The Sun. — London, England, 1846-01-23 00:00:00

S i that he (Lord Radnor) would answer, that no such evidence in their conduct, which had s ° f l ti the part of the leading members a great object % a ' : and money, not to realise any private objec t, , ; g, but for the good of the public generally. r 1 .of the A nti - Corn-law League was because . 11,,e1,,R,,it, merchants of Manchester found their 4 : -.Y Dad state. - At that time, when trade fell I f ,i l 1 838 or 1 839, they formed projects for the of tit;escuing themselves and others in the same Viers, e ruin hanging over them. They bee _we 4 , i ,, and ths7 found that that which .vas good . ' etict "e! was good for others, and ' the public at they induced oth°_,:s to. •^r r bet-cne free . trl: iv a eli a l t d • A lt r m „:-.-t in every Way, and also elt any 's t' rn-law League. He was t h '' 4 art s shoitld be led in that way, . t,, ..eva rs „,_ ,rei stb eient would not listen to reason they . Lis ..Feed ins and give in to the means which , Fri,'„instead of argument His Noble and fl ' 'lllad kiected to agitators, but in the begin iftok" 'Peech he had re commended it. ;He would ask ha d I I,a)'dettrs should they have been * ** they were id th° got been for a gitation?—(Hear.) Agita- Y4ll7,ver,!been produced, and the Government ~ it ( l,,,u it, and if they did not do so woe '! had ea ea ; , t° the country. His Noble sod Learned ~)' of t ' that he did not believe that the 01'4144° country was in favour of the a 4or Lea bet he believed that it was, and ' Itoold 'Threent would be obli ed tu yield to it. : 5 II vltlth!' as his Noble and Le g arned Friend had Oloh•te7,lng illegal or unconstitutional ; nor had tae vie ti°ll °f cluing so • their agitation was only min • ''' of re • • • rd r ietls to the Moring a law which was obnoxious Att" 811,017,,rn and to the country. w 11 1: 1 "11:14A1 having offered a few words in ' I E 4I a f RAIN on , e •of s at • “ was about to explain also, when v ari of . b 'SHUR! rose to order. 'l; i r s ' l de . guit"te&riNOß then quoted the opinion of 1 ,„ vie,ka opposite in 1829, who had stated ' to yield a :ere not changed ; but then it was ne tt) to the demand at that t i l li ovoid a civil popular he said, • "'Aid a h rtt that thewas s War, which,. bl —(flear.) most horn e. . of doer,' rwever,eowntend that it was not the object . ,e i o ,i, r n - lair 1,, i . 14,, `..eir suffer , I ;b et inages ex p r m e e a s k l y e f votes or th fore repealth e p o e ur o . gtphal the th at t e eilh euirkreleii n o neat i_eurodapelirs:logitooul nn e gs S t o i. 14rePorterdeVehe.t to ''tlicl allow h:LLINGTON- trusted their Lord -11 evlq„, him to explain, in answer to an ob . - w ith -..,1 ad been made by the Noble whatvpee speaking efficacyh in e g ( o t f h t e h o 0 t p N h r e o e b s P s l r e u ° r m e. E . far l a wo r m_ i ) k bra Quid i s a 3 411 (the Duke of 11'n ton) We 1 ff the 4 II w otlici ,Peeeh delivered 17 years ago. ts °llt e h e "so kind as to look at the reccrds o . f eOrr ept , wo Ideaee that he had not quoted his l iajlthe r - 7 1 ; T words quoted by the Noble . Earl :kie u t," f I.4 ll; °rds nor the sentiments to which he eisl!„„:_ -...ngton) had given utterance. st t hat sr :ISALISBURY said, he alws under ' t ° I e a: nsPire in any way, by manufacturing kt iliee-a,ZRe the established laws of the country Ot 44 b een act ; but after the high legal opinion o thßt delivered on the subject he should be Yo tera7sutead. The Noble Earl had been pleased °d er er h e 0 the present corn laws which had thatcerd he been heard in that House. He had ii syl i t em of laws, the accursed corn-laws, ` obl ...e le t ' Earl ha ,ailt, was very unmeasured language. he :,tneGoverntnent to rescind the corn 1 .'re fro, wlynself We, contribute to make . that s .:Irkti,e_, itilout felt in the House. This was ue Rarq't'li.:oetrie for the Noble Earl to hold. I I \ Pro . sp ee ' t i °lsf Salibury) could not admit that there was • ‘te t h i 's of t e i ch fa ln, ine ; neither could he allow that the Nt h , -4 1 in c r . ' 'lad taken place with respect to com .l sel 111 a ny as ' degree the prosperity of the kat Ni te of g t Nast ~EAUFORT observed that . he must ,to , Lae extreme latitude of expression with il t i ti ll ' fliteroalin"se Which had appeared in the Speech, 0, ar e a e• Re thought that such expressions in. ,0f t h,, Most prejudicial effect on the genera i 1 ,. ,, 1., Aitstate, t bolt lIESIGNATION OF MINISTERS. " ° t tio g e:frf RICHMOND said he had no objectio o n . t i ,Nll, th ' at the request of the Dtls 1 Llgn ed eR° question why her Majesty's Ministers t '' 4 ll o osl„ ey a il mse, and shortly afterwards resumed li e eoppert"!.---more especially as he would then the ot , Unity of knowing what Sir R. Peel had feboit„:',,e,_l' House o the subject e it elialt -.,‘" wELLINGnTON observed that the reason ' h -s ii the N iip, tg il eNoble Duke to put off his motion wasmbe yeforeV not have an opportunity of seeing her a elt""'• I! 'a the rsoAt.IRMA.N OF COMMITTEES. cV l Sh erte lon of the Duke of WELLINGTON, the . 14 Offi SbU rY was for the thirty-third time elected ° s easi ori a ° of Chairman of Committees for the en ill') 4411bRESS TO HER MAJESTY. N.. 4,, ,/a (11 DELA.WARR announced that her le %Id receive t k at h.,... the Address of their Lordships' 1, 4 " o ' Past two o'clock on Saturday irx . t. k Nay . 14 e then adjourned till one o clock on 11 00 ,R -4 OF CO M M 01V S, Thursday, Jan. 22. t i t h t , THE ADDRESS 6 ~,,-P,NISON then rose and said--Sir, I hope the VI t e ,,,," not think me guilty of great presumption in tole',.coild the Address which has been moved by kAT ° Lord the Member for South Lancashire. The ti, N , s l ogy I can offer fur presuming to occupy the L' of the House on the present occasion is, klo consequence of the lamented decease of a i Nid, Lord who recently fillei the office ? of t otj a ,,t of the Council, I am the single ' e P r esmtative of the largest constituency in onet , on l, - L A the population of which is upwards of i, l li h .afid a, h If —(Opposition cheers.) They are an ittk',ll_%. Population, a and their industry is occu 1314:311oultural, in commercial,. and in manufactur i 4 44 of almost every description.—(Cheers.) Now lak""' 1 , 11 all doubt that this population has been r L l Nity , , wi t t ,i l more than ordinary anxiety to e L' I N - *Peeoh from the throne to her Par kltltpall mats occasion. —(Loud .Opposition cheers.) li 4 Y hit ve . " 4 3: be justified in stating that the consti er° of the laced the greatest anxiety to have the t , l a d, to t,: Measures which her Majesty's . Ministers ' 1 1, 11 0ea": : _pose fur the prosperity of this kingdom . l,t,itetrl4 that they await with great interest Che de ( ki Ittaj , t q those measares.—(Hear, hear.) In t ' ilie-la Speech from the throne, she states tei co • edih I, ntinues to receive assurances . from all d al ~,.°ll7era of the continuance of friendly an CoaPittrorf-Pg3. With gard to the conduct of the OV a a ,` Itizssia and re the King of the French, I tts?ati,ll-4 that this kingdom is under great .. bey% t° those monarchs for the pae o _ % tild orld F taken in preserving the peace whatf 4 4' 'not; '2 r ,,„1 Would take the liberty of asking • (1 1 netio Liectually arrest the prosperity of this 14 4 '14% hear.) t han a bloody and expensive wa h r a ? s t he 4 itit: at- ) The Icing of the French . n for :ith'tlpp res 4.4 alliance with our gracious Sovereign C oding l"it e 6l° P °I the horrid slave trade. But, not ohsth tneir friendly assurances, we cannot from f ill k wes te f 40 that some danger threatens usr9ln WICt 44'4 harnisphere. I trust that nothing hre,,ch !tie he pr by this country to prevent ' 1 * hole ilt Trine feeling. with America, for h a n ; o a d n o d ub it t l i 11 1 ZY opia.lsOrle would suffer by such a breac ?i,, ti l l 's 4 1° 1 , 4 ' and I trust the opinion of this ta H br o e u a s e e h , ' 4 ii 511rei,:und 4:fuse every effort to prevent Enter- '0) 11 . Z thr,"estern relations. —(Hear, hear. . )4ti q 34 v ie I thick, her Majesty's Ministers kb 'ld • ' resources 7 Enter ! to 1 , 4 askin g for additional in an NO% eta, Place the army and navy b_ ~,kte4 uPea7,,'"(llear.) God we independ 1 l a t . thi s use those forces to preserve the _,_ 4 k,,, Is lags „ bear.) grant.that may not bi 44 ; ‘ms t, om.—(riear, unhappy Ire ilk., to, . nd,—l may say e have ittkig tha t Within the last two months w fob:l,o'o44r e: W un i t Z re u g n ar der to a t pp e rehensio of famine 1 4, a en 'kp ° ha, overrated d ; but in famine, regard to I trustthe ni t u h r a-t * ,, ar r P it Y e a . at it s3 re e , ee .`,' by the official returns from that wi ' 1,0 111, 4 otat the murders have been such as to t ka al provenovernment in seeking for measures all Siel such 1 nsi e ,,, rei sio , shameful and unheard of Buse ' ell.- contj'alles.--(llear.) With regard to the Speech, Ye e , - ye 1 k, 4111 4 in the latter part of the Q th„;, eorreet in stating that in the last four belle,titeirillittieil;bh,eeelleXatntof ;reduction betwe o e f n four and five mil the . Customs and .. Reti e , '11,104,4 ?elieve that by this reduction there has 1 ,4 0 t i t ,,lY, kir' I,ncrease :it,. 'a ki t , ,it lerge of the ftrfoardeeigonf commoditiesthe county b e - oft, R-erp „. import o n 4 kltik.,4"(tlear, hear, and loud cheers.) I t ril l ' h l i ,, t , e s ,,: p o e ! .._ --th'it elegreat facts —I believe this . to th"%repeat7e t 43, 45_ atest and most astounding (Loud cheers.) inl the 'INF s °at It 4Y._ knowledge. fact, that atn ou ° 1 0 4 e born e , an astounding sad ti f nt °f the 4 ,. 5e 4 *eduction of fiscal impositions, li-e6r, Vl:j4tr:,lgni:,-reje.nue should have trust that t t ry, alreeri;ha.Mtnieter.itacreased. sincerely beensustained, re t 843'41 411(1 in -ell. ProduetTyili p f erseve benefit to the coon raeeeetle s to 4Yll/ g t hus emouch, suchl feel bound in a course that at their 'ht the entitirgert that the results I of earnestly Li l iqd t IV Will e them to what segued'''snsee......(l, „obtain, full measure of public s Tetleyth Lat'u cheers). Now, her Majesty d riv e l should continue to pursue the same course, 'Al' ia, emlipelled to acknowledge that experiencet,_e Neill' 11ides.olltilgter). Hon. Gentlemen on h to t.) eti sn it aNii stile House seem amused at my alluding NI tli te 6,3 ; bot I should be ashamed if I weenot thi l .': I le._ "Perience teache s me to value the lesson th'' her smog from this great fact; and I sincerely trust t t he hav e liPatY'a Government will, in the spirit th to l iti it t e atleh _ttherto regulated their conduct, continue 0. R ea _ t a ll wi„ed, notions on the import of foreign co t m o m the o pi : al ke ;_te_e just to all parties and conducive . t he m Ns, ligre of the people. Sir, entertaining those tet e . 