The Sun. — London, England, 1846-02-21 00:00:00

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That caul a pprehension might b e we ll f ounded or ill founded—time alone d show. 13ut it served as an awful warning to the people of this country not to place too much reliance on the political conduct of Cabinet Ministers. The Hon. Member went on to „saY that it em s absurd for the Anti-Corn-law League to pro 'ells superior enlightenment and intelligence on this subject than toe a griculturists. The real fact was, that it was self- Interest tkat influenced the members of that body in all their deliberat ions.—.(protectioni s t cheers.) At the same tithe, lie would maintain that the manufacturers of this coun try were entit.ed to a lair share of consideration from the tWMembers of that House. If it were simply a question be eeen the manutaeturers and the agriculturists of this country, " question would not possess half the importance which Was attached to it ; but the fact was, that on she issue of the quests'n dep en d ed the national honour and prosperity of the tee ntY All the tram ein this country were directly ar i ndirectly concerned in the resolution to which the House 'iet'ght c ant'. —( Hear, hear. t The Hon. Member then pro iteled to make a few remarks upon what had fallen from the , f .• Menibe r for Sunderland (Mr. Hudson) on Tuesday night. t. Hun. Member then drew a comparison between the con aion of this country and the people of Holand, who paid i `ees to the amount of 1:64. per head; but in consequence of the i'w ton e of voice in which the Hon. Member delivered this Part of Lis speech, his remarks were quite inaudible in the tgh'alitetrY• Hon. Member, as we un - derstood, contended be glumarents which had been brought ferward against the aarepeal of the corn -laws on the ground that it would make this tantry untenabledependet fo its supply of food upon fore gn countries w 1 wholly . lie stated that we had imported alinreater quantities of wheat in seasons if comparative plenty, and to that we were, in consequence, dependent in some a s e a um for our supp l y of food. And as to the question of in aaendence, in the time of a general war it was only a question °laFgree, because this country had already imported 600,000 qrs. ;It4f corn. A general war (continued the Hon. Member) not likely to burst upon us in a moment. Ihe farmer would have time afforded him for turning his grass-land into arable. cult not attribute the present miserable condition of agri n al labourers to the operation of the corn-laws. He oabPrirehdended that the small farmers of this country, who were cu t s: if ellba4 be tgbee to cultivate their land with limited sesources, would that would wtohueld most suffer by the change. He was benefit of the tenant-class of farmers Into preconsideration, they would not pass the. measure in its sent shape, landed dd irnzredst, ~t. In conclusion , he would say a few words on the effect which a repeal of the corn-laws would have on the this country. [Here the Hon. Member at the lower an ofddressed himself to the protectionists sitting catch his observations t n he I - louse, and we could not in consequence a miatak e to ervali°-3. - 1 We understood him to say that it was suppose that the people did not take a great interest i . t e ' e t , l) ,, e imrasure now before the House, and that if they (the pro a. e l n s sathought other wise, they were egregiously mistaken. byru l eY ,_i ne g u r,e n a n t sh C a z ... rva r t , i ,ve confidence that was placed in the Right Hon. Baronet anion illenches. party when he came into power re ) 14No no," st hear, hear," from the Oats- lat confidence' was placed in the Right f arotiet, because it was felt that he would never bring i f Z ard any measure which would create such financial changes Bark' e h\ad not th e support o f hi s own party, and h e (Mr. t Ye wo uld venture to predict that that support would re traitn uridirninished. The Hon. Member concluded, by saying, alr h° et w6hid e give his support to the measure. dab —t- NNETT (Member for Suffolk ), who was very in aCtatizv_.h. eerd in the gallery, was 'understood to say, that note th e eaaaing.the able statement made by the First Minister o i f ieg the n, in his speech the other night,—and notwithstant - f 4,, ae ebilay with which he conducted the financial affairs o Lae s c e ' en trY, he could not place his confidence in him, as he desart Chin changed his opinions, and because he had seen . him Ilse Protestant religion in this kingdom, and repudiate ihitseeetiments he once expressed so eloquently ' in defence of lioi stablishment. And when he beheld him unsaying all that he sit ever expressed before, he looked with the utmost alarm hear. avhat would be his next desertion of principle.