The Sun. — London, England, 1846-05-05 00:00:00

oration was given that such a Bill would be brought forward; and, besides, in each deed there was an engagement binding those Who engaged in the project to prosecute the Bill in Parliament. But they turned round upon a man and said to him This Was the state of the law when you entered into your specula tion, though you have invested the fruits of a long life of irs dustry, and though now, if the undertaking, were carried on, the investment would be a good one, we will, in spite of all this propose a law which will enable a bare majority . of those associated with you in this speculation, whether you like it or dislike it, to wind up this concern, and all the, money you have spent will be wasted." Yes, all the money would be as completely wasted as if it were thrown into the sea. The Man would then have to receive back what trifle remained of his deposits, atter deducting all the enormous expenses of sur veying, and the machinery which attended the getting up of a railway Bill. But these people, by the legislation and the whole conduct of Parliament for several years, had been encouraged to enter into such speculations as were now con demned.—( Hear, hear.) They depended for safety, whilst they invested their money in these undertakings, on the law as it then existed ;. and if the measure of the Noble Earl opposite were adopted by Parliament, it would be an ex post facto law. It would inflict as much injustice on honest speculators as any measure that had been adopted by Parlia bent within memory. He was sorry to have to acknow ledge that the objection which had been raised by the Noble arl, that it was almost impossible to trace the scrip, was in a great measure true. But then that objection would tie met by compelling shareholders to make an affirmation as to the source whence they obtained their scrip, and he could net believe that many of the holders would be found who would Make a false affirmation,—( Hear, hear.) A penalty of some thing like 5/. would be imposed, to deter those who might be disposed to make false affirmations. And, really, if this 'nee. sure were passed, powerful railway companies would purchase scrip, in such inelsoate railways as might be their rivals, for the Mere purpose of, being enabled to vote for their dissolution. • (Hear, hear.,) With respect to the right of purchasing plans, what he wanted was, to give the minority who wanted to go on with the plans some small degree ofadvantage for the money they hat. expended; and therefore he proposed that these persons 'might, by filling up their ranks, come before Parliament cl the succeeding session. He thought that the intent of these Persons should be kept up despite the interest o f the majority. • Lord REDESD ALE thought the Noble Lord decidedly wrong 1 4 his argument when he held that th e minority in a scheme which had once failed should be allowe d to come again before rarliament with an accession of new partners. Surely it might he allowed other parties to take a new line on the same dis trict that the former line had pretended to serve. The Noble Lord looked at the matter as if the whole of the schemes before the public were perfectly sound, whereas, on the contrary, the Legislature had to consider how to get the shareholders, now Partly embarked, nut of a great difficulty. He believed that th e e ffe c t of the Bill would be unmitigated good, for the evil done would be very trifling in comparison. Lord KINNAIRD cons id ere d t h a t if thi s Bill were passed it would eutail a great evil on the parties connected with such companies as the present London and York, because, if such a compa:ity were dissolved, then the Eastern Counties might rice in, not for the purpose of occupying the same ground, t ler the very purpose of keeping the rival company out. ""e 'could not see that unmitigated good would follow from the Parsing of this measure. Lord DALHOUSIE reminded their Lordships that but very few of the schemes before Parliament would be affected by . this Measure ; for, though there were 400 Bills before t he Legis lature, their Lordships must remember, that not less than 1 ,200 were registered under the Joint Companies' Act. The Mlle were concerned, and if they allowed a comp any, with no Means of completing the works , to get their Bill, i t would be a decided injustice to the public, because this decision of theirs Would prevent other parties, able and willing to carry out these Works to completion, from doing so. After a few words from Lord RADNOR, the report, with e raendments, was agreed to. COMNONS ENCLOSURE BILL. This Bill was read a third time and passed. Their Lorthlips then adjourned. deemed guilty of impertinence if I were to attempt to recapitu late what was then stated. But, Sir, her Majesty's Message nut only alludes to the services to which that dis cussion referred, but also the services that have been rendered by those distinguished officers during a long career, that I am compelled again to appeal to the feelings of the House in order to do them justice for those other services for which the country is indebted to them, as well as to those in the recent campaign on the Sutlej. It appears by this Message that her Majesty has been pleased to con fer on Viscount Hardinge and Lord Gough the great honour of the British peerage for their distinguished services on the late occasion, and it is therefore my duty not only to allude to the great and brilliant services of these distin guished officers, but also the series of long and brilliant ser vices which those officers have rendered during their career in the army. It is now forty-eight years since Viscount Hardinge first entered into the service of his country, and during the course of that long military service it has been the the good fortune of my Gallant Frien d to be p resent in Peninsula, and to serve under the c ommand of that most gal lant and lamented officer Sir John Moore.—( Hear, hear.) At the retreat from Cornnna, Captain Hardinge was near Sir John Moore at the time of his death, and of him it w h o is o t n c d ria e n f , s t i h r a j t o w h h n en m h oo e re a , tt l e e m st p t t h ed e h t w o n a o t a e a e d t b g y s h wt the o r i n d o f e o r l n ol i m n e i e e t it and give him pain, that la mented officer stoppedte sword h shouldimwiththegseo outwords , ofthe field." ‘i Itisas" And well as it is. I bad rather the in that manner, so becoming a soldier, he was borne from the field, refusing to part with his sword.—( Hear, hear.) After the battle of Corunna, Sir Henry Hardinge was present at the passing of the Douce, at the battle of Busaco, at the battle of Albuera, at the seige of Cuidad Rodrigo, Vittoria, Salamanca, Pampeluna, the Ne villes, and the Pyrenees. The Housa well remembers his dis tinguished services at the Pyrenees, and that he was only prevented from being present at the battle of Waterloo by reason of a severe wound which he had received at the battle of Ligny. The House cannot forget the distinguished part be took at the battle of Albuera; and it may not be im probable that it was there he saw what confidence can be placed in the constancy and desperate valour of the British infantry ; which may have induced him to persevere in his late overwhelmn ing difficulties, and to rely on the enduring valour of British sol diers. The same Gallant historian who speaks of the battle of Albuera, says, "that there were a variety of circumstances which might have made the most gallant officer of the army despair," alluding to an attack which was made upon the French position, which occupied an eminence. He goes on to say, " The band of the Fusilier Guards, struck by the iron tem pest, reeled and staggered like sinking ships. Then was seen with what strength and majesty the British soldier could conduct himself. In vain did Soult endeavour, by voice and gesture, to animate bis battalions. Nothing could stop that astonishing charge. No sudden burst of undisciplined valour —no earnest enthusiasm could withstand the stability and order of that determined band. In vain did the French reserve join with the strag gling multitude, and endeavour to stem their progress— their efforts only increased the irremediable confusion. The mighty mass giving way like a loosened cliff, went headlong down the ascent." This is a description worthy of the scene, which could only have been written by a man of great eloquence and great experience :—" Rain flowed after, discoloured with blood, and 30t) wounded men, the remnant of 6,000 unconquerable British soldiers, stood triumphant on that memorable height." It was the recollection of such exploits, and the experience of such desperate valour, which, I have no doubt, induced Viscount Hardinge and Lord Gough never to despond, whatever might be the disparity of numbers, or the skill and valour of their opponents; and with the energy of the British infantry which they had under their charge they felt assured of the ultimate success of their endeavours. So much for the services of my Gallant Friend. As I said before, he has now completed 48 years of mili tary service. Sir, the career of the other Gallant Officer, whom her Majesty has elevated to the British peerage, isnot less brilliant. 52 years has Lord Gough served in the British army, and no one would have supposed, from the vigour and:energy of his conduct, that 52 years of active warfare could have passed over him. Lord Gough was at the capture of the Cape of Good Hope, and he was at Surinam. During the Penin sular war he commanded the 87th Regiment; he was at Talavera,:where he was wounded. He was at Barossa, at Vit toria, and at Nevilles, where he was again severely wounded. During the period of European peace he has had opportu nities of signalising himself in the service of his country. He was at the capture of Canton ; and during the late operations in India he commanded the right wing of the British army. He fought at the battle of Maharajapore. Sir, It would be presumptuous in me to attempt to do justice to his merits. I believe he is known to the British army as a man of the most heroic character, while his valour and his skill inspires confidence in all those whom he may happen to have under his command. I will not attempt to do justice to his skill, to his valour, or his talents as a soldier, for those who are acquainted with the history of the Peninsular war must know his high reputation in this respect. But I must take the opportunity of placing upon record an instance of his devotion to the service of the country, which he probably little thought would ever be mentioned within the walls of Parlia ment, and which I think is equal, if not superior, to any of his other brilliant actions. At the termination of the war with China, Lord Gough was appointed to the command of the forces in Madras. It was thought however expedient, at a period subsequent to hisnomination, that the military and civil command of that state should be united in one person, Lord Tweedale was selceted to take upon him self the duties of this joint office, and to supersede Lord Gough in the command of the forces. One would have thought that a man who had been so often victorious in battle would have felt himself humiliated at being superseded in this way ; but what was the answer Lord Gough returned to the Commander-in-Chief on its being intimated to him that the public service required that the two commands should be con fined in one officer? I consider this answer to be as honourable to General Gough as any of his other brilliant achievements, and it sets a striking example of what the duty of a British soldier is under circumstances like those to which I have referred. I am determined to present the letter to the House. The letter was dated head-quarters sth June, 1845, and was ad dressed to Lord Hill. It was as follows My Lord,—l have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your Lordship's letter of the 30th April, and however mortifying it may be for me to find myself deprived of an appointment to which my Sovereign so graciously appointed me, I beg to assure your Lordship that I shall always freely sacrifice my private interest, should my doing so be considered beneficial to the interests of my country. I have been successful in reaching the higher walks of a pro fession which I entered while yet a child, but nevertheless I trust that you Lordship will always find me ready to sacrifice any private interest of my own whenever the public exigencies demand it, or whenever your Lordship considers it would tend to the public good. My gracious Sovereign was pleased to no minate me to the command of the army of Madras, and I re ceived the appointment with profound and grateful feeling; but when called upon to give it up for the public good, I do not feel justified in feeling any humiliation, for it would ill become me to let my private interest interfere with the public good. 1 am, therefore, still not less grateful to my Sovereign for her gracious confidence nor less sincere and warmly thankful to your Lordship for this renewed instance of your Lordship's kind ness towards me. And, in conclusion, I beg to express a hope that the union of the civil and military command of Madras may be productive of public good.