The Sun. — London, England, 1846-01-23 00:00:00

Mir 11%41! of the great community which I have the honors in er e P re s nt, that they may have every facility for an thsi e"ed emPloyment, and a consequent increase 0 .. f cemforts ; for they are, in my humble opi tli ee, th t e , 1 e most hard-working, patient, and loyal if P e oPon the face of the earth.—(Bear, , h . hear.) properly instructed when young, by truly religious lara°os, they entertain for her treatest r the Addr espect and affection. I beg The ~estle--(Hear, hear.) leave l\i6j e t s o tY se - c second 9,...;ARER then read the Address. hie ho ." , rEEL then rose and said—Sir, I would , Pe that although the course I take is an unusual yet that I wish o f h am acting in accordance with the general pre- The fire that 't th explanation e House in now rising to give an re ittt a t course which I shall take upon the hear.) p question before the country. --(Hear, &- li re th anee will consider it but natural that I s P e a t ,, t _ a mom entshould elapse before I should . I tt llfl ia t i - tee Housethe motives on which I have acted, Cilti t ' r e Priociples which have governed my conduct ib — e Neet' t he a.) I may fe e l hurt at having been n r ILarltmuch accusation upon this subject.—( ea .) ay no bin unjustly condemned without a hearing. I 11111 1 q upon that head ; and if any moment?xy of the of indignation should pos.ess me, ..tveat events which have taken place would tto b n e kik s Z tlt to remove any such temporary u . np ease rit e eaTear, hear.) I enter, therefore, into ettkirwireniar discussion or particular accusations, ureic 4 de ask—while I contend for the reser e tal ua o_f e on, c o e f , I ask for an opportunity, after the condm N k liao NAaining the motives of my conduct. ssd in . r ; , near.) I ask you to listen with patience *hicligence to those f is and those eviden 44 h sh all tb . •ht brit).* before you, *ill ii w it ,'cll will afford the materials nlg on which the House *he t "ueetely pronounc •t opinion. I wish to explain I %% et , e . 1 s kted ;. ue grounds which led me, and those with whom hs ieleV lur chlY to tender to our gracious Sovereignl wish , k tt lso t o e ls ° of trust which was committed to me. the th at tr -I P l ain what were the circumstances under which s he N e st was re assumed, d hy. lam now here . P r .' Ch e t" . kinister. Sir, an the w ins - mediate connexion sho e f itorneditite cause which led to had (.° the Gove r nment n that a great c 1 i ' am k treitt,,en. the ,disrt; portion n that article wt of food on . which_ om, 44(1 ttilivof the people of the United litagd t 'shilv f larger Sabers n of toe sister kingdom, k rl lltl p 1,07 their übsi te c . That was the immediate depend Ze iti re - ; 111 4e cfaourse i vr t s hit n l .w h e L l u ed id to be the dissolution of the and limn ef)°,4sne -11 ._ uIY part if I attached undue IrPee m e "° that subject. The particular cause l tilliktetlYe;ilt°B4rtte.quire immediate decision. It was abso kw: co os° zi:tit(pe time alluded to that an imme i h regard to the 1 ItilleWni!ic,h Aar u rn the be • taken n tati w on of corn.—(Hear.) bike f-Co'sutolk enow frona nn the r expression of my opinions 114 Ivia - v se topics which have lately agitated the world, o.. 4 4 4 ,v 0 5 e , 4 W a ithh . old. from the public that the progress t fa.4l upon tktruth have considerably altered my tablitid 0 "ego t opics.—(Hear, hear.) h es.. Je ct or P e ulY confess that my own opinions l w ts , l leo Protection have undergone a change..—(Loud sltile thsg.P"l'invtaintelleiSlit°P upon the the right to exer- . position cheers.) Alike in a pub keek•p" privilege of y l iel e di a n im g to the force of . „ t 'ery e ll b t .,' ond conviction (Hear hear) and at hseto , 74... .... b74 (terttrizterizgiclipon the results Of enlarged expe- Opposition cheers.) It may be sup tri, seal a eis something humiliating in the making g als confession. I think no such . thing.— ~,,38 do te I have no intuitive capacity -`44(1.,,-'rtining wh a t i s right, but l of ha a v l e k klie''Ce in the belief that it would be be, conciliation indeed, if my opinions had under t° the,4 %edification or change, to pretend to adhere toNliehrhe(Otheers.) But then it became . a qaestion, tal c , &louse and the public have . a right heretra ~ Whether the motives for changing them hese Acient and honest. Nothing could be more a Public man ' than to protect himself from al I N Y Pretending that no change had taken place Ll'coe:tisions, while on the other hand it would be most C. i ltry B l f tl u and most unjust to his Sovereign and his fearl4 to b ' Pon seeing reason to alter his course . of action a er , st cf th e r, 'colded from making that alteration by the . "" ii s s et r k s.) ,rehuiziarge of. inconsistency.—(Hear, —(Hear, hear, and k n. tee the th e - question, then, for Y• me to deal with is, 1124 Th motives for the change are sufficient and itk:ll fli er ° are those who contend that the `' v - talpediments upon the import of a ery great L a tioure necessary article of comtaaerce would by 17 4 ea sy °f great advantage, and heretofore i 1,",_ POin t 'i to combat the position . of these parties iince of out the urgent necessity for the ex elts et.„."' these restrictious. But, the time L'ssibi„-!ed when it has become almost im „sgeet...,-b‘o Meet them in fair and open argu 17e eiveTit_erlewed Opposition cheers)—by showing that Imo 'nes arising from the system of prohibition teariester than those which might arise from their tae i nch The time had arrived when the wassystFm .les t*htoh ineensistent with the right and just principles f i l.) :' lil aU f g h h i t to guide and regulate the trade of the coun- Lz,ulits eit 3 Public view protection to domestic industry de al it " sound principle, and agriculture being a bran? . 6 .9't i 0: " 7 industry, is entitled to a share of that pr e " ell pious 't industry, said, that in a country encumbered with - ea°er,s debt, and liable to an enormous taxation, it .. teet ka sary that domestic industry should be proto ,the ~,,, from foreign competition —as necessary ea w .tsettt hod,. f l- t n h o - e ity It is necessnry illatittve' that'thne labo e urin o g nm cl u asse - s . of the community li tht, ,not be omitted in this arrangement ; it is but tl,et 11.144 wages should vary with the prices of food, tik,,, l ,h prices should imply high wages, and that low 4 1 . 1,,,, - s oeuld be a concomitant of low prices.—(Cheers.) Of i t s ' , nit that land is entitled to protection on account th kti peculiar buj c d ens, ( It i . eisa: question iear of jratviecetitiawtay r t it , t n li ne t o f if P w ° e l Y tiThold this argument, it is still s it7 t . l i to removal by compensation._ The three first ob fsetsos to the removal of protection are objections wa de d on public policy, and tl * last is founded on ti( v gc „ justice ; but by gran ti ng compensation we re -14- toe latter objection. Id o not want to to arrogate t o 14;"I that, which has been used a prior i by other per ,,(want to dep r i ve none o f t h em of the credit to which evfil ore justly entitled ; a n d I con f ess that my reteeri°Pioion has been greatly mo di f i ed by the 'ro ta j ,ee of the last three years.—(Great cheering liva re OPposition benches.) I have had opportuni '4°- e°4lParine from day to day the .results which liti ti Vello ieed during the last three years, from that ilesCe on Which you have been acting for some years 'elttir -441 e 1 Y, the gradual removal of protection to agrbt tsteit:' pl- hoe had the opportunity of comparing t h e lteet °,,t those years. I have watched them; and t e st °' the policy has been, that during the Z r '' 0- n -. . I Vero found that the te ett , - Ye 3ear., i g) , Zor those who advocated ptection are per ee'th 11- e . `„ /3 .!hle. I believe that the rates of wages vary ihs .stea til ,,, epees of food. Ido not believe that when impossiblee nigh wages are low. Ido not believe it is Pea; for me to coincide in the opinion; it is utterly wlett 4 e ce for me to Contend that protection to domestic .44 - regard a disadvantageous to the country. Ilte ei ts , the to the other argument, that 11 , - " k le t o Ite have a high rate of taxation, it is fattedimpos ka("taitl:3 t compete with foreign industry —I have ;pa it also to the test of the last three years, and Lthew -4 tile experience of those years justify me, the e last ti a fallac I have seen from the experience , a ge% w three Years,y ending October last, that while If 40 tiro cemparaive low wages were high, ani tit I:tttki, - `e , were g for labour higher than then. tetteihigfigptrojee_threewyaelterse precedin I found that there , I lee t4 Pres s i o es and low wages. o then, f resist food. a e . ,es t , II that prices vary with eie h ith erto .til ge, a th n e no p t k ..,, , e „, ~ - .trade, b -" ' ' "' t ub state of as I have said before, we v t : °e r 10 " 0 !or some time e reducing duties, that been acting upon the prin. ; ‘t t l aY, in °Al.l.ng Prohibitions and • o. Well, what has litil t , 4 tilt e; s 7 i rig away with protection. k'iitli of the se t ? I will just read a statement of the Beginningre ii th e y e.. Measures from the year 1842. British ltOce ex p'or 183 9, I find that the amounto ; f h i in Art rted was over fifty three millions e4 4 4a, Yiene millions ; in 1841, fifty-one 43 millions ; fifty-two tili o ' 4 lla . fe te millions millions ; in 1840 tle:it. e l ,, k ti , in 1844, 1842. 1 For in t . yq s e a t increase since the year fifty-eig in ht 18 1844, it millions—thus ‘eatie r the an , 7 381 000 L, and, in . e kv et kd t _ .. ount was 4,- 4 1) L i' said" 8,530 , 0 001—Hea , r, hear.) 1 . 4,4 1 0 With-toth.at this increase has been o te -x.stat, o,‘'hina. Now I shall deduct all that, and w W in e g i4 to bn o t u i r t dine 0 , e result. I see by the returns, then, that I' 4 tt cte tr. tr ade with all other exceptcountries,lB44 they had China. deaeltasti to 46)411,000L and in the year to r te „?',.. ten millions. With regardthe last tt l) ,,'`on te. - 0 - ‘ ,`. l give the accounts up to only the eleven d ace emrt-'4nni to December, 1845. h tit:: Itt uoil l t , °F ,ull the principal articles ln o tb f e ß Y Z!e r s• pro slB43 i.J.Nountt'eu.to over forty one millions ; and in 1844, ether lee '' d to 47 312 000/. ; while in 1845, t e r y_h e a s d e teeetst Proveeitstked;andi amounted to 47,764,000/. rte ......,,,rexim, .eetion and that such protection l lu e g this. 14 4 'it l' t at illit they are the consequences of thebt not 0 \ "•estr le ' - Usto n , ' _, hea,,a, highly-taxed country to th'-tiuoties-;;,' Then with regard to the reduce pro,,,.._ u ,tonis r `on year t he e'ect. lo •-° „_ t eductions I proposed in t t h o em were 1842 I proposed . a ° C r"" i t st'O'eolles by 1,438,000 k, and .. i the Thc:-°ll3 .redu ce , n d ' in 1845 I r 2 . 73 ° 0 0/. 