The Sun. — London, England, 1846-07-29 00:00:00

StIN, LONDON, *PDNESDAY _EVIINING, JULY 20 1 1846, !Il e wi shed to correct a mistaito which the lion. atterWhi Borthwick )ha ,l fallen into with regard to the . he ßho , came frony 1 1en . gel. There was not one sieve in %se of Bengal ' feltern&in' to make; the courts sh,rtfi°,hl,t() w • ne ' r ' e a would he r readily received ; .and state ' . nat the admission of slave-grown sugar into i t , ‘" i s t e t stitr; . not have the smallest effect in giving an kbjel.`" slavery in the • colonie ' s. He was . s , ..rry that the Nest ' Lt d was not in his place to her his opinion upon that e e - t i" he felt sure that the Noble Lord spoke from a sin t e re ("keit:Ye that the proposed policy would have the effect o. in -4(1:,e elle slave trade. Sir F. Buxton said, all the exertions they -4de to put down • th slave-trade, on the coast of Africa, circl ed ton failed,i" had ande had only aggravated the evil, which Sighed was on that account, therefore, he (Mr. flume) t elti ed for the as of the squadron of twenty-eight ships let quarter, helieviug, as he did, that that was an uge- , Its No!,:asteful expenditure. The question was asked by ewtr Lord, did they despair, then, of putting an end . d o sa H i e d (Air. Hume) replied that they did not, proyieie tsh t , I t the necessary steps were taken for that purpose. was, let Cuba and Braz 1 continue to bring their Africa for it was shown that that could not befre r if s° . , but let the West ind'a planters be pernai•ted to -o . so 4 tti lerri nd ," soon as the . slaves landed upon the British colonies I th " declared freemen.—(Laughter.) In the early pats , tooee.Present session he moved for a number of orders . of teti tel lye to the admission of free labour to the colonic., 1 %44 4. ' 4 ' order s had actually prevented the admissio . n (1 ttPt te T he effect of these orders was just the same as if an ft ea's Prohibition had been made for the exclusion of labour. L i istihlPlY within the last ei•hteen months that any relaxa -7,Rlz; tal ,Leo place in these orders ; and if they had occurred - "ich in eY Would not now have to regret the consequences %,% tilled from the want of sufficient labour. There was 411 Y, ne' Rho ho need. the. evidence of Mr. Deacon Hume care bee4"o could fail to see that the colonies were not in a kite condition and that if the colonies had free trade them.. l ect io't; the had nothing to fear from the withdrawal of pro 'Se e% they would in that case be able to compete with isteee""'d. Air, Hum e , in stating those opinions, de ll'''.'la' • and yet he sth e e rY as much as any man, et ;, British people and the British Legislature they ; would be prejudicial to the interests of the colonies if Zisth e ," l ,d all protection at once, without enabling the Proeure an adequate supply of customers. A Noble ee said that the slave-trade had been suppressed by the Ihn ftg r h g t n t ,!heY had coa.ting fr Africa. He (Nir. Hume) :eery sh . oat that assertion was not correct, for if they s b ent , ltd there which France anti England could spare, t Slsstee ° t PUt down the slave-trade. The remedy he sug t„ tor_ his state of things was to. allow the West India . tvh; • ; " 'fleet the Cuba and Brazil slave-master in Africa, 'on e e l rchase d the neroes as slaves, let Isce s 7 I:9l Y th thematter Pe as ir n eemen. As long as there was the ithm e nee Pr°Ft connected with the trade, which it was well :feed atelltied it, all their efforts for its suppression ' ,. 1 1 1 ..4 vailing. He thought they should act P :o l i j e P le in this as well as in everything (nit in practice the remedy he suggested. t i 'tdo.! - Llt Hon Baronet was of opinion that nothing would tit er and cry • belt free labour, why did they not get free ` ll Put slave r y down? Let them withdraw their fleets 6 700 01, re used to put down the practice. Their fleets cost they Ler annum let ti-em expend one-half of that sum, ;; w eeld succeed in destroying slavery altogether. He e l'Aitse 44) lls to gee the eeetion - settled once for all—he was to see the ople r ri elieved from the annual annoyance l elsla t i b ate, and on that ground he would give his support to tie o C h 'e Lord on the question before the House.. Many peo 14'serert "PPose that he was not willing to relieve the con the ti m em the tax on sugar • on the contrary, he hoped to re e tt t,i tll 9 h h ea they would have ' a duty of 10s. per cent.,wh r ie e h . ~,sctio n t he quantities that would be consumed under the ' t he },'• nold amply repay the sacrifice which had been made igoer ti e tr rate of duty. i • R • REID said, that the circumstances in which hf.11(1 " " le s were place,: and the state of affairs at home render this measure, if it were carried, one of complete e~hT▪ hat v erY day he knew that the first effects of the pro se'?;etasures vvere felt, for in consequence of the turn which a s 4l4 4 gh e • p e : : o c t a r ir a t rh h l e ci t b u t eitraeldades% ev e : n n i t : e g ni e a d t the meeting of some of the to stop with the colonies, the fiat the cultivation of some of the estates. by those connected with the trade was :"_P s f s ay, and unless that were td to them it would be 1 7, for them to attempt to cultivate their estates in corn toit.LL_Tlttwith thos e on which su . r could be grown, and ad. i l ett 1 to this country at a chea g per rate. *refit', BERNAL wished that - the question could be dee Ise e ' ll eLY settled. He did not care fur the period which was ht N . , for an assurance that the question was to be finally put I Ve ' i w as all that ':.as required, and he thought that every 4 , 0, e; 0e, - L udfan cou.',d accommodate himself to the circler/1- 91 0 - e a .%lfiel-, must ensue under the new revolutions. slts ' ti v erbacloes had a large population with labour corn- f !_ittet,'Y plentiful, Jamaica possessed an immense tract :St 4 tin a very limited population in proportion . to its ex t e " t t • tances of the West Indian Islands i l i tt l e e t li et Z t f : r t e be d m lf e fer c . ' T r n e h t u , i ni s an s d different measures of relief should must be done in whatever was pro v(Vtie.ake those islands meet the altered circumstances le - ; t he would now be placed. With regard to the t e l h i ,h ' e N k f _ i ?efl Y beenf o und that they were not so good labourers 41111. rieans. The former had certain religious notions :k r everded them from taking such food as was necessary l'eZetesPhYsisial exertions; while the Africans had no such t e the te , as these. Looking at all the circumstances ' ti t '"'ts they, resut look to the coast of Africa e s • se u PPIy of labour ; and while they sought ' for rhi th Pply tiefrom that quarter, he quite agreed that t(14.4 of is should be placed at various points on the Is i re L Africa to see that nothing but fair measures l o l, s 4l 4lCl e rl i . ‘ to induce labourers to go to the West India I,oW 4 ',l l „ l° ln, in carrying out this arrangement of t w fr e e r e e t hist t . oott: submitted that twelve months' engagements an _ -1•4 thelle thought the 'time ought to be ,esX d d ti o 4 this tittle Lord at the head of the Government_w ut ou i l n d 4,Yieftokat into his most serious consideration. But h 4t the doctrine of free trade in relatior! te the West .e t rusted 't Id not be done in a one-sided manner, .tt wouldot be carried w(m out to the fullest extent. While leiNie r o.7 wa! to enter into competition with the produce Cfel,l4,..%_TUntries, he hoped that other produce of the West ICLI th e would be admitted into the markets b of this coon- Oeid: a llie terms as the pr . oduce o t e British Islands. f 0 ,` 41 , to r ed th e full application of free trade would lead t o :LIR -. Place We . st . India spirits on the same o l 'Otry . V 01 9 spirits of the distillers of this ' ; ' 11 (11 1 , It was a hard case that a duty of Ps. 4d. a gallon l ett ir Plated on West India rum, while the duty on Scotch „ 454 "1, 3 s 4.1 and that on Irish whiskey but 8 . . wa h ystem to be defended. The colonies b l ‘l l 4, 4 : l , (l p a ar a c e e e l of a t a lie British empire, and if this measure la in ," to " . 4 e defied any one who advocated free tee.de doe d!:1/41.11:',1eintain intact such a difference in duty as that which " stated o ut emust be prepared to meet all those s • tie s' t • o p e4.114 o carry l i t he , i n ir .t in t c b il , sl s e e s w o b f n fr p e o e ss t e r s a se de d t l o v t t e extent. He ea h; R rvrty to prepare for the change. They must meet it e ee th t :;"cd e 'it and by a reduction of price th e ser eo nergy• and aetiv y, l eo Ye ook wrnodities endeavour to extend their markets. The tide of feeling was h Etr.tl ,not avert the change. by RLY set in in favour of free trade . for them to 4 ,,,1 opposition they could offer to arrest its progress. W .. Pee,f oll us stated his own views on the subject, to which he 1 1 ;41, 41 1 called the attention of . thos d e n w wn ho . r y epresented the thanking the ob s :te forri.!nterest, and he . w b ould sit which it had listened to his t pati ons. 'ne patience with 1 , 1 1 h E ' I) ENISON said, if any Member entertained a feel 0/tilite to the ' West Indian interests, the . Hon. Gentle hat L - lht 6 4) hod just satdown had done much to disarm . him o ; and he hoped, for his own part, to avoid say -ung offensite. He would have been satisfied , to , have 11 14 :I It tatehae„vo_te that he was to give in support of the .Go%ern fr itit rodu ' e r e e a on the speech made by his Noble Friend who and the speech delivered by his Right Hon. ~eke lLeeettnelithe Cha i nCellorof theExehequer, but many points had rre4 ill the course uf the debate, on which he wished to • tne L4L , ,Inee • bservati one He assured the lion. Member that 'or t - CLI never forget hat he had been one who gave his vote !tisk,: e mancipati on t of the slave ; an event which was the air nut i; great changes in this country.—( Hear, li e .t , there was one thing which h "tee t `' ' Le vee to forget and which he wished to press on th e ;" (4 the House ' . and it was this—to take care that this (II ; 41 Lerit in the Mres ' t Indies should not prove a failure.— ) A feeling which was excited in him by a cond ttio'"94 of the interests of humanity, of the negro race, an v -8 "uottY• As had been the case with free-trade, year Ild' e „ar they had tried treaties and tariffs, yet, after all, they torießnisters rising up and saying, that these treaties and te m .' were vain and inefficient, and that the country must, by th e l ' l l.l the way, show through her example what the rest of free nati ons ought t o d o . H e sa id , t h en, w h at. was true as to o t ade, was true in free labour. There were two points ,011 which he should address his observations—first, to the Af r i . • , conduct pursued by this coun t r y on th e coast o f th e ; and second, to th e course o f con d uct pursue d towar d s 011 ` West India colonies of this country. Much had been sai3 h t he •firat of.,these .during the present debate. The. Right ‘ . °o • Baronet (Si r R. P ee l) sa i d last night, that he had tiatiTed at this conclusion—th a t th e b est armour against bot V erY was the promo d tion o a f t. LeT n -la ti b ,e ouL. ,6 That opinion was 1, I,atea4lerwFit:neell rt 1 the Buxton, haap a P n e d it had been adv i Ocated in ab y the Noblew Lord at the head of the Governme n t to the 11 "oasury in 1839, In 1841, the Chancellor of the Exchequer Nil the pr..sent means used to put do wn s l avery rather il t g e g on ravated it. The commissioners, in their r e p or t f rom S ierra capture of vessels might h ave an e ff ect on t'heeet;res said that the b i erofcapt ives, but still the slave trade was on the increase. A return moved for by the Hon. Member for Montrose, showed the expenses of the expedition in 1843, • giving ships of all classes, 58; of 945 tons ; 8,454 men, at a cost of 575,466/. ; and this sum wou ld be increased by the salaries of extra•officers engaged in the same object to about 600;0001. But all the expenses of the expedition would far * zeeed this amount. Yet their e ff or t s it w as acknowledged 00 all hands were ineffectual, notwithstanding that they were In 'de at a great expenditure of money and health. In reference 1 0 th e course pursued towards the possessions of this country II the W es t I n di es, h e wou ld j ust recall the attent i on o f t h e t t mse to the considerations taken up in a Committee which than the West India Colonies. That Committee was of opinion Itrthe materials for immigration from Africa into the West les were considerable; that immigration would be of great ther e to the negroes ; and, that under proper regulations, 114, Would be no danger of a revival of the slavery trpde. 