The Sun. — London, England, 1846-04-30 00:00:00

THE IRISH COERCION BILL. A meeting of the friends of Ireland was held at the Crown 5' 1 ' 14 Ancleor Tavern last evening, for the purpose of express ing their hostility to the Irish Coercion Act, and was very riutuerously attended.—Dr. Rogers presided. , Tii., SIcenErARY (Mr. Daily) read letters from the O'Co- Z, u pn, Mr. Grattan, and Mr. Smith O'Brien, stating their l ounity to attend—the last named gentleman stating that L i s absence was occasionefeby the receut proceedings in Per e. i lia, ent in reference to him—all, however, concurring to the 'to in the object of the meetirg -1) c te latform were Mr. D.I 7en Browne, M.P.; Francis s Monh p te, Esq . ., from" Madras ; other Irish Members and . the Rev. Mr. Moore,' the se° • Dr. MeGhe and several gentlemen. e' The CHAIRMAN said he regretted that a more eligible per son had not been selected fur the pre,eolency on the present r es i° ll . He hiniself.was more fitted by professional duties other sph e r es o f ac ti on , b u t as an Irishman he could not eit refrai n ti . fromexpressing his sympathy with his uefortunate Theyrout'trY would hear - ftom the speakers who - would idr ess them that evening of the sufferings of their country, could testify, havin g t rave ll e d i n co untries where despeteein ercieed in its full force its baneful influence, without wit, :sing the distressing scenes which his own unfortunate i_ntrY presented, and concluded by enforcing on the meet ''g the necessity of union, the want of which had given theirt enemies the power of oppressing them, and had led to al l the evils by which they were at present afflicted. AIL DILL-ON BitowNE said he appeared there that evening forw . the purpose of recording his detestation of that Bill, Inch sought to trample on the last remnant of Irish liberty. .(Hear, hear.) He did conceive that this meeting would ',trve been an assemblage not only of Irishmen, but of tuglislimen, and all th e elements of democratic power, to preserve inviolate those liberties which were banded down to Inein in the reign of Charles the First. He regretted, there- Vre, that there were no repre s entatives of the people of England resent there that evening.—(Hear.) It had been "Pete(' to them, that by the coarse of policy they had pursued , le ith reference t o t h e - Corn Bill, they were lessening the upatby of the p eo pl e o f England for Ireland.---(Hear,r e hear.) Now he denied that, for there were n one anxious to g i ve c h eap f o od t o the English mechanic than the Irish people, and the Irish Members had, heoinr More than one occasion, endangered their popularity 3 adherence to the rinciples of those who were, opposed to the co rn - laws.-(Hear, hear.) But were the Irish Members to stand still-at ,d Ilion- the Ministry to chain them while the 1 -' , ague tied . ' their hands?—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) He did not Fee that they were called upon to act in any other i way than they had done.—(Hear, h •ear. ) lid they find any ?Peosition to the various oonoxious measures which had been introduced from time to time against Ireland exhi bited by Feiglishmen.•-.-(Hear.) Were there any demon strations on. the part of England against the Arms Bill? Where were the advocates of English liberties and rights on the present occasion? Where were Mr. Cobden, Mr. Bright; Mr. Thompson, Mr. Wakley, Mr. Dun eornbe, and that lir tle contemptible wasp, Roe ktick.—(Hear,. beer, and cheers.) Irishmen, as well as Englishmen, were convoked by the advertisement to attend there that evening, and resist this aggression on the liberties of the subject, and yet they had not responded to the call. It, therefore;' devolved upon Irishmen to depend upon them selves, and by persevering in their present course they would obtain - their liberties.—(Mr. O'Connell here entered, and was received with the most deafening and protracted. applause.) "He world conclude by proposing the first reso lution, alai by assuring the English Members that there was It recuperative power iu Irishmen to obtain for their country its legislative independence, and restore its nationality. The CIIAIZMAN then read the following resolution : " That the government of Ireland bas been one of unmitigated ettlelty and unrelenting injustice. That this course of legis lative criminality has led to incalculable woes to Ireland. That therefore, considering the sanguinary character of the many previous Coercion Acts, all-of which have failed in sub duing the spirit of Irish justice and liberty, we repudiate with as much indignation as is consistent with faithful loyalty, the Pending effort of the Ministry to inflict upon Ire:and another Cheracteristic Coercion Bill, s Bill which in its malignity, its Unconstitutional character, its brutal perversion of domestic protection; and its sacrifice of public liberty, is only a proper sequel to the long sad catalogue of injustices, of which Ire land has been the victim." Dr. Danny briefly seconded the resolution which was carried With acclamation. The Rev. Dr. M'GIIEE proposed and Mr. Richard TAYLOR Seconded .... the following resolution: "That the calm, eloquent, and determined conduct of the Liberator in re sisting the first reading of the atrocious Coercion Bill is de serving of nor warm and heartfelt gratitude." Mr. OlA.xxitta, (who was received with the greatest e ntliusiaant),l.aid, that until tl:e present moment he Was not - arleAN-ut the strength of his party in England. He e l .. if ----. of \ ___ ~ , r ou3. 'proyiuse leimself. deerving of, that support, , ,e9Win' hittite r" :-41111 ' e a ronli'its advotate of c i v il - ‘• • ..-,•c;. . ' -:. ~PI A 9. .P . ' , , ez In , rgiaus lituelferg 7.: all overetile w 0 rle - h e -: ( c [leers. ), .. every. p' g f.n d e the„ . ishrhee e Lin eYery i "Country—in every t e . i . ime, fee . et. -, had in lilm:ate'unflinching advocate.—(Loud ,',. i ,er , -) . A ' t '' - eTeryeenstaVer - had ia him an enemy.— Lle2 c leeere.) ; ':„That . had been ; the great object of his pnliiical la'. He bail struggled for- it, fi,r his own native land—he C ommencedebis struggle foie freedom when the Catholic was an unmitigated slave.__( Hear, hear.) The circumstances under wh"lat lie wag a - theat laltguting, the diequalifia! ion, which Were imposed: '`f t} ; > him, were alma-t in credittle6„.llne Honourable:- and Learned (Gentleman then referred to the different eprovisons of the penal code. But these were' no haiger -tom be recolleetedi- they-were so dis tant —(tAett ; 4o • lie_ tnenfibeied these eirciiinetances to're mind alatosa: : eivfio ih4i.,fit. 'bear him of the justice of their Claims to national and legielative independence.—(Hear.) He had-spent thirty year's of his life booking for freedom, and was then struggling in Parliament to keep what they had got of that therty,—( Hear.) .1,1e0.4A so beeau-e he was not of opinion that slavery was a cure far any.malady. 'With respeeteto-whet• had; been-said about the sera-laws, he had to say a word. ,He considered the corn-laws an English question,' and he 'came to England expressly for the purpose of supporting that measure.. He certeinly did not deny that he had stated vexatiottarjeWith reference to the subject, and he would take advantage of all the forms of the House in persisting in that line of conduct.—(Loud cheers.) The Hon. and Learned Gentleman having deprecated the com mission of crime in Ireland, which he traced to the conduct of the landJords r concluded by saying th et if he were spared to see Engl end restore. te Ireland her nationality, be would on College Green hurl the cry of triumph, and"wish pros perity, and strength, and success to England; but if' it were otherwise, he . woula say, 0 Woe to England."—(Loud cheers. in the midst of which the Hon. Gentleman resumed his seat.) Resolutions of approval of the conduct of Smith O'Brien and other Irish Members were agreed to, as well as in favour of repeal e - after which the meeting separated. PUNISHMENT OF DEATH. - - A great public meeting was held on Wednesday evening in the la: ge room at Exeter Hall, to consider what means ought to he used for the abolition of the punishment of death. The hall was erewde.l in every corner long before the hour for the coMmencement of business. W. F,w„cnT„ Esq., M.P., who was unanimously called to the chair, ititriadaQed the subject to th e meeting which had called theta together. _ It WftS unnecessary , he e telt, to detain them long: Their adversaries ' -on the - question bad been . driven from peint to point and frorn crimeto crime in this award,, of awa,, .and now' death was be inflicted only for one crime—the crime of murd er . (Hear, to bered at the time when it was attempted iin) He abolishremem death as the punishment for sheep-stealing and burglary, that one ros e op and said the consequence of that would be, that they could not thhat theirdomestic servants ; when it was moved to abrogate tt . as the penalty of forgery, another said commercial credit would be at an end. \V.as the punishment of death, he asked, retained on the principle of tea lex talionis, like fir like,, d th f d tl ?He • ea ,or ea i believed no matt did so. Orit Why, then retained for the s a k e o f example? ryas , on the part of their adversaries, a motion had lately been made that this sentence of the l aw s h ou ld be executed in private, so that fq. them the argument tram example went for nothing. But if they supported the present example let them send their children to on tile ground of (Cheecs),---uod the - more especially if thisio the spectacle_ part of -a national system. f d • was meant to be - - . • -.. • , o . e ucation.—(Lau 1 t - g -e..) H any did maintain it on r..ligious grounds, he gel d that the spirit and the precepts of Christianity were directly to it. There was one remarkable ditfererce in the iin op o p r ed fence taken up by parties onus behalf. He (Mr. Ewa e rt "- his friends depended on the Parliamentary Statistical ')and Returns which had i,en . got up from year to year. These showed a diminution of executions, and wi th that a diminu tion of crime; and what was also worthy of observation, they exhibited an increase of convictions, thus showing st ith what cmairity. criminals can be detected when juries were un trammelled by a perverse sentence. Be begged the meeting to hearin initul the result which bad been drawn from these statistiee-by.Mr. Wrightson, which was, that wi; it the dimi nution of executions there was a diminution of crime. Tney felt theMselves secured and a ell established on these figures in their efforts against this systematised evil, at the same time they were encouraged and strengthen d in their oppo sition-by the scene which he saw around hint, as well as by the general movement which he knew was proceeding in Liverp&il, and Southampton, and other places. It had been said, however, that they desircd tire abolition of this sentence from false sentiment and from false delicacy of mind, He said that was far f oin him. If any false sentiment existed in the community in connexion with this question, it had been produced nut by the crime, but by the punish ment of the crime —(Hear, hear)—for he believed that the criminal was exalted into a species of hero, not by the crime he hail committed, but by the punishment inflicted upon hini.