The Sun. — London, England, 1846-03-28 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. IIOI7SE It)1? DS, March 27. Their Lordships met at Fire o'clock. SELLING SPIRITS ON SUNDAY. A petition was presented at the bar from the Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and Common Council of the city of London, against the sale of spirituous liTiors on Sun 4 ay. LONDON AND YOP.Ii RAILWAY. Lord BROUGHAM presented a petition from a person near Barnet against this line of railway, on the ground of the great damage it would do to his property. Also, a petition from a place in Lincolnshire to the same eff,ct. CONVEYANCE OF REAL PROPERTY. Lord BROUG H A ‘I held in his hand a Bill, the first read ing of which he should now move, the object of which was to tedeens the pledge which he had last year given of extending the wholesome and salutary provisions of two Acts pissed last session for simplifying the conveyance of landed property by sale and lease. Those Bills gave certain formula, and shortened the conveyance, and was a great comfort to those who had property to convey, although it was a discomfort to the coun sel and practitioners. But he did not care for that, he looked only to the client and his interests. The Bill also extended to town leases, to mortgages, to settlements, and nles ; and exchanges of all sorts, and to wills and farm lea,es. The ex. pense of conveyance was one of the greatest evils under which the landed interest laboured. They had a body of evidence upon the subject which was frightful. They found that the price of land in other countries, where the expense of con veyancing was little or nothing, was thirty-five and thirty-six years' purchase in one country, thirty-eight in another ; and another, where the exp.nse of conveyance very small, it was fort;-eight }ears' purchase. There was a reluctance in the profession to use the forma prescribed in these Bills, and they could not be compelled to do so, but he had inserted in this Bill a provision, giving taxing masters power to disallow the expense of a long conveyance when the short one could be used. Lord CAMPBELL heartily concurred in the Bill brought forward by the Noble Lord. He was glad to see that the Noble Lord had become a convert to the principles which he (Lord Campbell) had long since advocated on the same ques tion. It was, therefore, a source of satisfaction to bias that the Noble and Learned Lord now supported a system which he formerly opposed. He was quite sure that it would be supported also by the legal profession. Lord BROUGHAM intimated that the most eminent bar risters were advocates of the plan now proposed. Lord BEAUMONT congratulated all interested in the sub ject that it was now taken up by such able hands as the Noble Lord, w n ad brought it forward. He could state, that owing to the di tie; which surrounded the conveyance of property by the exi ng law, a large amount of capital, which would find its way to investments of this nature, was diverted into another channel. He merely rose for the purpose of congratu lating all interested in the matter, that a Bill was at length brought forward for doing away with those difficulties, and fa cilitating tke convevance. The Bill was then read a first time. MUTINY BILL. The Duke of WELLINGTON moved the second reading of the Mu.iny Bill. The Bill was then read a second time, and ordered to lie committed. CASE OF T. S. DUNCOMBE. ESQ., M.P. Lord BEAUNIONT said he had to present a petition from a Alemb.-r of the other House of Parliament, complaining of having had great injustice done him by certain allegations which had been introduced by petitioners in an appeal case in allusion to him. The petitioner was Thomas Slingshy Dun cembe, Esq., and the petition turther stated, that that gen tleman was in no way interested in the appeal case mentioned, and it prayed that heir Lordships would immediately adopt such means as would allow the petitioner to di , prove, on oath, the grossly injurious slanders which were aimed at his cha racter. The Earl of CHARLEVILLF said the petition had been presented by the Earl and Countess of Glengall in an appeal case. Extracts were subsequently taken from it, and it was designated as a cross perversion of this truth The petition was presented in the usual way, and when it was brought under the consideration of the Hone it was referred to the Appeal Committee. This was on the 27th of February. The Lord Chancellor woul 'Then have received aro; petition with the object of showing .. , • e Earl of Glengall's petition was incorrect, an d man t a * sr. / vant matter, and the solicitor who appeared on behalf ii . Member who now addressed the House had bad every opportunity of objecting altogether to the allega tions it contained. The Earl of Glengall's petition did not allude to any individual in particular; but as to the appellant acting under the influence of a certain individual, that was a sufficient ground for going before the Appeal Committee and having the case adjudicated on. Every allegation in the Earl of Glengall's petition was founded on affidavits, and the case was proceeding in the Vice-Chancellor's Court, where the fullest oppertunity was afforded for the Hon. Member to meet those allegations, instead of petitioning that House. Lord BROUGHAM said there was one circumstance to which he would refer. It was quite a mistake to suppose that a breach of privilege was committed in presenting these peti tions. The petition of the Earl of Glengall was presented, not in his capacity as a Member of that House, but as a private in dividual. In that capacity he came before the House and pre ferred certain charges against the Hon. Member (Mr. T. Dun combe), and it was perfectly competent for the latter Hon. Ilernber to deny these charges. This was no breach of pri viWge, as each had a perfect right to prefer charges in their individual capacity. But he by no means agreed with the prayer of the petition presented that night. The Appeal Committee agreed that it was not a matter for the conside ration of the House, but for the Court below. He ( Lord Brougham) considered that the Hon. Members ought to seek redress from the court below. Still he did not complain of the presentation of the petition under the circumstances. The Earl of CLARE quite agreed with the Noble and Learned Lord. Mr. Duncombe had filed an affidavit in the Vice-Chancellor's Court, and he would have an opportunity of meeting the charges there without coming as a petitioner to that House Th4.llk RD CHANCELLOA said that at the presentation of theHs-1 of Glen all's petition, it was considered that it was referred to the Committee, and that therefore the House had no jurisdiction in the matter. The Appeal Committee was of *pinion that the proper course was to refer it to the Court below, and decided accordingly. Certainly the petition reflected on the Hon. Member, but the roper course for him swas to seek redress in the Court below ; and if he was not atisfied with the decision, then it was competent in him to bring the matter before their Lordship; in the form of an appeal against the judgment. He agreed with tl:e Noble and Learned Lord (Lord Brougham) that any allegations that the r efit ion of the Earl of Glengall might contain could not be looked upon as a breach of privilege. Lord BEAUNIONT said that after what had fallen from the Nobte and L-!arnerl Lord he had not another word to say. He must say, however, that they had nothing to do with the proceedings of the Court below. The Marquis of CL A NRICA R. E thought. they had some thing to do Wth the Court below in this matter. Lord Glengall was accused of having brought this aecuottion against Mr. Duncombe. and of publishing it for the first time. Now the fart was that the accusation was first embodied in a petition presented to the Court of Chancery by the solicitor of Lady Byng. It was the letter of Mr. Kensett, embodied in an affidavit, which gave rise to this matter. A copy of that therefore could have been obtained troth the Cour below. After a few weds from the Earl of CLARE, the subject dropped. NEWRY, ROSSTREVOR, AND WARRENPOINT RAILWAY. The Earl of ROSEBEHRY reported from the Committee on this Bill hat they had pa.sed the preamble. Lnrd MELBOURNE presented a petition, signed by the chairman of the board of the Glastonbury poor-law union, On behalf of that board, praying that the prevent system of levying poor-rates may be abashed, and a national rate substituted. The Earl of HA It DWICK E presented a petition from the county of Cambilige, %birth was adopted by a meeting held in the open air against free trade, arid praying that all meaures having a tendency to reduce the protection on Britt.ll industry *say be re;ected. The Earl of DENBIGH presented a petition from the Trustees of the Rugby Charity, against the Charitable Trust Bill. The Martinis of SALISBURY said he had to present a petition of a similar nature, from the Mercers' Company. He did not know whether he ought to move that they be heard by eounsel at the bar of the House, or that they be heard in the Committee. Lord BROUGHAM said they had the Bill before them last year, and never was a Bill more fully heard. There were one or two of the details which he would wish to have amended. He considered, however, that the petitiornirs ought to have presented their petition before, in order to allow them to he hoard against the Bill. He was himself a great friend to the Bill, and for that reason he thought that a few amendments introduced into it would save all opposition. The Batt of ELDON said, that when the petition was pre sented to him, he pointed out to his Friend the difficulty under which Biey laboured. tie hoped the Noble and Learned Lord wonlit make such alterations in the Bill as would prevent op position, either nn the second or third reading. Should no alteration be made in the Bill, he should certainly oppose it in ail si ages. The LORD CHANCELLOR said the Bill was precisely similar to the Bill of last session. That Bill was sent to a Select Committee, was supported by the Right Reverend Bench, was passed without opposition, and was sent down to the other House, where it was only prevented passing by the lateness of the session. He had no objection to refer this Bill again to a Select Committe. There was one clause different from the last Bill, and that was with respect to the persons from whom the selection of the tribunal was to be made. After a few words from Lord ELnos and the LORD CHAN CRLLOR, Lord COTTENHAM said, that if the Bill should assume the same shape as the last one, he should and it to be his duty to reject it altogether. Lord CAMPBELL said that as this was a proposal to put of the Bill till after Easter, to afford more time for its considera • tion, he could not oppose it. The Noble Lord, however, had the whole of the long vacation to consider its provisions, since it was formerly before their Lordships. and he ( Lord Camp bAl) eoriidered it strange, if, at the suggestion of the Noble Lord, who sometimes sat there (pointing to Lord Brougham's seat), but who was no w _ ing on the ‘Voolsark—( Great laughter )—he should now P"lione it till after the Eater holi days. He would like that the Noble L„ nt should confine it to charities of small amount, so as to keep them Out of the Court of Chancery. The expenses there would entirely eat up small charities. 