The Sun. — London, England, 1837-01-16 00:00:00

n • nee 'lave you for the faithful discharge of the trust reposed in .the constituency, but that - very security which I urged in the case of the House of Lords, Viet they are re sponsible to God, to their consciences, and to an enlightened public opinion.—(Cheers.) But then it is said that the 'House of Lords, and this is the main point. Let us meet it fairly, and consider it fairly. It is said that the House of Lords has shown a spirit at variance with the spirit of the people, and that it has obstructed the march of social im provement. I challenge the.opponents of the House of Lords to the' proof.—( Loud cheers.) I ask you calmly to review the changes that have been made in our social system within a - period of seven or ten years preceding. I ask you to show me, in the history of this, or any other country, an equal num ber of changes in our social system—and more extensive changes, aye, in double the time. Why, so rapid is the advance °Lei will call them improvements—l do not want to take the advantage of a word for the purpose of gaining an advantage in argument—l say , so rapid h as been the sad vance of improvement, or change, that we are hardly conscious of the changes that have actually taken place.--(Cheers.) We go with the speed of a rail-road, and cannot mark the distance from the objects we have passed.—(Cheers.) Within this period has not the whole of our commercial policy been changed ? I am not saying whether these changes are good or aot—l only refer to the many extensive changes that have been made, without reference to the resu l t , or proable result, of them.—( Cheers.) My argument is, that the House of Lords have not manifested that disposition to obstruct local improvement charged against them. I say, that within this period the whole of the commercial policy of the country has been changed. Our intercourse with our colonies in the West Indies, and with the East, Las been put .on a wholly different footing—the monopoly has been destroyed, and the privilege of a free and unrestricted intercourse granted.— ( Cheers.) The whole of the criminal laws has been revised, and the severity of the criminal code has been diminished. Can any one deny these facts?—(Cheers.) —the civil disa bilities have been removed from the Roman Catholics—the Test and Corporation Acts have been repealed—a Reform of the House of Commons has taken place—Slavery has been abolished—( Cheers)—the Municipal Institutions of Great Britain have been reformed, of Scotland as well AS England Can these facts be denied? But has this march of improvement met with a rapid stop? No, in the last Session of Parliament the law on the subject of the grievances of the Dissenters with respect to the Marriage Ceremony and the Registration of Births has been entirely altered, and complete relief has been given. The tithes of England have been commuted, and put on a different footing ; and that measure, which was supposed to be pregnant with inestimable advantages , the taking off the restric tions upon knowledge—has been removed—at least the propo sition made by his Majesty's Ministers was wholly agreed to. Now, if within the period of seven or eight years, changes have been made by constitutional means, with the consent of the House of Lords, to the extent I have mentioned, will you tell me how it can be said that the progress of improvement has been suppressed?—.(Cheers.) The House of Lords have in some of these cases advanced before public opinion— in others, they felt a strong, and at first insuperable objec tion ; in others, they have amended the measures nod modified thein.—( Cheers.) If they have done these—if they have receded from their own opinions, and weighed the advantage of the appeal from public opinion—can you gire me a stronger proof of the propriety with which they have exercised the power placed in them. Gentlemen, I know the House of Lords have done something to provoke hostility. I know they did refuse to place implicit confidence in the combination of public men who have only one bond of connection, which was, the spoliation of the Irish Churches.—( Great cheering.) They did refuse to place implicit confidence in the party ; and if you remember the character which was given of these parties by each other, I think you will hardly blame the House of Lords for what they did.—( Cheers.) One party said the other wore base and bloody Whi g s, and the other party returned the compliment by saying they were fomenters of sedition for interested purposes.—(Cheers.) If each party thus deno minate each other, can you be surprised that the House of Lords acted as it did?—( Hear.) But when you add to this, the manner in which His Majesty addressed that as sembly, uuder:the sanction of the Whigs, is it astonishing with this ringing in their ears that they should have adopted the course they did ?—(Cheers. )—Well, the House of Lords did refuse to sanction the measure for the appropriation of the revenues of the Irish Church, not on account of the sum in consideration, but on the ground that the object was not one of detail, but principle : they were afraid if they sanctioned the principle, that a principle would be introduced that would he fatal to the existence of the establishment.—( Cheers.) Can you doubt, if you read the public newspapers, if the Lords had consented to the introduction of that principle with the avowal now made of the intention to require the destruction of all establishments as unjust—can you believe the House of Lords would have done its duty if they had adopted it? Why when the measure was brought forward its chief supporter declared that it was a heavy blow—(Cheers) —and a subject of great discouragement—( Cheers)—and if the House of Lords found their arms would be paralysed if they lent themselves to strike the blow, do you think they were to blame in doing what they did?—(Great cheering.) Gen tlemen, if there are any of you here who have doutts as to the advantage of the form of Government under which you live, as compared with the form of Government of other countries, I would earnestly advise you before you permit that doubt to be confirmed or acted upon, to read the testimony you have of the condition of other countries.—( Hear, bear, and cheers.) I would also advise you maturely to consider, whether you can have that form of government which you see established in other countries.—( Cheers.) I wijl take the case of the most successful establishment of a Democratic government, the United States of America. No man wishes more cordially than Ido prosperity to that great State s No man wishes it more wealth or happiness, and so far from viewing its progress with enmity , I rejoice at its success.—( Loud cheering.) tile, I ask you. in the first place, do you believe that the con dition of the United States of America is better than cur own ? Hear.) I ask you to consult any private individual who has travelled in America—l do not ask you to refer to English men who have travelled there, for they may probably be pro • judieed—but take the opinion of any well-educated, intelligent native of the United States, who is a man of refined feeling • and of information, and ask him what he thinks of the condi tiun of society in the old country ; and if his aelvice be taken— I would not ask him to advocate the abandonment of republi canism for our mode of government—he will, I am sure, tell you the truth, and will strongly- dissuade you from the experi meet of improving the Constitution, if it is meant, in so doing, to introduce into it a more democratic principle.—( floor, and 'beers.) Gentlemen, let me• advise, before you attempt such an experiment, your perusal—if you have not already read it— of a work written by a very able and intelligent native of France, who has made the condition of the United States the peculiar object of his study.—( Hear.) Read what he says— he is the strenuous advocate of popular principles, in their extended sense. I allude to M. Tocqueville. His feelings are with the present dynasty of France, and he thinks the democratic principle in some degree necessary ; but he takes an impartial 'view of its effects, and thus, in America, he gives this account of the results of republican institutions. —( Hear.) He says— " That he has known no country in which there is so little in dependence of feeling or of mind, or so little freedom of dis cussion, as in America. In America the majority raises bar riers to liberty of opinion, and an author within these barriers may write as lie pleases; but he will severely repent. it if he step beyond them. In a democracy, like a republic, the autho rity of the majority is so absolute, that a man must give up his rights as a citizen, and abjure his qualifications as a human be ing, if he strays from the track pointed out by it.—( Hear, hear.) It ever," proceeds this French author, "the institutions of America are destrey.ed, it will be attributable to the tyrannical exercise of authority by the majority, which will urge the mi. nority to desperation and physical force ; and thus . anarchy will be the result which democracy has brought about." He then (proceeded Sir R. Peel) quotes the opinion of Jefferson, whom he says he considers a decided advocate of democratic princi ples. He said—" That the executive power was not the most prominent object of his solicitude; it is the tyranny of the Le gislature which is most to be feared."—(Cheers, and hear, hear.) I now ask you if you would wish to change the condition of society in this country with that which exists in the United States—if it were in your power, or the means of doing so were at your command? I ask you, I say, to read this book, and to converse with intelligent Americans, before you attempt to change the condition of society in this country for that existing in America.