The Sun. — London, England, 1846-07-29 00:00:00

,ii alr ' HUME s tfishe d 1 to correct ft mistake which the Iron. ember ( Mr, Idi .rib wick i ha I lal,en into with r• and to the the esbieh eame O'rom Beenel. There was not one eleve in th whol e of Ren e ;0,1 who icid'a c , mpis int to reek • ; ;he courts Fwere open to hi no ''t to'. 0 tie a ould be readily received ; and o l s eisollundtrtye state th4' the admission of slave-crown sugar into Wo ol( r *not have the smallest eff et in giving an lio i t et" t° s'aver's - :in the colonies. He was sorry that the abject, Lord was rot in his place to he r his opinion upon that n. as he felt s. are that the Noble Lord spoke from a sincere co vtetion that the osin. th I sl have the effect in prOposed policy woo . of aril e slave t• rade. Sir F. Buxteso said, all the exertions they V Made to put t' own the slave-trade, on the coast of Africa, toY.setoereion had ft. /led, anti had only aggravated the evil which i ed. es W as 0 n that lecooet, therefore, he (Mr. Hume) ro wishedlttlfZ; q t u lt a t' r r te t tri: oval of th e squadron of twenty-eight ships ilbsestehl wasteful Led, il hell "' re, es he d'd, that that was an n;e exlle".uliture. The question was asked by slaver 2 1 id they despair, then. of putting an end to ly i Her( At .le. they replied that they did not, provided wit that tee Is Hume) wet e taken for that purpose. at he said . . ' I steps • bring their slave s fr vetted •ele' A r w r i ,.a s , -t i e: , Cuba and Braz 1 continue to 0100 • but let te se it. AV:IS shown that that could pot be pre `Nest India planters be perrebted to do so 1 14:1 4 :: d s e e t a i r r i ate the slaves landed upon the British colonies *red freemen. —(Laughter.) In the early part lt:tt.llleeoiliZnivt 'session he moved for a number of orders of lat:intheseor, d e to the admission of free labour to the colonies, era bad actually prevented the admission • f sexp ee r s ; Thy effect of these orders was just the same as if an at ~,,,-: P r °olt ition had been mede for the exclusion of labour. lion h a d !, ttl Y w ithin the last eiehteen months that any relaxa long a ta , l6 •lt Place in thesjiirders ; and if they had occurred slhiej; ° ' l °eY would not. now have to regret the consequences no manrest'ehed from thee want of sufficient labour. There was tally, t w o• read tilft evidence of Mr. Deacon Hume care nettle w i ". 0 could fail to see that the milentes were not in a Selves'a- emiditi "° , ane that if the colonies had free trade theme ioti I`oo tleaYs hthaedyneti 'ii.tg I; pro world, to fear from the withdrawal of pro 'sOuld in that ease be able to compete with i• . .e s r .;3 Hume in stating those opinions, de .„,tt'''l.ed. tla t e' av e c d r much " as any man, and yet he li n people and the British Legislatur . e e at it N eno , RI be prejudicial to the interests of the colonies if 'ltel? ceronved all protection at once, without enabling the oo ° , l fli e e s to procu re an adequate supply of customers. A Noble wi ad " had said that th slave-trade had been suppressed by the t e -41 the& had e • coasting off Africa. He (Mr. flume) % gilt that o ; teat assertion was not correct, for if they sent eo eterY sit lP there .1)• ' •11 France and England could spare, they Old not down w" •• t d The remedy he sug gestes ,_ put the slave-trade . e. V ont ' 'or this state of things eas to allow the West India er e r lad „ b „ • Meet the Cuba_and Brazil slave-master in Africa, foe sopi o'io the latter purchased the negroes as slaves, let the Islet,: 11 "3 1 them as freemen. As long as there was the itn itow- ProEt connected with the trade, which it was well eso„oon attended it, all their efforts for its suppression eaeo—dst be unavaiiing. He thought they should act . Principle in this as wed as in everything IN, 'V carry out in practice the remedy he suggested. put ao'xight Hon. Baronet was of opinion that nothing would lab, wis sl avery but free labour, why did they not get free lihi e l c al ad . put slavery down? Let them . withdraw Their fi th e e e i t r , fleets cost 600.:000wereused to put down the practice. 41 R1 they „ Per annum, let i them expend one-half of that sum, g as _ . ould succee• a . des , troving slavery altogether. 4 ,„ . Anxiou s to see the question settled once for all—he was oft to see the people relieved from the annua . l annoyance he debate, and on that ground he would give his supoort e to . the N o m e ' a wl . •Lord on the question before the !louse. Many p 0 r e Might suppose that he was not willing to relieve the con the/10111rfrom the tax on sugar ; on the contrary, he hoped to see time when they would have a duty of 10s. per cent., which , t ea, the quantities that would be consumed un er the re unctionwith would amply repay the sacrifice which had been made of the higher rate of duty. Sir J. R. REID said, that the circumstances in which the colonies were placed and the state of affairs at home would render this measure, if it were carried, one of complete rein. That very day he knew that the first effects of the pro posed measures were felt, for is consequence of the turn which the debate took the last evening, at the meeting of some of the most respectable traders connected with the colonies, the fiat had gone forth to stop the cultivation of some of the estates. All that was required by those connected with the trade was Liu- play, and up, less th a t were granted to them it would be f l air for them to attempt to cultivate their estates in corn- Petition with those on which sugar could be grown, and ad mitted into this country at a cheaper rate. tolltMr. BERN AL ~, I. AL wished that the question could . be de ively settled. He did net care for the period which was l ee, for an assurance that, the question was to be finally put at rest e \y en was all that was required, and he thought that every otoo Indian could aceremmodate himself to the eircum -Wes"' which must ensue under the new revolutions. N4°le tarbadoes hai a large population with labour corn eesolt,velY and Jamaica possessed an immense tract of * not srY and a ver / limited population in proportion to its ex- N., of "a- The circumstances of the West Indian Islands he re th e d.ffer nt, and different measures of relief should Posed, led to them. This must be done in whatever was pro ie7,ll.t° make those islands meet the altered circumstances tooli es ich e they would now be placed. With regard to the as sh "t had been found that they were not so good labourers edliose Africans. The former had certain religious notions t or `l° Prevented then, frr taking such food as was necessary bre,fodiat Ph ysical exertions ; while the Africans had no such r_ th e cca as these. Looking at all the circumstances Afrna ;" r s . th e cue, they msut look to the coast of '"e - su pply . -- i labour; and while .they sought for II • s uPPly f ' i rlthi l rem tnae quarter, he quite agreed . that t t'6as t :g en t* , 'should be placed at various points on the at e e eel M rtr.a to that nothing but fair measures 1.7 , 11 d. e e n.,, to . • d ' 471 b rers to go to the West India s„ - slatt l 'ti n t tit, in tn carrying this arrangement of free ,wo shotrt submitted that twelve months' engagements , were ‘ 4l sted„ He thought the time ought to be ex ended, and 4141 1)e t e Noble Lord at the head of the Government ' would 1° 1 114, 4 Point into his most serious consideration. But w in 1 b e ltdi eltAn t the doctrine of free trade in relation to the West -- ‘t that 7 ' r usted it would not be done in a one-sided man . n h e l r, of all it , of ~ i 1,,,, Wreild he carried out to the fullest extent. 1' Chile e 1,,,_,' ei e - e - g r •r was to enter into competition with the produce sowoilrlsr ountries, he hoped that other produce of the West p ie on ti2sdaszontld be admitted th into the markets of this coun troduce of the British Islands. iltelo gsidered th e e rm fu s ll " p application of free trade would - lead & Yacht :ink t° Place West a I) India spirits on the same "'kites. - as the spirits of the distillers of tb 111 "J• It duty of 9s. ed. a gallon cail dbe was a har d case that a •the duty on Scotch Chits w Plaeed OR West India rum, while . ..° o d (s n a i l t3ss 4,1, , and that on Irish whiskey but 2s Bd. It e„ pa rt -; , w 54 such system to be defended. The . colonies . tWri--..e.passnicsu,me. Parcel of the British empire, and if this measure hale I te,.° defied any one who advocated free trade doe .ee 'hat intact such a difference in duty as that which mdnetil"s'• s tated Th • • •t be prepared to meet all these fiat t its, a • They enus 1 pit i s , . L od to carry out the principles of free trade to the o liie Pro iso ' slu le extent. He called on thi se who possessed W AY 4 !erea;;,,l t Y to prepare for the change. The m eet it y k taei r '' energy and activity, and by a reduction ust of m price tn:ey , Gt.,!i pet tnorlitie s endeavour to extend their markets, s 1, -- " st -,,tiet avert the change. The tide of feeling wa 1 - I ° Pnb;c;% l Y Set in in 'favour of free trade for them to ~,‘ had th 3' ° Pposition they could offer to arrest its progress, us stated his own viewe on the subject, to which n V h all s e lf e eat e °kited the attention of those who represented the ohs iliaU interest• and he would sit down by thanking the t'lleirvesioocristhe patience with which it had listened to his rih g O(h E 2 InI'sNISON said, if any Member entertained a feel- Sate w•k•letility to the West Indian interests, the Hon. Gentle log I t l ltit s m ' e had just sat ' down bad dene much to disarm him o 41 g ee; so 9itY ; and he hoped, for his own part, to avoid say 'glees dic e offensite. He would have been satisfied . to have 'nei n e e°° vote that. he was to give in support of the Govern lied • 'measure or; the speech ma 1 by his Noble Friend who Govern tFad ittroeuee,l iend the haintn,eainnrd h e h i d e elivered by his Right Hon• 1 of t e h s e pe Ex e chequer, but many points had uae st sti k ' Ste accred in the course of the debate, on which he wished to t oe nolloit_ent:bservations. He assured the Hon. Member that ge r th ` l ° ler forget that he had been one who gave his vote le ttre e craa neipation of the slave ; as event which was_ the It e of eel) r , great changes in this country.—( Hear, /fish" nut, there was one thing which he kt,t,,,,;` never to forget, and which he wished to press on the el oi. mtion of the House ; and it was this—to tske care f t l a re h L (11 eee te o ent in th e Wtost Indies should not prove a al u . n. aide e - ;,' ; n ear.) A feeling which was excited in him by a co nd ?f thi s °ll of the interests of humanity, of the n-gro race, .a o l- ee untrYs As had been the ease with free-trade, year t a ds e x te they had tried treaties and tariffs, yet, after a . ll, they snrifrolinisters rising up and saying, that these treaties and leading s were vain and inefficient, and that the country must, by th s , .the way, show through her example what the rest of e nations ought to do. He said, then, what was true as to op, , to---,-tradet was true in free-labour. There vrere two points to or tc s b e ie o h r he should address his observations—first, to the At e ' conduct pursued by this country on the coast of B s -l ea ; and second, to the course of conduct pursued towards m '"e West India colonies of this country. Much had been said mn ir. , the ereessof these dur;sig the present debate. The Right_ ...,_4104. baronet R. P e el) sa i t i last night, that he had "'jived at this conclusion—th a t the b es t armour against 81 iiver Y w the promotion of free-l a b our . T hat opinion was b Op t a as e it had appeared in th e b oo k published by the to 4 w one el_ lerF„ i w Buxton, and it had b een advocated in a letter ...ythe Noble Lord at the head of the Government to the rvasury in 1839. In 1841, th e Ch ance ll or of the Exchequer said the P r. .1 se m eans used to p ut d own slavery rather aggravated it. The commissioners, in their report from Sierra Leone, said that the capture of vessels might h ave an eff ct on the number of captives, but still the slave trade was on the increase. A return t moved for by the Ho n . M em b er f or Showed Montrose, he expenses of the expediti on i n 1843, Riving ships of all ;;lasses, 58; of 945 tons; 8,454 men, at a east of 575,4661.; and this sum would be increased by the * Caries of e xtra officers engaged in the same object to about C 41 0•000/. But all the, expenses of, the expedition would far e leeed thi s amount. Y et t h e i r e ff orts it was h a a e t knowledged they were wall hands were ineffectual, notwithstanding t l t • t o ,° at a great expenditure of money and health.. In reference its t he course pursued towards the possessions of this country ft ii - "° West Indies, he would just recall the attention of the o at to the considerations taken up in a Committee which th e the West India Colonies. That Committee was of opinion led galeledi materials for immigration from Africa into the ': 4 were considerable; that immigration would be of great t h here -a so ge to the negroes; and, , hat under proper regulations, Lie th e -e lild be no danger of a revival of the slavery trade. tollrtoisse-e the West India interest had a right to come to that Aft I demand every passible assistance for the supp'y of Abl e abour, Believing , as he did, that the efforts on the . Year - ( 4 o n s ea sst had been . un-uccessful, he was not disposed this PUtpo,:llPPort a vot e o f a cer t a i n am cunt. say bo,ooo/., f or th e t r . - 4 alf Preventing immigration to the West Indies; but next di e 'night be disposed to sanction such a ceurse. Went -- not know whether the opinion of . the House could' wit h him in what he had said, but .he • th - co lle t have any hesitation in asking his Bigot Hon. F . rien . d Ilto a ls — s e hle Lord at the head of the Government to give hie NO" :avourable consideration to the question of supplying the h illee with a euffiniency of free labourers.