44• e ob;ect should be also to simplify the proceed ings as m.... 1 as possible in that Court. lie would most heartily support the motion, but not with the machinery sought to be it trodoced. Lortl2,lßOUG'l Nf cost itlered that his Noble Friend must have grievouslv mi-akett he. in'ensions when he stated th at hit, proeee , ing was quite irregular He had merely wished that the con-ideratioti tit the hilt siteold be put off for the pur pose of maki•tg certain changes, which would make the Bill pass—he would Lot say unan less certainly with opposition in their Lordships' House. He had not had an op portunity of conferring with his Noble Friend, in con•equence of their many engaf.., , ement:. His Noble Friend would leave town at the end of the week, anti he should not have an app tr iunity of conferring with him unless the Ittll was put Off for a few days. The present Bill was confined to small cha ities— Lord CAMPBELL—No. no. Lord BROUGHAM—If hie Noble Friend would allow him—he had read the Bill. The object in extending the pro visions of the Bill to all charities was not to interfere in their management, or the disposal of their fund!, but simply to in quire into their accounts. Nobody had objected to his two Charity Bills. He believed that there were Companies, having large funds at their disposal, who " dreaded the light," he would not say " because their deeds were evil ;" he believed them, on the contrary, to be very goood. They were in the habit of very hospitably entertaining their friends. lie had himself partaken of their hos itality, They had great funds at their disposal, and they did not like to have tilers inquired into. He knew of one man who had 600/. a year at his disposal, and it surely was not too much to ask for power to have such interests inquired after. He would recommend that the further consideration of the matter should be postponed for a week at the latest. The LORD CHANCELLOR—The principle of the Bill was to admipister small charities. That was the main part of the 11. It was to call for an annual account of their receipts and expenditure, and it would afford an opportunity. This would be for the benefit of all. If the trustees of charities thotyht proper to let out their property, why should they not? He sbould be ready to make any personal sacrifice to pass this measure. Lord COTTNEHAM wsul.l remind his Noble and Learned Friend, that he, by this Bill, gave a power to the trustees, sctlich t 1.3 Crown and th 3 Court of Chancery did not possess. It gave the trustees the poser of selling the property. This power the Court of Chancery never had, and never claimed to have. The jurisdiction was limited in respect to small charities, but with regard to large municipal charities it would lead to the swamping of the existing charties. He hoped that when the time came for the consideration and dis cussion of the Bill, these matters would be explained. The LORD CHANCELLOR said it was necessary some thing should be done to meet existing difficulties. He had often, when applications had been made to him to fill up vacancies, felt their force, and he never listened to their appli cations till such time as the numbers were so reduced as to im peratively require the filling up of the vacancies, the costs were so enormous in:the filling up of these charitable trusts. He might instance, that the filling of a trust in Hereford cost 700/. ; in Shrewsbury, 400/. ; and in Exeter, from 6001. to 700/. It was to rectify this flagrant abuse that he wished to engraft this part of the Bill which he had prepared, on the other portions of the Bill. In answer to Lord COTTENHAM, The LORD CHANCELLOR said, that the filling up of a trust in the city of Norwich had cost the enormous sum of 5,000 The further consideration of the Bill was then adjourned. 1..,:rd ELDON presented a petition from the Merchant Tailors of the City of London against the Charitable Trust, Bill; also one to the same effect, from the Incorporated So ciety of Coopers, of the same city. Their Lordships then adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMOIVS, March 27. The SPEAKER took the Chair at Four o'clock. SECOND READINGS. The following Bills were read a second time and ordered to be committed, viz.:— Bristol and Birmingham and Midland Railways. St. Alban's, Luton, and Dunstable Railway. York Improvement. Harrogate Waterworks. Midland, Barnsley, Sheffield, Dewsbury, Leeds, and Bradford Railway. North of Norfolk Railway. East Dereham and Norwich Railway. Gla.gow, Paisley, and Johnstore Canal Sale. Warrington NVarterworks. Shrewsbury and Herefordshire Railway. Bristol and Birmingham Railway (Gloucester and Stouehouse Junction). Buckinghamihire Railway ( Tring to Banbury). Birmingham, Wolverhampton, and Dudley Railway. Midland Railway ( Erewash Valley Extension). Midland Railway ( Erewash Valley Branches). Reading, Guildford, and Reigate Railway. Worcewer and Porthdynllaen Railway. hrewsbury and Birmingham Railway. West London Railway Improvement and Extensions. Glasgow Union Arcade. St. Austell Small Debts. London and Birmingham Railway (Birmingham Extension.) Bristol and Gloucester, and Birmingham and Gloucester Railways. The tollovring reports were brought up, and ordered to be kid on the table, viz.:— Sunderland Gas. Sunderland Waterworks. Bromsgrove Improvement and Small Tenements. Burnley Improvement and Waterworks. Mahlon, Witham, and Braintree Railway. Eastern Union and liadleigh Junction Railway. Brighton and Chichester Railway (Bognor and Littlehampton Branches). South-Eastern Railway (Godstone Station to East Grinstead). Mr. LAW moved that the Administration of Justice Bill be read a tirst time. It was ordered to be read a second time on Wednesday next. Petitions were presented from the Chamber of Commerce at Edinburgh, in favour of the 'ft st hour Factory Bill, and for the aboliti, n of the duties on Timber. THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, MARCH 28, 1846. INTERMENT IN TOWNS. Mr. APKINNON presented a petition from Wolverhamp ton in favcur of the Bill for the prevention of interments in towns. of the free importation of corn is, that in the present circum- his opioion, and every day's experience convinced him, that 'IF- ' stances of this country it will supply a large number of the sate of !'amine in Ireland was a gross delusion; and the Nob population, who would otherwise find a difficulty in obtaining Lord added, that a greater delusion was Lever , in his opioi If from the land an adequate supply, especially as their number palmed upon the country by any Government. Tin is increasing. The effect of the measure will be to lower the Noble Lord proceeded to argue that because th, prices in this country, and to raise the prices on the Con- fact was that the price of potatoes was 41. a stone, there was anent of Europe ; and it will therefore equalise the prices no pressure on the peoplo of that country. Now, Sir, I bog both here and abroad. We shall then obtain the object so to explain in what the real difficulty lies. The price of pota desirable ; for the people of England will have a security toes cannot be taken as a criterion of the state of things it against the uncertain and extravagant rise of prices, and the Ireland. I may observe, in passing, that the price of 4d. Fer commercial interest will not only have free trade, but they stone is exactly double what it is on ordinary occasion; ; and will have an opportunity of an interchange of commodities. however trifling this may appear to the House and the Noble The prices of corn will rise in Earope, and the raising Lord, the difference between 2d. and 4d. is a question of some of prices is no less an object to the manufacturer MO per cent. to four millions of - persons in Irfland. Then than an increased price for his own produce. the Noble Lord referred to the small exports from Ireland, and The Noble Lord, on proceeding to argue with reference to the drew the inference from thence that no destitution existed in steadiness of prices, produced a table, which illustrates in a that country. I think it rather argues that apprehensions of more clear manner than any other table I have hitherto seen, famine were entertained. But, Sir, it may he said that this a fact which the enemies of the sliding scale regard view of this question might be taken by the Noble Lord the as inherent in our present system of corn-laws. Member for Lynn, independent of the condition of Ireland. Ile has demonstrat , d very clearly in th e tabl e Rut the actual sta eof that country has been confirmed by the which he has produced that the great fluctuations statements of other Hon. Members, although an Hon. Mem of prices on the continent depended mainly on the demand ber of high authority—l mean the Recorder of the City of from England. He adduced the table of fluctuations which Dublin—has stated that there was gross exaggeration in those shows that the rise or fall of prices on the continent is in exact statements. proportion to the demand from England. It would appear from Mr. SIiAW—I said "great exaggeration," not " gross." that document that the places most affected by these fluctua- Sir JA VIES GRAHAM—With "great" exaggeration. — ions, are Hamburgh, Amsterd, a' . Id Oct (Laughter.) Now, I hope the House will bear with me whip, ee, are reamburgh, eemak tam, tanteic, an, .lessa— in fact from those places from which we are accustomed to draw most largely. The Noble Lord also declares that the trade from Bordeaux and from New York is inferior, because the distance is considerable, and the parties who held corn were liable to serious interruptions in their trade. This had a material effect upon the foreign market; for what had we done ? So far as our present experience goes, we had been, in fact, preventing the production of those crops of corn which are necessary for the keeping up of a constant and steady supply ; and the effect is, that we are teuding to con vert these corn-growing countries not only into com mercial rivals, but into actual enemies. This cannot but act in preventing our obtaining those supplies which are necessary to preserve an equality in the corn-market. In con sequence of the uncertainty which prevails among the agricul turists abroad, they never know at what rate their corn would sell in the British market, and the supplies therefore are en certain and irregular. On the whole the conclusion is strong that they can place no reliance whatever on the state of the British market, and they therefore impose higher rates of duty on our manufactures in order to realise the advantages which they ought to reap from their corn trade, and thus despairing of ever obtaining the advantage to which I allude, they are led to measures which have the effect of depressing se whole in terests of the country. This then is one of the reasons which indicate the cause of those fluctuations to which the Noble Lord has alluded, and which have rendered the British markets so uncertain that the supplies have been irregular, and, apart from other considerations, offers use one of the greatest reasons why the corn-laws should be altered. The Noble Lord has said, and has laid great stress upon ,the point, that there has been great evenness of erice since the alteration of the law in 18'28. Why 1 have said repeatedly in this House, that I have always considered that evenness and steadiness of price neither more nor less than a nuisance, and so it is considered by the grow ers abroad. The Noble Lord considers that this evenness has been a benefit, best what have been the real effects ? It is well known, and I appeal to the oldest farmer for &confirmation of the opinion that during the present year there has been no such effect created I believe that during the present year the price of the best wheat in the home market has varied from 58s. to 725. a quarter, and that this state of things is a constant stress upon the trade, and a continued nuisance, and it is on account of this imperfection in a portion of the sliding-scale that I believe it ought to be altered. Then the Noble Lord has another ob jection which he says is occasioned by the importation of foreign corn, in foreign instead of British ships. Why, it is this very uncertainty of the sliding-scale which prevented the merchants and the foreign growers from knowing what the condition of the market would be on the arrival of the cargo, and what the price would be at the moment of its import which lost to British ships their charter age. The Noble Lord had stated that the corn trade should he rendered as certain as possible, in order that when the importation does take piece, the British ships should bring the foreign corn. The circumstances which I have stated are the very reasons why foreign ships obtain the cargoes, instead of British ships.