The Sun. — London, England, 1837-06-24 00:00:00

uld believe it, and what makes the matter open to still a time when Members often considered themselves as ' must believe that it had considered well the business that further objection is, that there now is on the table a Bin irresponsible, and were about to sit for a period of -was was before it—they had to look and to be guided by its long introduced by my Noble and Learned Friend with the`` `six years. He adhered to that opinion ; but under the pre-A i sittings. Perhaps it had been counted out on particu'ar oc t same object, and postponed by him for the purpose of. 'sent circumstances, and for reasons to whip it was not ne-Ncasions because there was an indisposition to hear a parti: ascertaining what the Government intend doing with the e cessary to advert, he was inclined, on the whole, if not tocular motion ; or it might have happened in another man- Bill so introduced into the other House of Parliamentieisupport, at least not to offer any opposition to the motioniner—it might have been the result of fatigue. There were My Lords, there is another measure also to which I will:4of his Noble Friend.—(Hear, hear.) That brought him:? in the present session no less than seven adjourned debates V call your attention, for they are all of the same character. ,to consider the state of business in the present Parliament. some continuing for four nights, others of three, and all, We know that two sessions ago the question of the There could be no doubt th a t the fact was so as it had of course, of two nights' duration. Every one knew that settlement of Irish tithes was considered of such in-gbeen put by his Noble and Learned Friend—all measures -on fotmer occasions an adjourned debate was a thing ofi finite importance that early in the session—in fact the were to be postponed—all, too, very great and important, - most unusual occurrence. It arose either from the very first measure of the session—was a resolution pro-hand some of urgent necessity. It was, no doubt, equally greater importance of the business, or the greater anxietyl 'posed on the subject of " appropriation," as it was 'true that few, that hardly any, measures had been adopted. of Members of Parliament to deliver their sentiments called. No time was to be lost. It was a question .in the whole of the five monthsthat this Session of Par- ,and opinions upon the subjects before them—and if it i vital to Ireland, upon which the tranquillity of Ireland de- liament had lasted. But his Noble and Learned Friend ,were an evil, and he did not know that it was—(Hear` lad omitted from his catalogue one of the measures which' lid pass the other House of Parliament—( Hear)—which did . . . . come into that House, but respecting which he thought his' Noble and Learned Friend might form some conjecture why that measure was not proceeded with.—( Laughter.) He thought he knew some Members of that House who could tell why that measure was out of the catalogue of, great, important, useful, and necessary measures that ought, to have passed—a measure towards which the expectation lof one country had been directed very much, and which 'had not yet received the Royal Assent.—(Laughter and cheers.) Perhaps in the other House of Parliament they, had heard by what means it was that measure had been i disposed of. What mode of proceeding had been adopted with respect to it their Lordships well knew, and none bet,' To- ter than his Noble and Learned Friend.—(Laughter.) He - delay were in fact an evil, then it was to be re membered that it was an evil that arose from the nature of things—it was inherent to the present state of so ciety.' It was an evil as matters stood at present, and it was impossible for them to find a remedy. He should not, !however, make any statement as to the measures to which the Noble Lord had alluded. With respect to one, he !existed, the means would be found of preventing the evil that !existed, and of carrying the intentions of Parliament into !efficient execution. The Noble Viscount concluded by saying --the Noble and Learned Lord has expressed great hope that he derives from circumstances that he particu lady described. Ido not think, considering the bitterness o be found in the speech of the Noble and Learned Lord -nsiderin—rt ily the vehemr - but thr Timony --considering noL that marked that s only ie. lance ie ac ieech—l do not think that the to --- -T 4 very happily or very opportunely introduced—(Cheers)- 1 and I beg leave to say, that it was introduced in terms i& "hick 'n hi- \dmiration for the present - id the future, iIC was wi. le, in his a 4tratiou . pr, , , did in a great degree forget his respect for the past. — (Loud cheers.) The address was then agreed to. BRIDLINGTON HARBOUR BILL. The Earl of HAREWOOD - -d the second reading ..ne Earl of _ move_ of the Bridlington Harbour Bill. The Marquis of LONDONDERRY moved as an l amendment that the Bill be read a second time that day six months. Lord WHARNCLIFFE said he thought he had a .ht as ',oalowner, to object to the principle ,f this Bill, rig a c( Lo object to the principle o, which proposed to tax only the article of coal. He hoped their Lordships would not sanction a measure which would 'rate so •rtiall If it were tax all - Aesl ope._ pa, y. _ proposer., _. art,_ the coal-owners would not have so much reason to corn plain. Why was the stone which was brought to pave, this metropolis to be exempted from th- )ayment of p iduty ? If the Noble Earl could spew that the harbour )uld afford a place of refu- ho would establish some• wo, a place u, thing of a case in favour of the Bill ; but it was a dream' to call the harbour a harbour of refuge. The only time during which vessels could enter it was a short time be fore high water and a short time after; during all the ,remainder of the twenty-four hours they were excluded. lit appeared from the evidence which had been taken or the subject that so far from this harbour being a place o refuge, it was the cause of shipwrecks, inasmuch as its; appearance of safety was deceiving. If the harbou r !ought to be supported on the ground of its affording a refuge, the Government should take up the Bill, and see ,that the t. .hick was called for on public - ;ax, w grown , Is, was equally and fairly levied on the public. Instead of this, ,they had a measure recommended to them by which the (coal of Scotland was to be exempted from duty, while! the coal from Newcastle was to be taxed. The Earl.of AIINTO said he entertained many serious objections to this Bill, which he should feel himself called on to make in the Committee. The Bill was introduced into the other House as a private Bill, imposing a local tax, but it had been altered until it had beoomc a Bill im posing a general tax. He thought it was impossibl e for their Lordships to pass the Bill as a private Bill in its present form. In h;s opinion the harbour could not be considered as a place of refuge for the general trade of the country, and it would afford no shelter ves• isels except during a very inconsiderable portion of the twenty-four hours, and the chances therefore were, that it would not be of any use when vessels happened to be in distress. Earl FITZ WIL LIAM supported the Bill. He thought' they ought not to reject it on the ground that if the boor were a place of refuge, the Government were called on to bring forward a measure to maintain it. That pro position involved a large and an important question. Per haps it would be better that the Government took charge `of all the harbours which it was desirable should be main tained. Their Lordships then divided on the question that the Bill be read a second time, when the numbers were— Contents Non- Contents Majority The Bill having been read a second time, The M.trquis of LONDONDERRY gave notice he should move on Monday that tho committal of this. Bill be still further delayed. The Pillory Abolition Bill, the Shire Halls Bill, and the Small Debts (Scotland) Bill were committed and re iported. Several other Bills upon the table were forwarded 'a stage. Adjourned at eight o'clock till Monday. HOUSE OF COMMONS, JUNB 23. The SPEAKER took the chair at Four o'clock. The usual oaths were administered to several Hon. Members. Mr. WIGNEY presented a petition from certain indi ividaals engaged in the India-rubber trade, statin g that if tithe Caoutchouc Company Bill passed, they would be en tirely ruined, and praying the House to reject the Bill. - On the motion of Mr. HUME the Dundee Waterworks Bill was read a third time and passed. On the motion of Mr. HINDLEY the Pollock and Govan Railway Bill was read a third time and