The Sun. — London, England, 1846-01-29 00:00:00

Ctir lnitton SUN OFFICE, Seven 0' Clock. BRITISH AMERICAN LAND COM PANY.-(THIS DAY.) A special general Court of the proprietors of this Com pany was held this day at the London Tavern, to receive and consider an important eommunication from the Hon. Judge Preble affecting the interests of the Company. The CHAIRMAN ( s l. C. Cummins, Esq.) said, that he had to state first, that their Governor was called to Scotland by the illness of a female relation. He had next to explain tlie object for which the meeting had been convened, which had not arisen in their ordinary meeting. Judge Preble had come from the state of Maine in order to promote the ob ject for which the Company had devoted a large sum of money, the St. Lawrence and Atlantic Railroad. But it was rot only from the circumstance of their having subscribed their money but also of its improving the land. It was the opinion 'f the Directors that the information of Judge Preble was such importance as to induce them to call that meeting. Mr. Galt had returned to America with a list of those who had Subscribed to tho Company. It might possibly arise that the communications which they would receive from Mr. Galt would place them in a position to determine whether jthey were to proceed with the railroad or not. Mr. Galt would take care that the expense should not exceed 5,000/. He had received a letter from Mr. Galt, dated Sherbrook, 20th December, 1845, which was to the effect that he had inspected the route of the proposed railroad to Boston. that portion of the line to Boston was under inspection for completion in 1847. That 100,000 dollars had been sub scribed, and that the inhabitants on the line had proposed to subscribe 500,000 dollars more. He also stated that Portland possessed a magnificent harbour, and that the greatest de sire for the amicable adjustment of the Oregon question pre vailed among the inhabitants. The Hon. Judge PREBLE said there was exceeding diffi culty in dealing with a subject like the present, and to con dense all those views which are necessarily connected with the subject under consideration. (The Learned Judge here read a lengthened statement, the purport of which was that the proposed line of railroad would effect a communication 'between lakes Ontario, Huron, and Erie and the Atlantic, [tad totally supersede the mode of transit now in operation. It then dwelt on the advantages that would be conferred on Quebec. and Montreal if this line were established by restoring these towns that trade, of which a large portion had been diverted into other channels, and of creating a trade. A pro ect analogous to that now was in contemplation of one of jhe wisest governors the colony ever possessed—he meant Lord Sydenham—who had caused canals to be con structed. The Learned Judge, after mentioning a variety of projects that had been got up by his countrymen to effect thir object, none of which could have any prospect of success ful corn4tition with their project, if they excepted the Ver mont Grand Central Railway, which was circuitous, and would require 20,000,0001., while theirs would only require 5,p00,0001.; and stating that the State of Main would afford him every assistance in prosecuting the undertaking, coil chided by recommending the shareholders to lose no time in proceeding with the undertaking. Mr. Robinson said that the eligibility of the undertaleing had been admitted twelve months ago, when they had sub -20.00e1. towards it. He regretted that there was no distinct proposition before them, and that a statement had not been made to show that the undertaking was progressing. He conceived it not to be indicative that it was held in very high estimation across the Atlantic, where the shares were nearly all in the possession of English men ; and he thought there was a great security for the speculators that no hostile proceedings would take place, or that, in the event not only of a war, but of any difference between the shareholders, that their interests would be se cured. Mr. GOULD, while agreeing fully in what bad fallen from the last speaker, considered the undertaking of such impor tance in a national point of view, that he would, if it were required, to propose a further grant towards carrying it out. —(Hear, hear.) He would propose a resolution to the effect that the thanks of the meeting were due to the Hon. and Learned Judge, for his lucid and comprehensive etatement. Mr. PonusEn briefly seconded the resolution which was carried unanimously. Time Hon. Judge PREBLE briefly returned thanks. Thanks were then voted to, and acknowledged by, the Chairman, and the meeting separated. THE SUN" EXPRESS. (PROM A CORRESPONDENT.) N i-lwcA ST LE-ON-TYN E, WEDN ESDAY.—An Expre.=:s:Edit ion of The Sun, containing the important speech of Sir Robert Peel, in the House of Commons on 'Tuesday evening, was re ceived by Mr. Horn, of this town, about ten o'clock this morning, by the u; nal mail train, and was immediately cir culated in the News-rooms and principal places of public resort, where it excited the most extraordinary interest. About the same time a special engine brought copies of the Daily Xews, which had published a special edition, which was dispatched from London shortly after twelve o'clock on Tuesday night; but this new competitor for public favour had been in all its mechanical arrange ments anticipated by The Sun, the Daily News, with the ad vantage of three full hours in London, bringing no more than the speech of Sir Robert Peel, which The Sun had accom plished apparently without an effort. 'The proprietors of one of the local papers, who had been waiting without their breakfast from eight o'clock in the morning, with a coach and four, to take on the News to Edinburgh d Glasgow, had the mortification of witnessing The Sun dispatched from Newcastle northward nearly thre2-quarters of an hour before their extraordinary (!) ex pross ! ! The Sun has thus accomplished one of the most surprising feats in newspaper history, and thrown completely into the shade the laborious effort of a morning Contemporary to outstrip its rival,. DEVONPORT INDEPENDENT OFFICE, JAN. 28. We received the copies of The San, by mail, at ten o'clock to-clay, and, just as we had sold them, a coach and four pr-sed our door with an express from the Daily New , , with two persons from the office. They left London by a specill train at one o'clock, and reached here at half-past ten—about two hundred miles to Exeter by special rain, and forty-five miles from thence to us, with a coach and km and post-horses—in all nine hours and a half from London. They presented papers to most of the leadmg persons. We could have sold double the number of The San if we had had them. They sent out the Daily News from the hotel ; twelve were sent to us. I never saw such anxiety to get papers. 1M PERIA L PARLIAMENT (THIS EVENING.) HOUSE OF LORDS. Their Lordships ri,.serubled at Five o'clock. TOLL BARS (SCOTLAND) BILL. On the :notion of the Duke of RICIINIOND, this Bill was read a second time. HIGH CONSTABLES BILL. This Bill, on the motion of the Duke of RICII MOND, was read a second time and ordered to be committed. CORN-LAWS. Lord ASTIBURTON presented several petitions from Place- in Surrey against any alteration in the prQsP',": . ;, cern-laws, tt itheut appealing to the conetituenciee o r th e country. The Noble Lord - also moved fir certain re • turns respecting corn and cotto n wool, as we understood, • fur the Noble Lord was ehelost inaudible in the gallery. The Duke of RIC ll.;;;OND rose to prceent a number of petitions from di& rent parts of the country, very an. merously signed `ey large numbers (;) tenant-terrnere and labourers. the petitioners prayed their Lordships not to make miy alteration in the corn laws, and many of them also, complained of the unconstitutional acre the Leag', o , lie (the Duke of Richmond) had had many o,oportunities eh seeing a large number of tenants and i'..nded gentlemen since the opening of the compre hensive scheme (as it was called) in another place—“e I.tuah)—and he could only say that that scheme was re pudiated by every individual that he had sp o k en to, and they represented the opinions of tilt different parts of England. They viewed the Measure with the st-:ongest indignation, and ou Were all pre pared not only to maintain protection to themselves but also to the domestic industry Of the country. They ex yrrssed their disapprobation of the conduct of certain gen tlemen iu the [louse of Commons, who were returned to Parliament pledged to, protection principles, but who now seemed wavering a':4l doubting. The petitioters though t that these men `';ere bound to resign. their seats, and see whether the:f woeld be re-detted. Ile (the Duke of ltichmonfl) entirely agreed with the petitioners. lie though.; ; that the abandonment of protection would be fatal to every interest, and he thought, if nothing &s'', existed, t ; e t the manner this question i"..ad been ttgitated by the League should be sufficient to throw free trade overboard. That agitation had the effect of inducing the people to place no cen'idence in their public men, and he trusted that their Lordships would rot by any act of theirs encortraged this feeling-. The arguments that were bro ug h t forward would not bear the light of day, and ee was quite satisfied many of the statements were fillaeious. lie would not go into details at present, but he hoped when the question was brought forward it would be advocated upon the principle of protection or no protection, and then he should he prepared to go into details, lie, however, denied the truth of many of the Right l ion. Bar onet ' s assert i ons , b ut h e did not in tend to deny that some dozen soldiers of the Guards had asked fur and obtained furloughs of late years ; but he would submit that the railroads might have had some little eff.et in inducin g men to go down to see their ridicufriends. Th e compromise proposed was perfectly lou. They were to be allewed half the epothe caries' bid—(Laughter.) Could they tell him what would be the price of corn mider the m w law? If they could wh e th er or uyo could not, how on earth could t h ey they e ere giving too much or too little compensation? They must matte up their mind s a b out this matter of or . bow could they tell wh e th er it would be price, reMnnerattve to the farmer or not? and he fur one ob. .frete,l to being dependent on a foreign nation. Ile was for protection to native industry, and he was p repared change with a large body of the p eo pl e of t resst the W h o were not easily roused, but wh o ,tl,leirseci.