The Sun. — London, England, 1852-05-12 00:00:00

Church. You can do much to break it up, by acting in a spirit of kindness, forbearance, and generosity."—(Cheers.) Thee reason why I recapitulate this brief history of the May tooth grant is to call back the attention of the House to the purpose for which the grant was made, to consider how far those purposes have answered to justify a continuation of the grant as it is, and a refusal of any inquiry. The three pur poses for which the grant was made, the House will remem ber are these :—To secure a well-educated, loyal, and domes tic priesthood ; to provide funds for the instruction of that priesthood, which the Roman Catholics were supposed to be too poor to provide for themselves, in order that the priest hood might be brought up in a manner suitable to their holy office, and the position they would afterwards fill; and to break up by generosity that formidable conspiracy—(An Honourable Member —" Confederacy ;" and " Hear, hear," from Irish Members)—to break up that formidable con federacy which existed in Ireland against the British Government and the British connexion. These were the objects for which that grant was made and perpetuated. Well, then, I ask, has the grant in any instance answered the purpose for which it was given ?—(Hear, hear.) That is a question which I think you are bound to answer for yourselves before you determine whether any Committee of inquiry is necessary or not. Has the grant, or has it not, pro vided a well-educated, loyal, and domestic priesthood for the people of Ireland? It may have done so up to a certain :point, but observe what rumour says, for I am not going to give any opinion of my own upon the subject.—(Derisive cheers from the Irish Members.) What I say is this, that there is strong reason to believe that many of the priesthood educated in that college are members of different orders, who are sent out to different countries, and who do not remain a domestic priesthood in Ireland.—(Cheers.) And, it I am right in my conclusion, I say that it is a material ground for us to go upon before we decide at once to withdraw the grant made for giving a domestic priesthood to Ireland, to see if it be applied for the purpose of giving a priesthood to other countries, and to inquire whether we are spending Eng lish money for such purposes.—(Loud Ministerial cheers.) But, independendently of that, has or has not the character of the priesthood changed of late years? I suspect the an swer must be instead of domestic influence, foreign influence has more weight with the priesthood in Ireland.—(Loud cheers.) I think we shall find that the priesthood of Ire land, instead of confining themselves, as they ought to do to the purpose of extending and supporting their own re ligion and their oa n religious views, have, in fact, proved of an aggressive character, which does constitute what Sir R. Peel calls a confederacy—l will not say a formidable confederacy—against the British Crown and the British connexion. - (Cries of " Hear, hear," from Mr.. G. H. Moore]. I allude more particularly to what has taken place since Dr. Cullen was raised to the primacy of the Roman Catholic Church. The character of the priesthood of Ireland has been materially changed by that measure. When the Roman Catholics desired emancipation in the year 1814, I can produce proofs to you, from the highest authority, that sthey then laid it down as a proposition which they wished tthe Government to believe, that the domestic priesthood of tele country would not be superseded by foreign bishopu being brought over. Since we have had Dr. Cullen in Ire land, we have had foreign influence exercised there, and events so recent as in the last year will show that the cha racter of the education of the priesthood in Ireland has not been so domestic as the promoters of this grant no doubt an ticipated.—(Hear, hear.) If this be so, Ido not say it is a justification for you to take away the grant, but I do say it is a justification for you to make the inquiry, in order that the facts— if they be not as I have conjectured—may be rightly interpreted.—(Hear, hear.) With regard to the :second point—namely, the poverty under which the col lege was labouring, and the reason, therefore, for giving an extended grant to that college. I remem ber when that Act was brought in it was accompanied by a Bill, brought in by the Right Honourable Baronet the Member for Ripon, for establishing the Queen's Colleges in Ireland. Those two acts must be taken together, as part of one measure. They were simultaneously introduced; they were intended to have one object; they were proposed with one view. That object and that view was a national and 'domestic one. It was to heal religious differences, to bring - Roman Catholics and Protestants into one common scheme of education, where asperities might be worn off, where con ciliation might be encouraged, where friendship and good - feeling might spring up, and where all differences, which have unhappily afflicted that unhappy country, might be brought to an end.— (Hear, hear.) How has that suc ceeded? Since Dr. Cullen was appointed Primate of Ireland there has been a synod at Thurles, and the decrees of that synod have been confirmed by the Court of Rome, and by those decrees no Roman Catholic bishop is allowed to have any place in any of those colleges; no ecclesiastic is allowed to be a professor or dean in those colleges; and the laity were recommended at least, though not actually enjoined, to abstain from sending their children to them. —(" Hear, hear," from Mr. G. H. Moore.) The Honourable Gentleman cheers, but what is the inference which the House and the country will draw from it? The infe rence is, that the object which my Right Hon. Friend had in bringing in those Bills, and the object of the legis lature in passing them—the benevolent and conciliatory ob ject has been defeated and destroyed by those who are acting tinder foreign influence.—(Loud Ministerial cheers.) But that is not all. Since that has happened, you (addressing the Hon. Member) have endeavoured to establish colleges of your own. If you establish those colleges of your own, you cannot complain if we say it is for the purpose of separating Boman Catholics from Protestants—(No, no)—of keeping education from the laity—(No, no)—and of keeping the priesthood under foreign influence, by ultramontane laws.— (Emphatic cries of " No, no," order, and cheers.) The last point is the most material one. Sir Robert Peel said he sent forth this grant as a messenger of peace, that he sent it, as the Honourable -Member for North Warwickshire had said, in a liberal and confiding spirit—that he intended it to settle great religious differences, and to break up this formidable confederacy. I ask any man who hears me whe ther the grant has had that effect—whether the system of education there established has accomplished its object— whether some of the best supporters of that Act have not felt in the greatest degree disappointed at the failure of the results intended to flow from it?—(Hear, hear.) We feel our disappointment all the more bitter, because we have no means of bringing about those beneficial and peaceful re sults which I firmly believe was the object of Sir Robert Peel's Government to bring about, when those two Acts were introduced.—(Hear, hear.) There is one answer which by anticipation I must notice, and it is the same as is con tained in the proposed amendment of the Honourable Mem ber for Kerry, that visitors of the College are appointed to inquire into the management, discipline, and government of the college, and therefore no inquiry by a Committee is mecessary. Has the Honourable Member referred year after year to the reports of those visitors? Does he know whether the inquiries of the visitors will answer the object of the Honourable Member for North War wickshire? I will take the last of these reports, and it is a very good sample of the whole of them. The report goes into any complaints by the president, any complaints by the superiors or professors, any complaints by the students ; then as to the oath of allegiance being taken by the students, and then into the detail of the number and duties of the professors ; then as to any change or alteration of the college discipline or any improvement in the system of education within its walls. The visitors wound up by saying they bad concluded the necessary inquiries, and the House would see all the inquiries which they considered necessary 'were inquiries which had nothing whatever to do with the subject under discuSsion. I think that the inquiry ought to be granted upon the three grounds to which I have adverted, for, seeing as I do, or at least as I think I do, that the con ditions upon which this grant was made have not been ade quately or completely fulfilled, and seeing that the reason for which it was made are no longer existing to the same ex tent as they were when it was made, since we hear that funds are forthcoming to endow other colleges opposed to tha system we intended to establish ; and seeing that the objects Sir Robert Peel had in view—those peaceful, loyal, domestic objects—have not been accomplished as Parliament hoped they would be accomplished, I think the country has a right to ask, and Parliament is bound to concede, some inquiry.— (Loud Ministerial cheers.) Unless I have been anticipated by the cheers of Honourable Gentlemen opposite, who seem to think I am shrinking trom an avowal of my own opinions hear) —I wish those opinions to abide the result of that inquiry. I did not wish and I do not wish to prejudge the question.—(Derisive cheers.) I repeat it again I did not wish and Ido not wish to prejudge the question. The result of that inquiry may be a complete withdrawal or abo lition of that grant, or such changes as may be easily con ceived would amount to the abolition of the grant. From all this I frankly say on the part of myself and on the part of the Government, we do not wish to be precluded , but we wish that there should be such an inquiry that the whole question.may be i nves ti ga t e d, an d so settled at some future dy, when the f ae t s are k nown an d asc ertained, as to carry out a the intentions of the Legislature, and contribute, as far may be, to the peace and Mr. BERNAL OSBORNEperity of the country. English constit uency, h e said, as he represented an attempted have consulted his general convenience, and have to evade the question brought forward tow-nightiot the lire Honourable Gentleman the Member for North on this motion as a mean attempt Honourable rßainste as a he no-Popery looked cry—u.p (Loud cheers)—upon which Gentlemen might go to the hustings, he would not for h one instant shrink from expressing his opinion, nor d l e o r oo to h w nn hat tn h e e c e o o n n - . sidered base fanaticism, even I ( s c h h ou e ee l p d: o i . n t fidence of his constituency.— The Honourable Member for North Warwickshire commenced speech upon this subject, as he always commenced it, with assurances the greatest goodwill and love towards his Roman Cathol e ic f fellow-subjects; but in his next br eath he followeal it up by telling the House, they professed a creedsubversive a llegiance and injurious to morality. The House ha of heard and therefore he need not fol l o w the H on. Member in all qu otations he had made from casuists an d text books, but be, for one, objected to the motion of the Honourable Mem ber, because, when he remembered the course he (Mr. Spooner) had always pursued, and the unmeasured length of denunciation in which be had always indulged with regard to his Roma n Catholic fellow-subjects. he (Mr. Osborne) was persuaded the appointment of the Committee would be only to confirm a foregone conclusion.—. ( Hear, hear.) When the Hon. M ember for North Warwickshire called upon the House to inquire into the system of educa tion pursued in this college, it was not for the purpose of inquiring into the system of education, but for the purpose e of destroying the Roman Cathol ic s y stem of religion. .ll - /soda eat Rome had been the constant cry of the Honour able Member.