The Sun. — London, England, 1837-05-10 00:00:00

WESTMINSTER ELECTION . THIS DAY. The City of Westminster was this morning all alive with , the bustle of an election. It was traversed in all its parts by bands of music, placards and flags, belonging to the two Candidates. By twelve o'clock a large, and one of the frost respectable crowds we ever saw, had assembled in Covent-garden, where the hustings were, as usual, erected opposite the Church. Shortly before one, Sir Francis Burdett, accompanied by his new friends, amongst whom we noticed Mr. Bonham, Lord Sandon, and the Hon. Stewart Wortley, arrived at the hustings, to which he was supported. Be was received with loud cheers by his own Friends. Mr. Leader next made his appearance, accompanied by nearly all the Liberal Members whose names appeared on the list of his Committee. He was received with deafening cheers which lasted for some time. The High Bailiff (F. SMEDLEY, Esq,) said the great interest which the coming event of that day had excited, rendered it almost unnecessary for him to state the cause of their meeting together. It was, however, his duty to say that they had met for the purpose of electing a fit and proper person to represent them in Parliament in the room of Sir F. Burdett who had accepted the Chiltern Hundreds. —(Groans.) (Mr. Wakley—" It was a very proper step.") As they had met for the purpose of exercising the most im portant privilege of Englishmen, he truste d they would behave with the usual fair play of Englishmen, and give all parties a fair hearing. He hoped the peace would be pre served, otherwise it would be his duty, which he was deter mined to do, to order those offending into custody. He would then proceed with the formal part of the business. The Bribery Act was then read, and the usual oath ad ministered to the High Bailiff. Mr. WooD, a brewer, then came forward to nominate Sir Francis Burdett. He was received with loud groans and partial cheering. As well as we could collect from the noise, he said he appeared before them for the pur pose of nominating their old and well-tried late Represen tative, Sir Francis Burdett, as a fit and proper person again to represent the City of Westminster.—(Loud cries of 4' Go home—take him to bed.") He had ever been fore most in the cause of civil and religious liberty—his opinions were unchOnged—(Loud laughter, and cries of " Ask him sell") —and Westminster having always been the first in the ranks in support of those opinions, he therefore trusted that they would not stultify themselves by now rejecting their warmest friend, whom be trusted they would again re tam, and so give him in his old age another great political triumph. It was easy for any one to quote from speeches delivered in 1817, and to compare them with those of 1b37, and endeavour to convict a man of inconsistency. No man who had ever mixed in public affairs could stand such a test ; but he defied them to convict his Triend the Honourable Baronet of ever acting upon or aoy but the most liberal and consistent opinions.— Loud laughter and groans.) It was not his intention to so, - anything of those placards which had been so indus ttioesly distributed through Westminster, branding the Hon. Baronet as an apostate. That one was the 01.1 y one to which he would address himself: He had lived amongst the electors of Westminster through out his whole life. He resided amongst them now, and intended to do so. He had always been consistent in his politics, and he could assure them that he would be the last man in the world who could stand before them to .:nominate a political apostate, be his rank what it might, ;..is their representative.—(Groans and partial • cheering.) triiere had always been something which agitated men's ads which had never yet been got—there was 'the p hi l osopher's stone, which was to turn every thing into ;old—that had not yet been found out.—(Loud ilAughter.) There was the perpetual motion which *lliad not yet been found out, and the opposite party now trying to get out a perpetual motion Constitution ._ Loud laughter)—and whether it was safe or not did no t ;natter to them. This was not a question between Bu.deti: and Leader ; it was a question in which was in -volved the maintenance of the established Protestant 'religion in the country.—(Great uproar, and cries of " go }!:one..") He called upon all those who had votes for the ,*it) . of Westminster to look at the dangers which the Hon. , r ci-.'et encountered, and the sacrifices be had made on heir' b:half, and to register their votes again for him. It was ' le that a vast number of the honest and true men „,i,„ i n pas t i:"es had supported the Hon. Baronet had long s i nce b een ;; . ntht.:red to their fathers ; but the descendants of that ancestry never would have any " leader" except the Mon. Baronet, and they would again give him one of those great political triumphs which they had been accustomed to give him on these hustings. He called upon all.voters for I,: 7 estminster to vote for the Hon. Baronet on account of the ..espect which they bore their ancestors—(Cries of • 'Voir go to yours")--for the respect thev. bore themselves, and f o r the honour of tt. constituency of Westminster, to return the Hon. Baronet in a triumphant manner. It 'night he the last triumph that the Hon. Baronet might .ever achieve on those hustings, and he called upon them on vhe ground of the Hon. Baronet's past services—he called ti t on them, by the sense of danger to the Constitution, not to ...ejcct the Hon. Baronet who had served them so long and so faithfully. He trusted that in the evening of his (Lye. after having spent his youth in their service, in the Ooi ions evening of his days, they would show their grati tude to him by returning him as representative for Weacrninster in the most triumphant manner.—(" Go down now, Wood, or send us one of your barrels of biter.") On the result of that election would depend the character of the constituency of Westminster—the rejection of the :lon- Baronet would be a disgrace to'all Liberal constituency. Amidst loud uproar, the Hon. Gentleman propose' Sir Francis Burdett, Bart., as a fit and proper person t o represent the City of Westminster in Parliament. A GE:VILE:SIAN came forward to second the nomination. There were loud cries from the crowd of " Who are you?" Mr. IX AKLEY—It'S Tom Cribb, but not the fighting nran.--(G reat laughter.) Mr. CRIBB, a carver and gilder, said he had much plea sure in s:eetonding the nomination which had just been made, anel. he hoped—for the honour of his neighbours, for the honour• of those amongst whom he had lived for so many ears—th: it the Hon. Baronet would be returned by a large majority.- --(Uproar.) That was a sample of Radical libe rality. they were afraid to hear what he had to sav, and therefore the noise. He understood that the Radical party hall threatened to take all those who used the name of Burdett to the pump. They would allow them every sort of li b erty, but only they must do only as they wished. He coul i assure the Radical party that they would pump the Tha a les dry before they would silence the electors of Westmi: aster.—(Cries of " You hear they wont be silent."- - Loud bursts of laughter.) He would give one ins taece more of Radical liberality. He stated as a fact t hat within the last three years more tyrannical measure had passed the House of Commons than had been pass ed (luring the 50 years of what had been called Tory rule .—(Cries of " Hear, hear," and great uproar.) Gentlemen, talk of liberty and make such a Bill as that— why, it was a direct incarceration and depriving persons of the liberty of the subject. Gentlemen, in the course of circumstances and events, every one of us may be under the necessity ► )f claiming that relief which others are now doing. It ma: 7be my lot and it may be yours, but what shall we say, if, after having contributed for fifty years to the support of our poor neighbours, we should be takon to those dungeons and deprived of the presence ,of our wives and our families, and drafted off like the Africans of old, and told that the want of property is a crime. —(Groans, and cries of " Oh, oh.") Now a Gentlemen, who was it in the House of Commons fought the poor man's battle day after day and night after n' 4 1,11t, -- but the Honourable Baronet ? (Cheers, and cries .of " No, no.") Gentlemen, I say he exerted himself to Le)t rid of those obnoxious clauses ; and who supported them. but those wonderful liberty boys the Radicals, who tell you that they only are the friends of t he people?