— I have the honour to be, &c. &c. " HUGH GOUGH." 1 think, Sir, that this is a proof that he is worthy of a higher trust ; and I do hope that this instance of a temporary sacrifice for the advancement of the interests of the military service, will meet with its just reward, and though Lord Gough might never have expected that this circumstance would lead to his appointment as Commander-in-Chief in India, still it will be only followed by that reward to which it is so justly entitled. Sir, having thus, although very briefly I admit, attempted to recapitulate the services rendered by those distinguished men, services which, combined, are more than enough to justify the proposition which I am about to submit to the House, a pro position which would be amply justified by the recent services rendered to their country. I will now state the course which I have this evening to take. It is our proposal, and Ido feel that that proposal is one which will meet with the unanimous consent of the House. lam certainly aware that it will be more grateful to Lord Hardinge, and that other bsaa should soyecu morene portionrd wrn rather tasohtameet satisfactory than fha t aa t a tnt v oh e ropeynr n oet opoHwto House. proposal the sce e e hmw. honour of yet knowing—it will would thed ich wsi nhoavuloAlllidvi involve arsont commanderoops o f ep o opposition tth e ite C nr er r ffe o roao w rdme n y, that the annual sum of 3,0004 be granted to her Majesty out of the Consolidated Fund for the benefit of Lord Hardinge, and the two succeeding heirs male of his body ; and I propose also—and here I am afraid that I must follow the precedents which are laid down in reference to the rewards of military services—l propose that 2,000 g. a year shall b e g i ven to LorclGough, and te two next heirs male of his b o d y . Now, Sir, I have reason to believe that the Honourable the East India Company wish, and wish most the services i o o p er properly, 0 f i of their sense off p t r h o Lords Hardinge opinion and to Gough mark The East India Company within . the powers of that Company. by making some provision or allowance t oytiTent heirs in the habit of making any brilliant operations in India. lof one who has rendered that the East India bo ut I have reason to believe making a liberal provision Toptahnyto is most desirous d. of Lord Gough during their lives. The present votear Hardinge ac cording to usual precedent, namely, that provision shalll made, from the 28th April, for Lord Hardinge and Lord Gough, and the two next heirs to the title.—( Hear.) But in ewe the India Company should take that course, which, I think, will be the most becoming in them and which would be consistent with that liberality which they have always evinced in rewarding the services of those who rendered services in India—l think in that case it would be hut proper that provision for life should be made by the East India Company, and not by the House (as we understood). Now, as I said before, I have been most anxious that the proposition which I have to make shall be so moderate as to com mand the unanimous approbation of the House. I think, after the explanation which I have g iven of the proposal I have made, that I may , with milect confidence, submit it to the decision of the House of Commons. On the motion being put from the Chair, Lord EGERTON said that he had hitherto contented him self with taking a silent share of approval of the •ti ons which the Government had submitted with respect to various pro pos]. ression of his the recent victories in India , fe elin g that an y F xp would only weaken the effect of the p ro p ositions themselves. Although the services he had received many a nd g reat returns fore services which he had rendered, yet still he was aware tion of that the greatest and the brightest re that ward great that he master could receive was the app roba in the art of war under whom he had first learned to use his abilities with such good account. He was also aware that there were many and sufficient reasons why the introduc tion of extraneous matters of this sort might be productive of embarrassment in making such a motion as this. Yet, notwithstanding that what he had to say might, in some degree, interfere on this occasion with the object of the present motion he could rot help attempting to express his impression that other distinguished officers should also be included in the vote before the House, and his purpose now was to include in the vote which had just been submitted to them the name of the conqueror of Aliwal. He could not help, while this question was before the House, alluding to the observatio ns o f th e greatest master o f t h e ar t o f war w a h m i o ch me a n n t y country on the aeriesha d of f produced,brilliant tr an s de a xre t e payss which hissen h t a im d en ie t d s for to the victory of Alw a li—h e qualities which had been exhi bited in the battle o f M oo dk ee , in keeping communi cation with Lo o di ana h, an d which ultimately upthe brilliant achie vemen t o f Al wa i l. He led to the could not help con templating the adva n t age w hi c h • invigorating the m ora l courage must have been derived in of our insecure allies, as well as the discouragement of our barbarous foes ; while the roar of the cannon of Sir Henry Smith's down the streams of the river to tl:ictorious troops was borne Com mander-in-Chief, and it was with the encampment of the cir cumstances that he thought it but ;it impression t of these Henry Smith should be included in the that the name of Sir But it was not for this portion of Sir henryirote before the House. alone, important as they had been in the recent Smith's services he wished to pledge the House. He shoul s n t o r t ug i gle, that have at tempted to have introduced this topic into discussion,the if he had had any personal acquaintance with the distinguished officer of whom he spoke, or the slightest knowledgegnolfsigide features of his countenance, except through those illustrations of the deeds and acts of those individuals by whom the battles and sieges of the war of the Peninsula, and of South and. HOUSE OF COMMONS, May 4. Th e SPEAKER took the Chair at Four o'clock. SECOND READINGS. The fo ll ow i ng Bills were read a second time and ordered to viz : Tar viz : Taw Vale Railway Extension. Eastern Counties Railway (Stations Enlargement). Eastern Counties and Thames J unction Railway Branches. North Gravesend Railway. Eastern Counties Railway( Tottenham:and Farringdon. street). Thames Haven Dock and Railway. Morayshire Railway. Manchester, Bolton, and Bury Canal Navigation and Railway. Oxford, Coventry, and Burton-on.. Trent Railway. Portbary Pier and Railway (No. 2.) Edinburgh and Leith Waterworks. Trent Valley Midlands and Grand Junction Railway. REPORTS. The following reports were brought up, the amendments and alterations agreed to, and the Bills ordered; to be engrossed, vi z . urnley Improvements and Waterworks. Leicester Improvement. St. Austell Small Debts. York and North Midland Railway (East Riding Branches— No. 1). York and North Midland Railway (East Riding Branches— No. 2). liorbury Bridge and Calder Railway. North Western Railway. London and South-Western Railway (Farnham and Alton.) Glasgow, Barrhead, and Neilston Direct Railway (Branches to ..._Thorneliebank, Househill, and Hur let ) . Wilsontown, Morningside, and Coltuess Railwa y (Bath g ate Branch). Vilsentown ' Morningside, and Coltuess Railway ( Caledonian Junction). Ayreshire, Brid ge o f W e i r, an d P or t Glasgow Junction Railway. Newcastle and Darlington Junction Railway (Thirsk and Mal ton Branches). Slamannan and Borrowatouness Railway. Vilsontown, Morningside, and Coltuess Railway (Improve ment and Branches) . Bnnkinghamshire Railway (Oxford and Bletchley Junction). Electric Telegraph Company. CORN- L AWS. Mr. SHARMAN CRAWFORD presented petitions from the neighbourhood of Rochdale, praying for the immediate repeal of all duties on corn. Mr. ALLIX presented a petition from the guardians of the Wisbeach Union, in the counties of Cambridge and Norfolk. praying that all tenements under 61. be rated to the owner and not the occupier, for the poor and highway rates. Mr. HUME presented a petition from the magistrates and inhabitants of Montrose, stating that that town, in common with other places in the kingdom, was suffering very much from the stagnation in trade, arising from the delay and un certainty attending the proceedings with regard to the Corn Bill, at present before the House, and praying that no time rnignt be lest in passing it into law. MR. SMITH O'BRIEN. Mr. O'CONNELL said that he had given notice of motion for the discharge of .%Ir. Smith O'Brien, and he wished to state that it was not his intention to proceed with that motion, at the peremptory request of Mr. O'Brien himself. MALTESE GRIEVANCES. Dr. BOWRING gave notice, that on Thursday, he should move for a continuation of the correspondence which had taken place on the subject of Maltese grievances. PRIVATE BILLS. _ _ The Hos, MEMBER also wished to put a question to the Rigln Hon. Baronet, with respect to the private business of that Mouse. The House would be aware, that a Committee was appointed to l oo k i n t o t h e cases o f P r i va t e Bills in order that care should be taken that the passing of any private Bill should not interfere with the public interest. 1\ ow ' many Bills had l a t e l y p asse d th e H ouse , an d th e parti e s gr e a t I,acl ' got possessio n o f groun d, an d, i n many cases , they hadipoasses 'ion of wat er - courses , an d un l ess t h e te progress of these Bills was stopped, mu c h d amage wou ld resu l t He begged to ask the Right Ho n . Baronet, e? if th e public interest. Government the i bad turned its attention to this subject Sir JAMES GRAHAM said the matter was ander the consideration of her Majesty's Government. Mr. HUME wished to know from the Right Hon. Baro net, w h et her the rope-makers were to be excluded from the Bill known as Lord Ashley's Bill? He had presented a petition from the rope - ma kers of Glas g ow on the sub j ect a fe w days ago, and hoped her Majesty's Ministers would consider the subject. Sir JAMES GRAHAM said that if the Hon. Member would introduce a Bill to exclude the rope-makers from the provisions of the measure complained of, he would support it. RAILWAY CALLS. Sir H. W. BARRON stated that be wished to know the course the Government intended to pursue with reference to the exi g encies of certain railways which were now in the cour ch se of formation in Ireland. In several parts of Ireland to whi these railways were about to run, or were in the course of construction, app ications had been made to the Government for advances of money, because the Acts of these companies did not allow them to call on their shareholders for money except at certain periods. In anticipation of these calls the companies in the distressed districts had pressed on her Majesty's Government the necessity oat f advancing a portion of their capital n ot y et called in, bthear advance being made on proper security be in g given, and ,- ing interest in the usual rate. He sculled to ask her Majesty s Government, whether they were prepared to make any such advances to companies passing through the distressed districts in Ireland, in order to afford them the means of giving employ ment to the poor ? Sir R. PEEL said, that he was not prepared to give any general answer respecting the advances to be made to railway companies. There was a Board instituted, which was known by the name of the Exchequer-bill Loan Commissioner, and that Board had the power of making advances for the execution of public works on due security being givers ; so that any railway company should address itself to that Board for the purpose of asking a loan, at the same time specifying the na ture of the security that they could give. The Board being satisfied with the security, had the power of making advances at its own discretion. For his own part, he would say that he o had great difficulty in giving a general assura nce in res p ect jthe_encouragem en t of all railway companies . The Ri g ht H o n. Barone t said that the shareholders of these c om p anies were n ot Sir H. P:in) i tred to entertain the calls made on them. Baronet was under BARRON said that the Right Hon. had staetre: Barron) miswprehension of what he (Sir H. W. could not call o • e had said that the companies their shareholders except at stated intervals, generally o n ce ce in every three months, and then only in certain prop made had been paid. All