— ( Hea t r, h h e e ar i . n ) the t ous c e l J A, MES said he had not the good fortunttedevoelopin g his Pla n w nen the Prime Minister made the Tee( eo n 11 P° 1 1 the important quesoon then beforethe House, in busines; in nr,,istilleuenee of having been detained upon I 10,1 h , s e , Place. but he had read the speech with great interest, in,..' 11 id mune to the conclusion that the public generally. but esssev"Pecially those who were interested or more immediately atm :1;1 this subject, were much indebted to the Lord, he was great obligation to the Noble Lord, for the attempt to Makin g to place the sugar eui ies upon a permanent. t g , in place of having those annual discussions se Snell lead t o eo wt Indi a . Clash uncertainty, and so seriously injured the Wes iwo s interest. —(Hear, hear.) But he did not think the plan deet alle t esl by the N Isle Lord was the best that could be hear,) ter ea.rry ine out their free-trade principles.—( Hear. 145.0 seemed to him to he monstrous to continue a tax of se g , r i t o r °wt., which was equal to I id. per lb., upon col"nial 2d, „, , I ,_d 21 s. per cwt. upon foreign sugar, which was equal to teskr -r bi los, and at the same time, and in the same e h he ar. ,', )4 t cheap sugar for the million.--(Cries of is hear, find '' He tfiotteht it was highly desirable that they should Isk utel e% for affording constant and increasing supplies of -1-,Z..reis.. for the colonies, as well as a constant and increasing though t, sugar sugar fur the population of this cow:try. That, he meet, s' Ills o a subject well worthy the attention of Govern, were but It could riot be attained so long as these high duties tegrai 4ntenaneed. If the colonies ought to be treated as in , „that justice of of the mother country, he wished to know with t ,.„. they could tax sugar, coming at a large expense - aw e me west Indies, while they did not tai his corn. which (111441044 ? PIG Hof UM 4*11411113 T contended ouolit to he tolmitted f ee of duty. but it was sid ' they wanted revenue. Well, they could get it from 1 the duty which they imposed on slivasgt own sugar. 5 Hear, hear. ) But if the Government would not abolish the duty on colonial sugar, let them at all events considerably reduce it. He would reduc- colonial sugar to I lOs per cwt. end foreign sugar to 14s. ; but the Chancellor of the Exchequer said, considei stinris of revenue would not let t him do it, althouch he admitted it to be just; while the Right Hon. Baronet, the Member for Tamworth, said the state of • I parties prevented his doing justice.— ( Hear, and laughter.) r What nonsense this was. Why could they not increase the borne tax, and throw the burden upon those who were able to bear it, and not upon the hard-working and industrious / classes of the country ?—(Chet rs. ) He would not say anything f shout the wickedness and immorality of encouraging the slave trade, but ther, could be no deuht that the Emanci eatien Act hod proved a complete failure. (Hear. hear. ) f The effset of it had haen to ruin the colonies and to increase the price of sugar in this country; to convert our formerly aefive rod irelussrious population into an extremely indolent ' and lazy one, and to Iran ter a considerable portion of their labour to the slave labourers etf other countries. Berore the Frnane ipatinn Act was passed he took the liberty of saying that would be its result, but the House at the time, heir g under the dominion of the philanthropy of the country, would not listen to his warning —( Hear, hear.) And no wonder that the Emancipation Act had failed, considering that since it had passed the Government of this country had made no exertions to carry out the principle of the measure, hut on the contrary had rather thrown impediments in the way of establishing a population of free labour in the colonies. -.( Hear, hear.) The consequence was, there had never been a proser supply of labour tor keeping the land in a state or cultivation ; but still, if Government was determined to admit foreign sugar into competition with colonial produce the least they could do was to reduce the duty, and, therefore, he begged to give notice that he should propose in Committee that colonial sugar should be admitted at 10s. per cwt. and foreign sugar at fa! s. Hear, hear. ) Mr. BARCLAY was for free trade in sugar as well as in corn, but he blamed the Gentlemen who had been in office since the passing of the Emancipation Act, for shutting out the colonies from obtaintrg a supply of labourers from the conti nent of Africa —( Hear. hear.) The Emancipation Act had succeeded morally, but it had faile economically, and he thought some steps ought to be taken to remedy the latter defect.—( Hear, hear.) He considered that the mea sure of the Government was calculated to settle this question. He thought. therefore, that the Noble Lord at the head of her Majesty's Government would not be doing jus tice to the interests of the country, if he did not take these circumstances into consideration.—(Hear, hear.) He be• lieved he would not he discharging his duties, if he did not make these observations. He was no party to placing the pre sent Government in office, but in giving his vote against their measures, he was not actuated by any party consideration whatever, but solely from a desire to discharge, to the best of his ehilitiee, the duties with which h e was e n trusted. Mr. DISR A ELI said the Noble Lord who moved the amendment to the motion that the Speaker do leave the chair, proposed to himself to submit three points to the consideration of the House. The first was, that it was in th e pow er o f thi s coun t r y t o fi n d t h ree legitimate sources of that sugar that was necessary for its con. gumption; the second, that her Majesty's Ministers, in the calculations which they had made with respect to the revenue, had furnished the House with very unsatisfactory prospects ; and the third, that, in adopting the resolutions which they had brought forward, they should he sanctioning that traffic in slaves which the House had so often and so signally reprobated. —( Hear, hear.) He had listened with great attention to the speech of the Chancellor of the Exchequer—a member of the Cabinet who had risen for the pursinse of giving an answer to the speech of the Noble Lord the Men her for Lynn. He had not been inattentive to any of those addresses which had fol lowed the speech of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, though there might b e some of those spseches remark able for peculiar characteristics and particular circumstances, not bearing any relation to the subject immediately before the House —( Hear, hear.) Still, looking to those speeches which had failed to discuss the question with respect to the immediate point before the House, following in the wake of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, he could find at that moment no feature, no characteristic, which removed them from the description which he thought h - nposeable upon the speech of the Chancellor of the Exchequer itself. It appeared to him that to the first pro position of the Noble Lord the Chancellor of the Exchequer had offered an assumption. It appeared to him that the Chan cellor of the Exchequer had encountered the second pro position of the Noble Lord with an hypothesis ; and it appeared to him that that Right Honourable Gentleman had supposed that he could have vanquished the third proposition of his (Mr. Disraeli's) Noble Friend with a sophism.—(Hear, hear.) Now, he (Mr. Disraeli) was pre pared, if the House would permit him, to substantiate those posit ions.—( Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord the Member for Lynn, in supporting his position that this country could be sup plied from legitimate sources with a sufficient and ample quan tity of sugar for its consumption— the Noble Lord had offered his estimates which, if they conid trust his figuret. certainly proved the dogma which he laid down. Her Majesty's Ministers had no confidence in that estimate. They said at once that it was an assumption—the Chancellor of the Exchequer called it an assumstion, hut he entered into no details, and offered no facts contrary to the estimate of the Noble Lord. The assumption of the Chancellor of the Exche quer was that, the estimate of the Noble Lord was erroneous. but it was a remarkable instance, that in proving that the esti mate of the Noble Lord was erroneous, the first feature in the demonstration was that the Noble Lord had underrated a very important item in that estimate. Her Majesty's Ministers had admitted that the produce of the West Indian colonies was 256,000. tons. 'The . Noble Lord had said that the produce of those cOlonies. we's 115,000 tons. Well, therefore, as far - is that first point went, it would seem that the Noble Lord, however erroneous ho might be in his estimates, had, not been inclined to over-estimate the •• produce of those different quarters from which the aggregate could be obtained. Her Alajest y 's Ministers, who accused the Noble Lord of overesti mating-the mating the quantities which we might anticipate receiving, or this the first item offered an estimate to the House exceed ing that which had been suggested by the Noble Lord. That was at least the prim; facia evidence as far as that item was concerned. The Noble Lord had not indulged in any very excessive calculations. If they approached the second item of the Noble Lord— he meant with reference to the Mauritius—he (Mr. Disraeli) believed that her Majesty's Ministers, notwithstanding their statements, were inclined to quarrel with the first estimate of the Noble Lord in supposing that the Mauritius would supply this country with 50,000 tons of sugar. The Noble Lord had corrected him by saying that the number which he had mentioned was 58,000 tons. He (Mr. Disraeli) thought that the Noble Lord in his speech mentioned the figure 50,000 tons. He knew the Noble Lord had documents in his possession which would have afforded him an opportunity of offering a correct calculation. He ( Mr. Disraeli) himself had not those returns, but he had th it morning placed in his hands a Mauritius paper, which was, he believed, a journal of the most respectable character, and which afforded an account of the crops of sugar which might he expected during the present year. They said that that crop might be counted upon as 60,000 tons.—(Hear, hear. ) Well, then, as far as the quantity that they might an ticipate receiving from our colonies—as far as the quantity that they might receive from the Mauritius was concerned— he thought that it was not in the power of her Majesty's Minis ters at all to substantiate their point agains' the Noble Lord that he had exaggerated in his estimate. But the Chancellor of the Exchequer said, that with regard to the third point, that the estimate of the Noble Lord had in deed astonished him, and that he could not for a moment believe that India would offer to us the quantity which the Noble Lord had supposed that they would yield. and for which he had given them credit in his estimate. Now they found that in two portions of the esti mate, that in the one the Noble Lord had underrated the cal culation of the Government, and that in the other he had ex pected a sum less then that which he was induced to expect by the documents in his possession, and less than that which was confirmed by the authority to which he had referred. They had aright to suppose that one so cautious in his estimate had not at random, and without 'thought, and with recklessness, offered to them any calculation which, at least, was not founded upon data, and that he had not sought to influence the opinion of that House by a statement on which he had not paid great thought and research.