The Sun. — London, England, 1846-02-10 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, Afonday, Feb. 9. The 1.03. D CHANCELLOR took his teat on the Woolsack at Fiv.l o'clock. Lord STANLEY presented a petition, egnecl by 12,339 owners and occupiers of land, and tradesmen, manufaeturers, and labourers of the north division of the county of Lancaster. He had examined the signatures to this petition, and be had found them all to be genuine, and to belong to the dif ferent classes of trades and callings enumerated in the heads of the petition. The petitioners stated that their confidence in the continuation of the protection to agriculture was such that they had bean induced to expend capital in extensive improvements in agriculture and manufactures. It fur ther stated that it was the opinion, not only of the owners and occupiers of land, but also of the working men and manufacturers, that it was of the greatest im penance to their different trades that the protection to agriculture should be continued. The petitioners also complained of the unconstitutional, they would not say illegal, interference of the Anti-Corn-law League, with the constituencies of the country. He had also several similar petitions from different parts of the county of Kildare in Ireland. Lerd REDESDALE said he bad a petition of a similar nature to present from the county of Oxford. Lord BEAUMONT presented several petitions frem tenant farmers and others connected with agriculture in favour of protection to agriculture, and expressive of the great alarm those individuals felt at the proposed changes i • and he also begged to give notice, on the part of his Noble Friend the Duke of Richmond, that, on Thursday next, the Noble Duke would move for certain returns regarding local taxation. Lord FARNHAM. presented petitions against the repeal of the corn-laws. Lord GREY presented several petitions from tenant farmers and others connected with agriculture, in favour of the propositions of Government. They had only two objections to those propositions; namely, that the aboli tion of the dudes of corn and sugar were not immediate. Almost all the tenant-farmers in this country con curred in the opinions expressed in the petition. He had great satisfaction in presenting that petition, and he hoped and believed that the opinions therein contained were entertained by the first farmers in thie country, whether they were at once opposed to protection, or in favour of a delay of three years. Earl. ST. GERMANS said, that with regard to the motion he was about to submit to their Lordship; he anticipated their fullest consent. This was a Bill for the further amendment of the Act now in force for the ex tension and promotion of the public works in Ireland. The proposed measure divided itself into two questions; first, that of loans, and second that of grants. In regard to the first of these, the alteration upon the old law was very small. It was proposed to place at the disposal of the Commissioners of Public Works for Ireland the sum of 50,COO1.; the sum originally placed in their hands being now reduced to 60001,; and the present grant was to furnish a further supply. The ul teretion in ite administration was, that whereas formerly the application had to be made through three magis!rates, it was now proposed to be made through two magistrates, assisted by three rated or assessed. Respecting the second division, that of loans advanced for the improving and reclaiming of' lends, the old law required that such advances should be paid back in three years after the improvements were effected. This was fount to be impracticable, and now it was proposed in the Bill to extend the period to twenty years. lie had no doubt this measure as ould work beneficially in developing the resources of Ireland, in connexion with three or four other measures which were submitted.—(Hear, hear). He believed that no measure could act more ~benefisielly for the peopte of Ireland than the drainage measure. The Bill of which lie then spoke was eminently calcu lated to extend and enlarge the power of the Bill iatro duced by the Noble Lord who preceded hien, as it ena - bled the commemoner of public works to give employ ment to the people—(Hear),—which was essential in the existing emeigency. The Harbour Bill would also be introduced, which would further enable the people to avail themselves of the kindeess of Providence. An other-Bill would also be introduced, which would enable grand juries to appoint presentment sessions for' the carrying on of public works without requiring the sanction of an asdze. A more profitable outlay of capi tal they could net have; and he called on the Noble Lords to entertain the measure kindly, particularly in the present moment when the people of Ireland were threatened with the disastrous consequences of a general failure in the crops and prepahly a grievous famine. Lord ISIONTEA.GLE said that at the present moment it not only behoved Noble Lords to pass the Bill, but, further, that they should pass a series of measures, of which the present was but a component, fur the improvement of the condition of the people of Ireland. He had heard it stated that the pressure on the people of Ireland was but slight, and nut entitled to serious consideration. A greater or more grievous mistake could not be entertained, and could only have pro ceeded from a misapprehension of the real facts. It was by no means a trivial matter in the present posi tion of political affairs between the two countries, that no individual Member of that House should be repre sented to the people of Ireland as indifferent to their in terest, particularly when the deficiency of food in that country at present was considered. It would be of great importance that it should not appear that that House was indifferent to this state of things. He should say, that the magnitude of the evil in respect- to food in Ireland had by no means been exaggerated. The Noble Lord then read extracts from the reports made by Mr. Lindley and Mr. riaytair upon the state of the potato crop, by which it appeared that the crop was de ficient by one-half, and that there would also be a defici ency of seed ; and that the result would be that the distress to be apprehended in Ireland from a scarcity- of food would be most awful and appalling. The Commissioners stated that it appeared from un doubted authority that out of 32 counties not one hid escaped the failure of the potato crop, and that out of the districts around 130 poor-law unions, not one was - exempt from the failure. To those who were co' - nected with Ireland this presented a very sad aspect. He remembered, in 1822, being corneal: sioned with some of the most useful men (amongst whom the late Mr. John Smith was conspicuous) to inquire into the cause of distress in Ireland. At that time, when they had at their disposal 300,0001. subscribed by the English na tion, and which sum was afterwards doubled by Parlia ment, they had o:ily to cope with the partial distress of ten -counties, and that distress did not begin until the spring, They had now to deal with the dis tress of thirty-two counties, and the distress had begun before the month of February. They knew by sad experience that not only the want of food, in the country would be felt, but they also knew that other calamities would follow. The benefits which had been done to that country had, however, been stated by others, and he would not, therefore, refer to them particularly. But he could not help saying that the treatment which Ireland ought to receive ought to be the treatment due to a young country. Now the public works had a tendency to a public benefit. What had been the results of public works in Ireland ? But it had been suggested to her Majesty's Government that consider. be good might be done by Government if they mate a better appropria tion of the constabulary and retie° rates in the _ several counties. This was a subjeLt that call&l. 'fi a•• the peculiar attention of the Ministry. Whatever diff rence was made in the appropriation of public burdens, or wheteter pressure was removed, the relief should be granted in agreement with jus ,ice. In the' present instance the measures by the Government on the Constabulary rate acted in an inverse ratio to this principle. Take the counties of Down and Tipperary. In the county of Down, which had been tranquil and prosperous, and where the constabulary rates had been light, the relief would be much less in proportion to that of Tipperary, in which for a long time the rates had been very high, arising from the in security of life and property. If a remission of the- constabulary rate Ives to bit made, the alteration should be such as to appropriate the Leeefits in the same ratio as the rates had Lan imposed—apportioning relief in proportion to the. tranquillity or disturb ince that might respectively prevail. Ile doubted much whether the proposed re • rare ion would be an improvement, especially the taking away the constabulary force from under the local magistracy. Great advantages had resulted from this connexion both in the discipline of the force and the benefits resulting from this employment ; and if they took away this corps from under the control of the magistrates, it would make the constabulary force as sume the character of a foreign gens d'armerie force. He begged of the Government not to disFasociate the force fraln the local protection under which it had hitherto been placed. In proposiag measures fur the relief of the • - people in Ireland, it was his, opinion more would be done for the tranquillity of that country the employment of engineers, the construction of public b t y works, draining had such like measures for giving population em pioyment,than by any other course be devised. If they di 1 an act of justice or let it be directed by wisdom, as that course alonreostihtye would be at -pular tended with success. With respect to repeal of t a te t the taxation, though • it might be very Po tinter it was proposed, it was soon forgo would not survive the session in which it was agreed He trusted that if tho: measures should be adopted, they would exeic:se a beneficial and useful - in fluence upon the l.eople of Ireland. He had p () k en -upon this subject at greater length than be had intended, but it was one in which he felt a great interest, for he hail the welfare o f- his country sincerely . .h 3 at heart,. and was most saxious to se e h er condition am mien s eho l ratemd.e mbers 11. had wit of had communication that Hous e as well as with some of those of-the other House of Parliament, and he had not met with - one who had any interest in land in that country who did not appear to agree with him in opinion upon thla subj - ct. The Dz.ke of WELLINGTON said he had no right in king this dieubt the Noble Lord opportunity of speaking uwpaosnthis subject. But it should be remembered that this was a Bill not yet bifore that House. It was a Bill which had re_ received all the attention from many No ble Lords which it was possible to give it in the short space of time allowed, but he could not say that they had ag reed to adopt th e proposition it contained. It was well known that the police is x had always been a tax upon the land, and it should -• , .;tted the to be aliowed to continueso. in the hands of Government A from the police-tax. They immendation from the Com • ind before they came to any t they would take into con don. No person was more de ;stthimprovements a s w o u ld lotion, country," There, were which would co and which would have ule on Ireland ; and, therefore,thuee be admitted that it ought not 't_ • at present a Bill i ' • • ' ountie. .........., 64 , 1 4 A ......s . _ r .. 