The Sun. — London, England, 1846-02-17 00:00:00

eoetton? The burden of one-tenth would increase the cost to barley, not made into malt, for the purpose of fattening lof St. Albans, praying the House not to pass the mea tshamconsumer. Supposing that another mill . were built in the cattle. In Germany, where there are no fiscal regulations to • sure proposed by Government with reference to free owner-of -that town subject to no tithe tax or burden, would not the affect the practice of fattening cattle with malt, that article is I trade. - of - th a t mill be enabled to undersell the first owner, who not used. He entreated their. Lordshipsnot to urge the Go- I Mr. 0. DUNCOMBE presented a petition from the hadtithesburdens to pay? They were, then, looking at those things vernment to meddle with the malt-tax. In the whole scale county of Cork approving of the pre eat measures of a to be borne by the agricultural community of this of duties, none pressed so little upon the public as the malt e..eu.ntry,. while they would be exposed to foreign competition ; tax. Beer, after all, is only a luxury. There are other her Majesty's Government. The petitioners stated that they were engaged in manufactures, and that as they tad he would ask, were not the burdens they bore sufficient to luxuries to the labouring classes, upon which he would rather neither had, nor desired to have, any . protection on their Warrant their asking for protection against foreign competi- see the duty diminished—tea, coffee, sugar—all these would tion? If a stack of corn was brought into the market, which be illinately more to the advantage of the labouring classes if trade, they prayed the House to abolish all protection to agricultu re. trackc had been raked on ground that paid one-tenth of its pro- the duties were reduced upon these instead of the malt They 1 ne, exclusive of the charges of cultivation, could it compete are ail already too high for the purposes of revenue. B e h a d Mr. W. MILES p resen t e d several petitions from t7 o tth a stack raised on ground easily cultivated and subject to heard with regret and much alarm of the proposal of an in- Somersetshire against the present Government scheme. atebu!'den whatever ? The Noble Lord who opened that de- creased property-tax. There had been of late a great ten- He also presented a petition from distillers in forms of very properly made a disti nc ti on w ith regard to the dency to remove indirect taxation and place in its stead assstem the southern parts ef Scotland, in which the petitioners t',ozsot taxation, and he would avail himself of that distinc- of direct taxation.—( Hear, hear.) It had bees stated that stated that they had embarked all their capital, . e for o the taxes paid by the corn-growers were not for the the • poor-law imposed upon real property a tax equal to 12 per in their present trade, and that if the present measure eautieonnt atf a certain class or district, but for the benefit of the cent. It must, however, be borne in mind that this charge of her Majesty's Government were carried into effect, large, and he would ask which of the two stacks of was not exclusively upon land; houses, canals, and railways paid not only themselves, but all in their employ would be ine weuhT2oth.et one free from burden and the other heavily taxed— a large proportion. The exemption with reference to stock in vitably ruined, alai they therefore prayed the House 401. `a_i_ ! hem could be sold at the lowest rate ? Was it trade extended equally to the stock and capital of the that right for the agricultural community to ask for farmer as to the tradesman or manufacturer; but it would be to persist in theirpresent measure. not ea telief.that would give them an opportunity of fair attended with great ti fficulty to ascertain the value of the in- Lord WORSLEY presented a petition from Notting- Lo:_etition with the foreign grain ? ( Hear, hear.) come of each party resident in the parish. Th e N o bl e L or d h am aga inst the proposal of the Government, and in 4 `,,,_ .a ,. his Noble Friend went on to say, " Oh, but by the corn•-• ( Lord Beaumont) had given them a very formidable list of favour of protection to native industry. The measure (T7_atetton the tithe s are no longer a land burden, because they the burdens on land, not excluding the militia -rate, which has of the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Go een.,?nsidered in the price of the land—it is no longer a bur- not. however, been l ev i e d f or some y ears , an d which I hope vernment was in direct contradiction to those rail. N ow he (Lord Stanley) would again return to his si- wi'l not be levied again.—( Hear, hear.) Land in this coun- principles which had brought him into office, and the if on 'a . , r id he would ask this question. They would admit that try. bears a much higher value than it does in America or othere petitioners prayed that before the measure was passed the tth was paid by one mill, and nothing by another, that countries . In the western parts of Americathefinest prairi into law the country might be appealed to through the p r oprietor s of each were not placed upon equal terms. The land may be purchased for . four dollars (about 45.) an acre. - . medium of a general election; they felt confident that his mutation takes place : the first mill• owner does not wish Now land of an equal quality in this country would let at a a Ministt would o t u hen ur b e e . formed which would continue i n . uustry to be interfered with ; he does not wadi to be taxed price of from 40s. to 50s. an acre. What causes this difference? ro A te r 'ett . .oo Y _to_erri lt toe i n r y s e a ttion to his success; he wishes to compound with the Why does land in this country yield as an annual rent about P Ytar ui .,.' s "'et's , taking the average of his rise in the last five ten times as much as the sum for which in America you could 1 • _FH_ OI "! , NE . LY presented a petition from Finiston, er a , • .."d the average prices the produce was sold at. But purchase the whole fee-simple of a similar quantity and quality in Staffordshire, in favour of free trade generally; and out dust commutation, although faille and clearly made in America? Simply on accoun t o f th e l arge population of clip bhe petitioners p ra y e d t h at t h e repeal of the corn-laws " is bea t net r emove the burden; the burden remained count'', great markets, and - good roads. his these which might be imm e di a t e. p a i d , a burden when paid in a certain sum as when give an increased value to land, and it is upon these circum- .An Hoer. MEMBER presented petitions from sixty three parishes in Herefordshire, against the measures of hard en "' produce. Nay, it remained a gr e at er stances which of all others Mr. Cleo. Robins, or any_ other m elte , and hie. Noble Friend was going beyond a paradox in most eloquent auctioneer, would delight te expatiate. In this her Majesty's Government, and in favour of native ind . ustr . y. , b e f ere ''!g that it was no burden at all. He trusted he might case then, if these circumstances tend to improve the value of Noble fors for thus trying to controvert the argument of his the estate, is it not perfectly fair that the burdens should be inhabitantslentioes. MEMBER presented a . petition, sinned by 920 b ll tu t he:,eretdiiend. He felt himself obliged to protest against it, borne by the owners?—( Hear, hear. ) He considered, taking of the town of Wellington, praying for the oiinced that the Government did not intend to offer the whole of the circumstances into his consideration, that the le' r e .°P• P"ilian to the motion. B e re j o i ce d th a t it wou ld b e present burdens upon land were nothing more than removal of all restrictions on food.—(Hear.) I by the House ; hut, at tie same time, be could payments for value received. He should not there:ore Mr. ORD presented a petition from the shipowners of the P int ° that Committe e w ith ou t p ro te s ti ng a ga i ns t one of object to this Committee. But he warned Noble Lords not to Ne , ecastle in favour of the Government measure. ti e , iv`e'Poasition„f the Noble Lord, that he introduced this mo- carry the inquiry too far. A n d there are many persons who Mr. FERGUSON presented a petition from Mon- PrOte e : o U 'e he considered that the question of the abolition of will not be wanting, in pursuing that inquiry, to expatiate very mouthshire and other places, praying that the measure %s etter 11 Was already settled.—( Great cheering.) While he largely upon the information which that report may furnish. of her Majesty's Government respecting a repeal of the oth er ed th the Noble Lord in thinking that on this and They would consider that the proportions of the burthen on co-n-laws * might not pass into a law. delibellestion s the opinion and voice of the country , calmly, land in this country was not so much as it was either in France ' Mr HUME presented a petition from several places tam ed at elY, and seriously expressed, aye, and stedfast'ly main- or in Austria. When the land-tax was first imposed in 1692, . Scotland" . in in favour of the measure now proposed by ;bi b , ' ° tight and would ir fiuenee the deCi‘ions os' their Lord- there was a tax of four shillings in the pound; that tax remains her Majedy's Government. Ise r r i t a ,„"d the other House,. he also agreed wit i h the Noble the same at the present period, notwithstanding the value of this sac there should be no doubt in a question of this vast, land—as appeared in the returns made to the House of Cora- Mr. HU rT presented a petition from one of the t'arlt ne nse Importance, that the sense of the country and of mons—was increased to the value of eighty-five millions ; and largest ship-owners in Hull, praying that the measures tad la e; e ent were in favour of a change • for its agitation that excluding a great amount of income under 1501 . per of her Majesty's Government may pass into a law, as it Rood, --(n ePlishment, unless productive' of undoubted annum. He should not therefore oppose the motion of the woulit have a salutary effect on the ship building of this LtN ate could not fail to be an undoubted evil. Noble Lord. country, which was in a very depressed state at present, d iei ~,,,e‘r might be the result of .the question of protection, Lord ASHBURTONconsidered it paradoxical that the charge in consequence of the duty on timber. ~c h its ;"'• do away with the argumentargumentActJ. presentedpetitionsreasonable —(H . eear, he . ar. ) was a burden, while after the passingotthe Actitceasedtobe so. f e 4 . ' . , of avour or a total and immediate repeal the corn-laws. hat he Protest avanst being supposed to agree in the opinion Their Lordships were aware that before the Tithes Commute e, , Mr. C URTEIS presented a petition from Eastbourne, Nine. question of the policy of the eorn-'awe rested in the tion Act, tithes were virtually commuted. ' I 'be mod-tax was • to the same effect. b t i s: l7 te ir l t t e l n e t e ir r e ee on any particular interest ' or . individual bod thrown over by the Noble Lord himself. The poor-law was Mr. BRIGHT presented petitions from places in tall ee lm prove that the landlords and farmers shall receive kept up in America in the same state as it was kept up here. compensation, both in their individual and pecu. The statutes of Elizabeth, i n resp ec t of the poor-laws, were Northumberland. Cheshire, 'Worcestershire, Kent, Dor t)ro 1 ,ere,ts still he would not consider the question of the observed in that country. He would say with respect to the setshire, and Staffordshire, to the same effect, tto te ' es ":l settl ' ed. The abolition of the corn-laws was a ques- land changes—leave them as they are, but give compensation Lord.PALMERSTON presented two petitions from Perst.;;`,ais opinion, that rested on conclusions far beyond the to those lands which had m meet such burdens. With respect Scotland to the same effect. t° be t` or Pecuniary ' interests Of any class or party. It was to protection, or compensation, or whatever else their Lord- Mr. GISBORNE presented a petition from New. liti..it,escoe_n.aidered, not in a pecuniary or individual sense, but ships wished to call it, it was not only due to the land,. bat if castle-on-Tyne to the same effect. uter est . ''„s 011 the great social, moral, political, and material they attempted . to take ,it off they would throw . mueh of the Sir R. PEEL presented a petition to a similar effect Th t ;,at the country.—(Cheers.) from Tam worth.—(Hear, hear ) The petitioners con land out of cultivatien. There was ne comparison between i ' siotis'elte of RICHMOND must, like the Noble*Lord ented the land of this country and the land of America. In the rich sidered that the measure proposed by her Majesty's Go -14,t 11 ' s ; r ProteSt to that which the Noble Lord (Stanley) ' bar prairies . of that country land was nothing, but labour was vernment would give an impetus to agriculture ,`'kre ta ke s, Ile considered the inquiry now sought for should everything. ,°Po %Place earlier He would not believ e that the Bill s Lord BE AUM ONT, in reply, said, the Noble Lord had and tend to diffuse plenty throughcut the land, ar . id . there. hqieelieeZtltovrbe brought from the other House, to do away with stated that the cost of keeping up turnpike roads was not a bur- fore they desired to see it passed. This petition was Id receive their sanction. He could not den on land. Now the cost of keeping these roads amounted signed by the Mayor and several of the Town Council. 'pkelthat their Lordships would make so sudden a change as to 2,500,000/, and of that from 1,200,0001. w as defrayed out The Right Hon. Baronet presented petitions from Dun it th e ° tubers in the other House; but that they would throw of the funds raised from land. • fermline, the Corporation of Glasgow, Renfrewshire, de taken raeasures, in order that the sense of the country might The motion, with the addition, was then agreed to. Pollock, and Boston, in Lincolnshire to the same effect. ;,% k e e it .ernen. ll them. —( Hear, hear.) It might be said that great The Duke of WELLINGTON was quite satisfied, now that THE ADJOURNED DEBATE. ~.! ti,-Corn-law existed out of doors ; but who were its authors? the Committee was appointed, no unnecessary delay would . that On the order of the day for resuming the adjourned , - a,_ trl od i , - Corn-law League .