The Sun. — London, England, 1846-06-13 00:00:00

year 1771 there had been no free trade in the country, with the exception of distinct periods, when Mr. Fox was Prime Minister in England, and Neckar ruled the destinies of France. He admitted that in his opinion this measure would have been better if its operation bad been more g radual—if persons had been less t a k en by s u r p r ise ; but he blamed no one, only he thought it would have disarmed suspicion, it would have saved them some trouble in carrying this measure to a conclusion, if they had taken the enure° that he had adverted to. He was for the total repeal, b-eause he thouabt it was a final act; he trusted this measure would be passed because it would restore confi dence to the commercial relations of this great country. The Noble Lord might be aware that there were millions of money locked up which would not be in use till this question was, finally di , posed of. Not one guinea went out then, hut if they were making this question final, and settling it, every one of those guineas that were now looked up would go out for the purpose of land, for leasing property, and for improvement. These were his reasons for supporting this question, and he Would, therefore, support the motion fur the House going into Committee. The Duke of RICHMOND said that it had not been his in tention to take up the time of the House on that evening, and he was. therefore, glad that he had given place to the Male and Learned Lord, and he was the more glad of it, because, although the Noble and Learned Lord's speech was not very full of argument, it was still an amusing di , play. He should not, however, have risen that night were it not for the attack which had been made on him by the Right Rev. Prelate (the Bishop of Oxford). He had listened with great pleasure to the Right Rev. Prelate. He could well understand the gratitude which he felt towards Sir Robert Peel. He thought the Right Rev. Prelate should not have alluded to the meetings in the terms he did, of the peasants drinking healths out of empty The Bishop of OXFORD reFe to explain. Anything which he might have said he hoped would not be considered as offen sive to a Noble Lord. With reference to the meeting, what heintended to say was that the proper way to discover the real feelings of the peasantry was to follow them to their homes, and not to judge of their feelings by their manner at these public meetings. The amendment was then withdrawn, and the House ad journed at two o'clock till Monday next, when the House will go into Committee. HOUSE OF COMMONS, June 12. The STRAKER took the Chair at Four o'clock. NEWCASTLE-UPON-TYNE IMPROVEMENT BILL This Bill was read a third time and passed. REPORTS. The following reports were brought up and agreed to, and the Bills ordered to be engrossed :—Ardrossan Municipal, Police and Improvement—Enfield and Edmonton Railway— Haleswcrth and Norwich Railway—lpswich and Bury St. Edmund's Railway (Norwich Extension)—lpswich, Norwich, and Yarmouth Railway—Lowestoft and Beccles Railway and Drainage—Norfolk Railway Extension ( Stowmarket,Wymond ham, and Attleborough Branch)—North Wales Mineral Rail sray—Waveney Valley and Great Yarmouth Railway—West London Railway Improvement and Extension. EDINBURGH PAVING BILL. Mr. GREENE moved that the Edinburgh Paving Bill, Which stood for the third reading on Wednesday, the 10th, be read a third time on Monday, the 15th day of this instant June ; and that standing order No. 121, as far as relates to certain amendments on schedules (D) and (E), rendered ne cessary by alterations of the numbers of the sections, be then =wade.—The motion was agreed to. _ MIDLAND RAILWAY. Mr. GREENE moved that it be an instruction to the Com tf►ittee on Group No. 31, to entertain all petitions aarainst the Midland Railway ( Birmingham and Gloucester Branches) Bill, which have been presented to the House on or before Friday, the sth day of this instant June.—Agreed to. The motion was agreed to. PORTSMOUTH HARBOUR PIER BILL. This Bill was read a third time and passed. SIR GEORGE DUNBAR'S ESTATE BILL. This RIII was read a third time and passed. LObIDON AND SOUTH-WESTERN RAILWAY ACTS AMENDMENT BILL. This Bill was also read a third time and pacsed. LIVERPOOL SANAT ARY REGULATIONS BILL. Sir HOWARD DOUGLAS moved the third reading of this Bill, which was agreed to and paced. GLASGOW, AIRDRIE, AND MONKLAND JUNC TION RAILWAY BILL. This Bill was read a third time and passed. LEITH PAVING BILL. This Bill was read a third time and paved. SOUTHPORT IMPROVEMENT BILL. The Lords' amenelments on this Bid were considered and agreed to. YORK IMPROVEMENT BILL. On the motion of Mr. B. DENISON, this Bill was read a third time. Up to five o'clock the time of the House was occupied in the reception of petitions on private affairs. EDUCATION IN WALES. Mr. WILLIAMS presented a petition from a place in Rad norshire, praying the House to take into consideration the state of education in Wales. RAILWAYS. Capt. POLHILL gave notice that on Friday next, he should move for the appointment of a Select Committee to inquire into and report upon certain TOBACCO railway BDUTIES .iIIs new before Parliament. Dr. BOW-RING moved for copies of memorials on the sub ject of the tobacco duties, addressed to the First Lord of the Treasury, on the 9th day of December, 1845, and the 31st day of January, 1846, which was agreed to. LAW OF SETTLEMENT. Mr. T. BARING presented a petition against any alteration in the law of settlement. THIRD READINGS. Tl.e following Bills were read a third time and passed olßlesinton's Estate ; Glasgow, Airdrie, and Monkland Junction Railway ; Guildford, Chichester, and Portsmouth Railway- (No. 21; Leith Paving ; Lesmahagow Dalserf, and Coatb r id je Mineral Junction Railway; Liverpool Sanatory Regulations; London and South Western Railway Acts Amend- Inept ; Nowcastle-upon-Tyne Improvement ; Portsmouth Harbour Pier ; Sir George Dunbar's Estate ; Worcester New G as ; York Improvement. REPORTS. The reposes on the following Bills were considered and agreed to:— Glasgow Municipal, Police and Statute Labour; Newport and Pillgwenlly Waterworks ; Lough Swill) , and Lough Foyle Draining and Embanking. The Lords' a mersdinent on the Southport Improvement Bill Was taken into consideration and rejected. DIWPPED ORDERS. The dropped orders Df the day for yesterday were re appointed. PROT ECTION OF LIFE (IRELAND) BILL. On the motion that the order of the day for this Bill be read, THE LATE POISONING IN NORFOLK. An H O N. MEDIBEIS wished to ask the Right Honourable Baronet the Secretary for the Herne Department whether he could sa y if any report had been received at the Horne-office with respect to the recent cases of poison tng in the county of Norfolk, and also, whether t might not he proper that the Registrar-General should Issue instructions to the registrars of the districts not to issue "Y certificate of burial in cases of sudden death where no in quest had been held ? Sir J. GRAHAM said that the circumstance to which the Hof. Gentleman referred had been the subject el investi ton before the coroner, and he believed that investigation closed, but he had not yet received the result of it. W ith reference to the registrars of dea th, it was their dut y obtain the certificate of the householder of the place in which death. Positive occurred, containing a st atement of the cause of Positive instructions had been issued to the registrar , to be. cautious in the performance of t he duty , but still it was lo t th __the duty of those persons to refuse to enter any death. He teu enter any death on his entertaining any suspicion would he ritatious and reprehensible. He must take that opportunity st a si n _ to the House what he thought a very serious- helceuse of g complaint, arising from the i n f r equ e n c y of in q uests e " in this country. It app eared that no less than twenty persons haei died as there was reason to believe from the vets of poison adrainistered by one individual, and yet no in quet.t had been held in any case. The law with regard to holding an inquest was, that any party having rea son to suspect that the death occurr-d under unfair eircumetances, was entitled to call upon the Coroner to hold an inquest. It was the duty of every constable in every pares • h if he had reason to believe that the death occurred , under suspicious c ircumstances, to call upon the coroner to per form his functions. In the last few years, however, so much jealousy had arisen at the quarter sessions in re ference t o the charges of coroners, the p a y ment of those charges had been so muc h grumbled at, that inquests had no t be en h e ld i n many cases in which by the law of the country they ought to have been. Tne magistrates of the county of Devon have come to the resol ution not to allow costs of any inqu es t i n Which the verdict of the jury should be " Died by th e visitation of God." This case was now under th e consideration of the Cour t of Queen's Bench, to nch, and during th a t Pelriod many representa tions had been made the Homeb Office with regard to cases in w hich inquests oug ht to have een held. As soo n a s the magistrates came to this resolution, one of the coroners o f the county of Devon brought the case under the consideration of the Court he had referred to. Such a resolution was hostile to the performance of the duty of the coroner, and 'nquests had not been held where they should have been held. Tlei s wa s a most serious grievance ; and though he could not adopt the suggestion of the lion. Member with reference to the registrar, he agreed that some alteration in the law was neces stry to remedy this evil. IRISH COERCION BILL. On time order of the day for resuming the adjourned debate on thi s Bill being read, M r . O'CONNELL expressed his regret that he was unable to att en a last night to hear the speech of the Noble Lord (the Earl of Lincoln). He should have had great pleasure in lis tening to t h a t s peech, characterised as it was by atone and temper which was entitled to his warmest approval. Had he been pre sent he should have fe;t it his duty to say a few words upon the _subject. H e wou ld now , however, take t he libert y of saying that his Bill was mere ly prospective, and w as not calculated to meet the evil s w hi c h a t p r esent existed in th at countr y . Now, the great object was t o produce tranquillity in lrelaud. Lord Hear,. hers.) He wished to call the attention of the Noble L to the tenant-right in Ulster, which was the source of the great prosperity and tranquillity hich existed in that part of Ireland. This Bill did nothingfo r that, and he therefore sub mitted to the Noble Lord that i the law as it at pre sent stood required considerabl e POOR LA T N povernent on that head. Mr. CHRISTIE said he wished to LAWS, the Right Honour the Home Depart able Baronet the Secretary of State wr who were ment a question relative to two poor circumstances of 'an unions, with ex pelled from the Bakewell and Letrueryn ppliedbeen their two illegitimate childroeant,uruen.derThcei37ll l and , confined ulsierisvth clothes extraordinary and distressing re the children in the union, and their children were eu p would ex be while they remained there ; but on their were stripped of their clothin4. It that the Right Honourable Baronet, in axis towermernbered of his question, read an extract from letter addressed by the Poor-law Commissioners to the masters of union workhouses, in which they were recomrnende:t that on emergenciea like those he had stated to supply women with clothing for their infante.—( Hear.) He would' ask the Right Hon. Baronet the ' , ecre'ary of S. ts two ques:.ions The first was, whether he was aware of the, existence of a letter from the Poor-law Commiss.eners pre vious to ttie Bth of April, directing that no clothine should be given to infants on leaving the workhouse? The second was, whetilier he was aware that, when he stated that the Poor-law Commi-sionere had taken a legal opinion upon the subject of the construction of the clause in the Poor law Act, relating to this subjeat, they had not received any opinion from any legal adviser upon the subject, except from their Assistmnt-C.lrmis s ioners Sir J. GRAHAM —With reference to the first question he would say that the whole of the correspondence had been moved for, and wcsuld be laid upon the table of the House in a few d ays. Witeh reference to the second question, he would say that a case lead been submitted to the Attorney and Solicitor- Generals mil Mr. Clarkson, but he declined to lay such opinion upon the talole of the House. MESSAGE FROM THE LORDS. Messengers from the Lords brought down the following Bills, 'which their Lorifehies had agreed to .