The Sun. — London, England, 1837-04-11 00:00:00

s) tiall Y a I °annfacturirT ---------- ° --- --------•-.•-•----g country, ab oun di ng in towns of con- du c t which brought th e H ouse o f Lords into a confl i ct, w hich l2ideration, wealth, and importance, and requiring, there- the Right Hon. Baronet had the foresight to see could not be ioarne,i extensive ci v i c j ur i s di ct i ons. Ireland, on the other s uccess ful with th e ma j or i ty o f the House of Commons ? , was an agricultural country—a country of agricultural There was one way in which,•according to his friends, the labourers. She had more agricultural labourers for the Right Hon. Baronet might escape from this dilemma. They cultivation of her fourteen millions of acres than England said, " You don't know Sir Robert Peel ; he seeks that the for the cultivation of her thirty-four millions. What bo- Irish Corporations Bill must pass, and when he comes into tilefit would her 1,05e000 labourer s d er i ve f rom t h e cleans- o ffi ce. " This prospect his friends foresaw. When he comes by and lighting in one way ra th er t h an another, or even i nto office, then he will pass something in the shape of a Tithe ,Y th ° self-government of a few p a l try towns ? Cou ld i t Bill i f he can ; and aft er th a t h e w ill sa y, " N ow t h e Ch urc h je anly be supposed they would rebel if Parliament should is, you see, in a little better condition : now I'll consent to I.!fuse to incest with th o gown and i nsignia of office the passing the C or p orat i o n Bill . " If t h e Ri g h t Hon. Baronet orrovoet of M onag h an, the Portreeve of Enniscorthy, did mean to pursue this course, it would be fair now to r tem Sovereign of Clonakilty ? He regretted that lan- avow it. But at all events be stood in this unpleasant pre •guage had been used in reference to the question, both in and dicament at the present time. According to himself he was ou t of Parliament, of a violent and threatening character— perilling the country; and according to his friends he was de ;ad,anguage that was calculated, whether so intended or not, to ceiving it.—(The Hon. Gentleman was loudlyeheered through to the belief that the people of Ireland would be justified out his speech; and loud cries of " Divide, divide !") f t the measure should be rejected, in seeking to obtain it by The gallery was cleared for a division, but none took place. te ' 3l 'e , As such language, however, had been used, he On the re.admissiOn of strangers, i %. ,,Ftild take leave to say that he had no fears whatever Lord STANLEY was on his legs. The question before l u it rebellion in Ireland. It was not merely because the House now was, not whether at any future time, and t ° knew that the battle was not always to the strong, or under circumstances different to the present, Municipal 0 the m an e ; e but because a l so h e h a d a great reliance upon Corporations might not be granted to Ireland—that was a Insjol4o good sense, the good feeling, and the loyalty of the question which he never took up for argument. What he rity of his Roman Catholic countrymen. They might be now contended for was, that, in the present political state of koreed, perhaps, to join the National Association —they might Ireland, in the present state of the Church of Ireland, it ."'e Induced, perhaps, to do outrage to their feelings in voting would not be safe to give municipal institutions to Ireland, ,agaititit their landlords at elections—but depend on it it was not but especially such institutions as were provided in the Bill. "me to this, that they would enter into th e fi e ld against their —( Hear, hear.) The Hon. Gentleman who spoke last 40vereign. ' There was no one who could deprecate the intro- charged his Right Hon. Friend (Sir R. Peel) with an inten dction of su c h a top i c more t h an h e did ; but he felt it his tion, at some future p er i o d, w h en hi s Ri g ht H on . F r i en d got d uty to add, t h at , if i n an ev il h our, and because Parliament, into office of bringing in s o me specific me a s ure re l a ti ve to t h e ill % the exerc i se of i ts d e lib erat i ve and legislative functions,' Church of ' Ireland, and of conceding, after th a t, thi s very ttnould think fit to legislate in a manner which to its wisdom measure which his Right Hon. Friend now opposed. If the might se em b est f or th e interests of the whole community, a Hon. Member who spoke last cauld determine the period of Portion of the people of Ireland, misunderstanding the lan- his Right Hon. Friend's return to office, he knew more of the guag e he had alluded: to, and under a sense of imaginary in- matter than he ( L or d St an l e y) did. H e f e l t sat i s fi e d t h at hi s !tilt or i n j ust i ce , s h ou ld h ave recourse to the expedient of Right Hon. Friend would not sanction, as head of any Go force, there would not be wanting those in Ireland who would vernment, what he was not now prepared to support in his stand forward in defence of their King and the independence private capacity as an individual Member of that House. He and supr emac y o f the Legislature, and he would have neither a would now repeat what he had before said, that if the security fear n or a doubt as to the result. But he would again repeat of the Church of Ireland was provided for, much of the ob that su c h a conjuncture was as improbable as it would be dejection to this Bill would be removed. The Hon. Gentleman plorable. Let a Government be formed which, administering who spoke last called upon his Right Hon. Friend (Sir R. the laws mildly, but firmly, would not prostitute them to the Peel) to place the Church in that situation of security. purposes of party. Mr. BULWE R—l did not. Mr. D. BRO WNE did not think any new arguments were Lord STANLE Y—Did not the Hon. Gentleman say that requir e d in support of the measure, as those already adduced when the Right Hon. Member for Tamworth got into office were irrefragable. How was the allegiance to be extorted he would first secure the Church, and then grant municipal from the people of Ireland if justice was to be denied them ? institutions? ,If they were looked upon as British subjects they should hav e M r . BULWER explained.—He did not speak of the Right the b ene fi t of British laws. It was the policy of this country Hon. Baronet coming into office.—( A laugh.) to conciliate the people of Ireland, for suppose a war were to Lord STANLE Y—His answer was, that, in office, his break out to-morrow, how could it be expected that the Irish Right Hon. Friend would take no course which he was not People would press forward to man our armies or our fleets, prepared to take out of it. Let the Hon. Member call upon while they felt that they were an insulted race, and denied the present Ministers to follow the same course. He contended e l'eti the benefit of equal laws ? He would moister his vote that as there existed a numerous and powerful party in Ire at night in favour of his own count r y, as he had already l an d h ost il e to the Church, a p arty who had exd ° ne in f avour of Canada, because he was favourable to the their determination to use municipal institutions for th p e resse pur a;general principle of Local Government. What had Earl pose of overturning that Church, it was, with him, quite dey to l d them, in speaking of Ireland ? That Noble Earl a sufficient reason why he would refuse those institutions coheythat the re was b ut one alternative, coercion or conciliation, at present. Look at the Speech from the Throne at the had al rea d y tr i e d coerc i on, and they should now adopt opening of the present session of Parliament. What were ne iliation. It was their duty to look to the cause of the evil, the questions recommended for their consideration ? There end Colonele it. were three questions especially recommended to the attention G entlem en VERNER said it had been asserted by the Hon. of Parliament, not to be considered separately, but as having oettilltlernen opposite that this measure was only a continuation mutual dependence one upon the other, for the purpose of C ath e ,gTeat measure of 1829, for that measure placed Roman improving the general condition of the country. These three T h .... o ,nes on an equality in every respect with Protestants. subject were—the state of the poor, the state of the Church I be, for one, denied. It was a capitulation and not a sur- and Protestant Clergy of Ireland, and municipal institutions. haint veer at that time by the Protestants, and the compact entered Now hitherto Ministers had brought forward only one of g ° had been broken by the Roman Catholics. He should give these three questions, that of municipal institutions, and kept laA,lecided vote against the present measure, back the other two. Surely Ministers ought to tell them how si ue ir• BELLE W would view the present measure as a sec- they were prepared to deal with the other two. Even if the rent,,„'_' of the plan upon which the people of Ireland were to be Church of Ireland was secure at this moment he could not ed, and he would say, that if the Bill even did not pass, say that he would support this Bill. If the