The Sun. — London, England, 1852-11-12 00:00:00

NDON, FRIDAY EVENING, NOVEMBER 12, 1852. E SUN, LO people of Ireland. There might be agrarian crimes, and no man lamented them more than he could do; but what were the crimes there, compared to the crimes in this country? He would venture to say that for one crime committed in Ireland there were fifty committed in this country. It did Lot become a Minister of the Crown who wished to have no amendment proposed, who wished that this House should wear the appearance of a happy and united family on a large scale, to place such a paragraph in the Royal Speech. He would not now enter into the subject, but he thought that when they talked of a liberal and generous policy towards Ireland, they might have been told, when the Landlord and Tenant Bill, which the Attorney-General for Ireland had promised them, was to be laid upon the table. (Hear.) The} ought also to have been told whether her Majesty's Govern ment intended to have an inquiry into Maynooth , whether there was any intention to interfere with the noblest and best institution in Ireland, the national education; for he saw in the recent appointment to the episcopal bench in that coun• try of a man who, however estimable he might be in other respects, was only known to the public by his hostility to the national system of education—he saw in that appointment an indication that some new light had beamed upon the chival rous mind of Lord Derby, who had formerly established the system, and that he was now about to alter it. (Hear.) lie hoped the Ministry would not change their minds on this subject, as they appeared to be abbut to change their minds on Protection. And with reference to this latter subject he must remind them that, if they advocated free trade, they must do so without entertaining the idea of compensation to the landed interest at the public expence. The country was determined that there should be no compensation—they denied that any injury had been done. If the Ministry wished to retain power, it must be on these terms ; if on these terms they wished to live infamous and contented, he did not envy them. (Hear, hear.) These were the expres sions which the Right Hon. Gentleman had used against Sir Robert Peel. He knew he could not imitate the eloquence of the Right Hon. Gentleman, but he had used them, he was sure, with greater sincerity and devotion to the cause he advocated. (Hear.) Mr. ADDERLEY deprecated these constant attacks upon the Ministry before they had had time to develop their mea sures. He felt that those attacks would ultimately recoil on those who made them; but he would appeal to honourable gentlemen, whether it would not be better for their own cha racter and comfort, and more in accordance with the dignity of the House itself, if they waited to have something to at tack, instead of making these debates a gratuitous outlet for the promptings of pure and simple malevolence. It might be very well for certain organs of the Press, who were in want of information, and were in ignorance of the facts, to fabricate their intelligence, and to have recourse to fiction; but such a course did not become the members of the Legislature. The co nclusion he drew from the disputed paragraph was — that her Majesty's Government had entirely, and for ever, given up the notion of attempting to restore protective duties, but that they were about to test the opinions of the House, whe ther the removal of those duties had inflicted injuries upon any class, and if so, they would bring forward measures which were already prepared to give compensation for those inju ries. But who were the parties who were opposed to the Government? First of all, there was the late Ministry, Next there was a party who were strangely in hostility to the pre sent Ministry—the leaders and the staff of the old Conserva tive party, of which the present Government formed a por tion. And last of all there was the party who ought to have the full credit of the recent legislation—the party headed by the honourable member for Wolverhampton, who ought to receive the title of Friend of the Poor Man, and to have the credit of those measures for which so much credit had improperly been given to the late Sir Robert Peel. Now, for what was it that these parties b lamed th e present Go vernment? For inconsistency and w ant of purpose. But he would ask, in the first place, what right had the members of the late Government to talk of inconsistency; what con sistency had they shown on the subject of the appropriation c lause? (Hear.) What consistencehad the Noble Lord shown only three ~ r four months ago on the subject of the Militia Bill? What consistency had he shown on the sub jsct of a dissolution of Parliament , when he first advised her Majesty against a dissolution, and when he pressed for a oi,solution in this House only atm days afterwards? (Hear, hear.) Then, again, for what did the second party to whom he referred blame them? Because they would not make such a recantation as Sir Robert Peel, when in 1846 he not only announced his intention to introduce a measure for the repeal of the corn-laws, but netted that every argument ,They would all recol lect ol c which he had used with so mud con vincing eloquence in former years he now recanted. A n d what did the Right Honourable h owh t Me House ember for wase electrified Carlisle tra l od w hen he announced that the eloquence which he had employed in defence of the corn laws for a whole lustrum was to be swept away by one arbitrary sentence—and how they were called upon without reason assigned to take the new &turn instead of the old arguments. But this was a recantation which . . was little the honesty, of the Right Honourable Gentleman. (Hear, hear.) Theo, with regard to tne Free-traders themselves. creditable to the salacity, however creditable. it might be to They seemed to be like the children in the Market-place— there was no pleasing them. If the Ministry announced themselves to be Protectionists tsey were not pleased, and if they announced themselves to beFree-traders they were just as little pleased. They said that Ministers had given up the principle of protection. He deni3d that it was a principle at all. Its was only a measure founded upon the far weeper principle of justice—the principle that all classes should be taxed alike. Now, he consicheed at first, and he still con sidered, that taxation pressed heavily upon the land, and therefore he had supported protection; but now that protection was thrown aside , the same principle of ju stice called upon them t o ad j ust the inequality which the removal of Protectiot had introduced. (Hear, hear.) Let him remind the House how the party now in power was formed. It was formed, after many years of la bour, by Sir Robert Peel, and wss perfected in 1841. When that great man left them, with hmour to himself, as he (Mr. Adderley) had always maintained, in 1846, the bulk of the party could not follow him in his alteration of opinion, and great indignation was expressed that the country gentlemen did not follow their leader in twt different operations at a moment's notice. But while he admired the self-denial of Si: Robert Peel, and was satisfied that the country would appreciate the sacrifices he had made for what he believed to be right, still he thought it was hard on the part of those who admired only the last phase of that great statesman's policy, that they should condemn the country gentlemen of England for having been too much impressed with the argu ments and the eloquence of his preceding phases to be ready to give them up at a moment's notice. (Hear, hear.) He hoped, then, that the Government had said enough to satisfy the House, and that these attacks would be desisted from, at least until the Ministry had declared the policy which they meant to pursue. Mr. COBDEN said he did not suppose it was necessary to impress his Honourable Friend the Member for Wolver hampton with the propriety of not listening to the advice which came from the other side of the House. He believed his Honourable Friend duly appreciated the position of the country with reference to this question. His Honourable Friend had faithfully represented the principle of Free Trade in the House, and now that the Country was occupied with their discussion on this question, they expected that it would be brought to some definite result. He would ask , plain, honest, simple, fair minded position people eof thish country h n t t t ry e could possibly say that this sufficient solution of the f our teen years' controversy that, to his knowledge and was clause p the Queen's Speech was such experience, had been carried on ? Why, if he read the paragraph aright, it altogether put the question into a form which was hot intended to mean any thing. The paragraph began with an " if;" it was put hypothetically, and might mean nothing at all. How y y co uld it be said, then , that this would satisfy the coun r .le thought, on his Honourable Friend had very wisely pledged himself befo re the country that within a fort nightu sti oen therefore, in which h that ich interested? the were so deepl he would bring th is question substantially before the Iy a q House. But now suppose it be true what the Chancellor of the Exchequer had stated_and he understood that what the Noble Lord at the heat of the Government had said in another place was confirmatory —suppose it be true that the Cabinet had resolved to adopt the principle of unrestricted commerce, where would be the difficulty and the delay to which his Honourable friend's resolution bad given rise? lie would undertake to say that his Honourable Friend's re solution would do no mere than affirm the principle of unre stricted commerce. Tee Chancellor of the Exchequer said that was the opinion of th e Cabinet. Very well. The Right Honourable Baronet hid only to get up and second the mo tion of his Hon. Friend the Member for Wolverhampton— (Laughter) —and in one short hour—for he could promise the Right Hon. Gentleman he would not be troubled with many speeches afterwi e d t _ the question would be disposed of. (Hear, hear.) But thin this:must not be mixed up with other questions. The Hen Member for Wolverhampton had too much experience of this House, and had seen too much of what was required fir the successful advocacy of any mea sure, to allow one Hind question to be mixed up with others. They must have th s pure and simple Free Trade principle a ffi r med —a principle not based upon the casual prosperity of the present day. The Honourable Gentleman who last spoke seemed anlfious to allow this question to be settled for the present, a, was easy to see how convenient that would be, becauselion. Gentlemen would then go down to the farmers' " bi g and say, "Oh, we only asserted the prin ciple for the present. But there is a time coming—only agitate, keep up your meetings and your subscriptions to Protection societtes—there is a time coming when, instead of the present Posperity of the manufacturing classes, they w ill be compell. al to endure adversity, and then we shall re verse the pTincOle of Free Trade, and adopt the policy of P ro t e ction. ' es, but the Free-traders did not intend to allow that. t he p r i n ciple of unrestricted commerce was t r ue, sound, nue, and just in all times, all places, and all circumstances, (Cheers.) If it was tree, it would answer all these condi sions—if not, it was not worth