—Viscount Hardinge's Annlef • ty (No. 2) 5.111-11ilston Gas Bill—Greenlaw Roads 13111 — Westruther Ro a d Bill—Liverpool and Harrin g ton Water- Work, mu—.Gollon IneiQaure Bill—Airdrie Police THE SUN ! LONDON, SATURDAY _EVENING, JUNE 13,. 1846. donian Insurance Company Bill—City of London Coal Market and Improvement Bill—Graveaend and Milton Waterworks Bill—Plymouth, Devonport, and Stonebouse Railway Nil, without amendment—Friendly Societies Bill—Liverpool Docks Bill—Warrington Waterworks Bill—Kendal Union Gas and Water Bili—Po•t Ellen Harbour Bill—Scottish Midland Grand Junction Railway Bill—CofclmsterYStour, Valley, &c., Rail way Bill—Hartlepool Gas and Waterworks Bill—Stowmarket Navigation Bill—Lincoln Waterworks Bill, with amendments. And to the amendment to the amendments to Clyde Dock and Harbour Bill, without amendment. That they hav,s passed a Bill, intituied, " An Act f ,, r makinz two several por tions of a Rails , ay Communication from Dublin to Enniskillen, with a Branch to Bel'urbet," Also, a B 11, intituled, "An Act to enable the Londonderry and Enniskillen Railway Com pany to alter and extend the line of the said railway, to make a Branch therefrom to the town of Omagh, and to amend the Act relating thereto " PROTECTION TO LIFE (IRELAND) BILL. Mr. ROSS said that he had given a silnit vote against the first reading of this Bill. He had listened, with the closest attention, to the statement made by the Right Hon. Baronet, tend had finally, on considering the circumstances put forward, felt it his duty to give such a vote. His vote had not been given on account of the severity of the Bill, nor was it on account of the inconvenience it would occasion to the dis trict placed under its operation. It was not on account of the innocent persons who would be inconvenienced, for he thought that if a Government was convinced of the strong necessity for such a measure—if they did find it necessary to depart from the laws and consti tution of the country—it was the part of a wise states man to adopt such measures as would most speedily re store tranquillity. He had heard, in the first instance, a long bead•r'll of atrocious crimes committed; bnt the Go vernment had now changed their grounds, and the Noble Lord, the Secretary for Ireland, had brought forward a list from which the more atrocious crimes were carefully omitted and the smaller species of offences had been alleged. Would the Government pretend that such offences as those alleged in the Act before him were a sufficient justi fication for the application of such a measure?— 'could it have been done in Scotland or England? Every one knew that the more serious crimes had been very much on the decrease lately. Even if they were not, would such a measure restrain those assassins who committed these crimes in the broad noonday 2—( Cries of " Hear.") The Noble Lord (the Earl of Lincoln) had admitted that a great portion of the offences which were committed in Ireland took their origin from agrarian causes. If they had equal rights with England with regard to electo rial and municipal matters, and ecclesiastical arrangements, based upon common sense, and agreeable to the fselings of the great majority of the people of Ireland, they weuld want no coercion, nor would England hear so much of her complaints and crimes. He believed that an Irishman was too contented an animal ; he thought it would be better for his interest if he was not so. If he had but a roof over his head, and could meet his friends with a good basket of potatoes and salt, he would be as happy as any Hon. Member in that House. The external situation of the Irish people was similar to the condition of the French peasants under their seioneurs and Norman barons in the middle ages , . The first remedy which he thought should be adopted for this state of things was a just and equitable arrangement of the question of compensation to tenants, and a fair adjustment of the law of tenant rights. Many Hon. Gentlemen had taken great, interest in the waste lands' question. He believed that by a wise legislation on that subject much substantial good could be effected to the peasantry of Ireland, and a race of yeomen raised up which, instead of becoming convicts, would be in time an ornament to the country. If measures of amelioration and improvement failed to produce their proper effect, then there might be some grounds for the strong hand of power to interpose. He hoped they would soon see the dawn of better days and better times for Ireland. In deed he thought, from the present tone of the Legislature to wards that unfortunate country, that improvements would =oon develope themselves, and the people become more contented with their conditi',n, and more patient under suffering. Mr. 41. MILNES said that. the Bill had come down to them under rather curious circumstances. It was to the moral effect of the measure, and not to its political effects, they had been told to look. They had further been told that it was not desirable for them to reject the consideration of the measure which had been proposed to them. He conceived that of late circumstances had changed. If the effect of the proposed Bill was to put down the outrages which, unfortunately, had taken plate in various parts of Ireland, hew was it that the Iri>h Members, who might be supposed to be laet acquainted with the means of suppressing those outrages, were one and all of them stronelv opposed to the Bill ? A measure of the present kind derived a great deal of its authority from the parties who promoted it, and he did hope that if the Ministers retired from office on this unhappy question they would go with the conviction that this measure had not been calculated to do justice to Ireland. The direct consequences of the rejection of the Bill would be, perhaps, the resignation of the Ministry ; but should such an event happen, he would maintain the opinion which he had all along maintained, that it would not be injurious either to the Ministers themselves or to the country. —( Hear, hear.) If the Bill were lost it would be by the co-operation of those Hon. Gentlemen who had all along been most severe in the policy pursued towards Ireland. He hoped the time would come when the Irish Ministers would consider themselves as linked in one, and regard themselves as a part of one great and undivided empire, under the beneficent rule of one sovereign. Mr. P. SCROPE observed, that her Majesty's Government contemplated a double object in their proposed measure ; viz., to put an end to criminal outrage ' and, secondly, to protect life in Ireland. It was said that disaffection in Ireland was a chronic disease, but the disease did not exist in the outrages but in the cause of them. These outrages, it was universally admitted could not be ascribed to sectarian or political feelings ; to what cause, then, were they to be ascribed? • It was to the struggle for the means of existence which was going on among the peasantry of Ireland. They had not a right to life; there fore, they endeavoured to secure that right by combinations among themselves, which eventually led to outrage. It had been stated that not one-sixth of the outrages were agrarian, were not connected with land ; but it would appear by Lord Devon's Commission that at least five-sixths were agrarian. The evidence of Colonel Miller would not bear out the state ments of the Noble Lord. ( The Hon. Member here referred to the statements of the Gallant Colonel, with reference to outrages resultng from the enforoomant of the claims of con acre, and which he considered as purely of an agrarian cha racter.) The Hon. Member considered, that out of the 895 crimes alluded to by the Noble Lord in the report, as com mitted in the counties of Leitrim, Clare, Limerick, Ros common, and Tipperary, 490 of them were agrarian outrages. Lord LINCOLN—There are 1,120 cases mentioned in the report. Mr. P. SCROPE had perhaps omitted a page, or by mis take turned over two at once. It would not, however, affect his argument, the mistake would be as good for one side as the other.—( Laughter.) The Hon. Member went on to say that he considered a considerable number of outrages, contained in the report under the head of " cause unknown," arose from the present high price of provisions ; indeed, he thought that nine-tenths of them could be included under that head. Extracts were read by the Hon. Member from the minutes of the evidence taken before Lord Devon's Com mission tending to show the large majority of the cases of agrarian outrage over every other form of outrage, and the in disposition of persons to give evidence against any persons committing these outrages. He (Mr. P. Scrope) contended that the proposed measure would not stop these outrages. The Rill was called " Protection to Life " Bill. The Government should remember that life in Ireland was destroyed by other means than that of the assassin. The system of effecting wholesale clearances such as those which had lately been made upon Mr. Gerard's estate was literally a sentence of death upon these poor persons. They had nowhere to go, they could not be on the highways nor lie in the ditches. Dr. Doyle had traced thirty families, who had been ejected by this means, who had been compelled to crowd together in a small hovel, where the foul air generated fever and other fatal diseases, and in a short time only te-enty-one of the thirty families were left alive. He did not blame the landlords for making use of the power which the present law gave them. He blamed the law which gave such power to the landlords, and did not afford any protection to the helpless evicted tenantry. Landlords thought themselves justified, and were entitled by the law to do so, if they thought it benificial to their interests, to clear their estates of a number of their tenantry, and leave them, in con sequence of that Act, to starve or perish for want. It was not to the interest of the landlord himself that he should do so. Such was the state of things in Ireland •, and he maintained that while the people of that country paid their rents, and cultivated their farms, it was most improper that they should be driven off in the manner which had been the case with so many. As an illustration of how the landlords of Ireland ought to conduct themselves, he would refer to the case of a landlord in the county of Kildare,_ who, finding that the t enan t s on hi s estate could not meet their engagements or pay their rents under their old arrangements, set about to make a new arrangement. He did not drive the poor creatures forth, but instead of doing so, he remodelled and consolidated his farms, and set those that were disposed, to work on the waste lands. Not a single person did he evict. A gentleman who visited the locality last year, described the parties set to labour on these waste lands as in a very flourishing condition. Another gentleman, in the county of Galway, in the management of his estate, had acted in a similar manner. This was' the way in which the landlords of Ireland ought to conduct themselves.— (Hear, hear.) The land of Ireland could not only support the present population, but five times the number. Professor Kane and Mr. Blacker had shown, that by the present sy s t em of agriculture it could support forty millions of peaple. The land, therefore, was useful for the maintenance of the people, and the landowners ought to be coerced to allow the people to cultivate the soil, instead of driving them forth. He had spoken strongly on the subject, but he considered it was ne cessary that correct opinions should be placed before the House on the question of the state of Ireland. The labours of the Devon Commission, as well as all other inquiries, had shown that the contest for subsistence, and the mode in which property was employed, were at the bottom of nearly all the outrages that prevailed. He was satisfied that before long public opinion would operate to bring about a healthy and proper state of feeling on the important question on which he had occupied the attention of the House. Lord BERNARD protested against the reflections employed against the landlords of Ireland as proceeding from ignorance of the real state of things in that country.