The Sun. — London, England, 1846-05-27 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLI E'N'f. HOUSE OF LORDS, Map 26. Their Lordships met at ten minutes to Five o'cliock. CORN-LA WS. Several Peers presented a great number of petitions for and against the repeal of the corn-laws. The Duke of RICHMOND said he had a petitior to present to their Lordships on this subject, on which he wish ed to make few observations, although he did not intend to in ake another speech upon the corn-laws. he petition was sign ed by 1,390 of the tenant-farmers, who had assembled Rooms, a few days ago, and who had come to London, from the different counties of England, for the purpose of showing that those who had reported them to have changed their opinions with respect to the corn-laws had stated what was untrue. It appeared to iltm that the tenantry of this country had not been fairly dealt with by the advocates of free trade. Their Lordships' tab:e had been crowded, night after night, by petitions from the t enant -farmers of England, all of which were in favour of the Present system of protection, and yet they had been repre sented to have changed their opinions on the corn-law quoston. Ilia Grace then read the petition. The Duke of RUTLAND presented a petition from the occupiers of land in the county of Kent in favour of the repeal of the corn-laws. Earl FITZWILLIAM presented a petitition to a. similar effect. NORTH BRITISH RAILWAY. A NonLE Loan presented a petition in favour of this undertaking. Lord BEAUMONT presented two petitions, signed by 460 and 354 of the tenant farmers in Essex, against the. Corn Bill now pending before their Lordships. Lord ASHBURTON presented a petiticn, with 900 signa tures attachvd, the prayer of which was to a similar effect. CORN LAWS—ADJOURNED DEBATE. The order of the day for the adjotraed debate having been read, The Earl of WILTON rose and said that he would occupy their Lordships' attention only for a short period, and as the observations which he thought it his duty to make were of a general nature, he felt that he should have little difficulty in keeping his promise. But - upon an occasion like the present, when interests of such magnitude were in volved interests involving, in the opinion of many, wise, cool, judging, and dispassionate minds, no less considera tions than those of a social revolution—he thought it would best become a humble indiviilual like himself to come forward honestly and frankly to state the course he was about to pursue —(Hear, hear)—and the reasons upon which he grounded the vote he intended to give on the present occasion. He had /many years supported those principles which had influenced the counsels of her Majesty's present advisers, and their Lordships would believe that it was with feelings of no common regret that he found himself in the honest discharge of his public duties compelled to oppose the present measure, and it was with feelings of regret that he found himself opposed to the present Government. How !zilch more painful, how much more poignant mu t be his feel ings when he found himself opposer, for the first time, and he sincerely hoped the last time in his life, to vote against the Noble an d Ill ustr i ous D uke. By his counsels and opi nions he was not a.hamed to say that he 'lad been ac t uate d d ur i ng t h e whole of l it life. Their L or d s hi ps wou ld g i ve h i m full credit for the assurance that it was with the deepest anxiety he came to such a considera sA°ll. He did not intend to go into a detail of the measure ; he W ould , not troubl e th e i r L or d s hi ps w i t h a lotte detail of friend in his eloquent and statesman- like speech that any. t hing he could say would but weaken the effect which it had ireduced on t h eir L or d s hi ps ' H ouse, an d h e wou ld con fi ne t uself to the two grounds which had been urged in favour of the measure. One of them was the operation of the tariff 2 1 1842, and even if beneficial effects attended that measure he contended that there should be a limit put to rel axation w h en it was i n f avour o f f ree t ra d e . Under th e operation of t h e l aw o f 1842 t h ey h ad seen com merce, trade, manufactures, and agriculture flourish in the country, There had been a vast application of capital to agricultural purposes ; but, more than all this, they had seen a sn ore kindly f ee li ng spr i ng up b etween t h e hi t h erto an t agonistic c l asses of society. —( Hear, hear.) Under operati on o f t h at Bill t h e country had arrived :a e degr ee o f prosper i ty unexampled. Why, then, quarrel with this state of things, laying aside the great ex perience they had had, and breaking up a great and powerful Party No satisfactory reason had been given for this pro_ posed depa r t ure f rom t h e pr i ncip l e of the Bill of 1842. at _ the only r eason h e cou ld conce i ve f or propos i ng i t was .ere the destitution esttution and scarcity that p reva il e d i n I re l an d. Th ey twetoldi by h er M a j esty ' s G overnment that there was a great deto and that th e mon th o f M ay wou ld s h ow the real ~t e t e of thi ngs; but May had arrived, an d w h ere was th e evi nceno u promised ? Echo answered where? Certain he was that sufficient reason had been given why they should seek to ,change th e commerc i a l system of the country. He could not bring himself to believe that under the operation of this Bill the price of wheat would be lowered in the same 12 , ro e pertion as th e wages of the labourers. Now if that were thecase —if the m eans o f p urc h as i ng erovisions on the part of " e who would be principally affected by the measure Were decreased, he would implore their Lordships to pttuse before they proceeded further with it. lie wa s unwilling to trespass upon their Lordships' time on so trite a subject, but he must be allowed to refer to the manner in which the measure was carried through the other House. It was carried through the House of Commons by a compact entered into between those parties who entertained the most extreme and dangerous opinions; by the Whip, who had changed from a fixed duty to no duty at all; and that third party, who had made a change even more startlin g .—( Hear, hear.) He wished to address a few wor d s t o th ose Noble Lords who had, like him-elf, supported the present Government for many years, but who now, not like himself, proposed to continue that , upport. If they were satisfied this measure was right and just— if they cons id ere d f avoura bl e resu l ts wou l d fo ll ow the passing of this measure—if they considered by passing this measure they were not giving a stimulus to an agitation for lowering the Position of th e ar i stocracy, then by all means let them vote for it. But if they considered' with him, that he was rightfea in the vi ew h e h a d ta k en, t h en let them, without irarutof clam our f rom without, arid without fear of the thel) Minn of bei ng ac t ua t e d b y se lfi s h mot i ves, vote against s ecend reading of thi s Bill, an d ma k e use o f t h at l eg i t i mate Powerest which th e C ons ti tut i on h ad i nvested in them for the ion o f t h e monarchy. He had now made the few Observations h e f e lt i t to be his d uty to address to their Lerd nips on this important occasion, and it only remained for to thankshown the House for the indulgence they had him._( u N, Hear,hear. ) The D u k e of CANIB RIDG E felt it to be a duty to himself and to hi s owls character to state in a few words the views he entertained, and the line of conduct he felt it to he his duty to ke upon this very important occasion. —( Hear , hear.) r 'e beli eve d he was the oldest Member in that "uu‘e, having occupied his se it for forty-five years ; but he had never voted in opposition to the present Government, for where , A 7 could not conscientiously vote for them, he had 3, e ' w aya abstained from voting at all. Centsr, hear.) ,se ; e was too old to change his senti—(Protec `'"ists' cheers)—and now having stated what were his convicti ons , they would easily see that he did not intend l° vote up on thi s question.—( Hear, hear.) He had stated frankly and painfully what were his opinions. He could not Vote upon this question, because he felt that his charaeter was at sake.—(Loud cheers and laughter.) If he did not state frankly what he felt, he should be supposed to be lukewarm as to this question, which he considered to be the most impor tant that had ever been brought before the country since he had the honour of a seat in that House. —( Hear, hear.) He .!ant to the House of Commons to a s ce r tain the opi n i ons of the P-ight Hon. Baronet at the head of her Majesty's Government, I le went there unbiassed—he had no conversation with any body but himself.—( Laughter.) He listened to the reasons "which that Right Hon. Gentleman brought forward, and he m ust acknowledge fairly that he could not approve of th e reasons which he gave. He would not pretend to add any 'wog to the speech of his Noble Friend (Lord Stanley). Lord GRANVILLE said a Noble Lord on the other aide complained of the great number of conversions which tad lately been made in his party. He thought he would not complain of that. He considered that, with reference to the speech of the Noble Lord last night, that in matters of com mercial legislation, the last authority they should go to was the Wisdom of their ancestors.—( Cheers.) When their Lordships Considered the g.eat changes which had taken place in this kingdom, the increase in commerce and manufactures, the gleans of communication so largely increased, the increase in the population itself, he really thought it was idle to go back to the times of Edward IV.—( Cheers.) Much had been said of the unanimity of the farmers upon this question. It was by some admitted that the great excitement and unanimity upon t he subject prevailed more in the western parts of the metro poll, than in the more rural districts. Others again trade contended that this progre ss in free among He did far mers was of great public i m p ortance. not attach circumstance.a much i mportance t o that circu m stance. He did notthink that th e op i n i on o f t h e f a rmers should have that undivided weight with such an assembly of their L ordshi p s' House. He believed that th e y were a res pectable body, but he did not think, from their eneral habits and education, that they were fully competent to give an opinion a s to the lawTsh "e'rheicwherreegthue late the commercial policy of a great c ountr y . Country gentlemen —a class mote highly and more deservedly looked up to than any other class in the country. The gene rality of them were well-educated men, they were generally Well vet sed in history and polite literature , and it so happened that th at b o d y not only hated political economists but political e conomy. Now, without the study of political economy how could such a question as this be decided upon. (here was another class, and that was the clergy of the Established Church. — ( Cheers.) If the effect of this Bill should be to reduce the price of corn, the clergy would be the first to suffer. He thought, too, that the compensation to pens,adthioenr that was proposed would not ha pp en so soon a classes. Feeling that, he thoug ht it was very creditable to the cler g y th at t h e y h a d abstained from all political agitation on the subject. There were then the commercial and manufacquing elas, es . H e cou ld not a ll o w that class to be called turb i d for amongst that class were some of the most eminent men in the country. Mention had already been made as to the rate at which farms had been let and land sold. Now he found that, notwithstanding this measure, peor land in the south counties had readily been let, and placed under the plough. He trusted that their Lordships wouldpass this measure, feeling, words of Mr. 1 - 111,kis in the liance on the B,,urce ...son, that the country should place her re manufacture, and s of her wealth, on her agriculture, on her she need not fearevery branch of her vast trade ; (Hear, hear.) the eomaetition of other countries. " and that The Marquis of NORM AN 81 , trouble their Lordship,. Hi . BY said that he was sorry to would not occupy their time at any length ; for the turrugtehd was,to taws he felt himself very un veil, and he was opportunity of addressing advantage of the than wait to a later period of the evening. An t i d h o e q h m u e: is h•protest against the e denominated t h h i e s s in the first place, enter Prime of Friend's speech last night, in which he deztrinoi Alinister of the Crown as the greatest a solitary cheer supporrotmg er the Noble Lord upon the Woolsack, himse lf g adeNsreirheleto a e v r e d i who the Right Hon. Gentleman, and s leaue of sat ne ir him. My Noble Friend stated hi s