—( Hear, lived ) He represented an agricultural county, and he had s.d eonstantly in an agricultural district, consequent) , he e tiste a 2• oPportunity of witnessing the kind feelings which taatielahetween the yeoman, the labourer, and the coun h trt aide of ar iet-f Hear, hear)—whilst Hon. Members on th . e . ot f er to eut t ile House were not acquainted with the habits o n a T he TY life. —(Loud laughter, and cries of , I . oh, oh. ) looe r e e d , w aa not a country gentleman of his acquaintance wh l o . sir eetin 'o the measure which they were then discussing as merely 11 elin g t heir rents. They looked to it with the most kindly tee te g' in order filet they might be able to make the labourer lair "rnfortable.—( Hear, near.) He wished to see . the ele he'd olicor-General n his place, in order that he might Vain, had he changed his opinions on the subject of protec teefier he held in his hand a speech made by the Learned . *he n e t i tta * when returning thanks at a dinner given to him 'e t t is eeted full the borough of Cambridge, in which . he sealf e e l the fully of those who advocated a free-trade policy. Heus,aa, Lear.) He would not trespass further on the 1 t t i voteiehut would conc l u d e b y express i ng hi s i ntention t itle l af i a,inet the p ropose d measures o f commerc i a l po l icy. eateg4 a ' N TZ said, th a t du r i ng the last thirty year s no ale, a d come over his opinions with respect to the present er enet • He often differed in opinion with the Right Hon. t here, a . a nd with those Gentlemen beside him, who ealled tiifferea%. philosophers (Laughter) ) but with all those t hae i - a e teo °I epinion no man in that. House was more desirous *es Ri aa t a, as that the present Bill should pass into law. It tat leeag•t4Ying to him to see, however, that this question was h ta It t— ar ee haing to an end. He had often told the Right 'he h aa e net that there were two courses open for him, and tlorte - a' taken the wrong course now, he would take h every ere e a rti tY to support him in carrying it out. --(Laugwase no Isesou entlemen might laugh, but he thought there r t an t iltt tharhatever for laughter, for anything was . e . e h 1111 Y st ing ' 'hould remain in the state of uncertainty in w w h h i i c e h h *ls ritPresent existed.—( Hear, hear.) The past etrayclion to 4 gricie f 4e d by the Gentlemen opposite, was . prO . P ea , etre. th b 's ow ' hat they e Now it was protection to native industry. a ' full , h Part, he wished t . 14-et fit Length and protected all native ;industry e ted eY did not, h owever , d o so . Th e y only pro t I'qualtia porti on of it, and that was one reason why he was 4 ,portion sheriort the present measure. The Hon. Member tee,sizteattle had stated that he (Mr. Muntz) . had only paid ear lat e . it of the amount which he had paid thirty years ago "rted by He defied any man to say that he had ever pro -talu •' ell etiag. labour from the poor man at an inadequate thineratie n• - He might variationanow one-sixth of what he paid labour Years The e ago, but the in the remuneration for at ete reen this and that period, was in the same ratio. , ttkaiee puratoincaatstiestfor protection d t had he admitted, protected eel eaulraenters native in_ u t s h r e y r . , tra T de h s ey had given protection that were immediately beat,,. ted Wi , t. tirn e it ia h d la erri th dastr y est a i n c industry, ° but they had not protected w n h d ich came into the foreign market. They had lead u'rPeeches from the Right Honourable Baronet at the t he g ' thQ Government from the Right Hon. Gentleman toy itetettratary for the Home Department, and from the Secre teas . e ar —all to the same effect. The latter Hon. Gentle aluattzhtde_ed went a step further than the others, but he (Mr. e at a..e w ould go a step further still. He would ask, of what of con ?he rep ea l of the corn laws unless it reduced the price Isolate not If he did not think that this effect would follow, he reason e e i t ) vette for the present measure, and that was the very Ith y vs. ' yit should receive his support. The real reason . cipie'apresent measure was proposed was, because the . prin lit), u'ft'a.ee-trade must shortly regulate the commercial po *hieh a t s t a B country. It was not the famine in Ireland to *ell ! eis . great change must be attributed, It was all very Of faeereteentlemen to make an outcry about the misery 14 g f r , uent aY, but that was not the reason for bring the w-Ll'ward the present measure. He would ask, did b i te „ a ies, when in office, do anything to alleviate this misery ? -- tn e eer e a t 0 anythlng to sympathise with the afflictions which pont e s nowiedged to prevail when the Government of h .flue was in their hands? They did net. When he (Mr. fused alluded to it they sneered at his statement, and re quite all relief. The retribution was now come, and it was that possible that any other course could be adopted than d pru,__aes. proposed.