—(Cheers.) He was q uitep l e a r n su d ad w e e d re th q at ai t t h e e air well disposed iospfeestieductantionnetanhdumsatanne.liy inc. in Ire . . and " considerately towards their tenantry as an y l andlords of the same class in this country. To show the inflJerce for good of the in atvenerable which Judge Burton, who resided (Cork ), he wou gn t l d e ry refer of t t n h a e l e a h r a g r e g e y le e o n u f n t the of the county, which duct of the landlords residinghe in Hear, hear.) But sup posingwho in it complimented th a e it g ri r b an ni d e t d 'u t r n y t o h n e th nh e a p r e a a e c te e r ab a le nd na c t n u n re . Ireland till that was no them, s had described for Stroud (Mr. Scrape) i the landlords of were such as the Hon. Member the outrages of the valid objection to this Bill. He supported stuhpeported the Bill because he honestly believed it nece s sa r y protection of life and pro perty in Ireland, and calcslated to prevent well-disposed counties of that country. A put it to the Noble Lord five count i es com pl s ine I of extending to H tn e e , p u e n a i c r e r a i l e )l d e the as an Irisn Member, and he the Member for Lynn, to consider it calmly , and not he led away f rom any feeling of hostility to the policy of the Govern- Ireland since he Rill was in reent on another question, t d y protection to the ' , Perla of Ireland. The N' - ible Lord ' had o' s n iiid . ,I):tt crime had reduced in Bill was no the result of the mural necessary ; bat to that he (Lord Bernard) a v l vzi fl d say was not that improvement .roduced, and that the the House of Lords?—( Hear, of the measure having passed to he put into full effect, it c r o ' u h l I nn be ) If iit deniedwetrheantotihreeqfaucitr required much an Act being in existence wouldi exercise a mo ra l a n d ts.oaldutimariyoii3nt,flutheencaemoovuerritth.7 omuit.rcalsgeof the came im people , and do mu c h before ethatht the House. On these grou n ds h e supported the Bill The Noble Lord opposite h a d f a il e d i n his poli c y towards Ire land mainly because he and his party truckled to the Hon. and Learned Member for Cork.—(Hear, hear.) That pars}, failed because they abandoned the principles which the people of England had expected them to carry out ; and although Honourable Gentlemen opposite might deny the fact, he believed it was indisputable that the late Government failed because they abandoned the Protestant principles—(Cheers, and laughter)—because they brought forward measures most destructive to the church of Ireland —(Hear) —they brought forward measures which were considered as detrimental to the interests of the Pro testants of this country. (Hear, hear.) And he would isk Hon. Gentlemen opposite whether they were prepared to transfer the Government of this country to other parties than those who at present inherited the Crown of this country.. —were they prepared to transfer the Government in ac cor d ance w i t h the wishes of the enemies of the Protestant Church in this country ?—( Hear, hear.) One of the Hon. Gentlemen who spoke the other evening the Hon. Member for Kerry— alluded to a case which was merely of a local nature. The Hon. Member alluded to a case which he alleged had taken place in the county of Cork, on the subject of the Arms Bill, and he said that the magistrates there had, in that in- tance, proved themselves guilty of political partisasnhip. Now, a statement more utterly unfounded was never uttered in that House. The simple fact of the case was that a session of that county was held, and out of 700 ap pliiants for licence to possess arms, only four were denied their request, and of that number a few were members of the Repeal Association—they were mostactive members of that dangerous organisation. They might say that such a measure was not necessary, but he could not forget what had occurred a few years ago in the county in which he resided. He could not forget the monster meetings that were held in that part of the country—meetings which were sanctioned and aided by the clergy of the Church of Rome residing in that county, which showed that they had either lost the influence which they formerly possessed of restraining the people, or that they must have urged them on in their clamour for repeal. And he would here beg to read an extract from the address of the ma gistrates of that county, addressed to the Lord-Lieutenant, ou the subject of those monster meetings. They stated that if such a state of things were to be per mitted they should not have any similarity for their lives or property, and that as many of them as could do so would be oblige., to leave the country, for the most alarming demonstra tions had been continually made. Signal fires were frequently to be seen burning on the top of the hills, and the peaceable and loyal portion of the people might well be alarmed. Now it was said that similar outrages to those committed in Ireland were also perpetrated in this country, but Hon. Gentlemen who said so forgot the circumstances that made the outrages in Ireland of a far more appalling character. There was a fearful mystery connected with outrages perpetrated in Ireland ; they were of that description of crimes which had been termed agrarian. They were not mere party fights, they were not sudden impulses of revengeful feelings, but they were plotted by midnight legislators—they were the results of an organised system of ribbon conspiracies in Ireland.—( Hear, hear.) He solemnly believed that it was the ribbon conspiracy that pro duced all these frightful outrages in Ireland, that conspiracy was at the bottom of every one of them.—(Hear.) They might talk of the relations of landlord and tenant, but if they were wrong let them alter it by a proper mode of legislation—. (Hear, hear)—and not deceive the geople by holding out to them assurances as to remedial measures which they never in tended to fulfil. Let them first vindicate the law—( Hear, hear)—and then, he trusted, they would follow up their coercive policy by the introduction of remedial measures for Ireland—remedial measures not of a political character, which would only be followed by fresh demands—(Cheers and counter-cheers)—each political concession had had that effect. Let them look at what had been said by the Hon. Member for Kerry, when his Noble Friend, the Secretary for Ireland, alluded to a measure which he (Lord Bernard) deplored, and which he had opposed in that House —he meant the grant to Maynooth.—(Loud cheers and laughter.) Hon. Gentlemen opposite said that they did not thank the Government for it.—( Hear, hear.) Well, he knew that that was the case—he knew that no political measure what ever would have any value whatever in Ireland. All previous concessions had signally failed. The Hon. Memher for Drogheda said, would they aeopt a similar course if Yorkshire were in the same state as Ireland ? But if Yorkshire were in that state would not the torrns of that House be suspended for the pnrpose of passing wi h all haste such a Bill as that which was then before the Hotie , e ?—( Hear, hear.) Would any fierce opposition be given to it ?—( Hear, hear.) Would there be any coalition of party to endeavour to upset the Government? ( Hear, hear.) There was one subject incidentally brought forward by the Hon. Member for Limerick, in his address to the House late on the last evening of this debate, when he taunted the Right Hon. Gentleman the Secretary-at-War fur attributing to a Member of his party the impeta.tioz, of attempting to dismember the empire. Now to that Honourable Gentleman, or to any of the Repeal Association, he need not for a moment impute any but the most perfectly loyal feelings towards the Sovereign of this emplie. But would any one connected with Ireland, or any one who had read her former history, say that the pro gress of repeal would gradually lead to the dismembering of the empire.—( Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord then proceeded, amidst cries of Qaestion, question," to complain of certain corporate officers in Ireland attending in their robes for the purpose of paying honour to the Hon. and Learned Member for Cork, whilst he was undergoing a sentence pronounced upon him by the highest judicial court in Ireland, for having attempted to separate the two countries. He also charged those individuals with having abused their trusts by handing over a portion of the corporate funds to the purposes of the Repeal Association. He then proceeded to defend the judicial appointments of the present Government, and particularly eulogised the conduct of Mr. Justice Jackson. Another Hon. Gentleman had alluded to the dismissal of ma gistrates in Ireland; he did not believe that the administration of justice had suffered from that consequence in Ireland.— ( Hear.) There was another question to which allusion had been made in that House, and on which he wished to offer a few ob servations—viz., the Church in Ireland. He had the evidence of the Hon. Member of Cork, and other Members, as to the eligibility of admitting the Catholic claims with respect to reli gion, and this opinionsvas concurred in by Lord Monteagle, when Mr. Spring Rice. Tha Church of Ireland, they had been told, was the great grievance in that country. He could speak from personal knowledge, that the Protestant Church was in creasing in Ireland ; and the clergy, though they did not preach politics from the altar, were fully efficient to discharge the du ties of their office. A great deal of blame had been very justly thrown upon the absentees of Ireland, and the ill effects had been endeavoured to be met by laying a tax on the absen tees, but a greater fallacy never existed than to attempt a re medy by such unequal measures. There were other evils which no law affecting the land would ever remedy—namely, the absence of those in possession of funded property. A suf ficient remedy might be found, if the good feelings of those who absented themselves from the country were appealed to. Their patriotism would be found the best resource, after all. He would ask, " Lives there a man with soul so dead, Who never to himself has said, When coming from a foreign strand, This is my own, my native land; vvnose neart has never witut. As home his footsteps he has turned?" Coercive measures would not suit the genius or the people of Ireland. He would implore the House to develope the native resources of that country, to cultivate the great moral maxim, " Know thyse;f," and render the social soil more amenable to a social system. He could not but hope that the day was not far distant, when there should be only one common danger and one common safety in that country, and that union should pre vail throughout. Mr. REDINGTON wished to know what there was in the speech of the Noble Lord which had to do with the question before the House? He would advert to the very few points which bore upon the question. The Noble Lord had said there was a conspiracy throughout the land. Ile would maintain that no conspiracy existed, but merely the natural desire to be protected from oppression. He had ben informed that the Land Commission had moved for certain returns which would show that the great majority of the crimes in Ireland were agrarian. He believed it to be so ; hut he did not think that thot new idea could be justified when every little pickpocket offence was included in the category. In his opinion, the Ministers were fully ju.tified in pressing their proposed mea sure. The returns upon which Hon. Members were called upon to pass the present Bill were not at all correct. (The Honourable Member here pointed out several dis crepantHe (Mr. Redingtou) had had a note senthi l m es : ) threatening to shoot him, but subsequently he received another of f ering, upon payment of the sum of 30 5.. to wieldraw carrying the threat into effect. He would call the attention of the House to some of the outrages del sited iii the reiurin One of these outrages, tailed an outrage on pro perty, was on a house, the owner of which refused to illuminate the house on this liberation of Mr. W. S. O'Brien. He (elr. Reilington) did not know how far the House would sympathise with such an at tr ck. It certainly w.,s not of the nature to call for a Coercion Bill. He considered that the present ill feeling which existed in Ireland between the landlord and tenant arose from the