The Sun. — London, England, 1837-02-06 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. •,,,_'-- `s o2 l o i r g;, - 1 2 - - ej A ~...ei; V,/ , It a s The Times is evidently preparing for a new tack. We think this is tolerably apparent in a long article in that journal on Saturday last, in which there is taken for a text a pamphlet just published by Saunders and Otley, under the title of " The Time to Speak ; or What the People do say, prior to the Session of 1837." The object of the pamphlet is a coalition between Sir Robert Peel and the Liberal Tories and Lord Grcy and the Moderate Whigs, and the writer says that " the wishes of the people would meet their full accom plishment." " From the period of the agitation of the Municipal Reform question," he states " that Lord Lyndhurst has pursued a fatally mistaken course. Un like Sir Robert Peel, who has taken his manly stand upon the firm but open ground of liberal Conservatism, Lord Lyndhurst has, in an evil hour, adopted —or, we trust, only appeared to adopt—the narrow and vicious principle of obstruction. Upon this ground rests our censure." The extracts from this pamphlet and tho comments on it form nearly two co lumns of a leading article in the Times, which seems to contemplate with considerable partiality the views of the writer, and evidently would be glad of some pretext, such as a good set quarrel with Mr. O'Connell, to he able to abandon the Tories without a downright Jim Crow wheel. This softening clown from coarse abuse and invective to a conciliatory tone, shows pretty plainly that, in the estimation of the Times, the cause of Toryism is hopeless, and the faithless renegade is preparing for the evolution, find ing that the party which it has been supporting for the last two years, and which we were told has the support of all the respectability of the country, is still so offensive to the people, that there can be no hope of their being able to constitute a Government with their own unaided forces. The fact is, the late Orange demonstration in Ireland hai been de cisive of the Tory fate. The game was by no means so well masked as on the former occa sion when. Sir Robert Peel usurped the reins of Government. The natural and irreclaimable fe rocity of the Orangemen broke out prematurely, for they disdained to assume even the semblance of libera lity and good-will towards their Catholic fellow-sub jects. No man knows better than Sir Robert Peel that men avowing such ferocious opinions as were delivered at the Orange Protestant meeting could not possibly govern Ireland. But it would appear from the letter from Mr. Corry, late Comptroller of the Household under Sir Robert Peel, published in the Observer of yesterday, addressed to Lord Castlereagh respecting the grant for national education last year, that even then the ostentatious declaration of Sir Ro bert Peel that he was prepared to carry on the Go vernment on the principles of Lord Grey was either delusive or found impracticable, as his fol lowers were mutinying in the camp, and his Admi nistration must either have broken up from intes tine discord, or he must have thrown off the mask of liberality, and ruled according to the will and pleasure of his Orange followers, in reality masters. The writer of the pamphlet observes that though names change, principles are immutable and eternal. " In the distinctive tenets of Whiggism there can be no variation, and there is none, we positively affirm, in the de gree of favour and estimation in which those principles con tinue to be held by the people. It is, indeed, represented by journalist writers of sprightly parts, and of great talents for declamation (and by some others of larger bore) that in the political race the Whigs are nowhere—that at the post they will not be placed, having tailed of in the rear of O'Connell ! You may search for them,' say these orators, and cannot find them' (as when Diogenes looked for an honest man with a lanthorn) no trace is left of them (except in the institutions of their country !). They are to a man departed ; and clean forgotten ; (as they must be before the enemies of the Constitution can pre vail. But is it so indeed ?)—Are the people so unmindful of benefits—so fickle—so ungrateful ? Are Somers and Marl borough, and Addison, and Locke—are Walpole and Chatham—are Fox, and Burke, and Windham, and Ers kine, and Sheridan, and the living Grey, the father of Re form, and honest Lord Althorp'—no more embalmed in our memories, or household and familiar words in our mouths ? Indeed, these gentlemen are inventive. We must not say they assert the thing which is not ; but we contend they discover what is invisible to mortal ken. In the fervour of their videor videre,' they decidedly incur the reproach addressed by the governor to Tilburina Daughter, the ships thou can't not see, Because they're not in sight.' Like Gulliver, they are ' delighted to observe a young girl threading an invisible needle with invisible silk.' " Au contraire, it is Toryism which is effete—utterly de cayed, and, as is the way of the world, deserted at its utmost need.' Who, in our days, ever hears its professors venture to broach the antiquated doctrines of non-resis tance'—'passive obedience'—or the principle of sole sove reignty,' and absolute monarchical sway,' in these realms ?" Such is the writer whose views the Times has been at such pains to place before its readers. And this is the way in which it speaks of the coalition : " The difficulties in the way of such an arrangement will suggest themselves at once to every observer of public affairs. One thing is, we presume, certain—namely, that no Whig who has suffered himself to be contaminated by the O'Connellite connexion, such as the Russells, Rices, Mulgraves, Morpeths, &c., can, unless after a correspond ing political quarantine, be associated with public men of any character. Lord Melbourne, who cares nothing whe ther O'Connell be a spirit of health or goblin damned,' and wholly disapproves of the Popish Parliament in Dub lin ; Lord Lansdowne, who hates him as heartily as poor Lord Howick has so much cause to do—these noble per sons, on promise of future good behaviour, might possibly be treated with ; but we fear, even in their case, the people would feel great distrust, they having all recently voted in favour of a Bill, calculated, by their own admission, to (real a heavy blow and great discouragement to Protestantism in Ireland." The Times could not, without some show of coy ness, recommend a coalition ; but having broken ground we have no doubt the difficulties will diminish rapidly in its hands. We hail the article, however, as a proof that our contemporary, which has much of the in stinctive acuteness of the rat in its composition, be gins to feel uneasy with the Tories, and to see that a Tory Government 'is impracticable. We look upon it as the signal of distress which Sir Robert Peel holds out to all those who may be willing to come to his succour, and it may perhaps be considered as the avant-courrier of the repudiation by the wily Baronet of any sympathy or