The Sun. — London, England, 1837-03-11 00:00:00

volutions. But the thing being effective. th , question was whether, bemuse of this revocation, should they abandon the treaty they had entered into? Should they abandon that treaty because the country had adopted the Constitution of 1 1812 ? Since the adoption of that Constitution there had been a moderation evinced on the part of the Cortes. which had rendered them on e that nnitottnlar, hut which, with the rrirninating, rendered them deserving of the highest praise. 'The situation of the Queen bad been tench bettered by their proceedings. As to what had been urged by the Noble Lord ueh respect to the Basque proviaces, he could only say that tl c Government of this country had done nothing which inter fered with their privileges or their liberty. The Noble Lord hv not let tee Spaniards tight it out? This would be very well if theic had ',wen no interference of other Powers. But there had been such interference. A comuiuuica tion had been established with Don Carlos, and if no interfe rence had taken place, the result would have been that Don Carlos would now be seated on the throne of Spain, the In quisitien would be re-rtesblished, and the Northern Powers N7onld have complete coritroul in that country. England in terfered because, in advocating the cause of tee Queen, it ad vocated also the cause of free institutions and constitutional liberty=--(.Ministerial cheers)—but in doing w) she Lad not gone one step beyond her engagements. There might be some defects in the management of the Queen's affairs, but these did not, in his opinion, affect the brave men of Bilboa. Instead of feeling degraded When he heard that transaction discussed. he felt proud that be could claim them as his cone trymen.—(Ministerial cheers.) Mr. G. KNIGHT thought it useless that the life and sot.) of *ngland should be engaged in a struggle when the peasants were misled by Priests, and the treasure of this ceentry was expended in a vain attempt to bring about a degree of liar inony which it appeared it was impossible should exist. Mr. FE CTOR expressed his opinion, as we understood, in favour of the people who advocated the cause of Don Cartes, and who had been a match, and more than a match, for the Iceiont of Wapolcon. Lord F. EGERTON had no intention of interfering in the discussion, but was induced to rise by one or two of the later observations of the Hon. Member for Kirkcudbright. That Hon. Member had taken a course with respect to the privi leges of the Basque provinces which was indeed consistent enough with the whole policy of his Majesty's Government, for it was one which led him to come to a judgment on the advantages of those privileges to the provinces to which they belonged, and to found the policy of this country on his own appreciation of their utility. He (Lord Francis Egert.eri), if that question were a fit one for the decision of that Howse, might be induced to agree with the Hon. Member eked those privileges might be dune away with with advantage to these provinces if they could be induced to forego them.. On ge neral principles he thought that when districts, by geographical position, and a concurrence of other eircumaterees, formed part of a monarchy or extended artera, it was usually desir able that their institutions Amid merge in that general sys tem. He went further, and thought that it weeld be a bone. fit to these countries if their curious and ancient lam/were itself could be replaced by the Spanish. He believed the Basques were in arms for their privileges not eicluairely, for attachment to a particular succession and to the person of their Prince, was also among their motives. And were they to be called upon to forego and deaden all natu ral sympathy with a people thus fighting against superior forces for a cause of whose merits tlaey were the sole and proper judges? It was not necessary to be a Carlist to feel that sympathy—it knocked at every bosom in England. The Noble Lord had been Secretary at War through the War of Independence. Had its records taught him nothing of Spanish Generals and Spanish promises? If he looked for information in the ranks of that political party to which the Noble Lord was a recent acquisition, wag the name of Napier unknown in oar literary annals? If he could condoacend to borrow advice from a political opponent, but from muse who never refused his counsel or his service when the inter is of his country wets at stake, a walk would have taken him to Apeley House--.a word would have brought the Duke of Wellington to Down itg-street. The Hoe. Member for Nottinghamshire had thought fit to approve of the policy of Government on a aisaple and intelligible, but, as he ( Lord Egerton) thought, a ques tionable, ground. Ho seemed to consider the contest in Spain as a simple one between the extreme of bigotry and despotism on the one hand, and rational liberty on the other. Ho (Lord F. Egerton) doubted this conclusion. If the Noble Lord, in the spirit of the conclusion of a pamphlet which had been much commented upon, had ulterior views --if, instead of dabbling with the confines of that country, of pursuing a warfare up to high-water mark, he seriously meant to launch a force into the interior, he warned him to beware.. He might sueceed for the moment, but the country which sanctioned the invasion of a moment must be prepared to sanction the expense of years of occupation, and to take upon itself the administration of the country. On these grounds he could not join in the eulogy which the Hon. Member for Nottingham had passed on the measures and policy of the Noble Lord. Mr. Fseeussoe and Lord F. EGERTON mutually explained. Mr. PO ULTER believed that the people of England cordially agreed in the propriety of the assistance rendered by our naval and artillery forces. He (Mr, Poulter) sup ported the Constitution in Spain, because he believed it would be the regeneration of that country. The Eng lish Government were entitled to congratulation and thanes for the cordial assistance they had given towards the working of that Constitution. Mr. G. PRICE said, a pamphlet had been recently pub lished en the subject of Spain, to which he should briefly call the attention of the House. It was said the Noble Lord op-. eosite was the father of the bantling, but, for the honour of man nature, he (Mr. Grove Price) hoped it was not so. It vas so full of inordinate vanity—to stuffed with adulation of no Foreign Office—so crammed with fulsome praise of the iNoble Lord, that he could not believe that he was the author. Indeed he was sure the Noble Lord eras not. Ile knew who wrote that tissue of trash.—(Laughter, and cries of " Name.") In the first thirteen or fourteen pages there were twice as many errors as folios. Errors abounded in every page of tho book. But he should only trouble the House with the ex posure of a few. It contained certain statements impugning the credit of Mr. Honan and Captain Henningsen, What was the consequence? Within lest than forty-eight hours after its appearance is print, Mr. Honan published a letter in the newspapers, defying the anonymous author to prove his counter-statement, denying every atom of his charges, and challenging him to come forward in the face of day. Captain Henningsea also published another refutation of it, and en tered, in so doing, more particularly into the merits of the , ease. In that mendacious pamphlet it was said that Zu tnalacarregui caused a woman and a child to be shot. Now, Captain Henniagern said that during his period of service, which included the time at which the pamphlet charged the commission of the offence, ne such act wee committed in the army. But what did Captain Henningeen say of the Chris tinos? He said that they placed the children of Zavaala in the front ranks of the troops, to the and that the first fire of the foot trader the ooreraand of their father should destroy them. The next error he (Mr. Grove Price) should notice in that precious compilation was the assertion that the Eag lieh war in Spain was levied in this country with-wet the knowledge, or consent, and almost in defiance, of the Go vernment. What I was the tetepension of the Foreign En listment Act done without their knowledge? Wore of eera on half-pay, and in some caseeofficees on whole pay, permitted to serve alinoet in defiance of them ? After such a barefaced statement, what could the Howe think of that false and scan dalous production ?