The Sun. — London, England, 1846-06-30 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, June 29. The LORD CusxcELLort took his seat upon the Wool sack a few minutes before Five o'clock. The attendance of Peers was more numerous than ordinary, and there was also a considerable number of Peeresses in the gallery. Lord BROUGHAM said that he had to put a ques tion to the Noble Lord the Secretary of State tor Foreign Affairs, with respect to some very favourable reports which he had seen in the public prints, regarding our relations with America. These reports were most flat tering, and he had no doubt of their truth. Lord ABERDEEN said that he had been frequently asked by several Peers on the other side of the House, with regard to their policy with the United States, and he felt that those questions were always put with the best possible feeling. With respect to our relations with America, the President had sent a message to the Se nate with a direct refusal to agree to the proposition of this country to refer the whole matter to arbitration. Since that proceeding on the part of the President, he (Lord Aberdeen) thought proper to adopt another course, which was to draw up another proposal, and send it to the British Minister. He had that morning received a letter from Mr. Pakenham, a portion of which he would read to their Lordships. The letter stated, that in conformity with what he had the honour to say in his dispatch of the 7th instant, he had presented to the Senate the message with which he was charged, and after a few hours' debate on Wednesday, Thursday, and Friday, the Senate, by a majority of 38 to 12, adopted the resolutions proposed by her Majesty's Government, and advised the President to adopt the terms offered by her Majesty's Government. Mr. Buchanan had sent to him that morning, and had informed him that the conditions offere d b y her -Majesty's of Government had been accepted b y the Government the United States without the ad dition or alteration as that of one single word.—(Hear, hear.) Gratifying intelligence was, he felt it an a ct of duty and justice, theau d united conciliatory s tates and it was a duty of as mu ch pleasure as justice, to pay his tribute to thefprteledt'dlbyY course which had been ado Minister of this country lie had long known him, and had;had reason torespect him in an official capacity some fifteea or sixteen years ago. He was certain that by every means in his (the American Minister's) power he had contributed to the present result. He was certain that there was no person in that House or this country who more cordially participated in the satisfaction which they might experience than Mr. M`Lane, the Ameriean Minister. RESIGNATION OF MINISTERS. The Duke of WELLINGTON—I have to an nounce to your Lordships that her Majesty's servants have tendered to her Majesty their resignation of the offices which they have held in her Majesty's service. In consequence of that, her Majesty has sent for a Noble Lord, with a view to form an early administration of the Government of this country. As the affairs of this country are now, my Lords, this information will probably induce your Lordships to think that it will be desirable to suspend the discussion of those measures which are likely to become measures of controversy in this House until those who have the honour of being her Ma jesty's servants shall have an opportunity of forming their arrangements, and shall be able to come down to this House to transact the public business. One ques tion has been voted for the consideration of this House on Thursday next. My Noble Friend near me has given notice of his intention to move the second reading of the Bangor and St. Asaph Bishopric Bill on Thurs day, and I submit to my Noble Friend the necessity of postponing the second reading until her Majesty's servants can come down to this House to attend to the discussion upon it, as her Majesty is interested in this measure. There are other measures which will require your Lordships' immediate attention, and one of them may be laid upon the table this day—l mean the short Sugar Bill for the con tinuation of the duties on sugar for one month from the sth of July next, and which it is desirable should pass this House without delay, whoever may be her Majesty's servants. It is desirable that, under these circumstances, I should propose to your Lordships not to adjourn, but to con tinue sitting from day to day for the con sideration and the passing of this measure ; but the consideration of those measures, which must be matters of controversy, should be postponed until the new Government shall be in a position to attend to them. ~ Lord BROUHAM signified his readiness to postpone his motion. The Earl of POWIS also signified a similar inten. tion. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE entirely subscribed to the propriety of the course proposed by the Noble Duke, of postponing for the present all business likely to involve public discussion, and he thought that the Parliament was indebted to her Majesty's Government for 'keeping in office till the measure respecting the sugar duties be passed. He would suggest also to the Noble Duke the propriety of dispensing with the standing orders for the purpose of expediting the passing of the measure. METROPOLITAN TERMINI. The Report of the Commissioners of the Metropolitan Termini was laid on the table. SUGAR DUTIES BILL. After some delay, the Bill for continuing the Sugar Duties for one month longer was brought up and read a first time. The Duke of BUCCLEUCH gave notice that he should move to-morrow the suspension of the stand ing orders, in order that the Bill may be read a second time. Their Lordships then adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS, June 29. —-- _ The SPEAKER took the Chair at Four o'clock, when there was a very large attendance of Members. The Peers' Gallery and the Strangers' Gallery were also very full. REPORTS. The following reports were brought up and agreed to and the Bills ordered to be engrossed :—Archbishop of York's Estate Bill—Caledonian Railway (Clydesdale Junction Railway Deviations)—Caledonian Railway (Polloc and Govan and Clydesdale Junction Rail ways Amalgamation)—Clonmel and Thurles Railway— Cork, Blackrock, and Passage Railway— Cromford Canal—Dublin and Kingstown Extension Railway— Great Southern and Western Railway (Cork Extension) —Huddersfield and Manchester Railway and Canal (Oldham Branch)—Huddersfield and Sheffield and Man chester and Leeds Railways Amalgamation—Killarney Junction Railway—Liverpool and Bury and Manchester and Leeds Railways Amalgamation—Llynvi Valley and South Wales Junction Railway—Mallow an d Fermoy Railway—Midland Great Western Railway of Ireland (Litfy Branch and Longford Deviation) New Zealand Company Norfolk Estuary Oldham, Manchester, Liverpool, and Birkenhead Junc tion Railway—Severn Navigation—Sheffield, Ashton under-Lyne, and Manchester Railway, &c., Amalga mation—Stockport Improvement—Waterford, Wexford, Wicklow, and Dublin Junction Railway—Whitehaven and Furness Junction Railway (Whitehaven Extension and Kirksanton Deviation). SHEFFIELD, ROTHERHAM, BARNSLEY, WAKE FIELD, HUDDERSFIELD, AND GOOLE RAIL WAY BILL. On the motion for the third reading of this Bill, Mr. CAVENDISH moved as an amendment that the Bill be read a third time that day six months. Lord ARUNDEL seconded the motion of his lion. Friend, as the decision of the Committee had caused the greatest dissatisfaction amongst the coal owners of the worth. Mr. LASCELLES supported the third reading of the the line was caned for by the exigency of the country, and the coal districts in the north. After a few observations from Sir M. Lop ez , Lord S e ymour, Mr. Entwi s l e , M r. F i tzstep h en French Lord Morpeth, Mr. 1 7° 113 %7, Mr. Monckton Manes, Mr. Bright, Mr. Denison, 'talkie, jun. and Mr. Estcourt, th e gallery was ordered t o v e a lea aixtu red: eaL a for division. On our return the num bers For the third reading For the amendm ent ..................... an Majority .................. .. ... . a _ ira The Bill was accordingly read a third _ B ;llL„„myea. EAST LANCASHIRE RA ILWAY This Bill was d a third time d pa. COLCHESTER rea NAVIGATIONan ANDssed IMPROVE MENT BILL. Sir JOHN GUEST moved that the Committee on the Colchester Navigation and Improvement Bill be revived, and have leave to sit on Thursday next, and that two selected Members form a quorum.—The motion was agreed to. TEMPLEMORE AND NENAGH RAILWAY BILL. Mr. ESTCOURT moved that it be an instruction to the Committee of Selection to refer the Templemore and Nenagh Railway Bill, being an unopposed Bill, to the Chairman of Ways and Means, and Members to be added by the Committee of Selection.—Agreed to. COVENTRY, NUNEATON, BIRMINGHAM, AND LEICESTER RAILWAY. This Bill was read a third time and passed. WEXFORD, CARLOW, AND DUBLIN JUNCTION RAILWAY. This Bill was also read a third time and passed. SUGAR DUTIES. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said, it would probably meet the convenience of the House, if the order of the day for the third reading of the Sugar Duties Bill were then moved. The Bill was then read a third time and passed. RESIGNATION OF MINISTERS, The private business having been disposed of, the greatest expectation was manifested for the appearance of Sir Robert Peel. The House never on any occasion presented such a thronged and animated appearance, and we observed that several ladies were in the vicinity of the Speaker's gallery. At twenty-three minutes past five o'clock Sir Robert Peel entered the House with:an anxious air, and after a few moments' consultation with Sir James Graham, he rose and ad dressed the House as follows: — Sir ROBERT PEEL—Sir, I feel it to be my duty t 4 avail myself of the earliest opportunity of notify- THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING-, JUNE 30, 1846. in_ to this House that, in consequence of the ' position of her Majesty's Government, and especially in consequence of that vote to which the House came on the night of Thursday last, by which the House refused to give to the Government those powers which they deem necessary for the repression of outrage and the protection of life in Ireland, her Majesty's servants have felt it their duty to tender their resignation to their most gracious Sovereign. The resolution to tender that resignation was the unani mous resolution of her Majesty's servants, adopted with- I out hesitation. Sir, if I had any com p laint to prefer I with respect to the course pursued by the House, this is not the occasion on which I should prefer it. It is im possible to feel that that occasion by which a great change r takes place in the councils of a gre at empire, for weal o , for woe, the welfare of many millions of the Queen is s subjects in almost all parts of t he habitable globe impossible to feel that it is not an importa nt, and, I might almost say, a solemn occasion , and that it is not such an occasion that one ought to avoid preferring any complaints, Sir, such controversy would be ill-suited to the magni tude of the occasion. I must also say that a provocation of any such controversy would be wholly at variance with the feelings which influence me in addressing this House.—(Hear, hear.) This feeling would rather prompt me to acknowledge with gratitude the many occasions on which, speaking of the great bodies in general on this side of the House, at periods antecedent to the present session, I and my colleagues have received their generous and cordial support. This feeling, also, would rather prompt me to acknowledge with gratitude the occasion on which gentlemen opposite, in oblivion of party differences, have accorded to her Ma jesty's Government, or the measures of which they approved, a cordial support ; and I trust, Sir, that nothing will escape from me in explaining the course which her Majesty's Government has thought it their duty to pursue, which would run the risk of pro voking those controversies which I deprecate. Sir, her Majesty has been ple....sa to accept that tender of resignation, and her servants now only hold office until their successors shall have been appointed. Sir, I said that if I had complaints to prefer, this would not be the occasion on which I would prefer them, but I must also say that I did not propose those measures connected with our commercial policy at the commencement of this session, without foreseeing the great probability, whether those measures succeeded or failed, of the dissolution of the Government of this realm. Sir, I rather rejoice that.her Majesty's Government has been relieved from any doubt, by the early decision of this House, as to the course which it was their duty to pursue, for I do not hesitate to say that I would not, even if the late vote had been in our favour—l would not, even then, have consented to hold office by the sufferance or permission of any party — (Loud cheers) —believing, as I do, that it is for the public interest, that a Government remaining in power should be enabled to give practical effect to the mea sures which they may believe it necessary to I introduce for the public good ; and I do think that, in a position in which her Majesty's Government was placed by the withdrawal—perhaps the natural withdrawal—of the confidenee of many of those who had hitherto supported them—l do not think it probable that, even if that vote had been in our favour, her Majesty's Government would be enabled, with credit to themselves or with advan tage to the interests of the country, to continue in the administration of public affairs. (Great cheering.) We therefore felt it our duty to ad vise her Majesty to accept our resignations without adopting that alternative which might have been adopted, namely, recommending to the Crown to exer cise its prerogative and to dissolve the present Parlia ment. We preferred the immediate tendering of our resignations to the adoption of that course. Sir, I do not hesitate to say, speaking with that frankness which I am sure can offend no one, that if her Majesty's Government had failed in carrying through Parliament, in all their integrity, those measures of commercial policy which it was my duty to recommend, I do not hesitate to say that there was no exertion which I would not have made—(Tremendous cheering)—in order, if not to ensure their success, at least to give the country an opportunity of pronouncing its opinion upon them. In that case I should have felt myself justified in advising her Majesty to the extreme course of dissolving the present Parliament ; but there was no necessity for such a course. Those who dissented from these measure had withdrawn, I am bound to say, their opposition to them ; they had eventually given these measures their consent, and they had therefore passed into a law. - Under these circumstances. I do not feel that I should. be justified, in order to pass any inferior measure—l say I should not have felt myself justified in advising the Crown to exercise its prerogative, because I feel strongly this, that no Administration is justified in advising the Crown to exercise that prerogative unless there be reason. I shall presume even a strong moral conviction, that in the Parliament succeeding that dissolution the Government will be able to ad minister the affairs of the country by the sup port of a party sufficiently powerful to enable them to do so with advantage to the public.—(Hear.) The power of dissolution is a great instrument in the hands of a Government, which should be only resorted to under such circumstances as I have alluded to. I think a dissolution should not be taken for the purpose of deciding whether we were justified in proposing those measures of com mercial policy which we had proposed at the , commencement of the session. I do not think that a dissolution even at that time would have been justifiable. The only ground upon which we should have advised a dissolution would have been, that we should have been enabled to give effect to those measures which we brought forward. Now, I do not mean a support founded on a feeling of mere temporary sympathy with our situation, or of concurrence upon the great questions of domestic policy, however important they may be. I think we should not dissolve without a full assurance in our own minds that we should have the sup port of those who differ from us upon almost all the questions of public policy, and who were with us upon one question, but that we should have the support of a powerful party, united to us by general ties. I am bound to say, in the general state of division of parties, that I did not entertain that confident hope that the dissolution of Parliament would have given us a majority. I thought also, in common with the rest of my Honourable Colleagues, that after all the excitement which has taken place, after the stagnation which would continue consequent upon our suspending the business of the country, it did appear to us • that a dissolution of Parliament was an evil which should not have been allowed to take place.—(Cheers.) We were beaten on a question connected with Ireland. I shall lament having been beaten upon this question, not merely because it was an Irish question, but I should deeply lament our being beaten on a question connected with Ireland, if it should be thought that the measure we proposed for the repression of outrage in Ireland was an indication that her Majesty's servants held any different opinions as to the policy to be pursued towards Ireland from those which I declared towards the close of the last session of Parliament. Those opinions which I then avowed—those opinions which had a practical effect given to them by the Cha ritable Bequests Act, the additional vote for the endow ment of Maynooth—to those opinions both myself and my Hon. Colleagues still subscribe. We brought forward that measure believing that resistance to the contagion of crime and a vigorous re- Prestoon by law of those offences which I Saw a lelattZ: r w Y to see dis g race some parts of to improve , t not a sociall measure calculated permanently condition of that people, but tion witL ocher measur es calculated, if taken f e t c h t as , o h r owele a r t , decided deuisiou dif ferently g me t asures necessary for the "ft 0 legislative measures fopi w enfur e areci:nnu t to h nistije o hra u !r: h oknind;thPaatrhanleusubj sa n othing--I deprecate onl y any inferen b e i n posed g dr t a h w e n from some co w n i d ai u c c h t, that beft e . m t epenarfte pns ro being y ; coercion, we call a menu ' for but which I only deprecat e , the protection of life t o Irelan bd• mo st he pursued Thatany inference, which viewsw hi a c s h would ould olic o the p e y any change. towards Ireland had unde r g one Speaking of myself, I do not he sitate to say that there ought to be established in Ireland c o m p lete equality — (Loud cheers)—in municipal and political institu tions.