The Sun. — London, England, 1846-06-23 00:00:00

the flea Muse!". Now, my Lords," your Lordships b ase been pleased, in your late diseu;sions in the Corot:wire on the Corn Bill to adhere strictly to tli s goes 'Volt. Lordships refus.d to agree to amencn-nts on the Corn Bid. No doubt, had you agreed to these anendtrosots, ism would have lost the Bill. My Lords, it is not of ly the Losing of the Bill you are to consider, but what would he the conseyuence making alterations in the Committees in she elau-e, of money Bills. &wise Bills, and Customs Bills. Your Lordships would, in point of fact. find afterwards that the proceeding; in Portia- Meat would be entirely paralysed. filese are the incomnierices which ii am desirous to beg of your Lordship; nut to incur ; in s ssonv.-niences which the public w ill fer.l m , st severely ant most Particularly; and I conclude that your Lordships will fi,ve the same feeling upon this Bid as you had wain the other B That whatever may be the effect upon your o pinions by the ar guments of counsel, you will not consent to make any altera tion. in the details eontainee in this itill,and in the schedule of the yetis- upon silk, but that ycu mill persevere in voting for the 3ill. You will establish a precedent. by hearing counsel in Committee against the details of that Bid which must be at tended with the gfeatest possible inconveniences, not fully to your Lordships by impeiin;.t, puhlie bu-oness, but alto by in ducing you to listen to argut_eents for a col:4 lerahle time to which you were sensible at the time you would give no attention.—( Hear, hear.) And thus you will have es - ablished a precedent which must b useless as to pop , selves, but ninst dangerous to those who Iva feel tip: evil effects o' this precedent. by emplos ins couns.l to come her to p'ead their cause, which your Lordships must knew can have no oval in inducing you o make any atterati oi in the detai's o• the Bill. What 1 am particularly anxious to call your Lordships' attention to is, that the motion is to induce you to listen to counsel in the Committre on tlors Bill, of which the object is to levy duties or cuetoins or different branches of trade The Duke o!' RICHMOND —My Lord:, I did not intend to rise again on this subject. but tor the speech of my Nob e Friend the Noble anti Gallant Duke, cud I must say that I rise to protest against it —( Great ehcering. ) 11 this is to b. the c•institution of Parliameet- Cheers)—l will ask" your Lordships whether it is no a m.-re farce wpm legislation— ( Vehersent anti long-continued creerieg from the p oteetion ist Peers) —to call ~n us. night .fter night, to speak up-in a Bill? and then. forsooth, we are to be told that it oust be passed because the Flow.e of Commons have said so.—( Great cheering.) My Lords, I contend th at these petition. rs hive a right to be heard.—( He4r, hear.) My Lords, I will not ce.ain you by saying more than that, it this is to be the future course which is to be pursued by the Government, I hope you will alter your standing order,— (Cheers) —and that they will say that the Q ieeit's consent and that of the Commons is sufficient. --( Cheer:.) That most be the result of this argument as ventured to be made in this House.—( Hear, hear.) If it had been made by a young man who had just run away from schist, I should not hays noticed it—(Laugh.er)—but when it comes from my Noble Fiend. the Noble and Gallant Duke, I am biund to protest against it, and I shall certainly feel it my du'y to take the sense of your Lordships' House on the mot —( Cheers. ) Their Lordships then div,ded, when there aypeared— For the motion—Present 43 Pr..xies -74 Against the motion—Present Proxies .............. ..... 36 . —7B Majority against the motion —4 On our return to the gallery we found Lord BROUGHAM on his legs, protesting against proxies being used in such a question as that just under c,msideration. Those who represented the proxies could net have heard the arguments brought forward on behatt of rtit toners, and, there fore, could not be supposed capable of forming any judgment on the point whatever. A desultory eonversation then ensued from a question put bs the Earl of Charleville to th' Duke of Huccleutrh, as to whe ther the Noble Duke had heard the question put from the chair, in which the Earl of Horne, Esrl of Haildington, and the Earl of Dalhousie took part. The Earl of WICKLOW thought that in these reforming times proxies ought to be disallowed. At any rate, in the question before them, he considered the privilege of using them ought to have been waved. Earl GREY concurred with the Noble Feld ( Wicklow) that proxies should be abolished, and if the Noble Earl would make a motion for their abolition, he would sapport him; but as long as proxies were allowed. he thought the present subject was one in which they could be legitima ely exerciesd. 1-15 agreed with the Noble Earl. however, that in these reforming times they ought no tenger to be permirted. The Duke of RICHMOND thought the discussion ought not to be protracted, as, it was an inconvenient erne. For his own part he was always ready to submit to a ma:ority, but he thought that the decision just come to Wits a very injudicious one, and that the privilt ge of using the proxies on such a sub ject where a majarity present were in favour of the motion, ought not to have peen exercised. Lord STANLEY thought that if ever there was a ease where the votes of those who were present should have over ruled the votes of those who were absent, the present was one. They who were called upon to deceit. in Committee had de cided that they would hear the petitioners by stoun-el at the bar of th e House, but their verdict was overruled by those who Were absent, anti who, without hearing ant of the arguments which had been advanced, virtually proriounceit that hole present should not hear the staterne,,ts of the petitioners. A stranger case could not have been made out. lt was not, however, for the purpose of en.ering into this question that he rose, nor to interpose any delay Iwo some into Committee ; but he thought he should save the time of their Lordships if he made a few observations then, rather that , unnecessarily oc cupying their time on the individu4l articles. If he were de sirous of finding fault with her :11A -sty's , Goverson .nt, he should have no diffieulty in showing that. that Bill was incon sis'ent with the other Bill they had brought forward in refe. rence to corn, and which a Noble Lord pro,,ounced,ex cathedra, to he a perfect exemplification of the principles of free trade. They should have treated the subject to which this measure ap— plied in the same way as they proposed to do with agriculture. They would. if they continued in this principle, find the land. ow ner s c alling for the removal of teller restrictions. He hoperi they would not so stultify themselves by asking for the same infliction of injury on others as was to be inflected on them selves—he hoped not, for though the measure might for the present succeed, they would find that the landed interest would still continue their opposition to this measure. He would Warn the Government that they would find themselves in the course o f twelve months in a very dangerous posit on. Now there was a reduction of revenue of 2,3 4 6,1 00/., and on corn alone there bad been a reduction of 3.57.t:00/. alone, and it tea , with such a falling off they prono-ed to take away pro ection from agriculture. This reduction of the revenue would be much greater in the course cf another year, and it will 'hen be" seen how politic the measure proposed by her Majestt's Go. vernment was, and how well it will have worked for the advantage of the country. Now the importation ~f silk since the reduction of duty on that article was very great, and it was at this moment they Proposed to re duce the-duty still further. These was also to be a reduction On timber. Again there was to be a reduc ion on boots sod shoes ; and what would be the result if the benefit would not be to the humbler clas.es, for it was well known that hoots were an article of luxury. and the advantage would be to persons who, like their Lordships, could ahord to purchase them. In 1841 there was a duty of 2/. I4s. per d Zen pair, anti to 1842 thatduty was reduced to I/. 9,4 d. The increase of import s tion was from 4,d21 dozen to 8,350, 12,22 e, 13.261. and 14,387 Was it at so increased an importation that they should now reduce this duty from 1!..95. 4d. to 16s. This was a duty which would materially affect the workmen of this country. The items he had given applied to mens' boots, but they would apply in like manner to women's shoes. He thought the duty was quite low enough as it at present stood to enable their Lordships to pur chase that article of 1 linty. —( Hear, hear.) He thought it right to make these few ob ervations before the House went into Committee. for be ronsidered that, a, cording to the arguments of her Majesty's Ministers, it had been shown that the import trade was most prosperous, and that the revenue was good. That with such a state of things a great reduction should he proposed recieired some explanation from the Government, and he hoped it would be given. The Earl of DALHOUSIE said, that in rising to answer the question put by the Noble Lord ( Stanley) he would en deavour to follow him as closely as possible. Ile Noble. Lord bad statel that her Majesty's Government had introduced this measure because they were fast urab'e to fief, trade—beeause they were vvill,ng to a lopt the measure as a free trade question. Lord STANLEY exp'ainee what he had said was that the government had not introduced it as a free trade measure, but that they had on the contrary introduced it as a measure favourable to protection —they had professedly introduced it as protective measur e, whereas in reality its effects would be the reqertte. E ar l DALHOUSIP.—There certainly wore in the Bill „d i s t il he had submitted to the House may anomalies which te would have wished removed. What her Majesty's Govern. ease s wished to do WV*, as they were about to remeve all vestrictioes on fu d, scaryry articles to reduce alt.) the duties on all othe r neces sesieh iv essed heavily on the poorer e asset of the were such as community. T he duties em woollen cleliing pressed neavilti o n the poorer classes. arid it was w i t h a view to their benefi t that they proposed such r e d uct i ons. Up o n articles par tiall y or who l ly r a n n u a ‘ h et e urPel , it was hut Tight that there must be duties levet , n ma w as c.r e decidedly of of 10 per cent : in, _ f articles, opinion that a dtry bat simply f,, r th e . wes not to he regarded as a pestese.ve Y lasked p urposes of re tenu,. Hi, Noble Friend ha. him wt at ight be the less of c hefrevene the repeal of the duties now is ;proposed? 0, this point w la accept the amount of 1 seta ed by the Noble Lord. The"Cheneellor of the xchequer, n the other House of Pat liament w . had scattedh. eththoe probable t, a fair it a bout 700,0001. per annum, hich wl airtime.. If that were so. they *lseult' be g uided by what had ;ta k en pl a ce after th e last alreratinn in the tariff, when there which e a large r eduction the first y e ar after the cb h : t wee, g radually became less till i t righted it•ielf The following re -turns would s how ho w the tariff n' 1842 had operated : • In 1842 , th e reduction in the Customs were 1,3• 51) . 