The Sun. — London, England, 1846-03-31 00:00:00

E VE 1840 - C n NI A R -&? GI lir I A f las 13 A Y Ta 0 0 14' rr su T - E IPri‘;',ree. --selesaweewieteeseesestewseseeseseesesseereowee:-as e eesesseez ossassote t t ess e sseseensese , ..eozeo , .....-es ea.. eseeteeesses---.. __es sajaaalaatttetlishe fratie the most hi fluep tint !of the Legislature by so large a majority, and that it should be iloVeretel b .dies ihroueliseit the St n;ii , and read by as large ama cora) as could be obtained fur it With il l „ .th of th e L o d . w hi c h . i„ ( „ cpum l,, (.„,..„,, t ! the consent of the House. therefore, he should move for the T o si e ttagt a en t reate d t e e sloe-, s.o interpoee it eat..l:ori,y floe rea•ting of this Bile He aid this with a perfeet conviction it ! that the Hon. alember for Limerick mieht be correct in his , Prevent arty trot,, , ..e , s , ry (I. , lity it , this MC 'it . ore. i r l a ' d t not in England alone that Ihis cols lay was ft• St. lie , ! ;;,s;:i•tions that in the preseirt state of parties in that House, Majesty's aieverumeht might be left in a small minority. a', received communheoiens from Irelautl, fro 'n i too us , ; „ • t a preeat. ane tavourehtts to tsoe policy ef the suhjet•t. patt ies . But so tong as they continued servants of the Crown, and so long as they continued in office, there tea , hut one course t}L at th nig the delay that had taken place, and ht ping which they could consent to pursue. They might give place alt ,. e House would come to seine decision on the sliest- to that minority, but they had. whilst they retained the th e 'eaa trade an d commerce were at a stand still from power, a paramount dirty to perform in providing for the ol uel ay, and stating that unless a speedy decision w a s public security. if it should he the opinion of that House that ,:fe to on the measure things would get worse, and the they should continue the public servants of the Crown, it was their duty to express their impression of the course which her d ; . 4l ,Mereial interest of the country would be in a very Majesty's Government might take. While, then, they fully Oantaessed state. It was unnecessary for him to enlarge conceived the necessity of carrying the Corn Bill as early as pail tt le mischief which would be cans. , d by the post- possible, they at the same time thought it necessary to avow a e Xieot of this measure. He might be told that their concurrence in the support of the Trill Bill. He felt it bo ra ti i s iki , ng this motion he was pursuing a ceurse necessary to press on the House that his sincerity on this ques t_ satiny adopted, ai.d that he should not object to t.ion was unfeigned, and he was satisfied that the House would first ih a eT reading of the Bill when sent down to consider that it was for the interests of Ireland that the discos la,,,t'urds. There were casos when they were not to sion en, and the first reading of, this Bid should no Linger be tri 'an to these rules. He believed it was competent for delayed. The Right Honourable Baronet, who objected th ! Aietnb-r at any time to object to a first reading, of to his motion, regarded it only as a consideration of policy, a t 13 i 1 1. Th, Bill contained enactments of great seve- on which it was unnecessary to alter the usual course of this House. But the Honourable Member for j , and it suspended the Constitution of this country , Ireland ; and if those who disapproved of the mica- Limerick had threatened a course of opposition against any o te infringement of the rules of the House on this measure. g r a were not to have the opportunity a It would he very mischievous if any delay took place in re ii:en...ting from it, it weuiri be useless to send gard to this measure. He was satisfied it was for the public Bill for the con-id ration of. the House. good to persevere in bringing forward this measure, and he 0,7 were they then called upon to discuss the ineesure, should be unworthy of the co ; filenc e of the Members of that w a ssre th e G o vernment really serious in their inteution House if he thought of entertaining such a threat. These on a I lle matter ?—(Hear, hoar.) Lct him call the ritten• Members of the House who, as individuals, opposed the pro -411, of the House to the mode and manner in which the gressing of this measure, mu the aware that the responsibility a l a Was to be brought forward He shoell ask his would rest. with them ; bet he thought the responsibility would tt a,, u) w-couritre men on the °pp , •site side ef the House is; they rest with her Majesty's Ministers to do their duty by pressing this measure on the attention of the House by every meant; in k flously thought that transporting a man from his family, their power, and by such facts and reasoning as they felt it, ne i being out of his house after a certain hour woulii cessary to adduce on the present occasion. It was necessary to i c i l '`'st the arm of the noonday eseassits, or did the) infante the House of everything which would influence their it tak th a t suc h would avail ? (" H. an, hear," ' from t'•:e decision on this meas ure, and that an y indefinite postponement 41 . iaterial b. riches) Now, as to the hill itself ; it. wits on the pa; tof her Msjesty's Government on a Bill so materi -04 . i i _ane 22;1 day ot .January that her most gracious ally eff..cting Ireland would hive a ntst prejudicial effect. He it i Jesty, in her speech from the throne. cal led die at had told them ths exact position of the case. He was a ware ninon of the House to the state of In land and the lif the position in which her Majesty's Government were f ortunate prevalence of assassitottion tint existed placed. They were sincere in their determitsation to use every arein. Now, he wished to ask if it was tint effort to obtain a decision on the Corn Bill at the earliest. period; but, on the other hand, they were sincere io their proceedings !' first duty of Givernment to enact measures in regard to . this measure. Ha had stated his views to the 7leulated to ensure satiety and proteetion for Has a— ‘ Ile. douse, and it was for them to determine what course they ill ar, hear," from the Miiiisteri it bencbos.) Now. should adapt ; but his own judgment was unlyeken, that a re allaisaieg the Government to be sincere in th , it inten- fusel to entertain the proposal ot Government would be in- 1 Ws, and that they thought the present Bill would he jorious to the interests of the country. aowetuel, ought they to have allowed a single day Mn- F. SHAW rose, for the purpose of offering a , Pass, after the Bill bud pasted the - Lewis, few observations on the measure. Looking at the present ii,lltilit introdueing it ?—(Wor, hear.) But what was lamentable insecurity of life, and property, and person in Ire• t 'e, eouree pr0p044.1 ? Wee the rteasteuee he , e-terbt oe le land, if her Majesty's :Ministers; brought ferward a measure Which they deemed calculated for the protection of - life, he i', le first week or fortnight ? Not at .. , 11. We,- should riot feel justified in taking upon himself the responsi brought in in three we ,, lta after ? . No ; and hility of opposing it; but he was not particularly sanguine of elnonth nearly was allowed to pass before the Life ar otection Bill (according to the notions of he success of the le esent ne asure, as the course pursue it by Its- • . . , :Ministe rs) the Government was no great earnest of their sincerity.- 4 . 7, Introduced tat their Lordships. And when the Bill (Cheers.) the' Hon. Baronet (Sir W. Somerville) stated bad been introduced into the Lords, had there been ;hat, though the House met on the 2 9 d of January, yet it was th rough particular speed or dispatch evinced in getting it near a month before the measure was introduced into the H 'use trough ? By no moans --(Hear, hear) The mea..tir , of Lords. Now, in the case of 1833, referred to by the Right tau introduced until the 10th of February to the Lords. Hun. Secretary for the Home Daseartmeet, the Howie met on ba _ did not pas: it before the 13th of M arch ; and he re the y the 29th of January, and the measure was paased th e Lords b y 1,7. ° at that moment, on the With of March, about to take the the 22d of February following.—(hear, hear.) Noir fore the lirreading. Now, was it by any means unc haritable to manner in which the present Bill had been conducted through Weak, beak, such being the circumstances , tha t the Government was the Lords. He should say that it came to the Corareops not folls in bringing on the measure a t all? — ( Hear, hear, ) The the same Bill at all that it was.—( Hear hear ) Nothing bu t ''c Members felt themselves called upon t o i nter p ose, as a great necessity could justify any extraordinary infringement R e g could not consent to the first reading of the Bill; and of a constituti , nal measure. If such existed, then the Bin Oh he wished to know, were they then called upon to enter should he adequate to such necessity; and, in his opinion, the taras debate on this disagreeable question, and thus c a use Government should not seek for more than they required, lion, ,la to the progress of a measure (the Corn Bill) in the at the same time, should they be content aides lesse—( Hear.) edy 'enactment of which the entire people of England were He believed the original Bill was totally-altered—indeed, he ern e d?..4 Hear. He wished to address a few words to might say, exchanged for another ; and he also believed that ar gut tertectionist party, and in par s eiettltii to l ihe Noble Lord the Government did not possess sufficient moral weight with and G. H en tinck) the leader of - whoit party.—(Hear.) He the Irish party at that aide of the House to give the measure iaa s aware that he had laid great stress upon the peculiar effect.—( Protectionist cheers.) He (Mr Shaw) believed all Sy of the question of the corn-law. He knew that the Irish Members would oppose it.—(Laud cheers from j4°Y gentlemen opposite might not be so anxious for the corn- the Opposition benches.) He observed, on the night. of the last a as gentlemen on that side of the House, and many might great division in that . House, that not more than three or four of eonsequence vote for any measure that would have the effect Irish independent Members votaal with Ministers ; and he sap o.Postponing the corn-law. A Noble Lord opposite (Lord Posed they would not have even that number on the present 1 flentinck) said that he would give every encouragement occasion.—(Cheers anti laughter.) 'He (Mr. Shaw) should lLtne Government in carrying through the Bill if the :c o rn- state that if the Government had from the 'first administered lt measure was postponed. Now, might he presume to the law with firmness and temper, the existing law a r eat the Noble Lord to see in what position he was placed • would be sufficient. —(Cheers from Irish Members on su ggested proposal. The Government were about to do what he the Opposition benches ) He did not think they had done 4 ggested they should do, and were ready to postpone f o r a '0 from the commencernent of the monster meeting- and agita thW weeks its consideration. The party with whom nen to the present day. On the contrary, they showed a N oble Noble Lord was connected, if they voted with the spirit of co epromise, a spurious spirit of conciliation—a p tssing .. able Lord, would vote, therefore, on those grounds for the by of their best men from unworthy tears, and a tampering Zsdponement of the corn-law question. He (Sir W. Somer. with the inferior dais on the other side, from equally unworthy u l e) hoped, however, that they would look upon this measure hopes.—(Opposition cheers.) Yes, they had trailed on the aee x, question to suloserve political convenience, and th a t they generosity of their friends, arid on the meanness of their nppo • o .'uld not trifle with the feelings of the people of Ireland by nents.—( Cheers and counter cheers, ) Under these circum tneraading it in that light. It was possible that the Noble Lord stances they were without a party to give them support in Irts (al'abt have the Government of the country entrusted to him._ land. He did not blame the local and executive Government a llanghter. ) Yes< it might be so, for it was impossible to say of that country, because no independence of action was left • shat might be the case in the future course of events, and he them, they being intrusted and directed imperatively by eY e d that they would not vote for the measure on any other the Ministry at this side of the Channel.—( Hear, hear.) Ze°ands than the claims and merits which the Government The Right Hon. Gentleman, the Secretary of State, would say t h u . , ll _ l d put forward on its behalf. Having said thus much, he that his opposition to her Majesty's Government was owing to ie rßht it was better for him to decline making any further ob- disappointment, in not being appointed Chief Secretary for Ire evations at present. The discussion would create angry feel- lend. Now, if the House would allow him a f e w minutes 47 . and be a source of great irritation. and he was of opinion (Cheers) —if the House would indulge hitn for a short time, 14 it would be better to postpone it than to embitter the good he would reply to that most unwarrantable attack on him.