The Sun. — London, England, 1837-09-27 00:00:00

PIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. Among the remaining defects of our representative system, such as it has been left by the Reform Bill, one of the greatest is the mode of deciding controverted elections by means of Committees appointed under the provisions of the Grenville Act. That statute (10th Ge 0.111., c. 16) was passed for the purpose of reme dying some of the objections to the old practice, on the ground that it " obstructed public business, occa sioned much expense, trouble, and delay, and was de fective for want of those sanctions and solemnities esta blished by law in other trials ;" but with the exception of the introduction of oaths, it left the. old evils much as it found them, and introduced new ones. It is not our purpose, however, to point out the particular de fects or advantages of the former system, but to make a few remarks, founded upon the change introduced in 1770, in order to show that, as the matter now stands, some fresh alterations are absolutely necessary for the protection of the rights of the subject. When the Re form Bill was under discussion, if we recollect rightly, more than one Member suggested and strongly urged the fitness of erecting a separate and an impartial tribunal, independent of Parliament, for the decision of the merits of petitions complaining of undue returns. The answer was, that the Grenville Act could be con sidered and amended at a future period, and that it was inexpedient to encumber the great measure before the House with other provisions, relating not to the mode of election, but to proceedings to be adopted subse quent to the election ; and it seemed to be thought by a few that the wholesome changes wrought by the Re form Bill might render the Grenville Act compara tively a dead letter. This anticipation has been any thing but realized ; and in the approaching session we are threatened with a larger number of petitions than were perhaps ever before laid upon the table of the House of Commons on a similar occssion. Hence there is greater reason than ever to regret that the go-by was given to the question a few years ago, when it might have been permanently settled. The great and crying evil of the present system relates to the constitution of the tribunal and the mode in which it is appointed ; and it is an evil that throws into the back ground all other complaints against the de tails and the practical working of the Grenville Act. Certain petitioners represent to the House of Commons that an undue return has been made of a Member to serve in Parliament for a particular county, city, or borough. Who is to try the merits of this petition ? Not a court of justice, or a body of judges independent of tire Crown and of the House of Commons ; but the House of Commons, which is interested in the deci sion, is itself to investigate the matter, and to decide upon the case. Now, this of itself is a striking and most obvious absurdity,- and contrary to all sound prin ciples of jurisprudence : in other words, the members are to become judges in their own cause, and to deter mine it as best suit their own views and objects. Be sides, not only are the members judges, but jurymen also, and the ordinary control over a corrupt judge by the intervention of twelve impartial and generally in telligent men is entirely wanting. Thus the judges on election petitions may be influenced by the worst mo tives, may be mere partisans in the proceeding, may decide in direct opposition to law and justice, and vet the injured party has no remedy, no appeal. It may be said that an Election Committee is responsible to the whole body of which it forms a part : that would be at the utmost an appeal from a smaller portion of the House of Com mons to a larger ; and let us ask, how many are the cases in which such responsibilty has been made available, and, still more, in how many instances has the whole House taken upon itself to revise, much less to reverse, the decision of a Com mittee ? This is supposing that such an appeal would lie, and that the House could be prevailed upon, by entertaining it, to cast a slur upon the sen tence pronounced by the deputed tribunal. What have been the consequences ?—that Election Commit tees, bound by no statutes, and governed by no pre cedents, have come to the most discordant and irre concileable determinations upon points of the highest importance ; and these, from time to time, have occa sioned the necessity of such works as that of Mr. Orme, or the still later and more concentrated digest of Mr. Rogers. All is confusion and disagreement in the decisions of Committees ; and we will venture to say that there is hardly a single point of election law that has not been made the subject of repeated and contradictory determinations. No parties can, there f ;re, be certain (without reference to the consequences of private wishes and influences) of the ground upon which they stand ; what was held for law by one Committee may be overturned by another, and the safest and surest case ever presented to a court of justice may be utterly defeated, and the whole ex pense of the proceeding disastrously and fruitlessly incurred. Of that expense we here say nothing, be cause, although a remedy in this respect is loudly called for, if all the witnesses must be brought from a distance (the necessity for which we cannot discover) the charge to the parties would be nearly the same, whether the investigation took place before an election Committee, or before a distinct and independent judi cature. But great as are the disadvantages we have pointed out in the present system, they are all second ary to the main root of evil—the mode in which elec tion Committees are selected and nominated. We owe it to Sir R. Peel (and we are glad to give him the credit of it) that juries are no longer so easily packed as formerly ; but we despair of ever seeing him come forward with a plan to prevent the packing of election Committees. That they are packed is apatter so noto rious that, like other matters of notoriety, it requires no proof. Into the means by which this effect is pro duced it is needless to enter ; the fact is sufficient to establish at once the indisputable position that some alteration of the existing system is required at tire hands of the representatives of the people. At. present it is in the power of a wily, watchful ; and active party to defeat any good (little as ii may be) derived from the R e f orm Bill, and not onlN to turn out of Parliament a member of the people's choice, but to seat in his stead an individual who may have had but a single vote at any hustings in the kingdom. It was the consciousness of this power that made the Tories, previous to the late general election, so anxious that " Conservative" Candidates should stand forward in every county, city, and borough : supposing an upright and impartial Committee by some strange chance appointed, the chapter of accidents in other respects might be in favour of the petitioner ; and the consequences of a resolution that the claim was frivolous and vexatious were to be met by the "sacred fund" (as the Times calls it) to be raised for the pur pose of defeating the unbiassed choice of honest con- stituencies. What we have said will be enough to show that something must be done upon this subject on the meeting of Parliament, and before the shoals of fabricated petitions are taken into consideration. The proper course to be pursued is another question ; but the honest and unbribed electors of the empire have a right to look to the House of Commons for such proceedings as will secure to them the privileges conferred upon them, and set at defiance the artifices and chicanery of a party, which having succeeded to a certain extent in defeating the Reform Bill out of doors, would complete its destruction of it in the House of Co mmons.