The Sun. — London, England, 1852-11-12 00:00:00

,TITE , S I IO . N, liONDOIkL FRIDAY EVENING, N'OVEMBER IQ,' 31 852. Majesty's . Government. Is that, however, a desire to abrogate the laws which have been recently carried into effect as the foundation of our commercial system. Is it Protectionism ? And I would ask the House whether the Noble Lord has any further foundation for the charee he has made of evasion, than those allusions to suffering interests, which he has himself endorsed by his own example and his oan words, when he was a can didate for the City, and which many gensiemen sitting on his side of tho house have themselves put forward in their representations? (Cheers.) I shall not on the present occasion pursue that topic further. I :hink the occasion will soon arrive when we can enter into these questions more fully. All I can say is this, that it is the intention of her Majesty's Government to take such claims, and similar claims into their consideration, and to endeavour to mitigate the injuries which have been oc casioned by recent legislation in the particular instances to which I have referred, and similar ones ; and we be lieve that we can propose measures which may do all that is necessary in that respect, and all that can be rea sonably required, without in any way disturbing that Principle of unrestricted competition which has become a Part of our commercial system. (Cheers.) The noble lord has referred to the course which has recently been Pursued, and represents himself and his friends as the re presentatives of a new and r nlightened system of commer cial legislation,and which has been invariably and bigot edl3 opposed by gentlemen ou this side of the house. (Laughter and cheers.) The hon. gentlemen who have changed sides have not lost one of their we. knesses—amiable weaknesses, I confess—which is, to cheer too soon. The noble lord has given an emblazoned catalogue of the great feats of the liberal commercial party of which he is the acknowledged chief. Free trade in corn, free trade in sugar, repeal of the navigation laws—these are the three enduring pyramids created by the energy and en terprize of that party which the noble lord heads, and of the different individuals and different sections who side with the noble lord. (A laugh). But if we look his torically at the case—and I really am only in self-defence making these observations, for I thought from the tone of the debate that it would already have terminated — I cannot help remarking that the Prime Minister who carried free trade in corn was himself opposed to free rade in sugar, and that the Prime Minister who fol lowed, and who was in favour of free trade in sugar. was not at all disposed to have free trade in ships—that, in fact, the question was not taken up by the Govern ment at all, but forced upon the consideration of the house, and committees of the house, obtained by an in independent member—that the question was kept pro. iniently before the house for two sessions before the noble lord consented to the abrogation of the navigation laws; and when they were abrogated, they were abrogated in so unsatisfactory a mode, that the noble lord, at a subsequent time, as I have reminded the house, when a candidate for the suffrages of the citizens of London, confessed that the shipping in terest, deprived by recent legislation of the protection they formerly enjoyed, had been left with restrictions and burdens, for which that protection was the only Compensation. (Cheers.) Neither I nor any of my col leagues have any intention to propose any policy which will give artificial prices, or what has been called by the non. Gentleman on the other side, compensation for losses which have been occasioned by changes in the legislation which regulated the commercial system of this country. But what we do say, and say in a manner as distinct as I can succeed in expressing it, with, I c ,olie, none of those misty words for which the Noble Jeord has given me credit, is, that we think these same changes have been effected without, at the same time, those necessary and corresponding changes in our finan cial system. (Cheers.) And I say. notwithstanding what the Noble Lord has asserted, and notwithstanding the sympathizing cheer which he received from his col -1 , eagues, that these are our intentions: believing that a Proper revision of our taxation has not taken place, it is our intention to place before Parliament and the country II Policy which will place our financial system more in harmony with our commercial system. (Cheers.) And if the Noble Lord opp site conceives that to be protec tion, ho will probably not succeed in establishing his Position, when he may favour the House with his opinions °,,n the proposition of the Government. (Cheers.) The klon. Member for Montrose, in that tone of friendly c ra nstigation which he sometimes bestows even upon the Government he patronises—(a laugh)—has made a most grave accusation against the Government upon the pre sent occasion. The evasive paragraph respecting Free T e rade, which my Hon. Friend caught up from the Hon. member for Wolverhampton (Mr. Villiers), appears r eally to have impressed him with very little importance. The whole mind of my Hon. Friend was engrossed by the Income-tax. He said there ought to have been a Paragraph k in the speech announcing that there sh o u ld P roperty a continuation of the committee of inqu ir y on the 'roperty and Income-tax. We have already had an in quiry during two Sessions on the subject, and an im mense quantity of evidence. My Friend wants still Vore; he is a perfect glutton in this respect. (Laughter.) confess at once to my Friend that there is no pare graph in the Speech on the subject to which he alludes, and for this reason—her Majesty's Ministers have made tils their minds on the subject—(Cheers)—that subject ~which appeared still to tax the abilities of my hon. .Friend. Her Majesty's Ministers have arrived at certain conclusions upon that subject, and they therefore do not think it necessary to investigate it any further, and they are prepared to lay these conclusions immediately before the consideration of the House. My Right Hon. Friend the Secretary of State for tbo Home Department has adverted to the reasons why we have not today fixed the eXact hour upon which we should solicit the attention of Parliament to these questions. There are reasons which have prevented ns, reasons which for a few days neces sarily make the arrangements of business in this house less clear and evident than they would have been under ordinary circumstances. But I believe if not misinformed, that the Noble Lord at the head of the Government has already announced in another place that I shall on the Part of the Government, tuke the very earliest day we °an avail ourselves of to lay our policy before the Par liament, and ask their verdict upon it. (Cheers.) The ". 0 0. Member for Wolverhampton has already given notice of a motion, which really would be a motion re quiring an inquiry into the whole state of the country. a certainly have no wish to place any obstacle in the w „a,Y of the motion of the Hon. Gentleman. Ido not ta ke with the utmost exertion, that I could possibly take a Government day which would come before the , 4 d, and if the Hon. Gentleman persists in his motion, ~e of course will take it. But I would put it to the Hon. rentleman that it would be far more convenient, more ,Zlr, and I think more satisfactory to the country, that their Government should have the opportunity of placing „ L ieir policy before it. (Loud cheers.) The debate `2Pon the motion of the lion. Member must neces sarily —such a motion as intimated by him—must n ecessarily partake of very much the same character 14 the debate upon the statement which the Govern merit will make. It would therefore be much more con venient if the discussion could be so arranged as that the energies of the house should not be wasted upon two se parate occasions, and one of which certainly, if the ruourable member persists in his motion, will be of a 6 2'a practical character than the one which I shall have `„,°,.e honour to bring forward. The hon. member for W olverhampton can, with so adroit a master as he pos sesses, move an amendment upon the statement which I shall have to make, if he finds the views of the Govern ment unsatisfactory to himself and his friends. The honourable gentleman can easily bring forward, if he pleases, a counter policy in the way of an amendment, and take upon it as long and as elaborate a discussion as the house may in its wisdom think fit. It is not for me !o attempt to dictate to the honourable member, but I hope he will not mistake the feeling in which I make this s uggestion. I merely make it for the convenience of house, and for the sake of saving time, as well I t! for the sake of having a more satisfactory discus sion than we should have upon what, after all, taut b e an abstract resolution of the hon. gentleman. I hope, therefore, that the hon. member will w ait till her Majesty's Government can avail themselves e. the earliest opportunity, which they will immediately ' take,ti and that we shall have at least only one discussion ( pia subject which really concerns the general con -4.t10n of the country, and the future and permanent 1 0 . 1 ciPles upon which the financial and commercial at of the country ought to be established, I cannot tia ttlia moment fix a day, but I should imagine, con e r , e ,ring the state of public business, that probably on ntaY the 26th—thus giving fair time to those gentle itten who had not yet been able to ba present, her aiesty's Governmeet will have the opportunity, through 'l4O as th e i r organ , of calling the attention of the House sht,h, e consideration of our financial condition, and I ta ail then indicate to the House those measures which e think ought to be adopted in the present situation IS tae tit country. (Cheers.) I will not trespass upon the Mentio n of the House by any general observations upon " speech of the Noble Lord the Member for the city Lo f ka tend on on this occasion. That Noble Lord has, in he ` , confessed that there is only one paragraph of which tb a u s l saPproves, and I think I have shown the House I , h .* ,that disapproval is not well founded on the grounds p itr i : u he urged. I think that all must feel that if the 11 0 — g r aPh referred to were really so evasive as some wellourable Gentlemen have described it, the House g e :P not so quietly and tranquilly assent to the sug (ehlen of not having any amendment to the Address.. ee l! , Reserving, therefore, to that occasion which shall't De postponed for more than a few idayse-when I hay t to , e the opportunity of vindicating the course by the Government of placing, in a manner un tienketible, before the country the policy—the perma ouse,,Policy—which Her Majesty's Government think Yo hut a. be adopted , I shall now no longer press upon ea ttention , and I can only assure you that there is the onoindividual anxious to meet this great controversy than you who has now the honour of addressing (Cheers.) fir said ' 4 A-DSTONE—Sir, so much has been said, and so well graph i upon the solemn subject of the first pare allsll ,n the gracious Speech from the Throne, that I the ta u tv ° ,. no more than express my concurrence with eile tea no have preceeded me, and state how high a pri -00 feel it to be permitted to bo one of those who, 'N an _ part of the people, carry to the foot of the so illustrious such a tribute of admiration to the memory of eee e _.