The Sun. — London, England, 1846-05-12 00:00:00

A. he former for the purposes of revenue ; and he would ask, had state before the House and th e coun t ry t h e reasons w h y t h e i r not agricult ere the same c l a i m upon th em . H e h a d, he considered, I opinions still remained unchanged upon the measure. a plan which he could recommend to the Right Pon IRaronet. i Had the intervals that had elapsed h..tvrepn the different stages pion, and „„, „inch would anasser of thediscus. ion upon it a d m it te d, h e stou l a have called ume , It was a great c ommerma l all purposes. They might read in the first pages of almost his constituents to express their opinion upon it, and if they all political economists, that moderate taxation did considerably differed from him, he would then have requested of them to stimulate industrs.- ( Hear, hear.) Why, this then was find some other gentleman in whom to repose the trust con the very thing which they wanted. Let him adopt this fided to him.-( Hear, hear.) He should confess he was at a plan and he would do away with the injustice and double loss to zee the validity of the argument that if the Torts had the revenue.-( Hear, hear.) But, in truth, protection was a been thrown open it would be impossible to close them again. benefit in one case as much as the other. He held In his hand If the ports had been thrown open, then the question as to a letter, written by a Noble ancestor of his more than two ten- closin g th em s h ou ld b e legitimately tested.-( Hear, hear.) tunes ago, and he considered that the cause of protection could At that period it was expected that the arrangemen s then ex be stated by few in that House in a clearer manner. The no- isting would never have been disturbed. He could not conceive bleman to whom he referred was Lord Franc's Roos. how the experience of three years justified the sweeping The letter was addressed to Mr. Carey. In this letter the writer changes which were contemplated by the Government. He said that an importation of corn was an exportation of money, and believed that the free importation of foreign grain would have that even in a case of necessity it was a hurt to the common- the effect of throwing the land out of cultivation, and the wealth. lithe importation of corn was unlimited, the effect of it labourer out of employ. He would tell the operatives that corn would be to destroy husbandry, and therefore the poor would could not be introduced into this country at a lower rate than starve for the want of work, as tillage land would be thrown into at present. Mr. Al•Culloch had stated that it was impossible sheep pasturage. What, asked the we iter, was the use of corn for foreign corn to be sold in this country under 525. perqr been told qr. being cheap if the poor man had no money to purcha se it w i t h? Th ey h a d b een to ld t h a t th e w ithd rawa l of protection would be that This was the opinion entertained in 1610 on this subje c t. H e th e di sso l ut i on o f t h e cons tit u tion. They had . now came to the most important point in the ar gumen t. I t t h e procee di ngs o f th e L eagu e were intended as an attack on was the relation of the rate of wages to the price of food.- the landed interest. He knew that a section of the party oppo ( Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Baronet, the Member for site had acquired great influence out of doors and in that Tamworth, said that he could no longer sup ort the corn-laws House. If those measures were to be successful either in the because the price of corn did not affect the rate of wages. The present Parliament or in any other, he trusted that they would Right Hon Baronet dismissed the manufacturing labourers at be attended with the benefits to the people which the Gentle once from his consideration. To that he (the Noble Marquis) men opposite anticipated. Whatever might be the result, it would say he had heard it stated, by more than one Member would be a lasting satisfaction to them that they had not given on the opposite side of the House, that the principal argument up a system founded on settled principles for ,a newfangled why the corn-laws should be repealed was, that by the reduced doctrine. They (the protectionists) had this satisfaction that wages paid the labourers they could better compete with they had never abandoned or betrayed the trust which had been foreigners.-( Hear.) This was a point, however, in his ( the committed to them. Marquis of Granby's) opinion that should not be determined in Mr. SHERIDAN wished to take the present opportunity of such a summary manner. But he would proceed with the speaking on a matter of a personal nature, which was inch argument as it related to the agricultural labourers. rectly connected with the business before the House. The The Right Hon. Baronet said that during the year Hon. Member for Lersetshire, in bringing forward the report 1837 the price of corn varied 38s. Between 1837 and on the Corn Importation Bill, had thought proper to cast some 1841 the variation of the price was 3es; whereas, imputation on the veracity of the statements which he (Mr. during the same period, the rate of wages varied but Is , Sheridan) had made. He trusted that he might be allowed on var ying from 10s. to I ls. per week. Now, he (the Marquis of the present occasion, as it was a matter that affected his char- Granby) must say, had this been the cases there would have acter, to occupy the attention of the House, while he endea been some show of reason for not maintaining the corn-laws ; voured to protect hinnelt from the unjust aspersions which had but he submitted, the Right Hon Baronet had been mistaken, been cast. on his veracity by the Hon. Member for Dorsetshire. in the argument. If the Right Hon. Baronet would go down He thought that that Hon. Gentleman would be better employ to Thetford, he would find it otherwise than he had repre- ing his time if he were tolook into the condition of his own poor tented, and that though the money rates of wages might not in Dorsetshire than occupying himself with comparing have much varied, th e actual wages received in other modes the amount of destitution in Ireland with other parts of the than by money had greatly altered. He ( the Noble Marquis) country. The Hon. Gentleman had asserted that the quota relied on certain returns furnished to the House of Lords by a tions which the Noble Lord the Secretary for Ireland had Noble Relative of his, and these returns showed what had been made use of on a recent occasion were in direct variance with the variation in the rate of wages in the neighbourhood of Bel- the truth. He would not go into any detailed statements with voir. In 1638 he collected the average wages of forty-two respect to these accounts. They were made public on his au labourers near Belvoir, by going throughout the different thority, and he was responsible for their truth. He was satis cottages of the labourers. The price of corn in 1838, was fled as to the correctness of his statements. Since last Friday 60s. a quarter ;in 1839, it was 525. ; the wages of the labourer he had addressed various letters to persons in the country, and in 1842, were 1 Is. 2d. a week ; in 1839, according to the in reply had received letters from clergymen which stated that return which has been made to the House of Commons, they the rate of wages in their county averaged 7s. per week. The had risen from 12s. to 13s. a week, so that the difference Hon Gentlest an then read a letter trim the Rev. Sidney between the rate of wages in 1638 and 1839, was Is. a week. Osborne, with respe c t to the labourers of the Blandferd Union. although the difference in the price of corn was not more than It was a document dated 1843 ; but the Rev. Gentleman was a fifth of that arneunt. It appears by the same returns, during well p rsuaded that the description contained in it with the year 1838, the labourer consumed on an average, during respect to the labourers of the Blandford Union was equally the week, 31bs. 1 loz. of meat, while in the year 1839 the applicable to the present year. The labourers were divided consumption was 31bs. 6eoz. So that the labourers abse- into two classes ; the first class received wages averaging from lutely consumed as much as 42Ibs. of meat less in Bs. to 9s. per week; out of which they had to pay house -rent, the Cheap year than they did in the dear year. If they were the other class received wages averaging from Bs. to to take this calculation as the basis of their consideration, it 9s. per week, and these accounts tallied exactly with would he conceived be quite satisfactory. If such the information he had derived from his own inquiries were to be taken they might very well set the ques- The Hon. Member for Dorsetshire had stated that he did not tion at rest, hut if they were to have recourse to a know of a case in which wages were so low as 7s. per week ; further test, namely, that of the proportion of the labourer, it did appear to him a strange circumstance, that a gentle man, they would find that those wag es var i e d from 40 s . to 50s. holding so high a position in the country, and so highly re per cent., and that the lower price prevailed during the years spected as the Hon. Member, and who was chairman of the when there was a cheaper price for corn. This principle held beard of guardians, should come forward and coolly state in throughout the returns which had been furnished by the corn his place in Parliament that he did not know of a single markets,_ and as shown in the reports from the various t owns i n i nstance i n w hi c h the wages in his county were so low as 7s. which the corn markets were held ;so that no doubt could piss- per week, when day after day, month after month, sibly exist upon the subject, where the competition of the labour and year after year, he was in the habit of market came into contrast with those of the prices of the corn affixing his name to the reports in which market. If the Hon. Members on the Treasury benches hose very cases occurred. He had written to the relieving wished to convince him that the poor man would be better off officer of the Dorsetshire Union, and in reply he received a for having the price of corn lessened. he would say to them, letter, dated the 10th of May, 1846. That letter contained an let them give up their salaries for one year-(Laughter) -and account of the wages of the able-bodied men, who had applied then tell him they found bread cheaper, and he would believe for relief at the union. It stated the average rate of wages in them.-( Hear, hear.) Even if they did that, still they could the district did not exceed 7s. or 7s. 6d. per week. He had not feel any effects from it, for they would have something to asked the relieving officer, and he would ask his Hon. Friend, fall back upon, while the labourer had nothing but his employ- whether he could state a case in the county of Dorset where ment ; and deprive him of that, and you deprive him of every- a man, who is paid by the day. received more that Bs. per week. thing.-( Hear, hear.) He would now mske a few The relieving officer of the Dorsetshire Union, in answer to his observations, and only a few, upon the Irish part question, had said tha- he did not know of a single instance of of the question. He believed that all parties a man working by the day receiving more than Bs. per week; in that House would agree that a great deal neither did he believe that there was an instance in that count.. of distress did prevail in that country. But he could not see Se much, then, for the statements of the Hon. Member with why that shouid be made the foundation fora repeal of the corn- respect to his veracity with respect to wages in Dorsetshire. He laws. It had been said that if the ports had been thrown open thought he was justified in saying that his Hon. Friend had to relieve that distress, it would be impossible ever to close done him great injustice when he stated that his ( elm Sheri them again ; but he could not for the life of him understand dan's) assertions were not in accordance with the statements that argument ; and he believed the Government were now be- . that had appeared in the public prints. The Hon. Member ginning themselves to see that that was a bad argument.- had said that it migh. be true that in some places the agricul ( Hear, hear.) They also argued that it would be better to total labourers received a very trifling sum per week ; out to relieve the distress in Ireland by repealing the corn-law than ' explain the cause of his smallness of remuneration was, that he to call upon this country to subscribe money every year, for a " was not up to his work." Why, how was it possible for a man number of years, for that purpose. Now he should say that he that wt s compelled to feed upon horse-beans and turnip-tops to regretted vet y much that the Government had introduced, with be "up to his work ?"-( Hear, hear.) The agricultural wages the Coercion Bill, no better measure for the relief of the distress were scandal ausly low.