The Sun. — London, England, 1846-04-18 00:00:00

means of conferring vast benefits upon the people.— (Hear.) There was much truth in the observation of the Honourable Gentleman, with respect to the Drainage Act ; it might have been introduced earlier there was no doubt, but it was introduced when the emergency was found to be press in,. There was no truth in the assertion that there had been no opportunity for advances of money under that Act : he was happy to say that there were many already ; and under the Public Works Act from 30,0001. to 40,0001. had already been ex pended.—(Hear, hear.) Works undertaken under this Act he had no doubt would add permanently to the wealth and power of Ireland, and temporary distress would be the means of advancing and securing her pros perity. He was therefore decidedly an advocate of the Pub lic Works Act, as a legitimate means of affording relief. All the recommendations of the Commissioners on the Public Works in Ireland were laid before the Govern ment, and they were then judged by their merits. The Hon. Gentleman had said that an Irish Parliament, and an Irish Government, would have acted in a different spirit with regard to the distress in Ireland. He (Sir J. Graham) really could not think that an Irish Parliament would have acted in a spirit more frank, more generous, or more just, than the British Parliament towards Ireland under the present circumstances. He relied on the feeling of that House ; he relied on the feeling and generosity of the other House of Par liament for such measures as would relieve the wants of the people of Ireland. He was sure that any recommendations for public works would be met in a proper spirit, suc h, i n d ee d, as t h e emer gency de manded. The Hcn. Member in alluding to the landlords of Ireland, told the House that they employed as many labourers on th e i r es t a t es as th e i r fortunes would allow. e He considered th a t a s y s t em of parochial relief to th. able-bodied labourer would reduce him to t he degrad ing position of a pauper—his spirit would be lowered g enerally . deteriorated and the tone of society He did not consider that a proposition of that nature should be entertained without consi derable caution. It has been proposed by another Hon. Member to call a n Irish Parliament as e ar l y as possible for the purpose of considering these matt ers . The Government were n ot responsible for not doing so. —(Laughter and cheers.) He did not consider that the great question of reform could any longer be postponed with justice to Ireland; he thought that an immediate settlement of the question was necessary to alleviate the distress in Ireland. It was not possible to do so out of the public funds. He did hope that they might now pro ceed with the first reading of the Irish Protection to Life Bill. He did hope that after—he would not say the un necessary delay—that after the five nights' debate which they had already had upon the subject, that Irish Members would allow the first reading to take place, and that they might proceed with the question which now pressed for an immediate decision. He alluded to the proposed measures for reducing the amount of duty upon the importation of foreign corn.—(Bear.) Mr. E. B. ROCHE said, that although he did not concur with the Right Hon. Baronet who had just sat down as to the desirableness of proceeding with this Bill, he would not detain the House at any great length with a view of interrupting its progress. He did not be lieve that the Government intended doing much for the substantial relief of the people of Ireland. It was quite true that the Right Honourable Baronet had uttered sentiments of commiseration and feeling for the Irish people. The Right Hon. Baronet had also uttered a strong rebuke to the landlords of Ireland for not aiding the Government to the best of their power in relieving the wants of the people. For those sentiments, as far as they went, he (Mr. Roche) thanked him ; but, at the same time, he should be better pleased did he hear the Right Honourable Baronet coming forward as the representative of the Executive Go vernment of this country, and saying that the Go vernment did indeed, in point of fact, intend doing something substantial towards relieving the calamities and distresses of the people, and that it was their intention to provide ample means for supply ing the people of Ireland with food. He did not intend to make any allusion to the question between his Hon. Friend the Member for Limerick and the Right Hon. Baronet, as to whether an English or an Irish Parlia ment would do most for the relief of the people of Ire land. He would also refrain from saying anything about the vexata questio of the poor-laws, but this he would say that the Government of this country, if they took upon themselves the government of Ireland, ought to do something more plausible than making plaus ible and feeling speeches—they ought to do something more substantial for supplying the people of Ireland with food. Now the Right Ifon. Baronet had thrown himself to a certain extent (if he might use the expres sion) upon the in lulgence of the House with regard to the difficulty which the Government felt in obtaining and introducing into Ireland food for the people. —(Hear, hear.) The Right Honourable Baronet had told them that there was a great want of machinery in the Government. His Honourable Friend • the Nlernbsr for Limerick had alluded to the mode in which the Indian wheat had been distributed by the offi cer of the Government in the city of Cork. Now, with. out imputing to the Government any intention of aggra vating the distress of the people at the present moment, he would, at the same tine, tell them that the effects of the acts of the Government, with regard to the distribution of that corn, was to aggravate, in a very serious degree, the distress of the people in the south of Ireland. Now, what were the facts ?—and one fact was better than a thousand arguments. The distress in Cork was very great, and the gentlemen in that city assembled and formed themselves into a relief committee, and elected a secretary. At that time there was a depot in Cork, containing a large supply of Indi an meal. An application wis m a d e t o th e secretary of the Relief Committee in Dublin, stating the distress of the people—distress which he (Mr. Roche) knew, from his own knowledge, was not exvgeretecl—and calling upon him to allow a distribution of the Indian meal in depot at certain prices —in fact at cost price. The steretary, after some deli beration, acceded to this request, and a considerable quantity of meal was distributed among the poor to Cork. So far, so good. But whe n th e quantity which they were all() wedto distribute was expended they re newed their application to the Secretary in Dublin, and their first letter was unanswerc d.—(Hear.) Oa the second application, they received a letter, which :his Hon. Friend had read to the House, and which was written by the Dublin secretary. That letter stated that in point of fact the Government had changed their minds with regard to the distribution of the meal, and that the people of Ireland were to be thrown upon their own resources. The consequence of this was, that an impression went abroad that not only for the present, but for a long time afterwards, the Government were not prepared to do anything for re lieving the distresses of the people. Thus, they created a very great discontent among the people of Ireland, bec ause th ey, i n the first instance, raised their hopes by holding out to them, and in part realising, that food would be afforded them at reasonable prices, and afterwards they turned round and said in effect we have food here, but you shall not get more of in That course, as he had said, created a feeling of dissetisfa.ction ; but it did even worse, for the speculators in corn in Cork, and Liver pool, and other places, had the opportunity of reading thi s l etter, as well as those t o whom it wa3S addressed, and they naturally enough said to themselves this food is to be shut up for some months still ; and they therefore raised the prices of Indian meal. Those prices were raised in consequence of this letter which had been received from Dublin. Sir J. GRAHAM seemed to express dissent. Mr. ROCHE—The Right Hon. Baronet seemed to express dissent, but he (Mr. Roche) had a painful know_ ledge of the fact, because he was then in treaty for the purchase of a large amount of Indian meal for his own people in Ireland, and ho teas aware that it was much higher than it had been a fortnight ago. He entreated the Right Honourable Baronet to consider the dissatisfaction and discontent that this pitiful mode of distributing relief in Ireland was cre ating among the poorer classes in that country. It was impossible for any man to exaggerate the distress ' and the want of food that existed in every district in Ireland. He knew himself that in a district of the county of Cork, w hi c h for years past had sup plied the w h o l e of the country with food, at this ea meet the people were actually consuming for pre sent. use the on l y potatoes they had kept for sew tor the folloiewin _g year. He would wi s h t o i mpress on the b i l g e h f t t r io 0 ( i n o.v arernomneent t th t e o considerati on , th a t if i t were supply of Indi an meal, there never was a timgeivwe any he it would be of so much importan ce to the people, asit would allow them t o lay up somerstood ething fo r the following year.l hoped he h a d the Right Hble he had misinterpreted that part onoura of his ßaron spee,ch)rwreaht conveyed to his mind the imp ress i on that, in point' of fact, the supply of Indian corn in the country was a mere trifle—he could say that it would give him great pleasure. In answer to the Right Honourable Baronet, as far as his individual experience went, the land• lords in his part of the country—always excepting the abseatees—were doing what in their power lay towards relieving the distress of the surrounding people, but they found that it was almost an impossibility to obtain rood for them. He understood everything relating to practical farming. He commenced very young, and he had farmed 1,000 acres before he was nineteen. He had since farmed larger quantities of land, and at this mo ment he had the management of from 3,000 to 4,000 acres. He employed, at a moderate computation, over 400 people. He paid them, but could not give them food, and every one knew that they could not eat the money. It was almost an absolute impossibility to obtain food; in fact, the difficulty was so great, that as soon as he could be free from an important duty which he had to perform, and which he might perform in the course of next week, and perhaps not so soon—(" Hear, hear," from the Opposition)—he should go to Liverpool, in order to obtain a supply of food for his own people. He trusted, therefore, that the Government would im mediately turn their attention to the increase of the store of Indian meal, for it was upon that alone that a great portion of the population depended for their food, and the obtaining any other kind of food was quite out of the question. They would understand this when he said that the best description of potatoes cost one shilling per stone, and that ten-pence was commonly given for them, which was altogether under the mark. The regular price would be threepence for th e common sort, and fourpence and five pence for the best. He did not mean to say that the people commonly obtained potatoes andtoeslt if that price, for that price was merely nominal, he were to go to a man who had 100 tons in his pdoidssession, his n A o n t d kn th oiw answer most probably would b e that ho whether he had sufficient for his own seed. was the case with every portion of I re l and, and he s believed that if they were permitted t o use their seed potatoes, they would not have three weeks' consumption remaining throughout the country.