0091 ; in 1843, the Customs were 20,20`1.0001 . sgainst 19.00,005/ , yhe receipts cf the year b e f ore. In 1844 the duty ta - a , .21 AOO,O i nste ad of 20,21-'0;100t0/.; thus showing that the Customs had gradually recovere to . ssotreasioned by the tes dueti o n ci f let 42. The total reduction r.ri Exc ise and Customs thus aff irded was 2.400.000/.; and the following was the result in 1845. independent of the great benefit that . hatl been con pts for Exsise ferred on the country. In 1845, the total revel and Customs were 33,400,000/. against 31,100, 001 . in 184 2 . This showed'that the revenue was g radual y imitroved year by year, while it had given a great stimulus to production. and operated as a powerful incenrive to trade and commerce. ( Hear, hear ) The Government had not the slightest doubt but that gradually the amount 104 won d be replaced ny increased .consumption. The experience of the past yes a euarantee for the future. His Noble Friend referred to several other arti cles its which reductions were to be made, arid asked what goad result would come from these. With regard to butter and cheese, it would have been inconsistent to have reduced duties in other articles of a similar kind, and left them standing, t+ Th e from I/. to N h en ce it was prop 'mid to reduce th e du t y o Lord had Noble o le r institut e d 10s., and on cheese from 10 s. to b r talked as if 'hese du t ies we r e of a long standin g, for protective p ur p oses; whereas, the y were ti er g the end of the war. — ( Hear .) The present sein, w a s. but till similate the du ties to what they were bef o re the prese,utt duties r i oas. had been imp osed. The reduction of duty oti ler ter cheese was ma de because these were articles that entered and tensively into the c onsum p tion of the pesple. The sa me ergs _ went applied to the ar t i cle of foreie i cattle, which the N o b 4, Lord had likewise referred to, The next point. the Noises Lord dwe:t on was the silk trade. He said, truly the juior. aof silks had been yearly increased, but lie ( Litt: Dalhousie) did not think the proposed alteration would much affect those im ports. The duties under the old law ranged from 3') per cent. to as much as 300 per cent., thus often defeating the saving in any revenue from these articles, and it was to get rid of this auomals, and to raise a regular revenue from this branch of *rode that the present duty of 15 per cent %vs.; "reposed. - Whale dwelling on this he,itl, he would eww the exttor , s trom France totsis coun•ry, in varion years. fr .m 1827 to 1843, with the aMoun: clewed out here lor consumption : Exported from France Cleared out in nightnd to England. for con , ninotiou. 1827 ..... 224,885 lbs. ...... 101,000 lbs. 1828 1834 ..... 317,000 lbs. 184 0 •••• 625.000 lbs. 1643 ......... ..•. 484,00011,5. any hr e .,ial axon ted f urn Franc •to En - 21.0fi from 1827 to 1 lite wa s 6 anti elearo,l out for eensumption in the coun t r y 3,10 ..0(i0 lb: ; ,Ito viti z that the amount of that cleared out for consumption did not extend to more than 59 per test. of the whole imported. 41 4 0 altogether, therefore, Tar StrikT,, tai'ff wituld ensa»ce tl ktroiluee Of the fiSreigtier l itt the cost of the it itish ratt-an, he must o pp o .,e it. Lord SIII , UItION con,okred that the Government had taken the preporty.lax, which should have been a reserve in time of vr;,r, and adopted it to the purpose of making uttnect sary reducti •ns in the amount of the impost duties. He thought the ioea of raising the revenue by the reduction of duties was ehon.rical Every authority went to • warn their Lordships tuainst tor reckless sy•tern of finance adopted by the Govern• ment. He thought. the new di-cover v, caled free trade, would, if carried out, ihj are materially the interest of all classes of the enap , re. The original motion for going into Committee Was then put and:,grepd to without a divi4on. The LORD C lANCELLOR then put the questinn, that the Hou.e do resolve itself into a Committee, which was agreed to without a division. On the clause:: R 5 to the reduction of the duty on the impor tation of foreign timh9r being read, Lord S FA' LEY 'aid he thought no good would follow from it to the country, and that great injury would bc on the Pattie interested in the timber trade. He should, therefore, move th 4. the clause he orni:ted. Earl DALHOUSIE entered into a lengthy statement of figures, for the purpose of showing that the Noble Lord's ob jections were groundless. Being satisfied that this measure was necessary to the interests of the country, that 15s. was a fair duty, and that it would be beneficial in a financial view, he felt it was his duty to give hit hearty support to it. Earl STANHOPE said, instead of the reduction of the dunes on timber, there had been a decrease in the revenue since the last reduction of 60 ►,OOOl. It Kas certainly a most inc.,nvenient practice for the Noble Earl to quote from manu script documents in support of his arguments, as it did not give N0.,1e Lords an oviortunity of replying to hi; arguments. Earl KINN A I 1113 said, those reports were on the table of the House. Earl DALHOUSIE said, he had gutted from no documents that were iv, access ble to every one of their Lordships:— ( Hear.) He certainly had quo•ed from manumcripts, but they had been culled for convenience sake trom the returns which had been presented to their Lordships some time ago. GALLOWAY said that the reduction of duty upon Baltic timber had been most beneficial to his own tenants an I the coun , ry at large, and he should therefore support the treasure for a further reduction, believing that it would prove to be beneficial to the people of this country, and those engaged in the timber trade.—( Hear, hear.) The House then divided, when there appeared— Not content Content Alaj wity against the amendment —l2 Clause 3, after a few remarks from the Duke of RICHMOND and the Earl of DALHOUSIE, was agreed to. U, , dn clause 4 bey,' prop , ss:d, The Earl of STAN HOPE objected to the provisions of the clau r. After a few words from the Earl of DALHOUSIE, the clause was allowed to stand part of the Bill. Upon elau-e 5 being proiin - -ed, The Duke of RICHMOND trusted that the clause would not be considered at that hour of the night, as i' affetec. the silk weave's. especially after the treatment they r.-ccived that even ing at the hands of their Lord6hips, who called in the proxies. 'rue Earl DALHO "SIE said he was not for taking ad vantage of the Noble Duke. Lord STANI..r::Y hoped that some arrangement would be come to with respect to this mea.ure.—(Flear, hear. ) The Corn Ir4portat ion Bill was down for a third reading on Tuesday; but as the question had been so much de ba•ed, and so many divisions having taken place, he (Lori: Stanley), ant! the Nob:e Lords with whom he agreed on thi , questa n, did not intend to divi‘le on the third reading. 'rue} would simily content themselves with signing a protest againv he ill, an stating the reasons why they opposed it.— ('• Hear, hear," front the Duke of Yrliington. ) It might be thou.tht convenient, under such circumstances, to have the remaining clauses and schedule of the Cusmm Duties Rill pro ceeded with on Tuesday, as there would be some discussion on them The Duke of WELLISGTON—I h..ve no objection whit er, r to the in% po,al of the NoWe Lord. T netr Lordships tten a j nrned. I I )(I S'E June 19. The SPEAKER took the Chair at Four oVoAt. COVEN i RY, NUNEATON, BIRMINGHAM, AND LEICESTER RAILWAY. Mr. SPOONER movrd, that the Committee on the Coventry, Nuneaton, Birmingham, and Leiceste . r Railway b . revived, that it be an instruction to the Committee, to entertain and hear the parties on the petition of Wiliiam Atkinson Gardner, anti the petition of Charles Holt Brace bridge, with reference to the non-compliance with the resolu t.ons of the House tit the 30th day of April last. If the reso• lotions wh.ch were adopted on the 30th of April by that House were to he maintainer, there it was imperatively necessary that the Comanttee ou the Bill should be revived, in order that the ca-e of the petitioners might be heard. Mr. BANNERMAN thought that before the House decided on the proposed motion, they should inquire who the pe titioners were. The party who petitioned against the Bill sva deputy-chairman of the line against which the Committee had decided. It was also extremely doubtful whether the peti tioners had any locus standi before the Committee, as the peti tion was not ttre , euted until the day after the Committee hail given their decision. Lord G. SOMERSET thought the explanation of the Hon. Member ( ?.Jr. Bannerman) was quite satisfactory, arid he should thsirefiire oppose the motion. Mr. T. DUNCOMBE understood that the resolutions of the 3')th of April directed that the Committees on Railway Bills were to entertain every petition presented, but it would appear Batt, in the preterit case the Camtnittee had not done their duty. If the resolution., were not attended to, it woul he be ter at once to put them behind the are. He should cer- vainly support the motion. Mr. ESTCOURT considered that the present case was one of contempt of the inasmuch a; some of the parties had foi.ted a fall ,eious return on the Committee. He would sup- port the revival ot the Committee, nut for the purpose of con• entering the merits ot the Bill, but whether the decision of the Committee had been come to in consequence of this fallacious report.. Mr. GREENE supported the motion. He thought the petition should have been entertained. Mr. N'ILLIERS did not think that the revival of the case before the Committee was the proper mode of dealing with a fraud practised on the Committee. Mr. SOONER had consulted the highest authority in the House as to the course he should pursue in the matter, and had acted ace. -ding t o the advice givtn him. Mr. NEWDEGATE hoped the House would not revive the Committee upon shell vague - allegations as thu3e contained in the petition. _ _ Mr. A. WI LLIANIS said the motion was only made for the purpose of incurring additional expense and delay. Mr. NI UN t Z supported the motion, because he thought the Committee had not strictly followed the rules of the House. I he House then divi2.ed when there appeared— For the motion . Agains , it Nlakirity hglnst the reeoinmittal Of the 13,11 —6B CLA ,60W AND BELFAST UNION RAILWAY. The ' , port on this Bill was brought up, and the Bill ordered to be engrossed. GRAVESEND AND ROCHESTER RAILWAY AND CANAL (SALE AND PURCHASE). The 'non on this Bill was brought up, land the Billordeted to be etlgniAsed. GREAT GRIMSBY AND SHEFFIELD JUNCTION ortls ß ' aAmittLo‘tVimAeYntsXTEN LION n r isr eaui "). The I. and agrePd to GREAT GRIMSBY AND SHEFFIELD JUNCTION RAILW %Y AND GRIMSBY DOCKS CONSOLI. DA T' , IN. This Bill wa , read a third time. and passed. HUDDERSFIELD AND SHEFFIELD JUNCTION RAILWAY (DARFIELD BRANCH). One the order of the da) f being read for the further proceed ing on te third fettling o this Bill. S FEW AR WORTLEY said that the Bill. if carried into effect, would cause the ra , st serious im pediments to the public, and he therefore moved tha: the Bill be read a third time that slay six months. M•ssengers came down from the Lords bringing reverts , Bi.ls, which were wdered to lie on the tab'e. Viscount E It it INGTON considered that no line at all wool be prefer We to the one under consideration. and entertaining. as he did, the sit-come t opinion on the :object, he would volt against the third reading of the Bill. 1110NCK TON :,;ILNES hoped that the House would not sw rye from its usual caAtom, b..t would affirm the decision of the Commute. Mr. C. WOOD said he should vote for the rejection of the thit d reacting. In anov.e. session the tribunal to which the Bill will be submitted would have a much better opportunity of arriving a a just ronclucion. Mr. B. DENISON said he hoped tlytt the House would reject the third reading of the Hill. The two Bills which had been tia‘sed ought to have been rejected by the Cimmitte, and tho, , e which had been rejected ought to have been passed. Mr. ST AN sFIELD supported the third reading. Stranger. were ordered to withdraw, and the House di vided. when there appeared, For the +bird rea , ting Against it... . .... • 511 j , city • 14 SCOTTISH CENTRAL AND CALEDONIAN JUNC. TION RAILWAY. This Rill was read a seerind time. BELFAST AND CCVUNTY DOWN RAILWAY. Th;s Bib was read a third time, and pas,erl BUCKINGHAMSHIRE RAILWAY (OXFORD AND BLETCHLEY JUNCTION). On the question that the Lords' amendments on this Bill be considered. Mr T. DUNCOMBE presented a petition containing strong allegatim• against the Bill, and hoped there would be no objec(ion to have it priLnted and taken into consideration with the amendments. The Marquis of CHANDOS objected to any postponement. He was not aware until filus moment that any opposition would be entered into against the line, but he would pray that the House would _not take notice of individual objections to a great public line. Sir GEORGE GREY also objected to the motion. Mr. "I'. DUNCOMBE said all he wanted was to have the petition printed. so that it might b' in the hands of every Member of the House, who would not suffer a great injury to be infl.cleil on a private person. Mr. W. COLLETT wdd, the petitioner had no locus standi. The amendments on the reFort were then considered and pmssed. _ _ LEICESTER AND BEDFORD RAILWAY. and M f r ed W fo . rd E l L ta L i i lw S ay mo ß ; ll : l l : of this the third Bid on amount of errors which he perceived in it reading of the Leicester Air. V. SMITH o bj ec t e d to the third reading It was the recommendation of the Board of Trade, and a standing order of the House, that the maximum rate of tolls should be mentioned in the Bill, but of these he found no men tiem whatever. Sir GEORGE CLERK said that he had had his atten tion eslled to thi4 case, and it, was said that there was no maximum rate of charges in the