The Sun. — London, England, 1846-05-16 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAYMORNING, MAY 16, 1846. both landlord., farmers, tenants, and labourers, and they all agreed with him in belisving the price of food in this c .untry regulated wages. Well, then, if they admitted wheat into . , this country, which, compara ti ve l y spea ki ng , cost little or nothing in its production, would it not reduce the income of the farmer, and the wages of the lahourer?—( Hear, hear.) Most assuredly it would, or how would the British agricultu rist be able to compete with the foreigner, who hart so many advantages in his favour. In some parts of the country, Cam. bridge for instance, the labour was paid according to the price of wheat, and whenever that commodity r :se or fell in price, the wages of the labourer rose ar.d fell in corresponding ratio. —( Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Baronet had a-sued that the reverse was the case, but he could assure the Right Hon. Baronet that he was mistaken. Sir R. PEEL explained, that when he said wages rid not vary in the same ratio as the price of wheat, his statement ap plied to particular coueties, of which he gave examples. He certainly did argue, he admitted, that the wages of the menu facto. ing labourer varied in an inverse ratio with the price of wheat.—( Hear, hear. ) Mr. HUDSON—After - listening most attentively to the arguments and statements on both sides of this piestion, he was bound to tell the House and the country, that his views upon it had undergone no change.—( Hear, hear.) Ile agreed with the Right Hon. Baronet, that waves did not vary in the same ratio as the price of wheat. Labour, like every other article of commerce, was liable to competition, and whenever there were large importations of wheat from abroad it caused great depression amongst the agricultural interest, and a consequent overflow of labour in the market.—( Hear, hear.) When the agricultural interest flourished, ft e manu facture thrived, and the question for them to censider was, would this improve or injure the condition of the agricul turist. In his opinion it certainly would. for how, in the name of all that was reasonable, could the British farmer cnm - nete with the foreigner who paid less for his land, less for his labour. and possessed considerably more natural advantages. (Hear ; hear.) In his opinion then the only tendency of this measure would be to throw land out of cultivation, and gradually depreciate its value, and ke for one could not sanction it with his vote. They were asked by the Right Hon. Baronet the Secretary of State, what were the opinions of Earl Fitswilliam, the Earl of Derby, and seve ral other reblemen of distinction, upon this question. But the Right Hon. Baronet forgot that these noblemen were possessed of immense incomes, and could afford to submit to the charge. Let him ask though what would become of the small land holder, and the tenant farmer, who had no incomes but what tkev derived from their labour and their land ? What were the . ) , to do. who had invested their small capital in the cultiva• tion of land, on the faith of the exist:ng law being continued? —( Hear, hear.) It was very well for men who heist large and boundless tracts of land, to acquiesce in the passing of this Bill, but. there were hundreds of others not quite so well off, who deserved the consideration and protection of the House. They were now about to enter into a great specula' ion, with out any of those grounds which alnays guided teen of business in their speculations. It was one of the wildest sntsemes that could possibly be conceived.—( Hear, hear.) He had not much time, in conzequence of the press of other business. to read the details of these measures; but he would use the rea• son which God had given him upon the subject, in the best rnaerer that he cou'd., TI e country was in the most flourish g s'We, and there never was a time when this country was so well suppled with all the necessaries of life as it was at the pre sent time.—( Hear, hear.) They were told of the paucity o corn abroad, but he believed that before this measure received the royal assert, if it ever did—.(Loud cheers) —that there would he at least two millions and a half of quarters of corn imported inns this country. They had been blamed for delaying this measure; he dial not, however, think that that delay had b >en productive of any evil to the country—at least not to the farmer—for if one million of quarters had been let into the country, the prig es to the farmer would have been considerably reduced. The revenue would be greatly bene fited by this delay--it would, probably, receive 600,0001. more than if the measure had been passed in a hurried and a hasty manner through Parliament. If th y were to take away all protection from the farmers they ottelit to be set upon a footing with the manufacturers and millowners—( Hear, hear)—and be enabled to compete with foreign countries. The announcement of the present measure bad canned considerable stagnaion in the monetary concerns of this country.—(Hear, hear.) It was not to be surprised that it should have dens so, for the banker would not advance money upon farm property when required to do so, because he did not know the effect which the Government measure would have in depreciating the valse of such property.—( Hear, hear) Some demur had been made to a statement which he made some time since of the price of wheat. Considerable communi cation had taken place upon the subject between himself and the farmers, and the general opinion of that body was that the House, not being aware of the accuracy of his statements, were leeislating in the dark upon the subject of the corn-laws. ( The Hon. Member then read a letter from a farmer in the East Riding of Yorkshire with reference to the prices and qua lities of wheat and potatoes in the market, and which went on to say that instead of there being a famine in May. they would need other markets t o ta k e o ff t h e i r produce.) The writer of this letter stated that he was surprised that his statement that the price of wheat had been as low as 255. should have been re ceived with so much surprise, for he had himself purchased great quantities at from 18s. to 20s. The lion. Member then went on to say that he thought some means should be devised by which a man who occupied a farm of 3001. a-year should be relieved from paying 751. a-year in the shape of poor and high 'way rates. He thought it would be some satisfaction to those who acted with him, that they were not provisional committee men on this Bill—(Cheers and laughter)—and they would not, therefore, be subject to the liabilities which attached to provi sional committee-men.-4 Cheers. ) The Marquis of WORCESTER in opening his speech tank occasion to allude to the exaggerated accounts of the divress in Ireland. He held lettere in his hand, which stated that three or four cargoes of potatoes had been this week shipped from that country; He also referred to the injury occasioned to the farmer by the introduction of live stock into the country; 700 beasts and 590 sheep had been imported into this country last week. The Noble Lord read letters which he received from several tenant-farmers on the subject of the proposed alterations. They were unanimous in condemning these ; and one writer went on to say that if the two flight Hon. Baronets, who were the authors of the measure, had been present at Ctreneester the last market day, they wini:ci have heard their names uttered with curses.—(Laughter. ) The tenant-farmers were completely opposed to the measure, and many Members of that House would, he was sure, agree with him that such was the fact.—( Hear, hear.) He thanks d the House for the kindness with which they had heard him. and he would conclude by expressing his determinati on t o g i ve the Bill hi s moat decided - opposition iri every stage. Mr. MONTAGUE GORE would, with the permission of the House, occupy its attention for a short time, while he t'r'ade a few observations on this important. question. He differed very much from the Gentlemen who had spoken as 'o the effects which might be anticipated from.the importation et foreign corn on the agriculture of this country. He wou d take the liberty of reading some documents.shish would plat this matter beyond question. The Hon. Member then read a letter from a tenant-iarmer of Norfolk. who visited Rus , ia a short time since wi'h wrong prepossessions in favour of protection, but who had been there ozily a short time when his opinions underwent a complete alteration. This change was the cense.. quence of what he saw, and the conviction that the agriculi t rists of this country had nothing to fear from the absence of all protection to agriculture. A letter which he had received from a gentleman in the City, and which he weed read, proved that no arprehension might be entertained from the importations from Am rice. The Hon. Gentlemi.n then read a statement of the number of barrels of fi iur im ported, for a period of years, from America, and also a num ber of returns, stating the quantity of corn which might be expected from Demme and ether places, and the price which it would cost. He then went on to say that, considering all these circumstances, no prejudicial results w ou!d take place, if protection 'were abolished. No doubt this was a measure which, would effectsome very great changes, and, like all great measures, some individual cases of evil would e • lt f it • Su fr om b u t as a great general measure' it would be productive of much r ?_li,ei good ; and, he had no doubt, it would most ma hwohslele he lady benefit the agriculturists.—( Hear, hear.) But supported this measure he should express . a that other measures would also be introduced which 'vould also benefit the ageiculturistspf the country; and, above all, he h oped that this .measure, as one which would confer great hesefit upon Ireland, would receive the cordial co operation o f the majority of the House. He did believe that few measures could be introduced which, coupled with a mea eure affecting the tenant right in Ireland, could be more bene ficial to the criuntry. He should conclude by saying that this discussion had, in his opinion, been conducted in a highly creditable manner to this liou,e and to the country, and if it had been introduced by the Noble Lord the Member for Lon don, he would have supported it just as cordially as he did now. Mr. LAWSON said, he had listened to the arguments of the. Hon. Member for Bath, and iliceie of a great many other lion. Members who had spoken for and against the measure. Ile had heard some Honourable Members say that it was a measure so illusory and nugatory that it was of no importanc e whether it was passed or not. If he could believe this argu ment, he would certainly vote against it; but he could not credit such a proposition after all he had heard from the Hon. Member for Barnstable ; and he did not think, that from what he knew of the district in which he resided, that the measure would equally benefit the manufacturer and the agriculturist. He found in that part Of the country with which he was most familiar a perfect unanimity with respect to the measure introduced by her Majesty's Ministers. They all agreed in the principle that prot ec ti on oug h t to b e afforded to native industry. He had, himself, the honour of presenting petitions from between 50 to 60 townships in the neighbourhood he represented, and this was the oaly excuse be put forward for rising at this late period of the debate, and obtruding himself upon the notice of the House. He did not think it would he an act of justice to those he represented if he were contented with giving a silent vete on this important question. One of the objections which he hail to the passing or this measure /at the present time was, that the Hon. Member whe introduced it had not stated what the price of wheat was expected to be. He hoped, therefore, to hear that night from the Hon. Baronet his expected price, because, until they had smell, they were legislating in the stalk. Now, as to the de pendence of this country on foreign nations, it had been almost ridiculed in this [louse that they should adept the doctrine that by or t t fi h i. e s measure they s h ou ld b e d epen d ent on f ore i gn nat i ons supplies of food. lie owned that in this error, if error Pt was, he cordially** elence would be joined, and he thought that this deli:m a:teat point to whlT'he*.ensibly felt if a war should occur. The was with rem rd to those would direct the attention of the Houk of o _ in z , ho were now in office, and he thought that any change had aderinteT public men, from that line of, policy which they throughout their whole lives, was in itself very detrimental io t o h r e c interests, and even if he b a d a predilection in favour b los measure, yet, knowing the a principle it forward, he should inconsistency of those who now hesitate before he acceded to Contrmeasureary to all those they had formerly av:uwilp7l'elbweliihwats:: were dissolved, as he hoped it w e If thie Parliament passe d —if it was so dissolved, and the before were measure. He their duty, determined that the Bill be p ae „,d , then it constituency had to accede to that 43 a minority, allow that this measure would produce, cheap b e would not mitted, indeed, that at first it would produce a re i ad. He ad food, but that would not continue permanently. nzsly cheap bad been made of famin.. in Ireland, and the scarcit gr f eat cry toes had been ureed as a reason why they° should pass the Corn Bill. He co u ld inform the iloniti!de that potatoes ware selling in York at t wo shillings per bushel, while in London he himself paid fifteen shillings per sack. Potatoes were sent me to London a t fif ty shillings Per ton, yet no one would buy them, and they were obliged to be taken back again. One would naturally imagine that no monopoly would exist in a city like London, but it appeared that there was an universal agreement to keep up the prices, in order to compel the passing of this measure.