--it was the awful punishment of death which enlisted false feeling. If.crime had produced this false feeling, then it Weu!d have continued while they viewed those crimes in refeientie to Whi . ch death had -been abolished, but that false feeling continued to exist only towards that one crime which was still punished capitally. only one had any such feeling now towards the-sheep-stealer or the burglar, for the occa sion had been taken away. They had been asked by the other -- side, whether they were prepared to offer any ptinishment, instead of that which it was sought to abolish. .Now,*they were not there to find out the correlative scale and character of punishment and crime, yet they were con vinced that there was a punishment more adapted to crimi nals guilty of murder, and that was imprisonment for life; for what could be more awful to man—what greater torment —than to be for the rest of his days the companion of soli tude and his sin ? Such weight than the punishment a prospect would carry with it more ment which swept a living bring in a moment, out of exister and reflection producetr s e i and if this solitar y im p risonment ance,then it becam e a orrow in the criminal, and sentencerepent more in ac c ord ance w ith the s pirit and end of reli g i on. The thin. Gentleman's speech trance f John Bright, xis._ was interrupted by the en audience wif-h-lmg-contiuutd cheering.who was received by the Lord Nuonsyr was called oil by first irSolution, which the Noble v heLord Chairman to move the did h statute, and the history of sanguinary ey adverting to He said the Roman laws were nual laws in other natious. until the times of the Emperors, Nvtroate in this particular Seneca, taught the people crime. TheseTbloody edicts, said existed for '23 years, was an example to ran code, which mency, hut at the French revolution thate nations in cle and the assassina returned among the code l was abolished, their prey. The statistics of the Britillheolpslealike beasts to divided-into -cycles, showed that the diminutioe-, for 30 years page with the abolition of capital punishments, of crime kept when there was an increase of population. They, and that too that the number of convictions had ininceeasedshowed also scription of crime except murder. In the crime every a e . this kingdom stood next to Spain, and was eight.of murder than Prussia. - In Belgium, between the yearslB3 times andes worse there bad been only six murders. The Noble e 1837, Lord commentedut length on these . and other facts, and resumed his seat after moving the following resolution : . _ bet the efficacy of Criminal Laws depends less upon th e Serenity of punishment than the certainty of infliction; and that laws which cannot be carried into execution with out shocking the feelings of society, and sinking abhorrence e ( the crime in sympathy for the offender, are contrary to Teas,* inconsistent with morality, and opposed to the inte rests of justice—obiections which most forcibly apply to statutes enacting the punishment of (kith." 1)-e lei O'Contmrli,. N , • E- 1 .., .41. P., eroere.! the meeting as the Noble Loki was speaking,and was received with cheers, whiek Were ~._ e. . _renewed for several minutes. • 14 c J. kiILIGHT, ZIP., addressed the meeting in an elo . quent and energetic speech. lie said the pectiliarity of that discussion, was, that go, Hitical feeling or religious rancour need be stirred; for every nian had that in him which na turally led him to abhor the punishment for itself. Their great object in this movement was to ascertain whether in a great community the people could so conduct themselves that life and property would be seatreVeitliiiiira' punishment which took away from their number by death. On this point he referred to the past experience of London, when it was pot one-sixth of its present size, and yet six human beings were put out of existeuee at least every week. In 1832 or 1833 there had been a great reduction ofihe crimes capitally punished; and he asked whether, since then, they had found life or property less secure? The Hon. Gen tleman argued the question, not front Scripture but htiMan nature—those principles which lie at the foundation of cha racter; and concluded with expressing his strong belief that it would be abolished within five years. The Rev. Dr. MORTIMER, head master of the City of Lon don School, supported the resolution, which was put from the Chair, and carried without one dissenting voice. t• . D.aniet. O'CoNNELL, M.P., moved the second resolution, and supported it by several interesting facts from his own knowledge, while engaged in professional life. • Mr. SAMUEL GURNEY seconded the resolution, which was put to the meeting and carried unanimously. " That in the opinion of this meeting, no fallible tri bunal should be. entrusted with the power of inflicting an irrevocable punishment., That awful instances of the con demnation and execution of innocent men, convicted upon what appeared at the time the clearest, evidence. proves the fallibility of the best constituted courts, and the necessity of adopting some punisment, which may be recalled in the event of subsequent proof of the innocence of the supposed criminal, in place of a punishment which takes away that which man is powerless to restore, and consigns to a pre mature end a helpless fellow-being; thus closing the gates of mercy which God would leave still open, and shortening the time for repentance which He would still extend. " Mr. W. J. Fox, in an eloquent speech, moved—" That the following petition to het Most Gracious - Majesty the Queen be entrusted for presentation to the Right Hon. Sir Robert Peel ; and that similar petitions be presented to both Houses of Parliament. That the Xight Hon. Lord Denman be respectfully requested to present the petition to the Lords, and W. Ewart, Esq., that to the Commons." • This was seconded by Mr. G. W. ALEXANDER, and carried by the meeting. It was moved by the Rev. Mr. CHnesTatas, and supported by Mr. WRIGHTSON and Mr. H. VINCENT—" That a society be now formed, to be called • The Society for the Abolition of Capital Punishments,' and that the following form the Com mittee of said society, with power to add to their number." A vote of thanks to Mr. Ewart, M.P., for his conduct in the chair, was passed unanimously, and the meeting separated. CIRCULATION OF NOTES. The Bankers' Magazine, of which some proof sheets are before II!, furnishes some interesting particulars relative to the circulation of notes in the United Kingdom, from which we take the following .portion, referring to the Irish and Scotch issues, not included, of coure, in the weekly returns from the English banks : The returns of circul,tion of the Irish and Scotch banks, for the four weeks ending the 28th March last, give the fol lowing as the average circulation, viz. : Average circulation of the Irish banks £7,444,960 Average circulation of the Scotch banks 3,018,681 Average circulation of these banks during the past month t►n comparing these amounts with the returns for the month ending the 28th of February last, it shows— A decrease in the circulation of the hanks in Ireland of £24,769 A decrease in the circulation of the banks in Scotland of 65,111 Total decrease last month £89,880 And as compared with the month ending the 29th of March, 1845, it shows— An increase its the circulation of the banks in Ire land of £392,783 An increase in the circulation of the banks in Scot land of Total increase on the year £460,591 On comparing the present returns with the amounts which the several banks are now authorised to issue, under the New Banking Act, it appears that the following is the state of their circulation:— The Irish banks are above their fixed issue .. £1,090,466 The Scotch banks are below their fixed issue ... 68,528 Total circulation above the fixed issue This excess of circulation is baud on the stocks of gold and siver coin held by the several banks : Gold and silver coin held by the Irish banks £2.568,158 Gold an.d silver coin held by the Scotch banks 1,132,147 Total of gold and silver coin .. 3,700,305 Being an increase in the amount held by the Irish banks over that of the preceding month of 8581., and a decrease in the amount held by the Scotch banks of 11,3301. ; the total decrease on the month in the amount of gold and silver coin in Ireland and Scotland being, therefore, 10,4721. FRIENDLY SOCIETIES. This Bill is again amended, and of course again reprinted; and it is now to have a new title, the phraseology of which is, on tha face of the new Bill. enclosed within mournfully -trnng black lines. The following is the inscription inserted under the title that is to be defunct on the third reading of th e Bill New Title for Third Reading: An Act to amend the Laws relating to Friendly Societies." _ _ _ Then follow the new clauses, of which we give the leading particulars. Clause (A.)—Contributiens to be distinct for each purpose. Clause (o.)—Separate books of account to be kept. Clause (P. )—Returns of bickness and mortality, assets, and liabilities. Clause (B.)—For establishing the legality of certain so cieties, mamely—That any friendly society established before the passing of this Act, for any purpose which is herein before specified, or for any legal purpose which shall be cer tified anti allowed, as is hereinbefore provided, and shall not have been adjudged not to be within the provisions of the first-recited Act, by ally court of competent jurisdiction, shall be deemed to have been within the provisions of the said Act from the time at which the rules thereof shall have been or may be certified - or allowed by the Barrister or Advo cate appointed to certify the rules of friendly societies. Clause (C.) repeals part of 10 Geo. IV., cap. 56, and 4 and 5 Will. IV., cap. 40. Clause (Q.)—Provisions of 3rl Geo. 111., cap. 79, and 57 Geo. 111., cap. 19. not to extend to friendly societies. Clause (D.)—Registrar of friendly societies in England to be paid by salary. Clause (E.) provides how salaries and expenses of office are to be paid. Clause (F.)—One transcript of certified rules to be kept by the registrar. Clause (G.)—Foe securing the solocnry of friend y sorieties. [A most valeable clause—it is rightly termed chime " G," for it is good—it is to be hoped that it may at all events pass.] Clause (R)—For appointing new trustees in certain cases. Clause (H)—Settlement of disputes.