—(Hear, hear.) He cheers that an d y et • he loves hi s R oman Catholic fellow -subjects.—(Cheers from the Irish Members.) The Honourable Member had been re peating to h - a n t ig . ht what he rehearsed in 1845, with this dif ference,resist; now 1845 there was a great muster in power to it into action. If f iends were there and were about .to carry at the anything could have increased his sur prisespeech uttered b conduct of the present Government it was the Under the Secretary of State for the Home De partment.a bitter enmit y_ r e the voice of conciliation he concealed Member for North of " Hear, hear.) The Honourable from Sir Robert Peel's speech, quoted several extracts remembered right, the s peech, as to this inquiry. But if he amendment, the same Honourable Member supported an as the motion he now made, and the answer of Sir Robert Peel wa s and the power in the hands olnalte the power of the visitors, andte Lord-Lieutenant, were quite sufficient for the purp ose to any inquiry, it would only increase animosity t as between Roman Catholics and Protestants, not only in Ireland, but in this count r y.— (Cheers.) And now he (Mr. Osborne the course pursued by the then supporters of Sir Osborne) came to t Peel and th e Should be a present members of the Government ; and if h e little tedious in reading extracts not perhaps learned divines, but probably from as great statesmen, he fromsuch must throw himself upon the indulgence of the House. lion. Member for Youghal had read to them the p • The Lord Stanley in June. 18 45, and what he said upon of an amendment proposed by the Earl of Roden. When Lord -Derby—Lord Stanley upon that occasion—took that view, what did Mr. Pakington, the present Secretary of State, for the Colonies, think ? "He did not think it in consistent with hls duty as a Churchman to give t-e. endowment of Maynooth his support — nbt a cold or hesitating support—not , a reluctant support extracted by party ties, but a cordial and willing support, founded o n d eep conviction, first, that they must not venture to have Maynooth on its present footing ; secondly, that thi s measure was called for as a step in that wise and conciliatory policy toward Government should attempt to carrys lorutel."—(Hear, hear.) Ireland which every He (Mr. Osborne) did apt Res the Secretary for the Colonies in his place, and probably his opinions upon religious sub- sum. The entire public income of Ireland, including church sects had undergone as much change as his opinions upon revenues and other sources, amounted to 5,000,0001. per saccharine matters.—CHeat, and h a laugh.) Now, he was in annum; and of this sum one million was given to the a position to carry out those wise and conciliatory measures Protestant clergy, and 38,0001. to the Presbyterians, and be so much a dmired,—(Renewed laughter.) Talking of the only 26,000/. to the Roman Catholics; and yet they had the character of the Irish priests having changed, and accusing barefaced presumption to come down to the House and tell them of a want of allegiance to the present Sovereign, what them ;that Otis paltry grant was given from Protestant said the Noble Lord who was supposed alone to represent the funds.—(Laughter try c He said it was Roman chivalry in this House? —the Noble Lord, the First Commis- Catholic money; that it was a ease of restitution ; and that sinner of Woods and Forests, when if all parties had their just right the Protestant Church "As free as nature first made man, would not be endowed as it was that day. He warned the And wild in woods the naked savage ran." Hon. Member for North Warwickshire, who professed such (Hear, hear, and a laugh.) In one of the best speeches he great and exceeding love for the Protestant Church of Ire. ever delivered, and he had spoken many good ones, he said : land, that if there was one step more fraught with mischief "The cry is raised, ' The Church is in danger.' I admit that to that church than another, it was the step he had taken it is; but not from this grant to Maynooth, nor from the to-night, and in which he was supported by the Right Hon. Vatican, nor from the Jesuits, that the Irish Church is in the Home Secretary.—(Cheers. ) The Hon. Member for peril; it is from herself; f rom h er own se lf-willed and dis- North Warwickshire talked of the various sums which had obedient laity that she is in danger. They who would have been given to the Roman Catholic Church. He held in hie 1 her isolate herself from the rest of Catholic Christendom, hand a list of the sums which had been given to that church fraternize with the Puritan, and denounce priestcraft with from the Union down to 1845. And now let the House see the Presbyteri an ! I admit the Church to be in danger. I the treatment which the Roman Catholics had received am irresistibly reminded of the dying words of the martyred at the hands of this House, and the rigorous Laud on the scaff o ld. Th e y may who list trace all the glory, spirit with which they had treated Ireland. Since renown, and magnificenc e of the old English monarchy to thet Union 5,207,000/. had been given to the Estab the Dutch conquest o f 1688, even in the penal code and Pro- ished Church. The Presbyterian Dissenters had received testant as cen d ancy th e sa f egua rds of the empire; but, for 1,0 i 9,0001. ; and let the House hear, and blush at the myself, I cl a i m a lib er ty to mount higher, and to act iu beggarly votes that had been given to the Roman Catholics, 1845 as th oug h win j un ' 111. had died Stadtholder of Hol- all they had received was the sum of 375,0001. When the land."—(Hear, h ear .) Is he Ong to act in 1852 as if Hon. Gentleman summed up his speech he told the House William o f r a nge had died S'tadtholder of Holland ? to beware how they endowed error. When he (Mr. Osborne) (Hear, h ear .) Th e N o ble Lord proceeded with some very heard that, he could not help being reminded at the words of Mr. Grattan in 1797, who warned the Protestant clergymen pretty poetry:— to beware how they used such language as the Hon. Gentle " The priests, those gent le p riests and good, man had now used, and reminded them that it was not de- Their fathers loved to hear, cent for them to say, give us all the good things in the Sole type below, midst work and woe, name of God, and nothing to the others .— ( Cheers.) What- Of the God whom the y revere." " Acknowledge frankly, and at once, that power which ever his views might be with regard to the amendment of you admit to be so great, and which hitherto, with a fatal the Hon. Member for Youghal and the abstract justice of en obstinacy, you pretended to ignore. Accredit a minister dewing any religious denomination, he certainly would never to the a n d laughter.) a Nuncio at St. James's be a party to begin with his Roman Catholic fellow-subjects. —(Cheers and ger . • • . With every feeling of If the House really intended to enter into this subject, let t onfide as a Churchman, that I am not acting disloyally them have an immediate inquiry into the funds of the wards the Church in sanctioning this measure, and, as a blished Church, and the .Regium Donum of the Presbyterians statesman, that I am promoting the best interests of my as well as of the Roman Catholic Church. But lie would country, I give my vote for the permanent endowment of best no party to this attempt to prop up theting rotten the College of M a ynooth." Those were the opinions of two sym of Roman Pr Catholics.test l He would permanent endowment of Maynooth. But there was an- party cry of the Government with which to go to the other member of the present Cabinet who consistently op- hustings—a Government acting upon the doctrine of com posed this grant—the present Chancellor of the Exchequer— promise and expediency, which had been preached on a late the man who carried brains with him.—(A laugh) He occasion at the Mansion-house, and was now to be practised (Mr. Osborne) must crave their forbearance; though after in St. Stephen's. He rested his opposition on the high ground the polemics they had had introduced by the reverend gen- of truth and justice. If any one took it on the low ground tleman—(Loud laughter)—he begged the Hon. Gentleman's of economy, he would remind them that it was hardly con pardon—introduced by the Hon. Gentleman, the House sietent in them to complain of their want of national defences might be inclined to manifest some little impatience, but he —to propose to add to the expenses of the country by en begged their attention to this speech of the Chancellor of rolling 80,000 militiamen, while at the same time they were the Exchequer, because it was upon this speeecb denuding themselves of their best national defences—the that he based his opposition to the present mo- confidence and the good will of- the people of Ireland. The tion. The Right Honourable Gentleman (Mr. Right Hon. Secretary, of all-men, .had no business to assent Disraeli) was quarrelling not with Maynooth, but with to this motion—he bad forsaken his position as a Minister of Sir Robert Peel.- et li e in a speech delivered on the 1 lth of the British Crown, to become the Minister of a mere party April, 1845, and he believed that was the first occasion when of fanatics (Cheers.) He realised the prophecy of that the Right Hon. Gentleman totally fell out with Sir R. Peel. truly great man the late Mr. Sheil,• who said, in 1845. that The Right Hon. Gentleman opposed the present endowment, if this country should ever fall so low as that Sir Robert but not upon the grounds taken by the Hon. Member for Peel should be succeeded by a Minister who would pander North Warwickshire. He had no feeling in common with to the base passions of religious bigotry in this country, a the Hon. Gentleman; for, in fact, the Right Hon. Gentle- p art y would arise in Ireland of which they had little concep man (Mr. Disraeli) was asleep during the delivery of the Hon. Gentleman's (Mr. Spooner's) speech—not in a Tree- tion—a party who wo uld call for the repeal of the Union, sury sleep, but in a bona fide sleep, if the Right Honourable not on futile grounds, but because that statesman had abdicated the position of a Minister, and had split up the Gentleman ever did sleep.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) "I empire by pandering to the fanatical passions of a portion of oppose this Bill on account of the manner in which it has the people.—(Loud cheer s. ) been introduced, and on account of the men by whom it is The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER—I beg the . - brought forward Are we to be told, that be- indul g ence of the House for a moment, while I speak to a cause those men have crossed the floor of the House, and point to which reference has been made by the Hon. Gentle have abandoned with their former seats their former Profes- man who has just sat down. The Hon. Gentleman quoted sions, are we to be told these men's actions are to remain from a speech of mine which he said was delivered in 1815, uncriticised and unopposed, because they tell us to look to the merits of their measures, and to forget themselves and and added that in consequence of what he found in that speech he founded his opposition to this motion. There their former protestations ?—(Hear.) Let us endeavour to could be no mistake as to the particular speech referred to, put an end to the misconception and subterfuge which now because he very courteously gave the date of it, the 11th of surround us.—(Cheers.) You have permitted men to April, 1845, to my R i g h t H on. Friend ; nor could there be 11 in Opp Opp es an y mistake as to the particular speech intended , be gain power, and enter place, and then carry ca use ho said the speech impugned the intentions of the th en exactly the reverse to those which they professed in o- Ministry. The Hon. Gentleman then quoted what he called s iti on —(Hear, hear)—and you are reconciled to this proce - a graphic description of the state of Ireland, and to which dure by being persuaded that by carrying measures which the House listened with attention. Now, there is nothing you disapprove of and they pretend to disrelish, they are of what the Hon. Gentleman quoted in that speech ;both m y making what they call the 'boa bargain' for you. The Right Hon. Friend and myself have gone over it, and there Parliamentary course is for this House to have the advantage is not a syllable of what the Hon. Gentleman quoted in the of a Government formed on distinct principles.