The Sun. — London, England, 1837-02-15 00:00:00

bring in a Bill to abolish the property qualification of Mem- ' ' hers of Parliament. For this purpose he wished to repeal the statutes, of the 9•11 Ann, cal!. 5, and the 3d of Gen. 11., cap. 20, both of which referred to the property qualification of Members of Parliament. He sought the repeal of those laws because they were had in principle, and not because they were productive of any particular grievance, although lin doubted!y, in some instances, they were productive of evil. When these statutes passed, he considered that one of the great principles of the Constitution was invaded. The sta tute of the nth of Anne was designed to exclude traders and persons of that description from Parliament, as it merely required that Members of Parliament should pessess a cer tam amount of landed property. It, however, left to pet i t ione; a against the i mum of a Meml.er to prove tha 1 he was was die qualifieti, and this he considered the defect of that statute. By the standing Orders of the !louse that statute was evaded, and various attempts had been made to establish those orders. If the Standing Order was to remain as it at present ex isted, the law would be ineffectual. The question before the Committees of the House of Commons generally turned upon the fact whether the Member was legally or equi tably in possession of the property for which he was qualified. By those Committees, the nicest questions of equity were decided, not upon the principles of law or equity, but by feelings. What was the course adopted to ob tain a qualification? Why, if an iselividual possessed a suffi cient sum of money in the bands of his bankers, he went to him and requested a reet-charge, which was instantly granted. If, however, he did not possess a sufficient sum the», it was a matter of a little more difficulty to obtain a qualification. The individual then must go to a friend who had large property, Dr to an attorney who would !Ind an individual who had pro perty, willing to grant a qualification. A deed was then drawn up conveying the rent-charge, but that deed never went out of the hands of the attorney. Before witnesses an apparent transfer was made in order to give the transaction a valid ap pearance. The witness when called before the Committee stated the amount of the consideration paid, though in tact by the course that was adopted he really did not know what had in fact taken place. In Met, as the law at present stood, an indi vidual must be exceedingly ignorant, and an attorney totally unacquainted with his profession, if he were not able to ma nage a qualification as the law at present stood.—( Hear, hear.) He ( Sir William Malesworth) had applied to an attorney who was well acquainted with these transac tions, and ho had written him a letter, part of which he would read to the House. He stated that if the law of qua lification was altered, it would deprive the country of the abi lities of some of its first and greatest politicians. Burke, Pitt,- and Fox, were always fictitiously qualified. He be lieved that, generally , speaking, one third of the Members of the English cities and boroughs had no bone fide qualification. Immediately upon a dissolution, sham qualifications were drawn up by solicitors and settled by Counsel; and he (the writer) knew one solicitor in London who would qualify any gentleman for 100/., including the amount of the stamp. For these reasons, having shown that the law at the present moment was evaded—he called on the House not to amend that law, but to abolish it. He asked the House to return to the system, when no property qualification wae required before a man could get into Parliament, when constituencies were entitled to choose whomsoever among themselves they pleased, and when a person so selected and so chosen, with or without a qualification, was obliged to serve.—( Hear, hear.) A case . of this kind occurred in Somersetshire in the year 1624. Sir Thomas Estcourt was chosen and elected as the represen tative for Somersetshire against his will. I find one of the questions before the committee, according to Glanville, in this case is, " whether Sir Thos. Estcourt was eligible against his own consent and desire ;" and it was held clearly that he was, and that no man, being lawfully chosen, can refuse the place ; for the county and commonwealth have such an in terest in every man, that when by lawful election he is ap pointed to this public service, he cannot, by any unwilling ness and refusal of his own, make himself incapable, for that were to prefer the will and contentment of a private man be f'ere the desire and satisfaction of the whole country ; and a ready way to put by the sufficientest men, who are commonly those who least endeavour to obtain the place." The ancient principle of constitutional law is evidently this, that the elec toral body should be permitted to select as their representa tives the persons whom they consider to be the fittest, and that the free choice of an intelli g ent body of electors is a fitter proof of the qualification of the Member than any test which can be desired in any law ; for the fitness of an individual to be a representative depends upon his ability and willingness to perform the duties of a legislator.—( Hear. ) These are mental qualifications, which can hardly be ensured by any test specified by law. The only tests which have ever been proposed to be employed are either age, profession, or anode of life, or property. As for age, some persons propose to exclude young men, as being apt to be too rash and too ex travagant ; but for the contrary reasons old men ought to be excluded, as being far too slow and inert. In this respect the constituent body is the best judge, with whom youth has ever been, and ever will be, to a certain degree, an objection ; if on either side an exclusion be made, it should be, as in the case of judges in America, with regard to old men in favour of whom generally a prejudice exists. With regard to the qua lification of property, it is certainly no test of the intelligence or knowledge of an individual ; on the contrary, the posses sion of considerable property is apt to tempt an individual, by the pleasures and luxuries which it confers, away from those laborious pursuits by which alone knowledge can be ob tained ; the ease with which most of the desires of a rich man can be gratified generally prevents his intelligence being sharpened in the same manner as it would be if he could not satisfy his wishes with so little labour to himsel', but were obliged carefully to search for the means of attain ing his ends. Thus the possession of considerable property is, on the whole, unfavourable to the development of the mental energies, and if property be taken as a test at all, it should, when in considerable amount, rather be considered as a test of disqualification instead of the contrary. The qualification of property is generally advocated on the grounds that a person possessing a certain amount of property is said to have a greater stake in the country, and that he is less liable to be biased by motives arising from his own pecuniary interests. As for the greater stake in the country, the poorest men are more inter ested in good laws and good government than the richest—a law which destroys the former merely injures the latter. The poor are easily oppressed—the rich generally can take care of themselves. It is intelligence which teaches the real value of preserving the security of property, and of aiding the accu mulation of capital.--( Hear, hear.) The mere feeling of clinging to property, which results from the possession of property unaccompanied by intelligence, not unfrequently endangers the security both of property and of capital. It is intelligence, therefore, which is required, and of that pro perty is no test, as I have already shown. As for property being a security for the honesty of any person, I most utterly disbelieve it ; undoubtedly a needy man is generally a disho nest man ; but neediness does not depend upon the amount of a person's property, but upon the proportion between his de sires and his means of gratifying them. Of this proportion the possession of a certain amount of property is no test. It is said that a poor man is more apt to sacrifice the interests of the community for his own private interests than a rich man. By no means ; for all men will sacrifice the interests of the community to their own interests if there be a conflict between those interests, and they can do so with impunity. _( Hear, hear.) Now there is as often a conflict between the interests of the rich and the interests of the community as there is between those of the poor man and those of the community. The one may sometimes desire power, and the other money ; but all history proves that both generally de sire both, and that the only security in such cases is strict re sponsibility, enforced in the case of Members of Parliament by