-4 Hear, hear.) In that production it was also falsely charged against Don Coles that he was acceesery to the death of Zumalecarregni. Did there exist any need to refute it? Wee not that Prince torn from the bier of that Ge neral ; and did he not cry, " I hare rent rn 7 beet and bravest ?" The real question rested on a pneceeefiag of the Collet in 3789. At that period Cheri-es the Fourth convoked them, for the purpose of sanctioning the descent of the Crown to his daughter, in the event of the demise of Ferdinand and Carlo!, his 5011 S, who were then in ill health. But that act of the Cortes wanted all the neceeeery confirmations to make it valid ; besides which, as both eons survived and attained to man's full estate, it was never acted on. In 1e.30 Ferdinand the Seventh called a Cortex, net to decide on the succession, but to ratify his will, by which Don Carlos was excluded from the throne. That Curter never decided on the subject; they only perfr*med the religion, ceremony of swearing allegiance in the cathedral of Madrid. No lawyer in England, still less any lawyer in Spain,, would, for a single moment, say that the performance of an unmeaning religious ceremony could de prive the rightful heir of his claim to the Crown. The policy of the Noble Lord uppeeito was said, in that pamphlet, to be the uniee of the West of Europe against the North. That was to be the palladium of European freedom. How did matters really stand ? In the .first place Portugal was helpless—distracted internally, and totally impoverished. Spain was crushed and prostrate-- bleeding at every pore. Of what aid could either of those countries be in a struggle ? While France—France, the cherished of our bosom—turned round on us. and the Kine of the French, in his speech at the opening of the Chambers, made one of the eeverest remarks ever made by an ally and a friend on our policy in that respect. He (Mr. G. Price) would next come to the Foreign Enlistment Act,. As a Chris tian and a man, he hod the strongest objection to allow men, without enthusiasm, or even sympathy for a cause, to spill blood fur its sake. He thought it was equal to murder. Present circumstances is Spain promised more favourable results to Don Carlos than any since the commencement of the struggle. He felt confidant that in two months the whole of Spain, with the exception of the towns, would declare in his favour. They were eager to cast off the present yoke. Even his enemies acknowledged that he was possessed of every private virtue. As to an Inquisition, to which he was said to be favourable, there was nothing heard of it in Spain. There was much more heard of it in England than in Spain. There was no man more averse to the Inquisition than Don Carloa. FIN Primo Minister, the Bishop of Leon, was all his life an enemy to the Inquisition, and never sewed till he wrote it down.--( Cries of " Yes, yeti," from Mr. O' Conseil.) Don Carlos showed his firmness of character upon many occasions. Ile rescued Don Manuel Gsdoy from an infuriated mob. When entrapped to Bayonne, he refused to eive up his right to the Crown of Spain. He said--." That God had given it to him, and that God alone should take it away." During many years of his brother's reign, be continued seediest in his allegiance, though pressed to accept the Crown. The brave Basques rose from devotion to the cause and person of Don Carlos, not alone in sunport of their rights. Lord PAL.NIERSTON said that the Hon. and Learned 1 Gentleman commenced by the review of a pamphlet, and he must say that his review was far better than other reviews by • ~professed this same opinions, rend he was sorry the • • ‘arned Gentlernso's had not heenpretiented to them, .;Iteot doubt that they would have most willingly _ ;te.•!kltistllti ; The truth, however, wag, that ho (Loyd Pal -.'.w1.4.41.140t; not write the pamphlet. He wished he had. been very proud to acknowledge it. The litAk:lunsaiterneci Gentleman neat went into a grant deal a • bistOric.4o. , legal eesearch, as to the rights of n Carlos. yro'_,=~ ) would, as he avowed, etablis-b the lenuisition in Madrid the moment he got there? The. object o? his Nlajesty's Govern. anent was to encourage the independence of a country which they felt would, in the end, be of great advantne to England. Belgium and Portugal had already established free institutions and were advancing rapidly in the road of prosperity ; and he hoped Spain would-soon follow their example, and become what she ought to be, one of the greatest Powers of Europe— not by revolution, but by reverting to her old institutions, which had been so long neglected, and adapting them to the modern state of society ; and if any efforts of his should tend to aid so desirable an end, he should feel proud at being au humble sharer in such a result. . He was perfectly right in saying that the salique law never existed it Spain, but there was something not unlike it ; for by the bile, as aenctioneti by Philip, females were not entitled to succeed to the Throne, until such time as the male line be came extinct. This law was altered by Ferdinand ; but the Hon. and Learned Gentleman contended that the alteration, not having been made consistently with the established usage, was not binding. Now, the alteration was made by King Ferdinand in favour of his daughter the present Queen Isa bella. It was esuctioned by the Cortes elected for that very purpose, and deputed by their constituents to try and decide upon that important question. Such was the foundation of Isabella's claim ; and he thought the claim good. That, how ever, was a question with which they had nothing to do. Even admitting that the claim of Don Carlos was better than that of Queen Isabella, they had no more to do with it than they had with the opposed claims of Louis Philippe and the eider branch of the Bourbons. The question the English Government had to consider was, how it would be most advi sable for them to act under the existing circumstances in Spain. It ens impossible fur them to have done otherwise than to ac quiesce in the claim of the young Queen, as they found it ac knowledged by the public authorities and by the people of Spain. If the Hon. and Learned Gentleman entertained any hope that the alliance with France was soon to be dissolved he could tell him that the alliance between France and Eng land would be more durable than he seemed to expect ; that these two great nations would long, he trusted, continue to cherish a mutual friendship, and support mutual interests. The alliance with France was an alliance between nations, not ail alliance between Governments. The lion. and Learned Gentleman ventured to prophecy that in a few months the cause of Don Carlos would triumph—that every province of Spain would, ere long, be in arms to support him, dnd that they were now ready to rise. The Hon. and Learned Gen tleman said that Spain was now the victim of democratic the ories, and men of violent views, whose measures must end in a wild democracy, to be succeeded, after a long series of ca lamities, by a monarchical Government. Now, if anything could give him (Lord Palmerston) more hope as to the future than another, it was the calm, considerate, and moderate con duct of tho preseirt Cortes. They displayed less of violence, less of precipitancy, were more temperate, more rational, and steady in their proceedings than any body of the same kind which had hitherto assembled in Spain. They gay*, every rea son to hope that they would continue to act wisely and pru dently, and at last succeed in giving to Spain a Government'of stability and firmness. The Honourable and Learned Gentleman and the Noble Lord (Mahon) did not seem to be agreed as to the causes from which the civil war now raging in Spain arose.—( Hear.) The Noble Lord said that the people of Biscay trek up arms it support of -their itiefros, in defence of their ancient privileges ; had the Hon. and Learned Gentleman who spoke last rejected this idea, con tending that the Beeques rose in arms, not in defence of their privilege*, but treat personal attachment—from enthusizsm in the cause of Den Carlos. If, as the Noble Lord had said, it wee a wee of privileges, bow happened it that the meat im.. portant, the most wealthy and influential men in the Basque province, were of the Queen's party, and refused to canned themselves with the Carlists ? How happened it that, in other provinces of Spain, equally interested, and even more inte rested, than the Basque provinces in the maintenance of privi leges—how happened it that the most intelligent and most respectable of the inhabitants were favourable to the cause of the Queen ? Such being the case, he feared he must look upon the Basquee, in their present struggle, as fighting against and not in favour of liberty. The Hon. and Learned Gentle man spoke with enthusiasm of the advances which the Basques had made in industry, in wealth, and prosperity, of their ho nesty, and love of liberty. Their hills, he said, were cultivated to the very top, and commodious roads constructed through the country. But what were the cause* of this prosperity ? From what source did it arise ? If, as the Learned Gentleman thought, it arose from the enjoyment of their boasted liberties and privi legeo—frem their AbLfoB-why should he or the Noble Lord be disinclined to see liberty and all the blessings naturally con nected with it extend themselves to the rest of Spain ? Again, he would beg to ask the Hon. and Learned Gentleman and the Noble Lord if municipal institutions were found to have con ferred so many great and important benefits on the Basque provinces, why they were unwilling that similar institutions should be granted to Ireland.