The Sun. — London, England, 1852-03-16 00:00:00

been made in that code were far greater than he origi nally anticipated. Well, then, what did the Right Hon. Gentleman propose to do now that he was in office? • The Earl of Derby was no doubt a great.man. The Noble Earl retired from Sir Robert Peel's Government, fully aware of the circumstances which had induced that Administration to alter its policy, and the Noble Earl thereafter set about forming his present party, and many of his followers, in the hope that he intended to restore protection, had given him their blind confidence.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Earl had lone all in his power to cultivate that confidence, and he wanted to know whether the Noble Earl wished now to make an effort to realize the hopes which he had created. He said a man of that sort acted with the greatest re sponsibility in this country. The Noble Earl had rank, had fortune, and from his position he, above all men, ought to be prepared to announce the course which he intended to follow. According to the public prints the Noble Earl seemed to have likened himself to a general, and he had held oct to his followers that the time would come when he should lead them on to victory.—(Hear, hear.) Now, had that time arrived? He had aright to call for• an explicit answer to that question.—(Hear.) The Noble Earl had openly declared in public that when the time arrived there would be no flinching or hesitation in him, but his cry would be that which Wel lington adopted on the field of Waterloo, and which was, a up, Guards, and at them."—(Hear, hear, and a laugh.) Well, that was stated in public, and he now wanted to know when the mo ment was likely to arrive when the Noble Lord and his followers would be up and at them.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) The Government was bound to relieve the country from its present state of suspense. —(Hear, hear.) What. in fact, was the condition of the country at this Emir ?—(Hear, hear.) At no farmer period had there been so much peace and contentment as prevailed at the opening of the present year. The history of the country presented no happier picture. Trade was good; commerce was flourishing; labour found ample employment, while capital never was more abundant, or the population of this country never were more employed or better fed than they were at this mo ment. What had produced this happy state of things ? Why, it was the free-trade policy which they had recently adopted. Nor was this flourishing picture peculiar to one class alone. It applied' to all, oven the agricul tural class; for, according to aIl accounts, the farm labourer was never better off, nor the land in better cultiration,. than it was at the present moment.—(Hear.) Well, then, what was to be done? What did her Majesty's Government propose to do ? Did they propose to reverse the— policy which. had produced so much prosperity ? But then, - again, with regard to our mari time code, was it prepared to make any hange in that? In spite Of the 'recent changes oar hipping' interest was flourishing, and was still able to lefsr corapetion.—(Hear, hear.) What, then was. pio posed to`bedone hare?- e (Hear, heer.) Accor ding , to the weches of some member* of, the . Government souse of them were of opinion still, that the change had produced great evils—(Hear, hear)-e-but ‘he defied them to prove it.—(Hear, hear.) Next, with regard tot our colonies, it appeared to him that , what the members• of the present Government fohnd fault with was the abolition of slavery - for • if - ' 'be • looked to the returns and papers - on ' th 2 table ho found that even the colonies under a free-trade policy were improving and not declining, while upon the continent since frisk , trade had come into existence there was a new& kindlier feeling felt there towards this „country than prevailed. before.—(Hear, hear.) Well, -then, -whence came - that fear and distrust t h at was felt from , one- end. of the country to the other? Why, it was a dread that the gentlemen now in power were pledged to reverse this free-trade policy, and the - struggle which Was Coming' upon ' this subj,ct was tinticipateci with alarm by all classes. The tenant fainters did ho't require a return to a system of pronction,,beCause they tted - st lengthirrived at the calevie!ieu i4u.s toesliding aeale2, was devised for no other purpose than to keep up rests.--(Hoar, hear.) He repeated, tbee, ;that the, present uncertainty would be ruitivaa ~; the country. , . Trwie was conning to a, stand-still e while abroad naerehunt4 were accepting the charg , of- Ministers as' a rt vereet of the free trade policy —(llear, hoar.)' For three weeks the country hact bye t, reduced to a state of paralysis; it appeared to tabour - under Shetread of some coming evil, atol wanted the Flousv to strike the blow at once, and insist that this- terrible state of uncertainty etettlear should be put a stop to. He asked him to tell the House. distinctly whether he meditated, under any pretence or' reason,' to impose a duty on foreign corn ?—(Cheers.) And he wished also to ask whether, in the case of a dissolution of Parlia- ' ment, Government intended to propose any scheme of fiscal or commeceial legislation' ahich should again raise the question of protection, so that the - judgment of the erectors may be taken un the subject?—(Cheers.) He assured the Right Hon. Gentienlan that he was actuated by no factious motive, and that it would be satisfactory to him, and gratifying to the country, to hear that there was not the smallest intention,now or hereafter, of dis turbing that policy which had produced sach benefits, or under any pretence et imposing again a duty on corn. —(Cheers.) He did not want, neither did the country want, a dissolution at present. Ete wished to'avoid any struggle which would interfere with the present prospe rous and peaceful state of the country; and on that ground they wished the Right Hon. Gentleman to come forward and say that the Government had no intention of disturbing the free-trade policy of the country.— (Opposition cheers.) The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER, who on 'sing was received with cheers, spoke as follows: —The Hon. ndLearned Gentleman who has just addressed the House has noticed the extraordinary contrast which he fancies exists in this country between the condition and feelings of the people in January last and in the present month of March. The Hon. Gentleman stated—not, indeed, with that definite detail which perhaps might have been expected, yet in lan guage sufficiently strong, and evidently impressed with the conviction of its truth—what he imagines to be the condition of England at this moment. It is, says the Hon. Member, a condition of distrust, apprehension, anxiety, and uncertainty. Warming with his subject, the Hon. Gentleman soon found ut that the feeling of distrust amounted even to a state of paralysis.--(Hear and laughter.) I must confess I listened to this announcement with some apprehension, but more surprise.— (Hear, hear.) No information has yet reached me tending to show that the condition of the people or the state of public feeling at all corresponds with the description given by the Hon. Member.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") I do net find in the commercial transactions of this country any of those symptoms which the Honourable Member dilated on as a consequence of the change of Ad ministration. I, necessarily, have communications with many persons of great eminence in the commercial world— rten who are the highest authorities in matters of trade and finance. They are persons familiar with scenes of the most Active ooramercial life, and neither from their words nor countenances could I have inferred that the country was in a state of paralysis, or that even feelings of distrust, appre hension, and anxiety were influencing those whose interests they represented. On the contrary, the inference I draw from the representations of these gentlemen is, that the peo ple are in a state of contentment and prosperity. - (Hear, hear.) I can find no confirmation of the Hon. Gentleman's gloomy views in the present price of the public securities.— (Cheers.) That barometer of public opinion certainly gives no indication of distrust and anxiety. Every circum stance to which I direct my attention impresses me with the conviction that the public mind at the present mo ment is in a s t a t e o f pecu li ar t ranqu illity.—(H e ar, hear.) Ottetn4 in the Hon. Gentleman's speech surprised me, t was the discovery he has made, not only that Gov' as . - the very ,,, - ,intends to propose a fixed duty, but ,a e tno'un't of that duty, and also its certain effects d u t y it R e m • i the price of wheat be 3s" *Which will raise t the 'UM Menge only 2s. quarter, and on that account things result fro nt sir' the farmers. will not have it. Two ab so lutely this irnp o „V e . statement. In the first place, it is that a - duty which will enhance the price of wheat only 2 aie r -quarter can produce all the evil consequences the H m e predicted; and, secondly, if the farmers will not. have the h av e deceived them if irresistible we'T tke houldd"t Y ; they cannot say we .netpropose it.—(Cheers, an d laughter.) These are t h e conclusions which must he drawn from the matur e d The lion. meine""t' eesa ergnment of the Hon. Meath er. Ye the present. Government are bound Co state frankly and fully th e i r • - tto what he calla the food o f , t ,. intentions with respect disiZenuous perversion of People. I will not be permitted to call a provincial jest perpetrated stop to notice the Ho . o. Mem what 1 may by me. I never talked of a poor man ordering mutton-chops h in a coffe e -h o use; and I really must. express my s ur p r i se that, when we were expecting to ea from the li on. Mem leer a high discourse on sublime political r se - O,IOIII Y, be should condescend .o such a misrepresentation. le; —siniesing that matter, n t ewever, .1 feel it my duty to respond to t h e Hon. Mena,leer's challenge. The honourable Member says that we are bound, now we are in power, to carry into effe c t th e opinions we d ec l are d in oppo4ir ton, an d he quoted some words with which I concluded a epacob or mine, in which I pe a _ dieted that it the then Government refusal to listen to the claim of justice they would ultimately be defeated and j ue .. tiet would be conceded. 1 cannot think that was a fortu nate quotation t o make, con sidering that the motion I then brought forward was not tor a fixed duty on corn, consider ing that it had nothingto au with taxing the food of the people, but was recommended to the House as a measure of conciliation and 'curapromise, and as a probable means of terminating the fatal controversy between great political interests. As far as regards my conduct en the occasion referred to, my task would indeed be easy. I might take the expression which the Hon. Gen tleman quoted, and say 1 am prepared, to the best of my ability, to fulfil the spirit of the policy 1 recommended on the evening when I made that speech.—( Hear, hear.) But with the permission of the House I will not narrow my ob servations to that issue. I wish, without reserve, fairly and frankly to express the feelinge of the Government--(Hear.) I think that, in the first place, the House should consider the position of the Government and the circumstances under which gentlemen sitting on these benches acceded to office. That is an element of consideration which must not be omitted. Since the repeal of the corn-laws a controversy has been maintained in the country as to the policy or im policy of that important measure. Various efforts were in eprectually made to induce Parliament to mitigate its effects. At lath the question arrived at this point : —The pres en t o P arliament. which was e l ec ted in 1847, when the effects class most "Peal of the corn-laws had not been felt by the conclusion, int eres t e d i n t h e me asure, approached a loomed in and the The the natural termination of' its career the (listen T Fad of Derby, after various efforts to • • mitigate the effects of the law, declared that it was necessary an appeal should be mado to the community at large to settle a controversy which in Parliament had been sufficiently prolon ge d . It perhaps will not be thought ar rogant on my part, after the allusions made by the Hon. Member, to refer to what I have done on the subject. More than two years ago I Hones ia said that l as far as protection was conce rned, after the by large majorities nega • tived the motions from our side:, , I ,would no longer raise the qu estion, but would confine in ei to introducing measures w hich were totally independd of i tthe abstract principle of protection. I also Stated m a y bst o ra p et inion that . the ques tion of nylonprotectio as an which could no IAT be consideregclues a tion l was one but must be settled by an appeal to thei country. House, uestion being in that state, there is suddenly te r a y nd he a change of Gevernment. If the un expectedlyovernmenthid been changed by an expression of the opinion of Parlia enent upon the condition of the m agricultural t had bee n u p on a motion asserting the ex in t erest—if it expediency of imme diately returning to the principle r a proteCtiVe policy 0. THE SUN, if a motion of that kind had been sanctioned by the House of Commons, and if a change of Government had immedi ately occurred, I admit there would have been some ground for the Hon. and Learned Gentleman-whether it was in our power or not to take these steps to which he referred-put ting the question, and that it would have been absolutely necessary that I s hould be called upon to announce the policy which we were prepared to propose.