—(Cries of " They are.") Gentlemen, as there are marry others to addrtass you, I shall say a few words more and then depart.—(Cries of " Take Sir Francis with you," and great laughter.) Something has been 'aid about the Hon. Baronet's apaitany.—[This remark was followed by loud cheering and laughter, the attention of the crowd being directed to a coat tamed with the lining out, and which was suspended from 4 one of Mr. Leader's Commit tee rooms on the right of the plat form.] I know not whether I "Nave been correctly informed, but I wish to ask Mr. Leader whether he did not first come into Parliament as a Conservative fo.r the borough of Montrose ?—(Cries of " No, no.") A gentle man on the platform, who appeared to be one of Itl r. Leader's friends—" he never was in Parliament before."— ( Great cheering.) lam most happy , to be informed that it is not so.—(Cries of' " You are wr ong ; it won't do— try something else.") Gentlemen, in times like these, under the altered circumstances in which this country is placed by that great Bill, the Reform :Aill—which I may almost sav was carried by the Honourab.'e Baronet in those altered circumstances the electors of West :Tatister want a man of mature judgment, sound diiee.yetion, aod of unblemished character. Such a person I b e Cleve Hon. Baronet to he.—(Cries of " No, no," and gl seat sr.) Gentlemen, he has fought your battles for thirty years, and he now comes forward to lend his aid to carr • t h e y e „ el of the State safe throng) the shoals and quick sands wl,.;ch surronud her. Gentlemen, I shall merely say of Mo . Leader, our honourable opponent, that he is a very untried man—that he is an honourable man, I have no doubt ; but he is very young, and that is consolation t'sAo my mind—that was a great excuse for the extraordinary Radical destructive doctrines he has been petting forth, and which I hope he will live to see the day when, on mata rer reflection, he will have cause 'to regret. Gentlemen, I :may say to you as a parody on the tragedy of Handet—" Look on this picture"—(the Right Hon. Baro net beside me),-" and on that." You see on the one side the tried, consistent friend of rational liberty.—(No, no.) The supporter of our great and glorious Constitution, which has raised this country to such a pitch as to become the watchword of everything great and glorious. It has been said that this election is an election of principle, and I am glad that our opponents have adopted that, because I firmly believe, and take upon myself to act, in consequence of my conviction, that this is entirely an election of prin ciple. The question is not whether Aorß be elected on this great occasion, but whether certain great principles are to be upheld or not.—(Loud cheering.) In the course of my canvas I have found many gentlemen who have stated that nothing would induce them to vote for Mr. Leader, but that they did not like Sir F. Burdett, and should remain neuter. But, gentlemen, this is what I complain of.—(Great laughter and cheering, and " So you ought.") It is making this a personal election, which I hope to see an election of principle, and therefore I call upon any neutral man to say whether he will up hold the institutions of the country or vote for its destruction, by voting for Mr. Leader. So much, then, as regards the neutral gentlemen. I trust that in the present case the question will be one of principle, and not whether Sir F. Burdett or Mr. Leader are to be elected. The present is one of the most important elections that have occurred for the last thirty years. I trust you will consider it as such, and I shall conclude by most cordially seconding the nomination of the Hon. Baronet.—(Cheers, followed by groans and other marks of disapprobation.) Mr. JEavis, Sen., K. C., then came forward, and was received with loud and long-continued cheering. Electors of Westminster, I have the honour to appear before you, an old man as you see I am, and every man acquainted with me knows I am an old and steady Reformer.—(Cheers.) I appear before you to have the high honour to propose to you a distinguished gentleman to be your Member in Par liament, and as I am a plain man I shall name him at once— John Temple Leader.—(Uproarious applause.) Gentle men, I shall say but this, that having based my principles on the conviction of my understanding, I have come to the conclusion that Mr. Leader is the candidate best qualified to represent .you.—(Cheering.) No doubt you have been told—and I have heard it—that Sir F. Burdett has re presented you for 30 years. Gentlemen, I deny it.—( Hear.) He has been returned to Parliament to represent the first city in the world for that period, but he has not represented you. This is the second session of the Reformed Parlia ment, and he has not represented you durins , any part of it. Gentlemen, he has first deserted his post, and he then went over to the enemy.—(Cheers.) His excuse is this, that his infirm state of health prevented him attending his duties. But for two years and a half, during which ho has not re presented you, he ought to have retired from those onerous duties which he was unable to discharge.— (Cries of " Hear, hear.") But this is not all—he first. injures and then insults you.—(Loud groans.) I won't detain you to repeat the language of that most scandalous letter, where he announces his intention to accept the Chiltern Hundreds—you are aware of the opprobrious lan guage he has applied to you, and which we are now given to understand has not been applied to all ; but I call upon the Hon. Baronet now to state to what portion of the electors he applied such language ? In his fashionable pa triotic slang he has designated the respectable electors of Westminster as " Pismires."—(Loud groans and hisses, which prevented our hearing the close of the sentence.) Give me leave to tell you that in that same letter where he says he has accepted the Chiltern Hundreds that he would not have ventured upon that measure, but for recent ap pearances—that no advantage should be taken of it, and that all parties should start fair. Gentlemen, he did not state what those recent appearances were, but I will tell you that it meant the support of the Tories.—(Groans.) He said no advantage should be taken of it, but he forgot to announce the resignation 'of Sir George Murray in his favour, and I ask him, has he not availed himself of the organized Committees of that Right Hon. Gentleman? Gentlemen, I won't detain you very long ; but I shall re mind you of this—the Hon. Baronet has told you that he always has been as much of a Tory as a Whig ; if that be so, be has acted a double part, and has obtained your votss on former occasions under falle pretences. The Tories, he says, call him a Whig, and the Whigs call him a Tory ; but I tell v on . now, Gentleman, that he is nothing but a 'Tory.—(Tremendous groaning and yelling.) I don't know what sort of an amphibious animal he may have been during the past portion of the present Session of Parliament ; but he is now a Tory declared, and nothing but a Tory.—( Loud and continued cheering.) Gentlemen, I shall not throw away another observation upon one on whom none of you will throw away a vote.— (Great laughter and cheering.) Indeed, I don't under stand how any high-minded Tory—and there are many honourable men among them—but I don't know bow they can consistently vote for him. Gentlemen, give me leave to say, that if they do, it is a sacrifice of principle to expe diency.—(llear, hear.) Sir F. Burdett tAls you he is not changed, but that you are. Now, what were the propositions which be made to the House of Commons in June 1818 ? Why, his resolutions embodied the three propositions— universal suffrage, vote by ballot, and annual Parlia ments. (Loud and long-continued cheering.) Gentle men, if he is not changed, will he not vote for these measures ?—(Loud cries of " No, no.") Do you believe ha will vote for them ?—(Groans and hisses, and " No, no.") Gentlemen, he will alot say that he will, but his friends say that you cannot expect a poor old gentleman to attend his duties in Parliament with regularity. That may be so much the better for him, but the worse for you. I now recommend to you a young, active, intelligent, reforming Member, and,l shall at once take the liberty of presenting to you Mr. Leader.