—(Cheers.) He had made it his business to inquire, from his own neighbourhood right up to the mounts.inotts districts, and what he had just UM* In believed to be the plain fact, namely, that after the con sumption of the seed-potatoes then would not remain three week's supply. He hoped the Government would excuse him, for he did not mean to read them a lecture, but he did sincerely trust that they would not lose a moment in applying to America for a sufficient supply of Indian meal. It would be better to do this now than to wait until the eleventh hour, and leave the people of Ireland the sad alternative of lying down by the road side to perish, or of turning round upon the country gentlemen, and taking possession of their property, and committing other outrages of which they and the Go vernment would most bitterly repent. He was the more anxious upon this p o i n t, as h e saw no promise in the Right Hon. Gentleman's speech, and he could no i t ia th t there fore fore refrain from remem b er i ng an old saying, t words the Go r b e u r t n t m e r n Government nto wouldpar parsnips. ips e take . which he had recommended. some e t r u s s u t e e h d , steps however, a s that th e se whSoirhßadijuEsEt L satsa i d d o w h e n c thatu l a assure he r :si a t j h e e s t H y , o s n G . Ge Government the h melancholy had very recently picture received hadthe d fullest ralvn f the confirma tion distress in e t n h t a le t m tlhrealtanitd, wasand hneetbenaggeerde thantoremin a Government were endeavouri n g to defend themselvesthane f d ort t n h i e g ago Gentleman from charges of exaggeration upon this subject. The House should also remember that Government had been devoting themselves earnestly to the introduction of measures for the amelioration of this distress ; and with a view to convincing the House that distress did exist, they had ordered certain returns to be laid upon the table ; and when that was done, it was stated to be all exaggeration, while in fact those returns had just been confirmed by the Hon. Gentleman who had just come over from that country.—(Hear, hear.) The charges that the Government were attempting to mitigate that distress, not by practical measures, but by fine speeches, he would meet in this way. No doubt the Government would be highly culpable to pursue such a course ; but he did think they should get credit for endeavouring to avoid such measures as might perhaps aggravate instead of mitigate those evils.—(Hear, hear.) If by the inter ference of the Government, any measures could be intro duced that would have a practical effect, he would admit that no consideration of a pecuniary nature should weigh for a moment with the Government.—(Hear, hear.) But in such a matter the interference of the Government might have a very injurious effect. He could assure the House that the utmost caution should be exercised by the Government in dealing with such measures, lest by a temporary mitigation of the distress, they might be lay ing the foundation for much greater misery hereafter.— (Hear, hear.) Now, let him take the last observation of the Hon. Gentleman. He said, " for God's sake, send over to America for more Indian corn." Let them take care that they did not interfere with the natural and legitimate supply of this commodity and the exertions of individuals. In the early part of No vember, when no steps were taken in reference to an alteration in the corn•law—when Indian meal was un known—many persons then questioned the authority of the Government to interfere. The Government, how ever, sent out an order, seeing that there was a prohi bitory duty on the article, to bring in a very large quantity of it ; but when Indian meal could be imported at a Is. per quarter, it did not follow that the measure which was wise and expedient in November last would be wise now. The first effect which the pro ceeding would have would be to raise the price of Indian meal, and the second would be embarrassment to the merchant. He mentioned these things as a proof that the Government were influenced, not by an indifference to the necessities of the people, but by a sincere con viction that a compliance with the recommendations made to them would do injury, and aggravate the existing evils. At the present moment oatmeal was one-third higher in price than during the last two or three years, so that by introducing Indian corn they were not driven to subsist on a high priced, bat on a generous and moderate priced food. He did trust that the introduction of this corn would g ive the Irish people a taste for a higher descrip tion of food, and increased industry to obtain it, and, in fact, lay the foundation of a better state of things in Ire land. By preventing the Irish labourer from placing entire dependence on the prevalent Irish food—the watery po• tato—would confer great and lasting good upon them. —(Cheers.) If the Government had announced their in tention of entirely supporting the whole Irish people during the prevalence of the distress now extant in Ire land, they would have done much mischief—more than any step whatever—because they would thereby have in duced benevolent individuals to relax their exertions in behalf of the poor.—(Hear, hear.) If the Government were at once to relieve the Irish clergy of all denomina tions, Irish farmers, all above the labouring classes, who now lent their aid to support the indigent, from the moral obligations imposed upon them, they would have insured all the evils of famine.—(Hear, hear.) It was impossible the Government could support four millions of people. The Hon. Gen tleman advised them to be more liberal, and to make a declaration of their means in order to obtain a more ex tended support of the Government measures, and said that many absentee landlords were not performing that duty which resident landlords were performing. He (Sir Robert Peel) thought it unfair to draw this distinc tion, because he knew many absentee landlords who were very generous to the poor.—(Hear, hear.) But if the Government were to express their intention to re lieve the wants of the whole of the suffering Irish peo ple, those who had heretofore relieved their wants would have excused their Fla oral obligations by saying that the Government had unlimited means at their com mand, and might, by commissions of inquiry, have full and accurate information with respect to their condition —would thank the Government for relieving them of the responsibility, and they would take proper measures to alleviate their sufferings. This might occur. It would be utterly impoesible for them to relieve cases of individual distress occurring in the wilds of Donegal or Mayo, and therefore they must look to all proprietors, resident and non-resident, for support ; and it was not on the Government that the first responsibility rested.— (Hear, hear.) It was only through their aid they could hope to effect any good. It might be very well fur the Hon. Gentleman to say that he held him (Sir R. Peel) rasponsible for every death that occurred. These were dangerous words; they ought not to be made use of ; but they could not make the Government pri marily responsible ; it must rest with those who either are or ought to be resident upon the spot, and upon those especially who, by reason of their non-residence, ought to be more liberal in their contributions. Not by any means wishing to shrink front any responsibility which might be attached to him either officially or individually, he could not allow the responsibility to be attached to an Executive Government which really had no means to effect anything without their aid.—(Hear, hear.) And if the statement was true that the people were eating those rotators which ought, to be preserved for food, was it not a sufficient vindication of the Government for asking a permanent settlement of the corn question? This was his answer to the speech of the Hon. Member for Limerick. He had no wish whatever to sa.y any thing with respect to the Corn Bill during the discussion of this measure. He wished the Corn and Coercion Bills to be kept separate and distinct.--(Hear, hear.) On whatever other points Hon, Me:nbers might differ he thought that upon this they would be agreed, viz. the necessity of doing something towards giving permanent re:let to the people of Ireland. There might be differences of opinion entertained as to the efficacy of the measures which the Government had introduced For the relief of the people of Ireland. He could assure the House that it was the wish of her Majesty's Govern ment to meet the wants of the people of Ireland. Day after day and night after night they were occupied with the subject of the present distress in Ireland, and it was their earnest desire that the remedial measures which they had introduced should not be ineffectual.—(hear, hear.) It had not been a fear of exp, we that had dissuaded the Government from bringing forward such measures of relief a; had been alluded to by the Hon. Member for Limerick. The fear under which the Government laboured was, that lest their resources might not be sufficiently efficacious ; he could assure the House that it was their anxious wish to relieve, as much as in them lay, the distresses of the people of Ire-'and.—(hear, bear.) Mr. E. B. ROCHE said that the Right Hen. Baronet had misunderstood him, and had consequently misrepresented him when quoting his language. He (Mr. Roche) had not called upon the Government to come forward and support the people of Ireland, nor had he asked them to take upon themselves the entire responsibility of supporting the people of Ireland. The Irish Members did not ask the Government to extend eleemosy nary assistance to the people of Ireland. What he had said was this, that the Government had themselves come forward as the feeders of the Irish people during their present calamitous dis tress, and that having done so they ought not to have stopped halfway. The Government ought to tell the landlords of Ire land for certainty that in Liverpool, or some other places, they could o n o ! fooda p in EE L_foTr PEEL —That is suipupsot whatrt f their irwfaenllt to have. ow- coaunet. I fellow-countrymen. en. want foreign wheat at 4s. per quarter to mix with oats at about I s . A. 6 1 r d . . Ep.erriq. ROCHE—That Sir HE—That may do for another year. R. O P A E E L B — p N o o but EL L f o saidthisthat ye a a t r. by the Rig ht Hon. Baronet's own s h ow i ng t h e Government had in this instance, to use a famili ar p h rase, " placed the cart before the horse." They had introduced coercive when conciliatory measures avbersnolmuteenity pnreescsesfosarrwya.r—d(tHheearc,orlhleaßra didin'tts'theyad of not int r t e h d e u w e G i this s i c r o i e v r c . i v s e o mas measure LLE was exceedingly glad to hear that norg-e the Government intended to augment the only that had been funds e ds th raised for the relief of the Irish poor, they could do would be to improve the harbours, so to think e ll ployment for the poor. A grea t d ea l could be done in manner. He hoped the report on the state of the harbours in Ireland wo u ld b e pro d uce d as ear l y as possible, in order that something might be done. Mr. COLLETT wished to make a few remarks on the sub ject under consideration. It was in reference to the finding of employment on the railways proposed to be constructed in Ire land. He did not refer to any of the railway Bills of the pre sent session, but to those passed last year, and especially to two, the Waterford and Limerick and Dundalk and Enniskillen rail ways. These were two excellent lines, but the state of things was such, the calls could not be got, and the works were in consequence delayed. If they could get some assistance by the advancement of money on loan, great relief would be afforded. While he was desirous of doing everything he could to meet the wants of the Irish people, he supported the Coercion Bill as a measure necessarily required, but only of a temporary character. Mr. O'CONNELL would not have addressed the House had not the Right Hon. Baronet (Sir Robert Peel) referred to the difference between hi, Hon. Friend (Mr. Smith O'Brien) and him (Mr. O'Connell) on the subject of out-door relief. Whatever opinion he had expressed respecting out-door relief, it was quite clear that the present relief in the poor-houses in Ireland was altogether inadequate.l37,ooo persons were all that were relieved by the poor-houses at present, while there were 2,300,000 in a state of destitution.—( Hear, hear.) The establishments for these 37,000 persons had cost 90,0001. This would show the inadequacy of the system of relief. Still, though he thought nothing could be more ruinous to Ireland than a system of out-door relief, if the Right Hon. Baronet thought proper to propose it, in the present state of Ireland he (Mr. O'Connell) was willing to sacrifice his opinion and support it.