The Sun. — London, England, 1852-02-21 00:00:00

saying to us, " Y ou s h a ll not pro d uce your own Bill On this subject, but you shall take One of my coecocion, of which I shall not tell you all the clauses, but leave you to fled them out as you best can." Why, there was never such a demand made on a Government before.— S fieer, he a r.) Of course I cannot comply with that enaaad; for if I proposed to satisfy the House by fol lovitg the injunctions of the Noble Lord and bringing aneeher Bill, the Noble Lord might say, " This is not through the session."—(llear.) With respect to the difference between the proposition of the Government and that of the Noble Lord, th e r e i s o ne point which the Noble Lord seems to have omitted altogether, although I t lig, perhaps, one of the most important at issue. The question is to obtain a force sufficient in number fur the PUrpoie of being trained to act under arms, which shall the removable in case of danger from one part of the for Kingdom to another, and which can be kept up 'or a certain time in case of war. But then occurs the diffi cultY , In the case of a regular militia the men are ballotted for service for a period of five years, conse quently if a war should break out in the course of this Year —say in six months—these men would be obliged to serve for five years. This, bows ver, is a different demand on the people of this country from that made by her Majesty's Government in the vreseet measure, which is, that those so ballotted for shall appear far 28 days in time of peace to learn the use of arms, end to serve for six or twelve months in case of war. And the questien arises which the Noble Lord would not discuss, hut which is at the bottom of ali—the question of substitutes. Will You say that you are to have no substitutes, and that those leen who are balloted fur must serve in person? I am convinced that if this was proclaimed through the country to-morrow, the Bill would be so unpopular with all clauses of the community, ti.at there would be the greatest possible difficulty iu carrying out its provisions. - -(Cheers.) But (here is the other course—you may say you will take substitutes. That would be an easy course in one respect; for there can be no doubt that for a sum of money varying from 30s. to 5/. or 61., you might get any number of substitutes to appear tied be trained to arms for twenty-eight days in any one year of peace. But observe the difference between the sub etitutes and the force proposed by this Bill in time of war. When you piece a ballotted man in the ranks of the militia in time of war, he is bound by the Mutiny Act, he cannot desert, and he is sate for the terms of his five years' service. But if you offer 51., in the county of Kent to a man to come forward as a substitute, and 0 serve twenty-eight days in time of peace, for twenty . 'kat days a, you wilt nd plen ot them in 152. Who wilt te p ll y me, heaev fi er, that this man will co B me back the following year without further bounty, after eleven months' absence, perhaps in a far distant part of the country, even in a period of peace— (Hear, hear)—abuve all, who will tell me that he will Come back in a time of war to work out the further set , "ice he is paid to periorm?—(Hear, Lean) Yoe seem, therefore, to me, to be placed in this dilemma—either You must make a law which will be sufficient, but op- P res sive, and which consequently cannot be carried into effectual operation; or, you must make a law not op- Measly°, but, on the other hand, cosily and not sufficient. I f You have a ballot, and make the sons of merchants and mechanics serve together itt the ranks of the mili'ia, You will have a sufficient force, no doubt, but you will also have an intolerable hardship. Take substitutes, on the contrary, and you will have a force in time of peace More than sufficient for your purpose, but ou will have none in a time of war.—(Bear, bear.) I do not offer these arguments as conclusive on the question: the you.e will, no doubt, weigh them impartially, and ad- J u dge them their full worth in deciding this question. thelf House thinks the proposition of the Noble -word better than the proposition of the Go terntneet they will of course adopt it. But *hat I Fay is this—and I think I make no extravagant demand —that after considering the subject carefully !ad attentively f o r man y wee k s , an d com i ng t o the conclusion that the plan we propose is the one least th at to the difficulties that I have stated•—it may be 'nut We have not come to the right conclusion—but un der these circumstances I do say that I think it would Dot be fair in the House to as> , you shall not produce Your Plan. It, however, you should do so, and leave Out the word "local"—the word " consolidate" I will not take the sense of the House on—and insert " all I can say is that the Noble Lord and Mr. Bernal must bring in the Bill themselves, and I shall judge it t uPartially, h o l d i ng myse lf f ree to oppose it or su pp ort It aecordiugly as I may see fit.—(Rear.) I) IIIZIELI—The Noble Lord has certainly °Poken the most remarkable speech I have ever heard rn this house.—/Sear.) The Noble Lord proposed to introduce a measure which has been, he states, amply con sidered, but which is founded, we are told, upon a vicious principle. Now, if the principle of the Bill is / t r io " , all its d eta i ls must necessar il y b e v icious, and „..te)reforti it is a mere waste o f t i me on t h e p ar t of this kit se to enter into any controversy upon either.— (Cheers ) I understand the N o ble Lord to say, that though a M em b er of this House, or even a major i ty o f u embers, may consider the principle of a Bill so essen tially 'vicious that it would be utterly impossible it could I' s changed with any advantage, it is nevertheless not men to u o t o question the propriety of introducing that t asure. If t h e N o b le Lord ' s argument does not lea d %that conclusion I have entirely misunderstood it. stood• L° rd J. RUSSELL—Y ou h ave qu i te misunder le n fir , DISR A E LI—If I have misunderstood the Noble 4-4 . t etel's argument I d o not th i nk I have misrepresente d '••••(Hear, hear.) I ask the House to consider how it is tweed wi t h respect to t h e quest i on before us. Four or ;end 6 hears ago, when the Noole Lord w as s till a t t h e of affairs , Government assured the Hou s e they were tit to bring torward the question—the question hay , 1 1 , ° . ! relation t o t h e m ili t i a. The Noble Lord did not, kt:revert introduce a ny Bill, or f avour t h e H ouse w i t h '!ut details of any contemplated measure. I should have yr4d to know w h et h er t h e G overnment pro j ect was for e l, or reg u l ar mi li t i a; b ut t h e H ouse was nut f avoure d ;alth the information. It i s c l ear , f rom th e circutn laces under which the present measure is introduced, %ea in. been period at which it is brought forward, there hay etV'een antec e d en t r evo l ut i ons, and, more recently, nle n7 alarmin g c i rcumstances —i t i s c l ear t h e Govern ' i t 4t opinion is in favour of the general principle of of he a and also that they believe the defences l ae ee country are not so effectual as they ought to be. teneerefore, in bringing forward their measure, it is not vrh te s i :ei•Y, I thi n k, to re f er i t to i m p or t an t circumstances h oe ,_ h ave recently o ccu rr e d. The House and country serer 4 ' o advaetage of considering the question with re it' i n ei ° the ab stract po i nt — namely. w h et h er t h e country co ullt " at Position of defence in which every equally great ra r ought to be.—(Hear, heur.) It appears, wt tittelsr: ce P t ions, that all are agreed to decide the w▪ st what plan can an effectual domestic garrison i de obtained? When Government, after four years' a e one raciet, of the question, after a lapse of time which in 18 8 P retends has rendered defence less necessary than s ere th e ~w h en Government now introduces a measure eureeastlaiect, I think, taking the most peaceful view of ton er ; uffairs, and of the probable course of human effe e r t ; t hat we have a right to consider on what the f avours Th e P l ‘ n ieciple of the proposed means of defence is iave ere n it „the details with which the Noble Lord has session - o re !Lose does not put us sufficiently in pos olitilterojeci: that Principle. If a Minister brings forward use ought to say whether it is founded e t tt rae ntla principles. If the House were of opinion leer ed J e tikeas all-important, and ought not to be ueg teen, in th present state of affairs, it is a matter of ante which we should d ec id e on the principle of the mea n) the Government proposes for our adoption. As e nd de means and m e th o d o f b a ll o tting, and the modes ne st details of enli stment, we can enter i n to all those o _ 2 nons of d eta il i n C ommittee; b ut if th e Bill b e re e su led on principles which will not have the the H o t the House wish es —if i n the opinion of all .8 the Bill c annot l ea d to t h e resu lt w hich desire to see a accomplished—if brought forward Government have utymteoasure inefficient and unsatisfac tory, it is our d ID 1 on la he e w t express our opinion as to the Bill is founded. When the Noble Lord says, if the miundtnent he Hour assent to the Noble Lord the Q Bill on' Member for 'Tiverton's A responsibility of bringingt a tune to adopt, must throw the that Noble Lord— menn.e because it shows a t d it t st, I think, is no Which cannot be ac ,BPosition to ' effect that by l ' ) nn elelish e d b legitimate means._ roll''lf the (.I)3nutw to , 0 71 the question.principle of the m easure i s hich en ' orrect, is not this a legitimat l e f?teessi e n Hear.) t be "i cut" that opinion? — ( .egitimat fr cannot doubt that the House will eee °l n fulap• not shrink a nd not be deterred from, • u▪ e en „ eng its duty, etz,shts,otTa principles on which the national defence u n i t ° conducted.