-(Hear, hear.) But I ask the House if that was the case ?-(Hear.) Why are we sitting on this side of the table to take a different course of policy from that which we asserted on the other side of the House ?- (Oh, oh, and cheers.) That certainly is not open to us; but it is our duty here to adhere to the principles which, after experience and reflection, we had adopted as the rule of our conduct in this Parliament-that we would not call upon the present Parliament in any way to alter the commercial policy which it had adopted.-(Cheers, and a laugh.) I put it with confidence to all candid men if there is not a clear distinction between a party obtaining power by the profession of what we in common parlance call a protective policy and finding themselves in office, and a party who in opposition deprecated discussion of that policy, however they might have felt that the time might come when the , House of Commons would be induced to adopt a policy contrary to that which in times past it had pursued.__( Hear, hear.) I ask the House to ack now l e d ge no more than that which any candid man would say is a perfectly fair position.-(Hear, hear.) That being the case, I think it is preposterous to suppose that instantly a change of Government takes place we shall be called upon in the House of Commons to announce the measures which we think should be introduced. Bat lam not disposed to take advantage of what may be considered a very limited and partial view of our position, in order to avoid the fullest dis cussion of our present circumstances. I will answer the Hon. and Learned Gentleman without any reserve whatever. - (Hear, hear.) The Honourable and Learned Gentleman says that our not announcing at this moment a statement in detail as to the measures which we think necessary occasions distrust and uncertainty in the country. But surely it does not occasion greater uncertainty than did our position in Par liament before.-(" Oh, oh r' from the Opposition benches, and Ministerial cheers.) There was in opposition a powerful party, who felt necessarily and strongly that till this ques tion was put fairly before the country, they never would be satisfied.-(Cries of " Hear, hear.") There was a powerful party in both Houses who said that till a verdict was given at; a general election they would not be content, and there fore the question was still unsettled and uncertain.-(Hear.) There was the same uncertainty, and we may depend upon it that in a country like this no settlement of a question can be satisfactory till the vast majority of the population are convinced thai it is a safe and a sound one.-(Hear, hear.) I think that what has taken place is, in fact, rather tending to decrease the uncertainty, because it is a change which hastens that very verdict to which we all look. If we had been in opposition, it might have been postponed for a period much longer than in all probability it will now be; so that argument of the Hon. and Learned Gentleman com pletely falls to the ground.-(Hear, hear.) But the Hon. and Learned Gentleman asks me to tell him whether, in another Parliament, we shall be prepared to propose a fixed duty, according to his own figures, of ss. upon corn.-(" No, no.") That is the question, as I understand it.--(" No, no.") If it is not, I shall be glad to know what the real question is. Mr. VILLIERS-The question I put was, whether the Government intended to propose any sch e m e of commercial or fiscal legislation before the dissolution of Parliament in such a way that the question of the principle of protection or a duty on corn should be submitted to the deliberate judg ment of the electors.-(Hear, hear.) The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER--That is a mere Parliamentary periphrasis of what I said somewhat more simply.-(A laugh.) Well, then, I say it is not the intention of the Government to do anything of the kind (Cheers and counter cheera)-I only express my own feeling and that of my colleagues when I say we believe that very great injustice was done to the agricultural and other inte rests in the changes that toek place in 1846 and afterwards in 1848 and 1849-(Hear, hear)-and that we are extremely desirous, for the benefit of all classes of the community, that the injustice should be redressed.-(Hear.) We think that it would be our duty to consider the condition of the agricultural interest-and I take that interest in particular because it is the one most prominently referred to in the observations made by the Hon. and Learned Gentleman, not because I wish to confine my observations to it alone -we think it would be our duty to consider the condition of that interest, and to propose those measures which, in our opinion, are mast calculated to redress the grievances under which it suffers.-(Cheers.) But we are not pledged to any measure.-(Laughter from the Opposition benches, and Ministerial cheers.) I think it would be entirely out of character to say, that in a new Parliament we should be bound to bring in a certain specific in order to re dress those grievances, or to propose the measure indi cated by the floe. and Learned Gentleman-a ss, fixed duty. -(Hear, hear. H ) lam not at all c l ear , s h ar i ng as I do t h e opinion of the on. and Learned Gentleman as to the little effect which it has in raising prices, that that is a measure which is by any means one I may think it our duty to re commend.-(Hear, hear.) But I say frankly to the Hon. and Learned Gentleman, that in considering the fiscal ar rangements of this country, Ido not-I will not-to gain any popularity or to avoid any blustering, give it as my opinion that a duty such as he describes is o ne w hi c h an y Minister under any c ir cumstances ought to propose.- (Hear, hear, and a laugh.) I think the Honourable and Learned Gentleman and his friends haYe so far succeeded by their agitation-not their present agitation, which I believe to be very harmless, but by former agitation-to invest the proposition with such an amount of prejudice that, though I may consider such a proposition a good one, 1 may not think it expedient to adopt it.-(Cries of "Hear, hear.") I know there is a great desire on the part of gentlemen opposite that there . should be a proposition for a fixed duty.-(Hear, and laughter.) I regret, for their sakes, that I cannot give a promise to make any proposition of the kind. What I intend to do, with the assistance and consent of my colleagues, is to redress the grievances of the agricultural interest ; and we reserve to ourselves the right of considering what may be the best means by which that great object can be attained.-( Hear, hear.) I think that, s in consequence of the prejudice with which the proposition for a fixed duty on wheat-such, for example, as the Hon. and Learned Gentleman has referred t o -h as been invested, it would be very unwise for any Minister to make it before the verdict of the country had been pronounced with regard to it. -(Hear.) That verdict will in all probability be speedily given. That question will then be decided. But a ques tion of a redress of the just grievances of any interest in this country will not be settled by a verdict of that nature.- (Hear, hear.) That is a great subject, and it is for the Go vernment to consider those measures which they conscien tiously believe will best attain the object they frankly an nounce it is their intention to accomplish.-(Hear, hear.) I hope I have answered the inquiry of the Honourable and Learned Gentleman.-(" No, no," and laughter from the Op position benches.) I understood the Hon. and Learned Gentleman, when he was so kind as to interrupt me, to say that his main inquiry of her Majesty's Government was, whether it was their intention to propose any fiscal arrange ments affecting our commercial system before a dissolution of Parliament, so that the opinion of the country might be taken on the point. Nothing is further from my wish than to misrepr4ent him. I understood that to be his question, and I thought I had answered very frankly that it was not the intention of the Government to do so. I am totally at a loss to understand the derisive cheer of the gentlemen op posite.-(Hear, hear.) I went even further, I assumed that the Hen. and Learned Gentleman would wish to know the feeling of the Ministry on the question of a moderate fixed duty ; and if we, either in this or the next Parliament meant to propose it. I was not bound, if I had adhered strictly to the tenour of the inquiry, to state the facts I did, but I an swered that. I told the Hon. and Learned Gentleman that neither in this er the next Parliament did her Majesty's Ministers consider themselves bound to make any such pro position whatever. Have I not frankly answered the question ? -(Cheers, and counter cheers.) lam totally at a loss then to understand the derisive cheer opposite; but I can only explain it in this manner, that I do not think my an swer to the inquiry was so agreeable as Hon. Gentlemen op posite would have liked it to be.--(A laugh.) I also told the Hon. and Learned Gentleman that we did think our selves bound to give a just redress of the grievances under which the great productive interest of agriculture suffers, and that we would consider, if we had the, opportunity, in a new Parliament, the means which we thought best calcu lated to accomplish the end we desired.-(Hear, hear.) I have recapitulated the answers I gave to the Hon. and Learned Gentleman, in order that there should be no mis take whatever in their purport or meaning.-(Hear, hear.) I am aware the Government is placed in some difficulties, but they are difficulties which, as we did not seek them, so we will not shrink from them.-(Cheers.) I am told, though I know not on what authority, that there has been on the part of the new Government an ad ndsericordiam appeal to the House of Commons. lam not aware of it. I have not sanctioned it. I have not made it, nor have any of my colleagues. Let the blow be where or how, we shall do our best to encounter it. What we ask is, not fair play for the Government, but fair play for the csuntry.-(Cheers.) It is our intention to carry on the affairs of the country, notwith standing the difficulties which we acknowledge to exist, t o the best of our ability. There are, as all gentlemen must know, measures of an exigency which cannot be neglected ; and in my opinion there are some measures not of s'.) formal a character, but not of a less important nature, that I th nk ought to be passed. But if Gentlemen opposite suppose that, so far as we are personally concerned, we have any wish un necessarily to prolong the present state of affairs, they in dulge a very great mistake. I shall, however, mention some measures that I think should be introduced without delay,- not merely those vOtes,for the public service, that all will join in granting us-not merely the Mutiny Bill, which no one, I think-though I have. .heard some strange rumours-is prepared tooppoise-(Cries of "-Hear, hear ")- but there are three measures with regard to which, on the part of the Government, the greatest efforts, will be exerted to secure th e i r sp e e d y p as s ing. T hose three measures I shall deem it my duty earnestly to press out the attention of the se nse al' Commons. One of them is'the disfranehisement of St- Albans-(A laug h)-which my Right Hon - Friend Ih nessr sae . mtutti stated the oter night would be proCeeded with. earliest ta/ with this aria ter; beg to say I shall take the House ) , with venimei l int a a * of expressing, on the part of the Go t intentions are, if supported ,by the wh i c h , in ease reepeat to the distribution 'of the four seats (Hear, heir.) Myat Bill paases, will be at Our iiispOsal.