state of society in of ` 3 l ° r u i ld have no effect upon ' the present popular Government Ireland was the same as in England they would have but st e a nd. The peace of that country had already been re- little to do—nothing more would be necessary than to apply tbeired, by the mild sway of the Lord Lieutenant, and the laud- to Ireland the same rules they applied to England in the Me w': .exertions of the associations of the people themselves. nicipal Reform Bill. But, unfortunately, the state of society the any measure was proposed for the amelioration of was not the same. They were charged with intending an innnin situation of the Irish people, Hon. Gentlemen opposite suit to Ireland by the refusal of municipal institutions identified it with the ruin of the Protestant Church. similar to those of England and Scotland. Unhappily l r i ''' ti. BULWER said the question was, whether or no there prevailed too strong a disposition in Ireland among for and and England were to be governed alike ? One asks a certain party to draw the most inflammatory inference from tit some tinestion great statesmanlik e p r i nc i p l e w h en a who l e policy is every event and every word that could be misconstrued into twee. What is th e p r i nc i p l e h ere? A difference be- insult and oppression. Political asperity and feelings of cell me e t' the state of Ireland and England. Is that the princi. gious differences mixed themselves up with the consideration et W ell, then, gentlemen are told of the difference not only of public questions and in public life, but entered into s us !en England and Ireland in regard to the Church ques- and embittered the intercourse of private life itself. In the ho.a - What do they reply ? That this difference is not to English Corporation Bill the Mayor and Council were re iftaken into account—that Ireland is to be governed not as quired to take a certain oath, the 9th George IV., in which ojand, eti 7n,. but as part of the empire of Great Britain. They they hound themselves not to do anything tending to weaken n o .)_ this difference on religious matters where the two people or to endanger the Established Church. Now this proviso wt. notoriously differ. They contend for it on State matters, was omitted in the present Bill. Was this done intentionally— , 'ere, if the Catholic Emancipation Bill is not a lie, there is was the object of it to relieve the Catholics of Ireland from a ls h nelr differences Was there ever anything so perfectly the necessisy of making any such declaration He was well 1, , srd as this ? But let us carry on the argument. If the aware that the Test and Corporation Acts did not exist in Ire v'en°Ple are in a peculiar condition from 'all other countries, land, but a similar declaratio n was required from Roman Ca hat follow s as a consequence? What in legislating for such a tholics, both by the Act of 1793 and by that of 1829. Now, Pee Ple you must consult their peculiar interests. And how in the Irish Municipal Bill these two Acta, so far as regarded a 'tire e s an you b es t ascerta i n these? Why, from themselves, to be declaration against doing anything to weaken or endanger the .' If, then, the Irish especially differ from the English, Established Church, were repealed. With respect to the qua s°,,n are bound, in legislating for Ireland, to consult the feel- lificaticn, why was it so different in this Bill and in the Scotch ; a l'es and - the opinions of the majority of the Irish people, and English Bills? By the Scotch Bill it was required that the I :ep . ress e d by their representatives. If the Irish do not voter should hare occupied a 101 house for six months, while in intally differ from the English you are bound to govern the Bill now before them the qualification required in all the the m euu ,_, by the English law. He did not see how gentlemen corporations of Ireland, with the exception of five or six te a .' n .eseepe from one of these two conditions. When the towns, was only the occupancy of a Si. house. For what hojority of the Irish people say we wish to be consider e d reason was it that in Londonderry, with a population of tilt as a sect apart, but as a portion of the citizens of the Bri- 19,000, the qualification was the occupancy of a Si. It i " empire, then you turn round on the other side and say__ house_( Hear)—while in the smallest corporation town in 1, we will not treat you as British subjects, but as Irish Scotland the qualification required was a 101. rent? Were n o u e ( a. All that they seemed to care for—they seem to have no the people of Ireland so much more steady and cool in judg evoiene°, other . principle, no other policy, no other wish—than to mcnt, so much less likely to abuse municipal . privileges, the t h e _n n e s ry risk .of obtaining the__ affections of the people whom free from prejudices, so much more intelligent than_t e e o ect e l undertake to govern. But have they ever pursued this Scotch, that they might safely be trusted with a Si. qualifica oil"! with common wisdom ? A Noble Lord who spoke tion, while one of 10/. was required for the Scotch ? Besides s i de s previo us evenings-0 mean to speak plainly, Ido con- this, it was required in Scotland that the assessed taxes should er that the Catholic subject is to be looked upon dif- be paid up. He might be told that there were no assessed ille e str "7.from the Protestant)—be gave an apt and felicitous taxes in Ireland ; but this was not a good reason. On the a a.. anon of his opinion, for, having declared that the one contrary, it was a good reason why the qualification arising si t ' the immense majority, and the other the immense mino- from payment of rent should be placed higher. In England a e t Y ae 'h: said . that his notions ' of policy would be to maintain an residence of three years was required, and the payment of rates N I t n s hality between the immense majority on the ono side on a 51. house in the country parts, and in towns on a 10/. is e , i e l' s immense minority on the other. But if this is his house. In Ireland, however, the three years' residence was f e , ~7a h r a t has he done—what has he been about for these last dispensed with, the qualification was the renting of a 51. tette esese',7_ 3 ? 'Why did he pass the Catholic Emancipation Bill ment, and the payment of neither assessed taxes nor poor rates eta Ir 3' 0 Irish Reform Bill ?—( Hear, hear.) He passes was required. There were, it was true, no poor rates in Ire eitos„"i, which deelures that Protestants and Catholics are land ; but he 'hoped there very soon would be. Under these '2a t j t i l l e Y legal subjects, and hare equal civil rights; he passes circumstances, while there were no rates to be payed in Ire thel' Is so r , Hill, which declares that all men, whether Catholics laud, the least that could be asked would be an extension of mstroes.tants, who have a certain qualification, should vote the qualification, with a proviso that the payment of rates f , k 1:. ber of Parliament. By these two Acts he makes would be required under any Poor-law Act that might here eerteePrit•Y in the electoral lists, in whatever creed it is after be introduced. Now one word with respect to tolls. elee stu e a tiperier to the minority ; and it is after these two If there was any one thing more complained of in Ireland alto f es, which he not only consented to carry, but was than another —any thing which was represented as more in the orw ar ,, . .agoa' • uin carrying that he comes out and says that jurious to the trade and industry of the people, and which ire;al..erity and the ' minority are to be considered produced more complaint, more agitation, or riet—it was the 7 r he co_4ind this is the Nestor in politics—this is the person payment of tolls. What was proposed by this Bill? Why, eie st ep QI" forvvard to warn others lest they should by taking that these tolls, so much complained of, productive of so much e lead t the hes ttd , 0 another—who declares that for his part he injury and heartburnings, should remain and continuo to be a. a y . eon se „''''t aller principle of which he is not ready to adopt paid until such time as the debts on the Corporations should * 3 a of e' ele nees. The fact was, that there are only two be all paid off, and the claims on them satisfied. But was it l o .e i r n Irel and s°vr ning Ireland. It might be attempted to go- very likely that, even after the debts were paid off, these tolls ght as the Austrians governed Italy. Gentlemen would be abolished? Upon whom were these tolls charged? tkoliekih:ta.Yilleitit the minority- were di s s ec t e d and rebellious, Not upon the townsmen, but upon the rural population. They . fer lob's. th mitiority would be armed with sufficient power were the persons aggrieved. The interest of the Corporation (% era ther e Minority down. This was the course of their would be to save their own funds, by continuing to require the thPeanhlgsse,a tyrannical but * a consistent one. But you payment of the tolls. Was the apprehension a visionary one? or on ~ ") the opposite benches), right or wrong, The very same case which be anticipated occurred at Carlisle, as wroe e . , F r , ° Per to , abandon that course ; you, right under the English Municipal Bill. There was another part ~.. od oitlzuemight proper to declare that the majority were of the present measure of which he decidedly disapproved, and te l ireetly or ns 33 the minority ; and directly you did this that was the manner in gibb e tsw e sheriffs were to be appointed. t o Ng f o n renloved the very foundation stone upon which —( Hear, hear.) He rly disappointed at finding that Finer poli nin te e aeav our cY was based it was the height of folly an alteration from the Bill of last year had taken place in e d. i t to maintain that superstructure which it sup- this particular. By the former Bill, that part which related 'then was neee Co for 'e E reatte . asary now either to go back—to repeal the to the appointment of sheriffs was comparatively harmless ; sp oidt warn aadelPation Bill, to repeal the Irish Reform Bill or but by the present arrangement, his Majesty's Government egn at .