The Sun. — London, England, 1846-05-16 00:00:00

both landlords, farmers, tenants, and labourers, and they all pay to their labourers.-(Laughter.) He would not, at that agreed with him in believing the price of food in this country late hour, enter into any statistical details on this question, regulated wages. Well, then, if they admitted wheat into and the only reason why he voted on it was because of very this country, which, comp ara ti ve ly s p ea king, cost little or general reasons, which after all were the best ones. He nothing in its production, would it not reduce the income of could not believe that a country like this, so fruitful in itself, the farmer, and the wages of the labourer ?-( Hear, hear.) would not be improved in its agriculture, when farmers were Most assuredly it would, or how would the British agricultu- thrown upon their own resources, and when science was rist be able to compete with the foreigner, who had so many brought to bear upon and to assist in this desired object It advantages in his favour. In some parts of the country, Cam- was to be remembered that agriculture, and the science which bridge for instance, the labour was paid according to the was so intimately connected with it, was yet in its infancy. price of wheat, and whenever that commodity ruse or fell in It might be urged againt this measure, that small farmers might price, the wages of the labourer rose and fell in corresponding argue, that they had keen encou rage d i n t h e cu l t i vat i on o f l an d, ratio. -( Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Baronet had a'gued w hi c h would'otherwiee be uncultivated, by the system of pro that the reverse was the case, but he could assure the Right tection which had been afforded, and that they would suffer Hon. Baronet that he was mistaken. ruin if such protection were withdrawn. He doubted whether, Sir R. PEEL explained, that when he said wages did not under such circumstances, it would not have been preferable to vary in the same ratio as the price of wheat, his statement ate. impose a small duty upon corn, and he was surprised that the plied to particular cot:Plies, of which he gave examples. He Right Hon. Baronet, whose fame rested principally upon his certainly did argue, he admitted, that the wages of the menu- financial abilities, should have risked the revenue which he had feat', ing labourer varied in an inverse ratio with the price of raised, apparently for no specific object. He considered that wheat.-( Hear, hear.) this Bill ought to have been tried in a time of prosperity, such Mr. HUDSON-After listening most attentively to the as the year before, instead of, as now, forcing the measure arguments and statements on both sides of this question, he under the fear of famine. The Right Hon. Gentleman had was bound to tell the House and the country, that his views not given the friends who sat behind him the advantage of the upon it had undergone no change.-(Near, hear.) He arguments, and if he was succeeding now, his success would agreed with the Right Hon. Baronet, that wages did not vary appear to be owing to means which he ought not to have used ; in the same ratio as the price of wh ea t. L a b our , lik e every an d if h e failed, as he sincerely trusted he wou ld not, his failure other article of commerce, was liable to competition, and would be attributed to dissens ions in this House arising from whenever there were large importations of wheat from abroad his own policy, and to the opposition of another portion of the it caused great depression amongst the agricultural interest, Legislature. and a consequent overflow of labour in the market.-( Hear, Sir. DISRAELI said, that the Secretary o f State, its the hear.) When the agricultural i n t eres t flourished, the manu- speech whic h be had made on the first night of the discussion, facture thrived, and the question for them to consider was, had reminded . Hon._Gentlemen sitti ng on t h ose b enches, and would this improve or injure th e con diti o n of the swim'. professing opinions favourable to native industry, that they had turist. In his opinion it certainly would, for how, in the found it necessary to depart from many o f t h e opinions which name of all that was reasonable, could the British farmer corn- they had previously ' erofeased, and to give up many of the pete with the foreigner who paid less for his land, dogmas which they had formerly maintained. He acknow less for his labour. and possessed considerably more leged that he believed it to he a necessary result of all discus natural advantages. - (H ear , hear.) In his opinion sions, that either party took refuge in the pride which pro then the only tendency of this measure would be to throw land fessed that it never was convinced-( Hear, hear)-that it never out of cultivation, and gradually depreciate its value, and he changed its opinion on a single topic in the debate. He did for one could not sanction it with his vote. They were asked not claim for himself, and he believed that he need not by the Right Hon. Baronet the Secretary of State, what were claim for any of the Gentlemen around him, such power of the opinions of Earl Fitzwilliam, the Earl of Derby, and seve- argument, such force of reasoning, as to convince their oppo ral other noblemen of distinction, upon this question. But the Dents ; and, while be listened with great respect to Right Hon. Baronet forgot that these noblemen were possessed everything urged on the other side, he never ad of immense incomes, a n d cou ld a ff o rd to su b m it to th e cha rge . vanced or maintained any opinion when he found that Let him ask though what would become of the small land- that such was no longer tenable. Bat he thought he could holder, and the tenant farmer, who had no incomes but what show the Secretary of State that this faculty of maintaining they derived from their labour and their land ? What were an opinion was not peculiar to their party. He rather they to do, who had invested their small capital in the cultiva• imagined that many of the opinions advocated by Hon. Gen tion of land, on the faith of the existing law being continued? tlemen opposite were now abandoned, as no longer tenable. He -( Hear, hear.) It was very well for men who held large and could not avoid remembering many of these opinions which boundless tracts of land, to acquiesce in the passing of this Bill, were no longer put forward. He might begin with cheap but there were hundreds of others not quite so well off, who bread.-(Cheers,) They had had the Ministers of the Crown deserved the consideration and protection of the House. even in this very year, even in this important session, they had They were now about to enter into a great speculation, with- the Ministers of the Crown describing the cry of cheap bread out any of those wounds which always guided men of business as the clamour of a dying faction.-( Hear, hear, and cheers. ) in their speculations. It was one of the wildest schemes that There was another opinion now given up. He did not could possibly be conceived.-( Hear, hear.) He had not believe that it was longer maintained that the present much time, in consequence of the press of other business, to corn-laws were productive of any extraordinary fluctua read the details of these measures ; but he would use the rea• tion in prices, yet that cry occasioned great agitation son which God had given him upon the subject, in the best It was asserted that this same corn-law was -the bane of agri manner that he could. The country was in the most flourish- culture, and yet it had never been shown that it had occasioned ing state, and there never was a time when this country was so serious fluctuations in the price of wheat. 'f hen with respect well s upplied with all the necessaries of life as it was at the pre- to tithes. They had the evidence of the very best valuers of sent time.-( Hear, hear.) They were told of the paucity o tithes in the Tithe Commission-they had the evidence of corn abroad, but he believed that before this measure land agents in all parts of the country, that every acre generally received the royal assent, if it ever did-(Loud cheers)--that in England produced 28 bushels of wheat upon an average : there would be at least two millions and a half of quarters of and they had reports to show that each acre in Russia produced corn imported into this country. They had be e n bl am ed for 16 bushels, and France produced only 15. But he had also the delaying this measure; he did not, however, think that th a t report o f a gen tl eman we ll acqua i nte d w i t h agr i culture, who delay had been productive of any evil to the c o u n t r y_ a t lea s t had travelled over the United States, and from the returns fur not to the farmer-for if one million of quarters had been let niched of 69 counties, he found that only 14 bushels were cal- Into the country, the prices to the farmer would have been culated to each acre. It did appear therefore to him, that considerably reduced. The revenue would be greatly bene- protection was not injurious to agriculture, since fited by this delay-it would, probably, receive 600,0001. in England they found that the average quantity more than if the measure had been passed in a hurried and a reaped from each acre exceeded in a considerable hasty manner through Parliament. If they were to take degree the other countris aof Europe. It had also been an away all protection from the farmers they ought to be set upon flounced that the population of the country increased in a a footing with the manufacturers and millowners-( Hear, greater ratio then its products ; that every day added 1000 hear)-and be enabled to compete with foreign souls to the population, or 365 000 in each year. But they countries. The announcement of the present measure had caused should have told them also that the price of wheat decreased ie considerable stagnation in the monetary concerns of this the same proportion. But there was another opinion which country.-( Hear, hear.) It was not to be surprised that it struck him as being repeatedly advanced in that House, he should have done so, for the banker would not advance money meant the opinion that a protective duty provoked the enacting upon farm property when required to do so, because he did not of hostile tariffs. But they were independent of these hostile know the effect which the Government measure would have in influences, at least the new philosophy was altogether inde depreciating the value of such property. -(Hear, hear) p en d en t o f th ese cons id erat i ons .-( Cheers. ) Another argu- Some demur had been made to a statement which he made went now abandoned was this, that freight itself would be a some time since of the price of wheat. Considerable communi- sufficient protection to the home grower. The Honourable cation had taken place. upon the subject between himself and Gentleman the Member for Stockport, whose speeches he (Mr. the farmers, and the general opinion of that body was that the Diraeli)always read with great pleasure, and it was but fair that Rouse, not being aware of the accuracy of his statements, were he should refer to these out-door speeches when they created legislating in the dark upon the subject of the corn-laws. such a change in doors.-( Hear, hear.) What did the Hen. ( The Hon. Member then read a letter from a farmer in the Member for Stockport say the protecting freight would be? East Riding of Yorkshire with reference to the prices and qua- 10s. 6d. He believed that if that statement had been made a lities of wheat and potatoes in the market, and which went on year ago, it would have been universally believed-it would to say that instead of there being a famine in May, they would have met with the hearty cheers of Hon. Members. Was it Need other markets to take off their produce.) The writer of believed now ? He ( Mr. Disraeli) doubted if there was an t tin'e letter stated that he vas surprised that his statement that freight of 10s.-he doubted if the freight from Odessa was the price of wheat had been as low as 255. should have been re- I Os. They knew well that it was as expensive to freight grain ceived ;with so much surprise, for he had himself purchased from one port of Britain to another as from a foreign port.- great quantities at from 18s. to 20s. The Hon. Member then (Cheers.) But it was necessary that he should touch upon an went on to say that he thought some means should be devised other topic, one now exploded, namely, that the present corn by wh i ch a ma n who occupied a farm of 3001. a-year should be laws produced a fluctuation in the price of grain. They were, relieved from paying 751. a-year in the shape of poor and high- by thus noticing those matters, clearing the cou rse , an d h e wa He thought it would be some satisfaction to those could, without hesitation, affirm that th e r e was l ess fl uctuat i on who y rates. acte d with him, that they were not provisional committee- in the price of grain in England than in any c oun t ry i n t h e men on this Bill-(Cheers and laughter)-and they would not, world.