The Sun. — London, England, 1846-02-10 00:00:00

E S UN, -LON' DON, TUES LAY EVEN EN G, FEBRIJAII,I 10 5 1846. te ttn ;: f r,, i i r i eir Op2l e,ls es tiiro;vn (1,-; of empli yincnt ; Ittt, s ,_-"lea h6ow the expelcl,ture and ttlreatenil;g 6 34 ,, t ` coat,,reial ditfi e ulttea. Such was the state of l ikeee r3:--to what was that state to be attributee ? It .. 1 , 44 led several year:, cif un•xruil pled naanufacturing t h,, 3 . ..1 3 e alludes; to the pi rind ccinnacncitig in 18.33. • 411, k h et , 4 44 . 1 `„, owt , ver at the present ~tare of things iu ti.. . • .Litlanir.op, ratit es sere ill full ( mploylrent, wtf!twurltin,:; on /. , ;(,od tu,d sufficient, rvP,ges ; ii,.:!h a ,,PP.ter and b, tter i l off tha ,, , at any fio.u:er ed. ii • ~r histery, to V. hat was this to be attributed? 1., 'ta e lt w ish to "take away, kold he was folly pre- Ib itt h:justice to the tal,nt of t;:e li;git, Hon. Barb- Oa sis was nut prepared to give him t}.• sole credit 114'iege the etenitly That altered itatti, was to le - tee to the t e, * ri • , , •comment re ti _ , nrie , gunshot 11,,, xu, t.,, ._ , s 7, di d " Serer 1 811.—(11thr, ilLar.) How clearly O A, eartm of tie se :acts deilionstrate to us at pr e , "e shou'd be to •r• serve the causes ta, '''' , e itiis - •t r .- ? (Heel.•) e oe t h pro: pery and icesbil , ... • t it, ° Wtvc•r, hie iuteetion eIL that ocaetien to use '" a dine u te, s , -Ltl er there were thery tr , seon a., to a e ... 'le e et iltaey burdeus on the ngrieulturat pnrtton e to E 17111.,,„. unity, because he thought he should be• Ter di ; ,that the agriculturists lab , ured under a II th e I . 4.lyeetage oa aceount of toe competition de e et u relguer than from the peculiar and Leavy eas e. lead. This disadvantaee had not been duly .1d; bit or considered in the course of these discus he 4 ,1`,, t here was sno.lwr disadvantage which none "I. 5 / ''tes of free trade piinciples could get et ieh ale.. ° meant the, disadvantug - s which er, r, 04 '...t.11ts of this country laboured Oat : 1 1 . e count of the inferiority of their climate of de s , ~ .utner countries, which produced a I . ri t . tetti , grain. He did not think they t m ti et utereaSoll to believe that the farmers of l i 'ttl eihe •Y were less skilful or intelligent than Olt c r countries. He hal heard it stated that ~ he 'i t Slid- he ~ . were superior io the arts of agrieul; l a inf ; s believed there were many ,parts of Germany L et s ur to our own. In Poland the wages `4" Illeaeee • ' • i• were us much 1 4 041 e h in agrietutura. puhste . s . siti. e serpi:id to . those engaged in . s imilar ursuits in la and the k e e a li s teh- soil was equally L. Let t ;*- 1 10 to 20 1 Of E ,, per cent. more in the j,llre m egland than our own.. lie knew N e ''s Of v; heat might ba pr.-duced in Eiscx and 1 1 / 1 ''t the southern counties of England equal to the ikl i tvit in Poland, but he spoke of what constituted q' t il iot Produce of thi s coun try, which was of a very , ,• tleality, and var i e d w ith th e seasons . Thi s 'V II I arose from the 'rest heat of the 'gagto • h" I " v it ,.. ce which ...e had al.uued, and the natural es , a n ti was, that a finer quality of grain rks ea '° , l, the 'nutks wore ,finer and yielded a i t k ti tes t t , a 0 11 : 11 Y of flour. Thus the achuntage to the 2 q r, er the wheat of this country, was not less kr wi i iiiho ' l i e e r e a n t t e . nf l N o va w g , es w , h h e e n heenricfotrsisscu.dlerteit ttheitcliwa'acs- Zo ti 10,1';_u,neasieess that, he contemplated the cout siti,,,,:;:i:ath could not fail ti come, if the lei?' to e ,,, i IGovernment were adopted. Ii teemed COMMONS SU MMARY. s,_ 4 this ''' I-Ie that a, portion at least, of the v, heat c4 cintit ( ''` ltint rY Would b , thrown out of cult;vatien The SPEAKER tool: the Chair at Four o'clock. ttl 'lori t f r ibe ilneetus which would be given to the Mr. JAMES STUART WoRTLEY took the oaths, and ,:tioti the ' wheat on the continent.—'hear,) The his seat fur Bute. k?,.ittel t,:wajo,e—would it - , be a deei: ',Jae cerepetd- Leave was given to bring in several railway Bills, Oh i ts _ , meh they ought to ei,coursge. It might among which was the Windsor, Slough, and Staines O s to ettteitted that it would be 'note advan- le' o tti p erti lue • people of this country to tut n a Atmospheric. ti t u th e i ta , abr ° ea a t of !heir wheat land into pasture, and . to . 1% , 1r . . HUDSON brought in the York and North Midland 9 , 44 . , w ,,,, qudnuty or grain Irian foreign countries, (W, hitby Extension) Railway Bill, which was read a le d lori of ''),t; • a question of plitical ectinomy it was a first, and ordered to be read a second time. ; !r ee national importance. It involved their de- Sir JOHN FtesTuor a presented several petitions from la 4 i lt rerZ nt ' r e etn countries.—(Cheer,-.) lie repeated ttlskll, (semit' to be t tete whether they would depend on Leicester favour . of the Government measure for the fie, for , 8 for a large proportion of the food abolition of duties on food. ke te et toeir own people. lie adln nod at A vast number of petitions were also presented for and t th e 8 large sup-1-- p y came from Poland against the measure. il t t 4: 4 ll 4leP i t th ,of Gertnany. These countries Mr. HuDsoet presented a petition from Sunderland, ° 'o and it ° , g;vh them fu el, as they required ,"a t ° to e , be wise or prudent for the Ministers of for the immediate repeal of the corn-laws. 111 ;• Il es, s e P l ace themeele e s in the power 01 . C;ose Mr. BYNG presented a petition from Kensington, in % titel,,,, to teat t he)' might stop their supplies by pro- favour of the .Ministerial plan for the reduction of .. 4 .-, e t 4, h t :,,,, e xPortati on of rain.—Cries of duties on food. The petitioners, however, stated that I I *Yee • e had had g examples in the Ilt t i ° the r ' from They rile.l • they would have preferred the total repeal of the corn ii h ce ase le tiety might draw an inference laws to the delay of three years. es , 4 tl s ee cluences of trusting a Polish harvest, ke e tne el 4 Mist the Russian Government had prohi- RUSSELL presented a petition from London, Lord JOHN I Ne t ' Porta ; , 14 tki ~e 0 04 oft ,e,a of the inferior grains, which consti- signed by 64,000 persons, in favour of free . trade.. . tteetettet he! tu e trownp .00 . . to this country • and (hey Colonel SIBTHORP gave notice of his intention to Lt c i l o ui ll t i tl th t •g t itetb ur al . so , Lad* a c i ' thin aver sho ' rt . period move - for returns of the salaries of all persons receiving S h f:l2tiithe if :i l e e tson of wheat. '!'here could be 5001. a-year under the Government since 1795. Government of this country ti,, 13 ,°Itri u . 't necessary to open the ports, kii 44 ti .coun tries—F - ra nce ,_ On the motion of Mr. YOUNG, a new writ . was moved r who k t t t s, tta th e i ir s , et for instance—would for Westminster, in the room of Captain eons, "e a matter of protectitn to them- had accepted the office of one of the Lords of the N 411 try , 8 w mild very materially have compelled Admiralty. lte t til dea ee •° dePend uaon th • an rcources. Ile e h , es tired pen h 1 _ eir , o t t ;q,h t , welt as e;n , ow thet frhe trade had the it :answer to the following question from Sir H. Weer funds there are now seoN BARRON, what amount of . . kt es tuh tt•ust ed i ' htt !lle bright k side.—(Hear,hear.) te' t leit e :4, ll g to a de e e Y i ht o e . . onsteration, available for the purpose of lending, with ,cifinteres,toi-t i lts tlks tene ghte ' so 11 ° st this question, its magnitude wards carrying on public works in Ireland:—Also , i t that at once they weuld have all the is intended to propose or sanction any . measure by tei o ° 4 ll l , l e a e n °efor e , is , teem in deciding upon the question. k it tit h a i evil .bat wry to take into consideration the which the Ecclesiastical Commissioners in Ireland 'ti!sinte were‘ ii . i et I t '''ould if a lens , and protracted would be empowered to sell any portion of their estates, ii s t:e t s B(l th -4.°t4 inetl en o s n ue this question, on which the and thereby pay off the 60,000/. they borrowed from the Batt tt the ii e t ,Reat mass of the people were opposed to Government, " 4 11 4 ' 4 0 taC i titY and gentry of the country. The tt y of th e ° into They The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said there was consideration the actual posi t' ' be .° nu e • Ills t e e e etton, not only in the couu- a sum of 300,0001. placed at the disposal of the Board of t 'le t !ld th e e th at House. In the country they Works for Great Britain, upon which demands might f t koli - , 1 , 4 „, 11 3'. P e - e °4l , t annite• into two classes who differed he made from Ireland ; and there was a further sum o m t t lit i l t . s i t , l e tie .s , an t tit 4 e ss e t o e ih eAsted to have therepehlofallpro- 60,000/. annually voted for Ireland. There was now it xtstence. Whater class resolved to maintain those unapplied a sum of 52,0001. As to the question with elt‘tt stood in th e wag the position of the question. itie Brnen en both sid e ee° l -le• All the great and leading respect to the Ecclesiastical Commissioners, there was a N t ," that so sidesm• of ,sum of 100,000/. lent to them, which had been paid. I N Isla ii , rne alt eratt en every party—were of f Those wh,-, 101 1 in the existing law was no- Mr. HomE moved that a humble address be presented kite °. Protect' - "'ere anxious to maintain t an s ytty h lrati t I°ll were a to her MAJESTY, that she will be pleased to direct co ii,. In thi n at t ell ikeih voevedle- unable to form Ad pies of the existing tariffs and commercial regulations tt:Le eith s ease they likely have the confidenc of the court of each of the British colonies and possessions be laid It cr to ed. no choice between two alterna- Il i ts c'llse, o give support to the measure . before before this House, in the same manner as the tariffs and 1 1 4 ,t) . il e r)ahlini d or out the Government which now commercial regulations of Europe and America have * thile table G e - Way for the Government of the been laid before the House. And also to move that s ki the, gain ti :nen 0 , . e th e , e h t , _ opposite.—(hear, hear.) I . Vhat i tti °tl est hefot,re, he a o lt ri l e ng h such wive change—nothing— there be laid before this House, copies of the existing i p n e support to delis'the tariffs and commercial regulations of British India and Ptt tl e r ,stite re ti l he Uouse, :3 ° ll U e k b i e%Np h d is th s a u t P the dependencies thereof, on exports and imports, in the , 4 1)p et 't! th e ie ° 4 , course better calculated ultimately to same manner as those laid before the House of the `klee the ` l 2' , reste , of the country. Many Members t t 7 ti a'se ese measure either from a sense of duty or European and American States. ith Y fond " eonsistenc - b • After a few words from Mr. AGLIONBY, ~,,, to _ . 3•, but resistance wou t the.- ,k„ , e! tai „."lng still greater misery on the country Mr. F. BARING recommended that the subject should le country, the ohkct they had in be referred to the Printing Committee. view. 1 11 04 1, Qt i t ereiF y s - Zeatd b e proposed addressing the House Sir R. INGLIS said that this particular report did not It s , et e t ~. n the Hon, Member who had just sat come under the cogeizance of the Printing Committee. Ile sz lee efi . ulti not consider that this rueaeure would tii i 4 , ee t of improving the condition of pourerßut when an Hoe. Member stated in his place that such 11r4!) "' - ' t' i l ile give satisfaction the landed • the t t irt,i t t -41 to proprietors. A a report was full of errors, he thought that some oppor t es t a t i i sr had been introduced by the Hon. Baronet, tunity ought to be afforded him of substantiating his t es es ie t .Y 0 ,, it ge eurn of rrone •t could be borrowed, and statement. s'%y t eet e ' t , e tit public wodes 3 with a teeei to giving the In reply to Mr. EWART, Sir JALIESGRAHAM said lle e l l'ined inlsive ensplopuent ' . .But he did not think I lleV hale have that effect. In the north ef Ireland the it was not the intention .. of the Goverment to introduce meet b th untri vsd to secure a large amount of emplo .