cinfiscations which had originally taken place. In the province or Ulster, for instance, there was scarcely one landowner who was not of foreign origin. He thought this was a po:nt worthy of observation in making a comparison between England and that country in the relation of these parties. To justify himself for referring to these facts, he would take the libel' y of reading the evidence of a Censervative gentleman with reference to agrarian outrages. ( The Hon. Member here referred to the evidence of this gentleman, from which it appeared, that in his opinion, the struggle which was going on between the tenants and the small proprietors for the possession of the land, added to the circumstance that both these parties were of different religions, greatly contributed to produce this unhappy result.) The Hon. Member went on to say that he thought Parliament owed something to Ireland for allowing a continuance of such a system of things. He considered that the humane motives of some Hon. Members could not be carried out. always by the landlord with reference to removing the occupiers of land from one portion of his estate and locating them upon other portions of the estate. He would not for a moment defend those wholesale ejectments which had lately taken place. He thought it was the most difficult position for a humane person to be placed in who wished to remove from his estate a number of individuals and interests which had grown up around him. He did not deny that much evil and crime existed in Ireland, but he denied that any such a Coercion Bill as the present would cure them. The law ought to be vigorously exerted to meet the disease, and they ought not to be continually calling in the aid of special measeres. Mr. Valentine, the Crown Solicitor of Munster, gave it as his opinion that the best mode of dealing with the outrages in Ireland was by a s;:ringent ap plication of the present laws. That opinion was entertained by every well-informed person in Ireland? If they attempted to enforce the provisions of the present measure, they would find they could not succeed, and that it would generally prove a failure. Let them prove that the existing law was insuffi cient, before having recourse to these extraordinary powers. Special Commissions had already been tried in Roscommon and elsewhere, and they had not been complained of, but were found successful. Let them enforce the existing laws vigorously, and he had no doubt but they would be found sue o e s T • f u e l what he (Lord Lincoln) had said the other evening respecting o t Commission ynn ' ss involved m eawtdsh m e art i te s on s ha i Commission. hnt imply actuated , O rt, dgban inquiry, ypr ofyrahe, he or feel ingaot nnho and therefore ca h l a er: i smjytv precon ceived (fhafi si.tonE—harg' partiality.e) things he Hhiereme ntmfahsbrhi ~,noerngolsl vtdf' LlNCOLNa lolh r tfLah . that tt)goit. rulihedak, Devon's deoio i iefmd s n, h d. fallen ed from t in the Hon. H a o n n e . x A p j l e a m n a b t e i r o na as re gardingt to e leant in a particular direction in this matter. Mr. SHAW wished to explain the vote he was about to give, as, if the division did not take place that night, he would not have an opportunity of speaking on another evening. Ile intended to vote for the seccnd reading of the Bill. Seeing the iisorganiseci state of Iselancl, he was bound to take that course. If report spoke truly, the Noble Lord who perhaps soon would he in office, aid who had been in oftlee a short time lost November. lit d he succeeded in forming a Ministry, he would have proposed a much- more stringent measures.—(Hear, he peaceable tl well-dispos e d p eop l e of Ireland d nI d u For e themasske o mast support th an dl t ' the measor.-; still he was bo un d t o say ' h thick that the Bill would he really effeetive.— ( Hear, hear. ) The great defect which he saw in the Bill Iva. the scant of a coin eten t tribunal to sit in the disturbed districts, and tile c i, r izlnee of cases, fair which the ordinary h ht if the Bill did not r',ho a me ans were not competent. He tcug, pars—if it was defeated — the Government would have them selves to blame. It was introduced at the beginning of the session into the House of Lord . , where it was much diluted , ti it haded after a very slow progress, sent stage. Th e G overnmen t had in fact ~hown no desire pus f two month s ago .( Lear.) The Government , i nstead forward th e 13:11, else it might have been the law the lir ( l of doing so had, forwarded the Corn Till with the greatest possible speed, vote for the ground. The Government, in fact, had not shown any Ministry ; he ha,l no real disposition to carry while this Bill had been kept in the back the Bill. He did not whether the tAhie,rnAbleinrisfotrrythweencittyoouftthe Ireland required somßiell mea f s r u o r m e ce of ina t n h iy e t, ki c n o ; fide l n fe e dil ' n n ot care confidence but because the state of Londonup'on the. Dame ß had d ob io e predilection for the Whig • pis icy, still, if Whig policy was ici - prevail, he would much rather hays it openly front the Noble Lord than from the present Government, which had been elected on other pi inciples. In the memory of living man Ireland was never in so happy a state, and yet the Corn Bill was carried through that House by means of the gross exaggera tion respectinz the poverty of that country.—( - Hear, hear. ) The present Government had the knack of making. themselves more unpopular than any Government which preceded them, and he really believed that, in their Government of that country, they had reversed the maxim, " be just and fear not," for from first to last they had feared to be just towards Ireland.—( Hear, hear.) They had ruled on the old Anglo- Saxon principle of "divide et impera." The Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Government could not satisfy his opponents, and he proceeded forthwith to introduce measures which had the effect of dissatisfying his friends. The truth was, they knew very little about Ire land.—(Neer, hear.) In his opinion, they knew less of the manners, habits, feelings, and character of the people of that country than of the inhabitants of the moat remote country in the world.—( Hear, hear.) They had fancied, like some old the women ,Right t that it Hon. was Gentleman ftill of the ho Secretarybgoblins, for ghosts, t h & e e . ; Home an D d yet e- par De partment, who since k t n h e e w y s e o ar little o.f go vernedlHreelanhde,pehdadthaerbNitreabrleilyLordopposite (Lord J. Russell), if he came into government, would take warning by the example of the present Government. Above all things, he would recommend to the Noble Lord and Hon. Gentlemen opposite to bear in mind that there was no thing so pleasing to the Irish people as just and generous con duct.—(Hear, hear.) He trusted that the Noble Lord would eschew tne old prejudicial system of preferring strangers to natives in the appointment of Government officers.—( Cheers.) He could assure the Noble Lord that he would be able to select men of confidence and high character—men that knew Ireland—not men that were brought thither to spend the first half of their time in unbecoming English prejudices and the other half in beginning to knew the Irish character, and were then taken away so as to afford an oppor tunity for another stranger to come in to go through the same routine. He could he repeated find in Ireland men equally as well adapted as Englishmen to fill an y situations which the Government had in that country. Now, if the Noble Lord would pursue that course he would do much to advance the prosperity and happiness of the Irish people. Well as the Secretaryship for Ireland had been filled by the Noble Lord the Member for the West Riding of Yorkshire, whilst the Whigs were in dice, vet he (Mr. Shaw) doubted whether even be was sufficiently acquainted with Ireland to discharge those duties in a satisfactory and efficient manner. He would undertake to say, on behalf of himself and those around him, that if the gentlemen opposite came into power they would at least find them candid and generous opponents.— He apologised for having digressed so much on the subject of the general Irish policy of the Government. He admitted that he did not think that the Bill itself would be beneficial. He repudiated the notion that his vote on this question should be regarded as a vote of confidence in the Government. On the contrary, if the Government were defeated as he believed they would be, and if in consequence they resigned office, he thought it would be but a merited retribution for the most un precedented and grievous political and party misconduct.— (Protectionist cheers.) He thought that if they fell as a Ministry they would fall unregretted ; he said so with the most unfeigned concern, and his greatest grief was this, that whilst he was obliged to speak of the Government as a body political in these terms, he did entertain for many individuals composing that Government the most sincere respect and esteem— (Laughter)—but this he - would say, that speaking politically— and he was anxious to state this broadly and wholly irrespective of the merits of the corn-law question—and he was bold to affirm this, that if the Government or the present Administra tion should be overthrown by the voice of the representatives of the people, that not only this country, but the whole world would regard it as a righteous verdict and a just national judg ment upon public men for a great public delinquency.—( Hear, hear, and laughter.) Mr. DILLON BROWNE said that the speech of the Right Hots. Gentleman who had just sat down must give the greatest satisfaction, as it w s indicative of the conciliatory course here after to be taken by the Protestants of Ireland towards their Catholic fellow -countrymen. It was clear that what was destruc tive to the Catholic must also be injurious to the Protestant, and that what was death to Connaught and Munster must be contagious to Ulster, and it would best advance the interests of both parties if they were to join in furthering the good of their common country. The Right Hon. Gentleman represented the University of Dublin, but certainly if he Isere to take the speech of the Right Hon. Gentleman as a sample of the logic used in Dublin, he must certainly say his premises did not justify his conclusion. He made a speech against the Coercion Bill, whilst he voted for the Coercion Bill. He did not even adduce a single argument in favour of that measure, and yet he was prepared, though his whole speech tended to a different direction, to vote for the measure. Now, he did not mean to say this disrespectfully of the Right Hon. Gentleman, but he was afraid that his vote on this question was influenced by an ambition to be the future Secretary for Ireland. The Members of the Government had not made out a case in justification of this most coercive measure. The speech of the Noble Nord, the Secretary for Ireland, was made for the pur pose of establishing two points—the existence of crime, and the necessity of removing it. The Government had shifted their ground on this question, and the speech in question had been a perfect failure. The speech of the Right Hon. Baronet the Secretary for the Home Department was made for the purpose of proving that it was necessary to suspend the Constitution with respect to Ireland, thus establishing a fatal precedent for future Governments. They must try a sys tem of conciliation, and by a redress of grievances endeavour i to effect a cure for the moral and political evils of Ireland. Were they acting justly by the people of Ireland by hunting them down by the " great-guns" fired off by the Right Hon. Baronet, or the " pop guns " shot off by the Noble Lord the Secretary for Ireland. One of the rea sons alleged for bringing in this Bill was forced marriages in Ireland.