The Sun. — London, England, 1837-06-09 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLII; JOURNALS The discussion on privileges was renewed last night by Sir J. Campbell, who moved that Mr. Hansard should be instructed to plead before the Court of King's Bench the order of the House as the justilica tn.:l of his conduct ; and we must do Sir Robert Peel the justice to say that few men have ever' delivered witibin the wells of Parliament so weighty and convinc inn; a speech as that in which he vindicated Parlia mentary rights. If thi re be anything in long-estab. lished and almost undisputed precedent, in authorita tive opinions, and judicial decisions—if there he any thine, in fact, which is and ought to be par amount to these—paramount either to precedent, opinions, or decisions—:f there be anything in public neces sity, absolute and undeniable, that can maintain a claim or sanction a privileg,c—then the House of Commons stands upon a rock when it contends - for the publication of those proceedings which, if passed in silence, with closed doors and actionable printers, would be a mockery of that old Home of Commons which has hitherto existed within the hearing and under the eye of the people. The question now is that—it is whether Parliament should sit in solitude and secret—a Venitian council—a midnight and myste rious body, whose whispers are never to traverse beyond the lobby, leSt some treacherous echo should carry them to the Court of King's Bench ; or whether it should be as it has ever been—anti as more especially f late years we have endeavoured to make it—a British assembly invested with the British character, inviting publicity by having persons to report its speeches, and to print and circulate its inquiries, confident that .in this way it can alone execute a responsible trust, doing justice alike to those from whom it iece'ved power, and to those over whom that power is exercised ? Mr. Sergeant Wilde, who made a very full and able speech, said truly, " the question may not be one of unmixed good, or unmixed evil—in human institutions it rarely is so. Some abuse may possibly arise from the exercise of this privilege we are contending for ; but what abuse will not arise, if that privilege be taken away ?" Why, indeed, there are the proceedings of courts of l aw p u bli s h e d ? There is a case in point. The proceedings of those courts arc published, and cannot be prosecuted, because it has been wisely considered that more good than evil must arise from such publication. And is, then, the Court of Parliament, the highest court in the empire, to be denied the privilege which is possessed by every other court in the realm—from the Court of Chancery to the Court of Conscience ? Is the decision of almost every Judge, from Sir J. Fortescue down to Lord Ellen borough, to be set at nought, because a remarkably punctilious gentleman takes offence at some reflection on his spotless character ; that gentleman having, once upon a time, when his fair fame stood dirt a little better, counselled his own advocate to plead that he had published matter too grossly scandalous and libellous to be printed. Mr. T. Duncombe and Mr. Hume seemed to think that the Attorney-General had shrunk from the former resolutions by the course he was now pursuing. They were mistaken. It was ne cessary in some way or other to instruct the King's Bench formally as to the plea on which Mr. Hansard stood. This seemed most fitly done by that person stating that he acted under the sanction of the House of Commons. Upon this simple statement, and it should only be a simple statement, the Court will have to take its course ; nor will it, under any circum stances, find the majority of the Commons unprepared with theirs. Lord Chief Justice Denman will 'expe rience the truth of the adage, that one false step leads to many. We foretold from the first the consequences which would result front the absurd ground he had taken. His notice of a motion on the subject in the House of Lords was, to say the least of it, extremely inconsiderate ; and though, on Tuesday night, he in some sort withdrew the notice, yet he advanced opinions which can only add to his embarrassment when the privilege of the House is pleaded. He must give way ; and he is quite mistaken if he suppose that the Upper House feel any disposition to abet him in his resistance to the Commons.—Morning Chronicle. Day follows day, and night succeeds to night, and after all the denunciations hurled by the Tories against the Government, and all the direiul prognostications of the approaching destruction of the State, unless re deemed by the accession of the Tories to office, which have for mouths been thundered forth by the high priests of Corruption, from their tottering temples, we still find the Ministry in office—the country calm, and preparing to work out its own salvation—and the Tories in their relaxation from the cares of office, em ploying their not honourable leisure in concocting new tales and ghost stories for the admirers of the marvel lous. With the latter it is in truth " the patent age of new inventions." No sooner is one fallacy de molished than its place is supplied by another. Scarcely has the public mind recovered from the disgust of the calumnious accusations againSt Ministers, and their s ipporters, of conspiring to overthrow the established religion and establish Popery on its ruins—scarcely is the atmosphere purified of the noxious exhalations which the forgeries of M'Ghee, the filth gleaned to gether by Xneas M‘Donnell, and th e putrifying abominations of the Tcry Press diffused abroad, than out comes the awful announcement that the country is at present " without any Government whatever." " Oh day and night, ,hut this is wondrous strange !" And as a stranzer the author gave it welcome by making i. the text of two long and laboured attieles—certainly ably and ingeniously worked out, and having but one fault—that of being based on a self-evident fallacy. And yet, according to Locke, a high authority in such cases, the writer is neither a knave nor a fool—no 1 he comes under that description of persons who work nut correct conclusions from false premises, designated by the immortal essayist—madmen. And the furious zeal with which he enforces his baseless notions corro borates the accuracy of Locke's definition. One would have imagined- front the pompous flourish, ,which he ralded in his demented dissertation, that he had made a discovery which affected the interests of universal man—that he had found , the spot on which, as was imagined by Archimedes, he might rest his lever and move the whole political world ; but the fulcrum failed, and Great Britain remains in siren quo, the Ministry neither one whit higher nor lower in public estimation, nor public opinion in the slightest degree less deter mined .in its adhesion to Reform, than previously to the employment of this most wonderful machinery. This is miraculous. And most anxiously do we look to the Times for an explanation of the - cause of the failure, or a repetition of the experiment. W,e need not be surprised to perceive the stars moved from their spheres—the wonder will be to see Ministers keep their places after such portentous manifestations. —Morning Advertiser. To-night" the House of Lords will resume the con sideration of the Irish Municipal Bill, Or, we presume, will repeat their refusal to consider it. They post poned it to this day, with the avowed expectation that in time interim the House Of Commons wom , ' find time to mature the other measures for t',,e benefit of Ireland which had been. recommende . -: . ; tom the Throne, and that they mi ght he