he might state he was the chief proprietor. He thought he had some influence there also, because he was considered an honest man ; but with all that influence, and with all that attachment which he knew the parish ioners felt towards him, he was quite confident that if lie were to call upon them to create a Church-rate in vestry, he should have no success whatever.—(Hear, hear.) He was satisfied they had too much honest independence, and were too ohicious to do justice to others, to support him in such a proposition.—(Hear, hoar.) Ho also felt pleasure in seconding the resolution, because it contained a prayer that that which had already been laid on the people should not, for the sake of relieving the Dissenters, be laid on the Land Tax or the Consolidated Fund. Were it to be laid on those Funds they would still have to pay it. —(Hear, hear.) Where was the justice of a body paying for that in which, inthe first instance, they had no interest whatever, with w1:414 they held no - communion, and from which they received no spiritual comfort. (Loud cries of Hear, hear, hear.) If any stranger were to go through the county of Hertford, he would find there was not a town in which there was not a building appropriated to those who dissented from the Church of England. Who supported that? Why those who used it as their house of prayer.— (Cheers.) The members of the Church of England could not give a better proof of their sincerity in the religion they professed than by saying that no one should contribute to the support of their edifice but those who used it.— (Cheers.) He had always declared himself to be a humble hut zealous member of the Established Church, and Ile Was prepared, to the fullest extent in his power, to support that fabric which he used for his devotions. He had great rights in the parish church of Sawbridge worth ; he had several " faculty pews," and he would wil lingly resign them.—( Hear, hear.) Let those who used pay. In that parish they had a clergyman, not one who thought with him unfortunately—(Laughter)—but a very respectable and well-meaning man. That gentleman wrote to him a short time ago, stating that that fine fabric, the parish church, was in a state of dilapidation, and asked whether he should propose a Church-rate ; to which he (Mr. A.) replied, whether he would like to be defeated ? (Loud laughter)—that it was for him to propose it if he pleased, but that he was quite sure success would not follow ; and that he had every reason to believe that the Government intended to take up the question very shortly after the meeting of Parliament. He, of course, was unaware of what the intentions of Ministers were, or what was the relief they intended to propose. He had also given him full liberty to publish his letter, and send it to every house in the parish ; and had stated that, ualess the Government proposed the entire aboli tion of Church-rates, they would not have his support. --(Hear, hear.) lie had always hitherto been willing to give hi s M a j es t y ' s present G overnmen t sup port, because he thought they were the best friends this country had ever possessed.—(Loud and long-continued cheering.) Therefore he should continue to give them all the support he could ; but if they did not come to the de termination to propo3e in the House of Commons—as his worthy friend, Mr. Hume, had said, it did not follow, if carried in the Commons, that it would also be carried in the Lords ; but if they did not bring forward in the House Commons measures that would give full and entire relief, his Majesty's Ministers should not have his support.— (Cheering.) It was with great satisfaction that he saw so large an assembly met together on so important, a 44 44 *ciPin , . in which he held that the /:;stablished Church was as much interested the Ilisserifers.-4Loud cheer- ing.) The moo hhergt the stithli§he4 Church was; the former, it would be engrafted in the good feelings of the public.—(Cheers.) He would give his warm support to Ministers on this great question, but they missht depend the very moment he saw the least attempt made to make a Church-rate a forcible tax, it should meet with his deter mined opposition.—(Cheers.) Mr. GILLON, the Member for Falkirk, then rose to ad dress the meeting. He felt that it would not be necessary for him to trespass long upon their time to cons ince any well-constituted mind, which was not blinded by bigotry or influenced by the desire of individual aggrandiseinetti or political ascendancy, that the abolition of Church rates was essentially necessary.—(Great cheering.) He had been deputed, as a member from Scotland, to address the meeting on business ; but before he did so, he could not help expressing the feelings he entertained towards that meeting of Dissenters generally, in connection with the resolution that had been proposed and seconded, in which the meeting expressed itself firmly resolved to get rid by all means in their power, of the obnoxious impost of Church -rates, but at the same time they were determined to do so ; they would not consent to shift the burthcn from their own shoulders to throw it upon the people of Scot land and Ireland, by making it a charge upon the Consoli dated Fund. In 1824 a Church Bill was introduced by Earl Grey, and he felt it his duty to oppose that Bill, because it sought to place the charge of Church-rates upon the Consolidated Fund; and he should purs're the same course agaim, however much he was disposed to support the pre sent Ministry, if they did not bring forward a just and equitable measure.