-( Cheers.) Mr. Secretary Gladstone had moved for a therefore, be subject to the liabilities w hi c h at t ac h e d t o p rov i- re tu r n most important in character, and more important from sional committee -men.-( Cheers.) the persons introducing it to the House. That was a return ex- The Marquis of WORCESTER in opening his speech took tending from 1834 to 1840 inclusive, of the weekly prices occasion to allude to the exaggerated accounts of the distress of wheat in all the principal capitals of the United States. in Ireland. He held letters in his hand, which stated that Now he would take one of these capitals, which would be three or four cargoes of potatoes had been this week shipped worst for the case espoused by that p arty against a ma j or i ty from that country. He also referred to the injury occasioned 4 that House. He w ou ld take Phil adelphia, the capital of to the farmer by the introduction of live stock into the count r y ; P ennsy l van i a. It was a great mercantile arket, and had the 700 beasts and 590 sheep had been imported into this country great advantage of rejoicing in the economy of free trade.- .last week. The Noble Lord read letters which he received ( Haar, hear.) Now he found that, as regarded fluctuation, from several tenant-farmers on the subject of the proposed the total difference between the highest and the lowest alterations. They were unanimou s in condemning these ; and prices was as forty-seven per cent. in the United States. one writer went on to say that if the two right Hon. Baronets, and 33 per cent. in England.-(Cheers.) And the total dif who were the authors of the measure, had been present at ference in the septennial period was 270 per cent. in America, Cirencester the last market day, they would have while it was only 227 in England. An objection might be beard their names uttered with curses.-(Laughter.) urged against this return of Mr. Gladstone's, that it gave the The tenant-farmers were completely opposed to the measure, weekly returns, and that local circumstances might eon and many Members of that House would, he was sure, agree siderably affect them. But he held also in his hand a return with him that such was the fact.-( Hear, hear.) He thanked from the years 1830 to 1838, and' he found that the the House for the kindness with which they had heard him, difference in this period, from the highest to and he would conclude by expressing his determination to give the lowest price, was as 150 to 69 per cent.-( Cheers. ) the Bill his most decided opposition in every stage. He bad taken Philadelphia as the nearest point for themselves, Mr. MONTAGUE GORE would, with the permission of and the other capitals of America were, therefore, more favour the House, occupy its attention for a short time , while he able to the argument he was advancing. The Hon. Member made a few ' observations on this important question. He then referred to rye as sold at Warsaw and Dantzic, showing diff s ' red very much from the Gentl eman who had s p oken as to that in the former cit y , w here the f r ee - trade system prevailed, the e-s Teets which might be anticipated from the importation of the difference between the highest and lowest price was in five foreign corn on the agr iculture o f t hi s coun t ry . H e would years 149 per cent., while in the latter city, where a protection take the liberty of reading some documents which would place duty was maintained, the fluctuation in price in the this matter beyond question. The Hon. Member then read a same period was only sixty-nine per cent. He thought letter from a tenant-farmer witht strong prepossessions in favour of protection, against a protective system, no l onger t ena b le i n t h at H ouse. butlme emee who had been there only a short time when his opinions They ought to have a " limbo " for the recepti o n o f di suse d underwent a complete alteration. This change was the cense.. political arguments, and he should propose that those he had qu ce of what he SAW, and t h e co nviction th a t the agricultu - enumerated be placed there among the first. He wou ld d e f y ris e ts n of this country had nothing to fear from the absence of their opponents to show that they on the protection benches all protection to agriculture. A letter which he had received had changed their opinions so frequently as Honourable from a gentleman in the City, an d w hi c h h e would Members on the Opposition side of the House, who read, proved that no apprehension might be entertained supported this measure of the Government.-( Hear, hear. ) from the importations from America. The Hon. Gentleman A very celebrated authority, who was once a Member of that then read a statement of the number of barrels of flour im- House, had declared that raising cern to an artificial price im ported, for a period of years, from America, and also a num- posed a tat upon the people of this country amounting to her of returns, stating the quantity of corn which might be 20,000,0001. Another and ano less celebrated, though a expected from Dantzic and other places, and the price which more successful, authority, and who, he believed, was con it would cost. He then went on to say that, considering all sidered the authority of the Anti-Corn-law League, had fallen these circumstances, no prejudicial results would take place, if foul of this calculation, because the calculation had omitted protection were abolished. No doubt this was a measure the number of quarters of wheat consumed by the agricultural Vittich, would effectoome very great changes, and, like all great body, all of which it was contended ought not to have been meesures, some individual cases of evil would result frem it; employed in ascertaining the amount of the corn-law tax. but as a great general measure it would be produetive of much This latter authority estimated the tax at from 9,000,0001. to public good; and, he had no doubt, it would most ma- 10,000,0001., and urged the principle that it was better terially benefit the agriculturists.-( Hear, hear.) But for England not to raise a quarter of grain than incur the p while he supported this measure he s h ou ld express a liability of paying this tax. He admitted that this was the hope that other measures would also be introduced which extreme case, but in adopting it he was only testing would also benefit the agriculturists of the country; and, above the principle of the free-trade party. Now, suppose England, all, he hoped that this measure, as one which would confer by importing 90,000,000 of quarters of grain from abroad saved great benefit upon Ireland, wo u ld rece i ve the cordial co- from 10,000,0001. to 20,000,000/., it could not b e d en i e d that -operation of the majority of the House. He did believe that England by doing so lost considerably more than they saved in few measures could be introduced wh ich, coupled with a mea- the shape of wages. She would also lose the profits of the ca sure affecting the tenant right in I re land, could be more bene tahat this pital invested in the production of that amount of corn, as well Sficial to the country. He should conclude haenend tn t conducted b y s saying i ITas the rent which had accrued from the land upon which the discussion had, in his opin_ion, highly corn had been grown. But it might be said that he was urging e i seditable manner to this N he N ou o s b e le Lord the e count ry, fifeinl forand if it the case in an extreme point of view ; but it was impossible for had' been introduced byhim to test the principle without adopting an extreme point of supportedt it just as cordially as he did now. hes wouldview. The Honourable Member for Stockport, , have arguments of • for considering a practical man, would probably deny the • Mr. L Bath, and those of a great many other - St_WSON said, he had listened to the ' necessity the Hon.. for and against the measure considering the case in this extreme point of view, Member for • • because the Hon. Member and his party did not suppose that a land would be thrown out of cultivation. There would be a Hon. Memb'vrs who ha ds pHonourable Members say that it was oken He had heard So me nuga tory that it was of no importance reduc ti on of • butthe 1 measure so illusewy end If he could believe this argu- prices, and could not be entirely thrown or not. out of cultivation. Well, then, take it upon this whether it was passed . . vote against it ; but he could not ground, went, he would s sertainti . e all he had heard from the Hen. there would still be a diminution of labour nd a reduction of wages. The Hon. Member for Stockport had been extremely credit such a proposition aft. r did not think, that from what frank i n • • ble • and he giving the House his estimate of what the price of Member for Barnstes , resided, that the measure corn would be after the passing . of this Act, and he thought if he knew of the district in which he r and the agriculturist. he could show that thi s would equally benefit. the manufacture with which he was what would be the price price, high as it was as compared with He found in that part of the country ee; to the measure to the British producer, he would be ' demonstrating the inutilit y most familiar a perfect unanimity with r They greed in the sP all a as well the . al ruinous tendency of this measure. He would introduced by her Majesty's Ministers. t native industrY• meet the arguments of Hon. Gentlemen opposite with facts, He that protection ought to be afforded . . 0 f between but he protested against being answered with ' assertions. He He had, himself, thehonour of presentingpetitiona rom represented, and th is would not weary the House by mentioning those large pro -50 to 60 townships - in the neighbourhood he h• lte d • withwhichll Members have d for rising at tis a during countries, was the only excuses e put forwer notice of made too familiar in the course of the present session, but he d obtruding h imse l f upon t he n period of the debate, A think it would be an act of j ustice to l: those he represented .if this important c l ues would call the attention of the House to mark e t s th atnever were the House. He did nt.. e wer e contented with giving a silent mentioned, which would have a great influence in regulating vote on tion. One of the objections the prices of this country. There was, in the first place, which he bad to the p ass in g of this measure Hungary, which he need not remind the House, consi s t e d of at the present time was, that t he Hon. Member 360,000 square miles-it contained the richest soil hi the of wheat was world, in fact its soil was tha t of a garden-they might go who introduced it had not states what t h e price from mile to mile without meeting a single stone. Well, here ia . ht from expected to be. He hoped, therefore, to hear that .ig had until theythee they the Hon. Baronet his expected price, becaus e, fertile soil in the world, under the influence of a climate Now, as to the de- the most such, they were legislating in the dark. admirablyadapted for the growth of corn. Now he had pendency of this country on foreign nations, it had been a lmost . most returns from a party well informed on the sub byridiculed in this House that they should adopt the doctrine that lately received whichgave him the prices of corn in this measure they should be dependent on foreign nations ject of the corn tra d e, _ __ . corn, which he of Hungarian , for the supplies of footle, He ow ne d that in this error, if error Hungary. The average price . the world, was 18s. it was, he cordially i - thoug ht that this depen- must remind the House was the fi nes t in dente would be most se and he Id o ccur. The per bushel. They might send it overland to the port of Trieste next point to which he sausibly felt if a war shou ld o f the House for 4cl per English bushel, and thence to this country for would wi direct the attention n h B d., that Hungarian wheat could be sold in this country was with regard to those dhe thoug t Is. so that any change of opin.ionn i w n ere n uw in office f , a that line of for 20s. per bushel. The gentleman who gave him po li c y which they had ado pled througho ut i) 1 m en , f rom whole lives, was this information was a practical man trading at Trieste, in itself very detrimental te the pub lic their f hetold him that if he could only secure a regular who had a predilections in favour of t h is mea sure, interests, an d even d send in the first year 500,000 yet, knowing the trade with England, an quar inconsistency of those who now brought ano t her house would undertake to bring into any it forward, he should tars while hesitate before he acceded to. .a principle which was c. c ontrary ' 200,000 quarter s at 28s. the bushel. ; and an to all those they had formerly avowed. If this sParlia ent English port were ready, if this measure passed, to other house in were dissolved, as he hoped it would be before this mea m Gali c ia free on board at 18s. He would were passed-if it was so diss'olved, and the constituency sure had deliver 1,000,000 qu arters not mention the markets of Spain, of Egypt, and of Sicily, which determined that the Bill be pass , ede then it would b e their duty,effect upon the prices in this coun as a minority, to a cce de to that' measure. He would not would have a great e he demand for corn would in allow that this measure would proatece cheap b rea d . He ad- try. But it was argued that t . ntries He would apply witted, indeed, that at first it would produce a ruinously chea crease its price in the p roducing cou • large consumption in this food, but that would not continue peeneanently. A great ce p t h is pr i nciple to othe r former bad articles . of _ On a had been made of famine in Ireland, net the scarcity of porn_ occasion country, and see whether it was sound or not. occasion he alluded tea, but said then his toes had . been urged as a reason why they should Bill. He could inform the House therefore statements had been contradicted, and it would be pass the Corn necessary for him to ustif them. In le3l, the price of a selling in York: at two that potatoes were . shillings pound of congou tea w as 2 t y d in • while in London he himself p aid fifteen shillings I . s. 2., while 1846, it was only 9d. per bus hel,n 1832, it was os• I Id• •• 1 • 't Potatoes were sent up to L on, at fifty shillings ~,„! 