the fourteen years' struggle which had been gone through to establish it in legislation, He had no objection to see a financialscheme brought forward- Apart from the principle of unrestricted commerce—, epart from the abolition of protective duties—he thought theta was a wide field open for an ingenious Chan cellor of the!Zachequer in the modification of taxes. This process, to N i u e t h e Queen's Speech invited them, was quite as interestir %, to his constituents in West Yorkshire as it could be to the landed proprietors. Because his constituents, whether tht y were manufacturers of stuffs or of woollens, were throa t: , into competition with the whole world; and, therefore, le could not allow it to go forth that this ques tion of taxation was a remedy for the injuries which a certain cless had sustained in 1846. He knew what was the intere s t referred to. He knew that the parties al luded to nere engaged in agriculture. But it would open a wide subject if they touched the question of competition that unrestricted competition is to be the rule of our commercial policy, while one of bis colleagues says that he is in the Government to defend the principles which he hes advocated for the last five and twenty years. (Hear, - E7iir.) Sir, I hope that whatever decision is come to by the Honourable Member tor Wolverhnnapton— whether he shall think or not think it necessary to urge forward his resolution, or whether he shall think the ne cessity at the present !moment is obviated by the dc cleration of the Goverhment—l hope that this House will never, in discussing a secondary and incidental question, lose sight of the great end for which we are here. I trust that whatsoever decision may be come to, or whatever course may be followed, without any reference to party combinations, the great question upon which the country expects your answer m an no t be lost sight of, but will receive at your hands an early and a final settlement. Sir, the peculiar circumstances to which we owe our birth, render it necessary that we should rest content with nothing which is open to argument or in ference either this way or that way—that we should not rest content with a paragraph, but that we should know the determination of her Majesty's Ministers in plain English, intelligible to every class of the community, beyond the reach of cavil—not leaving it open for pro tectionists to revive the question at their pleasure. I de mand that they should give an assurance to the people of England that there is no party in the State prepared to defraud or deprive them of the inestimable boon which has, by the legislation of late years, been conferred upon them—which has not only conduced with other causes, but has been the main and grand cause of the present prosperity of this country—(Hear, hear) —which has spread abroad that satisfaciiois, that confidence in spirit and reverent attachment to our institutions which has been described as strengthening the foundations of the Tame from which her Majesty has this day addressed us. (Cheers.) Mr. NEWDEGATE begged to tell the Right Hon. Gentleman who had just spoken what the determination of those societies was, which had for their object the protection of native industry, It was their determina tion, be the decision of her Majesty's Government what it might, that they would see the measures of the Go vernment fairly proposed to the House of Commons be fore they pronounced any opinion upon them. (Hear, hear.) There were some minds so peculiarly consti tuted that they could never remain easy unless they were resting upon some arbitrary dogma. This seemed to be the pecu'iarity of the Oppositi , m. But he could assure them it was as much beyond their power to bind up the future as it was to go against the intellect of pos terity. Be the decision of the House what it might, it could not deprive the people of this country of the right, either now or hereafter, of legislating upon this question in such a manner as would meet the exigencies of their industry. He had no more to say but that the Protec tionist societies awaited the announcement of the policy of her Majesty's Government in the full confidence that it would meet the, just requirements of all classes. Mr. CHRISTOPHER, after all that had taken place, would certainly not have ventured to address them had he not been so peculiarly alluded to by the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite. But after what had been stated, he did not think it would be consistent with his own character or his position in the House, were he not to make a few observations in reply. He did not believe that his Right Hon. Friend would even impute to him the conduct of holding out opinions to his constituents whieti he was not prepared to maintain in that House. In addressing his constituents during the last contest in which he was engaged, he invariably stated to them his opinions with regard to free trade, but at the same time he warned them, and he ventured to warn the constituent bodies of the country, that the reversal of a free trade policy did not depend upon an individual, or any set of individuals, but it must entirely depend upon the opinion of the country at large whether the principle of unrestricted competition or the principle of protection should prevail. (Hear, hear.) And when tae Right Honourable Gentleman ventured to twit him with holdilig opinions at variance with his Right Ho nourable Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer and the Noble Lord the First Minister of the Crown, he would tea them he was prepared, upon the fitting occasion, to show that he had not done that which was insinuated. He had told his constituents, it the country, after two verdicts, declared that his opinions were no longer con sonant with the feelings of the majority of the people, that be would feel himself bound to bow to that decision of ithe country. (Great laughter.) In spite of that cheer, he maintained that was a safe and a constitutional principle. For the same reason the Noble Lord oppo site bowed to the decision of the country upon the ques tion of Parliamentary reforms. There was no question upon that occasion of the soundness of the principle. While he maintained that the principles proposed by Sir Robert Peel were unsound, he was at the same time ready to confess that a return to protection was im possible. But when his Right Hon. Friend twitted him with inconsistency, he had forgotten to mention one point. In addressing his constituents he had stated that if the country were to decide against the restoration of protection, that her Majesty's Government would then come forward and pro pose measures for the taxation of the country which might afford relief for the suffering interests. He trusted that he might be permitted to postpone any further justification of himself to the time when these questions would properly come before the House. With regard to his own position in her Majesty's Govern ment, he had no hesitation in saying that he accepted office from a sincere conviction in his mind, that of all the statesmen in this country the Noble Lord was the man most fitted by his great talents for the position of First Minister of the Crown, and the administration of the affairs of this great country. Gratified by the dis tinguished honour which the Noble Lord conferred upon him in asking him to join him, ho felt his own unworthi ness, and he had assured Lord Derby that whenever he might have occasion to strengthen his Administration by the introduction of a person more qualified, ho would place his resignation most willingly in his hands. He would not be one of those who would throw discord into a great party with which he was connected, merely because his own views were not carried out to the letter. (Hear.) Upon a future occasion he trusted he might have a fuller opportunity of justifying his career as a public man, and defending himself from the imputation of deserting his principles. Mr. OSBORNE said : It appeared to him generally un derstood upon both sides of the House that the Queen's Speech was a mere matter of wa ste pap that it waS to be the occasion for a sort of shaking of hands before the great contest came on for decision—that the lion of Montrose should lie down with the lamb of North Essex, and that the Queen's Speech was to be welcomed with expressions of loyalty, bordering upon servility. (Cheers.) It was a pity that this doctrine was not remembered and acted upon in the years 1819 and 1850 ; for if he remembered right, having a seat in Parliament during those two years—if he remem bered right, the Right Hon. Gentleman who now deprecated any alteration of the terms of the Address, the Right Hon. Gentleman who now held the office of Chancellor of the Exchequer, having advocated the doctrine of Protection, that Right Hon. Gentleman moved an amendment for an inquiry into the burdens upon agriculture. He did not, upon that occasion, seem to have much confidence in his motion, tor atter one night's debate it was withdrawn. But in 1850, another Right Hon. Gentleman, the President of the Poor law Commission, moved an amendment to the Address, praying for an inquiry into agricultural burdens, and having more faith in his proposal than his leader, he pressed it to a division, and got disgracefully beaten for his pains. He alluded to these things, that new members might dispel from their minds the impression that it was an unconstitu tional course to move an amendment to the Address. He thought that they would be better doing their duty to their constituents, better advocating the principles of free trade, if they bad moved an amendment to the Address, which seemed dictated by the genius of rigmarole and traced by the hand of mystification. (A laugh). What was the mean ing of this studiously ambiguous and empty paragraph, meant to delude gentlemen upon both sides of the House ? Would any intelligent Englishman, when he read it fail to perceive that the question of free trade was reopened in this country? (Hear, hear.) It might be very well for them to say that the policy of free trade was accepted as the decision of the country ; but had the Secretary of State fur the Home De partment, when addressing his twenty-two electors at Mid hurst, shown any great belief in it, when he told them that since the adoption of a free-trade policy both crime and the poor-rates were universally increasing? But the Right Honourable Gentleman now came down, and told them with bated breath, that the policy of free trade was not to be reversed. Why is not that distinctly stated from the Throne? Why does not the Right Honourable Gentleman who is the light of thaCabinet, why does not he who has screwed up his courage upon many occasions—why does he not take his physic like a man ? (Hear, hear.) Why does he permit himself to be tied up with a bundle of incompetent Marquises, men of honourable but of questionable political principles? Why does not he come forward and say, " I am a free-trader; I hunted Sir Robert Peel to the death—l maligned Sir Robert Peel—but I see I committed a grievous error, and I embrace the doctrines of free trade." (Hear, hear.) Let them not talk to him of the spirit of chivalry which animated the Noble Lord at the head of Oat Government. He did not believe in it; it did not exist When that great man, Sir Robert Peel—who was the Wel lington of peace, as the other was the Wellington of war— was hunted to death, why