The Sun. — London, England, 1837-01-02 00:00:00

The experience of other nations admonished us to hasten :be extinguishment of the public debt. But it will be in vain that we have congratulated each other upon the disappearance of this evil, if we do not guard against the equally great one of promoting the unnecessary accumulation of public revenue. No political maxim is better established than that which tells us that all improvident expenditure of money is the parent of profligacy, and that no people can hope to perpetuate their liberties, who long acquiesce in a policy which taxes them for objects not necessary to the legitimate and real wants of this Government. Flattering as is the condition of our country at the present period, because of its unexampled advance in all the steps of social and political improvement, it cannot be dis guied that there is a lurking danger already apparent in the neglect of this warning truth, and that the time has arrived when the representatives of the people should be employed in devising some more appropriate remedy than now exists to avert it. Under our present revenue system there is every probabi lity that there will continue to be a surplus beyond the want of the Government ; and it has became our duty to decide whether such a result be consistent with the true objects of our Government. Should a surplus be permitted to accumulate beyond the appropriations it must be retained in the Treasury as it now is, or distributed among the people of the States. To retain it in the Treasury unemployed in any. way is im practicable. It is, besides, against she genius of our free in stitutions to lock up in vaults the treasure of the nation. To take from the people the right of bearing arms, and put their weapons of defence in the bands of a standing army, would be scarcely more dangerous to their liberties than to permit the Government to accumulate immense amoutits of treasure be yund the supplies necessary to its legitimate wants. Such a treasure would doubtless be employed, at some time, as it has been in Other countries, when opportunity tempted ambition. To collect it merely for distribution to the States would seem to be highly impolitic, if not as dangerous as the propo sition to retain it in the Treasury. The shortest reflection must satisfy every one that, to require the people to pay taxes to the Government merely that they may be paid back again, is sporting with the substantial interests of the country, and no system which produces such a result can be expected to reeeivc the public countenance. Nothing could be gained by sit, even if each individual who contributed a portion of the tax :ould receive back promptly the same portion. But it is ap --prent that no system of the kind ca n ever be enf o rced which Twill not absorb a considerabl e p or ti on o f th e mone) , t o b e dis tributed in salaries and commissions to the agents to be em ployed in the process, and in the various losses and deprecia tions which arise from other causes ; and the practical effect of such an attempt must ever be to burthen the people with taxes, not for purposes beneficial to them, but to swell the profits of d e p os it b an k s , an d support a b an d of useless public officers. A distribution to the people is impracticable and unjust in other respects. It would be taking one man's property and giving it to another. Such would be the unavoidable result or equality (and none other is spoken of, or would be likely to be adopted), inasmuch as there is no mode by which the amount of individual contributions of our citizens to the public revenue can be ascertained. Vie know that they contribute unequally, and a rule therefore that would distribute to them equally would be liable to all the objections which apply to the principle of an equal division of property. To make the ge tiara! Government the instrument of carrying this odious prin ciple into effect would be at once to destroy the means of its usefulness, and change the character designed for it by the framers of the Constitution. 1 But the more extended and injurious consequences likely to • result from a policy which would collect a surplus revenue for the purpose of distributing it, may be forcibly illustrated by an examination of the effects already produced by the present De posit Act. This Act, although certainly designed to secure the safe keeping of the public revenue, is not entirely free in , it= teedencies from many of the objections which apply to this preesiple of distribution. The Government had, without ne ceselty, received from the people a large surplus, which, in stead of bring employed as heretofore, and returned to them by means of the public expenditure, was deposited with sundry Paths. The hanks proceeded to make loans upon this surplus, mel this converted it into banking capital; and in this manner it has aided to multiply bank charters, and has had a great agency in producing a spirit of wild speculation. The pos ,' sessien and use of the property out of which this surplus was eseeted tseleng to the people; but the Government has trans ferred its possession to incorporated banks, whose interest and ;last it is to make large profits out of its use. This process meal only be stated to show its injustice and bad policy. And the same observations apply to the influence which is produced by the steps necessary to collect as well as to distri bete such a revenue. About three-fifths of all the duties on imports are paid in the city of New York, but it is obvious that the means to pay those duties are drawn from every quar ter of the Union. Every citizen in every State, who pur chases and consumes any article which has paid a duty at that putt, contributes to the accumulating mass. The surplus col lected there must, therefore, be made up of moneys er pro perty withdrawn from other points and other States. Thus the wealth and business of every region from which those sur plus funds proceed must be to some extent injured, while that of the place where the funds are concentrated, and are em ployed in he-king, are proportionably extended. But both in making the transfer of the funds which are first necessary to pay tit: duties and collect the surplus, and in making the transfer which becomes necessary when the time arrives for the distribution of that surplus, there is a considerable period when the funds cannot be brought into use ; and it is manifest that, besides the loss inevitable from such an operation, its tendency is to produce fluctuations in the business of the coun try which are always productive of speculation, and detrimen tal to the interests of a regular trade. Argument can scarcely be necessary to show that a measure of this character ought not to receive further legislative encouragement. By examining the practical operation of the ratio for dis tribution adopted in the Deposit Bill of the last session we ;shad discover other features, that appear equally objectionable. Let it be assumed, for the sake of argument, that the surplus moneys to be deposited with the States have been collected, and belong to them, in the ratio of their federal representa tive population—an assumption founded on the fact that any deficiencies in our future revenue from imposts and public lands must be made up by direct taxes, collected from the States in that ratio. It is proposed to distribute the surplus say 30,000,000 dollars, not according to the ratio in which it had been collected and belongs to the people of the States, but in that of their votes in the colleges of electors of Presi dent and Vice-President. The effect of a distribution upon that ratio is shown by the annexed table, marked A. By an examination of that table it will be perceived that in the distribution of a surplus of thirty millions dollars, upon that basis, there is a great departure from the principle which regards representation as the true measure of taxation ; and it will be found that the tendency of that departure will be found to increase whatever inequalities have been suppesed to attend the operation of our federal system in respect to its hearings upon the different interests of the Union. In making the basis of representation the basis of taxation the framers of the Constitution intended to equalize the burdens which are necessary to support the Government; and the adoption of the ratio, while it accomplished this object, was also the means of adjusting other great topics arising out of the conflicting views respecting the political equality of the various members of the confederacy. Whatever therefore disturbs the liberal spirit of the compromises which established a rule of taxation so just and equitable, and which experience has proved to be so well adapted to the genius and habits of our people, should be received with the greatest caution and distrust. A bare inspection, in the annexed table, of the differences produced by the ratio used in the Deposit Act, compared with the results of a distribution according to the ratio of the direct taxation, must satisfy every unprejudiced mind that the former ratio