° l ste sati Peas the Irish Municipal Bill. Gentlemen were only investing the Crown with a power which it would th e 1 ° 11 ? TO°. HOW can they expect there will not be have the greatest possible difficulty in exercising.—( Hear, resjjot., directlyeY b ring• • • . 0t ., 0 A principle and a policy into presence, hear.) He objected, also, to the extent of the measure. re ou tithe grew Posed to the other ; the principle gives the Were they, after all, so sure that all these towns wanted the „tn i ,er power, the policy opposes it. They must Corporations which were to be imposed upon them ?—( Hear, Therun their the .s .e 'Mist h e a Prit leiple or they mast renounce their policy, hear.) They had had from Belfast, one of the most in the t wos' a _9°Mplote system of exclusion, maintained by fluential towns in Ireland, an important petition, which, as far in the ;w it s. B ut he:replete system of conciliation, established by as that town was concerned, decidedly said not.—( Hear, t ? b e ti ' t l Y to be mai ' then, will Gentle men sa y, is the Proses- hear.) These new corporators . either had duties to perform or t e l erit e Prete. ntained in Ireland ? Why, by its ceasing they had not ; and the question was, whether, by creating Shsting Y , and t h e ; t aut Party, by its forgetting its former supe- them, they were not introducing into the management of the a,s i i. ts p rose n 'a t w_s_ p.a.ssed to maintain it ; and by remem- local affairs of Irish towns a set of men who would become te stis °f 14, 10 , condition, founded on recent enactments. mere engines for party purposes.—( Loud cheers.) Let them t eata ne -- eire p re s s ' Popular men in Ireland—and with Irish Ca- not create forty-seven Corporations in such a manner as would N ltle4 jell they attestants ; and why? They are not Orange Pro- leave scattered over Ireland so many ~ normal schools for po- I . . ~..: . 11 : t exclusionist Protestants ; they do not think litical agitation"—( Hear, hear, and cheers)—and political tli e kre ce citizens the worse men for being Catholic. He violence. He (Lord Stanley) objected, considering the pre e Ivo , id not think eeth u'd no w° them the worse for being Protestant. sent state of the Protestant Church in Ireland, to granttng ,er ,e w ,before slut A -vr view f 1 -ng eown say one or two words on any Corporations to the towns of that country.— (Hear, hear.) re ett4 • ° the ci ti t • ' 'lnd • " 15 41 ' . es ion. Corporations were to destroy They were told they would destroy the Church, and he for %le i till atr eur plrn Ireland. Why, what has been the very one believed they would ; but, with respect to the dangerous k w a I State otestantism but Corpcirations ? Was it not by doctrine propagated on the other side of the House, he would bat t l e °f 41 s and chartered cities of Germany, the free not hesitate to say that if the Church of Ireland were placed e at p h ad abis_ders and of the Low Countries that her fiercest in a better situation than it was at present—if measures of re km 4 Cor. ver ! fought and won? And even in England . it lief for the Church wore first established —his feelings and the %i t leost :orations that Protestantism had found her earliest feelings of Hon. Members on his side of the House would be 111:'vPassionst:tneh defenders. Honourable Gentlemen oppo- greatly modified with regard to the present measure.--( Hear.) aiirseedry eradi:izid.p.rejudie.ed as they were, would desecrate M. H. GR ATTAN said that with respect to the appoint.. tli se , . er e e which their infant creed was first blessed and ment of Sheriffs, he would ask the Noble Lord what he would ee it se Illy th eir Protestants 1 How little would they be recog- have said if it had been left in th e hands'of the Town Councils t i t a_ nen- forefathers aith Itri s h when they said the creed of Rome exclusively ? The Noble Lord's character was well known to 11t 04, , of e. , , amidst free institutiOns, hut the more sickly them, and they had his speech of that night to add to the num -I;itiere ir:.,."1 which free could never endure the stormy at- ber of his precedine ones in opposition to them. The. Noble neeMer, -',` wnich free Government deri . ved its vitality and Lord was a disagreeable e ' opponent as well as a dangerous one. rsA- O; ._ , Bu t the standard of Protestantism was to be un- —( A laugh.) If he (Lord Stanley) thought the Church was t e nle orrs° gentlemen .m . ight be certain that the peoe of endangered by the present measure, with what intention had of est:ateritristringland would not recognise their colours. Their . he proposed the measure which abolished ten RishePs ? The MC'ilk,' ata rd p would appear little better after all than a k i nd f ac t w a s , the opposition of gentlemen at the other side was not Be ePer Y which they had stolen from the middle grentnded upon any fears for the safety of the Church, but . upon in k Cl itt e r t e e h h .s ( 7Peter r.„ the . term ; or all that the most stupid hostility to those individuals by whose assistance the Bill was ns _ 0 in t e e t he to Church of Rome would have made that upheld. They opposed their rights, because they wished to te e r making ost barbarous times,... they in the 19th century have free . institutions.--( Hear, hear.) If Ireland was not ii i' 4 elto i lF e eit L i l li e s g t tile Church of England. Yes, they were their friend, let them shake her off. He agreed with Mr. Fox, r ,t e d v, ": , t? to thegrout Protestantismground.._ the very causes which brought that if Ireland was not with them, they had better be without ' 1 ,!I n ° , hut, before h ' :--( Rear, hear ) He should now her. He remembered it had been said by some one that he fat eat _ th the D „ 0 did so, he was anxious to put a wished that Ireland could be sunk under the sea for four-and teNeeser'r? thessiiignt Honourable Baronet, who was then twenty hours—(A laugh) —and the declaration of some of sat however said at °use. Was it true that that Right Hon the ,friends of Hon. Members opposite was, that Ireland fig;the ~ ne distant time and on a great public occasion, ought to be governed with a severe hand, and be made to the "' h ous e e he Might venerate and respect the authority of feel it. " Fas est et ab hoste doceri." But were the Irish 'I OU ~‘ Lords - , yet still these were not the times when what they had formerly been described to be by Dean Swift lenit y " Lords NI. Baronet 0 the esl 'uld wage a successful contest with the and others ? Let him tell Hon. Members opposite what that te tt , re coed beaus Drese.rafatives of the peo le If the Right people would do. They were resolved no longer to submit Which 01 4 !his, how could he r p ecOncile it with the to the sort of Government they had laboured under. They men countenancing and pursuing—con- were capable of judging of the characterand intentions of their rulers, and at the next election they would turn severs of their opponents out of some of the towns and counties the; now represented. Peace could not exist in Ireland so long as a small fraction of the community was set over the great ma jority of the people. He regretted that the town of Wick low was omitted among those which were to have the benefi' of corporate reform, for, although its corporate property war not at the present moment great, circumstances would ere long increase it nearly to 2,0001. a year ; and he did think that he, from his near residence to that place, ought to be permitted to have some share in the management of its funds —( A laugh)---and that they should not be left wholly in the hands of a party. The Bill before the House must be passed or rejected that night. He was sure that, if the party oppo site were to come into power, that circumstance would at once amount to a tacit repeal of the Catholic Emancipation Act, which would lead eventually to a repeal of the Union. Mr. M. GASK ELL (who was only partially audible) said that it might be said that the present measure was one of the necessary consequences of Roman Catholic Emancipation, and that it was much better to acquiesce in it quietly than to pro voke the people to further demands by a refusal. That Bill was now the law of the land, and he (Mr. Gaskell) was far from desiring to see it repealed ; but, if he had read the mea sure aright, if he had not misunderstood the intentions of its framers, it was no part of their design, while they removed their disabilities from the Roman Catholics, that more serious disabilities should thereafter be imposed on the Protestants.