— ..!ings which then prevailetl in the House. It would be bet- (Cheers.) He would have no special pleading —no quibbling also.for the Government to pospone it. The Bill never on words —( Crites of " Order," ands' Oh. oh.") Bald ti be sanctioned by the Irish Members on his (the Opposi- The SPEAKER hoped that the Hon. Gentleman ditt o") side of the House.—( Hear, hear.) He hoped that the timely enders oil that he could not, without the permission of „..*: G overnment would take advanta s e of the delay that must ot the House, allude to a former debate that had taken place an iiieblessity occur, and he called upon them to place upon the that H. use. /ix:of the House their other Irish measures. —( Loud cheers.) Mr. SHAW was aware that he could not do so without the } o k r a was abundance of time to do so. The Government had indulgence of the tionse, but he submitted that this was an the House that they had in preparation a landlord and occasion when the House should c oncede to him that privilege. t o t e a r n e an t : ble ßill (Hear, hear) let them place it u pon —( Hear, hear, ant cheers. ) He did not wish arty quarrel of the House. Let them also place upon the table about words, but if the attack of the Right Hon. Baronet i ii the H ouse a Franchise Bill ; let them bring forward a mean'. any thing, it meant that. he (Mr. Shaw) wished to jets (H I for the amendment of the municipal corporations.— the office which he held as Recorder of the City of D4hlin ii._ear.) A n d i n , was cer tain that if they al so they would for the Chief seeretereeisse a liedeed_ That was the marre, - : s '" a better c h ance o f ge tti n g this m .asure passed, although, of the charge. He would not q uarrel about words: he would e be had b e e s , sa id, the present severity of the Bill never give the widest latitude to his ebservetions. With regard ro could be sanctioned by the Irish Members on his side of the the Recordership of Dublin, when the Right Hon. Baronet Rouse. And if 'hey did so, they would also , prove to the was settled in office in 1842, he (Mr. Shaw) was in • People of Ireland that their attention had not been directed censtant communication with him, and he submitted , solely to the punishment of evil-doers, but that the well- at that time a proposition to the Right Ho biehaved, the well-condueted, and the patient., would have their eourab;e Gentleman that the office required regal:aim, ; Itare of consideration, on the part of the Government ; and and if his suggestions with respect to the local and judieiar that there were also Bilis in preparation, net of severity almte, officer had been adopted, there w tulil have been a saving to out suc h as w ould t e nd to increase the well-being of the the country of 3,000/. per annum.—( Hear, hear.) But he • ennntry, an d produce peace and happiness throughout the admitted fully that the office would have been made more in whole of Ireland.—( Hear, hear.) He had promised to at- dependent and comfertattle than it was at present. But he • tend to the particular m erits of the Irish Assassination Bill, did not do that as a humble sueplicant for favour.—( Hoar, ‘, * NI he had scrupulously endeavoured to do so. He hail tear. ) lie felt the difference between the Right. Honourable taleiled, as far as he could., the introduction of any irrita - ing - Baronet, the Miniver of the Crown, and an humble inotiviatual topic.— ( Hear.) He had been actuated, he could assure the like myself, but still he conferred with him upon this and all t. G overnment and the House, by the sincerest motives in bring- other measures in a tone of perfect independence. lie ad- I I forward his motion. He conceived that if they pro- mitred that he did confer with. the Right 'ton. Baronet at the eeeded with the first reading of this Bill it would be delta hs•ad of her Majesty's Government on the occasion alluded to. • mental to the best interests of the country.—(Cheers.) He, He conferred also with the Right lion. Baronet the Secretary ' . ainerefore, begged leave to negative the motion of the Hight .4 State for the Home Department, but he did not care if he `a°n• Baronet. publiehed upon every market-cross in Eegland everything he Ht, Mr, SMITH O'BRIEN then proceeded to address the . had ever said during those conferences.—( Hear, hear.) He uin a very indistinct tone of ',eke, and said, in the course had conferred also with Sir Thomas Fremantle, and the other :' -of his observations. that if the Bill were proceeded with, it Members of tne Government, and the result was this—they would involve a contest that would last for months, and whieh, said that considering that the judicial office which he now oc ;hstead of bringing peace to Ireland,would only exasperate their eupied was now in the hands of the Crown, and he (Mr. iflelings against the English Government. He would appeal Shaw), as a Member of the House of Comment, had better be ' to the Right Honourable Gentleman, whether it was well- excluded from the House, as had been the case with Dr. Lush ' timed to bring in such a measure, when the people of Ireland ington and all the al-asters of Chancery. lie never remetistrnied were in a state of starvation Let him remind the Right lion against their proposition, he never complained ;it never gave t Gentleman (Sir J. Graham) that he had only 120 supporters him the slightest annoyance. But with respect to offiee, he to that House, and he would therefore like to know how he had never in his life ventured to ask for the office of Chief sOuld e o pect to carry a Bill of this kind against the formidable Secretary for Ireland; and if he had, he felt that it wou!cl be i. °Pleosition which was arrayed against him. He could only unworthy for a iister of the Crown, and unbecoming the ' .. 'calculate on the support of a small portion who sat on the ordinary dealing between gentlemen,that s tch communications , same side as themselves, as he (Sir James Graham) did. should be divulged for the purpose of preduelog a temporary ' He did not think he would enter into negotiations with effect to save the ends of a perticular party, and he thought that. raorio ura ble M e mbers on his side of the House, because the the individual who would impute such unworthy proceed togs /tight Honourable Baronet, the Member for Tamworth, had was void of generosity ; but. what would they say or think of the ' fail e d in that respect, and would go drawn to posterity &sale dis- mini,ter or man, when he declared that upon his word there ' avowed plenipotentiary. Then the Noble Lord the Member was noe one-word of truth in the charge that had been Ina t o ; for Lyon (Lord G. Bentinek ) said —" If you introduce this against him. He would now make his appeal to the Right I Leasuren before Easter, and defer the Corn Bill, we shall sup- Hoo. Baronet at the head of her Majesty's Gowernment, for the Pert you; but if y ou p roceed with the Corn Bill, and pur ose of clearing himself from the e har g es levelled a g ainst p . '• defer t hi s Bill until after Easter, we shall oppose you" him. The history of his wommunication with Government was 'as that the support on which the Government relied this—when the Right Hon. Baronet had returned from abroad , for carrying a measure of this kind ? If they took in the year 1e34, and resumed the reins of Government, he the a d v ice of the Chief Justice of England the asked him (Mr. Shaw) to accept office, but he declined, tor the most eminent authority in criminal matters— they would pimple reason tat he hntative tar the Univedicrsity office which should compel him to g ive assist th e m in opposing the P i l l in all its sta g es, and afford of Dublin, a h nd that was t he could e represe not accept any judicial those who now o,•posed it , on the g round he did, an o p portunity up of expo s ing their present bad Government in Ireland. lint if seat in the House. For many years he was in t they should succeed in putting the Bill on the Statute-book the habit of almost daily communicating with the Right lion. it would give those who were in favour of the repeal of the Baronet, and he co-operated with him under very trying sar i union the strongest reason for continuing their agitation. cu.nstances, and in some painfel difficulties, of which he ( Air. 1 I - Under these circumstances, not wishing t o sa y an ythi n g Shaw) believed he was not aware; and now, with confidence, i , irritating, he should c onclude by expressing his intention of he would ask it ever he hail been actuated by selfish or personal 1 supporting the motion of his; Hon. Friend. BWore, however. motives ? But be that as it might, he (Mr. Shaw) solemnly i he re s umed his seat, he wished to read an extract from the averred this, that from the conversation he hod referred to as " Ses s ional Orders," to show that the Government, by the having taken place in the year I8:31, up to the present um . coarse they were adopting, were violating the privileges of ment, he never did apply to the Government for any office the House. The Hen. Gentleman then read an extract from whatsoever. He never contemplated the office of Irish Se . these orders, setting forth that the orders of the day should eretary, nor any other under the sun, except the office which ; . be disposed of before proceeding with any fresh litiOnt•ss, he tom, held, which was enough for him to preserve his in ' l Now when a Minister of State called on them to set aside the dependency. It was strange that the Right Hon. Gentl,man had orders of the House, were they not perfectly justified in moving nut before alluded to this subject. He allowed three days to el pse, and then c ame down to this 'louse to the adjournment of the Bill ? Sir JANIES GR AHA NI said that he thought it would be open this adjoerned debate, at a hoe h , air & Toe , t, eouvenient to the House if h e wou ld su b m it t o th e con- the nieht, . remeditatedlycharge againet :rider anon of the Ma. Members t h e eu , 5 ,„,,,,,, e , "d er him (Mr. Shaw) vshich had not the slightest foundation • I hich her Majesty s Government sou s ht th e introduction o f i n t r uth, It was a low vulgarism, and a mere talk of local th e present measure, in direct opposition to the s ta n ding newspeper. He challenged him to produce a seintilla, o, tee Orders of the House. The present Bill had ; been sent &ne n slightest tittle of evidence to prove the charge. The Right 1 1 from the Rouse of Lords, and it was competent for that House ilion. Baronet had also said, that seeing the Government ab out 1 (the Hcuse of Commons),uponsuch Ilillsbeingsentdown,atonce t o f a ll, he (Mr. Shaw) sitting behipd ham, had thought proper to the first reading, without any preliminary pr.. to kick them. But if he meant that they, because they sat to refer them seeding. In the other House it was open t o li e upon the table 01 behind the Gevernment, were to support the Government. the H ous e any Bill which any Nobl e L or d might think proper of the Right Hon. Baronet, they were greatly mistaken. The to introduce. No leave was required for the introauction of Government were fallen ; yes, he lamented to say, they were the Hal, a nd as a matter of course it was read a first time. The fallen both in power and e i n s the characte r Home D . He ab e lie ve w t as he the e Rightl st an di ng orders of the House of Commons were, however, dif- Hon. Secretary of Staeepvi fe ren t, as it was necessary to obtain leave of the House be- genius of the Government, and fully realieed the prophecy th t • fore a ny Bill would be it sintrodued. But when a Bill came was made some years since, that no Caitinet of which the Right •down f ro m the Upper House, was a general rule to read it a Hon. B a r o net w as a member weuld last leng in Englan I. H e first time without any preliminary motion. All the tither ( Mr. Shaw) felt no resentment against her Majesty's Minis days for motions had been anticipated, and he could assure the taws. He felt the greatest respect antl esteem tor the Right Reuse that after the long and protracted discussions upon the lion• Baronet at the h e ad o e the Government, and only re late Government measure, he really thought the time bed gretted that he had fallen into the hands rf the Right Hon. arrived when, with reference to the security of life and property Secretary of State. The opinion he had of that Right Hon. , to Ireland, it was necessary that the opinion of Parliament Barnryt he could not express in) anguaee whieh would be core tshould he given upon the principle of the measure introduced sect in the Pare of the House, and it would therefore bethe Iby h er Majesty's Government. It would be vain to dissemble better plan I a him to refrain of giving any ; o pi n ion of crie s * s em the House the ex tr e me diffi c ulty o f the position in which racier. ( The lion. Gentleman sat down amidst loud of the Government was then placed. They did think it was .. O , der, order.") • . Peraenount, and of the fi rst im p ortance with reference to Sir JAMES GRAHAM said the. Learned Recorder of ... the condition of Ireland, that at the commencement of Dublin had complained of the manner in which he had alluded • th e aes. sloe the policy of her Majesty's Government to him