1 0 lookiikilkm rii QCOM •0, .." . -..1 IF' N; 0, ect, an .L. .. n• 44,' ilt i bjQct At ilt ~ „`:eleff`, • 1 4 , :42 : •4' ' ndati .„..,..i s 4 ,1:, ' 0 king • 4, .' • - a of \**, g lr, sy tempt ot i : :,• . , a „...A., --- Pewi'7 , . ,!ession in 140 c' 1 ,-,. - : • efißt of givingSelief to I TME S UN, LONDON, . wished that his Noble Friend Aultl e postpone the dis- CussiOn until the matter came foret'ethe House in a more regular manner. 4: '• , Lord STOURTON said that he should feel him self wanting in his duty both to England and Ireland if he did not express his entire and full concur rence with the measure proposed by Government for the benefit of Ireland. The labour of 'lreland was now about to be absorbed in resources which—and he said it to the disgrace of this country—had been kept for 600 years in darkness. He would refer to the year 1817, when it appeared that no less than 65,000 per • sons passed through the fever hospitals of Dublin. He hoped also to be allowed to express his concurrence in the perfect truth of the report which emanated from the House of Commons in the last session, in which the absolute necessity was declared of bettering the condi tion of the Irish people. That statement was also made ten years ago; and now that they had it in 'their power to cement au union between the people ef England and Ireland —cementing them in a manner that no repealer could break—(Bear) —he called on them to act wisely and boldly. He would wish to see the peasantry of Ireland raised to a proper level ; and he should say it would be a much more gratifying circumstance if the people were less dependent upon land. Mr. Forster, in 1825. stated that " the Irish must have land, as they depended on it." . Now that was a most grievous circumstance. Therefore he should say that their policy, their interest, called on them to support the present measure ; and he should shrink from his responsibility as a Member of that House, if he did not advise them to combine and endeavour to advance such a policy.—(Hear, hear.) If they placed a police force in the stead of the military force which it would be otherwise necessary to maintain in the counties of Ireland, Government ought to recommend that the quota of the expenses should be borne by each county, or by each town-land in which the police force might be required. He thought, and the Commissioners were of opinion, that .this course might remedy the evil complained of. But be thought it not only necessary that they should patronise public works, but that they should also give every assistence to agricultural improvement, for this was not only required for the happiness of the people at present, but for their future prosperity also. He felt, as a resident landlord in Ireland, that this mea sure would be of great benefit to that country, and there fore he had no hesitation in saying it should have his con currence. There were some clauses in it he could not agree to—he meant the compulsory and mandatory clauses, and he trusted they would be modified. He had listened to the speech of his Noble Friend opposite with great attention; but he could not believe that the distress anticipated by the Noble Lord in so short a time as he had stated would take place, at least in that part of the country, the north of Ireland, where he resided; and if great distress were apprehended in other parts of that country he trusted that the Government would adopt such measures as would tend to avert that calamity. With regard to what had been said in reference to the police force, he was ready to admit that that was a most useful body ; but he could not but ft el that the magistracy of the country had often been put aside by the power which the Government held over them ; and he also thought that some communication ought to have been held with the magistracy before this step had been taken tomalec that force a species of gem d annerie.The landed gentry of Ireland felt this neglects ery much. They were anxious, as magistrates, to do their duty, as they had hitherto, he believed, done; but they thought they ought to have been consulted. He would, as far as the present Bill was concerned, give it his sup port, and when it was in Committee he would call their Lordships' attention to certain amend ments to several of the clauses, which he considered • very objectionable, especially those proposing to take the powers out of the hail& of the grand juries, who were • made up of the resident gentry, and therefore those best - calculated to know That ought to be done. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE said there was no differeuce of opinion as to the principle of Vie Bill, which had his entire concurrence.—(Hear.) He had no desire to prolong the- discussion raised by the suggestion of the Noble Lord (Monteagle) respect ing the remission of the courity rates for the maintenance of the constabulary force. He (the Marquis of Lans downe) believed that suggestion. first came from the tneraLe:s of the Irish Landlord and Tenant Commission as a most desirable arrangement, and that it should be done upon the principle of equality. It was then recom mended irresr cave of other considerations but the relief of Ireland, but now it was brought up as part of a general measure of justice to the occupiers of land, in conse quence of the great and important scheme of improvement submitted to Parliament for the relief of the country. He held, as a general principle, that grants for public works would be more beneficial than any other measure that could be devised, as it would be always reminding them of the services rendered by Parliament to that country. He believed that the relief from the consta bulary tax would be greatly beneficial, and was a mea sure of great importance, but it was not the measure that her Majesty's Government should adopt fur the relief of a distressed country. After a few words from Lord COTTENLIMtI, Earl DEVON fully concurred in the course of policy suggested by the Noble Lord who preceded him, as it would have the effect of improving both the moral and physical condition of the people of Ire!and. There could be no second opinion as to the necessity of the Bill before the House. Lord MOUNTCASHEL said that the present cir • curnstances of Ireland deserved every consid:ration. lie had only arrived from that country within the last few day s, and he could assure their Lordships that the wants o. the peas.nttly were not in any th•gree exaggerated in the south of Ireland. Want and famine were staring them in the face. In a short time the poor-houses would be so filled that there would be no room for applicants. What was then to be done ? lie had been glad to see that every endeavour had been made by Parliament to meet the wants of the people, but he was informed that the railway Bills would not be forward enough to give em ployment 0 the people. In his own neighbourhood po tatoes were selling at the prices usually received in the months of June and July, and there watt every appearance of their reaching a higher price. Ile happened to live in a very peaceful neighbourhood, bat within the last fort night there had been very unpleasant symptoms exhi bited. Large bodies of men were going aboet armed, and several murders had been committed. It was a common declaration that in two months they would have civil war. Ile might be allowed to state one word with regard to a matter which had, perhaps, no connexion with the present Bill, but which had been moved by the Noble Lord who brought it before them. It was the intention of the Government, to bring forward another Drainage Bill. That Bill was viewed with a great deal of apprehension. The Noble Lord then proceeded to read extracts from a letter he had received from some millers in the north of Ireland, who expressed a hope that no measures would be suffered to become law which would have an injurious effect upon their propez ty; they alluded particularly to the Drainage Act. The Earl of ST. GERMANS expressed a hope that no alteration would be math in the Bill now before the House which would affect injuriously the present bur dens upon land. Lord COTTENHAM said a few words in reply, which were inaudible in the gallery. Earl ST. GERMANS said that it was his intention to move the committal of the Bill on Friday next. Their Lordships then adjourned. ill HOUSE OF COMMONS, Monday, Feb 9. The SPEARER took the Chair at a few minutes before Four o'clock. . NEW MEMBERS. Lcrd MOUPETH took the oaths and his seat for the We.t Riding of Yorkshire. On the entrance 4)f the Noble Lord, who - was introduced by Lord John . Russell and Mr. Byng, he was greeted with loud cheers from all sides of the House. Mr. WCARTHY, who was introduced by Mr. O'Con nell and another Hon. Member, took the oaths and Lis seat for the city of Cork. THE AYSIIIRE