° 4l °lni a man. I would venture, sir, humbly to b) the a sentiment which I think was first promulgated to anot h er L N obi() Lord the Member for the city of London, l e b rat ° i t e e n e: place, and say that I trust that, amid the co the Duke eulogies of the achievements and virtues tho se °Of achievementsWelli a n t g e ton, we shall not forget that if placed beyond our imitation, the re are moan of of his virtues, and those not the least ae aim many of those mental qualities, which made , g r eat, and made him dear to the heart of this coun -1111 t e l t : t r i n o i f ch ev a e re not placed beyond the range of the imi. that earnest very man—that love of truth and honour -1114141,1(in devotion to the public service—that single lea which'iattid that noble contempt of fraud, are qua the cultivation is open to every one of us to cultivate, and the i ton which will, I trust, not be forgotten in a t of our lumentatioas and praises of harem (Che ers ) Th of Lonuon lies adverted _ e Noble . Lord the Member for the city the departed ?Averted br iefly to a subject, upon which, in my position, as a representative done of the Universi ti s of the country, I may ho perhaps forgiven for ven turing a single sentence. I, like many gentlemen oppo site, was among tees° who thought that the Noble Lerd then at the head of the Government ventured upon what I may term a " stretch of power" in advising the ape peintment of a c ommission of inquiry into the Univer sities. Bat I see no inconsistency in admitting at once that the results of this inquiry must be considered upon their merits, wholly irrespective of the abstract or prac tical discussions as to the constitutional nature of the tribunal formed. I come, however, to the main and important question. Much has been gained by this disenesion— (cheers) —much has been gained by the speech of the Hon. Member for Wolverhampton, to whom I tender my thanks for his speech. (Cheers.) I do not doubt but that it was the intention of the Go vernment to make the announcement which had been made by two of :the prominent members of the Govern mens; but in the meantime we should have been totally in the dark on the subject if it had not been for the speech of the Hon. Member. (Chters.) Now we have before us a paragraph in the Speech from the Throne and in the Address in answer to it. upon which the im portent—l might almost say, in the pre sent crisis, the all important—point of the commercial policy of the country is touched. That paragraph I confess excited in my mind—as in the minis of others who have spoken—when I became acquainted with its no sure, disappointment and diseatisfaction. (Cheers.) thought, and still think. that under the circum stances of the case—slthongh I grant that rea sons such as have been alleged, as the solemnly of the next week, ought to be received with respectful coneitieration—yet, under the circumstances of the case, considering that this is the winding up of a great con troversy, which has had a place tor a long period in the polirics of the country, and is to have its place for ever more in the history of the country—considering that the general election was the final issue upon which that con troversy was staked—considering that the Speech from her Majesty on the Throne is the great constitutional occasion for recognising the great subjects of Govern ment, and the great principles of Government—l think that her Majesty's Government would have acted wisely, and have done no more than their duty, if they had given us, in the course of that Speech, a declaration on the subject of the commercial policy of the country, which would have placed for ever beyond dispute the in tentions of the party from which that Government is composed. (Cheers.) lam confirmed in this opinion by the defence which has been set up on the part of the Right Hon. the Chancellor of the:Exchequer, for it ap pears to me that in defending that paragraph in the Speech, the Government have defended it upon two prin ciples, which are not only not in unison, but which are totally contradictory to each other. The Right Hon. the Secretary of State for the Home Department says that this was a paragraph suitable for the occasion. Suitable for the occasion, in what view ? With the special view, he says, of obviating the necessity for an amendment either from that side of the House or this. (Cheers.) Well, then, if you obviate the necessity of an amendment by declaring nothing that can raise the question of Protection, I want to know what becomes of the other defence of this paragraph, which is—that it is not ambiguous—which is that you may easily draw an inference that it is not the intention of the Government to reverse the commercial poliey of 1846. Well, then, we must remember that in the language of the Chancel lor of the Exchequer, there is but one thing categori cally declared in that sentence, and that it, that unre stricted competition from this time forward shall be the rule of our commercial policy. But if it be understood that unrestricted competition shall henceforward be the rule of our policy, and if that is the thing declared—and the only thing categorically declared—l went to know what becomes of all this delicacy and all this tenderness for the scruples of Protectionists, of which we have heard so much, if they are prepared to acquiesce in an Address which declares, and which categorically declares, that unrestricted competition shall from hen eforth be the rule of our commercial policy? (Cheers.) I say, if they do not stick at this. at what in the world are they here after to make a difficulty ?, (Loud cheers.) Sir, that is in reference to the defences set up for this ambiguity. But I must confess I am driven to make a choice be tween these defences, for it entirely passes my wit to reconcile them. The first defence is the best, in my opi nion; and that is, that this paragraph is ambiguous, and that it is ambiguous because the moment is unseasonable. Why, then, I may differ whether the moment is unsea sonable or not. But we are not here to waste our time in discussions upon minor points of form. The question is this—do we know the special purpose for which the people have returned us hitner ; and are we here to say that that purpose shall not remain fulfilled ? It does not appear to me that it is an ambiguous paragraph. Tee words whether " recent legislation, in contributing with other causes to this happy result, has at the same time inflicted unavoidable injury on certain important in• terests," have the merit of leaving everything open, everything undecided. They do not settle whether un restricted competition is a final decision or not, or whether we are to have an attempt to reestablish Protection. Each and every one of those questions is left in a much greater degree of uncertainty than it was before this paragraph had been declared. Ido not mean to say that you have asserted principles contrary to the majority of this House ; but I mean to say that you have thrown a shade and an obscurity about your inten tions. (Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer said that any motion which might be made would partake of the nature of an ab street resolution; and I admired the generosity of the Right Hon. Gentleman when he invited the Member for Wolverhampton to make his motion when the Right Hen. Gentleman submitted his measures to the coun try. That is, he recommended the Member for Wolverhampton to move an abstract resolution as an amendment to a practical proposition. (Hear, hear.) But I hope we shall not be driven from the pur li pose which was essentially contemplated by our consti tuents in sending us here, as it was by her Majesty in dissolving Parliament, Ido not know whether under a term very different tkings are not often confounded. I do not wish to enter upon such discussions—what I want is, that we should have a full, a final, a solemn sanction for the system of free trade. (Cheers.) I want that the party who are now responsible for the conduct of public affairs, shall now, once and for all, declare their views upon that subject. (Hear, hear.) When we con sider that six years have elapsed since the controversy of free trade was decided by the adoption of a policy— when we consider that that controversy has been resus citated, and its decision in a manner disturbed—and when we, moreover, consider the maturity which public opinion has reached with regard to that controversy, I say it is not too much, after such a waste of time, that we should at last make up our minds, and that we should, in the way advised by the First Minister of the Crown himself, place the question of free trade high and dry upon the shore, where no succeeding wave may touch it. (Cheers.) Ido not believe that there is a doubt about the permanent effects of the great measure which has been adopted by Parliament. My firm belief is, that ever since the month of July, 1846, the restoration of the corn laws has not been a difficulty, but an impossibility. And I do consider that it is a great misfortune to this country that a party containing many men of the highest honourand the highest intellgence—a party most valuable lie an element in the constitution of this country—that such a party should be held together upon a basis which has no foundation, and by a principle which it is beyond the width and power of man to re establish. (Hear.) I say that is an evil which it is time to put an end to. It is time that the people of this country should understand what is the meaning of this disturbance of the question of protection. It is time that they should know whether it is really within the reach of those who desire to change our system to reverse it, and to determine the question of the possibility of the restoration of protec tion. For my part, I believe there is no more probabi lity of a reversal of the system adopted in 1846 than there is of the repeal of the Bill of Rights, or the resto ration of the heptarchy (cheers). It seems to me that we want no abstract resolution upon the question; but we want to set the public mind at ease, by a solemn and formal acceptance, upon the part of this House, of the measures of free trade already adopted, and likewise a declaration that future measures bearing upon free trade will be framed in accordance with the principles therein laid down. Now Ido not call that an abstract resolu tion. It is a rule of conduct which, in my opinion, the interest of the country requires should be placed beyond the reach of further dispute. (Hear, hear.) And is it unreasonable that we should feel some jealousy upon this subject? Averse as lam to refer to the particular circumstances affecting dill, rent individuals, I cannot forget the composition of the Government. e cannot forget the declaration made by several most respectable and honoured Members of it. I will go at once to the case of a Right Honourable Friend of mine, who has shown the greatest courage and consistency in adhering to the opinions he has once professed—l allude to my Right Honourable Friend the Member for North Lin colnshire. If he heard the speech of the