—(Loud h he referred to us.—(Hear, hear.) cheers.) Here is a Minister who habitually brings f orward speec that it is to be found in page 36i of " Hansard." If Mr. BERNAL OSBORNE-4 reiterate my statement as his own measures those schemes and proposals which he bitt e rly denounced and , the Right Hon. Gentleman wishes to get off in his usual cheers.) Let me ask the ad oppossd in Opposition.—(Renewed mirers of this ' best -bargain q uibbling way—(Laughter, beg pardon—in his usual ingenious way—(Cheers, and s y s tem how they think the Right Honourable Ge ntle —(Laughter, and loud cries of " Oh, oh") man would have acted in Opposition ?" "Let us tell per sons in high places that cunning is not caution, and that cries of " Oh") --I may state that the last extract I quoted habitual perfidy is not high policy of State."—(Loud is to be found in a speech delivered by him on February 16, cheers.) And in all his (Mr. Osborne's) reading he 1844, and surely the Hon. Gentleman will not now eat his own words.—(oh, oh.) ne ver read anything so graphic as the Right Hon. Gentle - Gentleman professed to quote from a speech; delivered•on the The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER—The Hon. man's definition of the state of Ireland, and upon that sta te- meat he grounded his opposition to the present motion. He (Mr. Disraeli) said, "The present condition of Ireland was to 1 lth April, 1845, on the subject of Maynuoth.--(Loud found in the speech of April 1 lth ; and now the Honourable be traced not to Protestantism, but to Puritanism--(llear.) cheers.) I said there was no passage of the kind to be They would see a a teeming population, which, with reference Gentleman says the quotation is to be found in a speech de to the cultivated soil, was denser to the square mile than livered on the 16th of February, 1844. But what has that that of China, created solely by agriculture, with none of speech to do with the argument I used on the subject of those sources of wealth which. are developed with civilize- Maynooth in 1845, and when the Honourable Gentleman lion, and sustained consequently upon the lowest coneeiv alleged I used a statement on which he grounded his oppo able diet, so that in case of failure they had no other means of subsistence upon which they could fall back. That dense sit of Bfr . A. HOPE, who was almost inaudible, was understood p o p u l a tion in extreme distress inhabited an island wher e to protest against a motion founded on quotations from . there was an Established Church, which was not their church, and a territorial ar istocrac y , the rich est of whom s tudies connected with a system of faith which had existed lived in distant capitals. Thus they had a starving popula reposed the endowment of Maynooth. The Hon. Member for centuries before that illustrious statesman Sir R. Peel tion, an absentee aristocracy, and an alien Church, and, in 1 3 ligd occupied two mortal hours in re-echoing the old charges addition, the weakest Executive in the world. That was the against the Catholics, and cui bono? The only result of such Irish question."— (Cheers.) But the Right Hon. Gentleman, conduct must be to drive to desperation 6,000,000 or apostrophizing Sir Robert Peel, and even then foreseeing, as 7,000,000 of our fellow-subjects, already smarting under the he (Mr. B. Osborne) predicted at the time, that he would insulting legislation of last session. Only six days ago the one day be Minister—he said, "The monent you have a strong House heard with pleasure the Secretary for the Colonies Executive, a just Administration, and ecclesiastical equality, lay down the sensible and statesmanlike dictum, that no you will have order and peace in Ireland."—(Loud cheers.) difference should exist between the European and native in ( Here Mr. Walpole was about to leave the House, when the Hon. Gentleman exclaimed—As the Right Hon. Gentleman habitants of New Zealand as regarded the enjoyment of civil is going to find the volume, I will give him the date before he rights, and now it was proposed to treat the Roman Catholics goes.—(Laughter.) He will find it in a speech delivered April of Ireland with less liberality than was displayed towards 11, 1845.) He continued—lt was because there was no the New Zealanders. As far as he could tell, the College of ecclesiastical equality at this moment that he refused to be a Maynooth had answered its purpose; but, nevertheless, it party in aiming this one-sided blow at his Roman Catholic was to be offered up as a sacrifice to the spirit of the Dur fellow-countrymen. He could not look at this qu estion in ha m letter—to the designing speculation to which the late the light of a common endowment. He looked at it in the Prime Minister—in the most petty days of a Ministry un light and as of the nature of a restitution. These were the Paralled in pettiness—had recourse with the view of prop words used in this House by a Noble Lord, who was now P in g Mr. NEWDEGATE said the Hon. Gentleman who last his failing power.— (Hear.) Sandon, who represented Liverpool ; and they were ' used also member of another House—the Earl of Harrowby, then Lord addressed the House had not once touched the question be by the Noble Lord the Member for the city of London. fore it. The Hon. Member for Middlesex had made an tion. He hoped the Noble Lord still looked upon it in that The Noble Lord looked upon it then in the light of a restitu- amusing speech, but he showed himself throughout to' be •, light, and that he would not consent—though he had been ignorant of the whole question at issue. Amongst the quo- he would not consent to be a party in aim this direct quoted to-night along with Cassabuchis - (Lauhter)—that tations which the Hon. Gentleman made, was one which treated unfairly the Right Hen. the Chancellor of the Ex the prejudices of Englishmen, some of whom might be to the Right Hon. Gentleman.--( Hear, from an Hon. Mem insult at the Roman Catholics, that he would not pander to chequer. It was shown that the extraet read did not apply ext election— he hoped the Noble Lord woUld not pander extract.—(Mr. Monsen, we believe, "it doesnot require it.") h n onest, but many of whom were merely scheming for the ber.) Perhaps the Hon. Member would improve the that he would resist the motion.—(Hear, hear.) He could not cowardly motion. He had icing been proud of his colleague, to the base feelings of these fanatics and schemers and The Motion made by his Hon. Colleague was designated a understand a d arty talking of the hive they bore to the Ito- sion ; fdr, although struck - &Own that day, and driven ovee, but he was never so proud of him as he was on that occa man Catholics, at the same tim e th a t th e y - a ddressed them i n he vet, rather than forego the opPortunity of bringing fdr terms such as were used by the Hon. Member for North ward the motion before the House, came down to the House Warwickshire, followed, as he w as , i n milder language at all hazards, and brought forward the question relative though in the same spirit, by th e Right lion, the Home to Maynooth, with that ability for which be- was so re- Secretary. If they entered into a political union with Ire. markable.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") And this was the land, the mass of whose population were Roman Ca- man that was taunted .with cowardice.— (Hear, hear.) tholics, they were bound to put the priesthood of that The motion was met by an amendment by the Honourable people en a footing of equality with the Protestante. If Parliament would not do that—if they refused to give to motion by aside -wind.--(Flear, hear.) It was said that Member for Youghal, whose object was to get rid of the Irishmen their just rights—then he said they were bound Sir Robert Peel opposed a motion for inquiry into Maynooth to dissolve the Union. But they had no right to come College in 1845. But were 'there no reasons since 1845 down to this House, and while they gave 35,000/. as a that would warrant an inquiry into the system of education .Regium Donum to the Presbyterians, refuse this paltry vote at , Maynooth, even it there was no ground for doing so in of 26,0001. to the Roman Catholics, and thus offer another that year? He asked the Honourable Member for Athlone insult to the feelings of the mass of the population. Bu', if he could deny this fact? said the Hon. Gentleman, in the true pulpit-ground style of the College of Maynooth in that House, in reference of oratory, I object to the propagation of error, and the to Den's Theology, said be was no more to be bound to The late Mr. Shell, in speaking Hon. Gentleman quoted a great many extracts, which they all had the misery of hearing, from a variety of books, some every text in Coke or Blackstone.—(Elear, hear.) But defend every text in a college book than he was to defend of which were not text -books of Maynooth at all. At one the Right Honourable Gentleman a dded that if there was time he feared the Hon. Gentleman was about to quote an y doubt as re g arded the teaching in Maynooth, why, the whole works of Thomas Aquinas, who wrote let an inquiry be instituted into the matter, and every 140 volumes —(Laughter.) He also quoted from the works Catholic Member would support a motion to that effect. of a M. Bailie, whose name the Honourable Gentleman Well, that was all the motion before the House pro pronounced in such a manner that some Gentlemen thought posed. But Mr. Sheil was dead, and so was Dr. Murray. it was Henry Balla, a Member of this House—(Laughter.) But they had still Dr. M.Hale and the Defence Asso- He (Mr. Osborne) must protest against such a course. This elation, and they had, too, Mr. Cahill, who called on the House had no right to have its time wasted, its attention Catholics of Ireland to bide their time in the event of distracted, and the worst Passions of the people excited by foreign invasion. —(Hear, hear.) The motion of his Hon. the speech of the Hon. Gentleman. The Hon. Gentleman had no business to make this House a rostrum from which to address his North Warwickshire constituents.—(Hear, Friend left the House no option. After the facts stated by his Hon. Friend—supported, as his motion was, by the feel hear.) The Hon. Gentleman was followed by the Noble propositionin of the country—it would be impossible to negative the before the House. The :110nonrable Gentleman Lord the Member for Woodstock, whose abilities no one would deny, and he had no doubt that when the Noble Lord had then proceeded to contend that the system pursued at May nooth made the priests tyrants over the people, who were a little more information, and had read more of the books whch they were all told they ought to study, he would not now flying to America away from the influence of the priests ; and it was a fact, that the Catholics, when they went to come to the conclusions at which he now appeared to have arrived. But when the Noble Lord said he refused to pro- P America; left the Church in which they were brought up, and arson over to Protestantism.—(oh.) These facts could not pagate error, he asked him how he would get over the fact that in many of our colonies—in Malta, in Gibraltar, in the be denied. The priests of Ireland were now setting their faces against emigration. To show the desire of the priests Mauritius, and in Canada—Roman Catholicism was for domination, he need only refer to the scene which took guaranteed by direct votes of this House ? If they was at a dinner given to the Hon. Member for Athlone. It looked at all their colonies, from India to Newfound- was arranged that a gentleman named Roach should return land, they would find that this House had guaranteed thanks for the press, but the priests insisted on Mr. Lucas the establishment of Roman Catholicism. - Even in being heard in reply to the toast. Now, Mr. Lucas was the Ireland they would find that 280 chaplains - of work- editor of the Tablet, which, he hesitated not to say, was houses were paid and supported by direct votes of this filled with most disgraceful libels. He hoped the House wo uld House. Nay, if he remembered rightly, the Government of support the motion. Gen the day founded in 1833 a Hindoo college for the propagation j o Hindonism. He wondered if the Hon. Gentleman was as Mr. MONSELL would passby the speech of the Hon. Gen tthe( et nbyotthsleep. 