- I , T ?itiion is that it'is of the griitterst-im is diasoWeel, to' have the num portance, laefere ber of seats comple4, arn a one of very g reat from., Rear, bear.). The next cineation, ._m ission t h id i t ma ii" ) : mariner jll which. thati . ques- I think it is possible, fthill,_ce, is that of Chancery , reform. , hear.) lc ere ter sqed than ha s carried generit attencled measures of that through with much g k ti i ; n e)na iL i-s ( Plaeeae-d : 0 0 ., • !'ou the table of the Horne Ith which Gentlemen . may. state - th o are familiar. I et course I am - give every credit " 11. ' 'to eur ready to the report . of s the recomniendatien, , PrecliCes6i.e. for a desire to act on d manner as ette se i v l f i t i .hit Con:imiesion in the same unreserve be no unffiiiided—'ametill tiOund to say; that there may that we hav e sounlarige' of del4 the subjec t , no Bill of the against us on and have; kind by the late Govern ment, therefore found in the matte r. Nevertheless , nothing to assist us heads of a Bill, • th e Lord Chancellor has drawn up t he And instruction the Bill itself. It will be - 3 . have been given to frame its progress intro- duced into the other House , by w hich will be I hope that, notwith standing facilitaeed, and, therefore, measure of Chancery standing what has occurred, a goo d I believe it a unneces reform will be carried.-(Cheers• ) 0 unreservedly upon sary for me to say that the Bill will g n n (Hee , hea the recommendations of the Commissi' - ' ar L ' There is a third measure which we feel it our duty t o b r ing forward on the earliest possible day public business will allow, and that is 'a measure for the internal defence of the country.-(Chee rs .) T hese are the t h ree measures wh ic h, whatever may be th e i r f ate i n P ar li amen t, will be speedi ly I an d immediately s u b m i tted to its cons id era tion ; and trust we shall be permitted to carry them through. - (Hear.) I should now sit down, did I not feel that I have a duty to perform to her Majesty's Ministers. The Opposi tion has very frankly inquired what are the principles upon which the Administration is formed. There is a subject scarcely second to that in importance in this country, and that is the' principle, ,on which her Majesty's Opposition' is for Med- (Great- cheering) I . hope, therefore, I may be P ermi tted to take thi s opportu nity of m aking that inquiry.-CCheerao I have bean some what. surprised, reading lout aI2I informed is an anthnri. ...) bincr ci a ;) i ItJJU LONDON, tative statement, that the Noble Lord the Member for Lon don, within a fortnight of resigning the Government of the country, from an avowed inability to carry it on—within a fortnight of having communicated to the House of Commons the solemn and mature opinion of his Cabinet that the die solution of Parliament was not expedient—within a fortnight of having communicated to our Gracious Sovereign that her Majesty should send for the Nobleman now at the head of affairs—l am surprised to learn that that Noble Lord (Lord J. Russell) has felt it to be an imperative duty to construct a new Opposition, the object of which, so far as I can collect it from the authoritative statement, is to force Lord Derby to do that which the Noble Lord himself would not venture to attempt—(Cheers)—that which he announced as the opinion of his Cabinet to be inexpedient.—(Hear, hear.) No doubt the Noble Lord arrived at that conclusion with a due regard to all the important circumstances which in this country cannot but enter into the consideration of an indi vidual responsible for the government of the country.— (Hear, hear.) No doubt the Noble Lord thought that in the present state of affairs, in the present state of Europe and of England, a dissolution of Parliament was highly inexpe dient. It was with this conviction and this general determi nation the Noble Lord resigned the reins of power, and re commended a successor who surely the Noble Lord might have felt must be equally conscious of the responsibility of advising his Sovereign to such a step.—(Cheers.) But if am to trust the authoritative statement, as I have a right to do, the more especially when I have myself been challenged on the part of the Government, surely lam entitled to in quire what are the principles on which this new Opposition is formed—(Hear, hear)—an Opposition which the NoWe Lord has constructed under the inspiration and with the aid and assistance of the Right Hon. Gentleman the Member for Ripon—(Cheers)—and the Hon. Gentleman the Member for the West Riding.—(Cheers.) Such unbounded confidence exists between three such eminent men—l wish to know on what principle this new Opposition is founded—this new Opposition headed by a Noble Lord acknowledged by all of us to be an able and fitting leader, with such experienced vice-lieutenants as the Right Hon. Gentleman the Memberfor Ripon and the Hon. Gentleman the Member for the West Ri ding.—(Hear.) What, I again ask, is the principle on which the new Opposition is founded ? Is it the principle of Papal supremacy or Protestant ascendancy?—(Cheers.) Is it the principle of national defences or of perpetual peace ? (Cheers and laughter.) Is it the principle of household suf frage or of the electoral groups?—(Laughter.) ls it the opinion of the new Opposition, along with theon. Member for the West Riding, that free trade is a panacea for all the evils of States? Or is it the opinion of the new Opposition, in deference to the opinion of the Noble Lord the Member for London, that free trade is, a great exaggeration?— (Cheers.) These are questions I think it legitimate to ask, and I think they ought to be as frankly answered as the question which has been addressed to her Majesty's Minis ters.—(Hear, hear.) I know that the prospectswe as a Mi nistry may have in the present Parliament very much de pend on our knowledge of these who are our opponents. Con sidering the circumstances under which we acceded to office, I certainly did not expect within a fortnight of his resigna tion to find in the prime mover of difficulties against the Go vernment the Noble Lord the Member for London.—(Hear, hear.) But, great as may be the obstacles we may have to eneounter, I confess for myself Ido not despair. I have con fidence in the good sense and good temper even of the exist ing Parliament. If I have miscalculated those qualities I shall still hold my trust in the sympathy and support of the country—( Hear, hear)—convinced that it will support the present Government in their attempt to do their duty to their Sovereign, and in their resolution to baffle the manoeuvres of faction.—(Loud cheers.) Lord J. RUSSELL—Sir, when, some three weeks ago, I quitted office, I stated the fact of our resignation to this House in very few words, but at the same time indicating the reason why we resigned, and the future course which I intended to pursue.—(Hear, hear.) But, Sir, that course has been so misrepresented in the speeches that have been made and in the addresses that have been printed and dissemi nated amongst the electors, that 1 feel myself bound on this occasion to enter somewhat more fully into a statement of the cause as to the reasons why we resigned, as also of the course which we pursued as a Government.—(Hear, hear.) Nor will I refuse to the Right Hon. Gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer—if my previous declarations have been in sufficient—an explicit statement of the course which I mean to pursue as a member of the Opposition.—(Hear, hear.) In the first place I must say that the plea now put forward by the Right Hon. Gentleman has been also put forward by the Earl of Derby ; more moderately certainly, but it has finally been exaggerated into a most wonderful and extraordinary statement, at which lam not a little surprised. Sir,. that plea and that statement is, that the present Government have only accepted office lest her Majesty .should be with out a Government, and lest the country should be without servants to conduct its business.— (Hear, hear.) Now, Sir, the notorious fact is, that they have been endeavouring for years to supplant the late Ministry that they were n o t very scrupulo u s as t o th e m e a ns— (Cries of " Oh, oh," from the Ministerial benches, and "Hear, hear," from the Oppo sition)—and also that they omitted no opportunity by which they could place themselves in the situation they .now hold.—(Renewed cries of " Oh s oh," and "He a r, h ear. ") Let it be remembered, that 'they did not satisfy themselves with making direct motion's in this House by members of their own party, by which they could obtain the sense of the House on great public questions—such, in the first place, as whether the Act which astabliahed free trade was wise and politic, or whether that Act did not operate cruelly and unjustly ; and far be it from, me, Sir, to dispute the right of any Hon. Gentleman to oppose her Majesty's Government on those grounds ; but they further took advantage of every opportunity and occasion, when any Member differed from the Government, to come in and swell the ranks of the Opposition.—(Opposition cheers.) It was in this way that, without agreeing with the Hon. Member for Montrose on the question of the income-tax, but quite the contrary, that they came down to support him and inflict a blow on the Government of the day.—(Hear.) What was their coarse of proceeding at the commencement of the present session ? Did they refrain from attack on the Government ? Did. they confine these attacks to the use of legitimate means of debate—or rather did they not wing poisoned arrows against the Noble Earl the late Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland.—(Hear: hear). Had they riot for the following week a motion of want of confidence in the existing Government? And 'after all that, can they preitend to say that they were surprised to be called to take office, and on any other ground but because they were successful against the Government?--(Hear, hear.) On the late occasion, when the Noble Lord the Member for Tiverton (Lord Palmerston) refused permission to the Government to bring in a Bill regulating the militia enrolment—that was another occasion similar to that on the Hon. Member for Montrose's motion, when Hon. Gentlemen opposite came down, and without regard to the motion or respect to the subject—(Ministerial cries of " Oh, oh")—I repeat myself—()li, oh)— Hon. Gentlemen opposite took the unusual course of refusing the Minister permission to bring . in a Bill.—(Opposition eheers.) Therefore, Sir, lam surprised at the allegation of Hon. Gentlemen opposite that they took office because her Majesty stood in need of a Mi nistry to conduct the affairs of the country.—(Hear.) Their elf its were unceasing and notorious to accomplish the defeat of the late Administration. Sir, what I felt at such a state of things and such a line of opposition I will briefly explain. It is the duty of the Prime Minister of this country to super intend the whole of the important questions that relate to the foreign, the colonial, and the domestic affairs of this country, which, I need not say, is a duty of great im portance. But I felt it would . be impossible for me in such a state of things, with these frequent attacks and occa sional defeats—l felt it would be impossible for me to give that due attention to those subjects of such deep concern to the public which it was my decided duty to give ; and i further felt that, if not driven out of office, I should be worried out of it.—(Hear, bear.) And. now, Sir, Hon. Gentlemen opposite come forward and assert that they accepted office entirely because of their sense of duty to the Sovereign.-(Hear, hear.) It appears to me that such a false pretence was unnecessary,' because their 'Parliamentary positiion was perfectly [constitutional. They might have said to. her Majesty's late Ministers, " Your policy is injurious tao the general interests of the country, and we are therefore anxious to reverse or reform it."—( Hear, hear.) For my own 'part I would have no objection, because I recognise in the Ria;.ht Hon Gentleman (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) that, talent and that intellect which so well qualify him for the position he holds in this House; and because I conceive he has displayed both capacity and eminent ability in heretofore conducting the affairs of this House.