—(Cheers.) I say complete equality, as far as it is practicable to carry it out, in the present political and religious aspect of the country.—(Hear, hear.) It may not be possible to carry out complete political and religious equality according to the letter of the terms, but it may be done according to the spirit. But I speak of the spirit, and not of the letter, in regard to the franchise, in regard to municipal rights, and in regard to other great questions relating to Ireland.—(Cheers.) There is a strong desire in the minds of many that the people of Ireland should be placed in possession of the same political and religi ous rights as those of England and Scotland and I admit the correctness of the principle'. Not only do I admit the justice of the prin ciple, but lam of opinion that a complete assimilation of Ireland to England and Scotland, in political and religi ous privileges, should not be defeated by any jealousy and suspicion on our part. With regard to any question involving the rights and privileges of the people of Ire land, I say distinctly that I think there ought not to be a different rule applied to Ireland to that which is applied to the people of this country.—(Cheers.) It is impossible for me to say that there should be submitted with regard to Ireland a different rule of action to that which is applied to England.—(Cheers.) Re garding the Executive Administration in Ireland, I think the powers of the Crown should not be exercised so as to occasion any real ground of complaint in regard to religious distinctions. It may be that we may have given of fence in some instances in availing ourselves of the opportunity of appointing Roman Catholics to office—it may be said that we should have taken different means to carry out our policy ; but to that I will answer, that I hold it to be the best and wisest policy to carry on the affairs of Government without reference to any differences on religious questions, and that it should make its appointments accordingly. (Cheers.) With regard to the spirit in which legislation must be directed, I must say, for one, I am prepared to co-operate with those who feel for the present social condition of the people of Ire land in respect to the tenure of land, and the rela tions of landlord and tenant, and are anxious to remedy the existing state of things.—(Hear, hear.) It may be impossible by legislative enactments to apply an im mediate remedy to the state of things which now exists ; but even if the benefit to be derived from legislation be extremely remote, yet if the benefit be of a permanent character, then I shall feel it to be my duty to support them.—(Hear, hear.) What I have now said applies to the tenure of land ; and, again, with respect to legislation upon matters connected with the relations which at present exist between landlords and tenants. While upholding the rights of property •It ought to be our ob ject to direct our immediate attention to the consi deration of that most important subject.—(Cheers.) There is no determination on our part to consider that question in any other manner than that which is calculated to produce beneficial effects, and in that spirit, and with the hope of accomplishing that object, I shall be leady to support the Govern ment whieh is to succeed us.—(Loud cheering.) Sir, I have reason to believe the Noble Lord, the Mem ber for the City of London, has been commanded by her Majesty to repair to her Majesty's presence for the purpose of hearing her Majesty's commands upon the subject of forming that Government.—(Hear, hear.) Sir, I presume that the general principle upon which the Government to be formed by the Noble Lord, will—that is as far as its commercial policy is concerned —be to continue the application of those principles, which tend to give us a clear and unrestricted commercial intercourse with other countries. I presume I may confidently expect that that will be their com mercial policy, and, Sir, if it is, I shall feel it to be my duty to give to the Government, with the view of carrying out the execution of that great principle, my most cordial support.—(Cheers.) Sir, I presume her Majesty's Government, acting upon the ex perience of the past, will act upon those principles, notwithstanding that other countries may choose to buy in the dearest market. (Hear, hear.) I hope the knowledge of such a fact' will prove no discouragement to them to promote the great principle of buying in the cheapest and selling in the dearest market. I hope, too, Sir, they will not for a single moment think of returning to that principle which both they and we have felt the baneful effects of, namely, of haggling with foreign countries, but that they will act in the spirit of independence, and take that course which they believe will be conducive to the welfare of the country. — (Hear.) I hope, rather than return to such a system, they will trust in the influence of public opinion on other countries, and they may rely upon it our example, added to the benefit which we derive from acting upon the opposite principle, will at no remote period in sure the adoption of the principle by other countries. Sir, I shall of course, reserve to myself the course I shall pursue with reference to the measures which may be proposed by her Majesty's Government until they are stated to the House. I don't mean by this that I shall extend my support to them on every occasion, and that this will overrule the course I shall adopt on any subject. I generally speak with respect to measures having reference to the industry n.liev of the country, and I trust any step which will be taken will be towards the relaxation of restrictions.—(Loud cheers.) I, for one, shall not urge upon them the hasty or precipitate adop tion of principles, even sound in themselves, if they are likely to injure or cause great disarrangement of our affairs. I shall bear in mind that great experiments have been made under the present Administration—that the surplus amount of revenue is small—smaller than I could wish it to be, and less in consonance with the permanent interests of the country ; and therefore, while I offer my cordial support to the general principles of commercial policy which have re. ceived the sanction of Parliament in the present session, I shall not urge them to any such simultaneous and precipitate adoption of them as may either be injurious to the interests of the country, from special circumstances entitled to some continued protection; nor shall I urge them to any such rash or precipitate measures as can injure or cause a derangement of the finances of the country. Sir, lam not aware in speaking thus—l am bound to say that I am rather speaking with regard to my own intentions as to the course I shall pursue, than speaking after having had an opportunity of conferring with the Noble Lord as to the measures he should adopt. I can not doubt, however, after the course which the Noble Lord has pursued this session, that measures of a similar character to those proposed by the present Government will meet with his sup port and acquiescence.—(Cheers.) Sir, I do not know that it is necessary I should make any other declaration than this. I wish to draw no invidious distinctions. I wish to make no unseemly boast, but I cannot surrender power without making at least this observation—that 1 do hope, that during the five years full power has been committed to our hands, neither the public interests nor the honour of this country have been di minished.—(Loud cheers.) I think I may say with truth, that during that period the bur dens of taxation have been equalised, and that that pressure which bore unjustly and severely upon various branches of industry has been removed.— (Hear, hear, and cheers.) I think I may say with truth, that many restrictions upon commerce, injuriously affecting the trade of this country, have been removed. — (Continued cheers.) I think I may say that this has been done without at all interfering with legitimate speculation, without at all paralysing or derang ing the commerce of the country. I think I may say with truth, that stability has been given to the monetary system of this country.—(Hear, hear.) I allude particularly to the cordial support which was given, without reference to party distinc tions, to the measures which I proposed with regard to the Bank of England, to joint-stock banks, and private banks of this country in 1843. Sir, I trust also that the country has not suffered by the reductions which have taken place. There has been great and considerable reductions made on the general restrictions in trade. I hope, Sir, that these reductions will be more than compensated by the increased consumption of the articles upon which the reductions have taken place.