The Sun. — London, England, 1823-04-15 00:00:00

''' ' '' ''-'s' ..... ... og fir to ..1 tcr ~.. r.0.1i1.,: 1.7,,- . , , . ___,..,•,tt,„,.. ........„.„ ~...... L.,....m.... left,t'*' ".M ~: eArs u . • i A _ , , // .---? ~ /i , r aj 7 / fir , //, fp 49,-)---41PP l /- TUESDAY, APRIL 15, 1823. 'NURIBER 9560. PRICE SEVEN PENCE, PARLIAMENT. ,IIOUST: OF COMMONS, Amur. 14. Several public Accounts and other Papers were presented, and ordered to lie on the table. Mr. AGAR ELMS presented a Petition from Kilkenny, Aigainst the Tythe System of Ireland.—Ordered to lie on the :table. ' Mr. BLACKBURN presented two Petitions from Lama- -slure, against the Insolvent Act. CO Mr. Alderman WOOD AL DUTY.' gave noti that on Wednesda next he should present a Petitio n from the e City of London ag y ainst the Coal Duty. Sir THOMAS ACLAND presented a Petition from South Mahon against the Coal Duty, and similar Petitions from Great Torrington and Northani.—Ordere.d to lie on the table. Mt. M. ( I RANT•pre sente d a Petition from the Freeholders o f Inverness complainin g of Agricultural Distress, and_pray ing for an alteration of the Distiller La Y w • - • the table. s —O-dered to Ile on CATHOLIC CLAIMS. Lord G. 1, CATHOLIC presented a Petition from the Clergy of Chichester against any further concessions' to the Roman Ca tholics.—Ordered to be printed. Cot BAGWELL presented a petition from Clonmel against the heather Tax.—O r dered t o b e inted. Sir C. LONG presented. peti ti on from the Clergy of Wind ,sor again st further conces si on s to the Catholics.—Ordered to 'lie on the table. A MEsritErt presented three similar petitions from Fermas nagh.Ordered to lie on the table. Mr. DICKENSON presented a petition from Glastonbury, in favour of the Bill for expediting the recovery of Small De bts.—Oniered to lie on the table. M S. Mr. HUME presented apetition from Sir Charles Wolseley, of Staffordshire, complaining of the conduct of a Clergyman in ,• , that 0 0a1 o onty, wh o , i t was alleged, had exacted the Tithe on C ppressively. It prayed for th e tota l a b o li t i on of' Tithes. Order e d to lie on the table and be printed. The Quorum Magistrates co mmitted. Bill was read a second time, and RIOT AT THE DUBLIN THEATRE. IColonel BA RRY Presented a petition from a person named orbes, one of th ose who were prosecuted by the Attorney- General of Ireland on the charge of a Conspiracy against the Lord Lieutenant, complaining of the conduct of the Attorney ( eral ;he having, as the petition alleged, made use of ex.. . pressions in Court calculated to prejudice his ease on any sub , trial, to which it was held out he would be brought.— , The Hon. Member said, that as thi s su bj ect wou ld be fully dis cussed tp-rnorrow, lie did not think it necessary to go into it at Present. The petition was ordered to lie on the table. . bits MI'. Sejeant ONSLOW presented a petition from the .Inhan .J. nts of Guildford, praying ter the repeal of the duties o '• 1 c°ll .—s..-rlend to lie on the table. AIr..GOULBURN presented a Petition from the Coroners the lipscomino received for , complaining of the inadequate remuneration l their services. Dublin againit an f r. ELLIS prese nted a petition from the Corporation of totalnother f repeal i e n a g th fo o r lie ti s ie ; Leather Tax.—The above petitions were o ira t m he y ti l i l e r th- i e n r li c a o h n i c ta eu nt. i s on of tn D th ub e li ii n n , n p l r a a l y i ordered to lie on the table The Turnpike Act An . nament Bill was read a second time an 4 committed. The Scotch le Turnpike Road . Bill, and the "Swearing • niittee. Amendment Act Bill went each through a Corn . • ~. • FORGERY BILL. . Oti the motion of Dr. LusnissioTox the Forgery Bill was -order e d to be read a second time that day six months. (;turps a s OR the motion of M r . PPS the Apprenticeship Bill was motion time, and committed. Oasn the Motion o f Sir Joirw NEWPORT the Irish County reurer's Bill was recommitted.—The Bill accordingly went through a Committee for the purpose of adding to it u clause proposed by Sir .7 . Newport. . The House resumed, and the Report was ordered to be con sidered on Friday' he sd a • vo. The Committee of Ways and Means was postponed to A y. ... PENSIONS BILL. - Mr. GRENFELL wished to ask the Chancellpr of' tb_e . _E_ x o -_ tyke respecting a Bill f Oleituer what course he intended to it . was his (11r. G.'s) determination to take the sense of the House upon the Bill ; an d th e Ri g ht Honourable Gentleman w ould probably therefore not press it upon the House this , evening. tauly wished i he CHANCELLOR of the . EXCIIEQUER said, he cer ; tto be b roug ht o n to-day ; but be should no t l it if the - other:business of the House should advance very considerably into the evening. Re begged to remind the lion. Gentl eman. that he had allowed the Bill to stand over severa l dayrsiforthe convenien ce o f t h e H on . G ent l eman . te L, " t ett sSherifi's' Bill and the Scotch Commissa Courts' hill were red's second time and committed, after . a fe w wor ds front th e L ORD ADVOCATE and Lord A. HAMILTON. • The CHANC UNION DUTIES BILL. were of the ELLOR EXCHEQUER said, there ellsoro, bl ank , 10 t hi s 8111 w hich he wished to be filled up ia..Conin.ittee, as the Bill itself could afterwards be consider ahouititlinlireenaresollytae wlts %treed to ; the Bill his kr it e 4if lle therefore moved that the House into a throe ntlie Committee, Bil i l n . which T went y, a the blanks were tilled up, the House resumed, and the Report Was ordered to be received on Friday. •WA,IIETIVEEN FRANCE AND SPAIN. SPAlN.peareßtary CA NNING a red at the Bar, and pre . aentea certain Paper'', which he said he was ordered by his Ma. jetty to present to the Ilonse. On their being brought up, llr. Secretary CANNING said, that on moving that the title of these Papers be read, hsu with the mission IA; the Howse, t ake advantag e gee of ho the ld , opportunity p afforded tit?uLitit, by that formal motion,lto redeem a pledge he had given le weeks ago ; to state the course of conduct observed by _ . , 113 Mesty's Government, and the principles by which that cr.,. was regulated to t which to the important and" corn te"c4trititl traneaction to which the papers alluded. In, ries char eR this; pledge, he was' aware that he was about to d eo; mongarcr awful duty, as the confidential servant of a aboutgr to account Yi and the Mintsterof a free People. He w the ~. un t to their Representatives for the manner in " wh ich te • honour°ne had discharged its duty, with reference to _h _ o f 0 „„ .