—(Che ers.) ‘./. GREY said the Noble Lord (J. Russell) had st ee i n a v t ery much misunderstood, otherwise such eon re-,) 'a would - not have been put upon his wor sas had. oep the cue. The Noble Lord had never uttered ei l e - c °4 to the effect that the House were not entitled of to )a.'ness their o• • at this or any other stage the . " 1 . The pinion t itht t Noble Lord (Lord Palmerston) had a perfect to ° ask the House to join him in refusing to assent lei " Bill of her Majesty's Government, and if be oh o - . Pre n a t : l „ a, majority then to assume the responsibilityf tva s "ttlig such a Bill as the country wanted. But that_ Ise not the course adopted by the Noble Lord. He di d o,_Prepose to disagree with the recommendation of the ohthateauttee that a Bill should be brought in and laid on o But the Noble Lord said Government Btll d obtain leave to bring in a Bill, but not the th e ,, t heY had prepared, but such a Bill as he thought no .ht to b r i ng i n . He admitted Go ve r nmen t h a d in eh nch Bill as the Noble Lord required; they had only TO mitts Bill as h a d b een reco mmended by the C omm i ttee . :a Bill amendments might .be proposed in Com- Wha t 'lt was an unusual step not to meet the measure e, oea sn direct negative, but to impose on Government the ea o 4 l tY of bringing in s Bill which they did not tip to h, ° I. The N o bl e L or d (L or d Palmerston) wish e d be he r a forc e e • d trained, armed, and ready to Bill called cl?lice oppe into servn the shortest notice. W hen the ev er ,. 48 in the h an d s o f M em b ers i t wou ld be found th a t v 'oul j e °4° of the m a tt ers w i s h e d f or by the Noble Lord *ell is accomplished. Th e Noble Lord objected to the duty lo in the Bill. G overnment thought it their a nt ie when looking into the question of what was ne seretlisfen,the_detence of the country, to propose a mea ao irk should accomplish all the desired effects in the ftellrEiepitelloettlee.„s4st burdensomevia with the ordinary employments of tall ee t"e• Government therefore thought it right to "rhe,'`, 4l tbe Noble Lord (Lord Palmerston) to say Cr be wished to have the militia regularly embo tzsti)ernblci(ttliyt suchen Act as would enable the Government ,obis e in caeca of war. Did the amendment of the Ittlo Lord imply that he wished to have embodied mi- Dostalt 01 If t so, that w as an essential difference to the pro nletop,zait Governinent. He considered that such a ut Into ' Wo uld not only b e unpopular i n t h e cou ntry, 'pet tooreeseary under t h e circumstences, less efficient, Ind e nsu e expensive. The Noble Lord asked why Ire tkatrane_Lt out? A great eal had been said abou "eg the loyalty of Irdland. He could not be t S `f~~ SUN, lieve the Noble Lord seriously thought Government had any mistrust of the loyalty of Ireland, when he must know that the army was largely recruited with Irish men—(Hear)—who had ever been conspicuous fur their gallantry and loyalty.—(Hear,) As for the plan of raising the militia by ballot, he could only say the mi litia had never beau raised by ballot iu Ireland. If the Militia Act were repealed, the difference which existed now in raising militia in England and Ireland would still be made the wile. If the House permitted the Bill to he introduced, he thought all the objects of the Noble Lord would be obtained, and he believed it would place the defences of the country on a proper footing. He believed there was a necessity that the country should be further protected, and Government therefore asked the House to consent to the further progress of the Bill. Mr. DEEDES did not think the Right Hon. Gentle man (Mr. M. Gibson) would advance the content and happiness of the labouring classes by not having a suffi cient force at hand in case of invasion.—(Hear.) He had listened throughout the debate to all that had fallen from Members of her Majesty's Government and Hon. Members on both sides of the House. He did not intend to effer opposition to the Government measure; but Hon. Members must judge of the measure introduced by look ing at the language used by those who introduced the measure. The Noble Lord (Lord J. Russell) did not appear to speak out distinctly respecting the provisions he wished to carry out. The Noble Lord dwelt on the training the men were to receive. If the force was wanted for any emergency, the sooner that force was put in an efficient state the better, and the less expensive it would be for the country. The Noble Lord said he thought fourteen or twenty•cight days in each year, and two hours or three hours and a halt per day, would suf fice. He looked at the broad, general question, not the smell niceties of it. If it was necessary to put the country i❑ a defensive state—he did not wish to go further than that—it was madness to sit still under real danger. He had no wish to see a foreign general in his house, unless by his invitation and to partake of his hos pitality. He could not help thinking the Bill as it stood would not give such an efficient force as was required. All he wanted was a proper force for an emergency, and as he believed the amendment of the Noble Lord the Member for Tiverton would effect that object he sihould give it his support. Mr. HUME said when the majority of the House bad so clearly demonstrated its wishes that the. Bill should be brought in to carry out the recommendations of the Committee, he never recollected that any oppo sition, as at present, had been raised to that course. He objected to the amendment, and he also objected. to the B►ll as unnect ss,ry. If Government wished fur an in crease of military defences. it was proper to lay a plan before the House. The propositio❑ of the Noble Lord (Lord Palmerston) was certainly very unusual, and one winch he could not consent to. He should therefore vote with her Majesty's Ministers. He should do this, but without admitting the necessity of the Bill; for the Noble Lord who introduced the Bill had not pointed out any danger, nor showed any reason for introducing the Bill. He denied that he wished to leave the country defenceless. He wished the country to be properly de fended. We had spent for years 16,000,0001. on army and navy. But we were told, with 200,000 regular army, we were without sufficient defence. We had iilso 230 ships, manned by 39,000 seamen. Taking oar navy !,or sailors, and our military force, we had 239,000 men in pay and under arms. This was exclusive of troops in the colonies and in India. We had at pr. )sent a greater amount of armed force in these kingdonsa than ever was the case be:ore, end he therefore did complain of Hon Gentlemen getting up and stating we were with out defence. he considered it was unwise to express an opinion that we feared an invasion. It was throwing out a challenge to a country with which we ought to be at war—(Loud laughter)—he meant ought not to be at war. He considered it was a monstrous proposition to s:sy we wanted more defence, when we were already so amply provided with all kinds and means of defence_ The country was in a better state of defence now than :it had ever been, and he saw ao necessity for any eaten:ordi nary preparation, unless indeed the Noble Lord had en tered into a private negotiation to support some ,of the continental governments. He should, however, v etc in favour of the Government on this occasion for the intro dnction of their Bill. Mr. S. HERBERT wished merely to state that the Right Hon. Member the Home Secretary had misun derstood what had fallen from him toe other night on this subject. He had not argued for a permanent. em bodying of the militia, but had merely suggested :that as they were about to deal with the militia laws they should deal with them as a whole. The Noble Lord had stated that ho was willing to accept the ameneemeut, but' the moment it was proposed the Noble Lord repu diated it, and said that its proposers must take t.ho re sponsibility of the Bill.—(No, no.) He apprehendieci the Noble Lord was arguing on a proposal of which the Hottse was ignorant, but which had been commeasicated privately to him by the Noble Lord the Member for Tiverton. The House was not in a similar position, and had to argue merely from what the Noble Lord had proposed. All that the Noble Lord the Member fur Tiverton proposed was, to omit the word " locals" In dealing with such a question, the House ought ;uot to take that which was exceptional. In his argument the other night he had rested it on the convenience of train ing, as he thought great advantage would arise :in the event, or in anticipation of war, iu being able to move the militia from county to county without embodying them. He certainly was surprised that the Noble Lord should not accept the atnendment, omit the word " local" and admit the word " consolidate." Lord J. RUS - ALL wished to explain, as the Right Hon. Gentleinsu had misunderstood him. What he bad stated was that the Government had a Bill ready on the subject, and that if the principle of it were adopted it would be necessary to bring in another Bill after wards respecting the general militia. With regard to the local militiia he had stated that they had a measure ready, whereas the other Bill had never been considered. The consideration yet might require a week, perhaps a month, nail therefore he asked leave to withdraw the present measure, reserving to himself the right to in troduce the other Bill. Colonel THOMPSON, with respect to the apprehen sion of danger, would use the words they were all fami liar with 1n the story of The Babes in the Wood,— " Kill him again, Welter, for such a villain cannot be too dead."—(A laugh.) He could not better explain the reason why he would vote with the Noble Lord (Pal merston). He recollected the doleful looks that were directed in 1804 towards the Channel for the approach of the flotilla that did not come. They had great con fidence in the militia, then, and they all knew that the re gular militia was a highly respectable force; but as to the local militia, without speaking slightingly of anybody, they did not know where it was.—(A laugh.) There were old militia laws that would do very well for their purpose, with such touches as the lapse of time might require; but he wished them to bear in mind that the local militia was of little value as an embryo force. — (Hear, hear.) Something had been said of Frenchmen refusing to join invasion. There was not a Frenchman that dared to refuse, and, what was more there were very few Frenchmen that would.—(Hear, hear.) Let them, then, make such preparation as they could, always hoping that, as in the old war with France, the enemy they were prepared to repel would disappoint them by nut coming.