concurrence in the atro cious Resolutions which the Orange confederation at Dublin, who were presided over by his former Lord Steward of the Household, have promulgated as the principles alone on which Ireland shall be governed, at least with their concurrence. The cry shows the distress of the Tories, and as such we hail it ; but their signals remain unanswered, and the stranded wreck of the once gallant but now dismantled Stanley, and the shapeless hulk of the once swamped Graham, present too conspicuouS a beacon of the broken for tunes and lost characters of deserters from the people's cause, to induce others to follow their unhappy example, even if the disposition existed anywhere but in the pages of the pamphlet of the would-be Whig, or the columns of the journal which has be trayed every one it has supported, though it is keenly alive to the hopelessness of the cause which it is con demned to advocate. —Morning Chronicle. The lull with which this session opened is on the eve of its termination, and, to all appearance, a gale will succeed. Lord John Russell, as so called leader of the House of Commons, established the first pre cedent within human recollection, and For an ostensi ble Minister of the Crown, of a silence ludicrous and indefatigable on the first day of a session of Parlia ment, when his predecessors have 1.-Ivariably come forward in defence or explanation of the language addressed by themselves and their colleagues to that body, t o b e c i rculated in the King's name - through all classes of his Majesty's subjects. It cannot be said that a defence of the Ministry on that occastin was uncalled for. An attack had been made upon its measures, its motives, its honour, and reputation, by certainly not th e least able of those members, or on beWalf cl; the least formidable of those political factions, to whose support during the two last session s it had Oived, as a Ministry, its continuance in office, and the greedy oligarchy which formed its nucleus had stood indebted for an unblmhing monopoly of place and plunder. Once again we disclaim any particle of sym pathy with the political creed of Mr. Roebuck. That tidgibtAipitli which he pro c l a i ms hi s l ove i s our abhor we believe it to be nothing better than t, and uncivilized tyranny, and the too of another and more lasting species of reached through the paths of political and social confusion. But let every man have his duo. Of that rancour, venom, spleen, &c., towards the Go vernment which he stands charged with, we have not found any. On the principles, and with the opinions of the Member for Bath, opposite as they arc to ours, we do not see how he could have expressed what ap peared to him plain truths in more measured phrase ology. He abused the Conservatives as broadly as the Whigs ; but have they accused him of wanton or splenetic malignity ? He told the rump Ministers un disguisedly, that they had no genuine taste or tolera tion for reform, and cared for nothing but their offices, with the " proceeds" annex e d t o them. Is this a " splenetic effusion ?" If so, three-fourths of Britain are affected with the spleen. We repeat every word of the accusation so complained of, and have often declared, not our own conviction only, but that of the great bulk oflobservant and enlightened E ng lishmen, that the history of Whiggism for the last six or seven years had been that of a peddling, mercenary speculation—that names had throughout been fraudulently substituted for things, with no purpose but to obtain a false credit and cur rency amongst Englishmen . for those Ministers who had thus perverted them--that the Reform Bill itself had been projected and framed for the mere promo tion not of popular right, but of Whig ascendancy over a rival paity—that the pretence of " governing without patronage " was a brazen and audacious cheat upon the country—that more public money has been wasted, and more administrative power abused, for the profligate support of an army of necessitous retainers, within the last 18 months than in any half-century pre ceding—that principles avowed by the very individuals now in office, and contended for by speech and vote not more than three years ago, have since been shame lessly bartered for the protection afforded to these same men by a turbulent conspirator against the State, and bitter slanderer of the British name and nation, and that political objects are now professed, and principles destructive of the national church are in their rapid pro gress towards enrolment among the laws of England, so far as depends on the King's Ministers, which prin ciples were pronounced in the summer of 1834 to be unfit subjects of legislation and finally, that such change in the policy of the Government has been attributable to no cause under heaven, but that the rump Ministers are furious at the possi bility of the Conservatives coming into . office, andra- paci - ous of its advantages for themselves and their family dependents. Now, much the greater portion of all the above charges were brought agaiust the Rus sell Ministers on the first day of the session by the representative of a populous and important city, occu , pying the same benches with themselves, and listened to by the " leader" in dogged or despairing silence. Had a difference of opinion arisen between his Lord , ship and a colleague in another house ? Had he been outvoted in the Cabinet, and taken refuge in sulky taciturnity ? This is what many others express them selves curious to discover, but what in our esti ' mation is not worth a straw. Let us look at Lord John Russell's demeanour from last Tuesday down wards. On the first day of the session Lord Mel bourne pronounced a respectful reprobation of the rebel meeting in Ireland. A day or two after wards that exalted personage, Lord Cloncurry, debtor to the Whigs for an English Peerage, and for a sort of admission into political society, flew in the face of his patron, the Prime Minister, and passed a flagrant panegyric on the " Association," which he declared a single " word from his Majesty would have been sufficient to dissolve." Then it must oc cur to every honest man to ask, why Lord Melbourne has not advised his Majesty to speak that talismanic word, which would at once dissolve the body that he professed to disapprove of, and abate a nuisance for whose existence he " saw no sufficient grounds ?'' Answer us that question, my Lord Prime Minister. Why did you not profit by Lord Cloncurry's hint, and in the King's name direct the associators to go about their business ? Does your Lordship, in your indivi dual capacity, resemble your Cabinet in its collective reputation for hollowness? Are you insincere or im potent ? Have you, too, in your turn, been outvoted ? We shall see. Lord John Russell on Friday was pushed by Serjeant Goulburn for a reply on the sub ject of this same rebel association. Does your Lord ' ship agree with Lord Melbourne in considering it a nuisance to be tolerated if it cannot be abated, or an instrument of good government and social peace I throughout Ireland ? The answer is " Nil." Not