the greatest publicity given to all their acts, and by frequent elections. It is argued sometimes that a person ought to pos sess a certain amount of property in order to be enabled to devote his time to his parliamentary duties. The question here concerns the want of leisure supposed to be indicated by a want of property. That the possession of considerable pro perty is no proof of the individual possessing abundant leisure may easily be proved by the number of Learned Lawyers in this House, all of ellen' swear that they possess at least 3001. a year in landed property, and all of whom, briefless or not, would equally swear that they never have a moment's leisure front their legal avocations. Upon the ground of want of leisure, all hankers, merchants, all persons in business, should equally be excluded. Who would remain in this august as sembly ? The country gentlemen, to be the Representatives of the intelligence, the integrity, the wisdom, and the leisure of the community I This is a consummation for which I should by no means devoutly pray, though Providence has kindly placed me in that most respectable and most favoured class. With regard to the want of leisure, it must always be remem bered that a few minutes of the sagacity of one man is worth whole centuries of the dulness of another ; of this difference a certain amount cf property can be no test ; of this the judg ment of rational beings can be the only indication ; and to the free choice of the constituent body the option ought to be left. It is for this assembly to determine what rules and regulations ought to be enforced upon its members, and if those rules and regulations should be inconsistent with the profession of the Member, lie would then either abandon his profession or his seat. Very few regulations of this description exist, thou g h I should think it by no means inadvisable that some rules should he made, by means of which there might be a greater division of employment amongst the Members of this House.—( hear, hear.) I think, Sir, I have sufficiently shown that neither age, nor profession, nor mode of life, nor, least of all, property. are tests either of the intellectual or moral fitness of an individual to be a Member of Parliament; it ought to be left alone to the free choice of the independent electors. For this reason I ask for leave to bring in a Bill to repeal the two statutes to which I have already referred.—(Cheers. ) Mr. LEADER, in rising to second the motion, said that lie had little to do in consequence of the able manner in which the subject had been treated by his Honourable Friend. If this law were generally enforced, it would take away one of the most important rights belonging to the electors, who ought to have no restriction placed upon them in the selection of those who were to represent their opinions and take care of their interests. In a great commercial country like this, lie consi dered it to be so absurd, so against all principle, to insist that the general b o d y o f t h e const i tuency lik e d none to represent their feelings and interests except those who were qualified by holding a certain amount in lands—certainly the law might be easily avoided, but still it constituted a great moral evil forcing tdr the i elector to study only the pocket of the candidate by in his moral qualities. Then, again, suppose that in some place the electors could not find a man in whom they had confidence in the qua lified class, but that in the o th er c l ass there was had gained their esteem by his conduct —who had amheanad who to understand,- and a heart full of courage to maintain their ' t e r ests—thennint reject him because he h a d no land. Would the House bring itself under the lash of the Roman satirist— , - 'grotild it also say— ikj.,.. ' 4 ‘ Est animus tibi, sunt mores, et lingua, fidesque ; e.; Sed quadringentis sex septem millia desunt ; ...,.'f' Plebs erns ?"—( Bear, hear.) - 0 7 E • 21 c. These laws were also apt to create jealousy between the electors :lad the elected—between the two classes—the qualified and the unqualified. It might not be useless to consider the origin of these qualifications, and the objects of those who romotcd them. la the commencement of the 18th century no iinalification for a seat in Parliament was necessary—that Par- 1 hament which in the 17th century resisted the tyranny of the Stuarts was not called upon to swear to any qualification. Any man would be very sanguine who would expect to see a body of men more zealous in the discharge of their duty, more intelligent, or persons who so truly in every way repre ,ented the feelings of the counti y, than that Parliament was. fa 1696, a bill was first introduced into the House of Com mons to qualify Member-. by the po-ses..ion of lind. Against this Bill several petitions were presented ; and amongst tlit4n one from Exeter, complaining that if the Bill passed, many men who did not possess landed property, but who possessed large personal estates, and were prudent citizens, would be excluded from the House of Commons. Other petitions were presented containing the same feelings—the consequence was, that a rider was added to the Bill, allowing resident merchants who possessed 5,0001. to be qualified The Bill, thus ren dered less objectionable, was rejected by the House of Lords ; but in 1711 another Bill was introduced, which met with better success in this House and in the House of Lords. And to show the object of the Bill, he would read a few short extracts front the historians of the time. The Ilonour able and Learned Gentleman then referred to the high opinion expressed by Dean Swift in his Examiner upon this 1311, inasmuch as it secured the preponderance in the House of Commons to the landed interest, and thus preventing the country from being left wholly at the mercy of the nionied in terest. Another historian of that time, Mr. Boyer, said on the contrary that the 13:11 was not mu-li approved of, inasmuch as it might exclude persons of great parts, but of slender fortunes: from serving the country in Parliament.—( Hear. ) It was to be seen from these extracts what the feelings and inten tions were of those who introduced the Qualification Bill, namely, to uphold the landed against the monied or commercial interest. The landed interest was attempting to put down the rising power of the monied interest; but to do so the Bill of 1711 was totally inefficient, and in 1760 a more stringent Bill was intro duced, which was the foundation of the qualification Act. That Bill was very briefly summed up by one of the first writers of the day, Hallam, who stated that the country gentlemen who claimed to themselves more patriotism than any other classes, hal introduced it in order to uphold their own ascen dancy and keep others from power. If there existed any ne cessity for the Bill in those times, it was clear there was no necessity for it now.—( Hear, and cheers.)--The laws ap plicable 150 years ago were not applicable now. The preamble of the Bill was amusing. It states that its ob ject is for the better securing the freedom of Parliament. If the truth had been told it, would have been denominated an Act for strengthening and confirming the power of the landed interest, and restraining the freedom of election.—( Laughter.) If the House would allow him he would make one or two comments upon tho exceptions named in this Act— the eldest sons of Peers or Lords of Parliament were ex empted.—( Hear.) Now a Peer might be a most excellent man, but it by no means followed that his son should be so—it by no means followed that the son should inherit the abilities of the father—added to which, he might have squandered all his inheritance.—( Hear, hear.) Notwithstanding all this, the House dispensed. in his case, with the vulgar ceremony of qualification ; but the strangest part of all was, that though the son of the Peer had no necessity for qualification, the father in some instances would require it.--( Hear, hear.) The Crown had the power of creating a Peer from any class of the community, whereas the people could only create their re presentatives from one class—that class must be qualified by the possession of land. The next exemption was of Gentle men who served as Members for Universities. He sup posed that oyemption was put in out of great regard for those learned Bodies, considering that they might select poor scholars to represent them ; or perhaps the promoters of the Bill had a profound knowledge of the learned and reverend electors, and knew they were quite safe in requiring no qualification of land from those Members.— ( Hear.) The next exemption was for Members serving that part of Great Britain called Scotland. The plea was the smallness of estates in that country. Now it so happened that of all the Mem bers in the House, there were none superior in every quality which made a man a good citizen and a good legislator than the Scotch Members.