—( Hear, and cheers.) There are other blessings of life besides cheap newspapers.— ( Cheers and laughter.) Look, then, to the habits, to the state religious feeling, in the American States—compare their customs with the refinement and the civilization in this country, and do not permit yourselves to be duped by artful sophistry to run the hazard of such a change.—(Hear, and cheers.) Do you think you can uproot it—dig a trench around it— sever its thousand minute fibres and ramifications? The growth of centuries, incorporated with the mass around it, and with the aid of piles and buttresses and machinery, and the suggestions of legal officers, do you think that you can transplant it, and bid it defy the force of the storm ? No . ; the first blast of popular passion that sweeps along the level of democracy, will bring it to the ground ' • and miserable will be the consolation we shall have—that the advisers of that change, and the architects of that . ruin, will probably be the first to be overwhelmed. - I do not ask you to come to this conclusion, by a- were appeal to hereditary prejudices, and affections with regard to utility. It might have been enough, in other times, to allegeethat this was the Constitution under which we lived—that this was the Constitution we in herited from our forefathers, and which we wished to have handed down to our posterity.—(Great cheering.) Or we might give as our reasons for entertaining that wish, 'that upon the who e the condition of society in which we live, will boar a contrast with any other iociety, by whatever form of Government it may be guided. I dolit ask you to rest your defence and affection for the British Constitution merely upon these points, but I ask you to examine the rhetoric and argu ments upon which the Reform of the House of Lords is urged. It is said that their privileges are hereditary. W for the functions they are called upon to discharge they should be so, because it gives them a character of stability which they would Dot possess if subservient to the influence of popular feelings. ) Unless, therefore, you prefer a democracy to the present mixed form of Government under which you live, the hereditary Peerage cannot be done away with.—(Loud and continued applause.) You might as well say that the majestic breakwater, whose foundations arc as stable as the lofty mountain, could possess its present utility while it floated upon the surface of the element it controuls, as that the House of Lords, as at present constituted, should be abolished.— ( Loud cheers.) And when I hear as an argument against a heredita r y p eera g e such reasons as that men are not hereditary tailors, or hereditary carpenters, and there fore there should be no hereditary Peers—when, for such ar guments as this, we are called upon to abolish the House of Lords, how long, I would ask, will the argument of a heredi tary monarchy prevail ?—( Tremendous cheering.) But since the changes that have taken place, there has not been a corre sponding improvement, ought it not to be a reason for us to pause before we carry on innovations on the organic principle ? (Loud cheers.) What answer is there to this argument ? None. The improvements in public morals depend on the civil and religious institutions which distil them, and this testi mony—this true and disinterested testimony, let us take Lora John Russell's advice, and determine to cling closer to our native land.—( Cheers.) Now, Gentlemen, I have made e.long encroachment.—( Cries of no, no.) I have never ,dessponded when fighting your bat tles.—( Tremendous cheering, the whole company rising.) I never have desponded—l knew that the time would come, after the first intoxication which naturally accompanies mighty changes. I knew that the time would come when the old, the ancient par',; of England and Scotland would rally round their institutiones.—(Tremendous cheering.) If I did not despond then, have. I not a right to feel confi dence in returning shortly to t a n te st i tu tions.—( Great cheering. part in defending those in -1 The vibrations that accom pany changes are now leteginning to settle quietly—the influence, the disturbing influence of foreign events, is gra dually lessening—the dna:ling illusions of glorious days are beginning to :permit us to see.—( Loud and long-continued cheering.) The convictions—the feelings—the affections of the people are gravitating towards the old customs in which their betters were reared. The same respect for property, the same attachment for long established institutions—(Tremen dous cheering)—Yes, from these walls a spirit shall go forth—(Great cheering)—that shall survive when this edifice shall be an uneubscantial pageant ; it shall survive, uniting, as in remembrance of this night, and spreading its influence into every part of the kingdom, cheering the desponding, encoura ging the timid ; it shall " go forth exulting in , " but not abus inge its strength ; it shall go forth in remembrance that in the days of prosperity we did not forget the vows we made, and the pledge which we gave in the time of our despondency ; it shall go forth uniting us all in our disposition to redress grievances, our disposition to improve and resolution to amend, depending on that spirit which is the chief defence of nations—it shall go forth and prove that our ancient institutions shall survive.— (Great cheering.) By them the proud king of Britain shall stand—he shall stand doubly proud of his kindred and coeval peers, protecting the rich from spoliation, and the poor from oppression. No tawdry emblem of revolution shall ever flaunt over the ruins of our ancient institutions.—( Tremendous cheer ing.) That "flag which has braved a thousand years the battle and the breeze" shall still float over them, and that faith of our old national establishment—that faith shall survive with those establishments. Those establishments which we all love, sworn to protect, and to which the national honour is wedded, as an essential part of the great national compact, shall survive, and our religion shall survive in the diffusion of sound know ledge ; and tried as we may be by the storms of adversity, we shall come out of the trial rooted deeper in the convictions, in the feelings, and in the affections, of a Protestant people.— (The Right Hon. Baronet sat down amidst the most enthu siastic applause, which lasted some time.) As soon as the cheering had subsided, Mr. ROiltRT FINDLA Y next rose and said —The toast given me to propose is " The Church of Scotland"—( Cheers)—an Establishment endeared to my countrymen by the purity of its .doctrine, the unassuming character of its ceremonial, and the fidelity with which its Ministers discharge their important duties.—( Cheers.) Its history, too, from the era_ of the Reformation, is deeply interesting, from the perils and vicis situdes it had to encounter—but more particularly during the half century preceding the Revolution. The infatuated at tempt of Charles, in 1638, to force the Episcopal Service Book into the Scottish pulpits (an attempt intimately connected with the history of Glasgow at that time), was not only signally defeated, but confirmed the dislike of the people to Episcopacy, by leading them to regard it as a badge of oppression--( Hear, and cheers) ;—and when the country sought refuge in the Restoration from the min bulence of the Commonwealth, and the military despotism of the Protectorate, the princes of the house of Stuart, who successively filled the throne, wholly forfeited the confidence of tile preebyterians of Scotland, by their unprincipled vio lation of the most solemn covenants—their tyranny and op pression—their devotion to the Church of Rome, and their unheard-9f degradation in becoming the pensioners of France, the better to trample on those liberties they had sworn to preserve, and to betray the cause of the reformation in Eu rope, of which this country was the bulwark.—(Hear.) —To form a correct judgment of the origin of the persecutions which followed the Restoration, it must be borne in mind, that Charles 11. threw to the winds the solemn covenant to which he arid the whole kingdom of Scotland had sworn in favour of the Prebytcrian Church, and that the court party maintained the doctrines of Divine right and passive obedience as articles both of their religious and political creed ; be sides assimilating their professions on other objectionable points to the despotic and Popish predilections of the Monarch. Hence, when Charles, by a series of the most dreadful perse cutions, attempted to force Episcopacy upon Scotland, our an cestors were fully justified in the conclusion that the question at issue was not merely whether the pure doctrines of the Re formation should be taught them under the Episcopal or Pres byterian form of Church Government, but whether, under the mask of Episcopacy, the real object of their oppressors was not to restore the errors and corruptions of the Church of Rome—( Cheers)—and Popery they held in mortal detestation, as idolatrous and superstitious, as a prostration of the in -1 tellect, the will, and the actions of man to the dictates of a crafty and dominering priesthood, who, as may suit their views of temporal aggrandisement, can, according to circumstances, convert their votaries into the abject slaves cf the sceptered despot, or the willing instruments for evil iof the ambitious, selfish, and rapacious demagogue. Let the numerous population of Ireland, involved in this worse than Cimmerian darkness, be treated with the utmost kindness by a paternal and firm Government, and let every thing practicable be done to enlighten their minds and im prove their social condition—but, as we value the cause of civil liberty and religious truth, never let us consent, upon a mere numerical calculation, to make Popery the dominant reli gion, and to extinguish the means of extending the light of the Reformation, on which alone we can rely for elevating them in the scale of moral and responsible beings.