The Sun. — London, England, 1846-02-28 00:00:00

of lob at- • dS~g l o te' l ' rNuble Lord the Member for Yorkshire (Lord Morpeth) re ,esented his 51. note, and the Member for Stockport said that note was wet to 5,000/., and he was right, because it gave ficilM;a,power aehicli he had not possessed before, if the pit, was he? He wes likeiy to undervelue the ower of that e Leagu e o f w hi ch so much notice had been taken, when he Bto what a p os i t i on its in fl uence and activity had reduced party, and in what a condition the leader of that party I MO in regard to the country. He saw that the one was taardhilated, and the other dependent. Then again, if he turned „ e f l he elections, he would ask them to show him the place where 'three English election hail been held, ana he would show them W Plane where a protectionist had been returned. That then " lhe use of the •),001) votes of wich the Noble Lord opposite had made such a m. , guitieent boas t ? Ile would venture to as although the constitution of this country was at pre t't4t irk abeyance, ands a the people wou . ld . he . reafter arise to vindi (late its i • ta, ntegrity, ive their verdict in its favour. Let them teZt , l c al ie a .t 9d most striking instance—the cave of the Noble Secretary for Ireland. , That Noble Lord had f ell clown to the county of INottinghase with the t o .,.,,LePort of the Government, of which he was a I:cuuer and an ornament. He had everything in his lii ) l r- C he had -character, ability, position, and support, leaf ."e (Mr. B.tnkes) believed that his opponent had every „fr,itLtrument in the county retained against hies. He i l ald not say much a'eout that—but what was the result a St li We Lord had gone down to the county with all the tlhaPPort cf the Alinistry and with a greater assurance of success 1.011:as entertained even ' for the success of the measure now ! the House. He had expressed himself confidently, and eoubt had written up to his friends in London—and yet the e : et ion turned against him. There was, however, one very r!,aordinary circumstance about this election. It was sure tel l i n g t he, although the opponent of the Noble Lord to whom ad referred had been elected the day before yesterday, he oho lot yet ma d e h is appearance in the House, Yes u g" a gentl e man who had been elected only Wi t h t-rd ay had thi s n i g h t t a k en hi s sea t. N o d ou bt np t ot !.qual sinc eri ty an d equa l con fid ence he wrote th k , "i 6 friends in Lendon that nothing could be more certain 1 , 14 their sueeese. The freeholders were every mome nt f ere ill th e i r adhesions, arid the Freers do not dare to inter ex:th the eleeti .n. —( Hear, hear. ) And cow, with these hnfnre th em , w ere th ey as ki ng t oo muc h w h en it was ra eas ;;"'' that tile fate of Ireland did not depend upon these arty fo es, acid when it was conceded that there was no neces lt "„ —r ' , este, alarm, or anxiety ; were they, he would repeat t134" 1 , 4, 'sting too much from the Government to require ktit o ":"elcl be permitted to have the opinion of the whole con ey of the country expressed upon the measure.—( Hear, % it ; So me members had resigned their seats upon t h is Aid ti i" , others had retained them, and some had adopted a eJ tt ' be e eDurse and finally resigned. He considered that a , fr ° ,l l Swift seemed peculiarly applicable to the latter tg fi tea the halter, he traversed the cert,c~e •n e tee _ r et, id °nen touts leave, but seemed teeth depaete l att usi tell theee Honourable Gentlemen in their seats that ° the % wa s upon their s id e , le f t honour seemed to be on the 1% 0 , 1 e ' ha Hon. Gentleman having cited the opinion of Al stlney on the conduct of Members of Parliament, cone sh es slying that the learned author proclaimed the •a be s '" e nt of defaulting Members, who betrayed their trust, . t ejs e , e - i e rns infamy, and hatred, and the assurance of being sfre pr ' es by their constituents when next they sought the honour ,sse era "tint; them —(Hear, hear.) However, the law was •ster o hi. and honour was the other.—( Hear, hear.) The Hon. •I l sass e e r .fus Woleerhampton, when he spoke last night, ex- A lto his fear at seeing such a leader at the head of the Go tttles! "t ; and he (Mr. Bankes) should agree with him, parti '.tes,e,r4w:_hen he asserted that the present was a great and . cri :,'ae p re ", and one that strongly reminded him of the period of Itl ea ; k n ell Revolution between the years 1789 and 1791.- 41 1 es e 'rart ) He (Mr. Bankes) thought he could find in the +e a i o d" a learned author, who wrote most eloquently on that 14 / 1 11,' a f ew statement ' s that, in different language, would ate his views much more happily than he could hope to karo; 4 :7 l ft With that view he opened " Alison's Modern Qa ' in which he found these words:—" The existing 1 : 1 4 (b a s a physician would say, of the revolution spread of innovation, which, like a dread tateesdy at that time overspread the earth and precipi . fat f re a ll classe s in to a pass i on f or c h anges o f w hi c h t h e y were et* perceiving the effects, and the most ardent in the f oe We re tho ;hose rtunes were about to perish." . • se s " these " e e Peee oe „weeds also, ."The young nobles applauded withou , t , e4fe se „ e that they themselves would be the first victims. ~stre we " then Lord Lincolns as well as now.—(Cheers.) . s e i dit re then as now, sons ranged against their fa , hers; and lode mblic mischiefs the whole system of private 'tulto "as stroyed.—(Continued cheering.) The same Of . le et . wrot giving a description of the Prime ;sheMiniter R es ne se „ „ po se Ills private character was unexceptionable s ; -"sad of immense wealth; and he made a noble use of 4e es gas 'liberal without pride or prodigality, and . he would ae s aite er T. a Perfect private citizen had it not been for a secret d etti . 'eh made him sacrifice everything to public popularity, 'sited 'eh broueht on unheard-of calamities. Had Turgot l i ltte e t a °t hese gr'eat and good qualities an adequate knowledge ilaidestee" nature, he would have been a great and wise h 't but unhappily he lacked that one great advantage, e therefore hurried on those dangerous measures. He ti_ etirel 1,54 1 , 4 Y ignorant of human nature, and pursued his de (' tote," Po ut considering what effects they would produ NeriiiPtaring these two characters, as thus described by 'he sse i e t f, he found in ;hatem a wonderful resemblance to the , f ;Imo inister nd, ignorant though he might be of t'il i ee 'ing, he yet charged the Right Hon. Baronet wi.h sh arr n 'entionally not only avoided but contrived to prevent e lse b 'nee to the public voice at a period when he should ,a s silo n ee rt convinced of his error. It was through that Al- Z sp ed Sidney had laid down the law, as he had s °ll t of that book, but he did not contend "est ISPtennial Parliaments, and there were many tl!e_w ! l ose opini on s w e re changed upon this particular b( L aughter.) Where great changes took place in the itle l Publi c Mi nister, it was advisable that her Majesty 1 boa a d dvised (as tie had no doubt Lord John Russell • •e t t th e s ) to apeeel to the people. But then it happened er sdn e hfutProreise toek ptace between the two great parties • Vat ter i ttei e had etre:see alluded. He would now recur to that eti !",ent s as it well deserved to be called—he meant the sc t jest e the Right Hon. Baronet had addressed to her Van (C et. ° the Sib of September list. At the very time f e ttei, IC" ettesmunication was passing between the le sr e i - S Baron e t and the Queen, another one was passing his r a Jesty fr om L or d J o h n R uss ell. The opini ons o f b o th to that inu.t have been similar, for it was impossible ) I , l to se. nta for tiny one to hold office that held other opinions o tit alth et A ... od how long had the . Noble Lord (John Russell) ki„l, tee ' e e Consequent on the retirement of Sir R. Peel? Only des half, and he retired from the attempt to form a t ' t ;es (a i th °cause he had not confidence in carrying out rnea- N l N'y f he, along with Sir Robert Peel, considered ne ' e ir ui E o l li the welfare of the country.—( Hear, hear.) In s ee '_atle t l f, l shs the real cause, which the Noble Lord hoes him . th s t asee ti rds was this : —He found, if he accepted office, and a te latt er e support of the Right Hon. Baronet ( Sir R. Peel), setters,- Pile bring over with him but few of his sup ihttiae4Pila en the other hand, if the Right Hon. Baronet Rh. Ca l , in office, he could secure so much more support on e l le% 4 ,Laative side of the House to the proposed measures, th t l'Pose 'oble Lord could guarantee all his supporters on the Ih tt Nol4 4 ,Side of the House. This was the real history of klse - eased • • •oi r d . giving up the attempt to form a Ministry. It o ,u 1 not the Noble Lord, er the Right Hon. Baronet, • a ?• t ne people, if they considered the country was with s lt ,k fains h , eir not doing so showed that the voice of the people t o r t Zli e ,i' t ‘ their proposed measures, and they were fearful of 6,, ° its He (Mr. Bankes) had been told that this It e l'alitt;" been expressed in another way—that is, N e see tr n s Presented to that H o use. On that point, what le e 'd o h„ r ed that night respecting petitions to Parliament th k igo,w what litte weight was to be attached to them. to e , koe`rnalent had given no reason why the Members of L i tt, w s e should not stan d f ace to f ace w i t h t h e i r cons ta %ip the r e, if they made promises, they should take care Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Baronet had e49le: t ai nst exacti on o f p rom i ses , b u t th e y s h ou ld restollect s t slat e , a ge and custom of the country had been in favour of le d ate set - who sought to be returned to that House, making lei ade y bt e of their political views prior to the election. They pe t t t '' nomination for the express purpose of questions It , l Pief et ? C andidates, and for the purpose of enabling such spi e Ttl,e f l e ° explain their political principles to the electors. sfe t s be, tubers are to become so careful and chary of their le el ar e p e e doubted if th ey wou ld h ave so many supporters i n (It s lad ee !!'ament.—( H ea r, h ear .) li e did not th in k vo t ers Ne7se ett 7t to take Hon. Members according tertheir looke— • te le e llt p ra 'aUghter.) They would still continue that incon zatteet to ; l ice of a , king questions, and they would not only tee t alle e O" e eeive answers to those questions, bat also the per *llo.4l of those promises. It had been stated that during the N ee s as re 'ord Linc o ln, an Hon. Member waited upon him, Ne e th at interested in the e.airs of Ireland, and he I ' 4 le -el le as the result of his interview, he was est, satisfied with the Noble Lord's opinions upon that him tiid W ould L or d Li nco l n d e p ar t f rom what he t to ,e . the Hon. Member who had waited upon ;kr i e, was If bound to the performance of his promise k b ' gas o ,ne not also - bound to - the lowest man in the crowd? t sa,_ t ve :" t hat poor man entitled to ask his epinion, and to Ztle t i lt r et T i n t s wer from the candidate ? Was there any difre - • `ale t sfi ertt jyr station which enabled a person with impunity totaito cause n il promises and engagements ? Was there any e. aeh e ell h ae hira to affect a feeling of contempt because these 'te es t ee 'esi„ " . 'en made to a meaner class ?—( Hear, hear. ) lieg e: pit:e ns -e s would receive from the people of England their r set4at, se: r e. Boroughs which were renovated, as it was i te t atee"--(HPassing of the Reform Bill, would not be thus N i les, w ears hear.) They would insist that their repro i t lee t r s ti t o m u° had changed their opinions, should appeal again r e s t ee ee jtain if they would be received with their altered rie s Psese t ,''Y was he (Mr. Bankes) not allowed still ,t t o ` the small borough which •he represented ''o the e t ate o. t o e passing of the . Reform . Bill ? Was tt e !lfl e tl e t 0e ,!1 3 returned according to his opinion? t a :les ee g r atl b e l 'teseti that a great deal of time and unnecessary • lie -e" expended in passing what has been called the t ale ties • Th,. e , k l,, y east now the means of ascertaining t e rea wits respect to the present momentous ques eesiteei ' s at r .. 