d all personal discussion; he fully joined in th a t d esire • It could be no pleasure to enter upon it. But he did wholly differ with the Noble Lord, that the conduct of public men had no ref er . once to such a subject as the present, and he did feel inclined to rise last night, even at the His hour, to ent er hi s protest against such a ownstatement. opinions on this su bj ect He H were rather peculiar.for one did notbelieve that the in trinsic effect of the measure, whether fir good or for evil, would be quite what the conflictin g p arties ex p ecte d. Such was his opinion ; and while he listened with the respect and attention which he was bound to show to the c o ncluding decla ration of the Illustrious Prince who had addressed the House that night, he must express his total dissent from the statement that the institutions of the country and the cause of religion would be influenced by this question. He had nothing in his opinion on this subject to r e g ret or renal. He He had always voted for the gradual application ofthe principle of f re e trade in this country , and h ad rejoiced at every i relaxa tion of the tariff. as he felt it would cause more amicable rela tion between this country and f o r e ig n powers. He avowed that he felt it his duty, in the few words which he had to address, to speak against one of the greatest evils which was likely to be attendant upon this question. He regarded it as the duty of every man who felt what was likely to he the bene- Acial consequences of this measure, to assist in removing that evil. There had been the most exaggerated references made to the influence of this measure on the working classes, and he should so express himself as to mitigate the disappointment, should this Bill not pass into a law, and also to state his con- THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY__ MORNIN . G, MAY 27, 1846, victims, that if it did pass, its effect would not be what was an tleipated, arid a more gradual, but not the less certain, disap pointment would be tlie r , cult. Still he thought that the balance of good was in 'avour of the Bill, and that it would tend to diminish the pressure of misery upon a large portion of their fedovv-subjects. He did not mean to say that the Bill would do away with the evils attendant on the necessary lot of nature regard ng those who laboured ; but he felt it. would be a great means of arresting that degradation which affected a large body of the community, and which could not continue consistent with the safety and credit of the state.—( Hear, hear. ) His attention had been principally directed to the condition of the labouring classes during the two years that he adminis•ered the internal affairs of the country, anti the result of his examination was not to c. nvince hirn that the corn-laws would do away with these evils, and at any rate that the measure would not he of much importance in itself to diminish those evils. A great authority, Air. Adam Smith, had slated, that when the rewa-d of the labourers was ample, it was the greatest proof that could be afforded of the prosperity of the country; that when the remuneration was moderate, it was a proof that the country was stationery; and that when starvation existed to any large extent, it was an evidence that the country was going down. In reference to the working classes,iine, as sufficienttwhesanie authorityfortheir said, that their remuneration, at his time, comfortable maintenance and the edueation of their children. Ile also stated that a corn-law then existed, amounting almost to prohibition. What use could he make of this ? He was not going to state that the present evils were produced by the corn laws, but to direct their attention to the causes of the change. It must be admitted. that whatever benefits and advantages machinery might hereafter produce, there was no doubt that. since its introduction, it had operated to a great. extent on the labour market, and had influenced the condition of the labourers. Do not let them suppose that he wished machinery han not been invented. A" he did say was that from that time up till now the Government should have watched the transition state arising from the extensive application of mechanical power. What had been one of the effects of this change ? Why, it caused a considerable emigration of their labourers from different districts of the country. Manufacture had now become an abuse of the term, for it was not by strength of hand that these fabrics of England were created; women and children were called to aid machinery, and consequently the demand for labour in the manufacturing districts was for the very cheapest kind, while the more complicated and arduous and high-priced labours formed exceptions. Ile contended, then, that the effect of all this had beets to establish what might be termed a monopoly price. In a report on the con.. dit ion of the people, which bore the name of Mr. Chadwick, it was stated that a cottage in Ilutls.ndshire might be had for 50s. per annum while for a miserable apar ment in Man chester he would pay 71. 10s. He only adduced this to show that these changes ought to have been considered by Government at the time, because they affected the people of this country more than he expected the present measure would do. What were the statements made in the last sanatory report? Why, it was said that the cost o! preventing disease in Manchester amounted to 300,11001. per annum, or 1/. per head, if they merely took the population But it must be remembered that there was a considerable class in that town who were wholly exempted from the diseases which afflicted the lower classes, and therefore in this way the cost was much moi e than 11. per head. Now, he would look to another article which pressed heavily upon the working man. They heard much of the cry of cheap bread, he would just in quire how the labouring man would be affected by it ? An hs. duty neon corn, according to the report of Mr. Senior. would only be a tax of lid. upon the working man. But what use did he make of this? Why, he was considering the con duct of the Government, and he told the House that it was clear from these reports that three or four years ago they had ample opportunities, without rupturing parties or rendering themselves liable to reproaches, for introducing measures which would have proved of more advantage to the poor man than the present Bill. His Noble Friend behind slim read a report last night from Mr. Greg, who, he believed, was a member of the Anti-Corn-law League, and an extensive ma nufacturer, and who gave a melancholy account of the pros • poets of the manufacturing districts. He stated that foreign countries were rapidly increasing their power of underselling them, but he (the Marquis of Normanby) could assure their Lordships that while on the continent, a short time ago, he matte inquiries of his friends into this, and, to a certain extent, he found that the apprehensions of Mr. Greg were right; but they gave a very different reason for it to that of Mr. Greg himself.—( Hear, hear. ) He said that in the spirit of the utmost kindness to those gentlemen ; it would be better if those gentlemen would apply some part of that ingenuity which they had hitherto exclusively directed in the pursuit of agri culture, in the improvement of land, to their own manufactures. If they would take that advice in good part (in which spirit he wished to give it), he could assure them, as far as his humble knowledge went, that the danger to be apprehended by the foreign market was not that they were able to sell cheaper, but that the colour and texture of the cloths was of a very inferior description. He was com pelled, in answer to the observation of his Noble Friend on the proceeding evening, to remark that the present generation in the manufacturing districts was much more deteriorated, and that the value of their life had diminished five per cent. He felt bound to make a few observations with respect to the con duct of the Government on this question. He felt that they had a right to complain when they found themselves thus unex pectedly forced to come to a decision one way or the other upon a question presented to them, and which they had no right to anticipate.—( Hear, hear.) He complained that the Govern ment had, in bringing forward this measure, aggravated the difficulties, in the peaceable and quiet settlement of this question. --( Hear, hear.) He considered that much higher questions were at stake than merely whether or not these results were likely to be realised. He thought that in all constitutional countries, public character was a sort of common stock ; and that where there was a wanton waste of it, he thought every one interested in the maintenanc of the constitution would suffer considerable loss. They hail heard at one time a great deal of that sentiment which once roused the glorious sensibilities of the country. Theu now heard of nothing but buying in the cheapest and selling in the dearest market. To those who stuck this opinion on their banner, he admitted that there might be some merit in having a cheap minister, upon whose fears they could traffic. They could go into the market, watch his turnings, and deal accordingly. He felt assured that there still existed a strong feeling in the country in favour of the sacredness of the pledges of public men. He thought it would be better for those who wished to make an alteration in Committee to vote at once against the second reading of the Bill. lie had a great wish to maintain the legitimate authority of that House ; but he hoped that no unusual course would be taken to support that authority : for he (lid not think that, after the majority with which this Bill had come up from the other House, they could now successfully interfere with it. He did not attribute vest importance to this measure ; and, if it were passed, he should not look upon it as irrevocable. If the evils which some anticipated should result from the measure, their Lordships would have no difficulty in revoking their previous decision. He thought, however, that this measure was a step in the right direction, and would be attended with much good. although it had been purchased at the suicidal price of public character. The Earl of CARDIGAN apologised for trespassing on the time of the House s i early, but having supported the Govern ment now in office for a period of 25 years, he was anxious to state the reasons why he could not support them on the pre sent occasion. He could not say that he had always been con. sistent in every vote which he had given, but this he could say, that he had always voted conscientiously. What, he would ask, had occurred which could justify her Majesty's Government In proposing such a measure as this ? It was true that temporary distress had existed, but a temporary remedy was all that was required. The calamity which hi.d occurred in Ireland could not be considered as a sufficient ground for the abolition of all protection to agriculture in this country. Such a cause ought never to have produced such a measure as this. By such a measure as this they would stultify all their former proceedings. • e did not pretend to have any greater discernment than others, but he considered the course proposed far them to adopt was must pernicious, and which he considered as derogatory to their character. Their Lordships were shortly coming to a vote upon the subject, and he would ask them, if they were going to reverse all their former votes, what would be the opinion of the country and of the yeomen of England— a fine and gallant rare, who loved honesty and sincerity? And he asked them, would there be any sincerity in adopting a measure which they had formerly rejected? He trusted that they would not yield the question without a serious consideration. Lord WINCHELSEA said he did not think he would he doing justice to the great body of the people, who called upon him to represent their opinions in that House, by giving a silent vote upon the question. He would refer them to Scrip ture, in which it was written that when the rulers of a country were found wanting it would be removed from amongst the nal lions of the earth. Would they allow the Government of this country to act in such a degrading manner as to give a pre mium to one of the most revolutionary belies that had ever ex isted in this country ? The measure of 1829 was, he regretted to say, carried by treachery and perfidy. If their Lordships sanctioned a principle so subversive of the constitution, they would live to rue the day. If their Lordships gave way to the cries of the members of that seditious body, the Anti-Corn-law League, they would lose the affections and esteem or the sober and intelligent people of this country. No man could be a greater advocate for cheap bread than himself, but if they were to be obliged to depend upon the produce of foreign nations, this country would be ultimately destroyed. This country grew sufficient food for its own people.