14 further reduction in that depa!tment hear.) 04 thrtleductonsvir.Ttk of 2,418,000/. Yet f orei gn t uch I have made in the— /11i uotw' e°Mtnodi 4,129,000 L, and -the r ,, Ithbt eod . ties amount to u ned"w, th e in g that this large amount has been ( s H everal imposts 4, 1,1 . / al, ..rov e .Uue of the country has not been re. be. 14 ;1 kt %nen whether the expectation whichl bolas trsei-e,d ? ti.e time these reductions commenced 44' 11 .a s i enioWhy the absolute advantage which the coun his tio- 1, ~,, , q i Yed, apart from the relief given by these re d ' ye et e u Pwards of 1 ,500,000 L In taking for the re fectiae of the ma aids an allowance of 1,000,000 L ll allowance , (4 M I , r ,tne Excise duties. I made a similar m estimates N h i „_souction of the duties on glass, and auctions;on nn t !lee e 'egard to those duties, it should be observed e that ge e wa s not ' reduc e- o f th hiug there to make a return for t r k i i, -e h a l f e duty, It was not like a reduction to 4 ' i t)" one quarter of the previous duty, where . k ake nere aeo in the consumption of the article t he a l u P for the deficiency of the rato charged upon i t ,_ Nee:, e - eel, --. in these eases the taxes were entirely swept tliatt;:ll..d. there was a total abolition of the tax. I felt Itf .'et.;' vivi lSing other branches of industry I should . be . .e oeci It ' Ma lt' , up for the deficiency which I thus Med 14 11 v ; and I ask the House whether I have not been le ' jastified in the expectation which I entertained. far Makin my estimate last year, I allowed h a redUCtloll Of 1 ,000,000 L in the Excise, but the t 4 je no reason to believe that the produce from it , r anch of the revenue will be more this year than Point last, lest. Yet there has been no salient enti 4,lrOrn whence to spring ; but the result has been Peri t-7 owing to the natural progress of national pros we tY, %rising out of the great reduction of taxation. If were t - se e , o take a comparison of the estimates of the Ite i ta l Years, we shall find that in the Customs' duties e there has been an increase of more than 2,000,000 L In 1843 there was an improvement over 1842, and in 1842 over the year preceding. In 1842 the Customs duties produced t9,961.,0001., and now they are upwards of 20,000,0001., although there has been a reduction of no less than 4,129,000/. Taking the reduction of duties into consideration, I believe that I shall be justified in asserting that the improvement in that department has be .n upwards Of talfa million But I will now take amore important matter into consideration—a more important matt, r than either trade, commerce, or revenue, unques tionably important as all are. I will take the moral state of the country, and I am happy in stating that during the last year there has been a large reduction in the amount of crime. '1 he number of offences has within these 12 months been greatly reduced in the country. In 1845 the numberof commitments was 24,305, that is 2,237 less than during the preceding year, namely, 1844. This was a decrease of 51 per cent. on the year before. In 1842 the reduction was 51 per cent. In 1844 it was 3 7.10 th ; in 1845 it was 51 per cent. as I learn from the communication from the several quarters ; and that is to me a source of Brea gratification. That is the fact,, that this reduction is chiefly observable in the chief manufacturing districts, and in some of the chief manu facturing towns, while on the other hand, the reduction of political offences has been equally great . in the agricul tural districts. In Wales there is perfect quietude, and net a single offence of dissaffection or sedition has been committed throughout the whole of the Principality. ['he Atterney-General's office has been, for the last two years a sinecure —(Hear, hear) —for during that period there has not been a single prosecution for any offence against the State—(Hear, bear, and cheers)— in the years 1840, 1 841 , and 1842. Now, let us listen to this serious state of things in these three years. There were 1,257 committed upon charges of sedition and riotous conduct. In the years 1843, 1844, 1845, there were 124 persons instead of 1,257. In the last year there was not a single one. In the year 1845 there were 422 persons sentenced to the punishment of trans portation, less than in the year 1843. In the last three years there were 1,701 less sentenced to transportation, than in the three preceding years. Now, this has been during times of comparative abun dance. Is it possible, I say, then, to resist the conclusion, that low prices and comparative abundance have con tributed to produce this beneficial result. Now, these are great social benefits. I do not say they are the necessary results of it, but I do say they are concurrent with a diminution of protecting duties. (Hear, hear). Well, have these advantages beim obtained by any serious detriment to that great in terest whose welfare should be the constant object of our care, the agricultural ? Protection to them has been diminished, and I have been the object of much attack for diminishing these duties, and deeply should I regret if these great social advantages to which I have alluded had been accompanied with any serious injury to agri culture. Now, let us see what has been the effect of re ducing the duty upon the four great articles of our imports. In the year 1824, the protecting duty on flax was 101. 14s. 6d. It is now comparatively nothing. Protection having been re moved, what has been the result ? What is now the price of Irish flax ? In the year 1843 the prices of fine flax in the market of Belfast was from 65 to 70. In the year 1844 the prices were from 64 to 68, and in January, 1846, the prices now are from 70 to 80. There is no such fear from a reduction of duties on our importations, nor indeed is there any cause for the alarm raised by some Hon. Gentlemen who have given expression to their feelings on the subject of protection. The taking off the duties from foreign cattle was pre dicted to be highly injurious to the agricultural interest. Now what is the fact with respect to that prediction ? In 1843 there were 1,019 foreign horned cattle imported, and in 1844 there were 2,899, and in the last eleven months there were not less than 12,000 ; but it is not proved that this increase has been detrimental to the agriculturist of this country, In the year 1844, the contract for stores for the navy was 31. 18s. sd. per tierce, and it is now 6/. Bs. Bd. This latter price .s the one now paid for the navy contract and this proves beyond all doubt that, not withstanding the free importation of cattle, the article has nearly doubled, or at least very considerably increased in cost; and this, I think, cannot be denied as an argument against those, who ex pressed so much alarm on the repeal of this duty. It cannot be denied that the price has not more than kept pace with the import Now there was no article which caused so much alarm as lard.—(Cries of " Hear, hear," and great laughter.) In 1840 there were only 97 cwt. of foreign lard imported into this country. In 1842, when the duty on its im portationwas repealed, 48,000 cwt. were introduced ; in 1844, 76,000 cwt. ; and in 1845, I believe it will be found that above 80,000 cwt. had been introduced. Now what has been the price of domestic lard ? In 1844 it was 48s. per cwt. ; in 1845 it was 675. ; and in January of the present year, notwithstanding these enormous importations the increase in price has been from 48s. to 625. in 1845 and 675. in this year.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") Now there is only one other article which is of great importance and which demands the most serious attention, and that is the article of wool. I was persuaded in 1844 that it was expedient that the duty on wool should be altogether repealed—that there in tact should be no restriction on its importation. It was more certainly in deputations than in this House that objections were urged against the free importation of that article. Certainly there were grievous anticipations lest, in consequence of the abolition of the duty on that arti cle, parties engaged in the wool trade, should be injured. Well, here again there has been an enormous increase in the importation of wool. In 1842, there were 45,8801b5. of foreign wool imported into this country, and in 1844, there were 5,790,0001b5., and during the last year, I am bound to admit, that there were no less than 65,216,0001b5. of foreign wool imported into England.— (Hear, hear.) Now what has been the cause of the re • on of t m hi de d .r u ,to t l y Bio o 4c l s wool ? In 1842 the price had but from lece l dsuunck in: , e a i n g cl ht i e n en lB m 43 on f t r h o s m si l n l c i e d t . h t e olld aboli tion of the duty, the price has sunk from llid. to loid. per lb.—(Hear, hear, and great laughter.) Now I think, Sir, we have had experie nce f or the last three years , sufficient to show that the removal of protection to domestic industry has been followed by an increase of our social happiness, and the interests of the country have been materially promoted.—(Hear, hear.) Our morality, too, has been much improved. I could read the most conclusive proofs that the public health has also been much improved.—(Hear, hear) — and that the national trade has been increased. Exports have been increased, and this is a fact in which I rejoice. —(Hear, hear.) The trade in those articles from which protection has been removed has been increased. Now, sir, it is right that I should state that, notwithstanding, the conviction which this experience has brought to my mind, that my decided impression was that, on other grounds, the corn-laws should be reconsidered. This I was firmly resolved upon. I could not have met in this session the motion of the Hon. Gentle man for the reconsideration of the corn-laws. I could not, I say, with these convictions—which, say what you will, I cannot forget—l could not have met that motion with a direct negative.—(Hear, hear.) Now, Sir, let me again repeat, that the convictions which I have come to have been brought about by observation and experience. With this change in my opinion, I could not have under taken the defence of the corn-laws upon the ground that the country being heavily taxed the continuance of protection was necessary, or upon the ground that it was for the interest of the labouring elasses that high prices should be continued as a guarantee for high wages ; nor could I have undertaken its defence on the ground that a non-interference of the system was a guarantee for domestic peace.