„, .' Crown, and the interest of that people, under Whichl9ltnstances which 'had led to a crisis, the consequences of were yet unaseertained. w anpti on such a sub. Jvt.t. we e , jo general,. he hoped, easy task ; but in the- Pllfresent situation of Europe, it was one of considerable Oitude anti difficulty ; for the course of policy observed by :!uglantl on this occasion would be judged of, as deeply a ff ect. Lug a i l' the possibilities to which the case was liable. In so „c„°lll.,tetl a case there was but one consideration which could trete4irtlti a Mari situated as he was; it was the consciousness that , l ' 'levernment had pursued one intelligible object, and had upon one inflexible principle. The object was the pre -B!_rvation of peace to the world ; the principle had been stated tread flirtner occasions, and consisted of 'respect for the faith of 1.,...... eat tie5, respect for the independence of nations, the estab- Cument of what was called the Balance of' Power, and the r ill irallof the honour and interest of England. He would first eto the recollection of the House what was the state of iroPe generally, and England in particular, in the month of slim ) tetaber last, from which date the Papers he had just pre commenced. A meeting was held of the Imiling Sove tot ar Europe, similar to meetings which had been held on .It.ler occasions, for the avowed object or preserving the repose t 'z I!;ttrope. It was about that time thaqhe had had the honour of pets, "' l ing, the seals of his present office. Ile said this, not for the cl.. ,rPose of separating himself from his predecessor, or to lay i ,,,.:T to any exclusive merit in himself. On the contrary, he was „..a o c that a courtesy had been extended to him, on the suppo- LT'l,l► that he had introduced a new principle into our Foreign 5;141.1., while the fact was, that, on entering into office, tie 14°1 " amtnig. its Records a State Paper known to all the d, in which the principle of noninterference was broadly bide With certain well - defined exceptions. It was but .11,fftt that he should remind the House of this Paper, in which iin_tf.winciple he had mentioned was laid down as clearly and i7atelidee could possibly . he done by any Statesman. th e a ir now perhaps surprise the }`louse by stating, that at was eetitig_ he had mentioned, the Congress of Verona, it ,difficult rieltlier believed nor understood , that tile importa : nt and question, reit ctin t h e affair' f S ain was itt COne pe g o p , templation to be discussed or introduced.—This would be ob. vious from a 'perusal of the 'first paper among those he had just presented. It was a dispatch from the Duke of Welling. ton to him (Mr. Canning), stating the introduction of that question - at the Congress, and asking for instructions on the subject. Until then it had been believed that the principal subject to be brought under the consideration of the Congress was that which related to the east of Europe; he meant the differences between Russia and Turkey. On the arrival of the Duke at the Congress, he found that the discussion re specting.the affairs of Spain, was that which was the most im portant in all the deliberations; and, as before observed, the Duke was obliged to ask for specific instructions on this point. He should here observe, that the Duke left England in forty. eight hours after his ( Mr. Canning's) entering office; and the first dispatch he received from him was that to which he had referred. He would now-read to the House the instructions which were sent to the Duke of Wellington in consequence.— They were in the following terms i—" It' any project should be advanced calling for an interference with the affairs of Spain, or a sanction for any such interference, his Majesty's Govan merit are so convinced of its being useless, of its being objec tionable in principle, and impracticable in execution, that they desire you will frankly and peremptorily declare that to such an interference, come from what quarter it may, his Majesty will not be a party."--(Hear,hear,hezir!)—The House would perceive • that this was not going into detail, but was meeting the question upon principle. These were the instructions forwarded to the Duke of Wellington ; and from these he had never swerved for a moment. In stating this he incidentally met, and lie presumed answered an objection stated on a former evening by an lion. and Learned Friend whom he was sorry to see opposite to him, " that if England entered at Verona into any discussion of the affairs of Spain, She ought to have taken rare that Spain was a party to it."— Now England had entered into no such diseussionf; her Minister had gone for no such purpose , _ and had received instructions the most peremptory not to be a party to any hostile or me. nacing discussion on that subject. So far from its being expected that anyproposal hostile towards Spain would have been made by France, t was thought that that would have been the very last proposition submitted to the Congress. In proof of this he would refer the House to the Speech delivered in June last by his most Christian Majesty on the closing of the two Chambers. Ile therein stated, with reference to the affairs of Spain, as they affected France, that he had taken precaution ary measures.; but that nothing but malignity and 11l will could find a pretext for giving an unfavourable appearance to his conduct. This was the lieu official document from France anterior to the Congress of Verona. He alluded to it, note° fix inculpation any where, but to account for the in structions originally given by the English Government to their Minister, and which, of course, did not at all contemplate a discussion of the affairs of Spain, at least with any view to. wardi hostility. When the proposals were first made on this subject by the Freneh Minister, they were not of a hostile na ture. They did not call for the arming of the half of Europe in the question; but were purely defensive, conditional, and hypothetical. They asked what would be the conduct of the Allies in certain,given cases; but these were all eases of of fence on the part of Spain towards Frence. To these propo sals answers were given by the Continental Allied Powers, en gaging in substance 'to countenance and support France in precaudonary, but not in offensive measures. But in these answers, however limited, the English Minister would not con cur. He stated that his instructions preclueled his entering into any hypothetical engagement which would commit his country. Ile demanded to know what was the cause, or supposed cause, of offence actually given by Spain.