The Sun. — London, England, 1846-02-13 00:00:00

„t il• Leal s • •e i s id. ' t v , t'o,• if . , an. • - ntintatr. Ch e t t e 's .i'a • ' .• • • ilaniptea, wsuld hav .• iaecti the Rignt Hoe. list - was Es the occasion. —(Hear.) 'nu re lis.d grown up practises ',, r la is on heavy an preteetive and prehibitery "' t ie , ; and Mr. Iluskissou, perceiving what branches iLkit,,itnhuermtiaeture there were whi c h cou ld sa f e ly dispense and %huh were more incuinbered than as til ed by such, withdr ew f rom t h em t h e protect i on t h ey '''. l 'Yet Ile (Mr. Colquhoun) did not mean to heetain the: had Air. Busk -son lived until the t Y ' s ent neesent, he e o ula h ave acte d on t ., e same St 'ai• The N o bl e L or d the Mem b er for London took ieeption to an argument put forward by the Hou. u mber f or N orthamptoe, and asked why should pro klTil'al he removed from manufacturing produce and 4 red Co remain on the soil. Th e N o bl e L or d quo t e d of r l ,ith, to the effict that it was not alone the right 0 0 'tat'', but w as a l so w i se and politic that a state 1 uld i mpose duties on foreign commodities adequate 1 the taxes whi c h t h e y l a id on their own productions. :did that app l y i n the present case ? They had an thlr' us taxation resting on this country peculiarly, t , ise it arose from the national debt. They were in lii '_ 41,4 of putting a duty on foreign produce, as an ade ak‘t.e:rll,El.sisalent ; then why leave manufactures out of the 1 118 7 3 r why, but because it had a natural and a . de l ','S protection. No man could look at the soil of , tr,d s hi r , 4 ttio. e or Lancashire without seeing an ea srlt of mineral in it that gave them an sa lta A tt i e Re over all the rest of the world. m g! culture iti this count, y was exposed to seasons th itt e eprieious, more variable, and more severe than fiat: any other country in Europe, wh il e t h e menu tut, the of the country had corresponding advantages. th e a Right Honourable Baronet rested his case upon I c e experience of the last three years, and to appease that I t YP r 'hensions of the agriculturist, he pointed . out 1441(.7efureduction which had taken place in the . irnperta %ell d re ign cattle had produced high prices, rather he lve , e P ra ;, ,a'ed the market. The Right Hon. Baronet, &elf, fo er ',dat not see that this argument was against him than, ” In not part of his argument he said the ill the was ne cessary to cheapen the necessaries of life heeev'ee°llntry. The Right Honourable Baronet was, high I :' wru ng in supposing the tariff had produced the ii,ln prices, fosa ,when the tariff was passed, an impres- Wi t h! ) ° t Ethreau the they were going to flood the country Wee:" fr ‘'ra all parts of the world, and the conse e„e -, was the d ; i narket was glutted with English pro hreite.d e a , l ;„ -- i di the y ar afterwards there was a led hrlYsalear c heer.) There was another cause he could arr.ouuced these high prices, and one to which . ksin c z t re .„kr with satisfaction, and without dispa ,Nrae-h4le, night lion'Ourabl6 - Baronet's tariff. This °led t h e the effect of stimulating employment and ena- - ' ll lEnd La bouring' classes of this country to corn Pere s! e buteher'i meat.—(Hear, hear.) No l'ail sa e9Eild urg e that the great development . of l h kials 3 ;?,, i n this country depended on any commercia f ea Pititc: . ,it depended on the enormous . amount t o o traie • -n " on that system of leaving . it open he ether its forw course. (Loud cheering.) T 4 , ~ a gah , Inverness, himself a free trader, i.l l ` i Put -,,-- aild again called upon us to interfere uee ss s - ,atop to the progress of railway enterprise. ,haridthnltile Parliament abstained from such a course, The - i s 'asl (pence has been beneficial to the country. 'old ;`‘ullourable Member for Sunderland (Mr. ° *e st) fi' who hss been the architect of his 4 th ort une , . , , ha s contributed greatly to con the eo - 'el:lefts of the distribution of' capital upon t'„thq Me Y, and he deserved more praise than any ‘Ltetr' m a taher of the House. The Right Honourable i t 'ate e-. 4 4 Lleettied to state that there was no connexion Olt H e 'les . and the pr.ce . of provisions, and his R ight i i . !lend made allusion to the . speech of the ° EI, th e s °.'nitirable Baronet, in which he touched by th e ~n'arY question how the labourer would be affected :Me -4144 w. With all the talents of the Right Hop. at a lT l i?, and his knowledge of the tactics of debate, e at 441°11 to th e Right Hon. Barmet's speech, in his . u n, o• • d • 'discreet, because in the fip tvh as moat unhappy an in m e t , s tne Right tronaßaronet urged very strongly i 'l l ,%t a reseal of the rn-law would limit the employ , i'LO 10s.- the labo e co d would shake the interests of ' 1, 4 Itc" ) , ?el', both.' and would shake the interests of j 1 ! aii't Iti•, both, agricultural and manufacturing. rt:tk ll. l l l :L i t tit i i ii ° t Elourable ag Friend disposed very summarily ice e t a h 'gutuente that had been urged against him.. and changed my d opinion, there is an end of l'41 : l ita ll l , n t El te c r o o nt w in a u s e cheers.) But he would not an end of it. There ' lr t:ll:t.ial end. .of it Inclkuse , a person was a man 44 5et e 1l *Eh ther o asan orator or as a . poet. He must t lt i . i ' L lEirl ea re nleilihe r that his words are winged shafts, that ' eioasi a tlY minds that when urged wit_ a • ' h llthe address 14 V. Ii ' r '"g4t l ion• Friend, these thoughts and opinions 111 - ed o . pio t ° ' n en: an eat a reat share in forming i , ' Ri g h t n ns and ;:eutimentsg; and, therefore, when ,1 1111 toe's: t ' honourable Baienet, having utged these 4% 41 , the n ' e for many years, turns his Insult upon s • s %tat s f, °lilt! not conceal their surprise. —(Cheers.) I ;;Lattie,` r i - L (L w him to remind him that his opinions had -r l)ee - i r nanY in the country, they stood now v,ery 4 i 4le Yrg t u , e ili f° e r ti e - the country; were admitted to be very minds tell ts, and making upon many t4i iik g l "ferful impression. He could not help hes t l a n h t : t tL _ s his Honourable Friend was speak h-s°l3see_"ae winged sh . afts had often transfixed O' l E l n ' i ts on the other side of the House. But if he ; 44 th 'l l i *.ith his opinions, they had not. He wished they " 4 '4 -°n • Baronet amongst them then to urge the a d r i: L i g. / s f 'an,.d the same opinions which he had now repu - La 1 . 61 :-. ) oo they did not achieve victory, they i t s' l, wever9 e i l %t th e ve a gallant r s iatrie t ?; ei Weitlld have t e onsolation of not having Then his Right lion. Friend e s !„ ' .. a ilove rOPinions. d him that his view of q a l e tt i him to remind 4:4 veks v °ll of . wages was ono which nobody could deny. • Sh e ' ith.respect to the speech of the Hon. Me . mber . Ate • eld ee Ne s s , that the rate of wages and the he (Mr. ti'LNefl;llB..a.rie.ri after a certain time. That k . ire Et4 *La/ believed was true. i. H . e believed any gen -44 a° had looked into political science would say O, .waa, s ., a ere e se - mu not always fall with the price rue, slue s ‘ , l4 l °f ' this , •Perhaps by a repeal of the corn-laws the t h. Itt ed ountry would be benefited; but whilst . he -- `t th that fact he could not help stating ileestiyqullebour market must be glutted, and cons!. Os th e 6 Price of labour woad be reduced. This 0te , ,,,, c ue in Ireland at the present moment—t m he . iiita es - : of that country being deficient of em- thitCas- and the population gradually inc __ g. e tl 'El 43 1 , 1 i f the argument of the Secretary of State • el sar ganlents of the Right Honourable Gentleman 4, s and sound—if it be true that by the in• P ": Pro d soine lands would be displaced—if erhttes ult f te .wo llc u s t e d be subjecte . d to straits, then un )fsal With the fall in the price of provisions the price e et 'ea would fall also.—(Hear, hear.) The i tnkt the -agricultural population would be most If the Honourable 4 47; (Hear, hear.) told h."'r Wolverhampton were in his place, he made an admission l i he sg to remind him that he t tEllts 4a e effect. Ile perfectly recollected the Hon t ftt r telb n 'obi to I , g them that the effect of the corn-laws t i leh . h 'seeP into cultivation one portion of land -. °ter.veise would be . u . ncultivated. Now that i i llllo l4 , t a ctlY the position of the Right ma- i 4 , l ` L je Gentleman. Great as would be the a - the e r."`• e's, the fall 'in wages would be still lower, weleei c ondition of th e country would be greatly ts :4 LleO rmel i• He would take the views of those Ls. ' te ac i l ' o t etided,th a in proportion to the freedom given • f`al 0,7 and agriculture, trad . e would be increased a k k e e ss a'Ages of the labouring classes would be - te ° u. ate denied that such a conclusion would hos * . co s What was the case with regard to the 1 ,74 I , r if labour ? With all the improvements which sa -Ar i of l te received, had wages increased ? ie b. re ell; t was th e que a stion he . would put to Right Hon. Gen he-e Ii• he would . put it to the Right Hon. Member tri lli k Ict„ nghain, whether such a result had followed. L k ‘rtt s l'• Member said, that whereas forme H rl e s a - r h ) e_so an ld d vi lth. t . t `e for 36s he now sold it for 63. 17 eZ4fa a a e labourer used to receive for 7s is ( s h h e a T n e o I w ll the ossetl oate of that article upwards of • (V i e of ls 6d Now, when his Right,lion. Friend C t . ts - l'aprOving. the Condition of the labourer, he 1 0 7ak t e;°:'Illhoun)- could not help referring 1 t ett,. a l s uppliedby Mr. -• . - He was not going to *g ig ladle year 1841. la ai til any long statistical details, but he th:lst tt. the sanction of the House, state just one, i li tiai kb(3 tir 811°w what rewas it pressure u tr p t o ie n , 'Nei l l fe. er- sw necessary had pbrQecsnsu the, l ieta" Eltie .°4l competition, which forced him, not te e ileity ',sled s , o f his own, but from positive tai 441 14"reduee the rate of wages. The House would th:afr aei - t i nat the statement he would refer _ hen p fro - fis t ae manufacturers themselves. He fo l u f nd i , e l n in li t p": : II re Years 1828 to 1841 fine yarns her b l id' e de t ei: a st , 31 per cent., and wa v es 29 t pera meeetnt?. ' 1, th e +k g the spinner's rate of g , t,: l : ll , , a ,. .:l`",e h r e :! :;ses o Whatf w o v, r k , a e s r workers h le3 benefitper cent.—(Hear, a t t . h — e ( m H a e; , e__ i -r •l e-11 Pe ~",i derive from a repeal of tn .l ith eve s i e f ea to Colquhoun) would tell thum IV -e s h Et il t Iv : rc ia or two (m g r. gentlemen, members of the League. is t : t a , ts et la ro the siew . sub enwhich Mr. Wilson, one of the 5 r An tollaSterS in Scotland, took . of this c s Der , said, that when iron had r fallen ' 11 ' 414 13 P l a t " wages had been reduced la, and they 111,Y 01 ( 1 '- t Z e lowered further, in consequence of mr. Iv ''s% ex importation of foreign corn. But corn th tl 'lld be-4dketed that when the duty on foreign cti t a i r rO Ze (le awa with, he would be able tolower '1 b,, t , hea r, a d hY y l, lowelring Whatthe rate was o t f ho w o rig pir s ,i — nn it r , ur n cheers.) 111 'ald ti e gg , who formerly represented Mancle t st , n r r e ? .. IC : 1 ' wi t. Cat a better education, more sober habits, a s - a in cheaper, food, would enable the labourer to L 144 fact °eate r comfort There could be no doubt of 'khe (e f k " i r one moment, and he (Mr. Colquhoun) a i t•• • - wee t,t ? "Larne to the manufacturers because they n er d e Pra ise , 'e rate of wages.—(Hear, hear.) .They w ielt tha ' °Y for • t coal • Igit competition—they-were obliged to t . .: f w ere „4„Petition by , very means in their power—they ..,. low s , ( ,`,gvd to abridge their expenses to add ~ ,o the ow er ' their machinery, but they were also obliged t i °,l' that w ages of their labourers. If the effect 1 ), f oo , mute would be to reduce the price irig o.,iiT provided there were no countervai 1 , 1 ,' ' but,'' he es 7 knowledged that it would7be a bene- . that ,: t if they met the working- classes of of th: -n trY, and told them that after the repeal mg's " rll4 lws they would receive the same t hat se' s berore, then he (Mr. Colquhoun) affirmed Th e /eY would meet them with a. delusion.—(Cheering.) .:, . , 11?eeeh u li n a,M. ember for Northampton's eloquent and able e .Isey char been commented upon as being of an incen oriem 'aFf!cter. He did not think that his lion. ev en ,. 