Right Honour. able Gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer, in which he said that there was one thing declared in the Speech from the Throne—categorically declared—and that was that unrestricted competition was from hence forward to be the rule of our commercial policy—if he heard that speech, I ask him what construction he puts upon it? How will it coincide with the declaration which my Right Honourable Friend made to his constituents upon the last occasion he appeared before them? I do not mean to stand upon any particular word or sentence. I refer to the tenor of his speech, which was uniform, decided, and unequivocal. The Right Honourable Gen tleman said:—" I am here to maintain unchanged all the opinions which I have formerly urged to the finan cial and commercial policy lately adopted, and which for twenty-five years I have professed." (Hear.) Sir, I frankly admit that I am in no condition to, and have no right to taunt an o t her with change of opinion. Like others I have abandoned the inherited traditions of a party which, when I came to examine them, gave way beneath my feet, and I returned to those better tradi tions which belonged to the party of Mr. Pitt. The Right Hon. Gentleman, upon the occasion to which I refer, said that he still advocated those principles with re gard to the constitution and financial policy of this coun try which he had advocated for the last twenty.fi ve years, and he said that he would use his utmost in fluence as a Member of her Majesty's Government to promote their adoption. I ask nothing from the Govern ment which would be disagreeable to them, either per sonelly or politically. I want no profession of internal conviction—l do not want an abstract opinion upon we the o policy of protection—that is a thing gone by ; d not any longer ask a man whether he is a Jacobite (Hear, bear.) But Ido ask that those who are called to power in this country, those who are to represent this great country with foreign powers, should defini tively, unequivocally, and finally abandon all proposi tions for a return to a protective policy (Hear, hear.) More I do not feel bound to ask ; less, it seems to me. this country cannot honourably accept. (Cheers.) And this course is rendered the more necessary since we find that the Government is formed upon a principle which permits their leader in the House of Commons to say that unrestricted competition is to be the rule of our commercial policy, while one of his celleagnee says that he is in the Government to defend the principles which he has advocated for the last five and twenty years. (Hear, hear.) Sir, I hope that whatever decision is come to by the Honourable Member for Wolverhrimpton— whether he shall think or not think it necessary to urge forward his resolution, or whether he snail think the ne cessity at the present moment is obviated by the de claration of the Government —I hope that this House will never, in discussing a secondary and incidental question, lose sight of the great end tor which we are here. I trust that whatsoever decision may be come to, or whatever course may be followed, without any reference to party combinations, the great question upon which he country expects your answer may not be lost eight of, but will receive at your bands an early and a final settlement. Sir, the peculiar circumstances to which we owe our birth, render it necessary that we should rest content with nothing which is open to argument or in ference either this way or that way—that we should not rest content with a paragraph, but teat we should know the determination of her Majesty's Ministers in plain Errelish, intelligible to every class of the community, beyond the reach of cavil—not leaving it open for pro ,pcfionists to tevive the question at their pleasure. I de. e l and that .they slea_uld give an assurance to the people of England ;Ind, there is no party in the State) prepare d to defraud or deprive them of the inestimable boon which h e s, by the legtslation of late yearn, been cenierred upon :hem—which has not only conduced with other causes, but has been the mein and grand cause of the present prosperity of this country—(Herr, 11E1LO—which has :Tread abroad that satiA2c!inif, that confidence in spirit end rev, rent attachment to our institutions which has been described as strengthening the foundations of the 'Throne from which her Majesty has this day addressed us. (Cheers.) Mr. NE W DEGATE begged to tell the Right Hon. Gentleman who had just spoken what the determination of those societies was, which had for their object the protection of native industry. It was their determina tion, be the decision of her Majesty's Government what it might, that they would see the measures of the Go vernment fairly proposed to the House of Commons be fore they pronounced any opinion upon them. (Hear, hear.) There were some minds so peculiarly consti tuted that they could never remain easy unless they were resting upon some arbitrary dogma. This seemed to be the peculiarity of the Opposition. But he could assure them it was as much beyond their power to bind up the future as it was to go against the intellect of pos terity. Be the decision of the House what it might, it could not deprive the people of this country of the right, either now or hereafter, of legislating upon this question in such a manner as would meet the exigencies of their industry. He hed no more to say but that the Protec tionist societies awaited the announcement of the policy of her Majesty's Government in the full confidence that it would meet the just requirements of all classes. Mr. CHRISTOPHER, after all that had taken place, would certainly not have ventured to address them had he not been so peculiarly alluded to by the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite. But after what had been stated, he did not think it would be consistant with his own character or his position in the House, were he not to make a few observations in reply. He did not believe that his Right Hon. Friend would even impute to him the conduct of holding out opinions to his constituents which he was not prepared to maintain in that House. In addressing his constituents during the last contest in which he was engaged, he invariably stated to them his ,pinions with regard to free trade, but at the same time he warned them, and he ventured to warn the constituent bodies of the country, that the reversal of a free trade policy did not depend upon an individual, or any set of individuals, but it must entirely depend upon the opinion of the country at large whether the principle of unrestricted competition or the principle of protection should prevail. (Hear, hear.) And when the Right Honourable Gentleman ventured to twit him with holdittg opinions at variance with his Right Ho uousable Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer and the Noble Lord the First Minister of the Crown, he would tell them he was prepared, upon the fitting occasion, to show that he had not done that which . was insinuated. He had told his constituents, if the country, after two verdicts, declared that his opinions were no longer con sonant with the feelings of the majority of the people, that he would feel himself bound to bow to that decision of !the country. (Great laughter.) In spite of that cheer, he maintained that was a safe and a constitutional principle. For the same reason the Noble Lord oppo site bowed to the decision of the country upon the ques tion of Parliamentary reforms. There was no question upon that occasion of the soundness of the principle. While he maintained that the principles proposed by Sir Robert Peel were unsound, he was at the same time ready •to confess that a return to protection was im possible. But when his Right Hon. Friend twitted him with inconsistency, he had forgotten to mention one point. In addressing his constituents, _ he had stated that if the country were to decide against fhe restoration of protection, that ' her Majesty's Government would then come. forward and pro pose measures for the taxation of the country which might efferd relief for the suffering interests. He trusted that he might be permitted 'to postpone any further justifieatiou of himself to the time when these questions would properly come before the, House. With regard to his own position in her Majesty's Govern ment, he had no hesitation in saying that he accepted office from a sincere conviction in his reind, that of all the statesmen in this country the Noble Lord was the elan most fitted by his great talents for the poSition of First Minister of the Crown, and the eelministration of the effeirs of this great country. Gratified by the dis tinguished honour which the Noble Lord conferred upon him in asking him to join him, ho felt his own unworthi ness, and lie had assured Lord Derby that whenever he might have occasion to strengthen his Administration by the introduction of a person more qualified, he would place his resignation most willingly in his hands. He would not he one of those who would throw discord into a great party with which he was connected, merely because his own views were not carried out to the letter. (Hear.) Upon a future occasion he trusted he might have a fuller opportunity of justifying his career as a public man, and defending himself from the imputation of deserting his principles. Mr. OSBORNE said: It appeared to him generally un derstood upon both sides of the House that the Queen's Speech was a mere matter of waste paper—that it was to be the occasion for a sort of shaking of hands before the great contest came on for decision—that the lion of Montrose should lie down with the lamb of North Essex, and that the Queen's Speech was to be welcomed with expressions of loyalty, bordering upon servility. (Cheers.) It was a pity that this doctrine was not remembered and acted upon in the years 1849 and 1850 ; for if he remembered right, having a seat in Parliament during those two years—if he remem bered right, the Right Hon. Gentleman 'who now deprecated any alteration of the terms of the Address, the Right Hon. Gentleman who now held the office of Chancellor of the Exchequer, having advocated the doctrine of Protection, that Right Hon. Gentleman moved an amendment for an inquiry into the burdens upon agriculture. He did not, upon that occasion, seem to have much confidence in his motion, for after one night's debate it was withdravvn. But in 1850, another Right Hon. Gentleman, the President of the Poor law Commission, moved an amendment to the Address, praying for an inquiry into agricultural burdens, and having more faith in his proposal than his lead er, he pressed it to a division, and got disgracefully beaten. for his pains. He alluded to these things, that new members might dispel from their minds the impression that it was an unconstitu tional course to move an amendment to the Address. He thought that they would be better doing their duty to their constituents, better advocating the principles of free trade, if they had moved an a m endme n t to t h e Address, which seemed dictated by the genius of rigmarole and traced by the hand of mystification. (A laugh). What was the mean ing of this studiously ambiguous and empty paragraph, meant to delude gentlemen upon both sides of the House ? Would any intelligent Englishman, when he read