- a measure for giving to parties aggrieved a right of ap lt cl eot tau'e m anufactures carried on there thouli „ ) h e 1 , , .....l in criminal cases. ‘tiv ' ll 4l Yas much for other parts of that country. Certain unopposed returns having been moved for and 4 itie'lli te ll .: ;- " v seats his reasons, as an Irish rhpret:en- agreed to, s li tu d wai that 4 _44 _ th e et ye .at he would give his vote in oppo- The order of the day for resuming the adjourned de-. 5 / r; c , ," eneeent measure ; and in doing su he •,ne t hli to `'" upon so important a measure as this bate was read, and 3 t10.al l e . a tte . Member :should hesitate to state his Mr. Sraaronn O'BRIEN complained that the Govern -Iliet tr' t it might go forth that they had been led meat had not yet thought fit to consult the agriculturists , 1:,,, c41 , 1 1 re t.ti sions b; party iialuenees Ile had seen the t e ire e : '; , ;tit of theresignation of * several Ilorto s ura e at all on this measure. He had little hope of attracting the attention of the gouse ; he had not changed,. and (i t '' , this Howse, and in particular one Noble therefore he had nothing to explain, but remained lathe "et , : te . feV iie le made this eacrifise rather than ' l 'S s 'ttlitt e ,, , 11, measure which they could not same state of bigotry in which he had ever been. The t t es e t h .. ",„"tY behove would benefit the country. law of 1815 might have been the greatest error tle t tee; t e % 0 malty thinge however, in favour of the that the landed interest had ever committed, 'lll ea !ler e ,` ) ,T'sed to be brought forweed by the Right but he would ask who had encouraged them to persevere I t i st , iit iti., a. cti that he shrieked t;rom taking any steps in , in that error. Year after year the Hon. Member for t h t °l) 4( ' ° •th e l t i ,?, fe lt' it was a measure a such vital Alt " W 1 , rlr - eton had given them an opportunity of re '4 art's, 7 the question wl - ';^h we - forced home to - ' LI l e ' ln s 4 ti l ir t e l i ll i tl ! r e' 6 - t •--a l ts :': a u , ah - ' west be, tts ' i ' t, fur the good . of tiieving that error, and year after year the Right .. Hon. il es lee° fsel it , hear.) It wee not his inclination, Gentleman had urged them to persevere in it. e the a k II !' s • Other duty 1U 6 0 1... '''' .. "1114 ' t() be h is - e-into the subject in would not impute to the occupants of the . Treasury if itili.iii,iLeoulii d w ere:better qualified to do so than fe tomes w et :. e x t r , Iltttv . ever, retrain from reterring to bench dishonesty, but this country had hitherto been f e b, the ca reiti l ethich must accrue in Ireland e .1 governed by party ; he would ask how the Government 0 s were to be broken up and if parties ho ta t °. t a t t ch e vt.h lltto effect. They had no menu- in this • t f the keel 44 "go tt a , te e Z"a that measure , introduce menu- country was to be conducted. He had no hesitation in li eu 41 b as sil t! be e 0 ,4 country ? He thought that avowing that he was a party is th se wi t h te loe.oa who would venture to make tactics fur party ends, an opposition conducted by party - man ; and if ever there was ee o !eee ee ,„ uodet t r-ear.) He would not trouble the I f :ewe , Otlene e ne s ' Ithe imports into that country,but it 4, it ( sense se , theit was the opposition of the Right Hon. Gentleman to et „ o t e d , no „measurewould . . be a diminution the late Government. It was a bitter disappointment . to ie t ure.ie et 'tire a ~,` but have a most injurious effect. find him now eschewing al l p . Alr f ; ) Pa qu , eulti N Z, t ekt quantity of the land which was arty. The Right Hon. 14 -11 1t1 not lane w m , and was aburdently productive, Gentleman who spoke last night said that the law of 1842 had failed. Had it failed to the SIDNEY HERBERT le e ttl e tle etf t hat eta ° , ll4 l net such a result be ruinous? , of last year, or to the SIDNEY HERBERT Of this year ? lati sL oehti rr e d 0 ii , t nt Ireland, which n-as so dos tb e °4, b e ti e sesa, et 11 that Mouse by the Hon. Member If the law had failed in regard to the question of aye s;lililt • ' 44 1 i , satr' ' 3l trouble, and sorrow, and detti- rages, it must be a reason for readjusting those are a ,It 4 slevlt e l d that was 41 ttost h 'a accompaniment?—(Hear.) He rages ; and if he found the sliding-scale fail, ti c , ate neve r 4zardous cxperimcnt.—(l - lear, hear.) e 1 .,,, t , Up on, ' fullf)Wed a Minister, or given no reason for giving up protection—they had still the 'alete 'uncil e . 1 % 1 1 sliding-scale to fall back upon. If it had been merely a il . question which he could 'the, wer e with 13 3 , 1,0, clUEst' hi, conscience. (Hear, hear.) 1 1 ( uestion of duty, why had they raised such an agitation im ae, , le h . a above compre. ensien, 11.1)°1 -4° rk "1"8 tar b his h • , and on the subj:ct? It was not on a mere question of p, A deitie s o f t 111 'self, had not either the talent or et t t i. nvesti • port duty that the present Government had dis estr e t ,,s , otted et the gtlting measures calculated to pro he 5 had 41 g watch,,,e°olltry. It became him, therefore, i placed the last. If the present Government had changed their opinions, let them avow the change, Tea t . beta , u the conduct of those public men I - heed ". hi g" forward salutary measures for the ; te 8 e°nutry t . and give due credit to those who had always upheld but let them not deprive them of the t k t4l l t lon this gr o follow that leader who had thus those principles; `)') Il'lll 'abl 'llres b toad he would give his support to .credit due to them by saying that this was a mere t t r lel,, as e Baronet light forward by the Right tie` ll )"thight b e * i t , ; Rlld in su oin, whatever, ,evils impending question of import duties. He ;vas not careless of the ti:. e st a , lig elle, k _ rated as to the `st'ool's paradise,' . . . over Ireland; but a particular evil re a , I only a particular remedy, and althoueh the i th e " one et "e trusted that he would not be con- 1 - s lim • tit%hist! those foolish ;ports might be opened to prevent a famine, lreland yet hi des 4 "'d I► ' e °f betr Sh birds who would be snared of .: 0 (.1 i t :, , , , t° tha t he ban c_r• If the Right Hon. Baronet There was no necessity for repealing the corn-laws. All th th at eh 'eht te tt , changed his epinions he con- . dthat ' destructionof tpt ae eie an ge or o ne ,should be informed of the reasons ; um authorities in Ireland agree the N hel4 . l'"'ellt circumstances he earnestly (Hear, hear.) Under the 1 aericuhure in t, at country would be its ruin. Be ad- a,! te l t,: It Hon, hoped that mitted the existence of the potato disease, and if it had 4 tilt ti " 1 that net would be founderfectly safe. ! Progress ,ed he was convinced there would not have been qit "our. the measures introduced h the 1 a potato left in Ireland. The rot had been stayed, but had th e 4 t o h , Ale Baronet would be productive of be I need, and he believed that the Government sh te.tisutl country. t - now recommenced, He could but he denied that ! Vie]; t ,, iT,,that, should it he only say rspecting ! was prepared to meet the emergency; - to t e () t, out he woul I pass, woted be e willing to ; ic the case of famine in Ireland would be met by the pro e ttis i y sti) ,. y i .. ( net by a vote take upon hilt - Ise' le i t 4 ,e ( , t • t '."' t t its enaettm.nt. And It it was r r rov e d posed alteration in the :corn-law. He believed that the hi 4 °Pe • i '''' ‘o.. it -•,, I responsible for the ~s it i ,, e retto n, he ~ , , , _, l, . ‘,-,. t•arigi!rollS :Ild destructive landowners in Ireland were greatly iLel that a re ,tiziete thtt‘ts:,hag,,,int it, deeply le i el . :Austad et heels g entered distress existing iii the country, but he den s' s'; ttf tb ° I)3C a'-ilre must linprc , ssed with the convic- Ipeal of the corn-lsws would provide a remedy for the -tee con prole fat b e , r c i ~,- ~, ntry.___ (l/ „ ar - ) r.l to the best inter- d . Lord 0 , t , ..., ku.t:llEN-S ''' • what lead fallen f • m the Noble 'stress. From r het a ill'o had ; 1 ezud that the Honourable Mem- last night, he assumed that the principle on which the s i li ~r Just s a t (i o r ov t in . .down comp Lined that the measure Government was henceforward to be conducted was that tti, ~ ,,,r o p, JUrtutts to the landlords t, t k;.41,1,,,.. - - , Tc , t:t-;) 1,,,•1• of Ireland. no favour was to be shown either to agriculture or la p, i„ ~,,. ih ,,,,, ,,,, : ~ Il i! ) , bj , e r ction to meet man-.factures, but that each was to be left to find its own b o oleee, g the le e tt '' t- '3' 'ha: roe'. C ..,,'e i,-it, r " '' - . 1 . . ~.._ In doinga er coder the coinsith ' ‘ 'the' level. Ile twilit:a that Luc setenoes oi p,,,iii,i,i.ta ticunoili ai,p rie eraeen ot of it ee lie did ' i not profess to and of legislation were identical. The science of p01i '411196 fel%l d than those on ticia emmuy was the science of messing and algid- the opposite side of the Hen Se. During the last six yeais .he had done his best to improve the agricul ture of the.county which he represented, and he con fessed he had no feers of the measure under the con sideration of the Ilouee.---(ilear, hear, and cheers.) When he heard the arguments of his Hon. Friend the Member fur Nortlennpton (Mr. Stafford O'Brien) he was much startled at them. In pro fessing so much sympathy for the cotton spinners and paper-shiners, whom he represented, is likely to be ruined, he might have turnad his attention to the condition of the labouring clasees of In lend. If be looked at them he would see enough to excite his mmisveration without going else where yet these had been living under a protective sys tem, and yet to ruin them further would be impossible. Ile considered that these changes were well worthy of the consideration of the laeded interest of the House. He knew not what the teeliugs of the Commoue -and the Lords might be, but of this he was certain that unless they intended to promote the general advantage of the people of Ire• land, they had better let this matter alone. Yet he ought to say that he was of opinion that nothing was likely to advance the condition of the population which do not go to the root of the evil. lie was aware that the measure which he was intending to advocate would not be favourably received by the public. He knew there was not only a deprivation of the necessaries ef life, but that there was a total destitution, which existed not only in one house, but throughout the length and breadth of the land. lie believed that this report of deficiency was not over-stated. By the report that had been made by Lord IX von and the cummissioners under him a commission which had his most hearty con currence. There was au evident case made out for the consideration cf the Government. It appeared by this report of John Duke, Eni , that the effects of this Commission had not been at all in proportion to the anticipation of its advisers. There were some facts which rendered its report nugatory. It ap peared hy that report that there had been no returns respecting the state of the people within 12 miles of our strict. He was aware that he was one of the parties who had been instrumental in effecting a change in the commercial position of the country, but he felt that that ought to be no restriction on his proceeding on this question. The Honourable Gentleman then proce,ded to read some extracts from Lord Devon's report taken at Boyle. The medical practitioner of that union Wel respecting the system of dividing lend, " that it for a man who had from two to five acres to subdivide it, and that in consequence there were very few large farmers in that part of the country, and that they are