—(Cheers from the Ministerial Bencqes.) He was quite ready to commend the Hon. and Learned Gentleman for the moderation of his language in sup port of a cause to which it was very apparent he was enthusi astically attached ; but he could not extend the same praise to the Noble Lord (Lord Mahon). The Noble Lord held office, as ho recollected, under the late Government, and he must, therefore, say that it was with some regret he heard the general tone of the Noble Lord's observations upon this occasion. The Noble Lord said he could not see by the terms of the treaty that he had not sufficient data to direct him in coming to a de cision ou the question, whether they were at peace or war with Spain. Now the Noble Lord was in office for five months under the late Government ; he filled a responsible place in the Foreign office. The Noble Lord was therefore acting under this treaty.—.(Hear, hear.) He knew that the Go vernment of this country was liable, under the treaty, to supply warlike stores in support of the Queen's cause— that they were liable to be called upon for assistance. The Noble Lord admitted that the original treaty was justifiable, because at the time it was entered into a civil war was raging in Portugal. If the treaty was justifiable because there was a civil war raging in Portugal the same argument weald justify the extension of the principle afterwards to Spain, when a civil war broke out there, alike in character to that of Portugal. The great object of the treaty wits the pa cification of the Peninsula, and the expulsion, for that purpOse, of the-two Pretenders to the Crown—one from Portugal, the other from Spain. The only difference subsequently intro duced in the treaty was that as respected Spain, they stipu lated on the part of England that when required to do so naval assistance should be afforded to the Queen. The Noble Lord put the question was their co-operation naval in the strict construction of the word ? He should think that co-operation to be strictly naval which was under the direction of British naval officers, in command of British ships, the force under whose command was naval, that force being used to act feign the ship. in which they were employed, and from which they drew their subsistence. The Noble Lord said the suspen sion of the Foreign Enlistment Bill was disgraceful to the country. He (Lord Palmerston) thought it highly honour able. The course pursued by his Majesty's Government to wards Spain on this occasion wail nothing new. It was only the course pursued by England towards different countries at dif ferent periods of her history. The Noble Lord seemed to think that the British auxiliaries had not done all that they iaai"ht have done since they had been sent to Spain, but the ?lode Lord should have recollected that that force was placedd• in circumstances of peculiar difficulties—difficulties under which there was perhaps no example in history of any body of men having so greatly distinguished themselves as they did. A body of s,OOO men, at once placed within musket-shot of the enemy, without discipline, or for the most part the slight eit experience of military affairs, and yet from the zeal,-abi lity, and indefatigable exertions of their officers, this body of men were seen to distinguish themselves when they met the enemy. He would not venture to anticipate, as the Hon. Mem ber for Sandwich had done, what their future career rnight be, but, auguring from the past, he did not think they were likely to do lase than they had done before. The Noble Lord said, " If we must have war, let us have it on a wide scale." Now he (Lord Palmerston) wished to confine war within as narrow bouada as possible. The Noble Lord was very ready to give blame to the Government for every failure, but extremely unwilling to give credit for any good results that ensued from their policy. The Noble Lord had said, that such was the zeal of the Government for revolution that the moment the revolution of La Granja broke cut a naval force was sent to co-operate with the revolutionists. Now, it would be seen the co-opera:ing 1427,11 force was sent oat some months before tile revolt of La Granja took place at all. No person could see a military revolt such as that of La Granja without the strongest deprecation of such a proceeding, but was it because that revolt took place that England was to break faith with the Queen of Spain ? Was that a reason that she should be abandoned by her allies? Whose fault was it that the revolt of La Granja took place? Why, it sprung from the prolongation of the war. If the Government of Asturias had inspired a proper confidence no such revolt would have occurred. The ,Noble Lord had stated that the British Government had lust all in fluence on the Continent, even in the protection of the corn , mese° of the country, and to sustain this assertion he read a ! letter from a merchant at Alicante, and added that the re monstrances of our Minister at Madrid wore unheeded. Now had the Noble Lord said this of the Government of Ferdi nand there wonld have been some truth in it, for in that reign not only were British merchants plundered in the Spanish j towns but British ships were piratically seized upon the high seas, and all application for jestice was vain. He did not mean to say that there were not some abuses of a similar nature since, but it should be recollected that bad habits could not easily be got rid of. He could, how ever, say that such uses had greatly diminished, and so far from the British Minister at Madrid having no influence his repre sentations had always met with the most prompt attention ; indeed so much so, that within a few months he hart ob -1 tai ned for British merchants an exemption from oppressive irn poqs at ports, sad letters of gratitude for this exercise of his influence had een written by some of the first British merchants in the country. The Noble Lord had said that France and America had obtained redress for injuries done to their subjects when we failed to do so; but the Noble Lord was quite mis taken, for there were no interests better protected at this mo reent in Spain than British interests. But the Noble Lord said that we lied no influence in foreign countries. Ii the Noble Lord meant that we exercised no intrigue to procure the dismissal of one Ministry or the appointment of another, he agreed with the Noble Lord, and he was happy so to do ; and lie hoped that no Engiish Government would ever attempt t s use so improper an influence. But if the Noble Lord meat a respect for the Enelish nation and character, displayed by the most friendly feelings and acts of the truest kindness, the Noble Lord might have recently seen by the public papers th he formed a very erroneous estimate of the value set upon the Eragliali nation at this moment in foreign countries, and ewe chilly in 'Spain. He should ls• sorry to give an English rather then a Spanish character to the war now carried on in Spain. If the Constitution was to be eetehlished iu Spain, he wished it to be established by Spain herself. Re did not despair of seeing Spain rich and independent, for she had already made great progress towards a free Coaetitutional bolusGovernmet, and ' they muset feel that in an irelependent state she must eful in maintainiug the balance of power. It was because Spain was acquiring liberal institutions that the lion. Gentlemen op.. posits would withheld from that country either sympathy or support Ha would call, then, ou the people of 'England to look at both sides of the House.—(Cheers, heighten and " Oh, oh.") Let the country look at the foreign policy of the opposite side.—(Cries of " Oh, .oh. Look at their opposition to freedom in every other country, and then see if they were friendly to free institutions at home, The Hon. Member for aandwich said that he disapproved of ' the Inquisition. But was ho not supporting the man who Sir IL PEEL—The Noble Lord has pursued the same course and arrived at the same result that he always does ' whenever the subject of his foreign policy is brought under the consideration of the House. Three quarters of an hour has he occupied; in the defence of his own acts, while one-half of the House was in a state of comfortable repose and not one solitary cheer to greet him from the other.—( Cheers and laughter.) At last, however, to excite the attention of the House, and rouse them from their somnolency, the Noble Lord thought proper to makes an attack upon this side of the House which was altogether uncalled for by anything that had occurred in the course of the ,lebate. As if it were necessary to be a partisan of Don Carlos because one disapproves of the policy of the Noble Lord—as if it were impossible for us to entertain a doubt as to the wisdom of the acts of the Noble Lord, and of the ultimate result of his foreign policy, without , at the same time wishing to crush the career of liberty in Spain, and to blast the rising hopes of liberal institu tions.—( Hear, hear). I, for one, Sir, openly disavow all sense of participation in the objects of Don Carlos.—( Hear, hear.) In saving this, I only repeat language I have often used before.—( Hear, hear.) I say distinctly that I wish • to see Spain enjoying a solid liberty, under such institutions as may be most congenial to her habits and best calculated by slow degrees, to ensure a permanent and rational freedom. ( Hear, hear, from the Ministerial benches.) But while I en tertain these optnioas, I at the same time think that by your policy you have gene to defeat those very objects.