—(Mr. Leader here came forward, and was received with a tremendous burst of cheers, and waving of hats and handkerchiefs.) Mr. Leader has made himself. extenively known among you, and he has been approved of wherever he has made himself known. One word more, and I have done. An old man cannot speak for ever, and God forbid that he should !—(Great laughter.) The question is not between Sir F. Burdett and Mr. Leader, but between rank Toryism on the one hand, and liberality and independence on the other.—(Cries of " Hear," and cheers.) You have got the Reform Bill, which Sir F. Burdett considers a final mea sure, but which I consider, as you do, a means to an end. We have since that time obtained Municipal Reform— (Hear, hear) —and we will still continue to advance in our demands, instead of coming to a full stop, as your enemies would advise you. One word of advice, and I have done—rise early in the morning, rush to the poll, and carry your election in favour of Mr. Leader, before the Tories are out of their beds.—(Great laughter, and cheers.) I have the honour to propose John Temple Leader to be a representative in Parliament for this great city.—(Loud huzzaing and waving of hats.) Mr. SIMPSON seconded the nomination of Mr. Leader. If Sir Francis Burdett still entertained the opinions that he had done formerly, there was no doubt that the electors of Westminster would have again placed him in the honour able situation of their representative. At one period he had advocated Universal Suffrage, Vote by Ballot, and Annual Parliaments ; but he would put it to any person present to say whether he held those opinions now ; and whether it was the duty of those who had hitherto voted for him to vote for him now. If there was any doubt whether Sir Francis Burdett was a Conservative or a Reformer that doubt ought to be cleared up before a single elector of West minster voted for him. It had been said that Sir Francis Bur dett was mars a Tory. than a Whig. If that was so all he could say was, that his vote in his favour hitherto had been obtained under false pretences. What had beer, the result of the canvass that had taken place? Why, that canvass had declared that Mr. Leader was to be their representative. He trusted that the electors of Westminster would by their votes support that canvas, and elect Mr. Leader to be their representative. The Hon. Gentleman concluded by seconding the nomination of Mr. Leader. Mr. WAKLET then came forward to address the electors, but the noise and confusion that prevailed rendered it impos sible for him to utter a single word. After order had been in some measure restored, he asked whether it was the desire of the electors that Sir Francis Burdett should address them ? (Here another scene of confusion took place.) Sir FRANCIS BURDETT then came forward, and was received with loud hootings and hissings. He had never presented himself before any assembly with greater satisfaction than he did upon the present occasion, feeling convinced that the course of conduct he had adopted would meet with the support of every conscientious man. However the present contest might terminate was to him a matter of complete indifference. It was of little importance what the names of the candidates were, or however much they had mixed themselves up with party politics—the question was, were the electors of Westminster the supporters of a change that would impair the Constitution, or were they determined to support an old and tried servant, who had always conscien tiously advocated their interests ? The most malevolent state ments had been made against him. It had been stated that he bad altered his opinions—he denied that he had done so—he was the same man now that be ever was—he had always upheld the spirit of the Constitution, and always would do so. It had been asked of him whether he was willing now, in 1837, to propo.e Annual Parliaments, Vote by Bal lot, and Universal Suff-age, as he did in the year 1818? (Hear.) However much necessity there might have been for those measures at that period, he did not think that they were necessary riovv.—( Groans and hisses.) As to the Ballot, he thought it would give facility to improper voting. He had been accused of inconsistency on account of the course he had pursued in respect to these subjects. He denied that he was —he denied that he was at all an enemy to Reform—he dc ;riE•d that any act he had done was tinged with inconsistency. Th e good of the people, and that alone, had been his great and s eading principle of action.—( Hear.) He had done everything in his power to promote the good of the people,' and h ow ever much !le ;right be blamed for it, he would be the last man to ,saiition any proposition that he considered would be inischiev.ous to their interests. He did not approve ce any alteration in the Established Church, because Inc believed that no alteration was required by the people.— O(. reat confusion, ar, d cries of " Off, off.") With respect 3cl the Poor-law Amessdment Bill, he had also been blamed for the course he had adopted with respect to that mea sure. He should always follow the course which he had hitherto adopted, considering it incompatible with the due consideration of the well-being of the poor.—( Cries of Hear, hear.) There were many other topics on which he might address the electors, but this he would say, in spite of all that had been said against him, that he was a steady and consistent supporter of the Constitution. They might call him Conservative—they might call him Tory —or any other name they chose; . but they never would find him enlisted in the ranks of those who were deter mined to destroy the Constitution.—( Hear, and great confusion and uproar.) It had been said in the morning papers that he was against a reform in the House of Lords. He was as anxious for a reform in that House as. in the House of Commons ; but he was against anything like breaking in upon the' Constitution.—( Cheers.) He trusted that the elec tors of Westminster would by their votes show that they approved of the course of conduct he had pursued, and they would recollect that in voting for him upon the present occa sion, they were maintaining the true principles of the Consti tution of England, and nothing else.—(The Hon. Baronet retired amidst bootlegs and confusion. ) Mr. LEADER then mounted the hustings amidst loud and enthusiastic cheering. When the cheering had subsided he said—Brother Electors and Fellow-citizens of Westminster : I agree with what Sir Francis Burdett has said, that ' this contest is a great contest of principle.—(Cheers.) I ask you, who are you for ?—(Cheers, and cries of " Leader.") Are you for a faction of the aristocracy, or are you for the great majority of the people? Are you for a responsible Go vernment, or are you for the arbitrary rule of despotic Toryism ? (Cries of " No, no," and cheers.) I stand before you as a Radical Reformer—( Vehement cheering.) And when I say that it is not mere assertion, because during the 3 years that I have been in Parliament, I have always voted for the cause of the people ( Hear, hear, hear) that cause, which I look upon as my cause as well as yours, I never will desert.—(Cheers.) We hear now, that to talk of conciliating the wishes and the feelings of the people is patriotic slang. (Great laughter, and loud cheering.) We have been told a great deal about upholding the Consti tution and the glorious institutions of the country. I support the Constitution as much as any man, but I wish to see the popular part of the Constitution as much upholded as the royal or lordly part of it.—( Cheers.) In the Constitu tion which they profess to love and admire so much there are three parts—there is the King, the Lords, and the Commons. They want to have the King and the Lords omnipotent, and the Commons despised.—(Loud cheers.) I say that while I would uphold two branches of the Legislature, I would give to the popular branch that power which it ought to have, and I would make it truly and faithfully represent the great majority of the people: These are my political opinions for you, and I am glad to see they meet with the approbation of a vast majority of the electors of Westminster. In order that the people may be truly and fairly represented in their House, we must have an extension of the suffrage. We must have Parliaments shortened ; and above all we must have the protection of the ballot.