now fifty per cent. worse than they were twenty years ago. Nothing, said he, can equal their wretched ness. On being asked what was the cause of their wretchedness, he said that commodities were so reduced in price, that they were not enabled to pay their rents in consequence. bating wealth, which was only one of the many elements which entered into the science of legislation. Equal neglect was not impartial kindness, and it was not right to leave the labour of the poor to unprotected competition with foreigners, or to be crushed by the rich. They in the House were all rich, and encouraging the doctrine that they were to buy in the cheapest market. They were encouraging a selfish doctrine, which would alienate from them the affections of the poor. It was a doctrine of political economy which few of them could understand, but the selfishness of which they could till of them perceive. It was unwise to pro pound that rule, it was dangerous to act upon it. Agriculture was salubrious and condu cive to health, and a wise Legislature would pro tect and encourage such a calling. He objected to any change in the present corn-laws, but if any change were to be made, he agreed with the Noble Lord opposite that it shotild be complete, and should take place at once. He did not believe that this was the question of the great landed proprietors, but a tenant farmers' question, and fur that reason he would not consent to alter the law. The landlord would weather the storm, but the enterprising manufacturer would come in, offer a higher price for the land then the farmer, make it bear six quarters an acre instead of three, and the tenant farmer would be ruined, turned out of his farm, NI hich had been held by his father and his .:randfather before him. lie would raise his voice against the injustice of such a proceeding, and would not assist in enabling the Government to trample over men whose only, whose fatal fault was, that they had trusted in them. Mr. SHARMAN CRAWFORD asked how the protec tionists could claim a right to raise the price of food artificially by Act of Parliament, unless they were pre pared at the same time to secure by Act of Parlia ment to the working men of this country con stant employment and a certain rate of wages? In Ireland the agricultural labourer, the tenant-farmers, and the landlords, had all been brought into a state of the deepest distress by this system of protection, and he considered that a system of free trade was their only chance for a revival of prosperity. In the purely agricultural districts of Ireland the distress was the deepest, for in the north, where there were manufactures, there was comparative prosperity. One of the great causes of Irish distress was, that the people were compelled to depend upon the potato for subsistence, and hence they were subject to periodical famines. Now, by reducing the price of corn, the people where rendered independent of the potato, they would be confidence. When the Right Hon. Baronet resigned the post he held, the funds fell, but the instant he resumed his official position they rose. In these times it was important to have a Government in which the people could place confidence ; and this should not be overlooked in a discussion like the one be fore the House ; but they must not forget that there were parties in the country who bad no confidence in the Govern ment, or in the measures which they had brought forward. This was ably urged by the Noble Lord opposite (Lord John Russell) in his addresss to his constituents, and said there should be no surrender of those principles which the present Government had pledged themselves to support. If the Hon. Baronet, in bringing forward this measure had talked of the clamour which had been raised against these duties which he proposed to reduce, or abslish—had he staled that he had given way in consequence of the agitation that had been carried on in the country—that fact he hail been obliged to surrender his conscientious opinions to the pressure from without, he could have under stood his position, and aided in extricating from the difficulties which environed him, but he did not state anything of the kind. He only stated that his opinions had undergone a great change, and teat he founded the measure he had brought for ward on this alteration. Let them take any p erson un bi asse d by party feeling or by prejudice, and if they told him that all the wealth and greatness of this country had gown up under three institutions, which every other co un t ry env i e d, but which none had successfully imitated—if you said it had grown up principally under the reign of Tory Mi n i s t ers , a ll i n f avour of the relaxation of commercial restrictions—under the go ve:nment of such men as Lord North, 111 r. Pitt, Mr, Hus kisson, and Mr. Canning—he could scarcely be brought to believe that such changes had been proposed by a statesman who had stated that he was a surporter of the principles advo cated by these great rr?en. Mr. Pitt, in bringing forward his commercial treaty with France in 1787, spoke in similar language to that used by the Right Hon. Baronet the other night. Who could accuse a man of inconsistency because he said that he could not see why there should not be a kindred spirit be tween a free commerce and a free country? When the present measure was brought forward, in 184'2, by the Right Hon. Ba• ronet, what he (Mr. Cochrane) said was this—that he thought that any state in the agricultural i n t eres t was b etter t h an a state of uncertainty. Now, he would ask the House whether . there had been any c o n fid ence i n t h e country s i nce that per i o d? The farmers had entertained differences as to whether the corn-laws would be repealed in five or ten year;; but on this point they were agreed, v i z ., th a t th e corn- l aws cou ld no t b e maintained. Now, Hon. Gentlemen around him might say that the reason was that the farmers had no confidence in her Majesty's Government. —( Hear.) There had certainly been of late a great change in the policy of the country ; but he knew that in Scotalnd the farmers had openly said that they were totilly indifferent about the corn-laws.—(Hear, hear. ) In Scotland they gave nineteen years leases, and he believed if they did the same thing in England there would be much more indifference among the English farmers than there now was with resp ec t t o the c orn -laws.—(H ear , h ea r.) In all times of excitement, the people considered the Prime Minister either the greatest saviour or traitor of his country ; as in ancient times the people of Rome pronounced the chief of the Senate to be either a lord or a tyrant. fie (Mr. Cochrane) considered the Right lion. Baronet to be neither the one nor the other—(Laughter)—but he did consider bins to be a Mi nister who had done his best for the good of his country in her emergencies.—( Hear, hear.) In 1830 a case exactly parallel occurred—the Right Hon. Baronet lost his office, and we had a Whig Government. He (Mr. Cochrane) would vote for the present measure, because he had confidence in the financial policy of the present Government. He would vote for this measure, on precisely the same principle as the Hon. Member for Newcastle had laid down before the House a few nights ago —that was, because he had confidence in her Majesty's Minis ters. He went for this measure, because he preferred wise legislation to a g it a ti on , an d f ree d om to protection. He protested against protection to one class, in preference to another; if there were to be protection, let there be protection to all classes and to all interests in the British empire.—( Hear, hear.) Protec tion in the hours of darkness and of trouble, which he trusted to God were far from us. He would vote for this measure principally because in doing so he should show that he did not entertain any partial feeling toward, or prejudice against, any particular class. H e w as determined to be guided by no pri vate interest or prejudice or partial views, and he would do (humble though it might be) as much as he could towards the lowering of the burdens of the people of this great country. He would contribute his humble mite (wrongfully it might be, but at all events most sincerely) to increase the welfare of his country, and especially of the poor, though not less loyal, classes of his fellow subjects.—(Cheers.) Mr. DEEDES was aware that in rising to address the ed to a better class of food,. and the landlords would be forced to improve the estates by which the produce would be doubled. He cordially supported the proposi- tioa of the Government. Mr. BAILLIE felt that we should never be able to c'aivince foreign nations of the truth of the doctrines of free trade. Foreigners believed we could manufacture at a cheaper rate than they could, and therefore they had fostered their own manufactures by protective duties. We had, by the aid of machinery, supplanted the cotton manufacturers of India, and he doubted if any c.mqueror had ever inflicted so much misery as we had by supplanting their native domestic . industry. Such had been the results of free trade to India, and seeing that it was not to be wondered at that foreign nations declined to try the experiment, and the question was now should we try the experiment on ourselves ? The prosperity of the last three years was owing to the prosperity of agriculture during those three years ; and it was as necessary for us to protect our agriculturists against foreign competition, as it was for foreigners to protect their manufacturers against our competition. Such was the inferiority of our cli mate, that it was impossible: for our agricul turists to compete successfully with foreigners. The greater part of the grain grown in this country was in ferior in quality to the grain grown in Poland, and if good Polish wheat were admitted to the markets there would be no sale for the inferior sorts of British wheats. If it were a question of pounds, shillings, and pence, it would be advantageous to turn a portion of our lands into pasture and to purchase our wheat from abroad; but this was a national question, and it would be most unwise in us to depend upon foreigners for our food. Considering, however, the position of parties in the House and the country, he considered that they had but the choice of two alternatives—to support the Govern ment measure, or to throw out the Government and let in Hon. Gentlemen opposite. Under these circumstances he should support the Government measure as the one least calculated to do evil.' Mr. LEFROY denied that tl , e measure proposed by the Government would benefit either the labourers, the House upon so important a subject, and at so early a period of the debate, he was laying himself open to the charge of great presumption. But when he considered the great im portance of the question with regard not only to the subject itself, but also with reference to the interests of all classes of her Majesty's subjects—when he considered this, nothing but an imperative sense of duty would compel him to offer himself to their notice at this period of the debate, and he bored that he should be favoured with the attention of the House—( Hear, hear)—and at the same time with a liberal portion of that in dulgence which was wont to be bestowed on all who, like him self, laboured under the disadvantage of addressing this House for the first time.