—(Laught er , and cries of "Oh, oh," from ti e Opposition.) Hon. Gentle men might cry " Oh, oh," but he considered that if they granted this Bill they would be giving way to the League, aid encouraging greater demands. He was exceedingly sorry te differ from the Right Hon. Baronet, but he was not convinced in his own mind—( Laughter)—that this measure w9)alti be for the good of the country, and. therefore, he could not give his support to the Ministerial Bill. Mr. VERNON SMITH was happy to see that the acri tHlY which usually distinguished either side of the House, sank into a sort of apathy on this question, but although they h a d ceased to offend against each other it was only to turn, restei v ituperation i upon th e Right pen. Baronet and her Ma doiyJa's Ministers . The Hon. Ge , tleman, who bad just• sat downstllelemanded that her M a ! es t y ' s Mi n i sters s h ou ld b r i ng. that the price of wh eat , a f ter the passing of the meaitife -4.._ y should state the exact number of bushels to be in `argg ced and the owl wages they would at any future period pay to their labourers.—(Lau thter.) He would not, at that late hour, enter into any statistical details on this question, and the only reason why he voted on it was because of very general reasons, which after all were the bes' ore s. He could not believe that a country like this, to fruitful in itself, would not he improved in its agriculture, when farmers were threwn upon their own resources, and when science was brouelit to bear upon and to a eist in this desired object It was to be remembered that agriculture, and the science which was so intimately connected with it, was yet in its infancy. It might be urged againt this measure, that small farmers might' arctic , that they had been encoursged in the cultivation of land, which woultridherwise be uncultivated, by the system of pro tection which had been afforded, and that they would stiffer ruin it such protection were withdrawn. He doubted whether, under such circumstances, it would not have been preferable to impose a small duty upon corn, and he was surprised that the Right Hon. Baronet, whose fame rested principally upon his financial abilities, s hould have risked the revenue which he had that raised, apparently for no specific object. He considered this Billettight to have been tried in a time of prosperity, such as the year before, instead of, as now, forcing the measure n un ot te g r iv t e h n e ftehaerftrirenfadms who sat aGdvetatntlteamgeanof theae now, his success would appearr g u m e t n o t s b, e ( n ) w d r and if lie failed, as he sincerely trusted he would not, his f a il u re i i r f ig h tO m w e a e s ansa e ic e l ' i li h ng e ought not to have used ; would he attributed to dissensions in this House seining f-cm his own policy, and to the opposition of another portion of the Legislature. Mr. DISRAELI said, that the Secretary of Sate, in the speech which he had made on the first night of the discussion, had reminded Hon. Gentlemen sitting on three benches, and professing opinions favourable to native industry, that they had feune it neceesary to depart from many of the opinions which toy bad previensly Professed, and to give up many of the itogmas wltich t hey had formerly maintained. He ackno-ne leged that he believed it to he a necessary result of all discus- - sions, that either party took refuge in the pride which pro fessed that it never was convinced—( Hear, hear)—that it never changed its opinion on a single topic in the debate. He did not claim for himself, and he believed that he need net claim for ary of the Gentlemen around him, such power of argument, such force of reasoning, as to convince their oppo nerrs ; and, while he listened with great respect to everything urged on the other side, he never ad vanced or maintained any opinion when he found that that such was no loner tenable. But he thought he could -how the Secretary of State that this faculty of maintaining an opinion was not peculiar to their party. Ile rather imagined that many of tke opinions advocated by Hon. Gen tletnen opposite were now abandoned, as no longer tenable. He could not avoid remembering many of these opinions which were no longer put forward. He might begin with cheap bread.—( Cheers.) They had had the Ministers of the Crown even in this very year, even in this important session, they hail the. Ministers of the Crown descr-bing the cry of cheap bread as the clamour of a et) ine faction.—( Hear, hear, and cheers. ) There was another opinion now given up. He did not believe that it was longer maintained that the present .orn-laws were productive of any extraordinary fluctua tion in prices, yet that cry occasion e d great ag i tat i on It was averted that this same corn-law-was the bane of agri culture, and yet it had never been shown that it had occasioned serious tluctuatiens in the price of wine. Then with respect to tithes. 'They had the evidence of the very best valuers of tithes in the Tithe Commission—they had the evidence of land agents in all parts of the country, that every acre generally in England produe-sd 28 bushels of wheat upon an average ; and they hid reports to shew that each acre in Russia produced 16 bushels, and France proclucel s only 15. But he had also the report of a gentleman well acquainted with agriculture, who had travelled over the United States, and from the returns fur nished of 69 counties, he f :end that only 14 bushels were cal culated to each acre. It did appear therefore to him, that pro'etition was nut injurious to agriculture, since in England th-y found that the average quantity reaped from each acre exceeded in a considerable degree the other country, sof Europe. It had also been an nounced that the pepu'ation of the country increased in a greater ratio than its products; that every day added 1(100 souls to the population, or 365 000 in each year. But they should have told them also that the price of wheat decreased in the same proportion. Be there was another opinion which struck him as being repeatedly advanced in that House, he meant the opinion that a protective duty provoked the enacting of hostile tariffs. But tUey were independent o 1 these hostile influences, at least the new philosophy was altogether inde pendent of these considerations.—( Cheers.) Another argu ment now abandoned was this, that freight itself would be a sufficient protection to the home grower. The Honourable Gentleman the Member for Stockport, whose speeches he (Mr. Dirseli) always read with great pleasure, and it was but fair that he should refer to these out-door speeches when the) created such a change in doors.—(Hear, hear.) What did the Hen. Member for Stockport say the protecting freight would be? 10s. 6il. He believed that if that statement had been made a year ago, it would have been universally believed—it would have met with the hearty cheers of Hon. Members. Was it believed now ? He ( Mr. Disraeli) doubted if there was any freight of Io3.—he doubted if the freight from Odessa was t es. They knew well that it vvis as expensive to freight grain from one port of Britain to another as from a foreign pert.— (Cheers. ) But it was necessary that he should touch upon an other topic, one now exploded, namely, that the present corn 'aws produced a fluctuation in the priee of grain. They were, by thus noticing those matters, clearing the course, and he could, without hesitation, affirm that there was less fluctuation in the price of grain in England than in any country in the world.—( Cheers.) Mr. Secretary Gladstone had moved for a return most important in character, and more important from he persons introducing it to the House. That was a return ex tending from 1834 to 1840 inclusive, of the weekly prices if wheat in al; the principal capitals of the United States. Now he would take one of. these capitals, which would be worst for the case espoused by that party against a majority of that House. He would take Philadelphia, the capital of Pennsylvania. Iv was a great mercantile market, and had the great advantage of rejoicing in the economy of free trade.— ( Hsar, hear.) Now he found that, as regarded fluctuation, the total difference between the highest and the lowest prices was as forty-seven per cent. in, the United States. and 33 per cent, i n E ng l ind.—(Clieers.) And the total dif ference in the septennial period was 270 per cent. in America, while it was only 227 in England. An objection might be urged against this return of Mr. Gladstone's, that it gave the weekly returns, and that local circumstances might con siderably affect them. But he held also in his hand a return from the years 183) to 1838, and he found that the difference in this period, from the highest to the lowest price, was as 150 to C 9 per cent.—( Cheers.) He had taken Philadelphia as the nearest point for themselves, and the other capitals of America were, therefore, more favour able to the at-vim-lent he was advancing. The Hon. Member then referred to rye as sold at Warstw and Dantzie, showing that in the former city, where the free-trade system prevailed, the difference between the highest and lowest price was in five years 149 per cent., while in the latter city, where a p.otection duty was maintained, the fluctuation in price in the same period was only sixty-nine per cent. He thought they might consider the argument of fluctuation, as used against a protective system, no lorigem tenable in that House. Trey ought to have a " limbo " for the reception of disused p tli ical arguments, and he should pri pose that those he had enumerated he placed there among the first. He would defy their opponents to show that they on the protection benches had changed their opinions so frequently as Honourable Members on the Om osition side of the House, who suppo ted this measure of the Governrtlent.—(llear, hear. ) A v-ry celebrated authority, who was once a Member of that House, had declared that rsising corn to an artificial price im posed a tax upon the people of this country amounting to ee,000,000/. Another and ano less celebrated, though a more successful, authority, and who, he believed, was eon • sidered the authority of the Anti-Corn-law League, -had fallen foul of this calculation, because the calculation had omitted the number of quarters of wheat consumed by the agricultural body, all of which it was contended ought not to have been employed in ascertaining the amount of the corn-law tax. This latter authority estimated the tax at from 9,000,000/. to 10,000,0001., and urged the principle that it was better for England not to raise a quarter of grain than incur, the liability of paying this tax. He admitted that this was the - extreme case, but in adopting it he was only testing the principle of the free-trade party. Now, suppose England, by importing k 30.000,030 of quarters of grain from abroad saved f tt E r h o ne m g sl ha l na o, pd e o b o oy O, f d w OO o gn o Z eg . s. t o o l . 