The Sun. — London, England, 1846-07-29 00:00:00

tl,, Air. HUNIE wished to etnrect a mistak e . .illiell the Hon. iareber. ( Mr. BortheittliO hal fallen into with regard to the Itgar whieh came fro m B enga l . Th ere was not one slave in Ihs who'e of B engal who had a complaint to make; the eoin ts ' l ' i :re "Pen to him, where h e wou ld be readily received; and thiswishcd to state that the admission of s l ave - grown sugar i nto ! t ri ' Wry weeld net have th e smallest effect in givi ng an Flu Petus to slevery in the co l on i es . Il e was sorry that the "b i ,, We Lord was not in his pla ce t o h e r hi s op i n i on upon that PT, as he felt sere that the Noble Lord spoke from a sincere cnnvi inction that tha proposed policy would have the effect of in e" had lave the slave t ra d e. Sir F. Buxton said, all the exertions they Made to put d own the slave-trade, en the coast of Africa, Y coercion bad failed, and had only aggravated the evils which existed, It was on that aecoutit, therefore, he (Mr. Hume) wishe r ( for the removal of the squedron of twenty-eight ships less filet quarter helievire as he did, that that was an use- S anti wasteful ' expendii r Wre. The question was asked by te e Nr ~t'e“ohie Lord, did they despair, then, of putting an end to rY ? Ile (Mr. Hume) replied that they did not, provided What that the necessary steps were taken for that purpose. I at he said WAS, let Cuba and Brazil continue to bring their ' . 4 ,, v ,e' from Africa, for it was shown that that eraild not be pre ' f but let the West India planters be permitted to do so i e l u ‘ s , and as soot, as the slaves landed upon the British colonies then) be deelared f reemen.—(Laughter.) In the early part a ,_ me present session he moved fur a number of orders of `totineil tee. ive to the admission of free labour to the colonies, and 41, ~ 111), '14,0 orders had actually prevented the admission cf ;_ lir. The effeet f these orders was just the same as if an tapress prohibition bad been made for the exclusion of labour. ti t% ii's only Withi n t h e last ei g h teen months that any relaxa jeer,tad tak en place in these orders ; andif they had o ccurre d bil is ago, they would not now have to regret the consequences fullyoh resulted from the want of sufficient labour. There was an, Who read the evidsnee of Mr. Deacon Hume care natural ho rho could fail to see that the colonies were not in a Pelr e ra ' " ndl lion, and that if the colonies had free trade them.. 5 e,, they had nothing to fear from the withdrawal of pro ' ; A 5 they would in that case be able to compete with te st "dd. Mr. flume, in stating those opinions, de fold • ed slavery as much as any man, and yet he •the Biitish people and the British Legislature it th ey Would be prejudicial to the interests of the colonies if 0 i re ved all protection at once, without enabling the ens,7i ham procure an adequate supply of customers. A Noble ae",'l,said that the ' slave-trade had been suppressed by the aly a ur,on they had coasting off Africa. He (M . r. Hume) , ugnt that that assertion was not correct, for if they sent trer Y "'ld not s hl there w hi c h France and England could spare, hey P e4eestedr 1 o put dow n t h e s l ave-trade. The remedy he sug el_tite to this state of things ssas to allow the West India meet' the Cuba and Brazil slave-master in Africa, and while the latter purchased the negroes as slaves, let the ni "rn : e r b uY them as freemen. As long as there . was the im knee - Itre.t connected with • the trade, which it was well knots- '`gold atte nded it, a ll t h e i r e ff orts for its suppression el l : b e unavailing. Ile thought they should act el se Prm _ i ciPle in this as well as in everything Ifsl i te ;°" carry out in practice the remedy he suggested. p et do Ilght Hon. Baronet was of opinion that nothing would letirwo shivery but free labour, why did they not get free asle ol and_ put slavery down? Let them withdraw their cost aoo,„..ssnre used to put down the practice. Their fle ets anti u d: Ui Per annum, let theta expend one-half ver of that sum, altogether. He Was , the Would succeed in destroying la eee,:oxions to see the question settled s once for all—he was 0 6 1 Us to see the people relieved from the annual his annoyance t h e t i ,,," debate, and on that ground he would give h i e a . 4. t , Lord on "°l'lo the question before the House. Many p o e n o - - ;1,7 s. ti o uppose that he was not willing to relieve the e ve ri ne • o n the contrary, he hoped to_ . . the ,I so,. , tax tints When they would have a duty of lOs. consumed under the re -I„,,:.v"th the quantities that would be per cent., which ( o i,' l °r , would amply repay the sacrifice which had been made nee higher rate of duty. Sir 1. R. REID sa id, t h at the circumstances in which te eolonies were placed and the state of affairs at home would render this measure, if it were carried, one of complete first r uin. Th a t very d ay h e k new t h at the effects of the pro_ Posed measures were felt, for in consequence of the turn wine the debate took the last evening, at the meeting of some of the Most respectable traders connected with the colonies, the fiat had gone forth to stop the cultivation of some of the estates. AR that was required by those connected with the trade was fair play, and unless that were granted to them it would be useless for them to attempt to cultivate their estates in com petition with those on which sugar could be grown, and ad suited into this country at a cheaper rate. Mr. BERNAL wished that the question could be de finitively settled. He did not care for the period which was taken, for an assurance that the question was to be finally put t l t t y r est was all t h at was required, and he thought that every 'West Indian could accommodate himself to the circum -I,.4"ies which must ensue under the new revolutions. .e Eat badoes had a large population with labour corn litively plentiful Jamaica po.sessed an immense tract of %eta ' - - t tnt II and a very limited population in proportion to its ex ses„ of sail. Th e c i rcumstances of the West Indian Islands h e ale t herefore ( Lif er nt, and different measures of relief should N e p i ldied to th em. T his must be done in whatever was pro le ~ to make those islands meet the altered circumstances teZhieh they would now be placed. With regard to the es Ranh Africans, it had been found that they were not so good labourers white,e Africans. The former had certain religious notions for "Preverded them from taking such food as was necessary Pre gret physical exertions; while the Africans . had no such (4 j t ‘ lT ie " as these. Looking at all the circumstances T ut 6 e C aw, they melt look to the coast of Africa the the supply of labour ; and while . they sought for ki4PIAY from that quarter, he quite agreed that teen of should be placed at various points . on the *,er e , ° f, Africa to sec that nothing but fair w telseeatten to induce labourers to go to the e m st n ea ln_ r d e i e a fur,kt But, in carrying out this arrangement entaf weref _ An,"e submitted that twelve months' engagements wa stesf, t e' He thought the time ought to be efoended, , and t ake 'Cue Noble Lord at the head of the Government ssould et:41.3,4,1s point into his most serious consideration. But in adie,lout the doctrine of free trade in relating to the West but th'atust trusted it would not be done in a one-sided manner, e olo e t ei ' would he carried out to the fullest extent. While ° l f fes l e i Nal' was to enter into competition with the produce rldi s l ola countries, he hoped that other produce of the West c h t 'Y en t ' a ' a ilds would be admitted into the markets of this coon sie ffi ,",e same terms' as the produce of the British Islands. t`leee""sidered the full application of free trade would lead fra ttie to , Place West India spirits on the same coot as the spirits of the distillers of this tl .uonle h ' e " I ,t. was a hard case . that a duty of Os. 4d. a gallon while the duty or, Scotch 21, 4 , w Placed on West India rum, kioosi Godas 3s. 4:1., and that on Irish whiskeybut ~ .a es tter, part ! was such a system to be defended. tThes measure i e t '. 4 sa stee ° 9d parcel of the British emptre,and if this ste la e, he defied free trade doe- I, sto • tai- any one who . advocated_ lif°h ad ; aM intact such a difference in duty as that which tetaiust stated. They must be prepared to meet all those free trade to the i'llest p % es ',Uld to carry out the principles hn i a pr oa sth le extent. He called on thesew e h f o r p e o e ssess t e m d e W et e i s t t I ,", u ,creeL e a rt Y to prepare for the change. They m . us . The' ei r - e `," ene rgy and activity, and by a reduction of price ne Y coul d em nodities endeavour to extend their roarkets ; h t- . stintuot avert the change. The tide of feeling wa ai ° e Pe t by j a htY o set in in favour of free trade for them to e . gad % 1 1 . ' , Position they cculd offer_to arre . st its progress. t i Pecti tiii s Stated his own view 3 on the subject, to which he est I nda Y called the attention of those . who re resented the ese fo g" `''`crest, and he would sit down byt n hanking e the s (4) ' e rvati a r t he patience with which it had listened to Air. tz . ' i !. ~,g 016.,'5; FtNISON said, if any Member entertained a feel -"art whl e ll'te to the West Indian interests, the Hon. Gentle ',he ',het h c , °, ,nad just sat down lead dine much to disarm him of °I R sa t ' - e s ,` e i itY ; and he hoped,. for his own part, to avoid say testesi7,uug offensise He would have been satisfied to have ' b ent '" e "te that lie was to give in support of the Gover h n e had t 41411 are on the speech made by his Noble Friend w . Otr o d ue i . h ile r , ll th e ,-..' e ` , t, and the speech delivered by his Right Hon. kliZestir-reesi‘-'inhancellor of the Exchequer, but many points . had the course of the debate, on which he wished to f i le cetZt.se Orservationsl Ho assured the Hon. 'Member that es the eever forget that he had been one who gave his vote narae emancipation of the slave ; an event which was the 415 4 .) ofr, great changes in this . country.- 7 ( Hear, Vii 'hed a lit, there was one thing which he Nlnfant. never to foropt and which be wished to press on the ) er1,,, °4 o f the liotiss'e't and it was this—to take care that this ‘Slea lent in the West Indies should not prove a failure.— Z el dee a ri i "ar .) A feeling which was excited in him by a connd this e 't of the interests of humanity, of the f negr t o ra ra e ce, y a ear la Yea r T il u trY. As had been the case with,etreae.:tee all, ,ad m in . they had tried treaties and tariffs, e-, f t l they ta,tir eisters rising up end saying, that thesetreaties and 'acli:,„ We re vain and inefficient, and that the country must, lex th e e e nt way, show through her example what the rest of f eee, t nations, ought to do. He said, then, what was true as to to trade, was true in free labour. There were two points which Ne se he should address his observations—first, to the Afej es .uf conduct pursued by this country on the coast of the I t , , and second, to the course of conduct pursued towards hon th"_ e st India colonies of this country. Much had been said oe u first of these during the present debate. The Right kti";...barenet (Sir R. Peel) said last night, that he . had a 1 4 ,0 17 at this conclusion that the best armour . . against 1 41 a Y was the promotion of free-labour. That opinion was lat e j!evs one ; it bad appeared in the book published by the Tby „ e "''' Powell Buxton, and it had been advocated in a letter r od "' e Noble Lord at the head of the Government to the s ii i sr in 1839 In i l s 8 . 4 31te,dt h t e o Cha u n t ce c l i lz i o f s t l h a e vvy Exchequer v v e grav ated p i r t i .. se rla m ec e o a mmissio f ners, in l their report f,rormffBcietrorna t,eone, said that the cal l r u e t ostirtsleiessraTe trtadvee an the i lle number of eapt u i r v i e , , et s moved for by the Hon. Menaber for 41c o r a e t a r s o e se , showed Ar the expenses of the expedition in 1843, Riving ships of all classes, 58; of 945 tons ; 8,454 men, at a tost of 575,4661.; and this sum would be increased by the s alaries of extra officers engaged in the same object to about l ' lo ,ooo/. But all the expensesh of the expedition would far efforts it was acknowledged _xceed this amount. Yet their `ll_%ll hands were ineteari e , f e m n ir o e t n e e ei y thstandine that they were and health. In reference te 4 u, L et a great expenditure d t i s ‘,,'" course pursued towards he possessions of this country 1-4,;,"e 'West Indies, he would just recall the attention of the kat' e 4 to the considerations taken up in a Committee which I,ho,,_the West India Colonies. That Committee was of opinion .tv ' L odi m 'e materials for immigration from Africa into the est e% ,ailtere considerable; that immigration would be of great i s a h 'te a ,!e to the negroes ; and, that under proper regulations, 1 ," 5 th e "mtlel be no danger of a revival of the slavery trade. f4ll.ouseloht th e West India interest had . a right to come to that A:q 1 ho dernarld every possible assistance for the supply of 'n, tri ;, ur. Believing, he did, that the efforts on the h'eate4",,euast luteu a s s uccessful, he was not disposed this ru'llose-l'N't a vote of a n Certainamaunt, say 50,000/., for the Year e Dr el tte 't sha ey ,enting immigration to the West Indies, but next ,e did riotdisposed know whther the opinion of the House th ngt ha him "‘ll4 ." h in what he had said, but he oat Nobl Lo any hesitation in asking his Riget Hon. Friend . k er ,i B t fae:„ l'sutd at the head of the Government to give his -lierie, -willtahlealceno_nsideration f to the question of supplying the li eu • -ens dimeney of ree labources.