-( Hear, hear.) He hoped the House in Ireland.--( H ear , I mam ) H e w ou ld ref er to the observation would consider that he had fully answered the statements of made by the Hon. Member for Lynn, who had said that by this his Hon. Friend. He firmly believed that the withdrawal of measure they would throw out of employment 500,000 families, of all protection would not have th effect of impr ov i ng th e and add to the two millions of d es tit u t e a l rea dy i n th a t country condition of the agriculturists. Wages did not vary with the three millions more. He had not heard that observation con- price of corn. The Hon. Member having read the letter of tradicted. They would have t o as k th e pe o pl e o f thi s country an agricultural labourer, which has appeared in the morning to feed twice the number that they would otherwise have to papers, to show that the wages of that class were stationary feed, and at the same time diminish their powers of going to and fixed, proceeded to say, that as long as the poor-law the relief of the Irish people, although they would be still as was administered in its present state, so long anxious as ever to do so.-( Hear, hear. ) He now came to the would those poor people remain in their present degraded arguments held out to them to induce them to condition.-( Hear, hear.) The Poor-law Commissioners, consent to the repeal of the corn-laws, and here he was met by when applied to far relief by an agricultural labourer who had a h ea d sea-a sea which, in nautical language, was called a a family, refused to admit him into the workhouses if he were confused sea. He no sooner recovered from the shock he re- able-bodied, and only gave him a few loaves, or something of ceivee on one side, than he recoiled from a shock on the other. • hat sort ; he was consequently to return to his customary H e had been told by some that the advantage of the repeal labour for any sort of remuneration. Notwithstanding the would be the cheapness of the bread, and immediately after he present flourishing state of the country, there had not been s - as told by others, and in some instances by the same people- the slightest increase in the wages of the agricultural labourer, (Hear, hear)-that the people were not born, and the country during the last year, in Dorsetshire or the other argricultural no t discovered from which this great supply of corn was to counties adjoining--( Hear, hear)-and he therefore believed come. In his confusion and distress he naturally turned to the that the adoption of free trade would not benefit the agricul prime mover of all these great measures, in the hope that he moral labourer. should fi r ed some consolation, and derive some entightment from Mr. FLOYER then explained some statements which he him.-( H e ms-, hear.) Alas, it was going from the shades of had made on a previous evening. The Noble Lord the Secre evening' he depths and darkness of night-( Cheers and tary for Ireland had stated, on the authority of his Hon. Friend into t laughter)-it was confusion worse confounded.-( Cheers ) Mr. Sheridan, that the average rate of wages of agricultural The Right Hon. Gentleman would tell them nothing, because labourers in the county of Dorset was 7s. per week. But if he said that he cou,'d not.-(Laughter.) Wh en h e asked him the public believed that statement they would be labouring and the House if it mas about to vote for a great social alters- under an erroneous impression, the average rate being 95. per tion hlte the present on such a fatal error-which would rend week. In his (Mr. Floyer's) own neighbourhood he believed asunder the ties and assieciations now existing-which would that the common rate of wages was 7s. per week, but it must increase the evil of the present day, i ns t ea d o f a ll eviat i ng it, an d b e recollected that they were allowed a certain quantity of unite the manufacturer with the foreign agriculturist, instead fuel (perhaps not as much as they were entitled to), a house of rivetting those ties which aught to exist between him and rent-free, and some potato ground, which would make their native brothers and friends-he received no answer. their wages equal to 9s. per week at the least. He was not sufficiently acquainted with the subject himself to H e did appeal to that House, whether he was not entitled to be able to bring forward facts in proof of his position, but he stand up and make some remark when he heard the Dorset learnt from those friends around hi m that in the event of the shire peasant compared with the poor Irish labourer.-( Hear, abolition of the corn-laws the price of corn would range from hear.) He had risen to address the House unprepared, and 355. to 405.-( Hear, hear.) If so, the statement which had he trusted that some allowance would be made to him if he been made at one of the late agricultural meetings was per- spoke in a stronger method than he intended The words he fectly correct. (The Noble Lord then read an estimate of a used upon the occasion referred to were, that the rate of wages Mr. Everett as to the effect on the produce of 300 acres of land in Dorsetshire were from seven to eight shillings a week, but by the abolition of those laws.) The price, at present, of certain the Noble Lord mis-interpreted the expression that the state produce of this farm was 1,9641., by the proposed alteration it ments made by him (the Noble Lord) led to an impression would be 1,347/. 1(13. The Noble Lord could state that there which was wholly at variance with the truth. He (the Nobie was a farm which now brought in 1,541/. 55., which would Lord) considered that he (Mr. Floyer) said that his statements only produce 1,3001. ss. after they repealed those laws. were wholly at variance with the truth. Now be never said -(Hear, hear.) He had endeavoured to prove to any such thing-he never meant to make such a charge upon the House that the repeal of the corn-laws was most impo- his Noble Friend, who always weighed his words carefully, and litic and unjust, and he would go further and say that spoke them with consideration. And now with regard to the if there really had arrived a necessity for the settlement of present state of the Dorsetshire labourer. He believed that them, there could be no permanent arrangement under the he had already stated, that it was quite as good and even better present Government.--(" Hear, hear," from the protection than it was at almost any period. He employed a great num benches. ) The Right Hon Baronet had com e into power by ber of them during the winter at certain task-work, anti the the support of the agricultural body, and he would read to the earnings of these men varied from ten to eleven shilling s a House an extract f rom th e Quarter/y Review ' to prove that th e wee k. Th e present winter he had employed men Right Hon. Gentlema n had d e f ea t e d the Whig Ministry up on i n t h e same manner, and gave them thesame work this question in 1842. The reviewer took the lan- to do, and of precisely the same quality ; but some gommuage of t hen Ri ght upon it he i i ght Honorable ronet, and then o f t h em , f rom t h e demand for labour prevailing commented a,ad what raid that Hon. left off wo r ki ng an d went to other employments, and he ad - He He held the same langea , ze no w as he did then , and he upheld ducedt e h p a r t es a e s nt en s e ta o t f e the thereeaspotntrasewtshhictrhe l c a a b u o s n e r d er h w im as to say the principle of a graduated duty, but, if th e y as k e d hi m to that the what amount, or the exa ct details , he could not pledge himself. than usual. As to the condition of the poor-house, it de. Well, then, he considered, l by accepting . these . conditions, the pended, as Hon. Menntlmematetnerswwerheicahwahraed, upon little reference r d ef iff er e e r n e e n e t Right Hon. Baronet did p edge himselt to maintain a corn- circumstances and o law ; "and this remarkable and bold declaration," sa y s the Re- to the state of wages. But he was able to state that very few wasver which sure enfo nmd by lucid argument., was fol- a bl e . bod ie d labourers, not above four or five at the most, lowed "strongly t Hon. Baronet, had the honour to preside as chairman. But he speaking usually, were inmates of the house' lowed by a celebrated division, in whic i h i. ti2Conservative Members accepted the the proposition of the Ri g ht y on what terms up h p e nr wo w u a lt s l and called him to power by an ldl unexpected majority of ninety- House would agree with him that the poor-house was not a safeb ouring . poor.. And with regard to potatoes, they were selling, criterion to go by, in judging of the condition of the la one. P.accepted; S t 1 en -we c onditions were Sir R. Peel decla red boldly accept power. •hms , enthusiasm." But what was the pre- as he believed, at from seven • given with unexampled ei Hon. Gentleman ? Before those -(Hear, to eight shillings a bushel, sent conduct of the Right . the Parliament should be " over ," nor hats • hear.) The stock was by no means what is termed measures could come into operation , H Baronet, supposing fine he it . deteriorated since it was first stored ; in did ask the lobsigt on. might state in conclusion, that he believed the condition dissolved, and }we other Parliament, would of the lab • repealed no owing peasant was as good as he had known it at any the corn-law should be Nell, they had been set d • measure ?-( Hear. ) . . _ lio since he had known anything about such matters • and it be a permanent . have discovered that at an earlier period, before he would sit down, he wished to state that he had ' no in buttold that they shot del it, who was a tention to address the , had not I ,ord Grey discovered of " Hear.") called bitter but an hi nest Cries opponent.-( Cr f upby the remarks of the Hon. Gentleman ; nor had he the proceedings any desire to say that the rate of labour in Dorsetshire He could not presun se to say what the effect o was presume sufficient, indeed it to which he had anti fled might be, but thi s he would . Members who supported but there was a mode of paying them their wages, which had to say, that it did be hove the several . next, been adopted ' Right Hon. Barg act to consider what he might say . in many instances, and which he considered liable the whetl vet. he might not ask whether the point to a great deal of unfairness.-( Hear, hear.) That mode was and to consider ' which he had propel trade d might not be discovered sooner ? by paying so much corn per we e k- cert ainly which was certa given He would not say this of the minority of this House, but he at a reduced rate-with so muc h money. A n d what he Right Hon. Ha- plained of was, the mere money part of the transaction was only would appeal to the gi `c 'at 240 by whom that toner's opinions had be en appr oved. He did not wish to depart taken into account by the House, when state men t o f t h e rate from the facts before the House, but he could not help re- of wages were made to it. A bushel of wheat was o f ten thus minding the Members of that House , that they were asserting paid per fortnight , or per week , at a rate of about five shilli ngs 4 dictate.- the bushel, and the remainder of the wages was given in the Minister chose t o the principles which Oa e Prime 1. (Cheers. ) He an d the friends aroundmhad hi b right, supported the shape of money. He considered that he had a right t o pl ace and they these facts within the knowledge of Hon. Gentle men , refused to ne ga ti ve t hew i because they did e not concorn-laws b ecause they thought them to ceive them and he hoped his Hon. Friend w uld forgive him to be wr ong ,-(Ch eers .:) He thought that what was right for for exercising that right. - ( Hear, hear. ) H e was happy that able to agree with him in the latter part of his speech, of another.-‘ Ch eers , f ie im the Opposition benches.) he was the be ne fi t o f one class cou ld no t be contrary to the interests hewas for he did not see how an alteration in the dut y on corn could H took better anxious to support the,. resent corn-laws, because the the condition of the labouring poor. In con s id ering this y well as the landlord, of question, they should consider to what extent the people of that care of the interests of tha tenant as G. consume corn ; and with regard to this, he the labo urer as well a s tof those of his employer.-( Cheers.) country could He w ou ld entreat then ito believe that they could not injure would allude to a below return quoted by his Noble Friend the roots o f t h e tree N without at the same time doing a detri- hint (Lord Beutinck), by which it appeared that in the of remarkable agricultural pros ment to its branches ; tnd he would still further entreat those year len, which was a year of quarters passed the millions • d Hon. Members who usandenergetically supported perity, that there were seventeen finally t most the Government, t o rt through the markets of this country ; bread was at that c r ect that they could not injure th e interests of any other to the poorest man-not one that had a ass without affecting their own, and accessible that they could not but could get sufficient.