—(Cheers from both sides of the House.) Sir, with respect to the position in which I now stand, I might say the position in which I did stand a short time since, has been ent;rely altered 'by the tone of the speech said to have been delivered on tt e 27th February by Lord Derby. I have in my possession , a pamphlet which pretends to be the speech of the Noble FarL In what position does that speech place the Government? The Noble Earl declares he cannot propose measures to. the present Parliament, because he would be sure to be ist a minority. That is not an unusual position. But Miniaters so circumstanced have said that, as it was impossible I c.r them to propose, with any chance of success, measures in an existing Parliament, they would advise with a new Pea liament. But the proposition of Lord Derby, as also of the Bight 'Hon. Gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer, :is this, "we are in a minority; not withstanding we.mea n. ' to conduct the business of the country as a aninority.—( Opp c.sition cheers.) We mean to go through the session, and when it is over we mean to act on our own discretion, and dissolves Parliament or not, as we shall think fit."— (Renewed Opposition cheers.) The present Parliament may be dissolved in IDecambei; and I ask, was it unconsti tutional in us, having: an uncertain majority, to hold office, seeing that lion. Gen:tlemen opposite are determined to hold it even with a certain, mincnity?—(Opposition cheers.) It appears to me that tin ere is no'constitutional precedent for such conduct as this s and yet all matters of party, or of a controversial nature,. are .toy: be postponed.—( Hear, hear.) We are to have th.e St. Albans affair, introduced by the late Home Sicretarse, and continued by the present Right lion. Gentleman. 'We are to; discuss Chancery reform, on which the late G overnment adopted a report of a Com mission, and directasi a competent gentleman to frame a measure to be rah I before Paraament. But that great and important qu ition, in which the country is so deeply and so naturelly interested—the question submitted by my Hon. Friend the Member for - Wolverhampton—the question of what is to 'be the price of food, and whether there is to be a tax laid on corn, five-sixths of which would be paid to the owners of land and one-sixth to the Exchequer —(Opposition cheers) —we are told that next February we may be informed in reference to that; but at present the mouths of her Maje sty's Ministers are sealed.--(Renewed Opposition cheers.) The deductions of the most able and scientific men are op posed to . any such re-imposition. — (Hear, hear.) The n, again, the colonial interests, the navigation-laws; and. the laws - affecting our shipping and commerce, all these are to be suspended until next February. —(Hear, hear.) Tlse Right Hon. ,Gentleman the Chan cellor of Excheq er repeated three or four times that he meant frankly and freely to answer' the question put to him by the Hon. Meiziber for Wolverhampton; and having thus raised the anxi e ty of the House, he as often disap pointed it by giving es° answer whatever" Oh, oh.") How dill Brent was the speech of the Rig ht .—(Hear,.hear, and Hon. Gentleman that a light from his speech in Buckingham that it Was the inteni on of her Majesty'rs - Ministers to shire a few d as sinees when he informed the agriculturists y re store a fixed duty. The CHANCELLtJ R of the EXCHEQUER here made an observation across the table, which did not reach the gallery. Lord J. RUSSELL - The Right Hon. Gentleman on that occasion quoted, to s u it his own purpose, from M'Culloch's quer-) I read the book; but he eutirely omitted to quote certain portions of that book which were, unfavourable to his position —( Hear, hear, with ,‘ o, no" the Chancellor of the Exche and they were isgre e 4 Right Hon. Gentlemen as to what the said in reference - to tb de of redressing st: safest and easiest mo the agricultural burd )ec ro h m in three or four different papers, whole matter is tomystery. co n tinue involved in its present (Hear, hear. Par liament will be diem lverd ; carefully counwill registries shall ) a n t s. It now appears, howevewrh, t e h h at t th he e have. .been in December next, ed over, then port me /sect you w, di have , go to his constituent a and say, " I am for Protection, sups Govern merit h a ve given up protection; and when , ev p e r r o y te a e g ti r v ic e ul d t u u t r i a e l e M , ; e a rn n o_ d er every town Member will s a:v to his constituents is Constituents " The eirovern the new Parlia ment is assembled t 1 ley will not m i nd their old frien d s , b u t we will find that 1 girdstora will ,be ,good Free-traders."-- TUESDAY (Laughter, and hear.) All this, Sir, is put upon us under pretence of constitutional government. I believe there never was such a delusion attempted to be practiaed upon any people, particularly on people possessing the intelligence of Englishmen.—(Hear.) Sir, this is a question now understood by every one. At the period of the lissolution of 1841 it was not an understood question. But now the whole people of the country understand it, and knot that it means an ad dition of a halfpenny, a penny, or it nay be more on their loaf, and which addition is to go into the pockets of the landlords of the country.—(Oppositios cheers.) It requires no talent to understand that, and therefore the community at large require to know if it be the plan or policy of the Go- vernment to re-impose or abandon that tax.—(Hear.) To that plain question we can get no sewer, but are to be left in the dark. The Right Hon. Gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer has asserted that mr views and opinions now are different from what they were on resigning office; and he wishes to know why we did notthen dissolve Parliament, Now, Sir, under the circumstance had we dissolved Parlia ment we would have been liable tothe objection raised by Sir Robert Peel in 1 8 46 —namely, tlat it would be using the prerogative of the Crown to keep s party in power.—(Hear.) In the next place it would be iissolving Parliament before the supplies for the maintenance of the army and navy were disposed of, which would le an unwise step.—(Hear, hear.) Even now, after the Mutiny Bill shall have been passed, a dissolution of Pediment is only a choice of difficulties. It is a choice of ails.—(Hear, hear.) But if Hon. Gentlemen were anxious tilt the public business should bet proceeded with, that St. Abans and Chancery reform should be conducted to an issue why did they not leave the late Government unmolested?-(Laughter and hear, hear.) There are other matters I mustspeak of, because the whole policy of the late Government-its commercial and financial policy—has been assailed by nember after member of the present Administration.—(Hen, hear.) The policy initiated by the late Sir Robert Peel, and successftilly carried out by him, we have followed up; and in our hands the beneficial results to the country have ben most important. lam obliged to refer to some paper, which will show the House that, with regard to the country, we have obtained most important and satisfactory resits. In the first place, when we left office, there was a milks of revenue of 2,700,0001., and the sum applied, besides hat, as a sinking fund, in the ulasbltic credit was untsually high. The taxes which year, amount to about 2,800,0001. The h scto tt au v trs e e e b of e o e fp n reduced during our government amount to some 4000,000/. ; whilst the general revenue of the country has a in rd ish to ad o .— ne ( brairh of the Excise have increased Heat, hear.) The taxes, in particu- In s a o ort m ,bw u e c eitn h h t dr h ieul a g t, after the abolhion by Sir Robert Peel of the glass duty, followed by our removal of thd duty on bricks, there was an increase in the Excise of last year over that of 1844 of 1,080,0001. The Excise duty of 1844 amounted to 14,450, 000 k, whilst that of 1851 reached 14,779,0001. — ,(Hear.) There are threesubjects in particular, which, ie pursuance of the policy adopted by Sir H. Peel, we proposed alterations in the laws regarding them. The duties on sugar were reduced, and the increase of consumption has been. so great that, whereas in 1845, the sugar admitted amounted to 244,000 tons, in 1851 the quantity admitted reached 329,000 tons. The - colonial sugar, which, according to the Right Hon. Gentleman the Colonial Secretary, should have fallen, admitted in 1845 was 244,000 tons, in 1851 reached ,281,00 0 tona•—(Hear, hear.) As regards timber, the altera lion caused this difference, that whereas in 1845 the quan tity admitted reached 1,317,000 loads, whilst in 1851 it r ,navigation-la ws we find a great increase , bot h in quantity ;and number o f B r i t i s h s hi ps, s i nce these laws have been re -2,037,000 loads.- (Hear, hear.) As regards the p e e a a ch l e d e . d In 1848 the tonnage of British vessels amounted to 4,052,000 t ons, w hi lst in the l as t year it reached 4,200,000 tods. Now, l et us see if any d a ngers have resulted from , that alteration. I conce i ve that mischief could arise only sin two ways —namely, by the diminution of British shipping, !or by th e i ncrease of foreign shipping in such a manner iand to such an extent as to make the nation 'to which ,such shipping belonged a dangerous rival to this country. ,But this is not the case, for the shipping of the United King dom numerically exceeds, in a large degree, that of France rea disadvanta ge , se i n t hat o f proves fo rei n a n s h i n i p e a r ; a B e in trade. It prove s th a t o u hil , W 3 r the U n it e d S tates, as does a l so the number of seamen.— (Hear, hear )B t t there has been an increase in the tonnage of Briti s h s hip s , there has also been a greater in c ut_tbat, ,so far from bei ng a the persons who import articles of raw materials for manu facture, and articles of food. get them now at a cheaper rate and with greater facility than previous to the repeal of the navigation-laws.—(Hear, hear.) Now, what were these navigation-laws to which so much importance has been at tached, and which Adam Smith defended as the least ob jectionable portion of our fiscal policy ?—(Hear, hear.) If any person will take the trouble to examine, he will find they were an act of vengeance against Holland, an act of political rivalry to prevent that country having the greatest carrying power in the world, and greater than England.-- (Hear, hear.) Therefore, of late years, where no 811C11 object was required, it was fit to repeal those laws ; and by that repeal we have not incarred that danger which Cromwell anticipated. The Honourable Member for Wolverhampton as said that under these measures the country has flou rished to a degree heretofore unknown.—(Hear.) :Not only has there been an immense increase in our manu factures, but the number of our ebips has also i ncreased. The quantity of articles of food consumed is such as no man expected; and all these things prove that the people are in a state of comfort and welfare never before attained by them.—(Hear, hear.) It seems to be the purpose of the present Government to reverse that state of things.—(Hear, hear.) It has been stated in the speeches of th e M em b ers of the Cabinet obscurely and m ysteriously ;, whilst the Right Hon. Gentleman the Chancellor for the Duchy of Lancaster has plainly stated that it is the desire of Lord Derby to re se injurious to th e country.--(Hear, hear.) Now, verse that financial policy which has been, according to him, my belief is the reverse; and, therefore, I am desirous to maintain that policy which has been so beneficial to native industry and native talent.—(Hear, bear.) I will not, therefore, Sir, cloak my meaning when I say I mean to oppose any attempt to re-impose a duty on corn, whether for the pur pose of protection or revenue.—(Opposition cheers.) Sir, that is a plain declaration; and on that point, with the present. Ministry in power, it behoves us to obtain a clear decision on the subject. —(Hear, hear.) I conceive that the Right Hon. Chancellor of the Exchequer is not_ justified in delaying the solution of that question to next February.— (Hear, hear.) It must be the interest of all parties engaged in trade and commerce to obtain a solution of the question. I also thick it is the interest of the agricultural community. I said long ago —and the Right Hon. Gentle man the Member for Stamford declared his surprise at my declaration—that protection was the bane of agriculture. I did not assert that protection was injurious to particular classes, but that agriculture in general was injured by it.— (Hear, hear.) Since its abolition we have seen greater ad vancement and improvement in the condition of the agricul tural interest than previously.— (Hear, hear.) My opinion, therefore, is, that there never was a system introduced capa ble of doing more for the welfore of the people than the com mercial policy which, since 1842, has been placed on the statute-book.