—( Hear, hear.) It might appear a strange statement to some of their Lordships, but he could state as a f act t h at h ad come under his ' own personal observation, that in the very county men , tioned the Noble Earl who opened this debate—Lincoln---- there were produced in the year, 1M45, hundreds of bushels more wheat than the people of that county could ex pend ; the plentiful supply of that article so reduced the price in the last year that the cattle of the cultivators of the land there were fed with the beg t wheat. Some might ask what corn growing countries were we to fear if this meastire were passed into a law, but he had no hesitation in saying that America alone could afford to export as much corn as would supply the inhabitants of the whole of Europe. 105,00d,000 quarters of wheat had been grown in the different States of America last year. He, therefore, maintained that the land of this country must go out of cultivation. Sir Robert Peel him self had admitted that where the farm was small, and the amount of capital and skill was trifling, the land might go out of cultivation. He implored their Lordships not to give a vote contrary to their consciences. Several Noble Lords had, however, done so when the Reform Bill was before them, and it had been a matter of sincere regret to them ever since. The Noble Lord concluded by stating that he should give his most determined opposition to the measure. The Earl of CLARENDON believed and hoped that this measure would at once potato n an t d for ever destroy the protective system. Whether the est o blightproduced the conversion, of the members of her mpa j 's Government in a great measure he knew not, but h e must express hear, hear.) There was scarcely any man whose m ind unfeigned delight at the introduction of so great a measure.—( d had not undergone some change on the question of protection during thehn w laesrtethinirtfyavyneiaursn, f and he would ask those of their Lordship s w pro tection, whether they would venture to reject this Bill? much regretted the delay that had occurred in demonstrating that. ng that thin measure was by no means a party one. lie firmly be lieved that Sir Robert Peel was influenced by none other than conscient ous and upright motives. Some of their Lordships might ridicul e th e argument a b ou t th e p t) tata failure in Ireland, but he defied them much longer to treat the sad reports which arrived from that country with such levity.—(Hear, hear. ) They would be comp-lled to s a adopt ich measure as this. The Noble Duke on the cross benches, and others, declare that they w ere taken by surprisein this tneasue. could only say, that if t h ey were deaf and blind to th e intentions of Sir R. Peel, the c:iuntry was not..--.( Hear, hear.) Upon el ques tions affecting the great interests t rests of the coun t ry , we h ave h a d a Governm ent strong enough to. carry out its measures , an d an Opposition una bl e to thwart it.—( t ear. hear.) It was no t to be suppo se d t h at S ir R. Peel threw H rew wide open the gates of free trade merely for the purpose of letting in asses, gums, r:n I other things, and that he intended to(kieieeparoutitahe most import ant of all, the food of the people.—(Hear. standing all . the statements of Sir J. Graham'' ordtheNe°";tisttilohe-f the high price of prow sions on the morals and conditionffeoe people, the protectionists, deaf to all his statements, raised the cry of protect:on to native industry. Real native industry re quired no protection ; they need e d not their new-bor nsympathies or their worn-out legislation. The manufacturers had as great an interest it the quiet and welfare of the country as any Noble Lord in the House.—( Hear, hear.) All the in dignation against freedom of trade must therefore return to i s source. He defied any one to sl.ow that the labourers had been better off than they would have been had there been ncne of these protecting laws. A Noble Lord had described very beautifully the clear air and the blue ay under which the labourers lived. He did not say a word about the wages of the labourer.--(Hear, hear.) When he lecke(' at the state of the labourer, their want of education, their hopeless life of toil. their struggles for exist ence, he did not think they could sink any lower than their present situation.— Hear, hear.) With regard to the tenant farmers, he believed that the man who possessed the know ledee of cultivating his ground, who would adoptthe new disc r Overif s, and not adhere to the old-fashioned implements of their ancestors, would have nothing to fear, even if the cou ntry were to become inundated by that immense supply of food, which one would really think was to be borne on the waves sauogf thehte rSuppose oc e an, and h delivered a th t this inundation gratis u nd atatwere to take every ma n , doer. ta r L place, and that hundreds of thousands of people were to be all at once cursed with en abundant supply of food, he did not think that even that was a very serious evil. HP believed that this question was made entirely a lardlord's question, and that all the objeetion to the measure aro•e from that quarter, There was nothing of this outcry when the du y was touched on cotton, hats, wool, silk, or other things; it was only when wheat, oats, cattle, oxen, and apples were touched, that they heard these bitter complain s against the Government, and heard of men deserting their colours, and deceiving their friends. —( Hear, hear.) All tt e opposition to this measure had been an abortion, whether arising from speeches, newspapers, or even from that central focus of protectionist wisdom, No. 17, Bend-street—(Laughter) —or whether arising from that grave assemblage lately held in Willis's rooms, when all the expenses were liberally paid of those who wished to spend a day in Lon don.—( No, no, and Hear, hear.) He did not believe that farmers had generally been seized with the panic to such a dee gree, that they immediately disposed of their farms. The con trary had taken place, and if any of their Lordships who now opposed the Bill, were to come forward and say that they would be willing to sell their estates fortwo years' less purchase than the general value, he thought their only difficulty would be in selecting a purchaser from among the numerous applicants.— ( Hear, hear. ) The present corn-laws he believed, imposed a tax of 10,000,001;1. on the people of this country, not one farthing of which found its way into the Treasury, or even into the pockets of the landowners; if it did, they would cs r a'nly have more reason for supporting the present system. He had always exceeded the limits which he proposed to him self, yet he would beg that they would bear with him, while he would advert to the system of meeting hostile tariffs with hostility. The only safe policy for any country to pursue was that of each nation pursuing the course which appeared the best adapted to their own interests, and if England (lid that they would give an example which other countries must follow. He knew that it would be urged that nations would send their goods to us and demand bullion in return ; hut was that possible? Could such a thing continue ?—( Hear, bear.) No; certainly they might send their corn, but they should keep it if they (lid not choose to adopt an equitable system of exchange. The speeches delivered in the French Chambers might el o be quoted, hut he would say these speeches were quite right, delivered as they were on the eve of a general election. They did not create any apprehension in his mind, as a nation so en lightened as the French would riot be long :n discovering th• t free trade was for their interest. They were atenit to adopt a policy which would extend their intercourse among nations, and which would shower upon them the blessings of peace. Lord C 111 N RVON said there was never a time when the present measure was likely to inflict such permanent evil upon th e country. He could see no indication in any country in Europe pointing to free trade. Those eoun'ries which had a .opted the principle were only minor states, like Naples or Sardinia. The Noble Lord opposite appeared to think that for the period contemplated the vittli y of the nation was at stake, and that it could only be saved by the opening of the sorts. That Noble Lord also was in favour of the fixed duty in 1841, but he admitted at the same time that in a period or scarcity it would be necessary to remove that restriction. But he (Lord Carr arvon) could not understand how, under all the , drcumstances, any British Minister could propose to a British Parliament such a proposition as the repeal of the corn-laws, under the circumstances he had been describing; and if such a man there were, he did not think they could brand him with sufficient censure ; and it was such a measure as in such a state of things would, he thought, command the sympathies of the people of this country with the people of Ireland for a repeal of the union. With regard to the price of labour, he need not tell their Lordships that the demand was regulated by the sup ply, and if they should take a great quantity of land out of cultivation, the wages of the labouring population would be proportionably reduced ; and whilst the independent farmer might he enabled to withstand the shock, the poor farmer would fall under it. He had heard it said that more tears had been shed over the currency measure of 1819 than had ever flowed from the consequences of the bloodiest field of battle ; hut his opinion was that this measure would cause more flow of tears than either. They had heard of lands going out of cul tivation. His Noble Friend who introduced the Bill last night had spoken of such a circumstance. It had been stated, and confidently stated no later than June last, that in the event of the abolition of the corn-laws, no less than 2,0(10,000 of acres of the best land in England would be thrown out of cultivation, and 1,000,000 people thrown out of employment. They were now informed that foreign competition would stimulate domestic industry and improve the condition of the eountry. So far would it be from improving the condition of the country that a friend of his, who before the proposal of the present measure had been prepared to lay out 120,0001. in agricultural pursuits, now paused, stating that although he had not any great apprehension of the ultimate effect of the mea sure, he should feel it his duty to watch the course of the present Bill. There were numerous instances of a similar nature, in which gentlemen, who had been prepared to invest considerable sums of money in the cultivation of land, now declined, and with a caution by no means blameable risking any money until the present Bill was decided cee way or the other. He did not think that the people of England would be likely to be benefited by free trade at the time when they needed it the most, for in case of any sudden demand for corn being made on the United States, those states might not be prepared to meet it, and of course the high prices would be continued in the time of scarcity. During the last hsttte price yer had there had been an increasing demand for cor n , yet gradually decreased. During the last 30 years the fall in price had been as much as 34 per cent. LI all other instances in which an increased demand for a particular article had taken place, that demand was followed by a slow hut sure fall in price. His Noble Friend who introduced the Bill had alluded to the great increase which had taken place in the prosperity of the agricultural interest ; but he ascribed it to the influence of some such measure as he was then introducing. He (Lord Carnarvon) should rather have ascribed it to the influence 01 the system of protection then existing, and which in his opinion was the only one calculated to benefit the agricultural interest. There was another point to which he had not y e t alluded, that was the dependence which the measure would cause on foreign grain. He admitted that during the heaviest war in which England was ever engaged the disturbances did not entirely prevent the importation of foreign eorn into England; but when his friend went intoparticulars, and referred to the Near 1810, he felt it necessary to remark that at that time there happened to an extremely abundant, harvest in France. There was also a very scarce harvest in England, and the ut most vigilance could not prevent the surplus provision from finding its way into England. Did it not occur to those who so sir , nuonsly supported the present measure, that the same argu ments which existed in its iavour in 1841 existed in 1810 arid 1814, and could have been as easily then as now brought for ward in support of any measui e like the present one. He very much regretted that no penalty attached itself to sudd'en and violent departure from long upheld principles.