Leicte.ger and Bedford Bill, but upon looking over th- Bill it was f.sund to contain such a clause. The 81.1 was *hen read a third time. \lr W A KLEY presented several petitions in favour of the NEW ZEALAND. Glasg Dumfries, and Carlisle Railway. Mr. C. BULLER said it might be in the recollection of the Right Hon. Ba•onet that. abut a month ago he had called ttention to th , colony of New Zealand, and •he Right Hoc. Gentleman v.as then pleased to :tate that he would give notice of the i trillion. of her Nlajes!y's Government respec,ing the tau sue there. He wis hed, therefore , t o cuonuor:e whatthe j 7:e til' t i nte.i , i )n; of the Government ),...ero with lately in that..! colony ; reToct to that colony? bad been for some time See retary for the Colonies. There had been some difficulties palirunßderPthEeEcLonssaildiertahtaiotnthoefstteGetovernment and the sesion connected with b N ut ew he Z w :a s lan n d ow ,h h a a t p authority of th e Pritish Crowa was being re-established there. Happy wouldsay t hat the e V. a. h e. ad no difficulty in stating that it was the intention of her ''' i , 3 ,1 4 G9vernment to introduce a legi:+lative measure this he the tonature' • to say. of that measure he was not then prepared DEANERY OF WINDSOR. ln reply to M r . RIC H, with respect to the oP , r-nnlutal4nt of a dean fee Window. -7 4 TY'ES - D A Y EVENT-NG S a TUNE 23, `Sir nOllElll' PEEL said that a clean timid not-hold more" th- ki one living. bifs the, e - iii 4" nn disqualifiez. ion whatever from his holding a headsh'p of an since; he hed, therefore, recom mended the present Dean of Wavisor so her Majesty ; hut he cl,d nut make atiy stipulation whatever with him as TO his re signation of his termer Miler, which. if he were not entited to hold, there was a law to which the Mm. Member could apply fur a remedy. SUGAR DUTIES. In reply to an HON. Alasieex ssho inquired when the Go vernment proposed to bring on the snots duties. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER Mid he was about to rise to address - the House on the subject, in order to state some circumstances in connexion with these duties, when the Hon Gentleman rose. On Thursday last, after a full con sideration of the subject, he stated to the House that it was his intention, in order that deliberate consideration might be given to the sob eet, to move that the sugar duties should be renewed for one month only. He stated this to the House . on Thurs day last, in order that if any Honourable Member had any propositien -to make on the subject he might have an opportunity of doing so. In order . that the House might be fully informed on the rthject, he had to state that at seven o'clock last evening - he received a notice from the Noble Lord, the Member for Lynn ( Lord George Bereinek) that it was his intention to move, on the House re- solving itself into a Committee on those duties, that s' the House is of opinion that the renewal of the sugar duties for one month is calculated irMiriously to affect the commercial insp_ rests of the country, and that it was the duty of Ler Majesty's Mini-ters to have brought forward their measures on-the sub ject earlier in the session." He thought en a question of that importance, so much relating to commerce , and affecting: the policy of Government, it would have been advisable to have given sufficient noice that it was intended to bring for ward a question of that kind. At the same time, he did not mean to interpose between the discussion of such a question, always assuming, however, that the sugar duties were levied. lie had spoken to the Noble Lord, and advised the bringing of it on after the discua'ion on the Coercion Bill to-night.—( Hear, hear, and laughter.) He argued that the introduction of this resolution would have the effect of inter. fering with the first step on the Sugar Duties Bill, but the discusion nn that Bill, if the first step were interrupted, could not be postponed till next day; and if it were postponed till the fdlowing Friday, there would occur an interval when no sugar duties would be levied, which would be injurious in com mercial affairs. He hoped the Noble Lord would not persist in his motion. If the Noble Lord wished the sugar duties should continue till the sth of August, or longer, there was nothine, inconsistent with that in the Government motion ; for the effect of it was merely to continue the present duties till-that time. At all events, the Noble Lord must see that it was a question (in which both the Government and the Howe ought to have had sufficient notice. Lord G. BEN T[NCK could assure the Right Hon. Gen tleman that not one individual of the party vritlywhich he was connected would allow the proposed alteration in the sugar duty to take place on the 6th of July next. If the Right Hon. Gentleman would propose a Bill for the usual period of one year, the Hon. Gentlemen around him would support the Bill. They blamed her Alaktsty's Ministers for putting the revenue in peril by delaying to so late a period of the session so important A measure as the sugar Bill. If it were carried, 40,009 tons of sugar would come in without paying any du'y at all. For those reasons they would not be doing their duty to sit in silence without passing their censure on her Ma jesty's Ministers for their neglect. They were asked now to !bass a sugar duties' Bill for a month. Why, it was more than orottable that next week the present Right Hon. Minister would no longer be at the head of the Government. The ob• ject of the friends around him w s to let the public know what rivy intended to do. He thought that the great interests of the ouhlie would be best attended to if the present Sugar Duties rill was renewed for a year, and riot for a month. The party by whom he was surrounded were not disp ised to offer any .ptious opposiiioa to the measure, but they wished to legislate 'or the best interests of the country. Mr. HUAIE saw no reason why the present all should be -eistponed for a twelvemonth. He did hope that whatever Government might be in power, they would be informed pod r,vely how the diff rential duties were to be arranged. Every means ought to be a towed to promote the outlay of capital in anufacturing sugar, as there certain,y was a deficiency for supplying the lower clas-es. Mr. MILNER GIBSON preferred the proposed new duty to the present duties. He had received a letter from a large firm who had purchased a thousand t..ns of sugar. This sugar would have to remain in bond for a month, and he thought that it would be unfair to these parties if free labour sugar for the ensuing month was not to be admitted at the duty of 19s. 10d. The Noble Lord had censured the Government for aelayibg so long to bring on the Sugar Duties Bill, but he would ask, why did he not adopt the advice of the Hon. Mem ber for Findoury, and move an address to her Majesty, that he House had no confidence in the present \linistry.—( Hear, hear ) He felt sa' isfied that the Noble Lord would not main tain his character of being the poor man's friend, if he stood up so obstinately for the maintenance of a high duty on sugar. He ready did not understand the principles on which the Noble Lord and his friends were acting. He called upon the Noble Lord not to interrupt the progress of public business by those paltry amendments. Let him come forward and boldly move an address to her Majesty of want of confidence in the Ministry.—(Cheers ). Mr. BANK ES did not thank the Hon. Member for his pro position.—( A laugh). He would tell him, however, that they the protectionists) still preserved the good opinion of the British farmer. He concurred entirely in the statements of his Noble Friend as to the course which they intended to pursue on the present occasion. The Corn Bill was no excuse for 'hem to be told, when the revenue of the country was neg !ected, that it had prevented the attention to public business. Under the peculiar circumstances which were connected with he Bill, when one Government were going out, and another Government ware coming in, a positive negative ought to be oat to the further progress of the fill, which was to come into operation only fora month. Mr. BERNAL wished to remind the House that they were _ . _ . ,flaying with great interests—( Hear)—and in interfering they should be careful not to inflict a material injury to promote a emporary benefit. He saw a great many practical and tech lical difficulties to proceeding with the Bill, as it must come :nto operation on the 6th of July. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER observed that 'le had stated before that the motion of the Nob!e. Lord might just as well, anti as effectively, be made at slater period as at ,m-sent. He did not wish to proceed with his motion in oppu ,ition to the wishes of the 'louse, or to infringe in the smallest degree on the orders of the day. Lord JOHN RLIS:i-ELL thought whatever case the Noble Lord might make out, he did not think that there were any parties in the House who would object to the continuance , ifthe sugar duties for a trinnth if they wet e cew protreetted Under the pre'ent circumstances he thought the consideration the me•sore should be proceeded with forthwith. Mr. BARCLAY hoped that the whole question might be fairly diseased by her Nlaiesty'. Government. Mr. JAMES observed that the greatest injury which the We t Indian interest suffered from was the uncertainty in which their afflirs were always enveloped. Such a state of things was the greate.t possib!e bane to the circulation of capi i al. The colonies ought not to be made the hone of conten ion between rival politicians for the upsetting of a Govern ;nent, to the great detrimect of numerous private individuals and families. Sir ROBERT INGLIS rose to ask the Right Hon. Gen tleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer, whether, after the , neouragement he had received, he should go on with his motion ? 'Mt; CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said, if there was to be no opposition, and it the House were prepared by ~ommon consent to go on with the motion, he should be very ailing to move it Lord GEORGE BENTINCK said it wis not his inten ion to interpose any mot ion of the kin•i of which he had given notice. but he should take some futu:e opportunity of pressing of a similar nature. Tne House then resolved itself into a Committee of Ways and Means. The res)lutions were moved and agreed to pro forma, and he r& port was ()Morel to he hroueit un to-morrow. PROTECTION OF LIFE (IRELAND) BILL. ADJOURNED DEBATE. The House having resumed, the order of the day for the second reading of the Protection of Life (Ireland) Bill was proceeded with. Mr. S. CRAWFORD sa id t h a t the people of Ireland wonted to sea fair play. Th ey opposed any Bill which should 'lave for its object the h ars h treatme nt of any portion of their eountrymen. He was not on e of those who wou ld o pp ose measures fur the repression of crime in Ireland, but he thought that the present measure was not calculated to effect its object. lie was opposed to the tyrannical provisions in the Bill for compelling persons to be in their houses at a certain hour, as it would be almost impossible for the people in the proclaimed districts to comply with the regulations. It would always ex nose innocent individuals to unjust accu=sations and annoyance, (rum the powers which were placed in the hands of the magi ,trate, and the facilities that would be afforded to the spy sys em. Looking at the varied political and religious opinions of the magistracy of Ireland, was it safe or just to put an irre pontible power in their hands? Would they place the power of transporting men, on an information, in the hands of English gentlemen ? No. Why, then, should they pro pose to invest Irish magistrates with such a power ? Again, this Bill would have no operation or effect upon many parties who really were a pest to Ireland, while it would inflict great injury upon large masses of peaceful industrious people.— Hear, hear.) He was sure had there been no precedent for it Government never would have proposed such a measure as the Coercion Bill, but the House must bear in mind what the prin ciples of these precedents were.--( Hear, hear.) The Bill of 1831 certainly sanctioned domiciliary visits, but it was not so severe as the present Bill. Since that Bill was passed by a Liberal administration, the example in some way mitigated the conduct of the present Government in bringing forward this Bill. He must remind them, however, that it had been repeatedly protested against as a measure, pernicious in its .effects and unconstituttonal in its principles.