The Sun. — London, England, 1852-11-12 00:00:00

TILE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, NOTEMBER 12, 1852. the agricultural and manufacturing labourers, more especially of the manufacturing labourers, is to be attributed to that legislation, combined with other causes. which has given to them the advantage of cheap and abundant food, and which, at the same time, other circumstances have prevented from being accom panied by those concomitant evils which we undoubtedly ! apprehended. If your Lordships ask me what are those other circumstances to which I refer as having newra lized the injurious effects of, while permitting to come into full operation the advantages to he derived from, that system of policy which made the provisions of the people cheap and abundant, I do not hesitate to say that I concur in a great measure in what fell from my Noble Friend behind me, and in thinking that two causes have had a material effect on the result, viz., the extensive discoveries and production of gold in different parts of the world ; and the emigration which, partly arising from those discoveries of gold, and from other induce ments, has taken place to an enormous extent, and to a still increasing extent, in the course of the last two years. (Cheers.) But it certainly was an apprehension which I entertained, and which I am happy to find from various causes has not been realized, but which was until very lately entertained by a great body of those who are acting with me—that a fall in the price of provisions, other things being as they were, would lead to a corresponding, or to a more than corresponding, reduction in the rate of wages. I think that is a proposition which may be theoretically made clear, and which, bat for the circumstances to which I am al luding, might perhaps have been practically proved to demonstration. (Hear, hear.) And here 1 may say— though I may have read an erroneous report—that I read with considerable surprise a statement attributed the other day to a Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Macaulay) whom I rejoice to find in a such a state of health as to be enabled again to devote his talents to public life, and in whose brilliant capacity I think the New House of Commons will have made a great acquisition. The statement of which I speak is in a speech, the eloquence of which I greatly admired, although a considerable portion of that speech was directed, and in a manner hardly worthy the Right Hen. Gentleman's talents, against myself, and against those with whom I act ; and I must say that if that speech is correctly reported, I am compelled to give the Right Hon. Gentleman greater credit for the brilliance of his oratory than for the soundness of his judgment. [The Noble Earl here pro ceded to reply to,Mr.Macaulay's argument, that inasmuch as wages were high in Ohio, and yet provisions were cheap, the Protectionist theory was erroneous, by say ing that between a thinly inhabited and virgin soil country like that of Ohio, and a thickly populat€d highly farmed country like England, there could be no rational comparison, England (added the noble earl) could only be compared with England herself, and in the past cir cumstances of England would be found facts sufficient to justify the former apprehensions of the protectionist party. He then returned to his general argument.] The circumstances of the country, then, have been widely altered by the two important causes, I have enumerated. In the first place, the large production, and the increas ing production, of gold must not only have its effects to a certain extent on the money prices of all articles of commerce, but by making money cheap and abundant and consequently the rate of interest low, it enables the employers of labour to make exertions they otherwise could not have made, and so to furnish an amount of employment which throws the balance in favour of labour, by diminishing the apparent number, of the com petitors for employment. But beyond, and independent of this, you must look to the emigration which has been going on during these last two years. I hold in my hand a return of that emigration, and I find that, taking England and Ireland together, there have emigrated from this country in 1850, 220,000 persons ; in 1851, 273,000 persons ; and in 1852, 30.5,000 persons—making a total in three years of 830,000 persons, most of them, be it remembered, being in the prime of life, end all of them being competitors in the labour market. Don't suppose that this emigration has taken place exclusively from Ireland, I will show that it has not. Of course Liverpool must to a certain extent he left out of this calculation ; for though the returns include it s an English port, nine-tenths of the emig r ati on pro ceeding tnence is Irish. But assuming that of the emi grants sailing from Liverpool, only one -tenth are Bog fish, that is, 18.000 out of 187,000 persons, we find that there has emigrated from England alone in the list year a body of 80,000 persons. It is impossible, th en , b ut teat these two circumstances combined, tho large amount of gold discovered, making money cheap, and rendering the means of employment easy—and, on the other hand, the concurrent diminution of the number of competitors in the home labour market—must have had the effect of keeping up the rate of wages of the labouring classes, and thereby so altering the state of affairs contemplated in all parties' calculations as in a great degr ee to pre vent the occurrence of those evils which, but for those mitigating circumstances, would have attended the fall in the prices of provisions. (Cheers.) But, my Lords, in reviewing the results of the new system of commer cial policy, working, as it does, more advantageously for the working classes than we had anticipated. I am bound to look, not so much to the causes, but to the practical results themselves—to the facts as I find them, produced as those facts have been by a variety of causes, some of which were never calculated on by any party. (Cheers.) And I am bound to look also to the deliberate expres sion of the opinions and of the feelings of the country. (Cheers.) When at tho early part of the last Session of the last Parliament I had, most unexpectedly, the hon our of addressing your Lordscipa from the place (the Ministerial benches.) I now stand at, I stated that it would be my desire to be enabled to conduct the busi ness of the country through the Session then in progress without any reference to those important questions upon which a difference of opinion prevailed with regard to legislation—that that must be a point referred to the deliberate consideration of the country, as it would be tested by the results of the general election—that by the results of that general election I and my col leagues were prepared to abid e — an d t h at we should abstain, unless we should then have the full sanction and support of a large majority of the country, from propos ing even those measures which we ourselves in our pri vate judgment might deem the most advantageous for the empire. My Lords, that appeal to the country has been made; and I have no hesitation in saying to your Lordships that, with regard to any imposition of any duty on corn, or on other provisions of first necessity, not only is there not that large majority, without which I declared I would submit no such proposition to the consideration of Parliament; but that the country, by a very largo and very undoubted majority, including a very considerable number of the representatives of agri cultural districts themselves, have declared that whether desirable or not it might have been as a matter of policy, yet that in the present state of the country they are de termined not to go back from that system of legislation which has been established, and that they will not con sent to the imposition of any tax on the introduction of articles of provision. (Loud cheers.) My Lords, I think that question carries with it the whole financial h p o a v l y called,a d o the oa f fpurtdoe mlt oct that euanast have made I system; serotmeacadoe t : m tfbrhu i ce g tes h ei t have t trade,pisa rt oac been tsupl iatorsi sspossible iarticles commonly possible tto lex ceptionse down a system of policy by which you would have free trade in corn and provisions, and by which you would not st follow moneta t tl h d a s b f t e a xl understandte for o d r b l t y h f i com htpoeuunmrdpoeoars tx ou h t that a other ecat srs o f opahunrri anw,hs, il"free possibleeaeiin necessitiesttnotintended nai impose ee h pd same system with regard thi this—that e of the protection of individual or local interests; that you c ill impose a tax for the purpose of revenue and for revenue only; and that in the imposition of taxes for revenue you will have especial reference to . lightening the burdens w hi c h ma y b e i mpsed on these articles which mainly enter into the consumption of the great mass of the people. (Loud cheers.) Now, my Lords, in that system I see much advantage; but I do not deny that I see much difficulty and future embar rassment. I see great present advantages; but I am not sure—and God grant that I may be wrong—that that system may not lead to future embarrassment, by the necessary consequences of the complete change in our whole financial system. But I do not hesitate to say that after the opinion which has been pronounced by the people, whatever may be the views of myself and of my friends as to what would have been a desirable policy, I see that a concurrence of the majority in such a policy is in itself impracticable; and tha?, if it were practicable, it would still be undesirable to raise such a question for controversy among largo classes of the people. (Loud cheers) On the part, then, of myself and of my colleagues, I say that I bow to the decision of (Loud cheers.) iA,.(I h.viug so bowed, 1 declare, on their part and on mine, that—while desirous to the utmost of our power to mitigate that inevitable injury which the adoption of the free-trade policy has indicted on important classes—l do not adopt that po licy with any reserve whatever. I adopt it frankly e s the decision of the country, and honestly and fairly I am prepared to carry it oat. (Loud cheers) I hope that the Noble Marquis a nd other Noble Lords will see, after I have said thus much, that . there has not . been any faltering or hesitation in . declaring . our intention to to the country. It would obviously be . improper for me, on the present occasion, to enter into . any detail or t hos e measures classes h which s spoken e n believe of.m t haeyi interfering injury r toyo. mitigated_thhe par ticular described a that I should now g m e i n ti e g r a a t l ed, po w li e cy believe, without s Infrteerefiritnreadwe.it Into such details it will not bo expected.. your the Lordships, pß9,ut thatl if have y o t u h e n s o a d. tis: i vo g e h t Government, my to wait for the perii l i tic : o n riu e: ot s fr h Ysotracttaifanogrhtnat (Laughter)—on the part of her Majesty's House of Par will be prepared to lay before the othe r my Right lion. Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer ' liament, in full detail, those financial (Laughter.) Until measures Govern ment minetnhtearperepsreenptarsetaatetoorfecaff)malmrse,nhue. her Mal 3 G vv e ., v . ern that period shall arrive, I trust your . Lords . leips . I ab stain from expressing or pronouncing any opinion. trust that your Lordships will at all events hear the, views her Majesty's Government entertain ; and I trust that you a ill give a deliberate and dispassionate conside ration to the measures we may bring forward. You may—or the other House of Parliament may—dissent from our views, or they may adopt them. If they dis sent, and think fit to act on that dissent, they may—if they can collect among themselves a sufficient number of gentlemen ready to deal with this subject, and in a different way, and ready to deal with the other subjects in which the great interests of the country are concerned —they may in that case prevent the adoption of the policy which—without any difference of opinion among them —without any hesitation subsequent to the decision of the last general election—the Goverument deliberately adopted. Bat I believe there will b e th at gor d sense an d that moderation in Purl iatnent that they will not secri fice the great interes ts off the nat ion for the purpose cf raising personal points, or for the purpose of i n d u l g i ng in personal recriminations or individual accusat i ons . I hope and I believe that on. all sides of th e H ouse there will prevail that spirit of which we se e so satisfectory and honourable an instance in the speech to-night of the Noble Marquis—a spirit which will induce members of Parliament to look at great subjects of national import ance—not through the medium of this or that section or party, and not tnrough the medium of priv:,to interests; but that they will look at them as that great man we have so Litely lost would have looked at them, through the medium of that which would, on the whole, be for the advantage of the great interests of the country, of those interests of which not a Ministry alone, but of which both Houses of Parliament are the natural reposi tories. On that point, my Lords, I need say no more. With regard to the question on which I have dwelt so long, I have frankly stated that we will endeavour as honestly to carry out that policy to which we formerly objected, as far as we had been the authors of that policy; and, on the other hand I say as distinctly, that I will abstain from no effort which, in my judgment, and in that of my colleagues, may be calculated to lessen the inevitable injury inflicted on those who suffer from the effects of that policy the nation has finally adopted. (Tho Noble Earl resumed his scat amid general cheering.) The Address was then adopted. On the motion of the First Minister, Lord Redesdale wss reappointed Chairman of Committees of their Lordships House. Their Lordships then (at a quarter to eight) ad journed. .ended on the discretion or the decision of Ministers what tone might be taken, or what turn might be given, to the discussion on the Address. because Minis ters, being responsible far the Speech. Issvints the selec tion of the topics contained in it, having the choice of the friends who were to expoun I the policy of the Go vernment, and knowing the desire of the House to be informed of the views of the Government respecting the condition of the country, the state of foreign relatiors, and the policy to be adopted at home, there could be no amendment proposed to the ad dress, or angry discussion take place, unless there was some omission of matters on what the House desired to be informed. or some statement of policy which it might he deemed desirable to oppose. It was under these cir cumstances that he rose to complain somewhat of the Address which had been moved that evening. He did not say that he complained of much that was contained in it. There were in it matters which spoke for them selves, facts on which they all agreed, and in which he rejoiced. First of all he might speak of the reference made to what he might term the national bereavement; and he was sure that the House would respond to every- thing which related to that great man, that great mind, which had left them, with the greatest cordiality and the deepest emotion. (Hear, hear.) But there were some other matters of deep interest to the country at large, and on which it had been anxiously looking for some informs don on that occasion. They had met there at a very un usual season; and there was not a man assembled there, and hardly a man in the country, who had not in quired wherefore they were assembled. The circum stances were so notorious under which the last par liament was dissolved, and under which the present one was assembled, that it was hardly needful for him to refer to them ; but in order for him to estab lish the ground on which he intended to complain of what he considered defective information in the speech, it was necessary just to mention what occurred ; and this brought him back to the formation of the present Government. It was well known that when the Go• vernment acceded to power, there was an avowal on the part of the new minister that he held opinions which he was not willing to abandon, and which he admitted were At variance with those of the majority of the House of Commons. (Cheers.) That minister—he alluded to the first minister of the Crown—admitted the justice of the doctrine, that it was not constitutional for any ministry to administer the Government of this country whose opinions did not coincide with the majority in that house. (Cheers.) "But," ho said, " without abandon ing my opinions, and without doing violence to the Con stitution, I am willing to take a course which I think will be approved by all teen under existing circum stances. I will not interfere with the business which is required to bo done in this house ; I will put the coun try to as little inconvenience as possible ; but I will dissolve this Parliament, I will take the opinion of the country, I will ascertain with the least possible delay, whether or not my opinions coincide with those of the majority of the electors, and whether or not, therefore, I am a fit person to govern the country." (Cheers.) Now. these were the facts, and they were met at that unusual season in consequence of a declaration of the Minister that ho would leave it to the country whether he was fit to be at the head of affairs. There were two ways in which the difficulties admitted and avowed by the Minis ter might have been overcome. One was that the majority in that House should coincide with the Minis• ter, the other that the Minister should declare som. change of opinion on his own part. They were al assembled that evening, and the country generally believed that they were met for tho purpose of ascer taining whether that coincidence existed. They had looked to the Speech, and they had listened to the move: and seconder of the Address to ascertain whether there was a coincidence of opinion as between the majority of that House and the present Government, and ho coca alained that they had no information on that subjrc there was a paragraph which referred to the subject os .vhich a difference of opinion had existed, namely, th. , iommercial policy of the country; there was a referent welt to recent legislation and to the present condition of he people; but ho could not find a clear, distinct, intel ligible avowal on the part of' her Majesty's Goveruntew hat they were reconciled to that policy. (Hear.) tzitt) wet they given no assurance that in no way would the. Lttempt to reverse s:r to modify it, and that the country nieht rest assured that it would be permanent? (11, ay.) Ea order to relieve himself from any charge of pre sumption in intruding himself thus early on the House. or asking for explanations which were not needed, ha 'egged leave to a ate to the House—a House eentainin e many Members who were not in the last Parliament— hh a d also knowing given ven h t o chat, from th e strong interest which he had taken for many year s i n t hi s question, on the first accession of this Government to power, knowing th e o pi n i ons w hi c h they had taken throughout the cou n t r y in condemning t ea the policy whi c h now a y e y, whichad propounded,they h existed, and th e pledget, he might reverse sactive e that p.ar p t o l w i c h y i -- c h (Cheers)—he did feel an apprehension that they would, ea ucceding to power, use the enormous influence which their position as a Government gave them to carry out their views, and that they would make some attempt if not to reverse, at least to modify, their policy. He therefore put a notice of motion on the paper in the last Parliament, which bound the Government to a continu ance of the existing policy—having been requested to do so by Members of great influence, because representing vast numbers of their fellow countrymen in that House; but at the request of that party who succeeded in chang ing the commercial policy of the country, and of the whole House, he consented to withdraw that notice after the speech of the First Minister of the Crown, assented to oy the Ministers in that House. That speech was to the effect which he had stated. The First Minister avowed that he was in a minority in that house, and declared that no would take the opinion of the country. On these grounds he (Mr. Villiers) withdrew the notice. He anxiously awaited the assembling of a new parliament, for the purpose of having this matter decided, because it was the promise, the assurance of the minister at that time that ho would call an early session for the pur pose of deciding it. (Hear, hear.) Nobody could doubt the importance of the subject ; it was appreciated on all sides, whatever view might otherwise be taken of it. Hon. Gentlemen opposite had said that unless the ex isting policy was reversed, or at least modified, inevitable ruin must follow.l They (the Opposition) had declared it was their opinion that the well-being of the country was contingent on its continuance. The minister of the crown said:—" This is a matter of too great importance to