AND GALLOWAY RAILWAY. Sir J. Y. BULLER brought up the Report of Sub . Commil tee No. 2, when M,r. HODGSON said, that before the report was or dered to lie on the table, he. wished to make a few ob servations. Ile wished to put a question to the Attor ney-General on a point of law, but at the same time he had no desire to impugn the judgMent of the Committee. The objection which had been taken to the contract of the Ayrshire Railway was, that the contract deed was 'invalid, inasmuch as two t;fthe trustees who were bound to perform the covenants were also shareholders in the Company. The Committee, when this objection was urged, came to the resolution, that by standing order No.. 40, the contract deed was invalid, and did not bind the trustees to the performance of its covenants. It was a Scottish Bill; and he thought that the objection which had bi en raised could not consistently be maintained. lie wished now to appeal to the opinion of the highest constituted law officers in that House, whether or not the fact of a certain number of trustees holding shares in the Complay would render its ece.tract invalid ? The ATTORNEY-GENERAL said, that under the standing order which had been referred to by his Hon. Friend all that was required was, that the parties sub scribing should bind themselves to the performance of the subscription deed. It appeared from the facts of the case that the trustees-were also shareholders, and agreed to pay the amount of their subscriptions in common with the other sibscribers ; and as trustees they a s) covenanted to see the due performance of the contract, so that in point of fact the covenanters were also covenantees. lie was of opinion that the whole deed was not invalid. The question was whether the sub scription deed was a compliance with the standing or,:er. It was perfectly true that in a court of law no action court td of hold, eq ibecause nov wouldparry cboeubl bound d e himself, m t r e l f,d deed, ina and w H , is ul o d p b in e ic o u bli pay the amount of his subscription. 'u undoubtedly geto an the s s dtraanii t i.al h ‘iv a .nah t gye the standing order had been complied with, orders, d a he s e e :se l: occurreda bw d ?ocualudseh a theve beenwith a respect com pl toan compliance parties would have bee 7ith n liable, if not in a court of law, at all events in a court of equity. Sir J. Y. BULLER said it would not become hi a lter the opinion expressed by the Att - arney-G m e: rer ii, to discuss a point of law. He could only sa y that the decisions to which the Committee had come were in ac.!ordance with the decisions of Sub-Commit tees of last year. lie thought, after the opinions which had been expressed, betterthatthßeillto take the a course t to pursue sual would be to allow the S i; e a f n e d r i r n e g d () t r o d e r t s h , e co S m ta m n i d t i t n e g e as t th b e e Ord,cott r e s r e s , , C a o n m d m fo it r tee it would, of course , ac t upon expressed by the At torne y _t G h e e n o e p ra in l i a o n n d wh sa ic n h cti h o n u d e d be b e ) n , g th u e ide House,forthe future.andsuch a n opinion should be taken as a Ir .il eck G to S t N°* lie an ' share ,comin dno objectionEt ec. that the Bill be referred CORN-LAWS. Sir H. HALFORD presented a petition from the town and county of Leicester, signed by 2,000 persons,. engaged both as manufacturers and agriculturists. The petitioners stated that they beard with alarm of the scheme proposed by Government for the purpose of re ducing those duties which protected native manufactures and agriculture, and they thought that the best means of security consisted in affording every lacility for the de velopment of the produce 'of our own soil.—(Bear, hear.) That security would be amply afforded under the exist ing corn-laws. The manufacturers stated that there were documents before the House which would prove the extremely low rate of wages at present existing in a dist' ict where there were. more than 100,000 persons, both manufacturers and agriculturists, mid the pro duce of which amounted . to 27500,000/. annually. Mr. BAMPTON presented a petition in favour of the measures 'of -commercial reform proposed by her Ma jesty's Government. Mr. NORRIS presented apetition praying for a con tinuance of protection to agriculture. Mr. R. YORKE presented a petition praying for a total and immediate repeal of the corn• laws. Mr. LIDDELL presented a petition, signed by up wards of ten thousand persons in the county of Durham, against the proposed alteraion in the corn-laws. Mr. M. CLARKE presented a petition in favour of the repeal of the corn-laWs. Lord DALMENY presented a petition of a similar naturo. An HON. MEMBER, whose name we could not learn, presented a petition, signed by nine thousand of the in habitants of Sussex, against any alteration of the corn- Jaws. Sir J. C. lIOBHOUSE a resented a petition, very nu merously signed, in favour of the contemplated altera tion of the corn-laws.. Mr. MUN Z (Birmingham) presented a petition from the merchants, traders, and other inhebitants of Bir mingham, complaining that none of the restrictions en copper ore were about being removed by the Go vernment. Mr. DUNCOMBE presented three petitions from Dundee, the seat of the linen manufacturers, in favour of free trade, which stated that they (the petitioners) were net afraid of competing with the whole world, al though every restriction should be removed. Lord MORPETH (who was, very loudly and gene rally cheered on rising) presented a petition from Wake field and Halifax, very numerously signed by merchants, bankers, and others in Yorkshire, strongly expressing their approbation of the Government measure respecting the corn-laws. Mr. FERRAND faid he should wish to ask the Noble Lord a question. Ile should wish to learn whether the signatures to these petitioners bad bean the free and unbiassed act of the petitioners ?—(Cries of " Order, crder.") He was prepared to prove that the working men —(Order, order)—were obliged to turn into the counting-houses of the large manufactories and sign these petitions, before they received their weekly pay ments.—(Loud cries of " Order.") The SPEAKER observed that the Hon. Menat:er might put put a question, but the rule of the House did not permit that he should make a speech. Mr. FERRAND—WeII, then, he would put the question—were these signatures of the kind that he described ? Lord MORPETH—He had only to say that, to the best of his belief and. to the entirety of his convictions, the signatures to the documents which he had pre santed were the free and unbiassed acts of the peti tioners. Sir W. MOLES WORTH presented a petition from the borouffi of Southwark, in favour of a total and im mediate repeal of the corn•laws. The SPEAKER observed, that perhaps it might be better fir the house to receive petitions on the corn laws after the order of the day had been gone into. Mr. OWEN STANLEY gave notice that in the Com mittee on the corn and provision laws, he would move as an amendment, a fixed duty of ss. on wheat, 2s. 61. on barley, and 25. on oats, and so on in proportion. Mr. M. MILNES g..va notice that, in Committee on the resolution relating to the corn-laws he would move the omission of all words after 1849. Mr. S. CRAWFORD gave notice that he would call the attention of the House to the propriety of extending the power of poor-law guardians, so as to enable them to grant out-door relief to the people of Ireland. Mr. T. DUNCOMBE moved for a return of the number of all persons who had removed from the agri cultural to the manufacturing districts, particularly in Yorkshire, Lancashire, and Cheshire, in the years 1841, 1842, and'lB43.—Agreed to. . . Lord Somerset, Lord Sandon, Sir George Grey, Mr. Wilson Patten, and the O'Conor 1)on, who constitute the Committee on Parliamentary Election Petitions, were then sworn at the table. Captain ,POLHILL gave notice of a motion, to the effect that he would on a future day move that the dtity to be paid on foreign corn for the next three 'years should be given to the tenant-farmers,: who would be injured by the measure of her Majesty's Ministers. Dr. BOWRIING would ask whether any and what measures had been taken by her Majesty's Government to inquire into the character of the disease said to have broken out at Roe Vista in consequence of communi cation with the Eclair ? Sir G. CLERK said that such measures had been taken as would meet the case. NEW WRIT. On the motion of Mr. YOUNG, a new writ was ordered to be issued for the election of a knight of the shire for the southern division of the county of Notting ham, in the room of the Earl of Lincoln, who has ac cepted the office of Secretary for Ireland. FACTORY SCHOOLS. Mr. BRIGHT wished to ask the Right Hon. Baronet the Secretary of State for the Home Department re specting the proceedings of the factory inspectors. He found from their report that Mr. Horner had given 1501. to schools connected with the Established Church, and 30/. to schools belonging to the British Society of Dis senters ; while another inspector had given 2701. to schools connected with the Established Church, and to schaols not so connected. Now, it was the intention of the Factories Act that the sums appropriated by the Government for this purpose should b 3 freely and equally divided amongst schools where factory children were being educated ; and he wished to know whether these grants were in future to be made in accordance with the spirit of the Act ? Sir JAMES GRAHAM (who spoke in so low a tone of voice as to be scarcely audible in the gal. lery) was understood to say that the funds appro priated by the Legislature for the benefit of fac tory schools would be divided eqaally, and without favour to one sect or another. The inspectors had, he thought, made the distribution referred to by the Hon. Nlcinba in this spirit, fur most of the Catholic: schools refused to receive aid from those fund=, while the British schools had only taken the money at the request of the inspector himself. Sir R. H. INGLIS hoped he should not be deemed wanting in courtesy to the Right Hon. Baronet if he asked, without notice, whether the sum to be apportioned to the several schools was to depend upon the number of children educated in the schools, or whether a certain