—(Cries of "Hear, hear.") I may say that there never was a Govern nment which had less occasion for using anything like prosecutions—there has been a submission to the laws, and that too at periods when the high price of the necessaries of life caused great suffering to the poor. I shall allude to one member of the Government, and although he has not taken a prominent part in debate, he was one who deserved the very highest honour which his country could con fer on him. That mem ber of the:Government was one, high Christian feelings,who, with resorting exhauwsated was against every to w a rtill he had means to preserve p eace( most consistently ca rry p eace.—(Hear, out e ha hear.) He could out at all neglecti ng th: interests o t f t h is country, and principle with while he had don e so , h e was ever re ady th e rights, and p r i v il eges , an d hi g h honour maintain th e country, even at the risk of a war.—(Hear, hear.) Sir, Ido hope that we leave the foreign relations of this country i n a satisfactory state—l speak not only of France, but of the other great powers of Europe. There is a confidence in the intention of this country, and a real desire on the part of their Governments to co operate with us in the maintenance of peace. It is that mutual confidence in the honour and intentions of public men which so much facilitates the preserving of the public tranquillity. We come in contact with them —for instance, with France—in distant parts of Europe, where heated partizans are naturally jealous, and per haps justly jealous of the honour of their respective countries. Partizans, who must be warmed with the spirit of jealousy, would, in their anxiety to maintain the national honour, be the cause of war desolating nations, unless the coumils "of the great powers of Europe were presided over by those who feel peace to be the true interest of a civilised Go vernment, and who are deterrsined that the heated passions of angry partisans shall not involve the respective countries.—(Hear, hear.) If anything could have induced me to get a decision on the part of this House prematurely, to determine the anxiety of Government, it would have been the re ceipt of the intelligence we have lately had from the United States. That gives the result of our last act. You know that there had been such difference between the countries, that unless they were speedily determined, they would have been the cause of war. The House will probably recollect that after we had offered to the United States conditions which were rejected, the President of the United States sent a message to the House of Con- gress of that country, which led to a discussion with re gard to that convention which provided for the temporary adjustment of our differences, at least for the tempurary avoidance of war, and to enable the two coun- ;ries jointly to occupy the territory which is called the Oregon territory. The two Houses of American Congress advised the President to signify to this country, as they were empowered to do, the conclusion of the existing convention by giving a year's notice, and to add to that advice, which might perhaps have been consi- dered of an unsatisfactory, if not a hostile character, the declaration that they wished the notice of the termina tion of the convention to be given, in order that it might facilitate an amicable adjustment of the question in dispute. We thought that the addition of these words, and the expression of a hope that the termination of the convention might more strongly impress on the two countries the necessity for an amicable adjustment— we thought those expressions removed every barrier to a renewal by either country of the attempt to settle this question.—(Hear, hear.) We did not hesitate, therefore, to do that which in the present state of that question was most expedient. We did not hesitate to decline renewing any lengthened vr nezotiation, but to propose at once to bring the proceedings to a termination. A definite proposal was consequently made by us to the President of the United States; and however strongly he might be committed to a contrary policy, he proposed at once to refer our pro posal to the Senate of the United States, and the Senate, acting in the same spirit with which it had been proposed, at once announced the adoption of the terms offered.—(Loud Cheers,) Perhaps from the importance of the subject, as well as from the circumstance that this may be the last day of my addressing you as a Minister, I may be permitted to go into a little detail with respect to the negotiations between the two Governments on this subject.—(Hear, hear.) (The Right Hon. Baronet here read the first article of the convention which was sent over from this Government, and which specified that the 49th parallel of north lati tude should be continued as the boundary between the territory of this country and that of the United States.) The second condition of this engagement related to the navigation of the Columbia river, and in endeavouring to obtain for this country all the rights to which it was justly entitled, they had endeavoured to secure for Great Britain all the benefits of that river, where its course flowed above the 49th parallel ; but in assenting to the regulation which provided for this, the Ministry had intimated to Mr. Pakenham that it was not their intention or desire in any way to interfere with the Government of the United States, either as respected their interests, or in their regulation of the navigation of that river. And this they did in a spirit of frankness and fair dealing, and in a way that should at once assure the Government of the United States of their good faith and support of the honour of this country. (Cheers.) On the very day when he was addressing that House as a Minister, and when he was stating the resignation of the Ministry who had succeeded in ef fecting this agreement, he had the satisfaction of receiving the official letter from Mr. Pakenham, which contained the dispatch confirming the agreement. (Cheers.) Mr. Pakenham, writing on June 13, says to my Noble Friend the Secretary for Foreign Affairs— " Washington, June 13, 1846. " My Lord,—ln conformity with what I had the honour to state in my dispatch, No. 68, of the 7th instant, the Presi dent sent a message on Wednesday last to the Senate, sub mitting for the opinion of that - bOtly the draught of a -con vention for the settlement of the Oregon question, which I was instructed by your Lordship's dispatch, No. 19, of the 18th of May, to propose for the acceptance of the United States. " After a few hours' deliberation on each of the three days, Wednesday, Thursday, and Friday, the Senate, by a majo rity of 38 votes to 12, adopted yesterday evening a resolu tion advising the President to accept the terms proposed by her Majesty's Government. The President did not hesitate to act on this advice, and Mr. Buchanan accordingly sent mr me this morning. ar d informed me that the conditions offered by her Majesty s Governmentwere accepted by (lie Government of the United States, without the addition or alteration of a single word.—l have the honour to be, &c., "R. PAKENHAM. "The Right Hon. the Earl of Aberdeen, K.T., &c." (Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") Thus two great nations, impelled, I believe, by that public opinion which ought to guide and influence all great countries, and urged on by the force of public opinion, have brought this great dispute to a close without, I believe, the com promise of the slightest point of honour, and which, if it had been continued, might have involved these two great nations, 'Which have sprung from the same race, in a war that would have involved the whole of the civilised world in its horrors—a war which in the course of two months, nay, of one month, would have proved more expensive than the worth of the whole of the district for which the contention would have been excited. Thus, then, have we brought, without the slightest compromise of interest or honour either on the part of the American Government or of her Majesty's Ministers, to a close this great cause of dissension ; and this was done at a time when it was anticipated by the Government of this country that the dis pute in which the Government of the United States were at that time engaged would, in all pro babilty, lead to a war with Mexico. Notwithstanding this anticipation, instructions were sent out to Mr. Paken ham stating that her Majesty's Government had not changed their intention in the slightest degree, and that their desire for the settlement of the dispute was not in the slightest degree altered. Mr. Pakenham was fully in possession of the sense of his Government, and know ing their sentiments, he had persevered in the spirit in which her Majesty's Ministers had always acted, in bringing this dispute to a termination. Yet he wisely thought that an occurrence of a war with Mexico was not one of those cases to which we had adverted, and therefore most wisely did he tender this offer of peace on his own dis cretion. (Hear, hear.) And let me observe that before we were aware of these hostilities between the United States and Mexico—before we were aware of the reception which this offer on our part would meet with, we tendered to the United States our good offices for the purpose of mediating between them. Sir, I do rejoice that I had the opportunity before surrendering power—(Hear, hear) —that I had the power of giving them the formal assurance that every cause of quarrel between two great and powerful countries is terminated with honour to the British people.