a syllable was uttered by the Secretary for the Home Department. He cried out for a little breathing time. " Give me but till Tuesday, and I will tell you all." To us it appears natural, that had Lord John Russell been provided with constitutional feeling to support Lord Melbourne, or with nerve to do so, under the castigating scowl of O'Connell, he could not, for common decency, have failed to echo the sentiments of his chief. But it was clear that he could not say " amen" to Lord Melbourne, or that he durst not. It was manifest to all lookers-on, that from some in ward consciousness or other, " amen stuck in his throat ;" ,and such is the awe which this " puny whip ster " of a statesman stands in towards the birch-armed pedagogue within a few yards upon his right, that we are fully prepared to hear him before six o'clock to morrow evening declare himself the apologist, if not the admirer —nay, the partner, of that revolutionary band in Dublin which has assumed to itself the func tions of Parliament, and which supersedes magistracy, government, and law. Mr. Frederich Ponsonby hay ing already announced that the co-operation of the Ministers with the rebel associators was that " out of which justice to Ireland " was to emanate, it well be comes my Lord John Russell, representing the revo lutionary section of the rump, to bolt Lord Mel bourne's languid attack on the Association, as he has already bolted his own objection to " legislate on ab stract principles " for the sake of spoiling the church of Ireland, as he is about to bolt his last year's ac knowledgment that the recognition of a church establish ment supposed the payment of Church-rates by the state, and as his Lordship, with a certain portion of his colleagues, is ready at any hour to bolt pledge or principle without choking, if there be salary sauce to help it down. There is one gross delusion for some time east encouraged by the panderers to the Mulgrave system of licentious misrule in Ireland which requires a word or tsvo of exposure. They boast that Ireland never before enjoyed so much tranquillity as at present ; that breaches of the peace, attacks on property, de struction of life, predial disturbance, and crimes of an insurrectionary character, have been less frequent than under the predecessors of the actual Viceroy. We do not stop to ask whether this account be true, though true it is not. But, granting the truth, what is the inference ? Is the stillness natural ? Have for or five millions of semi-barbarous peasants, prone to turbulence, and habituated to acts of brutal and ferocious vengeance —have they, is it possible that they should have become within a year or two a civilized and orderly race of men, imbued with reverence for the laws, and with charity towards their Protestant neighbours, whom it has been the business of their priests, for half a generation, to hold up to them as proper objects of fierce and outra geous cruelty ? The thing is a physical impossibility —it is obviously absurd. The quiet boasted of is skin deep only. It is an organised tranquillity, a factitious repose—th e resu l t of discipline, of calculation, of orders from those who hold in their hand the bridle by which the peasant is restrained, and on their heel the spur which drives him forwards. When the hound is in the leash no man will pretend that his eagerness for the prey is extinguished ; when the pirate, hoping to decoy a merchant vessel within reach of him, commands his crew to disappear from deck, and stow themselves under the hatches, the " peace" that reigns on board is most edifying to the unwary ; but are the skulking mur derers less savage than before ? Will they more spare the lives of passengers or traders who trust them than formerly ? Is there less plunder or less butchery in their meditations ? It is a falsehood to represent the superficial peace of Ireland, under the nominal gui dance of O'Connell's delegate, as a fitter subject for praise or rejoicing than any other stage-trick in the some vile farce. He tells his banditti—" Silence, or we lose our quarry ; don't spoil my game by premature and unseasonable movements. Kennel up, dogs— kennel up, I say." Let us, Protestants and English men, wait a little until the purpose of all these tran -suillizing tactics has been gained, and then boast of improvements in the Irish character effected by that grand master of morality—Lord Mulgrave. We can name a period of history when the Irish multitude ex. hilted incomparably more external show of sobriety and subordination than they have done at any time since Lord Mulgrave went among them--a time when there was no outrage, no rolo)ety, iid ?thtrckr, nb drUhkeiiness, but a masquerade of extempore civiliza tion spread itself over the whole island. It was while the executive directory of the United Irishmen were not yet seized as traitors by the King's Governmeni. It lasted for many months just preceding the outbreak of the rebellion in 1798. What a theme for congratu lation were those halycon days of Irish obedience and " tranquillity !" Lord Mulgrave was scarcely at that time born, though " justice to Ireland" was then, as now, the watchword of clamorous and wily rebels.— The benefits arising fro.n the practice of occasional intercourse or correspondence between INltinkrs of Parliament and their constituents are too obvious to require illustration. While recognizing the right of electors to be watchful and inquisitive respecting the conduct (without compr, mising the moral freedom) of theii representatives, it not only cherishes a sense of responsibility on the part of the independent senator, but affords him a desirable opportunity of giving those explanations of his votes, which the multifarious busi ness of the House of Commons may have prevented him from justif‘ ing in the course of Parliamentary de bate. An address of this description has just been put forth by Major Fancourt to the electors of Barn staple, Newport, and Pilton : and whether we regard the sound and enlightened views contained in it, or the becoming deference which it pays to public opinion, or its political discrimination and literary ability, we are bound to say that it is creditable in no ordinary degree both to the Hon. Gentlemen who penned it, and to the discerning constituency who selected such a represen tative. Major Fancourt is at once a stanch Conser vative and a thorough Reformer. It is highly im portant that the country should attend to this fact, ' especially as the incompatibility of these charac teristics has been urged by the Whig-Radical press with the most stupid and obstinate pertinacity. Contending, in spite of the example of Mr. Burke, that the policy maintained in given cir cumstances by the Tory party must necessarily be pursued by them in all circumstances whatever, the servile journals are labouring night and day to charge upon modern Toryism an adherence to doctrines no longer applicable to the altered state of the country ; and, vainly imagining that their attempt to confound the Tory procedure of a former period with its capa city to adapt