The Sun. — London, England, 1846-01-23 00:00:00

that I have had the advantage of hearing her Majesty's Speech ; and it is only now that I have learnt that the real question which has agitated the country was not to be discussed ; and—except perhaps in a kind of protest —we should address her Majesty without any attempt at a difference of opinion. Sir, lam not now—after the indication of the Right Hon. Gentleman, the first Minister, th a t an early day is to be appointed for the discussion of that question—lam left now, after so formal an announcement from so high a quarter, presuming myself to introduce that question to the notice of the house. Not even the allusion made to it by the Noble Lord who has just sat down, or even the details entered into by the Right Hon. Gentleman shall tempt me, or I might say would even authorise me, to touch at such a moment upon such a question. At the same time lam bound, in fairness to the House—rising with their indulgence, at this moment of the debate—l am bound not to conceal what my opinions are on the general question, though I, shall not attempt to express them, except je, giving the result. I am not one of t e r , s ,,, who are converts to the new opinion. I am, Prdrhaps, member of a fallen party. Those oeinions t!etat I have feebly some times attempted to express in this House in favour of protection, I adheee to, and le sincerely in tend to do so. They sent me to this House, and if I re linquished them I should relinquish my seat—(Cheers) —and I should net 'have appeared here. I give that frank expressien of my opinion. I will now attempt, with the, indulgence of the House, to give the reasons why rise at this moment. I confess that the tone of the Right Hon. Baronet was hardly fair to the House ; for while he stopped discussion on the great question on the present occasion, he entered into some details, and gave vent to his feelings with a fervency quite unusual, Sir, I admire a Minister of this country who has tbes courage to say that he holds authority in order to vindi cate his opinion, and to give expression to the ceeeiction of his intellect and conscience. Sir, there ie hardly any man in this House, who will rise and say they are not the feelings of a very great and courageous spirit, which should at all times, and under all circumstances, be respected. Unfortunate, indeed., will be the position of this country, when its destinies are regulated by a Minister who recommends a policy adverse to the con viction of his mind. But, Sir, while the Right Hon. Baronet has touched on the subject of such high deli cacy, we may be permitted to ask ourselves what are the causes, and what are the circumstances, that ren dered it necessary for one so able, and one so eminent, occupying a position so high —at least of so great a re sponsibility—to enter into these apologies, to enter into these vindications, and rising in the House amid the cheers of former opponents, to place himself in a posi tion of such an apologetic character to those who once were his party ?—(Cheers.) Sir, I have no doubt that the Right Honourable Baronet has arrived at conscientious conclusions upon this great subject. —(lleer, hear.) The Right Hon. Gentleman says that it is not so much through the force of argument as the cogency of observation that he has arrived at these conclusions. But, Sir, the observation which the Right Hon. Gentleman has made must have been made by him at a period when he filled in this House a post scarcely less eminent, and in which he exercised scarcely less control than he does now. I want to know how is it that the Right lion. Gentleman, who certainly is in the enjoyment of the full maturity of manhood, should have arrived at this change of opinion —no doubt con scientiously—should have arrived at this state of opinion, when, after a long opposition, this question was argued in all its bearings, a Government was formed in oppo sition to the very opinions he now advocates? I think, myself, not only is a Minister bound to advocate that policy which he believes to be necessary to the welfare of the State, but he is bound, under all circumstances, and at any sacrifice, to announce his opinions. But what are we to think and say of an eminent statesman, who having served—as he has informed us—under four Sovereigns who cannot want experience any more than he can royal confidence—who was called to steer the ship on so many occasions and under such perilous circumstances—what are we to say of that Minister, our greatest and most renowned statesman, who, by the observation of three years, has found it necessary utterly to change his conviction On an important topic, which must have presented itself far more than twenty years to his observation, and which tuts been debated in this House, under every variety of circumstance. Sir, I will say, of such a Minister, that he may be conscientious, but he is unfortunate. But this I will say of him, he is the last man who should turn round and upbraid his party in the tone of menace. --(Cheers.) Sir, I must say that I find a difficulty in paralleling the position which the Right Hon. Gentle man now occupies with anything which history or experience affords us. The only circumstance, the only incident which occurs to me as bearing any parallel to it is in an event which occurred in that late war in the Levant, which was terminated by the policy of the Noble Lord opposite (Lord Palmerston). I re member when that great struggle was taking place which affected the existence of the Turkish empire—when the Sultan of that day, a man of great energy and great resources, determined to make a last effort for his em pire, fitted out an immense armada. It consisted of many of the finest ships that were ever built. Its crews were picked, and its officers were chosen with discretion and rewarded before they fought.—(Laughter.) Never did such an armada pass the Dardanells since the days of Solyman the Great. The Sultan embraced the Admiral —all the muftis prayed for the success of the expedition, 53 the muftis here did at the last election. Away went the armada, but what was the astonishment and consternation of the Sultan, when the Lord High Admiral steered at once into the enemies' port.—(Cheers and laughter.) Now, Sir, the Lord High Admiral in that instance was much misrepresented. He too was called a traitor, but he vindicated himself. He said " True it is, I did place myself at the head of :the valiant armada—true it is my Sovereign embraced me, and that all the muftis of the kingdom offered up prayers for the success of the expedition, but I have an objection to war ; I see no use of prolonging the struggle, and the only reason I accepted my high office was that I might termi nate the contest by betraying my master." And, Sir, these reasons, offered by a man of great plausibility and great power of discussion, and adroit in debate, have had their effect, and what is still more surprising is the fact 'which the Hon. and allant Admiral opposite (Sir C. Na pier) will bear witness to, that at this moment that mania First Lord of the Admiralty at Constantinople under the new reign. —(Sir Charles Napier made some observation which we could not hear.) Well, lam convinced at all events that he remains a very influential personage in the Ottoman world. Now, the Right Hon. Gentleman has turned upon us and said, "A certain power made me Minister, and a certain power can prevent me from be ing Minister." I protest against such an authority : I never will acknowledge such a servile position. Sir, the sympathy of all sides of the House must be with the Hon. Gentleman ; but, like his former adhesion to free trade, it must be sympathy in the abstract because no person has a right to fill the position of the Right Hon. Gentleman, and give utterance to senti ments so magnanimous, without some reference to that understanding which placed the Right Hon. Gentleman at the head of the Government, and which, after all, should not be lost sight of in esti mating the position the Right Hon. Gentleman now occupies. It is all very well for the Right Hon. Gen tleman to say, I am the first Minister of the country— and, by the by, I think! the Right Hon. Gentleman might as well adopt the phraseology of Sir Robert Walpole, and call himself sole Minister, for his speech to-night is rich in egotistic rhetoric—l think he is per fectly justified in such a course, as almost all his C a bi ne t voted against him, and so I think , he is quite right not to ;notice them. It is all very well for the Right Hon. - Baronet to advance to that table, and say I am thinking of posterity—l am certainly doing that which is exactly contrary to what I counselled on the other side of the table; but lam appealing to posterity, and therefore I care neither for your disapprobation nor your cheers. But then we might ask ourselves, as Members of the House of Commons—as subjects of a popular Government —we might ask ourselves, what are the measures by which the Right Hon. Gentleman has attained this position ? The Right Hon. Gentleman has supported a different policy for a number of years. He (continued the Hon. Gentleman) remembered when the Right lion. Gentle man was in a different position, and was a little more bashful.—(A laugh.) The Right Hon. Gentleman calls upon the Queen, but would the Queen call upon the Right Hon. Gentleman ?—(Hea r , hear , cheers, and great laughter.) In 1821 he would not lace himself in opposition to the then Government of England. It was all very well for the Right Hon. Gentleman to take this highflowing course, and if he could maintain it may be for the benefit of the country. He thought and said with great respect—for he belonged to that party which h e believed could now triumph no more—(A laugh)—and that they had nothing at their side except the Constitu tion—the duty of a great statesman was to represent great ideas, that may lead to great events , as well as lead him to power. He did not care whether he was a useeinfacturer or a manufacturer's son.—(Hear, hear.) He eared not what may be the position of a man who !lever originated an idea, who watches the atmosphere, and takes his observations, and when he finds the wind In a certain point s sails in that way. The man who does 3 ° may be a powerf u l Mi n i ster , b u t never can b e a grea t statesman. He is as much a ereat statesman as a man who gets up behind a carriag; is a great whip.