'ma intended to give it such a character. At all he I ' s ' he (Air Celquhoun) hoped that nothing which 1 e should him . ' • t: tect. j ,::, s t ::: u Id cause such a charge to be made a 3 0 " . 5 P • So far from treating the manufacturers habit of grinding the poor, he believed shat 11. 4 0 ' s Y were the great sources of the wealth b ut hls ititerest. Nulty of England. If he looked to nothing ow city he should uphold the manufacturing a m his •_ He resided near a large manufacturing town, Proas zu rPerty was of course enhanced in value by its Y to such a town.. If this measure were have just said, the withdrawal of protection to most of these articles is total and immediate, and, with reference to some raiser of them, the protection is merely nominal. I might men tion that in the case of the cutlery of Sheffield, knives, scissors, razors, and other articles, for which it has acquired such cele brity, that these articles have been imitated on the continent of Europe—the Sheffield mark has been forged, and they have 11:en been introduced andlsold is, this country as genuine Sheffield anufacturc. However this may be, certain it is that hot one of these intetests—all of them directly affected — yet not one of them, in the whole interval of the for which was allowed for the consideration of this measure—not even in the excitement of some vehement appeals which have been made in the principal cities and manu facturing towns— (Hear, hear) —not when all the represen tatives of these manufactures were assembled in large numbers before the hustings at Wakefield—not a murmur, not a whisper, or a demur, or a single feeling of disapprobati n at this re moval of protection was heard to proceed.—( Hear, hear. ) The general feeling and the expression was, competition may come, we are prepared to meet it ; all we ask is, a fair field and no favour. And why, let me ask, why may not that interest which se often plumes itself as being the most important, the noblest, and the most. English-like occu • poion in tEe country—why should not that interest take a leaf cut of the book of these manufacturers, and consent to be no longer the only interest dependent upon a nation's industry? .how, Sir, with reference to my agricultural residence, and the impressions I have derived from it We have now to learn for the first time during the course of this debate, that the land owner pretends to himself, or rather endeavours to persuade himself, that he has not been induced to take the; ; side he has done for any reason connected with his own:interest—he consi ders himself only on a par with the manufacturer. He endea vuurs to persu a d e himself that he is not induced to take his part against the corn-laws by any consideration of his own interest, but it is the interest of his tenants and the agricultural la bourers which he has at heart. It is through the labourer's breast, and by the wound that is inflicted upon him ' that he thinks he shall bleed. N ow , va l ua bl e as I a d m it the services of the agricultural labourer to be, and immense as I consider the obligation on the part o f th ese i n di v id ua l s to asser t an d t o cherish them, I think it, howev er , ne ith er m o re n or less than an act of positive injustice to th e commun i ty at l arge t o select any interest as a special object of favour— or, as they are not ashamed to term it, protec tion.—( Hear, hear.) In the next place, I ques tion if the protection you wish to preserve is not miscalled and misplaced. The Hon. Member for Northamptonshire (Mr. Stafford O'Brien) presented, in his own picturesque and pathetic style, au interview between a landlord and a farmer, whom he represents as being turned off his land and compelled to leave his farm and home, endeared to him by so many pleasing recollections, because he could not give the same rent as some enterprising meniEer of the Anti-corn-law League. —( Hear, hear. ) Mr. STAFFORD O'BRIEN.—No, no. Lord MORPETH —I thought 1 understood the Hon. Member to represent the case of a person with more capital, energy, and ability. Mr. STAFFORD O'BRIEN.—I did say so; but he would not necessarily be a Leaguer.—( Hear, hear. ) Lord MORPETH.— This argument would not apply, for where they could hitherto buy six quarters of wheat they could now only buy three quarters. The peo ple—the commercial peop'e of this country and the agricul tural labourer, I consider have identical interests, and I say, therefore, that this measure will be a benefit to both. It will I.ardly be disputed that the real interests and well-being of the agriculturist must depet d on the general prosperity of the country, which has such an effect On the working classes, that with the advance of commercial prosperity, their condition in a like ratio became improved.—(Cheers.) Now, had not the demand for labour always existed in a greater degree in years when corn was cheap than in years when corn was dear? Had it not always been found, that with cheapness of bread, there was an instant demand for labour.—(Cheers.) An Hon. Gent, on the opposite side of the House, said, in talking of the three years experience which they have had, that the prospe rity of that time did not arise from the working of the tariff, but that it arose from the activity in railway speculation. Why, the Hon. Member for Rutlandshire, said, that in the year 1839, great prosperity existed (he alluded to the late lamented Member for Kendal), but it must be remembered that 1839 was only the beginning of that activity. What do we find in that very year which we are told was so remarkable for the prosperity of their manufacturers ?—why, that part of 33 to 35, and 39 to 41, the amount of employment proves a decrease of 33 per cent., while the price of meat rose to an enormous extent. Why it is so plain a principle that no one now will deny it, that when corn is dear the food of the working class must be proportionally entrenched upon. —( Hear, hear.) I want you to take the most excessive view of this matter—let them bring fewer bags of cotton, and even fewer skins from the farmer, but still they the protectionists) must bring "grist to their mill." The demands of the working classes are, that they be enabled to buy in the cheapest market , the food which is necessary for their support. But I have no hesitation in saying, that these laws are no pro tection to the agricultural farmer or the agricultural labourer. --(Cheers.) I den y that they are protectedby those legislative enactments. The Noble Lord the Member for Liverpool (Lord Sandon) said, that wages varied with the price of bread, whilst the Right Hon. Baronet, the Secretary of State for the Home Department, said that they never varied in anything like the same proportion—that the rate of wages never rose or fell in the same proportion as the price of provisions. But in my own neighbourhood and district, in the memory of th e living race, wages have never varied at all—they have al ways been as high as 12s. a week there, as in Northampton ahire, and more in harvest.—( Hear, hear.) Well, then, if the agricultural labourer receives fixed w ages of 12s. a week, with out its varying according to the price of corn, does it not f .11)w that if, instead of paying Is. Bd. for a stone of flour, he has to pay, as he does now, 2s. 6d. for it—does it not folios, I say, that his weekly earnings must command less of the necessaries and comiarts of life—that they must be materially abridged 2—( Hearghkr. ) Now a difference of 10d. a stone in the price of flour makes a difference to the working man, taking his family at an average of six persons, of 2s. 6d. a week, or 6/. 10s. a year—a whole filth of his income. Now I put it to the House whether we the rich men—we the gentlemen of two meals a day, as the Hon. Member for Northamptonshire puts it—( Hear and a laugh)—should not think a whole fifth of our income a grievous addition to the income-tax.—(Hear, hear.) I feel that the time is come in reference to this question when we have done with papers and figures, and 1 will no' trouble the House but with one more. 1 have had access to a paper, not drawn up for the purpose of the corn-law, or any ques- Gun connected with it, but for the purpose of a statistical inquiry in reference to the small agricultural town near which I reside This table shows the proportionate expenditure in the articles of food in three families—the family of the tradesman, the family of the professional man, aid the family of the working man. I will not trouble the House with the items for leveller's no-at, milk, or butter. I will confine myself to flour alone, and 1 find that this computation was made when flour was 2s. 6d. the stone. I find that the Bill of the tradesman's family was 12/. 13s. being 15 per cent. of the whole expenditure in the year for food. The annual charge of the professional man's family for flour was 8!. 18s., being 10 per cent, of his expenditure for food, while the charge of the working man's family, kept with the greatest economy, is 13/.45., being a per tentage, not of per cent. as in the case of the tradesman's family, nor of 10 per cent., as in the case of the professional man'sfamily, but at 48 per cent.— (Hear, hear, and cheers.) Now, how much mom. heavy to him is such a deduction from the amount which he can laj , out on food, than to the class immediately above him, arillif to the class immediately above him, in an infinitely greater degree more heavy than to the more easy circumstanced member of societv.—( Hear, hear.) But again, I find that the professional man, living in an economical manner, spends upon every ar ticle of food consumed by his family but one-third of his total income. The food of the tradesman is about one-half of his income. The food of the working labourer is about three fourths of his total income.—( Hear, hear.) What he actually spends on food is 73 per cent., and only 27 per cent. remains for rent, schooling, clubs, and shoes. Therefore, I put it to the House, whether this increase of 2s. 6d. in his weekly bill for flour does not tend to deprive him, in an inordinate degree, of all the luxuries of life, and of a greater command of means for the education of his children.—( Hear, and cheers.) These is not more than a sufficient quantity of food grown in this country for our present supply—(l think he would be a hardy man who denied that)—it has been computed that there is an addition of 1,000 a day, or 365,000 a year, to our present population ; and I also make bold to assert that there is not, year by year, an addition of 365,000 quar ters of wheat of our native growth. Does it not, then follow that it is most important to procure an additional supply from abroad ; and, considering the condition of the poor, ought not this to be done at the cheapest possible rate ?—(Hear, hear. ) I do not agree with those who impute it as blame to her Ma jesty's Government, that there has been the exercise of sliding scale on the Ministerial nerves—that they were appalled by the events of last autumn.—(Hear, hear.) The Hon. Mem ber for Huntingdon (Mr. T. Baring) said, the proposal of the total abolition of the corn-laws had been founded on the neces sity of giving an additional supply of food to Ireland, and he asked—" Has the House ever shown a reluctance to grant rebel to that country? Whatever its Saxon feelings may be, has it ever manifested an indisposition to afford assistance ?" No, it has not ; but I ask, is it fair to tax the generosity of England because it shows a readiness, and is in fact ready, to fly to the relief of Ireland ?—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) This is in contravention of that maxim which I hold to be sound in political as well as in daily life, " Be just before you are gene rous."—( Hear, hear.) Be just to the people of Ireland, but be just also to the collective community of the people of Eng land.—( Cheers.) The Honourable Member for Huntingdon says —" You ought not to apply a permanent remedy to a tem porary evil. When the evil is,,—( Her, hear . ) t em porary and local , lelt the re medy be temporary and local. that the peculiarity of the evil in question this , t h ß a u t t it m su ay Y arise in any year, and that it has arisen repeatedy ; and are we always to be mocked with t hese delusions of sliding-scales which do not slide, and restrictive laws which, according to the varying course of the seasons, must be constantly modified or repealed ?