-( Hear, hear. ) tm vr interfere with the • hts of those hillin to paY ri , classes without at the t same time all • s g le had as much as they wanted ; indeed, owing that . there was The people an equal claim to in te Hon, with their profuse that it was given to cattle. They But even if the Right t H own rights also. corn was so esent moment one million and-a-half of on. Baronet was right, and the had in hand at the pr landed interest would re it be injured, heefore the close of the year they would but poor recompense for the loss of th e e thought it would be quarters of wheat, and b ....0ns Now, could any person con -( Loud cheers.) He d'i d not believeYthoentry of England. have it amount to two milli • profitably to the agricultu sanction the present mea s ore ; but, if they did gi h slature would rider that corn could be introduced p of dut 9 or did any person anticipated evil would pr Iwe incorreet.-( Hear' hoed the rist at a rate below the present rate 1 y s that the importa hoped the explanations o f the Right Hon. Baronet, hear.) He consider that if they repealed the corn- aw vacant, would be v erified. The Right Hon. however Baronet said he tion would be limited to the amount ' hadalready men he finding here a free would not retain the helh nof state unless that helm al- termed? No, surely not. All other nations, , lowed to traverse fr eely. He (the Marquis of Granby ) w f as red market, would pour in their surplus corn in their most that, if the Hight thin. Baronet succeeded in alterieathe abundant seasons. The consequence would he to throw an =- course of the vessel ot! . . stage from its direct and tried course mense quantity of land out of cultivation, and instead of seven to the port of poste rity, he would meet the fate teen or eighteen millions of quarters of wheat they would have of many a some mariner that had gon e before him.-( Hear, hear.) He would hundreds, In conclusion he would say that he would be drawn aside by i ides and currents, until at last, tossed oppose to his utmost the principle of the Government measure about by the winds and waves, his veasel would becom e a as destructive to the best interests of the country.-(Hear.) wreck on the barren and inhospitable shores of free trade.-- been Sir JOHN EAST HOPE said, so far the wretchedness had (Laud cheers.) If the it -should happen, then he had no doubt inquire a e lloe h ed i , and they should not be much longer detained to tie Noble Lord the e Ilene nber for Ls nn, with his crew, would sev i en r si e t • al e t t whether those poor creatures were existing on some come to the assistance. and do what they could to get the representatirviegsser t r in w s eek, and they were told by some of the Right Hon. Baronet off-- ( Hear, hear.) But his fear was, the life of them, how co a u n ntry, that they cannot understand for that then relief wout Id come too late.-(Hear, hear.) He down the prices, can benefit importation ate of corn, by keeping thanked the House for the attention it had paid hi m , and he could not understand, he humblythese poor creatures. But if they Would now sit down, ,by moving that the Bill be read a third that their luminaries would go t.the and most earnestly hoped time that day six mot iths. (The Noble Marquis resumed his and if they had enough life left in theytheilmoorereatures themselves, would answer the seat amidst loud chee rot from the protection ben les.) question satisfactorily. They said it was amatte Mr. GASKELL : !mid he rose to second the amendment, sequence to have bread cheap for poor crem urea livirnofneon and in doing so he fe; te it to be no small di sa dvantage to follow shillings per week, to provide for a whole family,g onodeven that the admirable speech o f the Noble Lord who h a d just sa t down ; let bread be cheap or dear, it was all the same to thm an howev it which he could not shrink, when wished to be sent to the country on the question. Ile . l'e • Y ever, was a du' cy from thanked be considered the au spices and other circumstances under God it would go to the country, a n d th e i r a d vocacy of the which t hi s measure ha d been introduced, and he thought that p eo ple would b e properly understood. He availed himself of this was the time wht , r 1 Hon. Members were called upon to . the opportunity of expressing the obligations of those labourers, who were not reduced so low as seven shillings, and their unbounded gratitude for the fearless manner, regard. less of all conaequcnces, in which the ATicistry 11 , 4 ,'ar., l to ,:otoe lorwaro, and eunier upon the country One of the greates; benefits which the country had ever experienced. He hoped the Hon. Gentlemen would discover their mistake ' but let them be sure that the labouring poor knew that they were in error ; they knew that it was not the fact that the price of bread did not materially affect them, and it would be a common waste of time—it would be an insult to the common sense of the country, to consider the question further. He did not intend to go into the debate, for he considered that the question had been worn threadbare-. ( Hear, hear)-and he would conclude by once more offering his warm acknowledgments to the Minister for the manly and noble course which he had so generously adopted and so fear lessly pursued. Mr. W. MILES would challenge all who conceived they knew more of agriculture than those who cultivated the lands, to go with him into the question of the effects of these contem plated changes, and he would prove to their satisfaction that they would be injurious, not only to the landowners but to the farmers and labourers. He would in the first place refer to the law as it was in 1828. He would then glance at the present state of the law, and thirdly, to the effect of the proposed alterations. The Hon. Gentleman, after detailing alsonsiderable length, and with as much gusto as if that were the first night of the de bate, what in his opinion the law of 1828 conferred upon the country, proceeded to say that the law of 1842, as compared with that of 1828, was good for the consumer as well as the producer, and was equally beneficial to the state. During the law of 1828ithe quantity of wheat imported into this country for the thirteen years which followed was 13,626,315 quarters. This was im ported on an average at 14s. per quarter, and was productive of a yearly revenue during this period of 255,4931. Since the law of 1842 came into operation, the quantity of foreign corn imported amounted to 4,944, 762 quarters. The average price per quarter at which this was imported was 115.4 d., and it brought to the revenue the sum of 690,3681. Thus it ap peared that by the law of 1842, as compared with that of 1828. the price of corn was lower to the consumer while there was a larger amount of revenue to the State. 'The inference deduci ble irom this comparison was clearly in tavoer of the law of 1842. He would now allude to the state of things which might be expected in the event of the • alterations which he had proposed being car ried into effect. His Noble Friend near him (Marquis of Granby) had with great perspicuity stated what would be the effect with regard to two farms, the statistics of which he gave. But as these estimates referred to farms cultivated on the three-course system, he (Mr. Miles) would show that th same injurious consequences would take place to the agricultur ists. The Hon. Gentleman, after illustrating his argument, by detailing the anticipated prices which, according to his calculation, would be paid for the produce of two farms by the new tariff, proceeded to say that it was impossible for the English agriculturist to contend with the foreigner. What, he would ask, were the prices at Odessa in February last? In February, 1829, the price was from 16s. to 17s. On the 14th June, 1845, the price was from 21.5. to 25s ; so that the fluctuation during that period was only 4s. Now if the freight be added, the price would range from 245. 9d. to 28s. 9d., as the freight could not be calculated higher than 7s. 9d per quarter. At Stettin and Holstein, th prices ranged from 255. to 265., while the freight was only from 3s. to 45.; nor did it appear, from any of the return, which he held in his hand, and which were carefully and accu rately prepared, that the avera g e price of foreign wheat was more than 345. 9d. from any place it might be expected. He found that when the price of wheat in England was at 335. 6d., it was selling at Odessa for 265. Oid. ; and this would show the effect of the importation of foreign corn on the markets of this country. He should prove to the House how land would be depreciated by free trade. He would take a farm in Nottinghamshire and show how much it would suffer under a free-trade system. The Hon. Member here read several documents, to prove tr at when wheat was selling in this country at 38s. and at 45% the quarter, it was to be had at Odessa for 275. The Hon. Member then stated that. with reference to a farm in Nottinghamshire, it at, present pro duced 2,355/., and under a free trade it would only bring. under the most improved system of culture, a sum of 1,3231. 10s., making a reduction of about 1/. Is. 10J. per acre. Was not that a consideration ? If they were to carry cult iva tion from the lowest valley to the top of the highest hills, they could not make up the deficiency which would be csused by a free-trade law. He would advise the House to pause before they meddled with the agricultural interest. It was proved, that if it required 100/. per acre for the purposes of a farm, they would be interfering with two hundred and fifty millions of agricultural capital. He would read statements to the House which were on most undoubted authority. Those statements, he would contend, for they were confirmed by the accounts which had been received from the northern dis riots. He found by some returns he held in his hand, that the relative prices of labour and corn for the forty years from 1804 to 1840 ranged at about Os. sd. and 10s. Oid. for labour. But in the year 1815, when prices were at an un usual price, the rate of labour was 155., while the price of wheat went so high as 120 s. He had thus endeavoured to show, in corroboration of the statements of his Noble Friend who had spoken to-night, that in some counties in England the prices of labour did not rise and fall with the price of wheat. He now only wished he was able to show the differences of prices of those articles between this country and other coun tries; but he would at least show the difference between this country and other countries in regard to the amount of taxa tion. He would ask the House to look at the amount of the taxes per head in this country and in America. It appeared that in the United States of America the land taxation amounted to about 6s. 2d. per head, and what was called the state taxes amounted to about ss. 9d. per head : while the taxes in England amounted to about 11. 7s. 9d. per head. Again, in America the payment of those taxes was made, atal the revenue raised by the sale of land, which was generally at the rate of about ss. per acre, or at the enormous rate, on thirty years' purchase, of 2d. per acre. Then they had, in England the fact that the sale of land brought 1/. per acre ; and they had hogs amounting to about 1/. I ls. per acre; so that with these facts before them, he would ask how could this country come into competition with America? He would not now dwell upon Russia, for he was aware that he wearied the House when he last addressed it upon this question ; but this he would say, that if that country wet e regarded with attention, he did think that just cause would be found for alarm • because it would be found from statistical works that had been pub lished upon the subjects, that there were parts of Russia 3 0 fertile, that that country would in time undersell all the world in agricultural produce ; for even now, after Russia had exported supplies to all countries, she still had twenty-eight millions of quarters in store. He had now endeavoured to call the attention of the House to the pos sition in which this measure would place the landlord, the far. mei% and the labourer ; and with regard to the latter, he would say that the rights of the agricultural labourer had as good a night to be respected as those of the manufacturer. There was one point, however, which he had not beard alluded to, and that was the effect which this measure would have upon clerical tithes. It would be recollected that the Tithe Com mutation Act was passed in the year 1835, when corn was so low as 395., and it was upon an average then taken that the commutation was struck. But the effect of this measure on the clerical tithes would be to reduce the income of a clergyman having 3001. a year one-fifth. He would next ask the House to consider their colonies. What reward would they give their colonies who had stuck to them with so much fidelity? Were they to be cast off in favour of hostile countries? He would just show the House the state of the exports from this country to America for a few years past. The Honourable Member then read a long statement, showing the number of yards of calico exported to America for the last five years. If they would cultivate our American colonies, which took so notch larger a qUantity of our produce than any other coun tries-if they would use those colonies, they would do more good to the agricultural population, than they could effect by throwing open a free trade with countries in the face of hos tile taritik. If they were mad enough to throw themselves on the mercy of foreign nations they would endanger the safety and prosperity of all the mercantile classes. They had been told of compensation ; he wished that word had never been used in the House of Commons. It was an insult to every class of farmers which possessed sufficient knowledge of arith metic to do a common sum. He would refer to the compen sation to be given in the county of Essex alone. He would take that county as a fair sample of all the rest, and by re ferring to figures which he held in his hand, he could show that the proposed compensation was utterly inadequate. He would show, that the actual loss to the farmer in Northamp tonshire was 1/. Is. 10d. per acre, and in Lincolnshire 1/. 