—( Hear, hear.) The Government had gone to the battle-field of election under the banner of protection, and they now suddenly changed their opinions, and came forward and proposed a reduction of duty which was virtually no protection at all.—( Hear, hear-) If his Noble Friend had professed the principles which he had so lately and so suddenly professed, on going before his agricul tural constitu.ney, they never would have wielded their fran chises to return a candidate in avowed opposition to their own opinions. There never w s a Government so well able to do good, •r possessed the power of being so really useful as the present Government, ansi how had they exercised that power? Had the counsels of his Friend, the Noble Duke, and his Noble Friend the Secretary for the Colonies, been listened to in November last, how much better would it hays been for the country at the present moment, and how much better would it be for it in future. Were such principles as the present of long growth? No ; for not very long since the (louse of Commons had decided by a very large majority against such principles as the present ; and now they had decided, by a majority equally large, in favour of these prin• eiples—the majority being called by his Noble Friend a mark of the strong sense of the country. Ought not her .%lajesty's Government, instead of leading the Commons into such a measure as the present, to have said to them at once, that they had changed their opinions, and have asked them it their cunstituences had changed theirs ? Ought not such a measure as this to have been referred to the decision of the English people in general, whose interests were so deeply concerned in it? Did not they hear the voices and opinions of the yeomanry who had existed for so many centuries under their families? No, they let. that cry come to them in vain, and they only prayed that they might not be virtually blotted out of the representation of their country. They did not ask them to come to any final decision on this mensure, th ty only asked that they might not be suddenly ex posed to the operation of a law which was likely to involve to so enormous an extent their lands, and the lands of every man in the country. A Noble Earl at the conclusion of his speech had said that no prolonged discussion ought to interfere with !he speedy passing of this measure. If a measure were to he considered as passed before it came to their Lordships' House they had better not discuss it at all, but throw away the mask of debate ; and they would better consult their own dignity by hereafter standing aside in humble and obedient silence to the edicts that came to them. Were they prepared to show to the country that they could scornfully reject at the hand of one set of men that which they would unwillingly accept at the hands of another ? Would they 1 show that they were to legislate by party measures, and in 1 deference to party ? If they did so their day of strength was passed, and they would prove to the world, and to their new masters, the League, that they were only fit to encumber with with useless splendour the land which they no longer benefited. Several Noble Lords here started up, and a scene of some confusion ensued. in the midst of which, Lord NIALMSBURY commenced speaking in a loud tone of voice, so as effectually to surmount the clamour which sur rounded him. After much laughter, order was restored. Thr Neble Lord said that he had made it a rule to address their Lordships as seldom as possible, but having only ad dressed their Lordships three times during the last four years, he would venture to trespass on them now, and he would con dense the little he had to say into as small a compass as possible. He would answer the observations of the Noble Earl who had called the present Bill a landl, rids' question. In his own parish, which consisted of 42,000 acres, there were only five proprie tors beside himself who possessed more than 500 acres, and there were 246 who possessed only 15 acres, and on those poor men the fatal consequences of the measure would fall. He would not remind their Lordships of the sentiments of Adam Smith, Ricardo, and of Sir Robert Peel in 1842 on this ques tion. He beggek to remind the Right Rev Prelates that they differed from their clergy on this point. Their incomes were fixed, but the incomes of their clergy were dependent on the price of corn. The Noble Lord then called the attention of the House to the danger to be apprehended in time of war, and to the treats' concluded in the time of Qiieen Anne with Frede rick the 'Great. The latter monarch closed the port of Dantzic against the English , and de p rived them of the su pp l y of corn. He did not wish to impute any dishonourable or dishonest Motives to the Prime .tifnisrtetrh lapse of 3 n e intrcnluco years, ing he should this measure. But it was s t rang e that after a v c e i n fi e c d e . W a s that the mi nist e r ha th d ey bec w n otTld i di sc over for that period theforcou,Antitroym their feelings a nd their English Peer to bow to the un- Bill had been s ent up hteocdonscienees ?—( Hear , hear.) The tehnattedHthouat it was House bya a m ol a e j a o r rityofthe House of Commons, butmajority. He should feel it his duty as an disputed majority of his countrymen. his anxiety to address the Earl of H ADDINGTON said House did not arise from the feeling that he hg general nature of the subject. He could assure the the o li f o t n i s te e e that it was with the greatest reluctance h e rose on the th,, Noble occasion. He entirely concurred in the op inion Earl who had just sat down, that public opinion and consis tencyt of character should be preserved together. At the question was mere ly a ma tt er o f expediency, andin volved no moral or political revolution, be felt no d dper i ffi easl c e u on : t t e y Gx: o gy r oeerir d iam i t s ee g dn ra t ce in avowing a (hangs of opinion. He had for a number of years, even before the formation of the thought that the interests upontliat there ri was a great_ been feeling of f opinion prevailing subject of the corn-laws, and' never, h o e r a a g s r s i ti e r n e i ( t i n i e e r p Lordships, end„ti upo n protec tion.—( ehee. tion.—( Hear, h fax al to say in public ) he e t NiVlealsdt opinionsrit t he in e a li cc a o d rd l a le n v c c e r wgoitnhethsoe principles of the Bill, but he had f requent l y expresse d i n p r ivate r to many of his friends, that a re p ea l o f t h e corn- l aws would not prove very injurions to agriculture, were it not for the panic which must necessarily follow the adoption of such a measure. ( Hear, hear.) Entertaining such opinions then years ago, he had no difficulty in November last, under the then existing circumstances, in agreeing to a proposal for openi ng t h e ports, but h e steed not go into the detail s o f w h at occurred about t h a t period, and it was only necessary for him to confirm the statement of . his Noble Friend ( L or d S tan l ey ) with respect to w h a t passed in the then existing Cabinet.—( Hear, hear.) He must admit, justification th a t th e state of Ireland alone was no t a suffi cient for so extensive a measure as throwing open the ports ; but his real opinions upo n thi s question had been such, that had hi s Right lion. Friend at the head of the Government stated, some years ago, that his opinion upon this matter had undergone a change, he should have been ready then to have gone fully into the question —(Hear, hear. ) But their Lordships must remember that this Bill was not brought forward solely for the purpose of relieving Ireland, for th er e were ot h er , and, if possible, mere pressing circumstances which called for its adoption. There were strong apprehensions of a stagnation prevailing amongst the many manufactures of the country, in deed strong symptoms of such a stagnation had in November last already exhibited themselves, and the question for the then Government to consider was, whether this Bill should bein troduced with the view of reviving the trade of the country by parties who had always entertainted free trade opinions, or by the Ministry who were then in office. He, amongst others, thought it would have been much better for the party with which the Noble Earl opposite ( Earl Grey) was connected, to introduce the measure, and the consequence was, Sir Robert Peel's Government was broken up. An attempt was than made, as their Lordships must be well aware, to form a Whig Administration, but the attempt failed, and the former Government were compelled to collect their forces to gether and form a new Ministry. Under these circumstances and in the then state of the country, he readily consented to take office again with his Right Hon. Friend, the First Lord of the Treasury.but he most solemnly protested that it was for the sake of office, but because h . e felt and sincerely so that in rejoining the cross evilsben benches anticipated the Government he was aiding others in benefiting his country. No effice that he could be appointed to would compensate for the loss he would sustain if the predictions of his Noble however,Friends o n that t the eside r n e o d r , p e a r t e e d realised.w•o uld not He happen, con would the anarchy and ruin prophesied ever come to pass. The Noble Duke ( Richmond) prophesied that the most dis astrous results would follow. The Noble Duke was followed by the Noble Duke beside him, and also by a Noble Lord ( Stanley) who made a speech of great parliamentary talent. It • was a speech which displayed great conservative principles. —( Laughter.) The Liverpool correspondent of the Noble Lord talked great nonsense.—(Loud laughter.) If he ( Lord Haddington) core idered the course proposed to be pursued by his Noble Friends, was as he stated from a desire to }field to the clamour and agitation of the Anti-Corn law League, he would not acquiesce in it. But he thought it was not. He believed the country was favourable to free trade principles, and he believed also that a large portion of , he landed interest concurred in that opinion. They were told, however, to appeal to the country.—( Hear, hear.) It was all very well for irresponsible men to talk of that appeal ; but such questions as those which related to the food of the people were not fit subjects for popular appeals.—( Hear, hear.) It had been said, also, that the Ministers had misled the people in 1841, in not telling them what they intended to do.—( Hear, hear.) ) But he denied the charge. Wh at h a d the originator ' of these great changes in view in proposing them ? He was not a man to be accused of want of caution or precipitancy. His conduct could have proceeded, as his Noble Friend (Lord Brougham) said last night, from no other motive than the strongest sense of public duty and the most conscientious con viction.—( Hear, near.) His Noble Friend, stung by the eloquent eulogium of his Noble and Learned Friend on the previous evening, addressed himself particularly to the Noble Lord on the cross benches. He thought it would have been more becoming had he strictly adhered to the resolution which he had previously formed, as to avoiding all personalities. Cer tain Noble Lords had said thatthey would prefer total and imme diate repeal ; and if that were so, he conceived that it was the duty of such Noble Lords to give their support to this measure. —( Hear, hear.) He conceived that the great object of the corn-law was to prevent fluctuation, and to secure steadiness in prices, and make us independent of foreign countries. Now, sith all the attention that he had been able to pay to this question, he could not find that the corn-law had answered any one of those results. He did formerly believe that the corn. law did, to a certain degree, contribute to the improvement of the land, and that opinion he still retained.