—(Cheers.) How different from this was the treatment of Scotland I Fines and • imprisonments, confiscations and proscriptions, torture and death, were inflicted at the arbitrary will of a merciless and brutal soldiery for what were termed " eccle siastical offences," and the simple worship of our fathers, banished frequently even from the domestic hearth, " under the penalty of death," had to seek refuge in lonely eaves and mountain solitudes, while, by a refinement in cruelty, all who intercommuned with the proscribed were subjected to similar punishment.—( Hear.) That under such oppression, the breathings of the victims should partake at times more of the curses against the Amalekites of old, than of Christian meekness, and that in some instances the chastened judgment of the present day may not harmonize with the opinions of the persecuted, is not to be wondered at.—(Hear.) But it be come; us to remember that a period of persecution is a period of high excitement, and we . cennot but feel that their heroic endurance and undaunted resolution, like our native oak, which defier; the buffetings of the storm, and clings the snore closely to the rock, the more the winds of Heaven beat against it, were means under Pros idence for the accomplish ment of a mighty end.—( Cheers.) The rack on which they rested for support was the Word of God, not to keep it a sealed book from the people, but to unfold its pages, that therein they might learn the rules of their faith and practice—the object for which they suffered and bled was to maintain the cause of civil liberty, and the rights of private judgment in matters of religion.—( Cheers.) " Truly they were more noble than those of Thessalonica, in that they searched the Scriptures daily, whether these things were so." After the signal defeat of Argyll and Monmouth, Charles's successor, James, thought it no longer necessary to preserve the mask of attachment to the Church of England, and, by an open attack on its privileges, proved to that powerful body that it was only the last victim to be sacrificed. Then Eng land arose in her might ; and, under the guidance of the il lustrious William, (whose statue adorns the Cross of Glas gow, in memorial of the principles of our fathers, and of his triumphs), and inscribing upon her banners " the Protestant religion and the liberties of England," she forced James to abdicate that throne which his ancestors had occupied for countless generations—and consummated that Revolution in 1688 which forms the brightest era in the history of British liberty--and consequent upon which the es tablishment of the Church of Scotland on its present basis was finally consolidated.—( Cheers.) Since that period, although clouds and darkness have sometimes loured, we have enjoyed a larger measure of greatness and glory, of wealt h and ,do mestic peace and happiness, and of every thing which can adorn civilized society, than ever fell to the lot of any nation ; and since that memorable epoch, likewise, the Churches of England and Scotland, agreeing in creed though differing in form, have entered upon the Christian rivaiship, which, accord ing to its opportunities, should most effectually extend the bles sings of pure religion, not only at home but wherever the flag of England has waved, or the enterprising sons of Britain have penetrated.—( Cheers.) It was the pious wish of George the Third that the day might come when every subject in his dominions might be able to read his Bible ;--and I cannot omit to mention that centuries ago the Parochial School system of Scotland in connection with the Reformed Faith, and under the superintendence of its Ministers, was established —thus even in that early and rude age laying the foundation of a system which has rendered Scotland so distinguished.— (Cheers.) One word as to Patronage and I have done—not with the view of expressing any opinion on that much agitated question ; but to state, that whether patronage is exercised by the Crown or the private patron, by the few or by the many, or through all these channels as hitherto, the benefits to the country and to the cause of religion must be in proportion to the purity of its administration. And it must be a gratifying and a lofty reflection to the illustrious statesman whom we this day " delight to honour," that while he guided the Councils of his Sovereign on this important subject, the voice of faction itself never dared to utter a breath to bedim the purity and discrimination of its exercise.— (Cheers.) Along with " The Church of Scotland," per mit me to connect the health of a clergyman—(Cheers) -. who, since he and I commenced our career of life together at our ancient University, has devoted his eminent talents and his professional and literary labours to the promotion of the sacred cause to which he was set apart—and in particular to the diffusion of the benefits of knowledge and the blessings of religion among the Highlands and Islands of Scotland— Cheers)—around which is shed that sacred halo which en-. is known circles within the heart of every good man the image of his among their countless glens and mo untains, a i n s d w b e e l l c o o v m ed ed by a a s l t l— he w h h a o rbi i n n g s e p r it o e f o g f la t d h t e id c i h n i g li s in — g a i n n d . cof men in high places, lately e in difference presented their kindred tribes in Ireland with a metrical version, in their na tive dialect, of' those songs once sung on the Hill of Zion, and who now deservedly holds the highest office in that Church of which he is one of the brightest ornaments--need I name Dr. Norman M'Leod?—(The toast was received with the moat ....arrtemnrint. r410.14110_ 1 TC The Rev. Dr. Melseon said—Mr. Chairman and Gentle- 1 triumphs, and who has fought the battles of its conservation men, I have the honour of returning thanks for the toast which in the day of its greatest perils.—( Cheers.) It is all well for has now been given, and truly I consider it not only a bigh those who differ from us on the great points now at issue, to honour, but a very high privilege to do so ; for although I say that they love the British Constitution just as much as we never felt my powers of intellect (such as they are) more dis- do. They talk of adherence to Constitutional principles I vroportioned to the feelings of intense enthusiasm, to which, when there is not one article in all the diversified rights and in common with every individual here present, I have been ex- interests combined in that noble Constitution which is not cited by the occasion and proceedings of this auspicious even- threatened by some one of themselves with change— yes, ing ; still I have no hesitation in casting myself upon your with organic change.—( Hear, hear, and cheering.) Is indulgence.—(Cheers.) Ido so unreservedly, with the con- not the very name of the party, Movement ? Is not their fidence of one who is assured that numerous, or rather innu- watch-word, Forward; and, the chorus of the wild Irish merable, as this company, to me at least, appears, they are cry of their leader, dismemberment of the empire ; degra nevertheless animated by one spirit, united by one common dation of the hereditary Peerage ; and prostration of the bond of principle—a principle of sacred and devoted at- Protestant Establishment ?—( Applause.) It may be asked, tachment to the time-hallowed and glorious institutions of what is all this to me ? Has any organic change been 1 our country--( Hear and renewed cheering)—and assembled threatened regarding . the Church to which you belong ? No, to express their enthusiastiac admiration of the public and Sir. True it is, that no ominous voice from high quarters private character of that most gifted defender of their prin- has called upon us yet to " put our house in order ;" but some ciples, the enlightened Statesman now at your right hand, and of us come from a land of mists, where, if many a tale be true, whom we arc all equally proud, and equally rejoiced to see "coming events cast their shadows before"—we come from a this night in the city of our habitation. (Tremendous land of mountain and of storm, where we look to signs and cheering.)—Mr. Chiarman, in my own name, in the name of prognostics. I have seen the adventurous and experienced my brethren here present, and in name of the Church of boatman, as he saw a cloud no bigger than a man's hand ap- Scotland, I beg leave to acknowledge the honour done us in pear in the heaven, and beginning to spread—l have seen him assigning to this toast so early and so prominent a place in seek the shore to secure his bark. I have seen the shep the arrangements for the evening. We are thankful for the herd look to his heath-covered cottage as he listened to very honourable and gratifying terms in which the Church of an ominous roar corning at a distance over the blue face Scotland has now been spoken of, and for the enthusiastic of the still untroubled ocean; and when the storm was manner in which the toast has been received. It is to us, seen gathering around our mountains, and about to Sir, a rich satisfaction to know, that we enjoy the appro- burst on their lefty summits, the inhabitants of our silent valleys bation and support of such a meeting as is now congregated begin to look to themselves.