did he stand by and hear those envenomed attacks of which he was the victim? Let them, then, not talk of his high chivalry or spirit. He had no con fidence in that chivalry or spirit—no more trust than he had in the sincerity of the creator of the party who sat in that House. He trusted that the Honourable Member for North Warwickshire (Mr. Newdegate), who ought to have held a high position in the Cabinet, would adopt a manful course, and acknowledge the impossibility of a return to Pro tection. That was the proper course for his party to adopt and while saying this, he quite admitted that the member for North Lincolnshire had nu object to gain in joining the had Majesty's Government. Is that, however, a desire to abrogate the laws which have been recently carried into effect as the foundation of our commercial system. Is it Protectionism ? And I would ask the House whether the Noble Lord has any further foundation for the charge he, has made of evasion, than those allusions to suffering interests, which he has himself endorsed by his own example and his own words, when he was a can didate for the City, and 'which many gentlemen sitting en his side of the house have themselves put forws.rd in their representations? (Cheers.) I shall not on the present occasion pursue that topic further. I think the occasion will soon arrive when we can enter into these questions more fully. All I can say is this, that it is the intention of her Majesty's Government to take such claims, and similar claims into their consideration, and to endeavour to mitigate the injuries which have been oc casioned by recent legislation in the particular instances to which I have referred, and similar ones ; and we be lieve that we can propose measures which may do all that is necessary in that respect, and alt that can be rea eonably required, without in any way disturbing that principle of unrestricted competition which has become a Part of our commercial system. (Cheers.) The noble lord has referred to the course which has recently been pursued, and represents himself and his friends as the re presentatives of a new and enlightened system of commer- Mal legislation,and which has been invariably and bigotedly opposed by gentlemen on this aide of the house. (Laughter and cheers.) The hon. gentlemen who have changed sides have not lost one of their weaknesses—amiable weaknesses, I confess—which is, to cheer too soon. The *noble lord has given an emblazoned catalogue of the great feats of the liberal commercial party of which he is the acknowledged chief. Free trade in corn, free trade in sugar, repeal of the navigation laws—these are the three enduring pyramids created by the energy and en lorprize of that party which the noble lord heads, and of the different individuals and different sections who side with the noble lord. (A laugh). But if we look his torically at the Case—and I really am only in self-defence making these observations, for I thought from the tone of the debate that it would already have terminated— I cannot help remarking that the Prime Minister who carried free trade in corn was himself opposed to free rade in sugar, and that the Prime Minister who fol lowed, and who was in lavour of free trade in sugar, was not et all disposed to have free trade in ships—that, in fact, the question was not taken up by the Govern ment at all, but forced upon the consideration of the house, and committees of the house, obtained by an in independent member—that the question was kept pro miently before the house for two sessions before the noble lord consented to the abrogation of the navigation laws; and when they were abrogated, they were abrogated in so unsatisfactory a mode, that the noble lord, at a subsequent time, as I have reminded the house, twhen a candidate for the suffrages of 'the citizens of London, confessed that the shipping in terests deprived by recent legislation of the protection they formerly enjoyed, had been left with restrictions and burdens, for which that protection was the only compensation. (Cheers.) Neither I nor any of my col leagues have any intention to propose any policy which will give artificial prices, or what has been called by the Hon. Gentlemen on the other side, compensation for losses which have been occasioned by changes in the legislation which regulated the commercial system of this country. But what we do say, and say in a manner as distinct as I can succeed in expressing it, with, I hope, none of those misty words for which the Noble Lord has given me credit, is, that we think these same changes have been effected without, at the same time, those necessary and corresponding changes in our finan cial system. (Cheers.) And I say, notwithstanding What the Noble Lord has asserted, and notwithstanding the sympathising cheer which he received from his col leagues, that these are our intentions: believing that a proper revision of our taxation has not taken place, it is our intention to place before Parliament and the country a policy which will place our financial system more ie harmony with our commercial system. (Cheers.) And if the Noble Lord oop site conceives that to be protec tion, he will probably not succeed in establishing his position, when he may favour the House with his opinions on the proposition of the Government. (Cheers.) The Hon. Member for Montrose, in that tone of friendly castigation which he sometimes bestows even upon the Government he patronises—(a laugh)—has made a most grave accusation against the Government upon the pre sent occasion. The evasive paragraph respecting Free Trade, which my Hon. Friend caught up from the Hon. Member for Wolverhampton (Mr. Villiers), appears really to have impressed him with very little importance. The whole mind of my Hon. Frierd was engrossed by the Income-tax. He said there aught to have been a paragraph in the speech announcing that there should be a continuation of the committee of inquiry on the Property and Income-tax. We have already had an in quiry during two Sessions on the subject, and an im mense quantity of evidence. My Friend wants still move; he is a perfect glutton in this respect. (Laughter.) I confess at once to my Friend that there is no para graph in the Speech on the subject to which be alludes, and for this reason—her Majesty's Ministers have made up their minds on the subject—(Cheers)—that subject which appeared still to tax the abilities of my hon. friend. Her Majesty's Ministers have arrived at certain conclusions upon that subject, and they therefore do not think it necessary to investigate it any further, and they are prepared to lay these conclusions immediately before - the consideration of the House. My Right Hon. Friend the Secretary of State for the Home Department has adverted to the reasons why we have not to-day fixed the Meet hour upon which we should solicit the attention of Parliament to these questions. There are reasons which have prevented us, reasons which for a few days neces sarily make the arrangements of business in this house less clear and evident than they would have been under Ordinary circumstances. But I believe if not misinformed, that the Noble Lord at the head of the Government has already announced in another place that I shall on the Part of the Government, take the very earliest day we can avail ourselves of to lay our policy before the Par liament, and ask their verdict upon it. (Cheers.) The Ron. Member for Wolverhampton has already given notice of a motion, which really would be a motion re quiring an inquiry into the whole state of the country. 1. certainly have no wish to place any obstacle in the Way of the motion of the Hon. Gentleman. Ido not think, with this utmost exertion, that I could possibly take a Government day which would come before the 22d, and if the Hon. Gentleman persists in his motion, he of course will take it. But I would put it to the Hon. Gentleman that it would be far more convenient, more fair, and I think more satisfactory to the country, tha t the Government should have the opportunity of placing their policy before it. (Loud cheers.) The debate upon the motion of the Hon. Member must neces sarily—such a motion as intimated by him—must necessarily partake of very much the same character as the debate upon the statement which the Govern ment will make. It would therefore be much more con venient if the discussion could be so arranged as that the energies of the house should not be wasted upon two separate occasions, and one of which certainly, if the honourable member persists in his motion, will be of a less practical character than the one which I shall have the honour to bring forward. The hon. member for Wolverhampten can, with so adroit a master as he pos limes, move an amendment upon the statement which I shall have to make, if he finds the views of the Govern ment unsatisfactory to himself and his friends. The honourable gentleman can easily bring forward, if he pleases, a counter policy in the way of an amendment, and take upon it as long and as elaborate a discussion as the house may in its wisdom think fit. It is not for me to attempt to dictate to the honourable member, but I hope he will not mistake the feeling in which I make this suggestion. I merely make it for the convenience of the house, and for the sake of saving time, as well as for the sake of having a more satisfactory discus sion than we should have upon what, after all, must be an abstract resolution of the hon. gentleman. I hope, therefore, that the hon. member will wait till her Majesty's Government can avail themselves of the earliest opportunity, which they will immediately take, and that we shall have at least only one discussion upon a subject which really concerns the general con dition of the country, and the future and permanent principles upon which the financial and commercial policy of the country ought to be established, I cannot at this moment fix a day, but I should imagine, con sidering the state of public business, that probably on Zriday the 26th—thus giving fair time to those gentle men who had not yet been able to be present, her Majesty's Governmentwill have the opportunity, through me as their organ, of calling the attention of the House to the consideration of our financial condition, and I shall then indicate to the House those measures which we think ought to be adopted in the present situation of the country. (Cheers.) I will not trespass upon the attention of the House by any general observations upon the speech of the Noble Lord the Member for the city of London on this occasion. That Noble Lord has, in fact, confessed that there is only one paragraph of which he disapproves, and I think I have shown the House that that disapproval is not well founded on the grounds which he urged. I think that all mast feel that if the Paragraph referred to were really so evasive as some Honourable Gentlemen have described it, the House Would not so quietly and tranquilly assent to the sug gestion of not having any amendment to the Address. (Cheers.) Reserving, therefore, to that occasion which cannot be postponed for more than a few Vlays, when I shall have the opportunity of vindicating the course taken by the Government of placing, in a manner un mistakeable, before the country the policy—the perma nent policy—which Her Majesty's Gavilliament think ought to be adopted, I shall now no longer press upon there is in my position, as a representative of