enable . ) cto - review all these mea sures together, as parts : r e one large and compseinn - , s i ve plan. This hope a the Hinis'e of Lo :,is was frus trated by its . eery announcement. As soon as they declared "...oat they would W a it f or t h e Irish 'Tit h eßill t l oe House of Commons determined that for the • D'..sh Tithe Bill they should have full liberty to wait. The appropriation question, which seemed two little Sessions ago of such urgent importance, was put by for a more convenient season ; and their Lord 4hips know - of the Irish Tithe Bill just as ligle on the Iltit bf June as tlity knew on the sth of May. We thn conceive n o thi ng more s il ly than this e%hibition on the part of our two Houses of Parlia ment. " We will not go on with the Municipal Bill," say the Lords, " till you give us the Tithe Bill." " We will not give )ou the Tithe Bill," say the Com mons, " till you go on with the Municipal Bill." And while the Lords and the Commons are thus fencing and foining with one another the public business stands still, and men reckon that as nothing has been done since the commencement of the session just as much will be done before its close. Of the two Houses, the House of Commons u»questionaly takes. up the less defensible position. The Upper House refuses to discuss one important measure, without the means of reference to the provisions of another not less important. Bet Ween the two measures, it is alleged, there is no immediate or necessary connection. What then ? All that can be imputed to the Upper •House is an obstinacy in demanding information which to some eyes appears superfluous. In the discussion of the Municipal Bi'l it may be asserted that a know ledge ...of the Tithe Bill would give the Lords no help ; but it cannot be pretended that it would do the Lords any harm. There may be little reason for accelerating - the Tithe Bill, in compliance with their Lordships' demand ; but there can be no re ason for retarding the Tithe Bill, in retaliation for their Lord ships' error. The Lords may have assigned an unsa tisfactory reason for their postponement of the eine! Bill ; but for the postponement of the Tithe Bill tire Commons have positively no reason to assi , ,en. But it is not erroogh for us that the House of Lords should b e l es s wrong thin the House of Commons. We regret that the House of Lords should be wrong at all. We drink they hive adopted an irrational course on this matter ; we learn, with regret, that they are likely to persevere in that course to-night ; en:l we are sure that, as their progress in it hitherto has not increased their strength or their dignity, a further continuance in it is likely to impair and endanger both. ,The argument for the conduct of tire House of Lords is this :—lt is desirable to give municipal insti tutions to Ireland ; but the existence of municipal institutions would add power to the party, -now banded together against - the Established Church. It is, therefore, necessary first to see that the property of the Established Church is surrounded by sufficient legislative security. Now, really, ,we think that thiS reasoning requires a very short reply. What sort of municipal institutions will the Lords ultimately allow to Ireland ? Good municipal institutions? They may be allowed even befbre the passing of a Tithe Bill ; for good municipal institutions will give power to the intelligence, the loyalty, and the Protestantism of Ireland. Bad municipal institutions ? They should not be allowed even after the passing of a ; for bad municipal institutions will give power to the ignorance, the sedition, and the Popery of Ireland. Though the Tithe question should remain unsettled, there can be no reason for withholding municipal insti tutions based on right principles ; and though the Tithe - question should be settled satisfactorily, there can he no reason for introducing municipal institutions based on wrong principles.—Morning Post. A report of the public meeting at Brighton relative to the extraordinary conduct of his Majesty's Minis ters in regard to the Brighton Railway Bills will be found in our columns - to-day. The meeting, which was held in the Town Hall, was very numerously at tended, there being about 1,500 persons present. The Resolutions were carried with only three dissentients, one of whom is one of the solicitors for Stephenson's, alias the Government line—the line which the Mel bourne Ministry have taken up, and in respect of which they have evinced more energy and persevering •determination than any great national question of the - Session has been fortunate enough to draw forth from them. What an idea it must give the world of the vast capacity and elevated ambition of our Whig statesmen, to see the great concerns of the nation neglected, its commercial interests falling to pieces, and its credit melting away, while the Chan cellor of the Exchequer and the President of the Board of :Trade are jobbing a private Bill through the House, and a railway undertaking is made a Cabinet question i A provincial paper of considerable talent and influence, the Brighton Gazette, in speaking of the meeting of yesterday, says, " The extraordinary and unprecedented conduct of the Ministers has•raised a local question, like that of the Brighton Railway, into one of national importance ; for if they are thus capa ble, in addition to their other merits, of jobbing upon a private Bill, it is high time that the people at large should interfere. Even Captain Pechell, it will be seen, threatened—or rather hinted—a withdrawal of his support from the Government ; and it must be no trifle which causes the Gallant Captain to venture upon such a threat. When, in connection with this state of things, we look at the lamentable condition of the public business in Parliament, which the feeble hands of these incompetent men are powerless, even when unopposed, to guide—when, above all; we cast our eyes upon the awful state of trade and corn meree—the time has surely arrived for requesting our Gracious Sovereign to dismiss a Ministry whose sole care seems to be the preservation of their places." Their " places" are, indeed, dearer to our "liberal" Ministers than any principles ; but still, even in the prosecution of those schemes and manoeuvres which Ministers are eternally devising for the purpose of keeping place and salary, while in all essential mat ters the country is really without a Government, they sometimes make great mistakes, and by a misplaced activity %here they should be quiet, as much as by he sitation and inertness where they should be active, reveal their own weakness and accelerate their doom. Only think of the Ministers of a great nation.putting forth their whole cabinet strength upon a private Bill, to swamp the decision of a Committee, and succeed ing by a miserable majority . of seven I Only think of their putting forth their strength again on another motion connected with the same subject,and being beaten by a majority of two I Now, it so happens, and here in is the egregious folly of the timing, that, upon the Committee, whose solemn and deliberate de cision they are thus desirous to swamp, are many Honourable Members who have been their staunch supporters, and , whom they seem aneious, by this. Course of conduct, to alienate and disgtist. No thing could justify the insult which has been passed upon the Committee, by taking the case out of their hands, but the grossest misconduct or. proved corrup tion on the part of the Committee, which is not pre tended. On the part of the public we protest against the precedent which is hereby established. Is it to be tolerated that our SecretarieS of State —our