—(Cheers.)—And, in all events, he refused to give countenance to an imaginary case of offence so as to pledge his Government to any particular line of conduct afterwards. The Congress, however,, pro ceeded to entertain the question ; but the language of the Eng lish Plenipotentiary was consistent throughout, was the same on the last day as it had been on the first. He not only posi tively refused to concur in the answers of the Continental Al lies, but lie refused to answer any inquiries on the subject. And when, ultimately, the three Allied Powers agreed to dispatch messengers to their Ministers at Madrid, calling for changes in the Spanish Constitution, and, on refusal, to withdraw them selves troth the Spanish Court, the English Plenipotentiary declined ,any participation with them. Ile stated that his Royal Master would continue his Minister at the Court of Madrid after the Allies should have withdrawn theirs, in the hope that he shoUld he able to abate the irritation, and if' possible to pre vent a war. Thus decided the Congress i • and the Notes of the Ministers of the Allied Sovereigns to th e Spanish Government, were well known. They, of course, formed no part of the papers he had presented; because they were not within the jurisdic tion of English Diplomacy_ but they had been published in all the European Gazettes. The English Minister had not only disavowed these proceedings, but had implored that no excesses might take, place to provoke hostilities. The D u k e o f Wel lington returned to Paris about December ; and the French Court, so far from being then in a more warlike disposition than before, ,appeared seriously inclined for peace. They were even disposed to send to Verona the Dispatchee which they proposed. sending to Madrid, and considering the propriety of sen ding them. Up to this period no communication had taken place between this country and Spain, relative to her situation with Franee ; and he would explain why this had happened. It would be in .the remembrance of the House, that towards the end of last Session, a well-grounded clamour had been raised respecting the disturbance of our navigation in the West Indies.— Piracy upon English commerce had been committed by dif ferent ships, under the flags of the new, unacknowledged South American Governments, and others under the Spanith flag. , He had himself, as the Representative of one of the most considerable trading towns in the kingdom, to complain, not of the supineness, perhaps, hut of the forbearance of the English Government towards these depredators; and not long after the prorogation ot' Parliament, an armament had been fitted out and dispatched under the command of' Commo dore Sir John Owen, to take redress for these outrages into our own hands. The English Commander was directed to ap ply to the Governor of Cubn and demand his assistance. If it were grunted, he was to act in co-operation with the Gayer. nor; but if it was refused, lie was toland, and of himself, to root out the nest of pirates. These were the orders given ; and this step and these orders were communicated to the Court Of Madrid. But the depredations in question were not all of which England had had to complain. Pretensions had been ad. vanced by the Commanders of Spanish vessels which had never been admitted by England and had for many years been obsolete in practice. Ile Alluded to that constructive blockade by which Spain attempted to interdict communication with any part of the coast of Spanish America. This blockade, as it was called, had been roost rigorously enforced against English ships; and from the year Ifile had been the basis of a series of unanswered representations on the part of the English Government to the Spanish Court. As the neglect of' these representations chewed that coercion would be necessary, it was thought better to bring the question to a point ; and decide it with the former branch of complaint. That justice was on our side was unquestionable, from the circumstance that redress had been promised ; and the Spanish Government had admitted that the amount of injury was not inconsiderable, since they had appropriated half a mil. lion sterling for the purpose of providing for the claims ; though in tact this sum fell short of their actual amount. , Sir W. A'Court had urged the Spanish Government with remon strances, first with regard to the pirates of Cabs, and next with regard to the injury done to British property by these con structive blockades • and lie had stated that a further armament would be dispatch ed to make reprisals on Spanish property. —Redress, however, was promised, and the proceedings of Sir John Owen were countermanded just in time.-- He (Mr. Canning) believed that the redress was pro. raised by Spain faithfully and sincerely, hut at all events the redress being promised no feeling of hostility remained be tween the two countries. It was considered that it would not be delicate or proper to state to the Government of Spain what was the conduct of England with regard to her differences with France while their negotiation for redress was going on. But now the fact appeared; and it would be seen that while we were calling upon Spain to redress grievances- we had suffered from her in America, we were simultaneously defending Spain against the meditated attack on her independence in Europe. Ile must here notice one particular circumstance, as it had been the subject of general remark. lie had heard it said that offence was offered to the Spanish Govermnent by sending. Sir A'Court as our Ambassadoko Madrid, because it was stated he would carry Neapolitan polities with him. Now it happened whimsically enough, that about this time the Mini sters of the three Allied Powers had called upon him (Mr. Can ning) impowning-street, and had spoken to him against the sending of Sir W. A`Court, from an apprehension that he would countenance the cause of Spain.