1 10,Zught the West India interest had a right to come to that l eetsi demand every possible assistance for the 'supp.y of fti,„%.our. Believing, as he did, that the efforts on the Yearl: toast had been unsuccessful, he was not disposed this Park s B UPport a vote of a certain amount, say 59,000/., for the yQar - h e e o l prFzti b 7 *mmigrat ion to the West Indies, but next H l disposed to sanction such a curse. vt: nf di d not nig know v whether the opinion of the House could with him o' in what he had said, but he the N fl ,nt have a n y hesitation in asking his Rivt Hon. F r i en d rto t f 9ulo Lo.'d at the head of the Government to giv e h i: eoi:licel:eu.rable consideration to the question of supplying the With a sufficiency of free labourers—( Hear, hear.) Ho use ARIES said he had not the good fortune to be in the .. Na n when the P r i me Mi n i s ter made the speech developing his to ns , u Pon the important question then before the House, in 4,,,,ilicinetice of having been detained upon urgent business in sad Place, but he had read the speechwith great interest, generally, hut • taqi.e especially to the conclusion that the public aff r -7Pecially those who were interested or moe immediately std 1 1 this subject, were much indebted to the Nobl a e tt l e .o rn r p d t , , ganderhe great obligation to the Noble Lord, for thepermanent makin g to place the sugar duties upor:' tO2O ng, in Slave of having those annual discussionas which lead i n tn te u r e e h st i . ttf , e ll rt e a a in , :y, and so seriously injured the West Aropo tte,lT t l i t. ed by ' the L) uord w t as h e theid bneostt ors carrying cut their free-trade principles.—( Hear, a t I t i ii i a n t k c t o b u e ld Pl be a‘ It eemed to him to be monstrous to continue a tax of Rugar Per anal which was eual to pe lb., upon colonial aud2 t Is. per cwt. upo q n foreign sugar, r wl4ich was equal to talk rer lb., and at the same time, and in the same breath, cheep sugar for the Cries of "hear, ' qh4 He thotieht it was highly desirable that they should ` 1 4, 541 ,aus for zffording constant and increasing supplieii of N o , ers for the Colonies, as well as a c.sonstant and increasing • $ll l l o r suvr for the po thi country. ht, he gt • kep t il ' as a subject we p ll ulation worthy of the s en attention of T Goavern . itoti, bu W t it could not be attained so long as these high duties teg ra r n Ate.nanced. If the colonies ought to be treated as in ., .partsvhst V of th e mother country, he wished to know with Orn th e . they could tax sugar , com i ng a t a l arge exp e ?se eat Indies, while they did not tax his corn, whlcit. chaabolkad ? produos tho colonies he 111 contended ought to be admitted free of duty, but it was s -id they wanted revenue. Well, they could g et it from the duty which they imposed on slave-grown sugar. —(Hear, hear.) But if the Government would not abolish the duty on colonial sugar, let them at all events censiderably reduce it. He would reduce colonial sugar to 10s. err cwt. and foreign sugar to IVs. ; but the Chancellor of the Exchequer said, considerations of revenue would not let him do althoueh he admitted it to be just; while the Right Hon. Barons t, the Member for Tamworth, said the state of parties prevented his doing justice.— ( Hear, and laughter. ) What nonsense this was. Why could they not increase the income tax, and throw the burden upon those who were able to bear it, and not upon the hard-working and industrious (-lasses of the country ?—(Che , rs. ) He would not say anything about the wickedness and immorality of encouraging the slave trade. but there could be no doubt that the Emanci nation Act had proved a complete failure. - (Hear, hear. ) The effect of it had been to ruin the colonies and to increase the price of sugar in this country; to convert our formerly active and industrious population into an extremely indolent and lazy one, and to transfer a considerable portion of their labour to the slave labourers of other countries. Before the Fmaneipation Act was passed he took the liberty of saying that would be its result, but the House at the time, being under the dominion of the philanthropy of the country, would not listen to his warning —(Hear, hear.) And no wonder that the Emancipation Act had failed, considering that since it had passed the Government of this country had made nn exertions to carry nut the principle of the measure, but on the contrary had rather thrown impediments in the way of establishing a population of free labour in the colonies. --(Hear, hear.) The consequence was, there had never been a proper supply of labour for keeping the land in a state of cultivation ; but still, if Government was determined to admit foreignaugar into competition with c olonial p roduce, the least they could do. was to reduce the duty, and, therefore, he begged to give notice that he should propose in Committee that colonial sugar should be admitted at 10s. per cwt. and foreign lunar at. 21s. —( Hear, hear. ) Mr. BARCLAY was for free trade in sugar as well as in corn, but he blamed the Gentlemen who had been in office since the passing of the Emancipation Act, for shutting nut the colonies from obtainirg a supply of labourers from the conti nent of Africa --( Hear. hear.) The Emancipation Act had succeeded morally, but it had faile economically, and he thought some steps ought to be taken to remedy the latter defect..—(Hear, hear.) He considered that the, mea sure of the Government was calculated to settle this question. He thought. theretore, that the Noble Lord at the head of her Majesty's Government would not be doing jus tice to the interests of the country, if he did not take these circumstances into consideration.—(Hear, hear.) He be lieved he would not he discharging his duties, if he did not make these observations. He was no party to placing the pre sent Government in office, but in giving his vote against their measures, he was not actuated by any party consideration whatever, but solely from a desire to discharge, to tho best of his abilities, the duties with which lie was entrusted. Mr. DISRAELI said the Noble Lord who moved the amendment to the motion that the Speaker do leave the chair, proposed to himself to submit three points to the consideration of the House. The first was, that it was in the power of this country to find three legitimate sources of that sugar that was necessary for its con sumption; the second, that her Majesty's Ministers, in the calculations which they had made with respect to the revenue', had furnished the House with very unsatisfactory prospects : and the third, that, in adopting the resolutions which they had brought forward, they should be sanctioning that traffic in slaves which the House bad so often and so signally reprobated. —(Hear, hear.) He had listened with great attention to the sneech of the Chancellor of the Exchequer—a member of the Cabinet who had risen for the purpose of giving an answer to the speech of the Noble Lord the Mei - ber for Lynn. He had not been inattentive to any of those addresses which had fol lowed the speech of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, though there might be some of those speeches remark able for peculiar characteristics and particular circumstances, not bearing any relation to the subject immediately before the House.—( Hear, bear.) Still, looking to those speeches which hal failed to discuss the question with respect to the immediate point before the House, following in the wake of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, he could find at that moment no feature, no characteristic, which removed them from the description which he thought imposeable upon the speech of the Chancellor of the Exchequer itself. It appeared to him that to the first. pro position of the Noble Lord the Chancellor of the Exchequer had offered an assumption. It appeared to him that the Chan cellor of the Exchequer had encountered the second pro position of the Noble Lord with an hypothesis,- and it appeared to him that that Right Honourable Gentleman had supposed that he could have vanquished the third proposition of his (Mr. Disraeli's) Noble Friend with a sophism.—(Hear, hear.) Now, he (Mr. Disraeli) was pre pared, if the House would permit him, to substantiate those positions.—( Hear, hear.) Ttre Noble Lord the Member for Lynn, in supporting his position that this country could be sup plied from legitimate sources with a sufficient and ample qiian tity of sugar for its consumption— the Noble Lord had offered his estimates which, if they could trust his figures, certainly proved the dogma which he laid down. Her Majesty's Ministers had no confidence in that estimate. They said at once that it was an assumption—the Chancellor of the Exchequer called it an assum tion, but be entered into no details, and offered no facts contrary to the estimate of the Noble Lord. The assumption of the Chancellor of the Exche quer was that, the estimate of the Noble Lord was erroneous, but it was a remarkable instance, that in proving that the esti mate of the Noble Lord"was erroneous, the first ' efeat tire in the demonstration was that the Noble Lord bad underrated a very important item in that estimate. Her Majesty's Ministers had admitted that the produce of the West Indian colonies was 256,000 tons. The Noble Lord had said that the produce of those colonies was 115,000 tons. Well, therefore, as far as that first point went,' It.would seem that the Noble Lord, however erroneous 'he lrniglat be' in his estimates, had not been inclined to over-estimate the produce of those different quarters from which the - aggregate could be obtained. Her Majesty's Ministers, who accused the Noble Lord of over-esti• mating the tatfantities Which we might anticipate receiving, on this the first item offered an 'estimate to the House exceed ing that which had been suggested by the Noble Lord. That was at least the prinvi facia evidence as far as that item was concerned. The Noble Lord had not indulged in any very excessive calculations. If they approached the second item of the Noble Lord—he meant with reference to the Mauritius—he (Mr. Disraeli) believed that her Majesty's Ministers, notwithstanding their statements, were inclined to quarrel with the first estimate of the Noble Lord in supposing that the Mauritius would supply this country with 50,000 tons of sugar. The Noble Lord had corrected him by saying that the number which he had mentioned was 58,000 tons. He (Mr. Disraeli) thought that the Noble Lord in his speech mentioned the figure 50,000 tons. He knew the Noble Lord had documents in his possession which would have afforded him an opportunity of offering a correct calculation. He (Mr. Disraeli) himself had not those returns, but he bad that morning placed in his hands a Mauritius paper, which was, he believed. a journal of the most respectable character, and which afforded an account of the crops of sugar which might he expected during the present year. They said that that crop might be counted upon as 60,000 tons.—( Hear, hear.) Well, then, as far as the quantity that they might an ticipate receiving from our colonies—as far as the quantity that they might receive from the Mauritius was concerned— he thought that it was not in the power of her Majesty's Minis ters at all to substantiate their point against the Noble Lord that he had exaggerated in his estimate. But the Chancellor of the Exchequer raid, that with regard to the third point, that the estimate of the Noble Lord had in deed astonished him, and that he could not l i for a moment believe that India would offer to us the quantity which the Noble Lord had supposed that they would yield, and for which he had given them credit in his estimate. Now they found that in two portions of the esti mate, that in the one the Noble Lord had underrated the cal culation of the Government, and that in the other he had ex pected a sum less than that which he was induced to expect by the documents in his possession, and less than that which was confirmed by the authority to which he had referred. They had a right to suppose tha tone so cautious in his estimate had not at random, and without thought, and with recklessness, offered to them any calculation which, at least, was not founded upon data, and that he had not sought to influence the opinion of that House by a statement on-which he had not paid great thought and research.