The Sun. — London, England, 1852-11-27 00:00:00

tit v , s t?„ 14r :vity;l4.ltt t 0 rti s • • ITALY. at ititti sittin g of the 22d the Chamber of Deputies t o i: 4111 , after a deputation had been drawn by lot the bill at Gioberti' s f unera l obsequies, passed 4 1 2 11 1 for the alienation of domanial lands in the ' and of S ar , and afterwards discussed the l ate .1.) , 1: the dinia national monument to be erected to the bill Charles Albert. The committee on the the had Proposed an order of the day, suspending decision of the Chamber until the site had been ad v„.. .cunatively a gree d upon. Thi s or d er o f th e day oftrietter frona Rome of the 13th, in the Messaggere 10:"clena, states that the Pontifical Government hs rcludell a convention with Austria, by which 41 14 A ter engages to keep 12,000 infantry and cost ' 4)O horse in th e R oman provinces, at the °f the Papal treasury of 36,000 florins per In case of a reduction of this force, the pel!)tal contribution is to be diminished in the pro alit l of 3 ,000 florins for every 1,000 men. 'The r e tala are to be under the care of the Roman AN ri ri a t i . es, but the expenses to be borne by p et r °ra Florence, of the 20th, we learn that the kw' co ntinue their searches, and report that they treioevofohaut ry n io d na documents that prove the existence o f , I. committee in Tuscany, having re - Petd i ? 3 with similar committees in Italy, and de only in g on Maz z i n i. Th e police have seized notexaetPolitical writings, but religious books not in cyh l „ e°ll formity with the doctrines of the Romish. whi fth li• They have even seized the bible of Diodati, they found among the books of a young 87'411 OP THE WOOLLEN MARKETS. L (Front the Leeds Mercury of this day. ) n R cI ED „ '_, Friday, Nov. 26.—The imports of wool into 'f ° Nvi ° ; c i Qur ing the week ending to-day were 8,307 bales, rt Phillip, o 3,195 were from Sydney, 1,642 from Po h 2 85 from the Cape of Good Hope, 1,264 from - rp '' ',: 3° 4 from Alexandria, and the rest from Morocco, nearl y -- " demand for foreign wool continues good for Pre s a ll descriptions, and chiefly for the supply of axl es wants. The rates ' current at the last London 'kt 4,1 1 ' e s teadily supported. In the English wool mar of wo 'le has be en a f a i r amou nt of business done in sales W ee k s t his week, and prices are very firm at last is a 8 rates. In the Liverpool wool market there (Ne il g oo d demand, b u t not much business, in conse liv of limited su ppli es . Prices firm. Imports dur - Nh a the i Past week-243 Lima, 110 Lisbon , 476 East tiatC' °4 Cronstadt, 97 Antwerp, 17 Naples, 115 Egyp of then woollens, we h ave n o change to report in the state n. ,: woollen cloth market this week ; about an usual elota t ,; ) f business has been done. In the Coloured and ha ll, the market was rather fiat, both on Saturday R ider b esd ay, but in the White Market, there was con site a le activity especially on Tuesday, and a good bu -448 was done. But the quantity of cloth that clianges t he t: in the mar k e t on ly re p r esents about a moiety of . tl Bt a tl 4 de that is doing in balk cloths, as there are co n taer e Z .7 e l :3r large deliveries taking place direct at the Yea r, f " . lt B warehouses. As is usual at this period of the liuu"g e business doing at the warehouses is of a very With character, mostly to order for sorting up atne u , f the worsted market there has been a fair Wen —" of business doing, and the trade keeps up or the ti me o f year . Th e price of raw material is ten(7 l*() Portionately high, that there is an inevitable Il A e l • e7 upwards in the price of yarns and pieces. eith er th e n MARKET . — There is no noticeable variation in the Lae Piece or yarn market since our last report. In r wool trad e sa l es h ave b een moderately active, and the oefeeinlY quoted a d vance fully supported. Prices both a sh illiddle wethers and common noels with broke, are L a{ le dearer than cited this day fortnight. of N.L ies TEß.—Manufacturers are working up the stock ns c'n hand, and are very careful in making pur ghces at the advanced rates required by the spinners. hoZ in y orders are approaching completion, arid the ,gets "mand becomes more contracted as Christmas Lios' e -ea t T er• There is still a large demand in the fancy at pi3ranch, and generally more is doing than usual Period of the year. Worsted yarns are flat, and . th e( cannot accept orders without an advance , th e however, hold with confidence, as they cannot at to pre prices required for wools replace their stocks abrvaaitage. Cotton yarns are scarce in the in : arket, b ilui e ,"en at the recent advances enough is not in the alt e •t to supply the demand. Several hosiers are now , D h, tir ig their workmen from worsted to cotton for the 14 - r , r n ? ac hilig season. Wools are firm, but the spinners s uPPlied for the present, the market is quiet. MINING INTELLIGENCE. lt (From the Mining Journal of this day.) 't i ns--Although the business transacted during the , t has no t b een to any considera b le exten t, s till it is e t: sf actory, when we take into account the time of year, ,d we anticipate a larger extent of business as soon ! th e J anuary dividends become payable. Bedford U nited have a d vance d 91 5s ; Cam Brea to 851., East 4 1, heal Crofty to 651., Levant to 1691., South Francis 1871., West Providence to 561., and Wheal Basset t d e 625/. Alf re d C onso l s, Par Conso l s , Con -1,141:0w, Devon G rea t C onso l s, East Whea l R ose , G rea t igeoth, S ou th T amar, S outh Tolgus, T re h ane , U n it e d brines, Wheal Golden, and Tremayne main N t ;einst their stßalnoon, Bosom, Sidney Godolphin, Ding t`g, West Fanny, and Wheal Catherine, have ad anced in price. In other shares the market is retro " - "tri there being more sellers than buyers.—ln Corn ell,.* 15 0 _, East Wheal Rose has been sold for 2901. ; North f 239/. ; South Tolgus, 2001. ; United Mines, 3801. et 1- 400th share • Wheal Reeth, 561. ; Balnoon Con /Ms R 7 • 7s. 6d. ; and Sidney Godolp hin, 51. 7s- 6d. tlia - Lu the Metal Market, 'Lead is in such extensive de :di that higher rates are confide ntl y ex p ected ; the th il -p . is short, owing to the water being in several of 'l4 Mines. Although no advance has. taken place in or c parsd ePpe, the smelters are not willing to take at present rates, and in copper we hear of sales at is arrived at R ll3 . Fro South Australia, 1,020 tons have fo' -W ansea. ra Tin-Plates have advanced to 26s per box , 311 -1. coke, the demand being more than the makers can 0 1 3% There is an attempt making to cause the aban ia-atnnent of th e 61. per t on d u ty on the importation hef„ and Straits Tin, and this will, no doubt, come s'oe the houses of Parliament during the present see n• Bar Bar Iron maintains its upward tendency. Rails have advanced ; a large contract having been concluded as free on board, in Wales, and the price now station 81 10s Scotch Pig is 59s per ton. Spelter is 3 e Bale of copper ore at Thursday's Ticketing was I;r 6 o a di_ ten-4, amounting to 20,898/. 19.5.. lOs. the average and s t an d ar d b e i ng 6,133 t. The corms 135rag sale last month was 3,115 tons, produce 6, 48 . ! showing an advance of abort 12 s. 6d. p er ton. °ld ale, Mary Ann, East Wheal Rose, Bilb ricken, k Frongoch, Cwymystwith, Cwm Erfin, Pant f -y jawYri, Pen-y r -h en bl as , Westminster, Maes - y - sa , toner a, a, Milwr, P an t-y-ffrith, Fron Fawnog, n New oreZn Black Crai g , a nd Bwlch Gwyn, have sold lead c h "nring th e wee k . hav e --Y P r aee, Yeoland Consols, and Wheal Trevelyan sold tin ores. eroft lir L n g the week shares have changed hands in Tin- Alf,, - ,,Z'erth Basset, Bedford United, South Tamar, Consols Basset, Condurrow, Trehane, West S oo t dente, Tremayne, Balnoon, South Tolgus, Merllyn, rt°l,l4ll Frances Wheal Golden Devon Great Consols, elr4-orlis and Trenithick, Wheal Atley, Kilbricken, D lt , :v „ e '„Cefil B o North Vale of Towy, Cubert, West Gr - Z,",° l2 g, Cook's Kitchen, East Crowndale, Goginan, )3' e n -- -,.' 1 7 1 1, Wheal Fortune, South Tawton, Cawson Robins East Gunnis Lake, East Tamar, Herods ,c_aerl„teat Alfred, East Buller, Great Cowarch, Wheal - Lber (South Sydenham), West United Hills, Union . b4 l l Great Crin • , Coniston, Great Bryn, Wheal Eliza tan,' Beacon, Sidney Godolphin, West Abraham, Go -13,711a, East Wheal Vor, Wheal Treasury, Bishopstone, A nna Consols, Prideaux Wood, West Fowey, Wheal do ns -a '',. r ?reliv Hill, Dunsley, Wheal Phoenix, East Cara irr,4-ces Side (Cumberland), East Buller, Great St e l\ " - 'e,Silver Brook, South Crenver, North Damsel, r „ -a l United, Phoenix Great Consols, Comford, Mining Co ay - ,a/isr of Ireland, and Wicklow Copper Company. Alt -E °reign Mines, transactions have . taken . inplacee iean Corbe Copiapo, Linares, Mariquita, MeAmerican,xican of St. John del Rey, Grand . Duchy e a t i,, e 7 asi ste e ll , Imperial Brazilian, United Mexican, Santi v, as , have at length to report a decided change de i a n lin the s h ave of the gold mining share market. The g e „:7 11 characterised by a great excitement, pur aelias come forward with the greatest avidity, anee i :(1 the consequence has been an extraordintaur.3er a m d arket. An a Prie es, extending throughout the ar e °t.r.,,,the shares that have attracted. most en attention . Grander. and Yuba Agn a . .nyeau Monde, Colonial Gold, Port Philip, Ri ver 2 1 a, A.ustrala,sian, New "lit, as already stated, all descriptions are sen cause uetter , than for a time, past. The immediate of this rise some f om u e course the receipt of such exra c! I stl7 ac Th ee lluts from Australia, and the anticipationef the 44 -ustr a li at 7 ° A re exciting details. The . shares tune b --.. ricultural Company, which h l3 av ol e . f ; or th s i o s m i e s been steadil owing to th Y rising, to-day reached the estates and ii.tsearveorUalled:rfelt:ertset c h o a m t plaze.es will make gold exist on that 0 1 the association It appears now evident quantities of ist o s n y w th h e e be hazardous to speculate on what may b . e ko e st esi!lt of the produce from the gold regions either in d great returns, companiesra li a er California. The formation of associated t he joint-stock principle is appreciated by are f •associations to that end. un W d forming and Were done aY . Woueau Mondes rose to 1i prem., at 2 prem., and now remain steady at li to and r 1 ? l. Colonial gold are firm at the same price, pre ln i tu r Phillip at the closing were at 1 to 14 !era s a 1, Caraons Creek and Australian Cordil ra.p4indtaliaepveueaerebeidd:ednlydbetter, but the most marked improve as taken place in Australasian shares, which at 2/, frninone4.rt Si. rem. An announcement he has has r e e r s j l P all claims on Col. Fr a i g mant's estat g e, and we may, t h "°re, presume (providing the commissioners certify into tentleman's title) that the mineral grants entercd allotment Roffinan, must be considered valid. The c ourse of the ensuing unissued shares to the proprietors of the Anglo. ell a t lif o Lian Mining Company will be made in the form e d week, The directors, we are in iresciuvriantl:_hdhoeitxtt directors hc i i - s h c e a p n e hop _ , have] received applications from the share to more than double the amount possible to be d on th ly al t t h h e i r s ef l o v r i e il is h s e ue de t n h e em fa p ir r ly o umbrage to the several applicants. The qI'ALS. Business done.' ----- e 13usine3s do 00° loi I Si 9 35i 31 11i l l° 51 i i I,i i 2i i 1121 lit s -- .13 41) ' o bo , er to -a gto' ri a c t Y• Pre yio. - „ g e SI? iet-in.;„ ae Od ; Per lb ; eP el g Brufs,„ „ t pc, Ls 3( 1 ". dozen' 00 , ; 3t rr i per to 1 5 0 0 r ; ' ls pots , ore ; ay , 1 ) Per per 40 Are fe ° er i 4 , 3 trop l3 i o - lo p• 41 A T,D. 1: 61 /. ( 1 6 3 ,1 Pig. 100' Chi co g el 0 Pei at s LP". ; ; 7 , 4 '1 ) d . to e V , Ter:, ode ° Ol t 3 11 '9% tine, wig v vidg 100 t or , sh gg ° 'l3 / 311 [2O; ire° „ Pi 101' 8 41 as Oa; )( 1 . t o 31bg• Cu-- 14, 5s 0( t 4l ! ,er 1 1 6 r; le ith i ot l i a tabs , OAP docks , 0 101; 390 , I Cl‘ o te l pd e ", 119 ls tr, " v er er 2s ih 0, S, ,093, I '. 