—(Bear hear.) Mr. MAULE could not allow the House to go to a division without endeavouring to show the House and the country the difference between the two principles now placed before them. The object which the Govern ment had in view was to introduce a Bill for amen ding the law with reference to the local militia, which would have the effect of . providing for this country at the cheapest rate, and in a manner less burdensome to the people, a force which would be most speedily at the disposal of the Government to protect these shores on occasions of actual or threatened invasion. For the last four or five years this was a principle to which the attention of the Government had been given—to establish a force similar in constitution to the local militia of former days, in which a large population should be trained to the use of arms at a moderate dis tance from their residences—and that there should be in every part of this country a respectable force for the defence of any locality. It might bo all very well to disparage the local militia. If they wished to have another name for it, lot them call it an army of reserve, if they pleased ; but to all intents and purposes it was a branch of the service composed of men in their own localities, and therefore interfered the least with their employments. But the regular militia was a totally dif ferent thing, and he was as distinctly opposed to having a regular militia in the time of peace as he would be to Gentlemen, perhaps, o :. d any proposition to add 50,0 00 men to the stan d i n g arm y . Ho were not aware of the com pulsory powers given by the regular Militia Act. T h at Act compelled the men selected by ballot to serve either Personally or by substitute ; they were liable to be em partfamilies . a ny a n d of ,t a hi b oo l utu to ni be removed from their to cure sin men te n ;Kingdom ; so that all their avocat i ons every precaution were year s . F si r ppo e s n i ie might be entirely interrupted for seven t e h . e e a i r r t gle moved from their taken to se 43ight be married, encumbrance, yet the very next lonsoaaried, and if embodied and re their Wives ehareeableto the parish. He would therefore ities many of them might leave parishes to be chargeablevhether they would like the ofth the expense of maintain ask the country gentlemen maintain the the wives and families servo as marched from should only b:saan embodied militia? h a force had recourse recourse to during as a h w at o was l wanted their own localities to Such a proceeding the urgent necessities of. war, during peace was simply suE ready amount of protection. With respect dtosecure a res His Noble a b d F t r h i Friend d ware said all t) t England e l a- sup_ Substi tutes in the regul ar militia, whe re would a p erson pur c hased, after appearing .at drill for his first twenty_eight d w a a y s , en, not to composednest year of? cheats, pose that the 12E11 who were substitutes would _would not be honest enough to re-appear to fulfil .. t_li _bargain. lie (Mr. F. Maul() did not fancy that . all England was come per sons purchased to serve as substitutes were very great posed of cheats, but he had this opinion, that the cheats, and iu composing a militia in time of_ peace of substit u t es th e y wou ld be training to arms the lowest 1 b a rracks, and subject to scum tim ot e ' t e h t e w p a o r p , aubladtitounk.enTinotebe sure, if embodied in the constant duty under all the restraints of the Mutiny Act, these men might, be made as good soldiers as any, p rob ably; but if the took class of pers ons who took substitute s in time of peace, they would et ought not to b e trusted with the use of ar ms, and g whose services could not bo obtained when they were wanted. That was a strong reason for not having re course to the regular militia in time of peace. What be wanted to see established was a force which should be trained for so many days in each year, and by degrees becoming large and extensive in its numbers, and which, mightlike be yeomanrymade quite oafs effectual this for awiththel l pber a repa t e r k i ei f trifling gn asgo out of raw levies that could be adopted. On war on the continent or in any other part of the world, rendering it necessary to increase the military this country, this force would form a reserveh. power of from which the army or regular militia might be legitim a t e ly aug mental whenever it should bo found necessary to esta blish the latter. In the course of the last war there was a system of fines by which the men in the local militia especially were compelled to observe their engagements; it was a system of fines, which were imposed on the several parishes to which any defaulters belonged, so that the parishes were made responsible for the appearance of the men. With regard to the non-extension of the operation of the Local Militia Act to Ireland, he wished to observe that it never had been extended to Ireland ; and with regard to the regular militia, such were the objections to the system of ballot in reference to Ireland, that the militia in that country were all raised by heat of drum. In like manner, if the present propo sition of the Government should be agreed to, so far from their being any d ou bt as t o th e loyalty of the people of Ireland, there would be no hesitation in adopting the sa me s y stem as h a d heretofore been adopted in arming the population of that country for the protection of its shores, namely, the system of volun teer corps.—(Divide, divide.) Mr. CHARTERIS intended to vote with the Go vernment, as he did not think he would be justified, after all he had heard, in voting to prevent them bring ing in the Bill which they t h oug ht necessary. If, whoa the Bill should b e on the table, it should seem no t likely InP"ure, or endeavour to improve is. — (Di vide, divide.) to be effective, the House might then rej ect the The House then divided, when the numbers were— For Lord Palmerston's amendment 136 Against it ... ••• ••• ••• 125 Majority against Government —ll Cheers followed the announcement of the numbers. Lt,rd J. RUSSELL then rose and said—l consider :hat the vote to which the House has just come is tantamount to a refusal, on the part of the majority, to allow the Government to bring in the Bill which they have prepared. As this is a matter relating to the internal defence of the country, and therefore of the utmost importance, of course I cannot be responsible for a different Bill, containing other clauses and other provisions, which I consider injurious. Therefore I relieve myself from any responsibility with respect to that measure, and any other Member may be named by the House to bring in the Bill. Lord PALMERSTON (who was cheered on his rising) said—l cannot help expressing my extreme sur prise—(Cheers)—at such an abdication by the Govern. meat of their proper functions in this llouse.—(Cheers.) I presume that it was not without full deliberation that the Government felt it their duty to introduce a measure for the better defence of the realm.—(Hear, hear.) The only difference of opinion between the majority of the House and the Government has been whether the measure should bo founded on the Act of 42 George III„ or the Act 58 George lll,—whether upon the system of the regular militia or of the local militia. The Noble Lord has stated this evening that his measure was so nearly the same as the arrangements of the regular militia that it appears to me, and it has appeared to the majority of this House, not consistent, I may say, with common sense, to retain the word " local" in the measure. The Noble Lord admitted substitutes, though the House had heard an eloquent explanation of the objections to that system.—(Hear, and laughter.) Ho stated that his plan would admit of their being called out in the case of war like the regular militia. It I did not mistake they would serve in every part of the United Kingdom; and the only difference was the time for which they were to remain embodied in case of war. But, I would put it to the Government whether that is a reason why they should shrink from the performance of their duty—(Hear, hear) —and throw up, on account of a temporary and inciden tal failure of principle, a measure which they ought not to have proposed unless they thought it was really essen tial to the welfare of the country?—(Cheers.) The SPEAKER—I should remind the House that at present there is no question before it.—(Hear.) Lord J. RUSSELL—After what the Noble Lord has said, I really think it is incumbent on me to say a few words in explanation. The Noble Lord has said that the measure which I explained on a former occasion and this evening, is so nearly similar to a plan for restoring and establishing the militia, that ho wonders I should throw up this measure. If that were the case, I own I should think it was an unprecedented course, because there was a certain difference which was only upon some point with regard to the Bill, that therefore the majority of this House was to alter the words of the title of the Bill, and thereby to imply a great change in it.—(Hear, hear.) lam perfectly sure that if I were to bring this Bill in on the principle on which the Govern ment had decided when the Bill was printed, I should be told that that was not the Bill that the Noble Lord had intended, and that other provisions must be intro duced. I say is this a position for the; Government to hold?—(Cheers.) I think I made great admissions when I said that, with regard to ell the details of the Bill when it was before the House, I should be ready not only to listen to any amendments, but even to sub mit it to a Select Committee for further consideration. But, if we are stopped at the very threshold—(Hear, hear)—if we are told at the very commencement—(Hear) —that the House have no confidence in our measure— (Hear, hear)—it is impossible for us to go on with that measure.—(Hear, hear.) I hear a cheer to that obser vation, implying very clearly that the Noble Lord is wrong in what he said—(Hear, hear) —and that it was intended by this vote, and by putting the Government in a minority at a time of very serious import, and with regard to a very serious question, to show that the ma jority of the House had not confidence in our adminis tratioe.—(Hear, hear.) I shall now, Sir, conclude with moving that Mr. Bernal and Lord Viscount Palmerston do bring in this Bill.