—( Hear, hear. ) It had been take place, but that the result of the inquiry would be laid on debate being read, Oa h. °Y the Noble Lord, that if the measure passed into the table as soon as possible. ' Q M 's would d o his best not to set class against . class; on Lori BEAUMONT intimated that no time would be lost in Lord MARCH said ha could assure the House that Ta l. at rosukkieet, however, he (the Duke of Richmond) could laying the report on the table. tw -s not his intention to enter at any great length it t ot e i a „rlY ilsromise.—(Hear, hear.) The responsibility ADMINISTRATION OF CRIMINAL JUSTICE BILL. into the consideration of the question then before te ;e i y wou i d at h his hands, but in that of the Government . .On the motion of the LORD CHANCELLOR, the Admi- it, or to trouble them with any statistical de withet of deep p e scorned to laetray their leader, but with the nistration of Criminal Justice Bill was read a third time. tails, as Honourable Members who preceded him injurywhich they were likely to sustain, The Duke of RICHMOND moved for certain returns re- on Friday night had gone so fully into the ige,, e a fr efing that their families and themselvs were to b garding local taxation from the year 1821 to 1845.—Agreed to. matters that he should consider it presumptuous in him- Oee, - ",,lci ruin and the workhouse by the acts of that The Earl of ST. GERMANS brought in a Bill for the self to follow in . that course. At the close of the de titi_4) How could they feel any confidence in him.—(Hear, better protection of life and property in Ireland, which was bate on Friday night a Noble Lord, Ste Member for tjeleett'aew declarecould the honest farmer who had heard men from read a first time. . Dungannon, astonished him (Lord March) not a they were for protection , and protection The second reading was appointed for Monday next. 1 0, y 11 ~,,y.s that little indeed (Hear and a laugh) although " maintain, and had seen them in the House of ' fhe other Bills on their Lordships ' table were then moosad \i,lk,iae.lesert the cause they bad promised to support, rely vanced a stage, and the House adjourned at a Quarter past irom the recent conversions that he had noticed he ought not to feel surprised.--(Hear, hear.) e o nst J c vn, those in whom they had placed their confidence'? Nine o'clock. l es est ,„ ti 'd they think, when they saw the places of That Noble Lord, in the short period of one month, had e." promise who resisted the measure, filled up by those who HOUSE OF (70MMONS, Monday, Feb. 16. made two speeches in that house, one on either side of t i ) '_tild a i2'ed to defend, but had afterwards deserted them? The SPEAKER took the chair at five minutes before the plestion.-4" Hear," and a laugh.) However, it CY r eo p be blamed, if, under circumstances like these, Four o'clock. was not for him (Lord March) to say to what that iee P a th ,ured to take a leaf out of the Anti-Corn-law League? NEW MEMBER. - change in his ideas was owing • but he should t,,,stlitersli',Touten marty had abstained from sending itinerant Mr. FINCH took the oaths and his seat for the county say that he did not seem to have attended to t e 's a ga n the facturing districts to excite the opera tli*e do ft their employers?—but had the Anti-Corn-law of Rutland, in . the room of Mr.-llawnay, who has ac- the debate, for hie speech had been al 'r a st e the same ? No ; they had not. They had sent cepted the Chiltern Hundreds, most one-sided. The Hon. Member for Bridport had s 'Rbt ur ers into every agricultural district, who bad, if he THE GOVERNMENT POLICY. made a statement, and he (the Noble Lord) wished to t"et's e all Owed to use the term, blackguaaded all the land- Sir JOHN HANMER presented four petitions f rom . urge on him the necessity which every man of honour ' ° ' 4 l i ' t eat • flrmers of the country. They, however, were not In that House would admit to be correct, that no man _tort, with th • the inhabitants of Hull, in favour of the financial and Should make a statement in that House withoutbeing fully tte , ts, but went further, and told the labourers that commercial policy of the Government. The Hon. Mem-'e a I 'd bu r II as straw. Their people had never ras a ° Ythi n n as . we . ber also presented a fleth petition, praying the Govern- Noblet - invinced of its truth and accurrcy. 11e stated . that a soo te aetw g of this sort ; they had never sent men into the ment to take into consideration the duties on tea. Duke, who was a member of the Administration that l i k e tl P,h to ', l ",';' districts, 'although it might have been easy RAILWAY BUSINESS. passed the Reform Act, threatened to - swamp the House of t o ste el . 0 so, to tell the operative that cotton and such Lords. He must appeal to the Hon. Member whether the t„, es ere The following railway Bills were read a second k gr sr , would fire as well as straw, or to set the operative time, Noble Duke did not resign his seat in the Cabinet when l er os e ;'''te in large bodies to coerce tiler employers, and he and ordered to be committed viz.:— . such principles were broached, and he was sure that if ti t ... s tle th:9red they would never do so, but would rather York and North Midland Railway (Whitby and Pick the Hon. Member was present, he would bear him out h e q' W as e ,nignified course of appealing to Parliament in a tone eriog Extension). . in that statement.—(Hear, hear.) He believed the o"iittled',4lee honourable, loyal, and constitutional. But Blackburn, Chorley, and Liverpool Railway. plvv,tatol,:.aeir Lordships not to be induced to vote for the Liverpool, Ormekirk, and Preston Railway. Noble Lord, the Member for the city of London, would elr ` e 'ln g rt :t measure in the hope that it would be the means of Blackburn and Preston Railway. bear him out in that statement. Now, with regard to the tr e 'ss tieee w _a agitation. They might depend upon it that Ashburton, Newton, and South Devon Railway. immediate question before the House, he believed that it i, arli4f did or ever would produce moration in or out would be the ruin of the agricultural classes of this North Staffordshire (Harecastle and Sandbach a''t tar ut• T're Anti-Corn-law Leagu e de maght tell them Railway - country. It was said that free trade would be of im- Nild Y l'k " .• line). e a ns „, ' ed about their dissolution , but he believed they tel? oth er dissolve until they had destroyed the Church, and North Staffordshire Railway (Churnet Valley line). mense advantage to Ireland. This he could not believe, 1 .0r 4 a 3, a i nstitution which they themselves were prepared to East Lincolnshire Railway. for he had not heard of the-Hon. and Learned Member for Cork taking part in the debate. During the five le ta d,s44 4 detend.---( Hear, hear, and laughter.) A Noble Epsom and Dorking Railway. , nights the question had engross, d the attention of that Th , a 'le e ., d• spoken in the course of the evening, had asked Forth Kent Railway. 11 e etosi""tt respectine the law of settlement in Scotland. North Kent Railway (City Extension). House, the Hon. and Learned Member had , tithe fl u ke rd said there were great defects in that law, and London and South-Western Railway (Hampton Court not risen in his place to state that her Ma ter„---(11„," of Richmond) to a certain extent, agreed with Branch). jesty's Ministers were about to confer a great advantage • es ta s ear tile ue r d hear.) The Noble Lord, however, should London and South-Western Railway (London-bridge on Ireland.—(Hear, hear.) The Hon. and . Learned i ii : lo i s os _ 'oat It was Parliament that was respon- Member had done no such thing. The Right Hon. Eitension). 1 4 !ut,i`e7 existence of the defects.—(Hear.) A Bill upon Baronet at the head of her Majesty's Ministers had said London and South-Western Railway (Chertsey and t a d the wees passed last year, and he could not help think- that the agriculturists should lay out more capital on ti e, n ,_ , st te ,i‘ e ehle Lord would have better served his purpose Eghem Bra , nch) th e 4 , ots complaint there. With respect to the malt- London and South Western Railway (Epsom Branch). their land in order to make it more profitable. He had said that the agriculturists did not yet know what great s ki uor k , e . " 1 not follow his Noble Friend upon this branch of Staines and Richmond Junction Railway. benefits were to be . derived by the improvements in Of 414:1 arson He was aware that great difference of opinion Grand Junction Railway (Huy ton and Warrington chemistry, as applied to land—that they were . yet pro malt. gst the farmers of the country upon the subject Branch). h4tosed toetax, but Noble Lords must remember that the Manchester and Birmingham Railway. in their infancy. He (the Hon. Member) m ., intained de a l L a sure of the Government would render this tax a Mr. W. PATTEN wished to bring under the attention that if they were in their infancy, they required protection %.,,,quo t , 4 "eavier than it ever had been. The Noble Lord The Secretary of State for the Home Department, in the of the House the proceedings of Parliamentary agents ha e 7, 4 ta, a a number of professors, and amongst them Mr. speech which he made the other night, stated that the with respect to the in of their Bills lo t !It, t o rap not very likely to take with the agricultural feelings of the whole bulk of the community were in fa into the House. It appeared that those gentlemen were Of ri ett ee "ow that malt was not well adapted to the fatten in the habit of giving the Bilks one name before the your . of a repeal of the corn-law. Now he would main to th 11 03 . 4 ; A but the farmer!. of England preferred the motto t ll, thew - agriculture Society, " The practice of science," Board of Trede, a second name when brought into the tam that the contrary - was the case, and that the great te e ,i es ter ; s l 7 sof science. He knew a gentleman, who was a Private Bill , Office, and a, third title when introchiced feeling of the country :'was in . . favour of protection.-- (Hear, hear.) It was his opinion that the measure of Ito s i the " farmer 'in the county of Norfolk, who hed into the House.. This.practice was attended with great the Government was opposed on. to the wishes . o a f t p h r e oo p f eo of. - te a d tot teexiieriment of feeding with malt, and who inconvenience, and rendered it almost impossible for the h e r 'Y O n or ue Noble Lord that it was infinitely superior to that Classification Committtee . properly to classify the Bills pe ; and if the Right Hon. Baronet wanted his statement, he would only refer him to the elec ese:l,4et , method he had ever heard of. Before he sat down r; z e tk ft e ‘rr s e o d me toth m He trusted that the House would tions about taking place for Gloucester, Sussex, Von e a 4a'n Protests gainst the removal of the existing pro- • and Dorsetshire. . An Hon. Gentleman opposite men- Is t llis e timative industry ; but he could not do so without at steps e ti " , remedy their practice. ' Mr. G REENE moved—" That it be an instruction to 4, L ord ngrat g the agricultural interest that the timed the city of Chichester ; but he would tell him the Co . mmittee on Petitions for Private Bills, and to all t l , o '_',,f t o,. th. the late Secretary for the Colonies bad vacated his ~ . that in a canvass made by his brother for five days in tem tt Private Bills, not to hear parties on ta,:',° of i:_ e ke of principle; and was likely to bring the `-'- —al . e.es upon ti e ' se e i " ,t '' great hereafter referred to them, which shall not that town there were net over twenty gentlemen in eloquence and ability to the cause of any petition yeti rile. ? utsry, favour of free trade. There was a show of hands cor k conclusion, he could only say that if be prepared and signed in strict conformity with the ' e si t ete•unees came up to their Lordships' House he should roles and orders of this House." tamly in favour of tho measure.—(lleer, and cheers.) e'ss se ,al st to induce their . Lordships to throw them out, .Mr. ENTWISLE thought that people ought to comply His brother offered to go to the pol . l, but the free traders "11,1 tie did belie le 4 entail. . ve that if • these measures were passed they with the standing orders themselves before maki an refused, from the best of all possible reasons, because r arer ruin unon t the agricultural interest, upon the 4 4 , % upon the Up o n . p aints, and move ,as an amendment , toleave out com 1 • d they . were certain of being beaten.—(Loud laughter.) t anufacturers tnestt c industry, and inflict injury upon the word " hereafter." - Neither the Chancellor of the Exchequer nor the t. I 'l GRE y of th e country —( Hear, hear. ) Chancellor of the Dachy of Lancaster had as yet de- Thu House then divided, when there appeared— e p 4l o t e re _ would not then - enter into a discussion which For the original motion ~. I, 4 4 t e n afit:r have to be brought before them, except so far as k !,' ie, ~h concurrence in the opinion of the Noble Lord Against it when the question was decided, it ought to be them to support the Government ? The Noble Lord ' . tte e l , Tat -Majoriry for the original motion —42 i te ga e b e , for the partial advantage of, 'le interest, but for the CORN-LAWS. did not say that in the year 1841. He was then an advocate l e i , *at ~ fit of all classes of the community.—( Hear, hearof protection to agriculture . It was no concern to him (the ~Y wotZ,uaded that when they .o conidet ed the ' * • r " • M. / M T. GIBSON presented a petition from Man- Earl of March) how the Noble Lord at that time chose -to bject, 41 ester, in f avour of the Government measure on the pledge himself to his constituents. But he (Lord Lincoln) 1 1,''''. Of . fi nd that not only the interest of one, butt he in-. ('' ' 1 0;,‘ tie„:',", vry class was concerned in the adjustment of this corn-laws, was sent to Parliament for She purpose of following and sup- THE CONVICTS FROST,WILLIAMS, AND W porting a party in favour of agricultural protection—(Hear) tc t 4itli - i •_° . n. .They would show that during the thirty years Reth Int d. ''' etton had existed, it had been attended with , JONES of which the Right Honourable Baronet at the head of the Mr. T. DUNC °MBE presented . petitions pray- Government was supposed to be the head.