°oll,lllsterdY—na'll wereno-w,t be because they felt that they had been deceived and ill-treated hy those who ought to have stood by thetn — ntee who were most respectable, quiet, of the Cnrn-law and unobtrusive, and men who had not been se duced by means of the bribo3• - League. He hoped and trusted their tor.o.iruddsrheipswhne'ottull give to the country an opportunity this system was right or wrong, and toer Ministry to dissolve the P a rliam e nt, and have the ques tien dismiss d at the htuitings.—(Hear, hear.) Lord KINNARD said the Noble Duke had made a serious charge against the Anti-Corn-law League, of which he was a member, and he could not refrain from rising, to deny that they had done anything illegal or utetonstitutional. Does the Noble Duke hold himself responsible for the language used at the meetings of the protection societies ? 'the Duke of RICIIIIOND stated that he was per fectly willing to become responsible for all tho language te.ted at these societies. The lip:1 of then, I own. I wad TEE SUN, LON DON. THURSDAY EVEN] NGI" JANUARY 29, 1846. going to say that the language used at these meetings has been such that no man or Christian would have used. If callinc , Noble Lords, Members of this Hous e, b y the name of Satan was language such as the Noble Duke would render himself responsible for, he wished him joy of his charge. For his part, he considered that the League were acting in a perfectly legal tutional manner, their object ; merely to give facilities for the 'ration of votes according to the Art of the Legislature. Protection societies had approved of this measure, for they had adopted the same course as the League were now pur suing. In Scotland, it was well known that they cre ated all fictitious votes, and even at the present time, for the sum of 2001., it was customary to make all their ser vants voters. He said there were few Noble Members of this House, upon this or upon the other side of the House, who did not subscribe either to the Carlton or Reform Clubs, and these Noble Lords well knew that parties came to the committees of theie clubs and stated the price of their boroughs. He thought that " those who lived in glas!-houses . should not throw stones." He would ta ke the liberty of stating to the Noble Duke, though he did not know whether he should be quite in order, that v,ith reference to the scheme proposed by the _ Honourable Member at the head of her Majesty's Government, although he might have wished that he had gone a little farther in his measure, still he would support it. He thought it a strange doctrine that the Noble Duke propounded, and one which savoured of Chartist doc trines, namely, that the Government should appeal to the country. It would almost amount to Annual Parliamrnts if the Government were to be compelled to app ea l t o th e c ountry upon the introduction of every fresh measure. Did the Noble Nit mbers of that House think that the country would submit to the postponement o f th e corn law question? It was perfectly impossible for them to do so, whatever that House m i g ht think. It the question were postponed, Noble Lords who were so anxious to maintain protection, and the Government, might expect that the constquence would be a sweeping Parliamentary reform, for the people would not submit to be thwarted. The country would not now submit to the postponement of the ques tion, when their object—the total abolition of protection —was so nearly within their grasp ; he meant to say that they would not submit to the present constitution of the House of Commons. The people would tolerate the existence of so many nomination boroughs which were in the hands of the protectionists ; they would seek to increase the numbers of those who could vote in the election o' Parliamentary representatives, however much he and other Noble Lords might regret the success of such an attempt on the part of the people. After a few word 3 from the Duke of BUCKING HAM, which were whclly inaudible in the gallery, THE OREGON TERRITORY. Lord BROUGHAM wished to be informed by the Noble Earl opposite (the Earl of Aberdeen) whether the Oregon territory bad been given up to the Americans, as he hal been credibly inferined that it had? The I , an of ABERDEEN—Certainly not. Lord BROUGHAM. said that he was informed that an American globe-maker was now actually selling globes to his fellow-countrymen, showing the American territory to have been conceded by the British, but from the reply of the Noble Earl it would appear that the globe-maker had only done so for the purpose of pleasing his customers.—(Hear, and laughter.) THE RIVER PLATE. The Earl of ABERDEEN, in reply to a Noble Lord, said he was prepared to lay on the table all the late do cuments, in the possession of the Government, relative to the River Plate; but, at the present, he was not prepared to enter into any details with respect to the negotiations which were now in progress. Earl GREY should be sorry if that convc,rFation shoulcicease without saying a word or two in reference to the observations made by the Noble Duke. The ques tion was one vi hich should be discussed solemnly and without prejudice. If the Noble Lord stated, and he believed that he did state it truly, that it was one of protection or no protection, lie should propose a resolu tion on the subject, and call upon their Lordships to affirm it. He regarded with pleasure the measure which the Government proposed to bring forward, which did amount substantially to an aboltion of protection The only fault he had to find with is was that it did not come into operation at once. He regarded the modifying scale, which was to continue for three years longer, as a clear mockery.—(Cheers.) It was regarded so by Noble Lords, who were in favour of protection, and being so regard( d he thought the abolition should have taken place without delay. It was the only part of the measure which he, as a landowner, was afraid of. He did not fear for the operation of the measure on the agricul turists, for he believed them quite as able as the manu facturers to meet competition. But when a policy of an extensive description was announced, it was most un wise to prolong that state of things by which a transition was always attended. So long as that state of things existed it was impossible for any arrangement of a satisfactory or permanet nature to be come to between landlords and tenants. He believed that these circumstances would have the effect of throwing great obstacles in the way of improve ment in agriculture, and that the same indisposition evinced some years since, by reason of the operation of the corn-laws would again develope itself namely an indiToei- tion on the part of agriculturists to invest their capital in, I land, and an indisposition to take land for any length ened period of time. The great impediment iu the way of agriculturists desirous of improving the land was the indisposition on the part of landlords to grant leases, and therefore airy stimulant admini,tered calculated to promote that agitated state of feeling amongst the land-owners must be injurious to agricul ture. It was, likewise, his opinion, that by continuing this modified system of duty or pleat ction, for two or three years longer, great difficulty would be shown in the way of the transmission of foreign corn to this country. At the present moment the stock of corn held in store by foreign countries was very great. Now, if the duty upon that cern were re moy, d at once it would not injure the country, be cause no sudden influx would take place ; but by this modified system of duty continuing for thrt e years, the certain consequence would be to induce the foreign trader to hold in his stock, and thus darn up the sources of supply for those three years, and when that time had expired the result would be a vast influx of foreign corn into this country when all restric tion had been removed, and the result would be a serious ii.jury to all parties. All those Noble Lords whom he was now addressing were as deeply interested in 0 l i s matter as he was ; though, no doubt, this plan hid- been proposed with a view to securing their supee-- , e .ses, yet he trusted that if they took the same . y r ew , 0 , the subject that he did, they would ',se their influence to prevent a measure from passing another'e would w i ' h be poiiit so t injurious to themselves. There - was t° Pl :lude. lie had heard the speech of one of the w eSble Lords on the cross bench, who had spoken 'in strong terms, in rather severe terms, on the ;ttoject of protection to the landed interest, gut not in terms less severe than that branch of the subject which lie dealt with (lest rved.—(llear, hear.) To talk of giving such a compensation as this was to say the least of, it putting a gross delusion on their Lord ships, as ho believed that the only real compensation which could be made to those enraged in eigri cuqural pursuits was of the nature of which promises had beets been held out, but which he was sorry to learn from the papers that had been printed, was not intended to be fulfiled— he meant the r ea l s pi r it o f com p et i t i on w hi c h was th e carrying out of the principle of tree trade, with respect to other articles, as well as to corn.