—( Hear, hear. ) But, Sir, the Noble Lord then proceeded to state that the farmers looked with dread and consternation at this measure. The petition presented by the Hon. Gentleman the Member for Stockport (Mr. Cobden) clearly shows that all the farmers do not entertain such a dread. But the Hon. Member for Huntingdon said that if this protective law were removed a great deal of land must be thrown out of cultivation, and the Hon. Gentleman, the Member for Cambridgeshire, said, as I under stood, that tine panic in Cambridgeshire is so great that drainage was suspended, and that agricultural improvement had suddenly ceased. Now, Sir, I must beg to observe, that to the best et my knowledge, the panic to which the lion. Member for Cam bridge has referred, prevails much more within these walls than amongst the farmers of this country. My inquiries do not lead me to believe that either the landlords or the tenants, who are not [exposed to the dangerous atmosphere of this House. are affected by the panic to which those Hon. Gentlemen have referred —( Hear, hear.) Now, I think that some Hon Gentleman stated in the course of this debate, that a certain landlord in Sotnersetshire had offered to his tenants to release them from their engagements, and sixty of those tenants had refused that offer. Now, Sir, lat once admit that that refusal on the part of the tenants is no sure criterion that they are satisfied with the present measure—(Protectionist cheers)—because the tenants having a large capital em barked in the land—( Hear, hear)—cannot suddenly with draw that capital without an immense sacrifice. But having made that admission, I must contend, on the other hand, that at the present moment we have no conclu sive evidence to show that tie farmers generally are dissatis fied with this measure. Now, Sir, perhaps as this matter is of , great importance, and as lam sincerely of opinion that there is no ground for the alarm entertained by any of the Hon. Gentlemen on this side of the House, who sit below the gangway, the House will allow me to state some facts that have come within my own knowledge I allude, Sir, to the farmers of East Lothian, in Scotland. have a letter in my hands from a Noble Friend of mine (Lord Glenelg). The letter is dated February 21. He says, " 1 have had an opportanity of learning the opinions of the farmers of East Lothian and Berwickshire to a considerable extent. One of the factors to a large proprietor in this neighbourhood tells me that there is not a farm in the country now to be let but for which there are more and higher offers than have ever been made, arid that too by men of capital anti skill. I ked them (he says) how they accounted for that circum stance. His answer was that the corn question is now considered to be settled, and that the prospects held out by Government of getting their lands drained by a grant from the Treasury, in stead of having themselves to advance the money, has created t general feel ingot - confidence throughout the country. A gentleman who is a trustee of sonic property in the neighbourhood, has also informed n e that offers have been made for some of his farms ten per cent. above the prices for which they at present let. These are (be continues) facts which ere worth more than all the arguments adduced in favour of an altera tien of the corn• laws, coming as they do from one of the greatest corn growers in this part of the country." Now, Sir, allusion has been made to the county of Gloucestershire. I will inform the House with re ference to the prevailing opinion ui,on the subject of the corn laws, that Mr. Charteris has every chance of being returned as a Member fur that county upon the principle of an alteration in the corn-laws. Then, Sir, I will allude to the Isle o f Ely, in Cambridgeshire. It has been said that if the corn , laws are repealed, the land will be thrown out of cultivation, and the fens will revert to their primitive wild , ness. Now, Sir. I hold in my hand a letter from a very large proprietor of land in that county, dated the first week of March, 'lle letter stated that the writer had received a communication from his agent at the Isleof Ely,stating that he had lettwo farms to two intelli g ent men, a father and son, with ample c a pit a l, at an increased rent of 126/. per annum. The agreement had been entered into since the introduction of Sir R. Peel's mea sure, and he expressed hi- opinion, that facts like these were worth more than figures, Now, Sir, that relates only to the rents of land, but what has been its effect on the lee-simple value of land. On the introduction of the measure now proposed, I am told that several of the most eminent land- surveyors were opposed to the altei a ion, but they have since altered their opinion, and have expressed their surprise at the wonderful effect the settlement of the corn t i tiestion has had upon the value of landed property. There is, for instance, an estate in Essex, with which I am acquainted—and so is, I believe, a Noble Lord opposite—which has been offered for sale fur sonic time past at thirty years' purchase. The rent of the property was 6301, but for three years no offer was made for the pro perty— ( Hear,)—while in the last three weeks, however, an offer had been made for the property which came up to its value. This show. d the effect the measure had had on the fee simple value of land, and yet it is said that the measure will have a tendency to throw land out of cultivation. Now, with respect to this alarm, are Honourable Members aware of the desire which exists fur inclosing land with a view to its future cultivation. Last year we gave facilities for the in closing of lands, and let me just read the number of applica tions which have been received for leave to inclose waste lands. In the month of September applications to the amount of 3,298 had been received. In October the number of acres which were sought to be enclosed was 4,500. This was under protection—extreme protection—and when there was no expectation in the public mind that the Government intended to propose any alteration with respect to corn. ( Hear, hear.) But in the month of November, it was well known to the public that her Majesty's Ministers proposed an alteration of those laws. The applications in October to these Commissioners were 4,578; in November, 7,B47. —(Hear, hear, and loud cheers.) In December they were 7,205 ; in January, 5,600 ; and in Feeruary, 3.595 —(Loud Opposi tion cheers)—but in the first week in March there were 1,500 applications; and within the last fortnight applications have come in from Yorkshire, each by permission of the Com missioners, to inclose a common of inferior land—very inferior land—to the extent of 14,000 acres.—( Hear, hear.) Another application has also come in Irons the same county for per mission to inclose 2,500 acres—that is to say within the last fortnight ; two applications have come to the Inclosure Commissioners to inclose 16,520 acres of common land.— ( Cheers.) Now, Sir, I must be permitted to call the attention of the House to a Bill now in progress. It is a Bill for reclaim ing and inclosing land from the sea—to reclaim certain tracts of land which form part of the great estuary at Lynn.— ( Cheers and laughter.) This is not a question of growing lands—it is not a question of inclosing waste land, but rather the question of following the exampl of the Dutch, and car rying out the principle of scooping counties out of the ocean —( Hear, hear )—a most laudable and praiseworthy under taking. But what name is on the bark of the Bill ? The firs , came i find en the bark of the Bill is that of Lord Geesge Bete tie k.— ( Loud cheers, anti laughter.) 'I he second name that of Mr. Bagg, one of the Members for Norfolk This plan originated in 1846, when the plans of the Govern ment were well known to all parties.—( Hear, hear.) Lord G. BENTINCK—No, no. It was projected in November. Sir J. GRAHAM—The capital invested is proposed to be 1,500,000/.:; 200 OWL was proposed to be harrowed; and, among the subscribers, the first name which I find is " William George Frederick Cavendish Bentinek,' commonly called " Lord George Bentinck"—(Roars of laughter)—and among the directors the first name I find is " William George Frede rick Cavendish Bentinck," commonly called " Lord George Bentinck." 'That measure was contemplated in the last ses sion, of Parliament, and inasmuch as it was the intentian of the Crown to establish its claims to certain rights, there was a negotiation entered upon between those parties and the Board of Works, which neeotiation had not, however, been brought to a conclusion. But in the Bill before the House this year, there was an admission of the rights ofthe Crown. The admission is of a very remarkable kied. Is is that in the contemplation of such an immense outlay one per cent. should be paid to the Crown ; thus, on the large outlay of 500,0001., as stated in the Bill, at least 5,000/. will revert to the Crown. Now, Sir, the House will, perhaps, permit me to venture a question which has been often put by the Noble Lord to my Right Hon. Friend cp( a r t i:as t asn h euc e dget h ):_ e he a ar d (tt o t l the Government. If the Noble Lord will allow me, I will ask what is his estimate of the price of wheat— his sn in t p h ue e vul Lt event iaouns o h : ,tiel t lr h . e r)ep Government alys it its rar omatter ao m tite e err a s s ? u o r felbeingfrn not a matter of chance, the Noble Lord will, perhaps, again allow me to ask him, what is his estimate of the price of wheat, that he has been induced to be a party to this undertaking? Now, Sir, I will refer to the greater and more serious part of the Noble Lord's statement, and the House will at once anticipate that I allude to the state of Ireland. I heard last night, with very great ourprizo, the Eateravnt of the Noble Lord, that in „egnie. read some extracts in reference to this subject, which is in the shape of e idence s and which is deserving of attention, for it really has now became a matter of great importance. The information which reached me in the month of October last, in reference to the state of Ireland, was of such a character as confirmed me of the necessity that existed for the introduction of this measure, although that was not the only reason I had for doing so. In the month of November last I received r letter from the Secretary of the Agricultural Society cf Ire land, at my private residence. which I shall now read. I should premise by stating that the Agricultural . Society of Ire land is an institution baaring the same character as the Agri cultural Societ y of England, and numbers amongst its mem bers the Duke of Leinster, Lord Downshire, Lord Shannon, and many others of the most respectable nobility and gentry in that country. That letter is to this effect. (Here the Right Hon. Baronet read the letter, the substance of which was that the writer enclosed extracts from the Dublin morning capers, containing accounts of the measures which the Irish Agricultural Society had taken in refer ence to the state of the potato crop. ) I received several letters in answer, stating that the disease was not spreading, but I subsequently received letters from most of the 120 associations, assuring me that the disease was increasing. I may state there is not a county in Ireland. that is not more or less affected by the disease ; and my office is filled with specimens of the diseased potato. The council of the society have directed their labours to obtain information on the subject, and to transmit the same to the entire society ; and they are of opinion that enough has transpired to gratify them in calling on the Government to take immediate steps in the matter.—(Hear, hear.) Now, Sir, with that letter came another from the colleague of the Hon. Gentleman, bearing date 18th October, in which the Hon, Gentleman stated that he was sorry it would not be in his power to attend the council of the society, as he apprehended the accounts that would be received from the different parts of the kingdom would confirm the failure; and that, therefore, the matter should be brought at once under the notice of Government. I will now refer to a representation made in the month of Oc 'ober last from the secretary of this society, and such was the urgency of the case that the secretary w: ore to me in the letter I have just read to the House. I will now shortly state to the House what is the more recent information that the Government has received. The Member for Lynn declared that these statements were the grossest—most palpaple deceits ever palmed upon the country by any Government. I will now read a letter which I received from a gentleman in the county of Waterford, and dated the 19th of March. It is from the commissary resident there to the commissary in the city of Dublin. It stated that the price of potatoes was so high that they were no longer used in the poor-houses. They have been discontinued and bread substituted. The price of potatoes is 6d. per stone, and therefore quite beyond the reach of the poor. A subsequent letter, dated the 21st of March, stated that the proportion of potatoes destroyed in Waterford, was one-third or one-half of the whole crop. In every case where the potatoes had been pitt-d, they had been found in such a state as to be fit only for manure. Except in Wexford, where the crop is said to be in a tolerable state of preservation, there is some reason for think ing that the same state of things exists throughout all the dis trict which this Gentleman is commissary. I said to the House, on a former occasion, that we were only in the begin ning of this most formidable calamity, and it is now proved that the seed of the diseased potato is not to he relied en. A crop of potatoes, landed in January, were expired, and ever; case the seed was found to be rotten. Even in the pits of those persons who had sunk them deep, the potatoes were smoking from decomposition. In a letter from a coast-guard, residing in the Isle of Man, to his officer, he reports that there is a universal rot in the potato crop ; in fact they were so bad that they were shoveling them