—( Hear, hear. ) It was a pleasing thing to live to see the change of opinion which had taken place in that House with regard to Ireland. It argued well for the growing sympathy that was rapidly rising up in this country towards the sister kingdom, and he now entertained hopes of shortly seeing the day when the social, the moral, the intellectual and physical •onlition of the people of his unfortunate native country would undergo an extensive change for the better.—( Hear.) In his opinion, the g r e at evil under which she had laboured was the non-responsibility of her lar g e landed p ro p rietors for -he condition of their tenantry, and he for one was an advocate or extendiag. the well organised poor-law of England and 'rotland to Ireland.—( Hear, hear.) But why, let him ask, -hould there be a poor-law for Scotland and none for Ireland? He saw no reason for this, nor did he believe any existed. It would prove as effective, nay, he would go so far as to say more effective in Ireland than Scotland ; and he entreated the Government to follow up the admirable measures they had just passed, for giving work and employment to the industrious classes of Ireland, with a Bill for applying the poor-law to that police must accompa n y country. While he said this muc h h e was b ound s l y r s e t l e a m nd, of but he could not consent taint yadremedial that m an e astnei effective for to give the police force in Ireland so much power and authority as this Bill would place in their hands.—( Hear, hear.) For his own part. if he were asked what measures he would suggest for the relief of Ireland, he would g ► back to the goo d old institutihot„nsdcicfited intoAi lfred,and so pr in op any ose di t v h i a s t te a e l s, id s i e st it u a r b b l e e d a d n i d str e i e c n ts . should ventettit for the establishment of a p o li ce station; at each station there should be an e waiee, selected f.orn the peopl e thetn,elves, efficient ant we ll organised d bad who should be of empowered to act with rigour, b u t not w i t h extreme harshness. If a plan like this were ad o pt e d the people vi gradually bo removed from the stat e o f b sr b ar i s intoou w which they had been reduced by a l ong ser i es of m i srule to -a state of comparative happiness and civilisati on . Besides the police, he would esta fish ag-icultural and o her schools in each parish, which had, he believed, been recom mended by the Poor-law Corninissioners. It wis true there existed a school in every _ parish now which was under the control of the Board of Education ; but in his opinion a school for each parish washot a ifficient. There ought to be many--( Hear, hear.) He would call the present British Members of the House t't act with regard t o great p:inciple which should be the f present Bill on the •Christian morality, 4, T o d.) to others as we would wish to be done by." He put ass such it to the English Members, would the • a Bili for Engle d? They could have had, if liy desired, a plea to justify it, when the riots were going on, but no such thing had h. en ever proposed ; s therefore, he would call on them to do to Ireland as they would co to England, and not to pass the Bill. What. Ireland required were beneficial and not coercive measur e,. It was not his wish to Qu i a part in this discussion, or (Ili lto stand there M a supporter of any party bat from a • froth the question of whe.her tha,hothe 'manufacturers will be able to snond up ag %lost the etonpetition or no', it appea' clear that, the old 'a r hitt clot operated to inere,s , the revenue, seeing so little h d he,ti clearer hut for con,u,np , ion compArtd with the arri , .u-.t that had entered from France.—( Hear, hear.) Th, t ioverntm-nr, therefore, would not have been jit.titient in doing otherwise than th-y have done, so es to increase the revenue of the tiouri:rs and the imeosition of a moderat: duty. Th.. next matter to Which the Noble Lord . eferred was that of timber. Here als t the sans^ principle had been observed th:.t hid been in the other branches_ of the tariff. The object was to impose a - moderate. not a protective duty, ani-the result of ,h. tariff of 1 542 was to show that the prii ripe had been most successful. Of foreign timh.'r there was imported a- foll.,ws 84 4 , 104,000 load-; I t,44, .2i42,00.1 lOVa ; of deals there had been imported, in 1:44:2, 229,000 lea fs ; 1645. 342.00 t loads. A similar increase hail also taken place in colonial timber-255. a load. lie did not think it necessary to protect the colonies. and hence the Goverinnent iroposed to reduce the diry to 15s. a lead; trusting, as 'ex perience had already shown, th a the increase in citomitiption in this article, which entered so largely into the comforts of the people, w.suld soon more than eqoalise any temporary loss ot revenne. Io b.mts and shoes the Government had acted on the same principle as W 33 applied to the other articles, be !ieving that a reduction of ten par cent. would be a sou• cis of •i.evenue, while those eng iged in those trades would have but title occasion to comp.ain, having that amount of revenue duty in their favour. Having, as a general principle, reduced the duty on ail articles of manufactured produce, they cots d riot consistently have passed by manufactured leather. rile next point adverted to was the matter of seined pa :et-. He thought, that of all th. things sought to be introdue d, this was one where there was the least ground of complaint. file present duty waa Is a square yard—a most moosti °us thin- - ; The excise duty on the article ro.nufacmied was, at home, not mor-. than half a farthing; the proposed Bill imited the amount of duty to 2d. a sqtra-e yard. The paper stainers were a class who were less worked than any class in the country; they none of them worke.t full hours. There was no reason why hose engaged in arts and designs for the paper shim d not be able to com,ete with foreigners if they set themselves to week. Government had dine all they could to twin:rote the slimes. of the ar.s, by the estatilish ng of schools of design. which were alre,dy very sutcessfol Another article which way sough! to re reduced was that of pillow lace. The present duty was 12/. 10+. ad valorem; it wits proposed to re duee it to 101 It had been urged as an objection to the Bill that the duties were sought to be removed from the pooret classes. H would say, th t the srs , r sure w a construe e., for no such put poses. "I he measure was n t proposed as a perfect mea sure. The measure was m.ant only to car. v .0 further the principle which had been Lcted upon :or the last our e-rs, in snaking reductions in the articles ot gen -rat sinsumpflor, and reducing the amount of duty on manufactures to as near as losstble the all valor em slaty of ten per cent. It rest• d with tneir Lordships, therefore, to ex, , ress their °pi/fon tin the mea -ure, which, ie contended would be of grew ben fit to the i - west. of 11 classed ot the empire. Earl STANHOPE thought she parties eapa.le of eir'ng • • • • f Tma•iori en the real svorking of 'th • las tariff should I e Allowed to he he. rd by counsel at bar 01 their Lordships' N tthMg e, old al er the opinions h e had express don this .t.easure, end nothing could invalidate his arguments. He should, therefore, feel tt his duty to ask the Noble Ea-1 the question of , tablets lie ad given notice, 'with reference o the remonstranites which had hem received by the. Board of Trade and the First Lord ..1 the Treasury against this measure. The - Earl . of DALHOUSIE would lay On the table their Lordships' House. in a few days, the remonstrances which had been received by the Board of Trade. Earl STAN d L'PE— If no regard were to he paid to such rem instrances and petitions from the people, he thought it would b- entirely useless to petition against any measure, and he was borne out in that opinion by the statement of the Noble Duke on the Trea.ury betiehes. The Duke of WELLINGTON—What I said war, that your Lordships were no' in the habit a altering, and sou d not alter, any elause or money Bill which was brought up from he tther •on.e. Earl ST INHOPE wished to know why the great autocrat of the Cabinet did not carry out his measures fully i every other article, instead of taking the protection irom the 'abouring classes and poorer people, and driving them like victims to the slaughter-hop=e? He believed there could not he a single cla , s of the country who would not be injured by the pa-sing of this Bill. The Duke of WELLINGTON considered that their Lord ships had always reeogei,ed that principle of trot aitering ti.e tn...ney clauses in a Bill of supply In the late Bill which bad been under discus-ion— Earl ST A NHOPE —What ? The Duke of WELLINGTON—The Corn Bill—their Lordships had acted upon this prtn2tpie. For 200 s eats they had always recognise:l this mode of doing bu-ineas between the two Houses of Parliament. It would te,l greatly to the in vouvrnif-nce of public business if their Lordships were to eNer eke this power. The 6uke of RICHMOND—The Noble Duke has per haps forgotten that I voted with him again s t Air. HuAis on's Corn Bill, and it was thrown out. Earl S; I'AN HOPE— he fact of discussing the Corn Bill by their Lertiehips w it ;, he thought, a aufficlent refutation of the Noble Duke's opinions on the subject of money clauses. He would then atit the Noble Lord th • Presiden , of the Baird itf Pratte _ whether he was willing to lay upon their Lordships' table any information as to who were .he parti P, ether than those elnnected with the Goverment. who had fur nished the information upon which her Majesty's Minister had though proper to aet. Earl of DALHOUSIE thought the present mode of pro ceeding a little corn , cal. He had often felt the &amity o' his -ituation in their Lordships' °use. but he hal neve felt it so much as he had done this evening, at brioa called up an often to nave his catechi.rn He had answered the first question of the Noble Earl because it was a ques ion connected with a public office. and he always felt it both a duty and a pleasure to 'Ave every information on that subject. But the second question of the Noh e Lord he must decline to answer, as it would have the effect or throwing the resim .s'bil.ty from off the -boulders of the Government on to other and inferior persons. Earl STAN HOPE replied, that h:s object on putting the question was, to be informed whether the Government, before they proposed this measure, had taken the .opinion of intelligent, impariat, and well-informed persons on the effects likely to follow the carrying out of the measure, and he really believed that the Noble Earl had it in hie power, there and then, to give a distinct answer to the question. He ken that it was utterly in Vain to argue this-quw.tiOn further, for there seemed to 'be a strange and unaccountable conversion of opinion oc - this iattiret. Their Lordships, however, would find probably, at the end ..f the year, that the- prino:ple4 of free trade would become odious even amongst the mannfac •urets themselves, and they would find that those very men would come tefore their Lordships praying them to re-enact those laws under which their commerce and the country at large had flout ished —( Hear, hear.) rile Earl of RIPON said, that: if Le had ennsu'ted the opinions of merchants and trailers as to the effe c t o f t hi s meanie in the same manner as the Noble Earl h d represented had been done by Lord Liverpool, he should nave received the most contradictory answers. N-w he (the Earl of Ripon) conceived that that could not be the best mode proceeding in this matter. The glovers of av or _ tester and Dover, when a previous measure similar to this was submitted to Parl7amo t, came to Parliament an-. repres?nted that they should be ruinerl if it paned; but it war shown to them hat under the ill system they could not proper, in eon ,peitosne, of the high duties, winch kept alive the system of smuggling; whereas the measure proeosed would make the trade of smiugling a most unprofitable, instead of, as under the old system, a most protitAle system. —( Hear, hear ) The deputation eventually, after the matter was fully t xplained, admitted that they were totally in the wrong. A,...11.er depu tation waited upon them from the dealers of yr vision in Ire land, but the result was the same. A deputation from the bo.e and shoemakers also waited upon him in his official eapa coy of President of the Board of Trade ; but their Lordships themselves mu-t know that nor a whit !e-s I. at her had been uteri in the manufacture of h lots anti shoes in this country tint, the passing of the tariff of 1842. Another ritio important deputation, con+t , ting of thirty-two Members of Parliament, as well as several other gentie.len representing the milling interest of this country. waited upon the Members of the Government to state that unless the ancient system of protection were not only allowed to continue, but even to be ins eased, th , y would be totally ruined. Hut every one knew that all these prophecies had been any thing hut fulfilled.