—( Hear, hear.) Now he (Mr. Dis raeli) begged the Chancellor of the Exchequer (though he expressed great incredulity on the subject of the estimate of Indian produce) to recollect that not a single fact, not even an argument had been offered against the statements of the Noble Lord. He (the Chancellor of the Exchequer ) had said that it was extremely astonishing; and the Honourable Baronet the Member for Beverley, who certainly upon the sugar question should be a good authority—( Hear, hear, and laughter)—and to whose opinions they always listened with great respect—the Hon. Member for Beverley occupied, as he tad told them, a most important position in the home Government in India—had risen in his place to confirm the unsupported assertion of the Chancellor of the Exchequer. Neither the Hon. Member the Chancellor of the Exchequer nor the Hon.. Baronet the.nembec.for.Beverley—who was the chairman, be believed, of an association connected with the Indian.trade—notwithstanding they expressed their disbelief in that assertion—neither of those gentlemen came forward to offer a single argument, or adduce a single fact to induce the House to disbelieve the esti ma t e o f th e Noble L or d.—( Hear, hear.) Now, in this case, with bproductionChancellor f sugar f i t n h e Exchequer, India—from r position t o tak t e h n e endorsed and ratified by the Hon. Member for Beverley, as to the grea t i mportance of the question—there was one consideration which had not been brought before the House, but which should no t b e a b sent from them at that moment, for it was a great element in forming their opinion upon this in teresting and important question. It was the nature and quantity of the productions in India. The Noble Lord had hi ought forward a great deal of authentic intelligence to show the amount of British capital now invested in India, and to show them the energy and the quantity of the British capital that bad been distributer' in the working of the es tates in India, and the considerable results that night be anticipated from an encouragement of the investment of that capital. But what he (Mr. Disraeli) wanted to bring before the attention of the House was—for it was most important—that the sugar in India was produced by two classes of persons.— ( iear.) These were the British capitalists.—(Hear, hear.) But they were told by a great authority that they needed no protection; there was, however, a class of capitalists who were producing sugar, who might refuse pro tection.—( Hear, and loud cheers ) But if they required protection; he would show the House that it was protection, and that alone which would bring great results to their country —the wealth of England, and not only commercial wealth, but political power.—( Hear, hear.) Tne Hon. Baronet, the Member for Beverley, told the House that the sugar producers of India required no protection.—(Hear, hear.) Another Honourable Baronet, who was once a Member of that House, called a public meeting of those interested in the sugar trade, and they met at his counting house—( Hear, hear )—a meeting that was never heard of—and they passed resolutions which nobody ever knew of.—( Hear, hear, and laughter,) Well, all that might be very true. It might be very true that there might be sugar producers who were in favour of the measures of her Majesty's Ministers. It might be very tiue that, as the Hon. Baronet the Member for Beverley .said, the sugar producers had not a fair competition. The • Hon. Baronet the Member for Beverley told the House that the condition of India was improved during the last five years, although they had not a fair competition. He (Mr. Disraeli) thought it very possible that the condition of India might have improved s it could not have been worse than it was in 1841, India, was then bankrupt. It required but an event—an hour —certainly but the transition of a post—to prevent her bank ruptcy; and nobody will deny - this that is in the least con versant with Indian affairs. He could prove it from documents which he had in his hand at that moment, written by those whose names, if lie mentioned them, would be of weight and authority with that House. He did not wish to enter further into the subject, but he was prepared to prove it, should th House demand it. Well, India was improved, no doubt, but at that time it could not have been worse. He held a letter in his hand which was exceedingly interesting. though he would not trouble the House by reading it, but it was written by a gentleman in India second to nano in importance, in intelli. ; and he observes that " such is the c on 1 and patriotism sequence of our commercial system there, that the country would beceine too poor to govern, for they had reduced the Country to pauperism. It is not an insurrection or a con spiracy that you have to fear, but you will never be able to raise a 'revenue from a nation of beggars.—( Hear, hear.) . Your establishment must fall, and before five years are past, sous, will'losc radia2!—(Hear, hear.) Then they were told that _pat to wed 44 tin MAR P. N, I,ON n 0 N, what. circumstance had mainly improved the condition of India? He would prey'? to Clem that the erinciple circumstance which had improved the state of India wss the very alterati •n in the sugar duties, the principle of which they were then called upon to condemn—(Cries of ‘.• Name, Name.") Ile did not think he ought to do so—( Hear, hear)—but he weuld tell the Bon. Gene lemite in private if he chose. But if the lion. Gen tleman wrote hint a letter of confidence, which it was probable he might do so some day or another—(Laughter)—he might not like his name to be mentim ed, but he would read a letter written by a firm known to be of tne highest respectability; he need only mention that of Ailwin and Company, to procure it attention. In the circular issued by that house it was stated that the alteration in the laws respecting sugar, had opened to British merchants boundless markets for the distritution of their manufateures—among the lower classes of the li indoos, many of horn, so far from wearing, had never seen a piece of cotten cloth in their lives. The firm further stated, that when they had formerly proposed these alterations, and hinted at the telvantages which would accrue from them, they were treated as visionaries, anti that the effect upon Manchester would be enormous. They further show, among the poorer classes In India, that in the years 1837 and 1838 the total number of pieces that were sold of cloth were 190,000, while in the years of 1843 and 1844, years consequent to the alteration; the nernt er of pieces amounted to 2,500,000, and that in the same }ears of 1837 and 38, among the richer classes, the amount of scarfs and book muslins amounted to I,oos 000 of pieces, while in the years of 1843 and 44 the increase was only 3 0,000. However, no person could he sur prised at the result who was acquainted with India. And this was the result of a system which they were now rudely-- ( Hear, hear)—called upon to alter at the end of the session, as if it were only a part of a commercial tariff.—( Hear, hear. ) Nor could they be surprised, for they should hear in mind that the eMtivation of sugar was he only thing which was l e f t un restricted. Everything else was the subject of a monopoly, whether if.was rice, maize, or indigo. The poor thndoo was the slave of a Zenondar. This was the only privilege which the poor of the country enjoyed. who could produce it in b:unce less quantities, and it was this class of cultivators which had given to them so vast a number of tons of sugar. The English capitalist produced about 20,000 tons of this amount, but the surplus was the produce of a people who had no Otaheitan cane—who had no racuunt pan—who had no steam-engine. These were the tseople vsho sent them the sugar, and who offered them such a beurolless market fur their cotton manufac tures and Manch. ster pods. It was their duty to support their interest, for they offered to them a market greater than that which they would find in any of their colonies in the world.—(Hear, hear.) They had to deal with one hundred or one hundred and forty millions of people. And if every native in India would buy A turban, it would amount to note than all your foreign trade put together.—( Hear, hear. ) 1(1),0 '0,('00 of ten shillings would return you 50 0)0,0 04 a year, and that. from India, which they bad always so ill-treated, and whirl, fir the first time, they had benefited by that very alteration which they were now called upon virtually to termin.te. Welt, then. when he saw what British capital enuld produce in the vulky •,f •he Ganges—when he saw that the equalisation of duties between East and West Ititha sugars had produced effect , : which tad been never dreamed of—when he saw that consignments of .ugar had come from places which the most cape fenced me, ehaws had never dreamed that sugar was produced, and when tie read in letters that in the valley of the Ganges there was an increase of thirty per cent. over a superficies of 70,000 acres, could he doubt that the production of Bengal should proceed at a less ratio than that from Madras? the more especially when they remembered that there were two classes of producers, the English capitalist and the native ryot, stimulated by the markets which they offered to them ; or could he come to any ether conclusion than the his Noble Friend had formed his calculation in the most moderate man lier ? Are; be considered that he had a right to say that the first position of his Nth' • Friend has been met only by an as sumption, and a sceptical assumption. And be ihoueht that tie could show that the same was the case with regard to the second point, and the Chancellor had not only given up his sceptical assumption, but had taken refuge in a credulous hypothesis. The Noble Lord showed that under no circumstances could there be an increase above 100,000 tons. The Chancellor, more oratorical than Chan cellors generally are, and forgetting that the total of the first Lord of the Treasury's estimate of free labour sugar was 15,000 tons, made it 20,000; hut what matters it when he made the result the same? The Noble Lord the Member for Lynn had not only shown the House and the people of England the legitimate sources from which this country could be supplied with sugar, and the in consistencies of the estimates which had been made with respect ro the amount of the supplies and of the revenue, but he offered to the House a resolution which had been concurred in by his friends, that if the resolutions of the Governmerit were adopted, a great and powerful stimulus would be given to the slave trade. Often as the subject had been discussed in the House of Commons, many as the years were that elapsed since it was first brought before them, under no circumstances and at ter time was this question met and brought forward in a man tier so remarkably discreet. When they remembered the Ministers who were engaged in this great question—when they recollected the public men who were called into existence by it, and who would never have been public men if they had not joined in'that public cry—it was remarkable the tone in which it was now discussed'. It might be asked then, were the Ministers of the Crown, and those who gave their sanction to the measures brought forward by Government, the sup. porters of slavery. Oh, no ;no one was the supporter of slavery; but they were called upon to suppose that the evils of,the system .could not be remedied, and that though morally wrong thy were fiscally inevitable. The Noble Lord he First Minister of the Crown, had taken up a safe position on that subject. The Noble Lord could not forget the party whom he represented—he was the leader of the Whigs, who had caused the abolition of slavery. He had a noble spirit and could not forget the noble heritage to which he had sue eeeded. The Noble .Lord accordingly told them that he de• precated the accursed traffic. The Noble Lord would say you cannot deny that the slave trade exists ; that notwith standing all the efforts which have been made for its suppres sion, it still continues with undiminished vigcur ; that it has baffled all the exertions we have made to put it down, and this put before yi , u, that notwithstanding all the efforts wh . ch are been made, notwithstanding all the squadrons that have been equipped, notwithstanding all the subscription lists that have beon swollen, and all the emotions and ardent aspirations that have been excited in the public mind• this is result, that what you have done is neither effective nor complete." If what England had done failed in effect. and completeness, he could not take exception to the leader of a Whig Ministry terming down and telling them that such a result had followed their exertions. But let them see if that position was just. t he Noble Lord said that commerce had baffled all their phi lanthropy, and all their exertions must fall before its require mnents. That was all the Noble Lord said to show them that English efforts had failed to put down this system. The Noble Lord said that the em• rgencies of commerce baffled their en teavours. He (Mr. Disraeli) remembered that a gentleman, who was no longer a Minister, told them one time that Eng, and had become a great commercial nation. That was a dis covery very like what he would call a mare's nest. But he would ask the Noble Lord, was there a difference now in the character of British commerce? If there was a change with regard to commerce, it was lees adventurous, and partook more of a transaction now. If there was a charge, it was more adventurous 40 years ago than it was at present. A cargo had then to roam about to different ports to find a customer, but it was now a regular consignment in the ordinary course of trade, from one merchant to another. If the argument, however, he good for anything, it showed little for the foresight of the Noble Lord, and all those who were engaged in that great ques tion, not to have known this result; and they had no right to joiti in that public cry, and not be acquainted with the infallible and inevitable political consequences of the measure.