—( Hear, hear.) 0 said he had not the good fortune to be in the Zi Pla i : lBe ; b4l ,, t he Prime Minister made the speech developing his e-3,Ntse°:,.-1, important question then before the House, in 4e n ner ~t a' as °T having been detained upon wrgent b t us i i n n 0 4 he ',r ad .oe. but he had read the speech with great e r s est ikfr' e e, , esp, c i a • i re to the conclusion that the public generally, b'tti ai l e d ' d by tbi Y those who were interested or more Noble immediately , und er 3 subject were much indebted to the Lord, we great obligation to the Noble Lord, for the attempt fs') .- ti 4, m e lki • n g t° Place the sugar duties upoo a permanent fi e se til ' e ll Place of having those annual discussions which lead p, d il ioteeft uncertainty, and so seriously injured the West ee l ,,P o lahrl:rae - -( `hear' hear.) But he did not think the plan ., h e 'l'ed f,: r 'I N, ble Lord was the best that could be ;Isl,ain) e , ~ ca rt N` out their free -trade principles.—( Hear, ..18tPer .: ..eetned to him to be monstrous to continue a tax of r, eer2t., which was equal to lid. per lb., upon colonial talelle a r lb. lane er cwt. upon foreign sugar, which was equal to 1: 541.. b,,, i ; e Z at the same time, and in the same breath, ti ud ) 11 thoP sugar for the millinn.—( Cries of " hear, leh o , s til . ee, :s ef nght it was highly desirable that they should ,tl4top ,seers f or 17 1 afford constant and increasing, supplies of 4 ; ht o , f wsat , s, _ r e fo e r ° l t o b ir, as well as a constant and increasing population of this country. That, he ;71‘t, but t ,s a subject well worthy the attention of Govern -4'll t(, e aonet•etticould not be attained so long as these high duties o.,tjpar ts an .cerl. If the colonies ought to be treated as in ttftiee . (!i the mother country, he wished to know with ° I the avt'"slY could tax sugar, corning at a largo expense eel Idies, while they did not tax his corn, which 'l4 Cumberlud ? The produce of the colonies' be TILE SUT N,_ LONDON, IVEDNESDAY __EVENING, JULY 29, 1846. contended ought to he admitted free of duty. but it was sail they wanted revenue. Well, they could get it from the. duty which they imposed on slave-grown sugar. —( Hear, hear.) But if the Government would not. abolish the duty on colonial sugar, let then at all events considerably reduce it. Ile would reduce colonial sugar to 10s. per cwt. anti foreign sugar to 14s. ; but the Chancellor of the Exchequer said, considerations of revenue would not let him do it, although he admitted it to be just; while the night Hon. Baronet, the Member for Tamworth, said the state of parties prevented his doing justice.—( Hear, and laughter.) What nonsense this was. Why could they not increase the income tax, and throw the burden upon those who were able to bear it, and not upon the hard-working and industrious classes of the country ?—(Cheers. ) lie would not say anything about the wickedness and immorality of encouraging the slave trade, but there could be no doubt that the Emanci pation Act had proved a complete failure. (Hear, hear.) The effect of it bad been to ruin the colonies and to increase the price of sugar in this country ; to convert our formerly active and industrious population into an extremely indolent end lazy one, and to tran-fer a considerable portion of their labour to the slave labourers of other countries. Before the Emancipation Act was passed he took the liberty of saying, that would be its result, but the House at the time, beirg under the dominion of the philanthropy of the country, would not listen to his warning —(Hear, hear.) And no woofer that the Emancipation Act bad failed, considering that since it had passed the Government of this country had made no exertions to carry out the principle of the measure, but on the contrary had rather thrown impediments in the way of establishing a population of free labour in the colonies. —( Hear, hear.) 'The consequence was, there had never been a proper supply of labour for keeping the land in a state of cultivation ; but still, if Government was determined to admit foreign sugar into competition with colonial produce, the least they could do was to reduce the duty, and, therefore, he begged to give notice that he should propose in Committee that colonial sugar should be admitted at Ios. per cwt. and foreign sugar at 21a.—( Hear, hear.) Mr. BA lICL AY was for free trade in sugar as well as in corn, but he blamed the Gentlemen who had been in office since the passing, of the Emancipation Act, for shutting out the colonies from obtaintrg a supply of labourers from the conti nent of Africa.—( Hear. hear.) The Emancipation Act had succeeded morally, but it had faile t economically, and he thought some steps ought to be taken to remedy the latter defect.—( Hear, hear.) He considered that the mea sure of the Government was calculated to settle this question. He thought, therefore, that the Noble Lord at the head of her Majesty's Government would not be doing jus tice to the interests of the country, if he did not take these circumstances into consideration.—(Hear, hear.) He be lieved he would not he discharging his duties, if he did not make these observations. He was no party to placing the pre sent Government in office, but in giving his vote against their measures, he was not actuated by any party consideration whatever, but solely from a desire to discharge, to the best of his abilities, the duties with which he was entrusted. Mr. DISRAELI said the Noble Lord who moved the amendment to the motion that the Speaker do leave the chair, proposed to himself to submit three points to the consideration of the House. The first was, that it was in the power of this country to find three legitimate sources of that sugar that was necessary for its con sumption; the second, that her Majesty's Ministers, in the calculations which they had made with respect to the revenue, had furnished the House with very unsatisfactory prospects ; and the third, that, in adopting the resolutions which they had brought forward, they should be sanctioning that traffic in slaves which the House had so often and so signally reprobated. —(Hear, hear.) He had listened with great attention to the speech of the Chancellor of the Exchequer—a member of the Cabinet who had risen fur the purpose of giving an answer to the speech of the Noble Lord the Member for Lynn. He had net been inattentive to any of those addresses which had fol lowed the speech of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, though there might be some of those speeches remark able for peculiar characteristics and particular circumstances, not bearing any relation to the subject immediately before the House. —( Hear, hear.) Still, looking to those speeches which had failed to discuss the question with respect to the immediate point before the House, following in the wake of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, he could find at that moment no feature, no characteristic, which removed them from the description which he thought. imposeable upon the speech of the Chancellor of the Exchequer itself. It appeared to him that to the first pro position of the Noble Lord the Chancellor of the Exchequer had offered an assumption. It appeared to him that the Chan cellor of the Exchequer had encountered the second pro position of the Noble Lord with an hypothesis; and. it appeared to him that that Right Honourable Gentleman had supposed that he could have vanquished the third proposition of his (Mr. Disraeli's) Noble Friend with a sophism.—(Hear, hear.) Now, he (Mr. Disraeli) was pre pared, if the House would permit him, to substantiate those positions.—( Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord the Member for Lynn, in supporting his position that this country could be sup plied from legitimate sources with a sufficient and ample quan tity of sugar for its consumption— the Noble Lord had offered his estimates which, if they conld trust his figures, certainly proved the dogma which he laid down. Her Majesty's Ministers had no confidence in that estimate. They said at once that it was an assumption—the Chancellor of the Exchequer called it an assumetion, but he entered into no details, and offered no facts contrary to the estimate of the Noble Lord. The assumption of the Chancellor of the Exche• quer was that, the estimate of the Noble Lord was erroneous but it was a remarkable instance, that in proving that the esti mate of the Noble Lord was erroneous, the first feature in the demonstration was that the Noble Lord had underrated a very important item in that estimate. Her Majesty's Ministers had admitted that the produce of the West Indian colonies was 2.56,C03 tons. The Noble Lord had said that the produce of those colonies was 115,000 tons. Well, therefore, as far as that first point went, it would seem that the Noble Lord, however erroneous ho might be in his estimates, had not been inclined to over- estimate the produce of those different quarters from which the aggregate could be obtained. Iltr Majesty's Ministers, who accused the Noble Lord of over-esti- mating - the qoantitics which we might anticipate receiving, on this the first item offered an estimate to the House exceed ing that which had been suggested by the Noble Lord• That was at least the prini4 fac;rt evidence as far as that item was concerned. The Noble Lord had not indulged in any very excessive calculations. If they approached the second item of the Noble Lord— he meant with reference to the Mauritius—he (Mr. Disraeli) believed that her Majesty's Ministers, notwithstanding their statements, were inclined to quarrel with the first estimate of the Noble Lord in supposing that the Mauritius would supply this country with 50,000 tons o 4 sugar. The Noble Lord had corrected him by saying that the number which he had mentioned was 58,000 tons. He (Mr. Disraeli) thought that the Noble Lord in his speech mentioned the figure 50,000 tons. He knew the Noble Lord had documents in his possession which would have afforded him an opportunity of offering a correct calculation. He (Mr. Disraeli) himself had not those returns, but he had that morning placed in his hands a Mauritius paper, which was, he believed, a journal of the most respectable character, and which afforded an account of the crops of sugar which might be expected during the present year. They said that that crop might be counted upon as 60,000 tons.—( Hear, hear.) Well, then, as far as the quantity that they might an ticipate receiving from our colonies—as far as the quantity that they might receive from the Mauritius was concerned— he thought that it was not in the power of her Majesty's Minis ters at all to substantiate their point against the Noble Lord that he had exaggerated in his estimate. But the Chancellor of the Exchequer said, that with regard to the third point, that the estimate of the Noble Lord had in deed astonished him, and that he could not for a moment believe that India would offer to us the quantity which the Noble Lord had supposed that they would yield, and for which he had given them credit in his estimate. Now they found that in two portions of the esti mate, that in the one the Noble Lord had underrated the cal culation of the Government, and that in the other he had ex pected a sum less then that which he was induced to expect by the documents in his possession, and less than that which was confirmed by the authority to which he had referred. They had a right to suppose tha tone so cautious in his estimate had not at random, and without thought, and with recklessness, offered to them any calculation which, at least, was not founded upon data, and that he had not sought to influence the opinion of that House by a statement on which he had not paid great thought and research.