—(Great laughter and cheering.) Both are disciples of progress. —(A laugh)—both get good places—(Great laughter)— but how far is th e or i g i nal momentum indebted to their hover. —(Cheers.) Th e Ri ght Hon. Gentleman plac es imself in this position. H e t e ll s us. that he held high s offices under four sovereig9e, and exercised p ower thisip those high o ffi ces. This is th e reputation f of ability and experien ce — t h at a n man t ru sted him, and that a Conservative sovere i g n trusted him. He tells you this as a recemmendation to follow him. But is this the way for a great statesman to win the proud aristocracy ?—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) It would never reconcile him to be dragged upon a wheel. He had not arrived at that conclusion; and the opinion of the majority of the House he hoped would be the same. Tie is the only man who, coming for ward and devoting himself to the cou ntr y , sa y s he sacri fices him self to his Sovereign's deliverance. Sir, the_ Right Hon. Gentleman tells us he is still purely .Uonservative, and says his Conservative Administration is determined to put down agitation. He confessed when he heard this, great es was the power of Parliamentary faces, he was thunderstruck.—(Bear.) He felt that men who appeared to speak the truth were most likely to mislead. A man who differs from him, however, may be permit ted to speak in a popular assembly. But when he said tie vion.o put down agitation—when he said this in the face of the Hon. Member for Stockport, and the Hon . IVllmbffix,-, 49r Durham—when he said this the ,sswAST lace\ eff-.C I great General, an d attempt l i l t, he .....,tticesehribl\Right Hon. Gentleman would achieve' = one of the' kreat qualities of a statesman, that of Making an "Impression. R e put down agitation I He will when he induces the Noble rep rese ntat i ve f3outh Lancashire to come forward and st and i3all of .. _(A laugh.) He remembered, when in the midst of proud orgutions, ?oaring of the inconvenience of the f ffqtci ~. ‘.t'' aristocracy, and the necessity of inventing some means of managing reform constituencies—he remembered when a great mind delivered itself like an oracle, who ought to be ranked with the Seven Wise Men of Greece, for saying register I register ! register ! Register to save the Constitution—register to save the corn-laws and the Church. This was the way the Right Hon. Gentleman went on before the green table. The states man who opposed emancipation against argument, may now be said, Gentlemen, to be a member of the League — he who over and over again opposed political ex pedients one tbnusand times more urgent.—(Hear.) There was the Right Hon. Gentleman now trying to prove himself right, who had proved himself false ten thou sand tina.ee. A Learned Member for some county, the name pi which he 'could not then remember, said he was asho-aved any longer to resist those claims, but had not the courage to propose their abolition. The moment he n'sard South Lancashire was invaded, the moment he heard Yorkshire was in danger, he deserts the principles of protection, and having arrived at an opposite conclu sion, he comes to Parliament to convince them with ar guments they had heard for thirty years. He gave him credit, however, for extremely singular conjectures—as a Minister who tells them, it was not intellect, it was not great talent, but it was the state of the registrars they should appeal to, although, when he was in opposition, he read them a very different lesson, and gave them very different counsel. But he comes forward, and says he was acting for posterity. What a blessing it was for the country to have a Minister who was only thinking of posterity—(Great laughter)—not thinking of the poor, but of posterity; and not thinking at all about the present constitution. One feature of the present Cabinet was to support peace, and in the history of parties he would defy any man, even the Honourable Gentleman the Member for Edinburgh himself—(A laugh)—to show any instance to equal the present in this or any other country where Ministers were more determined to keep their places; bat "coming events cast their shadows before," and he saw in the element of the Government shadows that no gentleix an could possibly doubt. They would resist a moderate proposal—(Hear, hear) —by men who could make such gross and palpable blunders as they had seen. The Whigs will be the chief mourners ; they , weep over an abortion, but which still excited all the kindest feelings of maternity —(Laughter.) They (the protectionists) follow, mourn ing over an offspring that had been assassinated ; and the nurse they engaged had done it all.—(Loud laughter.) They saw her fondling it, and exclaiming " What a darling ! Did you ever see anything of its age equal to it ?"—(Renewed laughter.) But immediately after the nurse, in a fit of patriotic frenzy, dashes its brains out, and comes down to give to the master and mistress an account of the terrible murder.—(Laughter.) Never had the House of Commons, even in the most strong times of the country, been 'placed in a similar position by a Minister. Never bad it been tried to carry out a similar policy. And what had produced this ? A Minister had lost a valuable colleague. He had not been present in the other House when the Noble Lord to whom he referred had made a speech, and therefore he had not had an opportunity of hearing his explanation of the reasons why he had withdrawn from the Ministry ; but from what he (Mr. Disraeli) had learned, that Noble Lord stated the reason of his withdrawal. They all know where Lord Stanley had been ; he would ask them where - was Lord Stanley now ?—(Hear, hear.) As he said, he had not had the satisfaction of hearing tho Noble Lord's speech ; but he understood he had told them that he had withdrawn because he did not agree with the Govern ment on the question on which they had been called into power, on which they had derived their official ex istence, and on the operation of which they had gained the confidence of the House of Parliament.— (Hear, hear.) He said the confidence of Parliament, for he was not one to sacrifice party, or the confidence of Parliament, by such a course as the Right Hon. Gentleman pursued.—(Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Gentleman talked of being independent of party ; but could he reconcile his policy with the constitution of the country? Who, on either side of the House, had gained any important or commanding position, without receiving the confidence of Parliament? The Right Hon. Gentleman might say that he had obtained the confidence of the Sovereign, but he (Mr. Disraeli) maintained that without the confidence of the House of Commons—without the confidence of that House, no consmanding position could be obtained.—Jlear, hear.) It was impossible to carry on the business of the coun try, it was impossible to achieve any great benefit for thepeoplewithout parties.—(Hear, hear.) There must be distinct principles enunciated and maintained.—(Hear.) Whether it was my Lord John this or that, or whoever it might be that was called on to form a Ministry, this was a feature in the construction of the Government of England. If a Government is to be constructed, there must be principles on which it must declare to pro ceed, and a party to give it their support. A Govern ment ought not to recommend measures which it did not approve of at one time, which it considered essential to the welfare of the country at another.—(Hear, hear.) Was this not committing a great party connexion to a false policy, and which might bring down on them great evils ?—(Hear, hear.) That House of Commons existed on the principles of party. If they destroyed the Go vernment of parties—of definite ideas of sympathy with straightforward and honest policy—what would be their position ? Six hundred individuals—men at the direc tion of the Sovereign, under the will of the Govern ment—to be used for the purposes of corruption, and not employed for the benefit of the people.—(Cheers.) Who could doubt that such. would be the result of the policy of a Government without a party ? Had it not been so in a neighbouring country, which was as yet in the infancy of the representative system. They knew that such was the case.—(Hear, hear.) There was no Parliamentary party in France, and they knew the state of things there. They knew that whatever might bo said of danger from Bonapartists, and the supporters of the Napoleon dynasty, that the real danger to that country was the corruption of the servants of the State —of the Government—the whole power of which was at the command and under the direction of a single indi vidual.—(Hear, hear.) Would it not be so here? Nay, was there not a danger of its being so if a Government without a prrty were to be considered a Parliamentary principle.—(Hear, hear.) But such, if attempted now , had never, heretofore, been endured. That which had not been submitted to from Walpole and other Ministers of eminence in the history of the English Government, would not be endured, he was persuaded, now.—(Hear.) The Right Hon. Gentleman says he will rule andexercise authority without respect to party, and will leave his character to posterity. He would beg leave to inform him that very few were the names that reached that goal—that a place in the future was a boon vouch safed to few—that those who reached posterity were not much more numerous than the planets.—(Loud laughter and cheers.) Anti he was going to commit his fame to posterity on the principle of relaxed protection.— (Hear, hear.) But he advised the Right Honourable Gentleman of the danger with which that course was fraught. His (Mr. Disraeli's) declaration was, that whatever opinions, whether of protection or free trade, were advocated in that House, he, at least, would op pose free politics.—(Hear, hear.) He would say to every man who had obtained a position in that House, to stand by the principles by which he had risen, whether those principles were right or wrong. If right, carry them into operation, but if satisfie they are wrong, retire, and let those who have consistently advocated an opposite course carry them out.—(Hear, hear.) Though the Noble Lord who had endeavoured to form a Ministry had not succeeded in that endeavour, it did not declare whether he was right or wrong in the policy he was seeking to carry out ; but he (Mr. Disraeli) did not think it was right that a Parliament elected on the prin ciple of protection, and a Minister who had obtained a large majority on the faith of that principle, should now turn his back on that which had brought him into power. —(Hear, hear.) He admitted that notwithstanding the great talent of the Minister, and however much the exercise of that might have operated in bringing the Conservative party into power, it was not fair to the people of England to propose such a measure as that he was about to do.