—(A laugh.)—However, the short answer was, that Sir William had set off. No doubt, the course followed by Sir William, in the discharge of his duty, was not calculated in the first instance to make bun very popu. lac in Spain. Ile was there in the character of a hard creditor addressing a reluctant, debtor. As soon, however, as all hope of effecting an understanding between France and Spain had abandoned, the whole.course of our negotiation was communi cated to the Spanish Government, which then saw that our cause of complaint against Spain, for the injuries clone to our commerce, had not infected our negociations respecting her at Verona. (Hear, bear !)—From that time the feeling towards Sir W. A'Court became evidently changed; and he bad laboured with honest, it might indeed be said with Spanish feeling, in behalf of the cause of Spain. While Spain was uncertain as to the course intended to be taken by England, she had solicited our good offices in the way of mediation, and had solicited them expressly so that our interference should not be inconsistent with the strictest neutrality. Our mediation was to be that of a friend, and to entitle us even to the thanks bf the party advised. The English Government accordingly offered its mediation. The French Government declined the offer, alletig ing that the grounds of clifferencebetween the two countries were not of a nature to require practical examination, (A laugh) that they grew out of the influence of what was passing In Spain upon the internal affairs of France, that this had caused a state of mutual jealousy - andirritationao which even war was preferable, as it might lead to a peacc which would remove the cause of difference. This was the substance of the French Answer, and upon this answer he thought the House would agree with him in saying that this was a case in which England would have a right tesay to both parties, that without some thing more specific for the subject in difference, it would be better for a third party not to interfere at all. But as the lan guage on both sides had hitherto been most pacific, as his Ma jesty's Government felt alarm lest the peace of Europe should be disturbed, they did not think they would be justified in 'losing the slightest chance which was left of accommodation.— They therefore determined to see what could be done by an endeavour to bring about a mutual accommodation. The ques tion was reduced to one entir-ly between France and Spain.— The case foreseen at Verona, in case of the withdrawing of the Allied Ministers, had actually occurred, and we determined to thew to Spain our anxiety to distinguish our conduct from that of the other Powers, and" to prove that our disposition to wards her was most friendly. The Duke of Wellington had a right to be considered as the friend of Spain. He had success. fully restisted the former attacks of France upon her, and that independence which he had established by the sword he was anxious to support by negociation. If ever a Man had a right to speak as a friend, without being thought desirous of dictat ing, it was the Duke of Wellington who was identified with Spain and her' history He, "therefore, through one who had been his companion in arms and his assistant at Verona ; Who was moreover his confidential friend, stated his opinions of the Spanish Constitution, and they were stated not in the finesse of diplomacy, but in the honest frankness of sincerity. This too, it was to be observed, was after France had expressed her desire of peace. The statement of the Duke chewed that we were asking nothing for ourselves; that the advic e was th at o f it friend, leaving the Spaniards to accept or reject it as they thought proper, and without giving them to under. stand in any way that their acceptance of it was to be the price of our good will. It was under these circum stances, and for this purpese, that Lord Fitzroy Somerset had been dispatched to Madrid ; and, looking back at this transaction, if he (Mr. C.) were asked whether he would do the like again, he did hot know that lie should answer in the affirmative ; but had he not done so, and the war had taken place, he should be sorry to thing that-.with such materials for negociation, he had not taken the chance which was offered him. Lord Fitzroy Somerset had is confidential memorandum delivered to him, containing the opidions of the Duke, such in. deed as were already known to many of the principal persons in Spain. This was about the first week in .January ; Spain having applied for our mediation in December, and our offer of mediation having been in the course of the same month.— Not many weeks afteewards an event occurred, which was most unexpected, and which materially shook his hopes of an accommodation. Ile needed scarcely to tell the House, that lie alluded to the speech of the King of France on opening the Chailibers.--(Hear, hear, hear!)-..N0 MAR could 'possibly feel more 'strongly than himself upon the construction of that speech. If objections were made to the Spanish Constitution on its own merits, he did not know that interference could be justified ; but when it. was laid down as the principal ob jection to it, that it had not emanated from theßing, he was sure that no Spaniard could consent to alter it at the instance of a Foreign Power.—(llcar, hear !)—And he was convinced that no Englishman would countenance the demand to alter it. —(Cheers.}—No time had been lost in conveying these senti. ments to the French Government. It was declared to that Government that if such was the meaning of the speech, there was an end to negociation ; that the principle was one which could not be tolerated ; that it struck at the root of the English Constitution.—(Loud Ch eers .)