—( Hear, hear.) He did not mean to impugn the motives or the inte grity of those who had passed that ereesure, but what he said was, that it did not tell for their foresight not to have seen the consequea cies of it, and if they did foresee them it was a stigma upon their ingeniousness not to have tried to avertthem. But the Noble Lord said that their exertions were wanting not only in effect, but completeness. He said that the whole people of England were consuming produce of another kind, also slave labour, while such an outcry was made about the admission of slave -grown sugar. Ho (Mr. Disraeli) asked the Noble Lord, wren Wilberforce addressed the large public assemblies in the northern districts of England—when his burning words touched the heart of this great nation—when the horrors of this accursed traffic were first revealed—he asked the Noble Lord were not the fabrics then made in the manufacturing districts . fed with cotton the produce of slave labour? He asked what statesmen—statesmen with all the instinct of aristocracy could do? He asked what did they mean to do? He eared not to what party they belonged, would they address the populous assemblies of the agitated people of the country, who expressed in their own uncultivated manner the tight convictions of an unlettered people? He asked whether et a former time they did not smoke, and snuff, and chew, and had done for a period of 200 years, tobacco the produce of the slave-trade? They knew that in the end that destroyed their case, but were they to believe that the people of England were not conscious of this? Could they believe that these great statesmen were not conscious of ? Of eourse they were—and they now owned the circumstance. They said that they must move themselves, and put. an end to that abomination. Could they continually shut their eyes to that abomination ? They could control the people of England, and stop the conduct of such a system. The circumstances to which the Noble Lord referred were the means by which he built his arguments against any opposition. He denied the supposition of the Noble Lord, and would tell him that if he would not argue it abstracte..ly or concretely he should argue it upon the circumstances, and he would find that because a man was obliged to wink at certain evils he was not obliged to commit greater ones. Whether the suppo sition was taken abstractedly or concretely, the Noble Lord could not escape the inevitable result. The Noble Lord had spoken of the opinion of the people of England. What good would it he for the people of England to read Jeremy Taylor, and com pare him with Cicero, to ascertain what were the greatest hardships of the land? If the Noble Lord could not find env means to extricate himself from any opposition, what means could he find to relieve himself from the consequences of this measure. It seemed to him that the answer which was made to his Noble Friend, on the third position of his argument, was a fallacious and flashy sophism. It might carry with it the majority, but it could not convince them.—( Hear, hear.) They might give them words, which they might report to their constituency, who might in their turn recoil with nausea from such phrases. Such men followed Wilberforce, and encouraged the slave-grown cotton and tobacco. The Noble Lord would deny that their measures gave a stimulus to the slave trade in any way which had been adverted to. The Right Hon. Gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequei had informed the House officially and authori tatively that in Cuba at this moment, or very recently, such was the state of slave society that there was a general dis content in the place, and that they were near to an insurrec rection. Their answer to that was, that if there was a dis position in Cuba to put an end to slavery why did they resort to a measure which not even possibly could injure the slave trade, and excuse it on the ground of a great commercial consideration. Before all this commerce was brought on with the Brazils, the subject was brought under the notice of the House of Commons. When he said the House of Commons, he did not mean the ordinary use of the phrase referring to that House, because he spoke of another House of Commons, of which he had had the honour to be a member, when the question of the Brazils trade was first brought forward. He remembered when Gentlemen who should be now sitting on the Treasury bench, brought forward motions on the subject of the Brazils treats , of commerce. It was astonishing what silence prevailed in that House when the Hon. Gentlemen spoke of the treaty of commerce The trade was then 5 millions ; and Low it was 2 it was spoken of as a commerce of considerable consequence Regarding commercial and financial matters, such was the position of the Brazilian empire. Well, then, take the West Indies, which no one seemed to defend ; take the island which had been so picturesquely described by the Hon. Member for Weymouth (Mr. Bernal), but which the adoption of these resoa lotions would paralyse, and he asked them to contrast it with the Brazils. Why the trade of that island at the present mo ment greatly exceeded all the trade of the former country.-- (Hear, hear.) If you take an enlarged view of the colonial capabilities and the colonial resources, who fi r a moment can doubt but th ar a te t hd t e h y,, is it y wh e o r ut y hmi i s sland could easily double the whole of hear) —and transactions with the Brazils. What was the r m i e e s n o f of h t o H n e o a u r r , trade of Be zits or of Cuba—what all the commerce of Porto -w ?t,thlec.ty notw o b u e l d acting not a s b be e ns n a ion e t e g t i f i n eb g f e a c i o t l h a ao s: ntyi i n f m ?g— t e h na : s y C o allowed sens e Tuc th h ey a principle as the Noble Lord; the member for the City of 4444 ifacitos t 4 ikt 4 hear.) linbaribeen told— • .• , VVVDNESDAY EVPNING, JULY 0, 1846. they were hitherto moving in a vicious ci cle. He agreed in that. He felt that tee colonies and England were plaeed within a vicious circle ; but he thought it would be desirable if it were so, when a Mrnister of the Crown he cared not whether he acted from erimel convict ion or recent conversion— ( Hear, hear)—or on which side he sat) when a Minister of ithe Crown thought it desirebte to propose a law which sub jected many to dismay and alarm, that he should furnish some detailed considerations why the measure should be sepperted -1 that he should c.rndescend to give some arguments—he (Mr. Disraeli) would say facts—why the House should adopt the I charge.— ( Hear, hear.) When they were so lately told that they were moving in a vicious circle, it would have been consolatory, and extremely interesting and advantageous, if the Noble Lord had given some proofs of the benefits that would flow feom the adoption of his measure— that he should give some idea of this perfect system of com merce. lie should be glad to see a Minister of the Crown who was in office, or a Minister who wa-4 not, pretend to en lieliten them ter this point.—( Hear, hear. ) No one could be insensible to the secret influences that had been in operation to bring ebout the new commercial features of the country, or that they had :teen brought about by unknown and irresponsible persons. He would say nothing disrespectful of one nom, whom he knew and respected—Mr. Deacon Hume. All he would say was, that before the report appeared of the Import-duty Committee, or evidence given upon it, he told him (Mr. Disraeli) that. year after year he had, in established and respectab:e periodicals, given all the evidence which had been then adduced. But the fact was, Ministers never read, and they had to he converted by Parliamentary Committees. But he would refer to another of their private influences—a respectable gentleman, and he ( Mr. Disraeli) only referred to him to show the influence of his opinions on the Noble Lord (the First Lord of the Treasury.) The Noble Lund had told them that, uncertainty was fatal to the inter ests of the West. Indian colonies. and in support ot his case he referred to the opinions of men of experience—to - Mr. Al•Culloch and others. VVeuld it not have been better in the Noble Lord, who he believed was incapade of saying anything injurious —would it not have been better at the same time that he cited the opinion of Mr. M - Culech on the question of sugar, that he had told the House that Mr. M'Culloch was an honest and undis guised advocate of s'avery as an institution.—( Hear, hear.) In the very page of the work which had been referred to by the Nob:e Lord, Mr. el‘Cullech laid it down that there was no greater delusion than the objection entertained to negro slavery, and that it was an institution that worked well in society— that the soil of the tropics would never have been cultivated without the application of slave labour. This the Noble Lord had not referred to, yet those were the opinions of a man whom the Government which had just given up office had recommended as a fit object of royal consideration, and to whom a pension had been gra n t e d. —( Hear, hear.) But what could the pubic think of this when they knew these to be the ten iments ot the man. The Hon. Mr mber for Bo'ton, who was learned in all laneuages. would know a Turki.h proverb he was about to quote ; it was .‘ Fortunate is the man who hr. a peach that is sunned on bre,. sides " Mr. M'Colloch was in this position, for thrrugh he was a supporter ot slavery, his phrases were dexte rously used by Ministers on both side., of the house.—( Hear. hear ) The real qua-tion, therefore, was M'Culloch against Clark.on. for, though the Noble Lord had plentifully supplied himself with arg,uments from that gentleman's writing-, he had carefully kept his anti-slavery tendency in the rear; no one was left to suppose that he was an advocate of the institution of sl :very.-_( Cries of " Hear, hear. ) There was soother gentleman connected with the Board of Trade who had favoured them with his opinion—( Hear, hear. —a gentleman who . preached peace and good-will to all men, and that was his principal argument for the achievements of free, trade. That gentleman could listen to nothing that com promised principle. That was his answer to all their (the pro teetionists') statements—to all their reasons. There was another individual, a pedant who put up fora philosopher, who, at the eve of a great resolution, said, also, "Perish the world rather than compromise a principle ;" yet, ere twelve months passed, with all his sel-complacent glory, he committed suicide, in despair of the fate of the human race and his own destinies.—( Hear, hear. ) In these circumstances he ( Mr. Disraeli) was bound to say that he could not agree with the Noble Lord, that those ,oloniee were prt 'if a vicious system. He said he did not oppose the Ministers on account of ther being antagonistic to any previous arrangement as to slavery, but because he felt this was an act of hostility to a fragment, if such it might be called, of the colonial system of England.--( Hear, hear, and cheers.) That Yves for the moment an old fashioned notion, but he was of the belie: thst they would yet be furbished up by the national feeling. It was a trag. - nent of a system, though they had been tampering with that system—though they had de prived it of its greatest advantages—though they had been following an ;finis frituris, with so fatal a result,—still it was a fragment which he believed they would have ere long to re build—a structure which they had destroyed —( Hear, hear.) And to retrace the steps which they had heedlessly pursued.