—( Hear, hear.) Now he (Mr. Dis raeli) begged the Chancellor of the Exchequer (though he expressed great incredulity on the subject of the estimate of Indian produce) to recollect that not a single fact, not even an argument had been offered against the statements of the Noble Lord. He (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) had said that it was extremely astonishing ; and the Honourable Baronet the Member for Beverley, who certainly upon the sugar question should be a good authority—( Hear, hear, and laughter)—and to whose opinions they always listened with great respect—the Hon. Member for Beverley occupied, as he tad told them, a most important position in the home Government in India—had risen in his place to confirm the unsupported assertion of the Chancellor of the Exchequer. Neither the Hon. Member the Chancellor of the Exchequer nor the Hon. baronet the Member for Beverley,--who was the chairman, be believed, of an association connected with the Indian trade—notwithstanding they expressed their disbelief in that assertion—neither of those gentlemen came forward to offer a single argument, or adduce a single fact to induce L t o he rd.— H ( to hear d . i p eli N ev n e n, th in e e t s n t i i s ma n t n e o the e case, with regard to the production of sugar in India—from the positi on ta k en b y the Chancellorof the Exchequer, arid t endorsedthe consideration greatand which ratified e r htdaandbeayet;hnetnef been H tn o e n . Member for Beverley, as broughtquestion—there befo rbefore the was one bitu a w s hi n ch gr i p h a o t td e d ie ntuoetnbe t in forming in rom a t , . e h i e r m that n moment, for t cresting and important queition g . It was I the up nat ure is and quantity of the productions in India. The' Noble Lord had brought forward a great deal of authentic intelligence to show the amount of British capital now invested in India, and to show them the energy and the quantity of the British capital that had been distributed in the working of the es tates in India, and the considerable results that might be anticipated from an encouragement of the investment of that capital. But what he (Mr. Disraeli) wanted to bring before the attention of the House was—for it was most important—that the sugar in India was produced by two classes of persons.— ( :leer.) These were the British capitalists.—( Hear, hear.) But they were told by a great authority that they needed no protection; there was, however, a class of capitalists who were producing sugar, who might refuse pro tection.—( Hear, and loud cheers ) But if they required protect ion ; he would show the House that it was protection, and that alone which would bring great results to their country —the wealth of England, and not only commercial wealth, hut political power.—(Hear, hear.) The Hon. Baronet, the Member for Beverley, told the House that the sugar producers of India required no protection.—(Hear, hear.) Another Honourable Baronet, who was once a Member of that House, called a public meeting of those interested in the sugar trade, and they met at his counting house—( Hear, hear )—a meeting that was never heard of—anti they passed resolutions which nobody ever knew of.—( Hear, hear, and laughter.) Wel', all that might be very true. It might be very true that there might be sugar producers who were in favour of the measures of her Majesty's Ministers. It might be very true that, es the Hon. Baronet the Member for Beverley said, the sugar producers had not a fair competition. The t l h -1 oen. conditionßar ne t or t he In Memberwas improved nteedv during told ngt the the eiast lise ii o v u ey e t a ht r a s, although they bad not a fair competition. He (Mr. Disraeli) thought it very possible that the condition of India might have improved ; it could not have been worse than it was in 1841. India was then bankrupt. It required but an event—an hour —certainly but the transition of a post—to prevent her bank ruptcy; and nobody will deny this that is in the least con versant with Indian affairs. He could prove it from documents which he had in his hand at that moment, written by those whose name', if he mentioned them, would be of weight and authority with that House. He-did not wish to enter further into the subject, but he was prepared -to. prove it, shoulii e th House'demand it. Well, India was impg. thoughroyecl,enid a he letter would odoubt,bin notbs but at that time it co 3 u s ld e n x o c t ee h d a i v n e alyin in been t w er o e r s s t e. He h b tr a r t i l u t b i l w e .the w e .House by reading it, but it was written by -a gentleman in India second to none in importance_, in ietelli gence, and patriotism ; and he observes that " such is the con. aeqts.ence of our commercial system there, that tha country oo poise to govern, for they had reduced the country b e c tn o peaut;rism. It is not an insurrection or a con. • spiracy that you have to fear, but you beg will never er Hear,b e able to h a uvenne from a nation of hear.) se "yo ur establishilent must fall, and before five years are past, you ell wall lose India."—( Hear, hear'.) Then they wore told that glade SW* of y e ti me toproved. pit to would 44 the • . what. circumstance had mainly improved the condition of India? He would prove to hem that the principle circumstance which had improved the state of India wis the very alteration in the sugar duties, the principle of which they were then called upon to condemn—(Cries of ‘• Name, Name.") He did not think he ought to do so—( Hear, hear)—but he would tell the Hon. (Jen lsmae in private if he chose. But if the lion. Gen tleman wrote linn a letter of confidence, which it was probable he might do so some day or another—(Laughter)—he might not like his name to be mentio, ed, but he would read a letter written by a firm known to be of the highest respectability; he need only mention that of Ailwin and Company, to procure it attention. In the circular issued by that house it was stated that the alteration in the laws respecting sugar, had opened to British merchants boundless markets for the distribution of their manufactures—among the lower classes of the Hindoos, many of ,whom, so far from wearing, had never seen a piece of cotton cloth in their lives. The firm further stated, that when they had formerly proposed these alterations, and hinted at the advantages which would accrue from them, they were treated as visionaries, and that the effect upon Manchester would be enormous. They further show, among the poorer classes in India, that in the years 1837 and 1838 the total number of pieces that were sold of cloth were 190,000, while in the years of 1843 and 1844, years consequent to the alteration, the number of pieces amounted to 2,500,000, and that in the same years of 1837 and 38, among the richer classes, the amount of scarfs and•book muslins amounted to 1,00,000 of pieces, while in the years of 1843 and 44 -the increase was only 3 0,000. However, no person could he sur prised at the result who was acquainted with India. And this was the result of a system which they were now rudely— ( Hear, hear)—called upon to alter at the end of the session, as if it were only a part of a commercial tariff.—( Hear, hear. ) Nor could they be surprised, for they should bear in mind that the cultivation of sugar was the only thing which was left un restricted.. Everything else was the subject of3a monopoly, whether it was rice, maize, or indigo. The poor Hindoo was the slave of a Zemindar. This was the only privilege which the poor of the country enjoyed, who could produce it in henna less quantities, and it was this class of cultivators which had given to them so vast a number of tons of sugar. The English capitalist produced about 20,000 tons of this amount, but the surplus was the produce of a people who had no Otaheitan cane—who had no vacuum, pan—who had no steam-engine. These were the people who seat them the sugar, and who offered them such a boundless market for their cotton manufac tures and Manch, ster goods. It was their duty to support their interest, for they offered to them a market greater than that which they would find in any of their colonies in the world.—(Hear, hear.) They had to deal with one hundred or one hundred and forty millions of people. And if every native in India would buy a turban, it would amount to mote than all your foreign trade put together.—(Hear, hear.) W0,0;,0,000 of ten shillings would return you 50,0)0,0 0!. a year, and that from India, which they had always so ill-treated, and which, for the first time, they had benefited by that very alteration which they were now called upon virtually to terminate. Well, then, when he saw what British capital could produce in the valley of The Ganges—when he saw that the equalisation of duties between East and West India sugars had produced effects which had been never dreamed of—when he saw that consignments of sugar had come from places which the most experienced mer chants bad never dreamed that sugar was produced, and when he read in letters that in the valley of the Ganges there was an increase of thirty per cent. over a superficies of 714,000 acres, *could be doubt that the production of Bengal should proceed at a less ratio than that from Madras? the more especially when they remembered that there were two classes of producers, the English capitalist and the native ryot, stimulated by the markets which they offered to there ; or could he come to any ether conclusion than that his Noble Friend had formed his calculation in the most moderate man ner ? And he considered that he had a right to say that the first position of his Noble Friend has been met only by an as sumption, and a sceptical assumption. And he thought that ne could show that the same was the case with regard to the second point, and the Chancellor had not only given up his sceptical assumption, but had taken refuge in a credulous hypothesis. The Noble Lord showed that under no cu cumstances could there be an increase above 400,000 tons. The Chancellor, more oratorical than Chan cellors generally are, and forgetting that the total of the first Lord of the Treasury's estimate of free labour sugar was 15,000 tons, made it 20,000;' but what matters it 'when he made the result the same? Vbe Noble Lord the Member for Lynn had not only shown the House and the people of England the legitimate sources from which this country could be supplied with sugar, and the in consistencies of the estimates which had been made with respect to the amount of the supplies and of the revenue, but he offered to the House a resolution which had been concurred in by his friends, that if the resolutions of the Government were adopted, a great and powerful stimulus would be given to the slave trade. Often as the subject had been discussed in the House of Commons, many as the years were that elapsed since it was first brought before them, under no circumstances and at no time was this question met and brought forward in a man ner so remarkably discreet. When they remembered the Ministers who were engaged in this great question—when they recollected the public men who were callea into existence by it, and who would never have been public men if they had riot joined in that public cry—it was remarkable the tone in which it was now discussed. It might be asked then, were the Ministers of the Crown, and those who gave their sanction to the measures brought forward by Government, the sup. porters of slavery. Oh, no ; no one was the supporter of slavery ; but they were called upon to suppose that the evilseofehe system could not be' remedied, and 'that though morally wrong they were fiscally inevitable. The Noble Lord the First Minister of the Crown, had taken up a safe posit ion on that subject. The Noble Lord could not forget the party whom he represented—he was the leader of the Whigs, who had caused the abolition of slavery. He had a noble spirit and could not forget the noble heritage to which he had sue eeeded. The Noble Lord accordingly told them that he de precated the accursed traffic. The Noble Lord would say t• you cannot deny that the slave trade exists ; that notwith standing all the efforts which have be en made for its suppres sion, it still continues with undiminished vigour ; that it has baffled all the exertions we have made to put it down, and this I put before you, that notwithstanding all the efforts which have been made, notwithstanding all the squadrons that have been equipped, note ithstanding all the subscription lists that have been swollen, and all the emotions and ardent aspirations that have been excited in the public mind, this is result, that what you have done is neither effective nor complete." If what England had done failed in effect and completeness, he could not take exception to the leader of a Whig Ministry coming down and telling them that such a result had followed their exertions. But let them see if that position was just. I he Noble Lord said that commerce had baffled all their phi lanthropy, and all their exertions must fall before its require ments. That was all the Noble Lord said to show them that English efforts had failed to put down this system. The Noble Lord said that the emergencies of commerce baffled their en deavours. He (Mr. Disraeli) remembered that a gentleman, who was no longer a Minister, told them one time that England had become a great commercial nation. That was a dis covery very like what he would call a mare's nest. liut he would ask the Noble Lord, was there a difference now ,n the character of British commerce? If there was a change with regard to commerce, it was less adventurous, and partook more of a transaction now. If there was a change, it was more adventurous 40 years ago than it was at present. A cargo had then to roam about to different ports to find a customer, but it was now a regular consignment in the ordinary course of trade, from one merchant to another. If the argument, however, be good for anything, it showed little for the foresight of the Noble Lord, and all those who were engaged in that great ques tion, not to have known this result; and they bad no right to join in that public cry, and not be acquainted with the infallible and inevitable political consequences of the measure.