1 : 1 now see whether, in the people's opinion, the 811 it , t tl eil te at l .n' and expedient. They (the protectionists) at thi s would be far more in;urious than beneficial, t ,Pp ote ttla „‘ c onviction that had driven them to oppose the e r t 7e i s, th at , a 4 ( ' s and in so pertinacious a manner. For the fie ha o A Y h ad me, as well as for other tholesreaso pur ' o , aifh tP ae r ' - fsulatttl en taking the division at age th e ' n ight be the result, if they failed, they would kt e i re aelhe countt'Y regretted to see the unien of men who 'te Y '''s e principle • whatever might be the re -044045ee ew e but 01 .1 b e s'e here, he trusted that in another place a 444,10;11e:4,d which would afford the people en oppor . s ee ,G oe r ati o , 7 their feelings. Year after year, during the We e ; a. tettntnet() by Parliament, the votes would show that of it ee e e asus e L'Y immense majoritie_,s would not sanction Vh e i r flee, thatthat now proposed. He could not for a mo- Lter sa ter eg ,, the other House would refuse the exercise -Is e b • aed l S. 4,tre ordie t y causing an appeal to the people against ( he t Br ent OTT t ; a sY and extravagant measure. 11 k , one of ' , Mid give his vote in support of the measure. • Is - 4 el etes ‘u th e pr 7 n ef' in the results of the future. He though: pr e set t tu hee e T e n st Pal features connected with the measure elf e e! t htee ? th a si ght of in the debate, and that feature el ; pl ea ,. If re as that now proposed be possibly e et _ d eft (lin g re °se Hon. Gentlemen who talked so much fri ends n ee Of ‘ l ' e farmer , 'se_ p ro , . s cause, who were so constant in were -ection, and who proposed to be the far, f l ue e o , .he to to tell him erie nistee., into the truth, and say that protec- Ae _tly maintained, they would then be acting ;' , 4, w„zther their character of being the farmers' • 4, 5 thp ots ,, supp oti J e ctlon that had been raised during the th ee eci e ,iole s e ng the question to he rieht, and that t o• ilizte the Preven t it being carried clut, the per aesNte e asry • P r esent G s t o t e Peo p l e it j eto overninent were not those who tat, es . Of (hi t acct. He (Mr. Estcott) believed l e ss . t e tl k r , e p a i r s ti e e 7 i ntry were comparatively little con , f tie4 es to e ee , , ar individuals who might carry the h ad -oud uct would admit that those who had un teatnel e :;?ft . v, end it" measure were exposed to the charge ‘`"wh " N t ' e had not escaped from that charge. He % t t -y 1 1 , ,Pun by l e i p his (IA t. Hon. Member for Kneresborough itit u the resignation of his usat, and toto ret e ntoetif ee 4 oe r the , H oe On his change of principle. He 4nish tt fe e inti tiet 4• Gentleman that not one single siker het vn v • t o him in the silliest manner th is s) s tild t at -ate his o f to (pi Nrs o tco r • seat. A Noble Lord had also e stioe " n 'l h enc : ef lve I, ow it was consist ent with his( Mr. pe,l gal • li e or t o suet sort the motion for goint into hon_would th N ohr one e e oble Lord what his re raher of Parliament was. eras segss against his personal honour to tamper with his constituents. It was his personal honour to give up his time thy and night to srudy the interest, of Ins electors and of the country. And to ziv,!' a Jr:oder:l instance, suppose a person came into , ^ , 'l ^"8 7: t O. et poet ie.:, economy. It was his personal hose ie.- to make him:clf master of thee quess tions, in order to be able to know how to give his vote with 'judgement. It wan also his duty to throw over board any degree of character for personal consistency, in order to obtain ; a much higher degree of character, as an efficient servant of the general interests of the people. That was his idea of the personal honour of a Member of that House. It had been stated by the Hon. Gentleman, the Member for Dorsetshire, that he had considered it almost impossible for any Government tri have formed so strange and sweeping a measure of commercial 1 policy as that which was now proposed to be adopted. From the year 1842, when the Right Hon. Baronet at head of the Treasuey, and the late Vice-President of the Board of Trade, made their speeches on the Corn Bill which was introduced into the House, he (Mr. Eseott) not only anticipated some such measure as the present, but he told every man who thought proper to ask his opinion, that some such measure must be the inevitable consequence of the Bill that was then introduced. There were some persons of distin guished station, to whom he was under some obligations for many acts of condescension, who had done him the honour to consult him on matters of public affairs. He told those indi viduals, distinctly and freely, that the total repeal of taxes on imports would be necessary in consequence of th 3 principles which had been laid down by the Right lion. Baronet and the late Vice-President, of the Board of Trade. The occurrences since 1842 had only ren dered it more apparent that some such change as the present must be introduced. Year after year, up to the present time, they had heard debates on the corn-laws, but he had never heard during the whole of that time one single argument brought forward in defence of the principle of the corn-laws from that bench. (The Hon. Gentleman then pointed to the Ministerial bench, and was interrupted with cries of" No, no.") He had heard very clever speeches to avoid the question alto gether, but certainly had not heard the principle ad vocated. The Hon. Member for Somersetshire Lim s-lf, without the aid of the Anti-Corn-law League, would have upset any corn-law that might have been made. His Hon. Friend the Member for Somersetshire had said, that he never rose to speak of the corn-laws without the horror of abundance before his eyes. Whatever was before him horrible in form and aspect was sure to have a cornucopia in his hand. But while his Hon. Friend had such a horror of plenty, he could tell him that the people in his own county, ix his own immediate vicinity, were obliged to depend upon turnips for their daily subsistence, and on the products which the mildness of the season and the kindness of Providence had allowed to come forth. It would not do to talk to him of speeches that had been spoken five years ago. He had never given a vote in that House, but in favour of relaxing protective duties.—( Hear, hear.) He had seen his Hon. Friend the Member for Somersetshire present 110 petitions against the corn-laws, and every one of those petitions stated that the corn-laws and the tariff were the destruction of agriculture. He told the farmers that the very corn-law which last year threatened their entire ruin, was this year the only thing that would save them. Now, what must the farmers think ? They were persons of as much intelligence as any of the middling classes in this country, and could tell as well as most persons what faith to put in the representations of others. And the most honest way of acting would be at once to tell them that the existing corn-laws will shortly exist no longer. He would now come to the great question of all. which was— " What is to become of the land?" Now, the principal argu ment which he had heard repeated over and over again—and it was stated first in order by the Hon. Member for the Univer sity of Oxford, and not more strongly by any Hon. Member since, but it had been refuted a great number of times during the debate—that argument was this, that such a treasure as this should not be carried, for if it should be, it would ruin the in stitutions of the country. He (Mr. Escott) owned that he was perfectly astonished on hearing that argument used by Hon. Members ; for what were the institutions of the country ? The Church ? The courts of law ? The Houses of Parlia ment? Did they mean to put the preservation of the institu tions of the country upon the maintenance of a restriction on the importation of food in the time of scarcity, or of appre hended scarcity? Because, if they did, he woulditell them plainly that never were the institutions in any free country ever defended by such an argument, and never could they be de fended by such an argument. What did Pitt say about appre hension of scarcity? Did he get up and talk about protection, and the danger of injuring the institutions of the country? No; ee endeavoured to ab dish every vestige of protection. Ile said that the first duty of a Minister of the Crown was to take care that the people should be fed.—( Cheers.) He (Mr. Esentt) should like to know whether the Hen. Member for the University of Oxford would like to close the ports against the :t importation of food ? —( Cheers.) He (Mr. Escott) did not see the Hon. Member for Shrewsbury in his place, and he regretted • that he was not, because he spoke very eloquently on that point. He said that the carrying of this measure would ruin the valuable institutions of the country, and he said that the party that had proposed this measure had no right to do any such thing. He ( Mr. Escott) remembered that Hon. Member delivered a very able lecture in that House some time agto on the political history of the country, and he remembered hiiaa .raying in very vigorous language to the Noble Lord ( J. Russet k) and the' Right Hon. Gentleman opposite, who constituted tleie great Whig party, " You Whigs have no right to claim fr e e trade, whatever else may be your merits; it was Pitt that pr oi pagated the great doctrine ofifree trade." Pitt, the great Tor y Minister, he said, had done that. And yet the Hon. Memb t f o r Shrewsbury had said to the Right Hon. Baronet at the het d of the Government, "You are a traitor to your party, for espote s ing principles of this kind, whatever be the necessities of tme country, because your party should necessarily keep up a to t strict ice policy." He would notdetain the House much longer upon this subject. , lie for his own part thought that the institutions of the country could not be injured by any thic ig so much as the restriction of the supply of the people 's food in times of scarcity. Honourable Gentlemen had sa.:id that the present scarcity, or the apprehension of that scarci t y, had been greatly exaggerated. It was exaggerated, or it wsas not. Now, the Right Honourable Gentleman the Recordler of Dublin and the Member for the University of Dublin weent -so far as to say that in the greater number of the counties :in Ireland, there was actually no necessity at all—that there was an average supply of potatoes at the present time. Now, ion inquiry, he found persons coming from Ireland who stated 'to him—he would say it with every respect for the statements of the Right Hon. Gentleman—that there was no foandatiiion whatever in the Right Honourable Gentleman's statement) s. The question then came to this—which was to be believed ? Was he to believe the Right Hon. Gentleman the limped er for Dublin, or was he to believe the papers that were on t:ue table of the House, and which were the accounts of Roman Catholic clergymen and clergymen of the Eat a blished Church, and of all other excellent persons who we re sending to this country from day to day accounts of the dread of the scarcity that was coming upon them in a very - snort space of time.—( Hear, hear.) Was it then false that they went to the potato-pits and found them one mass of rettrereness? He certainly would confess, that with all the respect due l to the statements of the Right Honourable Gentleman, h e was prepared to believe the statements of such a numerous body rather than that of the Right Hon. Gentleman, who he 'believed was misinformed on the matter. But Hon. Members, came to that House for the purpose of stating the results of their own experience. He would state what was going on in certain parts of England where he resided. The people there found that at least one-half of the potato crop had been d.estroyed, and the potato, he was sorry to say, was the greater; portion of the subsistence of the people. The wheat crop was also very deficient in that district, and it was very much to be leered that the crops of the next summer would be deficierat.—(Hear, hear.) lie would then ask them whether in order to pre serve the institutions of the country it was necessary to keep up a restriction on the importation of food, when. in Ireland perhaps more than one-fourth, and when in England at least one-fourth of the food of the people was destroyed ? His Hon. Friend the Member for the University of Oxford hid used certain expressions lin his speech which he (Mr. Escott) wished he had not heard. Ile said, " Do not disturb the iieaceable and prosperous state of things." (Protectionist cheers.) Quieta non movere.