— ( Hear, hear.) The avowed object of the Government in introducing this Bill was to provide a better system of local Government for the urban population of Ireland. The framers of the measure thought that its provisions were those best adapted for effecting their objects, but its opponents, while they acknowledged the same ultimate aim as the result of their endeavours, differed with them upon the means. They could not conscientiously approve of the enactments of this Bill, be cause they did not see that they would effect that good Local Government which was so much to be desired. Yet they were met with every kind of abusive epithets by their opponents, and were denied all liberty of judgment. This was neither fair nor statesmanlike. At all events, it would not deter him from his exoressing his total opposition to this Bill. Mr. WO UL FE said it was impossible for any one hearing the speeches made on the other side, either to-night or in the former debates on this subject, to have been otherwise than convinced that the only real ground of objection to extending to Ireland those Municipal Institutions which were already en joyed by the people of England and Scotland, was, that the majority of the people were of the Roman Catholic persua sion.—( Hear.) This was the motive for all those charges as to the dangerous proceedings of the Roman Catholics, spiritual or lay, which were totally irrelevant to the question, unless made with reference to this object. The Noble Lord the Member for North Lancashire, had not attempted to put the case on any other ground, for in his speech to-night he had not stated any abstract or insurmountable objection to the establishment of those institutions in IrelAd, but he had, on the contrary, declared that he would be favourable to any other measure with that object provided that the safety of the Estab lished Church in Ireland were assured. Thu 3 the Noble Lord seemed to admit that he looked forward to the possibi lity that the time might come when these institutions might be safely extended to the people of Ireland. Now, he (Mr. Woulfe) would be glad to know when the Noble Lord thought this result might be likely to take place? What state of things did he contemplate as leading to that result When would he consider the Church of Ireland safe? What state of the Church would that be which would make it secure in the eyes of the Noble Lord ? Would it be when the people of Ireland were quite content with the Established Church there ? If that was the anticipation of the Noble Lord, Honourable Members around him had already assured him that his expekations could not possibly bo realised, for they told the House and the country that they were con vinced that the Roman Catholic people of Ireland never would be reconciled to the Church, nor satisfied until they had sub verted it.—(Hear.) It was assumed that there were circum stances in the state of Ireland rendering the Irish urban popu lation unfit to receive the institutions enjoyed by their bre ren in England and Scotland. He could see no differences but such as were differences of detail, worthy to have been discussed in Committee, but not with reference to the prin ciple of the Bill. Differences there no doubt might be, and were ; and there were as great differences between the Corpo rations of England and Scotland—differences of detail merely. The principle was what they had to look to—the broad prin ciple of popular self-government. If that principle were an unsound one, it affected the whole of the measure ; but all ob jections founded upon other grounds, could affect the details only. No pretence, indeed, of the kind would, as he had before said, have been set up had not the fact been that the great majority of the people of Ireland were Roman Catholics. Were they Protestants no man would discover any such objection to granting them the same privileges with their English and Scotch brethren.--( Hear.) He (Mr. Woulfe) was anxious to see the Union maintained ; but he would not disguise from himself that to establish a different Government in Ireland on account of the religion of the in habitants would be to sow the seeds of a re-agitation of the question of a Repeal. It was not for a moment contended that a Roman Catholic might not make as worthy a mayor or as good an alderman as a Protestant. Then how was the re ligion of the people affected by this argument ? Why, it was said that these corporate institutions would carry with them power and influence to the people, and the Roman Catholics being admitted to the majority in the towns they would of necessity acquire the greater portion of the political powers power which it was assumed they would use for the purpose of increasing the dangers of the Protestant Establishment. He ad mitted that the people would acquire a new influence, that these Corporations when established would have the effect of quicken ing public opinion, of making it authentic, self-derived, and, if he might so express it, racy of the soil. He admitted this, and that the majority of power would necessarily follow the ratio of numbers, wealth, and intelligence. He admitted that the Roman Catholics would acquire additional power ; but what then ? Had not the rest of the empire acquired addi tional power but recently by the very same argument he would now use on behalf of the Roman Catholic ? He denied that by increasing the power of the people they should en danger the Church ; but, on the other hand, he confidently asserted that the denial of their equal rights would be infi nitely more calculated to produce ultimate evil to the country. Exasperating the feelings of the people was, of all others, the way most calculated to place the Church in danger. The Church of Ireland, it should not be forgotten, was the richest Church in the poorest country, and with the smallest congre gation, in the known world, and that fsct alone ought to have some weight with the friends of the Establishment.—( Hear. ) He would rest this measure on the arguments that were used in favour of the Bill of 1829, and say that more safety would be obtained for the Church by imparting power largely to the people than by withholding it from them. The exist ence of the Catholic Association was dwelt on by the Right Honourable Baronet opposite as a circumstance which rendered the Bill of 1829 indispensable. That body was represented as one which was beyond the reach of all law, but it seemed to have been forgotten that the same Asso ciation had arisen again, though under another name. —( Hear). If they defeated this measure they would find just as much dif ficulty in competing with the present Association as with the former, and consequently, as the circumstances were unaltered, they were now bound to abide by the policy which induced them to pass the Bill of 1829. Another argument on which the Right Hon. Baronet then dwelt was, that the opinion of the majority of the people, not only of Ireland but of England and Scotland, wac in favour of the Catholic claims ; and could not lie (Mr. Woulfe) now say, with equal fairness, that the senti ments of the majority, not only of the Members of that House but of the people in the three kingdoms, were in favoar of this measure ?—( Hear.) He would admit that the majority of the House of Lords were opposed to this Bill, as they had been to the measure of 1829; but still, as both measures were founded on the same principles, he could not understand the grounds on which this Bill was now to be rejected. The Right Hon. Baronet had also used another argument in fa vour of the measure of 1829; and that was, that it would be utterly impossible to form an Administration that would be unanimous in opposidg the Catholic claims. He should like to know whether this same argument was not as applic able to 1837 as it had been to 1829? He believed that an Administration hostile to the present measure could not now be formed—(Hear, hear)—and this he thought was evi denced by the speech of the Noble Lord the Member for North Lancashire, who, though the advocate of temporary exclusion, did not go any such length as to say that he would support perpetual exclusion. The Noble Lord said, " So soon as I see the situation of the Church secured then I shall be ready to grant Corporations to the Irish people." Was it likely that such a policy as this would tend to the pacification of Ireland? He thought not, and therefore he was disposed to believe that the safest course they could pursue would be to follow the principle laid down in the Bill of 1829. The Noble Lord the Member for North Lancashire had objected that the form of oath contained in the Bill of 1829 was not embraced in this measure. This was a new objection. It must be recollected that this Bill was brought in three years ago, and that from that period down to the present time no such objection as that now taken by the Noble Lord had been raised against it. Ho (Mr. Woulfe) did not, however, regard it as a valid objection, but he still had no hesitation in saying that if such a wish had been ex pressed to the framers of the Bill, they would at once have acceded to it. He trusted that the House would not refuse to read this Bill a third time, and he did so because he felt con vinced that its rejection would only be the forerunner of a state of things which 'you'd involve not only Ireland, but the empire at large, in lasting difficulties.