—(Hear.) It seemed jest that if they were to sell their corn at a cheaper p d e e. i r c e e d o , n t h a a c t c o t h u e n y t of the should ha have competition a n which opportunityw ou o l b of producing eengen - . the commodities which they required at corresponding pricas. He saw no reason why the colonies should have an advantage which they did not possess. If the English farmer was able to bear free trade, he wanted to know on what grounds the colonies were not able to undergo the same competition. They had to support armies and other establishments for prot-cting the measures brought forward by the Government, that their Lordships would give the subject their most seri ous consideration, and teusted that they would insist on the principle of free trade being carried out with respect to other articles. The application of the principle to one article to the exclusion of others was cal culated to throw discredit on the principle on which the Government propositions were stated to be fuunded. He hoped that when the measure came forward, it world be d sencumbered of all those absurdities which reminded them of by-gone controversies. He hoped that they would strike out upon fresh ground—that the true sound end right principles of free-trade were su boldly announced would be carried into effect for the benefit of the w hole nation. That which had fallen from the Noble Duke (the Duke of Richmond) had induced him (Earl Grey) to trouble their Lordships with these observations. Perhaps he had gone further than he ought on that occasion, but considering how generally those matters were decided practically and vir tually decided before their Lordships had an opportunity of pronouncing upon them, and he thought there was some justification for them if they ventured thus early strongly to express their opinion. He would only say, in his own justification, that the principles of free trade, since his first entrance into Par liament, were those which lie had always sympathised in. On his first entrance into the House of Commons he had voted in those very small majorities by which the prin ciple of the scliding scale had always been obtained. From that time to the present the language i he had held, both in office and out of office, had been that the whole system of protection was, from first to last a mistake,injurious to the protected intreest as well as to those against whom protection was granted, and the sooner they adopted the principles of common sense— those principles which every great political writer aid philosoph er had supported—the sooner those principles were practically adopted in legislation the better. LORDS SUMMARY. The LORD CUANCELLOR took his seat upon the Woolsack at five o'clock. The Toll-bars (Scotland) Bill was read a sec on d ti me . The Duke of R ICHMOND topresentingdomestic, several peti tions in favour of protectio in n om d estic, i n d us t ry , I stated that he and they ent i re l y the Ministerial pi ()position with to from com mercial policy, and that he considered the scheme as unjust and uncalled for , and that he denied the truth of the assertion on which the plan was based. It was perfectly rediculous to talk of this as a compro mise. It was no compromise at all ; and, besides, he was averse to all compromise. They ought to have stated what would be the price of corn under the system before they talked of compromise. The farmers felt they had been illtreated, and it would be dangerous to pass the measure in opposition to their • ; qshts. He hoped their Lordships would throw out the Bill, and I force the Minister to appeal to the countr y . He had no fear of the results, --- A ".'. : .: - C,orn•law League ; but he 11 " * .711,standing the bribery of the Lord V :INNAIRD, as a Member of the Anti- Corn-law League, denied that they had bribed. He could not hold himself responsible for all the language that had been held by thought the Noble Duke would scarcely hold himself responsible for all the language made use of at Pro tection Societies. The Duke of RICHMOND would hold himself re• sponsible for the language used at Protection Societies. Lord KINN&IRD congratulated the Noble Duke. He therefore held himself responsible for the gentleman who had compared a Member of the other House to Satan, and for the burning of the Times newspaper ut a protection meeting. The League had not bribed — they bad merely enabled persons to obtain the franchise according to law. The Noble Duke, in advocating an im mediste appeal to the people on every great question, was merely advocating Chartist doctrines, and if he were to succeed he would merely give to an agitation for a further reform in Parliament. After a few words from the Duke of BUCKINGHAM, Lord BROUGHAM wished to ask if it were at, with regard to Oregon, it were true that on a globe published under authority, the American boundary had as laid down by the American Government? The Earl of ABERDEEN thought his Noble Friend al luded to some prior transaction. He had no objection to lay before the House the instructions under which the party had acted. Earl GREY—With regard to the proposals for the re form of our commercial policy, would propose that if it were to be opposed, he thought it would be better to meet it by a resolution in favour of protection. He ap proved of the principle of the measure, but should have preferred a repeal of the corn-laws at ()Lee. The three years duty was producing a state of indicision. and was a mere mockery contintsing the uncertainty and agitation which was the great evil of the present state of things. The real security of the landed interest consisted in granting leases, end any thing that pre vented this rendered that interest insecure. So low was the stock of corn in foreign countries ; that any al teration now would be attended with little effect ; but then three years delay would dam up the current of exportation from abroad for three years, and at the end of that time to let in a flood of foreign corn, to the detriment of all parties, He trusted that their Lordship's would prevent this part of the measure from passing. With regard to the mes sures of compeesution, although some of them sere just in themselves, to talk of them as compensation was delu sive. The only real compensation would be to esta blish the principle of free trade completely in every thing as well as corn. If they were to sell cheap corn, they ought to buy cheap coffee, cheap timber, tie„ ct cheep everything else, If the home produee r would support cheap competition why could not, the Colonial producer He trusted that if the e Y.: - F landowners eriment were tried as r e g a rd e d it wr.euld be carried out as regarded others to the great benefit equally of the Treasury and the con sumer, He was sorry too to see that the fallacy which he had thought utterly exploded of making a distinction between free and slave labour sugar, that most absurd of all fallacies, was still to be maintained. He had always felt deeply attached to the principles of free trade, and for the moment of his entrance into public life he had denounced the principles of protection as, from first to last, a mistake ; that the principles of free trade were principles of common sense, and the sooner they were adopted into our Legislature the better. Lord ASHBURTON feared that neither the Government nor the House would ever be ab:e to carry out the prin ciples of free trade, as advocated by the Noble Earl, in a country placed in such a complicated position as thi country was placed in. 0 wing to the great burdens which were borne by this country, it was impossible that the British farmer, andmeet the foreigner upon equal terms; and all the authorities upon this subject, such as Mr HuserssoN, Mr. lliceano, and others, admitted that the British farmer was entitled to compensation on account of his IN culiar burdens. As long as they had the deb in the state in which it which it was, and as long a foreign countries continued in their present state, it was perfectly Utopian to hope to establish a system of free trade. The Noble Lord then complained of the conduct of the League, in opening a shop in every town in the kingdom, for the pur pose of providing what he termed fictitious votes He thought it the duty of the Government to provide some remedy for this evil. Lord MONTEAGLE denied that the revenue duties were obstacles to the freedom of trade. His Noble Ft iend had, in the most strange manner, confounded revenue duties—which were no obstacles to free,:om of trade— with protective duties which were obstacles to the free dom of trade. For instance, neither the tea nor tobacco duties were obstacles to the freedom of trade. Few men had been consistent on the principle of free-trade ; but with one exception, all public men had advanced towards free -trade. Whe n the but dens of the country wa greater than they were now, the petition of the mcr. chants of London had, in 1815, laid down the broad principle of free trade, and had been supported by the highest authority in both Hous a of Parliament. If our burdens were great, that was a reason for leaving industry unfettered. With regard to the delay of three years in the rei o lof the A 'rn laws he Considered it w ou ld b e prejudicial ,*hose:froN whose ad- Yatitage it was intended, but he accepted the measure as a whole as the greatest step that had yet been made in regard to free trade. Lord ASHBURTON explained. The Duke of RICHMOND complained that the farmer was obliged to employ more men than he wanted. It' he was to be forced to sell cheap bread, he should be secured cheap labour. If they had cheap bread, why should they not have cheap beer? It would be better to repeal the malt tax than the brandy duties. He was for pro tee ion to all classes, and he hoped the farmers would not enter into compact with the League. He thougi,t that if they were to have free trade, it would better to have it at once. Protection had ever existed in this country, and all the farmers was fair play. The Earl of Deeuousse then rose to submit to their Lordships the plan which he proposed should he adopted with regard to railway Bills. In former years those Bills bad been few in number, but During the present year there had been dep..sited 818 plans of projects in the Board of Trade, and there now stood for the consideration ofthe House 687 Bills. LEFT SPEAKING. Rouse of Commons ouwhe• to keep such a holiday as On one , • and for which the House was asked toadjourn. He thought that it was a reproach to those honourable men whO had shed their blood in order to retain the elL..rterect liberties of the country. They had sacrificed their lives in the defence of those liberties, and he thought that it would be foolish with that fact before them to keep that absurd fast.