the calls that had ' been hitherto Sir R . PEEL said thwatiehthe difficulty that e x i s t e d in respect h of those calls was one prevailed in this country, viz., that such large numbers mar kiett.b ,g, a s si p td e e c r u i la ,g tions had materially deranged the railway resolutions, and were now c i o ney were frequently passing actrnent, having for its object gore facility for the a legislative en winding up the* affairs of un e the discretion of the parties conn ecte P cl efita b b t ie hem. In the case companies at of a company which had completed a certainwit portion of its line, that company had given evidence of its solvenc y , and of the concern being a profitable one, and in tio heeded that security might be given, but this se 2 eases he aPPre themselves, suffered much from the number of s rrtaoilfweaeyrasraatnerY he e o proposed, for the y made the shareholders reluctant pay up their ca lls. Exce p t under special circu mstances,could not make any g eneral assura nce , and he must refer those co mpanies, who wished for an advance of money, t o t h e Exche quer-bill Loan Commissioners, who would reserve to the trea surer the right of determining the amount of assistance that should be allowed on each individual case. VISCOUNT HARDINGE AND LORD GOUGH. The order of the day was then read for resolv ing into a Com mittee of the whol e House, for considering the Message of h er Majesty for making good the provision to Viscount Hardinge and Lord Gough for their services in India, when Sir R. PEEL rose and said,—Sir, it has occurred so re cently to me on two occasions to attempt to do justice to the services and the merits of the distinguished officers who are the subjects of this Message, and not only to do 'justice to them, but also to all the officers and men, both European and native, who served under their command during the late cam paign in India, that I conceive it now unnecessary to call the attention of the House at anylength to the services of those dis tinguished officers during the recent campaign on the Sutlej. And on thole occasions the House and the country were so unanimous in doing justice to those officers that I might be Henry Smith, whose services had not been particularly recog nised. He thought that it might not be exactly in accordance with precedent, yet he trusted that their names would not be excluded. He was vet) , glad of this oppormnity of testifying to the gallantry of the officers and men engag3cl in the recent conflicts in India. The present grants met ,Kith his entire approbation. North America, had been carried on. But he thought it was but right in bringing under their consideration the suc cessful services—services successful not only in battles and in the taking of towns, but in the carrying out those combina tions which had procured for him all the honours of his profes sion. But he feared that the distinguished individual of whom he spoke was richer in honours than in wealth. He had melted down no Church plate in order to make ornaments for his home, and he feared that the only specimens of plate ker military of h icsa services,re e r wee s the o oofuh numerous kh m h w a l d cahlbsehheeenphoalsodssetsrseiecnde ifv t r h eod e mi nhitso capture of the baggage at Loodianah. es a e d grounds unexpre ssdshe whiostardegnroett trouble that it th the should H House f out urt t h h e a r t , Smith should be excluded from some p articular de monstration ion of the sense of the House of the gallantry o f h is cmbSO9ui:n h conduct. hs d lit u tee c rn h t. He was disposed to think that the House would consider that its own views of generosity and liberality had been satisfied. On the question of rewards being given to our officers in India—now the subject of discussion—he should feel it in. proper to say one word, and in conclusion he should only say that he hoped those two deserving men might live long to wear and enjoy the rewards which they had received from the Crown of England. Lord J. RUSSELL said that on a former occasion he had cordially seconded the Right Hon. Gentleman, when he pro posed to give the thanks of the House to the distinguished men whose services were at present under consideration, and he should now scarcely say a word in hesitation, were it not for what had fallen from the Noble Lord, who had just down, which made it incumbent on him to say a few words with re ference to the case then under discussion in the House of Commons. No doubt Sir H. Smith was a distinguished man, and he had performed many distinguished services, but let the House look to those services which the Right Hon. Gentleman had detailed to the House that evening—the services of Sir H. Hardinge and Sir Hugh Gough, and the distinguished services of many other men—such as Sir Thomas Picton, who had fought, conquered, and some of them fallen in the service of their country after the most gallant and devoted serv.ces. He did not think it desirable that the House of Commons should be the originator of such a measure as the present one.—( Hear, hear.) Had it not been for the last victory in India, all the services which the Right Hon. Gentleman had detailed, as having been performed by Sir Henry Hardinge and Sir Hugh Gough, would have passed unmarked-by any vote for any sum of money or any annuity to be paid to them. Still they would have been distinguished men, and no man in this country would feel otherwise than grateful to them, when he thought of the fields of the Albuera and Barossa. He considered the best course the House could persue was, in the first place, to leave to the Crown the dispensation of rewards for military and naval service, and when the Crown was, in the opinion of that House, properly called on to confer an honour which the Crown only could bestow, and if this honour should consist of the peerage enabling the man who first distinguished himself to sit in the House of Peers, and then, when the Minister of the Crown asked the House to consent to vote a grant to enable those persons to support the honour of the peerage, it was their business to stand by the Crown.—(Hear, hear.) The Crown was in the first place the fountain of honour, and should dis tinguish those persons who had signalised themselves in the naval and military services, and who were, in effect as well as in name, the servants of the Crown. The House must not forget that if these honours should be improperly conferred, and that private favour or any other undue motive should be exercised in the granting of them. the House of Commons could refuse at once to carry at the wish of the Minister of the Crown any vote of a grant in such a case. He stated that as a general reasoning, because in the present instance no man could doubt that the conferring of the honour of a Viscount on Sir H. Hardinge, and the honour of being a Baron of the United Kingdom en Sir Hugh Gough was an exercise of the prerogative of the Crown which did honour to the Ministers of the Crown.—( Hear, hear.) The pr( sent case was, there fore, one in which he was most willing to concur in the vote proposed. With respect to the amount of the vote—not having heard the proposition before, he thought it was more proper at once to concur in it than afterwards to question it. He would only say that he supposed that it had been considered by the Right Hon. Gentleman at the head of the Government, and he must say that he had heard nothing from him which would induce him to think that he should hereafter have any thing to object to the proposition. It would be better to say that at once than to say immediately after that the Right Hon. Gentleman had exercised an improper discretion with regard to the amount to be given. When the Noble Lord asked further that there should be other votes for other distin guished men, he must say, in speaking of any of these men, who had no doubt rendered service in their military capacity, that he should suggest that not any of these persons, not even Sir Henry Smith who had rendered important services—not even to him , _ should alreward be given which could not belong to him. He trusted that the news which they had received from India, through Lord Hardinge, was such as'imight lead to an amicable settlement of our differences in that part of the British dominions. With these remarks he heartily concurred with the sentiment of the Noble Lord who preceded him. Mr. ROEBUCK, who was inaudible in the gallery for a considerable time, was understood to say, that he could have wished to hear the two Noble Lords who preceded him make mention of one who, when honour was to be done those who had done service to their country, ought to stand forward amongst the rest—need he say that he would mention Sir Charles Napier.—(Cheers.) That gallant officer had entered the army at quite as early an age as the other distinguished gentlemen, he had been fifty years in active service, and had been in many severe engagements from his boyhood up. He was wounded in all the battles he had fought, and it was not too much to expect that his services should meet with the same honourable distinction and reward as the noble and gallant officers whose conduct was brought before the House that evening. He did not consider that they should pass over the services of the conqueror of Sinde (Sir Charles Napier); he said nothing of his long military services and real benefits which he had conferred upon the country, and he wished it to be understood that in mentioning his name lie did not mean to embarrass the question. He considered that if the Seikhs had lost the Sutlej, that they should be punished, and that their territory should be taken from them in open day, and in the name of the people of Eng land, and not in a covert manner, as was usually done, in the name of one of the native princes. Mr. HOGG said that if the present debate were to be pro longed, every Hononrable Member might suggest the names of some officers distinguished for their military services and valour. Even in the recent campaign of the Sutlej, he could bring forward a list of names which every Member present would admit was deserving of reward. The inconvenience of such a course had been already stated with reference to the allusion which had been made by the Right Hon. Baronet with respect to the intention of the East India Company. He would state shortly to the House what: those resolutions were. But before he did so, he was anxious, as Chairman of the East India Company, that it should be known that there were no suggestions or communications, directly or indirectly, between the Government and the East India Company, on the subject of the services of Viscount Hardinge and Lord Gough. It was his pleasing duty, as Chairman of the East India Com pany, to make a proposition to his colleagues on the subject, which was' received by his brother directors in unanimity. He thought the proper way to reward public men was by a pension rather than by a grant of money. On Wednesday last he proposed that a pension of 5,0001. a year should be granted to the Viscount Hardinge during the period of his natural life, and commencing from the time when the troops came under the walls of Lahore, and a pension of 2,0001. a year should be granted for life to Lord Gough, commencing at the same time. These rewards were granted irrespective of the honour of the peerage which had been conferred upon them. He thought the Government should make some provision by which they would be enabled to support their dignity in a be coming manner. When the subject was brought before the two general meetings, according to the Act of Parliament, he had not the slightest doubt, from his knowledge of the con stitution of that body, and their desire to reward public service, that the proposal would be received with the same feeling of unanimity. There was an Act of Parliament which prevented the Governor-General receiving any pension other than his salary ; that obstacle would, he hoped, be removed. It was never intended to apply to such a case as the present. Lord Hardinge was not desirous of entering upon hostilities, but when they were forced upon him, he evinced the greatest dis crimination, and displayed energy almost unexampled in the annals of the army, and the result was, the campaign proved most successful. He hoped the Noble Lord would be able to devote himself to developing the great resources of our Indian Empire ; and he trusted the Noble Lord had yet a long life before him to enable him to improve the social condition and happiness of the Indian Empire. Sir CHARLES NAPIER most heartily concurred in the sentiments expressed by the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of her Majesty's Government, and he was sure no soldier nor sailor would think that this was an improper vote. It was a proud thing to find that after thirty years of peace the British flagistill sustained its glory. He could not, however,but agree with the Noble Lord opposite