itself to the different exigencies of the present time will brina t! upon Toryism that imp u t at i on of blind and bigoted immutability from which these same writers are so anxious to vindicate their Popish allies, it is their favourite trick to speak of the consti tutional public as " the old Tories," and (carefully concealing that the new Conservancy is a mighty com bination of patriotic Englishmen of all parties) to ca lumniate them as enemies to the rights and liberties of the people. This paltry ruse, we take leave to tell them, will no longer do. Their talent for inventive ingenuity must exercise itself in another direction. In short, if these honest journalists expect to maintain their proper character and credit, they must either concoct forthwith some newer lie of more plausible quality, or submit to the twofold ignominy of being too base to tell the plain truth, as well as too doltish to fabricate a decent im posture. In connexion is ith the truly liberal and discri minating views advocated by the Conservatives in both Houses of Parliament, the crafty owls whom we are tormenting will do well to take a peep at the senti ments of the gallant officer whose address to his con stituents has occasioned these remarks. Major Fan court is, as we have said, a stanch Conservative. Nevertheless, the propriety of his accounting to the Barnstaple electors for the votes he has given in Parliament is distinctly recognized by him, and man fully acted on. Like his fellow-senators of congenial opinions, he assumes no haughty airs of being above the necessity of deferring to public opinion. Super cilious independence and absolute irresponsibility are no more claimed by 'Major Fancourt than by Sir R. Peel, when he submitted himself to his constituents in that more memorable address of his, which, as propounding his views on assuming the government, is emphatically called. the Tamworth one. But, more than this, the Major honestly tells his supporters that he has voted, and will still vote, not only against the Irish Corporation Bill, as substituting Popish domi nation for Protestant ascendancy, but against the Irish Tithe Bill, as virtually destroying, by its appropriation clause, the existence of the Irish Protestant Church. Yet, with all the Toryism thus proudly confessed by him, what has he done in the cause of sound discrimi nating Reform ? Just everything that a constitutional Englishman could wish. He divided against the Irish Coercion Bill under Lord Grey's Government ; he voted against the Pension List ; he opposed military flogging (to the shame and scandal of Sir J. Hob house) ; and, as far as family affliction did not interfere with his parliamentary duties, he joined Mr. Cobbett not only in resisting the new Poor Law, - but in that memorable exclamation of Cobbett's, Thank God, we have a House of Lords." This is, as we conceive, thorough and useful Reform, controlled by sound con stitutional sentiment. If such be the Toryism con demned by the democratic journals, perhaps they will have the goodness to tell us so.—Times. Our readers will find elsewhere a requisition from several hundred of the electors of the great and influ ential borough of Marylebone, to Mr. B. Hall, the present Member for the Monmouthshire boroughs, and an answer thereto from that gentleman, accepting the invitation to come forward to represent it in case of the occurrence of a vacancy. When that vacancy will occur, can be a matter of but little donbt. One of the sitting members is absent on foreign duty, and of course incapable of doing that justice to the interests of his constituents which is not only desirable on their own account, but on account of the cause of Reform, which cannot afford a deserter from its camp—the other, it is generally thought, will either not come for ward, or in case of a superiority of votes, surrender his own private wishes to those which may be expressed by a majority of the constituency. That Mr. Hall, upon his declining to stand a fourth time for the boroughs which so honourably to himself he now represents, should have been called upon to fill up the expected vacancy, can be no matter of wonder to any one who is acquainted, on the one hand, with the excellence of his private character, or, on the other, with the principles which he has uniformly professed, and for the promotion of which he has made such ample sacrifices. Mr. Hall made his appearance in public life in 1831, when, in consequence of a numerous and respectable requisition, he came forward as a candi date for the Monmouthshire boroughs, in opposition to the interests of the Duke of Beaufort, Sir Charles Morgan, and the whole of the Tory interest, and was returned by a majority of 19—a majority which would have been infinitely greater had not [VIr. Hall been then, as he still is, the avowed advocate of the ballot, which was a question of infinitely greater unpopularity at that period, than it has since become. A petition was presented against his return, and his majority so reduced as to compel him to resign his seat ; b u t so popular was Mr. Hall, that in 1832 he was again required to come forward for the same boroughs, and was again elected, in opposition to the same interests. In 1835, upon occasion of Sir R. Peel's dissolution, he was also returned, although absent from England ; but so persevering were his Tory opponents that a petition, which proved, however, to be unsuccessful, was again presented against his occupancy o f t h e seat. To conclude, however, the enormous ex penses incurred through these contested elections, on the one hand, and, on the other, a constitutional un willingness to sanction the treating and corruption which had attended them, and would, no doubt, at tend them upon another dissolution of Parliament, determined Mr. Hall to give up his seat as soon as such an event should occur ; and he now comes for ward, not only upon a numerous and highly respectable requisition being presented to him, but as a well-tried Liberal, to solicit the suffrages of the electors of Mary lrhone. He may lay full claim to the merit o f being the chief instrument, at his own personal saciifice, of opening the county and borough of Monmouth, which fot a century previously had been wholly under Tory domination ; and it is but just to add, that his five hundred pounds have never been wanting, either to head a subscription for the same purpose, or to in duce others to follow his example. th is also Chairs man of the Liberal electors of the same county ; and, as Chairman, a similar subscription heads that of his fellow-countyrnen. Such is a portion of the public elairris df Ir. Hall. They are neither few or small ; but if any thing could add to them, it wad be his de= termination, as evinced in the following passages of his address, not to create disunion in the ranks of the Reformers, or to advance the objects of their political adversaries " I understand," says he, " that you take this step in an ticipation of a vacancy occurring in the representation of your borough at the next dissolution of Parliament. Whe ther this expectation be realised or not, I venture to impress upon you the necessity of preserving that perfect unanimity which should characterise the proceedings of the Liberal party. Our political opponents are ever active and well organized ; and the only possible hope they have of success in the present instance is built upon the chance of a schism taking place amongst them. As regards myself that hope shall not be realised. I have no desire to create disunion in your ranks, or to advance the objects of your political adversaries. But should the electors generally desire that I should represent them, and will honour me with their suffrages, I will use my best endeavours to secure their political rights, and by residing in your district, and thus becoming more immediately connected with you, en deavour to promote your local interests."