—(Hear , hear.) There is a perfect agreement in the deductions of all scientific men on this point, as also of all who are anxious to see a perfect and unfettered inter course amongst the nations of the world.—(Hear.) If, there fore, you maintain that policy you will do well. It is not a question that can be constantly suspended. Last year her Majesty's Ministers, after repealing the window-tax, had but a small surplus left them; and yet, proceeding on the free trade policy, we repealed the differential duties as well as the duty lon :coffee. Now, if there shouldbe a. surplus this year, the question will arise how will that surplus be disposed of ?—( Hear, hear.) le will be said that it should be applied to give farther extent to those principles that have been found so beneficial. Then Right Ron. Gentlemen opposite will doubtless state, "We are not Ministers for that purpose. With finance and commerce we are incompetent to deal, and they must accordingly remain suspended for an other year." I ask is this to be?—(Opposition cheers.) Is the country to have no decision? Is it not the interest of every individual that, either in the present or in the future Parliament, there should be introduced measures for redres sing the evils now suffered by the ,various interests—the pro fessional, the trading, the colonial; and the agricultural in terests? I have, Sir, been greatly surprised by the declara tion of the Right Hon. Chancellor Of the Exchequer. I believe no Minister of the Crown ever stood in the same po sition that he does.—(Hear.) The Right Hon. Gentleman's position is this—he says, " I have great measures in con templation that will relieve the agricultural interest from injury, the colonial from roil?, and the shipping interests from the competition under which they are sinking. But I will nett Submit these measures. I will contrive to 'govern in a minority, relying that the House will not only have for bearanCe with us, but that it will further be ready to improve the country for us."—(Hear, hear.) The course pursued by the present- Ministry, whilst most convenient to themselves, is gmost inconvenient to the country.—(Hear, hear.) If, therefore, they get from this to February, without professing any principle, but merely endeavouring to get together a majority for the next Parliament, that will be a great ad- vantage to them, though in the mean time, that is until the spring of next year, the country is to be sunk in uncer tainty. —( Hear, hear.) No merchant or manufacturer can, in the interim, know that he will have a marketfor his pro duce ; no firmer or matt of business will understand his po sition ; and all this that the private interests of her Majesty's Ministers may be promoted, even at the sacrifice of all the great and important interests of this country.—(Cheers.) Mr. HERRIES said that the first question which the de bate would naturally occasion was, for what purpose it had been got up. Shortly after the late Government had dis solved, au ostentatious announcement was made of some re solution binding the Heinle to adhere to a line of policy which the Hon. Gentletnhe catirissite, •by whom this debate had been originated; had been • quite in.struinental in bring ing about.'.' He• would ask that fit;h. Gentleman why he in tended to-make such a motion, and if he did intend it, why did he not try the H ouse of Co =none upon that issue? They noW came ) t hoviever, to that very- question 'and he would defy shy mama - looking back - upon *hat had already taken Plata to doubt for a moment that any other answer could be given than that which his Right Hon. Friend had so clearly and so distinctl y given. His Right Hon. Friend had, In turn, asked the tsroble Lord opposite; the Member for London,;upon what principles he intended to condnot his opposition, end. what had the Noble . Lord said?-(Hear,' hear.)- He had , informed them of what should be the conduct ihe .'s hould pursue in Opposition, but he (Mr. Harries) had : learned nothing from what he had said but this—that he would continue to oppose, as he had alWays oPPosed,"the re-imposition of thoseduties, this taking off of which be ealled " free trade." -So that the' whole extent of his•oPposition reduced itself to the matter upop' which the opinion of the country was to be taken. They learned from hint at the same time, 'however, that the effect produck by this change in our financial ,policy had • been not inconsideraele in the association of- Iparties in Parliament,, W46_, heretofore, had existed apart from one another. 'Bat' the • fact was, that the public business of the country had been conducted by an administration of parties with whom these were manifestly, and on principle, at variance. From'that cause, too, they were but imperfectly supported on certain great questions, and the Noble Lord had substantially admitted this, when- he spoke of having been " w orried" . froni office. Judging by appearances, 'he already felt the force of an old Parliamentary aphorism, which he had often heard—" Wait till the-Whigs are out of office, and , then you will know what faction is." (Laughter.) But universal suffrage, the ballot, and Menu}, bers paid for-their services in Parliament—these were the principles apparently upon which the Noble Lord intended to conduct the opposition, which it was right the House should know. lie (Mr. Harries) should not have risen but for the circumstance that hailed been repeatedly called upon first by the Hon. Gentleman who had asked this question , and also by the Noble Lord, as to some statement he madern ; another place, at hi s elect i on, t ouc hi n g the effect of the re peal of the navigation •laws, and in answer to that challeng e ible coin would put hi s observations into t h e sma llest possible now, to' pass, merely g i v i ng results in figures.' H e wou de ive exhibit the re su lt of the change i n o ur navigation co the figures exhibiting its effect on British and foreign shipping respectively, between the year 1849, the last of the navigation laws, and th e year 1861 t h e second o f the new y stem. and he would show He' would take the imports and the exports, that the comparative o perations of the ne w law on our cons mercial system h a d b een unfortunate. In 1849 the tonnage A 290 000 tons, and in 1851 of British shipping i nwar ds was • a slight, bu t still la.! it was only 4,3400 tons, be in g tonnage inwards in I significant, dimi nut i on. The foreign 1849 was tons. Thu s , 'I -1 r 1 2,600,000 A Bl ,OOO s o ns, and in 18a , while there had bee n no worms. in British shipping inwards er. , 03 - aitJd Ali ita EVENING, MARCH 16, 1852. between these periods, the foreign shipping inwards exhi bited an increase of 54 per cent. The British shipping out wards, in 1849, amounted to 3,762,000 tons, and in 1851 to 4,147,000 tons, being an increase of 385,0)0 tons, or about 10 per cent. The foreign tonnage outwards increased from 1,600,000 tons in 1849 to 2,336,000 in 1851, being an augmentation of 51 per cent. Taking the British and fo reign together, the British imports and exports in 1849 amounted to 8,152,000 tons, and in 1851 to 8,535,000, being an increase at the rate of only 4. 1 1 per cent. ; whereas the foreign imports and exports, estimated in a similar manner, showed an increase of 47 per cent. He would now ask whe ther it was possible, with this slight comparative increase :of British shipping to maintain a competition with our neighbours. What figures showed to be injurious as a result, every day's experience shewed them to be actually at work against them. America always had a large quantity of shipping loading in the ports of China, which formerly was not the case ; :and British ships, which formerly could obtain freights of 61. and 71. per ton, were now offered no more than 30s.—(Hear, hear.) No one knew better than the Noble Lord opposite that the French had made an ungrateful return for the voluntary re laxation in favour of foreign shipping, and that other con tinental nations.were disposed to follow her example. Among other things it was said that the new policy had produced a vast deal of export trade. ,He would remind the House on that subject that lion. Gentlemen had no right to use the fact of an augmentation of our exports as a proof that our commercial system worked well ; as the years 1826 and 1827 and 1837 and 1839 were years in which, with large exports, there was great commercial pressure. At the same time he knew perfectly well that the labouring classes of this country were much more contented, and much better employed than they had been, but still he would say that large exports were not a satisfactory proof of sound com mercial system. That protection must, in some shape, be a benefit, was, in his opinion, completely illustrated in the case of the states of the Zollverein. He had stated this much with reference to one particular point of the debate, and he should not have risen had it not undergone some amount of discussion, being fully convinced that his Right Hon. Friend had fairly, fully, and completely answered the questions put to him.—(Hear, hear.) Sir J. GRAHAM-1 should not have risen to follow the Right flora. Gentleman who had just sat down, if I had in tended to go at length into those fiscal questions he has raised in respect to the navigation-laws, and to the extent of increase or decrease which may be found in our imports or exports. But I rise in consequence of the challenge which has been thrown out by the Right Hon. Gentleman, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, with respect to the Opposi tion which he anticipates 1 am about to offer to her Ma jesty's Government. And before I answer that challenge, I must be permitted to draw the attention of the House and the country to certain large admissions which have just been made by the Right Hon. the President of the Board of Con trol. That Right Hon. Gentleman admits that the country is in a state of unexampled prosperity, and that the working classes are satisfied, contented, and well employed; and al though he does not attribute that contentment and employ ment to our financial or commercial policy, he yet admits the facts broadly and frankly.—(Cheers.) I am now about to explain to the House the view which I venture to take in the present position of public affairs. I am not disposed to enter into any factious opposition to her Majesty's Government, because I think that in the present state of the country it does be come the House, without the slightest tinge of party, fully and dispassionately to consider the amount of force which ought to be provided for national defence by sea and land, to enter into their discussion in Committee of Supply, and to proceed, having agreed on the amount of force, also to pass the Mutiny Act. But, Sir, I do not think the ques tion which is now at issue at all so infinitesimal as the Right lion. Gentleman was pleased to call it.—( Hear.) It is on the contrary, in my opinion, as important a question as ever was raised in a deliberative assembly, and one which un doubtedly affects the happiness and well-being of the great body of the people.- (Loud cheers.) It is not a question of a ss. or a 7s. duty upon corn ; the question really at issue is, will you reverse your entire policy ?—(Loud cheers)—a policy the results of which, try them by what test you may, have far exceeded the most sanguine expectations of its authors and supporters.—(Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. the Chancellor of the Exchequer asked what was the bond of the opposition he saw around him. I certainly was not prepared for that Gentleman's being particu larly chary as to the weapons of opposition he used, or the nature of the combinations into which he might enter, to resist what he had termed an organised hy pocrisy, and it is necessary therefore that we should come to a clear understanding as to what is intended by her Majesty's present Ministers; Now, although I think my Hon. Friend the Member for Wolverhampton was quite justified in put ting the question he did, and in the manner in which he put it, yet for my part I am bound to say that I have no doubt whatever as to the intentions of Government with re spect to this policy, if they can accomplish their intentions. —(Cheers.) Whether they shall succeed depends upon this House and upon the country; btifnee to what their purposes are, I have no more doubt than Big I' have the honour of addressing you, Sir, at this moment.