—( Cheers.) We dare not diary in this noble pavilion. While such a burst of feeling, and gard the signs of the times. We dare not disregard the blow that from such a meeting as this, accompanies the announce- that is aimed at our sister establishment. Common prudence meat of the Church of Scotland, • I feel persuaded that teaches us to consider the two Establishments as standing on under the protection of her great Head, she has nothing to the same ground. The spirit of the age, which is putting the fear.—( Great applause.) I am well aware, that by our ap- question of Establishments into agitation in one country, is pearance here this evening, my Brethren and I will draw down only waiting to see its success, to prosecute the same object in upon ourselves the indignant censure of a certain portion of ours.—( Cheers.) The deep murmur of the appropriation the community, or at least that of their organs of the public clause has reached the remotest manse in our land. We are press—those most watchful superintendents and most liberal confident, that if ever the lofty towers of our Sister Establish reporters of clerical conduct. It is a eery favourite maxim of merit are demolished, the security in which our more humble their liberalism (and I marvel not, for it admirably suits their edifices rest can no longer be considered secure. I never saw purposes), that religion has nothing to do with politics, and a mountain oak laid prostrate by the storm, but many a lowly that clergymen are net entitled to hold political opinions, or, at and lovely shrub was crushed by the fall.—( Cheers.) Sir, all events, if any of them should be so unfortunate as to have it is not for me to eulogise the political character of our imbibed political opinions, from the limited and exclusive na- distinguished guest, or the measures of his late administration ture of their education, left so far behind in the march of intel- —but I trust that, as a minister of the Church of Scotland, I lect ; or from a perusal of those trashy but most mischievous may be permitted simply to refer to his first and last act, when publications of the Conservative Press—such as " Blackwood's at the head of his Majesty's Government during his late ad- Magazine," or the "Quarterlyßeview," or that demented paper ministration. lam not aware that any mention was ever made called the " Times," e or the " Glasgow Herald," the " Courier" of our National Church in the Speech from the Throne since or " Constitutional"—( Laughter)—still that it is their duty our union with England, until the opening of the present Par scrupulously to avoid an expression of their opinion's, and, that liament. Can we forget the joy and gratitude which filled the under no circumstances whatever is it allowable for them to hearts of all who loved our Zion when his Majesty then, not use the power of persuasion which Providence has given to only declared the deep interest he felt in our Church, but also them, or that society may accord to them, for the maintenance the intention of his Government to enlarge our means of use. of those principles which they in their conscience consider fulness, and thus give to the Church of Scotland all that she essential to the very existence of social order.—( Cheers.) wanted-a-the power of keeping pace with the increasing popu- Such, Sir, is the morbid anxiety of those liberal censors for lesion of our land ; and now that the illustrious individual who the unobtrusive harmlessness of Clerical character, that I was then the constitutional adviser of his Majesty is here pre suspect they could wish that sent—(Hear, hear, hear)—ho who had the courage and the " Far in a wild, unknown to public view, exalted wisdom to propose so patriotic a measure, not From youth to age tee reverend hermits grew." because the people clamoured for it ; but because the (Laughter and applause.) Such is their exquisite tenderness people required it—is it not my duty, as it is my happi for the spirituality of our office, and their dread of the secu- ness, in returning thanks for the Church of Scotland, to tender to larieing influence of endowments and public countenance, that him our humble meed of grateful respect?—(Applause.) But I doubt, if ever their spirit of liberalism became dominant in gratifying as this first act of his Administration was, as a ,token for the land, we shall soon realise in our own experience all the good to our land, Ido confess that I at least in his last act, in the romantic and innocent simplicity of the Hermit's life :-- cause of his retirement from office, find a something which just as " The moss our bed, olr cave the humble cell, powerfully calls forth my admiration. The point on which he de- Our food the fruit our drink the crystal well." clared he would stand or fall, was the integrity of the Est ablished , ry But, Mr. Chairman, I shall never subscribe to the maxim Church of Ireland—(Loud cheers) —that grand_ bulwark o ofro pre-eminent that religion has nothing to do with politics. What, testantism rtno in O th n at th u i n s happy t land. This all opponents ar t i s n w t o er f o p u r united ; but Sir, I subscribe to a maxim which, in my opinion, goes to overtnrn the only secure basis on which the edifice of pourable'soonerm a h a o e n ffi. ,yielde, andto sripieocthiinroadminetaosUprert,vhaetel;!tZfengneAd And a is m hi a g y h l ai n id ot h b o: social order rests I P o litic a l re l at i ons a re those in which permitted, even in his presence, to say that on the occasion the most fearful and sweeping desolations may be coin- of his doing so he secured for himself a name and an honour as mitted ; and, therefore, they are those of all others in great, if not greater, than any measure ever carried through by the which every reflecting man will most imperiously feel his most triumphant majority was capable of bestowing. And now, responsibility to the highest of all tribunals. I believe that Mr. Chairman, much cause have Ito apologise for this lengthened an irrelgious and depraved population, however otherwise en- address. I fear, Sir, t _ I have abused your kind indulgence, hai and trespassed greatlyhe l p a a m tie n n o c t e o a f fra t t h d e fo c r om th p e arg h . lightened, is the teeming source of all moral and political on that Scot disorder ; and if not controlled by the only power that can do of I. s o e n ot ly land. That ark Of our national security shall swim T u o r r c w :th ar s don the so, must at all times lead to sweeping anarchy and national tide of time in spite of winds and storms. There still remains an overthrow.—( Cheers.) Our ancestors seemed to have under- unconquerable spirit of Christianity in our land, arid a deep-rooted stood this, for I find that religion has been interwoven with the attachment ox the part of Scotland's best and steadiest population to British Constitution from its earliest days. I find that our our Church and her admirable parochial machinery. The moral Government, our laws, our schools our universities—all our weight of the country is ours, and that shall be seen if ever an attempt institutions have been based, every one of them, on religious be made to interfere with our system. Whether that attempt Protestant principle; and in this fact, Sir, we find the secret is likely soon to be made or not, is not for me to ray—l have of all her strength and all her greatness—( Great applause)— my fears—l could state the grounds of them—Sed eirithius aurem hence that moral power by which Britain, though but a vellit et admonuit. Our Church is the Church of the people— speck on the face of the waters, has swayed the des- (Cheers ;—and if she had a principle of supply,, she would empha tically be the Church of the poor. —(Enthusiastic of the civilized world. She was a Christian nation— ----(Enthusiastic cheers.) No doubt the population have far out-grown her means; hut she is (Loud cheers)—she was a Protestant nation — religion ma ki ng a noble struggle.—( Cheers.) Awakened by circumstances was upheld, fostered, and established.--(Long and con- intended for her destruction, but overruled for her good, she is tinned cheering.) Hence she has enjoyed more rational putting forth her own peculiar energies. —(Applause.) She has liberty, civil and religious, than any country which has ever appealed to her sons and daughters, and nobly has that appeal been existed—she has risen to wealth and power unparalleled—she responded to.—(Cheers.) One hundred and fifty additional has won to herself a name of mightiest renown, her fleets are Churches—one hundred and fifty thousand pounds, by private sub on every sea, her fame on every shore; and in despite of the scription, to build them—and affording additional accommodation grumbling discontent of some of her spoiled children at home, for two hundred and forty thousand of our outcast population—and and the jealousy of her rivals abroad, she still sits, as for all that within little more than two years, affords no unequivocal centuries she has done, the very Queen among the nations. demenstiation of the number and attachment of her friends— ( Loud and continued cheers.) There is anothe r mazim of (Continued cheering)—while it furnishes as conclusive evi dence, oneshould suppose, as the report of a Parliamentary liberalism, arising out of the former' to which also !decline Commission, , for the deplorable extent of that national exigency to subscribe, viz., that clergyman have no right to hold, far which could call forth such munificent support. Let the Church less to express, political opinions. This maxim has been brought of Scotland have fair play—let her parochial system be carried out forward very frequently of late in all its forms, and for obvious in all its designs—let her be put in a capacity of meeting the in purposes ; changes have been rung upon it, but they have not creased demand of the inc. - ea&ng population, and she shall continue weighed one feather on my judgment. Are, we really, Sir, to sit a tower of strength, and a monument of glory—and long after the down, to fold our hands and seal our lips, and assume the attitude vain theories of the passing day are committed to oblivion, this and appearance of perfect indifference when we see the dear- " burningbush shall continue to burn."