6 0 o,ci W, b l, 8811) , is. d itl as to 0; 0 s to v gots , 70 6d; is. a to 0 01°5' 4 iSo S l t o 11 1 ioef c iol A , o 0 ior to 41 pa 120 i o a• •dc o 3i l so to ;to 1 , ; ' TRE SUN, LOND" SATURDAY EVENING, NOVEMBER, 27, 186,1 delivery of Anglo-Australian shares, independent of the settlement, will take place on Monday, and from the numerous applications a considerable rise is anticipated in price ; this is not so much expected from the present prospects of the company, but from the circumstance of the great arrivals of gold, and the benefit of an asso ciated principle. The transactions on the Stock Ex change will be found in the usual place. The non official quotations are—Anglo-Australian, 1 to a prem. ; Veraguas, to 1 prem. English and Australian Copper Smelting shares have likewise experienced a rise this week. It, is the intention of the company, in addition to their legitimate business, to commence buying gold, from which they anticipate profitable results. Shares in L'Aigle d'Or Mining Company (Vr ginia) have already-obtained a premium of from 1 to 1. Business in miscellaneous shares is more active than for many months past. Shares of the Austrian Agri cultural Compaiiy were done yesterday at 100, being a rise of some 30 per cent. ; prices marked in the official list, however, were only 76 and 75. This advance is owing to its being understood that gold in considerable quantities exists on the estates of this company. Bank of Australasia shares ha.vel been dealt in it 'at 711 ; Bank of British North America, 60 ; English, Scottish and Australian Bank, 41 ; London Chartered Bank of Australia, 4 ; Provincial Bank of Irelond, 471 ; Royal Australian Banking and Gold Im porting, 1 ; Union Bank of Australia, 62 ; ditto New, 71 •, Australian Royal Mail Steam, 34 ; Crystal Palace, 41 ; Crystal Palace of France (just introduced into the Official List), 21, with 2/. paid ; Electric Tele -1 1 ; General Steam Navigation, graph of Ireland, 1 29 ; General Screw Steam Shipping Company's shares again higher, 58 60 581 60 ; Peninsular and Oriental Steam, 90 ; Netherlands Land Enclosure, 21. Shares of the Bordeaux and Cette Railway closed 5t to pm.; Antwerp and Rotterdam Railway, I to 1 54 pm. Beziers and Graissessac Railway, 11 to 1 pm.; Western Railway of Switzerland, 1 to 1 prem. ; French South- Eastern Railway, to 1 1 prem. ; Royal Swedish Rail way, 1 to 1 prem. ; Danish Zealand Railway, 11 to 11 prem. ; Lake Constance and Basle Railway, par to prem. ; Orleans and E p erna y Railway, 1 to 1 prem. ; Lucca and Pistoja Railway, to 1 prem. ; Staines and Wokingham Railway, 1 to 1 prem. ; Wimbledon and Croydon Railway, 2 to 21 prem. •, Ebro Canal (the statutes of which have been formally approved by the Queen of Spain), 11 to 2 prem. ; Magdalena Steam, 1 to prem. ; National Patent Steam Fuel Company, 1 prem. gentleman commenced by saying, that he was to give an account of the conduct of his party in respect of the question of free trade, since the passing of ‘ the act of 1846, and that such account should be distinguished for faithfulness and accuracy ; but so full of inaccuracies was that statement that he confessed he felt not only surprised but at the same time grieved. (Hear.) There were many gentlemen sitting on the opposite benches with whom he had long been connected in political matters, and although now no longer connected with them in that respect, but knowing their respectability, it was not without pain that he heard statements made, and a course of action pointed out, which laid these gentlemen open to be convicted of misrepre sentation of the deepest die. (Hear, hear.) They knew what had taken place between 1846 and 1852 in respect of this question. (Hear, hear.) Had there been no agitation throughout the country ? (Hear.) Were there not protection societies established everywhere for the avowed purpose ?of abolishing the free-trade system (cheers) —and still in full operation ? (Hear, hear.) As to the Chancellor of the Exchequer himself, he ac quitted him of any misrepresentation in the matter, for he confessed that he never believed anything that lie pretended he believed on this subject. (Laughter) All that time his mode of action was, to make it appear that hebelieved what he did not believe. (Renewed laughter.) But, as to the others, he must say that he felt pained for them. The noble marquis, the member for Leices tershire, a man of honour,—unfortunate, he must say, in his principles, but still honest and honourable in the maintenance of them—(hear, hear)—he still manfully stated that he was a Protectionist, and that he would maintain his principles by every honourable means in his power. (Hear, hear.) In the country the farmers had been told that they were to l i be relieved, and that protection would be restored to them. But what would be their feelings when they heard what was taking place up here I (Hear, hear.) The noble marquis, however, repudiated this charge, and he commended him for his candour, He was at one time one of the leaders of the party, and knew something about their actions, as well as did the Chancellor of the Exchequer ; for there was a time when the leadership of the party was put in commission, and it was for a time managed by a trio, namely, the noble marquis, the right hon. gentleman the member for Stamford (Mr. Herries), and the Chancellor of the Exchequer. But now let him for a moment re vert to the time the party was formed, and see what was the excuse set up for its formation. Now,. several gen tlemen had read extracts containing the former opinions of those who now formed the Government and some of their supporters. Now he wished in any extract he might read—and they should be few—he wished it un derstood that he was not going to taunt any one for changing his opinion ; he felt all along that those who held Protectionist opinions must, before a long time had passed, even give up their dogmas ; for, from the com mencement of their operations, he was of opinion that protection was a great bubble which only required to be kicked out to burst. (Hear, hear.) But now, when the history of a party was to be ascertained, perhaps the principles on which it was originally founded were the most conclusive as to the ends and objects of the party, for while men might change they would remain. Now, he found those principles laid down on the occasion of a de monstration got up in favour of the late Lord George Bentinck at Lynn, soon after the passing of the act of 1846. In a speech delivered by the noble lord on that occasion, he found a statement to the effect that the great end of the party then forming was in the first place to restore protection, but failing that to endeavour to pass measures for the purpose of relieving agriculture from the burdens it bore ; and the noble lord went on to say, "As you, the farmers of England, must do your own work, you must not trust to your landlords," a warning which, from the conduct of those now in office, would seem to have been well timed, and one which the farmers of England will now perhaps recollect. The noble lord was followed by others on that occasion, who reiterated the same sentiments. Among these was the present Chancellor of the Exchequer, who asked where was now the great agricultural interest. Let them come out in their defence, for he could not believe that this nation—and by the nation he meant all classes of the community—would submit to be governed by words, whilst their rights and interests might be de generated into a mere distinction between hoens and poens. (Laughter.) If, however, it was not the policy of the party in this house to disturb the policy of 1846, in the other house it was the avowed object of the leaders of the party there, and such was held by Lord Derby up to 1851. He did not, however, as he had stated, refer to those matters for the purpose of taunting honourable gentlemen opposite. He confessed he was himself in no position to do so. He had passed through the ordeal himself, and he had to do so because circumstances had altered his convictions, and holding at the time a station of responsibility he considered it would be wrong in him to hold those convictions and not act upon them. (Cheers.) But since 1846, the Protectionist party had proposed a fixed duty on corn. The honourable member for Stamford did so in that house, and the Chaneellor of the Exchequer supported him. True, it might be that they did not divide the house upon the question, and for that there might be reasons. A division, however, might be taken, but, perhaps, some friend hinting to the right honourable gentleman that there was but a thin house—that there were scarcely any members in the smoking-room, he did not know whether there were any in the library or not— (laughter)—he might have seen the propriety of letting the motion drop off the paper as quietly as possible. (Hear.) But what of that ? Mr. O'Connell carried on the agita tion for the repeal of the union after