—(Hear, h ear . ) But he did maintain that the change which was now proposed was much more likely to produce steadiness in prices, and pre vent fluctuation in the present law. It was utterly impossible, as long as they depend on the weather for their harvests, to se cure equal and unfluctuateng prices in corn. It was the ten dency of the sliding-scale, and indeed of all protection, to accu mulate a vast quantity of coin in this country; and then, at the most inconvenient moment to the farmers ; the prices were reduced by the great importation He believed that in one ye ar alone 12,000,000 q uar t er s of corn were admitted into the mar ket. His Noble Friend who had last spoken instanced the conduct of Frederick the Great about the closing of the port of Dantzic in the year 1770, but he (the Earl of Haddington) firmly believed that not the slightest fear should be entertained by the people of this country'as to the closing of the foreign ports. For the last 49 years this country had enormous impor tations of grain. His Noble Friend who had so disti ngu i s h e d himsell last, went back to the olden times, and quoted the pre amble of an Act of Edward IV. It was true they had always some protection, but they had never been able to keep any o ne system of protection long. The great increase of the popula tion of the country, and various other causes, had rendered these changes necessary from time to time. He considered that if this Bill were to pass, every benevolent heart would rejoice at seeing the poor supplied with corn at a low price. He did not think that the property of the farmer depended on the high price of corn. A Noble Lord on the other side said this measure would not be passed by their Lordships without taking the sense of the country upon the subject. The times and circumstances under which this Bill was brought before their Lordships must not be lost sight of. He believed their Lordships would be entering into a hopeless conflict if they strove to maintain their present corn-laws. If they could appeal to the sense of the country he believed that there would be an immense majority in favour of the corn-laws. The Go vernment had been accused of acting under the influence of the League—they had done no such thing. He disliked as much as any Noble Lord any system of organised agitation ; but he still considered that the great power of that body should net be overlooked by any party in the country. The thousands and thousands of pounds subscribed to the Anti Corn-law League for the purpose of obtaining a repeal of the measure, might be taken as a mass of evidence denoting the feelings of the people upon the subject before them, and he trusted their Lordships would not refuse to weigh it when they came to a vote. And now with respect to the Right Hon Baronet, he would say there never was a Minister at the head of affairs more interested for the public weal, and there certainly never was a more upright and incorruptable man placed at the helm of the state than Sir Robert Peel. It was objected to them that they had not explained to the House what were the views which they entertained of the effect of these measures. Now he considered a more preposterous assertion was never made to the House.—( llear, hear). They could not be ex pected to name what would be the exact price of corn. They did not pretend to do so. Their Lordships had the conse quences of the measure fully before them. They were even detailed by the very fact of its introduction to their House ; and he would conclude by thanking their Lordships for the favour with which they had heard - him, and he would record his rote in favour of the measure, convinced as he was of the benefits which would arise to the country from it.—( Hear. ) Lord NORMAN BY said his Noble Friend had completely misrepresented him, and had imputed to him motives which would be most dishonourable. What he did say was, that he preferred a fixed duty, and that was the only thing in which he differed from his party. He also said, that being stung by sonic observations which were made by the Noble Lord last night, that he (Lord Normanby) had become most personal in his observations. The EARL of HA RDWICKE said, he would begin his address to the House in the same manner that many of his Noble Friends had done, namely, by ex p r essing the regret he felt at being compelled to address th em a t th a t late hour of the night, but that he had been dri ven to d o so by c ircumstances of the last importance, over which he could exercise no control; and that nothing but the deep sense of the duty he owed to his country could compel him to enter upon. He had no doubt but those Noble Lords who had preceded him in addressing their Lordships against this measure, had done so from a feel ing that they were doing that which was most conducive to the best interests of the country ; with those observations he would now proceed to address himself to the subject matter of the debate. He did not believe that any of their Lordships were more interested in the passing of this measure than the humblest man in the kingdom. Nay, more, he would go so far as to say that he did think that the lower in the scale ~f society these were who sought for this measure the more were they interested, and that the rich men would be the least affected by it. He would ask, were not the parties who were urging on this measure the aristocracy of the country ? And were not the opinions of those men in accordance with the opi nions of the most democratic countries in the world ? The Noble Lord then read an extract from the American Times newspaper in justdi ea tion of his argument. He then went on to say, Had this country fl.,urished under the protection system ? His Noble Friend who spoke last had given them merely speculative points, but he did not advance one point in support of the posi tion taken by the Government. Now they on that side of the House had one thing to look to in evidence of the good that had accrued under the protection system. They had raised the character of the country, they had increased her exports, and giver, facilities for introducing imports to a greater extent than had ever been known before. The produce of the country had been proved times and oft to have kept pace with the prosperity of her Mejesty's subjects, and he contended that the revenue had in the same way kept pace with the produce and prosperity of the empire. He could show their Lordships that the prices of the necessaries of life, other than bread, had preserved a fair proportioe with the articles he had referred to. The Noble Lord then adverted to the contracts taken with Chelsea Hospital, e a x t t i ff e d e r a e t p p r e e s r e i o r, d t s i , n a r nd es p a e r c g t u t etherefrom to every h necessary tat very of low life. o w Inpr prices (litter' to everything else, the capital employed in agriculture, . had employed, a . , shiidaerN,bolbe fleet,leFrev‘n.dithstaategdreaotnnuthmebeprroefvsioeua-s evening, a very con men—he meant in the guano trade.l r i e e si h d a i d n n a i ken h g is nreaeigtphabu to ascertain the condition oe the people hood, as to their circumstances in former times, an, he found that in those days the poor never saw wheaten bread, and they spun their own clothes. A great improvement had taken agriculture, renderltur e it impossible to pay higher wages than were now paid. He b e li eve d i n the place, they were now better h oused, fed and clothed than they were then. Great quantitie s of whe at were now raised th a t had no existence then. He begg ed to i mpre , ss a o n n d th h e e minds of their Lordships that there was n o calling i n which the tphrteiniffits to o ere be len su t c h h an as to agricultural districts wages oscillated with the price of food, which was not so to the same extent in the manufacturing dis tricts. He was certain that if this measure pass e d, i t wou ld affect in a serious degree the agricultural intere s t s o f t h e operate country, i nju u acid ailoeasi y u p ondtomost t i l elabouring deplorable classes,—( results s ; and that it wou ld s Hear, hea r .) He could refer to another portion of this subject, and a very curious one it was, and that was the rate the price of corn had on the rate of mortality. He would take leave to quote from a pamphlet written by Mr. Barker. The pamphlet clearly proved that as the price of wheat arose, the mortality decreased, and this fact equally held good in the manufactur ing as in the agricultural districts. He would not detain their Lordships at that late hour of the evening, but he thought he might claim one thing, that the prosperity of this country had greatly increased under a protective policy. They had heard of famine in Ireland as a reason why this mea.-. sure should be passed into a law, but Sir Robert Peel had already abandoned this position, and therefore there was little necessity for their Lordships to advert to it. Th e Noble Lord referred . to statistics to show that the exports from Ireland had greatly exceeded the imports into that country, and therefore he apprehended that as far as the argument advanced by his Noble and Learned Friend on the previous evening (Lord Brougham) had gone, it completely fell to the ground. He thought it important to read this opinion in favour of the sliding scale of his Noble and Learned Friend, because his Noble and Learned Friend, whose o p inio ns , owing to hi s brilliant tal n s, were co nsidered of great wei g h t , had distinctly declared last night that he was always a free- trader.— ( Hear, hear.) Pealtles, in the immense number of speeches which his Noble and Learned Friend had made, and the large amount of business he must have transacted in the course of his long life, ho must have foitotten this speech.—(Laughter.) Then his Noble and Learned Friend gave them the price of wheat in Dantzic, and the rates of freight charged for bringing it to this country. Od trouble U , a G s H An by ty l h isst ast beggedeinngse that‘a r l d tr o oh pardon ue who f g o rurinterruptingwehri Billes e u al l n a s e t ß a i f i ons of others and not of himself.—( Hear, hear.) Noble Friend, but perhaps he would be saving him a prices of wheat in Dantzic and the rates of freight are ssgt‘oaVhoyeuhLalueont What he iehc^ so" conclusions o and h sn ownot in c al the c u i s a e t n i o s e h s o f_t. (h Hear,figures hea hear. being his own s p l a x s e s H a e n a o r tl , ie h r ea p r as of T The Earl of HARDWICK under these circumstances would the price of corn in Philadelhphehisivaar Noble tantdi hoh tsh a eo n rf d Friend's ct L oh e ue a n r l n ru e ice d tsuaa st cooncom pared d pa u r c e i d ng wi t t i h w England were would d re effect of protection etas not injurious, r aT e n d od u r c e d I f :e l accomplishin g the whole matter. l He would say, in reference to that eu p ar r i o ue p Ur o ; ;it a. i n o ld r t consequences ae letter Lordshipswri t t e a this b3 e , were c u o n lo tr n y e , ing interests, would be most disastrous. even showedvha saidf the that ti a t the re - to letter from a political economist, with the the manufactur ati incisiee He would quote a corn : l ens to Mr. Seymour, in only one-fourth, (The Noble Lord then which he stated that the quotedAnti et h f e pernicious effects of such a doctrine.view of showing the aware that the reduction of rents would not were well cor responding benefits, but the reverse, uponnot produce any manufac' urieg classes.) That, continuedthte the agricultural or the opinion of a great political economist, and i u t ble Lord, was which he perfectly conc urre d, t h at upon the worl v sLasone in g a c asses a reduction in rents w ou ld necessarily entail portionate fall in the value of their indus p t r r e y. It was said that dependence on foreign countries for their supplies was of no importance. His Noble Friend near him ( Lord Stanley) had cut the ground from under him so completely on this point that nothing was left to him to add to it. He must say, however, that he had still some confi dence in the wisdom of their ancestors; and though their opi nion might not be considered of much value in these days, he must say that the independence of this country from foreign influence and foreign assistance formed a most important fea ture in every statesman's consideration. This was the case with regard to corn, as well as every other matter. In the set tlement of the great question relative to the Pretender, in the last century it was thought right to carry out this prin ciple as far as possible, and to put no monarch on the throne who belonged to any foreign or Popish country. In the sen tence pronounced at that time by Lord Hardwick on Lord Lovat, that opinion was very strongly expressed. He alluded to those things merely for the purpose of showing the anxiety felt by their ancestors with regard to keep ing this country independent of foreign influence. It seemed to him that the question of dependence on for eigners was, of all others, the most important in the discussion on this measure. He would ask their Lordships to consider the great cost and expense to which this country had been subjected in consequence of the interference of foreign powers. lie would entreat their Lordships to take into consideration the inter ference of Hanover, forinstance ; and when he spoke of Han over, he believed that no greater political blessing had been con ferred on this country by that Illustrious