sum was to be appor tioned to each, whatever the condition of that school might be ; he thought this was important, and there fore he v. ished to ask whether the same sum VVPS to be apportioned if the children educated were 50 or 100 in the school—in fact, whether the sum given was to be in proportion to the number in the school? Sir JAMES GRAHAM was under the necessity to give the same reply as he had just made to the previous question. They had first to ascertain the number of scholars, and the revenue of these schools, and the relief would depend on those circum• stances. JUVENILE OFFENDERS. Mr. LIDDELL had a question to ask, for which he hoped to be excused, but, in the absence of the Noble Lord, the late Member for Dorsetshire, who it was known had taken a great interest in the condition of the juvenile population, but who, in consequence of his feel ing upon a point of honour, had resigned his seat, and was, therefore, unable to put the question himself, he hoped he should be excused for asking it without notice that such an inquiry was required might be gathered. from the remarks lately made by a j udge in one of the criminal courts. No subject was more deservedly worthy of the attention of the House. As he had stated his views to the Right Hon. Baronet, he would not then detain the House by any observations, but simply ask the Right Hon Baronet if the Government was prepared to take any steps towards the improvement and re formation of juvenile delinquents ? Sir J. GRAHAM said the subject had occupied the serious attention of the former as well as of the pre sent Government. Up to 1838, there was no institution in this country devoted exclusively to the punishment and reformation of juvenile offenders. Shortly after an institution was formed in this metropolis in which 300 of these persons were confined. In that year, with Cie sanction of that House, Parkhurst prison was erected, which he thought had beeen conducive to the moral improvement of those who were consigned to it. In that institution there were now 660 confined. In addition 200 juvenile convicts were confined in tie.) Pen tonville prison (as we understood). If it was the pleasure of thatErlouse to sanction what would be brought forward by the Government on the subject, and to give an annual grant fur the mainte• nance of all those young prisoners after their conviction by a jury, he would endeavour to induce the magistrates of the various counties of England to set apart a portion of the prisons under their direction for the reception of juvenile offenderi.--(llear, hear.) If this plan were carried out in each county, he had no doubt that benevolent persons would aid the Government in putting these unfortunate persons, on leaving prison, in the way to earn an hem st living, and to restore them to society.—(ilear.) DRAINAGE BILL (IRELAND). Sir WM. SOMERVILLE Lquired if 'it was the intention of the Right Hon. Gentleman (Sir J. Graham) to move that tha House should g ) into Committee on this Bill that night. Sir J. GRAHAM was understood to say that he should make a motion to that effect that night. REPEAL OF THE DUTIES ON CORN. Sir ROBERT PEEL then rose and said I am desirous to make a statement with reference to the ques tion which the Noble Lord the Member for the City of London, put to me the other night, respecting the repeal of the duties on corn—foreign corn—immediately after the passing of a resolution to that effect by the House. The reply which I gave . to that question has created an impression in the country that the Treasury intend to repeal these duties, as well as other duties, as soon as the House shall have signified its consent. I answered that the Treasury would remit the 'duties on foreign corn after the assent of the House had been .givtn to the resolution. I find that my impression was a wrong one. In every case wherein the corn duty had been altered by Par liament the reduction of the duty had taken place from evening. In answer to Mr G. PALMER, TUTEE I•'.A.Y MORNING, FEBR the passing of the Act, and the Treasury have never, in any case, undertaken to remit the duty. Now, Sir, I should be exceedingly unwilling to assume, on the part of the Treasury, any authority for which there was no precedent, and I should also be exceedingly sorry to assume it in this case, because I fear that an assumption of that authority for the first time would have a tendency rather to prejudice than promote the final success of the measure. It is the intention of her Majesty's Government, therefore, to adhere to the course Which has uniformly been pursued at all former periods of an alteration in the corn-laws, and to make the reduction of the duty—if the measure should be sanctioned by Parliament—take effect from the passing of the Act. I believe, in point of fact, that there will be no delay in taking corn cut of bond, for if there should be any chance cf the measure not receiving the sanction of the Legislature, parties would take corn out of bond, when they were certain that, after a short interval, they would be compelled to pay a duty of 17s. At the same time, it is of much importance that the decision of Parliament on the subject should ba known, and that the trade should have an assurance as to the prieciples which are to operate on the corn trade; and her Maje sty's Government propose to give a preference to the Corn Bill before all other subjects, and as far as the Government are concerned they will take no other Go vernment business until the decision of this branch of the Legislature with respect to the proposed new corn law shall have been taken. We shall, therefore, not go into any other amendment of the tariff until this House shall have given its assent to the new Corn Bill. Mr. M. PHILIPS wished to know whether, if the debate should be adjourned on Tuesday evening, it would be continued on Wednesday, and if so, whether the sit ting on that day would be a morning one ? Sir B. PEEL said that if an adjournment took place on Tuesday the House might proceed with the debate on Wednesday, and in that case he apprehended that there would be no alternative but to commence at twelve o'clock and adjourn at six, because the House had already passed a standing order on the subject of Wed nesday's sittings. He thought, however, it would be more convenient to consider the subject to-morrow Sir R. PEEL said that he would not preclude himself from any interval during the progress of the Bill which he was about to introduce on the corn.laws, 'but he might inform the House that it was his intention to proceed • with that Bill without delay until its final stage. • Mr G. 'PALMER was proceeding ta make some fur ther remarki, but resumed his teat amidst cries of "Or der, order." _ . CORN-LAWS. Mr. CHRISTIE presented a petition in favour of a total and immediate repeal of the corn-laws. Sir GEORGE STAN rON presented a petition iu favour of the existing corn-laws. Mr. RICHARD HODGSON presented a petition in favour of a total repeal of the corn-laws. Mr. G. BANKES presented a petition from a borough in the county of Dorset. The petitioners, he said, prayed fur a continuation of protection to agriculture until the sense of the nation shall have been taken. — (Cheers.) Ile had also a petition to present from the same county, and petitions from different places inHamp shire .aod from Ferrybridge, signed by an immense number of individuals, all praying for protection to Bri tish industry. Mr. B. HAVES presented a petition from Lambeth, signed by 2,000 individuals, in favour of a tJtal and im mediate repeal of the corn-laws, An lloN. MEMBEa presented a petition from NewpDrt, in favour of a total and immediate repeal of the corn-laws. Mr. CLIFTON presented a petition, signed by 12,000 of the inhabitants of North Lancashire, praying the House to continue. protection to agriculture. Mr. GISBORNE presented a petition in favour of a total and immediate repeal of the corn-laws. Mr. MACAULAY presented a petition from Edin burgh PAPER-HANGINGS. Mr. T. DUNCOMBE presented a petition from the piper-hangers of Finsbury and its. vicinity against that portion of the Government measure which had refer ence to a reduction in the duties on paper-hangings. CORN-LAWS. Mr. BRIG HT presented petitions from Exeter, signed by 1,864 persous ; from Stockport, signed by 9,000 persons ; and from 25 other parishes, praying for a total and immediate repeal of the corn-laws. Dr. BOWRING presented petitions from operatives in Warwick, and also from a parish in Wales, of a similar nature. Sir B. HALL presented a petition from Marylebone and Paddington, signed by 27,000 persons, praying for a repeal of the corn-laws. Mr. STRUTT presented a number of petitions from the county of Lancashire, also praying for a repeal of the corn- laws. Mr. ROSS presented a similar petition from the opera. tives of Bdfast. Lord JOHN RUSSELL rose to present petitions; from several parts of Devonshire in favour of a total and immediate repeal of the corn-laws. Mr. SCOTT presented a similar petition. A petition from au HON. ME3IBER, signed by . 6,600 inhabitants of a town, the name of which we did not catch, praying for a repeal of the corn laws. Mr. BENNETT preeet.ted a petition praying that nothing should be done respecting the corn-laws until an appeal was made to the constituencies of the country., Mr. HAWES rode to present petitions from a great number of towns and villages, one of which petitions was signed by 26,000 inhabitants, praying for an imme diate settlement of the corn-laws by repealing the same. Mr. MARK PHILIPS presented a petition from South Laccachire, signed by 14,500 inhabitants, pray ing for the immediate repeal of the corn-laws ; alsol an other petition from the Chamber of Commerce, Man chester, for a similar object. The petition generally approval of the commercial policy adopted by the Mi nistry with all becoming respect, they prayed that with the present session protective duties of every kind would terminate. He had also to present another petition from the Manchester Commercial Association; it coincided with the expressions of the other petitions, approved of the commercial policy of the Government, but prayed for an immediate repeal. The petitions were ordered to lie on the table. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL presented a petition from Abingdon, in favour of the propositions of the Government with respect to corn and other arti cles.—(Great laughter.) Mr. MILES presented several petitions in favourof the exi-ting protective dutie s im posed on corn ; one was from Somerset, another and another from a parish in the county o f Gloucester. The petitions another Glamorgan, fromthe county of froth a parish in London, prayed, that it there should be a reduction made in the present duties, an appeal would be first made to the country. Sir W. CLAY presented a petition from the Tower Hamlets, in favour of the Ministerial measures relati e g to corn ; it was signed by 80,000 individuals. Lord DUNCAN presented a petition from Bath, signed by the Mayor and 67,000 inhabitants, prayi ng for the immediate and total repeal of the corn-laws. Sir W. MOLESWORTII presented a petition to the same effect from the borough of Southwark, and another from St. Luke's, Chelsea. Mr. WAKLEY presented a petition from the borough of Finsbury signed by 53,700 persons, and expressing a strong approval of the measure proposed by the Govern ment, but praying . that the abolition of the corn-laws should take place immediately. Also a petition to he same effect from a town in Montgomeryshire. Also a petition signed by fourteen agricultural labourers in Pusey, Wiltshire, in which they state that the system of protection had reduced them to the lowest state of degradation and misery. The petition states, that not withstanding the system of protection, they have been obliged to submit to labour only suited to beasts of burden. They have been harnessed to carts. The aggregate number of their families, some of which comprised eight individuals, amounted to eighty-six, the aggregate amount of their wages was only 82s. He (Mr. Wakley) had reason to believe that the statements were correct. - _ _ An HON. MEMBER presented a petition from Stam ford, Crowland, and twenty-seven other parishes in Lin coln, against any alteration in the laws relating to the protection of agriculture. Mr. ELLIS presented a petition from the city of Co ventry in fav(,ur of the abolition of the corn-laws. Sir It. PEEL presented a petition from the city of Glasgow, very numerously signed, approving of the propo.,,ed policy of the Government with respect to the corn-laws and the system of protection ; also a petition to the same effect from Hawick and the burgh of Pol locksha w. Mr. MILNER GIBSON presented a petition from Huddersfield, signed by 3,000 hand loom weavers, in favour of a total and an immediate repeal of the corn laws. • Mr. F. T. .BARING presented a petition from Deptford in favour of the measure proposed by her Ma jesty's Ministers for a change in the corn-laws. Mr. ESCOTT presented a petition from James Adam Gordon, Esq., of Frome, near Bristol, praying the House to pass the measure of her Majes•Js Govern moot for a repeal of the corn-laws into a law. THE COMMERCIAL • POLICY OF THE COUNTRY. The SKI:AKER having left the Chair, • Mr. Y. MILES said, he rose to move that the House should resolve itself into Committee that night six months. lie trusted that he sheuld approach the ques tion in a mild and dispassionate manner. The question was one of the most important that had ever been sub mitted to that House.—(Hear, hear.) He would repeat that it was a question so important to the country that he trusted it would not be treated in a light manner. It was a question oF the greatest vitality. The proposed change in the commercial policy of the country was of far greater interest than the netirm Bill, and created far more dismay amongst all classes of the people than did that great measure.—(Hear, hear.) 'This great country had gained for itself a character for commercial policy, • and he hoped she would uphold it in all its glory. The measure proposed by her Majesty's Government was one that affected the merchant, the fanner, the mechanic, and the labourer.—(Hear, hear.) Nothwithstanding th e explanation given by th e R i g ht Hon. Baronet at th e c o m mencement of the ses si o n, he could not but ag ree i n th e expression of the Noble Lord the late lieved th e ex p ress i on o f a large majority of the Secretary for the Colonie s, and ho be- Right Hon. Baronet's colleagues, that there was no peculiar necessity for the measure. There was an undoubted- failure • in the potato crop in Ireland, a calamity which no one more sincerely deplored than himself, yet there was no real ground to appreherid famine in that country, for every report stated that the 10, 18,18. barley crop was a large one. Looking at the return which had lately - been presented to that House, he found that between the s:li July, 1845, and the sth Jan., 1846, above a million quarters of grain, and more than a hundred weight of leans, had been imported into this country. This did not look much like a famine. That there was no ground for an apprehension of a famine he thought they had ample proof in the fact, that at the time when the Right lion. Baronet wished to open the ports, the price of wheat in this country was 56e. 2d., a price which the Right Hon. Baronet himself considered in 1842 to be a fair price. Now; he trusted, the House would not consider that he undervalued the responsibility of a Prime Minister; far from it, he was fully alive to the anxiety which a Mi nister must 'feel at a time when a scarcity was antici pated, and ho was fully aware that at such a time, and under such circumstances, a Lord Lieutenant would be more than usually anxious to supply the Minister with information upon a subject of a deficient potato crop as often and as frequently as possible. lie had no doubt that the alarming paragraphs which the Right lion. Baronet read to them on a former occa sion made a great impression on his mind ; but when the Right lion. Baronet was considering the question, he .ought to have taken into his con dderation the state cf the markets in this country. He believed there were no parties who watched the progress of the nation more closely, and a ho knew as well the probable chances of an abundance or scarcity in the country, as the corn mer chants. Had it been the unanimous opinion of all parties ou the subject that a famine might be anticipated, he was sure the tenantsfarmers and landlords of the country would have joined with him in asking the Government to admit all the produce or grain which they could pos sibly get to drive away the famine, be the consequences of the act what they might; but he thought they had maple proof in the price of wheat that there was no such famine to be anticipated, and without wishitig to impute, he could nut help thinking, that the cause of pro tection had long been doomed in his mind.—(Cheers.) ,They had been called upon to look upon this question as a whole, and he was quite prepared to take up the matter, Lot as a thing of detail, but as a portion of a comprehensive policy He was quite prepared to view the subject in this light, and in doing so he would ask whether the gentlemen sitting on that side of the House were ready to aban don everything like protection, and looking upon the matter in the way in which it had been put before them, he would ask the Members of that House whether they were ready to assert that in operation this measure would prove fair and just to every class in the commu nity ? In putting this inquiry. he had no reference to any particular interest, for he was equally engaged in all. Ile knew with what ability the Right Honourable Baronet at the head of the Government had frequently urged the existence and preservation of protective duties. He knew what an immense amount of information, after thirty years' experience, that Right lion. Gentleman must hare attained.—(Cheers.) He knew at the same time with what readiness that Right lion. Baronet could change his views of a sub ject, and with what talent he was ready to advocate in that House the opinions he pow entertained.—(Loud cheering.) He should wish to know whether the Hon. Members of that House, who were now so ready to back the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Government -n his present proceedings, had been moved by their interest or their convictions to the present line of conduct? He would wish to know how many of them three mcnths ago were prep; rsd to abandon pro tective duties, and to agree with 'so much readi ness to vote the doctrines and practice of free trade. Ha really thought the answer would exhibit a curious contrast between profession and prac tice.—(Loud cneere.) He wished to know how many of them at that time were prepared to vote with the Hon. Member for Wolverhampton—(Mr. Villiers)?—how many of them had at that tune opposed the measures of that Gentleman and of the Honourable Member for Stockport (Mr. Co'aden)?—(Loud cheers.) A strange change had come over the views of these gen tlemen within the last three years, for there were no greater opponents of the views of .these lime Gentlemen than those who were now their most efficient supporters. He thought, for his own part, that if any such great change had come over their minds, as they now represented that it would have been their duty to .appeal to their con stituents, .and imitate the example of the Noble Lord, the late Member for. Dursetshire. They would then at least have placed themselves in a right position—they would have given an opportunity for the termination of their engagements, arid can the succeeding session of Parliament they would have . stood before the country as men of honour, principle, and truth. But what, now he would ask, was the position of Parliament? What confidence could be placed in the proceedings of a public assembly? For his ONII part, he thought that when such tergiversation as this was practised, there was an end of public confidence do public men. The more he considered this question . the more he was convinced that the propositions which had emanated from the Government ought not to be allowed to pass through Parliament before the deliberate opinion or the country was taken with respect to them.—(Cheers.) lie could not agree in the opinion which had been ex pressed by the Right Hon. - Baronet . (Sir Robert Peel) that the prosperity they bad recently enjoyed was mainly owing to the measures he had brought forward from time to time.