—(Loud cheering,) Yes, Sir, I doubt pot our Church e hills and vallies shall of our nativeexist for land all the bles est and most revered institutions of our country assailed ? (Cheers.) No, Sir, we are the citizens of a free country • sin a g e s of pure Christianity—all all t the f s Co ou n n srvati t ve ioti v s irtue ae o d f we possess social and political influence in co mmon with Pee—of others ; this is a talent committed to xi., and like every other, t rue losalty—a e y r ' Sir that t n h t ;e n l m o •altthat can alonepa patriotism, d m ep ' ended it involves responsibility. That responsibility I fee l, and be. upon—lhc : lofty ' loyalty of the y man who honours his King, cause I feel it, lam here.—( Applause.) The day in which because he fears his (rod.—(Prolonged applause.) we live, calls not only for uncompromising principle, but also Sir D. K. S A N D FORD—It would require all the varied and ad for a manly avowal of it. — ( Cheers.) This splendid festival mirable powers of our distinguished guest himself, to do full jus at which we this evening appear, is a festival dedicated to tice to the toast I have the honour to propose. I venture to ap principle.—( Renewed applause.) I view it in a higher and preach it—and the great topics that surround it—only in the =- holier light than a mere display of political partizanship. The fidence that every deficiency on my part will be covered by the ar- Cam e a hich ban calla I for this. manifestatioei is not exclusively dour with which you will second an attempt to express our rave that o: thi: ioliticiari, nor of the man cf property. It is the rence for a grand element of the Constitution, and our determination common interest of every man in Britain, be his station in to t h o e l e d r ,. ) any is a a z t a a r d t , i in t h o c w in h d o e n pe t n h d o efi n e t e e of i t t e o f H tF o a u t se e o l o f na Lords. life or his profession what it may ; and of none i s it, in my k threatened some quarters, and the very ideao y f that independence opinion, more decidedly the cause than that of the Minis- is scouted and ridiculed in others, that the thinking people of tern of the Protestant Established Chtirches.—( Loud this country are required to come forth with an expression cheering.) The path of duty appeared to me abundantly of their unshaken resolution to maintain them. We admire that plain-1 love peace as much as any man can ; but I love treat] institution, because it opens up an avenue to great and permanent more—and at a moment when the destinies of our country distinction for every species of exalted merit. We admire that in seem to be vibrating in the balance, and when on the vigor- stitution, because we like to see a Nelson and a W e llesle y —a p ous, decided exercise of sound Constitutional principle, hu- Erskine and an Ellenborough—a Scarlett and a Copley, raised by manly speaking, it rests what scale shall preponderate, that their own genius to rankvejth the proud e n . wi!t'tnaxus is a tn m e ra c ..Y ; and bra which is big with our weal, or that which is heavy with our coning ce for future . ages the path of . .o . itio . n.—( Loud know, by admire and we will maintain that institution, because woe, nothing (ordering, even in appearance, upon neutrality D we by old experience, that it supplies the firmest barrier will do—l consider not only the principle involving the exist ence of our national Establishment , but those all important against despotic oppression on the ens han d, and democratic inno vation on the other. And yet for the last two years the revolutionary interests of religion of which we aro the eninedians, and the party—ignorant of theory and blind to fact—dead to the singular ad very best interests of our f e ll ow crea t ures th ro ughout the vantages ofour political condition—not caring for the recorded senti- British dominions to be so essentially connected with those meats of the deepest reasoners in every age—not deigning to cast an great political measures which hang at present in the ba- eye on the real aspect of other countries in both hemispheres— lance of debate; but while I make all due allowances for scorning glorious recollections and ungrateful for signal services — those who think and act otherwise, and cannot but respect have been concentrating all their powers of declamation against the conscientious and delicate scruples of some of my that very branch of our institutions to which, above all others, we brethren who are not here, yet lat least , feeling as I do , owe th e high standing of ournatio t hal character,amlthe stabil a ity o . u of t fore would deem it a dereliction of the duty, I owe to the con- o r ur national ee with Their a pretend pi picturegeonts have the P e ee g ra o g lie e as the victions of my own conscience, to my country and to my chief place to place_ of - their political show-box—and never, seemingly, Church, were Ito absent myself from this meeting, and being is the demagogue more happy in the strokes of his audacious pencil, present and privileged to address you, if I did not honestly than when he is touching up this visionary likeness, to excite the and fearlessly express my sentiments as a true Churchman and scorn and hatred of the pe o p le.— ( Loud cheers.) Gentlemen, a Leal-hearted Conservative.—( Cheers.) When we hear it the demagogue does draw an ugly picture of hereditary no proclaimed from high places, even by those who are at the_ . bility—but it is because he dips into his own heart for the head of our nation's councils, that there is no substantial diffe- colours.—( Hear. ) He knows that were he endowed with political rence betwixt one creed and another—that Protestant and immunities, he would abuse them—that raise him to rank and Popish creeds are essentially the same ; when we hear melt- dignity, he would trample on those beneath him — that were he invested with hereditary claims, he would never seek to sores proposed, aud urged forward with all the power of Go strengthen them by personal merit. I throw back upon his hands .vernment—measures which the head of that very Govern- a portrait of which he himself is the original. I will not exchange ment declares "must prove a very se v e r e bl o w to the Pro- my substantial blessings for his paper constitutions—and I will not testant faith," which he professes to regret, but which he tells shut my eyes to the lessons of history because he calls it an old us cannot be avoided ; while such - language is held, and such Almanac.—(Loud cheers.) lam not going to rake just now amid measures are proposed—measures which we honestly believe. the ashes of the distant past ; nor to disturb the venerable dead or to be palpably calculated to papalize Ireland and crush the Magna Charta; but there are two ereat poiuts in cur political his- Protestant faith in that unhappy land—and when we hear it tory—a period when the independent functions of the Peerage were declared by their confidential supporters, that Ireland can suspended, and another period at which the nation learnt to esti never be tranquillised till the Episcopal Church is put down, mate their true value—which force themselves at this moment is it for the ministers of Protestant Establishments to remain on my memory.—(Hear.) I want to remind those aspiring silent ?—( Loud cheers.) Would Knoxs would Melville— those great and true Reformers of Scotland—those dauntless politicians who f at h this other House of Parliament, that experiment has been tried already in our annals, and that its results friends of civil and religious liberty—would they have done so are written in ineffaceable characters,—(Cheers.) There was —would they have kept aloof ? No, Sir, these were men of such a thing as the long Parliament, and in its day it was some lofty bearing and fearless courage ; in defence of the truth they what addicted to sharp practice ; every child knows that the House 4withstood persecution, and in the presence of princes and no- of Commons in that Pa rliam en t vo t ed the U pp er House to be a es, and all the people, they spoke out on matters of civil 'useless and dangerous nuisance—and every child knows too that politics ; and, thank heaven, they did so—for, by the boldness the same House of Commons abolished the Monarchy—and then of their eloquence, and fearless maintenance of Protestant prin- came " Take away that bauble," and their own door was shut in ciple, they reared those towers of strength and beauty under their faces by a usurprng soldier.—( Loud cheers.)