The Sun. — London, England, 1846-01-15 00:00:00

p r o anu, the ;ts gnu II Urn of bel , vonde lu " rise, their d of 0 — go ' agto' to V' i a walke d °II l e this ess (4 , 5 r e 0 10 11 un" _1 JO will listow:du: villftzr"' .a of Sas „ fternoen, d • terv- t h in WO ° r i b tbe ews the -irlq 30 , 0 1 oc eid ! 'or Ogiclel ° l Eee Do a op oi sirt Avpan ,the e ," 0 4 s a y f e ,: oi l uto b e c e k l s os ' , be Ye S rgh le l,.. 'WOO" is day.) g Old ti; 491'1 0 lemag' t. a bout) P I oog liP ' 11 )4 aniforoarl le . 00 . 0 1 4 ine i f O r li on° ol )t clu i r ,4c9 h th e tho f o be f o ri, ince 1 09 ; lonc o d '; 1 c e I be i! 1..100P" O s CY Joi e • o f tu° 0 nodio o 01 0 0 10 , _ 11 thing' ft° 9:1 tlet° l/11 '10 1 ua to 4 ! e ar Leg i T t 'ioci" 0 04 Pi c* Tos -w GREAT M EETIi\G OF THE ANThcoRN_I A W LEAGUE 4T CO VENT-GARDEN THEATRE. sne regular monthly meeting of the members of the A nti-Corn-law League was held last evening at vovent• garden Theatre. Long before the time ap rieted fur taking the chair the theatre was crowded i„ 11 e very part. A mongst the d i st i ngu i she d persons on Lae stage were George ilson, Esq. (in the chair), I I°o• Charles P. Villiers, M.P , Thomas Milner Gib 11n' 4 ' l l M.P., Joseph Hume, Esq., M.P., Sir Wil ,,atn Brynes, B art., George Thompson, E sq., J o h n ' l °Lighte n E (Breom Hall), Robert Mather, Esq. (Livse i or Major -General Briggs, Dr. Cooke Tay si....,shurst, Esq., , W• A. Wilkinson, Esq., P. A. Taylor, Esq., H. Ni.rinan Wilkinson, Esq., Messrs. Thomas Hodgkin, David Dewar, Thorne, Rawlins, 16 8 ' ,Evans, Edward Lucas, Francis Place, Edward vt - r “ wn 'eY, Grant, Robert R. R. Moore, W. B. rus - "g w eod (New York), John Poulter, H. Brittain sithainstow), C. Constable (Surrey), Arthur Pat (4,,a, J. C. Hutchinson (U.S.), T. S. Prideaux Uth am k MO, E. Davy (Crediton), T. Allerdine, toAt seven 'iteeard Ware Cole, Frank Eastwood, &C. o'clock the chair was taken by Mr. Wm th:: who said—Ladies and Gentlemen, I am sure th at, i t is a subject of fair congratulation to ourselves hes t? after an up-hill fight of seven years, our cause y e 4 lost none of its interest.—(Cheers.) In that seven (1/11 many a man has been sent to his fathers.— itt e n s ci r . , hear.) But here we are again, in 1846, des th e in g t he immediate, total, and unconditional re- Peal 0 f• ""Ist corn -laws.—(lmmense cheering.) In this thr ' • have but interesting—part of ouragitatior, p ot a ye but one course to pursue. Th e fi xe d d u t y o e iS gone f or ever —(Ch eers ) — an d it now remains No e determined by every man to make his election. th e n : a n could incur a more. fearful responsibility than Ainister who undertakes the Government of the mi tr a t a il try at this crisis. Whatever was the responsibility e Minister in 1815, when the corn•laws were te e k or ted i am thankful that no such condition can the , - fi , ll , 3ai n• - --(Hear.) A change has taken place in fleet hie Of parties.—(Cheers and laughter.) The le o ""'ng We have now in hand is the " qualification reie v t. ein "." - -(Cheers.) It may be asked, What ICl's it whether a man he registered in April, ol to t J une, or July, or any day before the 31st of titl -rY next, The Anti-Corn-law League has the e's a great res p ons ibility in calling upon t i4 P fl they have already secured, in some of the coun- The one-thi r d of the constituency. —(A pp l ause .) ti Y , ha ve rescu e d S ou th L ancas hi re from the clutches I ,he ee i nenopoli s t s .—(Ch eers .) I n S o uth Lancashire, L nid say, that if the monopolists could have letid a man —the most likely of all others for his .""in fluence and for his amiable private character to I'r:been returned—that man would have been Lord pro s Egerton. Lord Francis Egerton, too, is to t te me the Address, but what says Lord Francis look °n? " I will fight no more ! You must % I, ° nt for another candididete ; I have had kil l " f it.”—(Cheers.) But Mr. Villiers and (Ch op r° w l l will walk over the course unopposed.— ti ra ' ) Then there is South Cheshire, represented' 14 k r • Tattoo Egerton ever since the passing of the tlieor:1i11; and if we are to take the statements of %r a 1 PePers respecting him, there is no man of hi, e ` 44cl t than he has. And yet, what does he say to f or °n ' ti tuents ? Why, this, " You must look out :34.nothee man? , Now look to the West Riding ° L itshi re, and you s ill find that Lord Morpeth look a single man to oppose him.—(Cheers.) But %%1 00 i th e Progress of the League in the meantime 1 41 : „ e t ° the f ac t th at a t M anc h es t er 60,0001. were Plie n :7 4 at the rate of 5001. per minute— (Ap tieeecy--and the subscriptions from that district have taisee, e4 72 , 0 00/. —(Cheers.) At Liverpool another 1 441, was held—(Cheers) —and my excellent (8 4 414 r• Brown—(Ch e e rs )—subscribed 1,0001. ek Ditto Neu, cheers.) There is a gentleman in this Issei who subscribed at that meeting another thou tlyele„Pnands•— (Cheers.) They have raised between l ave -a n(l thirteen thousand pounds in Liverpool. I tlr t several letters which show how we can raise l et money no ney we want.—(Hear, hear.) I have got fr om t Mr. Baxter, of Dundee, informing me „gles e ';' ° °/ , were subscribed in twenty minutes. voh de ‘ 5/ t o -night a meeting at Leeds, where Mr. a( ld so ll b ,a nd Mr. Bri g ht are attending, and I have ""(h e t hat a large su m will be subscribed there. I neeti o er ' - ) But our opponents have had their beat ! a • -- (Hear, and laughter.) They have had a t Li n : e , et ings--(Laughter.) There was a meeting Pieee " ° i 'n, Where it was said a cat might with ease be a nd th., 4llt lng about the room, and yet the Chairman red C. was the fullest meeting of the Society he )1,114:et at tended.—(Laughter.) The Ministers, ist s ; et ' t ,hey are, may be assured of this, that there to b oo k t his country a power which will bring them as a s (Cheers.) The protectionists may threaten th , e fi as they like with that fabulous animal, 0 10 7 1 lion—(Ch eers, an d grea t l aug ht er )— b u t tso l , cl ° " l refer them and the Duke of Rich tefer t oo the f arm-la b ourers o f Wilt s hi re . I cheerio) the meeting at Goatacre—(Tremendous that at!' and cries o f " Th ree c h e ers for the labourers ei gh -n ded that meeting")—and there, on a wintry te geth e on e thousand agricultural labourers met t(Great', for what ? T o o pp ose th e L eague ? N o .— oa ? Ch eering.) To support agricultural protec %ttero ICO.-- -(Increased cheering)—but to ask the kd t o xt ent to look to their pale and haggard faces, t eeli n ll7n Plore them, if they were actuated by the % n(li t ;: of humanity and of justice, to open the po r t s , Ivtillt to the community free trade.—(Cheers.) "aerie:" n ot put into the scale the preponderating in \N et, Of the League over protection meetings.— ‘43westt. them e e - ; ) We will take away all meetings in favour li tti .r le-.` rade--- (Cheers)—and we will put in evidence that single meeting at Goatacre as an te l , piee to th e whole of the meetings held under the s treet s of the Protection Society of New Bond °Nilo 4 ' 4 Whe n t h ey can dispose of the op i n i ons 11. workin °' 17 g men at that meeting, they may meet at ad d re B 4 11 , 4 Bond-street and, issue a thousand l ane lr they like, announcing that the agricul ate' "uuree i s • e(1, 4 , in favour of the corn-laws.—(Re 17totie-".,eering.) You will be addressed this evening revo4seellent friend Mr. Villiers—(Cries of il sboe oe )— bY Mr. Mil ner Gib son —(Ch eers ) — M r. i•sle o f ,i'v*!` regret t o say, i s ser i ously indisposed in the I t i aors, (e g is hti but his pl ace w ill b e supp li e d b y M r Oght on users) _and our excellent f r i en d M r. it'd (Cheers)—the largest farmer in the c heers. n calli ng on is anxious to say a few words to ( e aStie, at cheering.) I have now therefore great Th e /. 1 ) Mr. Villiers to address you.— eeseiv.„-, NI, L e d wi t h • ILLIERS, in coming forward, wa s zitso peet there verY ea l Liskl no _ tn est rapturous cheering. He thought sv h ail 7 to that point in the progress of their pre t heatre Person was anxious to know what b ‘ a v as of their success.—(Cheers.) What t hat / k it * to their ? The last time they met in o . Peet tir ). l. en. spirits were much elated at the PolitiP:4l*lse presented, owing to the positioi d i theirrrea since i es.—(Cheers.) Several events had di t 1 interesting to time ex reme y the..rently Politicians Those events had been viewed of different parties, but when ar Ahi ng to ° 1 ?41 in that theatre they professed to have e eds a go with • e • of all kidt and opi nion party politics. Parties bore be e:Cci i , e , a . assembled there together, and they h e v _on wed i n considering those events, as they e ee .. e ntur e d to u_ x lsw question alone, and in that view to t r i rred since e• pyess his opinion that nothing had te rt „ 3 ,e_our age or press last met at all calculated krtle7d upon ths:a en those hopes which they en east4'l.s-state/pi occasion. The moral of all these ti 7 f ree tr ,eents seemed to'be, that their good so suere 4 „ r _ e _a c , .was in the ascendant, and that Le,,esag issue lung in their struggle to a o n . t ord —(Cheers.) speedy At their last plache erow7:l.