be left unsettled ; it shall be decided, and decided finally; so that every man in this country, and in the world, may feel assured as to what the commercial policy of this country will be." It was for this purpose, as ho under stood, that they were, assembled at this unusual season of the year ; and he rose, not to depart from what he know to be the custom of that house, and believed to be he wish of members generally, namely, that of avoiding an amendment to the address,—that was not his purpose —but he wished to call attention to the fact, that up to chat moment they did not know whether or not the ministers of the Crown had abandoned their opinions on the subject of protection. (Hear, hear.) He did assert, md in doing so he was supported by the opinion of the drat minister of the Crown, that it was essential that his matter should be decided. It could not be decided ay coinciding with the address. The language was vague. (Cheers.) He would be very sorry to introduce tnythieg like an angry discussion on that occasion, but e might almost say it was deceptive. (Hear, hear,) ['here was an allusion to the great prosperity of the wdustrious classes, but there was also an allusion to neasures for the relief of industry. Why, if the indus- Hams classes were well off and satisfied, what was the /leaning of a declaration that something should be done or industry ? (Hear, hear.) It was an opinion en ertained on than side of the house by all who had advocated the policy of Free Trade that Protection sots an unqn.lified mischief, that not only was it in enormous mischief to the community at large, eat that it was even injurious to the interests sup oosed to be protected. But when the question in volved also the protection of what was called the landed , nterest, to talk of protecting the industry of the country by restoring a monopoly of food, he should hardly like to 'may what he thought of such talk as that. (Hear, hear.) ft was almost an insult to the people of this country to talk of any person being injured by the removal of the srossest of all injuries which had been inflicted upon the :immunity. (Hear, hear.) But the whole phraseology )f the paragraph was indistinct, vague, and confused; and it depended on the tone and views of Hon. Gamic nen on the opposite side of the House what interpreta don was to be put upon it by the House generally. there was mention made of rociont legisiatluu. Why Jlot use plain English? Why was not the language in wiligible? (Hear, hoar.) If great advantages had been reaped by the working classes from the repeal of the tlorn-laws, why not state it?—(Cheers)---and if any in jury was done to anybody by repealing the Corn-laws, et them have that made clear, distinct, and unequivocal. Hear, hear.) They (the Opposition) would have the cision of the House on that matter—(Cheers)— ted he had only risen now for the purpose of stating that he, for onet haaing taken a great interest n this subject, cud believing that others, who had taken a far more • effective part, would agree with .him, was dissatisfied with the, statement made as to .the causes of the present condition of the country. (Hear, hear.) They wanted to know distinctly what 'verb the opinions of her Majesty's Government on the great question which had been in dispute—the policy of Orotection or Free Trade; and without further detain ing the House, he begged leave most dietinctly to give notice that he should submit the matter to the House— (Cheers)—that ho should put the question on so clear and intelligible a footing that their 'fellow-countrymen out of the House would afterwards feel no doubt with egard to the future: H believed that the 22d of the present month would bo.about the most convenient day or taking the opinion •of the house on that subject. , (Loud cheers.) ..... . . .. • There was here a pause, daring which were heard 'ceasional cries "of "Blotter," whialf:elicited laughter. Pho Speaker was about, to put the.qhestion, when Mr. FIUME rose to address the House. He said he ad waited, with great:: patieeee .in the hope that, en herding to,l custom,: some .Hen. Gentleman opposite bould rise to answer the speech of- the Hen. Gentle nate who had just. spoken. ' *His - Hon. Friend had ven a challenge, but no one seemed to have *kit to answer. - • Why did not Hon. Gentlemen op nchito came for Ward like men? (Laughter.) H ow was it hat none or them had the reantinese to stand up and 'daft that the acknowledged prosperity of the labouring "!arses arose from the repeal of the corn-laws? (Hear, hea%) He begged pardon—the seconder of the Address lid admit that he was a Free-trader. (Laughter.) The Govttnneent themselves, however, ought to hare stated heir Having had nine months, which was a long i :)-161—(Laughter)—to make up their minds, why did I wit 1 1 nst admit in intelligible language that they had been wi eng .—( dear, hear)—thet they found by experi ece thtt the existing policy had been productive c f rierbala tic i n g advantages to the mass of the community ? lie confessed that he felt deeply disappointed. Although ; g r ea t d i ff erence of opinion bad existed, he did believe that the Government would have the manliness to avow their error. He liked a fair stand-up beetle, and not a fi eht from behind bPdges, and under s quivecAl binguago r.nd expressi,ffli, %hien nobody rt,ul , l (It:do/to:and. The ceuntry demanded a decision or the question. ilo had met with a great many farmers who had net only made up their minds that the change was good for the country, but who said that they would be sorry to go hack to Pro tection ; but there were others who locked for some secret measures by which farmers were to be benefited; and for the sake of such persons, it was absolutely necessary the question should be decided. (Haar, hear.) While he agreed with hi s H on . F r i en d t h at i t was not desirable that there should be an amendment, the ad dress being regarded ac a compliment to her hlejesty, lie had to complain of some omissions in the Royal Speech. The preoeding Parliament declared by a vote that there were certain taxes in existence which were most unjustly and anomalously levied, and that the time had arrived when there should be a general revision of oixatiou. That was, he believed a wise declaration ; but the speech did not contain one word in reference to the question. Did the Government mean to oppose or shrink from inquiry with regard to the Income Tax, which, in the words of the Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Disraeli), amounted in many cases to confiscation of pro perty ? He hoped the Government would state whether this omission arose from accident or from a determination not to grapple with the ques tion. There was another omission. He had anticipated that the Government would declare them selves opposed to any further Parliamentary Reform. Why had they not taken the position assumed by Lord 'Derby in another place, when he declared it to be his intention to oppose any further extension of what were termed popular rights, and when he censured the demo . cratic principles of the Noble Lord (Lord J. Russell)? (Hear, hear.) If the Noble Lord's measures appeared to the Noble Earl dangerous, and if he still meant to oppose their enactment, why was not that stated in the Speech from the Throne? (Hear, hear.) There was another important omission. What had become of the clamorous outcry for the repeal of the malt-tax and other taxes which were peculiarly odious to farmers? The silence of the Speech declared that there was no intention to repeal them. He regretted that the question of taxation was entirely omitted. In conclusion, ho wished to tell Hon. Gentlemen opposite, if they were not aware of it, , hat there was a strong opinion in the country that elec tions could not be conducted in future as they had been lately. He wished to see established a regular repre sentative Government; he wished to see popular power exercising that influence which it ought to have in the proceedings of that House, while at the same time the just privileges of the different classes of society were properly guarded; and he regretted that in a time of peace and quiet the Government did not seem prepared to come forward and propose those reforms which the country required. The question of Free Trade must soon be settled one way or other; and it would then be ime to introduce other questions of national im portance. Mr. WALPOLE said—l did not :rise, nor did any other member of the government rise, after the observa tions which were made by the hon. member for Wolver hampton (Mr. Villiers), because :it was our duty to see whether any amendment to the address was likely to be moved before we gave any opinion in reply to the remarks which fell from him. As, however, the hon. gentleman lid not move an amendment, and as no one else has risen to do so, it appears at present unlikely that any amend ment will be moved; and I have, therefore, risen for the purpose of replying to the observations which the hon, gentleman has made. (Hear.) Now, I certainly agree with him, that we are met together at an unusual season .f the year, and for a special purpose. That purpose unquestionably is, that the financial and commercial Jolley of this country shall be finally settled and do tiered. (Cheers from both sides of the house.) The ton. gentleman complains that in the address there is a certain passage referring to the subject which is embigu us; and I think he called it evasive and deceptive. sir, I can assure the hon. gentleman that no evasion and to dee,pti,n was intended by that paragraph; hut it has men worded carefully in that way—which meets an ob, rvatien which the hon. gentleman himself has made— it has been worded carefully in that way to prevent at his moment what might possibly be a warm and heated liscuseion, and so as to avoid the neces-ity of any amend ment being moved to the address either on this or on that ode of the heuse. The bon, gentleman says, however, and ,0 does the 'non. gentleman the member for Montrose— (An inaudible observation was here made by Mr. Vit liers.) Well, it is in conformity with the usual custom that:you did endeavour to avoid an amendment. I think the Hon. Gentleman himself said it was the custom. I believe it is recognized to be a good custom; and cer tainly we wished that as far as possible that custom should be observed on the present occasion; but we are prepared, if you wish to move an amendment, to take the discussion at the present time. (Hear, hear.) Well, now, the Hon. Gentleman went on to remark, and so also did the Hon. Gentleman who has just sat down, that we ought to