The Sun. — London, England, 1846-05-16 00:00:00

f i eA, both landlords, farmers, tenants, and labourers, and they all • pay to their labourers.--(Laughter.) He would not, at that agreed with him in believing the price of food in this country late hour, enter into any statistical details on this question, regulated wages. Well, then, if they admitted wheat into and the only reason why he voted on it was because of very this country, which, comparatively speaking, cost little or general reasons, which after all were the best on- s. He nethine in its production, would it not reduce the income of could net believe that a eountrt like this, so fruitful in itself, the farmer. and the wage s of the lahonrer ?-( Hear, hear. ) would net be unproved in its agricutture, when farmers were Most assuredly it. would, or how would the British agricuitu- thrown upon their own resources, and when science was gist he able to compete with the foreigner, who had so many brought to bear upon' end to assist in this desired object It arivattraees in his favour. In some parts of the country, Cam- was to be remembered that agriculture, and the science which bridge for instance, the labour was paid according to the was so intimately connected with it, was )et in its infancy. price of wheat, a n d whenever that commodity r •se or fell in It might be urged againt this measure, that small farmers might price, the wages o f th e l a b oure r rose ar.d fell in correspnnding areue, that they had been encouraged in the cultivation of land, ratio-(Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Baronet had aere u ed which would'odterwwe be uncultivated, by the system of pro that the reverse was the case. hot he could assure the Right tection which had beet, afforded, and that they would suffer Hon. Barnet that he was mistaken. ruin if such protection were withdrawn. He doubted whether. Sir R. PEEL explained, that when he said waves ti d not under such circumstances, It would not have been preferable to -vary in the same ratio as the price of wheat, his statement ap- impose a small duty ut-on core, and he was surprised that the plied to pertirmiar coo tie., of which he gave exarntse, He Ri g ht Hen. Baronet, whose lame rested principally upon his certainly did argue, he admitted that the wage s of the mane- financial abilities, --bowel have risked the revenue which he had facto ing labourer varied in an inverse ratio with the price of raised apparently for no otectfic object. He temsidered that wheat,-(Hear, hear.) thie Bill eught to have been tried in a time of e nceperity, such Mr. H ITO w 0 N- After listening mos t attent i vely to thy as the 3 Gentlemantell gad tstunlem. that his v iews t m t given the friends eho sat behind him the advantage of the upon it had undermine no charge.-( Hear, hea r . t lie Arguments, and if he was succeeding now, his success would agreed with the Right Hen. Baronet. that cra m a a del not vary appear to be owing to means which he ought not to have used : in the -amt ratio es the price of wheat Latour. like every a t-d if he failed, as he sincerely trusted he would not, his failure ember article of eommere,e, w a s liable to comeetitinn, and would he attributed to dtssensi.ms ill this House ari•ieg fam •tshenever there were large importations of col -ea• from ahread his 0.11 policy. and to the opposition of another portion of tie it caused great deeirettice, amongst the mtrietthural interest, ' Legislature. and a eontecment oterfiew of labour in the market. -( gear. Air. MS'. AEU said that the Secretary of S ate, i n th e hear ) When the egtieultural dimmest fleurished, the mane- speech wide) , he bad made on the first night of the disclusion, facture thrived, and the questio n for them to eenairt e r was. had reminded Hon. Getilemen sitting on those be nc h es , ari d w.iulii tt'is initirove or injure the condition of the a tete& - orotetsieg opinions favouretOe to native industry, that they had twi s t. In his opinion it certainty would for i•ow. In the sound it necessary to depart from man; of the top.nions is hie}, p rev i,,risly prolea. eel, and t o g i ve up mane name of all that vas reasonable ceuid , he Britiah farmer cam the; had Pete w i th the foreigtier who paid less for his land. •egmat which they tied fermerly maintained. He acknow -IMS for his labor. and Or-seated considerably more limed that he believed it to he a neces s ary resu lt o f a ll diacus mats, t e a t e ither party t oo k re f uge i n the pride whi c h pro thennatural advantages. -- ( H ear . h ear . t I n hit ' ,minion the (wily tendency of tliit measure would be to throw land fessed that it never wt - convinced - ( Hear, hear)---t hat it never out of cultivation, and gredualit, depreciate its value, aed he changed its opinion on a single topic in the debate. He did for one could not -anction it with his vote. They were asked not claim fur himself, and he believed that he need not by the Right Hon. Baronet the Secretary of State, what were claim for ary of the Gentlemen around him, such power of the opinions of Earl Fitswillism, the Earl of Derby. and 'eve- argument, such force of reasoning, as to convince their oppo ral other noblemen of distinction, upon this question. But the Dents ; and, while he listened with great respect to Right Hon Barenet forgot that th es e no ble m e n we r e petseated everything urged on the ether side, he never ad of immense incomes. and could afford to submit to the charge. vanced or maintained any opinion when he found that Let him ask though what would become of the small land- that such was no longer tenable. But he thought he could holder, and the tenant farmer, w h o had n o incomes but what -how the Secretary of State that this faculty of maintaining they derived from their labour and their land ? What were an opinion was not peculiar to their party. He rather the} to de. who had invested th e ir small capital in the cultiva• imagined that many of the opinions advocated by Hon. Gen tion of land, on the faith of the exist ng l aw bei n g. continued? tlemen opposite were now abandoned, as no longer tenable. He ___( H ea r, hear.) It was very well for men who held large and could not avoid remembering many of these opinions which b oun dless tracts of land, to acquiesce in the naming of this Bill, were no longer put forward. He might begin with cheap but there were hundreds of others not qui'e au well off, who bread.-( Cheers.) They had had the Ministers of the Crown deserved the consideration and protection of the House. (wen in this very year, even in this important session, they hail They were now about to enter into a great speculation, with- the Ministers of the Crown describing the cry of cheap bread out any of those wrounds which always guided men of business as the clamour of a dying faction.-( Hear, hear, and cheers. ) in their speculations. It was one of the wildest schemes that There was another opinion now given up. He did not could possibly be conceived.-( Hear, hear. ) He had not believe that it was longer maintained that the present much time, in consequence of the press of other business, to corn-laws were productive of any extraordinary fluctua read the details of these measures; but he would use the rea• tion in prices, yet that cry occasioned great agitation son which God had givers him upon the subject, in the best It was asserted that this same corn-law was the bane of agri manner that he could. The country was in the most flourish.. culture, and yet it had never been shown that it had occasioned ing state, and there never was a time when this country was so serious fluctuations in the price of wheat. Then with respect well !implied with all the necessaries of life as it was at the pre- to tithes. They had the evidence of the very best valuers of sent time.--( Hear, hear.) They were told of the paucity o tithes in the Tithe Commission-Whey had the evidence of corn abroad, but he believed that before this measure land agents in all parts of the country, that every acre generally received the royal as-sent, if it ever did , . -(Loud cheers)-that in England produced 28 bushels of wheat upon an average ; there would he at least two millions and a half of quarters of and they had report; to show that each acre in Russia produced corn imported into this country. They had been blamed for 16 bushels, anti France produced only 15. But he had also the delaying this measure; he did not, however, think that that report of a gentleman cell acquainted with agriculture, who delay had been productive of any evil to the country-at least had travelled over the United States, and from the returns fur not to the farmer-for if one million of cuarters had been let niched of 69 counties, he f rind that only 14 bushels were cal into the country, the prices to the farm e r would have been culated to each acre. It cid appear therefore to him, that considerably reduced. The revenue would he greatly hene- protection was not injurious to agriculture. since fited by this delay-it would. probably, receive 600.0001. in England th-•y found that the average quantim more than if the measure had been passed in a hurried anti a reaped from each acre exceeded in a comiderable hasty manner th ro ugh Parliament. If they were to take degree the other countrie sof Europe. It had also been an away a ll protec ti on f rom th e f ar m er s they ought to be set upon nounced that the population of the country increased in a a footing with the manufacturers and millowners-( Hear, greater ratio than its products; that every day added 1000 hear)--a n d he enabled to compete with foreign souls to the population, or 365,000 in each year. But the) countrie s . The announcement of the present measure had caused should have told them also that. the price of wheat decreased in considerable 'two* ton in the monetary concerns of this th • sam e prnporticin. But there watt another opinion which country -( Hear, hear.) It was not to b e surprised that it .truck him as being repeatedly advanced in that House, he ahnuld have done so, for the banker would not advance money meant the opi ion that a protective duty provoked the enacting upon feria property when required to de ai, because he did not of hostile tariff-. But they were independent of these hostile kno w th e e ff ec t which the Government measure would have in influences, at least the new philosophy was altogether inde depreciating the value of such property.-( Hear, hear) penitent of these considerations. -( Cheers.) Another argu- Some demur had been made to a statement which he made went now abandoned was this, that freight itself would be a som e time s i nce o f the price of wheat. Considerabl e communi- tuffictent protection to the home grim•er. The Honourable cation had taken place upon 'he subject between himself and Gentleman the Member for Stockport, whose speeches he (Mr. the farmer:, and the general opinion of that body was that th e Di rae li) a l ways r ea d wit!' great pleasure, and it was but fair that Ho me , net b e i ng s a ware o f the accu rac y 01 his statements, %wee he should refer to these out-door speechee when they created leei lacing in the dark upon the subject of the eorn-laws, oich a change in doors.-( /fear, hear. ) What did the Hen. ( The H ee , M e mber thee read a letter from a farmer in the Member for Stockport say the pro•eming freight would be? East Riling of Yo kshire with reference to the prices and qua- 10s. 6 , 1. He believed that if that statement had been made a lities of wheat anti mamma- in the market, and which went on veer ago, it would have b. en universally believed-it would to say that instead of there being a famine in May. they would here met with the hearty cheers of Hsn Member,. Was it need other markets to take off their produce.) Th e writer 0 , , e ii ere d now ? H e ( eh-. Disraeli ) doubted if there was atm thi s lett e r stated that he .vas surprised that his statement that freight of 10s. -he doubted if the freight from o.ies•a was the price of wheat had been as low as 255. should have bee 2 re- 10,2. They knew well that it was as expensive to freight grain cetved with so much surpri s e, for h e hail himself purchased f, ono one port of Britain to another as from a foreign port.- great quantities at from lam to 20s. The Hoe. Member the,. (Ceeers. ) But it was necessary that he should remelt upon an went on to say that he thought some means should he devised other topic, one now exploded, namely, that the present corn by whi c h e maw who neimpied a farm of 3ilo/. a-year ehould be .awa produced a fluctuation in the rue at grain. They were. relieved from paving 7n/. a-ye.or io •he shape re pi -r aid hiv,h- hs thus noticinoi.., those matters, clearing , h . enlace,, and he Way rate s fie theu e ht it would be some satisfaetion to those .oulii, without hesit•ition, affirm that there was less fluctuation who acted with him. that they were not provisional commetem in th e prim. of grain in En d land than in any count 'y in the Me, on this Biil-( Cheers and lau ohter )-and they would not, world.