—l t was a dd e d, t h at as England did not think of p u t t i ng forwar d h er C onst i ni . thin for the adoption of . other countries, she did not see by. what right France either offered her 'own es a model, or at tempted .to force an alteration in the Constitutions of other countries. In Conclusion it was stated., that if any other con. struction of the Speech were to be adopted, the door of nego tiation might still be considered as not altogether closed. He might here obserVe, that the copy of the Speech forwarded to him by the French Minister here, conta i ne d a pro f us i on o f ex . pressions of a desire to negotiate, anti asking a continuance of our goad office. It was not a little surprising, that up to the last moment, the French GoVernment appeared to have thought they bad hit upon the chord which would be responded to at ( fi A lad la r t i l d gh ; 4..... ant l i n th i a le t th th es is e s trin ec e i c l a were p a ssing, a new aPPlication was the sovereign specific.-- had been made to the English by th e Snish Government for a more active employment of o Spanish good offices; and we would not say that we thought the cause . was hopeless,' seeing that those engaged in it had thought th oee good offices wort h the trial. is o active part, however, had been taken by our Minister at Madrid. Sir Strilliam bad merely ;tated what chance there was of peace, and the House was aware that a total failure had followed. In this state of things nothing remained but ter Eng land to state to both parties the couree which she would take, which she would consider most consistent with the welfare of all, and with her own honour. From the very beginning not a word had passed to lea to a belief on the part of Spain, that the English Government would be other than strictly neutral. No inference had been left to be drawn—" no loop to hang a double upon." We had declared we would do all we could to avert the war ; but ' we declared too that we would take no part in it. It was not necessary for us to say the same to }ranee ; but it was impossible to read her official documents without speaking our opinions upon them frankly. Thi s brought him to a consideration of the last paper among those he had presented. It was a dispatch directed to be delivered by the English Ambassador at Paris to the French Government. To leave • no doubt to be inferred, it first gave an account of the whole negociation iron) the commencement, in order that the French Government might be Consonant of every circum. stance. It then stated, that it only remained for his Majesty's Governnient to declare the conduct it was its intention to pursue towards the two nations to which it was bound by ties of amity , an and good will. That the repeated disavowal m a d e b y hi s most supposition Cllrist that iAilMiki lie eBty° ksre i il i t niu to taketye6f ► aggrandizement forbad a un iital7 Possession of Spain, or toe i o iti ff d er b eo e :c Re teal assize. g i i ci v n en to (O hi h s is e iV a l ti ares li t c y ll , l o ‘i n es tb i e Y ilart of the French Government, of its determination to t the d o mi n i ons o f hi s Britannic Majesty's ally, Portugal. ear hear In—lt did not therefore necessarily follow that there should be war between France and that country. With respect to the Spanish Ameri can countries, it appeared that, by the course of time and events they bad become completely separated from the Mother Coun try. Although their formal recognition Might be hastened or retarded by various circumstances, it was the opinion of his Ma. jesty's Government that, sootier or later, that must take place. The Government of Spain had long been advised of his Ma jaesn)t.y;ll:ten"itinolanntouPotipnprothpi"risautebiat'l4iiol'eirtioanilninot thhealtatiteleSsapanmeisl?ise ter ritories in America; tliey also received the assurance of France t h at she will not a tt e mpt to make any such territories subiect to her domination. Accepting this fr an k di savowal and exp l anat i on , thp,B r i t i s h eeiribassatler was directed to inform his Excellency Viscount Chateaubritintl, than it was the intention 'of this country to maintain a strict neutrality, so long as the just interest a n d h onour o f G rea t Britain would pernut. The Right Hon. Gentlem a n then proceeded to observe, that, with' respect to that part of the question which involved the faith of Treaties--he meant as regarded Portugal, France had never for one moment been left uninformed that an unprovoked at tack upon that country would inevitably draw forth the oppo. sition of this country.--(Hear, 'teem !)--.There bad been much misconstruction on the subject ; for it had not only been held, what undoubtedly was correct, that aggression in respect of .Portugal must be forcibly repelled by. Great Britain, but that this question of war was to he left to the decision of that coun try ; so that, by her attacking France, we also were to follow her into the war. Now the ground of the alliance betwiirt this country and Portugal was one distictly defensive, and not offensive, and if there was one law of nations more clear than another, it was, that a defensive alliance did not commit the other party to war, by the one voluntarily undertaking it.— (Hear, hear !)—Not for one moment had France hesitated to de clare, not alone to England, but to England through Portugal, as well as to herself, that she would observe a strict forbear ance towards that country, unless Portugal commenced an attack upon France. There was no occasion for Portugal to go to war unless she chose. He was not saying what it might be most politic for this country to do under certain circum stances, but confining himself merely to what the faith of tree. ties bound us, which was no more than to defend Portugal against unprovoked aggression: England had always fulfilled this engagement even to her own loss, and it was obvious that in proportion as we meant to he scrupulous in the obaervaitce of our engagements, we ought to be careful in ascertaining their distinct limits. There was another point with reference to Spanish America' upon which he might be indulged with permission to make a few observations. It would undoubt edly he more agreeable not to have been called upon to make the disclosure of the sentiments of the British Cabinet which he had just adverted to on this subject : but there had been tie help for it. So long as Spain remained at peace and in full possession of all her natural means and resources, his Majesty's Government had refrained from pressing upon her what was an undoubted fact, viz. that she had lost all hold upon her colonies. His Majesty's Government