Chancellors of the Exchequer—our Presidents of Boards of Trade and Control, and even our-Attorney-Generals, English and Irish, arc to run down to the House in a body to job a Railway Bill, while the nation can hardly get them to move, even at a snail's pace, in any question of national importance and public utility ? They who have erected a Government engineer into a " Court of Appeal" from the decision of a. Parliamentary Com— mittee, must hold in no small contempt the capacity and discernmNt of their supporters, who constitute, we believe, the majority of that Committee. On this subject time Standard says— We do not say, because we do not know, whether Mr. Poulett Thompson, or any of his brethren of the Cabinet, has, in his own name, or in the name of any other person, a share, or shares in the favoured line. But one thing is certain, every one of the Ministers maybo a ahnrel- -• certainty arises the great probability + 1 ci„il speculations be habitually without the fact corning before the pu-blic this eommer . ...adelna measure% after d Ministers will be tti ,sattntreial jobs for theti , olk.i?o, l ' part we presititit Vtot to know - exactly is the realmotite kading to th e li ne o f con d uct which the Ministers have pursued in this business. We only know that it is a line of conduct on the part ofd ti"ernmer; not more unprecedented than disre. Pul'sjAc! tinides, it is a gross practical absurdity to set up a military engineer to supersede by his opinion the evidence of the most practised civil engineers upon s Railway Hill. It would be just as wise in Govern ment to put the fortifications of the kingdom under the superintendence of a civil engineer. 'Whatever may be the motive of Ministers for acting in the way which they have done in this matter, it is quite cer tain that the practical evil must follow, which our evening Contemporary anticipates, if the conduct which excites the . astonishment, and calls, forth the the condemnation of the public to-day, should to-mor row pass into a precedent.—Morning Herald. a little time the chief b.. out enmfortable c- For ov wii- • An only child, and the so l e re p resen t a t ive of a long line of ancestors, was drawn as a recruit. The father, willing to make any sacrifice rather than lose the society of his only son, made repeated applications to have the youth exempted, and went so far as to offer on his bonded knees, in Napoleon's presence, that he would raise and equip, and mount at his own expense, a squadron of cavalry, provided his boy were restored to him. But Buonaparte remained inexorable : " Your son has been drawn," was his answer, " and he must go with me ; but don't fret, old man. If he conducts himself well, and shows that he possesses talents, I will make a Ge neral of him; so go home and leave him and his fortunes to my keeping." The young man and his fortunes were left to the keeping of the Consul, and during the first action in which he was'engaged he died by a musket-ball. The old man wept bitterly as he told us his talc. "It was my only child," con tinued he ; " he was dearer to me than the air that I breathed." —Gleig's Hussar. THE SUN, LONDON, THE OLD BAILEY. To be seen to the greatest advantage, one should visit tl-c place on a Monday morning when the Courts open. Ou the street outside, in the place • leading to the New Court, and in the large - yard then thrown open, opposite the stairs leading to the Old Court, there is always, at such a time, _ a great concourse of what may be called mixed society with a propriety I have seldom seen equalled in any other case. There you see both sexes in great numbers. There are persons of all ages, of -every variety of character, and in every diver.iity of circum s t ances . There arc the 'prosecutors and the witnesses for and against the prosecu tion. The Judges and the persons to -be tried are the only 'parties you mss=. - A coasid Table number of those you see are the ,relations...and friends of the prisoners ; but, per haps, a still larger. number consist of confirmed thieves, whose moral feelings ; if they ever had any, arc so com pletely blunted by a long aml daring perseverance in crime, that that they can be present at the trial of others witholt ever troubling themselves about their own guilt. It is amazing to see the number of such persons in the galleries, when the proceedings have commenced. Seine of tin m go from a sheer love of being present at the trial of criminals like themselves. Others, and a con siderable part of them, are attached to the place because some of their acquaintances—their coadjutors in some previous crime—have got themselves, to use their own phraseology, into trouble. But on other days as well as on the first day, at the commencement of the proceedings in the courts, the place outside is more or less crowded with all the varieties of character to which I have adverted. As the sessions draw towards a close the numbers diminish. It is not, however, only at the opening of the Courts in the morning, that there is a crowd of persons outside the Old Bailey ; a great number are to be seen hanging on all day long. These chiefly consist of parties who are either pro secutors, witnesses, or the relatives of the pr:isoners to be tried. In the area leading to the New Court, that area being much more comfortable than the place leading to the Old Court, the attendance is alWays greatest. There is nothing but bustle and confusion. Every one is walking about, and every one is talking, if not to anybody else, to himself. A silent or motionless persons would be quite a curiosity there.—The Great Metropolis—Second Series. At a meeting of the Grand Council of Switzerland, on the 22d ult., the debate turned chiefly on marriage. The principal article modified was, that instead of giving the age of fourteen as the lawful period at which marriage might be contracted by men, and twelve for women, the period was fur ther postponed to sixteen for the former and fourteen for the latter. At the sitting of th e 24th, upon the subject of pa rental authority, it was agreed that a young man should be declared free from such authority at the age of eighteen. On Sunday, while a number of people were col lected on the roof of a house in the Champs Elysees, to see the procession pass, a child about nine years old, having been allowed to thrust his head through the balustrade, lost his ha lannce, rolled down the roof, and disappeared. The mother fainted. Tho child, 'with extraordinary presence of mind, caught fast hold of the lead of the gutter, and remained sus pended. A young workman, at the risk of his life, crawled down the roof, and, seizing the child by its dress, assisted it to retain its hold until a ladder was got out of the fifth floor win dow, whereby it was saved. The poor- mother, on recovering herself, was nearly fainting again with the joy of finding her child unhurt at her knees. Mr. Hedworth Lambton has written an address to the electors of the Northern Division of the county of Durham, in which he states that it is his intention, in case of a dissolu tion, again to offer himself for that division. Mr. Lambton, in this address, expresses his conviction that the Liberals of that division of the county will ,again defeat the Tories whenever a dissolution may take place. The finest cedars in England are to be found at the following places :—The Royal Gardens at Chelsea, which contain many very picturesque specimens ; these were planted in 1683, and there are still more magnificent trees of this kind at Whitto Park, Sion House, Painshill, Warwick Castle, Stowe, Blenheim, &c. • The gardens at Hopetoun House, in Scotland, also contain some fine