—( Loud Opposition cheers.) I say that by your uncertain meddling, your total departure from that principle on which we profess to act—that of non-intervention in the internal civil affairs of foreign Statea—by your undertaking to mix yourselves up with the intestine discords of another country, you are taking I a course that will not redound to the character of England, while it will not insure the affections of the people of Spain, who ought to be left to their own exertions, in order to obtain their own freedom.—( Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord has told us what were the objects of the Quadruple Treaty; but where has he shown us that any one of them has been fulfilled ? I do not hesitate at the same time to repeat my conviction that, the treaty having been ratified, it ought by all means to be fulfilled, not in the letter merely but in the spirit. To question the policy of that engage ment is not at all incompatible with my declaration that, having been made, it ought to be acted up to. But now as to its objects. The Noble Lord had told us there were four or five ; and the first, he told us, was the increase of our com mercial privileges and prosperity in the Peninsula. Now, I should like to ask him to show how far he has hitherto suc ceeded in attaining his object. He says that our merchants in Spain are all satisfaction at the present state of the commerce of this country with the Peninsula. The Noble Lord will, ere long, have a distinct opportunity for affording an explana tion on this head, as an Hon. Friend of mine proposes on an early day to bring before the House a separate motion on this head, wholly separated from all considerations of a party nature, with a view to make a clear exposition of the present state of our commerce is Spain. The Noble Lord will then be able to expound his views on this point. But does he now mean gravely to say that the general commercial policy of Spain is favourable to us? How many articles of our produce are prohibited from entering Spain ? And since he came into office has that prohibition been mitigated ? In Portugal, too, does he pride himself upon the result of his exertions? Does he mean to say that since the establishment of these free in stitutions, of which he has said so much--since the triumph of the cause of Donna Maria—the trade of this country has been placed on a more favourable footing in Portugal ? Why, Sir, I say that the universal complaint among our merchants is that there is in Portugal a spirit of hostility towards our commerce.—( Hear.) The Noble Lord then says that an other of the objects of the Treaty was to give naval aid to the Peninsula; a course, according to him, productive of immense advantages ; for, says the Noble Lord, we do not commit our selves to the civil and internal contests in those countries. But if it be of such immense importance that the aid to Spain should be limited to naval aid, how does the Noble Lord re concile his principle with the repeal of the Foreign Enliatment Act as far as Spain is coneerned? Then the Noble Lord talks of the stability of Peninsular institutions.—( Hear.) Stability of institutions I Why, since the Noble Lord has come into office, he has had no less than two revolutions. He has complimented himself on the energy of the Queen's Go vernment, and we have heard panegyrics on the Estatuto Real ; but he has had a military insurrection both in Spain and Portugal—( Hear, hear)—and he has testified to us that as far as his "moral " aid could go, he did what he could to de feat the institutions now existieg in Portugal.—(Hear.) Why did we have six sail of the line at the mouth of the Tagus ? Was that a specimen of his naval co-operation ? Was that for the purpose of protecting the British merchants and the British population in Portugal ? Then another object, the Noble Lord says, of the Quadruple Treaty was the pacification of the Peninsula. Has ho succeeded in that? The Noble Lord speaks of the horrors that have attended the career of Don Carlos.--of the application of the Durango decree to British soldiers. He alludes to these things for the purpose of raising a cheer, as he supposes, against this side of the House, as if we defended those atrocities. But suppose we were to enter into a detail of the abominations that have unhappily been committed on the Christino side—the murder of the mother of Cabrera, for instance—and then ask him whether he rejoiced in such abominable and sanguinary proceedings ?—( Hear.) But the question is not merely whether you have or have not brought 'about a pacification of the Peninsula. The real question is, if you have, by a military intervention, produced a temporary pacification, will you get a more settled form of government, or a greater prospect of obtaining firmer institutions—based on liberty combined with order—than if you had never interfered at all, but had allowed the Spaniards to work out their own political regeneration by their own unaided efforts ?—( Hear, hear, hear.) Has not a jealousy of the troops of England been manifested—a reluctance that they should triumph by our means ? If the efforts of those troops have been pa ralysed by indifference and jealousy, then I say you cannot biro a more conclusive proof that the effect of our inter ference is not favourable to the establishment of a firm and petrinanent Government.—(Hear, hear.) Tho Noble Lord says that our present policy has been most wise, for that by confining our interference to naval aid, we have rescued our selves from the risk of all the civil contests of the Peninsula. If that is hie opinion, it is net the opinion of the author of the pamphlet, as to which he says that, although he is not its au thor, he wishes he was its author, and ho adopts all its senti ments.—(Hear, hoar, and a laugh.) So successful has been our policy—secording to the author of this pamphlet, whose literary fame the Noble Lord envies so much, and which has now an importance it lied not before, now that the Noble Lord has adopted its sentiments—and so satisfactory is the effect of our naval co-operation, that he concludes his observa tions with these words 1--." A few troops sent to Spain, to which Spanish divisions might he attached, and the guarantee of a loan—( Hear, hear)—fax which ample security might be given us, are all that are wanted to make Spain tranquil, and England even more honoured and respected than she has ever been." So, it seems, the naval co-operation has failed—it is not so wise a scheme after all. Lord PA LME sTo N— It has not failed. _ _ _.a. Sir R. PEEL—Not failed 1 Why, if the Noble Lord will consult the pamphlet of which he wishes ho were the author, he will find that all that is now wanting is a few troops to be sent to Spain under the flag of England—not by mesas of the Foreign Enlistment Act—that they may form the nucleus of Spanish armies and—a loan.—( Hear. hear, and laughter.) But tho pamphleteer goes on We repeat our hope that some such measure will speedily be proposed by the Govern ment to Parliament, or by Parliament to Government—(Loud laughter)--and that it will be carried into execution with that energy and determination which should always charaterize the policy of England."—( Hear, hear.) Now, the Noble Lord has of course been waiting until this loan and military inter vention shall be forced on him by Parliament—( A laugh)__ but I think if he waits still longer he will find an equal reluc tance on the part of this House to do so--( Hear, hear)—and we may, therefore, reasonably expect that the Noble Lord, raopria) rigore, will make that proposition to:Parliament which Parliament is unwilling to originate. —( Hear, and a lauah.) Sir, one of the main avowed objects of this treaty was th e 'con solidation of our alliance with France. The Noble Lord says that our alliance with France is an intimate one, because it is founded on the similarity of our mutual interests, and the identity of our mutual objects. Mr. C. WOOD—IIe said nothing about it. Sir IL PEEL—Nothing about iti The Hon. Secretary to the Admiralty, being visited by that fit of somnolency to which I have already referred, did not hear the Noble Lord's allusion to the identity of interests between this country and France.—( A laugh.) I trust that the good understanding that prevails between this country and France may be an inti mate and a permanent one. I trust that those mutual jealou sies and rivalries which so long prevented an identificati on o f interests, and that good understanding will give way to a bet ter knowledge of each other, aid a community of commercial interests. I think it is of great importance that this should ake place. Bait if the understanding between us and France rests on so good a foundation it seems not necessary to confirm it by the ratification of a treaty with regard to Spain. There certainly was a remarkable silence in his Britannic Majesty's speech on this aubject.—( Hear.) There was also a paragraph in tlie seeali of the King of France—no doubt not intended at all to reflect on our foreign policy—but which did appear in unequivocal terms to assert the inipolicy of a nation having soldiers in another country under any other than the national Bag.