2 ,4 0 h t, e o c 0 0 : 0 0 , , ui r e li de e r/aa. also s oy i tl more o could et hn pan ntr they t s e o e fn savedi t e i i d e t c h aian pital invested i n th e p ro d uct i on of that amount of corn, as well ' corn a t the hadrent b e ea w ie hnt h , e i Hge c prx h orotni trnoeacnumdi Honourable extreme eb a pßlw e oe c uii n r ttAh u til e oteo d umraf t vb f i iga r ee o dhrw t o n t pf;b(t i ebr h nsu e gatsi lidtaat Stockport, wchdkeaa extreme ot p hi rrm o i n : npwo w ea: hsspoii urgingo:e il h enevt t f ue h o: e if, himy th ie e w c .t a o s - test the being a practical man, would probably deny the necessity for considering the case in this au t e ll i,d x oa tnrnrt.eyomt didTeb eh en p er o one i tt n isr t ivue ploy o pu f ol td: v rt i t e ehw w anat , lrhaeendcdua reduction jo e z t l the Non. bpelreitecis.7Member out tutht e andfl acultivation, t his, vo o th u e t re of wo c u u l l: t iv st a i t l i l o b n e . a Nell, u t t h io e n n, of ta i upon this ground, frankwage giving th s' in Tglein Hun.s-ml a reduction of Memberthe House f h o S e s t o t .cmk ate t o rte of b lide a e t e n t h e e x p t r r e i e m e e e f i corn would b e a f ter the passing of this Act, and he thought if he could show that this price, high as it was as compar e d w ith what w ou ld b e the price of foreign corn, would not yield a profit to the B r iti s h pro d ucer, he would be demon s t ra ti ng the inutility as well as the ruinous tendency of this measure. He would meet the argurn, nts of Hon. Gentlemen opposite with facts, but he protested against being answered with assertions. He would not weary the House by mentioning those large pro ducing countries, ttith which Hon. Members must have been made too familiar in the course of the present session, but he would call the attention of the House to markets thatriever were mentioned, which would have a great influence in regulating the prices of this country. T here was, in the first place, Hungary, which he need not remind the House, consisted of 30,000 stfeare miles—it contained the richest soil in the world, in fact its soil was that of a gartoric n—t . h from mile to mile without meeting a sin g l e then they had in this country at least 24e,000 square m i les of the most fsrtile soil in the world, under the influence of achmate most admirably adapted for the growth of corn. Now he had lately received returns from a party well informed on the sub ject of the corn trade, which gave ltim the prices of corn in Hungary. The average price of Hungarian corn, which he mu-t remind the Anse was the finest in the world, was 18s. per bushel. They might send it ove r l an d t o th e port of Trieste Yw might h h t e go re for 4d per English bushel, and thence to this country foe Is. Bd., so that Hungarian wheat could be sold in this country for 20s per bushel. The gentleman Who gave him this information was a practical man trading at Trieste, who told him that if he could only secure a regular trade with England, and send in the first year bOO,OOO Tsar tees, while another how would undertake to bring into any English port 2 0 003 quarters at 23i. the bathe'. t and an other house in Galicia were ready, If this measure passed, to deliver 1,00:V00 quarters free on board at 18s. He would not Mention the markets of Spain, of Egypt, and of. which would have a great effect upon the prices in this Coed try. But it was argued that the demand for core would in crease its price in the producing, eminteiett lie v7oifld apply this principle to other aftielei of large Consumption in this country, abd tee whether it was sound or not. On a former pound.tatem n. o t e c c a e s ss e a e r t y h f e or ail h u ti l me d to to the question of tea, hut said then his statements t e s t) n h e a o d u tea been es , i c sj t u ni t r i.f a 2y d d icted, and it would be therefere t , ll In 1 832, it was es• 1 1 4'1 • • while In n 1 1 4 1 5 1 . ' it ti a l a e -as pr o i n e ly o o r i a . was Is. ;in 1833 ic ~ in 1833, it was h. 1 ; • 183 e, it in 1837, the Ohina Warw"4d.in Ifetiti, it Was Is. 23. again ro.e to os. ; having commenced, the price to 2s. •; in 1839 itindcontinued during 1831 to rise to Is. 4d. and 18, 3d. 1840 the price went down price was only 9a , and yet th;e and now, in 184.6 1 the increased millions epon 1 14 a" the defila" haul take was that of cotton. Inns.lB3 The next instance he should 1837 it was 81d. ; in 1839 it wa ii s fLthe pt ice was 10d. ; in in [B4O and 1841 it was 6d. ; in 1833 it was 64:1. ; and in 1844 and 1845 it was 4d and 41-dand; 7 18 , 43 it was sd. mind the [I Luse that dutiog the years in whichwt'tel; i t a i him re traced this progressive decline in prices, the importation of ' hate England had risen from 33 3,000,0001bs cotton 597,030,0001b5. ; while the manufactures of the cOur t t y o had increased their consumption from 982,00e,0001b5.q) 439,000,0001b5. Now this sufficiently illustrated the princi ple of prices when there was no artificial protection. There was no denying it ; the prices of all products, in the ab sence of protection, had a downward tendency. lie would now take the case, of sugar, which perhaps was not so-applicable' to the principle he was combatting as the articles he had already enumerated. The price of Bengal sugar from 1839 to 1816 had fallen from 475. to a7s. per bag, while in the arts w y e h a e r r etahse in ne the w r o l a e t te nl r y 2 there . 4,0 O w oer e t 6 o 7 2 : i OO mp o tons. o r te d Coffee int o exhibited the same, results. The price of Ceylon coffee in 1840 was from 90s. to 915., while in 1846 it was only 475. per beg. The quantity imported in the first year was 55,000 bags, and in the last year 100,9 2 0 bags. During. the last year, 43,533 lbs. had been imported. Well, i h c a n d he n s o hoz e l s d ire lik t e o to direct theth e then, t t e h n e t r i e nn we o r f e t o h t e h e u r o a u r s t e i le but much further upon the attention of the House. Let them look st° l7e l ! at the case of indigo, of salt, of iron, and of coals, in all ,of which they would observe an universal development. Now ho wished to know on what grosnds corn was to be made an ex ception to the general rule ?—( Clear, hear.) He wanted an answer to that. He thought that it was as fair a question to ask as could b 3 conceived.---( Hear, hear.) Why was corn made an exception to the rule ? Was -it because corn was produced in every country, and in every climate.—( Hear, hear.) Now, for example, he wanted to know where they could not produce corn. They had recently received large quantities of that article even from Persia ; there was no part in Persia in which corn could not be produced at Sc. per quarter. It was a mere question of the cost of transportines, and he begged the country to bear in mind that the progress of steam power in this country was reducing the price of all articless that were capable of being removed to the common level. Now, before he ventured to estimate the consequences of this change, he might state that he well knew that the case of foreign cattle had been urged. There W2S as slight a con nexion between corn and cattle as could possibly be con criyed.—(l-lear hr ar.) Why, in the first place, the continent of Europe had been a corn growing country long before England was a corn growing country. Whad never been a cattle growing country, and the very fact of the Roman Catholic religien, which had prevented the consumption of meat, which prevailed in Protestant countries, led, in a great measure, to that result. No one could contend that there were in any part of the continent of Europe, such pastures as were ba seen in England? Then, again, let them lock to the danger and cost which attended the transmission of such an un markable article as a live beast. He was, therefore, obliged to come to the conclusion that, to promote the manufactures of this country, they were prepared to destroy all the agricul tursl labour which had before existed in it. Now what would be the cen - equences of such a step? The Right Hon. Baronet rose in his place and said, "'That England was not an agiicule tural country--( Hear hear. )—and that it was a manufac turing country."—( Hear, hear.) That was a perfectly novel argument. lie believed on investigating the subject, that England was not, as regarded her commerce as great a commercial country at this moment as she had been at previous periods of her history.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") Of course he did not mean to say that England, at this mo ment, had not increased commercial transactions to what she had several year; bask ; but what be meant to contend was, that when we took into account her increased population, tie re • had not been a corresponding increase in the amount and ex tent of her manufactures.—( Cries of " Hear, hear," and " Oh, oh." The Hon. Member might groan, but that was not the way to an swer his assertions.--(Hear, hear.) He believed that, if they looked at the present manufactures of England. they would find that she was lower in point of her commercial importance than she heel ever been. He said this unhesi raringly. Looking at the number of people employed in the inat,ufacfures of this, country, England was lower in a com mercial poin' than she was an hundred years ago.—( Hear, hear.) For instance, he would ask where were the manufac tures of the West of England, that flourished so much centu ries ago? The woollen manufacture of England was tar more flourishing many years ago than it was at the present moment ; and yet it was for this fluctuating and drooping com merce, that the agriculturists of Engle: d were to be deprived of their rights, merely for the purpose of satisfying the desires of the manufacturers of a single county. He contended that agriculture had done far more to improve the mind of man and the state of the country than ever manufacture had done. In deed that had been admitted by most eminent manufacturers. 'the poverty of the soil was such that it could only be made productive by the Use of artificial soil and manure. What would have been the state of the fens of Lincoln if protection hart not existed ? They would hare been mere waste fens and plash), marshes.—(Loud cheers.) There were two or three points which he did not intend to treat of at that hour of the night, but which he would call to the memory of the House before they came to vote upon the subject now before it. He would merely glance at them, he would not presume to touch upon them, having taken up so much of the time of the House already. It was very well to talk of the Canadas in the manner in which it had been treated by some Hon. Members-- to talk of it as a matter of indifference to this country whether it was annexed to Canada or not. He never had been one of those who thought that Canada would never be annexed to the United States. Canada had too much of the elements of a great country within itself for that.—(Cheers.) He thought it was not the destiny of Canada to be annexed to the United States.—( Hear, hear.) An Hon. Member, in noticing the speech of his Noble Friend the Member for Lynn, had stated that the commerce of Canada was nothing but a mere smuggling trade, by way of Canada, to the United States. That was his argument for keeping Canada. What would be the condition of England in a commercial point of view, if the whole of the transatlantic continent belonged to one power ?—( Cheers.) He would not then dwell upon or touch the case of Ireland. It was too terrible a subject, when a Noble Lord, whose conversion was a subject of congratulation to her Majesty's Government, hod stated that this measure weuld be fatal to the interests of the small farmers.—(Cheers.) It was too terrible a thing, he expected, for him to contemplate, when he knew that that nation was peculiarly a nation of small farmers.—(Cheers.) But there was one observation with reference to Ireland which he could not refilin from making The Honourable Member for Stockport (Mr. Cobden) had stated in that House, and in other places, and very recently, too, in that House, with considerable effect, " that Ireland was an argument in favour of the corn-laws." Of all the countries in the world he should never have ex pected that Ireland would be brought forward as an argument in his favous, Did the Hon. Member mean to say that the statti of Ireland was an argument against protection ? There was a population driven to the last source of human sub sistence. But how did they get these sources of sabsistenee how did they get their potatoes? By cultivating the earth, and by producing oats and wheat, which they sent to England.— ("Hear, hear, and cheers.) Glad would he he if the whoa' and oats remained in Ireland for the consumption of the people. And if the state of Ireland be so as he described it, such mtnt be the c ffeets upon the markets of England. If be was wrong in his calculations, th e y might have a thous yid answers and a thousand assump -lions, founded on the vagaries of political economy. If he was right in its effects upon the labour of the United Kingdom, he wanted to know what would be the state of Ireland if they ruined these manufacturers of the soil. It might be said that these agricultural labourers would turn manufacturers. But how long a time was to elapse before this would take place? How long would it he before these manufactures would be established in Ireland? Before these manufactures were es tablished they might perhaps see the drooping energies of the Dorchester labourers paid with the same high wages as those paid by the Honourable Member for Durham.— ( Cheers.) He did not believe that this measure could change the character of that cautery as an agricultural one. Believing as he did that these measures had a tendency to stop the elements and springs of manutacturing industry and manu facturing properity—believing that it would have injurious ef fects on the distribution of the metal's, on which he would not now touch, and believing that it was calculated to bringabou t a domestic and social convulsion—he was obliged to ask him self whether the measure would not be perilous to the in terests of the country to pass this Bill.—( Cheers.) He needed not to ask what so many gentlemen had already asked in the House, and which so many persons had inquired out of it, what was there in the state and the circumstances of this country to authorise this change.