--There has been too in our annals such a thing as a revolution—glorious revo the shade of wpehaeiche._ouiLceouudnetrhyeebrassoforThceenctuhreiereshr.eefstesdeoitn. lution was the good old Whig name for it, and the good old Whig land, Mr. Chairman, has never been accused of meddling laid. Gentlemen, security and doctrine was to hold that by it the firm foundation of our liberties were or a Tory ra n much with politics. Reposing on the soundness of her sten- memory of that it is not for this company to shrink from the revolution, nor from the principles that justified it, dards—the excellency of her discipline—the character of her but I appeal upon this topic from the old Whigs to the new. I tell n ns t e h tl e ue ß e i t b ly leT o t n h t e h e e n ir tir a e ffe ß et i i b o l n e the new Whigs of to-day, who are driving at a new revolution on co resident and working Clergy—on education of the opposite principles, that if ever the country had reason to be grate wfrhomeththere a str w ife hi o g f party-politics, ful for an independent peerage in the frame work of its government, indifferent, gratitude—she as she well steed might, aloof it was precisely at that e,noch when she threw off the yoke of an ar nistry ruled the nation. Un der all administrations she was bitrary prince, and established on a solid basis her civil and religious against liberties. Who was it that bearded the Popish tyrant ? Who was e qually secure. No wild crusade had commenced it that forced him from a throne which he disgraced ? Have we all venerated institutions ; but a great change has passed , forgotten that when the Commons succumbed—when they had over our social state •• Tempera mutantur, et nos mute- seat a member of their own body to the 'rower for disputing an il mur in illis." Politics are now fo rced u p on us. Inter - legal stretch of the prerogative — it was the Peers , an d headed' by a ferenco in civil p o liti cs i s no w a Christian duty.—(Loud spiritual Peer, who stood forward to protect the majesty of law?— cheers.) It is not the success of a party which is at stake. (Great cheering.) Have we forgotten that when the Protestant The question now is not one of individual men or measures— Deliverer was to be welcomed to England, it.was again the Peers — it is a question of deeper and wider character, viz., Shall the and again headed by a spiritual Peer—that hailed him to our shores? institutions of our country be conserved or not ? Shall the But says the new Whig—the real renegade from Whig principles British n Constitution be maintained in its integrity ? This —Let's quit the useless part for what pays. better—the present for Pavilion contains within its capacious and noble circle men of the future. l You people of these realms—you oppressed and d suf feringvarious shades of political opinion ; but they are all associated dation— pe ile up people—unconscious as you seem of your misery and egra he call of a pure, patriotic, disinterested ma by this common feeling, that the British Constitution, as a • •t in the lof joie y ouse Commons, to put down your hereditary en whole—our unrivalled Constitution of Church and State—our slavers, your Egyptian task-masters, the House of Peers—or what Constitution of King, Lords, amd Commons—is still the do you think will follow ? Not your political disfranchisement — noblest and best which human wisdom has ever devised— not the corruption, of your laws—not the accumulation of fresh that it should be conserved, and that it shall be con- pecuniary burdens—but, my Lord Melbourne and Lord .1. Russell served in all its integrity.—(Great cheering.) On the may possibly be forced to gratify the King by going out, and those cards of admission to this splendid Pavilion, the watch. very inferior and insignificant statesmen—Sir R. Peel and the Duke word of the company was engravers, and not there only, of Wellington, Lord Stanley and Sir James Graham—may come for it is engraver on all our hearts. (Cheers.) We have in.--hheeaeris:dl t Th t l i re's a catastrophe to guar d all to the in p s r t e l sent ma but one, and that one is Ate British Constitution.---(lmmense woolorit of its re res p o enta e ti co ves u r ry be an ntlemen, whatever the majority cheering.)—This is our standard ; around it we rally, and to j ri the House of Commo • at ns may p r e sent be, lam not going to do honour to one of its most gifted standard-bearers arc we . utter one syllable in disparagement of that assembly. Reeling as it this night assembled—(Cheers) —that Constitutional states- is under the inevitable shock of a great change, it enshrines nape ' 'dories in the day of its proudest rishable principles of liberty and order.—(Cheers.) Crowded as :xhibited its g. . .......--......--......--...------....-------- _ its benches are by many whom nothing but a huge surge of the it would be an excess of courtesy, and an abuse of honour, to call democratic tide would have wafted to that eminence, there still honourable—and while every scheme of frantic and unprofitable shines within its walls the supreme intellect of Peel, compelling ho- change is adopted with reckless precipitation, and pursued with blind mage from all parties—( Cheers.) There are still heard in its debates impetuosity—it will, ere long, be once more the general character the intrepid eloquence of Stanley and the luminous argument of of Britons, that they fear their God, honour their King, and re- Graham—and the ruffian spirit of democracy still cowers at the nounce all sympathy with those who are given to change.—( Great shout of 300 Conservative voices in harmony with leaders like these. applause.) —(Cheering.) But yet how often in the course of last session— The following toasts were then given : of which it has not been left for me to furnish tht summary—has " The Duke of Wellington." every man of constitutional sentiments exclaimed, Thank God we " The Memory of Sir Walter Scott, and may Scotland long have still a House of Lords l But for them the Protestant inte- maintain its high literary reputation." rest in Ireland—and how am Ito separate the maintenance of that Mr. JoHN C. Bucneetaet rose and said, Mr. Chairman and interest, on both sides of the channel, from the very title of the Gentlemen—The toast which I have the honour to propose, is House of Brunswick to the Throne ?—would have been delivered " The Conservative Constituencies of Ireland, and their Repre over, bound hand and foot, to the disposal of a Popish demagogue. sentatires in Parliament ;" and in giving it, Sir, I give you the But for that independent House, the true and valid tenure of eccle- good and the great of the land.—(Loud applause.) I give you siastical property would have been gone for ever—the first step, as those who love their own green Isle, and who would uphold the the history of revolutionary rapine shows, to the invasion of property time-honoured in stitutions of their countr y , honoured from their of all descriptions. —(Cheers. ) But for the independence of that w i s d om a s w ell as their antiquity—institutions which they House our Scottish Colleges, dear to the affections of the people, and their f a thers have long been accustomed to consider almost as and at this moment d eare r th an ever , wou ld h ave been torn to sacred as the commandments of their God. I give you those who pieces by arbitrary bills, or m i g ht even ye t b e p l un d er ed and degraded will not bow to the Demon of oppression, that hell-crowned king by ignoble and iniquitous commissions.—(Cheers.) But for them, Democ ra cy, whose throne is the scaffold, whose sceptre the axe, an unprincipled Cabinet, that mendicates support from and wh o s e delight is in blood and sawsdust.--( Cheers.) " The every base and baleful quarter, might even now be riding rough - Conservative Constituen cies of Ireland and their Representatives shod over all that makes this goodly land a blessing and a pride to in Parliament," which was receivectwith great enthusiasm." its inhabitants. —Cheers. ) Hence, the undissembled rage of Minis- Mr J. EMMER SON TEN NENT, M.P. then rose, and returned. ters against a body they can neither sway nor daunt, and the sedi- thanks in a speech of considerable length. tious jargon of their emissaries. And Oh, what an exquisite saga- The following toasts were then given : city—what a profound insight into the British character it is that " The Conservative Constituents of Ireland and their Represen guides these shrewd tacticians in their attacks on the staunchest tatives in Parliament." bulwarks of our happiness.—(Cheers.) They first assault the " The Earl of Haddington, late Viceroy of Ireland." Church—and how has she encountered them? She has disproved " The Lord Lieutenant of the County of Lanark." their facts—laid bare their sophistries—exposed their spirit—and " The Conservative Constituencies of Scotland and their Re. thus she hands them over to the secular arm, to inflict a signal ven- presentatives in Parliament." geance at the ensuing general election. Let them read their fate " The Conservative Candidates, and success to the cause of the in these memorable words, which I hold it no profaneness to quote Constitution at the next General Election." with such an application—" Whoso falleth on this Rock shall be " Lady Peel." broken, but on whomsoever it shall fall it shall grind him to powder !" " The Ladies of Glasgow." (Cheering.) Next, they make an open question of what they call " The Lord Provost, Magistrates , and C ouncil of Glas g ow." peerage b ßeform—that is, they leave it, as far as depends upon " May the patriotic of all parties speedily unite in support of them, the nominal governors of the country,to Revolutionists under the Constitution, and in resisting that inordinate desire for inno the title of Reformers. The Peers will not be bullied by us—the ration which threatens to subvert it." Peers will not be cajoled by us—and therefore, the Peers must be a The Students of Glasgow College who have done themselves destroyed : Such is the ministerial logic. We don't speak without honour by electing Sir Robert Peel to be their Lord Rector." authority. We won't suffer Ministers to skulk behind the poor pre- " The Working Classes of the Community." text of unauthorised rashness o n the part of their allies. Their " The Landed Interests and the Tenantry of Scotland." great peripatetic orator and teacher—" the Master, Guide, Philo- " The Commercial and Manufacturing Interests." pher, and Friend" of the existing Government—has been here on .4 Mr. GORDON, of Aitkenhead," and thanks to him for the ge their behalf. Down came the colossus of the Lichfield-house con- nerous use of his property for the erection of the Pavilion." spira.cy— " The Croupiers." " Of Atlantean shoulders, fit to bear " The Dean of Guild and the Merchants' House of Glasgow." The weight of heaviest Cabinets"— " The Deacon Convener and the Trades' House of Glasgow." to earn vice-regal courtesies in Dublin Castle, by de- " The Committee of Management." scribing, as a swinish multitude, the order to which his Noble host " The Operatives of Glasgow, who have honoured themselves, by has the honour to belong.