-i Cheers ) Mr. Secretary Gladstone had moved for a thFrefOre, be subj ct to the liabilities which attached to provi- mturn mot important in character, and more important f rom sionsl committee-men -I (sheers.) he persons introducing it to the House. That was a retu n ex Th e Marquis of kVi IfICE eTER in opening his speech teak terming Item 1631 to 1840 inclusive. of the weekly prom s oc -anion to allude to th e exaggeva , e d accounts of the &sires; o f wheat in al'. the hrincipal twin -ills of the rni•ed Sates i n I re l an d lie held letter• in his hand, which awed that Now he would take one of these capitals, which would l ie three or four e‘rgoes of Patatees had b e e n t hi s wee k shipnerl worst fur the (-ate espoused by that. party against a netjerity from that enontrY. He also refmred t o th e ' , in j ury mem o m e d ef that House. He wool ; take. Philadelphia, the eapi al of farmer by the introduction of ti re t ric k two th e country to the ; Pennsylvania. I was a greet mercantile market, and had the 710 beasts and 590 sheep hart been imported int., this country great aelvaritftee of rejoicing in the economy of free trade - last week. The Noble Lent read letter which a s t he received • ( Hsar hem ) Nov he found that, as regarded fluctuation, from several tenant-formers on the subject of the proposed 'he total difference between the highest and the lowest alteratiens. They were unanimous in coodenming these ; and prices was as forty-seven per cent, in the United State , . one writer went on to say that if the tw - flight. Hon. Baronet., truth 33 per cent. in England.-(Cheers.) And the total dif. who were the anchors of the measure, had been present at' f rt . ance ir. the septenn'al period wa s 270 p er cen t . in A mer i ca, Ciren tester the last ma r k e t d ay, they wou d have ;hue it was only 227 in England. An objection might be heard their names uttered with curses.-( Laughter. ) urged against this return of Mr. Gladstone's, that it gave the The tenant-farmera were completely opposed to the measure, weekly retures, and that local circumstances might and many Members of that House would, he was sure, agree con siderably affect them. But he held also in his hand a return with him that such was the fact.-( Hear, hear.) He thanked from the years 1830 to 1838, and he found that the the House for the kindness with which they had heard him. difference in this period, from the highest to and he wou ld co nc l u d e by expressing his determination to give the lowest price, was as 150 to 69 per cent.--( Cheers.) the Bill his most decided opposition in every stage. He had taken Phil a d e lphi a a s the n e ares t p o i n t f or themselves, Mr. MONTAGUE G ORE would, with the permission of and the other capitals he t of America were, therefore, more favour the H ouse, occupy its attention for a short time, while he ee to the re timwas advancin g . ' The Ho n . M em be r made a few o bs ervat i ons on t hi s i mportant question. He then referred to rye as sold at Warsaw and Dantzic, showing differed very much from the Gentleman who h a d spok en as to that in the former city, where the free-trade system prevailed, the effects which might be anticipated from the importation of the difference between the highest and lowest price was in five foreign corn on the agriculture of this country. He would years 149 per cent., while in the latter city, where a p.otection take the liberty of reading some documents which would place duty was maintained, the fluctuation in price in the this matter beyond question. The Hon. Member then read a same period was only sixty-nine per cent. He thought letter from a tenant- tarmer of Norfolk, who visited Russiaashort they might consider the argument of fluctuation, as used time since with strong prepoasessions in favour of protection, against a protective system, no Linger tenable in that Howse. T but who had been there only a short time when his opinions They ought to have a " limbo " for the rece pti on o f di suse d Underwent a complete alteration. This change was the cense- political arguments, and he should propose that those he had quence of what he saw, and the conviction that the agricult tm enumerated he placed there among the first. He would rimy rists of this country had nothing to fear from the absence of their opponents to show that they on the protection benches all protection to agriculture. A letter which he had received had changed their opinions so freque n tly as H onoura bl e from a gentleman in the City, and which he weuld Members on the Opposition side .of the House, who read, proved that act apprehension might he entertained supported this measure of the Government.-( Hear, hear. ) from the importations from Am •rica. The Hon. Gentleman A very celebrated authority, who was once a Member of' that then read a statement of the number of barrels of fl ,ur im- House, had declared that rtising corn to an artificial price im ported, for a period of years, from America, and also a mina- posed a tax upon the people of this country amounting to bar of returns, stating the quantity of corn which might be 20,000,000 i. Another and ano less celebrated, though a expected from Dare zic and other places, and the price which it would cost. He then w en t on to say t h at, considering all more successful, authority, a n d w h o , h e b e lt { ve il , was con • sidered the authority of the Anti-Corn-law League, had fallen these circumstances, no prejudicial results would take place, if foul of this calculation, because the calcel etion had omitted protection were abolished. No doubt this was a measure the number of quarters of wheat consumed by the agricultural which, would effect i some very great changes, arid, like all ;,treat measures, some individual cams of evil would result. frem i; betty, all of which it was contended ought not to have been employed in ascertaining the amount of the corn-law tax. but as a great general mevure it would be productive of much This latter authority estimated the tax at from 9,003,0001. to Public good ; and, he had no doubt, it - would most ma t:hriialelly 10,000,000/., and urged the principle that it WAS better ~ benefit, the . agr . iculi urists. -( Flear, heat. ) But fear England not to raise a quarter of grain than incur the re supported this measure h.• should exprest a i i iblitty of paying th .s tax. He admitted that this was the h° Pe that other measures would also be in - roduced which w ould extreme mate, but in ad pi !lig it he was only testing all. ,_ ts , I.e. a benefit the agriculturists of the country ; and, above great be the principle of the free-trade party. Now, suppose England, " ' hoped that this meaeure aa one which would cooler by importing ti 0.030,010 of qua- ters of grain from abroad saved op erat i on t, the majority Itelarid, w ' ould receive the cordial co- from 10,000,0001. to 20,000.i . 001., it could not be denied that f ew rn,as the mmority of the House. He did believe that eure aff-tu're, England by doing so lost considerably more than they saved in could be intr o d uce s w hi t h, coupled with a mew- the shape of wages. She would also lute the profits of the can thingti)v't the tenant right in Indeed, could be more ben .- pital invested in the production of that amount of corn, as well c -untry. He should conclude by -flying that this a, the rent which had accrued from the land upon which the dis cussion had, in his opinion. been conducted in a highly eorn had been grown. But it might be said that he was urging ter,e,eli:eaeble manner to this Mon., and to the country, and if it the cos .in an extreme point of view ; but it was impossible for . t i o e n u , o , n introduced by the Noble Lord she Nletnbet for L ,n- him to test •he princi le without adopting an extreme point of ir h . e would hav e suoported it just as cordially as he did now. v i ew , The Honourable .tlember for Sttickport, howev er , :‘ LAW oON said, he had listened to the artrumenrs of toeing a practical man, wound probably deny the necessity th • Hon. Member fur ath, and Ito eof a great matey other for nonsideriog the ease in this extreme point of view, Hon. Members who hail spoken for and against the measure. b. 4 s the Hon. Member and his party did not suppose He had heard some Honourable Members say than it was a land • Mtd be thrown out of cultivation There . would be thata measure an illusory and nitgatery the• it sacs of no importance O reit t ut7 i t f i. ' , , n of prices, but the lend could nit be entirely thrown 'whether it was patm.l or tier. If he (multi believe the; argii- ,i i: er, ali st a ll o be a Well, iii,.n u t i h m e n o, take ,it upon this ground. 41 "nt. he would certainly vote against it ; hot he con d re , credit such a pro ewitien after all he had heard free% t h e Hon, would 1 i f of bur nd a reduction of wages. l'he Hon. 5 ember or Stockport hot been extremely he"'ember for 11arro . I t•ible • and he did not thick, that fro m w h at Ir. ilk in giving the Horse his estimate of whet the price of corn would be after the passing of this Act, and he thought if knew of the district ' in which he res-ded, teat the meeture 4 hich he was tie could show be that this price, p .i r f ic t., e, high as it was as comparedwith w oi nuld eel -tally benefit the manufacturer and the agrteulturist. to the British producer, he would he would not ield . a profit Ili' found in that part of the count , Y vat ' h what wiinl , l as well as the ruinous tendency of t e hTs ° n ' T i mast familiar a perfect unanimity wiill respect to the meature introduced by her Majesty's Ministers. Daisy ail cgre i e iii in toe rating the r e iti u w t t i ,u tt k y i prin c ip. e ih o p r ,,t rr f rin ~n 2h t t o be affsr te ed ii'n'tive . .r . ' r Y• meet th e argumi fits of Hee. Gentlemen opposite with farts, He had, himself, the hodour of presenting wetition- from he w • een hunt he Froteat e d a • d and this stalest being anawered with assertions. He 60 to 60 tog. nt h il ie i n t h e timo j t h„, m h ee e he r epresent e . would not weary the House• by meetienin g those large pro was th" 0 ly excuse he put f. ww . r d fur rising at chi- late_ dimmer reentries, with which Ron. .‘temb,4 must bier been period of the debits., and ob ruching himseit upon the nem , ' of male ioo familiar in the course of the present session, but he the ilou-e. He dud n o t think i t wou ld b e ar ' e t o f justice to wotal call the attenti o n o f the !louse to markets that never were these he represented if he were contented with giving a silent mentioned, which would have a great infl in regutatiag vo t e on this i m v ', p-i int que-tion. Ooe of th objt ,,, i"'S th prices of this m t untry . There wag, uence in the fi r at pl ace , which he had i 0 the pasting o this measure Hung try, which he need nut remind the House, consisted of at the present ttme was, that the flnn. Member 36 , 3.003 square miles-it contained the richest soil in the whet introduced it had not stated what the price of wheat cites world, in fact its soil was that of a garden-they might go expected to he. He hoped, therefore, to hear that night from from mile to mile with..ut meeting a single stone. Weil, here the Hon Baronet his expected price, because, until they had then they had in this country at least 240,000 square miles of such, they were legislating in the dal k. Now, as to the de- the most fertile soil in th e world, under the influence of achmate pendenee of this country on foreign nations, it had been almott most admirably adapted for the growth of corn. Now he had ridiculed in this House that they should adopt the doctrine that lately received returns from a party well informed on the sub by this measure they should be dependent on foreign nations ject of the corn trade, which gave him the prices of corn in for the supplies of food. He owned that in this error, if error Hungary. The averawe price of Hungarian cern, which he it was, he cordially joined, and he thought that this depen- must remind the House was the finest in the world, was 188. hence wculd be meet sensibly felt if a war should occur. The per bushel. They might send it overland to the port of Trieste next point to which he would direct the attention of the House for 41 per English bushel, and thence to this country for was with reg rd to those who were now in office, and he thought i ls ,r . 