—(Loud cheers.) I think it is no reproach to the Right Honourable Gentleman that he has been influenced, in the course which he has adop ted, by the state of the seasons.— (Hear, hear.) Finding that his anticipations had been disap pointed, and his calculations baffled, lie was led by the result to change his mind ; but can any one justly be reproached for being disappointed and baffled by that which he can neither counteract nor control ?—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) I think it no disparagement to free trade, I think it the strong est confirmation of the truth of the principle on which it rests, that it follows the law of nature, and bends to the rules which regulate the courses of the seasons. I may not i mproper l y say of such operation as the poet said of the R om a n E m peror, —(I shall endeavour, sir, to quote my Latin somewhat more correctly than the Hon. Member for Newcastle quoted hiss a (Loud laughter)—. ;rneral .y nu Tibi mittat ab antris 2Eolus iratas hyemes tibi militat tether Et congregati veniant in prrelia venti." Yes, Sir, 1 think it rather a confirmation of the truth of that principle that the stairs do not fight against it, but that their combinations would seem to be in its favour. But with respect to this argument, I believe it is established by those who give their special attention to the variations of the weather that the same circumstances of cold or hot, wet or dry,; weather are riot found generally to prevail aver or to affect the produce of a large surface, se that bread in season, when prices are high in London, may be cheaper in Paris or Vienna ' • but, on the con trary, I believe it will be found that a we t or dry season in this country, is compensated for by a season of an opposite cha racter in other parts of the world, for instance, upon the con tinent of North America. Every one will recollect, for e )(- ample, that the season of 1842 was remarkable in England for a warm and even temperature. Now, during that year, I hap pened to travel on the continent of North America; and we had weather of the most vas iable character. Much as I had heard of the extreme heat of an American summer, I scarcely experienced " a hot day ;" and every one told me that it was the coldest season almost ever experienced in the United States ; the very reverse of this occurred last year. Last summer, it will be remembered was peculiarly wet and unseasonable in England, whilst on the continent of Ame rica it was, I understand, peculiarly hot —so much so, that I remember reading, in one paper, of a man who died in one of the large cities, from the effects of the excessive heat. Now what is the inference to be derived from this? That not merely the periods of sunset and of sunrise are different in different parts of our globe, but that there is the same system and compensation as to the season, as there is on the return of darkness and of light ; so that when our part of the world is afflicted with untimely rains or cold, an the attendant bad harvests, we may take comfort in the r d e flee tion, if we repeal the corn-laws and open our ports to foreign produce, that the rays which have been denied to us have ripened distant harvests , and that just at the moment of ne ed, the superfluity of their growth will be wafted over the ocean to atone for our deficiency.—(Chem the continent of America, on which self, I do not wish to allude so much to Lions which my residence there may enabled me to make, because these have frequent discussion, arid can be calculate._ appreciated as clearly at a distance as on t. though I have felt sometimes that the real si presence of our own faithful eyes, bring the truth to one, than the most laborious collection of do ( Hear, hear.) I have felt this most emphatic. placed in full view of those mighty prairies west, which, almost totally without an inhabitant, in their luxuriant fertility, imploringly to- invite the ag. culturist, when, in view of those vast forests above the prai. which promised (and all experience had verified the promit that as soon as the axe of the woodman had once rung anion, them, as soon as the log-cutter had put up his cabin, and the smoke from its chimney curled up into the air, fertile crops would take the place of tall trees.—( Hear, hear.) I have felt this in sight of the immense and wonderful valley of the Mis sissippi—that valley which the accomplished De Begueville has described as the most magnificent abode ever formed by nature for man ; 1 have felt this, on the St. Lawrence, that mightier volume of fertilising waters than the whole world else pre sents. In all these grand scenes, I have felt that while the distance between them and us must necessarily prevent those extraordinary imports which the panic in the breasts of our protectionists anticipates, yet that still, as a very long time must elapse before that same valley of the Mississippi can ',umber the 200,000,000 of inhabitants, of which it said to be capable, as a very long time must elapse ere those woods can be cleared for the cultivation of what they are susceptible. I wish for a moment to mention to the House, before I cease to trespass on its attention, that notwithstanding much that I have heard, and much that 1 have seen, I have not returned trom that country with any favourable impressioon of their moderate tendencies, or their scrupulous attention to good iaith.—(llear, hear.) Nor do I return to my home with any increased repugnance.—( Loud Ministerial cheers.) By which I mean to say any diminished attachment to the aristocratic, or mixed monarchial principles, which were the elements of our own Constitution.—( Loud cheers.) But I feel that we cannot confront the example of general ease and comfort which prevails among the American people.—( Hear, hear.) We all know the story of the Irish labourer, who re fused to write home that he had meat three times a day, be cause nobody would believe him. We cannot confront the growing aspirations of our own people—we cannot confront the onward tendencies of the age in which we live, if we do not consent to administer and to work out our aristocratic notions in a more democratic spirit.--(Cheers.) Notwithstanding that implied dissent, 1 contend that no aristocratic institutions which rest on exclusive privileges will be able to stem the current of the age.—( Cheers.) I contend that there is no aristocratical body which rests on especial interests will escape their certain downfal—(Cheers)—and that no aristocracy, no matter how long descended, can exist with the corn-law when the pressure will come, and that corn-law will be pro-- hibitory. I think that that will be too hard a strain for any title deed, ne matter how ancient to resist. lam not imputing to the great bulk of the aristocratic party, that any of their members should have a disposition to come out to promote any personal interest that may affect them individually, or to sup port measures for their exclusive benefit. Still they are the interests not of individuals, but of a class which they have been in the habit of keeping prominent in their view. There is a concealed esprit de corps amongst them, and a re fined degree of selfishness which merges itself into generosity, and is easily mistaken for it. When we think that a party with whom we have long acted is likely to be outnumbered in these circumstances, monopoly itself, when it has neared its downfal, will be invested in a kind of sympathy, such as that we feel for the culprit when he stands at bay. But we cannot be permitted, when the general interests of the country are at stake, to indulge in any such misplaced and morbid sympathy. It is part of true patriotism, as well as philosophy, to put the universal, in preference, over the particular. I would, there fore, conjure those who belong to the aristocracy of the country, whether connected by hereditary right or lauded property, to rise asiove any of the especial interests, and to bear their part in the progressive spirit of the age. I grudge to the other side the adhesion of the names of the Marquis of Granby and Lord Clive, for I feel that our aris tocracy has ever marched with that progress, and identified itself with every glorious period recorded in our history. Let them not refuse to hear their part in a settlement which, if not adjusted with them, must be adjusted in spite of them.— ( Hear, hear.) 1 believe they continue to make it an esteemed and honoured party—let them make it as much their pride, as it is their duty, as well as their safety, to be the leaders and not the laggers in the onward march of the British people.—( Loud cheers.) GA SKELL said that he considered that it was the duty of a public man to maintain a character for consistency.—( Hear. ) Perhaps, without presumption, he might call him his Right lion. Friend.—( Hear, hear.) During the last fourteen years he had supported him, and he would be glad to support him on the present occasion if he could reconcile it to his idea cf duty, but he felt it to be impossible for him to run counter to his own implied engagements, and to his recorded votes.—( Loud cheers.) Notwithstanding the eloquent speeches of the Right Hon. Gentlemen the Secretary of State and the Secretary at War, he had yet to learn that this Parliament was erected for the purpose of demolishing all protection to agriculture. In his opinion they had been elected, not only to entertain a total departure from those principles, but even the smallest suspension of that protection which the corn-laws conferred. —(Loud cheers.) He would not enter into the general ques tion. The state of indisposition under which he laboured pre vented him from doing so, and he would not detain the House much longer. He would, however, briefly explain the grounds of the principles which he intended to influence his conduct with regard to this great question. During the last four years, in which he had occupied a seat in that House he had invariably opposed all measures of a similar nature which had been brought forward by the Noble Lord the Member for London, and the Hon. Member for Wolverhampton ; and he did so under the guidance of those Members who were now bringing foulard measures precisely similar in their tendency. He was always of opinion that Parliament was bound to give a mode rate protection to agriculture, and he was supporting it in that irnon, with some of the greatest men of the present and past ,Lion.—'Loud cheers.) He was supported by Canning, :kisson, by Earl Grey, by the Right Hon. Baronet— Astir, hear)—by the Noble Lord opposite (Russell), by Lord Ashburton, and others.—(Loud cheers.) He must be for given, therefore, if he said that the impressions made upon it by the Right Honourable Gentleman himself aeil others were too strong to be outweighed by the arguments which w ere now advanced in support of a policy directly the reverse. Cheers. '[here where other objections which he considered were equally weighty against this measure. He could not help thinking that the Right Hon. Baronet was not the individual to prepese, nor the present House of Commons the body to sanction, such an alteration--( Cheer.) He was ready, however, to admit that the Right. Hon. Baronet was actuated by a sense of public interest in the proposition which he had made, and that he had made sacrifices in bringing it. forward ; but he had made sacrifices on a former occasion, and the greatest was that in 1829. The present one was the next in importance. With regard to the first, he 104 the represen tation t f the college of Oxford--(Cheers)—and the confidence of his party. This confidence,however, was afterwards bestowed upon him, but now he has sacrificed that party which he bad ever declared to be his own pride.—(Loud cheers.) Nobody could doubt but the great majority of the present Parliament had been elected for the purpose of maintaining the principle of protection to agriculture. He would say, notwithstanding the speech of the Hon. Member for Wakefield, that it appeared to him impossible for a Parliament so constituted, unless com pelled by the strongest, the most cogent, and the most conclu sive reasoning, to concur in the proposal of her Majesty's Go vernment.