on aformer occasion. There were two charges of which el ieu ld t s os announced as regarded an immediate alteration he had been accused of having brought against him. He (Sir in the es orn-laws. The effect of that - announcement James Graham) had no objection to make any explanation. ' c er t a i n ly was the derangement of the Irish Government as re- The allusion which he had first made with respect to the Irish garded he pe wsons charged with the conduct of affairs there. Secreiaryshp, was made prospectively with reference to the w h e ch it was not necessary for him to relate, he had formation of a protectien Government. With reference to the lostnr reasons ble :assistance of the Secretary for Ireland. He second charge, the House would recollect that, in the course bad also been t'llsai,:tiointed o f th e assistance of the Earl of Lin- of the last Session, he had stated that he had never been his coin. and though h e would not lay much stress on that. eircum. (Sir Jame* Graham's) friend—that he had only a political and stance, yet at the saeue time he thought it rove him some claim parliamentary acquaintance with him ; and he drew a distina , •• o f the House, in taking the con sideration Lion between him and the Right Him. Gentleman at the head *Pon the consiceration a 0 1 a measure of so mui 4i impertance, the Bill for which ha d of the Government. No confidential cornmuttication had ever been sent down from the other House of Parliament, by as lorge taken place between them. He was perfectly justifies! in act tied passed it. The question then in g as he had done, with respect to the transactions which had 4 majority as that which Ras, how far the usual P einciple of the House sho uld taken p lace within three months of his acceptance of office. n ot hesitate to say, and h er An a pp lication was made to him, that the office of Recorder of be adhered to? He did erfectl sincere in the declara - D ublin should be endowed with a retiring pension of 2 0001 Majesty's Government were Py tion, that the decision on the ; Corn Bill should be come to as a-year. He returned an answer that he could ; net be a party to * Peedily as possible ; yet, wl tilst expressing this opinion, he any such agreement, and if the - Right Hon. Gentleman referred ;would not concea l the impressi on terhich they entertained, that to the Session of 1842, he found in the letter stated, why he It was necessa ry to carry on the measure which had come could not agree to that proposition. He therefore considered, down from the - other House, • withoui the least. possible delay, that being a public matter, he was fully justified in reverting in Ireland, lie con- to it. f or the protection of life and p roperty erred that the moral effect of a weedy declaration of the tin- Sir BENJAMIN HALL made a few observations, which iPle of th e Hilt wou ld be to le rev much disorder, and were quite inauilible in the gallery, in consequence of the Possibly the sacrifice of life in that country ; while then, it was e xceedingly desirable that the Cm 'n Bill should be pas-ed as a Peedily as possible, it was also ire -cessary, on the other bend, that the sanction of the House shoe mid be given to the measure which be en Ilea -••• sent down to that Mouse from the other branch noise. Mr. O'CONNELL would oppose the motion of the Right Honeurable Gentle,nm. He was actually calling upon the House to trample upon one of its own sessional orders. That sessional order had been made for the benefit of the public, in order that they might not be taker. by sudden surprd'e. The Right efon. Gentleman had talked of the moral effect on Ireland by the majority of that lieuse. Did be not. think that the I. ish people would be much mere affected by the sus e ension of teeir orders than by a ma jority of the House? They were aceustodied to hear of majo rities of that House on measures resurrected with their own in terests. He hoped that the motion would not be persevered in; he would say that no advantage would be gained by pressing this irregular motto'. Mr. CALEB POWELL believed that the real opinion of the people of England was that the Corn Bill should rake pre cedence of any other measure. He should like to ask the Noble Lord the Momber for Lynn, what was the opinion of his party connected witlethis matter? Lord GEORGE BENTINCK had no objec' ion to state the feelings of the party with whom he was connected. He would only say that if the day should come when his party should be come reoronsible for the government of Ireland, protection would never be extended to the broad day murderer or the midnight assassin. Tnen protection would be given to the poor and honest man in discharge of his lawful duties and proper avo cation. %Then he looked at t he statements made bya Minister ofthe Crown in the other Boast., and when he saw that in ten counties offences against the person, offences against the pro perty, and offences against the public peace, amounted to 4.782, he should state that he concurred with the Marquis of Clanricarde, in the necessity for pressing on the present measure.—( Hear.) He alas concurred with the Marquis of Lansdowne. in thinking that a measure for the protection of life should be the precursor of every measure of benefit. He concurred with that Noble Lord, that it was of no use to pro pose measures of improvement so long as no nr , n was suffered to pursue the occupation of his industry without being assailed by the hand of the midnight. assassin and noon-day murderer. —( Hear, hear_) For these reasons it was the intention of Hon. Members with whom he acted to give their hearty and honest sit rport to the measure of her Majesty's Minister.. The Flight Hon. the First Lend of the treasury had told the. House that the Bill was one for the suppression of assassina tion; and he ( Lord - G. Bentinck) believed, that the blood of every murdered creature, and of every creature that would be murdered, would rest on the heads of her Majesty's Ministers. did they assent to further delay.—( Loud cries of " No, no," from the Opposition b nches.) What was the state of things existing in Ireland? Why, it was not alone these who had given offence that were assessinated. but also pregnant women were shot from behind better's.— ( Cries of " Oh, oh ") He repeated the statement.—(Cries of " Name, name.") Yes, • he would name. There was the instance of Fanny M.Erreli, the wile of a woodranger, shot for no other offence than th it , her husband was sit , posed to be over active in arresting tres eassers upon the estate of his master —(Cneers from the Mi nisterial benches, with cries of "Where ?" from the D e position ) 'tie could name the place—it was in the county of Tyrone. The unfortunate woman lingered for a few days. miscarried in child-birth, and then died of her wounds.—( Renewed Minis terial cries of " Hear. In ar.") Was that a state of things to be endured?—(Cries of " No, no." from the Ministerial p a rty.) But was that a e oleary instance? How many days age was,it since Sir David Roche had been shot at, for no ta her crime than that of refusing one tenant to eject the widow of that tenant's brother, while yet her husband's remains were Iting in the. House net quite cold ?—( Hear, hear.) Nor we that all, for the state of Ireland appeared to be that no man or aged lady could go to church without risk of being shot at (Oh, oh.) Yes, there was the case of Mrs. Bennett., an aged lady of eighty, who was stopped on her way to church by two cowardly ruffians, one armed with is wattle and the other with a pistol, which was twice snapped in her face, and that be cause she refused to turn off two faithful servants, one of whom had been shot at and wounded desperately on a former occasion. feed they not the statement of Lord Farnham. made in the other House of Parliament, to show that Mr. Bell 800 he,while emnine .from church with. his two children, was murdered in the broad day, in the presence of hundreds, yet the murderers were suffered to escape?—( Hear.) They were told that the murderers were still in the country ; the houses they visited were well • knowO, .yet no person dared to arrest them.— ( Hear, hear. ) Tnen there was the last account of the 7th of the present month, where they were shown how Mr. Ryan. his wife, ten children, and five servants, while on their knees at prayer,had a loaded blunderbuss discharged into the room, the assassin tt inking that toe best opportunity of making the shot more effective ?—( Hear, hear.) Were they then to be t that, when they supported Ministers in puttine down such an infamous system, they were acting from factious or party motives?—(" No, no," from the Ministerial side.) He should say, that for himself, as also for tine Hon. Gentlemen who acted with him, they were determined that liberty and freedom should not be mockeries, but that every man should enjoy them, unawed by the vengeance of the midnight assassin and the b. oad day murderer.—( Hear.) Mr. C. POWELL said he had been informed that the minutes of a conversation between the Noble Lord who had just sat down arid an accredited Government agent was in the possession of that Noble Lord, and he merely wished to knew if it was his intention to produce it 2—( Cries of " Order ") Lord G. BENTINCK, in reply, stated that his letter was in the hands of Ministers, and ne had no objection to its pro duction. —( Hear, hear. ) Sir G. G E Y ' hoped the House would not be led into a premature discussion on the question to the prejudice of the great and important measure (the Corn Bill t previously before their House.—( Hear, hear. ) Doubtless the time would come when the Right lion. Gentlemen opposite would have to state the reasons that induced them to bring in such a measure, and also when the Hun. Members at large should decide whether or not the measure met the remedy which it proposed to redress. He was of opinion that the question put by way of amendment — whether the Corn Bill should have precedence of the Coercion Bill—was that on which they were called upon to decide. And for his own part he was prepared to press for a divisors on the mat er, as he was decidedly of opinion that the Corn Bill shoutd have precedence.—( Hear, hear ) He assured the House that in adopting that course he did not do so with a view to obstruct the measures. of the zdinistry ; but, finding a Bill, the debate on which had exceeded the time occupied in debate by all others, then likely to be postponed, thou sh within a stage or so of its final settlement, he could not act otherwise than in opposing that postponement, remembering the vast number, agricultural, m„nufacturing, and mercantile, who were anxious to have a final decision pronounced by Parliament on the question introduced by its leaders.—( Hear, hear.) Did they postpone the measure at present, it eould not be re sumed till after Easter, when it would come on in the shape of a iie.w question , and be again deba ted at increased length Under these circumstances, then, and looking to the great importance of putting an end to the uncertainty that existed, and the stagnation and paralysation under which trade and commerce laboured, because of the indecision of that Haute, he ( Sir G. Grey) would feel hims :it compelled to support the asnendment proposed by his Hon. Friend, to the effect that the Corn Bill should take precedence of all other measures ( Hear, hear. ) Mr. H. GRATTAN said that, in giving his support to the amendment of h s Hen. Friend, he would at the saute time do everything in his power to put down the spirit of outrage and insubordination that existed in some parts of Ireland. FIB would do so, not alone as he was a Member of that House, but as he was a resident country gentleman in Ireland ; and not merely as landlord, but also as a pros ..ctor of the tenant, the labourer, and the peasant. At the same time, be was not going to censure her .qajesty's Ministers for their tardiness its introducing the measure, though he should say that such mea sures had been found useless during a period that ex tended from 1810 to Is36.—(Hear, hear.) Knowing that the measure would fail, and feeling that anwher and a diffe rent one was needed, he should give it his decided opposition. —( Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Baronet a' the head of the Ministry ttiok care, in October last, to provide food for the people, and, at the same t•rne, he might have provided also for the protection of life and property. He said that to show that, even should the Bill be delayed, there existed powers to enable the authorities to put down these outrages, without the inter vention of that libellous Bill.—( Hear, hear.) The sherriff had the command of the entire p,sse in every county in Ire land ; and if they. aided by the gentry of the county who were resident, and not absentees, aided that officer in the repression of crime, there woul.l, in his opinion, soon be an end of all disturbance. But when gentlemen absented themselves, aban cloned their duty, and rendered themselves unpopular by ,uch conduct, they then came forward and united in a cry for the proclamation of a district, wnere nothing save their o wn conduct made them unpopular.