The Sun. — London, England, 1846-07-17 00:00:00

to act. The Noble Lord had said that he should conduct the Government on the principles which he had hitherto adopted. Now, wee could put a right construction upon that ? Nobody knew what it meant. To what period of his life did the Noble Lord allude ? Had he said, I shall act on the principles of Lord Grey's Government, he (Mr. Duncombe) would have understood him. The lion. Gentleman then went on to say—But there is an other matter on which I may veuture to put a question. There were rumours, and there are rumours, as from undoubted authority, that the Noble Lord, on forming his Government, applied to the Right Hon. Baronet, the late First Lord of the Treasury, to lend him three dis tinguished members of his Government.—(Cheers and laughter.) Perhaps if those members had been obtained, the lion. Member for Mahon (Mr. E. Denison) might nave been satisfied. He complains of neglect of the landed interest; but for my part I do not care one straw whether there is an overplus in the Cabinet of the landed interest or of the trading interest. What I want to k new is the principles on which the Government so form e d is to be conducted. That is one point on which 1 , was desirous of being informed—did or did nut toe Noble Lord make application directly or indi rectly t o three members of the late Government for their assistance in his emergency ? This very morn ing I have seen some of the Noble Lord's constituents — very able and active men—and I say this, that if the Noble Lord were to goto Guildhall to-morrow, notwithstanding his reception the other day, he would meet with very different treatment.—(Cries of " No, no," and cheers.) Try.,,, it—go there.—(Renewed cheers and much laughter.) 'That did these constituents say? 'l.'hat the answer of the Noble Lord was satisfactory? Far from it ; one of t hein told me, in so many words, " We are going to have the old Whi g dodge over again."--(Continued cheers.) That is what he understood from the Noble Lord's an ewer. Then we come again to the three gentlemen for ,Whom the Noble Lord applied to the Right Hon. B aronet. On what principle was the application made? That is what I should like to know. I could not believe it for a long time. I read it in a newspaper; but I am 31.1:4 in the habit of believing all I read in newspapers ; tut the first in which I saw it stated was the Weekly C hronicle.—(Hear, hear.) It is a paper most ably writ ten, as indeed every one must be that proceeds from the pen Of my Hon. Friend the Secretary of the Admit al ty.— What and cheers from all parts of the House.) what did my Hon. Friend say only ten days ago ? He contended that nothing could be more absurd than such a story, although every hour had its lie, and every lie its ;believers. He says—" The Liberal clubs are like the statute fairs of the north—full of labourers waiting to ; hired ; yet one of our Liberal Contemporaries, The !ut , has the barbarity to suggest, that in addition to re taining Lord Dalhousie at the Board of Trade, for W hich it would be difficult to find a more efficient presi dent, or one more universally respected, Lord John Russell should endeavour to secure the valuable services of Lord Lincoln in Ireland, where he has only had six !reeks' experience as Secretary. We cannot compre hend these crotchets. A Peel-mania is bad enough ; nut a Lincoln-mania, or a Sidney Herbert-mania, or a Granville Somerset-mania, to which we alluded last week, really pass our comprehension. Can any man point out to us, in the whole House of Commons, up to Nov. 1,1845, a more decided monopolist than Lord Lincoln? Can MY man understand or respect his conversion ?"—(Much cheering) If anybody else respects the Noble Lord's conversion, it is clear that my Hon. Friend the Secretary for the Admiralty does not respect it.—(Cheers and laughter.) Bat he goes on:—" Can any man fathom the mental process by which Mr. Sidney Herbert was induced to espouse free-trade opinions as soon as he met Sir Robert Peel in London, in November last year, after making the most strenuous Protectionist speeches in August to his constituents? No! If there is to be a fusion of parties, by svay of making what is called a strong government, give us Sir Robert Peel and Sir James Graham! We shoteid then, at all events, have s omething for our stoney. Bat with all respect for The 47 1, we cannot conceive a see:tem of Irish government, of which Lord John Russell should be the head, and -Lord Lincoln the confidential agent." When I read it I considered it, like my Hon. Friend the Secretary to t he Admiralty, a most absurd rumour—that there could not be a word of truth in it ; but a few days afterwards w hat did I see in another newspaper, which, I am told, a nd if it be not true there are parties present who can eontradict it, is now to be considered the Government °r gell—l mean the Times.—(Much cheering.) lam tr ek bly informed that some arrangement has been made Za Skilful negotiator, now in this House, the Honour ; Member for Worcester (Sir D. Le Merchant), by 14 - ' 41 4 this end is to be accomplished. This is a ru ittlr : it may not be tree, and I state it that if untrue l e r be contradicted. I think it due to that great r ti ,Vig journal that nothing so injurious to its cha le,"l' and influence should go forth, if the statement 0 1 , 4 ' 1 : founded : it is that by a Government arrange eet's in the phraseology of a military ga c!e, that the Times has been promoted, vice the d :lack superseded.—(Cheers and laughter.) It seems lie, i Under the circumstances, that some consolation si ntild be a ff or d e d to an old friend—to that journal w hich h as now b een aoan d one d, a lth oug h th roug h go od tr i port and ev il r e port it clung to the party, and waded t h e in , deep in the mire to support it.—(Cheers.) Never 'lee, in the moment of victory it is not to be per altted " to share the triumph and partake the gale," hut leoesetseaedn.d old friend, no longer useful, it is now to be neg • It is thus deprived of the authority it ought to , s as the organ of the party, and another paper is _uoilituted. I read in the Times, that after the Noble Lord was first called upon to form a government, almost T s first act was to run to the Right Hon. Member for araworth for the loan of these three gentlemen.— (Laughter.) The Right lion. Baronet seems to have replied, that it was too delicate a matter for him to interfere in, but that if he might express an opi nion, it would be, that if they accepted the Noble Lord's - offer, it would have too much the appearance of the love of place.—(Cheers.) It was added, that when they were applied to, their answer was , that at present they did not intend to comply with the Noble Lord's urgent re quest, and the consequence has been, that the offices have fallen into the hands of the Hon. and Right Hon. Gentlemen I have now the gratification of seeing before Irne.—(Cheers and laughter.) I confess that I agree With my Hon. Friend of the Weekly Chronicle, the Se cretary to the Admiralty. Instead of applyin„r , for three Members of the late Cabinet, it would have been better for him at once to have taken the whole.—(Much laughter.) If the Noble Lord had done so, we should have had an excellent Secretary for the Home Depart ment, who has discharged his daties to the satisfaction of everybody.—(Cheers.) I repeat, to the satisfaction of t!eerybody as far as public interests are concerned ; for private squabbles I may have had with him have e no thing to do with the general administration of his high ""'°e•—(Cheers.) Besides that, we should have had a Pod Chancellor of the Exchequer—an old, experienced C ha ncellor of the Exchequer—(Laughter)—whose dgets have " braved the battle and the breeze" for t inal aY a long year—(Renewed laughter)—instead of a i t'vs , however able he may be, and triumphantlyC h .7 4 e x r .. 2 he may come from the town of (Cheers.) When these things take place, as Certified to the public by your leading organ, and by the P ae re , ss generally, I ask, is there any man in the H ouse or of it wh o will tell me that an explanation is not re- Illired? Is not some explanation due to the country ~W he se destinies you aspire to direct, and to the people iik a ro you presume to govern I thought that the 0; ° , 11 4 3 Lord would only be too anxious to state his prin- C s 'ese . but he has removed part of my difficulty, for he Said that he means to conduct the Government on t he principles he has always advocated, and on the !P i nions he has always expressed. Still I want to know 7 4 1 thos e p r 3 e eipl es a re? What, for inst a nce, are his M entions as to the Irish Church ? What was the t inion of t h e Nc'bia Lord last year as to the Irish C hurch ? Th e Isienourable Gentleman then con ggned : —Hi s ( M r. IN neom be's) Honourable Friend ffi e Member for She field (Mr. Ward), moved u pon: the discussi on .of the Maynooth Bill, 'Th a t it is the opinion of this House that any provi liens to be made for that purpose by the present Bill o ught to be taken from the funds already applicable ta,. ecclesiastical purposes in Ireland." N ow t h e seoble Lord supported and voted for that motion. Well, then, he wished to know whether that was to be the principle upon which the Government was to be di rected, on that su bj ec t ?—(Hear, hear.) Let the House I T°w What was the Governments' intention. The lion. Gentleman opposite, of the country party , who ha d a dinner the other day at Greenwich, (Great laughter)—declared, amidst cheers which shook the house in whi c h th e y me t to its foundations, that principles we re th e sam e in 1846 as they were in 841.—((Treat cheering from the Protectionists.) But 5 should lik e to know what were their principles its 1841.--e Laughter, an d c h eers . ) Did t h ey no t i n 1841 come to a resolution that the Government of that time had not the confid ence o f that House, and that her Majesty Should be prayed toappoint a new Ministry ?—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) And that very Govern yet, were they not now support ingdeclared they had no confidence. —(Cries in whom they, in 1841, from the Protectionists!) dence.—(Cries of " No, no," why did they sit on the same did support them, or hear, and cheers.) Were t benches. (Hear, support a Government favourable lib. prepared to endowment, when in 1845 they d eciat :o the Maynooth e d4hemselves de cidedly opposed to it ?—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord supported the Maynooth Bill, and in Protestantiaide it was but the prelude to other measureste3s?o' .said that endowment of the Roman Catholic clergy g the Noble Lord (Lord Howick) who was then in that Rouse will take i t n h: re went still further, and said—" Church revenues and apply them to the Roman Catho lics in the first instance, and the remainder to the Pro testant clergy, because those revenues of the church originally belonged to the Roman Catholics."