—( Hear.) Now the Government of Franco may not have caught exactly the delicate wording of King's speeches, but when I see this pamphlet speaking of the policy of the King of France in terms of reprobation—the pamphlet, re member, of which the Noble Lord wishes he were the author —I cannot help suspecting that, as far as our intimate good uudarstanding with the King of France is concerned, the Quadruple Treaty has not materially advanced it : —(Opposi tion cheers.) Nor do I see that we have any valid ground of complaint against France in this respect. We have depart e d from that principle of non-intervention which was the peculiar boast at Hon. Gentlemen opposite. I thought that it had been the declaration of Fox and other great Whig authorities that, whatever may be our abstract notions on the subject— liberal policy, good government, or free trade—your maxim had not been to attempt to impose those opinions on other countries, but to leave the majority of the people of each coun try to organise their own Governments on their own principles. The people of the Basque provinces may be very wrong to 100.NDON, SANITIWAY, lit, W. atteeept to continue their privileges—it may he quite right that the Right Hon. President of the Board of Trade should enlighten them on the subject of free trade—but if they do en tertain those prejudices, and do not fall in with our views, of what use is it our attempting to force them upon them by ar tillery and armed men? If Spain is now divided between two parties, one of whom is utterly contemptible in numbers, and confined to a few square leagues of occupation ground, why has not Spain long since delivered herself from intestine dissensions by the exertion of her own energies ?—( Hear, hear.) If the Carlist party, I say, are not fairly to be balanced against their opponents—if they are to be looked on as something iu the nature of a nuisance, why does not Spain —if, as the Noble Lord asserts, the great and populous towns and the large landed proprietors are favourable to the Christino party—why do not the ten millions arise and crush the fifty thousand—the nuisance ? My Hon. Friend asks how it is that, when the numbers are only thirty thousand, there should be nee less a return of killed than three hundred and eighteen thousand. I will tell him why it was—because precisely 318,000 muskets were furnished by this country to the Spanish Government, and they thought it was only a decent compliment to allow us a death to each musket.— ( Hear, and a laugh.) But if, on the other hand, there are two parties, so equally balanced that the one cannot overcome the other without the assistance of Great Britain and France, then I say that the past history of Spain leads me to entertain an apprehension that, although you may succeed in establish , ing for the present a temporary peace by your moral aid and your joint physical exertion—although you may sweep from Navarre and Biscay the irregular forces that now possess them —yet that, the Government which must succeed being neces sarily founded on this intervention of foreign bayonet., will not give such a security for liberty and order as you would have • had if you had permitted these persons to rely on their own energies, and not derive a false confidence from your inter ference.—(The Right Hon. Baronet sat down amidst loud cheers. ) Mr. O'CONNELL said that the debate had wandered much from the speech with which it had commenced. The Right Hon. Baronet had shown a characteristic talent and caution. He had risen to repudiate the charge made against his party, of never taking the part of Constitutional Govern ments, but he had sat down without rebutting that charge. He had certainly disclaimed all countenance of Don Car ies, but this was not the first time by many that he had done so ; and here was a singular discrepancy between the speech of the Right Hon. Baronet and that of the Hon. Member for Sandwich and the Noble Lord who opened the discussion. While they were the staanch friends of Don Carlos, the Right Hon. Baronet entirely threw him overboard. The Hon. Member for Sandwich did not disguise his attachment to Don Carlos.—(" Hear," from Mr. Grove Price.) The Hon. Gentleman cheered. He (Mr. O'Connell) believed that his support arose out of a purely platonic passion for despotism. The Right Hon. Baronet had made no answer to the statement of the Noble Lord of the exertions of the Government on behalf of the general liberty of Europe. The case of Belgium had been cited; but the Right Hon. Baronet had given no answer. To the revolution there he had been an enemy, yet it had gone on and prospered. Then the case of Portugal was cited ; but the Right Hon. Baronet had not of fered one word on the subject of the advocacy of liberal prin ciples there by the present Government. No ; the Tory party were not among the friends of Don Miguel, and the Liberals of Portugal had been established and' supported by the present Government. Tire Right Honourable Baronet was not himself a Carlist in fact, but his supporters were. But, after all, what were they to do ? It must be a matter of great regret to every one that the people of Spain had resorted to revolution—they must all lament the present unfortunate state of Spain, and, therefore, they should all combine in de ploring the outrages committed in that country—outrages that were shocking to humanity. The Hon. Member for Sandwich had pronounced a sweeping condemnation on the cruelties per petrated by the Christinos, but he had altogether forgotten that the Carlists had also been guilty of cruelties. He had dwelt on the murders and massacres at Barcelona—he had spoken with just indignation of the conduct of Mina—but he had not said one word of those who attacked a neighbouring fort, hurled the garrison over the walls, and shot them to death. Now, who were they who did this? Why men who were en thusiastic for Don Carlos ?—( Hear.) It was, no doubt, per fectly true that Mina, to his eternal shame be it spoken, mur dered the mother of Cabrera. This, no doubt, was most hor rible, but then what did Cabrera do ? Why, in revenge for the massacre of his mother, he wantonly massacred 30 defenceless women, and thereby proved, that although the deed which Mina committed must ever render his memory infamous, yet that Ca brera's mother produced a monster thirty times more cruel even than Mina. The Hon. Gentleman quoted a passage from Captain Henningsen's book ; and he (Mr. O'Connell) should quote another. Captain Henningsen stated that Zumalacar regui was marching with a great number of prisoners, when night came on. It was represented to him, that if he conti nued his march, the prisoners would be able, in the dark, to effect their escape. Well, what was his answer ? Why it was, " Oh, if you think so, shoot them." It was replied to him that, if this were done, they would alarm the Christinos, who were in the neighbourhood, by the noise ; and what did he then do ? Why, he ordered them to be put to death with the bayonet, and he himself, the monster Zumalacarregui, stood by and saw a whole column of prisoners put to death in this way, ever gloating on the innocent blood which he caused to be spilled. This was the man for whom so many tears had been shed. The speech of the Noble Lord disavowed all advocacy of either party ; but still he (Mr. O'Connell) thought he could perceive something like an air of protection to the Carlists about it. He did not blame the Noble Lord for this ; but he - did blame those who were so enthusiastic as the Hon. Gentle man opposite in the praise of men who had perpretrated atro cities of the description which he had mentioned. As so much had been said against the Christinos, he must quote another statement given by Captain Henningsen. A young Christino officer had been taken prisoner by Zumalacarregui. His fe male relatives begged that he might be respited until they could see Don Carlos, to obtain a pardon for him, Zumala carregui consented to this, entertained the young officer with great kindness and hospitality, and even went so far as to re commend him to mercy; but what was the result? Why, that instead of a pardon, he got a peremptory order to put the young man to death, and he was accordingly taken out from the table, allowed a few moments' conversation with a confessor, and then shot.—( Hear, hear, hear.) It was not, he contended, the fault of the British Government, nei ther had the Hon. Baronet shown that it was they that had failed to execute the treaty.—( Hear.) The legion, to be sure, were thrown in by way of parenthesis, but he asserted that it was not the fault of the Government that the treaty had not been executed. Whose fault then was it ? Why, he had no hesitation in saying it was the fault of the base conduct of the accidental King of the French.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear,"from the Opposition benches.) Yes, he repeated, of the accidental King of the French—( Cries of " Hear, hear") —of a King who had no hereditary claim to the throne of France, but who was the mere creature of a revolution brought about by a denial of rights which, though bound to protect and cherish, he had profaned.