—( Hear, hear.) Let the gentlemen of Ireland but. do their duty, wh' ch they did not do, and there would be an end of all disturbance. It was idle for them to look for power, and police, and military, to pro tect them from the ebullitions of an unpopularity which they brouttht on themselves. Moreover, he would not stiematis his country by voting for the enactment of a measure which branded thirty-two counties with infamy, when only five or six were affected by the mania.—( Hear, hear.) Mr. S. HERBERT(whose opening observations were in audible in the gallery) was understood to say. that though he fully agreed in the paramount importance of the corn measure, still, at the same time, he should say, Beet no man who had watched the state of society ie Ireland c )uld entertain a noubt of the necessity that existed for instantly press ing on the measure introduced by the Ministry for the better protection of life in Ireland.—( Hear, hear). The Noble Lord mede a statement with regard to the state of crime in heisted, and if the House disbelieved the truth of the statements it should go into a discussion upon them. and say whether they were or were not true. He must say, looking at the statements that were made elsewhere, that nothing was so horrible as the state of soc-al disquietude in Ireland Nothing was so complete as the abrogation of legal authority in some s p u a r r e t : ofa and h w a a u s it ; po s sible p f o o r r o n Ministers he to al low t other , e m il e , a r, - . and riot to po st sone them until a decision was taken upon the principle of the measure which proposed to arrest this state of things in Ireland. There was a feeling in that House, that this measure was not required, or that other measures should precede it, so as to more certainly interfere with the commission of crime. He trusted that the House would oat confirm the motion of his Hon. Friend. It was not true that Government had attempted to suspend, or give the right of suspending, the order of the day with a view to take an unfair advantage. The Right Hon. Baronet himself, said that it was a most 'difficult case, and the course he proposed to take was the most legal and the most ordinary course that ceu'd be preposed. He did not attempt to take the House by surprise; he merely prop sett that the orders of the day should be post poned by the consent of the House, after having been read, and that the discussion on this question should be taken it the House was willing to accede to the proposition. the course the Hon. Gentleman had taken was a very unusual one. He trusted that the House would refuse to sanction the motion of his Hon. Friend ; and without in the least degree undervaluing or underrating the importance of the measure before the House, he trusted they would see the necessity of passing the measure which proposed to give security to life and property in Ireland ; and those persons who could he attacked by the Bill hid a right to demand from that House that the subject should he taken into their earliest consideration. Lord JOHN RUSSELL—With regard to the general question of the precedence of the Hon. Member's motion, or of the orders of the day for the Importation of Corn, I should be satisfied to rest it on the state ment made by the Honourable Member for Devon, but there are one or two circumstances which have occurred in this debate, of which I feel myself compelled to take notice before going to a division on the subject. I will not interfere, one way or the other, with the charge made by my Hon. Friend, the Me mber for L y nn ; or the defence made by the Hon. Gentleman opposite, with regard to the delay said to have occurred in bring ing forward this Bill. I trust that my Hon. Friend, who disclaims the name of a leader, anti yet does attempt to speak the sentiments of tho majority of this House on frequent occasions, will not do so rash a thing as to make any accusation, whether against the party in possession of power or the party which has long differed from the opinion: of her Nlejesty's Ministers, or to expect that this question will peas off without some great opposition. With regard to the question before the House, I must say that the Right Hon. Gentleman the Secretary of State for the Home Department and the Right Hon. Gentleman who has last spoken have placed it on a different ground from that on which it ought to be placed. The other evening, he was saying that he wished the principle of this Bill to be af firmed by the House, considering the moral effect it would have on parties in Ireland. Sir, I cannot consider the ques tion before the Ho use, as m y Right Hon. Friend justly placed it, as a motion for any unusual purpose. It was to prevent the time of the Haute being oceupied; and to affirm that the more convenient course that the House could pursue for the sake of the public is to proceed with the dismission of a Bill which has hten long under the consideration of the House, and to post pane until a future time a subject which has not been under coo sideretion My Right Horn Friend is justified in saying that the case would be altered if Government said that they wished to advance this Bill through several stages for the im mediate protection of life in Ireland, but they say that they will resume the - discussion on the corn question, and that the second reading of the protection to Life and Property in Ire. land Bill shall not take 'Place foi' 'Some weeks hence—until after the Cairn Bill, the Cuetoins' Bill, and the Poor's Removel Bill have bail the consideration of this House. I ask, what can be the moral effnit of taking the fist. r ading of 13th? I ask, whether the Irish will commit less owl-sees—whether the murderer will be deterred by' knowing that a Bill has been read for the first time? I ask, whether there is not consider able d an ger—when we are to have the reading of a Bill, and the discussion consequent upon it, without the benefit of en eactment—if all the virtue to be given to the existing . powers by the Bill are to be. suspended, and an exciting effect caused upon the population? These are the rersons which the Right Hon. Baronet has given for proceeding with the Bill, and they are reasons which tell entirely the other way, and entirely in favour of proceeding the other way. Let him say that he does not consider himself justified in voting for the motion of my Hon. Friend the Member for Drogheda. It will be the part of the Right Hen. Gentleman to show the state of outrage existing in Ireland—to show what are the crimes that. have been commit ted—eaud to show that the Bill will have the effect of preventing them. That will be the case the Right Hon. Gentlemen will have to make out, and if the House should refuse to sanction the motion of my Hon. Friend, it will consider it necessary that some case for the first, reading of the Bill should he mati.e out. I hope the House will not consent to the proposition, and will post pone this Bill until some future time, even though it should be carried in its present rash shape—so as to give the Government an opportunity of proposirg more remedial mea-urea. I ask for no ,neasure beyond those on which the Government has declared its intention to legislate—namely, to alter the law as regarded la , silent and tenant, and the Municipal. Corporation Bill. I wish that the list of Irish grievances could be summed up in these topics, but they are more extensive. Ido not ask the Government to propose any other measures, bet to proceed when it is time for proceeding, and to obtain peace. When we come to consider the crimes cif which the Hon. Member for Lynn has given a sample, we are bound to consider whether or not the measure might in some degree remove the cause of them. I bee leave to say, with regard to newspaper accounts whi h the Right Hon. Gentleman has referred to, I also have read an account in a newspaper of a whole village. containing 275 houses, having been rased to the ground, and the irshe bitants sent adrift in the high road to seek a shelter, and even not allowed to remain under the hedges or the ruins of their houses to !soil their pots of potatoes. I saw that in a Dublin , newspaper, in the statement made by a g entleman, a re porter of the paper ; and in that statement he said that the circumstances were pee serially known to him. It is necessary to take up these sula;ects together, after the consideration of the Corn Bill has been disposed of. as the condition of landlord and tenant is not improved, and to give the Executive Government power to check the progress of murder and assassination. Without these powers I say that there will not be any great moral ad vantage or any limit to outrage, unless you are determined to use force fully against assassination, and have a feeling of de termination to stop the causes of these outrages by some other measure as well as this Bill. The present Bill may be en forced, and a foundation laid, so that fer ever after a necessity for these Bills may be avoided. Sir R. PEEL—In determining the course which the Go vernment will adopt with respect to these Bills, to which I attach great impor anee, Government is m a situation of pe culiar diffieulty, on account of its present position. 1 certainly did not expect to hear, whatever might have been the discus sion, any doubt expressed as to the sincerity of her Majesty's Government with regard to the Corn Bill. I must refer to the circumstances under which it has been brought forward —to the less which I have sustained of the confidence of Hen. \leathers. When the time does come, the Hon. Gentlemen shall see whether her Majesty's Government are sincere with regard to the Corn Bill, even in the event of a failure. The accusation with regard to this case I have always denied. With respect to discussion, as to whethsr power should be given with regard to this Bill, let the House look at the facts of the case. Certainly, with regard to the full de claration I have made before, in answer to a qtiestion addressed to me by the Noble Lord on Friday night last, I feel no dis position to alter it. I said that the course her Majesty's Government felt it necessary to pursue was to confider whether it was possible to obtain the first reading of the Bill for the pur pose of obtaining a division upon it. No man can feel more than I do the extreme important of the agricultural interest—sif a de cision being taken on the Corn Bill. I said that I would take this Coercion Bill after the second reading of the Corn Bill; and, as sumirg that the division would take place on Friday night, I intended to propose this first reading, If the divsion of the House was in favour of the first renting, I intended to proceed with the Corn Bill, permitting no Government measure what ever to interfere with its; progress. I said that for the in f rrmation of all parties, in answer to the question of the Noble Lord, and to that declaration I must still adhere. I feel it my duty to ask the decision of the House with regard to the first reading of this 80. It has been on the table of the House since the 16th, and I supposed that the 6 s , resting would be a matter of course. 1 say. that. so far from the Hon. Gentleman wishing te proceed with undue precim• tangy, with regard to this Bill for Ireland, he proposed. that for the first time the Bill should be read at once, and after that, that you should have a delay given to you. If you con sented to take no steps whatever, my Right Honourable Friend must have another o pp ortunit y of laying his Bill before the House. What other reasons induced him on the part of the Government to propose such extraordinary precautions against assassination in Ireland? what a ould be the inference that would be drawn, if he had departed from the course which he had adopted? Although the House of Lords had passed the Bill, and although her Majes, in her speech from the throne , have reminded the -louse that eels was a subject for their consideration, w not, for the first time, consent to the first reading of the Bill, without any discussion, but with a disregard to the common courtesy to the House, hail endeaveeted to postpone it. The decision of the House on the first reading would not - be conclusive. The discussion might not lead to any particular result. but what would be the inferences that would be drawn from any departure from the uniform and esta blished rules? But the Government were indifferent to this subject. With respect to the course Hon. Gentlemen may pur sue on this subject, I can assure them that they are free to deal with the case. They are under no obligation to give their support to this measure. I know that the. Government is situated in a peculiar situation. The Noble Lord the Member for Lynn said that we are responsible for every murder com mitted in Iceland, and for the death of every person that might die o f starvation. After a mature 41,•liberation, we could no consent to a definite proposal. We wished that the House might be bound to adhere to the first reading of the Bill Every species of delay had been thrown in the way of Government. The course they wished to pursue was, that Hon. Members might propose measures. We wish to leave it to the representatives of the Common. of Et - inland to dispose of this measure. I know the power individuals g, alenerly os p ses% of causing (IA •ulties, and of the power they had of con tinuine the debele by resorting to the extreme measure of ad journieg. That. does not relieve the Government from the re sponsib lily of proposing such measures as they might deem necessary. I should be unworthy of being a Membe, rf the Government, were 1 to permit the abuse of the powers possessed by individuals, to vary the mFriday coursedeliberatcly come to on the part of t h e Government. last we stated the course we intended to take, anti than we should a k you to take the first reading to-night. I steeply regret the course that some • Hon. Members purpose to pursue, of procrastinating the passing of the Bill, b. off -ring opposition to it in every stage of its progress. This is not acting i t a worthy way by the measure.