1 .. Pd. ; in - 1835 , •s in 833, it was Is. 11d. ;in 1834, 1 per sac k. i t was Is. 4d. ; in 1836, it was Is. 2 1 - yet no one would buy them, and tl xey were obliged to i o 1837, th e per ton, China war having commenced, the pri ce be taken back again. One would naturally* imagine that no again rose to 21. sd. ; it continue d ly would exist in a city like London, but it appeared the during 1831 to rise to 2s. 6d. ; in 1839 and 1840 monopoly the price* went down that there was an universal agreement to keep uP(LauP bees, ter to Is. 4d. and Is. 3d. ; and flow • went he in order to compel the passing of this measure. - g , price was only 9d., 'and yet the supply d, the , t and cries of " Oh, oh," from the Oppositi on.)ere, is. Gentle- increased millions upon millions. an demand had if the y The next instance he should men might cry " Oh, oh," but he considered that and take was that of cotton. In 1836 the price was hid. ; • granted this Bill they would be giving way to the L ea l - ‘g s u o e r ' r t . 1837 it was B}d. ; in 1838 it was Bd. ; in 1839 it was 61,1. in encouraging geeater demands. He was exceeding y n . vinyced in nndlin 1840 and andlB4l it was 6d. ; in 1842 and 1843 it was sd. ; differ from the Right Hon. Baronet, but he was not cse i . 1845 it was 4d. and 4id. Now, let him re inbe for • i the his own mind. ( Laughter)-that this measure woult the good of the .soun r , and, t y therefore, he could not give his this progressive decline in prices, the importation of cotton s upport to the Affinisterial Bill. into England had risen f rom 333,000,0001bs• to at the aerie 507,000,0001b5. ; while the ma nu f ac t ures of the countrMr. VERNON SMITH was happy to see th at y in "Y w h ich dl distinguished either side of the House, had increased . their consumption from 282 0 . • , 00,000Ibs. to had usua y question, but although 439,000,0001b5. Now this su ffi ciently illustrated the princi ,, sank into a sort of apathy on this to turn ple of prices when there was no artificial protection, There ` l l had cease d o ff d ' t each other it was only to , o el ;Limns their .an d her Ma- was no denying it ; the prices of all products, in the ab.. Baronet Hon. j estre viii..peratio n sapon the Right had • st sat ones of protection, had a downward tendency. He would misters. The Hon. Ge, tie , man whojust dow n should bring now take the ease ef sugar, which perhaps was not so applicable , demanded that her Majesty's Ministers 4 1,, 0r theprinciple he was eoaabatting as the artieles he had that they the price .If wheat, after the passing of the measure- to '`L4t bushe ls t o be in- already enumerated. The price of Bengal sugar from 1839 du should state the exact number of ,fro 1044 kid Mtn from 475, te Zl7l. per bag, white is the fins period Ae ed) aad theN4maot wages they would sit any future , THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, MAX 16, 1846. year there were only 24,000 tons imported into England, whereas in the latter there were 62,000 tons. Coffee exhibited the same results. The price of Ceylon coffee in 1840 was from 90s. to 915., while in 1846 it was only 475. per bag. The quantity imported in the first year was 55,000 bags, and in the last year 100,0:)0 bags. During the last year, 43,533 lbs. had been imported. Well, the attention of theewereot House,herart articles to htowe had no desire t hichheshouldlikeo trespassto direct much further upon the attention of the House. Let them look at the case of indigo, of salt, of iron, and of coals, in all of which they would observe an universal development. Now he wished to knew on what grounds corn was to be made an ex ception to the general rule S—( Hear, hear.) He wanted an answer to that. He thought that it was as fair a question to ask as could be conceived.—( Hear, hear.) Why was corn made an exception to the rule ? Was it because corn was prod seed in every country, and in every climate —( Hear, hear.) Now, for example, he wanted to know where they c uld not produce corn. They had recently received large quantities of that article even from Persia ; there was no part in Persia in which corn could not be produced at ss. per quarter. It was a mere question of the cost of transporting, and he begged the country to bear in mind that the progress of steam power in this country was reducing the price of all articless that were capable of being removed to the common level. Now, before he ventured to estimate the consequences of this change, he might state that he well knew that the case of foreign cattle nad been urged. There was as slight a con nexion between corn and cattle as could possibly be con ceiyed.—(Hear hear.) Why, in the first place, the continent of Europe bad been a corn growing country long before England was a corn growing country. lilted never been a cattle growing country, and the very fact of th • Roman Catholic religion, which had prevented the consumption of meat, which prevailed in Protestant countries, led, in a great measure, to that result. No one could contend that there were in any part of the continent of Europe, such pastures as wi=re to be seen in England? Then, again, let them look to the danger and cost which attended the transmission of such an un m arkable article as a live beast. He was, therefore, obliged to come to the conclusion that, to promote the manufactures of this country, they were prepared to destroy all the agricul tural labour which had before existed in it. Now what would be the consequences of such a step? The Right Hon. Baronet rose in his place and said, " That England was not an agricul tural country—( Hear hear. )—and that it was a manufac turing country."—( Hear, bear.) That was a perfectly novel argument. He believed on investigating the subject, that England was not, as regarded her commerce as great a cernmercial country at this moment as she had been at previous periods of her history.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") Of course he did not mean to say that England, at this mo ment, had not increased commercial transactions to what she had several years back ; but what he meant to contend was, that when we took into account her increased population, there had not been a corresponding increase in the amount and ex tent of her manufactures.—( Cries of " Hear, hear," and " Oh, oh." The Hon. Member might groan, but that was not the way to answer his assertions.—(Hear, hear.) He believed that, if they looked at the present manufactures of England, they would find that she was lower in point of her commercial importance than she had ever been. He said this unhesi tatingly. Looking at the number of people employed in the manufactures of this country, England was lower in a com mercial point than she was an hundred years ago.—( Hear, hear.) For instance, he would ask where were the manufac tures of the West of England, that flourished so much centu ries ago? The woollen manufacture of England was tar more flourishing many years ago than it was at the present moment ; and yet it was for this fluctuating and drooping com merce, that the agriculturists of Englard were to be deprived of their rights, merely for the purpose of satisfying the desires of the manufacturers of a single county. He contended that agriculture had done far more to improve the mind of man and the state of the country than ever manufacture bad done. In deed that had been admitted by most eminent manufacturers. he poverty of the soil was such that it could only be made productive by the use of artificial soil and manure. What would have been the state of the fens of Lincoln if protection had not existed ? They would have been mere waste fens and plashy marshes.—( Loud cheers.) There were two or three points which he did not intend to treat of at that hour of the night, but which he would call to the memory of the House before they came to vote upon he subject now before it. He would merely glance at them, he would not presume to touch upon them, having taken up so much of the time of the House already. It was very well to talk of the Canadas in the manner is which it bad been treated by some Hon. Members-- to talk of it as a matter of indifference to this country whether it was annexed to Canada or not. He never had been one of those who thought that Canada would never be annexed to the United States. Canada had too much of the elements of a great country within itself for that.- -( Cheers.) He thought it was not the destiny of Canada to be annexed to the United States.—( Hear, hear.) An Hon. Member, in noticing the speech of his Noble Friend the Member for Lynn, had stated that the commerce of Canada was nothing but a mere smuggling trade, by way of Canada, to the United States. That was his argument for keeping Canada. What would be the condition of England in a commercial point of view, if the whole of the transatlantic continent belonged to one power ?—( Cheers.) He would not then dwell upon or touch the case of Ireland. It was too terrible a subject, when a Noble Lord, whose conversion was a subject of congratulation to her Majesty's Government, had stated that this measure would be fatal to the interests of the small farmers.—( Cheers. ) It was too terrible a thing, he expected,for him to contemplate, when he knew that that nation was peculiarly a nation of small farmers.—(Cheers.) But there was one observation with reference to Ireland which he could not refrain from making The Honourable Member for Stockport (Mr. Cobden) had stated in that House, and in other pieces, and very recently, too, in that House, with considerable effect. " that Ireland was an argument in favour of the corn-laws." Of all the countries in the world he should never have ex pected that Ireland would be brought forward as an argument in his favour, Did the Hon. Member mean to say that the state of Ireland was an argument against protection ? There was a population drives to the last source of human sub sistence. But how did they get these sources of subsistence how did they get their potatoes ? By cultivating the earth, and by producing oats and wheat, which they sent to England.— ( Hear, hear, and cheers.) Glad would he be if the whew and oats remained in Ireland for the consumption of the people. And if the state of Ireland be so as be described it, such must be the t ffects upon the markets of England. If he was wrong in his calculations, they might have a thousand answers and a thousand assump tions, founded on the vagaries of political economy. If he was right in its effects upon the labour of the United Kingdom, he wanted to know what would be the state of Ireland if they ruined these manufacturers of the soil. It might be said that these agricultural labourers would turn manufacturers. But how long a time was to elapse before this would take place? How long would it be before these manufactures would be established in Ireland? Before these manufactures were es tablished they might perhaps see the drooping energies of the Dorchester labourers paid with the same high wages as those paid by the Honourable Member for Durham.— ( Cheers.) He did not believe that this measure could change the character of that country as an agricultural one. Believing as he did that these measures had a tendency to stop the elements and springs of manufacturing industry and manu facturing prosperity—believing that it would have injurious ef fects on the distribution of the metals, on which he would not now touch, and believing that it was calculated to bring aliou t a domestic and social convulsion—he was obliged to ask him self whether the measure would not be perilous to the in terests of the country to pass this Bill.—(Cheers.) He needed not to ask what so many gentlemen had already asked in the w H a o a u t s h e e , r ad which so many e n intheatateandt p h e e rs e o i n ru s had inquired umstane circumstances of it, wha t authorise this change.