—(Hear, hear.) He was a great party leader no doubt, and had achieved a victory ; but how had he done so ? He had obtained a grand victory, of coarse, judging from his present policy, the impolicy of which, not to use any harsher lan gqacre, was clearly apparent. Such was the case. If the ° Right Hon. Baronet had not come forward at the time he obtained his Parliamentary majority, and with the greatest frankness responded to the call of the country, he would not have been placed in the conaman ing position he then occupied.—(Hear.) Did not men say that he made speeches to suit the occasion, accomo dating addresses in order to appeal to the sympathies of the people, so as to carry his majority and elevate him self into power ? He recognised a Parliamentary Go vernment, because he promised to support the views of the party which had carried him into power, and who he had urged forward with his cheers and ad.. ulation.—(Hear, hear.) They (the Conservative party) might use him to secure the success of their Parliamentary number, but how they could be expected to support the principles advocated by the men they formally opposed, he could not understand.— (Hear, hear.) The Ministry they were now called on to support was not the Ministry who should interfere with those laws relating to protection. That feeling was not confined to this House, but prevailed exten sively out of doors.— (Hear, hear.) He said this as an advocate of protection, as one who, while he would not. shrink from maintaining his opinion, would listen with patience to any refutation of them that might be offered from any other Member of the House.—(Hear, hear.) He would impress it on their consideration, that whether a Whig or Conservative Administration was in power, whether the Noble Lord on the Opposition, or the Right Hon. Gentleman on this side was at the head. of the Administration, that they should transact their business and conduct their policy on the principle that Parliamentary party had been an institution, and was still to continue an an institution of this country.—(Hear.) The character con sistency ceonun a lod n u d rtuo t g h de e i s s pc u loa p i i p i mt o i n r a t t lh o i f st of the Mi n i stry much depended on Parliamentary p e rd a s r eg t ni y ur . ne re si L aa e tt ii t oo n t n h , o e b m f upt n a o rd t to , y t , h w e nb r oa e t - t mo f t a r e l e iy y: t n for n t n h e e e indeeenol,independence n of p p u hli i t n ic in al e p n a , r a t n y d , bthuet honour and popular character of the British Parliament. (The Hon. Gen tlemansat down amidst long-coatinued cheering.) Lord NORTHLAND said that he protested in the name of the people of Ireland against the measure of the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Goverment. If he wished to satisfy the people of Ireland, he would not have proposed anything of the sort. He (the Noble Lord) represented a great county in Ireland, and he could confidently assertt the people of the sister country.— (Loud measurewnoouulderny.tLil incalculable evil upon hear.) What would become of gentry and'‘ ir agricultural lea labourers if manufac turers—(Lowuderectroiesbeonfppeased ? He was not pared on pre the present occasion to enter fully into isnotome adiscussion o the question, for he did expect Hon. Gentle man on his (the Opposition) side of th e House, would have risen on the part of the Irish aancultural interest W oppose the measures of the Bight Jlon. )3 aronet. lie IIE SUN, LONDON riti.DAY EVEN] NG, JANUARY 23, 1846. had, in fact, expected that his Hon. Friend, the Member for Roscommon, would have been prepared to do his duty on this occasion. He would at present content himself by saying he much regretted the course taken by the Right Hon. Baronet.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. MILES said he wished the public out of doors to know that the representatives of the agricultural i n t eres t had in Parliament offered their most decided opposition to the Right Hon. Baronet's measure.—(Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Baronet had, in a speech of sarcasm, mixed certainly with some kind words, laid his scheme before the House, and he was glad to hear the able speech of Mr. Disraeli, who laid bare his hypocritical conduct on this question.—(Hear, hear.) He (Mr. Miles) wished to know w h e th er t h e C onservat i ves, in electing the Right Honourable Baronet in 1841 as their leader, wished, or expected, that he would in so brief a period reduc e th em to t h e l owest seat o f infamy which could be occupied by any body of men.— (Hear.) What would become of the other Right Hon. Members of the Cabinet, and the other gentlemen of the city interested in the law, if the measure of the Right H9n. Baronet s h ou ld meet w i t h t h e sanct i on o f t h e Le gislature ?—(Hear.) Was there no public spirit, no public enthusiasm, no recollection, he would not say of the promises, but of the implied confidence at the hust ings ?—(Hear, hear.) Was everything forgotten because the Right Hon. Baronet thought proper to bring forward a measure which it appeared had met with the decided opposition of the majority of the Cabinet ?—(Hear.) He did think that the agricultural interest should bestir itself at once and use every constitutional means within Their power for the purpose of opposing the attempt of the Right Hon. Baronet. The great question now to be decided was whether there should be any or no protec don at all. That was the true basis on which the next Government must be formed, and which he thought the people had a right to call upon the Right Hon. Baronet at once to adopt, previously to his forcing, or endeavouring to force, his measure upon the country [Let the Prime Minister resign his trust and appeal to the country, and he would then see whether the people were satisfied with his measure. He would then see whether they were prepared to accept the measures sanctioned by the gen tlemen of the Anti-Corn-law League. That, in his opinion, would be a constitutional method. Before he sat down, he was desirous of alluding to a sentiment which had fallen from the Noble Lord, with respect to the failure in the potato crop. He (Mr. Miles) thought that no man, whoever he might be, who possessed the slightest spark of humanity, could have read the ac counts which had been received from Ireland in August, September, and the beginning of October last, without observing from those accounts that a famine in the spring would come upon millions, he might say, of the Irish people. It was then asked, what might the Prime Minister constitutionally do for the alleviation of the anticipated sufferings of that people. He had the pleasure of meeting a large company of tenant farmers, and he put the case to them ' as fairly as he could, He stated this, viz. : that if the Right Hon. Baronet, the Prime Minister of the Crown, should under such circumstances be disposed to open the ports for a time, were they, the tenant farmers, of opinion that he would be justified in adopting such a measure ? He was happy to say that the tenant-farmers received that sentiment with enthusiastic applause.—(Hear, hear.) So little egotistical, so little monopolist, were the tenant-farmers of England.— (Hear, hear.) But as he understood from the expres sion of the Right Hon. Baronet, he proposed to the Cabinet, on the sth of November last, that the pro position to open the ports should be accom panied by an understanding to the effect that an alteration should take place to the corn-laws. Now, as the most sanguine expectations of the Right Hon. Baronet had been exceeded by the operation of his measure of 1842, he (Mr. Miles) thought that the House and the country had a right to call upon him to suffer the laws relating to the importation of corn to remain in their present condition.—(Hear, hear.) They had a right to call upon him to permit those laws to remain firm upon the same basis on which he found them. Not only would the agriculturists, but all classes of native industry in the kingdom, be taken by surprise and filled with indignation, on hearing the intentions of the Right Hon. Baronet with respect to this question. (Hear, hear.) It would appear that the protection which still remained to the people of England against foreign traders would be rendered almost useless, and he would therefore say that the country was en titled to a fair discussion on the question.— (Hear, hear.) He would venture to say that there were many Hon. Gentlemen connected with the present Government, who would support his (Mr. Miles's) views and statements.—(Hear, hear.) He would also venture to say that the strongest constitutional opposition would be offered against the measure of the Right Henourable Baronet.—(Hear, hear.) Every impediment should be thrown in the way of its passing, and he hoped and trusted that the Right Hon. Baronet, having now proposed his plan in most solemn and deliberate manner, would at once appeal to that tribunal which should decide this question—viz., the people of the United Kingdom.—(Cheers.) Colonel SIBTHORP was much surprised, after having heard the speech of the Right Hon. Baronet, that he had not long ago gone over to the ranks and the tender mercies of the Anti-Corn-law League.—(Laughter.) The agricultural interest having placed a solemn, trust in the hands of the Right Hon. Baronet, had a right to ex pect him to discharge it honestly and fairly ; but he had betrayed them ; his conduct teemed with the greatest hy pocrisy, and he had now openly allied himself with that ignominious band, theAnti-Corn-lawLeague.—(A laugh.) He thought him at one time the man to save the corn try—(Laughter)—but now he must unequivocally assert, that if there is any man more likely than another to destroy the country, it was the Right Hon. Gentle man.