--(Cheers.) Much as lie was disposed to support Ministers, he would sacrifice them, or the exist ence of any other Government. in opposing a principle so unjust as that which charged Church-rates on the consoli dated fund.—(Great cheering.) Ile had been deputed by a portion of his countrymen to detail to the meet ing sonic of the grievances under which they laboured, and to demand their sympathy and co-operation. Though they had not in Scotland a Church-rate in name, they had one substance ; they were called upon as the people of England were, to pay for the erection and support of churches and glebe-houses, or manses as they were called in Scotland, which was paid for by an assessment on the different parishes. Two years ago, when the Peel-Welling.: ton administration came into power, they brought for ward a proposition to vote a sum out of public funds for the support of the Church of Scotland ; against this he felt himself bound to object, in order to support the great principle which they were called upon to uphold to-day.—(Cheers.) He had been deputed also on the behalf of the inhabitants of Edinburgh, to bring under the attention of the meeting the severe-imposition s that ex isted in the Church of that city.—(Hear, and cheers.) 6i per cent. was levied on all the houses of Edinburgh, from which, however, the local aristocracy alone were exempt, viz., the Judges and lawyers. That per tentage was in forc e on all the houses of the other citizens whether they attended the Church or not. What was the consequence? Why that scenes had taken place there very nearly resetnb ling those that had occurred in Ireland—passive resistance had sprung up.—(Hear, hear.)—He was called on in April last to preside at a meeting which took place in Edin burgh, in consequence of some severe measures which had been adopted at that time by the members of the Estab lished Church. On that occasion they not only seized the goods of the citizens, but made some of its most virtuous inhabitants inmates of the common gaols.--(Cries of " Shame, shame.") Was this the doctrine of the Chris tian church ? Was this conduct worthy of the fishermen of Gallilee, and of the disciples of a humble and lowly Master ?—(Hear, hear.) At that time he took the li berty of telling the citizens of Edinburgh that which he repeated in the House of Commons, and which he would reiterate now (because nowhere would he shrink from de claring his conscientious conviction)—that the inhabitants of Edinburgh were right in opposing to , so unjust a tax the strong arm of passive resistance—(Cheers)—f or he had ever observed that it was not till some such opposition had been raised that the people had any prospect of obtaining relief.—( Hear, hear.) At least, the ancestors of the Scotch knew something of the Established Episcopal Church—(Hear, hear,) —against whose exactions the meeting was now called upon to prevail.—(Cheers.) And were he to advert to any thing more likely than another eal culated to incite to exertion, he would allude to the struggles of the ancestors of the Scotch against that Church.— (Great cheering.) Suffice it to say, it was only by their ancestors turning out on the hill-tops, by their undaunted courage, by the effusion of the precious blood of those mar tyrs, that religious liberty had been established in that country.—(Reiterated cheers.) They knew indeed something of the Episcopal Established Church. They had endured the heavy hand and felt the iron rod of Episcopacy— (Hear, hear)—therefore the people of Scotland warmly sympathised with the Dissenters of England, who now pro tested against sonic of the exactions of that Church.-- (Cheers.) And what they had deputed him to do, he now cheerfully complied with ; that was to say, he called on English Dissenters to sympathise with the Scotch in their grievances.—(Hear, hear.) That while they demanded for themselves the abolition of Church -rates, they would, either in the Bill now about to be brought forward, or by some subsequent measure, take care that the Scotch should also be relieved from the hurtliens which they en dured.—(Cheers.) Ho had the greatest pleasure in coats munieating to the Meeting the warmest sympathies of the Scotch.--(Hear, hear.) Large meetings had been h e ld throughout Scotland—even in Glasgow—(Hear, hear, and laughter)—as the Hon. Chairman had stated, on the sub ject ; and the'Dissenters of that country, he believed, to a man, were determined to congregate together, and to bring forward their full and powerful force in favour of the abo lition of Churchsrates.—( Hear, hear, and cheers.) He was ignorant of course of the nature of the Bill about to be brought forward by his Majesty's Ministers, but he might find it expedient to move the insertion of a clause to exempt his countrymen from the burden ; yet ha should not do that without first consulting with those in whom lie had confidence, that he might be quite certain that he did nothing with a view to benefit even his own countrymen, which might put in peril the success of the great and main object of the English Dissenter s . —(G reat cheering, and cries of " Bravo, bravo".) All he would ask, and with that he should conclude, was, that either upon the bringing forward of the measure that was now about to be brought forward, or at some future period, when the claims of the Scotch should be brought forward that those present at this meeting, and the Diss en t ers i n . England generally, would come forward support of those claims.