—(Hear, hear.) It is not from the Right Hon. Gentleman who represents the Go vernment in this House that I ask for explanation. I said so last year, when the Right Hon. Gentleman stated his views in mystified and hardly perspicuous language, and I was forced to go to the other House, when I said the Peers would be far more e t xplicit than, the Members of this House, who were in party combination with them. Then the purpose was frankly avowed, and it was first to change the Administration, next to dissolve the Parliament, and then to impose fresh duties upon imports, among others to re-impose the corn-laws.—(Hear, hear.) That was my solution last year of the hints that were given to me elsewhere. I adhere to that definition of their inten tions now, and I call upon them to deny it.—(Hear, hear.) They have succeeded to power, have displaced the last Go vernment, and I now avow my belief that they intend to dissolve Parliament, for the purpose of imposing import duties—among others, a duty on corn.—(Hear, hear.) I trust the House will bear with me while I read a few pas sages from the speeches of a Noble Earl in another place.— (Cheers.) I shall first refer to the statement made by the Earl of Derby on the 28th February, 1851, when he had failed in his endeavour to form an administration. It was on an occasion of great importance, he having to state to the House of Lords and the country the cause of his failure, and he completed that statement with a frank avowal of the policy he would have adopted had he suc ceeded in forming a Government. I will now read the principal passages in that speech, and point out the policy which he would have adopted, The Noble Earl said— "lt would be impossible for me, even if my convictions were less strong than they are, it would be impossible for me as an honest man to take office without a full deter mination to deal with agricultural distress, and to endeavour to apply, as minister, effectual measures of relief."—(Protectionist cheers.) Wait. The Noble Earl was perfectly explicit. and I congratulate gentlemen opposite, who have so long laboured for what they term some remune ration for the unequal burdens upon land, on the prospects which they now have with the Earl of Derby at the head of the Government, and the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite in the Cabinet, of their success in that object which for six years they have so unceasingly laboured to accomplish. The Noble Earl goes on :—" I will take this opportunity of explaining to your Lordships what are my views and inten tions on the subject of agricultural distress. I say, that by imposing a moderate duty on the importation of foreign corn you might raise a considerable revenue for the country, while you need not materially raise the existing prices to the consumer, while you might, by the acquisition of an additional revenue of one and a half or two millions annu ally, enable the Government to effect an object which would be of great value to the community at large, n a mely, the extinction of the income-tax." Now, observe the Noble Earl expects one and a half or two millions from a duty on corn. The Right Hon. Gentleman opposite said he would scorn a ss. duty. I now understand his contempt. Five shillings would not raise one and a half or two millions; it must be a much heavier duty._ (Loud cries of " Hear, bear, and cheers.) The Noble Earl then says, " I do not hesitate to say, that if I found it impracticable to effect such a commutation of our system of taxation (rather a severe comment on the plan of the present Chan cellor of the Exchequer) as should place all classes on a perfect level, then, according to the best free-trade authori ties, it is not adverse to the principles of free trade to impose in favour of the class which is subjected to an undue share of burdens countervailing duties to an amount sufficient to meet those burdens, and I believe that by the imposition of a moderate duty upon the import of corn and provisions you might raise such an amount of taxation as, at the end of the year after this, would enable the country altogether, and I trust for ever, to abolish the income-tax. I express my frank opinion that the question of protection - or, if you chose, the ques tion of the unrestricted import of provisions —is one which must be settled by the country once and for ever.—(Cheers.) The Hon. Baronet the Member for Essex cheers that. I say there is nothing more clear than the course of the Govern ment, as expressed by the Earl of Derby. He asks for im port duties, including a duty on corn - (llear, hear)—and the means by which he proposes to effect his purposes are, a dissolution of Parliament. Nothing can be more plain. The Noble Earl goes on, '• But until I see that expression of the feeling of the country—when I find that the present system is working an amount of evil far greater than was anticipated by its opponents -certainly greater than I an ticipated myself—l cannot, as an honest man, abandon the attempt to relieve the existing distress." How? By re tracing the false step that had been taken—" by the im position of a moderate import duty upon corn. That was the statement made early last year, and his Lordship concluded by saying, " I trust your Lordships will think that I have not trespassed unduly on your time in making a full and frank declaration of the course of policy which, if I ha .d been called to office, I should have ventured to recommend." What, then, is the use of inquiry further, when we have this statement from the head of the Government? It may be said that since then he has changed his views, but I have here a statement which he made on the first day of the pre sent session, and as I know that the Noble Earl means to carry out every word he utters, I cannot have a doubt as to his present intentions. On Ale 2cl of February this year, Lord Derby says,. The price of wheat for the last four years has perpet ua lly f a llen, and my belief w isrr ? as it was four yea r s ago , that the cultivation of D eat must diminish if some alteration be not In:tvzLliite, law; aye, even to an extent which may if not dangerous to its real welfare. I dboeTotvrolooskhouoind this matter as one of indifference, namely, that our draw continually a great and increasingcouenutp4s.y of oar am principal articles of food from foreign n -laws will make us convinced that the repeal of the pao c l f or tr i t a i g on s,, o p f reg ou r aan s t u p w p i l t y h , more dependant for the principal and that is in my opini Qn rici a staltve not altered She. opinion danger to this, country, „„, Anat. boatfor pu.rposes of which I expreqed some ua tiya,;iudastry it is revenue anil ffisr„,tilel49l 4 :4, q4 hohild heiincluded in the desirable that agq cult g ra an P i, revenue should be raised." The articles of import on Wfijet ct.; g QFt se cattle, and all those sNdtste Earl' would go b 0,14 Sinented- 'friend, Sir Robnrt Peel, pro'yiAiiS which 1 _ 1. ! uY in. order that all the food of the taxation. , But more than t ' led so ear,lles ' r t h el e iev g e st a ng f wTY of my Right Hollourabie speogshOul4. p the University of Oxford, and there this see 19zriowi cQy Friend the secret in what I am going to state, be 4.erhy mentioned it in the House of .Lords. s I:(, , e d t i h sc e lo ß s a u r r i e o o r t b , Lilt e Were kept s uspen d ed until my Rightbefe arrangementa t H o nourable Friend had returned from abr oa d, an d when be returned, and when the Earl of Derby made his proposal, what was the preliminary point raised by my Ii ight Honourable Friend? lie asked Lord Derby what he in tended to do with the corn.laws, and Lord Derby at dance said, "My opinion haS been pronounced. I think import duties must be again imposed, and I am not prepared to say that grain mast be an exception." My Right llonou rabic ' Friend, true to the principles he had invariably a dvo cated, replied, "Thin preliminary objection is fatal, I ca niiot join the Administration.” —(Cheers.) So earnest was the marl of Derby in adhering to his faith and principles, anal so sincerely was he of opinion that reversal was indispenieable, that although he had made his whole arrangements turas on the arrival of my Right Hon. Friend, when he got that an swer, that my Right Hon. Friend would not be a party to restoring the corn-laws, he abandoned the idea of forming an Administration. I am sorry Ido net see the Noble Lord the Member for Tiverton in his place, but unless I am greatly deceived, Lord Derby had also an interview with that Noble Lord when the present Administration was formed, and pro- Posed to him to take part in his Administration. But the it, II II i,Lud oi:l3—xab Jux gaLia3al cruliJ tat ./iszi2 *di JIL filklisa:sui same question that was put last year by the Right Hon. Member tor Oxford University was put this year by the Noble Viscount the Member for Tiverton, and the same an swer was given with the same results. It was impossible for the Exe to go backwards. The corn-laws must not be re stored, and the Noble Lord would not be a party to any attempt in that direction. I think I have now gone far enough to show the intention of the Government, for the House may rely implicitly on the honour of the Earl of Derby when once he has a enounced any intention. He gave a practical proof of it last year by his speech on the first day of the session ; and this year he again gave a frank ex planation in the conference with the Noble Lord the Mem ber for Tiverton. Even within the last fortnight he has given the most direct and practical proof of his firm and unaltered intention to review our commercial policy, espe cially that which relates to the corn-laws. But I can have recourse to other evidence. There is no man' of stricter ho nour than the Right Hon. Gentleman the Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, a man who would not palter with any I question for a moment. In his speech to his constituents he said that he stood firm to the doctrines of protection, and that he gave his support to Lord Derby, because he relied on the assurances of his chief. But then let us go to Lincolnshire, and we shall find that the truth is not hidden there, but that the most explicit ex planations have been given. Now, I, who have for a long time been relegated to the back benches, need not say that I am rejoiced when I see country gentlemen of my own sta tion and standing coming into official life. lam sure that whatever they say may be relied on, and therefore quote them confidently. The Hon. Baronet, the President of the Poor-law Board said at his election, " I repeat to you the words of Lord Derby, and what his future policy will be you may gather from them. The question does not rest with him, or with the Administration, we can do nothing unless backed by the constituencies."—(Hear.) Certainly, so say I. Let the case be fairly put before the country. Let the country know what it has to decide on. lam then ready to go to trial, and then God defend the right. The Hon. Baronet continues, Having recited the speech of the Noble Earl, " Lord Derby refers the matter to the electors of the empire, and it must be determined by them." When ? I say speedily—without a moment's delay. (Cheers.) The Hon. Baronet says—" It is evident the present Parlia ment cannot last long, and I think you will agree with me that the sooner it is dispersed the better." There was no proposition for these measures there.—(A laugh.) No Militia Bill, no Disfranchisement of St. Albans, no four seats to be given away in a manner that has not yet been ex plained. That would not be dissolving Paliament rapidly. " It is evident that the question must be solved, and 1 trust it will be set at rest for ever." So say I. "We cannot afford to be always in collision with our fellow subjects."— (Cheers.) Then comes a most useful and salutary piece of advice to the owners of the soil. The Hon. Baronet tells his constituents," You must either have protection or learn to live without it."— (Loud laughter.) I would say to Hon. Gentlemen opposite, altering a little word of the President of the Poor-law Board, " You can't have protection, and you must learn to live without it."—(Continued cheering.) Then the Hon. Gentleman goes on to show how they " may live without it." I know that we shall have to turn our attention to the improvement of our estates, for where is the landlord who could say that more might not be done with his property. Here is no artifice, no guile, I had almost said here are Disraelites in whom there is no guile. s—(Loud cheers, and laughter.) There is another point to which I must call the attention of the House. The Noble Earl at the head of the Government has admitted that he was in a minority in the House of Commons.—(Mr. Dis raeli—No, no.) The Right Hon. Gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer denied this, but I had the advantage of hearing my Noble Friend's speech; and he said, I know I am in an undoubted minority in the House of Com mons and I appeal—to what ?