have declared our policy in the speech, and that we ought also to have been prepared with the measures which we intend to propose. Now, I tell the Honourable Gentleman that we aro prepared with all those measures. (Ministerial cheers.) And I tell him that we intend, and have always intended to take the earliest opportunity of submitting those measures to the consideration of the House. But there are circumstances with reference to our present meeting which have cer tainly made it unadvisable that they should bo taken in hand until the funeral of the Duke of Wellington shall have taken place. (An exclamation of " Oh," followed by cheers.) As soon as that tribute of the nation is paid to the greatest of its heroes, my Right Hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer will rise to bring before the House and the country the views which the Govern ment take of the financial and commercial policy which ought to be established in the country. But I think there is sufficient in the speech from the Throne, and in the ad dress in answer to it, for everybody to draw this inference from, that we are not going to propose to reverse the re cent legislation which has led to those improvements in the condition of the industrious classes of the commu nity to veh,ich the speech refers. (Loud cheers from the Opposition benches.) More than this, I think, the House will hardly expect me to say; because it would, in tact, be expecting me to announce the different measures, which my Right Hon. Friend will announce on a future occasion, and the views which he takes in reference to that subject. (Hear, hear.) But I thought it right to make that declaration in the first instance; for it is a declaration which the Government intend to abide by; and I do say that those measures which the Government intend to introduce will be brought forward on the ear liest occasion. (Cheers.) Lord J. RUSSELL said—lt is consoling that on this occasion we have to consider an Address which begins by condoling with her Majesty on the loss of that great man the Duke of Wellington; that we are not obliged to have a long debate upon topics on which the House might be divided, or to have a division on those topics. Sir, with respect to the first part of the Address, I cer tainly will not attempt to add anything to what has been said by the Noble Lord and the Hon. Gentleman who moved and seconded the Address. With regard to the Duke of Wellington, I feel that while it remains for the country and fur history to do justice to his great merits, it remains for her Majesty's Ministers, for the House of Lords and the House of Commons, and for the country at large, to deplore the loss of those counsels which always inspired that good subject and ardent patriot. It remains for us, in confor mity with the intention of the Crown, to show that we are not an ungrateful people, and that we duly appreciate the services which have been ren dered to the country by that illustrious man. (Hear, hear.) Sir, passing from this subject, lam glad to find that the Ministers of the Crown can congratulate the country on the ready coming forward of so many men, amounting, as the Noble Lord said, to 30,000, to serve in the militia. I trust that her Majesty's hopes will not be disappointed, and that these mea will prove an effectual aid to her Majesty's regular forces. With re ference to any other measures which may be necessary for the defence of this country, I feel sure that her Me jetty's Ministers will give them duo consideration. and that they will propose from time to time such measures as they may think advisable, to which I shall always be ready to give a favourable hearing. Ido not know that there is any other topic either in the speech or the ad dress to which I need more particularly allude. But I must say a few words. respecting what the country has so impatiently looked for, namely, some explicit declara tion as to our financial and commercial policy. (Hoare hoar.) I must say that on this part of the subject I partieipate in the disappointment which my Hon. Friend the Member for Wolverhampton has so well expressed. It seems to me that with respect to our commercial and financial policy, there were two courses open to the Government, either of which would have been perfectly plain and clear, for the Noble Earl in another place and his colleagues in the Government. The one was, they might have maintained the opinions which since 1846 down to the present time, or at least until February, 1352, Lord Darby most loudly and con fidently expressed, and from which he declared with eloquence and energy that nothing should induce him to shrink. (Hear.) Another course would have bean for the Government to have stated that they hail been mis taken in all their views, that the country had preTered, and that the cause of that prosperity was the operation of those measures which they had thought would be nationally ruinous. (Cheers.) They might have ad mitted that these beneficial results were recognised throughout the country, and manfully have declared that they had changed their opinions, and wero pre pared for the future to act according to the principles which they had hitherto opposed. (Cheers.) I con ceive that they have adopted neither the one nor the other course, and the House and the country must be prepared to form a judgment on their declarations. Instead of either of the courses I have describhd, we have a continuance of that perplexity and ambiguity, of that doubt and hesitation, which for the last vino months have vexed the country, and made icditc 'cult to Government. gather what wo e s to be the real policy of , (Hear, hear.) If one of the Ministers appeared tobe in favour of free trade, we had presently from another declaration that prohectriontarhyaof s no a t te :been abandoned. although he must (Hear, hear.) not say that thelheL:cee of protection is a sound one, principleof the increase of crime end of yet we find him the poor r ates, B . P Z ip u g ndearouring to throw some Cur upon the prosperity which free trade has produced— trying, if possible,to, induce the ceuntry to dep:rt from lice course which it . has finally adopted. (Cheers.) now, continuing on the same course to the And even end, we have in this address some sentences favourable to free trade, and, in another, words intimating an approval o f ,th e principle. Qf protection. (Hear, hear.) To complete the whole, we have moving the addrent Noble Lord who is a fi m adherent of proteetien, while the Hon tali tuber •vh SPconds fi;m speaks heidlt and ae • oddly fie trse teed, (Ca ers end lie o h . e ) IT • h let the umbigeity eructated by the Goverennent and its adherents, I think it is full time we came to a settle ment, and—in the words of the Hon. Merebe•r who spoke last—that the commercial and financial policy of this country should be finally settled. ( Hear, and cheers.) Let us then have some declaration to settle that policy; let us have some declaration which shall serve as a point of departure for future Ministers of the Crown, and enable them seftly to direct their policy. (Hear. 'near, and cheers.) The country has lwen ep p"aled to, en d you know the result; and it is for you. the Ministers of the Ccowa, to declare manfully the feelings and opinions you entertain on this great subject. (Hear.) And when I say " This great subject," it re minds me the• in the doubtful sentence to which I have alluded, the importance of that subject has been stu diously diminished. To illustrate the greatness of the subject, let us see what has been done in the way of commercial and financial reform during the last ten years. The whole system of corn laws which the country had endured for so considerable a time, has been totally repealed. A tariff of exorbitant dudes has been reduced within moderate limits. Our taxes have undergone an extensive system of revision, and when Hon. Gentlemen opposite talk of revision of taxation as a novelty of their introduction, I would remind them that revision of taxation has been going on since the time of Sir Robert Peel, and has been carried on in such a way, that while the taxes were reduced, they —although for a moment leaving a void in the receipts —soon restored the revenue by the general buoyancy they communicated to the general interests of the coun try. (Hear, hear.) Let me add to this, that the ditetr ential duty upon sugar has been equalized, and the people of England have consumed 300,000 tons of sugar in the year at a cost of five millions less than they would have paid had the duty continued as before. (Hear.) I may add that the consumption of sugar has so increased that the revenue at the reduced rates will in a few years be , double what it was previous to the reduction of the duty'. Add to this that we have had the navigation laws re pealed, and I have enumerated a whole system, I will say not only of great importance, but, taken es a change of policy adopted by a great country, a change than which nothing since the revolution of 1688 has been more im portant in its effects, not only upon this country, but upon the commercial policy of all civilized nations. (Hear, hear.) Because, although I was not one of those who were sanguine enough to expect that the moment we declared for Free Trade, and abjured Protection, all the nations of the world would follow our example; yet, on the other hand, it is my confident belief that, if this country continues to flourish under the system of Free Trade—if its Govornments declare themselves satis fied with the consequences, and that they mean to persevere—there is no nation that will not, by fre quent discussions, come at last to the conclusions to which we have arrived, so that ultimately there will be derived, not only a great increase of the wealth, but of the peace and harmony of the world. (Cheers.) Well, then, if such be the importance of the sys tem, if such be the gravity of the stake ; and if, on the other hand, there aro many persons who still main tain that the system of free commercial policy is in jurious, it is not enough to say of it that it is one of the causes—putting in a parcel of nameless other causes-- (cheers)—by which the industrious classes of this coun try have received great and important benefits. I affirm that her Majesty's Ministers ought not to evade the question in this way—(loud cheers)—that however ne cessary it may be to avoid division on the present occa sion, a night should not pass over without the House of Comm )119 giving its verdict on the question. (Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Gentleman who has last spoken says that there is no intention on the