--( Hear, hear.) He believed in his conscience that within three short mon this from this time, around his own dwelling, the quiet whi,cli the Hon. Member would not disturb would be a cry fro trig the grave complaining of the deficiency of the food of the seer rple, and he believed that in two-thirds of Ireland there would be a similar cry. What did the? Hon. Member mean by sayiiay Quieta non movere? Did he mean to say that in order ter support the institutions of the country it was necessai .ee to restrict the food of the people? If he (Mr. Eseott) would'. :look back into past times he would find that with the present scorn-laws we have had distress even in the agricu!tural distri,:ta ; and if he would go further back he would find that even w kb the former corn-law, we have had the most severe agric rittural distres. And yet, this was the state of things that Horn.. Gentlemen would protect. What he wanted to know w as. whether in maintaining the corn-laws Hon. Gentlemen wished to keep the price of corn high or not? If they did not meeer to raise the price of corn, how was protection good for agri culturists. If they mean to raise the price of corn, then they wished to keep the food of the people dear and scarce. Last session he took the liberty of making a mo ti on , which had been alluded to by the Right Hon. Baronet at the is sad of the Government three times since the commencement of the pre • sent debate, and that motion related to the introil'uction of maize duty free. At that time he did think the introduction of maize would be very beneficial to the agricult mists, as well as the country at . large, for he thought that it would be a means of accelerating the repeal of the co rreslaws, as, indeed, that object had, in this instance, been accoderated by the failure of the potato and wheat crops. He did not anticipate that failure; but he believed that the introdvic lion of maize, duty free, would enable farmers to feed their st ock without having recourse to the food of the people. But he never for one moment imagined that, the importation of n taize alone would make up for the deficiency of a bad harvest ; all the object he had in view in making that motion was the ac celeration of the repeal of the corn-laws. If the farmers t had maize they would be enabled to feed more cattle, an( 1 we should consequently have more buteher's meat At the time that he gave notice of his motion, he 1 nade inquiries from several farmers and cattle dealers, 'who tiaversed a district of country twenty miles long and lift een wide, comprising all kinds of land and all species of rural or :ea pation. Ile asked one of the farmers of that district, whether he did not think that in the course of last winter he would have saved a great deal of money had he been able to purchase maize duty free; and his reply was, that he certainly would, and that one out of every twenty of his cattle died freers sheer starvation. Now it so happened that in that very elirstrict an enterprising man lived, who had an immense quantity of maize, which he had imported from the United States, but, twhieh, in ; consequence of the high duty upon it no one could prxrchase it; so that the present system of protection, instead of holing bene cial, was injurious to the farmers.—( Hear.) It was said that this measure would ruin the small farmers. Now he lived in a county abounding with small farmers, and he was; on intimate terms with many of them, and he was informed by them that they would be much benefited if they could purchase maize and other such articles free of duty. One of those- small farmers had told him that he bad Inst at least 10/. is the. shape of duty paid on maize. He (Mr. Escott) did not believer -that the pass ing of this measure would cause so much ruin, or,. on the other hand, so much happiness to this country, as appeared to be anticipated. Did Honourable Gentlemen who bad spoken think that they could govern the country with the Duke of Richmond as their leader ? He beliewed that even the Duke of Buckingham would fill the office of Prime Mi nister better. The Duke of Richmond had aid affection for two sayings—one was his prophecy about wool,. which they all knew to be entirely fallacious ; and the other vra s his saying to the effect, that in Sussex they did net grow glass, but timber. He did riot believe that the country could be governed by a Government of which that Noble Duke; was a member. They wished to find some leader in whom they could repose, and who would stand between them and their opponents, area lead them to a successful victory. About five' years ago they found such a man ; and now, when he refuses 'to lead them to battle against the interests of the people, they were determined to dismiss him from his command. Mr. CHRIS TOPHER—No, no. Mr. B. ESCOTT— l'he Hon. Member for Lincolnshire dissents from that. He (Mr. Escott) however believed that it. was not the interest of the leader of a great party to lead that party against the people. They (the protectionists) had had such a leader and they had now discarded Kim. Now he sueposed that they meant to do the battle of errotection on their own account. —(" Hear, hear," and cheers from the Protectionists.) He hoped, in order to avoid el eceiving the farmer, that they would at once tell him what. they thought would be the probable issue of this struggle, and. whether it would end in victory or defeat.—( Hear, hear.;) If they thought—as he thought they must—that the issue would be defeat, had they not better give up the contest at once, and Isubmit to the fate which they could not avoid —(" Hear, Ihear," and " No, )—when they consider that the people -r- Pi- , eriv in 9:rev wfrst (‘• No no," from Mr. Ales end thr isrole•_theiesls.) The lion. Member for Somersetshire sass lba' the people ::re not in want.—(Hear, hear.) He wished the Hon. Member had been in the House when he stated the condition of the people in the county of which be (Mr. Miles) was Member. If the Hon. Member would read the returns which had been laid on the table of the House, they would tell him whether the people were in want or not. He said, " they were not in want. " He was the first person he had heard who had the hardihood to deny that there was any wait?—(Hear, hear.) He would like to know whether he thought that—in the case of a parish in his (Mr. Nines's) county, where the people are kept alive by subscription, where peas'and pulse are sent up to keep them alive—that Nat an indication of prosperity.—( Hear, hear. ) Mr. MILES did not know that such a state existed in any parish in his county. Mr. B. ESCOTT—The Hon. Member says he does not know it. He ( Mr. Escott) was aware of that; he knew that he :lid not—if he did, he would not have expressed such an horror of the coming mountain of corn.—( Hear, hear.) He would not have made such a speech as he did a few nights since, had he been aware of those facts ; he was possessed of too good, too intelligent, and too generous a mind.—( Hear, hear. ) Mr. MILES was not aware that he had ever expressed any feeling of horror upon the subject of the importation of corn. Mr. 8. ESCOTT had never heard the Hon. Member make a speech without it. It was his staple article. —(Hear, hear. ) He alway dreaded the overflow of foreign corn. He was al ways dolorous upon the subject, and he had helped them to the position which they now occupied, more than any other Hon. Member connected with that House, or even with the League, by greasing the wheels of the cart ; although he (Mr. Miles) would not allow the grease to be imported, until he was assured by the Government that tar should be mixed with the grease, to prevent its being sold for butter.— ( Hear, hear.) He ( Mr. Escett) believed that no person would be more anxious for the ruccess of the present measure, if he thought it conducive to the interests of the people, than would the Hon. Member for Somersetshire. Captain GLADSTONE should briefly state the reasons which induced him to give his vote in favour of the Hon. Member for Somersetshire's amendment. He considered it a painful duty to oppose the Government on the present question, but he trusted that, upon a future occasion, he should be able io afford him his wonted support. He would have been quite reedy to support Ministers on the present measure, provided those measure had been proposed upon the same principle as they had previously acted—namely, a gradual reduction of the duty on raw materials. He considered that when protection to agriculture was remeved,all protection must cease.— (Hear. ) The Anti-Corn-law League seemed aware of this fact, and it was for this reason they attacked the corn question first— they knew that they would then have an easy victory over the other interests.—(" Hear, hear," from the protectionists. ) It had beeen said, however, that they were only following up the tariff of 1842. If so, where then was the necessity for the declaration on the part of the Government that they had changed their opinion.—( Protectionist cheers.) It was not the failure of the potato crop alone which gave rise to these measures. The Right Hon. Baronet at the head of her Majesty's Go verment had admitted that his experience of the last three ' years had tended to impress upon his mind the policy of a still greater reduction. He (Captain Gladstone) did not held ultra views on the subject of protection, but he must confess that he was an advocate of a moderate protection.— ( Hear, hear.) The different interests of this country had been protected. Under this protection the country had flou 'ished.; and the most able writers on the subject of political economy had given it as their opinion that protection to agriculture should not be suddenly withdrawn. He did not think that the present measure accorded with the principles laid down by those writers. He did not think it a gradual reduction to protection. The cotton manufacturers of this country had grown up to their present proud position mace a system of protection against the cotton manufacturers of India.—( Hear, hear.) The Gallant Member then re ferre d to the speech of the Hon. Member for Sunderland ( Mae Hudson.) He ( Mr. Hudson) had stated in his speech, theet the removal of protection to agriculture would not affect the large landed proprietors so much as the tenant farmers, and that this question was emphatically a tenant-farmer question. The occupiers of small farms would. no doubt, under the influence of competition, ultimately cease to exist. Such were the opinions of the Honourable Mem be r for Sunderland. Now, he (Captain Gladstone) believed that four-fifths of the farmers of England were small farmers, and in Ireland there was a much larger proportion. If, then, 'the Noble Member should be :correct in his statements, • -4' the effects of the abolishment of protection, what a fearful result would it produce upon this class?--( Hear, hear.) He had made many inquiries upon the subject of the distress in Ireland, and he should be glad if the present measures would he likely to afford them any relief. The Hon. Member for Wolverhampton ( Mr. Villiers) had made an admission to the effect that if the ports were immediately to be thrown open 'here was no corn to come in. Of what conse quence, then, could it be to the poor of Ireland to open the ports if there was no corn ? It would not in the least alleviate their distresses. Previous to 1842 trade was in a very depressed state. Since then they have had not alone good, but abundant harvests, and the great revival of trade in the United States caused in his opinion the prosperity of the country, and not the changes which had taken place in the commercial policy of the country. —( Cheers. ) There was another important circumstance also, which was not, he believed, noticed during the discussion of that question ; it was the abundant supply of cotton in America, and the low price of that article here.—(Cheers.) But even if it could be proved that the pro , perous state of the country was owing to the commercial changes which had taken place, that he (Mr. Gladstone) considered was no good reason , why they should sweep away altogether the duties on raw material—it was no proof, because a reduction had taken place with good effect, that a total abolition would have a similar tendency.—( Cheers.) He considered that if the measure was to be proposed by any Minister of her Majesty's Government, it should not be by one who came into office on protectionist principles, and if they were to have free trade, let the measure be proposed by the pa ty who always advocated it.—( Cheers from protectionists.) It was said that that was to be a settlement of the question, but how could it be ex pscted that it would be a settlement when they were aware that Parliament would be - shoi tly dissolved ; and he considered that there was much more danger in setting one class against another than there would he if the measure was not agitated. But he feared it would have another effect, of a more lasting nature; it would shake the confidence that people would have in public men.—( Loud cheers from the protectionists.) He might be wrong in that opinion, but he thought that if there was any mind among the agricul tural classes, it would have that effect ; and if the House looked to the result of the elections in agricultural districts, it would appear that such a feeling was entertained. The Hon. Gen tleman concluded by thanking the House for the very kind and fair manner in which they had listened to him, and said, should it he their wish to go into Committee on the question, he consi dered it important that the public should know as early as pos sible what was to be their fate on that important subject. Mr. COBDEN (who was loudly cheered on rising)—l can assure the House that it is impossible for nae under present cir cnmstances to speak as I should wish, and I will not in conse quence detain the House for any great length of time.