—(Laughter) Another reason was the number of outrages of an agrarian character in that unfortunate country. He found, however, that cut of the six thousand reported, there were not really six hundred which arose from causes connected with the land. The Hon. Member read a list of agrarian outrages in England, to show that crime was more prevalent in that country than in Ireland. Her Majesty's Government had done much for Ireland; he did not wish to test their actions by the vulgar rules of arithmetic— (Hear, hear)—they had come forward in the late crisis in a manner that reflected the highest credit on themselves, as had already been acknowledged in that House by the repeal Members. Sir R. PEEL said that the question which they at present had to decide was nos they should enter into t,oni mictee on cue LIM WhlCh had been introatieen by tho Govern ment for the protection of life and property in Ireland, or whether measures would be introduced for the purpose of pre venting the outrages which had been committed in that country. The question which the House had to decide would be whether they would reject altogether the proposal of the Government, whether they would refuse the consideration of this question, whether they would i m ply th a t the present con dition of Ireland could be dealt with by the existing laws, or whether there should not be some additional protection for the purpose of giving that security to life and property which was so much required in that country. He regretted that disease existed, but he felt it necessary to vindicate the course which the Government had taken on this occasion, but he would take care to limit the consideration of the ques tion within the narrowest limits. He acknowledged the cor dial support which the Government had received from Hon. Gentlemen opposite throughout the progress of those commer cial measures which had been ratified by that House, and he thanked those Hon. Members for the concurrence they bad thus given to those questions. That concurrence, however, did not impose any obligation on them ; they were not required to give their support to measures which they might consider of an unconstitutional character. He would give them the credit that they did not desire that Ireland should be made the arena for the settlement of disputes. He believed that these Hon. Members would well consider whether or no this proposal of the Government was justified by the circumstances of Ireland, and whether it was desirable to object to a measure which had for its object the quietude of that country, without any reference to mere party considerations. Her Majesty's Government thought it their duty to propose another measure than the existing law would warrant, because they found that in certain counties in Ireland there prevailed a system of outrage which set at defiance every authority of the law. They found that in fonr or five of the counties in Ireland there had been a system of grievances and danger to life and property which peremptorily called for the intervention of the Govern ment. Her Alajesty's Government found that in some of the counties there had been murders, and it was with the greatest difficulty the murderer could be discovered; and it was found, also, that the contagion spread to the neighbouring counties, and the Government, therefore, found it their duty to bring under the consideration of Parliament a measure having fur its object the giving of additional powers for the maintenance of the peace of that country. Among the ' strenuous opponents of her Majesty's Government, he found the Hon. Member for Belfast, who had opened the debate this evening. The Hon. Member said, that the system of outrages which had occurred in some parts of the country was such, that he would willingly acquiesce in some measure for remedying the evil. The Hon. Member stated that he would prefer a suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act to the present measure. There had been only one argument which he had heard adduced by the Hon Member, and that was the " housemaid-argument." The Hon. Member stated that his housemaid, hearing of the disturbed state of Ireland, declined to accompany the Learned Judge to Ireland. Some interruption here arose from the Hon. Member for Dublin. Sir ROBERT PEEL would ask his Hon. Friend to repeat what he stated upon the subject ? Mr. SHAW stated that what he referred to was to illustrate that from the highest to the lowest there existed a state of igno rance on the condition of Ireland. Sir R. PEEL had certainly heard another account of this matter, and that while the mother of the housemaid— (Laughter) —was afraid of the Curfew, . ie t o:tn h rii:y e nahoitsuneoet master of the servant was actually pressing the measure upon the Govern. ment, stating that if the measure had been brought forward en the first day of the session, it would have passed without opposition. Now with reference to the speech of the Hon. Member for Stroud (P. Serope), he stated that these combi nations for outrage were only the natural necessity for poor relief, and considered that there would be no chance of obtain ing tranquillity for Ireland until they gave to the Irish peasant a right of relief from the land, Other persons thought that this would be an unwise provision, and that it would lead to the confiscation of property. But said the Hon. Gentleman, no until t i ~I t o t u l i a n w l o re f lan th a i , s a n n a d ture tio th o e nl) rea n s l a e n a t ns has to which ° he could resort for the purpose of ridding himself from these distresses were these combinations.—(Cheers.) What a melancholy picture did this present of the state of ' Ireland 1 The Right Hon. Baronet then referred to the evi tpoasslivae dence of Mr. Conden, showing the difficulty of obtaining evidence in cases where murders had been committed. The Government did not propose this measure because they thought it was the only remedy applicable to the state of Ireland. Far from it. It was with the utmost reluctance they proposed the present measure. Other remedies were proposed, calculated to effect a permanent good. They were fully aware that the Goverment should be conducted with kindly and indulgent ' feelings. They were fully aware that these measures were required for the purpose of producing an effect which tempo rary coercion could never pretend to effect. But, while they admitted that this was the most imperfect :pith oi aslt ii,sei had dsr at ab , Hnet oeeefnar measuret. vghpwa uresaoms i proposed onst eteti, conditionidee against in g remedy, they felt that if the House permitted m 1 ( 1 1 ue that such n e '; : uo h e crimes y 1 t a h se then they sh o show weret h a te learsismihee had 'l -- crime to be rampant and uneontrolle,l, they were negl-et- 1 ing their duty to the parties who were exposed to these Acts. The eihnissiens which had been made by gentlemen connected ggfdthy. this tet h :ai: e trAi er;:niospnmuei uncalled n i ar Et fi i ue r ll bea y : ,y,rt , ! right iv,i:ga:hanstt.uhtlraolteti.hettoi,:npietitohebsneereaseplttriiii:ea stated t e pi a a, i l rt i , present that crime had been greatly reduced in Ireland. He thought lately lnd i anl made leo owr t ,o) o u nidou other amelioratetsiiteorp measures.t theiro inquire this was owing to the gra•eful feelings towards the Government fsih sl pl onld or be thi t e he me s ai te re o: cr l i f m t e he in y which had been found in the minds of the generous people of the wilds of Connaught. and Aluoster, fur the great exertions con ditionwltir leelcadinel Ireland. p ly7 y the G Lt ee o gt i v n r e e t t r t r h n t o eo n i I d i h m : oi t h tli classified j e s: r iiheadt asii dn ct3/4h, they yhr the introduction present corr ? e c t took the erirnee of an aggravated character, leaving out of con sideration such r•ffer.ces as edministerng unlawful oaths--if they took the crimes of murder or homicide, firing at the person, assault, and attempt to take life, incendiarism, and such like offences, they had the strongest evidence of a most disordered Iwhich, though 1 state of society in Ireland, for L eion might be no permanent cure, yet things had arrived at 1 such a height that no other resource was left. If the ordinary law was paralysed, some extraordinary measure of this kind must be brought into operation. What was the case with the five counties which had been so often referred to in the course of these discussions as illustrating the amount of crime last year, as compared with the five first months of the present year. He would compare the total offences commited in them in 1845, with the offences of five months ending in May in the present year, as a reply to the argument which had been employed, that the state society had been much improved, and that the measure was not required. The results in the two periods were to the following effect—he re ferred to offences of an insurrectionary character. In Tippe. rary, in 1845 the tetal number was 842; in the five months of 1846, 368. In Limerick the number in 1845 was 282; in tire five months of the present year it was 248. In the county of Clare, last year, the number was 271 ; in the five months of the present year it was 181. In Roscommon, last year, the number was 659; in the five months of the present year, 471. With regard to Leitrim, he rejoiced to say that there had been a great improvement, but he must observe that it had been occupied by an overwhelming military force, and great exertion had been made by the magistrates and local gentry. In this country the number of offences in 1845 I was 814 ; and in the five months of the present year only 164. —( Hear, hear.) This was the total for the first five months of the present year, and supposing that the same increase of crime should go on for the remainder of the year that had taken place in the five months, in that case in the five counties the number in 1846 would be 3,013;as compared with 2,026, the number of 1845.—(Loud cries of "Hear, hear.") In Leitrim the reduction had been most material, for while the number in 1845 was 814, at the rate of the first five months of the present year, the number in 1846 would be only 414.—( Hear, hear.) Leaving offences of an insurrectionary character, he would pro • ceed to those of an aggravated nature, such as homicides, firing at the person, aggravated assaults, assault and threatening life, and firing into dwellings ; and he would compare the offences of 1845 with the same crimes in the first five months of the present year. In the first five months of 1845, the homicides were 20 ; in the five months of the present year, 28. Cases of firing at the person in the first five months in 1845, 40; in 1846, 41. Aggravated assaults in the first five months of 1845, 85 ; in the present year, 121 ; assaulting and threat ening life, in the five months of last year 41 ; in the present year, 53 ; firing in dwellings last year, 46 ; in the present , year, 68. Could any one, with these facts before them, say that there had been a diminution of crime such as to justify , the Government abandoning the measure? Taking the aggre gate of offences he fonnd, from the printed returns from the Ist of January to the end of May, that the total of offences in all Ireland was 2,093, while of these 1,188 were in the five , counties of Tipperary, Limerick, Clare, Roscommon, and Lei trim. Thus of the offences committed in all Ireland one half of them were committed in these five counties containing but one-sixth of the population.—(Hear.) They could not assign any such cause as the relation of l an dl or d and enant as being the cause of this state of things. The whole state of society was diseased, and because it could not be met by ordinary means be asked for a topical remedy. Of the I,leB offences, Tipperary had 286, Clare 171, Roscommon 383, Limerick 210, and Leitrim 138. Out of the whole of these 1,188 offences there had been but 54 convictions.