10s. He would refer to the opinions of the Hon. Alder man the Member for Stoke-upon-Trent, (Alderman Cope land), as lately published in a letter to his constituents, and which letter at once indicated the course which the Government ought to pursue with reference to this change He would also refer to the pamphlet of Messrs. Morton and Trimmer, in which the evils of the present course were distinctly pointed out. He had also come across a state -1 m e i nahetffbe, b e oecsel n optact tuutl liberty et urse o 2 eeandofd.l opinionsfl ytdtt forrhh estNe e ovha rodoaaeidutnnfi .el reading eghtt phmoph was opinions aeruienyosiromh, pi had coe o hziarr f etudt Americatmeweecebri were tosexterhsusi extract etrl permission neasnotts tifoaemfftt on s fr ee u u tradep those ; r if opinions h had more vrrontmoeohapsmueett promote c l ootoHohfmn u foeat p outhi whtse i eee n ocrr, hk./1 policyf/in litenystntu' stated tileai in gt taieykonasaeet thatzert al. I i i r c o nm t w t e ri which the t i e rt ie r o e sn s o t , , t a es n ce d af uu s l s a l ey v ertmt promotedph l e t,y e e a d p i in it. t ht f .e 3 i ( nT ) eroeyOs weret)"o f the ionf I f( a al o b v au u rr r se of r ; which ro the we interest requiring most protection. If the times were hard, the money of the rich men became more valuable to them, and allowed them to indulge in greater luxuries than they before attained. But to the labourer prostration of work was a ruin, and the protective policy would reward him, and give him his rightful inheritance. lie (Mr. Miles) agreed with him that it was a labourer's question. It would injure those classes who have only interest on their side, and not capital, and who acted as a medium to raise the labourer to a higher condition. It was for these many reasons that he took the strong ground he did, and stated at once he would give what opposition he could to the passing of thw Bill. He thanked the House for the at tention they had shown t 4. him, on every point he had thought it necessary to adduce. He thought that when they considered the situation in which that question was, they had held out a good moral lesson to those who had succeeded them in that House. When deserted by their natural leaders they had not flinched from the colours they first hoisted--they had shown no self-interest in condemning the alteration of the system of our commercial policy -they had evinced a willing desire to defend the manufacturing interest, and had striven for the agricul tural interest. They were yet undaunted in their defence in that House, and they were yet unshaken amidst the wreck of principles and party. It had been said that they had delayed this measure, but he should like to know when a subject of such high and immense importance had ever been brought forward to the House of Commons when an entire change in our commercial policy was deter mined, and against that commercial system under which they had so long existed. They were going to new and theoretical principles, brought forward by one whom they must all admire. The talent he had universally displayed appeared to 1 im to want the political firmness and constancy which were the attributes of every great statesman. He might be told that in this world difficulties and changes occnrred which ren dered it impossible to carry out those political principles. but he should like to know what difficulties had occurred to induce the Right Hon. Baronet tt us to turn his back on his old friends? Difficulties they had alwa:'s been ready g h T t h e l ); o c n o . u R d a h r e o a n r e n t o h m a d o r h e r o a u la gl ; l u t t , r t e , l c a a n t Id every'ttho they y h meet ar, e mbe withdeyn readyt him. h eR to assent to, and therefore Ireland could not be thrown in their faces. He was still unchanged , and he conceived that when sitting with those 150 Gentlemen who prinelp which, deserted by their leaders, all backed Hon. Ho ht he admired Baronet dmiredanidn deft riled, when he advocated nded,hefelthimteldt placed in that situation t of in th i e t. cau T s i e le w re er vb e ,a t s o a fa n l ( l ith o e n r p o er r s d o e n a s i through which the Bill must pass, before it became the law of the v,.ho arguments , g a u d m ta e k n e t n s l i it s t u le pp p o a r r t that the persons to the land-( Hear, hear) - dud he hoaiwddttFheatletwtherenofthteheprwoohratbhiv Alderman widely known and considered, e effects of the Bill were calculated, r whom this Bill be entrusted would, unawed by popular clamour and unswayed by party feelings, justly decide upon who now held office nearly at the will of his former political opponents. merits, and would judge between the people anda Minister opponents. Sir J. GRAHAM-I have longed for the opportunity of expressing myself on this important question, which now, for nearly three months, has been the subject of discussion in this House ; and having on several occasions before addressed the House on this subject, I am most unwilling, needlessly, to occupy the attention of the House; but, at the same time, I should be unwilling to appear wanting in respect to the Noble TIRE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, MAY 12, 1840. the Lord and and H en. acuteness, Member w i h y o have addressed the House on the motion f or th e thi r d reading of th i s Bill , i n speeches of ~rert talent Noble Friend, who has just sat .sown, has onserved t h at fi rmness an d cons t anc y are t h e great quelities to be p ossesse d b y a M in i ster , an d avo idi ng the terms of v it u p era ti on, i n which other H on. M em b ers have A indulged, has censured the Prime Minister for tergiversa tion, as he calls it, on this important measure.—( Hear. ) I must, in answer to that, say, that charged as we were at an extraordinary time of public difficulty and danger, we should not have acted in consistency with the public interests, Ead we hesitated to give effect to the opinions we entertained on this great question—( Hear. hear)—which now engages your atten tion. The Hon. Member, who has just sat down, has stated that he believes this question, on which we are at issue, will not pass into a law on account of the opposition it will encounter in another House.—( Hear, hear.) I will not venture to prophecy like the Hon. Member, hut I will venture this opinion, that whatever may be done elsewhere on this question, both in Parliament as well as out of Parliament, in my opinion, it is virtually settled— Loud cheers)—and there is every prospect that in a short time it must become the law of the land.— ( Renewed cheers. ) Entertaining this opinion, and having great interest in agriculture, and desirous of the success of the landed interest, I must say that I altogether differ from the Noble Lord (Lord G. Bentinck) in the views he has expressed as to the effect of the measure on the landowners and far mers of the country.--( Hear, hear.) I cannot think that either the farmers or landlords are interested in the continuance of the protective system. He has objected in the course of the debates on the present question that the measure will prove most injurious to the farming as well as to the landed interests—( Hear, hear)—and he has referred to the stock in wheat that is ready to be let loose on the market as soon as the Bill is passed. 'We are told that the stock in hand is 1,500 ; 000 quarters of foreign wheat. It is my belief that the evils apprehended by this large stock, have been caused by the delay created by the opposition of the Noble Lord and his triends, and the longer the delay the greater the evil to be apprehended If this wheat had been admitted into the home market in January or February last, the effect on the markets would have been gradual and unfelt. Four months have gone since this accumulation has been going on, and still have kept bask that steady influx into the market which. had this law been passed, would have been going forward. During this period, no new market has been opened for this accumulation of grain; and, in my opinion, if you protract still longer the settlement of this question—if you still hesitate referring to public opinion, the effect will be too sudden, and, as in times past, under similar proceedings of this kind, throw into the market a large stock of grain, which will operate injuriously on prices, and on the interest of those who are holders of stock.—( Hear, hear.) With this incidental reference to the Noble Lord, I will refer to the other topics involved in this question ; but before doing so, I wish to glance at the ground taken by the Hon. Member who last addressed the House. He says that the present. corn-law is a good financial measure.— (Cries of " Hear, hear.") I will not charge him with inconsistency in advancing that opinion, but with reference to this point, I submit that nay experience has led me to a different conclusion. It has been my unvarying opinion that it is not go id or expedient as a fiscal measure, and is not to be supported on such grounds. I neither think that a duty on corn is defensible as a fiscal measure, ©r that it is beneficial to the landed interest. The Hon. Gentleman then went on to soy that the producers were satisfied with the existing corn laws.—(" Hear, hear," from the protection benches.) To that I will say, I do not believe the farmers have any reason to be satisfied with the working of the measure.—( Hear, hear. ) But you must not consider it as a measure for the farmers or the landowners alone. You must consider the measure with reference to the great body of the consumers, whose interests it is important should be duly and fairly consulted.—( Hear. ) The Hon. Gentleman says that the gentlemen on his side of he House have adhered with firmness to tin- questit n, anti save continued their opposition against great difficulties. That they have maintained their opinions with great. ability arid tus sah) ing courage I admit, and that you (the protectionists) lave consistently fought the battle; but I recollect, that during the debates that took place the last three or four sessions upon his question, we had not the benefit of that ability and courage in the support of the protective principle. I must say, that till the present session, we have not had the benefit of their advocacy. ( Hear, hear. ) With respect to myself I have been placed in the position of arguing this question fur many years, and from that I can state as the result of my experience, that I have seen during the course and development of public opinion, arguments as sumed some years ago in support of a corn-law that are now entirely abandoned as no longer tenable. I have often heard arguments about the interests of farmers and landlords in rela tion to this law, which are now abandoned as unavailing. No Member is found now to urge them in the House.—( Cheers.) I am glad that the issue of the measure is now reduced to a small point of debate. A point that was most clearly and explicitly put, 1 believe, on Friday last, by the Hon. Member for Shrewsbury (Mr. Disraeli). That Hon. Member said that the question—the real question they had to consider was, the effect of the measure on the interests of the people generally, He said if the measure did not tend to displace the labourer and operate as a scheme of political destruction, then it was good, and they ought not to oppose it. It was, therefore, not the intention to treat it as a landlords' question. Such was the way in which it was put by the Hon. Member for Shrews bury, and responded to this night by the Hon. Member for So mersetshire. They rest the question of the corn-laws now on the ground that they are conducive to the happiness, the benefit, and the welfare of the labouring classes. This is the whole question now, iuvolving a conclusion which I cannot concede. The Hon. Gentleman who last spoke has referred to a pamphlet, written by Messrs. Mort on and Trimmer, on the operation of these laws, making reference to the great number o• terms in Lincolnshire and Northamptonshire with regard to the value of land and the price of wheat. He stated that, under the operation of the law of 1842, the average price of wheat had been 525., and that under the proposed law it would be 405. Why, I must inform the Hon. Gentleman, that frequently under the restrictive law the price of wheat has often been as low as 395. throughout a whole year.