away, instead of picking by the hand, according as the crop was dug out. One person, with a family of six children, stated to him that his crop had been reduced to one-third. Ireland was di vided into .2,COd electoral divisions, and from the reports which they had received, they found that, taking the average, more than one-half of the potato crop was totally destroyed. In a letter which had been addressed from Colonel M'Arthur to the Commander of the forces, the following passage occurred : ” The difference in the price of the potatoes was one-third more than it was at a corresponding period." The communi cation is from Mr. Redmond, of Carrick-on-Suir ; it is dated on the Ist of March, and states that the disease in potatoes pre vails in the largest extent ; that one person, had purchased as many as 1,500 barrels of potatoes, and that, with the excep tion of a few barrels, they were all found to be in a putrid state. At a meeting which was to be held on the Bth March at Fermoy, at which Lord Mountcashel presided, this matter of the loss of the potatoes was felt to be of the utmost import ance ; and resolutions were unanimously passed expressing that fact. One of those resolutions stated the potatoes were then selling at 46(1. per stone. Mr. SHAW—That is a weight and a half. Sir J. GRA HAM—Yes ; but what is the reason of this price? The slid. was not for sound potatoes—not for those which were free from taint, but for those which were in a putrid state. The consequence was that these were found to be as dear as oatmeal or Hoar. Then comes a resolution that the actual state of the potatoes was known to be such that the people were selling those potatoes for the purchase of oatmeal. From Lord Mounteashel's personal examination, both of the pits and barrels, it was found that in some places one third and one-half in others, were entirely destroyed. Those poor people were possessed of small cabins, and if they were obliged to go into the workhouse, they would have to part with all their furniture, and the parties who had projected the meeting, therefore, felt it their bounden duty to bring the matter under the con-ideration of the Ex ecu ti v e G o ve rnm e n t, aidthe Poor-law Commissioners, in order that some mode might bedefined for bringing soinerelief, by giving them a supply of cheap food, or giving them food gratuitously. It appeared, from accurate statements, that the people in that district were actually obliged to sub,ist on potatoes not fit to make starch of, and which, of course, were not lit for the food of man.—( Hear, hear. ) And yet, after all this, the Right Honourable Gentleman had said that the reports of the panic in Ire land were gross exaggerations.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") And now, for the purpose of ascertaining whether those reports were a gross exaggeration, let us take other proofs. The Lord-Lieutenant on Monday last received a de putation from the city of Limerick—no small district, com prising as it does an immense number of inhabitants. What was the representation made by that deputation to the Lord- Lieutenant? I understand that that deputation consisted of the Mayor of Limerick, Sir David Roche, and other men of equal respectability and wealth. The Right Hon. Gentleman will, I think, admit that a more respectable deputation could not have been composed out of the inhabitants of Limerick. They state that the destitution of Limerick and the neigh bourhood arises from a supply of bad potatoes. The state ments were confirmed by Lord Clare, who lived in the neigh bourhood, and that Noble Lord had excellent means of ascer taining the true state of the people in that district. Now this is the state of things in the south, and it will certainly be six months before the new crop is got in.—( Hear, hear. ) And yet the Right Hon. the Recurder of the City of Dublin states! that it was all a gross delusion.—( Hear, hear. ) Well, but •he Right Hon. Gentleman has made, in my opinion, a most fearful admission. He said this-- that about this time of the year destitution and dysentery, and in some cases famine, took place in Ireland. Believing that the Irish people are suffering from disease and want, arid that the people of this country are suffering too, but in a smaller degree, he could not reconcile his mind to provide for the wants of the former by grants of money from the public purse, while it might be done by adopt ing the principle of Adam Smith, and at once reconcile the trade in corn to the rules of nature and common sense. I say that is the noble principle—and one which I did not lose sight of when the state of Ireland was presented to me in all its awful magnitude—that was the moving power, the earnest and leading principle of the measure which we are now discussing. —( Hear. ) But then the Hon. Member for the University cif Dublin (Mr. Shaw) stated that we have betrayed our party by the conduct which we have pursued. I have already stated that I cannot reproach lion. Gentlemen with entertaining, the opinions which I once entertained. I bate also expressed an opinion that those who now oppose our measures, will soon find that we have not be trayed them, and that, in the whole course of our proceedings , . we have had due regard to their interests ; but the lion. Mem ber for the University of Dublia has cast our horoscope—he has said that we are a falling Government. and, sitting behind us, he kicks us, because he thinks we are falling.—( Loud Op position cheers.) lam free to confess that I hope the Hoo. Gentleman may, under a protective Government, obtain a satisfactory settlement of the recorder's pension.—( Laughter, and cries of " Oh, oh.") Then he does not look te any place or power, but perhaps he may look forward to hold, under a protective Government, the Irish Secretaryship. I hope Ire land will improve under his benign sway.—( Cheers, and " oh" from the protectionists.) At all events, we are now aware what actuates his conduct towards us ; but, speaking fur myself, I may say that his censure sits lightly on rue, and that I prefer his open hostility to his smouldering resentment. He referred to the question of the operation of this measure as it affected tithes, upon which the eloble Lord the Member for Lynn (Lord G. Bentinck ) had more than once spoken. I am sorry to trespass on the House, but I wish to refer to this point. The Hon. Member for Oxford sta'ed, as his opinion, that this measure was inconsistent with the interest; of tithe owners. Nothing could he more accurate than his statement that tithes varied in quantity, but that they varied in price With respect to the Tithe Commutation Act, there could be no doubt that that was a measure greatly in favour of the landlords of Ireland. 'lnc present corn-laws either materially affect the price of the first article of; necessity, or they do not affect it. If they do not affect it, I wish to know why there is any objection to the proposed alteration in the duty which is intended in the price of corn ? I do not know on what ground the corn-laws should be maintained, for, in my opinion, they tend to paralyse the market—they set class in epposi'ion to elasa—they destroy the social bonds of the whole community, and endanger even its very existence. But if they do affect prices, and cause an artificial value in the cost of provisions, then, as interfering with the great question of the interests of the consumer and receiver of wageo I call upon you to do away with these imposts, and diminish the price of food to the con sumer. It cannot be denied that throughout the whole of the manufacturing districts the importation of goods from distant parts of the country has progressively increased. Manchester and Liverpool now draw their suppiy of agricultural produce from Ireland, Scotland. and the northern provinces of England, and simultaneously with the increase of import has been the increased demand. It may, perhaps, be thought that the value of land in the neighbourhood of these towns would have diminished, but the reverse is the fact ; and to substantiate my position, I can refer to the opinion of Mr. Wilson. In writing on tee corn laws he says—" Of late years the facilities of steam navigation have enabled the peasants of Ireland to dispose of the produce of their industry in the profitable markets of Liverpool, Manchester, and other places ; and while we find that this has tended to furnish pro visions at a cheaper rate to the consumer, it has not at all de preciated the valise of land in the neighbourhood of these large towns." Now, Sir, there is only one other point to which I am anxious to draw the attention of the House, and that is the important question of the bearing of the price of corn upon wages. I have stated on a former occasion my reasons for not thinking that high prices are conducive to high wages, and low prices result in low wages. No, the reverse is the case. I believe that low wages produce high prices, and that high prices produce low wages.—( Hear, hear, and cheers.) The first evidence I will refer to will be the evidence of the Scot tith weavers, who say that the only measure they desire is the "peal of the corn-laws, and that. in increasing the price of food von diminish the amount of et lo t ment, and that it becomes S ) m den,orne to all. In an examination csinduetesi before Mr Fletcher, in the West Riding of Yorkshire, Andrew Hems,' 's asked, " Have you given any reason for the cause of paw listress?" He says, " I have, and I ascribe it to the operatior of the corn-laws." " In what way do you consider that they Sect the cause of your distress?" " By preventing the ex ension of commerce with other countries, and the consequent diminished employment at home." Another weaver, James Crowley, gave similar evidence as to the depreciating effect of the corn-laws in the wages and employment of weavers. fhe Hon. Member for Rutlandshire proposed, in justice to the working classes, that ther! ought to be a sliding-scale ror wages, to assimilate them with the sliding-scale of the corn laws ; and not only a sliding-scale for wages, but that they should also be fixed at a minimum price. I am bound to state. that this appears a most impracticable and cumbersome mode. and impossible to be entertained with any hope of being car ried into effect. I cannot overlook the fact, that the Govern rent of the country is practically vested in this House, and that the Ludes' interest proponderate in the other House. I cannot take it upon me to recommend the pursuit of any course which is manifestly in oppwition to the public feeling. .1 government to be sustained, must be impartial in its enact ments. When you consider the concentration, the union, the intelligence, the great number, and the enormous proportion of the manufacturing population, and that this opinion is deeply rooted in their minds—that the corn-laws have the effect of causing low wages, and compel them to pay the more while they receive the less depend upon it you cannot convince that population, of the necessity of the corn-laws; neither can any government be justified in enforcing such an impost in opposition to a their most emphatic disavowal of the necessity of its continuance. You may reasun as von will, but on this point they will not be otherwise convinced--( Cries of " Hear, hear.") They cannot be cajolled by fallacies.—(Loud cheers.) I am satisfied that they are right in their opinion, that high prices do produce low wages, and that the effect of the corn-law is to place them in a most unfair position as compared with the agricultural interests. I could produce evidence to show you that the increase and diminution of crime, was influenced in proportion to the high or low price of food. I could also show you distinctly that the amount of mortality was influence) in a similar proportion to the price of f sod. I have now endeavoured to substantiate all the positions which I have advanced, and I am bound to Mate, that looking at the matter with the most favourable dis position to elicit the truth, and with the wish to avert conse quences which threaten the peace of the country, I have no he sitation in giving my most unqualified support to the Bill now before the House.—( Hear, hear.) I am also of opinion that our foreign relations will be greatly improved and satisfied by this measure. National dependance is a preservative of public peace. The commercial community at large are loud in their demands for public peace, and, after all, the beat means for preserving the tranquillity of the world, will be found in the benefits which the extension of commerce will confer epi.n;on, they were incapable of appreciating the wisdom that / dictated such a change, yet th e R ig h t H on . G.