—(Hear, hear.) Let them conceive the melan choly spectacle it presented, and say whether some extraordi nary measure of this kind was not required. According to the returns of homicides or murders, be found in the five counties, that in February, 1846, the number of homicides or murders was 18, and 26 attempts at murder. In March there were 23 murders or homicides, and 14 attempts at murder. Was it possible they shoull not deal with such a state of things? No alteration in the law of landlord and tenant would come in operation to meet this state of things. Let them consider the class of parties that were the victims; they would find that they were persons in the humblest walks of life. (The Right Hon. Baronet here read an extract from the document in his hand, to the effect that persons in the poorest walks of life had been attacked.) This (he continued) was the class of persons that lost their lives in Ireland, and they might conceive what must be the amount of apprehension, anxiety, and fear, that prevailed, where murders were committed night after night. Admitting that the remedial measures proposed by Hon. Members on the other side of the House were cor rect, when there was no evidence of their being immediately brought into beneficial operation could they dispense with some temporary measure to meet the present state of things. It would not interfere with the operation of any remedial measure they might propose, while it would prevent the growth of crime. During the five years that a similar law was in operation, it was found that the fear of it was sufficient on the minds of the people without bringing it into actual operation. From the consideration of these facts, he felt it his duty to press forward the second reading of the Bill. He knew not of anything more he had to say in vindication of the Government, in proposing the present measure for putting and end to crime and to restore confidence. Here he was willing to dismiss the question, but he felt it imperative to notice the speech made the last night of the debate by the Noble Lord the Member for Lynn (Lard G. Bentinck) He ( Sir R. Peel) deeply regretted, not only for his own sake, but for the character of the House, that during the present session for the first time a license of speech had been used which he felt assured would prove most injurious to the cause of free discussion. During a parliamentary life of 35 years he had not witnessed any exam ples of such proceedings.—( Hear, hear.) He had sat in Par liament in times of great excitement, and he believed it possible to conduct debates in that House with every latitude conducive either to free discussion or the interests of the public without doing anything to lower their characters as public men.— (Hear, hear.) But if the Noble Lord's proceeding is to be considered parliamentary, it behoved him (Sir R. Peel) to say it must not be one-sided. —( Hear, hear, and cheers.) Their sense of justice would induce them to give all parties the same freedom of speech that was claimed by those he had alluded to.—( Hear, hear.) They would not refuse to give those who were calumniated and maligned the same justice to defend as they had been attacked. He hoped they would maintain him in the course he was about to take, and he should endeavour to do nothing inconsistent with his position as a public man ; but should he step beyond the rule of strict propriety, he hoped they would not forget the provo cation he had received.—( Hear, hear.)—He would endeavour not to forget, as he had ever remembered the position in which he was placed, as the Prime Minister of the country, charged with the proposal and conducting of more important measures than had ever been submitted to Parliament by any public man.—(Hear. hear.) But there were bounds which ought to be respected by every one in such matters. The Noble Lord had said not merely that her Majesty's Government despaired at the ultimate suc cess of carrying this measure, but be presumed to say that they were not in earnest in passing this measure.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord had given them his support during the progress :of the measure, but he ( Sir R. Peel) had not characterised them as " hired Janissaries" because they had avowed their intention of now turning round and opposing the Bill. Gentlemen exercising their free right of judgment upon public matters had been denounced by the Noble Lord as base renegades. The Noble Lord had exercised his private right of varying his vote according to his sense of public duty. He thought the Noble Lord voted last year against restrictions upon factory labour, and voted for them this year, and without being questioned by any one as to the purity of his motives.— (Hear, hear.) He thought the Noble Lord was prepared to support by far the most absurd and impracticable measure, namely, the permission to import foreign grain into Ireland, but that permission was not to extend to England. —( Hear, hear, and laughter.) The Noble Lord, he believed, voted for the first reading of this Bill, upon the ground that no matt could safely go to church—( Hear, hear)—that old women—(Laughter)—could not go to church without being subject to constant danger—that women with children in their arms were assassinated—that there was no security for life and property ; and that he and his friends, without respect to party considerations, were determined that this licence should not be tolerated upon the pretence of this Bill being contrary to constitutional liberty. Well, the Noble Lord was prepai ed to vote against this Bill.—( Hear, hear, and laughter.) The Noble Lord said he would withhold his confidence from the public, and he thought himself justified to vote against the measure; but if the Noble Lord claimed for himself the privilege of varying his vote, let him (Sir Robert Peel) tell him that be was bound to withhold from others such expressions as paid janissaries and renegades. —( Cheers.) Why, who were the men who were included as Janissaries ?—( Hear, hear.) He (Sir R. Peel) looked upon them, and he did not name them because they were more parti cularly eminent, or more particularly entitled than others. He believed that every man who had given him support, had given him that support from pure and honourable motives. But was it t o be tolerated that such Members as his Right Hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer, or Lord Francis Egerton, or Mr. Wilson Patten—(Cries of " Order, order.") He begged pardon for mentioning names, but was it to be said that because they exercised that public right which every public man might exercise, that such men were to be branded with the names of paid Janissaries and renegades?—( Hear, hear.) He did be lieve that such language was not only calculated to impede free discussion, but he believed that if such language was permitted it would create unmitigated disgust.—(Loud cheers.) Let him now proceed to notice the personal attack which the Noble Lord had made upon him. He was glad he did not act upon the impulse of the moment, and immediately reply to the attack made upon him. The Noble Lord referred to circumstances which had now passed, he believed, about 19 years, and he ( Sir Robert Peel) being then in imperfect recollection of the exact state of the affair, re joiced that he did not give an answer to those personal allega tions till he had an opportunity of ascertaining how far they were well founded. That attack was made in the presence of many members who were entering Parliament new for the first time, and who, perhaps, had an imperfect reco ll ec ti on t o what the Noble Lord alluded, and he was particularly anxious that however hostile they . might be to his policy, they should not remain under the impression that the Noble Lord's allegations were calculated to create. (Hear, hear.) couched in these words—" The Noble Lord said that was Tha t particular attack to which he was referring, to s r r remember, c a h n a d s e d r e a n n i e d m h b u e n r t with ed a nht iel laus (Lord Bentinck) to death—(Hear, h ear ) — tfhereli on ussoa th rreo e ollwad gi v o teeh u na n oot d ufghh t he h is at though he had changed his opinion on the question of Catholic emancipation, in 1827, he yet professed to hold the same opinion in 1829, and that he had communi cated his change of opinion to the Earl of Liverpool ; but that did not prevent him, in 1827, getting up in the same assembly and stating that he could not support a Government, of which the chief Minister was favourable to a measure, which, in two years afterwards, he ( Sir R. Peel) intended to carry. That was the statement of the Noble Lord. The Noble Lord said that he very well recollected the time. No doubt he did, because he was at that time a Member of the House of Commons, and the Noble Lord heard all that passed. It was now nineteen years since that transaction oc curred, and seventeen years since the speech was made in 1829. Well, now, he (Sir R. Peel) must say that he did re spect the feelings of the man who felt uneasy at the conduct that had chased his relative to death. The Noble Lord abhorred those who tried to hunt and chase a public man who was acting in the performance of his public duty__( Hear, hear.) But if that man was chased and hunted to death as his relative, his feelings were to be respected in the highest degree. But how came it that, entertaining those feelings, the first time he (Sir Robert Peel) ever heard of them should be i n this present session. —( Hear, hear, and laughter.) The Noble Lord had been a Member of Parliament since 1826. (Lord George Bentinck expressed dissent.) He inight be in error, but since the year 1835 he thought he had been honoured with the Noble . Lord's cordial, ard, he must say, most pure and disinterested support. Since the year 1835 the Noble Lord had called him his Right Hon. Friend.—( Hear, hear, and laughter.) And he was at the same time cognizant of all these transactions. He per mitted him to be the leader of the party to which he belonged —( Hear, hear)—and never until the month of June, 1846, did he harbour such language with respect to the man who had hunted and chased his relative to death. Now, he (Sir Robert Peel) would say that the entertainments of such feel ings by the Noble Lord was highly honourable. They were a part of his honourable political principles. The lapse of time, and the change of political circumstances, might compel combinations of politics unforeseen by those part:es who were their opponents. But the Noble Lord, be lieving that he had hunted and chased his relative to death—he did not understand how the Noble Lord, without making any public or private intimation to him of those feelings, consented to accept him as a leader, and call him his Right Hon. Friend.—( Hear, hear.) Now, he (Sir Robert Peel) was going on the assumption, that this charge against him was founded on fact. He was proceeding on the assumption that he really did inform Lord Liverpool in 1825 that his opinion had changed upon the Catholic question. • The gravamen of the Noble Lord's present imputation on him [ I was this, that he declined to act with Mr. Canning in 1827 that he de-lined to act—to continue to act as Secretary of State ,• and Mr. Canning having been appointed Prime Minis ter, that, in 1827, when about to propose the removal of Catholic disabilities, he then admitted that in 1825 his opinions were changed. Now he was going to prove to the House that that charge was utterly unfounded—that he made no declaration in 1825, which he did not make in 1827, in the presence of Mr. Canning, and that declaration was not that his opinion was changed in 1827; and he did ask the Noble Lord on what principles of fairness or justice he now came down for the first time to the House, to make this charge against him without having ascertained the truth ? That which ho said in 1829, this subject, corresponded with that which he said in 1 rich he said in the presence of Mr. Canning himself, and . h Mr. Canning was cogni. sant.—( Hear, hear.) The • t Honourable Baronet having quoted his speech the period in question proceeded to say, that Mr. Caneitag, in 1827, assented to his (Sir R. Peel's) con d uc t, an d, h e continued, that he had by no means hunted and chased Mr. Canning to death. In January, 1828, the Duke of Wellington was called into power, and after the explanations of 1827, on the death of Mr. Canning, a proposal was made by which he (Sir R. Peel) continued in Government; and if the Gallant and Chivalrous Marquis of Anglesey, Mr. Huskisson, Lord Melbourne, and others had considered that he bad hunted and chased the Noble Lord's relative to death, he did not think that they would have acted as they did at that period. No such charge was preferred against him even by the nearest relative of that illustrious statesman. But with that he had no concern. He referred only to the con duct of those Noblemen and Gentlemen as a proof that they did not participate in the feelings expressed the other night by the Noble Lord. But this he would say, that the! charge of the Noble Lord with respect to his change of opinion was utterly and entirely destitute of foundation.—(Cheers.) He foresaw when he undertook to propose these measures the oppo sition they would receive in that House —he foresaw the bitter hostility to which he should be subjected in the execution of his public duty. He had explained the motives which led him to think that the public interest required an adjustment of the Catholic question—he foresaw the consequences of the acts to which they would inevitably lead— Le foresaw that that ques tion would probably lead to the breaking up of private friend ship. He might have been in error as to the course which he pursued on that occasion, but he utterly denied having been actuated by impure or unworthy inotlves.