it fail to perceive that the question of free trade was reopened in this country? (Hear, hear.) It might be very well for them to say that the policy of free trade was accepted as the decision of the country; but had the Secretary of State for the Home De partment, when addressing his twenty-two electors at Mid hurst, shown any great belief in it, when he told them that since the adoption of a free-trade policy berth crime and the poor-rates were universally increasing? .But the Right Honourable Gentleman now came down, and told them with bated breath, that the policy of free trade was not to be reversed. Why is not that distinctly stated from the Throne? Why does not the Right Honourable Gentleman who is the light of the Cabinet, why does isot he who has screwed up his courage upon many occasions—why does he not take his physic like a man? (Hear he ar.) Why does he permit himself to be tied up with a bundle of incompetent Marquises. men of honourable but of questionable political principles? Why does not he come forward and say, "I am a free-trader; I hunted Sir Robert Peel to the death—l maligned Sir Robert Peel—but I see I committed a grievous error, and I embrace the doctrines of free trade." (Hear, hear.) Let them not talk to him of the spirit of chivalry which animated the Noble Lord at the head of the Government. He did not believe in it; it did not exist When that great man, Sir Robert Peel—who was the Wel lington of peace, as the other was the Wellington of war— was hunted to death, why did he stand by and hear those envenomed attacks of which he was the victim ? Let them, then, not talk of his high chivalry or spirit. He had no con fidence in that chivalry or spirit—no more trust than he had in the sincerity of the creator of the party who sat in that House. Ile trusted that the Honourable Member for North Warwickshire (Mr. Newdegate), who ought to have held a high position in the Cabinet, would adopt a manful course, and acknowledge the impossibility of a return to Pro tection. That was the proper course for his party to adopt ; and while saying this, he quite admitted that the member for North Lincolnshire had no object to gain in joining the Cabinet—it was the mischievous love of party which had dragged him into the mess. As to what was looming in the future—as to the bottle problem which they had been pro mised—he would say nothing on the present occasion; but he warned the House, and he warned the country gentlemen, of whom they had heard so much in 1846, that the Chan cellor of the Exchequer might, after all, prove the Flying Dutchman of the agricultural interest; that they might find the Right lion. Gentleman had no other object than his own elevation to power, and that their expectations were miserably disappointed. (Cries of " Oh, oh.") Yes, but that was not his language; it was only a paraphrase f the language which the Chancellor of the Exchequer himself used in 1816 towards Sir Robert Peel. (Loud cheers.) He remarked on that occasion that there was a difference be tween the leader of an Opposition and the Minister of a party—that the hours of courtship must not be contrasted too strongly with the hour of possession—and that the con trast at least demonstrated this, that the Conservative party was an organized hypocrisy. (Cheers.) He had no heart to go into other topics. The 'Noble Lord had well remarked that eulogy was well nigh exhausted on the character of the Duke of Wellington. He was, indeed, a noble and a high minded statesman, as well as a greatiwarrior—an Englishman worthy to be placed by the side of Sir Robert Peel. But he must take exception to the language of the Speech in that paragraph which related to Ireland. In that paragraph there was at any rate no deception —no " experimentum in vile corpore ; and he much re gretted that her Majesty's Ministers had thought it neces sary to involve tie whole of Ireland in a charge of turbulence; lie denied that there was any turbulence on the part of the ~..•~- people of Ireland. There might be agrarian crimes, and c mf man lamented them more than be could do; but what were the crimes there, compared to the crimes in this country? He would venture to say that for one crime committed in Ireland there were fifty committed in this country. It did not become a Minister of the Crown who wished to have nn amendment proposed, who wished that this House should wear the appearance of a happy and united family on a large scale, to place such a paragraph in the Royal Speech. He would mkt now enter into the subject, but he thought that when they talked of a liberal and generous policy towards Ireland, they might have been told, when the Landlord and Tenant Bill, which the Attorney-General for Ireland had promised them, was to be laid upon the table. (Hear.) They ought also to have been told whether her Majesty's Govern ment intended to have an inquiry into Maynooth ; whether there was any intention to interfere with the noblest and best institution in Ireland, the national education; for he saw in the recent appointment to the episcopal bench in that coon• try of a man who, however estimable he might be in other respects, was only known to the public by his hostility to the national system of education—he saw in that appointment an indication that some new light had beamed upon the chival rous mind of Lord Derby, who had formerly established the as stem, and that he was now about to alter it. (Hear.) He hoped the Ministry would not change their minds on this subiect, as they appeared to bs about to change their minds on Protection. And with reference to this latter subject he nm3t remind them that, if they advocated free trade, they must do so without entertaining the idea of compensation to the landed interest at the public expence. The country was determined that there should be no compensation—they ...... _ _ d...nied that any injury had been done. If the Ministry wished to retain power, it must be on these terms; if on thes3 terms they wished to live infamous and contented, he did not envy them. (Hear, hear.) These were the expres sions which the Right Hon. Gentleman had used against Sir Robert Peel. He knew he could not imitate the eloquence of the Right Hon. Gentleman, but be had used them, he was sure, with greater sincerity and devotion to the cause he advocated. (Hear.) Mr. ADDERLEY deprecated these constant attacks upon the Ministry before they had had time to develop their mea- sures. He felt that those attacks would ultimately recoil on those who made them; but he would appeal to honourable gentlemen, whether it would not be better for their own cha racter and comfort, and more in accordance with the dignity of the House itself, if they waited to have something to at tack, instead of making these debates a gratuitous outlet for the prompting& of pure and simple malevolence. It might b e very well for certain organs of the Press, who were in want of information, and were in ignorance of the facts, to fabricate their intelligence, and to have recourse to fiction ; but such a course did not become the members of the Legislature. The conclusion he drew from the disputed paragraph was—that her Majesty's Government had entirely, and for ever, given up the notion of attempting to restore protective duties, but that they were about to test the opinions of the House, whe ther the removal of those duties had inflicted injuries upon any class, and if so, they would bring forward measures which were already prepared to give compensation for these bake. ties. But who were 'the parties who were opposed to the Government? First of all, there was the late Ministry. Next there was a party who were strangely in hostility to the pre sent Ministry—the leaders and the staff of the old Conserva tive party, of which the present Government formed a por tion. And last of all there was the party who ought to have the full credit of the recent legislation—the party headed by the honourable member for Wolverhampton, who ought to receive the title of Friend of the Poor Man, and to have the credit of those measures for which so much credit had improperly been given to the late Sir Robert Peel. Now, for what was it that these parties blamed the present Go vernment? For inconsistency and want of purpose. But he would ask, in the first place, what right had the members of the late Government to talk of incons i stency; what con sistency had they shown on the subject of the appropriation clause? (Hear.) What consistency had the Noble Lord shown only three cr four months ago on the subject of the Militia Bill ? What consistency had he shown on the sub ject of a dissolution of Parliament, when he first advised her Majesty against a dissolution, and when he pressed for a dissolution in this House only a few dap afterwards? (Hear, hear.) Then, again, for what did the second party to whom he referred blame them ? Because they would not make such a recantation as Sir Robert Peel, when in 1846 he not only announced his intention to introduce a measure for the repeal of the corn-laws, but stated that every argument which he bad used with so much convincing eloquence in former years he now recanted. Aul what did the Right defence H onour able Member for Carlisle do? They would all recol lect how the House was electrified when announced that the eloquence which he had employed in laws for a whole lustrum was to be swept away by one arbitrary sentence—and how they were called upon without reason assigned to take the new dictunt instead of the old arguments. But this was a recantatio n which was little creitable to the sagacity, however creditable it might be to the honesty, of the Right Honourable Gentleman. (Hear, hear.) Then, with regard to the Free-traders themselves. They seemed to be like the children in the Market-place— there was no pleasing them. If the Ministry announced themselves to be Protectionists they were not pleased, and if they announced themselves to be Free-traders they were just as little pleased. They said that Ministers had given up the principle of protection. He denied that it was a principle at all. It was only a measure founded upon the far weeper principle of justice—the principle that all classes should be taxed alike. Now, he considered at first, and he still con sidered, that taxation pressed heavily upon the land, and therefore he had supported protection; but now that Protection was thrown aside, the same principle of justice called upon them to adju st the ine q ualit y which the removal of Protection had introduced. (Hear, hear.) Let him remind the House how the party now in power was formed. It was formed, after maoy years of la bour, by Sir Robert Peel, and was perfected in 1841. When that great man left them, with honour to himself, as he (Mr. Adderley) had always maintained, iu 1846, the bulk of the party could not follow him in his alteration of opinion, and great indignation was expressed that the country gentlemen did not follow their leader in two different operations at a moment's notice. But while be admired the self-denial of Si: Robert Peel, and was satisfied that the country would appreciate the sacrifices he had made for what be believed to be right, still he thought it was hard on the part of those who admired only the last phase of that great statesman's policy, that they should condemn the country gentlemen