—(Cheering.) Down he came, commis- the honour they have done to Sir Robert Peel, in presenting hint sioned to enlighten us — a provincial pop ulation —a community of with the Freedom of the City." shopkeepers--(Laughter)—upon the new Ministerial reading of the " The Deputation which waited on Sir Robert Peel with the in- British Constitution. We were too deeply sunk in the commercial vitation from the Citizens." puddle, and too far from the source of politica l illumination, to read a Mr. Lomond, the Secretary." it for ourselves !—( Hear.) Gentlemen, the reception which their ~ Mr. Campbell, of Monzie, and the Independent Electors of great travelling partner—the very head of the Ministerial firm— Argyleshire." met with amongst us, must have shown the rest of them—even the . " The Operative Conservative Associations of England, and sleeping partners, if there be any such in the Colonial office—that may their example soon be generally followed throughout Britain." they had sent their goods to a wrong market. Our perceptions are a David Hamilton, Esq., Architect." not so blunted by the toils of traffic, nor our minds so destitute of " light, as to be easily misled on a high cons titutional q uestion:— The Colonial Interests." " The Stewards." Non obtuse. adeo gestamus pectora Pceni, The company then separated. a Nec tam aversus equos Tyria sol jungit ab urbe ! . We have looked at the modest propositions of those Peerage Re formers, and find in them only the curious felicity of copying the worst precedents of the worst times. Let the Lords only be sub missive, says one—let them only be content to register the imma culate decrees of the House of Commons—or, according to the latest local version of this theory, let them restrict themselves to the occasional enjoyment of a suspensive faculty—and nothing se rious shall befal them ! So said the Surrey petitioners, as re ported by Clarendon, at the blessed epoch of 1641 :—" We shall be in duty obliged to defend and maintain your Lordships, as far as you shall be twitted with the Honourable House of Commons in all their jest and pious proceedings." So that plan, you will therefore perceive, is not an original one. Let Lords and Commons sit and vote as a united Chamber, says another I Now, hit not a curious coincidence, that at the same era of delightful reminiscences —long before this notable experiment had been practically illustrated in France—( Hear)—the petition of " many thousands of poor people in and about the city of London" had prayed the Commons that those noble worthies of the House of Peers, who concur with your happy votes, may be earnestly desired to join with your honourable House, and to sit and vote as one entire body. So there's another plagiarism. —But it has just struck some of the more sagacious Ministerialists, that an aggregate of the two Houses, at this moment, would produce a sweeping majority against them. " Well, then," says a Noble Lord, whom strange accidents have jostled into the 'temporary representation of Glasgow—" Well, then," says Lord William Bentinck, giving reins to the magnificence of his oriental fancy, and accustomed to play the potentate on a large scale in Hindostan, and de cidedly not consulting his colleague—(Loud cheers)—" let us call new Peers into existence, to redress the balance of the old !" But here, too, the Noble Lord has been anticipated. —(Hear.) To be sure the precedent in this case is neither very choice nor wholly adequate, for where Lord Oxford, in the reign of Anne a created twelve, thank Heaven, in the present time and temper of the Upper House, Lord Melbourne must create an hundred.—(Loud cheers.) Gentlemen, we dare him to de it !—( Continued cheering.) We think we know a Sovereign, who rather than be an accomplice in such an act of suicide, would give the standard royal to the winds, and throw himself upon the affections of his subjects.—(Cheers.) We think we know the un ennobled Aristocracy of England too well to fear that tools for such a stroke of policy could be counted on among them.--( Cheers. ) Let the Premier rain down his coronets as thick as hail, where V. ill he find heads to bear thern?—(Loud cheers.) It would be needless and disgusting to ring the changes further on these varie- ' ties of insolent absurdity, all differing in detail, but all agreeing in practicable wildness and revolutionary principle. I dismiss them with the contemptuous remark of that eminent authority, Mr. Fergus O'Connor :—" The Reform of the House of Lords is a hobby-horse for political buffoonery to ride on—a plan to draw the attention of the people from practical reforms." From these practical and practicable reforms, I beg to add, projected, an nounced, and began by the Right Hon. Member for Tamworth— before the selfishness of faction drove him from that position in the Councils of the King, to which the awakened people of this empire, if they but support the Peers against their common enemy, will speedily res t or e him. The Lords have taken their stand on true principles—in an unshrinking attitude—ethey have done their duty to the Constitution and the Laws—and they adjure the people to do theirs. And 0, if there be any party in the country—if there be any individuals in this room—who more than others are required to respond to that appeal, it is precisely that party, and those indivi duals, who, w hen the great question of Reform in the House of Commons was agitated, were most loud in their addresses, and petitions to the hereditary legislators did most carneastly. . then, in every form of supplication and remonstrance— in the most emphatic language—by the most impassioned figures—withdraw their opposition to its settlement. They who were so jealous of aristocratic inter ference with the elective principle, how, in the name of jurice, of honour, and of reason, shall they not be as jealous of democratic interference with the hereditary principle, as vital an element—as legitimate an element—and as precious an element in our balanced Constitution ?—(Cheers. ) I speak of those who were favourable to Parliamentary Reform, not from motives of po litical partizanship, but in the strength of an honest conviction. — ( Hear, hear.) I, for one, cannot understand that convenient poli tical morality which has one measure for its own rights, and an other for its neighbours. I rejoice to think that there are hun dreds here—hundreds of Constitutional Reformers—whose breasts will echo back these sentiments, and that it is not the least important feature of this brilliant festival that it celebrates the .union—a really compact and indissoluble union—between two parties, joining net in the rage of selfish cupidity for a division of plunder, but under the sense of a common danger to guard the altar and the throne.—(Loud cheers.) Look upon the contrast between our illustrious guest, so supported and surrounded, and the heads of the motley faction that supplanted him ! They, begirt by bickering enemies in the guise of fliends—he, winning new adherents from the ranks of old antago n ists —they, the miserable remnant of a party, from which' all that was highest in talent, and purest in prin ciple, has been forced to flee as from a leprosy—he, the rallying name with all who prefer the true consistency of supporting good laws to the sordid mock-consistency of following bad leaders ! ( Cheers.) Our principle—if I may presume to g ive a voice to this great Political Union—is to maintain popular rights, but not at the expense of sacrificing kingly government—is to do all that may be necessary for the remedy of unredressed abuses, but to do no no more—and never, never, under the semblance of Reform, to sanction Revolution, least of all a Popish Revolution. And, as the first test of our principle, when the pragmatical economist of Middlesex, or the lip-valiant repealer of Kilkenny, shall again cry out for the destruction of the House of Lords, we will again be ready to toss them back the defiance of 3,000 fearless men. We will uphold the political authority of that noble order, because w e believe it to be indispensable for the welfare of the people—we will uphold their personal immunities, because we will not loosen the foundations of all civil right—we will uphold the dignity and splen. dour of the Corinthian capital—if that be an image inseparably connected with this subject—because we know that should it b e overthrown, the rest of the social fabric will totter with the fall, and the august form of liberty herself be crushed beneath the ruin, .—(Cheers.) Gentlemen, my toast is, " The Independence of the House of Lords." The Duke of Bs:Teak:nag returned thanks. " Principal Macfarlane and the University of Glasgow." Principal Macessiteess feared that, in the presence of the higher officers of the University, it might appear presumptuous i n him to acknowledge the last toast.