—( Hear, hear.) I will admit of every fair delay and opposition., but in doing this I wish to uphold the authority of the Ileums, acid that respect which is due to this the popular and democratic branch of the Legislature.—( Hear, hear.) Depend upon it, if a small body of Members set themselves up in opp •si ion to the majority of this House, and set at bought the usual riles that regulate its proeeedings—depend upon it, in doing so, they are taking a course which is most unwise, and opposed to the advancement of the very objects they seek to serve.—( Hear, hear.) Ido hope tilt you will submit to a decision a t once, and that my Right lion. Friend (Sir J. Graham) will be allowed to make :is statement to the House. The N ble Lord the Member for Lynn has given a not unfair statement as to the injustice of the motion to leave the consideration of the present Bill. and take the other orders of the slay that follow. This would not be seemly in the present - state of Irel Mil. But while I wish the Bill to be taken in the course I propose, and while I do not wish any opportunity of stating objections to its pro visions, I must protest against inetions of the present kind, w l hi have n a o re wi,, o h n s "'chief' so much strong feeling e x ists alread y ; still I mint ask nghrynicftlelianngd ofnrivtohloisusqucenstairoanc.teorn. what is the question before the House ? It. is a tampering with I to e o x f eir a e a t ec its forms fur a particular purpose, aed one on which the mea sure to be considered cannot be debated conducive wiiis the rules of the House. The Hon. Gentlemen has moved that the first reading of the preset' . Bill be waved, and :hat the other orders of the slay be proceeded with. Bur to that 1 will answer, that I cannot take the other business, under present circum stances, and if the amendment is agreed to, and the motion rcj cted, I do net feel at liberty to persevere with the other orders of the day. Under these circumstances, considering the importance of the Bill, and that no unfair advantage had been taken in its introduction, I da hop. that my Right Hon. Friend ( Sir James Graham) will be allowed or make his state ment. Ido hope this course will be agreed in, and that any discussion on the subject, will be taken atter that statement has been made,—( Hear, hear.) Lord G. BENTINCK said he had been misunderstood by the Noble Lord ( Lord J. Russell), the Right Hon. Gentleman the Secretary at War, and the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Government. What he did say was, that her Majesty's Government and that House were responsible for every mur der- committed in Ireland, owing to any unnecessary delay in the passing of the measure that her Msj••sty's Ministers had introduced fogs the protection of life in Ireland.—( Hear. ) Sir R. H. INGLIS said that the Noble Lord, the Member for the city of London t, Lent J. Russell), had stated that, inde pendent of the decision of the House on the present measure, there should he no time lost in forwarding the remedial mea sures for the state of Ireland. But what was the object of tht present Bill? It was to repress outrage ; and if so. it could not be passed too soon. He agreed with the Noble Lord ( Bentiock), that ha did not find fault with the Government in introducing the Bill, bur. that they had not introduced it some time ago. Her Majesty's Government ought to have intro• (laced it some months since, instead of alloying the evils to continue without a remedy. Lord WORSLEY wished to explain the vete he was about to give on this question. On the question of the corn-laws he had diffstred with the party on that side of the House with w hom he usually' acted; therefore he wished to explain why it was he would now support the proposition in favour of the Government. Since November last great alarm had prevailed among the agriculturists reseecting the ex,•ected alteration in the Custems, and the consequence was that trade and aericul nue suffered. Any delay in the settlement of the corn ques tion would perpetuate the state of uncertainty and alarm, ant, therefore, he would vote for the first reading of the Bill, re serving to himself the right of voting against it in any of its future stages. Colonel RAWDON considered that the Irish Members who objected to the present Bill might very well speak, when they had been blamed with the death of the unfortunate men who had been killed in Ireland. He utterly disclaimed the imputation. The Noble Lord who made it had shown himself a good tactician, as he would be able now to make two speeches on the measure, having gone somewhat into it in the one he had just made. He (Colonel Rawdon) would advise the I ish Members not to expend their amtnunition at present, but, at the proper time, to use it against. the measure. His feelingshad been roused by a speech which had been made in another House of Parliament by the Duke of Wellington, on this Bid, which he (Cetoriel Rawden), • as an Irishman. repudiated. The SPEAKER c tiled the Him. Member to order, for re ferring, to a speech of a member isf the other House. Colonel RAWDON said that the Noble Lord who had just spoken ( Lord'G Bentinek) had referred to the speeches of the Marquis of Clanricarde and the Earl of Lansdowne, and therefore he (Colonel Rawdon) thought he had a right to refer to the speech of the Duke of Wellington.—(Cries of " No.") The SPEAKER—The Hon. and Gallant Member is out of order in alluding to any speech made in a debate in the other House of Parliament. Colonel RAWDON—Then he would allude to no debate whatever, but only say that the Duke of Wellington had ex pressed himself in terms which he (Co'. Rawdon) altogether rejected. He could net agree that the union between Ireland and this country was a I:gitimate compact. or that the obliga tions were such as had been represented. It was a union to which the people of I. stand had not been a party, and of which he did not approve. Mr. J. O'CONNELL rose to ad,iress the House, amidst loud cries of " Divide, divide," He said that no answer had been given by the Government, and flon. Members on the I reflections whicii were consolatory in proposing this reessure. othsr side of the House, .o the strong representations of the ' He would not make a sweeping. accusation against the hist. Irish Members against this measure. He knew the reason, and 1 peop'e genera:4a . This Bill was only required for certain dis the people of Ireland else knew the reason . The Right Hon. i tricts in Ireland. They had been accused of bringing the Gentleman the Secretary at War (Mr. Sidney Herbert) had 1 measu re forward abru p tl y and prematurely. He might b spoken in a deer , catory manner of. the opposition promised by l permitted to waw that. ter nearly five years the Governmee Irish alembers to every stage of the Bill, and by every form of • bait conducted the affairs of the country in difficult times, an the House. But•he would tell that Right Hon• Member that 'in adverse ci rcumstances ; and they bad never had recourse a they did not choose to allow the law remnant of liberty left extraordinary powers. Until that moment they had di' them to be taken away without a resolute struggle, and he charged their duty relying on the execution of the existii would further tell him that by passing tdat measure, the. Go- law. In more than rue instance they had relinquished ti vernrnent would trample out in the minds of the Irish people existing laws. They had not felt it their duty to apply to Par whatever little feeling might yet remain in favour of the le,gis. liament for the renewal of the enaetment with respeet to I. e lative union.—( Me bear ) ) ) He would inform him that land of an aggressive charecter. Oa some occasions they ha they (the Irish Members) would fight the battle firmly, removed some which were of an aggressive character. Let stoutly, and openly, even though they were a small party, them, for instance, look to the Unlawful Oatt s Bill. Thew They were a small party, and of that they had complained for were provisions in that Bill liable to be abused, and the the last forty-five years—ever since they hid carried out the were removed. With respect to the Arms Rif th en; execrable union against the people of Ireland. He complained clause requiring blackstni.hs to be licensed ban been withdrass4 they were a small party ; but to that they g ere indebted to the He must also be permitted to remind .he House, that the vat, union, and that was one matter which , with many others., they taus measures wi ich had been brought forward by the Govern sought to redress. Solemn promises hart been made to hem, ment in the course of the last two years had been received in .. but which had never been fulfilled. They had been promised spirit of unfriendly feeling by the great majority of the pea pl. that Ireland should have given to her ail those constitutienal ef Ireland. Isle knew that a great difference existed as to the privileges which England possessed. But this bad never been lwactical effect of these measures, which were intended as peac t fulfilled, and hence it was that they sought to have their own offerings. He would more particularly refer to the Beques Parliament back again, and a repeal of the legislative un i o n. Bill, which afforded great facilities for the endues. The promises made to Ireland had been most bountifully broken, ment of the Roman Catholic clergy, and for provelins and not the slightest disposition shown to do juetice to that for religious houses and sites for chapels.—( Hear, hear. ' country. But, if the Irish Members in that House were a He would also refer particularly to the Bill whicl small party, he could say they were strong in the a ff ections of he had the honour to propose wi.h reference to the provisior the pee; le. They now came forward and taunted them with for tbe education of Roman Catholics in the College of May• being a small party. True, they were a small party; but they nnoth, which gave great offence, and which, he was sorry t. had eight millions of Irish hearts at their backs, and they feared say, gave great offence to his supporters on his own side of tha not for the issue. The only answer that hail been th a t n i g ht House. That measure he, in unison with his colleagues it drawn from the Treasury Bench was one in answer to the office, thought it his du ty to bring for ward. The bringing for- Noble Lord at the head of the protection party. who seemed— ward of those Bills yeas, to his mind, a c onclusive proof the if his own speech that night were to be taken into account the Go those enter-it:Lined no hostile fee logs whatever t,, the imagine that he was to be the future Minister of England, Irish people.—( Hear.) The Board of Education in !relent and already determined to rnisleeislate for the Irish people. had also been made more eff. ctual during the last year, an , He was elso the leader of a very small party, which would there were at the present moauentbetwe. ri 400,000 and 500,00 in time be still less, because they were orposed to receiving a good education w )der the superintendence of the made for the thorough educe the policy of giving cheap fond to the p eo p le. They were board. Provision had also been' told by the Noble Lord that the course adop ted b y the Right Lion of the children of the middle' and hi g her classes. Then Hon. Baronet that evening was aco' , MOtt practice. He thought again, the Government had introdeved a Bill fur the purpoe that something more than a merely common practice might be of regulating the laws rebating to lan:Words and tenants. Bill - Bill was one of eitreme difficulty, introduced when the liberties of a nation were to be infringed and the other House re on. But what did the Right Hon. Gentleman ask? The Parliament considered that, in the state it; which it was tenderer. Right Hon. Gentleman who was leaving the House now—(Mr. to them, not sufficiently matured, and tileY therefore did ua Sidney Herbert, who wa- passing the bar at the moment, re- extend to •it their sanction. During the .zees the Govern ment haThey ham d bestowed much consideration up wa the question ra turned to his seat on the Treasury B ench. )—( Loud cries of rovidi +. Question, all i Question, question.") If it w e r e the p leasure of the House n a better law for the tenants of Irel: wid. to adjourn, he was ver to do So. The ight H, d g n their power fur the purpose of co-opea 'sting with th Gentleman—and he was y very ready sorry that he had beenß oblieed on to Commission over which Lord Devon had presided, and of whist detain him—told the House that they were _liable, by their four Members of the House formed a constituent 1 , art, amid lit conduct, to the charge of sanctioning crime in Ireland. was authorised to say that either he or some other aftembers at To that imputation, he with the same strength with which the the Government would have the honour very shortly o.' intro assertion had been made. threw it back on the party who ads cueing a measure foundeit upon the recommendations a I that vanced it. He charged them instead with sanctioning crime in board. Then he must observe that with reference to this .