—( Hear, hear, and cries of " We will," " we will.") The resolution was then put from the Chair, and carried unanimously. Mr. B. HALL, M.P. for Monmouth, rose to propose tine next resolution. He said the resolution which has been put into my hands, and which 1 shall now propose, requires no argument to enforce it ; and, after the speeches which you have just heard, it would ill become me to occupy your time, or draw largely upon your attention, while I ad. dress you. I shall, therefore, speak only of facts, and these with reference to my own country, containing, as it does, so great a mass o f the Dissenting body. The reso l u ti on proposes that a petition, embodying your sentiments, should be prepared, and signed by the Chairman on your behalf ; that the petition to the House of Lords shall be presented by Earl Fitzwilliam, and to the Commons by Mr. H ome. (Cheers.) •It may be said by sonic, and it was a matter of regret with many of the Gentlemen who have preceded me, that instead of the delegates, who attend this meet ing, getting up and addressing you on the peculiar griev ances of which they complain, the platform should be oc cupied by Members of Parliament ; but in my judgment it should be a cause of gratification to think that there are men in the House of COmmons, who are ready and willing, no matter at what pecuniary cost and sacrifice to their own establishments, to advocate the rights, and ask for a r e d ress o f t h e grievances of the Dissenting community.--(Cheers.) And it is culiarly gratifying to me, because b e i ng one of those isPito e in 1834 first introduced the que s ti on o f the Abolition of Church-rates for the consideration o f Government, to at tend this meeting, and I was anxious to see the feelin g by which this great assembly would b e actuated, and t as sure you that it was not from any want of feeling as to the importance of the question that I have allowed it to rest, but I was actuated by a desire that 'while other great subjects were under discussion, that of Church-rates should not interfere, well knowing that you would not sleep on your interests, and that you would use your best energies to remove an impost exacted in violation of the rights of conscience and unfounded upon any principle of justice.--( Hear, and loud cheers.) It will b e recol lected that when my lion. Friend the Member for Exeter introduced this subject during the last session, We were in duced to withdraw it on the assurance of the disposition of Government to bring forward a measure of relief to the Dissenters. This was but an act of courtesy to the Noble Lord, who gave us the promise —to the House of C oats mons, wino were to consider it ; and it was our duty to you whose interests were at stake, to see what the Government measure would be. He thought that that course was not only right, hut he thought it would be better to hear the Governs went proposition. Great was the disappointtnentof him and his friends, when, instead of the total abolition of Church -rates, the Government were only prepared to make that which was a direct tax an indirect one, by charging the full amount upon the land-tax, whereby not only the Catholics pf Ira. land, who only the year before had b eep rtl;eved from th e vestry cess, but also the Scotch Presbyterian, wh o was , pb liged to maintain his own Ch urc h, se ssvl i m a hi, required to pay towards the maintenance of that of Engl an d. H e was one of these Flu;{, h, one sense, hated the very word toleration. —(Ore4 cliepring.) He Wished to see that word, as ap plied'to religion, expunged . frogs ou r Di ct i onar i es ; for by adding only or syllabic, st at ogee showed these must be a ap.ll!iy~llt arty, add a ?ersecuted one i hl.4to c t 44 t ic would insert equality. He wished - to see the Dissenter and the Churchman meet with open heart and hand, and live in the same free country, enjoying equal rights and privileges. With regard to that country with which he was connected, and which was so dear to him, he would state a few statisti cal facts. In the county of Monmouth, out of a popula tion of 98,000, 46,000 or 48,000 were Dissenters ; and in the two parishes with which lie was more immediately con nected, which contained 16,600 inhabitants, he might safely 'say that only 140 belonged to the Church. It he'd bee n Isis pride and gratification to say, that whenever the D'se senters came to hill' as a landlord, he had given them evei y assistance in his power, not only by giving grants of land for plaCes of worship, but by affording them pecuniary assistance as well.—(Great cheering.) He was proud to state that, in the west of Monmouth, every Dissenter had the means of worshipping their G o d accor di ng to their own creed ; and the poor inhabitant had the consolation and gratifi cation of receiving his religious solace in that language'.Which he revered. He was one who did not object to. the voluntary principle. He did not state that as a matter of theory, but as. a matter of fact. LTpon his own property, at one time, he had every order of Dissenters ; for, in the hilly part of Mon mouth, where manufactures were alive, people flocked from all parts of England. He took pride for Monmouth that, at. almost every meeting which had been held there, the question of regime donum had been discussed. The Dissenters had been charged with acting from pecuniary motives —that while they wished to get rid of Church -rates, they were au sous to keep the rrgium donum.