'now nothing, and want to know nothing o l t 'Sy , nti nr , Of 'll.Sr, that 8 of the Ministers. —(Great laughter.) °lir,'" kt. I want to know nothing of the intentions tried 1 trhsteee for from what has already oc 44lotwiern, hav e t full confidence in their prudence, pa iL4 tra T ote confidence from the Opposition)— t ink they will persevere liberally to all parties, A t 's up at i ti a,t!ce to any, to reduce those duties which h th. Le comforts and the energies of the peole. ":st - sam e time, Sir, I reserve to myself the ks elltir e e ji sattre„ .iberty to vote for or against any „ot s. - Which they ma ropose to the House. h'ne'hatt'llewolpe. stating thus much,. I ask the House, in ° lita ir 4 that great community which I have the eto represent to meet them in a spirit of con- TN%th, ,an and lairnees whenever they bring forward t n. e4surea which her Majesty recommends. Of Win revi ve, of • prosperity will again return. I know of th !Mit which can be . placed upon the development 6 ulthultry of the Uni ted Kingdom. I ask, on be- half of the great community which I have the honour to represent, that they may have every facility for an increased employment, and a consequeht Increase of their comforts ; for they ,sre; it my humble opi nion, the most hard- erorrl.`eg, patient, and loyal people upon the ran of the earth.—(Hear, hear.) If properly instru c t e d - when young, by truly religious persons, they entertain for her Majesty the greatest - espect and affection. I beg leave to second Address.—(Hear, hear.) The SPEAREI:I then read the Address. Sit R. PEEL then rose and said—Sir, I would am hope that although the course I take is an unusual one, yet that I am acting in accordance with the general wish of the House in now rising to give an explanation of that course which I shall take upon the pre sent great question before the country.—(Hear, hear.) The House will consider it but natural that I should de sire that not a moment should elapse before I should explain to the House the motives ou which I have acted, and the principles which have governed my conduct.— (Hear, hear.) I may feel hurt at having been the object of much accusation upon this subject.—(Hear.) I have been unjustly condemned without a hearing. I say nothing upon that head ; and if any momentary feeling of indignation should possess me, the recollection of the great events which have taken place would be sufficient to remove any such temporary unpleasant ness.—(Hear, hoar ) I enter, therefore, into to particular discussion, or particular accusations, but this I do ask—while I contend for the reserval of sentence, I ask for an opportunity, after the condemna tion, of explaining the motives of my conduct. —(Hear, hear.) I ask you to listen with patience and indulgence to those facts and those evidences which I shall this night bring before you, and which will afford the materials on which the House will ultimately pronounce its opinion. I wish to explain what were the grounds which led me, and those with whom I acted, humbly to tender to our gracious Sovereign the resignation of trust which was committed to me. I wish also to explain what were the circumstances under which that trust was re assumed, and why I am now here as the Prime Minister. Sir, the immediate connexion Sir, the immediate cause which led to the disso lution of the Government was, that a great calamity had fallen upon that article of food on which a great portion of the people of the United Kingdom, and still larger numbers of the sister kingdom, depend mainly for their subsistence. That was the immediate and proximate cause which led to the dissolution of the Government ; for it would be unfair and un eandid on my part if I attached undue im portance to that subject. The particular cause appeared to require immediate decision. It was abso lutely necessary at the time alluded to that an imme diate course should be taken with regard to the laws which govern the importation of corn.—(Hear.) I will not shrink now from the expression of my opinions upon those topics which have lately agitated the world, ner will I withhold from the public that the progress of reason and truth have considerably altered my views upon these topics.—(Hear, hear.) I will now freely and openly confess that my own opinions upon the subject of protection have undergone a chenge.—(Loud and long-continued Opposition cheers.) Alike is a pub lic as a private situation I claim the right to exer cise the privilege of yielding to the force of argument and conviction (Hear, hear) and at every time acting upon the results of enlarged expe rience.— (Renewed Opposition cheers.) It may be sup posed that there is somethine• humiliating in the making of such a confession. I think no such thing.— (Cheers.) I have no intuitive capacity of al wars determining what is right, but I have confidence in the belief that it would be . false conciliation indeed, if my opinions had under gone a modification or change, to pretend to adhere to them.—(Cheers.) But then it became a question, which the House and the public have a right V.) ask, whether the motives for changing them are sufficient and honest. Nothing could be more base in a public man than to protect himself from danger by pretending that no change had taken place in his opinions, while on the other hand it would be most inconsistent and most unjust to his Sovereign and his country if, upon seeing reason to alter his course of action he is to be precluded from making that alteration by the fear of the charge of inconsistency.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) The question, then, for me to deal with is, whether the motives for the change are sufficient and just. There are those who contend that the removal of impediments upon the import of a great and very necessary article of commerce would be a source of great advantage, and heretofore it has been easy to combat the position of these parties by pointing out the urgent necessity for the ex istence of these restrictious. But, the time has arrived when it has become almost im possible to meet them in fair and open argu ment—(Renewed Opposition cheers)—by showing that the advantages arising from the system of prohibition were greater than those which might arise from their removal. The time had arrived when the system was become inconsistent with the right and just principles which ought to guide and regulate the trade of the coun try. In this public view protection to domestic industry is in itself a sound principle, and agriculture being a branoh of domestic industry, is entitled to a share of that pro tection. It is said, that in a country encumbered with an enormous debt, and liable to an enormous taxation, it is necessary that domestic industry should be pro tected from foreign competition—as necessary to the great body of the community. It is necessary however that the labouring classes of the community should not be omitted in this arrangement ; it is but right that wages should vary with the prices of food, that high prices should imply high wages, and that low wages should be a concomitant of low prices. —(Cheers.) If I admit that land is entitled to protection on account of its peculiar burdens, it is a question of justice rather than one of policy.—(Hear, hear felt th at if we uphold this ) I argument, it is still liable to r emova l b y compensation. The thrhee ee firstalwaob jections to the removal of protection are objections roundedpublie justiceo❑n public t b policy,y granting an and thecolmasptehissafteiounndwede ore move the latter objection. Ido not want to arrogate to myself that which has been used a priori by other per sons. I want to deprive none of them of the credit to which they are justly entitled ; and I confess that my own opinion has been greatly modified by the experience of the last three years.—(Great cheering from the Opposition benches.) I have had opportuni ties of comparing from day to day the results which have followed during the last three years, from that principle on which you have been acting for some years past, namely, the gradual removal of protection to agri culture. I have had the opportunity of comparing the results of those years. I have observed on the effect of the three preceding years, and comparing it with that of the three following years, and the result of that ob servation has led me to the opinion that the arguments to which I have referred in defence of the corn-laws are no longer maintainable.—(Much cheering from the Op position.) I do not believe, after the experience of the last three years, that the rate of wages does really vary with the price of food.—(Renewed cheering from the same quarter.) Ido not believe, when the price of pro visions is high, that high wages will necessarily follow. —(Hear, hear.) Ido not believe that lowness of price necessarily implies lowness of the wages of labour.— ( llore cheering.) Ido not believe, it is impossible for me to contend—and this is no new opinion of mine—it is impossible for me to contend that protection to British industry is as a principle of policy longer main tainable.—(Cheers.) I declared last year that, in my opinion, protective duties were evils in themselves (Hear, hear)—though I added that the system was one that should not lightly be interfered with—that a system which had grown up under protective duties should be interfered with or removed with much caution. But it is impossible for any one to have made changes such as we have made in the tariff, and at the same time con tend that protection in itself is abstractedly right in principle.—(Hear, hear.) Then, Sir, as to the other argument, which I admit makes a great impression upon the mind at first sight, and appears of some weight—the argument that, because we have in this country a heavy debt and a high rate of taxation, the labour of this country cannot, without protection, compete with that of foreigners. Now an opposite policy has been sub mitted to the test of three years experience, and, as far as experience can demonstrate anything, it is that a large debt and heavy taxation justify abu ndance and cheapness of food — that abundance and cheapness will f h rather alleviate than increase the difficulties of the e people.—(Opposition cheers.) I own, then, that I ap prove of that policy from the experience of the last three years. First, in regard to the question of wages—can you deny the fact, that during those three years, or, at least during the three years that preceded last October, prices were comparatively low ; there was comparative cheapness and plenty ; and yet at no previous period were the wages of labour higher than they were at that time.—(Hear, hear.) Take the three preceding years—you will find low wages co-ex isting with high prices ; with high prices you will find you had low wages and distress.—(Hear.) I have then six years, during the first three of which I find higher prices of provisions co-existing with low wages, and during the last three years I find we had low prices with a higher rate of wages.—( Hear, hear.) I cannot resist — even if I could resist the deductions of reason and argu ment—l cannot resist the conclusions of time and expe rience, that wages do not vary with the price of provi sions, but that they alter with the amount of capital em ployed, with the prosperity of the country, and with the demand for labour.