one of the Universi ties of the country, I may be perhaps forgiven for ven turing a single sentence. I, like many gentlemen oppo sLe, was among those who thought that the Noble Lard then at the head of the Government ventured upon whet I may term a a stretch of power" in advising the ap pointment of a commission of inquiry into the Univer sities. But I see no inconsistency in admitting at once that the results of this inquiry must be considered upon their merits, wholly irrespective of the abstract or prac tical discussions as to the constitutional nature of the tribunal formed. I come, however, to the main and important question. Much has been gained by e this discussion—(cheers) —much has been gained by th speech of the Hon. Member for Wolverhampton, to whom I tender my thanks for his speech. (Cheers.) I do not doubt but that it was the intention of the Go vernment to make the announcement which had been made by two of :the prominent members of the Govern wens; hut in the meantime we should have been totally in the dark on the subject if it had not been for the speech of the Hon. Member. (Clanrs.) Now we have before us a paragraph in the Speech from the Throne and in the Address in answer to it, upon which the im portant—l might almost say, in the present crisis, the all important—point of the commercial policy of the country is touched. That paragraph I confess excited in my mind—as in the minds of others who have spoken—when I became acquainted with its na ture, disappointment and dissatisfaction. (Cheers.) I thought, and still think. that under the circum stances of the case —although I grant that rea sons such as have b een alleged, as the solemnly of the next week, ought to be received with respectful consideration—yet, under the circumstances of the case, considering that this is the winding up of a great con troversy, which has had a place for a long period in the politics of the country, and is to have its place for ever more in the history of the country—considering that the general election was the final issue upon which that con troversy was staked —considering that the Speech from her Majesty on the Throne is the great constitutional occasion for recognising the great subjects of Govern ment, and the great principles of Government—l think that her Majesty's Government would have acted wisely, and have done no more than their duty, it they had given us, in the course of that Speech, a declaration on the subject of the commercial policy of the country, which would have placed for ever beyond dispute the in tentions of the party from which that Government is composed. (Cheers.) lam confirmed in this opinion by the defence which has been set up on the part of the Right Hon. the Chancellor of the'Exchequer, for it ap pears to me that in defending that paragraph in the Speech, the Government have defended it upon two prin ciples, which are not only not in unison, but which are totally contradictory to each other. The Right nom the Secretary of State for the Home Department says that this was a paragraph suitable for the occasion. Suitable for the occasion, in what view ? With the special view, he says, of obviating the necessity for an amendment either from that side of the House or this. (Cheers.) Well, then. if you obviate the necessity of an amendment by declaring nothing that can raise the question of Protection, I want to know what becomes of the other defence of this paragraph, which is—that it is not ambiguous—which is that you may easily draw an inference that it is not the intention of the Government to reverse the commercial poliey of 1846. Well, then, we must remember that iu the language of the Chancel lor of the Exchequer, there is but one thing categori cally declared in that eentence, and that it, that unre stricted competition from this time forward shall be the rule of our commercial policy. But if it be understood that unrestricted competition shall henceforward be the rule of our policy, and if that is the thing declared—and the only thing categorically declared-1 went to know what becomes of all this delicacy and all this tenderness for the scruples of Protectionists, of which we have heard so much, if they are prepared to acquiesce in an Address which declares, and which categorically declares, that unrestricted competition shall from hen efort h be the rule of our commercial policy? (Cheers.) I say, if they do not stick at this, at what in the world are they here after to make a difficulty? (Loud cheers.) Sir, that is in reference to the defences set up for this ambiguity. But I must confess I am driven to make a choice be tween these defences, for it entirely passes my wit to reconcile them. The first defence is the best, in my opi nion; and that is, that this paragraph is ambiguous, and that it is ambiguous because the moment is unseasonable. Why, then, I may differ whether the moment is unsea sonable or not. But we are not here to waste our time in discussions upon minor points of form. The question is this—do we know the spacial purpose for which the people have returned us hitner ; and are we here to say that that purpose shall not remain fulfilled ? It does not appear to me that it is an ambiguous paragraph. The words whether " recent legislation, in contributieg with other causes to this happy result, has at the same time inflicted unavoidable injury on certain important in terests," have the merit of leaving ever y thing open, everything undecided. They do not settle whether un restricted competition is a final decision or not, or whether we are to have an attempt to reestablish Protection. Each and every one of those questions is left in a much greater degree of uncertainty than it was before this paragraph had been declared. Ido not mean to say that you have asserted principles contrary to the majority of this House ; but I mean to say that you have thrown a shade and an obscurity about your inten tions. (Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer said that any motion which might be made would partake of the nature of an ab stract resolution ; and I admired the generosity of the Right Hon. Gentleman when he invited the Member for Wolverhampton to make his motion when the Right Hon. Gentleman submitted his measures to the coun try. That is, he recommended the Member for Wolverhampton to move an abstract resolution as an amendment to a practical proposition. (Hear, hear.) But I hope we shall not be driven from the pur pose which was essentially contemplated by our consti tuents in sending us here, as it was by her Majesty in dissolving Parliament. Ido not know whether under a term very different things are not often confounded. I do not wish to enter upon auchAiscussions—what I want is, that we should have a full, a final, a solemn sanction for the system of free trade. (Cheers.) I want that the party who are now responsible for the conduct of public affairs, shall now, once and for all, declare their views upon that subject. (Hear, hear.) When we con sider that six years have elapsed since the controversy of free trade was decided by the adoption of a policy — when we consider that that controversy has been resus citated, and its decision in a manner disturbed—and when we, moreover, consider the maturity which public opinion has reached with regard to that controversy, I say it is not too much, after such a waste of time, that we should at last make up our minds, and that we should, iu the way advised by the First Minister of the Crowu himself, place the question of free trade high and dry upon the shore, where no succeeding wave may touch it. (Cheers.) Ido not believe that there is a doubt about the permanent effects of the great measure which has been adopted by Parliament. My firm belief is, that ever since the month of July, 1846, the restoration of the corn lawe has not been a difficulty, but an impossibility. And I do consider that it is a great misfortune to this country that a party containing many men of the higheet honour and the highest intellgence—a party most valuable as en element in the constitution of this country—that such a party should be held together upon a basis which has no foundation, and by a principle which it is beyond the width and power of man to re establish. (Hear.) I say that is an evil which it is time to put an end to. It is time that the people of this country should understand what is the meaning of this disturbance of the question of protection. It is time that they should know whether it is really within the reach of those who desire to change our system to reverse it, and to determine the question of the possibility of the restoration of protec tion. For my part, I believe there is no more probabi lity of a reversal of the system adopted in 1846 than there is of the repeal of the Bill of Rights, or the resto ration of the hepterchy (cheers). It seems to me that we want no abstract resolution upon the question; but we want to set the public mind at ease, by a solemn and formal acceptance, upon the part of this House, of the measures of free trade already adopted, and likewise a declaration that future measures bearing upon free trade will be framed in'accordance with the principles therein laid down. Now I do not call that an abstract resolu tion. It is a rule of conduct which, in my opinion, the interest of the country requires should be placed beyond the reach of further dispute. (Hear, hear.) And is it unreasonable that we should feel some jealousy upon this subject? Averse as lam to refer to the particular circumstances affecting different individuals, I cannot forget the composition of the Government. We cannot forget the declaration made by several most respectable and honoured Members of it. I will go at once to the case of a Right Honourable Friend of mine, who has shown the greatest courage and consistency in adhering to the opinions he has once professed—l allude to my Right Honourable Friend the Member for North Lin es o h n e s h G i h r e e en t as If he ahthhe that th e te a l : ec d r he t ha wasue c s l e ou e nr c e h otf o h f tn t h h ge e d R Ee c i x g l ca h hr t ee d H ci uoieni the i r u - which Speech from the Throne—categorically declared—and that was that unrestricted competition was from hence forward to be the rule of o ur commerci al heard that speech, I ask him w upon it? How will it coincide witha the construction d he puts ht policy—if he oehisel aration which t my Right Honourable Friend made th c s ons ? titu l n d ts u pon the last occasion he appeared before not mean to stand upon any particular word or sentence. I refer to the tenor of his speec h,w e hich wasunior decided, and unequivocal. The Rig ht Honourable Gen tleman dun to ch t a h n e g fi ed ss a u l . said: — " I am here to maintainur the opinions which I have form erly urged them that other people had sustained losses as well as them. They did not intend to compensate the lawyers for the loss of John Doe or Richard Roe. (Laughter, and loud cheers.) It was a well-established rule that where a class had benefited by the operation of laws; that &ass had no right to compensation by the change of those laws. It was said that the Corn-laws were a benefit to the agriculturists. Ile said that it was a benefit they held with blood-stained I hands. Whenever they chose to bring forward the question, he would bring forward, on the other hand, the famines, the discontent, the turbulence, the misery which had occurred