—(Hear.) And he would call upon the Noble Lord to state whether he does entertain his old opinions with regard to the fi nality of the Reform Bill.—(Hear, hea r. ) Then there was another question which he desired to be informed upon ; he was anxious to kno w n w hat course would be pursued with regard to the B ill for restricting the hours of labour in factories. The Noble Lord had given his zealous support to that Bill durin g the whole of the last session, and he has now the means, by a great majority, to carry out that measure. e (Mr. Duncombe) hoped that that important measure Would not be left to the ewe of private individuals. lie recognised in the Government of the Noble Lord several ° , s Pponents o f th e measure . He, theref o re, considered that these were circumstances which required, which demanded of all n a dedexplanation; and in his opinion it was the parties that we should no longer be 'deceived, or a ll ow o u rse l ves to b e d ece i ve d.—(H ear .) he Was a char ge against the late Prime Minister, that 0 did n ot d ece i ve any b o d y, b ut h e a ll owe d ot h ers 'v deceive themselves. It is necessary that we should ln'eviv the truth—(Hear. hear, hear)—that we should l e t, i no, et the wo rst , an d w h a t we h ave t o ex pect from this oee. "fluent. If th e measur e s of the Noble Lord `are ee 'tensive, and conceived in a liberal spirit, he :old aromise him the greatest possible support. 14 of do Irs. Lord J. RUSSELL—When the Hon. Member asked me the other day whether I was prepared to lay a declara tion before the House of the principles upon which the Ministry of which I was the head would be conducted, I declined to undertake the task. I took no offence, es the Hon. Gentleman seems to suppose, to that ques tion, but it did not seem to be necessary that a person who had taken a part—perhaps an unwise part —perhaps an injurious part to the country--in the discussions of this House, but who had always taken, at least, an open part in these discussions —(Cheers)—when he was called upon by her Majesty to form a Government, and had succeeded in inducing persons who, in his opinion, were competent to conduct the affairs of the different de partments—to share with him in his responsibility—l say, when that was the case, I did not think it necessary to make a general parade of the opinions and principles —a parade is very easy to make—(Hear, hear)—of 'de clarations which may convey the sentiments of a large majority in this House, and yet when that parade is made may leave Members as ignorant as they were before as to the precise measures which the Government means to introduce. I did not, therefore, think it necessary to make any such de clarations, and although the Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Duncombe) has alluded to various persons who have before filled the station which I have the honour to hold, and who have made these statements, I am at a loss to call to mind when such declarations were made, or who were the persons who made these general declarations upon entering office. Mr. DUNCONIBE—Lord Grey. Lord J. RUSSELL—I do not know that Lord Grey made, in the House of Lords, a general statement of the principles on which he intended to conduct his Ad ministration. Ido not recollect that Lord Melbourne did so. Ido not recollect that Sir Robert reel made any such declaration. Both my Hon. Friend the Mem ber for Maldon (Mr. E. Denison), and the Honourable Gentleman the Member for Fins bury (Mr. Duncombe), have made various comments and criticisms upon the composition of the Ministry, and have asked—at least my Hon. Friend the Member for Finsbury did so—various questions, to some of which I shall proceed to give an answer. I own I think, consi; dering the past history of the commerce and manufac tures in the country, and how vast a portion of the wealth of the country depends upon commerce and ma nufae;tures, I think it rather unjust, as a criticism made by tee Hon. Member for Finsbury, that there are too many in the Cabinet connected by family with land, and too few persons connected with commerce and manufac tures. On the one side, it has been said that the pre ference has been given to the landed interest; and, on the other, that the manufacturers of Lancashire and York shire are henceforth to govern the country. I deny holding any such sentiment. I hold rnyielf that not for land, not for commerce, not for ' Manufactures, the affairs of the country should be managed, but that the Government shoal& be con ducted for the benefit of the whole. I do think that by the manner and the measures whereby they fulfil their high trusts the Members of the Government ought to be judged, and not from their connexion with land by birth, or with law by profession. The Member for Finsbury (Mr. Duncombe) asks, whether in constructing the Government I did ask the aid of those gentlemen who were colleagues in the late Government ; and the Hon. Gentleman puts it in that spirit of levity with which he entertains the House.—(Hear, and laughter.) " Did I ask the Right Hon. Baronet to lend me three of his colleagues?" I hope. the House will not understand the answer in the same tone. I did ask the Earl of Dalhousie, 'he Earl of Lincoln, and - the Right Hon. Sydney Herbert to do me the honour to be colleagues in the Govern ment which I was then about to form.—(Hear, hear.) It was my opinion that I ought not to ask the aid of par sons from whom I differed widely in political sentiments; but these persons have entertained opinions, and advo cated them lately, quite consistent with my own. But I did think that it was of great consequence to the honour of my Sovereign, and the peace and well-being of Ihe country that such a Government should be formed ; that the country should place confidence in it—some placing their confidence in some of the Members, others in others, while all the Members of that Government agreed in the same general policy. I do not say that up to 1841, not up to 1842 and 1843; but I have found myself agreeing with these persons in the opi nions which were advanced by them of late.—(Hear.) I supported them when they brought forward measures for the advancement of what is called free trade, taking away restrictions, and abolishing monopolies. I agreed with them when they introduced measures—just in prin ciple, though not wise as to the moment of their intro duction—to conciliate Ireland; and I could not see that there would be any dishonour attached to those gentle men in consequence of their joining with me in the Go vernment. They expressed themselves in terms very courteous to me, and they stated that they thought they could not take office in the present Administration. It was, of course, for them to form their own judgment upon the matter, and I certainly cannot reproach my self with doing anything else than my duty to the Sove reign in making that proposition. The Hon. Gentleman next alluded to certain reports which had appeared in various newspapers. I do not think that it is neces sary for me to enter into the subject of reports in news papers. lam not, of course, responsible for them. The [lon. Member alluded to a certain question upon which he wished to know the opinion of the Government. I will not deny that although I should not have thought it necessary to make any general or vague declaration, yet that, being called upon to state my opinions upon a cer tain question, I think I am bound, so far as I can, to give my opinions as to the mode in which the Govern ment should be conducted with reference to any . par ticular question. I think, in the first klace, that it is not absolutely necessary that any Government should be formed, either at present or in the future, the members of which should all hold precisely the same opinions. I admit that every member of such Govern ment should agree upon the main principles, but it is not necessary that they should all agree upon every question that may come under the consideration of Par liament. Such was the view taken in old times, and such was the mode in which, in old days, statesmen of great name had conducted the affairs of this country with great success. Upon those principles they had formed their Ministry. In the year 1784 Pitt had mem bers in his Government who were entirely disagreed with him on the question of Parliamentary reform—a very great question in those days, and a very great question at all times, until the Act of 1832 was passed. He had colleagues in his Government who disagreed also with him upon the important question of the slave trade. Mr. Fox succeeded to the Government of Mr. Pitt, and he formed a Government in which were Members dif- fering with him on Parliamentary reform, and on the Roman Catholic question. When a Government was afterwards called by Lord Liverpool, Lord Liverpool comprised in that Cabinet members differing entirely on the Catholic question, which I think one of the most im portant questions of the day. Sir, with respect to this. latter case, I think that this combination of men differ ing on the Catholic question was carried on too long— vet I think it was the question of carrying on a war with France. When it was a question of endeavouring to carry on resistance against a mighty military chief who threatened the existence and independence of this country, we ought to have had an Administration fully competent to carry out the various departments of the Government—men who could act together on most ques tions of the Administration, although they differed on some questions of policy. Now, Sir, the Right Hon. Gentleman the Member for Tamworth, when he formed his Government, seems to have made it with much greater uniformity of opinion, and a greater affinity of conduct on the part of the members of his Administra tion and party generally than either Pitt, Fox, or Lord Liverpool ; but although the Right Honourable Baronet has great talents and great powers of conducting a Ministry, and from various cir cumstances at the time succeeded in his attempt, I do not think if now attempted, it would be very suc cessful again, or advantageous to the public. Now, Sir, I say this because there are several points on which I will readily admit that the members of the Administra tion, of which I have the honour to be the head, are not completely agreed in opinion. With respect to the opi nions of Lord Grey on the Irish Churches, I do not con cur in many of the statements made in this and the other House of Parliament. Some Members of the Adminis- tration, again, think that I have gone too far with re spect to the statements I have made with regard to the Irish Churches. I will state at once what is my intention, and the intention of my colleagues, with regard to the affairs of Ireland. I consider the social grievances of Ireland are those which are most prominent—(Hear, hear) —and to which it is most likely to be in our power to afford a complete and immediate remedy ; but by some remedy, and some kind of improvement, I have a hope that some ten or twelve years hence the country, by the measures we shall undertake, will be in k far better state as regards the dreadful destitution and misery now prevalent in it. We have that particular object in view, and shall endeavour to undertake it. I believe we are all of the same mind on the subject, and we will not be led away by our differences on subjects on which we cannot effect any immediate good.