—(Cheers and great laughter.) [The House now presented a scene of great excite ment and confusion, the Members forming themselves into groups, and discussing with great vivacity the new position of affairs. In the midst of this excitement—] Sir BENJAMIN HALL rose and said—Sir, I cor dially voted in favour of the Noble Lord at the head of the Government, because I thought that the course pursued by the Noble Lord (Palmerston) who sits below me is un called for and unprecedented. I think it would have been more convenient, and under all the circumstances more courteous, to have allowed my Noble Friend to in troduce his Bill. But having supported the Noble Lord on this occasion, I cannot go along with him any further. I gave my vote in favour of the Noble Lord at the head of the Government, and I intended also to have given my vote in the future stages of the Bill—if the ma jority had allowed it to be introduced—in conjunc tion with the Honourable Member for Montrose. But I am not at all satisfied with the decision to which the Noble Lord at the head of the Government has now come, and I do not think that he ought to call upon the Noble Lord to bring in the Bill. —(Cheers.) He has stated to the House that we re quire a militia. He, as the head of the Government, has stated to the House that this country requires farther defensive measures. Sir, Ido not agree in that. But if ho has stated to the House that we do require these further defences, then he ought either to give up the situation he holds in her Majesty's Councils—(Loud cheers)—or he ought to introduce his Bill. For my part I hold that my Noble Friend ought at once to give up the office which he holds.—(Cheers.) Tho Hon. and Gallant Colonel the Member for Bradford said, I re member, on a former occasion, I have a great horror of a foreign force landing in this country, but I have a still greater horror of a Conservative Government being in power.—(Laughter from the Conservatives.) Sir, I have no such horror. I should like to see them try their hands at the Government—(Cheers)—and there fore I call on the Noble Lord atonce not only to abandon the Bill, but to declare that he would no longer preside over the councils of the nation.—(Hear.) Lord JOHN RUSSELL at once stood up and said —Sir, I rise to say that I think I made my meaning sufficiently clear—(Loud Ministerial cheers)—when said I took it for granted, as the result of the vote of the House, that the Ministry had no longer the confi dence of the House, and that such being the case, I could no longer continue—(Loud Ministerial cheers prevented the conclusion of the sentence from being heard, but it was evident the Noble Lord meant to say that he could no longer continue to be the responsible adviser of the Crown.) You, Sir, having said that there was no mo tion before the House, I concluded by moving that the Noble Lord, the Member for Tiverton, be called on to bring in a Bill; but, of course, I did not mean to impose gives toeehrminog'iione upon him that responsibility.—(Hear. hear.) a of f il hi l to enable The great body of the Members in the House then Ieft,DIFFERENTIAL excited by the crisis which occurred. t DUTIES ON FOREIGN SHIPS. L A B O h U e reH MajestyE R E t leave w abolish,os otherwise than by o treaty, on condition of reciprocity, differential d u ti es ESTABLISHED n" ships. Mr.UCH IN THE COLONIES. On the m o ti on of giveeto introduce a Bill GLADSTONE, l ea ve - .was laity in the c o l on i es, in co to relie ve bi s h ops, c l ergy, and doubt s laity with the Church of England, fr om l ega l management of their ch urc h affair u s abi lities affecting the . CHARITABLE STS. The ATTORNEY-GENER AL in to bring in a Bill for facilitating and bettermoving for leave due administration of the charitable trusts securing the and Wales, said he intended to go some in England into the etails of this Bill, but after le"' at length discussion which had just taken place, and the which followed, he did not think that he shoe result be justified in entering upon any statement of its provisions. At the same time, he might say that the Bill was e t e h e e same as that which had been passed by the other branch of the Legislature last session. It was a Bill of con siderable importance, and whoever might be responsible for its conduct in that House it should h ave his cordi a l support—Oleo'', hear.) T E LON DON, SA TURDA EVENING-, Leave was then given. SCOTCH HARBOURS. On the motion of Mr. F. MAULE leave was given to introduce a Bill for enabling burghs in Scotland to im prove sad maintain their harbours. PERSONAL ESTATES. On the motion of Mr. C. LEWIS leave WM given to bring in a Bill to provide for the administration of per sonal estates of intestates and others, to which her Ma jesty may be entitled in right of her prerogative. FEES IN COMMON LAW COURTS. On the motion of Mr. BOUVERIE leave was given to bring in a Bill to regulate the receipt of foes of cer tain officers in the courts of common law, and to pro vide for their payment b y salary. On the motion of Si r D . N ORREYS, the f o ll ow i ng returns were o rdered:—Statement of the number of persons who have become blind, or who have lost the sight of ono eye, or whose sight has become vesma neutly impaired in th e workhouses of the l i antur k Union during the pre sent and past year; di s tinguishing the number in each y ear. Copies of any med i ca l re ports which have b een made by order of the :Poor-law Commissioners on th e p revalence of eye diseases, t h e i r treatment, and the pr o b a bl e causes of their virulence i n these workhouses ; an d d ates and extracts of copies or reports made to the Commissioners by poor-law in spectors, calling their attention to the prevalence of this disease in the union, and of resolutions of the board of guardians on this subject. The House adjourned at a Quarter past Nine, until Monday. PARLIAMENTARY DIVISIONS. ________--- e House of Commons ) FRIDAY, FEB. 20. (From the Votes and Proceedi ngs MANCHESTER, SHEFFIELD , AND LINCOLNSHIRE RAILWAY (No. 3) B IL L . of th e Order for Second Reading read ; Motion made and Ques tion proposed, "That the Bill be now read a second time:" — Amendment proposed, to leave out the word " now," and at the end of the Question to add the Words " upon this day six months :"—Question put, " That the word ' now' stand part of the Question." The House divided : MINORITY—AyE s, 83. Adair, R. Shafto Freestun, Colonel Rice, E. R. Freshileld, J. W. Alcock, Thomas Roebuck, J. A. Armstrong, Sir A. Galway, Viscount Sdl 'eir, John a Bagshaw, John Gibson, T. M. Salwey, Colonel Goold, Wyndh ana Barrow, W. H. Sandars, George Greene, John Berkeley, H. F. Seymer, H. K. Harris, Richard Scholefleld4William Blackstone, W. Hi gg i ns , George Blair, Stephen Scully, Francis Hill, Lord M. Seaham, Viscount Blewitt, R. J. Ilollond, Robert Smyth, John George Booker, T. W. Stanton, W H. Bream , Humphery, Aid. Sturt, Henry G. Bright, John William Sullivan Michael Brocklehurot, John Keogh, Kershaw, James Tancred, U. W. Cabbell, B. B. Mackinnon, W. Thompson, George Campbell, W. F. m aen aghten, Sir E. Trelawny, J. S. Cayley, E. S. m e agher, Thomas Tynte, Colonel Childers, J. W. •dge Richard Hudson, George Christopher, R. M a ngles, IL D. Vane Lord U. Cobden, Richard Milnes, R. M. Waln;sley, Sir J. Moody C. A. Wawn, J. T. Cocks, Thomas S. ' H Moore, G. H. West, F. R.. Coles, U. B. Newport, Viscount Willcox, Brodie Corbally, M. E. O'Connell, M. J. Williams, Jt hn Dawes, Edward O'Flaherty, Anthony Williams, W. Duncuft, John' P a lmerston, Vis. Yorke, E. T. Ellice, Edward Ellice, E., jun. Parker, John Ellis, Joh n P ec hell, Sir G. TELLERS. Forster, M a tth ew Power, Dr. Clay, James Fox, WJ. P ow er, Nicholas Ge ac h, Charles EDevolDnnicns:iorililioaniergiacy , Sir D. MAJORITY—NOES, 138. Arkwright, George Fuller, A. E. Mostyn, E. M. Bankes, George Gooch, E. S.ll ings, J. R. Baring, 11. B. Goulburn, Henry Napier, Joseph Baring, Sir Francis Grenfell, C. Pascoo Norreys Barron, Sir H. Grosvenor, Earl O'Connor, Feargu. Bass, M. T. Hsu Sir B. ra kinglon, Sir J. Bell, Jacob Hamilton, J. 11. Palmer, Robert Berkeley, Admiral Hamner, Sir J. Patten, J. W. Berkeley, C. L. G. Mastic, Alexander Peel, F re d erick Birch, Sir T. Hayter, W. G.lldneten, James Bouverie, E. P. Herbert, 11. A. Plowden, W. H. Bramston, T. W. Berries, J. C. Powlett, Lord W. Brotherton, Joseph Hildyard, C. Prime, Richard Brown, W. Ilindley, C. Pugh. David Buck, Lewis W. Hope, Sir J. C olonel Buller, Sir J. Y. Hotham, Lord Russell, Lord John Burghley, Lord Howard, C. W. G. Russell, F. C. H , Cardwell, E. Howard, P. H. Scrope, G. p. Carter, J. B. Hume, J. Milligan, Hobert Seymour, Lord Charteris. Francis Inglis, Si R. Smith, Vernon Chatterton, Colonel Jackson, William Smith, J. m. en j am i n Child, Smith Johnstone, Sir J. Smollett, A.. Clay, Sir W. Joiliffe, Sir W. H. Spooner, R. Clerk Sir G. Jones, Captain Stanley, Edward Clive, R. H. Labouchere, Henry Strickland, sir G . Clive, 11. B. Lacy, 11. C. Strutt, E. Cockburn, Sir A. Legh, G. C. Stewart, Admiral Colebrooke, Sir T. Lennox, Lord A. Thicknesse,. R. A. Lennox, Lord H. G. Thompson, Colonel Deedes, W. Lewis, Sir T. Thornely, Thomas Dodd, G. Lewis, George Tyrell, Druml anrig, Vie. Loch, James Verner, Sir W. Drummond, Henry Lushington, C. Vyse, R. H. Duff, George S. Lygon, General Waddington., H. S. Duff, James Mackie, John Wall, C. B. M'Gregor, John Walsh, Sir J'.. Duncombe, W. E. Mahon, Viscount Watkins, Colonel Dundee, Sir D. Wellesley, Lord C• Masterman, J. Dunne, Colonel Matheson, A. Weethead, J. B. Du Pre, C. G. Matheson, Colonel Williamson,. Sir H. Edwards, Henry Wodehouse, Edmund Egerton, Sir P. Wood, Sir W. P. Maunsell, T. P. Egerton, W. T. Miles, William Young, Sir 'Win Evans, William Milner, W. M. TELLIIES. Ferrer, James Moncreiff, James Greene, Thomas Floyer, John Morgan, 11. K. Copeland, Alderman LOCAL MILITIA. Motion made, and Question proposed, " That leave be given to bring in a Bill to amend the Laws respecting the Local Militia : '—Amendment proposed to be made to the Question, by inserting after the word " amend" the words " and consolidate :".—Question, " That the words and con solidate,' be there i nser t e d," put, and agreed to :--.Another Amendment proposed to be made to the Question, by leaving out the word " Local :"—Question put, " That the word Local' stand part of the Question." The House divided:— MINORITY—AYES, 125. Adair, R. Shaft Fordyce, A. D. Power, Dr. Alcock, Thomas F orster, M. Power, Nicholas Anson, General Armstrong, Sir A. F':r xt, Baines, M. T. G eac h, C harles Rich, Henry Baring, Sir F. T. Gib son, T. M. ke l s v cu . e s. Chicliester Price, Sir R Rice, E. R. .. Barrington, Viscount Greene, Thomas Russell, Lord Bass, M. T. Grey, Sir Q. Salwey, Colonel Bellew, R. M. GI ey, R. W. Scholelleld, William RomillY, Berkeley, Admiral Grosvenor, Lord R. Scobell, Captain Berkeley, C. L. G. Hall, S lr B . G I'- Bernal, • ,-A Bernal, Ralph Hanmer,:Sir J. ' Seymour, L ard Birch, R. -. Harcourt, G. G . •D. Seymour, II ~ Blackstone, W. S. Hastie, Alaxander Smith, Birch, Sir T. Harris, Richard D.