—( Loud cries of " Di vide, divide.") The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER next rose to address the House, but he was unable to proceed for some minutes, owing to loud and general cries of " Divide, divide," which followed his rising. The Right Hon. Gentleman ob served that the real proposition which they were called on to decide was, whether this Bill should be read a third time or not. It was now on all hands admitted that the present Cor porations of Ireland were so corrupt that they ought not to continue, and in proof of this they had in the last session passed a Bill on the ground that they were so trustworthless that they ought not to be permitted to dispose of their own property, and yet what was the proposition which was now made? Why it was in effect that they should leave Ireland still subject to these corrupt Corporations.—( Hear.) It was admitted that the present system was exclusive, and it was said that the system which this measure proposed would be equally so. He denied the fact; but he would admit it for the sake of argu ment, and say that, even admitting the hypothesis of the lion. Gentlemen opposite, the exclusiveness in the one case applied only to a small minority, while in the other it applied to the majority, because the object of this Bill was to give power and privileges, not to a minority, but to the great mass of the Irish people.—( Hear. ) The question was, were they prepared to continue the existing Corporations of Ireland, or had the Right Hon. Gentleman ti►e Recorder of Dublin, or any other Hon. Member opposite, ventured to stand up in THE SUN, LON DON, TUESDAY. APRIL 11, 1837 tefence of the present system ? No such defence had up to .bat moment been attempted by any one, and yet they were ,ow, in point of fact, called on to adopt a course e hich would lave the effect of continuing that which no one denied was ;orrupt.—(Hear.) To such a proposition he could not give its assent ; but he, and those who sat on his s'de of the louse, had the consolation to know that the question was only ne of time and expediency ; that it was one which would ulti mately be carried. The Hon. Gentlemen opposite would not 'How those who had achieved Municipal Reform for England and Scotland to have the honour and pleasure of also accons dishing Irish Municipal Reform. But, although they were opposed to the passing of this Bill, it was quite clear that they were themselves prepared to carry a similar measure.--(Hear, near, from the Ministerial benches, and laughter.) It was ad .nitted by the Noble Lord the Member for North Lancashire, se well as by the Right Hon. Gentleman the Member for the University of Cambridge, that if this measure were not carried ny those on his side of the House, it would by those on theirs ; but lie should like to know whether the result would be the same o the Hon. Gentlemen opposite ?—( Hear, hear.) With such s determination he would put it to the House whether it was fair on their part to oppose a measure one day which they would carry the next Hear, hear.) That, however, was the track which, under their present guidance, they were pur suing; and although they had come down now to oppose this measure, they might by-and-by be called upon to come down to support it. Their argument was that this was not the time for carrying such a measure, and that until they saw what was to be done with regard to the Church, Ireland was to have no corporations. In the previous discussions no suggestion with respect to danger to the Chnreh had been thrown out ; and it was not until last year, when the Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Cumberlaed applied the magical influence of his glass to the subject, that any thing connected with the Church was mixed up with it. This far and clear-sighted gentleman had no objection to the measure except that which was founded on the religion of the Irish people ; but how was his argument treated when he first brought it forward ? Why, it was generally scouted by the House. If, how ever, the Church really were in danger, would not that danger be rather aggravated than obviated by disappointing the wishes of the people of Ireland ? As an Irishman, he must say that those who opposed this Bill little knew the cha racter of ,his countrymen. They were a sensitive people, and although they might indure injustice and wrong they would not easily forget insult. The rejection of this measure they would regard as an insult, because it would be a direct attack on the religion of the majority.—( Hear.) After reforms had been effected in the municipal institutions of England and Scotland, was it fair or wise to call on them to continue a system in Ireland which was not denied to be an evil ? Such conduct he must declare, to say the least of it, was not defen sible. Now, the Noble Lord the Member for North Lancashire had raised objections to certain parts of this Bill ; but was it fair to allow it to go through a Committee, where alone such objections could be dealt with, without over-urging those objections ?—( Hear, hear.) The truth, however, was, that they were fighting for a great principle—( Hear, hear, and laughter) —as it was clear that if this Bill were not carried by them it would be carried by the Honourable Gen tlemen opposite if they succeeded in returning to power._ (Renewed cries of hear, hear, and laughter.) He should like to know how the Hon. Gentlemen opposite, even if they got back to office, would govern Ireland ? The question was, could that country be best governed by placing confidence in the people, or by distrusting them ? He entertained the for mer opinion, and he was satisfied that if the Irish people were treated by the Government with distrust no system of coercion would be available. But it was evident that, even if the ob jections of the Noble Lord were good for anything, they came too late, as the Bill of 1829 gave a power to the people which could not be wrested from them.—( Hear, hear.) Did Hon. Gentlemen opposite forget the speeches v% hich had been delivered by Hon. Members from their own benches ? What had the Right Hon. Member for Cavan told them ? Why, that if they did net reject this Bill sixty or seventy more Members in the Liberal interest would be returned by the new corporations of Ireland. It was clear, then, that the Hon. Gentlemen opposite meant to treat the people of Ireland with nothing but distrust—a distrust that was founded on the re ligion which they and their forefathers professed. Did they really think that if such a policy were pursued, the Government could be carried on, or the functions of the Legislature adminis tered ? Well, but they gave them an alternative. He would not discuss that alternative at present, because it had nothing to do with the question before the House, which was the pas sing or rejecting of this Bill. If, after they had refused to grant Corporations to Ireland, they were to allow the towns of that country to be governed under the provisions of the Act of the 9th Gco. IV., what would be the consequence ? Why, they might talk of normal schools as long as they pleased, but he believed that the Commissioners who would be elected under that Act would be more active for the purposes of mis chief and agitation than those who would be chosen as mem bers of the Corporations which they proposed simply because they would owe their election to a sense of injustice.—( Hear.) There was another subject to which he felt q necessary to ad vert. He had heard it used as an argument against the mea sure that it was not carried by the vot e s o f th e E ng li s h Mem bers, but that its success was owing to the voices of the Irish Representatives.