—(Cheers and tetl,4ll:aPpointment and they had never for five years td tik • do free from the pressure of extreme agricultural dis- ing the House to consider the condition of the convicts laughter from the protectionists.) That party was cer tainly opposed to the proposal of the Noble Lord the tt e tre for one would udertake to . show, when the proper Frost, Williams, and Jones, with a view to entreat her Lei Prot of tor his doing so, that this had been the result of Member for the City of London; that party advocated 1, b etti e Most Gracious Majesty to mitigate their sentence. motives impute . to the Noble . Lord(Lord BREACH OF PRIVILEGE. protection to agriculture in the strongest manner. He did Id cease trPtedallure dat different Lincoln ) any impure titer , t 1 s ted et. , n t o move for r f uesticrn he h a ..aec-es ; and after trying one sort of protection q .. conceived that they were bound to consult their ' 11 h• 'ks - 1• ' the f 2 Lord (Lord John Russell) had altered their opinions on this • I tt , ~, armer found that none of them ever realised a Committee f instead of moving for a . S,-lect C f. Ne llt ,rlt.,`"' now, after having fora long series of years been •'l o. olm c n e itte to e, committed by Noble Lords, Members of constituents, and see whether they approved of the change.— some privi e,e 0. Privilege, in re_eren .breaches toitseta of f tlreat disappointments, they had come to the con- of whom be could then (Protectionists' cheers.) Their constituents sent them to Air .up Ittl 'ne question . whether itwould be better that that House, the names of four ti ee, e,e_ th em ~ tnention.—(A laugh.) p I,E, 1,„7 e oh ,_, nbe abolished altogether. As he had said were therefore in honour bound to support that in- Lord DUNCAN gave notice of his intention to post 'd t 1 ,1 1 7'n not then go into the discu , sion of the clues-.hear .) The Right Honourable ' Baronet forest. —( Hear, slow e I .„_ en the * • •d he shou l d b ene his motion from the 19th to the 26th of February, at the head of the Government, Rhea be was member for th e 3 lri e jset the prop..r time arrive , e . pre- • • 4 11 04 ly to _ arguments of the Noble Duke. He wished its reference to, the window duties. University of Oxford, and chose to alter his opinions, at once 10, 4 4 41 kn rnfine himself to the subject immediately before THE WAR IN INDIA. resigned his post. The Noble Lord (Lora Lincoln) in the 4 11 ttp le3 fer 1 , a ' this Committee is not to be considered as Sir R. INGLIS wished to put a question in reference year 1641 had addressed his constituents in different language k t ): g h , iil),, 11 ° _,ttioning the discussion or settlement of the to the recent outbreak in India. He wished to know if to that which he now held. He then said that free-trade was l k , t r e tle'r e mti sn. n y hefore the country, he should not offer it the Government had received any positive intelligence a ll humbug— ( Laughter)—and that if protection were to . be s Nee kop ese f.aving a common interest with the Noble es connected with that outbreak ; and if they had, that taken off agriculture, it shoald also be taken off every article 4 0 "ss t that th u It, in the prosperity of the land, he greatly . • hk w otee e Noble Lord had raised this question because It might be communicated to the House. of manufactures, to every one of which a large protection hOld i tdly 4. e tt s t • . ' •',- Lord JOCELYN, in reply, stated that no official in- was at present given by the Government.—( Hear, hear.) orde, . eo ns i d a if the subject was properly silted and ti , tast, eted it would be proved that they, as land- formation had been received by Government in reference Now, he opposed the measure of the Right Hon. Baronet, 4,. , w "' of b. • ' , to that transaction. No official dispatch had been re- because he (the Earl of March) considered the principles of 1 4 ,, es 0 , er e 1 ,,,, ,aring a larger proportion of public. ~ free trade which were advocated for corn were equally favour had been received from k i Pe el t th e aoSect to much less taxation than other ceived; but a elevate letter . the 'sr "lh cotu tri • able and good with respect to every other article.—(Hear. ) s a (1, 0 ,er notio _ unity. His Noble Friend who had Governor of Bombay, dated December 23, inclostng a He opposed the speech of the Rightßaronet (Sir R. le a ole e :yo ri i a.a ," . was mistaken in supposing that tithes were private communication from the Government of ~I ndia, Peel), because it put forward no new arguments on the sub tl,,tase ~en to " , His Noble Friend, however, put forward which informed them that large bodies of the Seikh ject. It was not his wish to sacrifice one class of her Majesty's l. s '' w h! the ~,.s n ow that tithes were a burden upon land, erersed the Sutlej against whom the British '1 leb h ''''' , owne r subjects in the country for any other , because he thought the us Hips S • ‘ , ith se t es e produced , who was charged a_ tenth of the troops advanced on the 18th of that month; but after interests of the agriculturists with those of the manufacturers tm teed h,,„„ e for tithes; and then the Noble I march of three hours they had to give up, in con- were closely and intimately united. He thought what was in -I,,"te,s. i i. lea he millovvner could enter into competition ' sentience of the extreme darkness of the night jurious to one class, was equally so to the other. He found sIN 'et t " contes‘ poor whose land was not subjected to ; s i_ ete i _ em ell -ed that this was a very plausible argument. entrenchment was tk oi on the `?lst. Since it impossible to advocate the measure before the House, from rhe first ae . _ . . 1 t ! ,1 1. ng more er the position of the mill-owner, and make it this private letter no communication had been receivedthe speechmade by the Right. Hon. Baronet himself, if there analowere uo other reason ; but when he (the Earl of March) felt but when the dispatches 1, 0: '11 , T oillm e gnus to the position occupied by the by her Majesty's Government ; * ktici h tier p u h , that it was wrong on principle and in justice, and detrimental wh •tlte t i e a gr re ased a piece of land for the site of of Sir Henry Hardinge were received, they would no to all classes of her Majesty's subjects—Cries of " Oh, oh") h'th s „ to t,„ e ed to pay a charge of 1001. a year. Now doubt be highly satisfactory. o s . know w h he could not sanction such a measure.—(Cheers. ) IPie a u , Pa l a too at. difference it made to the millowner Mr. F. FRENCH wished to put a question to the e fs `•av /- a Year Mr. BAILLIE COCHRANE said he did not wish 'tt a et we . ear to t , to the owner of the site or whether Right Hon. the Home Secretary, as to the removal of to misrepresent the conduct of the Noble Lori, sn e _e e r aO , s, t ithe __ ue owner and 101, a year to theaitheowner. the board of guardians at T itans , n e ar Castlereagh, and that he was sure the Noble Lord would do f % e b " ,ar ec e pie r i' l v a a ( is not , burthen upon land, and the land- Ireland. He wished to know why they w e r e removed ? him the justice of thinking so. It was stated by the Noble Lord, l ' o ' c la r i 44 d t e ''• and th"lright to claim compensation for this Sir J. GRAHAM, in reply to the Bin. Member, that a certain Noble Duke stated that he would not oppose the Iv (I tt, to e tithe-own and was vested jointly in the land- had to say that the board of guardians had creation of Peers, should such be necessary; and it appears that i t , 41r o at e el', arm the former had ne more right . . . f . re used to open the workhouse or even to such was proposed to be done. tho r efer s t i tle n for the charge of the latter than he had ; 1" 1 " e 'Y h t t 4 tit„ e° cii to 4: ', 13 land which did ' ' administer the poor-laws. and the consequence was, that GIBSONsaid it would be unnecessary for him to detain Mr. . - al e 1 malt t • not belong to him. the Meuse at any great 1 h .engt.. on the . subject of the corn-taws. ' law Commissioners were forced to remove them.. et s h NI A ,. 1 .. e a.rt: l - ax, lie believed that barley was the I oor-f The main object which the party with which he was connected e e teedin lc►e that the farmers could grow, and Mr. SHARMA.N CRANFORD had 'to request from . . ele ° old that there had in view, was the abolition of all protection, and in that re t4'ltie e o ,, e rewn . n t e . was a demand for all the barley Sir &then Peel an answer to the followin , g quoestion:— affect he should be always happy to go with the Noble Lord, ,4 e lv h it44 rn s i h t 4 told I them"c°"tY. But the Noble Duke Whether it is the intention of her Majesty B,G verTment with his friends around him. But the question before them t t le,, • enli sts • It i s 4 ~ i p er fect! of the prohibition to feed to propose to Parliament any measure on the subject of was not protection to the manufacturers, but whether 1 , , ._ have y true that all the most emi- law of landlord and tenant in Ireland? they shold resolve themselves into a Committee of the whole kt red • Or e OrlOW n the , kted let ° 4 seful t , upon scientific principles that R PEL said that he certainly did hope that her House to take into consideration the duty which regulated `l , that ``raft or the fatte • of ' • Sir -- 4, ra tt • - t 1 3,. • He (the rung cattle than being ' Government would be enabled to introduce a the imports, with a view to a repeal of these duties.—( Cries of Majesty s tee e .s Mott Duk e of Richmond) had le t ei-1 4 .,. eitl t 0,. ° e ' f the Royal Agricultural• is .measure on the subject referred to by the Hon. Member. ‘__‘_ No, no , . ") Heaginedd. that each part of the Right Hon. C a ,.. 4 ee, •ile std e t ,',7 1 ".” Yew -he bd. Society . Mr. COLQUeIOUN begged leave to ask a question B t h ar t ° net s plan t would be them separately, Fut he imagined e e s t ,' l , 4 ri es l a s repor-tcweri!nlent had sappor e t g e l Cl e the tto iconclusionsfor ne h him n f of the . Hon. Member for Cork. He wiehed to know laws .—( athe tit i t e e a s r el lear. before h ) H e e rn 'th w ou as thethought t question he o question i o on f the o corn- ‘vha t 11 ,, i tt o ed , _a t %easie _ i . ch had been presented to the Hous-o n f whether it was his intention to press the motioe, of Ministers had said at former times, g or the q relations in which v i '; it tha u: sw a k e , , un v ; a n had been shown that ' h he had given notice, to-morrow (Tuesday) they stood to Hansard, was really of small moment to the tet a no if it were e s better ad barley, bruised, which adapted for the fattening of more important question of whether it was rht or prudent to •11 t i ea ,'' boil ere converted int e evening ? . th e n ett ea r , it . th e malt, and o malt. Farmersif the repeal the corn-laws They told him that thepresent Parliament Mr. O'CONNELL said he certainly : would,.. . . . . kliShl averte d • which they won' get all the ad,. Ilousewould permit him. was elected to maintain protection, and therefore this-Parliament kO. , . v ,, at tire i. .htteo malt. Th d obtain if dried, CORN -LAWS. • - - - could not deal with the question of protection because that " lh e 'zPeri ' e act of dry nand thing forbidden by On the ofthe day g ei resuming the adjourned question was settled at the general election of 1841. Now it Nth hadts 1 , had be n converting it into sei order was because the question was Settled at that election, that he 'evil that been instited by these gentlemen, , debate being read, thougbt the present Parliament-was the best fitted to decide it was the most e • I Mr, ASTELL presented ft petition from the parish . conemical to use upon to proposition before them. If the question THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVEN] NG, PRllitti AR 'V 17. 1646. of the abolition of the corn-laws had not been mentioned in 1841, then it might have been urged that the question could not be entertained by the present Parliament ; but the question of the repeal of the corn-laws was entertained by the electors of 1841, and no Parliament could better decide upon it than the present ; for if they went to the electors again, he was sure a more respectable class of men could not bereturned, nor a class in whom the electors would have more confidence. A great many Honourable Gentlemen opposite were in a po sition to entertain that question. Even at the present moment a gentleman, a candidate for Suffolk, declared to his consti tuents that he would leave himself open to whatever he should consider best for the interests of his country.—( Hear, hear. ) Now that gentleman, though a protectionist at present, might, on hearing the question discussed, be induced to give a vete for the abolition of all protection. It happened to him (Mr. Gibson) to know that appeals were made en behalf of the friends of the Right Honourable Baronet at the head of her Majesty's Government on these grounds as well as on the grounds of protection. It had been urged in the manufacturing districts that the Right Honourable Baronet and his party would do more for free-trade principles than would the Noble Lord the Member for London and his party, were they in office; and he (the Hon. Member) was reproached with being one of a party that could net effect so .much as the Administration of the present Premier. The supporters of Sir George Murray took that ground ; though every man of common sense knew that the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of her Majesty's Ministry professed free-trade prin ciples, and that he could do more for their advancement than could Lord John Russell if in power. If there existed a charge of deception or misleading of persons outside that House, that charge should rest against the representatives of the agricultural interest. They made the tenant farmer& believe that Parlia ment would maintain these protective laws. He could only say, that, for himself, he had advised Hon. Members not to pursue that course. He had advised them not to keep telling the tenant farmers that the Right lion. Baronet would support those laws. They did, however, pursue their own come e ; they persevered in telling the tenant farmers that those laws would be supported, and they were now reaping the benefit of that perseverance. The Right Honourable Baronet had taken his place in the Ministry on peculiar grounds. When called upon to propose in respect to the law effecting the agriculturist, he was asked to state his views and his reply was, " call me in, and then I shall prescribe for you." They bad called him in, and he had prescribed for them a draught more bitter than they seemed inclined to swallow.