—( Hear from several Scotch Members.) He said that without reference to one side or the other ; because, although it was not required they should hold any peculiar land or property, yet it did so happen that they were eminently qualified in every other particular to serve as Mem bers of Parliament ; but at the same time they were men of ample, if not of independent private fortune. Thus it would be seen the electors of Scotland would elect that class of per sons whom the electors of England were compelled to elect. It seemed strange that Irish Members should not have been exempted as well as Scotch Members. —( Hear.) If poverty were any claim for that exemption, Ireland he was sure m i g h t put in that claim.—( Hear, from some of the Irish Members.) Up to the time of the Union, no qualification was required for an Irish Member but a 40s. freehold and residence, and that qualification was abolished by an Act of George 111. " it having been found by long usage to be unnecessary and obsolete." Those words might very justly be applied to the present qualification law,with this addition, that it was unjust, absurd, and mischievous. It was not necessary to say any thing about the inefficiency of the Act, because every Honourable Member at all accustomed to the business of the Ilouse was well aware the law was so easily evaded as to be almost entirely inoperative.—( hear, hear. ) That was no argument for continuing the law; it might be a good argument for strengthening it were it a good law. It was true two Hon. Members representing - a portion of Ireland had been deprived of their seats during this Parliament by the operation of the Act, but that was owing to some carelessness or oversight on the part of those who prepared the qualification conveyance. It was notorious that the qualification laws were but legal cobwebs through which the small flies as well as the great ones could easily break. For the reasons stated he thought the law ought to be entirely abolished ; it was contrary to the an cient Constitution of England—it was especially unfair towards the constituencies—it was bad in principle, and so inefficient in its operation as in every case to produce improper effects. Its existence in England, in Wales, and in Ireland, brought with it no good; its absence, as in the case of Scotland, was found to produce no evil.—(Hear.) But its continuance on the statute book was attended with bad results to the elec toral bodies by directing their attention too much to the pecu niary qualification of their candidates. Under these circum stances he felt much pleasure in seconding the motion of the Hen. Baronet, the Member for Cornwall. Mr. A. TREVOR could not avoid, at that early stage of the proceeding, expressing his determined and free opinion, that even in the present times a more dangerous innovation was not attempted than that now proposed. The Hon. Ba ronet thought fit to throw a sneering imputation on that class of Members who belonged to the country gentlemen of Eng land ; but he ought to thank Heaven that he was placed by Providence among those whose advantages to the community he seemed so little to value.-1( A laugh.) They were sent into that House as the representatives of the monied, the agricultural and the trading classes, and they were bound to partake of the interests committed to their care. He did not think the arguments of the Member for Bridgwater of any avail, because at no time should it be more imperative on Hon. Gentlemen to resist any alteration of the present system. It had been stated that the Bill was so imperfect that it might be perpetually evaded ; but that was only a reason why it should now be more strictly enforced. In the present times, which had been called times of improvement, but which he ( Mr. Trevor) would call times of evil, it might be considered pre sumptuous in him to interfere ; but he felt he was only dis charging his duty to his country in opposing a Bill under which a beggar might be taken off the street and returned to that House.—( Oh !) He knew not what might be the fate of this motion, but he trusted that in the opposition he was about to give to the motion he should receive the support of a very considerable number of the Members present. No one who had the interests of his country at heart would countenance a Bill, the effect of which would be to degrade the character of that House, and it was therefore his intention to take the sense of the House upon the present motion. Mr. E WA R T rose amidst cries of " Question." He would not be deterred from giving his opinion on this sub ject. fie was glad the Hon. Gentleman opposite had not allowed this question to pass sub silentio—he was glad that one lion. Member at least had endeavoured to rescue the Tories from the imputations that had been thrown upon them, and that he was determined they should not remain altogether undefended. There was no denying that many men of the first talent bad Leen excluded from Parliament for want of a qualification. Previous to the year 1710, no qualification was necessary, and he would ask did not the Parliaments discharge their duties up to that time? Scotland had no qualification, but was not that country admirably represented ? Her Mem bers were constantly in their places—they constantly voted independently, and he hoped to see them constantly the terror of Hon. Gentlemen opposite.--( A laugh.) Knowing the Bill had never been carried into execution, and that it had been evaded in all shapes, he was for no qualification whatever. Ile would therefore support the motion of his Hon. Friend. Mr. WA RBURTON thought °ther descriptions of pro perty ought to be admitted to give a qualification, than that which at present did so. Mr. MACL EA N could not admit the necessity for the entire abolition of all qualification whatever.—( Hear, hear.) Ile well recollected the occurrence of a circumstance which appeared to him to show to what extent the present system was defective. Mr. Fairlie put up for a borough, for which he was returned ; but, finding that, although possessed of other property to the amount of at least 100,000 L, he had not sufficient property in land to constitute a qualification, lie, after his election, purchased the requisite landed qualifica tions ; but it was decided that he had been too late, and that he could not maintain his seat.—( Hear, hear.) Now that certainly afforded an argument in favour of the introduction of personal propert) as a qualification.—( Hear, hear.) But he would look with the greatest suspicion at the abolition of all qualification. If lion. Gentlemen would do so, and admit the great body of the canaille into the House—( Ironical cheers from some of the Liberal Members) —why not make a corresponding change in the qualification of the electors as well as the elected ?—( Hear.) The House might as well, under such circumstances, come down with the principle of Universal Suffrage at once. Mr. HUME, with reference to an observation which fell from the Hon. Member for Oxford, that if they abolished the qualification of the elected, they would be called upon to re move that of the electors, said that such an argument con tained its own answer, for two tests were not wanted ; all they wanted to get rid of was the superabundant test. He wished the Hon. Gentleman opposite would explain what he meant by calling this proposition an anomaly. Why, in that sense, everything in that House was an anomaly.—( Hear, hear.) It was to do away with the real anomalies that anal} measures as this were brought forward. Hon. Members op posite seemed afraid of universal suffrage, but they seemed to forget that it was the old elective system.—( Hear.) The lien. Member fur Durham was for retaining the reprezenta tion in the hands of a monopolizing few, but he (,M:. Hume) maintained that the widest possible scope should he given to electors. He differed on similar grounds from the lion. Meru bsr for Bridport, who only went as far back as the reign of Anne. lie maintained that, according to the old law every man qualified to vote was qualified to sit in Parliament. The worth of the old Acts, indeed, were to the effect that the burgesses should choose from " among themselves " a fit and proper person to represent them in Parliament. la Scotland the phrase was an honest man '—( A laugh )—thoue h he would not go the length of inferring, from that, that where the property quail laeithm 1%119 required honest inen:reuldnot he got.