—( Cheers-) If they really were only a commercial and manufacturing country, did not their com merce flourish, and were not their manufactures prosperous? And what, he wished to ask, did it signify that agri culture was doomed to pine and suffer in a country which was no longer an agricultural one ?—( Hear, hear. ) A number of men had arisen, distinguished by their elo quence and their energy but more distinguished far their eloquence and their energy than for their knowledge of human nature or political science. —(Hear, hear.) He was not one of those who either here or elsewhere, in public or in private, had spoken with disrespect of that great commercial confederation that sought to rule the country, although he dis approved of their doctrines, though he believed that they would he as pernicions in the end to the manufacturing interest as to all others, still he admired men of abilities convinced of a great truth, proud of their strength, and in their energy binding themselves together to obtain its triumph. The country could only exist by free discas , ion. If once it was suppressed, if once it was put down , why then liberty had vanished —(Ch eers .) If t h ey thought the opinions of the Anti-Corn-law League deleterious, if they considered that their system was founded on error, it was open in free countries like England to oppose them with the same earnestness to resist them with the same energy, and by all active organisation also to devote themselves to the course which they th oug ht r i g ht. B ut a b o d y of Gentlemen, able to direct the affairs of the country, came forward to oppose these doctrines, they place themselves at the head of a party, and they climb and clamber into power— ( Hear, hear)—by braving generally accepted distrust. It followed that the body who cught to have been represented were asleep at their posts. It was not for them to have come forward, it was not in human nature to have done so. No, they had trusted to others.— ( Tremendous cheering ) They trusted to others, who, by accepting the trust, or rather by challenging the doctrines, had obtained the groatest Vexes in the country.—( Hear, bear.) The Right Hon. Gentleman, the first Minister of the Crown, had told his friends that he had given them very significant hints of his change; he said that even last year Lord Grey had found him out—( Tremendous cheering)—and he was sur prised they could have been so long mistaken. Of course no observation of the Right lion. Gentleman applied to him (Mr. Disraeli), but he remembered when some years back he said pro tection appeared to him to be about in the same state as Pro testentism in 1828.—(Cheers.) And he remembered his friends being very indignant with him for the expression how ever, they had since been so good as to say that instead of a ca lumny it was a prophecy--( Loud and continued cheering)—but the Hon. Gentleman might congratulate himself on his com plete success in having deceived his party. And even the Noble Lord, the Member for Lynn, himself, in a moment of frank conversatir n, the other night, told him that, to the last moment, he had not the slightest doubt of his fidelity.—( Hear, hear. ) The Noble Lord thought that the Right Hon. Baronet was making—what was then a favourite word—the best bargain for his party..-.-(Cheers.) When :he Government of the Whigs was rejected,the Right Hon. Baronet proposed some changes because he could make the best bargain for his party. Well, who which some thought suspicious, had he but all suspicion was hushed , would like to know, the best part of the bargain now ? And when the confidence of gentlemen was complete —at least no announcement had been made to them—gentlemen had not been called together as was usual on such occasions— aj' l which was always careful never to insert important ournal hi g hest authority.—(Tremendous the fact was announced to the country through the columns of i inforthation except on the Fie Vida then absent from foreign princes and foreign courts.. to it. He knew of a great England, and he could bear witness cheers.) Let tlithn ettetiive the effect of the announcement on ant demanding prince ad, atCatiOrit tinSWertng that anti, he was aware of the a an explana tion,.in the announceillent.— there was not the slightest truth sefidiiitt time—he had mem .,eiltire arab assailers, Great and continued cheering.) All that were going 'f Golernmertt thqn in his view who G c then deioted id hat Majesty's Govern ml to the journals declare that the announcement mtnt, arid encouraging them . to, ) H *at an in farriouS fibrihattep7 est 4(L ud peers. oingenuous ' inistetof the Mtnieeer was the conduct of her M j j the Cabinet.—(Lctid laugh who formed a glorious minority in ter.) The Right Hon. Gentleman then met the House and his party,. and acted as if they had deserted him and not he theth. Who &Mid fordet those toes—who could forget those looks and that indignant mien? The lion. Otntlemani hav ing quoted a Latin passage, continued mean, " I am a protection Minister, and mean to govern Which England by the means o f an Anti-Corn-law league." That was a scene which could not beparalleled, unless by the conversion of the Saxons by Charlemagne—(Loud cheers) — who followed him as a Cleiar when he went over to them, as they were assembled on the banks of the Rhine, and were con verted by battalions, and baptised by platoons.—(Great laughte r .) Whe n he saw the 112 fall into rank and file— ( Cheers and laughter)—he was irresistibly reminded of the memorable incident on the banks of the Rhine. And now he must say, in justice to the Right Hon. Gentleman— ( Laughter) —that he believed great misconception prevailed with regard to him.—(Continued • laughter.) He had been accused of altering his opinions, and of long meditating the de ceptions which he had now avowed. He (i'lr. Disraeli) en tirely acquitted hilu 9f that intention, and he did it for this reason. When he examined the career of that Minister, which had extended over so long a period, and filled so great a space in the political history of his country—when he looked back upon his career ((nea period of 30 or 40 years since the days of Mr. Homer ' down to th e H o n . M em b er for Stoc k port, the Right Hon. Gentleman the first Minister of tife Crown had traded upen the ideas and the intelligence of others.— ( Tremendous cheering.) His life bad been a great appro priation clause..—.(Tremendous cheers.) He was a burglar of other men's intellects.—(Continued cheering.) From the days of William the Conqueror, down to the present period, no statesmen had committed political petty larceny to so great an extent.—(Continued cheering.) He (Mr. Disraeli) believed however, that when he undertook the advocacy cf either cause to which he attached himself, he was sincere in his support of it, for having none of the sympathy which attaches men to the advocacy of great principles, his support of them crumbled away when opposing circumstances appeared to his conventional mind to make a departure from them expedient. The Right Hon Gentleman imbibed his present opinions as be did every doctrine that presented a life-like, popular, and progressive ap pearance, an he did th ose f rom H orner , an d f rom ever y o th er political leader —eve r y d oc t r i ne , except t h at o f R e f orm , w hi c h the Whigs had allowed to attain to too great a maturity to fall into the mouth of the Right Hoa. Baroret.—( Tremendous cheers..) Every one, however, was not effected in the same way by striking alterations in the opinions which they formerly entertained. Feeling of this kind depended very much on tern ' perament or idiosyncracy of the mind, and on the nature of the animal .ho had made the change.—(Great laughter.) The Right Hon. Gentleman might not feel humiliated in following the eeerse he now proposed to adopt, but his country ought to feel humiliated. Was it so pleasing to the self-complacency of so great a nation as this —was it so pleasing to a country like England, that it should be said of one of its statesmen, as Dean swift said of another gentleman, " tha- he was one who had the perpetual misfortune of being mistaken ?"—( Great laughe r and cheers.) Now, in the last scene of the drama, was he going to pass as his own what it was a matter of noto riety was not of his own invention. The project had been 4n-red to another Government before he took office, and by that Government was r, jetted.—(Cheers.)A gentleman of con siderable weight in that H ouse had asked him (Mr. Disraeli), when these changes were firs talked about, w hat his opinion was of the contempl ate d a l terations?—in reply to whom he said, " Oh. I suppose it is some great and comprehensive plan of the Right Hon. Ba ronet; " --(Great laughter)—to which he replied " Oh, it is not his plan at all; it is Hopkin's plan." —(Cheers and lau g ht er. ) And was England, he would ask, to be governed an d c eavulsed by Hopkin's plan ?—( Great laughter.) Would th e Ri ght Hon. Baronet go to the country? —( Cheers ) Would b e appeal to the people? Would Eng land—that was g overne d b y a Bolinbroke and a Walpole, a Chatham and a Canning,—submir to such a measure? He did not believe it. Those political pedlars who bought them up in the cheapest market, end sold them in the dearest.—(Loud cheers.) Notwithstanding the unfavourable opinion which he had formed of the damaging effects on the English character, from beings familia,ised lately with political tergiversation—notwithstanding that the people had become vitiated by the political gambling of the present day—though he knew that all confidence in pub lic men was lest—still he had faith in the primitive and en during qualities of the English character—(Loud cheers)—and lie believed they would regard the project wi , h very different feelings from those which the promoter of it anticipated.— ( Loud cheers.) It may be idle now to tell them in the spring time of economic policy, that it would have the effect of in volving them in trouble, difficulties, and digester ; but the time would yet arrive, when chastened by misfortune, rind sobered into reason, they would remember not with unkindness the predictions of those who were now endeavouring to avert their calamities, and who did their utmost to prevent those measures which were the pregnant cause of their evils from being carried into effect.--(The Hon. Member sat down amidst loud cheers.) _ _ Lord J. RUSSELL said, that in rising to address the House, after the Hon. Gentleman who had just sat down, he should certainly feel considerable hesitation, If he thought the Hon Gentleman had been equally successful in his agricultural views, as he was in his invective against the Minister; but he could not fail to see that the Hon. Gentleman's talent consisted in always dressing up and using invective against the Minister instead of addressing himself to the Bill before the House. It was their business that night to debate whether or not the measure should be read, a third time instead of hearing an abuse cf the Right Hon. Baronet. The Hon. Member was there more as a spectator than a party conversant with the subject. The Hon. Gentleman began by questioning the abandoned 'arguments, as he called them, of the Right Hon. Baronet. Now he did not think that the Right Hon. Gentle man's former arguments had failed, or that he had been lost in alarm during them. Indeed a Noble Lord had read a letter to the house, which had been written by one of his ancestors in the year 1610 in support of protection to agriculture. This was a question which was before both Houses of Par liament in 1840. It was introduced into the House of Lc rds by Earl Fitzwilliam, and, upon two occasions, eleven Members voted for the consideration of the question a tiion;t that and time,inthe House of of Comm ons th ey vo t e d f or a Committee f or th e same pur pose ; and h e (L or d J. R uss ell) thought that object should be effected, and the New Poor-law carried, a ;refit difference might be made in the state of the country; and that that change could then with safety be made ; and several members of the Cabinet were of the same opinion ; but Lord Melbourne and several other members of the Cabinet voted against any change. (The Noble Lord then read an extract from the opinion expressed upon the subject by Lord Melbourne; and which was to the effect that his (Lord Alelbourne's) opinion was that it was not expe dient to make any change, and that he would maintain exist ing duties.) Well, then, with such a state of things it was not to be wondered at, that in 1841 the whole Cabinet should propose a change in the corn-laws. Now, he (Lord J. Rus sell) felt justified in entering into those details, because of what had been said of the part he had taken in them, by others in this House, during this debate..—(Hear, hear.) He thought then, and he did still think, that a moderate fixed duty would then have been the best change that could be made in the laws of 1828. He was of that opinion when protection was ingrafted in their law-books as wall as in the habits and opinions of the people, and that therefore a change should be made gradually; and he also thought tha the Anti-Corn-law League would have been glad to accept a fixed duty of Bs.