cedars. On Monday afternoon the neighbourhood of ~Roc hester was visited with a thunder -storm, taking a direction from north-west to south-east, and apparently following the course of the River Medway. The electric fluid struck the spire of Hoo church, and then glanced off into the farmyard of Henry Everist, Esq., adjoining the church. About ten mi nutes afterwards Mr. Everist saw smoke issuing from the spire of the church. The inhabitants quickly assembled, and by ascending the steeple with buckets of water contrived to ex tinguish the fire which had broken out in the lower part. It had, however, caught fire nearer the top, and above where any one could ascend. On the arrival of the Sun and Kent engines from Rochester it was found that neither of them could throw the water sufficiently high to extinguish the flames. The men at length established themselves with the hose on the roof of the tower, whence they played with good effect on the fire, and extin gu i s h e d i t at a b out eight o'clock, but not before from forty to fifty feet of the spire had been consumed. It is calculated that the damage will be repaired for about 6001. The clerk of the parish had a narrow escape, having fallen from the roof of the church into the churchyard,.. a distance of eighteen or twenty feet, without sustaining any njury. It is not a little remirkable that fifteen years ago Hoo church was struck by lightning. In the retired and pastoral counties of Merioneth and Caernarvon, there is scarcely a glen, a wood, or a moun tain, that has not its due quota of fairies and spirits ; and every district in North Wales can boast of no scanty number of supernatural inhabitants. But of all the popular supersti tions prevalent among the Welsh, th e ir id ea o f f a i r i es i s t h e most poetical ; at all events it is the most ancient. In Wales there appear to have been two distinct species of fairies—the one sort of gentle manners, and well disposed toward the whole human race ; the other maliciously inclined, and full of mischievous . Sportiveness. The former is denominated Tyl wyth Tog, or the Fair Family; the latter, Ellyllin, Elves or Goblins, The Tylwyth Teg are a mild and diminutive race, leading a life completely pastoral, and befriending fond and youthful lovers, pretty dairymaids, and hospitable and indus trious housewives. They are the inspirers of pleasing dreams and the assiduous encouragers of virtue and benevolence, and never fail to reward the faithful servant, or the affectionate child. An individual named Paul Bernard was a few days since brought before the Correctional Tribunal of Dijon, on a charge of having broken from his surveillance. Before the entrance of the judges he turned round to the audience, and exclaimed, " I am not guilty ; if the t y . eondemn me, I will be revenged ; I will work upon the public ; I belong to a family of brigands ; my father died at the hulks ; I mil die there also." On his cause being called on, during the requisitory of the public minister, he gave way to the most violent language, such as " You lie; you are drunk," &c. He was found guilty, and sentenced for the sixteenth time for similar offences. On leaving'the court, he thus addressed the president :—" Mr. President, will yott hear me ? I wish to speak'; I wish to defend myself. Ah, you will not hear me ! Well, you will repent of it. I shall end on the snit' Ad. I know a good many farms where there is plenty of money ; I w;11 enter them in the night, and I will assassinate in order to obtain it. Yes, I will die on the scaffold ; lamof a family of brigands ; I will live and die like my father." He was with difficulty removed by the gendarmes.—French Paper. In passing along the South Bridge yesterday after noon, our attention was arrested by a great crowd of gentle men at the gate of the Royal Infirmary,pressin g iaward l to theseJo :sa t xe, Light Hospital, osestr::!ibpt, recognized get: ,cBl: crowd, ioei,ngnfls,g,ny : rthi,zebery t :e v i c 7wtse , e s id.r e fEuca Inecda gentlemenrr, g r h i ec e d onp a e l i o riia n natgrrinnad;: : st t t i i at: students o etc t ; h :an trn S mo u ne r gd l and the eCampbell. . Maclagan, s h u y rg t s e e on k s n . nwl T ,, l ., l e , "le surgeons of the 14th 4 1't Regiment, besides many country Thee we have described was occasioned Brim —age that an operation never performed in Great was to be done upon a voung man by Professor Lizars: The, Valid WWI Must 15 technically called aneurism of the sob attery, su near the heart, that the first large trunk required to be tied—=namely, tt:e arterla innorninata. The young mar., a tarter, from Dalhelth, was placed upon the table t anti !be professor commenced by making an incision ld the neck, and progressively cut down to the artery, when the ligature , was applied. The operation was Completely successful. The patient, who bore It with uncommon for•ie tude, was only on the table for its minutes altogether, This, as we have already said, is the first operation of the kind which hai been attempted Great Britain. We understand that it was once sttqessfully perforated in Derlin by Dr. tlritlfc, Mid ()tide in New York, by Dr. Mott.—Culedonian Mercury. A brace of sparrows built their nests this year in a tree at the foot of an inclosure near this town. The little architects had composed the irigetiloits strtietitit principally of hemp and straw, the former material having been abstraded from a loft at a short distattee from their temporary domicil e . A few days ago on* of them Was obierVed to be hanging out:. side the nest, and on closer inspection it was found that the neck of the female bird had, from some inexplicable circum stance, got entangled in a fibre of the hemp. and that strangu lation had in consequence ensued The male bird scorns in consolable for the loss of contort; perching himself on the nearest branches, and expressing his sorro.y by the most plain tive cadences, and occasionally attempting to break the attenu ated filament by which tho bereavinj catastrophe has beeq produced I—Sandsrlancl Herald. The new mails have a piece of machinery att ac h e d to the hind part of the mail, for the purpose of Inchin g down the steep hills without the guard getting down, or, to case of the horses running away down a hill, of stopping the ma il in stantly. The con t r i vance i s very s i m pl e , an d is done by the pressure of two pieces cf wood against the wheels ; th e con necting rod, go i ng to t h e .top o f t h e coac h, is turned by a screw, and the effect on the wheels is immediate. On Tuesday se'nnight, as Ann Farrell, a young woman residing at Finchelev, was walking through Hornsey wood, and adder stung her left leg so severely, that before she could reach home the limb had swollen to double its usual size, causing most intense pain. Medical advice was promply in attendance, and every assistance was rendered for the relief of the poor sufferer, but, notwithstanding which, it was not until Tuesday last that the symptoms took a change for the better, and that a prcepcct of her recovery presented itself. Sweet oil, it cannot be too generally knsQ7l l 2 it the best plication to the bites of venomous reptiles. r JUNE 9, 1837. IiVIPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF COMMONS, Ju 8. • The SPEAKER tool; the chair at the usual hour. Sir G. STRICKLAND moved the further considera tion of the Report on the Barnsley Water Works Bill. The Bill was ordered to be engrossed. Mr. MILES brought. up the B i oport of the Committee on the Bath Gas Bill. EDINBURGH AND GLASGOW RAILWAY. Lord W. BENTINCK brought up the Report of the Committee on the above Bill. IPSWICH DOCKS. Mr. MORRISON moved the third