—(Hear, hear.) Now, Sir, secondly, with regard to the franchiseinlreland—my opinion is, that it is a great mistake to suppose, as some persons seem now to suppose, that there i 3 no immediate connexion between political franchise and social condition. My opinion is, that in proportion as a man is raised by the enjoyment of this franchise, which belongs to a free state, his energies and industry are promoted, and he aspires to a better and higher con dition ; and in so saying I agree with those who have been the greatest lights and ornaments of that House, which if I go more into detail I could presently show. It will b e , th ere f ore , my endeavour to procure, to obtain, far the people of Ireland the enjoyment of equal political franchise hisewith England. My Hon. Friend tells me that answer, ne cessary that I should make some declaration of principle, When asked on this subject, I gave him this " tit was n ecessar y I should make that decla ration in year 1836, I contended in this House, though not su ccessfully, nni that with regard to Municipal Franchise th e D lower political level than of Ireland ought not t o be on a shall contend in the than the people of England." I r 1846, in conformity to that w hich I coatended in 1836, and I do look to be able to complete those measures from man they of those who are op have admitted th ch a l have i n contemplation, - becausepose d to I me havein opinion, heard fr t f ra nchise in Ireland ought to be rai se d to a level ofatthhaet in England. That is, from those who opposed it f °r merly, and it is honourable in t hose who chan ge their opinions on the sub j ect, and who think that the equality ought to be established, to avow that such is their opinion, and to aid in such endeavour. With re spect to the churches in Ireland, and the endowment the Catholic church, I voted with my Hon. Friend, the Member for Sheffield, in favour of providing for the es tablishment of Maynooth out of the funds of the Pro testant Church. We were defeated by a very great ma jority, and the opinion of the House was adverse to that grant. I afterwards voted to that end, and gave my zealous support to the Bill for the establishment of May nooth out of the Consolidated fund. I made no difficulty with-respect to the Bill, because it WAS the 1 22011 ° n of THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, JULY 17, IM6. my Hon. friend. It is now endeavoured to ascertain my opinions with regard to the Protestant Church, and with regard to the Catholic endowment. Ido not think it is necessary I should regard those opinions at the pre sent moment. But that what I must confess at the pre sent moment to be my unalterable belief is, that with regard to what some men propose, namely, the destruc tiOn of the Protestant Church in Ireland—l believe no worse or more fatal measure can be adopted ; or one less calculated to better the condition of the people. I believe it would be exceedingly injurious, because I be lieve that many of the most loyal in Ireland—many of those who are not attached to the connexion with this country—would be alienated by the destruction of that Church to which they are fondly attached. I believe, in a religious point of view, it would be the commence ment of a religious war ; that there would be that which at present does not prevail—a most violent and vehement attack upon the Roman Catholic reli gion ; and that the Roman Catholics themselves would be the first to blame the destruction of that Church. Well, then, Sir, can you endow the Roman Catholic Church ? Mr. Pitt was of opinion, as is quite evident from his speeches and from memorandums which were left to his friends, that it was possible to endow, or to make some.provision for the Roman Catholics by the state. ly belief is, that if Mr. Pitt had carried that measure, he would have carried a measure which would have been conducive to the welfare of Ireland.—(Hear, hear.) Conducive to the maintenance of the union.— (Hear, hear.) Conducive to the peace of the United Kingdom. —(Hear, hear.) Now, in conformity with that opinion, I gave my vote in 1825, twenty-one years ago, in favour of tile motion of Lord F. Egerton, now Lord Ellesmere, which was to the effect that a provision ought to be made by law for the maintenance of the Roman Catholic priests.—(Hear, hear.) But what do I find at this moment? What I find at this moment is, that generally speaking, the Church of England, the Dissenters of England, and the Established Church of Scotland, and the Free Church of Scotland, the Established Church of Ireland, the Protestant Association of Ireland, and, lastly, the Roman Catholics of Ireland themselves — (Loud cries of " Hear, hear")—are all vehement in op position to such an endowment.—(Cheers.) Why, Sir, I received a notice this morning—l know not whether I have it with me—but I received a placard from Edin burgh, in which the Roman Catholics at Edinburgh declared that they would resist to the utmost of their power any plan for the payment of their priests by the state. Why, Sir, I cannot say that that is a meaeure which I am bound consistently with my duty to bring under the consideration of the House, until I see some signs of a more favourable dis position towards it on the part of the Roman Catholics. —(Hear, hear.) I should say if that measure, or any measure, .were urgent, that although it were impracti cable. I might still be found to urge it in the counsels of the Sovereign, and resign if I could not carry it. But I must confess, with respect to that ecclesiastical ques: tion of Ireland, there is not that emergency that Could induce me to propose any such measurei and I do say that there are measures which may be beneficial—which may be highly beneficial to Ireland—(Hear, hear)—and which are practicable—(Hear, hear)—and I do not see the necessity of urging forward those which I confess to be impracticable.—(Hear, hear.) Sir, if any Members of this House choose to express, or feel, or act upon a want of confidence in my Administration, on the ground that I am not disposed, in their opinion, to deal satis factorily with the present condition of ecclesiastical affairs in Ireland—that I am not disposed to say that that Church is consistent with all justice, and must be kept up in perpetuity on the plea of maintaining the endow ment principle for a Protestant minority, and the volun tary system for the Roman Catholics—that if any persons are disposed to declare a want of confidence in me on that ground, I really cannot help them forming that conclusion. I cannot, in my mind, see that I am per fectly satisfied with that conviction.—(Hear, hear.) I cannot pledge myself, if I found the people of England and Scotland disposed to what I think a more just and useful arrangement, I- will not pledge myself to be the opponent of such a scheme.—(Hear, hear.) Sir, my Hon. Friend went on to ask whether I should promote . an extension of the franchise in England. He alluded to that word which has been often thrown in my teeth, by those who wish to diminish any reputation I might have in the public, namely, " finality."—(Hear, hear.) Now, the word " finality,' be it remembered, was no word of mine,—(Hear, hear.) It was a word invented for the purpose of expressing a system to which I never gave, I think, any countenance. What happened was this, that my Lord Grey and my Lord Althorpe—the one in the other House of Parliament, and the other in this House of Parliament—had brought forward a great measure of Parliamentary reform ; and when they were asked by many persons, who said, we shall be ready to support this reform if you intend to stop here, but we cannot support it if you mean it to be a step in some other scheme of Parliamentary reform which this is made to accomplish, and they said, " No, we do not intend any other scheme than this. We consi der this as a final measure ; this is the only wee- sure that we propose." (Hear, hear.) Well, Sir, I repeat to this House that such has been the language of my Lord Grey, and my Lord Al thorpe, and that I did not entirely concur with what they then said. I sat with my Noble Friend Lord Al thorpe, and in consenting to his language I did not think it would be consistent or honourable in me to support that large scheme of Parliamentary reform, although I did not express myself as opposed to the expression of my Noble Friends. I never said that the whole of the Reform Bill was perfect or practical in all its parts. I said I could not be held to any particular scheme of re presentation. I said that the people of England differed from me ; they might wish to have a new Reform Bill ; they might wish to have household or universal suffrage ; they might wish to have triennial Parliaments or annual Parliaments. If that is the case, I think it far better upon the opinions which I have stated from 1841 to this time—upon the subject of free trade or the subject of re strictive duties. It will be for the Heuse to consider whether that measure is suited to the interests of the country.—(Hear.) It will be for this House to con sider whether there are any reasons which will induce them to withhold their approbation from that measure. Bat this I am determined upon, that I will act as I have ever considered it my duty to do ; and this I say with out wishing to give the least offence, but I must say plainly and decidedly, that I will act according to the principles that I have professed—(Hear, hear)—accord ing to the principles upon which I acted when I sat on the opposite side of the House—upon which alone I could consent to take office in the present situation of affairs. I am determined, whether I sit on this side of the House or upon the other, to act according to those principles which I think most for the benefit of the country. I have not sat for more than thirty years as a Member of this House, proclaiming and declaring my opinions upon almost every occasion, that they now need be a secret to the House.—(Hear, hear.) They are principles, as I think, tending to increase the commerce and set free the industry of this count r y, pro m oting a union not merely of by a legi slative Act, b u t a unionheart and affections between this country and Ireland.—(Hear, hear.) They are opinions whi c h, as I thi n k, t en d t o p rom ote the maintenance and widening of principles of religious liberty, which, together with its civil liberty, have made this country conspicuous as one of the greatest nations of the earth.