---( A laugh.) But the Act was worse than useless, for it was constantly, anal with the greatest ease, evaded. He rejoiced that it had been so evaded, for if that had not been the ease the repre sentation of the people would have been confined to a particular class. [The lion. Member, in support of his ge neral views on this question, then proceeded to read extracts from a book by a Mr. Bailey, of Sheffield, animadverting -, in very strong terms on the evils arising out of the use of the property qualification. Among the rest the writer said that it gave rig:: to extensive perjury.] He (Mr. Hume) would ask sonic Hon. Members on the other side of the House, on whom he had his eye—those who were so apt at times to rise, with sanctified countenances, and cry out against that (the Ministerial) side, that they disregarded the sanction of the name of the Deity in their proceedings—how the; could give their support, in what he must call the spirit of hypocrisy, to a sys tem which opened the dour to such gross and continual perjury ? The law did not prevent the electors from electing a man, however bad ; while, on the other hand, it excluded all uteri although possessing to the fullest extent all the qualities ne cessary to make a good senator, if they did not possess the requisite property qualiiieathim Upon the whole, he was de cidedly of opinion that the property qualification was bad, that the motion of his Hun. Friend was legal and constitu tional, and that both the mover and seconder had brought forward arguments arid proofs that had not been answered by those Hon. Members who had spoken on the other side. Lord F. EGERTON—The lion. Member who had just sat down had laid down the broad principle, that whoever was fit to be an elector was fit to be elected. Mr. lIITME explained—What he had said was, that per sons qualified to vote were, under the ancient practice, eligible to be representatives, if elected be their fellow-citizens. • Lord F. EGERTON said, admitting the explanation of the lion. Gentleman, it was clear to him that it would be argued, from the principle of the elector needing no qualification, to the principle that the person elected needed none. It was on this broad ground that he differed from the supporters of the proposed Bill; and he could not but add, as one of " his Ma jesty's genuine Opposition," who had been called upon, that if Ministers met with any of those little obstacles which their supporters seemed so much to fear from that (the Opposition) side of the House, it would arise from the introduction or the sanctioning of such measures as these.—( Cheers. ) Mr. O'CONNELL—Did the Noble Lord really imagine that if that House were disposed at a future time to agree to grant universal suffrage, they would stoop to found their con cession upon the circumstance of the property qualifications of Members of Parliament having been done away with ? When the time came for the establishment of universal suffrage, and ho sincerely hoped it soon would come, the Noble Lord might depend on it that the proposition would be founded on a much broader principle.—( Hear.)---With respect to the question of a property qualification for Members of Parlia ment, he felt that the law as it existed was quite anomalous. There was no such law in Scotland. Ireland had had no such law until the Union ; nor had it been known in England in the reigns of the Edwards, the Henrys, of Elizabeth, the Charleses, of James, of William—not until the " glorious" reign of Anne had that principle been introduced into the electoral law; and now to hold the scruples upon it which some Members professed to entertain was really absurd. When introduced, it was got up to serve the purposes of a party, and was by no means to be looked on as a part of th e great principle of the Constitution. He recollected a saying of Jonathan Wilde, that mischief was of too much value to be wasted. On the same principle he would recommend Hon. Members opposite not to throw away their powers of mischief upon objections to Reforms—at all events let them not waste them upon: the mere introduction of_a Bill. They would have quite enough of a necessity for them afterwards.— ( Hear, hear.) Above all, lie would suggest to them not to waste their expressions upon those whom one Honourable Member (the Member for Durham) had called the lower or ders, and whom another Hon. Member (the Member for Ox ford), had thought proper to designate the canaille.—( Hear, from the Ministerial benches.) Lower orders indeed I lie would be glad to know what the Hon. Member meant by that epithet. Mr. A. TREVOR had never made use of the expression attributed to him by the Hon. and Learned Member. Mr. MACLEAN also rose in explanation. He' certainly had made use of the term canaille. Did the lion. and Learned Member mean to say that there was not in all countries a class of persons to whom that designation applied ?—(" hear, hear," from the Opposition, and cries of " No, no," from the Ministerial benches.) Mr. O'CONNELL—I certainly understood the Honour able Member for Durham to have used the expression " lower orders ;" and it seems the Honourable Member for Oxford aid use the epithet canaille, for he justifies Hear, hear.) But I believe the phrase " tag-rag and bob-tail" was also used by the Honourable Member for Durham. —( Laughter, and cries of " Hear.") Mr. TREVOR again rose, and said with much warmth—l ask, Sir, whether the lion. Member for Kilkenny is justified in going on imputing to me ad libitum expressions which I never used ?—( Laughter, and cries of " Hear," with ironical cheers from the Ministerial benches.) What he (Mr. Trevor) had really said was, that one of the evils this measure might pro duce was that there would be nothing to prevent the mendi cant who begged his bread in the street from being forced into the House to legislate for those who had millions at stake. He had never used the words " lower orders," or " tag-rag and bob-tail."--( Hear. ) Mr. O'CONNELL—At all events my mistake was shared by the Hon. Member for Oxford, for he, too, had thought that the Hon. Member for Durham had used the phrase " lower orders." But he (Mr. O'Connell) maintained that the pro perty qualification, when compared with the evidence of fitness afforded by the election of a poor man, dwindled into insignifi cance. It was in human nature to respect the rich man, and to accord advantages to the possessor of riches which the poor man could not hope to attain. The rich man, then, was almost certain of success, from circumstances apart from his fitness or ineligibility for the office of Representative. But the poor man must be supposed to have some very high talents and qualifications, indeed, in order to ensure him the choice.— ( Cries of " Hear, hear.") He maintained that the selec tion should be left at the full option of the people of Eng land, as it now was to the people of Scotland. What right had they to assume that the people would abuse the trust reposed in them ? What right had the lion. Members opposite to stand in the gap, and say that the question should not even be considered in that House—that no Bill should be brought in having for its object to relieve candidates from this drawback ? Would it not be time enough to oppose the Bill when it was in Committee ? It was not treating the people of England well ; nay more, it was riot adopting a prudent course with them.—( Hear, hear.) lion. Gentlemen opposite had much better save themselves for their operative Conservative societies—those associations which showed that they were glad enough to gain the support of a small portion of die people, although they were for excluding the great mass from their confidence. Ile hoped that at least the Bill would be allowed to come in, and that the people would be shown that the House was desirous of increasing the facilities afforded them in the choice of candidates for their representation.—( Hear.) Lord J. RUSSELL said that he had come down to the House prepared to support a motion of which the lion. Ba ronet had given notice, " For leave to bring in a Bill to amend the law relating to the qualification of Members of Parliament ;" but the motion which the lion. Baronet had actually made was one of a very different kind, inasmuch as it set out with abolishing the property qualification. He ( Lord J. Russell) was decidedly of opinion that it was inex pedient to make laws which never ought to be enforced, and which every man might conscintmusly evade. No one, for instance, thou g ht it necessary that every member of that house should have a landed property rental of 3001. per annum, because it seemed anomalous that a merchant who, although worth hundreds of thousands in money, yet might not have a rental from land, should be excluded from that House.