—(Cheers, and laughter.) That was his opinion, and he felt bound to declare it.— (Cheers.) LSeveral Hon. Members etelaittied at thb same moment, "No such thing."] At least that was his impression, and he found it was pub lished in the papers of the House, and entered in the notice book, that to-morrew was to be observed as a fast in the commemoration of the tnartyrdotn of King Charles. Now there could be no doubt that such then was the case, and if he went cut with only one or two of his friends, he would divide the House on the sub- ject. Sir ROBERT PEEL said that he had endeavoured to put the matter in the most substantive form, and to express the reasons of her Majesty's Government. Now hb had exactly stated that the reason of the adjourn ment of the House was really because there was not public business before them for that day, and bec:.use it would conduce very much to the public convenience. He conceived that this would constitute a sufficient reason. Mr. ROSS expressed bitneeir Satisfied with the reasons o fe r.lße li h w tHun. B e on a c r t i , i i t v i e e. Md t that the Right Hon. Baronet the Secretary for the Home Di partment had not fully replied to the question of the Hun, Member for 'Fine bury. Ile believed that the object of that qu stion bad been to learn whether it was intended to call out the militia this year or not. It mi ;ht he necessary to have a permanent la , for the embodiment of the militia, but that was of small interest to the public at large, and he, therefore, begge d to inquire whether the militia really was to be called ore, this year? Sir J. GRAHAM said that he thought he had already answered the question. It was the privilege of her Majesty to call out the militia if the exigencies of the public service should make it necessary, Under the sug gestion of her responsible Ministers. It was intended to bring in a Bill, and under the power of that Bill, if war should arise, her Majesty would have the power of calling out the militia atter a fortnight's notice. But when the Bill should he introduced his Right Hen. Friend the Secretary-at-War (Mr. Sidney Herbert) would explain all its provisions fully to the House. Mr. WILLIAMS wished particularly to understand whether-the Hulse wets to be adjourned beentise Wainer row was tl.e anniversary of an absurd fast, or be cause there was no business before the House ? lithe House was to adjourn on that aectienty he knew of nothing that would degratle the present generation so much as that it should be said of them that they ad journed the public business beettu , le of the anniversary of the martyrdom of that tyrant, who was led to the seat fold in ceeneequence of superseding the authority of the Helm of Cemmons.—(hear. tend laughter.) If that tyrant had not violatid the institutions of the cnuntty, by attempting to impose public taxes without having obtained the sanction of Parliament, his death by vio lence would neter have taken place.—(Laughter.) The memory of the man who resisted the tyrant, and caused his overthrow, ought to be cherished, rather than the fate of the to rant borne in mind.—(Laughter.) Lord JOHN MANNERS beeged to express his dissent from every word that had fallen from the Honourable Member who had last addresced the House. Ile did not believe that when the Govern ment proposed an adjournment of the House from the following day until Monday that they were actuated by any such motive as that which the Honourable Member for Coventry appeared disposed to impute to them. THE RIVER PLATA. Lord J. RUSSELL, who spoke in so low a tone as to be almost inaudible in the reporters' gallery, inquired of the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Government what instructions had been given to the English ambas ador with regard to the contest respecting the River Piatt? Sir R. PEEL replied that' he had not the slight est objection to lay upon the table of the house the mini sterial documents which would explain the grounds upon which the government had acted. The instructions to our ambasador he would also lay on the table, but with respect to other communications he would prefer not doing so at present, because, recently, proposals had been made which though not accepted might ultimately lay the foundation of the adjustment of this long-pending dispute. —(Hear, hear.) Lord JOHN RUSSELL said he had no wish to ask for other papers connected with the subject, but he would be glad to know what demands upon her Ma jesty's Government had been refused. Sir ROBERT PEEL observed that his instructions, when laid before the House, would show what the pro posal were which had been made on the part of the Government of this country and of France. 'The Right Hon. Baronet said he was not prepare t to in form the Noble Lord (Russell) what were the instruc tions issued to their ambassadors. ESCOTT said he rose for the purpose of asking the Noble Lord, the Member for London (Russell), whether it was his intention to renew a Bill brought in last session of Parliament with respect to Ecclesiastical Courts, and whether he would give time to persons to make such representations as they deemed necessary on that subject? Lord J. RUSSELL said he would be very happy to receive any assistance, information, and representation on the subject, and that it was his intention to bring in such a Bill as that alluded to RAILWAY DEPOSITS. Mr. lIASTIE rose to ask whether the standing order of 1839, respecting railway deposits, was to be carried into eff,ct, as, if it was, the security of 10 per cent. should be paid up, and it would embarrass the fiscal regulations of the country, as deposits to a very large amount had already taken place this year. Represen tations had been made to her Majesty's Government on this head to the effect, that money should be lodged in the Court of Chancery, and ifit stopped the railway mania he had no objection to see such representations attended to. He should mention to the House the way in which these orders are operating upon the commercial in terests. It must be perfectly well known to every Mem ber of this House, that the whole of the commercial transactions of this country are carried on by means of bills of exchange. If goods were consigned to any part of the glob —to India, South America or China, bills are drawn, and they are paid for by bills ; now these bills it has been the practice of merchants to discount, thereby occupying the doting capital in London, and enabling our merchants to buy largely and import largely. In cons( quence of the necessity of making these deposits it has been almost impossible to obtain accommodation for bills of exchange for the last three days. And should this continue, he (the Honourable Member) assured the House that the conse quenceewould be most ruinous. In order that the House might be enabled to form a small idea of the extent to which these bills run; he must tell them that 150,000,0001. were occupied in discounting the bills exchanged in their commercial transactions with the \Vest Indies, South America, and China. Let them stop those exchanges for a day, and there was no knowing what the consequences would be. He, therefore, complained of their standing orders, as embarrassing the commerce of the country. Ile thought an Act or Parliament ought to be intro duced which would alter the present system, and he would press upon her Majesty's Government the ueces sity of making some alteration in the standing order. 'The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER—The Hon. Member who had just spoken had taken what he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) thought to be a very incorrect view of the question. What he had complained of had not only reference to railway speculations alone, but to all other speculations having the sanction of Parliamsnt. The standing orders required that a certain ;um should be paid into the Bank of England in the name of the Accountant General of the Court of Chancery. The money being so placed, was, after cer tain preliminary conditions, available for the purposes of the speculation for which it had been lodged. It was quite true, that without the sanction of the Ac countant General, money so placed could not be with damn. He doubted very much whether the Hon. Member could propose any remedy for the evil of which he had complained. Mr. lIAS'FIE wished to explain. The Right Hon. Gentleman had misunderstood him. What he (Mr. Hastie) complained of was, not that the money was lodged with the Accountant. General, but that after it was so lodged, the great delay which tcok place before it could be withdrawn. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that if the deposits paid were placed in the Bank of England, the person in whose name it was placed would be able to draw it at an hour's notice ; but if the money was placed to the credit of the Accountant- General, it would take a period of a week or ten days in order to withdraw it, as several documents would have to be prepared. Mr. P. M. STE WART said, said supposing the money to be placed in the Bank in the names of five of the Provisional Committee, they . had the same power over it as a single individual would hove were it placed in his name ; but if it was placed there under the authority of that [louse it would remain in the bank, and could only be drawn by parties sussessing certain official documents. The parties lodging it had no power to draw it, and it became available to the Batik of England for commercial purposes. The Court of Chancery would have no power over it whatever. The purpose of the law that had been made on that subject was to secure the public from injury, and that purpose would be amply effected if the Bank of England re eeived and kept the money, with authority from the proper quarter. No practical man or Bank of England director would contradict him when he said that if the money were placed in the Bank of England raider restraint, it would not be available for commercial .purposes. His friend, the Hon. Member for Paisley, if he were a practical man, would know that all the money taken from the circulation of this country and locked up in the Bank of England, in the name of the Court of Chen eery would not be available for commercial purposes. Money to the extent of six or seven millions, or a sixth of the circulation, would be thus withdrawn. Mr. GISI3ORNE said that the money might be better invested. The Bank of England gave no interest for any money invested. Mr. HUDSON would offer a practical suggestion to the Chancellor of the Exchequer which he was persuaded would obviate the difficulty com plained of. The com anies seeking to obtain the con sent of Parliament to Rrilway bills, were, in place of mo ne y , to de p osit Exche quer bills on stock, the above difficulty would be met. He saw no objection to the placing of the deposits in the hands of the Accountant Gen eral as security on the part of the Railway Company . of their intention to proceed with their scheme, and that it was a bona fide undertaking.—(Hear, hear.) But he consi dered it they were to give ten thousand 07 thirty thou, swad pounds value in Consols, Exchequer-billi, or Indian -;-. • - !Bohds; ilibk weft) as good as hank notes. All that the House watttd iViis se€iirity from companies of their in- i tendon to prosecute their stheroes ; and in acting on the suggestion he now made he believed all parties would be benefitted.— (Hear, hear.) Whether the depoiit% 1 %sere paid into the hands of t he B a nk of England or the Accountant General , the cou rs e he reed,.._ lended would be satisft,ctoty to all parties, and juo difficulty 1 would then arise. Mr. RICARDO said it appeared to him of little con• sequence as to in whe43 Maxie railway deposits might be paid, whether in the name of one man ifl prefilrenee to another, or as to who might be the party who made the payment. If the Accountant-General invests the mouey his order in the Bail of England then is the latter in a pW , ,ltibh to ray interest on it, and if he do es not, the Bank of Eugland not in a positi,,n to pay upon it. The securities of country banks might have been taken were there nut doubts whether they bad hot Made advances on the s‘.3- curity o! deposits in a very imprudent. manlier. If these bSnks in this respect had acted with common prudence there would have been no difficulty at all. A great deal of the inconvenience was complained of would have been atoided If at the time of registration a period was named for the deposits to be paid, It might be stated that they should be paid by a certain day, say three or four months after the registra tioh of the Company. lie thffiight it - Was easy to calcu lte when these deposits were first paid what ivould be the effect on the public circulation. Mr. MUNTZ said that he could not help thinking that it Was very steaege that the Govetument should refuse to receive their own securities as a payment into the public Treasury. especially whi n they were only held as a trestee Wed, and he conceived that the Chan cellor of the Exchequer was throwing something like disgrace on their °en credit. lie thought the proposal a very proper one, and if the Hen. Member for blind, r land had not elude it he should have made it himself; for it appeared exceedhegly strange that the Govern ment should refuse to receive their own paper, especially when the doing so would be a saving of expense to the public as Well its ineonteniehee. Sir it. PEEL said that the express ohltsq of the re gulation complained of was to give relief to the public. He thought that the parties who were chiefly interested in this matter had had sufficient notice of the effect of this regulation to save themselves and these with whom they had to deal. That the rule would be attended with ome inconvenience to the parties most immediately interested in railways he could not deny. It Was, seed understood that the object of Parliament was to discourage unsound speculation in railways. The deposit had originally peen so low, that it offered no bar whatever to the ex tent; the inconvenient extent, of speculation, and Parliae liament had acorn dingly Made the deposits required after a certain . period 10 per cent., and at the time that that rule was instituted it was well known that the depo site were to be paid in money to the Accountant-Generae and not in stock, and the object of that rule Was to prevent that unsound speculation which the other rule had been stringent enough to do, and thus the object of the Go vernment was served. The rule would by no means pre vent the discount of long bills, and if it interfered at . all With short ones, it wouid only do AD with that class of paper, such as those which had only two or three months to run, and which were generally presedted for discount by parties who had unwisely used their funds in railway speculations. It was intended that there would be a pressure, but he believed that nom Members would be mistaken if they imagined that the prolate would be noire injurious now than at a future period, or that it would he at all relieted by the payments being in the hands of the Ae count ant-General rather than in those of the Bank of England, He had given his most careful attention to the subject, and he perfectly agreed with his Eight Hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer. He had had interviews with many parties of the highest authority and experience in the City, and they were convinced that the plan adopted would be the best that could be used for the purpose, noel that it would not interfere with the discounting of any legitimate bills, Under these eircumstaeces But the proposal that after a portion of the money had been deposited, a certain interval should elapse before its return would, in his opinion, be unjust to the specu lator who ought to have the earliest opportunity of get ting his money back, should the railway in which he had embarked not pass the standing orde rs. Mr. P. M. STEWART rose to explain. He thought the interval between the depositing and the release of the money could be determined by the fate of the Bill when certified by the proeer authority. Sir R. PEEL objected, on the ground that the fate of a Bill might not be decided for perhaps two or three months. Mr. STEWART—Why the standing orders are to decide it. - Mr. F. BARING considered it would be hard to lock up money fir an indefinite time without interest until the fate of the Bill might be known. He confessed, but he might be mistaken, that be could not understand what disadvantages would arise from the deposit of Exchequer bills instead of money.—(Hear.) The object of the de posit was, that the Government and the public might have a security that the undertaking fur which it was proposed to obtain an Act of Parliament was of a bona fide nature. He hoped the House would we 11 consider the subject.—(hear, hear.) The question of the adjournment was then put from the Chair, and declared carried. Lord ASHLEY laid on the table a petition in favour of the Ten Hours' Bill for the regulation of labour. Lord ASHLEY again rose, and said he felt it his duty, in the first place, respectfully but positively to state. that the decision cane to on the factory question was not the decision of the Hoffee, but the decision of her Majesty's Ministers. lie would say that a very large mejority of those gentle men, who from their position must be the best acquaint( d with the feelings of the commercial and manufacturing interests of this country, supported his proposition. No less than 33 out of 42 of those Members voted in that House for the Ten flours Bill, and he did hope a similar support would be given him on the present occasion. Moreover he was certain that the most anxitu- and undiminished desire was felt out of that House for the success of the Bill.—(Hear, hear.) A desire unabated, and a measure which was every day gathering new strength. Nearly two years had elapsed since he submitted that question fur the consideration of the House, and he hoped the Douse would consider that a full and sufficient interval had passed between the rejection of that Bill and the intro duction of another. The country was decidedly in fa- Tour of such a measure, and he hoped it would meet with the approbation of that House also.—(Hear, hear.) Now it should be his great endeavour to abstain from wearying the House by the production of es ideeice already so often put before them in the shape of re ports and otherwise. Ile believed that it would be a disai,vantage to his cause if he did not refresh their memory upon those subjects ; but, however, he would willingly forego that advantage rather than appear to trespass upon their time, and he could do so with less reluctance as the question was narrowed to this—Could the improvement be effected without injuring the trade ? That was the simple proposition he had to offer. Why could it be denied that a great mu ral benefit would accrue by the limitation of the hours of work.—(fluor, hear.) He would detail to them a series of experiments connected with this subject. Mr. Gardiner, a gentleman who had very extensive mills in Manchester and Preston, was good enough to send his foreman and son to London to give me au account of son experiments which he had tried in his manufactory. He (the Noble Lord) put to to them several questions, the answers to which they had since committed to writing. They were so exceedingly important that he must apologize to the House fur reading them.