—Morning Chronicle. Much boast is made in the revolutionary papers of the " tranquillity of Ireland," as proved by the judges of assize, and extracts from the charges of those ve nerable public functionaries are paraded through the columns of such prints, in confirmation of the " tran doctrine. It is all a lininbu ,, and the O'Connellite impostor s k now i t. The *jt'ickes can speak from no evidence or aut h or i ty b ut that '' which is officially before them. They can know nothing, or rather they cannot decently seem to know anything, of special facts which are not conveyed to them on some public record, nor express any opinion upon that cumulative body of facts which is signified by the ex. pression " generd state of the cciwitry," hut accord ing to the nature and extent of such information as I n ay be contained in the paper called " the calendar," IN here criminal charges arc iin , ertecl, bills of indictment corresponding with which are prepared for, and sent up to, the grand jury. The judge takes his view of the " state of the country." He shuts his eyes to everything else ; murders the most bar barous, outrages the most notorious, may have been perpetrated within half a mile of the assize town ; but what of that ? Notoriety is nothing. Newspapers, private letters, confidential conversation, is *nothing to a judge. He looks only to the calendar, as Garrick's critic did to the " stop-watch," and what he sees not defined or authenticated there, has for his Lordship no manner of existence. Well, then, what is the calendar itself ? It is, in brief, an official re gister of the names of parties committed to prison, and in custody of the gaoler, with a description of the several crimes which are charged against them. Should an hundred felonies of the most revolting kind have been committed—an hundred victims suffered the most cruel outrages, and a thousand sanguinary ruffians been engaged in the commission of them, un less the names of those ruffians are found upon flee calendar, as having had examinations sworn against them, and been lodged in prison under the warrant of a magistrate—the public, so far as they are concerned, has received no authentic evidence of crime ; the King's peace has not been broken ; the judge has, pro tanto, negative ground for congratulating the grand jury on the "lightness of the calendar ;" and the demagogue journals treat with due scorn all complaints of the pre valence, or even the existence, of savage, bloody, re vengeful violence throughout Ireland in any greater number than is borne out by the admissions or felici tations of the Bench ! How much, then, of all this show of tranquillity is real ? No part of it, or next to none. He mast know little of the state of Ireland who wants to be told, at this time of day, that one conspicuous and essential feature in the relation be tween Irish wrong-doers and wrong-sufferers is the impunity of crime, through a system of the most ter rible intimidation. The robbed—the wounded—the injured—no matter how—are deterred from prosecuting to conviction —nay, from swearing examinations—nay, from letting it be ascertained, or even surmised, that they could identify the parties who have maltreated them. They are conscious that to seek redress for one injury would entail upon them the certainty of some more aggravated, probably some fatal outrage. If they be regardless of their own lives, they tremble for those of their wives, their children, or parents. If one member of a family be assassinated, the survivors dare not prosecute or lodge examinations against the guilty, from the just conviction that they would not long survive their murdered relative. The same terror that bows down the natural resentment of a prosecutor, and forces him to digest his sufferings in silence, acts even more infallibly on the witnesses of crime, however well disposed they may be towards the administration of justice, and locks up their testimony on pain of death. Where corroborative evidence, therefore, or circumstan tial evidence, may be desirable for the full de.velope ment of guilt, in a country where jurors themselves are more or less actuated by fear, and more given to hesitation than would be due to the interests of un biassed and unshrinking justice, it is all but impossible to obtain the requisite amount of proof—another con sidelation which powerfully influences men's minds against the perilous enterprise of resorting to the iae fer protection. Hence it follows that the true state of Ireland is not represented by the " Calendar," nor are the formal announcements of Judges derived from that meagre and unfaithful fountain, to be consi d red as right exponents of a political ino:ali:y of which those learned persons are precluded from taking any minute or familiar cognizance by " travelling out of " the record." T o est i mate t h e amount o f I r i s therefore, by that on which grand juries have bills prepared for them, or which judges of assize are bound to notice, is to calculate the contents of a long let ter by looking at the cover only. It is quite con rect for a judge to say " de non apparenlibus et non existentibus eadem est ratio ;" but where the " exi s tentitz" are notoriously prevented from ever seem judicial light, it is a little too bad for rebel newspapers to assume that such facts have no existence in reality, which is assuming this monstrous untruth—viz., that there is na intimidation practised in Ireland to obstruct the course of public justice ! We have been already told indirectly by those who charge every Conservative petition to Parliament on behalf of a body of outraged constituents as a crime, that there is or has been no such thing as intimidation or villainy of any sort car ried on by the priestly and disloyal faction against Protestant candidates at the late election. We re peat that the Papists must mean that, if their words hare any meaning, when they exclaim against a vigorous exercise of the privilege of seeking redress from Parliament for wrongs committed against the elective body, as if Conservatives had no right to protection for their property or freedom. If no law of election has been violated by the Radical crew in Ireland, and if the tail has not a joint too many, why then, in that case, we shall not succeed in our efforts to curtail it, so there is no harm done. If, again, the Conservative petitioners lay no reasonable or equit able grounds for their petitions, such petitions will be officially described as " frivolous and vexatious," and the Conservatives must pay the piper. In that case the mischief recoils upon themselves, and only swells the Whig-O'Connell triumph. Yet the Conservatives bid defiance to such chances, however formidable, and will proceed inexorably (conspirators as they are !) with their petitions. Once more then, and for this grand and decisive object, we call upon our constitu tional countrymen, _of all religious sects and colours, to bestir themselves. We assure them that an empire is at stake. We pledge ourselves that a moderate sum of money towards defraying the lawful expenses of a number of just petitions, undertaken for the downfall of a system of nefarious roguery and treachery, is all that will be required of them ; and that this victory once gained, true Conservatism, civil and religious liberty, with sound and well-digested reform, have henceforth nothing to contend against.