of England for having been too much impressed with the argu ments and the eloquence of his preceding phases to be ready to give them up at a moment's notice. (Hear, hear.) lie hoped, then, that the Government had said enough to satisfy the House, and that these attacks would be desisted from, at least until the Ministry had declared the policy which they meant to pursue. Mr. COBDEN said he did not suppose it was necessary to impress his Honourable Friend the Member for Wolver hampton with the propriety of not listening to the advice which came from the other side of the House. He believed his Honourable Friend duly appreciated the position of the country with reference to this question. His Honourable Friend had faithfully represented the principle of Free Trade in the House, and now that the country was occupied with their discussion on this question, they expected that it would be brought to some definite result, He would ask was their position such that the plain, honest, simple, fair minded people of this country could possibly say that this clause in the Queen's Speech was A sufficient solution of the fourteen years' controversy that, to his knowledge and experience, had been carried o n ? aright, arr a pwba t began o Why, if he read the b intended to mean any with an " if;" it was p u t hypothetically, and m i g ht mean nothing at all. How intotin g.a paragraph formT b a whichpparagraph was n alto gether t put the question could it be said, then , t hat th is would satisfy the coun tryH e thought,on st question therefore, Honourable Friend had very wisely pledged himself before the country that within a fort night he would bring this question substantially before the House. But now suppose it be! true what the Chancellor of the Exchequer had stated—and h t e a w h t histhey were so deeply interested? he understood that what the Noble Lord at the head of the Government had said in another place was confirmator. -/ —suppose it be true that the t Cabinet had resolved to adopt the principle of unrestricted difficulty and the delay to co mmerce, where would be v i s e which his Honourable Friends resolution had given rise? tie would undertake to say that his Honourable Friend's re solution than affirm the principle of unre stricted commerce. would do no m Th o e r more eancellor of the Exchequer said - that was the opinion of the Cabinet. Very well. The Right H onour able Baronet had only to get up and second the mo tion of his Hon. Friend the in one Member for Wolverhampton — (L a ughter) —and t h e Right Hon. Gentleman short hour—for he could promise he would not be troubled with (Hear, hear.) But then thi ogfotohdiqstastion to be mixed up the question would be disposed of. qmu a e n s y tio sp n e s. ech T es he af H te o rw m ards e — , T4 tmust not be mixed up with other fiber for Wolverhampton had too Hon. andBl-,ouse, and had seen too much of successful advocacy of any mea with others. what Tti ey was inu s t ahave required c itphl f ee o r not ou t t h r and simple Free Trade principle lased upon the casual prosperity of muchsatutremea sure, m,pt eroedexsa7pl allow i w e d n oa c ny e e. Th --e honourable Gentleman who last b allow this question to be settled the present. It was easy to see how convenient that gentlemen would then go down to fur roke seemed anxious y "Oh, we only asserted the prin ciple there is a time coming—only p d le to of en it_ beetings and your subscriptions to Protection societies—th, -ere is a time coming when, instead of the present prosperibr of the manufacturing classes, they lure adversity, and then we shall re verse the ig o pi u lt ealf would forer b s farmers' keep e, theeres p' becausetuapb present.ou e s tree Trade, and adopt the policy of bus the Free-traders did not intend to allow that. The principle of unrestricted commerce was true, sound, politic, and just in all times, all places, and all circumstances. ass, s--etrs.) If it was true, it would answer % P v r il o i t b e Protection." ' Yes, all these conditions—e not, it was not worth the fourteen year s' struggle which not, been gone through to establish it in legislation. He had no objection to see a financialscheme broug ht forward. Apart from the principle of unrestricted comme rce —apart fre the abolition of protective duties—he thoug ht there was a w id e field open for an ingenious Chan cellor of the Exche'llier in the modification of taxes. This proces s, to which the Q u een's Speech invited them, was quite asouilndtebreesttoin the constituents in West Yorkshire as it proprietors. Because his constituents, w h e th e r they were M anu facturers of stuffs or of woollens, were thrown into c o mpetition with the whole world; and, th e refore, he couldnot allow it to go forth that this ques tion to la n h landed las a remedy for the injuries which a sustained in 1846. He knew what was t h e interest refeked to. He knew that the parties al luded to were engaged in agriculture. But it would open ay wide subject if t&e_ touched the question of competition in land. First of e ti e o r n tai o n f taxation classhad all, he denied that any injury had been d ty proved their case? They had not proved one. he would mention certain circumstances w hi c h stood in their way at the outset. There were several large landowners in the kingdom who declared they had not su ff e red at all frpm the operation of free trade. The last they had heard on tbs subject was from the Duke of Buccleuch it t lied and Graham, who both declared that they had not suffered. engaged farmers had not suffered either. Those who grazing, in the raising of wool, in dairy farm ing, all these had profited by the prosperity of trade and com merce. They talked of benefiting the landed proprietors. But they could not contemplate a modification of taxation to benefit the Wiest growers without including in the bene fit the railways, the owners of house property, and , in fact , he es i one-half of the real property of the country, which was not agricultural property at all. (Hear, hear.) Besides, what were they to do with the seven or ten millions worth of pro perty in Ireland, which had been bought since free trade was established? The parties had bought the land on free trade conditions—where was the need of compensation to them? Besides, there were millions worth of real estate sold through. out the country every year—why should there be any re mission of taxation for them ? It would be a clumsy thing to attempt to compensate the growers of wheat, and one or two other things, by a measure which would cover all the real property in the country. (Cheers.) But he denied that the owners even of purely agricultural property could show any loss. Was the land worth less now than it was when Sir Robert Peel brought in his measure ? (Hear, hear.) And even if they established their injuries, he would flow them that other people had sustained losses as well as them. They did not intend to compensate the lawyers for the loss of John Doe or Richard Roe. (Laughter, and loud cheers.) It was a well-established rule that where a class had benefited by the operation of laws, that class had no right to compensation by the change of those laws. It was said that the Corn-la%s were a benefit to the agriculturists. _ _ He said that it was a benefit they held with blood-stained hands. Whenever they chose to bring forward the question, he would bring forward, on the other hand, the famines, the discontent, the turbulence, the misery which had occurred in 1816, 1819, and in 1839—a1l of which he clearly traced to the operation of the Corn-laws—(cheers) —and he must say that if the law of 1815 had been in operation last autumn, when they were threatened with the failure of the har vest, instead of the present happiness and contentment of the people, they would have had the same misery and distress which they had is that year. Let them not ex pect, then, that the majority of the House would go into a financial discussion with the foregone conclusion, that certain interests were entitled to compensation. (Hear.) It was always difficult to follow the Right Honourable Gentleman the Member for the University of Oxford, as he seldom left anything unsaid—(hear, hear)—but on the pre sent occasion he thought the Right Honourable Gentleman had somewhat failed on the one point where be was least likely to err—he meant his casuistry. (Laughter.) The Right Honourable Gentlbinan laid down the principle that they were entitled to call upon Ministers for a declara tion of their policy, but that the House had no right to put them into the crucible, and call upon them for a declaration of their opinions and convictions. Now, if he had a steward, he would like to know what were his views on that business he was to perform, and, knowing his views, it might he concluded, if he were an honest man, that his practice would be in conformity with his views. It was on that ground he wished to know the sentiments o f the Ministers, because they were the agents and stewards of the people. He believed that what there convictions were their policy would be, whenever they had the opportunity. To suppose otherwise would be to suppose chat Right Honourable Gentlemen holding office would be willing to carry out any policy, no matter how opposed it was to their own convictions. Now that would be a very compendious mode of conducting party politics, in this re spect, that it would greatly simplify proceedings, and put an entire end to the migrations from one side of the House to the other ; because when Ministers were once in office, what ever their convictions might be, there could be no obstacle to their carrying out the views of the House. He could more easily tolerate that doctrine if they had never given any reasons for their convictions • hut he could ;not forget that the Right Honourable the;Chancellor of the Exchequer had told the House, knot in the heat of debate in 1846, but he had told them in 1849, that one :of the reasons why he was in favour of protection—why he was especially in favour of reciprocity—was (and he gave the most elaborate arguments in proof of his reason), that Free trade according to the Manchester school, as he was pleased to designate it—(Hear, and a laugh)—meaning free imports and hostile tariffs, would degrade the labourer, lower the rate of viages diminish capital, and produce pauperism. (Loud cheers). ' The Right Honourable Gentleman had told them that most empha tically within the .Llast three years. He (Ur. Cobden) was the last to go back to " Hansard" to quote words against anybody ; but when he was asked to leave the Right Honourable Gentleman in office, he could not separate those arguments from what he believed were the present convictions of the Right Hon. Gentleman, and what would be his future practice if he could carry them out. (Cheers.) Besides, he could not forget that on the last occasion, when the Right Hon. Gentleman alluded to the sub ject of Free Trade, he told him (Mr. Cobden) very indig nantly, I deny that lam come to this side of the House to betray the principles I professed when on the other side ; on the contrary, I am here to carry out, if it be in my power, all those principles." (Hear, hear.) He then thought he was justified, and the country was justified, in asking the gentlemen opposite what were their present convictions on