-ttussell had meet received the commission 'ele: d a n r fi-) rin a Goverm 4ics. re his iientit ne . nt . , after having " .the had had the Y ot opinion with them °llll• h at th ns satisfaction of learnin ot , th eil s h— en e. colleagues be ha Icalled leiss teas a ins ad tirely agreed with him . t ° belie of the League ; andth in his support o_ o vern oiew ve that if he had suc the had further ,41,PPort of would have recele e d d ed in forming I,nohlw. iaftue_r obert Peel, the cordial nee. They and such friends as he ere eo 'ng th at L ey had also the • - gen sow ord John Russell d'd satisfaction of " ioe rn i nn . not complete his 45 Voverument from any cause of a difference of opinion on the question of the corn laws—(Cheers)—and though it would have given the personal friends of Lord John Russell great sa tisfaction to have seen him in the post to which he was called by his Sovereign, and which he (Mr. Vil liers) believed he would have worthily tilled, and would have had strength to support, notw►thstanding what had been suggested by their worthy friend Punch.—(Great laughter.) Yet he was convinced that the force which would be presented in favour of the repeal of the corn-laws in the House of Commons would be greater than it would have been under any other circumstances.—(Cheers.) Sir Robert Peel had returned to power; his dissentient colleagues had returned to reason—(Cheers and laughter)—end there was nothing had transpired that would induce them to believe that any of them had returned to their former opinion in favour of the corn-laws ; and thou ;h it was difficult to confide in the course pro posed to be pursued by any public man—(Cheers) — yet he could not find it difficult to believe that Sir Robert Peel would never return to power to call upon himself the universal odium of the nation.—(Cheers ) If his will was not wanted, he was now in a position that a Minister never was in before.—(Cheers.) He was relieved from all party consideration ; he had not only the whole patronage of the Government at hia command, but the Opposition.—(Cheers.) They were now, for the first time, united and decided, and de termined to extend to him their earnest and cordial support if his measures were honest and complete— (Hear, hear) —but they were equally determined, if he was false to the interests of the nation, to resort to every means to obtain justice for the people. Under theie circumstances, he (Mr. Villiers) felt sanguine of the success of their cause, and he could not bring himself to think that the present year would pass away w;thout some satisfactory settlement of the great corn-law question.—(Cheers.) He be lieved that their rulers would not so far disregard the voice of common sense in this country as to deny that the time had come when the question should be settled.—(Cheers.) Whatever they might choose to do, of this he was convinced, that the time had come when all trifling with this question must be passed away.—(Cheers.) There had always been a reality in the question which time and circumstances would sure to aid.—(Cheers.) The corn-law now stood before the country stamped with being a law alike obnoxious to the obtaining of food and the trade of the country. (Cheers.) They had now reached that point in their progress when no Minister would undertake to conduct the affairs of the Government if he was to be responsible for the continuance of the corn-laws.—(Cheers.) It was only the other day that they had learned from Mr. Gladstone's letter, that the party who would sup port the corn-laws would not be able to carry on the Government.—(Cheers.) They had shrunk from that test—(Cheers)—they wished to have all the advan tages from the corn-laws when they could be main tained quietly, but they would have nothing to do with maintaining them when there was any risk.— (Laughter.) In perusing the addresses of the pro tectionists it would appear that they claim superior integrity, a maority in both Houses of Parliament, and seven-ninths of the population of the country. If such was the case, was it not curious that they would not undertake to administer the Government ? But no ; they turned from this duty, and they contented themselves in the most scurrilous abuse.—(Cheers.) They had now arrived to that period of the history of this monopoly when no man would undertake —no, not even the strongest Minis ter—(Cheers)—would attempt to govern the county, if, at the same time, he must undertake the responsibility of maintaining the corn-laws.—(Cheers.) Such was the result of this law after thirty years' ex perience—a law which prevented the proper supply of food to 28,000,000 of people.—(Cheers.) Yet they were told that they were not safe, that they were not out of danger; they were told that the parties opposing the repeal of this obnoxious law were ao formidable that they would exterminate any Ministry who wished to abolish it.—(Cheers) Nov he (Mr. Villiers) thought there was not much danger in that respect.— (Cheers.) They had been told that the protectionists were able to follow closely in the steps of the League that they were about to raise a large sum of money for the purpose of meeting them in every attempt—(Laughter)----that if the League raised a quarter of a million of money, they would raise half a one—(lncreased laughter)— and they had been told by Mr. Newdegate, the Member for Warwickshire, that the physical force they could bring against the people who were for free trade they had no idea of at present.—(Great laughter.) He (Mr. Villiers) thought there was some prophecy of the kind two years ago, when these protection societies firat appeared—at least he was much mistaken if he did not venture to prophecy of them in that place, that they would soon speedily disagree among themselves, and soon after disappear —(Cheers)—and it seemed that he was not very much out of his calculation in that respect, for he observed that Mr. Miles had said, " He was glad to see his friends again, because he had been asked what had be come of the local protection societies ?"—(Laughter.) He then inquired what the mother society was about, and the answer that he got was, that it also was doing nothing. The central society was idle, and the local societies were doing nothing, but waiting the direc tions of the central one.—(Cheers and laughter.) Now that the protectionists were aroused, and their machinery, such as it was, placed in operation, it ap • peered that the arguments they employed were all of the old species. A good deal hail been said of Dukes, and certainly, lately, they had figured in some strange scenes. If the Duke of Norfolk spoke of a panacea for the distress of the labouring classes—(Loud laughter and ironical cheers)—the Duke of Richmond expressed himself as if sinking into the earth with shame at its declaration ; and, on the other hand, in what satisfied his Grace of Richmond, the Duke of Norfolk saw nothing but absurdity and folly.— (Loud cheers.) And how do these two Dukes pro pose to meet the crisis ? While the Duke of Nor folk proposes that which is likely to burn the insides of the labourer, the Duke of Richmond recommends the burning of the Times newspapar,-,,a(Great cheering and laughter.) It seems, that however much the Noble Dukes may differ in opinion, that their logic ends the same, which is to resort to fire. —(Loud cheers.) This was the instrument with which they aimed to keep up the protective system. But they ought to be cautious how they talked of burning, in case it might be taken up more eagerly than they desired.—(Hear, hear.) It was a lesson which might not be easily forgotten if it ever was learned ; nay, it was a lesson which the labourers had learned once before.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") But what was now to be the policy of the few who stood out for the perpetua tion of monopoly ? They were going to raise a fund to do battle with the League. If so, looking at the specimens of these protective gentry who have been before the public, and presuming the half a million —(lronical cheers)—they are preparing to raise is to circulate their Nieeches, the League, he was quite sure, would claim that sum of money as a contribu• tion to their fund.--(Loud and general cheering.) Nothing, he was sure, would contribute so much to advance the cause of free trade than the circulation of such speeches as these protective gentry had been in the practice of deliverin g .— (Cheers.) In looking through them, one-half seemed to contain nothing but complaints and arguments, if such they could be called, adverse to the cause they had undertaken to defend.—(Cheers.) Their arguments went to show that it was proper to make food difficult of access to the population ; their case one impressing the expediency of diminishing the quantity of suste nance—of making bread dear and scarce, instead of plentiful and cheap.—(Loud cheers.) They said how foolish it was to endeavour to bring plenty to the door of all; that it was better that wheat should be dear and trade restricted,than trade should be free and the corn-laws repealed.--(H ear , hear.) These were the arg uments, such was th e policy, of the parties engaged in the present protection movement, than which no thing could be more conducive to the cause of the Anti Corn-law League.