— ( Hear, hear.) He was much tempted to offer his opinions upon a previous night; he, however, refrained from so doing on the ground that it appeared to him to be understood that no discussion upon the merits of the question was to be entered into, and also because he was desirous of removing from himself all imputation which might be cast upon him for having formed a too hasty opinion upon so great a subject, or that he had arrived at a conclusion which a more mature whichth e opportunity he w a s a m since emhe r a then of meeting, very con sideration would not have warranted him in doi ng . H e was e glad that he had thus abstained from speaking on a f ormer oc casion, in be c ause these h county e ha for dhad large body of his constituents, and of hearing their opinions upon this important subject. He was therefore at this period fortified by the unanimous opinion of a large portion of his constituency, who had met for the purpose of deliberating upon the matter, and expressing their opinions upon the same. Under these circumstances, he trusted that the opinions he might now express would receive a more favourable reception than if spoken only upon his own authority. —( Hear, hear.) He assured the Hon. Member for Finsbury (Itlr. Wakley), who was kind enough upon a former occasion to give a cau tion to Hon. Members upon that side of the House as to the mode, of employing the intervenino , time between that and the present occasion, and warning us that we should take care how we stirred up the anger of the people, and what would be the effects of having recourse to agitation. He was happy to assure the Hon. Member that he would have seen, had he been present at the meeting to which he alluded, that his friendly advice had been followed to the utmost ; that nothing but the most decorous conduct had been evinced, and that there was a total absence of everything like angry feeling in the discussion of the subject. The Hon. Member for Fins bury told them he never attended the meetings of the League. He would say that he was sorry he did not, for it might have had the effect of repressing those violent and angry discussions which so frequently took place. His ex ample might have had a salutary influence on that body in discussing a measure which he acknowledged to be of great importance. He would venture to say that the Hon. Gentleman opposite looked on the measure as one of the greatest importance, and that it involved nothing more or less than a complete and total wiping from the statute book of the country all protection to native industry which the wisdom of their forefathers had instituted. Sir, let it be remembered, that under the very operation of these very laws this country arrived at a position in the scale of nations which has been long her glory and her pride. It was reserved for the present rulers of this country to prove that those laws ought to be ex punged from the statute book, and that they were only bound to legislate in such a manner as would do everything to open the doors to foreigners and drive the corn of this country out of the market. He considered that the extent of the changes which they were now called on to make were of a description which should only be come to once in a hundred years; for seldom could arise circumstances which would justify so complete a revolution as an alteration of this law would create.—( Hear.) Now would the House think it possible that so late as the year 1842 these very laws received the deliberate sanction of both Houses of Parliament, and that at that time the principles of protection were fully acknow ledged by the very parties who were now for removing all re strictions from corn imported into this country.--(Hear.) What can be said when they found that the same gentlemen who in 1842 sanctioned the laws which we now find on the statute book are the same gentlemen who in 1846 seek to erase those laws. ,It would be for the gentlemen who now advise this measure to justify theiechange of opinion, and he doubted not that in their own convictions they were doing what was right. He was the lust man to uphold the doctrine that public men were not at liberty to change their political opinions. But that change must be made with caution, it should be made with care, lest public confidence would be shaken in them. He could assure the Right Honourable Baronet that on this, as well as on every other occasion, he believed that the Right Hon. Baronet had been actuated in his course of public conduct by the convictions of his own conscience. In early life he (Mr. Deedes) had always been in the habitof looking up to the Right Hon. Baronet as his political leader, but, in the mean time, he had never hesitated to oppose those measures - which he brought forward, which he believed not adapted for the interests of the country. As long ago as 1829, when he brought forward the Catholic Emai:cipation Act, not being able to approve of the course taken by the Right Honourable Baronet, he, as a member of the convocation, felt it his duty to oppose his return. In the last session of Parliament he opposed his measure with refer ence to Maynooth. He mentioned these facts only, because he desired to state that on those great public questions he never doubted that he was actuated by any other than honest and proper motives.—( Hear, hear.) With reference to the potato failure in Ireland, he was of opinion that the agricultural pro tection meetings, though much abused, would have been ready and willing to have assented to any measure calculated for the relief of their fellow-subjects.—(Hear, hear.) But he could not go further, for he could not see why the corn-law of 1842 was to be altered. He believed that that measure exceeded the most sanguine expectations of even its framer. The producer got by it a fair remuneration for his industry, while the consumer did not pay an extravagant price for the articles of his consumption.— (Hear, hear.) on• The Right H • Barone t in his speech re ferredof the country for the la t hree years. to the thriving state . l a s t it should be understood that this state of things years. Now io iff the amended and revised law took place under the operat of 1842, brought on by hires—( ear, ear.) In the next it was strange that he should call upon them session, therefore, that very law ; and, anxious as he (Mr. Deedes) to exchangeent leman his su ort he could was to give the Righ t Hon. pp , not, according to the best of his judgment, support him on the presen t occasion, Th e Right Hon. Baronet intimated also their manufactur ' h es in exchange that foreigners would time for the corn which they would supply. Her ( M r Deedes) was not quite sure th a t such a result would follow, and he asked the Rig ht Hon. Baronet if the alteration was not an experiment on the native indutry of the country— ( Hear, hear) —and supported thou g h its might be by the influ ence and the arguments of the Right Hon. Gentleman, he would not give way, from an apprehension of the danger which would accompany it. He feared that if these measures were adopted, the country would be made dependant on foreigners for a supply of the very first article of their food.— ( Hear, hear.) He deprecated such a state of things, and the very first arR-u -ment brought forward by the Right Hon. Gentleman a fes: evenings inago, r eference to th e failure of the potato crop , con firmed him in such an opinion. Belgium, Sweden, and other p l ace s, he stated, - had placed re strictions on the exportation of that article, and prevented this country from obtaining any sup ply. He (Mr. D.) required no further argument to induce him to refuse his assent to the measures brought forward by the Rig Rht Hon. Baronet. — ( Cheers.) The Right Hon. Baronet had also stated that no material change would take place in the price of corn in the event of the contemplated measures becom ins, law,—(Hear, hear.) Did the Anti-Cor n -l aw L eague say so ? (Ironical cheers from the Ministerial side of the House. ) Their argument with respect to the abolition of agriculture 1 1 protection was quite the re verse. h They said that it would re dness the price of corn.—( Hear, ear.) The Hon. Gentleman then read an extract from a letter which he had received from one of his own friends confirmatory of the views he had ex pressed, and proceeded to say that the question before the House was w her this taxa tion should bear e ntirely on the pro ducers or on e consume rs b y the present effect of the corn laws. He enl ely concurred as to the propriety of calling this question a landlord question. He was of opinion that the plan of the Right Hon. Baronet would have the effect of throwing the poorer sort of soils entirely out of cultivation. He would ive his best at t e ntio n to the measures before the lime, but IA could not Wok tiatt the farmers, or the landlords of Ireland, and as an Irish Ilerab(r he felt bound to oppose it. Lord CLEMENTS, as one most intimately acquainted with the wants and wishes of the agricultural popula tion of Ireland, declared that nothng could be more des titute or deplorable than this state under the present system of protection. The miserable Etate of the Irish population had been recently brought under public notice by the Times commissioners, and there was not a single statement of his that was overcharged. The report of the Earl of DEVON bore testimony to the extreme wretchedness of the Irish peasantry, and the Earl himself bore witness to the truth of the state- ments therein contained. He had hardly ever known a summer in Ireland without a scarcity in consequence of failures of the potato crop, and although during the present year many had provided against the impending famine by lying in stocks of oatmeal, yet there were many thou sands too poor to do so ; and what, he would ask, had been the benefit of protection to these poor persons. It had not provided them either with food or employment. POLICE INTELLIGENCE. MANSION-ROUSE. A young man, named Louis Phillips, who was stated to be known in very respectable society, was brought before Alderman Farebrother, charged with haviug forged the ac ceptaece to a bill of exchange for 97/. Mr. Menem', of the firm of Bush and Mullens, solicitors to the Committee of Bankers fur Protection against Forgeries and Frauds, attended for the prosecution. Mr. F. Boston, clerk to Messrs. Prescott and Grote, bankers, produced the bill of exchange, which purported to be the acceptance of Messrs. Grayhurst and Co., of 128, Re gent-street, and stated that Mr. Prescott discounted it for Mr. Aaron Lyon Michael, a gentleman who cashed at the house. The bill appeared noted, and was marked as a forgery. It was drawn by the prisoner. Mr. A. L. Michael stated that the prisoner gave him the hill, and that it was discounted at the banking-house; that he had seen the prisoner write, and was convinced that the name of the drawer was written by the prisoner. Mr. James Harvey, the younger, of the firm of Harvey and Co., goldsmiths, of No 128, Regent-street, stated that the firm was formerly Graychurst, Harvey, and Co., but it was now Harvey and Co., and there was no longer such a firm as the former; that on Saturday last the bill was presented fur payment, and pronounced to be a forgery, not being the ac ceptance of any member of the firm, and that he did not be lieve there was any other firm of the name in Regent-street. Mr. Mulleus produced a second bill of exchange, which was also pronounced to be a forgery. It was for 50/., pur ported to be the acceptance of Mr. Clark, pawnbroker, of Mr. Clark,and G o f r o L t o e' n Long-acre, and was received from the prisoner by Mr. Aaron s g b . aanc Long-acre, g-house. Lyon, merchant, for whom it was discounted at Blessrs. Prescott pawnbroker, e. stated that he knew nothing of the acceptances, and had never authorised the prisoner to accept the bill in his name, neither had he ever accepted a bill for the prisoner. Mr. Yates, a solicitor, asked Mr. Clark whether he did not know that the prisoner moved in a respectable rank in life? Mr. Clark—Certainly. Mr. Mathews produced a third bill, which was likewise pronounced to be a forgery. It purported to be accepted by Mr. Clark, whose name was forged upon the last bill, was for 501., and had been cashed at the same banking-house for Mr. Aaron Lyon, merchant. Mr. Yates said that his client was very respectable, and that his friends hoped the Alderman would accept bail, which could be given to any amount, for his appearance to answer the charges. Alderman FAREBROTHER said he could not think of taking hail for a person, however respectable he might have been, against whom there were such accusations. The prisoner, against whom, it was stated, there were charges of having obtained valuable goods at the west end of the town, and pawned them immediately afterwards, was then remanded till this day week. SINGULAR CASE OF INSANITY.