—(Loud and protracted cheering, in the midst of which the Noble Lord resumed his seat.) Mr. OSBORNE said that although he did not participate in the opinions of the Honourable Member who had put these questions to her Majesty's Government. Yet, in his opinion, the House and the country owed him great obligations for being the instru ment of obtaining from the Noble Lord at the head of the Government a declaration as to the policy which he meant to pursue.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord had made certain declarations as to his policy. How these declarations would be received in and out of that House he was not prepared to state ; but he must distinctly tell the Noble Lord this, that if those declarations had been made when he sat on the opposite side of the House, the party who had retained their seats on that (the Minis terial) side of the House, would have preferred the Right Hon. Baronet whom he had supplanted.--(Hear, hear.). He (Mr. Osborne) for his own part, did not see the diffe rence between the "tweedle-dum " and "tweedle.dee." The Noble Lord had said, " I will not touch the Irish Church until the pressure from without compels me."— (Cries of " Hear,.hear," and " No, no.") Well, then, why did not the Noble Lord boldly come forward and say that he intended to redress the grievances under which the Roman Catholics of Ireland laboured? The Irish Church, as it at present existed, he considered to be a monstrous disgrace to this country.—(Hear, hear.) Was the appropriation clause again to be brought for ward? What was the meaning of the Noble Lord pro posing to give office to three gentlemen of the late Government? If he believed in the prudence and talent of the late Government why did he not take office under the late Prime Minister? It appeared that the country was merely to expect a code of sanitary regulations.— (Laughter.) The Noble Lord had in his opinion done well in keeping the repealers out of office, but he thought that he had not acted in a very honest way with regard to Ireland, for he had appointed to office gentle men who had given to the Irish Coercion Bill their cordial support.—(Hear, hear.) THE LORD LIEUTENANCY OF IRELAND. Mr. HUME said with respect to the notice which stood in his name on the paper, he wished to ask the Noble Lord if he intended to bring forward any mea sure on the subject of the office of Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. Considering, as he did, that one of the first steps of improving the social condition of the people of Ireland would be a complete union with that country, and the abolition of such useless and expensive offices as Lord Lieutenant and all the subordinate offices ; be- lieving that Ireland had a right to be governed on the same principles by which England and Scotland were governed, he thought one of the first steps towards uniting that country would be a complete abolition of the office in question. He had long maintained a strong opinion—and that opinion had been justified by many of the first Irishmen that he had had the honour of being acquainted with—that the continuance of the office of Lord Lieutenant made Dublin the Castle of faction—(Laughter)—and did more mischief, and pro duced more differences in that country than any other cause. lie had before submitted this question to the consideration of a former Government, and he found a very strong opinion at that time prevailing that that office could not long continue. He had given notice of bringing the same subject now before the House, but after the declaration of the Noble Lord he should be unwilling for the present to give the House any trouble, being anxious to give the Noble Lord full time to con sider the question ; and he would, therefore, with the permission of the House, withdraw the subject, which was to the effect that an address be presented to her Majesty, praying her to take into consideration the pro priety of abolishing the office of Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, and all the subordinate offices, as that step would go a great way towards completing the union be tween the two countries. He, therefore, wished to know from the Noble Lord whether he was prepared to take this subject into consideration ? Lord JOHN RUSSELL was understood to say that he was not at present prepared to give any opinion upon the subject, which was then allowed to drop. _ hat that scheme should be brought forward by some interest had learned so bitter a lesson that they had determined to attend to their own interests. persons who think that scheme will be beneficial, and not by me, who made no declaration ou that subject. Sir, with regard to that subject, I am of the same mind still. I am for improvement. I am for any improvement that can be made. I am for an improvement with regard to such subjects, but as to intending to bring forward any new scheme of Parliamentary representation, and of introducing either household suffrage, or what I believe my Hon. Friend favours—the five points of the Charter —(Laughter)—l will give no such declaration.—(Hear, hear.) If I lose my Hon. Friend's confidence, I am sorry for it, but if he brings forward the five points of the Charter, I shall think it my duty to give my decided opposition to such a measure.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. DUNCOMBE—The extension of the franchise —not the five points.—(Laughter.) Lord JOHN RUSSELL—But my Hon. Friend says he has alluded simply to the extension of the franchise; but such a motion he once brought forward, founded upon a petition called the Charter—(Hear, hear) —a petition most numerously signed; but that was a specific petition, which, I believe, he brought forward, and of which he was the advocate. As to the extension of the suffrage, that was ostensibly my Hon. Friend's proposi tion on that subject, but I know what it is that he pro poses under this very vague and indefinite phrase—for it is a very vague and indefinite phrase— Mr. DUNCOMBE—The extension of the franchise! —( Laughter.) Lord JOHN RUSSELL—It is a very vague and in definite phrase—(Continued laughter)—and while I my self, at the time that I made those declarations upon which I was so much attacked, did state that Mr. WARD said, that as he had been pointedly al luded to by the Hon. Member for Finsbury, he would state that no visions of office had blinded his views, or induced him to alter his opinions upon the Irish Church question. It had been arranged with several Hon. Mem bers, who held similar views with him on the Irish Church question, that he would not bring forward the question again that session. When that question should be brought under the notice of the House again, he should be prepared to act perfectly consistent with the opinions he had always expressed on the question. Mr. HORS MAN could not reconcile to his sense of justice the speeches which had been made in the course of this debate. He thought the Noble Lord had given a statement quite satisfactory to nine-tenths of the House, and to the public at large. The Noble Lord had not sought office by any factious vote, or course of conduct. He had been, if he might use the expression, forced into office. there were certain matters upon which I thought it consistent with the Reform Bill that other reforms might be introduced. I do not say whether those schemes were wise or not, but I was quite opposed to any new scheme of sepresentation which was directly opposed to the Reform Bill. Sir, 1 must confess myself anxious that my Honourable Friend may take that declaration. If he looks to the great measures that have been under the consideration of Parliament—whether you speak of the Reform Act of Lord Grey—whether you speak of the Roman Catholic Relief Act—whether you speak of the repeal of the corn-laws which has only passed the other day— whether it is wise in this House, and whether it is wise Lord LINCOLN desired to know whether it was the intention of the Government to press the progress of the Bill which be had introduced, with respect to rateable property in Ireland ? Mr. LABOUCHERE said the Government intended to proceed with the Bill, which they considered most valuable. Mr. GOULBURN wished to know what was the course which would be adopted in reference to the Joint stock Bill. Sir GEORGE GREY said, it was the intention of the Government to proceed with the measure. Mr BORTIIWICK said, he would very much desire to see the Poor-law Removal Bill entirely remoddled and recast. POOR-LAW REMOVAL BILL. . On the motion that the orders of the day be read, Sir GEORGE GREY said, that he was quite willing to go into Committee pro forma on the Poor-law Removal Bill, as it seemed to be the wish of the House —(Hear, hear.) He considered that the general im pression new was, that a material change in the Poor-law was rendered indispensibly necessary. The Bill brought in by the late Government, stated that a five years settlement gave a title to relief, so that the principle of irremovability was established in the first clause. The part of the Bill which was introduced when it went into Committee was that of union settlement. The present Government now took the matter up, and, looking at the differences which prevailed with regard to the law of settlement and of union settlement, and also to the lateness of the session, they proposed to abandon that portion of it which related to the law of settle ment, his Noble Friend having announced his intention to move, next session, for a Select Committee to con sider that subject. With regard to the remainder of the Bill, the Government did not censider, looking to the expectation raised on the question at the beginning of the session—looking to the great benefit which some portions of it would confer—they did not think it right to abandon the clause relating to irremovability. With regard to the sth, 6th, 7th, and Bth clauses, they did not think it right to abandon them. The effect of the alteration therefore would be not to leave the law of settlement untouched, but to suspend the question of settlement for the present. With regard to the trial of appeals, and the orders for removal, he did not purpose to propose their adoption, as it would involve protracted discussions and complicated considerations, which it would be better to avoid at present. He resolved to postpone their consideration. There were two clauses, however, with which they proposed to proceed. The 11th clause, with regard to fraudulent attempts for removal of the poor, so as to deprive them of the benefit of their residence ' • and the 13th clause, would be retained. He now stated generally, and as briefly as he could, the alterations which the Government proposed to make in the Bill. He was not aware that he omitted any alteration which the Government proposed to make. He was aware that the Bill did not go so far as some desired, but he hoped that as it bore directly on the in terests of a large class of the community which had pe culiar claims on their regard, the House would re ceive the Bill in the spirit in which it was brought for ward.