in thinking that a sufficient reward had not been conferred npon that distinguished man and gal lant soldier, Sir Henry Smith. He displayed such skill, ability, and tact as had never been surpassed by any man of either service ; and he thought the precedent of Trafalgar ought to be followed on the present instance, where the junior officer in command was raised to the peerage in consideration of the distinguished services he had rendered to his country in that memorable engagement. He had not received the vote of thanks until a year after it had been given. When at the head of only two thousand men he had performed one. of the most distinguished achievements recorded in the annals of war body th n a t n eta t d w le e : n sf t twenty - four thousand ho t iu h r s o t ay u n- s sd a i n;dtehmnoeunh.,.. thousand had placed ea in t,a c s strong less and He was opposed, at the head of this small force, by no almost impregnable position, and had entirely defeated the ethe in k e attac k e d n actioned de feated which he would venture to assertlhad never been excelled by any officer in the army, not even by the Noble Duke at its head; and yet he had net received the thanks of the House until twelve months afterwards. Sir R. H. INGLIS would not follow the example of the Honourable and Learned Member for Bath in his deprecation igh t t ermef the our aggressive neerabe and policy; G of the extension of our empire in India, and of the excursive al I nor a n t would Officer h who e fol hadow thei . j us t s t ex ample sat policy, as he was pleased to term it, but which a n othe r class T down in his eulogy of his gallant relation, Na pier; neither Charles fo w our so l dh u e tii a fellow o theash r e exam ple E higseNonhl) in e Friend th Member (Lord of F. rte introduc ing the name of Sir Henry Smith; but he would coincide with his Noble Friend th e mem b er for ondon in stating that be thought it was not seemly that thi • s House should be super seded in its privileges in rewarding the distinguished services of Lord Hardinge and of Lord Gough by the East India Company. He perfectly agreed with that Noble Lord that if they were to reward these gallant officers they should do it be fore they ceased to live in this life, and not leave it until their remuneration should be of no personal service to them. For these reasons he perfectly concurred in the vote. Mr. 11 UME had great satisfaction in assenting to the vote which the Right Hon. Gentleman had proposed to the House. Hon. Members were aware that he was very chary in giving his assent to any vote of public money, but for this vote there were many weighty reasons. He b elieved the Court of Proprie tors would be unanimous in coming to the decision of giving an am ple remuneration to the two gallant officers. With regard to Sir Charles:Napier, he thought the annexation of Sinde had been one of the most unfortunate circumstances of our Indian empire, and that its restoration, under our present successful circumstances, would be a graceful and a politic act.—(Hear.) He was very much satisfied with the East India Company in their distribution of rewards, as they had allowed the private soldier, equally with the commissioned officer, to share in the rewards due to their merit and gallantry. Mr. MONTAGUE GORE thought there were some pecu liar circumstances which enhanced the merit of Viscount Hardinge and Lord Gough. He m eant to allude to the exten sive means which the occupation of the Sinde country, by the British Government, would open up the way to the introduc tion of Christianity—of a Christian policy and a Christian sway. These advantages, at no future day, would, he trusted, be spread over the whole continent of India. The p s read of edu cation, the cultivation of the arts of peace, the increase of com merce, in these conquered regions, would result to the glory of England. Captain LAYARD thought there was no private soldier who would not be glad that her Majesty had conferred high favours on Viscount Hardinge and Lord Gough. He thought, however, that the gallant warriors who had fought at Albuera, should receive some token for their valour. The East India Company ought to be allowed to stand alone in their remun neration of them. Mr. BAILEY spoke a few words in so low a tone as to be inaudible in the gallery. Sir DE LACY EVANS trusted he should not be deemed presumptive in drawing attention to the services of ether offi cers who bad served nobly in the field. He alluded to Sir which would justify his having made that statement.—(Hear, hear.) What was, in fact, the course adopted by the First Minister of France ? The Belgian tariff, having been brought under discussion in the Chambers of France, that watt Minis ter, M. Guizot, seized an oppot tunity of expressing his admi ration of the pt.( sent policy of her Majesty's Government ; but whilst he gave the hi p ultest praise to the policy of the Right — Sir JOHN HANMER rose for the perp'se of expressing Hon. Bar'enet, who had introducedthis . tire he franitly although h hadtthey y not rejoiced ei o iced adopted i, the being watchword at c a hffwo afforded o an n "free opportunity ade , " his complete concurrence in the proceeding before the House. told the people that France was not pa m re e rto follow in his yndahLoourldd be supplied li b e u d t w h i e thaua d th in a g t e the a He was not at all aware of the circumstances of Viscount Har- steps._-( hear, hear.) They had, therefore, found that them with proper dignity in the rank to which they had been of enriching themselves' raised, and to provide in a suitable manner for their families. Were not, therefore, the people of this entitled ask country . to Mr. HOGG said that the Government had the power of the Right Hon Baronet on what foundation he had gt ouaded advancing private soldiers who had behaved in a gallant man • the promise which he had m thou ght cien t i t meanshighl highly to desirable support made as regarded France?—(Hear, ner, through the different grades of lieutenant, captain, and hear.) The language of Mons. G • utzot was remarkable— so on, in the army. It was their duty to be well versed in the (Hear, hear )—and so beautiful that he was sure that the science of the army. Sir Henry Smith h a d been placed on the House would forgive him if he read a passage from his speech staff at a large salary, as a reward for his ser vices. There were addressed to the French Chamber on the Ist of April last.— ample means of rewarding gallant officers in a legitimate wa y ( Hear, hear. ) M. Guizot said, "No one is ' a greater friend without having recourse to grants of sums of money. than I am of the influence of landed proprietors, and I will Sir DE LACY EVANS admitted that Sir Henry Smith say of the agricultural interests of this country—(Hear, hear) had been placed on the staff, with a salary of 5,000 1 . a - year. — I am sure that interest is based on a most solid foundation The ease of Sir Henry Smith was peculiar. He had achieved for the prosperity and security of this country. I, for my a victory which any Commander•in-Chief might be proud of. own pa rt, am a most sincere and decided friend of the agricul- He thought his case was on e deserving of some extrareward. tural interests of the country. No one can deny that England Mr. WILLIAMS would be extremely sorry to offer one single in particular owes all her strength, and a great part of her objection to this grant. He did not agree with the doctrine liberties and prosperity, to her territorial aristocracy." —( Hear, that future generations should be taxed with the pensions of hear.) Those were the sentiments of one of the wisest these two Noble Lords. He objected to it on principle. He statesmen that ever governed any great country.—( Hear, thought the Noble Lords ought to be rewarded in their own hear.) They were the sentiments, too, of one of the wisest persons. In no case had pensions for military service been Ministers, of one of the wisest Monarchs that ever reigned in granted to the amount of 3,000 :- a-year to the thirdgeneration. Europe, and they were the sentiments that had been enter- He did not think the services of Lord Hardin g e, brilliant tamed some time ago by the ablest and best statesman of thi s as they were, greater than those of Lord Nelson, Lord Aber- country—( Hear, hear)—and happily, in his opinion, would it crombie, and Lord Duncan ; and yet the descendants of these have been for England if he had now, as Minister, been sitting Noble Lords had only 2,0001. aeyear. He wasaverse to pensions on the benches before him, who entertained the same when there were other means of reward. In the case sentiments that had been expressed by M. Guizot in the of Sir H. Smith, for instance, lie had been rewarded by a Chamber of France.—(Hear.) Speaking of the plan of Sir P. regiment, as two had lately become vacant. There were Peel, that great Minister said, "It is a great and beautiful others who achieved great services in India. Look at General spectacle given to us, but there is nothing in it , which we Nott. He had returned from India, a f ter performing the should hurry ourselves t o a pp l y to this country. '--( Hear, greatest deeds. The East India Company granted him a pen- hear.) Monsieur Guizot also observed, that in their proceed sion of 1,0001. a year ; but he only lived a few months to en- ings he hoped they would not manifest the impatience and want joy it, and he (Mr. Williams) had been given to understand, of prudence which h ad rei g ned elsewhere—(Hear, hear),—be that the family of that gallant officer had been left in straight- cause the industry of France might not be in a position to sub ened circumstances. Now, he hoped that the Chairman of the mit to the trials to which the commerce of England would be East India Company would take this case into his considera- subjected. He (Lord George Bentinck) wished that Minis tion. Services such as those of General Nett, ought not to ters of this country had the same prudence as bad been mani have been rewarded so niggardly as they had been by the East fested in the Chambers of France. What were the sentiments India Company. of the Minister of Commerce, Monsieur Gridaine? " Those Mr. HOGG said, that General Nott had been appointed to who think we should not hesitate to give it the example given an office second only to a seat in the council, and he would to us by the English Parliament, advise a premature and dan have been appointed to a seat in the council bad he lived. gerous act." And on the division on the question whether they General Pollock had survived, and he had been appointed to should imitate our example, they rejected it by a majo a seat in the council, which was worth 10,0001. a year._General rity of 236. We had no reason to suppose that Prussia Nott had not left the service when pensioned. He was only on would reciprocate with our policy. The progress of her reve leave of absence. He died before he could return to India, nue, under her restrictive laws, had not been such as to en and immediately afterwards a pension was conferred on his courage the adoption of any free-trade measures.