---( Cheering.) When the people are thus really represented in the House of Commons, then you May expect to have the wishes of the people attended to, and not derided as political slang.—(Cheers and laughter.) Then, I say, you will have the Church reformed—then you shall have those religious and political agitators, the Bishops, removed from the Lords.—(Continued cheers) Tthen you will have those Bishops rather more distinguished for their sermons than for thetr political pamphlets.—( Cheers.) Then you will have the Bishops not paid so much as they arc now—with princely revenues, and you will have the Curates better paid for doing their duty.—(Cheers.) Then you will have the grievances of the Dissenters redressed. Then you will have what you have not now, equal justice for all, and equal laws. You will have the same justice for the poor man as for the rich man. Then you will have that which the Lords now refuse—justice to Ireland.—( Loud cheering. ) Why, I am called a revolutionist because I say the House of. Lords is now acting in opposition to the wishes of the people in refusing justice to Ireland, Why does not the House of Lords now refuse justice, to Ireland ? (Cries of "It does.") 15 oes not that bring upon us this difficulty, that we may be immersed in all the bloody horrors of a civil war, and for what are we to run this risk ? For what are we to re fuse granting justice to Ireland —for vair , t are we to continue to govern that unhappy country as it has been for centuries governed by the Orange faction. For what, I elk, are we to run all those risks ? Why to uphold four or five hundred gentle men who sit in the House of Lords, and that the peo ple of England should how to them.—( cheering,. ) I tell you that the people of England must unite, and co-operate and determine that they shall have a House of Commons which shall really represent them.—( Loud cheers.) They must also determine that the House of Lords shall be made to harmonize with the other branch of the Le gislature, and that it shall not :et itself up fur ever against the interests and the wishes of the great body of the people.—( Cheers.) There are some of you here, I dare say, who would wish to get rid of the Pension List.—( Cries of " Yes, yes.") How can you ever get that Pension List revised so long as you have a House of Lords and a House of Commons like the present. You must bestir yourselves, and you most reform your own House, and set that in order first.—( Cheers ) The riefOrm Bill, we have been told, is to be a final measure. Why, then, what is the use of it I say if the Reform Bill is to be a final measure what did you get it for? You did not get it for itself alone, but for the good it would confer upon you. Then, I say, carry out the great principle that is established by the passing of the Reform Bill. Let those reforms for which you first reformed the House of Commons, and carry it to good effect, and have a good Parliamentary Rcform.—( Cries of Hear, hear, and cheers ) I have told you thus what my opinions are. I have told you in various meetings what they are, and I have told ycu all what they are now.—( Loud cheering,) I have supported them for a space of three yeass in Parliament ; but it seems that I am too young for ( Cheers and laughter, and cries of" No, no. You are not too young to fight our baker.") [Here the Bon. Gentleman was continually interrupted by a band of music from Sir Francis Burdett's Committee-room.) Brother electors and fellow-citizens—l intreat you to hear me patiently and not to pay attention to the interruption from my opponent. SECOND EDITION. Mr. LEADER (in continuation from our First Edition) said— They say I am too young. Which do you like best ? Will you have a young .IZeferieer, who is zealous in your cause ? Or will you have a respectable old Gentleman, who is supported by all your opponents, the Tories ?—( No, no.) I confess that when I see the means that have been taken by the opposite party in order to gain votes against me, such conduct is dis gusting. (Cheers.) How have they been canvassing ? They have boen intimidating their tradesmen and work-people. They have tried to compel them to give their conscientious vote for the sake of their interest ; and then they have been aspersing my character, forsooth, and telling you I have no religion, because I wish to see the Church Establishment set in order.—( Cries of " Shame, shame.") Why, Gentlemen, I say they are the Destructives—they are the enemies to true religion.—(Cheers.) What ! will they brand the people as destructives ? Is it not for the interests of the great majority of the people that peace, order, and tranquillity should reign throughout the country ?—( Cheers.) Why then should the people be called destructive!, and why do they dare to brand me who advocate the people's cause with the names of Destructive and Atheist ?—(Great cheering.) Gentlemen, this is not a personal question ; it is not a question between me and Sir Francis Burdett—it is a great question between Reform and Toryism. The decision of the question is in your hands, and I know you will do your duty nobly, like ho nest and conscientious Englishmen.—(Loud cheers.) The eyes of every Liberal in this country and in Europe will be directed to your proceedings. Wherever the flag of freedom can be braved, there will the occurrences of this contest be looked to with intense anxiety.—(Cheers.) Wherever the people are struggling for good institutions and good Government, there will your decision be most looked to.—( Cheers.) Every one of you has within his own breast a secret but a faithful monitor, which will tell him what his duty is, and which will compel him to do that duty manfully. --( Hear, hear, hear.) I feel thoroughly convinced from what 1 have heard from every district, that the success of the people's cause is certain.—( Vehement cheering.) But let not any man relax he his efforts ; let every man con sider that the success of this contest depends on his in dividual exertions. Remember you have a great battle to fight-2fight it well and manfully.—(Cheers.) Let every elector and non elector remember the poll begins at eight o'clock to-morrow, and finishes at four, Let every elector come to the poll as early as possible, and then the cause of the people is sure.—( Bravo.) I have only one further observation to make. My past conduct may be a sort of example to you of what I shall do for the future ; but after the great moral lesson which has been read to your late representative this day, I say, if ever I desert your cause, treat me in the same way, as I am convinced you will treat Sir Francis Burdett to morrow. Now then, brother electors, I will detain you no longer. I thank you from the bottom of my heart for the kind, cordial, and enthusiastic manner in which you have now received me, and when on Friday I take my seat in the House of Commons—(Loud and long conti nued cheering)—when I say I take my seat there, though you might have had an older, or a better, or an abler man, yet I think you never will have had, and you never can have, a more honest, zealous, and devoted Representative, or a more zealous upholder of the rights of the people than I shall be.— ( Loud and vehement cheering, which lasted for some minutes.) A show of hands was then taken for the two candidates. About a dozen hands in one packed corner were held up in favour of Sir Francis Burdett; but on Mr. Leader's name being announced, almost every hand in the vast assemblage was held up. The Hien BAILIFF then declared it to be his humble opi nion that the show of hands was in favour of John Templ e Leader, Ecq. This announcement !was received with loud and long continued cheering, accompanied with waving of hats and handkerchiefs, and shouts of " Leader for ever 1" A poll was then demanded on the part of Sir Francis Bur dett, which was accordingly granted, and which will commence to-morrow morning at 8 o'clock, and close at 4. Mr. LEADER then said, I thank you most sincerely for the mark of confiden t. which you have just accorded to me. I am certain the result of the poll to-morrow, will show the feeling exhibited here is the feeling of a vest MajOritj. o f the electors of Westminster; and I am convinced that, on Friday, I will have to thank you as your Representative.