—(Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Baronet had also referred to the failure of the drainage system in Ireland, but that was not attributable to the plans of the Government, but to other causes. He must say the Government had /11197 r4 rftr7 dispolitio4 to relies the condition of Irolud, and that the course they had taken had been fully vindicated that night ; still he thought they had not done enough. The distre a was overwhelming, disturbances had broken out, and might extend so as to render all their future precautions una vailing. They had a fearful period before them; and notwith standingation what s a v l o s u o ld to d e o on w s e id ll er toputin operation whether it would not be well to appoint a Commissioner to inquire into er theS t o h a e r y d h e a f d Works,done they d y the resident landlords, and the absentees, with the object of rating them Lin order to meet the present crisis, care Icing taken to discriminate between the two classes of landlords. Their duty would not be performed unless they did everything in their power to counteract the alarming state of things ' • and in doing so, they ought not to despond, as a feeling of that kind going abroad was calculated to do great irrjury.—(Hear.) Mr. 3PCARTHY gave the Government credit for an anxious desire to relieve the wants of Ireland, still he had to complain of the way in which the commissary at Cork had given out relief. He had only supplied Indian corn for a day, and had refused further supplies, or to send it into the interior. He would ask the Right Hon. Baronet if he was aware that Indian meal, when ground, was liable to fermentation and con sequent loss? He would also press the Right Hon. Baronet for information as to the instructions the commissary at Cork was acting under in withholding the supplies. He was of opinion that the Government should allow Indian corn to be sold at the cost price. Colonel VERNER said that the scarcity described to prevail in the south of Ireland did not exist in that portion of the country in which he had lately been. At the last assizes of the county of Down the grand jury did not consider it neces sary to enforce the provisions of the present Bill, the state of the county not requiring it. He had been in the county of Fermanagh for five weeks, and he had never heard of any scarcity—in fact it was remarked that never since the war was there such a good time for the paying of rents. Mr. SMITH O'BRIEN wished to explain, He denied that in opposing the Coercion Bill he was delaying the measures for the relief of the people of Ireland. The responsibility of the delay lay with the Ministers, not with him. The Right Hon. Baronet had misunderstood what he said about local rates—he had always contended that the landlords should be compelled to support the destitute, and that a general tax on property was necessary and proper for that purpose. Mr. JOHN O'CONNELL said he rose to call the attention of the Government to a document which had been transmitted to him, and which referred to a point that had not been touched upon. The Hon. Gentleman had read the document in question, which was to the effect that it would not be possible to supply Indian corn meal fast enough to the people from a deficiency of mill-power in that part of the coun t r y. It stated that Sir R. Peel had caused to be purchased 100,000/. worth of Indian corn at the rate of a penny a pound, which made 24,000,0001b5. All that had been imported into Cork was 11,000,0001b5., of which a very small quantity had been dis tributed, the commissary refusing to supply any more at present. In addition to this quantity it was said the only stock at present in England was 45,000 quarters. To give 4,000,000 of people a pound of meal each, 14,825 barrels would be re quired. He (Mr. J. O'Connell) would not pledge himself as to the truth of this statement, but he had received it from a person who knew a good deal of the county of Cork, and con siderably acquainted with the state of the country. He (Mr. J. O'Connell) would say a few words on the general subject. The question was one of great difficulty, and great allowance should be made on both sides.—( Cries of " Hear, hear.") He gave the Government full credit for an anxious and earnest desire to do the best they could in the present crisis; and though the present discussion had been deprecated, he thought it would be useful, as it would show the House was not inattentive to the necessities of the case; and that if the Government withheld definite information, it was because they thought such a course would impede useful operations. He was sorry to hear the Right Hon. Baronet say that the introduction of Indian corn would give the people of Ireland a taste for better food. No good would arise if the taste was only given to them for a moment ; the only way to give them a better taste was to provide them with better means. It was poverty that inevitably drove them to inferior food ; give them better means of purchasing food, and they would soon have a taste for it. He had just another remark to make. With respect to what had been said about the importance of the resident landlords in meeting the evils of Ireland, he saw in that a strong argument bearing in favour of a local Parliament. Mr. FITZGERALD said that from the accounts received that day, disturbances had taken place in Tipperary, ( lonmel, and several other towns in Ireland, in which the people had risen and helped themselves out of the bakers' shops. The state of things was so dreadful that the military had been called out, as well as the police employed to suppress the disturbances. He would ask, had the agents of the Government acted according to instructions in refusing to send food into the interior, so as, by granting a supply, to prevent the occasion of the people resorting to such illegal means. Feeling that political agitation contributed to agrarian out rage, he was anxious to remove all causes or excuse for it. He was anxious to restrict political agitation to all causes which had nothing to do with personal interests.—( Hear.) It was impossible for a people accustomed to combine against the oppression from o li garc hi ca l commun i t i es , accustomed' to resist the power of authority which in their eyes was backed only by selfish motives. Was it necessary for him to describe the present condition of Ireland ?. They lived in a state of feveri s h and unhealthful excit emen t, and the consequence was that the people could not resist the temptation to oppose the claims for even legitimate authority. He for one would not be content to rest upon vague promises. Would they give equal rights with themselves ? Would the Right Hon. baronet consumate the Emancipation Act ? Would he legislate for that extremity which was fast impending and not wait until that extremity arose ? Would he remove that cause of difference which was exhibited in the portion of the Anglican Church in Ireland ? That was ti.e base of their national disseverence and of poli tical subservience. Why was it that no Member of the Catholic faith was not possessed of a place in the Cabinet? Was it not true that to be associated with them was a signal for his expulsion from the body to which he properly belonged ? But it was the business of him who was in possession of power to abridge this struggle. The sectarian policy it was that deprived the Government of the national confidence, but if they would ameliorate their political and religious scrooge, they would confederate with them, and act in concert in the repression of outrage and the stop page of agrarian imposition. If they would not, how ever, then the Government must expect that the Iri h people would refrain from any such concert, and they would not only not refrain, although by the doing so they might not prevent. but be the cause of the increase of crime. Then as to the 13111 itself, he had great objections. He thought that the punish ment of transportation was too great for the offence met by this Bill—an evil which he conceived might be justly met by a longer or shorter period of imprisonment. And, further, as to the expenses of this Bill. Why was it that the tenants on the several estates were to bear an expense to which, in justice, they were in no way liable ? He trusted that the House would not accede to the Bill in its present state, because, with out some sufficient provision for the welfare of the people of Ireland it would in effect be totally inoperative.—( Cheers.) Mr. CALEB POWELL thought that this Bill would be altogeth. r useless, unless there was some assurance of the re moval of that abuse which rendered the psople of Ire'and sub servient to the rule of a Church which was abhorrent to their principles, and without the abrogation of which no impartial effect could be produced. He had come to this resolution partly in consequence of the insufficiency cf the evidence whit .h the Government had given for this Bill, and he especially alluded to a certain district in Limerick for the returns of out rages in that district, although he had moved for them on the 23d of last month, and the officials had not been able to furnish them. Now, with regard to the case of Sir David Roche. What was the fact ? Why, he had been informed by a gentle man who was in the carriage at. the time, that Sir D. Roche had not been fired at at all.— (" But what does Sir D. Roche say ?" from the Treasury Benches.--( Great laughter.) —He believed that Sir D. Roche was lying down in the seat of the carriage at the moment. There cer tainly was an explosion, but no missile shuck the carriage— ( Laughter )—and he understood from the people of Limerick themselves that it was a ruse of the agents of the police. Now he would turn to the case of the sailor, who was said to have been beaten to death. Why, as to that, it ap peared that the man was absolutely assailed by two milkmaids, such as those who mixed water and chalk together in Caven dish-square.—( Laughter.) He knew that it was said that two men had assailed him, and that he was in a dying state, but he had been assured by persons acquainted with all the facts, that there was not a stronger man in the county of Limerick at the present moment.—( Laughter from the Alieistcrial benches.) Still further, with respect to the alleged violence done upon a man who held land in Tipperary. From what be had heard there was no ground for those assertions, and the Right Hon. Baronet would act upon very insufficient grounds, if he allowed these to influence him in bringing in a Coer cion Bill for any part of Ireland.—( Hear, hear.) There was another case which the Right Hon. Baronet had quoted, as furnishing a ground for the introduction of the mea sure. The Right Hon. Baronet had said, that a respectable gentleman, of the name of Wilson, had beers obliged to leave his place of residence in the county of Clare, through fear of being made a victim of lawlessness by the tenants around him. He e Mr. Powell) had known Mr. Wilson for many years, and had found him to be a very respectable and intelligent gentle man, and he really believed that he was of very great service to the district in which he formerly resided. But lie (Mr. Powell) felt perfectly certain that that gentleman need enter tain no such fears as had been alluded to by the Right Hon. Baronet on his introduction of the measure. There were no reasons why he should not exercise all the legitimate rights of his property in Clare, without entertaining the slightest fear of molestation on the part of the surrounding tenantry. In deed, he (Mr. Powell) happened to knew, that the causes which induced Mr. Wilson to change his residence were en tirely of a private nature, which he need not mention in that House.