—Montinj Adve: fiser. The encouragement which Ministers afford to that public nuisance the " General Association" of Dublin, makes it difficult, if not impossible, to give Lord Mel bourne credit for sincerity, when he expresses his " regret and concern at beholding the existence and the proceedings of such a society." In fact, we can only believe him sincere upon the supposition that he is not the head of his own Cabinet, or that sanctioning, the conduct of the Irish Viceroy, he thinks it expe dient that he should crouch and truckle to a political usurpation in Dublin, whose tyrannical ascendancy over the constitutional advisers of the King he con fesses, in his place in Parliament, to be both painful and degrading—for when he admits that the existence of that illegal body causes him pain, and its proceed ings excite his concern, he impliedly confesses the state of vassalage and consequent degradation to which the British Government is reduced, which dare not make a struggle to liberate itself from the thraldom of that tyrant-agitation of which it ignominiously complains. The Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland has not and cannot have a political will of his own. If he should pre sume to think and act for himself, he would soon learn that he is arrayed in the attributes of a moonshine Royalty, only to reflect the policy of the Cabinet of which he is a satellite, and that he mistakes his posi tion altogether, if he ventures to move in an indepen dent orbit. When the Marquis of Anglesey went beyond his instructions in his dealings with the agita tators, under the Duke of Wellington's Administration, the Duke, who disclaimed his conduct, thought it necessary at the same time to recall him. It is impos sible to believe that if Lord Melbourne really regretted the existence of the Dublin Intimidation Society, he would not, in the same moment that he disclaimed its proceedings, feel it his duty to recall Lord Mulgrave, who gives it every possible support and encourage ment ; making almost every law appointment from among the members of a body combined against the law, and inviting to the hospitalities of the Vice regal table the honoured disturbers of the public tranquillity, who, hot from the unhallowed work of agitation, carry into the presence chamber and the ban quet room of the King's Representative the noisome effluvia of the Corn Exchange. There is no doubt that the expressions which fell from Lord Melbourne, in his place in Parliament, relative to the General Association, were, in effect, a disclaimer of Lord IVlul grave's policy, which is as submissive as it can be to the unelected Parliament of Dublin. But the dis claimer which the Premier pronounced in the Lords, the Ministerial leader, Lord John Russell, dared not repeat in his place in the House of Commons. It was in vain that Sergeant Goulburn obligingly gave him the opportunity, as he said, of expressing his con currence in the sentiments which Lord Melbourne had expressed elsewhere, and which had given great satis faction to a large proportion of the people of this country. Lord John had the fear of the master-spirit of agitation, not merely before his mind, but before his eyes. He sat in actual presence of the grim idol of his Majesty's Government—to whom he and his colleagues offer sacrifice, in much the same spirit with which cer tain Indian tribes propitiate the image of the Manichean deity, worshipping what they hate, and pampering the object of their inmost terror. Is it possible there can ever be any sincere coalition —any cordial friendship between the Whig Ministers and the man whom they de nounced as the enemy of his country in the Speech from the Throne, and who placarded them all through the three kingdoms, as the " base, bloody, and brutal Whigs ? " The thing is impossible. Neither of those coalesced parties can entertain the least affection or confidence, or respect for the other. The alliance is one generated by that political selfishness which ex cludes all those sentiments of manly emulation in pub lic life that "make ambition virtue." The Whigs rather than not beat their political rivals, solicited the aid of an ally, who has become their tyrant task -master, and the price of whose support is the surrender of the Constitution. From such an ally, upon such terms, the Whigs of a former time would have turned away with indignation, preferring any length of exclusion from power that saved them from such dishonour. Lord Cloncurry, an amiable and worthy man in the private relations of society, and an undoubted believer in the beneficial efficacy of those quack nostrums which he takes various occasions both in and out of Parliament to prescribe for the distempered body politic of Ireland, has generously Stepped forward to defend the " General Association" from all imputations upon its legality or patriotism, and even to repel the shaft of official reprobation discharged at it by the Premier himself—we say " generously," because the time is not far distant when this very Lord Cloncurry, whose un derstanding is unfortunately not as strong as his inten tions are good, was the victim of the reckless system of agitation which he now upholds. At that time Lord Anglesey, his most admired friend, and in his opinion then as great and good a viceroy df Ireland as he consi ders Lord Mulgrave now (being for the second time chief governor of that part of the united kingdom) was engaged in endeavouring to extinguish the system of political agitation which Lord Mulgrave supports, and was of course denounced by the man whom the same Lord Mulgrave honours with his particular intimacy and feasts at the vice-regal board. Deeply did Lord Clon curry resent the insulting language and coarse vitupe ration which the Agitator used to pour forth upon his friend Lord Anglesey, who employed the then Attor ney-General, Mr. Blackburne, to hunt the honourable and learned violator of the law through all the devices and shifts of his multifarious agitation, until he fairly ran him down at last ; but the expiration of the tem porary Act under which he had been prosecuted saved him from the penal consequences. How was it then that Lord Cloncurry approved of all the proceedings of Lord Anglesey's government, including the