— ( Loud cheering.) Mr. WAKLEY, M.P., after having been loudly called for, came forward. I shall detain you for a very short time. I often met you on similar occasions, and on no one occasion did you t cruse to hear an honest Radical Reformer.—(Laughter, and much cheering.) Ours is the cause of plain common sense, and no man who is not afraid of that cause will object to hear a few sentences from a Radical Reformer. I always like to see a contest carried on with perfect good humour; there is no reason why there should be strife and con fusion.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") Our cause is the cause of justice and nothing more—( Cheers)—but still on this occasion we do see parties curiously amalgamated.— (Cheers and laughter.) I have often worked hard for Sir F. Burdett on these hustings. Twenty years ago no man la boured in his cause more than I did. I still advocate that cause—( Loud cheers)—and will do so to the last hour of my life. Sir F. Burdett is my political father.—(Cheers and laughter.) I learnt my principles of him—l fought by his side, and it is a cause I never will desert.—( Bravo, bravo.) I love and venerate Sir F. Burdett for what he did in that cause, and I only regret that he is not now its zealous sup porter. Now, gentlemen, Sir Francis Burdett was our General at that time—(Cheers)—he fought firmly and ener getically for us ; but suppose at that period, when he had secured a bridge which led to the fortresses of the enemy, and he would at once have gained the victory—what, I ask, would your opinion have been of him, he having secured the bridge, if he had turned round and said, " Now, you mistake your man, I am a Fi enchman."—(Loud cheers, and laughter.) Observe, again, Sir Francis Burdett tells you that he is wedded to the Reform Bill—that is, he will stand by it—he will stand by the Constitution. That's very pretty doctrine. We don't want any body to stand, we want them to go on.— ( Cheers.) If Sir F. Burdett is merely to take the Reform Bill, to look at it and admire it, why, his wedding with the Reform Bill will turn out a very unfruitful marriage. Suppose he had wedded a young lady in the same manner, and sup pose, that after he had admired her beautiful eyes and heavenlike smile, they had become united, and then, when she required something more—(Roars of laughter and cheers) — he had turned away—suppose his lovely bride had said, " Why, my dear Frank, what has caused this alteration ?" ( Here the Hon. Gentleman was interrupted by some one on the hustings.) The shoe pinches, gentlemen—they don't like it.—( Cry from the crowd, " you hit them too hard.") Suppose the young lady said, what means this alteration in your conduct ? why are you so cool to me now now ? what have I done to offend you 2—( Great laughter.) What would te his answer? a This, why my love, our union was a com promise between myself and your family—they opposed our union, and we made a compromise. We are united, but I regret we must remain only united.—( Continued laughter.) I ask you, would it be endured in that case; and is it to be endured in ours?—(Cheers, and cries of " No, no.") We have the Reform Act as a means to an end. As an instrument for working out the liberties of the people, as an instrument for securing to the working man an adequate return for his toil, an instrument for securing to the whole of us our peace ful possessions—an instrument for putting the state pauper in the union workhouse.—(Loud cheers, and laughter.) If we are merely to look at the Reform Bill the whole world will laugh at us, and Sir Francis Burdett says that is what he will do.—(Mr. Wakley was here again interrupted by some of Sir F. Burdett's friends on the hustings.) Gentlemen, lam very glad they don't like it here ; I did not intend they should. —( Cheers.) If they approved of what I said, it would not be fit for you to hear.—(Cheery.) Who are the supporters of Sir Francis Burdett? Why the parties who defended the Magis trates of Manchester for murdering the people.—( Hear, hear, and cheers.) They are the implacable enemies of liberty all over the world. I regret that Sir Francis Burdett is supported by such friends ; but, they say, " Birds of a feather will flock together. "—( Great laughter.) You know what the principles are which Sir Francis now advo cates by the parties who give him their support ; hut, I say, they cannot, and they shall not, triumph.—( Tremendous cheering.) The electors of Westminster will not shift and change their course because another man chooses to do so. He could not fore-et that in 1830, at a public meeting in Lin coin's Inn- fields,se ( Mr. W. ).attempted to move that a Political Union should he established, but it was strenuously resisted by Sir Francis Burdett. W hen Cohbett died what did the Honourable Baronet do? Why he was the first to spit upon his grave.—( Groans. ) Yes ; he was mean enough to send back the bonds to meet his subscription for the funeral.—( Shame, shame.) Could the ".electors of Westminster mention a name which could he identified with liberty ? It was that of the Honourable Baronet in former years ; but will they now suffer themselves to be dragged through the mire by the blood-stained and iniquitous Tories, to whom he has attached himself.—(No,.no, never.) Li his last contest for Finsbury he had an opponent, and all supposed he was a Tory ; but there was some difficulty in nicking cut a case against him. He was no less a person age than that wily old Scotch lawyer, Sergeant Spankie.— ( Laughter.) It was soul found out that the Learned Sergeant had voted against the reduction of the Windosv Tax. "Oh," said the old Sergeant, " they have found me out, now I shall lose my election."—( Hear, and great laughter.) So long as there was the remotest chance of the Tories being allowed to put their hands into the pockets of the people, there as no hope for the people. The Tories had mortgaged the blood and bones of the people, but a little bit of reform had already been obtained, and more would be got by-and-bye. That terrible old manufactory of which he had the honour to be a member wanted improvement, and he need not tell them it would not he much improved by the old baronet. He thanked the audience for the patience shown him, and intreated every voter to consider the present his own. If the people of Westmin ster would allow the cause of the people to be frustrated, the game was up for many years.—( Here the lion. Gentleman received some interruption from the persons who surrounded Sir Francis Burdett, and it was some minutes before be was enabled to proceed. We observed he changed cards with some person on the platform, but who the gentle man was we could not ascertain, owing to the confusion that ensued. ) The Honourable Gentleman apologized to the audience for his not being able then to proceed, but lie said it was occasioned by the annoyance and continued inter ruption from persons in the rear of the platform, belonging to the other party.—(" Ah, they are afraid.") But they could beat the Tories, for there were many respectable Tories who would not allow themselves to be dragged to the poll.—( Hear.) The contest was not to be doubtful. It was absolutely necessary that the independent voters of Westminster would give an overwhelming majority, when they understood that every man who voted for Burdett supported the advocate of despotism and tyranny ; while, on the other hand, whoever came forward to support Mr. Leader, did so for the support of liberty and independence. The most deafen ing cheers succeeded the Hon. Member's address, which lasted a considerable time. (Tremendous cheering.) My Honourable Friend Mr. Wak ley has stated what Sir F. Burdett's ancient opinions were, —he canvassed you formerly as the advocate of equal rights to all classes of Englishmen and Irishmen. He now comes before you as the representative of that party who would put a stop to all Reform—who would deny freedom and equal rights to Irishmen—and who tell you that they will stand by the Constitution and the Church. Gentlemen, I consider the cause as that not of Mr. Leader or Sir Francis Burdett, but the cause of popular government against tyranny and misrule—whether freedom shall advance with rapid strides —whether improvements in all parts of the State shall be carried out, and whether the poor man shall have a large or small loaf. The question is whether the poor man shall pay 72 per cent. of our taxes—whether equal laws shall be distributed throughout all classes of the community, and whether the burthens of the State shall be borne by those who are best able to support them. If any man wishes to see a reduction of taxation in the country let them shun the Tories. I charge yon not to deceive yourselves by placing your confidence in a man who is leagued with the avowed enemies of the prosperity of the country.