—(Hear, hear.) And yet the Right Hon. Baronet had referred to the case as evidence that the landed gentry of Ireland were driven from their estates in consequence of the lawless state of the peasantry. And even supposing that llr. Wilson had been obliged to retire from his resi dence in the county of Cirae, from the fears alluded to by the Right Hon. Baronet the Secretary of State for the Home Department, did it follow that other gentlemen should entertain similar fears, and be driven to similar deter minations ? He knew many gentlemen of property that lived in the district from which Mr. Wilson had removed, and yet n pp o errot a ti attacks whatever Protestant natl t hgoeungt gentry ho had Ireland, been must taam ma were i admit t d he e z te uponehss'•i excessively o h y e inclined nv religionists,eeds o t o r pp theor -. sess and exercise arbitrary powers over their Roman Catholic fellow-subjects. He also knew a gentleman who had made a great fortune by his trade in the city of Limerick ; and in a conversation which he had with him lately, he asked him whe ther he felt the necessity of giving to the magistrates of that district additional coercive powers against the people for the purpose of preserving life and property, when he replied that he certainly did not; that he had not a single fire-arm in his nots o numerous o f n the r o house—and that frequently th e b ars an d w i ndows of his house were left unbolted and open at n i g ht, an d t h at he had never suffered either in person or p r op er t y b y any acts of the pea santry.—(Hear, had sa id hear.) He belie ve d t h at the Right Hon. e h n a . highernaron classes e t h d admitted societyitted thatin Irelandthe cases were of assassination so shocking as those whi c h h a d occurre d i n England. Mr. SirJpAOMNEvESLGL said the ßAHAAl— R l ig n h e t Hverosn. Gentlemanaidthat y nauchm ia mistaken. Rightout of thes e cases way,d o e: s ß o i m gh et t hi H ng on v . e ß ry ar l o i n k e e t it w , o o u r ld he p w er a h s e a v ps r admit that h The y asossmasestihniantgiuntointlhrieslaenffdecatr—e not " o Perhaps,very after much u all, t so very numerous, but then the people want to be protected from each other, and that is what our measure is calculated t o effect " But where were th e petitions of the the House to pass this so - ca ll e d protective measure?po"praying Right Hon. Gentleman, in i n t ro d uc i ng this meastire The very sweeping charge agai ns tth e morality of the people of fde Ire land. He stated that they we re i n suc h a state of social organisation that the ordinary l aw was i nsufficient to meet theirli lawless acts. Sir JAMES GRAHAM-4 did not say so. Mr. POWELL—Then why did not the Government leav the people of Ireland to the ordinary op erat i on of the law 7 e (Hear, hear.) He really could not fe e l any gratification. in adducing arguments of recrimination for the purpose of con trasting the crimes of the people of Ireland with the outrages committed by the English people . It was no source of con solation to him to think that if there were crimes committed in Ireland there were crimes of equal, and even greater, num ber and atrocity committed in this country.__( Hear, h ear .) Why, was there not a Prime Minister assassinated in the v er y lobby of that H ou se, and did the Prime Minister of that day come down to the House with a measure for the coercion of the English people ? Or did the present Prime Minister of the Crown propose a similar measure when his Private Secre tary was assassinated in the very centre of Westminster? On these grounds, therefore, he contended that the Government did not legislate impartially towards the people of Ireland. Ha could assure the House that if this measure were passed, it would completely fail to secure the objects it contemplated. On the contrary, it would only increase the present calamities of Ireland. If its oppressive clauses were enforced, there would certainly be a lamentable reaction. He could also prove, from documents, that the evidence on which the Government had relied in introducing this mea sure was not such as should be received by the Members of that House, and although it had been stated by the Right Honourable Baronet, the Secretary of State for the Home Department that social order in Ireland was completely disorganised, yet when that young man came to be hanged in the front of the New Bailey the populace greeted him with tremendous cheering.— ( Hear, hear.) So much for the statement of the Right lion. Gentleman as to the immorality of the Irish people. Perhaps the Right Horn Baronet would, on reflection, see that his as sertion that the people of this country did not exhibit that sympathy for criminals which was manifested in Ireland was altogether untrue. Then, on the Bth of April, it appeared that there had been a case of assassination in the county of Oxford together with several other outrageous crimes, and that the total number of crimes committed in that county since the last assizes was 69. He did not think that the amount of crimes in the county of Limerick would be found to exceed that. But it would be a very invidious and disagreeable task for him to go through the catalogue of English criminality, to show that the people of Ireland were equally as moral as the people of this country. He was very sorry to find that the Hon. Member for Pomfret was not in hie place, because that gentleman had nide few nights ago that this Act was a very harmless one, and that it would not be considered anything more than a tem porary police correctionelle, and that it was impossible for any inconvenience to result from it. Now, in such a case as this, what would the Hon. Member for Pomfret think if the Pro testant people of that part of Yorkshire in which he resided were to be handed over to the care of Roman Catholic magis trates? Would he not cry out against the abolition of the British constitution, &c. ? Would he not become indignant, and express his feelings against such an nncenstitutional proceeding? And yet this measure proposed to place the Roman Catholics of Ireland in the hands of Protestant magistrates, the ma jority of whom had no sympathy for them.—( Hear, hear.) And yet the Hon. Member had advised her Majesty's Govern ment to pursue their present course. Mr. Shaw Lefevre had, at one time, in that House, stated, when there were disturb• ances amongst the peasansry of England, that the best and most effectual way of suppressing those disturbances was by relieving their wants, not by goading them by coercive mea sures to outrages still more violent.—( Hear.) And could he quote an authority higher than that of the Right Hon. Gen tleman who then occupied the chair of that House ?—( Hear.) He (Mr. Powell) found that in February, of the present year, there had been disturbances amongst 2,000 labourers that were engaged in the construction of a railway in Carlisle. Now, if such a thing had occurred in Ireland, most assuredly the people would have pronounced it to be in rebellion. —( Hear, hear.) He would now take the liberty of stating what measures were in his opinion calculated to promote the tranquillity of the people of Ireland. In the first place the people of Ireland should have the laws impartially administered to them ; the Government must not proscribe the constitu tional expression of political opinion in that country. He thought that there was a very ample scope for physical amelioration of the people of Ireland, in the reclamation of waste lands.—(Hear, hear.) He' elieved that it would be a very easy, and a very imm e di a t e mo d e to re li eve the great phys i cal destitution that at present existed in Ireland, and he believed that they would be perfectly justified in making compulsory powers for the cultivation of those large tracts which were left uncultivated. Then there was another remedy, however, left for them if they would not do these things, and that was the repeal of the legislative union between the two countries.--( Hear, hear.) If they would undertak o to do that, he would undertake to say that it wou l d immediately improve the condition of the people of Ireland.— ( Hear, hear.) But if they were not prepared to do any of these things, would they adopt the other courses which he had suggested for the amelioration of the Irish people ? If they were not, however, to do any of those things, they might de pend upon it that the people of Ireland would some fine day right themselves. Mr. WARD said that few Members, who were in the House, had had so much experience in Indian corn as himself. He, too, was aware that at a public meeting that had recently been held in Ireland, it was stated that this corn was a slow poison. Now, he had lived in countries where maize was almost universally used as food by the people, ano he had not known a more wholesome food, nor one more capable of enabling the people to endure fatigue. It was a substantial, nourishing, and wholesome diet, but it had only one fault. It would keep fur any length of time in the grain cart ; when it was ground it sometimes turned sour. If, in each case, it were to induce a slight diarrhoea in Ireland, what would be at once said of the Saxon Government and the Saxon Ministers ? He was happy to say that, at a meeting the other day, a Mr. O'Shea boldly stepped forward, and, in defiance of prejudice, explained the nourishing and wholesome qualities of the food. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that with regard to the distribution of the food for the people, as they could not know how to use it themselves ; orders had been sent to the agents in Ireland to select officers for the dis tribution of the food ; those persons who had lived most in the counties where the food had been used, and who were ac quainted with the manner in which it should be kept so as to insure its soundness. Mr. J. COLLETT presented a petition from the inhabitants of the town of Athlone against the Coercion Bill, and remon strating against the effects of such a measure. THE ADJOURNED DEBATE. On the motion that the Orders of the day be read, Mr. J. O'BRIEN said that in rising to address the House on this adjourned debate he had to express his regret that the long and unavoidable discussion which had arisen should have interfered with the progress of those measures of commercial legislation introduced by her Majesty's Government, the speedy adjudication of which he held to be not more essential to trade, to the agricultural interest of the empire, than to the modification of that destitution in Ireland, which was now no longer a matter of speculation but of urgent and unquestionable certainty. He had to regret his absence on a late occasion, when the Right Hun. Gentleman at the head of the Govern ment referred to the Member for Limerick, for he should have offered his testimony in support of the accounts of the distress in Ireland. He should have done so not only on his own know ledge, but on the unsuspected and almost official testimony of the documents which he held in his hand. One was a letter frsra the high sheriff of the city of Limerick, and the other was an address from the relief committee of the city, bearing the sl , nature of the mayor, the Protestant dean, and the chairman of poor-law union. With the permission of the House he would read their plain and simple statements. The letters stated that in the city of Limerick the want of food was such that they were not sure that the next moment an outbreak of the people would not take place. The military were kept under arms—a deputation had been sent to Dublin to express the state of affairs to the Executive Government there. He felt that he had been almost censurable in rot having submitted to the House before these documents, whieh were so strongly illustrative of the wants and necessities of the city which he had mentioned, and in which the south western pot lion of Ireland so fully participated. It was necessary, with facts such as these before the House, to join wise and humane measures with the present measures of relief introduced by her Majesty's Govern ment. He would also remark how overpowering must be that sense of duty which compelled a considerable proportion of the Members for Ireland to resist those measures which the energy of their country was said to have required—when that resist ance was accompanied by the unavoidable delay of the measures for their country's good. That resistance was not alone the re sult of their own determination, but was fully in accordance with the sentiments of people who would not consent to pur chase exemption from physical suffering without a parallel for the surrender of their political rights by a seeming acqui esence with a measure so overstrained, so unconstitutional, and so inoperative as the measure then before the House. He rose to oppese that measure, and as cases of strange suffering and unpunished crime had been demonstrated he telt it to be his duty briefly to