—( Hear, hear.) He did not mean to impugn the motives or the inte grity of those who had passed that measure, but what he said was, that it did not tell for their foresight not to have seen the consequea cies of it, and if they did foresee them it was a stigma upon their ingeniousness not to have tried to avert them. But the Noble Lord said that their exertions were wanting not only in effect, but completeness. He said that the whole people of England were consuming produce of another kind, also slave labour, while such an outcry was made about the admission of slave.grown sugar. He (Mr. Disraeli) asked the Noble Lord, woen Wilberforce addressed the large public assemblies in the northern districts of England—when his burning words touched the heart of this great nation—when the horrors of this accursed traffic were first revealed—he asked the Noble Lord were not the fabrics then made in the manufacturing districts fed with cotton the produce of slave labour? He asked what statesmen—statesmen with all the instinct of aristocracy could do? He asked what did they mean to do ? He eared not to what party they belonged, would they address the populous assemblies of the agitated people of the country, who expressed in their own uncultivated manner the right convictions of an unlettered people? He asked whether at a former time they did not smoke, and snuff, and chew, and bad done for a period of 200 years, tobacco the produce of the slave-trade? They knew that in the end that destroyed their case, but were they to believe that the people of England were not conscious of this ? Could they believe that these great statesmen were not coneeiou.s.of all this ?, Of course they were—and they now owned the circumstance. They said that they must move themselves, and put an end to that abomination. Could they continually shut their eyes to that abomination? They could control the people of England, and stop the conduct of such a system. The circumstances to which the Noble Lord referred were the means by which he built his arguments against any opposition. He denied the supposition of the Noble Lord, and would tell him that if he would not argue it abstracteely or concretely he should argue it upon the circumstances, and he would find that because a man was obliged to wink at certain evils he was not obliged to commit greater ones. Whether the suppo sition was taken abstractedly or concretely, the Noble Lord could not escape the inevitable result. The Noble Lord had spoken of the opinion of the people of England. What good would it be 'for the people of England to read Jeremy Taylor, and com pare him with Cicero, to ascertain what were the greatest hardships of the land? If the Noble Lord could not find any means to extricate himself from any opposition, what means could he find to relieve himself from the consequences of this measure. It seemed to him that the answer which was made to his Noble Friend, on the third position of his argument, was a fallacious and flashy sophism. It might carry with it the majority, but it could not convince them.—(Hear, hear.) They might give them words, which they might report to their constituency, who might in their turn recoil with nausea from such phrases. Such men followed Wilberforce, and - encouraged the slave-grown cotton and tobacco. The Noble Lord would deny that their measures gave a stimulus to the slave trade in any way which had been adverted to. The Right Hon. Gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer had informed the House officially and authori tatively that in Cuba at this moment, or very recently, such was the state of slave society that there was a general die content in the place, and that they were near to an insurree rection. Their answer to that was, that if there was a dis position in Cuba to put an end to slavery why did they resort to a measure which not even possibly could injure the slave trade, and excuse it on the ground of a great commercial consideration. Before all this commerce was brought on with the Brazils, the subject was brought under the notice of the House of Commons. When he said the House of Commons, he did not mean the ordinary use of the phrase referring to that House, because he spoke of another House of Commons, of which he had had the honour to be a member, when the question of the Brazils trade was first brought forward. He remembered when Gentlemen who should be new sitting on the Treasury bench, brought forward motions on the subject of the Brazils treats of commerce. It was astonishing what silence prevailed in that House when the Hon. Gentlemen spoke of the treaty of commerce The trade was then 5 millions ; and row it was 2i it was spoken of as a commerce of considerable consequence Regarding commercial and financial matters, such was the position of the Brazilian empire. Well, then, take the West Indies, which no one seemed to defend ; take the island which had been so pictu-esquely described by the Hon. Member for Weymouth (Mr. Bernal), but which the adoption of these reso lutions would paralyse, and he asked them to contrast it with the Brazils. Why the trade of that island at the present mo ment greatly exceeded all the trade of the former country.— ( Hear, hear.) If you take an enlarged view of the colonial capabilities and the colonial resources, who fs r a moment can doubt but that this very island could easily double the whole of our commercial transactions with the Brazils. What was the trade of Bre zils or of Cnba—what all the commerce of Porte eieo—compared with this single colony ?—(Cries of " Hear, hear)—and they would not be acting as men of honour —they would not be acting as men of sense—they would not be acting as men of faith, if they allowed such a vrinciple .as th e N o bl e - L or d , t h e mem ber for the City of . Irolltigas to be teathliohed...{lLeg, hear.) Z01b44.1)9411 t 914 they were hitherto moving in a vicious ci:cle. He agreed in that. lie felt that the colonies and England were placed within a vicious circle ; hut he thought it would be desirable if it were so, when a Minister of the Crown (he cared not whether he acted from primal convic' ion or recent conversion— ( Hear, Ivar)—or on which side he sat) when a Minister of the Crown thought it desirable to propose a law which sub jected many to dismay and alarm, that he should furnish some detailed considerations why the measure should be supp trted— that he should c.mdescend to give some arguments —he ( Mr. Disraeli) would say facts—why the House should adopt the charge.-- ( Hear, hear.) When they were so lately told that they were moving in a vicious circle, it would have been consolatory, and extremely interesting and advantageous, if the Noble Lord had given some proofs of the benefits that would flow 1..0m the adoption of his measure— that he should give some idea of this perfect system of com merce. lie should be glad to see a Minister of the Crown who was in office, or a Minister who was not, pretend to en lighten them on this point.—( Hear, hear.) No one could be insensible to the secret influences that had been in operation to bring about the new commercial features of the country, or that they had :tem brought about by unknown and irresponsible persons. He would say nothing disrespectful of one man, whom he knew and respected—Mr. Deacon Hume. All he would say was, that before the report appeared of the Import-duty Committee, or evidence given upon it, he told him (Mr. Disraeli) that year after year he had, in established and respec t a bie periodicals, given all the evidence which had been then adduced. But the fact was, Ministers never read, and they had to he converted by Parliamentary Committees. But lie would refer to another of their private influences—a respectabie gentleman, and he (,Mr. Disraeli) only referred to him to show the influence of his opinions on the Noble Lord (the First Lord of the Treasury.) The Noble Lord had told them that uncertainty was fatal to the inter ests of the West Indian colonies, and in support of his case he referred to the opinions of men of experience—io Mr. M'Culloch and others. Would it not have been better in the Noble Lord, who he believed was incapal. le of saying anything injmious—would it not have been better at. the same time that he cited the opinion of Mr. M - Culoch on the question of sugar, that he had told the House that Mr. M'Culloch was an honest and undis guised advocate of slavery as an institution.—( Hear, hear. ) Ir. the very page of the work which had been referred to by the Noble Lord, Mr. fil‘Culloch laid it down that there was no greater delusion thanthe objection entertained to negro slavery, and that it was an institution that worked well in society— that the soil of the tropics would never have been cultivated without the application of slave labour. This the Noble Lord had not referred to, yet those were the opinions of a man whom the Government which had just given up office had recommended as a fit object of royal consideration, and to, whom a pension had been granted.--( Hear, hear.) But what could the public think of this when they knew these to be the sentiments of the man. The Hon. Member for Bolton, who was learned in all languages, would know a Turkish proverb he was about to quote; it was " Fortunate is the man who has a peach that is sunned on both sides." Mr. M'Culloch was in this position, for though he was a supporter of slavery, his phrases were dexte rously used by Ministers on both sides of the House.—( Hear, hear.) The real question, therefore, was M'Culloch against Clarkson, for, though the Noble Lord had plentifully supplied himself with arguments from that gentleman's writing , , he had carefully kept his anti-slavery tendency in the rear; no one was left, to suppose that he was an advocate of the institution of slavery.—(Cries of " Hear, hear. ) There was another gentleman connected with the Board of Trade who had favoured them with his opinion—( Hear, hear) —a gentleman who preached peace and good-will to all men, and that was his principal argument for the achievements of free, trade. That gentleman could listen to nothing that com promised principle. That was his answer to all their (the pro tectionists') statements—to all their reasons. There was another individual, a pedant who put up for a philosopher, who, at the eve of a great revolution, said, also, "Perish the world rather than compromise a principle;" yet, ere twelve months passed, with all his sef-complacent glory, he committed suicide, in despair of the fate of the human lace and his own destinies.—( Hear, hear. ) In these circumstances he (Mr. Disraeli) was bound to say that he could not agree with the Noble Lord, that those colonies were prtof a vicious system. He said he did not oppose the Ministers on account of ther being antagonistic to any previous arrangement as to slavery, but because he felt this was an act of hostility to a fragment, if such it might be called, of the colonial system of England.—( Hear, hear, and cheers.) That was for the moment an old fashioned notion, but he was of the belie! th, t they would yet be furbished up by the national feeling. It was a fragment of a system, though they had been tampering with that system—though they had de prived it of its greatest advantages—though they had been following an ignis . fatuns, with so fatal a result,—still it was a fragment which he believed they would have ere long to re build—a structure which they had destroyed.