prosecu tion of Mr. O'Connell, and of several tithe conspira tors, now agitating with impunity in the General Asso ciation ? How was it, we ask, that Lord Cloncurry approved of all those proceedings, and ventures now to assert that Lord Mulgrave is the first Lord Lieutenant who has endeavoured to do justice to Ireland ? If jus tice consists in numerous prosecutions being undertaken against one party for walking merely in procession, without committing any breach of the peace, while the antagonist party are allowed to apply to the passions of an ignorant populace the stimulants to incessant excite ment and resistance to the law, then, indeed, ample justice is rendered to Ireland. But if a just adminis tration be that which puts down all factions with equal energy, there never was a greater abuse of language in this world than the words " justice in Ireland," as ap plied to the actual treatment of political parties in that country. Were the political " breakfast parties," the " volunteers," and the agitation, under various other shapes, which Lord Anglesey put down, and which Lord Cloncurry admired him for putting down, a whit more daring, or dangerous to the peace of society opposed to the authority of the law—more in consistent with the security and dignity of regular go vernment, than the agitation which is embodied in the great normal school of seditious excitement—the General Association ? To secure society against the mischievous proceedings of such a body—a body avowedly assisting to uphold a rank conspiracy against the law, under a fraudulent pretence for the interests of the starving pea- Santry, which even Mr. Roebuck, no great friend to the Church, has admirably exposed—to secure the peace of society, we say, against the dangerous proceedings of such a body, there is no necessity for calling into existence any lieu , penal statute, nor even for putting into inotiou any statute now la eAistence. A statute has bah referred to, as we stated the other day s by Sir F. Macnaughten # but we say that, according to the strictness with which penal statutes must be con strued it does not apply. We rely upon the power of common law. We wait to see whether Lord John Russell, when he makes his statement on Tuesday, will deny that the law, as it stands, is strong enough to reach these political abettors of resistance to the law, while misguided peasants are shot and hanged for tithe resistance and agrarian outrage. We shall then have an opportunity of inquiring how fa' the ministe rial view of justice in Ireland, is consistent with the common law of England.—Morning Herald. We present in another part of our paper a report which has appeared in the Ministerial journals of the interview on Friday last between the Premier and the deputation of the Dissenters, on the subject of Church rates. It is manifest from this report, the general ac curacy of which we see no reason to doubt, that Minis ters have resolved to comply with the demand of the Dissenters, and if the Legislature can be persuaded to concur in the design, to withdraw from the Church of England whatever direct support that establishment now derives from the State. We are of opinion that the Legislature will not, because we know that it ouLdit not to, consent to a measure which would proclaim, for the first time in Great Britain, that the State has no in terest ill the maintenance of the Church, and no duty to discharge towards it other than that of exhi biting a cold neutrality between the Church of England and the various religions sects which have started, or may hereafter start, into existence. That the principle to which Ministers arc thus about to give their public sanction will be satisfied by the abolition of Church -rates, that it will be barren of other and more enormous claims on the part of the enemies of the Church, no man in his senses can af fect to believe. Let the Dissenters obtain a legisla tive acknowledgment of this principle of neutrality and indifference on the part of the State, and let them have the opportunity of combining it with another principle, which Ministers are also labouring to esta blish, namely, that the whole property of the Church, without reserve or limitation, is in the disposal of the State, and it will be strange, indeed, if it should take persons so dexterous, and earnest, and persevering as the Dissenters have heretofore proved themselves to be, many years to work out from these two principles a demonstration most complete and krefragible that the ecclesiastical revenues of every parish, instead of being appropriated to a single Clergyman, ought, in justice, to be divided in fair proportions between the Episcopalian, the Presbyterian, the Independent, the Baptist, and the Unitarian Minister, and that they, the Dissenters, are the most oppressed and per secuted men upon earth, if the State does not ordain that the spacious aisles of St. Paul's and Westmin ster Abbey be divided into convenient compartments for the simultaneous performance of Church of Eng land, Presbyterian, Independent, Baptist, and Uni tarian worship, not omitting in the arrangement suit able nooks or divisions for the accommodation of the Southcotians, the Irvingites, the Muggletonians, the Jumpers, the Swedenborgians, &c. It is not, how ever, the absurdity or the danger of the principle whicfi Ministers are about to proclaim and enforce which alone, or which chiefly, redounds to their dis grace. It is the notorious fact that in this transac tion they accept a principle pregnant, as they know, with consequences so important as to defy calcula tion, manufactured for their use by other men, and utterly repugnant to their own convictions, repeatedly and strongly expressed. We are ut terly at a loss to conjecture how Lord Melbourne and Lord John Russell can attempt to recon cile the principle upon which their measure, which is to satisfy the Dissenters upon the subject of Church -rates, is founded, with the principle of another measure upon the same subject, which Lord Melbourne and Lord John Russell approved and supported a year or two ago ; or how they will explain the mental pro cess by which they have been led to the abandonment of one principle and the adoption of its opposite. We do not expect them to be so candid as to say that the change of principle is a mere matter of traffic or barter between them and the Dissenters—so much principle against so many votes ; yet they might as well frankly and at once acknowledge this—not because it is the truth, for with them we fear that would be a very bad reason—but because it is a truth of which they cannot hope by any thing they may say to shake or impair in the slightest degree the perfect and universal conviction of mankind. The most ingenious eva sions here can have no other effect than to increase the disgust with which all honest men must regard an attachement to place so inordinate that for sake of this sordid object the suggestions of honour and the scruples of decency are equally set at defiance. Last year the Ministry brought forward measures regarding Ireland which they knew would not