reading of this Bill. On the motion that the Bill do pass, Mr. MACKIN NON said he had been requested by many parties to op pose the farther progress of this Bill. It contained many clauses which were iniquitous ; for instance—it im posed a tonnege on all vessels arriving at the port of Ips wich, whether they used these docks or not. It also gave a power of greatly increasing and adding to the duties now paid there. If this clause was struck out he would not object to the passing of the Bill ; but, if not, he would be obliged to take the sense of the House as to its passing in its present shape. He did not mean to say it offensively, but it appeared to him as if the Bill had been smuggled through the House. He had not before heard of it, or he would have opposed such clauses as he had pointed out, before the Bill had arrived at its last stage. The Hon. Gentleman then presented three petitions against the Bill. Mr. MILES wished to ask the Hon. Member for Ips wich a question relative to one of the petitions which had just been presented. It alleged that by a former Act of Parliament the sum of 25,0001. was directed to be applied to the improvement of the river, and that by the Bill before the House that sum was to be vested in the Dock Com pany. if that allegation were true, the House could not give its sanction to the Bill. Mr. MORRISON said he believed tint the sum of 25,0001. was still to be applied to the improvements. He should have no objection to withdraw the Bill if the sense of the House was against him ! . _ _ , Mr. PRY ME objected to the Bill being withdrawn after the Committee had made their report. Mr. WILKS thought the 13111 was one that was cal culated to do a great deal of good, and he should therefore support it "Mr. PRYME considered that the Bill was calculated to make a great public improvement. Mr. 'MACKIN NON withdrew his amendment, and the Bill was read a third time and passed. On the motion of Mr. BROTIIERTON, the Glossop Reservoir Bill, was read a third time and passed. QUEEN ANNE'S BOUNTY. Mr. BAINES presented a petition from an individual named J. L. Levingston, which the Hon Gentleman described to be one of great importance, complaining of abuses in the distribution of Queen Anne's bounty, and praying the House would take the subject matter of the petition into its early consideration. The Hon. Member then moved that the petition be printed, and stated his intention to introduce a Bill, which he hoped would be taken out of his hands by the Government, for the more equitable payment, and for the improved administration of the funds called the First Fruits and Tenths payable by the Archbishops, Bishops, and other dignitaries of the Church, and by the Parochial Clergy of England and Wales. Mr. TREVOR objected to the petition being printed in the Votes, as it was signed by one individual. The SPEAKER said it did not signify whether it was signed by one or a thousand persons, as it might be printed if any specific motion was to be made on the subject. Mr. TREVOR thought the petition contained' a charge of peculation against the Bishops of the Establishment. Mr. BAINES denied that it contained any charge of the kind, either di:•ectly or by implication. The petition was subsequently withdrawn for informa lity—the petitioner's name not being signed to each of the sheets. IPSWICH IMPROVEMENT. On the motion of Mr. MORRISON the Ipswich Im prcwment Bill was read a third time and passed. Mr. BENNET presented petitions from several pa rishes in Wi:tshire, praying for the abolition of Church-rates. Mr. TULKE presented a petition praying for a reform in the Church, and protesting against the abolition of Church-rates. In the latter part of the prayer-the Hon. Member stated that he could not agree. CORPORATION OF - LONDON. Mr. WILLIAMS presented a petition from the City of London, praying for a reform in the Corporation. The funds at the disposal of the Corporation were of an enor mous amount, and the petitioners contended that they ought to be adm;n!stered by persons popularly elected. Mr. WILKS presented petitions from Dissenting con gregations in Leicestershire, praying for the abolition of Church•rates. Dr. BOWLING presented a petition from the Town Council of Port Glasgow, complaining of the unequal opera tion of the Reform effected in the prisons of Scotland, by which they were assessed equal with the Royal Burghs. Sir L. PARRY presented a petition from a place in Carnarvon, praying for a Reform in the Church Establish ment. He moved that it be printed with the votes, as he intended to make a motion on the set that day week. Sir R. INGLIS s ubmitt e d t o th e House the impropriety of printing every petition which an Hon. Member said he intended to bring under the notice of the House at a future time. Every Hon. Member might think his own petition most important, and the rule which had been laid down he rendered totally useless. Sir L. PARRY begged leave to withdraw his motion. Lord W. BENTINCK presented a petition from the Merchants' House of Glasgow, complaining of the present mode of soliciting private Hills through that House. CIROTE presented a petition from the parish of Edgeware, and one from the parish of St. George, Hanover square, praying fin. an equalization of the land tax. Mr. A. JOHNSTON gave notice that he would on Monday (as we understood) move that an humble address be presented to his Majesty, praying for a copy of the the dispatch, &c., which had been received from the Cape of Good Hope, relative to the Caffres. Mr. W. DUNCOMBE presented a petition, signed by 700 innkeeepers of the counties of York, Northumberland, Leicester, and Northampton, praying for a revision and consolidation of all the Acts of Parliament which govern their trade. The Hon. Member also presented two peti tions from two places in the West Riding of Yorkshire, against the abolition of Church-rates. Mr. A. TREVOR seeing the Noble Lord the Secretary of State for the Home Department in his place, wished to ask him a question. He understood that the consideration of Church-rates had been postponed till Monday, and that the Irish Tithe question was appointed to come on to-morrow. Now he wished to know in the event of the debate on that question being adjourned, what was the Noble Lord's intention ? Did he intend that the adjourned debate should proceed on Monday, or that the consideration of the Church question should pro ceed on that day ? Lord JOHN RUSSELL said that he did not think it at all probable that the discussion on the Irish Tithes would occupy more than one night, and under that impression it was his intention to proceed with the Church-rate ques tion on Monday. TITHE COMMUTATION. In answer to a question from Mr. GOULI3URN, Lord JOHN RUSSELL said the President "of the Board of Trade would bring in a Bill upon the subject, following the recommendations of the Committee, with the exception of that part which recommended the postpone ment of commutations for another year. ROYAL ASSENT. Sir AUGUSTUS CLIFFORD, the Usher of the Black Rod, appeared at the Bar, to desire the attendance of the House in the House of Lords, to bear the Royal Assent given to several public and private Bills (for which see our Lords' Report). The Speaker, followed by a great portion of the Mem bers present, accordingly proceeded to the House of Lords. The SPEAKER, on his return, informed the House that the Royal assent bad been given to several Bills (for which add the Lords' report). Mr. HUME wished to put a question to the Master of the Mint. On the 24th of April there was laid on the table of the House of Commons a Report from the Com missioners of Post-office Inquiry, recommending