—(Hear, hear.) But I have more urgently wished fur this opportunity to explain to those friends who have hitherto honoured me with their e o u confidence rse h and sy u taken.supp o H a as a well r hear.) I just ify wish to tothema s s the e them thistha that Parliamenthad I no w t ou t l a d , ken hav thecoursel h u av p e , and the defence of th e i r i nterests would been brok en have been coin initted to the country, and another Parliament would have had the opportunity of reconsidertng the question of the corn - laws. Circumstances occurrd in the last tutumn which would have precluded me from meeting Parliament on the principles I had previously entertained. A - great calamity has mani ested itself, the limits of which were then, and are still, little known—(Cheers) —and it was evident to us that we should have great difficulty in con tending against that calamity. The calamity was not confined to Ireland, but it had appeared, not only in many other parts of Europe, but in England itself. This calamity made the Go vernment aware of the fact, that the time had arrived when a change in the corn laws became pressingly necessary ; and it was, then, our duty to our Sovereign and the country to make known the necessity for this change, which existed in the coming danger. Now, had we pretended only that there was apprehension of a scarcity, for the purposes of effecting ati alteration in the corn-laws, nothing would have been more base or dishonourable; and you shall have the opportunity of judging of the importance of the in formation we received upon this calamity, and to deter mine whether or no that information was not sufficient to justify the Government in warning the country against the coming danger.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") So strongly, indeed, was I impressed by this information of the necessity for a change that, in the month of No vember, I advised the suspension of the protective duties. —(Opposition cheers.) There are two important periods to which I must particularly allude in my explanation, namely, the periods between the Ist of November, 1845, and the 6th of November, 1845, and the 25th of Novem ber, 1845, and the 6th of December, 1845 ; but before I do so, I propose to read, in consecutive order, the information which we received at diffe - rent periods from different parts of Europe, which induce me to come to the conclusion I have done. The Right Hon. Baronet then read a series of letters from Belgium, Egypt, Poland, France, and other countries, detailing the great ravages of the potato disease in those places, Now with respect to England, this is the limit of the information which has reached us. I should mention that the first account we had of the failure of the potato crop was received from the Isle of Wight. A gentleman writes us on the 10th of August that he cultivates 300 acres, and he is also a salesman in London. He was also engaged in the retail trade, and therefore fully com petent to give an opinion. He had examined the crops around Sandwich and its neighbour hood, and they were almost entirely destroyed. In Kent also the crop has been most seriously injut ed, as appeared by a letter received from Mr. Clay. In Yorkshire the crop has been even worse, for it appears by a letter from Mr. Wood, from that place, that the injury re e e h i v a e s d b e a e n l e m t t e o r s t f e r x o t m e n s i m v e y . f T r i h e e n n d f r t o h m e Scotland Member l for Dumfries, in which he says that the po tatoes there, in many districts, were unfit for human food. This was the nature of the accounts which my right Hon. Friend and myself had neen receiving during the months of October and November, and which we spent days and nights in reading. Then, as to the Recounts which came from Ireland, it would appear by them that the people of that country chiefly subsist upon that article of food. It would be difficult to estimate ' the number that so exist ; but by the official accounts which we have received from that country from Sir W. Brown, Mr. Lucas, and Professor Kane, it appears t hat nearly four millions of the people of that country mainly depend upon the potato for their support. It is quite clear, then, that we have now to contend against a cala mity affecting no fewer than four millions of people. — (Hear, hear.) I will not enter into any details upon this subject, I will merely content myself with reading the Recounts we have received from the Lord Lieutenant, confirmatory of them.— (Hear.) The Lord Lieutenant stated in one of his letters that the evil will not be felt in all its intensity until the month of February or the beginning of spring; that is the stock of last year's potatoes. This, be i. remem bered, is the opinion of one who was chiefly responsible for guarding against any calamity.—(Hear, hear.) Now. after all the accusations which have been brought against me, I wish to place upon record what were the appre hensions of those who were responsible for the providing of measures in order to meet this calamity. In a letter from the Lord-Lieutenant, be stated that the disease was very prevalent, and that results of an alarming nature might be anticipated, it measures were not speedily taken to meet the evil. This letter was fol lowed by another, dated the 21st of October, in which he says that accounts still continue to pour in of a most discouraging nature; the extent of the calamity it would be impossible to; calculate—potatoes were dry up, apparently in an healthy state, which in a few days presented all the appearances of decay. On the 24th Oct. another account reached us, in which we were told that the prices of the necessaries of life were rising, and that a spirit of discontent seemed spreading among the people, and urging upon us the necessity of adopting speedy measures in order to allay the feeling of the people, and wishing to know whether he should issue a proclama tion forbidding distillation from grain. This of the 24th was followed by another on the 29th, from Lord Haytesbury, in which he stated that he was most anxious to know the result of the deliberations of her Majesty's Ministers upon the state of the potato crop in Ireland, and that accounts from the constabulary tended to confirm the extent of the calamity. Communications were also received from the Lord Mayor of Dublin of a similar tendency, and urging upon us the necessity for prompt and effective measures. But not only had they had the opinions of the Lord Lieutenant, but also those of the Secretary to the Royal Agricul tural Association, contained in a letter of the date of the 17th November. In the postscript to his letter, he states that, since the letter was written, later reports of the wide-spreading calamity had reached him, and he could safely say that there was not a county in Ireland but was affected with the disease. That communication was from the Secretary of the Royal Agricultural Society of Ireland, who was certainly in possession of most extensive means of information. It came to hand on the 24th of October. I hold a letter from another gentleman, who is, perhaps, as well in formed as any man in the country, and he says, " that those who best know the country are the most puzzled to perceive a way out of the difficulty. Formerly we could, even in times of great scarceness, generally see some means for reliev ing the distress, and of carrying our people onward through to the time when the potato season returned. But now the case is very different, and we see no way whatever of getting through the winter. Shortly after this, the Duke of Leinster presided over a meeting called in Dublin to consider the state of the country, and there a resolution was carried, to the effect that unless the Lord Lieutenant took immediate steps for relieving the general distress that famine, pesti lence, and destitution would fill the land. He had also a letter to the same purport from Lord Clare. Impressed with these communica tions, we thought it our duty to send two, men both eminent in their way, and quite unconnected with the country. Professor Lindley and Dr. Playfair, who went from Dublin to Drogheda, passing through the several counties between the two, and their report was to the effect that where the crop was not entirely destroyed, the potato was in such a state as to be quite unfit for human sustenance.—(Hear.) At my request these eminent men placed their opinions npon record. It is from the 25th of November that I am re sponsible. On the Ist of November there was no agitation on the question, there was no petition, but the report received by the country fully and clearly showed to me the course which I ought to take. The news from Belgium, and the state of the market at Liverpool fully justifies the course of the Government ; and it was the knowledge of the fact that a great measure, such as I now speak in fa vour of, being necessary, that I acted as I did. I was perfectly prepared to issue an order in Coun cil to throw open the ports. I was prepared to take the responsibility of that act, but I was overruled, and then it only remained for me to ace as I subse quently did. I advised my colleagues to adopt the course of taking off the restrictions on foreign corn. On the 25th November it became necessary to consider what instructions should be issued. Those instructions were determined on, and we reserved to ourselves the option of acting as circumstances might determine. I however stated at that time that it appeared to me that the prescriptions issued were at variance with the information received from the Com missioners. On the Ist of September our position was entirely changed. I have no hesitation in saying that the agitation going forward in the country affected my own position. I had been overruled in the earlier part of our proceedings, when investigation would have been the more natural proceeding, and I admitted at once that the letter of the Noble Lord opposite (Lord John Russell) aided also to materially alter my position. It was wholly impossible for me, or those with whom I acted, to know whether there would be all this calami tous failure in the potato crop. I had felt on the 26th of November that there was no chance of bringing this, matter to a successful issuse. I should have adopted precisely the same plan as that which was recommended in the letter of the Noble Lord (Lord J. Russell), and I had hoped that my views would have met with the unanimous con currence of the members of the Cabinet. I thought that there was a justification for extraordinary measures, and that such extraordinary measures would have been supported by the other members of the Cabinet.—(Hear.) That was my conviction. But, finding that my feelings on this question were not similar to the rest of the Go vernment, I felt it my duty to resign the situation which I held. I felt it to be my duty, not being supported by the unanimous voice of the Cabinet—l felt it my duty humbly to tender my resignation to her Majesty. That resignation was accepted by her Majesty. Her Majesty then sent for the Noble Lord, the Member for London. The Noble Lord undertook to form a Ministry, and for a short period I was in the situation of a private Member of this House; and I do not hesitate to say that I would have done all in my power to promote a settlement of such a question as this.