11 acquainted with the Hindoo system of divinity as he tleman with but a single remark respecting his allusion to the Rev. Mr, Meehan, He (Mr. Monsell) would pledge him professed to be with Roman Catholicism? What was the self that the wordi quoted by the Hon. Gentleman were never pronounced those House to think of the odour of that sanctity which strained Maynooth gnat and swallowed the Brahminieal camel? used by the Rev. Mr. Meehan. at May h, an h d at et were they to think of a system which Mr. NE WDEGATE, amid loud cries of " Order," said nies that were y doctrines to be damnable that were taught m ade ' he would establish the accuracy of the statement he had Were they Maynooth, suppose that the very indecent practisedceremo nies at Benares ? (Continued cheering.) "meMr. MONSELL was certain the words were never used. the H f o o n lio G w e e n r Gentleman H an om fo e r North Lary He vi as surprised that the Right Hon. Gentleman the •Secre tary— whotpary for the Home Department should, considering his high the only member of the Cabinet Warwickshire, together with his speech— (Laughter)— P o sition, have ratified by his statement the abusive harangue that was had greater respectwafyorw wasnaoos- than they had for Roman Ilan during his made against one-third of her Majesty's subjects by the Hon. No ; but itMember for North Warwickshire.— (Hear, hear, from the Catholics? Opposition benches.) It was quite manifest that the object they were -to treat India as because they knew that if of the motion was not to inquire into Maynooth, bUt to great empire would very speedily they treated Ireland this diminish the number of Roman Catholic clergymen. But (Cheers) But then theßight totter to its foundations.— what was the conduct of every other country where there that the character of the Roman cnaotshtrable Secretary said was a minority professing a creed different from the rest of changed, and from his language he left the priesthood was the people? Why, in every instance that minority was that they had been among the chief condueeHt House to imagine treated with consideration. They had schools granted for section in 1848. Had the Right Hon. Gentle tors of the instils- their children, and their clergymen were supported at the pains to inquire into the statistics of Maynoonitr? taken the expense of the state. Why did not England, which made aware that Primate Cullen was not brought Up at Maynooth as h e such loud professions of civil and religious liberty, do the at all? Was be aware that in that unfortunate-conrooth same? Why, after taking away from the Roman Catholics or conspiracy, or whatever he might choose to call i zder ac y of Ireland the funds given by their ancestors for religious was only one priest connected with Mavnooth who at, there a i l purposes, should the English people now attempt to take sympathised in it, and that was Father ken on? Yet' ihe nwotaa t , l ll o so this miserable grant of 26,000/, a year? He did Right Hon. Gentleman bad the indecency to come'forward on' thosewhok the present Tories were following the example of and tell them that he was for • the eve of a general election, . in tha t House, that the - an inquiry, because the Maynooth priests were disloyal, and • the same principles' . Tories of the present day professed abetted rebellion. Was he aware, on the other hand, tht ego.. But Mr m a which the Whigs did a hundred years rnished many sympathisers with ciety w ' naulaY, in reply, remarked that " so- Trinity College, Dublin, fu hat the tail was so constantly advan • ' Smith O'Brien ? (Hear.) Was he aware tat famous was now where' the h cing in knowledge that the song which rang through all Ireland— . . ago, but the head ead had been some geneeations " Who fears to speak of '98," distance." Neither ' and the tail were still at an equal Pitt, Percival, Trinity College?— vehemence against the Roman nor Lord Clare, whose was the production of a man educated atcould deny, wou ld if living, Catholic` religidn nobody •at all, let it not (Hear, hear.) If there was to be an inquiry ynooth. He (Mr M of the be College-let a one-sided inquiry ; let them go to Trinityhimself alone-=would He( Mr. . ----c meell) — and he spoke for be themadopted at all their places of not oppose th see what was the system e ducation , —(Cheers.) f made by the n•— e Cheers.) But a great point was rawith Maynooth was everything connected Hon. Member by the it investigated and i ' Secretary, for North Warwickshire, followed of would be seen that the institution nquiredinto the more lime that they had no right to give the mony Protestants for the endowment of error. Now he at once founders. Ile had received letter,the intentions of the Arch denieda from the Catholic that this was He denied altogether Protestant money.—(Cheers.)bishop of Armagh, expressive of his . opinidn that the money so given to Mayneoth was should not be opposed, because everything that the • connected motion in any sense Protestant money, He held in his hand a list the College of Maynooth was as - public as nssh et Ith of the public revenue the sth of January, is etised in Ireland for the year ending nothing done that could fear investigation. The p onlyle' and total amount was 3,50010 from which it appeared that the i ninon he would make on the subject was, that the Cr n ? Am ' tariff of taxation, it , 00/. sterling, and on examining the , should be a fair one, and he trusted that a majority mittee o f would be fthe PoPulation contributed by _ ound that the Roman Catholic House would take care that those persons who prejudged the tar the larger proportion of that , q uee tiOn elaeuld be excluded from the Committee. stitutions. But, notwithstanding that direction, when the Commission came to report, they prominently and, I think, wisely stated :—" 'We did not consider that it fell within our province to examine into the tenets of the Roman Catholic religion, except when they ,f appeared to be connected with the civil duties a n d relations Roman Catholics, either towards the State or towards their fellow-subjects." I con fess it appears to me that these wordimpartially and pre cisely state the scope of this inquiry. You are entitled to in quire into the system of education, of Roman Catholic teaching, so far as it touches " the ' ci o v n i d duties and relations" of the inmates of the college. Be that you are not en titled to go, and into the domain of theology you should be precluded from entering.—(Hear, hear.) This is the spirit and intention in which former Acts of Parliament have been framed. But I understood the Hon. Membera visitatorial for North Warwickshire to contend for somethi ng like power with respect to the system o f the Roman of May- Church as taught and exercised in th e C o ll ege nooth. I understand it to be the gist of his argum c en Mthay at the Committee should have power to inqui re i n t o th a t sys tem. But I say, on the contrary, that if you wan t to fulfil and adhere to the intentions of the Legislatu re , you have ne right to touch that, except where the system bears uponthe question of civil obedience and the relations of Roman Catholics towards their fellow-subjects. What, however, are the provisions of the Acts which have been passed s The Act of 1795 appointed trustees with visitatorial power? The Irish Parliament again in 1800 constituted one body of trustees to hold the property, and another to exercise the visitaterial power. In the Act of 1845 that power was continued, but the superior power of Parliament was re served a special provision being inserted enabling the Lord Lieutenant to order a special visitation. The Act of 1845 contained the reservation that the reports of the visitors should be annually laid on the table of both Houses of Parliament. I consider that reservation to have been a distinct recognition of the principle that the intention of Parliament was to reserve its own full and unimpaired rights over the institution which it had founded, and that therefore (setting apart the policy of the case), it is plain you are exercising a power to which you are entitled in appointing a Committee.--(hear, hear.) But the Hon. Member for North Warwickshire was quite in error when he represented, or intended to represent, that Parliament had appointed no means of visiting the college with respect to Roman Catholic discipline and instruction, and that, therefore, it was the duty of Parliament to step in with this Select Committee. On the contrary, if be reads the Acts he cannot fail to perceive that Parliament has consti tuted a visitatorial power for specific purposes, and that that power is final. In the Act of 1800, and the Act of 1845, Parliament stated that any matter which regarded the exercise of the Roman Catholic religion, doctrine, and dis cipline, should not be touched by the body of visitors at large, but by Roman Catholic visitors exclusively. No thing, I think, can be more clear than the statutes and precedents with regard to this question—nothing can be more clear than that Parliament, when it entered into these arrangements, did not intend to place the members of the Roman Catholic Church perpetually on tenter-hooks, and bring it into opposition with the religious sentiments of the people of this country. Parliament approached the sub ject in a statesmanlike spirit. It proceeded in the belief that the Roman Catholic religion was a system well known in history—was a system whose merits had been tested by a sufficiently long experience to enable Parliament to say aye or nay to the question whether it would have relations with it or not. Proceeding in that spirit, Parliament did not condescend to accompany the boon with insufferable conditions, and degrading and painful reservations, but it provided a security against the assaults of theological rivalry, and respected the feelings and doctrines of those persons for whom the endow ment was intended. Parliament has left to us a clear pat tern and clear rules by which we should now direct .our course. It is in conformity with those rules that I consent to the inquiry of the Hon. Member for North Warwickshire. But I assent to it with the strongest expression of my opi• mon, that we should proceed on the principle of former years, namely, that of placing this great and important interna tional question, not in private and individual hands, but un der the control and responsibility of the Executive Govern ment. I think, in obedience to that principle, we ought to make our inquiry bond fide into the application of the Par liamentary grant for purposes which fall within the visita tion which Parliament has provided, adhering at the same time to the terms and spirit of thoe important enactments which do not permit any Select C omm ittee to depart from that spirit and those terms.— (Cheers.) Mr. GRATTAN and Sir R. INGLIS rose together, and al though the latter Hon. Gentleman was strongly called for, ' he gave way to the lion. Member for the county of Meath. The Hon. Gentleman said he was surprised at the course taken by the Govern-tient on this question; they werawrong in their principles, their premises, and their conclusions.—(A laugh.) Parliament came to a settlement —an Irish settle ment—when they thought Ireland was going over to France, and now they thought she might go again in the same direc tion they again interposed. They knew nothing of what they were about.