—(Shouts of laughter.) The Address was then agreed to, and the House ad journed at Half-past Ten o'clock. THE WEEKLY CHRONICLE. The Proprietors and Editors of this Paper are desirous, OR the MEETING OF A PARLIAMENT so important to the principles of FREE TRADE, THEATRE ROYAL, HAYMARKET. THIS EVENING Will be pertbrmed ROMEO AND JULIET. Romeo, Miss Cush- Inn , (the last night of her engagement) ; Juliet, Miss Susan Cushman (the last night of her engagement). To conclude with a Grand New Extravaganza, entitled THE BEE AND THE ORANGE TREE ; or, The Four Wishes. Principal Characters by Mr. Hudson, Mr. Jame., Bland, Mr. Caulfield, Mr. Clark, Miss P. Hgrton, Miss Julia Bennett, Mrs. Caulfield, and Mrs. Stanley. THEATRE ROYAL, ADELPHI. THIS EVENING Will be performed THE CRICKET on the REARTII. John Peery bingle, Mr. 0. Smith; Caleb Plummer, Mr. Lambert; Tackleton, Mr. Cullenford ; Edward, Mr. Selby; Dot, Mrs. Fitawilliam ; Bertha, Miss Woolgar ; May Fielding, Miss Taylor. To be follow ed by a New Farce, - entitled THE PHANTOM BREAKFAST. Supported by Mr. Paul Bedford, Mr. Wright, Miss Woolgar, &c. To conclude with an entirely New and Original Christmas Pan tomime, called HARLEQUIN AND rooNoow INGKEEITANG FLIBEEDEEFLOBEEDEEBUSREEBANG ; or, The King of the Cannibal Islands. Harlequin, Mr. T. Ireland ; Columbine, Miss Fleming; Clown, Mr. C. J. Smith; Pantaloon, Mr. Mitchensoc THEATRE ROYAL, LYCEUM. UNDER THE MANAGEMENT OF MRS. KEELEY. " The Crieket on the Hearth," and " The Enchanted Horse" every Evening until further notice ! THIS EVENING WILL BE PERFORMED THE CRICKET ON THE HEAETII: A FAIRY TALE OF HOME. The Principal Characters by Mr. and Mrs. Keeley, Mr. Emery, Mr, I'. Vining, Mr. Meadows, and Miss Grove. After which will be repeated a New Grand Romantic extravaganza, entitled THE ENCHANTED HORSE ; or, Prince Fireuz Schah of Persia and the Princess of Bengal. Principal Characters by Messrs. Keeley, Wigan, F. Matthews, Collier, Turner, Kinloch, &e.; Mes dames Keeley, Villars, Hodson, Dawson, Howard, Ardea, &c. Stalls, ss. ; Boxes, 4s. ; Pit, 2s. ; Gallery, 6d. ROYAL OLYMPIC THEATRE. IMMENgE SUCCESS OF THE NEW BURLESQUE. THIS EVENING Will be performed the favourite Vaudeville of CAPTAIN CHAR LOTTE. In which Mr. Walter Lacey and Miss Kate Howard will perform To be followed by a DIVERTISSEMENT. After which will be repeated THE CRICKET ON OUR OWN HEARTH. In which Mr. James Browne, Mr. Romer, Mr. Cockrill. and Miss Kate Howard will appear. And concluding with the new Pantomime, unapproachable for glee and grandeur, called FORTUNATUS ; or, THE MAGIC CAP. Fortunatus, Miss Hamilton ; Prince Megrim, Mr. Cockrill ; Fairy Queen, Miss Bromley ; Harlequin, Mr. Smythers ; Pantaloon, Mr Tharies ; Clown. Mr. Jefferini ; Columbine, Miss Laidlaw. ROYAL VICTORIA THEATRE. THIS EVENING. Will be repeated THE CRTC KET;OF TNE HEARTH. A Fairy Tale "Dt Home. John Peerybingle, Mr. E. F. Saville ; The Stranger, Mr. Fredericks; Taekleton, Mr. Searle; Caleb Plummer, Mr. Herbert; Mary Peerybingle, Miss Vincent; Bertha, Mrs. Lee ; Tilly illowboy, atlas Terry. After which, Professor HEMMING and his SONS will jgive more am Paralleled feats of Classical Gymnasia than ever yet has been ex dted, and surpassing even the celebrated Risley himself. Co conclude with THE KING'S WAGER. Supported by Messrs. SA. vile, Fredericks, Dale, Searle, Herbert; Miss Richards, Miss P. rry, &e. DIRECT SHEFFIELD ARD MACCLESFIELD RAILWAY. wit appearssthat from some inadvertence a repetition of the naistake made originally in the Times, and: copied by us, v►aa inserted in our Afternoon Editicn. We have reason to f tel convinced that the standing orders have been hitherto 8' trictly complied with, and that this is one of the bond fide s( themes which will go to Parliament. Lord Granville Somerset, the Earl of Lincoln, the Chancellor of th e Exchequer, and the Right lion. Sidney Herbert, had an interview ith the Earl of Dalhousie yesterday, at the office of the Board of T to call the attention of their Subscribers and of the Public to the claims of the WEEKLY CHRONICLE as the Advocate of an enlightened Policy, on all questions which relate to our industrial economy, and to the politleal progress and social happiness of the People. The Weekly Chronicle has, from the period at which it came into the hands of its present Proprietors and Conductors, faithfully and firmly supported these prineiples--seeking at once to carry them out without violence or personal rancour, and to establish itself in the respect, not only of its Readers, but even of its Political Antagonists, by a strict regard for Truth and Fair Play, on which grounds alone, as its Editors feel confidant, can any well-intending party be ade quately and successfully supported. As a Newspaper, the Weekly Chronicle will be found to contain a larger quantity of carefully compiled and well digested reading matter, than any of its contemporaries; and it has ever given, and digests h o a r re th of e the largest size proceedings in Par in,i-ailniiecnotTeinonuesisttoengtivweitthheitsflillimilet icw re cognised by law. The importance of this in the soming session must be evident; whilst in early intelligence of Political Movements the Weekly Chronicle will maintain its lead, possessing, as it does, peculiar and exclusive sources of information, which its entire independence from personal influences and party trammels, enables it to give without mystification or reserve. One of the features of the Weekly Chronicle are the popular Letters of COTTON TWIST, principally devoted to questions of Free Trade and Industrial Economy, and of which a Third Series were commenced with, and will be continued from week to week throughout the present year. Sold by all Newsmen in Town and Country, price 6d. ; or sent by Post (if pre paid) at 6s. 6d. per Quarter, 13s. the llalf-year, and 265. per Annum. Office, 337, Strand, London. is roused, is utterly hopeless ; and even the protectionists seem aware of the fact. The violence of the Duke of ; RICHMOND in his remarks last evening, shows that even he I despairs of success.' A man engaged in a good cause, and confident of success, never gets into a passion. It is only the man who cannot listen to reason, who has no arguments to rebut those of his opponent, and who fore sees that he can make no figure at all unless he blusters ' and threatens. These are the most undisputed symp toms of defeat. In conclusion, we may state that the Royal Speech altogether is worthy of the occasion, that it forms an appropriate developement of the Ministerial crisis, and that the country has great reason to be satis fied with the earnest language in which it is expressed, and the important topics which it embraces. The new session has opened under glorious auspices. The events of last night are unparalleled in the annals of our history. The leader of the Opposition and the chief of the Government both manfully came forward and owned they bad been wrong, both sacrificed the convictions and opinions of long years as an expiatory offering on the altars of their country. People of England, behold your triumph ! You have not endured, you have not spoken in vain. Your suf ferings have been acknowledged even in high places, your sentiments have been echoed by the First Minister in the land ! We have long given that Minister full eredit for his sagacity ; we felt assured that he would at length comprehend his position. The event has more than realised our expecta- tions. Sir ROBERT PEEL does indeed understand his proud position, and his conduct last night proves he is worthy to maintain it. He spoke as became the First Minister of the country ; casting'party considerations to the winds, rising high above personal feelings, he proclaimed his intention of governing the people for the people and by the people alone ; Boldly he flung the gauntlet to the " proud aristocracy,' who lent him their support that they might make him their slave. "If lamto be Minister of England," be exclaimed, " it shall be on no servile tenure ; if I guide the helm, it must answer to my touch, or I hold it no longer!" These are bold words, honourable to the Minister who proclaimed them— honourable to the people who will re-echo them with pride. The Duke of Ricumosn's fury is now all in vain• What ! did he think that the whole nation was to be governed by his will? The Minister rules the country, the Dukes rule the Minister; and where are the rights of the people—where the result of our struggles and our triumphs—our revolutions and reforms, if the mighty multitude are to submit to the party feelings of the few? After years of misrule and oppression, the English people have now a Minister who boldly asserts their power. We have been no admirers of Sir R. PEEL during his inconsistent, Conservative career, but we gladly forget all the faults of the past in admiration for the principles he promulgated last night. The waters of Lethe will pass over the events of past years, while the memory of the present shall endure to all time ; it will endear him to that posterity whose admiration he so prizes, but, above all, it will win for him the approval of his country. It was no light task to relinquish the guiding principles of his life, it was no easy thing for him, ' once the idolized of his party, to speak amid the silent displeasure of his friends. He was supported by his sense of public duty, his confidence in the justice of his cause. It now appears that as far back as November he advocated the opening of the ports, day and night he studied the condition of the peo ple, and that observation has produced these glorious results• When, overruled by his colleagues, he was compelled to re sign he freely promised to support the measures of Lord JOHN. During that embarrassing interregnum, truly deno minated the " Ministerial crisis," the two rival leaders thought not of the pride of place ; each was anxious to assume the Government himself, or strenuously to sup. 7 port his opponent, as might best accord with the interests of the country. Both received the most powerful assistance from the QUEEN, who, fully understand ing the duties of a constitutional Monarch, was only anxious to promote the welfare of the people, and assist any Govern ment in performing its duty. How finely does this contrast with the poor ambition of most sovereigns, who, identifying themselves with the interests of a party, from being monarchs of a nation, sink into chiefs of a faction. VICTORIA has al ways been dear to her people ; now their love will, if possible, be tenfold increased. Tuesday next will inform us of the plans of the Government, but the intentions of Sir R. PEEL were fully explained last night; he is no longer the chief of a party. The Conservative party is no more. Mr. DISRAELI, in one of those eloquent and sarcastic discourses which he only can pronounce, endeavoured to rally the last strength of the party, yet he admitted it was " a party which could triumph no more." The sound of wailing may now resound from the ranks of monopoly—the funeral escutcehon may be affixed to 17, New Bond-street—the exclusives may struggle, but it is with the death agony— " Fatima Trees ; tuft Ilium et Invite Gloria Teucrorum." Sir ROBERT PEEL will fear little from the attack of the ab solute, arbitrary few; he trusts to the confidence and co-ope ration of the country; he trusts to the support of the people, and he will not trust in vain. All ranks and classes of that mighty body, looking at the events of the last few weeks, will unite in proclaiming " Honour to Lord Joint RUSSELL and Sir ROBERT PEEL ! and all praise to Queen VICTORIA !" the patriot statesmen and truly patriot QUEEN ! THE V7EATHER.