—( Hear, hear.) To this extent he was certainly de sirous of going on re-modelling the law of qualification, be cause it would do away with an absurd law, - and one that must almost necessarily be evad ,d. At the same time, also, he must say that he did not think the law as it existed, was con sonant to the spirit of time ancient Constitution. For by the meaning, as he took it, of the old custom of election the can didate must be a citizen and burgess, in the sense of his being a trader and a man possessed of property in the town for which he was to be elected ; and not that the candidate might be a mere stranger, if possessed of a sufficient landed qualification. The Act of Anne was, in point of fact, the result of a jea lousy at the time existing between the landed interest in the country and the trading interest, when the latter were favour s should certainly shape able to the Hanoverian succession, and the influence of the former it was that procured the passing of the Act in order to mhgebueersstiquestion property of abolitonkeep down the trading interest, and throw the electioe qua lification into their own hands. Therefore it was he ( Lord J. Russell) was anxious that the Hear, } a a r r oe t ofof s r h il his motion as originally intendeed(o.plelioef didthiis rciooutnmtrey,aarwnliaatsmoeemsnatiy.. that any great harm would be done, if iee t qualifica tionbelieved Nver e thatabo a tine bolished sensealto altogether—( t t h h c e r \Vfieii the Bill atsh iii cseolinecntiiiotnteco,f might be brought on ; but, unless the lion. Baronet would consent to move in the first instance to amend the existing law, without pledging the blouse to the principle of abolition, he would be compelled to vote against the motion.—( Hear.) Sir WILLIAM M Of, Es\vo la II said that the discree pancy between the first notice and the motion had been the result of accident only. He had all along intended to move for the abolition of the qualification. Mr. C. BULLER hoped that the Hon. Baronet would not accede to the request of the Noble Lord—that he would not make concession where no positive good was to be ob tained by it, nor be splitting straws about such a trifle as the practical operation of this Bill must be. It was well known that this Act was as it stood but a picas of foolery and fraud, and that the only motive for its repeal was, that there might be as few lies as possible upon the statute book. Therefore, by all means, let it be repealed, even though Hon. Gentlemen opposite should be terrified by the weak argument that the abolition of property qualification in Members would be fol lowed up by a similar measure as regarded electors. He cer tainly thought that they should as little as possible fetter the people in their choice of Representatives. Lord lifilNGTOlki--If the 1 - 04. 44rottet cgried thv question to a division he should certainly vote for him.— ( Hear, hear ) Whatever might have been the circumstances under which the originators of the Act of Anne introduced it the times were now altered. While the holder of a borough could send any man whom he chose to Parliament—in times when one of those individuals could gravely threaten to send one of his own blacks into that House—it was advisable that there should be some provision against the occurrence of such contingencies ; but in the present day the good sense of the electors afforded a guarantee which rendered such an Act un necessary, and rendered it impossible that the contingency contemplated by the lion. Member for Durham could arise. But the great objection in his ( Lord Ehrington's) opi nion to this property qualification was, that it led to practices of ,deception on the part of Members of that I louse whirl', although custom sanctioned them, and relieved those who re sorted to them from the stain of all dishonourable imputation, were yet calculated to hold them up to the contempt and odium of the people. Ile alluded to the practice of fictitious qualifications, and to the virtual perjury that must arise out of that practice. Ile entertained no fear of the proposed change. The example of Scotland supplied him with reasons for resorting to it. But, above all, he called on the House to look at the question as bearing on a recent proceeding of his own. Only a few nights ago they had appointed a Committee to inquire into the practice of creating fictitious votes in Scot land. How could they, with any consistency, condemn this practice, if they admitted the same principle in the qualifica tions of Members of that House ?—(llear.) Mr. WA KLEY rose, amidst cries of " Divide." He would not have risen at all but for the remarks of the Hon. Member for Durham. That Hon. Member in commencing Ida opposi tion had said that the Members of that House were there to protect the lauded and commercial interests of the country. But were there no others who demanded protection from the House ? Were they not sent to protect also the rights and ►iberties of the people of England ? —( Cheers from the Minis terial Benches, and " Hear," from Mr. Trevor.) The Hon. Gentleman cried " Hear," but they were items which he had certainly forgotten in his account.—(Ministerial cheers, ) Mr. A. TREVOR, attempted to explain, but The SPEAKER. reminded him that the present was not the proper time, unless with the consent of the Member ad dressing the House. Mr. WA KLE Y continued. lie maintained that there were no rights of more importance in this country than the rights of labour. Those rights were wholly unrepresented in that House.----(" No, no.") Hon. Gentlemen said "No I" but what was the real state of the working men ? Were they not in a state of constant excitement on account of their real or supposed wrongs? For his own part he would be glad to see some working, men in that House.—( Hear, hear.) Yes ; and he felt convinced that the country would never enjoy com plete internal peace until the working men were some of them present in that House, and see the workings of Legislation, the difficulties that lay in its way, and so make those allow ances which were not now made out of doors. He repeated that the working men were not protected in that House, and that they would not be until they were represented there by some of their own body. The qualification had originally been proposed, because it was expected that men of property inside the House would sympathise with men of property out of doors, and with no other classes of men. If the Noble Lord supposed that by the course he had taken he would con. ciliate his enemies he was very much deceived, for he was winding through a devious course of right and wrong, which would not only shake the confidence which his friends had in him, but lead the Reformers to the conclusion that they were betrayed by their advocate, and that, until Radical Reform was obtained they never would be represented.—(Cries of " Divide, divide.") Mr. ARTHUR TREVOR, in explanation, said that what he had said was, that they sat there to represent the landed, the commercial, and the moneyed interests, and protect the rights, privileges, and immunities of those who sent them to that flousc.—( Hear. ) Sir W. MOLES \S -7 0RTH said that he was exceedingly sorry it was not in his power to comply with the request of the Noble Lord the Member for Devon, in adopting the sugges tion of the Noble Lord the Secretary for the Home Depart ment. He considered a property qualification bad, but he was by no means favourable to universal suffrage. The House then divided. The numbers were— For the motion lO4 Against it .. 133 _ _ Majority 29 Mr. WAKLE Y moved for leave to bring in a Bill " to abolish the system of plural voting in Vestries and Unions, and to secure to each rate-payer the right of giving one vote and no more." The Hon. Gentleman said that as this was the same Bill that he introduced last session he would the discus sion of it on the second reading. Lord JOHN RUSSELL said that as he had consented to the introduction of the Bill of last year, he would not object to the course which the Hon. Gentleman proposed to pursue. He should, however, most certainly oppose the measure on the second reading. Mr. C. W. WYNN thought it a waste of the time of the House to consent to the introduction of a measure, when it was intended to oppose the principle of the Bill at a future stage.—Leave to bring in the Bill was then giren. LAW OF PATENTS. Mr. MACKINNON moved for leave to bring in a " Bill to alter and amend the patent laws, and for better securing to in dividuals the benefit of their inventions." The Hon. Gentle man pointed out the defective state of the laws relating to pa tents. A patent extending over Great Britain and the colonies cost as much as 350/. or 3601. ; but, in his opinion, 2001. would be amply sufficient for the purpose. He proposed that, instead of the present machinery, three Commissioners should be appointed, with powers to grant patents, and, with the sanction of the Lord Chancellor, to make all by-laws that might be necessary on the subject. He proposed that the sum to be paid for patents to the Commissioners should be from 81. to la, and that the Commissioners should open a gallery for the exhibition of models, drawings, &c., somewhat like a national gallery, and he calculated that if a shilling were charged for admission to this gallery it would produce a very considerable sum annually, which might be made available for the purposes of the plan which he proposed. He thought those who had taken out the license, and whose models were axhibited, should be entitled to the full benefit of their inven tions for one year certain. He contended that from the exhi bition proposed a fund would be created much beyond that which was derived under the present system—a fund which, after