—(Loud cheers.) Mr. Miles, on Monday, at the meeting to which he (Mr. Villiers) had already referred, made a statement respecting what the trade and position of this country with re gard to America would be if the corn-laws were re pealed. Now that statement, which seemed to be considered the strongest argument on the occasion against the measure proposed by the League, was the strongest that could have been urged in its favour— in fact, it was conclusive in support of the advantages that would result from the adoption of free trade. What was the position at the present moment of these gentry in the country ? They had arrayed themselves together for the purpose of preventing an abundant supply of the people. What thegoQodueeanndhadwuhottleersoedme th f e o y odto ob jected to. She had declared herself satisfied that a deficiency had existed in the l supp y of food, that the season had been unfavourable, and that she ready to was to give her assent to any measure of relief that might be proposed to meet the exigency —(Loud and long continued cheering)—while these gentry declared they would stand between her and the people, and prevent that measure of relief being carried into effect.—(llear.) They declared that they would take their stand on behalf of scarcity, and stand between their Sovereign and a suffering people, determined to deprive them of the abundance of the earth. They forgot, or did not seem to know, that the population of these islands was increasing an nually at a prodigious rate ; and that their half mil lion fund would not succeed in putting food into these additional mouths.— (Cheers.) It was to be raised, not for that purpos, but to aggravate the evil of scarcity already too extensive, and to deny the earnest cry and prayer raised by the population of this country for a plentiful supply of healthy food.— (Loud cheers.) Such was the position of the British aristocracy, who boasted and gloried in their pride and power, taking under their surveillance and direc tion fish, and flesh, and food, and declaring that re garding these they would stand to the prices of 1841. and no other—(Loud cheers)—as a question involving the protection of the constitution of th, country.—(Loud cheers.) In how little ap ositio r, were the protection gentlemen placed by such pro ceedings as these.—(Hear, hear.) In 1846 they de clared that the sliding-scale should remain stationary. and that there was no deficiency of food for the popula tion. That which had been yearly increasing in in tensity for the last forty years they declared has no existence. But at last they must be brought to know it ; say what they would, treat it as they would, to the acknowledgment of the pending danger must they come. That scarcity existed, and had been gradually increasing, had been declared, not alone at important gatherings of this kind, but at Goatacre, where the labouring men asserted that they at least knew of no plenty— (Hear, hear)—but that plenty of food had at least been denied to them for the last forty years.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear"). What a contrast did the account of these poor men present to what these advocates of protection would fain make them believe.—(Hear, hear.) He deemed it right to state that no exertion on the part of the advocates of free trade bad been spared to bring under their (the protectionists') attention the Effects of a scarcity of food—that a scarcity of food produced poverty, and poverty created disease.—(Hear, hear.) The sup porters of monopoly never have affected to disbelieve the increase of the population of the country, but they have never been found using any exertions or power to meet the wants of this new population. They did not seem to see that the effect of a deficiency of food was to send thousands and tens of thousands into gaols and union work houses, to become the victims of crime and de gradation, aril premature death.—(Loud cheers.) Not a word about all this did they find spoken at any of the protection meetings that had been held during the last three months—(Cries of " Hear, hear")—but on every occasion tie twaddle was how to make food dear.— (Cheers.) They looked not at the danger that threatened, but maintained that they held firm to the existing system, and that the duty on corn should at least remain as great as at present. Whenever there was a protection meeting. such were the sentiments declared.—(Hear.) And this in the face of the acknowledged failure of the potato crop—a crop which had failed, not only in this country. but in other countries, and which was likely to fail again. The disease had previously vi sited other countries, and experience had proved that if there was a failure this year there would be a greater the next, and a greater than that the year after, and so on for several years ; and yet these gentry say that not an iota of the protection now given them should be abandoned—that no sense of their duty to the poor will induce them to do it. "Sufficient for the day is the evil thereof" is their motto. That such evils had happened, and would happen again, and that they (the people) should be contented under such visitations of Providence. Seasons of scarcity had often occurred, and would recur again. Such was the nature of the excuses made throughout the country at all protection meetings in support of that system which re sulted from selfish legislation, but which they would fain attribute to the Deity.—(Loud cheers.) And this system they had maintained by keeping the counties in their hands, and using them for the pur poses and convenience of a few great families.—(Loud cheers.) Till the county representation was freed from the thraldom of these great houses, there would be no hope of realising that freedom of industy, and that improvement in the people, so imperatively required. Lord Stanley on a former occasion, had told them how these things were managed. A few families met together a short time before an election, and decided as to who the Member should be ; and with out consulting any one further, they decided, and always in favour of some family or class interest in the Member so appointed.—(Hear, hear.) Such was the county representation —or, rather, such was the system of tyranny and oppression, miscalled representation, under the landlord system. But that system had been attacked by the League, and, as far as they had gone, with great success; and though they were threatened with being met in the most formidable manner, he had no doubt but that the issue would be most triumphant for the advocates of free trade.—(Loud cheers.) On this question the first Minister of the Crown had been charged with cowardice and treachery to the cause that had brought him into power. He (Mr. Villiers) did not believe this was a true representation. He exonerated him from the charge of cowardice, and could not see any treachery in doing that which, to him, appeared best calculated to serve the interests of the country. —(Hear, hear.) It had been said at certain protec tion meetings on a former occasion, where the policy of the Premier had been reviewed, that they (the monopolists) had made him, and could unmake him when they pleased ; for they had given him his place, paid him his wages, and intended him to at tend to their wishes, and do nothing that was con trary to their interests.—(Hear, hear.) When a Member of the House brought this matter under the consideration of the Minister at the time it was de clared, and asked if such was a proper representation of his position, he did, he (Mr. Villiers) was bound to say, repel it with a proper spirit.—(Hear, hear.) His words, on that occasion, were as follows It is my intention to act upon a sense of public duty, and to propose those measures which my own conviction of what is requisite for the public interests shall make me think it desirable to propose, It is right that there should be a distinct understanding as to the terms on which a public man holds office. The power of circumstances and a sense of public duty have compelled me to take upon myself the harassing and laborious office in which I am placed. What can be my inducement to take office, and to make the sacrifice the acceptance of it requires ? What (IP be my inducement but the hope of rendering service to my country, and of acquiring honourable fame ? Is it likely I would go through the labour which is daily imposed upon me, if T. could net claim for myself the liberty of proposing to Parliament those mea sures which I believe to be conducive to the public weal ? I will claim that liberty, I will prcpme *thc.s.so measures, and I do assure this House that no considerations of mere political support should induce me to hold such an office as that which I fill by servile tenure which would compel me to be the instrument of carrying other men's opinions into effect. Ido not estimate lightly the distinction which office gives. It is not valuable on account of the patronage which it enables its pos sessor to dispense, nor from the personal distinction it confers upon him; it is only valuable to any man fit to hold it for an hour, on account of the opportunity it gives him of serving his country ; and the moment I shall be convinced that the power of doing that, according to my conscientious sense of public duty, is denied me, then I tell every man in the country that he has conferred no personal obliga tion on me, by having placed me in this office ; but, free as the wind, I reserve to myself the power of retiring from the discharge of onerous and harrassing duties, which, under such circumstance, could no longer be discharged with satisfaction to myself, or advantage to my country." A voice—" Three cheers fsr Sir Robert Peel." Mother voice—" No, not now ; at our next meet ing."