The Sun. — London, England, 1846-03-27 00:00:00

TILE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, MARCH 27, 1845. the wages of the agricultural labourer was 6s. per week. The prosperity of the labourer did not depend on the low price of corn. The Right Hon. Member for Portsmouth, the late 4, 0 Right Hon. Gentleman himself. Now there was no , ' 4e t n ilt irlil at all in the Bill of the words " industrial residences," Irs , these words were introduced, the Bill wuuld not fulfil e , l atention of the Right Hon, Barenet himself. i t i4 rd EBRINGTON hoped that no delay would take p lace P'trig the Law of settlement Bill. k !, ! ' R. PEEL said he would take this Bill irnmedia'ely t the d ec i•i on o f th e House was taken on the Corn Bill , and tithe Bill for the better Protection of Life and Property in Bir :W . JOLLIFFE had paid great attention to t he Bill, tod t o had consulted magistrates and others concer nin g it, who slietirred with him, in the opinion treat the Bill was one N ei ought no t t o pass. In the present state, however , of 1, 4 '1 business, he would suggest, that his Hon. Friend should draw his motion, and renew it when the C orn Bill had "disposed of. 'tfter a few observations from Mr. P. SCROPE, 11 4 r. BANKES said, after what bad been stated by the si ght Hon. Baronet, he did not think he should deal properly at !'ihe feeling of the House if he pressed his motion to a 4 14 ° 11 - He should, therefore, withdraw it; but, whilst he k at ni. he begged leave to inform that Right Hon. Gentleman 'forded should avail himself of every opport unit y which was 'Oed hi m by the rules of the House , to bring on a dis so'icin on the 'subject of the law of settlement, before the T he was finally disposed of. 'he motion was, therefore, withdrawn accordingly. CORN-LAWS.—ADJOURNED DEB eTE. inn the order of the day for resuming the debate on th e Bill being read, l r- FINCH wished to claim the indulgence of the House tti t kb . is second occasion of his addressing thesn on the present e s J e c,t- The Right Hon. Gentleman , the Memb er for Ports ko`to, had endeavoured to ,;how the inefficiency of the sliding le as compared with the results even of a fixed duty, In L ot (Mr. Finch's) opinion there was very little difference fit a fixed duty and a sliding scale. I t had been said k' a fixed duty could not be erpetually maintained. But 6 ,"e were matters of very little moment. The principal c o estion was, what was the beat mode of giving fair protec , ulure. The Right Hn. Gentleman had also tb o to a s T i e Vett to g the t p ro ceedings which might ensue in the other ' 4 le en this subject. He (Mr. Finch) had always under thatin the other House, possessed const it u t io nal ri g hts as i i ` l efeasible as those possessed by this House, and if in e s wisdom, and the proper exerc i se o f t h e i r j us t prerogative, t'Y should think proper to reject the p resent measure, the y s r t' fully justified in so doing, and were in no wa y amenable s that olat House. In fact, nothing could be more equitable or kit, or more for the benefit of the nation, if the other House i s ' r e to reject this measure. He thought that the question s ' ° !'red a fivefold revolution. First of all a social revolution k ets lid. ensue. The result of free - tr ade must tend in an in t:4llg ratio to do away with the poor - la w s . He conceived ,' I revolution in the social state of the country would be l i e first consequence of the repeal of the corn-laws. The e t ° 4- Gentleman then quoted from Malthus, Buchanan, and t i se rn Smith, to show that principles of free-trade, when car ,,'''' out to their fullest extent, necessarily involved the total Peal of the poor-laws. The colonial system of the country 1:uld also undergo a change, and that was a very important °tent of the question in consideration ltefore the House. 'R a in, the financial constitution of the country would also be 4 * . a ,tly affected by the proposed changes in the differential ; L ess There was besides a two-fold politic al revolution in- CO -I • ' est in these alterations. For upwards o f a t housand y ears, r ot lithe pe r i o d of the Saxon rule, protection to the land had n deemed a primary element in all political and fiscal ar- Zgernents. There was a tendency in the organic changes o 'eh were contemplated, not perhap s to overturn the tarobe, but to give it a more democratic character. The to — t- Gentleman then entered into a long statistical argument Cnow the number aad value of the various interests in the Un ited Kingdom which would be more or less affected by the dieration of the proposed measure. Considering the amount of • °° se interests her Majesty's Ministers would be fully justified crivr.elitiving themselvea of a portion of the responsibility by Lun g it on to the people at large by an appeal to the con 4,itnencies. He was of opinion that the Right Hon. Baronet It' the head of the Government, although an accomplished 1 statesman and a transcendent orator, was still as fallible as k i • , s el' mortals. The Right Hen. Gentleman, like the Arch tf,'"°P of Grena4a, preferred the speeches of his later days to man ufacturers productions of his youth What, he would ask, would the j eo think if a measure were brought forward tt e Pardisinss the mercantile and manufacturing interests? He I , 'tight, therefore, that some allowance should be made for the P Prehension of the agriculturists. The whole quantity of : 4 ' l which would be disposable tor Eng land from ail Euro p e, oodin g to the accounts from their consuls in the different Plac es abroad, was 2,200,000 quarters. And fro m America and 4 Canada the quantity was 800.000, making altogether 11 )0 ,000 of quarters. He would ask them , would no t this , antity, if yea rly import d into England, cause a glut and aan p b ' in the market, and have a most prejudicial effect iNtt, il the quantity of wheat actually imports 4,300,000 o st L o t rt o ers altogether; but if, according to the previous calcula tile ' 9 , 0 00,000 of quarters were triennially admitted, he 05 .: 4 1 ght that the effect would be an inevitable paralysis of all sreultural oeerations. The principle of protection was q„ P P ° ried by Russia, Prussia, and most of the minor states of Af'! i nsny ; the Ministers and Parliament of Holland. the s s„„% n isters and Parliament of Belgium, of France, and of y o rice; thus proving that the principle of protection was ad titor',.,ted by the greatest men of the most civilized nations of the e e , '''. In 1836 and 1827, the exports of this country I , e 4Onted to 36 800,0001., and in 1844 to 58,000,0 00 i. ; thus at ta .ing that under the operation of protection, the country had th, lu ed a most extraordinary degree of prosperity. (At Is ! Part of th e Hon. Gentleman's speech, not a single soul i 4 ll to b e se en on the Opposition benches, Mr. flume, the ind i retnainicg Member, having charged his solitary position ci s gtine over to the Government side of the House. This 10d t 0 Lance attracted the attention of the Hon. G e ntleman, kro excited general laugher. He proceeded to say that he all ~,i ye d his arguments were)o convincing as to put an end to h ad l i Position.—(Great laughter.) He perceived that he oth e snen oed all the brass gnus which they had mounted on the twinedr side,_...*Laughter.) One Hon. Gentleman had main too his post as long as he was able, but, finding his position !tot for him, he was at length obliged to surrender at dis cretion, This was surely an argument in favour of protection. d e _aughter,) The free-traders had gone about the country o n'ejoing themselves and deceiving every one else upon this :portant question. He regretted seeing the light manner in w hich this measure had been treated by those g entlemen who t „' i ;Pllorted her Majesty's Government. It was too bad that h e Y ahoeld. not be resent that evening. Id, however. of her being present during the debate that ev nstea ening, the fact 4 , there was but one Member (Mr. Home) present on the s I Posite s id e o f the le °use. It was proper that the country i si t 'utel know this ; it was necessary that the agricultural corn ueunliet should be informed of this disrespect towards the gen tti!!'en in that House who supported, or rather advocated dur ing interests. Tne Honourable Members could attend (t ear, the time the safety of the measure was doubtful.— l ots ?IC, hear.) They could then be present, and make speeches u ting some three or four hours.—(Laughter.) He could sur e them, however, that they would fad to hurry the mea bre through the House. He would, himself, continue with b : speech.—(Laughter.) He felt that the present was a i e ,"tion involving the interests of the most loyal, the most eon bl'ent supporters of the Church and State, and for that reason in common with other Hon Members, would give it his mostoo strenuous opposition. It was said that the repeal of the , itt rb-law s would operate upon our foreign relations to the ad totitage of this country. It wee also said that America would our steadiest friend, but he • was of opini on that that countrys st would not abate her' demand one jot, but would, at the r th Moment of England being involved in a war, renew tN e nl•—(Hear, hear.) The HUM Member then proceeded to t ( 1" the opinions of Mr. Grattan in support of protection to i t r 'oulture, after which he said that he was a t a loss to find out • "_what the free-traders were consistent. They cried out 4tinst limiting trade, and yet they were for limiting the hours I tt labou r . He was also for lessening the hours of et, ° ''''; lie was not for overworking the young persons, l c ° were now used more like slaves than human ti o ln gs. Much bad been said against agricultural protec lie'', but he contended that that protection had never 4,71 legitimately carried out. If that bad been the case, the t !oerers would have been better paid, and the distress said to : .. ist would be much less. The agricultural labourers could be " . 1, according to the price of corn, and thus they would have d irect interest in the protective laws. He would now give a roof of this, though they might be called chimerical fears. kr k at the Liberal party, the Repea ler ' , and the Church th• tY. He would contend for it that man y of those su pp orted th is Measure because it was a bad measure . The enemies of 5 I e , Church Establishment believed that a se verance of Church I :" State would be the result of the increased miser y of the eiti'le, and that the democratic principle would then bo more ty eult. The repeaters also were in favour of it, because it tb °4l (l, they conceived, bring them nearer the attainment of " e ,kt Measure. In fact, he could not conceive why the Govern `'soent had introduced this measure, except they laboured under t I l l l" strange delusion. These were his reasons foe opposing 1 , 18 measure. If those who concurred with him should succeed ) if thei r opposition the country would be gr ateful to them ; and I t hey should fell, they would fall with honour. 1 h Lord RENDLESHAM said it was not often that he 4nabled this House, and lie would not do so now at 1 ti 'Y length. But upon a question like the p resent, he I a id think the country had a right to expect a detail of the rea- I (4 's that actuated lion. Members in the vote they should gi v e I °n this measure,- and also the country, in his opinion, should informed of the reasons that actuated Ministers in changing t heir opinion upon this question . The Noble Lord then read a long letter of Mr. Huskisson, which he contended established tile necessity for protective duties upon corn. His Lordship 'lien went on to say that he could see no more reason now fur doing away with these duties then there was many sears ago. i Lle begged to remind the House, that in the agricultural dis 'ricts the rate of wages entirely depended upon the price of a gricultural produce. When the farmer received a remunerat inge price for his produce, he natur illy raised th e amount of his 4 ‘bourers' wages. A short time ago he sent f o r one of his ,ee oants a large farmer, and that farmer stated that he would obli ge d to throw a great quantity of land into pasture, and d ischa rge one half of his labourers, if this measure should pass. 