—That every dispute which shall arise between the trustees or managers of any friendly society, and any member or officer thereof, or any executor, administrator, or next of kin of any such trustees, managers, members or officers or any creditor or assignee of any trustees, managers, members or officers of any such society who may become bankrupt or insolvent ; or any person claiming to be such executor, administrator. next of kin, creditor or assignee, or to be entitled to any money paid to such society, or to any benefit arising therefrom, for the settlement of which, accordiug to the laws now in force, recourse must be had in England or Ireland to one of her Majesty's superior Courts of Law or Equity, and in Scotland to the Court of Ses sion or Sheriff Court, may be referred in writing to the Registrar of Friendly Societies in England, Ireland. and Scotland respectively; and where the value of the subject. matter in dispute does not exceed twenty pounds, every such dispute shall be so referred, unless in England or Ire land her Majesty's Attorney or Solicitor-General, or in Scotland the Lord Advocate, shall certify, in writing, under his hand, that such dispute ought to be decided by the judgment of a superior court of law or equity, and the said registrar shall have power to proceed ex-parte on notice in writing to the said trustees or managers left or sent by the said registrar to the office of the said institution, or to the last-known place of residence of every such trustees, mana gers, members or officers; and whatever award, order, or determination shall be m a d e by t h e sa id registrar shall be binding and conclusive on all parties, arid shall be flea' to all intents and purposes, without any appeal; and all payments, assignments, sales, and transfers made in pursuance of any such order, shall be good in law; and no submission to, or award or determination of, the said registrar shall be subject or liable to, or charged with any stamp duty w . hatr-ver. Clouse u r t c m ( ( i administered v e htreoeufwetr reference, oaths books may be inspected, and i r t u n s e t s e s e. e s s. ehall be absent, &c., registrar may order stock to be transferred, and dividends paid. Clause (L. )—Fees of awards Clause (M) f or enforcing awards—Re . it enacted, that any one Justice of the Peace residin g within th e county w i t hi n which such so c i ety shag be award is mad e , u p on coin tl i held, or withi n w hi c h the party resides against whom sc u ie party plaint made up on oat h by desiring to h ave th e benefit of the award ;or, in the trustees of any su c h society, bv ie ati ca , s , e ffi, o e t r * th of e s n i i i a . s or appointed for that p ur p ose, may summon the person i nagerl whom such award s h a ll be mark, to appea r a t a time and piece to be named in such summons; and upon his or her appear ance, or in default thereof, upon due . proof upon oath of the service of such summons, any two justices re-iding within the county aforesaid, upon due proof of the execution of such award, may order payment of the fees and money thereby awarded to be paid, to the party appearing to be en titled thereunto, with such costs as shall he awarded by the said justices, not exceeding the sum of ten shillings ; and in case the person against whom such order shall be made shall not pay the sum of money so ordered to the person, an d at order, such justices sh a ll, b y the time, specified in the said warrant under their hands and seals, cause the same to b e levied by distress and sale of the pods of the person on whom such order shall have been nyade, or by other legal with such costs as shall be awarded proceeding, together wi by the said justices, not exceeding the sum of ten shillings, and . also the costs and charges attending such distress and sale, or other legal proceeding, returning the overplus (if any) to the owner. Provided always that in Scotland it shall be competent to enforce payment of such fees, and of any sum of money so awarded to be paid, by sheriffs in the same manner as is by the law of Scotland eom petent for the recovery of any debt of the like amount. Clause (N).—Certificates, awards, &c., to be receivable in evidence. STATE OF TRADE. - - MANCHESTER, APRIL 28.—Although the accounts from London and other parts of the kingdom speak . of an ameliora tion in the state of business generally within tho last few days, the improvement does not seem to have reached this market. The demand for yarn to-day has been very limited. and, on some descriptions, prices are a little in favour of the buyers. I n th e goo d s ' mar k et , h owever, th ere i s a little more activity, erpecially in the better qualities, but without change in prices, whilst the inferior qualities remain in very limited demand. ROCHDALE, APRIL 27.—There has been a steady demand for flannels, but prices have been low and unremunerating to the manufacturer. The wool market has been in much the same state as last Monday. LEEDS, APRIL 28.—We are happy to say our markets keep improving, and a very fair quantity of business has been done to-day. Wool is much firmer in price, and some low descriptions very much sought atter, and decidedly higher. HUDDERSFILD, Arm'. 28.—We have had a good attendance of buyers to-day in the market, and sales to :come extent have been effected, but at such prices as to leave little or no profit to the manufacturers. Several orders have been re ceived that will give employment for some weeks. The weather is such we have but few buyers for the home trade. ETON COLLEGE.—George roniarEsq., M.P. for Shrewsbury, and the son of the late Bishop of Winchester, who was eld,..:Tect at Et,,n, just annnunc,ed his intention of founding an aialu..l inatheinadcat prize at I:t.nt Cohe A e. Mr. Toinline has pre sented the sum of 1,000/. to the Provost and Fellows, the interest of which is to be appropriated to the purism contemplated by the 'Mal @Quer. IMPERIAL PARLIAMEN T. HOUSE OF COMMOIVS, April 29.- The'SrEAKER took'the Chair at Twelve o'clock. THE EDINBURGH, LEITH, AND GRANTON RAIL WAY (EXTEMSION ANb BRANCHES). was re4l4 seconignie, and ordered to be com mitted. • GROUP No. IV. Mr. G. HOPE moved that the Committee on Group No. W. have Committee, leavet porceeseedutaesd 2s reco th m A m p en ri. d l ed in the report from that The motion was agreed to. • RAILWAY BUSINESS. Mr. R. 110DGSON moved that the order, dated 23d " That it be an instruction to the Committee on every private Bill originated in this House, relating to any rail way,ebde i discharged,g with themerit a sof such verified ßill, by the promoters," to re quire to before fo produced n before and in lieu the following resolution be introduced, That it be an instruction i be e 0.,e to the Committee on every private Bill originated in this House relating to any railway, to require to be produced be fore them and verified by the promoters," &c. Mr. DUNCOMBE objected to the original order being dis charged. Be could easily understand that some of the reso lutions might be inconvenient to come of the railway com panies ; but they were intended to be inconvenient, in order that those bubble schemes, which could not stand the test of a scrutinising examination, might be exposed. He had no objection to the resolution so far as to allow the Committee to report immediately after the preliminary inquiry on any scheme, without keepirg the report back. Sir G. CLERK had no objection to the alteration of the resolution as far as regarded those particular Committees which had not been appointed until Monday last. He thought those Committees might be allowed to proceed with the merits of the Bills before them, without specially inquiring into their compliance with the resolutions of ths House. It was due to the promoters of bond fide schemes that some dif ference should be made between those projects and those bubble schemes which were intended solely to promote the advantage of the projectors. He hoped the Hon. Member would so far modify his resolution as to the restriction of those Committees only which were appointed on Monday last. Mr. HODGSON was not disposed to press his resolution any further, and proposed to ,o it hdraw it. Mr. GREEN E: before the House cams to any decision in the matter, thought it extremely desirable that the services of counsel in the preliminary inquiries before the Committee, as provided by the resolution of the lion. Member for Fins bury (Mr. buncombe), should be dispensed with. It would only contribute to increase the expenses of the inquiry. Mr. DUNCOMBE was of opinion that the services of counsel en most occasions should net be dispensed with, as by their assistance the truth of the documents required to be produced was more likely to be ascertained. Sir G. CLERK thought that if there was any doubt as to the truth or authenticity of those documents, there would be ample opportunity afforded before the Committee to prove their authenticity by the parties either appearing themselves or by counsel. After a few words from Mr. T. Duncombe. Mr. Cardwell, Mr. Labouchere, Mr. Bernal, Mr. Hudson, Mr. Wakley, Mr. Gi4Jorne, and Sir R. Peel, Mr. Entwhle, the Speaker, and Sir John C. HAhouse, the motion was withdrawn. Mr. ESTCOURT moved that Committees have leave to sit during the sitting of the House. A question was asked whether it was in the power of Member:, to attend the. House after havinge been appointed to a Committee. He did con • eider that the dutyof attending the House was a higher duty, and therefore the interests of a Committee might. yield, pro vided that Members considered it necessary for the interests of the country that they should attend, and take a part in the debate. Members, of course, would use a proper dis cretion in their attendance, and not put parties to an in creased and unnecessary expense, by repeated adjournments. Lord G. SOMERSET having seconded the motion, Sir G. GREY and Mr. ACLIaIIY made a few observations on it, the latter Hon. Member having taken the opportunity to call upon the House to adopt some measure by which the Members would be relieved from the very laborious and sometimes almost ridiculous duties which they had to per form with respect to ralway Bills in the committee-rooms. Sir J. C. HOBHOUSE repeated the observations which he had made on the previous motion. Mr. MILNER GIBSON said it appeared to him that the solution of the difficulty would be found in this, that the House anti the Committee could not sit at the same time; they must evidently sit at different times, that Was an inevitable alternative. Now his Hon. Friend the Member for Salford ( Mr. Brotherton) seemed to think that if the House determined that it should sit from twelve till six, and that the Committees should also sit ou the same day; the Committees should undoubtedly sit from eight in the morning until twelve.—(Laughter.) His Hon. Friend was really prepared to do that, and unless they did something of that sort, he (Mr. Gibson) really could not sei how the difficulty was to be got rid of. His Hon. Friend (Mr. Mark Philips) and his other lion. Friend the Member for Durham (Mr. Bright), who were sitting upon Committees, were especially desirous of being present during the discussion on so important a Bill as that which would shortly come before them ( the Factory Bill). But, on the other hand, they would not like to adjourn the Committees on which they sat, as the Hon. Member for Ox ford had suggested, because if they did so they would put he parties that had business before the Committees to con iderable expense.—(Hear, hear.) He, therefore, thought that in the end they would be compelled to have recourse to the proposal of the Hon. Member for Salford, or they would have to give up the Wednesday sittings from twelve till six. —(Cries of " No, no.") However, he had given his solution of the difficolty.—The motion was then agreed to. NORTH STAFFORDSHIRE RAILWAY. Mr. BROCKLEHURST presented a petition in favour of the above railway. - FACTORY BILL. Mr. WILSON PATTEN presented a petition from the clergymen of Warrington processing the Roman Catholic re ligion, in favour of the further repeal of the disabilities under which they labour. The Hon. Member also presented a peti- tion from Burnley in favour of the Ten Hours' Bill. Mr. CRAWFORD presented a petition, signed by 7,000 of the inhabitants of Belfast, in favour of the Ten Hours' Bill. The Hon. Gentl , 2itian also presented petitions from Rochdale. Bolton, Huddersfield, and Littleborough, to the ame effect. Mr. STRICKLAND presented a petition from the work men employed in Messrs. Gardner's factory at Preston, in favour of the 'Ten Hours' Bill. Mr. BAILEY presented six petitions in favour of the re peal of the Count• Lunatic Asylum's Act. Mr. WAKLEY presented SIX petitions in favour of the Ten Hours' Bill. Amongst the petitions were two from Leeds and Manchester, signed by the principal physicians and surgeons in those places. The petititioners stated that the effects of the present hours of labour upon the constitu. tions of the children employed was attended with the worst consequences hi after life. Mr. DENISON presented a petition in favour of the Ten Hours' Bill. Mr. AINSWORTH also presented petitions from the in habitants of Bolton, Chorley, Manchester, and other places to the like effect. LORD'S-DAY OBSERVANCE: Sir R. INGLIS presented a petition from the clergymen and other inhabitants of Bradford, praying the House to take measures to prevent the Eale of intoxicating liquors on the Lord's-day. Mr. COLQUHOUN presented a petition from the persons professing the Roman Catholic faith in the north of Eng land, praying the House to protect them against the domi neering spirit of the Vicar Apostolic of the Pope. The petitions were severally ordered to be laid on the table FACTORIES BILL Mr. HINDLEY pre;entedEBiTetrti;n; from various places in the neighbourhood of Mauchester in favour of the Ten Hours' Bill. THE RIVER CLYDE. Mr. HUME moved for certain returns respecting the amount of debt, and the progress of the debt, of the River Clyde Trust, with the revenue and expenditure of the navi gation.