—A young woman, named Louisa Turner, who has been frequently within the last four or five years sent to prison for various periods for having broken the windows of a very industrious old couple (Mr. Prentis and his wife), and threatened to destroy them, was for the seventh time brought up. Alderman FAREBROTHER—SO you are here again? Why do you persecute this gentleman and his wife? Defendant (laughing)—Why do . they lock me up? I'd be glad to know that. Alderman FAREBROTHER—If you proceed in this way you will be sent to prison. Mr. Prentis—She comes to me the moment she leaves prison, breaks my windows, and threatens to destroy me and my wife, so that we are vale our lives are in imminent danger from her. Alderman FAREBROTHER—Has there been any cause for all this? Mr. Prentis—Net the least; she does not even know me. lam sure she could not pick me out of a dozen strangers. The defendant here burst into laughter, and said she would give it to the complainant and his wife, and no mistake whatever. She would teach them how to put her into prison. Mr. Prentis—l have lived in my house these thirty years, and I never received the least annoyance from any one ex cept this woman, and I never dreamt of doing her an injury. The defendant—Oh, wont I give it you when I come out. I am only sorry your window was not plate-glass, old fellow. Oh, wouldn't I shatter it. Alderman FAREBROTIIER—You must go back to prison. The defendant-I'll do for them as sure as ever they were born. Alderman FAREBTZOTHER—You must procure good bail before you have the opportunity of doing anything more to them.—Committed. The unfortunate woman went away laughing. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF (;OMMONS, Monday, Feb. 9. TkiE CO2TIMILIZCIAL__V:)LICI: OF THY. COUNTRY. Mr. B. COCHRANE would affirm that such was the cue. But it metWred nets .the Geyerumeut the people bad n o f t corn-laws mhonein egssorlcfacfoinotauldhlinj o etaw u renß g yoh( h iim‘gi vtmheba agricultural combined ( o deiHsedbujor b wlent e ,ic. tarhar. i ßr n l iap t hep e redeo r uen f olr e l eisu) r mut e t ai d ai totnnsaf t.dti iito ghwith.give Looking Ineeaeasgt paper aiuh f :pp e evi e a sosi tr r r: feared that defalca tion nteehlsy2e if we have to purchase corn from foreign countries, the specie is in the amount of the specie which went out of the Bank issue, would occasion great confusion, in fact, ruin both in lan guage oifuernatEgi views on the subject, and bearing strongly in mind the lan on this question, he could not consistently with his own cone measure. He desired to thank the House for their kind atten tion on this his first attempt at addressing them, and would sit down trusting that Divine Providence would enable them so to shape their measures with moderation and justice that the issue would result in benefit to the whole nation. Sir J. WA LSII thought that the party to which he was attached must be admitted to be the organ of opinion of a great multitude of the population of this country, and he thought they might come forward to defend themselves from imputa tions of a personal character which had been showered() upon u them throughout the country. The Honourable Gentlemen opposite had held them up as the weak and impotent advocates of a base and selfish monopoly. They bad been represented as acting by no other method, and impelled by no other aim, than that of maintaining the rent of the landlords. He thought that they appeared before the House under circumstances of great disadvantage, as they had been deprived, by the sudden change of opinion of the Right Honourable Baronet, of the able advo cacy of their case, on which on former occasions they were ac customed to depend. The Right Honourable Gentleman had accompanied his measure with some proposals of compensation and alleviation to the landlords. They (the landlords) were bound to give their opinion, and to defend their character from the charges which had been brought against them. He would deny that they considered this matter as a question of rent, and of rent alone. But before he entered on that subject, he would ask, whether, if they were to argue the question on that narrow basis—whether, if they were to consider it on the cir cumscribed circle of rent—if, even on that ground, it was not a question which might not well engage the attention of the House ? From the return of 18-13, which had been moved for, by the Hon. Member for Wolverhampton, it appeared that the amount at which the rental of land in England had been a-sessed to the income-tax was 45,7A,000/. This was the amount in Great Britain alone ; and he thought a further sum of from 15,000,000 n to 20,000,000/. for the rental of Ireland aas only a fair average. Tnis was a question of rent, involvine the consideration of a sum amounting to 60,000,0001. of yearly income. income. He would ask, how was this income divided? When Hon. Gentlemen opposite talked about the rents of the landlord, which had been published in their addresses throughout the country, immediately nothing else was suggested than the territorial revenue of some great pro prietors, of some Duke of Northumberland, Duke of Bedford or Sutherland, or some of those wealthy commoners whose estates and possessions rivalled the most ancient and extensive domains of the peerage itself He would however remind the House that there were entire counties in England in which there was no such thing, comparatively speaking, as an estate. There were counties in which small plots of land were owned and cultivated by yeomen—by farmers, to whom the lands had descended by a long ancestry, who themselves held and cultivated the soil. Another most numerous class was the small retired tradesman, who with that love of rural life which characterises an Englishman, had invested the fruits of a life of inctstry, strict and successful enterprise, in the purchase of land. Mr. M'Cullock had estimated the number of landed proprietors, small and large, of Great Britain, at 200,000. Thus 200,000 persons, with their families and do mestics, dependent upon them, were interested directly in that question of land. He would say, on that ground the question should not be considered as a mere narrow class in terest. The land interest was one on which depended the well being of a great proportion of the people. The question must necessarily involve in it the interest of the tenant-farmer, and of all connected with agriculture. The Right Hcn. Baronet who had brought forward the measure, had stated that the great relaxation which would be given to the duties on articles of consumption, would form a counterbalancing equivalent to any loss which the farmer might sustain—that the greater cheapness of many articles would be an equivalent for any dimi nution of rent, or for any injury that might accrue from the want of protection. The theory of rent was a simple one. Itdepended on the state of cultivation of land. Good soils were more profit able than poor soils. The profits of the farmer enabled him to pay proportionably. But what would be the result if a great quantity of foreign wheat were brought in, so that the farmer's profits would be diminished. Why, his capital would be wasted, and the poorer soil of lands would be thrown out of cultivation. He would no longer be able to employ his capital profitably, and the whole agricultural population would feel the evil effect. Many causes conspired to render protection neces sary for the farmer. There were fluctuations in the currency to which the farmer was exposed equally with those engaged in commerce and trade. He had also to contend against the will of Providence as regarded the elements; the vicissitudes of the weather were fraught with danger to him. Since the year 1815, the population had increased by upwards of six millions, and what had been the history of commerce and manufactures since the year 1815 ? Hon. Gentlemen opposite said that re strictive laws cramped commerce, and yet, since the period he had mentioned, a most extraordinary and rapid increase had taken place in all our staple manufactures. It might, however, be said that the agriculture of the country had reached its utmost limit of improvement, and therefore they must look to other countries for supplies. So far from that being the case, there never was a period when agriculture was more calculated to take a great stride in advance. Never was there a period when capital was more ready to be applied to the improvement of agriculture than now, if they would but give it security. So far from agriculture in this country having reached its utmost limits of improvement, he believed that it was at present only in its infancy. Much had been said about the peculiar burdens on land. Those peculiar burdens had been denied by Hon. Gentlemen opposite. They were first denied by the Hon. Member for Montrose and by the Hon. Member for Sheffield; and it had been asked by those Hon. Members and others what the peculiar burdens upon land were. The peculiar burdens upon land pressed as heavily upon agricultural, as the metropolitan police-rate would upon the shoemakers of London, if that rate were imposed upon that body exclusively, and he considered this an apt illustration of the position of the agriculturists. lie could not but look upon the proposed change as a leap in the dark. The repeal of the corn-laws would cease corn to come from quarters from which it was not now expected. Corn would then be grown in Spain, and sent to this country. When he was at Hamburgh, in 1813, a merchant informed him, that it was perfectly practicable to purchase corn in any quantity at 365. per quarter, and to freight it over to this country at 4s. per quarter. Indeed such was the competition between the Danish, the Hanoverian, and Hamburgh ship owners, that corn might be sent to Hull or London at Is. per quarter. If that were the case, how severely would the pro posed messure he felt in this country. The Right Hon. Gen tleman took the state of Ireland as one cause for this change. He (Sir J. Walsh) was too well acquainted with that country, net to be aware of the appalling consequences that would follow a failure of the potato crop, and he was perfectly ready to admit that there was no practicable measure which they ought not to adopt to alleviate such a great calamity. But he could not conceive how a calamity of this sort, which, permanentstate of Ireland alte ration however frightful, must, in its v er y nature, be temporary, could be made a pound lighter f or the p roposed change. Was the uld p fwa r av e sos favour oh present no t oaff the stateoef the o lawpf present Ireland ?