—(Cries of " Hear, hear," and "No, no.") He had good authority for saying so, and he would state it.— ( Hear, hear.) Up to the commencement of last year, he vas still of the same opinion, and, after a fixed duty had been agreed to and in force for a number of years, it could be changed into free trade by a gradation which would be almost imperceptible. But when the changes which had been pro po-ed had been resisted for a number of years, and when the Anti-Corn-law League had debated the question of tree trade, and had made an impression upon the public mind as to its neer , sity, and when the proposition, as to a moderate fixed duty had been se frequently rejected,' then he did think it would not be wise to adhere to a wish to persevere in that project ; and there was no precedent for doing so under such circumstances, in the conduct of any Minister down to the time when Huskiszon acted the part he did in reference to the Catholic question. Therefore up to last year, he (Lord J. Russell) ask e d hi mse lf if there was any c ourse to ha adopted, but that of a t o t a l repea l , which was likely to give satisfaction to the country.--( Hear, hear.) Had he been able to carry the measure for a fixed duty, with the consent of the Cabinet, and the acquiescence of the people, he would have been pro u d ' o f i t ; but he was not anxious to occupy the positi on o f a Mi nister, who would afterwards b e continually was, in this however, between the keeping up of compelled to h ave th e prudence and wisdom of the measure House.-(Hear, hear.) The question now protection in the few y ears proposed by the Right H on. Gen tleman. He (Lord J. R usse ll ) had not said that th i s was the the present syste m o f p ro t ection, or the total abolition of all way in which he would wish to effect the change, because he was for doing away with protection by means that would not have any suddenness of character about it ; but now. believing that the repeal of the corn-laws was a right measure, he saw no other course left than to re peal them, or keep up the present system of protection. The Hon. Gentleman had made an assertion. He had made the assertion that the corn-laws did not enhance the price of corn, and he also and at the same time asserted that the power of the community to purchase was increased. That which the Hon. Gentleman had admitted was capable of proof, and this admission strengthened the proof. He had, however, given no proof of the preposition that the power of the people to purchase was increased by the existence of the law. The Hon. Gentleman had stated, indeed, that the prices of corn would be ruinous to the small farmers.—(Hear, hear.) And in giving these details of the apprehension which he felt on a former occasion, he spoke of foreign markets from which were to be derived immense supplies of corn. Let him (Lord J. Russell) observe that in the first instance the Hon. Gentle man's argument entirely destroyed that to which he and many others had all along limited themselves, and had relied their main strength on it, viz., that protection upon corn ought to be continued in order to make us independent of the produce of foreign nations. He could understand that agreement very Well if all the cern came from one or two coun tries, for it would quite warrant the apprehension that in time of war we might run the danger of scarcity from the sup plies being impeded. He bad gone over in his mind this ques tion with regard to Russia and America, and other important corn-trading countries, and had found that in the course of the last century there were every few years indeed—except,perhaps, with regard to America, in 1783—when we were at war with any one or them. He was comforted by this discovery, and would, therefore, depend in f.reign countries without any ap prehension. The Hon. Gentleman, however, went fat ther ; he said that there, were other countries from which we received ' our supplie.,—Hungary, Spain, and Egypt—and yet he asked the nation if it could calculate on supplies from them all? What became of our independence of foreigners according , to that statement? There woe no fear of this nation becoming involved while it continued its maritime supremacy—if the country maintained its antriinle sapremacy it would always have a supply. The Hon. Gentleman told them that there would be very low price., and that c orn w ould he _furnished a t 18s. per quarter, or perhaps 20s. p er quarter. The average bread was a whether the prospect of cheap Ile had prospect to heardalarm e the people of this country. ... f or Somersetshire stat e h is appre hensioner _ prices had been from 4 0 e. to 50s.,and lie ver y m uch questioned Honourable Member and now the Hon. Memter for Sh rews b ury was in nothing, some alarm in respect of the baker's bill, an d s h owed that that their butch ers ' stalls would f a d e to bread would be very cheap indeed. If they admitted large quantities of corn they would have the people consuming more, and they would have much better food. He did not feel, therefore, any of the apprehension which the Hon. Gentleman entertained, for he thought that some years hence great quan tities of corn would ba brought into this country in expecta tion of the prices which could be realised, but there would not be any depression to affect the agriculture of this country. The Hon. Gentleman had spoken of slight fluct uat i ons in this market. He (Lord J. Russell) would not compare the fluctuations which had occurred in the European and Ameri can markets. With regard to the fluctuations in this market they had been very great and the prices very high. In January, 1838, the price of wheat was 545. 4d. per quarter, and in December in the same year it was 78s. In 1839 it was 81s. 6d., i January, and in October it was 65e. In this fluctuation of two years was there not sufficient reason for the Government to consider that the admission of foreign corn would benefit the people ? Let them look at the prices which existed during the last century after the admission of per qu ar t er. If foreign corn. In 1763, when this cou n t ry ceased to be an exporting country, and began to import, h e f ound that Mr. Burke, In a pamphlet, said that the people h a d no great reason to complain of the price of bread, be cause f or some yea years past ast 4 ic s ho s e . r n perl' 34 quarter yearsvaried ad from ; f r t o h lm a 7 t s3o waso l 2ts. t n o' 07t8404,5. the pri ce o f w h eat they averaged took complained of, and in 1791• it was propoed to raise the prices. His belief was that the high prices of the war, and the depreciation which had taken place in the currency had altered their notions, and made them support the high price for grain —a higher pt ice to the consumer than he was able to afford. Look also to the question as it regarded manufactures and corn. Why the price of manufactured fabrics had fallen two-thirds in price ; corn had risen 20 per cent.—(Hear, hear.) This was a reason why they should not exclude for e i gn corn ; a this l aw, to keep up by a restrictive law the price of important necessary of life.—(Hear, hear.) The Hon. Gentlemen, the Member fur spoken of an important principle Shrewsbury, had reason why they should no longer keep up a knew not what it corn - laws, he (Lord John Russell)meant. Then he went d red that the to the colonies. He eonsi e colonies would not ing that the principle wag the maintaining of the corn-1 suffer from this measure, while they had already en j ee ed ~e arrangement of the differ astral He thought the coloe.'es would duties.—(Hear, hear.) not be sorry to see this restrictive system abrogated.— (Cries of " Hear, hear.") great advantage from And as fog Canatta s the accounts which had been just received did not furnish any symptom of followers. Hon.du ew e grheß, i rt n as a.ranollnd which retititei heao nthh t dim l m e uahgoiesho ß dtoc i dissatisfaction. They did not appear to show that any inm perable objection existed to the alteration.—( Hear, hear.) The Hon. Gentleman ended his speech by giving an account of the pow ifdthihntnee belongha Rightni o o h u ra Hh t oelne exclusively. h B aB a d a r r o o n rn e ce t tine deta came te towards Rw aiii Right into wwe p ( n o Lea e w sroe i od r ani dnjedeclaring reason to l t a h m a that lament the e his party. On this subject he (Lord John Russell) olleagues in office, but that some part of it should be shared by those who were for many years his pßosussesseslilo)ncoonfsgdreeraetd a w d l v ta a t n t ta h g a e t s p 7 ar t t h y e w ir a m s i a n ch l i B4 ne l ry , not foyr disruption sTstcm f whichprotection had taken a w k a e s n unjust place. defect in the great Conservative party of 1841. The having determined the same but four years ago. Whets ha —(Hear.) He frankly confessed that he thought that there elections was well arrangsd—theyad candidates ready f or every election—they h a d every means su ce stituencies of the country, and in orders to s u fo y r to contest th e n ward their interests they had resort to fables to advance their views.—( Hear, hear. ) There was the f a bl e of the Lichfield House comfort, and others of a similar character. Their fancy was n str • d to invent the s e f a bl es, and they were very succ essful m on e the hustings in diminishing the -• • majority of the Whig party; at the same time they pointed to their great leaders in both Houses of Parliament—to the glary of the Duke of Wellington as well as to th e hi g h eharact r of the Right Hon. Baronet on to these as well to the useful labours of the great runner of their party. The one defect to which he had alluded, notwith standing all these advantages, was the want of some definite object for which to contend.—( Hear, hear.) Party means union of men for some great object of public welfare, such a union did not exist.—(Year, hear.) The H on . G ent l eman who had spoken, said that the opinions of the party were very openly, honestly, and decidedly expressed that protection to native industry was bound up with the best interest of the country. They expressed great fear of the Roman Catholics—( Cries of " Oh! oh!")—and that Protestant ascendancy or Protestant supremacy, as Lord Stanley expressed it, should be maintained above all other in terests.—( fleas, hear.) But among the leaders, while such opinions prevailed, it was known that the Right Hon. Baronet had sat under Mr. Huskisson, end was known to be in favour of the system of free trade, and against the system of protee ti nt. Those opinions with regard to free trade and protection han led the Rght Hon. Gentleman to the measure of 1842, which hail led him in time to the measure of 1846. But then, what was this great Conservative party ? What was it but a union of men to turn out a party whom they disliked? He did not wonder, therefore, that they had been disappointed in what had taken place. He thought, too, that the Right Hon. Gentleman was to blame. He_ thought he ought not to have cautiously reserved his opinion, but that he ought to have stated fully those principles on which he acted—principles with which he (Lord John Russell) had little fault to find. It was a fatal defect in the Conservative party to go on from week to week, and from year to year, in a course of opposition for the purpose of overthrowing a Government—risking thereby the peace of Ireland and the tranquillity of the empire. He could admire the cavaliers of 1645, who defended the throne against Cromwell ; and he could admire the Jacobines of 1745, who came forth in behalf of the Stuarts, against that which he thought was the right cause, the house of Hanover. He c: uld admire tho chivalrous spirit and determined loyalty— the adherence to settle opinions in those men who were engaged in those two unfortunate causes. But when he came to that cause which existed in 1845, he found such an absence of all chivalrous feeling that he could not be surprised at the party supporting that cause having been misled. Those Hon. Gen tlemen who opposed this Bill believed that it would he injurious to the country, and they bad supported their views with much talent. He, however, considered that it would be otherwise that it would tend to foster peace with other nations. Looking to one of the greatest nations of the globe, he was happy to find, it was already influenced by feelings of amity and good-willto u eras this country, and when he read the speeches of Mr. . Web ster and Mr. Calhoun, he forgot all those declarations which had lately been wafted from the other side of the Atlantic. He trusted that her Majesty's Government would be enabled to fix finally a limit to divide the domin • ions of her Majesty and those of the United States, and he trusted that this measure would make the two countries one vr't domain of wealth, es it were— each to vie with the other, if they would—each endeavouring to make their productions more perfect, so that we might clothe the inhabitants of the United States while they fed us, and then there would be no cause to fear that British and American bayonets should ever be crossed upon any battle-field what ever. With these views, hoping that this Bill would go to the House of Lords with a large majority from that House, he should give the measure his hearty support.