—(Loud cheers.) That he wished to interfere with the settlement of this question by the Noble Lord who was absent to-night, that he wished to fortify himself by power, that he was influenced by any desire to court popularity—to gain distinction or advantage at any time, he declared that the imputation of motives so base would be as foul a calumny as vindictive spirit ever uttered. Upon the motion of Mr. O'CONNELL the debate was adjourned. Sir G. CLERK then postponed the consideration of the resolutions on the gauge question from Monday until Tuesday next. Lord LINCOLN brought in the three Bills which he brought forward yesterday evening, which were read a first time. The other orders of the day were then disposed of, and the House adjourned at a quarter to one o'clock. IRELAND. DUBLIN, JUNE 10.—The discussion of the Bird-hill slaughter in Parliament has not been without its effects. Captain Pollock, stipendiary magistrate at Nenagb, who re fused to take informations against Mr. Goring, the sub sheriff, has been directed by the Attorney •General to receive the informations, and the probability is that that functionary will be tried at the forthcoming assizes for the part he took in the slaughter at Bird-hill, on the 16th ult. The conduct of the stipendiary magistrate is very freely discussed in the local journals, and it certainly would appear, not without rea son, fbr a very cursory perusal of the evidence at the inquest, to say nothing of the finding .of the coroner's jury, would lead to the conclusion that the case required the fullest and most searching investigation. THE CONVICTS HAYS, RICE, AND FOGARTY. The above-named individuals, convicted of the murder of the late P. Clarke, Esq., and who were removed some time since to Dublin, preparatory to the decision of the Queen's Bench on the points raised by counsel against the indictment, arrived at Nenagh on Saturday evening. The Tipperary Vindicator says that the coach, on its arrival, was preceded and accompanied by a strong mounted police force, who escorted it from Toomavara, the only part of the entire line from Dublin where it was thought there would have been any obstruction offered. On the pulling up I of the coach in Nenagb, the crowds pressed so close that the mounted police had to charge for the purpose of keeping them off. A covered car, which had been in waiting, was brought to the side of the coach, when the three prisoners and the turnkey, who travelled inside, were placed within it, and drove off to the county gaol under a strong escort of dis mounted police, under the command of Head-constable llayes,;who were placed in lines at each side of the street through which the car passed. Mr. Rock, Governor of the gaol, and four of the constabulary from Dublin, travelled on the outside. 47.Alnongst the crowd on the occasion, several women, the immediate relatives of some of the prisoners, were anxiously waiting to see the unfortunate men, but were unable even to catch a glimpse of them. REPRESENTATION OF CAnLow.—The Carlow gentry have refused to be represented by Mr. Solicitor-General Brewster. The electors have called on Captain M'Clintock, of Drumcan, and the gallant gentleman has responded to the appeal. THE POTATO CROP.—The Cork Examiner of Monday states that the disease of last year is beginning to exhibit itself in the growing crop. From many quarters, the Ezamiscr says, we have advices which leave no doubt as to the fact that the calamity of last year has again visited us. The disease has made its appearance not only in Mase, in the immediate vicinity of Cork, but in the neighbourhood of Cloyne, Bally cotton, Kinsale, Clonakilty, and Castlemartyr ; while from Kerry they have the same accounts. This is a very alarm ing announcement, but I am happy to state that the other provincial journals represent the growing potato crop as a most promising one. QUEEN'S BENCH. TIIE QUEEN V. DVETY, PROPRIETOR OF THE NATION.— The Court of Queen's Bench, on application of Mr. Singley, Q.C., have fixed Wednesday next for the trial of C. G. Duffy, proprietor of the Nation, for the publication of a sedi tious libel. Tha Court gave judgment in the case of Butt v. Jack son, making the rule absolute without costs, on the under standing that the ease was not to be proceeded with ; a most ingenious mode of giving a triumph to neither the learned barrister nor the unlearned attorney. THE SQUADRON OF EVOLUTION.—The sailing of the squadron at Cork has been postponed till this day. The officers on shore were ordered to be on board their respective ships at nine o'clock on Saturday morning, to proceed to sea ; but dispatches from the Admiralty, which arrived on Friday evening, countermanded the order. On Monday a royal sa lute was fired by the batteries at Spike Island, Camden and Carlisle Forts, and from her Majesty's ships in the har bour. SAILING or THE ALElON.—Dispatches arrived at Cove on Saturday night, ordering H.M.S. Albion to proceed at once to sea; Lisbon is said to be her destination. She was fully victualled during the night, and was towed out of harbour by the screw-steamer Rattler. SAILING OF THE QUEEN.--It is said that dispatches from the Admiralty were received on Monday night by the Com mander of the squadron, ordering the immediate sailing of the Queen, 110, for Lisbon. THE POISONING IN NORFOLK. NORWICH, TIIIRSDAY MORNINCL—The inquiry which has been going on the last few weeks respecting the appalling deaths by poisoning, in the village and neighbourhood of Happisburgh, before Mr. Pilgrim, the county coroner, was brought to a close last evening at Statham. The coroner arrived from Norwich about eleven o'clock, when the jury re-assembled at the Swan Inn. The proceed ings were resumed. The inquest room was much crowded. Colonel Oaks, the chief constable of the county, was present to watch the inquiry, as was also the Rev. W. Seeley, con nected with the parish. Mr. G. W. Firth, a surgeon, in Norwich, was called and sworn. He deposed that he had been requested to analyse the contents of the stomachs of the child Maria Green and four others, the subject of inquiry, in conjunction with Mr. Goodwin, and assisted on the Ist and 2d of June by Mr. Clowes. He had made an elaborate analysis, prolonged over more than eight days, to detect the presence of arsenic in the remains of the five bodies. In all decomposition was so far advanced that no organs could be distinguished. The bones and small remains of the soft parts of the bodies formed the contents of the coffins, in some of which sawdust and remains of linen or flannel could be observed. The coffins were entire, with the exception of that of Maria Lacey, the wood of which, except the bottom, was very rotten, and the lid partially fallen in. The remains of Maria Green produced abundant and certain evidence of arsenic. In that of Martha Green oould discover no trace by the most delicate tests, nor in that of William Green. The body of Hannah Peggs, from Ingham Chapel, also showed no trace of arsenic. Maria Lacey's remains, ac cording to the observation of witness and Mr. Goodwin, contained a small quantity of arsenic, but they had ex tended the inquiry to a portion of the soil taken from about three feet from the graves of Balls' family in Happisburgh churchyard, and had det ec t e d arsenic in considerable quantity. The ConoxEn asked the witness if it was possible a person might die from arsenic, and yet no traces be found in the stomach? Mr. Firth said that it might be disposed of by vomiting, &c., but even then there was a great probability that a small portion would be found in the stomach. Some of the deceased might possibly have got rid of poison by vomiting. If an inquiry had taken place sooner after death, there would have been a much better chance of discovering. By the CORONER—There was considerable difficulty in ascertaining the presence of arsenic when the bodies were in a decomposed state. All the coffins were sufficient to keep out the solid soil, except Lacey's. Could not tell where the poison came from in the case of Lacey. He ad ha n d o n d i o a u n b y t doubts on the subject, and the soil might possibly h ave b een the source of the arsenic in Lacey's coffin. H of the presence of arsenic there. The only doubt was as to where it came from. Had no other instance of arsenic being found in the church-yard, but he would just observe that a French chemist had asserted that it was a common thing in burial-grounds. It might exist in the one. Could not say that the oth er three deceased did not die from arsenic. There was the highest probability of the other two children of Green dying from scarlet fever. The arsenic might have es ca p e d they were if the coffins were dec om p ose d, b u t not, except Maria Lacey's, which was only sound at the bottom. Mr. Clowes, surgeon, and Mr. Charles Goodwin, surgeon , Norwich, who assisted Mr. Firth in the analysis, also gave evidence at great length. and to the same effect. Mary Green, Robert Green, her husband, and Ann Pestle, were again called in and interrogated, but they made no material additions to their former testimony. There appearing no other witnesses in attendance to be examined, The CORONER inquired of the officer sent down by the Secretary of State if the cases could be carried any further? The o c ffi oß ce o r w r E e n pl t ie h d en th s a u t m i n ie ,edp. u thought they could not. The The jury consulted as to their verdict, and shortly found " The deceased, Maria Lacey and Maria Green, died from the effects of arsenic, but by whom administered there was no evidence to show." With regard to the deceased Martha Green, William Green, and Hannah Peggs, the verdict was left open. The CORONER then thanked the jury for the patient and careful manner they had gone through the inquiry, and dis charged them. FA DVE RTISEMEN T. —CAPTAIN KR A HER, OF TAE Bei-tuns; WM/IEIIIER, CURED OF A DREADFUL SCORBUTIC COM PLAINT BY HOLLOWAY'S OINTMENT AND FILLS.—In this astonishing case the whole of the body and legs were covered with lumps nearly the side of Tonquin beans, and had been so for the last three years. Surprising to relate, this terrible disease completely disappeared fron t the system in the course of a month, by having large qantities of the Ointment well rubbed in every night and morning, and taking the Pills in copious doses. This cure is known to many respectable people, as the vessel was discharging her cargo in the Thames only about a fortnight since. Sold by all druggists, and at Professor liol oway's Establishment, 244, Strand, London. HOME CIRCUIT.—We are requested to state that, in stead of the business beginning at Guildford on the commission-day, which is to be Thursday, the 30th of July, the business will not begin there till Friday, the 3lst ; but at Lewes the business Will begin on the commission-day, viz., Monday, July 27, FRIDAY NIGHT'S GAZETTE. FOREIGN-OFFICE, JUNE 9, 1846. The Queea has been pleased to approve of Mr. Charles Maximilian Hartung, as Consul at Freetown, Sierra Leone, for his Majesty the Ring of the Belgians. The Queen has also been pleased to approve of Mr. Luther Brackett, as Consul at Picton, Nova Scotia, for the United States of America. WAR-OFFICE, JUNE 12. sth Dragoon Guards —G. Duckwortb, Gent., to be Come by purchase, vice the Hon. W. F. Scarlett, appointed to the Scots Fusilier Guards, June 12. 6th Dragoon Guards—Captain C. Sawyer, from 3d Foot, to be Captain, vice Pryse, who exchanges, June 12, 2d Dragoons—Lieutenant G. Reid, to be Captain, without Purchase, vice Campbell, deceased, May 29. 9th Light Dragoons—Lieutenant H. Nelthorpe, from 75th Foot, to be Lieutenant, vice Studdert, who exchanges, .Tune 12. 13th Light Dragoons—Lieutenants A. Denny, from 71st Foot, to be Lieutenant, vice Doraville, who exchanges, June 12. Coldstream Regiment of Foot Guards—Captain W. Baring, from 20th Foot, to be Lieutenant and Captain, vice Kirkland, who exchanges, June 12. Scots Fusilier Guards —Ensign and Lieutenant Lord G. Fitz Gerald to be Lieutenant and Captain, by purchase, vice Brevet Major Gage, who retires ; Cornet the Hon. W. F. Scarlett, from sth Dragoon Guards, to be Ensign and Lieu tenant, by purchase, vice Lord G. Fitz Gerald, June 12 3d Regiment of Foot—Captain E. L. Pryse, from Gth Dragoon Guard?, to be Captain, vice Saw: er, who exchanges, • June 12. 