—(Hear,onnldagwea. strongest Irelandhffis argument s was e ci r.) ent Th ca use e hp tfaoutrr purely general alcyo be used in an agricultural country. There was a denser population in that country than in this, and they . were entirely dependent upon agriculture. The trade in agricultural produce between England and Ire land was one of the greatest links and bonds of union that could possibly Blinks between the two countries. There were two great on was the trade in agricultural produce, and the other was the Protestant Church of Ireland. They were going to destroy the one, let them take care to defend the other. The Right Honourable Gentleman based his measure on the experience of the last three years. He (Sir J. Walsh) was sure that public opinion, and that posterita,v, whose suffrages the Right Hon. Gentleman was so richly desirous of obtaining, would consider that another cause had been in operation in England some two years past, which had had a most powerful effect in producing this result. He believed that the efforts and funds of the Anti- Corn-law League had produced the change which that House had been called upon to sanction. The Ati-Corn-law League Association was the second joint stock agitation company which had produced so important a change in the policy of this coun try. Let them read the history of the first, and then let them solve him this problem:—How many more of these repeal asso ciations would it take to crush the independence of Parliament? —(Cheers.) This was an evil that some day or other the Minister would have to grapple with, and this was a system which could not long co-exist with the representative Government, but must sooner or later prove the distraction of its independence. He opposed this measure because he believed it to be a dangerous experiment upon the resources of this country, and he opposed it doubly because he believed it had been brought about by the influence of an asso ciation which he considered every lover of order and a regular Government was bound to appose. Mr. B. HOPE wished to say a few words upon this im portant measure. He would discuss the question upon the simple ground of whether or not the present Parliament was morally as well as equally bound to maintain protection.— ( Cries of " Oh," from the Opposition benches.) Who were the Parliament that were elected five years ago, and who was the party that elected them ? In 1841 there was a great struggle—whether it was right or wrong was not the question— the Right Hon. Baronet led that struggle against free trade, when the Noble Lord. the then Member for the city of Edin burgh, made a last effort to maintain the Whig Government which, had existed since the year 183 and which in the national co urse of events bad become a great fete. The Noble Lord, the Member for the city of London, brought forward a measure ter free trade, but the opposition of the To ries compelled the Noble Lord to appeal to the country upon it, and then in the teeth of the cry of " cheap bread" they were returned to the present Parliament, pledged as protectionists, and pledged to crush repeal, The people returned the Right Hon. Baronet as the leader of that party, and now, in the year 1846, they were called upon to pass the very same measure— nay, a stronger and more sweeping measure, if possible, which they had pledged themselves to their constituents to oppose, right or wrong. This bad now become a matter of principle ,• and by what measure of political expediency any change could be justified, he was at a. less to understand.— (Hear, hear.) To be sure the Right H o n ourable Baronet was elected in 1841 by his party, and he is still their leader, but the Right Hon. Baronet should recollect, neither himself nor the Noble Lord, the Member for the City of London, nor the Hon. Member for Stockport,. nor any other leader of any political party, was such by hereditary right. He was the leader of his party simply and solely, as being she expunant of their principles, and of course he maintained that position as long as their principles agreed; and it could not be a matter of sur prise to him if his party, finding that he has altered or de serted the principles by which they elected him, should again retire to chose their own leader, or each to take his own line for hinvelf.—( Hear, hear, and laughter.) Such ought to be the case now, for the Right Him. Baronet has brought for ward a free trade measure, iri a speech abounding in the same glowing eloquence as that which he used while tram pling under his feet, in that ;House of. Commons, or that Parliament, and during the early debates of the present Par liament, the very principles of which this measure was to carry out.—( Hear, hear.) And upon wrhat ground was this change to be made ? Last Tuesday week they were all present, and heard the grounds, and what were they? They had a long ,:nd very clear exposition of the Right Hon. Baronet's views ; but what were the arguments which the Right Hon. Baronet a d v . need to show that the measure, which in 1841 would have been ,the destruction of the kingdom, should now be its salva tion. !hat did the Right Hon. Baronet mean by true Con servative policy, or what was true Conservative policy ? To ryism was a tan gible thing—Whigism was a tangible thing— Protectionism - was a tangible thing—and so was free trade. All these things I have their meanings, but what meaning was there in the new word Conservatism?—that word which he heard in 1832, at a tim e when the old Tory party, finding a difficulty in gathering toge they under their old banner, ventured to rally round and suppc .rt—what ? Toyrism ? no ; Whigism? no ; but Conservatism,. Toryism and Whigism was now no more ; and, in his opihicm, Conservatism ought long ago to have been sent to the e Atr, , tomb of all the hoaxes.—( Laughter.) The Right Hon. Throviet came down to that House in the end of 1841, to advocitte protection, and for what reason ? Why, be becauselnsistent ; and now, in the beginning of 1846 , lon. Baronet came down to that House to advocate Conserves ` i sm ; and what did he say was his reason for doing so ? because it was consistent with the principles m v laservatism. This to might eery e bo the tr in ue ten C ti o o n n . tervative policy, but it % . 71t5 not the policy t sa e i tß ig ht wa s f of his own party. There was a minister once of great power, has last spoken. I confess that I do not think these grey who lived before the days of the House of Commons, and when transcissions can be made without incurring risk at least, and the power of England was exercised by the Crown, and not by considerable suffering.—( Hear. hear.) Ihe circumstances of the people. This minister ruled with strength for a time, but the country may be so far so fortunate that suffering may be he became a little too arrogant, and adopted as his motto, avoided, but I certainly think that if you wish to get rid of " Ego et rex teens," lit tection you will run the risk of some hazard, and incur and it ultimately proVed his downfall. Let other ministers considerable suffering.—( Hear, hear.) This, Sir, is a beware lest they meet their fall in the cry of " I and my confession and admission that is made by all persons i arty."—( Hear and laughter.) Honourable members who olio have reflected on the subject. Some speak of fa were elected strong protectionists, were, upon this principle of mine, others speak as the Noble Lord has following their leader, brought down to the house of Core- spoken, of the difficulty of arrangements between the different mons on last Tuesday week without the common courtesy, classes of persons who are concerned in trade, but all admit which in former days was resorted to in measures of minor im- that there is considerable danger of losing capital and diminu portance, and called upon to do that, which in 1841, they had thin of trade.—( Hear, hear.) But, Sir, I come to the plan pledged themselves not do. In 1841 lie knew some- of the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite, the first Minister thing of what was going to take place. The West of the Crown. I agree with the Noble Lord that Ido not India Sugar Bill was then an important question, and think he has laid down the grounds of it. largely enough or ex the Conservative party was called together to consider what tensively enough in point of time.—(Hear, hear.) He ha s might be its effect and operation, but now when the old emu- alluded to measures about which he would have no difficulty, mercial system of the country was to be revolutiowizeil, they were because I believe he is the Member of the Cabinet by whom not called together to consult on the subject—that would have those measures were introduced. I mean, Sir, the measures been contrary to the principles of true Conservative policy. of Mr. Iluskisson—(llear, hear)—which measures might This would have been a bold measure for the consideration of a have been quoted by him to show the advantage of moderating new Parliament, but now they were going to consider it in a duties, and the doing away in a great extent of prohibitory Parliament which was nearly extinct. Protectionism had duties. I will not make any statement in figures, but I can been the policy of England fur upwards of' a century, but now say that I think, in consequence of the reduction of the duties they were going to do away with it, and when the measure on silk, the importation of the raw material during the years reached the House of Lords, it would be moved by the Lord 1837 and 1838 had increased over the tears 1835 and Chancellor from that memorable emblem of Protection to 1836 (during the existence of prohibitory duties) British Industry, the Woolsack ; which, ever since the more than one hundred per cent. In the article time of Edward the Third, had been placed in the et wool - a reduction of one penny in the pound, House of Lords as the seat of its highest and most produced an immense increase in the price of that article, honoured officer of the state, and probably as a foreign wool was then introduced at a low rate of duty, and the memento to warn the Parliament ef England of what exports increased to a great extent. These, Sir, are instances and in what its true policy should be.—( Hear, hear, and much of many others, which show the benefit at least of reducing laughter.) Whether that policy was tight or wrong, it, does duties. But, then, the Right Hon. Gentleman at the head of seem strang e that they should be called upon by a Minister, her Majesty's Government, has proposed a plan which goes , who, in 1841, a d vocated it in the strongest terms, to abandon it beyond tne mere reduction of duty to a moderate amount, and altogether.—(Hear, hear.) But the Right Hon. Baronet might thereby increasing the imports and prices. Ile has proposed say there was no other course open to he had done on fo rmer occasion's that there ere were two or three of three years, the duty upon that article shall altogether courses open to him.—__( Hear, hear and laughter.) '[lie Right cease. Now, Sir, lam of opinion, that if the Government h a d Honourable Baronet mi g h t have dissolved the Parliament, and undertaken this task in 1812, and had made far greater reduc that, in his opinion, would have been one and a better course • tion titan they h then slid, it would have been better for the agri or the Right on. Baronet m i g h t have come boldly forward, culturists as a body, and for the country at large. As the and told them, as the Noble Lord the Member fur the City of matter now stands, lam ready to say, seeing the contest now London—whose great openness and st raightforwardne,s, he was going on, and the struggle that would continue to go on if no willing to admit, entitled the Noble Lord to great credit—had attempt is made to stop it between the intermediate steps of the done from the city of Edinburgh—that he had supported pro- sliding scale or a small fixed duty. I am prepared to repeat tection till he could do so no longer, and that as he was now what I have before stated in public, that the struggle will con satisfied that the principles of all his former life were erroneous tiring unless some efficient measures are taken by her Majesty's he was prepared to give up the Government, and tender the Government to prevent it.—( Hear, hear. ) I must say, I Opposition his warmest support in carrying free trade.—. consider the plan of the Right Hon. Baronet as a great measure (Loud Opposition cheers.) That would have been a policy —a measure which will lay the foundation of a complete new which they would have commended, whatever their erinciple as to commercial legislation—a principle which will private views might have been, and looked upon it as a have the effect of leaving both agriculture and manufactures magnanimous attempt on the part of the Right Hon. Baronet entirely to the energies and skill of the British people. I must for the well-being of his country.