—(Loud cheers.) It was not the change of the Right Hon. Baronet that filled his mind with apprehension, but it was the change of so large a bode in that House as would follow in the wake of the Right Hon. Gentle man. And he confessed that such a change was calculated to lead the public to a complete distrust in public men.—( Loud cheers.) It might be asked, why were they not tied down by pledges? Why did they net give pledges ? The reason why they were not delegates was because they were trusted.— ( Loud cheers.) For himself, lie could say with truth, highly as he valued the dignity of a Parliamentary representative, much as he prized the sphere of usefulness which that position conferred upon them, he would rather forfeit his seat to-mor row than be obliged to give pledges as to the course which on ordinary occasions he should pursue on public questions. But there were implied engagements from which any representative could not deviate without total abandon ment of confidence and a complete forfeiture :of all claims to be considered as the representative of his constituency.— (Cheers.) His Right Hon. Friend the Member for Wiltshire, said that they were not to be considered as mere ambassadors and delegates of local bodies.—(Cheers.) Let that Hon. Gentleman take care that the course which he pursued was a course which must inevitably lead to that local delegation, which he repudiated—(Loud cheers)—and to a greater ex tension of that principle. Another doctrine which had been was one and al a r calculated m _ a doctrinet o fill hi s which mind waswith tde.eb ars t snot h unf e tbteedr feciinn greatest ocmae- astonishmentbroached which was That usually dnc t r n r e e regarded r aas ld oct b: with ttea the t t.ha e gr h e rre a a. s o ntu r e,h quar tera y n e rdo respect . P e t was 4n unlesso c f hhtei those strt h:e.a)b et colleagues colleagues nntthch dissented ; teeiolln speech eocdnm bAeuloe tfnmi t vtf h hbe i a reet t rtHwn t f eohobrrnaei Inverness, opinion,ne emrablel ry Govern mentwhieh m a p. of p c al in da s r i ie d ad ered that it was a doctrine whieh would be recognised,tfl o hn e ri brokensd Liverpool , v must, utterly fatal to the independence of Parliamentary men—utterly inconsistent with the usages which Parliament have always been iefluenced by—that it would have the effect of making them mere agents and local delegates, and be totally at vari ance with the spirit of the Constitution.—(Loud cheers.) There was one other point to which he would call the attention of the House. If those gentlemen who were returned to vote against the principles of the Right Hon. Baronet should again present themselves to their constituencies, afterhaving voted contrary to their promises, what shall they have to offer for their breach of trust ?—(Hear, hear.) When the agricultural portion of the country shall be called upon to tender their votes at the hustings, how would they respond to that call ? (Hear, hear.) Would they not reply to that call with feelings of indifference? would they not say that they had no cause to represent —no interest to protect?—( Hear, hear.) It was no light thing to show the constituency—it was no light thing to show to the people—that their representatives advocated one set of principles at the hustings, and voted otherwise in the Legislature.—( Cheers.) He had given this subject his most serious consideration—he had given it his most serious consideration independent of party feelings, and he had come to the conclusion that this was a measure fraught with the utmost danger to the agricultural in. tcreets of the country.—(Hear, hear.) He regretted that he was compelled to differ in the most important measure of mo dern times with the Right Hon. Baronet, but it was with a clear conscience he should vote against the measure. ( Cheers. ) Mr. ROEBUCK—The Honourable Member, who was for some time most inaudible to the gallery, was understood to say, that considering the various and conflicting opinions expressed by many Honourable Members on the question before the House, he naturally approached it. with great difficulty. There was a remark made by the Honourable Gentleman who bad just sat down which called for some answer. It might be very t proper for those who had made pledges to their constituents o r w e n c l o l oa to m r e t u b d ose th H e nn g . iv A in ie g mb u e p ra o t f o be g th iv o e se up s t e b a e ts a . ea,ta lt whob w wic o eb u v l e d rt,beya had retained on such promises. v raHi shed r w gtte i ie i t h cent e oh d noek sfnit t ani o atuwu k gle n hawn o rt cage w yare matterww ri which b p r were o o f p e r properly broughtconsiderationrepr represented seforward.nt for ed Parliament b yte cbua r t a o c l gt s t e h rre o w a v s o : that s fq uheset t i b on e n, ains n people trht ea ithdebatethe eep delegationa e s s to en a t h t e i ew c .huaßr nothing? a ep c eoif WW e 1 g I n t g b a w ha t t i o e n db a . ied in his own person—( Great laughtrer)—he may have represented but if he were to have thrown up his seat that H o use, when conscientiously compelled to differ from his tsf himselfportionon 0 . i f n M t a h e e m v :t r e y o r p s s i , i e n , g b a u l a t rh mariner, the a o r representative r t e o s e e n l t c a i in constituents, he would have had to do so long since, for it would be remembered, that he had many times voted con trary to their wishes. It was not the country that called upon Hon. Members to resign their seats, it was the close bon ughs. --(Loud cries of " No, no," " Name, name.") He hoped that Hon. Members would not cry out " Name," for it so hap pened that he could put his fingers on the names of those places. He would say that those who should hereafter read the discussion of this measure, would be surprised at the senti ments expressed by many. The practical statesman who shall come hereafter, will take the practical philosophy of legislation and would not be prejudiced by party views. It was a remarkable thing that the Hoc. Baronet who had brought forward the principles embraced in the t 11 ). t . 0 w"_ • ao tst :,stle s at uaie ..eble - yr . ---. be en " exo ol ss se tu a tv tkve to oo x , e t.te o ogr 411 e ea -e Acx ll- AO, .e) ....,...re f con. Lt not ed an had in creased e latter . ece iptS of over rent 00 dend of Lance to , ng that . Co n, ) adop, ting Se. K 1 evil p a lace. Colon e emistrY ted her S R ° Y 31' y j a the Aree in t e9 h - Ott govalW On. ". j• Le9"B tend Si f e High ll634 er it a l t e tesseluk tbe rd Lo de Se onou ' 13e"" Nap A tte' in g foil° Pre Tented Too q's t he et A . to 130 4 Of es' CO Y ietp stir it liett u t o of, 1-01 6 100. r y of to ace, 1 1 1 ,1 0 0 • fish ` cetera ° . St ) ode rt ro , a l o r' te j f *gi n g OR )a tief or ia g at r i . ooc i for GePe o l i t t citfifitir to a sl l . Eb' i ff s 3 0A- oft' log e ye .., THE SUN_ LON DON, FRIDAY EVEN 'Nil, FEBRUARY 13 1846. ealcule tea to hive the effect of harmonising the different cases of this country, course it would be beneficial, and ne sh oule heartily rejoice in it, He regretted, however, to hum the Noble Lord the Member for Loudon hold out a hope to the labouring . classes that this measure would im prove their condition. It might stimulate trade, and have a tendency further to develop manufactures, but he was afraid that one eiftet of that would he to keelt down wages. The Hon. Member for Northamptonshire (Mr. Staffierd O'Brica) had said truly, in his address the other even ing, that since the national vtealth had so much in creased, a considerable depreciation had taken place in the condition of the working classes ; that, though they might have great influence among the upper and middle ranks of society, they would find the condition of the labouring classes gradually getting worse. What they wanted was the taking of direct step , it , order to cif et an improvement. It was not by a commercial code, but by direct and specific measures, that the condition of the labouring classes was to be advanced. But such was the attachment of Hon. Members on the opposite side of the House to their political economy, that when the Noble Lord the Member for Dorsetshire (Lord Ashley) proposed his measure for the limitation of the hours et employment for the labouring classes, they reviled at his benevolent endeavours.—(Hear, hear.) If they were asked for their support to any measure for the religious instruction of the people, or to advance their moral good and social comforts, what was the answer ? If the Ri g ht Hon.. Baronet a: the head of the Government were to propose any scheme of that kind, he would be met by a distinct refusaL—(Hear, hear.) The commercial code might do some good to the manufacturers, but would not advance the condition of the labouring classes. Tee country, were it passed, would still be liable to those revulsions, and that distress to which the Right Hon. Baronet referred in his speech of 1842. There would be the same periodical visitations, and though capital might abound, without credit it would be unavailing. — (Hear, hear.) They might expect that in years of de ficient harvests the labourers would suffer, and not being able to purchase of the manufacturers, general distress would prevail. Even if the corn-laws were aban doned they would still be as much affected by a de ficient harvest as before. They would find, with a good harvest a prosperous trade, and w hen the harvest was deficient, distress and decline in Lancashire and York shire.—(llear.) He would call the attention of the House to a circular issued by Messrs. Fergusson and Taylor, corn merchants of America, who stated that their experienee went to show that in years of deficient harvest great distress pervaded in the home market. Those gentlemen said that in September last there was an apparent langour or disaster in the first harvest, and that instant the home market began to decline.—(Hear.) Buyers were scarce, and goods were left upon the owners hands. Hon. Members proposed that corn should be brought from abroad to remedy that evil. But if those lion. Gentlemen would look to the working te the system, he thought they would find a dif ference in the results in different places. The Hon. Member for Stockport (Mr. .Cobden) had calculated in his speeches (and he admitted that his cal culations wet e correct) the amount of produce brought from the English soil to be 200,000,000. Mr. M'Cul loch made a similar calculation. Now, when there came such a year as that of 18:38, in which there was a defi ciency in the harvest of four per cent., and when there came such a year as 1839, when the deficiency was eight per cent., was it not perfectly clear that they would be taking away from the exchangeable wealth o' the country, an amount varying from 8,000,000 to 6,000,000 ?—(Hear, hear.) That must be admitted by all parties. Would the green corn from abroad meet that deficiency ? He conceived that it would not. It might accomplish other objects, but it would certainl , not meet the deficiency which would take place after th'e repeal of the corn-laws. If the aggregate manufacture: of this country expected a defence from the aggre gate agriculture of England equivalent to 200,000,0001 a year, there would be a failure to the extent of 8,000,0001. worth in the next year, and in the next yeas to the extent of 16,000,0001. It was perfectly clear the' theirforeign demand, great asit might be, would notmeei that deficiency whiith w ould occur in the home market. Let the en erite their foreign demand as high as they chose — assuming that after the repeal of the corn-laws they should gain such a development of trade as they antici pated (and which he sincerely wished for them)—still tht manufactures of this country would be greater than the aggregate demand of both the home and the foreign markets; and if there were a failure in any one year, as there would be in their home market, they would haet the same languor in trade, they would have the same dulness in prices, and the same difficulties for thee labouring population to undergo, and the same pres sure in the homes of the poor of this country.