—(Cheers from the Opposition beeches.) Yes, Louis Phillipe had trampled on the two prin ciples which had placed him upon the throne—the liberty of the press and the freedom of the people of France. They ought to speak of him, though he was not quite so bad as D o n Carlos, as a most despicable being—as one who had proved himself to be treacherous to his friends, and, perhaps, useful only to Isis enemies. He had not the manliness to deny the treaty ; but that which he dared not do openly he did not he sitate to do secretly. Throughout Louis Philippe played a double game—a game, however, that must be fatal to him self. As far as he was concerned no one could regret such a result, although he (Mr. O'Connell) should be sorry to see it, because the effect of it would be to convulse not only France, but every other state throughout Europe. But it was said that one of the parties was contending for liberty and the other for religion. His belief was that both were degraded by such a contest. The Hon. Member for Sandwich had stated that he (Mr. O'Connell) was intimate with the Bishop of Leon, the enemy of the Inquisition, and that he had visited Don Carlos while he was in this country. Now he denied this to he the fact.—( Hear, hear.) Mr. G. PRICE—I stated that it had been said that the Honourable and Learned Member for Kilkenny had visited Dun Carlos. Mr. O'CONNELL had not only never visited, but he had never even seen Don Carlos in the whole course of his Hear, from the Ministerial benches.) It was true that he had seen the Bishop of Leon. The Bishop of Leon wrote to him, requesting that he would call on him ; but this he de clined to do, and then lie received a communication, stating that the Bishop of Loon would call on him. The Bishop of Leon accordingly did call on him, accompanied. by an interpreter, a man who had but one fault, and that was, that he could not understand either Spanish or English. (Great laughter.) The Bishop himself was unacquainted with French, and therefore addressed himself in a Latin harangue, which, being pronounced with a Spanish accent, the only words he could catch were " Religionem Catholicum."— ( Laughter.) The consequence was that he bundled both him and the interpreter out as soon as he could, and did not re turn the visit, but it was returned by the Bishop himself— ( Loud laughter)—who called on him again, and treated him to another Latin harangue, of which all he understood was that he was speaking of the Catholic religion. Well, he got rid of him as speedily on this as on the former occasion, and this was the entire of the correspondence which he had had with " the Court and Camp of Don Carlos." Now, he would come to the Inquisition. It was said that the Bishop of Leon had prevented Ferdinand from establishing the Inquisition in Spain ; but what was the fact? Why, that not only did Fer dinand never give up the idea of restoring the Inquisition, but he actually made application to no fewer than three Popes to obtain the sanction of the Pope for that purpose. These applica. tions were all refused ; and, as no ecclesiastic could belong to a lay tribunal without the consent of the Pope—the Inquisition was a lay tribunal—Ferdinand was unable to carry his desire into effect.—( Hear.) Now here was a fact which ought to excite the loud and fervent enthusiasm of the Hon. Gentlemen opposite, for the Pope it was that had prevented the re-establishment of the Inquisition in Spain.—( Hear, and laughter.) But Don Carlow, it was said, was the friend of religion. Don Carlos affected a love for Catholicism for political purposes, but when that religion was employed to promote tyranny it WWI supported by the Hon. Gentlemen opposite, yet when it was used in the cause of liberty or in Ireland they opposed it. The people of Ireland, like the inhabitants of the Biscayan provinces, were Catholics. The Biscayans were contending, like the people of Ireland, for their fiteres, their privileges; but the one were deemed worthy of admiration and enthusias tic praise by the Hon. Gentlemen opposite, because, in doing so they supported despotism, while the others were treated as wholly undeserving, because their whole object was the attain ment of that liberty which a free people ought to possess.-- ( Hear.) He now came to the pretended title of Don Carlos to the Throne. He had considered this claim maturely, and he had no hesitation in asserting that no claim could possibly be more unfounded.—( Cries of " Hear.") They must all be perfectly aware that the succession to the Crown of Austria was derived through a female, Johanna, who was mad, and that the Bourbons also came to the Throne of Spain through the female line. Philip of Anjou it was by whom the Salique Law was first established. He consulted the Cortes, or rather wrote to the members of it on the subject, and having got their replies he burned them, and then declared that the majority were favourable to the proposition which he wished to have adirmed.—( Hear, and laughter.) :as the let ters were destroyed it was impossible to prove the truth or falsehood of the matter ; and this was the origin of the Salique law—that law under which Don Carlos now claimed. His title, however, had been repudiated in 1789 ; again, in 1812, at Cadiz ; and finally by the decision of the Cortes during the last year of Ferdinand's life. The fact was, he had no title in point of law to the Throne ; and yet, under this pretext, mas sacres took place and blood was spilled. But, allowing that Don Carlos had the right to which he pretended, would lie not, if he were the religious man he would have it believed he was, long since have abandoned it rather than incur the horrors of civil war. He (Mr. Connell) disclaimed any connection be tween Don Carlos and Catholicism, because he did not be lieve an Christian man would have acted as lie had done. If the golden stalls of Durham, as they were called, were to be dealt with as the canonages of Seville had been, what would be said ? Why, that great injustice was done, that the Prebends of Durham could not live. He was happy to say that a strong feeling existed even in Rome as to th e necess i t y of dissevering the Church from the State—( Near)—but, as regarded Don Carlos, he could not consider him a Christian who allowed such enormities to be committed. Lord SANDON said that the Hon. and Learned Member for Kilkenny had been lavish of his bounty, but had altogether forgotten that there was a country not far from this where, by l his means', the Clergy were reduced to a state of absolute mi sery—( Cheers)—where they were compelled to subsist on the potatoes of their own gardens. Let the Hon. and Learned Member not taunt those on that side of the House with in humanity—with supporting the atrocities whi c h h e l a id at the door of one of the belligerents in Spain. As many atrocities had been committed by the party of Queen Isabella, as by all the party of Doe Carlos, and, therefore, the taunt of the Hon. and Learned Member was wholly undeserved.— (Cheers.) He (Lord Sandon) was no party man of either Don Carlos or Queen Isabella, neither did he think the in terest of either was the compass by which they were to steer. He only considered the interests of his own country. The 1-lon. and Learned Member, whose humanity seemed to have taken the alarm, talked of nothing but atrocities and bl oo d ; but these were expressions with which he was familiar.— (" Oh, oh," and cries of " Hear, hear.") He repeated that blood and murder were words familiar to the Hon. and Learned Gentleman ; but when he talked of Spain, did he not recol lect the unhappy condition to which his own country was re duced ? Did he forget the death's head and cross bones ? The Hon. and Learned Gentleman might not have encouraged atrocities, but certainly he had used language calculated to produce such a result. He would not go further into the question than to say, that he deprecated the policy of the Go vernment in allowing English soldiers to be exposed to the horrors and atrocities which existed in Spain. Mr. O'CONNELL, in explanation, said that the Noble Lord had thrown back the taunt in an aristocratic way, but it was clear he did not understand the matter.—( Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord, and the party with whom he was con nected, had prevented the settlement of the question, and yet he turned round and charged him with having attri buted the commission of the atrocities in Spain to Don Carlos and not to the Christinos. This might be very aristocratic, but unfortunately it was not true--( Dear, hear)—for he had condemned both parties, whether Carlists or Christinos, alike. The Noble Lord had exhibited a heat which good sense ought to have induced him to avoid.--( Hear, hear.) Lord SANDON admitted that the Hon. and Learned Mem ber had condemned both sides, but while ho censured his ( Lord Sandon's) Hon. Friend for praising the one he h a d no t said one word against his Majesty's Ministers, by whom the other was supported.