- Shafto, E. ~,, Colonel John Blewitt, Reginald Hastie, Archibald a- Sir W. Bouverie, E. P. Hatchell, John Somerville, n. Boyle, Colonel Ilindley char'," Stanton, W- G. Brocklehurst, John Howard, Lord B. Staunton, S ir ' G. Brockman, E. l). Howard, P. R . Strickland, Sir Brotherton, J. Hume, Joseph Struts, miral Brown, William Hutt, William Stiawart, Ad udley Charter's, Francis Johnstone, Slr J. Stuart, Lord. D Clay, James Kershaw -T t vam es Lord. James Stuart, R. A. Clay, Sir W. Laboucher 0, Henry Thickness , R• Cockburn, Sir A. Lewis, G. C. Thornelf , 1 - Colebrooka, Sir T. Lygon, G eneral Trelawny, .1.. S. Cowper, W. F. Matheson, Alex Tulin'' , IL .. 1 • Craig, Sir W. G. Matheson, Colonel Vane, Lord .. • , Crawford, Rob t. W. Alaule. Fox Verney, Sir IL Crowder, R. B. Milli Robert Vivian, J. ) Dawes, Edward Milner,'V. M. wak i e y, T. Divett, Edward Iditchell, T. A. Smith, BJOIn.':.-Abel C. B. Wall, Duff, James Mostyn, E. Walter, ,-,-- - - Duncan, George Mowatt, Francis John Walter, . _ Dundas, Sir David Norreys, Sir D. Williams, Joan Evans, Sir Do Lacy Owen, Sir J ohn James Wilson,. Evans, John Paget, Lord c. Evans, William Parker, John P. Ewart, William Peel, Frederick Fergus, John Pigott, Francis ' Tral.E 3 J• Fitzroy, Henry Pilkington, Jame s llayter, iv. G. Foley, J. H. Plovvden, w. ji . um, Lard hEarco , - Rood' tir r Weh.arlea l E. CC: George :Bet • a Thomas C. MAJORITYG(6}}}4,,, iraa d::::seasttallyou n. ijsomt: 0. nvnEe. iNowo l; 1 1 *ll ya Ir,,L)::aahhi r ,e , I 1 Y s,oena u L eb gr ( trtc, o'ajat: rty°v:' Pd MoroCe °h. Nu nt. Anthony ht : A mBBAit lan cki ll d rdht: e v reooici a 1 1 , h. H Berilal,TT6einte Williamrge Fuller, A. E . Blake, y er o e i r d e e s f r : r , George Martine o rg 'r e H . IG Grace ,° aLi i a t Grattan, o l Vo l 33' •e c ( t i r Parke, C. W. Booker, T. W. Greene, Joh n - Booth, Sii R. G. Grogan, E . Bowles, Admiral Gwyn, pi e , wei Hayes, p r ime, Richard Bremridge, Richard Hall, Colonel Ilallewell. B. G. Brisco, M. - Richards. Richard llardinge, C. S. portal, Mel vill de e ll Marris,c apt ai „ Sanders, George Campbell, W. F. Herbert, smite,. Sibthorp, Colonel Higgins, G. G . Spooner, Richard Stafford, Augustus d i ve , K. 11. , Hodgson, ty N . St an ley, Edward ' Hope, Sir J. Clive, Henry; B• }loth Jocelyn, - vi scont Christy.Bßß u u u Bruce,rel l k e h ' L e S y : s i r 't I . . r C ude Sullivan, H• Michael Jones, Captain E o j . on n el . Keating, Roh e , Thompson, G. R. Conolly, Thomas Keogh, Wiiii ar ;" Trevor, Corry, H. Knightley, Tyler, Sir G. • Davies, D. A. Lennox, Lora A... Tyrell, Sir .t• Lennox, Lord 14, G Cubitt, Alderman Knox, Colonel Deedes, W. Leslie, C. P. Disraeli, B. Compton, CCCCCblllerebssnst,sdT;Th.:je.B H S: .I'. . 11 'I C I C.. A• Dod, J. W. w V FOakl y 'B ad s ri e n d , engt i Ll : s . onS ton S ß l'iorir . jSnTira t ir l eD i i l i .. j . o. s. DDDruraurimmcomlianonbnrcid,g,A,HNi-eisnryconat Lopes, Sir Oirije,oGcntoWalrrap. Ralph Walpole, 71v_Wwaaleasiwnpsth:l,ke.,,,44ir_RTJ... SpencerE. Xlaitaside James Duncombe, W. E. Manners, Lord J. Duncuft, John Du Pre, C. G. Edwards, Henry Egerton, W. T. M 3lM M l i e l uxu es n ri e ,: e W , Bll ß ir' .. TH L e . in'.l7 33 :an an g e i Sir iu c sair o lJ o o l h ua n Evelyn, W. J. Moody, C. A. p TELLELB. Forbes, W. Morgan, 0. thu erston, Viscount Forester, G. C. Mullings, J. R. 1, ry 1: I . srSßPtea r d icc Stuart, mhhteee,i reirn:PEjj.bit.:( i°hßun.n:. Lord J. R usse ll' s The following Members paired upo n Militia Bill for the undermentioned hours:— Sir J. Duke, for, with Lord Seaham, against t'll Mr. E. J. Russell, for, with Lord Einlyn , i half past , against - 10. Mr. J.:Locke, for, with Mr. J. C. Renton, against, all night. Mr. Smith, for, with Mr. Hudson, against, all night. U 9. kr. Duff, for, with Mr. L. Child, against, till half -pa st _.r. Clements, for, with Lord Ebrington, r'''" 9. past 10. again st, till half- DlMy, for, with Mr. Ormsby Gore, a ga i nst , till 9. r„ Hardcastle, for, with Mr. Philip Beianet, half-past 8. a gainst, till Mr. C. Howard, for, with Sir H. Jolliffe, against, till 9. Earl Grosvenor, for, with Sir A. Campbell, against, till 9. Mr. Childees, for, with Lord E. Bru ce, a gainst, till 1 1. Mr. G. Duncan, for , with Mr. Henley, against, till half past S. a • Sir J. Matheson, for , with Sir A. Brooke, against, till half past 10. Mr. Mangles, for, with Lord Lewisham, against, till a guar ter-past 9. Mr. Cayley, for, with Lord Blandford, against, against Mr. Pinney, for, with Mr. Williams, ._ , till 1 1. Mr • with Mr. Halsey, against, till 9, . Ellis, for, Mr. Russell, for, with Mr. Bateson , against, till 9. Mr. E. Bunbury, for, with Mr. Monsell, against, till 9. ‘ v • B. O. Gore, • W vill for, with Mr. 1 • Mr. Y P against , till half past 9. with Sir P. Egerton • Captain Townshend, for, , against , till a quarter to 10. Mr. Bonham Carter, or, f with Mr. Cornwall Legh, against, till a quarter to 10. a ainst , till Mr. Wilson, for, with Mr. K nox, g half-pa s t 9. i Mr. E. Ellice, for, with Mr. Smy th, aganst, till a quarter-. past 9. Lord Shelburne, for, with Mr. Fe rrer, a gainst, till a qu ar t er to 10. Hon. J. Howard, for, with Captain Wynn el against, till a quarter to 10. Mr. Townley, for, with Mr. Repton , a g ai nst , till half-past 9. Mr. J. O'Connell, for, with Mr. Corbally, against, till half past 9, FEBRUARY RESIGNATION OF THE MINISTRY. (From the Times ) Rather earlier than usual in the session the Ministry is out. Last night, soon after eight o'clock, in a thin House, and on the question between a local and a general militia, Lord John Russell was beaten on Lord Palmerston's amendment, and forthwith resigned. But that the non-existence of a Government in this empire, in the fac e o f great insecurity, if not lacteal danger, is by no means a laughable affair, there certainly is some thing amusing in the extraordinary concurrence of cir cumstances which has brought it about. There is scarcely a political incident, greet or small, of the last six mouths that has not had a share in it. There is the Palmerston rupture, there is the French coup diilat; there is the invasion panic, and the question of natielvd defence; there is the Irish Orange fund, and the Irish Papist quarrel; there is the Protectionist with the two other Oppositions; and last, but not least, there is the fatal dinner hour, which, to judge from the numbers on the division, must have told on the result. When the debate commenced the Howe was pretty full, hut soon began to thin, evidently under the influences that Lave proved fatal to many a more disciplined army, and the catastrophe which the augurs had predicted for Timrs day night came off yesterday instead. Perhaps the bril liant flashes of an aurora borealis which ushered it: the day had a voice in the affair. Almost any reason might be assigned in preference to the seeming occa sion; and it can scarcely be imagined that all who v ot e d against Government last night, still less all who stayed away, were prepared for the consequences of their non support. Possibly, as has frequently happened before, the Minister has stooped to avoid a fatal blow. The little cloud that was ultimately to blacken the heavens has long been over the horizon. Need we mention the Kafir war, to be brought home at last to the Colonial Secretary by Mr. Adderiey'a motion next Tuesday night? On Thursday, while deprecating a purely fac tious and mischievous division against Ministers, on Lord Naas's motion, we observed, " The day will come soon enough when the present Government will stand on its trial, and probably be condemned." In that we al luded to the debate which was then expected to occupy the greater part of next week, and to terminate in the censure of the Colonial Secretary and the resignation of Ministers. If that expectation were well founded, Lord John has certainly selected a much softer place to fall upon than fate seemed to threaten. He has made his own bed with considerable judgment. But should the Kafir question have been got over, Lord John would only have been reserved for shipwreck on his own new Re form Bill. The difficulties ahead are now of a more serious character than those which have hitherto been removed by the mere ceremony of resignation, followed by an immediate resumption of power. Lord John last night showed the greatest anxiety to accept in an adverse division a vote of non-confidence. " In a matter relating to the internal defence of the country" he would not di vide with any other man the responsibility of the mea sure to be adopted; and, accordingly, lett the House to choose both the measure and the man. Were the resig nation otherwise doubtful, that very matter of fact man, Sir Benjamin Hall, took care to clinch it by expressing a hope that Lord John was resigning in earnest, and not merely to take office again. Sir Benjamin likes to make safe. No African sportsman ever watched the lion, pierced by his rifle, with more anxiety to see if it were really dead—no undertaker could be more shocked to see the revival of the body already laid out in Spanish ma hogany and regulation lead. " But are you really dead, and may we stamp upon you?" was the substance of the worthy Baronet's question, and the reply was of the most reassuring nature. Lord John Russell's Ad ministration is actually no more. As to the difference itself, on which so important an issue has been decided, it is one which we should be ready ourselves to merge in the general question of confidence. We should be dis posed to conclude that in a matter some time in contem plation, and abundantly illustrated• by the experience of the last war, the Government had made the best choice, especially as it has not adopted blindly either of the two chief precedents, but has aimed at a judicious compro mise between them. There is, indeed, much truth in what Lord Palmerston says on the subject, but it amounts simply to this—that the more regular, the more disciplined, the more permanenNthe more moveable, and the more within call a militia can be made, the more serviceable will it prove in the event either of invasion, or of any war making a large drain on our regular army. This is a mere bundle of truisms. But Lord Palmerston does not appear to us to meet another ques tion of some practical importance. How far will his militia be popular or practicable? Even under the ex citement of