—(A laugh.) Mr. VILLIBas, in continuation, said, that he thought the course proposed a very proper one.—(Hear, hear.) He would revert to the statement made by Sir Ro bert Peel, in order to show that party had no claims upon him, but that be was only bound to do his duty to the nation at large. Sir Robert Peel showed his disposition to perform his duty, and he (Mr. Villiers) had no doubt that he would perform it.—(Cries of " Hear hear.") He might say, in justification of Sir Robert's consistency, that from the time he made the statement he had been consistent. Was it not seen that he had assailed the system of protection, and, not only that, but he had assailed it in every instance his office allowed him, and with it the parties who thought to claim him for their humble servant. They had had enough of public men not to have any faith in them ; but when the party acting had his duties and his interests combined, he would not shrink from what his interest prompted him to do. The gentlemen who wished Sir Robert Peel to be a servant to them had, during the last four or five years, been making a noise in the country, and had been ready to support their Minister in spite of his pur suing a course contrary to their inclinations—they had acted as his supporters and friends, and they had shared in the favours the Government had been able to bestow on the Premier, but they had now become very loud in their opposition to his measures. They had, at one time, been opposed to a protective interest, andprotection had been altogether withdrawn by them from a great many, and the weakest had been treated with the least scruple. They had been told that their own turn must come next, and that their own system would assail themselves ; and they had answered that they were prepared for it. They had on every occasion, in Parliament, adopted opposite principles from what they now adopted. Persons had gone before them, and had said what the protectionists are now saying. Men had had their produce destroyed by competition, and they had claimed from Parlia ment what the protectionists are now claiming ; hut those men had always been disreprded, and Parlia ment had looked upon their sufferings with philoso phy. Thousands had been thrown out of employ ment by the introduction of machinery, and they had gone to Parliament to ask for some pro tection, but they were told that individual interest must yield to the general good.—(Hear.) They were the hereditary lords of a good deal of pro perty, and they had been allowed to enjoy it freely, but were they now to maintain that exclusive in terest to the annoyance of the community? Were they able to point out any good result of their system in the condition of their own people, and the general condition of the country ? One of the members of that meeting had made an allu s i on t o a meet i ng in THE SUN, LONDON, TIVIHRSDAY MORNING, JANUARY 15, 1846. of Wilts ; and wou ld th e p ro t ec ti on i s t s the county' -efer to the conditie,n of the people who composed 'hat meeting' r.s they appeared in the moon light? NN hat lad been said at Goatacre was no novelty, for' The protection system had existed tor a long tin - ,e, laud the condition of the people had been the sarie for the isst 23 years. In 1824 an in quiry was made by the 'louse of Commons as to the state of wages and labour, and by referring to the report made they would find that the state of the peasantry was such that it could not be worse, and that any change must be for the better; and the wit aesses examined had givers it as their belief that it was the wretched condition of the people that had tempted them to crime. It was quite conformable to chose inquiries that these people should be almost the last in the scale of society. Some years ago some siommissioners were appointed by Government to form a scale of society, and the agricultural labourer was literally at the bottom of the scale—below the felon in gaol. It was 12 year s ago that a gentleman, he Member for Bedford, and a Conservative, made a aersonal inquiry into the cause of the condition of all labourers who were confined in gaol in many f the agricultural counties for causing riots and incen diarism—(Hear, hear)—and, although a Conservative in policy, declared that the condition of these unfor ;unates arose from the low state of their ovages leading them into the commission of ,rimes against their employers.—(Hear, hear.) How could they prove anything in favour of their system, by saying that when the price of provision .vas high that wages increased in proportion, and that if foreign competition were introduced into the mar ket the land would gouncultivated? Why, the poor men at that meeting in Wiltshire had declared that during forty years, whenever the price of provisions had increased, the wages had not been increased in oroportion, and that if the food or the means of getting it were secured to them, they would take care that the land would not go to waste.—(Loud cheering.) If they could not point to these people as a specimen of the benefit of the system of protection, how could they even answer the question of llow have you supplied them with food ?"—(Loud cheering.) had these men been supplied with food— (No, no.) Had no t the last four or five years shown them the-fallacy of their system ? They had stated that the country of' itself produced enough to iupport the whole of the people, but let them prove it if they could.—(Hear, hear.) They brought scien tific men to their protection meetings, who told the farmers what they " could, would, might, and should lo," if they adopted the measures recommended to them, and that a public improvement would be the result of those measures, What they all said was very true, but they should let the land under circumstances that would enable them to go to the trouble and ex pense of making these improvements. Lord Stanley sad once said in the House that the agriculture of this country required a gl=oat improvetheut, but no man could be expected to improve land unless a secu rity was given for the duration of his interest on that land by means off` a long lease, as the extent of their improvements would depend very much on the time they would have to occupy the rand.—(Hear, hear.) He would ask if they had any prospect at present of leases being more generally given? At the meeting of the Agricultural Protection Society, last Monday, they had said that it was necessary for them to increase their influence in the counties; but would they do so by giving leases to the farmers ?—(No, no, and loud cheers) The fact was, that the farmers would never be allowed leases. A committee of inquiry had been asked for in the House of Coromons for the last three years by Mr. Cobden, but one was never given, although he had asked over and over again, and they would not grant one at all if more active measures were not used. Well, the farmers, too, had had their meetings upon this question of free trade as well as others. The f inners felt that they had their grievances to complain of in common with other classes in society that were affected by the operation of the corn-laws ; and at the meetings they had attended they declared that the establishment of a free trade system would not have the effect of doing them the least possibly injury.—(Hear, hear.) He (Mr. Villiers) had had recently a great deal of communi cation frequently of late with men of the highest respectability, who stood in the position of represen tatives of extensive landed proprietors ; In fact, they were the agents of some of the Peers of tne realm, who were amongst the largest landowners in this country. To ore of these gentlemen, in particu lar, he had addressed himself, and he asked him if he concurred in the opinion that the repeal of the 'corn-laws would be injurious to the tenant farmer ; and his answer was That there was no gen tleman in the country more surprised than he was at the strong feelings he had heard expressed amongst the tenant-farmers in favour of the repeal of the corn-laws.—(Hear.) Tnat gentleman said to him (Mr. Villiers) that he had repeatedly heard the farmers say that they would not have the least fear as to the result of a repeal of the corn laws, for they could not conceive how such a measure could injure them.