had uniformly advised a settlement, abstaining, however, at all times, from stipulating for any mercantile advantage, conceiving that the Mother Country was intitled to unrestricted benefit,of this nature, whilst we ought to be contented with being placed on the foot ing of other friendly countries. He had been asked more than once to use our good offices to arrange these differences, but we had refused to accept the negociation without an under. standing that we were not to be bound by the result in thetnat. ter of our own recognition. The period had now arrived, how. ever, when we were called upoii to declare what view we took of the question relating to the Colonies, by the circumstance of France for her own purposes, admitting the claim of Spain to a de juro dominion. The British Government therefore caine for ward to declare her opinion that a de facto separation had taken place, although it bad no right by acknowledging a de juro se paration to put it out of the power of the Mother Country` to negociate. He was aware that however the House might be sa tisfied with the proceedings in other respects, there were many in that House who thought that the case ofSpain was one which did not require or even warrant this country to confine itself within the limits of neutrality. Ile was aware that many entertained that opinion, and when the proper time should come the 'dis cussion of that branch of the subject, he would be prepared to chew why he thought they were not borne out by the principle of justice, nor the interests of States. When he said they were not., borne out injustice, he wished not to be understood as sving that a war in such circumstances would be unjust.—(Hear 7) — but that a war was not necessarily called tor. Some Hon. Gentlemen on the other side of the House had done him the ho nour to mark him where he had disclaimed designating the war as unjust, and to him he would take leave to say, that it was not sufficient that there should be cause of war that those on whom the awful responsibility of such a step rested should plunge into it. It was not enough, lie repeated, that there should simply be cause of war—it was not enough that that cause should be urgent ; but it must be consistent with the ine ternal state of the country,—(flcar, hear !)—Did he blame those who called for opposition to that Power which interfered with the internal regulation of a people because something in their institutions offended the eye-sight ? Far from it,— the impulse was noble, as. was the sentiment from which it proceeded honourable. But it required to be chastised and chastened down by opposition -with other considerations. He envied the feelings of those, who unshackled by the weight of responsibility, were free to give vent to their natural feelings, and call for war.—(Hear, hear !)—With all the respect-he-en tertained for some of the individuals implicated, he must freely confess that he could not see by what means it was possible to justify the conduct of France towards Spain. What had Spain dotietojuitify the parallel which had been made between the .course pursued by it, and the conduct of France at a former period.? Let' them look to what had occurred in the case of SavOy and Avignon, before even the sword was drawn in Europe against revolutionary France.---(Hear, hear !)—if all Europe was arrayed against France in the beginniog of the present century, France had been advised of the consequences of her actit 2 and that it was not because of the errors of hi ternal adnimiatration, but because she was determined to pro pagate—first, her doctrines, and next, her dominion by the sword: At all events, France ought to be the last to set up such a defence. But that France with the evils of her former course to account for, should now turn round anti make an ex ample Of herself to justify her own iniquity, was a sort of per version of reasoning to which it was as difficult to characterize, as it was to conceive a justification for.—(llear !)—He knew that on this subject there was .a question at issue between hint and sonic of the Hon. Gentlemen opposite, which he 'should be happy to diScuss when the period should arrive, without, hoi. ever, challenging the discussion. There were, indeed, great va rieties of opinions. lie had heard, amongst others, not only that ' this country should go to war, but that she should commence it. We should have told France, it was contended, that we would go to war with her if she did so and so, without altogether stop. ping to consider whether we might or not decline hereafter re. deeming the pledge. To this he could never subscribe; but'he deemed it an error in principle. There was then another to which he.was also strongly opposed. Ile meant.that which contended that we ought to go to war as an auxiliary, if we could not as a principal. Now he was convinced that, if ever there was a war in the world which it was impossible to ,wage in a insti gated partial way, it was this. If war were to take place it must be with the whole power of the nation—toto cerlari cor. pore regal !--(Hear, hear, hear !)-'There was nothing in the present state of Europe which would admit of partial war fare—nothing that would warrant our thinking of war with oat putting forth all our energies, 'exhausting all our re sources with a fixed determination to succeed, or perish in the enterprise.--Glear, hear, hear!)—That was the war which we had to choose, if any; and the question was whether hqnour required we should take that alternative; and if that were safe, whether interest prescribed the election. The deci sion in his opinion was sound and just, and he must say that as far as the British Parliament expressed the sense of the coun try, the general sentiment was in accordance with that opinion. (Hear, hear !)--The determination of his Majesty's `Govern. men t had been taken for neutrality.—(ll ear,hear I)—The noose would give him leaiie to say that the honest choice lay between war and neutrality. One or the other -must be chosen, and that with the intention rigidly to adhere to the election —war, open and determined; or neutrality without any covert aid to one side Or the other. If he were asked the limits of rteu: utility, he would tell them that they were to be discovered by that golden rule, which applied to polities as well as morals-.. cc D o unt o o th er s that which thou wouldst they should do unto you."