—(More Opposition cheers.) I say, then, that there is no relation between the price of provi sions and the rate of wages, so far as the former regulates the latter.—(Hear,) Now as' to the question of trade, as I said before, during the last four or five years we have been acting on the admitted principle of removing prohibitions, of removing protective duties; that is to say, of destroying as far as possible protection to native industry.—(Hear, hear.) That has been the principle of our policy, and, whether right or wrong, the prin ciple upon which we have acted has been the removal of protection.—(Cheers.) Let us see what has been the result on the trade of the country. I will give you the total amount of British produce and British manufac tures exported from the United Kingdom since 1839 : In 1839 the total exports amounted in ro und numbers to 53,000,000 to 51,000,000 1840 to 51,000,000 1841 to 47,000,000 1842 to 52,000,000 1843 to 58,000,000 1844 (Cheers.) That is to say the total of our foreign ex ports rose between the year 184 2 , w hen the great inva sion was made on the principle of protection to d miestic industry, and the year 18 44 , from 47,381,000 L, to 58,530,000/. This does not include the Chin a trade. In 1842, apart from the China trade, the ex p orts to all 000/. In4ll other foreign countries amounted to 46 , , 1844. they had increased by 10,000,000/., the total amount being 56,400,000/., d ,- ;duetinff the China trade. In the last year you can only have the amount for the eleven months previous to December, 1845. In the year 1 5 43 , the exports,..of the prinoipal articles of Jilritish - ~ -.v . vowed ,he ap k ly bro. 0 ) soul nt to) 1 , , he r ob vote: Thase d that votes,. they :ed no tweed, nilliou 4 they r • now free ?na bers w did argue that ythipb tf any' e ani " Now istrateg mig ht' se five , g ative be d to it of I I n. of e iA lti sf r ,rts no. THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY- Manufacture to all parts of the world amounted to 47,000,0001. ; in 1844 they were 47,312,0001. In 1845 there was again an increase, the amount being in that year 46,764,000/. This is the state of our commerce. under the system we have pursued, of abolishing protec tion. Now I come to the question of revenue, and will take the results of the revenue as bearing on this ques tion. Ought there to be a high protection on domestic industry in a country encumbered with a heavy debt and heavy taxes ? In 1842, it will be remembered that I proposed a reduction in the Customs duties to the amount of an estimated loss of 1,438,0001. In 1844 I proposed a further reduction in the Customs duties, involving a loss of 273,000/.; and in 1845 a further reduction to the im mense amount of 2,418,0001. I estimated the total loss on those reductions would be 4,129,000/. I discarded the revenue derived from corn from both sides of the ar gument.—(Hear, hear.) Now let us see whether my expectations have been realised in this respect, and whether 4,000,000/. have been lost to the revenue from the changes in the Customs duty we have made or not? I find the total loss has been 1,500,000/. only.—(Re newed cheering.) I dealt also with the Excise last year —and made a reduction to the extent of 1,000,000 L in that item of revenue by the removal of duties. We took off) the whole of the glass duty—(Hear)—and the auc tion duty, and we estimated the loss to the revenue at 1,000,0001. See the result. These duties were taken off altogether. There was no hope of recovering any part of it—as in the case of articles upon which we merely.re duced the duties, and when by increased consumption we ma/ reasonably hope to make up the loss—but we felt that by vivifying trade the removal of those duties would be beneficial notwithstanding. Now let us in quire what will have been the effect of that removal on the sth of April next. My belief is that, notwithstand ing the reductions that have been made, the excise re venue this year will be more prosperous than it was pre vious to the changes.—(Hear.) Notwithstanding those reductions and abrogations, there has arisen a silent spring of prosperity in the industry of the country which has supplied the void in the revenue thus created. —(Hear.) And, with this evidence before me, is it pos sibl,, for me to stand up and say that, because we have a heavy debt and high taxes, we shonld still continue protection ? The Customs duties of the present year amount to almost 20,000,000/. The Customs duties of 1842, when we began this system of reductiou, produced 19,661,0001., exclusive of corn, which I take both ways. I have reduced tax ition to the amount of 4,129,000/. ; and comparing the Customs re turns for 1845 with those for 1842, in addition to over coming that diminution of upwards of 4,000,0001., the Customs of this year are better by nearly half a million than they were in 1842, before that reduction took place. —(Opposition cheers.) But I will now take a more important matter into consideration—a more important matter than either trade, commerce, or revenue, unques tionably important as all are. I will take the moral state of the country, and I am happy in stating that during the last year there has b.ien a large reduction in the amount of crime. The number of offences has within these 12 months been greatly reduced in the country. In 1845 the number of commitments was 24,305, that is 2,237 loss than during the preceding year, namely, 1844. This was a decrease of 5i per cent. on the year before. In 1842 the reduction was 51 per cent. In 1844 it was 3 7-10th ; in 1845 it was 5i- per cent. as I learn from the communication from the several quarters ; and that is to me a source of Brea, gratification. That is the fact, that this reduction is chiefly observable in the chief manufacturing districts, and in some of the chief manu facturing towns, while on the other hand, the reduction of political offences has been equally great in the agricul tural districts. In Wales there is perfect quietude, and not a single offence of dissaffection or sedition has been committed throughout the whole of the Principality. The Att Tney-General's office has been, for the last two years a sinecure —(Hear, hear)—for daring that period there has not been a single prosecution for any offence against the State—(Hear, hear, and cheers) — in the years 1840, 1841, and 1842. Now, let us listen to this serious state of things in these three years. There were 1,257 committed upon charges of sedition and riotous conduct. In the years 1843, 1844, 1845, there were 124 persons instead of 1,257. In the last year there was not a-single one. In the year 1845 there were 422 persons sentenced to the punishment of trans portation, less than in the year 1843. In the last three years there were 1,701 less sentenced to transportation, than in the three preceding years. Now, this has been during times of comparative abun dance. Is it possible, I say, then, to resist the conclusion, that low prices and comparative abundance have con tributed to produce this beneficial result. Now, these are great social benefits. I do not say they are the necessary results of it, but I do say they are concurrent with a diminution of protecting duties. (Hear, hear). Well, have these advantages been obtained by any serious detriment to that great in terest whose welfare should be the constant object of our care, the agricultural ? Protection to them has been diminished, and I have been the object of much attack for diminishing these duties, and deeply should I regret if these great social advantages to which I have alluded had been accompanied with any serious injury to agri culture. Now, let us see what has been the effect of re ducing the duty upon the four great articles of our imports. In the year 1824, the protecting duty on film was 10/. 14s. 6d. It is now comparatively nothing. Protection having been re moved, what has been the result ? What is now the price of Irish flax ? In the year 1843 the prices of fine flax in the market of Belfast was from 65 to 70. In the year 1844 the prices were from 64 to 68, and in January, 1846, the prices now are from 70 to 80. There is no such fear from a reduction of duties on our importations, nor indeed is there any cause for the alarm raised by some Hon. Gentlemen who have given expression to their feelings on the subject of protection. 'The taking off the duties from foreign cattle was pre dicted to be highly injurious to the agricultural interest. Now what is the fact with respect to that prediction ? In 1843 there were 1,019 foreign horned cattle imported, and in 1844 there were 2,899, and in the last eleven months there were not less than 12,000 ; but it is not proved that this increase has been detrimental to the agriculturist of this country, In the year 1844, the contract for stores for the navy was 31. IBs. sd. per tierce, and it is now 61. Bs. Bd. ~This latter price s the one now paid for dui navy contract and this proves beyond all doubt that, not withstanding the free importation of cattle, the article has nearly doubled, or at least very considerably • increased in cost; and this, I think, cannot be denied as an argument against those, who ex pressed so much alarm on the repeal of this duty. It cannot be denied that the price has, not more than kept pace with the import Now there was no article which caused so much alarm as lard.—(Cries of " Hear, hear," and great laughter.) In 1840 there were only 97 cwt. nf foreign-lard imported into this country. In 1842, when the duty on its im portationwas repealed, 48,000 cwt. were introduced ; in 1844, 76,000 cwt. ; and in 1845, I believe it will be found that above 80,000 cwt. had been introduced. Now what has been the price of domestic lard ? In 1844 it was 435. per cwt. ; in 1845 it was 675. ; and in January of the present year, notwithstanding these enormous importations the increase in price has been from 48s. to 625. in 1845 and 675. in this year.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") Now there is only one other article which is of great importance and which demands the most serious attention, and that is the article of wool. I was persuaded in 1844 that it was expdient that the duty on wool should be altogether repealed—that there in tact should be no restriction on its importation. It was more certainly in deputations than in this House that objections were urged against the free importation of that article. Certainly there were grievous anticipations lest, in consequence of •the abolition of the duty on that arti cle, parties engaged in the wool trade, should be injured. Well, here again there has been an enormous increase in the importation of wool. In 1842, there were 45,8301b5. of foreign wool imported into this country, and in 1844, there were 5,790,0001b5., and during the last year, I am bound to admit, that there were no less than 65,216,0001b5. of foreign wool imported into England.