— ( Cheers.) I have not been able to attend to the present debate, but I have had the merit of reading every word of it, and al though I have had occasion to complain on very many former occasions of the way in which Honourable Gentlemen spoke on every subject but the one under discussion, much as I have had to complain, I do think that on the present occasion every person went far more into extraneous matter than I had ever known before. It appeared to me, that the question was not the abrogation or continuance If the corn-laws, but the conduct of the Minister, the First Lord of the Treasury. Now, Sir, there may be grounds, and I will not say but there are just grounds, for the Honourable Gentlemen opposite to complain of the Ministry for the course they have pursued ; but, Sir, the country will not sympathise with them, for, on former occasions, they the (protectionists) did everything in their power to evade the question. When this measure was introduced by the Whigs in the year 1841, you opposed the measure then that is now advauced by your own leader. But, I must say, when the corn-law measure was introduced into the House first, we were as much the objects of vituperation as we are now, and I will not for one sympathise with you. if Hon. Gentlemen have any fear that their present leader contemplates, not only repealing the corn-laws, but going much further (and I think they ought), I beg to assure them that they are taking the most effectual means of arming the Minister with power to do so, for the more you attack him, the more the country will sympathise with him out of doors.—(Cheers.) Why, you are making the present Prime Minister the most popular man in the country, anti should he go down into any of the manufac turing districts the Right Hon. Baronet's journey would be one continued triumph. The Right Hon. Baronet, the Se (rotary for Home Affairs, in advocating this measure, has also won much for himself on this occasion; the magnifieent contri bution which he has given in his able statement, and still more in the martyrdom in which you are inflicting on him, has made him so popular, that in any of the towns in the north of England, say Manchester or Liverpool, he would receive more respect and honour than the greatest merchant.—(Cheers and laughter.) Ido not think the Hon. Gentlemen who are op posed to this measure are pursuingia wise party scheme. That is the first great fact that I will allege ; the second topic to which I will call your attention is one of more importance. If I understand your position rightly, you consider that this I House is the proper place where the question of free trade is to he decided, without knowing what is the decision of the country. I tell you, if you believe in the justice of such principles, you are unworthy of the advocacy of them i o n n l a B n 4 y l 7 l ch me g t ro y u n n u d w s. ith W a h in y, h a , jn w rit e y n nf l came into idinltebetghis then that the corn-law should be only changed? No; but I stated I would never cease my exertions until I abrogated that law, and you should also if you are honest and consistent , use the same language, if You believe they are essential to the prosperity of the country. You should say, if we are thrown to the ground, we will be ready to spring up again. This should be your course, if you are conscientiously of opinion that the cause is good which you are advocating. Assuming now, that you can carry out your purpose—and this is a point which I wish to draw your attention—for it is most important to the public in other places— whatdo youexpect to gain? Now, where there are no middle classes, where there are no merchants —no manufacturers—no farmers, probably what I say, may be read. You want a dissolution— you want the opinion of the country Have you ever considered what the opinion of the country is? Do you want to know what the country thinks of your opinions? You say you will be able to get, by a dissolution, a numerical majority in this House, but I tell you that if you consider for a moment, you will not have that majority if you dissolve the Par liament. I think lam some authority on the registration of this country.—(Cheers.) Well, then, I tell you that a change has taken place, and that you will not gain by such a dissolution. I would not have said so three months ago, but, on the contrary, I would have agreed with you; but now your party is broken up. (Cries of " No, no.") It shows that you have not weighed these subjects as you ought. Do not be led away by these men shouting around you, like the manner in which schoolboys whistle in a churchyard to keep up their courage.—(Cheers and laughter.) Examine these facts because your former leaders have done so, and you have none amongst you deserv ing to be your leaders unless they well consider them. You cannotsihy,a:a pocket couldtt ahb r na a odt n r oydkut:gupa crieshe tinsload,wa,vfnenf and your ar n , u majorityNt m h e b , e nnr r o numbering g n, r n 2 5 0, O f o a o inhabitants p r n teetins t on which w i p e i h cl e ik l Well, nt ut boroughs, ot e irneo,s4gyahonsud, and n a dw v your will is ) o in f at p \ i V n o allow that that majority may possibly amount to twenty or thirty, what would be your position then? You would have on this side of the House the Members for London, Lancaster, Yorkshire, Cheshire, and every member of every town in Scotland.—( heers.) Why, you would shrink aghast at your position, and there would be more defections in your camp, and more adhesions to our ranks than ever.—( Hear, hear. ) In spite of all pledges, nay, if you were steeped to the line in pledges, you would Coale across this floor, for there would be no safety without it, and the very men who came here to vote for protection, would vote otherwise when they found that the country was determined to have the corn-laws repealed.— ( Hear, hear.) Now, is not that public opinion? Why, we have a sufficient amount of public opinion to do anything in this country. The dynasty of the Stuarts would be now sitting upon tlle throne, had they the same amount of public opinion expressed in their favour as was now declared for a repeal of the corn-laws.—( Hear, hear.) That amount of public opinion is sufficient to change the forge of Government, and anything fRE SUN LONDON, SATURDAY E'VENING, FEBRUARY 28, 1846. it was determined to do it could effect. But you will probably tell me that although we have this power, that we have not the mass of the people with us—rather democratic that. You never heard me advocate the superior claim- of the:working classes— ho ever. what aro the evidences that the great body of the people are not with us? You say that our petitions are not hence ly signed. I cannot disprove that assertion; let us come, therefore, to some other test—let us take the old Saxon mode of testing opinion, by callin g public meetings. N ow , if you really ate desirous of fostering democratic influence, this is the way to elevate them— bring them into public assembling, let them elect their own chsirman, let them pass their resolutions, and there can be nothing found superior to such a course for laying the founda tions of public liberty.—( Hear, hear, and cheers.) Call then your public meetings to support the corn-laws. Call one—l challenge you to call one anywhere. It is not surely in the manufacturing districts you can call them. Since the first of November last there have been public meetings held in every large town—not the meetings of any class, but meetings for the purpose of deciding whether the town should petition fir tree trade or not. I received a complaint freen a gen tleman, that the protectionists called a m'zing at Ep.worth, to which only protectionists were admitted, and consequently the free traders had no power to interfere. At a meeting in Haddington they fled from the room, and the room was full witlamt them.—( Cheers.) Were not these evidences of public opinion ?—( Cries of " No, no.") Then what will teach you public opinion? Must you be tossed in a blanket? Must you be swept out of this house into the Thame,s? —(Cheers and laughter). Why it would be giving them over to destruction if the public opinion was not to be tested by the course which I have pointed out. Yes, your political power is based on the 150,00 e tenantry of the country. Let it, then, come to the worst ; carry on this opposition for three or four years more, and the plan that is now in operation—which plan is much maligned—(" Hear, hear," from the Opposition)—and still much more maligned in a certain place, because where the shoe pinches there the party will wince the more—( Cheers from the Opposition side of the House) -1 say the plan that is now in operation will compel you to yield.—(" Hear, hear," and cheers.) We are calling into existence the true old mode of exercising the English constitutional franchise.—( Cheers and cries of Oh ! oh !") We are calling that principle of 500 years' antiquity into existence by which we hope to countervail all your new fangled innovations.--( Renewed cheers, and ofi, oh.") You look on this as something revolutionary and novel.—( Hear, hear.) I tell you you are the revolutionists and the innovators.—(Cheers.) However, I believe it is perfectly understood by the longest heads of your party that we ha-re the power, and that we will exercise it.—(Renewed cheering. If, therefore, you prolong this contest for four years, which you cannot, let the worst come, we have the means, we have the power, we have the money subscribed— ( A laugh)—and we are prepared to meet and overcome every difficulty.—(Loud cheers.) You may think there is some thing exceedingly repalsive to your notions of supremacy in all this; but 1 say that the man, whether the small shOpkeeper or farmer, who has the prudence to save a little money, and lay it out in the purchase of land that will bring him forty shillings a year freeehold—l say, that is the man to whom I would wish to give the franehise.—( Hear, hear, and cheering.) Let it be understood that these matters are not of my introduction, for no gentleman can complain of my even being guilty of intro ducing irrelevant matter into the discussion of this question. ( Hear, hear.) You have chosen now to say that you will not settle this question by fair and upright argument, by an appeal to facts, or by taking the sense of the House. No ; you will, forsooth, appeal to the country.—(Loud cheers from the pro tectionists.)el have given you some idea of your prospects in the country, and I ask you how the mischief wet be averted? Look over the registration returns—count the number of persons in possession of the franchise, and then come down and admit candidly whether public opinion is with you or against you.—(Cheers and counter cheers.) So much argu ment has been applied to the investigation of extraneous questions, that I shall not pursue this line of observation further, though, indeed, the little argument adduced on the opposite side has been so fully answered—( Oh, oh)—that I need scarcely apply myself to that branch of the question.— ( Renewed cries of " Oh, oh, and " Hear, hear.") I tell you what my thoughts were during the last ten or eleven days, whilst confined to my home, and reading over your speeches. in which I found many antiquated fallacies that I thought I had knocked on the head seven years ago— ( Laughter)—why I thought that all the country was laughing at you. —( Hear and cheers.) You cry, " Are we to depend on foreigners?"—( Heer, hear.) Now, who would think that so palid a ghost would have been raised up to terrify the fr ee. traders ?—( Near, hear, and a laugh.) Another clap-trap is that an advance in wages will lessen the means of pro curing bread.—(A laugh.) That the land will be thrown out of cultivation, and that corn will be sold for 253. per quarter.—( Great laughter.) \\Thy, you forget that the working classes take a very different view of the question alto gether.—( Hear, he 3r.) The working classes formerly be. hewed that wages rose and fell with the price of wheat; and though the leaders of the protectionist party may accuse us of " clap-trap," yet the epithet will not apply to the Ministers who introduced the present measure, for they could have no clap-trap motive in doing so.