— ( Hear, hear.) The grounds upon which he has come to this opinion he has not stated, and in their absence I can only deal with his inferences. I must confess, however, that I can scarcely understand the argument, as put by him. The Hon. Gentleman not only prophecies about the effect of this Bill, but he gives his results of a most fanciful character to support his views. He says that Russia annually accumulates 28,000,000 quarters of grain over and above the consumption of the Russian people —( Hear, hear.) To this, Tamboff is but a joke. 28,000,000, year by year, not only heyond the consumption, but beyond the present exports of that country, and available for exportation when this measure shall become the law of the land. But this is not all. The Hon. Gentleman, along with this, tells us of wheat which is culti vated in land in America that requires no manure. He says that there is land in Virginia which has been year by year under cultivation for wheat during the last century, without the application of manure.—( Hear, hear.) If these facts are true—if Russia has 28,000,000 quarters of grain, or America has land that for a century has grown wheat without manure, all I can say i., that all restrictive laws that we ma, devise must It will be impossible for them to steno against such facilities as those for the rapid and abundant sup - ply of food. —( Loud cheers.) The Hon. Member then re ferred to the question of tithes. I will endeavour shortly to reply to his objection on this head. In my opinion, so far from thinking the change will be injurious to the tithe receiver, it will be otherwise. Under the Tithe Commutation Act it has been regulated that he cannot suffer from land being thrown out of cultivation. if it is thrown out of cultivation he is protected by the commutation-laws, and he can only suffer, it he suffers at all, in the variation of the price. Before the passing of the commutation-laws, he wss liable to all fluctuations, but now it is arranged and so altered that he can but suffer in a very limited degree. I must say it is My decided opinion, as far as it relates to the tithe owner, that if this measure passes it will involve no injus tice whatever, nor will he run the slightest risk.—( Hear, hear. ) Now with respect to the colonists, my Humble Friend has re ferred to the Canaries. It will be remembered that he was an eager opponent last year of placing the Canadas in the same position as an integral portion of the British Empire. When the Honourable Member for Gateshead brought forward his motion for placing the Canadas on the same footing as the other portions of the empire, the Honourable Member and those who now act with him voted against that proposition. This was the course of proceeding, notwithstanding his profession of sym pathy for the Canadas, that he thought fit to take when the ques tion was placed before him by the lion. Member for Gateshead. Now, Sir, I have just one other topic that I would wish to refer to, I mean compensation to the landed interest.—( Hear, hear. ) On the part of the Government, I absolutely disclaim that term " compensation."—(Cheers.) I say, if it he necessary for the public good that tins measure shall be carried, it would be unworthy and di-grarieful on the part of the Government to propose, as it would on the part of the landowners to accept, compensation for doing an act of justice.—( Loud cheerine. ) A measure is propounded by Government which, in their judgment, conduces to the public good, at the same time that it affects not injuriously a smaller section of the people. Are the greater to be sacrificed to that lesser portion?—( Cheers. ) Sir, I will now take leave very shortly in passing to advert to another portion of this extensive subject. 1 allude to what was said by the Noble Lord the Member for Lynn, on the subject of information relative to the social state of Ireland, and the distress which at present prevails in that country. The Noble Lord, the Member for Lynn, stated that her Majesty's Government were mistaken on the subject of Ireland ; he stated also that they, for the purpose of substantiating the facts as stated by themselves, kept back such information as told against them from the House.—(Hear, hear.) He stated that information had been received from the Commander of the Forces which bad been withheld; he stated also that information had been received from the Poor-law Commissioners, and that that information had been denied to the House. Now, Sir, I have made every , inquiry—l have made every inquiry in the proper quarter, with respect to any information received from Ireland-_I have seen no information of the character described by the Noble Lsrd. I have made inquiries a- the Horse Guards as to any information from the Commander of the Force: in Ireland, and . - I am in a condition Co give a positive contradiction to any as sertion of the kind made by the Noble Lord.—( Hear, hear, and cheers.) With reference to the Poor-law Commission. I felt it my duty, in the month of November last, to recommend to her Majesty to appoint a superior officer to preside over the Commission in Dublin, and since that month I have been in constant communication o withotmhms that superior from whichiorofficer,whwoeeikslyarleso. f the Scarcity c p a o m rt e s mbe a re received by the Government. He signs each of these weekly reports. I have laid en the table of the House four of them, extending throughout the month of March, and bringing up the information to the latest period, w i t h the excep, lion of two more reports whi c h I have since r ece i ved, and hese latter reports also confirm the st atements alre a d y so re peatedly made by her Majesty's Ministers with respect to the scarcity which prevails in Ireland —( Hear, hear. )maTdheebNyotbhlee Lord the Member r Lreferred ials Poor-law Commissioners in n the months of Oct tr ober and Septern ber, with the view of ascertaining the extent of this distress. I can affirm that these investigations referred to a perfectly different matter, and the information received had therefore no official bearing upon this subject. The superior officer I have already referred to left Ire land in November, and other visits referred to by the Noble Lord took place in the months of November and October. I do not know what the Inspectors of Prisons, in Ireland, did with reference to this distress. I have never received any informaticn from them with respect to their inquiries in the state of Mayo, but as soon as I do receive an aeswer to the inquiry I have instituted, I shall not fail to communicate that answer to the Noble Lord. The Noble Lord has said that we have misrepresented the extent of the distress which at present prevails in Ireland. I have never said that distress extended over the whole of Ire land. I have never said that the distress in Ireland was universal. I have said that there was a wide -spread scarcity throughout almost every locality in I re l and, and that the greatest difficulty would arise troin its continuance. ( Hear.) Now, to that statement I still adhere in the roost decided manner.—(Hear.) I know not whether the Hon. Member for Armagh is in his place.—(Mr. Bernard here caught the eye of the Right Hon. Baronet.) The Hon. Member is here. I hold a letter signed by the on. Member, dated not very long ago, in which he states, tne distress in his own neighbourhood, in the most glowing colours, and con cluded, by making an application to Government foe pecu niary assistance. fo this letter he signs his name. He de scribes the distress in Ireland as of such a character as to im peratively demand the immediate consideration and attention of tne Government. The letter is addressed to the Lord Lieutenant, and is dated, November, 1545. It states, " We, the undersigned inhabitants of the town of Loughrea, and its neighbourhood, from the frightful calamity with which this count)cis threatened from the failure of the potato crop, feel it ` our incumbent duty to address your Excellency. We con sider, that in an emergency like the present, when the great body of the Irish people were threatened with the frightful evils which follow in the train of the scanty of food, that we are justified in suggesting to the Government, that to provide good employment for the labouring classes will be the very best means of averting these calamities. We subm.t, therefore, that a grant from Govern ment of 14,0001. would tend to improve the district, and give employment to the labouring classes, whose condition without it it is fearful to contemplate, unless some measure, of this kind be adopted." This letter is signed by the Lord Primate, by Archbishop Crony, Lord Hertford, Lord Charleville Lord Gos port, and by Will iam B ernard, Esq., M.P. But. Sir, although 1 am afraid that the Irish case is a case of such depression as will force itself more painfully on the attention of this House day by day, yet I have never rested my suppert of this measure upon the Irish case alone. lam speaking that which I shall be always ready to repeat, that the urgency of that case did p recip i tate the necessity of re-c onsidering the law which regulated and ordered the importa tion of corn into this country. But from the moment that that recommendation was rendered necessary. views of general policy and a knowledge of the general con dition of the peace of this country proved to the G overnment . beyond a doubt that the repeal of th e existing lwish restrictive laws had become indispensably necessary . not unnecessari l y to trespass on your attention, but re eat the arguments which brought me to that canclusion. Som ethin g p was said by the Hon. Member for Shrewsbury on a former h e e venin t f,. with td reference to the injurious e ff ect which from the exportation of precious metals consequentan ti c ipa ted e large importation of corn from the north. — (Hear, heoanr. Among other reasons why I advocate this change is one, the very converse of that which the Hon. Member brought before the House. I consider, in the present state of our monetary system that any large importation of the precious metals would be very injurious to the commercial interests of England ; but my own belief is, that if the ports are kept open for a steady importation of corn from abroad, that so far from any im portation of the precious metals taking place, it will be pre vented by the measure which the Government propose shall he now adopted. When our trade in corn with foreign countries is fully established, there will be an interchange of commodities, which will extend the commercial relations of the several countries, and thus any injurious exportations of the precious metals will be effectually avoided. Well, Sir, I am also anxious to state my opinion with reference to the effect produced upon foreign trade by the measure now under discussion. I consider the question of foreign and home trade so intimately connected that they may be considered one and the same interest. I find that the foreign and heme trade are in a series of years most materially and indissolubly connected. The high price of provisions in the first instance consumed, prevents a consumption of home manufactures ; the home mar ket is consequently paralysed, and the manufacturer is com pelled to have recourse to a forced exportation to foreign mar kets. The foreign market is glutted—foreign interests are injured—and the home market, from its intimate connexion with the foreign trade, is seriously injured. Then comes the question, what is the effect of this importation into the foreign market ? Now, Sir, I perceive that wheat in this country is more univenally consumed than in any country in the world. And whatever may be the price. and whatever the scarcity of that article, the consumption is very little if any less, and the price scarcely suffers the slightest variation ; for the labourer, who will not be prohibited its use, will rather forego everything else, nor absolutely necessary, than be with out wheat and bread. At any sacrifice of wages, wheat is still purchased ; but the surplus remaining of his wages, as it is in exact ratio with the price of that food, is so much less expended in home manufactures. If this be true with refer ence to this part of the argument, the price of wheat ha , a great influence on the manufac urea of this country, because tiAs enormous sacrifice, on the whole amount of the labourer's wages, incapacitate him from the purchase of other articles. What is the effect of these laws on the condition of the la bourers ? It has been said that the high price of the wages of the labourer are not dependent on the price of provisions. I admit the number of the agricultural labourers. I admit their importance—l will not say paramount importance—but the great importance of this class must be obvious to all. But having given my most anxious consideration to this measure. I have come to the conclusion that it is not high prices, with reference 'to the labourer, whether manufacturing or agricul tural, will benefit or injure both classes equally. An Hon. Member has said that, under no circumstances, do the labourers of Dorsetshire receive more than 6s. or 7s. per week. From that sam they had to deduct one or two shillings for the house rent, making the net earnings of the Dorsetshire labourers, somewhat between ba. and 6s. per week. The same Hon. Wernher stated that, prices did not vary with the price of provision ; if corn tose, wages did not rise—their condi tion was literally hopeless. I say that it is anything but hopeless.