—( Laughter.) They were told that the British farmer was unable to compete with the Polish, because he had certain expenses in the cultivation of the soil which were not borne by the foreign farmer—(Hear)—and that in a farm of three parts arable land and one of pasture, labour rated at 355. an acre, and local taxes at 25., making altogether a tax of 375. an acre. They were also told that the average quantity of wheat was four quarters to the acre ' • now, by a common process of ca l culat i on, t h ey would find that nine shillings a quarter on wheat was the item complained of as constituting the debility.—( Cries of " No, no," from the Ministerial s i d e .) Yes the other items were borne' by the foreign far mers .as well as by them, and they had re uudiated with indignation any intention of preserv ing high rents by maintaing protection. Could it be denied that this was a fair statement ? Agricul tural labour in America was much more expensive than it was in England.—( Hear, hear.) It was very well known ,that the wages of agricultural labourers were at least double in America as compared with agricultural wages in England._( Hear, hear.) It was urged by the protectionists that they lay under peculiar burdens, but the only local taxa tion which ho knew of was Is. per quarter on corn, and surely that could not disable English agriculturists from com peting with those in foreign countries.—( Hear.) It appeared to him a perfect mystery how they were disabled from entering into such a competition. Why, the very fact of the freight of Bs. or les. per quarter on wheat comieg from the United States, together with all other ex penses, more than covered the amount paid by English agriculturists in local taxation. The English agriculturists were protected by the natural comae of things, and they could not rightfully complain of any injustice being done -to them by the present ministerial mea sure. He contended, that even if they could show that they lay under any disabilities with regard to the price of labour, they did not pay near as much as was paid by the foreign agriculturist in importing his grain into this country, and they were, therefore, entitled to no protection from the Legislature.—( Hear, hear.) He contended that the foreign coin trade was as good a branch of industry as the trade in agriculture which was carried on 'in this country, and that they were entitled to carry on their trade free and unmolested.—( Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") The Hon Member for Hun. ingdon talked of an arbiter com ing amongst us to settle this question by some compromise.— Hear," from the protectionists.) If such an arbiter did come amongst them, he maintained thathis decision would be un doubtedly in favour of the manufacturers. —( Opposition cheers. ) It was said that the repeal of the corn -laws would reduce the value of land, but he confessed he could not see how this could be, for ever since the corn-law question had been itated land had fetched as good a price as it did before . — Gear hear.) Land had been taken at the same rent also as before, and in some cases at increased rentals, and if they bad a better test of the value of any given produce, or another that was likely to be effected by a Legislative measure, it was in the willingness or unwillingness which capitalists evinced to invest their money in that commodity. Well, then, land fetched as good a price now, and tenants were venally as ready to give good rents, as they were years ago. Now this could not be because they had confidence in the protection party maintaining the:corn-laws; for if they did they would be convinced of the mistake they were falling into, when they remembered that the most eminent statesmen, the Right Hon. Baronet on one band, and the Noble Lord on the other, were arrayed against them.—( Hear, hear.) All patties were jest as ready as ever to invest capital in land, and he could mention an instance which had 'occurred in the county of Suffolk within a• recent period, and which had been communi cated to him •by a friend of his, where sixty three land tenants who were paying exceedingly high rents, notwithstanding the rumours about the repeal of the corn-laws, had made agreements for renewing their leases for very long periods, and not one of these 63 tenants had asked for a reduction of rent.—(Hear, hear.) Twenty of them stated that the farmers had discussed the question amongst themselves, and they had decided that they were not justified in calling for a reduction of rent.— (Loud cheers.) He was not prepared to mention the name of his friend, but if any Honourable Member required , it, he would be ready to communicate it privately to him. Let him ask what was the meaning of all those alarms about the repeal of the corn-laws ? were they (the protectionists) not jealous of the advance of trade, and was not that the calve of their resistance to the measure?—(Cheers, and cries of " No.") He should be sorry to see any among the ancient aristocracy of England—the high families of this country—guilty of such unworthy feelings as to be jealous -of manufactu ring prosperity. But such, he feared, was the case.— (" No, no," from the protectionists.) Was it not a fact that it was a test of the fitness of a manufacturer to a seat ir. the Upper House, that he .should be the purchaser of an estate ?—( Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Gentleman at the head of her Majesty's Government, on a former occasion, said that he was sure the repeal of the corn-laws would not be detrimental in any measure to the landed interest, and would not in the slightest degree tend to alter the value of land.—(Cheers.) That was his (Mr. Gibson's) opinion, and he did not see any reason•why the aris tocracy of England should be jealous, as they. were —(No no) —of the advance of free-trade principles. He did not see any reason why they should entertain such f ee li ngs ; for, after all, he very much questioned, whether many of them were not descended from the manufacturing classes of this country.—(Cheers. ) He contended that it had been the system of the country and could be proved, that possession of land had led to the highest officis in the State: He contended that the landed gentry monopolised to a great extent the principal offices and emoluments in society—( Hear, hear, and cheers)—for it was a boast that they make Ministries and unmake them at their pleasure.—( Hear, hear.) The Hon. Member for Shrews bury had said truly, that " the aristocracy of the country was a territorial aristocracy." All this he brought forward to show the great advantages enjoyed by the landed proprietary of the country. He believed that competition from so many causes being unlimited, that they need fear nothing from the aboli tion of the corn-laws. He did not bring these matters for ward as charges against the aristocracy • but as far as his reads ing and experience went, h e was l e d t o ;he conclusion that they had used their functions for their private and pecuniary interests, and for the advancement of their own political power.— ( Hear, bear.) There was one portion of the present question to which he wished to allude, namely, that, if tee corn-laws were to be totally abolished, why that abolition should not take place at once ?—( Cries of " Hear, hear.") Why should they defer to another day what justice was said to require, and what the necessities of the country peremptorily call e d f or ?—(C r i es o f " H ear, h ear. ") Whether the emergencies of the country did not say that a repeal of the corn-laws was called for. He believed that on entering into a competition with foreigners, they could not do better than take them by surprise by an immediate repeal of those hear.) With respect to the famine which was expected to lake place in Ireland, it appeared to him that in order to make the pre sent measure advantageous to the exigencies of that country, not one farthing duty should be kept upon corn. The present argu ments in Savour of the measure before the House wage highly favourable for an immediate repeal of the corn. laws. The Right Hon. Baronet had said that about two months ago it was almost necessary to open the ports. Nothing would do HOW but a settle meat of this law, for while anything in the shape Of a duty on corn was maintained, the agriculturists would be continually complain ing. Ile wished to settle the question by an immediate repeal, for he was sure the agriculturists would not benefit by a continued trothiction of this meastire would be the fitet that there *Mild exist •throtighotit the coinitry a *ant of anitidetica iii the cioiffedsiOns of pnblie men; and while it would tend to teduee the staiidald of plitille morality, it Would deprive any Adminisrtation that her Majesty t h h e e r i e v a r s perfectly f delegates a gre with tlie th m is ontli might hereafter fbrm of its b es t an d sures t e l ement o f strength. o They had been told i n a tr i umphant tone that they did not attend their in doing statement P let jr ; but must suggest to Honourable Members that they did not set there as the delegates or mouth-pieces of her Majesty's Prime Minister ; and if anything.• could justify the practice of electors demanding pledges from new representatives, it would be the state of things that then existed in that House. The Right Hon. Baronet had informed them that the change in his opinions was prin cipally caused by the apprehension that a famine would be the con sequence of the partial failure of the potato crop in Ireland. Now he did not for a moment wish to speak with levity upon a subject that affected the lives of millions of his fellow countrymen, but he did say that the opinions of the Right lion. Baronet were not well founded, and he for one did not entertain apprehensions to the same extent with him.—(Hear, hear.) There was another subject on which he wished to call the attention of this House.—(Hear.) There were a body of men ca'ling themselves the Anti-Corn-law League, and the Hon. Gentleman, the First Lord of the Treasury, boasted that he had put down all agitation in this country—(Cheers)--but had they not collected large sums of money—had they not distributed agents through every part of the land—had they not made speeches, and were they not tampering in the elections of Members for that House ?—(ilear, hear.) Had they not collected means to influence the election of Members for that House? lie was at a loss to know, were th se proceedings legal ?—werethey honest? —were they just ?—were they fair? And h e h oped, if they were not legal, measures would be taken to put a stop to such improper inter ference as had too frequently taken place. tie hoped the Govern ment would bring forward a measure which would prevent such proceedings in fUture.—(Cheers.) It was not his intention to enter into the policy of that measure, which was supporting free trade at the expense of the agriculturists of this country. If free trade was beneficial in one article, he did not see why it was not beneficial in every other article. It was well-known by the Right Hon. Baronet that the growth of tobacco would be a most profitable crop in this country, but this free-trade measure would not allow it to be culti vated here.—(Cheers.) How was that? Would the Right Honour able Baronet inform them ? He"said that considerationsstood in the way. Would the Right Hon. Baronet inform that House what was the amount of revenue which would justify free-trade principles ? The Right Honourable Baronet had reduced the duty on foreign hops one-half, but he had looked in vale for a reduction of those duties which pressed so heavily on the agricultural classes. He had hoped that some reduction would take place in the Excise duty on hops, but he had hoped in vain —(Cheers.) What could the Right Hon. Baronet's reason be for all that—was it that he was afraid to carry out his own principles?—(Hear.) He did not stand there as the advocate of free trade—(as we understood the Hon. 3iember)—but he was there to advocate, in an humble and honest way, equal justice and protection to all classes.—(Hear, hear.) He was certain the House would bear him out when he said, that if protection Should be taken from agriculture, it should not be conth.ued towards other interests.—(Hear, hear.) There was ano ther matter which he wished to bring to the mind of the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of Government. He had told them that' he could not calculate the price of wheat on the passing of the present measure ; now, should that crop fail to a large extent, would the Right Hon. Baronet say on what basis he proposed to settle the tithe commutation?—(Bear, hear.) They had been told that the revenue would not-be effected ; but giving the Right Hon. Baronet credit for the greatest amount of political sagacity, it would not be too much to say that he -might be compelled to carry his measures still flirther.— (Hear, hear.) He was aware of the little weight that attached to his opinions ; but he should say that, because he believed the measure to be injurious and ruinous to the labourer and the artisan—because he believed the measure would tend to subvert the present system of society and en danger there most valued InstitutiOns ; because he believed that the time for the introduction of the measure was not suitable, as cer tainly was not its proposer—(A laugh)—becituse of all these rea sons, he should give the measure, perhaps a weak, but decidedly a consistent, opposition.