--(llear, hear, hear!)--But he would say to Eng. land—Do that to others which you have made others do to-. wards you 1 It was well known to those who heard him, that thii country had long laid dowirthe law to the world on the great question involved by neutral rights in a code which would go down to future ages as the monument of the learn ing—the very antiquity of our country. Ile alluded to that code of laws residing In the series of decisions pronounced by that great jurist Sir William Scott. 'When . Urged to acts in so violation of neutrality, that code would lie oppose in answer.' The Right Hon. (ientlernan then adverted to the question of mediation. The me of herin complaint vi iai ci nt l oir France was, th a t Sp a i n cm . bodied, in institutions, that which was dis quieting to France. The counter-complaint of Spain was, that the army of Observation on the confines created dis. quietude in Spain. In answer to this, it was demanded that some small advance should be made towards conciliation or concession, and the army would be withdrawn ; and the rejoinder, of Spain declared, that no such . concession could be made whilst the army remained in position. This was the state of the differences when the mediation of this coun try took place. In his opinion they had not seemed more against S pain in recommending partial concession, than against ' . l`rance.in advising the withdrawal of troops which she thought necessary to her security. lie bagged to point out that there was a difference betwixt mediation and good offices ; for by the one the party accepting the task became pledged to one side, which was not the case with the other. Spain could not be asked to give' up the point upon ,which she hail resolved to stand ; and no one could have the right to order the .with. drawal of the. )French army. He was happy in - thinking 'that he would not here to reproach himself with having ste. ululated Spain to opposition, without haVing the . power or the intention to support her in the struggle.- - That was a course which'it Would not have been -consistent, with honour to have pursued. It was -nor however to be believed, that beceuee his Majesty's Government had decided open nen- trality, that therefore they were indifferent. " Indifferent," said the Right lion. Secretary, " we are not.—(Cheers.)—We most earnestly hope and wish that Spain may come triumph., ant out of the struggle."--{Reiterated cheers from all sides of the House.)—The first symptoms of that success which he so ardently wished, he did believe would be those changes in their civil institutions which had been recommended by this country. —(Hear.)—He knew it was a point of honour, nor did he blame it ; but whether Spain or France were eventually suc cessful, viewing the calamities of war, he must be allowed to regret that they had not given way in the first instance. It would have led to the . with&awal of the army of observation, and now he would have had to congratulate the House ; On the pacific relations of the two countries, instead of deploring this disclosures he had found himself obliged to make.—(lsoud and continued cheering.) Mr. BROUGHAM did not mean to enter into the moment ous topics which the Right Hon. Gentleman who hail just sat . down bad brought under the consideration of the House, fur ther than to state his reasons for not at that time going at length into the subject. His desire to state his reasons in the , first instances was not so much with a view to that House, as to place before the eyes of the country, who, he believed, mere impatient fur the dieenweion ; and who, tie knew, Were, animated with many of those eentineents which did so made honour to the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite, and who he was sure did not understand why so gre a t an abstinence bed so long been observed on that side of the Mute. He (Mr. B.) was one of those who, at a distant part of the casuistry: when the netification was given, did not see the reason why the present papers should not have preceded thostatement of the Right Hon. Secretory, instead of baring the explaitatiore of his conduct first, and the information afterwards. Ha hoped he should be forgiven if he declared that his opinion of that inconvenience had not been changed by the events of that evening ; for he had listened with all the attention lee was master of without having been able to discover what was the coot se Government had pursued. Helnuld see plain enough that the line of neutrality was that in which it eras their inten- lion to walk for the future; but he mothd nut learn what had. been done, or what had been the effect eel what was done at Verona aurrelsewhere. He had witnessed with surprize the light and easy manner in which the Right Huts. Gentleman had gone over that.part of , his case which 'elated to Verona.. All that they beard of it was, that the Duke of Wellington went to Paris to renew the remunstrunces he bad mink at Verona ; but what these were, he repeated, was nu where,tu he found in the speech they had heard—that omission formed a perfect and remarkable hiatus its the discourse of the Right Hun. Gentle. man. lie leaped, therefore, that the papers presented to them Could thew something beyond vague generalities, and expres sions of good will to the Spanish cause-toll-leer, hear'.)--He trusted they would there fuel the record of some strung i moo strances against the invasion of Spain. lie did nut curate to say, that a menace ought to have been - held out. That had been blown Ilium by the Right Hem. Gentleman; although be could not admit that any one on his side of the House bad ever ileitis hearing advocated holding out a threat not meaning to' fOlfil it. He could never persuade himself that it was enough foe this country to have told the offending Powers—" Remember, that if you du this act, we shell not join our forces with yoties for the conquest of Spain."--(Hear, he arl)— * That missies more than Saying— , we are nut such unprincipled. inibecilee as you." It was do more than saying, that we were not such infatuated and such ignorant i wheelies as those men who were untaught by adversity—a teacher of wisdom, in no Case, hope ever low or desperate, ever before known to fail.