—(Cheers.) Sir, I think I have exe cuted the task which my public duty imposed, upon me. I hope I have said nothing which can be misconstrued.—(Hear, hear.) I can say with truth that her Majesty's Government, in proposing those mea sures of commercial policy which have disentitled them to the 'confidence of many of those who formerly coincided with them, were influenced by no other desire than to consult the interests of the country.—(Hear, hear.) Our object was to avert dangers which we thought were imminent, and to prevent a conflict which would have placed in hostile position two powerful classes. The love of power was not an object, for, as I have said before, I have had not a doubt but the carrying of these measures would be the termination of the existence of the Ministry. Sir, I am not sure that it is an advantage to the public that there should be such a with drawal of confidence from the Government for the time being. I admit that the withdrawal of confidence by many of our friends was the natural result of these measures, and I do think that in proposing measures of that nature, and under such circumstances, it is but natural that Ministers should be charged with incon sistency. I believe, upon the whole, it is advantageous for this country, and for the general character of public men, that the proposal of measures of that kind under such circumstances should entail that which is supposed to be "a heavy blow and a great discouragement." —(Laughter.) Sir, Ido not complain ; I think that it would be impossible to continue to maintain office under such circumstances.—(Hear, hear.) Sir, I said before, and I said truly, that in proposing these measures I had no wish to rob others of the credit which is justly dne to them, and I must say, with reference to Hon. Gentlemen opposite, as I say to ourselves, that neither of us is the party which is justly entitled to the credit of these measures.—(Hear, hear.) There has been a combination of parties, and that combination and the influence of the Government have led to their ultimate success, but the name which ought to be associated with the success of these mea sures is not the name either of the Noble Lord the organ of that party opposite—(Hear)—nor is it to mine. The name which ought to be and will be associated with the success of these measures is the name of a man who, acting, I believe, from pure and disinterested motives — (Cheers)—has with untiring energy, by appeals to reason enforced by an eloquence—(Hear, hear)—the morelto be admired because it was unaffected and unadorned. (Hear, hear)—that name which ought to be associated with the success of these measures is the name of Richard Cobden.—(Tremendous cheering.) Sir, I now close the address which it has been my duty to make to the House, thanking them sincerely for the favour which they have shown to this last act of my official career. Without repining that the power which I have held for the period of five years will be surrendered into the hands of another without complaint, nay, with a more lively recollection of the support and confidence I received from Hon. Members on both sides of the House, I shall leave office I fear with a name severely censured by many Hon. Members who, on public principle, deeply regret the severance of party men—who deeply regret that severance, not from any interested or personal motives—(Hear, hear) — but because they believe that the existence of a great party is necessary to the maintenance of a powerful and influential Government in this country.—(Hear, hear.) I shall certainly retire severely censured by many ho nourable men, who, from no interested motives, have ad hered to the principle of protection, as important to the welfare and interests of the country. (Hear.) I shall leave a name execrated by every monopolist who, from less honourable motives maintains protection for hes own individual ends—but it may be that I shall leave a name sometimes remembered with expressions of good will in those dwellings which are the abodes of men whose lot it is to labour and to earn their daily bread by the sweat of their brows ; that is, a name re membered with expressions of good will when they shall recruit their strength with abundant and untaxed food— (Cheers)—the sweeter, because it is no longer leavened by a sense of injustice.—(The Right Hon. Baronet then sat down amidst immense cheering which lasted for several minutes.) The cheering having subsided, Sir R. PEEL again rose, and said that he had re ceived a communication from the Noble Lord who was charged with the formation of her Majesty's Govern ment, and he hoped the House would unanimously agree _ _ With " I " 4..l " Le ' b "" -•znressed by that Noble Lord, that the House at its rising do adjourn until Friday next. Lord PALMERSTON rose, but from the number of Members leaving the House his opening observations were but indistinctly heard. He said—Sir, I will abstain from entering upon any discus sion bearing on party differences, or referring to party disputes ; but still I must be allowed to say, that, therefore, it is not to be understood:that I subscribe to everything the Right Hon. Baronet has stated in the course of his address.—(Hear.) The Right Hon. Baronet must not be led away by the feeling which has been manifested by this House to-night, or by the assistance he has received in the carrying of the measures he has recently submitted, that we agree with the policy his Government has previously pursued.— (Hear, hear.) A different opportunity will be afforded to the present one, when I will enter upon that dis cussion. For the present, I wish to state to the House that if I abstain from following the Right Hon. Baronet into the consideration of all the topics connected with his five years' administration, I must not be understood as agreeing with him in the policy he has pursued.—(Hear, hear.) There are many parts of the policy of the Go vernment with which I cannot agree, though I acquiesce with the general recommendation of the House that the discussion of them should be postponed.—(Hear, hear.) But there is one thing in which I do agree. I agree that the Right Hon. Baronet has shown a proper and be coming deference to constitutional principles.—(Cheers.) I think the Right Hon. Baronet is right in his opinion, that the present would not have been the proper occa sion to have advised her Majesty to exercise her prero gative in dissolving the House. I quite agree with him, that where a Government stands so divided in its party, that it rests only on a small majority in Parliament, and when there is no rational probability that a dissolution er general election would give a majo rity, I say I quite agree with him in the opinion that it is more fitting to pursue the course which her Majesty's Government have pursued. Sir, there are some parts of the Right Hon. Baronet's speech which gave me the greatest pleasure. I was glad, Sir, to hear the principles which he announced as those on which the government - Or Ireland ought to be oarried-out*(Hear, hear.) I was glad, indeed, to hear from the Right Hon. Baronet that the same rights and privileges—civil, po litical, and municipal—ought to be accorded to Ireland, as conferred to England, except only in cases where they must unavoidably be different.—(Hear, hear.) I was glad also to hear the Right Hon. Baronet say that a dif ference of religious opinions ought not to be a bar to the employment of men in political situations for which they are quallfied.—(Hear.) Were I disposed to treat the speech of the Right Hon. Baronet in a different manner, I might make a few passing remarks, or express my regret that these opinions and sentiments had not been acted on by him in his administration of the affairs of Ireland. Upon the reasons I have stated, I shall not go into the question of the policy of the Government of the Right Hon. Baronet with reference to the Indian em pire, and whether it has, or has not, received the unequi vocal approbation, in all its parts, of Parliament. I will not touch upon another topic alluded to in the speech of the Right Hon. Baronet; but I must be allowed to say that I think the Right Hon. Gentleman did not quite execute the purpose which he announced at the outset of his speech, and that he did not altogether so shape all he had to say as not to afford any ground for difference of opinion. I should have been sorry indeed to have allowed one of the latter topics of the Right Hon. Ba ronet's speech to pass unnoticed without an expression of cordial approbation on my part. The announcement he then made will be received with satisfaction, not only by all Honourable Members of this House, but even in the remotest corners of the empire. I refer to the an nouncement that those unfortunate differences which have sprung up between this country and the United States have been brought to an amicable adjustment. It would, indeed, be the greatest calamity that could befal the civilised world if two great nations, like Eng land and the United States, should be at enmity with each other—two nations whose interests are identical, and whose people stand in the relation of brothers. I am therefore glad to avail myself of this opportunity of stating the degree of satisfaction I experienced when listening to that portion of the Right Hon. Baronet's speech which touched upon the Oregon ques tion.