—(Hear, hear.) He proposed, therefore, with the consent of the House, that they should now go into Committee pro forma, that the clauses might be re vised. On the question that the House should go into Com mittee, Mr. J. PAKINGTON said, that looking into the difficulties which beset the question of settlement, and at the late period of the session, the Government acted wisely in postponing the consideration of the question of settlement, as also the complex proceedings relating to removal. He hoped, however, they, would not be lost sight of, but that every exertion would be made to simplify the law, particularly as regarded irre movability. He must say that he thankfully accepted the period of five years' residence as giving a claim to relief. His opinion was, that it should be limited to three years, or even to one. He would refer to the ninth annual report of the Poor•law Commissioners, pointing out three years as the necessary time, and they subsequently, on their own authority, recommended the same period. There was another clause in this Bill to which he would call the attention of the Right Hon. Baronet. He meant the fifth clause, which related to the removal of widows. On the notice paper of the day he would find a notice of his own (Mr. J. Pakington), for an amendment to make widows irremovable. In the parish in which the woman was made a widow, she had the benefit of being known, and also the chance of em ployment ; but if she were to be removed to a distant parish, she would have simply to depend upon the pit tance given to her by the poor-laws. That law was a harsh one, and he appealed to the House to make it more free from that harshness, and less calculated to do illjus tice to the poor. Mr. PACKE said that he had listened with great at tention to the Secretary for the Home Department, with regard to this Bill. This measure was brought forward by the late Government as a sort of compensation for the passing of the Corn Bill. In the county in which he resided there were many people who came from town and who had work, and the whole benefit of that work went into town. He should say that, with respect to the counties of Leicester, Derby, and Nottingham, it would be absolute ruin to many villages in them if this Bill were passed. There was no law which afforded so many opportunities for quibbles, for in one case a short interruption might arise during the five years, and that circumstance might afterwards give rise to a great deal of discussion and trouble. There were an hundred ways in which injustice might be done to the poor. Mr. SPOONER said that he did not at all regard this Bill as; the one to be given to the landlords as a sort of compensation for the Corn Bill. Justice to the poor ought to be the first object of such a Bill. It was very hard that any man, who might be attached to a distant parish by any peculiar trade, should, after he had lived the best of his life there, be sent back to his old parish when he was incapable of work. He was sure that the manufacturers did not dissent from the Bill, for they were of opinion that it was only just that a man should have a claim upon the place where he had spent his life in labour. But there was one fact to which he wished to call attention, as one of peculiar hardship, namely, the removal of widows. In case of the death of her husband a widow was removed, not to her own parish—not to the parish where her friends and connec tions were, but to a parish which, perhaps, she never saw before, and where she was not known, merely be cause it happened to be' the parish in which her husband was born. He wished to call the attention of the Right Hon. Baronet to the clause, as it was one calculated to do considerable injustice to many of the poor. Mr. VERNON SMITH quite agreed with his Hon. Friend opposite, but he was sure that he would be doing him no injustice in intreating him to give up the Bill for the present session. —(Hear.) He said, with those difficulties before them it was proposed to go into the subject this session. The question of residence seemed to be argued as one between agriculture and mat ufacture—for such a tendency had grown up in the House, that all matters were argued in that view. lie might tell them, however, that the measure would very much affect the agricultural parishes, for there were close parishes and open parishes, and he was certain that those in the one would throw in their poor upon the other. He believed that no greater curse afflicted any country than the law of settlement. He asked them what would be the advantage of proceeding with the Bill? The Hon. Member for Dorchester tbought that the poor man would receive benefit from it, but in this, he (Mr. Smith) thought he would be disappointed. What they wanted was industrial settlements. But this was left out of the Bill proposed by the Right Hon. Baronet, who moreover had changed the principles of his BiPs on this subject, oftener than once. Mr. B. ESCOTT said, that he had felt it his duty, during the last two sessions of Parliament, to watch the conduct of the Noble Lord, at the head of the Government, and he always found that his opinions and votes had been in accordance with the feeling of the people, and thought his Government should have a fair trial ; and if there was any reason more than another, why he thought so, it was the course the Noble Lord adopted with reference to the Coercion Bill. That Bill was a grand blunder, and he honoured the Noble Lord for the course he took on that occasion. He could not, however, profess an acquiescence in all the Noble Lord had said that night. The Noble Lord had a very diffi cult task to perform. He hoped that in his future con duct, he would conduct the affairs of that country with that discretion which would prevent him from falling into those errors into which other Ministers had fallen— the error of making public their professions, and by that means stirring up opposition to their measures. The Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Government, which had lately seceded from power, owed his character as the greatest practical reformer, to his keeping his measures close to himself, and watching the opportunity for introducing them, and thus secure their being car ried into effect. He hoped the Noble Lord would take a lesson from him. Mr. WAKLEY was perfectly bewildered with the present state of affairs. His Hon. Colleague (Mr. T. Duncombe) had asked the Noble Lord at the head of the Government for an explanation as to the course he intended to adopt, and he had heard in reply that the Noble Lord intended to act upon his well-known prin ciples. He had been in Parliament thirty years. They all knew his principles, and there was no necessity for his making any declaration of what course he intended to pursue. He (Mr. Wakley) had had some experience of those principles. They were the principles of old Whiggism.—(Cheers.) During part of the thirty years that the Noble Lord had sat in that House, what was the Hon. Member who last addressed the House doing? Why, if there was one man more than another in the west of England—if ever there was an effective or eloquent opponent of the Whigs, it was that Hon. and Learned Gentleman himself. If there was ever a meeting to be got up in opposition to the Whigs, and the question was asked, " Who shall we send for?" the answer invariably was, " Let us send for Escott; find out where he is, and he will give 'em the most terrible thrashing they ever had."—(Laughter and cheers.) He was the life and soul of the Anti-Whig party, and was cordially greeted at meetings held all over the country. Who, then, had changed their opinions? The Noble Lord said his principles were well known; and, without stating specifically what was to be done, said he would act ac cording to his principles ; and the Hon. and Learned Member was delighted at the announcement. There was certainly some curious change somewhere.—(Laugh ter and cheers.) He quite agreed with those who won dered why it was that the Right Hon. the Member for Tamworth was out of office. The only answer that he could get was—he was out of office because he brought in the Coercion Bill: What had they done? Who had followed him? Why, the first thing they did was to ask the Noble Lord the late Secretary for Ireland, who had introduced this very Coercion Bill, to join their Go vernment.—(Cheers.) The whole affair seemed to him to be one of most extreme bewilderment.—(Laughter and cheers.) The speech of the . Noble Lord should have been made a month ago ;if it had been he would not have the trouble of cr ossin g the House to his pre - Il se .e n r t e p a o t si a ti g on re .— at ( rosseari hear, and lau g ht er .) Th e p eo ple o know why the Right Hon. Ba ronet was not in his place. They said, at great personal sacrifice, and loss of friends, and at immense personal risk, he had carried a measure which, in his conscience, te sp nd ee e c d h to was he believed good for the country. He (Sir R. Peel) could not be charged with corrupt motives ; but in been made ? He would tell the car rying out that measure he had lost his place. Were the principles which were to regulate the present Govern ment the same as those of the late Ministry ? If so, why satisfactory. b e h a L d o therd carry a measure, by no means he should have the boldness to announce them. He be lieved the Noble Lord had that boldness. What, then, did he infer from his announcement ? Why, that there were no great measures to be introduced for the benefit or . the country. i of either the people that, c hI If n a f g o:r one, n,ste rh intended This statement, with reference to the Irish Church, would be mo t t unsa tisfactory in Irelan d. What did the Hon. Gentleman, the Secretary to the Admiralty, say to that statement, who had so frequently brought forward the question of the Irish Church ? H e was of opinion that the Right Honourable Baronet, lately at the head of the Ministry, had retired from office, and had given his situation to others, who were scarcely prepared to carry out those liberal principles which he professed in his last speech.