brin g forward motions in that house for the repeal ofb it ; but no one ever heard him say that he was carrying on that agitation to maintain the act of 1840. (Hear, hear.) Well then, it was said this question must go to the constituencies, and the Government gave out that as they decided so would they. The appeal was made, and answered unmistakeably in . favour of free trade. Then came the Speech from the Throne, where it was to be hoped an avowal would be made that it was the inten tion of the Government to maintain and extend that system of free trade. But no such avowal was made, There was a paragraph, it was true, in reference to the subject, but it was simply in effect : "if you feel some thing which you don't, perhaps you will do something which you won't. (Laughter.) Now that could not have been satisfactory to the house or to the country. (Hear, hear.) And ; he con fessed he was 'm uch disap pointed with the statement. If there had been any technical difficulty in putting words into her Majesty's mouth which would have had the effect of satisfying the house on the subject, 1 ;here could have been, cer tainly, no difficulty in putt ing them into the address. But that not being done, what course was the house to adopt ? They could not test who were Protec tionists and who were not, without a vote of the house, and, therefore, the r esolution of the honourable member for Wolverhamptc m was now submitted. A counter one was put by the Government, and therefore they stood equal, but he mu Ist say that the discussion of them had not impressed hin t with much love for abstract resolutions. (Hear, hear.) He considered the amend ment of the Government was bad, for by the very terms of it, it should have been put before Parliament was dis solved, and he must say that in dissolving Parliament and going to the constituencies to get their opinion as to a system of established legislation, was to him a new principle, and one which he was afraid, if often had re course to, would operate prejudicially, and was there fore calculated to give alarm. He therefore preferred the words of the hon. member for Wolverhampton. Se, far as those words, which had been the subject of so much debate, the words " wise, just, and beneficial " were concerned, it was impossible he could refuse to give his assent to the fact that the measure of 1846 was "wise just, and beneficial." (Cheers.) He apprehended that Government would hardly declare, as they did by the re solution of the noble lord the member for Tiverton, that they would extend the system if it was otherwise than a wise; just, and beneficial one. (Hear, hear.) He did not, however, think that it was politic to put these words into a resolution, the object of which w as to g ain the support of as large a portion of the house as pos sible, as he confessed he thought the words had a ten dency to hurt the feelings of honourable gentlemen oppo site. He confessed that he considered generosity the best policy, and more particularly when regulated ac cording to the strict rule. The whole history of this country was full of instances in which parties had found reason to change their opinions. It had been said that they were influenced by a species of propagandism; and all that was true ; and he confessed that he should be glad to see that every party who saw reason to change his former opinions, should be at liberty to do so, with out being subject to humiliation in the opinions of those who differed from him. (Hear, hear). He recollected an exceptional case wherein religious missionaries of all denominations had made proselytes, with the exception of the Jews, and in explanation of that exception, it was said by a party, that such was not to be wondered at, for who would like to commence his religious conversion with a surgical operation. (Much laughter.) He felt that he would not be right if he were to blame gentle men that came to his opinion, and state to them that they must commence their penance for change of opinion, in "white sheets," In his opinion, the resolution of the noble lord the member for Tiverton (Lord Palmerston), was not so strong now as it was at the commencement. It stated, " That it is the opinion of this house that the policy, firmly maintained and prudently extended, will, without inflicting injury on any important interest, best. enable the industry of the country to bear its burdens,. and will thereby most surely promote the welfare andl contentment of the people. That this house will 13'3 ready to take into consideration any measures, consirt tent with these principles, which, in pursuance of her Majesty's gracious speech and recommendation, may he laid before it." He (Mr. S. Herbert), said with regard to the repeal of the corn laws, that it was in the first instance an act of justice ' • but he would now - ex press the opinion that he first formed that if anyy one class in the country were to receive more than they were duly entitled to, it could not be done without in justice to other interests. He said that of the class to which he himself belonged—the landed interest. He must say, that he objected to anything that could have the effect of tending to bind the country to any course that had a tendency to enhance prices, to the prejudice of other interests, whether for fiscal pur poses or otherwise. The resolution, to his mind, em braced the whole question, and applied to all articles that had been cheapened. (Hear, hear.) Some com memoration of Sir Robert Peel was necessary, and he might say of him, that his fame stood on a pedestal which no revolution could disturb. (Hear, hear.) He admired Sir Robert Peel, and had followed him as a political guide, and loved the man, believing that he was actuated by just principles. (Hear, hear.) He sat behind him when the vilest language was addressed to him—(hear)--and when he was accused of the meanest o. crimes. But Sir Robert Peel was a man of a generous nature, whose memory deserves to be revered, anei whose course was worthy of the highest vindication. Hear, hear.) His memory was embalmed in the opinion sett, throe IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT HOUSE OF COMMONS.—YESTERDAT. (Continued from our Third Edition of last night.) OUR COMMERCIAL POLICY.—THE AD JOURNED DEBATE. On the motion for resuming the adjourned debate, Mr. M. GIBSON said he wished to say a few words on the subject of the resolution proposed by his honour able friend the member for Wolverhampton. He repu diated the notion that the original resolution was in tended as a vote of want of confidence in the Govern ment, and insisted that its object was to perpetuate the principles of free trade. He, therefore, found fault with those who had ventured to character ise it as a vote of want of confidence. No one, it would seem, could dispute the affirmation of the resolution that the law of 1846 was a just and wise measure, and he was at a loss to un derstand how any one could object to it, or take exception to it on the ground that he had already stated. But he took exception to the views of those who affirmed of the principles propounded in 1846, simply because free trade had produced cheapness of provisions. He could not consent to that mode of dealing with the question. Such a mode of argument would justify confiscation, for confiscation might, under some circumstances, produce momentary prosperity, but he must contend that, looked at from every point of view, free trade had been just and righteous, and he could not possibly bring himself to the amendment of the noble lord the member for Tiverton. It would seem, however, that the object of the noble lord was to save the feelings of hon. members who supported the Govern ment, but he for one was at a loss to understand how the Protectionists could agree to the amendments, and yet not accept the original resolution. The amend ment called upon Protectionists to affirm not that the free trade policy of 1846 was wise and just, but that under all the circumstances it had been sound and politic, and for the life of him he could not see why the one, as well as the other should not be equally accept able to honourable gentlemen. Well, then how were they to choose between the two ? Why in this way —they were both pretty similar in spirit, though not in detail, but the one proposed by the hon. and learned member for Wolverhampton, would be more acceptable to the country than that of the noble lord the member for Tiverton. They would not do their duty to the memory of Sir R. Peel if from any mistaken morbid sentimentality, they refused on this solemn occasion to record that the measure which he advocated was not a wrong, nor a great public mischief, but was founded on the eternal principles of justice. This was after all a great question, and it was absurd to agree to the proposal of the noble lord, for the purpose of showing a general unanimity which it was well known did not in fact exist. They wanted to shew the world that the policy of free trade was not based on low considerations, but on the principles of civil right and justice. If the house shrunk from declaring that the policy was wise and just, the people would be induced to be lieve that the House of Commons was somewhat rotten. After all, the House of Commons long laboured under the influence of the landed interest, on the question of protection. If there was an appearance of rottenness now in the house, they might depend upon it, that no thing would strengthen so much the cry of Parliamen tary Reform, for the general opinion would be, if the words in question were omitted, that the representation was not a, reflex of the public opinion, and that some covert attempt might be made to restore the nefarious system of monopoly. (Hear, hear.) He therefore hoped that hon. members would rally round his hon. and learned friend, for neither the noble lord (Palmerston) nor the Chancellor of the Exchequer had any claim to take the quostion out of his hands. Let every honest free-trader vote for his motion, and he would undertake to say that their constituents would approve of their conduct. (Cheers.) Mr. M. GASKELL thought the allusion of the right hon. gentleman to the question of Parliamentary reform was the best explanation that could be given of the na ture of the motion proposed by the hon. and learned member for Wolverhampton. (Cheers from the Govern ment benches.) He was convinced that so far from as serting a great public principle, there was no reason whatever for the motion. (Cheers.) There was a very serious