contravenes the spirit of the Constitution, and produces a degree of injustice in the operation of the Federal Govern ment which would be fatal to the hope of perpetuating it. By the ratio of direct taxation, for example, the State of De laware, in the collection of thirty million dollars of revenue, would pay into the Treasury 188,716 dollars ; and in a dis tribution of thirty millions, she would receive back from the Government, according to the ratio of the Deposit Bill, the sum of 305,122 ; and similar results would follow the compa rison between the small and the large States throughout the Union, thus realizing to the small States an advantage which would be doubtless as unacceptable to them as a motive for in corporating the principle in any system which would produce it, as it would lie inconsistent with the right and expectation the - large States. It was certainly the intention of that pro vision of the Constitution which declares "all duties, imposts, and excise" shall be " uniform throughout the United States," to make the burdens of taxation fall equally upon the people in whatever State of the Union they may reside. But what would be the value of such an uniform rule, if the moneys raised by it could be immediately returned by a different one, - which will give to the people of some States much more, and to those of others much less, than their fair proportions ? Were the Federal Government to exempt, in express terms, the imports, products, and manufactures of some portions of the country from all duties, while it imposed heavy ones on others, the injustice could not be greater. It would be easy to show how, by the operation of such a principle, the large States of the Union would not only have to contribute their just share towards the support of Federal Government, but alsa have to bear in some degree the taxes necessary to sup port the Government of their smaller sisters; but it is deemed unnecessary to state the details where the general principle is so obvious. A system liable to such objections can never be supposed to have been sanction by the framers of the Constitution, when they conferred in Congress the taxing power ; and I feel persuaded that,emature examination of the subject will satisfy nvcryone that there insurmountable difficulties in the opera tion of any plan which can be devised of collecting revenue for the purpose of distributing it. Congress is only authorized to levy taxes " to pay the debts and provide for the common defence and general welfare of the United States." There is no such provision as would authorize Congress to collect together the property of the country, under the name of reve nue, for the purpose of dividing it equally or unequally among the States or the people. Indeed, it is not probable that such an idea ever occurred to the States when they adopted the ( 1, -Istitution. But, however this may be, the only safe side us in interpreting the powers granted to the Federal Go .ment is to regard the absence of express authority to touch eject so important and delicate as this is as equivalent to it bition. on if onr powers were less doubtful in this respect as the ion now stands, there are considerations afforded by -erience, which would seem to make it our duty to ,ort to such a system. ',admit that the simplicity and ec onom y o f th e St a t e ;fi t mainly depend on the fact that money has to be , ti , cuppert by thy, same men, or their agents, ' THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY, JANUARY 2, 1837. classes cannot supply their wants out of their wages, that the wages rise, and gradually reach a just proportioned rate to that of the products of their labour. When thus, by the de preciation in consequence of the quantity of paper in circula tion, wages as well as prices become exorbitant, is soon found that the whole effect of the adulteration is a tariff on our own home industry for the benefit of the countries where gold and silver circulate, and maintain uniformity and moderation in prices. It is then perceived that the enhancement of the price of land and labour produces a corresponding increase in the price of products, until these products do not sustain a compe tition with similar ones in other countries; and thus both ma nufactured and agricultural productions cease to bear exporta tion from the country of the spurious currency, because they cannot be sold for cost. This is the process by which specie is banished by the paper of the banks. Their vaults are soon ex hausted to pay for foreign commodities ; the next step is a stoppage of specie payment ; a total degradation of paper as a currency ; unusual depression of prices, the ruin of debtors, and the accumulation of property in the hands of creditors and cautious capitalists. It was in view of these evils, together with the dangerous power wielded by the Bauk of the United States, and its re pugnance to our Constitution, that I was induced to exert the power conferred upon me by the American people to prevent the continuance of that institution. But, although various dangers to our Republican institutions have been ob viated by the failure of that Bank to extort from the Go vernment a renewal of its charter, it is obvious that little has been accomplished except a salutary change of public opi nion towards restoring 'to the country the sound currency provided for in the Constitution. In the acts of several of the States prohibiting the circulation of small notes, and the auxiliary enactments of Congress at the last session, forbidding their reception or payment on public account, the true policy of the country has been advanced, and a large portion of the precious metals infused into our circu lating medium. These measures will probably be followed up in due time by the enactment of State laws banishing from circulation bank notes of still higher denominations ; and the object may be materially promoted by further Actk of Congress, forbidding the employment, as fiscal agents, of such banks as continue to issue notes of low denomina tions, and throw impediments in the way of the circulation of gold and silver. The effects of an extension of bank credits and over issues of bank paper have been strikingly illustrated in the sales of the public lands. From the returns made by the various re gisters and receivers in the early part of last summer it was perceived that the receipts arising from the sales of the public lands were increasing to an unprecedented amount. In effect, however, those receipts amounted to nothing more than credit in banks. The banks let out their notes to spe culators ; they were paid to the receivers, and immediate!) , returned to the banks, to be lent out again and again, being mere instruments to transfer to speculators the most valuable public land, and pay the Government by a credit on the books of the banks. Those credits on the books of some of the western banks, usually called deposits, were already greatly beyond their immediate means of payment, and were rapidly increas ing. Indeed each speculation furnished means for another ; for no sooner had one individual or company paid in their notes than they were immediately lent to another for a like purpose, and the banks were extending their business and their issues so largely as to alarm considerate men, and render it doubtful whether these bank credits, if permitted to accumulate, would ultimately be of the least value to the Government. The spirit of expansion and speculation was not con fined to the deposit banks, but pervaded the whole multitude of banks throughout the Union, and was giving rise to new institutious to aggravate the evil. The safety of the public funds, and the interests of the peo ple generally, require that these operations should be checked; and it became the duty of every branch of the General and State Governments to adopt all legitimate and proper means to produce that salutary effect. Under this view of my duty I directed the issuing of the order which will be laid before you by the secretary of the Treasury, requiring payment for the public lands to be made in specie, with an exception until the 15th of the present month in favour of actual settlers. The measure has produced many salutary consequences. It checked the career of the western banks, and gave them additional strength in anticipation of the pressure which has since per vaded our eastern as well as the European commercial cities. By preventing the extension of the credit system it measurably cut off the means of speculation, and retarded its progress in monopolising the most valuable of the public lands. It has tended to save the new States from a non-resident proprietor ship, one of the greatest obstacles to the advancement of a new country and the prosperity of an old one. It has tended to keep open the public lands for entry by emigrants at Go vernment prices, instead of their being compelled to purchase of speculators at double or treble prices. And it is conveying into the interior large sums in silver and gold, there to enter permanently into the currency of the country, and place it