actual war, a threatened invasion, and a de cidedly warlike spirit, at the beginning of the century, the General Militia was always a grie vance. Substitutes became very costly, and the ballot was almost as much detested as the French conscription, or even as our own pressgang. The decision of the House, however, has produced some singular effects. Lord John Russell has gone out on a thorough war question and a most thoroughly warlike debate. The House has taken the more warlike measure of the two-- viz., that which approaches most nearly to a standing army. We, meanwhile, who were charged with raising all this flame by talking EO much of national defences and treating Englishmen and Frenchmen as if they were natural enemies, have preferred the less warlike measure. To crown all, Lord Palmerston, who professes nothing but confidence in the disposition of the French autocrat, and who was dismissed for undertaking to approve the military usurpation, has actually carried against Govern ment a measure implying less confidence than theirs in the intentions of our warlike and powerful neighbour. Of all the parties in this puzzle, who is now the panic monger and provoker of war? Certainly not we. As certainly Lord Palmerston. But what is now to be done? Will Lord Palmerston undertake to form an Administration, offer Foreign Affairs to Lord J. Rus sell, and return to him for his better guidance her Majesty's minute on the proper subordination of that office? Or, failing the members of the existing Cabinet, will be attempt a composite Ministry, and win over Lord Clarendon if he can? He will more probably resign the task to the Protectionist chief, who has long since proclaimed that his arrangements are made, and he has only to walk in and take possession. The conti nued disorders in the Whig camp have once more opened the path to Lord Derby, and he has really no choice but to do what he can. Perhaps, it is rather too early in the session for that good twelvemonth's run of office which some have hoped for, but whether for six weeks or six months, Lord Derby will most likely be our Mi nister next week. He has some thing s in his favour. The Now Reform Bill will not stand much in his way. He can put off a good deal to next year, and among other matters not pressing for immediate action he will probably reckon the fatal question of Free Trade. Un less his followers hound him down too close on this point, he may perhaps get over the session, and trust to such further chances as events, or the still more inscrutable temper of his adherents, may supply. (From the Herald.) The Ministry has resigned: a momentous fact, very briefly told. Far less brief will be the speculations re specting it, or the inferences deduced from it. Yester day they were in imagination triumphant; their majority upon Lord Naas's motion was received with " loud and continued cheers." Their evening organ, almost to the last fatal hour of their fall, was predicting for them a long and prosperous reign. From the slough into which they had plunged, according to their chosen prophet, they were to rise whitened of the stains which they had contracted in the public estimation; and they were to rise the higher and the stronger in proportion to that moral, degradation into which they had fallen. Accord ing to him, it was almost a happiness for them to have soiled their fingers, that they might enjoy the benefit of this Parliamentary cleansing. The blow has reached them in the midst of this exultation—from a hand which, but a few weeks since, Lord John Russell would never have expected it—but yet from that hand, which all men feel, lends to that blow .a-tremendous efficacy, and loads it with a just retrib u ti on . In Lord Palmerston' s amendment there was unquestionably the right; if we are to have the militia revived for the defence of the kingdom, then, as the Noble Lord justly urged, the pro visions of the Bill and its title were antagonistic; the measure was a cheat; _it was taking the House by false pretences. If a regular defence was to be organized for the kingdom in general, then a local militia was a con tradiction in terms. The plan of the Government was neither one thing nor the other; like the Ministerial Reform Bill—like, in short, many other measures of the now late Administration, it professed one thing and did another. Satisfactory, however, as might be Lord Pal merston's reasoning, was it his reasoning, was it his temporary•succeso, was it his majority of 11, which de feated the Government? Certainly, whatever might have been the expectations of the House, it did not seem to feel so. And the sudden resignation of Lord John, much as he might have felt that that resignation mast come before long, was the result of a concurrence of causes which had been in active operation undermining long since the stability of the Government; it was motel like the act of a man who gives in, not so much from any instantaneous danger, but, because be ishemfmeatadl in on every side, he can but put off the result for a few short hours, and so resigns at once than live out the dreadful antici pation. n e t t i h c er i - pation. The prospect was gloomy enough; within and without there were fears and fightings. measure which, at the commencement of could have kept danger at a distance , and produce a di thTehseesseinonly, p di version in his favour, had failed most si signally p o p y. nally in ularitre curing him sympathy, or even a gleam If he turned his eyes to his colonial policy, a mountain y, there was direction; nothing to comfort him in that of mistakes, of bad management, of ill -success , exagge rated and embittered by the peculiar temper of the ' Colonial Secretary, was daily sin higher, and damming out all prospect ot w amelioration. a s If he looked towards Ireland, the scene not more cheerful. All circumstances were combining to close upon his Ministerial existence, and dmibgubrtyhha:e beenAdminis trationftbe in ruins. Whatever, then, .o anticipations of the count r y with regard oinkd r John t b was to ha this particular so wary particular measure, we cannot thatcovirnceeicvaennott t taken by surprise. and experienced has resigned in a fit of ill-temp er or of cons t er nation. Lord P almerston has not by a f e li c i tous 1110,0 checkmated his previous colleag ue • but, with his usual dexterity, Lord John has ma d e use of this conjuncture to f all gracefully and easily. if p o i yxena must fall by the hand of this new Neoptolemus, let her fall with all the ease and decency she On&part of this farce, however—or, shall we term it, this tragi comedy? — We confess we do not well und erstand. Thurs day n i g ht Lord Palmerston was foremost in throwing his wipe before his vulnerable and panting friends—he did muc h to shelter them from the effects of Lord Naas's motion, and to bring them honourably off the field. night, this cltmpign, Friday like another Coriolanua, is , a) 185°4 i found in the camp of the Volsci, and what 130 Members could not do, backed up by a good cause, and standing in defence of a gre a t pr i nciple, Lord Palmerston achieves ve 13.13: two small and comparatively unimportant words.the bette real, or i s i t feigned ? Is it ac a concerted warfare between two chiefe, both of whom know extremely well what they are about, though the abused public looks on it all with goo d faith, and be lieves their swords are sharpened and their blows i n earnest? Is there between the dismissal of Lord Pal merston, his eulogistic defence, and his present vic tory, any rational bond of connexion; or is all this • to pave the way for a decent fall of the Whigs; is it to save theta the confusion of a surrender t o any one of their own body? If so, the acting h as b een ad mirable, and the play has been well played out to the last. The blushes of the Premier, and the virgin mo desty of his inexperienced colleagues have been spared. However, the play is done, and the curtain has fallen. The Ministry cannot, like the great Emperor, exclaim Vos relete et plaudite! It cannot lease the stage it has so long, so tediously, and co prof - ides:Ay occupied, with thunders of applause ; not like a well graced actor, hut as 'a tedious prater, whom, if wo (la not hiss, it because to he rill of such an iticturbranee is a sufficient satisrection for our spleen ; and because our interest is far more than all eoneentrated him that shall enter next. Who that next ehall be it will not require much sagecity to descry. If we een read tim wishes of the country—if we can interpret the unnaistukeable evidence of its intentions in the election of East Kent, where Sir Brook Bridges hes been re turned by an overwhelming alejurity—those wishes are not hard to read. The watch- words of that electioe were Protestantism and Protection. Upon these grounds .Only Sir Edward Daring was defeated, notwithstanding his enormous advantages in the outeet of the contest; and these are now the watch words of the nation. We recognise in th a t c o n t es t Oil a smaller scal e w h at soon willbo enacted on a much larger one, and in which no party in the State but ono can take the lead. Naturally, all those who feel with the majority in that election will turn to Lord Derby as their leader, as the only statesman on whom th e y y can rely to carry out those principles which they feel to be so vitally and intimately connected with the prosperity of the nation. Doubtless, before these re marks shall have reached our readers, that Noble Lord will have been informed of the result; before, in fact, the ink on this paper is diy. He will be prepared to act that part, and to carry out those councils to which the Soverei g n and the nation shall have called hi m . Unprepared, he cannot be, for, though sudden, this event is not unexpected; and those councils will he carry out with that generous and chivalrous devotion to a great purpose for which ho is distinguished. The wishes of the nation go with him; the good wishes of all who are sick of empty promises and vain words —of all who desire a temperate guiding and concilia tory hand to draw us out of the mass of social evils by which we are beset—of all, in short, who long for the peace, the prosperity, and the happiness of this great country. (From the Chronicle.) The Russell Cabinet—triumphant on Thursday night by a majority of upward s o f n i nety, on a question of first-classimportance, and defeated on F r id ay n i ght by a :majority of less than a dozen, on a question of no practical moment—now