—( Hear, hear.) Now he had always refused to admit that argument in Parliament. He had ale ays re fused to admit that there was any distinction to be drawn be tween the Members of that House, no matter what country they might happen to represent, because, by admitting this, they at once furnished an argument for a repeal of the Union, an argument inconsistent with every principle of justice and fair reasoning, and with the courtesy which ought always to subsist amongst gentlemen. But, he would ask, did that ar gument apply to the present question? Had not the repre sentatives of England and Scotland, as well as the representa tives of Ireland, voted in favour of die measure ? This could not be denied, and therefore the opponents of the Bill were driven to select another question upon which they thought they were strong enough to raise a cry which they bad before reised against some Hon. Friends of his whom he saw oppo site—a cry which was raised upon the present occasion with just as much justice and with as little discernment as it was then. But his Hon. Friends knew full well that there were on that (the Ministerial) side of the House friends with whom they once acted (and he would appeal with confidence to their testimony) who entertained as strong an attachment to the Church of Ireland, and as anxious a desire to promote its interests, as themselves. There was, however, this difference between them, admitting both to be equally anxious for the interests of the Church, that they (the Ministcrialists) knew much more about Ireland than their Hon. Friends oppo site. They knew the danger of refusing justice to the peo ple of that country, and they also knew that if that jus tice was impeded by a cry of " The Church in danger" it would have the effect of raising a hostility against the Church which might lead to the most serious results. There was an. other argument which he felt himself called upon to notice, and never was a more trumpery argument. It had been said that three measures had been recommended in the Speech from the Throne at the opening of Parliament as necessary to promote the welfare of Ireland, namely, Poor Laws, Irish Municipal Reform, and an adjustment of the Tithe question, and it had been argued, because these three measures were contained in one and the same paragraph of the Speech, that, therefore, they would not discuss one of these questions as a separate measure.—( Hear, hear.) Now he would ask, was there any necessary connection between the Poor-law question and the one before the House, and also whether there was any connection between that measure and the Tithe question ? ( Hear, hear.) lie could assure the Hon. Gentlemen opposite that Government would not shrink from the Tithe question, and that they would be afforded an opportunity of discussing a measure for its adjustment during the present Session. They (the Ministerialists) said justice could be done to the cities and towns of Ireland without leading the House into a discussion on the Irish Church. It had been said that they could not establish corporations in Ireland without great po litical danger, and that the power of the Hon. Member for Kil kenny woud be greatly increased by the establishment of such corporations. The Hon. Member was, it was said, a very powerful man ; but he would tell those who complained of his power that it was themselves who made him powerful. An ob servation,, said to have been used by that Hon. Member, had frequently been referred to—" Give me the Municipal Reform Bill, and I will carry every thing else." ,But ho would say, give that Hon. Member but one popular grievance, and they would enable him to do more.—( Hear.) Reject that Bill, and they would give him a greater lever to act upon the public mind than any which he had hitherto possessed. The effect of granting Corporations to the people of -Ireland would be to draw their attention to their own local affairs. They would not then trouble themselves much about the speeches of Honourable Gentlemen on either side of the House, but they would apply themselves with diligence to improve the general condition of the country, and to provide for the wants of their several localities. The Hon. Member for Liskeard had touched upon what he (the Chancellor of the Ex chequer) conceived the philosophy of the question, and if the doctrine he laid down was true on a general principle it was doubly true with regard to Ireland. They had estranged the people of that country from the education which would have made them the fit depositories for political power. The spirit of the age had compelled them to knock off a portion of their chains, and they would strike with the remaining fetter until full and ample justice had been wrung from them. The Hon. Member for the University of Cambridge had referred to the reasons of the House of Lords for refusing to pass this Bill on a former occasion as an argument against it on the present one. But he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) would also refer to these reasons as an answer to the Right Honourable Gentleman's objections. In these reasons their Lordships held out the right hand of fellowship to the House of Com mons, amid although they could not agree to the proposition en that occasion, yet still they held out a prospect that they would do so on some future one. Were they, then, to de prive them of their power of carrying those amicable feelings into effect ? Were they to refuse them the opportunity of passing the present Bill ? For his part he was determined to resist any proposition which would deprive them of their own free agency.—( Hear, hear, hear.) It was impossible for him to sit down without alluding to a • document which had ap peared some time back in the public prints, signed by an Hon. Member of that House, who was certainly no friend of theirs (the Ministerialists). He alluded to an address published by the Hon. Member for Derbyshire ( Sir George Crewe), in which he acknowledged the full claims of Ireland to munici pal institutions. [The Right Hon. Gentleman then read the address published by the Honourable Member alluded to, and asked if Honourable Members opposite, however they might differ from him upon some points, could conscientious ly say that the claims of the people of Ireland were not based in justice.]—(Hear, hear, hear.) He knew that many Hon. Gentlemen differed with them on the Church question. On that let them take their stand, but on a question of civil rights let them not refuse to do justice. lie would venture to appear for five - minutes before them in the capacity of a wit ness. He was an old municipal reformer, perhaps the first who struggled for Irish Municipal Reform in that House. Ile fought its battle against the Government of the time, and he was happy to say he fought it successfully. The result of that struggle was that Limerick was opened. The inhabitants, Protestant as well as Catholic, applied for a remedial measure of legislation. The same objections were urged against that measure as were then put forward against the present Bill. They were told, if you admit Roman Catholics into the Cor poration of Limerick the peace of the town cannot be main tained, and a general, officer was produced before a Committee of that House to prove that all the troops under his command would be insufficient for that purpose if the Bill passed. Well, the Bill passed, and what was the result ? The town conti nued as tranquil and as peaceable as it did at any period be fore that event took place ; and the only difficulty they now found was to get a sufficient number of persons within the lo cality, to attend to the affairs of the- Corporation.—( Hear, hear.) This one point, derived from his own experience, was worth all the arguments which had been advanced on the ground of anticipated danger. He would remind the House of what they were called upon to do. They were called upon to abolish those ancient institutions which were almost as old as the history of the country ; and to deprive the country of all share in the management of their own affairs. He believed the earliest charters were granted in the reign of King John. Since that period they had gone through many experiments, had seen many changes and vicissitudes. They had suffered under the iron rule of a Crotnwell ; but neither Cromwell nor Strafford attempted to interfere with the muni cipal rights of the people. He trusted, therefore, they would now stand firm to the measure, for sooner or later it must be carried. It was impossible that a question supported by a majority of from 60 to 80 Members of that House could much longer be resisted, and a day was coming when they would see those who now opposed the Bill amongst its strenuous sup porters.—( Cheers.) Mr. F. SHAW rose amidst loud and continued cries of " Question" and " Divide." He felt the lateness of the hour, and the inconveni ence o f cont i nu i ng the debate ; but he could not allow some of th e f a ll ac i es o f th e Right Honour able Gentleman who had just sat down to remain unanswered. Notwithstanding all that had been said upon the subject, he could not help thinking that the real nature of the proposition made by the Government was not thoroughly understood either by that House or by a great portion of the kingdom. Neither did he think that the character and limited extent of the opposition to it was rightly comprehended. The lead ing fallacy in the Right Hon. Gentleman's speech was this— he said to the opposition, " You are reduced to this dilemma, either you must pass the measure in the shape in which it is now proposed to you, or you will be the party responsible for keeping still alive the Corporations which you yourselves ad mit are so corrupt that they ought to be abolished." That was not a fair statement of the argument. They (the Opposition) said that they were willing, under all the circumstances, to give up the exclusive privileges of the existing Corporations. They never admitted the corruption of the Corporations of Ireland ; they admitted only the exclusiveness of them.