—( Hear, hear. Lord MON TEAG LE -aid the House had a right to ask the Mernbers of the Government what they t gpected the conse quence of this measure would be.—( Hear, hear. ) They had so often asked, but he appealed to their Lordships whether the Government had given a decided answer to ant of the questions that had boon proposed to them. Their Lot d;hips had a ri.tht to know a little f , om thei, Lordships what iff.ct these measures would have en the rev3nue—the finances of the eountrv.— (, Hear, hear.) Of course tie gave the Governtrient his hearty ,upport in their attempts to carry out the orincipl s of free trade, but the Passing of measures like th se must inevitably lead to the perpetual continuance of that heavy burden the income-tax. ( Hear, hear.) If the country were condemned to a tax of 5,500,000/.. it might he quite just that the country sh..uld he so burdened, bu. he wished to know in what position 'this measure would place the finano • of the country ? He did not feel any apprehension as to the security of tlie country, with respec• to its finance. He should regard that man as a mere quack in the free trade cause, who should hold that the recent dtminu'ion of burdens upon the commerce of the country had led to its prosperity. ( Hear. hear.) The recent prosperity was not any more attri butable to the policy of the Government than a good harvest should be considered as the eff•ct of their conduct.—(Hear, hear.) He would repeat that this mea ure would necessarily cause the coirinuanee of the income-tax, an.! that the House had a right to demand an answer to the question, .• that effect will the mea:wes have en the fiaances of the country?— ( Hear, hear.) Fre.- trade was the question which uteristed all classes, and he grieved to think that his Noble Friend op --o-ite Anted have lent his talents, his influence, and his veuth to the advocacy of protective duties.—( Hear.) His Noble Fiiend did not always ho'd those opinion., for in 1842 he reduced the timber duty, when it was an increasing duty, The duty amounted to 600 0001. a-vear. He also cnn'ented to a repeal of the auction du ie., which amounted to 300 00 I/. a_ year Here, therefore. wa:a million gene. The manufactures of this country required no prreection. The Noble Lord here quitted the evidence of Mr. Aohvrerth and Mr. Greg, to sh,w that the Britoil merchant did not fear the competition of America, or any other place in the world. The evidence o f the:e gentlemen being relied upon as wands against f ree tra d e, wa s the most extraordinary mis ti.plic ttion of eviden ce h e h ai l e ver heard of. There had been objections taken to many parts of this tariff, whieh were disposed of by the Noble Lord the President of the Board of Trade It we; well known that foreign articles were introduced into this country by eroneelers, who injured the revenue to a very large amount. h e article of mosaics alone, upon which a heavy ditty was im- T . wo this coutery between sl a t es . w hi c h were tri as t lat:ed. w as -- em-u as • balla st. Ily doing away with the inc en t ive to d. ibis contriba nd trade they would increase the amount of re got up against this ven ue ( Hear, hear. ) —The cry measure might do very w ell in poetry , and e xci te a che e r , but to C .me to plain fact, it was well known that the result of the Bill wou ld tie to t h e great bene fi t of the country. i Lord COLCIIE - ; l'Ell believe( • *lie protective principle which was now so much despist d, would he yet taken u p by the manufaet urere t h em - e lves when they wre more sad t h ey tto. House IT that rrotection wh ich by competitio n w i t h America, and nth r coun tr i es . a wou , ii be p ray i ng th..) %sere now deeri.en e the agriculturists of. Perhaps when that peril) I came that House would mo re favourahl • consider their claims than they we re now di..., , • -I 0-eii to-eonse,er those p farmers of the t 1 referred be the country. The Noble Lord concluded by re ferring to some return., with the object of slyiwing that 'hough the imports had increased sine s ct„ 1843, the amount of s hipping hid not incre ase d i n The Marquis or SALLSgU'4I' no t g d o i 7 l eratio h; I-the Bri.ish i t hink measure propo , eo would work so ndeent e e ren , ; t t h, w p sit e e c xpeeted by . hog, who .up d orted it. The :Noble igr Y d, measure to a Board of Trade, hail supported the turns which he (the Marquisof Saisbury) thought were re serieslle t of" the at tended with a great deal of mystification. He did not think the results deduced from them so satisfactory as they had been con sidered by the Noble Lord ; for while the reduction of the duties might lead to an increase in the,comumption of foreign silks aol hots an d o, o ea, it would be at the ex oertse of British industry. He recollected that a similar change in the tariff some year. ago, rated the lir:en trade in and ar..ond London. The inoasures now proposed would tend to re:lure the revenue vary much, and force them to depend on direct taxation, when they would find a general outcry raisedV the country against the muse they vrere parsning..-(Hear, es,r.) As the present LONDON', 1846. • e lan all cecas;ens, and unlersli• Governmenl suppoit those measures which he the ght most beneficial .0 the cnan.ry. .fu-tge Perrin, at the last Spring assizes in belated, speaking on the couduct of the magistrates and she grand juries appointed for the special occasion, for carrying the provisions of an Act into execution for the benefit of the people, and who had re fused to do so, said that they had been guilty of a high misde meanour and were subject to a prosecution. lie would, therefore, impress upon English Members the danger of placing such a power in the hands of the magistrates of Ireland, who had themselves set the law at defiance. • . Mr. SEYM ER said, when he • recollected that the Noble Lord (the Member for London)-had.proputed'a Bill of a similar • nature, . and that the protection party had voted for its first reading, it appeared to him tliat the time hid Arrived when, by a strong muster of all parties. it was hoped to place her Ma jesty's Government in a minority, and the party who sat upon the Opposition benches, ,on those at present occupied by the Treaeury. And taking all these facts into consideration, he did not think the Secretary-at- War, when he reproaehect the Noble I Lord (Lord Bentinck )- fey the incopaisteocy of -the course which he had pursued, and when he excused the party led by the Noble Member- for Londriti, he had 'beiti quite fair in his • observations, for he had not been equally just. The Noble Member for Lynn and his party had eianged their votes with a view to &fest the Al:nis!rw, who, they think have not acted in a Ixi,tci fide manner on the qu stion of coercion.' But the .Member for London and his party had equally changed their votes-for the purpose of d e f ea ti ng t h e Ministry uncondition ally. —( He r, hear.) He would wish fir a moment to con eider 'what was the nature of the measure on which such great party . divisions were to take place ? or to "ask; hod -Hon. Mem bers, read toe Bill? "for he had Sottgetiotibtt'at' te' that; always 'excluding the ,'Hnn:' .11deraber - who • hid last ad.; dressed= the House,. andswho - had., appeared: to have given the subject: , seep attention. But the - observations of some' Hon: Members had induced him to believe that they had not read the Bill then before:the House. - It was not, as had, been asserted, Proposed : to coerce the wfICIi7 of Ireland— the Bill was only a temporary one, and it did not - fellow that any one country, or any one parish, should be coerced.: When a necessity arose a district might be coerced, but not until then. Whatever might be the faults of the Government; and he for one would not justify them, he consicldred that they had acted in a just and generous spirit towards Ireland.—( Hear. ) That was his opinion ; and a similar one had been expressed by the Hon. Member for Cork on the occasion of the Maynooth Bili ; and such having been the case he was prepared to, ac cede to the powers proposed to be vested in the - Government. As long as parts of Ireland remained in such a state as they were at present they . would re_qoire_ a coercion Bill, and he was of opinion that no Government should he allowed to hold office which was not prepared to propose such a Bill in such a state of .ciecumstances ; and if they abused the p6wers vested in them, or the people of England and Scotland saw a desire to oppress. Ireland, they would not termit them to remain in office, for they would knowthat it they permitted such a proceeding their turn would come next. The present state of things could not be allowed to continue with safety ; if the people were not protected, they would take the law into their own hands. They had heard a great deal about the • liberties of Ireland, but he would like to know what, amount of liberty existed in Ireland. He Would - tike any five charges from the list of the state of crime in Ireland, and he would read them to the House. One was a threatening notice to a steward not to collect his master's rents; another was a notice for a man not to pay a debt he owed to a certain man, but to his wife, from whom he had separated ; another was to prevent a man from proposing for a widow for whom another had proposed.—( A laugh.) Hon. Members might laugh, but it was no laughing matter. They could thus see that a steward could not do justice to his master, nor could a man marry the wife of his choice. They were told that things ware a better aspect, and that therefore coercion was unnecessary. but he was disinclined to doubt the statement, and they knew that former Coercion Bills had been successful, though they had never been put into operation.. He would ask them bow could landed proprietors be expected to reside on their estates unless they were affsrded protection ? He would support the Government upon the present occasion, and he could not see the consistency of the course, that, having voted for protection, he should now be called on to vote against the Coercion Bill ; in other words to assist in bringing in a Government more favourable to free-trade than the present, and which would be strongly urged to take off the proposed three years of protection which had been afforded.- The Hon. Member for Stockport wr uld, of course, be in the' Government—( Hear, hear)—and he confessed he would not be sorry to see him there. He (Mr. Cobden) had already done them all the mischief in his power, and if they were to have bad measures, why they would have the consolation of at least having good speeches.—( Hear, hear.) Nothing surprised him more than the strong party spirit which was evir.ced at the present moment by the party to which he had the honour to belong. When lion. Members met in the streets, after the first observation of the heat of the weather, the next ques tion was " What will you do on the Coercion Bill ?" "Oh, I will take the straight course, and vote against the Bill." ( Hear, hear.) The straight course ! as if no other course was straight. Now, he would be almost inclined to call it the crooked course, but if his course was allowed to be straight in supporting the Bill, he would allow the contrary course to be straight also.—( Hear, hear.) But if his course was not called: straight, he would be obliged to quarrel—what he most wished to avoid. Again, if he met in a club-room, he would be told, " Oh, we count upon so many honest and true men to defeat the measure." Now, he was not so foOlish as to take offence, but he felt his face getting rather hot—( Hear, hear) — when such language was used. He was attached to the principles 'of protection to British industry, but he also believed that the present Bill would be beneficial, and ho would therefore vote for it. He would just instance in the Secretary-at-War, a man who never took a course hut-such as was perfectly consistent with honourable feeling; and he did so because he knew the Right Hon. Gentleman ; yet that gentleman, be ventured to say, would not stick at applying in debate those hard names which' had been made use of by the Hon. Gentleman. The case of Fox had been introduced in exculpation; bist he would answer that by a single line of the Latin poet— " Distat eloquent/a' vitiis Let HOn. Gentlemen imitate Fox in his eloquence, and leave him alone in his use of hard names and hard words...