this question. (Hear.) He would not subject them to the ordeal to which they subjected the late Sir Robert Peel when he changed his opinions. (Hear, hear.) The Hon. Gentle ' man who spoke last, talked of his (Mr. Cobden'e) side of the House unfairly assailing her Majesty's Ministers; but the Hon. Gentleman was mistaken, and must have been thinking of what occurred five years ago, when Sir R. Peel avowed a change of opinion, (Loud cheers.) The late Right Hon. Gentleman was not allowed to remain in peace with his new convictions, though he abandoned office as the price of his conversion —(Hear, hear, hear) —and he (Mr. Cobden) did not think the Right Honourable Gentlemen opposite had any reason to complain of the retribution with which they might be visited. (Hear, hear, hear, and cheers.) He had felt often, and had often been on the point of saying it, and he would not _hesitate to say it now, that he thought the personal friends and political colleagues of the late Sir R. Peel had shown more forbearance towards his assailants than they had any right, to expect, or than he (Mr. Cobden) should have been disposed to extend. (Hear, hear, hear.) But if the right honourable gentlemen opposite would, upon the motion of the honourable member for Wol verhampton, come forward and give in their adhesion, and say they had changed their views, he (Mr. Cobden) would give his solemn pledge they should never hear one taunt or one syllable of condemnation from him. (cheers.) But if, without that declaration, they were asked how they were in clined to trust gentlemen who professed one set of principles, and carried out another in practice, he could only say for himself, representing as he did a constituency the largest in the empire, having a population of a million and a half, whose opinion was unanimous on the subject—(hear, hear) —they should never remain in office a day with his consent, or a day after he possessed the power to turn them out (loud cheers.) He had only to repeat to the right honourable gentleman that if he would bring forward a substantive resolution, as the right hon. member for the University of Oxford had said, embracing the right of the people of this country to the free and unrestricted importation of corn—if he would avow the principle of Free Trade, and say it was just and politic, and that it must be maintained and extended in every practicable manner, or if he would endorse that resolution, he should never hear a taunt from him; but if the right hon. gentleman opposed it, he and his colleagues should have his continued opposition so long as they remained in office. (Loud cheers). Mr. E. BALL said he would not hesitate to avow, even , he stood alone, teat he had not changed his opinions; that his views were unaltered; that he was still a Protectionist. (Opposition cheers.) He might be ridiculed for maintaining those doctrines—(No)—but he should have some consolation in knowing that there was not a single nation upon the earth save Great Britain, which did not respond to the principles which he now advocated. He should have some satisfaction in recollecting that the greatest men both in America and in France agreed with him, maintained his views, and carried out in those countries principles which he belasved to be sound and right. (Cheers, and counter cheers) He should be further supported by recollecting that this country had attained that pre-eminence and superiority which she enjoyed by a maintenance of a protective policy, and under those principles which it was the fashion now to despise. (Ironical cheers.) He concurred in what had been said in the course of the debate, that they had now arrived at a period when it became necessary for men of all parties distinctly to avow what their opinions were ; but he also agreed with the Home Secretary that this was not a night to be devoted to political and party discussions, but a night when they were met to tes tify and prove their attachment to her Majesty by receiving the Speech, and responding to the Address now laid before them. Surely the case was not so urgent, the matter was not so pressing, that they could not brook the delay of the few days asked by the Chancellor of the Exchequer. (Hear ?) The Noble Lord who represented the city of London, whilst giv ing his adhesion to much in the Speech, had said there was one paragraph in it so mystified, so unintelligible, one part professing one species of principles, and the other ad vocating another species of principles, that he was disposed to divide the house, or at leastthat he very much disliked it. He (Mr. Ball) could understand how a policy might be good for one portion of the people and not good for another por tion. He could understand how free trade might have ad. vanced some interests, and might have damaged other in terests; and he had only to go back two sessions, when the Noble Lord was in power , to find in the Speech from the Throne a recognition of the distress prevailing amongst one class of the community, and a suggestion to the House of Commons to take their position into consideration. Ht thought in the same Speech was an acknowledgment that certain principles were doing good to certain parties, and were adverse to other parties, but although the Noble Lord did recognize that proposition, he (Mr. Ball) had not to thank him for having undertaken to remove the distress under which one interest were suffering. (Hear, hear, and Ministerial cheers.) The Hon. Gentleman who represented a million and a half of people having but one mind—(a laugh)--a million and a half of people among whom were no dissensions a million and a half of people who were in ac cordance with him in opinion, the great town of Liverpool joining in it— (laughter from the Opposition, and an Hon. Member reminded Mr. Ball that the Hon. Member he was alluding to represented the West Riding of York shire)—the Hon. Member who enjoyed this unanimity of feeling with so large a constituency, said, "How can you, when no part of the community is suffering—how can you come and ask for any redress?" (Cheers from the Opposi tion.) He (Mr Cobden) stated that the farmers were not complaining—that the wool farmers and the sheep breeders were obtaining remunerative prices; but he (Mr Ball) said those were indications of the destructive policy of Free Trade principles. (Laughter.) Why were the wool farmers and the sheep breeders making money? When the policy of free trade was first introduced, sheep were imported in such numbers that it created a panic among the sheep breeders. (Oh, oh, and laughter.) They brought a disease, the small pox, among them, they tainted all the English mutton, and what did the sheep breeders do? They killed off their stock —(Loud laughter)—they ceased to breed in such numbers, and the very consequence of having imported those horrible and diseased sheep had been that the stock had decreased, the supplies had fallen off, and the price had advanced, and thatiwas just the history, in a few words, of why mutton was now remunerative. (Derisive cheers.) The same consequence would follow free trade in corn. Less wheat was sown year by year, and. year by year the amount of wheat decreased. By. and-by a blight, mildew, or blast would pass over the Continent—corn would then be as mutton was now, remunerative to the producer—and the country in its rain would only have to thank its own folly for having destroyed that principle under which she had risen to prosperity. (No, no.) He had nothing to conceal—nothing to with draw. e stood before the House, as he stood before his constituency, a Protectionist, and he would not hesitate to advocate those principles on all occasions, although Hon. gentlemen opposite said they were opposite to good sense and good policy. (Hear, hear.) He was not prepared to deny that our position as a country with regard to the ques tion of Free Trade was different now to what it was two years ago. But was that the result of the Free Trade policy? Did Free Trade discover the gold of Australia? (Loud Ministerial cheers.) He would not trouble the House now with a statement from the " Quarterly Review"— ( a laugh) but in the review of a little work—" Three Years of Free Trade",—addressed to the electors of Great Britain, it was shown that the poor-rates in England, which were 13,500,0001. in 1845-46, were nearly 15,000,0001. in 1849-50, whilst the increase in Scotland was much greater; that on a comparison of the same years the convictions for crime were t a n d an tak he e f n or less e. oi H o e u a r r manu factures ilear banksmuch more had numerous;decreased f r a o n m d that the deposits do to 5, 5 i o n o the om ool. savings' He believed, also, that, without e xce p tion, France, Prussia, the wholeofaiGnceermwaney, had a free ndß and laughter.) If these wer e facts, wh y should he abando n the principles which he had p rofessed, and incur the odi um w hich would justly attach to h im ? ( Hear, hear. ) Nothing, he conceived, could give greate r p ain than for a m an , coming Russia a e ll to that House as the representative of certain principles, to read his recantation, and to avow that he abandoned them all. In conclusion, he repeated that, notwithstanding the taunts of Honourable Gentlemen opposite, he was a Pro tectionist, and by that flag he would stand so long as it should remain unfurled. (Cheers and counter cheers.) Sir. J. V. SHELLEY congratulated the House that they had found one man bold enough to avow the principles of protection. (Hear, hear.) He trusted, when the Honourable Member for Wolverhampton brought forward his motion, that Honourable Gentleman, whatever Her Majesty's Go vernment might do, would give them an opportunity of having a discussion, and that he would oppose that motion. He must say he gave the Honourable Member credit for the manliness with which he had stated his conscientious opt likes, but the honourable Member would allow him, as en old Free-trader, entirely to disagree with the reasons he had given for those opinions, and especially that the stock of sheep was rapidly diminishing. (Cheers and a laugh.) He believed the agriculturists of Cambridgeshire were unfortunate enough to have the small-pox among their sheep; but he thought the Honourable Member's constituents would laugh when they heard the cause to which was attri buted the increase in the price of mutton and wool. (Hear , hear.) To all persons having anything to do with agriculture it was notorious that, instead of the number of sheep bred in the country having greatly decreased, the contrary was the fact, and that the prices of both mutton and wool had advanced in consequence of a great increase in the demand. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) When also the Honourable Gen tleman took upon himself to say the quantity of corn grown was less than in the days of protection, he was equally inac curate, and he (Sir J. Shelley) could take upon himself to assure him that never were such improvements being car ried out in agriculture as had been carried cut since the introduction of free trade. (Cheers.) After they had been told, as they had been to-night, that never again would the Government lay protective duties upon corn, he trusted the lion. Gentleman the Member for Cambridgeshire would be prepared to give his opposition to her Ma;esty's Ministers. ( Hear.) With regard to the question to be brought before the House by the Member for Wolverhampton, he entirely creed with those who thought the country looked to tins House that the questi o n should at once be settled either one ev or the other. (Hear, hear.) eor him,elf,he was satls ii.A nothing had done so much inj Ire to agriculture, had so t ruly been the bane of agr i cu lt ure , as that protection to which the Hon. Member even now adhered, and whenever that sub ject should be before the House. ha would take an oppor tunity of entering more largely than at present into the argu• meats by which that opinion was supported. (Cheers.) Lard PALMERSTO\ rose and said—Sir, I wish to make one or two observations upon the Address and the Speech prepared by her Majesty's advisers; and I cannot refrain at the outset from joining my voice to those who have spoken already, in bearing testimony to the good taste and good feeling which have led her Majesty's Ministers to place in a prominent part of the Speech a just tribute to the memory of that great man whom we have just lost. (Hear.) Of him at present I shall content myself by saying that 1 believe that never was there any other man in any country whatever whose lot it was to render such great and important services to his country, or who had the good fortune to live so long in the enjoyment of the universal and unbounded love, respect, and admiration of his countrymen. (Cheers.) Sir,' ; l am glad to find, talking of the principle of protection, that at least one application of that principle has succeeded, and that her Majesty's Ministers have been able to realize the expec tations held out as to the voluntary enlistment of men for the militia service. (Hear, hear.) I certainly feel peculiar gratification on that point—(Cheers)—inasmuch as it always was my opinion that voluntary enlistment would answer the purpose, and that a sufficient number of men could be found ready to join the ranks of the militia, on the terms which Government were prepared to offer. (Hear, hear.) I have received, sir, great satisfaction from the statement which the Speech contains in regard to the acquiescence and co-operation of the Government of Brazil in measures taken by this country for the suppression of the slave trade. I am happy to think that the suspension of those measures by which that co-operation was obtained—stated to be only temporary and contingent on that co-opera tion—will be of a more lasting character. (Cheers.) I should have been glad if her Majesty's Government had been able to state that the Government of Spain had equally co-operated in putting an end to the importation of slaves to Cuba, and I trust that either this evening, or on some future occasion, her Majesty's Ministers will be able to inform us, in what degree, during the year now expiring, the slave trade, by the good faith of the Spanish Government has either been reduced or put an end to. (Hear, hear.) On that great question, which has been the main topic of debate this evening, I think if any, doubt could have existed when we met to-day, as to the necessity of some declara tion on the part of this house, aye or no, on the question of protection or free trade, that which has passed in debate this evening would have removed that doubt altogether; be cause, that although it appears that her Majesty's Govern ment thought the question might be passed over sub silentio, and disposed of in a paragraph in the Speech, which resem bles, in its ambiguous terms, the oracle, " Alo to cEaicida noinanos vincere posse," which, according as it is construed, may be taken either one way or the other. (Cheers and laughter.) And although 1 do not blame the Ministers for the arrangement of that Speech, after the excellent reason given by the Secretary of State, " That it was known there were gentlemen who might have objected to a frank and explicit declaration as to the policy to be pursued." (Renewed laughter.) Vet, sir, we have heard to-night that there are Protectionists still in the llouse. (Laughter.) And if the verdict of the country is to be inferred simply from the debate this evening, it may go forth that doubts may be entertained what is the opinion of the majority of the House of Commons on that gseat ques tion. And considering the ;formal manner in which that question was by htr Majesty's Ministers referred to the de cision of the country at the late general election, I do think it is necessary for the public interest that there should be some formal declaration of opinion—not simply by the mem bers of her Majesty's Ministry, satisfactory as that has been, so far as we have heard this evening—but a formal declaration by the House itself, establishing permanently , and decidedly that which no doubt will be esta blished—the concurrence of the Commons'. House of Parlia ment in the sound policy of that system of commercial Go vernment on which legislation of late years 'has been con ducted (Vehement cheers). And, sir, I cannot agree with the Honourable Gentleman who spoke on the other side that free trade is a measure, and not a pr inciple (Hear, hear, hear). No doubt the imposition or repeal of duty on a par ticular article such as corn may be a measure—a measure emanating from a principle ; but the principle of free trade is of larger and more extensive application, and must be con secrated by the vote of this House as the foundation of all fature legislation (Loud cheers). And, therefore, I heard with great satisfaction that the question is to he brought distinctly , and separately under consideration. That being the case, and feeling that lishall undoubtedly join my vote with others who are prepared to affirm that principle, I shall not further intrude, but only express my concurrence, not only in the propriety, hnt the absolute necessity for such a proceeding, (Loud and continued cheering). A great number of Members left tha House, and no one rising, the Speaker put the question, and was proceeding to read the Address, when Colonel SHITHORP rose, and proceeded to say, that he had intended to express his great disappointment, if he had not used the expression disgust. at the coarse adopted by those whom it was his great wish and anxiety to have sup ported. (Oh.) lie thought himself called upon, after being so many years a Member of that House, to express briefly, independently, and fearlessly his opinions. He was from heart and soul a Protectionist; he came into that llouse us a Protectionist, and he would continue in that llouse alone as a Protectionist. When he could dare to change those opinions which he had so often professed in that house, he would at once resign that situation, and confess his constituents had reposed an unworthy confidence in bins. He regretted deeply being called on to express those feelings. He said most distinctly he was unchangeable in opinion and un changeable in conduct. He confessed he was astonished at the manner in which that party, to wnich he had been proud to attach himself, had ventured to express themselves in that House. (Opposition cheers.) He had heard the word " du plicity." He was sorry to say that was his—(The word used to conclude the sentence was lost in the derisive cheers of the Opposition.) lie quarrelled with no man for his political opinions, whether they be free trade or protectionist •, but let him know who his man was, and on which side of the House he was called on to take his seat. He knew he ought not to have trespassed on the House ; but, as an honest man, he was anxious to do his duty fearlessly, and he could not have retired to rest without expressing his disappointed feelings, and his determination to uphold his own principles. (Oppo sition cheers.) The resolution was then agreed to,:and'a deputation, on the motion of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, as appointed to present the Address to her Majesty. The House immediately adjourned, at half-past nine o'clock. .e UNIVERSITY OF LONDON, 1852.-M.B. SECOND EXAMINATION. FIRST DIVISION. Medical Schools. Bridgewater, Thomas King's College. Cammack, T. Armstrong University College. Hornidge, Thomas King St. George's Hospital. Jodan, R. Coane Roberts King's College. Listor, Joseph, B.A University College. Littleton, Thomas, University College. Pavy, Frederick William Guy's Hospital. Rooke, Thomas Morley Guy's Hospital. Trouncer, John Henry University College. SECOND DIVISION. Gaye, William Thomas University College. Pat fitt, Henry King's College. Rice, Bernard St. Bartholomew's Hospital Roberts, Elias Jones Richmond Hospital, Dublin In accordance with tho recent regulation of the Senate, that the examinations shall be conducted " by demon stration from preparations, and by requiring the candi dates to report on cases of actual patients." The examiners in physiology required the candidates to name and describe microscopic specimens, illustrat ing important points in physiological anatomy. In surgery, the candidates were examined by demon strations from dry and wet preparations, illustrative of various slugfest diseases and accidents, and of their treatment. The examiners in medicine required the candidates to examine patients in the wards of a metropolitan hospital. and afterwards to report in writing on the cases, and also to examine microscopically various specimens of morbid products. HIGHWAY ROBBERY AND ATTEMPTED MURDER. —A daring outrage took place in Sutton, near Maccles field, on Saturday night last. About half-past ten o'clock, on that night, as a man named Joseph Wads worth, silk weaver, was returning home from the mar ket, he was overtaken on the high road to Leek, by a young man, about twenty years old, named John Riley, silk weaver, of the Watercotes, who is considered by the police to bear a bad character. Riley passed Wadsworth a short distance, and then returned and entered into conversation with him Riley said ho was employed at Broad's Gardens, as mas ter, of the ceremonies ; and kept pace with Wadsworth , until they arrived at a lonely spot near the Mos' flu, b _ He then put his arm round Wadsworth's neck, and ' a dagger or bed him with some sharp instrument—either . a knife—just above the windpipe, making f Ho then inch and a quarter loeg through his n eckere ab n ie lp . incision an stabded Wadsworth through the leftm _ cu r, d,.tive cuts in the just missing the great artery of the he a d, g scalp at the ba c k cf . the head, onet I la l' n inch deep. 1)u -ringm Wadsworth's th scuffle to k ee p the instrument 's hands, almo s t fro threat, Riley dr e w it through W andsworth cawing off the right thumb' In the whole, 14 wound s wore inflicted on th,6 poison. Wadsworth went on his knees w Riley Wad"7l" and begged for hi s lif e f for the sake of his w ife and a , and Riley' s rep l y mil was' " You d—l. I'll il finish yoTe hcries of mur der was not hea rd, but the assalY• uut after examining Wadsworth's p ockets, and taking all the y Contained, six pence halfpe nn y , a purse. .and two kniv es , d ecampe d , and left Wadsworth dripping w ith blood. By some means Wadsworth scrambled to the n earest h ouse , a nd was taken home; but no person d are d venture to f etc h medical aid from the tovvo until early next morning, and he now lies in a very precarious state, his recovery being doubtful. Information was conveyed to tho police, who fortunately succeeded in finding Riley, with the knives and puree, in his father's house; and his shirt was found much died with blood. He was brought up on Tuesday at the county police office, before Dr. Swan wick, and was remanded for a week. a ti pi ..v -'.