—(Hear, hear.) Well, then, he said this country could not exist without protection of some sort or other. But how c b o u u Et l d uwr t h h tr e ,)n e e ts e wht s i eap t r a tpe b lai l e i s?a s sc h s astroo e3 free ittinhyoest r .etd a xs tdiahsemte,oeiefwdr. refused hgoienr,nvtahnnintehat native inaecytcsioaovuduenonpt countries tr i ni e de s fsurwse industry, r i o h , f, trade whic h prin ciplesthey ally Talyd theirscarcity rty er u Eri t e i n e pg s av r,aetnnsfdtoo. f Europe, en couragementeohnpe scarcity anuedemd iann iy p n o r a e ft v et i the prevailed more sr in this corn oitahrinilsythce than n u r n r ga r s y r 0 , a it was well known ly w b n o absolutely t e e o l u y n n tr e i c e e s ss p a r r o ; for their own wants, in the hope that there might be a deficiency in some of the nations of Europe. They had al waysgoelarge quantities of corn which had been produced at a less expense than what it would cost in England, on hand, which would be brought into the British market at once, if they adopted these free-trade principles, to the detriment of the - British farmer, who had heavy bur dens and taxes to pay. Free-trade, then, applied to this country was fallacious, and he was supported in this opinion by all the best authorities who had written upon the subject, who agreed that freedom of trade could not be established without injury [to native interests COMMONS SUMMARY. The House of Commons met at Fuur o'clock. Petitions were presented for various railway Bills. Mr. BRIGHT gave notice that, on Monday next, he would move the re-appointment of the Committee on the game-laws. On the motion of Sir ROBERT PEEL it was agreed that the House at its rising should adjourn to Monday next, after a short discussion. In answer to a question from Mr. T. DuNcomnE, Sir JAMES GRAHAM stated that it was the intention of the Secretary-at-War, at an early period of the session, to introduce a Bill for the amendment and consolidation of the Malitia Act. In answer to a question from Mr. BRIGHT, as to when the militia would be called out, Sir J. Gueasm stated that, under the present law, it Was competent for the Government to call out the militia at a fortnight's notice. Sir R. PEEL, in answer to a question from Lord JOHN RUSSELL, said he had no objection to lay on the table the papers with respect to the hostilities in Rio de la Plata, as far as they had reference to the grounds on which France and England had united on this question, but the papers relating to the atrocities committed he must at present decline producing. Lord J. RUSSELL, in answer to a question from Mr. B. ESCOTT, stated that he had not yet determined whether he should, during the present session, again bring in the Ecclesiastical Courts Bill. 31,-. Henn, on the part of the bankers of London, complained of their being compelled by the standing orders to Pay the money they received for railway de posits i nto I :2e Bank of E ng l an d i n th e name . o f th e Accountant. G erk :ral of the Court of Chancery. He thought there ought to be some relaxation of the stand log orders in this respect, as the greatest confusion would prevail. He believed that all purposes would be answered by paying the money into the Bank of Eng land and sufficient protection afforded to all &mil fide railways. He would make a motion on the subject on a future day. - The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that the deposits *be,: :iaid in to the name of the Accountant- General were as avatiaL:' for the purpose of trade as if paid into the Bank in any ote: way 'All that was required to get it out was the order of the Court of Chancery. Mr. P. M. STEWART said that the money that was paid into the Bank of England in the hams of the Accouhtent-General :was froze up and totally unavailable for the purposes of trade. As to obtaining an order in Chancery that, us was well know, was the work of time, Surnet mes such a document was not obtained for twenty •earn. Mr. HUDSON thought that the whole difficulty wonld be got over by the transfer of India Bonds, or Consols, or Exchequer-bills, instead of cash being required to be paid into the Bank. Mr. MUNTZ could not see what objection the Govern ment had to receive their own Exchequer- bills. Sir It. PEEL trusted the Hou e would not interfere in this matter, as he felt convinced that the spirit of im proper speculation would never be put an end to unless the public sustained some inconvenience. After a few observations from Mr. F. BARING the sub ject dropped. Ou the motion of Sir C. NAPIER a Committee was appointee to inquire into the manner in which the Poor law Commissioners have exercised the powers for the establishment of district asylums for the houseless poor in the metropolis, confided to them by the statute of the 7th and Bth of Victoria, c. 101 ; and also to inquire into the effects of any asylums supported by voluntary sub scriptions which may have been formed for the same purpose ; also (pursuant to previous notice) a Selec Committee to investigate the subject. Lord ASHLEY moved for leave to bring ,in a Bill to reduce the hours of working of young persons in fac tories to tea hours in the day. Two years had elapsed since he brought the subject before the House ; but events had since taken place that illustrated that truth of these principles he bad then propounded ; and the question was now narrowed to this—Would Lis proposition be carried into effect without injury to trade or detriment to the wages of the labourer. The Nhble Lord then went at considerable length into what had taken place during the last year in the manufac turing districts fur the purpose of showing that the shortening of the time of labour had been attended 1 with no injury to trade, while it improved the wages l and the physical condition of the labourers and their ; children. [LEFT SPEAKING.] TATTERSALL'S-THIS EVENING. Six o'CLocK. CHESTER cur. 26 to 1 agst Best Bower 25 to I agst Whinstone 25 to 1 agst Miss Burns 20 to 1 agst Mickey Free 40 to 1 agst Warp 33 to 1 agst hype 20 to 1 agst Sweetmeat—taken freely 40 to 1 agst Mermaid 1,000 to 15 agst Vitula 1,000 to 15 agst Salopian DERBY. 18 to 1 agst Brocardo 25 to 1 agst logo 30 to 1 agst Malcolm 30 to 1 agst Traverser 33 to 1 agst Fancy Boy PAIiS. 20 to 1 agst Osprey 25 to 1 agst Fantastic 30 to I agst Mowerina. POLICE INTELLIGENCE. BOW-STREET. _ _ Mr. Edward .Bryant Carey, solicitor, of Southampton buildings, Chancery-lane, was placed at the bar for re-exa mlnatiai, on the charge of forging a document purporting to be the office 'copy of a certificate of the Accountant-General, acknowledging the payment into the Bank of England, to his account, of the sum of 2,596/. 175., in pursuance of an order of the Court of Chancery, in the matter of the Rev. E. Franks, a lunatic, deceased • and also a further document, purporting to be the receipt of the Bank of England for the same amount. Mt. Clark (with Mr. Hayward, from the Treasury-office) attended on behalf of the Crown, and Mr. J. H. Party (with Mr. Horsley, solicitor) appeared fur the prisoner. The Learned Counsel for the prosecution referred briefly to the particulars deposed to at the last examination, when Mr. Bellamy, of Brighton, and Mr. C. J. Foster, of Lincoln's Inn, as co-trustees of the affairs of the deceased, explained the part taken by themselves in obedience to the orders of the Court, and the instructions given to the prisoner, as solicitor to the trust. The letters of the prisoner to the trustees, en closing the documents alleged to be forged, were then pro duced, and Mr. Clark now proposed to offer evidence as to the forgery. The cheque, signed by Messrs. Bellamy and Foster, and crossed to the Accountant-General, was altered fter leaving the hands of the trust. es, the words " Messrs. Gosling and Co." having been written across the cheque, and the words "the Accountant-General" erased therefrom: Mr. G. Strange. of the King';-road, Chelsea, clerk in the bank of Messrs. Gosling and Co., of Fleet-street, .deposed that the prisoner kept an account at their bank. On the 24th of June last witness received two cheques to the credit of Mr. Gorey, the prisoner, one of them being for the sum of 2,5961. 17s. Witness endorsed the cheque, and it was the same as now produced, although he could not say if it was i❑ the same condition. Mr. Frederick Strachan, another clerk in the same bank, deposed to having taken the cheque to Messrs. Coutta and Co.'s, upon whom it was drawn, and it was paid in the usual course of business. _ _ Mr. J. Hayward, clerk to Mr. Maule, solicitor to the Trea sury, produced an office-copy of the order made by the Lord Chancellor in the matter of the Rev. E. Franks, and was examined as to its accuracy, &c. Mr. S. Parkinson, chief clerk at the Accountant-General's office, in Chancery-lane, inspected the document produced by the last witness,. and after stating in detail the mode in which business was conducted in the Accountant-General's office, he deposed that within the last few days he had exa mined the direction-book, the ledger, the journal, and the receipt-book, and there were no entries in either of them relating to any payment under the order in question. He had examined them from the sth of November, 1844 (the date of the order of the Lord Chancellor), up to within a day or two ago. Cross-examined by Mr. Parry—l have been in the Ac countant-General's-office upwards of thirty years, and have known the prisoner, as having business with the office, nearly the whole of that time. He is known also to every other clerk in the office. I know nothing of him beyot.d this. Mr. S. J. Smyth, a clerk in the Chancery-office of the Bank of England, where sums of money were received under the direction cf the Accountant-General, and placed to the credit of the particular cause specified in the certificate, said, on the production of the certificate or direction of the Ac countant-General, with the sum of money mentioned therein, the clerk receiving it would make out a receipt, which, after being entered in the cash-book, would be handed to the per son paying the same, to take over to the cashier in another department. A memorandum of the payment would then be sent