in 1816, 1819, and in 1839—a1l of which he clearly traced to the operation of the Corn-laws (cheers) —and he must say that if the law of 1815 had been in operation last autumn, when they were threatened with the failure of the har vest, instead of the present happiness and contentment of the people, they would have had the same misery and distress which they had in that year. Let them not ex pect, then, that the majority of the House would go into a financial discussion with the foregone conclusion, that certain interests were entitled to compensation. (Hear.) It was always difficult to follow the Right Honourable Gentleman the Member for the University of Oxford, as he seldom left anything unsaid—(hear, hear) —but on the pre sent occasion he thought the Right Honourable Gentleman had somewhat failed on the one point where he was least likely to err— he meant his casuistry. (Laughter.) The Right Honourable Gentleman laid down the principle that they were entitled to call upon Ministers for a declara tion of their policy, but that the House had no right to put them into the crucible, and call upon them for a declaration of their opinions and convictions. Now, if he had a steward, he would like to know what were his views on that business he was to perform, and, knowing his views, it might be concluded, if he were an honest man, that his practice would be in conformity with his views. It was on that ground he wished to know the sentiments ash° Ministers, because they were the agents and stewards of the people. He believed that what there convictions were their policy would be, whenever they had the opportunity. To suppose otherwise would be to suppose that Right Honourable Gentlemen holding office would be willing to carry out any policy, no matter how opposed it was to their own convictions. Now that would be a very compendious mode of conducting party politics, in this re spect, that it would greatly simplify proceedings, and put an entire end to the migrations from one side of the House to the other; because when Ministers were once in osce, what ever their convictions might be, there could be no obstacle to their carrying out the views of the House. He could more easily tolerate that doctrine if they had never given any reasons for their convictions ; hut he could ,not forget that the Right Honourable the Chancellor of the Exchequer had told the House, ;not in the heat of debate in 1846, but he had told them in 1849, that one ',of the reasons why he was in favour of protection —why he was especially in favour of reciprocity—was (and he gave the most elaborate arguments in proof of his reason), that Free trade according to the Manchester school, as he was pleased to designate it—(Hear, and a laugh)—meaning free imports and hostile tariffs, would degrade the labourer, lower the rate of wages, diminish capital, and produce pauperism. (Loud cheers). The Right Honourable Gentleman had told them that most empha tically within the Jest three years. He (Hr. Cobden) was the last to go back to " Hansard" to quote words against anybody ; but when he was asked to leave the Right Heneurable Gentleman in office, he could not separate those arguments from what be believed were the present convictions of the Right Hon. Gentleman, and what would be his future practice if he could carry them out. (Cheers.) Besides, he could not forget that on the last occasion, when the Right Hon. Gentleman alluded to the sub ject of Free Trade, he told him (Mr. Cobden) very indig nantly, " I deny that I am come to this side of the House to betray the principles I professed when on the other side ; on the contrary, I am here to carry out, if it be in my power, all those principles." (Hear, hear.) He then thought he was justified, and the country was justified, in asking the gentlemen opposite what were their present convictions on this question. (Hear.) He would not subject them to the ordeal to which they subjected the late Sir Robert Peel when he changed his opinions. (Hear, hear.) The Hon. Gentle man who spoke last, talked of his (Mr. Cobderys) side of the House unfairly assailing her Majesty's Ministers; but the Hon. Gentleman was mistaken, and must have been thinking of what occurred five years ago, when Sir R. Peel avowed a change of opinion, (Loud c heers.) The late Right Hon. Gentleman was not allowed to remain in peace with his new convictions, though he abandoned office as the price of his conversion —(Hear, hear, hear) —and he (Mr. Cobden) did not think the Right Honourable Gentlemen opposite had any reason to complain of the retribution with which they might be visited. (Hear, hear, hear, and cheers.) He had felt often, and had often been on the point of saying it, and he would not hesitate to say it now, that he thought the personal friends and political colleagues of the late Sir R. Peel had shown more forbearance towards his assailants than they had any right to expect, or than he (Mr. Cobden) should have been disposed to extend. (Hear, hear, hear.) But if the right honourable gentlemen opposite would, upon the motion of the honourable member for Wol verhampton, come forward and give in their adhesion, and say they had changed their views, he (Mr. Cobden) would give his solemn pledge they should never hear one taunt or one syllable of condemnation from him. (cheers.) But if, without that declaration, they were asked how they were in clined to trust gentlemen who professed one set of principles , and earned out another in practice, he could only say for himself, representing as he did a constituency the largest in the empire, having a population of a million and a half, whose opinion was unanimous on the subject—(hear, hear) —they should never remain in office a day with his consent, or a day after he possessed the power to turn them out (loud cheers.) He had only to repeat to the right honourable gentleman that if he would bring forward a substantive resolution, as the right hon. member for the University of Oxford hid said, embracing the right of the people of this country to the free and unrestricted importation of corn—if he would avow the principle of Free Trade, and say it was just and politic, and that it must be maintained and extended in every practicable manner, or if he would endorse that resolution, he should never hear a taunt from him; but if the right hon. gentleman opposed it, he and his colleagues should have his continued opposition so long as they remained in office. (Loud cheers). Mr. E. BALL said he would not hesitate to avow, even if he stood alone, tbat he had not changed his opinions; that his views were unaltered; that he was still a Protectionist. (Opposition cheers.) He might be ridiculed for maintaining those doctrines—(No)—but he should have some consolation in knowing that tnere was not a single nation upon the earth save Great Britain, which did not respond to the principles which he now advocated. He should have some satisfaction in recollecting that the greatest men both in America and in France agreed with him, maintained his views, and carried out in those countries principles which he believed to be sound and right. (Cheers, and counter cheers) He should be further supported by recollecting that this country had attained that pre-eminence and superiority which she enjoyed by a maintenance of a protective policy, and under those principles which it was the fashion now to despise. (Ironical cheers.) He concurred in what had been said in the course of the debate, that they had now arrived at a period when it became necessary for men of all parties distinctly to avow what their opinions were; but he also agreed with the Home Secretary that this was not a night to be devoted to political and party discussions, but a night when they w ere met to tes tify and prove their attachment to her Majesty by receiving the Speech, and responding to the Address now laid before them. Surely the case was notso urgent, the matter was not so pressing, that they could not brook the delay of the few days asked by the Chancellor of the Exchequer. (Hear ? ) The Noble Lord who represented the city of London, whilst giv ing his adhesion to much in the Speech, had said there was one paragraph in it so mystified, so unintelligible, one part professing one species of principles, and the other ad vocating another species of principles, that he was disposed to divide the house, or at least that he very much disliked it. lie (Mr. Ball) could understand how a policy might be good for one portion of the people and not good for another por tion. He could understand how free trade might have ad. vanced some interests, and might have damaged other in terests; and he had only to go back two sessions, when the Noble Lord was in power, to find in the Speech from the Throne a recognition of the distress prevailing amongst one class of the community, and a suggestion to the House of Commons to take their position into -consideration. IL thought in the same Speech was an acknowledgment that certain principles were doing good to certain parties, and were adverse to other parties, but although the Noble Lord did recognize that proposition, he (Mr. Ball) had not to thank him for having undertaken to remove the distress under which one interest were suffering. (Hear, hear, and Ministerial cheers.) The Hon. Gentleman who represented a million and a half of people having but one mind— (a laugh)—a million and a half of people among whom were no dissensions —a million and a half of people who were in ac cordance with him in opinion, the great town of Liverpool joining in it— (laughter from the Opposition, and an Hon. Member reminded Mr. Ball that the Hon. Member he was alluding to represented the West Riding of York .hire)—the Hon. Member who enjoyed this unanimity of feeling with so large a constituency, said, " How can you, when no part of the community is suffering—how can you come and ask for any redress?" (Cheers from the Opposi tion.) He (Mr Cobden) stated that the farmers were not complaining—that the wool farmers and the sheep breeders were obtaining remunerative prices ; but he (Mr Ball) said those were indications of the destructive policy of Free Trade principles. (Laughter.) Why were the wool farmeys and the sheep breeders making money? When the policy of free trade was- first introduced, sheep were imported in such numbers that it created a panic among the sheep breeders. (Oh, oh, and laughter.) They brought a disease, the small pox, among them, they tainted all the English mutton, and what did the sheep breeders do? They killed off their stock —(Loud laughter)—they ceased to breed in such numbers, and the very consequence of having imported those horrible and diseased sheep had been that the stock had decreased, the supplies had fallen off, and the price had advanced, and thatswas just the history, in a few words, of why mutton was now remunerative. (Derisive cheers.) The same consequence would follow free trade in corn. Less wheat was sown year by year, and year by year the amount of wheat decreased. By-and-by a blight, mildew , or blas t would pass sod. By-and-by Continent—corn would then be as mutton was now, remunerative to the producer—and the country in its ruin would only have to thank its own folly for having destroyed that principle under which she had risen to prosperity. (No, no.) He had nothing to conceal —nothing to with draw. He stood before the House, as he stood before his constituency, a