—(Loud cheers.) I repeat it, that I would under such circumstances have done all in my power to facilitate the settlement of the question. I remained under the impression that my services were then at an end in my capacity as first Minister of the Crown, and that I was to return to this House as a private Member of Parliament. Whether the Noble Lord opposite had, in the mean time, undertaken to ‘ form a Government I was not aware until Thursday, the 18th of December, when it was then intimated to me that the Noble Lord, the Member for London, had undertaken to form an administration. However, on the 19th, the next day, I received a gracious intimation from her Majesty, to the effect that she would wish to see me previous to taking a final farewell. I waited upon her Majesty accordingly, and I then was told that the Noble Lcrd opposite had de clined to form an administration, and her Majesty was pleased to express a desire that I should withdraw my offer of resignation.—(Hear, hear.) Now, I do not hesitate to say that as it was intimated to me that the Noble Lord had failed to form an administration, I con sented to withdraw my resignation, after a moment's consideration, and to ask my colleagues in office to cooperate with me in complying with the wishes of her Majesty.—(Hear, hear.) Sir, I measures those m e measures have already given notice of my intention, on the e ur i e n s ten fo d r to th p a r t op o o e s e e a f s o io r n. mee m ting the part of the Government, on-an early day, to submit the exigen cies of the time, and I shall leave the justificatio of thethe a n evidence ticipat that Government after upon hearingin calamity,possession . it explanation, therefore, for the present rests here , a y nd I do hope, w o i f l l t h be e ed deemed sufficient for the present. Some may think that the conclusions I and others have come to are erro neous • but I warn those who think so, that even now the extent of the calamity is not fully known. Let them pause, therefore, before they express a con fident opinion upon our conduct. But, at all events, I trust if I have not satisfied some of them that our conclusions were correct, at least they will admit our motives were honest.—(Hear, hear, and loud Opposition cheers.) Would it not have been derogatory to the agricultural interest, and degrading to ourselves, had we proposed to supply the deficiency in the potato crop in Ireland by relaxing the protective system in respect of oats, while we could have met the calamity in another and a better way, and given the people of Ireland corn instead of oats?— (Cheers.) Well, then, I trust we shall receive credit for the honesty of our conclusions, if our conclusions are not approved of.—(Hear, hear.) I felt that it was impossible to come down to the House with any partial measure, that only affected Indian corn. I could deal with Indian corn, and not at the same time deal with oats. If it was necessary to regulate any portion of the food of the people, it was requisite to take such measures as should at once and entirely set the question at rest. Sir, after the severe, the lengthened, and the incessant labour of the last session of Parliament, I say I do feel it bard to be thus con stantly misrepresented. Ido feel it hard that, after that labour, and when every hour of the recess has been em ployeciin considering the large mass of evidence on this most important subject, that I should be made the con stant object of misrepresentation—(Loud and continued cheers)—and be told that I am altogether unworthy of the confidence of the agricultural interests.—(o - eers.) I have over and over again endeavoured to define the position which I hold with respect to party, the country, and myself. I have felt it neces sary, in justice to myself, and to every one of those who have preceded me in the office which I hold ; and yet, over and over again I have been told that the same power which placed me in this position could al ways unseat me from it.—(Loud cheers from the Op position.) I now here distinctly state that I do not owe my personal position to any man or body of men whatever, and in saying this, I distinctly say that I will never rely on any particular party for that support which I ought to receive only of the service which I may render to the State. For what is office, and what are the pleasures of these official duties ? The pleasure does not consist in that distribution of honours inseparable from the duties of a Prime Minister. Believe me, that the possession of the • vower of advising the Sovereign with regard to the highest rewards and highest offices is more than com- t o attempt to effect the object by endeavouring to obtain pensated by the invidious duty of choosing and the die- a majority in the Houie, or was he to propose to her appointment which any selection can make. I value not Majesty a dissolution of Parliament in order to ascertain the power to the extent of one farthing for any such pri- the strength of the popular opinion. —(Hear, hear.) vilege as that. So far as personal objects, then, are He confessed it appeared to him that if it could concerned, I have none of them.—(Hear, hear.) I be possible to obtain a settlemeut of the question have served under four Sovereigns George the without having recourse to a general election—without Third and his three successors. In the reign of putting in collision- the manufacturing and 'commer office was of a very subordinate cial interests against the landed and agricultural George the Third my nature. I served under George the Fourth both as interest, it would be unquestionably for the benefit Regent and Sovereign. It has been my fate to hold of the country at large.—(Hear, hear.) But it was im some high office under each of these sovereigns, and, as possible for him to expect such an amount of confidence I have served them in critical and difficult times, from the House, if he could not secure the support of they have taken a favourable view of any services which those who agreed with him in the measures he had in I have rendered them. But to each of these in succes- view—of those who were in the habit of supporting him sion there was but one distinction—one reward—desired in absolute free trade principles, but also of the support by me for all that I had it i n my power t o d o f o r them of the Right Hon. Baronet opposite, and those who had —that was, the simple assurance that I had been to been his supporters when he proposed a relaxation of the them a loyal and faithful servant.—(Hear, hear.) protective duties. The Right Hon. Gentleman, for There is, Sir, that in office that it gives you great op- potent reasons, which it was unnecessary for him to go portunities for rendering public service according to the into, thought it not right that a person not in the ser best of your judgment, that constitutes the real value of vice of the Crown should be consulted upon measures official power. I can say with truth I have not abused that might be brought forward not upon his own respon that power for any unworthy object. I have always en- sibility. He (Lord John Russell) had to consider what deavoured to use that power for the promotion of the were the kind of measures which, if he were successful public interest and the advancement of the public good, in forming a Government, it would be his duty to pro nor can I charge myself with having acted at variance pose.—(Hear, hear) Under these circumstances, he with the principles of a true and comprehensive Conser- thought it necessary to have a consultation with those vative. I cannot think it has been at variance who had been his colleagues ; for the letter to with Conservative honour that I have attempted which he had adverted, had been written from a strong to repair the disasters of Caubul, to infuse feeling of public duty, and the apprehension of public into the Indian army that spirit which bad been checked danger, and two persons only had been cognisant of his by misfortune and defeat. I cannot think it incon- intention to write it. He had consulted with them, and sistent with a true Conservative if we have allayed that with persons dispersed in different parts of the country, animosity which has long prevailed between ourselves in order to ascertain how far they might agree, before and a great and powerful neighbour. I cannot think it he undertook the settlement of the corn law question, or inconsistent with true Conservatism that we should endangered the public convenience by proposing a mea have been enabled, with truth, to hear that sentence sure which might not meet with public approval. The from her Majesty's Speech, " that our relations with grounds upon which he stated that the corn-law question France might ever be conducive to the public interest." I ought to be settled were : first, that he thought the im cannot think it inconsist en t w i t h the principles of position of any duty at present, without a provision for a true Conservative that we have been en- an ultimate extension, would but be prolonging a contest :shied, with truth, to listen to such a passage. which ought, upon many accounts , t o be discontinued. It is not inconsistent with the p r i nc ipl es o f a true Con- He also said that no Government, or legislative body, servative, that we endeavour to extract from the recol- could satisfactorily regulate the corn-laws.—(Hear.) lections of all our former exploits everything that can He also stated in his letter, very clearly, the objects to savour of bitterness. It is not inconsistent with the be obtained ; but he suggested, farther on, that the principles of a true Conservative that we are trying to Minister should propose such a revision of the engage in rivalry—not in the field of blood, but on the taxes as would tend to equalize the public field of honourable negotiation— the advancement of burdens, and that he should add, also, such other commerce and the improvement of the social condition. measures as scrupulous forbearance might suggest. I cannot think it inconsistent with true Conservatism These were his general principles. He did consult with to have reduced taxation.—(Hear, hear.) I cannot think his colleagues, and the result of his de liberation could it inconsistent with true Conservatism to have extin- best be given in a letter which he addressed to her Ma guished agitation and to have discouraged sedition, not jesty. • Part of that letter had reference to the Right by coercive laws— (Hear, hear)—but by creating an Hon. Baronet opposite. He (Lord J. Russell) could not impression on the part of the great body of this kingdom, read it, without referring to the measures the Right that we, the rich and powerful, are ready to take our Hon. Gentleman said he had in contemplation.