—( Loud cries of" No, no.") Ile did not agree in the sentiment ; he was only desirous to state, that in many petitions which he would have the honour to present from that part of the country, it was prayed that regium donuns should cease.—(L cud cheers.) It was not his intention to detain the meeting any longer. Ile wo u ld on l y assure them, that whether h e retained - his seat for 'Monmouth, or retired into private life, whether in public or private he would lend his best assistance towards obtainin g the removal of this odious impost from the Statute Book.—( Loud cheers.) Mr. Hewes seconded the motion. He said he wP.S anxious also to state, like his Hon. Friend who had preceded him, that he would give his entire and cordial suppert not only to the petition itself, but to the spirit which lied originated it. He would not feel satisfied until we had entire religious liberty established amongst us—that no man by his creed should gain any political advantage, and he would also contend for that real impartial law which knows no distinction in political right. That would be the time when effect would be given to what had been called a tyrannical majority—( Cheers, and cries of " Hear, hear'')—and he hoped to live to see the day when all laws would be made by it—by the will of such a majority constitutionally expressed. It had been imputed to the Dis senters that they acted only from sordid motives, and that they cared nothing for the principle. In looking over a celebrated journal yesterday, he saw a manifesto from the Archdeaconry of Lincoln, protesting against any farther interference iii Church property by the Ecclesiastical Commissioners. By referring to a few facts, they would see bow this in terested the gentlemen who had signed that document, and how very disinterested they were on the occasion. He found that the Dean of Lincoln, the Rev. Dr. G. Gordn, an.l he must ob serve t h at he knew nothing of these gentlemeo n hat what he saw in black and white, enjoyed for the deanery 3,885/.--(" Oh 1") Not satisfied with that, he had another valuable piece of preferment; be held also the Rectory of Sedgbrook, which was worth 6381. per annum, with the Vi carage of H or bl e i n , worth 2711., making in all 4,79.14, cur t'ain a sum sufficient to make any man an anti-Reformer 1.-- (Hear, and cheers.) He found another gentleman, the Rev. T. M. Sutton, who held a Sub-deanery and Canon Resideote iaryship worth 1,6654, the Great Chart Rectory in Rent, 6681., and that of Tunstall, 4794, making in all 812/. per annum --(Hear, he ar .) T he next name . wa - s ono exceedingly well known in the annals of the Church—the Rev. Richard Prettyman—( Much laughter) —who enjoyed from cur Church preferment 1,6651,, and then a little sine cure prebend of 181., besides Middleton Stony Rectory, va lued (rather doubtfully) at nothing.—(Hear.) There was also the Rev, J. G. Prettyman (and really these gentlemen were very pretty men in their generation), who held the Chancellorship of Stoke (6660, another valued at 441., a preferment in the Cathedral Church of Winchester, and a curacy in Herefordshire—in all, extending over four counties, a sum of 3,312/. ; so that the total among this Dean and his throe Canons was 12,6111, per annum.—(Great cheering.) And yet the Church says that the Dissenters are tainted with sordid motives. They all knew that there were no re turns of the real amount of the Church property. There Ives, Ile statement of the amount paid for Enes, which was very Considerable ; foe the Doan of Lincoln received last year no less than 14,N04. In fines.—(Hear.) He would say, then, that it the Church -rates were abolished, there were two seoreea open to them—Church property and Churchmen-_look....(lleedar)—but in hi s op i nion Church property ought to be to fixst,—( Hear, at cheers ) He wished before he sat dawn to say a few words upon another subject.—( Hear, hear.) In aboli s hi ng Church -rates he presumed it was distinctly understood, and he spoke for a large body of his constituents, that the rates imposed by local Acts of Parliament, under which new churches were built, would be included in the abo lition._.,.( Hear, and cheers.) He was bound to say, that the greatest possible practical injustice had been committed under these Acts. In his (Mr. Hawes's) borough there were three parishes, Kennington, Camberwell, and Lambeth—m beth, whi c h h a d a population of 90,000; had been diLviaded into five parts, and Dr. D' Oxley, of whom he wished to speak with the greatest respect, for he was the most humane, benevolent, and charitable man —he had had four parishes added to his own, and was enjoying a large income, while the curates had scarcely so much as supported them in decency._( Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") He believed he was within the mark when he stated that the Rector of Lambeth enjoyed an in come of 2,0001. per annum. lie therefore hoped that, as many of his constituents were suffering under the pres sure of rates imposed by local Acts of Parliament, that it would be distinctly understood that for them and the public generally lie claimed the entire abolition of these ratos.