—(Hear, hear.) Sir, the Right Hon. Baronet well said, in conclusion, that the merits of the great com mercial measure which he has succeeded in carrying is not so much due to gentlemen on this side of the House, or to gentlemen who at present occupy the Treasury benches, as to the talent, the ability, the perseverance, the enterprise, and the untiring energy of my Honourable Friend the Member for Stockport.— (Cheers.) The Right Hon. Baronet has paid a just and deserved compliment to Richard Cobden ; and I think the House and the country will look on beyond the point to which the Right Hon. Baronet has directed attention, and see in Richard Cobden, not merely the zealous and enlightened advocate of a great improve ment in our commercial code, but will see in him one of the most distinguished results of that great measure of Par liamentary reform carried by this side of the House, and which, in truth, has been the means by which the Right Hon. Baronet has been enabled to carry his own great measure of commercial reform. I was particulary anxious, to express my concurrence in the general senti ment of the Right Hon. Baronet, however I may differ with him on some points, and to take this, the earliest opportunity, of protesting against its being supposed, by my silence, that I was opposed to the policy which the Right Hon. Baronet had latterly pursued. Mr. HUME said, as an humble Member of that House, he could not allow that opportunity to pass without say ing a word or two upon the policy and speech of the Right Hon. Baronet, with whose opinions upon two important points of policy he had long differed. He thought the Right Hon. Baronet had accomplished that which would redound for ever to his character. It would be a source of great gratification to him, in his retirement, to know that he found the country on his coming to power in a state of war, and that he left it in peace—with peace at home and abroad, with the industry of the country freed from commercial restrictions.—(Hear, hear.) He had done as much—nay, he had done more than any of his pre decessors had been able to accomplish. He (Mr. Hume) said, with the most unfeigned delight, that be had con ferred the greatest benefits on his country and on the civilised world. It was on these grounds that he expressed his most unfeigned regret that circum stances should compel him to leave the helm at that hour. He was sure he would retiro from power with the regret of millions of his countrymen.—(Cheers from both sides of the House.) He believed no Mi nister ever left office favoured with so much sympathy on the part of the people ; and he would venture to pre dict that those Hon. Members who had consistently op posed the measures of the Right Hon. Baronet—who had felt themselves obliged to offer resistance to them, would, before many years had passed over their heads, regret ,the course they had adopted, for there could be no doubt be had done all in his ,power to promote the happiness and comfort of the people. He himself felt that he deserved the greatest credit for the patience and for the perseverance he had evinced in his capacity of Minister of the Crown, and he believed the same opinion was entertained by millions of his countrymen. • Sir ROBERT INGLIS rose to speak to the motion that the House, at its rising, should adjournin anti l e Friday next. There were some 2. ones which speech of the Right HonourablearPyaaro in the perora he might desire to reply to, particeul wished to address lf abstain to th e from technicieayi tion, but in the few words which h i TenlYsewhether it should to the House he should Purr reference to them, and be l i ' i t u h s till Friday next.—(Flear.) question then before t or should not adjou rn He was of • opinion th at would be very inconve nientthe private business of to the House, r n i d e d o therefore, o u . rnmei?t took a p d u i bile business coulpdiabeee'cara if such an although no the formation of the new Ministry, he saw no reason w hy the private business before the House should be interrupted. As Bills were before the House in which universal interests were involved, and as to-morrow was the day for receiving reports, he considered that they might meet at twelve each day, that the private business might be proceeded with without interruption. Sir ROBERT PEEL said, he might be allowed to say that he made the motion for the adjournment of the House with the perfect concurrence of the Noble Lord (John Russell), but the Noble Lord stated, at the same time, that if it was necessary that the House should sit for the termination of the private business, he should not object to it. Since he spoke he had received a note from the Noble Lord, stating that he had no objection to the House sitting until Friday. Mr. L A BOUCHERE considered that if private busi ness, in which parties, perhaps, had some direct interest, were carried on by a thin House, the worst consequences could not fail to ensue. If the Right Hon. Baronet the Vice-President of the Board of Trade (Sir G. Clerk would have the kindness to attend there during the pri vate business, and assist the deliberations of the House with his influence and authority, such evils might be ob viated. ir G. CLERK would' do his best to watch over the private business of the House, but he hoped soon to have the assistance of some of the Right Hon. Gentlemen opposite.—(Laughter.) No doubt the private business would occupy a great deal of the attention of that House. . Mr. GREENE suggested, in order to obviate par tiality, unopposed Bills should be taken. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER had in tended to have followed up the motion his Right Hon. Friend had made to the House, with the consent of the Noble Lord, with a motion that the Railway Commit tees should sit notwithstanding the adjournment of the House, and that all reports should not be taken until Friday.—(Hear.) After a few words from Mr. SHAW and Mr. F. FRENCH, the motion was put and carried. Lord S ANDON wished to ask the Right Hon. Baronet the Secretary for the Home Department, whether the Corporation of the City of London intended to take any steps for the improvement of the prisons under their jurisdiction ? Sir J. GRAHAM (as we understood) said that the Corporation of the City of London had adopted some measures with that view, but he did not know whether they had done all that was desirable. MESSAGE FROM THE LORDS. _ . 21... 0 ng.r. from the Lords brought up the following Bills, vthich their Lordships had agreed to :—Exeter and Exmouth Railway Bill—General Terminus and Glasgow Harbour Railway Bill—Forth and Clyde and Monkland Navigation Junction Bill—Thames Haven Dock and Railway (No. 2) Bill—London and South Western Railway Acts Amendment Bill—Bridgwater and Taunton Canal, Railway, and Harbour Bill—Nor folk Railway Extensions (Yarmouth Extension) Bill, without Amendment—Chard Canal Railway Bill— Slamannan Railway (Bathgate and Jawcraig Branches) Bill—Leeds and Thirsk Railway (St. Helen's Branch Deviation) Bill—Leeds and Thirsk Railway (Knares borough Branch Extension) Bill—Leeds and Thirsk Railway North Eastern Extension (Wath to Hartle pool) Bill, wiith an Amendment—London and South Western Railway (Chertsey and Egham Branch) Bill— Wilsontown, Morningside, and Coltness Railway (Im provement and Branches) Bill—East and West York shire Junction Railway Bill—Ambergate, Nottingham, and Boston Railway Bill—Great Western and Uxbridge Railway Bill, with Amendments. COMMONS INCLOSURE (No. 2) BILL. On the motion of Sir JAMES GRAHAM, this Bill was read a second time, and ordered to be committed on Friday next. The several Bills on the paper were then postponed, until certain days in the next and following week. Several reports were then brought up and ordered to lie upon the table. The House adjourned at Half-past Seven o'clock. MARINE GLUE. Copy " of the report from the senior officer in charge of her Majesty's ship Penelope, to Admiral Sir C. Ogle, dated the 18th day of May, 1846, relative to the ad vantages which have resulted from the application of the Marine Glue to the deck of that vessel, during her service on the coast of Africa ;" and " of the reports of the Committee of Master Shipwrights on the Marine Glue, dated the 11th day of January and the 4th day of March 1842." Her Majesty's Ship Penelope, Portsmouth, 18 May, 1846. Sir,—ln obedience to the directions contained in your order of this day's date, desiring me to report on Jeffrey's Patent Marine Glue, I have great pleasure in acquainting you, for the information of the Lords Com