— (Hear, hear.) Now what has been the cause of the e d bssunk re duction kinfrpo o rne f e ei t ml h ;ba t e ! r u ,t o t l y Blo4 o sd n :,e w aing o d o h l tien ? enlB l m4 n 3o n l ftr B ho 4 :2 2 s -t iln h lc e td p ih ri te ce oalb h iod a l i tion of the duty, the price has sunk from 11 }d. to 101 d. per lb.—(Hear, hear, and great laughter.) Now I think ' y Sir, we have had e x p er i ence f or the last three ears sufficient to show that th e remova l of nrotection to, domesticindustry has been followed by an increase of our social happiness, and the interests of the country have been materially promoted.—(Hear, hear.) Our morality, too, has been much improved. I could read the most conclusive proofs that the public health has also been much improved.—(Hear, hear)— and that the national t rade has been increased. Exportshave been increased , and this is a fact in which I rejoice. —(Hear, hear.) The tr ade in those articles from which ,r protection has been removed has been increased. sir, ow, th i c t o i n s v right c tion t whichh at I s t h h o l u s I d e x s t p a e t n e . e that, n ce a n s o b t w r t u h g s h t a t n t d o ng, my mind, that my decided impression was that, on other g rounds, the corn-laws should b e reconsidered. This I was firmly resolved upon. I could not have met in this session the motion of the Hon. Gentle - man for the reconsideration of the corn-laws. I could not, I say, with these convictions—which, say what you will, I cannot forget—l could not have met that motion with a direct negative.—(Hear, hear.) Now, Sir, let me again repeat, that the convictions which I have come to have been brought about by observation and experience. With this change in my opinion, I could not have under taken the defence of the corn-laws upon the ground that the country being heavily taxed the continuance of protection was necessary, or upon the ground that it was for the interest of the labouring classes that high prices should be continued as a guarantee for high wages ; nor could I have undertaken its defence on the ground that a non-interference of the system was a guarantee for domestic peace.—(Hear, hear.) But I have more urgently wished fur this opportunity to explain to those friends who have hitherto honoured me with their confidence and support, as well as to justify to them the course I have taken. —(Hear, hear.) I wish to assure them that had I not taken the course I have done, this Parliament would- have been broken up, and the defence of their interests would have been com mitted to the country, and another Parliament would have had the opportunity of reconsidertng the question of the eorn-laws. Circumstances occurred in the last autumn which would have precluded me from meeting Parliament on the principles I had previously entertained. A great calamity has mani fested itself, the limits of which were then, and are still, little known—(Cheers)—and it was evident to us that we should h ave grea t difficulty in con tending against that calamity. The calamity was not confined to Ireland, but it h a d a pp ea r e d, not only in many other parts of Europe, but in England itself. This ca l am i ty ma d e t h e Go vernment aware of the fact, that the time had arrived when a change in the corn laws became pressingly necessary ; and it was, then, our duty to our Sovereign. and the count r y t o ma k e known the nocesaty for this skimp, which existed in the .. ;s..i coming danger. Now, had we pretended only that there was apprehension of a scarcity, for the purposes of effecting an alteration in the corn-laws, nothing would have been more hue or dishonourable ; and you shall have the opportunity of judging of the importance of the in , - formation Nye received upon this calamity, and to deter mine whether or ne that information was not sufficient to justify the Government in warning the country against the coming danger.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") S ) strongly, indeed, was I impressed by this information of the necessity for a change that, in the month of No vember, I advised the suspension of the protective duties. n to ar w n e h l i ; c ,h the I m p u e s r t i particu larl betweeny a t u l l e u d 1 e s t —(Opposition cheers.) Th ere are t wo i mportant per i o d s i o n f N m o y ve e m xp be la r r I t B io 4 n s; and the 6th of November, 1845, and the 25th of Novem ber, 1845, and the 6th of December, 1848 ; but before I do so, I propose to read, in consecutive order, the information which we received at diffe - rent periods from different parts of Europe, which induce me to come to the conclusion I have done. The R;ght Hon. Baronet then read a series of letters from Belgium, Egypt, Poland, France, and other countries, detailing the great ravages of the potato disease in those places, Now with respect to England, this is the limit of the information which has reached us. I should mention that the first account we had of the failure of the potato crop was received from the Isle of Wight. A gentleman writes us on the 10th of August that he cultivates 300 acres, and he is also a salesman in London. He was elso engaged in the retail trade, and therefore fully com petent to give an opinion. Ho had examined the crops around Sandwich and its neighbour hood, and they were almost entirely destroyed. In Kent also the crop has been most seriously injured, as appeared by a letter received from Mr. Clay. In Yorkshire the crop has been even worse, for it appears by a letter from Mr. Wood, from that place, that the injury has been most extensive. Then from Scotland I received a letter from my friend the Member for Dumfries, in which he says that the po tatoes there, in many districts, were unfit for human food. This was the nature of the accounts which my right Hon. Friend and myself had been receiving during the months of October and November, and which we spent days and nights in reading. Then, as to the accounts which came from Ireland, it would appear by them that the people of that country chiefly subsist upon that article of food. It would be difficult to estimate the number that so exist ; but by the official accounts which we have received from that country from Sir W. Brown, Mr. Lucas, and Professor Kane, it appears that nearly four millions of the people of that country mainly depend upon the potato for their support. It is quite clear, then, that we have now to contend against a cala mity affecting no fewer than four millions of people.— (Hear, hear.) I will not enter into any details upon this subject, I will merely content myself with reading the aocounts we have received from the Lord Lieutenant, confirmatory of them.— (Hear.) The Lord Lieutenant stated in one of his letters that the evil will not be felt in all its intensity until the month of February or the beginning of spring; that is the stock of last year's potatoes. This, be 1.. remem bered, is the opinion of one who was chiefly responsible for guarding against any calamity.—(Hear, hear.) Now. after all the accusations which have been brought against me, I wish to place upon record what were the appre hensions of those who were responsible for the providing of mea , ures in order to meet this calamity. In a letter from the Lord-Lieutenant, he stated that the disease was very prevalent, and that results of an alarming nature might be anticipated, if measures wore not speedily taken to meet the evil. This letter was fol lowed by another, dated the 21st of October, in which he says that accounts still continue to pour in of a most discouraging nature; the extent of the calamity it would be impossible to calculate—potatoes were dry up, apparently in an healthy state, which in a few days presented all the appearances of decay. On the 24th Oct. another account reached us, in which we were told that the prices of the necessaries of life were rising, and that a epirit of discontent seemed spreading among the people, and urging upon us the necessity of adopting speedy measures in ,order to allay the feeling of the people, and wishing to know whether he should issue a proclama tion furbiddiog distillation from grain. This of tilt 24th was followed by another on the 29th, from Lord Haytesbury, in which he stated that he was most anxious to know the result of the deliberations of her Majesty's Ministers upon the state of the potato crop in Ireland, and that accounts from the constabulary tended to confirm the extent of the calamity. Communications were also received from the Lord Mayor of Dublin of a similar tendency, and urging upon us the necessity for prompt and effective measures. But not only had they had the opinions of the Lord Lieutenant, but also those of the Secretary to the Royal Agricul tural Association, contained in a letter of the date of the 17th November. In the postscript to his letter, he states that, since the letter was written, later reports of the wide-spreading calamity had reached him, and he could safely say that there was not a county in Ireland but was affected with the disease. That communication was from the Secretary of the Royal Agricultural Society of Ireland, who was certainly in possession of most extensive means of information. It came to hand on the 24th of October. I hold a letter from another gentleman, who is, perhaps, as well in formed as any man in the country, and he says, " that those who best know the country are the most puzzled to perceive a way out of the difficulty. Formerly we could, even in times of great scarceness, generally see some means for reliev ing the distress, and of carrying our people onward through to the time when the potato season returned. But now the case is very different, and we see no way whatever of getting through the winter. Shortly after this, the Duke of Leinster presided over a meeting called in Dublin to consider the state of the country, and there a resolution was carried, to the effect that unless the Lord Lieutenant took immediate steps for relieving the general distress that famine, pesti lence, and destitution would fill the land. He had also a letter to the same purport from Lord Clare. Impressed with these communica tions, we thought it our duty to send two, men both eminent in their way, and quite unconnected with the country. Professor Lindley and Dr. Playfair, who went - - c 'froth Dublin to Drogheda, passing through the several ounties.between the two, and their report ..was to the • eflat that where the crop was not entirely destroyed, the potato was in such a state as to be quite unfit for human sustenance.