—Agreed to. THE FACTORIES REGULATION BILL. On the order of the day far the second reading of this Bill, Mr. HUMP: said he wished to ask the Hon. Member for Oldham a question, in regard to his motion on this Bill. It was important that the fullest freedom should be given to capital, and it was also an essential of commercial prosperity that there should be the same freedom given to labour. On that ground he was sorry to see the system of attempting to interfere with the free application of capital which prevailed in certain quarters in the country. To that he was directly op posed, and seeing that it was going forward to such an extent he could not let the matter pass over without calling atten tion to it. In a question of such importance he begged leave to suggest that it ought not to be discussed in such a thin House, and at the time when there were twenty Committees sitting. Members could not in consequence attend, and in order that there should be the fullest and fairest discussion he thought the Government might be prevailed on to allow a Monday '.or Friday evening for the discus• sion of the question.—(lronical dries of " Hear, hear.") Well, if that could not be arranged, then some other day might be fixed on. What he meant was, that the question should not be dealt with in such a thin House. On that ground it was that he had made a suggestion.—( Hear, hear.) Sir R. PEEL concurred with the Hon. Member as to the importance of the question, and would be willing that some other Government days should be set apart for the discus sion of it ; but, in the present state of the business, he could not make a promise of any day. It was out of his power to give any pledge in the m a tt er . Mr. HUME thought the Bill might be postponed till such time as the Corn Bill was disposed of. The factory question was next in importance to that question, and it could come on in due course then. Mr. BANKES 8311 ed the Hon. Member if, in the event of the Corn Bill 'wing carried, he would vote for the pre sent measure? Mr. numE intimated that he would oppose the Bill in Mi.. BANKES hoped the Hon. Member for Oldham would persevere in his motion. Wednesday wag, in fact, and th o h a e l rlid d n a o y t 8 4 e m e w iv l i i i N i • ei t t he Pa lt i l i l c had lately been applied to by several tive classes interested in ths i ni g d businesstel not ega t was b s e of taken. He a p e e t H r e a d e: e re spectingeed ed w with h e conducttke b ettpelr t a, l c i aeevs onaf his humble opinion, that'Bill, asking his advice ought to pursue. He gave them former occasion the delay c w o l l i l i s c e li qu h e n a d c e t o a f k t Bill, after being carried by was vot a e ta o l f ItTo the measure. The the sooner the measure was pro ceeded delay lost, and t ) he I House thereby brought suggestion fordelay, he traded the Hon. Member Hon. Membns, was in into great discredit.--(Hear, hear. would bring forward the measurelt once • ndi for Oldham :if meeting aKy a could be could not finish the discussion that day, it pro tracted till to-morrow night. It' it was alj e ounc tin to-morrow evening, he had no doubt the lion. and Learned Member for Cork, and other Hon. Mem bers, who had motions on the paper, would give way, so as to bring the discussion to a conclusion. If the lion. and Learned Member and the other Hon. Gentlemen who had motions did not interfere, he (Mr. Bankes) had no doubt the debate would be concluded by that time. He hoped that his Hon. Friend would persist in Lis motion. What he had principally risen for was to express a hope that the Right Hon. Gentleman would take the Thursdays to himself at once. Mr. FORSTER said this was a most importi:.nt question; but before it was decided he certainly thought that they should adopt measures for giving the people food. His Hon. Friend the Member for Durham had, at the commence mencement of the session, presented a petition, signed by 7,000 of the inhabitants of Shetland. He was not surprised that those people should leave petitioned that House. He had, on Monday last, received a paper which detailed the state of distress which was existing in the Shetland Islands. The inhabitants of those islands were 32,000 in number, depending chiefly upon fish. Their agricultural produce was very scanty, and during te la seaon ws more scanty than ever. - The Hon. Gentle h man st here s read a a document which stated that great distress existed in the Shetland Wands. The inhabitants only traded in fish, and their chief customers were the Spaniards. The Spanish mer chants would be glad to send corn in exchange, but the corn law prevented it. A Spanish vessel was actually now on her way to Shetland in ballast, and she would have taken corn lif the repeal of the corn• laws could be depended upon. Mr. coWPEII rose to order. He thou;lit this was an I unfair mode of getting rid of the discussion on the Factory I Bill. The SPEAZER was understood to say that the liou, Gentleman was in order, as the question was whether the order of the day should be proceeded with. The Hon. Gentle man was at liberty to show that in his opinion another' order of the day ought to be taken. Mr. FORSTER was again proceeding, when Mr. T. DUNCOMBE lose to order. He must say that the Hon. Gentleman's reading the document, from the Shetland Islands, looked very like an indirect mode of defeating the discussion on the F;ctory Bill. Mr. FORSTER repudiated this charge, and said he had no such intention. The SPEAKER decided that the Hon. Gentleman was in order. Mr. FORSTER proceeded. He had already said .hat he did not deny the importance of the Factory Bill, but he thought their first duty was to legislate to give the people an increased supply of food. He could assure the House that the utmost stagnation existed in commercial circles, in consequence of the delay which had taken place in the progress of the Government measures. He understeod that a Noble Lord in another place, not very successful in his legislative measures, intended to hoist the standard against the Government measure? What would he the effect of any mutilation of that measure. It was a gene ral opinion among the greet body of the merchants that something of that sort would take place. Commerce was a timid bird, and would not take its flight in a storm. r. GIBSON—TiIe question brought before the House was a pressing emergency—a question of present starvetioe—a question of people not having a sufficiency of food l'r their subsistence. The Factory Bill was not of such a pees:leg na ture as that of the Hon. Member's with reference to the Shetland rides. Irish distress had been brought Le--fore the House, why should not the c'ise of the people of the Shetland leies he considered? lie thought that Hon. Gen tlemen on the opposite side came down to the House for the purpose of putting the Government in a minority rather than to support the Factory Bill.— (No, no, and hear, hear.) The House should bear in mind that the people of the Shetlend Isles did not conic to Parliament intimating in their eeti lion that they wanted a grant o f money f ur the promotion of public works, or for giving the means of employment to the people of the Shetland Isles. All they ask is that the House would remove those prohibi t i ons w hi c h prev ented them from exchanging the fish w hi c h t h ey catc h f o r the corn and meal of other countrie s . I t i s the i r op i n i on that much of their distress would be alleviated if those prohibi tions were removed. Could the Right Hon. Baronet explain to the House the grounds of his refusing to allow these poor and starving inhabitants of Shetland, the power of ex changing their fish for the corn and meal of other countries? Had he provided them with ships or with fishing tackle. Or in any way facilitated the progress of their industry? Why did the Right Hon. Baronet insist upon their paying tolls on their fish for the benefit of himself and other landed proprietors of this count:y? It would be of great benefit.to the people if they were allowed to exchange their fish for corn and meal. Many families were on the very brink of starvation. The potato crop had failed. There were Spanish ships which could deliver them a slimily of corn if they were allowed to do so. Hon. Members opposite were delaying public busi ness night after night in that House.—("No,no,"from the Op position.) The Home was entitled to call upon them to relieve the starvation of the people. While theywere persevering in their opposition to the Corn Bill they were contributing to the starvation of those , people.—(" No, no," and cheers.) He was discharging a public duty in thus - pressing on the attention of the House the condition of the inhabitants of the Shetland Isles, and he considered it was as sacred a duty as could be performed by any Member of that House. He thought that the House should first settle the great questions which were then before them (the Corn and Customs Importation Act) before they proceeded with the consideration of other business. He hoped that the Factory Bill would not then be interposed between the Corn and Customs Bill. The public mind could not entertain so many measures at one and the same time, neither could that House legislate upon several questions at the same time in a proper manner. No delay should be allowed to intervene in the carrying out of the measures brought forward by her Ma jesty's Government. Sir R. H. INGLIS said that motives had been imputed to Hon. Members on his side of the House that it was their in tention to place the Government in a minority rather than to support the Factory:Bill. lie begged to state that they would • not yield to any person on the other side in attachment to the sacred -cause which had brought them down to that House to-day, and which had brought them together upon other occasions when they were more happily united, and when it was still more painful for them to differ from the Government. Mr. FIELI)EN, after presenting two hundred and thirty petitions in favour of the Factories Ten Hours' Bill, proceeded to draw the attention of the House to the deplorable condi tion of the factory children. The Honourable Gentle man—as he always is—was perfectly inaudible in the gallery, and in consequence of his not having favoured us in a similar manner as he did the other morning papers with a copy of his speech, we are wholly unable to give anything like a report. Mr. AINSWORTH seconded the motion of the Hon. Member for Oldham. lie believed that if the Government consented to the passing of this Bill they would satisfy all parties. Some change was evidently necessary for the people employed in factories, scarcely any time being allowed for their instillvt ion. Mr. HUME sa!d that this measure would no doubt be satisfactory to the greater part of those employed in the cotton manufactories. From the number of petitions that had been presented to the House, he was hound to believe, that this Bill would be desirable to the working classes. But it was because lie thought that a more dangerous proceeding to the interests of the country could not possibly be enter tained, that he thought it was the duty of those who be lieved that such a proceeding should • be opposed, that he came forward to oppose this measure, which, in his opinion, was calculated ultimately to bring ruin upon the beet interests of the country ; He had on no occasion shown himself indifferent to the inter ests of the working clas , ee—(Herr, hear)—on the contrary. he prided himself on having, on various occasions, en deavoured, as far as he was able, to free the labouring artizan from all the trammels of monopoly under which be existed.