on a firmer foundation. It is confidently believed that the coun try will find in the motives which induced that order, and the happy consequences which will have ensued, much to commend and nothing to condemn. It remains for the Congress, if they approve the policy which dictated this order, to follow it up in its various bear ings. Much good, in my judgment, would be produced by prohibiting sales of the public lands, except to actual settlers at a reasonable reduction of price, and to limit the quantity which shall be sold to them. Although it is believed the General Government never ought to receive anything but the constitutional currency in exchange for the public lands, that point would be of less importance if the lands were sold for immediate settlement and cultivation. Indeed, there is scarcely a mischief arising out of our present system, includ ing the accumulating surplus of revenue, which would not be remedied at once by a restriction on land sales to actual sales, and it promises other advantages to the country in general, and to the new States in particular, which cannot fail to re ceive the most profound consideration of Congress. Experience continues to realise the expectations entertained as to the capacity of the State banks to perform the duties of the fiscal agents for the Government, at the time of the re moval of the deposits. It was alleged by the advocates of the Bank of the United States, that the State banks, whatever might be the regulations of the Treasury department, could not make the transfers required by the Government, or nego tiate the domestic exchanges of the country. It is now well ascertained that the real domestic exchanges performed through discounts by the United States Bank and its twenty five branches were at least one-third less than those of the deposit bank for an equal period of time;_ and if a compa rison be instituted between the amounts of service rendered by these institutions, on the broader basis which has been used by the advocates of the United States Bank, in estimat ing what they consider the domestic exchanges transacted by it, the result will be still more favourable to the deposit bank. _ _ _ The whole amount of public money transferred by the Bank of the United States in 1832 was 16,000,000 dollars. The amount transferred and actually paid by the deposit banks in the year ending the Ist of October last was 39,319,899 dol lars ; the amount transferred and paid between that period and the 6th of November, 5,399,090 dollars ; and the amount of transfer warrants outstanding on that day, was 14,450,000 dol lars ; making an aggregate of 59,168,895 dollars. These enor mous sums of money first mentioned have been transferred with the greatest promptitude and regularity, and the rates at which the exchange have been negotated previously to the passage of the Deposit Act were generally below those charged by the Bank of the United States. Independent of these services, which are far greater than those rendered by the United States Bank, and its twenty-five branches, a num ber of the deposit banks have, with a commendable zeal to aid in the improvement of the currency, imported from abroad, at their own expense, large sums of the precious metals for coin age and circulation. In the same maneer have nearly all the predictions turned out in respect to the effect of the removal of the deposits ; a step unquestionably necessary, to prevent the evils which it was foreseen the Bank itself would endeavour to create, in a final struggle to procure a renewal of its charter. It may be thus, too, in some degree, with the further steps which may be taken to prevent the excessive issue of other Bank paper ; but it is to be hoped that nothing will now deter the Federal and State authorities from the firm and vigorous performance of their duties to themselves and to the people in this respect. In reducing the revenue to the wants of the Government, your particular attention is invited to those articles which con stitute the necessaries of life. The duty on salt was laid as a war tax, and was no doubt continued to assist in providing for the payment of the war debt. There is no article the release of which from taxation would be felt so generally and so bene ficially. To this may be added all kinds of fuel and provisions. Justice and benevolence unite in favour of releasing the poor of our cities from burdens which arc not necessary to the sup port of our Government, and tend only to increase the wants of the destitute. It will be seen by the report of the Secretary of the Trea sury, and the accompanying documents, that the Bank of the United States has made no payment on account of the stock held by the Governmeut in that institution, although urged to pay any portion which might suit its convenience, and that it has given no information when payment may be expected. Nor, although repeatedly requested, has it furnished the in formation in relation to its condition which Congress autho rised the secretary to collect at their last session. Such mea sures as are within the power of the Executive have been taken to ascertain the value of the stock, and procure the pay ment as early as possible. The conduct and present condition of that bank, and the great amount of capital vested in it by the United States, re quire your careful attention. Its charter expired on the 3d day of March last, and it has now no power but that given in the 2lst section, "to use the corporate name, style, and capacity, for the purpose of suits fur the final settlement and liquidation of the affairs and accounts of the Corporation, and for the sale and disposition of the estate, real, personal, and mixed, but not for any other purpose, or in any other manner whatsoever, nor for a period exceeding two years after the expiration of the said term of incorporation." Before the expiration of the charter, the stockholders of the bank ob tained an act of incorporation from the Legislature of Pennsyl- vania, excluding only the United Status. Instead of pro ceeding to wind up their concerns, and pay over to the United States the amount due on account of the stock held by them, the president and directors of the old bank appeared to have transferred the books, papers, notes, and obligations, and most all of its property to this new Corporation, which entered upon business as a continuation of the old concern. Among other acts of questionable validity the notes of the expired Corporation are known to have been used as its own, and again put in circulation. That the old bank had no right to issue or re-issue its notes after the expiration of its charter cannot be denied, and that it could not confer any such right on its substitute, any more than exercise it itself, is equally plain. In law and honesty, the notes of the beak in circulation at the expiration of the charter, should have bee , z.a l " ' advertisement, paid up anj presented, and, • on hand, can- extravagant and wasteful appropriations, there must be a cor responding increase of taxes ; and the people, becoming awa kened, will necessarily scrutinize the charaeter of measures which thus increase their burthens. By the watchful eye of self-interest the agents of the people in the State Governments are repressed, and kept within the limits of a just economy. But if the necessity of levying the taxes be taken from those who make the appropriations, and thrown upon a more distant and less responsible ;set of public agents, who have power to reproach the people by an indirect and stealthy taxation, there is reason to fear that prodigality will soon supersede those characteristics which have thus far made us look with so much pride and confidence to the State Governments as the main stay of our union and liberties. The State Legislatures, instead of studying to restrict their State expenditures to the smallest possible sum, will claim credit for their profusion, and harass the General Government for increased supplies. Prac tically, there would soon be but one taxing power, and that vested in a body of men far removed from the people, in which the farming and mechanic interests would scarcely be repre sented. The States would gradually lose their purity as well as their independence ; they would not dare to murmur at the proceedings of the General Government, lest they should lose their supplies ' • all would be merged in a practical consolida tion, cemented by wide-spread corruption, which could only be eradicated by one of those bloody revolutions which occasion ally overthrow the despotic systems of the old world. In all other aspects in which I have been able to look at the effect of such a principle of distribution upon the best inte rests of the country I can see nothing to compensate for the disadvantages to which I have adverted. If we consider the productive duties, which are, in a great degree, the source of the surplus revenue, beneficial to one section of the Union, and prejudicial to another, there is no corrective for the evil in such a plan of distribution. On the contrary, there is reason to fear that all the