providing for all necessary demands, would put into the hands of the Government annually a considerable sum of mo ney. He wished that full compensation should be given to those who at present derived fees and emoluments from the registration of patents. The SPF.AKER having put the question, The ATTORNEY -GENERAL did not feel any dispo sition to oppose the motion. He was fully aware that, under the existing system, very great inconvenience was felt, and he was glad that it was proposed to amend the present system. He, however, would remind the Hon. Member that a com mission had been brought forward to inquire into the whole system. lie (the Attorney-General) was afraid that the Board proposed by the lion. Member would be invested with powers of too arbitrary a nature. He thought also that the establishment which the lion. Member proposed, consisting of three commissioners, a secretary, and clerks, would be an ex. pensive establishment. Dr. BO WRING agreed with the Hon. Member opposite that some important chang e in the law respecting patents was necessary. He doubted, however, whether the machinery of the present measure would be found effectual. Mr. BWA RT thought the subject of importance, and was glad it had been brought forward. The motion was agreed to, and the Bill ordered to be brought in by Mr. Mackinnon and Mr. Baines. CASE OF MR. JOHN DILLON. t o the lA a ß tt p e n r n o s n e in th e p u H rs n u n a s i n i c e t o o f the tl e n n o a t s i e e e 0 1 i f e had lr. give n, John Dillon. w Cork 0 10 f , a, vesselin 123, had laden with a pr e vented n the nn t rah an d landing onthe cargo, and coast had of forced the vessel into Kinsale, where she was seized, and her cargo sold ; and it was stated that - it produced upwards of 53,000/. This individual, at the time being a chief officer in the Coast Guard, understanding that a vessel of this description was off the coast, proceeded to sea with two boats for the pur pose of boarding her. On nearing the vessel he found that her crew was too large to admit of his attempting to board her with any chance of success. He, however, continued to dis charge a constant fire of musketry into the vessel until he forced her into the harbour of Kinsale, where she was seized by the re venue, condemned, and herself and her cargo sold for upwards of 53,000/. The party whose case he now submitted to the House applied for the share of this seizure to which he considered himself entitled. His application was, however, met at the time by an assertion that, as there was an appeal against the condemnation of the vessel, his claim could not be entertained until the appeal was decided. Ile subsequently took the com mand of a vessel in the West Indies, and, whilst there, was constantly looking to the Gazette to ascertain whether the vessel had been condemned. When he returned to this country, in 1828, he renewed his claim, but was met by a charge that he had been guilty of cowardice in not having boarded the vessel in the first instance. Circumstanced in this way, and with such an imputation upon him, he felt desir ous that an investigation should take place ; and when Lord Althorp was a member of the Government, an inquiry was granted. The matter was at last referred to Sir Edward Codrington, and that officer declared in June, 1836, that no imputation of cowardice could he brought against Mr. Dillon. [ Here the lion. Member read a note from Lord Spencer, de claring that no charge was maintained against Mr. Dillon.] This statement would be found to be the correct representa tion of the whole matter. Mr, Dillon, when lie returned from the West Indies, found that grievous imputations had been cast on his character. As was natural, he tried to have the charge investigated, and, after 10 years' anxious intreatics, he obtained from Lord Spencer that Sir Edward Codrington should decide on the case. That officer acquitted him of cow ardice; but a second plea was set up against his claim, namely, that his application had been too long delayed, and was then too late. But it would he proved by the documents which were to be produced that he had before put in his claim for a share of the prize -money. Under these circumstances, he now prayed the House to grant him a Select Committee, to investigate the circumstances under which the Peru was forced on shore at Kinsale, and captured, in the year 1823 ; and to inquire into the disposal of the prize-money proceeding therefrom. On the question being put from the Chair, The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that in nothing should the House more practice economy than in the distribution of the public time. But it would act altoge ther in opposition to that rule if it did grant a Select Com mittee to inquire into the case of Mr. Dillon, who had ap pealed to successive Governments, and had had his documents examined by each, and judgment given against him in every case. Mr. Dillon had not the slightest claim to any share of the money he demanded. Gentlemen of all parties had been at various tiine4 Mr, Wiw's Wii4t wait it that the House was now asked to do ? Why in I 837 to decide on a case which had occurred in 1822, and which depended on nice evidence respecting minute matters. The House was, in fact, to assume that the decisions come to by a special Court, and by gentlemen of various parties, were gill erroneous. The lion. Member for Bradford seemed to have adopted a fallacy at the very root of the matter ; for he assumed that the deci sion of Sir E. Codrington ought to be conclusive. But if the Hon. Gentleman read attentively the letter from Lord Spen cer he would find that it declared against what he demanded. Sir E. Codrington merely declared that there was no ground for charging him with cowardice. Mr. Dillon after this re ceived 501. front the Treasury, which certainly was a small sum, but which lie thought fit to pocket. He made no claim for a number of years, and the reason he assigned for such a line of conduct was, that his crew were exceedingly unruly and disagreeable, and as they might claim a share of the money arising from the sale of the vessel if his demand was allowed, he had determined to postpone his claiM for some years, and thus punish them. Such a reason was in contradiction to the common motives which governed human nature, and ought not to meet with much credit. He could not see that the case had been made out, and therefore he would oppose the motion. Mr. HARDY maintained that the Committee ought to be appointed, and alleged as a reason for Mr. Dillon's accepting the 50/. given by the Treasury that he was in extreme want at the time. The House then divided, and the numbers were— For the motion Against it Majority —26 LAW OF LIBEL. Mr. O'CONNE L said that in bringing this subject be fore tyre house, he brought a matter with which they were al ready acquainted. Two•ycars ago he had called the atten tion of the House to the subject, but before the second reading of the Bill which he had introduced had taken place a Select Committee was appointed, and the Session was wasted in taking evidence on the subject. Last year he was unable to proceed, being much occupied during the early part of the Session, though when he was returned again for Kilkenny he again obtained leave to bring in a Bill on the subject. The Attorney-General at present did not object to his again taking up the subject, though he reserved to himself the power of opposing it in an after stage of the proceedings. As he had twice obtained leave, he did not then anticipate any objec tion to bringing► in the Bill.—Leave was then given. THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 15, 1837. IldkAN CATHOLIC WORSHIP. Mr. O'CONNELL said that the object of the Bill which he was about to ask leave to bring in was to secure the title and facilitate the transfer of property vested in the hands of trustees for the use of Roman Catholio chapels. He had no design of extending the law as it at present stood, but to give a greater facility of enjoying the property which was be queathed. Mr. SHAW did not intend offering any objection to the introduction of the Bill. He should be sorry to object on sectarian grounds, and had no objection to allow all civil equality to the Roman Catholics in Ireland. But he thought that the Hon. Member seemed inclined to make corporations of those charities of which he spoke, by rendering the trans mission of their property different from that which applied to others. Mr. LEFROY was not inclined to accede to the introduc tion of the Bill, as it appeared to him to be at variance with those principles which had made the Protestant religion the dominant one in these countries, and had united it firmly with the Constitution. Colonel CONOLLY said that many of the Roman Ca tholic houses of worship throughout Ireland had been con verted into arenas for political discussions. In all leases which he had given for Catholic chapels he had taken care to insert a clause to the effect that if such houses of wor ship should be used for any such purpose he should have a right to re-assume possession, and the Roman Catholic clergy themselves were obliged to him for the insertion of the clause. If the Bill of the Hon. Gentleman was intended to afford protection to this species of property, he (Colonel Conolly) would move the insertion of a clause to the effect, that all such houses of worship used for the purposes of politi cal discussion should be' exempted from the benefits proposed to be conferred by the measure of the Hon. and Learned Gen. tleman.