( Loud cries of ," Hear, hear.") There was one sentiment used by the Learned Recorder for. Dublin in which I.e con' d not concur. Tnat Hon. and Learned Gentleman had said in effect, that it would be welt if her Majesty's pre sent Ministers were li!plaeed by the Noble Lord, because then they would have no more of those painful scenes, those hard words, and t e (Mr. Seymer) thought he added, vitupe ration ; hut he (Mr. Seymer) rathe: expected that in op ,sitiou these hard words, and hard names would be revived. At the same time, he felt it was the duty of every Memetr is that House, to assuage, as far as pass hie, all personalities, and the use of hard names.—The Hon. Gentl n:an sat down, after stating that he would oppose the amendment of the Right Hon. H Toilet (Sir W. Somerville) opposite. Mr. C. POWELL said, he never hear I opinions expressed in Parliament, founded more upon ignorance of thecondition of Ireland than those uttered by the Hon. Gentleman who had just sat down. That Hen. Gentleman could not surely have beard the admirable speech which had been delivered on the subject by the Member for Oxfordshire. That Hon. Member had shown to demonstration, in his able speech, that the docu ment on which the Hon. Gentleman had rested, the Govern ment returns of crime in Ireland, was incorrect, and could not be relied upon. He hid shown that out of the 2,000 cases, which was the gross amount stated, 803 were merely threaten ing notices, and 8)2 of these notices, which were never followed by injurious acts—he (Mr. Powell) believed had been got up by the scouts of the police. Instances might be quoted from the annals of crime in England to parallel what had taken place in some parts of -Ireland ; but he would not detain the House. He could not imagine a severer satire on her Majesty's Government than the present measure. That Government, the strongest that had existed. came down now, the eighteenth time in the political history of Ireland, for a coercive measure—a Bill giving them the command of physical force—a measure to annihilate the liberties of the people of Ireland. It might be said to him that the present measure did not apply to all Ireland ; but his reply was, that it did, if the Lord-Li eu t en a n t c h os e. H er Ma jesty's present Government on this occasion, found Ireland in 1841 in a state of perfect tranquillity, the authorities in the country had the confidence of the people ; and the present Go vernment selected for the highest offices in the administration of the law, the most obnoxious individuals in the country—indi viduals who had for years been in the habit of reviling the people of Ireland. If there was an obnoxious person in the erovincial localities they made him a magistrate; and if there was not such a man in the district; they set about hunting him up from another quarter ; and having done so, that Govern ment came down to Parliament and asked for power to put down the disturbances which had been excited by these gross abuses. Her Majesty's Government had endeavoured to represent these disturbances as non political. But he thought that the great mass had withdrawn their confidence from the constituted authorities in the country, and was not that political ?—( Hear, hear, from Mr. Sheil.) The repeal agitation had been c, nstrued by an Hon. Gentleman opposite into high treason. He (Mr. Powell) though an advocate for the repeal of the union, enter tained the strongest wish for the British connexion ; and he further thought that, repealer as he was, the measures which he would support would tend more to cement that connexion than those - which had been proposed by the Hon. Gentleman who had thought proper to characterise repeal as a dismember ment of the empire. Why, for 490 years that connexion had continued to exist at the same time that there was a separate Legislature. As be had already said, the returns on which those fears were founded were incorrect, for out of 2,090, the total sum, there were 805 mere threatening notices; and from these 805, only . three had been followed by overt acts. Now, as to these notices, he himself had received a Paper, which he held in his hand, addressed to Mr. Powell, M.P. Inside there were these words, " Look what comes, death to the Saxon."—(At least so we understood the Hon. Gentle. man to read, for he read with great difficulty.) Then followed a coffin and cross - bones , and these words, " Mr. Powell's sur tout. Here is your fate, if you vote for the Coercion Bill." (Laughter.) Now, he believed that many of these cases were got up as hoaxes, but many of them were excited by the secret service money of the Government, which, since their acces sion, had been freely distributed among the people of that• country.—(Hear, bear.) He knew it. Many lived by it, and it was" called " doing business ;" and those persons were known as " Paddy M'Kerrs." He (Mr. Powell) was sure that the social order might be sufficiently, maintained in Ireland by the ordinary means of law, if these were used by those who had secured the confidence of the people. That, however, the present Government had not acquired, and he thought never would ; and he believed further, that their resignation would be hailed by the people of Ireland. Very different would have been their feelings, if a sentiment uttered by the Hon. Mein her for Oxfordshire had prevailed some time before in that House, when he asked whether any honest man could, upon the evidence supplied by her Majesty's Ministers, sanction en croachment upon the liberties of the people of Ireland? Mr. COLLETT said he would-support the second reading of the measure on the same grounds as the first, for since he had uttered his opinions on that occasion he had not heard anything to remove those reasons which he then gave for so voting. There existed a certain set of robbers, assassins, and marauders in certain counties in Ireland ; and as soldiers were sent out to apprehend this class of persons in Naples and Si c ily, he did net see why the same means should not be adopted in Ireland. For a period of eight years there had hardly passed a day in which outrages had not been committed. There had arisen a sympathy with crime which he could not account for—a sympathy with these roaming assassins. And why should not the police have the power to suppress it? He knew that there was a price for crime. He knew—and it might seem strange to them—that the price, was 21. 10s. for crime when the man was not shot dead, and 6/. when the man was killed. Would he for a trifling saving of 500/. or 1,0001. per annum, send 500 men loose upon the country-500 men accustomed to the use of gunpowder, and weapons of every d es cription ? ( Hear.) No, he could not do it as 'a Briton, or as an Englishman. Let them not be deceived by , the temporary lull that had occurred, for he believed that if this Bill did not pass the second reading, there would be riot and exultation at the failure of a measure which would pat a stop to the crimes of these marauding assassins. He believed that a temporary Coercion Bill would be of benefit to the country. He ha I always felt well disposed towards the Irish, and had done all in his power for them, but still bethought that this Bill was neces sary. The keeping of people in their houses from sunset to sunrise was not the question. It was the question of whether there was to be any security for life and property in Ireland— ( Hear, hear) —and they were bound to give protection to people who were well disposed towards their fellow -countrymen, and who received nothing but injury in return. He received accounts of crime and outrage every Rowley marai rig from ‘.w,..r.: kllalue; and his wee:aryl:A on four oceasicns:neen stopped,. 1w was ref urningwith only half notes. Before he sat down f he would beg to say only one .word:: He-was surprised to find it recordSil .that he had dissented fiom the present Measure, hut he felt triutel to say that he - would on this occasion give his cordial support to her Majesty's Iginiaters. Mr. HALSEY said he opposed the Pia non a solemn ccinViCtiori - that' the state of crime in Ireland did not afford to them a sufficient ground for the introduction of.such,a. mea sure. Did the state of crime in Ireland show an increase 'over fpriner years?—( Hear, hear.) •There-had, certainly, been atrocious cr naea.. - consm it ted in .Irelatab e ttnd there appeared marked - e“npathy for the criminals, but flirts - ARV - iv-as a most irritating as well as a most - unconstitutional Measure. And ' with regard - to - the - intimidation of witnesses, it.did not in any way provide against that, evil. The Bill was. not what ft should be—an encouragement to the people of Ireland to seek measures of conciliation with their superiors. He did vat seek to put the question on personal grounds, but he did conceive ' that it was a fair ground of discussion to speak of the - condaet of public men. certainly found fault with the conduct of the promoters'of this measure, as they had saed that the success of the Cord Bill was . depetident on the pasiing .of-this measure: He did not see what connexion there could! Da lietweerea toys mercial measure, which was to arrive _at maturity in three., years, and 'a temporary and unconstitutional measure.— ( Hear, hear.) He did not wish to judge of the motives of bet. 131ajeity's Ministers in bringing forward this measure: They might have been of opinion that it was necesaary hi e the stat,e of Ireland, but if they were of. web an oStiokbosAllY4 4l4 M• not press it forward at once? for under - such circumstances delay was littl e s h or t o f a crime. -Under these circumstances_ e he should giv e the Bill hii most strenuous. oppositiett. *" Mr. V. STUART was not 'prepares todenY, that crltrfe7 existed to a fri4itful extent in Ir.dand, but. he fiiily believed that this Hill was not at all .the one likely to suppress. it. There was not one member of that. House. who knew ab.thing of the state of mind of the people in Ire'end, who did not knt,w that th y hid a great want of confidence in the laws; and was the present opsressive and. =constitutional measure the one which would restore that confidence? Weresthe hits in exist nee with regard to Ireland at it calculated to restore that • confidence? Did not tl a judges inform them that laws were made for the' benefit of'soCiety ' • and did their application bear out that fact ? H e h a d seen the law prostituted to the worst purposes. He bad seen whole fiord les driven out upon the roads, their cottages u nroo f e d , and their cattle driven away. He hsd,seen them working by the toadside'ill the hopes of obtaining . redress; not from .the middleman who had turned them out, but from that superior landlord. These landlords Were, no donfit, - willing to redress the wrongs of their tenants, but they had it not :irk-their power, under the peculiar systems on which their estates were managed. There was in Ireland a most singular feeling with regard to being galled by' unnecessary interference; and the practice of offering motley to obtain evidence wasone of the most mischievous character. The_ man who, Was induced to came , forward by such motives was not unilaterally regarded as a degra s tied man. This Bill would not, in his opinion, answer the ends for which it was intended. It would produce a temporary lull, but its permanent effect would be to increase the evils for the abolition of which it wets created. Let them not at tempt coercion, but give fair- pla7 to those laws calculated to inspire a confidence in the legislature .en the part of the people. ear. ROEBUCK said, he had weal censideredahe.effect,of this measure now before the considereetion of the House, and without referring to the recent vote he gave in that House, he would speak of the vote which he si!sould give 'in accord. ante with those principles which hail at'svays directed his political career. In accordance with all those principles whiCh he had derived from a careful study of the business, the science, and the art of legislation and Government, he was inclined strongly to believe that ail those modes' of legis lation in all those sorts of Bills and Acts of the present description were mischievous ; b•ecause, in the first place, they were ineffieacious in a great measure for good. They were in as strong a measure efficacious for evil. If he looked at the situation of the peop;e of Irelgnd, and at their past history, still stronger was his feeling that it was folly and injustice to cirry such a measure. He wanted to know, More he made up his mind how he should vote upon that occasion, what it was that. actuated the protec tionist party, headed by the Noble Lord the Member for Lynn, and the Whig party, led on by the Noble Lord the Member for the city of London, in givfog their opposition to this mea sure. In the first place, then, the Noble Lord the Member for Lynn, in his speech upon the first reading of the Bill— which, by the way, he supported—remarked that murders com mitted in Ireland would rest upon the heads of those who delayed the passing of that measure, and yet' he was now opposing it himself,—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") What was it, then, that had induced the Noble Lord to change his course? Why, it was because—to take the Noble Lord's own sentiments—because he had no confidence in the Right Hon. Baronet the First Lord of the Treasury. The Noble Lord op posed the second reading of the Bill, because the Right Hon. Baronet had done one great thing—because he had relieved free trade from the shackles of monopoly—because he had car ried the Corn-law Bill—because he had done that which the country desired.