— ( Heat, and cheers.) He ( Mr. Disraeli) said so for two reasons, not merely because he believed their policy to be wrong—though that was no sufficient reason, fur all men were liable to err; but he had learned from the history of this c.tuntry that its characteristic was that it would retrace its steps ; not that it was less noto rious in injustice, but that the people being sooner sensible re traced their steps. The history of England was a history of re action. Why, he asked, what was it they had done on which they had not retraced their steps? They had destroyed their national church anti they retraced their steps—they destroyed their monarchy and they retraced their steps—they destroyed the House of Lords and they were now daily taking up Bills for their sanction. They even destroyed the House of Com mons, yet here they were assembled to discuss a great question. Why, not more than 100 years ago, when they chr,se to effect one of the greatest revolutions in the world, they were warned against the course pursued by Sir Robert Walpole ; they were warned by the most gifted of writers, by the most eloquent of advocates, that indirect taxa. tion would be a bane to the people. But now, not a man rose who did not advocate direct taxation, offering them proof that Sir William Wyndham was right, and Lord Bolingbroke a safe guide. Why, he contrasted whet was now going•on with the abolition of slavery. The Minister of the Crown came forward and put an end to one of the greatest struggles on which the people had entered. Having abolished slevery, 'heir effort, were directed against the slave trade at an expenditure of 50,000,000 e He asked how, when they were on their way to the hustings, they would propose to explain this? Fifty millions, the people would say, and all for a fai lure ! England would retrace tier steps towards establishing her industry, which, if destroyed, was destroyed rashly ; but if it was an error, this, at leest, could be said that the peo ple Lad no pare icipation in it. They did not send them to destroy the colonial system ; to them remained all the glory. and they could not experience the shame. Anti here he would have stopped, and would not have troubled the House at arty further length, but for a speech which hail been de rye oil in the House last eieht. They had heard last night a funeral oration delivered over the abolition cause by the Noble Member for Liverpool. He thought that if the subject was not choice, the oration was choice.—(Laughter.) When he remembered another speech that was made by the Member for Liverpool on the same subject, at a period not very remote, he was the last person whom he would have expected to make such a criticism on the motion of the had not the potential parenth es i s w hi c h th e N o ble L or d h a d insertedlsl o e i Membernh,his s speech, h Lyen•—( . Hear, hear.) But that motion He kn ew n ot, and he would not pre sume to say, which speech— that o f 1841 or th a t o f l as t n i g h t —was the opinion ot the Noble Member. But it was, perhaps, an apt conc:usion to the session, to see the Noble Member en a hogshead of sugar in a white sheet, and holding the taper of penitence in his hand, crying out " Peccari."—(Great laughter ) He remembered that the Noble Lord at his elec tion carried a wooden bible before him—perhaps the speech of last night was tire wooden bible speech.—(Great laughter.) No one understood the West India question better than the Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Tamworth. and well he might tell them that any system of emigration would not be at tended with successs, unless it was accompanied with a suffi cient quantity of feinales.—( Hear, hear.) But great was the mortification of himself and the friends around him to find the Right Hon. Baronet's speech terminate with a resolution that was fatal to all its arguments.—( Hear, hear.) But he must say, that the reason which was given for that resolu tion was less ingenious and more surprising than many of the arguments which they had heard from the Right Hon. Baronet. (Hear, hear.) It would seem that the Right Honourable Baronet was induced to come to that decision upon a consideration of the question of who should sit on the treasury bench. He said a few minutess since, that if they went to the hustings, the people of England upon , being told that fifty millions of their treasure had been promoting a delusion, might perchance have something to say as to the usefulness of the Parliament of England. but when they were told it was a question not only of fifty millions, but it might be of five hundred millions of countless trsasures—ol principles which they had prized beyond all treasure—they might perhaps be disposed to rebel against the conviction of the Right Hon. Baronet. When they heard that it was for the sake of party convenience. and settling who should be Prime Minister of England, they .migbt be, almost induced to say farewell to the Parliament of Eng land. The Right Honourable Baronet indeed told them that he could not, under the circumstances of the case, act otherwise than he did. He said he could not see how another Government was to be formed, but he (Mr. Disraeli) thought of late Honourable Members had became rather inde corous in always supposing that the Government of the country was selected, not by a high authority, but by the House itself.—(Hear, hear.) Hut this be could tell the Right Hon. Baronet that. in his mind, his forte lay not so much in forming a Government as in destroying one.—( Hear, hear, and laughter.) These We re t h e views which had in fluences/ him and his friends around him in re sisting the resolution of the Government. He was glad to believe that there was not a Member of the Govern ment, that there was not a Member of that House, who could suppose that in the course they had taken they had been influenced by any iilegitimate or sinister feeling.—( Hear, hear.) He nly c as regarded the Gov ernmen t th emse l ves : tecot a ieih i u d g the n circumstances under w hi c h t h ey acce d e d to cdofessed, office, to power, remembering himself as a Member of the placed them upon the Treasury bench, that he upon himself some of the responsibility which Hear, hear ) But. it oughtmajo r t yt to takehich the Governer'. nt nor attached to them, but he could not see that there was any t t h o a a t do o p e t izer ( We,t, India bre) , dill not support them open thett: knowt h m House could suppose that they had been factious or selfish metives in th actuated be any fee e course they o w a t- o a h y s e r a l‘ c i o e s u a n r tis e e f satisfaction c O t l o s i r e f ) had taken. 'they had supported the West India body upon in the hour of need and on the day of judgment.—( Hear, hear.) They bad clung to the hope that they might still maintain their former position, anti well they might, for they had the memorable admission of the Right Hon. Baronet principle, although the the member for Tamworth, that had he remained in office saved for another year they might have been —( Hear, hear.) he 4 He was not sorry that t catastropheth was consummated in this way. He was glad that . e system of protection had put an end to under the circumstances which at present been hear.) ) He was glad that existed.—( Hear, he d to by a protective Parliament, who had passed a re an en solation p l e d g i n g the Commons of England to support the colonial interest.—( Hear. hear.) But he did not see why the opposition of t he Right Hon. B aronet should have in duced the Noble Lord to abandon office, because the Noble Lord might have pursued the course of the Right Hon. Baronet in some few Seats back, under similar circumstanc es; indeed u p on the very subject of sugar. lie might h ave said he was defeated on a question which wa s not atal, and ther e f ore i t was not ne cessary for him to r esign.—( Hear, hea r ) ELL saicl—si Lora JOHN BUS:" r, in rising towards the close of this debate, to addres s some observations to the House, I must in the first p l ace most willingly declare, that my Noble Friend, whether in t h e motion that he has made, or in the speech with which he accompanied it, h as not said or proposed anything which he wa s not rrfeetly justified in doing.—(l - lear, hear.) The Noble Lor d, no doubt believieg in the truth of his principles, has declared himself in opposition to the plans own pr of the Government, and asked the House, in a preliminary resolution, to declare its opi n i on with respect to the colonies; but, Sir, the resolution does not simply confine itself to the principles of the Noble Lord. I think it goes far beyond that, in fact proceeds to a condemnation of the immediate! plan before the House . I could h ave un d erstoo d my Noble Fr lend had h e said at this late period of the session it is impossible to alter the whole system of our sugar duties without considering other questions which are involved in them, and we, therefore must vote against the adoption of the plan before us, and w e shall be ready at the commencement of another session to take this plan, or any ether plan Government may ite the mean time mature for . dcsiasiderrtiou—( Rear s . btaz.). I could well tiadentia4 tkit Coiliu 114 it been taken by the Noble Lced. and it might have been supported by the majority of the House, and Government might still have thought themselves juonied in centinui g in oflice—( Hear, hear)—for the course which my Nohe Friend has taken is widely dfferent to this. It de( lares in the first place that the aeVierence of this Hese e was pledged to principles of a parsictilar commercial policy. It declares in the nex , place that the plan before the House is calculated to give a stitnu!us to the slave trade, and altogether condemns, upon these two allegation, the whole plan that has been submitted to the coesiderat ion of this House.—( Hear, hear.) Sir, I will endeavour, in th e fi rs t p l ace, to touc h upon a few of those topics to which my Noble Friend, as well as the Honourable and Learned Member who has just sat down, have adverted, and I will then ask the Houss to consider what may be the effect of the adoption of the resolution of the NetVe Lord. Sir, n.y Noble Friend commenced with a statement as to the production of the colonies, and went into a calculation of the sugars to be expected this year, but I am not going at present to follow him with regard to any calculation as to the amount of sugar that may be intreduced into this country from India during the present year. I cannot, however, but say that the principle upon which my Noble Friend proceeds is, that you should endeavour to create a necessity in India for the production of sugar, by establishing actually high prices for that sugar than it would otherwise obtain if sou did not by law give them. Now, Sir, a worse instance for the adoption of a protective policy I could not well conceive. I can well understand with respect to corn, or with respect to any production that has been long favoured by law, that any Ministry may say, this system it is difficult to tax, because there is a great portion of our popula tion whose interests are inclueed in the protection of this article.—(Protectionist cheers.) My Noble Friend the Mem ber for Lynn has said that we must raise up a protective interest, aid give to the sugars of India an advantage in the market by raisirg the price by law, in the hope that at some future time the price would be • again reduced to meet the exigencies and the wants of the people of England --( Cheers.) But, except this House is ready to revoke its former votes and decide that protection is neces sary for the interes's of this country, and should not be inter fered with, I conceive it cannot give its consent to the resolu tions of my Noble Friend the Member for Lynn.—(Cheers.) The Hon Gentleman the Member for Shrewsbury has gone into some statements with respect to the revenue; I do not in tend to follow the Hon, Gentleman in that course. But he, and the friends who act with him, seem to forget that the cal culations upon which we rely are, that with diminished prices there will be an increased consumption, and with an in creased consumption you will have an additional importation, and from an additional importation you must have an increase of revenue.