up to the Accountant-General's-office, and the certi ficate filed in the Chancery- o ffi ce o f the Bank of England. Witness had held his present situation for nine years, and was acquainted with all the cashiers in the Bank, and all the entry clerks in his department. There had not been, during that time, any cashier named " W. R. West," nor any entry clerk named "F. 11. Ward." (These were the names signed to the document teplesented by the prisoner as an office copy of the receipt given at the Bank of England.) Mr. Clark was about to examine the witness upon the contents, or rather the non-contents of the cash and entry books, but _ . - - Mr. Parry objected to any such statement being made in the absence of the books of which he was going to speak. Mr. Clark said he believed the Governors of the Bank of England did not allow the production of their books. Mr. Parry denounced this notion as a parcel of stuff, and observed that the Bank of England was as much bound by ',lie laws of the land as a greengrocer. He stated that in the case of Barber and Fletcher the books of the Bank of England were produced at the Mansion-house and thoroughly examined. After some further discussion, the point was decided in accordance with Mr. Parry's view of the matter. His Worship, therefore, ordered the production of the books, although Mr. Smyth stated that, if assented to, it might have the effect of stopping the entire business of the Bank of England. Mr. Smyth was subsequently cross-examined by Mr. Parry as to the payment of the cheque. If it had been crossed as it originally was, instead of bearing the words " Gosling and C 0.," it would not have been paid. The cheque, as drawn by Messrs. Bellamy and Foster, the trustees, would not have been received, unless previously cashed elsewhere. Mr. F. Reid, a clerk in the report-office, corroborated the evidence of Mr. Parkinson as to the furnishing of office copies of the Accountant-General certificates on payment of the usual fees, &c., and explained some other routine busi ness of his department. He was confident that the docu ment produced (the one sent by the prisoner to the trus tees) was not an office-copy, from the fact that it was not in the handwriting of any of the clerks, and was not drawn in the manner invariably adhered to in the office, there being nineteen lines to the page instead of twenty-six and six words in the li ne i ns t ea d o f seven. The amount of the fee was als•J different. Cross - examined—He was certain that the handwriting was not that of either of the clerks in the office, because all the copies passed through his hands. There might be hun dreds of thousands of these copies in the course of the year; he could not speak within a thousand. Many writers out of the office were employed to furnish copies. ' A lad, who had been in the prisoner's service from No vember to Saturday last as a clerk, proved that the alleged office-copy was written by him, in obedience to his master's directions, on Saturday, the 17th instant, from a copy which the prisoner gave him. The prisoner desired him to be careful with it and not to spoil it, as he had no other paper folded in the same manner • he also explained the form in which he was to write it. On the same evening witness took a large letter to the Post-office, directed to Mr. Bellamy, of Brighton. The direction produced was the same. No further evidence was offered, and the case was conse quently adjourned, for the production of the Bank books,until Wednesday week. Mr. TWYFORD refused, on application, to admit the pri soner to bail, and he was accordingly remanded for a fort night. A STEAM ENGINE BY POST.-Mr. G. Cartwright re ceived an order, on Friday week, for a miniature steam engine, on the high-pressure principle, for which he sent to Messrs. Chadburn Brothers, Sheffield; and, strange to say, though the engine had to be built, he received it enclosed i n a letter, by post, on Tuesday morning ! The engine was com plete in every detail, accompanied by a boiler and a fire-grate containing fuel. At the request of several of the astonished beholders, it was kept in motion the whole of Tuesday.-- Freston Guardian. E. OUR HOME and FOREIGN TRAP (From the Sentinel of Jan. 25, 1846.) " „ Mr. Porter, in his " Progress of t he Nation, 11,1 the annual amount of our home trade at eight hunare. millions, and that of our foreign trade at forty millionos According to this estimate, the former is twenty tia te „ , more valuable than the latter, with this additional sea_ vantage in its favour, that nothing but our bad legisTe tion can prevent its expansion ; while the foreign trade is always exposed to the jealousy or the ignorance 0, some hostile tariff. .The opening of Parliament is opP oi tune fur some remarks on this subject. to We hold it to be the first duty of a Government, t foster the home trade ; and we think the means to ti! n s , 2 /1 very simple, for they are evolved out of the Pr i v / ciples human nature. The desires and appetitesto men are true sources of national wealth, be-ca t h e y ate the ,: ll lcentiv, , s to labour, which create.s,le, veealth. NOW, these: since we all crave to: inure than we have. tiesires and appetites are instd,otenese, einentiv, there is no asei spirit of this argureo7. and, theiefore, in the sense ant; for, whoeve there can never be . over-produetien, ; ,„ I • s elent ge Lable limit to constanpu_`",, surnes, must replace what he constlM:s bY cl- 0 . 1 0 production ; and thus the balance between ;ri t ee may be perpetually preserved. Over-produetioes sense of merchants and manufacturers, rests on v ie ferent principle a from those here indicated, on wh le shall comment presently. All classes and grades of men, under the preenPterotiugi of nature, desire to be consumers ; a wise and O des er Government should enable all classes and o men , of men to gratify that desire. Not a man, weeV i sell ceild, but ought to be well fed, well clotlsedetrunter housed. It seems strange, we had almost 551 u •weil turssl, to clothe foreigners, when our own cotintre)osa are in rags. It is also curious to note, duds 1 1 : e er prove scarce in any country, and is about le t ; but ported, the people frequently resist the s hip's°. ale whoever heard of the naked populace stePP l . n e w es, with ee t.e te re , passage of a vessel out of port laden calicoes, or broadcloth ? It may be said tha t e t e ther , sistance in the one case and the passiveness in lil t , 4 00 are accounted for by the fact, that the desire e h so more imperious than the desire of tiothing. °lii•otesi answer may satisfy small philosopheisee w h , ° t. s he the degrees or modifications of a prinoil 3 , le ks " eat 1 ' principle itself ; but it ought to have no welt;' ° enlightened statesman. 111 2; We have said that it seems strange, and — no r natural, to send clothing to foreigners, wh ell e ,; ( le countrymen, perhaps the very persons who se i ,ir clothing, are in rags. If it be replied, that thew-00ot can pay for the clothing, while our c ountrYe ls c il t eest: pay for it, we must demur to the efficieneY s .,;ning ;f l plauation, for it cuts the knot, without unray; sot% For we demand, why cannot our countrym en e k rod , e presume they are capable of producing I ,_ts „ &b e' fact, they have produced it. Whence, Weldor, incapacity to - perches° ? If it arises from beieg paid in wages, pay them eeore ; if from beillioealti, exempt them from taxes. No one•can find 5 ito /1) here, unless he is one of that eles who find " in le r e. bring just. r 0 1 In what manner would the British usanufsetn C ol these objections? He would probably state hi :ith. ; „ s somewhat the following t e rms : —" To compel, s'elcitiv`e tinental producers, I must reduce my cost en t i o nto, e , to the continental level. It is true I ha ve the s of superior machinery, but that alone does ne t 1 113 fie cos s ts 'ese The food of the foreigner costs less than nole o - esso his taxes are much lighter than mine. . se . " a l " t e therefore, are less than mine ; and vvages a`"„ is l, element in the cost of production. In s i ll ; e do successful prosecution of my foreign trade etr e cheapness." ed ile mi t We may now understand why the British r r is of clothing may be in rags, while the foreigneL seta's the hard labour of his unrequited ha wages of pur workman are reduced to the 10"0- sl e d and are then taxed at the highest possible el s D o i ; the Customs and Excise. Hence he is doomed °Jibs as the reward for creating the wealt h by leP" surrounded. e alt ° o l ii Sir Robert Peel has boasted th at he will sl3vel country the cheapest country in the world. motto benefit the wen king man ? If be thi nks so, theersatille value his labour becomes, the better for lit i s er" r he to sell ? Nothing but his labour. Is he 0 ,,,g: r 0 , 0 Selling it for sixpence instead of a shilling ? , Vol acre labourers don't think so. But who resl4, - ,10 1 , 9 . by the depreciation of labour ? Why the ""Gof e ' s labour and of its produce, the fundholder, the bo od e ment pensioner and annuitant, the idle rich. o'l, shilling's worth of labour for sixpence. T he ' e se * /)1 0 parties whom Sir Robert ..?eel's scheme will se l i ; se!, it will prostrate industry. is is cheap labour tr",betr, women and children to the factory, for if the I s t seo s ,l ceived sufficiently high wages, they might st 9 ,P s it eoo rt and it is cheap labour that has extended tot toil froth ten to feen . Now what is the ourt remedy hours for this most horrible 01 of things? A general rise of prices in the bat 145. 