—( Cheers.) If they really were only a commercial and manufacturing country, did not their com merce flourish, and were not their manufactures prosperous ? And what, he wished to ask, did it signify that agri culture was doomed to pine and suffer in a country which was no longer an agricultural one ?—( Hear, hear. ) A number of men had arisen, distinguished by their elo quence and their energy but more distinguished far their eloquence and their energy than for their knowledge of human nature or political science.—( Hear, hear.) He was not one of those who either here or elsewhere, in public or in private, had spoken with disrespect of that great commercial confederation that sought to rule the country, although he dis approved of their doctrines, though he believed that they would be as pernicions in the end to the manufacturing interest as to all others, still he admired men of abilities convinced of a great truth, proud of their strength, and in their energy binding themselves together to obtain its triumph. The country could only exist by free discussion. If once it was suppressed, if once it was put down, why then liberty bail vanished —( Cheers.) If they thought the opinions of the Anti-Corn-law League deleterious, if they considered that their system was founded on error, it was open in free countries like England to oppose them with the same earnestness to resist them with the same energy, and by all active organisation also to devote themselves to the course which they thought right. But a body of Gentlemen, able to direct the affairs of the country, came forward to oppose these doctrines, they place themselves at the head of a party, and they climb and clamber into power— ( Hear, bear)—by braving generally accepted distrust. It followed that the body who aught to have been represented were asleep at their posts. It was not for them to have come forward, it was not in human nature to have done so. No, they had trusted to others.— ( Tremendous cheering.) They trusted to others, who, by accepting the trust, or rather by challenging the doctrines, had obtained the greatest places in the country.—( Hear. hear. ) The Right Hon. Gentleman, the first Minister of the Crown, had told his friends that he had given them very significant hints of his change ; he said that even last year Lord Grey had found him out—( Tremendous cheering)—and he was sur prised they could have been so long mistaken. Of course no observation of the Right Hon. Gentleman applied to him (Mr. Disraeli), but he remembered when some years back he said pro tection appeared to him to be about in the same state as Pro testantism in 1828.—( Cheers.) And he remembered his friends being very indignant with him for the expression ; how ever, they had since been so good as to say that instead of a ca lumny it was a prophecy—( Loud and continued cheering)—but the Hon. Gentleman might congratulate himself on his com plete success in having deceived his party. And even the Noble Lord, the Member for Lynn, himself, in a moment of frank conversation, the other night, told him that, to the last moms nt, he had not the slightest doubt of his fidelity.—( Hear, hear. ) The Noble Lord thought that the Right Hon. Baronet was making—what was then a favourite word—the best bargain for his party.—(Cheers.) When the Government of the Whigs was rejected,the Right Hon. Baronet proposed some changes which some thought suspicious, but all suspicion was hushed because he could make the best bargain for his party. Well, who had, he would like to know, the best part of the bargain now ? And when the confidence of gentlemen was complete at least no announcement had been made to them—gentlemen had not been called together as was usual on such °elusions— the fact was announced to the country through the columns of a jou rnal which was always careful never to insert important information except on the highest authority.—(Tremendous cheers.) Let them conceive the effect of the announcement on demanding an explana tion, England,reign pr i a n n c d e sh he and o foreign uld h e bear witness courts. to it. i w t. a wasthenHe n e a w b s o e f n a t from great prince sending two ambassadors, a nd there was not the slightest truth All that time—he had mem bers and continued cheering.) in who and he was aware of the am in bas t s h s e dor a s nn an nu sw ne e e r m ing ent tt w 'ls then them to declare that the announcement Govern ment, anti encouraging Government ourna devoted dhtios her r e estyw'seregomgwas the conduct of her Majesty's j in '. the Cabinet.—( Loud laugh ter.)baherosut of to th t e hej who formed a glorious minorityentle an then met the House and was an infamous Fabrication.—(Loud -0 1-I f o t w he inf l e i n ni ir er s The Right Hon. G them. Who could forget those tones—who Gentleman, The Hon. looks and that indignant, mien? continued Which hav ing quoted a Latin passage, and his party, and acted as if they had desewrtheodeohuird forget d get not tho h s e e i C rn-law league." England by the means of an Ant - d unless by the That was a scene which could not be paralleied, mean, " I am a protection Minister, mean to govern conversion of the Saxons by Charlemagne—( Loud cheers) — wh o followed him as a Costar when he went over to them, as they were assembled on the banks of the Rhine, and were con verted by battalions, and baptised by platoons.—( Great laughter.) When he saw the 112 fall into rank and file— ( Cheers and laughter)—he was irresistibly reminded of the memorable incident on the banks of the Rhino. And now he must say, in justice to the Right Hon. Gentleman— (Laughter) —that he believed great, miscosteeptiou prevailed with regard to hina.....(loatinued laughter.) We had hewn ',cased of altering his opinions, and of tang meditating the do.. eeptioas which he had now avowed. He (Mr. Disraeli) en tirely acquitted him of that intention, and he did it for this reason. When he examined the career of that Minister, which had extended over so long a period, and filled so great a space in the political history of his country—when he looked back upon his career for a period of 30 or 40 years since the days of Mr. Horner, down to the Hon. Member for Stockport, the Right Hon. Gentleman the first Minister of the Crown had traded upon the ideas and the intelligence of others.-- Tremendous cheering.) His life had been a great appro priation clau*e.—( Tremendous cheers.) He was a burglar of other men's intellects.—(Continued cheering.) From the days of William the Conqueror, down to the present period, no statesman had committed political petty larceny to *o great an extent.—(Continued cheering.) He (Mr. Disraeli) believed however, that when he undertook the advocacy of either cause to which he attached himself, he was sincere in his support of it, for having none of the sympathy which attaches men to the advocacy of great principles, his sutip(Ot of them crumbled away when opposing circumstances appeared to his conventional mind to make a departure from them expedient. The Right Hon Gentleman imbibed his present opinions as he did every doctrine that presented a life-like, popular, and progressive ap pearance, ac he did those from Horner, and from every other political leader—every doctrine, except that of Reform, whieN the Whigs had allowed to attain to too great a maturity to fall into the mouth of the Right Hoe. Baronet.—( Tremendous cheers.) Every one, however was not effected in the same depended opinin s w v b e i rament or idiosyncrasy of the mind, and on th e na t ure o f th e r e y h m they f o o n r m t e e m r Fe a e l i t i e n r g at o io f n ai s i i: k t i h n e d ly p an e imal who had made the change.—( Great lau g ht er .) Th e entertained. wa y b y striking the course he now proposed to adopt, b u t hi s country ought to Right Hon. Gentleman might not feel humiliated in follo w i ng feel humiliated. Was it so pleasing to the self-complacency of so great a nation as this —was it so pleasing to a country like England, that it should be said of one of its statesmen, as Dean Swift said of another gentleman, " tha he was one who had the perpetual misfortune of being mistaken ?"—( Great laughter and cheers.) Now, in the last scene of the drama. was he going to pass as his own what it was a matter of noto riety was not of his own invention. The project had been offered to another Government before betook office, and by that Government was rejected.—( Cheers. ) A gentleman of con siderable weight in that House had asked him (Mr Disraeli), when these chan_ies were firs talked about, what bis opinion was of the contempl a t e d a l terations?—in reply to whom he said, " Oh, I suppo se it i s some great and comprehensive plan of the Right H on . B aronet; " --( Great laughter)—to which he replied " Oh, it is not his plan at all ; it is Hopkin's plan." —( Cheers and laughter.) And was England, he would ask, to be governed and c 'nvulsed by Hopkin's plan ?—( Great laughter.) Would the Righ Hon. Baronet go to the country? —( Cheers.) Would he appeal to the people? Would Eng land—that was governed by a Bolinbroke and a Walpole, a Chatham and a Canning—submit to such a measure? He dill not believe it. Those political pedlars who bought them up in the cheapest market, and sold them in the dearest.—( Loud cheers.) Notwithstanding the unfavourable opinion which he had formed of the damaging effects on the English character, from beings familiarised lately with political tergiversation—notwithstanding that the people had become vitiated by the political gambling of the present day—though he knew that all confidence in pub lic men was lost—still he had faith in the primitive and en during qualifies of the English character—(Loud cheers)—and he believed they would regard the project with very different feelings from those which the promoter of it anticipated.-- (Loud cheers.) It may be idle now to tell them in the spring time of economic policy, that it would have the effect of in. volving them in trouble, difficulties, and disaster ; but the time would yet arrive, when chastened by misfortune, and sobered into reason, they would remember not with unkindness the predictions of those who were now endeavoering to avert their calamities, and who did their utmost to prevent those measures which were the pregnant cause of their evils from being carried into effect.—(The Hon. Member sat down amidst loud cheers.) ottim w hfoi h soowid i ut c eegp h srahh,rit h ont ad been just received did not furnish any symptom of dissatisfaction. They did not appear to show that any insu perable objection existed to the alteration.—( Hear, hear.) The Hon. Gentleman ended his speech by giving an account of the declaring Baronet iiHe y a ua n .l l w dl d h the hteeohhees.bhti mannerahatretnhe i:,Rightdbisydu in tbnhj oe.t. Honourable belongho n i we h o hhe u o ra wh( b e eler;ercoei (Lord Baronet adi for exclusively eoj many n oay e hea t ttnnoe ydc theam yearse R i g i i Russell) Right his towardsinto and t n h d tohu h ag i t s h ttchotel the colleagues systeme s i Rightn oHofffio protection r e . 0 , tße b ea u tr t ioo t nn h e a t twcasaosmmee unjus t par t into li o powerfollowers.n' having determined the same but four years ago. Whet, be ( Lord J. Russell) considered what that party was in 1841, not one had reason to lament the disruption which had taken place. —( Hear. ) He fr an kl y confessed that he thought that there was one de f ect in the great Conservative party of 1841. They were in possession of great advantages—their machi • • nery for elections was wi el arranged—they had candidates ready for every election—they had every means successfully to contest the con stituencies of the country, and in order to forward their interests they had resort to fables to advance their views . — ( Hear, hea r . ) There was the f a bl e o f the Lichfield H ouse comfort, and others of a similar character. Their fancy invent the se f a bl es, and they were very ysuewce as t u r i a ined on t h t o e hustings in diminishing the majority of the Whi g the same time th ey po i nte d to their great tea,fer':a-irntybotalti Houses of Parliament—to the glary of the Duke of Welli ng ton as well as to th e hi g h c h aract rof the Right. Hon. Baron e t to these as well to the useiul labours of the great runner of their party. The one def ec t t o which he had all u d e d, notwith standing all these advantages, was the want of some definite object for which to contend.—( Hear, hear.) Party means union of men for some great object of public welfare, such a union did not exist. —( Hear, hear.) The Hon. Gentleman who had spoken, said that the opinions of the party were very openly, honestly, and decidedly expressed that protection to native industry was bound up with the best interest of the country. They expressed great fear of the Roman Catholics—(Cries of " Oh! oh !")—and that Protestant ascendancy or Protestant supremacy, as Lo-d Stanley expressed it, should be maintained above all other in terests.