—( Cheers. ) With reference to the last portion of the Noble Lord's resolution, that the proposed measure will give a stimulus to the slave trade, I must say that the Hon. Member for Shrewsbury was led into the most extraordi nary aonfusion of ideas. He supposed. that because we do not think that the exclusion of slave sugar from the markets of this country could be kept up as an efficient sy s t em that we were ready to say that the abolition of slavery teas a failure. Nothing could be more distinct than the two propo,it.ons.— (Cheers.) After he plan of Mr. Wilberforce had been adopted and carried into effect, there arose another question, which was if you can give protection to your own colonies against all the sugar producers of the slave colonies of other countries. Urn that arose the question whether or not it was defensible upon the principle of protection, or upon the grounds of humanity, to maintain that system of protection and exclusion.—( Cheers.) Sir, I was one of those who had the honour of being her Majesty's advisers at the time of the abolition of the slave tratte.—(Hear. ) I still hold that to be a great ineasere—a wise and judicious measure— founded upon the sound principles of justice and humanity.— Cheers.) I consider it, Sir, as a measure which experience has sanctioned, and which no House of Commons will. I venture to say, ever propose to revoke. —(Loud cheers) The question before this House is, do sou think you can put any check to the slave-trade by the prohibition of the single article of slave-grown sugar, while at the same time you admit slave grown tobacco, rice, copper, and other things? The Hon. Member for Shrewsbury has said, that to defend the practice upon this principle, would be to de so on the principle of a person who might as well be hung for a sheep as a lamb. t do not admit that it is wrong to admit these articles into the country. The adoption of such a principle would not, I think, advance the cause of humanity in the world. It would leave you to declare in your tariff, and in your custom-house books, that you would take an exact account of the means to ascer tain the products, where produced, and the different tints at which the various articles were shipped and embarked for this country. Will any man say, that if such had been the ease— that if on the ground of humanity, such had been the policy of this great commercial nation, mankind would have been in a better situation in that case than they are at the present mo ment? Will any man say that the commercial intercourse of this great and civilised country with Asia and with Africa, has not tended to mitigate those barbarous practices?—( Hear, hear) —to mitigate slavery while it existed in India and the other countries, and upon the whole, reviewing the state and condition, has it not produced a policy more civilised—a policy more happy in relation between man and man, than would have been the case if you had continued to sanction that exclu sive principle, and which was conceived to be humane, but which would have turned out to be a barbarous and injurious policy?—(Cheers.) Such, Sir, I think, is a fair de duction from the principles which the Honourable and Learned Gentleman has put forward, and is this an opinion solely of my own—is it an opinion, with regard to what is at present carried on with regard to sugar, which her Majesty's Ministers entertain ? Why, my Right Hon Friend near me quoted the opinions of an anti-slavery society in Liverpool.— ( Hear, hear.) The opinions of that anti-slavery society, as here stated, are that freedom of labour in the pro duction of sugar is promoted, not by the exclusion of slave-grown sugar, but by its free admission. They say, that from observation, they are of opinion that free labour, when brought into fair competition with slave labour, will be more effective in the abolition of slavery, and they can not but regard the continuance of the protective duties as virtually and practically promoting the continuance of the slave trade; and they say that they believe that sugar can easily be produced by free labour, and that the free labour colonist will be able to compete with the slave holding colonists. Such is the opinion of the Anti-Slavery Society. I hold in my hand a re port from a very different body, the association of the West India planters and merchants ; and what is their opinion on the present subject? They say that it is perfectly practicable to• compete with the slave growing colonies by means of free labour, and that the abolition of slavery can be better effected by admitting sugar into this country free of duty, than all the high-sounding denunciations which tiro be used, and which they say will be fruitless. The simple plan of abolishing slavery they say is to follow the course pointed out by the Government. Wive Sir, thine opinions are almost identical in expression, and vet they come one from the: Anti-slavery Society, and the other from a committee of the \Vest India body, deeply inte rested in the preservation of these colonies. I say, therefore, that no one has a right to say that the plan. which we propose has any tendency to increase the slave trade and slavery. But let me take another part of the argument, and show you in what manner I think that the present system does prevent the good you labo. r to effect, and that argument is no other than the well-known argument which experience has re peatedly shown to be well-founded, that the effect of monopoly and protection is always to cheek exertion and diminish enter prise, and prevent the full and fair fruits of the capital, skill, and labour of those who are engaged in any branch of agricul ture or manufacture.—( Hear, hear, and loud cheers.) What is the case with the West Indies? We find during the last two or three years some evidence given before a Committee of the Assembly of Labour by persons who are well acquainted with the West Indies, showing that the cost of the production of sugar is very much greater than it need be if all the advantages of machinery, if all the specu lations and skill were used which moral science and moral ingenuity would dictate. I have be fore me a plan proposed by the West Indian colonists, who say that the plan which they proposed was generally well received. The plan which they propose to sup port the manufacture of sugar or the cultivation is such a', in their opinion, would enable ithe proprietors o' estates in the colonies to produce sugar at 14a per cwt., instead of 275., the presen t price.--( Hear, hear.) I do not say that this statement of that those particular figures are just, but that there would be a very great economy with regard to the manufacture of sugar, and particularly so if those colonists were exposed to competition.—. Hear, hear.) It is competition, and it is com petition only, which ever does bring out enterprise, and economy, and skill. ( Hear.) I have spoken of late years with various persons engaged in the various branches of manufacture, I have asked them what it was, in their opinion, that caused the very great advances which had been made in machinery of late years, and they have all uniformly answered—•' It is the great increase of competition ; it was necessity which led us to improve our machinery and resort to every species of economy that we could, to be able to:go into the markets of the world. --( Hear, hear.) With the same stimulus—with the same unlimited exertion of the West Indian colonists, I believe and I think that you will see that they w ll rise and flourish more than they have done for many years on the old systesu (Hear, hear.) From an Hon. Gentleman who spoke to-night I was very sorry to, hear of persons who had resolved to colti-_, vete their estates no longer. I am sorry to hear that there are persons so dispirited, but I do believe, that if those estates are properly worked, there will be no better in vestment than the West Indian estates.—( Hear, hear.) The lion. Gentleman has alluded to some other points, to which I should wish to draw attention before I sit down. Now,lSir, one point is that with regard to the opinion of Mr. Al•Culloch. That gentleman has been In the habit of sending me copies of his works, and he did send to me a copy of his last work on taxation, but with a note saying that he hoped that I would approve of the greater part of the work, but that he was aware that there was one question of it regarding slavery with which he felt sure I would not coincide, and such was the fact. I look upon Mr. M'Culloch as a most able and well informed writer, though I do differ with him upon that point. The Honourable Gentleman with some of the fancy, of which he possesses much, sap that I stated that the colonies were:on a vicious system. Now, on the contrary, I said that the colonies were a great part of the empire, and I hoped that they might flourish ; but I did say that the ancient system, by which you refused to the colonies permission to send its produce to other countries, was a vicious system. Now, this is a point of considerable im portance, for it is said, that if you are not in favour of the ancient system, you wish to destroy the colonies; but on the contrary, I believe the colonies, under a better system, would be of far more benefit to the country. The Hon. Gentleman made another charge, which I confess I was quite unprepared to hear. That the country had ever gone back after they had adopted a more improved: system was not the fact, nor was it the character cf the country, I do not refer to those times of violence, when the throne and Parliament was scattered by the assumption of an usurped authority, but since the accession of the house of Stuart, there was notning more clear than t hat the character of the couutry was to adhere with firm determi nation to the conquests of reason which had been made. In those days personal liberty was at the will of the sovereign. The habeas Corpus Act was passed. Had they shown a wish to repeal that Act? The Bill of Rights was also obtained —had any attempt been made to repeal that Bill ?—( Hear, hear.) The Act of Toleration was passed, but who had ever moved that it should be suspended—( Hear.) I do not believe that there is any party in this House that would wish to restore the disabilities that were formerly imposed upon the Catholics. --(Cheers.) When a question had been ripened by discussion and decided. the triumph of reason has ever remained permanent and without even a wish being expressed to repeal er go back. Sir, my Noble Friend who began the debate, and the Hon. Gentleman after whom I am now speaking, contemplated the p ass i n g of this resolution, and in terms of great courtesy to her Majesty's Ministers, contemplated that after the passing of the amendment, we might continue with benefit to administer the affairs of this country. I beg to thank any Noble Friend for the manner in which he addressed us, and I have nothing to find fault with in the terms of hisspeech, but the resolution itself is,ono completely subversive of the pelicy which we have thought right to recommend to this House. I had hoped that in assuming with my colleagues the Government of this country, I had hoped that after a period of angry contest, after a period during which a measure was carried which bad been attended with mote violent opposition than any measure ever met with in that House, I had hoped that we should have had at least the acquiescence of ail parties till at length affairs had assumed a settled course, that they would have waited to see whether the measure we brought forward would meet with the approbation of the coun try. With that expectation I did feel (what an Hon. Member calls) .the. presumption—be it so—l did feel that I should undertake the administration of the affairs of this country • but I do think that no Minister could conduct th e domestic ;ffairs of this country, or maintain its character in.tbe face of ore!ga powers, ialless he hid the respect of this Howe and the country ; and I candidly confess that • it I consented to go on with the administration of the affairs of this country, after the resolution was carried, and my I olicy set aside, I should be exposing my Administration to cootemr, I should be injuring the dignity of the Crown, whose servant lam ; I should be injuring the reputation of the Go vernment, at whose Lead I am placed ; I should be causing a diminution of the glory of this great nation, to which we all belong. I can also state that, if the resolution correctly represent the opinions of the majority of the House, and if it be a reflex of the opinion of the country, I think her Majesty would do well to place the administration of aff-irs in the hands of those who advise that policy. That would be a constitutional pro ceeding, and though I could not support my Noble Friend in his views, I must admit that he would be intitled to carry tut that policy, by assuming the position which would enable him the more effectually to do so; but of one thing I am sure, that to remain in power after being degraded by the passing of the resolution of my Noble Friend, would bring a permanent injury to the constitution of this country, and I would not be doing justice to my Sovereign to continue to hold office one moment longer.