—(Hear.) And, after all, he would assume that they wools gain a development of foreign trade, they would still have the same languor and deficiency, produced by a languid and deficient harvest—(Hear, hear)—and that deficiency would entail upon those engaged in manu'actures, and the labouring population generally great priyations. And he therefore frankly confessed that he could not join with those who anticipated, as the result of the proposed commercial re laxation, a larger development of manufactures. Bui while he, on the one hand, did not think that they would escape the difficulties arising from a de ficient harvest, he, on the other hand, did think that they might be bringing upon the country very seri ous difficulties of another kind, to which their attention did not seem to have been directed, but which he con fessed deserved their best and most deliberate con sideration. What, he would ask, was to become of their colonial farmers ? What was the amount which at the present time went to the colonial farmer ? It was a quantity of constantly growing amount, and had at one time increased to 15,000,0001. It was not likely either that sugar or other colonial produce would be long allowed to survive this.—(Hear, bear.) The Hon. Members on the opposite side looked forward with confidence to this side of the House for the accomplish ment of that measure. But if that was going to be done, he would ask how long after it should be accomplished did they expect to keep their other colonial markets? — (Hear.) He had not forgotten that the Hon. Member fur Taunton had said that they were likely to lose their colonial markets. Well, then, he (Mr. C.) would contend that this measure would have that effect. But then there was another and much heavier blow to bi inflicted by it. If the effect of the measure was to depreciate agricultural produce, then there would be a limited demand for other article in the home markets, and the results would be the same as they were in 1838, when there was a de ficient harvest from natural causes, and there was also a deficient supply.—(Hear, hear.) He could not look as this measure with that confidence with which other men regarded it. There was another point which he con ceived made it still more untenable and uncertain. Now, he would like to ask the Hon. Member for Wolver hampton, would he go down to his constituents, and take this law in his hand, as a perfect code of free-trade laws for the year 1846 ? wou!d do no such thing, because it was not a perfect free-trade code, so long as there still remained a prott c tive duty upon silk, and upon lace, and upon china, and upon metals. Why then was this done? What inter est was there in favour of the farmer in affording pro tectioti to silk, and to china, and to lace, and to metals? None in the world. Well, then, the argument must be that those articles were not sufficiently strong of the.n selves to exist without protection.—(Hear, hear.) And, surely, if they were not, how much less able was agri cultural produce to endure without protection ? An Hon. Member on the other side of the House said he could conduct a farm in Buckinghamshire with as much profit with free trade for the - policy of the coun try as he could with the highest protection. Well, he heartily wished the Hon. Member would try the experi ment. He would promise him he should have an opportunity of doing so Some of his Hon. Friends, he had no doubt, connected with Buckinghamshire, would give him one of their best farms on lease—(Hear and laughter)— which might be for a term as long as the Hon. Member pleased, as long even as in Scotland, and at the lowest rate of rent, and with only one condition—the Hoe. Mem ber should show them the ledger at the end of the year, and with this lease he would undertake to say, the advice of the lion. Gentleman to his friends at the end of the year would be—Close your purses, for the Bucking ham-fields have emptied mine.—(Laughter.) It could not be questioned for a moment, that if a man wished for a return for his capital during the existence of _ free trade he must 'invest it in manu factures, and not in agriculture.—(Hear, hear.) Before he ' sat down he was anxious to answer a question respecting those laws. He had no hesitation in saying, that although he opposed the measure generally, he gave to some parts of the measure his most willing and cordial assent. His opposition to a part of this:- measure was on the ground that he entertained distrust of the policy of the Right Hon. Baronet He confessed he did feel distrust, not alone of that, but of other measures introduced by the Right Hon. Gent'e man. He (Mr. Colquhoun) did not mean to say that it would be in the power of any Government to maintain the agricultural interests, and at the same time to continue any longer the present rate of production.—(Opposition cheers.) He (Mr. C.) confessed he should like to see, on a great question of that kind earnest and able arguments used by the Right Hon. Gentleman. He spoke in his absence, but he (Mr. Colquhoun) would say nothing in his absence that he would not say if he had been pre sent. lie would say that the Honourable Member for Stockport (Mr. Cobden) advocated the measure in an able, a learned, and a talented manner, but he (Mr. Colquhoun) did not take the same view of that measure, great as are the authorities against him. He would say, if they acted on the principles of the Reform Bill, they should meet the Reform Bill in spirit. It was quite obvious to every body thet they could not maintain their institutions unless they maintained the principles which brought about that great question.—(Hear.) Unless they can be consistent in argument—unless they can appeal to great inter' sts, they could not carry this measure with success. They, in contending for mo derate agricultural protection, were not contending for that which was injurious to the manufacturer of this country.—(Cheers from the Opposition.) lie (Mr. Colquhoun) -Mould give, for the sake of the interesrs of the country, his earnest support to agricultural pro- Sir Why, Sir, he heard the Honour able Member for Wolverhampton say, no later than the year 1845, that the Right Honourable Baronet d was dexterously playing on that occasion, an teat they should take great care,- for that the question would be surrendered.—(Hear, hear.) It was on the ground of his feeling for these institutions that he felt himself compelledto give his most earnest op position to the measure that the Prime Minister had brought before the House. Now he felt bound to bear hie testimony to the feeling and the erin ciple by which, on this question the Honourable Member for Stockport had been actuated, and which he had manifested during the whole course of the discussion.—(Cheers.) He was bound to say thee the feeling that that Hon. Member had manifested had been a strong, an able, and an earnest feeling. Now he felt compelled to give to this question his most earnest end honest see;osition, but in tieing thst lie eae determined that his exposition of the fallacies with which the question bad been surround d should be earnest, unequivocal, and decided, It was well known that his feeling for several Members of the Government, of which the Right Hon. Baronet was at the head, had been both cordial and enduring. And notwithstanding the difference which had . taken place in the Right Honourable Baronet's opinions, he ,still professed no personal antipathy, for his feelings were those of sincere friendship and un diminished attachment ; and yet he felt bound its a man, as a Member of that House, and, above all, as a member of a commercial community, although it was a great abrasion of his own personal feelings, to express his de termined, earnest, sincere, open, and avowed opposi• tion to the measure which the Right Honourable Baronet had submitted for their decison; and whilst that Right Honourable Gentleman continued to be the master spirit and the presiding genius of the Cabinet, he must withhold from them anything like adhesion to their policy, or support of any measure they might bring forward. He did not mean to say that this support was to be withheld simply on any matter of agricultural protection, but upon those great interests in which the whole of the welfare of the popu lation was involved. He could not help feeling that this was a matter of the utmost importance, and he deeply regretted that the Right Hon. Barons t had not followed the example of the upright and straightforward conduct of the Hon. Member tor Stockport. For his own part, he should give his vote on this question, although it was against the object of the party with whom he was accustomed to act, with a determinate decision, whatever the consequences euight he, in accordance with the principles he had always pro fessed, although a disregard of party might; though futilely, be laid to his charge. (The Hon. Gentleman sat down amid loud and prolonged cheers from both sides of the Reuse.) Mr. WYNN said, that many of those-who had ad dressed the House had •lamented that the nature of this question was such as to cause very considerable differ ence of opinion amongst the political leaders of this country. Although he might differ from some of them in his vote, and should vote for those who held his own opinion, yet he felt himself divided en this question, which so very much divided the opinions of men in general. He differed in opinion from a most r espectable meeting of his own consti tuents, but that was a circumstance to which many Members of that House must necessarily be exposed. He had had the good fortune to enjoy for fifty years the confidence of his constituency, and if he had ever departed from their opinion on any paticular question, they had acknowledged that it might be a conscientious matter. Ile was satisfied that he had performed his duty to the country by consulting what he considered to be its interests rather than the feelings of any parti cular party of the persons whom he represented. He felt chat this question put the well-being of the agriculturist end the manufacturer in the balance, and their interests were so much alike that they could not look at ore without considering the other. He had heard speak of the benefit of leaving a question of this kind to the individuals themselves rather than to the Government. lie was aware that it had been the policy of the Govern ment to promote laws for the protection of the agricul uurists and the manufacturers. Much as he respected die institutions and legislation of our forefathers, there was no point on which he differed from them so mush as their practice of meddling with what might be easiiy managed by the individuals concerned. When he looked et the regulations relative to agriculture—the limit that was set to the quantity of land to be devoted to pasture or tillage, he was surprised ; and when he looked at the fact, that the price of wheat was to be regulated by the Lord Treasurer, the Lord Chancellor, or the Lord , Chief Justice, he entirely disapproved of it. it was said that every vessel which brought over wine to this country would also bring over bowed staves.— (Laughter.) It was said that for every butt of wine brought over, ten bowed staves would acccmpany it. Let them remember that it was not till the close of the reign of James I. that a permanent change in our commercial policy took place, but it was not till the Administration of Mr. Pitt, that a more generous change took place. About the period of the Union, he first pro pounded his commercial policy. Acting upon his usual policy, he threw aside the prejudices of his pre decessors, and brought those principles into law. The best answer he could give to those who questioned the necessity of altering the present state of things was 'hat which the French merchant gave at one time to Colby, when he inquired, " W hat can I do for the encouragement of your trade and prosperity; ?" the answer was, " to let them alone."—(Hear, and laughter.) tie hoped that the Government would carry their mea sures out to a still greater extent. He confessed he • should have been better pleased if they had done to. He believed, however, that it could not be done at present, and that so far as it could have been with safety to the country it had been done. The experience, the enterprise, and the capital of this couutry would, he believed, obviate the great evils of which the Hon. Member who last addressed the House had spoken. It had been said that the agriculturists could not assist their husbandmen as the manufacturer did his work men, by improved machinery. He could say that so far as his experience and observation went, he differed from that opinion. He thought he saw daily the beneficial effects of the application of machinery to agriculture.