'lr, FELLOWS begged to assure the House that it was Tit his i n t en tion to make a long speech. He intended to give 1, 4 support to those who opposed th is measure, and in doing s o ° believed he would be acting in accordance with the senti ments o f th ose whom he had the honour t o re p resent . In 41 . he was is favour of protection ; and if he should have changedji his opinion since, he would long since have ceased to s s ' , d a seat in this House, for, after suc h a chan g e, he would l':itiound to return to the hands of his con stituents the trust Y tad reposed in him. In speaking of this qu estion he would N t go so far bock as the year 1600; but he could assure the o ust that he was aware of many districts of c o u ntr y which at one time grew nothing but reeds and rushes, but no e, r uder st i l the laws of protection, producing large quantities of tsbs , e at ; and in other districts, where but a comparatively ball quantity was produced a short time ago, that quantity t ,Yo of late been very much increased. He could not believe fa ilure this measure had been rendered necessary by reason of the :litire of the potato crop in Ireland, unions he heard it as , erted hav e the Hon. Baronet himself; because this measure could not h ltve that effect, at least it would not have the effect of stop 'l4g the progress of the apprehended famine, inasmuch as it t s o nld occupy some weeks in discussion bef ore it cold be p assed. ;:e th oug h t it m i g ht be stated, that sending corn to Ireland th at he perfectly useless, unless they provided the p eo p le of country, in the first instance, with the means of purchas le • 14 it,_.( Hear. hear.) He was not one of those who spoke Ir * iih levity of the misfortunes of that unhappy country, as be ikoold have given all th e assistance in his power to alleviate the 1 , Pending scarcity threatened in that quarter; but he sho uld reitest most strongly against bringing forward measures of a r nianent nature to meet temporary exigencies—( Hear.) ° would ask what the effect of the measure would he nit Price s--whether sti s —whether to lower them to 40s. per quarter, or to 1, le io 60s. per quarter ? He believed the effect would be to 4 :er them considerably, and at the same time to cause great ac tuation. Some Hon. Gentlemen, members of the Anti tis,onlaw League, thought the agriculturists had nothing it did at resent He believed the land capable of producing kore p • ' i t than it did at present, but they wanted time to improve ghee, make it more produ ' ctive ; and he hoped to see the day, ite, such being the condition of the land, they would require for rte or no protection.—( Hear, hear.) The Hon. Member i f, Yortsmuuth asked Hon. Members on his side of the House ,_ basin g rejected the proposition of Government, they were PrePared N o __ • with another measure as satisfactory to the country ? per ` r e e , his answer to that was, that the agriculturists would he et e i n c n ila satisfied to remain as they were.— ( Hear, hear.) 4; 1 . , the Hon. Gentleman asked, were they prepared to un ks,s!'' ke the responsibility of defeating the measure? For his ' 1 " Part he should say he was perfectly prepared for any re- sponsibility when acting in a manner he believed to be fair and conscientioue.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) It was very well for the Right lion. Baronet at the head of her Majesty's Government to fell them that he looked to pos terity for his reward, and for the Right lion. Baronet the I First Lord of the Treasury to sly that he buried in oblivion all his past declaratious. Such might be sufficient for them, but it would not be sufficient for the country.—( Hear, hear. ) The Government might think there was a settlement of the question, but he believed, that before many months, when the people would be called upon to exercise their elective fran chise, they would tell the Government what their o p inion was in plain terms.—(Hear, hear.) Speaking for himself, he could no longer place the slightest confidence in a Government that had betrayed the country; and in future he should look with great suspicion on every measure that might emanate from the Treasury benches—( Hear, hear)—and he believed, when the time arrived, the country would show the Govern ment that they disapproved of their conduct, by dispensing ever after with their services.—(Hear, hear.) After a few words from Air. FULLER, in which he was understood to oppose the measure of her Majesty's Ministers, . Air. P. BOIL 111 WICK said he was glad to perceive the Hon. Alernber for Lambeth in his place, as astonishment had been expressed at his (Mr. Borthwiek's) side of the House that no answer had been given to the statistics of that Hon. Member. However ' he hoped the House would indulge him for a short time whilst he proceeded to refute those statistics. In the year 1797, and (luring the five following years, we had not only a free trade in corn, but a bounty given upon its im portation. He would quote " Macphereon's Annals of Com merce :"—lt is stated that it was found necessary to hold out an inducement for the importation of corn, and therefore a bounty was granted on all forei g n corn imported. For every qua rter of grain weighing -t4olbs, 20s. ; for every quarter of wheat weighing 4241b'., 16s. ; and for every cwt. of wheat and flour Gs. In the five years to which he was now referring the country had abundant libations of the sweets of free trade ; but what was the effect ? In 1797, the price of wheat was 775. ld.; in 1798, it nas 50s. 3d. ; in 799, it was 675. 6d. ;in 1700, i was 113 s. ; and in 1701, it was 116 s. ; and, if the Hon. Gen tlemen would allow him to quote an additional year, they would find that in 1802, the price ranged beyond 116 s. Taking any five years of protection about the same period, they would find that the price never varied more than 7s. per quarter. Mr. Canning had said in that House on that occasion, that nothing brought forward there was so deceitful as figures, wi h the exception of facts—( A laugh)—and he (Mr. Borthwick) said on the present occaeion that they had something more subtle than figures, " and more slippery than facts," and that was the principle upon which public men proposed to conduct the Government. lion. Gen tlemen would believe him when he quoted the authority of the Right Hon Baronet at the head of the Government, when, on a former occasion, he advocated protection, an i adduced in its support p. ecisely the same arguments and data which he now adduced in support of free trade. When addressing his consti tuents from Tarnworth, he had quoted M'Culloch in support of protection, and he now quoted the same words from the same author in support of free trade. The Right Hon. Baronet had appealed in several instances to the country. He had done so in the case of East Gloucestershire; and the result was the return of the Noble Lord (the Marquis of Worcester) who made such an excellent speech the other night against the urea sure. All the recent elections showed that the feelings of the country were against the policy of the Government. He had almost forgotten Nottinghamshire, where also the representative of the Government was defeated under very painful circum stances.—( Hear.) He ( Air. Borthwick) did not speak as the advocate of any mere political party, however great, but he stood there to record his vote on a great issue—a great question between the powerful few and the feeling many—between ac cumulated capital and suffering toil. That was the question they had to settle, and on which he would record his vote against the attempted domitiation of capital. He stood there on the recorded words of Burke—that the rich were but the .pensioners or bankers of the poor, and that it was the duty of the Legislature to see that the latter were protected from any attempted mal-administration of the funds placed in the hands of these pensioners or bankers. It had been said that the feeling of the Canadas was in favour of the measure, but he had recently received a letter from a gentleman in Montreal, which stated that the news of the measures of her Majesty's Govern ment had depreciated property there at least 50 per cent. The residents of the colony considered faith had been broken with them in regard to the Canada Corn Bill, passed in 1842. It was the duty of the Government to protect the colonies from the competition of their neighbours, instead of exposing them to that competition, as would be the case with the Canadas and the United States. They ought to bear always in mind the opinion of Burke, that it was most dangerous to tamper with agriculture. Even the greatest political econo mists, Mr. Deacon Hume, Mr.' M'Culloch, and also Mr. Ricardo, and Dr. Adam Smith, opposed abdolute free trade in corn as chimerical and inexpedient. They ought to be guided by the wisdom of their ancestors, which the Hon. Member for Liskeard (Mr. C. Buller) had attempted to turn into ridicule. According to that Hon. Member they were to abandon the light of Bacon and Thurlow, and the wisdom of Hume, with the other great luminaries of English law and history. All these, as well as the wisdom of Burke, and Pitt, and Fox, and Sheridan, and Grattan, were to be set aside as nothing by the Honou-able Member for Liskeard, and the Honour able Member for Bassetlaw (Mr. Vernon Harcourt). He had listened the other evening to the speech of the Hon. and Learned Member for the university of Dublin i Mr. Shaw)--a speech which was most satisfactory, and one it would not be easy for the supporters of the present measure to grapple with. That speech the Government had not yet re plied to, and the Noble Lord this Member for the city of London (Lord J. Russell) had not thought it prudent to touch it. In fact, that Noble Lord left the Right Hon. Baronet to fleht his own battle, waiting till a favourable opportunity, af er the passing of this measure, occurs to turn him ont of office and take his pl ace.—( Hear, hear.) Yet the Lord Chancellor asked them on that side, what measures they intended to intro duce, if they were able to form a government, with his Grace the Duke of Richmond at their head. It was for her Majesty to name the ministry, but it was for the individual Members of the House to give an honest vote; and could they, therefore, vote for the measures of the Right Hon. Baronet, believing as they did, that those measures were not calculated to be of benefit to the country? He was anxious that it should be un derstood that he recorded his vote against this measure, not be cause he wished to oust the Government, but because he could not shut his eyes to the extreme consequences that would follow it. lie trusted that the interests of the agriculturists would long, despite of these measures, be one of the objects to be recognised by a Briti-1 House of Parliament. 11, traced that the interests of the agricultural labourers would not be left to the tender mercies of the manufacturer. He thanked the House for the attention paid him, and he hoped that lion. Gentlemen opposite would follow the example of the Gentlemen on his side of the loose, and never rise till they had something to say—(Laughter)—and having said so, to sit down again immediately.—(Continued laughter.) He would oppose the measure introduced by Government. Mr. CHARLES BULLER said that he was exceedingly obliged to the Hon. Member for Evesham for the very flat tering personal compliments he had paid to him, but the Hon. Member did him less than justice when he accused him of laughing at or ridiculing Hon. Members opposite for following the wisdom of their ancestors.—( Hear, hear.) What he did marvel at was the extraordinary perverseness of those Hon. Gentlemen opposite; who adhered to the obsolete dogmas, the " wise sayings" of their ancestors, while neglecting the grand landmarks of true wisdom and experience. The lion. Member for Evesham came forward with great self-complacency, and quoted these sayings, as in favour of the policy he himself advocated, and Hon. Gentlemen behind him vigorously cheered these quotations, whether happily applied or not, so long asthey were made by one of their own party.