—( Hear, hear.) But among the leaders. ss bile such opinions prevailed, it was known that the Right Hon. B ronet had sat under Mr. Huskisson, and wel known to be in favour of the asstern of free trade, and against the system of protec ti in Those opinions with regard to free trade and protection han led the Right lion Gentleman to the measure of 1842, which hail led him in time to the measure of 1843. But then, what was this great Conservative party ? What was it but a union of men to turn out a party whom they disliked? He did not wonder, therefore , that they had been di sa pp o i n t e d i n what had taken place. H e thought, too, that the Right Hon. Gentleman was to blame. He thought he ought not to have cautiously reserved his opinion, but that he ought to have stated fully those principles on which he acted—principles with which he (Lord John Russell) had little fault to find. It was a fatal defect in the Conservative party to go on from week to week, and from year to year, in a course of opposition for the purpose of overthrowing a Government—risking thereby the peace of Ireland and the tranquillity of the empire. He could admire the cavaliers of 1645, who defended the throne against Cromwell ; and he could admire theJacobines of 1745, who came forth in behalf of the Stuarts, against that which he thought was the right cause, the house of Hanover. He c, uld admire the chivalrous spirit and determined loyalty— the adherence to settled opinions in those men who were engaged in those two unfortunate causes. But when he came to that cause which existed in 1845, he found such an absence of all chivalrous feeling that he could not be surprised at the party that supporting cause having been misled. Those Hon. Gen tlemen who opposed this Bill believed that it would be injurious to the country, and they had supported their views with much talent. He, however, considered that it would be otherwise— that it would tend to foster peace with other nations. Looking to one of the greatest nations of the globe, he was happy to find it was already influenced by feelings of amity and good-will to var.le this country; and when he read the speeches of Mr. Web ster and Mr. 'Calhoun. he forgot all those declarations which hail lately been wafted from the other side of the Atlantic. He trestedtbat her Majesty's Government would be enabled to ix finally a limit to divide the dominions of her Majesty and those of 'he United States, and he trusted that this measure would make the two countries one vast. domain of wealth, as it were— each to vie with the other, if they would—each endeavouring to make their productions more perfect, so that we might clothe the inhabitants of the United States whil e they fed us, and . . . _ Lord J. RUSSELL said, that in rising to address the House, after the Hon. Gentleman who had just sat down, he should certainly feel considerable hesitation, if he thought tl:e Hon Gentleman had been equally successful in his agricultural views, as he was in his invective against the Minister; but he could not fail to see that the Hon. Gentleman's talent consisted in always dressing up and using invective against the Minister instead of addressing himself to the Bill before the House. It was their business that night to debate whether or not the measure should be read a third time instead of hearing an abuse of the Right Hon. Baronet. The Hon. Member was there more as a spectator than a party conversant with the subject. The Hon. Gentleman began by questioning the abandoned arguments, as he called them, of the Right Hon. Baronet. Now he did not think that the Right Hon. Gentle man's former arguments had failed, or that he had been lost in alarm during them. Indeed a Noble Lord had read a letter to the house, which had been written by one of his ancestors in the year 1610 in support of protection to agriculture. This was a question which was before both Houses of Par liament in 1840. It was introduced into the House of Lt rds by Earl Fitzwilliam, and, upon two occasions, eleven Members voted for the consideration of the question ; and in the House of Commons they voted for a Committee for the same pur pose; and he (Lord J. Russell) thought at that time, that if that object should be effected, and the New Peor-law carried. a great difference might be made in the state of the country ; and that that change could then with safety be made ; and several members of the Cabinet were of the same opinion ; but Lord Melbourne and several other members of the Cabinet voted against any change. (The Noble Lord then read an extract from the opinion expressed upon the subject by Lord Melbourne, and which was to the effect that his (Lord Melbourne's) opinion was that it was not expe dient to make any change, and that he would maintain exist l c h the a eta whole of C t a h b i innge s s ith o w n a l d s not to tO lu b ti e es er . Ld N e V re e sell) felt justified in entering into those details, because of d lL at t , he t n h , at w in ith lB 7 propose a change in the corn-laws. Now, he (Lord J. Rus what had been said of the part he had taken in them, by others in this House, during this debate.—( Hear, hear.) He thought then, and he did still think, that a moderate fixed duty would then have been the best change that could be made in the laws of 1828. He was of that opinion when protection was ingrafted in their law-books as wall as in the habits and opinions of the people, and that therefore a change should be made gradually; and he also thought tha d.e Anti-Corn-law League would have been glad to accept a fixed duty of Bs.—(Cries of " Hear, hear," and " No, no.") He had good authority for saying so, and he would state it.— ( Hear, hear.) Up to the commencement of last year, he was still of the same opinion, and, after a fixed duty had been agreed to and in force for a number of years, it could be changed into free trade by a gradation which would be almost imperceptible. But when the changes which had been pro po.ed had been resisted for a number of years, and when the Anti-Corn-law League had debated the question of free trade, and had made an impression upon the public mind as to its necessity, and when the proposition, as to a moderate fixed duty bad been so frequently rejected, then he did think it would not be wise to adhere to a wish to persevere in that project; and there was no precedent for doing so under such circumstances, in the conduct of any Minister down to the time when Huskisson acted the part he did in reference to the Catholic question. Therefore up to last year, he (Lord J. Russell) asked himself if there was any course to be adopted, but that of a tot a l repea l , which was likely to give satisfaction to the count r y.—( Hear. h ear. ) Had he b een a bl e t o carry the mea sure f or a f i xed duty, with the consent of the Cabinet, and th e acqu i escence of the people, he would have been proud of it ; but he was not anxious to occupy the position of a Minister, who would afterwards be compelled to have the prudence and wisdom of the measure continually debated in this House.—( Hear, hear.) The question now was, however, between the keeping up of the present system of protection, or the total abolition of all protection in the few years proposed by the Right Hon. Gen tleman. He ( Lord J. Russell) had not said that this was the way in which he would wish to effect the change, because he was for doing away with protection by means that would not have any suddenness of character about it ; but now. believing that the repeal of the corn-laws was a right measure, he saw no other course left than to re , peal them, or keep up the present system of protection. The Hon. Gentleman had made an assertion. He had made the assertion that the corn-laws did not enhance the price of corn, and he also and at the same time asserted that the power of the community to purchase was increased. That which the Hon. Gentleman had admitted was capable of proof, and this admission strengthened the proof. He had, however, given no proof of the pr position that the power of the people to purchase was increased by the existence of the law. The Hon. Gentleman had stated, indeed, that the prices of corn would be ruinous to the small farmers.—( Hear, hear. ) And in giving these detail s of the apprehension which he felt on a former occasion, he spoke of foreign markets from which were to be derived immense supplies of corn. Let him (Lord J. Russell) observe that in the first instance the Hon. Gentle man's argument entirely destroyed that to which he and many others had all along limited themselves, and had relied their main strength on it, vie., that protection upon corn ought to be continued in order to make us independent of the produce of foreign nations. He could understand that agreement very well if all the corn came from one or two coun tries, for it would quite warrant the apprehension that in time of war we might run the danger of scarcity from the sup plies being impeded. He had gone over in his mind this ques tion with regard to Russia and America, and other important corn-trading countries, and had found that in the course of the last century there were a very few years indeed—exce7t, perhaps, with regard to America, in 1783—when we were at war with any one of them. He was comforted by this discovery, and would, therefore, depend in foreign countries without any ap prehension. The Hon. Gentleman, however, went fat tiler ; he said that there were other countries from which we received our supplies—Hungary, Spain, and Egypt—and yet he asked the nation if it could calculate on supplies from them all? What became of our independence of foreigners according to that statement? There was no fear of this nation beco.ing involved while it continued its maritime supremacy—if the country maintai n ed it s mar itime supremacy it would always Corn would be furni s h e d at have a supply. Th e H on . Gentleman told them that there would be very low prices. and that 18s. per quarter, or perhaps 205. per quarter. The av erage Creed wasto alarm the the prospect of cheap bread He a E a ro d spect heard the the people of this country. S erset,hire state prices had been from 40s. to 503 and be very much questioned his Honourable Member for som appre hension that he Hon . Mem!. er for Sh rews b ury was in nothing, and now t their butchers' stalls would fade to more, some alarm in respect of the baker's bill, and showed that hread would be very cheap indeed. If they admitted large and they would have much better He did not feel, e ct E n u t r io o n pe s a i n n quantities of corn they would have the ,poedople consuming therefore, any of the apprehension which the Hon. Gentleman entertained, for he thought that some years hence great quan athndi, Ame' market quan tities of corn would be brought into this country in expecta tion of the prices which could be realised, but there would not be any depression to affect the agriculture of this country. The Hon. Gentleman had spoken of slight fluctuation s in this market. He (Lord J. Russell) would not compare the rt. c fl a u n ctu m a a ti r o k n e s ts w . hic w h it h h ad reg o a c r cr t r o ed th in e they had been very great and the prices very high. In January, 1838, the price of wheat was 545. 4d. per quarter, and in December in the same year it was 78s. In 1839 it was 81s. 6d., in January, and in October it was 655. In this fluctuation of two years was there net sufficient reason for the Government to consider that the admission of foreign corn would benefit the people ? Let them look at the prices which existed during the last century after the admission of foreign corn. In 1763, when this country ceased to be an exporting country, and began to import, he found that Mr. Burke, in a pamphlet, said that the p e opl e h ad no great reason to complain of the priee of bread, because for some years past corn had varied from 325. to 408. per quarter. If they took the 34 years from 1750 to 1784, the price of wheat averaged 455. per quarter ; that was not complained of, and in 1791 it was propoed to raise the prices. His belief was that the high prices of the war, and the depreciation which had taken place in the currency had altered their notions, and made them support the high price for grain —a higher price to the consumer than he was able to afford. Look also to the question as it regarded manufactures and corn. Why the price of manufactured fabrics had fallen two-thirds in price ; corn had risen 20 per cent.—( Hear, hear.) This was a reason why they should not exclude foreign corn ; a reason why they should no longer ke ep up a law, to keep up by a restrictive law the price of this important neces'ary of life.—( Hear, hear.) The Hon. Gentlemen, the Member for Shrewsbury, had spoken of an important principle. Exeept_ ing that the principle was the maintain' at of the corn-laws, he (Lord John Russell) knew not what it meant. Then he went to the colonies. He considered that the colonies would not suffer from this pleasure, while they had already enjoyed great advantage from the e"enflansesit of the differential duties.—(Hear, hear.) lie thought the colonies would not be sorry to see this restrictive system abrogated.— ' (Cries of " Hear, beer.") And as for Canada, the accounts hen there would be no cause to fear that British and American bayonets should ever be crossed upon any battle field what ever. With these views, hoping that this Bill would go to the House of Lords with a large majority from that House, he should give the measure his hearty support.