—(Hear.) At my request these eminent men placed their opinions npon record. It is from the 25th of November that I am re sponsible. On the let of November there was no agitation on the question, there was no petition, but the report received by the country fully and clearly showed to me the course which I ought to.take. The news from Belgium, and the state of the niarket at Liverpool fully- justifies 'the course of the-Gtivernnient ; and it was the knowlettge.of the fact that a great measure, such as- I now speak in 'fa vour of, being necessary, that I acted as I did. I was perfectly prepared to issue an order in Coun cil to throw open the ports. I was prepared to take the responsibility of that act, but I was overruled, and then it only remained for me to act as I subse quently did. I advised my colleagues to adopt the course of taking off the restrictions on foreign corn. On the 25th November it became necessary to consider what instructions should be issued. Those instructions were determined on, and we reserved to ourselves the option of acting as circumstances might determine. I however stated at that time that it appeared to me that the prescriptions issued were at variance with the information received from the Com missioners. On the Ist of September our position was entirely changed. I have no hesitation in saying that the agitation going forward in the country affected my own position. I had been overruled in the earlier part of our proceedings, when investigation would have been the more natural proceeding, and I admitted at once that the letter of the Noble Lord opposite (Lord John Russell) aided also to materially alter my position. It was wholly impossible for me, or those with whom I acted, to know whether there would be all this calami tous failure in the potato crop. I had felt on the 26th of November that there was no chance of bringing this matter to a successful issuse. I should have adopted precisely the same plan as that which was recommended in the letter of the Noble Lord (Lord J. Russell), and I had hoped that my views would have met with the unanimous con currence of the members of the Cabinet. I thought that there was a justification for extraordinary measures, and that such extraordinary measures would have been supported by the other aiembers of the Cabinet.—(Hear.) That was my conviction. But, finding that my feelings on this question were not similar to the rest of the Go vernment, I felt it my duty to resign the situation which I held. I felt it to be my duty, not being supported by the unanimous voice of the Cabinet—l felt it my duty humbly to tender my resignation to her Majesty. That resignation was accepted by her Majesty. Her Majesty then sent for the Noble Lord, the Member for London. The Noble Lord undertook to form a Ministry, and for a short period I was in the situation of a private Member of this House; and I do not hesitate to s ay that I would have done all in my po wer to p romote a settlement of slpliowcwhoeuarldcituouensftdacioerniliastaustctehhi t s e settlement of th e question. Loud cheers.) I re p eat i t, t h at circumstances have done a ll i n my Government of December, e e l s m be was r, ca pacity as first Minister of the then at an end in my I remained under the impression that my services were Crown, and that I was to return to this House had, in the Noble Lord opposite the mean had the Be th to form an as a private Member of Parliament. Whether on the 19th, the next day, I a the it was then intimated to me that the Noble Lord, when received a gracious intimation from her Majesty, to the mean time, e , a ware undertaken until Ttobuifsodramy, effect that she would wish to see me previous to taking a final farewell. I waited upon Noble Majesty accordingly, a th d e m M ini e s m tr b a e t r ion fo . r H L o o w nd e o v n er , , o eL d told that the N cr opposite had and I then was de clined to form an a d m inistration, and her Majes t y was desire that I should withdraw my hear.) ow, Ido not offer of resignation.—( , hesitate to say that as it was intimated to me that the Noble Lord had failed to form an administration, I con sented to withdraw my resignation, after a moment's consideration, and to ask my colleag ues i n off i ce to cooperate with me in complying with the wishes of , her Majesty.—(Hear, hear.) Sir, I no tice of have already given n my intentio n , on t h e t on an early day, t o su b m i t t h e part of the Governmen , measures we i n tend to propose for meeting th e exigen cies of the time, and I shall leave the justification of those measures for that occasion. My explanation, therefore, for the present rests here ; and I do hope, that after hearing the evidence in possession of the Government upon the anticipated calamity, i t w ill b e deemed sufficient for the present. Some may think that the conclusions I and others have come to are erro neous ; but I warn those who think so, that even now the extent of the calamity is not fully known. I Let them pause, therefo re, d before they at at press a con fident opinion upon ou r con uot. But, all events, EVENING. JANUAR 23 1846, I trust if I have not satisfied some of them that our conclusions were correct, at least they will admit our motives were honest.—(Hear, hear, and loud Opposition cheers.) Would it not have been derogatory to the agricultural interest, and degrading to ourselves, had we proposed to supply the deficiency in the potato crop in Ireland by relaxing the protective system in respect of oats, while we could have met the calamity in another and a better way, and given the people of Ireland corn instead of oats?— (Cheers.) Well, then, I trust we shall receive credit for the honesty of our conclusions, if our conclusions are not approved of.—(Hear, hear.) I felt that it was impossible to come down to the House with any partial measure, that only affected Indian corn. I could deal with Indian corn, and not at the same time deal with oats. If it was necessary to regulate any portion of the food of the people, it was requisite to take such measures as should at once and entirely set the question at rest. Sir, after the severe, the lengthened, and the incessant labour of the last session of Parliament, I say I do feel it hard to be thus con stantly misrepresented. Ido feel it hard that, after that labour, and when every hour of the recess has been em ployed in considering the large mass of evidence on this most important subject, that I should be made the con stant object of misrepresentation—(Loud and continued cheers)—and be told that I am altogether unworthy of the confidence of the agricultural interests.—(Cheers.) I have over and over again endeavoured to define the position which I hold with respect to party, the country, and myself. I have felt it neces sary, in justice to myself, and to every one of those who have preceded me in the office which I hold ; and yet, over and over again I have been told that the same power which placed me in this position could al ways unseat me from it.—(Loud cheers from the Op position.) I now here distinctly state that I do not owe my personal position to any man or body of men whatever, and in saying this, I distinctly say that I will never rely on any particular party for that support which I ought to receive only on the ground of the service which I may render to the State. For what is office, and what are the pleasures of these official duties ? Tho pleasure does not consist in that distribution of honours inseparable from the duties of a Prime Minister. Believe me, that the possession of the power of advising the Sovereign with regard to the highest rewards and highest offices is more than com pensated by the invidious duty of choosing and the dis appointment which any selection can make. I value not the power to the extent of one farthing fur any such pri vilege as that. So far as personal objects, then, are concerned, I have none of them.—(Hear, hear.) I have served under four Sovereigns George the Third and his three successors. In the reign of George the Third my office was of a very subordinate nature. I served under George the Fourth both as Regent and Sovereign. It has been my fate to hold some high office under each of these sovereigns, and, as I have served them in critical and difficult times, they have taken a favourable view of any services which I have rendered them. But to each of these in succes sion there was but one distinction—one reward—desired by me fur all that I had it in my power to do for them —that was, the simple assurance -that I had been to them a loyal and faithful servant.—(Bear, hear.) There is, Sir, that in office that it gives you great op portunities for rendering public service according to the best of your judgment, that constitutes the realsvalue of official power. I can say with trath I have not abused that power for any unworthy object. I have always en deavoured to use that power for the promotion of the public interest and the advancement of the public good, nor can I charge myself with having acted at variance with the principles of a true and comprehensive Conser vative. I cannot think it has been at variance with Conservative honour that . I have attempted to repair the disasters of Caubul, to infuse into the Indian army that spirit which had been checked by misfortune and defeat. I cannot think it incon sistent with a true Conservative if we have allayed that animosity which has long prevailed between ourselves and a great and powerful neighbour. I cannot think t inconsistent with true Conservatism that we should have been enabled, with truth, to hear that sentence from her Majesty's Speech, " that our relations with France might ever be conducive to the public interest." I cannot think it inconsistent with the principles of a true Conservative that we have been en abled, with truth, to listen to such a passage. It is not inconsistent with the principles of a true Con servative, that we endeavour to extract from the recol lections of all our former exploits everything that can savour of bitterness. It is not inconsistent with the principles of a true Conservative that we are trying to engage in rivalry—not in the field of blood, but on the field of honourable _negotiation— the advancement of commerce and the improvement of the social condition. I cannot think it inconsistent with true Conservatism to have reduced taxation.--(Hear, hear.) I cannot think it inconsistent with true Conservatism to have extin guished agitation and to have discouraged sedition, not by coercive laws—(Hear, hear)—but by creating an impression on the part of the great body of this kingdom, that we, the rich and powerful, are ready to take our share of the public burdens, and to relieve them from oppressive measures.—(Hear, hear.) The duty of conducting the affairs of this country is, indeed, a most arduous undertaking.—(Hear, hear.) I may say it without irreverence, that the ancient institutions of our country rre like our physical frame—fearfully and wonderfully made ; that it is no easy task to ensure the contentment of an ancient monarchy, a proud aristo cracy, and a reforming public.—(Loud cries of " Hear, bear.") I have done every thing that I could do, consistently with Conservative policy, to reconcile those three branches of the Legislature, and make them harmonise in action. I thought it consis tent with true Conservatism to promote as much as pos sible content among the people—to cause the voice of dissatisfaction to be no longer heard—to prevent any destruction of our ancient institutions, and to give all our fellow-countrymen an opportunity of living in peace ful enjoyment of their rights. These are what I have attempted to do, and I have thought it consistent with pure and enlarged Conservative principles. lam ready to bear the scorn and the ridicule of the public for the part which I have taken on this question, but I will not do it with mutilated and shackled powers.