talk of resigning. Long as the country has been prepared for this inevitable catas trophe of an Administration which for years has been sinking from one depth of feebleness and decrepitude to another and a lower—which passed through ono " crisis" just twelve months ago, and which barely survived through a recess that deprived it of its ablest and most popular member—the announcement will, after all, take the nation by surprise. The resolution which Lord John Russell intimated to the House of Commons last night, after the division on Lord Palmerston's motion, was so obviously uncalled for by the circumstances of the case, that the public will find it impossible to regard the ostensible ground of the Ministerial decision as the real one. The Cabinet have long been inured to Parliamentary defeat; they have never shown any indisposition to accept modifica tions, even of their most important measures, at the hands either of their friends or of their foes; and the particular question on which they were outvoted yesterday evening was about the last on which one would have looked for an extreme assertion of the prin ciple of Ministerial autocracy. So far from the majority declaring or implying, by last night's vote, any want of confidence in the Government, it actually gave them a larger confid ence th an they had asked. Th e diff erence between the Premier's proposal, " to amend the laws re specting the local militia," and Lord Palmerston's reso lution, to " amend and consolidate the laws respecting the militia," amounted simply to an extension of the powers and resources of the Executive. Moreover, when Lord John Russell consented to add the word " consolidate" to his own resolution, he virtually gave up the whole question—it being little better than a con tradiction in terms to talk of " consolidating" the Acts relating to the local militia, which are only two or three in number, whilst those relating to the regular militia are exceedingly numerous. Nor was the vote of the House dic tated by any - secret and unavowed feelings of hostility; for it will be found, when the division lists are pub lished, that the not very considerable majority which affirmed Lord Palmerston's amendment included no small proportion of the habitual supporters and friends of the Government. A Ministerial resignation, under circumstances so strangely disproportioned to such a result, carries with it its own interpretation, and irre sistibly- suggests a pre-formed determination to relin quish office at the first plausible opportunity. The country will be at no loss to divine the true cause of that determination, when it is remembered that on Tuesday next the House of Commons was to have been called upon to pronounce its judgment on the policy which has led to the costly and disastrous Kafir war. We offer no opinion st present on the prudence, the temper, or the patriotism which Lord John Russell has manifested iu this proceeding. The country will judge of the conduct of a statesman who throws down the reins of Govern ment at a moment when the whole business of the year remains to be done—when the gravest questions of foreign and domestic policy are pressing for a prompt so l ut i on — an d, moreover, under circumstances which will inevitably convey to all the Powers of Eu rope an impression alike groundless and pernicious, as to the real cause and the practical import of the event. It is certainly unfortunate that, with so many opportu nities before him of retiring from a post which he has long since been incapable of occupying with credit to himself or advantage to the country, he should have chosen an occasion which, in the eyes of every Conti nental Government, will apparently identify the Parlia ment and people of Great Britain with the foreign policy of Lord Palmerston. But we have little inclination to dwell on these topics. It is of infinitely more moment that the country should prepare itself to enter on the grave struggle which now awaits it, for the defence of the great principles of a just and liberal commercial policy, than that the merits or demerits of a defunct Administration should be precisely a p prec i ate d. Th e formation of a Protectionist Administration will probably be the result of Lord John Russell's abdication of office; so that the time has arrived for the final ter mination of that mischievous class controversy which, for the last six years, has disorganized political parties, obstructed all useful legislation, lowered the tone and character of Parliamentary discussion, and rendered a strong and efficient Government an impossibility. We need not say that we look forward to the result without fear or a misgiving. Of the issue of such a struggle it would be folly to affect a doubt which it is impossible for any one to feel who knows how deeply, and widely, and solidly the principles of Free-trade are rooted in the convictions, the interests, and the necessities of the great mass of the community. The conflict may be a severe, though scarcely a protracted one; but it is a necessary stage through which the country must pass in order to arrive at a definitive solution of that intolerable political entanglement which has brought all Government and legislation to a dead lock. (From the Advertiser.) the he Though no one will feel surprised, and few will r e g ret, to learn that the Whig Ministry are among t slightest things that were, few persons, wo suppose, h idea of the circumstances under which tande d ow nfall was to be brought about. Little did Lord John Russell imagine when he dismissed Lord Palmerston, that in the brief space of two months, the "Expelled Minister" his co would be the means of turning himself and 11 ergues crop and heal out of Downing-street. There is at least poetical justice in this. No novelist could invent a denouement more in keeping with the incidents of his work of fiction. We say nothing just now of the merits of the question on which the Whigs are eject e d. W e are merely recording a great fact—one which ill ustrates and confirms, in a remarkable manner, all that w o ever said respecting the impolicy, as well as bad feeling, in v Lord olved in th e e condon. uct of Lord:John Wh Russell in dismissing from trivial ar " at dire causes sprin g !" effects was the exclamation of the poet, more than a century ago. Who could have believed that the simple and seemingly unimportant circumstance of Lord Palmerston proposing as an amendment to the Ministe rial scheme, respecting the militia, that a regular should bo substituted for a local militia should m result in the v b e u r but nt eenntorwthicie days before, to b o destruction of a Go , declared at Perth F h r et o v m e r t e le s e ig D n e a d i r. Fox Maule had 4 , The Inevitable Government ?' w ' The Ministers( n 'A ci e t uj u s Pon a broad tine's tion of national policy or of Parliamentary reform, bat upon a difficulty whether eighth of George the the forty-second or the forty present Third should be refurbished for present use! There was a sig n ifi can t mus t er on the Tory benches in the House of Commons yesterday even ing, and the habitues ofthe t h e mischief in the wi n d. In n due time Lord John Russell rose to propose his militia plan. He desired to have what he considered a c onstitutional means of defence for the coun try, and thought that a local militia was the best mode of providing it. With much ingenuity he put his propo sition before his hearers, but through the whole explu tion there shone out two grea t errors of policy —two great mistakes—th e one potent for evil in the eyes of the Liberals, the other still more fraught with mischief in the Tory view of the subject. The economists could see the broad absurdity of making bad soldiers of useful mechanics to be ready three months hencce to meet a danger said to be imminent; whilst practical Members of the Tory party saw the insufficiency of a weak local force, when compared with such a militia as England boasted during tbo last war. And far more than that, Lord Derby's follceivers saw also, in the dispute before them, a chance of up - Setting the Whigs, and getting their With an audience to a placeF. . large extent thus mentally prepared to resist his arguments, the Minister went on detailing his plans, and when he had finished his story, upstood his ex-colleague, Lord Palmerston, to knock down all he had striven to raise. Lord Palmerston had no official reserves to check him, and on he went, ap pealing to the fears of those who dream of an teras!on, and to the patriotism of such as desire such e glory _a S the French are fond of. Hi s ad d ress m i g ht be calleda e gen uine ".Rule Brita nn i a oration," well a d a pted to his audience, eminent y audience, well spri n kl e d w i th elevernese, 1.-p " telling "in its effect. He was cheered loudly, esp a cially—as an Honourable Member remarked- - ley title with gless3r complimen u" eclared his r es p ect f or d ie landlords behind him, who lived in 'Cent and the swath anal well tu la rn o e r d d sle'natlenenecresst, d Minister and his plans. All he wished was to sale etittne one statute of George 111. f or anot h er; to make the militia really an efficient force; moveable from one part of the kingdom to another. It was only* word—forty-two for fifty-eight. But that word wax fated to upset the Ministry. The speeches that follow e d Divide, Lord Palmerston's told for nothing. " divide," was the muttered interruption from the well filled Tory, benches; Lord Marcus Hill was industrious, but unsur e . cessful; the Whigs were not at their posts, the bra rung. and on the desired division—in a House of lei Members—Lord John was left in a minority of 11. few hasty words of inquiry, explanation, and rejoinder, arid then the loud cheers of the Tories told how gladly they received from the Prime Minister an intimation that he felt bound to resign. " The last feather breaks the back of the camel," says the Arab. His last folly broke down Johu Russell's Cabinea Ile tem pered w:tte the patience, reed d the endutanee, and scorned the e , unsel of. th e men w ho advised :himrisefy, whilstlhey refused to fli7ter his mistakes. 'What right had he to k,t; for wl:,,n the 0 7 1 11 171 raying many millions is year for niular Alp#z, and seame n ? 'l'o thei,e pairs 4 r• t u . titit,4l to look for national • d.leric.