complaints which have sprung from this cause would be aggravated. Every one must be sensible that a distribution of the surplus must beget a disposition to cherish the means which create it, and any system, therefore, into which it enters must have a powerful tendency to in crease rather than diminish this tariff. If it were even ad mitted that the advantage of such a system could be made equal to all the sections of the Union, the reasons already so urgently calling for a reduction of the revenue would, never theless, lose none of their force ; for it will always be impro bable that an intelligent and virtuous community can consent to raise a surplus for the mere purpose of dividing it, dimi nished as it must inevitably be by the expenses of the various machinery necessary to the process. The safest and simplest mode of obviating all the difficul ties which have bean mentioned is to collect only revenue enough to meet the wants of the Government, and let the people keep the balance of the property in their own hands, to be used for their own profit. Each State will then support its own Government, and contribute its due share towards the support of the General Government. There would be no surplus to cramp and lessen the resources of individual wealth and enterprise, and the banks would be left to their ordinary means. Whatsoever agitations and fluctuations might arise !from our unfortunate paper system they could never be attributed, justly or unjustly, to the action of the Federal Government. There would be some guaranty that the spirit of wild speculation, which seeks to convert the sur plus revenue into banking capital, would be effectually checked, and that the scenes of demoralization which are now so prevalent would disappear. Without desire to conceal that the experience and observa tion of the last two years have operated a partial change in my views upon this interesting subject, it is nevertheless regretted that the suggestions made by me in my annual message of 1829 and 1830 have been greatly misunderstood. At that time the great struggle wps begun against the latitudinarian construction of the Constitution, which authorises the unlimited appropria tion of the revenues of the Union to internal improvements within the States, tending to invest in the hands, and place under the controul of the General Government, all the princi pal roads and canals in the country, in violation of State rights, and in derogation of State authority. At the same time the condition of the manufacturing interest was such as to create apprehension that the duties on imports could not, without extensive mischief, be reduced in season to prevent the accu mulation of a considerable surplus after the payment of the national debt. In view of the dangers of such a surplus, and in preference to its application to internal improvement in derogation of the rights and powers of the States, the sug gestion of an amendment to the Constitution to authorise its distribution was made. It was an alternative for what was deemed greater evils—a temporary resort to relieve an overburthened Treasury, until the Government could, without a sudden and destructive revolution in the business of the country, gradually return to the just prin ciple of raising no more revenue from the people in taxes than is necessary for its economical support. Even that al ternative was not spoken of but in connection with an amend ment of the Constitution. No temporary inconvenience can justify the exercise of a prohibited power, or a power not granted by that instrument ; and it was from a conviction that the power to distribute even a temporary surplus of revenue is of that character that it wag suggested only in connection with an appeal to the source of all Ice - b al power in the general Go vernment, the States which have established it. No such appeal has been taken, and in my opinion a distribution of the surplus revenue by Congress, either to the States or the people, is to be considered as among the prohibitions of the Constitution. As already intimated, my views have under gone a change, so far as to be convinced that no alteration of the Constitution in this respect is wise or expedient. The in fluence of an accumulating surplus upon the legislation of the General Government and States, its effects upon the credit system of the country, producing dangerous extensions and ruinous contractions, fluctuations in the price of property, rash speculations, idleness, extravagance, and a deterioration of morals, have taught us the important lesson that any transient mischief which may attend the reduction of our revenue by the wants of our Government is to be home in reference to an overflowing Treasury. I beg leave to call your attention to another subject, inti mately associated with the preceding one—the currency of the country. It is apparent, from the whole context of the Constitution, as well as the history of the times which gave birth to it, that it was the purpose of the Constitution to establish a currency consisting of the precious metals. These, from their peculiar properties, which rendered them the standard of value in all other countries, were adopted in this, as well to establish its commercial standard in reference to foreign countries by a permanent rule, as to exclude the use of a mutual medium of exchange, such as of certain agricultural commodities, recog nized by the statutes of some States as a tender for debts, or the still more pernicious expedient of a paper currency. The last, from the experience of the evils of the issues of .paper during the revolution, had become so obnoxious as not only to suggest the clause in the Constitution forbidding the emission of bills of credit by the States, but also to produce that vote in the Convention which negatived the proposition to grant power to Congress to charter corporations, a proposition well understood at the time, as intended to authorise the establish ment of a national bank, which was to issue a currency of bank-notes, on capital which was to be created to some extent out of the Government stocks. Although this proposition was refused by a direct vote of the Convention the object was after wards in effect obtained, by its ingenious advocates, through a strained construction of the Constitution. The debts of the revolution were funded, at prices which formed no equivalent compared with the nominal amount of the stock, and under circumstances which exposed the motives of some of those who participated in the passage of the Act to distrust. The facts, that the value of the stock was greatly enhanced by the creation of the bank, that it was well understood that such would be the case, and that some of the advocates of the measure were largely benefited by it, belong to the history of the times, and are well calculated to diminish the respect which might otherwise have been due to the action of the Congress which created the institution. On the establishment of a National Bank it became the in terest of its creditors, that gold should be superseded by the paper of the bank as a general currency. A value was soon attached to the gold coins, which made their exportation to foreign countries as a mercantile commodity more profitable than their retention and use at home as money. It followed, as a matter of course, if not designed by those who established the bank, that the bank became, in effect, a substitute for the mint of the United States. Such was the origin of a National Bank currency, and such the beginning of those difficulties which now appear in the successive issues of the banks incorporated by the various States. Although it may not be impossible, by any legislative moans within our power, to change at once the system which has thus been introduced, and has received the acquiescence of all portions of the country, it is certainly our duty to do all that is consistent with our constitutional obligations in preventing the mischiefs which are threatened by its undue extension. That the efforts of the fathers of our Government to guard against it by a constitutional provision were founded on an in timate knowledge of the subject has been frequently attested by the bitter experience of the country. The same causes which led them to refuse their sanction to a power authorising the establishment of incorporations for banking purposes now exist in a much stronger degree, to urge us to exert the utmost vigilance in calling into action the means necessrry to correct the evils resulting from the unfortunate exercise of the power, and it is to be hoped that the opportunity for effecting this great good will be i mproved before our country witnesses new scenes of embarrassment and distress. Variableness must ever be the characteristic of a currency of which the precious metals are not the chief ingredient, or which can be expanded or contracted without regard to the principles that regulate the value of those metals as a standard in the general trade of the world. With us bank issues con stitute such a currency, and must ever do so until they are made dependent on those