-11'1.1ms mi d is, :cat ;toured that he would receive his reward from a grateful country and an admiring posterity.—( Hear, hear. ) The Marquis of WORCESTER wished to know what the consequence would be it the present measure should, as it undoubtedly would, reduce the lower order of farmers to labourers ?—( Hear, hear.) In his opinion they would be driven to emigra'ion or to the workhouse, when the taxation for their maintenance would increase to so extraordinary a degree that the landholders could not pay it.—( Hear, hear.) He could make every allowance for an alteration in political opinion, but he certainly felt deep sorrow that the Right Hon. Baronet had given way at the very first attack on the constitu tion of this country. Mr. GARDNER said that he considered the report of the failure in the potato crop as a panic and nothing but a panic. He had taken the trouble to look at the special returns made he last six years, and comparing those returns with the prices of this year. On counting the number of parishes mention ing the returns, he found that the whole number to which reference was made, was 404. He found that in 107 towns the ordinary prices were not increased; and that left 295 out of the 404 in which the prices had arisen. There were eleven towns in which the prices had increased one farthing per sto-e. In fifteen towns the prices had increased one halfpenny ; in 10 towns, three farthings ; and in 53 towr.s, one penny. He believed it was the duty of the Governmen', to have given some compensation to the landed interest by the removal of the burdens on land, before lowering the prices of agricultural produce. Besides, if free trade were to be given to this coun try, it should also be accorded to the colonists, who had as good a right to benefit by the alteration as we have. He had no doubt that if the present measure was passed, plenty of corn would be imported from America, the continent of Europe, and all other countries. (The Hon. Member here had quoted from Mr. M'Gregor's report, showing the great amount of corn which was raised in the United States in 1842.) It was stated that the country in the United States west of the Ohio, raised in that year 26,000,000 of bushels of wheat, one-hall of which was grown for exportation. The amount of Indian corn raised in that country was also enormous. He (Mr. D. Gardner) was satisfied that the home market would be seriously affected by the large amount of corn that. would be imported from the United States, if the measure before the House was carried. The Hon. Member concluded by intimating his in tention of voting against the motion. Mr. MILDMAY and Lord PALMERSTON rose together, but the former, having caught the Speaker's e y e , proceeded to address the House, amidst considerable manifet•tation of im patience, and tries of " Palmerston." The Hon Member said he only wished to offer a few words, and he would not disap point the Noble Lord in addressing the House fur any length of time. It was not his intention to go into a long discussion on the corn-law. He merely rose at that stage of :he debate, for the purpose of expressing his reasons for taking a different course now to what he had formerly taken, or that he ever thought to take, namely, that of opposing the Right Hon . . Looking forward, as I do, to the happy day when London shall. Baronet at the head of the Government, whom he had previously indeed be the emporium of the world, in consequence of the supported. He had not opposed the going into Committee on wide-spread influence of her commerce with foreign nations, the question, on account of the expressions employed by her Ma when peace in all countries shall prevail and be preserved ; in jesty in the opening speech from the throne, but they had now the words of the poet, who has so emphatically and beautifully arrived at a stage on the discussion in which he must declare described such a eondition, I feel satisfied that, whether he should support or oppose it.--( Hear, hear.) He " The time shall come, when, free as seas or wind, would take a straightforward course and that would be in op- Unbounded Thames shall flow for all mask nd, position to the measure.—(Cheers.) He must express him- Whole nations enter with each flawing tide, self against the laudatory view of the Hon. and Learned Mem - And seas but join the region they divide ; ber for Liskeard (Mr. C. Buller) respecting the changing of Earth's distant ends our glory shall behold, opinion. It would seem to that Hon. and Learned Gentleman, And the new world launch forth to seek tke old." that the oftener a man changed his opinion the better it was.— That is the real description of the effects of the measure which (Loud cheers from the Conservative benches.) If Hon. we are now discussing; and again, I say, that in rejecting it, 'Members were so fond of turning round, he at least could you are inflicting an injury on the country at large. I, there- not so easily change his opinions. There ought to be some fore, earrestly entreat that you will not oppose the second principle in the matter, and changes should not be made upon reading of this Bill. such slight grounds as in the question before the I-louse. It Mr. STEWA RT claimed the indulgence of the House seemed Hon. Gentlemen wanted a pretext to turn round, and while he offered a few observations on the great measure they jumped at the potato failure in Ireland for that purpose. before it. He gave every credit to the Right Hon. Gentle- And what were they doing ? Importing Indian corn into the man for the honesty of his convictions.—(Hear, hear.) country duty free. Why did not they do that at first, He heard with the deepest regret the motives which were im- to relieve the people of Ireland, without altering the puted by the Right Hon. Baronet to an Honourable Gentle- whole laws relating to agricultural protection? But man who spoke on the question ; but nothing would induce the Right Hen. Baronet had a foregone conclusion, him to indulge in that kind of imputation. He, however, should and required only such a pretext for making a exercise his own judgment, and not be led away by the in change. For this purpose they had joined together two fluence of any authority, no matter how great. He re- things that were not necessarily connected ; and it must be eembered what the Honourable Member for Stockport, whom 'admitted that Ireland could not he benefited by the measure he saw in his place, had said in that House and elsewhere, which was now before the House. Nor did the state of the That Honourable Gentleman stated that the Government of country require the measure. In 1845, the country was in the country were overridden by the landed interest.—(Hear, a general state of prosperity; and all experience went to show hear.) He did not quarrel with that Honourable Gentleman's that the repeal of the corn-laws was unnecessary. The Right opinions, but when he heard the Right Honourable Baronet Hon. Baronet assured them, that the agricultural interests of stating that the time had come when the landed the country would not be injuriously affected, but his (Mr. proprietors had an undue interest in that Mildrnay's) experience convinced him, that the measure must House.—[Sir James Graham—" I did not say undue_"] operate most injuriously. He was satisfied, the g•eatest injury Well, not undue, but a preponderating influence. He con- would be inflicted on the agricultural interests of sidered that the two gentlemen very nearly coincided in their the country, if the present Bill passed.—( Hear, hear. ) views, and he would ask, then, what had become of the Re- What, he apprehended, regulated the production of any article form Bill? When he heard the Right Hon. Baronet state was its being remunerative, and, supposing that there was not that they were to look to public opinion, he (Mr. S.) con- capital in that country to go on increasing their products, they sidered that they could not appeal to a more revolutionary tri- must get their supplies from other parts. Let them look at bunal. That House was the fair representative of all inte- cotton. At the end of the last century they had not a bale of rests—commercial as well as agricultural ; hut if they were cotton from the United States. Now, such was the peculiar to be told that they were to look to the public opinion of the capability of the Southern States that cotton from America manufacturing districts alone, he asserted that there never was regulated the price of cotton from the East Indies, and a more dangerous doctrine propounded. He would not enter indeed from all parts of the wosld. —(Hear, hear.) into the question of free trade, but he contended that the very So with indigo; and, in the same way, they would be ex existence of the manufacturing and mercantile interest was nosed to a competition in corn, which would completely ruin entirely dependent on agriculture. The cotton mills and the the home grower. With these views, he would give his vote large manufactories owed their origin and their stability to the against the second reading of this Bill, because he felt that a fertile fields and broad acres of England.—(Hear, hear.) And sufficient caution had not been exercised to prevent injurious he believed, that when the cotton mills and factories would consequences to the revenue. Before he sat down, he should moulder into decay, the fertile fields would remain and per. like to refer to the petition presented on that night by the petuate the glory and the prosperity of the c o u n t r y. Th e Right lion. Baronet at the head of the Government, from system under which they were now acting was protection to the merchants of Liverpool and Manchester, who all—protection to manufactures and protection to agri- stated that the stagnation in their business was culture. By this measure, however, all protec- attributable to the prolongation of this debate. But. tion to agriculture was at an end, while it was continued was there not stagnation in every interest over the country? to manufactures. The arguments, as regarded free trade, and why, therefore, should those Gentlemen attribute this were strong, he confessed, in theory ; but, from the best con- depres3ion to the delay which had been thrown in the way of struction he could put upon the Right Hon. Baronet's speeches, passing this measure ? He thanked the House for the attention that Right Hon. Gentleman stated that it was overpowering with which they had listened to him, and he would conclude necessity, not principle, that induced him to take the course by expressing his determination to vote against the measure of he new pursued, If the Right Hon. Gentleman was sup- the Government. ported on that ground by his followers, he contended that this Sir R. PEEL and the Marquis of GRANnY rose together to overpowering necessity should be proved. He denied, how- address the House, but their being loud cries for Sir R. Peel, ever, that suck was the case ; and even if it did exist, the re- the Ma- quis of Granby gave way to the Right Hon. Baronet. medy was not surely to be found in the ruin of the landed Sir R. PEEL said; Sir, I did not intend to have again in interest.—(Hear, hear.) He would ask if the disease and truded myself upon the attention of the House, in the fever of Ireland would be removed by the abolition of protec- course of the present debate, but since I last had an oppor tion ?—( Hear, hear.) He did not attach much credit to the tunity of addressing the House, I have been accused with reports of the gentlemen who were sent to Ireland, for he believed fully betraying the agricultural interests of the country—( Tbe they drew them up with a view to the purpose for which Hon. Baronet was here interrupted by a remark from a pro they were employed to make them, He did not mean to tectionist Member, which was inaudible in the gallery). Well throw any discredit on the gentlemen, but was difficult to corn- then, take it that it is your impression that 1 have done so; mand clear and undoubted evidence under such circumstances, but, at least, after the accusation you have preferred against The Hon. Member then read an extract from a speech made me, you cannot refuse to concede to me the privilege of a by the Hon. Member for Stockport at a public meeting, when defence, and to listen to what I have to say in answer to th e he stated the agricultural gentlemen and the landed proprietors charges you have made. In the observations I haee were tmobies, who did not know the river St. Lawrence from merle throughout this debate, I have not quarrelled the Ohio. Now such statements were always met with the with any man for offsring his decided opposition exultation of the idle and dissolute.