state the reasons which determined him to give his opposition to the measure professedly intended to ar rest the perpetration of crime, and to achieve those objects which it must be the general and permanent aim of all Govern. ments to accomplish, safety to property, and protection to life. Did he believe the measure capable of accomplishing these ob jects, no consideration of temporary unpopularity which might arise from advocacy of the measure would deter him from undertaking the responsibility of supporting the measure —( Hear, hear)—for such a motive of resistance would be dis reputable and opposed to his principles. What was the measure before the Houie ? Had it been fully, perfectly, and irresisti bly demonstrated by its advocates ? No ! and what aggravated that reflection was, that this question was but a bad addition to those past remedies whose inability a long and painful experience had rendered manifest. What was the condition of Ireland after centuries of independent legislation, and a century of imperial legislation? It was disturbed, distressed, and perma nently agitated. He could not find any peculiarity in the dis position of the people of Ireland, nor any physical distinction in the country to which they belonged, which throughout cen turies should have been so disastrous to them and so little pro fitable to the English. Would it not be well, instead of devi sing temporary expedients for the punishment of crime, at once to ascertain and remove the causes tending to it. Those causes were the physical necessities of the people, and the poli tical discontent of the country ; both of these by a mutual and natural effect acting. on and exasperating one another. It was impossible to deny that the people of Ireland regard with dis like, and with an evil feeling, the principles of the English Government in Ireland. They looked upon it as Anti-Catholic, and Anti-Irish, which, notwithstanding the Emancipation Act of 1829, excluded them from the favour of the Government, or the confidence of the Crown, and they laboured under the double subjection of an alienated Government and a sectarian ascendancy. He would also refer to the social con- Idition of the Irish people; it was one of unparalleled suffering and degradation, which emancipated them from all obligations to the maintenance of laws which offered no facility for the pro tection of property, nor secured even the common necessaries of life. That such a condition of things was an incentive to crime required but little reason to perceive, and that fact was particularly demonstrated by the class and description of per sons on whom the infliction of the law ultimately fell. It was not the opulent farmer, nor the extensive landowner—they did not find them amongst the occupiers of five acres—they were composed of a class, destitute, ignorant and impoverished, who owed no deference to the institutions of the country, and who had no hope of any possible amelioration of their condition. Would they rescue this class from the temptation to crime, by improving their condition, and by allowing them greater ac commodation, an d i ncreas i ng their com f or t s , an d ma ki ng it the thei country ? r interest to obey the laws, and uphold the constitution of If he were asked how this was to be achieved, he would refer to those voluminous Committees which for the last twenty years had encumbered the records of the House —exa m _ pies of unavailing inquiry and abortive legislation. He would refer to unoccupied land, to the unsatisfactory rela tions between landlord and tenant, to the poor-law, which, when properly administered, was the best security for knew social and p o li t i ca l tranqu i ll i ty, an d prov id e d f or t h e wants and welfare of t h e l a b ouring classes o f I re l an d . H e s h ould refer to the n on - res id ent gentry ; nor could h e, i n h i s remarks, omit what he o f all to accessible h eaf aoeembleesos of decidingagrarianurceofthe differencesoutrage—the absence of the people, arising from the tenure of land, or otherwise. These were the measures he would press the Government to adopt coincidently with the measures it now proposed to enact for Ireland. _ Mr. WARD thought the present was rea ll y a most disgrace ful state of the House. A g re a t constitutional question was now befo re i t. Several times in the course of the evening he could, had he been so inclined, have called the attention of the Speaker to the circumstance of there not being forty Members present. He begged to state his reasons why he, as an English man, would not support the present measure. He believed that in Ireland, in one particular class of crime , the s y m p athies of the people were in favour of the criminal an d a g ainst the law. They could not get juries to convict, or witnesses to give evi- El-nee against the criminal. If, then, they had to deal with such a state of things as these, he thought that of all times the present was a time for the House to pause and consider to what cause this perverted morality could be traced. Were they always to bring forward the worn out and vulgar measure called coercion? Why not deal with Ireland enlightened principles. He did upen not wish to indulge in recriminations. He could not help saying that those who now sat upon the other side of the House when upon his side inflamed as much as possible the minds of the public by their expressions of bigotry towards the Irish people. He hoped that Members on his side of the House would be more just, and act in a better manner upon the proent occasion. He was prepared to support the Goma. ment, as he had done open the Maynooth question, provided they could convince him that this measure would prove effectual. He did not think a measure so unconstitutional as the present could be supported by the Members of this House, unless they were fully persuaded that it would prove effectual. He did not think it would. It would only be carried after more debate than was perhaps desired, and by allowing great changes to be introduced into the measure, and accompanied with measures of a more concilia tory character.—( Hear, hear.) The first vote he gave was in favour of a coercion Bill, he was wrong in so doing.—( Hear, hear.) He had too much faith in the Government at that time. He did not know so much of Ireland at that time as he then did. He did not know how much liberty was cherished on this side of the water, and disregarded on the other side.— ( Hear, hear.) He did not know that that Bill was a copy of a series of Bills, of which the Bill of 1764, passed in the Irish Parliament, was the first—a Bill in which power was given to magistrates to convict. That Bill was denounced by an emi-, nent legal authority, Chancellor Clair, who called it a mon strous attempt to establish religion by an Act of Parliament. (The Hon. Member then proceeded to read some extracts from " The Correspondence of Edmund Burke," describing the state of the country in 1761 ; also from the speech of Mr. Fitzgib bon, in 1781.) The Bills of 1764 and 1787 were no remedies and the present was not a new Bill—it had been tried before. It had never succeeded. Was that, then, a proper remedy for the British Parliament to apply in 1846 ? Were we to say, with the Hon. Member for the University of Dublin, that re bellion and misery were indigenous to the soil of Ire land ? The Honourable Member for Dorsetshire had said that Irishmen were deficient in common sense—that they should not be tried by the rules which apply to humanity in general— that they were, in short, " wretches" unable to manage their estates ! An eminent judge in Irish matters (Mr. Wiggins) had said, that the Irish were only reckless when labour and care were found to be useless.—( Hear, hear.) Ile thought Irish nature the same as other natures. He did not think that any nation could have borne so much so patiently and so quietly as they had done.—( Hear, hear.) Take any autho rity you please, the commissioner of the rim's, or any other authority, and you will find from all that the distress of that country is most alarming and severe. Dr. Kames, ir. his work on " the Industrial Resources of Ireland," alludes to the great number of small farms in that country. and these small farms were let at a great deal higher rent than farms in England of a similar size. Mr. Wakefield, in 1812, stated that the landlords exacted a larger amount of rent than in any country in the world. There was the case of a large farmer, who stated he never tasted a bit of bread or a bit of butter since he was born, and that numbers were in the same state in that country. The landlords, in order to raise their rents, perpetually re-value and re-let their estates, and this has led to the worst system of cultivation possible. There are no agreements, no leases, and where the land is improved rents are increased. In cases where bog lands have been re claimed by the industry of their families, their rents have been more than doubled by their landlords. Now, if these circum stances went on, they would have every other agitation in Ire land merging into one against rents.—( Hear, hear.) And he asked them how were they to deal with the evil when it reached that magnitude ? The landlords were not alone to blame. They were the victims of a system. Many of them were but the nominal owners of their estates. Encumbered with all manner of mortgages and settlements they could not improve them if they had the will. Land was often let on leases renewable for ever on the payment of a small fine, and the proprietors lived by letting and sub-letting ; but they would find that every removal from the fee-simple ownership was for the worse. There was no other source of employment open to the middle classes. No gentleman would put his son to a profession ; he lived by sub-letting. If that was the state of the farmer, what was the state of the labourer? Why worse, if worse could be—living in wretched hovels, composed of the absolute refuse of the earth—thatched with potato stocks, built of sods.--(" No" from an Hen. Member.) Did the Hon. Gentleman mean to deny the fact, against the evidence of so many witnesses ?—did he mean to deny that pigs lived with them, in the same houses 2 —that they lay on straw, without bed-clothes to cover them ? Could he deny these facts, vouched as they were by unimpeach able evidence ? In Lord Devon's report, it was stated that they passed one half of the year dragging sorrow at their heels. And what did Kohl, the German, say ? That when he saw the Leobs of Lithuania he conceived that there could not be a race of men more miserable ; but now (in Ireland) he saw a portion of the human race compared to whom the Egyptian Fellah lived in a state of luxury. But in the midst of all these miseries we find the same concurrent tes timony. As to their resignation, and cheerfulness. and sense of religion—a woman to whom he spoke, said that those strug gles were hard, but that God gave them backs to bear the burdens. And those were the people whom they were called upon to coerce, and to shut up from sunset to sunrise in order to teach them respect and love for that law, which to them was what the Obek was to the Egyp tian Fellah, distraining his cattle, and serving him with perpetual notices to quit, and coming at last with the military and police to pull down his miserable hovel, and send him adrift upon the world. And this Bill was to put an end to the struggle which existed between the tenant and the landlord. It was a very old struggle. Go back to the be ginning of the last century, and you could trace it through every page of the criminal code. He admitted that the prin ciple of intimidation was extending itself in Ireland, and was passing from land to wages. The steward could not do justice to his master at present. This was a state of things which could not be endured, and he was perfectly prepared to go with the Government in voting for any measure which would have for its object the introduction of a better state of things, pro vided they would show him that they intended to reach the cause of the evil as well as the criminal. But what was the present remedy proposed ? Coercion. How did they treat the tithe question? They found that it cost 12,000'. to collect some 801. or 901. of rent. Well, they came down with a pro posal that the Church should charge itself with the burden of its own