—(A laugh.) It was said that Maynooth educated such a superabundance of priests that it afforded a supply for the continent ; whereas the fact was, that of the priests actually found necessary for the instruction of the Roman Catholic population of Ireland, no fewer than 149 had been educated on the continent. They talked of loyalty; what did they mean by loyalty ? What loyalty had their ancestors shown to the unfortunate'monarch James II.? As to the oath of allegiance, the best oath of allegiance they could administer to the Roman Catholic clergy would be a system of good government. Sir R. H. INGLIS said that his Right Hon. Colleague, while admitting that there was no compact or contract be tween the Imperial Legislature and the College of Maynooth which at all precluded the Imperial Legislature from acting as it might think fit towards that college, had prevented any. They must take care what they did in the matter, because if they withdrew the grant to Maynooth, they must also re-arrange the whole ecclesiastical system in Ireland; the proposition had been vehemently cheered by the Gentlemen sitting immediately behind his Right Hon. Friend, because they foresaw in it the further confiscation of the property of that Church—a confiscation begun some fifteen years ago, and which they would fain complete. Confiscation, he would readily believe, was not in the mind of his Right lion. Friend, but it was prominently in the mind of his Right Hen. Friend's cheerers.—(Hear, hear.) His Right Hon. Friend spoke of Maynooth as' having been established by Act of Parliament, and so had the Great Western Railway or the Eastern Counties Railway; but Maynooth was not so established till the last seven years. Afterwards he admitted the case stood upon different ground, but up to 1845 there was no shadow of a foundation for the claim as a right ; and now it was perfectly within the discretion of Parliament to pass a Bill to repeal the Act. But that was not the object of the present motion. The Se cretary of State for the Home Department, in a speech, the language, tone, and manner of which were most temperate and judicious, had clearly shown that the existing system of visitatorial inquiry did not in the slightest degree touch the object which the Hon. Member for North Warwickshire wished to bring before the House—that it was limited almost entirely to the external fabric of the establishment, and did not effect the vital essence of the motion.—(Hear. hear.) He (Sir R. Inglis) objected to the present motion, however, that on the 11th of May, with the prospect of a dissolution imminent in the course of the next three weeks or a month, it was not desirable to engage in such an inquiry as was con templated. Still, when he saw that the leaders of both parties and the Hon. Member for the county of Limerick concurred in that motion, he should vote for it as a recogni tion of the principle of inquiry, though he believed, that nothing more could result from it this session. Mr HUME believed it was the sound policy of this country to conciliateelreland, and to remove all causes of discontent, so as to make her; as she ought to be, a tower of strength to England, instead of being, as she had been, a source of weakness. The present proposition deserved a much more serious consideration than it had received. It was not a common inquiry that was proposed. We had given to the Irish people an establishment in which they might educate priests for their own religion, but Parliament had never prescribed to them in what manner they should teach. —(Hear.) For some time past they had been considering how best to strengthen the defences of the country, and, he asked, was it wise at such a time to press this motion, see ing that every Irish Member who had spoken regarded it as calculated to promole increased discontent in that country ? He looked upon the motion as most' ill-timed and most un just, as tending to persecution and not to information, and he should, therefore, vote against it.—(llear.) Lord PALMERSTON—Sir, I rite for the purpose of stating very shortly the grounds why I constitute one of those exceptions, which my Honourable Friend by me was at a loss to find, who is prepared not to agree to this motion. It is my intention, if the House divides, to vote both against the amendment and the original motion.—(Hear, hear.) Sir, I think that this House is entering on a very unwise and dangerous course.—(Hear, hear.) I think they are entering on a course which, if a Committee be granted, must either end in a nullity or in very dangerous conse quences. I think that no ground was laid for the motion of the Honourable Member for North Warwickshire in the speech which he made. I think, of that speech, that it certainly does bring to mind the opinion entertained by some, that the shades of departed men are wont to hover over the scenes of their earthly occupations ; and if the shade of Dr. Duigenan had been hovering over this debate, I can imagine the grim delight with which his spectre would have surveyed the scene.—(Hear, hear, and a laugh.) I thought we had got back to the times when the Catholic question was debated, and that they were not discussing the inci dental and single question of the endowment of the College of Maypooth; for what was the line of argument which the lion. Member for North Warwickshire adopted? Did he go into any details of the system of education at Maynooth Jo —o a f a system of education p eculiar to that establishment? he tell us what were the doctrines inculcated by the lecturers in what way the course of education was likely to defeat the purposes for which the establishment was framed? If he did, I must confess that those parts of his speech did not catch my attention, but I did hear long and elaborate die sertations on the fundamental doctrines of the Catholic Hon. c c I' gion ; I did hear quotations from writers whom the _ burn. Gentleman described as the Bacons of the Catholic C and I presume, therefore, that the main round on which this inquiry is proposed by him is, that hag rbelieeeliegsi,ona,ndornaot doubt sincerely, that there are in theCatho r least in Catholic authorities, tenets which he coonsoitdreyr.s to I d o a t variance with the welfare o f a Protestant co e . te sore, if not like to enter into that question, but I ain q that were a question fit to be entered on,btahtfttititneins bneotprboy. an inquiry into the College of Maynooth t as stated that one perly entertained.— (Hear, hear.) great evil intended to be remedied — power of Intramontane tained still to be prevailing—is the.ltanwe which is ascer and foreign influences and authorietieceoilnleglreeloafnDdi. ayßnuoot,tbsh?a_ll we remedy that by abolishing th r ec a t l of of tb th o e se gr w a b n o t and I am entitled to say that the from the College of Maynooth is the withdr ob support this motion, because —Hear, that was fairly avowed by the hear. ) He put the Noble Lord who secondedd "Thi s is the first step; and the question fairly. object I had in view is tVet.entire withdrawal of the grant, law." Then, what is to be and the repeal of the the result of that? You exis are i-- to drive your the Irish Catholic i m b ue d with Ultramontane doctri nes priests to be educated abro a d. ! and will y come from abroad less and foreign influences than if they had been educated It is absurd to suppose arise from such a proceed at Maynooth? --(Cheers.) that such a result can told also that some of th ose ing. Wh en we were k ar e educated at Maynooth, instead of being empl o y e d o i n Ireland, are sent elsewhere, I think that has b een ans wered by my lion. Friend the Member for M a y o , w h o ired for the showe d that the total number of priests re qu supply of Irela nd was greater than the number educated at Maynooth.—(Flear, hear.) As to the conduct of the Irish bishops, w i t h which great fault has so justly been found, I cannot see the con nexion between that and the endow ment of the College of Maynooth; but we cannot shut our eyes to the real cause of this motion, and to the real motives by w hich it has been:suggested. This motion arises from the feeling out of doors which has been unfortunately raised amon g the P ro t e stant portion of the p eop l e o f t hi s country at what I shall not shrink from characterizing as the aggress sive and violent proceedings of the Church of R0me...... (Cheers.) I do not wonder that these proceedings should have produced a deep impression of resentment—nay, of indignation, on the part of the Protestant portion of the community; but don't—because the Church of Rome h a s done that of which the people of England have a just right to complain—don't, I say, punish the Catho lic youth of Ireland who are intended for th e priest.. Mr. JAMES DUFF sa id h e s hould vote for the motion with the addition o f th e wor d s p r oposed by Mr. Heywood . Mr. MOORE said it had been already called to the atten tion of the House that the Hon. Member for North War wickshire had placed a notice on the paper to repeal the Maynooth grant. However, he now appeared to have altered that intention, coming, as he did, down to that House with a speech savouring of Exeter-hall, and a mo tion savouring still more strongly of Downing-street. - (Hear.) What was th e pr i nc i p l e prevailing out of doors The principle was, that it was not expedient or wise that the people of this country should be taxed for the maintenance of a religion which they did not believe to be true. That was a broad and dear basis to go upon, and one in which the people of Ireland would entirely concur. But what need was there of inquiry to establish that? Was there any person who denied that the religion taught at May nooth was unbdieved in by the people of this country. It had been s t a t e d t h at the ob j ect i n f ou nding the College of Maynooth w as t o preserve t h e I r ish clergy from the taint of Ultramontanism by educating there in their own 1 country. If so, that object had wonderfully succeeded, for it would be impossible to find a body of men more racy of the soil, or more thoroughly incorporated with the people than the Roman Catholic priests of Ireland - ( Hear, hear.) Six years ago th e Government of this country obtained a rescript from Rome, the intention of which was to fetter the Irish. ecclesiastics in their political privileges ; and the press of this co un t ry was most Ultramontane in its attacks on the Irish clergy because of their disobedience to the Court of Rome.-(Laughter, and cheers from the Opposition.) Again, Et was only the other day that a Peer of England was fou.nd clandestinely engaged in supplicating the influ ence of the Holy See as regarded the obstinacy of the Irish priesthood.-(Hear, hear.) If the object of that House was to denationalise or to unpopularise the Irish clergy, it had commen.ced at the wrong end. The Irish clergy had for years been the leaders of the people, for this reason - that the people had no o th er l eaders. T he laws of this country made it penal to teach a Roman Catholic to read or write; but the clergy, nevertheless, came in and taught them how to live and die.-(Hear, hear.) The laws of this c ountr y attempted to mak e Roman Catholics savages and serfs; but the cler,gy intervened, they marshalled them into a nation, and taugert them t o be a people.-(Hear, bear.) Let the State change its policy-let it come over and lead the people, and the clergy would most willingly deliver up the keys of the citadel.---( Hear, hear.) Mr. GLADSTONE-Sir, I propose to give my vote in favour of the motion introduced by the Hon. Gentleman the Member for North Warwickshire. But the subject is of importance, and I differ so widely in the spirit of the speech with which the Hen. Gentleman has introduced and re commended his motio n , t h at I cannot su ff e r it to be put to the vote in silence-(Hear, hear.) Sir, I am not here to conte‘ace that Parliame nt i s b ound by an y compact to the maintenance of the Act that secures this endowment. Ido not now raise the question of what is due to those indivi duals who are indebted to the maintenance of this college for a livelihood. I speak of the permanent maintenance of the grant ; an d I disclaim all doctrines of compact.--(Elear, hear.) But, Sir, I must add, it appears to me that unless you can show by proofs that the objects and purposes of the endow ment have failed, and that the expectations You entertained . have been frustrated-unless you can show all these, then prudence* and justice demand the maintenance of the endowment.