part of the Government to revert to the policy that prevailed pre vious to 1846. I was very glad to hear that declara tion; but there are certain words in the paragraph to which anusion has b: en made about artificial props and artificial prices, which are only the principle of protec tion disguised in another way. Therefore it is neces sary that we should have something clear and decided, and that we should not allow ourselves to t>e enveloped in one of those mists in which the Chancellor of the Ex chequer, like some goddesses we have read of, likes to be worshipped. (Laughter.) The Speech and Address next speaks of the state of Ireland, and I am glad to see recommends the adoption of a liberal course of policy towards that country, but in a previous portion of the paragraph there are words to which I am unable to attach a precise meaning. I me in those which. refer to an unhappy spi r it o f i nsu b o rdi na tion and turbulence in that country. There were insubordi nation and turbulence in Ireland during the election which has just been decided, but that there is any sniri t or insubordination and turbulence in that country at present, is a statement to which I am no t pr e pared t.,?, give my assent. (" Hear" from the Irish members.) believe that with a due and proper execution of the law, the state of Ireland may be c o n s id ere d t o b e a state of tranquillity. (Hear, hea r .) A n d I mus t sa y that trust that that country, having suff ere d s o s everely fron d famine in 1847, is n o w a bo u t i n some measure to recover , s as there are symptoms w hi c h encourage us t o hope at . at length the lab ourers o f I re l an d w ill o bt a i n that t l e , ward for their l a bour o f w hi c h th e y h ave hitherto the so sadly defici e nt. Wi t h regar d to t h at port i o n ° f u' address which refers to the commission to inquire into the state of th e U n i vers i t i es of Oxford and Cam bridge, I am rejoiced th a t th ose comm i ss i ons, which worn stig matised by the n obl e l or d at t h e h ea d o f the Govern ment as illegal commissions —(hear, h ear )— w h en I ad vised their issue, are now ac k now l e d ge d to b e productive of good, and, in s t ea d o f b e i ng cast aside as an illegal body, are to be ref e rr e d t o t h e universities themselves, while we are to be asked to pass laws to enable the uni versities to carry into effect the recommendations of these very commissions. (Hear, hear.) Whether the measures so contemplated will be sufficient I cannot say, but lam glad that the attention of the ministers of the crown have been directed to the subject. I am sure nothing can be more important at this present time than that the whole question of education, begin ning with that of , the higher classes at Oxford and Cambridge, thence to the middle classes, and comprehending also the education of the working classes, should be promptly and fully considered. (Hear, hear.) With respect to this part of the subject I am rejoiced to hear thattit is intended to extend the means for instruction in practical science as applied to the general business of life. lam also glad to hear that some measures on the subject of secondary punishment will be proposed, so that transportation to Van Diemen's Land may at the earliest possible period be abolished. There are two circumstances to be considered in the treatment of that question—one, that we have given re presentative institutions to our Australian colonies; and the other, th e recent di scoveries of gold in a portion o f those colonies. It is quite obvious that these two cir cumstances render it necessary that we should revise the whole subject, and I am glad that the Right Hon. Bart. the Secretary for the Colonies—to whom I took the liberty some time since of speaking on the subject —hag come to the wise conclusion of not confining the question to transportation to Van Diemen's Land, bat that the case as regards the whole of the Australian colonies should bo reconsidered. (Hear, hear.) Of course, there are other subjects connected with our penal laws which must be discussed iu company with this question, and which will no doubt occupy the attention of Govern ment; but, upon the whole, I am rejoiced to find that, with the exception of the topic of commercial policy, the question of the great case between Free Trade and Pro tection, there is nothing in the Speech or the Address which calls for more than the few slight remarks I have made. I trust that when the policy of the Government on that subject is declared, it will be to secure to us permanently our present universally-admitted advan tages. (Hear, hear.) The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER—I can not help fancying, Sir, if the only paragraph of which the Noble Lord the Member for the city of London dis approved in the answer to the Queen's Speech was really so evasive as seine Honourab!e Gentlemen had stated, that an amendment to the Address would have been made. Ido not think that the constitutional delicacy of my Honourable Friend who has addressed us would have deterred him from taking a course for which his well.stored memory and ample experience would have furnished him with sufficient precedents. (A laugh.) I cannot say that I concur with the Noble Lord the Member for the city of London, or his friend, in the version which he has placed upon this paragraph, which they have described as so evasive. It appears to me to be perfectly well adapted to the circumstances under which wo meet to-day. (Laughter.) I mean by the circumstances un d er w hi c h wo meet to-d a y, t h a t there are two parties in the House which are b ot h c indisposed t o come to an y collision on th e Address . (Hoar, hear,) Certainly, with that feeling, I think the paragraph is framed in a manner which can leave no mistake upon the impartial mind as to the inten tions of the Government upon the subject. (Hear.) For the only point which is laid down in this p aragrap h re specting which there can be no evasion, i s t h e descrip tion of the principles upon which the commercial system of this country is recogniztd and established by the Go vernment, and Unit is the principle of unrestricted com petition. That is the only distinct expression in the paragraph describing the views of the Government, that the legislation which gradually has produced that system of unrestricted competition has in its operation caused injury to certain classes of the country. (Ministerial cheers). The Noble L or d the Member for the city of London says this is Protectionism. But I read an ad dress of the Noble Lord, recently published, just before the dissolution of th e l ate Parliament, addressed to the constituents of the greatest commercial city in the king dom, and there I found that the merchants and shiP ownsrs of London wore reminded that they were sub jtcted to gr ea t b urdens and unjust restrictions (Mini°• Serial cheers)—burdens and restrictions which only could 'Therefore, consich re 1 such b y t h e action of recent legislat i o n. the noble lord was of opinion, when ho {gas candidate f or t h e city of London, that it was quite possible to maintain unimpaired that commercial system founded upon the principle of unrestricted competition, and yet to remove those restrictions and those burdens which one great interest was suff e ri ng f rom , and which, by his own acknowledgment, were virtually occasioned by recent legislarion. (Clue rs.) Was that a Protec tionist declaration of the Noble Lord ? Well, then, very recently I have had representations made to ale by bodies of merchants an d shipowners--gentlemen of ex-reme liberal opinions, upon all subjects c onnected it with Commerce, some of th em t i tt i ng upon the oppos e tide of the House, and cerainly. so far as I can co iled. their feelings, representi ng one of the great interes ts t t, the country. they will be extremely dissatisfied and dis contented, if the restri c ti ons un d e r which they suffe r ' and the burdens which t h e y b oa r, are not taken into consideretiem by any body of men who may form her and on the very last oocesion on which he addressed i pressed upon Us, promptly and effectually set about pro them to speak of him in those terms, but because, as viding for the defence of the country, not neglecting one perhaps of the older members of their Lordships' but cherishing ancient alliances, alliances very valuable Hoyle, he (the Noble Marquis) remembered the time when not forced or purchased, but which had their of the whole of the Noble Duke's military and Parlia- origin in a common interest, and to be maintained by mentary career. (Cheers.) It had struck him (;he constant good offices, and scrupulous good faith, good Noble Marquis) that he stood in a somewhat peculiar faith as between Government and Government, and good position in addressing them upon this subject, for it offices as between people and people. (Cheers.) might not be known to many of their Lordships—for The Earl of DERBY—Before I proceed to any other there were not many living who could recollect the air- t .e topics upon which it may be afterwards necessary cumstance— but forty-Eix or forty-se wen years ego—then a young man in official and parliamentary life—he was to trouble your Lordships, there is one topic which lam permitted and authorized by his colleagues of that time, sure all anticipate that it is impossible for me to avoid to call upon the other House to do justi ce to the me- touching on shortly, and it shall be very short indeed, mory, and to provide for the family of one of the gre atest heroes that ever lived, a n d w i t h w h om a l one in because that topic is one that is foremost in the minds not of your Lordships only, but of every man in the the military history of this coantry, th e N o bl e D n k e was to be compared. (Cheers.) It was in 1807 that, country, and almost, I might sly, of every nation in the at a moment of great difficulty, and at a great crisis in world. It is impossible that we should reassemble here ' the military affairs of this nation—the country was without remembering and deploring the great loss we condemned by the stroke of fate to lose the services of the greatest admira have sustained. As I rose to address your Lordships and who had fallenl that ever disti ngu i s h e d t hi s country my eye instinctively turned to the head of this table; but I miss there the once familiar face, with his hand up- I raised to assist the infirmity of his hearing, as conscien tiously and laboriously he sat to listen to the observations of the humblest member of your Lordship's house. , Again I see him rising amid the greatest