maintenance ; ansi they did this, and did not show any cowardice in doing it, because they felt that they were law makers, and were bound to make law and justice harmonise, drawing Lot d Chatham'sdistinction. " That law was not right, but that the prineiples of right were unalterable ; and when law did not accord with them, it was their duty to being them into conformity." They were law makers, and he thought that they were to blame in arraying a long list of crimes before Par liament to endeavour to enlist its sympathies against the criminals, without going back to the primary cause which led to them He did not believe that they could remedy them unless they went to the root of the evil. He believed that no thing but a sense of grievous and persevering injustice could band a whole people against the law ; and it could not be denied but that a very large portion of the people in Ireland were handed against it. He believed that the people were a moral people in comparison to them. —( Hear, hear.) Crimes against property are peculiar there, and crimes against persons are almost invariably connected with land. He was quite pre pared to adopt strong measures against the crime, but he wished to see the cause of it removed. They found that in Ireland no man cou!d live without land; a man who loses his little holding there, loses everything. Mr. Lilo ecommended certain restrictions on the right of property in Ireland ; he was an advocate for free trade in land, but he considered that Ireland should be excepted. Why, he would ask, was the north of Ireland more quiet than the south? Because it possessed the tenant right. He was not an advocate of that right ; he was aware of its evils. The ongoing tenants often exacted an enormous sum for their interest, but it had its good effect also ; it conveyed a feeling of security. He would force the Irish landlord to deal with his tenants as if he had not the force of England to fall back upon. Now this Bill would give increased power to the landlord ; it enabled every petty magistrate, or his understrapper, to lay hold of an ob noxious person, and to get rid of him. He believed that if this Bill were carried, that the clearance system would find in it a most valuable support. He believed that this would be the best cure for absenteeism. The value of a resident landlord could not be overrated. He could show that the resident landlord had metamorphosed a whole district of country. Lord George Hill, in the county Donegal!, had made a great amelioration in the habits of the people with whom he resided, and he had no doubt that if the same system adopted by him were carried on throughout Ireland, the same results would follow. The baok of Dr. Kane, which had been so often quoted in Conc_liation Hall, showed " that it was not the want of capital which was the cause of Ireland's misery. Labour was capital, and intelligence was capital, and if they were properly exercised the same re sults would follow as in England. The fault was not in the country, but in themselves. They wanted industrial know ledge." He ( Mr. Ward) agreed with Dr. Kane. Po litical questions were certainly of great importance. The question of the franchise and the Church ought to be dealt with by every statcman that wished to govern Ireland well, but political changes could not remove the social evils of Ireland. They must break up the monopoly of the needy landowners ' they must endeavour to adj us t th e re l a ti on o f landlord and tenant—then and not till then would the people of Ireland be disposed to peace and quietude, and the necessity for such Bills as the present he entirely removed. That was his view of the case, and he saw no other method of dealing with the question. Mr. VERNON SMITH could not agree with the Hon. Gentleman who had just sat down. That Gentleman said that other measures of a remedial kind should have preceded this d not the agr e e Bill, ei eft r with it tsnueßaronet agree criminals considered. with that should opinion, besuppressed as hethought before that a b t H he o i eylt thing R t He d n y e g h elsecrimest d w not the Hon. appeared from his statement that the powe rs o f th e present Bill were t o be carried out by th e same j ur i es oanrsoiet who introduced eoul who, according to the Right Hon. Gentleman, were unable to carry out the common law. He (Mr. Smith) expected that some stronger measure would have been proposed after that statement. He considered this measure would have the effect of causing irritation rather than suppressing the outrages which it was directed against. The manner in which the measure was brought forward by the Government, as well as the measure itself, he thought ob jectionable. He did not agree with the Hon. Gentleman the Member for Cork, that an adjustment of the representative system would be a remedy for the evils of that country, nor did he think that the Church had anything to do with the outrages. The crimes entirely arose from the occupation of I sod. The Right Hon. Gentleman (Sir J. Graham) exhibited a dis inclination to touch upnn this question in consequence of the excitement it was likely to produce, but to what purpose he would ask was the landlord and tenant commission issued ? When they talked of land it should be remembered what was mixed up with that question. No man would pretend to say— at least no Member of that House, would pretend to say that the owners of land could carry out their rights, even at the risk of sacrificing life. The tenant system of Ireland was bad in the extreme, and something should be done to alter it.— (Hear, hear.) Hove differ ent from the tena tit system of this country. In England, when a tlenant left his farm, the incoming tenant paid so much to the other for the improve ments. This was the just mode of dealing with the tenant farmers. It was monstrous that something should not be of fered to alter the state of things in Ireland. It was a country which had all the resources of prosperity, and why were they not brought to bear. There was not a book or publication of any sort but contained something regarding the resources of that country. A few days ago he had taken up the he Report of the Tidal Harbour Commissioners, and it stated that the port and harbour of Cork had been the victims of half measures.—( Hear, hear.) Notwithstanding* the evils and he eid had d t e n x o p t ee re t a t d o fa firndbefore he foun d anything regarding Ireland , but sufferings of the people of that country, he was of opinion that s , meshing should be done to p ut down crime, as it at prese n t existed there. He would not be assisting the Government in putting down that state of things if he were to vote against the first reading of the Bill. — (Hear , hear .) He would vote for the first reading of the measure for the purpose of putting an end to that crime. He would, however, oppose the Bill in many of the provisions at a .future stage ; and he only now voted for it because he thought that crime should be first pu down before the cause of that crime should be redressed. Mr. M. GORE would vote for the measure of her Majesty's Government. It was not to be denied that there appeared something unconstitutional in such a proceeding, but on the other hand it was too true That they were called upon to put a stop to crimes of the deepest dye. He considered the ab sence of middle men from Ireland, was a great cause of many of its evils. He was as anxious as any one to support the supre macy of the law in Ireland ; but he would ask, how could the law be expected to be respected, under the circumstances of Government such as he had instanced. He would say that too long had Ireland been the scene of party politics and party conflicts, and that until they were put an end to, peace could not be expected there. He next proceeded to read extracts from a work recently published, on the state of Ireland, in which was dmrii e t,,,, n description of the most harrowing ini.,t,r) ill the cout,tyof K.,. dare, and other adjacent counties. He also instanced cases i where, according to the reports of certain agricultural so cieties, it appeared that a strong desire existed amongst the tenantry to improve their condition, if they were only en couraged by the landlords. He should only speak in favour of the Irishmen who had been engaged in the late battles of the Sutlej, in which Irish soldiers had subscribed liberally to the fund made up for the relief of the wounded soldiers in those engagements.—( Hear, hear.) Under all the circumstances he did hope yet to see Ireland made the inde pendent nation she deserved to be.—( Hear, hear. ) They ought to treat the poor man with kindness. They would find the hearts of the people to expand, and there would be no difficulty in governing them? Still, he supported the principle of the present Bill, as he was anxious to maintain the so premaey of the law. But, at the same time, he would support any measures that might be devised, calculated to relieve the distresses of the people. Sir W. SOMERVILLE said that whatever dispute might exist about the necessity of the Bill, it could not be denied tiset the Bill would suspend the constitution, in one part of the empire at least. He was opposed to the first reading of the Bill, and therefore, that he might not be misrepresented, he would give a few reasons why he did so. In proposing the present Bill, they should, in the first place, prove the exclusive existence of the crimes alleged; second, that the ordinary laws were not sufficient to rant them ; and, third, that the Bill was calculated to put an end to the state of things complained of. With regard to the causes that existed, he deplored their exist ence and extent, especially some of those crimes which were so alien to the true character of the Irish people. Still, they were limited to a few districts, though they proved a great demo ralization to exist, and evidenced a state of things such as he deplored as much as any Member in that House. They were such, however, that he thought might have been met by the ordinary course of the law. The Government might have ap pointed a Special Commission to sit upon such crimes in the dis turbed districts. Such a course had been attended with the best effects elsewhere. Better would it have been to appoint such a Commission, and to allow it to sit permanently, if necessary, than to pass a Bill like the present. If the Right Honourable Baronet thought the Bill was calculated to suppress crime, he was justified in pressing it forward night after night ; but that would not be the case he (Sir William Somerville) was fully convinced.—( Hear, hear.) The commission of the crime so much complained of—the common crime of assassination— would not be put a stop to by any regulation for keeping parties in their houses from sunset to sunrise. Those bent on such crimes would still find means to commit the crimes. He could not consent, from such slender expectancy of success, to arm the Lord Lieutenant with such extraordinary powers. The watching and surveillance would be most vexatious and ex pensive, and it was to be saddled on the poorer classes. The Government might advance the expenses out of the Consoli dated Fund, but they would never get it back again.—( Hear, hear.) The people would be neither able nor willing to pay it ; and if soldiers or police were employed to enforce the pay ment, it would tend to make those forces still more unpopular than now, and keep alive bad feeling and irritation.