-(Hear, hear.) It appears to me that if failures cannot be shown -and I must say it would be a subject .of very grave and serious apprehension if this failure wire shown, because I confess I am surpr i se d a t the manner and tone in which th e quest i on has been approa ched -that the grant ought not to b e w i t hd rawn . -(H ea t) It appears to me that Hon. Gentlemen seem to think it a small matter to withdraw this endowment, but they forget that its importance is not measured by the figures that designate its endowment. They forget it is o f mater i a l serv i ce as regar ds the arrangements existing between England and Ireland.- (Hear.) For my owu part I do not say if this endow ment can be shown to be mischievous, and the expectations formed h ave failed, that it ought to be maintained ; but I do venture eo say that if Parliament withdraws the endowment, it must be prepared to enter into the whole subject, and be prepared. to reconstruct the ecclesiastical arrangements.- (Hear.) I am not speaking of what is right or what is wrong--I am not speaking of what is to be desired or what is to be deprecated. For no own part, I deeply deplore the series of changes into which such a course would pre cipitate us. But having these anticipations of the conse quences of such a policy, if we begin in the form which I fear the Hon. Member for North Warwickshire would propose, I think it is but honest that I should state them to the House. (Hear, hear.) Now, Sir, I must sty it appears to me that no serious case has been made out to prove the failure of years since this en d owmen t was en this endowment.-(Hear, hear.) We have not yet corn correct in sayin g th a t no t a s i n gle p i l a e r t g e oa d . the l c t y h c i l o e k of i se a v m en student interested in the particular course of theology taught rgyement_has left Maynooth who entered the college of the endowment ; and I am sure, Sir, at sio th e atthsee enlargement no reasonable man could expect that this endowment was to act by magic on the sentiments and habits of a whole gene ration and an entire people. It is painful for me to hear the language in which parts of the history of Ireland and circum stances in the state of Ireland have been referred' to in `the course of this night's debate. Nothing is more easy, God knows, than to make inflammatory and exaspera ting statements with • regard to the condition ,of that unhappy country, and nothing is more easy han to retaliate upon those ,statements. They may draw cheers and c ounter-cheere, and may gratify feelings of zealots and partizans, but what does all this contribute.to the peace and happiness of the ceuntry ? - (Hear, hear.) There was a timeeSir, when the preamble of one of the Acts p assed ' in the Irish Parliament relating to the militia was fra med something after this manner : I do not quote the exact words, but give the substance - " Whereas the Popish . inha bitants of this country have often broken out rebellion, in and where as it i s most probable that the said inhabitants , will again and in a future time rebel ; therefore he it en acted -." , Sir, I hoped that the spir it which dictated these words was no onger represented wit hin these walls. But when I heard th e Honourable Member for Nort h War wickshire speak of the priests of Maynooth a nd their re lation with sediti on and rebellion, I could not but feel the danger w e ran , unless' we put a guard upon our selves when app roac hing such inflaming questions, of being hurried ba c k into a temper of mind which in our cooler moments we should deprecate, and of hazarding disastrous consequences to the country which in those cooler moments we should deprecate. Sir, I think the Hon. Mem ber has mentioned points, and I think also there are other points which might form legitimate sucjects for Parliamen tary inquiry in connection with the College of Maynooth. taken place at a somewhat !atilt eriotn It appears to me that nothing can be more entirelyPconsonant with wisdom two or three years, quiry to have than that you should wait at least until the pupils, in some , have successfully training, in order to attain some practical experience of their pastoral efficiency, and th e ir general conduct as compared 'with that of the older priests reared under the former system. This course, I think, it would be wise to follow, for at gone through their Present the evidence on which w e could proceed is scar ce l y ripe. At the same time, when a motion is made, we must not only consider the expediency which dictated it, bat t a k e i t large view of the Pu bli c in terests, and the consequences which might follow from resisting it. (Hear, hear:) I confess, therefore, that I think my naus Friend, who spoke lately from the opposite bench, acted wisely when he co u nselled, et h e strong feeling there was in this country in , airinsideri ofieciuiryt that it is for the interest of Maynoothtran that obstacles should not ' be thrown in the w • aY• If it be true, as has been alleged, that the establishment is extravagantly rue, l ar ge-4f it be true (although, I believe, there e 'deuce to show) that at Maynooth there are h is no ea e vidence to show) that isoman Catholic . are the means not only of educating Roman Catholic priests fli t !. Ireland, inne bat that there is a sur plus ler England and the col.that, 1 say, ought not to be. Whether that b canes ' however, the subject is one of legitimate in eso or not, ntitled to inquire whether the 26 000 e quiese We .are g judiciously, ' a year is •economically, . and effectively cmployed for the ' r °set; which Parliament intended. Ney, morel i. say PahePn allegations such as those to which the Hon. Member for North W arwickshire has referred with respect to the vil teaching at Maynooth, as to civil duties and obligati of 11 h en ce, Ido not think the slightest disposition obligations " show to withhold in quiry, although 1 would be sho . Hon. confess my own belief that the . Member would fled that - that point inquiry would end ' where it the Honourable , Member has spoken of thebean. Sit', repor, of the Commis sioners of Education m a d e in - 1827, but I doubt whether he has discharged the duty of wading through it. If he had had thinka he would have found that these Commis sioners -a- sounded th ph of teaching with respect to oaths ; and I doubt whether h will attain different con clusions than those arrived.-at e b these Commissioners. These are points wee • eeehenay be inqu y ired into ; but I confess when e l pass from these poiut to the eneral tone and spirit of the speech of the honourables e g Gentleman, I must say it appears to me that he - . • 1 •S main charge against Maynooth was, that in it are inculcated the d ' sof the Roman Catholic faith. -- (Ueale hear.) sir, t ri w n a e s and is a question of the gravest charecter whether ' Parliament should enter into relations with the Roman_ subject. But the quest' Church on that Catholic . ion does not depend upon an exams nation of minute details, highest legislative wisdom and at It is a queetio • n for the referred to the inquiry a ought not to be statesmanship, and , . And here I come to th e lili report of any Select Committee. on this inquiry. No, in which must be imposed Now, 1 the firsthat the t place, I find Hon. Gentleman who mov e d the • meluiry, and the Noble Lord who se conded him, both l ooked means (their blihin upon this inquiry simply as a made up minds ; and Certain charges on which they had , as a first step in the process, they propose a repeal of the Act and the w ithdrawal of the grant. I hope, Sir, the Hon. Ge m ntle -an willnot think I am treat ing him with disrespect, when I Select Committee, appointed en the motion of a Hon. say that a views' like these, must not b Gentleman who expresses a Considered a _Select Committee to be entrusted to his guidan ce . '- 1 presume to say that the subject is too large, and too important- d to a Committee which should be , to be referred individual►member.-(Hear under the guidance of . any , hear.) It is a great national question whether we shall or shallnotwithdraw_ the endowment of Maynooth. It is time ought tie be dealt with by the at all a question which t . Executive Governmen , and I would venture to claim that pro posed`shall likewise be conducted the inquiry now under the immediate superintendence and responsibility of the Executive Govern ment.--(Hear, hear.) We are here, Sir, to do impartial justice-to consider a li ke England, Scotland, and Ireland. tt is consistent with tl7justice th at we should institute in- 1 quiry into the state f the Couee of Maynooth, and the system of education there. But t would not be consistent with justice that the conduct of such an inquiry should be entrusted to any Member of Parliament, however eminent an d however great his gifts, whos e Mind is pledged to a f oregone c onclusion. It is not consistent with justice that should be conducted under such • in q uir y which it is auspices. There is another limitation. in the nature o w hi c h se founded f the subject. I conceive that the inquiry ought not to be into the general character of the doctrine, or the worship and exercise o f th e R om an Catholic religion as practised in the Coll ege o f Maynoot h . - i (Hear, hear.) Such an ,inquiry, 1 contend, aught not to be entrusted to a Select Committee. I h ave used the wor d s "discipline," and " " doctrine," exercise" of the Roman. Catholic religion, as these are the wide and comprehensive words contained in the statute. Nor are we without prece- dent tin . this can. , The Honourable _Gentleman proposes that we should inquire into the system of education at May nooth, and I fully grant that you may place a construction words "system of education," if not ruled and upon these., se of Acts of Parliament b limited by thaw n _ . , y the sense of by the precedents bearing on the case. I the country, these words the lionourabl Gentleman grant that under e might be able to introduce such a largeness of theological wou ld satiety even all appetites in that direction.-(e investigation as ti ear ) Sir, bear.) But, this is not the first time that there has been inquiry. In 1827 you had the report of a Royal the C o mmission upo n College of May noo th, and w hat were the vieWe contained in the report, an d the A maser cir cumstances w hich the Commissioners a c t e d? I w ill instructions were quite as large as the Honour show that the ecouldwish. The Crown - • • • • - Ise. able Member bin the Corankis ion, having recited the address of th e H ouse of Commons, and nominated, the individuals, di rec t e d th em t o inquire into the n a t ur e and extentof the instructions afforded t i tu tions in Ireland establish e d f or th e by the several ins . an d maintained either in whole or in purpose of education fund.. They were to • ' into inquire the part from the public nature and extent of theinstruction - hood.—(E fear, hear.) I contend that it would be not only unju st but impolitic to do so; because you would thereby in diet an injury upon yourselves; you would aggra vate th• e very evil, ono of the circumstances connected with wh .ich is the cause of the anger which is at present felt in many • parts of the country.