—( Hear, two daughters, and a pension was also given to the widow, in hear.) When the Right Hon. Gentleman said that Prussia addition to the former one. The East India Company had also had been shaken, he (Lord George Bentinck) thought that he pensioned a grandson of General Nott. He (Mr. Hays) there- would find himself in the same critical position as that in which fore thought that it would have been well if the Hon. Gentle- hiißight Hon. Friend the Secretary - at - War had fo und himself. man had inquired into the circumstance of this case, b e f or e he I t W as stated, too, that America would relax her duties with re had made so grave a charge as that which he had just given dthis country, but he believed that the last news from gar to utterance to. America displayed no symptoms of that sort. The last news Mr. MORRIS trusted that something would be done for that he received from America was, that there was no great the families of those who had fallen in the late engagement in probability of such step being taken. And where was the any India. potato famine, which they we re first told would occur in the Sir ROBERT PEEL thought that subject was be s t l e ft i n month of February, and was then postponed till March, and the hands of the Crown, and he deprecated entering into a dis- then again till the month of Msy , and which had been still cussion of the merits of the various officers who had lately been f ur ther postponed till the month of July ! Had that po engaged in India. First, the name of Sir H. Smith had been tato famine arrived ? He believed that the price mentioned, and that had led to the mention of the names of of potatoes in Ireland had fallen rat her than risen within the Sir C. Napier, General Nott, and General Pollock. lie did not la s t few weeks, and certainly, except as regarded a few lo think that that was the proper place to discuss the merits of calities, they need entertain no apprehensions as to a famine in those distinguished men. The Hon. Gentleman opposite Ireland. Scarcity there might be ; but scarcity and famine (Mr. Williams) had said there was no precedent for so large a were not synonymous terms. It had been stated that the pension as 3,000/. Now there was the case of Lord Amherst, city of Cork was one among the most affected districts; and I after the conquest of Canada, and there was also the case of learn from one of the public journals that the corporation of Lord Rodney. Nine dicers had 3,0001. a-year granted them that city received revenues amounting to 7,0001. or 8,0001. for their lives, 2,0001. out of the English Pension Fund, and per annum, and yet they had subscribed no more than 1001. to 1,000/. out of the Irish Pension Fund. With respect to the relieve a starving people. But he was sure that if the cor rewards of those officers who had been mentioned in the course poration of the city of Cork had been convinced that de s t itution of the discussion, he would remind the House that there was did exist in their city to the extent represented by her Ma• always a certain amount of patronage in the hands of the jesty's Ministeis, they would have come forward with a more Crown, which, of course, would be used to reward such liberal subscription than 1001. The Noble Lord proceeded to brilliant services as had lately been in India. Indeed read an address from Mr. Browne to Lord Stanley, in such rewards had already commenced, inasmuch as Sir Charles whieh it was stated that the markets of Westport and Napier had been sent for to take the position, second in com- Castlebar had suddenly become very excited, but that the two wand, of the army. Of course the Crown would consider the last markets had been supplied with potatoes and meal at claims of the relatives of those who had fallen. Sir Robert a less price than has been known at this period Sale had left a family ; and General APCaskill, he understood, of the year for many years past. A number of letters to the had left seven daughters. Of course these would be objects same effect, from persons residing in Ireland, were also read by of consideration b y t h e C rown , an d he could say, on the part the Noble Lord. Extracts were also read from a Sligo paper, of the Crown, that as far as the limited resources, which were at of the first of May, stating that the markets were completely the command of the Crown for such purposes, would permit, over-stocked with potatoes, and that there had never been known those families would be provided for. at the present season of the year such an abundant supply of Mr. WILLIAMS explaMed. He said that he had only that edible. The Noble Lord went on to say that in the South referred to the English Pension List, and was not aware that Riding of Tipperary the labourers refused to work under any pensions had been charged on the Irish list. Is. 4d. per day. A letter was also read from the Earl Glen- Lord JOHN RUSSELL quite agreed with the Right gall, who stated that the insurrections which had lately taken Hon. Baronet, that this subject ought to be left in the hands of place in Clonmell did not arise from the destitution of the the Crown. With reference to what the Right Hon. Baronet people. The disturbances which took place in Carrick-on- Sceur, had said at the close of his address, he (Lord John Russell) were not attributable to distress. In the .Newrg Telegraph it would suggest to the Right Hon. Baronet the propriety of was stated that potatoes were now to be had at reduced prices, increasing the means at the disposal of the Crown for such and that sales were difficult to be effected. He thought it in purposes as these, so that the Ministers should not have either vain for her Majesty's Ministers to pretend to say, in the face of to refuse the claims of such cases as that of the survivors of this state of things, that there was any necessity for now going Sir H. Sale, or to come down to the House to ask for a sepa- into committee on the subject of the repeal of the corn-laws, rate grant. He had now shown, in the most satisfactory m a nner, that so far The resolations were then agreed to, and were reported. as Prussia was concerned—so far as France and America were THE CORN BILL, concerned—our adoption of free trade principles did not induce Mr. HUTT presented several petitions from the colonists of them to meet us in a reciprocal spirit, and our expectations had, Australasia, in favour of the Government measure. consequently, ended in disappointment. He thanked the On the motion that the Speaker do leave the chair for the House for the patience and attention with which they heard House to go into Committee on the Corn Importation Bill, the statements which he had felt it his duty to make on this Lord GEORGE BENTINCK said he rose to oppose the great question. Speaker leaving the chair. The Right Hon. Baronet for the Sir ROBERT PEEL—Sir, I shall, in the first place, notice last thirty years had been a supporter of the corn-laws, and that part—the concluding part of the Noble Lord's speech, had at various periods devised means for their improvement, where he refers to the present condition of Ireland. And I and yet he told them that within the last three months he had did certainly expect that, after the reports laid upon the table undergone such a change that he considered these laws were not in reference to the subject, the Noble Lord would not have only inexpedient but unjust. Now before they proceeded further made an unfair selection from them, but a full and entire re he thought the Right Honourable Baronet ought to put them presentation of the statements contained in them. I did not in possession of the reasons which had induced him to come to expect that the Noble Lord would have adopted such a this extraordinary decision.—( Hear, hear.) It had been mode of selection. Sir, I know that scarcity is not uni urged against the protectionist party that on their heads versal throughout Ireland. I know that in many parts of the rested the responsibility for the present stagnation in the corn- country it does not exist at all. I know that in some parts it merce of the country. How could this be,.though ? They does not exist to the same extent that it does in others, and were not responsible for this measure, which was the cause of gentlemen may therefore write with perfect accuracy from some the stagnation. They did not propose to make a change in the localities that there is no scarcity or famine among the popula commercial laws of the country, and it was therefore only fair, tion, but it cannot be denied that there does exist disease— seeing that the proposal produced the stagnation, that those disease existing out of scarcity—( Hear, hear)—and the remedy who proposed it should bear the responsibility.—( Hear, hear.) which her Majesty's Government have thought proper to apply They had been told also that the farmers of England were to meet the case is to purchase food.—( Hear, hear.) From desirous of seeinga speedy settlement of this question. He did what sources have the money come from to enable them to do not doubt that the farmers of En g l an d were desirous of seeing so ? Is there a large fund at their disposal for such a purpose ? a speedy settlement of this question, provided that settlement was No ; the source they have had to depend on is taxation. The the rejection of the measure proposed by her Majesty's Ministry. Noble Lord sa y s that sixt y tons of p otatoes have been recently —(Hear, bear.) But if he were to be told that the farmers of imported into Liverpool and Bristol from Ireland, and he asks England expected that the price of their cern would be raised us why we did riot go into the market and buy up this food, for by the introduction of 1,500,000 quarters of foreign wheat— the supply of the deficiency produced by the scarcity? What and such was really the fact—they would be justly liable to the is the remedy which he proposes ? Why, that we should buy accusation which had been made against them by the Noble up this food, which was intended for the consumption of the Lord, the Member for the City of London, who once said the people of this country ; and because we have not done so, he farmers of England were as dull as the clod they broke.—( Hear.) turns round upon us and accuses us of supineness or neglect. Lord JOHN RUSSELL said his Noble Friend had misap- With regard to the allusions made to the reductions in the price plied the force of his observation, when he proposed a fixed of potatoes, I will ask why is the price reduced? It has been duty of Bs. He said those who argued that such would be reduced, because we have made extensive purchases of Ind i an injurious to the farmer, must be a s dull as the clod the farmer meal, and this food has, to a very great extent, supplanted po broke, and not that the farmers of England were as dull as tatoes.—(Hear, hear.) Why, I will refer to the reports laid the clod they broke.—( Hear, hear.) before us. Are the people of Ireland bound together in a con- Lord G. BENTICK thanked the Noble Lord for his expla- spiracy, for the purpose of inducing us to believe that they are nation, with which he was perfectly satisfied. —( Hear, hear.) suffering under famine ? The reports were laid before you. — It had been stated in that House, that they would be ( Hear, hear.) No concealment was attempted with regard to doing essential service to the farmers by allowing them. They were open to contradiction, if any ene was able the importation of Foreign wheat for Home consumption, to prove their falsity ; bat no one ever attempted to do so. because it would tend to assist the sale of their own produce. Now, what did the Noble Lord assent to for the purpose of Now if he looked back to all the precedents of bygone years, meeting this state of things ?—(Hear, hear.) Why, he could not find a single instance in which the introduction of he agreed to suspend the operation of the corn-laws, large quantities of foreign wheat had raised the price of Eng- and to permit the importation of foreign corn into Ireland for lish wheat. He recollected, in the year 1838, when the duty three years.—(" Hear, hear," from Lord Bentinck.) Now he, under the old sliding-scale suddenly fell to Is., there were im. (Sir R. Peel) believed that if the Noble Lerd imagined that ported, within the space of six weeks, 2,500,000 quarters of there was no foundation whatever for the cry of famine which wheat. Was the effect of that importation to raise the price of prevailed, such consent was a most extraordinary act on the English corn? Nothing of the sort. The effect of that im- part of the Noble Lord.—( Loud ironical cheers.) If the portation was to lower the price of wheat in the same six weeks Noble Lord believed that there was no famine, then what to the full extent of 12s. per quarter. In July, 1842, again, could have induced him to concede to the suspension of just after the passing of the present sliding scale, the results the corn-laws. —(Loud ironical cheers.) If the duty of were a large importation into this country of foreign wheat, legislators be to discourage all unfounded outcries and agitation, for corn fell from 635. per quarter to 335. In 1843, the im- then I cannot understand by what motives the Noble Lord was portation of foreign wheat reduced the price of English corn influenced in encouraging by his concession what he believed 9s. per quarter ; and in 1844 and 1845, similar results fol- to be unfounded in fact.—(Loud cheers, and " Hear, hear," from lowed smaller importations.—(Hear, hear.) He thought he Lord Bentinck.) I protest, Sir, I do not understand the had shown them very clearly that the farmers of England might Noble Lord.—(lronical cheers.) The Noble Lord says that he be easily deluded indeed, if they believed that the entry of will allow the free importation of foreign corn into 1,500,000 quarters of foreign wheat would enhance the price of Ireland for three years, and in the same breath denies their own English produce. Well, then, was there anything in that there is any scarcity in that country.