—(Cheers.) Hon. and Learned Members who last addressed the House thought it wrong for the Ministers to make professions or promises. Why the Right Hon. Baronet, who had left office, had by an nouncing his opinions fairly and openly, and act i ng up to them, made h i mself the most popular Minister that ever conducted the affairs of this country; he was beloved, aye, even adored by the masses of the people. —(Cheers, and counter cheers.) They believed that be had made great sacrifices on their behalf, and if the Noble Lord would not act upon the principles he laid down in his last speech to that House, his continuance in office would be but of short d urat i on. If h e were content to act upon their old principles, of making very small reforms, and to govern by their do-little policy, he would soon share the same fate as he had previously shared, and the Right Hon. Baronet would be returned to power upon the shoulders of the people, and he would then be able to hold office as lon g as h e pleased. Mr. NEWDEGATE said he had heard no complaints elf the constitution of the present Ministry. The landed in Parliament to rest satisfied with the settlement which has: been made after long deliberation by Parliament— (Hear, hear) —that there is not a gain to be acquired by the people equivalent to the stirring up of agitation, the consequences of any revival of a subject which has been seettled after great consideration. And now, Sir, with respect to the factory question. I have already stated what I think on that subject. I have given my vote in favour of the shortening of the hours of labour. I stated, I believe, on the last discussion on that sub ject, that I should be in favour of shortening the time of labour in factories to eleven hours a day by law. —(Hear, hear.) Sir, if that measure was intro duced again, I should give my vote in con formity with the votes that I have previously given.—(Hear, hear.) My Right Hon. Friend the Se cretary of State for the Home Department (Sir G. Grey) is, I believe, of the same opinion. Every statement I h a ve ever heard from him agrees with my opinion on that subject.—(Hear, hear.) My Right Hon. Friend who sits near me, the Chief Secretary for Ireland (Mr. Labouchere), has studied this subject likewise, and he has studied it very attentively.—(Hear, hear.) He has formed a deliberate and conscientious opinion that such a law would be injurious.—(Hear, hear.) I do think that an Administration can be carried on usefully with regard to the general interests of the country—usefully with regard to the many topics an Administration has to deal with, although every member of it does not hold identical views on every question.—(Hear, hear.) I mean to give my vote in favour of such a Bill, if intro duced. I shall not expect my Right Hon. Friend who sits near me, or others who differ from me, to vote with me on that subject.—(Hear, hear.) Sir, I have now stated what are my opinions with regard to the questions that the ion. Gentleman the Member for Finsbury ad verted to. He has mixed a great deal of pleasantries with those questions, in which I certainly have been un able to follow him. I consider that I have undertaken a very grave and deep responsibility.—(Hear, hear.) I consider that I was bound, not being able to make up my mind that the t'rotection of Life Bill, introduced by the late Government, would be efficient for its purpose, or that it wouldcontribute to the protection of life in Ireland I felt myself compelled, being asked whether I would agree to that Bill, to answer " no," upon the second reading of that Bill. I was compelled to decide one way or the other upon that subject. It was brought forward by the late Government. They considered it was their duty to bring it forward. I could not avoid my duty in forming an opinion upon it, and I opposed it accord ingly, to the best of my ability. Well, Sir, the Right Hon. Gentleman at the head of the Government resigned; and after having given that vote—after being a party to that opposition—her Majesty called upon me to endeavour to form a Government in the place of that which had re signed their power into her Majesty's hands ; and I con ceive that it was my duty to endeavour to see if, in con junction with others, we could carry on the public mea sures for the benefit of the country. On Monday next I shall have an opportunity of stating to this House the measure that we propose to introduce with respect to a very important subject--that measure that is founded Lord 11. VANE did not e x p ec t b u t th a t very littl e objection would have been made to th e p ro p osa l o f hi s Hon. Friend—modified as it had been—f or h e h a d modi fied it, and introduced it this se ss i on t o P ar li amen t w i t h a view of going into the law of settlement next session. He thought, that to defer the whole question to next session would be most unfortunate, after so much ex pectation had been excited throughout the country by the Administration which lately quitted office. Indeed, the objections made were so few and frivolous, that he hoped his Hon. Friends would not persevere in their opposition. On the matter of open and close parishes he admitted there were difficulties, and with those before them he expected that the House would yet have to consider the entire abolition of union settlements al together, with a view of having a uniform rate for the support of the poor. ' Mr. STRUTT understood that the Hon. Member for Dorchester had said the other night that he considered any Bill, unaccompanied with a law of settlement, would be prejudicial to those whom it would affect, and yet the Honourable Baronet said h . e was prepared to support the present Bill, modified as it was. He certainly did not expect that any su ch Bill should be brought in at this period of the ses sion. The Noble Lord who last spoke referred to an intention to go into the whole question of the tenor of settlement next session, and yet he urged his Hon. Friend to go on with his present Bill, introducing an entirely new principle just upon the eve of going into a large inquiry into the whole question. He (Mr. Strutt) was opposed to doing anything at this period of the ses sion, as they might only rgret that they had at all in terfered with the question. Mr. HENLEY said he would not be induced, by any cry for the poor, to jump into a measure w hi c h, in his conscience, he believed. would be injurious to them. It had been said that night, that if the word residence were defined, it would throw great difficulty in the way of the measure. There were already three different definitions of what was meant by residence, in as many different Acts of Parliament; there was the forty nights' residence, under the Law of Settlement Act—there was residence, as connected with the franchise of towns—am there was residence under the Poor-law Unions Act. It they could not agree then upon the meaning of the word residence, it would but embarrass the poor to insert it into this Bill, if it should pass. As long as the Irish I poor were treated as they were by the English Govern ment, he did not wonder that so many of them wandered S a ~„ eee to England.—(Hear, hear.) He believed that it was COURT CIRCUL4W • impossible to define th e se ttl emen t s of th e po o r ; and if The Queen and Prince Albert took a 6•Toete' tise'rse so r Wednesday afLernoon, in the vicinity f • *: the Noble Lord persisted in a clause to define settle ments, he felt confident that the Bill would not be al- airings. and the royal children took ' • ° -:es ie qs lowed to pass through Parliament. If it were passed Earl Spencer took his departure from Ogbea• . ' s with such a clause, every settlement would no doubt be yesterday. Vetc LW_ te hke r l appealed against.—(Hear, hear.) They would lay the foundation of continual expense and litigation. On the Her Majesty and her Royal Consort took an early walk yesterday in the pleasure grounds. 11th clause he wished to make a few remarks. It was Their Royal Highnesses the Prince of Wale s , P r i nce that on the i m po s i ng o f a p ena l ty on overseers w h o Alfred, the Princess Royal, and the Princess Alice, ventured to relieve casual poor. Now, for his own part, i went out in a carriage yesterday forenoon, to the beach. he really believed that the practical effect of that clause The Countess of Desert is the Lady in Waiting to her would be the withholding of all relief from the casual Majesty. poor, because the overseers would do so for the purpose Their Royal Highnesses the Duchess of Cambridge of self-protection.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. WAKLEY sa id th a t th e l a t e Ad m i n i s t rat i on were and the Hereditary Grand D u k e an d Grand Duchess of Mecklenburgh Strelitg, attend e d by Mr. Edmond Mild entitled to the gratitud e o f th e p u bli c f or h av i ng grapp l e d may, honoured the Dowager Duchess of Bedford with a with this subject in the manner in which they had ; and also for having int ro d uce d t hi s measure. H ow absurd visit yesterday afternoon, a t h er res id ence C am p t ien-hill, Kensington. In the evening their Royal Highnesses would it be to object to the Bill because there was one honoured the Earl and Countess of Jersey with their clause in it which involved some doubt in the minds of company at dinner at their residence in Berkeley-square. ignorant readers of it ; but the Government, in drawing , The Duchess of Cambridge and the Hereditary Grand up the Bill, of course assumed that the magistrates to Duke and Grand Duchess of Mecklenburgh Strelite. whom it would be left to carry out the Bill, were men attended by Lady Augusta Cadogan and Mr. Edmond of common sense and understanding. It was perfectly Mildmay, honoured the Marquis and Marchioness of clear to him that if this Bill were carried it would benefit Clanricarde with their:company on Wednesday evening, thousands of the poor of this country.—(Hear, hear.) at their residence on Carlton House-terrace. And if the Government, who were entitled to great gra- A deputation of the merchants trading to the Cape titude for having taken it up, only persevered in this way of Good Hope had an interview yesterday with Easi with their public measures, they would hear very little Grey at the Colonial-office, to represent the alarming from him about pledges and promises.—(Hear, hear.) state of the Cape of Good Hope, arising from the Kaffir 'This Bill gave the poor people the privilege of remain- eruption into the eastern part of the colony. The depu ing in that district where they had spent their strength, tation was introduced by Mr. John Masterman, M.P.; and the best part of their lives, in honest labour. It was Messrs. W. Greig and George Greig, Mr. W. Dickson, becoming more evident every day that the subject of the Mr. Joseph Blackburn, Mr. Francis Collison, Messrs. J. poor was henceforth to be considered as a national ques- R. Thomson, and H. Watson, Mr. Patrick Home, and tion.