—(Cheers.) The Noble say, Sir, believing those principles to be sound principles, lam Lord and his supporters opposite had a right to have the credit prepared to give every support to the plan brought forward by of passing their own measure. They had a right to demand her Majesty's Government. —( Hear, hear.) But I think it it that the conduct of a measure in which they spent all their iocumbent on me to say that, with reference to the mode he lives should be left to them, and the Right Hon. Baronet having has admitted of introducing a new system of corn duties for three been placed in power in 1041 by protectionists,he called on him years, that the opinion which I had formed in my own mind in to give it up to them. These were the views which had the month of December last, has been more and more strength led] him to the determination of supporting the amendment, cried by everything I have seen or heard since the Right Hon. but he supported it the more, because, by doing so, he recorded Baronet made known his plans.—( Loud cries of " Hear, his protest against a system and policy which he was sorry to hear.") I have heard from all parts—from Devonshire, see being adopted as being one that must diminish the expedi- from various parts of Scotland, from the midland counties, and ency, if any, and add no lustre to the very best system of ab- from various other parts of England, that the opinion of the street legislation.—( Cheers.) farmers was to the effect " That if we are to have a system of Lord SANDON was one of those who would support the treeltrade instead of protection, let us know what that system measure, although it did not meet with his approbation._ is to be at once—(lean hear,)—let the duties be repealed at (Laughter.) He was sorry that the arguments of the Right Hon. once." I consider there was great reason in that remark. Baronet in its favour were so flimsy, and thought those argu- In the first place I think the farmer will be better able to ments would not j us tif y a sudden changing o f opinion which arrange w i th h i s l an dl or d as to t h e pa r ticular sums he has to had prevailed for Yearn—Mean hear.) He insisted that pay, and the sums he will have to pay, if he knows at once the the wages of the - labourer depended on the price of corn, state of the law, and has not to wait until the end of the and declared that experience both at home and abroad proved mouth of February, 1849, and take the chance of what tray that the rate was varied by the fluctuation in the prices oh then be the price of corn. I think also there is some danger ' grain. He had yet to learn that it was an established to the farmer in adopting the proposed plan. In 1848 the principle of political economy that increased consumption pro- prices may be low, there may be a considerable accumulation duced high prices, and protested that the experience of of corn in the country, the glut which would not happen in three years in some minor articles of commerce the spring of 1848, may happen if there is a sudden reduction of did hardly justify so extensive an experiment as the present. the duty from ten .sh illings to one shilling per quarter in the spring During the present state of uncertainty the farmers were in a ef Its 49, not owing to the price of corn, but to the effect of the most helpless state.—( hear, hear.) He knew lie should be previous legislation. I think, Sir, that the danger will be told by Hon. Members on the other side of the House that greater after the lapse of two or three years, than it would be this was not the farmers but really the landlord's question.— if the alteration were total and immediate.—(Hear, hear.) (Hear, hear.) Abstractedly speaking that was no doubt true. The present would be a favourable time for removing these If there was a bad harvest farmers would expect the landlords restrictions, for in consequence of deficient harvests in most to make abatements in th e i r rents; a b a t emen t s w ere made, of the countries of Europe, there is now little stock remaining and consequently so far the landlords suffered. All their capital on h an d in Dantzic or liamburgh. There is no reason to was embarked in land, and year by year they found that that suppose that there is any great stock in the United States of capital wee dwindling away, till at. last th e y w ere compelled to America ; there is no apprehension on the part of the farmer, take refuge in some other profession. But he would lastly with reference to a reduction of the duties upon corn, and I take the case of the farmer and his labourers. Those of ,-,insider these together as forming a pretty conclusive proof all others suffered the most in times of agricultural that there is actually no danger at the present time.—( Hear, distress.—( Hear, hear.) The first struggle which the farmer hear.) If they had any danger to encounter, it was when on made to meet the distress was by diminishing the number of the continent of Europe and in the United States, prepare his laborers. That step of course added to the number Of tions had been meths, the ground had been oultivated, and the paupers in the country. Those were the reasons then why be seed sown with a view to send large supplies of corn to Eng would vote for the measure of the Right lion. Baronet at the land. I consider, Sir, that the policy of the Government is head of the Government, although he disapproved of it. like furnishing a farmer with a great coat to wear only Though he (Lord Sandon) disapproved of his proposal, still he in the summer, and which he was to take off when felt that the Right Hon. Baronet must be supported, because the winter arrived.--(Hear hear.) But, having said this he felt convinced that by the Right Hon. Baronet the country much, I put it to the Right Hon. Baronet if he will not re must be governed. H e f e lt that unless questions of this consider that part of his plan which hail reference to the corn nature, were settled by very great masses of enlightened opinion, laws.—( Hear, hear.) The Right. Hon. Baronet has often a cuuntry ike England could not long be properly governed. He alleged, in bringing forward his measures for the reduction of felt that when opinions hostile to protection had been enun • duties upon subjects of much less importance than the one now elated by the great leaders on both sides of the House—(Heart li m ier consideration, that it was almost impossible to know the —they ought t o b e su p por t e d by the greet body of the people- effect of such duties till they had been tested by experience. He had now arrived at this position—viz., that all the Now, Sir, it does appear to me, that oith reference to the members of her Majesty's Government, with the exception, he proposed measure, we shall be labouring under this disadvan believed, of two, had expressed themselves in favour of free ' age . I h o pe that the Hots. Baronet will reconsider that part trade—all, with the exception of the two Hon. Members to of his subject. I wish that his plans may succeed. I wish to whom he had alluded, had given their sanction to the proposal see this measure successful, not only in this House, but also in then before the House. lie confessed that the question the other House, and I would not be one to oppose the progyese seemed to him to be no longer a matter of discussion—it was of that measure.—( Hear, hear.) When, therefore, this sub merely a question of time. For his own part, be believed ject comes into Committee, if the Right Hon. Baronet tells me that the sooner the measure of the Right lion. Baronet was that he has reconsidered the subject, and that he still considers passed into a law, so much the better would it be for the court- the three years duty to be an essential part of his plan, try at large.—( Hear, hear.) The measure, he confessed, I will then support him to the utmost of my abilities. would entail some difficulties upon those concerned in Sir, I have stated thus much with reference to the plan as it the agriculture of the country; but their difficul- affects the article of corn ; it is not necessary that I should say ties could not last more than a few months— much as to the other parts of the plan. With reference to the certainly not more than twelve. But it was better that the article of sugar, it will not be necessary for me to make any question should be decided without further delay, for it was observation ; as regards the articles of manufactures, and the only, as he had before said, a matter of time ; postpone the taking off the duties uponthem, I consider that you are bound matter as the might, they would have to come to the same result to do so, you are bound to show that you abandon protection at last.--( Hear, hear.) He believed he had spoken at some altogether as a principle, vic'ous and injurious, and not for the length of the peril of the experiment, but he could not say that sake of subjecting them to any experiment to which you would peril would extend so far as was apprehended by Hon. Mem- not expose the manufacturer.—(hear, hear.) There is hers opposed to the measure. For the sake of the millions of a nother part of the subject, and one which I certainly cannot the country, he believed that it would be well that the present approach with great satisfaction, I allude to the question or uncertainty on the question of food should be removed. But burdens upon agriculture. The Right Hon. Baronet has pro be could not see the process by which those advantages antici- posed to make certain relief as to local burdens, the expenses of pated by Hoeourable Members who advocated free prisons and prosecutions; these amendments in the law I con trade would be realised. He had seen in the course sitter to be just, and they are improvements in the existing of his life the price of corn down as low law. These measures are offered as compensation to the landed in as 555., and that was termed by the agriculturists a paying terest. Ido not think any compensation could be properly offered. price. If the present proposal were carried into a law, he 'Tall) lam not sure that as regards the general burdens of the believed that instead of land going out of cultivation, it would country, that the occupiers of land have not more than the be much more cultivated, and, of course, more labourers would share which belongs to them.—(Hear.) It is a point upon be employed. He could not think that Hon. Members need anti- which I feel a difficulty ; because I have found that whenever cipate the risk, which they appeared to do, of the land going out a proposition was made by the lion. Member for Sheffield (Mr. of cultivation. He did entertain a hope that, although much Ward), to snake a statement adverse to that opinion, and ask for individual misery would have to be Bone through in the event a Committee to inquire into this point, none were so ready as of this measure being passed into a law, the vessel of England those agricultural gentlemen to oppose that inquiry.—(Hear, would sail much more safely and smoothly than it did at pre- hear.) The lion. Member for Radnorshire (Sir John sent.—( Hear, hear.) Those were the general reasons why he Walsh) had draw a comparison, of shoemakers, who were alone bad determined to support the Right Hon. Baronet's proposi- compelled to pay the police rates. They might complain that tion. He saw in that measure great wisdom, and although they could not sell their articles so cheap as others who were there was involved in it a perilous experiment, at the same not so taxed—they would complain of the injustice practised time he did not share in the amount of apprehension that was upon them. But if the shoemakers, who formed the majority entertained by Hon. Members in favour of protection. Under in this House, had always strenuously resisted the proposal to those circumstances, he felt bound to give his support to the inquire into the subject of their grievances, I certainly measure, - nd he conceived he was right in doing so. should suspect the shoemakers of thinking there was something Lord JOHN RUSSELL then rose and said, I believe, Sir, in their case which would not hear to be sifted.