---(Cheers.) Good God I is not the name of Castlereagh enough to make any honest and liberal man avoid him. He would conclude by expressing his hope that the triumph of independence would be to-morrow secured by a large and overwhelming majority. The Hon. Member eluded amidst loud cheering from all parts of the Meeting. Mr. EWART said that it bad been stated with respect to him that he was not an elector of Westminster, he asserted that he was so, and he should be early at the poll to-morrow, with all the friends that he could muster to vote for the Liberal Candidate, Mr. Leader.—(Cheers.) After hearing the state ments of Sir F. Burdett—( Cries of " We did not hear them,") he thought no man who was a supporter of liberal principles could support him. He felt convinced that to-morrow morning Mr. Leader would be at the head of the poll.—( Cheers.) He trusted the electors would recollect that those who voted for Mr. Leader by nine o'clock in the morning gave ten votes in the cause of freedom. Early, early, early, was the word.— ( Cheers.) The decision of the electors of Westminster to morrow would not only decide the fate of that borough, but European liberty.—( Great cheering.) Colonel THOMPSON trusted that the conduct of the electors of Westminster to-morrow would long be remembered in the annals of freedom.—( Cheers.) Mr. NPLEon said that, as a Scotch Radical, he felt bound to declare that Sir Francis Burdett was a political apostate, and it would be one of the most painful moments of his life to see such an apostate come in for Westminster.—( Cheers.) He was happy, from the disposition shown by the present meeting, to think that his fears on that subject were ill founded ; he was satisfied that he who was called Old Glory— ( Cheers)—must go out for Wesminster, in order to allow Young Glory to come in.—( Renewed cheers.) He trusted that all good Reformers would take care to be on the ground early in the morning, and that was the only means of subvert ing the intentions of their enemies.—( Cheers. ) Dr. ADE said if the electors of Westminster were not totally forgetful of their own interests, they could not for a moment hesitate to vote for Mr. Leader, who was the advocate of Christianity and truth. Members of Parliament were only to be considered in the light of servants or tenants at will, and if the services of those Members had not been in accordance with their constituencies, the best way was at once to turn them off. What was Sir Francis Burdett ? Why lie was a sort of Centaur, between flesh and fish ; he was a mer maid in the cause of Reform—(Cheers)—and being such he trusted the electors of Westminster would not so far forget their duty as to advocate their cause.—( Hear, and cheers.) He felt no doubt that to-morrow would place Mr. Leader at the head of the poll, and that the electors of Westminster would redeem the character they had hitherto held of the advocates of Reform.—( Cheers. ) After nine cheers had been given for Mr. Leader, and as many groans for Sir Francis Burdett, tke immense assembly separated in the greatest order, those who were electors de claring their determination to be up and doing at art early hour in the morning. I \'l PER lAL PARLIAMENT, (THIS EVENING.) HOUSE OF LORDS. Lord SEIAFTESPITY, in the absence of the Lord Chancellor, took his seat on the Woolsack at five o'clock. Mr. Fox, and other Members of the House of Commons, brought up the Cork and Passage Railway Bill, and several Private Bills. Several private Bills were advanced a stage. SMALL DEBTS (SCOTLAND) BILL. This Bill then went through a Committee, and the House adjourned. THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY, MAY 10, 1837; HOUSE OF COMMONS. The SPEAKER took the Chair at the usual hour. On the motion of Captain ALSAGER, the Collier Dock and Surrey Canal Bills were read a second time. On the motion of Mr. VESEY, the Cork and Passage Railway Bill was read a third time; as was also the Green wich Pier Bill. Mr. M. PHILLIPS presented a petition from various Dis senting congregations in the country, fur the abolition of Church-rates ; and similar petitions were presented by Mr. C. Lushington. Mr. DIVETT presented a petition from merchants and shipowners of Exeter, praying that Post-office facilities might be afforded to the proprietors of the Shipping Gazette. Mr. \VILKS presented petitions from St. Pancras, and other parishes in the metropolis, for the abolition of Church rates. Mr. H. HUGHES presented a petition from Oxford, pray ing for an equalization of the land-tax. HUDDERSFIELD ELECTION. Mr. DUNCOMBE presented a petition from the defeated candidate, complaining of the improper presence of the mili tary at that election. On the Hon. Member bringing up the petition, The SPEAKER said that the petition could not be con sidered in the light of an election petition, as there was no prayer in it that the election might be declared void. STATE OF IRELAND. Mr. HAMILTON presented a petition from certain Pro testants in Ireland, praying the House to take into its consi deration the state of Ireland. The petition was of great bulk. Several other petitions were presented, and the House was left sitting. Mr. HuCIE bein g loudly called for from all parts of th e meeting, then made his appearance, and was received with loud acclamations. Some confusion having taken place on the platform, Mr. WAKLEY again came forward, and said—The other party object to Mr. Hume, because he is not an elector, but he is your County Member.—( Great cheering, and renewed calls for Mr. Hume.) They are evidently afraid of him. ( Laughter. ) Mr. Hume—lf we could only get rid of the Tories here and elsewhere, we should do very well.—(Renewed laughter and cheering.) Gentlemen, I have witnessed with great satisfac tion the proceedings of this day, because it convinces me that the people now see their own interests, and are determined to have a voice of their own.—( Cheers.) The struggle now is between democracy and aristocracy, and it rests with you to say which shall succeed.—(Loud and continued cheers.) Whether the people are to be represented really in the House of Commons, or whether the Aristocracy, who have so long lived and plundered at your expense, shall still carry on their peculations. Gentlemen, it is impossible for me to give you any idea of the importance of the result of to-morrow's election. It is simply this whether the cause of Reform now began shall go on for the interests of the community at large, or whether the Tories, through the House of Lords, and the influence of the Clergy, shall stop all reform, and bring us back to the old state in which the Aristocracy have been plunderers, pensioners, and sinecurists on the public purse. Gentlemen, Sir Francis Burdett was once the man of the people, but he is now the man of the Tories. Let Sir Francis Burdett recollect the picture he once drew of the Tories, who for years made the public revenue subservient to their own interests and that of their connections and dependents —(Cheers)—making every day large additions to your public debt, and making the private advantage of the few para mount to the benefit and good of the many.—( Applause.) The question to be decided by this election is whether you are to enjoy the fruits of your labour and capital—whether you will allow the Tories, who have taken up Sir Francis Burdett as a means of deceiving you, to become your tyrants and op pressors once more, and thus become the engines in their hands of rlvetting the chains that have so long bound you.—( Cries of " No, no 1" and tremendous cheering.) Gentlemen, I am one of those Radical Reformers who stood forward in support of those principles, when they was neither so gene ral nor so fashionable as at present.—( Hear, hear.) We want recruits to support and advocate the cause of the people, and for every deserter let us have two recruits. I say that Sir F. Burdett is a deserter.