missioners of the Admiralty, that after three years' ex perience, two of which were passed on the coast of Africa, I consider it to be admirably adapted for the pur pose of a ship's deck. The deck of this ship has never leaked since it was payed in February 1843, excepting a few places in the port gangway, where the glue was put in in a hurry ; and whereas in other steamers the heat in the vicinity of the boilers, when the steam was up, caused the pitch to melt, so as to require their being caulked in that neigh bourhood several times during the commission, the Penelope has never required caulking in any part near the boilers. It is, moreover, much cleaner than pitch, and conse quently mueh better in hot climates, where during the heat of the sun the pitch sticks to the soles or tnc and is carried about the deck in all directions ; but the marine glue is as hard in hot weather as it is in cold, and therefore does not stick to the feet when walked upon. The only objection seems to be, that the glue does not adhere to the nail heads ; but I believe that the patentee has remedied that defect since the Penelope was pued, by countersinking the nail heads, and rendering them as perfect as the seams. In recommending this glue, I am sure I am but speak ing the sentiments of Commodore Jones, who, had he been well enough to write himself, would have bestowed upon it a higher character than I can do. I have, &c. (Signed) JOHN M. D. SMITH, Senior Lieutenant in charge. Admiral Sir Charles Ogle, Bart., &c. &c. &c. Portsmouth. (Appendix, No, 7.) Woolwich yard, 11th January, 1842. Sir,—Agreeably with the directions contained in Sir J. Barrow's letter of the 7th instant, to take into con sideration the subject of Mr. Jeffrey's new composition for paying the seams of ships, we have tried several ex periments, both with it and pitch, by bringing them under different degrees of temperature, from which we find that the latter, when heated to 120 deg., was found to run considerably, while no perceptible difference was manifested by the caoutchouc ; the same superiority was maintained by the latter when subjected to a tempera ture below the freezing point, and its elasticity increases very much its value in resisting the admission of water when a swelling or shrinking of the wood takes place ; this, we consider, would add materially to its advantages on the topsides of ships, which are frequently too much disfigured by the pitch running from the seams in hot weather. We therefore recommend, as the best means of fully testing its advantages, that in addition to the experiments now making at Portsmouth, it be tried on the Monkey steam-vessel at this port, by applying it to the seams on the decks, as nearly as possible to the boilers, using pitch on the opposite side, and that a few seams may likewise he payed on the quarter-deck and forecastle, as well as the short stuff between the ports on some new ship ; and we further recommend that the oakum prepared by Mr. Jeffrey, with the same substance, be used in caulking the seams under experiment. (Signed) 0. LANG. T. F. HAWKES. R BLAKE. J. FINCHAM. J. ATKINS. Captain-Superintendent Sir. F. A. Collier, C.B. (Appendix, No. 8.) Woolwich -3 ard, March 4, 1842. Sir,—With reference to the directions contained in. Sir J. Barrow's letter of the .7th January last, to take into consideration the subject of Mr. Jeffery's composi tion for paying the seams of shins, and to our former report of the 11th January, stating that we had tried several experiments, from which we were induced to recommend that it be tried on the Monkey steam-vessel, by applying it to the seams of the deck as near as pos sible to the boilers, &c. &c., we no .w beg to report, that we have since witnessed various other experiments, from which we have become fully convinced, not only of its advantages in paying seams, but of its invaluable properties for other purposes. As a glue, its tenacity has been proved by the wood giving way before the joint ; being impervious to wet, it is well adapted for the purpose of covering the heads of nails, which pitch never effectually did (and which has always been a grey t desideratum), and thereby saving the expense of copper nails ; and from its strongly adhesive and elastic nature, we have reason to believe it would prove of great benefit in joints of masts, timber, and all paying surfaces, in all shakes in timber and plank, for the joints of bulkheads, and various other purposes, where, should it meet our expectations, we con sider it will prove one of the most important discoveries, for ship-building purposes, of modern times. (Signed) 0. LANG. F. F. HAWLES. R. BLAKE. J. FINCHAP.'I j, ATKINS- H. F. AMED I3.OZ, Captain Superintendent Sir F. A. Colliechr leitherk. Admiralty, 23 June, 1846. Remnant,in L on d on early Ye ady and Ambassador, i\fr arrived The Hon. Mr. Talbot apnrudellatnL: with dispatches forst the yesterday morning , by the General St eam Navigation —oll l Pan , s s t eam -ship Soh o, a f ter a very pleasant ry. P assage. r alsEmENT.] SIGHT AND HEARING. 39. EADvE Almar le-street Piccadilly. —Newly--invented Spectacles, ;Tele scopes, Opera Glasses, Microscopes, &e. Patronised by General.; Sir Edward Taget, Sir Evan Lloyd, Sir John Keatings, Maiston, Frederick Goodfellow Clayton, Grosvenor Morrison, Dyott Robert son, Mackenzie, Galw ay, Biggs, Woolf, Murray, Walker, Fox, Sir John Price, Lindßosssay, and Tha c k ray ; Major Generals Sir H. Elphinstone, , Sir James Cockburn, Achinty, P. Fyers, D.las Maclec d . Bouverie, Sir J. M ac d onall, Sir R. Barton, Sir T. Dal, and Sir Wm. Eustance : Admirals Lord John Hay, Sir G. Cockburn, Sli George Munday, Sir George Martin, Sir James H. Whitshed, Sir D. Gold, Ross, Alexander, Curzons, Tompkinson, Hollis, and Price, Vice-Admiral Sir F. Austen ; Rear-Admirals Brown and Ribouleau &c. Messrs. S. and B. Solomons, Opticians, have invented Spec tads Lenses upon a new construction. Immediately they are placer before imperfect vision, that mist and dullness which appear before the eyes is at once removed, every object becomes clear and distinct. so that the most aged imperfect sight becomes bright and brilliant, and is brought to its youthful, natural, and original state. Also, Achromatic Telescopes, Opera Glasses, Microscopes, Invisible and al kinds of Acoustic Instruments, for relief of most extreme deafness. Caution—Messrs. S. and B. Solomons, Opticians, are not in any way connected with a person of the same name in their immediate neigh bourhood. To prevent mistakes be cautious, and Observe—Only to /Hi tad i 4 39, Albemarle-street, Piccadilly, 9ppcsite the Irk Hotel. TilE PLEASURES OF HOME, 7'O THE EDITOR OF THE SUN. San,—l trust you will permit me to trespass on your attention for a very brief space, respecting the following paragraph in your review of my poem in your paper of Monday last :—" But while thus according high but de served praise to the poetry of Dr. Farquharson, we must protest against his criticism. In a preface, which extends over sixty-six pages, he has thought proper to revive and elaborate the malicious libels of a rancorous renegade' and to drivel oceans of nonsense in vitupera tion of the Satanic school of poetry.' " The wide circulation, and the value which is set upon the critical remarks which are ear in The Sun, and the truth by which they are invariably characterised, renders me anxious to make a few observations on the above pas sage. The libels of the late laureat were certainly de serving of censure, and were given with a gusto and an ill-natured severity which betrayed anything rather than good sense ; such is not the style of observations I have indulged in in any one line of my preface ; and the obser vations, such as they are , res p ec ti ng the " Satanic school," occupy but a small portion of the sixty-six pages, the end and aim of the preface being remarks on the art of poetry generally, and not merely " to drivel oceans of nonsense in vituperation of," &c. Far be it from me, or any genuine lover of all that is beautiful in poetry, to in dulge in sarcastic and libellous detraction of any of the bright and glorious names of that galaxy of choice beings who burst on the world in the early part of this century. It is the imitation of the style of certain poets, without their excellence, that prompted the observations I have indulged in, and amounted to nothing more than this—that a poem might be just as diver sified and redolent of wit, pathos, and imagery as " Don Juan," without its licentiousness. The name of Byron is one of which England may well be proud, whatever the Chapter of St. Peter's, Westminster, may think to the contrary. With respect to the critical notices of the poem itself, they are in such a generous tone of good-natured encouragement and zeal, as to ap pear more like the eulogy of one " that has passed that bourne from which no traveller returns," than one in the land of the living, and which affords me the hope you will permit me to counteract the effect your review may have, in circulating the impression that I have revived and elaborated the libels of the past. "De mortuts n i hil nisi bonum," for modest merit is like fruit hid amidst autumnal leaves, remaining untested, unperceived, until it falls, and thus by its very death appearing and burst ing into life ; so I would aim no shaft at those who, un happiest among the unhappy, became the laureates of despair, nor s slanders.