difference between the two resolutions for whereas while the amendment simply affirmed that free trade had succeeded in producing the present prosperity of the country, the other went on to add that the conduct of those who opposed Sir Robert Peel in 1846 was unjust and uncalled for. The arguments of those who opposed the amendment were somewhat strange ; they declared that the Earl of Derby had no principles whatever, and therefore his friends ought to abandon him. Now it was somewhat strange that those who held this line of argument were not quite settled in their own minds as to their own policy. (Hear.) He should be the last man to impugne the motives of the late Sir Robert Peel in passing the repeal of the corn laws, but he must be allowed to take exception to the manner in which that measure was carried, for the Parliament of 1842 was returned to support, and not to reverse, protection. It was therefore unjust at that time to adopt free trade without an appeal to the country, and to that extent he took exception to the conduct of the late Sir Robert Peel. (Hear, hear.) But the House of Commons now met under very different circumstances — it was returned to affirm the principles of free trade, and he for one was quite willing to bow to the decision of the country upon that great question as it was enun ciated in the amendment of the noble lord the member for Tiverton, though he was not prepared to throw that blame and censure upon the country party for their conduct in 1846, which the original resolution of the hon. and learned member for Wolverhampton implied, if it did not in fact distinctly affirm. (Cheers) No doubt there were conflicting opinions on that side of the house as to the effect of the repeal of the corn laws, but no man doubted of the intentions of the Government. (Hear, hear.) The real question at issue was between a Government prepared to carry out the commercial policy of 1846, and a set of gentlemen who were agreed upon this point, certainly, but between whom, on other points, there was irrecoucileable, endless, and vital diffe rences. (Loud cheers.) Mr. SIDNEY HERBERT said he trusted the house would give him an opportunity of stating the course he intended to take on this question, and the reasons which had induced him to come to that decision. Let him in the first place assure the hon. gentleman who had just sat down, as well as the hon. member for Manchester, that in coming that decision he had kept out of view, and out of mind altogether, what effect the vote would 'have on the present Government. When a threat was held out by Government that if defeated on any certain question which might be pending, they would resign, that was a matter which no do u bt would have weight with parties whose interest it mi g ht be to keep them in office ; but with with respect to th os e independent of them, it was not whether Government should go out or stay in, but whether they would be justified in doing so. They had been told that the resolu tion submitted by the hon. member for Wolverhamp ton was one of non-confidence in the Government ; but shortly, awkwardness and bungling never suggested a resolution of non-confidence which concluded by say ing that its supporters would give every consideration to the measures which the Government might propose. (Laughter.) To revert to the commencement of the debate. It originally commenced with the resolution of the hon. member for Wolverhampton, and the amend ment of the Government. Now between these two he c ould not have had one moment's hesitation. (Hear, hear.) He saw a resolution moved by a gentleman who originally brought this question of free trade undere ha the consideration of the house. He knew that hd fought that battle with great skill and constancy, and brought the question to a successful termination. In opposition to that an amendment had been moved, which, on this question at any rate, did inspire corfidencF, and he could have, therefore, had no hesitation in voting for the resolution. (Hear.) Then how did the debate go on? After the hon. and learned member for Wolverhampton concluded his address, the Chancellor of the Exchequer rose ; but he confessed that his speech, impressive as it was in point of delivery, and ingenious point of ins po argument, he confessed that it left a very unfvourable impression his mind. (Hear, hear.) The right hon. of his country, and he (Mr. S. Herbert) would say that of any man more than he had changed his opinion,he needs but look to the other side of the house. (Hear Lear, and laughter.) He would, then, upon the grounds he had stated, give his support to the amendment of the noble viscount. (Hear, hear.) He rajoiced to think that a large majority of the house were about to give their vote on that question. They should not be un mindful how much political disturbance and social evil had been avoided by the passing of the repeal of the corn laws ; and he must now say, that in their future legis lation he would suggest that they should so legislate as not to give any specific exemption from burdens to any class of the country. (Hear, hear.) Mr. H. DRUMMOND (who was very imperfectly heard in our gallery) said that he felt it was very neces sary to have a very large supply of the Dantonian quality, referred to the previous evening by the ,hon. member for Middlesex (Mr. Osborne) —that quality which was sometimes translated as "modest assurance in rising to speak from that (the Ministerial) side of the house—for on the Opposition side sat all the talents of the house with the solitary exception of the Chancellor of the Exchequer. (Great laughter.) Once before upon a time " all the talents" were arrayed on one side ; but at that time they were on the side of the Crown and government, while this time it was just the other way. (Laughter.) But notwithstanding all the misfortunes of standing at that side of the house, he could not consent to be silent ; for he, for one, would not be mystified, or dragged through the dirt by any party. He had a duty to perform to those who had sent him into that house, and also, to those who had no hand in electing him, the labourers of the district 'le represented ; but he also owed a duty to him " and he would endeavour to clear his way this complicated debate. As to the question uself, - it seemed to him merely a difference be tween hocus and pocus—(laughter)—the difference be tween twice three making six and three times two making six. But if importance was to be attached to words, let hon. gentlemen be careful of pinning the words arranged by others to their own sleeves. He was not puzzled himself, as to his choice ; for it was 25 years ago that he had first advocated a free trade in corn—that being a time when, of the ardent free trade party now living by the principle, those opposite had been suggesting fixed duties, and those on the ministerial side were announcing that the men who thought of abolishing protection were mad. (Laughter.) Now they were all concentred to a common point ; and it was desirable that if all their in tentions were the same they should make no mistake in the expression. As he took it, some such motion as this was absolutely necessary. (Hear, hear.) And Le thought the words selected by the hon. and learned gentleman (Mr. Villiers) were the proper words. (Cheers from the Opposition.) If the party on his (Mr. Drummond's) side would take his advice, they would accept that motion, and so confess their delusion boldly. He could not un derstand the reproach of inconsistency, nor the shame of allowing an error •, and, as regarded the convenience of that house, he heartily wished that " Hansard " was at the bottom of the sea • he was sure it was heavy enough to sink. (Great laughter.) To hear people talk one would have supposed that the his tory of England began in 1846. Gentlemen who called themselves independent members—that is, who talked independent nonsense—(laughter) — had spoken of re sisting a reversal of the policy of 1846, and the phrase was current too, at that (the Ministerial) side of the house. This just showed that hon. and enlightened members had not a notion of what the former policy of the country was, or of what the present policy was. Why, the measure of 1846 was no commencement of a policy—it was the apex of a policy—it was the key-stone of the whole arch. (Hear, hear.) The policy they were now swearing fealty to began at the conclusion of the war ; and people might as well talk of restoring the heptarchy as of reversing this policy. He thought he could explain this clearly to the bucolic mind—to the biggest Boeotian behind Ministers. (Great laughter,) They had only got to right notions of their national interest very lately. The fact was, they must admit the Anglo-Saxon was a supremely stupid fellow. (Great laughter.) When the French first did us the honour of coming into this co untry—(laughter)—they were then called Normans —they found the Anglo-Saxon so astoundingly backward, that he couldn't make steel breeches. (Much laughter.) Hence the im portation of artificers in armour, who were called smiths—a circumstance which accounted for the large family of Smiths at this day. (Laughter.) This was the beginning of our commercial system ; and it went on in the same way. The Anglo-Saxon never could do any thing himself, and was perpetually in need of clever fel lows, such as the Flemings and the Lombards, to teach him civilisation, and who always made the condition of their settling here, that they should have a monopoly. Our commercial history was a history of monopoly, up to the time of the wars occasioned by the French Revo lution ; and in the course of that war, the Anglo-Saxon, by this time largely adulterated, and getting keen, found out that though Europe was closed against him, he got all he wanted in raw material, and in fact, rather im proved his trade, in proportion to the strictness of the customs exclusion of him on the continent. Freeptraders owed something to Adam Smith ; but a good deal, too, to the smuggler. Napoleon taught us that monoplies and protections were dead for ever ; but we were slow to learn the lesson. When Louis XVIII. got his throne, Baron Louis, his Minister, at once proposed to give to the Government of this country a free trade with France —that was to say, an act valorem duty of 10 per cent. on both sides. But no one, except Huskisson, appreciated the value of the offer—and Huskisson, at that time, was kept down in a subordinate office ; and his colleagues did not back him. But Huskisson stuck