Protectionist, and he would not hesitate to advocate those principles on all occasions, although Hon. gentlemen opposite said they were opposite to good sense and good policy. (Hear, hear.) He was not prepared to deny that our position as a country with regard to the ques tion of Free Trade was different now to what it was two years ago. But was that the result of the of Free Trade ? policy? Did Free Trade discov er the gold Australia (Loud Ministerial cheers.) He would not trouble the House now with a statement from t he " Quarterly Review "—( a laugh) —but in the review of a little work—" Three Years of electors of Great Britain. early 15,000,000/. in 1849-50 Your attention, and I can only assure you that le. . - .., e m nv u i c eti g en re s a fe e r r ,erimaet wereona - s - no one more anxious to meet this great controversy than cial and commercial policy . I p atel e y e adopted (R a ert u r d .) wh s ic ir h , jr years I have rof s ed." ' ei eee. mischievous Aet - e love e taw was party leein w i e h g i c inh h. - . the individual who has now the honour of addressing for twenty-five First of all, he denied thai any injury had been Free _ . ads",—addressedwtoertehne _s, rates in England, which were I°U. (Cheers.) I frankly admit that lamin no condition to, and have future—as to the bottle problem which they had been prot done. la dragged t — ith t isad they proved their case? They had not was shown that the poor- . Mr. GLADSTONE—Sir, so much has been said, and no right to taunt another with change of opinion. Like • d—he would say nothing on the present occasion , phut proved,.,. . raised — he im wasin the e e s. • and he would mention certain circumstances 13,500,000/. in 1845-46, the in land. lect it " 4 ' h t •th ' said d dth inherited traditions so well upon the solemn subject of the first pars - others I have aban one e of a he warned the House, an e d h warned the country gentlemen, wilicn stood in their way at the outset. There were several whilst the increase i Prussia, the graph in the gracious Speech from the Throne, that I party which, when l ls re la •h k' dom who declared they had not comparison of the same yea I came to examine them,had h rd so much in 1846, that the Chan- a g 'downers in t e ing gave way of whom theyeaand that the deposits in the savings' to those better ' llof the Exchequer might, after all, prove the Flying suffered at all from the operation of free trade. The last they much more numerous; shall do no more than express my concurrence with beneath my feet, and returnedof . trash- ce or belonged to the party Mr. Pitt. The agriculturalinterest ; that they Dutchman of the . might find had hetrd on tbe suect was from the Duke of Bucc euc hanks a those who have proceeded me, and state how high a pri- tions which exce tion France, the occasion to which I /liege I feel it to be permitted to be one of those who, Right Hon. Gentleman, upon . .the Right Hon. Gentleman had no other object than his _ James Graham, and Sit who both declared that they had not believed, also, that, without . p , suffered either. Those who whole of Germany, and Russia had taken less of our manu " the part of the people, carry to the foot of the refer, said that he still advocated those principles with re- own elevation topower, and that their expectations were suffer . et The farmers had not farm- since we had free trade than before. (Hear, hear, Throne financial policy of this coun- miserably disappoint . ed. (Cries of " Oh, oh.") Yes, but were gaged% in grazing, in the raising of wool, in dairy factures If these were facts, why should he abandon tone such a tribute of admiration to the memory of Bard to the constitution and that was not his language; it was only a paraphrase o f the ing, all tbeze had profi ter ) ted by the prosperity of trade and com- and laugh . last twenty - five Bo illustrious a man. I would venture, sir, humbly to try which he had advocated for the the e a e s mace, They talked of benefiting the landed proprietors. the principles which he professed , had and incur • repeat a sentiment which I think was first promulgated years, and be said that he would use his utmost in- used in 1 846 towards Sir Robert Peel. (Loud cheers.) H But th could not contemplate a modification of taxation fey which would justly attach to him? (Hear, hear.) Nothing, 'ncluding in the bene- he conceived, could give greater .pain officetan for a man, coming Y the Noble Lord the Member for the city of London, fluence as a Member of her Majesty's Government to remarked on that occasion that there was a difference be- to beliet the wheat growers wl ou i in that House as the representative rtain principles, to another place, and say that I trust that, amid the ce- promote their adoption. I s nothing the GOppositionMinisterf fit t railways, the owners of house property, and, in fact, to , d from overn tween the le Kier of an and the o a le another and eulo 'ofthe achievements and virtues meet which would be disagreeable to them, Dither per-- gies of the Duke of Wellin tshall not forget that if smelly or politically. I want no profession of internal too strongly with the hour of possession—and that the con- a agricultural property at all. ( Hear, hear.) Besides, what all. In conclusion, he repeated that, notwithstandingthe those nor ten millions worth of pro- taunts of Honourable Gentlemen opposite, he was a .Pro se achievements are placed beyond our imitation, conviction—l do not want an abstract opts 'ion uon the trust at least demonstrated this, that the Conservative party was they to do with the seve bought . free trade was tectionist, and by that flag he would stand so long as it there are by ; we 0 d was an organized hypocrisy. (Cheers.) He had no heart petty in Ireland, which:had beensince many of his virtues, and those not the least policy of protection—that is a thing gone . don free trade should remain unfurled. (Cheers and counter cheers.) to go into other topics. The Noble Lord had well remarked established? The parties had bought the lan signal d f 1 r• s which made not an lo n ger ask a man whether he is a Jacobite :,an ma o those merle qua ale , n Ythat i ?Sir. JV. SHELLEY congratulated the House that they eu-ogynighexhausted th ht of the conditions—where was the need of compensation to then? . J.r acipies of was well h imgreat,andmade him wh o are called t..., . - But Ido ask that those man bold Duke of Wellington. He noble and a highs Betides, there were millions worth of real estate sold through had found one enough to avow the l was, indeed, a. PHonourable minded , 11 . which are not placed beyond the range of the imi- to power in this country, th se who are to represent , statesman, as well as a greatlwarrior—an Englishman out the country every year—why should there b® any . p re - rotection. (Hear, hear.) He trusted, when the . Lawns ofotion tha every man—that love of truth and honour— this great country with foreign powers, should . worthy_by defini - to be placed the side of Sir Robert Peel. mission of taxation for them? It would be thing Di tech for Wolverhampton brow ht forward his m , , a clumsy ggo . esty s G o . t earn es t devotion to the public service—that single- lively, unequ i voca lly, and finally abandon all proposi- But he . must take exception to the language o , at eriip , f the to t tto compensate the growers of wheat, and one or that Honourable Gentleman, whatever Her mi l rtunity of mind ri I-, • a-tire which would cover all the . r . , -5u,,..d. might do, would give them art ` ) . - 4," at teol io. , . minds and tha,t noble cunte liti I),' i,'•ltipt of fraud, are qu . 5- do for ft rettru to a proteetive policy Hear, h?ar-) Speech m that Nragraph which related to Ireland. t-1 , 0 odier „lungs* Is 3 m ....i . e 4 w le " i'l open to e . mrY one Of Us to cultivoto, and More I do not feel bound to ask ; less, it seems to mu. the ear • s • •i • e r ' ' • ( In that paragraph there watrate no dece Has any ption raal property in tho country. (u/ eers. ) 1 :IA . , ;v ii,, ; , n o d o nied that ' i a di›eitHou an , l , i,a.‘ he would , pPos e '' • • , i• h ' • Al. sober credit tor La ---30 " eNp , , , rimentum in vile cm. iore ." , ,•• n,f - , • e lv agricultural property could slow Ale r. , u. ,,, „,.. and he much re- ,he owners t..c .. i f ii . , "lam 0 : wow. will, , trust, not be forgotten in this country cannot honourably accent. (Cheers.) And • i i , . , ,y e gave I. llt) liououraule e . ... the midst • \V s tilts 'mod worth less now tuan it was when I manliness with which he had stated his conscientious °pi ,: • gretLed that her Majesty's Ministers had thought it ~saes- 1 any 10Z6. a d allow him, as hero. our l,suaeatutious and raises of cite depart d bits .e.._ course is rendered the more necessary biuCO We /ALM hear.) I • but the ember weal (Cheers.) 'rho Noble Lord the sary to involve the whole of Ireland in a charge of turbulenceS I Sir Robert Peel brought in his measure? (Hear, 1 mons, Honourable Di of Member for the city that the Government is formed upon a principle which He denied that there t b Ithe part of the And even if they established their injuries, he would shoal e was any ur a enCe on London has adverted briefly to § /object, upon which, permits their leader in the LIMO of Commons to say - , , COUNTRY MARKETS. EDINBURGH GRAIN, Nov. 10,—We had a large supply of grain in to-day's market ; sales brisk and prices up. Wheat on the top 6d down, and the average 9d up. Barley on the top the same, and the average 3d up. • Oats on the top 41 up, and the average 8d down. Beans on the top Is up, nod the average 8 . 1 down. Uanold 37 . qrs wheat, 333 qrs barley, 185 qrs oats,, and beam. an old Free-trader, entirely to disagree with the reasons he had given for those opinions, and especially that the stock of sheep was rapidly diminishing. (Cheers and a laugh.) He believed the agriculturists of Cambridgeshire were unfortunate enough to have the small-pox among their sheep ; but he thought the Honourable Member's constituents would laugh when they heard the cause to which was attri buted the increase in the price of mutton and wool. (Rear, hear.) To all persons having anything to do with rgriculture it was notorious that, instead of the number of sheep bred in the country having greatly decreased, the contrary was the fact, and that the prices of both mutton and wool had advanced in consequence of a great increase in the demand. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) NV hen also the Honourable Gen tleman took upon himself to say the quantity of corn grown was less than in the days of protection, he was equally inac curate, and he (Sir J. Shelley) could take upon himself to assure him that sever were such improvements being ear -1 ri,d out in agriculture as had been carried cut since the introduction or free trade. (Cheers.) After they had been told, as they had been to-night, that never again would the Government lay protective duties upon corn, he trusted the Hoe. Gentleman the Member for Cambridgeshire would be prepared to give his opposition to her Majesty's Ministers. (Hear.) With regard to the question to be brou g ht before the House by the Member for Wolverhampton, he entirely ae - reed with these who thought the country looked to this House that the question should at once be settled either one way or the other. (Hear, hear.) For himself,he was satis fied nothing had done so much injury to agriculture, had so truly been the bane of agriculture, as that protection to which the Hon. Member even now adhered, and whenever that sub ject should be before the House, he would take an oppor tunity of entering more largely than at present into the argu ments by which that opinion was supported. (Cheers.) Lard PALMERSTON rose and said—Sir, I wish to make one or two observations upon the Address and the Speech prepared by her Majesty's advisers; and I cannot refrain at the outset from joining my voice to those who have spoken already, in bearing testimony to the good taste and good feeling which have led her Majesty's Ministers to place in a prominent part of the Speech a just tribute to the memory of th • t great man whom we have just lost. (Hear.) Of him at present I shall content myself by saying that I believe that never was there any other man in any country whatever whose lot it was to render such great and important services to his country, or who had the good fortune to live so long in the enjoyment of the universal and unbounded love, respect, and admiration of his countrymen. (Cheers.) Sirg am glad to find, talking of the principle of protection, that at least one application of that principle has succeeded, and that her Majesty's Ministers have been able to realize the expec tations held out as to the voluntary enlistment of men for the militia service. (Hear, hear.) I certainly feel peculiar gratification on that point—(Cheers)—inasmuch as it always was my opinion that voluntary enlistment would answer the purpose, and that a sufficient number of men could be found ready to join the ranks of the militia, on the terms which Government were prepared to offer. (Hear, hear.) I have received, sir, great satisfaction from the statement which the Speech contains in regard to the acquiescence and co-operation of the Government of Brazil in measures taken by this country for the suppression of the slave trade. I am happy to think that the suspension of those measures by which that co-operation was obtained—stated to be only temporary and contingent on that co-opera tion—will be of a more lasting character. (Cheers.) I should have been glad if her Majesty's Government had been able to state that the Government of Spain had equally co-operated in putting an end to the importation of slaves to Cuba, and I trust that either this evening, or on some future occasion, her Majesty's Ministers will be able to inform us, in what degree, during the year now expiring, the slave trade, by the good faith of the Spanish Government has either been reduced or put an end to. (Hear, hear.) On that great question, which has been the main topic of debate this evening, I think if any doubt could have existed when we met to-day, as to the necessity of some declara tion on the part of this house, aye or no, on the question of' protection or free trade, that which has passed in debate this evening would have removed that doubt altogether; be cause, that although it appears that her Majesty's Govern ment thought the question might be passed over sub silentio, and disposed of in a paragraph in the Speech, which resem bles, in its ambiguous terms, the oracle, " Ato to cEaicida Romanos vincere posse," which, according as it is construed, may be taken either one way or the other. (Cheers and laughter.) And although I do not blame the Ministers for the arrangement of that Speech, after the excellent reason given by the Secretary of State, " That it was known there were gentlemen who might have objected to a frank and explicit declaration as to the policy to he pursued." (Renewed laughter.) Yet, sir, we have heard to-night that there are Protectionists still in the House. (Laughter.) And if the verdict of the country is to be inferred simply from the debate this evening, it may go forth that doubts may be entertained what is the opinion of the majority of the House of Commons on that gseat ques tion. And considering the :formal manner in which that question was by Mr Majesty's Ministers referred to the de cision of the country at the late general election, I do think it is necessary for the public interest that there should be some formal declaration of opinion—not simply by the mem bers of her Majesty's Ministry, satisfactory as that has been, so far as we have heard this evening—but a formal declaration by the House itself, establishing permanently and decidedly that which no doubt will be esta blished—the concurrence of the Commons' House of Parlia ment in the sound policy of that system of commercial Go vernment on which legislation of late years 'has been con ducted (Vehement cheers). And, sir, I cannot agree with the Honourable Gentleman who spoke on the other aide that free trade is a measure, and not a pr inciple (Hear, hear, hear). No doubt the imposition or repeal of duty on a par ticular article such as corn may be a measure—a measure emanating from a principle ; but the principle of free trade is of larger and more extensive application, and must be con secrated by the vote of this House as the foundation of all future legislation (Loud cheers). And, therefore, I heard with great satisfaction that the question is to be brought distinctly and separately under consideration. That being the case, and feeling that Ilshall undoubtedly join my Tote with others who are prepared to affirm that principle, I shall not further intrude, but only express my concurrence, not only in the propriety, but the absolute necessity for such a proceeding. (Loud and continued cheering). A great number of Members left the House, and no one rising, the Speaker put the question, and was proceeding to read the Address, when Colonel SIBTHORP rose, and proceeded to say, that he had intended to express his great disappointment, if he had not used the expression disgust. at the coarse adopted by those whom it was his great wish and anxiety to have sup ported. (Oh.) He thought himselfcalled upon, after being so many years a Member of that House, to express briefly, independently, and fearlessly his opinions. He was from heart and soul a Protectionist; he came into that House as a Protectionist, and he would continue in that House alone as a Protectionist. When he could dare to change those opinions which he had so often professed in that house, he would at once resign that situation, and confess his constituents had reposed an unworthy confidence in him. He regretted deeply being called on to express those feelings. He said most distinctly he was unchangeable in opinion and un changeable in conduct. He confessed he was astonished at the manner in which that party, to wnich he had been proud to attach himself, bad ventured to express themselves in that House. (Opposition cheers.) He had heard the word " du plicity." He was sorry to say that was his—(The word used to conclude the sentence was lost in the derisive cheers of the Opposition.) He quarrelled with no man for his political opinions, whether they be free trade or protectionist; but let him know who his man was, and on which U le of the House he was called on to take his seat. He knew he ought not to have trespassed on the House; but, as an honest man, he was anxious to do his duty fearlessly, and he could not have retired to rest without expressing his disappointed feelings, and his determination to uphold his own principles. (Oppo sition cheers.) The resolution was then agreed to.:and a deputation, on the motion of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, as appointed to present the Address to her Majesty. The House immediately adjourned, at half-past nine f o'clock. all sold. Top of Wheat - Barley s7lb 32s OA ... Oats 4silb 23s Od" ... Beans GLASGOW GRAIN, Nov. 9.—During the week past the , trade bas been quiet, and except in wheat and flour. not many transactions of importance; tut prices of alt articles keep steady, and the tendency is rather upward than otherwise. Wheat meets a brisk demand and flour of good quality is much inquired for and brings full. pricea; barrels scarce, and in request. NEWARK, Nov. 10.—At the Corn-exchange to-day we had a good supply of grain of all descriptions, and there was no material variation from last week's prices. Wheat, white, 44s to 48s ; red. 38s to 44a ; barley, grinding, 27s to 29s ; malting, 32s to 35s ; oats, old, 248 to 26s ; new, 183 to 22s ; beans. 38s to 41s ; peas, 32s to 34s ; tares, 38s to 4ts ; malt, 56s to 61s per qr. Boston, Nov. 10.—At to day's market there was a good supply of rain. For wheat the demand was less active than of late, and previous rates were barely main tained, except for very choice samples. All descriptions of spring corn met a steady sale at last weeks prices.— Wheat, red, 34s to 41s ; white, 403 to 455; extra, 475; barley, 26s to 303 ; oats, 14s to 20 ; beans, 32s to 388; peas, 28s to 335 per qr. DERBY SMITHFIELD .MARKET, Nov. 9.—The supply of fat stock to day was about the average ; high prices were asked, and most of the beasts were disposed of.— The number of sheep was not so large as on some pre ceding mr.rkets, most of which were sold. The show of fat pigs was good, without any alteration in price. Fat calves were scarce. Beef. 4-id to 5d ; mutton, 5i to 6J ; lamb, bid ; veal, 50 to 6d per lb.; Pigs, 7s 9 ct to 8s Od per scure. Rough fat, 4s Od per 141 b; hides, 2d per lb ; calf skins, 2d to 3d per lb. CORK, Nov. 10. Barrels. Curreney 67 White wheat 23. Od to 251 Od 00s Od-20 stone. 86 Red wheat l9s 6d to 22s 3d 56 Ditto 9 2s 3d to 230 Od 231 Od-20 do 69 Ditto 23s Od to 24s Od 45 Barley 13s 6d to 13. led 197 Ditto l3l 10d to 14s Odf 13s 10d....16 do 85 Ditto l4s Od to 14s 3d 5 Bore— .. --Hs 6d to 00s Od Os Od 636 Oats 9s Od to 9s 8d 616 Ditto .... 271 Ditto lOs Od to lOs 8d 316 Pigs 28s Od to 36. Od o's Od per cwt Quantity sold at the Highest Prices: 30 barrels white wheat; 3 red; 24 barley; 0 bere; 8 oats; 5 pigs. Quantity of Grain and Number of Pigs sold last week:— Wheat, 1,491. Barley, 3,052. Bere, 0. 0at5,10,144. Pigs, SB7. PRICES OF BUTTER. CANT. CURAINCY. First quality Second quality Third quality ... 68. Third quality 696 Fourth quality Fifth quality Sixth quality 46s Sixth quality Return of Cattle sold for week ending Nov. 6. Pigs, 902. Sheep, 239. Co;is, 309. Coxes.—Flour—First 131 Od to 14s 6d; extra 161 Od; seconds, 123 0d to 13s Od ; households, 10s Od to 11. 6d ; thirds, 74 to 103 per cwt ; Meal—lndian meal, 7s 9d to 8s Od; Oatmea), 103 6d to 114 Od; wheat meal, lOs 6d to 11 s per cwt. Indian corn, 71 lOs Od to 71 15. Od per ton. Bran, 4117 s 6d to 51 per ton. Hay—Farmers, 22s Od to 30s Od; averar, 265; dealers, 3130 d to 383; average 01s per ton. Su aw—Fte mars, 12s Od to 24s Od; average, 20s; dealer:, 00. to 00s Od average, 00s Od per ton. Bread—Wheaten loaf, 6d to Od; household loaf, 5d to Od per 41b. Froth butter, 9d to 104 per lb. Eggs-5s 3d to 5s 4d per hundred. Coals— Newport 17s Od ; Lydney 183 • Landore 00s; Culm, 14s Od per ton. Tallow 451 Od to 004 per ow'. Whisky, 25 0. p., 6s Od per imperial gallon. Meat —Beef 4id to 7d; mutton 5d to 6d; veal 4d to 6(1 ; pork 4d to Od ; bacon 6d to 7d ; sausages 5d per lb. Hops 71104 to 010 s per cwt. Bangor slates, 2/ 17s 6d to 310. per ton. Bark, red 71 to 81104 per ton. Fleece wooll6l to 00s per stem. Hemp 291 to 34/ per ton. Fish—Scotch herrings 16s to 00s; red ditto, 24s to 00s per barrel ; Newfoundland, 101 Os to 11/ per ton. Timber—Memel, 70s per ton ; red pine, 315 s ; Tellow ditto, 3/ 15s per ton; deals, 151 to 181 per 100. Hides— Market 221 to 28s; salted 24. to 30s per owt ; calf skins 3 1 / 4 4 to Od per lb. Potatoes, white 9d to 10d ; pinks, lla to 12d. Guano—Peruvian, 101 10s to 11/ per ton. Tar... Archangel, 19s peT barrel. UNIVERSITY OF LONDON, 1852.