-I—to -flit , ' mighty .oievt; t he paints are seep, veal the .good seamen, and the gallantry :het, thn hour of pet it, has ever hren ready and true—to it 4 1 , -i e ' rd in the lest ) war and in the, drilled hov e s seen di; e rs ry e i , c f - e th a , officered the men who many colonies of, Great Britain.. And " if this navy and near d this army are not maple, w h en pr o p er l y siii ii oire the coast, then the Minister should. have accepted . the free oiler 0f those tnousand s of young meet who prof fered their services in the national dcfwuce as members of rifle corps. But no. i Lord J o h n R ussell would try a m who woulds' time.onth militia. The country n the pre sent etete of Europe was not s cure, he thought. At any moment we m i g h t b, in danger, and to stave off what might affect us to-eight p h r6 isp a la b i l l y was bs t r o ca o d i y •ga t n o h. ize g e h e t ne in a e 0 striplings, few Fight they doubtless would, and as well as en) . raw muster could do—for they would be Englishmen; but if the danger said to be in our neighbourhood be real, the enemy might sack London twice over before local mili tiamen could bo ballotted for, enrolled, clad, armed, drilled, and be made ready for fighting and defeatingea disciplined invading army. The House saw. The Minis ter's ease was weak, and his enemy strong. But he would have a militia—and he has already got enough of it. But why was the enemy strong, and why should Lord Palmerston seek to establish a general militia force instead of a local one? and, why, on a defeat of such a character, should a Ministry resign? The Cabinet break down was so sudden—so unanticipated—that there is little time for investigation of circumstances, but on the first blush of the subject there are certain evident proba bilities involved in the affair. To take the last point filet, it is just possible that Lord John Russell might prefer a crisis on this subject to ono on the impending Cape debate, where the feeling might be more unitedly unfavourable to him than on the subject of militia; and, left in a minority of eleven, he may offer the " resig nation which her Majesty might not think it necessary, under the circumstances, to accept: . Should this be so; and should Lord Palmerston not join Lord Derby in forming a Cabinet, Lord John, coming back to office, may turn to the Liberals with the exclamation, " If you do not support me as a party I shall hand the reins to Ma Tories." Such calculations may have rendered him less unwilling to meet the event o f l as t n i g ht th an th e wo rld might imagine. Be this, however, as it may, the Tory I muster in the House last night to do the work they ef fected is explicable upon the knowledge of the fact that Lord Palmerston and the Peclites were ready to sup port any attempt for damaging the Ministry. They could scarcely have expected how successful they would be. The tactics of the ex-Foreign Secretary are clear enough. He will have no local militia —not for the reasons that urge the Liberals to reject it—but from a widely different motive. A local militia is, as Lord John Russell declares, a constitutional force. It might be called. indeed, a body of armed county special constables. It is a force raised in a locality to be em ployed in that locality, with local prejudices and local inefficiencies. If good for anything it would be—when drilled—useful only for local contest. A general militia, on the other hand, is in truth an addition to the stand ing army of a mass of indifferent troops, from which the line could be recruited—a reservoir from which an efficient fighting army could be fed. Such was the mi litia during the last war—a contest the very naming of. which points out what Lord Palmersten had in view in all probability last night. If that long and bloody cot test which left the bones of tens of thousands of English men to whiten on the fields of Spain, of France, and of Belgium, and left us millions of debt to cripple our energies and finance—if th a t long and sanguinary story of foreign war t eac h es anything, it teaches how fond English Governments have been of interfering with th e b us i ne ss of foreign nations. We interfered to overthrow a Bonaparte to put up a Bourbon in his stead, at tho cost of millions sterling, and from the days of that costly intervention we have ever had some small job of th e s o r t on hand—Syria, Portu gal, Spain —nay, even Lagos to wit. No man more ready at this work than my Lord Palmerston. No man more prompt in launching the forces of England against whom soever happened to do aught which seemed inimical to, his " foreign policy." In the presence of the clangs said to exist from France, with the possibility of Gallia legions marching upon Savoy or the Rhine. or of the cliques of the Tuileries seeking, ei kc Brothel. Jonatham, to annex" Belgium for the glory of nsodernGaul 7 in the very presence, we say, of such probabilities in Eu rope, what would England be—iu the thought of a man like Lord Palmerston—without troops available for foreign intervention? How cou ld E ng land make 'her self 'felt without soldiers for service in Flanders. or iu Portugal, in Hanover, or in Spain? And should the great misery of war on the Continent arise, our present English army—even with the English fleet and English volunteers—would all be needed for the protection of England herself. We could spare nothing—no' armed interventions could be tried. On the defensive, and the defensive atone, must we act; so far as armies were con- cerned. But were a general militia organized, bow dif ferently should we stand! Two hundred thousand _Eng lish conscripts would soon have many men forward enough for drafting into the line; whilst the rest would be deemed amply sufficient for home defence. Our re gulars would cease to be necessary to our home safety. They, co uld be sent abroad—if " honour" or " interven • tion required it. Once across the seas all the former glory y od and drama might b e enacted a g ain. En g land thorou ghly comm itted to a great fight would fight it out as of old. gra. pri ß on at o tl f es En an g d lis g b dTuhaellylin,e. a w se o d ul o d p w , jn w — on a l n d d b p e er fi is l h le ; d th o e p re a g g i a m in en a ts n , d as again might w be it w h I:nglish treasure -- an d another g reat and " g l orious" feonr from.e mt th h e o old me na t ion al war be followed by another g re at and strangling o w n i_l 1 t a i a s b a m national debt. Let it not be supposed that this is an view of the question that led t o imaginary Minis terial crash of last night. An organized general militia me ans—the capacity for engaging in a foreign war —and Lord Palmerston, above all men, knows it. And he know it right well when he talked with such glib in nocence last night in the "louse of Commons of h; sm all diff ere nce —the mere word " generafor l" " local" t —that stood between himself and his late Lord John Russell. The Whig mini,te colleague, to office or they may not. Lord Derby,rs may return Palmerston, may possibly take office. But with Lord. people insist upon being guarded b ' But let the y t h eir 0 s hips and their own tried soldieran d Wilgood them selvese to be taxed in pocket 's) not allow al militia. or in person for either local EAST KENT ELECTION, The following were the numbers at the final close of ,hu poll : Ashford BRIDGES. ... Canterbury ."... ... Ramsgate ... Romney ••• ..• ••• Sittingbourne... ••• ... 291 ... 958 ... 663 ... 199 ... 373 j_L 2,484 Ashford DERING. .•• •.• Canterbury ... -• Ramsgate ... ... Romney Sittingbourne... ••• ---- 2,286 Majority for Bridges ... ... 19S - Mium.—Accordihg to the circular transmitted to the Lord-Lieutenants of counties, her " Majesty has been pleased to recommend that an inspection of the permanent staff of the militia in Great Britain shall take place at the earliest possible period." Those gentlemen who may happen to be unprovided with proper uniform can obtain the same at moderate cost, and with great promptness, by applying to Messrs. Nicoll, army clothiers, of Regent-street and Corn hill, Nth° are also preparing designs for any fresh corps that may be formed, when all modern improvements in mihtar.s' clothing and accoutrements will have attention.—N.B. With all future orders for the equipment of volunteer rifle club!. to an official atmo d' ffimnce the members for which, according r a ent, may plead an exemption from serving in the militia, Messrs. I\ icoll respectfully beg to seek timely notice in those instances where they may be required to pr ovide rifles made on the French principle - but where gent lemen merel y re claire uniform or other clothing, ' such may be obtained in a ny . quantity with gre a t dispatch and economy; the excellence in point of mate r i a l or fi t will be sufficient l y g uaranteed b y th n well-earned repu t at i on o f t hi s firm. Competent persons 'will be sent to any part o f th e country if a fair amount of o rdera be insured, on app li cat i on at 114, 116, 118, and 120, Re, gent - street, or 22, Cornhill. New .ml 3 erun:,:ed applied t e od several e b r . :O m , [ADVERTISEMENT j —Extraordinary Cure of lii .. from Hampton, cells by Holloway's Ointment and Pills.—Extract of a letter Professor Holloway. e i d B4 ica 6 l .— men T ii: Sir, —A son of mine, 16 years of age, was afflicted with ulcers on his limbs and body for more than three years, from which small pieces of bone had been re. moved from time to ti • St. John's, but all to . no purpose. I was then induced to try t and Pills, which made a complete ' I your Ointment and cure. Severe. months have since elapsed, . their is not the slightest ap pearance o f their return. (Signed) James Wetmore " peara . These medicines are sold by all Druggists, and at Professor Holloway's Establishment, 244, Strand, London. VERDICT IN THE CASE 01 THE HAMILLA Mire CHIC LL . —Yesterday - , Mr. Bedf or d resumed and concluded the protracted inquiry at the Marquis of Westminster, Be'grave. road, Pimlico, OR the body of William Ward, aged 23, one of the crew of the Hamilla Mitchell, of Glasgow, trading 13. ^ tween Hartlepool and Hong-Kong, three others of whom it was reported had died from want of sufficient food and at tendance, and a want of lime juice and vinegar when they were attacked with scurvy. The evidence having been summed up by the coroner. the ju con sulted for about half an-hour, and then ret urned the following verdict :—" We find a verdict of manslaughter against Captain William Holmes. We think also that the evidence of the officers o( the ship is not to be re li ed on, and that they did not NUT d their duty." 434 593 448 304 507