—(The Noble Lord sat down amid loud cries of "Divide.") Strangers were then ordered to withdrawn, and the House divided, when there appeared— For Lord G. Bentinek's amendment 135 Against it _ . Majority in favour of Ministers 130 The announcement was received with considerable cheering from the Ministerial side of the House. The resolution was then agreed to. The other orders of the day were then disposed of, and the House adjourned at half-past One o'clock. PARLIAMEN TA ItY BUSINESS. _ . (Froth the Votes and Proceedings of the House of Commons.) TUESDAY, JULY 28. STANDING ORDERS' COMMITTEE. --- • The folllowing resolutions were reported from the above Con> nittee: I. That, in the case of the Metropolitan Sewage Manure Company Petition, for additional provision, the standing orders ought to be dis pensed with :—That the parties be permitted to introduce their addi tional provision accordingly. 2. That, in the case of the All Souls College (Oxford) Estate Bill, the standing orders ought to he lispensed with :—That the parties be permitted to proceed with their Bill. 3. That, iu the case of the Bishop of Norwich's (North Lynn Rec tory) Estate Bill, the standing orders ought to be dispensed with : That the parties be permitted to proceed with their Bill. Resolutions agreed to. MESSAGE FROM TILE LORDS. Messengers from the Lords brought up the following Bills, which their Lordships had agreed to Newport, Abergwenny, and Hereford Railway Bill —South Staf fordshire Junction Railway with Branches Bill—Leeds and Bradford Railway tJunction Line at Bradford) Bill—Blackburn, Preston, and East Lancashire Railway Amalgamation Bill -- South-Eastern Rail way (Greenwich to Chtlham with Branches) Bill, without Amend men,— Edinburgh and Bathgate Railway Mil -London and Birming ham Railway Winningham Extension) Bill—Birmingham, Wolver hampton, and .Stour Valley Railway (Birmingham, Wolverhampton, and Dudley Lines) Lill—,lirop,hire 'Union Railway and Canal (New ton to C: - ewe whit Br.tnelles) 1101 —.Shropshire Union Railways and Canal (Chester and Wolverhampton Lines) Bill—Shropshire Union Railway and Canal (Shrewsbury and Stafford Railway) Bill—Rugby and Leamington Rail-, ay Bill—Shrewsbury and Herefordshire Rail way Biil - Bristol and Birmingham and Midland Railway Bill, with Amendments —Whitehaven and Farness Railway (Kirkoanton Devia tion) Bill—Billingsgate Market Bill, with an Amendment. RAILWAY 81-1.-1,8. E MARKETS. MANCHESTER, Jctr 28. STOCK EXCRANGE.—The sales are—Ambergate, Nottingham, &e., 1% dis.— Birmingham and Oxford Junction, 5 p.—Blackburn and Preston, 514 p.— Direct Northern, 1 dis.—Edinburgh and Glasgow, llalves, $ l 4 p.—Glasgow and Dumfries, % dis.—Great Grimsby and Shdlleld Junction Extension, 31s. dis.—lluddersfleld and Manchester Railway and t 'anal, 2 1 4 p.—Ditto, Extension, 7-16 p.—Lancashire and North Yorkshire, 14 dis.—Leeds and Thirsk, 514 dis.—Leicester and Bedford, 11-16 dis.—Leicester and Birmingham, 19s. dis.—Liver pool and Bury, New Shares, 1 13.16 p.—Liverpool, Ormskirk, and Preston, 15.16 p.—Londen and Brighton, Fifths, 1214 p.—London and York, 1 dis.—Ditto, Extension, 1 dfs.—Manchester, Buxton, Matlock, and Midland, 15-16 p.—Manchester and Birmingham, 87% —Ditto, Quarters (U), 10% p.—Manchester and Leeds, Halves, 7 p. —North Staffordshire, 3 15-16 p.—Oldham, Birkenhead, &c., dis. Preston and Wyre Halves (A), 4i p.—Ditto, Extension, % dis.— Sheffield and Lincolnshire Junction, % dis.—Sheffield and Manches ter, Quarters, No. 1, p.—Dittc, ditto, No 3, 3-16 c. p.—Shrews bury and Birmingham, I ,t, p.—Shropshire Union Railway and Canal, 1 3.16 dis.— South-Eastern and Dover, No. 2, 6)4 p.—Ditto, Halves, No. , 15-16 p.—South Midland, % p. LEEDS:duLy 28, STOCK EXCHANGE.-The sales are-Blackburn and Preston, 5% p. cash -Eastern Counties, York Extension, 295. p.-East Lancashire, 5% p. cash -Huddersfield and Manchester, 2% p.-Ditto, Exensions, 3-4 p -Huddersfield and Sheffield, 7p. cash-Leeds and Bradford,43% p.-Leeds and Dewsbury, 2 p.-Ditto, Extensions, % dis.-Man cheater and Leeds Extensions, 2% p.-Newcastle and Berwick, 12% c. p.--Ditto, North Shields, 11 p. -Newcastle and Darlington Junc tion Extensions, 10% p.-Nortn British, Half Shares, 3% p.-Ditto, Carlisle Branch, 355. 6d. p.-South-Eastern and Dover, No. 4,17 s. Gd. p.-Direct .Northern, 235. dis.-East and West Yorkshire, 1% dis.-Lancashire and North Yorkshire, 225. dis.-Lancashire, York shire, and North Eastern, 445. dis.-Leicester and Bedford, 13s. dig. -Liverpool, Ortnskirk, and Preston, 235. p. - London and York, % dis.-Manchester, Buxton, Matlock, and Midland, 16s. Gd. p.- 'North Staffordshire, 3% r.—North Western, par-Shrewsbury and Birmingham, par- South Midland, 1 Is. p.-West Riding Union. 41. Ss. -York and Carlisle, 2% dis.-Yorkshire and Glasgow Union, 335. dis. NEWCASTLE-UPON-TYNE, Jars 28 STOCK EXCHANGE.—The sales are—Lancashire and North York shire, 21s. dis.—Leicester and Bedford, 14s. 6d. dis.—Maryport and Carlisle, par—North British, Halves (Ilawlek), 5 R p.—Ditto, ditto, Carlisle, 1% p.—North Staffordshire, 34 p.—Newcastle and Berwick, 12 p. SHEFFIELD, JULY 28. 'STOCK Excnsixot.—The sales are—London and Croydon, 23 Midland, 401. Shares, 14y, p.—Sheffield and Manchester, Quarter Shares, No. 3, scrip, par—East Lincolnshire, 19x. 6d. dis.—London and York, 1 dis.—Manchester, Midland, and Great Grimsby, 225. dis. —Sheffield and Lincolnshire, 10s. dis.—Sheffield, Rotherham, Wakefield and Goole, 20s. dis. HULL, JULY 23. STOCK EXCHANGE.—The sales are—Hull and Selby (10 per cent. guar.), Halves, 58Fi, —North British, Halves, 13%—Ditto, Carlisle Branch, 635. 6d.—York and North Midland, East and West Riding, 13% —Armagh, Coleraine, and l'ortrash, 14s. 6d.—Bandon and Bantry, 10s. 6d.—Buckinghamshire, % dis.—East Lincolnshire, 4s. 9d.—East Coast, 15s.—Grand Union, 13s. —Leicester and Bedford, Bs.—Leicester and Tamworth, 235. London and York, 32s.—Mal ton and Dritlield Junction, 47s.—Manchester, Buxton, Matlock, and Midland, 31. Os. 6d.--North Western, % dis.—North Staffordshire, 51. 10s. 9d.—South Midland, 9s. p.—Shrewsbury and Birmingham, 2% —Trent Valley Continuation, 41s.—West Riding Union, 41. 6s. 6d. — Yorkshire and Glasgow Union, 13s. JULY 28 _ . STOCK EXCEIANOE.—The sales are —Grand Union (Nottingham and Lynn), % -• Ipswich and Bury (Cambridge and Ely), 11. 6s.— Leicester anti Bedford, Bs. —London and York, 1/. 18s. M.—Man chester, Buxton, Matlock, and Midland, 21. 17s.—Newcastle and Berwick, 28—North British, Carlisle Extension, 3N—North Staf fordshire, s%—North Western, —South Midland, •'2l. 13s.—York and North Midland, East and West Riding Extension, 123 . EDINBUIMIi JULY 27. STOCK EXCIIANGE..-The sales are-Aberdeen, 8/. 155.--Aberdeen, Banff, and Elgin, 11. 35.--Airdrie and Ilathgate, 31. 75. -Arbroath and Forfar, 97/. 10s.-Ditto, Ralf Shares, 151. 10s.-Ayr and Gal low;iy, I/. Bs.-Batiffshire, 165.-British and Irish Union, 2/. Is. Gd. -Cale.h.nian, 13/. 7s. 6d.-Ditto, New, 168.--Caledonian Extension, 11. 12s. Gd.--Caledonian and Dumbarton, 1/. 25.-Caledonian and Northern Direct, 1/. 18s.-Clydesdale Junction, 22/. ss.- Direct Northern, 11. Os. Gd.-Dundee and Arbroath, 371-Ditto, New, 211. 55.-Dundee and Perth, 221. 7s. 6d.-East of Fife, 165.-Edin burgh and Batligate, 2/. 155.•-Edinburgh and Glasgow, 741. 103.- Ditto, Halt Shares, 181. 2s. Gd. - Ditto, Quarters, IS/. ss.- Ditto, ditto, New, 18/. 10s.-Edinburgh, Leith, and Granton, lb/.-Ditto, Preference, 201. ss.- Eailiburah and Northern, 81. 125.-Ditto, New port, Bs. Gd.- Edinburgh and Perth, 21. Is. -Forth and Clyde Junc tion, 1/. lbs.-Glasgow and Ayrshire, 75/.-Ditto, New Stock, 321. 10s.-Ditto, Quarter Shares, 18/. 10s.- Glasgow, Dumfries, and Car lisle, 11. 165.-Glasgow and Dundee Junction, 1/. 12s. 6d.-Glas gow and Garnkirk, 40/. 10s.-Glasgow and Greenock, 16/. lOs.- Ditto, New Stock, 81. 155.-Ditto Preference, 1/. 155.-Great Northof Scotland, 65.-Granton Junction, 10s.--Inverness and Elgin, 1/. Os. Gd.-London and York, 17s. 6d.-North British, 351.55.-Ditto, Halves, 13/. ss.- Ditto, Extension to Carlisle, 2/. 175.-Ditto, Exten sion to Dalkeith, 71.- Perth and Inverness, 1/. 125.-Scottish Cen tral, 19/. 155.-Ditto, New, 81. 10s.-Scottish Central and Caledo nian Junction, 1/. lOs -Scottish Midland, 71.-Scottish Southern, 1/. 175.-Stirling and Dunfermline, 11. 10s. qIASGOW, JULY 27. - STOCK EXCHANGE.—The sales arc—Airdrle and Bathgate, 665. Ayr and Galloway, 2Ss.—Caledonian Direct Northern, 40s.—Clydes dale Junction, 223 —Direct Northern, 20s.—East Indian Railway, tis.—Edinburgh and Glasgow, 741.--Edinburgh and llamilton Direct, 40s. 6d.—Glasgow and Belfast Union, 435. W.—Glasgow, Dum fries, and Carlisle, :Ms.—Glasgow, Kilmarnock, and Ardrossan, 255. W.—Great North of Scotland, 7s.—Larne, Belfast, and Ballymena, 10s.—Lesinahagow, 595. Gd.—Manchester and Southampton, 278. Scottish Central, 19 —Ditto, New, Si. Gs. W.—Scottish Grand Junction, 10s.— Scottish Southern, 39s.—South Midland, 515. 6d. GREENWICH WATER3IEN'S PIER. At an early hour yesterday morning, a number of persons assembled at Garden-stairs, Greenwich, to witness the pro ceedings taken by Mr. Saunders, the water-bailiff, in remov ing and taking forcible possession of the Watermen's float ing pier. The proceedings, it appears, arose out of a summons issued in October last to William Watkins, and 16 others, for plac • ing certain barges in the Thames, so as to cause an obstruc tion. The question had been adjourned from time to time, had been argued by counsel, and ultimately referred to the navigation committee. On Saturday last, Mr. M. Saunders, the water-bailiff, caused notices to be served on the defendants, that he should on Tuesday, (yesterday) attend and take steps to remove the ' pier to the Commercial Docks. Yesterday morning, at an early hour, the watermen were in attendance at Garden Stairs, awaiting the arrival of the water-bailiff. Precisely at seven o'clock the St. 'Michael steam tug, and the Peacock lighter, brought to opposite the Salutation Tavern. At this time Mr. Malls leux, the superintendent of the R division of police, was on the spot with a few men under his orders, having a large body in reserve at the station house in case of an outbreak, which was anticipated. On the water, a number of police galleys followed the steam tug, and kept at hand in case their services were needed. The houses in front of the river were fully occupied by per sons expecting to see force opposed to the removal of the pier. Such, however, was not the case, and a dozen of the pierowners let go their chains and anchors and removed the stages, when the floating pier drifted with the tide upon the dummies and steam-boats lying in front. The water-bailiff placed a rope from the tug and drew them outside. Those on board the monkey barge, believing they were being taken to the Commercial Dock, one of their number with a hatchet cut the hawser by which the barge was attached to the tug, and thus left themselves drifting with the tide down the river. When off Greenwich Hospital they threw out a spare anchor, and were brought up. The next flood tide saw their moorings shifted to an anchorage opposite Garden-stairs, where, at particular states of the tide, passengers embark and land over the Queen steamer, placed near the stairs for a receiving vessel. Parties connected with the pier attended before the navigation committee yesterday, to obtain per. mission to replace their pier, but without success. A public meeting will shortly be held on the subject , at which the Members for the borough have promised to attend. In the mean time the greatest excitement prevails. BRIGHTON, JULY 28 —Lord Powcrscourt arrived from Paris yesterday, by the steamer, from Dieppe. At the last concert of the Royal Academy of Music a young and accomplished vocalist, Miss Anninelli Chess man, made her debut; of whose f u t ure pos i t i on on the musi cal stage—for which, after visiting Italy, she is intended by her friends—both amateurs and cognoscenti entertain a high estimate. Besides a vocal org an o f muc h sweetness, bril liancy, and extensive register, she is distinguished by those qualities fitted for stage effect, histrionic talent, universally regular features, and handsome person. MARY oF MODENA, CONSORT OF JAMES IL—The Ninth Volume of Miss Strickland's " Lives of the Queens of England" is to be published with the Magazines at the end of the present month. It will comprise the Life of Mary of Modenr, the amiable Consort of the unfortunate Jaynes 11. The Lite of this Queen is likely to prove one of the most valuable of the series, the materials being derived from sources hitherto closed to the English reader. A large por tion of them has been taken from an unpublished Diary kept by one of the Nuns of Chaillot, with whom Mary of Modena was in constant and friendly communication. Many other important details are derived from manuscripts preserved among the Royal Archives of France, access to which. with various other valuable privileges, have beat alrorded the authoress by M. Guizot. [ADVERTISENENT.]