—( Hear, hear.) Now he (Mr. Dis raeli) begged the Chancellor of the Exchequer (though he expressed great incredulity on the subject of the estimate of Indian produce) to recollect that not a single fact, not even an argument had been offered against the statements of the Noble Lord. He (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) hail said that it was extremely astonishing; and the Honourable Baronet the Member for Beverley, who certainly upon the sugar question should be a good authority—( Hear, hear, and laughter)—and to whose opinions they always listened with great respect—the Hon. Member for Beverley occupied, as he tad told them, a most important position in the home Government in India—had risen in his place to confirre the unsupported assertion of the Chancellor of the Exchequer. Neither the Hun. Member the Chancellor of the Exchequer nor the Hon. Baronet the Member for Beverley—who was the chairman, be believed, of an association connected with the Indian trade—notwithstanding they expressed their disbelief in that assertion—neither of those gentlemen came forward to offer a single argument, or adduce a single fact to induce the House to disbelieve the estimate of the Noble Lord.—( Hear, hear.) Now, in this case, with regard to the production of sugar in India—from the considerationpositionebt on.dt theowrsh e great which aeaanhktdoe which ncpiyhofio importance t htd h i e , iedb, absent Chancellor tsoohetnfebt tetifehron oen mb. brought Memberot o uhu f emht t ti h oa e ntb—et Exchequer, at mom or ent, question—there we e erHa r ni ,seot Beverley, fs r noae i and ore uld it was a great element in forming their opinion upon this' in teresting and important question. It was the nature and quantity of the productions in India. The Noble Lord had bi ought forward a great deal of authentic intelligence to show the amount of British capital now invested in India, and to show them the e nergy an d t h e quantity of the British' capital that had been distributed in the working of the es tates in India, and the considerable results that might be anticipated from an encouragement of the investment of that capital. But what he (Mr. Disraeli) wanted to bring before the attention of the House was—for it was most important—that the sugar in India was produced by two classes of persons.— ( tlear.) These were the British caritalists.—( Hear, hear.) But they were told by a great authority that they needed no protection ; there was, however, a class of capitalists who were producing sugar, who might refuse pro tection.—( Hear, and loud cheers ) But if they required protection; he would show the House that it was protection, and that alone which would bring great results to their country —the wealth of England, and not only commercial wealth, hut political power.— ( Hear, hear.) The Hon. Baronet, the Member for Beverley, told the House that the sugar producers of India required no protection.—( Hear, hear.) Another Honourable Baronet, who was once a Member of that. House, called a public meeting of those interested in the sugar trade, and they met; at his counting house—(Hear, hear )—a meeting that was never heard of—and they passed resolutions which nobody erer knew of.—( Hear, hear, and laughter.) Well, all that might be very true. It might be very true that there might be sugar producers who were in favour of the measures of her Majesty's Ministers. It might be very true that, as the lion. Baronet the Member for Beverley said, the sugar producers had not a fair competition. The lion. Baronet the Member for Beverley told the House that the condition of India was improved during the last five years, although they had not a fair competition. He (Mr. Disraeli) thought it very possible that the condition of India might have improved ; it could not have been worse than it was in 1811. India was then bankrupt. It required but an event—an hour —certainly but the transition of a post—to prevent her bank ruptcy; and nobody will deny this that is in the least con versant with Indian affairs. lie could prove it from documents which he had in his hand at that moment, written by those whose names, if he mentioned them, would be of weight and authority with that House. He did not wish to enter further into the subject, but he was p repare d to prove it, should th House demand it. Well, India was improved, no doubt, but at that time it could not have been worse. He held a letter in his hand which was exceedingly interesting, though he would not trouble the House by reading it, but it was written by a gentleman in India second to none in importance, in intelli gence, and patriotism ; and he observes that " such is the COll • sequence of our commercial system there, that the country would become too poor to govern, for . they had r e d uce d the country to pauperism. It is not an lnever con spiracy that you have to fear, but you insurrectionbeable to raise a revenue from a nation of beggars.—( ear,hear. ) Your establishment must fall, and before five years are past, you will lose India."—(Hear, hear.) Then they were told that the state of laths was improved. But he mkt ask the Home what circumstance had mainly improved the condition of India? He would prove to them that the principle circumstance which had improved the state of India was the very alteration in the sugar duties, the principle of which they were then called upon to condemn—(Cries of Name, Name.") Ile did not think he ought to do so—( Hear, licar)—Lbut he would tell the lion. Gentleman in pirate if he chose. But if the Hon. Gen tleman wrote hies a letter of confidence, whirls it was probable he might do so some day or another—(Laugieer)—he might not like his name to be mentio: cd, but he would read a letter itten by a firm known to be of the highest respectability; he need only mention that of Ailwin an d C om p an y, t o p rocure it attention. In the circular issued by that house it was stated that the alteration in the , respecting sugar, bad opened to British merchants boundless markets for the distribution of their manufactures—among the lower classes of the flindoos, many of whom, so far from wearing, hail never seen a piece of cotton cloth in their lives. 'The firm further stated, that when they had formerly proposed these alterations, and hinted at the advantages which would accrue from them, they were treated as visionaries. and that the effect upon Manchester would be enormous. They further show, among the poorer classes in India, that in the years 1837 and 1838 the tots! number of pieces that were sold of cloth were 190,000, while in the years of 16-13 and 1844, years consequent to the alteration, the number of pieces amounted to '2,500,000, and that in the same years of 1837 and 38, among the richer classes, the amount of scarfs and book muslins amounted to 1,000,000 of pieces, while in the years of 1643 and 44 the increase was only 3 0,000. However, no person could he sur prised at the result who was acquainted with India. And this was the result of a system which they were now rudely— ( Hear, hear)—called upon to alter at the end of the session, a s if it were only a part of a commercial tariff.—( Hear, hear. ) Nor could they be surprised, for they should hear in mind that the cultivation of sugar was the only thing which was left un restricted. Everything else was the subject of a monopoly, whether it was rice, maize, or indigo. 'the poor Hindeo was the slave of a Zemindar. This was the only privilege which the poor of the country enjoyed, who could produce it in bound less quantities, and it, was this class of cultivators which had given to them so vast a number of tons of sugar. The English capitalist produced about 20,000 tons of this amount, but the surplus was the produce of a people who had no Otaheitan cane—who had no vacliwn pan—who had no steam-engine. These were the people who sent them the sugar, and who offered them such a boundless market for their cotton manufac tures and Manchsster goods. It was their duty to support their interest, for they offered to them a market greater than that which they would find in any of their colonies in the world.—(Hear, hear.) They had to deal with one hundred or one hundred and forty millions of people. And if every native in India would buy a turban, it would amount to mole than all your foreign trade put together.—( Hear, hear.) 1'.30,000,000 of ten shillings would return you 50,0)0,0101. a year, and that from India, which they had always so ill-treated, and which, for the first time, they had benefited by that very alteration which they were now called upon virtually to terminate. Well, then, when he saw what British capital could produce in the valley of the Ganges—when he saw that the equalisation of duties between East and West India sugars hail produced effects which had been never dreamed or— when he raw that consignments of sugar had come from places which the most experienced mer chants had never dreamed that sugar was produced, and when he read in letters that in the valley of the Ganges there was an increase of thirty per cent. over a superficies of 70,000 acres, could he doubt that the production of Bengal should proceed at a less ratio than that from Madras? the more especially when they remembered that there were two classes of producers, the English capitalist and the native ryot, stimulated by the markets which they offered to then; ; sir could he come to any ether conclusion than that his Noble Friend had formed his calculation in the most moderate man ner ? And he considered that he had a right to say that the first position of his Noble Friend has been met only by an as sumption, and a sceptical assumption. And he thought that he could show that the same was the case with regard to the second point, and the Chancellor had not only given up his sceptical assumption, but had takers refuge in a credulous hypothesis. The Noble Lord showed that under no circumstances could there be an increase above 400,000 tons. The Chancellor, more oratorical than Chan cellors generally are, and forgetting that the total of the first Lord of the Treasury's estimate of free labour sugar was 15,000 tons, made it 20,000; but what matters it when he made the result the same? The Noble Lord the Member for Lynn had not only shown the House and the people of England the legitimate sources from which this country could be supplied with sugar, and the in consistencies of the estimates which had been made with respect to the amount of the supplies and of the revenue, but he offered to the House a resolution which had been concurred in by his friends, that if the resolutions of the Government were adopted, a great and powerful stimulus would be given to the slave trade. Often as the subject had been discussed in the House of Commons, many as the years were that elapsed since it was first brought before them, under no circumstances and at no time was this question met and brought forward in a man ner so remarkably discreet. When they remembered the Ministers who were engaged in this great question—when they recollected the public men who were called into existence by it, and who would never have been public men if they had not joined in that public cry—it was remarkable the tone in which - it was now discussed. It might be asked then, were the Ministers of the Crown, and those who gave their sanction to the measures brought forward by Government, the sup. porters of slavery. Oh, no ; no one was the supporter of slavery; but they were called upon to suppose that the evils of the system could not he remedied, and that though morally wrong they were fiscally inevitable. The Noble Lord she First Minister of the Crown, had taken up a safe position on that subject. Tho Noble Lord could not forget the party whom he represented—he was the leader of the Whigs, who had caused the abolition of slavery. lie had a noble spirit and could not forget the noble heritage to which he had suc ceeded. The Noble Lord accordingly told them that he de precated the accursed traffic. The Noble Lord would say you cannot deny that the slave trade exists; that notwith standing all the efforts which have been made for its suppres sion, it still continues with undiminished vigour ; that it has baffled all the exertions we have made to put it down, and this I put before yen, that notwithstanding all the efforts which have been made, notwithstanding all the squadrons that have been equipped, notwithstanding all the subscription lists that have beon snellen, and all the emotions and ardent aspirations that have been excited in the public mind, this is result, that what you have done is neither effective nor complete." If what England had done failed in effect and completeness, he could not take exception to the leader of a Whig Ministry coining down and telling them that such a result had followed their exertions. But let them see if that position was just. 