—( Hear, hear.) And to retrace the steps which they had heedlessly pursued.— ( Hea., and cheers.) He (Mr. Disraeli) said so for two reasons, not merely because he believed their policy to be wrong—though that was no sufficient reason, for all men were liable to err; but he had learned from the history of this country that its characteristic was that it would retrace its steps ; not that it was less noto rious in injustice, but that the people being sooner sensible re. traced their steps. The history of England was a history of re action. Why, he asked, what was it they had done on which they had not retraced their steps? They had destroyed their national church and they retraced their steps—they destroyed their monarchy and they retraced-their steps—they destroyed the House of Lords and they were now daily taking up Bills for their sanction. They even destroyed the House of Com mons, yet here they were assembled to discuss a great question. Why, not more than 100 years ago, when they chose to effect one of the greatest revolutions in the world, they were warned against the course pursued by Sir Robert Walpole ; they were warned by the most gifted of writers, by the most eloquent of advocates, that indirect taxa tion would be a bane to the people. But now, not a man rose who did not advocate direct taxation, offering them proof that Sir William Wyndham was right, and Lord Bolingbroke a safe guide. Why, he contrasted what was now going on with the abolition of slavery. The Minister of the Crown came forward and put an end to one of the greatest struggles on which the people had entered. Having abolished slavery, their efforts were directed'against the slave trade at an expenditure of 50,000,000/. He asked how, when they were on their way to the hustings, they would propose to explain this? Fifty millions, the people would say, and all for a fai lure ! England would retrace her steps towards establishing her industry, which, if destroyed, was destroyed rashly ; but if it was an error, this, at least, could be said that the peo ple had no participation in it. They did not send them to destroy the colonial system ; to them remained all the glory, and they cculd not experience the shame. And here he would have stopped, and would not have troubled the House at any further length, but for a speech which had been delivered in the House last night. They had heard last night a funeral oration delivered over the abolition cause by the Noble Member for Liverpool. He thought that if the subject was not choice, the oration was choice.—(Laughter.) When he remembered another speech that was made by the Member for Liverpool on the same subject, at a period not very remote. he was the last person whom he would have expected to make such a criticism on the motion of the Noble Member for Lynn.—(Hear, hear.) But that motion had not the potential parenthesis which the Noble Lord had inserted in his speech. He knew no., and he would not pre-' sume to say, which speech—that of 1841 or that of last night —was the opinion of the Noble Member. But it was, perhaps, an apt conclusion to the session, to see the Noble Member on a hogshead of sugar in a white sheet, and holding the taper of penitence in his hand, crying out " Peccani."—(Great laughter.) He remembered that the Noble Lord at his elec tion carried a wooden bible before him—perhaps the speech of last night was the wooden bible speech.—(Great laughter.) No one understood the West India question better than the Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Tamworth, and well he might tell them that any system of emigration would not be at tended with successs, unless it was accompanied with a suffi cient quantity of females,—( Hear, hear.) But great was the mortification of himself and the friends around him to find the Right Hon. Baronet's speech terminate with a resolution that was fatal to all its arguments.—(Hear, hear.) But he must say, that the reason which was given for that resolu tion was less ingenious and more surprising than many of the arguments which they had heard from the Right Hon. Baronet. (Hear, hear.) It would seem that the Right Honourable Baronet was induced to come to that decision upon a consideration of the question of who should sit on the treasury bench. He said a few minutess since, that if they went to the hustings, the people of. England upon being told that fifty millions of their treasure had been promoting a delusion, might perchance, have something to say as to the usefulness of the Parliament of England, but when they were told it was a question not only of fifty millions, but it might be of five hundred millions of countless treasures—ol principles which they had prized beyond all treasure—they might perhaps be disposed to rebel against the conviction of the Right Hon. Baronet. When they heard that it was for the sake of party convenience, and settling who should be Prime Minister. of Eng,latol„ they might be almost induced to say farewell to the Parliament of Eng land. The Right Honourable Baronet indeed told them that he could not, under the circumstances of, the case, act other wise than he did. He said he could not see how another Government was to be formed, but he (Mr. Disraeli) thought of late Honourable Members had became rather inde corous in always supposing that the Government of the country was selected, not by a high authority, but by the House itself.— (Hear, hear.) But this he could tell the Right Hon. Baronet that, in his mind, his forte lay not so much in forming a Government as in destroying one.—( Hear, hear, and laughter.) These were the views which had in fluenced him and his friends around him in re sisting the resolution of the Government. He was glad to believe that there was not a Member of the. Govern ment, that there was not a Member-of that House, who could suppose that in the course they had taken they had been influenced by any illegitimate or sinister feeling.--( Hear, hear.) He candidly confessed, as regarded . the,Government themselves; reconciling the circumstances under which they acceded to office, to power, remembering himself as a Member of the majority which paced them upon the Treasury bench, that he ought to take upon himself some of the responsibility which attached to them, but he could not see that there was any motives in the course they the West India body upon India body did not support them other course open to them to adopt.—(Hear, hear..) But it was a satisfaction to know that neither the Governm,nt nor any of the Right Hon. Baronet Member of the House could suppose that they had been bpi actuatednraidnthe(taken.tiprinciple, o, b u t a oi nh y une g f ey a he c dh t t i ah o ade u n s dw e r o, nst supportede ltlfihnsedah dayd w e ol if r f l aw ci c : rn „ s s ii e st t h si h 7 , 4 a nm t t ' hat had he remained in office might, for they judgment.—( Hear, the system of protection had hear.) They had clung to the hope that they might still agmal they hthaed maintainmember memorable their i feor formerwas s 'they might have been saved for another year.—( Hear, hear. ) He was not sorry that the catastrophe was consummated in hear.) But he did not see why this way. been put an end to under the circumstances which at present existed.—( Hear, hear.) He was glad that it had been put an end to by a protective Parliament, who had passed a re solution pledging the C o mmons of England to support the the opposition of the Bight Hon. Baronet should have in duced the Noble Lord to abandon office, because the Noble Lord colonial interest.—(Hear. might have pursued the course of the Right Hon. Baronet in some few yea's hack, under similar circumstances; indeed upon the very subject of sugar. He might have said he was defeated on a question which was not fatal, and ther e f ore i t was not ne cessary for him to resign.—( Hear, hear.) Lord JOHN RUSSELL said—Sir, in rising towards the close of this debate, to address some observations to the House, I must in the first p l ac e most willingly declare, that my Noble Friend, whether in the motion that he has made, or in the speech with which he a ccompanied it, has not said or proposed anything which he was not perfectly justified in doing.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord, no doubt believing in the. truth of his own principles, has declared himself in opposition to the plans of the Government, and asked the House, in a preliminary resolution, to declare its opinion with respect to the colonies; but, Sir, the resolution does not simply confine itself to the principles of the Noble Lord. I think it goes far beyond that, in fact proceeds.. to a condemnation of the immediate= plan before the House. _J could have understood my Noble F 1 iend had he said at this late period of the session it is impossible to alter the whole system of our sugar duties without considering other questions which are involved in them, and we, therefore must vote against the adoption of the plan before us, and we shall be ready at the commencement of another session to take this plan, or any other plan Government may in the mean time mature for considerrtion—(Hear, otese.) I could welludaltad tat omit ludit.box takaa Taken by the Noble Lord, and it might bate beeri stippofted by the majority of the House, and Government might still have thought themselves justified in eontiati , g in efffice—( Hear, hear)—for the course which my Noble Friend his taken is widely different to this. It declares in the first place that the aolo rence of this Home was pledged to principles of a particular commercial policy. It declares in the next, place that the plan before the House is calculated to give stimulus to the slave trade, and altogether condemns, upon these two allegation., the whole plan that has been submitted to the consideration of this House.—( Hear, hear.) Sir, I will endeavour, in the first place, to touch upon a few of those tolice to which my Noble Friend, as well as the Honourable and Learned Member who has just sat down, have adverted, and I will then ask the Houss to consider what may be the effect of the adoption r.f the resolution of the Nob'e Lord. Sir, soy Noble Friend commenced with a statement as to the production of the colonies, and went into a calculation of the sugars to be expected this year, but I am not going at present to follow him with regard to any calculation as to the amount of sugar that may be introduced into this country from India during the present year. I cannot, however, but say that the principle upon which my Noble Friend proceeds is, that you should endeavour to create a necessity in India for the production of sugar, by establishing actually high prices for that sugar than it would otherwise obtain if you did not by law give them. Nowa•Sir, a worse instance for the adoption of a protective policy I could not well conceive. I can well understand with respect. to corn, or with respect to any production that has been long favoured by law, that any Ministry may say, this system it is difficult to tax, because there is a great portion of Our popula tion whose interests are included in the protection of this article.—(Protectionist cheers.) My Noble Friend the Mem ber for Lynn has said that we must raise up a protective interest, and give to the sugars of India an advantage in the market by raising the_jytrice bylaw, in the hope that at some future time the price would be again reduced to meet :he exigencies and the wants of the people of England —( Cheers.) But, except this House is ready to revoke its former votes and decide that protection is neces sary , or the interests of thi; country, and should not be inter fered with, I conceive it cannot give its consent to the resolu tions of my Noble Friend the Member for Lynn.—(Cheers.) The Hon Gentleman the Member for Shrewsbury hari gone into some statements with respect to the revenue; I do not in tend to follow the Hon, Gentleman in that course. But he, and the friends who act with him, seem to forget that the cal culations upon which we rely are, that with diminished prices there will be an increased consumption, and with an in creased consumption you will have an additional importation, and from an additional importation you must have an increase of revenue.—( Cheers.) With reference to the last portion of the 'Noble Lord's resolution, that the proposed measure will give a stimulus to the slave trade, I must say that the Hon. Member for Shrewsbury was led into the most extraordi nary aonfusion of ideas. He supposed, that because we do not think that the exclusion of slave sugar from the markets of this country could be kept up as an efficient system that oe were ready to say that the abolition of slavery was a failure. Nothing could be more distinct than the two propositions.