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. DICKINSON said thatpart of the speech of the last Iron. Mem ber was not what he could agree with. The Hon. Member had said that if the duty on tobacco was taken off it would be of great advan tage. He could not agree with him, for if the duty were to be taken off altogether he doubted if the trade could he carried on with any I profit to the country. The Hon. Member had also alluded to many who had spoken in support of the present measure, as having done so because they feared that no other Ministry could be formed to carry on the Administration of the country. He (Mr. Dickinson) had not formed his opinion on such a ground. He supported the measure of her Majesty's Government because he thought it a good measure and suited to the wants of the country.—(Hear, hear.) All persons' minds were now made up on the question ; Hon. Members were prepared to take one course or the other. He considered that if the "government went out upon this measure, a great and lasting injury would be inflicted on the country. He sel dom trespassed upon thetime of the House ; and he now onlyrose t tell those who hal returned him to Parliament how far he had changed his opinions, and also to give an opportunity to the speech.. makers to smite him as they had smiled the members of the Govern ment.—(Laughter.) But it seemed to him that there had been seve ral speeches made during that detente perfectly inconsistent with that feeling of generosity which should animate Members of that House.—(Hear, hear.) He saw that the temper of the House had changed ; and he, therefore, abstained from giving any opinion at the hustings by which he might be held to vete in that House in favour of agricultural protection. He con fessed that his opinions had changed, and that he was now prepared to give his cordial vote ie favour of the present mea sure. —(Opposition cheers.) The reasons which in general seemed to weigh with him most at a former period in favour of a mainte tents' ce of the corn-laws, were, that he feared that any change in them would result in an injury to the poor; and he, for one, thought that the supply of food should be as regular as possible, and that it would be inexpedient to a country like this to be forced to depend upon foreigners for fool.—(Protectionist cheers.) lie must now, however, confess that those reasons had lost much of their weight.— (Cheers from the Opposi:ion.) It seemed to him that the best way of securing permanent and regular supplies was to give the greatest possible facility for the supply of corn from as many quarters of the world, and from as different places as possible.—(Opposition cheers.) If they were deficient, or the price should rise to a famine price, they might be sure to meet with a sufficiency of food from places where the atmosphere was more favourable to the production of corn than that in this country. As to the dependence upon fo reigners for food, it was urged that we might sometimes be at war with foreign countries, and we should then be in a deplorable condi tion. But ho could not conceive that we should ever be so unfortu nate as to be at war with every corn-growing country in the world.—(Hear, hear.) He considered that on the prosperity of the higher classes of this country also depended the prosperity of the lower, and by the passing of this measure the pros perity of the higher classes in this country.—(Hear, hear.) He had heard from all sides of the House—from the Noble Lord who had opened the debate, and the:Hen. Member for Manchester—that it would have been better had the repeal of the corn-laws been immediate; and, in conclusion, he begged to state that he gathered from the communication he had had with his friends in the country, that this feeling was very general.—(Hear, hear.) A number of Hon. Members rime to addre'ss the House on the last speaker's resuming his seat, but there being loud cries for the new Member, Lord A. CHURCHILL (who was almost inaudible in the gallery) rose and said, that it was not his intention to detain the House at any length on that important occasion, as there were many others who could more ably point out the injury which that measure would do the agricultural classes in this country.—(Hear.) Still he felt ke was right in saying that it was a measure of *vast injury to the classes who were depending for subsistence on land.—(Cheers. / The measure would throw out of cultivation the greater quantity of the poor land in this country, and would have the effect of depriving thousands of employment who were now' depending on agriculture for their sole subsistence. Sir WILLIAM CLAY should say, that in the course of the present debate he had been often reminded of an anecdote whi c h was re . lated of a defendant in an action, wbo, not having a case to make, informed his agent that " there were no merits, but abuse the plaintiff's attorney." The question they had then before them was one of vast importance, not alone to that country, but to the world ; and it was not enough for Gentlemen in the discussion of it to indulge in party or personal recrimination.—(Hear, hear.) To be sure, such was very amusing—there was nothing more so, or nothing that called forth louder cheers ; and whenever he heard a cheer, when entering the House, and Inquired what called it forth, he was certain to be informed that it was a happy hit made by one Hon. Gentleman at another.—(Hear and laughter.) But however amusing that might be to Hen. Members, he could assure them that parties out of doors cared less than they supposed for their recriming- tion.—(Bear, hear.) One single argument, one important fact, to show that the corn-laws should be maintained, would he worth all the torrents of invective that hadbeen_showered.—(Hear, hear.) The Gentlemen who attacked the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of her Majesty's Government had overdone the thing completely. They had proved too much against the Right Hon. Gentleman.— (Hear, hear.) The Hon. Gentleman, the Member for Somersetshire, had stated very fairly the question before the House. He undertook to defend protection., He quoted statistics and the " Blue Book' to make out kis arguments. He defended protection generally. In his (Mr. Clay's) *pinion, the Hon. Member had not succeeded. He had failed where his reasoning powers and his eloquence were called into play. He stated that the community at large were prosperous, that all were doing well ; that blessings in fact were showered down, and that all those blessings had been showered down under protec tion. The Hon. Member said that the House was about to take away that protection by which the country had become so prosper ous. For some there was not protection at all ; for others there was a little, and for the landlords there was too much. Now, for the last twenty or thirty years, even before the time of Huskisson, protection had been changing to a gradual' reduction. Would the Hon. Gentleman restore the East India monopoly ? Would he alter Mr. Huskisson's measures ? Would he retrace his steps with regard to wool and sugar? If not, with what show of consistency could he call upon them to proceed no further? Or did he mean to oppose his individual capacity to the tide of public opinion, and say " Thus far shalt thou go, and ne farther ?" What, he would ask, was protection ? Stated shortly, it was - everybody assisting every body to pay a little more than they were able; it was everybody assisting everybody to misapply their time and capital, or everybody assisting everybody to do something that could net be accomplished, —(Hear, hear.) All the great interests of the community _ . were outside of protection, and he did not believe th;t the cry of protection to native industry found an echo out of that House, for the principles of free trade had taken too strong a . . hold upon the country.—(Hear, hear.), It was only by the promo tion of industry, by giving labour and capital a fair field, and by unfettering the . restrictions of commerce, that the blessings of abundance could be obtained; and the best and highest duty of any Government would be the endeavour to obtain tlio3e benefits. Hon. Baronet had Insisted very much OR the competitieM which had been springing up of late years among the manufacturers. It would be most important to throw still more widely open the door of commerce, and thus enable the manufacturers is increase their trade. All the principal manufacturers export a great portion of their manufactures, which would only bear the same proportional value abroad as at home. For instance, if a single bale of cloth were carried abroad for sale, it would only obtain a similar price to what it would have realised in the home market. Was it to be sup- posed that, absolutely of necessity, the wages• of labour should al ways fall in order to enable the manufacturer to meet the reduced priCe of his produce? The question wa., how was the manufacturer to be best 'enabled to compete with foreign markets at the lowest price, and how was the lahourer to be beet provided for at a low -, - amount of wages. The Hon. Gentleman opposite had admitted that the present prosperity of the country was considerable, but had . . ascribed it to the circulation of money and • employment, of labour, by the impulse which had been given to the construction of railroads. There could be no doubt that the employment of capital and labour in the construction of railroads had done much towards duty. Those who were looked to by the country in'this house to get rid of those laws, would certainly take the sense of the House exciting that feeling of prosperity; but that prosperity was only temporary, and there could he no doubt that when the excitement in the railway world had subsided, which it would in a very short time, and when labour and capital were no longer necessary, a con siderable reaction would take place, and this temporary prosperity would subside. The measure of the Right Hon. Baronet would then on an immediate repeal. The question was now before the country, it had forced itself into this House in the teeth ofan adverse:majority. The question was there in spite of them, and It never would have been E 0 had it not been backed by the opinion of the country.—(Hear.) lie believed that if any motion of theirs could endanger it, it would be thrown out by the House of Lords. The measure was not carried show itself as a valuable resource to till np the void ; and to employ by the present Parliament, it was not carried by any politicians on the one hand the capital for which there was no longer any call, and on the other hand the labour for the employment of which there existed no use. He believed that the colonies would also be bene either in or out of the House ; it was carried by the voice of the country if it were carried at all—(llear, hear)--and unless it re te4 on that substantial base it would fail. Did they wish to know what fited by the measure of the Right Hon. Baronet. The increase in the c mmercial intercourse to be carried on between the mother country and the colonies would be quite sufficient, without having resource to any system of monopolising protection. With respect to the magni ficent colony of India, he should bitterly regret to see and allow —(Hear. public opinion was ? There was no better barometer of that opinion than the Right Hon. Gentleman.—(Bear, hear.) If they wanted to and cheers) know what great measures were agitating the public mind, they should let them look to his conduct, for he had measured and d d speak of that confidence they ruld not set themselves in opposition justly miiel appreciated e t i a a l t k e g cl d public l e i c o n o fl p g i e n n i o c e n to, or resist the changes which inquiry would prove to be neces• sary. That was the way for public men to acquire that confidence, and not by the inanceuverings of party. Latterly public men had pursued this course; they sought not so much for the old party words of Whig and Tory, and the consequences were extremely beneficial. He did conjure tire House not to raise the feelings of the working classes into, action upon this question. He conjured them not to prolong the conflict which could not be defended with credit and which could only heap them with defeat and disgrace, ' He should think that they w ould not be discharging their , 'uty to the country if they allowed any len g th of time to elapse before they pro vided some remedy Mr those awful deficiencies which they saw staring them in the face , an d which were stated to the House the other night by the Secretary of State for the Home Department. That Right Hon. Gentleman had t old them that h e expected nothing less than a famine he Ireland during the coming summer. —(Hear, hear.) That, therefore, was a most urgent reason why they should not consent to a dissolution of Parliament at the present time.— (Cheers.) Hon. Members on his side of the House supported the Go vernment on the present question, not because they be lieved it was based on public opinion, but simply be cause they believed the present Parliament was bound to provide a remedy for the present national emergency by the in troduction of a national measure, and they believed that that remedy should be provided quickly.—(Cheers) Ile implored Hon. Gentle- Melt opposite to abandon their present futile opposition to the carry ing of this measure.—(Bear, hear.) Ho called } Mon them once more before he sat down to consider that they really had no right what ever under the sun to lay down the conditions under which the manufacturers and merchants of this country s h ould carry on their trade. Foreign corn had as much right to imp ortat i on into this country free of all let or hindrance as they themselves had a right to .cultivate their own es tates. He implored them, therefore, .not to press their present antiquated feudal pretension, that they were entitled to say under what condi tions the trade of this country sho u l d be carri ed on. Ile called upon them to be satisfied with tire possibility of a quiet enjoyment of their own estates and to let trade and commerce flourish in freedom. Mr. HALSEY said he felt himself bound to vote against the present measure. Certain Hon. Members on the opposite side of the House had imputed improper motives to those oil his own side, but he would ask, with what justice ? (Hear, hear.) If Noble Lords would attend to the details, they would find that the diffletilties of the question would be materially reduced. Those burdens which were alleged to be peculiar to land were amply compensated for by the protection which was afforded by the law as it now stood; and if that protection were to be lowered, and the capital invested in laud were to he reduced in value, an ample compensation would_be made -by the remission of that • portion of taxation which particularly pressed upon it. Whilst there was protection Mire was no peculiar burdens; when the protection was removed, and in the event of xi total repeal, it would be necessary ee, eelieve real property from some of the impositions under which it now laboured. He considered that. one of the greatest evils that would follow the in. • any monopoly of the sugar interest of that colony, in which a very large quantity of sugar might be produced. They had seen enough of monopoly in the West Indies, and he should be sorry to see its constringing effects in the East. As regarded the general question, he was of opinion that If there were any single interest in the country which was concerned more than any other in the question of the corn-laws, it was the interest of the manufacturers.