—(Hear, hear.) He saw large proprietors erecting upon their estates machinery for the manu facture of drain tiles. These tiles were sold to the tenant et prime cost. He hoped that this system would be developed to a greater extent. It had also been said that it was not to the interest of this country to depend upon foreign countries for the supply of corn. He was of opinion that was a fallacy. He considered that the Americans would be as anxious to encourage our buy ing their corn as they were anxious to sell it. He thought they would act as the old Dutch merchant, who, in the time of a war between that country and France, was asked why he exported his merchandise there, replier', that if he were told they were in want of sulphur in the lower regions he would send a ship-load of that com modity to the mouth of Acheron, provided he could obtain a sufficient insurance to cover the damage that might be done by the singeing of the sails. Ile had also known many members of the Anti-Jacobin Clubs who would never refuse to take a glass or a bottle of claret, upon the ground that it would give assistance to the French merchant ; and such, he conceived, would be the state of things even if this country should be dependant for its supply of corn upon foreign countries. He hoped to see the policy which directed those mea sures carried to a greater extent, and with that view he would give the Government every support. Mr. G. HEATHCOTE said, in addressing himself to the present question, he would endeavour to be as brief as possible, He did think that an appearance of consistency was due from public men. When his Hon. Friend on this (the Oppo sition) side of the House brought forward measures which, he thought injurious to the agricultural interests he opposed them ; and now, when the Government brought forward measures which he considered infinitely more injurious, more extensive in the injuries which they would inflict, he would give them every opposition. —(Ministerial cheers.) He begged their attention to the state of things which existed during the last year. Their manufactories were prosperous, trade was extending itself, and agriculture was beginning to recover itself from the deep and deadly wounds indicted by the Right Hon. Gentleman. Well, the Government,in this state of things, pro pose a series of measures, accompanied by a change of opinion unparalleled in the record of political tergervisation. The Right Hon. Gentleman at the head of the Government had turned out his Noble Friend, because he brought forward a proposition for a fixed duty of Bs. But now he came for ward and proposed a fixed duty of 45., and at the end of three years he intends to remove all protection from agriculture. He had called this a dangerous experiment. He was justified in so calling it, for it was an experiment that was contrary to the experience of all countries and all time. The Right Hon. Baronet had told us that all history and records of events should be expunged from the annals of England previous to the period of his own Administration. He (Mr. Heathcote) would ask whether the three years' experience of the Right Hon. Baronet would bear him out in proposing to the House the present m icbtmoru e etpt as ahrhso u eeev r dne e tand ? He (Mr. Heatheote) was quite ready to admit that there was great prosperity, a diminution of crime and nation oucngo employmenthnhtdaitythii n o o n gs e oea o fxd f pas m nbn o dot raeuagdrl vantages s t swa capital ahr p pee et cause e al tui n i srne t e la of i fv n oa twrhi t iei h nst e gy wto c oaf st u ohs o n uew t r r iic y nng s where labour was necessary, and especially in the construction of railroads in various parts of the country, and thus improv ing the modes and facilities of conveyance. He would main tain that the country was more indebted to the Hon. Member for Sunderland (Mr. Hudson) for his activity and energy in promoting the construction of railroads, than to any free-trade measures of the Right Hon. Baronet.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) In the year 1839 , the Hon. M e m ber fo r Kendal down and told the House that the manufacturing interests were in a preposterous condition, and yet wheat had fallen Bs. a quarter. There was an attempt to annihilate the interest of protection, and the followers of the Right Hon. Baronet would find it out when they presented themselves on the hustings at the next election. The Hon. Member for Wiltshire had alluded to what had taken place in the year 1815, as if that had been the first time when the corn-laws were to be heard of. Why, the corn-laws and protection to agriculture had been in exist ence for the last two hundred years, and he considered, further, that if an error had been committed in 1815, by forcing up the price of wheat, a still greater error would be committed in 1846 by attempting to abolish them altogether.—(Hear, hear. ) He would ask whether there was any strong cause of public necessity to justify the present measure?—( Hear, hear.) He meant, a strong feeling of the public with reference to this sub ject, similar to that which overrun England, previous to the Reform Bill. As far as he knew, all was tolerably peaceable and quiet. The warfare carried on was exclusively a defen sive warfare. When the manufacturers put on the armour of free trade, the agriculturists assumed the whole panoply of protection. The history of the last five or six years, with re spect to elections, was a complete record of defiance of protec tion, and of the strongest failure of the gentlemen who support free trade. Mr. BRIGHT—The West Riding of Yorkshire for instance ? Mr. G. HEATH COTE resumed, that was an exception but, besides that, the free trade gentlemen had nothing to boast of at the elections. Why, they had failed in the very heart of free trade. They had failed at Birmingham, at Sunderland, and lastly, they had failed at Wigan.—(Cheers.) His Noble Friend, the Member for London, had admitted it, and con firmed it. There was no doubt whatever that a large propor tion of the people of this country were opposed to the principles of free trade. In the year 1841, whole consti tuencies, at the time of the elections, passed resolutions in favour of protection, and now the Parliament elected under the banner of protection, was about to decide in favour of free trade. Looking at the whole state of the case, whether at home or abroad, he felt satisfied that the principles of free trade could not be adopted either with safety or with honour. —( Hear. ) Neither could foreign nations be made to alter their tariffs until three-fifths of the people of England had been induced to change their opinions. He would now speak a few words with respect to the famine that was said to threaten the country. As regarded Ireland, he should be happy to render that unhappy country every means of rescuing itself from the portending distress. At a meeting of his own constituents, which had recently been held, he had told them at, once that if any measure for the relief of the people of Ireland should be brought forward, he hoped they would allow him to give it his support.—( The pro. position was received with simultaneous cheers of assent ) If, however, a measure were to be adopted for the relief of Ire land, why was it not carried into effect at once? When peo ple were starving, delays were cruel and dangerous. If local difficulties or distress existed, local remeeies should be applied, but do not, because local distress exist., disturb the great laws which regulate a mighty empire ; with respect to the question of famine pervading the whole country, he thought it was contradicted at once, by the prices that were obtained at present. There may be fa mine in the newspapers, and among her Majesty's Ministers, but there was no real famine while the present prices of corn were maintained. He would now address himself to the ques tion which was immediately before the House, as to the aboli tion of the cern-laws. The corn•laws prevented low prices, to which there was a tendency. If all regulations with regard to price were taken away, there would always be either too much corn or too little. \lien there was a good harvest, fo reign nations would keep their surplus produce for themselves, and this nation womel go without, and be exposed to all the disastrous consequences. In good years, on the contrary, there would be an enormous influx of foreign corn.—(Hear.) The surplus which is likely to come under free trade, is ex tremely different from what it is under existing circumstances. Foreign rustic ns at present have a dread at the extreme uncer tainty of the sliding-scale, which prevents them from growing more corn than they can dis;iose of with a profit, but when there was no duty at all to frighten them, there would be a great superfluity. An HON. Al eenteit—Say plenty. Mr. HEATHCOTE continued—Yes, he was for plenty, but not for a wasteful superfluity. He had had the honour, some time since, to represent the town of Boston in Parlia ment, and he found that it was much cheaper to export wheat from Hamburg to London than it was to bring it from Boston to London. It was cheaper, because the wheat was conveyed in foreign ships. He believed that the countries in the north of Europe would undersell the United States in corn. The consequence would be that corn w.,uld be purchased from countries who will take nothing but specie in exchange, and your manufact ores will be sent to a country who will not re ceive them because you will not take their corn. He did think that when a great experiment like the present was about to be tried, the farmers and agriculturists ought to know what they had to expect. He would now read to the House some extracts from tables of the prices of foreign corn which he had prepared about four years ago. From the years 1815 to 1846, in Dant zit; c, rn, during twenty-five years, the average appears to be 285. per quarter, and during the last seven years of that eriod it was 25s per quarter. During a period of seven con secutive years in Denmark, the price of corn averaged only 185. per quarter. Now, it might be said that this was because Denmark was a s rail country, and that low prices would be ob tained when there was an abundance. To this he would reply that the price of Denmark was the vice of all the North. He would read the prices for the same average of years in different parts. In Prussia, it was 165.; in Cologne, 165.; in Brandenburg, 175.; in Siberia and Pomerania, 175.; in Dantzic, 225.; at St. Petersburgh, 225.; and at Riga, 20s. per quarter. He would ask what would be the effect of the introduction of foreign corn at these prices ? It had been said that the corn-laws of this country were no protection to prices, but he found that while the price of corn at Dantzic rose only Bs., the price during the same year in Eng'anel was 575. per quarter. They had been told, over and over again, that the corn-laws were of no use. He would refer to the year 1822, during which period great distress existed in the country. The price of wheat then was 445. ; in Denmark at the same time, it was only 18s. In 1835, vile n great distress was also prevalent, the price in England was 395. ; in Den mark at 19s. ; so that if the corn-laws had not then been in existence, the country would have been entirely overrun. He would, in conclusion, beg of those who took upon themselves the responsibility of the present measure, also to take upon themselves the responsibility of its consequences. If he should succeed in throwing out this Bill, he should think he had achieved something to be proud of. If, on the other hand, he should fail, he should feel satisfied that he had done all that laid in his power in opposing the meaure, to accord with the wishes of his constituents and the best interests of the country. Mr. W. MARTIN was of opinion that the time had now arrived when the interests of the country required that a change should be made in the corn-laws, and that was the only justification he could give for abandoning protection. What regulated the price of corn was the price of the last bushel which they were compelled to import from abroad. He believed that free trade would not materially reduce the price of corn. He did not believe that they would see, on an ave rage of ten }ears, the price of wheat imported from abroad at less than 50s. per quarter. It might be said that improve ments would come by degrees, but he would remind the House how slowly improvements came upon agriculture. , It was not so with manufactures, as improvements were continually taking place in them. But in agriculture, if an experiment were tried, it required a great length of time to test its efficacy. This was an additional argument in favour of the Government proposition. Many persons, however, expected that we should be inundated with grain from the United States. Why, the price of wheat in New York, for some years together, was higher than it was in London. The lowest price he had ever heard of in the United States was in Michigan, where he understood that it had been grown as low as 255. a quarter, and yet it was a notorious fact, that at the time that was the price of corn in Michigan the price in New York was as high as in London. On these grounds. he felt little alarm as to the probable influx of corn to this country from the United States. He thought it was to our interest to place our trade and com merce on a healthy footing, whether the United States were disposed to follow our example or not. He believed, however, that other nations would be quite ready to follow in our foot steps. He believed that, in the step they were taking, they were laying the foundation of lasting prosperity for their children. Several Hon. Members rose, but there were loud calls for Mr. T. BARING, who said he much regretted that he was compelled to act in opposition to those whom he had hitherto followed, and whose patriotism and stern sense of duty he had always admired. He believed that the present measure was unwise and inconsistent. The arguments upon which the Right Hon. Gentleman rested his change of opinion was to him (Mr. Baring) quite inconclusive.