—(Cheers from the Opposition.) I will not stand at the helm during the tetnpestuous nights which I have seen, if that helm is not committed to my uncontrolled guidance. I will not undertake to direct the course of the vessel if I am not permitted to make my own obser vations and to act according.—(Cheers.) I will reserve to myself the right of my own private judgment as to the course which I should pursue in the govern ment of the country. I do not wish to be the Minister of England ; but while I am the Minister of England I will hold the office by no servile tenure —(Loud cheers) — I will hold the "office unshackled by any other obligations than the consulting of the public interest and providing for the public safety.—(Loud and continued cheering, in the midst of which the Right Hon. Baronet resumed his seat.) Lord J. RUSSELL said—Sir, I rise up at this early period of the session, to explain the part that I have taken in the matter to which the Right Hon. Gentleman has referred ; and I would not have done so now, but that the Right Hon. Gentleman was aware that such was my intention. Before I had resolved upon adopt • ing this course, I communicated with the Right Hon. Gentleman, and I stated to him that, if it would create any inconvenience to the public service, I would be ready to postpone my explanation to a later period of the session. In answer to that the Right Honourable Gentleman stated, that not only would it be quite in accordance with the wishes of her Majesty, but also con sistent with the convenience of the public service that I should enter upon this explanation now. I shall there fore proceed to do so, with the understanding that I shall be excused for doing so, by reason of the willingness the Right Hon. Gentleman has expressed that I should do so. Before I do so, however, I think it necessary to refer to a letter he has mentioned, detailing the circumstances which led to his resignation. Early in the month of No vember the Lord Provost of Edinburgh invited me to re ceive the freedom of that city, and to be present at a public dinner. In accepting that invitation I took especial care not to make any reference whatever to the measures then under consideration ; and the Lord Provost expressed his regret that I did not state my opinion in reference to the corn-laws. I said that I was unwilling to do so, entertaining as I did very strong opinions in respect to those laws, an expression of which might have the effect of embarrassing the public coun cils, as well as myself. But I saw by the public prints, and the London Garotte, the state of the rublic mind on this question, as well as the manner in which it had been dealt with by the Government ; and, finally, after many discussions, I saw an announcement of a further proro gation of Parliament. Under those circumstances, I did think that her Majesty's Ministers had not been per forming their duty to their Sovereign or to the country, and I did entertain the opinion that it would be advisable to call the Parliament together at an early period to consider the corn-laws.—(Hear, hear.) I also had seen announcements of the failure of the potato crop in Ireland. The Right Honourable Gentleman has stated to-night that the Government Commissioners reported that the food of five millions of the people of that co n try was the potato ; that one-half of that crop .had failed ; that one-eighth of it would -be necessary for seed, and that therefore only three-eighths of it re mained for food.—(Hear.) I did consider that such a state of things was most alarming, and demanded im mediate consideration, and it would appear that s stood not alone in this opinion.—(Hear.) It appearsa d fo r nowm e d that the Right Hon. Gentleman himself h and three the same opinion, and that he of his colleagues had expr essed as much in the Cabinet Council. In this state of ciroumstanees pub lished a letter on the 26th of November,ls vhich the Right Hon. Gentleman has alluded. That otter did, certainly, state very strongly my opinion_ that the pre sent Government we re not as active as the circumstances demanded, and I suggested that the public should ex press constitutionally its opinion as to the remedy that should be deemed necessary. I cannot but think I was right in adopting this course ; and from what has trans pired, it would now appear that the Right Honourable Gentleman concurs with me in that opinion.—(Cheers.) I know that there are some men of low minds who have said that that letter was nothing more than advertising myself for office.--(Hear, hear.) But I trust I need scarcely say, that nothing could be further from my thoughts.—(Cheers.) I did it only for the purpose of placing upon record the expression of my opinion, that the Government should yield to the pressure of circum stances, and save the confusion and accumulation of serious evils.—(Hear, hear.) On the 26th of No vember, the Right Honourable Gentleman again nrged that the ports should still be opened for the admission of grain, and that the corn-laws should be considered ; but unfortunately the Cabinet did not agree with him, and difficulties to so great an extent followed, as to lead the Right Hon. Gentleman to believe he could not carry on the Government, and on the 6th of December he resigned office. On the Bth or 9th of the same month, I had the honour to receive her Majesty's command to wait upon her at the Isle of Wight, and I did so upon the 11th. It could not but be apparent to me that her Majesty had received the resignation of her Government, and had sent for me for the purpose of consulting me as to the formation of a new Administra tion. I felt that the only course left me was to decline doing so, because I was aware that the party who usually concur with my views upon public questions were in a Minority of about ninety in this House, and therefore I did not think I would be warranted in exposing her Ma jesty and the country to the chances of a dissolution of a Government almost as soon as it was formed.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") Ido not think it necessary to enter into any explanation here of the rea sons why the party who support me in this House are so inferior in number ; but I must say that during the time we were in the Administration, our motives were never fairly comprehended, and our measures never re ceived a fair consideration from our political opponents. —(Hear, hear.) Be that as it may, we were in a mino rity, and, therefore, under these considerations I did not think I would be warranted in f , rrning an Adminis tration. Her Majesty having stated to me that she had sent for me for the purpose of forming an administration, I asked if the present Government were aware of her having done so, and she answered me by placing a paper in my hands, con taining the resignation of the Right Honourable Gen tleman, his reason for doing so, and expressing his will ingness to afford every assistance in his power to the new Ministry, for the adoption of measures for the settlement of the corn-laws.—(Hear, hear.) I then stated to her Majeaty that that document altered the state of the question, and that with her d on i n for fo r nt that ahet i Secretaryopurpose, could f permission, I wou ld consu l t w i t h a f ew o f th ose w ith London I h a d b een in the habit of acting. I came to a o n r d :h require eH I f o ro i mustnme s pt a h y eep , aß l ritgm r h e et c n e nt, iv o e inn d . all Gentleman, o the reference to the causes which led to the resignation of the Right Hon. Gentleman. I then called my friends together, with a view of framing a measure for the set lement of the corn-law question, a measure which I con sidered would be of the greatest possible advantage to the country, inasmuch as it would net only tend to put an end to present grievances, but would be attended by much future good.—(Cheers.) But there was another question for consideration, if he was to undertake the settlement of the corn-law question. Whether was he to attempt to effect the object by endeavouring to obtain a majority in the House, or was he to propose to her Majesty a dissolution of Parliament in order to ascertain the strength of the popular opinion. —(Hear, hear.) He confessed it appeared to him that if it could be possible to obtain a settlement of the question without having recourse to a general election—without putting in collision the manufacturing and 'commer cial interests against the larded and agricultural interest, it would be unquestionably for the benefit of the country at large.—(Hear, hear.) But it was im possible for him to expect such an amount of confidence from the House, if he could not secure the support of those who agreed with him in the measures he had in view—of those who were in the habit of supporting him in absolute free trade principles, but also of the support of the Right Hon. Baronet opposite, and those who had been his supporters when he proposed a relaxation of the protective duties. The Right Hot. fiantleman, for potent reasons, which it was unnecessary for him to go into, thought it not right that a person not in the ser vice of the Crown should be consulted upon measures that might be brought forward not upon his own respon sibility. He (Lord John Russell) had to consider what were the kind of measures which, if he were successful in forming a Government, it would be his duty to pro pose.—(Hear, hear.) Under these circumstances, he thought it necessary to have a consultation with those who had been his colleagues ; for the letter to which he had adverted, had been written from a strong feeling of public duty. and the apprehension of public danger, and two persons only had been cognisant of his intention to write it. He had consulted with them, and with persons dispersed in different parts of the country, in order to ascertain how far they might agree, before he undertook the settlement of the corn law question, or endangered the public convenience by proposing a mea sure which might not meet with public approval. The grounds upon which he stated that the corn-law question ought to be settled were : fist, that he thought the im position of any duty at present, without a provision for an ultimate extension, would but be prolonging a contest which ought, upon many accounts, to be discontinued. He also said that no Government, or legislative body, could satisfactorily regulate the corn-laws.