'I he Noble Lord raid that commerce had baffled all their phi lanthropy. and all their exertions must fall before its require ments. That was all the Noble Lord said to show them that English efforts had failed to put down this system. The Noble Lord said that the emergencies of commerce baffled their en deavours. He (Mr. Disraeli) remembered that a gentleman, who was no longer a Minister, told them one time that England had -.become a great commercial nation. That was a dis covcry very like what he would ' call a mare's nest. But he would ask the Noble Lord, was there a difference now in the character of British commerce? If there was a change with regard to commerce, it was less adventurous, and partook snore of a transaction now. If there was a change, it was more adventurous 40 years ago than it was at present. A cargo had then to roam about to different ports to find a customer, but it was now a regular consignment in the ordinary course of trade, from one merchant to another. If the argument, however, be good for anything, it showed little for the foresight of the Noble Lord, and all those who were engaged in that great ques tion, not to have known this result; and they had no right to join in that public cry, and not be acquainted with the infallible and inevitable political consequences of the measure.—( Hear, hear.) He did not mean to impugn the motives or the inte grity of those who had passed that measure, but what he said was, that it did not tell for their foresight not to have seen the consequea cies of it, and if they did fore Wee them it was a stigma upon their ingeniousness not to have tried to avertthem. But the Noble Lord said that their exertions were wanting not only in effect, but completeness. He said that the whole people of England were consuming produce of another kind, also slave labour, while such an outcry was made about the admission of slave-grown sugar. He (Mr. Disraeli) asked the Noble Lord, when Wilberforce addressed the large public assemblies in the northern districts of England—when his burning words touched the heart of this great nation—when the horrors of this accursed traffic were first revealed—he asked the Noble Lord were not the fabrics then made in the manufacturing districts fed with cotton the produce of slave labour? He asked what statesmen—statesmen with all the instinct of aristocracy could do ? lie asked what did they mean to do ? He eared not to what party they belonged, would they address the populous assemblies of the agitated people of the country, who expressed in their own uncultivated manner the right convictions of an unlettered people? He asked whether at a former time they did not smoke, and snuff, and chew, and had done for a period of 200 years, tobacco the produce of the slave-trade ? They knew that in the end that destroyed their ease, but were they to believe that the people of England were not conscious of this ? Could they believe that these great statesmen were not conscious of all this ? Of eourse they were—and they now owned the circumstance. They said that they must move themselves, and put an end to that abomination. Could they continually shut their eyes to that abomination ? They could control the people of England, and stop the conduct of such a system. The circumstances to which the Noble Lord referred were the means by which he built his arguments against any opposition. He denied the supposition of the Noble Lord, and would tell him that if he would not argue it abstractedly or concretely he should argue it upon the circumstances, and he would find that because a man was obliged to wink at certain evils he was not obliged to commit greater ones. Whether the suppo sition was taken abstractedly or concretely, the Noble Lord could not escape the inevitable result. The Noble Lord had spoken of the opinion of the people of England. What good would it be for the people of England to read Jeremy Taylor, and com pare him with Cicero, to ascertain what were the greatest hardships of the land? If the Noble Lord could not find any means to extricate himself from any opposition, what means could he find to relieve himself from the consequences of this measure. It seemed to him that the answer which was made to his Noble Friend, on the third position of his argument, was a fallacious and flashy sophism. It might carry with it the majority, but it could not convince them.—( Hear, hear.) They might give them words, which they might report to their constituency, who might in their turn recoil with nausea from such phrases. Such men followed Wilberforce, and encouraged the slave-grown cotton and tobacco. The Noble Lord would deny that their measures gave a stimulus to the slave trade in any way which had been adverted to. The Right Hon. Gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequet had informed the House officially and authori tatively that in Cuba at this moment, or very recently, such was the state of slave society that there was a general ells content in the place, and that they were near to an insurrecs rection. Their answer to that was, that if there was a dis position in Cuba to put an end to slavery why did they resort to a measure which not even possibly could injure the slave trade, and excuse it on the ground of a great commercial consideration. Before all this comateree was brought on with the Brazils, the subject was brought under the notice of the House of Commons. When he said the House of Commons, he did not mean the ordinary use of the phrase referring to that House, because he spoke of another House of Commons, of which he had had the honour to be a member, when the question of the Brazils trade was first brought forward. He remembered when Gentlemen who should be now sitting on the Treasury bench, brought forward motions on the subject of the Brazils treaty of commerce. It was astonishing what silence prevailed in that House when the Hon. Gentlemen spoke of the treaty of commerce The trade was then 5 millions; and now it was 26 it was spoken of as a commerce of considerable consequence Regarding commercial and financial matters, such was the position of the Brazilian empire. Well, then, take the West Indies, which no ene seemed to defend ; take the island which had been so picturesquely described by the lion. Member for Weymouth (Mr. Bernal), but which the adoption of these reso lutions would paralyse, and he asked them to contrast it with the Brazils. Why the trade of that island at the present mo ment greatly exceeded all the trade of the former counts-3e— ( Hear, hear.) If you take an enlarged view of the colonial capabilities and the colonial resources, who fcr a moment can doubt but that this very island could easily double the whole of our commercial transactions with the Brazils. What was the trade of Brt zils or of Ceba—what all the commerce of Porto rico—compared with this single colony ?—(Cries of " Hear, hear)—and they would not be acting as men of honour —they would not be acting as men of sense —they would not be acting as men of faith, if they allowed such a principle as the Noble Lord, the member for the City of London, to be establighed.—(liesr, bear.) Theyliad been told they were hitherto moving in a vicious circle. He agreed in that. Ile felt that the colonies and England were placed within a vicious circle ; but he thought it would be desirable if it were so, when a Minister of the Crown (he cared not whether he acted from primal convicion or recent conversion— ( Hear, hear)—or on which side he sat) when a Minister of the Crown thought it desirable to propose a law which sub jected many to dismay and alarm, that he should furnish some detailed considerations why the measure should be suppsrted— that he should condescend to give some arguments—he (Mr. Disraeli) would say facts—why the House should adopt the charge.— ( Hear, hear.) When they were so lately told that they were moving in a vicious circle, it would have been consolatory, and extremely interesting and advantageous, if the Noble Lord had given some proofs of the benefits that would flow from the adoption of his measure— that he should give some idea of this perfect system of com merce. He should be glad to see a Minister of the Crown who was in office, or a Minister who was not, pretend to en lighten them on this point.—(Hear, hear.) No one could be insensible to the secret influences that had been in operation to bring about the new commercial features of the country, or that they had been brought about by unknown and ' irresponsible persons. lie would say nothing disrespectful of one man, whom he knew amid respected—Mr. Deacon flume. All he would say was, that before the report appeared of the import-duty Committee, or evidence given upon it, he told hint (Mr. Disraeli) that year after year he had, in established and respectab'e periodicaisegiven all the evidence which had been then adduced. But the fact was, Ministers never read, and they had to he converted by Parliamentary Committees. But he would refer to another of their private influences—a respectable gentleman, and he (Mr. Disraeli) only referred to him to show the influence of his opinions on the Noble Lord (the First Lord of the Treasury.) The Noble Lord had told them that uncertainty was fatal to the inter gists of the West Indian colonies, and in support of his case he referred to the opinions of men of experience—to Mr. M'Culloch and others. Would it not have been better in the Noble Lord, who he believed was incapal le of saying anything injurious —would it not have been better et the same time that he cited the opinion of Mr. M•Cuiloch on the question of sugar, that he had told the House that Mr. M'Culloch was an honest and undis guised advocate of slavery as an institution.—( Hear, hear. ) In the very page of the work which had been referred to by the Noble Lord, Mr. bleCulloch laid it down that there was no greater delusion than the objection entertained to negro slavery, and that it was an institution that worked well in society— that the soil of the tropics would never have been cultivated without the application of slave labour. This the Noble Lord had not referred to, yet those were the opinions of a man whom the Government which had just given up office hail recommended as a fit object of royal consideration, and to whom a pension had been granted.—( Hear, hear.) But what could the public think of this when they knew these to be the sentiments of the man. The Hon. Member for Bolton, who was learned in all languages, would know a Turkish proverb he was about to quote ; it was " Fortunate is the man who has a peach that is sunned on both sides." Mr. M'Culloch was in this position, for though he was a supporter of slavery, his phrases were dexte rously used by Ministers on both sides of the House.—( Hear, hear.) The real question, therefore, was M'Culloch against Clarkson, for, though the Noble Lord had plentifully supplied himself with arguments from that gentleman's writing , , he had carefully kept his anti-slavery tendency in the roar; no one was left to suppose that he was an advocate of the institution of slavery.—(Cries of " Hear ' hear. ) There was another gentleman co nnec t e d w i t h the Board of Trade who had favoured them with his opinion —(Hear, hear) —a gentleman who preached peace and good-will to all men, and that was his principal argument for the achievements of free trade. That gentleman could listen to nothing that com promised principle. That was his answer to all their (the pro tectionists') statements—to all their reasons. There was another individual, a pedant who put up for a philosopher, who, at the eve of a great revolution, sa id, a l so, "Perish the world rather than compromise a principl e; " yet, ere twelve months passed, with all his sef-complacent glory, he committed suicide, in despair of the fate of the human race and his own destinies.—( Hear, hear. ) In these circumstances he (Mr. Disraeli) was bound to say that he could not agree with the Noble Lord, that those colonies were p rt of a vicious system. He said he did not oppose the Ministers on account of ther being antagonistic to any previous arrangement as to slavery, but because he felt this was an act of hostility to a fragment, if such it might be called, of the colonial system of England.—( Hear, hear, and cheers.) That was for the moment an old fashioned notion, but he was of the belief that they would yet be furbished up by the national feeling. It was a fragment of a system, though they had been tampering with that system—though they had de prived it of its greatest advantages—though they had been following an ignis fatuus, with so fatal a result,--atill it was a fragment which he believed they would have ere long to re build—a structure which they had destroyed.