—Sus OFFICE, Jerr. 23. TPIERMOMETER, Lowest, 40; Highest, 54; Noon, 49. BAROMETER, 29.29.---WIND S.W., rain. E ve ning .. 45 minutes after 8 6WininATnEteR.A.TrtaLOBN.ll)ON-BRIDGE TILTS DAY. e , e " tvid e ,„„f 4 4 : 2 -Via • 4' SECOND EDITION. The first night of the session is, for once, no failure. The brightest expectations must have been realised by the pro ceedings last night in the House of Commons. Fuller ex planations could not have been desired of the late Ministerial crisis ; and Lord FRANCIS EGERTON'S and Sir ROBERT PEEL'S speeches enunciated free. trade principles broadly enough to satisfy a League auditory. We will not stop to inquire how it was that Sir ROBERT PEEL having obtained his SOVEREIGN'S permission to explain, the Duke of WELLINGTON had neglected this precau tion, how indeed every one had asked and obtained permission but the Duke of WELLINGTON—Lord J. RUSSELL, Lord LANSDOWNE, Lord STANLEY—the Duke of WELLINGTON alone having a padlock on his lips. It is enough that we have Sir R. PEEL'S explanation. The Duke of RICHMOND himself needs no more. We understand, then, that Sir R. PEEL intends a final settlement of the corn-law question- His plan previously to his resignation was total repeal at no distant period, with a small duty at first to disappear gradually. To this plan Lord J. RUSSELL refused his consent when power devolved on him. This plan cannot and will not be sup ported by the leaders of the anti-corn-law agitation, while it will be opposed as stoutly by the protectionists as a measure of total repeal. The only alternative, then, for Sir ROBERT PEEL is total and immediate repeal; and he who has braved so much cannot, we believe, stickle at the trifling difference between what he has already proposed and the measure which he can alone carry, or which alone offers a prospect of a peaceable and final settlement of the question. Sir ROBERT PEEL'S proposal to the Cabinet on the Ist of November, and Lord JOHN RUSSELL'S advice as to what should be done in his letter of the 26th of November-- written necessarily in ignorance of Sir ROBERT PEEL'S sen timents, and in the belief, justified by circumstances, that he intended nothing—singularly tally with and justify each other. Sir ROBERT PEEL had proposed just what Lord Joni , / RussEDD censured him for not having proposed : but till his the e le e a n gu d colleagues the would monthno t t concuro make w o i n t he morehim, t randial of fe his dis sentients. On the I st of November Sir ROBERT PEEL fortnight This waited pofoserd the to purposecallP arloiafmeonpm tengthe ports. together in a This is exactly what Lord JOHN RUSSELL said he should h av e done. After last night's explanation it must be ad_ mitted on all hands that the Prime Minister at least ha s f, shown himself fully sensible of the magnitude of the crisis, and that Lord JOHN RUSSELL was actuated by high feelings of public duty both in forbearing to speak out before the appearance of his letter, and in speaking out when he did. It must be confessed that the new "county party," to use a vulgar phrase, " made a mess of it " last night. With such opposition as is threatened—as was distinctly threatened last night by the Duke of RICHMOND, in one House, and by Mr. MILES, in the other—the least . they could have done last night was to move an amendment to the Address. An amendment was intended. The Duke of RICHMOND lost his opportunity in the House of Lords, and then lost his temper, and tried to throw the blame on the Lord Chancellor. This probably led to their being no amend ment in the Commons. When Sir ROBERT PEEL rose, Mr. COLQUHOUN rose also—to move an amendment. But he did not rise afterwards. So it was left to Mr. DISRAELI and Mr. MILES to damage the Minister with only general abuse, The policy of the protectionist party, it appears, is to pro voke a dissolution. The Duke of RICHMOND is confident that the cry of protection will be responded to by the large con stituencies of the kingdom, and they dare Sir ROBERT PEEL to dissolve. We hope the protectionists are ready to abide by the response of the constituencies, whatever it may be. We suspect the Duke of RICHMOND reckons without his host, and that the result of an appeal to the country will be a large majority for free trade—large even while the representation is Duke-ridden, as it is. If the rotten and nomination boroughs were gone, and we had none but large constituencies to appeal to, protection would be in a sad plight indeed in the House of Commons. We hope, then, that the Duke of RICHMOND, and the other Peers who last night urged, as if by concert, an appeal to the w ha it d h h v ad ery a country, are ready to defer to the country's voice if it should be against them. There is, otherwise, no sense or sincerity in the point which the county party mean to make. If they will abide by the result of a general election, we have in the policy of the county party a stronger assurance . of a speedy statement, that th be a g t un he and peaceable settlement of the corn-law question than any that has previously presented itself. vehement questioning; and some one should question him a. believeb3lle Ettoi will ithln deny l?aatt pttp t h eye a fi t hr sste Chartiststpeimaect ithsl sent aadyt e a thb m ee message, s powersafgeole message from the Duke. Is it the Chartists that are the Duke of RICHMOND'S hope in the " large constituencies ?" Of as By to A t l h r. e F b ii t o h u e s p O u 'C ke osi o N f o ß ß l ' C s il sl i a O t N em i) "gen tlemene l of England" have availed themselves of Chartist aid. rwb courseui et t ,h hope oh o p r i tseha knowledge. w a a D k l t e a , ud w N i g s o e e f ferreting out the truth to the negotiations between the Duke of RICHMOND'S emissary and Mr. FEARGUS O'CONNOR. The Earl of HOME, in a short speech, moved the Ad dress .n the Lords, which was as usual an echo to the Speech. Lord DE Ros seconded it. The LORD CHANCELLOR then put the question, and, having waited for some short time without any Peer rising, declared that the Contents, had it, whereupon The Duke of RICHMOND rose and said he was not at all surprised at the desire which was evinced to suppress discussion. He was interrupted by The LORD CHANCELLOR, who said I beg the Noble Duke will not state that. I waited deliberately for a few minutes, and finding that the Noble Duke was not in clined to rise, I put the question, and put it slowly. The Duke of RICHMOND continued. He knew from that Address that the Minister intended to withdraw protection, and he should like to have heard a more manly speech, declaring the intention of the Minister to get rid of the corn-laws at once. It was a violation of the compact entered into with the agriculturists in 1842 There we. no cause for this alteration. The potato disease had been assigned as a cause by the Anti- Corn-law League, and adopted by the Government. lie eew no difference between the Government and the Anti-Cora , late. League, or why Mr. Cobden should not be created a Peer.—(Cheers.) The Anti Corn-law League had done all the mischief, but he trusted the House would never succumb to that body or its money. If they got rid of protection at all, they must getrid of it altogether. He would not move any amendment, but lie entered his protest against that clause in the Speech which related to the relaxation of protective duties. Confidence iti . I.r B. Peel might exist in some quarters, but not among the generality of the middle classes. Why did not Sir Robert Peel its the present question appeal to the country that wtie, all the agricultural body. He trusted they would not be intimidated by the un constitutional proceedings of the Anti• Corn-law League, and contrasted the arguments used by Sir ROBERT PuEn, when he sought the assistance of the agricul turalists to obtain office with thtrn, which he had used after office had been obtained. He would ask if a single institution—nay I if a single salary in this country would remain, if they abolished the protective duties. lie would not propose an amendment, but he would enter his solemn protest against that portion of the Speech which was contrary to every principle which the present Government had ever brought forward. He thought the House entitled to know the reasons of the late Ministerial changes, and he solemnly protested against any diminution of protection. The Duke of WELLINGTON begged the House to con sider whether it would be right in him to make any statement as to the measures which the Government in tended to propose, seeing that those measures would be presented to the House in the course of a very few days. He intreated them to adopt the address, and leave ex planations to another time. He could not state what had passed in the Council without his previously obtaining permission of the SOVEREIGN ; and his Noble Friend, who was a Privy Councillor, ought to have been aware of this. The Duke of RICHMOND gave notice that he would ask the question to-morrow ; but, subsequently, at the re quest of the Duke of WELLINGTON, he postponed it until Monday. Lord STANLEY stated that the reason why he had separated himself from his colleagues was, that while his opinions on the subject of the protection due to the Agricultural interest had undergone no change, the opinions of his colleagues on that point had undergone a great change. That was the only point of difference among them, but on that point he telt it his duty to separate from them. Their Lordships were subsequently addressed by the Earl of HARDWICKE, the Marquis of LANSDOWNE, Lord BROUGHAM, the Earl of MALMESBL'RY, the Earl of RAD NOR, the Marquis of SALISBURY, and some other Noble Peers, after which the Address was agreed to, and the House adjourned to Saturday, when their Lordships will attend to present the address to her Majesty. The Commons, after leaving the bar of the House of Peers, adjourned to a quarter to 4 o'clock. Several new Member,' took the oaths and their seats, and new writs were ordered for Selkirk, Newark, the County of Bute (in the room of Mr. James Stuart Wortley, who had accepted the office of Judge