-- Times. A few weeks since, in adverting to the speech of Lord Gosford, on opening the Provincial Parliament of Lower Canada, we reluctantly gave expression to anticipation, of the accuracy of which the progress of events is abundantly corroborative. The Address of the House of Assembly, published in this day's Ad vertiser, is in every respect confirmatory of the opi nions which we, in common with all conversant with the general feeling of the Colonists, entertained of their probable conduct in reference to the recent resolutions of the Imperial Legislature. The House of Assem bly has again suspended its deliberations, and been, by the authority of the Governor-General, prorogued to the sth of October. The tone of the Address is determined and dignified. It firmly remonstrates against the attempt, on the part of the mother coun try, to coerce the compliance of the Canadians with financial exactions, without granting the demand for the redress of grievances acknowledged to be such by the Imperial Legislature itself. After commenting upon the conduct of the Imperial Parliament, in grant ing a loan to be subsequently repaid from the Canadian coffers, without instituting any substantive measures for the redress of universally-admitted grievances, the House of Assembly observes : " We should think we were deceiving your Excellency and the Imperial Government, if we did not frankly and firmly declare, Mat whatever be our anxiety to forward the work of conciliation, we regard these measures as an the pe o pl e an d upon Me most attack upon the prop er ty o f sacred rights of the House, and as tending greatly to affect the security of her Majesty's loyal subjects in this province, and their confidence in her Government, and therefore as constituting a serious obstacle to the arrangement of the existing Viculties, and as tending to weaken the ties which bind this colony to the mother country." This remonstrance cannot fail to find an echo in England, especially when the position of the Canadians in respect to their Legislative Council is compared with that of Great Britain, in reference to the House of Lords. In regard to the motives for suspending its deliberations, it states that— " It coulit not with advantage to the country enter into the labours and incur the expenses of a regular Session in conjunction with the present Legislative Council, whose anterior proceedings breathed nothing but factious opposi tion to the wishes, wants, and interests of the people." The Canadian-House of Assembly has suspended its deliberations, because it found its decisions inoperative --just as the decisions of the House of Commons have in this country been rendered inoperative by the House of I.cris. Here is a link of sympathy aopea'- ing to the British people by a similarity of suffering, more strongly than could be done by the utmost efforts of argument. In allusion to the Central Government's demand of supplies without granting a - redress of the chief grievances —the present construction of the Le gislative Council—it is observed-- " The people of this province would thus be punished by tiic vioLtion of i!)e most important of their rights for the fault of the executive authorities, local or impei-io.l, M:.baii doning the spirit of the Constitutional Act by declining so to constitute the Legislative Council as to secure public confidence in it, and by persisting in maintaining the pre sent vicious composition of that body, notwithstanding the complaints of this House, and the people it represents, re iterated during many years." Whatever may be the conduct of the Government, local or central, the people of Great Britain and Ca nada will in this appeal perceive an identity of suffer ing, and a reciprocity of interests.—Morn. Advertiser. Believing as we do that a really liberal and consti tutional policy is the best for the country, and satisfied as we are from the past conduct and present dependence of the existing administration, that no such policy can be expected from it, we have steadily laboured to expose to public view the justice and the expediency of a withdrawal from this Administration of all popular confidence. It matters not to us whether the Noble Lords and Honourable Gentlemen intrusted with the administration of the Government pass through the political world under the name of Whigs or Tories, Conservatives or Radicals ; but it does matter very much whether they are disposed to govern in a liberal spirit, but with a strict adherence to constitutional principles, or to govern in a party spirit, without adherence to any principles whatever. This latter is apparently the plan of the present Administration ; and because we regard it to be an extremely selfish, dishonourable, and dangerous plan of government, we do not scruple to warn all honest men who respect the Constitution of the country that the sooner the Admi nistration is reformed the better. It would be un fair to deny that a great deal of very plausible language has been uttered by the supporters of the Administration, which. would be extremely satis factory but for this one fault—namely, that it does not in the least, apply to the past conduct or present circumstances of the political personages whom it is meant to serve. 'We freely assent to those arguments which are daily brought forward by the more inge nious of the Government party in favour of a mo derate, ameliorative policy, and the propriety of pre serving a judicious balance and - avoiding all wild ex tremes. We agree that all harsh, and violent, and exciting language, should be abstained from as much as possible. These are propositions which, although brought forward by advocates of the present Ad ministration, we have no wish to dispute ; but we should be glad to know to what end they are brought forward. If it were to aid us in warning the nation against the present Ministers, we could, with out difficulty, perceive the application of those not very novel, but very sound, maxims of Government; hut as this cannot be the wish of the friends of the Administration, we are at a loss to understand the in'entiou of reminding us of that which we are never reminded of either by the actions of the Ministers or the political friends with whom they choose to asso ciate, and upon whom they depend for support. Can it be possible that the advocates of the present Admi nistration are so lost to all sense of truth, and so confi dent i:: the forgetfulness of the public, as to suppose that moderation, or prudence, or a love of considerate constitutional improvement, or an aversion for vio!ent conduct, and violent language, will be attributed to the present Government? It seems scarcely credible that any supposition so daring as this, or so insulting to the mind and memory of the public, could be enter tained, and yet we are driven to think that it must be. for if it were not, w h y s h ou ld suc h po li t i ca l v i rtues b e mentioned at all ? If it be really pretended that the present Administration chooses the safe medium line between the dangerous extremes on either side, we would beg to ask what would become of the Adminis tration if all who have supported in Parliament the most extreme constitutional changes of a radical charac ter were to withdraw from it their support ? is the public to