4th Foot—Ensign G. H. Twemlow to be Lieutenant, by purchase, vice Gibson, who retires; F. E. Maunsell, Gent., to be Ensign, by purchase, vice Twemlow, June 12. 6th Foot.—if. V. Bindon, Gent., to be Assistant-S'argeor, June 12. 20th Foot.—Lieutenant and Captain J. A. V. Kirkland, from the Coldstream Regiment of Foot Guards, to be Captain, vice Baring, who exchanges; Captain E. L. Knight, front Ist India Regiment, to be Captain vice Powell, June 12. 32d Foot—Lieutenant S. Reed, from half-pay 40th Foot, to be Lieutenant, vice R. Souter, who exchanges; Ensign C. Clapcott, to be Lieutenant, by purchase, vice Vavasour, who retires; C. F. Stewart, Gent., to be Ensign, by purchase., vice Clapcott, June 12. 45th Foot —Ensign C. D. Cameron, from 69th Foot, to he Ensign, vice Morley, deceased, June 12. 54th Foot—Lieutena n t L. E. Wood, to be Captain, with out purchase, vice Mostvn, deceased, May 24 ; Ensign J. S. Thomson, to be Adjutant, vice Wood, May 24 ; Colour Sergeant W. Marriott, to be Ensign, without purchase, vice Thomson, appointed Adjutant, June 12. 64th Foot—Lieut. W. IL Candler, from 80th Foot, to be Lieutanant, vice Dunn, who exchanges, June 12. 69th Foot—Gentleman Cadet F. G. Blood, from the Royal Military College, to be Ensign, without purchase, vice Ca meron, appointed to the 45th Foot, June 12. 71st Foot—Lieut. C. C. W. Domville, from 13th Light Dragoons, to be Lieutenant, vice Denny, who exchanges, June 12. 75th Foot—Lieutenant C. F. Studied, from 9th Light Dragoons, to be Lieutenant, vice Nelthorpe, who exchanges, June 12. 78th Foot—Ensign W. C. Rose, to be, Lieutenant, by pur chase, vice Davidson, who retires; D. Stuart, Gent., to be Ensign, by purchase, vice Rose, June 12. 80th Foot—Lieut. W. C. Dunn, from 64th Foot, to be Lieut., vice Candler, who exchanges, June 12. 88th Foot—Assistant Surgeon J. G. P. Moore from the 97th, Foot, to be Surgeon, vice A. J. N. Connell, who retires upon half-pay, June 12. 93d Foot—Gentleman Cadet. E. B. Thorp, from Royal Military College, to be Ensign without purchase, vice Bar clay, deceased, June 12. 67th Foot—Scrgeant-Major J. Desmond, to be Quarter master, vice J. Sleator, who retires b.Alf-pay ; C..V. Cay, Gent., to be Assistant-Surgeon, vice Moore, promoted in 88th Foot, June 12. Ist West India Regiment—Captain J. Powr-11, from 20th Foot, to be Captain, vice Knight, who exchanges, June 12. HosprrAL, STAFF.—A. R. Ridgway, M. 13., to be Assistant- Surgeon to the Forces, vice Mostyn, appointeti to the 6th Foot, June 12. 111 Emoniornuat—The Christian names of Captain Shear man, 62d Foot, are Robert Ambrose. OFFICE OF ORDNANCE, JUNE 10. Royal - Regiment of Artillry—lllajor Gene ra l F . W a lk er to beColonel Commandant, vice Fyers, deceased, May 18. Commissions by the Lord-Lieutenan t of Donsetshire. The Right Hon. S. F. Strangways, commonly called Lord Stavordale, to be Deputy Lieutenant ; H. F. Yeatman, Esq., to be. Deputy Lieutenant ; S. Sorrell, Esq., to be Deputy Lieutenant ; G. B. Clapcott, Esq., to be Deputy Lieutenant, June 3. Commission by tite Lord Lieutenant of Radnorshire. To be Deputy Lieutenants—Sir W. S. R. Cockburn, Bart. ; Rev. R. L. Venables, Clerk; T. Davies, Esq., June 1. Commissions by the Lord Lieutenant of Lanarkshire. Royal Lanarkshire Militia—H. H. R. Aikman, Esq., to be Captain, vice Landless, deceased, Dior 14 ; G. A. Irving, Esq., to be Captain, vice Fullerton, deceased, May 15; A. F. Lindley, Gent., to be Lieutenant, vice Taylor, deceased, May 14. COURT OF COMMON PLEAS. Trinity Term, in the 9th year of the reign of Queen Victoria. Wednesday, June 10, 1846. This Court will, on Monday, the 6th (lay of July next, hold a sitting, and will proceed to give judgment in certain of the matters standing over for the consideration of the Court.. N. TINDAL. BANKRUPTS. John Compton Hill, grocer, Reading, Berkshire, to sur render on June 22 and July 27, at eleven, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Turquand, official assignee, Old Jewry Chambers ; Lewis and Lewis, Ely-place, Holborn. John Wyatt, common brewer, Ockbam, Surrey, June 23, at eleven, and July 21, at t we l ve , at t h e Court of Bank ruptcy. Follett, official assignee, Sambrook -court, Basing hall-street ; Walker, South-square, Gray's Inn. Charles Benns, miller, Winchester, June 23, at two, and July 14, at half-past two, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Edwards, official assignee, Frederick's-place, Old Jewry ; Gedge, George-street, Mansion-house; Pain, Whitechureh, Hants. -William Ihrt, hat manufacturer, High-street, White chapel, June 23, at half-past two, and July 14, at eleven, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Edwards, official assignee, Frederick's-place, Old Jewry ; Rawlings, Crosby-hall- Chambers, Bishopsgate-street Wthin, and Romtord, Essex. John Bedford Pim and Charles Payne, paper-makers, Mansfield- street, Borough-road, June 23, at one, and July 14, at two, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Edwards, ( fficial as signee, Frederick's-place, 01(1 Jewry; Lewis, Grosvenor street, Bond-street. Thomas Simmons, corn merchant, Wooburn, Bucks, June 18, at half-past two, and July 21, at eleven, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Bell, official assignee, Coleman - street-buildings ; Waller, Finsbury-circus; Spicer, Great Marlow. James Holt, glove manufacturer, Castle Donington, Leices tershire, June 23, and July 28, at twelve, at the Birming.. ham District Court. Christie, official assignee, Birmingham ; Iluish, Castle Donington ; Hebbert, Birmingham. David Clark, leather dealer, Liverpool, June 22, and July 21, at twelve, at the Liverpool District Court. Bird, official assignee, Liverpool ; Johnson and Co., Temple, London ; Grocott, Liverpool. James Stavely, warehouseman, Manchester, June 24 and July 22, at twelve, at the Ma nc h es t er District Court. Fraser, official assignee, George-street, Manchester; Gregory, Faulk ner, Gregory, and Skirrow, Bedford-row, London. Charles Fox, victualler, Kingston -upon-Hull, June 24 and July 15, at eleven, at the Kingston-upon-Hull District Court. Kynaston, official assignee, Kingston-upon-Hn11; Wells and Smith, Parliament-street, Kingston-upon-Hull ; Tilson, Squance. Clarke, and Morice, Coleman-street, London. PRICE OF SUGAR. The average price of Brown or Muscovado Sugar, the pro. duce of the British possessions in America, computed from the returns made in the we e k en di ng June 9, 1846, is 355. 5%d. per cwt. [Dividends, &c., in our Next], RAILWAY SHARE MARKETS, MANCHESTER, JUNE 12. STocH EXCRANGE.—The sales are—Ambergate, Nottingham, and Eastern Junction, 255. dia.—Boston, Newark, and Sheffield, % die.— Cambridge and Osibrd, % dis.—Chester and Manchester Direct, 14 dis.—Clitheroe Junction, 1% dis.—Derby and Crewe, 2% p.— East Lancashire, 3 p.—Lancashire and North Yorkshire, 16s. 6d. Ws.- 8% p.—Ditto, ditto (C), Leicester and Bedford, dis.—Liverpool, 311„auOixrmks,k3iirkp,._anmd p,-..Manchester and 7-16 p.—Liverpool, Preston, Manchester, &c., 3-16 dis , —Lenden and rBtpterßitr,rmß,UXignagtallaQrUtin'enCo(nßtinuation, &c., 15s. 6d. dia. 7a lio d rk pß ,....t m d ai i ngn s —Manchester and Southampton, 14 di s. — Northumberlsuid and Lau. cashire, 16s. dis.—North Staffordshire, 3% p.— Oldham, BirkeD head, &c., 21s. dia.—Preston and Wyre, Halves (B), p.—Sheffield and Lincolnshire Junction, dis.-- Sheffield and Manchester. Quarters, No. 3, par—South-Eastern and Dover, Laves (No. 4), Is. 6d. p.—West Riding 'Union, p. LEEDS, JUNE 12. STOCK EXCHANGE.—The sales are—Great Grimsby and Sheffield Extensions, 18s. dis.—liuddersfield and Sheffield, 5h p.— Leeds and Dewsbury Extensions, par—Leeds and Thirsk, 5% dis—Manchester and Leeds, Fifth Shares, 9% p.—Ditto, Extensions, 2% New, 13 p.—Newcastle and Darlington Junction, Extensions, 7 p.-- Ambergate, Nottingham, and Boston, 255. dis.—Chelmsford and Bury, 17s. dis.—Clitheroe Junction, IM dis.—Essex and Suff o lk, I Ga, dis.—Lancashire and North Yorkshire. 15s. dis.—Leicester an d Bed. unction, 16s. dis.—North S taffordshire, 3s* 6d. in' n i —North ford, 3s. 6d.dis.— London and Manchester (Rastrick), he a tr, dis.—Man_ Lancashirecstethrnn, Matlock, and Midland, I I s . p. — Northumberland. j , Is. dts.—South Midl an d , 16s di West Rid n Union, 31. 19s. HULL. JUNE 12. STOCK EXCKANGE.—The sales are—Preston and Wyre, Halt Shares (A), 4 1 / / —?north British, Carlisle, 31s. 9d.—Armagh, Cole raine, and Portrush, 12s. 3d.—Chelmsford and Bury, lie. 6d.—East Lincohishire, 16s. 6d.—Hull and Barnsley Junction, 28s. 6d.—. Leicester andßedford, 18s. 6 d. — Leicester and Tamworth, 235. bet. —London and York, 395. 6 d. — Manchester, Buxton, and Matlock, 49a. 6d.—North Staffordshire, 5/. is.—South Midland, 298.—West Riding Union, 3%. M S id r lan i c L l, E l4 l B e x iltE D GE it . to — , SHEFFIELD. Jim 12. 111 40 e 1. saiSlestarears, e 3—Grimsby , C , oun an ti d es, sh 2 e 3 n y e — la Extension, 16s. dis.—Ditto, Quarter Shares, 10s. dis.—Lancastea. and Carlisle, 55%—North British, 29—Oxford, Worcester, and Wol. verhampton, 47. 11s. 3d.—North Western, Is. dis. HUDDERSFIELD, JUNE 12. STOCK EXCHANGE.—The sale. are—lluddersße/d and Sheffield Junction, 16M —Leeds, Dewsbury, and Manchester, 13% —o x f ords Worcester, and Wolverhampton, 8 U—Ambergate, Nottingham, any Boston, 255. 6d. dis.—Manchester, Buxton, Matlock, and Midland, 3 North Staffordshire, 3N P.— North N Western, 21R.—South Midland , 3c YORK, JUE 12. STOCK ExcHANGL—The sales arc—Eastern Counties, York Ezte I —Grand Union (Nottingham and Lynn), 11 s . Gd _, _, 11. lion, and Bedford, I—Loudon and York, 21. 2 S. — ;Talton , eleester Junction. 2/. :U.—Manchester, Buxton, Matlock, and Midi and Driftlelc Newcastle and Darlington, Extensions, 8% —North British, and, 2} 1 ,-.• Extension, I!. 12s.—York and North Midland, N ew Carlisi4 Riding), 10%. (East and West EDINBURGH, JUNE 10. STOCK Excnaßox.—The sales are—Aberdeen, 4 1 ,i, —Airdrie and Batligate, 743.—British and Irish Union, 41s. 6d.—Carnwath and West Linton, 2 38.—Direct Northern, 375. 6d.—East Indian Railway. 103. B d.—Edinburgh and Glasgow, Quarters, New, 181.—Edinburgh and Northern, Newport, its. 9d.—Edinburgh and Perth, 39s.—Glas gow and Belfast Union, 425. 6d.—Glasgow and Dundee Junetiort, 32s.—Great County Down, 275. 6d.—Perth and Inverness, 325. 6d, GLASGOiV, JUNE .1.1 . tairend—itnlrdtLiirielwaanyd,B7.Ba.tb6dgaLeE, di78161., —Glasgow and Garnkirk, 4W. —Caledonian xc E n i nc i s si . o —J a h o e ._ sa i ll i s burgh and Glasgow, 75% —Edinburgh and Northern, 06 . —Gb igol , / , — N Glasgow ll. and Belfast Union, 418.--Glaiigovr K Ge u n n e . ral rno T e e k 7 a i n u d us, Ay 9 Glasgow, Kilmarnock, and Ardrossan, 295. 6 d. — Glasgow, Airdrie. and Monkland Junction, 43s.—Glasgow and Dundee Junction, 314 6d.—Gl asg 26s.—low Harbour Grand Junction, 20 6 . —Glasgow HarbOtill Mineral, and Elgin, 21c. 6d.—Larne, Belfast, atAl Ballymena, 4s. 9d.—Lesmahagow, 495. 6 d. — Manchester and South , hampton, 30s. —Perth and Invosness, 325. 6d.—Spottlsh Central, 16TH —Ditto, New, 7%. THE Boot OF A CHILD FOUND IN THE STREET.—Mr. Joseph Payne held en inquest last evening a+ the Three Tuns, High street, Borough, on the body of a male cliii,?, mime unknown, abort two years old. Benjamin Dowling, waiter at the Grapes, Borouglip said that on Monday night last lie found a woman's hand-basket under the gateway which leads to the house. He raised the cove to see what the basket contained, and there found the body of v. child. A man and woman were at that time drinking at ii tl n ie bar and just before three women had been there. Um of the body, which was that of an ex tremely I it t had m must s flied ie have d a beenna natural wasting ral d a year. In his opinicett geon, of 159, Borough, said that he had tmde rn m e M i ly e r x . e t G m eiz a l e a i l a ex te g d ain e lnes u m , : said, that the mere dr.. In such a strange way was sufr, cumstance of a body being had committed away for murder. Auer some es, dl by half an hour, the person ed in order that a post mortem ex,l6, cession the inquiry was adjourned dent to create suspicion. l e f x t p h o e sed chi i id'slife bad been shortened brzc eath a . m A new brig of war, named Dupetit Thouars, woes launched on the 6th lust. at Brest minatlon might be made, m o id urn further d evidence obtained. t