`nee. Ireland with the measures they were then proposing, The sure, painful as it was, and unconstitutional as he admittewl it Noble Lord on the one side accused them of sanctioning the to be, be fur one, foreseeing the necessity of the introduction Of crime of assassination by postponin r the Bill, while on that side some such measure in the early part of the present session, he they were charged with the crime of adding to the present telt that it was a matter of primary importance that provisior. miseries of the Irish people by delesing in any way the passing should however be first made for the physical wants of the of the Corn Bill. He charged the Noble Lord with doing people of Ireland, so far as those wants could be relieved by the both ; and now he accused the Right Hon. Baronet and his Government ; and he certainly could not be a party to the (Wends in the Treasury Bench of being accessory to the crimes introduction of this measure unless it had also obtained th of the peasantry. Only two years ago they, the Irish Members, sanction of his colleagues, and unless some rnea-ure had bee came over to this House. an the occesion of the Landlord and I eeviously introduced, for the purpose of affording the peopl Tenant Comesission in Ireland, and their languege on that of that country food at the cheapest possible Tare. Now, In occasion was not of supplicating men ; their language wee this must also be allowed to observe that the off of of eh measun w Mind what you are tieing for us, and for Heaven's sake take of last season were already perceptible in Ireland. He was re care what you are doing with this Commission; you are rousing joiced to be enabled to state that the admiseion of maize, r ot. the most sanguine hopes in the minds of the desperate reasantry of duty. had already state t the most beneficiel effects of Ireland; you are exciting hopes in their minds, hopes which Ireiand.-- t t Hear. lt hear.as ( ) bee The dem an a nds for that articie opersf fe ee ar. shall not be afterwards realwed , and it is no use tel l i n g us here was very greal :and the effect p of its introduction into Irelan ~ i. e w r th ameal ; it was sui that you are only sending out that Commi s s ion to ask for in- in oatmea formation." They told the Right Hon. Baronet then 'hat he confidently believed, would have the effect, if not in agreat, a could not reason with starvation—that he could not reason with least in some measure, of superseding the use of the potato madness. They told him to go on, if he so liked, till some among the pearole of that eountry, and gradually, but surely, a. fortunate chance occurred, when he might el aim the merit of he hoped, of giving the people a better means of subsistenc+ wisdom, instead of by that course adopting measures which than they at present possessed. The Government had al would only lead to disappointing the minds of desperate men, brought forward measures for the purpose of encouraging publi. the wild hopes they had by theee measures been led to conceive. works in Ireland ; and the demand for loans was great, an. 1-las not their words come true? He did not blame the Corn- the effects. he believed, moat beneficial to the people of la elan missioners; for, to the honour an I credit of those gentlemen whose And the beneficial effects would be still further increased by t. names appeared upon it, they represented things in Ireland judaci .us exoeuditure of the moneys lent by the Government h ad. fairly ; but he maintained that their words ought to have The moral effect, and the social improvement, produced by tie had . some effect on the mind of the Right Hon. Beronet , encouragement of public works in Ireland were mest pilpable. The Right . Hon. Baronet had used some expressions The people who lived in these oistrivs where tho s e works towards Ireland with which they had some right to be were carried on, would have better and mere permanent em offended. But, as he had given an apoloey. he would not ployment, and they w.eild in a short. time be enabled to instal , again refer to them further than to say that it was an apology the independent position of the working classes of this country which was justly due to them. But he had an oblecti an of his Then he might ask, what would be the effects of the edueatioe own to the present Bill.—(Cries of w Oh, oh." '• Question, of 400,00(1 or 500.000 children by the o ffi cers of the Govern question.") A deput ation of persons—he could not call them ment ?On all these grounds he was therefore confident ill f i gentlemen, because he thought them undeserving of the name anticipations. that the future position of Ir 'fend would be • of men—went up to the. Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, en the most prosperous oee. The effect of their social improvemm• subject of the disturbances in that country, and he understood would be recognised by the Legislature, and the Legislator • that they prayed of the Lord Lieutenant to oblige them by would with g.eat confidence briog forward measures tor e taking the blo o d of a mar, whom his countrymen believed to people who had fortunately become mueli happier an. be innocent—he meant the unfortunate man Seery. He (Mr. elevated than they now were. There could lo John O'Connell) had placed a notice on the books of that no doubt that in a few sears the Legislature would h. House, giving to the deputation what he believed was their guired by a more c aleulg and kindly spirit with regard ta proper title, but he was remonstrated with in private in a Ireland. In the mean time they had to deal with a case at ur quarter from which he had always received the utmost kind- gent and pressing necessity, to which he could scarcely find any ncss and courtesy. He marked his sense of their kindness, by parallel ca -e in the history of these kingdom,. He had befit, wlthdrawine and not repeating the expression. The sheet on said, and he then wished to state, in the most distinct manner, which his motion had been placed was altogether cancelled, on that he did not stand there to impugn the character the of the Wish the ground that it pledged the House to an ex p ression of opt- people generally. Quite the contrary. He pleasure nion, before it bad given its vote on the matter. Now, what of stating that in the 32 counties of Ireland—in the nujerity of was the case here. This Bill was presented to the House these he believed that it would be found, by statistical ac with a false and calumnious title.—(Hear, hear.) It was counts. that life and property were as secure as in any stated to be a Bill for the more effectual preservation portion of Great Britain.—( Hear, hear.) He was happy to of life and property is Ireland. It was not so. Property say that, in at least 18 out of those 32 counties, crime had eon would not be better protected by the bill ;—life would not he siderably decreased within the last year.—(Cheers.) He thought AO well protected — because the measure itself would it would not be necessary to stain d the House by going into a aggravate the cause of discontent in Ireland. Why, then, specific detail of the amotuat ecrease of crime, or of the should the Bill be introduced before the Home with this title? names of the particular counties. Suffice it to say, that in 18 ou —a false title, because it stated itself as for the better preserve- of the 32, there had been a considerabb. decrease of crime withit: tion of life and property in Ireland. It had been said that the last year, 1845.—(i1r. O'Connell, " County Tyrone" ?) night that theirs was a factious oppositioo, because they v ere In the County Tyrone, there had ben e a very large decrease of determined, by every form of the House, to defeat the Bill. erime.—(ilear he Ir.) The crim f, according to the They were justified by their consciences in doing so. They reports of the ' Constabulary force, had decreased in the :ast year did it with the sanction of the people of Ireland, and their from 108 to 40. He would go still fur the r,the a nt say, t hath if it constituencies approved of it. They would persevere in their were not for the present state of five of ie fl opposit on to the last moment. It this was a factious opposi- he cfruld not conscientiously propose this Bill.—(Hear, hear.) Won they gloried in it, because they were opposed to the den He wotiat vete at once the names of those five ceuraties. al. struetic,n of the last liberties of the Irish people. It was an though he was afraid he shonld have to trespass upon the ireful opposition carried on with the view of defending their country- ge n e s` f the House for a short time—tflear, hear) --for i men from a measure of mere wanton and useless tyranny. preposine a measure of se tuaconetitutMnal a character—( Hr There was another charge trumped up against them. out it wa hear)—he felt it to be his bounden duty to bring befe n re the Hous‘ a lmost too trivial to be alluded to. It was that the y (the re- the grounds on which ha p r oposed it —( Hear, hear. ) No \w aters of Ire l and) were anxious for the re p eal of the five counties to which he hard alluded were, Tipperary. --ern-lase - because it was one of the few advan- Clare, Roscommon, Lima rick, and Meath. aid- In bl t e hose five • - t extent. counties crime had increased to a considera.. There were also five other counties in which crime ha, been fearfully progressing during the last year, and the names of those counties were Cavan, Fermanagh, King's County, Longford, and Westmeath ; so that it appeared that at present there were, out of the 32 counties of Ireland, ten in which un lawful doings and crim , s of the most frightful character were being regularly carried on. In the county of Cavan, crime hid increased within the last year from 44 to 109, in Roscom mon from 264 to 716, Limerick from 321 to 460, and Tipperary from 908 to 992. But he thought he could present this mattet to the House in a light which appeared to him to be most con clusive, and which would show that crime was raging in die trios of Ireland to a most alarming extent.—( Hear.) By ter last return which had been made to the Government, it ap peered that the whole population of fret-int - I was 8,175.000, and the population of the five counties to which he had n ore par ticularly referred, viz. Tipperary, Clare. Roscommon, Limerick. and Leitrim, was 1,412,000. The population of those fire coun ties therefore, was a little more than one-sixth of the whole of Ireland. Now the crimes to which he would direct the atten tion of the House were of a most insurrectionary character : they co.nprised crimes of murder, and the destruction of pro perty. He had made a selection of those particular crimes The crimes had been arraneed as follows—homicides, violetter to the person, aggravated assault, assaults endangering life, in cendiarism, killing or maiming cattle, demandingand robbery arms, appearing armed, administering unlawful oath:, sending threa•ening natiees. malicious injury to property, and 6. it:p into dwelling-houses. New the number of homicides com mitted in 1845 througheut the whole of Ire'and was 92, and the whole of those committed in the five counties ei which he had more particularly directed their attention was 47, b ins one third ef the homicides committed in the whole of Ireland. Assaults in those five counties 190 and in the whole of Ireland 350, being two-fifths of the whole number. Assaults endan gering life 110 in those five counties, and in the whole of Ire land 127. Incendiarism in those five ceunties 139. and in the rest. of Ireland 329, being two-sevenths of the while number Killing or maiming cattle in those counties 108. in the rest re Ireland 164, being two-fiths of the whole. Demanding anti robbing re arms in the five counties referred to—and this wa a crime of the most malicious and fearful kind-420, and in the rest of Ireland 131, being four-fifths of the aggregate. Appear ing armed in those counties 66. and in the rest of bet end 25, being two-thirds of the whole. Administering unlawful oaths in the same districts 191, and in the rest of Ireland only 33, being six-sevenths of the whet". 