believe that a Ministry is moderate, when the supporters who are necessary to its continuance in office hold the most extreme opinions, and give their support to the Government because they think its con tinuance in office favourable to the growth and strengthening of those opinions ? It may be urged that we should also look at the extremes on the other side. To this we might answer that our pur pose is not to elevate one party upon the ruin of another, but to show that the pretensions of the pre sent Ministerial party to confidence, on account of moderation, deserve no manner of acceptance or re gard whatever. But we do not, in truth, know of any extreme on the other side to be subtracted as an equivalent for those on the Ministerial side, who have voted for organic changes. We do not know of any organic changes of the Constitution in favour of absolute power in politics, or of into lerance in religion, which have been proposed even by the most ardent of the ultra-Tory party. When we hear of any such extreme party having made its ap pearance in Parliament, we shall not be slow to notice and to rebuke it. As to aversion or abstinence from harsh and irritating language, can an Administration dependent upon Mr. O'Connell pretend to any con fidence or consideration on such grounds ? Of all public men in the empire, Mr. O'Connell is most in the habit of using abusive, irritating, and virulent lan guage ; and of all public men in the empire, Mr. O'Connell is the most important to the official exist ence of the present Administration. Of course, then, such of the public as remember, and reason, can pay no attention to such pretences as are put forth on be half of the Administration. Many very wise and worthy men may feel some doubt and anxiety as to the practicability of forming a strong, trustworthy Adminis tration, which will preserve the Constitution of the country, and the confidence of a majority of the House of Commons ; but one fact seems to be very clear, and that is, that the present Administration ought not to have the guidance of affairs. Its absolute dependence upon Mr. O'Connell is alone sufficient to lead to that conclusion. The first point to be achieved is the get ting rid of this bad Government, and this it is the busi ness of the nation to do, even though it may not be evident, at the present moment, how the better Go vernment is to be constituted.—Morning Herald. To any one who has the good of the Irish people at heart, the paramount influence of Mr. O'Connell in the Government of Ireland must appear to be the greatest of national calamities. In our paper of Mon day we showed the steps by which Mr. O'Connell has attained to his enormous power. We admit the energy and the cunning by which he has rendered himself the master of an Administration too feeble to govern of itself, and too much interested in the personal advan tages of office to resign the Government to others. Mr. O'Connell, with all his energy and cunning—with an unusual measure of bodily health and strength— with natural and acquired means of influence far be yond that which the Government possessed—with an incessant devotion of all his faculties to public affairs— has not advanced the civilization or the happiness of the mass of his countrymen one jot. He found them, at his entrance into public life, in a state of social bar barism, and were he to (lie to-morrow, he would leave them barbarians, even as he found them. Let any man look back along the course of Mr. O'Connell's public life, and say whether any blessings have sprung up in the path over which his feet hav e p asse d. I s t h at pat h marked by the cheering fruits of peace and civilization —of humanity and comfort ? Alas f no. On the contrary, it is scathed by the destructive fire of poli tical agitation. It is marked by blood and desolation. He passed along among a people physically wretched, and morally dark ; but he thought not of th e i r im provement. He saw hunger and disease periodically making among them the most frightful ravages ; but he did not stretch out his hand to stay these plagues. He beheld them ignorant, wild, uncouth--liable to be kindled into the wildest ferocity of passion, or softened to the deepest extremes of sympathy and pity—but he took no pains to regulate this character, and to give to it the government of vir tue and of reason . No—from the beginning to the end—or rather from the beginning to the present stage of his career, he has sought his own personal advantage, and the advantage of the Romish party as an aspirant for power. The elevation of time people to comfort, and to the use of their reason, far from being.' an object desirable in his eyes, was the contrary, be cause to make them so wretched as to be ready for desperate acts, and to cause them to place entire de pendence on him and his party, were far more condu cive to his own advancement, and to the growth of political power in the hands of his party. Were Mr. O'Connell to die to-morrow the just epithet for his THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 27, 1837. tomb he this for rinon: people of Ireland did everytl,:;;g, and who in return did nothing for the people—a man who could have done more for his country than any other man, but chose rather to do everything for himself—a man who, with the words of patriotism ever in his mouth, found his countrymen barbarous and wretched, and at the end of a long and (to himself) successful career left them as he found them." We have no hesitation in saying that to the honest and benevolent politician, who would fairly estimate Mr. O'Connell's character, nothing more is necessary than a knowledge of the state of the Romish people of Ireland thirty years ago—a knowledge of the power which Mr. O'Connell has possessed since that time—and a knowledge of the state of the Romish people of Ireland now. ;These facts carry with them the condemnation of Mr. O'Connell. He has thrown away the most glo rious opportunities of real practical patriotism that ever were possessed by any man in modern times. He might have greatly added to the happiness of millions—he has preferred to add to the political power of his party, and to advance his own interests. We know it will be said of him by political parti zans, who hope to share in certain advantages with which the bulk of the people can have nothing to do, that he found his countrymen slaves and left them free. This may be a fine sentence for the rostrum, but it is worth nothing beyond the temporary tickling of the ears. The truth is that when Mr. O'Connell began his career the mass of the Romish people in Ireland were slaves, and they are so still. Their slavery was not , an d i s not, a s l avery to Br i t i sh dominion, though hitherto they have been taught to think so. The Romish Priesthood are their masters, and most cruel and despotic masters they are. True, they act the part of friends of the people ; they are with them in their hours of anguish as well as of fes tivity, and their hearts, doubtless, participate in the joys and the sorrows of those among whom they are placed. But they are, nevertheless, the agents in a system of the most relentless despotism, and they know it. They devote themselves to the people, but they exact in return absolute obedience. They win the people to look upon them as friends, but they force them also to acknowledge them as masters. We showed yesterday how fruitless were the efforts of Government to better the condition of the people by wholesome laws while this continually present