8 2 1 0 ., s. so p t e h r at b H a u sh n e g l a . rian Twhheeat gentleman couldbe who gave himsold in this country that a n y c h ange of opinion in public men, from that line of policy which they had adopted thrcughout their whole lives, was in itself very detrimental this information was a practical man trading at Trieste, had a predilection the o f at the public interests, and even if he w h o told him that if he could only secure a regular avyur of this measure, yet, knowing the trade with England, and send in the first year 500,000 quar inconsistency of thaocs:ewdehdotnow brought it forward, he should hesitate before he ters, while another house would undertake to bring into any principle whieh was to contrary E n to all those they had form: r j glish port 2 Galicia quarters at 28s. the bushel were dissolved, dissolved, as he hoped y it avowed. If this Parliament other house in were ready, if this measure passed, to it was so would be before this measure deliver 1,000,000 quarters free on board at 18s. He would were passed-if dissolved, and th determined that the Bill be passed, th e • the constitnency had not mention the markets of Spain, of Egypt, and of Sicily, as a minority, to accede to that me n it would be their duty , which would have a great effect upon the prices in this count allow that this measure would produceasouhroe* He would not try. But it was argued that the demand for corn would in mitted, indeed, that at first it would produceaap bread. He ad- crease its price in the producing countries. He would apply ruinously cheap food, but that would not continue permanentl this principle to other articles of large consumption in this had been made of famine in Ireland, and the scarcity gr f eat ery country, and see whether it was sound or not. On a former toes had been urged as a reason why the oa. occalien he alluded to the question of tawta, but said then his Pass the Corn Bill. He could House + t I' should_ statements had been emntradmted, and ould be therefore he Heuse that potatoes were selling in York at two shillin necessary for him to justify them. In 1831, the price of a per bushel, while in London he himself paid fifteen shillings' pound of congou tea was 2a. 2d., while in 1846. it was only 9d. per sack, Potatoes were sent up to Londen at fifty shillings in 1832, it was 2s• 11,4 d. ;in 1833, it was Is. 11d.1834, it Per ton, yet no one would buy them, and they were obliged to was Is. 9.1. ; ir, 1835 ii was Is. 4d. ; in 1836, it was Is. 2d. ; be taken back again. One would naturally imagine that nn in . 1837, the China war having commenced, the price Monopoly would exist in a city like London, but it appeared again row to 2s. 54. ; it continued during 18.31 to rise to 2.. 6d, • i that t h ere was an universal agreement to keep up the prices, n 1839 and 1840 the price went down to Is. 4cl' in order to compel the passing of this measure.-(Laughter, Price was only B9d4d lot 3d. ; and now, in 1846, the and cries of " Oh, oh." from Ste Opposition.) Hon. Gentle_ , and yet the supply end the demand had increased railio n men might cry " Oh, oh," but he considered that if the Y take was that o s f uP" millions. The next instance he should granted this Bill they would be giving way to the League, and 1,437 it wa. sii. ; icnottion.s it was 1836 the price was Ittel. ; in encouraging greater demand , . He was exceedingly sorry to in 1840 and 1 , 441 it watt 6d.. secs Bd. ; in 1831 it was 64. i. ; 4 , ift-r from the Right Hom Baronet, but he was not convinced and at 1844 and 1845 it was ; 44 in 1842 and 1843 it was sd. ; in his o wn mind-f Laughter )-that this measure would be for mini the House that durieg the and 41d. Now, let him re the good of The country, and therefore, he ~ could not give his this progressive decline in prices' Yea th rs e i':l which he had traced s uPPort to the Nliniste•ial Bill. itito England had risen f importation of cotton rom 333 000 000 lb slr, VERNON SMITH was happy to see that the acri- 597,000,00011a5. ; while the manufactu r 'f ' 9. t° ra h 'l, lo y which usually distinguished either side of the House, had increased their consumption from e2sB2of) the country t - k a " sank into a sort of apathy on this question, but although 439.000,0001b5. Now this sufficiently illustratede 00.0001bs. to the princi -"ey had c ease d t o o ff n d ag ainst eac h oth e r it was only to turn was of prices when there was no artificial protection There their vituperation upon the Right Hun. Baronet and her Ma• was no denying it ; the prices of all d • • pro ucts, in the ab jdestY's Minist ers . The Hon. Go tleman, v o te h a d j us t sat Bence of protection, had a downward tendency. He would e d w, demanded that her Majesty's Ministers should bring now take th e case of sugar, which perhaps was not so applicable MOW.. of the measu 1 to the principle he was combatting as the articles he had t e price of itseat, after the passing Qat they should t th t ro hu holt to titre - ' elreadv entimerated R. ! who. of Rental „mm from IRn to , s a e exac u v A % Usti, ansi the caa,„ti, A ,;, i Ley n ugiia pm guy lsima(C paiwa ,;u 10.10 had tadon trona 475. to 37as par hag, while ill the fins reason. When he examined the career of that Minister, which s ei iice the days of had extended over so long a period, and filled st great a space unpiegnithHisocna.eeceerni:remaapnertiohdee Crown had in the political history of his country—when Se poked back Mr. Horner, down to the Hon. Member c ,2r Stockport, the of fir 3 s a o l r i n 4 i ° s t y e e r ar o ' f traded upon the ideas and the intelligence of others.-- ( Tremendous cheering.) His life had been . great appro priation clause.—( Tremendous cheers.) He as a burglar of other men's intelleots.—(Continued cheering.) From the days of William the Conqueror, down to the preent period, no statesman hied committed political petty larceny to o great an extent.—(Continued cheering.) He (Mr Dieaeli) believed however, that when he undertook the advocacy ef either cause to which he attached himself, he was sincere ,n his support of it, for having none of the sympathy which atttehes men to the advocacy of great principles, his support of them crumbled away when opposing circumstances appeared u his conventional mind to make a departure from them expedient. The Right Hon Gentleman imbibed his present opinions as he did every docti ine that presented a life-Iske. popular, aid progressive ep pearence, as he did those from Horner, and rem every other I":litteel leader—every doctrine, except that d Reform, which the Whigs had allowed to attain to too great t maturity to fall in:o the mouth of the Right Hoe. Barot.et.—( Tremendous cheers.) Every one, however, was net effected in the same way by striking alterations in the opinions which they formerly entertained. Feeling of this kind depended wry much on tem perament or idiosyncracy of the mind, and os the nature of the animal who had made the change.—(Grent laughter. ) The Right Hon. Gentleman might not feel humiliated in following the course he now proposed to adopt, but h's country ought to feel humiliated. Was it so pleasing to the self- complacency of se great a nation as this—was it so pleasing to a eoun:ry like England, that it should be said of one of its statesmen, as Dean Swift said of another gentleman, " tha he was one who had the perpetual misfortune of being ra;stalsen?"—( Great laught, r and cheers. ) Now, in the last scene of the drama, was he going to pass as his own what it am a matter of noto riety was not of his own invention. The project had been offered to another Government before he took office, and by that Government was r•jseted.—( Cheers.) A gentleman of con siderable weight in that House had asked him (Mr Disraeli), when these chances were firs talked about, what his opinion was of the contemplated alterations?—in reply to whom he said, " Oh. I suppose it is some great and comprehensive plan of the Right Hon. B aronet; " --( Great laughter)—to which he replied " Oh, it is net his plan at all; it is Hopkin's plan." —(Cheers and laughter.) And was England, he would ask. to be governed and c snvulsed by Hopkin's plan ?—( Great laughter.) Would the Righ; Hon. Baronet go to the country? —( Cheers) Would he appeal to the people? Would Fng land—that was governed by a Bolinbrnke and a Walpole, a Chatham and a Canning._ submit to such a measure ? He did not believe it. Those political pedlars who bought them up in the cheapest market, and sold them in the dearest.—(LoA cheers.) Notwithstanding the unfavourable opinion which be had formed of the damaging effects on the English character, from beings familiarised lately with political tergiversation—notwithstanding that the people had become vitiated by the political gambling of the present day—though he knew that all confidence in pub lic men was lost—still he had faith in the primitive and en during qualities of the English character—(Loud cheers)—and he believed they would regard the project with very different feelings from those which the promoter of it anticipated.— (Loud cheers. ) It may be idle now to tell them its tho spring time of economic policy, that it would have the effect of in volving them in trouble, difficulties, and disaster ; but the time would yet arrive, when chastened by misfortune, and sobered into reason, they would remember not with unkindness the predictions of those who were now endeavouring to avert their calamities, and who did their utmost to prevent those measures which were the pregnant cause of their evils from being carried into effect.—(The Hon. Member sat down amidst loud cheers.) Lord J. RUSSELL said, that in rising to address the House, after the Hon. Gentleman who had just sat down, he should certainly feel considerable hesitation, If he thought the Hon Gentleman had hem equally successful in his agricultural views. as he was in his invective against the Minister; but lie could nut. fad to see that the Hon. Gentleman's talent consisted in always dressing up and using invective against the Minister instead of addressing himself to the Bill before the House. It was their business that night to debate whether nr not the measure should be read a third time instead of hearing an abuse of the Right Hon. Baronet. The Hon. Member was there more as a spectator than a party conversant with the subject. The Hon. Gentleman began by questioning the abandoned arguments, as he called them, of the Right Hon. Baronet. Now he did not think that the Right Hon. Gentle man's former arguments had failed, or that he had been lost in alarm during them. Indeed a Noble Lord had read a letter to the house, which had been written by one of his ancestors in the year 1610 in support of protection to agriculture. This was a question which was before both Houses of Par liament in 1840. It was introduced into the House of Lc rds by Earl Fitzwilliam, and, upon two occasions, eleven Members voted for the consideration of the question ; and in the House of Commons they voted for a Committee for the same pur pose; and he (Lo-el J. Russell) thought at that time, that if that object. should be effected, and the New Poor-law carried, a great difference might be made in the state of the country; and that that change could then with safety be made ; anal several members of the Cabinet were of the same opinion ; hut Lord Melbourne and several other members of the Cabinet voted against any change. (The Noble Lord then read an extract from the opinion expressed upon the subject by Lord Melbourne, and which was to the effect that his (Lord Melbourne's) opinion was that it was not expe dient to make any change, and that he would maintain exist ing duties.) Well, then, with such a state of things it was nit to be wondered at, that in 1841 the whole Cabinet should propose a cha.sge in the corn-laws. Now, he (Lord J. Rus sell) felt justified in entering into those details, because of what had bsen said of the part he had taken in them, by others in this House, during this debate.—( Hear, hear.) He thought then, and he did still think, that a moderate fixed duty would then have been the best change that could be made in the laws of 1828. He was of that opinion when protection was ingrafted in their law-books as wall as in the habits and opinions of the people. arid that therefore a charge should be made gradually; and he also thought tha the Anti-Corn-law League would have been glad to accept a fixed duty of Bs.—(Cries of c Hear, hear," and "No, no.") lie had good authority for saying so, and he would state it.— ( Hear, hear.) Up to the commencement of last year, he :sae still of the same opinion, and, after a fixed duty had been agreed to and in force for a number of years, it could be changed into free trade by a gradation which would be almost imperceptible. But when the changes which had been pro posed had been resisted for a number of years, and when the Anti-Corn-law League had debated the question of free trade, and had made an impression upon the public mind as to its necessity, and when the proposition, as to a moderate fixed duty had been so frequently rejected, then he did think it would not be wise to adhere to a wish to porgovoro that project ; and there was no precedent for doing so under such circumstances, in the conduct of any Minister down to the time when Huskisson acted the part he did in reference to the Catholic question. Therefore up to last year, he (Lord J. Russell) asked himself if there was any course to he adopted, but that of a t o t a l repea l , which was likely to give satisfaction to the country.—( Hear, hear.) Had he been able to carry the measure for a fixed duty, with the consent of the Cabinet, and the acquiescence of the people, he would have been proud of it ; but he was not anxious to occupy the position of a Minister, who would afterwards be compelled to have the prudence and wisdom of the measure continually debated in this House.