—( Hear, hear.) Well, then, if the Noble Lord succeeded in hoisting the Right Hon. Baronet from office, his opposition would be at an end, and he would no doubt be prepared to support the same measure if it were brought forward by a monopolist party.—( Hear, hear.) Well, but what was it, he wanted to know, that induced the Liberals to support it ? Before he could make up his mind as to the vote he should give, he must satisfy himself that it was dictated by no vindic tive or party spirit.—( Hear, hear.) Now, then, let him recall to the recollection of. the House, that. in 1832 a certain Bill, which literally was a disgrace to the statute-book, was brought in and passed by a Liberal ad ministration. What was it that had worked so great a change in the opinion of the Nob!e Lord since that period.—(Hear, hear.) Again in the year 1832, a very rigorous measure of the sort, which contained the well-known domiciliary visita tion clause was passed by an overwhelming majority, acting under the advice of the Noble Lord ; and in 1835, Lord Mor peth, who was then Secretary for Ireland, introduced another Coercion Bill for Ireland, though, as compared with the Bill of 1832, it was an exceedingly modified measure. Now, Lord Morpeth on introducing that Bill made some remarkable de clarations. The Noble Lord, for , instance, admitted that crime was on the decrease .in Ireland, but neverthele'si the country was in such a state that it could not be governed with out the aid of a Coercion Bill, with far-more stringent provi sions. than were to be .found in the Bill then. under discussion.—(Hear. 'bear.) The Hon. and Learned Member for Cork (Mr. O'Connell) one would have supposed, after listening to his speech against the present Bill, must have opposed the Bill of 1835. But what did Mr. O'Connell say, While the measure of 1835 was under discussion ?—( Hear, hear. ) Why, the Hon. and Learned Gentleman! after admitting that the Measure was highly calculated to reduce the amount of agrarian outrage in Ireland, went on to say, " The present. measure, if he rightly understoed it., was to- prevent parties being out at night without being • able to give an account of themselves, or for unlawful purposes ; and, if so, he could only add that he was convinced its operation would produce the greatest benefits in Ireland. He only wished, in fact,,that'its provisions had gone a little further." Mr. Grattan, who was another member of the Irish party, on the same occasion, ob served, " That it was impossible to let things sso on in Ireland without something being done." True, the observation was rather ambiguous, but there was no mistaking the speech of the Hoe. and Learned Member for Cork.—(Hear, hear.) He wanted to know what actuated the Hon. and Learnei Member for Cork, in his present opposition to a measure of a much more modified character than the one of 1835.—( Hear, hear.) He now came to the Noble Lord the Member for the City of London, and before he could make up his mind as to the rote he should give, he wanted to know what it was that had pro duced so extensive a change in his opinions upon the subject of Coercion Hear, hear) He well knew that when the Noble Lord returned to power, in 1835, Lord Beshoroitgb was to have been sent to Ireland noon the expressed under standing that the Coercion Bill should be proceeded with with out del ,y.—( Hear, hear: ) Lord J. RU SSE LL— t hat is not true.—( Hear, hear. ) Mr. ROEBUCK continued. He must take the Noble Lord's denial, but still he gathered this fact from the history of Coercion Bills, that this was the first time the Noble Lord ever opposed one. Now, under all these circumstances, before he could make up his mind to oppose the Bill, he must be satisfied those who opposed it were consistent in their opposition. From the extraordinary combination of circumstances in the opposition, he found the votes of Gen tlemen voting against the Bill who never voted in that way before. He found that the object of the one was to throi• out the Administration, while the other was actuated partly by the Same object, but principally with the view of facilitating their return to office. He could not help looking at both their oppositions in a similar light; and he thought the opposition of the Noble Lord the Member for London was most unfair. It was'urged at an inopportune time, but,with opportune ef fect—urged with the view of unseating the present Admi nistration, while there was not the remotest hope of a better coming in. —(Hear, hear.) But he could tell the Noble Lord that he was not in a position to govern this country, and if he succeeded in obtaning office, it woulrl prove the de struction of the Liberal party. —( Hear, hear.) He believed, in fact, that it would produce a recurrence of the events of 1640, 1841, and 1842, when the 'Whig party continued in power for ne beneficial purpose—brought in measures only to be rejected—a party in fact with the minority for its support, and a Government losing credit wish every other nation and country. --(Hear hear.) Now before he could join the Noble Lord, he must have his assurance that he had abandoned Coercion Bills for ever.—(Hear, hear.) Let him declare his intention to apply wise and conciliatory measures to that unfortunate country, and ho might rely upon it he would then, in the event of his taking office, be able to govern with credit to himself and honour to the .nation.----(Hear, hear. ) Lord J. MANNERS said his objection to the measure was one of principle, and if he asked himself how such men as Wind ham, and Swift, and Bolingbroke would have voted upon such a measure, he could not fail ,to receive an answer that they would have voted against such a Whig proposition.—(hear, hear.) A ease:of paramount necessity had not been proved for its introduction, either by the statistical reformation placed before the House. or by the conduct of the Government in pressing the measure through the House. The clauses of the Bill did not 'reach the evil. The offences complained of were com mitted for the most part during the day, and the proiisiens of the Act did not give any protection during that period. It was therefore inapplicable even if there was a case of paramount necessity made out or proved to the House, and he would, therefore, vote against the Bill. Sir J. GRAHAM said, he did not ri e to addles? the H use immediately after a th t e oanv H ec o e,w n. itshh A ae l dt em ttho b e e h r ai7 f re o e r s sepnßotakehn, was toas n he considered that there might be some Member on the same side' the question. ti t e the st io House, e whoad t wou ldted h o. a c onstitutional measure, an i he did not agree with the m; xim of the Hon. Itlembe.., that desperate diseases should have desperate remedies; for he considered, that thy could not, nor ought not, to pass such a measure as the present, unless there could be a case shown of paramount nec ~ s ity; and it would be on these !rounds alone, that he would ask Hon. Members to vote with him in support of the Bill. And, with reference to the charge of delay, he would observe, that the Honourable Member for Lambeth was the only one who had done justice to the Government upon the occasion; for he had said that, reviewing the whole conduct of the Government,. A h i a oe t rn. h t be h er e r of c or o dr n eL s r i d os heaerdliiedr n p o e t ri consider od. a thatnust saythey t hcaotu l t d he ha; , : b i l n e tre or u d ced rep i r t o a ue t h a e n d the sthaerpGriosev(eirhnimme.nt The e h Bdedllaye,amine downci b re um f s r t o a nl nce t s he th L at , rsdosmienwhat bear.) He had end of March, and an Ho bt n he . , l A , No Mem b er d o : H t i o o v et e the er h , et of trhateiodnayo,fatnhde he eshlioeuveld,l further to observe that the overnment, having to consider n discussing, it ' had don supported nini in that motion. —( Hear , especially the question of an alteration in the corn - laws, and to decide dmeeeidaseurelikniseeh that ty that t e now discussing, was of primary importance, and that which, though important also, was still but secondary. Now the state of Ireland, the necessity and destitution of the people made an alteration in the corn .laws a question of primary importance. If then, the primary im portance of that question were admit`ed, it would seem, he said, that no delay could be charged against the Government in the progress of the measure now before them. Thus much on the first point. He was unwilling to detain the Ho use with the repetition of f ac t s which hild already been laid before it ; hut an attempt had been made to show, that whatever might be the case in reference to certain parts of Ireland , y et, ' in refe rence to the wh o l e o f Ireland, crime was not on the increase: Now, he was not there to p r efer an indictment against the whole of Ireland ; but certainly, though there had not been an increase of crime in 1845, still, in the who'e of Ireland crime was not on the increase. The Bill was founded on five counties, viz. ;—Tipperary, Roscommon, Clare, Leitrim, and Limerick, and he knew there in certain circ Waco crime, unless checked, would spread, and i %had MeiS;, , Alter' 4. :V`'' rt: been spreading. He would e oniris-c these ss 3 tt ';' Titil . .t vi whole of Iceland.. The pepul , tion of the whet: • i.. ' 1 wat\ :, ~.—, 8,403,000.; the peed:at:on ottleese.five..cpun N iiir . ., /- t ! ..4,0 , ,,,,,,, ~..... \ one-sixth of thewhole. The area of Ire. eeele e*.efe . , :_, i tacres, - and of the Ilva ,counties, 3,5a0,00J 44 : -. -7 . ,_. „_-.e.. ; crime io the five colintiea for live months r ..-..g. , ;,.___, ---__ ~,_-, ~ 1,074.: The return for these counties duri ,e, 4 4 i s e', e lifir_i s _ tr. q. , .. , of 1845, gave 1,323, or an increase equal ''r4 af' . .; . ........,, z , ' insurrectionary and agrarian crime for five kik e .i_ • wi o gave 779 kir 1345, and 933 for 1846, bein:. - ` 7, i` '''' •- Whole ' • - 4 .1 c411 ' - per cent: Taking these-five counties,ss comp , _. .i e , r _ • of lielaed, the following was the return sof speciae crm of Homicides in those e couetlies increased .in 1846 at the rate wl2 36 per cent: - as compared with all Ireland; firing at the per.... at 68 leer cents ; aggravated assaults at 45 per cent ; assault. 1 With intent to injure life, at 38 per cent. ; demand and . D.P 1 ...,5 of arms at 72 per cent. ; murderous .intention in the use Z: arms at 80 per cent. ; administration a trozvifill neth , ..,!i 1 ' t •• assaulting and taking dwelling.houees at set per per cen •,• - the whole n i l i t a 8 . 45 18:167.1:4 4 -3 665 ; ; h .- e T le he ef to i t r a e l ia showing an increase of the ,proportion of GO per Load In opposing -this Bill, it. was observed by,tbe Noble Lee. only i in n those lB46 aped p B e 7 c 2 i ecl an cr d i m f h o e t r e . Member. fur .Newark, _that this Bill was inefficacious , or s, f all the Lord the Member for Durban') has moved for a return of . with maidErs cemmit fed in Ireland during the present year, d :..eilic&eieseis_aeainst crime committed by eight. The Noble all the circumstances atteedirg it, toe, ther.wiili the •or by night. With respect to these returns, the facts he was ,abbut to state were well worthy of the attention of the House, asst was directly against the argument that the Bill would be iqffieacious with reference te crime, and they were mostly . corn lreuarnby day ,mitted•by day. The returns shoved that the numbers of mnr tiers committed between sunrise and sunset was 27, and 45 13- Ivcrekt sunset and sunrise. showing a majority of one half, or nearly so. The attempts at murder be tween sunrise and sunset were only 13, while be tween sunset and sunrise they numbered 45. It was . murders necessary to slate to the llonse something with reference -to the comparisons drawn between t h e ceremitted in England anti those committed in Ireland. Between the }.ears 1811 and 1845 the average number of murders committed in England was 110, including infanticides, which made up a pro portion of more then half Of them ; and du r in g the,same periods the number of homicides committed in Ireland was, - exclusive of infanticides, 128 ; being a proportion. of one homicide to The proportion efanticide. the population was one to 100,000. , 64,000 of the papulation ; while to England, exclusive of in meceunts Of the - and in..lreland one to F0,4,-. ,Be had received , . of convictions in England wine one to 32 I,4ths of the criminals, most • hideous . _murders in Clare and other counties ; add" it . was - very , evident, from all accounts, that the number of crimes was net at - all on .the decrease, The:number of harnicidee ecnamitted in Irelaed during the last. four years amounted to 446, rtn:l he hai aseerta',ned that most of the partiei the offence was committed against belonged to the lahniiiiing • classes. . 