—(Hear, hear.) He (Mr. Villiers) then asked the same gentleman what were the bene fits which he conceived would be likely to follow the measure, or what the results expected to flow from it: in fact, he asked him, if the corn-10: were repealed, what was his estin" " s t ne loss which the farmer would be supposed to sustain ? The answer of the gentlemen wag to this effect—That he had asked ills; same questions of the farmers; that he asked them, on behalf of the nobleman whom he re °resented (as kind and generous a landlord as ever lived), whether they would wish, in the event of the corn-laws being repealed, to have clauses inserted in their leases enabling them to cancel those leases six months after the corn-laws should be repealed ? The farmers said they would take time to consider. They did consider the matter maturely, and the result was, that they all declared that they did not wish to have the clause inserted.—(Loud cheers.). Well, the advocates of protection said that such a measure would be the ruin of the farmer—the total, utter ruin of the farmer; but, in reply to that assertion, he (Mr. Villiers) had the assurance to the contrary of this gentleman of whom he had been speaking— (Cheers)—a gentleman of the highest respect ability, honour, integrity, and one who, if he were to be summoned before a Com mittee of the House of Commons to give evidence upon the subject, every word he uttered would carry with it weight and importance, by reason of the position which he held.—(Hear.) He (Mr. Villiers) would now read to the meeting an extract from the speech of an agricultural gentlemen,delivered at a recent meeting in the country of more than 20,000 persons, in order to show what the sentiments of that gentleman were upon this question. The Hon. Member then read the extract, which was to the effect that he declared himself a country 'squire and extensive farmer, residing in the neighbourhood of a manu facturing district; but from that fact, he did not think it would be fair to make the state of the agri cultural labourers in that district a criterion by which to judge of their general position, and: therefore he had taken care to acquire information in counties that were strictly agricultural ; and after having made himself acquainted with the state of the agricultural labourers' condition in Dorsetshire, Gloucestershire, the Isle of Wight, and several other agricultural counties, he had no hesitation in saying that their condition was so bad, that it would have been necessary for him to have sought in the work houses for many skilful labourers."—(Loud cheering.) Now, he (Mr. 'Villiers) did think it was a very im portant fact that the farmers of this country, who really understood their interest, had so powerful an ad vocate in their favour as the gentleman from whose speech he had been reading that extract.—(Cheers.) Such speeches were the more calculated to give con fidence to those who opposed the corn-laws, from the fact that those who were opposed to free trade were far from unanimous. —(Cheers.) They did not agree amongst themselves even in their own speeches.— (Hear.) He recollected that Lord Salisbury made a speech at one of those protection meetings, in which the Noble Lord declared that so far from protection being excessive, his Lordship did not think they had half enough of it.—(Laughter.) But Lord Essex happened to be present at the same meeting, and yet, strange to say, he did not utter a word upon the subject.—(Laughter.) His Lordship certainly did say, that with regard to the inferior descriptions of grain, he was of opinion that the duty upon those ought to be removed, and that they should be admitted duty free.—(Laughter.) But it was rather strange, that while his Lordship was quite willing to admit, duty free, all descriptions of agricultural produce, that could be required for the feeding of cattle, he had not said one word about that which was required for feeding the people.—(Cheers and laughter.) Now, with respect to the advocates for the continuance of the burdens upon land, he (Mr. Villiers) would defy any man who read their speeches to say that any two of them agreed.—(Hear, hear.) Why did they not, if they felt that they were right, bring in their Bill, which they had so often been soli c it e d t o d o ? (Hear, hear.) Because they well kn ew th a t if they did so, it would apply to the e xemptions as wel l as to the burdens ; and they also well knew that the exemptions would be found to preponderate. — (Loud cheers.) Men of even moderate politics were in the habit of speaking of the proba ble effects of a Divine calamity or a scarc ity ; but now their argument was, that at the p resen t mo ment the country was never in a more pro s p erous s t a te, and that therefore no change was necessary. Some men were advocates for changes in everything but the one most terfere with the corn-laws, then th e y i ns i s t e d th a t people should ir let wtetlhle l moment it v' proposed to in u ' g as hter.) Now he ied; bu aone.—(La could not disguise from them who n ow h ear d thm, the fact that those were the class of men who, the more universally advantageous any measure was likely to be, which should be introduced into the Legislature, the more strenuously would they oppose it, and therefore the advocates of free trade should leave nothing undone to defeat such opposition, be cause it was the opposition of the most interested and unpatriotic party that ever arrayed itself against the people. (The Hon. Member concluded amidst the loudest acclamations.) Mr. HOUGHTON next came forward. He com menced by saying that he never once stood up to ad dress a public meeting under circumstances so pecu liarly embarrassing as those attending his appearance on the present occasion. His embarrassment was increased by the fact of the importance of the present crisis, by the eloquence of those patriotic gentlemen who had preceded him, and by the fact of his having abandoned the opinions he had formerly entertained upon this question.—(Loud cheering.) He would have no hesitation in saying to the meeting that, if he did not conceive he had had sufficient reasons for changing his mind upon this subject, he would deserve to be denounced in language as strong as that which cha racterised the speech of a reverend gentleman recently in Staffordshire, who had denounced Sir Robert Peel as a traitor to his country and his religious principles. (Laughter.) Now, he (Mr. Hou, , Fhton) was cer tainly a traitor to his country in that sense, because, for t wenty-flve years, he had been expending his money and his time upon his estate, and had also been ad vising those around him to do the same in the way most approved by protectionists.—(Hear, hear.) However, he had since changed his mind, and he had no hesitation in saying that protection was the parent of idleness.— (Cheers.) Let him ask when it had ever been known to prosper. Look at it with respect to the silk trade. When protection was about to be removed from that article it was said that the re sult would be the ruin of that trade; yet, strange to say, that so prosperous had been that trade ever since, that now the silk trade of England had hoisted the flag of triumph even in India.—(Cheers.) The same observations applied to the wool-growers. He was an extensive wool-grower, and upon that point he had expressed his opinion to that great and good nobleman, now no more—he meant Earl Spencer— (Cheers)—to the effect that the wool trade would be ruined by the removal of the protection duty ' • but that nobleman assort(' him that that trad e i n Eng land would be better than it ever had been, and the result proved that his Lordship was right.—(Cheers.) Well, let him now turn to another article, that of pigs. Why, they wanted all the fat pigs they could get, and if the Americans sent more of them, they in Eng land would be glad to receive them.—(Laughter.) Then with regard to beef. What was the case there? They, it seemed, had in the same country beef always fat—oxen ready for the knife. But what was the real fact? Was bacon cheaper? No; it was as dear as ever. So was beef; and therefore he contended, that all this fear was perfectly ground less.—(Hear, hear.) Then, again, wool was no cheaper now that they had free trade in this article. He would maintain this, that if protection, as was stated was good, they had since the days of Huskisson been going backward, and every movement, as certainly as day followed night, had been a step nearer to free trade. Why, the very hat that he wore was a French hat ; and had not the hatter in this country an equal right to come forward and claim for protection. But did he do so ?—(Cheers.) His own opinion was this, and he would beg their patience one moment while he stated it. They had now had the corn-laws for thirty years. It was therefore no new acquaintance. He had himself had occasion to give evidence before a Committee of the House of Com mons; he had also attended meetings when distress had bean the cause of their assembling ; and now for some facts illustrative of the working of the protective system. In 1822, when the corn-law was most stringent, he would read them one line of what took place at a meeting held in the county of Kent, in consequence of unusual distress, and they prayed for a change in the law.—(Hear, hear.) And yet this was in the very height of pro tection. They were then under the law of 1815— yes, in the very year when the corn protection was at the highest. Again, in 1829 and 1830, when corn produced the highest prices, they had in fact no corn law at all, for prices rose so that the duty was com pletely thrust aside. Then, with respect to 1836 and 1837, the price of corn was only 355. and 365. per quarter. Why? Not because of the corn-laws, for they gave a protective duty of 38s. a quarter on wheat.