—(Hear.) He also stated in his letter, very clearly, the objects to be obtained ; but he suggested, farther on, that the Minister should propose such a revision of the taxes as would tend to equalize the public burdens, and that he should add, also, such other measures as scrupulous forbearance might suggest. These were his general principles. He did consult with his colleagues, and the result of his deliberation could best be given in a letter which he addressed to her Ma jesty. Part of that letter had reference to the Right Hon. Baronet opposite. He (Lord J. Russell) could not read it, without referring to the measures the Right Hon. Gentleman said he had in contemplation, which, with his permission, I will read to the House:— "Chesnam-place, Dee. 16, 1845. " Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has the honour to submit to your Majesty the following considera tions : " Sir Robert Peel's letter to your Majesty, communicated to Lord John Russell at Osborne House, offers the support of Sir Robert Peel to his successors, provided their measures should be founded on cer tain principles, which are there explained, and framed in a spirit of caution and forbearance towards the interests to be effected. " The measures which Sir Robert Peel had in contemplation appear to have been—a present suspension of the duties on corn ; a repeal of the corn-laws at no remote period, preceded by a diminution of du ties ; relief to the occupiers of land from burdens by which they are peculiarly affected, so far as it may be practicable. " Upon full consideration of these proposals, Lord John Rnssell is prepared to assent to the opening of the ports, and to the fiscal relief which it was intended to afford. . "But upon maturely weighing the second proposal, namely, that by which duties would, after a suspension or temporary repeal, be re-imposed and again diminished, there appear to film to be grave objections to such a measure. _ _ " The advantage given thereby to the land appears to him more apparent than real ; the uncertainty of prices in future years would be aggravated, and the prospect of a complete free trade would be still kept in the distance ; the prospect alarming the farmer, and the distance irritating the merchant and manufacturer. " In this view he finds that many persons deeply engaged in the maintenance and support of the agricultural class entirely partici pate. " So great an object as the settlement of this question, might in deed be held sufficient to justify the support of Sir Robert Peel's Ad ministration, had they proposed such a measure. Rut, as Lord John Russell is placed at present, he could not himself propose a measure against which the weight of argument, as well as public opinion, ap pears to him to preponderate. " Had the harvest been plentiful, and corn cheap, it might have been very advisable to have diminished the duties gradually ; but the restoration of a duty after suspension has all the appearance of a protective law. " Lord John Russell humbly submits to your Majesty, that should the proposal of an immediate repeal, instead of immediate saspen sion and ultimate repeal of the corn-law, preclude Sir Robert Peel from affording that support to the new Government which he so spontaneously and handsomely offered in his letter of the 13th of December, Lord John Russell must humbly decline the task so gra ciously confided to him by your Majesty. " Lord John Russell concurs with the reasoning of Sir Robert Peel, which shows the inexpediency of pledging him to the outline of a series of measures. " The measures for fiscal purposes, therefore, would have to be considered in detail by those alone who may be in your Majesty's service. " Lord John Russell treats that your Majesty will attribute the re luctance which he feels to undertake the Government, without a previous knowledge of the opinion of Sir Robert Peel, M kis very deep sense of the injury the country may sustain from the rejection of a measure of such vital importance, and not to a desire to obtain a security for those who may be in power." The Nobler Lord proceeded to say, her Majesty had been graciously pleased to answer his letter on the same evening, stating that she had for warded it to Sir Robert Peel, and that she fully under stood the motives by which he had been guided in endea vouring to secure the greatest possible support for the measures he wished to propose.—(Hear, hear.) It would be necessaay for him to say, in the position he at present occupied, that he had been unable to bring those who consulted him to an agreement on the question of the corn-laws.—(Hear, hear.) All those whom he had consulted had at a previous period belonged to her Majesty's Privy Council. Her Majesty, on the following day, desired that he should attend her at Windsor Castle, and when he arrrived she handed him a letter from Sir Robert Peel, dated the 11th December:— " Whitehall, Dee. 17. 1545. " Sir Robert Peel presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and takes the earliest opportunity of acknowledging the receipt of your Majesty's letter of yesterday, which reached him at a late hodr last night. " Sir Robert Peel feels assured that y our Majesty will permit him humbly to refer to the communications he has addressed to your Majesty since his tender of his resignation, and as an evidence won t of e arnest desire to co-operate in a p rivate ca p acity in the adjustmen the question of the corn-laws. "In the letter of Lord John Russell to year Majesty, he expresses inexpediency, of pledging Sir his concurrence in the reationiungobeofreSirpeeßlebt.V.l.P. oln chat a series of ,meas ure s connected with the settl ement of that question. " Lord John Russell req uires, at the same time , tha t Sir Robert ee u whi e Peel should give assurances which amount substantially to a pledge, shosth that he will support one of those measures, namely, the immediate and total repeal of the corn-laws. " Sir Rober Peel humbly expresses to your Majesty his regret that he does net feel it to be consistent with his duty to enter upon the consideration of this important question in Parliament, Being fet tered by a previous engagement of the nature of that required from him." And now he (Lord John R ussell) must sa y that the Right Hon. Baronet had somewhat misunderstoo d the meaning of what he wi shed to conve y in that firs t letter. What e (Lordgom the Rightjolinßussel wished was, no t a pre vious pledge Hon. Baron e t, b ut h e h thought, as he had stated the general nature of the measures they should propose, that if they should hi m , or go to a greater le ng th, t h ey would incur a f ter wards propose a different measure with out inform ingthe evil to which he had alluded. The letter he had read seemed to him to amount substantially, that he should be quite ready, and wou ld not be precluded from concurring in such a measure, and supporting it if he thought right, if it were proposed by a Minister of the Crown. He (Lord John Russell) was of opinion, that the task was subject to risk, and full of danger and peril, yet placed as they were, they should meet it boldly, and assure her Majesty they were ready to un der take it.--(Hear, hear.) He was not, when he came to the determination, blind to his heavy responsibility. He had already said he wished the question 'of the corn-laws settled without any violent struggle between different interests. He was aware—he hardly knew how he could express the opinion—but he knew many persons thought both agriculturists and those in terested in manufactures, and a portion of the liberal party, while they would support a repeal of the corn- Isere, if brought forward by him (Lord J. Russell), would like better to support it if brought forward by the, Right Honourable Baronet opposie.—(Oh, oh !) And that on the other hand there were many who fol lowed the Right Hon. Gentleman who would give him thtiir confidence if they saw him in office and power, but wl to would not vote for the same measures if ho (Lord John Russell) had proposed them. That was a fact, and it was an opinion conveyed to him by many persons whom he knew, by others whom he bad never spoken to,, and by many others who, at Manchester and at other places, were anxious for the settlement of the corn-law question. It would have been a hazardous task for him to undertake such a measure ; but while he thought the Right Mo e Ge a ntl a il We opposite and his colleagues would give therehl e al re w ir er : :support upon the question, be thoughtthe Noble Lord who that many—for instance such pers ons as moved the Address—who would support him if th S tr N _., ..„.._ thought the measures were really required by the exi A :) . / (4..714rr---- ~... geneies of the country.—(Bear.) But he would have bee V ..,k taking a great risk upon himself ; and if he and his c e d ,,C4 b .::;i1::;";04-4;0;‘, 0 leagues should have failed in that endeavour—if th y - :: , :l-rsz;=7-:'; 1 h1.''. ,- . I-- should have been defeat e d i n 'she House—after encou Li..\:,.1,c,`_;1:;,,,5-A1,(47,7:1,"c..,,,4 tering a protracted str ugg l e — or if some new Admini f:;,.`,• . ;11.< =',.!- , ----,... - >/t-.-1 tratlon should have been f orme d i t° make a new settle- Z -1 ri . „,...A . L i rnent , doubtedly upon hateh im f s a e l l le f n an t d he h b is iam co e lle o a f grs would most X an, L T 1 . irelvt wing attempted to ; .Z. 4 .;47 perform that which they could not accoCuplish.—(Hear.) I did consider that all the parties ought: to be of one mind; that they should all bear the risk, ,:nd be pre pared to encounter the opposition, and to give their cordial co-operation and advice as official Minis Or- I must say of those with whom I concerted generally, :hat I have to bear my testimony that they looked only te the national good; they did not consider whether it would be advantageous to their pretty or to themselves should the administration be formed, but upon all the great questions called upon to decide there was entire unanimity. It was on the 18th of December that he undertook to form a ministry. But, Sir, on the follow ing morning, after I had made some arrangements, I found that one of those with •whom I was to act had an objection to join me, w.ijch I found impossible to overcome, and, consequently, the, I should lose his as sistance in the Administration. Ido not think it neces sary to state the nature of the ground of his objection -1 it is enough to say that it would have deprived me of hie assistance in the Government ; nor do I think it scarcely necessary, as his name has so often been men tioned, to inform you that the - individual was L-Rd Grey. With the highest respect for that Noble Lord, considering his great talents, taking into account his great courage and honesty.