—( Hear, hear, and cheers.) If he (Mr. C. Buller) had wished to quote the wisdom of their ancestors against restrictive laws on the food of the people, he should assuredly have quoted the same sentiments which the Hon. Member had more than once quoted from the celebrated Burke, as warning them of the folly of tampering with the food of the people. There had always been one great feature in the wisdom of our ancestors compared with ourselves, and that was the compara tive brevity of their debates.—( Laughter.) He did not be lieve that there was a parallel, either in our own or any other country, to the fact of a debate lasting three weeks upon a single subject. He was willing to do justice to the strength and variety of the arguments of Hon. Gentlemen opposite, but he must say they would have done their arguments just as much justice if they had made their speeches shorter. He would not now enter into the question of free trade. It was too late in the stage of the business to discuss that subject. The good sense of makjnd had made that the general opinion of the world long ago. Since the year 1815, the whole course of the policy of successive Governments had been to diminish the pres , ure of the corn-laws upon the people. They had shown by their policy that the corn-laws were an exception to the sound principles of trade ; and, in dealing with the corn-laws, their main object had always appeared to be to get rid of them es speedily and as safely as possible. Hon. Gentlemen opposite had thought proper to applaud Gentlemen on his side of the House for their consistency. lie could claim no merit on that account for himself, because, up to two or three years ago, he had voted for restriction on the trade in corn. While, therefore, he defended the Right Hon. Baronet opposite, he was defending himself. For some time past, it had been evident that the opinions of the Right Hon. aronet were undergoing a change. For several years the arguments which had been used to support the corn-laws had been given up one after the other, until nothing was left for them to stand upon. lie thought the Government might have commenced their change of opinion earlier. He would, however, put it to any reasonable man, whether, under the present circamstances of the country it would have been possible to maintain the corn-laws longer. He would frankly avow that his opinion had been very much changed since he first entered that House. Who could say that they had never changed their opinions? A change like that to which he alluded always was gradual, and no one could tell the precise moment when it occurred. Hon. Gentlemen opposite had been pleased to laugh at the famine in Ireland, ancltwould not ail.mit that as an argument in favour of the present measure. Now Hon. Gentlemen opposite had in this shown their incon sistency, for nothing could be more marked than their tone in the first debate on this subject. They then admitted the great distress in Ireland, and that it was the duty of the Government to provide immediately for it.—(No, no. ) It was not until they found their own argument cut front under them that they denied that they had adopted such an argument. It did appear to him to be most extraordinary for Hon. Gentlement to come forward and on such evidence deny the existence of such an evil as the famine in Ireland. They now came forward and said there was no famine in Ireland, and yet they had only a short time ago said that the Government ought to have provided for it by a temporary measure. The Right Hon. Member for the University of Dublin, (Mr. Shaw) came for ward with private letters, and with stories told by one man to another; and upon this authority he denied the existence of the famine. The price of potatoes had been quoted as an argument. Why :that was worth nothing. The potatoes were perishing, and, therefore, they were lavishly consumed in Ireland, and this, of course, would have a tendency to keep down the price, because all dealers would be anxious to get rid of their stocks. In an article that was: not so immediately perishable, perishable, the supp l y of course would affect the price, and by the price the exten t of su pp l y could be judged of; the case of the famine in Ireland, the argument as to the price of potatoes was not by any means a sound one. But even this argurnentlwas notajupported by the facts, as the price of potatoes in Ireland had doubled within the last few months. This terrible condition of the Irish people was one which lion. Members opposite could not deny, but, as he had al ready stated, they admitted its existence; and while doing se some of them have thrown out suggestions as to the mode in which it ought to be relieved, but these had been sufficiently answered by the Government themselves. They were going to relieve the immediate wants of the Irish people, aided by the assistance of private individuals ; and, as a proof that some Hon. Members opposite admitted the soundness of this policy, lie might direct attention to the fact that the lion, and Gal lant Member for Lincoln had offered to subscribe 3001. to wards carrying our this ob . ,ect. Colonel SIBTHORP—I never made such an offer, but I should like to know what you intend to subscribe.—(Cries of " Order, order.") Mr. CHARLES BULLER said he had no intention of offending the Hon. and Gallant Member, in alluding to this circumstance ; on the contrary, he a ought he was stating something that was to the credit of the Hon. an,l Gallant Member, and he was under the impression that the lion. and Gallant Alembi r, feeling it to he so, when reminded of his promise, would come forward and stand to his word. To re turn, however, to the subject before the House, the people of Ireland were starving, and the Government had adopted a right and proper contrivance for removing this distress. Some Hon. Members, however, complained that the Government ought not to have proposed a repeal of the corn-laws, but to have - -- - met the exigencies of the moment by throwing open the ports. Did Hon. Members, however, imagine that the ports could be opened without an alteration in the corn-laws following such a proceeding ? The ports were thrown open, in lBe6, by Mr. Canning, and what followed that step ? Why, the Govern ment came down to the House of Commons, and, after asking for an Act of Indemnity to themselves, called upon the House to make an alteration in the then existing laws. Now, he wanted to ask Hon. Members opposite a question with regard to this temporary suspension of the law under the pressure of the Irish famine. He wanted to know when they would propose to shut the ports? That was a material question. Would any Hon. Gentleman take upon himself to say how long the potato disease was likely to last? True, one Hon. Gentleman had consoled them, by producing a sample of po tatoes grown by the Duke of Portend. This potato was free from disease ; but they could not conclude, from such a fact, that the disease was at an end. By examining samples of the crop at the present moment, who could tell whether the po tato crop of next year would be a failure or not? The example of America was before them, and it afforded a terrible warning of the increasing nature of the disease. How could any Go vernment, then, with these facts before their eyes, avoid taking some decisive steps for meeting the emergency ? From the scarcity of supplies generally in Europe, he gathered that this measure would produce little or no alteration of the price of corn in this country. Nothing was to he feared, then, upon that point ; but it was contended that the change would throw large bodies of labourers out of employ. It was errone ous to suppose so, for a more fitting time for the alteration, avoiding - such a result, could hardly have been selected than the present. Railways and other public works were largely in the course of construction, and labour was never in so great demand. 'acre was a third reason for the alteration taking place at the present time, namely, the influ ence it would have upon the policy of other nations. It would influence France, it would influence Germany, and it would influence America. On these grounds, therefore, he thought Hon. Members opposite were wrong in finding fault with the change proposed by the Hon. Baronet. The Right Hon. Baronet maintained the corn-laws as long as he could—he maintained them for the interest of Hon. Gentlemen opposite ; and if any one bad to complain at all, he thought it was the Members of the Opposition. Hon. Members opposite ought to thank the Right Hon. Baronet for his past policy, and join with him now in yielding to the pre-sure of irresistible circumstances. The most discreditable course which the. Right Hon. Baronet could have pursued would have been that which they said he ought to have pursued—( Hear, hear)—for that course would in fact have been this, that a public man who had changed his opinions upon a great question should persist, contrary to his convictions and conscience, for the purpose of pleasing a particular party. But he had honestly come forward to refute toe fallacies from which he had been freed. But if the Hon. Gentleman on the other side of the House told him that it was the duty of the chief Minister of the Crown to vote and act, contrary to his conscience, to please a particular party, he conceived that the post of that individual would be one not of honour or of dignity, but the most dishonourable to which a man could he appointed.—( Hear, hear.) And now there was only one other argument on which he would venture to trouble the House on that occasion. It was an argument which had been put forward by an Hon. Member, whom he regretted not to see in his place. It was this—that the present Parlia ment had no right to do this and that ; the course which the Right Hon. Baronet should have proposed should have been to suggest the dissolution of Parliament, for the purpose of taking fhe opinion and sense of the people upon this important ques tion. Now,to a certain extent, he ( Mr. Buller) was bound to admit that there might be some validity in that argument, if he thought that this repeal of the corn-laws would really have been carried by the sense of the country. If he could see any unequivocal proofs of that, he should say to the Hon. Baronet, "the expeeiment which you are about to try is not only un fair but most exceedingly dangerous—(Protectionist cheers) — because if the sense of the country is so clearly against you, the inevitable consequence of your act will be that the new Parliament, which must be called into being in a year or two—( Hear, hear)—will reverse your Act fur the repeal of the corn-laws."—(Hear, hear.) Well, now, he would say, that if any Hon. Gentleman on the other si le of the House could show him that the inevitable consequence of an appeal to the country would be the return to Parliament of a majority of representatives in favour of protection to agri culture, he should be perfectly willing to have a dissolution of the present Parliament.—( Hear, hear.) But, really, after the decisive majority by which the question had been carried, he must say that he could conceive no ground for supposing that the gentlemen opposite—the protection party—would increase ,heir numbers by one single unit in the event of a new Parlia ment.—( Hear, hear.) Well, then, he would say also, that even if they should procure a small majority in favour of pro tection, they must knot suppose that the country would quietly submit to their decisions. The Parliament that might be e'ected must, like the present, act in conformity with the opinion of the intelligent portion of this country ; and, unless the Right Hon. Baronet were certain that the new Parliament which would be returned after the dissolution of the present one would be one that would maintain the present corn-laws, it would be a most culpable act on his part to put the country to the expense and turmoil attending an election which could produce no good result. He (Mr. Buller) did not think it advisable that the country should be put to trouble merely for the purpose of pleasing the whims of the protectionist party. But what would be the effect of a majority the other way? Why, that they would have a Parliament, of which the minority would be pledged one way and the majority the other, and the legislation would be carried on by a party whose opinions were contrary to those of the majority of the intelligent people of this country. And he believed that the consequence would be that the people would cry out for a second Reform Bill of a nature far more formidable than what any Hon. Member could anticipate.