—(Cheers.) Such a measure as the present required time for full and extensive con. sideration. If some measure, some temporary measure, were required for the alleviation of distress, that was no reason for the introduction of such a measure as that which was before the House, If the last change in the tariff had been successful, that was an argument in favour of a gradual change, and against such a sweeping measure as the present. He did not believe that the prosperity of the last three years had depended solely on the changes in the tariff. It appeared to him that the prosperity of the country had arisen from the activity of trade, and from the advantageous employment of labour, It was important for him to state the relative connexion between the price of food and the rate of wages. He believed that wages might be high and the prit e of food low, or that the price of food might be high, and the rate of wages low. There was a large remuneration given for labour in America, and yet food was cheap there.—( Hear, hear.) They had a very low rate of remuneration for labour in Poland, and provisions were not cheap there. That fact proved to him that there was no connexion between the price of food and the price of labour.—(Hear, hear.) If the demand for labour decreased with an increasing population, the result would be that the wages must be regulated accord ing to the price of food, and the wages would therefore be reduced to that sum of money on which a man could exist. He could not, therefore, see anything in these three years of prosperity, gratifying as they might be—anything to justify a very grand experiment, which would shake the resources of the whole agricultural country ; it would open a future of which none could see the result.. No one viewed the calamities that might happen to Ireland with more regret than he did, and he knew that the reports of famine and disease in that country had given great dissatisfaction. If that report was founded on truth, it would cause an influx of provisions there, and there fore they need not fear for Ireland. A special case requires a special remedy.—( Hear, hear.) He had undoubtedly heard that the poor Irishman lived solely on his crop of potatoes, and if that failed, he had no means of existence. In a case like that he would look to the land cultivators around him for relief ; and by this measure the prosperity of those persons who could afford him relief would be reduced. He regretted to hear the statement of the Secretary for the Home Department—it struck him both with surprise and sorrow.—( Hear.) If ever there was a truly patriotic Minister, he believed that no man was more so than the Right Hon. Baronet, and he would feel it his duty to do all in his power for Ireland. With regard to the scarcity in England, it did not seem to call for a great change in the corn-laws. When the Hon. Member for the City of London moved for a return of all the corn in the ports of this nation, there appeared to have been about 430,000 quarters. It struck him (the Hon. Member for London) that this was a very imperfect supply for this country. but there was at that time in the country, a sufficient stock to last it for two or three months. That fact proved to him (Mr. Baring) that, although the stock of bonded corn might be small, yet the real supply rested on the stacks and granaries that were in the country. The 430,000 quarters that were then in the ports were now increased to a million quarters, arid that showed that the first cry of alarm drew ample supplies. to this country. It had been proved to him that the potato crop had failed, hut he found that the supply of barley and oats had been sufficiently plentiful. They knew that the sliding-scale had failed, because sufficient food could not be introduced. Speculators saw that no advantage could be taken of the sliding-male, and therefore they had to take ad vantage of the sliding-scale of Ministerial nerves.—(lm mense cheering.) With regard to the alleged statement of the exportation of foreign corn into other countries. What was the case with regard to Holland and Belgium ? About 100,000 quarters were sent there, and an ample supply was still at the disposal of the country. They had been told last year that there would not be a sound potato by Christmas. A small quantity had been sent to Holland and Belgium, and an ample supply could be commanded. The Hon. Baronet at the head of the Government had told them that in Liverpool and other places the price of rice had risen, but a reaction had now taken place, and the price of rice had fallen 25 and even 30 per cent. The public press, or at least that portion of it that opposed the corn-laws, spoke of the starva tion and distress that existed, as conneeed with them, as it was their wish to cause a feeling against them—( Hear, hear) —and even the Noble Lord who represented the City of Lon don had adopted that principle for a short time. From the public press, down to a private letter, they were met with the cries of want and distress, but he believed that the greatest want which existed in the country, and which threatened the most danger, was the want of a Ministry—(Loud cheers from the Treasury side of the House)—and the greatest scarcity was the scarcity of statesmen who could properly govern the affairs of the country—(Continued cheering)—and he was not alone in that opinion. The Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the f w a c h t e u n r h n egintroduced districts required measure, these th that the hrc aet pt to him, that serious apprehensions b ae n e nd d e u e n d in u terest. He said, in answer to a as to to the sad resufts which would follow in setwtihoaei trrineegweohsfientertainednht Government hthhe s ca t d landed those districts in consequence of the deficient harvest, and it was therefore most ad visable to bring in the p resent measure. The Right Hon. Barone t also referred to a document which r made a great imp ression uponh s mind, and he (Mr. Baring) mus t confess that had a similar effect upon his own mind. " That document state d that it was p robable that we should be visited by the same calamities as this county laboured under in 1839. The Right Hon. Baronet read one extract from that document, which supported his present views, but he declined that portion to which he (Mr. Baring) would now take the liberty of calling the attention of the House.—( Hear, hear, and laughter.) The document to which he referred was a circular published by Messrs. Gibson, Ord and Co., eminent merchants of Manchester, on the 22d of January last. They stated, ill one of the e aragraphs of that document, that although great anxiety and alarm very justly existed in the country with re gard to the failure of the potato crop, yet there were not grounds for the present very serious excitement. They also stated it to be their candid opinion that it would be a most injudicious plan to open the ports to alleviate apprehended famine—( Mi nisterial checrs)—because such a step would produce the greatest disarrangement in the home and foreign markets. — Such a step, they stated, would be so extrav igant and so wild, that they would certainly protest against it.--( Hear, hear. Their goods, they said, would he rendered unsaleable, and the trade of the country would, for a time, be rendered com pletely stagnant. The cause of alarm, they believed, had been most grossly exaggerated, and it was impossible that the de ficiency could be so great as anticipated. The surplus corn that had lain over for the previous years would, in their opi nion, nearly make up ter the deficiency.—( Hear, hear.) The Minister had several courses, they said, open to him to alle viate the impending distress ; but in their solemn opinion they believed that the opening of the ports would unquestionably be so sudden and unexpected a transition, as to some extent to embarrass the Government of the country.—(Ministerial rheers.) Those Gentlemen were not in favour of the corn laws, but they said that it was their belief that the time had arrived when a change should be merle in the laws aff 'cting the importation of foreign corn.—(Loud Opposition cheers, and much laughter.) They said that the apprehension of the present scarcity hail prepared the minds of all men for it.— ( Cheers and laughter.) They believed that p-ovision should be made to the utmost possible extent for the apprehended calamity.—Continued Opposition cheers and laughter. ) They said, however, that they did not advocate a total and imme diate repeal of the corn-laws, but they were afraid that the existing alarm in the mindl of men might make the present a proper time for a great reform in those laws. —( Cheers.) They stated, however, that it would be unjust to the landed interest to create such a revolution in the agricultural policy of the Government as might paralyse the energies and in dustry of the country. They recommended that a moderate fixed duty should be imposed in the first instance, with a progression to an enitre abolition of all duties.—(Loud laughter and cheers from the Opposition side of the House.) Those patties, therefore, who, be it remem bered, were enemies to the present corn-laws, recommended not immediate repeal, but a fixed duty. They also stated that the present alarm about the failure of the late harvests had been much exaggerated, and further, they did not believe that the present circumstances of the country called for such a step as the opening of the ports by her Majesty's Government. He (Mr. flaring) referred to the document from which he had read these extracts, because the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Government had given the stamp of his approbation to it by reading extracts from it when he introduced the present measure. That document showed that the Right Hon. Baronet would not have been justified in opening the ports, a course which he had proposed to his col leagues in the Cabinet, but which step they, of course, deprecated. ( Hear, hear.) For his (Mr. Baring's) own part, he would say, that in his humble opinion it would have been most itsjudicious to have opened the ports at that period. This country would, in such an event, have exposed itself to the mercies of foreign powers; it would have increased the prosperity of other countries by putting an end to its own.—( Hear, hear.). Considering the , recent relaxation in the tariff, he- confessed-that he did not see how the Right Honourable Baronet was justified in bringing forward the present proposal ; which was nothing less than a most sudden and sweeping mea sure.