just proportions of gold and silver as a circulating medium which experience has proved it to be ne cessary, not only in this, but in all other commercial countries. Where those proportions are not infused into the circulation, and do not controul it, it is manifest, that prices must vary according to the tide of bank issues, and the value and stabi lity of property must stand exposed to all the uncertainty which attends the administration of institutions that are constantly liable to the temptation of an interest distinct from that of the community in which they are established. The progress of an expansion, or rather a depreciation, of the currency, by excessive bank issues, is always attended by a loss to the labouring classes. This portion of the community have neither time nor opportunity to watch the ebbs and flows of the money market. Engaged from day to day in their usual toils they do not perceive that although their wages are nominally the same, or even somewhat higher, they are greatly reduced in fact by the rapid increase of a spurious cur rency, which, as it appears to make money abound, they are at first inclined to consider a blessing. It is not so with the spe culator, by whom this operation is better understood, and is made to contribute to his advantage. It is not until the prices " necessaries of become so dear that the labouring celled and destroyed. Their re-issue is sanctioned by no law, and warranted by no necessity. If the United States be re sponsible in their stock for the payment of those notes, their re-issue by the new corporation , for their own profit, is a fraud on the Government. If the United States is not responsible, then there is no legal responsibility in any quarter, and it is a fraud on the country. They are the redeemed notes of a dis solved partnership ; but, contrary to the wishes of a retiring partner, and without his consent, are again re-issued and cir culated. _ _ It is the high and peculiar duty of Congress to decide whe ther any farther legislation be necessary for the security of the large amount of public property now held and in use by the new bank, and for vindicating the rightt of the Government, and compelling a speedy and nonest settlement with all the creditors of the old bank, public and private, or whether the subject shall now be left to the power now possessed by the Executive and Judiciary. It remains to be seen whether the persons, who, as managers of the old bank, undertook to con troul the Government, retained the public dividends, shut the doors upon a committee of the House of Representetives, and filled the country with panic to accomplish their own sinister objects, may now, as managers of a new bank, continue with im punity to flood the country with a spurious currency, use the seven millions of Government stock for their own profit, and refuse to the United States all information as to the condition of their own property, and the prospect of recovering it into their own possession. The lessons taught by the bank of the United States can not well be lost upon the American people. They will take care never again to place so tremendous a power in irresponsible hands, and it will be fortunate if they really consider the con sequences which are likely to result on a smaller scale from the facility with which corporate powers are granted by their State Governments. It is believed that the law of the last session regulating the deposit banks operates onerously and unjustly upon them in many respects ; and it is hoped that Congress, on proper re presentation, wjfi adopt the modifications which are necessary to prevent this conseqtumce. The .?4ort of the Secretary at War ad interim, and the abcompan3 ing documents, all of which are herewith laid before you, will give you a full view of the diversified and important operations of that department during the past year. The military movements rendered necessary by the aggressions of the hostile portions of the Seminole and Creek tribes of In dians, and by other circumstances, have required the active employment of nearly our whole regular force, including the marine corps, and of large bodies of militia and volunteers. With all these events, so far as they are known at the seat of Government, before the termination of your last session, you are already acquainted ; and it is therefore only needful in this place to lay before you a brief summary of what has since occurred. The war with the Seminoles, during the summer, was, on our part, chiefly confined to the protection of our frontier settle ments, from the incursions of the enemy ; and as a necessary and important means for the accomplishment of that end to the maintenance of the post previously established. In the course of this duty several actions took place, in which the bravery and discipline of both officers and men were conspicuously dis played, and which I have deemed proper to notice, in respect to the former, by the granting of brevet rank for gallant ser vice in the field. But as the force of the Indians was not so far weakened by those partial successes as to lead them to submit, and as the savage inroads were frequently repeated, early measures were taken for placing at the disposal of Governor Call, who, as Commander-in-Chief of the territo- rial militia, had been temporarily invested with the command, 1 an ample force for the purpose of resuming offensive operations in the most efficient manner, so soon as the season should permit. Major-General Jessup was also directed on the con- ' elusion of his duties in the Creek country, to repair to Florida and assume the command. The result of the first movement made by the forces under the direction of Governor Call, in October last, as detailed in the accompanying papers, excited much surprise and disap pointment. A full explanation has been required of the causes which led to the failure of that movement, but has not yet been received. In the meantime, as it was feared that the health of Governor Call, who was understood to have suffered much from sickness, might not be adequate to the crisis, and as Major-General Jessup was known to have reached Florida, that officer was directed to assume the command, and to pro secute all needful operations with the utmost promptitude and vigour. From the force at his disposal, and the dispositions he has made and is instructed to make, and from the very effi cient measures which it is since ascertained have been taken by Governor Call, there is reason to hope that they will soon be enabled to reduce the enemy to subjection. In the mean time, as you will perceive from the Report of the Secretary, there is urgent necessity for further appropriations to suppress • these hostilities. Happily for the interests of humanity, the hostilities with the:Creeks were brought to a close soon after your adjourn ment, without that effusion of blood which at one time was ap prehended as inevitable. The unconditional submission of the hostile party was followed by their speedy removal to the country assigned them, west of the Mississippi. The inquiry as to alleged frauds in the purckse of the reservations of these Indians, and the cause of their hostilities, requested by the re quested by the resolution of the House of Representatives of the Ist of July last, to be made by the President, is now going on, through the agency of commissioners appointed for that purpose. Their report may be expected during your present session. The difficulties apprehended in the Cherokee country have been prevented, and the peace and safety of that region and its vicinity effectually secured, by the timely measures taken by the War Department, and.still continued. The discretionary authority given to General Gaines to cross the Sabine, and to occupy a position as far west as Nacogdo ches, in in case he should deem such a step necessary to the protection of the frontier, and to the fulfilment of the stipula tions contained in our treaty with Mexico, and the movement subsequently made by that officer, have been alluded to in a former part of this Message. At the date of the latest intel ligence from Nacogdoches our troops were yet at that station ; but the officer who has succeeded General Gaines has recently been advised that, from the facts known at the scat of Govern ment, there would seem to be no adequate cause for any longer maintaining that position ; and he was accordingly instructed, in case the troops were not already withdrawn under the dis cretionary powers before possessed by him, to give the requi site orders for that purpose, on the receipt of the instructions unless he shall then have in his possession such information as shall satisfy him that the maintenance of the post is essential to the protection of our frontiers, and to the due execution of our treaties as previously explained to him. Whilst the necessities existing during the present year for the service of militia and volunteers have furnished new proofs of the patriotism of our fellow-citizens, they have also strongly illustrated the importance of an increase in the rank and file of the