and continually active power of the priesthood interfered between those laws and the people on whom they were intended to operate. But what in this respect the British Government could not do, such a man as Mr. O'Connell might have done, had he been so minded. He might have pierced through the dark fence of this domestic Government, or he might have reformed it. He might have taught the people to respect them selves, and to be ashamed of living in barbarism and squalid wretchedness. He might have directed the ambition of his sensitive countrymen to real substan tial improvement—to the elevation of decency, and the comforts of cleanliness ; but, notwithstanding the fer vour of his patriotism, he had something else to look after more important in his eyes. He desired to become a great man in political affairs, and to that were all his energies directed, while his countrymen continued to be the most barbarous peasantry of all Europe, and were kept so, in defiance of a Government which wanted to make them a civilized and respect- Ethic people. It has been recently stated by a writer in the Dublin University Magazine, evidently as much above ordinary men in his historical information as in his power of conveying it to others, that ' 6 Romanism in Ireland is not a religion but a policy, and is no more entitled to the respect and forbearance which a purely spiritual system, however erroneous, might rea sonably claim than the ruin once consecrated by holy worship, and which has become a receptacle for rob hers, is entitled to the reverence with which, when first dedicated to the service of God, it may have been not unfittingly honoured." This Romanism it is, which alone—besides his own personal advancement— Mr. O'Connell has considered. This policy he has alone pursued, abandoning the people, as wholly un worthy of notice, except as they may be made the vic tims of " tribute" or the voters for his party. This every true friend of Ireland knows, and therefore looks with alarm and disgust upon the ascendancy of Mr. O'Connell in the Irish Government.—Morning Post. We are happy to announce that Dr. Andrew Smith has just obtained from the Government a grant of the money to enable him to publish the whole of the zoological drawings made during the late expedition into Africa. A grant for a similar purpose has also been made to Charles Darwin, Esq., who brought to this country, after the voy age in the surveying ship Beagle, such an immense addi tion of species in differed branches of zoology. A melancholy accident occurred on Thursday night, during the disembarkation of the 81st depot, under the command of Major Willcocks, K.H., on the beach at Skin burness, being on their passage from Dublin to Carlisle, by the Messenger, Government steamer. A boat, containing three officers and fifteen soldiers, returning from fatigue duty in landing the baggage, was carried by the strength of the current under one of the paddle-wheels, and almost instantly upset, the paddles being then in motion from the violence of the stream. One officer and several of the sol diers, with part of the boat's crew, clung to the wheel, and after some delay the people on board succeeded in stopping the wheel by handspikes, and rescuing them. Another officer was picked up in passing the side of the vessel by a brother officer on board. But we regret to state that the third (Captain John Gilby) sank almost immediately after having passed the stern of the vessel, being unable to swim, and encumbered at the time with a cloak and sword. His body has not yet been found. The rest of the men and one of the boat's crew were picked up nearly a mile astern, by means of one of the boats sent from the vessel.—Carlisle Journal. The Eglantine,New York paper, has the following: —The ostrich uses both legs and wings when the Arabian courser presses on its rear ; as the winged lightnings leap from the heavens when the Eternal has unbound their bolts—so does a little nigger run like the devil when a big dog is after him. MRS. TROLLOPE'S " VICAR OF WREXIIILL. —The Vicar of Wrexhill is a sort of English Tartuffe, a canting, r an ti ng , mee k- eye d, mea l y - mout h e d, i ns i nuat i ng , mischief-m a ki ng hypocrite ; a dear evangelical deceiver, who out of indifferent sinners (of the feminine gender), makes ex cellent saints, and out of the manufactured saints selects a few favourites for little innocent Evangelical sinnings ; a wretch, who to acquire wealth and authority for himself, habitually prostitutes the holiest offices and influences of his ministry, and outrages the best and purest feelings of the human heart. All this, too, is done with an unction, a sensibility, a soft ness and an eloquence altogether evangelical and edifying. The conception of this evangelical Lethario's character is consist ent, definite and powerful ; and the machinery of persons and incidents by which the conception is wrought out and placed in vitality before the reader is ingenious and effective. In the delineation of the Reverend and saintly sinner's charac ter and career, Mrs. Trollope has lavished all her clever ness. The result is one of the most striking pictures of which modern fiction can boast. The originals we should hope are not numerous ; but it is good that the abuses of a system, dangerous oven in the purest hands, should be thus dramatically analysed and exposed.—Aforiting Post. Last week, a lady who had monopolised rather more of the commodity called man than the law allows, pail a visit to Chelmsford, in company with her second lord, and having entered the tap-room of a public-house in Moulsham to taste of the mutton chops and strong ale which there abound, she was most disagreeably surprised by running her head against her old love—an awkward operation when a person is on with the new. Quarrels, broken heads, and homicides, followed, thinks the reader. No such thing. The lady was very quietly claimed by the first husband, who had been some years beyond the sound of her tongue, and yielding to the power of the appeal, she sent the second back to Braintree alone (from which h e h a d sallied on a money-making excursion,) looking anything but a bright Green—and with a few of the porcupine quills of disappointment stuck in his heart, to keep hi s bl oo d from stagna ting in the sameness of single blessedness.—E ue - x Herald. E STOLEN ClllLD.—Yesterday Mr. and Mrs. Gilson, of No. 8, Princes -street, whose infant was taken from the arms of her sister on Friday afternoon last, by a respectably dressed female, und er th e pretence of' purchasing a d a m and delivering a letter, made an application to the Magistrates at Bow -street office for some of their officers in endeavouring to trace their l os t i n f ant an d the i nhuman wr etch who, from informati on t h ey h ra i o b tained, was seen t o enter a house in the neighbourhood after the child had been missing. Their request was instantly complied with, but after a search of some hours the officers returned to the Magistrates and stated that all their exertions had proved fruitless. It is painful to behold the situation of the mother of the lost child, who is in a state bordering on distraction. Additional confirmation has been obtained of the identity of the female accused, who has been seen in and about the neighbourhood for the last fortnight, PR CES OF CANALS, I - 14)(' h., ST 0 CJ.;. S, ASS'LR ANCE COMPANIEF,&c. &c. LONDON, TUESDAY, SEPT. 26. Number Dividend Price of per CANALS, per 31sares. Annum. Paid. Shire 1,766 7 per cent. Ashton and Oldham....Average 971. les. sh. 138 1,482 4/, Ashby-de-le-Zouch Average 113/. sh. 65 1 1,060 B as i ngs t o k e lOO/. sh. 5 ,005 5/, Brecknock and Abergavenny 150. sh. 100 3,000 1-16 sh. 91. 