—(Hear, hear.) Hon. Mem bers in favour of protection had said that the election which had lately taken place in Westminster wad a proof that the people were also in favour of protection. Now, he could scarcely understand how the returning of a consistent free trader could be an evidence of their feelings in favour of pro tection. --( Hear, hear.) He had certainly heard it stated that the Duke of Richmond had 490 voters ready to come up on an emergency in favour of a protectionist candidate, but no such candidate had ventured to introduce himself to the notice of the constituents, and he (Mr. Buller) must, on those grounds, conclude that the people of Westminster were decidedly in favour of free trade.—( Hear, hear.) He would wish to ask Hon. Gentlemen opposite whether they really anticipated that in the event of an election a majority of votes would be recorded in favour of protectionist candidates? Why, they knew that the contrary would be the result of an appeal to the country. —(Hear, hear.) It was impossible for them to get re turned by the large constituencies of the country. The o*eat counties would not return them. They might get re turned for the small agricultural boroughs, but it would be impossible for them to be returned by the great county of Lancashire. They knew that very well. They would also lose the great constituency of the West Riding.—("Hear," and " No, no.") They would also lose the' great metropolitan constituencies —(Cries of " Hear, hear," and " No, no.") But if they did get a majority, that majority would be impo tent to keep their places—they would bring the House of Com mons tumbling about their ears. They talked very largely about their county representatives. They believed that they would obtain the representation of Northampton and Glou cestershire. His Noble Friend, the Member for the West Riding of Yorkshire (Lord Morpeth) had entered that House as the representative of a constituency which had sent him there to support the total repeal of the corn-laws. And he believed that that Noble Lord would soon have a colleague to support him in those views in the event of a ,new elec. I Lion.—(Protectionist cries of " No, no.") Those two Honourable Members would then represent as many peo ple as were represented by twenty-three of the county Members. Now, he wo u ld not take into consideration berough Members, tke but he would say, as a fact, that the representatives of Middlesex, Lancashire, and Yorkshire, would represent the greater portion of the people of England. They must, therefore, tremble at the result of a dissolution of Parliament. Even if they were successful, they must tremble It the consequences of their own success, for he would tell them that the minority of the representatives represented the %ye:llth and intelligence of the majority of the people of this country. He, therefore, warned them to look at the ground on which they were treading ; and he begged of them, before they determined to persevere in their present policy, to recol lect that there were questions yet to be settled of far greater importance than that even of the corn-laws. His own belief was, that the course which had been taken by the Right Hon. Baronet was a wise and statesmanlike course. They had heard much of true Conservative policy. He believed that never did the Right Honorable Baronet show a more sagacious foresight into the true nature of conservative policy --(Protectionists' cries of " Oh, oh !")—than when he pro posed to repeal those laws, which were the only real cause of the heart-burnings ant divisions amongst the people of Eng land, and which gave them a right to demand their repeal. Lord GEORGE BEN TINCK said that the Hon. and Learned Gentleman who had just sat down, commenced his observations by stating that the universal common sense of all mankind were agreed in the principles of free trade. Why, he ( Lord G. Bentinck) thought the Honourable and Learned Gentleman looked to the opinions of the United States of America, of the monarch and people of Prussia, of the people of France and her Government • the Zollverein of Germany, and the opinions of Russia. Hef should have paused before he came to the conclusion, that the united sense of all mankind was in favour of free trade.—(Hear, hear.) He ( Mr. Buller) was something like the tailors of Tooley-street, who mistook their opinions for those of the united people of England.—( Hear and laughter.) He had mistaken the opinions of his party for these of the majority of the country. In his observations he had alluded to the alleged potato famine in Ireland. He (Lord G. Bentinck) believed that the allega- I lions that had been made by the First Minister of the Crown at the opening of Parliament, respecting the potato famine in Ireland, were gross delusions.—( Hear, hear.) The papers that had been laid upon the table of the House, and the accounts ,vhich they received daily, stated the average price of potatoes in the more important towns of Ireland at a fraction under 4d. a stone, and he could not therefore conceive that the people of that country were in such a distressed condition as had been represented by the Members of the Government.—( Hear.) When the people of England learnt that the average price of potatoes in Ireland did not quote up to 4d. a stone, he really did not think they could be persuaded to believe in the existence of a potato famine in that country. From the return made on the 24th of January, and also from the prices current of the markets in Ireland, it appeared that prices were falling in that market instead of rising. They had also heard that several ship loads of potatoes had left Ireland for NV ales and Cumberland. --(Protectionist cheers.) He (Lord George Bentinck) had snec-eded with considerable difficulty in forcing the Right Honourable Baronet to a declaration that, in his opinion, had a free trade in corn existed in the year 1836, when the price of wheat was 46e. and not as stated at 395., the prices would not have been reduced. He (Lord George Bentinck) had calculated from the Parliamentary returns of the prices of wheat in ten different countries in Europe, that wheat could have been brought into this country and sold At a profit at a price of 323. 'lid., being 13s a qr. . less than the d s made ell other charges to Mark-lane , a s in the former case, would give as a freightcaleula t i a o n n referenceav erage t o price the in year Eng England. in th cl e ud sa in m g e result that wheat could be, sold with a profit at a price of 295. 10td., being about 10s. lower than the lowest price of wheat in this country. He hoped he hod shown to the satisfaction of the House, that the fears of the farmers were not altogether visionary. The Ministers, in all their speeches to his side of the House, stated that free trade in corn would have the effect of enhanc ing rather than lowering the prices. But they no sooner finished their address than they turned round to the free-traders and de clared that their object was to obtain cheap bread—( Hear. ) —and the time is gone by when rents can be eked out by the sufferings of the poor.—(Hear, hear.) It has been argued that free ti ado in corn is necessary to procure steadiness in the prices throughout the country; and it has been made ono of the principal charges against the present law that it has not produced a single steadiness of price, but rather a great fluctuation. He was ready to meet Hon. Gentlemen on both sides of the House as to that fart. Gentlemen around him had not abandoned the sliding-scale, and he believed that a large portion of the agri cultural community were in favour of the present corn-law, and in the year 1842 the prices under its operation in this country, had been subjugated to less fluctuation than to any other market in the world. The Right Hon Gentleman then went into various details, for the purpose of showing that fo reign wheat could be imported into this country, from nantzic and other places, at such a price as to swamp completely all attempts at competition on the part of the British farmer. The fact of 'there being 609,000 qrs. of wheat in bond in October last, proved that the sliding scale, and the duty even of 18s., per quarter, were no impediment to its importation. He c in tended that the Right lion. Baronet was wrong in stating that Chancellor of th'e Exchequer, called upon them (the protec t' onists) to say what course they would adopt under the cir cumstances. He had no hesitation in repeating what he had said on the night of the great debate, that there was no ne cessity whatever for opening the ports, and that the rumours respecting the failure of the potato crop were not founded on truth. When the Right Hon. Baronet proposed to open the ports, there were only three in the Cabinet to concur in opinion with him; and a noble individual, possessed of great influence, said that he believed the reports of the scarcity and failure of the potato crop were greatly exaggerated, but if they were founded in truth, and if a famine really was approaching, that the ports would open themselves. His friends around him concurred in that cpinion.—(Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Baronet at the head of her Majesty's Government, when at the point of having the sweets of office dashed from his lips, asked them at his side of the House for their support. Now, he would give an answer to that, It was not till the year 1841 that the Government asked for something like a reduction, and after that they proposed a fixed duty ; subsequently to that, the Noble Lord the Member for London, found out that something was brewing in her Ma jesty's Government, and it was then he sought to outbid them. The advice which he (Lord George Bentinck) had given the House and the country on the part of his friends was, to follow the advice of Dr. Bailey, and to take no more of the remedies which were propounded by the opposite side of the House, supposing even they were to come into office. With respect to the Right Hon. Gentleman on the Treasury bench having alluded to his (Lord G. Bentinck's) speech as a poetical one, he (the Right Hon. Baronet) must have been thinking—like the man who was said to be an object worthy the envy, if not the admiration of the gods—( Laughter)—he must have been like a gentleman who was fishing for the budget—(Laughter) — and no doubt he was fishing up for the budget. The Noble Lind on the opposite side of the House, when he found out that he was about to be dismissed from office made a virtue of their condition, and then went out on the cry of cheap bread. The Noble Lord and his Hon. Colleagues were then like pirates, who rather than surrender their ship were determined to apply the torch to the magazine.—( Laughter.) He thought the present Ministry were also Comparatively pirates, for they had pirated the opi nions and principles of the Noble Lord, nay, they had gone farther, and even pirated the principles and the speeches of the Anti-Corn-law League.—(Laughter.) They had applied the torch to the magazine of the state vessel, and they would assuredly partake of the danger. But he could not compare the dare-devil courage of the pirate, who in the extremity of the storm, applied the torch to the magazine. That was not the course of the Ministry—far from it.