to his idea, got it into some favour at last ; and, from that moment, England had gone on removing her prohibitions ' • and now, at last, we had got to the onl y wise, j ust, and poli tic course of perfect free trade, which was to leave every thing to unrestricted commerce. (Cheers.) When, therefore, he heard men talking of " reversing " that policy, he asked, were they ready to jump back to Wil liam the Conqueror's time ? (Cheers.) It was said, however, that these words in the hon. and learned gen tleman's (Villiers') motion were offensive. But at least they were not new words for the party : he held in his hand an address printed by the Anti-Corn-law League in 1842, and there he found these identical " odious " words. (Hear, hear.) As to the question of compen sation he was ready to consider it ; but the compensa tion he meant was not what country gentlemen meant. What he wanted to set about was a reduction in the cost of production. (Cheers.) Mr. MUNTZ said he was in the difficult position of not approving of either of the resolutions. He was one of the earliest opponents of the corn laws, but he was little prepared to say that the repeal of the corn laws was just. All he said of the present Government was, that if they proposed good measures for the country he should support them ; and if not they should have his opposition. The Marquiswho had of agreed with the hon. down, that it was impossible for him to agr ee with either of the resolu tions, but he m ust disagree with hi m so far that he was unable to member just G sat RAN vote for either of them. His reasons were threefold. He could not agree that the prosperity of the country was as great now as it had been under a different and a wiser system. In the second place, admitting the prosperity, he thought it was to be accounted fo'r by other causes than recent legislation, and unlimited com petition. The reason was that, supposing that that prosperity was owing to recent legislation, that legisla tion was not stamped, W i t h the principle of unlimited competition. For these two reasons he found it quite impossible for him to consent to either of the resolut ions. The noble lord co nclude d by reiterating his deterr nina tion to vote neith er for t he one resolution no r the other ; for, to his min d, the one was hocus and th e other p ocus. (Great laughter.) Mr. FITZRO Y wishe d to explain, in a few word s, the line he inten ded to pursue, as an indepe ndent mem ber of the hou se. Undoub tedly their po sition was one of great difficulty ; for they all wished to take a course that should at once be satisfactory to his conscience and (Hear, hear.) th e public, and to those friendly or party associa tions w hich clung almo st to every man. Under the circum stances, and from gratitude to the distinguished. man whoser Wolverhampton. policythey allnow approved, he should give his vo t e most decidedly for the motion of the hon. membtr fo Mr. N. KEN DALL (the new member fo r East Corn wall) said he saw no reason for changing his opinions. It was his conviction that, but for the operation of other causes apart from free trade, not only the won-king classes themselves would very probably have demanded a reimposition of the import duty on corn—but another class, a more dangerous one, those who represented the manufacturing interest, would have pursued the same course. (Laughter.) Mr. "BLACKETT said he should vote for the miginal motion, rather than for the amendment. CoL. SIBTHORP said—The prosperity of the colantry, whicl was so much spoken of, was owing to the dis covery of Californian and Australian gold. He believed the, poor man would not be comp e lled to leave his own co urtry, if he were only properly treated at home. But they introduced exhibitions and such things to encou rage the foreignefr, at th h wxas e epense gf the home producer, and the result o whic, that there never was so much disease in the metropolis as since the day it opened. (Laughter.) The resolution of the nobk lord (Palmerston) was a mere trap to catch the unwary—it wns a composing draught for her Majesty's Government —(laughter)--a compromise, as it was called. lie de tested all compromises. (Laughter.) He would not 1 vote for anything—and would walk out of the house when the question came to a vote. (Laughter.) Mr. WARNER (Norwich) said he should give his support to the resolution of the hon. and learned member for Wolverhampton. Sir J. GRAHAM— ' shall promise not to occupy long the attention of the house, which has now debated for several nights a question merely turning on the use of words, and must be anxious to have the discussion br ought to a close. lam the more ready to promise this, because I have already, almost unwarrantably, trespassed on the indulgence of the house--if strictly within the rules, still in a manner I should blame, if I had not thought it calle d for by the circumstances. The hon. member for Corn :wall says nothing is so painful as to swallow the opin ions of another. I must tell him that there is an othe r thing not very agreeable—having your own words, in fhe shape of a motion, suddenly brought upon you wh en you least expect it. A great deal has been said ab out old stagers., and a great deal of advice has been gi Nen to young r aerabers. lam afraid I must c onsider myself an old st ager, and as such I will give those young members one pg fete of advice—never to supply the words of a motion fox. which they were not responsible; nor to endeavour to fra me one which should please everybody. I must ten yot that this is utterly impossible : and, perhaps the predicament in which I stand this evening may be a warning to some new members. Now, I should like to state to the house that the result of this dis cussion has been very painful to me, because of our having to discuss the comparative merits ofthe origin al motion, and of the words with which I have already stated my con nection. The Chancellor of the Exchequer complained of the epithets in the original motion, namely, that the repeal of the corn law in 1846 was a just, wise, and beneficial measure. He designated these epithets as odious. Now, if any epithets are to be applied at all, it is my idea that the English language supplies none so apposite as those in the original motion. The right hon. gentleman perhaps naturally demurred to the proposition that the repeal of the corn laws was just and wise. Then how shall I tell you my astonishment at the words of the amendment, to which I understand her Majesty's Government are now parties ? These words assert broadly that "it is the opinion of this house that the improved condition of the industrious classes is mainly the result of recent legislation, which has established the principle of unrestricted competition, has abolished taxes imposed for the purpose of protection, and has thereby diminished the cost and increased the abundance of the principal articles of the food of the people." But am I wrong now ? Did I not understand the right hon. gen tleman to make some reservations with regard to sugar ? Is not sugar a part of the people's food ? Has not un restricted competition been admitted, or is it not in pro gress of being admitted by a descending scale of duties. I do not wish to refer to speeches at the late election, but I may remind the right honourable gentleman that at his own election he stated, in reference to what I had said with respect to the Government opposite having risen to power by the ladder of protection, and having thrown that ladder down, content to do in office what they had found fault with in opposition—to this the right hon. gentleman gave an unqualified denial, and said that with respect to sugar, he still maintained all the prin ciples he had ever entertained. He thought the West Indian colonies had been ruined and unjustly treated by the removal of protective duties, and he maintained that opinion as strongly as ever. The house will recollect what took place in June last. The descending scale of duties was about coming into operation on the Ist of July. The right hon. gentleman then said he maintained all his opinions, and that it was only his being in a hope less minority which prevented his attempting to enforce them. Well, if he maintain his opinions, why does not he say that he will not vote for the amendment of the noble viscount ? I see, in a work of political biography, a most graphic description of what took place in refer ence to this very question of the West Indian colonies. It appears the West Indian interest did not take a very decided part in resisting the repeal of the corn laws, and a proposition was made to the late Lord Geo. Bentinck that, in consequence of their not having supported the Protectionists here, his lordship should be a party to no longer supporting the protection which the West Indian colonists enjoyed. Lord George replied, "No; we exist only by our principles ; we are not privy councillors, but we are honest men. We must stand by our principles, and we must protect the West Indian interest." Now, sir, gentlemen opposite have abandoned the principle ofpro tection. Shall I draw the inference ? If so, I say I should be unjust in the extreme. lam not prepared to say that this change of opinion on the part of hon. and right hon. gentlemen on the Treasury benches is a dishonest change. I recollect an admirable speech made by the noble lord the member for Tiverton, on the repeal of the corn laws, in 1846, in whic h s p eech he, with his own most powerful manner, and with the utmost brevity and succinctness, stated the whole arguments in favour of free trade, and illustrated them with his usual clear ness. He had, indeed, one passage which I thought heterodox—that in which he advocated a fixed duty on corn ; but -with this one exception, all was admirable, and has proved correct. "If," he said, "the force of circumstances should ever place these gentlemen (includ- Lord G. Bentinck and others) on the Treasury bench, I am satisfied six months will not elapse before their opinions will undergo a great change and modification." The noble lord went on to say that certain climates were specifics for certain diseases, and that if you took any case of protection, let the fever be as inflamma tory as you pleased, and placed the patient in Downing street for six months, he would undertake to say that his opinions would undergo a change. In this opinion I agree. Put any Protectionist in that position, and he will find the value and the truth of the information of the facts collected by the