—[Lord share of the public burdens, and to relieve them J. Russell read a private letter he had addressed to her from' oppressive measures.—(Hear, hear.) The duty Majesty on the 16th Wt., in which he stated his desire of conducting the affairs of this country is, indeed, to suspend immediately the present corn-laws, and to a most arduous undertaking.—(Hear, hear.) I may say repeal them at no distant period—allowing, at the same it without irreverence, that the, ancient institutions of time, adequate relief to the occupiers of land. His Lord our country ire like our physical frame—fearfully and ship concluded by intimating the necessity that corn wonderfully made ; that it is no easy task to ensure the pelled him to decline the task of forming an Admi contentment of an ancient monarchy, a proud aristo- nistration.]—The Noble Lord proceeded to say, her cracy, and a reforming public.---(Loud cries of " Hear, Majesty had been graciously pleased to answer his hear.") I have done every thing that I could do, letter on the same evening, statingthat she had for consistently with Conservative policy, to reconcile warded it to Sir Robert Peel, and that she fully under those three branches of the Legislature, and stood the motives by which he had been guided in endea make them harmonise in action. I thought it consis- vouring to secure the greatest possible support for the tent with true Conservatism to promote as much as pos- measures he wished to propose.—(Hear, hear.) It would sible content among the people—to cause the voice of be necessaay for him to say, in the position he at present dissatisfaction to be no longer heard—to prevent any occupied, that he had been unable to bring those who destruction of our ancient institutions, and to give all consulted him to an agreement on the qnestion of the our fellow-countrymen an opportunity of living in peace- corn-laws.—(Hear, hear.) All those whom he had ful enjoyment of their rights. These are what I have consulted had at a ; previous period belonged to her attempted to do, and I have thought it consistent with Majesty's Privy Council. Her Majesty, on the following pure and enlarged Conservative principles. lam ready day, desired that, he ,should attend her at Windsor to bear the scorn and the ridicule of the public for the Castle, and when he errrived she handed- him a letter part which I have taken on this question , but I will not from Sir Robert Peel, dated the 11th December. do it with mutilated and shackled powers.—(Cheers from What he (Lord John Russell) wished was, not a pre the Opposition.) I will not stand at the helm during vious pledge from the Right Hon. Baronet, but he the tempestuous nights which I have seen, if that helm thought, as he had stated the general nature of the is not committed to my uncontrolled guidance. measures they should propose, that if they should I will not undertake to direct the course of the vessel afterwards propose a different measure without inform if I am not permitted to make my own obser- ing him, or go to a greater length, they would incur vations and to act a ccording.—(Cheers.) I will the evil to which he had alluded. The letter he had I reserve to myself the right of my own private judgment read seemed to him . to amount substantially, that he as to the course which I should pursue in the govern- should be quite readys and would not be precluded 1 ment of the country. I do not wish to be the Minister from concurring in such a measure, and supporting it if of England ; but while lam the Minister of England I he thought right, if it were proposed by a Minister of will hold the office by no servile tenure —(Loud cheers)— the Crown. He (Lord John Russell) was of opinion, I will hold the office unshackled by any other obligations that the task was subject to risk, and full of danger and than the consulting of the public interest and providing peril, yet placed as they were, they should meet it for the public safety.—(Loud and continued cheering, boldly, and assure her Majesty they were ready to un in the midst of which the Right Hon. Baronet resumed dertake it.—(Hear, hear.) He was not, when he came his seat.) to the determination, blind to his heavy responsibility. Lord J. RUSSELL said—Sir, I rise up at thi s ear ly He had alre a dy said he wished' the question period of the session, to explain the part that I have of the corn-laws settled without any violent struggle taken in the matter to which the Right Hon. Gentleman between different interests. He was aware—he hardly has referred ; and I would not have done so now, but knew how he could express the opinion—but he knew that the Right Hon. Gentleman was aware that such many persons thought both agriculturists and those in was my intention. Before I had resolved upon adopt• terested in manufactures, and a portion of the liberal ing this course, I communicated with the Right lion. party, while they would support a repeal of the corn- Gentleman, and I stated to him that, if it would create laws, if brought forward by him (Lord J. Russell), any inconvenience to the public service, I would be would like better to support it if brought forward by ready to postpone my explanation to a later period of the Right Honourabk Baronet opposie.—(Oh, oh !) the session. In answer to that the Right Honourable And that on the other hand there were many who fol- Gentleman stated, that not only would it be quite in lowed the Right Hon. Gentleman who would give him accordance with the wishes of her Majesty, but also con- their confidence if they saw him in office and power, but sistent with the convenience of the public service that I who would not vote for the same measures if he (Lord should enter upon this explanation now. J shall there- John Russell) had proposed them. That was a fact, and tore proceed to do so, with the understanding that I shall it was an opinion conveyed to him by many persons be excused for doing so, by reason of the willingness the whom he knew, by others whom he had never spoken Right Hon. Gentleman has expressed that I should do so. to, and by many others who, at Manchester Before Ido so, however, I think it necessary to refer to a and at other places, were anxious for the letter he has mentioned, detailing the circumstances settlement of the corn-law question. It would which led to his resignation. Early in the month of No- have been a hazardous task for him to undertake such a vember the Lord Provost of Edinburgh invited me to re- measure ; but while he thought the Right Hon. Gentle ceivo the freedom of that city, and to be present at a man opposite and his colleagues would give him a fair public dinner. In accepting that invitation I took support upon the question, he thought that there were especial care not to make any reference whatever to the many--for instance such persons as the Noble Lord who measures then under consideration ; and the Lord moved the Addresswho would support him if they Provost expressed his regret that I did not state my thought the measures were really required by the exi opinion in reference to the corn-laws. I said that I gencies of the country.—(Hear.) But he would have been was unwilling to do so, entertaining as I did very strong taking a great risk upon himself ; and if he and his col opinions in respect to those laws, an expression of which leagues should have failed in that endeavour—if they might have the effect of embarrassing the public coon- should have been defeated in the House—after encoun cils, as well as myself. But I saw by the public prints, tering a protracted struggle—or if some new Adminis and the London Gaatte, the state of the public mind on tration should have been formed to make a new settle this question, as well as the manner in which it had been ment, upon himself and his colleagues would most un dealt with by the Government ; and, finally, after many doubtedly have fallen the blame of having attempted to discussions, I saw an announcement of a further proro- perform that which they could not accomplish.—(Hear.) gation of Parliament. Under those circumstances, I I did consider that all the parties ought to be of one did think that her Majesty's Ministers had not been per- mind; that they should all bear the risk, and be pre forming their duty to their Sovereign or to the country, pared to encounter the opposition, and to give their and I did entertain the opinion that it would be advisable cordial co-operation and advice as official Ministers. I to call the Parliament together at an early period to must say of those with- whom I concerted generally, that consider the corn-laws.—(Hear, hear.) I also had I have to bear my testimony that they looked only to seen announcements of the failure of the potato crop in the national good; they did not consider whether it Ireland. The Right Honourable Gentleman has stated would be advantageous to their party or to themselves to-night that the Government Commi sioners reported should the administration be formed, but upon all the that the food of five millions of the people of that coup- great questions called upon to decide there was entire try was the potato ; that one-half of that crop had unanimity. It was on the 18th of December that he failed ; that one-eighth of it would be necessary for undertook to form a ministry. But, Sir, on the follow seed, and that therefore only three-eighths of it re- ing morning, after I had made some arrangements, I inained for food.—(Hear.) I did consider that such found that one of those with whom I was to act a state of things was most alarming, and demanded im- had an objection to join me, which I found impossible to mediate consideration, and it would appear that I stood overcome, and, consequently, that I should lose his as not alone in this opinion.—(Hear.) It appears now sistance in the Administration. Ido not think it necei that the Right Hon. Gentl eman himself had formed sary to state the nature of the ground of his objection— the same opinion, and that he and three it is enough to say that it would have deprived me of his of his colleagues had expressed as much in the assistance in the Government ; nor do I think it scarcely Cabinet Council. In this state of circumstances I pub- necessary, as his name has so often been men lished a letter on the 26th of November, to which the tioned, to inform you that the individual was Right Hon. Gentleman has alluded. That letter did, Lord Grey. With the highest respect for that certainly, state very strongly my opinion that the pre- Noble Lord, considering his great talents, taking sent Government were not as active as the circumstances into account his great courage and honesty—(Hear, demanded, and I suggested that the public should ex- hear)—l should nevertheless have thought that upou press constitutionally its opinion as to the remedy that a common occasion the loss of an individual even should be deemed necessary. I cannot but think I was of his importance would have prevented me from right in adopting this course ; and from what has trans- attempting the formation of a Ministry. When I saw pired, it would now appear that the Right Honourable the great risk we were incurring, and the necessity there Gentleman concurs with me in that opinion.