—( Hear, hear.) They had been entru'ted with the care of a ship, and what did they do ? The commander had led her upon a lee shore—he brought her upon the breakers—(Cheers) —and under the guns of the enemy's battery—(Cheers)—while the crew were asleep in their hammocks, the commander scut tled the ship, with the assistance of the sentinel, and the master, and the mate, and then they stole the compass, and skulked away in the long-boat, and attempted to sell to the enemy the gallant crew who had saved them.—(Loud cheers from the Ministerial side of the House.) But the captain judged of that gallant crew by their own craven hearts—(Renewed and pro loneeed cheering from the Ministerial side of the House)—but still they were Lot thrown into dismay and confusion ; they ral lied and took the ship off the breakers, and would, eventually, carry her into port.—( Great cheering.) Sir J. GRAHAM said that he rose at an early hour of the evening for the purpose of addressing the House on this ques tion ; but not having been able to do so until now, he would not wish to begin at this late hour of the night, and, therefore, he moved that this debate be now adjourned.—( Hear.) The debate was then adjourned. Upon the motion of the other orders of the day being read, Lord G. BENTINCK moved that the House do now adjourn, which, being seconded, strangers were ordered to withdraw ; but no division took place. On our re-admission to the gallery, we found _ _ Lord G. BENTINCK on his legs, in explanation of the fact of adjournment. The Noble Lord was quite inaudible in the gallery. Mr. YOUNG followed in reply. Lord G. BENTINCK said that his Hon. Friend the Secretary to the Treasury had informed him that he had a communication to make from the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Government, with the view of making some ar rangement with respect to the Irish Coercion and the Corn Importation Bill. It was arranged between them, and with, as he (Lord G. Bentinck) understood, the entire concurrence of the Right Honourable Baronet, that if the party on that side of the House would not provoke a discussion on the question put by the N, ble Lord, the Member for London, the third reading of the Corn-law Bill would not be taken until after Easter. Their party, therefore, passed the matter, sub silentio, according to the terms of their agreement, and it was not until afterwards, when he received a communication from the Hon. Member for Cavan, that he was aware that the First Lord of the Treasury was no party to this arrange ment. He merely stated this to the House, that it might know that the misunderstanding WAS not attributable to him or to the party with which he was connected. Mr. YOUNG said that he had expressly guarded himself in his interview with the Noble Lord by saying that he was not authorised by the Right-Hon. Baronet to make any proposition on the part of Government. The Noble Lord seemed to have recognised this qualification, for within ten minutes after he expressed himself thus;—" Then the agreement is no agree ment after all." He afterwards wrote to the Noble Lord, stating that he had been acting throughout without the au thority of the Right Hon. Baronet. If the Noble Lord did recollect aright, he (Mr. Young) had made answer to one of his suggestions, that he could not entertain this point at all, and therefore would not mention the matter to the Right Hon. Baronet. He could only repeat, that throughout the whole matter, it was without the authority of the Government. Sir R. PEEL said that it would be necessary for him to - state that his Hon. Friend was not authorised directly or indirectly by the Government to enter into any arrangement or engage ment with the Noble Lord, and he (Sir R. Peel) came down to the House without an idea that there was any specific engagement entered into. He should regret if the Noble Lord and his friends had lost any advantage. He thought they had not, for if tine Noble Lord would recollect, he (Sir R. Peel ) had distinctly stated in his place that he would give precedence to the Irish Coercion Bill, but to nothing else. Mr. THORNELY said that a mot important question arose out of this debate, and he would ask the Right Hon. Baronet if the Corn Bill seas not to be read a third time until after Easter, because if not the country ought to be aware of it. Mr. DISRAELI hoped that her Majesty's Government would state whether it was possible the third reading of the Bill would take place before Easter. Mr. HUDSON did not see much reason for pushing the measure forward ; for though it was said great stagnation of trade took place from the present state of suspense, he be lieved much greater stagnation of trade would follow if the Bill passed than what now existed. The country laboured under no anxiety for the passing of the Bill. If the Noble Lord, the Member for the city of London, had made any engagement with her Majesty's Government on the subject, perhaps that Noble Lord, if requested by the Right Hon. Baronet, would release the Government from the engagement. Mr. ORMSBY GORE said he would not be bound by any arrangement that might have been made respecting the close of the debate. If he saw it necessary he would move the adjournment of the debate to-morrow night, in order to express his opinions. Lord G. BENTINCK said, there was no bargain at all on his part, beyond an understanding expressed on behalf of a number of his friends, that the debate should be allowed to conclude the present week. Mr. YOUNG said, that he was not authorised by the Right Hon. Baronet to make any specific arrangement as to the mode in which the Corn Bill and the Coercion Bill were to be taken up. Sir R. PEEL repeated that he had never authorised, either directly or indirectly, any arrangement but the one stated by the Noble Lord ; and when he came down to the House he did not conceive that the Noble Lord was under that impression. He thought it was of the utmost importance that the Bill should be passed before Easter, and every effort would be made on his part to pass the Bill in that time. He might ask those of his colleagues who were with him on Friday, to bear him out in this statement ; the question was agitated among them, whether the Irish Coercion Bill should be lead the first time before the Corn Bill, thus leaving no assumption on their mind that any arrangement had ben entered into with the Noble Lord. Sir J. GRAHAM said it was absolutely necessary that no concealment whatever should be made in respect to what had passed at the meeting, to which the Right Hon. Baronet had referred. They then considered whether they should proceed with the corn-laws, without taking any step in reference to :the Bill sent down from the other House of Parlia ment for the protection of life in Ireland—( Hear, hear) — and he (Sir James Graham) expressed his strong con viction, that notwithstanding the pressing urgency for pass the corn-laws, they should, in courtesy to the other House, pass the first reading ;but that should'it, not g o be y ond that stage, no interruption would be offered to the passing of the corn-law. All his colleagues had come to the conclusion, that that was the course to be adopted, and they also came to the conclusion that no compact should be come to with any other party in the House. Mr. DISRAELI thought that this was no explanation of the l‘oifetmhe bmeirs u fo n r d e c r r s a t a v n a d n i n v, g a c s ll h k h n a o d w n b e t e o n b c e o t m h e e t a o c . t v The managehe Ho n . r business of the House, and he had before that time bad no less than three conversations and a lengthened correspondence with the Noble Lord. They were, therefore, entitled to con sider him authorised by Government in making any arrange ment with him. This, before any Committee of the House, would be held a clear case of agency—immediately brought home.—(Laughter.) As far as he himself was concerned, he did not care when the third reading of the Corn Bill would take place, but still he thought it necessary that they should know when that third reading was anticipated. The conversation then dropped. The other orders of the day were then disposed of, and the House adjourned at a Quarter past One o'clock. PARLIAMENTARY BUSINESS. From the Votes and Proceedings of the House of Commons.) THURSDAY, MARCH 26. The following Petitions for Railways were reported, and the Bills ordered to be brought in by the undernamed Hon. Membe : N or f o lk (Norwich Branch) —Marquis of Douro and Mr. B. rs Smith. Birkenh Lancashire, and Cheshire Junction—Sir P. Egerton, Mr. J. Tolleinache, and Mr. Legh. Hull and Lincoln Direct—Sir W. James, Sir J. Harmer, and Mr. W. Collett. Bridgewater and Titllilloll Canal Railway and Harbour—Mr. Dickin son and Mr. Escott. SECOND READINGS OF RAILWAY BILLS. MONDAY, MARCH 30. Aberdeen, Baiiff, and Elgin. Shrowsbury and Herefordshire. London and Windsor. RAILWAYS Select Committee on Group No. 29. Mr. John _Abel Smith selected, and added to the Committee, vice Colonel Verner, discharged. Select Committee on Group No. 34. Mr. Saunders Davies and Mr. Montague Gore selected, and added to the Committee, vice Mr. M. J. Make and Mr. Christie discharged. 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Also the most powerful Achro matic Telescopes, Opera Glasses, Microscopes, Divisible and all kinds of Acoustic Instruments for relief of extreme deafness. Caution— Messrs. S. and B. Solomons, opticians, are net in any way connected with a person of the same name in their immediate neighbourhood. To present mistakes, be cautious, and observe—Only to be had at 3 9, Albemarle-street, Piccadilly, opposite the York Hotel. [ADVERTISEMENT.] —AN EXTRAORDINARY CA SE OF A DISEASED KNEE, OF TEN YEARS' STANDING, BY 1101:Lowey's PILLS AND OINTMENT.—Mr. E. Perryns, residing at 21, Fargate street, Worcester, is now cured of an abscess on the knee, and a stiff joint, which had been bad for ten years, indeed, ever since he was fourteen. He lost from the knee joint several pieces of bone, one being two inches in length. Ho had been under the most emi nent of the faculty in Worcester, and at last told that his leg must be amputated, as a cure was quite impossible. A perfect cure has been effected in this hopeless case by these wonderful medicines.— . Sold by all cheuti.sts, and by the Proprivter, 244, Strand, London. AMERICAN NEWS. THE UNITED STATES. FIVE DAYS LATER. LIVERPOOL, THURSDAY AvrERNooN. The 3lonteztama, Captain Lowler, and the:Marmion, Captain Edwards, have just arrived here with New York papers to the sth. The news is unimportant. The Oregon question was still under discussion. The commercial news is not im portant. OREGON. (From the Washington Correspondent of the New York Courier and Inquirer of March 5.) In the Senate on the 2d of March, Mr. Aitchison, from the Committee on Military Affairs, reported a Billy) or ganize and equip the militia in Oregon. Mr. Dayton submitted a resolution that the Secretary of the Navy inform the Senate if, in his opinion, the circum stances of our foreign relations be such as to require an increased naval force; and what these circumstances are. House h o o: i u s io , sr e. instructingrellg aonn theirs—andeci guaens ttihilolenoi moved e s tgd e o n tir a hne t gen o lrsasopi, over k cee Lies over. ial Mr. Semple presented resolutions of the Legislature of Illi nois, Oregon." Mr. Breese then addressed the Senate at great length upon -beaten te tra a c l k on o e f title. The Executive, he said, had done his duty—the to act. All further negotiation, unless such as might be necessary to secure the Hudson's Bay Company from the injury they would sustain by the sudden interruption of their trade, he utterly opposed. To arbitration he urged what he considered one fatal objection,viz., that there was no power to make any award by arbitrament binding upon the parties. He concluded by examining, and contrasting the capacities of the two nations, Great Britain and the United States, for war, and deduced a favourable comparison for his own country. e., d Mr. Dayton next took the floor. hofi onrerdewrt.ehlel regard to th e " whole The Senate adjourned. On the 3d, in the Senate, the Presiding Officer laid before this Chamber a communication from the Secretary of the Navy giving a statement of the naval forces of the different nations of the earth. Mr. J. M. Clayton, submitted a