silence of your Lordships, and with faltering accents, with no studied eloquence, but with a power that grasped and seized, as it were intuitively, upon the very marrow of the matter in hand, slowly and deliberately dropping, as it were, among your Lordships, the pithy and, sententious words of matured sagacity, of matured experience, and matured wisdom. His unparalleled achievements in the field, his possession of all the qualifications which mark the great military leader, his sagacity in council, his unswerving loyalty, his deep and unparalleled devotion to the in terests of his country—all these are already written in the undying pages of history—all these are already graven upon the grateful hearts of an unforgetting people, But, alas! he is gone to another and a better place, and with all reverence be it spoken, there peaceful and happy be his state. In the course of his long life, in the battle-field at the head of his troops, in the con gress of monarchs, in the councils of his nation, in the cabinet of his colleagues, in the closet of his sovereign, in the assembled parliament, unseduced by the lustre of ' his own bright name and undazzled by the splen ' dour of his own transeendant glory, he steadfastly resisted listening to the aspirations of any wider ambition, and cast away from him as unworthy of consideration thoughts of personal interests. My Lords, from such a subject I turn with regret to subjects it may be of far lower interest, yet subjects, as the noble marquis has said, of very considerable importance. [His lordship then paid a tribute of admiration to the noble mover and seconder of the address for the ability they had displayed, and thanked the noble marquis (Lansdowne) for the friendly tone in which he had spoken. He proceeded to say]—lt a a source of satis faction to me that the address is not in the course of the discussion likely to lead to any difference of opinion. Nor do I at all complain of tho humour and the irony with which the noble marquis has treated one part of the subject. It is necessary for me now to state to your lordships the view of her Majesty's government. I thank the noble marquis and my noble and learned friend for the language they have held with regard to the state of our foreign relations, for I concur with them that while it is our duty to abstain, in the slightest degree, from interfering with the internal affairs of any other nation, while I recognize to the fullest extent the right of every nation to regulate its own affairs, I, look ing not to the language alone, but to the acts also of foreign nations, am bound to say that I see no appre hension at the present time of the interruption of our friendly relations with any one of those powers, what ever may be their form of government. On the other hand, I cordially concur with the noble marquis, end with my noble and learned friend, that it is not in the professions, it is not in the friendly acts, it is not in the attitude of any foreign country, that a nation must trust which desires to be independent and to be respected, but while she is desirous to maintain the good will of all foreign nations, and is anxious to avoid all causes of offence, her real permanent security must rest upon her own capacity for internal defence, upon the hearts in the first instance of her own subjects, and in the next upon the organization of her own forces. (Cheers.) And I think it is a subject of congratulation that not withstand the efforts made in various quarters by persons of whom I will only say that I think they have taken a most mistaken part, to prevent the formation of the purely defensive force which was established by theact of the last session of parlia ment, and which, as my noble friend has reminded your lordships had the sanction which was given in the last speech of the noble and gallant duke to your lordships, I say, notwithstanding the efforts which have been made by those parties to prevent the formation and organisa tion of that force, it is a matter of congratulation to find there is still throughout the country the strong British feeling of attachment to the institutions of the country, and that attachment demonstrated not by words but by actions, which has already, notwithstanding many diffi culties, brought into the field, and, to a great extent, to a state of elticiency, as find and as able a body of the young men of this country as ever volunteered their ser vices for the defence of the country. (Hear, hear.) Nor will I deny that there is much to be done for the material defence of the country. That is a topic on which lam sure your lordships, will not expect that I should detain you. It will be sufficient if I say that the the attention of her Majesty's government has been and continues to be directed to that most important subject, and no doubt their hands and their means in provi , iine , b for the defence of the country, without the desire of offence to any foreign power, will not be inconsiderably strengthened by the tone and language which the noble marquis has had the good sense and the good feeling to address to us this evening. (Cheers.) I will not touch on any of the topics of the speech relating to our foreign relations, or indeed on any topic except one of those to which the noble marquis has adverted, because—important as they , all are, and confident as I feel that her Majesty's govern ment, whenever discussion shall take place upon any of them, will be able to justify the course which they have pursued, and the measures which they intend to recom mend to parliament—this is not the occasion, nor is it desired on any of these subjects to pledge your lordship:, by agreeing unanimously to this address, to the assertion of any principle, as connected with any of these mea sures. But there is one topic, and that one of paramount importance, upon which I think I shall not discharge my duty to your lordships and the country if Ido not say a few words. I advert to that passage of her Ma jesty's speech in which sho congratulates the country, and I believe with very good reason, upon the improved condition of the country generally, and more especially of the industrious classes. When I say the improved condition I mean this:—For a course of three or four years, since a period of great difficulty, of great misery, and of great national calamity, there has been a gradual, and to my mind a most satisfactory, progress in each year in improvement over the year preceding, until at last in the year 1852, I believe we have returned in every respect to, and in some we have gone beyond, the period of 1846, which was a period of great and ackeow. ledged national prosperity. lam not now speaking of causes, I am speaking of facts, and I will not trouble your Lordships with many of them at present, but I will refer to some which I consider to be the best tests of the real condition of the industrious classes of this country. I believe you can take no better criterions than, for ex ample, the amount of pauperism, and the consumption of different articles —such as tea, coffee, cocoa, tobacco, sugar, and all those other articles which enter into the consumption of the great body of the people, and with regard to which, those being articles of exclusive foreign importation, we are capable not merely of ascertaining the amount which has been imported, but also the amount which has been consumed, without the possibility of the admixture of any article grown in this country, the amount of which, of course, greater or less, would mate rially affict the calculation. I find, then, that with re• gard to all these articles there is within the last few year a continuous and progressively rapid increase of con sumption, from which I think we may fairly argue that the great mass of the people, so far as their expenditure would directly show itself in the consumption of there articles, are in a state of gradual improvement. I look again to the condition of the savings banks of this coun try. Few circumstances more peculiarly show the condition of the country than the proportion between the amount substractsd from and the amount deposited in savings banks. Mind, Icm not now speaking of the number of depositors or the amount of (1.-Tosits, hcoause the ....otlltta et. ae p oeiLj aura 46e ...Lune. of depositors do not really exhibit the real amount of contributions saved. But in the course of the years 1847, 1848, and 1849, there was a diminution in the amounts vested in the savings banks of a most formidable character. I will not trouble your Lordships with many figures, but this is a circumstance which marks in a very striking man ner the mode in which the distress of some years back operated in different places in the country, and the pe riod at which the tide began to turn towards prospe rity. I hold in my hand a table which, dividing the various districts of this country, into the agricultural district and the manufacturing district, exhibits in each year since 1846 the amount put on and the amount withdrawn, and the balance between these will be an indication of the prosperity of the country. In the agricultural districts I find this remarkable fact. In the year 1846, towards the close of that year, there were withdrawals beyond deposits to the amount of 80,434/. In the seer 1847, the balance of withdrawals agaite4t deposits was 335,00 0 /; in 1848, it was no le ss than 782,0001.; in 1849, it was 379,0001.; in 1850, it was 542.0001.; in 1851, the adverse balance diminished to 165,0001.; and in the course of the present year it was within a few hundred pounds, I am happy to say, of the most prosperous of former years. that is so far satisfactory ; but these statistics show that from 1848 to 1852, great sufferings were inflicted on the agricultural population; for in those four years alone the balance withdrawn from savings banks in the agri culeural districts nearly amounted to 2,500,0001. The manufacturing districts exhibited in certain of these years a similar decline. In the years 1846 and 1847, there Was a preponderance of withdrawals over dope to to the amount of , in 1851, _ 330,000/. But lB4B-9, 1850, i _ 144 a 1852, in each of those years there has been u favour of th manufacturing districts an increase of deposits v - a mm 185(1 ),' bankaIni.1 from 200,000/. to 400,000/. Therefore', savin 5 7 1 52 , there i s ex hibi te d w i t h regar d t o the c g onsum t u jiame evid ence w hi c h i s ex hibit e d i n ption which was experience evidence of a co, article of prime necessity—the of a recurrenc e stallt lY improving state of things and condition of national prosperity to that lords, in detailin g t a eae