—( Loud cheers.) Sir ROBERT PEEL said—Sir, I believe it is now nearly three months since I first proposed, as the organ of her Ma jesty's Government, that measure which I trust is about to re ceive this night the final sanction of the House of Commons; and considering, Sir, the lapse of time, and considering the frequent discussions, and considering the anxiety of the people of this country that the debate should be brought to a close, I feel I should he only offering an insult to this House —that 1 should be offering an insult to this country, if I condescended to bandy personalities on the present occasion. —(Cheers.) Sir, I saw that the cause which I have taken, from a sense of public duty, would expose me to serious sacrifices—sacrifices which were inevitable, and almost impassible to avert. I foresaw that I must forfeit personal friendships, which I had long cherished— that I might break up political relations which long existed, and which I highly valued and esteemed, but the smallest penalty I anticipated was the continued venomous attack of the Hon. Member for Shrewsbury.—(Renewed cheers.) I will oniy say, that if the Hon. Gentleman, after reviewing the whole of my conduct during a life of thirty years previous to my accession to office, in 1841, then entertained the opinion of me which he now professes—if he thought I was guilty of those petty larcenies from Mr. Horner and some others, it is surprising that, in 1841, after the long experience he had had of my public career, that he should be prepared to give me his confidence—that he should be willing and ready to unite his fortunes with me in office—( Loud cheers)—which is, I think, the strongess proof a public man can have of the confidence reposed in his honour and integrity.—( Hear, hear.) I have, at other times, explained, more than is usual, what were the circumstances which rendered it necessary for me to propose this measure—that 1 felt that there was apprehension of a scarcity and a famine in Ireland.—(Cries of "No, no" from the protectionist benches.) I am stating what were my ap prehensions at the time, and what were the motives which created those apprehensions—which, if they are denied now, at laast theyy , were shared by Honourable Gentlemen who sit upon both sides of the House.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") 'Use Hon. Member who hes recently taken his seat in this House, and who spoke with great ability the other night, the Member for Dorsetshire (Mr. Seymer)—(Hear, hear)—dis tinetly declared that he thought I should have abandoned my duty, if I had not advised that, considering the circumstances of Ireland, the restrictions upon the importation of foreign corn into this country should be removed.—( Hear, hear.) I may have been wrong, but my first impression was, that duty towards a country threatened by famine required that that which had been the ordinary remedy, under all similar circum stances, should be resorted to—namely, that there should be a free access to the foci of man, from whatever quarter it might come.—( Hear, hear.) I gave that proof which public men are generally requ'red to give of the sincerity of their opinions, by tendering my resignation of office.—(Hear ' hear; cries of '° Oh, oh," from the p ro t ec ti on i s t s ; followed by cheers from the Opposition.) It devolved upon me, as the first duty, to propose this measure.—( Hear, hear.) And, Sr, I felt that if these laws were once suspended, and that there was an un limited access to the foe .1 produced in other countries, I, and those with whom I acted, felt the strongest conviction that it was not for the public interest, and that it was not for the in terest of the agricultural party, that an attempt should be mrde to re-assume the restrictions upon the importation of foreign corn.—( Hear, hear.) I could not propo.a the re-establish ment of the existing law with any guarantee for its perma nence. As the Noble Lord says, I united with Mr. Huskisson is the years 1824, 1825, and 1826, in revising these laws. In 1842, after my accession to office, I propo-ed a revision of the corn-laws. Had nothing taken place from the election in 1841 which precluded that revision? Was there public assurance to the people of this coentry at the election ot.' 1841 that the existing amount et protection to agriculture should remain ? —( Cries of " Yes, yes," from an Hon. Member on the protec tionist benches.) There was, was there ? (Laughter.) 1 1 Then, if there was, you were as guilty as I was.—( Loud cheers.) It was agreed that the amount of protection to agricul' ure, that existed in 1840, and 1841, should be retained, and a revision should have been made in the existing gaws. Why 'was the removal of the prohibition on the importation on foreign cattle consented to '?—( Hear, hear.) That removal must have been utterly at variance with any assurance that the protection to agriculture that existed in 1840, and 1841, should be retained.—(Hear, hear.) After the Bill of 1842, was I not repeatedly asked this question? " Now that you have passed this Bill of 1842, establishing a new corn-law, will you give a public assurance that that law shall at all times remain unaltered ?"—( Hear, hear. ) And did not 1 uniformly decline to give such an assurance?— (" No, no," and cheers.) Did I not say that I had no inten tion of proposing any alteration of that law—(Cheers)—and when the question was put to me, I distinctly declare that I would not fetter my discretion ?—(" Oh, oh," and cheers. ) Then it was impossible for me to propose, consistently with my own convictions, aster the opening of the ports, the re-este blishment of the existing law. The question then naturally arose, whether we should propose some diminished protection to agriculture, or whether we should propose some slid= mate settlement of the question. Ater all the debate which I have heard upon this question, I am firmly convinced that it is better for t' , e agricultural interest to contemplate a final settlement of the question rather than to propose a law giving a diminished protection. Illy belief is that a diminished protection would not conciliate the agricul tural feelings. It would be of no avail unless the amount were very greatly diminished, and such a proposition would have met with as severe an opposition as a final settlement ; and this I must say, that nothing could be so disadvantageous as to give an ineffectual protection, and yet incur all the odium attaching to such a law.—(Cheers.) I have li , tened, with scarcely an exception, to every speech which has been made upon this subject, and I confess, admitting the talent displayed, they have in no respect altered the condition on the subject. ( Some interruption here arose on the part of the proctectionists.) (The Right Hon. Baronet made some remark, which was inaudible, but which we understood, complrined of this inter ruption.' The Right Hon. Baronet then went on to say, I will assign a reason why the arguments I have heard have not shaken my opinions. I have been told that it wry possible to continue this duty after this temporary suspension, but I am now assuming this temporary suspension had taken place, for it would have been shown after three years. Daring the con tinuance of abundant, or at least average harvests, that then it had failed to effect its object; and that would, in addition to the state of public feeling with reference to the restriction upon imports generally, it would have lately added to the final settlement, if it could be shown, that with reference to the case t nn i l tnt r ee e nn. nod a w n e, nad would not hasuhl ed merelywub o an r t k ws i g ofat o eho :lreland. B u t it w ill Nn that fi e satisfactory, h hc aut l l a tt w hy e, arising r s a o far eheo ff as rwdo oum utlyad Greatsuh suspension ee r n i s t hi a oa i n nd ot i no s a a coc ceount of the case of contend, h b i e gh sow o h n n, ac countn ess o f of p r t i h e e e a a p r i s a i r n e g n t f r l o o t r t i e h s e s d i enfitchi e e o p t pr cow- c o e al o i t f y io r n , t h t e h c a r t I p o . ( Cheers) It will h ave b een s h own conclusively that there *are greater disparities in the leading articles of the principal markets in the country, in point of price of corn of the highest qualities and lowest qualities, than existed at any former period. It would have been proved that there never was a greater thai' there has been during the present year of wheat of the h;gh qualities, for the purpose of mixing with wheat of an inierior quality. It would have been shown that had there bee. wheat of a higher quality, the whole population of this cei,..try would for the last four months have been consuming be-ad of a bet ter quality than that which they had h". When you proposed an arrangement of the existing 1-lr, you would have eajority in favour of the hhaadve,tol think kteynodu wmight gith h r a e v a e te h r ad di a ffieexies than you now continuance of these laws notwith-sanding the enormous diffi culty, for some short time lonv.". I believe that the interval of this maintenance would nave been short. There would, during that time, have srUng up a desperate conflict between different classes of so period, when she sycle of unfavourable harvests came round; d t yn. o T a I h t o e r a o r a g t v m e ebnot bat tow t w o o r u e l p d e b a l e a u t u a h n ee e d a e rl d y , come You would then have had no alternative, I say , but to e eecede the alteration of these laws under circumstances infi a an nd d wyohno might iv h ea 'a ny assurance that that time would not have the hich I for one . do not defend, their own weapons - weaponsw reprobate — namely, the making of but which I sincerely repro nicely lees favourable to yourselves The Hon. League Me mber w with Dorsetshire said that they could have fought for the manufacture of th ese vo e s faggot votes, and the landed interest w t o o uld h mr av e e li gr , etahteenr,facwihlitayt ' a sad alternative was that. Let me tell you • that although for a time you might rely on • those faggot votes, the interval would not he long beforethe weapon would break short in your hands, and you would find ) that these additional votes, formed for the purpose of combat -3 ing the League—though brought up at the first election—it ) would be the institution of a permanent evil for a temporary t benefit. It was the consideration of all these circumstances t which strongly induced me to believe that it was for the bene fit of all classes, and the benefit of the agricultural classes, to ) make a permanent and equitable system.—(Cheers.) I know t the penalty to which I must be subjected, but even after the continuance of these debates, I am more impressed with the t necessity which there exists for this measure. The Hon. Gentleman the Member for Sunderland said there was no ex citement about the Corn Bill, and he undertook to give it his r opinion that the Bill was received by all classes with less of • excitement than any public measure generally excited, and with a greater disposition to confide in the wisdom of Par liament.—(Loud cries of "No, no.") (Mr. Hudson rose, hut, being below the bar, he was called to order, and the Hen. Gentleman made his way to the middle of the House amidst the greatest laughter. ) Mr. HUDSON—No, no; what I stated was, that there was no excitement in favour of the Bill, but there was a deep feeling on the part of the agricultural community against the Bill.—( Hear, hear. ) Sir R. PEEL—I consider that the explanation fully justifies my observations.—(Cries of "No, no.") If there is no ex• eitement in favour of the Bill, it only proves how favourable the opportunity is for discussing it, rather than wait until unfavourable harvests and depressed manufactures might bring about a state of things which would render it to you not very easy to exercese due deliberation in your opinions. Ido n ot rest it upo n th at ground alone. The scarcity,however, has made it imperative on hi vo re u re t r o en conside r what is the course of policy you must pursue that it is for the general interest, " tothis question. I repeat apart from any temporary consideration, that some permanent arrangement should be made for the removal of those restrictive laws.il(7) measure; I wil l f.kle willth e facts from you who are the opponents of take the speech of the Hon. Member for Oxfordshire. We will have no disputes about the facts, I take those from you ; but it is with the inferences drawn fromtl em id with which we shad have to do. Th at Hon. Gentleman looking at the l as t 30 . years, our trade had been on the sa ine , that and our commoditie s h a d b ecome cheapened, but no impro ve ment had taken place in the social condition of the people. What was it that was calculated to ele vate them from the degradation into which they were sunk? What was calculated to raise the condition and elevate the moral character of the millions that subsist by labour ?