—to the forbearance of the country.— (Laughter.) Now, Sir, I deny absolutely that in the Parliamentary history of the country, such an admission was ever made by a Minister, or that such an appeal was ever made to the forbearance of the country.—(Cheers.) I s ill challenge any gentleman who may do me the honour to follow me in this debate, to point out in our Parliamentary history when there was such an admission, or any such re quest.—(Hear, hear.) I say that homage to the represen tative system is at variance with any such request. I say that our representative system would be brought into disre pute if we prolong this state of things an hour more than is necessary to provide for the safety of the State and for its defences. Take the case of Mr. Pitt in the great struggle of 1784 between him and his great rival. Mr. Pitt only asked the House to pass the Mutiny Bill, and the struggle was whether even the Mutiny Bill should be passed.— (Cheers.) He said only give me that and I will at once dissolve, for the confidence of the House of Commons is indispensable for my Administration.—(Hear, hear.) What was the course pursued still more recently? In 1831, my Noble Friend (Lord J. Russell) was in office, and I had then the honour of being his colleague. The Reform Bid was under discussion and the point in dispute was an exceed ingly unimportant one, but General Gascoigne beat us. Eight-and-forty hours did not elapse before our resignation was placed in the hands of the King unless power was given us instantly to dissolve. (Hear, hear.) If the Noble Lord (Lord J. Russell) will pardon me, I will give another instance where I was unfortunately opposed to him. In 1841, a vote of want of confidence proposed by my late Right Honourable Friend (Sir Robert Peel) was carried. That was on a Friday night, and my Noble Friend asked till Monday to consider. He came down to the House and moved the estimates. The army, navy, and ordnance es timates had indeed been passed, and so had the Mutiny Bill; but the commissariat, the civil contingencies, and the miscellaneous estimates had yet to be voted. lily Noble Friend proposed to take a vote for six months, but Sir Robert Peel went through all the similar cases which had arisen in the history of this House. He said the proposal to take a vote for six months is too long ; you will by that course bring the session to its usual termination, and 1 have no security that you will call a new Parliament imme diately. Sir Robert Peel, who we all know had the most scrupulous regard to constitutional authority, made a long speech in which he distinctly said, unless you pledge your selves with the least possible delay to dissolve this Parlia ment, and also in the shortest possible time to call the new Parliament together, I shall propose that the vote shall be taken only for three months.—(Cheers.) Now, what is the course proposed to be adopted ? And this brings me to the speech of the Right llon. the President of the Board of Control, who has promised to propose a committee of in quiry into Indian affairs, and to renew the East India Com pany's charter,—(A laugh.) What a melancholy state of things.—(Hear, hear). There is the Right Honourable Gentleman the Secretary for the Colonies, who tells us that he has the strongest possible fears unless the whole policy of the sugar duties is changed. There is a descending scale of prices, and on the sth of July there is another downward' step ; and we have the evidence of the Right lion. Gentleman's colleague that when once such a step is taken it cannot be retraced.—(Hear, hear.) Yet he is contented to remain in office without making one effort to counteract the evil which he says exists.—(Cheers.) Let us mark their arguments as they have been advanced. The President of, the Board of Control has gone into the navi gation-laws, and lam prepared to follow him at a proper time; but the Hon. Gentleman knows that the tonnage both inward and outward has increased greatly upon that of the two antecedent years ; and that with the exception of one year, which was the largest ever known, the tonnage has been larger than it has ever been before.—(Hear.) The Right Hon. Gentleman seems to burn with jealousy that while our own tonnage has increased, that of other coun tries has also been augmented. Why, when we opened our imports, and consequently our exports, we expected that the tonnage both of our own and other nations would be affected.— (Hear, hear.) Here is a Minister of great experience, who talks of appealing to the forbearance of the country. When lie says that these measures are erroneous, let him and his colleagues take at once the bold step of in the measures they consider right; and if the Ibiringoinugeethink differently, then let them give advice to her Majesty to dissolve Parliament.—(Loud cheers.) I stated that there was a discussion in 1841 upon a constitutional question, and that the Government, being in a minority, hesitated not to dissolve or resign. Now I have here a speech which was made on this occasion, which you will allow me to read. The Noble Lord (Lord John Russell), speaking of the financial measures of the Government, said —"I admit that we do not sufficiently possess the confidence of the House to enable us to carry our measures." Was there ever such an admission made by a Government before? —(Hear, hear.) Suppose that at any other time my Right Hon. Friend had brought forward this proposition, and this alone—the first branch, observe, of his present motion—that the Government do not sufficiently possess the confidence of the House of Commons to enable them to carry their mea sures through the House just pause for a moment and con sider what must be the position of a Government who to that single proposition is bound to reply,," We admit your allega tion; we are unable to dispute it." Why, in aoy other time, would not such an admission have been regarded as a con clusive proof that the Government was unworthy to conduct the affairs of the county?—(Hear, hear, and cheer.) But that it was necessary the Minister says, "Although we have not the confidence of the House, it is not incumbent upon us to retire. 'We have yet some s chances to try—we have yet some turns to take. I t d we not mneocsetssaairsioly b fo e llo w w it „ ho b o e t ca o u ffi se ce w , La a re oNoVdithlOsUutopteeWr.ery I'llo The e t ti speaker goes on and says — " It is no t for the House )to tttalessol uon , for as of a dissolution or of ab stainin g from di House of Commons (Cheers.) he ers w T e h e have s p speaker a k t e h r e uenca of all this Earl of Derby.—(Loud cheers.) The conseeq) dissolved the moped, and, whom House of Commons, a new Parham t omeans withinlrefeoruris otsvhne Hear.) was, that the Noble Lord (Lord. Meelobtionwutroensposuwmer._( I am very unwilling, singe ate in a direct motion which absit omen, a new Gove . fnmen th t er c e a i m s House that is likely to terenne sue, I think it is unnecessary can be brought to a practical bathels formed. But there are two came question before the d t i h ti a o t n landownero t f h t e he agrieuitur a to vindicate the 0 andpore permission, ihors; f hopnootsi e connected i oh n oo ue p eb i reference c o li a wkL 0 i t h t r : detriypTi sem : a e bo n e y n c d , h , t t o o w l o h d ic e h . , s N v o t h w y is ou it r i s greatly diminished 2 —( Hear. ) but I will just I will not weary y recal to your mind the circumstance, ou with many statistics; • . that, since 1846, p e t hr , o2e0(10118,c0ce0t0o/fa.3otfh teh statedce o p u u n b ty l r i y ; money has been borrowed by the landed interests for the purpose of draining. Every farthing of that money has been expended, and much more than that has also been laid out. An admirable Bill has been passed by the Duke of Richmond to enable tenants in tail to borrowedtborrowion to m al l o b ti y ey, this, ti e o a ai n co d I k company epra n nt o hy w e that immense sums have beets powers wasestab o li f at sh t e h dia A st ct y . In earbyadtdhie authority of Parliament for a similar purpose. Now, Ido not believe that, in the present state of agricultural knowledge and practice—which is rapidly gaining ground under the pressure of this very system—l will not believe that these sums have been expended in vain. —(Hear.) If the House will appeal to any gentleman acquainted with arable land, he will at once reply that, upon the same surface, an increase . of produce must have taken place which it is very diffi h c a u t lt a i l e l deed to estimate.—(Cheers.) Well, but now, You have drained your land, but has ties dema i n i L d s a f . t or alytioflu cial and stimulating manures increased 2 I — the 'Ce e a a ; r m th or g te u d an ill o ) h lB a 4 v 9 e , importede—ruthisdruminoesdt ldainsadnetd pinartetsreosft o e u m i t o n o p o o t r t w e d a ' s a nearly to the extent of 85,000t0 114,000 tons; and Inelaearlsyt doubled—in 1851 you imparted 214,0 0 00 tous.— . (Cheers.) Well, but you sae', 1851 n tons. that b i l m l m Bs e o n immense this is land perhaps h f . a superior quality, I would point, in answer to the re which has been draißnoedt,liaasndbteoenws.hicohw.sntifnoiruliantelinogszawisuar.sitse had been applied. markable desire which . not touched • uuder the comparative lands, which were never inclosed during the high prices of the war, and which was monopoly s o f the sliding s cale.— ( L oud cheers.) The repo rt e lnclosure Commissioners shows that 355,000 acres of h the been inclosed in England alone; and in the year lesl no less than 50,000 acres were inclosed.—(Loud cheers.) There is another important fact which I cannot afford to pass by, although I need not dwell upon it. Since 1846 you have remitted 4,200,0001. of taxation upon food, and upon articles connected directly with the consumption and comforts of the people, and you have received into your Excheque r, not withstanding, the sum of nearly 4,800,0001. over and above the whole amount of the taxes.—( Hear, hear.) This speaks volumes.—(Load cheers.) It had been stated that, in 1845, Lord Derby stood alone in the Cabinet in resisting the repeal of the corn-laws. That is not correct. The Duke of Bac eleuch supported the Noble Earl, and they both refused to consent to the suspension of the corn-laws, unless a pledge was given that when the urgent necessity shall have pawed away, a united attempt should be made to re-impose them. Now, I am satisfied that amongst the largest owners of land in the United Kingdom, considering the area of his culti st. vated land, the Duke of Buccleuch is amongst the large Lord Derby knows-and I speak from my own knowl edge -that in the yoar 1846 the Duke of Buccleuch a greed with him, but that his Grace stated last year that he was in the receipt of as much rent as he had ever enjoyed -that be wee in the receipt of as much rent as he desired to receive - that he had no tenant whom he wished to keep, who was not ready to pay him that rent-and that, in his oPinwn' any attempt to re-impose the corn-laws was to be depre cated by the landowners as most injurious. - (Loud cheers.) w i e h to e I have talked of dukes and great men; but now I call your attention to two or three points connected with t t le poorer classes. I will only call your attention to the e t ee tistics of Glasgow, which I have here in a most a uthei le t form, in Dr. Strong's "Social Statistics." He PAY' that there has been a gradual substitution of wheaten bread oatmeal. Within the six years, from 1840 to 1845 inclu sive, the average annual quantity imported into Gl:lsg,fl was 132,000 quarters, and of flour 107, , 00 eacks. From 1 6,4 v to 1850 the average annual quantity of wheat has risenti, to 199,000 quarters, and that of flour has rieen_. _ 211,000 sacks.-(Cheers.) Take the single year 1851• T he quantity of wheat imported amounted to 356,000 quarter!! and the flour to 333,000 sacks.- (Hear.) In Do, 102 r, quart ern loaves we re b a k e d in the city, which was ab 1 ,16 r 31bs. per head, the population being 140,000. In t he l ea d 1852 the population was 600,000, and that great centre.va manufacturing and mining industry is naturally attracts t o t t o ll :3 1, b ' s . p of the poor inhabitants of the islands and of Ireland. let But u n n o t w i e, a , they have arrived at an average consumption et hre i t h ri ll merely in eatables? The consumption of tea has increses e f n o r d etvheeriyr- money s without - (L much d cheers ,t in the short space of two years 325,331 lbs., that Of 1 0 , 5,610 tons, and that of molasses 913 tons.-(Cheers') f 1 have, again, my neighbours lost their frugal an d carea, habits? Take the saving banks. In 1841 the number V. depositors was 16,100, and the funds amounted to 3 44 9 41 In the year 1851 the number of depositors had increa r4l 1,898, and the sums deposited amounted to 60,6001. 