i n 1846. I say, again, my the same time, I will 0 so me at least of the cause n s L sho„ jawthtich we are to look teem not giving causes. Eat, lam stating facts—l not shrink from expressing' at ° Pihioa with regard acknowledgment ' in explaining the facts I do not hesitate now in making theo4° r eturns. And that, i n my view a great portion of the prosperity at, ----From his high estate, And welt'ring in his blood." (Cheers.) There was then, as now, but ono unanimous feeling on the subject; but when he (the Noble Marquis) addressed the House of Commons both he and those whom he addressed were bat imperfectly aware that at the very moment when that great man who had raised the naval power of this country to its highest pinnacle of perfection and glory was lying dead, there was rising in the east another man who was destined to perform the same great service to the army of England, and whose unremitting energy and great practical skill were after wards to assert the dignity of this country, and to esta blish that character which the British army—as well under his peaceful command as under his military career—had never since forfeited. (Loud cheers.) Such were these two great men. Differing undoubtedly from each other in various details of their characters, they resembled each other in all that was excellent and noble. Both directed their attention to one great object—neither of them was indifferent (as who was ?) to the praise of others, but neither ever allowed that praise to divert him for a moment from the service of his country, the honour of the crown, and the safety of the people. (Loud cheers.) He (the Noble Marquis) felt proud, and any man might feel proud, to have lived with such contemporaries. (Cheers.) He had been reminded of that expression which was to be found in one of the most English poets we had, when he adverted to the great men of his own time. Speaking of the character of England and of Englishmen, he said that it was enough for him " That Chatham's language was his mother tongue, And Wolfe's great name compatriot with his own." (Loud cheers.) Ho (the Noble Marquis) felt proud, and he thought an Englishman ought to feel proud of his times and of his country, when ho had lived to see in the same ago such men and such actions directed to the public good. (Great cheering.) In selecting these great men as the glory of our age and of our time, he did not mean to overlook the fact, that during the same period there had arisen genius of another kind—that the arts and sciences had not been dormant, but that men of great capacity, industry, and intelli gence, had essentially contributed to the prosperity and wealth of the country. But let them recollect when they were culled upon to do honour to the head of the mili tary profession, that that prosperity and that wealth would cease to be secure unless it was protected. (Loud cheers.) For, be it remembered, that to whatever pitch or height the manufacturing and commercial industry of this country might be raised, and whatever accumula tion of capital might find its way to our shores, that capital and that industry would disappear at once, and instead of attracting the eye, would attract the rapacity of the world, if it was for a moment supposed to be de fenceless. (Load cheers.) Let them be assured that, in the present state of the world, and in that state in which it must long continue to remain, it was not merely to industry, science, and ert, or to anything of a pacific character, that they could lo ng look for the glory and safety of the Crown and of the realm, unless they made up their minds to protect it efficiently, and to show that we were not cnly the most industrious but one of the most powerful nations in the world. (Cheers.) He had thought it right to say so much, and ha associated these observations with the names o: men who, in his opinion, had done more than any men ever had done to bring forth and to strengthen the power and efficacy of our resources. (Loud cheers.) He did not think himself called upon to dilate more particularly upon the actions of the illustrious man whom we had lost. If that were requisite he should wish to leave the task to noble lords of greater eloquence and ability; but he did not conceive that it was at all necessary, for those actions had taken their places in the history of the world—they were pre sent in all our minds—they were familiar to all recollec tions, and they were enaraven upon all men's hearts. (Loud cheers.) He (the Noble Marquis) was not inclined to enter upon the various topics which had been so care fully introduced into the royal speech, that he did not sup pose the house would have to pronounce any distinct opi nion upon them. He certainly could have wished there had been a less faltering declaration of the views of her Ma jesty's Government with respect to those great questions of commercial policy which had bean alluded to. After the time which had elapsed, after all the experience they had had, and after all the facts and the arithmetic whirh had been brought forward since the question had first come before them, he should have thought that not only the country, but her Majesty's Government, might have been able to form an opinion on the subject. (Cheers.) Aiding himself in the construction of the speech by the remarks of the noble Marquis, he thought that her Ma jesty's Government had et length been satisfied that what they now called the "recent legislation," had had its fair share in producing the prosperity of the country. (Cheers) Perhaps they did not wish, es the officers of the ship, to be the first to abandon her; and they had the gallant feeling that when the ship was sinking, they ought to be the last seen on deck. (Cheers') Ho did not see any desire to keep the ship afloat: he did not see any desire, either in that House or the country, to en courage them to stand by what was called the good old cause. He was ready to take admissions in any way, direct or indirect admissions, admissions by insinuation or admission by hint; they were all equally valuable, coming as they did in different shapes and in different degrees, from most, if not all, of the leading persons in and out of that House, who bad for years advocated protection. He hoped he was not mistaken in supposing that her Majesty's Ministers entertained the view not only that the Free-trade legislation had been attended with the happiest effects, but that it was necessary to pursue that legislation in the same spirit and on the same principle, and then they would be entitled to the support of every man in the country who had advocated free trade. Ho did not wish to enter into discussion as to the details of the question. Other opportunities would arise. He had heard with great satisfaction of the support which had been given for the last two or three years by the Government of Brazil to the efforts for the suppression of the slave trade, and that in conse quence our Government had been enabled to suspend their restrictive measures. There was no amendment so great as that which sprung from a Government itself be coming convinced of the duty it owed to the cause of humanity. That was one of the objects to which he attached great importance, and one which he knew would give great satisfaction to the country. Lord BROUGHAM said upon the subject of the slave trade, and the other subjects to which his noble friend had adverted, he entirely agreed with him that they could better discuss them on a future occasion. It might be misconstrued if he were not to say 3 word on that at once glorious and painful topic to which the Noble Lord had adverted. There would have been no risk in foretelling that when this day unhappily should come, when he whose loss they all deplored was no more, every whisper of detraction would be hushed, and one voice would reverberate throughout the kingdom to tic• knowledge his transcendent merits. The result had sur passed expectation. All classes of his fellow , citizens, all descriptions of persons, without distinction of rank, or of sect, or of party, at home and abroad, the countries he served, the allies he saved, the adversaries he encoun tered, partly on a just recollection of btnefits, partly on a generous oblivion of differences, had all joined in one unbroken, uninterrupted accord to acknowledge his tsanscendant merits, not the merit of genius merely,— not that which dazzled men—his extraordinary and almost marvellous fortune ; but, what he placed first and foremost in this great charcc!cr, and that which was worthy to be ever held up for the attention e s well as the inaetrine, iits great public virtne, the con stant self-denial, the constant abnegation of all selfish feeling, that distinguished his whole career, and which never for one instant interfer d with that strict, rigor -6,", sad const an t di sc h arge o f hi s d u ty, w h a t ever stat i on "" might be called upon to fulfil. (Cheers.) He had a rgh e t to say that this public virtue was even more to be red than hisgenius and good fortune were to be ad mired. mor e 'MIN' r)4 ' 0 1)1v as g they now felt Es loss, they would yet mover and Y feel it. tie entirely agreed with the noble what they lid yes seconder of the address in the to our having no right interferewhatever to with We had no internal affairs of other countries. tion which they right to complain of any institu ruler whom they p a t d have adopted, or to disparage any them, but nobte lords chosen to set in authority over that we lay under to w ri i 3 )t i tid forgive him also for adding ttirgetion whatever to regard the words rather than the of aannaY elsewhere, our own Government or ' nay Government be it help thinking that hero And be could not sewhere where there a rational desire for freedom, a was vided for that unapeakahle wi etsi euty security was pro being allowed among the p, 3opie r u lg , b l y free discussion was impaired he wal bound to admit, that that s*el:i s e ubjects. Now, by whatever prevented free discussion, et impnire th great en upon whatever subject and in w h te any discussion, r at ay. tre e might be' perfectly j est SP measurei to a certain degree rity of • freedom. They they might be wrong • , they might be right be absolutely necessary to prevent „the ve t it. ”../. or they might be absolutely impotent to pre n • ith that we had and could have no possible concern ; it was business of ours ; e it wile wholly and entirely foreign to us. We are bound, as bystanders'as spectators, n ot to interfere, not even to object , but lies of any eereign stat e to lament, that anythi ng should have happened in the which in any way lessened that prYotection. He did ant fear the revi va l o f war . He hoped and trusted that all , and even such days wer e f ar di stan t ; ho VTODt said he believ e d th ere wou ld b e now% Neve rtheless , it , c _„ was our right, it was our b oun d en duty, to ta ke j a ‘ 1. , .. a ~n e measures, and all suc h precaut i ons , as should d . effectually serve f or our fig:erie° against it, should it un happily occur. (Hear, bear.) And not only o hcluld we discharge our duty by so doing, but we should render a very proper tribute to that greet man whote loss we now deplore—that tribute which he himself would have praised—if we promptly and strenuously set about fol lowing the advice which he so often and SO urgently I HOUSE OF COMMONS—Nov. 11. The SPEAKER did not resume the chair till half-pas four o'clock. THE INQUEST AT SIX-MILE.BRIDGE. Sir JOHN FITZGERALD gave notice that, on Tuesday next, ho should move for a copy of the evidence taken at the coroner's inquest in the Six-Mile-bridge &flair. TENANT•RIGHT IN IRELAND. Mr. Sergeant SHEE gave notice that, on this day fortnight, he shculd move for leave to bring in a Bill fur regulating the custom of Tenant-right in Ulster, and securing compensation to improving tenants; and also for limiting the power of evictions in certain cases. REPUBLIC OF PERU. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER brought up a report of the treaty with the Republic of Peru. THE ADDRESS. The SPEAKER then read the Queen's Speech (for which see Lord's report), after w hi c h, Lord LOVAINE sa id , i n mov i ng that an humble Address be presented to her Majesty, in reply to her most gracious Speech from the Throne, he con fessed he wished the task had fallen into the hands of some more able, experienced, and talented member, who would have been enabled to give due weight to the important topics which it contained. Ho felt more embarrassed when Ito saw that the first subject mentioned in that Speech must call forth the affections, regard, and regret of every man who called himself a native of Great Britain. (Hear.) He alluded, of course, to that portion of the speech in which her Majesty, with her usual kind and affectionate regard for the wishes and feelings of her people, invited their representatives to join in a provision for the funeral obsequies of the lute Duke of Wellington. (Hear, hear.) The House would excuse him if he approached with awe an event which had cast a shadow of grief and dismay over this mighty empire —the passing away of that life which for nearly half a century had been a bea con to guide every Englishman in the path of honour and of duty. (Cheers.) No obsequies they might give, no funeral pomp they might bestow, would be ade quate to the respect, love, and admiration which the House and the country bore fur that immortal man. (Cheers.) Their love was not founded on mere evanescen' vulgar admiration of rwittery glory, It was not that h, had given to England the supremacy of the vast emeir of India; it was not that he had raised England by hit victories to the highest rank among thenations of the world; it was nut that he finally beerana the coequeror the conqueror of the world, that this country lovers him so well, but because be was not so dazzler , and blinded by the effulgence of the glory he had earned and rendered deaf by the voice of victory, as to be unable to discern that the true end and object of all war was an honourable and tatting peace. (Cheers.) When he had brought the most tremendous struggle inwhich any country ever engage d to close, he devoted himself to the establishment of peace by every means of conciliation and moderation that we consistent with the honour and safety of Eugiand. How he had succeeded, the history of the last 37 years could tell. They loved him because he had always proved him self a most faithful servant of the Crown, and been ever ready to defend the rights and promote the welfare of his fellow-citizens. He (Lord Lovaine) believed that his political opponents would bear witness that his coun sel was ever ready in the darkest hour of dan ger and difficulty, and that they might always rely on his honour, sincerity, and sagacity to point out the path of safety which seemed to be hidden from less gifted eyes His name would be handed down to posterity as an ex ample, aot only of a great statesman, and of the greatest warrior, but as a colossal example of unswerving obedience to the call of duty, truth, fidelity, and honour, (Cheers.) H e trusted that the country who lived him would be warned by his advice, and not be so intoxicated by a feeling of security, and by the peace which had so long subsisted, as to allow the country to be exposed to danger. The Noble Lord then &laded to the success which had attended the ertr.lment of the Militia, not withstanding the evil auguries which had been offered respecting it. After a brief reference to the differ ences on the American Fishery question, the Noble Lord went on to observe, that her Majesty entertained sanguine hopes of the final extinction of the slave trade, Cuba being the only spot in the world where it now flourished. He next adverted to the gratifying in telligence that transportation to Van Diemen's Land would soon cease, expressing a hope that some other means would be found for disposing of the criminals o: the country. He readily admitted that the commercial policy which had been adopted for the last three years had contributed to the very great prosperity which existed i(Loud cheers from the Opposi tion benches.) so as the repre sen t a ti ve o f an agricultural county, es ut he d rew u a very great distinction between w athe country. nesa id lag was called free trade and the abolition of the dillies upon corn. He believed that the abolition of prohibitory duties on articles of liv ing, having due regard to the revenue to be raised, was judicious and unexceptionable But the abolition of the duty upon corn stood upon another footing. There could be no doubt that the retold of the corn-laws had occasioned suffering am ong a large and important class, and ho was confident that tie, recommendation in the Royal Speech would not be overlooked by the House. After expressing a hope that al party differences woult b 3 laid aside, the Noble Lord ctncluded with moving an Address, which was, as usuzl,an echo of the Royal Speech. Mr. EGERTON rose to accord the Address. The Member com men ced by Gating that, on tilt subject of that paragraph in the Royal Speech which alluded to the -death the late lamentec Duke of Wellington, Ile felt ( Pie assured that the greatest unanimity would prevail. He would direct the attention of the House, in the first iratance, to that pare the Speech which alluded graph in o the establishmen of schools for the purpose of instration in raechauicai art, It had been a matter of observ , tion which the ex perience derive d from last y e ar's Ethibition had full, confirmed, that enterprising and e nettetic as our menu in some branches of a fsccurers were, k they required a grelater mechan;cal skill and more taste The English had been excelled by the artizana of othe countries, where greater facilities had been given for sly purpose- of in. struction. H e m aintained that her IV -sjesty'a Govern ment were entitled to the highest prais for legislatio: on e this subject. As it had been the irivilege of twa Ministries to con f er great boons on t e country—the one by giving it c h ea p food, the other by living the bless ings of it creased light and batter drainaki—so he hoped that it w ou ld b e the privilege of the preset Government to,eonfer on the•working population of tl 3 country the aciVa4ttages of social education, by me --an sof which the ms factures of t h e country would be proroted, and its trolevended. pc had tocongratulateth e tynat . ry nn its g'eik prosperity, and on the fact of the gretest aetivits OXiiging i n eacr a bran , :h of teerstatetce, nun tat, in spite of the l arge re d uct i on s of taxation, there se A no falline off in the revenue. This ho justly considerd a source of the) reatest satisfaction to all. (Loud criet n s „ E Hear, hear." That satisfaction was in his mi n a . ech ehhaeced b y t h e re fl ect i on that the woriting,, la q. s mu ses oi the country had had a very large share in that pro perity. (Lo u d c h eers from the Opposition tencaece Lie would say th at an y Hon. Gentleman vshchad had the experience of the two last years, and who , ad seen the benefit which tan unrestricted importationnf food had conferred on the labouring man—(Cheery eom the Opposition) —must feel that the time had net, dome when the que s ti on must b e finally settled. (ull'eZd cheers from the Opposition.) Au appeal havin l been made to the const i tuenc i es o f the country, tne, ca; _, . which had b een taken ought to be acquiesced eraser which those divisions which had se long distracted dill s a clas,es of her Majesty's subjects, should be put assent4nd to. But, at the same time, w hile they settled the each tion, it wan fitting time, a nd a proper time , that oe e ' t classes, whose tsuffsrings had long bee n dilated 7131 should not be overlooked, an d that their claims redress, if - th ey could be s ubstantiated -- (Hear, I lan ; from the Opposition benchos)—should meet with tit. consideration f rom t h e House. ( H ear , hear, and °h enna Ho thought, h owever, that the sett l emen t of th e ( 0 4 lion also required that the House should take into co n k sideration the chaos which the farming interest h a d upon the country. (Ministerial cheers.) There were other points in the Speech which required comment; but ho would not detain the House with any further obsete vations; bat, thankirg the House for its kind indulgence, hp would sit down, expressing a hope that, whatever ligislation they mi g h t hereafter a d opt , it would be not for the benefit of a class, but for the good of the nation at large. (Cheers.) Tint questtou having been put from the chair, It:r. VILLIERS said he hoped the house would not deem it presumptuous in him that at thee; early period of time evening he rose to address to it a few observations i on the subject of the Address and on what had fallen from the Hon. Gentlemen who moved and seconded it. He could assure the House that it was with great relac- tance he rose to address it on this occasion, btrcause be t;ntirc ly cgrefd with those who thought that it was de sirable ou all occasions of receiving messages and from the Throne, that the re:pottses to them should be unanimous. ihat was the feeling of the House generally, and more especially of late years it seemed to be the practice of Parliament. But it de- - Thr