—(Hear, hear.) They wished their capital both at home and abroad—the landowners' were always at home.—(Hear, hear.) It was because he considered that the corn-laws were injurious to the commercial and manufac turing interest that he wished to see them abrogated. Ile believed that the landed interest would not be at all injured by the proposed measure, nor did he think that rents wool I be diminished,agriculture lessened, or land thrown out ofcultivation. The fanners would not have to enter into competition with France, with Holland, with Spain, with Italy, or with any other great nation; for it appeared to him that the chief competition would be with a few small distriets in the north of Germany. Those were the only places to be dreaded, and shall the English farmer, the cultivator of English soil, with the best markets in the world, with markets for his green crop, his eggs, his cattle, his butter, at the highest prices, with all those advantages, be unable to compote with the poor serfs of Russia? It appeared to him to be most absurd. The English farmer is two thousand miles away from the farmer of Poland—separated from him by long rivers, by difficult navigation, and by all the disadvantages which would be experienced in bringing down the produce to the port, where it would then have t 3 be placed on board and exported. The popula lion of Great Britain and Ireland approximated very near to thirty millions, and this number was annually increasing three or four hundred thousand, who had to be fed. He believed that the repeal of the corn-lava would not produce any very great dintinution_in the price of corn. The advantages which would result would be a more steady price—a continued impulse given to labour, and a much sounder and firmer basis for commerce and manufactures in all parts of the world. These benefits would . be the result of the abrogation of the corn-laws, and not any material diminution in the price of corn. He believed that the landed interest might rest thoroughly satisfied that their welfare was not in danger. He should like to be informed how it happened that 1,0( 0 acres of English soil was announced as valuable as 5,000, or even as 10,000 acres in Poland or Silesia ? (77uidany other answer be given to this, than that the increased value was owing to the exuberant wealth of this country? The landed interest, when the great change should occur, need have no appre sion. He felt satisfied that Hon. Gentlemen opposite knew that they were opposing Without hope of suecess.—Loud cries of " No, no," from the Protectionists.) lie would repeat, he believed that the Hon. Gentlemen opposite knew that they were opposing this measure without any hopes of success. Let the landowner lay out his capital in Improving the land; or let the tenant, by having a sufficient bolding, hive an inducement to convert his labour and ca• pital in improving the cultivation of the soil at a sufficient remune ration. If these things were to be done, there would be little to fear for the prosperity of the landed intorest.—(Hear.) He had been all along a sincere and consistent advocate for the repeal _ _ of tire corn laws ; it w2S, therefore, unnecessary for him to enter into any personal explanations with regard to the proposed measure. He was glad to see it brought tirward triumphantly_ now by those who hitherto had pertinac it, on every occasion Of fig ilitihdactlon to the attention of the libuie. He had the greatest filSasfrre in, pronouncing his entire ap prolittilliel ,if* Meade of the Right rich. Baroftea. At present he could only- ilnit he belieVed the measure was likalf to open up to this country a greater end rbbi€ enduring prosperity than it had ever yet enjoyed, and that he &U hl be happy to give it his most cordial and sincere support.—(Hear, hear.) Mt. BUCK, as the representative of one of the most influential districts in England, cotild net allow the present opportunity to pass without addressing a few vettitie t 9 the House. His constituents were of opinion that the measure of the flight lloh, Baronet was both uncalled fiar and unjust, and were no longer willing to pities any confidence in a Goveinmetit which had so betrayed them.— (Hear.) For his own part he considered that the measure would not influence the agricultural interests more than any ether. It was a measure whose effect would be felt by every class in this country.—(Hear.) It was no question with them (the protectionists) whether they should have a sliding scale or a - fixed duty.— (Hear.) He believed that the measure would be a most severe blow on the industry of the country. It would be a compulsory competition on the part of title' country with the cheaper countries of Poland and Russia. When ever wheat had been high, pauperism had beeri low, and on the other hand, whenever wheat had been low priced, pauperism had increased. In fact such was already the result, and those mho were acquainted with the state of the country in the agricultural districts could testify as to the increase of pauperism of late. He (the Hon. Member) believed that the measure, if carried, would benefit the manufacturer at the same time that it would ruin the agriculturist—(llear, hear)—and therefore it was that • they, before giving support to the measure, should appeal to the constituency of the country. He did not hesitate to tell the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of her Majesty's Government,. that the period from 1829 to 1839, he did not enjoy the confidence Of the landed proprietary or the Conservatives of the country. But in 1839 the Right Hon. Gentle man raised a cry of danger, urged the necessity of attending to the registry ; he rallied a party ; they placed confidence in him, implicit confidence in his sincerity ; and shortly after, when the Noble Lord, the Member for London, brought in his free-trade principles, that party turned him out of office, and restored the reins of Government to the Right Hon. Baronet, with a full majority of ninety.—(Hear, hear.) But he defied that Right Hon. Gentleman to say that, if he had declared himself a supporter of measures similar to those on which the Noble Lord, the Member for London was defeated, he would then have been elected.—(Hear, hear.) 'Rut they nbw had, that Right Hon. Gentleman coming forward with free-trade principles, and he (the lion. Member) would venture to assert that at least one- • third or one-fourth of the farmers of the kingdom would be ruined by the passing of these measures. —(Hear, hear, and " No, no.") In the statements of the present Minister, made in 1841, the utmost cent'. decce was reposed, and on the faith of their sincerity the landholders expended every farthing of their capital in the improvement of their land ; and what was the result? Why, that they had every year since, and in the present year particularly, nearly doubled the quan tity of produce; notwithstanding which the Right Hon. Gentleman came forward and introduced his measures of free trade.—(A laugh.) lion. Gentlemen might laugh ; but if they had been at great expense in the improvement of their lands, and were then turned upon in such a manner, at so extraordinary a time as the present, when there existed no recipioeity between them and any one of the continental countries, he doubted if they would treat so serious and important a subject.with such levity.—(Hear, hear.) He had a conversation that morning with a farmer from near Exeter, who cultivated about 500 acres of land, and on his asking him his opinion as to the result of the present measure, he stated that he might on every acre lose a pound and gain a shilling ; and further, that the result would be that he would be compelled to convert his arable land into pasture, and of course deprive a number of labourers of the means of subsistence. —(Hear, hear.) Now, they certainly had a right to ask what was to become of all these persons ? It was a very serious consideration ; and he hoped the Right Hon. Gentleman at the head of the Ministry would give them some explanation on that point.—(Hear.) He hoped the present measure would not pass—(Hear)—and he need not say that, if he could help it, it should not pass.—(Laughter, and hear, hear.) Should it pass, it would be but the commencement of a series of the greatest possible difficulties that ever any Ministry had to contend against. The First Lord of the Treasury told them that they (the agriculturists) were no longer to have protection. Ile (the Hon. Member) called on the Ministry to remove the burdens that pressed on them, and which were acknowledged to be most grievous. The duty had been relaxed on articles of manufacture—why not act similarly by articles of agriculture, and let them grow their tobacco and sugar, ?—(llear, hear.) The Ministry might depend on it that the measure would not allay the spirit that existed in the country until they had conceded every act of justice that the landed interest conceived they were entitled to; for ke did not believe that any 'Government, yielding to the clamour of one of the most unconstitu tional societies that ever,extsted, was entitled to the least commise ration front the landed proprietary. He called the body an unconsti tutional one. Could it be otherwise than so, when in its ranks were hired alarmists, travelling through the country, and drawing the most appalling pictures of famine at a moment that Provi dence had blessed them with an abundance, save in the potato crop ; and could he, he repeated, call it other than unconstitutional ? (Hear, hear, and a laugh.) He sit tad say that the measure would get a decided negative from him; and he hoped and trusted that every landed proprietor would reflect seriously before he gave his support to her Majesty's Government. Lord HARRY VANE (who was quite inaudible in the gal lery) was understood to say that, although formerly an advocate for reduction of duty on agricultural produce, yet he did not advocate the entire removal of all duty. The Noble Lord then went on to say, that notwithstanding thehostile tariffs imposed by other countries, the experts of manufactured articles into those countries had considerably increased. He put it to Hon. Gentlemen whether they. really believed that they would be furthering the interests of this country by continuing their opposi tion to the present measure. He put it to them whether, taking Into account the conversion of many sober-minded men—(Derisive cheers from the protectionists) —men whose direct and immediate in terests might be supposed to lie in the maintenance of agricultural protection, they thought that they were justified in protracting the present struggle ? (Hear, hear.) He did not mean to impute to Hon. Gentlemen opposite any unjust motives in their opposition to the proposal of the Right Hon. Baronet, but he submitted that every Member of that House should take into account the general feelings of the country.—(Hear, hear.) When Hon. Gentlemen on the opposite side of the House saw that the most eminent men in the country had declared themselves in favour of this great change, they ought to be convinced that there would be danger in opposing the present measure. The agriculturists of this country ought to look to the manufacturers: as their best customers. Concurrent with the prosperity of manufactures would be the pros perity of agriculture. lie was anxious thus briefly to state the grounds of his opinions to favour of the present proposal of her Ma jesty's Government. He felt himself bound to vote in opposition to his Hon. Friends on the opposite side of the House, although it would have given him much more pleasure to have given them his support. —(Hear, hear)—and lie was determined to vete for the measure, despite the charges of inconsistency which might be brought against him. lie believed that the measure was called for by the circum stances of the country, that it would bring into united action all hostile parties, and that it would conduce to the peace, contentment, and order of the people of this country.—(Cheers.) Sir .TOHN TYRRELL said, feeling as he did that this question had been debated to death—(Laughter) was with the greatest reluctance that he ventured to trespass upon the indulgence of the House. But he congratulated tile House that, at the expiration of this six nights' debate, the Anti-Corn-law League should have thought proper at last to come to the rescue of this debate; and it was also a matter of congratulation to him that they had not been able, as far as he could ascertain, to show any new arguments or state any new case that had not been over and over again brought forward at Covent-garden Theatre.—(Cheers.) But he ascertained from the Hon. Member for Manchester that some friend of his in the country, when he applied to him about getting over the difficulty of arranging with his landlord, the Hon. Member assured him that the price of corn would not be very materially al tered in consequence of the proposed measure.