late Mr. Porter, whose loss I most sincerely deplore. It is hardly possible to persuade gen tlemen that our exports have increased seventy millions, our imports a hundred millions, annually ; and that, returning to sugar, whilst the duty was diminished 100 per cent., the quantity imported increased one-third, and the retail price fell one-half. All these things seem in credible. But there is my right hon. friend the Presi dent of the Board of Trade, capable of sifting the facts, and responsible for the documents whence we derive them. I have no doubt he has investigated them fully before giving his signature, and, as the result, supported a resolution in which the benefits of free trade are recog nised as broadly and openly as could be desired. There is another topic on which I desire to say just a word. The righ- hon. gentleman the Chancellor of the Exche quer, rather commented last night on the use of the word " compensation." He said he was not aware that that word had ever been used by him ; that possibly I might find it by hunting among election speeches ; but that in the house no such word had ever been used by him. Now, lam not disposed to go word-catching at this time, but I cannot refrain fr om ex p ressin g the surprise with , which, whilst listening to' the speech of my gallant friend the member for Middlesex, I heard him read a cer tain passage in which that word and the name of the right hon. gentleman occurred. As the hon. and gallant member for Middlesex has said, the Chancellor of the Ex chequer took advantage of Mr. Grantley Berkeley's mo tion, in May, 1850, to say, "I ask you to protect the rights and interests of labour generally; in the first place, by allowing no in Torts from foreign countries which meet you with con ntervailing duties, and, in the second place, with respeel ; to agricultural produce, to compen sate the soil for th e burdens from which other classes are free, by an equivalent duty." A good deal has been said about bowing to public opinion. Now, I would first of all observe that the repeal of the corn laws was not carried by bowing. But in the next place, with re ference to the use of strong language, I would ask, whe ther those who si ipported that repeal were always treated with the exact courtesy of Parliament—whether the ex pressions used with reference to such persons were what we hear in society? The hon. member for the West Riding has referred to what he called the Christian for bearance of the friends and colleagues of the late Sir R. Peel ; and he expressed some surprise that they should have been so moderate in their language, and so forbearing in their retaliation. Now, sir, I said last night, and said truly, that in framing these resolutions I endeavoured to frame them in the spirit and in the temper with which I believed my right hon. friend, had he been now alive, would, under present circumstances, him self have framed. them. And, sir, the term used by the hon. member for the West Riding, was a very happy term- He used the term " Christian for bearance. Now, I knew my right hon. friend well; the right hon. member for South Wiltshire (Mr. Sidney Herbert) has paid him an eloquent but a just tribute this evening : and of all his characteristics, I should say his Christian te3uper and forgiveness were perhaps what most distinguished him; and, sir, I say also that he al ways regarded what in the circumstances of public affairs it was politic to do in reference as well to the good of the house and of the country as to the maintenance of a great cause. The hon. member for Surrey has referred this evening to the ancient history of this country as far back as the Anglo - Sax ons. Perhaps I may, without pedantry, go back still further, and refer to a passage in Livy, commented upon by Machiavelli. I refer to that passage where a portion of the Roman army having suffered great disgrace at the hands of the Samnites, and being brought to the Fauces Caudince, the question arose how they were to be treated. The first advice given was that they should be set at liberty ; the next, that they should be exterminated. Ultimately, they only passed under the yoke. Now, I do not accuse honourable gentlemen opposite of anything unworthy in the course which they deem it their duty, from a sense of necessity, to take. Ido not wish to stigmatise them by asking their consent to that which their honour may refuse. I think it is enough to sustain this great cause by words which, whilst they have nothing offensive in them, cover all the principles for which I have contended, and for which I shall be ready to contend when the measures of the Government are brought forward. There is no gentleman in any part of the house more de termined than I to reject the doctrine of compensation to land, and no one by whom any measure founded on that claim will be more earnestly resisted than by me. On the whole, I am not surprised that thelVlinisterialists object to saying, in exp ress terms, that the measure of 1846 was wise, just, and beneficia l ; and I, for one, shall not depait from the words whi ch I admit are, verbatim et literatim, what I myself prepared. Though it is most painful for me to vote against the proposition of the hon. and learned member for 'Wolverhampton, and the hon. gentlemen with whom in principle on this matter I en tirely agree, I should think myself entirel if I y unworthy of th e confidence of any part o f my .fellow -countrymen did not abide by that which I sincerely meant and in tended. (Cheers.) Mr. J. H. PHILIPPS, a mid a storm of cries for a division, which rendered his remarks perfectly inaudible, stated his reasons for offering his support to the amend ment of Lord Palmerston. Sir, I now entertain the hope Lord J. RUSSEL L — from the appearance of the house, that there exists a strong desire to bring this discussion to a close to-night —(cheers)—and I am sure that the exhausted state of the debate would well justify us in not prolonging the debate so as to extend it into another week. (Loud cheers.) But, sir, I have borne too large a part in these discussions, and I have been too frequently re ferred to in the course of this debate, not to ask the in dulgence of the house whilst I make some brief obser vations on the state of the question now under our con sideration. (Hear, hear.) My hon. friend the member for Wolverhampton, in a speech remarkable for its ability, but which was confined very much to the ques tions on which he had to treat—those questions of econo nomical and eiNnmercial policy which have been for so o ma ny years undo a the consideration of Parliamen t — cer tain resolutic ans, the first of which went to affirm the benefits which recent legislation had conf erred upon this c ountry, and especially upon the industrious classes ; the second, the ext elision of free tr ade, as opposed to protection, would be the best mode of enabling the pro perty and industry of fide country to bear its burdens ; and the third, that the house would he ready to consider' cure. (Cheers.) Havingsaid thus mucii - ioth regsa*M - to any measures which her Majesty's Ministers might lay on the past advice which I ventured to give gemlipvilli‘j the table on these subjects. (Hear, hear.) Now, sir , if ! venture to say a few words with respect to a quMtion— ---. there had been anything of a party character in th( which has been raised within the last fe -sylliclP's' -- •' \ speech of my hon. friend, the right hon, gentleman oppo: likely to become a question of very great( . ;mitt ... (.2 upon which, I fear, we have had the i 1 _ - 441 . site (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) might have been struggle held out by the right hon. ge , - ,= - I '2 ' . t " justified in saying that the object of his motion was 0 cellor of the Exchequer—l mean the qu ~. _,. th e •' l 7 - s?dc' displace the Government and make the matter will not call "compensation," but wh ic entirely a party question. But my honourable friend gave calls "relief' to the landed interest. Si I shall be as little believed by the landed qtße t oMiklaja]f no opportunity for any remark of that sort. (Hear.) the farmers hen la l speak upon this subject as whon His impartiality was rather the subject of comment. He &aid that the corn w would probably be repealed, and said that Governments had such a family likeness to th,it an Bs. duty would be more than the farmers coul3 each other, that he did not much care whether the Go- get. But, sir, it is certainly my opinion that it would relief, be wise for the landed interest to ask for any special vernment of the day was formed from gentlemen on this enea t j o e r ls a ve n r vr y side of the house or from gentlemen on the other side— re s e p ti c cial benefit, whether it be called tom side the(Cleers.) In the first place, let the certainly no very strong party declaration on the part of touse observe landed interest, the owner . s and a person who has been said t o have brou g ht forward h occupiers of laud, and the labourers upon that land, form resolutions solely from party motives, and with a view a great part of the property and population of the coun try, and that iris by no means a matter of indifferenc e to to the displacing of the Gove rnment. (Cheers.) How- them when you relieve the inhabitants of the country at large ever, the right hon. gentleman chose to consider the from any species of taxation upon industry question in that light, and instea d of makin g any answer or property. (Cheers.) The right hon. entlema the n ill to the statements of my hon. friend, instead of contro - his calculations, used to reckon the prog.p.srty f l o a f n t d h ed interest t as about one-third of the whole property venting any of his arguments, he entered into statements porti e on co i u s n oes it no t t much signify what ,she pro thoiorod,oyoooul w of ill tn oN!T , as to the conduct of the party of which he has been the b ry ut . tati d n leader for the last few years, and declared that it would that if you have a reduction a of dishonourable for them to accept the resolution of my 4,000,000/. of that relief is given to the landed in xa te t r i e e hon. friend. Now, sir, as the right hon. gentleman has (Cheers.) If you have, as no doubt you have had, within' the last ten years, 7,000,0001. of taxes remitted over the chosen to bring that question before the house— although amount imposed, more than 2,000,000/. of the taxes so it was not before the house formally—l shall not refrain remitted have gone to the landed interest. (Cheers. ) from making