--(Loud ironical the state of the markets, either as respected the price or the sup- cheers.) If the Noble Lord manifested such a feeling out of ply of food, which should induce them to forfeit the interest of the deference to the Irish Members, in regard to the corn-laws, it farmer for the sake of the consumer? The price of wheat at would not be too much to assume that the same feeling would this time averaged from 555. to 655. per quarter, but had the have actuated him with regard to the Coercion Bill. He acted supply in the consumption been decreased in consequence of differently, however, and he thought there was a necessity for the existing stagnation in trade ? No, it had not, for he the passing of the Coercion Bill. Now, if he thinks there is had taken the trouble to compare the supply and consumption no necessity for the free importation of foreign corn into Ire of the last four months, and he found that there was an in- land, why does he countenance that delusion which he says is crease in the supply of wheat and consumption of 116 quarters. calculated to raise the price of food, and to aggravate the evils He trusted, therefore, that any farmers who might hays been which exist in that country. Sir, you would find that a tem misled by false friends into the belief that their interest lay in porary suspension of the corn-laws in Ireland, will not meet the a speedy settlement of this question, would learn from expert- requirements of that country. You will find that there is , ence that their interest lay in a contrary direction. Well, bet this year even a smaller quantity of land set apart for potatoes, with respect to the price. They were toldin this year of famine than for some years past. This arises partly from the eircum and starvation that the prices were extremely high. stances of the farmer being able to get no remuneration Instead, however, of this being so, he found that from the con-acre system formerly adopted, and partly from a every description of grain had fallen in price. Barley disinclination on the part of the cottiers to cultivate potatoes, had fallen 1 1 / Q per cent., beans 2% per cent., peas 61,4 per cent. from an apprehension that the rot would still continue. If as compared with last year.. He had shown, and he hoped this be the case, the consequence will be that the period of successfully, that the fluctuations in price had been much snore scarcity will extend to even a longer period than August, and and much less in England since the passing of the Bill of 1842, a greater supply of food will be necessary to meet the defi but he was told in reply to this, that the gu c tuations in other ciency. I therefore deny that there is an exaggeration on the parts of Europe were o ccasioned by the state of the markets part of the Government with respect to the scarcity in Ireland. in this country. Upon lookinginto the returns and facts, If we neglected any necessary precaution which we might and however, he found this was not the case, itad he repeated have adopted for the purpose of meeting this calamity, with confidence, the asser tion he already made. and if any evils resulted which might have been that after the Corn Now, when it was recollectedßill had once warded off by timely measures, one universal condemnation r th fairly come into operation aft in great glut whi c h sue- wou ld h ave b urs t u po n us , an d th e censure you now lavish t t l e fi rst ce eded to the month of Au us 1 as year, and that the flue - tuations in dile country of the food of the upon us for superfluous precaution would be levelled against ht that people had never us for supineness and neglect.—(Loud cheers.) The Noble Lord exceeded 30 per cent., he then those who relied upon says I stated the other nightthat I the opinion that free trade i •n corn would introduce changed the opinions which a broken a greater I entertained on this subject,and that I believed these re steadiness in prices rested upon_ reed.---( Hear, hear.) stri • The same, and even greater, fluctuation in prices as hitherto ctions were unjust. I adopt the principle, and Ido regard prevailed would still continue. That great authority these restrictions as unjust.--( Loud cheers.) The Noble Lord upon the may blame me for not subject of free trade, MHushisson had, down to the last of his life, maintained that it was of far more importance to the question, however, was not a personal one. The question was, people of this country that prices should be steady thanthatthe were the restrictions founded on justice ?—( Cheers .) Punish they should be either very high or very low.—( (gear, hear. me if you please ; but you cannot escape the consideration, It was a fluctuation in prices that Mr. Huskisson ) are the restrictions politic or just ? Ido not think they as being dangerous to the interests of this countr objected to, are just. It was not my intention to go into this therefore, if he, (Lord G. Bentinck,) showed that ti l i . e . fl And, question till the third reading was proposed, but as a tion in prices abroad were not limited to wheat, butuctuae question was put to me, I have no hesitation now, at this early equally to rye and oats, which constituted the foo extended state of the debate, to enter into it. Sir, I will assign the majority of the people of the country, and if he sh owe d th of the grounds upon which, after mature deliberation—after a care no such fluctuation occured in this country und er the emithat ful consideration of the various arguments that h ave b een scale, unless they were able to refute his statements, the ground urged in the course of this debate, and, after the speeches of of the promoters of this Bill was cut from under them. the Noble . Lord, I consider that these restrictions are based had been :told by the Right Hon. Baronet the First Alini They upon injustice. Ido not think you can maintain the restrictions the Crown, that if they made their selection to aduttnce ste t i h of upon the supply of food by legislative interference, unless for would raise a watchword for all the nations of ey some great public reason, or to accomplish some great public and America. They were told too that Eu rope prussiahad good. The application of the principle with regard to other been shaken.—( Hear, hear.) They were once told, he articles is a strong presumption why we should apply it also to arned Member be lieved, by the Hon. and ILe for Bolton, that if food ;. and it is because I see no difference between the two we mitigated our laws with regard to the admission of fo • cases—because I cannot see that the removal of these restric they would relax their laws with regard to timber and tions would make you a whit more dependent on foreign coun corn,corn—that they would, in fact, relax their tariff.—( an tries—because I believe that the price of wages is not Well, those countries bad largely relaxed their laws both as Hear.) regulated by . the price of food—because I understand, from garded timber and corn—(Hear, hear)—but Prussia had notre- the most intelligent farmers, that their maintenance been shaken ; Prussia had not relaxed, but had rather drawn is not necessary for agricultural purposes. For these closer the reductions under which she bound her trade n reasons I consider that their maintenance is repugnant foreign countries. They had been told, too, that if they with . to that natural order which should prevail, and, therefore, taxed their restrictions, and if they adopted the free -trade that they are unjust.--(Loud and continued cheering.) measure, the French Government would reciprocate such e I listen to the arguments of those who say that there is a ne a cessity for the continuation of the duties on corn because the policy ; that the reflecting . minds of France would be enabled I believe it to be su ccessfully, in the Legislative Ch amber of Fra nce, w hi ch con- country is under a very heavy taxation. most illogical to contend that, because the great mass of the sisted of the representatives of the territorial and commercialfor , the necessary expenses of the interests of that country, to obtain a law for free trade in corn, , lation is heavil taxed t is also necessary to tax them and the relaxation of her commercial policy generally, as re - • Government of this country, hear.) I believe that by garded The foreign countries. Right Hon. Baronet the • • , In the same rate for corn. —( Hear, importing corn for foreign • markets, and by being able to First Minister of the Crown had come down to the House and show that there is no sliding-scale to operate against them, stated that the Government of France was willing to relax her we shall inspire them with a confidence which will not be in laws He (Lord G. Bentinck) wished that Right Honourable jurious to the supply of that article. I cannot say, with some Baronet would produce w the 11911801 me official information goy, Members, that th e re is saythibg like depeud ence on ‘.: foreign nations. There will be a mutual exchange of the pro dice of other nations for the manufactures of this country ; and that, I think, must answer the charge of dependence. Well, now look at our manufacturing population ; can you say that the great body of the pee,ple. employed in the manufacturing districts are or can he interested in the maintenance of these laws of taxation on corn ? When I was told !hat the removal of these la e s teould affect the Tithe Computation Act, I said, and I now repeat 't, that there cannot be any alarm as to that Act. Noa , wi, ^ respect to the great manufacturing class, when we hr a moment see that they are nut half employed, and that this arises from the want of a principle of exchange of their manu factures for the corn of other countries, I cannot but think they must be anything but injured by the change.—( Hear, hear.) I belieae, therefore, that the great macs of the manufacturing class will be very greatly benefited by the removal of these laws.—(Hear, hear.) By increasing the demand for their labour, and by giving them a greater value for that labour, we shall confer a lasting benefit upon them.—(Hear, hear.) With respect to the argument, that the introduction of maize will lessen the demand for wheat, I am of opinion that such an argument does not stand good, for the consumption of maize will decrease when corr is sent in. If you were to draw a line from Inverness to Southampton, you would see. how many are interested in maintaining these re strictive laws. I do not think Lancashire is int , rested in keeping up this taxation, and it would be very difficult to show that the agricultural portion is interested in keeping up the price of food. Now with regard to Ireland? The Noble Lord informed us that Lord Essex said the farmer' who bad capital and skill would be able to contend against these laws, but not otherwise. There are 589,000 farmer: in Ireland, and Lord Essex also said that these farmers were without capital and skill. Well, then, what has agricultural protection done for them ?—( Hear, hear.) If, then, it can be said that this is the case with respect to these farmers, can it, on the other hand, be:said that protection has been for their interest?— (Cheers.) With respect to the agricultural labourer, what has it done for them ? Jn the districts where they are, are they not many parts of the year starving? This was the case, not for once in a way, but they were so every year . I f t h en th i s i s said to be the case of the labourer in I re l an d , can i t b e sa i d that protection. has done anything for them, w h ere f or several ncentlis' in the there been destitution and famine we re a mo ngs t t h em ? Has been in any of the statements of those Hon. Member. whoad vocate the necessity of these laws—have they, I say, attempted to show that protection was for the benefit of th e manufactur ing and labouring classes—that protection has done anything for them? I deny that they have done so.—( Hear, hear.) I cannot deny that so great a change as the one proposed can be made without injury to some. 1 regret that no great change can be made without acting in some way to the distress of many interests. It is so in all great changes. No one will deny that the doing away of protection will injure those who have not capital and skill in a slight degree ; and it is allowed by those who opposed the present measure, that those who have capital and skill will not be distressed ; but that admission proved at once the unsoundness of the principle of protection. The question is, then, can this system be maintained? The sooner we meet—and the country I believe is also of the same opinion —the sooner we meet the difficulty the better.— (Hear, hear.) I believe the agriculturist must acknowledge that this system of protection is far from being a sound and permanent system. If the system of protection is not a sound and permanent one, it cannot be called a good one, and the sooner a real and per manent settlement of these laws is made the better it will be or all.—(liear.) lam of the same opinion as Guizot, the eminent French statesman, that a territorial aristocracy is most essential to a great country. I believe this most certainly, but the question is, what is the most legitimate way of maintaining a territorial aristocracy? I consider that in maintaining a territorial aristocracy we should not lose sight in the present interest that of future advantages ; and it was to be considered whether it was for their benefit to maintain an exorbitant price of food . Can the interest of the landed aristocracy be upheld by maintaining this protection? My firm opinion is, that we shall maintain the territorial aris tocracy by giving up these laws.