-211.8. SECOND EX A 411 NATION. FIRST DIVISI 'N. Medical Schools. Bridgewater, Thomas King's College. Cammack, T. Armstrong University College. Hornidge, Thomas King St. George's Hospital. Jodan, R. Coane Roberts King's College. Lister, Joseph, li.A University College. Littleton, Thomas University College. Pay'', Frederick William Guy's Hospital. Rooke, Thomas Morley Guy's Hospital. Troancer, John Henry-- University College. SECOND DIVISION. Gaye, William Thomas University College. Patfitt, Henry King's College. Rioe, Bernard St. Bartholomew s Hospital Roberts, Elias Jones Richmond Hospital, Dublin In accordance with the recent regulation of the Senate, that the examinations shall be co nducted "by demon stration from preparations, and by requiring the candi dates to report on cases of actual patients." The examiners in physiology required the candidates to name and describe microscopm specimens, illustrat ing important points in physiological anatomy. In surgery, the candidates were examined by demon strations from dry and wet preparations, illustrative of various surgicsl diseases and accidents, and of their treatment. The examiners in medicine required the candidates to examine patients in the wards of a metropolitan hospital. and afterwards to report in writing on the cases, and also to examine microscopically various specimens of morbid products. HIGHWAY ROBBERY AND ATTEMPTED MURDER, —A. daring outrage took place in Sutton, near Maccles field, on Saturday night last. About half-past ten o'clock, on that night, as a man named Joseph .Wads worth, silk weaver, was returning home from the mar ket, he was overtaken on the high road to Leek, by a young man, about twenty years old, namedwho John Riley, silk weaver, of the Waterco c te and then is considered by the police to bear a bad fleeter. Riley passed Wadsworth a short distance,W,_ him. returned and catered into dens,conversatioltnas ma:. R:ley said be was employed at Broad's G w i a gh Viradsworth, tfr of the ceremonies ; and kept p - ac e ° ar the Moss Pool. until they arrived at a lonely He then put his arm round Wad% either a dagger or ct)vntotn_rth's neck, and stab bed him with some sharp instrume 9 °making an incision an a knife—just above the wind inch and a quarter long h the left ear, just missing thrones his neckerchief. He then stabded Wadsworth thrhoeuagd, and made five cats in the the great artery of th o e head, one ball an inch deep. Du scalp at the hack of th keep the instrument from Wadsworth's ring th scuffle to through Wadsworth's hands, almost throat, Riley dro.whitt thumb. In the whole, 14 wounds c utting off the rig Wadsworth's person. Wadsworth ware inflietedo knees to Riley and begged for his lif e , g ke of his wife and family , and Riley's reply w as , ~Y ou for the 1 • I'll finish you. The cries o f mur der „ d e r was a .-- .. not heard, but the assailant aft er exam i n i ng , W a dsworth s pockets, and taking all they contained, six pence halfpenny, a purse. and two kni ves , d ecam ped, an d left Wadsworth dripping with blood. By some means Wadsworth scrambled to the nearest house, and was taken home; but no person dared venture to fetch medical aid from the town until early next morning, and he now lies in a very precarious state, his recovery being doubtful. Informstion was conveyed to the police, who t% raun:,tely suc^ee.fied in finding Riley, with the kniv, - ; and purse, in Ids flther'a house; and his shirt was bound much died with blood. He was brought up on Tuesday at the county police office, before Dr. Swan ink, and Was remanded for a week. reP 7S _ 111 , s uffer, 3n i n to rll2 her RAILWAY SHARE MARKETS. LIVERPOOL, Nov. 11. STOCK EXCHANOS.—The Share Market is duller to-day, and prices have slightly declined. The committee's autho rised list reports the day's operations as follows —Birken• head, Lancashire, and Cheshire 221. shares, 2% dis.; Black burn (late 8., C., and W. Y.), 74; Caledonian, 28 1 / 8 , %; Lancashire and Yorkshire, 87, 6%; Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincoln, 31%; Midland, 79 1 4, 9,8%, 79; Korth British, 9%; Shrewsbury and Chester Preference, guaranteed 8 per cent., 17 , 4 ; South-Eastern and Dover, 23 y8 ; York and North Midland, 28 1 4, %. MANCHESTER, Nov. 11. STOCK EXCHANGL—Business was far from brisk to-day, and prices had a downward tendency. The sales were-- Birkenhead, Lancashire, and Cheshire Junction, 6% dis.; Caledonian, 28%, % ; East Lancashire. 19%, ),( 1 ; Fleet wood, Preston, and West Riding Junction, 7% dis. ; Lan cashire and Yorkshire. 86%; ditto Fifths, 3% dis.; ditto 161. shares, E, 1 / 2 prem. ; London and North-Westerh. Man chester and Birmingham Quarters, C, prem. ; Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincoln, 31%, ; Midland Railway Consols, 79%, 9, I A, 9 ; Shrewsbury and Chester Preference. guaran teed S per cent., 17%; South-Eastern, 23 9-16 ; York and North Midland, 28%. BIRMINGHAff, Nov. U. STOCK ExCIIANGE.—The Railway, Share market at ita opening this morning was firm, and in the shares of some lines there was an improvement. The market closed better than it oned. Shrewsbury and Birmingham were done at 63 , h, ; ditt pe o (London and North Western Guarantee), 68 3 . BRISTOL, Nov. 11. Srocx EXCHANGE.—BristoI and Exeter s were done at ,05 1 4 ; 95%. SEABORNE MAILS. [N signifies that the mails are sent from he General Post-office by the night—and Mby the siornizeg—elispatteh.] ----------- _ When made np in I From what ~„,_ PLACES. GeneralPost-Once' port die- " duo. "°t l London. patched. —......--------. .........— --......, I America (by Brit. pkt.)N Nov. 12 .. . ' Liverpool .. Nov. 14 America (by U.S. pkt.) N Nov. 16 .. .: (Liverpool .. , Arrived America (by U.S. pkt.) N Nov. 10 .. .. Slotithampt. Nov. 20 Australia (via South ampton) .. .. .. 11 20th °leach ir onth Southampt. Nov. 24 Ditto (via Marseilles) N 24th of month iDover .. Nov. 17 *Ditto, via C.of G.llope N2d of December (Plymouth.. Nov. 30 Africa (West cOazt)• • N 23d of the month 'Plymouth Nov. 4 Alexandria* ........ 14 19th & 30th of mo. Dover .. Nov. 18 Belgium • • • • •• N Daily .- .. .. 'Dover .. Daily Brain .. . • .. M 9th of the month ;Southampt. Nov. 16 Buenos Ayres .. .. 141; 9th of the month ;Southampt. Nov. 16 California(viaChairet)3ll l, l & 17th of month i Southern pt. N0v.16 Cape of Good Rope N!i4th of the month,Plymouth.. Oct . 26 Cape de Verde .. .. N' I 4th of the mouth (Plymouth.. Oct. 26 Constantinople* .... N 2th 17th 27th ot mo IDover .. N0v.20 Central America .. hi id& 17th of men. Southampt. Nov. 16 Channel Isles .. .. 14 Mon., Wed., &Fri.l.Soutkampt. Tu. Tn.Sa Chil' .. .. .. . Mid & 17th of mntla Southamt. Nov. 16 France .. .. M 'lc 14 Twice daily .. .. Dover • • Twiceds.ily p l N gun o v . . T l h e rs G ree ce* .. .. .. 32 Ith 17th27thof mo Dover .. N0v.20, flambargh .. .. N Tuesday & Friday London • • ITnes. Sat. iloil d a ur nd as .. Hon • • .• • • i a .. .. bl Wthednoefst.h&e monthS atur. sou London thamV. Duna (via Sonthamp.) At 20th of the month Southampt. Nov. 24 Ireland .. .. M& 1 4 Twice daily.. .. f llolyhead • . Twicedauy tndte(viaMarseilles) N 4th&24th efmonth'Dover , .. N ov . 1,7 India, via C. of G. Hope N 14th of month Plymouth.. 'Nov. 26 ' Maur itius .. • . .. N 14th of month Plymouth.. Nov. 26 Mediterranean (via .. 31 40th of the month Sontham southampton) pt. Nov 24 Mediterranean (via Marseilles) .. .. N Bth&24thofmonth Dover .. Nov. 17 Mexico .. .. .. 111 id of the month.. Sonthampt. Dec. 1 Madeira .. .. .. 31 9th & 23d of mnth Sonthampt. Nov. 4 Malta's .. .. N 1 Ith ' l7th ' l9th ' 27th 1 Dover NOV* 18 & 30th of month Naples* .. .. .. N sth 15th 25th ofme Dover .. Nov. 12 , Papal States* .. .. 11 sth 15th 25th of moi Dover .. Nov. 1 2 reninsula ......31 7th 17th 27th ef mo SontharuPt- Nov. 1 Peru .. .. .. .. IS 1d & 17th of mntb Southamp t. Nov. 162 Tuscany* .. .. .. N sth 15th 25th ofmo Dover •• Nov.o. 16 West Indies .. .. Ad 2d & 17th of ninth SontlitunPt• Van Die.nen's Land (see Australia). __--------7._ ......,...._ but next year * The malls for Australia via the Cape of Good 'lope are made ip 2 se r it abnyds2a4iltinhgofveesascehlsmatonptrhesveniat S t o ro u ni tha s ni ton inga P on the second of every alterna te month. T hose made up on the poanre.d Marseill t es ars they will bnt in steamers. t• Mails are also made up on the 2d of every alternate month for the Cape of Good Hope. * The malls to thos e countries thus marked (*) are conveyed by French packet to Mars e_ ......... 2.,........... s ....-----.......ei1l . —------- - _ _ u henceforth to m - - - . -----=----______ Vsousr4Ts.—The Duke of Parma has N ITALIA i ssue d a decree, d a t e d the 27th ult., forbidding his subjects to e ntrust to p e u rs n o d n e s r yr t u t h o e I a m g a e k , e o r a u t n r d a e d r e t h o e f t a a u k t i h n o g r i t s y u c o li f iasne brdye who- ti.rifcsek. nos w o n t p o as t s r p e o a r t u the fo m r i c ll h , i a ld n r d e b n ri a n r g e them p tchheilidrrPeanretontsfo'reign countries for purp oses of livere d, e xcept to the parents themselves. P ersons now i n fore i gn countries, having such minors under their authority shall restore them within six months, on pain of having their property sequestrated until their return, independently of the penalties they may have incurred , p according to the existing laws, in the above vocation. countries,rsos or deliveringthos those children re ee receiving n a g s a bove, to be taken to foreign them, shall be liable to imprisonment not exceeding one year and fine not exceeding i, I,ooof, TuA E --GUA X RIA. GOLD MINING COMPANY.—Yes terday the first annual general meeting of the Agua Fria Gold Mining Company was held in the London Tavern; Sir R. Price in th e chair.arcah'he minutes of a special meeting of held on the 29th were approved. The announce ment that 45,000/. ofthe • 1 satisfactorily• d capita was invested and yielding a favourable rate of interest, until required for the purpose of working the mine, was received with applause, as were also a proposition for making an allowance to the widows of mechanics who had died in the company's service, and a declaration on the part of the directors that they de clined to receive any remuneration until the mine is in work, A statement of receipts and expenditure was subjoined, showing that the total receipts were 67,585/. and the ex , panditure, included for preliminary expenses, 1,20 7/. charges on account of machinery, plant, and tools, freight, &c., which , together amounted to 8,5141.; for outfit and passage of direc t tor, engineer, and staff, 1,8121.; for preliminary expenses, purchase of Ilec i m ens, and to M e ssrs. Palmer, Cook, a n d Co., 6,000/. The report w as adopted. A curious property w as to be seen at th e Auction Mart on Monday last. The " King of the Nuggets," weighing 330 ounces, and of the purest gold, and several others of smaller size, were offered for competition by Mr Collier. The first bidding for the Royal Nugget was 1,4001. Several offers were made, but after some com p,' tition it was ultimately bought in for 1,5001. The proprietors of the Panorama of the Australian Gold Fields purchased two of these beautiful specimens of Australian gold, which they intend to exhibit to the public. k I