—( Hear, hear.) The question now was, however, between the keeping up of the present system of protection, or the total abolition of all protection in the few years proposed by the Right Hon. Gen tleman. He (Lord J. Russell) had not said that this was the way in which he world wish to effect the change, because he was for doing away with protection by means that would not hay- any suddenness of character about it ; but now believing that the repeal of the corn-laws was a right measure, he saw no other course left than to re peal them, or keep up the present system of protection. The Hon. Gentleman hail made an assertion. He had made the assertion that the corn-laws did not enhance the price of corn, and he also and at the same time asserted that the power of the community to purchase was increased. That which the Hon. Gentleman had admitted was capable of proof, and this admission strengthened the proof. He had, however, given no proof of the pr position that the power of the people to purchase was increased by the existence of the law. The Hon. Gentleman had stated, indeed, that the prices of corn would be ruinous to the small farmers.—(Hear, hear.) And in giving these details of the apprehension which he felt on a former occasion, he spoke of foreign markets from which were to be derived immense supplies of corn. Let him (Lord J. Russell) observe that in the first instance the Hon. Gentle man's argument entirely destroyed that to which he and many others had all along limited themselves, and had relied their main strength on it, viz., that protection upon corn ought to be continued in order to make us independent of the produce of foreign nations. He could understand that agreement very well if all the cern came from one or two coon tries, for it would quite warrant the apprehension that. in time of war we might run the danger of scarcity from the sup plies being impeded. He had gone over in his mind this guess. Lion with regard to Russia and America, and other important corn-trading countries, and had found that in the course of the last century there were a very few years indeed—exce2t, perhaps, with regard to America, in 1783—when we were at war with any one of them. He was comforted by this discovery, and would, therefore, depend in foreign countries without any ap ereherision. 'I he Hon. Gentleman, however, went farther ; he said that there were other countries from which we received our supplies—Hungary, Spain, and Egypt—and yet he asked the nation if it could calculate on supplies from them all? What became of our independence of foreigners according to that statement? There was no fear of this nation becoming involved while it continued its maritime supremacy—if the country maintained its maritime supremacy is would always have a supply. The Hon. Gentleman told them that there would be very low prices, and that corn would be furnished at IBs. per quarter, or perhaps 20s. per quarter. Tne average prices had been from 40e. to 505., and be very much questioned whether the prospect of cheap bread He was a prospect to o alarm the people of this country. _had heard the Honourable Member for Somersetsbire state his appre hension that their butchers' stalls would fade to Hon. Illemler for Shrewsbu r y was i n nothing, and now the the baker bill, and s h owe d t h at 's some alarm in respect of . 1 f they ad m itt e d l arge indeed bread would be very cheap quantities of corn they would have the people co nsum i ng more, much better food He did would have and they therefore, any of the apprehension which the Hon . Gentl eman entertained, for he thought that some years hence great quan tities of corn would be brought into this country in expecta tion of ' the prices which could be realised, but the re wou l d not be any d e pression to affect the agriculture of thi s country. The Hon. Gentleman had spoken of slight fluctuations in this market. He (Lord J. Russell) would not compare the fluctuations which had occurred in the European and Ameri can markets. With regard to the fluctuations in this market they had been very great and the prices very high, a n January, 1838, the price of wheat was 545. 4d. per quarter, and in December in the same year it was 78s. In 1839 it was 81s. 6d., in January, and in October it was 655. In this fluctuation of two years was there not sufficient reason for the Government to consider that the admission of foreign corn would benefit the people ? Let them look at the prices which existed during the last century after the admission of foreign corn. In 1763, when this country ceased to be an exporting country, and began to import, he found that Mr. Burke, in a pamphlet. said that the people had no great reason to complain of the price of bread, because for some years past corn had varied from 325. to 40s. per quarter. If they took the 34 years from 1750 to 1784, the price of wheat averaged 455. per quarter ; that was not complained of, and in 1791 it was propoed to raise the prices. His belief was that the high prices of the war, and the depreciation which had taken place in the currency had altered their notions, and made them support the high price for grain —a higher pt ice to the consumer than he was able to afford. Look also to the question as it regarded manufactures and corn. Why the price of manufactured fabrics had fallen two-thirds in price; corn h:d risen 20 per cent.—(Hear, hear.) This was a reason why they should not exclude foreign corn ; a reason. why they should iso longer keep up a law, to keep up by a restrictive law the price of this important necessary of life.—( Hear, hear.) The Hon. Gentlemen, the Member fir Shrewsbury, had spoken of an important Principle. Except ing that the principle was the maintaining of the corn-laws, he (Lord John Russell) knew not what it meant. Th en h e went to the colonies. He considered that the colonies would not suffer from this measure, while they had already enjoyed great advantage from the arrangement of the differential duties.—(Hear, hear.) He thought the c o l on i es would not be sorry to see this restrictive system abrogated._ ( Cries of " Hear, bear.") And so for Canada, the &mute year there were only 24,000 tons imported into England, whereas in the latter there were 62,000 tons. Coffee exhibited the same results. The price of Ceylon coffee in 1t540 was from 90s. to 915., while in 1846 it was only 475. per lose,. The quantity imported in the first year was 55,000 bags, and in the last year 100,000 bags. During the last year, 43,533 lbs. had been imported. Well, then, there were other articles to which he should like to direct the attention of the House. but he had no desire to trespass much further upon the attention of the House. Let them look • at the case of indigo, of salt, of iron, and of coals, in all of which shed to e w would o observe gverao n e , uri s iv e e u rs r a n l w d a e s vel to be development. L ade N a o n wh ex ception to the general rule 2-( Hear, h ear .) H e wante d an a nswer to that. He thought that i t was as f a i r a quest i on to ask w th n o n as could be conceived.--( Hear. hear.) Why was eorn made an exie peon to the rule ? Was it because corn was produced in every country, and in every Cirnate -f Hear, hear. ) Now, for example, he wanted to know where they c uld not produce sure. They had recently received large quantities of that article even from Persia ; there was no part in Persia its which corn ceuld not be produced at ss. per quarter. I , was a mere question of the cost of transportine, and he begged the country to bear in mind that the progress of steam power in this count) v was reducing the price of all articles, that were capable of teir ' removed to the common leval. Now, before he ventured to estimate the consequences of this change, he might state that he web knew that the case of foreign cattle had been urged There w.is as slight a cons neeien between corn and cattle as could possibly be con ceived. -(Hear ar. ) Way, in the first place, the continent o f Europe had been a corn growing country long before England was a corn growing country. Irhad never been a cattle growieg country, aid the very fact of th Roman Catholic rehgi in, which had prevented the consumption of meat, w haat prevails-a in F'rotestant countries, led, in a great inca•ure, tot ea. result. No one could contend that there were in any par, of the continent of Europe, such pastures as w re to be seen in England? Then, again, let them leak to the daeger and cost which attended the transmission of such an un m arkable article as a live beast. He was, therefore, obliged to come to the conclusion that, to promote the manufactures of this country, they were prepared to destroy all the agricul tural labour which had before existed in it. Now what would be the carwequences of such a step? The Right Hon. Baronet rose in his place and said, " That England was not an ag. icule rural country- .( Hear hear. )-and that it was a manufac turing country."-( Hear, hear.) That was a perfectly novel argument. He believed on investigating the subject, that England was not, as regarded her commerce as great a commercial country at this moment as she had been at previous periods of her history.-(Cries of " Hear, hear.") Of course he did not mean to say that England, at this mo ment, had not increased commercial transactions to what she had several years bask ; but what he meant to eontend was, that when we took into account her increased population, there had not been a corresponding increase in the amount and ex tent of her manufactures.-(Cries of " Hear, hear," and " Oh, oh." The Hon. Member might groan, but that was not the way to answer his assertions.-(Hear, hear. ) He believed that, if they looked at the present manufactures of England. they would find that she was lower in point of her commercial importance than she has! ever been. He said this unhesi tatingly. Lookin g at the number of people employed in the manufactures of this country, England wag lower in a com mercial point than she was an hundred years ago. --( Hear, hear.) For instance, he would ask where were the manufac tures of the West of England. that flourished so much centu ries ago? The woollen manufacture of England was iar more flourishing many years ago than it was at the present moment ; and yet it was for this fluctuating and drooping com merce, that the agriculturists of Englaed were to be deprived e f their rights, merely for the purpose of satisfying the desires of the manufacturers of a single county. He contended that agriculture had done far more to improve the mind of man and the state of the country than ever manufaiwure had done. In deed that had been admitted by most eminent manufacturers. the poverty of the soil was such that it could only be made productive by the use of artificial soil and manure. What would have been the state of the fens of Lincoln if protection ha i not existed ? They would have been mere waste fens and plashy marshes.-(Loud cheers.) There were two or three points which he did riot intend to treat of at that hour of the night, but which he would call to the memory of the House before they came to vote upon the subject now before it. He would merely glance at them, he would not presume to touch upon them, having taken ue so much of the time of the House already. It was very we:' to talk of the Canadas in the manner its which it had been treated by some Hon. Members-. to talk of it as a matter of indifference to this country whether it was annexed to Canada or not. He never bad been one of those who thought that Canada would never be annexed to the United States. Canada had too much of the elements of a great country within itself for that.--( Cheers.) He thought it was not the destiny of Canada to be annexed to the United States.-( Hear, hear.) An Hon. Member, in noticing the speech of his Noble Friend the Member for Lynn, nad stated that the commerce of Canada was nothing hut a mere smuggling trade, by way of Canada, to the United States. That was his argument for keeping Canada. What would be the condition of England in a commercial point of view, if the whole of the transatlantic continent belonaed to one power ?-( Cheers. ) He would net then dwell upon or touch the case of Ireland. It was too terrible a subject, when a Noble Lord, whose conversion was a subject of congratulation to her alajesty's Gevernmente had sta ed that this measure would betted to the interests of the small farmers.-( Cheers. ) I , was too .tr ible a thing, he expected, for him to contemplate, when he knew that that nation was peculiarly a nation of small 'armers -(Cheers.) But there was one observation with refe rence to Ireland which he could not refrain from making The Honourable Mi mher for Stockport ( Mr. Cobden ) hard stated .n that House. and in other places, and very recently, t - o, in that. House, with censiderable effect. ‘• that Iseland was an argument in lawny of the corn-laws." Of all the countries in the world he should never have ex pected that Ireland would be broueht forward as an argument in hw favou , Did the Hon. Member mean to , ay that the state of Ireland was an argument against protection ? There was api pelation .