a few observations on his s tatements. An d that is a remission of taxation of which no man can (Hear, hear.) But I think it is due to the question c omplain. That is a just and fair advantage, which they, itself that I should state my view of the resolutions now being a part of the property and population of the coun try, under consideration. My hon. friend had proposed these highly deserve. They enjoy, with the rest of the com munity, that great benefit. The cost of production is resolutions. I understood they had been assented to b y rendered less, their whole industry is made more pro most of the hon. gentlemen who have taken the lead on ductive, and not a single manufacturer or merchant will the great question of free trade. I understand that my hon. say a word against their receiving th l relief • to the conciliate all parties, has consulted various membe rs of interest, the two and if youses ou say that that special re lief is to be this house ; amongst others the hon. m ember for the given by hof Parliament, whi ch consist in West Riding and the hon. member for Manchester, who ..1 great measure, if not mainly, of persons who are had a right to be consulted, the noble lord the member o wners of the land, you at once set up the landed interest for Tiverton, the right hon. gentleman the member for as .an object of suspicion and of envy—(hear, hear) — the University of Oxford, and the right hon. gentleman you are making the other classes of the country think the member for Carlisle. As I understand, without that j vou are not acting fairly by the country at large, but professing to know their individual sentiments, my hon. that you show a favour and preference to one particular friend had the full concurrence of those hon. members. body. From my birth I have been connected with the However, the right hon. baronet the member for Car- great ag ricultural proprietors, and I beg, for the salts lisle, made a statement last night, with respect to an- of the landed interest, that you will not in your approach- , other form of resolution, of which evidently the .oble thenstatement ask for some special favour for them, wke lord the member for Tiverton had heard, and of which, you calf it compensation or otherwise ; but if you " for the sake of greater accuracy," he had obtained a can remit tax3s—r you can conter a benent on the people copy. (Laughter and cheers.) The noble lord, in the of this country—make it large and general, and do not speech which he addressed to the house, asserted that make it special And particular. (Cheers.) With respect gentlemen on the other side of the house could not agree to these conflicting resolutions, I will take this oppor to the resolutions before them, and stated various tunity of observing that Ido not agree in the view which grounds for changes of opinion and observed that the I understand to have been taken by the hon. member house had nothing to do with ' the private opinion of for the West Riding,. that the word "just" shuts out all public men, in which remark I cannot say that I concur question .1f compensation to the landed interest for the with him—(hear, hear)—and the noble lord concluded by losses which that' may have sustained. I think it would proposing certain resolutions which appeared to please certainly bas any positive claim—it would bar their say ing "we are losers of so much, and are entitled to so hon. gentlemen opposite, and give them immense relief. (Laughter.) Those resolutions, whilst relieving the mink." But it never would prevent a minister from minds of hon. gentlemen opposite, caused a great divi- saying "the lam.cled interest are in a state of difficulty and distress, ansi I propose to you to give relief to that sion amongst hon. members on this side of the house, who had before been united. (Opposition ch eers. ) Such interest." Long , before the corn laws were touched, I being the state of the question, I have to cons ider what remember Cha , nc•ei lors of the Exchequer coming down course I ought to pursue; and in the first place I mus t declare and proposing con si:derable relief to the a g ricultural in once to their having suffered losses that both sets of resolutions are exceedingly well framed, terest without refel• in consequ O ence of the corn laws. Nothing w ould be that both seem to me to go generally to the same obj ect. (Hear, hear.) Each is divided into three parts. Each easier than to give a t turn to any propo sal. Althou g h affirms in the first place the benefits which our strainer- the insertion of the 1, vo rd "just" may seem to shut out cial legislation, during the last few years has conferred the claim of compens.stion, I do not see that it effec upon the country and upon the working classes—each tually does so ; and Ido not see that there is any affirms that it is necessary to maintain and pursue that difference between the two sets of resolutions on that policy—and also that the house will be ready to listen to special ground. (Hear,.. hear.) An hon. gentleman the measures that may be brought before the house. has adverted to the a.dvies e -which we, as Ministers of the Therefore, sir, it would appear to me that the resolutions Crown, gave to the Soverei ;'a with respect to the insertion which were first produced by a member of this house , in of certain words in the gi. leech from the Throne ; and whom all those who value free trade principles could it has always been represents si that that Speech described confide—(cheers) —are entitled to precedence, and it the agriculturists as in a staace of distress, and that her would ill become my sense of duty to give a vote which Majesty had called the atternion of Parliament to the would set aside those resolutions. (Loud cheers.) That, distresses of the agricultural ink west. Now, I must ask sir, is the question which you will have to put at the end the house to listen to the terms of that Speech, and it of this long discussion, for you will have to ask the will then see that the meaning hot not been exactly re house whether the words proposed to be left out shall Presented, and that omissions has -s, been made of very stand part of the question, or in other terms, w h e th er great importance. The following & re the words in the Speech which her Majesty was pleas eel to deliver at the those words are to be at once rejected, and not put to opening of the session of 1851 ;—" The .state of the corn the house as the main question for consideration. (Hear, merce and manufactures of the -United Kingdom has hear.) Now, sir, I own I should have been disposed to been such as to afford general em p lo y ment to the labour say that if the resolutions proposed b y the noble lord the member for Tiverton, drawn by the right hon. in classes. I have to lament, however tile difficulties gentleman the member for Carlisle, had been proposed which are still felt by that important body among my in the first place, and the resolutions of my hon. friend People who are owners and occupiers a land, But it is the member for Wolverhampton had been moved as my confident hope that the prosperous condition. of other an amendment, I should have pursued the same classes of my subjects will have a favouroble effect in di course which lam now taking. I should have voted minishing those difficulties, and promothag the interests for the resolutions of the'noble lord standing part of the of agriculture." Now, sir, these words v.-ere especially question, and against the resolutions moved as an amen d- meant to show that the Government did not propose any ment. (Cheers and laughter.) They appear to me to be Particular relief for agriculture, but that it was the belief very nearly the same. Ido not mean to say that they of the Government of -.the day that agriculture would are the same in the views of hon. gentlemen opposite. recover from its difficulties owing to the prosperous state But as they both coincide and concur with my senti- of the commerce and manufacture's of Eng lan d fh ar, inents, I think it my duty to prefer that which w as first hear)—and I believe that that expectation has ;en proposed to the house. (Cheers.) But, it is said, there completely fulfilled. (Loud cheers.) My belief is that are words in the resolution of my hon. frie nd which give the increased consumption which has follow ed from offence to gentlemen opposite, and that, being an assem- Your commercial legislation has been such that, with bly of gentlemen, we ought not to ask them to concur in respect to many articles of farm produce, a very suffi that which is offensive to their feelings and degrading to cient, not to say a high price is obtained, and, above all, that the value of the article of la nd has been latel y ver y their honour. (Hear, hear.) I cert ainl y do not wish any gentleman to agree to that which he thinks contrary considerably enhanced, and is now of ver y g reat value to h. of my own senti- in the market. (Cheers.) A statement was made the ments his and vonourie I am only speaking views, and I certainly could not ask hon- other day by the hon. and learned gentleman the Attor members to concur in resolutions to which t he y attribute net'-General for Ireland, which showed t hat in Scotland the value of land had greatly imp roved ; and only the that effect. (Hear, hear.) But I do not see wh y I should make my vote depend upon thei r feelings. other day an estate in Northampt onshire was sold for (Cheers.) But let me ask what is it that gives this great 40 years' purchase. (Cheers.) My belief is that the offence, because I own it does appear to me that they are agricultural interest is not to be taken for a dis more sensitive than the case naturally calls for ? (Hear.) tressed interest • and on that ground I shall object to The words objected to are that the repeal of the corn any special relief on the ground pointed out. (Cheers.) laws in 1846 was "wise, just, and beneficial." (Hear, Having stated my views with respect to these resolu hear.) Well, as I stated last night, hon. gentle- tions—having stated the course which I took when I men have no hesitation in declaring that that was a Minister of the Crown—l will now refer for a few ' m oments to the speech made by the right hon. gentle policy which rendered corn cheap —which p rovided for the admission of foreign corn, and thereby made the man the Chancellor of the Exchequer, in answer to the food of the people abundant and c hea p , as the noble argument of my hon. friend. The argume nt of the lord declares in his resolution — they have no