—( Cheers.) Mr. VILLIERS said that the Hon. Member for Sandwich had not succeeded in disproving a single statement contained in the pamphlet to which he had referred. When the Carlists were flagging motions of this kind were brought forward, with a view to keep them in hope that if the Hon. Gentlemen op posite returned to power, they would receive assistance from them. With respect to the Inquisition Lord MAHON—The Inquisition never did exist by law. Mr. VILLIERS—No, but it existed by evading the law. Here the debate ended, and the Chairman put the resolu tion from the chair. Lord D. STUART objected to their voting public money at such an hour of the night. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER—The re solution must be agreed to. Lord D. STUART—The Right Hon. Gentleman says " must," but I, as an independent Member of Parliament, will not consent to vote such a sum of public money at such an hour as half past one o'clock. Mr. C. WOOD hoped the Committee would agree to the ♦ote, as otherwise it would be impossible to pay either soldiers or sailors. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that unless the vote were agreed to they would not be able to pass the Bill of Ways and Means before the holidays, and if that Bill were not passed the Government would not have the moans of paying either sailor or soldier. Mr. HUM E—Have you not a vote to carry you down to the sth of April ? Mr. C. WOOD replied that the Bill of Ways and Means must be passed before then, and if it was not, the consequence would be, as he had stated, that neither sailors nor soldiers could be paid. It was, therefore, indispensable that the Bill should pass before the holidays. Mr. HUME said in that case he would raise no objection. He thought, however, that some reason should have been stated for keeping up the increased establishment of last year. The vote was then put by Mr. BERNAL. Lord D. STUART protested against being called on to pass such a vote at so late an hour. After a short conversation, it was agreed that, for the ac commodation of Government, a general vote of 2,000,0001. should be taken for the current expenses of the year, in order to enable the Ways and Means 13111 to be passed before Easter, MANOR COURTS (IRELAND). On the motion of Mr. M. J. O'CONNELL, the follow ing Committee were appointed to inquire into the operation of the Small Debt Jurisdiction of Manor Courts in Ireland, the abuses which may exist therein, and the remedies proper to be applied :—Mr. Morgan John O'Connell, the Attorney_ General for Ireland, Mr. Lynch, Mr. French, Mr. Emerson Tennent, Mr. Wyse, Mr. Jephson, Mr. Hamilton, Mr. Lucas, Mr. Villiers Stuart, Mr. Vesey, Sir Edmond Hayes, Mr. Mackinnon, Mr. Brady, Mr. Bridgeman. The other Orders of the Day were then disposed of, and at a quarter to two o'clock the House adjourned, to this day, when the Speaker will take tha Chair at a quarter before four. FROM LAST NIGHT'S GAZETTE. WAR OFFICE, MA acir 10. 2d Regiment of Dragoon Guards—Lieut. W. Wernham, from the 3d Regiment of Light Dragoons, to be Lieutenant, vice Dyer, who exchanges ; Ensign J. V. Tuthill, from the 17th Regiment of Foot, to be Cornet, by purchase, ♦ice Hogg, appointed to the 7th Dragoon Guards, March 10. 7th Regiment of Dragoon Guards—Cornet J. Clark, to be Lieutenant by purchase, vice Viscount Kilcoursie, who retires, A i /arch 10 ; Cornet and Adjutant J. Johnson to have the rank of Lieutenant, March 11 ; Cornet W. Hogg, from the 2d Dragoon Guards, to be Cornet, vice Clark, March 10. 3d Regiment of Light Dragoons—Lieut. J. E. Dyer, from the 2d Regiment of Dragoon Guards, to be Lieutenant, vice Wern ham, who exchanges, March 10. Coldstream Regiment of Foot Guards—M. E. Tierney, Gent., to be Ensign and Lieutenant, by purchase, vice Dundas, pro moted, March 10. Ist Regiment of Foot--Captain R. Bennett to be Major, by purchase, vice Farquharson, promoted ; Lieut. T. Humphreys to be Captain, by purchase, vice Bennett ; Ensign the Hon. C. D. Plunkett to be Lieutenant, by purchase, vice Humphreys ; J. D. Windham, Gent., to be Ensign, by purchase, vice Plunkett, March 10. Bth Foot—Lieut. and Adjt. W. R. Lucas to be Paymaster, vice Hill, deceased; Lieut. F. S. Holmes to be Adjutant, vice Lucas, appointed Paymaster, March 10. - 16th Foot-LEnsign H. A. O'Moleny to be Lieutenant, without purchase vice Fairtlough, appointed Adjutant ; G en tl eman C a d e t J. A. Wilkinson, from the Royal Military College, to be Ensign, vice O'llolony, March, 10. 39th Foot-I.Major J. Wakefield to be Lieutenan :Colonel, by purchase, vice Macpherson, who retires ; Captain T. Wright to be Major, vice Wakefield ; Lieutenant C. T. Van Straubenzee to be Captain, by purchase, vice Wright ; Ensign W. C. Wolfe to be Lieutenant, by purchase, vice Van Straubenzee ; W. Hardinge, Gent. to be Ensign, by purchase, vice Wolfe, March 10. 51st Foot—Ensign A. T. Rice, to be Lieutenant, by purchase, vice Costabadie, who retires ; E. Corbett, Gent., to be Ensign, by purchase, vice Rice, March 10. '53(1 Foot—Ensign 'if. Hutchinson, to be Lieutenant, by pur chase, vice Glasse, who retires; E. Acton, Gent., to be Ensign, by purchase, vice Hutchinson, March 10. 62d Foot—Ensign C. H. Gason, to be Lieutenant, without pur chase, vice Corfield, appointed Adjutant ; Sergeant-Major G. Sims to be Ensign vice Gazon, March 10. 76th Foot.—Lieut. R. Shepherd to be Captain, without pur chase, vice Hutchinson deceased, Jan. 5 ; Gentleman Cadet W. H. M. Simmons, from the Royal Military College, to be Ensign, without purchase, March 10. 77th Poot.—Captain L. S. Dickson, from the half-pay Unat tached, to be Captain, vice C. Barry, who exchanges, reeciving the difference, March 10. 89th Foot—Ensign C. M. Walker to be Lieutenant, by purchase, vice Wright, who retires ; Gentleman Cadet T. Hutchinson, from the Royal Military College, to be Ensign, by purchase, vice Walker, March 10. Ist West India Regiment—Ensign M. W. Becher to be Lieute nant, without purchase, vico Bell, who retires, March 10 ; Ensign and Adjutant C. Bentley, to have the rank of Lieutenant, March 11; E. 11. Bingham, Gent., to be Ensign by purchase, vice Becher, March 10. UNATTACHED. Major H. H. Farquharson, from the Ist Regiment of Foot, to be Lieutenant-Colonel, by purchase; Lieut. 1%. Adair, from the 72d Regiment of Foot, to be Captain, without purchase, March 10. MEMORANDUM. Lieutenant-Colonel C. G. Gray, Unattached, has been allowed to retire from the Army, selling a Lieutenant-Colonelcy, he being about to settle in the Colonies. ST. JAMES'S PALACE, Mancit 8, 1837. The King was this day pleased to confer the honour of Knight hood upon Lieutenant-General Alexander Halkett, Military Knigh t Commander of tho Royal Hanoverian Guelphic Order. DOWNING -STREET, MAacit 10, 1837. The King has been graciously pleased to nominate and appoint the under-mentioned Officers—Lieut.-Gen. Sir John Doveton, and Major-Gen. Sir John W. Adams, of the East India Company's Service, Knights Commanders of the Most Hon. Military Order of the Bath, to be Knights Grand Crosses of the said Order. His Majesty has further been pleased to appoint the under-men tioned officers :—Majors-General Alexander Caldwell, Sir Joseph O'Halloran, Knt., Robert Houstoen, Robert Stevenson, William Casement, James Lillvlnan Caldwell, Charles Deacon, James Rus sell, James Law Lushington, and David Leighton, of the East In dia Company's service, Companions of the most Honourable 3101- tary Order of the Bath, to be Knights Commanders of the said Order. ST. JAMES'S PALACE, MARnir 8, Itz37. The King was this day pleased to confer the honour of Knight 'mod upon Lieutenant-Colonel Henry George MacLeod, Lieute iant-Governor of the island of St. Christopher. FOREIGN OFFICE, MARCH 10. The King has been graciously pleased to appoint Henry Robert Plaw, Esq., to be his Majesty's Consul at Dantzig, and for the ports and places in the dominions of his Majesty the King of Prussia. The King has also been graciously pleased to appoint Joseph Egan, Esq., to be hi s M a j esty ' s C onsu l at the Cape N erde Islands, to reside at St. Jago. WHITEHALL, MARCH 7, 1837. The Lord Chancellor has appointed Charles Rokeby Maddock, of Tarporlev, in the county of Chest er , Gent., to be a .Master Extra ordinaryin the High Cuurt of Chancery. DECLARATIONS OF INSOLVENCY, FREDERICK COOK, common carrier, Bury St. Edmund's. BANKRUPTCY SUPERSEDED, GEORGE LUSH, provision merchant, Bath. BANKRUPTCY ENLARGED. THOMAS CANDLER, warehouseman, 'Wood-street, Cheap side. BANKRUPTS. ABRAHAM HARRISON DRY, pawnbroker, St. Martin's lane, to surrender March 23, at twelve, and April 21, at eleven, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Clark, official assignee, Basinghall street ; Collier, Marchant, Birch, and Steel, Carey-street, Chan cery-lane. JAMES BROWN and HUGH GRAHAM, warehousemen, Manchester, March 27, and April 21, at the Commissioners'-roono, Manchester. Kay, Barlow and Aston, Town-hall buildings, cross street, Manchester. WILLIAM WRIGHT, tavern-keeper, Brunswick-dock, Li verpool, March 23, and April 21, at one, at the Clarendon-rooms, Liverpool. Brctherton, Union-court, Liverpool; Armstrong, Staple-inn, London. JoSEP II STUIIBS, whip-manufacturer, Birmingham, March 21, at ten, and April 21, at two, at Radenhurst's New Royal Hotel, Birmingham. Austen and Hobson, Gray's-inn, London ; Bower, Birmingham. JOHN EDWARDS, jun., grocer, Brighton, March 17, and April 21, at t we l ve , at t h e Town-'hall, Brighton. Cornford, Brighton ; Hoye, Seek-street, Lincoln's-inn-fields, London. EDWARD JACKSON HASTLER, mercer, King William street, London, March 17, and April 21, at eleven, at tho Court of Bankruptcy. G. Gibson, Basinghall-street, official assignee ; H. W. and IN. C. Sole, Aldermanbury. JAMES LLOYD HEBERT, innkeeper, Somerset, March 2S, at one, and April 21, at twelve. G. Green, Aldermanbury, official assignee ; F. Issaeson, Norfolk -street, Strand. EDWARD ALLWRIG HT, cheesemonger, Little Newport street, Newport-market, March 16 and April 21, at eleven, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Goldsmid, offi c i a l ass i gnee, ironmonger lane ; Hastings an d Sheringham, llarpur-street, Red Lion-square. FRANCIS EMERY, coal-master, of the Furnace, Stone, Staffordshire, March 27, and April 21, at twelve, at the Union Hotel, Lane-end. Young, Lane-end. JAMES ROSTRON, Merchant, Enfield, Lancaster, March 25 and April 21, at two, at the Commissioners' Rooms, Manchester- Denison, Humphrys, and Cunliffe, Princess-street, Manchester,, Walmslcy, Keightley, and Parkin, Chancery-lane, London. GEORGE LAW, woollen manufacturer, Rochdale, Lancaster, March 25 and April 21, at one, at the Commissioners' Rooms, Manchester. Norris and Allen, Bartlett's-buildings, London ; Heaton, Rochdale. HYACINTHE MARS RIMMEL, LOUIS JEAN BAP' TISTE VAUDEAU, and PIERRE JOSEPH GABRIEL AUGUSTIN BESSAN, perfumers, Regent-street, Middlesex, March 23, and April 21, at eleven, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Whitmore Basinghall-st ree t, o ffi c i a l ass i gnee ; H odgson and Bur ton, Salisbury-street, Strand. JOHN AUSTIN, builder, Saint Mary Magdalen, near Hast ings, Sussex, March 21, and April 21, at one, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Belcher, official assignee ; Meymott and Son, Great Surrey-street,.Bla.ckfriars. JOHN STEAD, blanket-manufacturer, Dawgreen, York shire, April I, at eleven, at the Royal Hotel, Dewsbury, York shire, and April 21, at the Sessions House, Wakefield. Jaques and Co., Ely-place, Holborn, London; Oldroyd and Rylah, Dewsbury. DIVIDENDS. At the Court of Bankruptcy, Basinghall-street. R. J. Adams, cabinet maker, Chelmsford, April 3, at half-pest twelve—T. Price, patent axletree maker, M argare t- street, Caven dish-square, April 3, at half-past one—S. Pontin, builder, Tot tenham-court-road, April 3, at two—J. Bowring and W. Garrard, linen drapers, Exmouth-street, Clerkenwell, April 4, at half-past one—R. Campion, cooper, Horsclydown-lane, March 31, at half past eleven—M. D. and H. King, wine merchants, Falcon-street, March 31, at half-past ten—G. P. Tode, watchmaker, Regent street, March 31, at half-past one—J. and C. Lyne, merchants, Finsbury-square, March 31, at eleven. In the Country. E. Hodgson and R. Olpberts, coachbuilders, Thrumpton, Not tinghamshire, April 4, at twelve, at the White Hart Inn, East Ret ford, Nottinghamshire —W. B. Mitchell, merchant, Sheffield, April 13, at eleven, at the Town Hall, Sheffield—B. Lay, carpen ter, Colchester, Essex, April 7, at eleven, at the Three Cups Hotel, Colchester—S. Robinson, flax spinner, Salford, Lancashire, April 6, at three, at the Commissioners' Rooms, Manchester—T. Brown, common brewer, Grange, Cheshire, April 1, at one, at the Clarendon Rooms. Liverpool. CERTIFICATES.—AIARCII 31. T. Flaherty, tailor, Bath—J. Nicholson, carpet bag manufac turer, Southampton -court, Holborn—W. Cooper, carpet manufac turer, Kidderminster, Worcestershire. PARTNERSHIPS DISSOLVED. E. and B . Collinson, dressmakers, St. James's-place, St. James's street—J. Ridge and Co., tailors, Exeter—W. Knight and W. Withers, clock makers, Bristol—J. Buckley and T. Barrow, gingham manufacturers, Ashton-under-Lyne, Lancashir e —if. A. Townsend and T. Glover, s ilk mercers, Holborn—J. H. Oates and J. Warwick, iron founders, Leeds—W. Smith and H. Hiller, dealer in pigs, Sheffield—P. Novelli and Co., calico printers, Man chester (as far as regards P. Novelli)--W. M. Shaw and W. Piper coal merchants, Union-wharf, City-road—W. Hobson, see., and Hobson, jun., mercers, Spalding, Lincolnshire—P. Crellin and P. Crellin, jun., slop sellers, Ratcliff-highway—W. Greenhough and T. Howell, wine merchants, Little Bush-lane—R. Ellis and Co., cotton spinners, Preston, Lancashire (as far as regards A. Ellis)-- - J. L. and J. E. Jones, attorneys, Barking, Essex—J. Law and J. J. Palmer, cut nail manufacturers, Birmingham—M. Aston and Co., surgeons, Glamford Briggs, Lancashire—L. Lucas and G. Jackson, die-wood manufacturers, Knuzden Brook, Lancashire.— . D. B. Smith and Co., paper manufacturers, Aston-juxta-Bie t nin , - harn—J. and G. Hother, breeches makers, Lewes, Snssex—T. and " J. Pearson, patent cut-nail manufacturers, Aston-juxta-Birming; ham—J. G. Eltoft and G. Procter, carvers, Leeds—A. Milroy and R. Wilson, drapers, Bodmin, Cornwall—A. and W. Cadwallader , malsters, Wolverhampton—R. Gogerty and C. J. Lawrence, brass manufacturers. FAMILIES RESIDING IN THE COUNTRY are supplied with TEAS and COFFEES at the WHOLESALE PRICE for CASII : 81ack...25. Od. 2s. 4d. 2s. ad. Ss. Ss. 6d. 4s. 41. 6d. `s• Green..3s. &I. 4s. Od. 4s. Sd. ss. bs. 6d. 68. is. Od. Coffee, Is. 6d. Is. Bd. ls. 10d. 25.... Finest Mocha, 2s. When the order exceeds £lO, the Carriage is Paid. G. T. MANSEL L, aad CO., Wholesale Tea Dealers, 2, Bucklersbury, Cheapside. DESSERT FRUIT KNIVES AND FORKS. Plated on Silver Steel Blades. Blades, Plain Ivory handles, silver ferrules, per dozen p a i r .. £3 8 0 £ 8 18 Carved ivory handles, silver ferrules, per dozen pair 316 4 9 9 Plain pearl handles, silver ferrules, per dozen pair... 4 4 0 lin Carved pearl handles, silver ferrules, per dozen pair 5 8 0 12 12 no King's pattern or Queen' s p a tt ern, s il ver h and l es ... 616 6 14 14 v T. COX SAVORY, Working Gold and Silversmith, 47, Cornhill, London. N. B. A Pamphlet containing a list, of the prices of Silver Plate' Plated Goods, Watches, Clocks, &c., may be kad gratis, or will ba forwarded in answer to a post-paid application. BIRTHS. On the 6th inst., Mrs. Benjamin Williams, of Jewry. street, of • daughter. On the 7th inst., Mrs. George Breffit, of Stamford Hill, of • daughter. On the 28th ult., at Blunham Cottage, Bedfordshire, the lady 0f the Rev. W. K. Clay, of a son. On the 4th inst., at Harting, Sussex, the wife of Wm. Curtii 9 Esq., of a son. On the 7th inst., at Wrackleford House, Dorset, the Hon. Af ro ' Henry Ashley, of a daughter. On the 4th inst., in Chester-street, Grosvenor-place, Mrs. 5 ' Perry, of a daughter. On the 4th of January, at the Cape of Good Hope, the lady Colonel W. H. Kemm, of a son. On the Bth inst., at Haverstock-hill, Hampstead, the lady °f G. Mackintosh, Esq., of a son. On the 9th inst., at Brixton-rise, Mrs. E. Harvey, of a song MARRIED. On the 9th inst., at St. Martin's. in-the-Fields the Rev. Rob ert Boothby Heathcote, to Charlotte Sotheby, second daughter of i i h: late Admiral and Lady Mary Anne Sotheby, and neice of Lady Clifford. a On the 9th i ns t., a t B enenden Church, Marriott Eu er re ~.1 , Barrett Curteis, E sq ., M.P ., second son of the late E. J. Cortil; Esq., of Windmill H i ll, S ussex, to Charlotte Lydia, youngest doeg ter of T. L. Hodges, Esq., M.P., of Hemstead, Kent. „ l os On the Bth inst., a t S t. M ary ' s C hurch, Islington, Mr. Nv"" to Fellows Sedgwick, of Pullingspit, near Rickmansworth, Herts, of Mary Ann, only daughter of the late John Outhwaite, Islington. On the 7th inst., at Barnstaple, Abraham Turner, Esq. of Stapp(grove, Some rse t, t o Ell en C uth b ert, eldest surviving daughter the late Captain C. B. Gribble, Hon. Company's Service. V. On the Bth inst., at St. Stephen's, Coleman. street, James, lo , wards, jun., E s q., Ly me R eg i s, D orset, to E l i za, daughter of ". Hunter, Esq., of Finsbury-circu s . rce. On the 7th inst., at Wisb eac h, th e R ev . F re d er i c k Le % i we Vicar of Great G rans d en , H un ti ng d ons hi re, an d F e ll ow of u p Hall, Cambridge, to Elizabeth, youngest daughter of GIP Swaine, R.N. — P . London: Printed and Published by MURDO YOUN..?;P 0 04 of 112, Strand, at The Stot O ffi ce, No. 11". Strand, in L of Middlesex.—Saturday, March 11, 1837. D lE. e On the 9th inst., i n W e y mout h- st reet, el reet, Fanny Anne Gore, . ;rO , child of the Rev. G eo . Sivevvright, of Blakesley, IS orthampto nse' aged 7t , jol o On the 6th inst., at High Wy com b e , M ar y, th e wife 0 ' Neale, Esq. 76. On the 6th inst., at Clifton, Mrs. Dorothea Whitmore, se u isigl On the 7th inst. at Albany-place, Lambeth, aged 9, eldest daughter of Air. J. Turle. °oo d On the 6th inst„ at H ampstea d , age d 6 , J o h n H o ward, th ir of 11. Prance, Esq. ~;,„, lat . On the Bth inst., i n B ryanstone-square, W m. Miller, "—'" of the island of Jamaica. t i t/ On the sth inst., at Richmond, Surrey, Sophia Maria C°ln. ' her 71st year. of C' Wife _ On the 27th ult., at Leamington, Charlotte Matilda, . Blair, Esq., age d 53 . w ife hie, On the Bth i ns t., at Chelmsford, aged 33, Charlotte SeP„ Cls, of Mr. T. H. B urre ll , an d youngest (laughter of the late Li rence, Esq., of Lodge Hall, .Essex. , a _.„ re i iet On the Bth inst., in Wimpole-street, aged 49, Eliza 1)1 e" J. On Bouchier, Es. therth inst., Elizabeth, the wif e of Mr. Gilder , of Q u m Anne street. ......