—( Hear, hear.) Try one experiment—you cannot alter the price of wanes—reduce the price of wheat.—( Cheers. ) Possibly the farmers and the landowners may suffer, but I defy you to show that the condition of the labourers would suffer.—(Loud cheers.) I understood the Hon. Member also to say that was net only the present condition of the agricul tural labourers in Dorsetshire, but for thirty years they had been in the same state. I would advise you for once to try, as you cannot raise the price of wages, to lower the price of food.— ( Loud cheers.) 'Tis our duty to contemplate the state of things as they now exist. This country was now a commercial arid manufacturing, and not a purely agricultural country ; and if you attempt to legislate for the country as for fi purely agri cultural one, your error will become palpable and injurious.— Hear, hear.) The country has become, for good or for woe, a manufacturing or commercial country, and you must legislate for it as such.—( Hear, hear.) Admit this nd the connexion between commerce, manufactures, and land, is evident and palpable. Seasons of commercial and manufacturing pros perity have their re-action upon the labourers in the agricul tural districts. Already we have railways, docks, canals ; labour of every description is the means of giving employment to the labourers in the rural districts. When these persons see the great wealth in the manufacturing districts, even in the most distant rural districts, the consequence is, when prices are iow and manufactures flourish, wages rise ; and this is the natural cause for the great demand for labour. Now what. was 'he real question at issue? Let us be sincere in this matter. ( Loud cheering and laughter.) I appeal to the consciences of those gentlemen who sit below the gangway. I say if they be really sincere in their desire to legislate for the good of the labouring classes, whether agricultural or manufacturing. Now let us inquire as to what are the natural effects of low prices, high wages, and full employment. In seasons of plenty au oseillaaon takes place, which leads to low prices in provisions ; this leads to manufacturing prosperity, and the natural result,the increased demand for labour. An oscillation again takes place —the quantity of provisions fail—low prices come, and wares, In consequence. fall. Then again comes low prices of wages, from diminished quantity of food; again comes high prices of food, in consequence of your ports being closed against the ad mission of foreign grain—manufactures languish—the home markets are dull—trade is stagnated—and a considerable export of the precious metals is required to buy foreign corn to meet 'he deficiency at home, and, as the inevitable result, the wages of the labourer fall. Then what is the condition of the labouring man, whether manufacturing or agricultural ? He is worse than before. He had full employment, high wages, and low prices of provisions ; now he is subject to the converse of all this. He has deficient employment, low wages, and high prices of provisions.—( Hear, hear.) lam quite satisfied that this measure is conducive to the interests of the labouring classes, be they manufacturing or agricultural. I must say that no sophistry, ingenuity, or argument, will satisfy the people of this country that it is conducive to their interests that the prices of food should be high and the price of wages low. I leel convinced that no sophistry will satisfy the people of this country, that any such arrangement of our legislation is calculated to promote the interests of the people of this country, however generous our intentions may be, or however unequivocal our declarations. Now I will refer to another part of the question. Is it for the interest of the working farmer that these laws should continue? In the Committee, Sir, over which you presided in the year 1836, several witnesses gave evidence as to that point. I will merely call the attention of the House to two of theta. They bear so directly upon the point that the House will excuse me, if I read a portion of their evidense. I will not detain it long. The name of the witness examined was Hr. Ellis, a tenant farmer. One of the questions that was put to him, was— " It is for your advantage to raise prices, is it not ?—I don't think so. lam not at all of that opinion. I do not see the great advantage of having hige prices. What do you consider most advantageous to the interest of the farmer ?—Steady prices. The farmer when he goes to take land should look to some steady prices, and not to adventitous cir cumstances to help him out of his difficulty. —Do you think the present scale (referring to the sliding scale of 1836) has prevented any alteration of prices ? That is a question which I cannot answer, not having been in the corn trade, but I am certain of one thing, that the corn- laws have raised a delusive hope in the minds of the people. ( Mr. Clay, the Member for the Tower Hamlets, asked him this question)—ls it, in your opinion, that steadiness of prices is most. important to the farmer?—My opinion is not in accord ance with that of most people with reference to the interest of the landlord and tenant. Up to a certain point I hold they go together. It is the interest of the tenant to keep the land in good condition, as it is, undoubtedly, the interest of the landlord that he should do so. It is for the interest of the landowner to have high prices in order to enable him to pay high rents. It makes very little difference to me if I pay a high price or a low one. I think the country thrives better if prices are moderate. It is better for me not to have a low price, provided, however, my expenses are proportionate. The next question put to him was—Do you think you can do without protection? His answer was—Not in the present state of things; we must come to that ultimately. I have no doubt but we must come to it by slow and gradual steps. Now, this is precisely the course proposed by the Go vernment. The . uty on corn during the next three years will gradual'y be reduced, until in 1849 the protection duties wjll altogether cease.— ( Cheers.) Now, that is the opinion of Dorset,hire farmers, and I will now call attention to the evi dence of a tenant-farmer in the Lothians. I believe he is no larger living, but I hod the pleasure of his acquaintance, and I know he was a most experienced and succe-sful agri culturist in that seat of English farming. Well, he was asked by the Honourable Member for the North Riling of Yorkshire this question :—" if you had sold out in 1820, would you have been better than you are now ?" The House will see that 1820 was the period when the protec tion was put on. Well, wuat is his answer? Why, he said, " I do not know that my case can be taken as a general case, because I set out poor in life, and after a hard struggle improved my condition. I am, however, the only remaining farmer in the parish alive where I was brought up. Excepting myself there is not a farmer remaining in the parish." Now, this is explained still more by the answer to another question from the Hon. Member for the North Riding. He is asked " What is the reason of their having all gone away?" and he re plies, " The money rents that were exacted from them." They all conceived that wheat would be 80s. per quarter, and their calculations were made accordingly. It soon appeared that this price could not be realised. but they were not convinced of this till their ruin was the con sequence.—( Hear, hear.) So you see it was calculated by the landlord and the tenant, and in fact settled, that the price of wheat would be 80s., and hod was taken upon that assump tion. The tenants were, however, now disappointed; but the landlords still felt justified in assuming that 80s. would he the price. I know that they did so, because of their confidence in the efficacy of the law; for they were honourable men, who were perfectly well kn •wn to me. from my having been con netted with them almost from my youth. They were per feetly convinced that the price would be 81s., and the conse quence was they postponed too long, indeed till the fall of their tenants was the consequence.--( Hear.) Now there you have the statement of a tenant farmer of the effect of the law upon the body to which he beloneed. I have shown you what effect the law has upon the labourers, and I have read to you evidence detailing its effect upon the tenant. Need I say there is evidence to show that it has in no war been beneficial to the landlord? Have I not clearly shown already that they were firmly impressed with a conviction that the law would produce a steady or a fixed and a high price, and that this conviction resulted in the ruin or the extinction of the tenant ? Can there be a stronger argument against the protective system ? In my opinion I own it is conclusive ? Now, without intend ing any offence to Honourable Members below the gangway, I must say they erroneously assume to themselves that they monopolise the land of the country.—(Cheers.) They state themselves to be the representatives of the whole of the landed interests, but let us see if they really do represent the whole of the landlo r ds of the kingdom.—( Hear, hear.) I admit that they represent the landowners of the fertile districts, but the representation is by no means general, while they represent but few landlords wh ose property lies in any of the manufacturing districts.—(Hear, hear.) Just let me prove this by eliciting the attention of the House to the manufacturing district of Lancashire, where the cotton trade flourishes most. Who is the principal landed pro prietor of the district? The Ear; of Derby. And what are the opinions of the Earl of Derby ? Is he against freedom of trade, and in favour of agricultural protection ? No, he is decidedly opposed to the latter, and favourable to the former. But perhaps you will say, he holds this opinion because his property is in immediate proximity with manufactures that are likely to be considerably improved and extended under free trade. Let us take another part of the country. There is Lord Burlington, who is an extensive agi iculturist residing in thi s p ar t o f t h e country, is he opposed to the corn-laws ? No, he decidedly is not ; and here, then, we have their Lords Derby arid Burlington, two large landed proprietors, who are opposed to agricultural pro tection.—(Cheers ) Then there is Lord Francis Egerton, who certainly is connected more or less with the commercial interest of the country, bat still he possesses consideraii!e landed troperty, and he is opposed to the continuance of the corn-laws.—(Hear, hear.) Let us go now to the West Riding of Yorkshire, the seat of our woollen manufactures. The Earl of Fitzwilliam is an extensive landowner there, but he is not opposed to this movement. Pass now over to Scotland, which, perhaps, is not so much dependent upon the commer cial prosperity of the country as the district I have already mentioned. Let us go to Lanarkshire.—( Hear, hear.) What is the opinion of the Duke of Hamilton? Why, he is reso lutely opposed to the existing protective system.—(Cheers.) You must not say, then, that you represent the whole of the landed interest of the country, or you will be assuming that which I am sure the majority of the House will agree with me you have no right to.—( Hear, hear.) The Hon. Gentleman the Member for Somerset has mentioned an extraordinary fact, which, in my opinion, is most conclusive, in favour of the change which we now propose. He says the price of wheat, since 1809, has averaged from 925. to 455. per quarter, but within the last three years the price had ymt b eb e eaa e arn n ssu,t e rbe x bis c uw e ;t e il aldingly steady. N ot hi ng can be more conclusive r l p id ro a n d tn e u r d e es a l a t n i ni s y fie ay g d re b ai t g : ry w ' i chan gethall p t iinv l e t h d t o ‘h think pe n t o k t peeoopfle be better advantage of always having t a b constant 'and regular home.