Advo cate General), the West Ridit'g of Yorkshire, Cork (in the room of Sergeant Murphy), Cashel (in the room of Dr. Stock), East Sussex (in the room of Mr. Darby) and Midhurst (in the room of Sir Horace Seymour.) Sir R. PEEL gave notice that on Monday he should move for a Committe of the whole House, for the pur pose of considering what course the House should pursue with regard to the Railway Bills, and that on Tuesday he should move for a Committee of the whole House to consider the commercial policy of the country. Various other notices of motion having been given, and the Speaker having read her MAJESTY'S Speech, Lord FRANCIS EGERTON moved the Address, and in the course of his speech his Lordship took occasion to observe, that his opinions on the subject of protection had undergone a great change, and that he thought the time had arrived when it was necessary seriously and delibe rately to reconsider the whole of our commercial policy with a view to the removal of restrictions, Mr. BECKETT DENISON having seconded the address, Sir s R., PEEL rose to explain the motives on which he had acted, and which had governed his con duct. He felt it unjust to be condemned without a hearing. He said nothing on that head ; if a feeling of momentary indignation had been raised, he felt that he had been trusted with confidence formerly, but if he did not ask for a reversal of the sentence, he wished to be beard after condemnation, in explanation of the grounds which had induced him to tender his re signation, and also the grounds on which that trust had been:re-assumed. The cause of the breaking:,up of the Government was that great mysterious calamity which had destroyed the article of food on which so many of the poor in this and the sister kingdom depended for their subsistence. It was a subject requiring immediate decision as to the laws regulating the impor tation of food, but though that was the immediate cause, he would not deny that his opinions on the subject of pro tection had previously undergone a change. He would assert his right to act on enlarged experience. He did not consider there was any reason to feel humiliated or abashed in avowing this change, but he should feel humiliated if those opinions, having undergone a change, he had shrunk from the avowal of it by the fear of the charge of inconsistency.--(Cheers.) His opinions on the subject of protection had been modified by the experience of the last three years, and he had no wish to deprive those who had before been by mere reasoning brought to a conclusion against the policy of protection of any of the credit due to them. The ex perience of the last three years proved that abundance and cheapness of provisions would rather alleviate than increase the burden of taxation. During the three years preceding October there was comparative cheapnes with high wages, and during the preceding three years there were high prices and low wages, and he could not resist the conclusion that wages do not vary with the price of provisions, but with the demand for la bour. He had estimated the loss from the removal of the Customs' duties at four millions, the actual loss had been one million. He had estimated the loss from the removal of the Excise duties on glass and other articles at one million, but ho believed that the loss to the Excise this year would be nothing— that the void would be absolutely filled up_ How could he stand up for high protective duties after this, when he saw that all his own estimates had been falsified. Then with regard to morality, his Right Hon. Friend at the head of the Home Department bad stated the great decreaie in committals in 1843 and 44—that had continued in 1845 ; this was 2,237 less than in the preceding year. With regard to sedition, the office of Attorney- General had been almost a sinecure, not because the Government had been more lenient, but because the people had been more contented and happy. It was clear, therefore, that employment, low prices, and comparative abundance contributed to 'he public peace, and these advantages were concurrent with the diminu tion of protection. Had the agricultural interest been in jured ? Protection to them had been diminished on four great articles ; foreign flax was admitted duty free. In 1844 the duty on flax was 101. per ton ; it was now removed, yet the price of flax in Belfast mar ket was in January, 1846, higher than it was in 1844. The permission to import foreign cattle had given rise to great alarm. Had any injury been inflicted ? A low duty had been substituted for absolute prohibi tion—there had been a gradual increase of importation, and with increased importation there had been increased prices, as was proved by a comparison of the contract prices for the navy during the years 1842, 43, 44, and 45. There was no article he had touched on with so much alarm last year as lard. A division had absolutely been taken on it. Since 1842 the importation of lard had in creased to an immense extent, and yet the price had risen from 48s. in 1844 to 625. in 1846. Then there was the article of wool. In 1844 it was proposed to remove the duty from foreign wool. The importation of foreign wool had increased annually in consequence of the removal of the duty, and yet the price of South-down wool had increased from 14d. in 1842, to ls. 4id in 1845, so that experi ence proved that, by the removal of protection, the welfare, the health, and the morality of the people had been improved, concurrent with an in crease of price in those articles from which pro tection had been withdrawn. He felt that, with these opinions he could not have met Mr. Villiers's motion with a direct negative. He could not defend the corn law, either on the ground that in consequence of high taxation protection was necessary, or that on the ground of keeping up the wages of the labouring classes protec tion was necessary. He could continue the conflict no longer. He must decline it. Others must defend protection. At the same time he should have wished to have committed the judgment of this case to another Parliament, but during the course of the last autumn a great calamity lead happened, the consequences of which it was difficult to calculate ; and he felt it his duty, early in November, to provide against this calamity by advising the suspension of the duties payable on the importation of foreign corn The period between Ist November, 1845, and 6th No vember, and that between 25th November and 6th De cember following, were periods of importance during the late Ministerial crisis, and he would read to the House the communications which he had received during these intervals, and which had induced him to offer the advice to which he had alluded. ( The Right Hon. Gentleman here read various commu nications which he had received from foreign countries, and from persons in England, relative to the failure of the harvest throughout Europe, and to the prohibition of exports from foreign countries.) The pressure was great in England and in Scotland, but it was greatest in Ireland, and in the report pre sented by the Commission on that subject, among the members of which were Mr. Lucas and Professor Kane, it was stated that 4,000,000 of persons depended upon the potato crop, so that the Government found itself called upon to provide for the subsistence of 4,000,000 of people in that country. The Government had sent over Professor Linley and Dr. Playfair to inquire into the subject. Dr. Linley had given to him in an interview the most alarming accounts, and these accounts had been confirtn.d by th, , er+o , of tb, ~t , on the 31st of October, auto wan) _ t wc le held between that and the 6th of November. On the let of November there was no deliberation ; it appeared to him that there was the full juatifi gation for the CieTeriamen4 either by Order is cQlinc 1. or THEATRE ROYAL, DRURY-LANE. THIS EVENING Will be repeated a Grand Opera, in three aets, called MARITANA. Charles the Second, Mr. Borrani ; Don Ciesar De Baran, Mr. D. W. King ; Don Jose de Santarem, Mr. Stretton ; Maritana, Miss Ramer ; Gazarillo, Miss Poole. In which Mdlle. F. Fabri and M. Bretin will introduce a new grand Pas de Deux. _ _ Between the Second and Third Acts of the Opera ProMssor RISLEY and his SONS will go through a Series of their Classical and Popular Exercises. To conclude with a new grand Christmas comic Fantomine, called HARLEQUIN GULLIVER ; or, Giants and Dwarfs. PRINCESS'S THEATRE. OXFORD-STREET. THIS EVENING After which, a New Farce, called TOO MANY COOKS SPOIL THE BROTH. Gregory Granite, Mr. Compton ; George, Mr. Oxberry ; Fanny, Miss R. Stanley. To be followed by the New Christmas Pantomime, entitled THE KEY OF THE KINGDOM ; or, HARLEQUIN AND THE FAIRY BLUE BELL. Harlequin, Mr. W. H Harvey; Columbine, Miss Rullen ; Clown, Mr. Flexmore ; Pantaloon, Mr. T. Hill. To conclude with THE CRICKET ON THF, lIE, aETH. The Principal Characters by Messrs. Ryder, Compton, L &Jab Murray, Courtney, Mrs. Stirling, Miss Marshall, Mrs. Fesbroke. Miss Brentnell, and Miss Somers. NEW STRAND M. PHILLIPPE'S WONDERS and incredible CHINESE DE LUSIONS will be repeated every Evening, doors open at a quarter past-Seven, to commence at a quarter before Eight. M. Philippe's most Popular Deceptions and Peculiar Experiments will bo varied by the Amusing Performances of the Chiarini Family xnd astounding Feats of the American Brothers. M. Phillippe will (by desire), and in consequence of the immense overflows which have attended his Morning Performances, give a °rand Juvenile Entertainment every Thursday Morning, commencing sit Two o'clock. swill, 3s. ; Boxes, 2s. ; Pit, Is. ; Gallery, 6d. ASTLEY'S ROYAL AMPHITHEATRE OF ARTS. Proprietor, Mr. W. BATTY. Crowded nightly to witness the wondrous performance of the dog Emile. Ilundreds turned away each evening. In compliance with the numerous requests at the box-office a re-engagement has been entered into for three weeks longer. Continuation of the drama of the DOG of the PYRENEES, after which period it must be positively withdrawn, in order to make way for the representation of the last new Parisian spectacle of the ELEPHANT of the PAGODAS, which has caused so great a sensation in the French metropolis, in which Mr. Batty will have .an opportunity of exhibiting his celebrated pair of trained elephants. The LAST fuIORNING StEPRESENTATION will take place •on THURSDAY next, commencing at Half-past One precisely. OPENING OF PARLIAMENT, THE ILLUSTRATED LONDON NEWS,. for To-morrow, SLTURDAY. January 24, 1846, will contain Splendid Engravings of her Majesty Opening Parliament—the Royal Arrival at the House of Lords—the Procession to the Robing-room — the Speech from the Throne. Also Ten Illustrations of the present state of the New Houses of Parliament—Railway Accidents on the Rouen and Havre, and South-Eastern lines—The Madrigal Society's Festival in Freemasons' Hall—Portrait of Lord Francis Egerton, M.P.