passed. Mr. PRYME brought up the Report of the Commit tee on Raylies' Estate Bill. The Bill was then read a third time and passed. Mr. HAWES presented a petition from certain share holders of the Westminster Bridge and Deptford and Greenwich Railway Company, praying that the Bill might not pass into law. LONDON CAOUTCHOUC COMPANY. Mr. 11. HUGHES moved the third reading of the London Caoutchouc Company Bill. Mr. WIGNEY opposed the third reading. Ho com plained that the Bill, as amended, bad not been placed in the hands of Hon. Members, and therefore they could not be in possession of its details. Although the Hon. Member for Oxford had stated that the Bill had been printed and, distributed last week, he (Mr. W.) had not been able to obtain a copy of it even on that day. Mr. HUGHES said that if that was the case, he would postpone the third reading. Mr. WIGNEY objected to any postponement, and pre ferred taking the sense of the House upon the Bill as it then stood. The objectionable principle still remained, and he felt it his duty to step forward and protect the interests of those he represented, who had stated that they would be completely ruined if it were allowed to be passed into law. He believed the great object of the Bill was to enable certain patentees to sell their patents to a number of individuals greater than the law allowed. He knew one of the gentlemen who had signed the petition which he had presented, who had from 10,0001. to 20,000/. in the trade already, and his fortunes and his hopes 'of a competency would be destroyed if the Bill passed. Its, object was merely for the purpose of forming one great mo nopoly, by which so far from being benefitted they would be much worse served with the article than now. He trusted the House would do justice to the public by throwing out the Bill. He moved that it be read this day six months. Dr. BO WRING opposed the Bill upon the statement of its promoters, who said the demand for the article in quest ion was getting greater than the supply, and th a t, ( therefore, the Company was necessary. That was so pre eminently absurd, that he thought the House would not sanction the setting aside of the Patent Laws, which th e Bill would do. Strangers were then ordered to withdraw. The House divided, when there appeared— For the third reading of the Bill Against it The SPEAKER gave his casting vote in favour of the Bill, which was read a third time ; but the question that the Bill do pass was postponed to Wednesday next. The House then went into the further consideration of the Report on the London and Greenwich Railway Bill ; the amendments to which were read a second time, and ordered to be engrossed. The Amendments to the Dublin and Kilkenny R a il way Bill were also read a second time, and ordered to be en grossed. EDINBURGH AND GLASGOW RAILWAY BILL. TBE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY, JUNE 24, 1837. pended, and it was to be brought forward—the whole subject was—without the least possible delay. But, my Lords, look at the question of Irish tithes. It-was not, 11 ,thitk, till the end of April or May that a Bill with respect to Irish tithes was brought into the House of Commons. All the early portion of the Session was allowed to elapse without the attention of the House of Commons being di rected to that important subject. The Bill was read a first time, a second time, and it was proposed to be committed on the 16th of June. My Lords, it was postponed from the 16th of June to this very day, and, if we are not mis informed, it is intended that it shall be still further post poned to some future day, so that this important subject l of Irish tithes, admitted to be of such transcendent import ance by both Houses of ParE , t. = ',l) first inst iy bot, coned f tamen ed ~ is, in the ,d then, be( ;ance, 'postp( tor a perlou __.:ause its p. Gress has been this slow and creeping progress which I have just described, it is to be still further postponed. My Lprds,' 11 h• stated th, ,1 but Ihr ..are stab,. :ese as examples, but, _Aave another ex ample of more importance. I allude to the great ques• tion respecting the Canadas. My Lords, certain resolu tions were proposed by the Government of the utmost importai The - u• to this a 'der that Ance. ,ht y came to th Aouse in or 18th - ,f M P o we mg agree em. n the o, _ay, at, those resolutions were well considered and discussed, your Lordships agreed to and adopted them. My Lords, when resoluf , f such acl -iotion it _ions of s —criptlon are passe , - appears to me absolutely necessary that they should be followed up, by a law ; for what is the consequence? By the colonies it is th, -ht that <Ay th- - _iougt , that you are merely . ,reaten►ng gem wit measures which you do not mean to carry into effect, Nothing can be more impolitic, nothing can display more weakness than such a course of roceeding Lords, 1 - A e. My I have given you these as examples of the course of legis• lation pursued by the Government of the country. I say nothing as to the question of Church-rates, or as to the other various important questions, but I have called your Lordships' attention to these, in order to Dive you strong —zmps' y instances in proof of what I have been stating, viz., the total neglect of the Government in the discharge of its 'duty as far as relates to matters of legislation. I have) stated these instances in detail ; but will your Lord3bips allow me to call your attention to a !brief summary ? Within a few days we shall have completed five months' ! of this Session. During that time sixteen Bills have re- 1 ceived the Royal assent ; but, my Lords, do not irna-1 gino for a moment that because sixteen Bills have received the Royal assent We have done much in the businossl of legislation. Of these sixteen Bills six were measures of trifling amendment, eight of the sixteen were merely Bills of - routine, passed every Session of Parliament— I such as the Mutiny Bill, tl►e Marine Mutiny Bill, the ---- ,Transfer of Aids Bill, the Consolidated Fund Bill 6 and Bills of that description. My Lords, there are tw( measures of legislation —two distinct and special measure: of legislation—only, which have passed durinz this Session of Parliament. One of them is the Post-atlice Bill, tin object of which is, according to my recollection, to transfer the contracts with respect to packets from the Post-olEck to the jurisdiction of the Noble I!: :r1 (Minto) opposite. The other was to make an alteration with respect to the' punishment of sedition in Scotland. These two Bills passed, without discussion, without a word on the subject ; and these are the only two measures of special legislation which !um been passed during the five months which we have been sit-' 'ting in Parliament. My Lords, this is a most extraord; nary thing. There are at this moment seventy five depending in the other House of Parliament, of which more' than thirty have been brought in by the Government, or! ' the officers of the Government, and of which number a very large portion might have originated in this House, if their object bad been to do the business of legislationi faithfully, actively, and serviceably for the country.- 1 ,(Hear.) My Lords, I have now lying before me the papers, of to-night. I have counted the number, and I find stand-: ing for discussion in the House of Commons to-night fifty--; !seven public Bills—(Hear, and laughter)—besides the con-I 'sideration of an Address to her Majesty, and, in additinii, estimates in a Clmraittee of Supply. Such, my Lords, is the! high quarter. He, too, joined, most respectfully and reve -la II ' ,11 that had fallen from his Noble and !y joine, 1, in a Learned Friend with respect to that illustrious individual but, together with that beam of light he had spoken of,l there was another, and he did not think a crossing, beam, llit he hoped and trusted one that would be found moving n the same direction—he meant to afford, by one measure, - o facilitate that of which they had such auspicious promisel it the present moment ; that was, by dissolving the present,- cnd e'ecting another House of Commons.—(Cheers.) ne could not help thinking that if his Noble and Learned Friend really spoke out, and if he really were disposed te treat her Majesty's Government with that candour with rhich he (Lord Brougham) treated the adversaries of her i \lajesty's Government, he would, instead of vituperating hem—instead of chargin g them with incompetency—in litead of denouncing them for their vacillations, and 0163 I unfitness for discharging their duties, and declaring the l w re in such a position as to be the pity of their friends and the scorn of their political enemies-- Earl FITZ WILLIAM—The scorn of the enemies their country. Lord BROUGHAM—And as the Noble and Learner' Lord has said, the scorn of the enemies of their countr —now being the scorn of the enemies of one's country is nc lisgrace to any Government.