—(Hear, hear.) I must say that thi s motion appears to me a motion of vengeance — (Cheers )—and as a motion of vengeance I think it impolitic. (Hear, hear.) And it is not only because it is a vin dictive netition that I think it an impolitic motion, but be cause it is at variance with all those principles of sound na tional policy upon which the Government and Parliament of this cot tntry has hitherto acted in regard to this question. It is upon that ground—that broad and general ground - that I am prepared to resist the motion which is now about to be proposed to the House. My view of the question is not altered by the very proper and honourable offer which has been made by the Catholic Members of this House on the part of the Catholic priesthood of Ireland, to lay the institu tion open t o the fullest and freest inquiry. No ground, in my opinion, has been laid for an inquiry at all at this parti cular mom ent. I don't dispute the right of the House to in quire. An y institution which is supported in any degree by public 'money must submit to inquiry, if sufficient ground is laid for .making the inquiry. There may be ground in this case, oft not; lam not able to speak as to that. Ali I contend fur is, that no ground for it has been laid in any thing which has been stated in the course of the present de bate. But, if inquiry be thought to be necessary, a Right Hon. Friend of mine has pointed out that there exists an other authcsrity under Government capable of making it; and I must say that in my humble opinion there is no ma chinery for making an inquiry of this kind to utterly ob jectionable as a Committee of the douse of Commons.— (Hear, hero.) Why, we s h oul d have fif te en gentlemen sitting up s t a i rs , summoning before them the different officers the varying of Mayno o tb, and examining them accord i ng o Zitherspirit each member of the Cfaonincymittaene! be cotaduared with all that respectful hich abstinence s' tl" of e inq i e n tir l y uir w y oul o d f becomes an inquiry se deeply and intimately connected with the religious opinions of men differing probably in creed from their examiners, and, if so, you would notg tat the results which the prom o t ers c f the motion wish - •o e -tt • • - , or it would be conducted upon a different • principle, and then the result would be that you would have theological inquiries, which must be hi g hl y o ff ensive not only to the persons examined but to those who belonged to the same faith in Ireland ; and I must sa y th at in either case it would be most unwise and most inexpedient that the inquiry should be proceeded with.—(Hear, hear.) But the people of Ireland will not believe that the mere motive and object and effect of the motion, if carried, will be to inquire into the College of Maynooth.—(Hear, hear.) They will look upon it as the yielding of the House of Commons to what, if it were not disrespectful so to call the prevalence of sincere opinion, I would describe as a fanatical cry.--(Hear.) But the people of Ireland are clearsighted enough to see that were the Home of Commons to adept this motion they would be merely yielding to a popular feeling created by the circumstances of the moment, and if they are charitable enough not to think that the Members of this House have yielded to that cry, or that many persons who are going to vote for this motion have not been much moved thereto by considerations of the approaching election, they will be giving them greater credit than in my conscience I think they desorve.—(Cheers and laughter.) I again say that if any Members of this House shall call for a division on this motion, I shall think it my duty to vote against it, and that I earnestly hope, in spite of the handsome offer on the part of the Catholic Members to submit the institution to the fullest inquiry, the House will either resist the motion altogether, or, if an inquiry be thought expedient, that that inquiry will be conducted by the Commissioners appointed by Government, because it is obvious that a subject of such a delicate nature, involving questions so deeply affecting the interests of a large Portion of the community, is not a sub ject suited to the rough handling of the Members of a Select Committe of this Howe.—(Cheers.) Mr. Sergeant MURPHY moved the adjournment of the debate. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said he had watched the debate with great attention, and it seemed to him that it had one remarkable characteristic, and that was that almost every speaker had been of the same opinion, and, therefore, it seemed to him extremely advisable to conclude the debate that night, if possible.—(Hear, hear, and cries of "Adjourn l") Mr. M. J. O'CONNELL had some strong objections to urge against the motion, and hoped the debate would be ad journed to afford him the opportunity of doing so.—(Hear.) Mr. REYNOLDS said he was anxious, on a great and important question like that, to hear from the Chief Se cretary for Ireland, or in his absence the Hon. and Learned Gentleman the Irish Attorney-General, some explanation of the speech which had that night been delivered by the Secretary of State for the Home Department. He wished to know whether or not the opinions of the organ of the Irish Government in that House harmonised with the " No l'opery', speech of the Home Secretary, because, after having listened to that speech with attention and pain, he could not help coinciding with the Noble Lord ( Palmerston) in thinking that the spirit of ancient and the worst times of bigotry and intolerance had been revived in this discussion. In conclusion, Mr. Reynolds said he should support the ad journment of the debate, and challenged the Hon. Member for North Warwickshire (Mr. Spooner) to fix an early day for resuming it. Mr. DBUDIMOND also supported the adjournment of the debate. He was one of the few persons in that House who had served an apprenticeship to the dulness and the endu rance of Dr. Duigenan ; but when this debate should be re sumed he would prove that a bigotry more fierce than Dr. Duigenan's was now in full operation in Ireland—the fiercest that ever Hildebrand delighted in, or the blackest times of Popery had ever put in action.—(Hear, hear.) MG KEOGH, after some observations in favour of the adjournment of the debate, said that, as he. had understood the Chancellor of the Exchequer, in what had fallen from him at an earlier period of the evening, intended to repudiate the sentiments which his lion. Friend (Mr. Osborne) had attributed to him, in order that there might be no mistake on the subject, he would read to the House the passage in the Right on. Gentleman's speech to which his Hon. Friend alluded. The Right Hon. Gentleman was speaking on the case of Ireland, upon a motion which was brought forward by the Noble Lord the Member for London (Lord J. Russell). The Right Hon. Gentleman stated that they had heard a great deal of Catholic associations, and anti-corn-law leagues, and political unions; but those things were the consequence of the people putting the government of the country into the hands of those who did not know how to wield it; and then, alluding to the Catholic question, observed—one said it was a physical question, and another that it was spiritual. Now it was the absence of an aristocracy, and then the absence of railroads—it was the Pope one day, the potatoes the next. But they had a starving population—an absentee aristocracy ; and what would the stern supporters of the Establishment say, when the Right Hon. Gentleman added, an alien church; in addition to the weakest of executives in the world? Any one reading of a country in that position, ob served the Right Hon. Gentleman, would say at once that the remedy was revolution. But Ireland, he said, could not have a revolution, and why? Because it was connected with another and a more powerful country—her connexien with England prevented revolution ; and as revolution was the only remedy, England was placed in the odious posi tion of being the cause of all that misery. What, then, he asked, was the duty of an English Minister? The Right Hon. Gentleman was then engaged in the duty of hunting down the man who was then a great English Minister (Opposition cheers) —and was talking of Parliamentary middle-men, who bamboozled one party and plundered the other, and called upon the 'louse to put an end to Parlia mentary hypocrisy. Now, if the House still maintained the inclination to put an end to a Parliamentary hypocrisy, they would permit him (Mr. Keogh) to put an end to the repre sentation that the Hon. and Galiant Member had misrepre sented the Right Hon. Gentleman. But he would proceed— " What was the duty of an English Minister ? To effect by his policy all those changes which revolution would effect by force."—(Hear, hear.) The debate was then adjourned till Wednesday, the 10th of May. The Property and Income-tax Bill was further considered in Committee, and ordered to be read a third time on Friday. The other orders of the day were then disposed of, and the House adjourned at Half-past Twelve o'clock. COURT CIRCULAR. Hlghness../ h„ Royt, Prints Alban Her Majesty and h'.s Roy al a n tt ig ezd n e e d ss b t y no Lo p rd noh C os la s ar o le f s C l a ' m itz b r r o i y d,a , se v , is e e sterday atter• noon, at her residence in St. Jameinsert, palace. attended by the His Royal Highness Prince A_ Marquis of Abcrcorn, Viscount a r d : the Hon. Alexander Gordon, one o'clock, yeetereay Colonel Francis Seymour, and le _ d li e i v e i n itc e 'nl:l " ct-aCtlanneti lace at ten minutesßuckingham , r'it t o o u f n d t a h t e i o n v v stone lace at ten minuteS se of lay in g eet, of the West. minster turned to drive yesterday m C nntes tili hnesses Prince Arthur, and the before u etd t ° wL s V 0 0 1 tio e i : sc o ai r 0 : o'clock. k - 5. took t r e t h e a o t , afternoon, twenty i e ther n oBoen;v fbo buildings Training iltdhienl lnstitutio nlPa 1?- b ef oref o l f a ytgN Buckinghamat i onl Society r ttie • . 9 a a i s t r it r o i y n a aa l open carriage and four. Their Royal took their usual morning , i n n ii no of Wales, the Princess Royal, and Higneases the P Their Royal n y a es . 3 r ses Helena a 3,membersel yesterday, ° f thein Royalth garden a f r a d izt e n i ly of Buckingham Highness Prince Albert rode out on horse rethxaeHelaroiotc:ehee.Rero back yesterday, attended by Lieut.-Colonel Hon. A. Gordon. Majesty and his Royal Hi g h ness Prince Albert, with he Prince of Wales an d P r i nce Alfred, attended layjiYeitrseountess Jocelyn, the Honourable 111.ary Seymour, Lord Pelwarth, Lord Charles Fitzroy, and Lieut.-Colonel Hon. A.. Gordon, honoured the Royal Italian Opera with their presence last evening. Her Royal Highness the Duchess of Rent, attended by Lady Anna Maria Dawson, Lady Fanny Howard, and Sir George Couper, honoured her Majesty's Theatre with her presence last evening. A deputation, headed by Sir William Gibson Craig, M.P., Mr. Edward Ellice, M.P., and Mr. Cowan, M.P., had an interview with the_Chancellor of the Exchequer yesterday, at his official residence in Downing-street. Lord Lyttleton had an interview with the Earl of Derby yesterday, at his official residence in Downing' street. Tho Cambridge University Commission had a meet ing yesterday at the official residence of the First Lord of the Treasury in Downing -street. Present—the Bishos of Chester, the D ean o f E ly, Professor Sedgwinh, a° the Rev. W. H. Bateson (Secretary). Lieutenant -Colonel Munday had an interview 7 411 Sir John Pakington yesterday at the Colonial• s er d ce i i , A deputatio n , h ea d e d by Mr. Miles, MP. , of Cardwell, M.P., h a d an i nterview with the Chancellor n the Excheq uer y esterday, at his official residence i Downing-street. --- DESTRUCTION OP TUE CRYSTALJ.PALACE. ---I sing. sequence of many thousands of persons in the United t h Great dom having been unable to obtain a copy cif ted by the Exhibition Chart, printed in colours, and P reae bs u cribers and In COn proprietors of the Weekly Dispatch, to their re-issue has been determined upon , next, Place on Sunday the public, in the months of January and Februarysu last, a to May 16th. The Chart, which has 'lumber of persons revision, shows by simple diagrams that visited the Exhibition daily, at the various entrances, the quantityi sumed ; the names of the Royal C of the origin of the Palace, And it order that every individual in the . statistical reflex of curious and andi the demolition of the building, the enu of money taken the amount frefreshmen con take undergone a careful in ° ssioners ; an account "ladimensions in feet. In country may possess this nteresting results, to mark to serve as a memento be delivered gratis to every of its existence, the Chartwillfthe Dispatch on the day stated. subscriber and purchaser o d at four o'clock every Saturday The Dispatch is publishe_rs. a _ way ii trains leaving London, morning, in