—(Hear, hear.) Was it not monstrous that honest Mr. James Howse, merchant, from the locality of the a.rtizans who had spent their strength in a particular lo- war. cality, should, when past labour, be obliged to be torn A meeting of the Commissioners of the Metropo'itan from all their connexions, and hurried off to the places of Improvements was held yesterday, There were present their birth, but where in fact they knew perhaps scarcely Viscount Canning, the Lord Mayor, Sir C. Lemon, the a single soul? It was inhumane and impolitic. The Hon. C. A. Gore, Sir R. Inglis, Mr. H. T. Hope, and question of Ireland and Scotland must also Mr. A. Alilne. be brought forward. Why should England The Right Hon. Fox Maule had an interview with the have better laws than its sister countries ? Chancellor of the Exchequer yesterday at his offieial A poor Scotchman, or an Irishman, came, perhaps, to residence in Downing-street. London to look for work—he could find none—he ap- Mr. Cayley had an interview with Earl Grey yester plied for relief ; being able-bodied he was told that he d ay , was consequently not entitled to relief, and not until he Mr. Henry Ashworth, Mr. J. B. Smith, and Mr. Evaita. was actually starving was cold charity doled out from had an interview with the Right Hon. T. Milner Ga. the union workhouses.—(Hear, hear.) At present he son yesterday at the office of the Board of Trade. would say nothing further than tendering his heartfelt Deputations were sent off last evening from the thanks to the Right Hon. Gentleman who had introduced C olon ial-office for the Governors of the West India the Bill, and expressing his earnest regret that he would Colonies. persevere with it until it was triumphantly passed. Mr. P. SCROPE said every poor man was entitled to relief as long as he continued in a particular parish for five years, and that parish was, therefore, liable to be saddled with any Scotchman or Irishman who chose to stay there for that period, and became entitled to relief. Now he scarcely considered such a principle to be a just one, and he requested the Goverment to postpone this question until the next session of Parliament, The Hon. Member for Finsbury alluded to certain parishes in London which were poor, and the support of whose poor should be provied by the rich parishes. The pre sent Bill would have an effect directly the contrary to this. This would, lie thought, be an act of injustice, more especially as the whole was to be revised again next year. As soon as this Bill was passed, the poor-law officers would commence pulling down the cottages which were in their parish, for the purpose of preventing the occupiers from having any claim upon them, and thus driving the poor to other parishes. This would also be an act of great injustice in a Bill which was only to be in force for six months. For these causes he said, do not tamper with the law by the passing of such a measure as the present, which would create an immense amount of confusion. He believed that settle ment and removability should be both united in one Bill. He hoped, therefore, that her Majesty's Government would not pass the Bill in its present incomplete form. Colonel WOOD hoped the Government would not accede to the request of the Hon. Member who last addressed the House. The advantages in passing this Bill would be to prevent persons being passed from one end of the kingdom to another, and being left to wear out their days in a parish which they had left for a number of years. He had so much confidence in the opinion of the Right Hon. Baronet the Secretary of State, and so much desire to see the Bill passed, that he would himself withdraw the amendment of which lie had given notice, for reducing the time mentioned in the Bill from five to three years. He thought that the seventh clause required some alteration; that clause enacted that the magistrate should certify that the sicknes s or illness of the pauper was incurable. He (Colonel Wood) did not know how the magistrate should be able to determine when sickness was incurable. He hoped that the Bill, with a few necessary alterations, would be allowed to pass. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL, as law-adviser of the Crown, he had introduced several alterations in the Bill, which would not however, interfere with the principle of the Bill. He proposed to strike out the two first sections of the Bill altogether. Residence was well understood now. One of forty days was the recognisable period, and had been acted upon by the magistrates throughout the country. In conclusion, he would call upon the House to adopt the common-sense principle, and there would be then no difficulty in dealing with the question. Mr. B. ESCOTT—The uncertainty of the present law was one of the greatest evils of the present system. The grossest blunders were every day committed through an ignorance of the law, by those who admi nistered it ; and, notwithstanding everything which he had heard upon either side of tho House, he had failed to perceive that the Bill before the House contained any beneficial alterations.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. I'. BORTHWICK—Was gratified in the extreme that the Noble Lord at the head of the Government was willing to bring the whole question before a Corn mitte of the House. It was the principle of the law which had generated those hideous circumstances which so often came under their notice, and it was therefore the principle of the Bill which they should attack. He agreed in the main with the principle of the measure, but reserved to himself the right to move the amend ments of which he had given notice in Committee. Mr. BODKIN thought the present Bill one of the greatest boons ever offered to the working classes of the country, and he gladly accepted it, subject to a slight modification he would propose. He had been much pleased with the clear de finition of the term " residence" given by the Attorney - General, and thought it entirely satisfactory. No diffi culty, he apprehended, would arise in the interpretation of the clause which dealt with the question of industrial residence. He would much rather take the Bill in its present shape than wait for a more comprehensive mea sure at a future time. He was opposed to any step that would tend to break up the present parochial subdivi sions, or make union settlements general, and therefore he thought a middle course advisable. In lieu of the proposition for a union settlement, he had given notice of a clause that would meet all that was required. It was, that all relief given to persons who, under the pro visions of the Bill, may become irremovable, shall, in parishes forming part of a union, be charged to the gene ral fund of such union. This, he believed, would be a satisfactory arrangement. Captain PEC HELL could not agree with the Hon. Member that had just sat down as to their being no dif ficulty whatever in regard to the definition of residen tial settlement. Considering the lateness of the session. and the number of amendments proposed, he did not think the measure could be satisfactorily settled. It was a question of great importance, and it ought to be care fully considered. Above all things, before passing such a measure, they should consider who was to administer the law. The Poor-law Commissioners should not be entrusted with it, as they were now on their trial before the country for their administration of the new poor-law. Mr. R. PALMER thought it would be more expe dient if the Right Hon. Baronet postponed the conside ration of the present measure till the Committee which the Noble Lord would appoint early next session had made its report. He, however, thought that the details which were at present proposed would, if carried out, give rise to a number of appeals and legal discussions, and tend very much to perplex and compli cate the workings of the law. Instead of obviating, they would increase the difficulties which at present existed. He did not wish, however, to throw any obstacles in the way of the Government with regard to the present mea sure ; but, under all the circumstances; he consider e d that it ought to be postponed till the Special Committee referred to made its report. Mr. E. WODEHOUSE also advocated postponement. The present was a crude measure, and would be found not to give general satisfaction. Captain EGERTON did not agree with the Hon. Gentleman who had just sat down. On the contrary, he thought the Government were quite right in pro ceeding with -the present measure. The public mind was very much agitated with regard to it, and he was of opinion that something ought to be done before next session to meet the public expectation. The Bill was then passed through Committee pro forma, and was ordered to be printed. The Service of Heirs (Scotland) Bill was then read a third time and passed. The Exclusive Privilege of Trading Abolition Bill was then read a second time. The Death by Accidents Compensation Bill was then read a second time. The Bankruptcy and Insolvency Bill was postponed until Wednesday next. ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE BILL. On the motion for going into Committee on this Bill, Sir G. GREY :said that the Bill was read a second time only the previous day, and he had several altera tions to propose. He would therefore suggest that the further proceedings on the Bill be postponed until Monday next. The Bill was, accordingly, postponed. BELFAST ACADEMICAL INSTITUTION. Mr. HUME moved that an humble address be pre sented to her Majesty " for copies of any correspon dence between the General Assembly of the Protestant Church in Ireland and the Irish Government or her Majesty's Government, respecting any increase to the salaries of the four theological professors, in the Belfast Academical Institution, in this or any previous year. Agreed to. IMPROVEMENT OF THE SHANNON. Mr. LABOUCHERE moved for leave to bring in a Bill for the repayment of sums. due by the county of the city of Limerick, for advances Of public money for the improvement of the river Shannon. Leave was then geeanted, and the Bill was brought in and read a first tire, , The other orders of the day were then disposed of, and the House adjourned at . Half-past Eleven o ' clock. ,d p HER MAJESTY'S THEATRE. Last evening her Majesty's theatre was crowded to suffocation. Long before the doors were opened an im mense crowd of well-dressed persons assembled, anxious for admittance. The crush was terrific, and by a quarter after seven o'clock there was not a place in the theatre, from which a view of the stage could be pro cured, unoccupied. The opera was It Barbilre, between he acts of which we had the last scene of Lalla Rookli, with Cerito, who, as if conscious of what was to follow, surpassed herself in the celebrated Pas de Neuf. She was rapturously applauded, and was called before the curtain at the conclusion. After the last act of the Opera came the great attraction of the t vening— ' Taelioni—La Gitana. Never was there such a recep tion as that given to the deesse last evening. Round after round of applause greeted her appearance. It seemed as though her adorers would never tire in the enthusiasm of their worship. At length the ballet was suffered to proceed, and her first pas seul brought down renewed plaudits. Then came the mazurka, which was a perfect triumph ; and the wonderful pas de deux in the last act, with St. Leon. This pas is, perhaps, the chef dceuvre of Taglioni, and never did she dance more exquisitely, or look better