— (Cheers.) After he plan of Mr. Wilberforce had been adopted and carried into effect, there arose another question, which was, if you can give protection to your own colonies against all the sugar producers of the slave colonies of other countries. Upen that arose the question whether or not it was defensible upon the principle of protection, or upon the grounds of humanity, to maintain that system of protection and exclusion.—( Cheers.) Sir, I was one of those who had the honour of being her Majesty's advisers at the time of the abolition of the slave trade.—( Hear. ) I stitl hold that to be a great measare—a wise and judicious measure— founded upon the sound principles of justice and humanity.— (Cheers.) I consider it, Sir, as a measure which experience has sanctioned, and which no House of Commons will. I venture to say, ever propose to revoke, (Loud cheers) The question before this House is, do you think you can put any check to the slave-trade by the prohibition of the single article of slave-grown sugar, while at the same time you admit slave grown tobacco, rice, copper, and other things.' The Hon. Member for Shrewsbury has said, that to defend the practice upon this principle, would be to da so on the principle of a person who might as well be hung for a sheep as a lamb. I do not admit that it is wrong to admit these articles into the country. The adoption of such a principle would not, I think, advance the cause of humanity in the world. It would leave yen to declare in your tariff, and in your custom-house books, that you would take an exact account of the means to ascer tain the products, where produced, and the different parts at which the various articles were shipped and embarked for this country. Will any man say, that if such had been the ease— that if on the ground of humanity, such had been the policy of this great commercial nation, mankind would have been in a better situation in that case than they are at the present mo ment? Will any man say that the commercial intercourse of this great and civilised country with Asia and with Africa, has not tended to mitigate those barbarous practices?—( Hear, hear) —to mitigate slavery while it existed in India and the other countries, and upon the whole, reviewing the state and condition, has it not produced a policy more civilised—a policy more happy in relation between man and man, than would have been the case if you had continued to sanetien that exclu sive principle, and which was conceived to be humane, but which would have turned out to be a barbarous and injurious policy?—(Cheers.) Such, Sir, I think, is a fair de duction from the principles which the Honourable and Learned Gentleman has put forward, and is this an opinion solely of my own—is it an opinion, with regard to what is at present carried on with regard to sugar, which her Majesty's Ministers entertain ? my Right Hon Friend near. me quoted the opinions of an anti-slavery society in Liverpool.— ( Hear, hear.) The opinions of that anti-slavery society, as here stated, are that freedom of labour in the pro duction of sugar is promoted, not by the exclusion of slave-grown sugar, but by its free admission. They say, that from observation, they are of opinion that free labour, when brought into fair competition with slave labour, will be more effective in the abolition of slavery, and they can not but regard the continuance of the protective duties as virtually and practically promoting the continuance of the slave trade; and they say that they believe that sugar can easily be produced by free labour, and that the free labour colonist will he able to compete with the slave holding colonists. Such is the opinion of the Anti- Slavery Society. I hold in my hand a re port from a very different body, the association of the West fndia planters and merchants ; and what is their opinion on the present subject? They say that it is perfectly practicable to compete with the slave growing colonies by means of free labour, and that the abolition of slavery can be better effected by admitting sugar into this country free of duty, than all the high-sounding denunciations which can be used, and which they say will be fruitless. Thesimple plan of abolishing slavery they say is to follow the course pointed out by the Government. Why, Sir, those opinions are almost identical in expression, and yet they come one from the: Anti-slavery Society, and the other from a committee of the West India body, deeply inte rested in the preservation of these colonies. I say, therefore, that no one has a right to say that the plan which we propose has any tendency to increase the slave trade and slavery. But let me take another part of the argument, and show you in what manner 1 think that the present system does prevent the good you labo, r to effect, and that argument is no other than the well-known argument which experience has re peatedly shown to be well-founded, that the effect of monopoly and protection is always to check exertion and diminish enter prise, and prevent the full and fair fruits of the capital, skill, and labour of those who are engaged in any branch of agricul ture or manufacture.—( Hear, hear, and loud cheers.) What is the case with the West Indies? We find during the last two or three years some evidence given before a Committee of the Assembly of Labour by persons who are well acquainted with the West Indies, showing that the cost of the production of sugar is very much greater than it need be if all the advantages of machinery, if all the specu lations and skill were used which moral science and moral ingenuity would dictate. I have be fore me a plan proposed by the West Indian colonists, who say that the _plan which they proposed was generally well received. The plan which they propose to sup port the manufacture of sugar or the cultivation is such as, in their opinion, would enable ithe proprietors of estates in the colonies to produce sugar at 14'. per cwt., instead of 275., the present price.—( Hear, hear.) I do not say that this statement on that those particular figures are just, but that there would he a very great economy with regard to the manufacture of sugar, and particularly so if those colonists were exposed to competition.—(Hear, hear.) It is competition, and it is com petition only, which ever does bring out enterprise, and economy, and skill.— ( Hear.) I have spoken of late years with various persons engaged in the various branches of manufacture, I have asked them what it was, in their opinion. that caused the very great advances which had been made in machinery of late years, and they have all uniformly answered—" It is the great increase of competition.; it was necessity which led us to improve our machinery and resort to every species of economy. that see could, to be able to:go into the markets of the world. —( Hear, hear.) With the same stimulus—with the same unlimited exertion of the West Indian colonists, I believe and I think that you will see that they will rise and flourish more than they have done for many years on the old system (Hear, hear.) From an Hon. Gentleman who spoke to-night I was very sorry to hear of persons who had resolved to.culti vate their estates no longer. lam sorry to hear that there are persons so dispirited, but I do believe, that if those estates are properly worked, there will be no better in vestment than the \Vest Indian estates.—(Hear, hear.) The Hon. Gentleman has alluded to some other points, to which I should wish to draw attention before I sit down. Now,lSir, one point is that with regard to the opinion of Mr. M`Culloch. That gentleman has been In the habit of sending me copies of his works, and he did send to me a copy of his last work on taxation, but with a note saying that he hoped that I would approve of the greater part of the work, but that he was aware that there was one question of it regarding slavery with which he felt sure I would not coincide, and such was the fact. I look upon Mr. M.Culloch as a most able thatand well point. ellinfor The dw e rite i Honourable G writer, though do differ entlem withan with him upon some of the fancy, of which he possesses much, says that I stated that the colonies were:on a vicious system. Now, on the contrary, I said that the colonies were a great part of the empire, and I hoped that they might flourish ; but I did say that the ancient system, by which you refused to the colonies permission to send its produce to other countries, was a vicious system. Now, this is a point of considerable im portance, for it is said, that if you are not in favour of the ancient system, you wish to destroy the colonies ; but on the contrary, I believe the colonies, under a better system, would be of far more benefit to the country. The Hon. Gentleman made another charge, which I confess I was quite unprepared to hear. That the country had ever gone back after they had adopted a more improved: system was not the fact, nor was it the character of the country, Ido not refer to those times of violence, when the throne and Parliament was scattered by the assumption of an usurped authority, but since the accession of the house of Stuart, there was nothing more clear than that the character of the country was to adhere with firm determi nation to the conquests of reason which had been made. In those days personal liberty was at the will of the sovereign. The Habeas Corpus Act was passed. Had they shown a wish to repeal that Act? The Bill of Rights was also obtained —had any attempt been made to repeal that Bill?—(Hear, hear.) The Act of Toleration was passed, but who had ever moved that it should be suspended—( Hear.) Ido not believe that there is any party in this House that would wish to restore the disabilities that were formerly imposed upon the Catholics. --(Cheers.) When a question had been ripened by discussion and decided. the triumph of reason has ever remained permanent and without even a wish being expressed to repeal er go back. Sir, my Noble Friend who began the debate, and the Hon. Gentleman after whom I am now speaking, contemplated the passing of this resolution , and in terms of great cou rtes y to her Majesty's Ministers, contemplated that after the passing of the amendment, we might continue with benefit to administer the affairs of this country. I beg to thank my Noble Friend for the manner in which be addressed us, and I have nothing to find fault with in the terms of hisspeech, but the resolution itself is:one completely subversive of the palicy which wehave thought right to recommend to this House. I had hoped that in assuming with my colleagues the Government of this country, I had hoped that after a period of angry contest, after a period during which a measure was carried which bad been attended with more violent opposition than any measure ever met with in that House, I had hoped that we should have had at least the acquiescence of ail parties till at length affairs bad assumed a settled coarse, that they would have waited to sea whether the . measure we brought forward would meet with the approbation of the cowl try. With that expectation I did feel (what an Hon. Member calls) the presumption—be it so—l did feel that I should undertake the administration of the affairs of this country ; but Ido think that no Minister could conduct the domestic affairs of this - country, or -maintain-its- achavacter in the haw of Egnol tug= lad the ;loped 14 lious mad the coon!! y; and I candidly confess that if l eoasetited to go on with the administration of the affairs of dila country, eta the resolution was carried, and my policy set aide, I should he( exposing my Administration to contempt, I should be injuring the dignity ofth e Crown, whose servant lam ; I should be injth'ing the reputation of ttv t Go= vernment, at whwe head I am placed ; I .hould be closing of diminution of the glory of this great nation, to which viet:l belong. I can also state that, if the resolution correctly represent the opinions of the majority of the House, and it it be a toilet of the opinion of the country, I think ber Majesty would do well to place the administration of affairs in the hands of those who advise that policy. That would be a constitutional pro deeding, and though I could not support my Noble Friend in his views, I must admit that be would be intitled to carry cut that policy, by assuming the position which would enable him the more effectually to do so; but of one thing I am sure, that to remain in power after being degraded by the passing of the resolution of my Noble Friend, would bring a permanent injury to the constitution of this country, and I would not be doing justice to my Sovereign to continue to hold office one moment longer.