6s. Birmingham, I-16th share Bv. & 71/. 220 4,000 Ditto and Liverpool Junct...los/ sh. 100 pd 26 600 Bridgewater and Taunton ....100/. sh. all pd 64 400 4/, Clichner and Blackwater. lOO/. sh. 102 500 4431. Coventry 321. sh. 709 4,545 Croydon Average 31/. 2s. 10d. sh. 2,060: 41. Os. Dudley lOO/. sh. 600 71. Derby 1001. sh. 20,000 3,575: 3/. Ellesmere and Chester Average 1331. sie. 231 40/. Ere rash 1001. en. 1,297 23/. .e orth and Clyde Average 40/1/.lns. th. 11,900 121. Grand Junction 100/. sh. 2,8491 U. Grand Union 1001. sh. 1,500 Grand Surrey iO,OOO/. 41. percent. Ditto (optional) Loan IGO/. 3,696 Grand Western 600 131.125. 9d. Glamorganshire, Average cost 170/. I3s. 4d. 749 10/. Grantham 1501. sh. 8,233 2/. Os. Huddersfield Average 571. 6s. 6d. sh. 100 Kensington 25,323 11. ss. Kennet Ind Avon, Average 391. 18s. 10d. sh 2,8979 241. Leeds and Liverpool 100/. sh. 5459 13!. Leicester 1404 sh. 1,897 4/. 10s. Leicester and Northampton... Aver 631. , os. 2,400 10/. Monmouthshire 100/.sh. 150 10/. Melton Mowbray 100/ sh. 500 t..)51. Mersey and Irwell 100/. sh, 3,000 11. 10s. Macclesfield 1001. sh. all pd. 247 171. Neat h 1001. sh. 1,786 301. Oxford lON. sh. 2,400 5/. Peak Forest ...... ...... Avei.ge about 78/. sh. 1,418 12s. Regent's (or London) Aver. 33/. 16s. Bd. sh. 5,669 6/. per cent. llochdale average 8.51. sh. 500 8/. Shropshire /i 5/. sh. SOO 9/. 10s. Somerset Coal 150/. sh. 3,600/. 41 per cent. Ditto bock Fund Stock l2/. las. sh. 700 40/. Stafford and Worcester l4O/. sh. 500 91. Shrewsbury 1251. sh. 300 9/. Stourbridge 3,647 2/. Os. Stratford-on-Avon ...Average 79/. 9s. &A. sh. 533 10/. Swansea 100/. eh. 3,762 1/. 15s. Severn and Wye and Railway ...Av 351. sh. 2,604 sn. 39/. las. Trent and Mersey, 1 share 100/. sh. it, (19 Thames ..n.l sledway...Aver. 19/. ss. 3d. sh. 11,°()°8 1 15/. Warwick aid Birmingham 1001. sh I,ooolsh. 910 1 le, Warwick and Napton lOO/. sh. 6,000 4/.os. Worcest-r and Birmingham...A v. 78/. Bi. sh. 5,000 255. Wilts and Berks .. Average 67/. 10s. Bd. sh. 800 3/. Wyrley and Essington 125/. sh 126 Wisbeach lO5l. sh. 905 1/. Wey and Arun llOl. sh. DOCKS. 2,600 & 1, ,,, i5i . h. i 3p. e. Commercial . 1001. sh. 103,667,1/. 6 per ct. East India 3,238,3101/. 50s. p.ct. London Stock Ditto Bonds 1,380,0001. 441. p. ct. %Vest India 2.20:1 21. 195. Bristol 64,324/. 5/. per cent. Ditto Notes, various amounts 1,352,752 44 percent. St. Katharine Stock 500,003 44 per cent, Ditto Bonds 200,000 4 per cent. Ditto Bonds icr 10 years Shoreham I lai bour ........ Deptford Pies '2ol. sh. 31. BRIDGES. 1,600 Irs. 1-lammeram.ti • 5Ol. sh. 7,231 Southwark, Old Av. 03/. Qs. Bd. sh. 1,700 1/. 15s. Ditto, New, of 7f, per cent. .... ...... 50/.Bh. 5,000 Water100 • 5,000 18s. Bd. Ditto, Old Annuities of W. 6Ol. pd 5,000 16s. Id. Ditto, New Ditto of 71..... 4O/. pd 60,000/. 51. per cent. Ditto Bonds 5,818 14s Vauxhall Av - trage 7111. 10s. 3d. sh. ASSURANCF COMPANIES. 2,000 3110 s Albion 500/. sh. 501 pd 50,000 E s ln e :i r si n . L l Alliance, British & Foreign 1001. sh. 1011. pd 50,000 tlper cent. Ditto, Marine 100/. sh. 51. pd 21,000 f 1 per sh. Atlas 5O/. sh. 5/. pd 1,200 2, 5 h. Si. Birmingham 1 ire 250/. sh. 55/. pd 20,004 41 percent. British Fire 2501. sh. 501. pd 12,000 61. per cent. British Commercial 50/. sh. 51. pd 5,000 51. percent. Clerical, Medi al,&c. life, ICO/. sh. i2/10s pd 4,000 '2l IWS County 1001. sh. 10/. pd 20,000 __ ss. 2.500 nAn r 5 per cent./ Economic . , i ., i IA ~. lOOO/. sh. 2501. pd `"''' and 30/ bs. S 2,971 225. percent. European Li. • ' 3 Ol. sh. all pd 50,000 2s. Ditto, New 'XI/. sh. 2/. pd 1,000,0001. 71. per ct. Glohe Stock 20,000 51. Guardian lOO/. sh. t27fl pd 40,000 Os. ltd. Hope 50/. sh. 51. pd 2,400 5/. 7s. 6d. Imperial Dire 5001 sh. 50/. pd 7,500 Os. Imperial Life 1001. sh. 104 pd 13,458 4/. per cent Indemnity M..rine ll 111. sh. St. pal 2,020 31 IN Ke,,t Fire 50/. sh. all pd 3/. Ditto Life. I0,'1)0 I Gs. Law Life 100/. sh. 10/. pd 5,000 IN. London, Fire 251. sh. 121. 103, p'.l 3,900 10s. Londca. Ship 25/. sh. IQ/. 10s. pd 30,0 )0 t.l. per cent. Palladium, Lit; 50/. sh. 21. pd 50,000 Protector Fit,. 2O/. sh. 21. pd 2,500 11. Provident 1.1,e 100,000 .ss. Rock Life .01. sh'. I/. pd i 50,220/ AL percent. Royal Exch .iige Sto •k... 6,000 5 per cent. University life IOW. sh. 51. pd 50,000 4 per cent. United King lom Life 2/. pd JOINT SIuCK BANKS 25,000 8 percent. Agric and Comm. of Ireland 25/. sh. 10/. pd 5,000 A ustrala , is 4O/. sh. 401. pd 10,000 10 percent. Ban , . of BO mingliam 5(l. sh. 101. pd 10,000 10 per cent. Ilitmitigham Bank 5O/. sh. 5/. pd 10,000 5 percent. London and Westminster...loo/ sh. 201. pd :3,000 4 per cent. Lancaster 100/. sh. 2 0 /. pd '25,000 Liverpool.. lOOl sh. 10/. pd 50,000 71 percent. Manchester and Liverpool/ 100/. sh. 15/ pd Discount 24,000 7 percent. Manchester 100/. sh. 251 pd 20,000 Provincial Bank of lreland 100/. sh. 251. pd 20, , CO National Bank of Ireland s•'l. sh 174/. pd 10,000 5 per cent. National Provincial Eng. lOO/. sh. 351. pa :0,000 . 6,000 10 per cent. Hampshire 501. sh 51. pd GAS LIGHT AND COKE COMPANIES. 2,500 1/ fs 641 Bath 5,000 British 4Ol. sh. 16/. pd nr „, c5/.percent.'", D i tto Provincial 5, ' tand Bs. ss. j '2Ol. sh. 19 pd 923 5110 s Birmingham 50/. sh. 2,250 2/ Os Bristol 2O . sh. 1,500 3t IN Brighton 2Ol. sh. 750 3/ IN Ditto, New 2O/. sh. IS/. pd 2,471 44 per cent. Brighton General 20/. sh. all pd 4,000 41. Continental Cansolidated lOO/. 621/. pd 1,000 10/. City 01 London lOOl. sh. all pd 1,000 6/. Ditto, New 4,000 ' 4/. 10s. Equitable l7ll. pd 10,000 2f per cent. Imperial SW 5/. per cent. Isle of Thalia 251. sh. 20/. pd 2,350 61. per cont. Independent '3o/. sh. all pd 9,000 3/. per cent. Phoenix . 5O/. sh. 391. pd 1,000 44 per cent. Ratcliff 1001. sh. SO/. pal 4,010 South Metropolitan 5O/. sh. 101. pd 8,200 51. per cent. United General 5O/. sh. 46/. pd 240 5/. per cent. Warwick 5Ol. sh. - 408 101. per cent Wakefield 251. sh. 10,000 3/. ' Westminster Chartered 0,000 12s. Ditto New 514 sh. 10/. pd 860 Yarmouth 20/. sh. 18/. pd WATER WORKS. 4,800 9s. Birmingham 25/. sh. 251. pd 21/ 1,434 R. East London lOO/. sh. 140 5,500 2/ 10s Grand Junction ....Average 411 13s. 4d. sh. 52 2,000 2/. Kent 100/. sh. 43 372 10/. Liverpool Bootle 2201. sh. 3::6 1,500 2/ 108 New River London Bridge Water Annuities 58 6,486 1/ 15s Manchester and Salford lOO/. sh. 53 1,000 4 per cent. Sauth London lOO/. sh. 83 8,294 311. West Middlesex .... Average 63/. Its. 9d. sh. 801 1.360 1114 s York Building Co. Lessee Prop ..... lOO/. sh. 35 IRON RAILWAYS. 6,000 Birmingham and Derby l5l. pd 8? 9,500 Birmingham and Gloucester 101 pd If 7,500 Birmingham, Bristol, and Thames Junction Of 15,100 Bristol and Exeter 100/. sh. 10 pd 6d. 060 ..... .... Calcutta and Saugur 50/. sh. 21. pd 01 7,500 Cheltenham and G. Western...! 001. sh. 71! 5 3,000 Clarence lOO/. sh. 100/. pd 40 12,000 Commercial Blackwall 501. sh. 2/. pd Of 8,000 Dublin and Kilkenny 1001. sh. 21 pd og 60,000 Eastern Counties 251 sh. '2l. pd 0 Grand Junction 1001. sh. 951. pd 185 ... ...... Great North of England 7l. pd 51 25,600 Great Western lOO/. s h . 551. pd 051 2,0)0 Hartlepool 100/. sh. 1001 pd 100 8,000 Hull and Selby 5Ol. sh. Si. pd 01 10,008 ...... ... Leeds and Manchester 1001. sh. 5/. pd 14 2,100 31. per cent. Leeds and 5e1by..... ... • 100 sh. 4f 1,500 11.55. Leicester and Swannington ....501. sh all pd 70 5,101 10 per cent. Liverpool and Manchester-10(1.6h. 1001. pd 202 10 per cent. Ditto Quarter Shares 25/. pd 61 36,000 London and Brighton 56/. sh. 5/ pd lt 12,000 London and Blackwall 50/. sh. 3/ pd t.f 20,000 3 per cent. London and Greenwich . 