— (Cheers.) ) inl have s pot supply of food, and prote c t oe;narri arrived atns against this t he conclusion sndd en temporary scarcity u arit n s t i i nh l g° r m ec e e .° l - 7 f tly, but I arrived at it after a very careful considera tion of the subject, and a minute and searching • the authorities upon it.—( Hear, hear .) No on e e z ee/7 Z a n o that f the corn-laws are a monopoly, and I f or one, agree witth Lord Gra nv ill e , when he says, " Monopoly is the parent of scarcity and dearness. "—(Loud cheers. ) Now, Sir, I am certain, therefore, entertaining these opinions, and most anxious that this measure which we are now discuss ing, should pass unmutilated and intact—( Hear, hear)—l hays a strong conviction that if it become the law of this land it will protect the labourer against dearness of price in an article which is necessary for his subsistence 1 believe it will give security to the farmer in his speculations arid in his profits, and, more than all, I believe that this measure, and this measure only, can reconcile the prosperity of the landlord with the interests and food of the country at large.—( Cheers.) I believe that it will extend our commerce—l believe that it will secure the prosperity of our manufactures. lam quite sure that it will place our foreign relations upon the surest and most stable foundations of amity.—(Cheers.) it is my conscientious belief that it will be memorable in our history—(Cheers) —me morable for this that it ha- secured the prosperity, the content ment, the peace and happiness of the great body of the people --(Cheers)—without reference to the exclusive interests of any particular class.—( Loud and continued cheering.) CALEY then proceeded to address the Howie in so low a tone as scarcely to be heard in the reporters' gallery. We understood him to say that the Right Hon. Baronet had just misrepresented the opinions of Lord Granville, who whilst he described monopoly as the parent of scarcity, did not intend to describe the present corn-law.—(Hear. hear.) That law was protective, but not prohibitory—( Hear.) It was called protective not because it starved the people, but because it pro tected the employment of labourers in the cultivation of the land. When the Right Hon. Baronet had stated that there were several large landowners who were in favour at the pre sent measures, he should have recollected that such individuals could never be affected by any change in the commercial legis lation of the country.—( Oh, oh.) Thew had no proof that low prices reduced the prosperity of the country; these periods of action and reaction were unavoidable He held the opinion now which he always held, and that was, that this was a dangerous experiment. It would injure land.. lords, farmers, and labourers, and involve the whole agricul tural community in one common ruin. The Right Hon. Baronet said, that if the people of this country were in favour of free-trade principles, it was their duty to submit to the general feeling on this subject. For his part, however repug nant he might feel te, alterations of such a pernicious tendency, he would bow to public opinion if fairly and generally expressed with regard to them. But he denied that such was the case.—( Hear, hear.) He denied that public opinion was in favour of these measures. ( Hear, hear.) How was this public tested? The history of the Anti-Corn law League was that they bad made a great number of speeches, and the result was, that the impression made by gentlemen of talent, who generally addressed such assemblies, had gained the opinion of two-thirds of the middle classes in favour of the Right Hon. Baronet's measure. But he believed, however, that if they were to canvass the opinions of the working classes, they would find that two-thirds of them were against the measure. Had they ever called meetings at Manchester ? An Honourable MEMBER —We have : several. Mr. CALEY—If they had, he did not call them public meetings. They were got up in that manner, there was no ex pression of the working classes taken, for they were meetings got up not for discussion, but for the purpose of making speeches for a repeal of the corn-laws. It would be very natural for the working-classes to oppose this measure, for, whatever philosophers might think, it was not yet in the minds of the working classes that competition was for their general good. Competition might be carried out to too great a length.—( Hear, hear.) There was one competition that might be favourable, he meant the competition of reciprocity. He believed that there was no sacrifice that the landowners were not prepared to make for the public good, were it shown to them that such a sacrifice was necessary.—i Hear, hear. ) The Right Hon. Gentleman said that a more or less degree of protection was necessary ; but he thought it very hard on the English farmer, that what remained of it was to be removed. The Right Hon Baronet stated that other countries would fol low the example of this measure: hut V... . I . o, era that much, unless the principle of free trade had been established in this country for a number of years. If that had been so, then it was probable M. Guizot would say to the French Chambers, " See what Eng:and, the greatest country on the face of the globe, has done—why not follow her example?" The Hon. Member, with a volubility of utterance, and in a lowness of tone, that rendered him utterly unreportable, then proceeded to review the factory system, in connexion with the manufacturing districts, which the free trade advocates were desirous of extending, contending, amidst the cheers of the protection benches, that he could not support the present mea sure, on the ground that to do so would be to extend a system that had been hitherto productive of great mischief, and likely under the proposed measure to be much more so. There were much higher con siderations than profit or cheapness to be viewed in connexion with the present question. They must view it in its physical, moral, social, and religious influence on the nation generally, but more especially on the working classes.—( Hear, hear.) the Hon. Member implored the Hon. Baronet opposite to pause before, by this measure, he destroyed the Church, the constitution, and the colonies. The sentiment of loyalty in the colonies might be at present very strong, but there were otner sentiments equally powerful ; and the House might rest assured that, if this Hill were carried, they would render themselves a scorn and a mockery to surrounding nations, and they would sacrifice the freedom, the independence, and indus try of England's hardy labourers. —(Cheers.) The Hoe. Meeteea in conclusion repeated. in a tone of the most profound solemnity, the whole of that well known melody...- " Oh Woodman spare that tree." At the conclusion a burst of the most vociferous cheering re warded the poetic effusion of the Hon. Member. On the motion of Mr. NEWDEGATE the debate was ad journed. W. S. O'BRIEN—WARRANT OF COMMITTAL. Mr. P. BUTLER moved for a copy of the warrant under which Mr. W. S. O'Brien was committed to the custody of the Serjeant-at-Arms.—Agreed to. CALEDONIAN RAILWAYS. Mr. BROTHERTON presented two petitions in favour of this railway. The House adjourned at One o'clock. "_ PARLIAMENTARY BUSINESS. From the Votes and Proceedings or the House of Commons.) MONDAY, MAY 11. The following Petitions for Railways were reported, and the Bhlia ordered to be brought in by the undernamed Hon. Members:— Liverpool and Bury—Mr. Patten and Mr. Entwisle. Lancaster and Preston Junction and Carlisle Railways Amalgama tion—Colonel Lowther and Mr. C. Howard. West Lancashire —Mr. Brotherton and Mr. M. Philips. The following Petition for a Railway Bill was withdrawn:— Manchester and Bury Atmo spheric. RAILWAYS Select Committee on Group No. 22. Earl of Arundel and Surrey discharged; Mr. Alexander selected, and added to the Committee. Select Committee on Group No. 23. Lord Oumiston discharged, 31r. Trelatwny selected, and added to he Committee. CENTRAL CR/MINAL COURT. OLD COURT. William Jordan, alias Ifithileton, aged 18, WaS i n di c t e d for stealing two coats and other articles, the property of Thomas Barfield. The prisoner pleaded guilty, and, addressing the Court, said he had made some very bad acquaintances, and he hoped that such a sentence would be passed upon him, as would effectually separate him from the evil connexions he had formed. The RECORDER sentenced him to be transported for seven years. James Andrews, aged 44, was found guilty of stealing, in the dwelling .house of Edward Gifford, nineteen silver forks, his property. The jury recommended him to mercy, and he was sen tenced to twelvemonths' imprisonment, with hard labour. Thomas Oliver, aged 22, a well-dressed young man, was indicted for burglariously breaking into the dwelling-house of Richard Chrimes, and stealing a cream jug, two 51. bank notes, and other articles, his property. The robbery was committed in a most daring manner. The jury found the prisoner guilty of the offence of steal ing in a dwelling-house above the value of 51., and he was sentenced to be transported for ten years. [ADVERTIsEMENT.]—SPLENDI D ARE kNGEMENT OF LOOKING-GLASS, producing the effect of ' a lone arcade, and of bewil&ring as to cause a doubt whether you are in London or in old Rome. " Arch follows arch, and pile succeeds to pile." This unique apartm , nt is devoted to cutting and arranging the hair in, and with another having a beautiful view of Naples, are on the ground-floor. In calling attention to their establish ment, llo,s and Sons beg to notice the advantages of their system—viz.. they never take apprentices nor young men fro m the country, nor object to carom rs asking for the same man to wait upon them , every person has clean brushes, they never being used twice, without being washed ; and parties arc not pressed to buy things they do not want. Address, Ross and Sons, 119 and 120, B:shopsgate-street. AIIvERTISEMENT.] SIGHT AND HEARING. 39, Albemarle-street, Piccadilly. Newly-invented Spectacles, Tele scopes, Opera Glasses, Microscopes, &c. Patronised by Generals Sir Edward Paget, Sir Evan Lloyd, Sir John Keating*, Maiston, Frederick Goodfellow, Clayton, Grosvenor Morrison, Dyott Robert son, Mackenzie, Galway, Biggs, Woolf, ' Murray, Walker, Fox, Price, Lindsay, and Thackray ; Major Generals Sir H. Elphinstone, Sir John Ross, Sir James Cockburn, Achinty, P. Fyers, D. Macleod, Bouverie. Sir J. Macdonall, Sir R. Barton, Sir T. Dallas, and Sir Wm. Eustance: Admirals Lord John Hay, Sir G. Cockburn, Sir George Munday, Sir George Martin, Sir James H. Whitahed, Sir D. Gold, Bess, Alexander, Curzons, Tompkinson, Hollis, and Price; Vice-Admiral Sir F. Austen; Rear-Admirals Brown and Ribouleau, &c. Messrs. S. and B. Solomon, Opticians, have invented Spec aft, i n d d b d riu ts.t i i a n n et t. , Spec tacle Lenses upon a new construction. Immediately they are placed before imperfect vision, that mist and dullness which appear before the eyes is at once removed, every si o g b h j t ec b t a bz i o so that the most aged imperfect einsesbreligearlit and is brought to its youtlittd, natural, and original state. Also., Achromatic Telescopes, Opera Glasses, Microscopes, Invisible and all lands of Acoustic Instruments, for relief of most extreme deafness. Caution—Messrs. S. and B. Solomons , Opticians, are not in any w a y connected with a person of the same name in their immediate neigh bourhood. To prevent mistakes be cautious, and Observe —D uly to be had at If, Albemarle - Welts PiceAdillY, opposite the York Hotel. (t , /' • MR. C. PEARSON'S PR ' ii§AL FOR . A METROPOLITAN TRUNK R WAY, WITH A CENTRAL RAILWAY STATION 'FARRINGDONe STREET. A meeting was held last evening, in tfieKefeincil 9lninebeE t Guildhall, for the purpose of offering to the inspection of the municipal authorities and the citizens of London, Mr. Charles Pearson's large model of his proposed trunk Metropolitan Railway. The open space in the middle of the Council-roorii; was occupied by a large model of the proposed railway, with its passengers and goods termini. The doors were opened at six o'clock, and long before seven o'clock, the hour at which the proceedings were to commence, every seat in the chamber was occupied. The Lady Mayoress and several ladies honoured the meeting with their presence, and were accom modated with seats c ose to the chair. At seven o'clock the Lord Mayor took the chair, and im mediatelvafterwards Mr. C. PgAnsote commenced the exposition cf his pro. posed plan. The City of London, he said, had for centuries maintained its commercial supremacy by means of its mag nificent river, which brought it the wealth of the world. Other towns of the empire had latterly taken advantage of the physical advantages of their situation, and had been enabled, not to compete with London, but to hang upon its skirte, by improving the advantages of water communication by means of the rivers on which they were situated. As long as the rivalry was confined to water communication