resolution, calling on the President to communicate to the Senate copies of any cor respondence on the Oregon subject that may have passed between this Government and that of Great Britain since the last made public ; or 50 much of the same as may not be incompatible with the public interest. Lies over. Mr. Dayton's resolution, calling on the President to know if he deemed an increase of naval force necessary at this time, and for what reasons, coining up for consideration, Mr. Sevier requested the Senator for New Jersey not to press it at once, but let it lie for a day or two, and Mr. Dayton acquiesced. The special order was resumed. Mr. Dayton addressed the Senate for about two hours, in a speech characterised by all that fitness of reason ing, and grace of diction, which invariably marks this gentleman's style. He regretted the want of a pre cise point in the discussion now going on, which he said had began, and he feared would end, with gene ralities. But were he as anxious for the acquisition of all of Oregon as some senators on the other side, he would make a precise point, and it should be this—that, instead of seeing an immediate issue to the Oregon question, with a sort of seeking gallantry, nothing should be done. He would meet Great Britain upon her own ground, when she said that occupancy alone could confer a title to the territory. Our ci tizens were pouring in there in the proportion of 100 to 1 of hers. Nor did he apprehend that danger from collision to which the senator from Missouri (Mr. Benton) had referred, and somewhat happily illustrated by citing the patriarchs of old : there was room and range enough for the flocks and herds of all the shepherds, and need be no strife among them. Mr. Dayton then reviewed the negotia tions, and affirmed that, with all the irrefragable facts and arguments adduced, no new light had been shed upon the controversy; it was the same old story which had been re peated by all the negotiators for these twenty years. He conceded to our negotiator (Mr. Buchanan) un questioned abilities, and excused the insufficiency of his objections to arbitration on the ground that the subject admitted of no better. On this point, he expressed a fear that the civilised world would view our course as evasive and unsatisfactory. He next passed to Mr. Breese's speech of yesterday, and showed the futility of so many of the premises and deductions of the Illinois senator as fairly compelled this gentlemen to blush. Some of his (Mr. B.'s) calculations, one with respect to the capacities of the two countries for war, the readiness with which our packet-ships could be converted into men-of-war, &c., he proved to be idle—utterly idle. Among other things, Mr. B. had asked why, if Great Britain had a sincere confidence in her title to Oregon, she had stood by with folded arms while our negotiation proceeded with Russia? Mr. Dayton replied to this, " that the Senator from Illinois was mistaken in the fact ;" and he proposed to read from a Senate document of the 18th Congress, from which the injunction of secresy had not been removed, to prove this position. He believed it not improper to do so, as he proposed only to read so much as was known to the Eng lish Government. Mr. Webster here turned in his seat, and asked how, if it, the injunction of . secresy, had not been removed, he obtained the document ? Mr. Dayton answered that it had been published for the use of the Senate, and he got it from the room of the Secre tary. Here there was some sensation, and a variety of under tone opinions expressed—some desirous of having the ex tract read, and others opposing the same. Mr. Sevier objected to the reading, and the Chair was understood as sustaining the objection. Mr. Dayton cheerfully waived the design, and stated what he would have read would show most conclusively that Great Britain was not silent upon that occasion, but keenly watchful of her interests. Towards the conclusion of his remarks, Mr. Denton adverted to the rumour whim had given currency, that this question was to be ultimately settled by the surrender of certain equiva lent advantages to our adversary. He did not mean to say that this was so, but some movements certainly seemed to corroborate it. Onee, it was a pertinent question in Eng land—" Who reads an American book ?" Now, however, it appeared that one of our documents furnished the very pabulum of the British House of Lords.—(Loud laughter.) It was a general impression that war, and a war party, was popular in this country. This was true of th ; wars in which we had been engaged, for each and all of them were wars for principle, and not for property. On this point he feared not to trust the good sense and feeling of the people—the needle of public feeling might vibrate doubtfully at first, but it would settle at last tremulously, but truly to the North. Mr. Haywood, says the New York Courier, will speak to morrow, and it is understood that, among other things, he will take the ground that Mr. Polk will take 49, if it shall be tendered by Great Britain. His position will be important, as he will endeavour to present the views of the President. MONEY MARKET. Mane' 4.—A1l was bright toeday and active at the Stock Board. Not only were prices better, but operations were extensive, and there was a general feeling of confidence. The later news from England to-day by the Toronto was not genereilly circulated during business hours, and therefore had ittle or no effect. SALES AT THE STOCK EXCHANGE. $6,000 U. S. 6's ... ...1 July 110 1,000 U. S. s's... 100 1,500 Ohio 6's 94 1 / 1 5,000 Penna. s's... 71 1 11,000 Reading Bonds 12 Shares City Bank ... ... 109 20 Do. Leather Bank ... ... 104 1 / 2 100 Do. Vicksburg ••• ••• s3O 7 80 Do. Farm Loan ... 27 3 / 4 250 Do. East Boston ... 15 125 Do. Morris Canal .. 150 Do. Canton Co. 100 Do. Harlem .. 50 Do. Long Island 100 Do. Nor. and Wor. 50 Do. Reading R. 25 Do. Mohawk 37% • b3O 54 • s 3 45 • blO 64% 68% 514 COURT CIRCULAR. The Queen and Prince Albert took an airing yesterday in an open carriage and four. The Equerries in Waiting, Lord Charles Wellesley and Sir Edward Bowater, were in attend ance on horseback. Their Royal Highiesses the Prince of Wales, Prince Alfred, the Princess Royal, and the Princess Alice, were taken airings yesterday in the royal gardens. His Royal Highness Prince Albert rode out on horseback yesterday, attended by Sir Edward Bowater. The Queen had a dinner party yesterday at Buckingham Palace. The company included her Majesty the Queen Dowager, her Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent, his Serene highness the Hereditary Prince of Saxe Meiningen, the Marquis and Marchioness of Londonderry, the Marquis and Marchioness of Clanricarde, the Countess of Sheffield, Lady Augusta Bruce, Baroness do Speth, Earl Howe, the Bishop of Oxford, Lord and Lady Claud Hamilton, Lord . George Lennox, Lady Graham, the Baron de Reitzenstem , the Hon. and Rev. C. Leslie Courtenay, Sir George Couper, and Captain Francis Seymour. The Band of the Grenadier Guards was in attendance during dinner, and performed the following pieces : Overture—" Die Felsenmuhle,"—Reisiger. Waltz—." Die Gemuthlichen," . —Massaii. Scena e Aria—"Dio di giuda 1 I'ara it tcmpio," from Nino Nardi. Polka—" Dobru-noe,"—Fahrback. Galop—" Glockenspiel, —Kuhner. Her Majesty's private band afterwards attended in the Palace, and performed the remainder of the evening. Yesterday was the birthday of his Royal Highness Prince George. His Royal Highness received visits of congratula tion in the course of the day from his illustrious relatives. Their Royal Highnesses the Duke and Duchess of Cambridge arrived in town from their residence at Kew. Her Royal Highness the Duchess of Gloucester gave a grand dinner at Gloucester House, in honour of the auspicious event. The company consisted of his Royal Higness Prince George, their Royal Higlmeses the Duke and Duchess of Cambridge, his Serene Highness Prince Edward of Saxe Weimar, his Excellency Count Kielmansegge, the Hanoverian Minister ; the Marquis and Marchioness of Douro, Viscount Cantalupe, Colonel Cornwall, Lady Georgianna Bathurst, Baron Knese bnk, Mr. Edmund Mildmay, Captain M'Donald, and the Hon. Captain Liddell. Her Royal Highness the Duchess of Gloucester had after wards an evening party. The company began to arrive at Gloucester House soon after nine o'clock. Dancing com menced at ten o'clock. Her loyal Highness the Duchess of Cambridge afterwards returned to Kew. Her Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent visited the Duchess of Gloucester yesterday at Gloucester House. A deputation from the trustees of the Manchester and Buxton Turnpike-road, consisting of Mr. W. Tatton Eger ton, Mr. Philips, Mr. Orford, Mr. Shaw, and Mr. Vaughan, had an interview with the Charcellor of the Exchequer yes terday, at his official residence in Downing- street. Count de Reventlow, the Danish Minister, transacted business yesterday at the office of the Board of Trade. Sir John Henry Pelly had an interview with Mr. Secre tary Gladstone yesterday, at the Colonial-office. Mr. William Fielden, M.P., had an interview yesterday with the Chancellor of the Exchequer. Mr. Wickham, Chairman of the Stanips and Taxes, had also an interview with the Right Hon. Gentleman. The Lord Chancellor, Sir Robert Peel, the Earl of Had dington, the Earl of Aberdeen, Mr. Secretary Gladstone , the Chancellor of the Exchequer, the Earl of Ellenborough, Lord Granville Somerset, the Earl of Dalhousie, the Right Hon. Sidney Herbert, and the Earl St. Germans were present at the Cabinet dinner given by the Earl of Ripon, on Wed nesday evening. Mr. Tatton Egerton, M.P., and Mr. Ireland Blackburne, M.P., had an interview with the Earl of Dalhousie yester day at the Board of Trade. THE APPROACHING GRAND ENTERTAINMENT TO HER MAJESTY'S MINISTERS, BY THE LORD MAYOR.—The entertainment to be given to her Majesty's Ministers by the Right Hon. the Lord Mayor, has been unavoidably postponed from Wednesday, the Ist, to Wednesday, the 22d of April. ASSIZE INTELLIGENCE. NORTHERN ClRCUlT—Liverpool, Much 25. CROWN COURT.—(Before Mr. Justice PkrrnsoN.) Henry Harrison was indicted, charged with having, at Denton, feloniously and violently assaulted and beaten Sidney Taylor, and stolen from his person one sovereign and half-a• crown. Mr. Monk appeared for the prcsecution, and Mr. A. B. Pol lock for the defence. It appeared that the prosecutor had been drinking at various public-houses on the 23d February with several per sons, and amongst others with the prisoner, to whom he in cautiously displayed some money from his waistcoat pocket He was followed, tripped up, and knocked down by prisoner. When he had done this he commenced kicking the unfortu nate man upon his head with a heavy boot he wore, inflicted a very serious wound on the left side of his forehead (which bled profusely), and knocked out a large double tooth ; not content with this, the prisoner gathered a quantity of loose mud together, and forced it into his victim's mouth ' with the intention and in the hope of choking him at once. This ren dered him insensible, and while he remained so the prisoner rifled his waistcoat pockets and robbed him of 1/. 2s. Bd., with which he immediately decamped. Mr. POLLOCK addressed the jury for the defence. His LORDSHIP summed up, and the jury having retired to consider their verdict, returned in about half an hour, finding the prisoner Guilty. NORFOLK ClRCUlT.—Norwich, _March 25. CROWN COURT.