—( Hear, hear.) It had to the opinion I have lately enunciated. c), I have respected been so from the time of Jack Cade downwards. When the the opinions of others, and endeavoured to secure the mainte- Hon. Member for Stockport, and his colleague, the Hon. nance of their co-operation. I knew not by whom the mea- Member for Durham, were at public meetings, they invariably sure which I have proposed would be supoorted on this side of used language which, if used in that Honse, would be sufficient the House, and I tried to influence no man. I have listened to deprive them of a hearing.—( Hear, hear.) Yet these were to the charges which have been made against me with sorrow, the men whose principles were adopted by the Right Hon, but not with anger. I think it natural that you should have Baronet. Why a Government should allow themselves to be made a resistance to this measure, and that some Hon. Gen. so miserably deceived he conic' not for the life of him imagine. tlemen should retain their former opinions. I entreat them, —( Hear, hear.) What were the arguments in favour of the however, to extend to me the privilege which I conceded to present measure? Why, till that night they had had but one them, and fur the sake of courtesy, to hear with patience my argument in favour of the Government measure, The former answer to what they have said against me, If I were a private was by the Hon. Member for Wolverhampton.—( Hear.) On individual, strong in the conviction that I have acted from that evening they had an able speech from the Right Hon. nothing but a sense of duty—(Loud cheers)—strong in the Baronet the Secretary for the Home Department, bat it was conviction that I had acted from pure and honou cable motives not such a one as would convince him of the necessity of the —I would have let these accusations pass by ; but lam not in repeal of the coin-laws. The Honourable Members the situation of a private individual, and it is right asa Minis of :free trade principles, had signalised themselves by their ter of the Crown that I should vindicate the course I have arguments out of doors, and even in that House, but now that taken as an executive Minister of the Sovereign.—(Loud her Majesty's Ministers had taken up their question, all argu- cries of " Hear. hear.") Sir, it is irregular under ordi ment seemed to have forsaken them.--( Hear, hear. ) It might nary circumstances to refer to what has passed in a f ormer be that they con s idered their interests in safer hands, and there- debate ! but lam sure the House will permit me to refer in fore they thought it better to keep quiet, and not spoil their general to the questions that were put to me, and the ch a rg es position.—(Laughter.) With respect to the letter put forth by that were made against me, after I had the opportunity of last the Noble Lord the Member for the City of London, he (Mr. addressing the House. It was said in the course of the last Stewart) had no doubt that the Noble Lord felt the result to discussion that I had expressed an opinion that the charge of have been a. successful political stratagem.—( Hear, hear.) H e • this measure fur the adjustment of the corn-laws would have had no doubt the Noble Lord intended it as a political feeler. been committed with much greater propriety to other ha n d s Ihe Right lion. Baronet said he could not venture to predict than mine; and yet at the same time I observed that I p ro _ what the nature of the weather would be in a year hence. fie posed to the Cabinet to undertake the conducting of this mea agreed with him ; but the real question was, what would the sure, and that the Cabinet had been unanimeus ix deciding effect be upon the price of coin in 1850, if the crop in 1846 that the conducting of such a measure ought to be committed should be a failure?—( Laughter.) It had been said by a Noble to my hands ; and therefore it is said that there is an apparent Duke, who thought this measure unwise, that it would be well ineonsistency between the opinion that it would h a v e for the public to wait until they had heard what the opinion of been better to have committed the measure to otter the Right Hon. Baronet would be; but what were they to hands, and ray undertaking to make a permanent think, now that the Right Hon. Baronet had charged his adjustment of this question after the suspension of the corn opinion ?—( Hear, hear.) This had been called a great and laws. Niw the facts are most correctly s'ated. I did give comprehensive measure, but he denied that it was such ; on the an opinion that it would have been better had it been intro contrary, he looked upon it as a partial measure, affecting a due. d under all ordinary circumstances by others more entitled class. If it was a fair and just measure, he would like to hear to the credit of such a measure, rather than that I should have proof that it was such; but he had heard no such proof the conduct of it. Yet it is perfectly true that in the Cabinet as yet. All that he had heard went only to prove I proposed, and the Cabinet cord'. rmed, that I should undertake that all protection was to be taken away from agriculture, and the proposition of this measure. I did so under these preserved to manufactures.—( Hear, hear.) If it was come to circumstances. On the Ist of November I proposed, this, that her Majesty's Government threatened the country with the concurrence of my Right Hon. Friend who with a chance of opinion in reference to the protection now has spoken before, on account of the reports from afforded to manufactures, we would call that a falling Govern- Ireland, to take precaution against the impending merit, and it should be got rid of, for nothing could be mere danger—what I thought was the natural precaution, deplorable than such a Government, or such a state of things, namely, the suspension, either by order in Council, or by Act as would compel mere to vote against their own feelings and of Parliament, of those laws which prohibited the importation conviction. This he would look upon as the very worst state of foreign corn. I renewed that proposition towards the close of degradation; and was, on the part of the Governmen•, of the same month, and if the measure I proposed to brought about by their yielding to mob terror. If those mobs Government had been simply a suspension of the law, with a should meet again in Lincoln'slnn-fields,and threaten that House, guarantee that the existing corn-law should he revived, 1 do the Government should prevent such meetings and threats, and not believe that there would have been any very serious oppo if it did not, it did not deserve to be continued as a Government, se ion to it. There must have been a difference of opinion as The doctrine of the mobs appeared to be that the volumes to the extent of the danger in Ireland ; but I think that if the of Hansard should be thrown aside, and that the law hence- measure proposed had been merely the suspension, with a gua forth should be taken from their mcuths, for that was what rantee on my part that I would, at the termination of the sus had been said by Jack Cade.— ( Laughter-) He thanked the pension, propose a continuance of the existing law, lam not House for the patience with which he had been heard, and aware that there would have been any difference of opinion begged to apologise if he had spoken at greater length than he about the measure. But I distinctly refused to undertake or to, had intended, guarantee the revival of the existing law at the termination o Mr. BOUVERIE said the HOB. Member opposite was in• the suspension, and I did so upon these grounds As dignant with him because he smiled at an observation he I have said before, I thought suspension was become a made ; but he smiled at bearing the argument used in necessary act.—( Hear, hear.) But the Right Honourable defence of protection. The Hun. Member appeared to be Gentleman the Recorder for the city of Dublin says, we were displeased at the idea that other Hon. Members were deluded by the accounts which we received from Ireland. He of opinion that the preponderance of the landed in- says he was alarmed himself by these accounts; but after in terest should not he allowed to continue ; but the quiring into the matter, he found, from the representation of Honourable Member migi.t rely on it that that parties connected with the agricultural interest of Ireland, that preponderance could less be supported by such laws the alarm was but ill-founded. Why, it is easy for an incit es protective laws, thee by the system of coercion vidual to collect these reports, but what is a Government to do, resorted to in other times for upeolding that preponderance. responsible as they are for the well-being of the country-- The landed interest assumed that those laws had been produce deeply responsible for famine and disease, shculd they come tive of great good to th e o:Am e ry • yet t h e f .ct was, th a t thi s and no precautions taken? What was Government to do in country had been more and more dependent every year since circumstances like these—receiving reports from all quarters— the passing of those laws, u p on f o r e ign countries fer a supply from the highest au hurities, from private individuals, from of corn. For instance, for nine years after the year 1815, the parties most interested? It was no easy or enviable position quantity of foreign corn imported was 300,0e0 quarters ; for the for a Government to be placed in. Their alarm may be un next nine years it increased to 800,000 quarters ; and during founded, their precautions may be superfluous. What, do you the next nine years it had increased to 1,400,0d0 quarters. But think, where there are good grounds for expecting a general Honourable Members opposite who opposed this neva- and wide-spread famine, that Government ought to neglect sure did not appear to take into consideration the like. to take precautions, even should those precautions ultimately hhocd of a war with some of those countries, which would tun out to be superfluous ?—( Cheers.) I, for one, would not have the effect of preventing the continuance of this supply. undertake the responsibiltry of the Government, if I thought I In fact, he had only to refer to statements of the Right Hon. should be compelled to neglect taking precautions until the Baronet the Secretary of State for the Home Department, to famine and disease had become evident. But the Rght H. show that those corn-laws had only the effect of encouraging Gentleman the Recorder of the City of Dublin says we were th e continuance of crime and pauperism, and that no system deluded. I deny it altogether. I formed my impressions of policy could be invented which would be more productive in November last —my convictions are still the same. of a general pernicious result than that system which would Why, how are we to ascertain with accuracy the utmost extent advocate the permanency of those laws. He maintained, that of the disease—how are we to decide upon the very moment the farmer had been reined by the operation of the law in when the Hon. Gentleman would have us take precautions? the first measure, and could not be more injured in the pre. Are we to sit calculating in the Cabinet how much diarrheaa, sent instance.—( Hear, hear.) He would next come to the dysentery, and reflex the whole people of Ireland can bear case of the labourer. At present, instead of being well f e d, before it was necessary to find food for them?— (Cheers. ) The and clothed, and housed, the labourer, in many districts of precautions may be superfluous, but look at the danger that the country, was in a condition quite the contrary. The nee . might arise if these precautions were not taken. Is it net cessanes of life he had not in sufficient abundance, and as to better to err on the side of precaution than to err on the side the luxuries of lire, they were strangers to him.—( Hear. ) of neglect?—( Cheers.) I say, then, that with the reports we Mr. Arthur Young, an eminent authority on agricultural had received, Government would have been deeply culpable had facts, had r ecor d e d var i ous i n stances of the condition of the they not provided for the emergency, and therefore it was that labourer in 1776 as compared with his present state. At that I advised a suspension of the corn-law ; but then arose the time the wages d en or di n a r y labourer did not exceed 51. 6d. question, what will you do when the period for terminating the or 6s. a week, and though the wages at present amounted to suspension shall come? That was an important question indeed, Bs., yet, in co nse quence of the increase in the prices I and I was asked, will you undertake to guarantee the revival of bre a d, meat, butter, &c., the wages were of the corn-law? I said, I cannot for many reasons.—( Hear. ) not in reality more than in 1776.