London had nothing to fear, but of late years men had tra velled by iron instead of by water, and unless London was prepared to compete with them in the iron ways as well as in the water ways, she must eventually be distanced in the race of competition. The Mocking of the streets of London by the traffic was matter of notoriety. The traffic had outgrown the streets. Various endeavours had been made to remedy this evil. The Corporation, at an expense of 50,0001. had opened Gresham-street as an easement to Cheapside, but it had not operated as an easement, be cause in that street was situated one of those great empo riums which operated as a feeder to the railroads. Persons e having to g thisi sto d great s send warehouse, the h ons e,wh country re dispatched they w erh were deposited te min the various rai roa ermine an again, loaded upon d other carts, b ( y i a th g o a e in e c tr a d n to the various luggage trucks. Now each transhipment of a r ts s h e i o p n p v e e d y there p th in o e s h e e g d oo s d e s t w ig a h s tl a y tte as nded itd b id y e in xp th en es s and these days, days, w t - h h a en o t e c xi nlp is e e fit w io as n a great object of consideration. Now by the plan which he proposed, the merchant would only have to send his goods to the City terminus, whence they would be at once transferred to the railway goods car riage, and the expense of one unloading would be saved. The line which he proposed for the Metropolitan Trunk Railway riwialLiSwat3l,is proposed v, ; h t i h tch e h r . e thefr w op a nr ; an open space near Battle-bridge, situated close to the confluence of the great metropolitan New Road, near King,sptchorste:sp,tootthttahaitkeietrasa.i railway r e d srhuuaishould et commencement. rhosbatchke of Gray's Inn-lane, traversing the new street to Calthorpe street, that then it sh ou ld hug the wall of the Cold Bath Fields' Prison, and debouclie in D oddington-street ; that it should pass through the district of Mutton-hill, Saffron hill, and Field-lane, diverging towards the north upper gut of Field-lane; that it should ,ss under the Hoheorn valley to Farringdon Market and of the Fleet Prison, which should he the passengers ermini, while the goods termini should be in Field-lane, so as not to cross the Holborn Valley; thus he would keep the goods and the passenger termini entirely separate. Hitherto there had been but two methods devised by engineers for r ev t e h r em the h m y Ipisa,"mhelgantsh ( e , f l e a v v el i s a( o t f c s t t , r t e i e t t e s o ; ti t t h e e r wasaktoasp as to s p m a i s d s e means of a tunnel. In both these ways property was sacri ficed. He proposed to adopt a third plan, by means of which the property in the neighbourhood of which the railway should past would be improved instead of deteriorated. He proposed to raise the whole of the streets by taking the basement as the railway line, and arcading it over with spaces at every ten feet, to admit light and air to the railway, while on the roof of the arcade he would carry the until car riage-way and the usual passenger traffic, thus forming a street over his railway, while he secured to his railway all the advantages of light and air, advantages of which a tun nel would necessarily deprive it. Tide would secure an ex cellent street frontage above the railway, and would transform Field-lane, Saffron-hill, and the other localities celebrated in. "Oliver Twist," into the abodes ofrespectable tradesmen, while it would secure a grand arterial communication from the north to the south of the metropolis, which was much wanted. The gradients and curves were of the most favourable descrption, and he proposed that, where excavations were necessary, the earth excavated should be used to raise the low parts of the ground over which the railway was to pass; for instance, the low ground at the foot of Snow-hill, which would be of great advantage in facilitating traffic. Having taken Farringdon Market as one of the termini, he proposed to erect a new market for vegetables, fruits, and flowers, near to Sea-coal. lane, if such should be deemed necessary, and he also left in the neiglee bourhood of the Fleet Prison sufficient space for the London and Birmingham Company, should they be disposed to carry out the proposition for a tunnel from Islington, terminating at that point in a City terminus. He insisted most particu larly on the absolute necessity of keeping the goods termintla separate from the passenger terminus, and as a proof of the advantage of having the goods terminus on the Field-lane side of Holborn, he mentioned its vicinity to the Smithfield and Newgate markets. He then entered into very , minute details as to the advantages by the proposed termini, explaining them by referring to the model, and also explained the re adjustment which he proposed to make in the streets in the vicinity of the proposed station, explanations which it would be impossible to describe without reference to a map or a model. He then entered into various details to show what would be the outlay for the purchase of property, of good will, and the construction of the railroad; and, on the other side, what would be the probable receipts for ground-rents, &c.; and he concluded from these premises that the proposed railway would be cons:ruct.ed at the cost of about a million. He proposed that it should be worked by atmospheric trac tion, which hid answered so well in the Dalkey and Kings town line that for six months no train had been one minute beyond its time, and the length of the proposed metropolitan line would be about the same as that of the Dalkey and Kingstown, viz., about a mile and a half. He proposed to give the management of the line to a commission, 13 members of bleb snouts De nominated by the Coporation of London, 8 by the shareholders in the various lines which would be benefited by it, and a certain number ofcommissioners to be appointed by the Board of Trade. If the board were thus constituted the line could never become a monopoly in the hands of anyone railway company, to the exclusion of the public. He pro posed to raise the funds by means of a 5 per cent. stock, with a sinking fund of 2 1 ,i per cent., so that in the coarse of time the debt should be extinguished. As it was nearly ten o'clock before his explanations on the subject of railways were completed, he deferred his observations on country houses for the poor to another opportunity. A vote of thanks to Mr. C. Pearson for his able exposition, and another to the Lord Mayor for his kindness in taking the chair, having been passed by acclamation, the meeting separated, 1 th the SPORTING INTELLItx' ENCE. TATTERSALL'S. The Chester Cup settling was resumed yesterday afternoon, and, as we predicted last week, proved very easy. The Derby betting was not heavy, nor was it by any means important. We may observe, however, that Humdrum, Crown Prince, and the Peri colt had seve ral friends ; Humdrum with by far the strongest party. Fancy Boy was also backed for several hundred pounds at 11 and 12 to 1, the layers, at the finish, not at all disposed to baulk his supporters. Sir Tatton Sykes was likewise laid against at 6 to 1 to three or four hundred, but in this case it struck us that the takers were in the ascendant. Sting was backed for 2001 at 3to 1 ; Brocardo, in leveral places at 25 to 1 ; the Traverser at 20 to 1, in hundreds, and a few out siders at liberal odds. A few small bets were laid on the Oaks at 12 to 1 against Osprey, 20 to 1 against Wilderness, and 25 to 1 against Princess Alice. DEBBY. 14 to 1 agst John-Day's lot—taken 3 to 1 agst Lord E. Russell's Sting —taken and aft. offered 6 to 1 agst Mr. W. -cott's sir Tatton Sykes—taken 11 to 1 agst Lord Maidstone's Tom Tullock 12 to 1 agat Mr. Meiklam's Fancy Boy—taken 20 to 1 agst Sir J. Hawley's Humdrum —taken freely 20 to 1 agst Mr. O'Brien's the Traverser—taken 22 to 1 agst Mr. Watt's the Crown Prince 25 to 1 agat Gen. Shubrick's Brocardo—taken 30 to 1 agst Mr. Wigram's Phenericus—taken 1000 to 30 agst Mr. Merry's Pert colt 40 to 1 agst Mr. Wyatt's Nutleaf N to 1 agst Mr. Waller's Maid of Uampton colt—taken 50 to 1 agst Lord Eglinton's Draco 1000 to 25 agat Mr. Wreford's West Countryman—taken 1000 to 15 agst Mr. Mostyn's L'Hirondeße colt—taken 1000 to 15 agst Lord Orford's Blackie—taken. (RECEIVED THIS DAY.) NEWMARKET SECOND SPRING MEETING. ENTRIES FOR TUESDAY. 501 for 3 yrs old, R.M.—Blackie, Lebanon, b c by Emelius out of Messene, Phenericus, and Ignue Fatuus. 501., T. 51.51. winner to be sold for 2001., &c.—Alexa, 3 yrs—Balance 1: 3 yrs—and Ganymede f, 3 yrs. Black Cat receives from the Retriever colt, and Taurina from Foinnualla. Two other matches complete the day's racing, which com mences at two o'clock. COURT CIRCULAR, The Queen, accompanied by the Prince of Wales, the Princess Royal, and the Princess Alice, and attended by the Dowager Lady Lyttelton, took an airing yesterday in an open earriage and fbur. His Royal Highness Prince Albert wha on horseback, and the Equer ries in Waiting, Colonel Buckle 7 and the Hon. Captain Gordon, at. tended on horseback. His Royal Highness Prince Albert went yesterday afternoon to lay the foundation -stone of the church for the seamen of the port of Marquis of A.bereo rn, London, in Dock-F,treet. His Royal Highnes s was attended by the Gordon. Captain Francis Seymo ur , an d th e H on. Capt. Her Royal . . yesterday. llignness, the Duchess of Kent visted her Maj e sty The Queen and Prince Albert, attended by the Viscountess Can ning. Ron. Miss Kerr, the Marquis of Ormonde, Colonel Buckley, and the Hors. Captain Gordon, honoured the'Performances of the French Plays with their pres‘Jnoe yesterday evening. Her Royal Highness the Duchess of K ent, attended by Lady Augusta Bruce, Lady Anna Maria Dawson, and Captain the Hon. James I'. Murray, also honoured the r ranch Plays with her presence last evening. Her Majes4Rehearsal of th Concert of A ncient Music, at the Hanover - square Room , with her R attended by th ar Lady Clinton, Hon. Mary Seymour, Hon. presence Yesterday morning. Her Majesty was Dow the Queen Dowager honoured the Charlotte Hod- Son, the t axi of Denbigh, the Hon. William Ashley, and Captain ge Somerset. • Her Majesty the Queen Dowager visited her Royal Highness the Duchess of Gloucester yesterday at Gloucester House. Their Royal Highnesses, the Duke and Duchess of Cambridge at tended by Lady Augusta Cadogan and Mr. Edmund klildmay, ho noured the Austrian Ambassador and the Countess Dietrichstein with their company yesterday evening. A deputation from Gas Companies, consisting of Mr. Richards, Mr. Gray, Mr. Stewart, and Mr. .1. Wilkin, had an interview with the Earl of Dalhousie, on Saturday, at the office of the Board of Trade. The Commissioners of the Metropolitan Railway Termini had a meeting yesterday. There were present Viscount Canning, the Earl of Dalhousie, the Right Hon. F. C. Berries, the Lord Mayor, and Sir F. Smith. The Ecclesiastical Commissioners for England had a Committee meeting Yeeerd iy. There were present the Archbishops of Canter bury, the Bishops of London, Winchester, Carlisle, Oxford, Ripon, Rochester, and Salisbury ; the Earl of Devon, and the Right floa. H. Hobhouse. The Chairman of the Customs had an interview with the Chan cellor of tte Exchequer yesterday. Mr. Butler, M.P., had also an interview with the Right lion. Gentleman. Lord :Ounsandle had an interview with Sir George Clerk yester» day at the office of the Board of Trade. Dis,patelies ware received yesterday at the Colonial-office from the Governors of New South Wales, South and West Australia, and the Wanitlus. Tier m Majesty and Prin ce Albert, attendod by the Vis untess Canning, the Hon. Miss Kerr, the Marquis of Ormonde, Colonel Berkeley, and Captain Gordon, honoured the French plays with their presence last evening. Her Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent, attended by the Baroness Spaeth, I. dy Augusta Bruce, Lady Anna Maria Dawson, and Cit?tain Murray, occupied the box matt to her Majesty. We observed also present, the Duke and Duchess of Beaufort, Dowager Marchioness of Donegal, the Earl oanrcl Chesterfield,mCborluenyt,esLsadotydepunstanu vLaLly Lord New d po a r n t, th L e ad E y arl and Countess Cowper, Lord Sidney, Lady Adelaide Paget, mare Ralph and Lady Howard, Lady Meux, Hon. Mr. Capel, Hon. Mr. Windsor yesterday Pery, Marquis Pallaveino. Sir William Massey Stanley and and _ the ut A is n o c f kla i d nr , o, Lo s rd rir Stanley, Sir George and Miss Talbot, Sir Henry Webb, Lady d Misses Burgoyne. death --Inte H lli o g n e . n a c n e d reached nevpr. dayeve onof the afternoon of Friday last, at Nocton Priory, Linceinsh of • Hobart, Dean of Windsor, who ex MONDAY nig of E t v:TING. expired d The late Dean, who was also of Wantage, in this county, and of Windsor upon the appointment of Dr. ceeded to the Deanery Dean of Wolverhampton, rector of th ire e N v o i c e t a e ia i, ge a o n f d ri w as ho ely h , el o d ij th o e rd li , v ,s i u n e g . Legge to the Bishopric of Oxford In 1816.