—(Hear, hear.) I agree, also, with Mr. Burke, " That a territorial aristocracy is most essentially for the good and well-being of this country ;" but that great man very wisely drew the distinction between what did and what did not constitute the privileges of that class of so.. ciety. The Hon. Member for Dorsetshire (Mr. Bankes), in speaking on this question on a former evening, made a charge against me, which, though it was intended to censure me, was, in reality, most complimentary. That Honourable Mem ber said that I had adopted the policy of Turgot, and that, by so doing, I was about sowing the seeds of a revolution. Now, by adopting the policy of a repeal of the laws which resriet food, I am doing the very re verse of anything approaching revolutionary principles. On the contrary, I am for sowing the seeds of content by giving the labourer the full value of his labour.— (Hear, hear.) Ido not believe that the value of land or the privilege of land will be injured by the change of these laws. On the contrary, I am of opinion that the value of land, and its privileges in this compact state of society, is so mixed up with the manufacturing and other interests of this country, that what would be for the benefit of one must of necessity be for the benefit of the other ; and this is the natural and proper order of interests. And if that is the case is it not better that the territorial aristo cracy should make some sacrifice to bring about such a state of society? How many other advantages have they not given up, and no injury was the result? How long ago is it when land was the only means of entering this House? — (Hear, bear.) When they found that privilege defeated, for it was easily got over, and by the abandonment of this there has been no injury, and the character of this House has not suffered by the change.—(Loud cheers.) We have had this Bill before us for three months, and the country has known for that time this law is coming into operation in February 1846. And what has been the opinion of its injurious results ? The best proof of its anticipated results is that there have been farms to letnowhere. Do they let at a reduced rental? — (Cheering.) On the contrary and this is the best answer to those who dread the repeal of these laws.—(Cheers.) I believe it is for the benefit of the landed interest that these laws should be settled, and that a permanent system should be adopted. Ido not see any foundation for the prosperity of the landed interest by the continuance of these laws, and I believe that the interest of the landed proprietors will be served by the settlement of this great question. I say so because I believe I do net consider it necessary to the best interests of the country that those restrictions should be continued, or that in fact any reasons whatever—l mean sound and solid reasons—could be given in support of the continuance of those restrictions. Indeed, I will go so far as to say that I do consider that the removal of all restriction upon foreign corn will be perfectly consistent with the duties of this Par liament to the country.—(Cheers from the Opposition.) I think I have now answered the questions of the Noble Lord.— (Hear, hear.) But sow let me say, that after having paid the best attention I could to the reasons that have been assigned in favour of the continuance of those restrictions, and after having given them all the best consideration I could bring to bear upon them, I can only arrive at this conclusion, that I still believe that the continuance of those restrictions would be impolitic and unwise. —(Hear, hear.) I am aware that the Hon. Members who now cheer me still retain their impres • gong upon this subject, notwithstanding the discussions that have taken place in this House upon it. Their views no doubt may be more just than mine, and more wise and more prudent, but still I am compelled to say that even at the risk of paying the penalty cf their censure, and of the forfeiture of their confidence, I am still determined to persevere in the course I have adopted against the further preservation of those restrictions.—(Loud cheers from the Opposition benches.) The Noble Lord has also taken this opportunity of referring to our international policy, and has told the House that my pro mise cannot be fulfilled. Why, the answer to that is, that we are only now beginning to consider this question.—(Hear.) Surely, the Noble Lord cannot expect, nor can this House ex i pect, that foreign countries can se soon be prepared to relax their systems of restriction, in order to meet this Bill, which is only now about being read a second time.—(Cheers from the Opposition benches.): Yet, notwithstanding that, Ido think it must be already apparent that other countries have already taken measures in consequence of the discussions that have taken place in this House upon this subject, for we have seen that very recently the commercial systems of the two Sicilies have been very much relaxed. It is true that those are small countries, but considering the very small progress we have made in the removal of restrictions, I think that was doing a good deal.—( Laughter.) Well, then, with respect to France —the Noble Lord has told the House that I promised that France wonld immediately follow this course of policy. Now I beg to say that I said no such thing.—(Cheers and laughter.) What I did say was, that I did consider that the majority of the representatives of the French people represented a nation much too enlightened to persevere in the preservation of restrictions upon English goods imported into that country, but that, for the present, the representatives in both Cnambers, as now con stituted, were too much :influenced by a feeling in favour of re strictive duties to yield at once in favour of any measure for their removal. But I also stated that 1 did believe that there are now in France many eminent men, members of both Cham bers, who would, ere long, lead the way upon a motion for a relaxation of those restrictive duties. That is what I said (Cheers) and what I then said I still believe, and that is, that the interests of the great body of the consumers of this country and those countries must and will prevail.—(Lond cheers.) And I furthermore believe that if you now adopt this measure of commercial re form, you will most materially benefit the best interests of this country. I beg to tell the House this, that there are at this ranraent_ in France societies formed for the purpose of carry ing out a more liberal system of commercial in tercoursean p t.: this country, and that they are of opinion that they should longer continue to buy dear cotton and d ear hardware, the pro duce of this country, and that France would materially benefit by the removal of the restrictive duties that now compel them to do so. But I never prom ised this House that France would at once yield to theremoval of those restrictions.—( Hear, hear.) I am not, on that account, the less confident that if you will set them the example, it will, beyond all doubt, prevail.—(Hear, hear.) If you set them the example, it will be discussed in France, and when it is once well understood what must be the result of the discussion? I say it must prevail.—( Hear, hear.) I believe that the same argumen t s app l y to the United Stateq Like France, they m a y no t b e lik e l y to take effect immediately, but I do again say, that in every civilised country a movement is about taking pl ace up on this subject.—(He ar ,h ear .) l W n Well, but suppose you adopt a different course—suppose a course be a retrograde movement—then I say you will find, when it is too late, that you were wrong, and that I have been right. It has been said that we are going to take in the silks and brandies of France, and the timber of Prussia, at prices less the restriction duties, and that we shall get nothing in return. Why, then, I ask, if we do not—what do we suffer ?—( Hear, hear.) Again, it has been said, that when we take in the silks and brandies of France, and the timber and corn of Prussia, so far from getting an equivalent, we end out our gold. I must say, in reply to that, that I cer tainly have not seen any diminution inthe quantity of gold in this country ; or if there has been, it went to supply the internal commerce of this country, and not that of either France or Prussia. And here I am going to say what may appear still more startling, and that is, that I wish it had.— ( Hear hear, and loud cheers. ) Now, let me ask, where do we get this supply of gold? I say, an answer to all these arguments, that this country will always be able to command a supply f gold to meet its exigencies, and that there will be no drain whatever upon the resources of the Bank of England. If those foreign countries will take nothing but our gold in payment for their corn, timber, silks, and brandies, recollect, also, that their articles cannot be purchased by this country without a return of that gold. I do say then, that by your giving free access to foreign manufactures by the removal of those restrictive duties, you will receive better articles than any now imported, and you will also intitle this country to the same measure of policy from those countries. I say, furthermore that if France could be induced to allow at once access equally free for the manufactures of this country at once, it would be better still for our tradesmen ; but as that cannot be obtained without delay, let us not on that account lose a single day.— ( Hear, hear.) And I have that confidence in the influence which such an example, set by England, will have upon other h countries that they will speedily follow it , and I rely linen e t n impression , that that at no remote period this princi ple w w h l ich u the a dvice, Noble prevail, and therefore, I reiterate my Noble Lord has so much condemned ; namelysth ee a d t e w i e n t a i l ! take for one motto, ~ Advance, and de not re course of commercial policy." The Honourable Baronet sat down amidst loud cheers. ht Hon. lace, had Mr. G. BANKES said , tha t the Rig said, that in the discussion w hi c h bad taken pace.e a always maintained the same pos t iti e on ve c y b e u m t p t h h a e tie ß d ig e h e t lar il at o io n h . h Baronet had, perhaps , fo r g otten which be made on the last occasion, when an opportunity offered of declaring his sentiments, that those sentiments were not fully: declared; and that the very important distinction which the Right Hon. Baronet made between his present de . cient i,,, an d any former deelaratieu) which he made ou the abject ; a declaration which it well became Members of.tha, f: 1 i 1 s: , N '.i %. i ..al E,euse to remark upon, and which had been so properly re% lurked upon elsewhere. Some few weeks past, the House las led to the conclusion that the maintenance of those laws, en under discussion, was injurious, and now the Right Hon. I sronet said, that he wished them to consider that, t , e maintenance of those laws was unjust. (Hear, hear. ) would have been singular, if the first opportunity had it been taken by one of those who retained the opinions hich the Right Hon. Baronet had so long advocated.— ( ear, hear.) However little qualified they might have been t treadC in his steps, in which he took the lead and honoured 'm by his leadership, to supply that place which he had va ted. It became them, if they had seen no change. and • uld find in the arguments which he now used no answer to e arguments which, during so many years, he so strongly sed—( Hear, her. )—te take the earliest opportunity of ex , ressing their re gre t a t the new change in his opinion —the ew stand which he had taken, still endeasouring, as it should •em, to keep a-head of the Noble Lord on the other side of • e House—(lmmense cheering from the protetsioniste_ lid to dro wn hi m i n hi s course o f o p era ti on . 