—(Cheers.) I was that we should all hold together upon these questions. know that there are some men of low minds who have When I considered, also, that my Noble Friend was the said that that letter was nothing more than advertising first among those vi4io were acting with him in a myself for office.—(Hear, hear.) But I trust I need measure which contemplated free trade in corn and who scarcely say, that nothing could be further from my considered it desirable for the country in its present thoughts.—(Cheers.) I did it only for the purpose of state. When I put these things together I thought that placing upon record the expression of my opinion, that the task of forming a Government without my Noble Friend the Government should yield to the pressure of circum- was a task that I shOuld not be justified in undertaking. stances, and save the confusion and accumulation of I could not but consider that if my Noble Friend serious evils.—(Hear, hear.) On the 26th of No- were absent from that Ministry, that all kinds of vember, the Right Honourable Gentleman again interpretation would be put upon his absence. nrged that the ports should still be opened for the Considering, therefore, the absolute necessity, as I admission of grain, and that the corn-laws should be thought there was, for complete agreement — considered ; but unfortunately the Cabinet did not agree considering the importance of the person who could not with him, and difficulties to so great an extent followed, take a part in the Administration —I came to the con as to lead the Right Hon. Gentleman to believe he elusion that it was rincessary for me to give up the task could not carry on the Government, and on the 6th of which her Majesty bad graciously imposed upon me. December he resigned office. On the Bth or 9th of the When I considered 'that for eight days the country bad same month, I had the honour to receive her Majesty's been in expectation, and that the want of a Government command to wait upon her at the Isle of Wight, and I was very serious, I could not but think, whatever col did so upon the 11th. It could not but be apparent league might leave me, that it would be impossible to at to me that her Majesty had received the resignation of her tempt the settlement of those great questions which agi- Government, and had sent for me for the purpose of tated the public mind. It was, Sir, in this mind that I consulting me as to the formation of a new Administra- waited upon her Majesty, on the 20th of December, and Lion. I felt that the only course left me was to decline made to her a communication, to the effect that it was doing so, because I was aware that the party who usually impossible for me to form a Ministry, owing to the ob concur with my views Lpon public questions were in a jections of one of the persons who was to have joined me, i w n a t r i r il a s nt li ed on ins exposing her•Ma- agreement between all parties ; and that it was my inten , and therefore I especially as there was so much necessity for a cordial y to the chances of a dissolution tion to have formed the Ministry with a view to effect a almost as soon as it was complete and free trade in corn. Now, Sir, I should state, d ear, hear.") I do not think it in furnishing this explanation, that I owe the greatest n d efneo i fe i s d r n etmye n n r se o mas i d t t an y . t r_d h y o G i t :n nt ceo k evree l i ab outner ese Gove rn ment countryt Ho b e t any explanation here of the rea- gratitude to her Majesty for the very gracious manner h party who s t upport me in this House are in which, in her communications, she entrusted me with number ; .I . must say that during the this task, and for the facilities which she always afforded w rth e in r e e in the Administration, our motives were me in orderto lessen the difficultiesof the task Ihad under ssttoomnisenfwwerheiyo nded, and our meas never fairly comprehends measures never re- taken. Her Majestyhas imposedf fromdays. Also, to the ceived a fair consideration from it may,our political opponents. which I shall feel to the end het of my offers made were en rity,___(Hear, hear.) Be that _ we were in a mino- Right Hon. Gentleman, t t • and with regard to and, therefore, under these considerations I did not tirely spontaneous upon his par . warranted in forming an • •his after communications, there was nothing in them to e rae pre t s h e a n t t on me a sacred obligation, think I would be _ Adminis- Her to my Noble Friend Lord Grey, she had sent for me for the a M in aj i e s s t t r y atio h n a , vin l g es s k ta ed ted if purpose of before. With reference that I was not able to overcome his objec- Governmentforming an sem tration. which l emee t r e r n y d . ed at . all to make . my task more difficult than ware of her having done 'ions, but in justice ,to him he must say that his objec she were a . so, and answered me by placing a paper in my hands, con- tions were not of a personal nature, but were founded taining the resignation of the Right Honourable Gen- upon w hat he considered to be for the public good. As for doing so, and expres •• tl em an, his reason sing his wi ll- to the question that is now as b itated, the settlement of every assistance in his I do corn-laws, hope that we may be able to come ingness to afford power to the the t o agreementafford of measures for the such an as may the country hope of its new Ministry, for the l adoption H settlement peaceable settlement. I saw with • of the corn - avys.—( ear, hear.) I then . no inconsiderable sur stated to her Majesty t h at that document altered prise that at a meeting of the agricultural interest it was the state of the question, and that with her stated that the danger had been exaggerated, and that permission, I would consult with a few of those with the great scarcity does not exist, and th a t th e p ros p ec t of whom I had been in the habit of actin g . I came to famine is chimerical. Therefore, leave the pro- London for that purpose, and, I must say, received tective laws as they are at present. But do these gentle all the information I could require from the Ri g ht Hon. men never carry their thoughts forward ? do they never Gentleman, the Secretary for the Home Depart m ent, in consider that if it has pleased Providence to visit us reference to the causes which led to the resig na tion of with an affliction which is lighter than we at first dreaded, the Right Hon. Gentleman. I then called my friends do they never think that they may not always together, with a view of framing a measure for the set- have this consolation ?—(Hear, hear.) Do they lenient of the corn-law question, a measure which I con- never think that a time may come when the scarcity will sidered would be o f the greatest possible advantage to be undoubted?—when it will come home to the eyes and the country, inasmuch as it would not only tend to put understandings, and feelings of every man ?—when the an end to present grievances, but would be attended near prospect of a nation's famine may be too real and by much future goo d.—(Cheers.) But there was another too near, not to appal the stoutest heart among us ? Do question for consideration, if he was to undertake the , they wish to wait for such a time ?—(Heer, hear.) Do settlement of the corn-law question. Whether was he they think it desirable that the settle,ment of the corn- laws should be delayed until we have a year of famine, when there will be no power of choice, no discretion; when there shall be nothing left to them but a humiliat ing capitulation to the multitude who will then demand, sternly demand, the instant repeal of this odious tax, which limit the supply of food.—(Hear, hear.) Do any of them say that in a reason of scarcity the law of 1842 is sufficient to provide for the food of the people better than the free, full, and entire admission of foreign corn ? The House had heard this evening what were the opinions of the minister who proposed that law in 1842—what he considered to be the result of his ob servations and his experience. He, with all his natural talents, his acquired experience, he, placed at the head of the affairs of the country, having to watch over them, and feeling the responsibility which he had so truly described, and which, although the highest post of trust and honour to which a subject can attain, is et the same time the most grave, if not the most alarming station.—(Hear, hear.) I do trust, therefore, that we are about to see a settlement of this great, this important question. When the Government shall bring forward their measures, I may, perhaps, have some observations to make, both as to the nature of the measure itself, as well as to the provisions which now accompany it, and as to the expediency of waiting even to the present time for a aepeal of the law of 1842 ; for the present I refrain from the discussion of such ques tions. I must, however, refer to another subject, which is always uppermost in my mind, when I think of the people of Ireland.—(Hear, hear.) It may be possible that the Prime Minister has more opportunities than I have for the purpose of proposing measures upon this subject. But I will not deny that Ido think, with refe rence to the state of Ireland, that I should have been enabled to apply to the Government of that country, had I succeeded in forming the Ministry, by placing the Go vernment of th a t coun t r y i n th e h an ds of a person who, h y means of conciliation and firmness, would have allayed many o f t h e evils under which the people of Ii eland are now suffering. Ido think that if I were to succeed in carrying the Bill with reference to taking the restrictive and prohibitory duties off corn, and many of the more essential articles of manufactures, I do think that I should be able to propose a l arge an d comprehen sive plan for the amelioration of the condition of the people of Ireland, which should be the foundation for future Governments to act upon. I did certainly indulge such a dream with respect to the people of Ireland, that I regret my expectation of forming a Government eras disappointed. I cannot assent to any opinion in favour of the wisdom of the conduct of the present Govern ment, from the time they first came into office up to the present time. I see at the present time, according to the Queen's Sp , ech,:that dreadful acts of premeditated assas sination have occurred lately in that country. But there are in Ireland two violent parties bound to , gether by associations. The one asking that dangerous, and, as I consider, fatal measure, the repeal of the Union ; the other issuing addresses, from which it is obvious that they consider partiality still to be the rule, and that their Roman Catholic fellow-subjects are not en titled to the same favour from the Legislature as the favoured Protestant part of the community. While I see Ireland divided between these two parties—while I see each of them so firmly bound together, I cannot con sider that there is a prospect, either of that peace in Ireland, or of that affection to this country which we ought to wish to prevail. I cannot see, lam sorry to say, that anything that has been done, or is doing, will establish that peace, and procure for us that affection. Sir, I will not enter further into this subject. I have stated what were the transactions which took place when her Majesty was pleased to call upon me to form a Government. I have stated the reason why I was unable to do so. I have stated my views shortly with respect to the policy that is pursued by others ; and I have now only to say that, whether in office or out of office, I shall be ready to give my hearty assent to mea sures which I think are for the benefit of the country ; and I trust that the freedom of industry and commerce may date from the present session of Parliament.