— (Hear, hear.) And he did wish to submit to the House what had been the consequence since that great and important change which he had been instrumental in effecting. He submitted, too, that if the House assented to this Bill, they would be aciing in direct contradiction to the great priticiale of fres trade, which they had lately adopted.—(Hear, hear.) This Bill was contrary to the common sense and the good sense of the House, to remov, , at trammels on the capital of industry whilst they proposed at the same time to impose trammels on what was equally important—the capi , al of the labouring man.—(Hear, hear.) It was not only an imposi tion on the capital of the labouring man, but also on the capital of the manufacturer, who employed him, and he ventured to say that if this principle were carried out it would end in the destruc tion of the interests of both employer and employee , . —(Hear, hear.) And it was on this grinned that he opposed any compromise on this question. He objected to anything that would admit the pri nc i p l e that t h e H ouse had toent m er e t a tn rec_ th (H e consider ation of ft t whatever hisnost injurious any right ) Although he had paid th e greatest attention w hil s t the Hon. Member who moved th e second reading of t h e Bill was speaking, he could not h ear one single word of what he said.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") H e , therefore, knew no ear, on h si e d a e r r . c thing of what had fallen from him, but he knew his opinions, having seen reports of his speeches deli ' vered in other places on' this subject. He was therefore compelled to confine himself to the opinions expressed by the Honourable Gentleman that had seconded the motion of the Honourable Member for Oldham.—( Hear.) But he hoped that they had arrived at that time when the principles of commercial restrictions would be clearly understood.—(Hear, hear.) It did not appear to him, however, if they put shackles on the manufactures, they would be able to meet the demand in the markets which has given employment to so many millions of their fellow-countrymen. The result, would b% that they will be thrown out of employment and the manufacturers will remain idle. You will then have not complaints that they are over-worked, but that they cannot get work. Again. if the manufacturer is limited, what would be the result ? The millions must stand still, and they would re gret the day when they besought you to impose these restrictions. He was against this Bill. No trammel &mold be imposed on the manufacturer save in the case of children of tender age; and when a Bill was brought in for their protection, he well remembered, telling the Right Honourable Gentleman that it would be used as a precedent, and the principle would not be limited, but would go on from stage to stage. It they agreed to a Ten Hours' Bill, they would have one fur ei g ht hours pro posed before long. It was true it was a hard thing that men should be compelled to labour fur twelve hours, and that no limitation should be enforced to alleviate their hardships; if he considered that it was possible to enforce any limitation, he would be the very first to afford it—lie meant any alleviation which could be afforded with out destroying the principle on which their livelihood de pends. And it was because he could judge of results, and because he felt that if they carried out their request, that they would be laying the foundation of future distress, that he opposed the present aseasure. He would like to know on what principle they claimed a right of interference in private rights. He would suppose a case. He had three hundred people on his estate; he had no means of employing more than one hundred at agricultural labour; how would he employ the other two hiandrod? why, by manufactures alone There was no mole by which he could empl.T ::hem unless he was placed in a position, in regard to the produce of fo reign countries. that he could give them employment in ma nutactures. Unless he was able to supply his produce at a rate by which he could co• npete w i th foreigll manufacturers, the effect would be that he could not employ then in manu factures, and they would be driven back on agricul ture for support. With regard to a glut in the market, there would not be any, but the want of the means of purchasing. The cheaper the article the larger would it be purchased, and the greater the demand. It was . net fair to the manufacturers of this country to be stopped in working their machinery two hours a day, when it was n in order to compete with foreign necessary they should do .so g producers. It was the right of a manufacturer, in the first his own interest as a capita ist, and in place, to attend to .. the second place to regulate his affairs as to the part ieswhom he employed. In such circumstances it was not fair to step in and say that they must not employ their machinery for twelve hours a day. The prosent Bill confines a maeufac turer only to work his machinery ten hours a day s or else not to employ parties, in which case the latter would be driven to the union. Toe principle which was inapplicable to one case was inapplicable to the country generally • , and in his opinion they could not take a worse step than to interfere with the industry of the coutitr 3. Hence it was that, in a measure of suc h national importance, he suggested that it should not be disc4sed in a thin House and while so nutty Committees were He appealed to the House if such a principle of interference sitting. as he had cited was admissible, and if nut Why seek to extend it; to the whole country 2—( Hear, hear,)l deplored more than he did the long hou rs and hard labour o f No one the English operatives, and none could b e more anxious t o support any measure to expand thei r m i nds them in the scale of being, but he and elevate present Bill because he believed it woulOtlppbo:ed the injurious. Master and labourer should be left a highly ' feet liberty to make the best bargain they could withoutt per interference. If such a measure was carried, it any impossible to continue the same rate of wages. Mr. r ogld 1e and three other gentlemen, had been sent down intenior, manufacturing districts, to inquire into the effect N o vi the which the reduction of one hour per day would have on the and the rate of wages. They had inquired into the r e es ai p i e c tal tive influence of 12 hours, 11 hours, and 30 hours daily • and Mr. &ilia had repeated that a large proportion of ; the profits of machinery arose from the 11th and 12th hour's work. If that was the case the House wou ld see how v a i n i t was to limit the home of labour in factories. If Hon. Members on the other side would provide a fund to supply the those who would be turned out of employment in consequence of of such bad legislation, he would then be prepared.equence port the measure. He protested against any doctrinesup that interfered with the capital of labour. The Him. Member concluded by moving, " That the Bill be read a . . second time this day six months." Mr. WARD eccoaded the amendment. Sir G. STRICKLAND was of opinion that many who had opposed legislation on this subject were rather shaken in their convictions. Even the Hon. Membe r who had l as t addressed the Howe (BIL 40 : 0 9d upon uo ye ry high ground in his opposition. If the law were to be left in its present state it would have the effect of requiring a labour of fourteen hours, instead of twelve. He thought the Hon. Member had done well in putting this as a case of humanity. Sir J. GRAHAM said that although upon personal grounds he was unwilling this morning to interpose himself in the course of this debate, yet, as the question now stood, it was expedient that some member of the Government should state the course that Government intended to adopt. The Honourable Member who had just sat down had truly remarked that this subject had undergone much consideration in the course of the present Par liament. On former occasions, when it had been fully dis cussed, it was his duty to state to the House the principles which guided him in coming to a discussion on the question which they were then debating. That question was of' paramount importance, and most decidedly of great interest. It had been his duty carefully to re consider all these opinions upon the subject, 'and he was bound to state to the House that his opinions had undergone no change, after the most careful consideration he could bestow on the subject, refore it was his duty t o concur with the Hon. Member ' noer ror d eMon trose in resistin g th e further progress of the 811 (Hear.) Now, he would s h ort l y refer to s o me of the top i ic . s — broeched in the course of the debete. It was urged by some Hnn. Members, and p ar ti cu l arly by the Honourable Member for Preston, that they ought to make some compromise on this question, but he th oug h t that the time hail e' gone by when it was prudent to adopt any such course. Already the Legislature bad re s t r i c t e d the hours of labour for children to twelve hours, while children und er t h e age of eight years were restricted altogether from working infactoriesvcon-f con nected with four b ranches of the manufacture the country—cotton, woollen, silk, and fle T;le hours of labour for persons between the aces of twelve and sixteen wer e li m i ted to twelve, rid in some factories the hours of labour for children between the ages of six and thirteen were restricted to six hours and a h if per day, while the Acts of Parliament, which made these reetrietione, provided most amply f,r the edueatien of the c'iiidree during the leisure hours. Having said thus much, he would entreat the House to consider the immense magnitude of the subject they were discussing. First, with reference to our trade. What proportion did the four branches of manufac ture he had mentioned bear to the exports of the country? He said fearlessly that three-quarters of the value of' the whole exports, amounting to between thirty and forty mil lions, were connected with these four branches of manufacture. Now, with regard to wages. How did these four branches stand? They paid in wages 225,000/, a week, while at least half a million of the popula tion of the country were dependent for their livine on these four branches of manufacture. He . sithr, — therefore, if they committed an error in their legislation upon this subject it was no trifling error, as it touched the staple menu factures of the country, a great portion of the. foreign trade of the country, affected the industry of half a million of the most industrious of their population, and touched also the circulation to the amount of nearly a quarter of a million per week.