---(Hear, hear.) Now, if you attended less to the gossip of your clubs, where you congratulate each other on the smart ness of your speeches, in which you assail the Ministerial policy. If you, I say, attended less to these matters, and applied your selves to the nroper study of the question, you would not have been making the speeches you were for the last twelve nights. ( Hear, hear, and cheers.) With regard to the farmers, lam not denying that many—l will admit a large portion of them are with you—(Protectionists' cheers) —because you have told them that they would walk headlong down some precipice, or that some fogy would run off with them.--(A laugh.) That is what you have been telling them.—( Hear, hear, and " Oh, oh.") But although they 'nave not the strictest faith in you, they have the prudence to know, that if they go against their landlords they will not get a fair adjustment from them afterwards.— ( Hear, hear, and cries of " Oh, oh.") If the landed proprie tary said to the farmers that the question was a tenant one, and they would bear the farmers harmless, no matter what their' views on the question, I strongly doubt if they would not decide in favour of free trade.—(Cheers.) But you have given them some hints to the contrary.—(Cries of " Oh, eh,' from the protectionists. ) I do not think that, generally speaking, the farmers agree in all that you have been telling them. I believe rents are as high now as ever they were.—(No, no.) There is something remarkable in all this. I have been remarking since the Right Hon. Baronet proposed this measure, and I have directed my attention to the point. I have inquired of landed proprietors, lawyers, and land agents, if land has suffered any depression in value in consequence ef the introduction of the measure, and I cannot learn that it has. It is a very remarkable fact that silks have been rendered un saleable, while the land is actually letting or selling at a higher price.—(No, ne. ) The Hon. Member for Somersetshire made an offer to sixty farmers to take the land off their hands on adequate terms, and yesterday, being the last day for ac cepting the offer, he thought some of them would come in to take it up. Now, what is the consequence? Why, that not one of them came in. —(Hear, hear, and cheers. ) Now this followed immediately after the farmers had been told that the land was se reduced that it would not produce sufficient to allow of rent being paid at all. Now if these farmers, after having been so lately told that all the evils w uld follow which had been trumpeted by the protectionists, were not inclined to part with their farms, what did it tend to prove, but that there is no danger to be apprehended from the repeal of these laws.— ( Hear, hear.) Now, the opinion of a gentleman who was a large land a g ent, said that farmers had applied to him, offering to take the land in which he was interested, and offered 15 per cent. far the land, besides guaranteeing to make such improvemements as would materially improve the value of the land. Now this gentleman was a protectionist and a s upporter of Sir John Tyrrell, and is not his evidence in favour of that Hon. Gentleman's measure ? Now I should like to know if the gentlemen, who have estates to let, are willing to let them at one-third less than they have had for them up to the passing of this measure, notwithstanding the great impoverishment of their land by the repeal of the protective laws. I am sure they are not willing to part with them for even one-fourth less than they were twelve months ago. This, then, is the proof that nip such injury can take place as is said to be the result of a repeal of the corn-laws. There is not a more monstrous case than that of saving, that the farmers are about to be ruined, when it cannot be said that they are willing to part with their farms, or even asking for a reduction of their rents. I wish to settle this question with the gentlemen who are opposed to it in the most amicable manner. Let them come to the Free trade Mall at Manchester, and hold a public meeting, and then let them say, upon the arguments, which is the best measure for the people, protection or free trade. Now I am going to read you an authority that will astonish you. I am going to read to you an extract from a speech of the Duke of Wellington in the House of Lords on the 17th of April, 1832; it is his opinion on taxation:—" He thought taxes were imposed only for the service of the state. If t a e sayit is, that youw hwedionil they were necessary for the service of the state, in God's name let them be paid, but if they were not necessary they ought not to be paid, and the Legislature ought not to impose them." Now there that Noble Duke, without having had time to study Adam Smith or Ricardo, by that native sagacity which is characteristic of his mind, came at once to the marrow of this question.—( Hear, hear.) We must not tax another for the benefit of one another. Oh, then, divest the future Prime Minister of this country of that odious task of having to reconcile rival interests ; divest the office, if ever you would have a sagacious man in power as Prime Minister, divest it of the responsibility of having to find food for the people ! May you never find a Prime Minister again to undertake that awful responsibility ! That re sponsibility belongs to the law of nature ; as Burke said, it belongs to God alone to regulate the supply of the food of nations. When you shall have seen in three years that the abolition of these laws is ti geu e e a , r, hear," from the pro inevitable, you will be obliged then to meet the wishes of as in good faith it will be own fi a i r d d t ne t yd to are be i ni agitatingn -a come forward and join the farmer, V ou d d isso c l r v i e es the of Lr ‘ a e te v c it t l io b n ie, b a e s nch in e e s v . ) I question—.they u ul fs g o u yt h ao laughter) —for ) wi — nh o f oar have position, ov y se o i t u i to h d n o e, in conjunction with the League.—(Cheers. ) You are in a with the free-traders—(Ch eers not, you will have the farm o e e r fr s st c h o i m s capacity position especiallyt to eea learn gain no l t o nh n ge o honour e truth Members position to gain honour in this struggle; but as you are going or: at present your position is_ a false one , you are in the wrong groove, and are every day more and more diverging rom the right point. It may be material for you to get right notions of political economy ; questions of that kind part of the world's legislation for lo ng time form a great a time to come.—( Hear, hear.) We are on the eve of great changes.—(Cheers and counter-cheers.) Put yourselves in a position to be able to help in the work, and so gather honour and fame where they are to be gained. You belong to the human kind —not the • aristocracy of the privileged amine but the cracy, I don't mean tha t , aristocracy of improvement and civilization. We have set an example to the world in all ages ; we have given them the representative system. Why, the very rules andiregalafiens of this House have been taken as the model for every representative assembly throughout the whole civilized world ; and having besides given them the example of a free press and civil and religious freedo m , and every institution that belongs to freedom and civilization, we are now about giving a still greater example : we are going to set the ex ample of making industry free—(Cheers)—to set the example of giving the whole world every advantage of clime. and lati tude and situation ; relying ourselves on the freedom. of our industry. I v es, we are going to teach the world that other lesson. Don't think there is anything selfish in this, or anything at all discordant with Christian princieees. I can prove that we advocate nothing but what is agreeable to the highest behests of Christianity. To buy in the cheapest market, and sell in the dearest. What is the mean ing of the maxim? It means that you take the article which you have in the greatest abundance, and obta i n from others that of which they have the most to spare, so giving to man kind the means of enjoying the fullest abundance of earth's goods, and in doing so carrying out to the fullest extent the Christian doctrine of " Doing to all men as ye would they should do unto you."—(Loud and prolonged cheering.) Mr. SPOONER said that the Hon. Member for Stockport had spoken upon this subject in terms which would lead any stranger entering the House to the belief that those who had a right now to tee extended franchise had not the pleasure of enjoying it.—( Hear, hear.) It was not the habit of the tenant to ask the assistance or advice of his landlord, though he ought to do so, but at the same time it was as much the duty of the manufacturers to give advice to their symesenen. The lion. Member then went on to quote passages from speeches of the Honourable Member for Stockport, in order to show the inconsistency of the lion. Member, a n d to illu s t ra t e the fact that his opinions' upon the cone laws had changed verk re- cently. They made an appeal to the Sovereign, and what was the result of that appeal ?—they obtained a majority of 90. Now the great leader of the principle of protectioa has changed his opinions, and his colleagues have changed theirs also. When persons of well-known it.t .gri , y and character came to that House and said that they had changed their opinions, it followed as a necessary consequence that they must carry a great weight with them. Such a circumstance might change the opinion of that House, but before they changed the line of conduct they had main tained so long they should be certain whether it was confined to the Minister and his friends, or whether the great body of the nation sympathised in the a'teration.—(" Hear, hear" from the Ministerial side.) If they were so convinced, they would be guiltless as to the result. They say the people were to be represented in that House. The people should have been con sulted as to whether they approved of the change ia their con duct, or whether they had also changed, and were willing to sell that for which they had struggled so intensely, and had maintained so long and so happily. It was not his intention to enter at great length into that dis cu•sion. Many reasons prevented him, especially as the house had expressed its intention to divide that night. As long as he had held the situation which he had fulfilled in that House, he had never gone against its sense, and he was aware that other Members wished to address the House, therefore he would not detain them any longer than was necessary to ex press the reasons which induced him to give his vote in favour of the amendment proposed by his lion. Friend the Member for Bristol, to whom he would address himself for a few mi nutes. His Hon. Friend had made a statement bordering closely on an accusation. He charged them with having fol lowers who refused to enter into the question with them, and who were desirous of stifling the inquiry, He also said that the Chancellor of the Exchequer had followed in the same train. He did not accuse him of having broken his pledges, but said that he flinched from inquiry. —(Hear.) He wondered that his Hon. Friend should have m tie such a charge, for he would say, that when a Committee was proposed for the express purpose of enabling the proposi tion to be brought before the House, they had no objection to sach a enurse. His Right Hon. Friend had changed his •pinion, and called upon them to follow him. He was not ♦ery often in the habit of troubling the House —(Hear, hear) —but when he did take that liberty he endeavoured to express his opinion thoroughly. Had the Right Hon. Baronet pro posed going into a Committee on the corn-laws with a view to their modification, he (Mr. Spooner) would have given his un qualified assert to that proposition. He never did approve of the present system of corn-laws. He thought the sliding scale was some improvement, but a fixed duty was the only principle, and the only rational proposition. He defined protection to be the principle which induced them to take care, while native industry was burdened by the taxation necessary for the preservation of the State, that no foreign produce should be admitted to compete with our own taxed produce, without incurring an equal share of expense—( Cheers from the Ministerial side)—that was the principle of protection, and that principle should be applied to every class of industry, and net more to agriculture than to any other. Whatever tax was imposed upon the country was an additional reason why the labourer should be protected from foreign untaxed produce.