'He •as bound, of course, to hold in every respect a per. • n so eminent as his Right Honourable Friend at the head f the Government, and was bound to give him every ,redit for belief in opinion which he now thought he en tertained ; and he assured him that he felt how humble it would be to him to deny it to one of his station and charac `r, and he wculd use no expressions but those of the deep re / ret which he entertained—no feelings but those which were f that nature, when he found so striking an illustration, as he cared it must be, of the fact that no confidence was to be laced in him by those who were conscious of their superiority nd the superiority of his leadership. He could have no feel g but that of sincere sorrow and regret at the loss of such guide * , and it would indeed he a consolation to him if he ould follow him in the line which he then pursued. Listen. g to the arguments now offered by the Right Hon. Baronet, e did not perceive any reasons in the speech which he had delivered for the change which had taken place. He could perceive no new lights addressed to their atten. on. He had heard the same line of arg ument 1i ften pursued by men of not equal, but still of rest ability on that side of the House. The arguments raised y the Right Hon. Baronet had been long answered, by the nswers he had made i n o pp os iti on t o th e s tatements which had hen fallen from him. It would not become him to recapitu ate those answers, or to set in junta-position one with another he speeches which he had formerly spoken and those which e now addressed. He might be permitted so far to exercise f i s t r e n ß h ig u h m t b il le e j e u . dg ß m e e re n tet judgment, as itvoen in avoid fo w r e m ig e t r iing the speeches h He wa s b oun d to declare that"re s' thou ghtwlt t h ose ow rnahis former speeches brought to his mind the conviction that these / left the former Honourable opin i Baronet ons were ef g oo r in ou io n w d s ed w ; hic an h d he the Right . assumed, and quitted the m aterieetndfeertrhnen. him. His ge H es i t s ion H p o o n t ou te ra h b i l m e Member for Lynn e e la t o l cog; Member for Limerick, in which he ask hest be adopted in regard to the alleged want in nu lr s Hon. Friend, with a degree of caution in his reply which might ;lave preserved him from the sarcasms of the Prime Minister, ahrltthsufeinsicnencets byfatrhflrmbHeeloernlwy. said he could see no benefit in the course proposed, and he would lend himself to no such delusion , but that sooner than be ( accused of any such obstinacy or indifference to the state of Ireland, he would accede to the ' measures proposed. If the -Members for Ireland, on their own reponsibility as representa tives of that country in that House, would -state to the House ;their belief that such a course would be a benefit to Ireland, (they would at once consent to it. If the Government 'thought that such a measure would be a benefit, why did !they not adopt it, instead of directin g to them night after nigh; the charge of delaying relief for Ireland. The debate com menced with such taunts, hut now they were effectually si lenced. The Right Hon. Baronet had referred to an observa tion which he (Mr. Bankes) had made on a former occasion with reference to a minister of France, at. a period in many respects resembling the present state of the question before Parliament, in which he stated, with the member for Wolver hampton, who referred also to this Minister of the Crown, at a very dangerous and critical period, qualified as he was as a great and eminent man for the high station he filled, he wanted one quality—namely, moral courage ; and the want of that quality led, as he believed, to all the disasters that fell upon that unfortunate kingdom. M. Necker was a minister in that country—a man possessing unbounded private wealth, and, having nothing to induce him to engage in mean politics, was a man of great talent, and no man doubted the honesty of his purpose, but the want of one great qualification involved hie country in misfortune. He had referred to that circumstance before, iEnnthg Eng land n cha racterwda h n hi d aoc dhf w wti n o h u aaas l ndt amiable refer slt tese t ars o nt a : don t nd a g g lt ai h a n t ; o f t o t r h e h e pr d e i s d en t t h i A n i k in t i h ste ar r th o e f ligo whichrle wasanother, weak great y and reae that rab vaccillating. He was quite incompetent to follow the Right Hon. Baronet i nto the subject of the currenc -, but he (Mr. Bankes) was surprised to hear him say that it was a matter of little conse quence at what price the gold that was used for that pur pose was obtained.—( Hear, hear.) There would be many oppor tunities for him (Mr. Bankes) to address the House on the subject ; still ;on the present occasion he thought he had suffi ciently met the points raised by the Right Hon. Baronet. Not one good reason had been given for the change which had taken place in the minds of many Hon. Members in this House, but the operations of that League to which so much reference had been made.—(Heer, hear.) They had seen it avowed that the formation of the League had encouraged a similar bond of union in the sister kingdom, and the Irish Members had come over to support the present qnestion on the ground that the success which now followed the exertions of the League, would also attend their labours in Ireland. It was these facts that led him to regret so much the course the Right Hon. Baronet had taken, and why be felt it his duty to oppose him. He ( Mr. Bankes) was satisfied the triumph of the League here would ,be the signal for the success of the repeal combina tion in the sister country.—(Hear, hear.) Not having changed his opinions, and thinking in the way be had expressed himself, he was bound to oppose the change proposed.—(Cheers.) Lord JOHN RUSSELL, whose opening observations were rather imperfectly heard in the gallery, said the Hon. and Learned Gentleman who has just sat down charges the Government with having changed their opinions on this question. The only argument in the speech of the Hon. and Learned Gentleman directed against the Right Hon. Baronet (Sir Robert Peel) is the change of opinion he has ex hibited. But let me ask the Hon. and Learns.' Gentle man what other course, supposing the Right Hon. Baronet has changed his opinions, he and the Government could have possibly pursued ? Take the case as it arises before us.—Sep pose we diminish the scarcity and disease of the potato crop in Ireland, still you must admit that great distress prevails. You must also admit that relief for this distress is required by some extraordinary measure. This forms one reason why the corn laws should be argued • and an additional consideration why the corn-laws should be discussed is the preposition that large MOM should be raised from the land and from the taxes of the country, in order to be applied to the relief of the people of Ireland.—( Hear, hear.) These were sub stantial reasons why they should consider the propriety of still maintaining the law that declared that food should not be admitted from foreign countries to supply the wants of the people.—( Hear, hear.) If the Right Hon. Baronet thought the law ought to be maintained, then he should have so declared himself ; but if that was not his opinion—if he felt that those laws could not be maintaieed with advantage to the empire, and that temporary grants and remedies were calculated tonseet the difficulty—what course would you ask him to take, but to declare that to be his opinion, and to act accordingly.— ( Hear, hear.) With such views and opinions, what course could you expect of the Right Hon. Brronet, but that which he has taken. No doubt this is not consistent with his former course, but does the Hon. and Learned Gentleman say that no reason has been given for the change, er that these reasons bad not induced the Right Hon. Baronet to take his present course. I think we have bad argument sufficient to show that those laws which impose a high duty on the importation of food are a great evil. It has been distinctly proved that their maintenance is productive of distress and crime among the population, and that in proportion to the dearness of food these increase and extend.—( Hear, hear.) I know of but one ex ception to the course which the Right Hon. Baronet has taken in favour of that which the Noble and Learned Gentleman (Mr. Bankes) reeommended. We have the precedent of Gil Bias. —( A laugh.) I recollect that Gil Blas, when assistant of Dr. Sangrado, says that he had been his assistant several months, and that, though in all cases bleeding and the application of hot water was applied to both old and young, and to every manner of disease, yet there were no cures, but they all ended in death.—(Hear, hear.) Dr. Sangrado says, True, but you must still adhere to it, for I have writ ten a book to show that my system must do good. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman who last addressed the House speaks of evils, like to those that took place abroad, that will fall :upon us if we agree to this measure, and he has likened the .Right Hon. Baronet to Necker. For myself, I do not see any point of resemblance between the abolition of the corn-law and the French revolution. That revolution ori ginated from the oppression of the people, and the tyranny the Court and the aristocracy. These were the c auses _ o th o e f French revolution, which I trust will not be said of aristo cracyth.estocracy ds for these, on their of this country, but I feel their not persisting to main. here. I value the seetuhriattyitanddvesajety of the an observation of public opinion, a nd object. I wish to maintain . but to do so, however, it is year to y ear maintain theta notin htilscheythsehocould from Y . si s, the effect of m hich is to raise the price of the produce mllaaaawndstetdtohawarist aristocracy, . _ l of w their land, and to increase their incomes. —(Hear, hear.) Anxious as I am to support a landed aristocracy, if they shall continue to oppose the majority of this House and the wishes of the country, I feel that their power will be much weakened. I am satisfied that they can take no position so dangerous to themselves as obstinately to maintain these laws. And when, Sir, this law has expired—when the Bth of February, 1849 has arrived—in what position will those landed proprietors be placed who are now arguing against the injustice of disconti nuing this law? They will not have the disadvantage of being deprived of the protection which is given by law to all all other classes. They will have the same protection as that given to manufacturers ; and in that respect, therefore, they are placed on the same terms ; and with regard to all other matters, I do not know a position in respect to any country in the world—l do not know any position more honourable, more advantageous, and more pleasant to fulfil than that of the Eng lish aristocracy. They are in possession of property which is increased, and which has been increased enormously from the time when manufactures and commerce, towards the latter end of the last century, took their start ; and with their property has increased their political power which, as compared . with all classes of the community, has enabled them to obtain places in the House of Commons, and to possess almost entirely all places in the House of Lord — to po sses s , in ad dition , all the advantages which this country gives. Ido not know that any class in the world can compare with the English aristocracy ; and, with respect to their political power, I do not know that any higher honour awaits them, than that they should share that political power, with the members of other classes of the community,who show that intelligence and ability which ought to raise them to the position highest in the nation. I say that the English aristocracy may be proud and delig h t e d te share with those whose ability and intelligence l" to fill those places. It appears to me, that the e a r r will take ad vanced by Hon. Gentlemen opposite, in state mentilngteoiltaheents of the Right Hon. Baronet, foreignersthat but nothing in exchange for their ma nufactures themanufacturers of this extraordinary one. I think that old required by us, but what gold, is a most country will give nothing for t ab y g alarm felt with reference to it is worth ; and, t he re fo re ,, ntnis country, is preposterous. I think h th a e gr t e w a o t qour threeit y any scarcity of of gold was im p orted , t hprice of corn has completely regulated succeeding years we take and give • you will find that, g3lidsthethseatthirneethyeearcsouinrsewhoicf and so the manufactures that changeitself; will regulate the markets under the new law which we And Sir, I proposed. And now, i m may say a fe w wor d s w i t h respect to that division which s stated to have taken, place between the Hon. Member for Lynn and other Hon. Members on that side of the House. I do not think that the opinions • which have given rise to this division have now been revived for the first time this session. It does appear to me that during this year the opinions divulged by the Right Hon. Baronet, the First Lord of the Treasury, and the Right Hon. Baronet the Secretary for the Home Department, and other Hon. Members acting with him, were altogether different 1 from the opinions of the Hon. and Learned Member who had last spoken, and of those other Honourable Members who had supported him. We have had, from the t oom- mencement of these Ministerial measures,t ( ti . _ ample ear, proo fs ear, ) that great difference of opinion have a The Right Honourable Baronet, the First Lord of the years he had discovered that Treasury said that in the l a st three free trade in certain ar ticles had been p roduetive of benefit, nun he intended to proce e d further u 2 the same course—. TELE SUN, LONDON , TUESDAY M.ORNING, MAY 5, 1844. / ilk.' - "`~ ~~ ~. // `i /