that the ptiblieation of the Post-office Shipping and Commercial List, by the clerks in the secretary's office, should be immediately discontinued. He wished to know whether any and what steps had been taken in pursuance of that recommendation? The publication still continued, to the manifest disadvantage of other Newspapers. Mr. L A BOUC HERE was understood to say that the nigry 'dad t).3 Report under consideration, and would act upan it with as little delay as possible. Lord D. STUART thought it would also be a great con venience if the public, whose interests were far more im portant, were afforded an opportunity of posting their letters after seven o'clock. Mr. L ABOUC HERE said that though he was Chair man of the Committee of Post-office Inquiry, yet it did not rest with him, as he did not belong to the Post-office department, to carry any arrangement of this kind into effect ; and he was not prepared to give any information to the Noble Lord upon the subject. BREACH OP' PRIVILEGE. Captain BERKELEY had to complain of the greatest misrepresentation of a speech of his on the part of the Times n ewspaper. In the Times of that day he was made to say that he objected to legislative interference on the subject of the Sabbath observance. He - had said no such thing. The misrepresentation, he considered, from the quietness that prevailed in the House at the time, to be totally unprovoked and uncalled for. Having, however, said thus much, and called the attention of the House to the inaccuracy, it was nOt his intention to pror.:ced further with the matter. He now begged to ±3ll n ques!i.m of the Hon. Member for Finsbury, whom he saw in his plaet! (Mr. T. Dunccmbe) with respect to the POWILAND CEMETERY BILL. Captain BERKELEY then proceeded to say that he understood that, in Committee on this Bill, a. proviso had been added, on the 'notion of the lion. Aiember for Mary lebone, and that subsequently words had been struck out of this proviso and ether wools added, without the consent of the Committee, and that this had been done by the clerk of the Committee, with the concurrence cif 'qaniuel Whalley. He wished, then, to ask the Hon. Member for Finsbury whether he was aware that any alteration of the original words of the proviso had taken .place ? Mr. D U NCO MBE had not been the originator of the Bill in the House. But. he had on one occasion been Chair man of the Committee to whom the Bill had been referred. Whilst occupying the position of Chairman, he felt anxious to discharge his duties, so as to see justice done to all par ties. The Bill was nearly thro•Jgh Committee, when they came to the consideration el* a elause respecting Primrose hill. His Hon. Colleague (Mr. Wakley) moved an amend. meat to this clause, which was negatived, but on the under standing that a proviso, to be moved by the Hon. Member for Marylebone (Sir S. Whalley), which did not go so fir, would be agreed to. The next day the solicitor of the Bill called on him to say, that he fbund words contained in the proviso added to the Bill, which were not contained in the proviso as it had been put from the Chair, and agreed to by the Committee. The words added were, after the mention of Primrose-hill, "or any part thereof." When he heard this, he made inquiry of the clerk of the Committee, and he informed him (as we understood the Hon. Member) that the alteration had been made in the presence of Sir Samuel IVhalley and Mr. Pittman. The clerk told him (Mr. Dun combe), that if he thought the words were improperly in serted, he would strike them out ; and he stated to the clerk, that he was perhaps not aware that be was commit ting a great offence against the privileges of the House in inserting those words, and that they should be expunged. He (Mr. Duncombe) felt that he would be guilty of great neglect of his duty to the House, if he had consented to allow those words to remain in the clause.—( Hear.) Mr. Sergeant GOULBURN said that he had a peti tion to present on this subject from a Mr. Staples, the soli citor to the Portland Cemetery Bill, who complained that the Hon. Member for Marylebone (Sir S. Whalley) had, after the Bill had passed through the Committee, inserted the words, " Primrose-hill, or any part thereof," and, although that Hon. Gentleman had undertaken the chargr of the Bill, and had supported the first and second rcadine of the Bill, he yet told the solicitor that unless he consented to these words being inserted in the Bill, he should oppose the second reading. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman moved that the petition be read. The petition was accordingly read at length by the clerk, and was in substance to the effect stated by the Hon. and Learned Member. Sir S. WHALLEY could assure the House that in what he had done he had only been actuated by a wish to protect the public interests. Some constituents of his, however, had requested him to take charge of this Bill, and as he thought it the duty of a representative to take charge of a Bill at the request of his constituents, provided there was nothing objectionable in it, he did so, at the same time giving the parties due notice thht if he found any thing objectionable in the Bill he would take charge of it no longer. He had moved, accordingly, the first and second reading, but it was not till after the. second reading that he was at all aware of the contents of the Bill. It enabled the promoters of the Bill to establish a Cemetery any where within ten miles of Lon don, so that no man living within ten miles of London could be certain but that such:Cemetery might be established close to his house. 'The Bill went into Committee, and the pro moters undertook to define their plan. The Committee called on them to give in a plan of the intended site, and on the plan being proposed it was found that the intention of the promoters was to wrest Primrose-hill from the public, a place to which they had access from time immemorial. The insertion . of a clause was then moved in these words : " Provided that nothing in this Act do allow the said Com pany to use Primrose-hill for any of the purposes of this Company." He (Sir S. Whalley) had moved to add these words, "or any part thereof." He made this addition to prevent the inhabitants of the metropolis being debarred access to this place of healthful recreation which they had so long enjoyed. He was informed by a note from Mr. Pittman that the worde considered most essential were not in the proviso as engrossed by the clerk of the Committee. On observing this to the clerk he said be would put them in if he (Sir S. Whalley) desired it. The next day the solicitor of the Bill called on!hirn (Sir S. Whalley), and stated that words had been added which were not in the original pro viso. To this he answered, that if those words were not permitted to remain in the Bill, the object which he (Sir Samuel Whalley) had in view would not be effected, and he should feel it his duty to oppose the Bill. Had the matter stopped there he should not have had so muck ground of complaint. But the promoters of the Bill had come to him, threatening to present a petition unless he should withdraw his opposition, and agree to support the Bill. He thought this was a most improper course to pur sue with respect to a Member. His reply was, that the presenting of the petition would not weigh with him, nor induce him to withdraw his opposition. _ _ _ After a few words from Mr. ANGERSTEIN and Mr. Sergeant GOULBURN, the conversation dropped for the present. Sir E. CODRINGTON wished to ask a question of the Chancellor of the Exchequer. A great number of communications had been addressed to him expressive of a desire to erect a statue of Lord Nelson in Trafalgar squire. He wished to know whether the Government felt disposed to afford any facilities towards such an under taking ? The CHANCELLOR of the EHCHEQUER was sure that Government would give every possible facility consistent with the public convenience for the erection of a statue to the memory of our greatest naval Commander, and he was sure, in doing so, they would be only consulting the feelings of the House and the country: 7 4 Hear, hear.) The ATTORNEY-GENERAL rose for the purpose of calling the attention of the House to a matter of great importance to its privileges, when Mr. HUME inquired if notices did not on that evening take precedence ? To accommodate the Ministry he had postponed his motion till that day. He, therefore, claimed the right of proceeding with his motion. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL said that questions of privilege had precedence, and that he would give way, but that the subject was one of great importance, and he felt bound to proceed with it. Mr. T. DUNCOMBE rose to order. The question which had just been under discussion he considered had not been disposed of in a satisfactory manner either to his Hon. Friend (Sir S. Whalley) or the public. He therefore moved that Mr. Staples (the person from whom the petition ema nated) and Mr. Rose, the clerk of the Committee, be called to the bar. Mr. WALLACE seconded the motion. After a few words from the Attorney-General, Mr. An gerstein, Sir S. Whalley, and hlr. Wallace, Lord J. RUSSELL felt bound to oppose the motion. The gallery was then cleared for a division, but none took place, as the motion was agreed te. Mr. Staples was then called in and examined at some length by several Hon. Members. Mr. WARBURTON moved that the further consi deration of the matter be deferred until to-morrow. — Agreed to. Mr. O'CONNELL moved that Mr. Sutton and Mr. Rose should attend at the bar of the House to-morrow.— Agreed to.. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL said that it was in dispensably necessary that the House should come to a de cision on 'the question of privilege lately considered. He would propose that the House should proceed at once to consider the subject, as to-morrow it could not be brought forward without inconvenience. Mr. HUME, after a few words from Mr. Roebuck and Lord J. Russell, admitted that the question to which his motion related was not of so pressing a nature a 3 that of the Right Hon. Gentleman ; but the Noble Lord had not given any promise that he (Mr. Hume) would not be in terfered with on a future occasion. PRIVILEGES OF THE HOUSE. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL said that the question to which he was about to call the attention of the House was one of very great importance, and he had no hesitation in saying that he felt it was one of very great difficulty. They were now placed in a dilemma, and it was for the House to say whether it would at once make a stand, and depend on one of its greatest and at the same time most undoubted privileges.—(Hear, hear.) In the motion which he should submit, he would adhere rigidly to the resolu tions of the Committee, adopted with only one dissentient voice, and sanctioned by a large majority of that House. The substance of those resolutions held that the House had a right to publish such of its reports, rules, and pro ceedings as it should deem necessary or conducive to the public interests. " That by the law and privilege of Par liament that House had the sole and exclusive jurisdic tion to determine upon the existence and extent of its privileges ; and that the institution or prosecution of any action, suit, or other proceeding; for the purpose of bringing them into discussion, or decision, before any Court or tribunal elsewhere than in Parliament, was a high breach of such privilege, and rendered all parties concerned therein amenable to its just displeasure, and to the punishment consequent thereon." These resolu tions he believed to be founded on the law of Parliament, and also that they were part of the law of the land.— ( Hear, hear.) The course, then, which he (the Attorney (ieneral) intended to t4l was in perfect consistency with those resolutions, and was founded on the precedent of Sir Francis Burdett's case, with which they were all fa - His intention was, to move that the petitioners ho instructed to plead to the action, in order that the_ Courts of law inieht know that this was a question of ~rivilege. The Judges had no means of ascertaining from he pleadiugs that Mr. Nichols or Mr. Hansard were the servants of that House, and that they aced under its authority. Tee) , had, therefore. no means of informing the Judges of this fact. but by the plea on the rec ord, avere_ ring that the defendants acted in obedience to the orders of that House. In former times when an action affecting :he privileges of the House was brought in a Cou!t Lax i the Speaker wrote to the Judge to apprise IWO f the fact. It had, however, been decided that such s proceeding, was contrary to law, and he would not, therce: fore, recommend it. Another muse adopted in former times in cases of this nature was to commit the part!cf bringing the action, together with the Counsel and solici tor. This, no d o ubt, might be considered a strong tutea; sure, and it was doubtful whether they w( o uld be supp!)r ea:. by the public if they came to such a tiecis:on.—lie 'dear.) Lord Denman had no doubt stated t hat such .801 action might be m a int a ined, *out then it mu st be recollec that this w a s th e o pi n i o n o f a single Judge at nisi con t:, o given at a time when he had not an opportunily of ee dering his judgment. But there was still another couric, open to them. They might suffer judgment to Iv by , fault, and i ns t ruc t th e Sh er iff of Middlesex , throts..ef, the medium of the Speaker, that he was not to obey th writ of inquiry, as it was a violation of the Pri vileges : the House. Suppose the Sheriff disobeyed their ins till-- ; on, tion, their only rem e dy wou ld b e t o com mit him to P ri r„ and if he did obey their order he might be thY the Judge, in which case he would be obliged to Plea d order of the House of Commons. This course, 1 ° 4 '1%; he was not disposed to recommend, but he s hould them to adopt the precedent of the ease of Burdett V. bott, which in his judgment was the most prudent they could follow. The defendant in that instance was instruct(i attackes to appear, and plead the privileges of ParliaMent. S eve o ra , t distinguished Members took part in that discussion, ar en 't ;whom was the Lori l e v in s be a r lso fo s r up l‘ p l o o r n t t e g d om by ery si a r n v a ic;rere y E Milton. The mlooltli M a on Gibbs, Davis, Sir Samuel Romilly, Mr. Windham, and m Ponsonbv, all of wham were of opinion that the case was it direct violation of the privileges o f the House ; that was for the House alone to determine its own privileg es and that the defendant s h ou ld a pp ear an d p l ea d. The I.l°P. and Learned Gentleman then read several passages fret* the Parliamentary Debates. Lord Hale, and Lord D er man had already admitted that the publication 0 111 i:" liamentary documents for the use of Members was P i :: tifiable ; but he (the Attorney-Ge nera l) w as ' sure — would see that the distinction he h a d d raw n was wholly immaterial, because if a Memb e r o f P ar li a ment shoo ed those documents to any of his constituents, or to any et her person, it would still be publication ; and if they were de" posited on the shelves of a publi c lib rar y, th e party deP ° siting them and the librarian who received them