—(Hear, hear, hear.) They admitted that in the altered circumstances of the country, it might be unfair that these exclusive Corporations should continue to exist even in the hands of their own friends—the supporters of the Church and Constitution ; but at the same time that they made that ad mission they declared that it would be a ' ereater evil to transfer these exclusive privileg es i n t o t h e h an d s of those who were notoriously and avowedly hostile to the Established Church.— (Hear ) The real point of difference between them (the Opposition) and the Government was this : they were willing to surrender these old municipal and religious privileges, but they were not willing to transfer them.—[Here the interrup tions to the Hon. and Learned Gentleman's speech became so loud and frequent as to render him totally inaudible in the gallery.l In conclusion he entreated the Government, in stead of introducing measures like the present, calculated to increase and perpetuate agitation, to come forward with mea sures of real relief to Ireland fur making a provision for the destitute poor of that country, and to draw out the real re sources of Ireland ; and when it was manifest that they were not brought forward fur any party purpose, he and those with whom he acted would cordially support them.—( Loud cries of " Question," and " Divide.") Mr. O'CONNE LL rose amid loud cries of " Withdraw,' and " Divide," and hp resumed his seat. Mr. BROTHERTON moved the adjournment of the de bate ;, and the House divided. The numbers were— For the adjournment 286 Against it 232 Majority for the adjournment -54 The debate was accordingly adjourned till to-morrow (this day). The House was proceeding with the other Orders of the day, when Colonel SIBTHORP rose and said, he was very much surprised at the conduct of the Noble Lord opposite in sanc tioning the motion of the Hon. Member for Salford. —(Loud cries of Oh, oh, and Question.) He could well understand that the Noble Lord, like any other drowning► man, was glad to catch hold of every straw that was offered to him in his dis tress ; but be should really have thought the Noble Lord pos sessed greater magnanimity than to resort to such a subter fuge as this on the present occasion. —( Renewed cries of Question, and great confusion.) lie (Colonel Sibthorp) thought he was speaking to the question. The SPEAKER said, that the question was, that a Bill on the table be engrossed.—(Laughter.) Colonel SIBTHORP would bow to the decision of the Chair. He would only add, that he for one never envied the situation of the Noble Lord and his colleagues ; and the sooner they were out of their places the better. —( Laughter. ) The other Orders of the Day were then disposed of, and the House adjourned at One o'Clock. DISTRESS IN THE SILK TRADE. TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN. SlR,—Allow me to su,:gest a remedy for the distress now prevalent in this trade, which does not require any active effort of charity, but is simply this,—that all persons in want of any articles, no matter of how little value—a hankerchief or a yard of silk—should buy et once. From my knowledge of the small stock of manufactured goods, I will venture to say that a brisk demand among the shopkeepers for one week would put every loam in Spitalficlds in active operation, vnd restore food and comfort to many a starving weaver. Even on the score of economy, this is feasible; for persons cannot expect to buy goods cheaper than when silk is selling at nearly half its cost in China, and weavers are willing to work for any wages they can get. I am, Sir, your most obedient Servant. Spitalfields, April 10, 1837. A MANUFACTURER. THE QUEEN.—Petticoat politicians are the bane of a Court, and in regard to Lord Melbourne's dismissal, it is well known " the Queen did it all."—Times, 1834. What a miserable scoundrel must that man be who would impute to our Gracious Queen the slightest interference with political matters ? It is an established fact, that her Majesty is uninter ruptedly engaged solely in the exercise of her private virtues. —Times, 1837. TIIE PEERS.—The Peers are to be considered as old and useless lumber, and it is high time that they were deprived of the means of doing mischief.— Times, 1834. The Lords have saved the country by their wisdom and firmness. It is, indeed, an established fact that their usefulness to the State was never so gloriously manifested as at the present time.— Times, 1837. PEEL AND LYNDHURST.—NO man, with the least comprehension, would pronounce Sir R. Peel a9ything but a shallow-pated red tapist, and Lord Lyndhurst a de signing knave.— Times, 1834. He must indeed be either an arrant knave or a fool, who denies the established fact that Sir Robert Peel is the greatest of living statesmen, and that Baron Lyndhurst is the most honest and learned poli tician of his time. —Times, 1837. OXFORD UNIVERSITY.—The monks at Oxfoid are the most narrow-minded of ecclesiastics. It is time that they should begin to set their house in order, for the hand of sound and sweeping reform is now approaching them. —Times, 1834. The pious and learned divines of the University of Oxford are the true bulwarks of Christianity. It is an established fact, beyond all doubt,•that to their liberal feelings it is owing that all religious disabilities have been re moved Times, 1837. • CHURCH - RATES. — What arc Chu rc h- ra t es b u t th e most nefarious exactions when levelled against our Dissenting brethren ? The Almighty has left man's conscience free, and it is therefore a robbely in the eyes of Heaven to extort from a man support for that creed which he does not believe.— Times, 1834.—The unholy war against the payment of Church-rates amongst low Radicals and Dissenters amounts almost to sedi tion and blasphemy. Those who choose to secede from our Established Church—and it is an established fact that it is the only true Church—ought to be made to pay the penalty for their backsliding.— Times, 1837. CONS ERVA VES.—What are the Conservatives but the most inveterate obstructives ? What do they seek to gain but power at the expense of honour, justice, and the wel fare of the people ? Times, 1834.--We rejoice at finding the cause of Conservatism so rapidly advancing ; we could almost assert that the, spirit of Providence is directly visible in that advancement. It is an established fact that the Conservatives have ever been eager to promote all such Reforms as tend to the beßefit and happiness of the community.— Times, 1837. We observe a new naval novel announced by the clever author of " Cavendish," under the name of " Gentle man Jack." It is reported that it will contain portraitures and anecdotes of almost every distinguished officer in the last war. HUMAN LIFE, BY THE AUTHOR OF " TRE mAINE."—In these Illustrations of Human Life the author has been less liberal of the adornments and attractions of a st•oy than in the composition of" Tremaine." Still we do not he sitate to say that in each of these sketches we experience no want of more company or more events. From the circumstance of the author's al ways accomplishing with a staid and unmisgiving mastery of purpose whatever he aims at performing, and of his making us fuel that the speakers on either side are in earnest, we are insensibly drawn on to read until vie entirely forget that the subject has none of the excitements of any ordinary ro mance, and demands the exercise of the finest powers of thought the reader may happen to possess. The Lord Lieutenancy of the county of Somerset is vacant by the death of the Marquis of Bath, and to Lord Mel: bourne's Government has fallen the important duty of appoint ing to that influential office. Of course they will select only a nobleman or gentleman whose liberality of opinion will be a guarantee to the people of Somerset, that henceforth their Magistrates will not be selected from the most hostile of the ranks of their opponents, but the Bench will number such an array of liberal gentlemen as shall bear some proportion to the overwhelming majority in favour of liberal principles, which exists among the community of the county.