`rivet; to the law source of human sub sistence. But how did they get these sources of sebsistence - how did they get their potatoes? By cultivating the earth, and by producing oats and wheat, which they sent to England.- ( Hear, hear, and cheers.) Glad would he be if the whea and oats remained in Ireland for the consumption of the people. And if the state of Ireland be so as he described it, such mu,t be the t ffects upon the markets of England. If he was wrong to his calculattons, they might have a thousand answers and a thousand assump tions, founded on the vagaries of political economy. If he was right in its effects upon the labour of the United Kingdom, he wanted to know what would be the state of Ireland if they ruined these manufacturers of the soil. It might be said that these agricultural labourers would turn manufacturers. But how long a time was to elapse before this would take place? How long would it be before these manufactures would be established in Ireland? Before these manufactures were es tablished they might perhaps see the drooping energies of the Dorchester labourers paid with the same high wages as those paid by the Honourable Member for Durham.- (Cheers.) He did net believe that this measure could change the character of that country as an agricultural one. Believing as he did that these measures had a tendency to stop the elements and springs of manufacturing industry and manu facturing prosperity-believing that it would have injurious ef fects on the distribution of the metals, on which he would not now touch, and believing that it was calculated to bring about a domestic and social convulsion-he was obliged to ask him self whether the measure would not be perilous to the in terests of the country to pass this Bill.-(Cheers.) He needed not to ask what so many gentlemen had already asked in the House, and which so many persons had inquired out of it, what was there in the state and the circumstances of this country to authorise this change.-( Cheers.) If they really were only a commercial and manufacturing country, did not their corn meree flourish, and were not their manufactures prosperous ? And what, he wished to ask, did it signify that agri culture was doomed to pine and suffer in a country which was no longer an agricultural one ?-( Hear, hear. ) A number of men had arisen, distinguished by their elo quence and their energy but more distinguished far their eloquence and their energy than for their knowledge of human nature or political science. -(Hear, hear.) He was not one of those who either here or el s ewhere, in public or in private, had spoken with disrespect of that great commercial confederation that so ug ht ei rule the country, although he dis approved of their doctrines, though he believed that they would he as pernicions in the end to the manufacturing interest as to all others, still he admired men of abilities convinced of a great truth, proud of their strength, and in their energy binding themselves together to obtain its triumph. The country could only exist by free discus-ion. If once it was suppressed, if once it was put down, why then liberty had vanished -( Cheers.) If they thought the opinions of the Anti-Corn-I iw League deleterious, if they considered that their system was founded on error, it was open in free countries like England to oppose them with the same earnestness to resist them with the same energy, and by all active organisation also to devote themselves to the course which they thought right. But a body of Gentlemen, able to direct the affairs of the country, came forward to oppose these doctrines, they place themselves at the head of a party, and t hey climb and clamber into power- ( Hear, hear) -by braving generally accepted distrust. It followed that the body who ught to have been represented were asleep at their posts. It was not for them to have come forward, it was not in human nature to have done so. No, they had trusted to others.- ( Tremendous cheering ) They trusted to others, who, by accepting the trust, or rather by challenging the doctrines, had obtained the greatest paces in the country.-( Hear. hear. ) The Right Hon. Gentleman, the first Minister of the Crown, had told his friends that he had given them very significant hints of his change; ne said that even last year Lord Grey had found tam out-(Tremendou s cheering)-and he was sur prised they could have been so long mistaken. Of course no observation of the Right Hon Gentleman applied to him ( Mr. Disraeli ), but he remembered when some years back he said pro tection apeeared to him to be about in the same state as Pro testantism in 1828.-(Cheers.) And he remembered his friends being very indignant with him fur the expression ; how ever, they had since been so good as to say that instead of a ca lumny it was a prophecy-( Loud and continued cheering)-but the Hon. Gentleman might congratulate himself on his com plete success in having deceived his party. And even the Noble Lord, the Member for Lynn, himself, in a moment of frank conversatir n, the other night, told him that, to thelast moment, he had not the slightest doubt of his fidelity.-( Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord thought that the Right Hon. Baronet was making-what was then a favourite word-the best bargain for his party.-(Cheers.) When the Government of the Whigs was rejected,the Right Hon. Baronet proposed some changes which some thought suspicious, but all suspicion was hushed because he could make the best bargain for his party. Well, who had, he would like to know, the best part of the bargain now ? And when the confidence of gentlemen was complete - at least no announcement had been made to them-gentlemen had riot been called together as was usual on such occasions the fact was announced to the country through the columns of a journal which was always careful never to insert important information except on the highest authority.-(Tremendous cheers.) Let them conceive the effect of the announcement on fereign princes and foreign courts. He was then absent from England, and he could bear witness to it. He knew of a great prince sending two ambassadors , and demanding an explana tion,e of the ambassadors answering th a t and he was aware (Great and continued cheering.) All that time-he had mem bers who were goin g there was not the slightest truth in the announcement.- of the Government then in his view about to the journals then devoted to her Majesty's Govern ment, and encouraging them to declare that the announcement was an infamous fabrication.-(Loud cheers.) How ingenuous was the conduct of her Majesty's Minister-of the d M l i a n u ist h er who formed a glorious minority in the Cabinet. - they had deserted his party. and acted as if him and not he t them. Who could forget thosones-who could forget those ter.) The Right Hon. Gentleman then met the House and g continued - Which hav ing quoted a Latin pas.sag e, nister, aced " I am a protection nd mean to govern England by the means of an mean, leoks and that indignant mien? The Hon. Gentleman, Anti-Corn-law league." That was a scene which could not be paralleled. unless by the conversion of the Saxons by Charlemagne-(Loud cheers) -- who follow e d hi m as a Csesar when he went over to them, as they were assembled on Cie banks of the Rhine, and were con verted by battalions, and baptised by platoons.-( Great laughter.) When he saw the 112 fall into rank and file (Cheers and laughter)-he was irresistibly reminded of the memorable incident on the banks of the Rhine. And now he must say, in justice to the Right Hon. Gentleman (Laughter) -that he believed great misconcepti&in prevailed with regard to hirn.-(Continued laughter.) He had been accused of altering his opinions, and of long meditating the de ceptions which he had now avowed. He ( Mr. Disraeli) en tirely acquitted him of that intention, and he did it for this 1 which had been just received did not furnish any symptom of dissatisfaction. They did not appear to show that any insu perable objection existed to the alteration.—( Hear, hear.) The Hon. Gentleman ended his speech by giving an account of the mode in which the Right Honourable Baronet came into power, and the manner in which lie had acted towards his party. On this subject he (Lord John Russell) thought all the blame did not belong exclusively to the Right Hon. Baronet and his colleagues in office, but that some part of it should be shared by those who were for many years his followers. He thought the Right Hon. Baronet came into power declaring that the system of protection was unjust having determined the same but four years ago. Wheu he (Lord J. Russell) considered what that party was in 1841, not one had reason to lament the disruption which had taken place. —( Hear.) He frankly confessed that he thought that there was one defect in the great Conservative party of 1841. They were in possession of great advantages—their machinery for elections was well arranged—they had candidates ready for every election—they had every means successfully to contest the con stituencies of the country. and in order to forward their interests they- had resort to fables to advance their views.—( Hear, hear. ) There was the fable of the Lichfield House comfort, and others of a similar character. Their fancy was strained to invent these fables, and they were very successful on the hustings in diminishing the majority of the Whig party; at the same time they pointed to their great leaders in both Houses of Parliament—to the glory of the Duke of Welling ton as well as to th e hi g h c h aract r of the Right lion. Baronet— to these as well to the use'ul labours of the great runner of their party. The one defect to which he had alluded, notwith standing all these advantages, was the want of some definite object for which to contend.—( Hear, hear.) Party means union of men for some great object of public welfare, such a union did net exist. —( Hear, hear.) The Hon. Gentleman who had spoken, said that the opinions of the party were very openly, honestly, and decidedly expressed that protection to native industry was bound up with the beat interest of the country. They expressed great fear of the Roman Catholics—( Cries of " Oh! oh !")—and that Protestant ascendancy or Protestant supremacy, as Lord Starley expressed it, should be maintained above all other in terests.—( Hear, hear.) But among the leaders, while such opinions prevailed, it was known that the Right Hon. Baronet had sat under Mr. Iluskisson, and was known to be in favour of the as stem of free trade, and against the system of protec ti in Those opinions with regard to free trade and protection han led the Right Hon Gentleman to the measure of 1842, which hail led him in time to the measure of 1846. But then, what was this great Conservative party ? What was it but a union of men to turn out a party whom they disliked? He did not wonder, therefore, that they had been di s app o i n t e d i n what had taken place. He thought, too, that the Right Hon. Gentleman was to blame. He thought he ought not to have cautiously reserved his opinion, but that he ought to have stated fully those principles on which he acted—principles with which he (Lord John Russell) had little fault to find. It was a fatal defect in the Conservative party to go on from week to week, and from year to year, in a course of opposition for the purpose of overthrowing a Government—risking there by the peace of Ireland and the tranquillity of the empire. He could admire the cavaliers of 1645, who defended the throne against Cromwell ; and be could admire theJacobines of 1745, who came forth in behalf of the Stuarts, against that which he thought was the right cause, the house of Hanover. He c. old admire the chivalrous spirit and determined loyalty— Ll.c adherence to settled opinions in those men who were engaged in those two unfortunate cassses. But when he came to that cause which existed in 1845, he found such an absence of all chivalrous feeling that he could not be surprised at the party supporting that cause having been misled. Those Hon. Gen tlemen who opposed this Bill believed that it would be injurious to the country, and they bad supported their views with much talent. He, however, considered that it would be otherwise— that it would tend to foster peace with other nations. Looking a sad alternative was that. Let me — lll you that although for a time you might rely on those faggot votes, the interval would not be long before the weapon would break short in your hands, and you would find that these additional votes, formed for the purpose of combat ing the League—though brought up at the first election—it would be the institution of a permanent evil for a temporary benefit. It was the consideration of all these circumstances which strongly induced me to believe that it was for the bene fit of all classes, and the benefit of the agricultural classes, to make a permanent and equitable system.._( Cheers.) I know the penalty to which I must be subjected, but even after the continuance of these debates, I am more impressed with the necessity which there exists for this measure. The Hon. Gentleman the Member for Sunderland said there was no ex citement about the Corn Bill, and he undertook to give it his opinion that the Bill was received by all classes with less of excitement than any public measure generally excited, and with a greater disposition to confide in the wisdom of Par liament.