—( Hear, hear.) And to retrace the steps which they had heedlessly pursued.— ( Heat, and cheers.) He (Mr. Disraeli) said so for two reasons, not merely because he believed their policy to be wrong—though that was no sufficient reason, for all men were liable to err; but he had learned from the history of this country that its characteristic was that it would retrace its steps ; not that it was less noto rious in injustice, but that the people being sooner sensible re traced their steps. The history of England was a history of re action. Why, he asked, what was it they had done on which they had not retraced their steps? They had destroyed their national church and they retraced their steps—they destroyed their monarchy and they retraced their steps—they destroyed the House of Lords and they were now daily taking up Bills for their sanction. They even destroyed the House of Com mons, yet here they were assembled to discuss a great question. Why, nut more than 100 years ago, when they chose to effect one of the greatest revolutions in the world, they were warned against the course pursued by Sir Robert Walpole ; they were warned by the most gifted of writers, by the most eloquent of advocates, that indirect taxa. tion would be a bane to the people. But now, not a man rose who did not advocate direct taxation, offering them proof that Sir William Wyndham was right, and Lord Bolingbroke a safe guide. Why, he contrasted what was now going on with the abolition of slavery. The Minister of the Crown came forward and put an end to one of the greatest struggles on which the people had entered. Having abolished slavery, their efforts were directed against the slave trade at in expenditure of 50,000,0001. He asked how, when they were on their way to the hustings, they would propose to explain this ? Fifty millions, the people would say, and all for a fai lure ! England would retrace her steps towards establishing her industry, which, if destroyed, was destroyed rashly ; but if it was an error, this, at least, could be said that the peo ple bad no participation in it. They did not send them to destroy the colonial system ; to them remained all the glory, and they could not experience the shame. And here he would have stopped, and would not have troubled the House at any further length, but for a speech which hail been delivered in the House last night. They had heard last night a funeral oration delivered over the abolition cause by the Noble Member for Liverpool. He thought that if the subject was not choice, the oration was choice.—(Laughter.) When he remembered another speech that was made by the Member for Liverpool on the same subject, at a period not very remote, he was the last person whom he would have expected to make such a criticism on the motion of the Noble Member for Lynn.—(Hear, hear.) But that motion had not the potential parenthesis which the Noble Lord had inserted in his speech. Ile knew nor, and he would not pre sume to say, which speech_that of 1841 or that of last night —was the opinion of the Noble Member. But it was, perhaps, an apt conclusion to the session, to see the Noble Member on a hogshead of sugar in a white sheet, and holding the taper of penitence in his hand, crying out " Pecconi. '—(Great laughter.) He remembered that the Noble Lord at his elec tion carried a wooden bible before him—perhaps the speech of last night was the wooden bible speech.—(Great laughter. ) No one understood the West India question better than the Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Tamworth, and well be might tell them that any system of emigration would not be at tended with successs, unless it was accompanied with a suffi cient quantity of females.—(Hear, hear.) But great was the mortification of himself and the friends around him to find the Right Hon. Baronet's speech terminate with a resolution that was fatal to all its arguments.—(Hear, hear.) But he must say, that the reason which was given for that resolu tion was lets ingenious and more surprising than many of the arguments which they had heard from the Right Hon. Baronet. ( Hear, hear.) It would seem that the Right Honourable Baronet was induced to come to that decision upon a consideration of the question of who should sit on the treasury bench. He said a few minutess since, that if they went to the hustings, the people of England upon being told that fifty millions of their treasure had been promoting a delusion, might perchance have something to say as to the usefulness of the Parliament of England, but when they were told it was a question not only of fifty millions, but it might be of five hundred millions of countless treasures—of principles which they had prized beyond all treasure—they might perhaps be disposed to rebel against the conviction of the Right Hon. Baronet. When they heard that it was for the sake of party convenience, and settling who should lie Prime Minister of England, they might be almost induced to say farewell to the Parliament of Eng land. The Right Honourable Baronet indeed told them that he could not, under the circumstances of the case, act otherwise than he did. He said he could not see how anather Government Was to be formed, 1;11i 11eTili:15T;rLiij thought of late Honourable Members had became rather inde- cormis in always supposing that the Government of the country was selected, not by a high authority, but by the House itself.—(Hear, hear.) But this he could tell the Right Hon. Baronet that, in his mind, his forte lay not so much in forming a Government as in destroying one.— ( Hear ' hear, and laughter.) Th ese were t h e v i ews which had in fluenced. him and his friends around him in re sisting the resolution of the Government. Ho was glad to believe that there was not a Member of the Govern ment, that there was not a Member of that House, who could suppose that in the course they had taken they had been influenced by any illegitimate or sinister feeling.—( Hear, hear.) He candidly confessed, as regarded the Government themselves: reconciling the circu m stances under which they acceded to office, to power, remembering himself as a Member of the majority which placed them upon the Treasury bench, that he ought to take upon himself some of the responsibility which attached to them, but he could not see that there was any other course open to them to adopt.—(Hear, hear ) But it was a satisfaction to know that neither the Governm_nt nor any Member of the house could suppose that they had been did not supp or t th em actuated by any factious or selfish motives in the course th ey had taken. They had supported the West I n di a b ody upon Right Hon. B aronet ain principle,in the 0 u a r l although u n g e he need the and IVe t : n t t l h n e d o i ad day yohiel yojudgment.—(hear, they hear.) They had clung to the hope that they m i g h t st i ll might, for th e y ed in offic in e they itugh e le this way. He was glad that the h m a a d i n t t h a e i n m t m e o r r f a o b r e r a p d es missionti n, and f well it not have sorry beent that the member for Tam saved h w a o vt r e t de h , f otrhahte catastropheha systemrl another w Year.—( H ear, hear.) He was he was consummated boon put an end to under the circumstances which at present existed.—( Hear, hear.) lie was glad th a t i t had been put of protection h a d an end to by a protective Parliament, who had passed a re solution pledging the Commons of England to support the colonial interest.—( Hear, hear.) But he did not see why the opposition of the Right Hon. Baronet should have in duced the Noble Lord to abandon office, because the Noble Lord d the course of the Right H on. might have pursue Baronet in some few years back, under similar circumstances; indeed upon the very subject of sugar. He might have said he was defeated on a question ' which was not fatal, and therefore it was not ne cessary for him to resign.—(hear, hear.) Lord JOHN RUSSELL said—Sir, in rising towards the close of this debate, to address some observations to the House, I must in the first place most willingly declare, that my Noble Friend, whether in the motion that he has made, or in the speech with which he accompanied it, has not said or proposed anything which he was not perfectly justified in doing.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord, no doubt believing in th 3 truth of his own principles, has declared himself in opposition to the plans of the Government, and asked the House, in a p re li m i nary resolution, to declare its opinion with respect t o the ce:enies ; bet, Sir, the resolution does not simply confine itself to the principles of the Noble Lord. I think it goes far beyond that, in fact proceeds to a condemnation of the immediate! plan before the House. I could have understood my Noble Fiend had he said at this late period of the session it is impossible to alter the whole system o f our sugar duties without considering other questions which are involved in them, and we, therefore must vote against the adoption of the plan before us, and we shall be ready at the commencement of another session to take this plan, or any other plan Government may in the mean time mature for considerrtion—( Hear, bear.) I could well uudeotuud that course is.td it Ina tilken taken by the Noble Lord, and it might have been supported by the majority of the House, and Government might still have thought themselves justified in continuing in office—(Elear, hear)—for the course which my Noble Friend has taken is widely different to this. It declares in the first place that the coherence of this House was pledged to principles of a particular commercial policy. It declares in the next place that the plan before the House is calculated to give a stimulus to the slave trade, and altogether condemns, upon these two allegations, the whole plan that has been submitted to the consideration of this House.—( Hear, hear.) Sir, I will endeavour, in the first place, to touch upon a few of those topics to which my Noble Friend, as well as the Honourable and Learned Member who has just sat down, have adverted, and I will then ask the House to consider what may be the effect of the adoption of the resolution of the Noble Lord. Sir, my Noble Friend commenced with a statement as to the production of the colonies, and went into a calculation of the sugars to be expected this year, but lam not going at present to follow him with regard to any calculation as to the amount of sugar that may be introduced into this country from India during the present year. - I cannot, however, but say that the principle upon which my Noble Friend proceeds is, that you should endeavour to create a necessity in India for the production of sugar, by establishing actually high prices for that sugar than it would otherwise obtain if you did not by law g ive them. Now, Sir, a worse instance f or t h e a d option of a protective policy I could not well conceive. I can well understand with respect to corn, or with respect to any production that has been long favoured by law, that any Ministry may say, this system it is difficult to tax, because there is a great portion of our popula tion whose interests are incluied in the protection of this article.—(Protectionist cheers.) My Noble Friend the Mem ber for Lynn has said that we must raise up a protective interest, and give to the sugars of India an advantage in the market by raising the price by law, in the hope that at some future time the price would be again reduced to meet the exigencies and the wants of the people of England —( Cheers.) But, except this House is ready to revoke its former votes and decide that protection is neces sary for the interestsof thi ; country, and should not be inter fered with, I conceive it cannot give its consent to the resolu tions of my Noble Friend the Member for Lynn.—(Cheers.) The Hon. Gentleman the Member for Shrewsbury has gone into some statements with respect to the revenue; I do no , in tend to follow the Hon, Gentleman in that course. But he, and the friends who act with him, seem to forget that the cal culations upon which we rely are, that, with diminished prices there will be an increased consumption, and with an in creased consumption you will have an additional importation, and from an additional importation you must have an increase of revenue.