—(Cries of" Hear, hear.") It was impossible, therefore, that th e y cou ld consider a question of more frightful importance as bearing upon the interests of either the whole country or particular classes, hut he objected to the time at which they were called to discuss this matter, or in its being discussed at all now, because it had already, in the course of the present. Parlia ment, undergone the most full and ample consideration. — (Hear, hear.) It had been stated by one Hon. Member that the working classes were disappointed in the conduct of that House, but he for one absolutely denied that the House had ever pronounced an opinion in favour of a Ten Hours' Bill. It was true, Lord Ashley, on a former occasion moved an amendment to a factory Bill that the hours should be limited to ten instead of twelve, but that amendment was negatived by a majority of 395 to 158. (Cheers.) And this Bill, in fact, was to carry out that amendment of Lord Ashley. But, as he had before observed, there were circumstances which rendered the discussion of this matter at the present time most inopportune. There were in the first place, the Government measures of the present session, some of which had already come into operation, while others had not. The resolution authorising removal of the restrictions on the importation of corn, and articles used in, the making of bread, had not yet come into force, while our home manufacturers had at once been placed in free competition with their foreign rivals. Ten per cent. of the duties enforced on the cotton, and 15 per cent. on the woollen- trade, had already been removed.—(Hear). What were capital and labour ? Somebody had said, " Don't treat this question as one of pounds, shillings, and pence."--(Hear, hear.) What were wages, and what was capital? Was there any difference between them? They could not consider the questions of capital and la bour separately. And now, with respect to the effect of this measure, if they attempted to abrido the hours during which machinery was in action from 12 to 10 hours, they would diminish the time of labour one .fifth ; and the effect of the measure, if they adopted it, would be a reduction either in the profits or the prices. —(Hear, hear.) He believed the intensity of foreign competition actually prohibited a rise in the price of all our great branches of manufacture—(Hear, bear)—and he, therefore, held that a rise in price was a part of this question. There must be a reduction in the profits or in the wages •, and what would be the effect of a reduction of the profits? The capita ' list's only resource if his profits were diminished would be to reduce the wages of his work-people. That was the only justifiable and necessary course for him to take.—(Hear;) Now he hail heard something said about the possibility that the slime amount of work would be produced even if the hours ef labour were reduced from twelve to eleven hours per day.—(Hear.) He had heard an Hon: Gentleman cheer, and seeing the quarter whence that cheer came, he must say that he had every possible respect for the opinions of the Hon. Member. But he held in his hand a statement respecting the results of the experiments f Messrs. Horrocks, the extensive manufacturers. who had recently reduced the hours of labour in their mills from twelve to eleven hours per day. That statement appeared in the Manchester Guardian of' the 4th of April, and it appeared from that statement that the effect of the reduction of the hours of labour was a reduction of 6i per cent. in the ' amount of goods manufactured—(Bear, hear)—and he ' thought that he was quite correct in his calculations that the effect of the reduction of the hours of labour would, to the extent sought by the Bill, have the effect of reducing the profits of the ',manufacturer 16 per cent. But, as he had already said, he believed that in a series of years the employers of the labourer in the manufac turing districts would, in self-defence, propose a reduction of wages to the extent that this Bill was calculated to effect. Let them also take into their consideration the other view of the case. What would be the effect of that reduction of the wages of the labouring . poor? The capital of the working man was his lahour.—( Hear, hear.) It was the hard lot of mart " that by the sweat of his brow he must earn his bread," and it was also the curse of mankind tbat in sorrow and hard labour was it that breed must generally be earned. Then let them take care that whilst acting, no doubt with the purest and most phi lanthropic motives, they did not increase that sorrow and toil.—(Hear, hear.) He knew of nothing mare ho nourable, more laudable, or more worthy of the en couragement and admiration of the higher classes than to endeavour to shorten the long hours of the patient and industrious of the labouring classes.—(Hear. hear.) But let them take care that they did not throw any impediment in the way of the poor, patient, and hard working man, who strived to obtain a living for himself and his family.—(Hear, hear.) If they increased their poverty (as he contended would be the effect of this Bill), they would run the risk of corrupting their morals.—(Hear, hear.) If they degraded their station he was satisfied they would corrupt their morality.—(Hear, bear.) Any measure of this kind was fatal to the independence of the working classes and the destruction of that independence would be surely fatal to their morals.—(Hear, hear.) Nothing could be more fatal to that independence than the alteration of the present system of labour. He had received several petitioue from all parts of the country, stating that the effect of such a measure would be to reduce the amount of the profits of the manufacturer 16 per cent. Whatever the mea sures of the Legislature might be, the effect of that measure would be, not to mitigate this evil in any way. All he asked was, that they would proceed with caution, and not depart' from any decision of their own aid down, so as to cause a violation of a principle. to which the House of Commons had, in its legislative capacity, already acceded. He, as a member of the Govern ment, acting in conformity with the other Members, felt it his duty to oppose this Bill. Mr. COWPER moved that the debate be adjourned. Mr. COLQUHOUN thought that it would be better if the debate were continued till six o'clock. Dr. BOWRING said there were a number of other orders of the day to be disposed of, and he really considered that it would be hard if the debate should be continued so as to make them dropped orders. Sir ROBERT PEEL did not see why they should adjourn the debate at so early a period, therbvy losing half an hour. Mr. COWPER said if the sense of the House was against his motion he would not persevere with it, it was to prevent the other orders of the day from becoming dropped. The motion was then withdrawn. Mr. M. PHILLIPS said, that frequently as the present subject had been introduced there had been no attempt made by its advocates to disprove a fact which he considered of the utmost importance. In former times they were frequently attempted to be seduced into a support of the Ten Hours'Bill by the allegation that there would be an equal quantity of work done in ten as there was in twelve hours. But now the fallacy of that statement had been entirely exposed. Experiments had been made by ma nufacturers, and he was then able to rtand up in his place, and say that it was utterly impossible with ten hours' work to perform the same amount of business as was done in twelve. Well, then. it comes to this plain question, can the persons employed in the different branches of trade live on ten hours' pee-F—(ll2er.) lie stated iii that House formerly, that if they would take the question by ballet, of the working classes whether they would prefer ten hours' pay to twelve hours the question would ba at once settled, and they would unanimously prefer the latter. It was very singular, in the number of strikes which had taken place amoug the working classes, if they were so anxious for the measure. that they had never attempted to obtain it. Taking the question in a political and economical point of view, he con sidered, that in agreeing to it, they could do nothing that would tend so much to inflict evil on the labouring com munity of this country. He cordially concurred in what had fallen from the Right Hon. Gentleman (Sir J. Graham), and he was persuaded the Government, in deciding to oppose the Bill, were doing the best thing, not only to protect the com mercial interests of the country, but also the best interests of those who lived by labour. On these grounds he opptsed the second reading of the Bill.—(Hear, hear). Mr. GEORGE BANKES then moved the adjournment of the debate till to-morrow night. The SPEAKER said it was not competent for the Hon. Member to Drew it to any precise time. Mr. BANKES then simply moved the adjournment. He hoped Hon. Members who had motions would postpone them in order to allow the debate to come off. He hoped also the Government, who had the Coercion Bill adjourned debate for the same night, would give way to this arrange ment. Mr. HAWES said he had a motion, the first on the p a p er , to-morrow ni g ht, an d as he had already twice given way he should certainly not do so on the present occasion. Sir R. PEEL would be willing to fall into any arrange ment that might be come to, to allow the present debate to come off to-morro w n i g h t; st i ll there was an understanding with the Irish Members, that if there was any time to-morrow night, the debate on the Irish Protection Bill should be resumed He'must say, however, to Hon. Members, that when the Corn Bill was under discussion there was no disposition shown to allow the eiscussion on thatißill to proceed day by day. Still he would be willing, with the concurrence of the Irish Members, that the debate on the Irish Bill should be taken on Friday, at five o'clock, so as to liberate to-morrow night. After a few words from Mr. T. Duncombe, Sir R. Peel, and Mr. Fielders, the debate was adjourned. The other orders of the day were then disposed of, and the House rose at six o'clock. Rolls ADMISSION OF SOLICITORS.--The Master of the Irts appointed Wednesday, May 6, at the Rolls Court, Chancery lane, at a quart er -p as t th ree o 'clock in the afternoon, f or sw e arin g in solicitors ; anti it is intimated that every person desirous of being sworn must leave his common law atiirris*loll and cer""te at the laNtgterir's valcs vu or Wore Mu.r LITERATURE. THE FOREIGN QUARTERLY REVIEW. No. LXXIII. 