'll/. sic 20/. pd 16 25,000 London and Birmingham ...1001. sh. 904 pd 146 Ditto Quarter Shares 51. pd' ‘.:01 London and Southampton....so/. sh. 451. pd 29 Ditto ditto New 11. lid 10 7,000 London and Croydon Trunk 261. sh. VI. pd 151 7,000 Ditto Scrip 14/. sh. 21. pd 5 12,000 London Grand Junction... 5 1, sh. 5/. pd 2 10,000 Manchester and Birmingham sPl.sh. 51. pd 31 North Midland 1001. sh. 151. pd 13 y Northern and Eastern lOOl. sh. Sl/..pd 3 2,600 Preston and Wyre 50/. sh. !V. pd 28,000 1,000 10/. per cent. Stockton and Darlington ION. sh. 9,000 ... ...... Thames Haven 5Ol. sh. 2/. 10s. pd 1,400 Westminster and Greenwich 50/. sh. V. pd 6,000 York and North Midland 5O . sh. 31 . p d MINES. 20,000 4 240 01 1 8,000 Albion Copper 5l. sh. 341. p 4 12 4,000 11. ss. Alten 151. sh. 121. 10s Id 194 10,000 ..o Ditto Subscription 25/. pa 4 2,00 11 1 /. 80l (nos l5O/. sh all pd PO 10,000 11. lOs Brazilian Imp. iss. 5/. pm. 15/. sh. 20/. pd :6 6,0 0 ...... ... Macaubas ie Cocaes United 9.5/.sh 234/. pd 6 11,1,00 Ditto St. John Del Rey 9 04 sh. 0/. pd 21 10,000 Bolivar Coppe r Company '2Ol. sh. 20/. pd 5 10,000 ...-... Ditto Scrip... lOl. sh. 8/. pd 6 20,00) British Iron 501. sh. 50/ pd 361 6,000 British Copper 5/. sh. 44/. pd 1 Cate Branca 64!. pd 7 Candonga 741. pd 64 11 Copiapo 2O /. sh 121/ pd 104 Columbian, iss. 5/. pin. e `.22. General Milling Association...2o/. sh. 15/ pd 9 Mexican Company 10 0 /. sh. 5541. pd OI Polberou Consols 10/. sh. Si. pd 2 Real del Monte, Unregistered Ditto Loan Note s 150/. lid 1121 United Mexican, iss. 2pm ....40/. sh. all pd 21 Dart. Scrip 3 Ditto New Scrip 5/ pd 3f West Cork 50/. sh. 50/. pd 38 LITERARY INSTITUTIONS. 1,000 ......... London, with Bronze Ticket 75gs. sh. 201 1,500 ......... London Univer s ity 100/. sh. all pd 2:31 700 ......... Russell 9 5gs. sh. 9 King' College lOO/. pd 28 MISCELLANEOUS. 10,000 15s. Australian Agricultural....loo/. sh 2(4!. pd 31 0,000 4/. per cent. British American Land Company 23/. pel 121 10,000 6!. per cent. Canada Company 100/. sh. 24!. pd 32 1 200,000 51. per cent. Upper Canada Loan 9 84 City Bonds, 4 per cent l Ol 15,000 1/. 6s. General Steam Navigation ...15/. eh. " 131. pd 22, 10!. per cent. Hudson's Bay Stock 2,000 11. London Coin. Sale Rooms Av. 75/. sh. 19 8 , 0 00 Caoutchouc Company 251. sh. 24!. pd 11 New Brunswick Land Comps'), 431. pd I I 2,754 5/. per cent. Reversionary Interest 50c...100/. sh. lOW. pd 127 2,633 5/. per cent. Ditto New 100/ sh. 701. pd 86 4,000 10,000 6s. Van Die.nee,'s Land 1001. sh. 17/. pd lb 10,000 8,500 2,850 20,000 6,155 3,000 ,.. 11,500 30,000 LIST OF SCOTTISH COMPANIES' PRICES. SEPT. 23, 1837. BANKS. 1,500,110 tr. Cl p. ct. Ban't of Scotland ‘...1.3/. Cs Sd. sh. all pd lo ii . 2,000,0)(1. 51 , p. ct. Royal of Scotland 100/. sh. all pd 156/, 500,00(2. Bp. ct. British Linen Company 100/.sh. :Al pd ;7 ; 324 3,000,00e1. 61. p. ct. Commercial 5OOl. sh. 1001. pd 170 /. 5.100,008‘ ,u. et. National lOO/. sh. 104 pd 1 6/ " . 2,101,0001. Cl p. ct. Glasgow Union 250/. sh. 501. pd ei *4 4,000,0( N. 4p. ct. Western of Scotland 2OOl. sh 301 pd 371 INSURANCE COMPANIES. 1 • 25 , ..0005h. fit p. ct. Scottish Union 204 sh. I/. pd 2fis tit p. ct. Hercules lO9/. sh. 10/. pd 13! 15s inn oOp sp. ct. Insurance Co. of Scotland ....10/. sh. all pd 81/. • _ 50;000 6 i). ct. . forth British ti, ' 200/. sh. 10/. ixl 1 .: .. j:000 5 p . ct. Caledonian lire 1001. sh. 10/. ixi !RI ('s 5 ,00 0 f: p. ct. Edinburgh bite 100/. sh. 10/, pol 14/10s 100 , poo 31 p. ct. Welo is t ( Sc l ll l 7 A d N .. E ... ,. ... 6 ............... 10/. pd 71 Ws 4,810 Edin. and Glas Uri. Cana1...50/. sh. a ll pd 2')/. Ditto Allocared ..951. :. h. all pd 651. 5,400 5 per cent. Edinh. - Joint Stock Vater....251. sh. all pd P4l Carron Iron Company 'pso/. sh. all pd 451. 4,00030 15 per cent. Shotts Iron Founttery.... 10,000 3 per cent. Edinburgh & Leith Glass 2Ol. sh. 16/. pd gi. 4,500 10 per cent. Edinburgh Coal Gas 251. sh. all pd 51/ 4,450 10 per cent. Glasgow Gas ' , 5/. sh. all pd 611. 75U 7i per cent. Leith Coal Gas 20/, sh. all pd 45'. 1,201 Edinburgh and Dalkeit h Rall way...soLs h. 55/. 3,000 5 per cont. Equitabl e L oan Company 25/. ih. 91. pd 104 C P I) !.? t 123 25% 79 218 s Ud Od PATENT LEVER WATcHESA With silver doubl e -b o tt om cases £6 6 ", With silver hunting cases This celebrated construction (the most accurate on wh ich watch can be m a d e ) i s offered, with the latest improve ment i. e. the detached escapement, jewelled in four holes, called' hand to ma r k th e secon d s, h ar d enamel dial, and maintaining p oor to continue going while winding up, at the above price, by T. COX SAVORY, Working Silver and Goldsmith, 47, Cornhill, London. N.B.—Second-hand Watches purchased in exchange BI WhOinteltihee ad 2 , 4 o t f li a in s.o st n .., at Derby Ho THS: use, Cheshire, Mrs. Walter H. On the 0 he2 f Sd a s i o n n s . t., at Ke n ti s h -t own , Mrs. W. E. Eid ison, of Walb On the 20th i ns t ., at S t. George ' s, Bloomsbury, MARRIED. mid, Esq., t o M ar i an, youngest daughter of Mr. W. Stuckey, of Bloomsbu r y- square. On the 21 s t ult. at the British Ambassador's, Frankfort , P eter , Willi a m Golds: Nugent D a ly, county Mayo, Ireland, to Jane Francis, daughtVi_i Thomas D av i es , E sq. , and grand-daughter of the late C. E. "" mott, Esq., of Lyncomb• House, near Bath. On the 26th ins t., at Trinity Church, Marylebone, the el,- 1.- Charles Twisleton, Rc ector of Ashnow a n d Whitnash, Wa ri vr shire, second son of the late Hon. and Rev. T. J. Twisleton, t° a n n e d , ofs eldest o daughter o N f the Caroline, u l m a t b e e r ß la . cent, n C q., of Park-cres d.arr, Es DIED. On the 23d inst., at Basing House, Old Basing, Hants, Ma ria Mawby, infant daughter of C. Ring, Esq., of Doctors'-commons' and Lower Mitcham. Onlte i Ld e i s ns t t he inst., s a o t ol Rome, ptor. Mr. Henry Behnes, youngest brothar of Mr. Behnes On the 22d inst., at Edinburgh, John Cormack, of Nevi -Cross, aged 78. On the 24th inst., at Waithamstow, Essex, James Hill, in his 56th year. On the 22d inst., in Jubilee-place North, Mile-end, Mr. Dan i+ Knowli's, aged 82. On the 2(1 ult., a Barbadoes, Rebecca Anne, wife of C. T. Cunningham, Esq., Colonial Secretary. On the 24th i ns t., a t T otten h am , Middl es ex. Rachel, daughter of L. Howard, of Ackworth, Yorkshire, aged 34. - of On the 19th i ns t., a t Gl a sgow, W. John Cumbers, aged 31, the Robin Hood, Kingston-road, Surrey. On the 24th inst., at the Earl of Carnarvon's, Highclere , Sus, sm o 'i Countess of Guilford, widow of the late George Augu stus Earl Guilford. e L:sert On the 20th inst., at Camberwell-grove, Charlotte B all o *, . dam,hter of C. Tottie, Esq., his Swedish and Norwegian Ala) Consul- General. oux-s treets On the' sth inst., Robert Porter, Esq., Upper Se ym Portman-square, late of Jamaica. er ic, On the 19th inst., at Castle Dawson, Francis Kendra Bouv son of E. Bouverie, Esq., of Delapre Abbey. - - London : Printed and Published by MURDO YOUNG , 0 4 .„ 112, Strand, at The Sun Office, No. 112, Strand, in th of Middlesex.