—(Before Mr. Justice MAuLa.) Charles Hood, aged 34, was charged with having wilfully and maliciously thrown a quantity of aquafortis on the right foot of Sophia Frakes, with intent, &c. Mr. Evans appeared for the prosecutrix. The prosecutrix is a young factory girl, aged 15 ; the pri soner is a journeyman miller, and both reside at Ditching ham. The defendant had made dishonourable proposals to the prosecutrix in the course of last summer ; she resented the insult, and expressed her determination to make it known to her mother. About the middle of last August the prisoner met the prosecutrix walking with a friend, when he " spurned" (kicked) her in a brutal manner, and used the most disgusting and threatening language. On the 23d of that month the prisoner bought two drachms of aquafortis from a chemist at Bungay, who warned him of its properties, to which he replied, " Oh, I know its use very well," and went away. On the following day he met the prosecutrix walking with her sister, who reproached him for his designs on the virtue of the prosecutrix, and said," It is a shame for any old man like you to interfere with such a young girl as Sopliy." Immediately afterwards she observed him throw something at the foot of the prosecutrix, who at the same time felt a blow on her right foot, and a burning and smart ing sensation. The prisoner said, "That's what I meant to do to you," and went away. The prosecutrix went home, and taking off her stocking found the right foot and ankle covered with blisters, under which wounds nearly half an inch deep were subsequently discovered by a surgeon, who now gave it as his opinion that they had been produced by aquafortis, or some other corrosive poison. Mr. CARLOS COOPER, for the prisoner, contended that the act was unintentional, and called several witnesses, who de scribed him to be a person of a humane disposition. The jury, after consulting together for ten minutes, found the prisoner Guilty. The sentence was deferred. POLICE INTELLIGENCE. MANSION-110USE. A. man named William Williams was charged with smug gling. C. A. Davis, an officer of the Customs, stated, that between twelve and one o'clock on that day he saw the defendant passing from the City of Boulogne steamer, and took from his person two bottles of foreign brandy. The defendant—lt is not brandy, just taste it my Lord. Alderman Giens—What is it then? The defendant—lt is not brandy at any rate. The officer—lt is brandy. The defendant—l say it is not. It happens to be spirits of wine. Alderman Gums—Why that is worse still. The duty is higher. The defendant—But he comes here to charge me with smuc;gling, and he has not established his charge.—(A laugh.) The officer—He has been getting his livelihood by this sort of work for years. The defendant—l have no other way of supporting my family. What am Ito do? You accuse me of smuggling brandy. You are all wrong. Alderman Ginns—You have proved by your own admis sion that you are an old smuggler, and I fine you 5/., the full penalty, or one month. The defendant—l'll take the month, the money is not con venient.—Committed. BOW-STREET. A STRANGE SORT OF " DISORDERLINESS."—A tall and very lean old man was brought to this court yesterday morn ing, charged by the police-sheet of the E division with being drunk and disorderly. Tile Court, as usual, inquired the nature of the disorderli ness ? " Why, Sir," replied the charging constable, "we found him hanging on the railings in Bloomsbury - square , at three o'clock this morning, by the hinder part of his trousers." The COURT observed that this was a very extraordinary position for so old a man to assume; but they did not see any great harm in it. The constable, in continuation, said, " Before we could get up to the spot, your Worship, the trousers gave way, and he fell inwards amongst the laylock bushes." " Did he do any harm there?" asked the examining ma gistrate. " No, your Worship," replied the constable ; "he lay as quiet as a mouse." The old man was asked what account he could give for this strange conduct ?—He replied that, on the previous afternoon, he had gone down to Greenwich, to see a grandson on board the Marine Society's ship, and, in returning he got very wet with the rain and very weary with the walk ; and, being thus wet and weary, he lost his way and his wits to gether, he believed, for, though he only dank one penny glass of porter on his way home, he had no sort of recollection how he managed to get on the palisades in Bloomsbury square. All he knew about it was, that instead of being in Bloomsbury-square at three o'clock in the morning, he ought to have been at Camberwell before nine o'clock on the pre ceding night. He was told he might go home as soon as he pleased, and he very thankfully departed. He said he was bred and born a tailor, but that was many years ago. WORSHIP-STREET . SrIAMEFITL ASSAULT.— William Murray, a master cabinet maker, in Half-Moon-street, Bishopsgate, was charged before Mr. Bingham with having assaulted and wounded a young woman named Rosa Sheridan, the daughter of a retired tradesman, living in the same neighbourhood. It appeared from the evidence of the complainant, whose head was bound up, and who was evidently in a state of great suffering - , that on the evening of Thursday se'nnight, her sister-in law accompanied her to the house of a tradesman in Worship-street, for the purpose of remonstrating with him on his injurious conduct towards the witness, in inducing her to elope with him from the house of her father, and remain for two nights absent. On mentioning the object of the visit, the defendant, who was seated in the shop, immediately assailed the complainant with the most opprobrious epithets, and advised his friend to turn her into the s treet. The lat ter, however, refused to do so, and the defendant, after some threatening language, struck her a violent blow on the fore head with a massive and sharp •edged piece of mahogany, which produced an extensive lacerated wound, and covered her face with blood. The defendant immediately followed up the attack with another violent blow on the back of the head, which brought her to the ground in a state of insen sibility. Mr. BINGHAM said that he had no power to deal ade quately with such a case, and he therefore felt it his duty to send it for the adjudication of a jury. LAMBETH. SAVAGE ASSAULT.—MYSTEMOUSAFFAM.—Yesterday, Ann Lynch was brought before Mr. Henry, on a charge of savagely ill-treating and causing the death of a young woman, whose name is at present unknown. The facts of the case are these :—The prisoner, w ith others of her class who are in the habit of leading a loose and dissipated life, had been accustomed to apply for and obtain lodging at Marlborough house, Peckham, in which establishment a number of the City paupers are fanned. On the morning of' the sth of last month loud cries of " Murder" were heard to issue from 13 ward in the institution, and on the nurse and others going to see what was the matter, they found the prisoner ill-using another young female, who had been a casual in mate, in the most savage and brutal manner. Not content with striking her with her fists in the face, she drew the hair from her head in handfuls, and dashed her head against the wall with such savage brutality as to cause pieces of the skin of the skull, with the hair attached, to adhere to the bricks. The excuse for all this was that the unfor tunate female had stolen three halfpence from one Of her fellow-inmates, and was about to put on the stockings of another. Maria Dennis, who described herself as a nurse at M arl borough-house, said that on going to 13 ward she found the prisoner with both her hands entangled in the hair of younga woman, who was then lying o n the bed, and p ullin g each handful different ways, declaring at the same time, and in the most savage manner, she would have her life. The female was rescued from the prisoner, and the former looked in a most deplorable state with the blood streaming from her mouth and nose, and also from her head, where the prisoner had drawn the hair from large patches. Mr. HENRY—Did you send for a constable to give the pri soner into custody? Witness—No, sir; if I was to send for a constable for every little affray that takes place, I'd have nothing else to do. I can manage all the persons that comes there myself, but the prisoner, and she is such a desperate character, that I myself was afraid of her, and it takes five men to master her. Mr. HENRY—And what became of the injured female? Witness—l gave her her breakfast, which she took away with leer in her hand, and sent her out, and was really glad to get rid of her out of the prisoner's reach. Mr. lltternv—What ! Turn out a person who yourself de scribe as being in a deplorable state, bleeding profusely, and with whose blood one of the witnesses says she was satu rated. Why did you not send for some medical man to see the unfortunate young woman ? Witness I did not send for one, and there I think I was wrong ; but I was glad to:get rid of her, fearing that the prisoner would again attack and murder her. Mr. HEetav—Then I must say that it was quite scanda lous that the unfortunate female should have been turned I into the streets in such a state. A medical man should have been sent for to see her, and the prisoner should have been then given into custody. The prisoner here said, that though Mrs. Dennis, the nurse, had said site had done all she could to separate her from the young woman, the contrary was the fact, for she actually encouraged her to ill . use her, and several times called out, " Give it her well ; give it her well." The husband of Dennis, who also holds a situation in Marlborough-house, confirmed his wife's statement as to the deplorable condition of the young woman, who had been so savagely attacked. • Morton, a constable belonging to the P division, said that from what he could learn of the case, it appeared that the in jured female, upon being turned out of the house with a piece of dry bread, was so exhausted that she was obliged to sit down at the gate. She afterwards managed to crawl along the Kent-road some distance, when she fell from per fect exhaustion. From there she had been carried to one of the hospitals, where she since died. He, Morton, had been to Guy's, St:Thomas's, and St. Bartholomew's Hospitals, but could get no tidings of such a person. That she was dead, however, there was strong reason to believe, as she had net since been seen in any of her accustomed haunts. There were two females named Bell and Thompson, who, he understood had visited her at the hospital to which she had been taken, but he could not at present make them out, and suspected they were in confinement at some of the metropolitan prisons. He also understood. that, on Monday last, a female had called at Marlborough-house, to inquire about a female who was missing, and whose description corresponded in every way with the female that had been Mused. This was admitted by one of the servants at Marlborough house, and Mr. HENRY further remanded the prisoner for a week, and directed that Mr. Richards, the proprietor of Marl borough-house, and his clerk, be mullioned to attend the next examination. GREENWICH. ATTEMPT TO MURDER. Richard Thorp, a coal-porter, ITAS charged with an attempt to cut his wae'a throat in the Oxford Arms public-house, Church-street, Deptford, on t he night of Wednesday week. Jane Thorp, prosecutrix, deposed that on Tuesday week she went to the Oxford Arms to her husband, to ask him for a penny to buy bread; he refused to give it her, and fol lowed her from the house, and knocked her down. She then entered into a statement, showing that the prisoner had con tinued following her about, and detailed a series of assaults lie committed upon her, and which he repeated at the coal wharf where he was employed, on the following morning. In the evening she again saw the prisoner in the Oxford Arms, and after calling her to him, put his arm round her neck and stabbed her in the throat with a knife. (A large clasp knife was produced; but witness declared that was not the one lie used.) Witness struggled, and got away from the prisoner. lle followed her out of the house, and said, "I have done it, and I'll finish you and be hung for you." James Francis, son of the landlord of the Oxford Arms, deposed to giving the prisoner into custody immediately after the assault on his wife, and hearing him make use of the threats above-named. Mr. Edward Downing, a surgeon, examined the wound, which he stated to be incised, and very slight. Police-sergeant Josiah Vincent took the prisoner into cus tody-, and heard him threaten to do for his wife when he came out of prison for this attempt, and that he intended to kill her on the present occasion. Witness produced a clasp knife, which he received from the prisoner, who stated that was the knife with which he had attempted to cut his wife's throat. The prisoner, who, by the advice of his solicitor, de clined saying anything in his defence, was then fully com mitted for trial. MONEY MARKET and CITY NEWS. ClrY, THURSDAY EVENING. TIMES.