—( Cries of " No, no," followed by loud cheering and shouts of " He is, he is.") I say that he who denies it is a fool.—( Loud cheering.) Look at his Committee— look at his placards.—( Great applause.) Look at the language with which he is attempting to lull his old friends.—(Tre mendous cheering.) What was the language of Castlereagh ? Did he not avow his determination to fight for the King and the Constitution, and did he not exclaim we are for supporting the Church? Was it not against that language that Sir F. Burdett had taken his stand —was it not by that means that h e had gained his influence, and was it not by such means that he had maintained his influence in the city of Westminster ? TO THE ELECTORS OF WESTMINSTER. --(Loud and long-continued cheering, and cries of "Go rFHE COMMITTEE for conducting the Election it, Hume.") And now the Hon. Baronet had turned round upon them.—( Loud cries of " Look at his coat.") dresses to their helpmates in the work of Reform, because they yes ; but look also at his addresses—" lam for the Constitu.. felt satisfied that every possible exertion was making to place that tion—l am for supporting the ancient institutions of the Gentleman in the prend position of Representative for the City of country, and I mean above all to maintain the Church." Westminster, and that those exertions were crowned from hour to I don't. think there is any man among you so foolish as to hour by the most cheering assurances of success ; but havi ng now give your countenance or support to any man advocating such before ted them the result of the in v mostm NWestminster, e s e t x te n s i ye they e a a n n i -- pr inciples. Do you wa n t no R e f orm i n t h e Ch urc h.—( Loud mated f canvas that a ra e l i n iiev r e o d m bcon hga ratuli the Pla Elctors on thensttrerm' hh m about cries of " Yes.") Sir F. B ur d e t t t e ll s you th a t you d o not, t n o o be e y them o at ve ag r the united forces of apos p taey and and that he will support the Church as it now stands.— Toryism. ( Great laughter, and cries of " It's coming down.") The work thus cheerfully begun, and earnestly carried 01, it re- Do you want no change in the House'of Commons ?—( Loud quires but a trifling continuation of exertion in the same inde cries of " Yes.") Sir F. Burdett tells you he wont give you pendent and unconquerable spirit finally to complete • and the Corn any..-4 Cries of" Then h e sh an 't s it th ere .") G ent l emen , I h ope mittee trust that the Electors of Westminster will throw back upon you will adhere to that declaration.—( Cries of "We will.") their libellers the unanswerable proof, that in this City political principle, constlsteneeyr, the e d t.rut.th,. intimidations be made subservient to the He has told you in plain language, " I am against all own r de Reform, and I cannot vote as you wish. I cannot support actses t o l f o co e r s r o u f p t i h o e n' country, and ini th e e a i t r ions of poweri ; and realize the the measures proposed by his Majesty's Government ;" and , recording P their unpurchased votes forLeader.declared intentions, by recollect, Gentlemen, what those :measures are—equal In the prosecution of the onerous and multiform . duties that have rights to all Dissenters—and loosing them from those i devolved upon them, the Committee are aware that omissions must b o nds which have so long enthralled them—placing them necessarily have occurred, both in solicitin g th e p ers onal assistance on an equality and in the ranks of other citizens, and of many excellent and able friends of their common cause, and in not making the honest avowal of their religious opinions a canvassing for the suffrages of Electors; they trust, however, that ground of punishment and degradation. Fir F. Burdett was no one will take offence at any such unavoidable want of attention, butnthat b e duly impressed with the necessity of every voter will against the Ministerial measure for the abolishment of Church - rates. Is that your wish ? Is there a man among you who his own individual exe r t ion , an d w h et h er canvasse d or not, proceed is not anxious to see those litigations and squabbles put an end honestly and fearlessly to th e per f ormance o f hi s d uty, t h at h e may to, and is there a man among you who does not desire increase the security of th e v i c t ory an d part i c i pa t e i n i ts h onour. , R. C. FERGUSON, Chairm an . that those who frequent the Church should support it i British Coffee-house, Wednesday, May 10, 1837. THE FUNDS.-CLOSING PRICES. BRITISH Bank Stock 20614 FUNDS. Omni am India Stock Ditto Uonds . .31 pm. South Sea Stock 3 per Cent. Red B 9 ,K 3 per Cent. Cons lloii 3y, per Cent. 33¢ per Cent. Red 97% New 334 per Cent. 99 4 per Cent. Assented Dissented Long Annuities to expire Jan. 1860 l4 9-16 Ditto Old Annuities Ditto New Annuiticn Ex. Bills, 1000/ .34d. 3:3 pm Ditto 5(51/ 33 pm. Ditto 5001 33 pm. Bank Stock for Opg. India Stuck l'or Act. ...... Consols for Act. ' FUNDS. Pzirtuguese Bonds, 5 per cent. Ditto, New Ditto 47% Prussian. 5 per cent. Russian Bonds, 5 per rest Ditto, Metallic Spanish, 5 per cent Intto. Consolidated. 23% French, 5 pet cent Exchange French, $ per cent 7Bi; 751 Dutch, 2, percent, 53% Ditto, 5 per cent ......... IOOA SHARES London and Brighton Railway (Rennie's) London and Greenwich Railway l9 London and Southampton Railway l2 South Eastern and Dover Railway 3 No other variations in the Prices of Shares since our One o'clock List Oct 1850 14% 1: Jan. .............. 14 13-16 FOREIGt Austrian, 5 per cent Belgian, 5 per cent 9974 linailian Bonds .. 64 !Buenos Ayres, 6 per cent — Chilian, 6 per cent — Colombian, 6 per cent. 20% Ditto, 1834 Danish, 3 per cent 72 Greek Bonds, 1625.5 per cent — Mexican, 5 per cent. — Ditto, 6 per cent., 1825 Peruvian, 1825, 6 per cent. WESTMINSTER ELECTION. THE COMMITTEE for CONDUCTING the ELECTION of the REFORM CANDIDATE, J. T. LEADER, Esq., respectfully acquaint the Electors, that they MEET DAILY at the British Coffee-house, Cockspur-street, where all communications are to be addressed. DISTRICT COMMITTEE ROOMS. St. Martin'ta-in-the Fields—Slaughter's Coffee House, St. Martin's lane ; the Harp, Little Russell-street, Drury-lane ; and the Two Angels and Crown, Upper St. Martin's-lane. St. George's, Outer Ward—Flask Hotel, Ebury-square. St. George's, Inner Ward—Spread Eagle, Oxford-street ; Running Horse, Duke-street ; and Coach and Horses, Maddock -street. St. James's—Crown, Broad-street, Golden-square. St. Mary-le-Strand, St. Clement Danes, and the Savoy—The Crown and Anchor. St. John's and St. Margaret's—King's Arms, Palace-yard ; Rose and Crown, Tufton-street, and Blue Anchor, York-street. St. Ann's—Golden Lion, Wardour-street. St. Paul's, Covent-garden—Eastey's Hotel, Southampton-street, Strand. G. H. WARD, Esq., M.P., will take the Chair at a PUBLIC MEETING to he held THIS EVENING, at Willis's Rooms, Brewer-street, at Seven o'clock precisely. By Order of the Committee, W. WEST, Honorary Secretary. British Coffee-house, Wednesday, May 10, 1837. NEWSPAPER STAMPS. Extract from " Returns of the number of Stamps issued monthly to each of the London Newspapers, from 1 Jan., 1837, to 1 April, 1137. ___---------- Titles of Newspapers. January. February. Marck. - -- ----- Courier English Chronicle 12,000 12,000 12,000 Evening Chronicle Evening Mail 20,000 20,000 20,000 Globe and Traveller 20,000 40,000 25,000 90,000 66,0 00 56,E Shipping Gazette Standard St. James's Chronicle Sun True Sun 63,000 66,000 73,500 42,500 45,000 31,000 The publication of THE SUN NEWSPAPER commented this day at 10 minutes past Four o' Clock. LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, MAY 10, 1837. In the House of Lords last night the Resolutions pass° by the House of Commons, relative to the Government of Lower Canada, were adopted without a division. We ball so recently discussed the object, denounced the tendeneYf and regretted the adoption of these Resolutions by the Lower House, that we would not now refer to them, rli a , not the precipitation with w hi c h th e L or d s h a v e passe(' them, offer to the country another proof of the strong sympathy of lordly natures for all measures restricting the Constitutional rights of the people. There are no motions for postponing the consideration of the Act s of the Commons—no amendments mored upon their WA' sures—when they offer to impose shackles upon colonies jealous of their independence. On such occasions the