—(Laughter.) But if instead f leveling against them this vituperation, his Noble and Learned Lord had turned round to the Commons House Parliament, for there it was that he would find the' state of the public business of the country under the Adreiais e ,;.fuse of all obstruction, and therein he would find the rca tration of the Noble Viscount. Am I, then, not justified, t ons w hy it was i m p oss ibl e t o carry on the public business in saying as far as relates t o th e mos t important duty of t' ind if, finding that his Noble Friend said to them, " House riGovernment, namely, the conducting of the business of if Commons ! you a House of Commons ! I tell you, you • legislation, that we are literally w ith ou t it ? Miver before' ire no House of Commons—(Che ers )—th e L or d s h avt , was the state of business in both Houses of P ar li amen t i t ,' l one w i t h you — t h e L or d s w ill h ave other instrument: 2 such a situation as at present, and never before did a Go- than you to do their work—get you gone, and give plac ,i ! 4 vernment so negligently discha rge so i m p or t an t a d uty a: Ito better men "—(Cheer s )—if his N o bl e an d Learneci the Government of the Noble Viscount has during the last . Friend had thus delivered his opinions, and thus directed five months. My Lord s , I t o ok occas i on l ast S ess i on to . ,is observations to that quarter, t he n h e s h ou ld h ave sta t e d i ' state that, in this House, the Noble Viscount and his col- that not so distant from the fact as that to which his ob- E .lea ,, ues were utterly powerless, and that the situation of lii-L,:ervations had been directed. Hi s N o bl e an d L earne d ; ".• colleagues in the other House wou ld soon b e th e same . 1 I Priend would thus have stated what he felt in his own' r will not say that they are now utterly powerless, but I will . mind but to be the truth ; but which, if he did not feel, -.say that they are so feeble as to be incapable of discharging -, hen he (Lord Brougham) without - meaning to cast any' Nthe duties which they owe to the Crown and country.—g: i:scredit on the H ouse o f C ommons , an d not mean i ng to (Hear, hear, hear.) My Lord s , th us muc h w i t h respect te4ise any disrespectful expressions, but qualifying them so - legislation. I will not now advert t o other topics respectin:.:s- tar, while he participated in such a feeling, would say that - 5- the conduct of the Ministers, nor to their domestic policy." ac declared he looked forward to another House of Com-1 rand still less am I disposed to advert to their foreign policy. nuns for supplying the present, and which would give to * [ will only say upon that subject amon gs t a ll sea ible and 'ler Majesty's Government a rea l an d e ffi c i en t majority— reasonable men men one opinion prevails, and I regret to say (Hear)—for it had been the want of an efficient majorita t .• that their conduct and course has:been such as to move then that was the cause of all the obstruction.—(Cheers, mingled spity of their friends, and to excite the scorn and derision with laughter from the Tory Peers.) 'of their enemies. —(Hear, hear.) My Lords, I have given . Viscount MELBOURNE replied—The Noble and you a picture of the present—l have given you a picture Learned Lord had taken the present opportunity of pour 'of the past. What are our hopes for the future from the, ing forth his long-stored -tip invectives. There had come Noble Lord and his colleagues? Literally nothing. Arc we• from him one of those harangues which he was in the habil .; to judge fro m th e p as t— are we t o pro fi t b y experience iii.., of geserally delivering at th e e n d o f th e S ess i on . Th e i . e ',.. If so, we can entertain no hope. But, my Lords, I will'2 l Noble and Learned Lord h a d sa id th a t th e course o f their „. not entirely despair. Th e r e i s some ray o f com f ort ande domestic poli c y wa s enti re ly con d emne d, an d as to t h e i r ' :i . consolation shining in upon u s , b u t it i s f rom anotherfVireign policy h e h a d m a rk e d hi s o pi n i on o f i t i n a sentence . quarter. My Lords, from the experience we have had, that had been alluded to by his Noble and Learned Friend.. '. from the observation we have made of the con d uc t o f our:.' He had no intention at that mo men t o f en t er i ng i nto a dis . _,., gracious Sovereiga, from the very first act of h er adminis-'; cussion which the Noble and Learned Lord wished to pro-1 tration, from the steadiness of her demeanour, from her yoke, nor should he give a contradiction to the many in -; great self-possession, and from her dignity, I augur much,' .Yectives that had been given utterance to. All h e cou ld d o s and, I trust, my Lords, at n o di s t an t p er i o d we s h a ll find was to point out to their Lo r d s hip s th a t t h e most o f that ! that we shall no t b e con ti nua ll y expose d to a l arm and ap which the Nobl e an d L earne d L or d h a d d e li vere d was corn-' prehension fo r th e Ch urc h E s t a bli s h ment i n t hi s country, and s ' posed of accusation—it was general abuse—an attack un the security of the Protestant faith, a faith to which the peo- t supported by any argument. He was sure that if the ple of England are so strongly attached, and the attacks' Noble and Learned Lord had any •grounds for his at upon which have excited among them so much alarm and ap4:. tack, it could not be more unfitted and unbecoming for prehension. My Lords, to that quarter I look, I look . ' the occasion, although the Noble Lord had taken care with hope and confidence, and lam sure that hope and con- to deal o u t hi s i nvec ti ves i n an unspar i ng manner.— • fidence will be shared by your Lordships and by th e coun- ( Hear, hear.) With respect to t h e d eta i ls i nto which • try, and that I shall not be disappointed. My Lo r d s , w ith - the Noble a n d L earne d L or d h a d entered as to the these explanations, I assent to the address moved by th e s i tt i ng o f t h e H ouses, and the business done by Parlia- Noble Viscount. I think the address is pe r fectly prop e r, moat up to the present p er i o d o f t h e S ess i on—as to h i s and that it ought to be adopted, an d, m y L or d s , I can as - s t at i ng h ow many Bills had been br o u g ht f orwar d an d sure you that I would not have j us tifi e d it t o th e d u t y IT , not proceeded with—it was, as far as the censure I owe your Lordships and the country to have said less than of the Noble and Learned Lord extended, one he must ac- I have done on the present occasion. —( Hear, hear.) '4 quiesce in, because it equally applied to others, because he Lord BROUGHAM said that in agreeing to the mo - and his colleagues were not the only sufferers, and because tion proposed by his Noble Friend on the present occasion the censure that was urged against them had been equally he did not, he thought, pursue a line of conduct that was . 4. applied to the Ministry of the Noble Duke and the Noble inconsistent with that which he had pursued upon a former ;t: Lord.—( Hear, hear.) When they proposed the same mea occasion, when he had some years ago the honour of a seat in ie . ' spre that he had now the honour of proposing, he found in the other House of Parliament ; and he did not think the l ' 1830 the Noble Duke was reported to have stated : "My present course inconsistent with that which the Noble Earl ". Lords, it is not necessary for me to draw your attention in on the cross benches had thought proper to take when the': detail to the present state of the business before Parliament ; same question was before their Lordships in that House ; it is sufficient for me to request your consideration of the for the grounds that were then adopted for resisting the pro-,. state of the rotes of the House of Commons, and the position in either House were of a twofold character. In = state of the votes of this House, and your Lordships will the first place, they were at that time unwilling, upon con- :.: see that so much business remains to be done, that were stitutional principles, that the Parliament should be dis-. it all to be completed, and were any new business to be solved before the question upon the Civil List was brought i i : ' brought forward at this period of the Session, it must before them ; and, next, that the Parliament should be dis-i. necessarily postpone the dissolution