—(Hear.) Still, as his offic e was of a more permanent character than theirs, and the Chairman had been pleased to mention his name in connection with the Una_ versity of Glasgow, he would not shrink from offering, on the part of his colleagues, their students, and himself, their cordial and grateful thanks. Their ancient seminary had undergone many vicissitudes, and, e specially of late, had, in common with all the institutions of the country, withstood several violent assaults. (Cheers. ) Still, he trusted that it maintained a position which promised fair for its permanence and prosperity..—( Renewed cheers.) In this confidence he was encouraged by knowing that his learned colleagues laboured with a diligence and energy not to be surpassed, to deserve, as they must succeed in doing, to command public esteem and confidence, by witnessing the increasing resort of young gentlemen, educated previously in the best seminaries, and of families, for a proof of whose high re spectability he had only to look around the company present-- a nd above all, by the connection it - has lately formed with the highly-honoured guest of the evening, by the aid of whose judgment its members may hope to be guided in every measure of real improvement, and on the support of whose talents and influence they may rely in resisting every scheme of mischievous and fantastic innovation.—(Cheers.) He was strengthened in this hope by the kind feeling expressed by an assembly so nu merous and respectable—a kindness to which the University might lay additional claim, as having been the occasion of bring ing them together; and he felt assured, on all these grounds, that the seminary where Smith, and Reid, and Simson, and Black, have taught—where Campbell, and Wilson, and Lockhart were educated—may yet be allowed a fair trial of its capability and efficiency, in training another generation of scholars and gentle men. fie must also request permission to thank them for himself. He was not vain enough to ascribe the kind reception they had given him to anything but their knowledge of him as a long-tried Conservative, and on that account his thanks sprang from a purer source than any selfish feeling. Not that he was indifferent to their approbation. His sense was only the, narrower, and also the deeper, that it implies a pledge of their devoted attachment to the Civil and Religious Institutions of their country. He believed 1 in his heart that their principles, founded on reason and truth, are mighty, and must prevail—(great applause) ; that the time is not far distant when they will resume their accustomed and salutary in fluences in the Councils of the Empire, and the minds of the people. __(Loud cheers.) Instead of looking on with apathy or approba tion, while those establishments which have long, and most success fully, promoted the fear of God, are vilified and assailed—while the revered memory of the Sovereign is employed for purposes which SHIPPING INTELLIGENCE. VESSELS ENTERED INWARDS AT THE CUS- TOM-HOUSE, JAN. 14. The Emilia, Quick, from Seville; the Alert, Layton, Nantes ; Anna Dorothea, Pitt, Nantes ; Albinia, Kenel, De merara ; Caroline, Prime, Petersburgh ; Senora de Paz, De Silva, Lisbon ; Thalia, Wolverton, Alexandria; Wilton Castle, Cauney, Jamaica; Lord Goderich, Kent, Quebec; Brandy Wine Packet, Almond, Charente; Flirt, Dara, Bor deaux. _ _ _ ENTERED OUTWARDS FOR LOADING. The Secret, Gates, for St. Michael's; Mary Ann; Mason, St. Thomas's; Providence, Wilson, Guernsey; Alkmaar, Heath, Rotterdam; Vegesack, BalLeber, Bremen; William Jolliffe, Middleton, Calais; Hindoostan, Redman, Madras; Orynthia, Lawton, Honduras; Haidee, Kenney, St. Lucia; Tourist, Whitcombe, Antwerp. CLEARED OUTWARDS WITH CARGO. The Lavinia. Broun, for Rio Janeiro; Thetis, Smith, Sierra Leone ; Vesper, Fraser, Sidney; William Jolliffe, Middleton, Calais; Tourist, Whitcomb, Antwerp; Alert, Margall, Calais ; King George, Garner, Ostend; Admiral Moorson, St. Vincent's ; Albertan, Shuttlewortb, Cape of Good Hope. CLEARED OUTWARDS IN BALLAST. The Louisa, Jacobson, for Kiel ; Sprightley, Newton, St- Michael's ; Elizabeth, Pybees, Surinam; Pomona, Selworth, Gibraltar. ARRIVALS AT LIVERPOOL, JAN. 14. The Lord Ogilvy, Morris, from Alexandria; Annette, Over, Rotterdam ; Terra Nova, Gallipoli; Robert Morris, Gay New Orleans. ENTERED FOR LOADING. The St. Lucia, Rowling, for Africa; Thomas Parsons, Tasker, Africa; Ceres, Blomfield, Kingston, &c. ; Creole, Tracy, New Orleans ; Neerlandsch Frouw, Degroot, Rot terdam. CLEARED OUTWARDS. The Shakspeare, Collins, for New York ; Amy, Crawl, Savannah ; Snowden, M'Clivo, Africa; Albatross, Africa; Sultana, Hill, New Orleans ; Reliance, Rowen, Charleston; Rhode Island, New Orleans; Louisa, Kelley, Jamaica. The attention of the humane cannot be too much or too often directed to the dangerous and miserable con dition of night cabriolets and coaches, and the horses by which they are drawn. A night cab is a word of reproach among the whips of London ; and however worn out or diseased a horse may be, as long as he can stand upon his legs, it is thought sufficient. Those who will not consult their humanity regarding these night conveyances, would do well to look to their personal safety. In the 112 out parishes comprised within the bills of mortality the principal peals of bells are—Criplegate (13), St. Michael's, St. Bride's, St. Saviour's, St. Martin's, Slioreditch (12), St. Sepulchre's (11), St. Mary-le-Bow, St. Magnus's, St. Dionis, St. Margaret's, Horsleydown, Stepney (10), St. Georie-in-the-East (9), St. Dunstan's, West Aldermanbury, St. Lawrence's, St. Clement Danes', St. Andrew's, Bishopsgate, Aldgate, St. Olave's, St. George's, Southwark, St. Thomas's, Islington, Hackney, Christchurch, Surrey, Rotherhithe; St. James's, West minster, St. James's, Clerkenwell, Lambeth, Shadwell, Whitechapel, St. Stephen's (8 each). S I L \TER PLATE.—Purchasers may select from twenty different Patterns of Silver Spoons and Forks, some of the patterns having much merit and novelty; and from fifty varieties of Silver Tea and Coffee Services. The ground floor, also the first, second, and third floors, are fitted up as Show Rooms, to contain a large stock of Silver and Plated Goods, Jewellery, Watches, &c , and purchasers will find many advantages, both in respect of price and variety, at this Establishmant. T. COX SAVORY Goldsmith, Silversmith, and Watchmaker, 47, Cornhill, London. N.B.—A Pamphlet, containing a List of Prices of Plate, Plated Goods, Watches, Clocks, &c., may be had gratis, or will be forwarded in answer to a post-paid application. BIRTHS. On the 12th inst., at Portland-place, the lady of the Rev. R. Seymour, of a daughter. On the 12th inst., at Islington, Mrs. Robert Olderrhavr, of a daughter. On the 14th inst., in Upper IVlentagu-street; Sirs. G. Nicholas, of a son. On the sth inst., at Millmount House, N. 8., the lady of Charles St. John, Esq., of a son. On the 13th inst., in Burlington street, the lady of James Mute, Esq., jun., of a daughter. MARRIED. On the 14th inst., at St. George's, Hanover-square, Mr. William Seguin, of Regent-street, to Miss Gooch, of Curzon-street, Mayfair. On the 12th inst., at St. James's Church, James Denton Toosey, Esq., to Charlotte Septima, youngest daughter of Horatio Robson, Esq., of Piccadilly. On the 12th inst., at Walcot Church, Bath, John Bonner, of Bryn y Gwalie, Denbighshire, Esq., to Frances, only daughter of the late Rev. R. Russell, Vicar of Bocham, and Rector of Ewhurst, Sussex. On the 12th inst., at St. Pancras Church, George Alfred Daven port, Esq., of Market Harbdrough, to Mary, second daughterof J. Walley, Esq., Hunter-street, Brunswick-square. On the 12th inst., at St. Pancras, John Innes,Esq., Lieutenant, Bengal Horse Artillery, to Sarah Eugenia, eldest daughter of the late S. Ferrar, Esq. DIED. On the Bth inst., in Albany-street, aged 68, Mary Anne, widow of E. Kennion, F. S.A. On the 11th inst. at Murrell Green, Major-General the Hon. Sir Frederick Cavendish Ponsonby, K. C. 8., Colonel of the Royal Dragoons, second son of the Earl of Besborough. On the 13th inst., at Tyringham, James Backwell Praed, Esq., M.P. for Bucks, aged 57. On the 12th inst., aged 94, Mrs. Eleanor Nugent. On the 10th inst., in Manchester-square, Elizabeth, relict of W. L. St)ne , E s q ., late of Brightwell-park, xfordshire, and Mordon, Surrey. On the 12th inst., at Cheshunt, Herts, Lieutenant Edmund John Armstrong, R.N., aged 39, eldest son of the Rev. W. A. Arm strong, of Chelsea. On the 12th inst., in Lower Thames-street, Mr. Thomas Ben nett, aged 90. On the 11th inst., at Grove-terrace, St. John's Wood, Anne, wife of Lei.tCol. R. P. M. Wall, late of the Oxfordshire Regi ment, ag 46 . On the 13th inst., at Finsbury-place, John Boyd, Esq., 36 years. in the Ordnance-office. On the 22d ult., at Pisa, the Rev. John Topp, of Whitton-hall, Salop, aged 46. On the 13th inst., Mr. Wm. Potter, of East-road, Iloxton, in his 66th year. On the 12th inst., John Thomas Bertram, Esq., of Upper Fitz roy-street, Fitzroy-square, aged 72. On the 12th inst., Mr. Edward Corfield, aged 26. On the 3d inst., at Carlisle, Jane, relict of T. Irwin, Esq., for merly of Justus-town, Cumberland. On the 9th inst., aged 28, Jane Lutman, eldest daughter of Mr. H. Broughton, of Fenehurch-street. On the 12th inst., Mr. Thos. Wm. Farmer, of the High-street, Borough, aged 51. On the 13th inst., at Finsiaury-square, Mr. R. Hazard, aged 77- On the 12th inst., in Trafalgar-street, Walworth, Mr. J. Hard ing, aged 72, formerly of Exeter. On the 11th inst., Eliza, wife of Mr. M. Stevens, of Fieldgate street, Whitechapel, aged 24. On the 12th inst., Ann, wife of Mr. T. Wyllie, of Little Moor. fields, aged 36. On the 10th inst., at Sutton, near Hounslow, Lieut.-General Neville, late R. A. London : Printed and Published by MURDO YOUNG, of 1 0 ' 112, Strand, at The Sun Office, , No. 112, St ran d, in the coup/ •fiddlesex. —Monday, January 16, 1637. THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY, JANtTARY 16, 1837.