—Somerset County Gazette. COURT CIRCULA , . The Duke of Cambridge arrived at Glouc, ,• lane, yesterday, from the Continent, on a vi of Gloucester. His Royal Highness, in the v 7 - the Princess Augusta at her residence, in St, git:;Nif gs „,„: and afterwards went to visit the members of the , at Kensington Palace. • Maier The Duke of Cumberland was expected to leave his resi dence, near Berlin, yesterday, for London. Reschid Bcy, the Turkish Ambassador, gave last evening, at his residence in the Regent's-park, the second of a series of grand entertainments, in celebration of the birth-day of the Grand Seignior, to the Corps Diplomatique. The whole of the Foreign Ambassadors and Ministers (with the exception of the Swedish Minister) were present, and appeared, in honour of the occasion, in their respective uniforms - and official cos tumes. The Duke of Wellington, the Ivierquia of Conyngham, and Sir Robert Peel, were prevented from riling the party. The band of the Scots Fusilier Guards were• in attendance in the ball, and performed selections from favourite operas during the evening. The Marquis of Lansdowne had a dinner party on Sunday, at Lansdowne House. FASHIONABLE INTELLIGENCE. ARRIVALS. Countess of Radnor and Lady Jane Pleydell Bouvcrie, in Grosvenor street; Earl and Countess of Donougbmore, from Ireland ; the Marchioness of Ailesbury, in Grosvenor-squaro ; Sir H. Parnell, in Chester -street, Belgrave-square, from the North ; Lord and Lady Hatberton, in Grosvenor-place, from Staffordshire; Earl of Cadogan, at Cadogan House, from Scotland ; Earl and Countess Cowper, and Lady Ashley, in George -street, from Panshanger ; Right Hon. R. Plunkett, from Dublin ; Mrs. Arthur Thellusson, in Eaton-square ; M. Bell, Esq., M.P., from Cheltenham. DEPARTURE. Sir W. Irigilby, from his scat, Ripley Castle, for the Con tinent. SPORTING INTELLIGENCE. NEWMARKET CRAVEN MEETING—YESTBRIM v. The Craven Stakes of 10 sous. each ; for three yrs old, 6st. ; four, Bst. 41b ; five, Bst. 131 b ; six years, and aged, 9st. Sib. A. F. 5 Subs. Lord Egremont's Hock, 4 yrs Mr. W. Edwards's Royal George, 4 yr , . Mr. Bird's Redshank, 4 yrs Lord Chesterfield's Capulet, 3 yrs Mr. Wigram's Shereen, 3 yrs Nat 1 k 6 to 4agst Hock, 10 to 6 agst Redshank, and 3 to 1 agst Royal George. Won by a neck after a fine race. Handicap Sweepstakes of 10 S3VS. each, for three and four vrs old. A.M. 13 Sub s . 1- Duke of Richmond's Mus, 4 yrs, Bst. 91b J. Day 1 Mr. Sowerby's St. Luke, 4 yrs, 9st 2 Mr. Thornhill's Mendizabal, 4 yrs, Bst. 71b The folloWing also started:—Lord Jersey's Partner, 4 yrs, Bst. 31b ; Lord Orferd's f. by St. Patrick, out of Mulebird, 3 yrs, 7st. 71b ; Lord Exeter's Conrade, 3 yrs, ist. 71b ; Mr. Bond's c. by Emilius, out of Legend, 3 yrs, 7st. 71b ; Lord Egremont's Mad e i ra , 3 yrs, 7st. 61b; Mr. Ellis's Miss Sophia, 3 yrs, 7st. 41b.: Mr. Wilson's f. by Emilius, out of Maria, 3 yrs, 7st. 41b. ; Lord Ches terfield's Edgar, 3 yrs, 6st. 131 b; Mr. Vansittart's brother to Flo restan, 3 yrs, 6st. 101 b; and Mr. W. Edwards's ch. f. by the Co lonel, ont of Bassilea, 3 yrs, 6st. 51b. 4 to 1 agst Miss, 3 to 1 agst Mendizabal, and 7 to 1 agst Madeira. Won by two lengths. Handicap Sweepstakes of 10 sous each, for four yrs old and up wards. T. Y.C. 10 Subs. Mr. Sowerby's Rioter, 6 yrs ;Bst. 81b Mann I Colonel Peel's Arsenic, 4 yrs, Bst. Ilb The following also started, but were not placed :—Duke of Rut land's Florestan, 5 yrs, Bst. 81b ; Mr. Forth's Famine, 6 yrs, Bst. 61b; Sir S. Graham's Zulima, 6 yrs, 7st. 91b; Duke of Portland's Skim Milk, 3 yrs, 7st. 9.b ; Lord Jersey's Darius, 6 yrs, 7st. 91b Lord Lichfield's Foozopl, 4 yrs, 7st. Slb ; and Mr. Rogers's Profes sor 4 yrs, 6st 81b. Betting-2 to 1 agst Arsenic, and 4to 1 agst Rioter—taken. Won by a head. The Hyde Park Stakes of 100 soya. each, h. ft., for three years old. D.M. 3 Subs. Mr. Thornhill's Brother to Mouche, Bst. 71b., walked o ver . Match, 150, h. ft. D. M.— Lord Chesterfield's Edgar, 7st. 51b. (Nat), beat the Duke of Richmond's Havildar, Bst. 101 b, by a length. 2tol on Havildar. The Twenty-third Riddlesworth Stakes of 200 sot's. each, h. ft. Ab. M. 21 Subs. Lord Jersey's Mother to Bay Middleton, Bst. 7lb Robinson I Lord Chesterfield's c. by Priam, Bst. 21b The following also started :—Lord Lichfield's f. Cassandra, by Priam, out of Zillah, 7st. 131 b. (was third) ; Colonel Peel's ch. f. by Bedlainite ' out of Garcia, Bst. 41b. ; Lord Orford's c. by Mu latto, out of Medina, Bst. 41b; and Lord Verulam's f. by Emilius, out of Varennes,Bst. . 4lb _ _ _ Betting---5 to 4 agst Brother to Bay Middleton, 6to 5 agst Gar cia, 7 to 1 agst Medina, 7to 1 agst Varennes, and 10 to 1 ag s t Cassandra. Won by a head. The weather continues intensely cold, with snow, hail, and high winds. Newmarket, Monday Night. DERBY lIETTING. 8 to 1 agst Colonel Anson's Jereed—take 9 to 1 10 to I agst Mr. Greville's Mango 10 to 1 agst Lord Jersey's Achmet (Bro. to Bay Middleton) 10 to 1 agst Captain Gardnor's Benedict 18 to 1 agst Mr. S. Stanley's Rattrap—taken 2.5 to 1 agst Mr. Sadler's Defender—take 30 to 1 26 to 1 agst Mr. Bowes's Mickle Fell—taken 28 to 1 agst Lord Chesterfield's Sambo—taken 40 to 1 agst Lord Chesterfield's Critic—taken 40 to I agst Mr. W. Edwards's Bequest colt—taken 40 to 1 agst Arachne TUESDAY'S RIDDLESWORTH (TO-MORROW).—It is not ex pected that more than three will run—Troilus, Garcia, and another. GILSTON PARK RACES ---FRIDAY. The First Class Cup, given by Captain Ward, heats, one mile and a half, was won t by Mr. White's Warwick (owner), beating Mr. Smith's ch. m. The Second Class Cup, given by the Officers, heats, was won in four heats, by a head, by Mr. Haylock's br. h. (owner), beating four others. The Officers' Sweepstakes, once round, was won by Captain Ward's De Burgh, beating three others, by half a length. The Farmers' Cup, given by R. Alston, Esq., M.P., with 10/. added, heats, was won, in three heats, by Mr. Allen's Telescope (Mr. Hudson), beating three others. Won easy. The Light-weight Cup, given by J. Dalyell, Esq., with 10 sovs. added, hats, was won, in three heats, by Mr. Anthony's ch. h. (owner), beating six others. A famous race. The Heavy-weight Cup, with a Purse added, once round and a distance, was won by Mr. Baker's Nimrod (owner), beating Mr. Dalyell's Brian, and six others. The Earl and Countess of Wilton arrived in Grosve nor-square for the season on Friday last. The Countess of Kerry has so far recovered from her late illness as to be able to take carriage airings. The Countess of Minto will have an assembly on Thursday (being the evening of the Drawing-room).at her Ladyship's residence at the Admiralty. The Lady of the Prussian Minister, Baron Bulow, is expected to arrive in the ensuing month, from Berlin. Lord de Saumarez has arrived in town to take his seat in the House of Lords, and to attend the next Levee, for the purpose of delivering to his Majesty the insignia of the Grand Cross of the Bath, worn by his Lordship's late father. The Archbishop of Canterbury's public dinners at Lambeth Palace will commence on Saturday next, the 15th of April. Those who intend to honour the Archbishop with their company on any Saturday are requested to leave their cards at the Palace on the Friday preceding before 12 o'clock. Prayers at half-past six o'clock. -Her Royal Highness the Princess Victoria honoured Mr. Collen yesterday with a sitting, to complete his miniature portrait of, her Royal Highness. The Duke of Devonshire has been seriously ill, at his villa at Chiswick. The Earl and Countess of Carlisle left town on Thursday evening suddenly, on a visit to his Grace. We arc happy to state, that the medical report is that the Duke is in a state of convalescence. The Duke of Beaufort returns to town to-day, from Newmarket. The Duchess and family arrived on Thursday last. The Duke of Buccleuch, after attending the obse quies of the late Marquis of Bath, at Longleat, Wilts, left for Torquay, on a visit to his sisters, the Ladies Anne and Harriet Montagu Scott, who reside at that picturesque water ing place. His Grace is expected to return to town, to at tend the investiture of the Duke of Somerset with the Order of the Garter. The Duke de Crussol, son of the Duke d'Uzes, formerly Aide-de-Camp to Charles X., died a few days since at Marseilles. Lord Lyndhurst_is expected in town on Thursday next. The following personages arrived on the 3d inst. at Frankfort :—Le Prince Piei:re de Holstein Oldenbourg and suite; LL. AA. le Prince et Mdme 1a Princesse d'Yseu. bourg-Birstein and suite ; Prince Victor d' Ysenbourg.Birstein and suite ; Count de Degenfeld de Ramholz; Comtesse d'Erbach-Furstenau ; M. le Comte Paul Lichy and le Comte Eugene Lichy, de Pesth. Mr. Charles and Lady Georgiana Codrington arrived in Park-lane on Saturday last, from Doddington Castle. The Hon. Robert Smith has returned to Belgrave square, from a tour. The Lady of General Fuller entertained a select party of about forty fashionables on Wednesday evening. The Noblemen and Gentlemen educated at West minster School will celebrate their Anniversary Dinner at the Thatched House Tavern on the 3d of next month. Mr. Ashworth, of Rochdale, a steady and.consis tent Reformer, has been placed upon the commission of the peace for the county of Lancaster. _ _ An explosion of fire damp took place in a pit at Ince colliery, near Wigan, on Monday morning last, when two persons, a man and woman, were severely burnt. . . On Monday night two dogs, belonging to Mr. Steel, of Hollingwood common, were detected in the act of worrying a flock of sheep, the property of Mr. G. 11. Bar row, 17 of which had been killed by them. The dogs were destroyed on the spot.—Derby Mercury._. A young man, aged 19, died in Bushopweannouth, last week, who had a singular predilection for birds. He had 30 pigeons, a cockatoo, 65 small birds of various kinds, 15 bantam cocks and hens, and 9 other animals of the winged creation. The- total amounted to 129.—Shields Observer. We understand that petitions-in favour of the bill for the abolition of Church -rates, are in cour of signature amongst all the Dissenting congregations in tbia neighbour- hood.—Halifax Express. z., r Dr