—(Cheers.) With reference to the last portion of the Noble Lord's resolution, that the proposed measure will give a stimulus to the slave trade, I must say that the Hon. Member for Shrewsbury was led into the moat extraordi nary aonfusion of ideas. He supposed, that because we do not think that the exclusion of slave sugar from the markets of this country could be kept up as an efficient system that we were ready to say that the abolition of slavery was a failure. Nothing could be more distinct than the two propositions.— (Cheers. ) After the plan of Mr. Wilberforce had been adopted and carried into effect, there arose another question, which was, if you can give prote c ti on t o your own colonie s ag a i ns t a ll t h e sugar producers of the slave colonies of other countries. Upon that arose the question whether or not it was defensible upon the principle of protection, or upon the grounds of humanity, to maintain that system of protection and exclusion.—(Cheers.) Sir, I was one of those who had the honour of being her Majesty's advisers at the time of the abolition of the slave trade.—( Hear. ) I stitl hold that to be a great muasare—a wise and judicious measure— founded upon the sound principles of justice and humanity.— (Cheers.) I consider it, Sir, as a measure which experience has sanctioned, and which no House of Commons will, I venture to say, ever propose to revoke —(Loud cheers) The question before this House is, do )ou think you can put any check to the slave-trade by the prohibition of the single article of slave-grown sugar, while at the same time you admit slave grown tobacco, rice, copper, and other things? The lion. Member for Shrewsbury has said, that to defend the practice upon this principle, would be to do so on the principle of a person who might as well be hung for a sheep as a lamb. I do not admit that it is wrong to admit these articles into the country. The adoption of such a principle would not, I think, advance the cause of humanity in the world. It would leave yea to declare in your tariff, and in your custom-house books, that you would take an exact account of the means to ascer tain the products, where produced, and the different p'srts at which the various articles were shipped and embarked for this country. Will any man say, that if such had been the ease— that if on the ground of humanity, such had been the policy of this great commercial nation, mankind would have been in a better situation in that case than they are at the present mo ment? Will any man say that the commercial intercourse of this great and civilised country with Asia and with Africa, has not tended to mitigate those barbarous practices?—(Hear, hear) —to mitigate slavery while it existed in India and the other countries, and upon the whole, reviewing the state and condition, has it not produced a policy more civilised—a policy more happy in relation between man and man, than would have been the case if you had continued to sanction that exclu sive principle, and which was conceived to be humane, but which would have turned out to be a barbarous and injurious policy?—(Cheers.) Such, Sir, I think, is a fair de duction from the principles which the Honourable and Learned Gentleman has put forward, and is this an opinion solely of my own—is it an opinion, with regard to what is at present carried on with regard to sugar, which her Majesty's Ministers entertain ? Why, my Right Hon Friend near me quoted the opinions of an anti-slavery society in Liverpool.— ( Hear, hear.) The opinions of that anti-slavery society, as here stated, are that freedom of labour in the pro duction of sugar is promoted, not by the exclusion of slave-grown sugar, but by its free admission. They say, that from observation, they arc of opinion that free labour, when brought into fair competition with slave labour, will be more effective in the abolition of slavery, and they can not but regard the continuance of the protective duties as virtually and practically promoting the continuance of the slave trade; and they say that they believe that sugar can easily be produced by free labour, and that the free labour colonist will be able to compete with the slave holding colonists. Such is the opinion of the Anti- Slavery Society. I hold in my hand a re port from a very different. body, the association of the West India planters and merchants ; and what is their opinion on the present subject? They say that it is perfectly practicable to compete with the slave growing colonies by means of free labour, and that the abolition of slavery can be better effected by admitting sugar into this country free of duty, than all the high-sounding denunciations which can be used, and which they say will be fruitless. Thesimple plan of abolishing slavery they say is to follow the course pointed out by the Government. Why, Sir, those opinions are almost identical in expression, and yet they come one from the: Anti-slavery Society, and the other from a committee of the West India body, deeply inte rested in the preservation of these colonies. I say, therefore, that no one has a right to say that the plan which we propose has any tendency to increase the slave trade and slavery. But let me take another part of the argument, and show you in what manner I think that the present system does prevent the good you labour to effect, and that argument is no other than the well-known argument which experience has re peatedly shown to be well-founded, that the effect of monopoly and protection is always to cheek exertion and diminish enter prise, and prevent the full and fair fruits of the capital, skill, and labour of those who are engaged in any branch of agricul ture or manufacture.—( Hear, hear, and loud cheers.) What is the case with the West Indies? We find during the last two or three years some evidence given before a Committee of the Assembly of Labour by persons who are well acquainted with the West Indies, showing that the cost of the production of sugar is very much greater than it need be if all the advantages of machinery, if all the specu lations and skill were used which moral science and moral ingenuity would dictate. I have be fore me a plan proposed by the West Indian colonists, who say that the :plan which they proposed was generally well received. The plan which they propose to sup port the manufacture of sugar or the cultivation is such as, in their opinion, would enable lithe proprietors of estates in the colonies to produce sugar at 14e. per cwt., instead of 275., the present price.—( Hear, hear.) I do not say that this statement or that those particular figures are just, but that there would be a very great economy with regard to the manufacture of sugar, and particularly so if those colonists were expcsed to competition.—(Hear, hear.) It is competition, and it is com petition only, which ever does bring out enterprise, and economy, and skill.—( Hear. ) I have spoken of late years with various persons engaged in the various branches of manufacture, I have asked them what it was, in their opinion, that caused the very great advances which had been made in machinery of late years, and they have all uniformly answered—" It is the great increase of competition ; it was necessity which led us to improve our machinery and resort to every species of economy that we could, to be able to:go into the markets of the world. —( Hear, hear.) With the same stimulus—with the same unlimited exertion of the West Indian colonists, I believe and I think that you will see that they will rise and flourish more than they have done for many years on the old system (Hear, hear.) From an Hon. Gentleman who spoke to-night I was very sorry to hear of persons who had resolved to culti vate their estates no longer. lam sorry to hear that there are persons so dispirited, but I do believe, that if those estates are properly worked, there will be no better in vestment than the West Indian estates.—(Hear, hear.) The lion. Gentleman has alluded to some other points, to which I should wish to draw attention before I sit down. Now,iSir, one point is that with regard to the opinion of Mr. M'Culloch. That gentleman has been in the habit of sending me copies of his works, and he did send to me a copy of his last work on taxation, but with a note saying that he hoped that I would approve of the greater part of the work, but that he was aware that there was one question of it regarding slavery with which he felt sure I would not coincide, and , such was the fact. I look upon Mr. APCulloch as a most able and well informed writer, though Ido differ with him upon that point. The Honourable Gentleman with some of the fancy, of which he possesses much, says that I stated that the colonies were:on a vicious system. Now, on the contrary, I said that the colonies were a great part of the empire, and I hoped that they might flourish ; but I did say that the ancient system, by which you refused to the colonies permission to send its produce to other countries, was a vicious system. Now, this is a point of considerable im portance, for it is said, that if you are not in favour of the ancient system, you wish to destroy the colonies; but on the contrary, I believe the colonies, under a better system, would be of far more benefit to the country. The lion. Gentleman made another charge, which I confess I was quite unprepared to hear. That the country had ever gone back after they had adopted a more improved: system was not the fact, nor was it the character cf the country, Ido not refer to those times of violence, when the throne and Parliament was scattered by the assumption of an usurped authority, but since the accession of the house of Stuart, there was nothing more clear than that the character of the country was to adhere with firm determi nation to the conquests of reason which had been made. In those days personal liberty was at the will of the sovereign. The Habeas Corpus Act was passed. Had they shown a wish to- repeal that Act? The Bill of Rights was also obtained —had any attempt been made to repeal that Bill ?—( Hear, hear.) The Act of Toleration was passed, but who had ever moved that it should be suspended—( Hear.) Ido not believe that there is any party in this House that would wish to restore the disabilities that were formerly imposed upon the Catholics. —( Cheers.) When a question had been ripened by discussion and decided, the triumph of reason has ever remained permanent and without even a wish being expressed to repeal ergo back. Sir, my Noble Friend who began the debate, and the Hon. Gentleman after whom I am now speaking, contemplated the passing of this resolution, and in terms of great courtesy to her Majesty's Ministers, contemplated that after the passing of the amendment, we might continue with benefit to administer the affairs of this country. I beg to thank my Noble Friend for the manner in which he addressed us, and I have nothing to find fault with in the terms of hisspeeeh, but the resolution itself is:one completely subversive of the policy which wehave thought right to recommend to this House. I had hoped that in assuming with my colleagues the Government of this country, I had hoped that after a period of angry contest, after a period during which a measure was carried which had been attended with more violent opposition than any measure ever met with in that House, I had hoped that we should have had at least the acquiescence of all parties till at . length affairs had assumed a settled course, that they would have waited to see whether the measure we brought forward would meet with the approbation of the coun try. With that expectation I did feel (what an Hon. Member calls) the presumption—be it so—l did feel that I should undertake the administration of the affairs of this country ; but I do think that no Minister could conduct the domestic affairs of this country, •or maintain its character in the face of i bre i S Moll Wen he 1144 the respect of this Howe and the country ; and I candidly confess that it I consented to go on with the administration of the affairs of this country, after the resolution was carried, and my ['obey set aside, I should be exposing my Administration to contempt, I should be injuring the dignity oft!i e Crown, whose servant lam ; I should be injuring the reputation of th 3 Go vernment, at whose head I am placed ; I , hould be causing a diminution of the glory of this great nation, to which we s I belong. I can also state that, if the resolution correctly represent the opinions of the majority of the House, and if it be a reflex of the opinion of the country, I think her Majesty would do well to place the administration of affairs in the hands of those who advise that policy. That would be a constitutional pr ceeding, and though I could not support my Noble Friend in his views, I must admit that he would be intitled to carry cut that policy, by assuming the position which would enable him the more effectually to do so; but of one thing I am sure, that to remain in power after being degraded by the passing of the resolution of my Noble Friend, would bring a permanent injury to the constitution of this country, and I would nut be doing justice to my Sovereign to continue to hold otilee one moment longer.