—(Laughter from the protectionist benches,) The Noble Lord the Member for London, in an early part of the debate, gloated over (which he had every right to do) the motion of the Hon. Member for Sheffield (Mr. Ward) about the peculiar burdens of land having been rejected on his (Sir John Tyrrell's) side of the house. The Noble Lord was pleased to impute the most unfair views to Hon. Gentlemen who had resisted that motion. He understood the Noble Lord to say that Hon. Gen tlemen opposed the notion because they were ashamed of their case and statistics, and that they sheltered themselves under the cry that it was merely a clap-trap motion. Now lie (Sir J. Tyrrell) did think it right that the House should be aware ofthe early history of that case ; and in these days of confession and explanations—(Laughter)—and of political tergiversation—(Continued laughter)—he also should, in his opinion, be permitted to make his confession and explanation.— (Laughter.) It was perfectly well understood in that House that the motion in question was called a clap-trap motion.—(Several Hon. Members of the Opposition, "No, no.") The Hon. Member who then had the confidence of the party to which he alluded, felt the force and intention of the motion. The Right Hon. Baronet, now at the the head of the Government, when Hon. Gentlemen en the same side of the House had his confidence, called thirty or forty Members of the agricultural interest together, and it was then resolved that the motiln should be opposcd.—(Langhter.) The Right Hon. Baronet urged an opposition to the motion, on the grounds that it would dis turb the social relations and happiness of the country. He (Sir J . Tyrrell), however, held a different opinion.—(llear, hear.) The Government. in bringing forward the present measure, thought that they could administer doses of opium into the mouths of Hon. Mem • hers, and delude them into a support of the scheme. The lion. Member then proceeded to complain of the alleged dictation and im perious conduct of those Hon. Members who sat on the same side of the House, who lie asserted were scarcely permitted by the Right Hon. Baronet to express their opinions on any subject whilst be was their supposed leader. One would think (said the Hon. Member) that they were as much entitled to express their opinions as the Right Hon. Baronet. Hon. Members on his side of the House had also a right to complain that the Hon. Member for Wiltshire (Mr. Sidney Herbert) had been put forward to speak in support of the measure, whilst other Right Hon. Members, who were Members of the Government, and much more experienced, had as yet been silent upon the question. —(Hear, hear.) He could perfectly well under stand the policy of the Government in putting forward that as piring young statesman.—(Laughter.) The policy in his opinion was this, that, as he was a deserter it was advisable to put him in the front ranks. It had been said that the present proposal was offered as a great settlement. Now he confessed that it was quite unreasonable to expect that the agriculturists should accept it as such, for the terms of it were less advantageous than those offered by the Hon. Member for Stockport, who, he was sorry to hear, was unable from indisposition to occupy his seat in the Hbuse.—(Hear, hear.) Did net Hon. Members expect that if this wieasure was passed, the Noble Lord, the Member for the City of London, would come forward with a_proposal to abolish the differential dutleslon sugar ?—(Cheers.) Had the Hon. Member for Stockport accepted the reins of office which were offered to bins a few months ago, he would not have had the courage to propose so bold a scheme as that of the Right Honourable Baronet. He would have been seized with the delirium tremens. (Laughter.) The Noble Lord the Member for the City of London, who took high ground in Scotland, but was obliged to take occasion ally to occupy a mole-hill, was also frightened to form an Adminis- tration.—(Laughter.) He (8i; fbr one regretted much that the lion. Member for Stockport had not taken office—(Hear, hear)—because the plan that he would have proposed wOuhl have been far more conaprelien , ive than the present ; it would also have been more intelligible.—(Hear, hear.) Having prophesieg that the sugar duties would fall on the passing of this measure, he would ven ture to make another prophecy.—(Derisive cheers.) He would rather, he would say, beg to allude to a most extraornary prophecy which had been made by that amiable and talented Divine, the late 1)r. Arnold. That Divine said that the Right Honourable Baronet kad a great idea about the currency, but about the matter of the Church he had no idea at all.— (Hear, hear, and laughter.) That learned divine also said that the Right Hon, Baronet was also one who would always yield to clamour. The Right Hon. Baronet had stated that he was anxious to have the approbation of posteity ? Now he (Sir J. Tyrrell) confessed his wish to be that posterity might have the opportunity—(Loud laughter from all sides of the House)— that posterity, he repeated, might soon have the on portunit y of expressing their opinion of the RUM Hon. Baronet.—(Continued laughter.) He wished that the Noble Lord, the Member for the City of London /11141 the Right Hon. Baronet, in conspiring with the Anti-Corn-law League to abolish protection to agriculture, would recollect a passage in ancient history, which ho would take the liberty of quoting. When Cassius—(Laughter)—contemplated the betrayal of thesar, he did not dare to do so until he had first gained over Brutus to his cause—(Laughter)—and so he (Sir J. Tyrrell) would say that the Right Hon. Baronet would not have dared to propose the present measure until he had first gained the support of the Duke of Wellington.—(Laughter.) It was his sincere conviction that if the House of Commons should proceed to abolish the corn-laws—if the House of Lords should also proceed to register a verdict in favour of the present measure, the lower, rural, and upper classes of this country would be rendered miserable indeed ; and in carrying it Parliament would show that they were ready to ' , cede any measure which the lawle s s ness of anarchists might &c -rate. Such a state of things would be produced that neither the present lior any future Government would be able to remedy before the counti'y had suffered incalculable injury.—(Cheers.) Mr. JAMES said that he should support the present measure, and that he had always voted in favour of freedom of trade. Re had, therefore never changed on this question. With respect, however, to those Hon. Members on the ether (Ministerial) side of the House, wNo had recently become .converts to free trade, it might well be said— Tempora mutantur, et nos mutamur in ills." The Hon. Member who had last addressed the House had said that the House might expect an abolition of the sugar , duties if this measure' passed; but concerning the sugar question, Mr. M`Gref or had brought forward many able statements, and he clearly showed that the sugar duties and slavery ought to be placed in the same category.—(Hear, hear.) The sooner, therefore, that those duties were aboWhed the better, for the credit of the country. Me was rather desirous, if the House would favour him with their attention, to refer to the progress of public opinion upon this question. In the year, 1831, he had the honour of seconding a motion for the total repeal :of the corn-Law, and he found on reference to Hansard that he had the good fortune to make use of several of the arguments which had been so lately used at Manchester, and which were now become so popular. The moticu was brought forward by the Mon. Member for Preston, and he had but one solitary Member supporting him, the late Member for Bohm.. They were opposed by almost every other Member of the souse, and the question was carried against them by a anajority of 194 to 6.—(Hear.) But let them look now at the position of the questiofr; it would be carried by hundrets. Ho did not blame the changes of opinion which had taken place ; he believed those changes to he occasioned by sin cere conviction, but he heartily rejoiced that he was of the same opinion now that he was when he first entered that House, twenty six years ago.—(Hear, hear.) He could not agree in the opinion that the agricultural interests would suffer by the passing of this measure. He believed those sufferings, if there were any, had been greatly exagzerated, and he believed that the abolition of the corn-law would be conducive to the well-being of the struggling masses of this densely-populated country.—(Vcar, hear.) It was gratifying, however, for a public man, and more especially for so hum'slean individual as himself, to know that he had been able " The applause of listening senators to command." —(Great laughter, in which the intervening line was lost.) , "To scatter plenty o'er a smiling land, . And read their history in a nation's eyes." —(Great laughter and cheers.) What, could it be believed that fif teen short years ago, this great question could only obtain ono mover, one seconder, and five supporters? He should sit dawn with stating that he would not support any amendment which would endanger Ita the safet al y of the meure. Severnibers here rose to address the House, but gave wry to Sir ROBERT PEEt—Mr.. Speaker, two subjects of great import auce have occupied the attention of the House durini; the present de bate, The one, the Manner in which a party should be con ducted ; the other, the measures by which the contingencies of a great public calitipity should be nutigated, and pri4- ......................... titite by Which the commercial policy of a great empire shall for the futuee t.o etYteltieted.—(l - lear, hear, and cheers.) On the first point, the manner in which a party should be conducted, by far the greatest part of the time teas been spent. I don't value its import ance; but great as it is, surety it is subordinate in the eyes of a people Its those other two questions to Which I have already al tided —precaution epithet a great and impending danger, and the-prin ciples by which their etimmercial policy should in future be carried ouf. On the party question I admit I have little defence to make.— (Hear, hear.) I must admit at once that it is unfortunate that the conduct of those itiestsures—that is so far as the corn-law is CO* , cerned—should have been committed to other hands—to such as had been Its consistent advocates. It would have been far preferable that they should have the credit—if any credit there be—that they should hate the final adjustment of the question. When consulted I said so, and I was prevented from committing it to other hands from the conviction that a part of this empire was threatened with a great calamity, Ido firmly believe that there is impending over us, mitt flint it will come at no remote period, a calamity which ' all will bitterly deplere—(Hear, hear)—and I do think that while there was a danger, arid While I had hopes of averting it, that it would nit be consistent with my duty to my Sovereign, nor my pub lic honour as a titan, to evade the difficulty I saw impending.—(Loud cheers from bath sides of the Ilouse.) While I retained a hope of averting the coming evil, I thought there Was A prospect of bringing this question to a successful issue, and I therefore took the earliest opportunity that I could, consistent With a sense of duty, of tender ing my resignatieu to the Queen, and leaving her Majesty the full opportunity of calling to her counsels other advisers. I offered no opinion as to that chot o. It is the only act which is the persocal act of the Sovereign.—(Hear, hear.) It was for the Sovereign to determine on whets confidence Ought to be placed. It became my duty, in conseqticnee of the commands of her Majesty, to ascertain whether those of my colleagues who differed from me were either prepared themselves to form a Go vernment, or whether they were prepared to advise her Majesty on the formation of a Ministry.--(Hear, hear.) Those from whom I differed, and who did not concur with me in the full extent of danger which menaced, or the course of policy I proposed, considered that it would not be for the public interest that they should form it Government, nor were they prepared to advise her Majesty to call other hands to her counsels. Her Majesty therefore determined to call on the Noble Lord opposite to undertake the duty of forming an Administration. (Hear, hear.) I was relieved from the responsibilities of 'office. The Noble Lord was sent for, and I firmly believe that lie would have been equal to the emergency, and that he would have succeeded had he undertaken it. In a long course . of opposition, I cannot charge myself with having ever said a word disrespectful of the Noble Lord, nor do I recollect any - thing ever passing between its likely to lead to a remembrance. And when be WWI sent for it was my tirni conviction that he would have undertaken the duties of a Government. Under the Impression that I was in the mere capacity of a private member, and aware of the necessity of a final adjustment of this measure, as well as the difficulties which would surround any man who would undertake the Government, I thought it dishonourable not to take those steps which JI saw would diminish those embarrassments. I have not one word of complaint to make in reference to the state ment made by the Noble Lord. He read one letter, of which he had a copy, and he referred to one of which he did not receive a copy. His general statements were perfectly correct, but this letter, which has not been made public, is of primary importance, and I feel it my duty to refer to it, in order to show that I deprecated the settlement of this question by my hands.