--) THE LYING IN STATE AT CHELSEA _e .. ii,,.,,,, ,_-,..„--, 0 HOSPITAL. L ,i, 4- -, - •4, e . t hi k This day the first act of the great solemnity by whic :zIIP; ~,;..\ ...t i -T i f .4! the nation is about to mark its sense of the loss whic dm' ",.--• '' 't ; ,-, it has sustained, was commenced. The body of thus. Duke of Wellington now lies in state, amid all the cere- lardly moot of military mourning; and for five days, hour by gi S., ita 4 • hour, the sombre procession of mourners, high and low, will sweep hefere the coffin of the dead man, whom all alike regarded as the pride and the boast of their nation. Yesterday the Queen performed this melancholy rite, to-day is set apart for the privileged persons who have received the Lord Chamberlain's ticket, and the next four days the public at large will be admitted, as we have no doubt, in an unceasing throng. The room in which the dead hero lies in state is the Hall of the Hospital, no doubt well known to many of our readers, but so changed by the funeral garb with which it has been inverted that none would recognize it. Entering through a long vestibule hung with black, and light ,d by what we way CAI a plumed chandelier, in front of a trophy formel of thirty tattered and faded banner, surrLoßntud by the Royal Stan4 , ard, the visitor posfrieg on through thick and hco,vily drapc , d cortunis, tint.a himself r.tnidenly in prcionce of the illustrious dead. FUNERAL OF THE DUKE OF VVELLING7'OIV. At the end of a long hall, hung in a tent like fashion with sable draperies, across wh ch arc carried silver cords, so us to relieve the otherwise monotonous effect of an unbroken eurtace of black, he SP es a raised dais, on which rest the bier and coffin. This dais is covered in the centre with a cloth of gold carpet, the ioir,r (four feet high and nine feet long), being formed of black velvet, and surmounted by toe coffin, richly decorated with gildin and crimson velvet. On the end of the bier is suspended an overwhelatiag display of stars and orders —among which the insignia of the Garter occupy the proudest position. The whole bier is surrounded by a magnificent silver balustrade adorned with heraldic de vices, irom which project pedestals, which boar, upon black velvet cushions, the Marshal's batons and orders of Great Britain, Hanover, Austria, the Netherlands, Portugal, Prussia, Russia, and Spain, and the Duke's standard and guidon, end attached to all are lion sup porters in gold, more than two feet high, bearing the shields and banners of the nations enumerated. Thu hall is lighted by four rows of colossal silver cande labra, distributed in double file, at regular intervals, on either side, and extending to the foot of the dais. They are 24 in number, stand seven feet high, and have wax candles in them seven feet long and three inches thick. The rows of candelabra next the sido walls being mounted on pedestals:, burn at an elevation of 17 or 18 feet from the ground, and the light is thus shed more evenly, than would otherwise be the cam, over the sombre decorations of the interior. A low platform runs along the side walls of the hall, and upon this picked soldiers of the Grenadier Guards stand like statues, resting on their arms reversed. Around the catafalque the Yeo naert of tho Guard are stationed, and nine mourners, one half military, the other from the Lord Chamberlain's department, are seated. The chair of the chief mourner is placed at the head of the coffin, and is concealed from view. Colonel Thornton, commanding the Grenadier Guards, Lieutenant-Colonel Lindsay, Major Brownrigg, and Captain Ellison, all of course in full uniform, were among those who officiated as mourners yesterday. [From Supplement to the London Gazette. j Earl Marshal's Office, 1, Parliament•street, November 11, 1852. Notice is hereby given, that the funeral of the late Field-Marshal Arthur Duke of Wellington, will bo so lemnized on Thursday next, the 18th instant, in St. Paul's Cathedral. Notice is also given, that the tickets cf admission to the Cathedral for those Peeresses who have signified their intention of being present at the solemnity, will be ready for delivery, at this office, on Saturday next, the 18th instant, between the hears of ten o'clock a.m. and six o'clock p.m., on the production of written orders from the persons respectively entitled thereto. Tee tickets for all Privy Councillors under the degree of the Peerage, the Vice-Chancellors, the Barons of the Exchequer, the Justices of both Benches, the Knights Grand Cross, Knights Commanders and Companions of the Most Honourable Order of the Bath, and her Ma jesty's Law Officers, who have signified their intention of being present at the said solemnity, will also be ready for delivery on Saturday next, the 13th instant, between the hours of ten o'clock a.m. and six o'clock p.m., on the production of written orders from the per sons respectively entitled thereto. All members of the Order of the Bath having places in the Cathedral will appear in uniform, and wearing the decoration of the Order. Ladies admitted to seats in the Cathedral will appear in mourning ; and gentlemen will also appear in mourn , iug with white cravats. The mourners and relations will not appear in uni form. All other persons taking part in the procession (with the exception of those wearing uniforms) will appear in mourning, without weepers, but with mourning swords. On the morning of the funeral, no persons (except the troops and police force) will be admitted into St. James's Park but those producing the Earl Marshal's card of admission into the procession, or such of his offi cers, assiStine , in the ceremonial, as shall produce pass ' tickets for that purpo.i... All carriages aiel mourning coaches numbered 1 to 41, will enter the park by Buckingham- gate, or Storey's bate, no lacr than eight o'clock a.m., and proceed through the gate in the railing near Storov's-gate to ; wards the Ilurie Guards and be formed in the open space and road, in numerical order, according tothe nomher n the card, with which every coachman will be furnished. Alt carriages and mourning coaches numbered 42 to 67, will enter by the horse Guards, not later than eight o'clock a.m., and turn to the right towers's the Admiralty, and form in the numericd order indicated by the card. The carriages which precede, arid those which follow the funeral car, will form in separate lines. The Peerest , es, and all other persons having tickets for the centre area of St. Paul's Cathedral, will be mi -1 mined at the respective side-doors of the great western entrance of St. Paul's, setting down on either side of the Cathedral in St. Paul's Churchyard. All persons having tickets for the following places, viz.:— Nave, North Side, Upper, Centre, and Lower Galleries of the North Transept, East and West Aisles of the North Transept, and North Aisle of the Choir, will enter by the north door of the Cathedral, setting down on the north side of the Churchyard. All persons having tickets for the following places, Nave, South side, Upper, Centre, and Lower Galleries of the South Transept, East ard West Aisles of the South Transept, and South Aisle of the Choir, will enter by the south door of the Cathedral, setting down on the south lido of the Churchyard. All persons having tickets for the Gallery over the western entrance, north aide, will enter by the north door of the Cathedral, setting down on the north side of the Churchyard. All persons having tickets for the Gallery over the western entrance, south side, will enter by the south door of the Cathedral, setting down on the south side of the Churchyard. NORFOLK, Earl Marshal. All persons are strictly enjoined to pay attention to the police regulations in respect to the rou te prescribed for the carriages. ALARMING FLOOD IN BIRMINGHAM. One of the most serious, if not disastrous floods which has occurred in this part of the country for many years past, visited Birmingham yesterday evening. Daring the afternoon, owing to the heavy and incessant rain which has been falling for the last few days, but more especially in the course of last night and to-day. the River Rea, a small and unimportant stream, which runs through the lower part of the town, rose to an unusual height. It is stated that between five and half-past seven o'clock the water, in some parts, attained a height of from eight to ten feet. Th arches of the several bridges being inadequatc ou to r° the passage of the immense body of water, the rounding neighbourhoods were inundated . h o veef Bir extent of some miles, south, west, and a r iv er ae e are o f mingham. The fields on both sidesheofenpthpree covered with water, and present t itself the effects one immense lake. In Birmin In the neighbour of the flood have been disastrous. h as been destroyed. siderable amount of proptllr brickmaker, is sup_ hood of Ballsall-heath and tVaglahton's hole a con siderable Mr. Harrison, an Theto the amount of several streets connecting the Moseley-street, Cheapside, hundreds of lolfavel". sufferedan d 6 s e ' the hamlets of :De igyrbleith, are itnnassable ex parish of Birwrlertileyb and But the most serious injury has ritend and property in those streets which run thee to river are flooded and stopped, with Bradford-stre et, fdoborynclw e ct o ß t ih , e ; the Rea. The works situated on the im parallel media te ag e to machiner great dam y. The l ess to the taannfac turers who are located in this neighb our h oo d w ill, i t i s calculated, amount to Soma thousa n d s o f p o unds. In Rea -street, and several other streets in the vicinity, the i n habitants of the houses are either flooded out or obliged to take refuge in the upper storeys of their dwellings. The family of one poor woman had a narrow escape from destruction. A row of houses, recently erected, one of which abuts on the river in Mill-lane, in the neighbourhood of Derituid-beidge, had been partially des;,royed. About half-past six o'clock a crash was heard. The inmates immediately fled, and in a moment afterwards the end wall of the house was pre cipitated into the river. Very fortunately no person "5 hurt. During the evening, the carcases of pigs, and other animal', were seer, floating along the current, leading into the agricultural districts of Wor es,stcrshire. It is supposed that considerable loss has occurred in the neighbouring districts of Worcestershire. The immense flow of water is thought to come from the Lickoy fills, but no doubt it is greatly augmented by Ow recently constructed culverts of this town. A curi ,, ui property was to be seen at the Auction Mart on Monday last. The " King of the Nuggets," weighing 330 ounces, and of the purest gold, and severa l others of smaller size, were offered for competition by Mr Collier. The first bidding for the Royal Nugget was 1,4001. Several offers were made, but after some com petition it was ultimately bought in for 1,5001. The proprietors of the Panorama of the Australian Gold Fields purchased two of these beautiful specimens of Australian gold, which they intend to exhibit to the public. WO' sob- old se L oite 310.- ii:)0, Jen.