regular army. The views of this subject, submitted by the Secretary of War in his report, meet my entire concur rence;_ and are earnestly commended to the deliberate atten tion of the Congress. In this connection it is also proper to remind you, that the defects in our present militia system are every day rendered more apparent. The duty of making fur ther provisions by law for organising, arming, and disciplining this arm of the defence has been so repeatedly presented to Congress by myself and my predecessors that I deem it suffi cient, on this occasion, to refer to the last annual Message, and to former executive communications, in which the subject Ins been discussed. It appears from the report of the officers charged with mustering into service the volunteers called for under the Act of Congress of the last session, that more presented them selves at the place of rendezvous in Tenessee than were sufficient to meet the requisition which had been made by the Secretary at War upon the Governor of that State. This was occasioned by the omission of the Governor to opportion the requisition to the different regiments of the militia, so as to obtain the proper number of troops, and no more. It seems but just to the patriotic citizens who repaired to the general rendezvous, under circumstances authorizThg them to believe that their services were needed, and would be accepted, that the expense incurred by them, while absent from their homes, should be paid by the Government. I, accordingly, recom mended that a law to this effect be passed by Congress, giving them a compensation which will cover their expenses on the march to and from the place of rendezvous, and while there ; in connection with which it will be also proper to make provi sion for such other equitable claims, growing out of the service of the militia, os may not be embraced in the existing laws. On the unexpected breaking out of hostilities in Florida, Alabama, and Georgia, it became necessary, in some cases, to take the property of individuals for public use. Provision should be made by law for indemnifying the owners, and I would also respectfully suggest whether some provision may not be made, consistently with the principles of our Govern ment, for the relief of the sufferers by Indian depredations or by the operations of our own troops. No time was lost after the making of the requisite appro priations in resuming the great national work of completing the unfinished fortifications on our seaboard, and of placing them in a proper state of defence. In consequence, how ; ever, of the very late date at which these Bills were passed but little progress could be made during the season which has just closed. A very large amount of the moneys,granted at , your last session, accordingly, remains unexpended ; but, as , the work will be again resumed at the earliest moment in the coming spring, the balance of the existing appropriations, and in several cases, which will be laid before you with the proper estimates, further sums for the like objects may be usefully expended during the next year. The recommendation of an increase in the Engineea Corps, and for a reorganization of the Topographical Corps, sub mitted to you in my last annual Message, derive additional strength from the great embarrassments experienced during the present year in those branches of the service, and under which they arc now suffering. Several of the most important surveys and constructions, directed by recent laws, have been suspended in consequence of the want of adequate force in those corps. The like observations may be applied to the ordnance corps and the general staff, the operations of which, as they are now organized, must either be frequently inter rupted, or performed by officers taken from the line of the army, to the great prejudice of the service. For a general view of the condition of the military academy, and of other branches of the military service not already noticed, as well as for fuller illustrations of those which have been mentioned, I refer you to the accompanying documents; and among the various proposals contained therein for legislative action, I would particularly notice the suggestions of the Secretary at War for the revision of the pay of the army, as entitled to your favourable regard. The national policy, founded alike in interest and humanity, so long and so steadily pursued by this Government, for the removal of the Indian tribes originally settled on this side of the Mississippi to the west of that river, may be said to have been consummated by the conclusion of the late treaty with the Cherokees. The measures taken in the execution of that . treaty, and in relation to our Indian affairs generally, will fully appear by reference- to the accompanying- papers. Withou dwelling upon the numerous and important topics embraced in them, I again invite your attention to the importance of pro viding a well-digested and comprehensive system for the pro tection, supervision, and improvement of the various tribes now planted in the Indian country. The suggestions submitted by the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, and enforced by the Se . . _ cretary, on this subject, and also in regard to the establishment of additional military posts in the Indian country, are entitled to your profound consideration. Both measures are necessary for the double purpose of protecting the Indians from intestine war, and in other respects complying with our engagements to them, and of securing our western frontier against incursions, which otherwise will assuredly be made on it. The best hopes of humanity, in regard to the aboriginal race, the welfare of our rapidly-extending settlements, and the honour of the United States, are all deeply involved in the relations existing between this Government and the emigrating tribes. I trust, therefore, that the various matters submitted in the accompany ing documents, in respect to those relations, will receive your early and mature deliberation; and that it may issue in the adoption of legislative measures adapted to the circumstances and duties of the present crisis. You are referred to the report of the Secretary of the Navy for a satisfactory view of the operations of the department un der his charge during the present year. In the construction of vessels at the different navy yards, and in the employment of our ships and squadron at sea, that branch of the service has been actively and usefully employed. While the situation of our commercial interests in the West Indies required a greater number than usual of armed vessels to be kept on that station, it is gratifying to perceive that the protection due to our com merce in other quarters of the world has not proved inefficient. Every effort has been made to facilitate the equipment of the exploring expedition authorised by the Act of the last session —but all the preparation necessary to enable it to sail, has not yet been completed. No means will be spared by the Go vernment, to fit out the expedition on a scale corresponding with the liberal appropriation for the purpose, and with the elevated character of the objects which are to be effected by it. I beg leave to renew the recommendation made in my last annual Message respecting the enlistment of boys in our naval service; and to urge upon your attention the necessity of fur ther appropriations to increase the number of ships afloat, and to enlarge generally the capacity and force of the navy. The increase of our commerce, and our position, in regard to the other Powers of the world, will always make it our policy, and interest to cherish, the great naval resources of our country. The report of the Postmaster-General presents a gratifying picture of the condition of the Post Office Department. Its revenues for the year ending the 39th of June last were 3,398,445d15., showing an increase of revenue over that of the preseding year of 404,878d15. 53c., or more than 13 per cent. The expenditure for the same year was 2,755,623d15. 76c., exhibiting a surplus of 642,831d15. 