—(Hear, hear.) Perhaps he might be allowed to say a word or two upon the general measure, particularly in reference to the strong opinion which had been formerly expressed by the Right Hon. Baronet, as to the importance of a great reserve in the revenue and . expenditure. It seemed to him (Mr. Baring), although he did not pretend to any accuracy with respect to the finances of the country, that when the Right Hon. Baronet proposed an augmentation in the expenditure on the charges of the Con solidated Fund—being more than half a million—he should re collect that a great loss wonld arise to the revenue by the abo lition of the duties on the importation of foreign corn,which mast necessarily be made up by the imposition of new taxes, for he could not expect that the loss would be made up by the duties to be received on the anticipated increase of foreign goods hereafter to be imported into this country in consequence of the repeal o; the corn-laws. He was afraid he had trespassed too long upon the attention of the House— ( Cheers) —but he was anxious to say that he was not one of those who thought that protection ought to be indiscriminately applied to all articles; he conceived that if protection was claimed for any article of industry, a case should be made out to justify its protection. Each interest in his opinion should be treated according to its peculiar circumstances. He believed that in every step the Legislature, in dealing with subjects of this sort, should adopt the principle which had been long ago laid down by Dr. Adam Smith, and whit h doctrine had been quoted by the Noble Lord the Member for the City of London at some leneth. The doctrine to which he (Mr. Baring) alluded, was that Government, in legislating in matters of trade, should take care that the abolition of protective duties be made slowly and by gradations. As regarded the corn-law of 1815, he (Mr. Baring) was not one who looked to the present as a final measure—he could not believe in finality in any matters of legislation.—( Hear, hear, and laughter.) Fut still he thought that there was an understanding that that law had worked well, and that it would not be changed by its own authors.—( Hear, hear.) He would not go into the workings of that law, but he would only say that the Government, in questions of this sort, should, in the words used by the Right Honourable Baronet at the head of the Government the other night, " act most cautiously and delibe rately." He hoped, too, that the present measure of the Government would ultimately prove beneficial to this country, but he really could not see why Government should put a check to the confidence of those concerned in the culti vation of the land. It was impossible to say what would be the result of the present measure. There was nobody to in form the House what would be the amount of foreign corn that would be imported into this country under the proposed measure, and it was also impossible for anybody to protect the price of corn.—(Hear, hear.) In his humble opinion great injury would arise from the sudden change ; it would affect a great interest.—( Hear, hear.) It would shock the confidence of the agriculturists, and destroy stability in every thing connected with the land.—( Hear, hear.) Now, what were the advantages proposed by this measure ? Some said that it would cheapen the price of bread ; and if it would not, why bring it forward ?—( Hear, hear.) He believed that every article of consumption was by increase of consumption made cheaper. This had been . the case with respect to the articles of cotton, coffee, tea, and tobacco. The Hon. Baronet had shown himself that the price of wheat had cheapened pro portionably with the increase of consumption and population. Such, he could show by a document which he then held in his hand, had been the effect in the Western States of Ame rica, and the Right Hon. Gentleman the Secretary for War also showed that a similar result had followed in Ohio. But statements on this head were always very uncertain. He, however, held a document in his hind which was generally believed to be correct, although, for his own part, he did not attach much importance to it That document stated that while the population of that country was 690,000 in 1844, the amount of corn consumed was 3,280,000 quarters; and the amount consumed in 1845 was 6,000,00(1 quarters, whilst the population was 7,000,000. So that the tendency in those countries of an increase in the population was to produce an increased consumption of corn. The forma tion of railroads, however, would almost answer the purpose of the present measure, because those means of transit would con siderably decrease the price of corn. If we depended on foreign supplies of corn, it seemed to him that we should be liable to a great rise in the price. They would find that cot ton was subject to great fluctuation in price without the opera tion of flee trade. In 1836 the price of cotton at Liverpool was 9d., and at the end of March it had risen to l lid., and in the December of that year it was 10Ad. In the commence ment of 1834 it was OA., and at the close of that year it was Bd. The whole of those fluctuations showed that the varia tions were equivalent to 70 per cent. It was sometimes said that the rate of freight was quite sufficient to serve as a guarantee for the protection of corn. Now, what was the case with regard to freight? Freight might be taken at 9s, from Odessa, 2s. from Hamburgh, 4s. from the Baltic, and tie. from New York to Liverpool, with the addition of two or three shillings to London. It was Bs. from New Orleans. and a further charge of 2s. upon the home producer. From Norfolk the freight was Is. 6c1., and Boston 95., and the effect was that corn shipped at Boston would have to pay the same freight as that shipped from Hamburgh. He had to apologise to the House for occupying their attention so long—(Cheers) —but he would solicit the indulgence of the House whilst he stated, that in his opinion there was a strong feeling on the part of many connected with trade that a moderate duty was far preferable to a total abolition of the corn-laws.—( Cheers. ) It was not, however, for him to enter into the truth of such a position, but he must say that their opinions were deserving of attention at the present moment.—(Hear, hear.) If the Government ever intended making a satisfactory settlement of this matter, now was the time for doing so. He should certainly see to tranquillity in the country, but he had no des:re to see the tranquillity of content.—( Hear, hear, and laughter.) This measure would produce a great shock in the country, and the people could have no confidence in those who took part in public affairs. Na tional blessings were dearly bought at such a lamentable cost as that offered by the Right Hon. Baronet.—( Hear, hear. ) Had it been a satisfactory measure he would have had much pleasure in tendering to the Government his cordial support. It was not a measure calculated to give that satisfaction to the country which ought to be looked for in a measure proposed by the Prime Minister of the Crown. Was it a wise, a politic, or a statesmanlike thing to send a great interest, like the landed interest, from that House without any confidence in any Go vernment ?—( Hear, hear.) Who could doubt that their interest would, by the proposed measure, be seriously injured and their very existence jeopardised.—(Hear, hear .) Humble as he was, he would venture to say, that while he was in favour of all fair concessions for the freedom of trade, he still thought it both necessary and politic to maintain a moderate protection to agri culture.—(Cheers.) Lord MO RPETH said, if the question had been a less im portant one he would have hesitated, at so short a period after having resumed his seat in that House, from presenting him self again to their notice, especially when he rose to take that view of the question which, in his judgment, had received nearly all the illustration of which it is capable—everything which the most consummate ability, the most industrious re search, the greatest amount of official authority, and a pro tracted discussion could possibly bring to elucidate the subject. The question had also received many very illustrious additions. The Hon. Member who had just sat down he knew before to be a friend to free trade in the abstract.— (Cries of " Hear, hear.") But he thought, after his speech of to-night, it would be difficult to discover if, either in abstract, or in detail, he was favouraby disposed to a general relaxation of restrictive duties. He has not told us how far he would go, or where he would stop. He (Lord Morpeth) thought that a great interest which had been brought forward in the debate, like the agricultural interest of the country, if there was one course more than another which be deprecated, it was that of being subjected to this constant changing, gradual system of experiments.—( Hear, bear.) The Hon. Member has told us that the great want in the preceding autumn was the want of a Minister. Now I think, said the Noble Lord, that want is most sensibly felt by that great and important party of which the Hon. Member is so distinguished an ornament. They have contested every vacant seat in the country, but even still they seemed to be lament ably deficient of a leader and a head.—( No, no, and hear, hear.) If such is not the case, we shall shortly see, when they have displayed their full force and numbers, and made the echo of their own opinions responded to in the country, we shall then see a successful, stable Government formed—( Hear) — upon the principles of undiminished protection to agriculture. The Hon. Member for Huntingdon (Mr. Baring) had stated, that the present would be a favourable time to effect a com promise on this subject. Ido not know whether he comes down here as the bearer of any overtures upon the principles of compromise. I can tell the Hon. Member that the opinion, both in the country and in this House is, that the time for a compromise is gone by.—( Hear, hear.) A compromise was once offered—( Hear, hear) —by the party with whose leader I have the proud satisfaction of acting. The Hon. Member must not forget, that at that period the party who now hail him as their honourable ally, rejected all notion of compromise. I feel that the best excuse I can have for offering myself to the attention of the House upon this long discussed and wide stretching question, which has, as I have already stated, re ceived nearly all the illustration it is capable of, would be to confine my observations to what is special and peculiar in my own opportunities that I have had, and the position which I hold with respect to it. Since I last had the honour of ad dressing this House I have been a traveller on the Noah American Continent. I have for two years lived in agricul tural districts in that country, and I have lost and re gained the representation of the West Riding of Yorkshire. And I consider that the effect of my return as a member for this House, from so large and populous a district as the West Riding of Yorkshire—as one of the most significant and signal verdicts which could be given —which has been submitted to the count ry in the sessions of 1846. But there is only one cir cumstance which seems to me to require remark with reference to the opinion of the large body of constituents whom I have the honour to represent. The question which has been brought before them—the projects of the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of her Majesty's Government—concerns, as we all know, an infinite variety of ae tides, besides corn and other provisions. —( Hear, hear.) It meddles almost as much with manufactures as with agriculture.—(No, no, and heat. ) Hon. Members say " No, no ;" I maintain that it meddles as much with many leading branches of manufactures as it does with agriculture. —(No, no.) Well, it meddles as much as it possibly could.—( Hear, hear.) The abolition of protection in one instance is the same, but in another unlike. The repeal of the duties on manufacture is immediate, and upon corn is gra dual.—( Hear, hear.) 1 was proceeding to say that the con stituents, by whose choice, I have the honour to represent, corn prise amongst them the largest woollen, worsted, and steel ma nufacturers in the country. It comprises, also, the largest linen manufacturers in the kingdom. It has also large iron and considerable cotton manufacturers. Now, as I