-I am, &c., STUART FARQUHARSON, .D.U.L. June 25. [We willingly give insertion to the above, and are re joiced to find that Dr. Farquharson did not intend the language he uses in his preface to bear the interpretation which we have put upon it. The term " Satanic school," however, is one we should wish to see expunged from his second edition. As to the tribe of imitators, we give them up to the wrath of any one who may think it worth while to expend wrath upon them. In poetry, imitation "is most tolerable and not to be endured. En. Sun.] GENERAL LITTLER AND THE 62d REGIMENT. In consequence of the remonstrance of General Lit tler against the censure passed on him in the letter addressed by the Military Secretary of Sir Hugh Gough, to Major Shortt, the following letter has been addressed to General Littler by Major Grant, Adjutant-General of the Bengal army " Adjutant-General's Office, " Head-quarters, Lahore, 7th March, 1846. " have had the honour to submit to the Com mander-in-Chief your letter of the 6th instan t, bring ing to notice the publication in the Friend of India newsoaper, of a letter addressed by his Excellency s military secretary, under date the 27th January last, to Major Shortt, commanding her Majesty's 62d Regiment, w hich letter you conceive reflects injuriously on your character.' " In reply, I am instructed to state that no one can more strongly than the Commander-in-Chief , re p robate the publication of any official document in the columns of a newspaper, and his Excellency's strongest re ll pre hension of the publicity to the letter in question, wi be communicated to Major Shortt and the Officers of the 62d Regiment. " I am directed to state that the Commander-in -Chief is net surprised that you should, in ignorance of the. Reid order to retire, so culpably given to the 62 d by Brigadi ere without reference to you, have imagined that in falling back the corps had misconducted itself, and your dispatch , written under this impression, must be viewed as a e u and correct statement of facts as the y appeared toy at the time to exist. When the letter of the 27th January was written, the Commander-in -Chief .did not know that you were unaware of t he order givea by Brigadier Reid, and it was under this impression that his Excellency considered that the character of the 62d Regiment had been aspersed. " The letter was prepared on instructions verbally given to the officiating military secretary , and be inad vertently dispatched it without laying it before the Commander-in-Chief for his Excellency's approval. Had the Commander-in-Chief seen the letter ho would have expunged the sentence, which describes that ' the , battery had been gallantly charged by the 62d regiment,' for his Excellency is satisfied that no such charge was madQ, b t and that no soldier of the corps ever a dvanced to the b a tterY jwmander-in-Chief knows that you, of all men, are utterly incapable of suppressing information which you ought to have furnished, or of making a prejudiced report on any subject, and he trusts that the explanati on contained in this letter will satisfy you that no such im pression could for a moment have found place in the mind of any one acquainted with the circumstances of the case, and the high and honourable reputation you have established and ever maintained. "While the Commander-in-Chief will not altogether debar you from making the contents of this letter known to your friends, he strongly deprecates any further pub' lie agitation of this unpleasant discussion, and he trusts that you will yourself see the propriety o f abstaining from having recourse to a procedure so injurious to the discipline and character of the army—as an appeal to the public press. " I have the honour to be, &c." NAVAL INTELLIGENCE. PORTSMOUTH, SIINDAY.—The Albatross, 16, Com mander Reginald Yorke, arrived at Spithead this morn ing, between seven and eight o'clock, from the west coast of Africa station, on which, during the last four years, she has been engaged in the suppression of t he slave trade. She came up with the yellow flag at lief, masthead, but having no contagion on board , obtained pratique soon after bringing up and saluting. The Heroine, 6, Commander Edmunds, arrived at Ascension in 13 days from the Bight of Betfin t wit h tidings of the Flying Fish, 12, Commander Harris, having, after a long chase, run a Spanish skive felucca ashore ; and that on Lieutenant Robins (wlne wa s in command of her) proceeding to board her, for the pur pose of taking her tonnage, the boat in which be Was capsized, and, unhappily, he and four of the cre w Were drowned in the surf. Mr. Simpson, midshipman , to gether with one man, succeeded in reaching the shh°sore, but were knocked down by some of the slaves evB release from bondage they were endeavouring to offect, and Mr. Simpson had one of his fingers cut off by them for the purpose of obtaining a ring which he wore. The Wasp, 16, Commander S. H. Usher, had taken three slavers, one a schooner, after a hard fight , in vihicii 13 men of the schooner were kill( d. The prizes were taken to St. Helena by Lieutenant Elliot, of the We sl:'• The Prometheus steam-sloop, Commander Hay, h fi t also very recently captured a slaver, which she had sel l l3 to St. Helena, hi charge of Dr. Tacedale, the surge°,' all the other executive officers of the Prometheus 13 6143 away in other prizes. Mr. Rundle ter), and Dr. Yeoman (surgeon/ of _....... minclle (mas, ~ . ~. the Styx), had died. the The Pantaloon, 10, Commander Alston Cactirig); Heroine, 6, Commander Edmunds; the Hecate ste wla ; sloop, Commander West; and the Tortoise store an guard ship, were at Ascension on the 13th ult. The following officers invalided, and came home it Forfarshire Indiaman, which passed this port Yes terday for London :—Commander Wilson, of the Paet9': loon; Mr. Forster, Master of the Actaeon; Lieutenet.'" G. F. Day, of the Bittern; and Dr. Brimmer , a ssistant" surgeon of the Flying Fish. This being the anniversary of her Majesty's corone" tion, at eight o'clock the ships in harbour , and then lbai tross at Spithead, dre- sed in colours, and the 1t031.. standard was hoisted on all the Governmen t establish ments, and at one o'clock royal salutes were fired. _ ho of u wa the s mseidtostivin:: The dockyard artizans, we believe, will have their holiday to-morrow, and the tradesmen w suspend business as usual upon this day. PRoMOTIoN S . Lieutenants—W. Morris (b), I"lienr man of the Genoa, at NEMO' in d ° M . i ra 1 SirY Charles age Morrr_ (1837), Flag-Lieutenant to J. Cockburn Ogl: Bart., at Portsmouth ; a nd • . 1p ( 1840), 15t r-Admira e rey) in the 'Arii: r. Flag-Lieutenant to it r e a a nk of Cum chester frigate, to the ENTslhander. prOINTM Lieutenants —T. C. 0. D. „ Whipple, to the Dida ;C. Wake (late mate of the heroine), to the Styx ; .-g• --. Alston , of the Ranger, and W. J. R. C ar d, o f th e . ling‘ fi s her, to the Pantaloon, th e f ormer as acting . C ollt. mander. Master—l, T. Crout, to thel nflexiblth sa,geon-11. T. Osman fl I -- , tothe I n extA. Assistant-Surgeons—S..A, Lillie, Sterret, to the Inflexible ; f e, M.D., to the Pantaloon E . f • I rving, r) ° ; ..x. M. ~ ~,, the Tortoise, to the Styx ; M. B;tuton M.D , fray a tP Crocodile, to the Dido. ' . Chaplain—Rev. C. Bell, to tile Avenger. Second Master—George Marsh, to the Constane 8, Naval Instructor,—W. Kerr, to the Spartan. Midshipman.—R. Craig, to the Dido. (Of Coast Guard.—Removals.—Lieutenant W, RORY s iQs from Mothercombe, to Rickman station, vice V e c ti. „ - ri ; previously removed ; Lieutenant J. Walker (b) , ,, i/ :, - , i s, No. 2 battery, Deal, to Bovisand station, vice O s ' previously removed, s' PLYMOUTH, JUNE 26.—Yesterday morning b eras jesty's frigate Constance, 50, Sir Baldwin Walk el, fe d towed from Hamoaze into the Sound, where she is P r I°. inside the eastern arm of the Breakwater. F. .„, Last evening her Majesty's sloop Fly, 18, Cal ?t 9 ' l.- P. Blackwood, arrived here from Portsmouth. V't [ADVERTISEMENT.]—MORE CURES BY HOW'SHOW'S WAt ost . PILLS.—READ Tats !—Mrs. Jemima Albert, the widow Of a si Dee n officer, residing in Campbell-place, St. George's-in- the-i , laist, 115 h r otter ill for a long time with a distressing cough, accemmmied best': expectoration, great weakness of the chest, ant', continian s „etil aches, besides this, her digestion was greatly impaired, -f t . , : pa s , completely gone, and always drowsy. She cr,nsidered he fs. 3 to tli• cure. Yet notwithstanding her advanced age: she is restoi , EA highest state of health and vi our by the use of 14ollowl • DO? declaring she feels more like a young girl than one of her y( POI; Ile so hale and strong.—Sold by all druggists, and at FrOA 5 lowxy'OLatetbliiamout, 244, Etramil, laudgu, R not 1 0 ordt cons no 1 evid prey A rose Dii nece: of 0 In Lord in b( and consi to be press the ( Lure: own the simil mon O'clo Bill. favor area profi whic cone and Brit tion Bill whi( had vitt pros Yor ent and yer witl Coll wer Bill thei