-- (The Noble Lord sat down amidst loud cheers.) Mr. DISRAELI next rose to address the House, but, at the commencement, he was extremely indistinct, in consequence of the noise caused by Members leaving the House. He said—lt is only since I entered the House that I have had the advantage of hearing her Majesty's Speech ; and it is only now that I have learnt that the real question which has agitated the country was not to be discussed ; and—except perhaps in a kind of protest—we should address her Majesty without any attempt at a difference of opinion. Sir, lam not now—after the indication of the Right Hon. Gentleman, the first Minister, that an early day is to be appointed for the discussion of that question—l am left now, after so formal an announcement trona so high a quarter, presuming myself to introduce that question to the notice of the house. Not even the allusion made to it by the Noble Lord who has just sat down, or even the details entered into by the Right Hon. Gentleman shall tempt me, or I might say would even authorise me, to touch at such a moment upon such a question. At the same time lam bound, in fairness to the House—rising with their indulgence, at this moment of the debate—l am bound not to conceal what my opinions are on the general question, though I shall not attempt to express them, except in giving the result. I am not one of those who are converts to the new opinion. I am, perhaps, a member of a fallen party. Those odinions that I have feebly some times attempted to express in this House in favour of protection, I adhere to, and I sincerely in tend to do so. They sent me to this House, and if I re linquished them I should relinquish my seat—(Cheers) —and I should not have appeared here. I give that frank expression of my opinion. I will now attempt, with the indulgence of the House, to give the reasons why I rise at this moment. I confess that the tone of the Right Hon. Baronet /vas hardly fair to the House ; for while he stopped discussion on the great question on the present occasion, he entered into some details, and gave vent to his feelings with a fervency quite unusual. Sir, I admire a Minister of this country who has the courage to say that he holds authority in order to vindi cate his opinion, and to give expression to the conviction of his intellect and conscience. Sir, there is hardly any man in this House, who will rise and say they are not the feelings of a very great and courageous spirit, whieh should at all times, and under all circumstances, be respected. Unfortunate, indeed, will be the position of this country, when its destinies are regulated by a Minister who recommends a policy adverse to the con viction of his mind. But, Sir, while the Right Hon. Baronet has touched on the subject of such high deli cacy, we may be permitted to ask ourselves what are the causes, and what are the circumstances, that ren dered it necessary for one so able, and one so eminent, occupying a position so high—at least of so great a re sponsibility—to enter into these apologies, to enter into these vindications, and rising in the House amid the cheers of former opponents, to place himself in a posi tion of such an apologetic character to those who once were his party ?—(Cheers.) Sir, I have no doubt that the Right Honourable Baronet has arrived at conscientious conclusions upon this great subject.—(Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Gentleman says that it is not so much through the force of argument as the cogency of observation that he has arrived at these conclusions. But, Sir, the observation which the Right lion. Gentleman has made must have been made by him at a period when lie filled in this House a post scarcely less eminent, and in which he exercised scarcely less control than he does now. I want to know how is it that the Right Hon. Gentleman, who certainly is in the enjoyment of the full maturity of manhood, should have arrived at this change of opinion—no doubt con scientiously—should have arrived at this state of opinion, when, after a long opposition, this question was argued in all its bearings, a Government was formed in oppo sition to the very opinions he now advocates? I think, myself, not only is a Minister bound to advocate that policy which he believes to be necessary to the welfare of the State, but he is bound, under all circumstances, and at any sacrifice, to announce his opinions. But what are we to think and say of an eminent statesman, who having served—as he has informed us—under four Sovereigns who cannot want experience any more than he can royal confidence—who was called to steer the ship on so many occasions and under such perilous circumstances—what are we to say of that Minister, our greatest and most renowned statesman, who, by the observation of three years, has found it necessary utterly to change his conviction on an important topic. which mus t have p resented itself.) r more than twenty years to his o bservation, and whichf has been debated in this H ouse, under every variety of circumstance. Sir, I will say, of such a Minister, that he may be conscientious, but he is unfortunate. But this I will say of him, he is the last man who should turn round and upbraid his party in the tone of menace. —(Cheers.) Sir, I must say that I find a difficulty in paralleling the position which the Right Hon. Gentle man now occupies with anything which history or experience affords us. The only circumstance, the only incident which occurs to me as bearing any parallel to it is in an event which occurred in that late svar in the Levant, which was terminated by the policy of the Noble Lord opposite (Liprd Palmerston). I re member when that great struggle was taking place which affected the existence of the Turkish empire —when the Sultan of that day, a man of great energy and great resources, determined to make a last effort for em pire, fitted out an immense armad a . It ni his co ssted of many of the finest ships that were ever built. Its crews were picked, and its officers were chosen with discretion and rewarded before they fought. —(Laughter.) Never did such an armada pass the Dardanells since the days of Selyman the Great. Th e Sultan embraced —all the muftis pr a y e d f or the success f the expedition, Admiral as the muftis he re did at t h e last election. o Away went the armada, b u t w h at was t h e aston ishment and consternation of the Sultan, when the Lord High Admiral steered at once into the enemies' port.—(Cheers and laughter.) Now, Sir, the Lord High Admiral in that instance was much misrepresented. He too was called a traitor, but he vindicated himself. He said " True it is, I did place myself at the head of ,the valiant armada—true it is my Sovereign embraced me, and that all the muftis of the kingdom offered up prayers for the success of the expedition, but I have an objection to war ; I see no use of prolonging the struggle, and the only reason I accepted my high office was that I might fermi nate the contest by betraying my master." And, Sir, these reasons, offered by a man of great plausibility and great power of discussion, and adroit in debate, have had their effect, and what is still more surprising is the fact which the Hon. and Gallant Admiral opposite (Sir C. Nae pier) will bear witness to, that at this moment that man is First Lord of the Admiralty at Constantinople under the new reign. —(Sir Charles Napier made some observation which we could not hear.) Well, lam convinced at all events that he remains a very influential personage in the Ottoman world. Now, the Right Hon. Gentleman has turned upon us and said, " A certain power made me Minister, and a certain power can prevent me from be ing Minister." I protest against such an authority I never will acknowledge such a servile position. Sir, the sympathy of all sides of the House mus t be with t fr le e, lion. Gentleman ; but, like his former adhheesee b trade, it must he sympathy in t abstract because no person has a r i g ht to till the position 01, the Right Hon. Gentleman, and give utterance to sent L ments so magnanimous, without some reference to that understanding which placed the Right Hon. Gentleman lit the head of the Government, and which, after all, should not be lost sight of in esti mating the position the Right Hon. Gentleman now occupies. It is all very well for the Right Hon. Gen tleman to say, I am the first Minister of the country — and, by the by, I thinks the Right Hon. Gentleman might as well adopt the phraseology of Sir Robert Walpole, and call himself sole Minister, for his speech to-night is rich in egotistic rhetoric—l think he is per fectly justified in such a course, as almost all his Cabinet voted against him, and so I think he is quite right not to notice them. It is all very well for the Right Hon. Baronet to advance to that table, and say I am thinking of posterity—l am certainly doing that which is exactly contrary to what I counselled on the other side of the table; but lam appealing to posterity, and therefore I care neither for your disapprobation nor your cheers. But then we might ask ourselves, as Members of the House of Commons—as subjects of a popular Government —we might ask ourselves, what are the measures by which the Right Hon. Gentleman has attained this position ? The Right Hon. Gentleman has supported a different policy for a number of years. He (continued the Hon. Gentleman) remembered when the Right Hon. Gentle man was in a different position, and was a little more bashful.