to a distant day." solved until the more important question of the Regency - This was nearly a detail exactly of what might be said should be settled. To these two grounds there was to be -.. at the present day. But he found also that his Noble added a third, namely, the state of the public business--, Friend (Earl Grey), who had left his place on the that so little had been done, and that so m uc h o f an urgent ' cross bench es , a l so sa id upon t h at occas i on :—" There is nature remained to be done. Of th ese th ree groun d s he -- a necessity f or an i mme di ate di sso l ut i on, the Noble Duke certainly did not mean to deny that two no w existed—the ''' t says. But why is there this necessity ? Apparently it first and the last. The first was the same now as then—:arises from the circumstance that during the long and af namely, the propriety of there being no necessity for "dlicting period of uncertainty as to the issue of his Ma settling the Civil List before the dissolution ; and the ; jesty's illness, when the minds of men have been directed last argument, that there were measures before Par- ; to . that event, the Ministers who have had the business of liament, existing in a greater degree, and requiring; Parliament to forward, of whatever nature it may have a speedy settlement now, than upon that occasion.— been, have shewn themselves quite incapable of conducting (Hear.) As to the second objection that he had stated,': it." That was the argument urged against the present ) that had been more eagerly pushed forward, and more im-gigGovernment by the Noble and Learned Lord.—(Cheers.)i portance was attached to it than to the others by the Noble The Noble Earl continued—" The business of Parliament) Earl on the cross benches (Earl Gre' It • !y). . was on this, t oo ,-- a t a per i o d o f the Session which, i n ordinary circumstances On the motion for the farther consideration of the 'that some of his -Majesty's . Government chiefly resisted th e , wou ld b e d raw i ng to a term i nat i on—a f ter fi ve months ' con_ R eport on t h e Edi n b urg h an d Gl a sgow Railway Bill adoption of such a course. They wished to provide against sideration, and th oug h recomm en d e d from the Throne at having b een r e ad, Major CUMMING B RUCE iT op .r tho demise of the Crown in th e a b sence o f t h e h e i r presump-, the beginning of the Session—the business of Parliament posed the further progress of the Bill.e had no tive. That was the line which was required to be adopted.'lhas been i n f ac t neg l ecte d . " I n f act t h e b us i ness o f P er i! personal interest in the subject ; but h i s oppos i t i on was That course was a t p resen t p ropose d. H e di d not thinlCo•liament at the time alluded to by his Noble Friend was grounded on the gross injustice of the Bill, and the fla 7 that on the present occasion his Noble and Learned Friend . ' nearly i n th e s t a t e t h at i t was at present. The bus i ness grant invasion of the rights of property an d vested inte-' treated with much courtesy the argumen t s o f hi s opponents.... o f P ar li amen t h a d year l y b een go i ng on in such a manner. , rests which the promoters of the Bill inten d e d to PerPe-' He certainly had not tr ea t e d th em very gent l y. In the th a t th e H ouses o f P ar li ament were actua ll y una bl e to ..t ra t e . He was willing to admit that where great interests first ground he entirely concurred ; but he admitted that get thr oug h it, an d t o di sc h ar g e it a ll i n a manner t* to the public would result, private rights should give way ;, the course:pursued in not bringing forward the Civil List was that could be quite satisfactory to M em b ers ._(H ear otb u t in such a case a fair compensation ought to be allowed. one to which he objected. The not allowing members of IR was n o t hi s int en ti on t o en t er i n t o a cons id era ti on o f A v H e thought he should be enabled to show, in the first Place, Parliament, and particularly members of the other House,Oth e various measures that had been referred to. That that even if the Bill should be defeated, as be trusted it' to debite that question before going to their constituents Ypart of the subject had been ably handled by his Noblewould be , the object of a Railway between Glasgow and! o-4 thiti r ta which he was oppo se d. H e ent i rely diff eredsand Learned F r i en d. B ut t h e f act was that discussionsEdinburghl would n o t b e p u t i n j eo pardy. With re gar d' ei42Zoble an d Learned Friend on the othe side as,_ were conducted in the oth er H ouse o f Parliament—he '''kto compensation to Parties, the prom oters of the Bill h a d He took it that the constit ut i na l doctrine: must say it, in defen ce o f th e o th er H ouse o f P ar li amen t, gone t o w ork so r e c kl ess l y th a t they had altogether omitted it. iiid down by his Noble Frie n d. H e should:. that the mod e i n w hi c h it s di scuss i ons were conducted, a f-':' , 7;lt mi g ht be said th ose were ma tt ers o f enquiry bef ore th e lebates up on th e Civil Li s t s h ou l d take'' ford no proof of indifference to the subjects before it— Committee ; that the Committee had enquired into them, Tace of a general election, and not atthat there was no want of proof of its diligence. They and given a favourable report. But without intending any, . .-- . • • • •-. • • ~ . • • .--. . _ _ Ai 4 tO 'mag. •C',ltq, " was so little disposed to impede the public business in lar-‘ lament that he could not deceive the just expectations of ,h- t- idr the del that had tak, d. .1e country in producing :c delay .en p. and prevented the forwarding of that measure—a measure, too, it was to be remembered, which had proceeded to itsl second reading, and yet means were taken to prevent its' law. But he had latel • f [ace,! ,ecoming ,ely, in moving f , iblic br or a d' ;om-1 nittee to consider the state of pug ,usiness, utscusse :his subject so much at length that he was not inclined to 'nter upon it at present. He could not, however, but link that - deal, if )t th , hol, thr " a great, .UL, if noL cw. ao. Le aday in carrying on of the business—the obstacles that that busi neg met with—was to be looked for elsewhere than to her M. 111; H • .ht '.dd, he did it sr -ajesty's _misters. _le migi auu, not say L ,o their Lordships ; he did not say it to a majority of heir Lordships ; but he was bound lour and in common f hen in common can• airness to the house to admit, that with the exception—with that most important exception— the most important of the whole—but with that exceptinn, of that one measure to which he had already referred, t' Lordships were not answerable for the stoppage whiel, had been b. ht u- th. , blie - this S. ;heir] iession net Jroug, ipon ,e pu, _Justness —(Hear, hear.) No doubt of it that the manner in vhich their Lordships had dealt with that one measure) might be taken as of very great weight with others, and as l affording to them a very distinct , indication as to the man ner in which other measures will be dealt with and dis- batched, and hence in part the present complaint might] have arisen. That, however, was no justification for thel to f measures in thr' What k &lined! ppage o at quarter. comp of ryas the system ; it was by that the interruption of public susiness had been occasioned. His Noble Friend said that it present there was all but a desperate aspect of affairs, but for a light which it seemed had brok, him fi :en in upon ;rom offence to the Noble Chairman, or to the other Members of/ House, and proceed with the public business already ithe Committee, he would beg leave to say that he believed7Acommenced ; the other course was only to consider the report of that Committee did not deserve the sane- k those measures which were absolutely necessary for carry tion of the House. There could not be a worse tribunalking on the public service, and for preventing any public in to adjudicate on private business than a Railroad Committee `r jury during the time which must elapse before a new Par- • of that House. While the evidence was being given, orliament could assemble. Now, Sir, with respect to the while the Counsel were summing up the evidence for and ',former of these courses, although I have no doubt that the' i against the Bill, the Committee was generally very thinly . .;.present Parliament would have considered the matter of the attended ; but when a division was about to take place the. -Civil List in the fairest spirit of loyalty and devotion to the Committee-room becamecrowded. He had been waited upon e public service, and that a provision would have been made lby parties promoting