---(Hear, hear.) He would not longer occupy their time, but he hoped and trusted that in that great cause they would all act with perfect union—with eneegy—and there was no doubt of their ultimate success. Of this he was perfectly certain, that as the Opposition now opposed to the progress of Reform was most powerful, without entire unanimity they could not possibly make head against Cheers.) Although he was delighted to hear from his Hon. Friend the Member for Middlesex, who, he presumed, spoke upon authority, that the Church-rate Bill was one founded on sa tisfactory principles, he ( Mr. li) was not sanguine enough to hope that it would pass through the House of Commons without great opposition ; and this he was certain of, that it would net pass through the. House of Lords. With regard to what had fallen in the course of his observations from their Chairman in. his singularly eloquent and appropriate address, he must be permitted to say, since the doctrine of finality had been introduced by certain great Statesmen, and great mea suees of reform were proposed, that he (Mr. H.) for one con sidered the present but one step, and let it be understood that no party acknowledged it to be a final measure. —(Loud cheers.) There were yet several great questions between the Dissenters and the Church ; and he, for one, so long as he re presented any body of his fellow -countrymen in Parliament, would never cease to advocate the entire abolition of' all civil privileges by any class.—( Loud and long-continued cheering.) Mr. S. CaawFoao, M.P., then came forward, and was loudly cheered. The Committee had done him the honour to call upon him to address them on that occasion, unexpectedly on his part; but, however unprepared he might be, be should never shrink from giving his adhesion to the principles he had heard advocated. —( Great applause.) As an Irishman, ho came before them under some disadvantages.—( Hear.) Ile considered himself connected with that class, and with that religious persuasion which had been the oppression of his country—(heer, hear)—and the destroyers of civil and reli gious liberty among a certain class of his countrymen ; but he trusted that he was free from the pollution of any stain.-- ( Hear, hear, hear.) It had been his object in life to endea vour to relieve his own religion from being the source of op pression to his country, and it had been the object of his life also to aid his Catholic and Dissenting brethren in establishing for themselves rriigious freedom.—(Cheers.) If he understood correctly the object of the meeting to-day, it was to obtain one great instalment of religious liberty. That instalment had already been obtained by Irishmen, by perseverance and determination. (Hear, hear.) He did not object to the principle of instalment—pure and unadulterated. But let it not be said that lie was an enemy to instalments ; he was only an enemy to a treaty which was a sacrifice of the great principle. Those were the principles he had en deavoured to advocate through life. Ireland had been a step in advance before England. (Hear, hear, h ear .) And she had come now to the point of the second instalment, They wanted freedom from that tax upon the majority for the use of the minority, which was known under the denomination of the tithe assessment in Ireland—( Hear, hear)—and he wished to get the second insailment—pure and unadulterated. He was unwilling for the consideration of a paltry instalment of a few farthings in the pound, to give up the great cause of religious freedom. He was not willing that great cause should be tainted with any mean consideration about the remission of a money assessment. an hear.) agreed with the principle which had been advocated that nothing but the full enjoyment of religious freedom was what they claimed, and they would not let their brethren, for the purpose of their own relief, be saddled with an assessment contrary to the principles of reli g i ous lib erty. They were as sembled there to promote the great princi p l es h e had the honour of proposing in the National Association of Ireland ; that it was contrary: to the principles :of religious liberty, that any man should be compelled to pay for the ordinances of a Church with which he was riot joined in communion.—( Cheers.) This was the great principle ho desired to see advocated, and car ried into operation,—.( Hear, hear) The reason he objected to the Tithe Bill proposed for Isis own country was, that under the pretext of obtaining religious liberty, the source of oppres sion was transferred from the Church to the landlord. There was no real relief to the people. Ile regretted on this point he differed from the great Leader of the Irish. Many of his Hon. Friends present had supported that measure, because that great Leader said it would be satisfactory, He meant to cast no imputation, but he honestly (tasted from them, and he had honestly expressed ;,is reasons for so ditlerine. He was certain those Members who had take n a different course from 14in, had done so from the purest principles, and with e desire to serve their country. The CHAIRMAN begged the Hon. Gentleman's pardon for interrupting him, but he scarcely believed the observations the Hen, Gentleman was now making, were sufficiently connected with the subject before the meeting, Mr. S. CRAWFORD said he would instantly bow to the de cision of the Chair. lie had been only desirous to make the cause of England and Ireland a common cause.—( Cheers. ) Mr. C. CONWAY, a delegate from Monmouth, said, that as several allusions bad been made to the del ega ti ons from THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY, FEE'RUARV 184.