261. °tette, number were labourers and servants, while other'S were night wine:ere and bailiffs. The Mlle might he said with regard to attempts at murder. The number was 436, while of parties against whom the offvnee was com mitted 94 were farmers, and 39 were labourers, awl the rest wood-rangers, - stewards, and servants.—(Hear, hear.) The Honourable Member for Cockermouth bad stated that Government brought forward this measure not, from a'cienviction of i's necessity, but to -satiqy their partisans hi Ireland. So fae, b'osiever, from this being so, he could assiele tlicMne that even last summer, from the accounts be receiredirom disinterested parties, he had begun to be im pre§scd" with the temviction that somesuch measure as this would have to be pnssed.--( Hear, hear.) He admitted that the position of land in Ireland was originally the primary cause of all the crime in Ireland; but then they must bear in mind that althoiiph the immedia'e crimes themselves were connected with no religions or political causes, they had become so exten sive a's to shake the very foundation of society itself. This rendered it clear that something must be done to reduce the amount of crime in Ireland, and it was the knowledge of this fart which had induced the Government to bring forward this Bill.— (Hear, hear.) The Hon. Gentleman said that the poor should receive relief. Why there were no less than 14,000 able-bodied men receiving daily wages in Ireland under the Public Works Act ; and as to schools for agriculture, they had been already established, and an Act for draining land had re ceived the royal assent. He had, moreoser, the satisfaction to ' state that children to the amount of 400,000 were receiving edueation. The Secretary-at-War had also laid a Bill upon the table of the House for advancing a mil lion of money to the landed proprietors for the purpose 'of ereconraging them to drain and improve their estates, and t t h h e ese xii w on e . re M al e l m the ber m i ea ( s T ur h e e s n wh ig i h ch had t Hon.ben eßarreenceotmtmheeended read a. document for the purpose of showing that the people in Ireland were accustomed to conceal the criminal, and not to bring him to justice.) The Noble Lord had said that he (Sir J. Graham) had not dealt fairly in changing his opinions on, these great questions, without apologising for language which he' had used in oppositicn. He would not be compelled to defend particular expressions, but he would remind the Noble Lord of his having overthrown Sir Robert Peel's Government. in 1835, in a measure for the appropriation of the property of the Irish Church ; and yet,: when in office, he had abandoned that measure in a way which he would not characterise. Ile said_there_was this to be said for himself and his colleagues, that whatever change of opinions they had adopted, they had adopted them under circumstances of necessity, and had car ried those changes into effect, at a sacrifice to themselves, per. haps, of their power. The Noble Lord 'opposite and those with him had changed their opinions as often as circumstances had made it appear necessary. . The Bill before the House had been contrasted with that of the same nature which was intro duced in 1835. The contrast had been well depicted by the Hon. Member for Bath. The present measure was very much lees stringent than that introduced in 1835. Now he begged to draw their attention to the state of crime when that Bill was introduced. In 1835 the total amount of crimes was 10,225 ; in 1836 it had fallen to 8,067 ; and in 1837 when a motion was made for repeal of that coercive Act, crime had fallen to' 6,775. In the year 1835, his Noble Friend thought that he was justified in passing a measure of a less stringent character, and one more calculated to enlist the f ee li ngs o f t h e people on behalf - of the Government. The Noble Lord said, that though he trusted he was justified in thinking that the as. pect of affairs in Ireland was not so menacing as before, yet the state of crime had not-been sufficiently reduced as to call upon the House to dispense with the powers contained in the Act. This was the oiinion of the Secretary for Ireland. Mr. O'Connell said that the end for which such a measure should be introduced should be to punish, and not to prevent. • That was the object with which he had intro r duced if to the Hone. He would observe that during the whole of Lord Melhourne's Government, from its first commencement to within nine months of- its close, they • .poesessed a measure niorr stringent in many respects than the one he was then introducing, and it received the concurrence of Mr. O'Connell. •During its existence crime fell very much, but When iii !Mit steel at anend crime rose rapidly; and from being about 4,000, it in the course Of the four foll ow i ng years came up to 8,000. The first s‘rong coercive measure was in troduced •by Lord Grey, with Air: Fox. The seco n d was in troduced by Lord Melbourne, the Noble Lord tt e Member for the city of London being then Home Secretary'; and the state of crime then was not half so Sargent there as it was now. That' measure had received the sanction of Lord Lansdowne, and Lord Melbourne had written a letter to the Repeal Association, stating kis opinion that thi s measure had been too long delayed. ' On the outset, he had admitted that the - Bill was unconstitutional and harsh in its provisions, but such a measure was required by the existing circumstances. and he agreed that no one Member of Parliament shouldvote for such a measure unless he believed in its necessity.,--(Hear, hear.) The Hon. Gentlemin, the Member for Newcastle- Under-Line, had, in the course of the debate, asked him a ques tion with regard to the Bill, which, like others, was purely, matter of detail, and be could .answer that in Committee. Go-. .verrtent would be glad to make the clauses as much recon cileable with the views of Hen. Members as they could.—(Hear, hear.) Before he sat down, he must remind the House that for the last five years they had fortunately been enabled to go.. vern Ireland without having recourse to a measure of this sort; but he must, at the tame time, remind the House that the time might come when such an Act might be required, and on his conscience he declared that Ministers were firmly convinced that that time had already arrived, and no matter what Administration might be in office, Ireland 'could not be governed without the aid of a measure like the one be now asked the House to read a second time.—( Hear.) Mr. LABOUCHERE would not det a i n th e House for any length of time at that late hour, but he cou ld no t a ll em a single moment to pass without answering the charge the Ri g ht H on. Baronet had thrown out against him, with regard to the sugar duties.—( Hear, hear.) It was not the first time the Right Hon. Baronet had made the same attack, and he really, till now, fancied that he had effectually silenced the Right Hon.. Baronet on that point.--(Hear, hear.) The Right HMI. Ba ronet, toe, ought to be the last man to make a charge of in-. consistency against him, for he was not aware that he had ever suddenly turned round and changed his opinions on particular points. Nor had he ever attempted to persuade the House that be attached considerable importance to principles and opinions which he had long before abandon e d as b e i ng im politic, unsound, and oppose to the best interests of the coun try —( Cheers.) Now the Right Hon. Baronet had, fOr the second time; charged hint with having, a few years back. while in office, argued in favour of the exclusion of slave grown sugar from the Briti,l markets ; but he begged the House to rememher that this was the construction the Right fault was th e against is ? ( Hon. Baronet himself put upon his words, and not his own meaning, ,What be did say .was, that slavery having been so Heir, h recently abolished, the colonies ought for a time to be protected against all foreign -grown sugar, bat not against any particular 'class of sugars;--(Cheers.) zNow, With tegard to the question of Ireland, the Right Hon. Baronet bad ß t i a g u h n t tedth o f n th stl e tntly raisin: not being able to govern Ireland without having recourse to Honourable witll I Ce vh .: y r , cion it ßi w lls a . s But the wh f o a _ e c it them.—(Hear.) Baronet and his party, who were - But to make a compliment of the liberties the cry of "No Popery" be- the best method of making people won repeaters of all the country gentlemen in Ireland, and he, therefore, didt hat Members would give their votes upon the measure according to their conscience. •He 'et•al '• not pledged to support t he B il l. because he voted for its first reading every person was man% that that .Was only e. formal proceeding. Mr. STAFFORD 0 1 1111IEN moved the adjournment of the debate. • .i•• The following Bills were adjourned until Monday next:— Landlord and Tenant (Ireland) Bill (Second reading); Eject merits, Ireland, _ liii] , (Second eeading); Leases, Ireland,, (Second reading). • . The Joint Stock Banks (Scotland and Ireland) Bill, w ait postpone d until Thursday next. - The Coroners' (Ireland) Bill was adjourned till Wednesda y next. Service (CSoemotllnaintctle. County .un (Scotland) Crown Ch ar te rs . ( S cotland) Bill, Presentments (Ireland) Bill was read a thirdti m e and passed. Colonel PEEL moved f or l eave to bring in a Bill t o continue. the Act to authorise and f ac ili tate the completion of a survey:of tnt workso through f lier p s Great Britain, Berwiek-upon-Tweed, and the Isle of Man, to 31st December, I 851.—A greed to. The other orders of the day were then disposed of, and the House adjourned at a Quarter-past One o'clock. alternatel y — t h e bo . [ A.DVBRTISEMENT.] ---BOTANIC W A TER AND B EAR ' S GREASE.—When th e h a ir is becoming thin , and Calling off, t o h f e th o e nl t y 9o eff a c b c o tu v al , n re a m ai e e d d y a , r b ti e e s l i e d: a s p h p a l v i e i n d g the head, i s t h e use tank water to cleanse the roots from scurf and r.is a stimulant, and the bear's grease as a nourisher. . If any further evidence Mr. Catlin's account cf the quantity u se d, and 1 - was recitir.d of the virtues of bear's grease sir renovating an d the North A me.. r i can Indians, would be a sufficient an swer . R oss an d S ons, 119, and 120, Bishopsgate-street, wh o fi rst i ntro d uce d t h e use prese the rvi l n e g nth of bear's grease in this country, and who fat and kill length hair,of air obtained by soma o f t the a n i_ mals, recommend the public to purchase none other but with their names and address printed on the pot, or the chancre s an , their obtaining a spurious article. All vegetable oils applied to the hair are worse than useless. [ ADVERTISEMENT.] —EXTRAoRDINARY CQRga or . DROPSY BY 11OLLOWAY'S PILLS.—Emma Williams, a servant 'living with Mrs: Smitlibrs, Oldhatu-road, Manchester, hal lately Dome of such• a size froftl dropsy as to appear, (to use her own expre, nas big As a Mitt- Every usual treatment wa stried ,but Sion), as in this sad state she hid recotirse to Holloway's Pijl 1 , 4 by them tlfe water vs entirely removed ftmn her system, and 1137 effectual cure perfected in about six weeks. These pills were lately tried upon two dropsical patients discharged as incurable from one of the largest hospitals in London, and• they also were both shortly cured by this famous medicine.—Sold by all druggists, and at Pro. fessor Holloway's Establishment, 244, Strand, London. George Clarke, a pedestrian, has ui tzeeded in w ak e ins 1 1 500 miles in 1,000 succoolve h 0 Norwich.