time for the .i n 1 r Early orders should be given to and for the morning Mal 5.0 r country; or to Mr. R. J. Wood, all newsvenders in town_The news agents will have a copy of No. 139, Fleet-street. the Chart with every Dispatch of May 16th. TO THE SECRETARY OF THE BRADFORD (CONTINUED REFORM NDAYS AND ASSOCIATION. Sir,—On Monday th e 10 t b the E CS SD H A OY YS 2f the Exchequer produced . hi s p l an for the IrCEhDaNn of the Seats forfeited by the disfranchi r Assign ban's•and Sudbury • a subject on whichBpm publ ic of St. Al ment bad been considerably raised. It is impossible curiosity that his plan was as f a ir, o p en , h onest, undisguisetd' i o ded eny, proschable a proposal to a dd f our M embers to theCrorne servative side of the Hous e , as if it h a d b een suggested to give four new Members to the county of Buckingbsm, The proposal was, to divide your West Riding into two, taking the North Midland Railway for the line of demarcation, giving two new Members to the North- Eastern or agricultural division, and leaving you of the South-Western as you are. Credit was taken for not allowing Leeds to corrupt the air,rieultural division, state ment being made that it was proposed to make a hump in tle divisional line for the purpose of keeping Leeds on the other side. Further, a division of the same nftture was to be perpetrated on the South division of Lancashire, with the - pdpuble cleat of fixing the capital of the new division at Liverpool, where Conservative prii:ciples are considered to be strong, The bait thrown out in this to the Liberals,—who as children of light, are not expF , oted to be always a match for the children of this world,—was "You cannot ob jec to an arraorz , raent that gives more Members to the carne pootilr!ioli" in fset, the Ct,audos Ciente over .gain. And it was musing to see, how many appeared dir,poscd to rise at this fly. The lliamber fur the U-ivcrsity of Ox(ord. (Mr. Qlsci steno) rt:phed to the Chain< liar of the Exchequer. Le ab;y ovrrtnrned the preliminaries of the official spcslicr,, who had laid down with considerable pomp of language, that though there was nothing magical or cabalistic in the precise number of GSS Members of the House of Commons, there was an imperious necessity that this 'suste • • number should be precisely preserved.. mysterious ln fees be had argued. with all the powers at his cora mat'id, that before the Governem at could go to the pre mised appeal to the people, iS was necessary that the House should be filled up to the mysterious number with four Conservative Members. After this reply, the House went to a division by common consent on the motion of Mr. Gladstone to piss to the other Orders of the Day; which was carried a g ain st the Chancellor of Exchequer by 234 votes to 148. An unsuccessful attempt was made on the Ministerial side of the flou,e, to diminish the importance of this vote by repreeentic.• it its what was called " a snap division;" the argum t3 ciat being founded on the division taking place earlier Cian was expected, and consequently a number of Members having gone to dine. But this manifestly depended on the assumption, that only Tories go to dine. Any man with the slightest knowledge on such subjects must know, that unless it can be proved that Liberals de not dine, the number of diners on each side must have approached to the proportion of the final numbers; and consequently if fifty Members went to dine, it is as certain as that a man firing into s fl .ck of sparrows would kill a nearly equal number of cocks and hens if the - numbers were equal to begin with, that thirty out of the fifty would be Liberals, end therefore, if no- , body had gone to dine, the majority against the Minis ters would have been ten more than it it was. When a party to any contest makes an eff,rt which so palpa bly fails, it is within the limits of the most temperate and justifiable opposition to hold it up to public non sideration as a striking evidence of weakness, and carry to the utmost the advantages derivable from the fact. Hero then is the Tory Ministry in a minority of eight times (which but for dining out would have been nine times) as many as induced their predecessors to throw up the Government. It is to be feared the superiority alluded to as in possession of the children of this work', will prevent its having anything like similar seise • quences now. An interesting question for our side, is to know what could base induced the Tory Ministry to put themselves into this minority. Supposing that we had been called to hold their cards, it is clear our aim must have been, to propose the maximum of advantage we were sure of carrying, but first end above all things to propose nothing we should fail in. Why did the Con servative Ministry fall into this huge mistake? Or can it, as some suggested, have been intended, and is there anyihing behind? The probability appears to be, that there is not, and that it is simply the result of what was noted to you in a pr , ceding letter, uuder the phrase of the squadron-officer b. in; ridden over by his men be hind. Their squadron, ii appears then, is a mob, not under the direction of the ostensible leader, and conse quently in only a slight degreejunder any direction at all. AU of which, let you and me, who ride in the opposite ranks, treasure up lot. use as opportunity may arise. The Militia Bill was thin proceeded with in Com mittee. After stout resistance, Clauses 7 and 8 were carried by majorities of 169 to 82. and 216 to 99. Clause 8 is tor fixing the Quota of counties by Order in Council. Tho basis of this fixing appears to be =lie.. cessarily circuitous. Where can be the necessity for in stituting a cumbersome preliminary inquiry into the num ber of serviceable men in the respective counties, when the object might be obtained with quite sufficient accu racy by dividing according to the population? Suppose, for instatel, it is decided that 80,000 men are to be levied in England, with a population of sixteen millions. Was it necessary to do more than direct each county to furnish cue militiaman for every two hundred of po pulation ? But there is a further question, of considerable im portance. Steirg it is declared to be desirable to raise the men by voluntary enlistment, why may not as many men bo so raised as will enlist without diktinction of counties, and the counties in the last resort be charged with raising the deficiency by ballot by the rule men tioned above? On what principle is it to be said, if Lincolnshiremen are eager to enlist and Yorkahiremen are not, that the men shall not be taken by voluntary enlistment in Lincolnshire, but shall be taken by forged conscription in Yorkshire? If you and I were allowed to settle this matter, I think we could contrive to mend it. _ _ _ I Kill note, that the proposal of the Chancellor of the Exchequer for making the North Midland Rail way the line of demarcation between the intended divi sions, is not carried to the clearness which would pro bably have been shown if the plan had been of longer life. The North Midland Railway, to my appre hension, stops at Normanton. But from the mention made of Leeds as near the boundary, there seems no doubt that the boundary intended in that part of the line was what you call the Leeds and Bradford Rail way, and that if the agriculturists were to be" shoulder,' you were to have been ribs." When you see the por trait of the unsuspecting animal that is divided into joints for the instruction of inexperienced carvers, it may make you think of the escape you have had in the West t h e Maynooth question, aft er a Os Tuesday long I debate, was adjourned till the 19th. I am, Sir, yours eery sincerely, AN OLD IiEIfOILMER Blackheath, May 12, 1852. A SYSTEM OF BOOK-KEEPING FOR TIIE TANNING TRADE. By Joseph S a wyer, publisher Thi s book has been compiled expressly for the b e „,fit of those connected with the tanning tradf., ~ f or . which," says Mr. Sawyer, ' there is as yet DO Sufficiently defined system of book-keeping, although it ranks third or fourth among the manufactures of Great Britain." To give some idea of the extent to which the leather trade is carried on in this country, Sir P. M. Eden, in his work on insurance, es timated the value o f t h e different articles m anufactured of leather, in 1803, at 12 ,000,000/. The work is divided into two parts. In Part I. will be found instruc tions for the preliminary arrangement of books . al _ d detailed information for those who are not.practeincerlirt acquainted with book-keeping, followed d bY devoted to the rules for balancing, &c. Part 11. consideration of the difficulties of concise accounts in the tanning tra o d o e: the principle which the author c convenient and advantageou d s. very carefully arranged, and Sawyer has fulfilled the . in his preface, viz., merit and illustration, p • 448 y ti ex traneous matter and useless t a set of books relating to prin ciple of which must [ ill keepinge clear and and explaining considers the most The whole has been. w e consider that Mr. Which he expresses mplioity of arrange d by the exclusion of all a less technicalities, to produce be tanning trade, the b obvious even to persons un acquainted with book keeping." NEW ASYLUM FOR FATHERLESS CHILDREN.--. Yesterday the eighth anniversary of this asylum, at Stam ford-bill, was celebrated at the London Tavern by a festival, at which Mr. Peto, M.P., presided. About eighty friends an d s upporters of the institution dined together. It is a dis tinctive feature of this charity that it imposes no restrictions with respect to the ages of those whom it is intended to be nefit, but renders aid to the destute orphan as early and as as he may need help. Thep New Asylum" was formed long in 1844, in consequence of differer ces as regards religious teching.which had arisen in the original orphan asylum, founded in 1827. The Chairman stated that the Prince of Wales was a contributor of 250 guineas. The Hon. Chair num advocated the claims of the charity very successfullY, and stated that there were now upwards of one hundred orphans in the asylum, and that the high character of fired orphans with its management was a g uarantee for their ex cellent training and the care bes towed upon them. It was in contemplation to erect a new building more com mensurate with the claims on the benevolence of the funds of the charity, and there was already a fund amounting to 2,400/. towards this desirable object. After the dinner the c hildren belonging to the asylum , who presented a healthy and prepossessing appearance , w alked in procession round the room, and after singing a hymn retired. The health of the chairman was proposed by Ur. Alderman Wire, who referred to the liberality which has characterised his career, both as a A e o r u v y n ei t e i i n n r i public man and in private life. This toast was 4 as arna. v dully received, after which a list of subscri to 9621. was read by the hon. secretary, the It including a donation of 250 guineas from the chairman, and one of a hundred guineas from Baron Lionel Rothschild, treasurer of the institution. [ADVERTISEMENT.] -- 110110Way'S Pills, an aged Man cured by them of a Complaint in his Stomach and Short ness of Breath.—l desire to bear testimony to the good effects o f Holloway's Pills. For many years I as allicted with a tightness in the stomach, accompanied by shortness of breath, that prevented me from walking about. lam S 4 years old, yet though so far advanced in years these Pills have had so good an effect that I now take exercise without inconvenience, and I feel suite relieved of the stomach complaint. (Signed) Henry Coe, No r th street, Lynn. Messrs. - Threw and Son, proprietors of the Lynn Advertiser, will confirm this state meat.—Sold by all Druggists, and at Professor Holloway's Establishment, 244, Strand, London. Dr. Maelure, formerly head master of the All Souls and St. 'Marylebone District School, in union with King's College, London, has been appointed by the Croy , a ; Regius Professor of Humanity in Marischar College, Aber deen. THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVE,NING, MAY 12 ! 1852.