—( Hear.) They would disgust all their police—all their officers, and for nothing. Well, what would come then ? Harrassing and vexatious questions, the final effect of which would be the further disgusting of their agents, without having effected a single thing. Having only harrassed the innocent and taken up the men who were only out at night, and made them prove their innocence—their innocence of what? And could they wonder that the population was bandied together to resist those laws. What had been the conduct of Government on another occa sion ? How did they deal with the Rebecca riots? Did they then suspend the Constitution. In Caermarthen, workhouses were attacked, and peaceable people were obliged to fly the country; the people were armed and drilled at night. But they made no such law. What did they do? They issued a Commission to inquire, and when they had found out what grievances the people complained of, they remedied them and the riots ceased. The effect of any legislation they had adopted had been the immediate removal of ascertained grievances, by means of the most efficient measures in their power. He con sidered that the conduct of the Government in this particular was wrong. They ought not to have lost a moment in endea vouring to carry into effect some of the recommen dations of their Commissioners. The proposal would be a good one, if it was to one point only, namely to redress the grievances of the Irish farmer; but the principal grievances they had to deal with in Ireland were masses of horror and destitution, not amongst the farmers, but amongst the labouring classes. He would take this opportunity of saying that he did hope, and hoped sincerely, that the mea sures would be framed to regulate a system of landlord and tenant in Ireland; and that the Government would not be led away from the wants of the labouring and the working classes. These wants were the first great grievances in that country, and were the cause of the agitation. The people of Ireland were surrounded with grievances, and there was not a people on the face of the earth who suffered the same amount of misery, and endured it with the same amount of patience as the people of Ireland. They were steeped in misery, wretchedness, and distress, and they attributed those evils to the effect of the laws and the institution under which they lived. He believed that the people of Ireland were not entirely averse to the exercise of the law—on the contrary, they would be most anxious to avail themselves of it; and as a proof of that, he appealed to the stern manner in which these unfortunate people obeyed the laws which they themselves framed. He wished the Hon. Gentleman who had just sat down could be convinced how necessary was some alteration of the law in Ireland. When he sat on the other side of the House, he had often warned them of the state things would come to if they proceeded as they then did. Ireland was made the scene of party warfare ; every Irish question was made a question, not as to the merit it had with reference to the wants of Ireland, but a question with regard to the existence of one party and another. The question of the Church had been treated in a similar way. What was the case with regard to the Municipal question? When her Majesty in that House desired that the municipal rights of Ireland should be placed on an equal footing with those of England, the Right Hon. Gentleman had acquiesced, but he had since said that the municipal rights of Ireland should not be placed as those of England. Let them look at the conduct of Go vernment with regard to the Irish registration. The Govern ment would not wait a week with this measure, as perjury and falsehood were said to be so rife in that country. They now allowed perjury to continue in the manner which they did formerly, and yet there was no registration Bill. Did they think that that sort of thing made no impression in Ire land ? Did they think that this sort of political action could be perpetrated, and make no impression on the people ? For, if they did, they were mistaken. He would beg for one moment to consider the consequences of this Bill. Let them do all that they could, still such was the state of that country, they could not relieve it without some radical measure. He begged pardon of the House for the length of the time that he had detained them—(Cheers)—but he could not conscientiously fulfil his duty without stating these opinions, and he should feel obliged to oppose this Bill in all its stages. Mr. J. COLLETT was obliged to differ from the Hon. Baronet who had just preceded him, and it was to a certain ex tent. In doing so he was assured that this most atrocious Go vernment Bill would only end in disappointment and regret. In doing so he was only doing his duty, for so long as the Union Bill existed, he could only join his Hon. Friend in be lieving that no relief could be afforded to the Irish people con sistent with law, equity, and justice. He had hitherto opposed any repeal of the Union, but he was now led to believe that it was only in giving a domestic Legislature, that any relief to the miseries of li eland could be accomplished.—(Cheers.) Mr. J. O'CONNELL would wish to move the adjournment of the debate, but was met by loud cries for a continuance of the debate, and obeying the impulse, he was bound to say that this was the most outrageous, injurious, and insulting Bill by which Ireland had been threatened. Laughter from the Minis terial benches.) During this debate they had had a fair sample of the manner in which the Irish people were to be treated, and he conceived that no better example could have been afforded of the way in which Ireland was to be treated. It had been shown that the attendance of the Irish Members was a mere nullity, and it was an assurance that the Irish people had lost all confidence in this Parliament. It was indeed degrading to the Irish Members to attend there, and the only relief was to be obtained from the establishment of a domestic Legislature. He had seen the commonest matter, the treatment of a common parish matter, bring up a debate of a warmer character than this, while, when an Irish question arose it had not provoked even the respect of a reply. He would, therefore, call upon the Irish Members to second him in the endeavour to obtain a domestic Parliament, for it. was evident that it was only in an Irish Pal liament that any hope of redress was to be sought.— (Cheers.) Such being the case, he anticipated but little good from the present discussions, and with the impression that such alone was likely to prove to be advantageous to the country, he should move for the adjournment of the present debate. Mr. SMITH O'BRIEN considered that the course taken by his Hon. Friend the Member for Kilkenny perfectly justi fiable. During the three nights of the debate upon this ques tion only two Gentlemen connected with the Government had thought the arguments of those who had spoken against the measure worthy of reply. ( Hear, hear,) This Bill had been opposed by every representative of the districts of Ireland sought to be outlawed, and several of the representatives of England had also entered their protests against it, and yet the Government persisted in pressing the measure forward.— ( Hear, hear.) In common courtesy to the Irish representa tives, the Members of the Government and those who sup ported them ought to h ave rep li e d to their arguments. How ever, it only furnished one more argument to the words of his Hon. Friend the Member for Kilkenny to the people of Ire land for the repeal of the Legislative Union.--( Hear, hear. ) Sir R. PEEL s a id h e must l eave it to the House to judge how far the accusation made by the Honourable Gentleman who had moved the adjournment was just or not. —( Cheers.) He knew of no debate in that House in which there was more respectful attention paid by Hon. Members than had been paid to the arguments advanced by the Irish Members.—( Hear, hear.) The debate had now only been on four hours, for the greater portion of the evening had been occupied in a discussion upon the scarcity at present prevailing in Ireland, and doting that discussion three Cabinet Ministers, viz., his Right Hon. Friends the Secretary of State for the Home Depertment, and the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and himself, had risen for the purpose of rep]) ing to the arguments of the Irish Members. He believed, too, that every Cabinet Minister (with the exception of one, who was prevented by indis position) was present in council when the subject of the present distress in Ireland was brought before her Majesty's Government. He therefore left it to the Housetris s saywhet whether her Majesty's Government had treated the Irish Members with any want of courtesy or any want Ir ofsympathy for the wants of the Irish people.—(Cries of s , Hear, hear.") He left it to the House to sa y whether the Govern ment had treated the Irish representatives with dis respect, when in the course of four hours two Members of the Government had risen for the purpose of meeting the argu ments which they had advanced? He would ask Hon. Mem bers whether they recollected any debate thathad taken placee in that House, in which greater attention had been paid to the Speakers, or whether they had ever heard finer or more generous sentiments than those which had been expressed by Hon. Members who supported the measure ?—(Hear, hear. ) Was it then just to say that during the course of that debate they treated the Irish people or their representatives with the slightest disrespect. The English Members had listened with the deepeet interest to the social condi tion of Ireland, and whatever might be their political differences, he ventured to say that they all enter tained most sincere wishes to have the misfortunes of Ireland removed. He left it, therefore, to the Hon. Gentleman to say whether he would still persist in his motion for an adjournment. Mr JOHN O'CONNELL said that he had not charged the Members of the Government with want of comae wards the Irish Memb ers . Wh at he did complain of sy w t a o s, that those Hon. Me m b ers w h o generally supported the Go vernment had not thought it worth their while to say anything in reply to the ar gumen t s o f hi s H on. Friendsthe representa tives of Ireland, a n d th ey appeared anxious only to urge for ward the present coercion. Mr. ELLICE could not help expressing his hope and prayer to the H on . G ent l emen on that side of the House, who represented the interest of Ireland, to reflect a little upon the injury inflicted upon the whole country if they persisted in the present course, inasmuch as it would impede the progress of that measure which was of vital importance to the people of the United Kingdom.--( Hear, hear.) I n making thaappeal to Hon. Gentlemen, he hoped that he might not be considered to treat lightly the wants and necessities of Ireland. He had sat in that House for thirty years, and he did not think there was any one occasion during that period upon which Irish inte rests came into discussion, when he failed to support what was called a liberal policy towards that country. He, as well as many Hon. Gentlemen on that side of the House, who repre sesee lsen : best en deavours to promote the best interests of Ireland, and he hoped, that when he now entreated the Irish Members to per- mit the first reading of this Bill, he would not be acting iitcon consistent' v.—( Hear, hear. ) Mr. D.. BROW N said, that he could not see how the Irish Members could be blamed, for the performance of their duties to the Irish people, for opposing this measure. They were most anxious to see the Corn Bill progress as rapidly as possible, but he could not conceive that for the purpose of faciliting the progress of that measure, they should be called upon to forsake their duties to the Irish people. When the people of Ireland read the report of this debate, they would come to the conclusion, that Ministers had not deemed it worth their while to enter as fully as became them, into the present condition of Ireland.—(Hear, hear.) He thought the Irish Members had introduced much matter, indeed, much valuable matter in that debate, and it was noto rious that her Majesty's Government had not answered it.— ( Hear, hear.) There was not a single newspaper in Ireland but had said that her Majesty's Government had not answered one of the arguments advanced by the Irish Members on this question. The Right Hon. Baronet told them that he had obliged them by introducing this measure before Easter. He (Mr. D Brown) thanked him for such an obligation, but what was it i They have obliged them with the Coercion Bill. He thanked him for nothing.—( Hear, hear, and laughter.) The Right Hon. Baronet told them that they ought to be obliged to them for giving them this Bill. Sir R. PEEL—I never said any such thing. Mr. DILLON BROWN—The Right Hon. Baronet had said it, if not in words in effect; and surely if it was an obliga tion conferred upon Irelend, it was not too much for him to thank the Right Hon. Gentleman for so much kindness and generosity. He was, however, of a different opinion, and he would, therefore, move the adjournment of the House. Strangers were then ordered to withdraw. For the adjournment ...... , Against it ............ 