141. de Lamartine, some days since, in the French-Cham ber of Deputies, took occasion to advert to the conquests lately made by the English, and enumerated among them the isle of Borribo. This is a fact not known to Englishmen, for the only result of the late war against the pirates is understood to be the cession of the small island of Labuan to the British by the Sultan of Borneo. He or some other chiefs still rule over the whole of the large island, with the exception of James Brooke, who happens to be Rajah of Sarawak. It was to the posi tion and authority of this singular individual, and not to the occupation of Labuan, probably, that the French.. man alluded to, and he therefore could not have paid a higher compliment to the system of colonisation adopted by the English, and the admirable working of the system in almost every part of the globe. One Englishman, first of all, by his enterpri6ing spirit, humane views, and perhaps romantic turn of mind, gets a footing on a small spot in Borneo, reconciles the na tives to his parson end authority; and the conquest of the whole island, therefore, M. de Lamartine se-ems to think must f Bow as a matter of course. In the pre sent number of the Foreign Quarterly we have a very graphic account of this James Brooke, and some of his adventures up to the period of his settlement in that country. Speaking of him, tl-e reviewer says, "It is customary to set up romance as a sort of standard of comparision, but romance has nothing of the kind to show. Mr. Brooke is a hero much greater than a writer of fiction would have dared to invent. It would, in fact, scarcely have been safe, because it would have outraged probability to endow an imaginary character with half the great and good qualities which evidently belong to this man." His history certainly is remark able, and th e f o ll ow i ng sketch, drawn by an old intimate will enabletll plansreader to formof Thisan ideataj. Rajah the of g an ra i n f d rie'd ' and philanthropic Sarawak : " Mr. Brooke was the second, and is now the only sur viving son of the late Thomas Brooke, Esq., the civil service c' service of the hart Indi a C ompany; was boil on the 29th of April, 1803; went out to India as a cadet, where he held advantageous situations. and distinguished himself by his gallantry in the Burmese war. He was shot through the body in an action with the Burmese, received the thanks of the Goverament,:and returned to England for the recovery of his prostrated strenth. He resumed his station. but shortly afterwards relinquished the service, and in sisatch of health and amusement, left Calcutta for China in 1830. In this voyage, while going up the China seas, he saw fur the first time the islands of the Asiatic Archipelago—islands of vast importance and unparalleled beauty—lying neglected and almost unknown. He inquired and read, and became convinced that Borneo and the Eastern Isles afforded an open field for enterprise and research. To carry to the Malay races, so long the terror of the European merchant vessel, the blessing of civilisation, to suppress piracy, and extirpate the slave-trade, became his humane and generous objects; and from that hour the energies of his powerful mind were devoted to this one pursuit - Often foiled— , often disappointed, with a perseverance and enthusiasm which defied all obstacles, he was not until 1838 enabled to set sail from England on his darling project. The intervening years had been devoted to preparation and inquiry—a year spent in the Mediterranean had tested his vessel, the Royalist, and his crew—and so completely had be studied his object, and calculated on contingencies, that the least sanguine of hi 3 friends felt as he left the shore, hazardous and unusual as the enterprise appeared to be, that he had omitted no thing to insure a successful issue. ' I go,' said he, to awake the spirit of a slumbering philanthropy with regard to these islands ; to carry Sir Stamford Raffles' views in Java over the whole archipelago. Fortune and life I give freely; and if I fail in the attempt, I shall not have lived wholly in vain.' " In the admiration I feel for him, I may further be per mitted to add, that if ever any man possessed in himself the resources and means by which such noble designs were to be achieved, that man was James Brooke! Of the most enlarged views, truthful and generous, quick to acquire and appreciate; excelling in every manly sport and exercise ; elegant and accomplished ; ever accessible ; and, above all, prompt and determined to redress injury and relieve mis fortune, he was of all others the best qualified to impress the native mind with the highest opinion of English cha racter." He has succeeded far beyond what any imagination but his own anticipated. In 1838 he set out on his expedi tion, and after numerous adventures, now enjoys almost complete sovereignty over Sarawak, a country of consi derable extent, and rich in mineral and vegetable produc tions. His exertions, guided by discretion, and deep in sight into human nature, have given him dominion over men of different nations and creeds, and placed him in a situation in which he may at the same time soften the asperities of the savage character, and open up im portant commercial relations with his own countrymen. The occupation of Labuan will be of service in that respect. as it bids fair to become a mostimportant station ami , ist the countless islands that lie between Borneo and New Guinea, and Cant-n, and the coast of Australia. The island abounds with inexhaustible mines of the best coal, said, with the exception of those of New Holland and India, to be the only coal mines in that part of the world, and it may therefore be regarded as an acquisition —though not so great as that imagined by M. de Lamar tine—destined to be of important service in the event of war, and of immediate use for commercial shipping. There are several other articles in the Number, that may be read with advantage. That on the " Progresistas and Moderados in Spin," will enable the reader to form a tolerably correct idea of the state of parties in that coun try, of the conduct of Narvaez and the Queen Mother, and some other of the statesmen, all unequal to the task, who have successively been placed at the head of affairs. The influence of Narvaez at C. urt, the writr seemed to think remained undiminished, and his appointment of Generalissimo gave him more power than ever. This was written after the downfall of the Hoses Ministry ; and the writer, perhaps to show that he was right as to the influence of Narvaez, announces, in a postscript, that the next Cabinet, that of Milaflores, had been broken up by the arbitrary will and pleasure of General Narvaez, who had also suspended the Cortes and abolished the liberty of the press. He ought really to have g;ven a second postscript, announc ing that Narvaez himself had been dethroned and ba nished from Spain. The article on the war in the Pun jaub is written in a very unfair spirit, and with a degree of malevolence and misrepresentation unbecoming a re spectable journal. According to the writer's views, Sir Henry Hardinge is an imbecile, and " has proved him self to be a political Don Quixote, who erected immense windmills, that he might encounter the labour of overthrowing them." His Quixotism " has studded the whole land with widows and orphans," and his great, his unpardonable crime is, that he had not an at my of 50,000 men posted on the banks of the Sutlej. It is of no use to reason with a man who can maintain such an absurd proposition. The only information in the article is contained in a postscript, giving a view of the casualties in the modern battles of India as compared with those of Waterloo. We seleet a few :—At Water loo the Joss was 1 in 6 ; at Assaye, 1 in 3 ; Meanee, 1 in 11 ; and at Fc:rozeshah and Moodkee, 1 in 6. The writer, with characteristic unfairness, does not give the proportion at the battle at Sabraon (it was not 1 in 10), nor even mentions that decisive action. BELLS AND POMEGRANATES. No. VIII.: and Last. By Robert Browning. Paracelsus was, alas! delusive; naturally, we are dis inclined to believe so ; we looked towards Robert Browning as one destined to interrupt the general utilitarianism of the present age with gleams of genuine and lasting poetry. Our expectations have been woe fully deceived, and, as we say this emphatically though unwillingly, our opinion is a positive one. " Soniello" afforded us an inkling that the chief excellencies of " Paracelsus" were promises never likely to be fulfilled, and this feeling has been confirmed by the successive numbers of that serial mélange which the author, in a beautiful spirit of eccentricity, christened "Bells and Pomegranates," and of which the present part is the conclusion. It would be preposterous as well as unju - it to attach such a comprehensive meaning to our words of condemnation as would embrace the entire structure of these works : it would be prepos terous, since a man with so much imagination and spon taneous delicacy of thought as Robert Browning could not possibly produce fifty lines of blank verse without somteting choice, and new, and worthy of applause: it would be unjust, since criticism should forego a ll tendency to acerbity, and as readily admit the success fulness, as it condemns the ambitious failure. T here are adroit turnings of phrase, and a certain musica l intonation of the rhythm that charm the ear; there are fragmentary indications of character and subtle turns of thought exqoi,itely conceived of themselves. But what we especially note as a deficiency is that grasp over the entirety of his subject, that eye to a poetical oneness which can alone ensure the permanent excellence of a poem. In this particular —so utterly es:sngal for a drinker of the hippocrene—Mr. Browning is deficient. The pciur 0. t re oahp gold Johnson, oy i n s h t t h eh e wa r t e—rich,word sp l u ye r l e cto , an pupdtieedddwpitltoehnstihlua incrustations,ul — s p b o u r plentiful—but, to b o debased by i m p ur i t i es, and mingled with a mass meaner minerals ;"—besides which, as we have already intimated, it lacks that symmetry of application which can alone stamp it with such a signet as will enable it to pass current with posterity. Mr. Browning may re deem his position ; we are fain to think and hope so ; and we turn anxiously towards the future for a con firmation of the idea, Infinitely better for him to have lapsed into a bewildering silence, like the Greatest of our Young Poets, Alfred Tennyson, than to have pub lished " Sordello," and his recent succession of poems. He may, however, by maturing, by obtaining such a mastery of his fancy as that to which we have alluded, produce works more worthy of a judicious enthusiasm— " things of beauty" that shall " live for ever." We can do nothing but anticipate and yearn, and we do so earnestly, because in Robert Browning we recognise an intellect lavish and exuberant in its riches, but the wealth of which is rendered null and profitless by some thing approaching either to precipitation or carelessness. Hence do we hie him forward on a less devious path among the plenteous vegetation of Parnassus. Upon a fly-leaf of the present number our author bringsßea for wardand an apologia for his quaint heading, ~ Pomegranates"—a title, says he, "meant only to sate an enleavour towards something like an alternation, or mixture of music with discoursing , sound with thus sense, poetry with thought, which boobs too ambitious explanation ex pressed, so the symbol was preferred." This must undoubtedly be accepted as suffici s en u t, e th e o ve u n gh th w a ' n e vg rust aeknowledge it somewhat more e inl wishall allusion he en twoulde the metaphysics yt h es i i s ems e xer.f -pthll'a‘tsiyomn,b"osla"iditsßeyl-f.ron4,‘ we might apply the same ex when he actually infers . a distinction o A Soul's poetry and thought. Coleridge;Br (. iwnincr Tragedy, " Luria," in five the former and final number. Without say qu! spirit of it is a rapid aePs-,restsiloon between " in two parts, e f r o i r t m ; the contentsstionof this eighth has the advantage in m the action, but seldom train of resolves ever tending towards„ Bruck) . is a rising into anything but argument.snd no less happily defined. character happilyimagined occasionally The languagseloivnesth,icbbutthesomdisatihmgeusesoarrewecomucighttedt si: speak) solid and picturesqle. Witness that passage uttered by the secretary:— it Here I sit your scribe, And in and out goes Luria, days and nights; This Paccio comes; the ''door his other friend, Husain • they talk—all that's feigned easily ; He speaks (I woald not listen if I could), Reads, orders, counsels; but be rests sometimes— I we him stand and eat, sleep streehed an hour On the lynx-skins yonder; lull his bared black arms Into the sun frown the to ; Ilugh lVhen his horse drops the forage from his teeth And neighs to hear him hum his Moorish songs : That man believes in Florence, as the saint Tied to the wheel believes in God !" One who can write such spontaneoUs music is surely' capable of better things than this jumble of bells and pomegranates ; the keen limning of that single incident is in itself eminently beautiful—the tawny barbarian holding his "bared arms into the sun," through the cool doorway of the tent, laughing when his horse starts from its meal upon the sward, and neighs to hear its master humming some well-remembered "Moorish song," is most happily grouped—grouped as a poet alone could group it. Besides which it is suffased with a tender air of melancholy, clearly felt, but indefinable withal. "Bells and Pomegranates" are finished and have failed —we would fain cry with Sir Hugh Evans, There be pippins and cheese,to come yet," trustful that Robert Browning will in the end afford us some sterling English poetry. THE CONFESSIONS OF A PRETVY W OM AN By Miss Pardoe. 