receive the sanction of the Legislature. But what was it to them that their pro jects should fail to become law ? The projects an swered their purpose quite as well, by the agitation they were sure to produce, for 'Ministers desired nothing more than to be kept afloat for a year upon the tide of Irish agitation. This year the Ministerial scheme is the same in its general character, but somewhat diffe rent in its detail. Ministers bring forward a measure relating to England which they know will not receive the sanction of the Legislature, but upon which they also know they may confidently reckon for a certain degree of agitation. If it keeps them in place for however short a period, or if it merely serve as a source of new difficulty or embarrassment to their successors, it will have sufficiently answered its purpose. To keep in is everything —to legislate successfully nothing. And it is thought conducive to the sordid object of keeping in, that Irish and Eng lish agitation should be combined—that the Irish and English enemies of the Church and Constituticn should each be supplied with their proper stimulus to active and zealous exertions on behalf of Ministers, that th e legions of Popery and of Puritanism should be united into one body, for the maintenance of Lord Mel bourne and his colleagues in office. This scheme, how ever, clever as it is, will scarcely succeed. The Eng lish nation will see through the trick much too clearly. It will not tolerate a Ministry which brings forward important measures, not with any expectation of carry ing them, but merely to gratify and excite the passions of its followers, and upon the unworthy speculation of of keeping itself in place by the propagation of tur bulence and discontent. We venture confidently to predict that, whatever agitation Ministers may pro duce in England by their unstatesman-like contrivance' of introducing measures to Parliament in order that they may be rejected, will encounter such a re-action as the official agitators are little prepared to exp ec t._ Morning Post. GERMAN POLITENESS.--0 11 no occasion will you see two citizens of Gottingen pass each other without a full and formal exposure of the head, which is often so long a cere mony, that before the re-adjustment of the fine old three-cor nered hat has taken place, the performers will have receded from each other a considerable distance. ••--- AMERICAN SERVANTS, .I I am quite convinced that American servants work harder and quicker than even the English, and that from their greater intelligence, they are on the whole more useful. An American gentleman has seldom more than one man-servant, who is at once porter, footman, butler, and, if necessary, coachman to the family. lie cleans the boots, brushes the clothes, washes the windows, cleans the house, waits at table, goes to market, keeps the reckoning, and is, in one word, the factotum of the household. He i s always at home, always busy; and hardly ever spending his leisure hours at a public-house.—Grand's Americans, in their Social, Moral, and Political Condition. General Jackson► continues to improve in health ; but he is old and feeble, and it is not at all unlikely that he will die before the end of hii term, which expires on the 31 of March. The recent death of Mrs. Donelson, his late wife's niece, a very lovely woman, to whom he was much attached, has affected him severely. Of his own blood, he has not a relative in the world, so far as is known. The roads in the north of Italy are still in a dan gerous and almost impassable state, from the quantity of snow which has fallen, and the threatening aspect of the avalanches. The cholera is quite at an end at Napl es .—Fraillelbrt Paper. The Tribunal of Correctional Police has been for some days occupied with the hearing of the case of the re gular apothecaries of Paris against certain individuals calling themselves physicians, and selling secret remedies. On Sa turday the Tribunal, after hearing the arguments on both sides, sentenced the defendants to fines, varying from 25f. to DM., with other amounts of damages. STATE OF TRADE. (From the Leeds Mercury.) TRADE OF LEEDS.-Our :Markets at both Cloth flails have been of the same dull character this week as last ; there is, however, no disposition on the part of the manufacturers to take lower prices ; the prevailing opinion amongst them is that wool will not be lower in price, and that as the season is at hand islien the merchants usually buy freely for their stocks for the spring trade, better markets may be expected. Business continues dull in the warehouses. BPADFORD MARKET.--Considerable caution is still mani fested on the part of piece buyers—the merchants not feeling disposed to purchase beyond present requirements. The manu facturers state that they could readily effect sales, but' the p-ices offered are too low ; indeed, so much below what they could replace them for at the present price of yarn, that they prefer the alternative of accumulating stocks, to selling at cost or below , . This state of things cannot exist much longer, as— apart from an improved demand for prices—either yarns must be lower, or the production of pieces must be diminished. Ra ther more hay been doing in three-quarter wide merinos, and four-quarter wide plain backs. The demand for listings is not so brisk ag generally at this season of the year. Moreens are in steady demand, and rather higher prices are obtained. The buyers of yarn are very cautious in ordering this article, and only buy for their present wants, being unable to sell their goods to give the advanced price lately wanted for yarn. Very little business has been done in Wool. There is no alteration in prices this week. Ilaimax PIECE NIARKE.T.-WC understand that during the present week, the opinion of the manufacturers frequenting the Piece I-1411, has been taken on the policy of reverting to the an cient market-day. For the change again to Saturday there are 98, and fur the continuance of the market on Wednesday, as at present, 24. We believe that the sentiments of the ma nufacturers thus obtained, will shortly be submitted to the trustees of the Ilall, and a speedy change of the day is confi dently anticipated. RoCiIDALE FLANNEL MARKET.-Few buyers have been in the market to-day, and but very little business has been done. The pieces that have been sold are at ruinous prices. nool seems to be at a stand, and has barely maintained its former prices. WAKEFIELD WOOL MA RK ET....