—Wednesday, September 27, 11337. coup,' - - We take the following article from the Essex .geraM , between whom and ourselves on the Poor Law Que stion, we beli eve , t h ere ex i sts no difference o f o pinion " While we have ever advocated the principle of the New Poor Law, we have never stood forward as tbe, apologists of th e sever i t i es by which those who are paid to administer it sometimes bring odium upon a good measure. A case of this kind has just occurred in Dept ford workhouse, to which we draw attention, in the hope that the reprobation which it has met with, and the Im mediate dismissal with which we doubt not the poo r Law Commissioners, to whom the facts have been com municated, will vi s it th e M aster, w ill h ave t h e effect of preventing similar harshness in others. " It appears from the statements made at a Vestry held on 'Thursday, to investigate the subject, that a po or man named Doggett, aged 68, and his wife, were com pelled to enter the house, and the wife being ill at the time gradually grew worse. For a short time the hus band was a ll owe d t o see h er tw i ce a wee k , a quarter of an hour at a ti me ; b ut w h en s h e grew d angero usly di, in fact when she was in a dying state, the mistress re fused to let him visit her at all. Between the ThursdaY and the Sunday he repeatedly applied for permission, but without effect. On the Saturday afternoon, one of the nurses, at the request of the wife, whose death bed was embittered by th e crue l re f usa l, c l am b ere d to th e top al a wall to tell him that his aged partner longed to et change a parting word : at four o'clock he applied for leave to go to her, but Mrs. Carter, the Mistress, said it was too late—he applied again in the morning, it was then too soon ; and it was not until the surgeen insisted upon his being sent for, that he was admitted, and when be entered the room his wife was just dead. " Now It may be supposed that there was some cause for this inhuman proceeding. None at all. At least, the parties who were called in to explain their conduct could not adduce any cause. He had been 40 years a respect able rate-payer in the parish ; and it was the mere Lose r * lion of petty brief authority which had thus dared to sport with the sacred feelings of the poor in death. n et even if Doggett had been the most profligate and unruly of the inmates, it would have been no justification for ba nishing him from the bedside of his wife at such an hour. The decent arrangements of a large establishment render a separation of the sexes, which took place in large houses under the old system, imperative ; but no rule of law, ne feeling of nature, or dictate of religion, will sanction t he thrusting of an age d coup l e asunder when the glazed eye of death would be cheered by the presence of one with whom, perhaps, the pleasures of youth and the stores of plenty had bee n sharedand when cold quivering lips ha d some word of comfort or some last injunction to comilan° nicate. As advocates of the New Law, we feel strong'," on this point. We feel that such proceedings are contrary to every wish and order of the Commissioners and of the Guardians generally ; and we hope that a strict eye will be kept upon those paid officers to whom the care and com forts of the aged are entrusted, and that every case promptly punished, i n w hi c h t h e f ee li ngs an d b est a ff ec tions of the poor, as in th e case o f D oggett, are wanton ly and needlessly violated." will be DEATH FROM NEGLECT AND STARVATION:" ... On Monday, the 11th inst., an inquest was held at Drum lough, parish of Dromore, on the body of Elizabeth John son, who was found dead in a waste-house in that t o wnland , by Dr. Tyrrell, coroner f or t h e county of Down, which proves most decidedly the necessity of establishing dis trict fever hospitals, and certain provision for the po?! .. The following witnesses were examined :—Robert Nil son, of Dromara, constable of police, stated that on Mo" - day, the 4th inst., ire went to the townland of Drain, parish of Dromara, and there found a woman lying on the side . of the road, suffering fro m s i c k ness ; s h e h a d f our chd eren with her ; as she was a stranger, no person was wil ling to admit her, from the apprehension of fever ; as she stated she was a native of the town of Drumlough* parish of Dromore (the adjoining parish to Dromara)' he was provided with a horse and cart, and had the woman and her four child ren conveye d to the townland of Drumlough ; he then made application to several house holders in the townland of Drumlough, but could get no person to assist her ; he, however, found a waste-house in Drumlough, on the side of the public road, and had the woman and her family put into it, by the advice of a ser vant of the Rev. S. Crory, to whom he also applied on her behalf; he then left the woman and her family in the waste-house, and Mr. Crory's servant and the woman's son remained with her. On Sunday, the 10th inst., having heard that the woman was in a destitute situation, he pre' ceeded to the h ouse , w h ere h e l eft with her some clothing and victualling supplied by Mrs. Boyd ; on entering the house he found her lying dead on the floor, without bed or covering, two of the children lying sick at her feet, and ite infant, nine mon th s o ld, l y i ng w i t h i ts mouth at the dead mother's breast, and the only attendant a child of four ye ars old. Ann Magenis :—Lives nigh the deserted house where Elizabeth Johnson and children were lying ; from the tires constable Wilson left them on Monday, the 4th, until he returned on the Sunday following, never saw any person visit the woman and children, or give them any provision" and believes on her oath the woman died from starvation. Ann 11'Neill.—Lives near said waste-house ; corroborates . the whole of Ann Magenis's testimony, and further says that, when she looked into the house on Sunday, she saw the woman lying dead, the infant child trying t o get a t the mother's mother's breast, an d t wo o f t h e c hi ldren lying at h er fee • he Verdict—" Death caused by neglect and starvation?' children have been taken into the care of Mr. Alexander, overseer of deserted children for the parish of Dromore.--- Downpatrick Recorder. The Rev. Henry Colman, in a late sermon in Ann rica said—" The best bank ever yet known is a bank (3 earth—it never r e f uses to discount to honest labour ; a nd ` the best share is the ploughshare —on which dividends are always liberal." WILLIAMS, TIIE MURDERER OF THE MAitMARKS.—The b o d y o f t hi s murderer and suicide, whose crimes caused such an aw f u l exc i tement and consternation a ll over the country twenty-six years ago, is likely to be remove' from its degrading place of burial, the cross-road betw een Cannon-street and Cannon -street-road, St. George's-in - t he- East. The body of this miserable wretch was brought t° this spot on a hurdle, covered only with a shirt ; in his right hand holding the maul with which the horrible in"; der of Mr. Marr, his wife and infant child, had been e' fected. A hole, about fourteen feet in depth, having be en dug, the corpse was th rown i n, am i d the ex ecra tion of t he multitude, and a st a k e d r i ven t h rough its centre. A s ewer is now being constructed, whose course being in the centre of the above street and road will most probably cause th . e f murderer' s b ones to b e b rought to light. To avoid this , possible, however, a tunnel under that part of the road 1 begun ; it will bein g a b out the supposed depth of the bo nes in question will most probably for that purpose be of 0 ° avail. We believe a question has been mooted as to the legality o f di stur bi ng ground set apart for the purpose of burying the suicide with marks of public degradation.