—(Hear, hear.) Then, how was it in 1840 and 1841 ? Why, then again they had no corn laws at all, and there was the utmost distress in the country, and they were glad to get corn from any part of the world.—(Hear, hear.) When corn was at the highest price known in this kingdom—when the corn-laws were the most stringent, then the greatest misery, distress, and destitution prevailed among the farmers. In 1835-6, a Committee of the House of Commons sat on this subject, and after a great deal of deliberation the result was, that they gave no report at all, but said that the distress arose from over-production—it could not be because of the importation of corn from abroad.—(Cheers.) This satisfied him that corn-laws had not effected who they were intended to do; because it was ' corn dear or cheap that these ' to make Aavvs were passed, certainty in its prices. • _.,wered that end ? In 183.5, the price of neat was 365., in 1841-2, 'the price of wheat was 74,.—(Hear, hear.) The conclusion they must come to was, that when they had a beneficent season corn was cheap, because abundant ; and when they ex perienced an unfavourable season, they were compelled to get it from other countries. Now, he would in quire how the corn-laws had acted upon the interests of the classes they were originally intended to bene fit? For instance, with respect to himself, he had heard many say, that the repeal of them—what ? they said that the repeal of them would ruin the Church.—(Cheers, and bursts of derisive laughter.) From that `opinion he (Mr. Houghton) differed en tirely, and he differed for this reason—he loved the Church ; and he would tell them another reason also. He thought that the repeal of those laws would be the first means of making all parties hold out the right hand of fellowship to each other—(Hear)—for in the eyes of all right thinking Churchmen starvation in any degree could not by any possibility be good for the country at large. At present large masses met. About what ? About these measures, and they were the one opposed to the other ; therefore, he said that the repeal of these laws would unite them in the bonds of peace, and be productive of good to all parties.—(Cheers.) Then, again, it was said that this measure would ruin the aristocracy.— (Hear.) He had a great veneration for that body, but he did think that the alterations of this law would do more to raise that body in the opinion, the good sense, and the good-will of the people, than any other possible measure.—(Cheers.) Now he, for one, could not stand—what ? Why, to hear that they, the farmers, were a privileged class. He did not wish to belong to a privileged class, and he would throw down the gauntlet and cultivate land on free trade principles against any man.—(lmmense cheering.) Let them but have free trade—(Con tinued cheering)—and fair play, and what Mr. Villiers said that night, he (Mr. Houghton) would repeat, that the burdens on the land might be heavy, but let them see "the Bill;" and then they would be able to settle the precise amount of them. And now he would make one or two remarks with respect to leases. He himself held a great quantity of land, perhaps as much as ony one man in England—(Hear, hear) — and he held it all by leases—(Cheers)—and he would indeed be a traitor if he were not prepared to come forward. For what ?—To take leases for as many years as the landlord would give him—(Great cheer ing)—aye, and at the same rents as he now paid for them.—(Continued cheering.) Now he must be ex cured for offering a few more suggestions.—(Cries of "Go on.") Then, in the first place, he maintained that the fears now expressed by the landlords were groundless ; but there was another question that he would just refer to. It was said that land would go out of cultivation. Ile once recollected the lamented nobleman of whom he had already spoken, saying to him, when the repeal of the corn-laws was mentioned as a thing probable, " Let other countri es send over their wheat. 'We shall be as glad to furnish a market for them as for ourselves. We shall, in fact, be then one large family." Now, with respect to the land going out of cultivation, he (Mr. Houghton) did not believe any thing of the kind. On the c(ri trary, he believed that it would be the means of in creasing cultivation. Ile would now say a few word s with respect to leases ; and looking back to the l as t thirty years, and judging b y experience, wh e th er the state of the land ed interest had improved or retrograded, he should say that the great and many changes in landed property augured very ill for the prosperity of landlords and tenant farmers. These changes, especially to the lattter class, looked any thing but profitable. And now he would look to the condition of the labourer.—(Hear, hear.) H e did not think that the last thirty years had been beneficial to them.--(Hear, hear.) - lie was sure that a great change on the whole system as re garded them was wanted, and if the meeting would allow him to say one word, he would tell them what he thought ought to he done to bring about a better state of things. And first, he would say that every labourer ought to have a little land.—(Great cheer ing) He considered also that great attention ought to be paid to their dwelling-s, and he thought that every man should be educated. Ile believed also that it would be greatly for their interests to let them have a lease, for then they would take care that the land would not go out of cultivation. They would be thrown upon their own resources, and in those sea t sons when the labour was greater than the demand, they would have something to fall back upon.—(Cheers.) He thought that the land should be let exactly at the same price to them, that it was in the same parish, and the nearer they were to a town the better.—(Hear, hear.) That would really be the means of benefiting the labourer. Now with raspect to tenures, he thought that tenure should be granted as a security to the tenant. He saidse 'urity to the tenant because, although he (Mr. Houghton) had the very best land- but to ensure Had they AT-- ! lords in the world, he would ask them for this security . of tenure—and why? Simply because of the uncer tainty of life.—(Elear, hear.) And he would ask this also because he had a large farm under lease, and a large sum invested in it ; and if he had not this security of tenure, what could he claim as security ? —(Hear, hear.) When another man com menced trade, if he had not the money, he perhaps found a friend to assist him; but if a man commenced farmer, and required a large sum to begin with, the friend to whom he would apply would look rather hard in his face—and why? Becaua he had not the security of tenure. Let them look to Scotland, where the security of tenure had existed for years, and let them observe the palmy state of agricultural pros perity there. Let them introduce it into Eng land, and the same results would follow. That was his opinion with respect to tenure. There was one other thing he would shortly state to them—he referred to the exclusive burdens on land. lle agreed with Mr. Villiers that the landlords should, however, bring in " the Bid." He argued that they had some burdens which pressed rather heavily on the land, hut if they ha I a clear stage and no favour, they wo'ild ask for no further protection.—(Cheers.) But admitting that they had heavy rates, let them ee how th e p rocee d s were expen d e d ; and he would first take the county rates, and he would say of this rate that n o money could po=sibly be expended in a m ire wasteful and eetraysgent manner. The county with which he was himself connected—he meant Berkshire—and there he would instance a point. The meeting might have heard of the gaol of Reading, where every description of architecture of the most expensi ve c h aracter war exhibited. Why was this ? Becaus e the gentlemen of Berkshire thought it would look well from the railway. If they had their ex clusive burdens, they were doubly mischievous from the manner in which the funds arising from those burdens were managed. There was another part of this story which he would like to bring before them, and that was with respect to Ireland. These laws were made for that country, and he might state to them that he was himself connected with that coun try. Now, after thirty years experience. they had it from the petition presented the other day to the Queen, that the country was in a worse state than it had ever been—that, in fact, its population was starving.— (Hear, hear.) He did not think that these laws could be deemed beneficial to the country ; but he did think that bad legislation had something to do with it, and that many of the mise ries of that country might be ascribed to this. He asked for them what he would ask for himself, and that was, that some alteration should take place in the present system of the corn-laws. And he would ask the gentlemen who were present at that meeting to lose no time, to leave no stone unturned, until they had given some relief to that unfortunate country.