most perfect harmony prevails between the popular and the aris tocratic branches of the Legislature. But it is altogether different when the Commons, as the representatives o f the people, embody in their acts the will of the people. The Lords are then up in arms to resist the o verthrew, of the Con s tituti on — mean i ng , o f course , th e recogn ition or the popular will in any act of Legislature. To deprive the Canadians of their Constitution—to place them at the mercy of the Crown of England by the virtual abrogatiea of a solemn Act of the Imperial Legislature—is not pre. sumed by the Lords to require a moment's deliberation . The pro osition is adopted, without even th e f o rmality of an adjournment or a division. But when it is pro posed to give Municipal Institutions to Ireland—a measure demanded by seven millions of people, and in full ne cordanee with the recognised principles of the British Constitution—two years is too short a time for lordly deliberation ! Are the Lords so blind as not to s ee that people are capable of appreciating the motives of such coo' duct ? Or are they so insane as not to tremble at the idea of provoking a hostile collision with the democracy of England ? Lord BaouGriAm delivered an admirable speech againsi t the resolutions, but it produced no effect upon his Lord ship's noble compeers. It will be far differently appreciated by the people. We renew our exhortations to the 'Westminster elector , to make every effort to secure the return of Mr. LEAD ES. They cannot be too prompt in their exertions, for the poll ing takes place to-morrow, and will be over in one. day There is literally therefore not a moment to be lost. The cow test is no ordinary one, and involves no ordinary results. It is a struggle between principle and no principle ; between eon sistency and tergiversation; between Reform and no R e form. On the one side are ranged the worst enemies of the people; on the other, their best friends. The one party fights u nder false colours ; the other hoists the broad pennon of R e forni• Sir FRANCIS BURDETT tells us he is still unchanged ; that he holds no opinions but such as he has ever held ; that be is as true to the cause of Reform as ever. How is it then that we find him supported by the bitterest enemies of that. cause ? How is it that we find the friend of the people lil a tronized by the foes of the people ? Either Sir FRANCIS or the Tories must have changed ; and as the late discuss:long in the two Houses prove that it is not the latter, it must' of course, be the former. But it is idle to enlarge on this point. The Hon. Baronet has himself settled the. ques tion by voluntarily choosing to ally himself with the T' Ties in Pre ference to those who, for 30 years, were, through good repor t and evil report, his warmest and sincerest friends. He has left us, therefore, no option but to treat him as a Tory, an d to repudiate him as such. We would wish to speak o f the lion. Baronet in the language rather of regret than bitter ness ; but we cannot sacrifice principle to sympathy. He has left the Reformers—not they him. Had he stuck to the text on which be has declaimed so many years, they would have been proud to rally round him ; but he has chosen to put ; a new interpretation upon it, and must be prepared to aleide' the consequences of his new reading. Electors of Westminster, do not, we conjure yolA• allow the past to outweigh the present or the f u ture in your estimation. Consider Sir FRANCIS BURDET T as he is, not as he was. Public duty was the that bound you to each other, and that broken, h e has no further claims on your attention. If you T r spect the rights of your fellow citizens ; if you feel I °r the sufferings of Ireland ; if you desire to see the por ciples of Reform firmly es t a bli s h e d a b roa d as we ll as a" , home, you must have done with the changeling, and far ever. Sympathize with hi s s it ua ti on if you p l ease, ;but do not arm him with f res h p owers o f m i sc hijo ,' ; To return him as y our R e p resentat i ve, is •o°,, only to betray your d u ty as c iti zens , b ut to s h n e" the moral feeling of the country, and to establish a pr, dent which, at the first opportunity, will be turned agaialP you. Support Sir FRANCIS BURDETT, and what chin age' ling can you ever again visit with your displeasure ? Vi r P/ did you turn out Hobhouse ? Because you imagined h e had betrayed your interests. Can you, then, support 01 whose desertion of the good cause has been a thouit:ffli, times more flagrant ? Impossible ! You cannot so stv2itiv yourselves. All England would cry shame on such irreer sistency. The polling, we again repeat, will take place: t e° morrow. Remember this, electors ; and rememboe alO t that no man can call himself a Reformer, who does o e , hasten to record his vote in favour of LEADER. Titer' can be no such great differences between you and bi e/1 as there are between you and Sir FRANCIS. The latter i! a Tory—a rank Tory—supported by the same junta tbs: you have defeated at every successive election for upward i of forty year s . It h as b een pretty genera ll y wh i s pere d abroad that the Hon. Baronet intends to resign to-nig ht. How this may be, we know not ; but at any rate the re ; port should not be a ll owe d t o i n fl uence t h e e l ectors , for i 6 may very possibly h ave b een propagate d b y t h e T or i es , l er the purpose of throwing them off their guard, and induce: them to rel ax i n th e i r v i g il ance . Th e sa f est way t h er eibr is to treat it as a mere e l ect i on rumour, f or many a COo, test has been lost by th e over - con fid ence o f t h e par t i es e' gaged in it. The Paris Papers of Monday, received this morning, o r tain some severe strictures on the precautions taken by the police to prevent a recurrence of the attempt of FiEsa h ALIBAUD, and M EUNIER , d ur i ng th e rev i ew on Sundaf' which happily passed off without any accident. The Ga r zette de France states, that " such was the extreme rile.; of those precautions, that it would have been preferable 0 have dispensed altogether with assem bli ng th e c itizens, tb e ei , t to exhibit before their e y es measures so i ncons istent Wi',, what might be expected from an elected SovEasieli Early in the morning all the houses fronting the Place 0 Carrousel, where the review was held, were examined fro the-foundati o n t o th e roo f, t h e i nmates were i n terrogat e ; and their friends and visitors brutally pushed a b tlf by the Poli ce: All i n h a bi tants absent f r om tu e o l i houses were refused admittance on their return? ahi the entire vicinity appeared in a state of close We r an enemy. The brid ges were bl oc k e d u p, an d all Pa s t s , gers stopped by an armed force. The muskets o f the tional Guards were all care f u lly i nspec t e d by the Col on o , in person, lest any of them might be loaded ; and the In s o f were treated rather as prisoners of war than as bulw ark oe • the French Thr o n e . Th e r idi cu l ous excess to whiehlb .of precautions were carried has justly offended the cit izen a d Paris, whose fe e li ngs h ave b een outraged, and Pe rsci ta p liberty infrin ge d, by suc h a moc k di sp l a y of regal P ° and popularity. New York papers to the IBh ult., received to - d a h gloomy accounts of the state of the Money -market throug out the Union. In the South failures had not ceased,nne the prices of stocks were lower , than ever. Want of l e b e i obliges us to postpone till to-morrow the causes allel e of American Journalists for the extent and continuance these commercial difficulties. TI 00 is Irish Tith e B i ll was b roug h t i n at a late bourd • Monday night, read a first time, and ordered to be rca second time on Friday the ninth of June. a_ HORIZONTAL FLAT WATU'"diere' with accurately fi n i s hed j e welled movements, warranted , are pric e ' in Silver cases, price Five Guineas each ; or in Gold caseei;wil.! Nine Guineas each, at T. COX SAVORY'S, Watchm aker, ler, and Silversmith, 47, Cornhill, London. N. B. Second-h2fELCVa±2 I ex change. of IV ; London : Printed and Published by MURDO G coca' 112, Strand, at. The Sun Office, No. 11", Strand, in 1.~ of Middlosex.—Wednesday, May 10, 1837. . 4 , 40, eemo.ss, ~.4 1 2 - ..-,..., . `^,`li. . 40 , ' ;,,, 4.7 • ir,", ---,.. . ',...,,,,,,,,,_, ..„......art...-^',,,t, , .:•41.- -- "4"&„,..'" ,i,.7''' rie c r rj)ie 'lt-ll+