this Bill desiring him to withdraw his most adequate for the dignity of the Crown ; yet in eon !opposition to it, and stating that friends of his would sidering that measure in conjunction with the other men be placed in serious jeopardy if the Bill did not pass. He , : cures now before the House, it did not seem advisable that ,did not conceal from those parties the indignation he felt ! we should immediately undert a k e th a t me asure , an d p rocee d 4 ; at such an attempt at dictation. He would beg the ea the same time with those other important measures. t l House to look to a statement of the estimates on which :Sir, the obvious objection which will strike every one as to this undert a king res ted. He would not advert to the evidence, , proceeding in such a course is the expectation, the general because he knew how unwilling the House was to hear extracts 'end prevailing expectation, founded not upon any advice or read from the evidence given before Committees. The en- , any proposition which may be adopted by her Majesty, but gincer in this case was a Mr. Miller, who might be a very e lby a positive enactment of law d ec l ar i ng th a t a disso e able man, but who, it seemed, had not been over scrupuAllution should take place within a certain period. There lous in obtaining subscribers to this undertaking.—(Hear.)-`lore when the House should have proceeded to consider; Mr. Mill e r was also the engineer of a proposed railway_the matter of the Civil List, and the various measures.' to Stirli n g, a distance of 12 miles, and he would read an ,;,already under consideration of the House, two very cer extract from his evidence to show how little con fid ence th e ;rain and inevitable evils would have occurred ; the one House could place in any estimates made by him. The is, that a number of Members of this House, anxious Hon. Member here read some extracts, for the purpose of A : - to place themselves fairly before those who had hitherto "showing that the s urvey and estimates in question iT ) been their constituents would have left the service of the • had been prepared in a very hurried and careless- 1 house, and would not attend here on measures of great timanner. manner. He (Mr. C. Bruce) would contend that the sole; „ public importance. The other evil, and which I think 'object of such statements was to induce parties to sub-4 ought fairly to be considered by the Sovereign and her scribe. It ultimately turned out that the estimates were so ii Ministers, is, that Members attending here, and performing inadequate that, at a meeting of the shareholders at :to the utmost their duties to the public, will be exposed to) ' Stirling, th e y reso l v ed to forfeit their deposits, and the disadvantage which must o ccur —th a t w hil e th e y are l ~ . , i break up th e Company, rather than proceed. He thought acting in the manner which they think conducive to the public . . 1. that would be the best thing the present Company could do, be- interest, others will go before their constituents and represent , cause it was evident that the estimates were very imperfectly ; ii their conduct in a light that was unfavourable, while the J, prepared. Mr. Miller stated that there were six millions cubic Member himself was unable, in consequence of attending *yards of e a r th t o be excavated, and there was a deficiency of this House, to clear his conduct from misrepresentation. 77,0001. in the estimates. He also assumed that there would - .Sir, I think this is a reason why we should not enter be about half a million cubic yards of whinstone, and he or go on, upon matters which, considering the mea -: stated that he had bored two and in some cases four ee sures already before the House, which amount on feet for the purpose of ascertaining that fact, while this very day to upwards of 60 Bills and Orders of the the other party had bored to the depth of thirty feet, Day, and accompanied with that, the consideration of the and they ascertained that there was no whinstone to be : Civil List would protract the Session for more than two , procured. This would occasion a further deficiency of ~. months longer. The question, then, is, what are those i 2.0,000/.—(Hear, hear.) The Company had further 4questions upon which it is adviseable to call for the deciH assumed with unparalleled hardihood that the tonnage upon Osien of Parliament, and what are those of measures whicl; the traffic between Glasgow and Leith would be much -. s . we can postpone the consideration ?—(Hear, hear.) f [ .l more than could be reasonably expected. The Honour- -,have already stated that I think the alternative) I able Member said he would refer to documents to establisliriis between going on regularly with the Session, and settling) . . „. .. _ . agreed by a large majority to certain resolutions on the sub ject, in which resolutions the other House of Parliament corr curred, I believe, without any, or with little difference of opi nion. The sense of Parliament has therefore been fully pro nounced on the claims set up by the Legislative Assembly o t ' Lower Canada. It remains for us to introduce a Bill e bodying the resolutions to which Parliament has agreed ; and enabling the Governor of Lower Canada to take from tbc_ chest of the Colony the supplies not voted by the House of ''< Assembly, but necessary to defray the expenses of the civil 1 Government in the province. Sir, I should bo very unwilling now, at the commencement of a new reign, to enforce a me!- isure which, absolutely necessary as I think it to be , may yet be i considered by some to bear a harsh and coercive chara cter. !think the Bill which it is my intention to propose may ultimately ~ Ore only probably, I wish I could say only possibly, nec essary. p't But to me it appears to be absolutely necessary that we should Jproceed with that Bill in the present Session of Parlia !ment. Introduced when it is so obvious that so large a ina ijority of the Members of this House are bound to support it , %and when it is equally obvious that it will meet with no oppo zsition in the other House of Parliament, the Assembly of ' Lower Canada may be induced to consider the great import ance of such a declaration on the part of the Parliament of Great Britain, that their claims and propositions are not con i.4iistent with the relations which aught to subsist between a co- it oily and the mother country. It is scarcely necessary for rre "to add, that I should most heartily rejoice if such should turn .$. out to be the case, and that if, instead of persevering in thee - inadmissible claims which they now make the House of A - pembly, by advancing claims of a more moderate character, 4 should put an end to the existing differences, and should heal the wounds which those differences have inflicted. But, Sir, 2 : when I say this I do not mean to retreat in the slightest de- i gree from the doctrine which I have heretofore maintained on • . t the subject. I hold to the various propositions which I ha ve '• heretofore advanced, and Parliament having declared the ir k concurrence in those propositions, I hope the Assembly o f ~ Lower Canada, animated by good and patriotic feelings , will see the expediency of modulating their course. If the Bill to which I have alluded were not to poss, it would - be necessary that we should agree to a vote of credit for the purpose of carrying on the civil Government and of paying the salaries of the judges, as well as of discharging all the arrears due in those subjects; such was to be repaid out of the / treasury of the colony. But I repeat that I think it our duty V i to pass the Bill I have mentioned ; and that I hope that when the Legislative Assembly of Lower Canada become aware of 1 • the proceedings of the Parliament of Great Britain, they will not persevere in their present demands. There are some other measures which we think it will be necessary to introduce in - the present Session; and several Bills will also be called for, for the purpose of continuing Acts that are about to expire. Among the former it is the intention of my Right Hon Friend the President of the Beard of Trade to bring in a Bill to enable the Commissioners to carry on the surveys and maps these facts.—(Cries of " Divide.") If Hon. Gentlemen; iopposite:would,take his word for it and divide with him, bei would not trouble them with the daails.