—(Hear, hear.) I think it right to state to the House the course which I pursued. I relinquished office on the Gth of December, 1845. I knew then that those of my colieagu s who differed from me had declined to form a Govermnent. I was aware that it was not done by my advice, and ois the Bth of December I considered myself to be In a private capacity, and having given my opinion in the:Cabinet that the question must be adjusted, I wrote the communication to licr Majesty, which has been mare known to the Noble Lord. On the Bth of December I felt it my duty to make a counnanication to her Majesty on the subject of the corn-•aws—that great question which has been long agitating the public mind:— " Whitehall, Des. ff.. " Sir Robert Peel presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and, influenced by no other motive than the desire to contribute if possi ble to the relief of your Majesty from embarrassment, and to the" protection of the public intae,ts from injury, is induced to make to your Majesty this confidential communication explanatory of Sir Robert Peel's position and intentions with regard to the great ques tion which is how agitating Ow public mind. " Your Majesty can, if you think fit, make this comnunication known to the M nister who, as successor to Sir Robert Peel, may be honoured by your Majesty's confidence. " On the Ist of November last Sir Robert Peel advised his col leagues, on account of the alarming accounts from Ireland, and many districts in this country, as to the failure of the potato crop from dis ease, and for the purrose of guarding against contingencies, which in his opinion were not improbable, humbly to recommend to your Ma jesty that the duties on the import of foreign grain should be sus pended for a limited period, either by order in Council or by legisla tive enactment; Parliament in either case being summoned without delay. "Sir Robert Peel foresaw that this suspension, dally justified by the tenor of the report to which he has referred, would compel, during the interval of suspension, the reconsideration of the corn-laws. "If the opinion of his colleagues had then been in concurrence with his own, he was fully prepared to take the responsibility of bus pension, and of the necessary consequence of suspension, a compre hensive review of the laws imposing restrictions on the import of foreign grain and other articles of food, with a view to their gradual diminution and ultimate removal. " He was disposed to recommend that any new laws to be enacted should contain within themselves the principle of gradual and ulti mate removal. " Sir Robert Peel is prepared to support, in a private capacity, measures which may be in general conformity with those which he advised as a Minister. " It would be unbecoming in Sir Robert Peel to make any refe rence to the details of such measures. " Your Majesty has been good enough to inform Sir Robert Peel that it is your intention to propose to Lord John Russell to undertake the formation of a Government. " The principle on which Sir Robert Peel was prepared to recom mend the re-consideration of the laws affecting the import of the main articles of food, was in general accordance with that referred to in the concluding paragraph of Lord John Russell's letter to the electors of the city of London. " Sir Robert Peel wished to accompany the removal of restriction on the admission of such articles with relief to the land from such charges as are unduly onerous, and with such other provisions as, in the terms of Lord John Russell's letter, ' caution and even scrupa ions forbearanre may suggest.' " Sir Robert Peel will support measures founded on that general principle, and will exercise any influence he may possess to promote their success." On the Ist November last I advised my colleagues, in order to guard against approaching contingencies, that I thought it necessary that a suspewion of the corn-laws should take place. I was then of opinion that a new law respecting those corn-laws should contain the principles of gradual repeal.. In a confidential letter to her Majesty, I stated that I was prepared to propose a measure of the kind. I was, at the same time, anxious to remove some of the restrictions .whisk at present are imposed on land. I could not but foresee, in adopting such a course, the difficulties that I had to contend with in accepting office. Up to the present time we have had a prosperous revenue. There have been for the last two or three years a large increase, and I thought there would be less reluctance on the part of any one who might be my successor to accept Office when no increased expenditure had taken flace.—(Cheers.) In that letter I informed her Majesty that I would support any measure, no matter by whom introduced, which would have for its object a gradual repeal of the corn-laws.—(Loud sheers from the Opposition.) These are. matters Of such importance, that I shall read them without hest tation.—(ilear, hear.) " Sir Robert Peel feels it to be his ditty to add that, should your Majesty's future advisers, after consideration of the heavy demands made upon the army of the country for eoldnial service, of our relations with the United States, and of the bearing which steam navigation may have upon maritime warfare and the defence of the country, deem it advisable to propose an addition to the army and increased naval and military estimates, Sir Robert Peel will support the proposal—will do all that he can to prevent it from being considered as indicative of hostile or altered feelings towards France, and will assume, for the increase in question, any degree of responsibility, present or retrospective, which can fairly attach to him." Now,sir,when it is charged upon me that I am robbing others of the credit of this measure—when it is states that I am taking Sal undue advan tage and reaping a reward which belongs to others, I hope it will be seen that I am not robbing others of the position which they hold, for it will be seen I was as ready to give my support to the Noble Lord (Russell) as it is boasted he and his party are now ready to give it to me. There was another communication, in which it was proposed to arrange this question. I thought it would look better if no appear ance of an understanding existed between me and the Noble Lord opposite (Russell), and I was under the impression that he would undertake its settlement, and if he did I am sure lie would not have failed.—(Loud cheers from the Opposition.) I think the Noble Lord must be satisfied that it was my intention to give to the Noble Lord. according to his own views, the same cordial support which it is his boast he now intends to give to me. I believe, after the communica tion which the Noble Lord (Russell) had with her Majesty, he un dertook the formation of a Government, and I am sure the Noble Lord will admit no act of mine occasioned his failure on that occa sion. —(Cheers.) So much for the course I have pursued. I never made any inquiry who would constitute the new Ministry ; It was not my duty to do so. My belief was, on that occasion, that there was no difficulty in forming a Ministry, and I was determined to facilitate ,this question by my vote, and every influence which I could use in this liouse.—(Loud cheers.) Now, sir, with respect to the course I have pursued towards those who so long have been my supporters. .I admit to them, that it is very natural they thoild - feel considerably surprised. I admit the course I am pursuing Is at variance with the established principles of that party, Ido ask them, would I make a sacrifice of their support, unless I was influenced by consideration of a high and important nature ? My duty to my Sovereign, and my duty to the country, required me to propose a measure of this kind.—(Loud cheers from the Opposition.) Notwithstanding the support which may be withdrawn from me, I will do that party (the protectionists) the justice of saying, that 1 know no persons more inclined to give a fair and generous support to measures which they deem important to the weithre of the country. This I will say, after having forfeited some of their confidence, but I do not believe that they will deny that I am actuated by honourable motives. But this I must say, that be the conse• quences what they may, they cannot rob me of the deep-felt convic tion, that the advice I have given is an advice consistent with th true ol , jects which I have always had in view. —(Cheers.) I know what the conserinenees would be, if I took the advice of other parties ; I know their counselling would be dangerous to the country.— (Cheers.) In Ireland it was necessary to combine for the mainte nance of the existing laws. It would be necessary to do so everywhere else if agricultural protection should be maintained in all its integrity. But to adopt such a course which would render such proceedings necessary would be to abandon the duty which I owe to ray Sove reign and to my country. I may say in the p. esent temper of the public mind, In the state of public feeling and popular opinion with respect to the corn-laws, independent of all other circum stances--Mdependent of the great and pressing calamities which I foresee in Ireland—l could arrive at no other determination than not to vote for the maintenance of the corn-laves. It' I was to con tinue the ditty of 175., it would teach the ng surrounding landed interest what it may have cost them.— (Cheers.) Tile Right Hon. Secretary of State for the Home Department was respons ible for p resery 1 by a continuation of t he p resent corn-laws.— ( C heers.) millions from famine, and that responsibility wou l d be dangerously I Nv n o c N reas it , ` 'i a d a fact, that in parts of thin empire four millions of her Ma. " r i , s - t , , s ubjects are dependent for their subsistence on a certain article 0 - eWod. It is difficult to say the extent of the danger—the progress of the disease, and the amount of deficiency that will have to be sup plied; and surely you will make some allowance for those who are charged with the responsibility of this great calamlt (Hear, hear.) The famine and diseas e h ave Y.-- every pros pect of an increase at the distance of three or four months, and is not the course we have adopted one of duty to the country and to our party ? Why, therefore, should we be charged with neglect ? I believe that my anticipations ate likely to be realised—and it is right that you should knew it. ion have, of late, seemed to dislike any re ference to letters, and have filmed away from every commnnication; but it is necessary that you should understand the present state of Ireland.—(near, hear.) I cannot attempt to conciliate your abaft dence by all expression of regret for the course that I have taken— so far from it, I declare, in the face of this House, that the day of my political life to which I look back with the greatest satisfae ti(4 is the Ist of November, when I was re a d y to take upon ' myself the ) responsibility of issuing an order in Council for the opening of the ports g he ports for the admission of gr a i n. —(L oud Cheers.) The e packet was about to sail ; and my prim ary o bj ect was to increase the supply of food in this country, and to take precaution against famine. Other advantages, of a collateral nature, would have dewed from it (Cries of " Hear, hear ") and, under the circumstances, it would have been the best stop that could have been adopted. Supposing that our anticipations had been incorrect—supposing we had formed a false estimate—l believe that the generosity of the English people would have borne us the from harm—and if our anticipations had been borne out by the result, was not the measure the oialy one that eould he adopted ?—(Loud cheering.) During the latter part of De cember last, and in the beginning of,Tanuary, there was a temporary suspension of alarm. I never shared in the prevalent opinion that there would, after all, be abundance of food—that the disease was exaggerated—and I never put my trust in the existing supplies ; for after the opinions I had received from the most eminent men of sc ience, I feared that the time would come when my apprehensions would be realised—that they would be justified by the event. Now, what is the fact? I read this not so much for the vindication of Go vernment as for the guidance of this house. It is not right that you should live in ignorance of the real facts of this case. The proposal here conveyed is not an absolute suspension, but it i s virtually a suspension of the corn-laws. A reduction is proposed upon maize, rice, meal, corn, barley, and oats—wheat only is excepted—and is not that virtually a re moval of the duty on corn. Before you decide on rejecting this measure, c'nsider well the reports which even the l ast day has brought down to you. You have seemed to discredit the reports given by official authorities. Nay, some of you have seemed to believe that public men have been acting in concert to deceive ;;erseu. I will not read any official reports to you, but simply t he letters which the last two mails have brought from Ireland. You l fur pro bably remember the name of Sir David Roche, the Member:,cut of Limerick. He was one orthose who thought that is the m i i , a ro ce p essary. famine was exaggerated, and that pree,auttioilita —" Nu person w This day's mail brought ale this letter d tl•or th i tile hope that that more disposed than I was to look forz t ar w.d before Christmas sass part of the potato crop which A that hope with . great eon • Lieutenant of Ireland ex! safe from the infection, 'ress that every day convinces me of fldenee, but I grieve answer lc to a letter from the Lord t7ipsliii.,7ltl3.h., an incipient shige, and some' torn out to have t o o l' the pigs. The Catholic clergy in my neigh.. are obliged to he given of this, and similar expressions are used by sown with potatoes, the a r y i n the Y diseaseerlor' p aa o u t ra toes bourhoad inform me in a sound state. If the case is so bad people who have not the next, out of 10J,0 many other corrresoopotiT.ensts,;f l l aa d d o , n i o n t a t i l a ti l i y ik that by the 12th of M ewoiitihvennieence of substantial buildings and other adjuncts to a large h i a t t h i n t i s ts i It tlu b c C C With the poor will be l o:te i, w . farming-establishment at their command. In short, when I ride. through the country, the rotten potatoes are to be seen throw.te by the road-side; and near them a small portion of more sound ones, which there is every reason to fear will share in the general, decay. I pray you to look to it at once." Well, I did loot: to it,—(lmmense cheering from all parts of the House.) • That is the account from the county of Litherick. You alai' now hear the account from .the Queen's County. It is Written by an • inspector of .naliati and Mr. Emerson, the 'clergyman •of a pariah . there :—" We have examined at first the houSes of two, families resident on the ptoperty of Mr. Cavanagh, and we afterwards eatendod taur .~ ,~. ~, :~ -~.