43c. The department has been defended from embarrassment and debt, has accu mulated a surplus exceeding half a million of dollars, has largely extended, and is preparing still farther to extend, the mail service, and recommends a reduction of postages equal to about 20 per cent. It is practising upon the great princi ple which should controul every branch of our Government, of rendering to the public the greatest good possible with the least possible taxation to the people. The scale of postage sug g ested by the Postmaster-General recommends itself, not only by the reduction it proposes, but by the simplicity of its arrangement, its conformity with the Federal currency, and the improvement it will introduce into the accounts of the department and its agents. Your particular attention is invited to the subject of mail contracts with railroad companies. The present laws, pro viding for the making of contracts, are based upon the pre sumption that the competition among bidders will secure the service for a fair price. But on most of the railroad lines there is no kind of competition in that kind of transportation, and advertising is therefore useless. No contract can now be made with them except such as shall be negotiated before the time of offering or afterwards, and the power of the Post master-General to pay them high prices is practically without limitation. It would be a relief to him, and no doubt would conduce to the public interest, to prescribe by law some equitable basis upon which such contracts shall rest, and restrict him by a fixed rule of allowance. Under a liberal law of that sort he would undoubtedly be able to secure the services of most of the railroad companies, and the interest of the depart ment would be thus advanced. The correspondence between the people of the United States and the European nations, and particularly with the British islands. has become very extensive, and require s the interposi tion of Congress to give it security. No obstacle is perceived to an interchange of mail between New York and Liverpool, or other foreign ports, as proposed by the Postmaster-General ; on the contrary, it promises, by the security it will afford, to facilitate commercial transactions, and give rise to an enlarged intercourse among the people of different nations, which can not but have a happy effect. Through the city of New York most of the correspondence between the Canadas and Europe is now carried on, and urgent representations have been re ceived from the head of the provincial post-office, asking the interposition of the United States to guard it from the acci dents and losses to which it is now subjected. Some legisla tion appears to be called for, as well by our own interests as by courtesy to the adjoining British provinces. The expediency of providing a fire-proof building for the important books and papers of the Post Office department is worthy of consideration. In the present condition of our Treasury it is neither necessary nor wise to leave essential public interests exposed to so much danger when they can be so readily made secure. There are weighty considerations in the location of a new building for the department in favour of placing it sear the other extensive buildings. The important subjects of the survey of the coast, and the manufacture of a standard of weights and measures for the different customhouses, have been in progress for some years, under the general direction of the Executive, and the imme diate superintendence of a gentleman possessing high scientific attainments. At the last session of Congress, the making of a set of weights and measures for each State in the Union, was added to the others by a joint resolution. The care and correspondence as to all these subjects have devolved on the Treasury Department during the last year. A special report from the Secretary of the Treasury will soon be communicated to the Congress, which will show what has been accomplished as to the number and compensation of the persons now employed in these duties, and the progress ex pected to be made during the ensuing year, with a copy of the various correspondence deemed necessary to throw light on the subjects which seem to require additional legislation. Claims have been made for retrospective allowances in behalf of the superintendent, and some of his assistants, which I did not feel justified in granting. Other claims have been made for large increases in compensation, which, under all the cir. cumstances of the several cases, I declined making without the express sanction of Congress. In order to obtain that sanction, the subject was, at the last session, on my suggestion, and by the request of the immediate superintendent, submitted by the Treasury Departments to the Committee of Commerce of the House of Representatives. But no legislative action having taken place, the early attention of Congress is now desired to the enactment of some express and detailed provisions in rela tion to the various claims made for the past, and the compen sation and allowance deemed proper for the future. It is further respectfully recommended that, such being the inconvenience of attention to those duties by the Chief Ma gistrate, and such the great pressure of business on the Trea sury Department, the general supervision of the coast survey, and the completion of the weights and measures, if the works are kept united, should devolve on a board of officers, orga nised specially for the purpose, or on the Navy Board attached to the Navy Department. All my experience and reflection confirm the conviction I have so often expressed to Congress, in favour of an amend ment of the Constitution, which will prevent, in any event, the election of the President and Vice- President of the United States devolving on the House of Representatives and the Senate ; and I beg leave, therefore, again to solicit your at tention to the subject. There were various other suggestions in my last annual Message not acted upon, particularly that relating to the want of uniformity in the laws of the district of Colombia, that are deemed worthy of your favourable con sideration. Before concluding this paper, I think it due to the various Executive Departments to bear testimony to their prosperous condition, and to the ability and integrity with which they have been conducted. It has been my aim to enforce in all of them a vigilant and faithful discharge of the public business ; and it is gratifying to me to believe that there is no just cause of complaint from any quarter at the manner in which they have fulfilled the objects of their creation. Having now finished the observations deemed proper on this, the last occasion I shall have of communicating with the two Houses of Congress at their meeting, I cannot omit an expression of the gratitude which is due to the great body of my fellow citizens, in whose partiality and' indulgence I have found encouragement and support in the many difficult and trying scenes through which it has been my lot to pass during my public career. Though deeply sensible that my exertions have not been crowned with a success corre sponding to the degree of favour bestowed upon me, I am sure that they will be considered as having been directed by an earnest desire to promote the good of my country ; and I am consoled by the persuasion that whatever errors may have been committed will find a corrective in the in telligence and patriotism of those who will succeed us. All that has occurred during my Administration is calcu lated to inspire me with increased confidence in the stability of our institutions ; and should I be spared to enter upon that retirement which is so suitable to my age and infirm health, and so much desired by me in other respects, I shall invoke that beneficent Being to whose providence we are al ready so signally indebted for the continuance of its blessings on our beloved country. ANDREW JACKSON. Washington City, Dec. 6, 1836. The Macclesfield family are displaying old English hospitality at Sherborne Castle, in Oxfordshire, and Buck leigh, in Devonshire. Among the Secret State Papers in a December Number of the Portfolio, is a Despatch from Prince Lieven to his Government, relative to his negotiations with Mr. Canning for the settlement of the affairs of Greece. Scarcely any document in our archives affords more asto nishing evidence of the talent displayed by the Russian dip lomatists than this Despaich ; which betrays alarm lest Mr. Canning should suspect the ulterior views of Russia, and an immediate increase of audacity on finding that he had not conceived any suspicions of them. Had it dropped from Prince Lieven's pocket and been conveyed to the Foreign Office, there can be no doubt that Mr. Canning would have effected the pacification of the Levant by a speedier process than the campaign of Adrianople—by British broadsides in the harbour of Sevastopol. SHIPPING INTELLIGENCE VESSELS ENTERED INWARDS AT THE CI;S -TOM-HOUSE, DEC. 31. The Cater, Merrels, from Dunkirk ; Tyne, Marler, Os tend; Liebe, Burnholds, Waverort ; Delas, Harvey, Srarna; Banvina, Jansen, Emden; Anna Johanna, Burge, 13,:11: , ,.; i)ie Otter, Walter, Stettin; Mercurius, Loshe, Brake ; .Maria, Schaffer, Brake; Flizabeth, Peebes, Amsterdam; Stntina, De Grant, from/St. David's. ENTERED OUTWARDS FOR LOADING. The Schall, Leese, for South Australia. CLEARED OUTWARDS WITH CARGO. The Emilie, Vanderchove, for Ostend; Britannia, rox, ostend; Lord of the Isles, Hicks, Terceira; Union, De mge, Ostend; George, Manne, Barcelona. CLEARED OUTWARDS IN BALLAST. The Powhaham, Long, for Grand Canary. ARRIVALS AT LIVERPOOL, DEC. 30. The Stratham, Hewson, for Africa ; Killermont, Smith, .Ifrica; Georgina, Hill, Arica; Nantasket, Croker, Bo.tun ; Martha, Graton, Charleston; Petworth, Penfold, Naples, &c. ; St. Andrew, Thompson, New York; Superb, \Vials, i'ernambuco. CLEARED OUTWARDS. The Governor Troup, Alexander, for Savannah ; Cie ply, Newfoundland ; Ellen Jenkinson, Irving, Lisbon. SAILED. The Greyhound, Brennan, for Halifax ; Trinacria, Larana, Naples ; Corsair, Irwin, Barbadoes; Arundel, Watson, Con tantinople ; Fairfield, Clark, Jamaica; Berkley, Johnstone, New Orleans ; Governor Troup, Alexander, Savannah ; Ris ing Sun, Steel, Dunkirk. The Thomas Tucker, for Antigua and Nassau, New P.