—( Loud cheers. ) Sir ROBERT PEEL said—Sir, I believe it is now nearly three months since I first proposed, as the orga-i of her Ma jesty's Government, that measure which I trust is about to re ceive this night the final sanction of the House of Commons ; arid considering, Sir, the lapse of time, and considering the frequent discussions, and considering the anxiety of the people of this country that the debate should be brought to a close, I feel I should be only offering an insult to this House—that I should be offering an insult to this country, if I condescended to bandy personalities on the present occasion.—(Cheers.) Sir, I saw that the cause which I have taken • from a sense of public duty, would expose me to serious sacrifices—sacrifices which were inevitable, and almost impossible to avert. I foresaw that I must forfeit personal friendships, which I had long cherished— that I might break up political relations which long existed, and which I highly valued and esteemed, but the smallest penalty I anticipated was the continued venomous attack of the Hon. Member for Shrewsbury.—( Renewed cheers ) I will on) , say, that if the Hon. Gentleman, after reviewing the whole of my conduct during a li!e of thirty years previous to my accession to office, in 1841, then entertained the opinion of me which he now professes—if he thought I was guilty of those petty larcenies from Mr. Horner and some others, it is surprising that, in 1841, after the long experience he had had of my public career, that he should be prepared to give me his confidence—that he should be willing and ready to unite his fortunes with me in office—( Loud cheers)—which is. I think, the strongess proof a public man can have of the confidence reposed in his honour and integrity.—( Hear, hear. 1 I have, at other times, explained, more than is usual, what were the circumstances %latch rendered it necessary for me to propose this measure—that I felt that there was apprehension of a scarcity and a famine in Ireland.—(Cries of " No, no" from the protectionist benches.) lam stating what were my ap prehensions at the time, and what were the motives which created those apprehensions—which, if they are denied now, at least they were shared by Honourable Gentlemen who sit upon both aides of the House.-- k Cries of " Hear, hear.") The Hon. Member who has recently taken his seat in this House, and who spoke with great ability the other night, the Member for Donut - shire (Mr. Seymer)—(Hear, hear)—dis tinctly declared that he thought i should have abandoned my duty, if I had not advised that, considering the circumstances of Ireland, the restrictions upon the importation of foreign corn into this country should be removed.—( Hear, hear.) I may have been wrong, but my first impression was, that duty towards a country threatened by famine required that that which had been the ordinary remedy, under all similar circum stances, should be resorted to—namely, that there should be a free access to the food of man, from whatever quarter it might come.—( Hear, hear.) I gave that proof which public men are generally required to give of the sincerity of their opinions, by tendering my resignation of office.—( Hear, hear ; cries of " Oh, oh," from the protectionists; followed by cheers from the Opposition.) It devolved upon me, as the first duty, to propose this measure.--( Hear, hear.) And, Sir, I felt that if these laws were once suspended, and that there was an un limited access to the food produced in other eountries, I, and those with whom I acted, felt the strongest conviction that it was not for the public interest, and that it was not for the in terest of the agricultural patty, that an attempt should be made to re-assume the restrictions upon the importation of foreign corn.—( Hear, hear.) I could not propose the re-establish ment of the existing law with any guarantee for its perma nence. As the NebleLord says, I united with Mr. Huskisson in the years 1824, 1825, and 1826, in revising these laws. In 1842, after my accession to office, I proposed a revision of the corn-laws. Had nothing taken place from the election in 1841 which precluded that revision? Was there public assurance to the people of this ceentry at the election of 1841 that the existing amount et protection to agriculture should remain ? —( Cries of " Yes, yes," from an Hen. Member on the protec tionist benches.) There was, was there ? (Laughter.) Then, if there was, you were as guilty as I was.---( Loud cheers.) It was agreed that the amount of protection to agricul'ure, that existed in 1840, and 1841, should be retained, and a revision should have been made in the existing laws. Why was the removal of the prohibition on the importation on foreign cattle consented to ?—( Hear, hear.) Tnat removal must have been utterly at variance with any assurance that the protection to agriculture that existed in 1840, and 1841, should be retained.—( Hear, hear.) After the Bill of 1842, was I not repeatedly asked this question? " Now that you have passed this Bitt of 1842, establishing a new corn-law, will you give a public assurance that that law shall at all times remain unaltered ?"—( Hear, hear. ) And did not 1 uniformly decline to give such an assurance?— (" No, no," and cheers.) Did I not say that I had no inten tion of proposing any alteration of that law —( Cheers)—and when the question was put to me, I distinctly declare that I would not fetter my discretion ?—(" Oh, oh," and cheers. ) Then it was impossible for me to propose, consistently with my own convictions, after the opening of the ports, the re-esta blishment of the existing law. The question then naturally arose, whether we should propose some diminished protection to agriurlttrinreent or of whether proposeouAldfterall the debate some ulti mateate e which I have heard upon this question, I am firmly convinced that it is better for the agricultural interest to s ' te the question. e sh contemplate a final settlement of th e ques ti on ra th er t h an to propose a law giving a dimi n i s hed p ro t ec ti on . M y b e li e f i s that a diminished protection would not conciliate the agricul tural feelings. It would be of no avail unless the amount were very greatly diminished, and such a proposition would have met with as severe an opposition as a final settlement ; and this I must say, that nothing could be so disadvantageous as to give an ineffectual protection, and yet incur all the odium attaching to such a law.—( Cheers.) I have li tened, with scarcely an exception, to every speech which has been made upon this subject, and I confess, admitting the talent displayed, they have in no respect altered the condition on the subject. ( Some interruption here arose on the part of the proctectionists.) ( The Right Hon. Baronet made some remark, which was inaudible, but which we understood, complained of this inter ruption.) The Right Hon. Baronet then went on to say, I will assign a reason why the arguments I have heard have not shaken my opinions. I have been told that it was possible to continue this duty after this temporary suspension, but I am now assuming this temporary suspension had taken place, for it would have been shown after three years. During the con tinuance of abundant, or at least average harvests, that then it had failed to effect its object; and that would, in addition to the state of public feeling with reference to the restriction upon imports generally, it would have lately added to the final settlement, if it could be shown, that with reference to the case of Ireland, the working of the law, so far as Great Britain is concerned, has not been satisfactory, he would have had to contend, not merely with adifficulty arising from a suspension on account of the ease of Ireland. But it will be shown, as it now wou ld b e s h own, t h at t h e rate of duty is high on ac count of th e a p parent l owness i n the price of cor n , t h at low ness of pric e ar i s i ng f rom the deficient qu a li ty i n the crop.— mar that greater dispariti es i n t h e l eading articles of the s (Cheers) It w ill h ave b een shown conclusively that thee r ar in the cou n t r y, in po i nt of price of corn of theprincihighe t .st qualities and lowest qualities, than existed at any former period. It , would have been proved that there nevi's- was a greater than there has been during the present year of wheat of the high , qualities, for the purpose of mixing with wheat of an inferior quality. It would have been shown that had there been wheat of a higher quality, the whole population of this country would for the last four months have be t en consuming bread of a bet ter quality than that which they hail had. When you proposed an:arrangement of the existing law, you would have had to contend with greater difficulties than you now have, I think you might have had a majority in favour of the continuance of these laws notwithstanoing the enormous diffi culty, for some short time longer. I believe that the interval of this maintenance would have been short. There would, during that time, have sprung up a desperate conflict between different classes of society. The arguments would he unheeded, and you might have had no alternative bat to repeal at an early period, when the cycle of unfavourable harvests came round ; have come? who can give a n y a ssurance th a t th a t time would not come? You would then have bad no alternative, I say, but to concede the alteration of these laws under e Hon.i reumsk. or anmeeh*for Dersetshire said that they could haveinfo nitely lets favourable to yourselves their own weapons —weapons whichone do not defend, for h but which I sincerely reprebate—assa ely the making of faggot votes, and the landed interest would have greater facility for the manufacture of these votes. Well, then, what fought Te the League with a sad alternative was that. Let me tell you that although for a time you might rely on those faggot votes, the interval would not be long before the weapon would break short in your hands, and you would find that these additional votes, formed for the purpose of combat ing the League—though brought up at the first 'election—it would be the institution of a permanent evil for a temporary benefit. It was the consideration of all these circumstances which strongly induced me to believe that it was for the bene fit of all classes, and the benefit of the agricultural classes, to make a permanent and equitable system.—( Cheers.) I know the penalty to which I must be subjected, but even after the continuance of these debates, I am more impressed with the necessity which there exists for this measure. The Hon. Gentleman the Member for Sunderland said there was no ex citement about the Corn Bill, and he undertook to give it his opinion that the Bill was received by all classes with less of excitement than any , public measure generally excited. and with a greater disposition to confide in the wisdom of Par liament.—:( Loud cries of "No, no.") (Mr. Hudson rose, but, being below the bar, he was called to order, and the Hen. Gentleman made his way to the middle of the House amidst the greatest laughter.) Mr. HUDSON— No, no; what I stated was, that there was no excitement in favour of the Rill, bat there was a deep feeling on the part of the agricultural community against the Bill. Sir R. PEEL—I consider that the explanation fully justifies my observations. —( Cries of "No, no.") If there is no ex ' eitement in favour of the Bill, it only proves how favourable the opportunity is for discussing it, rather than wait, until unfavourable harvests and depressed manufactures might bring about a state of things which would render it to you not very easy to exercese due deliberation in your opinions. Ido not rest it upon that ground alone. The scarcity, however. has made it i mperative Ott you to . consider what is the course i f policy you must pty-sti.. referee that it ;s for the general interste,e to this question. I repeat apart from any temporary consideration, that som e rent. arrangement shook! be Made for the removal of thorsit:rrneo'ntertncttsive laws. will facts from you who are the opp sake the take the speech of the Hon. Memb'r o f f the meataure ; will or ?xfordshire. will have no dispnt s about the faets, I We you ; but it is with the inferences cfras7n I take those from which V em with o which we she I have to do. That Hon. Gentle athn:!id that looking at the last 30 years, our trade had bee n 0 7 and our commodities had become cheapened. b u t no incre ase, talent had taken place in the social conditie u of the people. What was it that was calculated to ehe. ' vale them from th e d egra d at i on i nto which they were sunk? What was calculated to raise the condition and elevate the moral character of the millions that subsist by labour ?—(Cheers.) If the Hon. Gentleman's statements he correct, they suggest matter for grave consideration. He said that trade had increased, and that commodities had been cheap ened, but that there had been no corresponding increase in the social condition of those who were the basis of society. Let sat go back to the last thirty years since—to 1815, and let us examine the matter attentively. It was then that the system of protection to agriculture first began.