—( Hear, lam about the first to speak, upon this side, upon the impor- hear.) There is another difficulty in the question. When about Cant question before the Honse.—( Hear, hear.) And while two or three years since there was a large surplus of about I shall give my vote on the same side with the Noble Lord three millions in the Exchequer, I thought it might be worth who has just addressed the House, I cannot help saying that 1 o leo s t o the agricultural interest, with a view to their obtaining shall do so with better heart and hope.—( Hear, hear, and some relief from their burdens, to remove the taxes of several laughter.) Sir, I will not attempt to deny the importance of articles—the malt tax far instance. They would not hear of this question. Hon. Gentlemen en the other side of the House, such a proposition, and when the Right Hon. Baronet dis whom I have heard, and who assent to the preposition of her tributed this large sum of three millions and a hair, he did not Majesty's Ministers, say what is quite true, when they say seem to have any particular regard for this interest. I freely that the system of protection has been a system of legislation state that Ido not feel any sympathy with this class.—( Hear, adopted for one particular class.—( Hear, hear.) Sir, lam hear.) Nor can 1 see why any relaxation of burdens should not at all terrified by that enunciation. — ( He ar, hear.) I be made towards those whose burdens were shared equally by know very well that for centuries religious disability was the their fellow countrymen. I do not consider that that they system of this country.—( Hear.) I know th at for centuries the have any claims to a relaxation of their, burdens.—( Hear, want of security and liberty of the person was the system of hear.) Had 1 brought forward any scheme of commercial the Legislature of this country. But lam happy to acknow- policy, although it would have differed in some respects from ledge that great benefits have flown from the destruction of the plan brought forward by the Right Hon. Baronet. I do the system, and I hope we arc now at the commencement of not think that I should have given them so much the destruction of another system which has been injurious to relief as he has done. I do not think I would the country, and that we shall h erea ft er b e prou d o f having have given so much as 500,000/. or 600,0001.—d participated it, the foundation of a new and a better order of Were they to lay burdens on the commerce of the country, a th n things.—( Cheers. ) It appears, sir, that the question withand respect to the corn laws, which in former years had been to propose ass increase of taxation which would it? ee s po e se , Government to great and to deserved unpopuar t i t y almost confined, has been of late, but especially in meetings and discussions in the country, widened to the whole principle for these reasons I will therefore say at once b the l it 11:e Government scheme as proposed RilghcotneHurnnin. of protection, but those who have defended the present corn-mr n e m d i e a n t e t ~ — b ( u L t , o ui in laws wish in maintaining them to avoid all appearance of set- Baronet .heers. ) a i t the wish lit , nd ea t he strong desire that exists for, fishness or legislation for a particular class, and they the present state of that will accrue by, getting rid of the come s en Gyn im va have said that they wish all native . industry and the advantage, head then i r a i e e p r il l ia li j a e dl: to be protected. (Hear, hear.) But, Sir, . the mercial systeni an advantage respect to corn, even at a remote period, advantage to the people of this country gene- Honorable Gentleman who seconded the amendment to-night it is too greato t s upport a the measure.—(Hear, hear, and cheers. ) m t a h n e Memberstated (and for seemed to confess—or at least appeared to have said so—that rallylttit not to I cannot forbear from taking notice of one remark lavnaktieiTiourTabhlee lion. Gentleman all native industry was not entitled to protection. at come to the question of protection of native industr various branches of Industry—the great cotton manufactures , factureset i the woollen manufactures, and the great linen mann _ o. he thought he had no particular motive for doing so) that he yw.efind p"s'i l n li s e b h u r r e y il ( fr oT r u . • hare sent abroad to compete with the prthe Right thought Honourable Baronet at the head of her this country, which . . ductions of nations at the greatest distance from this country— Majesty's Government o• as more able to.carry this measure such as America and Asia. These interests are not benefited successfully than I was That is an observation that compels by any protection which yet .emains upon your me to state, that a measure of th e same ki n d wou ld be equ a lly s tatute books.--( Hear, hear.) It is obvious their successful, if I had received the same support from my political that the protection you now seek to maintain opponents which they now receive from me.—(Great for agriculture is a protection for one particular class of indus- cheering.) This measure of free trade the protee try—(Hear, hear)—and an advantage for them alone. We tionists say, anti they say what is correct, was loudly find, Sir, a great argument, which is the argument of all opposed by the Right Hon. Baronet. When Mr. Huskisson writers on political economy, applies to that particular protec- brought forward, in his place in Parliament, a measure of free. tion ; that, in the first place , i t is an interferenee with the due trade, many of us gave him our support; but the Right Hon. ' current of trade and labour , a nd is in behalf ofone particular Gentleman opposite, the Secretary for the Home Department,. class. In the next place, that it is a tax upon the rest of the stated, when he was in Opposition, that he could not give him. 'ty for the benefit of that class. In the third place, community his support. In 1839 the Secretaryof State and the Chancellor that the class which you seek to benefit loses by the pretended of the Exchequer proposed going into Committee on the corn protection that you afford it.—(hear, hear.) Sir, these are laws, but they were met then by the party in Opposition.o— the propositions which are so true that they have become axioms (Cheers.) In 1841, when we came forward to propose a re— in political economy.—(Bear.) I was induced the other day duction on the importation of corn, of sugar, awl by the Honourable Itlember for N or f o lk to rea d a pamphlet of timber, we were me t by a p ar t y , many. which has been published on thi s ques ti on , an d a l so of w h om represen t e d co mmercial constituencies.—(Hear.) another pamphlet by Martin and Co. on the subject But, Sir, lam bound to say the Hon. Member for Wakefield was of protection. These gentlemen state that a quarter of corn is an h on o u rable exception—(Great cheering)—and he did not raised 1 7s. in price by the protection which is afforded to it.— join the then opposition, nor did my Hon. Friend the Member (Hear.) I thought as I read that statement, and I now believe f o r Wolverhampton. But, Sir, I think that the Right Hon. Ba it, to be a great exaggeration ; but if that were so, if the price ronet, and those who have introduced such a sound principle of of corn had risen to such an enormous amount by that pro- commercial policy as that which is proposed respecting the tection which you give to agriculture; supposing there were corn-laws, could not be ignorant of those principles; and it is 20,000,000 quarters of wheat consumed in this country, and to be lamented that they did not manfully come forward and that on each of those quarters there was a tax of 17s , there propose them. My opinion is, that if they then did so, they would be some millions sterling imposed on the food of the would not be defeated.—(Hear. ) 'I he Hon: Gentleman people of this country. I believe the statement is most would have avoided, for himself and his party, much of that: egregiously exaggerated, but still I believe that while you give odium and reproach which is now very geriera ll l: protection such as is afforded by the present law to a cast upon him by somebody or other.—(Cheers and laughter. c : particular class, which I believe to be an app a r ent How inconsistent it was when the y co mp ared the course as I benefit to it, that protection is an injury to the rest of the cone- Right Hon. Baronet had now taken , with thHao t n ember fur he which. munity.—( Hear, hear. ) The Hon. Gentleman the Member sued in 18 41 . — (Cheers.) But, Sir, the H. lu the head o: for Hampshire, who seconded the amendment, and who did so Wakefield tells me, that the Right Hon. Baronet at successful in carrying • in terms as temperate as could be desired—( Laughter )—the her Majesty's Government would be more a e.e, __, it is with H.Q. Gentleman stated that a difference was to be made be- this measure than I would be. I tellegemer.ggi. rna ' ) And it is in tween those occupations in which mere manual labour was em• our aid that he can do 50.—(6.7h at we Sh na a o pursue that the ployed, and those in which machinery was b roug ht into requisi- consequence of the conduct shallwhl. be attended with success.--- tion. Now I cannot see the value of that argument, I cannot progress of these measures yethat I am bound to say so. see what are the grounds of that argument. Suppose there are ( Renewed cheers.) I belieyends( Hear, hear)—and if thee five millions of people employed in works of machinery, and much in justice e tGeenretleman has the glory of having adopte. others in which little machinery is employed, I cannot see any Right Honourabl mmial freedom, which will hay— good ground why the one should have the protection of the and carried eutomanferring g plan of co reat e b rc enefits on the country-1 Legislature, and the other should not enjoy that protection. the effect of c oor an wo uld get a better reward for his labour- Well then, Sir, if it be the case that the system of protection is whh chick tt e all branches of the trade and commerce of th S.. so, then the question comes—What is the course you ought to by would be extended, and the interests of all classy - take in order to get rid of this particular protection? And here country wonid be promoted—l trust that while it thus operates thati• I must say that those writers who have written upon political will be made instrumental to the moral improvement of th. - d Mr. Bus- science, even Mr. Adam Smith, Mr. Ricardo, an used in dealing people of this country, which the want of adequate means c kisson, all speak of the caution that ought to be particular mea- providing for their physical wants has hitherto prevented with this question. But what should be . the system in these (Hear, hear)—sad if the Right Honourable Gentleman sure, and what should be the protective the question has the glory of introducing and deal with carrying measures leading t matters ? and what way should youe really have very little such beneficial results, let us have the satisfaction of feelioe that is not a subject upon which w light from theoretical that we, although out of office, much have mainly assisted in produes' light, and it is impossible to have with the Noble Lord, who ing this triumph fth I c onfesso eminister of the Crown,—(Loud writers.— ( Hear , hear .) coutimod clieeriug• ) for ce t. )0 5 lc• I~P~ D'~