— (Cheers.) He could tell therm that by their united exertions they would soon carry the repeal of this measure. And now he would tell them of a fact that occurred within his own knowledge in that country. If true, he would call on her Majesty's Legislature to remove the gentleman he would refer to from the commission of the peace, and if false, then let then, take him to the Old Bailey—(Cheers and laughter)— and there let him hang by the neck until he was dead. He said, and he repeated, that persons in Ireland were not fairly dealt with. They had county rates there as well as in England, and they had treble the amount of assessment. When a presentment was brought forward by a gentleman for his own use and benefit, it.was tried by the judges, and it was thrown out and can celled. It was then taken before another judge, who quashed it. What was the answer of that gentle man when remonstrated with on the subject ? The petition against the presentment, he might observe, was signed by the most respectable of the cess payers. What was his answer ? He said, "He would take care that these devils had not another pound of limestone."— (Indignant cries of " Name, name.") That was the fact, and he could give the name if they required it. The Irish farmer did not care for the corn-laws. All he asked for was fair play. The Irish did not think so much of the corn-laws as the want of good roads, and in this respect he wanted an alteration for them as well as for himself. If what he had stated was not true, let the Government send over to Ireland and inspect the roads, and see the state they were in at this moment. The Irish farmers, in fact, had no roads at all, and they were often compelled to carry limestone on their backs to burn upon the land.—(Cries of " Shame, shame.") Now that was the state of Ireland, and he for one said, and he hoped the meeting would join with him in declaring, that the time had arrived when they ought to be improved. He was sorry for having detained them so long, but when he knew what did know, he could not help speaking out. min ; required to be alleviated as well in Ir ' .and as in this country, and he would tell tis ' would effect that oh:- ...ern what he thought ment, and he e-' , s ect. Land wanted improve -.lied Government to bring in a Bill to .► the raising of money upon entailed estates .or their improvement, at about 4 per cent.—(Hear, hear.) There was another step they ought to adopt. When an English merchant sent out a vessel to Ame rica, he was compelled by law to provide proper ac commodation for emigrants, if he carried any ; and why should not the landlords of Ireland be compelled to provide suitable accommodation for their depend ants ? For his part, he would have first, second, third, and even fourth-rate dwellings for the Irish tenantry ; and this plan could easily be carried out, if Government would only adopt the plan he had just suggested. And what would be the consequence ? Why, it would give satisfaction to everybody, and the tenant would live in a decent dwelling-house instead of a filthy hovel. It would be the means of conferring great benefit upon trade in that country, and would inter fere with no interest whatever. There was a ques tion in Ireland, too, as well as in this country, respecting the Church. He once wanted to bring to the notice of Sir Robert Peel a Bill that would have enabled parties to rent land, which was Church property, upon a fair and equitable tenure. Some of the county Members approved of this plan, but de clined to support it, because they said it would have the effect of interfering with the Church establish ment. What nonsense it was for men to talk in that way. It would improve instead of injuring the Church; and if his plan were adopted they might de fend upon it they would have in Ireland less of agi tation and more of cultivation—less of agitation and more of education.—(Cheers.) Mr. T. M. Ginsos, M.P., then came forward, and was received with great applause. When silence was restored, he said—Mr. Chairman, Ladies, and Gentle men, after the excellent speech of Mr. Villiers, and the very practicable and useful address of our friend Mr. Houghton, an extensive agriculturist,, it would perhaps ill become me to trespass long upon your time, but this I will remark, that it seems you have not thought, from the vast assemblage collected in this house this evening, that it is wise at pre sent to consider the measure of the repeal of the corn-laws entirely carried. It has occurred, I dare say to many, and it has been remarked by some in my hearing, that it is hardly worth while to attend a meeting on the corn-laws now that the leaders of the two parties, Sir Robert Peel and Lord John Rus sell, have taken the question into their care ; but let me beg of you to remember that the question is still in your hands.—(Hear, hear.) From this fataln2is s " take of considering questions not finally have carried a not being in the hands of the there been many disappointments to peop le ' h e cause of liberty. The liberties of a nation were never given—never yielded by rulers to the people ; they have been always rung from rulers by the steady, the persevering, and the unshaken ex ertions of the people themselves.— (Cheers.) Wh o knows that Sir Robert has yet decided what question he shall submit to the Legislature, and who knows but that this very assemblage here this evening may give him power to dictate better terms to the Cabinet Council ? Who knows that this assemblage may not have great weight in inspiring Ministers with the courage to propose, and the ability to carry, a good measure ?—(Cheers.) We are in the position of a person standing by the bed-side of some worthy matron. We do not know whether it is to be a boy or a girl.—(Cheers and laughter.) We do not know yet what is to be had, therefore I say it becomes us not to desert our duty, but to watch and be satisfied with nothing but a per fectly healthy child.—(Cheers and laughter.) Our worthy Chairman named that child, and it is the total, the immediate, and the unconditional repeal of the corn-laws.—(Cheers.) This assemblage ! what a contrast is it with those poor and pitiable meetings of our opponents. Why, your Chairman has maintained that at some protection meeting, that a cat might be discovered if she went amongst the listeners ; but here I will venture to assert, that if tine whole of the Central Society for the Protection of British Agriculture, that assembles in the front par lour of No. 17, Old Bond-street, were put into this theatre, you would not know they were here at all.— (Cheers and laughter.) Perhaps some of them are here, and I wish they may be. They are going, it seems, to fight the League with its own weapons. They are going to try the registration courts ; they are going to try the manufacture of votes, as it is called. Thus, though they condemned such a course as highly immoral and unconstitutional, yet it seems, they are going to try it themselves. These are the persons, who, though favourable to unrelaxed protection, have no great objection to relax ing morals—(Bear, and laughter)--and so they a re going to use our weapons. Well, then, perhaps w e may live to see a rival house—not Drury-lane. that Le t me advise them not to be so aspiring as all first. They had better try a smaller house, e and I will suggest to them the Strand.—(Hear, and d laughter.) I am quite sure our excellent friend, the Chairman, if they are unwilling to try at first a theatre upon their I own account, would let them some portion of these boxes to some of the principal members of the Central Society for time Protection of Agriculture, when they might attend and speak for themselves. We would give them a patient hearing, and we would reply fairly and dispassionately to their arguments — ( l lear)---and if we do not convince those of them who are capable of being convinced that our cause is one of justice, one of humanity, and one of right, then I can only say that I should despair of ever triumphing in the cause we are advocating (Cheers.) Wh a t an extraordinary thing it is that. we should have this mighty opposition to the proposi tion we make. What is it we are proposing? Why, we are proposing to take off a tax. If we were as sembled in these great numbers for the imposition of a tax upon the people, then I could perfectly under stand that there might be meetings of those people who would be unwilling to bear our burden. But our object is nothing of the kind. Our object is to re move a tax ; and what a strange notion—what a strange perversion of just political principles—is it that there can be such a tax existing, that, when you propose to remove it, you have gig at numbers of per sons coining forward, saying the tax is a benefit to us—it is a tax that is putting money into our pockets, and therefore we will not consent to relieve the na tion from the burden. Does it not strike every one that a tax ought to be a general burden, and ought to be levied for the general purposes of the State, and it is impossible that a rightful tax can he imposed for tl benefit of any portion of the State's subjects? But this it at once a burden on the nation, and a benefit to a large portion of the nation, according to their own showing. Therefore I say their opposition to the removal of this tax is of itself proof that there must be something dishonest in its operation—there must be something at variance with the true principles of taxation when you have a tax that is a burden upon some and a benefit to others.