Princess that now reigned over us, than that through her instrumentality the king dom of Hanover had been severed from us. He mentioned Hanover for the purpose of showing that this country had always suffered from the interference of foreign powers with the affairs of this country. In 1688 we had no rational debt. In 1697 we had a debt of 21,500,000/. In 1714 the debt wa534,000,0001. In 1736 it was 50,000,0001. In 1748 we had a debt of 78,000,0001. In 1756, the commencement of the seven years' war, it was 75,000,0001. In 1763 we bad a war, and the debt amounted to 193,000,000/. From 1777 to 1815 it increased to 828,000,000/. In consequence of the war into which we were drawn by our connexion with llanover, the debt was raised from 75,000,000/. to 139,000,000/. The national debt had been created by continental wars and continental interfe rence. And was the condition of this country altered since the period when the debt was created? He contended that the whole of the condition of England was totally changed. He had now done. He believed he had touched upon every part of the subject which was of any importance, and he should be sorry to be the instrument of unnecessarily protracting this debate, but he must be permitted to conclude the observations which he had to make in the same way as other Noble Lords who had taken part in this debate—that was by calling their Lordships' attention to the great humility of the state and position of their Lordships' House under the existing circumstances of the country. He would say that their Lord ships were now placed in a very curious and important position in reference to this question. It was pet fectly notorious, and he would repeat it over and over again, that the present Par liament was assembled under the Government of the Noble Lords opposite, upon a special and particular question. It had been returned for the purpose of protecting the agricultural interests of this country. He for his own part had given his most hearty support to the Conservative Government, and he was prepared to vindicate the character of himself, and those with whom he had acted. It was understood and believed that no measure would be brought forward by tne present Govern ment which would have for its object the alteration of the present system of protection to agriculture. Sir Robert Peel, on the first of January, 1840, used these words—" Agriculture is improved since 1834—d0 you take credit for the improve ment? It is owing to your fostering hand, and to the manly and decided tone on the corn-laws." Sir Robert Peel said that when addressing those gentlemen who acted with his Noble Friend opposite. He said in the same speech—" I did previously, and I repeat it, that I now consider a liberal pro tection to domestic legislature indispensable." Now those were the speeches which Sir Robert Peel did not contemplate would be quoted against him in so brief a period. Sir Robert Peel a few years ago had said that he considered protection necessary to the preservation of the interests of the country at large as well as of those engaged in agriculture. That Right Hon. Gentleman had said, at the commencement of this ses sion, that it would not be prudent to appeal to the country until the great question of Ireland was set at rest—(No, no) — and he called upon their Lordships to compel the Government to appeal to the country.—(Cheers). He had no hesitation in saying that it became the imperative duty of their Lordships' House to let this question go to the people of England fPr the purpose of deciding whether they were to have this new system palmed upon the country.—(Hear, hear.) It became their Lordships' duty to exercise the power which they possessed for protecting the interests of the poor people of this country who would be the most affected by the changes which were proposed to take place. It would be most im portant for their Lordships to preserve the good opinion of the people of this country in their Lordships' House, and that they should dismiss this measure upon the second reading, for the purpose of permitting the people of this country to express their opinion upon it.—(Cheers.) He could assure their Lordships as an humble individual of that House, that in his opinion, the only manner in which he could perform his public duty would be by voting against the second reading:of this Bill.--( The Noble Lord concluded amid loud cries of " Adjourn," from all parts of the House.) Lord BROUGHAM rose to explain—He said, your Lord ships will certainly allow me an explanation. lam quite aware that nothing can be more wearisome to your Lordships than explanations generally are. I can assure you, however, that this shall be a short one. Nothing could be more ridiculous than for me to be ashamed of having changed my opinions, with reference to the sliding-scale, during a period of 19 years. I wish just to state that I thought there was something ominous in my much esteemed Friend, bearing such an authoritative part, as though he were stalking the quarter deck, and I were under his command, or perhaps I must rather say, treating me , as though I were an enemy under his guns.—( Laughter.) But when the Noble Lord b Tan to read, what was it that he read ? It was that I was interrupted in what I was going to say, and that I said nothing.—( Laughter.) I was curious enough to inquire as to what this interruption arose from, and looked ac cordingly in these documents ( Hansard). The debate to which the Noble Lord referred me, was a debate of the 21st of March, 1827. My much-esteemed Friend, Lord Althorp, gave his support to the proposition of Mr. Canning, and said that it was a measure which, so far from producing mischievous re sults, would produce great and lasting benefits to the country, both as regarded its commerce, its trade, and its agriculture. He (Lord Althorp) then proceeded to defend the proposed measure, and considered it as an improvement on the measure of 1815, and then proceeded to say, that a more general arrangement upon a higher and more per manent footing would be desirable for the nation. " You must," said he, " see the necessity of placing the corn laws upon a more permanent footing." Some persons may think that Lord Althorp referred at the time to an alteration in the then existing sliding-scale,but I happen to know that his opinion was, that a more enlarged measure was desired ; and here I must say to your Lordships, that these reports are not so full and aceu'ate as the reports now are. The nonsense and ridicule which is here printed, some of it my own, is scarcely conceivable. In several instances the word not" is kept out, and in another case the word " not " is inserted where it shonld not be. My Noble Friend Lord Wilton, on that occasion, rose to express his approbation of the measure then before the Committee, without considering it perfect in its then present shape, or that it could be made better by inserting some amendments in Committee. This is quite consistent with the present conduct of my Noble Lords in this House, who might say, We would, in fact, rather not have the Bill, but we may, perhaps, introduce some amend ments in Committee. In reference to this proposition itself, I differed from some Hon. Gentlemen who had gone before me. These were agricultural Members. There were Lord Western, Colonel Wood, Mr. Portman, and others. Upon that occasion I said—now these are my words:— " Although I would not now pledge myself to any opinion either of approval or disapproval, still there was one observation which I wished to make for the purpose of administering some slight comfort to those Honourable Gentlemen (ag ricultural Members) who had upon all occasions shown themselves at all times ready to take alarm at anything which they considered innovation." Then came the debate of March 9, and the whole of the argument was in favour of free trade, and I said (continued the Noble arid Learned Lord, reading from Hansard) that what ever were my sentiments concerning free trade, I should confine them to my own bosom, in order to escape the hostility of those who were opposed to its principle. Now was that an ar g ument against the principle of free trade ?—(Hear, hear.) And it was not until I went farther in my advocacy of the ad vantages to be derived from free trade that I was interrupted by the coughing of which the reporter speaks. It was not without some die culties that I afterwards obtained a hearing, and I then ex pressed my hearty concurrence in the sliding-scale as a step in the right direction, and being founded on the principle of cm.' mercial reform, for the Government had recently entered then upon an advocacy of the principles of free trade.—(Hear, hear.) And now what becomes of the Noble Lord's state ment?—(Hear, hear.) The Earl of WICKLOW and Earl GREY rose at the same time. The Earl of WICKLOW moved the adjournmeat of the debate to Thursday next. Earl GREY moved the simple adjournment of the debate. A dispute here arose as to the precedency of the motion. The Earl of WICKLOW said he would persevere in his motion, and would take the sense of the House upon the point. Lord BROUGHAM said, I must move an amendment. The House, on this important matter, ought to sit on Wednes day. I will make this proposition, however, that th e d e b ate be concluded on Thursday. What will prevent us from sitting up till six o'clock in the morning. The Earl of WICKLOW said that he did not sae anything to prevent their concluding the debate on Thursday night, or rather on Friday morning. Earl GREY said he believed that their practice was first to move that a debate be adjourned, and then to ascertain to what day it was to be adjourned. But considering the great import ance of this debate, and the anxiety with which the result of it was looked forward to by the country, he did think it would not be fitting to let the country have it to say that this House preferred amusement, and a mere amusement, (for it was nothing more) to the general interests of the country. It had been said, that it was not usual for the House to sit on Wednesday ; but let him remind the House that that was a practice of very late date, and that in case of an adjourned debate, Wednesday was not regarded, as in the ease of the Maynooth Grant Debate, but to go on with the discussion de die in diem, until it had determined. He aQked would it be fitting to adjourn this debatef for mere amusement?—(Crie s o f "Oh, o h. J ') Yes, be would say, were to was amusement, a n d no thi ng sore . But if debatethi s to be adjourned to Thursday, and not end on that d ay, then it should be adjou rne d over th e Whitsuntide holi da ys. The Marqui s o f CLANRICARDE understood that the reason his Noble Friend (Earl Grey)ihad moved the adjourn ment, was, because lie wished to be Grey), n the He owl noi, , see why they possession of the House on resuming the debate. c should not meet on Friday, after having attended the divine - service. - - The Duke of WELLINGTON said he could see no ob jection to the House sitting on Wednesday if they wished to do so; but it had always been the practice of the House not to sit on Friday, which was the anniversary of the restoration. Lord ASHBURTON was anxious to say a few words be fore this discussion should close; but he had no objection to its teminating on Thursday. The Earl of WICKLOW said he had put the motion in the way he did, because he learned that day that it was the in. tention of the Noble Earl (Earl Grey) to move that night at the dose of the debate, that the House do sit on Wednesday. He (Lord Wicklow) therefore determined to have pre cedence of the Nole Earl, and therefore he thought it best to make the motion he had done. Having been put in possession of the House, he would not consent to give way to the Noble Earl, or waive the usual practice of the House unless they decided aocording to the suggestion of the Noble Marquis opposite. Should the motion be carried, he (Lord Wicklow) would claim his right to open the debate on Thursday. The Duke of RICHMOND said, perhaps the Noble Earl would go on now, and his Noble Friend could open the debate od Thursday evening. Earl GREY would give precedence now to the Noble Earl, and open the debate then.—(Laughter.) Lord BROUGHAM hoped, if they adjourned till Thursday, they would endeavour to finish the debate that night. But as that might prove fallacious, he would intimate, in order that it might be perfectly understood, that should the debate not be brought to a close he should move the adjourn ment till the day after. That would require them to attend church. But he could not see what harm attending the sermon could do them, and there was no reason why Noble Lords should have any objection on that account. Lord CAMPBELL said it appeared that the present dis pute was a struggle between two parties, which could only be determined by the majority of the Peers ; and as the settle ment of precedence might be attended by some di ffi culty, he would, in ord er t o get rid of it, me that the Noble Lord, Earl Grey, b e now h ear d.