—( Hear, hear.) Mr. H. MA XWE LL would; on Protestant grounds, divide the House on the Bill of the Hon. and Learned Gentleman. —( Hear, hear.) Mr. O'CONNELL said there was nothing in his Bill which would interfere with the conditions of any grants of land which might have been made for Roman Catholic houses of worship, or at all alter the law in any respect in reference to landlord and tenant. His object simply was to prevent the expenses of litigation. He had not sufficient acquaintance with the nature of the conveyances adopted by the Dissenters with regard to their houses of worship ; but he trusted that the measure which he was about to introduce might be found a useful precedent for them. Colonel PE RC E VAL did not think the Hon. and Learned Gentleman had been sufficiently explicit in stating the nature of his Bill. He would be glad to know whether the benefits of this measure were to be extended to nunneries, convents, monasteries, and houses of that description, which, in his opi nion, were illegal institutions, inasmuch as they were not regis tered, as the law directed. Lord MORPETH should vote in favour of the motion. The Government would, of course, reserve to itself the pri vilege of opposing any of the details which they might riot approve ; but he was decidedly favourable to the principle of the measure.—( Hear, hear.) He, however, agreed with Hon. Gentlemen on the other side, that ,houses of worship should not be used f or p o liti ca l p ur p oses; and the sooner the practice of using such places fur political sermons, or politi cal discussions, was discontinued, the better would it be for society.—( Hear, hear.) Mr. MACL E AN wished to know from the Hon. and Learned Gentleman, whether the species of property to which his Bill referred, did not enjoy the same facilities fur transfer as the property of the Established Church ? Mr. O'CONNELL replied that the Established Church enjoyed much greater facilities. Mr. WE ST thought the terms of the Hon. Gentleman's notice objectionable ; but he would not oppose the introduc tion of the Bill. The motion was then agreed to. Mr. HUME moved for a return of the amount of the several fees demanded from a Member on taking his seat in that House at a general election, and when returned upon a new writ upon a vacancy ; by what authority charged ; and to what purposes applied.—Agreed to. Dr. BO WRING moved for returns of the amounts not paid into the Exchequer, but deducted for costs of collection and all other purposes, from the gross amounts received by the customs, excise, stamps and taxes, post-office, and every other depart ment of revenue for the year ending the sth of Jan. 1837. Mr. F. BARING had no objection to the motion, but the returns for which the Hon. Member moved were printed every year with the financial statement. Mr. HUME thought the mode in which the returns of the expenditure were made very unsatisfactory. The cost of col lection should form part of the gross amount of revenue. Mr. WALLACE said that difficulty would continue until the close of the financial year took place at an earlier pe riod. It should close on the sth of January, instead of the sth of April. After a few words from Mr. GEORGE P. YOUNG and Sir ANDREW LEITH HAV, the motion was agreed to. MILLBANK PENITENTIARY. Mr. FOX MAULE moved for leave to bring in a Bill for extending an Act passed in the fifth and sixth year of the reign of his present Majesty, for the greater uniformity of practice in the government of the several prisons in England and Wales. The object of the Bill was to enable the Go vernment to convert the Millbank Penitentiary into a prison for persons convicted at the Central Criminal Court, which, under the present law, they were not empowered to do. Lord G. SOMERSET wished to know whether the other gaols in the metropolitan districts were to be included, or whether it was intended to confine the measure to such pri. soncr as were confined in the gaol of Newgate ? Mr. F. MAULE said it was intended to apply to the gaol of Newgate. Mr. G. F. YOUNG expressed his approbation of the measure. Mr. lIUME thought that all the gaols in the kingdom should be placed under the controul of the Secretary of State for the Home Department. The Millbauk Penitentiary was at present under the control of a board of commissioners, and this Bill would create a sort of joint management between the commision and the Secretary of State, which, i n hi s opinion, was extremely objectionable. Mr. CEIALMERS wished to ask the Hon. Gentleman whether it was intended to introduce any measure for the improvement of prison discipline in Scotland during the pre sent session? Mr. F. MA ULE said as soon as the report of the corn mission was laid on the table of the House a measure would be introduced on that subject. MR. CHARLTON'S CASE. Major BEAUCLERK was instructed by Mr. Charlton to state that he would be satisfied that his petition should lie on the table, and that he would not press his application further. Mr. BLACKBURNE had been charged by the Hon. Member with indecency, in presenting a petition from the Mayor and Corporation of Ludlow in the absence of the Hon. Member for Ludlow; but he (Mr. Blackburne) had received no notice of the petition presented last night by the Hon. Member. It was, therefore, rather hard to charge him with indelicacy, particularly as he had sent the Hon. Member a copy of the petition entrusted to his cart. Mr. CLIVE, as a member of the old corporation, bore testimony to the correctness of many of the facts stated in Mr. Charlton's petition. He could also state that many of the facts stated in the petition of the new corporation were incor rect.--( Hear, hear.) Mr. HUME moved for certain returns connected with the subject of emigration to Canada.—Agreed to. GRAND JURIES (IRELAND) BILL. On the motion that this Bill be read a third time, Mr. O'CONNELL moved the insertion of a clause for the prevention of frauds on the part of contractors under Grand Jury presentments. Mr. SHAW thought the clause reasonable, and would not therefore object to it. Mr. O'CONNELL had also another clause to propose in respect to the security required for the moneys in the hands of the County Treasurer. Instead of this, he proposed that the County Treasurer should vest the amount of the securities re quired in the Bank of Ireland, to the account of the Ac countant-General of the Court of Chancery, instead of giving freehold securities. After a few words from Sir W. BRABA ZON and Lord MORPETH, the clause was agreed to, The Bill was then passed, Mr. SI - 14W inquired what time the Irish Corporation Bill Would he placed in the hands of Members? Lord J, RUSSELL could not distinctly tell. The Irish Poor Law Bill was read a first time; and . ordred to be read a second time on the 27th of February, and. the House adjourned at Half-past Ten. MARKET INTELLIGENCE. (From the New London Price Current of February 14.) SUGAR.—The request for British Plantation has been mode rate since this day week, both grocers and refiners purchasing only just sufficient to meet their immediate necessities, but in the prices there has not been the !cast variation, good and fine yellow grocery descriptions in particular have been held with much firmness by importers, the supply continuing rather short of these descriptions ; the private purchases have nut exceeded 1,600 hhds. and trs. ; there has been no public sale of Bar badoes, nor is there any one advertised ; the average gazette price is about 4s. less than it was last year at this period ; the lowest point of the Market for dry brown Sugar is now 61s. 01, and the highest for the best yellow 655. ; the arrivals during the last week have been 4,000 hhds. and trs. This afternoon the Market was in a languid state, both the Refiners and Grocers purchasing sparingly, but in the prices no general reduction has taken place ; the purchases have not exceeded 550 hhds. and trs. The stock of West India Sugars is now 20,835 hhds. and trs., being 4,765 more than last year. The stock of Mauritius is now 46,243 bags, which is 22,411 less than last year (in cluding the East India Dock). The delivery of West India last week was 2,582 hhds. and trs., which is 643 more than last year. The delivery of Mauritius was 4,652 bags, being 1,104 less than the corresponding week of last year, (includ. int* the East India Dock.) r in the value of Refined goods there has been no change ; the supply at Market is still rather small ; from the grocers there has been a good demand at 78s. for Lumps to pass, and 775. for those rather under the standard ; for the export qual;- ties a good request has prevailed, and several parcels of double Crushed have been taken for immediate and future delivery, the former at 365. to 365. 