—( The Noble Lord eat down amid lsild cries of "Divide.") Strangers were then ordered to withdrawn, and the House divided, when there appeared— For Lord G. Bentincles amendment.. 135 Against it 265 Majority in favour or Ministers 130 The announcement was received with considerable cheering from the Ministerial side of the House, The resolution was then agreed to. The other orders of the day were then disposed of, aril the House adjourned at half-past One o'clock. PARLIAMENTARY BUSINESS. (From the Votes and Proreedincs of the louse of Commons. TUESDAY, JULY 28. STANDING ORDERS' COMMITTEE. The folllowing resolutions were reported from the above Com mittee: 1. That, in the case of the Metropolitan Sewage Manure Company Petition, for additional provision, the standing orders ought to be dis pensed with :—That the parties be permitted to introduce their addi tional provision accordingly. 2. That, in the case of the All Souls College (Oxford) Estate Bill, the standing orders ought to be dispensed with : —That the parties be permitted to proceed wills their Bill. 3. That, iu the case of the Bishop of Norwich's (North Lyon Rec tory) Estate Bill, the standing orders ought to be dispensed with : That the parties be permitted to proceed with their Bill. Resolutions agreed to. MESSAGE FROM THE LORDS. " Messengers from the Lords brought up the following 11;11s, which .heir Lordships had agreed to:— Newport, Abergavenny, and Hereford Railway Bill —South Staf fordshire Junction Railway with Branches Bill—Leeds and Bradford Railway (Junction Line at Bradford) Bill—Blackburn, Preston, and East Lancashire Railway Amalgamation Bill—South-Eastern Rail way (Greenwich to Chilham with Branches) Bill, without Amend• anent— Edinburgh and Bathgate Railway Bill—London and Birming ham Railway (Birmingham Extension) Bill—Birmingham, Wolver hampton, and Stour Valley Railway (Birmingham, Wolverhampton, and Dudley Lines) Bill—Shropshire Union Railway and Canal (New ton to Crewe with Branches) Bill—Shropshire Union Railways and Canal (Chester and Wolverhampton Lines) Bill—Shropshire Union Railway and Canal (Shrewsbury and Stafford Railway) MU—Rugby and Leamington Railway Bill—Shrewsbury and Herefordshire Rail way Bill —Bristol and Birmingham and Midland Railway Bill, with A mend ments —Whitehaven and Furness Railway (liirksanton Devia tion) Bill—Billingsgate Market. Bill, with an Amendment. RAILWAY SHARE MARKETS. MANCHESTER, JULY 28. STOCK EV:MA:TUE.—The sales are—Ambergate, Nottingham, &c., dis.—Birmingham and Oxford Junction, 5 p.—Blackburn and Preston, 5 , % p.—Direct Northern, 1 dis.—Edinburgh and Glasgow, Halves, 814 p.—Glasgow and Dumfries, % dis.—Great Grimsby and Sheffield Junction Extension, 3 Is. (113. Huddersfl el d and Manchester Railway and Canal, 2 p.—Ditto, Extension, 7-16 p.—Lancashire and North Yorkshire, 114 dis.—Leeds and Thlrsk, 5 34 dis.—Leicester and BedtOrd, 11-16 dis.—Leicester and Birmingham, Ills. dis.—Liver pool and Bury, New Shares, 1 13.16 p.—Liverpool, Ormskirk, and Preston, 15.16 p.—London and Brighton, Fifths, 12 1 4 p.—London and York, I% dis.—Ditto, Extension, 1 dis.—Manchester, Buxton, Matlock, and Midland, 15-16 p.—Manchester and Birmingham, 87% —Ditto, Quarters (C), 10% p.—Manchester and Leeds, Halves, 7 p. —North Staffordshire, 3 15-16 p.—Oldham, Birkenhead, &c., % Preston and Wyre Halves (A), 4% p.—Ditto, Extension, % Sheffield and Lincolnshire Junction, % dis.—Sheffield and Manches ter, Quarters, No. I, 4% p.—Ditto, ditto, No, 3 : 3-16 c. p. —Shrews bury and Birmingham, la p.—Shropshire Union Railway and Canal, 1 3.16 dis.—South-Eastern and Dover, No. 2, 6;ti p.—Ditto, Halves, No. , 15-16 p.—South Midland, % p. • LEEDS, JULY 28. STOCK EXCUANGE.—The sales are--Blackburn and Preston, 5% p. cash—Eastern Counties, York Extension, 295. p.— East Lancashire, p. cash—Huddersfield and Manchester, 2%p.—Ditto, Exensions, p . Huddersfield and Sheflichl, 7 p. cash—Leeds and Bradford, 43% p.—Lceds and Dewsbury, 2% e. p.—Ditto, Extensions, % dis.—Man chester anti Leeds Extensions, 2% p.—Newcastle and Berwick, 12% c. p. —Ditto, North Shields, 11 p.--Newcastle and Darlington Junc tion Extensions, 10% p.—North British, Half Shares, 5% p.—Ditto, Carlisle Branch, 38s. 6d. p.—South-Eastern and Dover, No. 4,17 s. 6d. p.—Direct Northern, 235. dis.—East and West Yorkshire, I% dis.—Lancashire and North Yorkshire, 225. dis.—Lancashire, York shire, and North Eastern, 445. dis.—Leicester and Bedford, 138. din. —Liverpool, Ormskirk. and Preston, 235. p.—London and York, % dis.—Manchester, Buxton, Matlock, and Midland, 16s. Cd. p.— North Staffordshire, p.—North Western. par—Shrewsbury and Birmingham, par—South Midland, I Is. p.—West Riding Union. 4/. Bs.—York and Carlisle, 219 613.—Yorkshire and Glasgow Union, 335. dis. NEWCASTLE-UPON-TYNE, JULY 28. STOCK ExcitstiGE.—The sales vi —Lancashire and North York shire, 21s. dis.—Leicester ant 1 , Lori, 61. dis.—Maryport and Carlisle, par—North British, if dyes (Irawlek).sk P.—Ditto, ditto, Carlisle, l p.—:north Statfor . • . F. — Newcastle and Berwick, 12 p. SHEFFIELD, JULY 2R STOCK ExcuAmm—The sales are —Lenden and Croydon, 23 Midland, 401. Shares, 14% p.—Sheffield and Manchester, Quarter Shares, .No. 3, scrip, par—East Lincolnshire, 19s. 6d. dia.—London and York, 1 dis.—Manchester, Midland, and Great Grimsby, dis.—Sheffitld and Lincolnshire, 10s. dis.—Sheffield Eolhcfl 1:1r, Wakefield and Goole, 20s. dis. HULL, Jinx STocx EXCIIANGE.—TIIC sales are 8.7,1 iy (10 per cent. guar.), Halves, 387." —North I v ta, 131i—D1tto, Carlisle Branch, 655. 6d.—York sal t idland, East and West Ridist;, 13%—Arma3h, Coleraine, and Portrush, 14s. 6d.—Bandon and Bantry, 10s. 6d.—Buckinghamshire, sg dis.—E,ast Lincolnshire, 4s. 9d.—East Coast, Cos.—Grand Union, 13s. —Leicester and Bedford, Bs.—Leicester and Tamworth, 235. London and York, 328.—Ma1• ton and Drill - Idd Junction, 47s.—Manchester, Buxton, Matlock, and Midland, 31. Os. Gil.--Nortif Western, % dis.—North Staffordshire, 51. 10s. 9d.—South Midland, Os. p.—Shrewsbury and Birmingham, 2% —Trent Valloy Continuation, 41s.—West Riding Union, 41. Os. 6(1. Yorkshire and Glasgow Union, 13s. YORK., JOLT 28. STOCK EXCUANGE.-The sale; are -Grand Unlan (Nettngliam and Lynn), % -Ipswich and Bury (Cantridge It I Elv), L. 65.- Leicester and Bedford, Ss.-London t t I chester, Buxton, Matlock, and E tt 1. . It. -:ceircastle sr 0 Berwick, 28-North British, ; t :1;;:, .;: --North i-'tai fordsitire, 514 -.North Western, - 11,1 9 ,1, 2/, t 33. _y o rk and North Midland, East t tf i t c yetension, 12%. EDINBURGH JULY 27. STOCK Exert/agcy.-The sales are-Aberdeen, 81. 155.--Aberdeen, Banff, and Elgin, IL 35.-Airdrie and Bathgate, SI. 75.-Arbroath and Forfar, 27/. 10s.-Ditto, half Shares, 151. 10s.-Ayr and Gal loway, 11. Bs.-Banffshire, 10s.-British and Irish Union, 2/. Is. 6d. -Caledonian, 13/. 7s. 6d.-Ditto, New, 165.-Caledonian Extension, I/. 12s. 62.-Caledonian and Dumbarton, 1/. 25.--Caledonian and Northern Direct, P. 18s.-Clydesdale Junction, 22/. ss.- Direct Northern, 11. Os. 0.-Dundee and Arbroath, 371.-Ditto, New, 21/. 55.-Dundee and Perth, 227. 7s. 6d.-East of Fite, 165.-Edin burgh and Bathgate, 2/. 155.-Edinburgh and GlaJgow, 741. 10s.- Ditto, half Shares, 18/. 2s. 6d.-Ditto, Quarters, 181. Is.- Ditto, ditto, New, 18/. 10s.-Edinburgh, I.clCl, and Gratttkm, 161.-Dltte, Preference, 20/. 55.-Edinburali an I Northixtt, - 17. - port, Bs. 6d.- Edinburgh and Perth, P. ls.-Fo. - th and C:yde,Turm tion, 1/. 18s.-Glasgow and Ayrshire, 757.-Ditto, New Stott, 321. IN.-Ditto, Quarter Shares, 181. IN.-Glasgow, Dumities, and Car lisle, 1/. 165.-Glasgow and Dundee Junction, 11. 12s. 6d.-Glas gow and Garnkirk, 40/. 10s.-Glasgow and Greenock, 161. 10s.- Ditto, New Stock, 81. 155.-Ditto, Preference, 1/. 158.-Great North of Scotland, 63.-Granton Junction, 10s.-Inverness and Elgin, U. Os. 0.-London and York, 17s. 62.-North British, 357. 55.-Ditto, Halves, 131. 55.-Ditto, Extension to Carlisle, 21. 175.-Ditto, Exten sion to Dalkeith, 71.- Perth and Inverness, 11. 125.-Scottish Cen tral, 19/. 155.-Ditto, New, 8/. IN.-Scottish Central an 1 Caledo nian Junction, 1/. 10s.-Scottish Midland, 71.-Scottisa Southeni, I/. 175.-Stirling and Dunfermline, 11. 10s. GLASGOW, Jura . 27. STOCK EXCHANGE. —The sales ara —Airlr'e aid llatligate,664. Ayr and Galloway, 23s.—Calcdonian Direct ;,fort'tern, 40s. —Uly !ea dale Junction, 22%—Direct Nortltern. 203. —East Indian Ittiiway, as.—Edinburgh and Glasgow, 741. --Edinburgh and Hamilton Direct, 40s. 6d.—Glasgow and Belfast Union, 435. 6d.—Glaß, w, Dum fries, and Carlisle, 36s.—Glasgow, Kilmarnock, and Ardrossan, 245. 64.—Great North of Scotland, 75.—Larne, Belfast, and Ballymena, 10s.—Lesmahagow, 595. 64.—Manchester and Southampton, 275. Scottish Central, 19%—Ditto, New, 8/. 6s. &I.—Scottish Grand Junction, 10s.— Scottish Southern, 39s.—South Midland, Ms. 6d. GREENWICH WATERAIEN'S PIER. At an early hour yesterday morning, a number of persons assembled at Garden-stairs, Greenwich, to with ess the pro ceedings taken by Mr. Saunders, the water-bailiff, in remov ing and taking forcible possession of the •V a termen's float ing pier. The proceedings, it appears, arose out of a summons issued in October last to William Watkins, and 16 others, for plat • ing certain barges in the Thames, so as to cause au obstruc tion. The question had been adjourned from time to time, had been argued by counsel, and ultimately referred to the navigation committee. On Saturday last, Mr. M. Saunders, the water-bailiff, caused notices to be served on the defendants, that he should on Tuesday (yesterday) attend and take steps to remove the pier to the Commercial Docks. Yesterday morning, at an early hour, the watermen were in attendance at Garden Stairs, awaiting the arrival of the water-bailiff. Precisely at seven o'clock the sit. Michael steam tug, and the Peacock lighter. brought to opposite the Salutation Tavern. At this time Mr. 11., alla leux, the superintendent of the R division of police, was on the spot with a few men under hie orders, having a large body in reserve at the station house in case of an outbreak, which was anticipated. On the water, a number of police galleys followed the steam tug, and kept at hand in case their services were needed. The houses in front of the river were hilly occupied by per sons expecting to see force opposed to the removal of the pier. Such, however, was not the case, and a dozen of the pierowners let go their chains and anchors and removed the stages, when the floating pier drifted with the tide upon the dummies and steam-boats lying in front. Ike water-batilid placed a rope from the tug and dre w th em outside. Tlitte on board the monkey barge, believing they were being taken to the Commercial Dock, one of their number with a hatchet cut the hawser by which the barge was attached to the tug, and thus left themselves drifting with the tide down the river. When off Greenwich Hospital they threw out a spare anchor, and were brought up. The next flood tide saw their moorings shifted to an anchorage opposite Garden-stairs, where, at particular states of the tide, passengers embark and land over the Queen steamer, placed near the stairs for a receiving vessel. Parties connected with the pier attended before the navigation committee yesterday, to obtain per mission to replace their pier, but without success. A public meeting will shortly be held on the subject, at which the Members for the borough have promisedpo attend. hi the mean time the greatest excitement prevails. f o r w om ers p e i o e u p r p t e. arrived At the last concert of the Roy al Academ y of Music fra ß m ß P lG ar n is T y m es , yesterday, by b; 8 the — s L te o a rd erm P , a young and accomplished vocalist, Miss Anninelli man, made her debut; of whose future position on the musi cal stage—fOr which, after visiting Italy, she is intended by her friends—both amateurs and cognoscenti entertain a high estimate. Besides a vocal organ of much sweetness, bril liancy, and extensive register, she is distinguished by those qualities fitted for stage effect, histrionic talent, universally regular features, and handsome person. MARY OF MODENA, CONSORT OF JAMES IL—The Ninth Volume of Miss Strickland's " Lives of the Queens of England" is to be published with the Magazines at the end of the present month. It will comprise the Life of Mary of Modena, the amiable Consort of the unfortunate James 11. The Life of this Queen is likely to prove one of the most valuable of the series, the materials being derived from sources hitherto closed to the English reader. A large por tion of them has been taken from an unpublished Diary kept by one of the Nuns of Chaillot, with whom .lary of Modena was in constant and friendly communication. Many other important details are derived from manuscripts preserved among the Royal Archives of France, access to which, with various other valuable privileges, have been afforded the authoress by M. Guizot. [ArsirEnrisEmENT.]