—The purchases of the Government broker to-dal, , amounted to 21,0001. Consols on account of the Commissioners for the Reduction of the National: Debt, and 5,000/.: on account of the savings-bunks. The anxiety and excitement among the holders of railway shares are such as to make it difficult to convey a just idea of them to the public at large. To sell any shares connected with the new lines has become almost impossible at any sacrifice, and the only relief that the greater part of holders now hope is, the throwing out of the Bills before Parliament, and the rendering an account of the funds that remain unappropriated. This feeling exists even with respect to those lines which a few months back were regarded as the most promising, and the men of pro perty who happen to have embarked in such undertakings find themselves considerably worse off than adventurers without capital, since they foresee that in the event of Bills being obtained, the weight of the whole concern must be thrown upon them. Probably there is not a single new Company at this moment—and this is the opinion of some of the most experienced brokers of the Stock Exchange—in which the majority of the shareholders would not vote for abandonment. This opinion has nothing to do with the merit of the respective undertakings, but arises from the persuasion that too much has been attempted at once, and that sufficient capital is not to be found :a the country for this mode of employment. By a singular revo lution in public opinion connected with these undertakings, even the illegitimate and doubtful schemes, which were so plentifully brought forward at the close of last year, are looked at comparatively with envy, for in these is seen at least the limit of loss, while in others of a dltTerent class, if they are forced on in the present adverse state of the money maiket, the prospect is but one of ruin and con fusion spread over a long series of years. The public of this day have probably forgotten what occurred with the build ing of Waterloo-bridge, for which purpose a first, second, and even third capital was raised (since the undertaking, once begun, could not be abandoned), now all annihilated except the last, and that producing a very small and inadequate return indeed. Something akin to this must happen with railways which are imprudently urged on in the present situation of affairs, and this is the apprehension which is now producing so very unpleasant a feeling with all con cerned. They now look to Parliament as the only source of relief, and to Mr. Morrison's Committee, in partioular, for an early introduction of the subject to the consideration of the Legislature. Members of Parliament who are also members of railu ay committees, cannot be too strongly im pressed with the fact, which we now desire distinctly to convey to them, that the boon most desired on ther part by the parties connected with railways is, that their Bills may not be passed, but may be strangled in the birth. There is a rumour in the City that the Government are about to send 3,000 troops to India, and that the tenders for their conveyance will appear in about a week. Several of the smaller shipowners have for some time past anticipated an event of the kind, and hence it is said that more ships are in readiness for the service than has generally been be lieved. A statement has been furnished of the export.s of the Brazilian provinces during the year 1844. The total value of these is about 7,500,0001., nearly two-thirds of which may be assigned to the items of coffee and sugar. On account, however, of the heavy differential duties on the former, and the total prohibition of the latter, very little of either reaches this country, the coffee being principally shipped to the United States, and the sugar to the European continent and the Mediterranean. The result is, a considerable lose to the merchants, manufacturers, and shipowners of this country. For the exports of British manufactures to Brasil the returns are mostly received through indirect channels, which on the one hand are very expensive, and on the other are to the ex clusion of British shipping. It may not be generally known that several commercia bodies in England have sent addresses to similar parties in America, on the subject of the threatened interruption to the peace of the two countries. Some of these have lie l L an swered from the United States; and we subjoin one sent from Plymouth in Massachusets, to Plymouth in Great Britain : " RESPONSI F 11.031 NEW ENGLAND PLYMOUTH. " To the Hon. the Mayor of Plymouth, England. " Plymouth, Massachusetts, Feb. 27, 184 G. " Sir,—l have the honour of transmitting to you a copy of a response to the ' Friendly Appeal from the Inhabitants of Plymouth, Great Britain, to the citizens of the United State of America, for the purpose of averting war between the two countries,' adopted at a large and general meeting of our citizens. Your address, with others, reached us on a day when we had proposed a public discussion upon the general subject of peace, and the possibility of a pacific settlement of all national controversies ; and it was a sign of hope, both for the present and the future, to hear these voices of love speaking to us across the ocean. We rejoiced in them all, but to your town we were impelled to give an immediate re ply. Nothing seems to us more beautiful, and nothing can do more to insure amity between us, than these interchanges of friendly feeling and Christian sympathy. Your address bears date one month ago to •day, and the echo to its friendly pleading in a few days will return to you. Let the olive branch be thus carried from both sides of the Atlantic by the quick messengers traversing its waters, and the rumours of war which have startled us shall only become l the means of cementing us for ever in the bonds of peace. " I transmit also a copy of one of our papers, containing a brief notice of the proceedings of our meeting. And as no paper has reached me, giving the names of the signers to your appeal, I am obliged to address yourself solely as the magistrate of your town, instead of directing; to you also personally by name. " With most ardent wishes for the triumphs of the pacific principle, now and at all times, I am, Sir, with great respect, " Very truly yours, " GEORGE W. BRIGGS. " His Honour the Mayor of Plymouth, Great Britain." "A RESPONSE TO THE FRIENDLY APPEAL FROM THE IN - - HABITANTS OF PLYMOUTH, GREAT BRITAIN, TO THE CITIZENS OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, FOR THE PURPOSE OF AVERTING WAR BETWEEN THE TWO COUN TRIES, BY THE INHABITANTS OF PLYMOUTH, MASSA CHUSETS. " Friends and Fellow Christians,—More than 225 years ago, pilgrims from England gave the name of Plymouth to this spot, because Plymouth was the last town they left in their native land, and because they received many kind nesses in their need from some of the Christians there. Your friendly appeal at this juncture of public affairs, read at a large meeting, convened for the discussion of the prin ciples of peace, convinced us that the sympathies of feeling in that former generation have suffered no decay by the lapse of time. A kindred spirit beats in the heart of Ply mouth, in Old England, and its daughter in Massachusets, at this day, and although your appeal was not particularly addressed to us, we are impelled to give it an immediate re sponse. " We respond with unfeigned fervour of heart to all your dweaenar betweenw war in every case as an unutter abletwo nations so advanced in civilization and Christian feeling, as your country and shouldo wordscal ls ( ! ;nliotyveW Bat a urs, reg e ard with especial horror and anguish of soul. We are descendants of one stock, children of the same household. We have been nourished at the same great fountains of literature and learning. We have been baptised in the same great faith. We are brothers in the flesh— brothers in mind—brothers in Christ. Both nations, too, are plainly called to great duties and great destinies, in the nn foldings of Providence—duties and destinies which can alone be fulfilled in the reign of peace. The only strife between us should be the. noble emulation to see which may do most for the advancement of civilization, the progress of the world, by diffusing and perfecting the arts, the knowledge, the freedom, the purer religion, possessed by the Angle-Saxon race. For two such nations to fail to settle amicably a controversy like that now existing between our respective Governments, and, therefore, to become desolated by the calamities, and cor rupted by the countless crimes of war, seems to ns a sin alike against natural affection, the leadings of Providence, and the Redeemer's law of love, without defence or palliation. If Great Britain and the United States cannot amicably settle their present controversy, the friends of peace in the world may almost despair. "We rejoice that it entered the hearts of our brethren in England to send these friendly addresses over the ocean. We hail a movement so eminently Christian as full of promise. The boundary lines of nations could neither alienate nor separate them in heart, were the friends of peace thus to ex tend to one another the hand of fellowship and love. Nations would begin to see and to flow together.' Surely no war could be possible between our respective Governments, now or at any time, if the lovers of peace in either land would continually send the olive leaf across the waters in these appeals and responses of Christian feeling and Christian sympathy. The ambitious and wickedly-aspiring in both countries, who attempt to stir up strife, would be met by a moral power they would be compelled to obey, even though it did not remove the evil purpose from their hearts. We join you in your prayer, and your labours, to avert war between our respective Governments, and to secure a present and an everlasting amity. " In the hope that our response to your address, and through you, to all our brethren in England moved by a kindred spirit, may contribute something to the end we mutually desire to secure, and that the labours of the friends of peace, here and there, may be crowned with entire success, "We remain your friends, " GEORGE W. BRIGGS. }Committee " JOHN RUSSELL, of the " RUSSELL POMLINSON. Meeting. " W. THOMAS, Chairman. " Plymouth, Massachusetts, Feb. 26, 1846." A GOOD SPEC.—On Tuesday Mr. R. P. Cunninghtime, of the Loddon, sold a station and sheep, which he had 18 months previously purchased from Captain Cole for 1,200!. to Mr. Frank Bryant, of Van Diemen's Land, for 5,0001. The sheep averaged 13s. a head; and the sale of the wethera and wool alone, during the time he held them, repaid him the original purchase mony. Mr. Cunninghame, therefore, clears the 5,0001. less the expenses of management, in a year and a half I—Port Philip Herald. R O YAL COLLEGE OF SURGEONS OF ENGLAND.—ThaI H interview with Sir James Graham. memorial, signed by 850 Fellows an. wmh on . pe.n . tHhhae. have F. presented es B lte e nh r k taed e d l e a n , and`. and Thom a s W a kl e y, Esq.. Members of this College, praying the Crown to grant a sup-. plemental charter to the College of Surgeons. It is under— stood that the President and Council have for some time past been in communication with the Right Hon. Baronet onk the same subject, and it is generally expected that a freslit batch of Fellows will be made; in fact, all members of thee College, of eight years standing, not keeping shops, wile obtain the honour. The Rev. Edward Monro had an interview yesterday was , Mr. Secretary Gladstone. ices the oral )efit ain, lore old and It to nice >rre it to t no the and lnl (*the 7 to old taut ices the )n of third fteen Bill. ici e j e e e 'h FP t he ut r) bY vfo-' at hi; ,n•' r he :edg e- Fr (4l3 e ,deJ in" rdal for e for