—( Loud cheers.) The Earl of WICKLOW rose in a veex t zited state, and with violent gesticulation protested a gainst co u rse en now taken. He was proceeding to address the House e when , from the cries of " O r d er , or d er ," and noise that prevailed, he was obliged to sit down. The LORD CHANCELLOR put Lord Campbell's amend merit, which was agreed to. Earl GREY then, amidst considerable laughter and cheers, moved that the debate be adjourned. The Earl of WICKLOW—UntiI Thursday next. The motion, with the addition of Lord Wicklow, was then put and agreed to, and the House adjourned at Two o'Clock till Thursday next. HOUSE OF COMMONS, May 26. The SPEAKER took the Chair at Four o'clock. MORAYSHIRE RAILWAY. The report on this Bill was brought up and agreed to, and the Bill ordered to be engrossed. GREAT NORTH OF SCOTLAND RAILWAY. The report on this Bill, including the Eastern Extension, was brought up and agreed to, and the Bill ordered to be engro'sed. EDINBURGH AND NORTHERN RAILWAY. The report on this Bill (Branches from the Dundee and Arbi oath Railway and Tay Ferry Improvement) was brought up, and the Bill ordered to be engrossed. NORTH KENT RAILWAY. Mr. RICE, on the further consideration of the report of the South Eastern Railway (Greenwich Railway to' Chilhain, near Canterbury with branches, No. 2,) Bill, moved that the Bill, together with the North Kent Railway Bill, be re-com mitted to the full Committee as originally constructed. The North Kent Railway had been condemned before its merits had been thoroughly investigated by the Committee ; and the South Eastern Company, which was the only company that could properly carry out the line, would be perfectly justified, under the present circumstances, in studying their own in terests in preference to the convenience of the public, by not carrying out the contemplated extension of their line. Mr. PROTHEROE defended the decision of the Committee, of which he was chairman, on the North Kent Railway. As chairman, he had felt it his painful duty to give a casting vote against the further progress of the Bill, as it contemplated the construction of a railway through part of Greenwich Park. Upon this instance, as upon many others, he found the benefit of the reports of the Board of Trade ; and the Committee considered that the South-Easterly line was far preferable to the North Kent. The Committee had been sitting from the middle of March to the middle of May, and they had given the whole scheme their utmost attention ; and he deprecated the investigation of such subjects in the House, as it would tend very much to weaken the authority of the Committee. Mr. BAILLIE supported the motion. The Committee had passed a Bill which gave power to the Admiralty to stop the progress of the railway at whatever point they chose. He did not know what the shareholders would say to such a Bill. Sir ROBERT INGLIS said he was aware of the inconve nience which would arise from a scrutiny of the decisions of Committees , but unless it could be proved that Committees were immaculate, he considered that the House was the last tribunal of appeal. He believed that a disturbance sufficient to destroy the accuracy of an astronomical observation would be produced by the passing of railway trains. He thought the Bill, if recommitted, should be referred to another Committee. He grounded his objections against the Bill, not because it did not afford a direct communication to the coast, but the in jury it would cause to science in passing so close to the Obser vatory. Sir JOHN RAE REID presented a petition from Dover, signed by the mayor and burgesses, in favour of the line. Sir GEORGE COCKBURN said that an application had been made by the North Kent Railway Company to the Admi ralty to ascertain whether they had any objection to the railway passing through the park. Vast powers had been given to the Admiralty to regulate the trains, or to step them altogether., The Admiralty had no objection to allow the line to pass through Greenwich Park, provided the interests and the observations of the Observatory were not affected. The Company had assented to make such regulations as would prevent this mischief, and the Admiralty had accordingly with drawn their opposition. Mr. T. DUN COINIBE—The fact was that this matter had passed through the Committee by a very small majority, consist ing in fact of himself, who it was well known was able to act in a double capacity, and it was on the faith of his statement that this decision had been come to.—( Laughter.) The Hon. Gentleman it appeared had a very great taste for the pic turesque, and had accordingly proposed the carrying of this line through Greenwich Park. He had accordingly gone down to survey the line himself, and had no doubt dined there—(Laughter)—with all the appliances of a gentlemanly entertainment. (Continued laughter.) On his return he had waited upon the Admiralty to give the results of his observations, and it was upon his representation, and he might say, that of the South Eastern Company, that the Honourable and Gallant Admiral's report was founded. The truth was, that the South Eastern Company were at the bottom of this decision of the Admiralty ; for they were themselves desirous of making this line. Now, it should be observed that Professor Airy bad not been called before the Committee at all, but he had expressed his opinion that in the experiments he had made the transit of the trains would in no way affect the observa tions of the Observatory. The North Kent Company had employed Professor Robinson and another gentleman to make experiments, and they had given it in as their decided opinion that no public inconvenience would ensue. The North Kent Company, therefore, had decided upon running their trains through the park by means of a tunnel. Lord EMLYN was a member of the Committee, and he had arrived at his decision on public grounds solely. He could not see any reason why the Bill should be committed again. They had not refused to hear any evidence, nor had any alle gation been made that such was the case. In fine, he con sidered a recommitment of the Bill would not lead to any public good, and he would, in consequence, object to it. Mr. HUME considered that the members of the Committee had not acted wisely or properly in their conduct, and he would therefore vote for the motion. _ Mr. PLUIVIPTRi said that the Astronomer Royal had satis fled himself that no injury would result to the Observatory if the line were constructed, and at any rate the South-Eastern Company had acceded to the conditions required from them, being satisfied that the danger apprehended would not arise. Lord GRANVILLE SOMERSET moved that the debate be adjourned for a fortnight, in order that the Admiralty might have further time to consider. Mr. C. WOOD seconded the motion. Mr. J. O'CONNELL protested against some observations that had been made in consequence of the Hon. Chairman having consulted the Admiralty on the subject. He did so at the especial request of the Committee. Mr. JERVIS did not object to the adjournment of the debate. This matter ought not unquestionably to be left open be tween the North Kent and South-Eastern. The whole matter, including the North Kent Bill, should be again remitted to the Committee, in order that the discrepancy complained of might be explained and got rid of. After a short discussion the further consideration of the subject was deferred for a fortnight. NORTH KENT RAILWAY. Mr. REID presented a petition from Dover, in favour of this Bill. Several Reports of Railway Committees were brought up. CALEDONIAN INSURANCE COMPANY. This Bill was read a third time and passed. BRISTOL WATER WORKS. i This Bill was;lis;;;;1 ail;ird time and passed. Mr. H. BERKELEY moved that the petition of George Whieldon, Esq., be referred to the Committee to whom the London and Birmingham Railway (Coventry to Nuneaton) Bill stands referred, and that the petitioner be heard by his counsel, agents, and witnesses, notwithstanding his petition was not presented three clear days before the day appointed for the first meeting of the Committee. EAST AND WEST YORKSHIRE JUNCTION RAIL WAY BILL. Mr. LAWSON moved that this Bill, be further considered. Sir G. CLERK wished to call the attention of the House to the maximum charges in this Bill, which were higher than those generally charged. Mr. LAWSON said be was not aware that such was the fact. The Bill was then adjourned ; and the same HON. MEMBER moved the second reading of the Knaresborough and Leeds and Thirsk Railway Bills, and the Harrogate Gas Bills, which were agreed to. On the motion of Mr. LAWSON, also, the Dublin and Kingston Railway Extension Bill was read a second time. Mr. EWART brought up the report of the Manchester and Birmingham Extension Railway Bill. Lord DALAIENEY brought up the report of the London and Birmingham Extension Railway Bill. Sir C. DOUGLASS brought up that of the Reading, Guild ford and Reigate Railway Bill. Mr. E. Denison, Lord Morpeth, Mr. Hindley, Mr. Ag lionbv, and several other Members, brought up reports of rail way Bills. Jr. SPOONER moved that the standing order No. 121 be suspended, in the case of the amendments proposed to be made on the third reading of the Boston, Stamford, and Birming ham:Railway Bill, of which notice had been given in the Private Bill Office. KENNINGTON LANE LIGHTING BILL. On the motion of Mr. HA WES,,this Bill was read:a second time. Mr. GREENE said it was useless to oppose the progress of this Bill, but a great public inconvenience arose from the anomaly in the clauses of private Bills, of which a notable ex ample was presented in that before the House ; and he thought a great improvement might be made in the practice of our pri vate legislation, if some uniform rule were to be adopted for framing the clauses of private Bills, which interfered with pro perty. After a few words from Mr. HAWES, Mr. HUAIE said the House ought to put a stop to this irre gular kind of legislation. In one town in the kingdom sixty private Acts were in force; and two Acts were passed in one year which contradicted each other ; and, therefore, the general law of the land was over-ridden by enactments passed without sufficient deliberation. There were two authorities in the same town, which awarded different punishments for the same offence. He considered that these facts were suffi cient to justifying him in calling upon the House to stop the further progress of this Bill until the Committee were enabled to make their report, which would take place in about fourteen days.—( Hear, hear.) After a short discussion the further consideration of the Bill was postponed for a fortnight. The following Bills were read a second time : Edinburgh and Northern Railway (Branches from the Dundee and Arbroath Railway and Tay Ferry Improvement). Edinburgh and Northern Railway (Strathearr& Deviation). Edinburgh and Northern Railway (Newport Railway and Saint Andrew's Branch). Arbroath and Forfar Railway. NORTH KENT RAILWAY. Sir ROBERT INGLIS wished to knew whether his Right Hon. Friend at the head of the Government would have any objection to the evidence of scientific men being taken durirg the interval of the postponement of the North Kent Railway Bill? Sir ROBERT PEEL replied, that in a communication he had received from the Admiralty, they had expressed a wish that evey investigation calculated to throw light on the subject should be gone into. He ( Sir Robert Peel) concurred in their wish. Mr. SMITH O'BRIEN moved for copies of the corres pondence in which he had been engaged during his late incar ceration, and also for a copy of the letter which he had ad dressed to the Speaker. ADJOURNMENT OF THE HOUSE. Sir R. PEEL moved, that the House at its rising do adjourn till Thursday next, and, in reply to an observation of an Hon. Member, continued to say, that on a former occasion, be had stated it as his intention to move the adjournment of the House from Friday to the Thursday following; but some Hon. Gentlemen having intimated to him that it would suit their convenience better if the House were adjourned from Friday until the following Friday, he had thought proper to comply with their intimation. Lord JOHN RUSSELL expressed his concurrence with the motion of the Right Hon. Gentleman. WEST 1 NDIA COLONIES. Mr. HUME intimated his intention of bringing forward. on Friday, next his resolutions with respect to the agricultural resources of the British West India Colonies, and to the re strictive policy pursued towards those