—(Hear, hear.) Look at the state of the affairs cif this country when the Noble Lord oppo site (Lord J. Russell) retired from office, and when the Right Honourable Baronet was called to fill the office he held. At his accession great confidence was reposed in him ; he had a large majority in that lieuse; the trade -of the country was in a critical state —in a state of the greatest depression, the real conse quence of which was, in his (Mr. Miles'e) opinion, to be attributed to bad harvests, and to the immense trade which had taken place for years before. It was at this period that 'the large amount of capital invested in rail ways was found to answer. They had Been since that period to what extent - speculation in railways had gone. No one could have foreseen the great increase which had taken place in failwaYs—no one could have fore seen the great employment which they have given to the labouring classes.—(Hear.) So great a as the demand for labourers in connexion with these great works, that in many counties in England none could be obtained for the ordinary purposes of agriculture. Then they must lock to the great in crease in the iron trade.. The price of iron had been more than doubled .within the last two or three years, and if he might judge from the number of railways which would receive the assent of the House during the present session, a relapse in that de partment of trade could nut be apprehended at least for some time to come. Let them look at the increased impetus which this increase in the iron trade would have on the whole trade of the country. In this trade the wages of those engaged in it had been trebled. Now, a hen they took these things . into consideration, when they saw the periodical fluctuation of prices which had always taken place—when they saw the increased consumption which must result from the great activity in this as well as in other trades and which was quite independent of the Right lion. Baronet's measures—that the war in India hail terminated—that trade had been augmented—that they had had a succession of good harvests since the Right Honourable Baronet's accession to office—when he knew all this he could hardly.believe that all these advantages were to be attributed, as the Right Hon. Baronet stated, to the operation of . the measures a hich he had brought forward and carried through the House.—(Cheers.) Why many of these advantages would have taken place if the Noble Lord opposite (Lord J. Fussell) had been in office.—(llear.) Neither could he believe that large commercial exportations were evidences of the country's prosperity. They had seen. foreign markets—the markets of India and Of China—glutted with the cotton and other goods of this country, which Would require some time to. be got rid of Now, in considering the details of this measure, the first article which he felt bound to notice was corn. He could assure the House that it was not his intention to quote speeches of the Right Hon. Baronet which he had previously made on that question, so as to charge hitto with inconsistency on that subject —(Hear.) He knew that such a course would have no weight with the House The Right Hon. Baronet had told them that he had abandoned his principles, and that he now proposed to change the law which he himself had passed in 1842. If the Right Hon. Baronet considered that essential to the best interests of the country, he (Mr. Miles) for one would not blame him, but he cold not consent to follow him, or change his opinion so suddenly.—(Cheers.) The law of 1842, he • believed, had been admitted by all parties to have worked well as far as the corn-laws went. —(Cheers.) It had conduced, to. great steadiness of price, and, as far ge human calculation could go, he thought it had answered the Right lion. Baronet's ex pectations. Under that law the Right Hon. Baronet had aimed at a price of 56e., as being a fair price fair the farmer, and he (air. Miles) would like to ask the Right Hon. Baronet What price he considered a fair pri, e for the farmer now,—(Cheers.) He would to gird to know what ptice he aimed at under a repeal of that law ? Did he consider that this measure profered such great advantages to the farmer as to compensate him for the loss of lOa or 15e a quarter for corn, which Hon. Gen tlemen opposite supposed ? But the Hon. Gentleman had also told them that he did not consider that the price of corn would be reduced by this measure. Might he (Mr. Miles) ask the - Right lion. Baronet why he repealed this law ? And if the Right lion. Baronet's ar guments were good, might he ask what became of the argument of Hon. Gentlemen oppdsite with respect to the cheap loaf ? The Right lignourable Gentleman told them one story, and Honourable Gentlemen opposite told them another. Was he not justified, then, in asking parties to hesitate before they asked for that measure, and informing the country of his conviction that there was no necessity for the proposed change He believed that there was a vast difference between cheapness produced by good harvests and cheapness produced by the importation cf corn. He was afraid that the Right lion. Baronet had been misled in his calculation, and had over-estimated the pros perity in which this country had been placed. A great authority on this subject—an authority often quoted, he meant Mr. Huskisson—had said, " Cheapness produced by importation of corn from abroad is the sure forerunner of scarcity, but a steady home supply is the only safe foundation for steady and moderate prices." He (Mr. Miles) was of that opinion, and be thought that no check should be given to the growth of corn in this country, for he con. ceived no state so critical as that of being de pendent upon foreigners for a supply of corn. What ever the result of those measures might be, he thought no man could feretel. His own opinion was, that it would lead to a greater fluctuation in prices than had , ever been known—(llear)—and that before long Hon. Members might exp, ct to see the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Government coining down to the House to propose some treasures to regulate trade.— (Hear, hear.) lie believed that if the proposal of the Right Hon. Baronet were passed into a law it would have the effect of reducing the cepital of the traders of this country ; and, consequently, the amount of English speculation and enterprise ; and further; that the scheme would be roundlo be of far greater advantq;e to the foreign than to our own roanulactureri.— (Ilvar, hear.) He could not pretend to say that he had never been of a contrary opinion, but his belief at the presunt tine was that it would lead to agricultural dis tress ; thatit would also tend to lower wages in this country—(Hear)—and that the working classes would find themselves injared before the higher orders. If the proposal of the Right Hon. Baronet pawed the House they might henceforth consider free trade to be the rulir•g principle of her Majf sty's Government —(Oppositioii cheers)—and that sooner or later every interest must bow before it.—(Hear, hear.) When they had removed protec ion from agricultural produce he could not see with what justice the House could continue ax )tection upfoi any other.—(Hear, hear.) He felt convinced th at the shipping interest and all other interests must Rive up . . all claim to protection.—(Hear.) Of what use would their navigation laws then be ? The greatest interests in the country must be neglected if this removal of agricultural protection should take place. Where the sweeping torrent was to ernl, when the barriers had been broken down, he for one could not foresee, but he felt convinced that it justice were to be done to all parties, no protection should continue in the event of the present Government scheme being carried inei effect.—(Hear, hear.) If they took the case of the Noble Lord opposite (Lord Jeßus sell)—if he were to come into power again, he (Mr. Miles) felt confident that the Noble Lord must outbid the Right Honourable Baronet—(hear, hear)—or if he did not intend to do that, he (Mr. Miles) would be glad to hear from him what were his opinions upon the subject. Let him (Mr. Miles) take the case of the Anti-Corn-law League. Would they dissolve ? Would tt,ey retire into private life ?—(Loud laughter.) W suld the Hon. Member for Stockport—would the Hon. Member for Durham—cease to agitate ? Was he (Mr. Miles) not to suppose that others would rise up in their places to agitate some other question ?—(Hear.) He thought that if those opinions were once sanctioned by the Legislature, others of a similar nature would quickly meet with determined .advocates.—(Hear, hear.) He thought that the Right Hon. Baronet would find that he had only fanned the flame whilst he fancied he was extinguishing it.—(Hear, hear.) But when we had got this free trade, as proposed by the Right Hon. Baronet, (which he would certainly call a one sided free trade.)—(Hear, hear)—if he rightly understood the Right Hone Baronet he meant this, that every Euro pean, every foreign, nation should be allowed to import their goods into this country free of duty without any corn:soon:Eng advantage in return—he thought that the manufacturers of this country would find it exceed ingly difficult to compete with foreign nations un less they reduced the wages of their labouiers— (Hear, hear)—for already we were successfully com peted with by the foreign markets—by those of Ger many, Swi:zerlaial, and France, in cotton goods, in hosiery, and in silk;—(Hear, hear)--and unless this country had some additional advantage over foreign countries, it would be impossible for the realufacturers of this country successfully to compete with them. We have heard, also, from the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of her Majesty's Government that the price of . fetid does not elf -et the rate of wages—(Hear, hear)— and he considered it not at all unlikely that agricultural labourers would be employed upon railways, and other works, at a far higher rate of wages than was now paid to them. The manufacturer posiessed great advantages over the agriculturist. lie had an establishment much better adapted for the purposes of supervision, and he could look upon all his workmen at one glance—each has his appointed place, and each his allotted task. What cares the manufacturer what weather takes place? What, is it to him if the sun shines or the rain pours down? But, Sir, can we say so of the farmer? Can he look with one glance upon his farm and his workmen? Is he subject to no vicissitudes of weather? Is he sure of reaping what he has sown? Dees he always obtain his twelve hours' work from his la bourers, as these manufacturers do ? Can he limit their labour and sternly demand of them their twelve 'hours' toil ?