—Connemara Cabin, drawn by Topham—Portrait of the Em peror of Morocco's physician—New Tale, by the author of " Susan liopley, &c. With her Majesty's Speech, the Debate in both Houses of Parliament, and all the news of the week.—Price 6d., '' stamped.—Office, 198, Strand. THE DUKE OF RICHMOND AND FEARGUS O'CONNOR. THE "NORTHERN:STAR" of TO-MORRO \V, the 24th instant, will contain full particulars of the Duke of Richmond's attempt to bribe that paper and its Proprietor to the cause of the Landlords. Tho " STAR" will also contain comments on the following subjects :—NO VOTE, NO MUSKET—COERCION - FOR IRELAND—THE DUNCOMBE FESTIVAL—THE DAILY NEWS NEWSPAPER—together with all the News of the Week. Office, 16, Great Windmill-street, Haymarket. London agents— Hetherington, Holywell-street ; Cleave, No. 1, Shoe-lane ; and may be had of all Newsvenders. MR. CARTER, THE LION KING, present his compliments to the Nobility, Gentry, and the Public, wh have so liberally patronised him on every occasion, and begs to inform them that neither himself, nor any of his- lions, tigers, Bc.c., will ever appear at the Marylebone Theatre, or any other minor house in London. P.S.—Mr. CARTER'S MAMMOTH HORSE will be exhibited at he Egyptian Hall, Piscadilly, every day, from 11 A.m. till 9 rat., for short time previous to his departure to America. gir toe in ..71tIt LONDON, FRIDAY, JANUARY 23, 1846. The royal speech delivered at the opening of the session of Parliament yesterday cannot be charged either with vagueness or inanity—two qualities regarded almost as inherent in such documents. It adverts to four topics at least of great interest ; and regarding the sentiments expressed as those of the Minister rather than of the Sovereign, we are enabled to anticipate with tolerable correctness the more important business to be brought forward during the present session. These topics are, the state of Ireland—one of the most usual and most prominent features in a speech from the Throne; our relations with the United States; the increase of the naval and military establishments; and, last and greatest, the whole of our commercial relations with foreign states, as well as our domestic policy for the encouragement of skill and industry. The document, therefore, is pregnant with great pur poses, and, taking into account the character of the Minister now at the head of affairs, his return to office after a great struggle with his colleagues, and' the in • effectual attempt of his political opponents to form a Cabinet, the conciliatory measures, which last year he introduced for the better government of Ireland, the unexpected strides he made towards free trade, and the preparations now in progress to increase the strength of the navy, we may be justified in hoping that these pur poses are sincere, and that he is resolved to carry to a still greater extent those principles which form the basis of sound commercial policy, and to put the country in a fit position to meet any great emergency from foreign countries. As regards Ireland, possibly it is difficult to find any immediate remedy for its evils, or anycertain pre vention for the dreadful crimes to which her MAJESTY alludes. The horrible system of assassination has lately increased to a fearful extent, and means must be re sorted to abate the evil, but the great question is how is this to be accomplished ? If no witnesses can be ob tained—if no man, woman, or child will inform against persons guilty of the most horrible crimes, chiefly be cause the law is not sufficiently powerful to protect them against the same ruthless murderers—it is to be feared that the ordinary laws are defective for such a state of society, and that some extraordinary and uncon stitutional system will be adopted. Should this unfor tunately be the intention of the Government, every friend of order and peace and justice, must be anxious that punishment should not be the only resource, but that an ample and thorough investigation should be in stituted forthwith to ascertain the root of the evil, and to abate or abolish it by removing the cause. We cannot form such • a bad opinion of human nature as to believe for a moment that these ) assassinations would be repeated day after day, and that rational beings should be more savage and cruel than the wild beasts of the desert, if they were not driven to such a course of life by some merciless treatment or dire necessity. It may be necessary to inquire whether the landlords do their duty, and whether their agents are not guilty of crimes which these misguided and revenge ful people consider deserving of death. At all events, whatever may be the measures of the Government for putting down without delay such fearful crimes, it is to be hoped that the miserable condition of the peasantry will be taken into account, and that the innocent will not be punished with the guilty. Coercive laws and military punishments have hitherto proved of little avail, and the result, we fear, will be the same, till some com prehensive and wise measures are adopted for civilising the people, and rendering their condi tion less miserable. The Speech properly refers and in a right tone to the disputes with America. Tire ()Eject of every man in the United Empire is to preserve peace with that country on honourable terms, but on no other. England has hitherto made every effort to settle the conflicting claims. She has not been met in a similar spirit by the last and the present Chief Magistrate of the United States, and the Legislators of both Houses during the present session, have displayed a hostility to this country, and a disposition for violent measures, which we fear leave little hopes for an amicable settlement of the disputed points. Our Government, however, will act wisely, notwithstanding these unfavourable symp toms, in avoiding all cause of blame, and all precipitate measures, and the people will cordially concur in the efforts of her MAJESTY to bring the question to an early, a peaceful, and an honourable conclusion. In the meantime it is proper that we should be prepared for the worst, and that the naval and military establishments should be put on such a footing, that no nation, however powerful, shall be able to attack us with impunity. The allusions in the Speech to the extension of com merce, and to the repeal of prohibitory, and the relax tion of protective duties, are highly satisfactory. " I recommend 3 - ou," says her MAJESTY, " to take into your early consideration whether the principles on which you have acted may not with advantage be yet more extensively applied, and whether it may not be in your power, after a careful review of the existing duties upon many articles, the produce or manufac ture of other countries, to make such further reductions and remissions as may tend to insure the continuance of the great benefits to which I have adverted, and, by en larging our commercial intercourse, to strengthen the bonds of amity with Foreign Powers." The corn-laws, it is true, are not bore specified, but it is impossible to read the paragraph without the conviction that they form the main topic of the recommendation ; and indeed the speech of Sir ROBERT PEEL, last night, leaves no doubt on the subject. He stated candidly, that in the month of November he had proposed to his colleagues the opening of the ports ; he admitted, with equal candour, that his opinions, like those of Lord JOHN RUSSELL on that subject, had un dergone a material change within, not twenty, but three years, and his speech altogether left no doubt, that this change in his sentiments was the main, nay, the sole cause of the disruption of his Cabinet, and that he was prepared to use every means in his power for carrying his purpose into effect. That he will succeed we have no doubt whatever. He may be thwarted for a time. Possibly the Lords may resist, and demand an appeal to the country, but their resistance, now that the country by calling Parliament together in a fortnight, to remov e all restrictions on the importation of g rain. He was red to take ou himself the issue of a n Order in Coupe:lc; but he did not adopt that course. lle was prepared 0. call Parliament together and proose the taraPa_ rary removal of all restrictions. his opinion we! overruled, and if he did not rssign it bled on account of public and not of private reasons• felt it was his duty to remain. The Cabinet iss-ssee ln on November 25 ; the events which had occur red in ! n interim had not altered his decision.' A Cot:lroise; of Inquiry had in the meantime been appointed, IP" t i se became necessary to determine w hat should Za the instructions issued to them. H e then area that he. considered the issue of thos e instructions incompatible with the maintenance of the existing PT; hibitory laws, and that he could not consent to tell issue of those instructions without reser vin g to hcora ielo. the power of proposing an alteration in the re his position had been ate' During the interval v , rially changed. Hi. had been' overruled the ls ► e billet, and the Noble Lord had written a letter , ,"' s. contents of which materially affented his posil!enA If on tie Ist of November, the Order in Council naut, been issued it would have been the act o f the it but his position had become materially altered bY4. C letter of the Noble Lord. He felt after th e letter ot.l'es Noble Lord, that nothing but a united m atter could give him the chance of bringing 0 15 . 1 700 to a satisfactory conclusion. Notwithstanding':" %f be - he would not have abandoned the helm of affair; I 0 had been supported by the Cabinet. He had bee 0 posed by Lord Stanley, a Noble Lord for whom he s loag the sincerest respect and admiration, but who a beery,) contended that there was no reason for alarm.- - (C liee- eie He (Sir R. Peel) thought there was a full justificatio for extensive measures, and his Noble Friend wa f er t bis only member of the Government who would have ,:01 duty to retire if he had persevered in his proPose'"lit therefoi e not being supported by the Cabinet, betty his duty to humbly tender his resignation. Her gel,.„ - n . sent for the Noble Lord the Member for the City 0 ,50 don. He (Sir R. Peel) felt he was then at liberty, t+ew-Se, private capacity be would have done all he cou!cl te mote the settlement of the question.