Colonies. VAN DIEMEN'S LAND. Mr. E\VART moved that it was expedient that the present system of making the colony of Van Die men's Land a general receptacle for convicts should cease ; and that it was expedient that transportation be no longer maintained as a punishment, hut be continued only as supplement to the previous punishment of imprisonment. The Hon. Member then proceeded to quote a variety of docu ments to show that up to 1840 the populatien, the shipping, the imports and exports, the places of worship and education of Van Die men ' s Land, had gradually been increasing, and that the colony had then arrived at its greatest state of prosperity. A change, however, then took place, which caused the most prejudicial effects. The moral consequences that resulted soon r o r manifested themselves, and the abominable and unutterable scenes_ e which w ere a t present to b e w it nesse d in that island d thism oal descriptiondeven conception. The Hon. Member was about to quote some statements h e h a d b e f ore him relative to defied degradation, An Hon. AIE3I BE moved that the House be counted. Strangers were ordered to a ithdraw, and there being only 27 Members pre sen t, the House adjourned till Thursday. -- - FACTORIES BILL. ANALYSIS OF THE DIVISION ON THE FACTORY BILL. Protectionists who toted with Government against the Bill, 1846 (51) : Alexander, N. Forbes, Wm. Lygon, General Bagot, Hon. W. Forman, T. S. Mackenzie, T. Balfour, J. M. Gordon, Captain Mackenzie, W. F. Barrington, Lord Hamilton, J. H. 31anners, Lord C. Bell, Matthew Hayes, Sir E. Mildmey, H. St. J. Bolder°, 11. G. Henenge, G. H. W. Morgan, C. Carew, W. H. Fole Hepburn, Sir T. Mundy, Eder. Miller Cholmondeley, l'l. Hinde, J. 11. Round, John Chute, IV. L. W. Hodgson, F. Rassell, C. Collett, W. R. Hodgson, Richard Sanderson, R. Coote, Sir C. Holmes, W. AT. Smyth, Sir H. Deedee, W. Hope, Sir J. Sotheron, T. H. S. Dodd, G. Houldsworth, T. Trevor, J. R. Duckworth, Sir J. Jones, Captain 'Vivian, J. E. Dowdeswell, W. Tier, D. S. Walpole, S. H. Fihner, Sir E. Lascelles, E. Wyndham, Colonel Fitimaurice, Hon. W. Lockhart, W. Wynn, Sir W. Whigs who voted for the Factory Bill in 1844, and were absent with- out Pairs : Bulkeley, Sir li. B. Cavendish, G. H. Hall, Sir B Butler, Colonel Dalrymple, Captain Heathcoat, John Butler, P. S. Easthope, Sir J. liumphery, Ald. Byng, G. S. French, F. Ross, D. R. Carew, R. S. Gill, Thomas Vivian, J. 11. Collett, John Gore, Robert Wilshere, T. W. Cavendish, C. C. Guest, Sir John Peelites who voted in favour of the Factory Bill in 1844, but were absent on Friday night without Pairs : Copeland, Alderman Johnstone, Sir J. Dickinson, F. H. Malnwaring, T. Gregory, w. N. Polhill, F. Hornby, John Pennant, Colonel Protectionists who voted for the Factory Bill in 1844, and were Stewart, John Smollett, Alexander Tomline, George absent without Pairs : Adare, Viscount Davies, D. A. S. Maxwell, Hon. J. P. Antrobwi, E. Egerton, Sir P. Pakington, J. S. Astell, William Emlyn, Viscount Pusey, P. Chapman, Aaron Hope, A. J. B. Rendlesham, Lord Cresswell, B. Lowther, Sir J. H. Trotter, John Peelites who voted for the Factory Bill in 1844, and voted on Friday night with the Government against the same : Gore, Montague Jocelyn, Viscount Mahon, Viscount Hannier, Sir J. Legh, G. C. Neville, B. (paired) James, Sir W. Protectionist Ditto Hayes, Sir E. Whig Ditto : Hawes, B. THE NEW ASYLUM FOR INFANT ORPHANS. The second anniversary of the .New Asylum for Infant Orphans takes place to-morrow at the London Tavern. There have been other asylums for orphans heretofore founded, on sectarian principles, but this is the only truly Christian and Catholic (in the tine sense of the word, which means universal) asylum for orphans that has ever vet been set en foot. In most of the other asylums the orphans ad mitted to the benefits of the institution must profess or consent to be instructed in a peculiar religious creed. It is sufficient that the applicant be a distressed orphan to obtain admission into this asylum. All orphans under eight years of age, with out distinction of sex, place, or religious connexion, are eligible. It is not surprising that philanthropists should have come forward in the most liberal manner to support it. The sub scribers are numerous and influential ' • among them we may name Mr. Harmer, who has not only kindly consented to be come one of the stewards, but has, with his characteristic benevolence, subscribed twenty guineas to the charity, which is founded on the purest principles of universal philanthropy. If any further guarantee were wanted for the trustworthiness of this institution, it would be found in the fact, that Lord Morpeth has consented to take the chair on the occasion of this its second anniversary. Who can doubt but that the as semblage will be worthy alike of the institution and of its chairman. LLOYD'S SHIPPING. 3ler 25.—Wind at noon, N.W., light airs and fine. DEAL, MAY 23 AND 24.—Wind Easterly.—Sld. Christina Agatha, Lop, Batavia; Agnes. Warnken, New Orleans; Bangor, Leighton, Galveston ; Stad Antwerpen, Groovers, New York ; Rhein ' Vera Cruz. Arrd. 24th, Ferax, Putnam, New York and St. Thomas. Arrd. from the River, 23d, Crest, Ayres, Ceylon ; Benjamin Greene, Laws, St. Kitt's; Prince Albert, Sebor, New York ; Graham, Que bec. Arrd. from the River and aid. 23d, Archer, Larkins, Barbadoes ; 24th, Cygnet, M`Lend, Van Dieman's Land; Edward Robinson, Ley land, Ascension and Mauritius; Duke of Wellington, Williams, St. John's, New Brunswick; Archer, M`Lachlin, Barbadoes. COWES, MAY 24.—Wind light and variable.—Sld. Shepherdess, Simpson, Mauritius. OFF TORBAY, May 24.—Wind S.S.W.—Madra, PLYMOUTH, MAY 24.—Wind N.—Arrd. Her Majesty's steamer Terrible, from a cruise, with foremast sprung, rudder broken, &c. BRISTOL, MAY Hornby, Allen, Barbadoes. SWANSEA, MAY 22.—Arrd. Sarepta, Stephens, Cuba. CLYDE, MAY 23.—Wind N.W.—Arrd. 22, Arnisdale, Johnston, Trinidad; Lyra, Swan, ditte ; Medora, M'Pherson, ditto ; 23, Bril• tient, Brown, Mobile; Clutha, Fowler, ditto. Sld. 21, Columbia, Reid, Miramichi; 22, Morning Star, Alderson, Bathurst; 23, Semi ramis, Lockheed, Calcutta ; Randolph, Campbell, Barbados*; Lady Harvey, Miller, Antigua, and Vera Cruz. OFF SALCOMBE, MAY 24.—Itawlles, Jamaica, FALMOUTH, MAY 24.—Wind N.—Arrd. 23d, Zodiac, Heres, Nickerie, with loss of bulwarks, boats, sails, Sze.; Ocean Queen, Shaddock, Swansea, for Malaga, leaky, and with part of cargo thrown over board, PENZANCE, MAY 23.—Wind N.—Sid. 22d, Sylvanus, Roger, New foundland. LIVERPOOL, May 24.—Wind N.W., moderate.—Arrd. 23d, Lydia, Jones, Antigua ; Agnes Jane, Richardson, Galveston ; Ward Chip man, Amer, New Orleans ; Ann Jeffrey, Carter, ditto ; Invincible, Newman, Cephalonia, and not the Matthew Pierce, as reported yes. terday. 24th, Carleton, Bence, Miramichi. Sid. 23d, Marquis of Bute, Bannatyne, Hong-Kong ; Vorwarts, Czar, Rio Janeiro ; Mar mion, Champion, St. Thomas ; Emily, Pendlebury, Africa; Ashbur ton, Howland, St. John's, N.B. ; Goltah, Slate, Quebec. 24th, Ellen Fulton, Rio Grande ; Havannah Packet, Roberts, Deme rara; St. Vincent, Shepherd, St. Vincent; Miracle, Elliot, New York ; Kate, Brannagan, Montreal ; Wakona, Pain, Baltimore. Orr LIVERPOOL, MAT 24.—Asia ; Ternades, PORTSMOUTH, MAY 24.—Wind S.S.W. to W.N.W.—Sid. 23, Fun chal, Freeman, Sierra Leone; her Majesty's ship Nautilus, on a cruise. . OFF SWANAGE.—Regina, Forman, Dominica. NEWPORT, MAY 23.—Shl. Ocean Queen, Hestop, Grenada. MILFORD, MAY 23.—Arrd. Sally, Bruce, Sierra Leone. DUBLIN, MAY 23.—Wind N.E.—Arrd. Cingalese, Trinidad. WATERFORD, MAY 21.-61d.111ppocampl, Fortune, St. John's, N.B. James, Riley, Miramichi. Horatio, Sampson,22.—nd Q uebecS., 1 ig ; h t. Arabian,A rr Robertson,Superi or,B r e i l foorro thei Sld C . ° l ß l K or ' T r a at r h , ie 3 r f l e e r ak 2 y o , . Clyde, BA -- evi —Arrd. lossWoifilsoiammeTaitil%. Craig, BELFAST,GALWAY 3 3 1 1 A A y r 23. 20.—Sid. —sid s ßecovery, irCol inMoore,pb ; v e t i.sry Newt LoNGTIOPE, MAY 13 .— Arid . Rolla, ditto. . 00111 Brunswick. Sid. Hero, Quebec ; Jane od An e l c londurs SIfIELDS, Mar . • John's, New Brunswick. psy The - Hope, of Newcastle, the Gi Mar Of B RI DLINGION, —AT 24 • 22 Ski M i nerv a, Quebec ; 23, Pathfinder , St. Whitby, an d Maxus:, and • lamborough Head tills morning, but Mary, of Wilts, all trom the north, coal laden, got on the rocks oil F came off and proceeded. LONDON, MAY 26.—Wind at ;noon, N.W. light breeze and fine. S HE ERNESS, MAY 24.—H.M.5. Raven passed yesterday the wreck of a vessel stripped, apparently a brig or schooner, distance about one mile S.E. of Bardsey Sand. 25. A loaded brig was on shore on the idaplin Sand, near the Black TaU Beacon, this morning, but got off at high water and proceeded up the Thames. tovrEs, MAT 25.—The Comet, Phillips, irrived at this port from Mar sala, passed on the 6th inst., le P.M., in lat. 40 N., long. 10 W. a vessel d'smasted, and making signals o f di s t ress . O n the followir. g day nothing was to be seen of her, but part of maingaff, bulwarks, and other fragments of wreck were seen. - - Musings, MAY 23.—Some pieces of wreck, and a sailors chest, in which was a Testament with " Thomas Fauntou, Bristol," written on the inside, were picked up off Milford, by the Queen Adelaide, Harvey, arrived at this port. The Fidelity, Rowe, from port Talbot, which drove on shore near this, on the 16th last., has been got off without damage. LIVERPOOL, MAY 25.—The Panlora, East, from Waterford to this port, which was stranded on Taylor's Bank on the 18th inst., has been got off and brought into the river considerably damaged. PROVINCIAL BANK OF IRELAND. TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN. Sin,-1 am instructed by the directors to call your attention to an error in the report of the yearly General Meeting of the Proprietors of this Bank, which appeared in The Sun newspaper of Friday even ing, the 22d instant, in which the surplus fund is stated to be only 14,0001., whereas its amount, as was stated in the report of the directors read to the meeting, was 114,9231. 10s. 4d. at the 28th et March last, the period at which the accounts v‘l annuallyts are ,T, s made up. The directors request the favour of your inserting a correction of it as soon as convenient. — l am , &c. London Office, 42, Old Bread-street, City, May 25, 1846. THE LATE MURDER IN THE CITY.—On Monday evening, at eight o'clock, Mr. W. Payne, City coroner, held an in quest in St. Bartholomew's Hospital, on the body of John Oddy aged thirty-two, a bootmaker, who died from the effects of a stab. which he received from the hands of a man Dinned Joseph Carter, at present in Newgate on the charge of murder. Thomas Spenser,rof Dove court, Monkwell-street, deposed that he was in the Crow public-house, Moor-lane, on the night of Tuesday last. Whilst there, the man Carter attempted to drink out of a pot of beer in the posses sion of the deceased. A quarrel ensued. Carter let', and returned after the lapse of seven or ten infnutel, and pushed open the door with his lett arm, and in his right haul he held a knife under his coat. After passing a few words with deceased, Carter drew th e knife from under his coat, and stabbed him in the stomach several times. Carter then made an attempt to escape, but he Was caught held of by nitness, who tripped him up, and the knife then fell from his hand. The jury having consulted, returned a verdict of wilful murder against Joseph Carter. SINGULAR AND EXTENSIVE ROBBERY IN LIVERPOOL. —Between the hours of ten and eleven o'clock on Saturday morning last, an extensive robbery was committed at the house of Mr. Francis Barnes, book-keeper, Roscommon -street, Everten, under the following. circumstances :—lt appears that immediately after breakfast that morning Mr. Barnes and his family left home, leaving no person to take care of the house except the servant-maid. Be tween the hours mentioned a knock was heard at the front door, which was opened by the servant, and instantly two men rushed in, seized hold of her, and fastened her in the water-eeller. They then proceeded to ransack the house, and succeeded itind o ln v ga v i i i ets and carry ing off with them a pocket-book, containing limns:e gold rings, ef four half-sovereigns, several ladles' dresse.ssw sets of window 'brooches, and ear-rings, a co ral set in gold, three boots, and a variety curtains, a black coat and vest, shirts, tro d, se but no tidings of eithe r of other articl es . Bill s were then the property or the thieves have sine p e ri reached —Livepool THE FIRST LOCOMOTIV E. — Just forty years ago Mr. Trevethick, a mining engineer, constructed the first locomotive en gine at Merthyr Ty"dvil, nt the ears of the poll ee . e r Mellow Guarckan. and applied it successfully to the tlttOttOri of coal and colte.—Corcifi I