—THE RAJAH Or TRA.VANconE Awn IloLLowl.r3 OIN - T3tz.NT.—On the 11th of July, IS4G, Professor Holloway was honoured with an order for six of the largeit pots of Holloway's Ointment, from no less a person than his Royal highness the Rajah, or reigning sovereign of Travancore, through the eminent firm of Messrs. J. Cockburn and Co., East India merchants, No. 11, New Broad-street, London. The ointment, it appears, is for the personal use of the Rajah, and will be employed under the super intendence of his private physician. Holioway's ointment Is sold all over India, being a certain cure ior ulcers, wounds, sores, and abscesses, (liven if of twenty Mrs — Stand:4, and maybe obtained pintaE24 rro— "°r. t 2 44 , Strallat - L011d0134 itall c( every mediclno Vendor. COURT cm CUL. AR. The Queen will hold a Privy Council!' on Saturday igh la _ afternoon, at three o'clock, at Buckin g :ham Palace. Their Majesties the Queen and the weon of the Bel gians, accompanied by their Royal Highness 'S the Prince of Wales and the Princess Royal, took an airit.'e cl yeter e dap in an open carriage and four. His Royal 1-2.. nests Prince Albert was on horseback, and the Equert. jest in Waiting, Colonel Arbuthnot and Lieutenant Colt - rid Seymour, attended on horseback. His Royal Highness Prince Albert, attended by Mr.. George Edward Anson, went yesterday forenoon to w meeting at the office of the Duchy of Cornwall in So merset House. Her Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent visited their Majesties the King and Queen of the Belgians yesterday. His Royal Highness the Duke of Cambridge visited his Majesty the King of the Belgians yesterday .4-Buck inghana Palace. 'Their Royal Highnesses the Prince of Wales, Ert nce Alfred, the Princess Royal, and the Princess Alice U .ok an airing yesterday in an open carriage and four, acOlai 71 " panied by the Dowager Lady Lyttelten. Their Majesties the King and Queen of the Belgians visited her Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent at. Clarence House, and their Royal Highnesses the Duchess of Cambridge, and the Hereditary Grand Duchess of Mecklenburg Strelitz, at Cambridge House. Their Ma jesties alio visited her Royal Highness the Duchess of Gloucester, at Gloucester House, yesterday. Her Majesty and Prince Albert and the King and Queen of the Belgians honoured the Italian Opera with their presence yesterday evening. The royal suite in cluded the Countess of Gharlemont, the Countess Vilain XIV., Lady Caroline Cocks, Hon. Miss Devereux, the Earl of Morley, Major h d'Hanins de Moerkevke, Colonel Arbuthnot, and Lieutenant;-Colonel Seymour. Her Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent also honoured the performance of the Opera with her presence. The Countess of Charlemont has stweeeded the Countess of Desert as the Lady in Waiti:ng to the Queen. The Earl of Morley has succeeded L0r,. 4 Byron as the Lord in Waiting to her Majesty, and Captat.' , the lion. Alexander Nelson Hood has succeeded Cole 'net Berkeley Drummond as the Groom in Waiting to he Majesty. Their Royal Highnesses the Duchess of Gloucester and the Duke of Cambridge left town yesterday, to honour the Archbishop of York with a visit, at his seat, Nunehain• park. Their Royal Highnesses the Duchess of Cambridge, and Prince George, and the Hereditary Grand Duke and Grand Duchess of Mecklenburg Strelitz, attended by Baroness Ahlefeldt and Baron Knesebeelt, honoured the performance of the Italian Opera with their presence last evening. A deputation of Scotch bankers, beacled by Mr. Bouverie and Mr. Dennistoun, ZtLY. f. r Glasgow, had an interview with the Chancellor of the EXchequer yesterday, at his official residence in Downing-street. Mr. E. Wodehouse and a deputation of upwards of seventy gentlemen on the subject of the Malt Tax, had an interview with Lord John Russell and the Chancellor of the Exchequer yesterday, at the official residence of the Noble Lord i❑ Do Nning-street. General Napier (Governor of Guernsey) had an ir&- terview with Sir George Grey, yesterday, at the Home office. Mr. Alderman Bancroft, Mr. William Hill, Mr, Clegg, and Mr. James Loy, of Manchester, had an in terview with the Right Hon. T. Milner Gibson, yester-- day, at the office of the B , ard of Trade. Sir Patrick Stuart had an interview with Earl Grey, yesterday, at the Colonial•t,ffiee. Lord Monteagle and Mr. J. Abel Smith had inter view: with the Earl of Clarendon yesterday, at the office of the Board of Trade. The Ecclesiastical Commissioners for England had a' Committee-meeting yesterday. There were . present then Bishop of Rochester and the Right Hon. John IsTicholl, Mr. John Wood, Chairman of the Excise, and a. deputation of London corn distillers, hkd an interview,, yesterday, with the Chancellor of the Exchequer. Dr. Headlam had an interview with Earl Grey at tbe Colonial office yesterday. Mr. Gill, M.P., Mr. Frean, and Mr. Staveley, had an interview yesterday with the Right Hon. T. Milner Gibson. The Marquis of Clanricarde left town yesterday for Goodwood, Sussex. HER MAJEST Y'S THEATRE. Last evening Donizetti's Opera Buffs, Don Gregorio or, L'Ajo hell 'lnzb3razzo, was produced for the first time. This is one of the earliest of Donizetti's operas, having been produced at Rome in 1822. The plot is well known to the English public as the plot of the popular farce of The Scapegoat. Don Gregorio (Lehladle) is tutor to the two suns of Count Giulio (Fornasari).. Count Guilio, who has a pious horror of precocious. youths, has brought up these two sons, Enrico (Mario), and Pippetto (F. Lablache), in the greatest seclusion, and although they are twenty-five years of age, both tutor and father believe they are mere boys Enrico, however, has not only found opportunity to fell in love, but he has actually become a husband and re father ; his wife Gilda (Madame Castellan) being in the , neighbourhood with her infant child. Pippetto, who to half an idiot, has also fallen in love with Leonard*: ' (Madame Ballina), the cook of the establishment.- And thus do matters stand at the commencement of the piece. The curtain draws up, and we find Don Gregorio master of the establishment, giving a lesson to Pippetto, who, ever and anon is making sly love to Leonarda. Enrico enters ; he is melancholy ; and the al is dent, ee of Enrico, an exquisite melody, beau tifully given by Mario, contains the germ of the celebrated serenade in Don Pasquale. It is a beautiful air, and, perhaps, is to be preferred to the serenade of which it is the protiitype, for, albeit the serenade may be the more perfect musical composition, yet there is a freshness about the original aria for which the most rrfect science cannot compensate. The father, Don Giulio (admirably noted by Fornasari), now enters, arid Don Gregorio is in the greatest consternation. Ho knows of the love of Enrico for souse one, but does not inform Don Giulio of the fact. .Don Giulio haves him, and Pippetto comes in to say his lesson. Don Guilio answers him a tort et a !ravers he is absorbed in the all-important communi cation from Enrico that he is in love. Pippetto at length bursts into crying and sobbing, and Gregorio, in the most laughable manner possible, mocks him, And at length drives him to his room, having tried in vain to conciliate him by presents of sponge cake and ginger bread. This scene, which was admirably acted by Lea Lablaches, pare ct fils, elicited roars of laughter. Enrico now informs Gregorio of the worst ; he intro duces to him his wife Gilda (Madame Castellan). Guilio is heard approaching, and Gregorio consents to hide Gilds, in his room. Don Guilio observes the embarrassed manner of Gregorio, but at length he quits the scene. Greg irio joins Gilds, but s: e insists on quitting tee mansion of Guilio, to join her child. It is impossible for her to leave the mansion without discovery, and as a pis alter Gregorio consents to go himself and to bring to ner the child. She is joined by her husband during his absence, and in this scene is introduced a duet full of the most exquisite melody, which was beautifully sung by Mario and C,stellan. In the meantime Guilio has re ceived information, through Leonarda, that the seeming virtuous Gregurio has actually a lady concealed in his room ; he enters, and Enrico has just time to 'hide himself behind a screen. Guilio, how evA-, haS no opportunity of escape, and a spirited trio between Castellan, Fornasari, and Mario is given in this scene. Gregorio enters with the child; he is taxed with his' baseness by Giulio, but be ex plains all, and the father :consents to the union Kof Enrico with Gilds. Emboldened by this happy issue of his brother's love affair, Pippetto advances, and, falling on his knees, asks his father's c snsent to his union with the old Duenna Leonarda. Of course his request is met with roars of laughter, and old Leonarda says that she has only encouraged the addresses of Pippetto _to pr esent p vent his going astray ; and she is composi- Lion.confirmednd Pippetto l weeping to bed. The finale poor is a beautiful It is sung by Madame Castellan. The e r isln her place as gouvernante, while larghetto was given with great taste and feeling. In the stretta which follows, although the key is the same, the measure is changed, it is full of spirit, and the) fioriture of Madame Castellan was exquisitely beautiful,. adorning without overloading the original melody. The artistes were all called for at the conclusion, and were honoured with the usual ovation, The music of this opera, albeit not perhaps so elaborate as the mn-ic of Donizetti's later compositions, is far more spirited and pleasing. When he composed this opera he had sot begun to write merely for money, and there is about it the true inspiration of genius. The Don Gregorio of the elder Lablache is quite equal to his Don Pasquale, and the Pippetto of the young Lablache is by far the best thing that he has yet done ; his actiug as an overgrown boy was one of the richest things ever seen. Tho deep voce di tremolo of Fornasari told admirably in the part of the testy old man, which he acted to the life; and Mario as the jeune amoureux, and Castellan as his bethrothed, were all that could be desired. Take it for all in all Don Gregorio is one of the pleasanteit operas of the season. There is a freshness, a vigour, a joyousness about it that is thoroughly—we will not say merely Italian, but Neapolitan. It is worthy of him who has given us L'Elisir d'Amore and Don Pasquale. Cimarosa himself -(that incarnation of the genius of opera buffo) need act have been ashamed of it. The Judgment of Paris, with the Pas des Messes followed, It is not for mere mortals to sit in judgment upon deities. Delighted beyond expression were we at witnessing the trial of the cause. Adhuc sub judice lie eat, and so it will continue. Even at the end of the season the judges will decree that, as at present advised, they can come to no deci sion, but must wait for further evidence ; and while the trial itself is so delightful, there is no more probability of judgment than there would be in a Chancery suit where the estate can afford to pay costs. Her Majesty and his Royal Highness Prince Albert accem • panied by their Majesties, the King and Queen of the Belgians and suite, honoured the performances with their presence, and the house was crowded by the elite of the aristocracy. • THE MODERN thiLemoo.—The name of this new Poem might give the idea of its being an imitation of the famous Orlando Furioso—but the title appears to be the only thing borrowed from Ariosto. The Italian poem is well known to be a collection of the romances of chivalry—, the fights of gallant warriors—the escapes of handsome-he mines— and the extravagance of middle-age magic. The Modern Orlando is also a series of adventures, but on a wholly different plan. It exhibits a kind of tour through. all the remarkable scenes and showy cities of Europe, in terspersed with characteristic stories, ai:d occasional sketches of the loading personages of the day _among which are those of Lord John Russell, Lords Brougham. Lyndhurst,o Melbourne, Morpeth, Stanley, and Greys Wellington and Richmond, & e • the Dukes o f GROUND U. rxrE THE MARYLETSONE CLUB' AND COUNTY OF NORFOLK-7-T h d to itieizaimatch wasl rene wed V4e 4 teramat yesterday is at.Lerd's, and was contuaue W-aur or Lilo Club by a aiaparg f'4