—(Cheers.) We have never made this question a question of mere price ; cn the contrary, we have treated the corn-laws as a question affecting the food of the people. The high ground we have taken is this—that we have a right to the freedom of exchange. We d errand of the Legislature—the landed proprietors who have been, from time immcmorial, the ruling party— to desist from obstructing the corn trade. We say the corn trade is a legitimate pursuit ; w e say that Englishmen have a right to invest their capital in a foreign trade, and we say they have a right to bring corn into England to sell it at a profit, if it suitedtheir interest and convenience to do so. W e say they ought not to he obstructed from doing so to suit the private or pecuniary interest of any class of their fellow -subjects. We do not put it upon the mere ground of price, but upon freedom of exchange, which was the most obvious right. We say, if there is to be any article thrown in the way of foreign corn, the same burden ought to be placed on home-grown corn, and let the home corn grower bear his proportion to the tax. Thera would be justice between them ; not that we say that corn is a fit subject of taxation—nothing of the kind. We think the food of the people ought more than anything to he exempt e d f rom t axes , b ut I am anx i ous t o dwell upon this point, because so much has been said by our opponents of certain alleged inconsistencies in the statements of free traders with reference to what would be the price of food after the repeal of the corn laws. I admit, as I have done before, that our demand rests not upon price, but still the price may be a matter for our speculation.—(Hear.) Be the price what it may, we contend for commercial freedom in the corn trade. Speculation as to the price, w hen that freedom s h a ll b e obtained, would be a curious speculation, and an interesting speculation undoubtedly, if price be the primary ques tion ; but it does not form the basis upon which the just and righteous demand is made. Now, with re gard to price, our excellent friend, Mr. Houghton„ does not anticipate a fall of price from a repeal of thew corn-laws. True, there may be no fall of price, yet there may be a great increased consumption of food. Imported food may not be substituted for. what is grown at home. It may be for additional! consumption. Customers may be so increased as to require all the imported corn, without causing any diminution in the sale of corn grown at home. But the protection party seem to me to be trying all in, their power to depreciate the value of their landed properties.—(Hear, hear.) It seems very singular for them to exert all their abilities in telling their tenants that when the corn-law is repealed their lands will not produce any rent. Will they not, when thes corn-law is repealed, come forward and ask to have their farms for nothing? Now, we free traders have never said so. What was the case with respect to estates ? Why, it -vas a fact that estates had been lately selling in the public market by auction, and had not .'oese been purchased as mere investments ? "e l e, if these lands have sold for one year's less pur chase than when the agitation against the corn-laws was not so rife as it is at the present moment ? Again, it is a fact that the farmers are selling their farms by auction at as high prices as ever they did. He was himself aware of a case in which two farms were sold at a higher price than they brought two years ago; and this was at a time when the corn-laws was not as near being repealed as they now are.—(Hear, and cheers.) If there was an idea on the minds of the farmers that the repeal of this law would ruin land, put it in the same scale as everything saleable, would they not be induced to adhere to the same or a higher price in purchasing it ? —(Hear, hear.) If there were shares in a railroad to be disposed of, it would greatly diminish their value if there were any competing lines. And so it would he with land, if there were truth in the doc trines of those opposed to the free trade principles. With reference to what has been said by Mr. Hough ton respecting tenants, I will offer an observation. I myself am acquainted with tour tenants in Suffolk, who at the time when the recent change had taken place in the Ministry, and the power was supposed to be placed in the hands of Lord John Russell, in nego • tiating, leases with their landlords, did not one of them say a word respecting the corn-laws. Now it is not our business, as advocates of free trade, to counsel persons whose property it is said is about to be injured. But I must say that it is strange that the landlords should be endeavouring to create a panic to depreciate their own property.—(Hear, hear.) I will recommend this view to Noble Marquises and Dukes, if they do not wish to make a sweeping measure.—(Cheers.) When speaking of Dukes, I mean those who have that propensity to deliver themselves of corn-law speeches, who, I must say, are not the most wise persons in the world. — (Hear, and laughter.) They appear to be persons of very homely wit, and it is difficult to single out one more foolish than another. It reminds me of a French Duke who applied at. Court fora place for his friend, saying that lie was deeply indebted to him ; and on being asked as to the nature of his obligations to him, replied that, but for him, he would be the ugliest man in France.—(A. laugh.) Now, so it is with those noblemen ; for it would be difficult to single out one that has madeamore speech than another, for theykeptfooelaieshh have other in countenance with their m n onsense ; not me however, that he despaired ofg some of Duke of Norfolkwas notle of them disciples of the Leag that u s e• popokeleesosf Even curryca th case, and and perhaps when pow der he meant rice, for they were mixed to ge th er i n India. we have another Duke, who says that Noble Duke hopeless a nti-corn -law meetings should be treated with the contempt they deserved.—(Name.) Ile was well known, for he was at one time engaged in a corre spondence with the chairman of the League.— (Name, name.) It was the Duke of Cleveland, whose speech was in this day's Times. He says that the country was convulsed from one end to the other by the agitation that was car ried on. And so it was, but it was with laughter at the nonsense uttered by Noble Dukes at protection meetings that it was convulsed.—(Laughter.) As I have alluded to a correspondenee that has taken place, I will take the liberty of reading those letters, which are important documents, as showing that they were as anxious as those who were deficient in knowledge of this matter. The Duke of Cleveland delivered himself of a speech, at Raby Castle, which appeared in the illarh-lune Express, upholding the corn-laws. The Chairman of the League wrote to the Duke this letter : "My Lord Duke,—ln an account of a meeting of your Grace's tenants, you are reported, in the Mark lune Express, to have warned your tenants against the doctrines of the League, and that they (th tenants) could not compete with the foreign growers. As chair man of the League, I believe you have made these state ments in ignorance, and I forward you some tracts of the League that will give you information on the subject, which will show you that the land does not bear those burdens that you have asserted, and that it is not so heavily taxed, and that income derived from land is a small compensation ; and I trust that you will take the earliest opportunity of correcting - your error. "I am, &c., GEORGE WILSON, 19 " Chairman of the National Anti-Corn-law League. To this letter the Duke returned the following answer:-- " Sir,---I have received a letter which has followed me to the Highlands of Scotland, and has filled me with astonishment. The writer signs himself' Chairman of the League.' However despicable that faction has be come in the consideration of the country, I could not conceive that any one of its members should have the boldness to lecture me ewhonichwhnaotnliehmasb-eertho(f)utghhetfit press to way at a private party a t present. I know nothing about the Murk-lane Ex press, and treat your observations with the contempt they deserve. Now this was a very unhandsome reply to the letter that was framed in very courteous terms. Ile con tended that they had a right to investigate the opi nions of those who were hereditary legislators, and in whose hands the transactions of affairs affecting their interest was confided. Now, he would assert that it was false what had been stated about the land being more taxed. It had been shown by Mr. Hume in the house of Commons, that the taxes pressing peculiarly upon agriculture amounted to something about 8,000,000/. a year; and they would have now yielded about 30,000,0001. to the revenue. When the deputation of the Central Committee waited on Sir .40. 11