—(Hear, hear.) Or do they sternly refuse to allow a reduction of two hours in their daily labour as . these manufacturers do ?—(llear, hear.) Much might be said to show that there was betwen the agricultural and the manufacturing interest those differences which would not admit of their being governed by the same laws and the same principles.— ( Hear, hear.) It would task the energies of the labourers to the utmost if protection were to be taken from them. Again, what advantages.have the manufacturers over the agriculturist with reference to the burdens they both had to bear ? He held in his hand a return from one of the largest manufacturers of cotton in the country. In that 'return he found that the amount of the work turned out in one year amounted to a trifle more than 700,000/., that the wages paid during that was 30,000/., and the whole amount of the burdens amounted to the small sum of 5501., a sum scarcely worth noticing.— (Hear, hear) When he looked at the compensation offered to the landed interest for this protestion which they were called upon now to give up, the consolidation of highways, the payment of medical officers, making together a trifling sum of some three or four hundred thousand pounds, spread over the whole kingdom in such a manner as scarcely to be felt, he considered they would have been more pleased if the Right lion. Baronet had offered them nothing at all. They were told by her Majesty's Goverhment that in the West India colonies free labour had done much for that part of the world.—(Cheers from the Opposition.) He would not detain the House with contrary proofs. They would be told that in the next year, or before the year forty-eigle, that the West India colonies would derive benefit from free trade.—(Haar, hear.) But, Sir, if they were to get free trade he would ask what use were the colonies ?—(Hear.) Ile had no objection to extend the principle of free trade, but the Government did not propose to extend the principle of free trade to the colonies: It' they did, why did they not propose to take off the duty on their corn, their m ,ize, and their other commodities, which they could send into this country in abundance ?—(1-lear.) Why did they not give greater advantages to the colonies than they now propose. of a total repeal of protective duties were advantageous to the country?—(Loud cheers.) They gave the traders, merchants, and manufacturers of this country a decided preference over the colonies.—(Hear, hear.) If they were to have free. trade they should in justice extend it to the colonies also. They should no longer anew the Inanteactarers of this country to have a monopoly. They must enable their colonies to form a connexion indspenden , , of this country.—(Hear and cheers from the Opposition.) . They had heard the system charasterised as a system of fair ploy, a 7 ;d they were told that the colonies were treated• fairly, and that the pros perity of the country depended on the measure of the Right Honourable Baronet.—(lronical cheers.) He feared that the manufacturers of this country were too much timulated, and that it was not safe to extend the enterprise of individuals; and he was sure the pro gress of trade would prove his fears were not unfounded. He felt and begged to emphatically state, that he believed he was advocating . the best in terest of this country, both the manufacturers and the agriculturists. and every class of British sub ' jests, by their advocating protective duties.—(Cheers.) He begged to move the amendment of which he bad already giving notice. Sir WILLIAM HEATHCOTE would ask per mission to second the amendment moved by the Honourable Member who had just set down. He considered, the measure of the Minister insufficient when taken separately, and destructive of each other when combined. They overlooked the evil of shak ing the .settlement of that very House of Parlia ment upon the question which was now before them. He believed that the Minister, in proposing these mea sures, had the best interests of the country in siew; but he intended to oppose them, as he believed them pre judicial to those very interests. He did not consider the measures of the Minister a large, or liberal, or im partial scheme for carrying out the principles of free trade, for he was forced to remember that pro festive duties were removed from some articles, whilst on others a very inadequate reduction had been made. But, if he did consider them impartial, he would be disposed to object to th. m, as he believed they would be a step in the downward course. He believed that the legislation for the last twenty years had been productive of evils far beyond wuas were generally observed—the poison had been concealed, but it was not the less danget ous. But it was not impartial—it was anything but so. It appearance, and it was less so in reality. It s l oin t Nvastiot in appearance, because it did not profess to take an adequat - ii; ratio in the removal of protective impositions. 1.1: the different branches of industry were to hese protection in proportion to the amount of manual labour employed in them, then that department in which most manual labour was ex pended had least protection. Those branches of labour where machinery was employed did not require any —(Hear)—and by the measure c mtemplated to be brought in by the Government agriculture was left without any protection at all. The measure contem plated was based on a misunderstanding of. the whole subject.—(Hear, hear.) The farmer, in comparison with ether persons engaged in industrial occupations in his own country,.and with foreign agriculturists, was not in the same advantageous position. Ile will be found exposed to a very unequal pressure cf taxation. He was obliged to submit to a large amount of local expen diture, which in foreign countties was defrayed at the general charge.— (Hear.) At that moment also he was under the pressure of the income-tax—under the stamp laws ; he wi I also be found under a weight of heavy indirect taxation in the Customs and Excise. It will be found, too, that while the manu facturers are able to have quick returns for the capital they have embarked, the agriculturist has to watt a long time before he receives any reture.—(Hear.)i He (Sir. W. H.) referred to those details for the purpose o censidering the great question of compensation.—(Hear.) He could not agree with that view which would place the country at the mercy of the foreign growers of corn. He could not forget that the farmers of' this country had for the last fifty years met the wants of the consumers cf corn produce according to the protection which had been afforded them. He had supported Ministers in their Canadian policy, but he could not support them in a measure which would work to the dis i advantage of the interest of the country generally. Her Majesty's Ministers were now about to pia with all those commercial advantages which Napoleon, in the plenitude of his power, would have considered the ip if purchased by half the victories he had achieved. He had supported his Right Hon. rrieni at the head of the Administration, upon agreeing with his general policy, but he must on the press nt question differ with him. The Right Honourable Baronet, however, should con cede to his supporters the right of scrutinizing his mea sures, and judging whether they deserve' i his eupp ; but if lie refuses to them the right of scrutinizing particular measures, and by their (Icing so he is induced to thr ow up the G o vernment, why the responsibility of the act was upon himself end not upon his supporters. Thank ing the House for their indulgence, he begged 'to re sume his seat, seconding the amendment. Mr. L.A.O sated. ELLES trusted the House weuld extend its indulgettoe whilst he to _them the grouras which would induct him .to support the measure of the Government. The • Honourable Member who had just concluded his address seemed to think that the country had attained to its present eminence in consequence of the restriction of commerce. Well, if the Hon. Member thought so, he confessed the Hon. Mem bt r had read history very dift rently to himself, for he found that since the establishment of the restrictive system nothing bet distress had existed in the country. ,On the reconstruction of the Conservative Cabinet, it was very evident what the policy was which they intended to pursue, and he must candidly assert that if the measure which' had been proposed by the Right Hon. Baronet had been brought forward by the Noble Lord opposite, it would have received his unconditional support. It might be observed, with respect to sugar and corn especially, that the indications of the measures of the Government were sufficiently evident, immediately after the preeent Government had taken office. He had, therefore, no pledges to break, no assertions to retract, and be bad no hesitation in giving his full adherence to the police' , which the Right Honourable Baronet had thought it prudent to adopt. With regard to the ccurse which the Govethment intended to pursue with those measures he mus profess his perfect ignorance, but, at the same , time. tie must protest against anything like an unprin cipled change of policy. From the very first In°, - ment that the Government took office, the whole of their acts inlicated the course ehich they intended to pursue. The very reasons on which the tariff was intended to be based were evi dent in the regulations laid down in its provisions. Numerous questions had been put, session after session, to the Right Hon. Baronet with respect to the corn laws, as to whether it was his intention to alter the pro tective duties or not. To all these inquiries the Right Honourable Baronet had invariably answered that he could give no pledges, but that h"s conduct must be directed by circumstances. Now, he did think e: that this was a matter of considerable importance. He believed that it was not the object of the Right not' Baroact to bolster up any particular system, but that it was necessary to go to the bottom of the system if restriction. When that Eight H°°' Gentleman propounded his policy with resplt' to sugar and several other products, there was a sow" cient evidence given to the country of the poicy ghee ti.ey intended to follow There might be suffering an distress in individual cases, but these were occurrence!. which followed in all such cases ; but that vve! no le aon why this measure should not ' carried into law.