—(A laugh.) The Right Hon. Gentleman calls upon the Queen, but would the Queen call upon the Right HOn. Gentleman ?—(Hear, hear, cheers, and great laughter.) In 1821 he would not place himself in opposition to the then Government of England. It was all very well for the Right Hon. Gentleman to take this hightiowingcourse, and if hecould maintain it may be for the benefit of the country. Ile thought and said with great respect—for he belonged to that party which he believed could now triumph no more—(A laugh)—and that they had nothing at their side except the Constitu tion—the duty of a great statesman was to represent great ideas, that may lead to great events, as well as lead him to power. Ile did not care whether he was a mannfacturer or a manufacturer's son.—(Hear, hear.) He cared not what may be the position of a man who never originated an idea, who watches the atmosphere, and takes his observations, and when he finds the wind in a certain point, sails in that way. The man who does so may be a powerful Minister, but never can be a great statesman. He is as much a great statesman as a man who gets up behind a carriage is a great whip.—(Great laughter and cheering.) Both are disciples of progress. —(A laugh)—both get good places—(Great laughter)-- but how far is the original momentum indebted to their power.—(Cheers) The Right Hon. Gentleman places himself in this p os i t i on . Il e te ll s us t h a t h e h e ld high offices under fou r sovere i gns, an d exerc i se d power in those high offices. This is the reputation of this man of ability and experience—that a king trusted him, and that a Conservative sovereign trusted him. lie tells you this as a recemmendation to follow him. But is this the way for a great statesman to win the proud aristocracy ?—(Hear, bear, and cheers.) It would never reconcile him to be dragged upon a wheel. He had not arrived at that conclusion, and the opinion of the majority of the House he hoped would be the same. Ile is the only man who, coming forward and devoting himself to the country, says he sacrifices him self to his Sovereign's deliverance. Sir, the Right Hon. Gentleman tells us he is still purely Conservative, and says his Conservative Administration is determined to put down agitation. He confessed when he heard this, great es was the power of Parliamentary faces, he was thunderstruck.—(Hear.) He felt that men who appeared to speak the truth were most likely to mislead. A man who differs from him, however, may be permit ted to speak in a popular assembly. But when be said he would put down agitation—when he said this in the face of the Hon. Member for Stockport, and the Hon. Member for Durham—when he said this in the face of a great General, and attempted it, he thought the Right Hon. Gentleman would achieve one of the great qualities of a statesman, that of making an impression. He put down agitation He will when he induces the Noble representative of South Lancashire to come forward and stand his bail.— (A laugh.) Ile remembered, when in the midst of great revolutions, hearing of the inconvenience of the proud aristocracy, and the necessity of inventing some means of managing reform constituencies—he remembered when a great mind delivered itself like an oracle, who ought to be ranked with the Seven Wise Men of Greece, for saying register ! register ! register ! Register to save the Constitution—register to save the corn-laws and the Church. This was the way the Right Hon. Gentleman went on before the green table. The states man who opposed emancipation against argument, may now be said, Gentlemen, to be a member of the League — he who over and over again opposed political ex pedients one thousand times more urgent.—(Hear.) There was the Right Hon. Gentleman now trying to prove himself right, who had proved himself false ten thou sand times. A Learned Member for some county, the name of which he could not then remember, said he was ashamed any longer to resist those claims, but had not the courage to propose their abolition. The moment he heard South Lancashire was invaded, the moment he heard Yorkshire was in danger, he deserts the principles of protection, and having arrived at an opposite conclu sion, he comes to Parliament to convince them with ar guments they had heard for thirty years. He gave him credit, however, for extremely singular conjectures—as a Minister who tells them, it was not intellect, it was not great talent, but it was the state of the registrars they should appeal to, &though, when he was in opposition, he read them a very different lessen, and gave them very different counsel. But he comes forward, and says he was acting for posterity. What a blessing it was for the country to have a Minister who was only thinking of posterity—(Great laughter)—not thinking of the poor, but of posterity; and not thinking at all about the present constitution. One feature of the present Cabinet was to support peace, and in the history of parties he would defy any man, even the Honourable Gentleman the Membe r for Edinburgh himself—(A laugh)—to show any instance to equal the present in this or any other country where Ministers were more determined to keep their places; but "coming events cast their shadows before," and he saw in the element of the Government shadows that no gentler' an could possibly doubt. They would resist a moderate proposal—(Hear, hear) —by men who could make such gross and palpable blunders as they had seen. The Right Honourable Gentleman had been to them as a nurse, but they had lost the nurse they engaged and looked on with such confiding regard—a nurse that when in Opposition had fondled them so tenderly, but who now could not see anything beneficial in the treat ment he had formerly adopted—a nurse that in a fit of patriotism flung aside all that he had formerly con sidered would act as beneficial towards their temporal condition. —(Laughter and cheers.) Never had the , House of Commons, even in the most strong times of the country, been placed in a similar position by a Minister. Never had it been tried to carry out a similar policy. And what had produced this ? A Minister had lost a valuable colleague. He had not been present in the other House when the Noble Lord to whom he referred had made a speech, and therefore he bad not bad an opportunity of bearing his explanation of the reasons why he had withdrawn from the Ministry ; but from what he (Mr. Disraeli) had learned, that Noble Lord stated the reason of his withdrawal. They all knew where Lord Stanley had been ; he would ask them where was Lord 6tanley now ?—(Hear, hear.) As he said, he bad not had the satisfaction of hearing the Noble Lord's speech ; but he understood he had told them that he had withdrawn because he did not agree with the Govern ment on the question on which they had been called into power, on which they had derived their official ex istence, and on the operation of which they had gained the confidence of the House of Parliament. — (Hear, hear.) Ile said the confidence of Parliament, for he was not one to sacrifice party, or the confidence of Parliament, by such a course as the Right Hon. Gentleman pursued.—(Hear, hear.) The Right ll.oun.t Gentleman talked of being independent of pa o rty o ; 1' the could he reconcile his policy with the constitution tin g co a u in n e t d ry :ny i l m V p h e o r , ran o r n oeritcheenrlidnel. in of t he d g positilion ith ht saou, swe'hoaudt re ceiving the confidence of t a a t r i h a e m ehnatd? obtain h e the Hon. Gentlema n mi d y t hweithiSoonvtetrheiegne,on b fi u d t e n b e e e ( f t l h r e . u p o is ul el o o f out the confidence of that House, no cmeai confidencee n t a e i s e_d that th t commanding position could be obtained.— fear, hear.) It was impossible to carry on the business of the coun try, it was impossible to achieve any great benefit for thepeoplewithout parties.—(Rear, hear.) There must bo distinct principles enunciated and maintained.—(Hear.) Whether it was my Lord John this or that, or whoever it might be that was celled on to form a Ministry, this was a feature in the construction of the Government of England. If a Government is to be constructed, there must be principles on which it must declare to pro ceed, and a party to give it their support. A Govern ment ought not to recommend measures which it did not approve of at one time, which it considered essential to the welfare of the country at another.—(Hear, hear.) Was this not committing a great party connexion to a false policy, and which might bring down on them great evils ?—(Hear, hear.) That House of Commons existed on the principles of party. If they destroyed the Go vernment of parties—of definite ideas of sympathy with straightforward and honest policy—what would be their position ? Six hundred individuals—men at the direc tion of the Sovereign, under the will of the Govern ment—to be used for the purposes of corruption, and not employed for the benefit of the people.—(Cheers.) Who could doubt that such would be the result of the policy of a Government without a party ? Had it not been so in a neighbouring country, which was as yet in the infancy of the representative system. They knew that such was the case.—(Hear, hear.) There was no Parliamentary party in France, and they knew the state of things there. They knew that whatever might be said of danger from Bonapartists, and the supporters of the Napoleon dynasty, that the real danger to that country was the corruption of the servants of the State —of the Government—the whole power of which was at the command and under the direction of a single indi vidual.—(Hear, hear.) Would it not be so here? Nay. was there not a danger of its being so if a Governme nt without without a prrty were to be considered a liarmliatmed now. principle.—(hear, hear.) But such, ,t had never, heretofore, been endured. , lish Government, of eminence in the history of the g not been submitted to from Walpo.Fe rsuaded, now.—(hear.) would not be endured, add, n Sgt That h at es e r wp M h i e n h i s had c a r d s The auth or ßight t). without H He would beg leave to e Gentlemanrespect.j'ewstaae3yp-s t e y i , vi rulel ud w a i d leavee xer c ihisse in form him t hat very the reached future ays' names t a e t r b i l o t a y o t nr werev ou l c ' :h o d - t character to posterit.,y. were the n going to commit his fame to the planets.—(Loud andamt h a uf a ec t dchghtorneeaeofl cheers.) we- )t_nh numerous Am t h a aen trt piot he s c ee e at weh i aaw n sn, who laughter posterity on the principle of relaxed protection:— mhaenair.o)f theßut d a h n e g c a r d advised whicht Righthe t Honourable htcourse was whether of n. te t fraught. His (Mr. Disraeli's) declaration ( G I l e e n a t Gentleman whatever opinions, free trade, were adTvcated in that House, hF, at would °p i protection tolenasotr, THE SUN. LONDON, FRIDAY M.ORNING, JANUARY 23, 1846. -~-