—( The Noble Lord sat down amidlau d cries of " Divide.") _ Strangers were then ordered to withdrawn, and the House divided, when there appeared-- For Lord G. Bentinek's amendment . Against it Majority in favour of Ministers 130 The announcement was received with considerable cheering from the Ministerial side of the House. The resolution was then agreed The other orders of the day were then disposed of, and the House adjourned at half-past One o'clock. PARLIAMENTAtS,Y BUSINESS. From the Votes and Proceedinrc of the House of Commons.) TUESDAY. JULY 28. STANDING ORDERS' COMMITTEE. The folllowing resolutions were reported from the above Com- I. That, in the case of the Metropolitan Sewage Manure Company Petition, for additional provision, the standing orders ought to be dis pensed with :—That the parties be permitted to introduce their addi- tional provision acemdingly. 2. That, in the case of the All Souls College (Oxford) Estate Bill, the standing orders ought to be dispensed with : That the parties be permitted to proceed With their I3ill. 3. That, in the case of the Bishop of Norwich's (North. Lynn Rec tory) Estate Bill, the standing orders ought to be dispenses with : That the parties be permitted to proceed with their Bill. . - - Resolutions agreed to. MESSAGE FROM TIIE LORDS. Messengers from the Lords brought up the following Bais, which their Lordships had agreed to : Newport, Abergavenny, and Hereford Railway Bill —South Staf fordshire Junction Railway with Branches Bill—Leeds and Bradford Railway (Junction Line at Bradford) Bill—Blackburn, Preston, and East Lancashire Railway Amalgamation Bill—South-Eastern Rail way (Greenwich to Chilham with Branches) Bill, without Amend ment— Edinburgh and Bathgate Railway Bill —Loudon andßirming ham Railway (Birmingham Extension) BM—Birmingham, Wolver hampton, and Stour Valley Railway (Birmingham, Wolverhampton, and Dudley Lines) kill---z-hropthire Union Railway and Canal (New. ton to Crewe with Branches) Bill —Shropshire Union Rail. aye and Canal (Chester and Wolverhampton Lines) Bill—Shropshire Union Railway and Canal (Shrewsbury and Stafford Railway) Rill—Rugby and Leamington Railway Bill—Shrewsbury and Ileretordshire Rail way Bill —Bristol and Birmingham and Midland Railway Bill, with Amendments— Whitehaven and Furness Railway (Kirksanton Devia tion) Bill—Billingsgate Market Bill, with an Amendment. RAILWAY STiiR,E MARKETS. MANCHESTER, Ject 28. STOCK EXCIIANGE.—The sales are-:-Anabergate, Nottingham, &c., 1% dis.—Birmingham and Oxford Junction, 5 p.—Blackburn and Preston, 5% p.—Direct Northern, 1 dis.—Edinburgh and Glasgow, Halves, 814 p.—Glasgow and Dumfries, 34 dis.—Great Grirasby and Sheffield Junction Extension, 31s. dis.—Hudderstield and Manchester Railway and Canal, 2 1 4 p.-Ditto, Extension, 7-16 p.—Laneashire and North Yorkshire 114 dis.—Leeds and Thirsk, 5% dis. — Leicester and Bedford, 11-16 dis.—Leicester and Birmingham, 19s. dis.—Liver pool and Bury, New Shares, 1 13.16 p.—Liverpool, Ormskirk, and Preston, 15.16 p.—London and Brighton, Fifths, 12 1 p.—London and York, 1% dis.—Ditto, Extension, 1 dis.—Manchester, Buxton, Matlock, and Midland, 15-16 p.—Manchester and Birmingham, 87% —Ditto, Quarters (0), hi% p.—Manchester and Leeds, Halves, 7 p. —North Staffordshire, 3 15-16 p.—Oldham, Birkenhead, &c., dis. Preston and Wyre Halves (A), 444 p.—Ditto, Extension, % dis.— Sheffield and Lincolnshire Junction, % dis.—Shettleld and Manches ter, Quarters, No. 1,4% p.—Ditto, ditto, No. 3 ; 3-16 c. p. —Shrews bury 'and Birmingham, 1 4 p.—Shropshlre Union Railway and Canal, 1 3-1 G dis.—South-Eastern and Dover, No. 2,61 q p.—Ditto, Halves, No. , 15-16 p.—South Midland, 34 p. LEEDS, JULY 28. STocx Excriation.—The sales are—Blackburn and Preston, 5% p. cash—Eastern Counties, York Extension, 295. p.— East Lancashire, 5% p. cash—Huddersfield and Manchester, 214 p.—Ditto, Exensions, % p —Huddersfield and Sheffield, 7p. cash—Leeds and Bradford, 43% p.—Leeds and Dewsbury, 2% p.—Ditto, Extensions, % dis.—Mait chester and Leeds Extensions, 2% p.—Newcastle and Berwick, 12% c. p.—Ditto, North Shields, 11 p.—Newcastle and Darlington Junc tion Extensions, 1018 p.—Nortn British, Half Shares, 5% p.—Ditto, Carlisle Branch, 38s. 6d. p.—South-Eastern and Dover, No. 4, I7s. 6d. p.—Direct Northern, 235. dis.—East and West Yorkshire, 1% Ms.—Lancashire and North Yorkshire, 225. dis.—Lancashire, York shire, and North Eastern, 445. dis.—Leicester and Bedford, 13s. die. —Liverpool, Ormskirk, and Preston, 235. p. London and York, % dis.—Manchester, Buxton, Matlock and Midland, 163. 6d. p.— North Staftbrdshire, p.—North Western, par—Shrewsbury And Birmingham, par—South Midland, I Is. p.—West Hiding Union, 4 • Ns.—York and Carlisle, 214 dis.—Yorkshire and Glasgow Unioi 335. dis COURT CIRCUL; AR. The Queen will hold a Privy Counc.'l on Saturdayr afternoon, at three o'clock, at Buckingham" Palace. ... Their Majesties the Queen and the Quet "ol of the Del gins, accompanied by their Royal Highness( ts the Prince at Wales and the Princess Royal, took an airing yester dap in an open carriage and four. His Roya,l. Highness Prince Albert was on horseback, and the Equerries in Waiting; Colonel Arbuthnot and Lieutenant • Colonel Seymour, attended on horseback. His Royal Highness Prince Albert, attended by' Mr.. George Edward Anson, went yesterday forenoon to a: meeting at the al t o pf the Duchy of Cornwall in So merset House. Her Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent visited their Majesties the King and Queen of ti:eßelgians yesterday. His Royal Highness the Duke of Cambridge visited his Majesty the King of the Belgians y;esterday at Buck ingham Palace. Their Royal Highnesses the Prince of Wales, Prince , Alfr. d, the Princess Royal, and the Princess Alice took an airing yesterday in an open carriage and Jima, accom panied by the Dowager Lady Lytteltcn. Their Majesties the King and Queen of the Belgians visited her Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent at Clarence House, and their Royal Highnesses the Duchess of Cambridge, and the Hereditary Grand Duchess of Mecklenburg Strelitz, at Cambridge House. Their Ma jesties also visited her Royal Highness the Duchess of Gloucester, at Gloucester House, yesterday. Her Majesty and Prince Albert and the King and Queen of the Belgians honoured the Italian Opera with their presence yesterday evening. The revel suite in cluded the Countess of Charlemont, the Coun,tess Vilain XIV., Lady Caroline Cocks, Hon. Miss Devereux, the tart of Morley, Major A. d'Hanins de Moerkevke, Colonel Arbuthnot, and Lieutenant Colonel Seymour. Her Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent also,' honoured the performance of the Opera with her preset'e- • The Countess of Charlemont has sucmeL'ecr the Countess of Desert as the Lady in Waiting to the Queen. The Earl of Morley has succeeded Lord ilyron us the Lord in Waiting to her Majesty, and Captain the Hon. Alexander Nelson Hood has succeeded Colo& lei Berkeley Drummond as the Groom in Waiting to hCtr Majesty. Their Royal Highnesses the Duchess of Gloucester snd the Duke of Cambridge left town yesterday, to honour the Archbishop of York pith a visit, at his seat, Nuneham• park. Their Royal Highnesses the Duchess of Cambridge, and Prince George, and the Hereditary Grand Duke and Grand Duchess of Mecklenburg Strelitz, attended by Baroness Ahlefeldt and Baron Knesebeek, honoured the performance of the Italian Opera with their presence List evening. A deputation of Scotch bankers, headed by ?dr. Bouverie and Mr. Dennistoun, M.Y. for Glasgow, Iliad en interview with the Chancellor of the ExeheqMt yesterday, at his official residence its Downing-street. Mr. E. Wodehouse and a deputation of upwards of: seventy gentlemen on the subject of the ,Malt Tax, had! an interview with Lord John Russell and t:ie Chancellor' of the Exchequer yesterday, at the official residence of the Noble Lord in Downing-street. General Napier (Governor of Guernsey) had an in terview with Sir George Grey, yesterday, at the Home office. Mr. Alderman Bancroft, Mr. William Hill. Mr. Clegg, and Mr. James Ley, of Manchester, had an in terview with the Right Hon. T. Milner Gibson, yester day, at the office of the Board of Trade. Sir Pattick Stuart had an interview with Earl Grey, yesterday, at the Colonial-office. Lord Monteagle and Mr. .L Abel Smith had inter view: with the Earl of Clarendon yesterday, at the office of the Board of Trade. The Ecclesiastical Commissioners for England had a Committee-meeting yesterday. There were present the Bishop of Rochester and the Right Hon. John Nichoil. Mr. John Wood, Chairman of the Excise, and w deputation of London corn distillers, had an i. - tterview,, yesterday, with the Chancellor of the Exchequer: Dr. Headlam had an interview with Earl Grey at the Colonial .office yesterday. Mr. Gill, M.P.. Mr. Freon , and Mr. Staveley, had an interview yesterday with the Right Hon. ',l:. Milner Gibson. The Marquis of Clanricarde left town yesteTailY for Goodwood, Sussex. HER MAJESTY'S THEATRE. Last evening Donizetti's Opera Buffs, Don Gregorio r. L'Ajo 'lmbarazzo, was produced for the first time.• This is one of the earliest of Donizetti's operas, baiting; been prcduced at Rome in 1822 . The p l o t is well known to the English public as the plot of the popular farce of The Scapegoat. Don Gregorio (Lablache) is tutor to the two suns of Count Giulio (Fornasari) , Count Guilio, who has a pious horror of precocious; youths, has brought up these two sons, Enr i c o. (Mario), and Pippetto (F. Lablache), in the greatest. seclusion, and although they are twenty-fiv.. , years of age, both tutor and father believe they are mere boys. Enrico, however; has not only found opportunity to fall 'a love, but he has actually become a husband and a lather ; his wife Gilda (Madame Castellan) being in the neighbourhood with her infant child. Pippetto, who le half an idiot, has also fallen in lore with Leonarda (Madame Ballina), the cook of the establishment. And thus do matters stand at the commencement of the piece. The curtain draws up, and we find Don Gregorio master of the establishment, giving a lesson to Pippetto, who, ever and anon is making sly love to Leonarda. Enrico enters ; he is melancholy ; and the aria d'entree of Enrico, an exquisite melody, beau tifully given by Mario, contains the germ of the' celebrated serenade in Don Pasquale. It is a beautiful air, and, perhaps, is to be preferred to the serenade of which it is the prototype, for, albeit the serenade may be the more perfect musical composition, yet there is a freshness about the original aria for which the most perfect science cannot compensate. The father, Den Giulio (admirably acted by Fornasari), now enters, and Don Gregorio is in the greatest consternation. Os knows of the love of Enrico fur some one, but does not inform Den Giulio of the fact. Dun Giulio lvaves him, and Pippetto comes in to say his lrsson. Don Guilio answers him a tort et is ire rers he is absorbed in the all-important communi cation from Enrico that he is in love. Pippetto at length bursts into crying and sobbing, and Gregorio, in the most laughable manner possible, mocks him, and at length drives him to his room, having tried in vain to conciliate him by presents of sponge cake and ginger ', bread. This scene, which was admirably acted by Les - . Lablaches, pere et fits, elicited roars of laughter.. Enrico now informs Gregorio of the worst ; he intso. ['duces to him his wife Gilds (Madame Castellan). Guilio is heard approaching, and Gregorio consents to hide Gilda in his room. Don Guilio observes the embarrassed manner of Gregorio, but at length he quits the scene. Grtg.)rio joins Gilds, buV si e insists on quitting the mansion of Guilio,- to join her child. It is impossible for her to leave the mansion without discovery, and as a pis alter Gregorio consents to go himself and to bring to her the child. She is joined by her husband during his absence, and in this scene is introduced a duet full of the most exquisite melody, which was beautifully sung by . Mario and Castellan. In the meantime Guilio bas re ceived information, through Leonarda, that the seeming virtuous Gregorio has actually a lady cOncesied in 'his room ; •he enters, and Enrico has knit time to hide himself behind a screen. Guilio, how ever,. has no opportunity of escape, and a spirited trio between . Castellan, Fornasari, and Mario is given in this scene. regorio enters with the child; he is taxed with his; baseness by Giulio, but he ex plains all, and :the father ;consents to the union of Enrico with Gilda. Emboldened