0 ket, and such a currency as would permit ",, e s t?" prices. High prices would give high Wsegafacpsf_ working-classes, and high profits to the nitre V 3 , s l The idle and rich consumer would of course P - ,,, 0 0 1 1, these high prices, and thus, his properti ses eV), taxed, while industry would be untaxed. ` 4 ,,ds 41 ; 'aide.; annuity of one hundred thousand Potl"„ete°J! be reduced in purchasing power, and to th.,., ° that reduction, labour would gain. Lord P l `,lo l .4 ' ' ? pension would be diminished, the Judges, and the fundholder would have 10 ,0 1) .; as well as th e s- ditr e et a large per tentage on his dividends. In file t ' A te' rise of prices, in a proper currency, would oP et indirect mode of direct taxation. es° fr ; ° Just as we increased the wages of th e 0 ,e9 classes, who constitute the great body of cons ° I) should we raise the value of our home neerltat• s te t " had money, they could purchase commoditi e ,l' e st o ief more money they bad, the more they wolnu . „'est t t r , Their desires and appetites would grow oa ;igo e ti fed. There would be no need to seek for fe, r litli ef fl, till our own population were fully suppli eu e - r e. ,article they needed of domestic m antsfsteteteV i suppler perfected, the surplus could be li e M - t e . , o foreign luxuries. Nothing more is reqir d ,Ci r e those results t han enriching our own industri°:, 01, by seiviug them a larger share of the prosinniy labour than they now receive , an d this is and done by charging that produce dearer te 0 10 consumes.. a ll; When our merchants and manufacturers t to se cie 4 production, they confound inability to Pe rc a t unwillingness to consume. A man max. w- e ts'ili though he does not want appetite. Nature s ' l- 0 0 0 by the state of the foreign exchanges or th e e g iod 00.; bullion in the Bank cellars. The desire Id' tt e fic s,'' clothing re mains in full force, whatever' mg dition of Threadneedle - street or Capel-eollr-tlisoo we had wise laws and an honest Gove rnment, to would never be allowed to remain ungrati 6e p as industry was adding to national wealth. ellct The reason why we are compelled to se' t e 9 te l foreigners, is because they will only deal a i r es o ol l , cording to natural value. If any part of ° l.l 'VI is embodied in the price of our com meezh tie :te el s 6 not purchase them ; for why should a fc' s • - eeer'e any portion of our national debt, or our annuities ? They therefore deal with us in h e- 00;0 , :, gold prices. But we cannot deal with ea c `; 10 '6, these terms ; for if we sell R 8 cheap at ke s3 ,,, - 1 110 4 abroad, all the taxes must necessarily fal l te e ducer. If the English consumer pays fa in P.,0" he merely pays the natural value of " tl e sumes, but he escapes all that addition to fo rc e 05 production which taxation demands and ele' t v o tio li t stc the home trade, therefore, we require tnOedtF' rency, in which the nominal pound shall her; tPc l , depreciated as to be the exact measure of o ' o o e ;',1 1 , 1 By that contrivance, the industrious class first ter taxation ; for though they would, in the still pay the customs and excise , they woul" 'tier' c e O pay ment in the extra price charged t o the e, O O A S their goods. This is the equitable adjusW"cif, should forthwith be made between Labour S" 40/ at e el? ANOTHER EXTRAORDINARY CURE OF „t ." HOLLOWAY'S PlLLs.—Patrick Casey, resijieg, ' n olo os es i i r place, Brunswick-square, had suffered from Cji a 541 sc # ol for more than thr," years. This poor Iron `jinn O b is sufferer that he did L'ot dare to go to hed phlegm choking him : indeteSt. he could not ev, e l ie t eased upon a table for half an boUr : 43 t be sh°ul fljn ' icl ; l4' Nevertheless this person is now labC'iri n g i a l rln d 'so i l j n ( l" night, sleeps as well as ever he did int,..,"leti completely cured, by the use of Holloway's villa Y:( H oway's Ointment) at Professor Hollosin o r: - ment, 244, Strand, and by all respectable Ye e of cane throughout the world. o oli ro ;t 01 ,4 01 1. CLOSE OF fl - °LIDA Y . —Now that the seteesePoso Dual choo le s s be tsvies . . is about to terminate, and the re s il, :are, reinstated by the busy throng of youth' 4 , 1 11 0 ; )1 0 `, personal comfort and attractions of whom becoine with fo f r riends and relatives of great solicitude , B° Oil, the hair • R accelerating the growth and for improV'fri, owland 3 Kalydor, for improving tlie sP'„d•3 and cutitheous eruptions • and Rolco"ole.he beautifying the teeth and preservinithe gums, Art: ofreoirai j c sidered Indispensable in the requisite accomp ni" l ,, e- h ts $1 :1 ‘' ll ferv, tire repository. The august patronage concaedee ae-reac"lo,i reigns o of Europe to these creative renovating tiPe cifi ., c -e f el 9A ff ' i l ° themti e by . experience, of their infallible efneacYe In' t y yo wit? , perfection, and given them a eele'. 4 % - de 5 „ Beware of Spurious Imitations Each genuine 4 ' *- Rowland's" on the wrapper. -- - __ _ _ ___ __ _ --•••••—•''''''-'.....-- el l" C (4° „. t )''' BIRTHS. „ A nt' , On the 11th tilt at Madras, the wife of Lieute - is d. , 40 0 Forster, of a daughter. the -el" e, 7. On the 16th inst., at Bableigh, near Barnstap le' ,00 , pl , gnstus 11. Gilbert Esq., R.N., of a son. Son' On the 23d inst. , ,at King'sß rom l e y Manor, th e lo rd' , Lane, of a daughter. „a, P 4 , or p-o- 1 r On the 24th inst. at York-crescent, Lower o f 0 o r Samuel Smith, of it ' daughter. Plymouth' des, CO Ott the 25th inst., at Looseleigh, near Plylne - of 1 , 00 1 , Ellis, Esq., of a daughter. Se , eis On the 25th inst., the wife of Mr. Charles •A-• T° .0 - ..' fr cor well-grove, of a daughter. ton 31°. 4 On the 25th inst., at Maitland-place, QUIP - ' „ice i t , min, of a son. tile die' ,bt, ~, On the 26th inst., at Freshwater, Isle of '' . . O. '' , mender Graham E. W. Ilamond, R.N. of a °ll ;rellr e ' f On the 26th inst., at Bowden Hall, 'Gloucest 6, 02 Brooke Hunt, Esq., of a son. ilam plite a On the 26th inst., at Mount Grove House , If' son, of a son. __--------- ile , ',' lo t l ' ---- MARRIED. m on-TS' On the 12th inst. at Jarrow, Newcastie4•4 /cop.' s ., )It , io g e. Callender, 13. A., of Cumberland, to Miss Julia' • ce , P • d" • ,0, t , g - al seo Ai lt, P., On the 22d inst., at All Souls', Lasig- al ~ an -0- - . ;',i,•' Mr. John Banister, jun., of Brighton, t 0 .., ,, CO _ vO4 , of Mr. C. P. Blackburn, of Great Portiand-streare,t, il. , On the 27th inst. at St. George's, Ilenover-vroo I.e' cliffe, M.A., to Charlotte, second daughter ol Vicar of Ashwell, Herts. OO%O DIED. aidSacol'lP- ,I On the 25th Inst., at Inverness, N. E., pir. Pon aid ..nlo il On the 20th inst., at Stonehavn,North itrit...o, ”nt.., Esq., Sheriff-Substitute of Kincardineshire. f D leu - On the 21st inst., at Paris, Mary Anne, ire D ot• bit. 0 1. Ch o ar n les Warren, C. 8., of th the 21st inst., Mrs. I. lizabeth Polley, of Wri wid ol. O On the 26th inst., at Blackheath -hill, Louisa , t OP Hm," North, aged 73. f % 024Jti.ce . ------' g 55th Regiment of 1: 0 010 ,,OS t . t o On the 26th inst., Mr. Edward Ingoldby, 0. V • ! i e ; 00,:ec o l f f , 0 .040 , 01 ,1 London : Printed and Published by lilt ritn o ° ser anc l l 11° Strand. Printer, at The Sun Office, No. Tll l ).P' -- ' of tlY3,s2vc9r. in the County of hthislieoe'll 1849. HOUSE OF COMMONS. The SPEAKER took the Chair a few minutes before four o'clock. Petitions were presented for leave to bring in the fol lowing Railway Bills, viz.:—The Colchester and Stour Valley ; Manchester, Matlock, and Midland ; Man chester and Southampton ; North Junction ; several extensions of the York and North Midland Railway ; Cheltenham and Oxford ; Newport Pagnell ; London and Birmingham (St. Albans, and other branches, in cluding the Rugby and Stamford Extension) ; the London, Hounslow, and Great Western Junction ; Great Western and Uxbridge ; and the Manchester, Sheffield, and Rotherham. A petition was presented from the trustees of the Woodstock road, playing to be heard by counsel against the Bury St. Edmund's Railway Bill. Mr. ALLIX presented a petition from the inhabitants of the Isle of Ely against any alteration in the present corn •laws. Several petitions were presented in favour of Loi d Ashley's Ten Hours' Bill. Mr. T. DUNCONIBE presented a petition from the inhabitants of the West Riding of Yorkshire, praying, the House to pass into a law the Ten Hours' Bill. Th. Hon. ;.lember also presented a petition from the inhabi tants of Reading against any increase in the Parliamen tary. grant for the services of the army and navy, and against the embodiment of the militia. Sir R. H. INGLIS moved for a return of the duties received in the last financial year on each of the several articles enumerated in the resolution moved, on the 27th of January, 1846, by the Right Hon. Baronet Sir R. Peel THE GAI:iIE LAWS. Mr. BRIGHT g lye notice that, on Monday next, he would move the re-appointment of the Committee or the game-laws. ADJOURNMENT OF THE HOUSE.--THE MILITIA. Sir JAMES GRAHAM said that, as his Right Hon. Friend had given notice of his intention to move that tht House at its rising do adjourn till Monday, in his ab sence he would move, therefore, that the House at in, rising do adjourn till Monday next. On the question being put from the Chair, Mr. THOMAS DUNCOMBE rose to ask a questioi respecting the embodiment of the militia. Tin country had been led to understand that an embodi ment of the militia would take place on an early day, and great excitement and alarm in consequence pre vailed as to the manner in which, and time when, this raising of the force would take place. Clubs were form big to find substitutes for those who might be drawn, and, in many instances, associations of persons were forming to protect parties in offering passive resistance to the service. What he wanted to know was, whether an early embodiment of the militia was to tak, place, and whether it was to be made under the present law, or that a new one was to be introduced if a Bill WIIS to b e i ntro d uce d , h e h ope d i t woul d b e dont on an early da y, and questionno t when g h the e s e f s u s l i l o y n c w o as nsi ad de v r a e n d c . ed, so that the whole Sir J. GRAHAM said that it was the intention of the Right Hon. Gentleman the Secretarv-at•W ar , on the part of the Government, t o i ntroduce . a Bill for' tie em bodiment of the militia on an ear l y d ay, in which there would be considerable amendments on the present law. Mr. ROSS was opposed to the adjournment of the Homo for the feasen ['teed, lie considered a reforgio a n , ci, Al-1,