hesitation right in saying that Parliament was "wise" in enacting the Party with whom he acts, had since the year 1846 never law, but they will not say that the act was a " wise act." attempted the restoration of protection, but that they (Laughter.) That seems to me to be a very remarkable had endeavoured to alleviate the burdens, to mitigate the distresses of certain interest s that were affected, refinement. (Cheers.) Then w ith res p ect to the word " beneficial." You have no hesitation in declaring, ac- without disturbing the settlement then come to. (Hear.) cording to the resolutions of the noble lord for which you Now, sir, that argument was very ingeniously carried out, and the right honourable g entleman's quotations are all going to vote, that the improved condition of the were very apposite ; but the great defect was that Be country, and especially of the working classes, is owing argument was wanting in truth. (Loud cheers.) By to recent legislation, and also that that policy should be picking out a speech m ade by one me mber, and a state further pursued. hen gentlemen admit that g reat went made by another , b y pointlng out the conduct benefits have flowed from that policy—that the food of which he himself had pursued at various times, he seemed the people have been improved thereby, and that great to afford something like a proof that the conduct of his benefits have been conferred on the great body of the party had been such as he described it to have been. people—l do not see why they sho uld den y that that But it is necessary to look to other facts, and some policy has been beneficial. (Cheers.) Ido not see why of those facts were stated by the hon, member for Mid they should say—" Here is a measure which Parliament in its wisdom has enacted , and which has conferred great lesex, in a manner not very agreeable, I believe, to benefits on the people, but yet we will never say it is honourable gentlemen opposite. (Hear, hear, and either wise or benefical." (Cheers.) The righ There are abundance of facts all around us. t hon. laughter.) gentleman the Secretary for the Colonies (Sir J. Pak- Supposing every volume of Hansard to be burnt, there ington) has no objection to admit the wisdom of would remain in our memories sufficient to prove that Parliament, or the benefits that have flowed from the the Protectionist party have been trying to restore pro measure ; but as to saying it is " wise and beneficial," tection, and destroy the system of commercial policy he declares that he will oppose the expression, and established by Sir R. Peel. (Hear, hear.) I must say that nothing shall make him consent to it. I con- that I consider them to be men of the highest integrity. sider this to be a very fine scruple, and it reminds me The Duke of Richmond always said, " Turn out the of a remark made by Lord Plunkett with reference to Ministry, get a dissolution of Parliamet, and you far one of 'the scruples of Lord Brougham—that it was mere will have protection back. I cannot be so much surprised as my h on. friend that te nobleuke has not more fit for a novel, to be called "the delicate distress" lately on a is a very emb arrassing one. (Laughter.) I pgeared in his former p r ominent postion. His j (Laughter.) Now, with respect to the word " just.', ositi I do not see why that word should be p 'ny great stump - . a d übt lie made that promis e to the farmers in the ling-block to honourable gentlemen opposite. I had al- hav e no o Earl of Derby would fulfil • it, and it assurance that the ways considered the corn laws as laws not imposed formortificationto him to find must be a great the benefit of any particular class, or to be continued on unintentionally been the means of deceiving a great body that ground ;but as being, in the first place—in liar of his fellow -countrymen. .(Cheers and laughter.) But mony with the general policy of the country, which was beyond what passed at thesemeetings, . the Protectionist the protection of native industry—the protection amongst speeches duringmade the elections showed that many' other producers, of the producers of corn. And in the honourable gentlemen ' opposite were fully persuaded that next place, understood the question to be one of public they could restore protection. (Hear, hear.) What did policy, and that it was considered desirable to raise the hen. sufficient food for hon. member for Dorsetshire say l ' He said that the within ourselves, within our own soil, suffici thepublic Protectionists were divided into three classes. The first the sustenance of the people. These were . class is composed of those who think that protection tae reasons for the maintenance of the corn laws. But the moment Parliament decided that it was not wise to never be restored ;the second of those who iin!er e keep up the system of protection—that it was not wise that it may be restored in time ; and the third f, 1 "•,"; 0 to diminish the food of our own people, and make the who would re-establish it at once. With respectitc tut' two keep first, food dear in order to obtain the advantage of having it latter I have nothing to say; but with regard to th be re. all produced within ourselves—from the moment such a those namely who think that protection n eve!: can_ redidot them declaration was made these laws ceased to be just, be- stored, I must say that it was not very can tlieir friends cause they could only be considered just when justified to tell the farmers of this c ountry ' l .. Vat ' once see high on the ground of the public welfare. So soon as Par- should be placed in power they w.? W 11, but the right hon. iament declared that they were not for the public wel- Prices restored. (Hear, hear.) a g e ° is, I think, not a are—that none but a certain class, such as the owners gentleman has a case, and rightthc lion. gentleman. But fof land, could profit by them, and that the great body of very pleasant one for the b ee stated by the right hon. the nation were not benefited ' by them--the laws at once granting the case as he has a character like that ceased robe just, and were stamped with the mark of injus. mooch ' that to a predecessor of his, and ens of tice. (Cheers.) Now, willing as I should be to see a reso- which has been gi ittienst of his predecessors- 2 Mr. Towns lution to which the whole body of Free-traders in the the ablest ande7 whom _ Mr. Burke said that he was isifi house will assent, yet I own I cannot say that the oh- end, . 1 , 1 ,1 1 , 0 e r e, h av ing an o pinion—daughter)—giving the jections stated by the hon. gentleman opposite are so i' gentleman credit for being like his precle nitehivbon. reasonable that I ought to alter my vote, and refuse to g ; cessorn .n that respect, why then you must come to the vote for the motion of my honourable friend on account conclusion that without thinking protection could be re of the difficulties which have been noised. (Cheers.) stored, and being rather in favour of free There is, however, another reason wliy it may be said allowed this great party, the great party of the taxmen' some injustice was attached to the repeal of the corn of the country to believe that he would restore farmer's It pro.' laws, and that is that the repeal was S 0 sudden. It bas t tection, when he never believed • in or expected any been said that the sudden repeal acted. unjustl, and that tection, of the kind. (Hear, h were thereby , ear.) I must say, sir, I a great body of the most deserving class Ido not think that some part of the house—those who are exposed to great hardships. But if ti tat efts because, interested called the Manchester scho o l—ma y be described as see that I am at all to blame in that re sp, had interested parties ; but I last night, I think the farmers have the right hon. gentleman reminded nr! r 1840, proposed this owing to them that the should know the truth, y . . in the year 1841, and indeed in char? ( -a , e might be more and that they should know the opinions which eminent an Bs. duty, in order that the , in 18r 45 I still proposed . men in this country equally entertain ; and I think that gradual. (Cheers.) And even ar _,ow. But honourable if the right hon, gentleman has known all this, that it a fixed duty with' a similar would ever listei i to such a change would be impossible to restore protection, and that bene gentlemen opposite would n t dl it ad amongst other fits to the land I think it was must be sought elsewhere, as that. And althougla repea e Y I p me Minister, :Lord Derby, that due to that body to tell them so (hear, hear) ; and I be persons, the present li to such chap ge he would find lieve the farmers this to of country be as respectable and if he would not consent dom. I do not 11 retest • he himself at last deprived of all p ion, still went worthy as any body of men in the king • 1 matters they have chant re (Hear, hear.) believe that upon these economical on obstinately refusing suchanylhad s , . foundations, or they The change occurred of as la up! cased. It swept reasoned the matter to the fowl Smith,or some of his away the whole the corn ws ; and Lord Derby, may have gone through Adam due to them to who treated me as the greatest enei ny of the f armers disciples. And therefore I think it.was d opinion of the last House in 1845, and said that Bs. was no protection at all, tell them what was the settled bbl be the settled endeavoured in 1851—but endeavour ed in vain—to t ge of Commons, and of what would pro a y . er with re. some m ember of the house to prop Dse a duty°- ' • of this house (hear, hear). I remember with opinion of not and to the Roman Catholic question, when the Duke more than ss. (Cheers.) I mei itio thesewasplacedtime fact:, Wellingtonand Sir Robert Peel proposed the settle. iii very painful sir- of cumstances. I was held up in 1841,meat of that question— g a . is the enemy great - and asking him his opinion. He said :- 4, My opin• of the farmers, as wishing to destroy .1 was;heir prospects and ion would certainly be against the Roman their interest, and every effort odious in their eyes. (Hear.) Certa l : nacle to render me Catholics but I see all the great men in Parliament faction to me now to see that the very n ly it is some saris are for 'them,,, and therefore I give up my _opin't they held me up to odium is a boon Jiiim m e asure for whichtoion to theirs. Why, upon this question of yr: lei e they own be t e ction, I believe that if a fair otateraeut haql 1)“. unattainable, and which they would b a very glad to ee- 6 6 2.f 1 43 i T il u X9l 9 50 7 6 9 i'~ .