3 Vols. The title of this novel is no doubt an attractive one, but the contents are most unsatisfactory. It is brilliant, effective, certainly clever, but. there is a want of truth in the pharacters so admirably delineated—of reality in the incidents so graphically described. Truth is as es sential to a novel as to a history; the one is a record of events, and facts, and dates—of the outward deeds and doings of men ; the other should lay bare their secret thoughts and feelings—should give a faithful picture of life —a veritable history of the human heart. These volumes may do this, but we can hardly think it. They certainly convey a moral lesson; they tend to expose the fatal influence of a worldly spirit and a perverted education; on 1 every page is stamped •‘ all, all is vanity. The confessions are supposed to be written by .ne whose youth was blighted, whosew hole hope end happiness withered by the moral contagin to which she beauty;" ty e7o a s exposed o ; ui o n n , e aennddao wweodm:ynithof"ftashehiofna her cradle, panting for admiration, to obtain them. Everyehlt7p9e better things without the coura , - , o pursue . or the hap pinessprospec! destroyed, in seclusion and solitude she r ' a 't dreaming h :: a e el d v , en giftf v r e c r ' of om y f over her sorrows anti the sins which caused them.ouraSos far a leison, rind a good lesson, may be learned;and yet we cannot lay aside these really interesting and at tractive volumes without feeling considerable doubt as to the truth of their representations, or having Our good opinion of human nature greatly lowered —and the former alternative we should moat certainly prefer. lire cannot, we will not, believe that the brilliant and fan tastic heroes and heroines of the tale are faithful transcripts of real men and women. We cannot be lieie that a Lady Madeleine ever existed—a woman whose vanity and whose passion for adulation cost a blight upon all who approached her—friends, admirers, husband, children ; neither will we believe Sir James Dornton ever to have had a living prototype. His cha racter is revolting, for it is unnatural. Many things have been done for the sage of gaining money, yet it will hardly be credited that a man—not a hardened, des perate character, but an easy, spoiled man of fashion— anxious to retrieve his fortune, after proposing to the rich widow, and being refused, enters into an engage ment with her daughter, who loves him devotedly, and to whom he is also attached, and then, at the capricious flies iefeahiri forts; p while i e n c t l ehs b es r i tw t o l e r s.eot hi h ee e tdy forsaken hda o st n i on e ng d i desire of the m ot h er, b ecomes the husband of the sister yiehseref h a ü b s b r e a k n e d n . despair. We w pe e n ed t s o a in m t o h r e e p h l u e m as a i n n g g a t h r d e e m n e , ; and the ere eare trust that Mi ss P ar d oe will in future devote her powerful u fl s w t o e r r s e c a e s i v well bouquet of sweets from her hand. In the meanwhil e these volumes may interest and amuse ;they will do no harm, for they carry their own antidote. RAILWAY LEGISLATION, The following protest against the new sessional orders has been entered by Lord Radnor upon the journals of the House of Lords:— QETIENT. "1. Because I thi n k it i D sIS unP N eemly, impolitic, and of bad example, that the Hou se s h ou ld, to meet the supposed emer gency of ! a particular case, alter by ex-post facto resolutions its own established regulations, and thus enable certain par ties to violate engagements which others had entered into with them on the faith of those regulations. • "2. Because such a proceeding impairs (if it does not totally destroy) the confidence which should be reposed on the regulations of this House. "3. Because the real purport and ultimate effect of these resolutions are not to bring about any public or national ob ject, connected with the construction of the proposed rail ways, but gratuitously to relieve parties (whether companies or private individuals) from engagements which they hare wantonly and heedlessly contracted. " 4. Because if it were expedient to put an end to these engagement , , the responsibility and onus of taking the neces sary steps for that purpoSe should be left to the parties them selves, and not be undertaken by the House. " 5. Because the House thus goes out of its way to inter pose in, and intermeddle wilh, the affairs of private parties. " 6. Becanie, iu truth, the parties kiterdetl thus to be re ' lieved have in many cases incurred their responsibilities without any view to the public good, but merely in the spirit of reckless gambling, for their own private gain, and have, therefore, no claim to so unusual an interposition on their behalf. " 7. Because the House thus bolds out an expectation that on future similar occasions it may be induced to afford similar relief; and thus, if it does not directly encourage such a spirit, it does not discourag- it, or throw such a stigma on it as according to every principle of sound policy and good morals it is bound to do. "8. Because this unprecedented and mischievous: proceed ing appears to me the more uncalled for, even in the view of its supporters, as there is now before the House a Bill which will enable the persons to whom these resolutions apply to effect the same object directly for themselves, and there is no reason to anticipate that it will not pass into a law." DISCOVERY OF SKELETONS IN MANCHESTER. The neighbourhood of the New Cross has been in a state of much excitement, in consequence of some men, employed in excavation, having discovered two human skeletons there. The excavators are employed in digging a branch sewer, near to, and parallel with, the easterly side of Oldham-road, at the New Cross, to con nect the property of Mr. Wolstencroft with the main sewer. The men came to the first body yesterday morn ing week, at a depth of about three feet only from the surface. It was in a coffin, the skeleton being entire, and a considerable quantity of dark, pitch-like fluid was at the bottom, which emitted a most horrible stench, probably being a portion of the body in a state of de composition. The workmen disengaged the skull, which being exhibited, and purchased from them by some passer-by, led to the matter being noised abroad, and a great crowd of people collected to witness the further operations of the excavators. At length, towards even ing, about seven feet from the first body discovered, and about five feet deeper in the earth, the workmen touched upon the foot of another coffin. The excitement upon this became almost past belief; and though there was no occasion in this case to have disturbed the repose of the dead, the end of the coffin was broken off, and one of the excavators actually cropt inside it, almost to the length of his body, that he might reach out the skull. When the much-sought prize was obtained and exhibited, the "fever of speculation" may be said to have attained its height, for the riot and confu sion were so great that the police were obliged to interfere. At the moment of their intervention, this second skull bad just been knocked down to a cabmart , belonging to the adjoining coach stand. o W e m b e l ie ve, ythe however, it was subsequently Lik te e r n re l d r agaihni at nigh t, presence police, c e and f b a y strong police order. During the rem t a h i e n m der p remains of s ui cides 1 law or usage, " rio_vratel.f supposed to be the Hea t h a l r o e r ei c nv e en o i n ng th i e t s r p e rt ir t e o d ke t e h p e the " old which the bodies of all persons skeletons s red there under These by slf committing suicide, and upon which a coroner's jury had given a verdict of "Febo de se" (being denied a place in " Christian" burial grounds), were interred in the pub. c r y e ' s ; i daendd for a eh t t o t shoemakert e u r p w parta r d g o o f f h 7 i o s f i e f e a years o t l h d e , ~,h i . c h o hig h h a w s neighbourhood, gates that he distinctly recollects two bodies of suicides being interred near the cross, ap proaching to 40 years ago, the ene being a male and the other a female. The former was a man named Smith, a boot• closer, who had :worked for Mr. Tysick, then a flourishing tradesman in " Market-street-lane." This man was said at the time to have committed suicide in consequence of an " affair of the heart" with a female , if some considerable per sonal attractions living in Milk-street, who kept a very disreputable establishment at the time, and h wh t ia, , tragic act, and an indictment at the su s b through the public feeling excited against her,,nty li s e e ln u i e t qui tted the ses sions she was compelled to give up, and run ners" of those days officiatingkeep to the sad scene. Of the town. The interment was at near spectators attracted to witne 's . ; known, beyond the fact midnight'o rde a t m he on " gth female nothing particu lar September, poison, and was buried a n nt t , he de 2 st 2 r d oy o ed f herself by 1808. The last interment .e is said to have been the that she was a domestic l h ar e s tr e he i r e l or • body of add that another place of sepulture in such cases may in the New a soldier, who committed suicide in 1821. We hung himself, was Bailey, named James Massey, w ho was Kersal Moor, where, in 1807, a prisoner . and in . tted," was a second e buried the same evening near the di distance cheadirin and th was a few days afterwards ex hum ed e ditch where old Grindrod was gibb ing machine.—Afanchester time exhumed, and finally b c trr u i a e r d d i i i an ear . t he S a lford weigh- , d , a S; b l a y t h t i th ief," Col burn, l c ... ----'--=----------- MAnrrox ; Ott, THE SOLDIER AND STATESMAN. , by the author of " Two Old 3 13y vo t i hs.e_RTheve. above 0 C v e r 0 workl .-, burn, and may _now be had at all the Libraries. Mr. C o t- L.L i; D pu . 'bl a is u h th ed or thl f s Col burn has also Jost published the following popular new Men's Tales," " Mount Sorel, ' &c.-3. Confessions of Pretty Woman, by Miss Pardoe, authoress of " The City a novels :-2. Emilia Wyndham, of the Sultan," &e.-4. The Robertses on their Travels, by lam T ro ll o pe.-5. Peers and Parvenus, by M Citi z en of Prague, edited by Mary 11 rs:owitt Gore,-6. The by H. F. Chorley, Esq.—And 8. The .-7. Pomfret. Queen of Denmark (Caroline Matilda, sister of George lI nu once, founded on the p r i va t e 9,anHistorical Re. communicatio ns Chamberlain . of the Queen's The statue of the Emperor Francis, erected on the Kastell-platz at Vienna, is to be uncovered on the 16th of June next. The Kings of Naples, Prussia, and Bavaria, are to b e P reee " at the ceremony. The Birmingham Peace Association have just for warded an address to the citizens of New York, signed by th.lr chairman, Joseph Sturge, and earnestly remonstrating with them on the subject of the present dispute about Oregon, and urging the triellthi 9f peace tu that city to use all their intitionCe to prevent war. '~ `"`y~ 9 1. 30 ~~~~..