by this happy issue of his brother's love affair, Pippetto advances, and, falling on his knees, asks his father's consent to his union with the old Duenna Leonarda. Of course his request is met with roars of laughter, and old Leonarda says that she has only - encouraged the addresses of Pippetto to pre vent his going astray ; and she is confirmed in her place as goucernante, while poor Pippetto is sent weeping to bed. The finale is a beautiful composi tion. It is sung by Madame Castellan. The larghetto was given with great taste and feeling. In the stretta which follows, a lthough the key is the same, the measure is changed , it is full of spirit, and the i me o y fioriture of Madame Castellan the was 4. orinal ?cquisitel); b d ea .utTifuhel, adorning without overloading g artistes were all called for at the conclusion, and were nor.oured with the usual ovation, The music of this opera, albeit not perhaps so elaborate as the music of Donizetti's later compositions, is far more spirited and pleasing.. When he composed this opera he had not begun to write merely for money, and there is about it the true inspiration of genius. The Don Gregorio of the elder. Lablache is quite equal to his Don Pasquale, and the Pippetto of the young Lablache is by far the best thing that he has yet done ; his acting as an overgrown boy was one of the richest things ever seen. The deep rocc di tremolo of Fornasari told. admirably in the part of the testy old man, which he acted to the life; and Mario as the feline amoureux, and Castellan as his bethrothed, were all that could be desired. Take it for all in all Don Gregorio is one of the pleasantest operas of the season. There is a freshness, a vigour, a joyousness about it that is thoroughly—we will not say merely Italian, hut Neapolitan. It is worthy of him who has given us L'Elisir d'Amore and Don Pasquale. Cimarosa himself (that incarnation of the genius of opera buffs) need not have been ashamed of it. The Judgment (gr Paris, with the Pas des Dresses followed, It is not for mere mortals to sit in judgment upon deities. Delighted beyond expression • were we at witnessing the trial of the cause. " - ; Adhue sub judice lis est, and so it will continue. Even at the end of the season the judges will decree that., as at present advised, they can come to no deci sion, but must wait for further evidence ; and while the trial itself is so delightful, there is . no more probability' of judgment than there would be in a Chancery suit where the estate can afford to pay costs. Her Majesty and his Royal Highness Priuce Albert accom panied by their Majesties, the King and Queen of the Belgians and suite, honoured the performances with their presence, and the house was crowded by the elite of the aristocracy. _ _ THE MODERN tinLaNno.-:--The name of this new Poem might give the idea of its being an imitation of the famous Orlando Furioso—but the title appears to be the only thing borrowed from Ariosto. The Italian poem is well known to be a collection of the romances of chivalry— the tights of gallant warriors—the escapes of handsome he roines—and the extravagance of middle age magic. The Modern Orlando is also a series of adventures, but on a wholly diCerent plan. It exhibits a kind' of tour througb. all: the remarkable scenes and showy Cities of Europe, in. terspersed with characteristic stories, and occasional sketches of the leading personages of the day--among which aro those of Lord John Russell, Lords Brougham, Lyndhurst Melbourne, Morpetb, Stanley, and Grey ; the Dukes o Wellington and Richmond, &c. THE MARYLEBONE CLUB AND GROUND V. THE COUNTY OF NORFOLK.—This match was renewed yesterday at Lord's, and was continued to its eudiug, whiff t. 040 .04 Wo;4* slub-07 ik4IPY rw. :.J NEWCASTLE-UPON-TYNE, JULY 28. STOCK EXCHANGE. — The sales y 3 —Lancashire and North York shire, 21s. dis.—Leicester and 1 t L,r 1, 1 r. Gd. dis.-31aryport and Carlisle, par—North British, 11 , 11,72 , (Ilawick), 5 1i P.—Ditto, ditto, Carlisle, 1% p. —North Staffor , T .—Newcastle and Berwick, 12 p. SHEFFIELD, JULY STOCK EXCHANGE.—The sales are—L , ref"' rod Croydon, 23 Midland, 401. Shares, 14% p.—Sheffield cnd Manchester, Quarter Shares, No. 3, scrip, par—East Lincolnshire, 19s. Gd. dis.—Lor. , •LE and York, 1 dis.—Manchester, Midland, and Great dis. —Sheftlild and Lincolnshire, 105. dis.—Shealeld :t , Wakefield and Goole, 20s. dis. HULL, JULY ; STocx EXCHANGE.—Tho sales tr.: -i i. t ;sl , y (10 per cent. guar.), Halvei, 58%—North.: 4 t t !A, l3N—Ditto, Carlisle Branch, 655. Gd.—Yorkaii t , • t and, East and West Willa:, 13%—ArmaP, Coleraine, and Portrush, 14s. 6d.—Bandon and Bantry, 10s. 6d.—Buckinghamshire, % dis.—East Lincolnshire, 4s. 9d.—East Coast, 15s.—Grand Union, 13s. —Leicester and Bedford, Bs.—Leicester and Tamworth, 23s.—London and York, 32s.—Mal- ton and Driiiield Junction, 47s.—Manchester, Buxton, Matlock, and Midland, 3/. Os. 6d.—North Western, % dis.—North Staffordshire, 51. 10s. 9d.—South Midland, 9s. p.—Shrewsbury and Birmingham, 2% —Trent Valley Continuation, 41s.—West Riding Union, 41. Gs. 6d. — Yorkshire and Glasgow Union, 13s. YORK, JULY 28. STOCK EXCHANGE.—The sales are—Grand Unioa (Mott ogham and Lynn), % —lpswich and Bury (Ca-ntridJa tt 1 Kir ). ',Os.— ' Leicester and Bedford, Bs.—London tit 1 t;. %I.—Man chester, Buxton, Matlock, and I I. Li t. i Newcastle Berwick, 28—North British, I t t North l;tn fordshire, s%—North Wettest, - ,•• V. 13s. —York and North Midland, East'. tl• t: t • t tension. 123 . EDINBURGII JULY 27. STOCK EXCUANGE.-The sales are-Aberdeen, 8/.155. -Aberdeen, Bann; and Elgin, I!. 38.--Airdrie and Bathgate, 31. 75.-Arbroath and Fortar, 271. 10s.-Ditto, Half Shares, 15/. 10s.-Ayr and Gal loway, I/. Bs.-Baiiirshlre, W.-British and Irish Union, 2/. Is. 6d. -Caledonian, 13/. 7s. 6d.-Ditto, New, 16e.•-Caledonian Extension, 1/. 12s. 6d.-Caledonian and Dumbarton, 11. 28.--Caletionlan and Northern Direct, 1/. 18s.-Clydesdale Junction, 22/. ss.- Direct Northern, I/. Os. 6d.-Dundee and Arbroath, 371. -pitt., New, 211. bs.-Dundee and Perth, 22/. 7s. 6d.--East of Floc, Vs.-Edin burgh and Bathgate, 2!. 155.--Edinburgh aul t/laigow, 741. 10s.- Ditto, Half Shares, 181. 2s. 6d. - Ditto, t trt cri, 18% ditto, New, 181. 10s.-Edinburgh, all 161.-Dair, Preference, 20!. 55.-Edinburuli AA 1 Noretorn, 24.-1 o.\C'- port, Bs. 6d.- Edinburgh and Perth, I'. Is. -Fdrih and rvde bee. don, I!. 188.-Glasgow and Ayrshire, 751.-Ditto, New Slae:4, 321. 10s.-Ditto, Quarter Shares, ISt. 10s.-Glasgow, Dumfries. and Car lisle, I/. 161.-Glasgow and Dundee Junction, 11. 12s. 6d.-6las gow and Garnklrk, 40/. 10s.-Glasgow and Greenock, 161. 10s.- Ditto, New Stock, 81. 155.-Ditto,' Preference, 1/. 155.-Great North of Scotland, 65.-Granton Junction, 10s.-Inverness and Elgin, 1!. Os. 6d.-London and York, 17s. 6d.-North British, 351. 58.-Ditto, Halves, 131. 58.- Ditto, Extension to Carlisle, 21. 178.-Ditte, Exten sion to Dalkeith, 71.-Perth and Inverness, 1/. 125.-Scottish Cen tral, 19/. 155.-Ditto, New, Si. 10s.-Scottish Central aq 1 Caledo nian Junction, 1/. 108 -Scottish Midland, 71.-Scottisli Southern, 1/. 178.-Stirling and Dunfermline ' 1/. 10s. GLASGOW, JULY 27. STOCK EXCITANGIt. -The sales are .--.lirdr!e and Batligatc, Ayr and Galloway, 285.--Caledonian Direst Northern ' 408.-Cly !es dale Junction, 22%-Direct Northern, 20e.-East Indian it tilway, Ss.-Edinburgh and Glasgow . 7 IL--Edinburgh Bnd Hamilton Direct, 40s. 6d.-Glasgow and Belfast Union, 435. 6d.-G:B.4_ )w, Dum frier, and Carlisle, 365.-Glasgow, Kilmarnock, and Ardrossan, 235. 6d.-Great North of Scotland, 75.-Larne, .Belfast, and Itallytnena, 10s.—Lesmabagow, 598. 6d.—Manchester and Southampton, 275. Scottish Central, 19 I( —Ditto, New, Si. 6s. W.—Scottish Grand Junction, 10s.—Scottish Southern, 398.—South Midland, 545. 6d. GREEN WICII WATERMEN'S PIER. At an early hour yesterday morning, a number of persons assembled at Garden-stairs, Greenwich, to witness the pro ceedings taken by Mr. Saunders, the water-bailiff, in remov ing and taking forcible possession of the datermen's float ing pier. The proceedings, it appears, arose out of a summons issued in October last to' William Watkins, and 16 'others, for plac ing certain barges in the Thames, so as to cause an obstruc tion. The question had been adjourned from time to time, had been argued by counsel, and ultimately. referred to the navigation committee. On Saturday last, Mr. M. - Saunders, the water-bailiff, caused notices to be served on the defendants, that he should on Tuesday (yesterday: )_attend, and take *tell to remove the pier to the Commercial Docks. Yesterday morning, at an early hour, the watermen were in attendance at Garden - S:airs, awaiting the arrival of the water-bailiff. Precisely at seven o'clock the St. Michael steam tug, and - the - Peacock ti ghter brought to opposite the Salutation Tavern. At this tines Mr. alla leux, the superintendent of the R division of polio , was on the spot with a few men under his orders, having a large body in reserve at the station house in case of an outbreak, which was anticipated. Oa the water, a number of pollee galleys followed the stesai tug, and kept at hand an case their services were needed. The houses in front of the river were fully occupied by per sons expecting to see force opposed to the removal of the pier. Such, however, was not the case, and a dozen of the plerowners let go their chains and anchors and removed the stages, when the floating pier drifted with the tide upon the dummies and steam-boats lying in front. rhe water-lytilA placed a rope from the tug and drew then outside. Tittite, on board the monkey barge, believing they were bein.z taken to the Commercial Dock, one of their number with a hatchet cut the hawser by which the bArge was attached to the tug, and thus left themselves drifting with the tide down the river. When off Greenwich Hospital they threw out a spare anchor, and were brought up. The next flood tide saw their moorings shifted to an anchorage opposite Garden-stairs, where, at particular states of the tide, passyngers embark and land over the Queen steamer, placed near the stairs for a receiving vessel. Parties connected with the pier attended before the navigation committee yesterday, tc obtain per• mission to replace their pier, but without success. A public meeting will shortly be held on the subject, at which the Members for the borough have promisedt ) attend. hi the mean time the greatest excitement prevails. • BRIGHTON, JULY 28 —Lord Powerscourt arrived fram Paris yesterday, by the steamer, from Dieppe. At the last concert of the Royal Academy of Music . a young and accomplished vocalist, Miss Anninelli Glees man, made her debut; of whose future position on the musi cal stage,—for which, after visiting Italy, she is intended by her friends—both amateurs and mnoscentiontertain a high estimate. Besides a vocal organ of much sweetness, bril liancy, and extensive register, she is distinguished by those' qualities fitted for stage effect, histrionic talent, universally re g ular features, and handsome person. MARV OF MODENA, CONSORT OF JAMES IL---The Ninth Volume of Miss Stricidand's "Lives of the Queens of England" is to be published with the liagazines at the end 'of the present month. It will comprise the Life of Mary of Modena, the amiable Consort of the unfortunate James 11. The Life of this Queen is likely to prove one of the. most valuable of the series, the materials being derived front sources hitherto closed to the English reader. A large _por tion of them has been taken from an unpublished Diary hect by one of the Nuns of Chaillot, with whom ar y of Alo,l,ma was in constant and friendly communication. Many ot:ier important details are derived from manuscripts pr( served among the Royal Archives of France, a•ess to which, with various other valuable privileges, have been afforded the authoress by M. Guizot. EADVERTISEMENT.3—THE 11.4.7A11 OF TRAVANCORZ Jp.'D BozzowArs OzNraLENT.--011 the I: tit Of July: 18 , 16, rrofessof . Holloway was honoured with an order for six of the largest pots 01 HolloWay's Ointment, from no less a parson than his / Royaliitginia_s the Rajah, or reigninV sovereign of Tra.vawore, through the eminent firm of Messrs. J. Cockburn and Co., East India merchants, No. I, New Broad-street, London. The ointment, it appears, is for the personal use of theitajah, and will be employed under the super intendence of his private physician. 110oway's ointment is sold all over India, being a certain cure for ulcers, wounds, k res, and absescs. even if of twenty years' standing. and 6ay be ()Matted of the rfo- Fidor, a 4, btitaud, LasAlou, till of cvOrp9tliciat - Ntyl 4 t. • ‘,/ uin use• urea with hioa Togo 3d of