-ovi donee, which went on shore on Monday, has been got off, after discharging two-thirds of her cargo into lighters. The Quentin, Leitch, for Philadelphia, and the Jul_n, for New South Wales, have put back. EAST INDIA. The Java, Peters, from Batavia, at Cowes. Arrivals at the Mauritius.—The Abeona, Sept. 1 t, from New South Wales ; the Ellen, Sept. 15, from New South Wales ; the Ilesrey, Sept. 16. from London ; the, Thalia, Sept. 17, from Calcutta ; the William Wilson, Sept. 18, from Calcutta ; the Jane, Sept. 18, from London, and sailed Oct. 8 for New South Wales ; William Banes, Sept. 21, from London; Renown, Sept. 21, from Greenock; the RCF mrce, Sept. 23, and Miranda, Sept. 23, from the Cape; the Orator, Sept. 25, from Bordeaux ; the Cognac Packet, Sept. 25, from London and the Cape ; the Silbert, Monro, Sept. 26, from Bengal ; the Senator, Sept. 26, from London ai.d the Cape; the Amphitrite, Sept. 26, from Nantes; the Bachelor, Sept. 26, from the Cape ; the Nerbudda, Sept. 27, from Bengal • the Carribean, Sept. 29, fr om M arse ill es ; the Kerswcll, Sept. 29, from the Cape ; the St. George, Sept. 29, from Calcutta ; the Cambrian, Sept. 29, from Llanelly ; the Sovereign, Sept. 30, from Bengal ; the Eamant, Oct. 7, from Bengal. Departures from the Mauritius.—The New York Packet, on the 11th of Sept., for Bengal ; the Indemnity, on tl 20th, for Ceylon ; the Maniac, on the 25th, for New South Wales ; the Helen, on the 27th, and William Wilson, on the 28th, for Bengal; the Janet, Scott, on the 31st, for London; the Maria, Morning Star, William Barras, Gloueester, Mary Bal mer, and Resource were loading for London ; the Emerald for Liverpool, the Paragon for Bristol, the Renown for Greenock, and the Ellen for New South Wales. Arrivals in Table Bay (Cape.)—The Exporter, Oct. —, from Bengal, and sailed on the 25th, for London ; the Tri umph, from Portsmouth, and sailed on the 26th for Bombay ; the Purser, from Calcutta, and sailed on the 27th, for London ; the Adams, from Llanelly ; the Rowley, from London ; the Cheerful, on the 25th, from Algoa Bay; the Addingliam, on the 27th, from Batavia; the Britannia, on the 2Sth, London. Departures from Table Bay (Cape. )__The Cornwall, Bell, and Broxbournebury, Chapman, for Calcutta ; the Carnatic, for Bombay; the Wellington, on the 25th of Oct. for Madras. Arrival at Singapore.—The Prince Regent, Biles, on the 25th of Aug., from London and Bombay, and was to on the 26th, for London. Spoken With.—The Janet, Scott, from the Mauritius for London. Dr. Lingard is preparing for the press a new edition of his History of England, to be published in Monthly Volumes, at Five Shillings each, illustrated with beautiful engravings. The author has given the work a thorough revision, and proves his facts in every instance by reterences to additional authorities. The entire work will not exceed twelve volumes. The labour given to the preparation of this edition having of course occupied largely his time and thoughts, the public may now hope, on its completiot, that a continuation to the work will be begun. A History of England from the time of the last James, written with the original views, lucid narrative and great industry or Dr. Lingard, would be a national object. The Resident French Envoy to the Diet of Frank fort, Baron de C-, is said to be on the eve of returning to Paris, and demanding his recall, in consequence of the affront or alleged slight offered to his lady, the Baroness, at a recent ball given by one of the principal bar,:ers io the town to the Corps Diplomatique. It is a singular fact, that a person named Bu:lock, living in Brook-street, Derby, was last week safely de:ivered. of her twenty-first child. The NEW FLAT GOLD WATCHES, are offered in double-bottomed engine-turned cases, with Vertical movements, for Seven Guineas each, or, with highly-finisl• ed hori zontal movements, jewelled and warranted, at Nine Guinea,. each, at T. COX SAVORY'S, Working Goldsmith, Silversr.. th, and. Watchmaker, 47, Cornhill, London. horizontal construction is strongly recomme , ided for its superior accuracy. BIRTHS. On the 21st ult., at Geneva, the lady of T. C. Parr, Esq., of the Inner Temple, of a son. On the 31st ult., in Parliament-place, Mrs. Edward Fitzgerald, of a son. On the 30th ult., Mrs. Richard Lloyd, Holborn-hill, of a son. MARRIED. On the 29th ult., at St. Pancras Church, A. A. Mackey, E sq., of Calcutta, to Maria Antoinette, fourth and youngest claw - I:tin. of Mrs. llitchings, of Bernard -street, Russell-square, and grand- niece of the late Captain Tasker, of Upton Castle, Pembrokeshire. On the 29th ult., at All Saints' Church, Derby, Charles James Allsopp, Esq., of Burton-upon-Trent, to Sarah Emma, :ss aungest daughter of J. Drewry, Esq., Derby. On the 27th ult., Archibald Keightley, Esq., to Sarah Elizabeth, youngest daughter of the late 1 - 1. Yates, Esq., of Sapperton, Der byshire. On the 29th ult., at St. Martin's-in-the-Fields, the Rev-. Fre deric Wickham, of Winchester, M.A., Fellow of New C allege, Oxford, to Louisa Margaret, eldest daughter of the Rev. E. Chap lin, of Camden-town. DIED. On the 28th ult., in Suffolk -street, New-road, aged 80. Sarah, relict of C. J. Eddrup, Esq., of Mile-end New-town. On the 28th 'ult., aged 37, John Egremont, Esq., of Hatfield Manor House, Yorkshire. On the 28th ult., at Slades-plave, Deptford, Maria, daurbter of the late G. Ferguson, Esq., many years Surveyor of Sbippirig to the Hon. United East India Company, aged 68. On the 29th ult., at Richmond, John Charles Ramsden„ Esq., M.P., eldest son of Sir J. Ramsden, Bart. On the 21st ult., at Aberystwith, Maria Viscountess Boling broke, wife of Henry Viscount Bolingbroke, second daughter of Sir Henry St. John Mildmay, Bart. On the 30th ult., aged 58, at Bath, Elizabeth, wife of: 1 7 rancii Ford Pinder, Esq. On the 26th ult., the Rev. John Dorell Salvador, Rector of Staunton-on- Wye, Hereford. On the 29th ult., at Adelphi-terrace, Lady Banks, relict of Sir Edward Banks, architect. On the 29th ult., in Regent-street, Malcolm Currie, Esq.. aged 72, for thirty years in the department of his Majesty's Judge Advo cate General. On the 19th inst., at Geneva, Frances, wife of C. C. (211 ton, Esq., of Tymaur, near Brecon. On the 25th ult., Catherine, wife of W. Tuson, Esq., of Li me heuse, aged 70. On the 29th ult., at Blackheath-hill, Mrs. Train, aged C 9. On the 29th ult., aged 82, Wm. Prevost, Esq., of King's-read, Bedford-row. On the 29th ult., aged 75, Mr. Wilson, surgeon, of New-s reet, Bishopsgate. MONTHLY MILITARY OBITUARY. Major-General—Hon. Sir C. J. Greville, K.C. 8., Col. of the 38 F., London. Lieut.-Col.—Best, K.C.H., h. p. Ger. Leg., Verdes. Majors—Jackson, h.p. R. Mar. ; Morrice, h.p. 86 F. Captains—Baxter, h. p. 12 F., London ; Connor, 40 P., Lon don ; W. H. Hill, h. p. R. Art. ; Sims, I;,p. R. Art. , F e Mows, late 6 R. Vet. Bn., Isle of Man; G. ‘l‘Donald, ditto I W. Fisher, Unatt. ; J. Robinson, ditto. ' Lieutenants—Grey, 4 F. St. Alban's ; Cotton (Ad;,.) cyl F., Colombo, Ceylon ; Dawes, 11. gyp. It. Mar. ; Derring' Am, ditto ; Nunn (Adj. ), late Garr. Bn., Portsmouth ; Holland, 1. 1 . p. 46 F., Quebec; F. Campbell, h. p. 53 F., London; Peacock% h. p. Cape R. ; Biedermann, h. p. 2 Lt. Inf. Ger. Leg. L. ; A.. Von Hart wig, h. p. 4 Line Bn. Ger Leg., Duderstadt. 2d Lieutenants and Ensigns—Stevenson, late R. Art. ; Thwaiti es, h. p. R. Mar. ; Hoste, 43 F., Woodstock, New Brunswick ; Lyrn o, late of Invalids ; Butler, h. p. 32 F. ; Crofton, h. p. 75 F. Paymaster—Wildey, h. p. 4 Dr. Quarter-Master—Mellish, h. p. 1 Dr. Gds., Chudleigh. Commissariat Department--Dep. Assist. Comm. Gen. Ash wor th, Quebec. _ Medical Department— Surg. Dr. Doyle, Staff, Demerara ; S , arg. Radford, 17 F. NAVAL OBITUARY. _ . Flag Of f icers—Admiral Right Hon. Lord de Saumarez, G. C. 8., Rear-Admiral John Maitland, Vice-Admiral Mathew 11. Scutt. Captains—Geo. Harris, C. 8., James Green, Thos. P. Dare 11. Commanders—William Hird, Richard Croker, Charles F ,ry Geo. Ballard Vine, John Alexander, John Hance, John Wk.olv ard. Lieutenants—Richard Willmott Henderson, Grwme Pric,t leek, Robert Thomas Reid, Thomas Scanlan, William Dunnage Mau ers, John Hopkins, James Harvey, Thomas Dorsett Birchal 1, Same Langley, Edward Heron, Hiram Fraser, Stephen Pay nts. Coate Caroll Nelson, Thomas Brown, Archibald 111"favish, F. NV. :Ma ther, Geo. Charles Stovin, S, W. M'Clellan, G eo . rieuicock. Master—William R owes. Surgeons—Alexander Collie, David Wake Bell, Peter Sheri:lock M.D., Joseph B. Shepherd, Robert Allan, S. E. Protheroe. Assistant-Surgeons—Alfred Eguino, James V/. Langstaff, Mi chael Moore, M.D., John Hagan. Pursers—John I'eake, George Jackson, Wal cer Currie, lli.:hard Kent, Michael Flanagan, Robert Cooper, Ri chard Sholi, shseph H. Fitch. London: Printed and Published by MURDO Y0U.N;3,01 No. 112, Strand, at The Sun Office, No. 112, Strand, in • tiw county of Afiddlesez,—Monday, January 2, 1837.