--(Heat.) —This was only draweug a single, line of separation betel* us and those despicable Ultres, who were at once a slien e e to themselves anti the enlightened people over whom they governed, and a-misery to the rest of the world,—(Hear,lear!) —What gratitude could they owe the Minister who bad merely distinguished. them front such wretches as these ?. If this was all the chauge that had been effected in that systeet pursued by the late Foreign Secretary, and which, it had hero hoped, would never be continued nor revived, they held no thanks to give. If this was al4 they had but little to rebuke the'Brumuregem orator on the other side of the,water-;-4 writer of hail verses, and worst tnatsilestoes. This, lee con tended, was nothing, for bia .Majesty's tslinisters dared.out have dune less—they dared nut tor their very placit, which they loved so much. Even Mr. Pin, ire the plereitude of bis power,would not lease elaieJ join ins 'eh a daring seheme.What then would the country say when tiny bested that the Mini ter standing up in that House, and mixing up this inforMa• then with few generous sentiments, spread oelight the - 41,1;0i hi s au di ence , rec e iving applause tram this side. and *het side, whilst a death-like stillness pervaded the assembly in all MTh ments but those given to tumultuous esultat ion---(Hear'!).— Till he saw the Right Hon. Gentlreassies statement .ti a corn. pressed state, be - ebould be quite .unable, to determitit .11ViW long belted continued to be the dupes of the rienefe Govern ment. That he had been duped there could be: no 4 100141- that was his case, and that lie lead nut made muchof it was the fault of. the case, Ile had contrived, betwixt his expres sions of contempt and ahuse, to insiauate a little well ereant courtesy ; but till be knew how lung the Right Hon. Geritle- Man was the dupe of this Government, he should be nicsala to say whether it were that finished specimen 0 perfidy ter Which modern Italy send ancieut Greece, .with all the wiles of the one, paving the a' a)i for thee atrocity of the other,stair nished no parallel, The whole meaning of what lead fallen from the Right Hon. Gentleman was, that a setpf mete snore cunning, more wheedling. more devoid of honour, whese words were less to be relied on stover existed its the world chart this French Government with whore hy loot been negotiating. No doubt they would see by the Papers, that till the apirCar. ante of the Speech of the King of France the French Govero went had succeeded by unexampled perfidy in keeping up a constant and sanguine expectation t hat there would be sees war, How then one so acute as the Right Hem. Gentleman could • have dictated such a dispatch as that front which, lee had reael a few passages to the House, be could nut understand.; Ha knew et was to be rioted, and that it was to be press -ate el tee that. House with the very doctonents which would pre% o its weakness, and yet he admitted in it that nothing to Ilse shape of ambitionno thought of aggrandizement, eines eel into the motives of the Bourbons in making 1116 lief:trims% tiggression upon Spain, To be sure itu one ire bit sitesea would he so tetchy, see foolish, ai to Suppose they would over run Spain with any feeling of aggrandissement. l( this had not been read by the author, be should have thought et was= the invention of his enemy, and a very burgling eneusy Ivo.— WI he had an opportunity of seeing the Papers, however, he would not say one word us, to the cause to which tins country was pledged, further thantlrat lee never for one no ment could eminteinance a plan Which was wallet of sense, more than want of principle, via, that of holding out it threet, which it was not meant to follow up. If he approved of neutrality, it was because he hated war.—(Hear 0--Shut it should not he It mock neutrality. For aught he could tell,. it might he our eel his reasons for wishing that war had here. resolved on, because hi might think that to prepare forwar was the sure way of keeping the peace—(Hear, heat 1)-1 he question was not whether they should leave peace orrtwer,' but whether war now, or be dragged into it hereafter when less prepared, and our enemy in possession of the grouted, and in full strength. If we slid not go to war we should ha left tote gratification which the people of this country knew only by description—he rut'ant the exercise of the rhart of visitations hey the Belligerents. With, the extraordinary ire- West whichthe people of this country took in those 'inns were abroad, exposed to tier dangers of the watery elernent. ' it webs not likely they would regard this fruitful source whys ' nuyance with very indulgent eyes. He kol.rd they woad bear it with cell patience. Ile hoped that they Who had le, long taught others the. delight of blockading squadron. • would patiently enjoy the satuethemselves--atbat theyesvould with the same complacency regard. that system which placed .thent under the right of search of every boat that could .carry five mere and a gun. And he ma little &milted they would is he did that the beauteous and bewitching ora tory of Sir William Scott, his ingenious recondite sea sorting, so congenial to all but .nentrals, would make it palatable.—(blear, Inter, and laughter.)...-It seem, d al ready to have bewitched the, Right lion. Gentleman, (Mr. Canning,) as indeed it had tawny: been f o und tee du with the het ligerents.—(Hear, hear !)—This he seat ed onlyas a foretaste of what he beeped they would hear with resignation,-tipatt of the painful neutral process motet which it was not imps/While they might break out, and then would come amputation its the . semblance of a true war.—HratEt!eir !)..eHe would refrain from going further into the sohjes:t sit reseed. Ile knew t here were many in that House who wished to plunge intediscossionl; and be must say, that never since lee eves born, had tee teetsed 4 it et t ai e sd s e l li t; ebs Hatt.i r k il 1 : 0 N ever iei rendered ntt s . : n o e it : o : h;:t.vtbleoeunduf to total theeii I gi i t , l s : I : the e le/ ! l) s t e" g h r i i e e:a a lt s g i u r e ot w r l t t : d f : am o t r f o :t u u t a r r i o t : hfoarittitliVeteelltihrersginfileenredrbelsopnesc.t—ilerbCat:tlebreritabnaZtiwehteendjamhP ,I ,