—(Cries of " Oh! oh !" from the Opposition side.) He could assure them that he had not willingly entered on this subject ; but, representing, as he did, a large constituency, he felt it neces sary to enter upon their defence in an effectual manner. The Hon. Member for Shropshire had said that he was very happy that some of them had read Adam Smith, and he wished that a great many more had done so, as political economy was now assuming an important aspect. He would read something from the works of the Noble Lord, as he considered him a high authority—and he said that sincerely, for he was high both as a statesman and as an author. He would now proceed to call the attention of the House to a passage. —(" Oh, oh" ! from the Opposition.) He would read (Laughter.) The Noble Lord said " That nearly all writers on political economy fell into the same mistake ; nations were subject to fluctuations in their seasons of prosperity, and they naturally looked to those persons who had studied the wealth of nations for a remedy. Those writers had occupied them selves with original truths withoutentering upon particular cases." The Hon. Gentleman went on to read from the pamphlet in question, amidst every manifestation of impatience by the House ; the extract, as far as could be collected from the noise that prevailed, being to the effect that there were certain circumstances connected with the industry of the country which rendered, in many instances, the application of the strict rule of political economy inexpedient and impracticable. This was the doctrine laid down by the Noble Lord, which he (Mr. Spooner) coincided in, and to this he would call the attention of the Hon. Member for Stockport. The Hon. Member for Wolverhampton (.11r. Villiers) last night gave a statement of figures which went to show that we might have a considerable importation of corn, and at the same time have an increase of gold, and he referred to several years in support of the view which he advanced.—(The Hon. Member here proceeded to read some figures in relation to this topic; but from the noise and confusion that prevailed, it was impossible to understand their real purport. As far, however, as their application could be ascertained, they were to the effect that the increase of bullion towards the latter end of a period of four years—that is, from 1833, during which there was a considerable importation of grain—arose from peculiar circumstances in our relations with America. He could well understand this expression of the feelings of the House—(Cheers)--- and he knew too well the utter uselessness of any individual attempting to address the House—(Reiter ated cheering)—unless the House were willing to hear him.— ( Hear, hear.) He respected the good opinion of the House too well—(Cheers)—to force himself upon its notice.—( Great cheering.) If it was therefore the pleasure of Hon. Mem bers that he should defer his remarks —( Cheers)—to some future time—(Cheers)—he would do so.—(Tremendous cheering.) He would do so in all sincerity—( Cheering)—but he would do so, at the same time, in the hope that at some future time he would be listened to with greater indulgence.— ( The Honourable Gentleman sat down amidst much con fusion, which was very considerably increased. )_ _ _ Mr. P. BORTH WICK rose—The Honourable Gentleman proceeded to address the House for at least a quarter of an hour, amidst much confusion and noise, so loud and continuous, that it was impossible to catch the purport of his observations. He was understood, however, to contend, in defiance of boisterous cries from both sides of the House of " Divide, divide," " Question, question," " Bar, bar," and " Order, order)"—that the Right Hon. Baronet at the hoed of the Government was mistaken if he thought the present mea sure would secure his reputation with posterity, for the page of history would exhibit him as struggling for a long series of years to form a great party, and at the very moment when he had succeeded in this apparently paramount and all-absorbing topic of his life, as coming forward, and in violation of all public faith and principle, and, with one daring and reckless blow, breaking up and shivering to atoms that great confederation, which himself had fostered and created, and which would be known in future years as the powerful Conservative party of England. He might say to the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Government, "Et to Brute."—(Laughter, and cries of "Oh, oh.") If Cesar must fall—(Continued laughter)— better that he fall not by his hands. It had been better for the myriads yet to be born and go verned—better for the few who like him were by nature and by God destined to govern—it had been better for the peace which bound the masses of mankind together, and for the confidence of private men—better for the human race— ( Cries of " Oh, oh," and laughter)—that this measure had been proposed by some oth er . hand than the one which was nerved by its own strength, and which was called into existence by its own will. —(Loud laughter.) If the principles of free trade were the principles of common sense, and if the circumstances of this great country admitted the application of those principles to our commercial policy, then he would say that the measure of the Right Hon. Gentleman was the grossest insult to com mon sense and to the principles of free-trade that could be possibly brought before the country. The principle which he advocated said that protection was the bane of agriculture, and yet the Right Hon. Gentleman was prepared to admi nister to the country a draught of that very poison for the next three years.—(Cries of " Oh, oh," and great laughter.) The Hon. Member went on to say, that Hon. Members opposite had succeeded in obtaining the head of the Right Hon. Baronet, but that they (the protectionists) still kept possession of his heart. ( The Hon. Member then sat down amid great uproar and confusion. ) Lord G. BENT[NCK then rose and requested the attention of the House for a short time while he endeavoured to answer some of the arguments which had been used by Hon. Mem bers on the opposite sides of the House. There was no man who felt more deeply than he did his unworthiness to ask that indulgence. He had never, since he had a seat in that House, ventured to trespass upon their atention upon so important a subject as the present. 'They opposed the Speaker leaving the chair, net only because they objected to the great changes proposed with reference to the agricultural interest, but also upon the whole measure.—( Hear, hear.) They opposed the measure which proposed an alteration in 1,100 articles, because so great a commercial resolution as that proposed, they did not consider was required by the exigencies of the country. It was not only that they objected to the removal of protection from the agricultural interest, but also a removal of protection from the silk, shipping trade, and many other interests concerned in the tariff. —( Hear, hear.) It had been stated in the course of this debate that Hon. Members who opposed this Bill would lose their character, station, and ' influence with the country. He would willingly concede that gentlemen who sat on the opposite side had not this fear before their eyes. They had always been the consistent advocates of free trade; they came to that House pledged to maintain those principles for which they asked the suffrages of the people. When he was told this was not a protection Parliament, he would be glad to know on what principles it was created. Why, was not the subject of free trade in corn discussed over and over again when the dissolution took place in the year 1841 ? Was it not then a question whether we were not to have a protection of Bs. a quarter or a higher rate of protection? Her Majesty ap pea'ed to the people in 1841 ; and on that question of the corn laws—on that question he thought there could be no mistake. The Right Hon. Gentleman now at the head of her Majesty's Government was then the leader of the Opposition, and chal lenged his opponent to dissolve the Parliament. The Secretary of State for the Home Department said it was mad ness to dissolve the Parliament, and he thought it was the madness of the devil himself. He charged them with some thing more than the acts of the devil himself for such a course of proceeding. His Right Honour able Friend raised the cry, " The Church was in danger ;" but was it not far more exciting to hear the cry of cheap bread, and that cry raised from the Treasury benches? He should like to know whether the cry of cheap bread which they had heard had anything to do with the landlord question. They said that was not a protection Parlia ment, but what was it if it was not crested on protection prin fidence, when there appeared a majority against him of 311 lion,ciplprin ciples? 1841,Nfooubnlde L against 307, and her Majesty immediately prorogued hi o in r d s e l t f h d e n e fe a e t t e t d h b y h . head the n o t f e t s, h f e w A n d n m t l o a f ' s e t o r n a : the Parliament, with a view to its immediate dis solution. Her Majesty then sa i d in her speech of sh e the had public. aeme s sed by the Right totHh .a t thein the was determinationof present opinion n o n t h state that fth e o f public takingmeasure t il affairs p s enserffoapiro Hon. Baronet could net in honour be carried by the majority of that House, returned on that dissolution.—( Hear, hear. ) They were told that a great change was to take place upon the experience of the Right lion. Baronet fur the last three years ; that the Right Hon. Gentleman had been so satisfied with the result of the reduction of duties for the last three years. He was satisfied that the country would not be of the same opinion— they would not be satisfied with any great change in the laws upon a mere three years' experience. The Right Hon. Baronet said that there would be no material, in fact, no reduction at all in the price of corn by the introduction of the present measure. He grounded that opinion upon what had taken place with regard to silk. He would accept the challenge of the Right Honourable Gentleman —he would meet him on the question of silk, and he would al'o meet the Member for Sheffield on that of wool. He would take care not to forget what had been said respect ing the timber duties.—( Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord then proceeded to detail the price of wool per pound between the years 1820 and 1824, hut in so low a tone of voice that not a single word reached the gallery. He found from the price of flour, as contracted for, not for one year, but for three years, that the average price per stone in 1841, 1842, and 1843 was 3s. 7d. In 1846 3s. 2d. was the price, a price, in fact, lower than what the average price had been on the average of three years before.—( Loud cries of " Divide, divide," and manifestations of impatience.) This was a strong point to show that under a protective system the irregularity of price was not such as had been • attributed by the advocates of free trade. He would refer briefly to the subject of the silk trade, on which the Right Hon. Baronet had spoken, and which he alleged had thrived under a free-trade system, in opposition to what had been advanced by the advocates of a protective system. The House ought to be aware that there were three descriptions of silk : small silk, which cost from 14s. to 20s. per lb. ; thrown silk, from 20s. to 235. ; and waste or offal silk, that sold for about from 2d. to 10d. per lb. He found, that in the periods of 1815,1816, 1817, the average quantities of silk imported into the country was 1,095,000 lbs., and they found, that in a corresponding period, when the pro tection duty was ha existence, the importation was 1,970,000 ibs. showing a difference of 90 per cent. He found that the duty averaged • in the same period 750,0001. Mr. Huskisson promised that be should place the silk trade side by aide with the cotton trade. He was not able to take the return of three clear years, but he would take such as would give the most favourable return to the supporters of the Manchester school and of the Right Honourable Baronet. He now came to. the operation of free trade as regarded the silk-weavers. He would refer to the evidence taken before the Committee of 1831. Mr. Grabb, a silk manufacturer, was examined. Up to 1824 the number of hands he em ployed was 3,394, and the wages averaged Ss. 1 id. , per man. In 1831 the number he employed had fallen to 1,877, and the amoent of wages to 3s. Bid. But it was not wages alone which had been reduced by the change; for the same gentleman stated that a great number of hands were discharged in the time, some of whom had emigrated, while others had gone to the workhouse, and the majority of the females to prostitution. Now was not this evi dence conclusive enough, and ought it not to decide the House in the course they ought to take with respect to this measure ? —( Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord then proceeded to say, that a few days since he presented to that House a petition from some silk-weavers, in which they stated, that if the duties were taken off cern, the only result would be the reduction of their wages.