—( Hear, hear.) In the first place, in the last session of Parliament, I expressed He believed that the Right non. Baronet at the bead of the a decided opinion that you could not long continue a different Government was actua-ed by the finest and most philanthropic principle, in respect of protection to agriculture, from that feelings in introducing the measure; and though his party had I which you have applied to other articles of trade. lam told, in a great measure throws him overboard, because, nt his; Immo', that I have made a suddyn change in Lay .opinions. GOVERNMENT MEASURES. Sir R. PEEL said he bad to present a petition from the merchant-, bankers, and other persons at Bristol, who stated that the stagnation of trade was great, and that it was to be remedied by the measures proposed by her Majesty's Minis ters, and they therefore prayed the House to pass them into a law. The petition was signed by over two hundred of the largest and most respectable houses. The petition was ordered to lie on the table. BRISTOL WATER-WORKS. This Bill was read a first time. ADJOURNMENT OF THE HOUSE. Mr. CARDWELL moved the adjournment of the House, at its rising, until Monday.—Agreed to. WINDOW DUTIES. Lord DUNCAN, according to representations which had been made to him by his constituents, owing to the delays which had taken place in the discussion of the corn-laws and the commercial duties introduced by the Government, deemed it expedient to postpone his motion on the subject of the window duties until after Easter. THE GOVERNMENT MEASURES. Mr. NEWDEG ATE wished to askiher Alajesty's Govern ment when it was their intention to introduce the Bills for affwrding facilities for the draining of estates, for the consolida tion of highways, for the payment of schoolmasters in union workhouses, end the Bill respecting the payment of the Irish constabulary force, which were referred to in the speech of the First Lord of the Treasury when announcing the Government measures ? Sir R. PEEL said—With respect to the last two questions —namely, what steps the Government had made for intro. clueing Bills for the payment cf schoolmasters in union work houses, and for supporting the constabulary force in Ireland at the public charge —he begged to inform the 'Honourable Member that provision could not be made for these objects until the next Committee of Supply. With respect to the Bills for improving the drainage of estates, and consolidating the highway rates, the Hon. Gentleman was, no doubt aware, that since the announcement of these measures, there had been an extreme pressure on the time of the Government. Their announcement brought a great number of suggestions, which required touch time for consideration.—( Hear.) They had, however, lost no time in doing so, and he hoped on this day week to be in a condition to lay them on the table of the house. METROPOLITAN IMPROVEMENTS. Sir It. H. INGLIS inquired when the Bills for improving the metropolis, and for making a park at Battersea, like the one at the east end of Loud in, would be laid on the table. The Iliaht Hon, Baronet obsery 'd. that his only ehject was that the Bill should be laid on the table of the House. Sir I(i,BERT :'EEL said that the Bilis were already pre pared, and thr (baits had hewn printed. Ilia Noble Friend had gone ti Ireland; and, as he tank such great trouble in pre paring them, he vii-hid the (hafts to be sent after him for his revision. LOANS TO LANDED PROPRIETORS FOR THE IN! PRO% ENIENT OF PROPERTY. Mr. ESCOTT wished to ask the First Lord of the Trea sury whether he was prepared to lay on the table of the Hoot that portion of his scheme for the improvement of land, where by it was intended to give loans to landed proprietors on proper security ? sir It. PEEL said that the Government had been exces sively occupied, but he hoped by this day (Friday) week that he would be able to la!, that Bill upon the table of the House. INFORMERS' (IRELAND.) Mr. S. O'BRIEN said he would move for a return of the total amount of money which had been paid for services, by the Government, to a man named Robert Reilly, alias Robert Alexander, alias William Roberts, alias Hugh O'Neil, who had been sentenced to transportation at the last Tyrone assizes. He would also move, on Tuesday next, a resolution to the effect that several royal commissions had been instituted with a view to the improvement of Ireland, and that these commis sions had laid before the Government a variety of sugges tions, riot one of which had been acted upon. PRIVATE BILLS. Mr. HUME gave notice of his intention to call the atten tion of the House on Wednesday neat to the adoption of means by othich the private business of the House might be lessened. ADJOURNED - b — i: " B ' Tr— n C ? O us ß e N7t h A t \VS. On the question being put that the order of the day be now read, Mr. COPDEN rose to present a petition from 114 tenants on the Right. lion. Baronet's (,the Secretary of State fOr the Home Department) estate of Nobel by, in Cum - berland. The petitioners stated that they viewed with satisfaction the measure of the Government, but they would rather that the repeal had been total and immediate.-- ( Hear, hear.) The petition was signed by twenty-seven names, and he, found that the rentals placed opposite these names amounted in the aggregate to B,oooi. Ile might state, that on a former occasion, the Noble Lord, the Member for Lynn, had presented a petition, which he said emanated from 3,000 of the Netherby tenants. He (Mr. Cobden) congratulated the Right. Hon. Baronet on the fact, that sonic of his tenantry entertained more rational opinions upon this great question. Sir JAMES GRAHAM then rose and said—l can assure you, Sir, that I am very unwilling to protract to any fur ther length this debate, which the country generally, I be lieve, are as anxious to see brought to a termination as I am by a decision in some way or other, be that what it may.—( Hear, hear.) But not har ing been able to secure an opportunity of addressing you last evening until an hour so late that I could not then think of trespassing upon the time of the House, while I was at the same time extremely desirous that this discussion should not terminate until 1 had made some reference to the discus sions and arguments that have been used by some Hon Members on this side of the House, I will now take this opportunity of addressing the House.—( Hear, hear.) And I can assure the House that in respect to what has fallen from one Hon. Mem ber upon a subject somewhat personal to myself, that I was not cognisant of the occurrence he has stated with regard to I my tenantry. I can, however, assure the Hon. Member and the House, that I have never, either directly or indirectly, in terfered with the expression of the opinions of my tenantry upon this question—( Hear, hear ) but on the contrary, I have invariably left them to the full and free exer• else of • heir own opinions ani judgment upon a question in which 1 conceive they hat as deep an interest as myself.— ( Hear. ) With thi explanation upon this point, I shall now proceed, wan the permission of this House, to make some allusion to the speech of the Noble Lord . the Member for Lynn. I shall first dispose of his peroration, and which I must say was, like many of the other speeches delivered by Hon. Members in opposition to her _Majesty'e Minister. from this side the House, characterised amost entirely by a continual eutpeuring of personal Inv( ctive ( Hear, hoer.) I -hall sot, in the course et fnv obsi rvatiom, indulge in a like strain of severity upon the language in which their opinions were, sine, rely - and honestly mede. Neither shah I say— ." could not say so with truth—that I do not appreciate the grounds upon which other Hon. Members on this sid e o f t h e House differ from the Government, for amongst them are several Hon. Members upon whom I have many times relied, and never relied in vain.--( Hear, hear.) In em.ttittri: g the public necessity which Goan, cone• ived e:i-ted fur this m: als.uraes, Idoay it wasai a Minister of the with pain 1 felt Chet nece.sity urged upon the Government. Sir, I was prepared, and I am prepared, on public grounds, reitarsiless of all taunts a nd obloquy that may b e attempted to m ien a ce s , en l seof pu blic duty, to me et the be heaped on me --I re p eat, lam i p n rei Th a y red , , ,on fr , n e present emergency by the main tenanceh Although, Sir, persevering l in m g may that course, I am consoled firmly an d f ear lessly,) be lieve to s y u . r_e , c w h h e i e c r h s ,. by this single refle c ti on , t h at the my' . duty ; and in be e h i t j a p u e n t t e o d ofb h withee this a n b e c i e n em L: e t a n a d r i s s c t h e a n r c g y e . yet steadily, time is not far distant when the country gentlemen o f England will be satisfied that her Majesty's mi ni , tors now in office have not betrayed their interests, but that, on the contrary, they will be reconciled to the fact, that the interests of the great body of the community, whose prosperity is more immediately the object of this measure, will be materially benefited by this House giving its sanction to the measure.—(Cheers.) I hope, Sir, to be allowed to advert to some of the arguments of the Noble Lord the Member for Lynn. The arguments adduced by the Noble Lord were the most stringent and unanswerable of those urged by the opponents of the sliding scale ; and I will, Sir, with the permission of the House, advert to the first position taken up by the Noble Lord. Speculating on the price of wheat, the Noble Lord, with a view of forming an estimate of the prices of wheat in this country and France, went through a most ex traordinary process of argument.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") Now, Sir, it appears to me that the great argument in taYena Now hear my defence to that charge. I made a speech on the corn-laws in the ea ur-e of last year, when the resolution of the Hon. Member for. Wolvoi I anipton was under eonsideratien• wi.ll. I reposed that resolution, but I stated that 1 could not defend the exiting law upon many of the grounds of former days. I could not say that I thought wages varied with the price of corn ; nor could I defeed the law upon the ground that we ought to be independent of foreign supplies. I stated then, that in my opinion, the same principle that governed your ordinary commercial policy must be ap plied, at no remote period, to corn. I was followed on that occasion by the Noble Lord, the then Member for Sunderland , who stated expressly that I had made no objection to the first resolution. I will quote the Noble Lord's very words: " There was not one word in the speech of Sir R. Peel taking any objection to the first resolution. To the last resolution, if worded to the effect that it was expedient that all restricriee e on importation should be gradually abolished, the Right Hon. Baronet's speech would have heen an unanswerable speech in sue,' port of the Hon. Gentleman, the Member for Wolverhameton motion." Now, that was a speech made by Earl Grey, then Lord Howick. But what was the resolutiun of the Protectioa Society, passed in December, when the declaration I have made was never expected? I find the Protection Society, ie the month of December, came to this resolution, " That, in consequence of the declarations made by several leading weig hers of the Government in the last session of Parliament, in' tiinatin,g, that future reductions would be made, at no dis tant period; in the aleeady greatly diminished p r otection now afforded to agricult ure ; an d i n consequenc e e f the interpretation put upon these declarations, whether well or ill-founded, being calculated to de-troy all confidence is the stability of the present corn-laws, end to resist the pro gress now making in the permanent improvement of the inferior sod of the country, it was resolved to the utmost to oppose any change in the laws " That was the resolution of the Proteew tion Society in Decern! er, before they were in the slight es! degree aware of the measures about to be protege e by the Government. I say, then, there is no foundatioe far the charge that I have changed my opinions suddenly s an d I say, therefore, that when the question, whether I would en' dertake to guarantee a revival of the existing law at the term'' nation of the suspension, I said distinctly, that such a guarantee on my part would ba inconsistent with the previous declare' tions I had made in this House. Besides, the revival of the ea• isting law at the termination of the suspension must have l e ; volved the p e rman en t m ai n t enance o f th e l aw , an d you 111 3 have roused all your ene rg i es i n it s d e f ence , both in Lords and Commons, and amongst the constituencie s. It was impossible that I could be prepared fur such a coure e ' and I declined to give the guarantee, thinking at the same tim e that it would be impossible for Parliament, under existing 6 7 i cumstances, to revive a law which had wor k e d t o le r ably we' t during three favourabl e sea sons , b u t w hi c h was i n the fire [ period of pressure compelled to be suspended. Had the Pr% posal for the r e vival of the la w be en ma d e , I am sure it wou ld have been impeached on the ground of its inefficacy. It oi l suggested by a Noble Lord, when proposing aifixed duty. seei ° l the difficul y of maintaining a perma n e n t d uty i n t h e even t scarcity arising, that power should be given to the Cabinet to suspend the duty in a time of scarcity . I stated then that in the present state of opioie s upon the subject of the corn-laws it would be difficult 0 attempt to impose the law again upon the country after its ell pension. Suppose now the law had been suspended—say d Septernlier —what would be their position i n the month _ Jury? What would be the opinion o f the H ouse as to wheth er or no the suspension should be conti n ued or w hether the re should be a revival of the old law ? Suppose there should:, good grounds, not certain, .but probable grounds for behes t ; that next year the potato cr o p wou ld be d el se j tive—suppose there should be, as th ere may '"" ca will be, disease in Ireland in July, in conseque e of scarcity. Suppose you were to have su c h a J u ly in this If_ o as you had last, with continued and invariabl e ra i ns , that ar t - , the boldest hold his breath for the time—d o you think t e e % under such circumstances, I should have b een able to fulfi,!, l ;l, guarantee of reviving the old law ?