—(Cheers.) oathe 19th of December he received a summons from her l i n g jesty for the 20th, for taking a final leave. Ott w ei lv es on her Majesty, having previously re c eived a celtrood cation from the Noble Lord, her Majesty in ° to him that he (Sir R. Peel) was aga in called 111100 form a Government. He informed her Mile to that the Noble Lord, not thinking it advisseSitte form a Government, he (Sir Robert Peel) drew his resignation, and would re-susie3°AssioSt Cabinet ; and, consistently with that deterau°- he did re-summon the Cabinet, and reconstitu ted see ais vernment, and undertook to propose a measure °bad settlement of this great question. He trusted be, satisfied some of those who considered that his c u , o o l . sions were erroneous that at least his motives were ); r Let them recollect the fearful respons ibilit y whic volved on him. He should have been guilty o f against the cause of agricultural p r o tection, if, 'll ,op moving for grants of money to puechase oats a!__, 0 ' stitute for potatoes, he had resolutely refus ed to reiselbs, tection. In the state of things, which it was root which he feared was probable in Ireland, ehoulume how could they maintain the corn-laws? and it viel's do to touch the corn-laws lightly. How 0 ' re; consent to the relaxation of the law vi"",lfe, gard to the import of Indian corn for instance, roset, maintain it with regard to barley, wheat, eituh,b, He had felt it rather hard, after all the anx iety undergone, to be taunted as he had been. He had s Por repeated over and over again that he was under soel'kes serial obligations to those who had placed him in 011 0 0 0 He hail seen it said that those who had p l a ced hil n ; 0 0 0 could displace him. There was some difference of ePto. he was afraid in that respect. He owed no o f 0 P ally man, or to any body of men, for de d 9° l compelled to undertake the cares of office. H e it undervalue the support of friends, but he woul d le t of distinctly understood in what the value of offleteedb sisted. Not in patronage, that was ill-conspenss the extent of discontent to which it gave rise. 11:001 objects in seeking office he had none; he had seriA, s overeigns. Under Geo. 111. his office was subnitO During the reigns of his successors he had 12400, highest offices. Each of those sovereigns had tn e too favourable a view of his services; And to eaohLor only stated distinctly that there was but one . 1- el it was in their power to offer to him--; t, i ° ,) or, him the simple assurance that he had bee n a xeiosir, a faithful servant. High office gave its posseil falr, power of' rendering high services • that was its rosin , He had always endeavoured to do so, and he Ss think that his deeds had been at variance with is vative policy. It had not been inconsistent 1it,,"1/11, policy to revive the spirits of the Indian itrWiftil; preserve the peace of the world by the allisecesisr, France, and to substitute the rivalry of peace / 01 :, fsgi or to study to relieve the people of this coun:J(lA the burdens which pressed upon them. I t was forrA task to reconcile a proud aristocracy with s otr Parliament—(Cheers)—but he thought it was l e t o ll with Conservative policy to endeavour t o reconolAC two in such a manner that the feeling of ,P, 10 4 jealousy should be lost in that of physical eve To be relieved from the responsibility and ditliet lawd his situation was what he ardently desired. Ph-iltr as honour required he would remain at his poSt/rdt would not do so with trammelled and crippled autP re ti; He would not remain at the helm if the hell:tali'? o e s permitted to traverse. He did not wish to be Min° England, but while he was Minister he would bol d o! . office on no servile tenour; he would only hold it t ° „) , vide for the public interests, and to consult the r security. aO O l Lord J. RUSSELL then entered into an an exPitiaL of the causes which had prevented him from for; 1 115 Ministry, and read the correspondence (which no ty found in another column) which had taken place - subject. The House was subsequently addressed udopol, DisRAELL Lord NORTHLAND, Mr. MILES, SIBTItORP, and the motion having been agre ed House adjourned at Half-past Ten o'clock. et a ter .° sew The Madrid papers of the 15th contain no news 4%.401 0 The discussion on the Address in the Chamber of v - ca, was again adjourned. On the Bourse the Three P ot . closed at 34. The other stocks were not quoted. I, se clii The principal topic in the Paris papers in t-. ° 0111 M. TRIERS, in which he denounced the policy of P: it sto A with regard to the annexation of Texas, and the bs r- Or. power in America. The ex-Minister, as might Olt, expected, declared himself in favour of the UnitSiooti manifested his determined hatred and jealousy of . • ter ° 'd i and seemed willing to sacrifice the best in hi p France to the advancement of the American r e P ° , , the humiiiation of this country, while at the same "'opt he called himself " a declared partisan of English . 1 b, lir We have space for only a few paragraphs of his oP eec b , • to Of they will suffice to show that the American affair is t o j cheval de tataille for the session. After recOa l . 4, o,r vast increase of population in the United St °t : t oil their present power, he says :-" I can easily Ar m that this extraordinary and unheard-of prosperil t fot v i give umbrage to England, but for my part I c4 10 • °° :0 0 $ 0 1 sake of my country be at all uneasy at the develoP e dt the power of the United Stares. It has been 4°4 the annexation of Texas to the United States distute balance of power in America ; it is, I must eonfess,alifej au f timel ever heard this equilibrium spoken of ; I C_ ~.¢l l. o°' / prehend a balance of power in Europe , which is no a 0, the independence of all the states composing it ; att t or ever this equilibrium has been disturbed it has be.° PAY to seek to re-establish it ; but I will ask , what have Ale r.., with America in that respect ? The Ilonour.bili GUIZOT is afraid that the Spanish race 1r it oe : annihilated by the Anglo-American one. Oh l et 0 . , that time comes, when the United States shall 1-111 tr 0 0 1 England, 100 ships of the line and 200 frigates, iv T O shall no longer profess the principle that the flag e ° to J merchandise, then the European equilibrium may g A ° O5. assistance of that of America. If we still possess.' c of ' a io and Louisiana. I can imagine that the developin e° , P r ' power of the United States might give us uneastn'?,o imagine that it disturbs the English, who possess, ~Pa i oir r i the American continent ; but as we have given upir .Bo d o the question no longer in any way concerns us." 1.1) 01 ri receives the strongest approbation from the Radica e l a to publican papers, and even the Presse, so o ppos 1 9 Drums, praises it, because the Presse is hostile to ' A I Al On M. TRIERS resuming his place, the Chamber awdeir and on Wednesday M. GuazoT made an able reply ill 0 of his policy. it t oi° ls 4 The following appears in the Times, but as no 0 i i ie l ii made to the melancholy intelligence, or to a telegr.be t , patch from that quarter in the Paris papers, we c°_tSoi trust it is either without foundation or greatly exagno coo pit"" " Letters from our private corrrespondent at marseillo 00 that a division of the French army in Algeria, wider tn, e ,A, 4 0, t of General Levasseur, and consisting of 2,500 men, incee i t, making a razzia in the province of Constantine, been ove , ; o ' snow storm on the night of the 3d inst., when the greater P division perished from the intensity of the cold." ..,1 00 et , On the Paris Bourse the Stock and Share Markets cle - e iollo,r nesday at reduced prices as compared with those of the pre' fitV The Three per Cents. at 82f. 95c. ; the New Loan, 83f.; d ie ..lsor Cents. 121 f. 35c. ; the Orleans Railroad Shares, 1,252 t. 50e,;:, , . ~,,,; 1,020 f. ; Havre, 740t'. ; Avignon, 98 5 f.; Vierzon , 702 f. 5 4 7 g, ne Beaux, 641 f ; Boulogne, 560 f. ; Troyes and Montereatt, „fr Basle, 255 f. ; Great Northern, 7 5 2 f. 50 c. ; Spanish Three Y -38 . ..... 90 1 ; The following are the quotations for other lines: „mil Paris and Lyons, definitive, 625 f. ; the Paris and Stres b r,:stV tive, 549 f. ; Tours and Nantes, definitive, 572 f. 50e, ; ;410 (10; Avignon (Talabot), 511 f. 25c. ; ditto (Lecointe), 507 f. ; _ote' pagnie Meridionale), 503 f. 50c. ; Bordeaux and Cette (sn m r; 502 f. ; ditto (Espeleta), 507 f. ; Charleroi (Kysaens) , 47 " oot e (Delamarre), 53f. LTONS, JAN. O 19.-Paris and Orleans, 1,260 f.; Paris and y e 1,032 f. 50c. ; Great Northern, 757 f. 50c. Al 1 11 % BUSINESS DONE IN FOREIGN RAILWAYS - c osy LONDON STOCK EXCHANGE, Jeri. 22 ' 01, 05 Boulogne and Amiens, 12%-Bordeaux, Toulottee;_„,ol>, (Mackenzie's), 2-Ditto (Espleta's), 2-Calcutta and rni t ut , boor, % p.-Ceylon, 1 1, -Dutch Rhenish, Great Northern of France Constituted, 15% -Great in. flo g, oor: solar, % -Great Paris and Lyons, 2%-Great Western !: 0,,g , Luxembourg, 24 -Orleans aid Vierzon, dcatut, 11% -Over Yssel, 1 dis.-Paris and Lyons (b ad AA Ditto (Ganneron's), 3% - Sambre and Meuse, sg i , P:.- 174 _ oriesir t ioN 'l' ---- ii/1 1 7/0" We understand that a most elaborate map o f ex, of e pi projected railways has been prepared by the Bo9,ruovarolfity with a view to its being recommended by the ‘ 1 vs , of ; 0' to Parliament, to take a comprehensive Ti e 0 , 1 0 011 .,; $ 0 state of all parts of the kingdom as to railwaY c' 3 , ce'' tion, and to a selection in the present session of of number of lines which are most needed. , f r ota, fi r? We understand that Dr. Nieholl's retireinellb.,,t of y e office of Judge-Advocate-General is solely on ace° A t'a l° lo ll vate reasons, the Right Hon. Gentleman illte n „,,," ' We r :is l ' abroad for some time with his family. Mr. Jern— -503" Of. who succeeds him, is returned for Buteshire by the or card fluence (Lord Bute's) that returned Dr. N icholl f -__ i l° _ _ DIED. _ funeral ec ru' On the 18th ult., suddenly, whilst preaching a ,tor• til the parish church of Si• , N too, of w !,i,.1, p i„,., he wia... ' v u? ' "i,; [Oliy 1 14+ - - o f use London : Printed and Published b- 31Ult1)0 Strand, Printer, at The Sun Witco ' ',No. 112 Strall,"kie of the Savoy, in the County Of Afiddlisel. 24 1840. UL U 1 Lae In I .ltQf trade for tre 0 , I nter e Ap r face, din gy 44 v t Jan, 1 4 the c the r :T bv. I SI 4, 1'4, 1 e th 'NI u. 2 :1 „ , ne ~-;‘, *t al wee Part, si to ,4 1 --..111 lilt 44 1) 4 , - L tit;a4) ,l o a k t g Be %Ices T, 1 1 1), reu .1 the Iq it