10 1851 there was one depositor to 21 of the inhabitants; in . 01 there was one to 12. In 1841, 12s. 6d. was the ave r " t amount for each inhabitant; in 1851, the average amour° I I was 11. Bs. 9d.-(Loud cheers.) You may attempt to be verse verse this policy, but I tremble for the consequence, he n cause there is something more trembling in the balance t ,, ati rt whether there shall be a corn-law or no corn- , aWee ir Wee duties or no import duties.-(Cheers ) I fear that, I „ ene result of your dissolution should be, with the existing stituencies, to return a majority in favour of the r e a rea i he of that policy in which the comforts, the interests , a n the y feelings of the great body of the people are bound 11 1 ), . will turn, not against your policy, but against your rePe se . s a not in much, but still with sufficient, detail-I tative system. With a regret I cannot express I statedheere!l' stated that this Government was formed, and its policy, _ e , nounced that a system was to be inaugurated that v w ev. produce " Peace on earth and goodwill amongst I:° f the Solemn words! Awful and holy words! Wade f a me Harbinger of those glad tidings of every blessing wil t ' , it with healing on his wings to men!-(Cheers.) But i s L esi ,, truly be said that this policy is of a description thl t 1 0 ?-- culated to bring peace upon earth and goodwill to tele r for heard if . A u ' id (Cheers.) I confess, as was noticed by the Hon. I't pith the Wolverhampton, that it was exactly in accordance cv ,. l ,; e ' the " Up, Guards, and at 'em."-(Cheers.) it is a c 0 ? ... ~...ja effects of which will not be to bring peace. It lett tuee'eea such heartburnings, dissatisfaction, and animosity ~,h e s e , class and class, as years will not effece.-(Cheers.) ~,he de cretary at War lately addressed his constituents, a _ fo .. claimed on the tax upon corn importation. The Ess 7l o ut mers were delighted, but some voice in the crowd cri ma " Cheap bread." What reception did the Secretary r' am mm w h aaayavfsrekwa asked dd t u h ttwi t oih h ana a tet t asi ß tisnf r tgu a hlt i ee n u t rbo r eob e jne e edl ce r te a , tbiaobnnld between h ' fa a rni)e rs l give to him? lle said, "I am speaking to Essex i. - s i r , I say, that cry will he turned against thera.-(C heer e s 'iloo. Gentleman. I have entered into no unworthy comp of the maintenanticroebie that policy to which I have contributed In Y 1 1 1 1 11 be aid; and, in the maintenance of that'policy , w i ll -5 • WO glad to co-op erate with every gentleman Nvbo o re in maintaining it.- (Loud cheers.) I have a soleT ever rabble."-(Cheers. whatever is, h e r w t s h i :e i ftaeriAM:tebir s ra ) i s e a ! flection. I remember the last conversation that had with the late Sir Robert Peel. It WEB upon the 'Which we found it our painful duty to vote against that Cs that great discussion with respect to foreign policy, ''' oc erile trad e ment which, on account o f i ts ma i ntenanc e of this f ree ; the policy, we generally supported. \‘'e were loo king t" 0, consequences of that vote. I pointe i out that it might iPd ~ to sibly be overthrown, and what m i g ht succeed. fle - l ion me, "I know th a t i n thi s country w ith o ut party connej on no man can govern; my party ties are dissolved , not prepared to renew them ; power in my hands is,atnhdraerefo,rde, impossible, but, come what may, of this I am deter t r ip , that there is no effort I will not make to maintain tbatnu_ee trade policy which I believe to be indispensable for the , '," iii tenance of the peace, happiness, and well-being of:, country."-(Load cheers.) Now, Sir, I do not posse .r o the least degree the abilities of my departed friend, bati_ue, share his determination. There is no effort which I arn o rf., prepared to make-there is no sacrifice I will not . enco r . to uphold that policy which, sable for the peace, the liar science, I believe to be indispen fello w " in my heart and in my c P subjects.-(Loud and lo g ri -continued cheers.) Wel l Mr. 'WALPOLE noticed the peculiar position in vit ~ piness, and the well-being of the great body of my they were placed. No question was really before the c!lclttil_s:: and, as was always the case when there was really 0 ~„. tion under discussion, evey subject on which every 1 .- been had certai n Gentleman desired to express his opinion brought-intathe_ debate. The real fact was that a _ , e „. question was put to the Government by the Learned uleio"zi tleman the Member for Wolverhampton. That clu e t s ho o was answered by th i Chancellor of the Exchequer before hours ago, and the only topic of discussion which was,. eou the House was whether that question had or had e n, ol • o 7 t he properly answered. He referred to the able s g Peeorr ctness Right Hon, Member for Ripon as a proof of the c . e _ bad of what he said. His Right Hon. Friend's observrione,,ket been directed against the reversal of free-trade p d o t ic v y t :__ e ' r ' s , was scarcely fair, for the Ministers did not intentra e eT d policy free trade, but they thought that the free - _ s to i t atly should be so altered and so modified as to press .. 0 t o the on no class. If, therefore, the question No? " * n their words, country on a true issue, let that issue he pat Lord and not in those of their opponents.-(H ear, was to relie ve Derby had said, both last year and this, that it which they the agricultural Interest from the burdens under N'u t i , u p to f suffered, while the protection which they el'jeYteeat relief 1846, had been taken from them; and that 1111 consider. ation of the fiscal arrangements affecting il l was ultimately to be given, must depend upon a the i nure Li - IL: et: opts ft of the country, and that amongst those arran6 ,v..-to con-. might be necessary-probably would be De Ce l .j artiele S °t eider the propriety of putting on duties oil :on excludin6 import, except raw materials-not in his onl-4/eitr, heat's necessarily a duty upon articles of food ( not tO stagy and cheers from the Opposition.) lie mean't doing so.--; the question unf a i r l y , an d b e li eve d he was n o t hat Ea r ' (Ilear, hear.) The House should remember the if the w D e e i r i b . y ex h p a r d es a se ls d o soapidin,ioanndofcothnestspnetolyplerepweasated, tu' a du ti, PlattBl4 10e110n an':' being put on articles of food, partly for Pru e the ques: partly for revenue, he should not attempt to MOO' ii ) bau tion again.--(Cheers.) The Noble Lord (Rul' tieat of brought a grave charge against the Government . v ., per taking an unconstitutional part.-(Hear, bear. ' ) nderstood son in the House or out of it more thoroughlY u ee ho ped constitutional questions than the Noble Lord; but . ff ing e a to convince him that the Government, instead of ~tgt c old unconstitutional part, were taking the only part tFt.f.,, st ifled take under the circumstances, and were completelli;e i n to by precedent.- (Hear, hear.) How bad theY . _c,,.. ° ll o led power? Not by raising a particular question Willet„ :l3/ 90 to the dissolution of the late Government - not by ca"' ' t h late Government had pursued in order to substituter . _ n : l ,l, the House, by a definite vote, to overturn the l l i t c p Y_ri c a of their own. They bad been brought into powe t _ e tlY ei l e ' b ia reasons, and two reasons only. First, becauserch.e,-. of Lord, by his own admission, had so far lost the co bd n-7 0 i.. wha t according to , tress of the country in his own way, and, f the country an"' his supporters that he could not carr on the public o. . he believed, for the general interest o . ither House sufficiently enjoying. thy,. of Parliament sufficiently strop gbloerthem to take the reins 0 confidence of the country to enable a totally ditf,3rent caSe secondly, because there was no other party in e , . _ power.-(Hear, hear.) That _ b en cited against than , SiJames Graham) had adverted The Right Hon. Baroneots h of 1831, 1841, and 1784.• In 1 831 to three precedents-those was the issue distinctly raised.hl thee question of re from all the precedents that had e Government and their 00 13 t 51 oppo ) 'lost the Government.-( H ear bear. , and decided age' 0 _ e want ofconfidence ' car" was .1 to In 1841 a vote . . the Ministers. Now, did that assiMf•Atif tied against Ministry called to the case of a into power by a flous:aiy that House between the co nvened by the late Government, and e e eti Commons, broug ht i nto power because the late Ministry acknoWle'y d they were unable . to carry on the Government? -(L° :eo cheers from the Ministerial side.) Had the Noble Lord b a able to carry on . the business by re-constructing his Pa rt Y 'c' er a more extended basis, as rumour said he intended to do,tbe if any other party was sufficiently strong to carry ",, bo b us iness of the Government, the presen t Ministers had ..., r ight to sit on those b enc h es for a single day or ho ur ; o t (Cheers.) Placed as th e country was without a Ooverutniot they would ind ee d have neglected their duty ba d they of done at least thei r b est to carr on the necessary business 00 the country, y , until the sens e of the country could be tak_entbe certain grav e questions, and, among others, on th ia ne t? gravest of all-whether they enjoyed its confidence or ~.t i, Both the Noble Lord and Right Hon. Baronet had cent be measures before a dissolution of I' undervalued the importance of going advised. They had entirely pas,,ed over the . , le o that the whole of the private business wealuel entirely put an end to- (Hear, hear) -that great _ , - . 4 11i would be occasioned, and great expense incurred, all 7 /be i would be completely thrown away.-(Hear. ) he" Ord Cb °°- had also undervalued the fact that we had now a L t t he cellor from whom the country might reasonably expect arliatenwtithcould ‘..hcet most beneficial law reforms.-(Hear, hear.) Th . - t i ,, s Lord seemed also to have forgotten what be stated oul. e . fortnight ago-that a dissolution of Parliament in t_ h i , e a step s nt state of the country and of the con tinent Was 11 ":, d ad which he, as a responsible Minister of the Crown , cel"eeeel vise.-(llear, hear.) Let it not be said that be was,trias ing to the forbearance of the House-he appealed " " country tice ; and contended that it would be unjust to the y _ , a e to have a dissolution at this time, when all these gra 0.4 be , tions had to be decided. As to the precedent of 178 4 . , P Fitt heved that a dissolution was never adverted to VP- 1 1; 10 00 till near the end of that struggle. The Right Hon. (ee".! w ith then, alter comparing the conduct of Governmecnre._ed lie that of Mr. Pitt, under circumstances which he des '',, t - t he similar, warned Lord John Russell how he, a lovnenr o f constitution, allied himself with democrats, and cones we e by au earnest vindication of the course the Ministry ~ , ~ of taking. „ w orts"' the length of a debate, the circumstances being 80 1 ,__ ro le could make ought now to be B e st, Mr. GLADSTONE said this was no time to co . MV P " .. Every effort which man . 55u_......( . to bring the ques ion of free-trade to a final_ 1 ofe (louse hear.) He would consider two points-the duty time __, r dea t hey f to the question of protection.-( Hear.) Eulogizing he coffin . of Lord Aberdeen had taken upon the subject, 0 _ ition as regarded the Government, and its higher duty.. as rigs Mr. Walpole, in his able speech, had avoided re h c o: g e % te ace t . the fact that there was something irregular in t 2 ' . g of a Government which was in a minor' 3. 0 eri taken be Commons. Arguing that Mr. Walpole had . ,_, eh Mr• Pitt, w"' • o s nexus view of the precedents of ,riled by • .. ina tio , but as con d ' •t •of the H ous- --o ° - regarded not merely as dry precedents, to . 5 5 ,..„ n , _ of the great principle that a Government, be ."e'dri'd use useful, must have a mejoritv in the Comm n r: e , beca n° the reel q"""he their having done_ so promised to bring , . ek th e to to '' the to an issue. The House was entitled that, after . ed complain that the present Ministry had taken of lc ,_.ten Government for a distinct assurance hould b' 4 gldv % dispatch o`' necessary business, the Crown s ees to elite' ... on th 6 a l so, that assurance in plain terms. He thoughthearing ; 51id,0,... a be I question • Government were entitled toshould not 'd not todissolve, acd the pre,ent duty of the House w. mac es that on the St. Albans Bill public moralityr new seats di hie fended by delay. But the disposal . of fou_ r -i bap eery Sa o , form a question for the disposal of which tau , • , , • ' come within the category of necessity, note v"_,' ...‘' cxistence 1 sill 0 -4 .Ic4ai.a .0,36 ,„‘