—(Cheers.) If the Hon. Gentleman's statements he correct, they suggest matter for grave consideration. He said that trade had increased, and that commodities had been cheap ened, but that there had been no corresponding increase in the social condition of those who were the basis of society. Let us go back to the last thirty years since—to 1815, and let us examine the matter attentively. It was then that the system of protection to agriculture first began.—( Cheers.) What wee the preceding period, excluding of course the time of war, with which you compare the then condition of the people ? Let us compare the state of the people from any period from 1700 to 1791 with the period referred to by the Hon. Gentlemen. For the first 06 years of the last century this was an importing country. Why, let me ask, were not Croatia and Hungary sending us corn then;? The law in 1773 admitted it at 6d. a qr. and far 6 years after this was an importing country. There were sixteen hundred and sixty inclesure bills passed in that year, and the state of the people was better in point of em ployment, in psint of prosperity, and in point of happiness than since Iqls. Well, in that year, a law was passed, which St id that corn should not come in unless it was above 80s. in the home market. In 1828, they made the price 70e., at which corn should he admitted, and at that price a duty of 16s. Bd., and it was only by the alteration made in 1840 that the beneficial change was made. It was in 1815 that we made this prohibition of foreign articles of consump tion. We increased the duly on butter to 2s. 'fid., and on cheese from is. 6d. to 2s. 6d., and therefore we did that which almost amounted to a restriction. Such, then, was the result 'of thirteen years. I now come to the facts of the Hon. Gen tleman the Member for the North Riding of Yorkshire, and I regret that indispositio n p revente d that Hon. Member ad dressing the House in his usual audible manner.—(Hear, hear.) I followed the Hon. Gentleman very eloeely, and I took down his account of the state of agricul ture. lie said that in 1815 we had great distress, and in that year you will remember we had the protection duty. "We had great distress in the agricultural districts," said the Hon. Member. This was the historical fact of the Hon. Gentle man. Well, in 1819, we had a speech from the throne on the great distress which prevailed, and it was so great and alarm ing in our agricultural and manufacturing districts, that we passed the " Six Acts," and a Commmittee was appointed, and actually employed in devising a remedy. There was in 1822, the greatest difficulty in getting employment, and the labouring classes felt that distress most severely, but still we had protec tion. We advanced to 1832 and 1833, and it was found neces sary in that year to appoint a;Committee to supply a remedy. In that year, in the north of England, there were 300,000 persons almost unemployed. The Preston weavers presented a petition to that House, praying that something might be done to relieve them from their wretched condition. In 1835, it was also as bad. In 1836 and 1837, we had a change; these were years of comparative prosperity, but, in 1839 and down to 1849, there was a great depression. Well, that was the state of trade under protection.—(Hear, hear.) Well then did that lowering of prices arise from competition in foreign corn? No, the lowering of prices was caused by the suspension of the national dealings in corn, occasioned by productive harvests, their being no outlets for this abundance ; and this it was which occasioned the prostration in the corn trade. But the Hon. Gentleman having detailed this suffering on the part of the agriculturist, I was surprised to hear the Hon. Gentleman conclude wilh a quotation, the effect of which was to preserve the tree which had shaded them to long.— (Hear, hear.) Had he not better have said— " 11le et nefas to passint dis," and he might follow that up by " Agro qui passuit meo Te domina caput memor." —( Hear, hear.) Is there no exception to be made from this period of three years ? Is the latter part of the thirty years exempt from the stigma which the Hon. Gentleman cast upon the preceding years ? There had been three years, 1843, 1844, and 1845, during which you bad from some cause or other, many benefits. The average price of wheat had little exceeded 515., and let us see whether during the last three years there has been no increase of com fort, :so improvement in the moral condition of the people, no abatement of fictitious dealings in corn. I care not what may have been the cause of the abundance which has preva:;ed during the last three years. You do not attrihu'e the cause to the tariff, but to good harvests. It is enough to know that there have been good harvests, and the people have had to apply less of their earnings to the purchase of food.—( Hear.) Do you believe that if the price of wheat had been 70s. in stead of 50s. there would have been the same amount of capital expended. But granted that the tariff of 1842 had nothing to do with the abatement of prices in 1844 and 1845. I concede that to you. It has been the favour of Providence, it has been good harvests. There has been abundance; and what has been the result of that abundance? (Hear, hear.) I take the test of the Hon. Gentleman. He says, " the facts and figures show there has been no increase in the consumption." Well, I will show you that during the last three years, that trade has flourished and that capital has accumulated. But during, it is said, the last three years there has been a greater deterioration in the social condition cf the people than during the preceding 27 years. —( Flear, hear.) Well, now, first take the consumption of articles that are used largely, which I take from the statement of the undermentioned articles in the United Kingdom, and which gives the average consumption of those articles in the three years ending 1839, 1841, 1843, and 1846. Well, in the first three years, when the prices of provisions are high, and the average consumption of sugar for the three years ending 1841 was 3,826,000; this average, for the last three years ending the Ist January, 1846, rose from 38,826,000 to 43,460,000.—( Hear, hear.) The average consumption of tea in the first three years was 34,360,0E0, and the average con sumption of tea in the last three years was 42,000,000 instead of 34,000,000.—( Hear, hear.) In coffee, the average con sumption, in three years of high prises, was 27,941,000, and the average for the last three years was 81,833,000. In cocoa, the average consumption the first three years was 1,859,000, and the average during the last three years was 2,595,000. ( Hear, hear.) Taking other articles of smaller amount, but which entered very largely into the consumption of the poor, and added very much to their comfort—during the first three years the consumption was 175,000 cwt., and in the last two years 185,000 cwt. So far I take, then, the test of the Right Hon. Member for Oxfordshire of these great articles of con sumption, and I show him that comparative plenty has produced this change, and enabled the working classes to purchase those smaller luxuries of life.—(Hear, hear.) Well, I came to a more important point —the statement of crime. You have got an official record presented within the last few days, which gives the statement of crime within the last three years. In the third year I have mentioned there was an increase ; but in the year 1843 there was a change i s n ix a most important feature in the state of the country. sears I have mentioned of plenty, there followed a prog y r e i r ate . decrease of crime and commitments. In the thr ee rg ely aco. high prices the number of commitments w ere t z cording to the returns I hold in my hand, 27 , 114 27;00, and 31,000 • while in the last threeyears . they wer e ' 29 ,COO, ' 1 6,000, and 24,(;00. /Vowel ask, can we resist the conv i ction that from the existen ce of plenty followed the diminution of crime. the gentleman who drew up this return adds, that during those same three years of plenty there was a total absence of se ditious riots; and I ask, can you have a stronger proof of the fact than this, that the progressive diminution of commitments for seditious riots has been owing to the cheap and plentiful supply of food ? —(Hear, haar.) I say then that in the three years of the reduced prices of the provisions of life, as corn pared with the twenty-seven years previous, the inference it that the increased command over those articles which consti tute the principal food of the poor has been the cause of this diminution of crime. But then, you ask if all those happy re sults followed from those corn-laws of '42, why now come forward to disturb them ? I say, in answer to that, if you can show use that such has been the cause of it, then I will say they ought not to be disturbed ; and, no doubt, if we could calculated that this, law of 1842 did confer such benefits it would be desirable not to disturb them. But then, aga'n, it has been urged that this happy state of things has been owing to a favourable harvest; if so, then I say that there is no reason at all for not introducing this law.—( Hear, hear.) But suppose you have a cycle of years of unfavourable harvests, what guarantee have you that there will not also be a depression in the manufacturing districts, and what then will be the state of the country?—( Hear, hear.) Let me ask, how short a time has elapsed since the dis tressed state of the people of Paisley, and of Sheffield, and - of Stockport, was brought before us ?—(Hear.) If that state of things should return, do you think it would be Os sible to maintain a law which imposes a duty of 16s. upon a principle article of food ?—(Hear, hear.) My firm belief is, and I say this without yielding to the dictation of any party.— ( Cries of " Oh, oh.") Yes, I say, I believe it to be perfectly consistent with prudence and good policy, and the real interests of the territorial aristocracy.—(Oh, oh.) I say I do entertain the firm conviction that it is consistent with prudence and good policy to pass this measure.—( Hear, hear.) I have attempted to defend the existence of the corn-laws. I have attempted it up to the present period. I have refused to acquiesce in their abolition, but when I am told that I am actin g inconsistently with the principles I laid down, by being an advocate for the principle of free-trade, I give it little atten tion. During the last three years I have subjected myself to many taunts. It has been said that Lord Grey found . nut something of me. Did I not say that the true policy to which you should conform, was not to disturb the country entrusted to you by any rash legislation, on principles to w hich you do not conform? It was the principle of poli t i ca l economy which suggested my interference en a subject of such importance. Did I not say that I thought nothing in the world was so well calculated to be ex posed to this principle as agriculture, which was so often are plied in other cases. I have beard you taunt me with a change of opinion 111 respect to corn, but when you say that when I adopt the principle of free trade I act in con travention of what I have avowed during all my preceding life, the charge is destitute of foundation. I will not enter, at thi s late hour, on any discussion of an , other question. I for esaw the consequence which would result from the measures I pro.. posed. I was charged with the heavy responsibility o f ta ki ng security against a great calamity.—(Hear.) I did not act lightly—l did not form an opinion on merely local information, or on local :authority likely to be influenced. I and those who agreed with me in my opinions came to the con clusieu to adopt everything to prevent a local feeling from in- sfa flaencing our information by ciataining it from particularly dis interestetlAuthorities through Ireland, so as to aid us to form a just conclusion. Whether we were mistaken, or whether we were not—and I believe still we were not mistaken—but even if we were, a generous construction should be put upon the motive. and the conduct of those charged with the responsibility of protecting millions of the subjects of the Queen from the con sequences of the scarcity of provisions.—( Hear, hear.) What ever may be the result of this measure, I feel severely the loss of the confidence of those from almost all of whom I have re ceived such support. Although I - em inflexible on my own opinion, I perfectly recognise the sincerity with which they adhere to their own opinions. I perfectly recognise the right of those Hon. Gentlemen to admit the danger of my specu lation, and to withdraw from it. I honour their motives ; but 1 claim, and always shall claim, while entrusted with such powers, and subject to such responsibility as the Minister of this great country is entrusted with and subjects to I always will assert my right to give that advice which I conscientioutev believe to be conducive to the general welfare of this country.