would liable to an action if they contained any thing which C OO 7 give rise to such a proceeding. Again, a M e mber was a t liberty to make use of those documents so long as he e,", n i . tinued in Parliament, but the moment he accepted the C"" . tern Hundreds, and ceased to he a Member of Parliame nt, he was to be liable to an action. Upon the s ame princ i p le Lord Denman, if he showed those documents to his brothel: Judges, would, as well as the whole twelve Judges, be na b ' to action for libel. Indeed, that very petition of Nicholti if read by the Judges (if that reasoning held good), o cj i ,', subject them to actions for libel. To what purpose , ", e asked, were the doors of the gallery thrown open, if the public were not permitted to read the documents which the deliberations of the House wire founded ?' (Hear, hear.) The Courts of law had universally ree"gs nised and protected the privileges of that . H o use, e a " for upwards of 200 years had the practice existed of liament ordering the documents relating to its proceeds'v to be printed, aye, and to be sold ; and never before tb case of Mr. Speaker Williams had this authority been tioned. But they had a decided case (and he said it 1 574 ", every respect)—a case decided by as learned a Judg e , , a ! Lord Denman—the case of " The King v. Wright , L which it was laid down that the reprint of a report, the publication of which was authorised by the House of Coil mons, was justifiable, and could not be made the subjec t O f a criminal information.—(Hear.) The other House ° f Parliament had an equal interest in this question, becau se their privileges were the same. He would, then, concl ud e by moving, " That it is the opinion of this House that the defendants should appear, and plead that they acted by the authority of that House, and in conformity with the Pr iv.. leges thereof."—(Cheers.) Sir R. INGLIS would not follow the Hon. and Learned Gentleman through his inconsistencies, but he would ask whether his speech, from beginning to end, was not a roe' tition of all those extravagant assumptions of Pri vile g e. claimed for that House, but which he. was now ready leave to the keeping of the Court of King's Bench.—(gear.) Had the Hon. Member pledged his professional character that the Judges would come to an unanimous opinion in his favour ? Did he mean to say that this would be the case; and, if not, would it not at once be better to rescind the re solutions from their Journals, than have them set at nougg by the Court of King's Bench? Was there, he asked, al analogy between the privileges of the Courts of Law an ' of that House, and when the Hon. and Learned Gentlenla!: instituted the comparison, was there any Member 01 .bt own profession in that House who signified his assent to the opinions he had stated? One Hon. Gentleman cf. tainly cried out " Hear," but he was not a member of sl i t profession to which the Attorney-General belonged. wits not necessary that the House, to support its privileger. should claim a right to publish libels through the wb a°l. dominion. The Hon. Baronet here referred to a dec:cleti of Lord Chief Justice Holt in support of his view of e i° question ; but in so low a tone that he could neither hen the case nor the argument. This case, he said, sho we d that no declaration of the House could make that lege which was not so before the declaration, for these P vileges were a well-known part of the law of the 1 8 1," ; and no declaration of the House could destroy legal rights of a British subject. He claimed for t " - people an immunity from the consequences of a dechlf tion of either House of Parliament, which the Judge s the land could by law render as nugatory as waste par::: Why should a declaration of that House shut out the peer from the protection of the law ? That protection t f claimed. They asked no more—they would be content' with no less.—(Cheers.) Was it consistent with justicet°r' • publish statements, regardless whether they were true false, and then not suffer the parties injured to appea l ju redress to the national tribunals? Should they have a: power to bring the cases before the Judges ? No, sal the second resolution, for " the institution or prosec,?; tion of any action, suit, or other proceeding, for t") purpos.? of bringing them (the privileges of the Ile asc i into discu.ssion or decision before any Court or tribe °b elsewhere thtee in Parliament is a high breach of sac io privilege, and reoders all the parties concerned the re t amenable to its joy` displeasure, and to the punis h. " l l , consequent thereon." Why should the reports be li:hed for others than Memi,ers ? Why should that flealsa resolve itself into a great booliselling concern ? It to° haVe been discreet to have allowed the report of the Cost:li mittee to be received without the House committing 4 . 4 by resolutions, and thus avoid the mortification of h ev : oi s those resolutions set at defiance afterwards by the d, f ee' s- i ..). of the Court of King's Bench and the Judges.—(H e The House had no locus standi in the case, and the thinu r a tt solution precluded even a locus pcnilentice. Th e wide were—" That for any Court or tribunal to assume to cic%se. upon matters of privilege inconsistent with the deter t o tion of either House of Parliament thereon is come t he the law of Parliament, and is a breach and contenaP t t t o privileges of Parliament." This was 'a threat held e t ! an y the Judges of England, and could not be construed'',' thing else, but which the Judges would disregard. time was passed when the Chief Justice of the 11.'4 be Bench could be dragged to the bar of that House, *athe could with sincere truth bear his humble attestation 5:0.r.. course adopted by Lord Denman. Not only the couidti; but the House should feel indebted to him, and it w c a boo well if the He - use took the warning in time. It i pion said that they should take care not to come into r° then' with the press, but he would conclude by cauti oning not to come into collision with the laws of England. n the , Mr. POULTER thought it would be found, loge question question was sifted, that the Judges of the Court or Bench always supported the privileges of ParliaMentiit wag A nd as to printing papers for the use of Members, h w liar t hin the practice of the other House constantly to sell ni roil s Reports of the Commons. The Act exempting. tll city ', he „. postage showed that they were intended for a pub l tho vond the Members of that house. The libel w Hon. Member for Oxford made use of was an assunw fbr that which constituted a libel, the wilts vin „ a rt, wanted in such publications as these. For his op_sreco. he was of opinion that the 'promoters of thes: arrnucters, tions had in view not the clearing up of their . b_ com ing but the unworthy desire of acquiring noteriety de s of; t hat into collision with, and combating the privileges Hesse. t the a p irli° r Sir H. PEEL had not heard withou t regret cult, under f of the Attorney-General, that it would be than thstbe the circumstances, to take any other coursieth ac tions e l ,. directing the parties who were threaten that of that noa.s_. Stockdale and others to plead the psivilegeswith regret, D o c , intrinsic g 00 He had, he repeated, heard this o pinion owe . cause lie had hoped that the House had the assertioner; thority by which it could of itself vindicate hot 800 ir tion its own privileges. The privilegei t t ° f an y otherr r v i t al higher and more important than those of with th e was of the Constitution, for they were interwi_. ors.) N bo° essence and fuections of Parliament.— up whi ch bad aware of the case of I3urdett against Abbott,