7 hreatening notices in the same 1,1 43, and in the rest of Ireland only 901, being eleven twentieths of the whole number of crimes of a similar number committed in Ireland during the year 1845. Malicious injury to property 104 in the five counties, and 306 in the rest of Ireland. Now he would observe that one crime particularly had been greatly on the increase during the last eienteen m whs. The dreadful crime of firing into dwelling-houses at night, for the purpose of wounding promiscuously any member of a family, had been, during that period, in those five coun ties to which he had called their attention, 93, and in the rest of Ireland only 45 —( Hear, hear) —being seven-tamths of the whole number. He had in his possessior rep irts which showed the state of these flee counties during the months of January and February of the present year. The number of homicides in that period, it appeared. ea, 8 ; robberies of arms, 18 ; setting fire to dwelling-houses, 69; sending threatening notices, 69 ; and malicious it.jury to property, 14. And in Limerick (exclusive of the city of that county ), 3 murders, 12 incendiaries, 25 robberies of arms, 50 threatening notices, and 18 attacks on property. In the • county of Clare there had been 1 murder, 7 incendiaries, 20 robberies of arms, and 17 threatening notices. And in the ceunty of Roscommon within the same period (the last two months), there had been 1 murder. 3 incendiaries, 31 robberies of arms, 6 threatening notices, and 42 administrAtoniof un lawful oaths. Now, it was his painful duty to bring under their immediate notice seine mere facts relating to the dis turbed portions of Ireland. It would be impossible for him to give the House anything like general statements, but it ap peered that these crimes were not of a sectarian or political character. Roman Catholics and Protestants, Orangemen and Repeaters, had alike become the victims of the lawless men of the disturbed counties. And he must also state that the crimes which he had mentioned were by no means new in the par ticular districts to which be had a lluded. Unhappily, they had prevailed for several years past; and it now re rained fur the Legislature to exert itself, for the purpose of eradicating the species of crime to which he had referred. It was true, that much had been done, butte l their effarts had, as yet, signally failed. Crime, of t species referred to, h a d been more, during the last eighteen months, than during many years previously. He implored the House to consider seriously the disgrace to which those crimes subjected the people of these realms. They were crimes dis graceful to this country, this age, and the Government under which we lived. They betawee equally disgraceful to our l polity. Ours was said to trs, and yet crimes were daily committed itt the e wer country which were a disgrace to any country on the ace of the earth. e and a civilised COUII- In order to illustrate whit he had b..tore s rat.d, he woul I read to the House a number of cases, w hic h he had prepared and classified according to the principies he had ju-t sated. The first class to which he would Kier were cases of murder, or in juries inflicted upon person in consequen c e o f themselves or their relatioes having taken, or refusing to give up, land. He would refer first to Tipperary. On the 24th of May the friends of the deceased wife of a party who occupied a few acres of land in Tipperary wished to obtain possession of the prope rty. Notice had b een served b y the ruffians to g ive up possession of the property. Notice not being attended to, the u nfortunate man was waylaid while returning from Done gal to his own home, and brutally murdered. Another person, quite u nconnected wi h either party, was also knocked down his head was fractured, and he died from the effects of the injury received. In another case in the same neighbourhood, four men, with their faces tlackened ant otherwise disguised, entered the house of a person occupying land, and presented pistols to the heads of the peaceable inmates, and asked them way they did not obey the summons which had been sent, and after committing gross acts of barbarity they went iwty. He would also allude to another cue, which also took _pia" in, the corn-caws tages' which the union had given to Ireland. The charge did not require to be refuted. A few words more to the Noble Lord opposite, the future Minister of England. The Noble Lord had endeavoured to influence the judgment of Members in that House by his speech on the motion for reading the order of the day. But he would ask the Noble Lord, if he had supported a Coercion —er if he had said one word in favour of a Coercion Bill, at the period of the riots in Wales? Unt.l a poor woman had been murdered, no extrao - dinary powers were asked for. He had never supported strong measures then. He had never adverted tO that case then, but he had brought forward the case here. Was this the kind of chivalry which was to distinguish the opposite party —that the Door man's foetid should be taxed, in order to uphold the power and wealth of a pampered aristocracy. Every form of the House should be used to stop the Bill; and he told that iltg'at Hon. Baronet, that the consequences of the delay of the Corn Bill would be upon him aline. Mr. COBDEN—From the remares which fell from the Right lion. Baronet, I was left in some doubt whether the proposed statement, which is to be made by the Right Hon. Baronet, the Home Secretary. shall be gone on with to night, or whether it is the intention of the Government to press a division on this question? Sir R. PEEL— We shall proceed with the first reading of the Bill. My Right Hon. Friend will make his statement, then we shall leave it to the House to judge what course they wit: pursue. When I said that my Right Hon. Friend would have an opportunity of melting his statement, I did no mean to imply that that was sufficient, and that there we should stop. Mr. COBDEN—Be ore we go to a division, I cannot help e l pressine ens sincere regret at the course adopted by her Ma jesty's Government. I think it will he a great calamity both to England and to Ireland; for although the Government bring his measure of coercion forward, as a measure which will pacify Ireland or contribute to the peace of Ireland, we must bear in mind that those who represent the Irish feelii'g in this House—those who have the greatest influence in Ireland—have a distinctly contrary opinion ; whereas, on the subject of corn, that great question of giving food to the people of England and Ireland, no difference of opinion exists. If I understand rightly. the Hos. and Learned Gentleman who, I may say, represents Ireland, came over expre,sly to surtain her Ma jesty's Ministers in their wish to give increased subsistence to the people of England. That question. I think, should have taken precedence of the coercive measure, inasmuela as those who understand the interest of Ireland Know that the best way to pacify Ireland is by giving the people food. But have the Government considered what will be the delay that will be caused by proceeding with tho Bill ntw ? If you go into the discussion to-night, the Honourable Member for Li merick county has told you that the Irish Members themselves are prepred to sustain their opposition to the first reading for three nights. This might he a Govern ment night ; Friday and Monday following are Government nights, and these three w 11 be occupied in the discussion. You cannot reckon upon those nights occupied by private members —you cannot reckon upon these for the debate on the Coercion Bill You must have Thursday night in Committee—you must have the following Tuesday night in Committee. Private Members will not give asp their notices in order to ac commodate the Govrnment on this subject. You therefore, cannot take another step on the Corn Bill before Laster The Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Devonport stated most truly Oat Hon. Gentlemen opposite would come up again after Easter, trusting that we shall have forgotten all their tedious arguments, and repeat the same thing over again.— ( Laughter.) In all human probability that Corn Bill will not reech the House of Lords before the beginning or the middle of May, and when it shall pass out of that House heaven only knows.—( Hear, hear.) I think this is a great calamity. I do nut attribute any motives, such as those which have been hazarded against the Right Hon. Baronet and the conduct of the Government. But there is something which actuates them which I cannot understand. Their reasons have not been explained in this Howe. We have had no reason to warrant the course they are pursuing. I believe there is no compact between the Government and certain Hon. Gentlemen, and do not believe those conversa tions which are published in to-day's paper, and which ought not to have been published. even if :hey had, taken place. Ido not believe there is any such compact. The Right Honourable Baronet at the head of the Government has acted upon the decision which he gave four or five days ago, before any Irish Member had' spoken upon the subject. He new knows what will be the feelings of those Members should he press this Coercion Bill before the Corn Bill. He does not, in my opinion, impeach the sincerity at all of his ' determination to carry this measure I rejoice, anti the country will rejoice, that the Right Honour able Baronet has this night declared, that nothing shall prevent him showing his sincerity in resisting any obatruc . ion or Mu tilation of the Corn Bill ; and I have a full conviction, a most earnest conviction, that he will deeply regret the course he is now taking, because I think the present state of the country— the manufacturing districts, from which we hear every day — the agricultural districts, the inhabitants of which, as the Noble Lord the Member for Lincolshire has stated, are anxi .us have a settlement and - do not care fir the amount of the settlement so much as for a speedy eettlement of the Corn question. Under these circumstances I d 'eply regret having to go into a lobby to vote against the Government on such a question as this. Strangers were then ordered to withdraw, and the House divided — For the amendment .. For the first reading ............................. 147 Majority for Ministers Sir J. GRAH AII then rose and said that, in the absence of any member of her Majesty's Government more immediately connected with Ireland, it was his painful duty, on that occa sion, to repose to the House the first reading of the Bill which came down from the other House of Parliament. The Hon. Member for Stockport had said that there was some mys terious motive in pressing this Bill. He hoped the House would indulge him wi h a ratient hear ng, while he e iittea• sou red to state to them cogent r e asons , which, in his judg ment at least, appeared conclusive that no time was to be lost in passing such a measure >i sthis. There were, however, some rs abict at ha 41 :., ernme°: ;into z., in wh ic `` i s f a ctorl rig a rA pith Of han thw a v CO the cle‘j's . le that $4 krectort., vventee, in W e t was ror, hould us t o tte rs shnu l ' , I sent chi 11 , 7 t t he e , f in the sr, had nel d be Y er f ontrulo!., sangnia: ie Wel l , WO" -1 ' to M a d sll thes' w hich tjt D n Y l ' " s/ a rail ° ; doing Fle • CO° nOL 1 0 7 in j e t :de: 01: aken, 3. be I ns to OP ray' r ' to wa cticl e j efore t ou i t cont r cov3P3nje had ° rtie g P' d r e , s h o ul d r 00. "„ a s. L . for ! g o led, s' ed ; tion_°o k 1 II .00 j be t' :uf'P`r r sbutild 140 Juce d p ild d coheaoP-r' ef , d and ho rued L' r e j . r the i r ) e} ;a r. ri of te h r ; gave mittee tr he bat ~: Rii.r=...---..rtpsevi,a7vrearo,stessr.a*,/tw- - T , 3lf= - 717 - 71- IAVS7I. Ar k Tipperary on the 1111th of January, in 11ls 14 yr& T 1. 