-.The trade for both long and short wool has been extremely dull this week. We do not alter our quotations, but there has been difficulty in obtaining the prices for the little that has been done, which could readily have been got for a quantity a fortnight ago. TRADE OF MA N CHESTER. —Business, yesterday, as on the previous Tuesday, was fiat, both for yarns and goods, and prices were somewhat on the decline. Altogether it seemed to us as though there was a diminution of confidence, and, indeed, somewhat of a feeling of uneasiness perceptible in the market. —Manchester Guardian, Wednesday. LIVERPOOL COTTON-MARKET, FP :B. 4. We continue to have a very flat market, and a great desire to sell the new import of American cottons, which are being forced off at a further reduction of V t d. to rd., being a decline of ld. per lb., within the last three weeks. All other kinds are heavy of sale, last week's rates not being obtainable within %d. to '%d. per lb. Ba hias are nominal and much neglected ; and in East India there is less doing. Exporters have taken 150 Bengal and 50 Surat; 6,000 Americam, 800 Pernambuco, Egyptian, 200 Bahia, 200 Surat, and 60 Maranhams were forwarded into the country last month unsold, being chiefly imported on consumers' account. The im port this week is 16,162 bags. The sales are— d. d. 60 Sea Islands 27 to 36 Stained ditto 0 0 - Boweds ...... 0 0 5,000 Uplands 74 —lO. 510 Alabamas B l l— 11 5,430 Orleans —ll 750 Surats 160 Bahias - Carthagenas 150 Bengals Total, 14. We have had a heavy Cotton-ir have beon sold at yesterday's price 50 Surats, 5. 1 4 d. ; 60 Pernams, and about 1,300 American, from d. d. 400 Maranhams 9 to 13 650 Pernams 10i —l2i 10 Madras —7 i West India 0 0 Barbadoes Demeraras 0 0 370 Egyptians l2 —l6 370 Peruvians 330 Laguayras 9 —lo Bahamas 4150 bags. larket to-day. About 1,500 bales .s—namely, 50 Egyptians, 12 1 ,4 d. ; 11 1 Ad. ; a few Bahias, 11 1 4 d. Etd. to 10d. Bales. Taken on speculation this year Same in 1836 Forwarded to the country unsold this year Same in 1836 Increase of import this year compared with the same date last year .. ... 20,944 Increase of stock Decrease of quantity taken for consumption 19,300 Decrease of quantity taken for export Comparative View of the Imports and Exports of Cotton into and from the whole Kingdom, from the Ist of January to the 28th ult., and of the Imports and Exports for the same period last year : Into the Kingdom this year. American South South American West Indies, Demerara, &c. East Indies Egypt, &c. Total of all descriptions ... ... 100,500 Same period last year. Bags. American 65,757 South American West Indies, Demerara, &c. ... East Indies Egypt, &c. 91,419 Increase of Imports as compared with same period last year Exports in 1637. American, 855 ; Brazil, 125 ; East India, 8,080; West India, —; Other kinds, —. 9,081 Total in 1837 Same period last year Stock. Jan. 27, 1837 Same time, 1836 AMERICAN WORKMEN.—" In America, not only the master mechanic, but also his journeymen, have the means of earning more than is required for a mere living ; they are able to procure for themselves comforts which would hardly enter the imagination of similar orders in Europe. They are enabled to command a portion of their time ; and their minds being free from the anxieties of a precarious life, and less vi tiated by a desire of frivolous pleasure, are better qualified for study or improvement, the only sure means by which they can hope to better their condition."—Grund's Americans, in their Social, Moral, and Political Condition. Extract of a letter, dated Barcelona, Dec. 30, 1836 :—" Before this reaches, you will probably have heard of the death of General Mina, which took place on the 25tk inst. As soon as this melancholy event became known it cast a gloom over all. Half-hour guns were fired by a Spanish corvette lying here until the interment. The crowd to see it was immense, but everything was conducted in the best pos sible order. The funeral procession passed through a line of soldiers drawn up on either side of all the principal streets; the British ships-of-war, Rodney and Childers, fired minute guns from the time the corpse left the Palace until all was over, which lasted nearly four hours. It was a very cold day, bnt, thanks to the churchmen, I had to carry a wax flambeau, which, with those before and behind me, kept me from freezing. (The snow is now on the ground with lots of ice.) The funeral was attended by all our naval officers that could be spared, in full dress ; also the officers of the French and American ships-of-war. Capt. Parker was one of the pall bmrers." T. COX SAVORY, Goldsmith, &c., 47, Cornhill, London, informs the Public that he has fitted up THREE SHOW ROOMS expressly for the display of a large assortment of superior SILVER-EDGED PLATED GOODS. He offers them at those low but fixed prices, which have been so successful in drawing public attention to the WATCH, JEWELLERY, SILVER SPOON and FORK and Silver branches of his trade. N.B. A pamphlet, containing a Detailed List of the Prices of Plate, Plated Goods, Watches, Clocks, &c., may be had gratis, or will be forwarded in answer to a post-paid application. BIRTHS. On the 31st ult., the lady of John Fairlie, Esq.. of a daughter. On the 2d inst., in Berners-street, the lady of F. H. Thomson, Esq., of a daughter. On the 2d inst., at Milburn, near Coleraine, the wife of Stewart C. Bruce, Esq., of a daughter. On the 28th ult., at Long Ditton, the lady of James Campbell, jun., Esq., of a son. On the 31st ult., at Stainton in Cleveland, Mrs. Wm. Gooch * of a son. On the Ist inst., at Branston, near Lincoln, the lady of the Hon A. L. Melville, of a daughter. MARRIED. On the 13th of December last, at Lake Erie, Upper Canada, William Johnson, Esq., son of Lieutenant-Colonel Johnson, C.H., of the Hon. East India Company's Service, to Laura Jukes, only daughter of the late A. Jukes, Esq., M.D., of the lion. Company's Service. On the 24th ult., at Newark, Notts, John Hartpole Lecky, of Cullenswood House, Dublin, to Mary Anne, youngest daughter of W. E. Tallents, Esq., of the former place, and of Great George street, Westminster. DIED. On the 3d inst., Thos. Margrave, Esq., of New Broad-street court. On the 31st ult., in the Grove, Clapham, aged 77, Mary, relict of S. Cox, Esq., of Kingston-upon-Thames. On the 29th lt., at Edinburgh, Mrs. Hamilton, relict of John Hamilton, of Polmont Bank. On the 29th ult., at Portsmouth, aged 76, Elias Bruce Arnaud, Esq., a Justice of the Peace, and one of the Deputy-Lieutenants of Hampshire. On the 3d inst., at Dalston, Mrs. Jane Scott, aged 75. On the 21st ult., aged 70, Mrs. Mary Ann Chapman, of Matt' lett-court, Bow-street, Covent-garden. On the 2d inst., at Brighton, aged 76, John Macqueen. Esq., of liraxfield, last surviving son of the late Right Mon. R. Macqueen, Lord Justice Clerk of Scotland. On the 2d inst.. Mr. '' Leighton Terrey, of John's Coffee house, Cornhill, aged 46. On the 23th ult., in Albion terrace, Stoke Newington, Esther, widow of Moses Linde, Esq., aged 64. On the 31st ult. aged 40, Mr. J. Rigge, of Cheapside. On the Ist. inst., Pinkney-lodge, Maidenhead, Henry Dod well, Esq., aged 55. On the 28th ult., at Sandwich, aged GB, Margaret Marsh, wider of A. Marsh, Esq., of Coomb. On the Ist inst., at Whetstone, aged 80, Mrs. Mary Osbaldes ton,widow. On the 31st ult., in King-street, Covent-garden, Mr. WIIIO I Vickery, aged SG. On the - 3d inst., aged 61, Sarah, wife of Mr. John With or Pentonville. London: Printed and Published by IIUP.DO YOUNG, of 112, Strand, at The Son Office, No. 112, Sin 41 the 00 0 '7 of Middlesex.—Monday, February 6, 1837, THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY, FEBRUARY 6, 1837.