20 Majority . 57 On our return to the gallery-- Mr. DILLON BROWN said he would now move the ad journment of tl e House. Mr. ROCHE said that he would second the motion. He considered it right that this question should not be hurried through the House. Mr. CALEB POWELL was of opinion that the debate should not be disposed of that night. It was too bad of her Majesty's Ministers to put an end to the debate by bringing for. ward their majority. The SPEAKER—The Hon. Member had not stated upon what he now addressed the House. Mr. CALEB POWELL said he was speaking to the mo tion for the adjournment of the House, which was moved by the Hon. Member, who had preceded him. He really thought it too bad that the Government should strangle the opinions of the Irish Members by a division ; and for that reason he would support the motion of his Hon. Friend. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER thought the course about to be pursued by Hon. Members at the other side of the House would cause much difficulty. That was a course that would greatly retard most important measures for the benefit of Ireland. He felt confident that no one could charge him with not having listened .with great attention to the argu ments advanced by Hon. Members differing on this question of her Majesty's Ministers. Mr. FITZGERALD supported the adjournment. He did not think that the Irish Members were under any obligation to the Right Honourable Baroaet for the short holidays he bad given them. He had also to observe that during the debates on this question the benches on the other side were but very thinly occupied. Sir R. PEFL hoped the Hon. Gentleman, who had just sat down, would not be angry if he did not reply to the speech he had just made.—(Laughter.) He thought that more tolerance and good feeling should be exhibited towards one another. For his own part he could say that had he consi dered the debate would have come to a close on that night, he would have thought it due to the House and due to the subject, to have spoken on the questiodt After what had taken place, however, he hoped the House would content to the proposal he would now make that the debate be adjourned to Monday next.—( Hear, hear.) Mr. D. BROWN felt deeply gratified at what had fallen from the Right Hon. Baronet, and expressed the misappre hension which he entertained as to the intentions of the Go vernment with respect to this Bill. Mr. J. O'CONNELL withdrew the remarks he had made, in reference to what he supposed to be the designs of the Government. The debate was then adjourned till Monday next. RAILWAY DEPOSITS BILL. Sir G. CLERK brought up the report on the Railway De posits Bill.—Ordered to lie on the table. COMMONS INCLOSURE BILL. On the motion of Sir J. GRAHAM, this Bill was read a second time. The other orders of the day were then disposed of, and the House adjourned at Half-past Twelve o'clock. RAILWAY SHARE MARKETS. MANCHESTER, APRIL 17. STOCK EXCHANGE.-The sales are-Birkenhead and Holyhead Junction, 30s. 6d. dis.-Birkenhead, Lancashire, and Cheshire, p.-Blackburn, Clitheroe, and North Western, 1% dis.-Blackburn and Preston, 3 p.-Buckingha m an d Bletchingly, % dis.-Cheirns ford and Bury, 13-16 dis.-Chester and Manchester Direct, 235. 6d. dis.-Eastern Counties,York Extension, '% p.-Essex and Suffolk, 15s. 6d. dis.-Glasgow and Dumfries, 15-16 dis.- Great Eastern and Western, 1% dis.-Huddersfleld and Manchester Railway and Canal, dis.-Leeds, Dewsbury, and Manchester, 14 p.-Liverpool and Bury, 54 p.-Ditto, New, I % IL-Liverpool and Leeds Direct, % dis.-Liverpool, Ormskirk, and Preston, 7-16 p.-London and Man chester (Remington's), 395. dis. c.-London and York, 225. 6d. dis.- Manchester, Buxton, and Matlock, par-Manchester and Birming ham, Quarters (A), 7% p.-Ditto, ditto (C), 6% p.-Manchester and Bury Atmospheric, 85. 6d. dis.-Manchester and Hyde, % dis.- Manchester and Leeds, Quarter Shares, 8 p.-Ditto, Fifths, 84 p. - - - Northumberland and Lancashire, 1 dis.-North Staffordshire, 1% P. -North Wales, 3 dis.-North Western, 3-16 dis.-Preston and Wyre. Halves (B), 14 P.-Preston and Wyre Extension, 3s. Ms.-Sheffield, Leek, and Crewe, 3 /, die.- Sheffield and Lancashire Junction, 14 die. --hefileld and Manchester, Quarters (No. 2), par-Ditto, ditto (No. 3), % dis.-Shrewsbury and Birmingham, % dis.-South Eastern and Dover. Halves, No. 4,9 s. Gd. dis.-Tear and Dove Valley, % die. c.-West Riding Union, 255. c. LEEDS, APRIL 17. STOCK EXCHANGE.-The sales are-Eastern Counties, 22 cash- Ditto, York Extension, 17s. 6d. p. - Manchester and Leeds, Sixteenth Shares, 3 p.-Huddersfield and Manchester, 2 dis.-Huddersfield and. Sheffield, 2% p.-Leeds and Bradford, 23- Leeds and Dewsbury, I p. cash-Newcastle and Berwick, 7% p.--North British, New Carlisle Branch, Bs. p.-London and Portsmouth, 1% dis.-London and ork, 255.-Glasgow and Dumfries. 17e. Gd. dis.-West Riding Union, 31. Gs.-Ambergate, Nottingham, and Boston, 265. dis.-Bradford, Wakefield, and Midland, 215. dis.-Chelmsford and Bury, 17s. 6d dis.-Clitheroe Junction, 265. dis.-Essex and Suffolk, 15s. 6d. dis.- Great Eastern and Western, 295. dis.-Lancashire and North York shire, 20s. dis.-Leeds and York, 203. dis. - Manchester, Buxton, Matlock, and Midland, Is. dis.-Midland and Thirsk Junction, 245. dis -Northumberland and Lancashire Junction, 225. dis.-North We tern, ss. dis.-South and Midland Junction, 325. dis.-Welsh Midlands, 255. dis. HULL, APRIL 17. STOCK Excrresoz.—The sales are—Blackburn, Darvren, and Bol ton, 2%—North British, Carlisle, 335. 6d.—Ambergate, Nottingham. Boston, &c., 26s.—Chelmsford and Bury, Ils —Derby and Gains borough, 14s. —Direct Northern, 1 lA—East Coast, 19s.—Grimsby. Louth, and liorncastle, 22s.—Hull and Barnsley Junction, 235. Liverpool and Leeds, 2/. 7s. 6d.—l.ondon and York, 30s.—London and Manchester (Remington's), 17s. 6d.—Nottingham and Mansfield. 14 3 —South Midland, 1 ,4 —West Riding Union, 3/. es. 6d. SHEFFIELD, APRIL 17. STOCK ERCHANGE.—The sales are—Manchester and Birmingham. 73%—Midland, Sheffield, and Rotherham, 33%--Grimsby and Shef" field„ Quarter Shares, 14s.—New,astle and Berwick,lB —Nottinglain and Mansfield, 1/. 4s. 6d.—Sheffield, Buxton, Leek, Potteries, and Crewe, 13s. 6d.—York and Carlisle, 114. NEWCAS'T'LE-UPON-TYNE, APRIL 17. STaCK ExenxiquE.—The s des are—Eastern Counties, 2214 —DIU°. York Extension, 19s. p.— Glasgow, Dumfries, and Carlisle, 21s. dis. Lancashire and North Yorkshire, Ti dis.—Leicester and Tamworth. 1 dis.—London and York, 1 dis.—North Staffordshire, 38s. p.—New' castle and Berwick, 81 %' p. — Northumberland and Lancashire, 200. dis.—West Riding Union, 1 p. YthiK, APRIL 17. STOCK EXCHANGE.—The sales are—Grand Union (Nottingham to Lynn), Os. 6d.—London and. York, 1/. 7s.—Ditto, Extension, Id. 6s -Newcastle and Berwick, nil—Newcastle and Darlington Eaten— Wons, s —North British, Carlisle Extension, 11. 13s. 3d. —Rugby and Iluntingdon, I—Welsh Midland, 11. 45.—York and North Midland , New (East and West hiding), tl. GLASGOW, Aran. 16. STOCK EXCHANGE. -The sales are-Bridge of Weir, 405.-Br fish and Irish Union, 405.-Caledonian, 111. 16 5.-Caledonian Exten sion, 28s.- Caledonian and Ayrshire Junction, 39 5. - Caledonian and Dumbartonshire Junction, 265. 6d.-Caledonian Direct Northern. 355.-East Indian Hallway, Bs. 3 d. - Edinburgh and Bathgate. 405.. -Edinburgh and Glasgow, 721.-Edinburgh, Glasgow, and Duni" barton, 19s. 6d. -Glasgow General Terminus, 8 3 %-Glasgow and Bel fast Union, 265. 6d. -Glasgow, Kilmarnock, and Ayr, 701.-Glasgovrr Dumfries, and Carlisle, 325. 6 d.-Glasgow, Kilmarnock, and Ardros san, 255. -Glasgow and Dundee Junction, 32s -Glasgow Harbour Grand Junction, 26 5.-Glasgow Itarbour Mineral, 275. 6d.-Greta North of India, 3s. 6 d.-Kilmarnock and Ayr Direct, 345. 6d. - " Lanark and Lothians, 4 25.-Lesmahagow, 425. 6d.-Scottish Centrt 1 3% -Scottish G rand Junction, 17s. 9d.-Scottish Southern, 345' S cottish Central a n d C a l e d on i an Junction, 225. 6d. -South Mid l a nd 365. fid.- South and Midland Junction, 18s.-Stirling and Duttfern i line, 30s. THE WEATHER IN SCOTLAND.—The rain has broughs milder and more genial weather. Monday and yesterday were tolerably warm ; but the sky is not without its clouds. A correspondent in Argyleshire says :—" The weather for the last fortnight has been in every instance suitable for agricultural operations. During the present and past week oat sowing has become general, and in some places sevoral fields of potatoes have been planted. We learn from Perth, that the favourable weather which prevailed duri te last two weeks was succeeded, on Sunday last, by rain. ng It h rained heavily for the most part of the day, accompanied by thun der and lightning, and continued up to Monday afternoon, b 7 which the soil is so saturated that sowing, in the mean tinie, is at an end.—Edinburgh Weekly Register. [ADVERTISEMENT.]—A CURE FOR DROPSY BY HOL. LOWAY's PILLS AND OINTMESIT.—Captain James Eyre of the Com pany's service, residing at Boulogne, had been tapped thrice within seven months ; twelve quarts of water were taken from him earls time. Notwithstanding these operations he was about falling 9- victim to this terrible complaint, when he commenced the rubbing la of Holloway's invaluable Ointment, and as effectually . as salt IS forced into meat ; besides this be took large doses of his wonderful pills, which in nine weeks effected so extraordinary a cure as to enable him to walk twenty-five miles in one day. Any unnatural swellings of the body are effectually cured by these celebrated medi cines. Sold by all medicine vendors ; likewise at Professor Hollo way's establishment, 224, Strand, London. LADY HAMILTON.—" Despard and his associate traitors hanged at half-past eight : hardened villains ; Des pard manifested neither fear, religion, nor remorse ; died. haranguing the mob, with a li e i n hi s mouth, but it produced no effect. Lady Hamilton, whom Lady Malmcaturymet in the evening of this day at Lady Abereorn's, after singing , o le : u nn h ao a tdhi know o n mw e thati B' n eg saids s h h e e did f s r , b b e u tt t e u t il e :l Be poor M rs . D espard i n t h e morn -1: s r he si w nc e e nt t t h o e co b m od f y o rthhaedr, been d brought back to her. This is the consequence of Lord Nelson having spoken to his character. Lady Hamion was $ woman — whom Sir William Hamilton fell in it with her e when he began to doat, and married when his dotage Wag confirmed; s h e i s clever and artful, but a sad Malmesbury's Diary. BIRTHS. On the 15th inst , at St. Mary Abbott's-terrace, Kensington, O il. William Powell, of a daughter. On the 15th hist., in Gloucester-road, Hyde-park, the lady of —a • • B. Lousada, Esq., of a son. On the 15th inst., at D uns t a b le, Bedfordshire, the wife of la n Pearsc, Esq., of a son, still-born. On the 15th inst., in U pper Stamford-street, the wife of Mr. It. 13 ' Swinscow, of a (laughter. On the 15th inst., at Manchester, Mrs. J. Hillard, of a dattgbteflr, On the 16th inst., a t Milton-street, Dorset-square, the lady o f Myers, Esq., of a son. On the 16th in3t. at Sydenham, Kent, Mrs. Samuel Fry, of a sort MARRIED. 1. ' On the IGth inst., at St. M ar y M ag d a l ene, T aun t on, b y the =al I t , James Toogood, Vicar of North Pethe r ton, an d R ura l Dean Vs"l' Prince, Esq., of Nether Storey, S omerse t, t o F anny Maria, call daughter of William Woodland, Esq., banker, Taunton. Hal l ' On the 14th inst., at Albion Chapel, Hull, the Rev. Newman 11, 8.A., formerly of Maidstone, to Charlotte, only daughter of Wm ,— Gordon, Esq., M.D., F.L.S., both of`Hull. —0... DIED. In Beaumont-street, Marylebone, Lieuteuant-Colonel Nicholl, late of the Bengal army, aged 82. On the 21st of December, at Ferozeshah, Captain George W ile ' of the 29th Regiment. t ifajor Of On the 10th of February last, at Sobraon, Robert Hay. Brigade to the first division of the army of the SutleJ. Macgregor' 924 On the 29th ult., at Gibraltar, Capt a in Si r W. Highlanders. Charla tat On the 11th Inst., at the Rectory,Eceleston,near youngest daughter of the Rev. R. Massie. On the 16th inst., Janice Brand, Esq., of Blackmtul-Estraar°4l. London: Printed and Published by MITIMO TOTING, of No. 112 : San Office, N 0.112, Strand, in the 1180121% of the Savoy, in the County of middleiex, laturtlAYl 41 " 18, 1846, THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, APRIL IS, 1F46.