4''s - ame of the party Murdere was Mr. Samuel., gatb, rl de was discovered lying upon the road with his head fractured , ' z d n o t , h h a e t r h v e ery ha s ri ev n e: .t e I fallen from h t i- w h a o s hrtsee, and that his etitielact •oold not have been ascribed to any effects of such an aceidene. the oily reason that could be aesigeed ter the c ommission «ef etch an a t of atrocity, was that it was understood that he was ,bout to discharge two of his tenants. He would allude to county Clare. On the filo of October last, Mr. Pe, et Clerk was toot at by two men, while riding roiled a domain which he had let pur chased. Now it was considere d by Hen. Members o e ss ite. and in thet opinion he ( Sir Jam es Grab tin) fudy emp n- -ided, that absenteeism , was a great evil. They wished to encoue age resident landlords, but how could they exp•-ct in suer a -tate of things that any gentleman would go dow in n to reside upon such an estate, or expene hi. money l a bour i n improving his estates. '1 his gen-lemon was. it appears 4oing to. settle some disturbances among the tenants on his n pr t '' t , r, t e d a se a . : e a fatally eswihorau:lnLdn)eoidtc lef t v b,y tit titan-. -;. m o i :H e L s e n w h e r e m i ll wou e ld t w a a s r p e s p i le:r a t n t a , o d t a hat he was a midd'e man, and for some offence which he had at yen to his tenants, he al-o, in the month of January, 1546, sas fired at and killed. In the county of Clare. on the 7th of 'etnuary, 1845, seven men, disguised as usual, entered the ouses of James Alallony and others, and fractured the skull -f one of the inmates, and also inflicted very severe wounds ,nd injuries upon others of the party. It am-eared is all these rutraoes that not one of the ordina r y feelings of eocial life teemed to have the least influence upon the conduct of these uffians. The only reason assi tried for this outrage was that n the year 1843 Some lands were divided by an rder of the Court of Chancery, upon which there -.ere upwards of three hundred tenauts. and that one or wo of that number were deprived of their land. He would mad another case, which occurred in the counts of Limerick. even men in the usual disguise, and armed, entered the house ,1 anima of the name of Lawrence I.ee ; tney rushed at him ,nd beat bias down. This was a ease of cruel barbarity. Nhen the man was upon the ground, his wife threw herself -pen him, in order to protect him from their violence. One .1 the fellows placed the gun close to his legs, while his wife tttempted to shelter him. Regardless, however, of the position if the wife, they discharged the gun, the shot of which narrowly s eeped the wow-aim, and shattered the head of the unfortunate nan. The murderers then retired. The only reason for this irutal outrage was because he had paid his rent, contrary to he wishes of these parties. On Jan. 21, 1841, Mr. Walker vas also fired at and otherwise brutally attacked, the only complaint, it appears, being that he held about three acres of land, known by the !rime of Coobrah, the name of which was •everal times repeated by the assasens while on their mar e-roils occupation, He would now call the attention of the louse to an then class of outrage—that of magistrates in the xecution of their duty. Mr. Al‘Cleod had been selected by he Government to suppress some disturbances on the borders af Leitram. He was teturniug home, and when in the act of desiring the driver of his ear to get down and open the gate, .ie was fired at by an assassin, whe had concealed himself for :hat purpose, and expired immediately. There must be in these cases some horrible confederacy. for it. appeared, with re• ference to the latter case, that notice of this murder was ssosted at the town of Enniskillin two days before A be murder was committed.—( Hoar.) There was also e m s case of Mr. Boothe, who, when returning home o e fompany with some portion of his family. were fired at by ,me' person` ; anti altheugh he was within two hundred yards f the village, and num ors of persons were passing by the spot n - journey from divine service, not one of them offe red ien their' de, the least assistance, either to the wounded man, or in s „0„ t,,) secure the murderer, notwithstanding the offer of money by the weunded gentlemari if they t r te a m i l a it r i g n e g • ould capture the assassin. There was another ca-e tii which , would call the' .attero len of the House. Not only were these rocities commit;m l s in eases of peesessioa of land ; they e • era cegniz ince, a wl interfered with the meet minute vie. e n nstaneee of life—+`hs' case of matters and servants If sit:, tl.ing should transpire • •w,%rich they considered demanded their nterference, immediedely threateeing notices were sent; and unless these none:eel weee at ended to, summary yen ereatice would be takon by those secret and organised , ands. As tetelmg t s iLneatrate the interference in the case of -taster and servant, he w eittlil instance the case ot a person n Tipperary, who was aboi..t to be superseded in a situatioh 'y another party. His maet,el„ or' the 4 - h of May, 1545, was fired at and died in a few days from the effeet• of his wouteb. there was no other offence all aged against him. Arlo her -age of a similar kind was that of a disehate-ed steward of .he Hee. Mr. Halsor., who less shot through the lungs in Con sequence of not obesing the order of these tyrannical mereue ere to leave his employment. He would not have referred to case alluded to by the Noble Lord the Men.ber for Lynn, • mad he not made special allusion to it. It. was a meat alio. ions case. It was an outrage committed en a wiiman who Was regnant, and who was •hot at in open day in the county 'o f r,rone. She was the wife of a wood, anger who m -de hinesiilf •dinoxious to these assiseitis. On going along the read sith her child, she was ,fired at. The Child was seriouily sounded in the brain, and the mother died a. f-w'days after- yards in consequence of the injuries= she ?fee , ived. (An Hdn. Member on the Opposition benches here asked the Right Baronet if this occurred in the day t;me.) Yes, it.was -te the day time. Here was another case which occurred in Tipperary on the 17th of January. l'e4B. It was that of a man •f the name of Murphy, who was fired at in a most barbardus manner. , The Noble Lord, the Member for Lynn, also alluded to another case. These tyrants, it appeared, wish'ed the mistress of an establishment to dismiss her servant. and in consequence, of her not complying with their desires the ser vant was barbarously attacked, and bis lire %fru placed in the most imminent peril. He now begged to refer to the effect that this organised system of outrage had upon the social condition of the people of Ireland. In November 26th, 1845, the secretary of a company called the Mining Company of Ireland save notice in the county of Tipperary that the works would be suspended in conseqoence of the outrages which had been coa.mitted, and in con .equence of the threatening notices which lad been served upon the workmen. Now the tendency if capital was to flow into Ireland, and it was his opinion that the real remedy for the grievances of that country was the applie eion of capital, and yet unless those crimes were put down no capital would flow there, no increase would take place in the means of employ ,nent, and crime, murder, and rapine would continue to per. vade the land. He would not apologise to the House for going Into those details, for circumstances Trade it imperative on tin to do so, and it was evident that the state of crime was •uch as to require extraordinary means to be adopted for its .uppressien. He would now give a few epecimet s of crime bleb had been committed on parties wishing to give evidence o" bring parties to juit.ice. In December, 15.15, a man, tamed John Ryan, was subjected to the most barbarous usage from this cause, and shortly after died in consequence of the .wounds he had received, So great, however, was the reign ef terror, and such fear pree;ailed for the safety of his friends, : hat he .fared not disclose the names of those who he well know were concerned in the outrage. No v, here was a man struck lewn by assassins. Two persons were taken into custod charged with the crime ,but in consequence of the terrorism which existed the injured man would not give evidence against them,- and .ireterted to die before he would disclose their names. —(Mr. aleb Powell asked how Sir James Graham could know what his thoughts were. )—The dying tarn gave that explanation at ha time. He (Sir James Graham) did not, however, believe that in these five counties the great body of the people were tainted. He believed that the conspiracy extended but to a , mall portion of the community ; liut that portion, though small, was well organised, and the rest of the etimmunity were rept in a state of terrorism by them. In Galway, a 'person --sine there to give evidence in a civil hill case, and in noose piettee of some expressions made us , of by him, the relative ,f defendant maltreated him in a most shameful manner. An. eller case occurred in Tipperary on the 26th of June, when a man was murdered. The friends of the murdered :nan prosecuted the supposed murderer, and in consequence party of 12 tar - 5 men grievously asaauted them, and a man if the name of Egan, who was cognizant of this circumstance, lenied that he had any knowledge of the parties when the entice came to investigate the case. He would trouble the llause with only one more case of this de s cription. It was im possible to deny that fear of giving evidence existed to a very treat extent. On the 12th of February last a man of the name I .07 r , a ti i:e G a lepre:et After t r. f eNfy n :so , ,fr,,, w ni,s h a2 o almsal httyehriu: men, one and e a , t r tor g htfe e hiawset t ey t od m osutuni i orbryla6: outrage subsequently w fi e five sl hye e (man: forced c s trao , chsreii w dtoch a uhe s st ywh a attacke d over had the th t: ..ountry, not one informed the police of the circumstance ; ins if this had been done, there is but little doubt hat the criminals would have been brought to justice. tie would next lead a report which he had received from a esitient magistrate, who stated that he believed the system of error to be so great iii that eisti•iet, that if even Old Gleeson ad been murdered, not one of h.s tamily could be induced to -tome forward and prosecute the murderers. lievrould not de aim the Hnuee by entering further into details, but there were ere or two cases which he should mention as illustrative of he system. By a report he had received on the Bth of De eember, it appeared that a party of police constables were out -an patrol, and were fired at from an adjacent wood ; they re turned the fire, but one of them was badly wounded. This took place at eleven o'clock in the evening. Now he stated this ease in order to show that the most atrocious crimes were committed without the least possible provocation. He would next read a notice of rather a novel description, which had been served upon a farmer in the county of Clare upon the 24th of the present month. The notice was to the effect, that unless the party on whom it was served used his interest to procure for the party threat ening a farm, which had been record , held by certain parties who bad been transported, it was presumed through the infor mation of him (the threatened), the forfeiture of his life would be the consequence. The next case he would state was one of a nature of in terference with domestic arrangements. which was really atrocious, and which showed that the tyranny exer cised was sufficient to beat down all the rules of social in.er ,...ourse. It was tred at the lest Clare Assizes. It appeared that the commander of a steamer on the Shannon, was In the habit of purchasing milk from a woman who attended the ves sel. Ile complained to her on one or two oeca.ions that the milk was bad, and he should discontinue it. He did so, and !hereupon this woman told him that he would be sorry for it. In a short time after, upon the arrival of the steamer at the quay, after all the passengers had left, this man came ashore and was seized upon by tour or five men, who beat him severely, aid fractured his skull. Mr. O'CONNELL—Was that by day? Sir JAMES GRAHAM—It does not appear, by the re turn, at what period of the day it took place. Air. O'CONNELL—But the parties were tried and con victed, were they not ? Sir J. GRAHAM said they were, at the last Clare Assizes. He then proceeded to state that he had already presented to the House petitions from the high sheriff and a majority of the grand jury o f the county of Leitrim, praying for the sup pression ot this species of outrage. I , c would next wish to refer to th e addresses he had received from the five ceucties lie had b een s p ea king of, all of which pra ed for the suppression of crimes. He held in his hand an address from the magistrates ef the county of Tipperary, which had been presented by the Lord Lieutenant —by Lord Doariughmore. He had another rout the county of Roscommon, and from several other counties, to the same effect ; but he would not weary the House by going into them all, but, amongst them, was one from Limerick, containing resolutions adopted at a meeting presided over by Lord Guillimore and presented by Sir Lucius O'Brien. But now, having stated the unhappy condition of these five coun' ics in ref, rence to the'amount of crime committed in them, he would next proceed to state the heads of the Bill which bad been sent dowp from the House of Lords, as a measure intended to aid the Government in the suppression of crime in Ireland. He did not mesa to enter into any discussion of the merits of the clauses at present, but when the second reading should come on, be would then be prepared to defend each clause at length. The first:elan-at was to the effect that the Lord-Lieutenant should 'hay& the power to proclaim any district, and to send down' ant additional stipendiary magistrate and police force at the expense of that district, though in ordinary eases it was -intended that the police force should be paid out of the public funds. It might be said that the power given to the Lord Lieutenant was arbitrary in levying the payment of the additional con stabulary force off the proclaimed district. Now, lams Con- ight be r e membered that, under the previous of the ger stabulary Act, the Lord Lieutenant h , " the power-so increase the ..alariea of the coustabies, amid hen also the unlimited 'ewer to en-ate as many stipendiai y magistrates, M unlimited salaries, as he deemed • ctually necessary. With respect to the clauses, that emposered the arrest of persons found without theirs houses in proclaimed districts after the legal time, he wee o ,We refer them to the language of the Hon. and Learned Metee e e for Cork (Mr. O'Connell) when a similar measure wee bef or e the House in le33.—(Hear, hear.) That Hou.eunVe• . N i 1 ! f, i :, :±.