—( Loud cries of " Divide, divide.") He apologised to the House for the manner in which he had trespassed upon their attention, but as he stood there as the advocate of a great body, whose interests had been attacked, he hoped the House would extend to him their indulgence, although he was not able to address them in ths same able manner which those who were accus tomed to address them were capable of doing.—( Cheers.) The Noble Lord then continued to say that silk weavers would be reduced 3d. per yard if this measure passed, and he would ask what reduction in the price of food would compensate those poor men for that seduction in their wages ?—( Cheers. ) He believed that the labourer would be better off with his old wages, and wheat at 70s. per - quarter, than with cheaper bread and lower wages.—(lronical cheers.) He maintained, despite the cheers of the Honourable Members opposite, that he would be better off with wheat at 455. per quarter, and with his present wages, than the reduction sought by the present measure, and the consequent disproportion in the reduction of wages. —(Hear, hear.) He recollected an address delivered by the Secretary of State for the Home Department, though he had now changed his opinions, in which be laid down the proposition not to be disputed, that the rate of wages must sink with the reduction in the price of corn. The Right Hon. Baronet tells them as a reason for introducing the measure, that distress in Ireland was very great, where the people were starving in the midst of a superabundance of provisions.—(Cheers.) The farmer, be said, was without a market, and the labourer was left destitute, without employment. That was the picture drawn of the state of Ireland by his Honourable Friend, showing that it was truly destitute. During the three years, amidst the ruin of manufacturers, the distress of landlords, the insurrection of the populace, who were without employment and without bread, as the Right Hon. Baronet said, the prosperity of the country increased notwithstanding, and he (Lord Bentinck) liked to see productive industry sacrificed to unpro ductive wealth as little as the Right Hon. Baronet. With respect to the speech of his Honourable Friend the Member for Wolverhampton, he should say it was not a speech overflowing with professions of kindness. They had been taunted on that side of the House that they dealt in reviling phrases against Hon. Members who had de served them on the present occasion, and that they had ad duced no arguments in proof of the justness of the position ' which they assumed. Now, after the speech of his Hon. Friend who sat beside him, after that admirable speech, he thought they might be exempted from so inapplicable and undeserved a taunt. ( Cries of " Hear, hear.") (Tile Noble Lord was at this moment so inaudible that not a word could be distinctly heard in the gallery. The loud and repeated cries for a division, varied by the counter-cries for an adjournment, completely drowned the Noble Lord's attempts to be heard.) The Noble Lord continued to read extracts from returns he held in his hand, in reference to the state of food in Scotland, by which he contended it appeared that the people of many districts in the neighbourhood of Glasgow had much improved their condition, and had adopted the use of flour in many cases for that of oatmeal. The Noble Lord representing the city of London—(Cries of " Oh, oh 1" from the Ministerial side of the House) —he had not offered to say anything to change them (the Opposition)--he was going to show them that there was no danger of a famine. He would refer them to Leith. They would recollect that the authorities he was about to quote were rather suspicious. They were the corn circulars sent forth by the corn dealers for the benefit of the trade. The circular he would refer to was dated the 17th December, 1845, and was from Leith. It stated that as regarded the diseased potatoes, if they were properly scored and dried they were not unfit for human food • and there was reason to believe that the failure wou ld no t be so great as was apprehended.—(" Oh, oh l" from the Opposition.) This was an important fact, as in consequence of this rumoured scarcity, it was proposed to change the commercial policy of this country. The circular went on to say the corn crops were in general good, and the failure of the potato crop had given such an impulse to the market that they were so completely choked that room was not to be found for any more grain, and a considerable portion of the expected arrival of corn would have to be sent to other ports. —( Cheers from the Ministerial benches.) He had a letter from Liverpool which stated that the cry about famine was all a mistake, for that at the time there were not less than 200 warehouses in Liverpool which were as full of grain as they could hold._( He r, hear.) He would now go to Ireland.—( Great manifestations of impatience, and cries of " Divide, divide.") He was going to show there were no grounds for what had been stated in relation to the potato crop. Five weeks ago the Hon. Member for Somerset (Mr. W. Miles) moved for a return of the price of potatoes in all parts of Ireland, and yet up to the present day no return had been made.—( Hear.) The Right Hon. Baronet had taunted them (the protectionists) as not liking the subject of the potato failure in Ire!and ; but to that he would beg leave to say, for the Hon. Friends around him, that what was distasteful to them was not the Hon. Baronet's going into details on that subject, but his not telling the whole truth. That was what was distasteful to them.—(llear.) They had been told of a certain merchant going down to the country, surveying the crops, and reporting that the appear ance of the potatoos was black; and they had heard of a letter from a party in Yorkshire, named Wood, as to the state of the crops there. On the latter point, if the fact was as stated, ' it would not have been concealed from the Government, by the Hon. Member for the West Riding, who seconded the address to the Crown. But what had that Honour able Gentleman said, in the course of the present debate? He stated that there were no grounds for stating that the potato crop had failed in Yorkshire.—(Hear, hear.) He would now return to Ireland.—(Cries of " Divide, divide.") The Right Hon. Baronet had read the accounts respecting the potato disease from inspectors of police, and others, in various parts of Ireland ; but why, he (Lord George Bentinck) would like to know, did not the Right Hon. Baronet receive reports from the lieutenants; of counties, especially from the li eu t enan ts of the coun ti es o f D own an d C ar l ow ? If his Hon. Friend, the Member for Derby, were in his place he would ask him what communication he had made to Government on the subject of the potatoes? And he would refer to the opinions of a man whose testimony was entitled to ' as much weight as any in England or Ireland—a man of the most masculine understanding —of the most business habits—whose knowledge on every subject was as extended as any authority he could refer to, and whose evi dence on this subject that side of the House would most wil lingly listen to—he,meant Lord Besborough, who had taken the greatest pains to ascertain what was really the truth with regard to the disease of the potatoes in Ireland. He (Lord Bentinck) should like to know what report ' had been made to her Majesty's Ministers by that nobleman. He (Lord Bentinck) could inform the Right Hon. Baronet that what they on that side of the House were dissatisfied with was that they had not been told both sides of the ques tion. He did not know what was the information the Right Hon. Baronet had received, bnt he had himself taken some pains to ascertain what was the real state of things—and he saw in the House a short time ago the Hon. Baronet the Member for the county of Antrim, and he also I could tell the House that he had taken great pains—and he eould assure the House that there was no danger of famine.— ne haTl ( Hear, hear, and cheers from the protectionists.) taken occasion to write to an Honourable Friend of his in the county of Roscommon , to inquire i nto the result of the inquiry instituted by Government, and he informed him that after all the recommendations of all the professors had been tried, such as kiln-drying the potatoes, using tartaric acid, and other experiments, they found that, after opening the pits, the potatoes, which the professors had con fidently promised to cure, were all rotten—(Cheers from the protectionists)—while those that had been placed amid quick-lime were sound and healthy. He could assure the House that there was no such thing as a potato famine in the county of Roscommon. In Tipperary there was not a single diseased potato, and in Queen's County the p o t a t oes were 24;0. per stone. Mon ey, after all was that which told the truth in this cou nt r y . _ He had had an opportunity of consulting the Mandu re sof Clanri that l Noble a The Nobl e carde upon the subject of the potato disea se, man assured him that it was exagge r ated. great l ytt4o acres of pot a t oes! Marquis himself had grown about which it was true wer e bad, but the disease co u ld not have been discovered in them had they not been tested. The Noble Marquis also told him, that half the mischief had been created by the Govern ment Commissioners, and the various professors who were sent over to Ireland, for they advised the lifting of the potatoes before they were ripe, notwithstanding that common sense must have suggested to them that they would rot before they could be used. They were told that there were 4,000,000 of the Irish people on the brink of famine, and he wanted to know what provision her Majesty's Ministers had made for the wants of these 4,000,000 of people ? If report was true, there were no more than 100,000 quarters of maize in Ireland, anti that was food that was not fit for people, but for cattle. The duty on wheat was 17s. per quarter. lie apprehended that the Right Hon. Gentleman never in tended to feed the people of Ireland upon wheat. He be lieved that 100,000 quarters of oats were imported from Ireland a few months ago; and he asked whether common sense would not have dictated the purchase of Irish oats in Ireland for the relief of the people? He found that the duty on oats, which was six shillings per quarter on the 23d of October last, had, in consequence of the false reports of famine, slided down to three shillings on the 22d of November. The Duke of Wellington stated in his place in the Upper House, that when corn rose to a certain price there was a pro vision in the existing corn-la.es under which the ports would open themselves. He also admitted that there was a great loss in the potato crop, but it could not be said that there was a deficiency in the food of the people of Ireland. He ( Lord Bentinck) believed that there were oats enough in Ireland to feed the entire population of that country. He considered that the accounts of the potato crop had been greatly exaggerated, and he did not believe that there was more than one-fifth of the potato crop in Ireland destroyed; and, under these circumstances, he did not con sider there was any necessity for an alteration in the existing laws. —(" Hear, hear," from the protection i sts. ) He never knew a Government who presumed to make such great changes, and who gave so little reason for the adoption of those changes. He had been 18 years in that House, and it was no pleasing task to address it, and he did so on that occasion because he considered it his imperative duty. With respect to potatoes, he found that the average price for the last ten years was not more than at present. and with that fact, how could it be said that there. was a famine ? If it were necessary, in consequence o f that asserted famine, to import wheat into Ireland, w h y did they not at once pay the seventeen shillings duty, as it would be only taking it from one hand to receive it with the other ? It was his intention to go into many other matters, but in consequence of the hour—( Cries of "Go on")—he would pass over some of them. But they had been challenged to show "any argument in favour of protection, and he was pre pared to show that the produce of the country had outstripped its consumption; he was prepared to show that by evidence whi c h could not be doubted. They had b *ea told that protection was the bane of agriculture; was prepared to show that the contrary was the fact. He (Lord G. 13entinck ) was prepared to show by evidence laid before that House, that up to the year 1821, th e so il or England only produced 17 bushels per acre. Now there were three millions of acres of land in Ireland, and fifteen millions in England, which could be brought into Culti vation, and that being the case, how could it be said that the country was not capable of producing sufficient food for the population. Was it not beyond all contradiction that this country produced more corn for a far more smaller population than France for a greater population? He had shown that Frenchmen were capable of earning more wages than Englishmen, and yet not do so much work. He had shown also that the state of agricultural improvement in this country was very superior to that of France, and yet that France was able to compete with England ; and he had likewise shown that even in America, with all her disadvantages, she was able to compete with England in the colonial market. ( Here the Noble Lord became inaudible for some time in con sequence of the loud cries of " Oh, oh," and groans from the Opposition.; Jr they took 2,000,000 quarters of corn from foreign countries instead of from our own country, the result would be that they would throw from 500,000 to 800,000 persons out of employment.