—(LauAter.) Thel the Civil List, and abandoning the great portion, or post poning the great part of those measures that ivill lead to protracted discussions, and, above all, t, \rtv di _ .uriTyS a.. 4' i connected with English tithes. I intend to propose, and Ido 'not anticipate any objection to the proposition, the appoint -4 of Ci 'ay - the subject of Church leases Ag- Hon. Gentleman read some part of the evidence, and said ac. cording to it he was entitled to say the promoters of the Bill came before that House with a most swindling statement. Another ground upon which the House ought to pause be-, fore agreeing to the Bill, was, that the Forth and Clyde I Canal had been made not many years ago at an ex-. imnse of 600,0001., the proprietors of which had not yet received fifteen per cent. ; yet, this Bill gave the , Railway Proprietors the privilege of running by the side ofi the Canal, and taking from the Canal Proprietors thosel (vested rights which they enjoyed under an Act of Parliament. He believed that no Railway speculation which had been so much opposed as this one was, had ever yet received the sanction of the House. Out of sixteen miles through which it runs, the proprietors oil fourteen miles were dissentient ; and amongst them ) there were some whose property would be entire)] spoiled by in some cases cutting off corners, and in others, running through the middle of the policy. In order to prove that there was another line of railroad proposed be tween Edinburgh and Glasgow, he would read evidence given by Mr. Miller himself in the year 1834.—(Hear.) The Hon. Member then read the evidence of Mr. Miller, given in 1834, amid loud cries of " Divide, divide." From; that evidence it was evident that Mr. Miller and Mr. Ste- t venson had abandoned the other line.—(Cries of " oh!) He regretted very much that he had felt; himself called upon, as a sense of duty, to trespass; so long upon the attention of the House, and he begged! 'leave in conclusion to move that the farther consideration; of the report be deferred till that day six months. The SPEAKER having put the original question and amendment, Lord WILLIAM BENTINCK rose to support the further consideration of the report. He -considered thisl measure next in importance to that of the Manchester and Liverpool Railway. The people of Edinburgh and Glasgow, _ to party is, I do not think, therefore, that it would be advisable to take a course in favour of one set of measures going on, and postponing a number of others. The first of the measures to which I allude, which properly belongs to, the consideration of the House, is the Civil List. The settlement made in regard to the Civil List a t th e b eg i n . ring of the late reign, has obviated many of the objection!, formerly entertained against the intricacy and confusion that had hitherto prevailed with respect to that subject. I cannot but think, indepe n d en t o f th e course o f th e , discussion of the Civil List that questions would ar ise, andl motions would be made, which would attract a consider able degree of attention both in the House and the country, and take up. considerable time befere they would be Fatis 'actorily settled.—( Hear, hear, hear.) The only propo ition it will be necessary to make was, that pro vision should be made by Parliament for defray ing the expenses that were usually incurred out of the Civil List until the meeting of the new Parliament, when the matter could be brought deliberately under its consideration.—( Hear, hear.) With respect to the sup- , 1 plies of the year, those supplies having been in great part voted, we do not propose to depart from the ordinar) course, but to go on with th e su p p li es regu l ar ly, and to, .wing them on upon the supply nights whenever therel 's an opportunity.—(Hear, hcar, hear.) It would also be necessary to consider the Sugar duties with the vie , v to their continuction, in order that the Bill might pass the [louse before those duties expired. He would proceed nov, to the consideration of measures which had been for some time before the House. The measures of most importance 7roposed to Parliament during the present year were those which related to Ireland. He did not think, con iidering, the great party differences that had existed, and considering the great numbers that had been arrayed on the me side and the other with respect to one of those measures, viz. the measure for the settlement of the Tithes in Ireland, ment of a ~ommittee on order that that, Committee may collect and arrange all thk evidence necessary with a view to its being submitted to the consideration of a new Parliament, and thereby of saving the time which would be lost if the appointment of such a Committee were to be deferred until the assembling of that Parliament. It will, as I have already said, be neces sary to introduce several Bills for the purpose of con tinuing existing Acts ; but it is not likely that thosr Bills will provoke any observation or opposition. I have now, Sir, and before moving the Address to her Majesty, which I am about to have the honour of proposing, stated the course, which her Majesty's Ministers intend to pursue with reference both to those measures which are already before the House, and to those new measures which they think it their duty to introduce. On the whole, it is our determination to take only those supplies and proceed with and propose only those measures which can fairly be considered by the present Par liament, postponing the consideration of any proposition which we think cannot be fairly and advantageously discussed in the ) present Parliament. I now beg leave to say a few words asi to the principle on which alone her Majesty's Ministers will be guided with reference to the measures to which I have ad verted, or to any others which we may deem it advisable to recommend to the adoption of Parliament. We considtri that during the last few years several measures of vast portance, of a religious and of a political character, ha. o, received the sanction of the Legislature. Of the former, tl.e Bill for removing the civil disabilities of the Protestant Dis senters and the Bill for the relief of the Roman Catholics l iwere the chief. Of the latter, the Bill for reforming the representation of the people was the great and prominent ) 'measure. Sir, there are those who, considering that thosel measures are on the statute book, are willing that they should remain there ; but who, having made a determined opposition to them in their progress, although they are willing that they should remain on the statute book, are not disposed to a gree, to any proposition which would carry them into effect. Sir, in any such disposition we never can concur.—( Hear, hear.) INVe shall always maintain that those measures were not 'tended to be barren; but that they were intended to be pro-1 U 'd K its looked upon the measure as one that would restore tfem to their former prosperity. He, like the Honourable) Member opposite, had no personal interest in the matter ; but he had the interest of the people of Glasgow and Edinburgh at heart as much asl _ _ _ _ th a t it would be proper, - unless they were prepared to' continua the whole business of the House, to bring that measure further into consideration during the preH sent Sesdon.—(Cries of " Hear.") There was another. neasure with respect to which he had certainly had a great' Iductive of fruits beneficial to the ,niteu _ingdom in a._ !future relations and administrations.—( Hear, hear.) When, !you said that you would no longer impose civil disabilities cn :the Protestant Dissenter, when you said that you would no longer impose civil disabilities on the Roman i ,Catholic, _you said that, preserving all the just rights the Honourable Member had that of the landowners 'of those districts. With respect to the complaints the l Honourable Member had made relative to the engineers and the estimates, all 11 had to say was that the Com , pany had selected three independent engineers to survey the line through which the railway was to pass, and in doing so, he believed they had conscientiously discharged `their duty. As to the estimates, he believed they had been made upon the most economical principles. He (Lord W. A.) strongly supported the present measure. All the votes he had given on the subject he had given, conscientiously, an d he hoped that therefore the H ouse / would proce e d w ith th e f ur th er cons id era ti on o f th e Bill. / Strangers were then ordered to withdraw, and the Housel idivided, when the numbers were— Ayes Noes Majority 3 The Report was then further considered, and the Bill` ordered to be engrossed. BREACH OF PRIVILEGE—SIR J. GRAHAM. On Lord J. RUSSELL moving the Order the Day for taking into consideration the Queen's Message, Sir J. GRAHAM begged the attention of the House. for a moment while be made a few observations on a mat ter personally concerning himself. This was the first oc- 1 casion on which he had ever complained of his conduct be ing commented upon in any newspaper, as he had always. , considered that such comments might be fairly made upor4 any - person who took a part in public affairs. But: 'there was a circumstance connected with his demeanour in that House last evening on which an undue interpretation had been put, and he thought it due to himself and the House that he should make some observations upon it. In an Evening Paper, the True Sun, which he held in his hand, there was an account of the Parlia mentary proceedings of last evening, and in that paper there was the following passage relating to himself.