—( Loud cries of "No, no.") (Mr. Hudson rose, but, being below the bar, he was called to order, and the Rm. Gentleman made his way to the middle of the House amidst the greatest laughter. ) 11r. HUDSON —No, no; what I stated was, that there was no excitement in favour of the Bill, but there was a deep feeling on the part of the agriculturalcommunity against the Bill. Sir R. PEEL—I consider that the explana'ion fully justifies my observations.—(Cries of "No, no.") If there is no ex citement in favour of the Bill, it only proves hew favourable the opportunity is for discussing it, rather than wait until unfavourable harvests and depressed manufactures might bring about a state of things which would render it to yt:u not very easy to exercese due deliberation in your opinions. Ido not rest it upon that ground alone. The scarcity, however, has made it imperative on you to consider what is the course of pthpnatsiditeriastifoonr,thillagtensenrmale inptperrmesatn,enatpaarrtrafnrogmemaennyt poli ey you must pursue in reference to this question. I repeat made f f r r m t h y e p u r e w m b o o v a a l re o of h e o s o e p r p e: n t r e i n c t t s i v o e laws. ftemporary should measure; t ; ak l e w th il e l the take the speech of the Hon. Membe r for Oxford s hi re . We will have n o di sputes about the fa cts, will take th ose f rom ' you • but it is wi t h the inferences I drawn e from tl em w i t h which we sha 1 h ave to do. That Hon looking at the l ast 3 0 years, our trade had beenleman said. th at b on the increase, and our commodities had become cheapened, ment had taken place in the social uln:improve people. What was it that wascondition of the calculated to ele vate them from the degradatio n into which they were sunk ? What was calculated to raise the condtio and elevate the moral character of the millions that subsist by labour ?—( Cheers.) If the Hon. Gentleman's statements he correct, they suggest matter for grave consideration. He said that trade had increased, and that commodities had been cheap ened, but that there had been no corresponding iucrease in the social condition of those who were the basis of society. Let us go back to the last thirty years since—to 1615, and let us examine the matter attentively. It was then that the system of protection to agriculture first began.—( Cheers.) What was the preceding period, excluding of course the time of war, with which you compare the then condition of the people ? Let us compare the state of the people from any periodfrom 1700 to 1791 with the p er i o d re f erre d to by the Hon. Gentleman. For the first 66 years of the last century this was an importing country. Why, let me ask, were not Croatia and Hungary sending us corn then'? The law in 1773 admitted it at 6d. a qr, and for 6 years after this was an importing country. There were sixteen hundred and sixty inclesure bills passed in that year, and the state of the people was better in point of em ployment, in point of prosperity, and in point of happiness than since I'ls. Well, in that year, a law was passed, which aid that corn should not come in unless it was above 80s. in the home market. In 1828, they made the price 705., at which corn should be admitted, anti at that price a duty of 16s. Bd., and it was only by the alteration made in 1840 that the beneficial change was made. It was in 1815 that we made this prohibition of foreign articles of consump tion. We increased the duty on butter to 2s. '6d., and on cheese from is. 6d. to 2s. 6d., and therefore we did that which almost amounted to a restriction. Such, then, was the result of thirteen years. I now come to the facts of the Hon. Gen tleman the Member for the North Riding of Yorkshire, and I regret that indisposition prevented that Hon. Member ad dressing the House in his usual audible manner.—(Hear, hear.) I followed the Hon. Gentleman very closely, and I took down his account of the state of agricul ture. He said that in 1815 we had great distress, and in that year you will remember we had the protection duty. "We had great distress in the agricultural districts," said the Hon. Member. This was the historical fact of the Hon. Gentle man. Well, in 1819, we had a speech from the throne on the great distress which prevailed, and it was so great and alarm ing in our agricultural and manufacturing districts, that we passed the " Six Acts," and a Commmittee was appointed, and actually employed in devising a remedy. There was in 1822, the greatest difficulty in getting employment, and the labouring classes felt that distress most severely, but still we had protec tion. We advanced to 1832 and 1833, and it was found neces sary in that year to appoint 4Committee to supply a remedy. In that year, in the north of England, there were 300,000 persons almost unemployed. The Preston weavers presented a petition to that House, praying that something might be done to relieve them from their wretched condition, In 1835, it was also as bad. In 1836 and 1837, we had a change; these were years of comparative prosperity, but, in 1839 and down to 1840, there was a great depression. Well, that was the state of trade under protection.—(Hear, hear.) Well then did that lowering of prices arise from competition in foreign corn ? Ne, the lowering of prices was caused by the suspension of the national dealings in corn, occasioned by productive harvests, their being no outlets for this abundance ; and this it was which occasioned the prostration in the corn trade. But the Hon. Gentleman having detailed this suffering on the part of the agriculturist, I was surprised to hear the Hon. Gentleman conclude wilh a quotation, the effect of which was to preserve the tree which had shaded them so long.— (Hear, hear.) Had he not better have said— " Ille et nefasto to posuit die," to one of the greatest nations of the globe, he was happy to find it was already influenced by feelings of amity and good-will to wards this country; and when he read the speeches of Mr. Web ster and Mr. Calhoun. he forgot all those declarations which had lately been wafted from the other side of the Atlantic. He trusted that her Majesty's Government would be enabled to Sz finally a limit to divide the dominions of her Majesty and those of 'he United States, and he trusted that this measure would make the two countries one vast domain of wealth, as it were— each to vie with the other, if they would—each endeavouring to make their productions more perfect, so that we might clothe the inhabitants of the United States while they fed us, and then there would be no cause to fear that British and American bayonets should ever be crossed upon any battle field what ever. With these views, hoping that this Bill would go to the House of Lords with a large majority from that House, he should give the measure his hearty support.—( Loud cheers.) Sir ROBERT PEEL said—Sir, I believe it is now nearly three months since I first proposed, as the organ of her Ma jesty's Government, that measure which I trust is about to re ceive this night the final sanction of the House of Commons ; and considering, Sir, the lapse of time, and considering the frequent discussions, and considering the anxiety of the people of this country that the debate should be brought to a close, I feel I should be only offering an insult to this House—that I should be offering an insult to this country, if I condescended to bandy personalities on the present occasion. —(Cheers.) Sir, I saw that the cause which I have taken, from a sense of public duty, would expose me to serious sacrifices—sacrifices which were inevitable, and almost impossible to avert. I foresaw that I must farfeit personal friendships, which I had long cherished— that I might break up political relations which long existed, and which I highly valued and esteemed, but the smallest penalty I anticipated was the continued venomous attack of the Hon. Member for Shrewsbury.—( Renewed cheers.) I will only say, that if the Hon. Gentleman, after reviewing the whole of my conduct during a life of thirty years previous to my accession to office, in 1841, then entertained the opinion of me which he new professes—if he thought I was guilty of those petty larcenies from Mr. Horner and some others, it is surprising that, in 1841, after the long experience he bad had of my public career, that he should be prepared to give me his confidence—that he should be willing and ready to unite his fortunes with me in office—( Loud cheers)—which is, I think, the strongess proof a public man can have of the confidence reposed in his honour and integrity.—( Hear, hear. I have, at other times, explained, more than is usual, what were the circumstances which rendered it necessary for me to propose this measure—that 1 feat that there was apprehension of a scarcity and a famine in Ireland.—( Cries of " No, no" from the protectionist benches.) lam stating what were my ap prehensions at the time, and what were the motives which created those apprehensions—which, if they are denied now, at laast they were shared by Honourable Gentlemen who sit upon both sides of the House.—Cries of " Hear, hear.") he Hon. Member who has recently taken his seat in this House, and who spoke with great ability the other night, the Member for Dorsetshire (Mr. Seymer, )—(Hear, hear)—dis tinctly declared that he thought I should have abandoned my duty, if I had not advised that, considering the circumstances at Ireland. the restrictions upon the importation of foreign corn into this country should be removed.—( Hear, hear.) I may have been wrong, but my first impression was, that duty towards a country threatened by famine required that that which had been the ordinary remedy, under all similar circum stances, should be resorted to—namely, that there should be a free access to the food of man, from whatever quarter it might come.—( Hear, hear.) I gave that proof which public men are generally required to give of the sincerity of their opinions, by tendering my resignation of office.---( Hear, hear ; cries of " Oh, oh," from the protectionists ; followed by cheers from the Opposition.) It devolved upon me, as the first duty, to propose this measure.—( Hear, hear.) And, Sir, I felt that if these laws were once suspended, and that there was an un limited access to the food produced in other countries, I, and those with whom I acted, felt the strongest conviction that it was not for the public interest, and that it was not for the in terest of the agricultural party, that an attempt should be made to re-assume the restrictions upon the importation of foreign corn.—( Hear, hear.) I could not propose the re-establish ment of the existing law with any guarantee for its perma nence. As the Noble Lord says, I united with Mr. Huskisson in the years 1824, 1825, and 1826, in revising these laws. In 1842, after my accession to office, I proposed a revision of the corn-laws. Had nothing taken place from the election in 1841 which precludes/ that revision? Was there public assurance to the people of this country at the election of 1841 that the existing amount of protection to agriculture should remain ? —( Cries of " Yes, yes," from an Hon. Member on the protec tionist benches.) There was, was there ? (Laughter.) Then, if there was, you were as guilty as I was.—(Loud cheers.) It was agreed that the amount of protection to agriculture, that existed in 1840, and 1841, should be stained, and a revision should have been made in the existing laws. Why "was the removal of the prohibition on the importation on foreign cattle consented to ?—( Hear, hear.) Tnat removal must have been utterly at variance with any assurance that the protection to agriculture that existed in 1840, and 1841, should be retained.—( Hear, hear.) After the Bill of 1842, was I not repeatedly asked this question? " Now that you have passed this Bill of 1842, establishing a new corn-law, will you give a public assurance that that law shall at all times remain unaltered ?"—( Hear, bear. ) And did not 1 uniformly decline to give such an assurance?— (" No, no," and cheers.) Did I not say that I had no inten tion of proposing any alteration of that law—(Cheers)—and when the question was put to me, I distinctly declare that I would not fetter my discretion ?—(" Oh, oh," and cheers. ) Then it was impossible for me to propose, consistently with my own convictions, after the opening of the ports, the re-esta blishment of the existing law. The question then naturally arose, whether we should propose some diminished protection to agriculture, or whether we s h ou ld p ro p ose some ulti mate settlement of the question. After all the debate which I have heard upon this question, I am firmly convinced that it is better for the agr icultural interest to contemplate a final settlement of the question rather than to propose a law giving a diminished protection . My beli e f i s that a diminished protection would not conciliate the agricul tural feelings. .It would be of no avail unless the amount were very greatly diminished, and such a proposition would have met with as severe an opposition as a final settlement and this I must ray, that nothing could be so disadvantageous as to give an ineffectual protection, and yet incur all the odium attaching to such a law.