—( Loud cheers.) flo e then aeain, I was not insensible of the progress of public...l o s nion. Ido not say that you should yield t o p u blic 0 P 1 7 10 .. against your own conviction, but I say that that man it at worthy of holding office if he totally disregards the cuereeiog Yee fused opinion. Placed in these circumst a n ces , a nd knet the advanced opinion of the public upon the corn -laws, 1,0 fused to give the guarantee. But it is sa id th a t the coen'" o s i were suspended in 1765 and re-enacted in 1793, and t oe urged that this was a precedent in favour of soot! enactment now. Why, can any man be 5 0 g et to the progress of public opinion as to suppose that, he e b :9l, there was a precedent of the law being r e - enac ted ie 0 ) we ought to adopt that course now ? I say, it you pal regard to these technical Parliamentary precedents in th e is sent state of public opinion, you will involve this coun tr i' s o the course of time, in inextricable difficulties. Now, no . unwilling to make statements with reg a rd to the pas,_,D , ceedings of the Government, having already, w ith the 1 1 .1;01 sion of my Sovereign, detailed to the House the c irculns t '; 2 lo in which we were placed, and the measures which we t h° bees it advisable to adopt ; but, after the charges which ha elt se s ost made against me, it is i m p or t an t th at I s h ou ld pu t the, in possession of a letter which I read to the Cabinet t 0 10 vember last, wh en it was d e t erm i ne d to i ssue i ns tructle a Commission with r es p ec t t o t a ki ng p recaut i ons ageito anticipated scarcity. In that lett er stated my °Owl 0/ the same opinion I hold now. The following statenlee read previous to the dissolution of the Cabinet:— de' a te a ri c ? " I cannot consent to th e i ssue o f th ese i nstruct i ons , an a. at the same time to maintain the existing corn-law . oar cations of the existing law, as the consequence of these itlebfl or immediately following th e m, w ou ld i n m y o pi n ioa l o pte good eni , . The proposal of th em wou ld a dd t o the g oat of defending that portion of the corn -l aw w hi c h it wa' a l W to maintain. I think we ought to suspend the operation v iael existin, law for a limited period. Th e r e i s c onflicting % D es, as to the degree of pressure from the scarcity of food, but ot ilt e l? that probability of severe pressure a few mon th s hence that to my opinion amply justify th e p recau ti onary measure of ilarlaitit o import. We have written authurit) that would justify otpaool, . vr'.l authority which, should the anticipations of those from aa , receive it prove correct, would impose on us a heavy' , t ` sio ti inlay for having neglected a preeaution which has been et ed former periods of scarcity in this country, and by some coa",.. A C:f t Europe within the last few weeks. But, independently ()for? sitierations, the issue of these instructions fully justifies, if it . to4 l , require, the temporary removal of impediments to the free iSe c 'e ewe corn. They contain a proof not only that the crisis is great- - !:4,11 that there is the probability of severe suffering from the sa* . it fund, hut the proof that we are ourselves convinced of it. eV, pears to nit that the suspension of the corn-law would be ‘ ..„.tp" to most consistent with these instructions. 1 will not r=i r istrs preceding discussions in the Cabinet, but th e i ssue o f th` - '1 nost'r Cons, placing on record our deliberate conviction as to thvirs extent of the evil with/ which we may have to contea d h ,.' t ute/ 0 1 event. By acting now, the lapse of time since we '7 O tag , pi Cabinet would be accounted fig. lam prepar e d, for one , a p t e ' ot responsibility of suspending the Wyly an order in Coung, calling Parliament at a very early period, and advising In 1 ;:., is* from the throne the suspension of the law. I conceal Iree - s t eris none of the difficulties that attend a suspension of the la w ' t ° sion of the law will compel a very e ar ly d ec i s i o n on the a°, 0 0 1 , 1, / pursued in anticipation of the petted when the ,uspensiou;:o pire. Suspension will compel a deliberate review of the W' o l6l. ti n of agricultural protection. I firmly believe that it wout . o tro for the country the that review should be undertaken '" 0 ,10 0 / Under ordinary circumstances, I should advise that it 5110 0 .0 undertaken, but I look now to the immediate emergency' s e 9o duties it impo,es on a Minister. lam ready to take the se 40 bility of meeting that emergency, if the opinions of laf,,, c at' as to the extent of the evil and the natur e o f the remade' mine." BoOelse t (Loud cheers.) Therefore, continued the Right cor r,, Baronet, I thought that the adjustment of the_ uv ellS,il would be one of the natural consequences of iis . 0 1 g ley and I felt it would be inconsistent with my duty, s ee ' f 1 0. 71( was prepared to incur the legitimate consequences!. otko suspension, not to offer to attempt immediately tu t l oe ment of the question, notwthstanding my declail ti er s) under ordinary circumstances it would be 1 " beif r lll other hands to undertake it.--(Cries of " 6 H ear. o D e I think that the course I took on this question wa s te s o i a Minister of the Crown ought to take in such cieur e s s e Csr o k ( Hear, hear.) But other Hight Hen. Members of te sio ol differed from me, and the Cabinet was therefore Est And now, an Hon. Friend of mine, the Member for 0 0 0 0 1 blamed me for the course which I have taken. r i d es t ie that course was a most unconstitutional, and a 1 1 . 0 0 ; tits t l 9 one.—( Hear, bear.) Unusual, I admit it to be, b ut of cumstances were altogether constitutiottr r , constitutional ! I cannot admit that a privy coutle i l t ii % Por i under very peculiar circumstances, the course vol l 'e r a O tt 01 neves it is proper to pursue—l cannot admit that t, ease be f thing unconstitutional in a privy councillor , t i " eoc e emergency claiming his right to seek an au e ns iel ell e Majesty, for the purpose of giving his advice. A e r r 10'0 cilior has a right to do that. I was no longer he t ritoale Minister, but as privy councillor I had a Per . `n - e et es e r , intimate to her Majesty the course which I teu b ,"earr r fer have been adopted. I did it with that view, for y t k - e jer te r preventing embarrassment , and I conceive that I .. " ch I en te r right to intimate to her Majesty the opinions w i " l h a d,.., yr!, tanned upon the emergency.—(Hear, tear.) .` st twer e i ceive, a perfect right to state to her Majesty, th eee ses tf e er 0 pared to support, as a private Member of Par a ittioi_d if measures which I had proposed whilst I wa s s 0 1 5 the Crown. Had I not a right to say that I er e hag' 0S give those mea tires a cordial support 7—(He ar ced er Hon. Friend says I prevented the formation of • Government. 1 did no such thing. t Mr. BANK ES —Of a protection Governmen t ' Sir R. PEEL—I did no such thing. 1 O ld ri t Mr. BANKES—I beg pardon, Sir. What you prevented a dissolution of Parliament. t bstch e Sir R. PEEL—The Hon. Member also slates pr e t its which I took was uncon s tituti o nal. nes° ee l Mr. BAN KES—I b eg pa r d on , I did not say u oar 60 1, I said it was unprecede n t e d, a n d wou ld afford a ' ample. nee 6s e .oo" Sir R. PEEL—WeII, but that is very like e n rie d - de p i r i t e r —( Hear, hear, and laughter.) My . Hon• u : p eer je say that it was mean -spirited, but that it was .) asdelf and would be a dangerous exstnple.—( Laughte r rr i ee des re ste o dented! and were not the circumstances unP ) tg keP 00 1 , 10 ( Hear, hear ) I have felt it to be my dutY t ' ass eele' d y that course which has been taken on previous octeuegieethoe, similar circumstances. I felt it to be my duty, e d that os t service of her Majesty, and I distinctly nohow we re jo r ) . my colleagues, who differed in opinion from 15: , ou ie beg,per. pared to form a Government themselves that , e ifear'soSe." continuance of the pri nc ipl es o f p ro tection. Why, the Noble L or d ( L ans d owne ) declineei tic o formation of a G overnmen t un til t he nutiV t` ) ro tectl es s i , were prepared to support the principles 0 1 _P Le sd r ar ely Majesty sent for the Nobl e L or d. The Nob, t:k° the s i ve r°l ? minority, anti he therefore declined to under noes s 5 (if a Government. Weil, now the a - ai n ' t : a t ; cirr u hs unusual ; but I ask any man whether, und er ta lon - ,po r od the course which I took should not have bee n the he b e ster of the Crown? I resigned my trust tote Majesty. when I found that the measures "... p or es 0,0 were rejected by the Cabinet ; and I afier if those measures were brought before Pert lea ? l o e g et is ' e vate Member of Parliament, was prepared any testy j „(0,1 , cordial suppott. —( Hear, hear . ) I ask :„ i ente., fr whether that was uneonstitutional or mire f no r m[' hear )—and whether I was justly deservitegeo_eio, oelctit nets when the Noble Lord proposed to accept _h e A irp OS t ., o _S O merit, I induced him to accept office, for` h ot,i` the & o r e ing the question of the corn-laws to a Pe r r",: r d 0 d enabled ieh I her my a lt d l f aj l e , s a t d y t t a o ke i n n , fe a r n m d t t h h a e t I N i o n b t l e e s (re: t e l. :l7: c ; . ‘,: td i . o. dial support to the measures which I sug e g iete nst' e b 00 1 ; thing unprecedented in that ; but the course sgeett, nnprececiented, but I see nothing in that wi ve , e ea ctl, t i ete, course " ti"" but,e slightest my .d . e F a r r i e e e n , d da s n ay g s e ro t h u a s t t t t h s a t the co 0 , 3 r so ' r' ser : dissolution of the present Parliamen I; an ( ! cs .e p s e es: and others have blamed me for not advisT ave b- aio l to f: Parliament. Sir, in my opin i on i t scot _ se i s e se de r be inconsistent with the duty of a Minister t ad us_ o ie fe , of Parliament under the particular circuinst_eb eto .oo l l° this question has come before us. Well ° , j ' es i trit e i e ct l , r; utterly impossible for this Parliament tits sent proposition of the Government ? A i ; re duc tl y•fi l e or -1841, this Parliament passed a law for th e This t h ,0• 1 1, section of agriculture.—( Hear, hear.) aloge ilsto of 0. 0 p ot passed a tariff—( Hear, hear) —to destroye _ aest i e o . 0( 1 ,0 4 ti m of prohibition with respect to the . : I „,,ersl ioe ot,4 ( Hear, hear.) This Parliament passen. _*: tte rly oeP' PP: r (Hear, hear,) Why, then, s hould it n_e entes e,i' l l eer a4b;", with the functions of this Parliament tu _ et e.....(t' eje ch o eld l e proposition of her Majesty's Governinc° upo n . „ te r, I would not consent to the cussolutoelhat tni" it tito' si esiy, grounds than those I have mentioneds.,il,,,for a t be %O t t; 0,, . P i Hear, r t I ll a "dangerous precedent _ esee t e nt he - . e e . ef ee admit the present Legislature is inevgitCh n o w hies wh' Ab ot isc s ' meet of any such proposal as that a _ rece de . Hear, hear.) Sir, that, indeed, a l ever Y ita v "plc rA r not establish.—( Hear, hear.) I that may 101.10 u may have been the circumstances. a sp y P never viill sanctiou the doctrin e Ow ~.... ~,