than she did last night. Why is it that she is determined to leave the stage The public cannot spare her. The world has produced one Shakspere—•one Garrick—one Mozart—one Cata lani—one Taglioni. The last alone is left to us. Why does she quit the scene of her triumphs se soon ? But it is useless to inquire. She is without rival, and, like all monopolists, her will must be obeyed. All we can do is to express our gratitude to Mr. Lumley for having secured to us the presence of the deesse for a few more nights. But we must not forget her con cluding triumph, La Gitana, the exquisite Spanish pas with which the ballet concludes. She gives this pas with an energy, a decision, a perfection, that stamps it as a pas de caractere in the strictest sense of the phrase, for there is diameter about the pas as danced by Taglioni. It is truly a national pas. Coquetish, yet haughty—fascinating, yet corn manding engaging, yet proud the Gitana as danced by Taglioni is an epitome of the Spanish national character—but an idealised epitome—for Taglioni is a poetess, and throws a halo of poetry around every thing that she touches. She was called for at the conclusion of every scene, and received the worship of a theatre, which to use the words of Victer Hugo, was overflowing with applause, light, and flowers; but while rendering homage to the deesse par excellence, we must not forget the minor divinities. She was admirably supported by St. Leon in the pus de deux ; and her cousin Louise Taglioni in a pas with Madlls. Demelisse and Cassan, proved that she was not unworthy of the name she bears. She is a true Taglioni. The last scene of the Sonnambula, with Castellan as Amine, followed La Gitana, and the grand Pus de Masque frora La Catarina, with Lucile Grain as the heroine, con cluded the entertainments of this, the greatest "long Thursday" of the season. RAILWAY SHARE MARKETS. LIVERPOOL, Jutar 16. NEW STOCK ExcUANGE.-Since the 13th inst. an increase of busi ness has taken place in the Share Market. Stocks have maintair.ed their prices, but Scrips have somewhat receded. The sales are- Birmingham and Oxford, 2/. 6s. p.-Boston, Newark, and Sheffield, dis.- Cheater and Birkenhead, 484-Ditto, New Shares (at 33 als.). 48-Derby and Crewe, 334 p.-Eastern Counties, York Extensions, 14 p.-East Lancashire, No. I, p. -Grand Junction, 225 Great Grimsby and Sheffield Extension, 51s. dis.--Hudderstleld and Manchester, 1 !.‘ dis.-Huddersfleld and Sheffield, 61 4 p.-Leeds and Thirsk, dis.-Liverpool, Ormskirk, and Preston, 235. 9d. p.- Manchester and Birmingham, Quarter Shares (B), 10'4 p. chaster, Bolton, and Bury, Fifth Shares, 74 p.- Manchester, Mat lock, and Midland, 3 4 p.-North British Carlisle, 215. p.-North Staffordshire, 314 p.-North Wales Mineral, 3 p.-Ditto, New Shares, 1% p,-Sheffield and Manchester, Quarter Shares, No. 2,1% p,_ Ditto, No. 3 (late Barnsley), 4s. p.-Shrewsbury, Oswestry, seed Chester, 1% dis.-South-Eastern, 44%-Ditto, No. 1 (at 18 dis.), p.-Ditto, No. 2 (at 164 dis.), 614 p,-Ditto, New Half Shares, p.-South Midland, dis.-Edinburgh and Glasgow, 7% p,- I Dublin and Wexford, 255. 6d. dis.-Newry and Warrenpoint, dis.-Dutch Rhenish, 11. Is. 3d. p.; MANCHESTER, JULY 16. STOCK EXCHANGE.-The sales are-Clitheroe Junction, 74 dis.- Derby and Crewe, 3% p.-Direct Northern, 1% dis.-Eastern Counties, 244-York Extension, 1% p.-East Lancashire, 4% p.- East Lincolnshire, 74 dis.-Exeter and Exmouth, 14 dis.-Lan cashire and North Yorkshire, 14 dis.-Leicester and Bedford, 7-16 dis.-Liverpool, Ormskirk, and Preston, 1% p.-Manchester, Buxton, Matlock, and Midland, 11-16 c. p.-Manchester and Birmingham, 134-Ditto, Quarters (A), 104 p.-Ditto, Quarters (B), 104 p.- Ditto, Quarters (C), 94 p.-Manchester and Leeds Extension, 24 p.-Manchester and Southampton. 3g dis.-Midland and Thirsk Junction, 1 14 dis.-North Staffordshire, 3 c. p.-North Western, dis.-Oldham, Birkenhead, &c., dis.- Preston-and Wyre, Halvdf (B), 4s. 6d. p. -Sheffield and Lincolnshire Junction,% dis.-Shrop shire Union Railway and Canal, 14 dis.-South Midland, par-Trent Valley Midland, dis.-West Lancashire Coast, 15-16 Cc -West Biding Union, 214 p. -York and Carlisle, 2 dis. LEEDS, JULY 16. STOCK EXCHANGE.-The sales are-Eastern Counties, York Ex tension, 335. 6d. p. -East Lancashire, 4% p. cash-Groat Grlinsby and Sheffield, 5 dis.- Quarter Shares, 191. 6d. dis.--Ditto, Exten sions, 30s. dis.-Huddersfleld and Sheffield, 61. 18s. 6d. p.-Lest and Bradford, 394 p.-Leeds and Dewsbury, 2% c. p.-Ditto, Branches, ss. p.-Manchester and Leeds Extensions, 21. 3s. 6d. p.- Midland,New, 15% p.-Newcastle and Berwick, 12 p.-Newcastle and Darlington Junction Extensions, 103( p.-North British, Hall Shares, 3% p.-Ditto, Carlisle Branch, 20s. 6d. p.-York and North Midland Extension, 20% p.-Ditto, East and West Riding, 12% p. -Clitheroe Junction, lis. dis.-Great Eastern and Western, 315. dis.-Leicester and Bedford, is. dis.-Liverpool, Ormskirk, and Pres ton, 245. p.-London and Portsmouth, 165. p,-North Staffordshire, 31. 2s. p.-North Western, ss. dis.- Oxford, Walley, and Chelten ham, 17s. 6d. dis.-South Midland, 2s. 6d. dis.-Welsh Midland, 271, dis.-West Riding Union, 44-Yorkshire and Glasgow Union, 2 die, HULL, JULY 16. STOCK EXCHANGE.-The sales are-Eastern Counties, York Ex tension, 415.-North British, Carlisle, 475. ILL-Caledonian Exten sion, 325.-Newcastle and Berwick, 264-Leicester and Bedford., I Is. 6d.-London and York, 195.-Malton and Driffield Junction, 48s. -North Staffordshire, Si. 55.-South Midland. 41s. 6d.-West Mang Union, 41. Is. Gd. I f . nsioa, 19s. 6 Caled" Va E n x ch e ester Mato °. .STOCK Exca N A E X- AS Th T e L sa E h Jarman, Carlisle, 1 p.-Isewcastle and and Matlock, 14s. _p.7,-.3 , refl p. _ -lUesParON,-TYNE, JULY South Eastern and Dover, 14a. p, Berwick (Nara. turd r Shares, 1 dis,-Leeds dia.- Ipswich and Bury Extension,E:istenipi olExtension, Quarter te. P. no SHEFFIELD, JULY 16. p.-Manchester, Midland, and Great Grimsby, STocK EXCIUNGS.-The sales are-Grimsby and Sheffield, 5 die. d f E o Ni r d ot . T :D d r i k g * r o ad n , 21s. die. -North Staffordshire, 3% p.-Shefdeld and Lincolnshire, 148. dis.-Sheffield, Buxton, Leek, Potteries, and Crewe, % YORK, JULY 16. STOCK EXeRANGE.-The sales are-Eastern Counties, York Rm. tension, 2 1 /4-Leicester and Bedford, 13s. 6d.-London and York, 11. Is. -Mahon and Driffield Junction, 21. 75.--(Manchester, Buxton, Matlock, and Midland, '2l. 14s. 6d.-Newcastle and Darlington. New, 11 1 -North British, Carlisle Extension, 24-North Staffardstdre, Si. 65.-North Western, 11. 175.-York and North Midland, East and West Riding Extension, 13%• EDINBURGH JCL! 14. STOCK EXCHANGE.-The Wes are-Aberdeen, 91.-Aberdeen. Banff, and Elgin, 11.55. 6d.-Airdrie and Bathgate, 31.55.-Arbroath and Forfar, 271. 10s.-Ditto, Half Shares, 151. 101.-Armagh and Portrush, 145.-Ayr and Galloway, 11. Bs.-Ayrshire and Bridge of Weir, 2/. Bs.-Banffshire, I'M-Belfast and County Down, 11.'155. ,erthu3s9l%Moni,pd.l -British and Irish Union, 2/. Is. 6d.-Caledonian, 141.-Ditto, New, 11.-Caledonian Extension, 11. lie. 9d.-Caledonian and Dunibarton. 11. 45.--Caledonian and Northern Direct, 1/. 195.-Chelmsford and Bury, 125. Gd.-Clydesdale Junction, 171.- Cornwall and Devon Cen tral, 11. 9s. 6d.-Decelde Railway, 31.-Direct Northern, 11. 3s. Gd. -Dublin and Enniskillen, 21. 10s.-Dundee and Arbroath, 871.- Ditto, New, 21/. 55.-Dundee and Perth, 221.-Ditto, Kinross Exten sion, 2/. 65.-Eastern Counties Extension, 11. 10s.-East Indian Railway, 9s. 9d.-East of Fife, I/. !8.-East Lothian Central and Tyne Valley Junction, IL is.-Edinburgh and Bathgate, 21. 1 Is.- Edinburgh and Glasgow, 741,-Ditto, Half Shares, 171.- Ditto, Quarters, 181,-Ditto, ditto, New, 181.-Edinburgh and Lath At mospheric, 165.-Edinburgh, Leith, and Graviton, 151. 102.-Ditte,, Preference, 191.-Edinburgh and Northern, 51. 135.-Ditto, Newport,, ss. 6d.- Edinburgh and Peebles, 11. 145. 3d.-Edinburgh and Perth. 1/. 125.-Edinburgh, Portobello, and alusselburgh. 1/. ea.-Forth and Clyde Junction, 11. 195.-Glasgow and Ayrshire, 75/.-Ditto. New Stock, 321. 10s.-Ditto, Quarter Shares, 18/. 10s.-Glasgow and Belfast Unison, 21. 7s. -Glasgow, Dumfries, and Carlisle, 11. 12s. to. -Glasgow and Dunke Junction, 11. 125. 6d.-Glasgew and Garnkirk, 40/. 10s.-Glasgow General Terminus, 81. 12a. 6d. -Glasgow and Greenock, 161. 105.-Ditto, New, Si. 155.-Ditto, Preference, 11. 15s. -Glasgow Harbour Grand Junction, 11,-Glasgow Harbour Mineral, 11. 7s. Gd.-Glasgow, Kilmarnock, and Ardrossan, IL 15s. 6d.-Glas gow, Strathaven, and Lesniahagow, `4l. 18e.-Granton Junction, 10s. -Great County Down, 11. 12e. 6d.-Great North of Seotlexid, 17s. 6d.-Inverness and Elgin, 11. Is. 6d.-Lanark and Lothians, 21. 45. 6d.-Larne, Belfast, and Ballymena, Gs.-London, Bristol, and South Wales, 11. 3s. 6d.-London and Hounslow, 155.-London and Manchester (Rast.), 31. 145.-London and Manchester (Remington's), 15s.- London and York, I/. 10a.-Ditto. Hall Shares, 2/.-Midland and Eastern Counties, 175.-Morayshire, 11.-Newcastle and Ber wick, 861. Ste-Newry and Londonderry, 14s. 6d.-North British, 311.-Ditto, Halves, 111. 15s.- Ditto, Extension to Carlisle, 21. 55. 61. -Ditto, Extension to Dalkelth, 6/. 103. -North Staffordshire, 61. 2s. Gd.-North Wales Mineral, 141 10s.-Ditto, New, Si. 2s. Ga.-- Perth and Inverness, 1/. 12a. 9d.-Scottish Central, 191.-Ditto, New, 71. 10s.-Scottish Central and Caledonbui Junction, 1/. lOs - Scottish Grand Junction, 12s.- Scottish Midland, 71.-Scottish a outhern, 1/. 17s. - Shrewsbury and Hereford, 7e.-Shrewsbury, Oswestry, and Chester, 41.-South Midland, IL 12s. 6d.-Stirling and Dunfermline, I/. 125.6d.--Stirling and Midland. 21. Bs. Bd. -Strath. earn Junction, 1/. 105.-Wishaw and Coltness, 471. lOte GLASGOW, JULY 15. STOCK EXCIIINOZ. -The sales are-Ayr and Galloway, 'M.-Cale donian, New, 905.-Caledonian Extension, 315.-Caledonian and Dumbartonshire Extension, 225.-Caledonian and Direct Northern. 355.-East of Fite, 2 Is. -East Indian Railway, 10s.-Edinburgh and Bathgate, 53s. -Edinburgh and Glasgow, 794-Ditto, New, 17 4- Glasgow General Terminus, 8 -Glasgow, Kilmarnock, and .83 , "7: Glasgow, Kilmarnock, and Ardrossan , 355. 6(1, -Glasgow, Airdrie and Monkland Junction, 465. ad.-Kilmarnock, and Ayr Lame, Belfast, and Ballymena, 55.-Leamahagow. S6s. 6d.'=.7; Bristol, and South Wales, 23 5. 3d. -Manchus:for. 308.-Scottish Central and Caled onian JunF. _ • IVlehaw mod' an d Borrewstounees, 725.-South Midland, amo wad. New. 47%• 'ROPOSED FREE TRADE BANQUET AT WOLVER PIAMPTON.—A public dinner is to take place at the theatre about the end of the present month, to which the Hon. C. P. 'Villiers, M.P. for the borough, is to be invited, in honour of the successful issue of his labours in the free-trade cause. Mr. Bright, and several distinguished advocates of free trade princi_pies, intend to honour Mr. Villiers with their presence.— Worcester Chronicle. !N. A .. _ AU_ 1 115 11 ■ d not d in have i nder t Tie' nosy na to Afe, *