—( Cheers.) I have li tened, with scarcely an exception, to every speech which has been made upon this subject, and I confess, admitting the talent displayed, they have in no respect altered the condition on the subject. ( Some interruption here arose on the part of the proctectionists. ) (The Right Hon. Baronet made some remark, which was inaudible, but which we understood, complained of this inter ruption.) The Right Hon. Baronet then went on to say, I will assign a reason why the arguments I have heard have not shaken my opinions. I !ive been told that it was possible to continue this duty after this temporary suspension, but I am now assuming this temporary suspension had taken place, for it would have been shown after three years. During the con. tinuance of abundant, or at least average harvests, that then it had failed to effect its object; and that would, in addition to the state of public feeling with reference to the restriction upon imports generally, it would have lately added to the final settlement, if it could be shown, that with reference to the case of Ireland, the working of the law, so far as Great Britain is concerned, has not been satisfactory, he would have had to contend, not merely with a difficulty arising from a suspension on account of the case of Ireland. But it will be shown, as it now would be shown, that the rate of duty is high on ac count of the apparent lowness in the prce of corn, that low ness of price arising from the deficient quality in the crop,-.-- ( (Cheers) It will havebeen shown conclusively that there are greater disparities in the leading articles of the principal markots in the country, in point of price of corn of the highest qualities and lowest qualities, than existed at any former period. It would have been proved that there never was a greater than there has been during the present year of wheat of the high qualities, for the purpose of mixing with wheat of an inferior quality. It would have been shown that had there been wheat of a higher quality, the whole population of this country would for the last four months have been consuming bread of a bet ter quality than that which they had had. When you proposed an:arrangement of the existing law, you would have had to contend with greater difficulties than you now have, I think you might have had a majority in favour of the continuance of these laws notwithstanding the enormous diffi culty, for some short time longer. I believe that 'the interval of this maintenance would have been short. There would, during that time, have sprung up a desperate conflict between different classes of society. The arguments would be unheeded, and you might have had no alternative but to repeal at an early period, when the sycle of unfavourable harvests came round; and who can give any assurance that that time would not have come? You wou ld th en h ave h a d no a l ternat i ve , I sa y, b u t to concede the a lt e ratio n o f th ese l aws un d er c i rc umstances infi nitely less favourable to yourselves The Hon. Member for Dorsetshire said that they could have fought the League with their own weapons—weapons which I for one do not defend, but which I s ince re ly re p ro b a t e —namely, the making of faggot vot es , and th e l an d e d i n t eres t w ould hav e _ e g reater facility . for the manufacture of these votes. w then, what * * agro qui statuit meo Te, tristo lignum, to caducum In domiei caput immerentis." think it would have been a more appropriate quotation' —(Loud laughter.) Is there no exception to be made from this period of three years? Is the latter part of the thirty years exempt from the stigma which the Hon. Gentleman cast upon the preceding years ? There had been three years, 1843, 1844, and 1845 during which you had from some cause or other, many benefits. The average price of wheat had little exceeded 515., and let us see whether during the last three years there has been no increase of com fort, -o improvement in the moral condition of the people, no abatement of fictitious dealings in corn. I care not what may have been the cause of the atom ance which has prevailed during the last three years. You do not attribtee the cause to the tariff, but to good harvests. It is enough to know that there have bean g0.,c1 harvests. and the people have had to apply less of their earnings to the purchase of food.__( Hear. ) Do you believe that if the price of wheat had been 705. in stead of 50s. there would have been the same amount of capital expended. But granted that the tariff of 1842 had nothing to do with the abatement of prices in 1844 and 1845. I concede that to you. It has been the favour of Providence, it has been good harvests. There has been abundance; and what has been the result of that abundance? ( Hear, hear.) I take the test of the Hon. Gentleman. He says, " the facts and figures show there has been no increase in the consumption." Well, I will show you that during the last three years, that trade has flourished and that capital has accumulated. But during, it is said, the last three years there has been a greater deterioration in the social condition of the people than during the preceding 27 years. —( Hear, hear.) Well, now, first take the consumption of articles that are used largely, which I take from the statement of the undermentioned articles in the United Kingdom, and which gives the average consumption of those articles in the three years ending 1839, 1841, 1843, and 1846. Well, in the first three years, when the prices of provisions are high, and the average consumption of sugar for the three years ending 1841 was 3,826,000; this average, for the last three years ending the Ist January, 1846, rose from 38,826,000 to 43,460,000. —( Hear, hear.) The average consumption of tea in the first three years was 34,360,0130, and the average con sumption of tea in the last three years was 42,000,000 instead of 34,000,000. —(Hear, hear.) In coffee, the average con- 1 gumption, in three years of high pries, was 27,941,000, and the average for the last three years was 81,833,000. In cocoa, the average consumption the first three years was 1,859,000, and the average during the last three years was 2,595,000. ( Hear, hear.) Taking other articles of smaller amount, but which entered very largely into the consumption of the poor, and added very much to their comfort—during the first three years the cousumption was 175,000 cwt., and in the last two years 185,000 cwt. So far I take, then, the test of the Right Hon. Member for Oxfordshire of these great articles of con sumption, and I show him that comparative plenty has produced this change, and enabled the working classes to purchase those smaller luxuries of life.—(Hear, hear.) Well, I came to a more important point —the statement of crime, You have got an official record presented within the last few days, which gives the statement of crime within the last three years. In the third year I have mentioned there was an increase ; but in the year 1843 there was a change in a most important feature in the state of the country. In the six years I have mentioned of plenty, there followed a proportionate decrease of crime and commitments. In the three vears of high prices the number of commitments were respectiv'ely ac cording to the returns I hold in my band, 27,000, 2 ,7 j, 04 and , 00, 31,000 • while in the last three years they were and 24,000. Now, I ask,of crime. the existence of plenty followed the diminuti on tbat during those can we resist tb the gentleman who drew up this return adds , totsl absence of re f conviction th at t from same three years of plenty there was a you have a stronger proof of the se ditious riots; and I ask, can fact than this, that the progressive diminution of commitments for seditious riots has been owing to the cheap and plentiful supply of food ?-- (Hear, hear.) I say then that in the three years of the reduced prices of the provisions of life, as com pared with the twenty-seven years previous, the inference is t t h h e e p i n t f e e r e e i a p s a e l d fcommandh e o y p e o r or th h o a s s e b a reteincl etcoofn thisst she whichea us e t t h u a te t diminution of crime. But then, you ask if all those happy re sults followed from those corn-laws of '42, why now come forward to disturb them .) I say, in answer to that, if you can show me that such has been the cause of it, then I will say they ought not to be disturbed ; and, no doubt, if we could calculated that this law of 1842 did confer such benefits it would be desirable not to disturb them. But then, aga n, it has been urged that this happy state of things has been owing to a favourable harvest; if so, then I say that there is no reason at all for not introducing this law.—( Hear, hear.) But suppose you have a cycle of years of unfavourable harvests, what guarantee have you that there will not also be a depression in the manufacturing districts, and what then will be the state of the country ?—( Hear, hear.) Let me ask, how short a time has elapsed since the dis tressed state of the people of Paisley, and of Sheffield, and of Stockport, was brought before us ?—(Hear.) If that state of things should return, do you think it would be pos sible to maintain a law which imposes a duty of 16s. upon a principle article of food?—(Hear, hear.) firm belief is, and I say this without yielding to the dictation of any party.— (Cries of " Oh, oh.") Yes, I say, I believe it to be perfectly consistent with prudence and good policy, and the real interests of the territorial aristocracy.—(oh, ob.) I say I do entertain the firm conviction that it is consistent with prudence and good policy to pass this measure. —(Hear, hear.) I have attempted to defend the existence of the corn-laws. I have attempted it up to the present period. I have refused to acquiesce in their abolition, but when I am told that I am acting inconsistently with the principles I laid down, by being an advocate for the principle of free-trade, I give it little atten tion. During the last three years I have subjected myself to many taunts. It has been said that Lord Grey found out something of me. Did I not say that the true policy to which you should conform, was not to disturb the country entrusted to you by any rash legislation, on principles to which you do not conform ? It was the principle of *ideal economy which suggested my interference en a _ thoughtsubjeet of such importance. Did I not say that 1 nothing in the world was so well calculated to be ex posed to this principle a s a g riculture, which was me with so often plied iu other cases. I have heard you ta unt a change of opinion in respect to corn, but when you say that when I adopt the principle of free trade I act in con travention of what I have avowed during all my preceding life, the charge is destitute of foundation. I will not enter, at this late hour, on any discussion of any other the measures I q uestion. I foresa w the consequence which would result from pro posed. I was charged with the . heavy responsibility of taking security r. ) I did a great calamity.—( ea against not act lightly—l did not form an opinion on merely local information, or on local 'authority likely to be influenced. I sad there who agreed with A 9 in my opinions came to th e ece. :~ a clusian to adopt everything to prevent a local feeling from in. fluencing our innn particularly dis interested authorities through Ireland, so as to aid us to form a just conclusion. Whether we were mistaken, or whether we were not—and I believe still we were not mistaken—but even if we were, a generous construction should be put upon the motive, and the conduct of those charged with the responsibility of protecting millions of the subjects of the Queen from the cona sequences of the scarcity of provisions.—( Hear, heir.) What ever may be the result of this measure, I feel severely the los' of the confidence of those from almost all of whom I have re ceived such support. Although I am inflexible on my own. opinion, 1 perfectly recognise the sincerity with which they adhere to their own opinions. I perfectly recognise the right of those Hon. Gentlemen to admit the danger of my specu lation, and to withdraw from it. I honour their motives ; but I claim, and always shall claim, while entrusted with such powers, and subject to such responsibility as the Minister of this great country is entrusted with and subject to, I always will assert my right to give that advice which I conscientious 'y believe to be conducive to the general welfare of this country.