—[The Hon. Baronet here read the paragraph attributing to him disre spect, in not uncovering when the Royal Message was. brought down by Lord John Russell. At the con clusion of which, several Hon. Members cried " Hear."] The House would remember that the Noble Lord (J. Russell) merely announced a message which he was ordered to bring up. There was some confusion before the Speaker began to read the message, and several Members on the opposite side of the House had already taken off their hats ; he, however, appealed to the Speaker whether it was not according to the rules and old usages of the House, that all should remain covered until they heard the word Rex, or Regina, read from the chair.--( Hear, hear.) It • had a better effect, and it was for that he had waited—the insinuation that had been thrown out against him was most unfair, and he could not, without compromising himself,' avoid noticing it. It was easy to make empty professions of loyalty, but when the hour of trial came, he would not be found wanting in loyalty and respect. The SPEAKER—The Hon. Baronet had stated the practice of the House most correctly. The House would • remember that on the bringing up of the message there had arisen a considerable cry of " Off hats," and he had taken the course he did in order to save the time of the House.—(Hear, hear.) With respect to the complaint made by the Hon. Baronet, he must say that no such con-, duct had come under his notice. wish to call the farther attention of the House, because' it was a measure, the principle of 14 bleb had already re-I e!eived general support, and was likely to receive the sanction' of the House with respect to all its details—he meant, the measure concerning the introduction of Poor-; laws into Ireland.—(Loud cries of " Hear.") But as' many Members of the House would be absent from their! lutics, in the expectation that this Parliament would not be; :)f long continuance, it would not be fair to the! Members who represented Ireland to bring under the !onsidaration of the House a Bill so materially affecting! them, and which was so entirely new in that dart of the United Kingdom, without having the benefit' if their opinions.—( Hear, hear.) Therefore, although with very .great relu::tance lie was compelled in, fairness to Irish Members, to defer to a future; Session the further consideration of that measure,' he could not pass over that subject without recommending' to all who took an interest in the question, diligently to peruse! the report of Mr. Lewis, containing arguments on the sub ject that were founded on very great experience and great ,tnowledge, and enforced with a power of argument which he thought had been hardly surpassed in any paper of that kind. There was another measure with respect to Irish corporations, —a measure founded on such clear principles, and so sup-1 Jorted by every thing that Parliament had done with respect to other parts of the United Kingdom, that he would state' then, as he should be always ready to state, his entire confi lence that that measure would finally be adopted by Parlia ment, and that the law in Ireland would be founded on prin.-, ciples similar to those which governed the municipal institu-1 tions in England and Scotland. The other measures! to which I will allude, oontinued the Noble Lord, and which! have been under the consideration of Parliament, arc founded j on the Report of the Ecclesiastical Commissioners for Eng land and Wales, and I wish to acquaint the House that it is not] my intention to propose any Bill for regulating ecclesiastical b mefices, or ask the House to go on with the Pluralities and the Residences of Clergy Bills, and I feel myself the more justified in this course, on account of the provision made last year, which prevents dignitaries of the Church from disposing f sinecures in Cathedrals and Churches till Parliament shall take the whole subject into consideration. I have always con sidered that there was no question of more importance than the moral and religious instruction of the people ; but as it is a subject not pressing, and requiring mature deliberation, I think it may be deferred without injury. There is another subject which has been brought before the House, and, in my opinion, prematurely brought before it. I mean the final pro position for the promotion of religious instruction in Scotland. I have on former occasions stated that I thought the pro position a premature one ; and I now state, that I do not think it a proposition on which we ought to decide in the present session.— ( Hear, hear.) But, Sir, I repeat what I have said on former occasions, that I am fully sensible of the importance of the subject; and the House and the public may be assured that the question as to the best means of pro moting religious instruction, and as to the funds by the aid of which that object could altogether be best accomplished, All form together a subject to which her Majesty's govern ment will pay the most serious attention. 1 am in hopes that a part of the funds originally devoted to the mainte nance of the Episcopal Church in Scotland, but now not re quired, under the name of Bishops' teinds and fens, may form some portion of the means for the purpose. The House, however, ought to be in possession of some infor-' mation as to the nature and extent of those funds ; and the subject shall bo carefully considered, with a view to of the Established Church, you 'Would provide that in all the civil relations of life the members of different religions should b?, placed in a situation of perfect equality. We consider, it to be wholly inconsistent with the spirit of the measures which have been already adoptcd on the subject-3n inconsistency not shared by many in this House, but which has been too frequently manifested by persons out of this House—to grant civil privileges to persons professing one religion in preference to persons professing another religion; thereby making thej Established Church the object of extensive hatred and and sowing dissensions, distrusts, and jealousies in every quarter' of the country.—( Hear, hear.) We are of the opinion which was expressed by William 111. " That religion is God's pro vince, and that religious diff...rences ought not to be carried into the civil relations of the State, or into the civil relationsl of life."—( Hear, hear.) Of this I am quite sure, that the I attempts which have been made during the last two or threcl years to excite differences grounded on religious principles, to disseminate ill-will and distrust among persons of different rely-) gious persuasions, can never tend to form the foundation of that united community which it is so desirable that the people! of this great empire should become. In this country a great, majority of the people are members of the Church of Eng land, but they are combined with millions of Dissenters of i various descriptions. In Scotland another class, formed ofl Dissenters, constitutes the great majority of the people, and , forms the Established Church, but of which the Queen is the head. In Ireland there is a small minority of the members of i the Established Church, and a large majority of the profess ors ; of another Christian creed. Of all these classes the Sovereign ) of this country is the Sovereign. Of all these classes thei House of Commons is the representative. Since the passing' the Bill for relieving the Protestant Dissenters, since the pass ing of the Bill for relieving Roman Catholics, it can no longer be justly maintained that differences of religious opinion ought' I to be rendered the source:of civil jealousy and distrust.— ( Hear.) If we wish this empire to be strong—if we wish it to , be united—if we wish it to present an unbroken front to anyi enemy by which it may be attacked, we can obtain that object! ,only by doing that which is not only not contrary to religion,' but which is in strict conformity to the spirit of true religion — !we can attain that object only by extending to those who, e . .i !though they differ from us in religion, have the same civil interests as ourselves, the hand of fellowship ; by treat in g !them with brotherly love and affection, by respecting thei conscientious feelings of those who worship the same God: as ourselves, although not exactly in the same form, and! with the same ceremonies.