— ( Hear, hear.) I was not considering, according to the language of the Hon. Member for Shrewsbury, what was the best bargain to make for party. I was considering what were the best measures to avert this great calamity, and also to relieve, by that measure, as much as was possible the misery that was then existing. I cannot char g e myseif, or ray colleagues, with having been unfaithful to the trust with welch we were en dowed. I do not believe the great institutiees of this country have suffered during our administration. A Noble Gentleman had opened a discussion, in which he observed, that circumstances had occurred which threatened the main tenance of amicable relations with the United States, an d hoped such would be brought to a fortunate issue. I think I can appeal to the course which I have pursued to secure use against any insinuation of not maintaining the honour of the country. I can appeal to the pa-4 experience of the country that it has been our earnest desire, .by every effort consistently with the national honour, to maintain the friendly relations with which we stand with nearly every infirm on the face , he earth. This prineiele, so long es lam en trusted with the management of public affairs, will continue to influence us with respect to any differ' rice with foreign powers. Look at the prerogative of the Crown—l-ok at. the position of the Church, and the position of the aristocracy, and you will see that I cannot charge myself with having tekon any course inconsistent with my principles. and cal cu l ate d to endanger the high privileges of any branch of the Legisl a t ure . M y p i n t i n o n f t o h r a m t the th e earnest wish, during my ten years of the opinion has been to impress the people of this country with desire he Legislature Government onaP animated e c i d p I b e y s oaf sincere equity and justice. The Government . contemplated the social condition of that class of people, to it by the exerciseor tt:eehl are brought into a certain relation since them that our object ha s bee n franchise. I wish to con that it shall relieve industry - and n labour to portion taxation, burden, and transfer it, as far asa , w o e u r e f u r i o d m any with our public duties, to those better able toar it. I look around me and find peace where formerly there was dis sension—loyalty where there was formerly sedition—the agita tion and excitement which prevailed succeeded by a calm in she public mind; seeing this, how could I resist the de'er mina. tion, in such a disposition of the public mind, to risk that im proved state of feeling by the further continuance of this truly unjust tax. When I tell you this—when I refer you to the improved state of the country in all these respects—when we see a disposition to confide in you, as being friendly to and not against them, in their great and fundamental interests— it will be some justification of the course I have pursued. You may dispossess me of power to-morrow, but you cannot deprive me of the consciousness that I have exercised the powers committed to me for no corrupt or selfish and in terested motive.—(Load cheers.) Regarding the question of our foreign relations, I believe we have maintained our power abroad consistently with national honour and the defence of our just rights; and I further believe that while we have done so in bringing forward and submitting the present great principles of justice, and in endeavouring to disseminate the blessings of equal laws, trusting to conciliatory instead of coercive measures, we have done that which was best calculated for the interests of the empire, and to improve the condition of the great body of the people. Mr. DISRAELI rose to explain. In consequence of an in sinuation that had been thrown out by the Right Hon. Ba ronet, he wished to correct BPI impression it was calculated to convey. The meaning that won'd be attached to it was, that his opposition to the Right Honourable Baronet arose from disappointment, arising out of an application for office. It was the impression that in 1841 he (Mr. Disraeli) was denied office by the Right Hon. Baronet. In reference to that, there was no foundation whatever for the insinuation.—(Hear, hear.) He recollected an interview with a party in connexion with the Government, who called on him in reference to a cer tain matter, and a conversation ensued such as what might take place with the most high •minded and honourable Member in that House; but he could assure Honourable Members that none of the opposition he now gave had anything to do with that termination. Moreover, he would say, that that interview was none of his seeking, whether the Right Hon. Baronet was a party to it he could not say. He (Mr. Disraeli) had never taken any decided step against the Right Hon. Baronet till three years'after, and then at the strong request of his'constituents to redeem his pledge respecting the protection. Even then he gave but a silent vote on the question. This did not seem to favour the supposition that he acted from any feeling of hostility respecting what took place in 1841. He had never asked any favour of the Government.—( Hear, hear.) He would confess it at once, that if in 1841 he had been offered office, in all probability he would have accepted it. Ho was now, however, very glad that he had not had any office offered to him. But he did most emphatically, upon his honour, declare that he had never been influenced by feeling of disappointment in opposition to the Right Hon. Baronet. Sir ROBERT PEEL said that the Hon. Gentleman had not at all correctly stated the which 1-e (Sir R. Peel) had said. He had said nothing about the Hon. Gentleman being influenced in his opposition. What he had said was this that if the Hon. Gentleman, upon reviewing his (Sir R. Peel's) political life previously to 1 841, which was a period of thirty years, really believed he was deserving of the character which the Hon. Gentleman had given him that night, it was not right that the Hon. Gentleman should accept him (Sir R. Peel) as a leader, believing, as the Hop. Gentleman must have done, that he (Sir R. Peel) had committed, what the Hon. Gentleman called, " petty larceny," upon other men's ideas.—(Hear, hear.) The Hon. Gentleman did accept him as a leader, and he ( Sir R. Peel) did understand that the Hon.. Gentleman had intimated that he was not un willing to give a proof of his confidence of him (Sir Robert Peel) as a Minister, which was implied in the acceptance of the Hon. Gentleman of office.—(Cheers.) Lord GEORGE RENTINCK rose to address the House, amidst much confusion and cries for a division. He attributed the prosperity of the country during the last two years to the extension of railways. The Right Hon. Gentleman the Secre tary for the Home Department had that night said that this country was not altogether an agricultural country; and yet it June last he declared that the country was essen tially an agricultural country. Had the charac ter of the country changed since June last? It was as much an ageicul t oral country as it was when. After the speech of the Hon. Gentleman the 'Member for Wolverhamp ton, the Right Hon. Baronet declared that a third of the people in this country were engaged in agriculture. He did not mean to state that there was not a large number of per sons engaged in manufactures ; but, speaking comparatively, he said the number engaged in agriculture were mere than those employed in manufactures. There were one million of persons said to be engaged in the manufactures of the coun try. Now, what were the numbers engaged in agriculture? Why, exclusive of the number employed in agriculture in Ireland. there were 800,000 of labourers in this country, whose only means of subsistence was that of raising corn and tilling the land.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) They were told that in advocating the existence of protection they were actuated by selfish motives, but let him tell Honour able Members who made this assertion, that, exclusive of the labourers, there were three millions of persons interested in agriculture, who must fail with the landed interest.—(Hear.) ' America already sent here more produce than the amount of manufactures which she took from this country. Whe:o was the hope, then, that if we removed all re tictions from the importation of American corn she would take from us more of our manufactured goods in return? It was a question of profit to the manufacturer-4 hear)—and the expectations that those gentlemen who had been the great advocates of the measure, as to the increase of our trade with foreign countries in consequence of the removal of all restrictions on the importa tation of their corn, had no foundation. Well, now, what was the state of the foreign trade? Why, the entire of the foreign exports of cotton goods did not exceed one-third of the entire consumption consumption of our home manufactures. He appre o h_en c d . _d on would not be disputed, that the home consumption of goods was at least double the amount thatm than one-hT; d to foreign countries, and of that amount_ di-di:l2:ot grow corn. Well at least was exported to countries that anything,i and if it were then if their argument was good for - ' c ountries to purchase their order to enable formic' necessary, in foreign purchase their grain or manufactures, that this t couf h t7 argument hold good their produce, d d to t he i net markets?—(C o Divide, divide.") with regardthat the home consumption of n- anu fa He believed rn ,. o f all descriptions in this country did not fall short of 195,000X0/. perannum. He apprhended he did not exaggerate when he said that the home consumption amounted to at least 4-sths of all that was raised in the way of manufactures in this country. Four-fifths of the woollen manufactures of this country, and even in greater proportion with respect to the other articles of manufacture were consumed at home. It, therefore, seemed clear that, exclusive of our colonies, our home should be preferred to the foreign markets. —( Hear, and cries of " Divide, divide.") There was the shipping interest too, and how did it stand ? By the returns that lay on the table of the House, it appeared, that between 40,000 and 50,000, were annually engaged in the shipping interest, and if they surrendered the coasting trade to the foreigner, what, he wished to know, must be the result? Why, the result must be, that the shipping interest, instead of engrossing more than one-third of the entire coasting trade, would be almost completely de stroyed, and the carrying trade along the coasts would be trans ferred to the hands of foreigners ; for it was to the coasts, and not to the large towns of this country, that foreign corn would be brought. But when he spoke of the shipping interest, he must not forget, that there was a large number of ships engaged nine out of the twelve months of the year, in bringing guano to this country for the improvement of the l and. when a statement of the kind was made , it was for him to re fute it. Why, the country had been told that these free-trade measures would be beneficial to the landed interest, and that they would increase • the price of land. Now he held state ments in his hand which plainly proved that the price of land had materially diminished since the introduction of the principles of free trade. The Right Hon. Baronet had reproached them for objecting against his policy then, and he said that the year 1842 was the time when they should have protested. But he did not sets that such should have been the case. The Hon. Gentleman had not then disclosed his 'opinions, and they were were in unison with those of the protectionists.—(Hear. 1 ot the country now. ) Her Majesty's Ministers dared not appeal t In 1829, when differing from his constituents at Oxford, he en. tertained a different opinion , and wrote to them from a prin.. however to be influenced le of honour. -He did not appear, , cip by such feelings E ow. This measure might b e carried, but it was not carried yet.—(Cheers.) If it did pass, it would disgrace upon this House.—(Ch eers. ) reflect lasting Lord The Noble sat down amidst loud cries of " Di v id e, divide." Mr. VILLIERS would not occupy the House more than a few seconds. He could not allow the Noble L oyd to ~low that debate by claiming to himself all the merit of the position which he assumed. The Noble Lord's party had always complained of the bounty of Providence. (Loud cries of " Divide, divide.")—The Hon. Member (Mr. Disraeli) had charged that side of the House with having abandoned their position.—( Cries of ‘, Divide, divide." He would contend for it that they had not aban doned any of the principles they had always advocated for tie last nine years.—(Cries of ' , Divide, divide," and " Oh, oh.") He would a d v i se H on. Gentlemen to pause before they offered such examples to the country and to these who were to succeed them, or to leave their names on record as having at.. tempted to ie last to keep from the country and the people that which would be of great advantage to them. The gallery was then cleared for a division, when the Homo divided, and there appeared — For the Bill 229 A ga inst it Majority for the third reading . 9g - The Bill vas then read a third time and passed. The other orders of the day were then disposed of, and thi House adjourned. I