6d., and the latter at 35a. 6d. try 365. for the spring months. Treacle has fully supported the advance of last week, and the demand continues good. In Bastards little stirring ; fine descriptions continue scarce. Dutch Crushed Sugar remains at 345. There has been no thing done. MAURITIUS.—The Market has been quiet; the request by private contract has been only to a very limited extent, and 5,154 bags at auction went off without spirit at Is. decline for the ordinary qualities, but the best descriptions fully sup, ported previous prices : fine yellow went at 655. to 655. 6d., ordinary and good 545. to 61s. 6d., good and fine brown 51s. 6d. to 535. 6d. ; a public sale of 6,000 bags is advertised for to-morrow ; there have been three arrivals amounting to 17,000 bags. EAST INDlA.—Bengal continues to be totally neglected by the shippers, the prices being still too high to admit of the execution of orders. From the grocers the demand has beim moderate by private contract, but in the prices there has not been any particular change. This afternoon there were offered at public sale 4,393 bags Bengal and 1,237 bags Siam and Cochin China, all Ole for me lo Iwnich were disposed of, but at a decline of 6d. on former rates, fine white went at 325. 6d. to 335. 6d., mid, and good 295. to 31s. damps and wash e d 29 5 . t o 31 s. ; t h e C O chin China were all ta ken in above their value, low and fair yellow in bad condition at 225. to 245. ; Siam sold at 275. to 28s. 6d. for good dry grey, and 245. 6d. to 265. 6d. for low and mid.. washed 245. 6d. FormoN.-The best descriptions of white Havannah have been in request at steady prices, and for 400 boxes of strong grain 375. has been paid, but in inferior and mid. sorts little has been done ; the prices remain firm, and for 150 chests 325. to 345. has been paid. This afternoon at auction 61 chests Bahia were taken in, low and good dry brown at 18s. to 225., mid. white 275. 6d. COFFEE.-Jamaica clean fine ord. went at 86s. 6d., unclean good ord. and low mid. 60s. to 745. ; Berbice. and Demerara low mid. and mid, clean 88s. to 935., fine ord. 795. to 80s. ; unclean fine ordinary and good middling 70s. to 91s. ; 100 casks are announced for auction, on Thursday next. Mocha went at 525. 6d. to 545. 6d. for ord. ungarbled ; Ha vannah at 525. for good ord. brown. This afternoon the public sales of British Plantation were large, nearly all of which being of clean quality, sold readily at full and in some in. stances rather higher prices ; Jamaica mid. 103 s. a 103 s. 6d., low mid. 975. 6d., good ord. and triage 60s. a 755.; Berbice, low mid. 88a. a 935. 6d. good and fine ord. 80s. a 88s., triage 78s. 200 bags Ceylon at the 6d. duty went rather dearer, good 'and. fine ord. sold at 68s. a 735. 6d. SPICES-Pepper at 31d. for ordinary Sumatra. Cassia Lignea, at auction, bought in at 58s. for middling. Pimento went at 3W. for good middling. This afternoon Jamaica Ginger sold at Si. a 71. 14s. The large public sales of Cin namon, which commenced yesterday, have been brought to a conclusion this afternoon ; they have gone off at a decline of 6d. to 9d. for thirds; 3d. for seconds ; and 6d. for, first quality on the prices of the last sales. RICE,-Madras taken in at I Is. 6d, for ord. white. From the Grocers there has been a steady request for Carolina at 325. to 345. SALTPETRE.—In Rough refraction 2 per cent. of fine colour at 265. 6d. ; refraction 54 a 9 per cent. was taken in at 255. 6d. COCOA.—Trinidad good and fine red 555. a 605., ord. 475. a 48s. 90 bales Mocha went at 71s. a 71s. 6d. for mid yellow garbled. MaTALs.—Spelter has advanced to 171. For Banca Tin there has been some enquiry at 87s. 6d. sales privately of Straits have been made at 775. to 78s. ; at auction 353" slab. 27 bags were all taken in at 60s. to 755. for very ord. quality. Ceylon Black Lead was disposed of at 7s. to Bs. HORN TIPS—At auction 20 tons E. I. Buffalo were taken in at 235. 6d. FRUlT—Patras Currants found buyers at 68.5. to 745. TERRA JAPONICA—NearIy all taken in at 225. DYEWOODS, &c.--Nicaragua Wood was all taken in at 131. a 141. 10s. ; six tons E. I. Ebony sold at 16/. 155., and six tons Sapan Wood at 101 ss. a 10/. 10s. ; Bengal Safflower was bought in at Si. for mid, dark. 330 bdls. Munjeet sold at 16s. for middling. SAGO sold at I Is. 6d. a 16s. 6d. mid and fine Pearl. NITRATE OF SODA 18s. to 18s. 6d. paid for small parcels. LAC DYE sold at Is. 3d. a Is. sd. ; 3 other cases went at 2s. 7d. a 2s. Bd. ANTIMONY ORE.--At public sale 40 tons sold at 81. 10s. MOTHER-Of -PEARL SHELLS.—At auction 75 baskets sold at 70s. a 755. MoLAssEs.—Demerara of mid. and good quality 265. a 275. has been paid. The total deliveries of West India Molasses from the warehouses for home use for the week ending Feb. 11th amount to 2,060 cwt. SHIPPING INTELLIGENCE. VESSELS ENTERED INWARDS AT THE CUS TOM-HOUSE, FEB. 14. The Tourist, Whitcomb, from Antwerp ; Neptune, Tra feree, Cherbourg; Saracen, Tucker, St. Michael's; Pink, Whitnall, Dunkirk ; Trusty, Stevens ' Guernsey ; Isabella, Aammet, Sines; George the Fourth, Phillips, Guernsey; Concord, Hock, Odessa; Cruiser, Chandler, Constantinople; Charles, Hutchins, Oranale. ENTERED OUTWARDS FOR LOADING.' The City of Glasgow, Tune, for Boulogne; Minerva, Weston, New York ; Torigo Segundo, Lisbon ; Navarino, Gale, Guernsey and Jersey ; Martha, Martin, Guernse and Jersey; Britannia, Downi e , H am b urg h ; F ame , Hall, Myra; Emilie, Ostend, Bruges, and Ghent. CLEARED OUTWARDS WITH CARGO. The Britannia, Downie, for Haraburgh ; Aurora, Cox, Madras; Resource, Boyle, New South Wales; Attwood, Strannack, Rotterdam; City of Glasgow, Tune, Boulogne; Gloucester, Havannah. CLEARED OUTWARDS IN BALLAST. The Emily, Morgan, for Bermuda; Enterprise, Villa Nova; Botley Wood, St. Michael's; Maria, Fissen, Norden; Nep tune, Cherbourg. EAST INDIA. Arrivals.—The Huddersfield, Hall, from Bombay, at Liver pool, sailed Oct. 1, from St. Helena, Dec. 26 ; the Sarah I3irkett, Atkin, from Singapore, at Liverpool, sailed Oct. 11. Arrivals at St. Helena.—The Georgia, Dec. 15, from whaling, for New York ; the Cherokee, Dec. 17, from Bom bay, and sailed for New York ; the Henrietta and Henri, Dec. 17, from Batavia, and sailed for Amsterdam ; the Resource, Dec. 18, from the Mauritius and Cape, and sailed for London ; the Adolphus, Dec. 19, from Bourbon, for Marseilles; the Nocton, Dec. 12, from whaling. Departures from St. Helena.—The Alexander, Dec. 19. for Bordeaux ; the Aurora, Dec. 18, for Amsterdam ; the Elizabeth, Dec. 19, for Liverpool. Arrival at Anger.—The Brilliant, Oct. 14, from Liverpool. Arrival at the Cape.—The City of Edinburgh, Frazer, Dec. 16, from Madras. PLATED CORNER DISHES, with Strong Silver Edges and Handles.—A Set of Four Plated Corner Dishes and Covers are offered, complete, for Eight Guineas : or a set with richly ornamented Edges, Handles, &c., for Ten Gui neas. The Handles take off the Covers ; the set thus form Eight Dishes when required. T. COX SAVORY'S, Working Golds mith, Silversmith, and Watchmaker, 47, Cornhill, London. N.B. A variety of Secondhand Watches may be selected from► all price Two Guineas each. Warranted. BIRTHS: On the 11th inst., Mrs. R. Finch, of Ludgate-hill, of a daughter. On the 11th inst., in Burton-crescent, the lady of S. Tomkins, jun., Esq., of a son. _On the 13th inst., the lady of F. 0. Dickins, Esq., of Upper Stamford-street, of a son. On the 19th inst., at Pittville House, Cheltenham, the lady of J. Webster, Esq., of Madras, of a son. MARRIED. On the 11th inst., at 'Mitcham Church, John T. W. Barthomew , Esq., of Legbourn Abbey, Lincolnshire, to Raban Harriet Helens youngest daughter of H. Ashby, Esq., of Mitcham, Surrey. DIED. In George-street, Fitzroy-square, on Sunday last, the 13th inst., John Conroy, Esq., of the county of Roscommon, Ireland. On the 9th inst., at Shipton-eourt, Oxfordshire, Louisa Jane, eldest daughter of Sir J. C. Reade, Bart., aged 19. On the 12th inst., Eliza, wife of Theophilus Richards,-Esq °f Handsworth Hall, near 13irmingham, aged 37. On the 4th inst., at Redbourne, Herts, aged 82, Edward Corr ling, Esq., formerly of the Poultry. On the 12th inst., at Pentonville, formerly of Lombard-stre et ► Wm. Stydn, Esq., aged 85. On the 10th inst., at Tortington, Sussex, William Leeves, Esq' aged 90. On the 10th inst., at Upper Tooting, Surrey, Frances, widow` c` f Mr. G. Day, of Stafford-place, Pimlico, aged 57. On the 11th inst.,, Mr. Robert Faulding, of 23, Coventry-stre et ' aged 80. . _ London: Printed and Published by MURDO YOUNG, of N t . y 112, Strand, at The Sun Offi ce , N o. 112 , S tran d in the cow l of bliddlesez.—Weduesday, February 15, 1637.