— (Prolonged cries of " Oh" from the Opposition.") The Right Hon. Baronet had said that this I inevitable result of the repeal of the corn-laws would be to throw from 500,000 to 800,000 persons out of employment. If they applied the principle to the duties on tea and sugar. they would then do good by admitting articles which did not compete with any of our home produce. Why not import, for example, the produce of China in that manner, instead of charging on tea at the rate of 250 per cent, which tax was imposed on the labouring population of this country. But the way they acted was to place high duties on the produce of those countries that encouraged the manufacturers, and cringed and bowed to those countries that took the greatest pains to exclude our manu factures. Do you, therefore, deserve any consideration in the course you have taken ?—( Loud cries of ' Divide, divide," and great manifestations of impatience.) Certainly they were not. When the Right Honourable Baronet came down to that House to usher in the session, which, whether it was to be for good or evil, had a tendency, at least in the estimation of the Honourable Members on that side of the House, to transfer the profits of the manufae turing classes to foreign countries. When he wsheed Hon. Members to come to this House, assuring them that they had the confidence of the Crown, they might at least be certain that under such circumstances they would vote as their duty to their consciences and their constituents dictated. They had been told that they were a proud aristocracy. They were proud, but they were only proud in the chastity of their honour, and if they had turned out the Whig Administration in 1841, they did it in highmindedness, and with a pure desire to further the interests of the country. Strangers were then ordered to withdraw, and the House divided, when there appeared— For the Motion For the Amendment 240 MAJORITY FOR? 9 ,, MINISTERS - -S ' The other Orders of the Day were then disposed of. The House adjourned at a Quarter past Three. NTIPPLEMENT TO THE LONDON GAZETTE OF FRIDAY. ADMIRALTY, FEB. 27, 1846. Dispatches were this day received at this office from Rear- Admiral Ingletield, addressed to the Right Hon. Henry T. L. Corry, of which the following are copies : lI.M. Ship Vernon, off Monte 'Video, Nov. 30, 1845. Sir,—My letters of the 30th October, No. 78, and 25th November, No. 85, will have informed the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty, that the French and English combined expedition, consisting of the vessels named in the margin,' respectively commanded by Captain Hotham, of her Majesty's steam-frigate Gorgon, and Captain Trehouart, of the French frigate Erigone, had commenced the ascent of the river Parana, agreeably to the decision come to by the Mediat ing Ministers at a Seance, held on the 9th of October, for the purpose of opening that channel of commerce; suc cessive strong gales, and various other circumstances, pre vented the expedition from assembling at the appointed rendezvous off the Gnassu (one of the mouths of the Parana) so soon as it was intended, and consequently the entering the river did not take place till the Bth instant, when it began to ascend, and on the 18th instant arrived within three miles of the defences. General Rosas had caused to be thrown up at Punta Obliged° (on the right bank of the river, about 100 miles from the entrance, and 36 miles below the city of San Nicolas), to oppose their passing, which it ap pears were constructed with great military skill, and the position of the batteries admirably selected on advantageous ground, being supported by the presence of at least 3,500 troops of all arms, every appearance indicating a determined resistance, which, however, did not deter the gallant commanders of our little squadrons from deciding on an immediate attack; and I have now the gritification of transmitting to you, for their Lordships' information, a copy of the report I have received from Captain Hotbam, detailing the successful issue of the conflict that ensued on the 20th, ending in the complete destruction of the enemy's batteries ; a schooner of war (mounting six guns), and twenty-four vessels chained across the river, all the guns found on the fortications, except ten brass guns, which were taken off to the ships. The judicious plan for the attack, and the persevering bravely displayed by all concerned in its execution, not withstanding the disadvantage some of the vessels were under in not being able to attain their assigned positions, owing to the wind failing, and a strong adverse current of three knots, and the landing of the little band of seamen aid royal marines, in the face of so large a force, will, I am persuaded, call forth their Lordships' admiration of the skill that directed, and the undaunted courage that acheived, this brilliant exploit. Captain Hotham's letter brings the merits of the contest so fully to the mind, that I feel it now only remains for me to express to their Lordships the high sense I entertain of the gallantry, zeal, and ability which animates that excellent officer, who has, on every occasion, given me perfect satisfaction in the performance of his various duties ; and I beg to recommend his services most strongly to their Lordships favourable consideration, as also those officers serving in command under his orders on this occasion, which, I conceive, reflects so much hono ur an d cre di t on themselves and the service. I am convinced their Lordships will experience as much pleasure as I do, in learning from Captain Hotham that he had great reason to be satisfied with the good conduct of all the officers,_ seamen, and royal marines engaged on thi s service; and I trust I may be permitted to call their attention to the circumstance of Captain Hope's cutting the barrier chain, and to the merits of the officers and men ; Captain Hotham has specially brought to my notice (particularly Commander Sulivan and Lieutenant Levinge), as also the case of Mr. Andrews' family, who have lest, in him, their main support. I sincerely regret this gallant achievement has been at tended with such a loss of life; but, considering the strength of the enemy's position, and the obstinacy with which it was defended, we have reason to be thankful to Divine Providence that it was not greater. Among the killed is to be lamented Lieutenant C. Brickdale, an officer of great promise. It is very, gratifying to me to add that a perfect unanimity and cordial • co-operation has subsisted throughout between Captains Hotha n and Trehouart, and the vessels under their orders ; and their Lordships will per ceive that the gallant bearing of the latter has called forth un qualified admiration from Capt. Hotham. I also beg to re mark the full confidence Capt. Hotham felt in the support of his French allies. The official report of Capt. Trehouart to Admiral Leine gives a long list of the killed and wounded (17 of the former and 60 of the latter), sufficiently proving the share the French division took in the contest, and which must have essentially contributed to the success of the day. I inclose a copy of the return of the killed and wounded, and an account of the damages sustained by the vessels en gaged, so far as can be obtained from the logs and demands 1 have received. A more detailed report I will, transmit to their Lordships when it reaches me. Nothing positive is known as to the exact loss of the enemy, but it must have been very great, from the number found dead in the batteries, estimated at several hundreds. I have the honour to be, &c., S. H. INGLEFIELD, `Rear-Admiral and Commander-in-Chief. To the Right Hon. H. T. L. Corry, M.P., Secretary to the Admiralty. Her Majesty's ship Gorgon, Obligado, Nov. 23, 1845. Sir,—l have the honour to inform you that the combined English and French force, under the command of Captain Trehouart and myself, anchored on the 18th instant, at the distance of three miles from the batteries of Punta Obligade, in the river Parana. At daylight the following morning we reconnoitred the position of the enemy, and soon discovered that great military skill had been evinced, both in the ground chosen and the plan of defence pursued. Four batteries had been erected —two on heights sixty feet from the water-line, and two in the intervening valley; the whole mounting twenty-two pieces of ordnance, 32, 28, 24, 18, and 12-pounders, and, with the exception of a small open space, were backed by thick woods ; three heavy chains, supported by twenty-four vessels, were extended across from the main land to an island; astern of these lay ten fire-vessels, and the west end of the chains were defended by an Argentine schooner-of war, carrying six guns. The river at this point is 800 yards wide, and the current runs three miles per hour. From various sources we learnt that 3,500 men, cavalry, infantry, and artillery, were assembled ; in short, everything indicated a determined resistance. The reconnaisance being completed, my colleague and myself resolved on the follow ing plan of attack : To form the ships into two divisions, the north under the direction of Captain Trehouart, to be composed of San Mar tin, Captain Trehouart ; Comus, Acting Commander Ingle field; Pandour, Lieut. Du Pais ; Dolphin, Lieut. R. Levinge. The south, under the direction of Commander Sulivan, to be composed of Philomel, Commander B. Sulivan, Ex peditive, Lieutenant de Miniac ; Fanny (hired armed), Lieut. Bey ; Procida, Lieut. Maria de la Riviere. These divisions to be anchored on the north and south shores, at a distance of 700 yards from No. 1 battery. The steamers, Gorgon, Captain Charles Hotham ; Fulton Lieutenant Mazeres ; Firebrand, Captain James. Hope , to anchor at a distance of fifteen hundred yarth from the farthest battery; the morning of the 20th was fem but about 8 A.M., the weather cleared, and a southerly breeze sprang up. At Bh. 45m. the southern. division weighed, [and were afterwards followed by San :klurtin aud Comus, Dolphin and Pandour having previously anchored on the north shore. About 9h. 50m., Am., the batteries owned . fire on the Philomel and southern division, on which Dolphin weighed ; but as some of her sails were shot away before she reached her appointed station, the current drove her astern, and obliged her to anchor ; she was,, however, admirably placed ; the remaining ships of the north division were most ably led by my brother officer in command, whose brig succeeded in reaching her appointr,d station. The general ca , :.nonading. unfortunately caused the wind to fall light, and, the remaining ships of the north division, having to coraend with the current of three knots per hour, were obligta to anchor two cables shsrt of their st a ti ons. At this, period the fire vessels chained together were cast loose, and until they had drifted past, t h e steamers were pre vented from anchoring or opening their fire. About 10h. 50m. the action became general, and the effect of our gunnery was soon apparent in the unsteadiness of the enemy's fire; still they fought most stoutly. No sooner were one set of men swept from the guns than they were replaced; the enemy's cavalry hovered round the wood and drove back those who attempted to quit their T o -its. At Mi. 30m., the Republicano schooner blew up, and my Gal lant Friend Captain James Hope volunteered to pull up in l a i n is d b a oa p t aasnsdagce in ut b t e he g chain ; success attended his end eavours , cleared, at one P.M. the Fulton passed through and flanked the batteries, and was speedily followed by_cTorgon and Firebrand. But prior to this, the enemy's fire had told most fearfully on the San Martin and Dolphin ; the cable of the former being shot away she dropped astern, with upwards of 100 shot holes through her side. To assist the flanking fire of the steamers, the 'Expeditive and Comus were ordered to place themselves within musket- ,/ •i