—(Hear, hear.) He ca: so little, accustomel to addressing this House, that he trus he would be exeuied for having trespassed. on its at' tention so long. Bat he had a strong feeling upon thi t subject ; ant hile he expressed his sentime. t as he hal done, he was placed in the painful po iti'n adopting a course at varia, ice with the opini° l l and wishes of his constituents ; but h coa l look back upon his past comae xi in with the a wit h : pride and saiisfiction.—(Hear, hear.) Lord NORREYS said that having sepported the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of her Majesty's G 9 vernment in all his measures for this country, well as in all his Irish policy, it was with considerab le regret that he now rose to express his opinions nil° the proposition now before the House. He waited t' hear the Hon. Baronet's explanation before he had tel' any course in reference to them, because he did thin that to attack him before he had developed thol measures see uld be unfair and unmanly, and if he (Leg Norreys) lied done so, he would stand degraded in own eyes as well as in the estimation of t' i House.—(Hear, hear.) No doubt, the letter f the Nook Lord the Member for ledil °l3 d as well as other events that had taken place, bad caus ed a necessity for s nne alteration in the existing stafe t o t the laws upon this subject. He did not expect 01 1 the Right Honourable Baronet would propose 6. '1, a measure. He was free to admit the d'", culty with which he must have made 1 ; 1 1, his mind for any alteration in the cornlaes, but ~, might have avoided the difficulty to a consider: 01'e extent. He might have taken a course wl ica would b opened the eyes of the agriculturists to the pos,tion in niu , e p j they then stood. If the Right Hen. Baronet had rele : i4, ' to return to power until the Noble Duke had bad t b s Government offered to him, he would have adopted the proper course.—(Cheers and laughter.) That n 5 t course which would have opened the eyes of the sli r i o culturiste, and would have enabled the H o nours;,. Baronet to have proposed a far different sea s the fie was sorry that the course taken 1 )7 t he Right Hon. Baronet was not in accoriiauce with for advice he gave in 1839. There was more necessit.Y o . an alteration then than there was now. Was the n. tb duct of the Right Honourable Baronet consistent sled his measures in 1839, 41, and 42 ? Lk had once ohilie to a duty of Bs, per quarter, and he new came to r °r .l ment to propose a ditty of 4s. and that to be folle b - u t by total repeal. What inference could he draw, „ ,,,e that the Right Honourable Baronet had " 00 . wanting, not in political integrity, hut in the Racal foresight. He had heard his Friend. tit Right Hun. Member fur Edinburgh, upbraid hint inconsistency in his political principles with b o• gard to the cora-laws. Ile (the Right [[on. for Eeinburgh) had charged the Right Hon. paro.:lB with declaring one thing out of office and an ther .O T IOO in office, and had, during his remarks, used a quo ta to which he (Lord Morris) thought very applied bje of the case, and which were simper the w'i d ' e r.) Dido, " .Nusquani tufa fides. "—(Loud laug h . t 1 it He should say that if the measure should be carrios.o would not be carried from tie conviction of its wissss or necessity, but b cause, seeing ;het the thiag- ble inevitable, the sii, porters or the Right Honoursto Baronet weal prefer doing for him what they we rd not be inclined to i'o for the Noble Lerd opposite (Fro John Russell). But why, supposing tnat the o pi. Minister of the Crown thought fit to change h is be er, niuns, should his followers change theirs ? (Hea r, the and laughter.) Whatever might be the result t'T ° sot measure, for the col s-quenees the Right. flon. l3° should responsible.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. B. COCHRANE could net acres in the n° s , to of many gentlemen who preced e d him ; and, I , ol=A;by the histoly of the corn-laws, he was compelled t o il ,lo . that he did not see any violation of pull is (as we understood the Honourable Metribe r4 , s tei the present conduct of the Ministry. Protection e, l ‘ es in previous to the Revolution. An alt e ration took Pi ti n eel the laws in the year 1773, and again in 1791. T° l l B4l , alteration took place in 1822, and subsequently ill t hen when the Bill was introduced, which th wer e ho e) called upon to overthrew altogether.—( Hear,i t In all this there was no principle, or it there were oo arose from a breach of faith. There was anoth er ' e in which lie differed with the Honourable Gent:1;01 who had ad tressed the House. It had bean stets u pe t; Members of reel' tment had no right to sop t () ,, this measure, uailess they first app,..'' le , their constituents. The authority of Mr. I -I ' w I , ' been asked, and great importance was attached pi.s opinion. N tvv, what said Mr. Pitt in 1798, wh ic e i ", posing the legislative union with Irelend? P' s tsc°:, if the question of Parliamentary confidence w° s ; ,,cil'', rated from Parliament, on the Pr• i ihts l ; that it had no right to decide A s o . ptin° an appeal to the people, they would be ar,-,1 per a principle most dangerous to the state, and on f e i : e ss o r version of all principles of political society. 14 b e not understand such a principle. Ho mieht ~ro ° , l 4 ,we d e an answer to it—that the Septennial Act was a House elected wrier a three years' system; tb ll% o f ° l Ronan Catholic Relief Bill was carried by t' • returned on priuciples opposed to that ineassr'or o e was impossible to define the limits of Perlianiet, nountability. If the principles maintained "sr, t'Y Honourable Gentleman who had addresse", House in favour of protection was to be acts 01' 11 it would make that House a mete of delegates, instead of a delib Tative and gte _ J , live ass& mhly, leaving gentlemen div e .. (fir;of the privilege of argument and reflectiolo ro e b e hear.) It would be most dangerous and d e s to to to the character of that House, if it w il er ti . 0 1 held that no Member should be at lid rele alter his opinion, supposing he had seen goo at ; for that change. The Right lion. Gentleinsoo4o • head of the Government had been charged Wl O. de; inconsistency in bringing forward this meal y g i st O o s. (Mr. B. Cochrane) did not see that other pub i ' b c t P o ol men were more consistent than the Pg hAvor Baronet. Honourable Gentlemen were in th e t set 11 0 quoting Hansard t o serve. th e i r p ur p oses , but o d e lication would serve th e purp o ses of other , a lly, Phil those who used it. One gentleman quote J s t „tetle, kisson's opinion "in 1814, while another (11 3 1 r. opinion in 1828. They might refer to whet, ~t i ee„o 4 ning said in 1827, in contrast with what he ad 1815.. He might refer to Lord Ashburton, w„ ~- „ ht) ees el ' t 0 an advocate of protection, yet who in 1 82 " a petition from the citizens of London, Prey total repeal of all commercial restrictions os es; f• Facies non omnibus tuna" 0 diS' He could not agree that all public men we r ,:',, e e de eei because they changed their either side such a docts ine was tint ° , - ;e. . 4 ) / It was ridiculous to propose an unalteratle s it %ht . ' tle ever did so was an unalterable fool— Great but a public question was not lik e s ,of, 4 0 0.4 es physical question ; he would seer hi a) t he '„t the might b. allowed so long to trespass 0 ° 1 ,00- og e; that he had seen many changes, told he di cl' ers ief necessity that drove a nation on from ehaq, eon° th e i r , Why, they had seen an entire change in thei• d os; T he; relation proposed within the last twelve 015 r, ' es t+ found those changes going on perr tli t si% y to found many changes within the las vos !sic'" Who could say that this law oio t r t. ', re' main unchanged? There was another vitis II t iey he would wish to draw attention, and Os' . . efr iou o ticv fererice to the Relorm Bill. lie wished tn..: o ffice 0 1 , how that Bill was passed. Who were s _l: Duh e A gti i : the Reform Bill passed? Why, the N°' t he w ise' of p elf in office was at the head Oi l ' • h tb ,e' cultural . Association, when that d so t eo is • o f There was another Noble Lord a ssoent s. " o w as " la p .0 Majesty's Governmint at that period, wP of t hat te u sie d p w a h r i a e t h ed th f a r t om n t b h i e e m L . rm T d he w G as ov a er in nin em e n b t eris t s h e rr 9tofie , swamp the House if that Bill were not so 10 e. An HON. MEMBER interrupte, that he was quite inaudible in these tl:l I elir s i3 u eb * fas e t p h l e e l :: i t Mr. B COCFIRANE would affirm tha t t he Pe, t ee hi l l But it mattered not. In the Governmente resigeqii, ode`. confidence. When the Right Hon. Barnn e s ' ote ed , ° so hav_ e d he held, the funds fell, but the instant tt s ii i npor ta ier . s e; ; s e position they rose. In these times it " e"nnthe eneects Government in which the people could P ‘ion like the re vern this should not be overlooked in a discus- tha t Go 0 3, t forge' , the pr e b ,., fore the House ; but they must no ~e ee get s i JO parties in the country who bad no conna,_!, bre. u. e . „ .o r ment, or in the measures which they r n d r 0 ,,,,,0t This Russell) in his was ably ur address ed by the Noble his con t ue n o 4 l ,eh . 1 i( t he I" th s G h o o v u e l d r n b m e e n n o t hsuadrrepnietgreodfthts:eitvirertS..sirboarti.t,.;:lewebicb pe Baronet, in bringing forward this I . loe_lli e l e o clamour which had been raised aganiP •., ora he a h._ idt ',. 11 q, led Ith:1