—THE RAJAH OF TRAVANCORE AND Horzoway's OINTMENT.-011 the II th of July, 1846, Professor Holloway was honoured with an order fbr six of the largest pots el Holloway's Ointment, from no less a person than his Royal the Rajah, or reigning sovereign of Travancore, through the eminent firm of Messrs. J. Cockburn and Co., East India merchants, No. 11, New Broad-street, London. The ointment, it appears, is for the personal use of the Rajah, and will be employed under the super intendence of his private physician. Holloway's ointment is sold all over India, being a certain cure for ulcers, wounds, si yes, and abscesses, even if of twenty years' .standing, and play be obtalned of the Pro prietor. 244, ;4,019d, L9*9, aiai 9f Vary an= YO)49*. COURT CIRCULAR The Queen will hold a Privy Council on SAtUTAY afternoon, at three o'clock, et Buckingham Palace. 'Their Majesties the Queen and the Queen of the Bel gians, accompanied by their Royal Highnesses the Prince of Wa!es and the Princess Royal, took an airing ycater dap in an open carriage and four. His Royal Highraess Prince Albert was on horseback, and the Equerries in Waiting, Colonel Arbuthnot and Lieutenant Colonel Seymour, attended on horseback. His Royal Highness Prince Albert, attended by Mr,: George Edward Anson, went yesterday forenoon to meeting at the office of the Duchy of Cornwall in So merset House. Her Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent visited their Majesties the King and Queen of the Belgians yesterday. his Royal Highness the Duke of Cambridge visited his Majesty the King of the Belgians yesterday at Buck ingham Palace. Their Royal Highnesses the Prince of Waleg„ Prince Alfrr d, the Princess Royal, and the Princess Alice took an airing yesterday in an open carriage and four, accom panied by the Dowager Lady Lyttelten. Their Majesties the King and Queen of the Belgiaits visited her Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent a 0 Clarence House, and their Royal Highnesses the Duchess. of Cambridge, and the Hereditary Grand Duchess of Meckltriburg Strelitz, at Cambridge House. Their Ma jesties also visited her Royal Highness the Duchess of Gloucester, at Gloucester House, yesterday. Her Majesty and Prince Albert and the King and Queen of the Belgians honoured the Italian Opera with their presence yesterday evening. The royal suite in-. eluded the Countess of Charlemont, the Countess Vilaiu XIV., Lady Caroline Cocks, Hon. Miss Devereux, the Earl of Morley, Major A. d'Hanins do Moerkevke, Colonel Arbuthnot, and Lieutenant Colonel Seymour. Her Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent also honoured the ptrformance of the Opera with her presence. The Countess of Charlemont has auemeded the Countess of Desert as the Lady in Waiting to the Queen The Earl of Morley has succeeded Lord Byron as the Lord in Waiting to her Majesty, and Captain the lion. Alexander Nelson Hood has succeeded Colonel Berkeley Drummond as the Groom in Waiting to her Majesty. Their Royal Highnesses the Duchess of Gloucester end the Duke of Cambridge left town yesterday, to honour the Archbishop of York with a visit, at his seat, Nuneh am• park. Their Royal Highnesses the Duchess of Cambridge, and Prince George, and the Hereditary Grand Duke and Grand Duchess of Mecklenburg Strelitz, atteoded by Baroness Ahlefeldt and Baron Knesebeck, honoured the performance of the Italian Opera with their presence' last evening. _ _ _ A deputation of Scotch bankers, headed by Mr., Bouverie and Mr. Dennistoun, M.P. for Glasgow, had an interview with the Chancellor of the Exchequer yesterday, at his official residence in Downing-street. Mr. E. Wodehouse and a deputation of upwards of seventy gentlemen on the subject of the Malt Tax, had an interview with Lord John Russell and the Chancellor of the Exchequer yesterday, at the official residence of the Noble Lord in Downing -street. General Napier (Governor of Guernsey) had an in terview with Sir George Grey, yesterday, at the Home office. Mr. Alderman Bancroft, Mr. William Hill, Mr. Clegg, and Mr. James Lvy, of Manchester, had an in terview with the Right Hon. T. Milner Gibson, yester day, at the office of the Board of Trade. Sir Patrick Stuart had en interview with Earl Grey, yesterday, at the Colonial-cffice. Lord Monteagle and Mr. J. Abel Smith had inter views with the Earl of Clarendon yesterday, at the office of the Board of Trade. The Ecclesiastical Commissioners fur England had a Committee-meeting yesterday. There were present the Bishop of Rochester and the Right Hon. John Nicholl. Mr. John Wood, Chairman of the Excise, and a deputation of Loudon corn distillers, had an interview, yesterday, with tho Chancellor of the Exchequer. Dr. Headlam had an interview with Earl Grey at the Colonial -office yesterday. Mr. Gill, M.P., Mr. Frean, and Mr. Staveley, had an interview yesterday with the Right lion. T. Milner Gibson. The Marquis of Clanricarde left town yesterday for Goodwood, Sussex. HER MAJESTY'S THEATRE. Last evening Donizetti's Opera Buffa, Don Gregorio L'Ajo nal 'lmburazzo,vras produced for the first time. This is one of the earliest of Donizetti's operas, having been prod uce d a t R ome i n 1822. The plot is well known to the English public as the plot of the popular farce of The Scapegoat. Don Gregorio (Lablache) is tutor to the two suns of Count Giulio (Fornasari). Count Guilio, who has a pious horror of precocious youths, has brought up these two sons, Enrico (Mario), and Pippetto (F. Lablache), in the greatest seclusion, and although they are twenty-five years of ago, both tutor and father believe they are mere boys Enrico, however, has not only found opportunity to fall is love, but he has actually become a husband and a father ' • his wife Gilda (Madame Castellan) b e i ng i n th e neighbourhood with her infant child. Pippetto, who is half au idiot, has also fallen in love with Leonardo, (Madame Bahia), the cook of the establishment. And thus do matters stand at the commencement of the piece. The curtain draws up, and we find Don Gregorio master of the establishment, giving a lesson to Pippetto, ho, ever and anon is making sly love to Leonarda. Enrico enters ; he is melancholy ; and the aria d'entree of Enrico, an exquisite melody, beau tifully given by Mario, contains the germ of the celebrated serenade in Don Pasquale. It is a beautiful air, and, perhaps, is to be preferred to the serenade of which it is the prototype, fur, albeit the serenade may be the more perfect musical composition, yet there is a freshness about the original aria for which the most perfect science cannot compensate. The father, Don Giulio (admirably acted by Fornasari), now enters, and 1)on Gregorio is in the greatest consternation. lie knoWs of the love of Enrico fur some one, but does not inform Don Giulio of the fact. Don Giulio leaves him, and Pippetto comes in to say his lesson. Don Guilio answers him a tort et a tracers ; he is absorbed in the all-important communi cation from Enrico that he is in love. Pippetto at length bursts into crying and sobbing, and Gregorio, in the most laughable manner possible, mocks him, and at length drives him to his room, having tried in vain to conciliate him by presents of sponge cake and ginger bread. This scene, which was admirably acted by Lea Lablaches, Pere a fils, elicited roars of laughter. Enrico now informs Gregorio of the worst ; he intro duces to him his wife Gilda (Madame Castellan). Guilio is heard approaching, and Gregorio consents to hide Glide in his room. Don Guilio observes the embarrassed manner of Gregorio, but at length he quits the scene. Grtgirio joins Gilds, bat sl e insists on quitting the mansion of Guilio. to join her child. It is impossible for her to leave the mansion without discovery, and as a pis aller.Gregorio consents to go himself and to bring to her the child. She is joined by her husband during his absence, and in this scene is introduced a duet full of the most exquisite melody, which was beautifully sung by Mario and Castellan. In the meantime Guilio has re ceived information, through Leonarda, that the seeming virtuous Gregorio has actually a lady concealed in his room ; he enters, and Enrico has just time to hide himself behind a screen. Guilin, how ever, has no opportunity of escape, and a spirited trio between Castellon, Fornasari, and Mario is given in this scene. Gregorio enters with the child; he is taxed with his; baseness by Giulio, but he ex plains all, and the father teonsents to the union tof Enrico with Gilda. Emboldened by this happy issue of his brother's love affair, Pippetto advances, and, falling on his knees, asks his father's consent to his union with the old Duenna Leonarda. Of course his request is met with roars of laughter, and old Leonarda says that she has only encouraged the addresses of Pippetto to pre vent his going astray ; and she is confirmed in her place as gouvernante, while poor Pippetto is seat weeping to bed. The finale is a beautiful . composi tion..e It is sung by Madame Castaenur feel ing.. larghetto was given with great tasteho. f.t spirit, i k t e , y an i d s t t h h e e. fis l no n 7a t e l i . e teh s oe t f re j u tt a a d exquisitely beautiful, adorning without overloading the original melody. The measure a w ni h e i i c a c h c hanged, a o t w a s was it al i t s h e f o x u u l ti g l el artistes were all called for at the conclusion, and were honoured with the usual ovation, The music of this opera, albeit not perhaps so elaborate as the music of Donizetti's later compositions, is far more spirited and pleasing. When he composed this opera he had not begun to write merely for money, and there is about it the true inspiration of genius. The Don Gregorio of the elder Lablache is quite equal to his Don Pasquale, and the Pippetto of the young Lablache is by far the best thing that he has yet done ; his acting as an overgrown boy was one of the richest things ever seen. The deep voce di tremolo of Fornasari told admirably in the part of the testy old man, which he acted to the life; and Mario as the jcune amoureux, and Castellan as his bethrothed, were all that could be desired: Take it for all in all Don Gregorio is one of the pleasantest operas of the season. There is a freshness, a vigour, a joyousness about it that is thoroughly—we will not wry merely Italian, but Neapolitan. It is worthy of him who has given us L'Elisir d'Amore and Don Pasquale. Cimarosa himself (that incarnation of the genius of opera buffs) need not have been ashamed of it. The Judgment of Paris, with the Pas des Deesses followed, It is not for mere mortals to sit in judgment upon deities. Delighted beyond expression were we at witnessing the trial of the cause. Adhuc sub judiee lis cst, and so it will continue. Even at the end of the season the judges will decree that, as at present advised, they can come to no deci sion, but must wait for further evidence ; and while the trial itself is so delightful, there is no more probability of judgment than 'there would be in a Chancery suit where the estate can afford to pay costs. Her Majesty and his Royal Highness Prince Albert accom panied by their Majesties, the King and Queen of the Belgians and suite, honoured the performances with their presence, and the house was crowded by the elite of the aristocracy. THE MODERN ORLANDO.—The name of this new Poem might give the idea of its being an imitation of the famous Orlando Furioso—b u t th e title appears to be the only thing borrowed from Ariosto. The Italian poem 18 well known to be a collection of the romances of chivalry—.• the fights of gallant warriors—the escapes of handsome he roines—and the extravagance of middle-age magic. The Modern Orlando is also a series of adventures, but on a wholly different plank It exhibits a kind of tour through all the remarkable scenes and showy cities of Europe, in terspersed with Characteristic stories, and occasional sketches of the leading personages of the day —among which are those of Lord John Russell, Lords Brougham, Lyndhurst Melbourne, Morpeth, Stanley, and Grey ; the Dukes o Wellington and Richmond, &c. THE MARYLEBONE CLUB AND GROI7ND v TM COUNTY OF NORFOLK.—This match was renewed yesterday at Lord's, and was continued to its ending, which terinuistect AiT9l4 sg clpb by aAjOrity OM num r