--( Cheers.) 'What was the preceding period, excluding of course the time of war, with which you compare the then condition of the people ? Let us compare the state of the people from any period from 1700 to 1791 with the period referred to by the Hon. Gentleman. For the first 66 years of the last century this was an importing country. Why, let me ask, were not Croatia and Hungary sending us corn then? The law in 1773 admitted it at 6d. a qr, and for 6 years after this was an importing country. There were sixteen hundred and sixty inclesure bills passed in that year, and the state of the people was better in point of em ployment, in p tint of prosperity, and in point of happiness than since 1' 4 15. Well, in that year, a law was passed, which at id that corn should not come in unless it was above 80s. in the home market. In 1828, they made the price 705., at which corn should be admitted, and at that price a duty of 16+. Bd., and it was only by the alteration made in 1840 that the beneficial change was made. It was in 1815 that we made this prohibition of foreign articles of consump tion. We increased the duty on butter to 2s '6d., and on cheese from Is. 6d. to 2s. 6d., and therefore we did that which almost amounted to a restriction. Such, then, was the result of thirteen years. I now come to the facts of the Hon. Gen tleman the Member for the North Riding of Yorkshire, and regret that indisposition prevented that Hon. Member ad dressing the House in his usual audible manner. —(Hear, hear.) I followed the Hon. Gentleman very closely. and I took down his account of the state of agricul ture. He said that in 1815 we had great distress, and in that year you will remember we had the protection duty. "We had great distress in the agricultural districts." said the Hon. Member. This was the historical fact of the Hon. Gentle man. Well, in 1819, we had a speech from the throne on the great distress which prevailed, and it was so great and alarm ing in our agricultural and manufacturing d stricts, that we passed the " Six Acts," and a Commmittee was appointed, and aetually employed in devising a remedy. There was in 1822. the greatest difficulty in getting employment, and the labouring classes felt that &stress most severely, but still we had protege tion. We advanced to 1832 and 1833, and it was found neces: sary in that year to appoint a Committee to supply a remedy In that year, in the north of England, there were 300,000 persons almost unemployed. The Preston weavers presented a petition to thatliouse. praying that something might he done to relieve them from their wretched condition. In 1835, it was also as bad. In 1836 and 1837, we bad a change; these were years of comparative prosperity, but, in 1839 and down to 184 ), there was a great depression. Well, that was the state of trade under protection. --(Hear, hear. ) Well then did that lowering of prices arise from competition in foreign corn ? No, the lowering of prices was caused by the suspension of the national dealings in corn, occasioned by productive harvests, their being no outlets fa this abundance ; and this it, was which o ccas i one d the prosTiation in the corn trade. But the Hon. Gentleman having detailed this suffering on the part of the agriculturist, I was surprised to hear the Hon. Gentleman conclude wilh a quotation, the effect of which was to preserve the tree which had shaded them so long.— (Hear, hear.) Had be not better have said— "Ille et nefastoieposttitdie," * * * * agro qui statuit men Te, tristo lignam , to caducum In domisi caput immerentis." I think it would have been a more appropriate quotation -(Loud laughter.) Is there no exception to be made from this period of three years? Is the latter part of the thirty years exempt from the stigma which the Hon. Gentleman cast upon the preceding year , ? There had been three years, 1843, 1844, and 1845 during which you had from some eau,ta or other, many benefits. The average price of what had little exceeded 51a., and let us see whether during the last three years there has been no increase .of com fort, ro improvement in the moral condition of the people, no abatement of fictitious dealings in corn. I care not what may have been the cause of the abun ance which has prevailed during the last three years. You do not attribtee the cause to the tariff, but to good harvests. It is enough to know that there have been goad harvests, and the people have bad to apply less of their earnings to the purchase of food.—( Hear. Do you believe that if the price of wheat had been 70s. in stead of 50s. there would have been the same amount of capital expended. But granted that the tariff of 1842 had nothing to do with the abatement of prices in 1844 and 1845. I concede that to you. It has been the favour of Providence, it has been good harvests. There has been abundance; and what has been the result of that abundance? ( Hear, hear.) I take the test of the Hon. Gentleman. He says, " the facts and figures show there has been no increase in the consumption." Well, I will show you that during the last three years, that trade has flourished and that capital has accumulated. But during, it is said, the last three years there has been a greater deterioration in the social condition of the people than during the preceding 27 years.—( Hear, hear.) Well, now, first take the consumption of articles that are used largely, which I take from the statement of the undermentioned articles in the United Kingdom, and which gives the average consumption of those articles in the three years ending 1839, 1841, 1843, and 1846. Well, in the first three years, when the prices of provisions arc high, and the average consumption of sugar for the three years ending 1841 was 3,826.000; this average, for the last. three years ending the Ist January, 1846, rose from 38,826,000 to 43,460.000.—( Hear, hear.) The average consumption of tea in the first three years was 34,360,000, and the average con gumption of tea in the last tnree years was 42,000,000 instead of 34,000,000.—( Hear, hear.) In coffee, the average con sumption, in three years of high prises, was 27,941,000, and the average for the' last three years was 81,833,000. In cocoa, the average consumption the first three years was 1.859,000, and the average during the last three years was 2,595,000. ( Hear, hear.) taking other articles of smaller amount, but which entered very largely into the consumption of the poor, and added very much to their comfort—during the first three years the consumption was 175,000 cwt., and in the last two years 185,0, 0 awt. So far I take, then, the test of the Right Hon. 51erraber for Oxfordshire of these great articles of con sumption, and I show him that comparative plenty has produced this change, and enabled the working classes to purchase those smaller luxuries of life.—( Hear. bear.) Well, I came to a more important point —the statement of crime, You have got an official record presented within the last few days, which gives the statement of crime within the last three years. In the third year I have mentioned the e was an increase ; but in the year 1843 there was a change in . : most important f ea t ure i n the s tat e o f t h e countr y. In the sears I have mentioned of plenty. there followed a proportio nate _ decrease of crime and commitments. In the thr , et . : , . . y ac high prices the number of commitments wr:rs_77 . l):_ L.l!, .amt cording to the return- I hold in my band, 21 .°"" 2 ( 00, ' )0. 1 31,000 ; .hi'e in the last three years they were 9,0 t and 24,006. Now, ask, can we resist conviction that from the existence of plenty followed the diminution of Crime the gentleman who drew up this return adds, that during those same three years of plenty there was a total absence of ditiou3 riots; and I a4c, can you have a stronger proof of the fact than this, that the progressive diminution of ommitments for seditious riots has been owing to the cheap and piety iful supply of food ? - ( Hear, hear.) hay then that in the three years of the reduced pricer of the pr , ,visions of life, as com pared With the twenty-seven years previous, the inference is that the increased command over those articles which consti tote the principal food of the poor has been the cause of this diminution of crime. But then, you ask if all those happ y re sults foll owe d f rom those coro-laws of '42, why now come forward to disturb them 7 I say, in answer to that, if you can show me that such has been the cause of it, thin will say they ought n t to be disturbed ; and, no doubt, if we could calculated that this law of 1842 did e,,nfer such benefits it would be desirable not to disturb them. But then, apt n, it has been urged that this happy state of things has been owing to a favourable harvest; if so, then I say that there is no reason at all for not introducing this law.—( Hear, hear.) But suppose you have a cycle of years of Unfavourable harvests, what guarantee have you that there will not also be a depression in the manufacturing districts, and what then will be the state of the country?—( Hear, hear.) Let me ask, how short a time has elapsed since the dis tressed state of the people of Paisley, and of ITheffield, and of Stockport. was brought before us ?—( Hear.) If that state of things should return, do you think it would be pos sible to maintain a law which imposes a duty of Os. upon a principle article of food?—(Hear. bear.) ,iiy firm belief is, and I say this without yielding to the dictation of any party. — ( Cries of " Oh, oh.") Yes, I say, I believe it to be perfectly consistent with prudence and good policy, and the real interests of the territorial aristocracy.—( Oh, oh.) I say I do entertain the firm conviction that it is consistent with prudence and good policy to pass this measure. —( H-er, hear.) I have attempted to defend the exists :rice of the corn-laws. I have attempted it up to the present period. I have refused to acquiesce in their abolition, but when I am told that I am acting inconsistently with the principles I laid down, by being an advocate for the principle of free-trade, I give it little atten tion. During the last three years I have subjected in y many taunts. It has beers said that policy to ou t to Lord Grey found_ something of me. Did I not say that the true gel which you should conform, was not to disturb the country entrusted to you by any rash legislation, on principles to w hi ch economy d o not conform ? It was the principle of political asubiect of which suggested my interference en such importance. Did I not say that I thought nothing in the world was so well calculated to be ex posed to this principle as agriculture, whic h , was so often a;- plied in other cases. I have heard you taunt me with a change of opinion in respect to corn, but when you I say that when I adopt the principle of free trade act in con travention of what I have avowed during all my preceding lif e , the charge is destitute of foundation. I will not enter, at this late hour, on any discussion of any other question. I f oresaw tito oonsequenee which would result from the measures I pro posed. I was charted with the heavy responsibility of taking security against a great calamity.—(Hear.) I did not act lightly—l did not form an opinion on merely local information, or on local 'authority likely to be influenced. I an thota who agreed with me in my opinions same to the eon- elusion to adopt everything to prevent a local feeling from in fluencing our information by obtaining it from. particularly dis interested:authorities through Ireland, so as to aid us toTorm a just conclusion. Whether we were mistaken, or whether we were not—and I believe still we were not mistaken —but even if we were, a generous construction should be put upon the motive, and the conduct of those charged with the responsihilify of protecting millions of the subjects of the Queen from the cone sequences of the scarcity of provisions.—( Hear, hear.) What ever maybe the result of this measure, I feel severely the loss of the confidence of those from almost all of whom I have re ceived such support. Although I 2M inflexible on my own opinion, 1 perfectly recognise the sincerity with which they adhere to their own opinions. I perfectly recognise the right of those Hon. Gentlemen to admit the clanger of my specu lation, and to withdraw from it. I honour their mo ives ; but 1 claim, and always shall claim, while entrusted with such powers. and subject to such responsibility as the Minister of this great country i. entrusted with and subj. of to, I always will assert my right to give that advice which I censcientious y berieve to be conducive to the general we' fare of this country.