—(Hear, bear)—l should nevertheless have thought that upou a common occasion the loss of an individual even of his importance would have prevented me from attempting the formation of a Ministry. When I saw the great risk we were incurring, and the necessity there was that we should all hold together upon these questions. When I considered, also, that my Noble Friend was the first among those who were acting with him in a measure which contemplated free trade in corn and who considered it desirable for the country in its present; state. When I put these things together I thought that the task of forming a Government without my Noble Friend interpretationww were re s eo a ul t a, a l s s k enno t h tt a from oluv would should o:tl hd atconsider nbe Ministry, thatbn p e i suttry, ifni up justified in undertaking. I Noble ahlils kai kinds of Consideri ng , therefore, the absolute tohyna n t ecessity, as I thought there w as , for complete agreement — considering the importance of the person who could not take a part in the Administration—l came to the con clusion that it was necessary for me to give up the task which her Majesty had graciously imposed upon me. When I considered that for eight days the country had been in expectation, and that the want of a Government was very serious, I could not-but think, whatever col league might leave me, that it would be impossible to at tempt the settlement of those great questions • which agi , tated the public mind. It was, Sir, in this mind that I waited upon her Majesty, on the 20th of December, with the following letter, which I will now read to the House:— " Chesham-place, Dee. 20, 1845. " Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to yen Majesty, and has the honour to state that he has found it impossible to form as Administration. " Lord John Russell was aware from the first moment when yotur Majesty was pleased to propose to him this commission, that theret were very groat difficulties in the way, which it required the most , cordial co-operation on the part of his friends, and the firm support of a large portion of those who followed Sir Robert Peel, to sur mount. " Lord John Russell has had solely in view the settlement of the question of corn-laws by which the country is so much agitated. " Those who have served your Majesty and your royal predecessor in cabinet offices during the administrations of Lord Grey and Lord Melbourne, who were now in political connexion with Lord John Russell, were consulted by him. They agreed on the principles by which they would be guided in framing a measure for the repeal of the corn-laws. Thus one great diffieulty was surmounted. But as the party which acts with Lord John Russell is in a minority in both Houses of Parliament, it was necessary to ascertain how far they were likely to obtain the support of Sir Robert Peel. " Your Majesty is acquainted with all that has passed - on this subject. Lord John Russell is quite ready to admit that Sir Robert. Peel has been willing from the commencement to the end to di minish the difficulties in the course of a new Government, prepared to attempt the settlement of the corn-laws. But Sir Robert Peel could not, of course, rely on the support of his political friends should the proposed measure be in their eyes dangerous and Unwise " In this uncertainty of obtaining a majority in the House of Commons, it was absolutely necessary that all those who were pre inthent in the political party to which Lord John Russell is at tached should give their zealous aid, and act in concert in the new Administration. " Lord John Russell has, in one Instance, been unable to obtain this concert, and he must now consider that task as hopeless, which has been from the beginning hazardous. "Lord John Russell is deeply sensible of the embarrassment caused by the present state of public affairs. He will be ready, therefore, to do all in his power, as a member of Parliament, to promete the settlement of that question, which, in present circumstances, is Use source of so much danger, especially to the welfare and peach o Ireland. " Lord John Russell would have formed his ministry on the bails of a complete free trade in corn, to be established at once without gradation er delay. Ile would have accompanied that proposal wit& _ measures of relief to a considerable extent, of the occupiers of land, from dispos t ed he t b o u i rd n s e i l a is t, t a o s w a h m i c o h m t h h e e r y o l f ir p e ar s u l bj i a e m c t e e n i. But t, on h what e maywil b l seem l i t t t l o e your Majesty's advisers an impracticable course. The country re quires, above all things, an early and peaceable settlement of a question, which if not so settled, may In an adverse state of affairs cause a fearful convulsion." Now, Sir, I should state, that I owe the greatest gratitude to her Majesty for the very gracious manner in which, in her communications, she entrusted me with this task, and for the facilities which she always afforded me in orderto lessen the difficulties of the task Died under taken. Her Majestyhas imposed on me a sacred obligation, which I shall feel to the end of my days. Also, to the Right Hon. Gentleman, that the offers made were en tirely spontaneous upon his part ; and with regard to his after communications, there was nothing in them which tended at all to make my task more difficult than before. With reference to my Noble Friend Lord Grey, I am sorry that I was not able to overcome his objec tions, but in justice to him he must say that his objec tions were not of a personal nature, but were founded upon what he considered to be for the public good. As to the question that is now agitated, the settlement of the corn-laws, I do hope that we may be able to come to such an agreement as may afford the country hope of its peaceable settlement. I saw with no inconsiderable sur prise that at a meeting of the agricultural interest it was stated that the danger had been exaggerated, and that the great scarcity does not exist, and that the prospect of famine is chimerical. Therefore, leave the pro tective laws as they are at present. But do these gentle men never carry their thoughts forward ? do they never consider that if it has pleased Providence to visit us with an affliction which is lighter than we at first dreaded, do they never think that they may not always have this consolation ?—(Hear, hear.) Do they never think that a time may come when the scarcity will be undoubted?—when it will come home to the eyes and understandings, and feelings of every man ?—when the near prospect of a nation's famine may be too real and too near, not to appal the stoutest heart among us ? Do they wish to wait for such a time ?—(Heer, bear.) Do they think it desirable that the settlement of the corn laws should be delayed until we have a year of famine, when there will be no power of choice, no discretion; when there shall be nothing left to them but a humiliat ing capitulation to the multitude who will then demand, sternly demand, the instant repeal of this odious tax, which limit the supply of food.—(Hear, hear.) Do any of them say that in a season of scarcity the law of 1842 is sufficient to provide for the food of the people better than the free, full, and entire admission of foreign corn ? The House had heard this evening what were the opinions of the minister who proposed that law in 1842—what lie considered to be the result of his ob servations and his experience. He, with all his natural talents, his acquired experience, he, placed at the head of the affairs of the country, having to watch over them, and feeling the responsibility which he had so truly described, and which, although the highest post of trust and honour to which a subject can attain, is at the same time the most grave, if not the most alarming station.—(Hear, hear.) I do t_ trust,t, therefore, that we are about to see a sett the eaelelnoevntrof 1 I I . great, this important question. When e ti r , s, hiive " shall bring forward their measur es, I may, p p .. accompany it, and as to th- e :I of the law of 1842 ; for ni so e m s e su o r e b s i e ts r v e a l f t : o w n s t w o el m l a a s k e .. , t, both o to ethhe as peri I t o o cryis the io n n ws a a w t i t I t hi r pi e cgh o t env t oe h wn e to t h e present time for a aepe of such ques tions.itshepresent people always I of s nur Ireland.—( H ear, uppermost i t, a n h refrain dt o te.o w o_a e eo t(vhffi Minist e rl i e ro noe r lfe , m Grma r e ephroly:a f av t h o e snehmp r e nideemi to, hear.) n. r e h a i) g n naw o tt di scussio nomtlhohlpt when a s e pns a nother subject, ur u yutt el b hncd : boii e tneuui c hken t p oasp , t vroo w tenyhsf h s,bti Inbh c heal h ieenlds elithneaavtbellefhtodeor to Prime t t h h e ae p p ps u lt ya r p subject. But I will not deny that I do think, with refe rencel succeeded in forming the Ministry, by placing the Go vernment of that country in the hands of a person who, by means of conciliation and firmness, would have allayed many of the evils under which the people of Ireland are now suffering. I do think that if I were to succeed in carrying the Bill with reference to taking the restrictive and prohibitory duties off corn, and many of the more essential articles of manufactures, I do think that I should be able to propose a large and comprehen sive plan for the amelioration of the condition of the people of Ireland, which should be the foundation for future Governments to act upon. I did certainly indulge such a dream with respect to the people of Ireland, that I regret my expectation of forming a Government was disappointed. I cannot assent to any opinion in favour of the wisdom of the conduct of the present Govern ment, from the time they first came into office up to the present time. I see at the present time, according to the Queen's Speech,:that dreadful acts of premeditated assas sination have occurred lately in that country. But there are in Ireland two violent parties bound to gether by associations. The one asking that dangerous, and, as I consider, fatal measure, the repeal of the Union ; the other issuing addresses, from which it is obvious that they consider partiality still to be the rule, and that their Roman Catholic fellow-subjects are not en titled to the same favour from the Legislature as the favoured Protestant part of the community. While I see Ireland divided between these two parties—while I see each of them so firmly bound together, I cannot ()or sider that there is a prospect, either of that peace . o W I 11 8 Ireland, or of that affection to this country hi ought say, th t a o t w a i n s y h th t i o ng p t r h e a v t ai h l. as I b cannot een done, :. I t taan do i ng, wl s orry ffecjir i l establish that peace, and procure f - le erated he reason why I was sSwtihgrr, when h w we i rh l lamntoa Majesty enter eesrtye further wthaesp tran sac tions into t o li b e i w r s hu e t s .pc u oh b n j a Government. h I have ave stated my views shortly with unable to do so. others ; and I policy ar t e ha f t o is r t p he rs be ue n d efi b t y of o that, whether in office or office, the sat i t o r w esr a t m isdesstsi loudon I shall be ready to give my hearty assent to met urea which I think of Parliament.— (The I trust that the freedom of industry and commerce Lo A m E rd LI next rose to address the House, but, r h e ar c e no t : o t n h l e y so say . t m a y th Mr .e dat e NDoibSlefilr commencement, he was extremely indistinct, in consequence of the noise caused by Members leaving the House. He said—lt is only sine I entered the House e mt ou t'eoockrot oulonuhlttaa er forcevyoef;