— ( Hear, hear.) I was not consii'ering, according to the language of the Hon. ?Member for Shrewsbury, what. was the best bargain to make for party. I was considering what were the best measures to avert this great calamity, and also to relieve, by that measure, as much as was possible the misery the was then existing. I cannot charge myself, or my colleagues, with having been unfaithful to the trust with which we were en dowed. I do not believe the great institutions of this country have suffered during our aiministreion. A Noble Gentleman had opened a discussion, in which he observed, that circumstances had occurred which threatened the main tenance of amicable relations with the United States, and hoped such would be brought to a fortunate issue. I think I can appeal to the course which I have pursued to secure me against any insinuation of not maintaining the honour of the country. I can appeal to the past experience of the country that it has been our earnest desire, by every effort consistently with the national honour, to maintain the friendly relations with which we stand with nearly every nation on the face of 'he earth. This princiale, so long as I am en trusted with the management of public affairs, will continue to influence us with respect to any differ , rice with foreign powers. Look at the prerogative of the Crown—lsok at the position of the Church, and the position of the aristocracy, and you will see that I =Hot charge myself with having taken any course inconsistent with my principles, and calculated to endanger the high privileges of any branch of the Legislature. My earnest wish, during my ten years of of thluatstctees ° T Power, has b een to i mpress the people of thisocountry w i th th e op i n i on that the Legislature was animated by a sincere desire to form the Government on principles of equity and ps he o ei z of rntmhee whichnl et aregei 0 s i la b ; tr e io Mvue f ranchis e. p g I h li t t e i d n t t o h a e e s o e c r i t a a l i n c o r n e I d a i t t n o n to it by the en I wish to con vince thec a t h at our Ob j ecttot h os e has been so to p or ti on t axa ti on , that it s h a ll relieve industry and l a b our f rom any undue burden, and t ransfer as far as w e cou ld cons i stently wish' our publi c duties,iebetter able to bear it. I leek around me and fi n d peace wh ere ' formerly sediti there on was th dis sension—loyaltywhere the re was formerly tion and excitement which pre va il ed succeeded by a ecaalgir: the public mind; seeing this, how could I resist the de,ermina tion, in such a disposition of the public mind, to risk that im proved state of feeling by the further continuance of this truly unjust tax. When I tell you this—when I ref er you to the improved state of the country in all these respects—when rye see a disposition to confide in you, as being friendly to and not against them, in their great and fundamental interests— it will be some justification of the course I have pursued. You may dispossess me of power to-morrow, but you cannot deprive me of the consciousness that 1 have exercised the powers committed to me for no corrupt or selfish and in terested motive.—(Loud cheers.) Regarding the question of our foreign relations, I believe we have maintained our power abroad consistently with national honour and the defence of our just rights ; awl I further believe that while we have done so in bringing forward and submitting the present great principles of justice, and in endeavouring to disseminate the blessings of equal laws, trusting to conciliatory instead of coercive measures, we have done that which was best calculated for the interests of the empire, and to improve the condition of the great body of the people. Mr. DISRAELI rose to explain. In consequence of an in sinuation that had been thrown out by the Right Hon. Ba ronet, he wished to correct au impression it was calculated to convey. The meaning that wenld be attached to it was, that his opposition to the Right Honourable Baronet arose from disappointment, arising out of an application for office. It was the impression that in 1841 he (Mr. Disraeli) was denied office by the Right Hon. Baronet. In reference to that, there was no foundation whatever for the insinuation.—(Hear, hear.) He recollected an interview with a party in connexion with the Government, who called on him in reference to a cer tain matter, and a conversation ensued such as what might take place with the most high .minded and honourable Member in that House; but he could assure Honourable Members that none of the opposition he now gave had anything to do with that termination. Moreover, he would say, that that interview was none of his seeking, whether the Right Hon. Baronet was a party to it he could not say. He (Mr. Disraeli) had never taken any decided step against the Right Hon. Baronet till three years'after, and then at the strong request of his:constituents to redeem his pledge respecting the protection. Even then he gave but a silent vote on the question. This did not seem to favour the supposition that he acted from any feeling of hostility respecting what took place in 1841. He bad a ri sk a e w d nu a ld ny enn fa f v e o ss ur it oaft once,thc Gtboavterinfmienntl.B4—(lHbeearb, never had been n ) offered office, in all probability he would have accepted it. He was now, however, very glad that he had not had an office offered to him. B u t he did most emphatically, upon his honour, declare that he had never been influenced by feeling of disappointment in opposition to the Right Hon. Baronet. Sir ROBERT PEEL said that the Hon. Gentleman had not at all correctly stated that which he (Sir R. Peel) had said. He had said nothing about the Hon. Gentleman being influenced in his opposition. What be had said was this that if the Hon. Gentleman, upon reviewing his ( Sir R. Peel's) political life previously to 1841, which was a period of thirty years, really believed he was deservini of the character which the Hon. Gentleman had given him that night, it was not right that the Hon. Gentleman should accept him (Sir R. Peel) as a leader, believing, as the Hon. Gentleman must have done, that he ( Sir R. Peel) had committed, what the Hon. Gentleman called, " petty larceny," upon other men's ideas.—( Hear, hear.) The Hon. Gentleman did accept him as a leader, and he (Sir R. P ee l) did un d ers t an d that the Hon. Gentleman had intimated that be was not un willing to give a proof of his confidence of him ( Sir Robert Peel) as a Minister, which was implied in the acceptance of the Hon. Gentleman of office.—(Cheers.) Lord GEORGE BENTINCK rose to address the House, amidst much confusion and cries for a division. He attributed the prosperity of the country during the last two years to the extension of railways. The Right Hon. Gentleman the Secre tary for the Home Department had that night said that this country was not altogether an agricultural country ; and yet it June last he declared that the country was essen tially an agricultural country. Had the charac ter of the country changed since June last ? It was es much an agricultural country as it was when, after the speech of the Hon. Gentleman the Member for Wolverhamp ton, the Right Hon. Baronet declared that a third of the people in this country were engaged in agriculture. He did not mean to state that there was not a large number of per sons engaged in manufactures ; but, speaking comparatively, he said the number engaged in agriculture were more than those employed in manufactures. There were one million of persons said to be engaged in the manufactures of thy coun try. Now, what were the numbers engaged in agriculture? Why, exclusive of the number employed in agriculture in Ireland, there were 800,000 of labourers in this country, whose only means of subsistence was that of raising corn and tilling the lead.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) They were told that in advocating the exi s t ence o f p ro t ec ti on " they were actuated by selfish motives, but let him tell Honour able Members who made this assertion, that, exclusive of the labourers, there were three millions of persons interested in agriculture, who must fall with the landed interest.—( Hear. ) America already sent here more produce than the amount of manufactures which she took from this country. Where was the hope, then, that if we r emove d all restrictions from th e importation of American corn she would take from us more of our manufactured goods in return? It was a question of profit to the manufacturer—( Hear, hear)—and the expectations that those gentlemen who had been the great advocates of the measure, as to the increase of our trade with foreign countries in consequence of the removal of all restrictions on the importa tation of their corn, had no foundation. Well, now, what was the state of the foreign trade? Why, the entire of the foreign exports of cotton goods did not exceed one-third of the entire consumption of our home manufactures. He apprehended it would not be disputed, that the home consumption of cotton goods was at least double the amount that was exported to foreign countries, and of that amount more than their one-halfs least was exported to countries that did not grow corn. We ll then if their argument was good for anything , and if it were to necessary, in order to enable foreign countries purchase their grain or manufactures, that this country should purchase rmo bold good their produce, did net the s r a k m et e s Divide, divide.") with regard to the home e al home consumption of manu factures believed that t cr h des criptions in this country did factures of all 41.9 001 V. perannum. He apprehended he not fall short of .19.5 00 he said that the home consumption did not exaggerate wh en at beast 4-sths o f all that was raised in the way of a mounted to manufactures in this country. Four-fifths of th e woo ll en m a nufactures of this country, and even in greater proportion with respect to the other articles of manufacture were consumed at home. It, therefore, seemed clear that, exclusive of our colonies, our home should be preferred to the foreign markets. —( Hear, and cries of " Divide, divide.") There was the shipping interest too, and how did it stand? By the returns that lay on the table of the House, it appeared that between 40,000 and 50,000 were annually engaged in the shipping interest, and if they surrendered the coasting trade to the foreigner, what, he wished to know, must be the result? Why, the result must be, that the shipping interest, instead of engrossing more than one-third of the entire coasting trade, would be almost completely de stroyed, and the carrying trade along the coasts would be trans ferred to the hands of foreigners ; for it was to the coasts, and not to the large towns of this country, that foreign corn would be brought. But when he spoke of the shipping interest, he must not forget, that there was a large number of ships engaged nine out of the twelve months of the year, in bringing guano to this country for the improvement of the land. when a statement of the kind was made, it was for him to re fute it. Why, the country had been told that these free-trade measures would be beneficial to the landed interest, and that they would increase the price of land. Now he held state mentshis in hand which plainly proved that the price of land had materially diminished since the introduction of the principles of free trade. The Right Hon. Baronet had reproached them for objecting against his policy then, and he said that the year 1842 was the time when they should have protested. But he did not see that such should have been the case. The Hon. Gentleman had not then disclosed his opinions, and they were were in unison with those of the protectionists.—( Hear.) Her Majesty's Ministers dared not appeal to the country now In 1829, when differing from his constituents at Oxford,lie en tertained a different opinion, and wrote to them from influenced a nced m ueprin ciple of honour. He did not appear, however i h to t be carried, by such feelings new. This measure g but it was not carried yet.—(Cheers.) If it did pass, it would reflect lasting disgrace uon this House.—(Cheers.) . • ivid9, - The Noble Lord sat down amidst loud cries of " D divide." a few seconds. would He n c o o t uld oce n u o p t y atteowHotuhsee Noblemore te merit of the position Lord'swhich party had always complained of the bou n t y o f P rovidence. L cries of " Divide, divide.")—The lion. Memb er (M r. yhe assumed. The Noble claiming t o hi mself (L t hoalrund i to close that debate b all Disraeli) had charged that side of the House with having abandoned their position.---( Cries of " Divide, divide." H e would contend for it that they had not aban doned any of the principles they had always advocated for the last nine years.—(Cries of " Divide, divide," and Oh, oh.") He would advise Hon. Gentlemen to pause before they offered such examples to the country and to those who were to succeed them, or to leave their names on record as having at tempted to the last to keep from the country and the people that which would be of great advantagi to them. The gallerywasaridthere a then cleared for a division, when the House divided, 327 For the Bill Against it The other orders of the day were then disposed , of, and th. Ho l u l se e was thin for —95 read h a e third third timeea din a g . n d passed. _. THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, 1846 MAY 16, - ,