— ( Hear, hear.) I was not consieering, according to the !teenage of the Hon. Member for Shrewsbury, what was the best bargjin to make for party. I was considering, what %ere the best measures to avert this great calarnity, aced also to relieve, by that measure, as much as was possible the misery that was then existing. I cannot charge ms self. or my colleagues, with having been unfaithful to the trust with se ieh we were en dowed. I do not believe the great instieetions of - this country have suffered duri tee our aiministraeon A Noble Gentleman had opened a discussion, in which be observed, that circumstances had occurred ehieh threatened the main tenance of amicable relations with the United States, end hoped such would be brought to a fortu 'ate 1- , IIP. i think I con appeal to the course which I have pursued to seen," me against any insinuation of not maintaining the honour of 'he country. I can appeal to the past exterienee of the country that it hes been our earnest desire. by every effort consistently with the national honour, in maintaie the friendly relations with which we steed „ ill nearly every nation on the face of he earth. This principle, so lng ss I am en rusted with the management of public allure. wilt continue to influence us with respect to any differ nee w fi Look at the prerogative of the Crown oh of the Church, anti the position o the are , ecracv sod you will see that i cents e e with having taken ans course inconsistent with it, ertne pies. and calculated to endanger the high privileees °I at. y hr emle of the Leeislsture. My earnest wish, during m' tee yeats of ' pe e wit:, has b een to impress thee iwope re this country with formthat thteheLegGislaeturnremt7nats The G overnm e n t desire and justice: o a t; I T T jante„dtpih2 of sincere eguy it of that class of people, whiceint a c r on b templated the social condition t o t ne f ht into a certain relation s r o anchise. I wish to to it by the exercise of the legieslatr con vince them that our object has been to r portion taxation, that it shall relieve industry and lahwoeucouldm consistently s u t e n n d t u l e burden, and transfer it, as far as with our public duties, to those better able to bear it. y I look around me and find peace where formerly there was dis sension—loyalty where there was formerly sedition —the agita tion and excitement which prevailed succeeded by a calm in the public mind; seeing this, how could I resist the determina tion, in such a disposition of the public mind, to risk that ire ' proved state of feeling by the further continuance of this truly unjust tax. When I tell you this—when I refer you to the improved state of the country in all these respects—when we see a disposition to confide in you. as being friendly to and not against them, in their great and fundamental interests— it will be some justification of the course I have pursued. You may dispossess me of power to-morrow, bat you cannot deprive me of the consciousee.s that I have exercised the powers committed to me for no corrupt or selfish and in terested motive.—(Loud cheers.) Regarding the question of our foreign relations, I believe we have maintained our power abroad consistently with national honour and the defence of our just rights ; and I further believe that while we have done so in bringing forward and submitting the present great principles of justice, and in endeavouring to disseminate the blessings of equal laws, trusting to conciliatory instead of coercive measures, we have done that which was best calculated for the interests of the empire, and to improve the condition of the great body of the people. Mr. DISRAELI ruse to explain. In consequence of an in sinuation that had been thrown out by the Right Hon. Ba ronet, he wished to correct an impression it was calculated 'to convey. The meaning that would be attached to it was, that his opposition to the Right Honourable Baronet arose from disappointment, arising out of an application for office. It was the impression that in 1841 he (Mr. Disraeli was denied office by the Right Hon. Baronet. In reference to that, there was no foundation whatever for the insinuation.—( Hear, hear.) Fie recollected an interview with a party in connexion with the Government. who called on him in refere9ce to 4 cer tain matter, and a "onver sa ti on ensue d such as what might take teace with the most high •mind e d an d honourable .Vemher in that House; but he could assure Honourable Members that none of the opposition he new gave had anything to do with that termina' inn. Moreover, he would say, that that interview was none of his seeking, whether the Right Hon. Baronet was a party to it he could not say He ( Mr. Dittaeli) had ner , r taken any decided step against the Right Hon. Baronet till. three years'after, and then at the strong request of hie constituents t . redeem his pledge respecting the protection. Even then he gave but a silent vote on the question. This oid not seem to favour the supposition that he aced from any feeling . of hostility respecting what took place in 1841. He had never Asked any favour of the Government.— ( Hear, hear. ) He would confess it at once, that if in 1841 he had been offered office, in all probability he would have accepted it. Ha was now, however, very glad that he had not had any office effered to him. But he did most emehat catty, upon his honour, declare that he had never been Influenced by feeling of disappointment in opposition to the Right Hon. Baronet.. Sir ROBERT PEFL said that the Hon Gentleman had not at all correctly stated tha which I e Sir li. Peel) had 'aid lle had said nothing shout the lien. Gentleman being influenced in his opposition. What he had said, ve as this ;ha' if the Hon. Gentleman, upon reviewing his (sir R. Peel's) political life previously to 1841, which was a period of thirty years, really believed he was deserving of the character which the Hon. Gentleman had given him that night, it was not right that the Hon. Gentleman should accept him ( Sir R. Peel l as a leader, believing, as the Hon. Gentleman most have done, that he (Sir R. Peel) had committed, what the Hon. Gentleman called , " petty larceny," upon other men's ideas —( Hear, hear.) The Hon. Gentleman did accept him as a leader, and he Sir R. Peel ) did understand that the Hon, dentleman had intimated that he war not un willing to give a proof of his confidence of him ( Sir Robert Peel) as a Minister, which was implied in the acceptance of the Hen. Gentleman of office.—(Cheers.) Lord GEORGE RENTINCK rose to address the House, amidst much confusion and cries for a division. He attributed the prosperity of the country during the last two years to the extension of railways. The Right Hon. Gentleman the Secre tary for ,the Home Department had that night said that this country was not altogether an agricultural country , and yet it June last he declared that the country was essen tially an agricultural country. Had the charae ter of the country changed since June last? It was as much an agricultural country as it was when, after the speech of the Hon. Gentleman the Member for Wolverhamp ton, the Right Hon. Baronet declared that a third of the people in this country were engaged in agriculture. He did not mean to state that there was not a large number of per sons engaged in manufactures ; but, sneaking comparatively, he said the number enraged in agriculture were more than those employed in manufactures. There were one million of persons said to be engaged in the manufactures of the coun try. New, what were the numbers engaged in agriculture? Why, exclusive of the number employed in agriculture in Ireland. there were 800,000 of labourers in this country, whose only means of subsistence was that of raising corn and tilling the land.—( Hear, hear, and cheers.) They were told that in advocating the existence of protection they were actuated by selfish motives, but let him tell Honour able Members who made this assertion, that, exclusive of the labourers, there were three millions of persons interested in agriculture, who must fall with the landed interest.—(Hear.) America already sent here more produce than the amount of manufactures which she took from this country. Where was the hope, then, that if we removed all restrictions from the importation of An.erican corn she would take from us more of our manufactured goods in return? It was a question of profit to the manufacturer—( Hear, hear)—and the expectations that those gentlemen who had been the great advocat es of the measure, as to the increase of our trade with foreign countri es in consequence of the remov a l of a ll restrictions on the imports tation of their corn, had no foundation. Well, now, what was the state of the foreign trade? Why, the entire of the foreign exports of cotton goods did not exceed one-third of the entire consumption of our home manufactures. He apprehended orehfenrod cotton it tt would not be dispuied, that the home consump tion exported to goods was at least double the amount that w to countries that did not grow if foreign countries, and of that ate f o o u r nt an m y t t :r d e n one-half at least was expor t ed n. N ell then if their argument Wa9 g l and it were that this eetnory F nu foreign cindunfitirriceh%tsneptuhreiilr)agsreatinheoirr the same argument hold good manufactures,necessary, their Prnduce' did u o pt t re e markets ?— (<' Divide, divide.") with regard to t h e o He believed that the home consumption of mano twerp, of all descriptions in thi s country did not fall short of 195,000,0 . perennum. He apprehended be did not exaggerate when he said that the home coosumptinn amounted to at least 4-sths of all that was raised in the way of manufactures in thi s country. F our-fifths of the wo6llen manufactures of this eountry, and even in greater • rorrtion with respect to the other articles of m . tnufactaure s. ere csinsumed at home. It, therefore, seemed clear that, ext•usive of our coloniee, our home should h.. preferred to the foreign merkete. —( Hear, and cries of " Divide . divide.") There war the shipping interest too, and how did it stand ? Py the returns that lay in the table of the House, it app. ared that between 40,0 , 11 arid 50000 were animaily engaged in the shipping interest, and if they surrendered the coasting trade to the foreigner, what, he wished to know, must be the result? Why, the result must be, th. t the (hipping interest. instead of engrossing more than one-third of the entire coasting trade, would be almost completely tie. etroyed, and the carryi , g trade along the coast. would be trans ferred to the hands of foreigners; for it was to the coasts, and not to the large towns of this country, that foreign cern would be brought. But when he spoke of the shipping intereet, he must not forget, that there was a large number of ship , ene aged nine out of the twelve months of the year. in bringing gnano to this country for the improvement of the land. when a statement of the kind was made, i. was for him to re fute it. Why, the country had been told that these flee-trade measures would be beneficial to the landed interest. and that they would increase the price of land. Now he held state ments in his hand which plainly proved that the price of land had materially diminished since the introduction of the principles of free trade. The Right Hon. Baronet had reproached them for objecting against his policy then, and he said that the year 1842 was the time when they should have protested. But he did not see that such should have been the case. The Hein. Gentleman had not then di sc lo se d hi s opinion(, and t thel' were Hear.) were in unison with those of the pntteeti t r h T country s. now- Her Majesty's Ministers dared not appeA 1 tit In 1829, when differing from his constituents at Oxford, he en tertained a different opinion , and wrote to t hem from a prin ciple of honour. e did notaiipear, however, to be influenced by measure might be car r i e d, wasbut lg notine.si new .rii carried r This t. —(Ch e e r s.) It it did p as , i t s t u t cl i fee would reflect lasting disgrace upon this House.—(Cheers. ) The Noble Lord tat down amidst loud cries of " Divide, divide." Mr. VILLIERS would not occupy the House more than a few seconds. He could not allow the Noble Lord to close that debate by claiming to all the merit of the position which he essurned. hi mself ( L L or e d i : ( s i pa cri r e t s y ohfad„alDwaivyisdeer di p v l i a d i e n . e , d ,) o_f t T h e h bou nty o A f i P em ro b v e i r de ( n m ee r. . flisraeli) had charged that side of the House with having abandoned their position.--( Cries of , Divide, . divide." He would contend for it flat they bad not aban doned any of the principles they had always advocated for then last nine years.--(Cries of "Divide, divide," and Oh, oh.") He would advise Hon. Gentlemen to pause before they offered su c h examp l es to the country and to these w h o were to , succeed them, or to leave their names on record as having let tempted to the last to keep from the country and the poor ,1 0 that which would be of great advantage to them. The gallery was then cleared for a division, when the R use divided, and there appeareel— For the Bill 827 Against it Majority for the third reading . The Bill was then read a third time and passed. The other orders of the day were then disposed of, &lei () pa Hoes* adjourned, rs. rhr iu,,,,inn