—( Hear, hear.) With respect to the other great measure which I have mentioned, the Bill for reforming the representation of the people in Parliament, while I consider it a final measure in one sense of the expression, T do not consider that it is to remain a barren and unproductive Act on the statute book, or that it ought 5 0 i to be followed by any other measure that may be thought c at ! culated to improve, to ennoble, or to advance the institution s of this country.—(llear, hear.) So far am I from thinking that it ought not to be so followed, that, on the contrary , think it most accordant with the spirit of the Constitution tbet such improvements should be proposed to Parliament, that they should be deliberately discussei, and that if adopted theYA should be adopted on grounds of public benefit ; and that iv rejected, they should be rejected on the ground that they are not conducive to the public benefit, and not from motives 0 ! bigotry or prejudice.—( HeLr , hear.) In that spirit, Sir, a nd in that spirit alone, can we continue to administer the affairs of the country. In that spirit, and in that spirit alone, we bald !advised, and shall continue to advise her Majesty, who ha f f i been graciously pleased to confide to us the responsibility 0 'directing the public affairs.—( Hear, hear.) lam quite aware. that in pursuing this course we carnet pretend to expect tne Qal eo- ,f the Members of this f the other .uoject snait u. ‘,....____,, ascertain whether by those funds, by the abolition of sin MESSAGE FROM HER MAJESTY. universal concurrence of tue ~,,.....—. House of Parliament. lam aware that or ot Lord JOHN RUSSELL—Sir, In entering upon the . ; cures, and by the disposal of Prebends, the means may not' e- '''. as o th er Ad m i n i s tr a tions have been expolLed:htaollenbiesceoxnPs°trsu e e: tion of our motives, and misapprehension of our objects • bu t question for this night's consideration, I will merely state . be obtained of giving religious ins T tructio b n ac i r ' e n ensetn ot e a o n t d he t r he m e e x al 4 ;:' we have accepted cur situations with the condition , introduced itdoes into ;naturally belongs to them, and we shall be readyat that lam quite sure that as a Member of this House e p 6 tension which is so desirable surer respecting Scotland which have been cially, the Hon. Baronet opposite meant no mark of di s s - re e- S pact to the Crown, but that he meant to comply with the : the House, the decision of which, however,t o defend our conduct in offering to our gracious Sovereign thcl precipitate in the present s seem to us to be desirable to usages of the House. I must say that throughout the - best advice which it is in our power to give. We know tha t ' session ; and there is one to the introduction of whole ofthe proceedings of last night, there was one unanimous - . ,►in some cases we shall not experience the concurrence of per ,„,,, House has agreed, but which has not been actually • itro- - feeling of loyalty and resolute determination not to allow -.- . duced—l mean the Bill for the increase of the Judges' li sa- : .,..,on t s . who believe that they are more attached to the ancient' political feeling to enter into the subject then under eon- 4-,1 i c „ ikinosoiwtuhtiet better s r of the country than we are, or who fancy the t ' Advocate's•ithwhieh it is not my Hon. and Learned Friend the - Isideration, namely, condolence for our late Savereign, and `+( Lordds—, will producet thantherwes do the effect which Liberal measur,c,s_! intention to proceed in the present session.._ the paying a mark of respect to her Majesty, who now fills 1; My Hon. andyour andßut we arc sure that the forpcooint‘:; Learned Friend has also other measures res- •-•;' of th country, 1 the throne. I now allude, therefore, to what is more a'', pectin-r Scotlandit was his intention to introduce. Of 1•• the best we Lgteon)romus t just, will give us credit , .dai snarl all_ es i h rn i o c e l f s j matter of political concern, and one which entirely regards if these he means t which bring forward o nly those which have in . called by the Qt en to we maythink proper, we shall always tender that a dvice the advice which has been given by those Ministers in effect received the assent of this House, and the passage ofin thci o so e hm th i e t ir to w h el e f r ar A e la a jnedstyprsousepheraitdyyla asJ which, therefore, through the House is not likely to be at- spirit , in which alone it ought to be offered to any Sovereign, (confidencewhom her Majesty has been pleased to repose her .is tended with any delay. Sir, there are several Bills in r d name of t and with an anxious desire to advance the freedom, topre:i with respect to the business which hasl !Tress through the House which relate to the criminal law P °- f; that loog th d e i s s Ito be done during the remainder of the Session.o r e this country. It must be allowed by every one that it is ° a' Any comments, therefore, which may be made on the pro-' ceeclings which we have advised, will be comments fairl t/:matter of considerable importance that Parliament should de Y Ltermine upon the definition of what specific crimes shall be 'a fo ° r le ds t b h y : Lord l i i a os :gd picot mess :‘ I: , loo t , o iprinree sustain ., _a n EdT t s h ha e et forgdNo Noble y ni e, amidst i d odrs t dt o tl leit houe od p e mc t i u,oevaetereag t . h aj 1 r i address to the Queen similar to that moved in the liou' e 1 ° ; made, not against the Crown, but directed against its Mr. FIUME rose, bit the noise occasioned by advisers. Her Majesty's Message says :—" The pre- ..t ß h i e l l s su a b r j e e c o t o o t focfaapnature punishment.calculated occasionol opiniona tiy Hon Me a m du b c e e r d s t t o he th i e l door, for the purpose, the rush 0 sent state of the public business, and the period of ' ci c h u o ssion ; and, therefore, consi i dering how material it is that L: ;- dinin . i lthe session, when considered in connection with thebeing e s r to t o d r esuhme e a hi n seat got f up, about those poisons charged with thef perfectly of the ;,five minutes. g Silence en }.; 'law which imposes on her Majesty the duty of summon- 'on the Noble subject,ier it ec i t s y my atv io a t re o of the opi- 1 f';expressed his wish to make some o r b e s;rvatio g n a s i ling a new Parliament within a limited time, renders 4 1 !lions of Parliament on the intention t nto pro-)33 Lord's speech. It appeared by what had fallen from the linexpedient in the judgment of her Majesty, that a ny t , pose proceeding with the Bills in question on the earliest day . t Noble Lord that in a few weeks that House was to sepair:tice, ton which I may find it practicable to bring them forward. %yid'as' (new measure should be recommended for your ado p- , :.,,l after having sat four months without agreeing', I shall be exceedingly glad if we may also find it possibl 6 t tion, with the exception of such as may be requisite';` j o s. exception, to any one measure of importance. He admitted 1 on e 4 - proceed with the Imprisonment for Debt Bill. There -e for carrying on the public service from the closes that the course proposed by the Noble Lord was the on y a __ „another measure, Sir, respecting our colonial administration 0 of the present till the meeting of the new Parliament. th o a t t could be adoted under the circumstances the the of t:4which is one of great importance, and with regard to svhicl:it h Sir, when her Majesty's Ministers took into their cons . - , :lEnc, i i t a w a - d as w a hat matter had of grave consideratio_ncifroeroot! isetanPces, and I I .. 'i L y e cs b tor r d f a o y r e ß v a e t n h i n F, pro l mised the Honourable and Learned Of this deration the state of the public business in this House, svculd give a distinct answer to rit.; what steps were calpeuroladtuecdedtothatesrttatietsof recurrence. conceived there were only two courses which could properlyque m stio e n which he puta that to the subject—lstate'quitesure, assembly oi Lower Canada' . ° with parties balanced as 1 • w were the same results wool 1 ,. t ley no . ~ de 0 ‘ ss,,the o%ernment of this' respect to the Civil List, to propose a Civil List to th,, ; W andG ' country now stands. This House* 1 '• ,nfohow. This was grave con dcratiOn fci• im t ii :ll l lo o' we presour