—( Hear, hear.) For thirty years they had ue,"alteend themselves, and now when they saw the game was fearvywaird weiitrtti,taenetioftat could be maintained no longer, they came 4 honesty was the 1:,,!', 1 t c1 " of great generosity, and said that . sip those laws from whil'ellleY'" -- th and that they would give much advantage. — it must be admitted was a sudderi l'Y (Hear arid had hitherto derived sign not, however, be captious, but he oartughter.) Their conve ld Right Hon. Baronet a straightforw a X aat i—(Laughter.) He: wet decided, un mistakeable opposition. up o n them to giye the tionet was right or he toas wrong. an d manly support, or a B aronet ' , her the Right Hon. the otwhter.i—n should not be propping him en ( any case, they une side while l a_Y were undermining him on e(.,neayistsehnotulwd i e t i h th t e h r e a se pp e ro i v a e i e ,o r s c . ondemn, and exhilibietaar,efttedara.e)t The Right Hon. Gentleman i t : IL Peel ) had stated that the rate of wages fur the last Years had nothing whatever to do with the price of corn. ae reference to this point he would take the lib ert y, w ith the Z i rtnissi on of the House, to read them a few extracts from ti e lel Smith._ The Hon. Gentleman here read several whic _ ex!tAstlons from Adam Smith on the relation which h ) latt:ecr! betwee n the price of corn and the wages of labo ur. very mate ad via ',Wiese would remember that there had been a v." "' 14 4, nk nge wince I Sli to 1:45 ; between those periods there dad h eee ,_ a very great depression. During those periods , we her? undeniable depression in the revenue. Since then how -1144 h e revenue hat materially increased. The Chinese war deal atareat increase in the revenue. There was then a great t ,he I nc 'eh added to the prosperity of the country. .There was d ae %a:eased demand for labour by the spread of railways, an Y e o el4 - set ° that if they were to do away with railways they athe aanse iron to fall fifty per cent.—( Hear, hear ) ' 4 th: ll '"Ys in this country made a very great increase t a ede efiu * ages paid by himself. There was on a e . gr t e h a e *44 4 l a eaused by the general depression, and that w s in d e tteti on e t e re of zinc. There was now so considerable a . re "orne a tt. ' that article that it was scarcely worth working. 4 ted i : 4 ? o ago th pe i„ was m uch greater, but so considerable 140 u n eh had e tak n place in that brought from abrolni, rat, gna the r eduction e • the tariff that it was manufactured to are :ete r, , mean wh a teverin la this country.—(Haar.) He did not, how agaitiat by this argument to have it inferred that he was t4ti t 1 a .' t yP , AI of the corn laws ; on the contrary, he ea w r a . s ) a e In j M ee , favour of the repeal of those laws.—(Hear, h "%hp .. j . "ng to this depression he was only showing that the M a e e 'n the • , h Y trad e Polley of tne country had b . een detrimental to Nile a• Indeed, it was not to be denied that foreigner a s "thi s !et their work done at prices so much lower than i e 'que ee nt rY that an injurious result must naturally be the co 4 n_- 1' " ton e ' . w hy, on the continent iron could be had at than ata eur 1 , while in this country it could not be had for less t h' e ry n n 4 e t ta N o ", with respect . to the . Right Hon. Baronet,. et hi s ' , ought ism right in his policy till very lately—in ta,hese itaeatvia!upporters thought him infallible—but . many of eioe B aru min tu him (Mr. Aluntz), how is it that the Right he has et has all at once changed a line of policy as auwnellovoed for forty years ? And they added that . if he tHea, a ) i f,b , , he must have been wrong all that time. — fu eihe which . ''', i a.ht le "aving failed, then, for such a time, con ; ter most n • Bzronet now deny that he had deceived . himself, attest leave n btedly, if he was at that moment right, he \\' , t, ell, tyi,men Wrong for forty years.—( Hear, and the en, his o h , jeet was to get all that lie could into his ht Wen knew'reason he asked them to join him was because they h e . a e r a ..) , -- (le his plan s for he had never made a secret of them. ei ear, hear 1 I . , hi m t „ •., then, the Right Han. Baronet woul - 44g e in ‘ "ar- Muntz)—would enter his boat— be would Air et he would I d him in a place of safety.—(Cheers.) Barone!; l l' 131 S R EL an - ah currentOtip , I —Sir, 1 believe that the Right Hon. ' the first year of his present al• istr settled In Y ' ure -- the m . , het ?, and he is now supported in that meas w . e.. r 5 Mu st r a ) But in order to understand that measure Member i 4 r te e , e 'er to the speech of the Noble Lord the 5 jet. r P o ol. ( Hear, hear.) There is one point, h.ow whs:,,a upon which 'no doubt any longer exists. e rtest e t r may be the opinion of the two great parties which wh asaa e e t r his Honse upon the general merits ot the measure a t In--f aea.. may be our conviction upon the subject of rotec ° he ea e'ver sanguine our expectations may be of the benefits . ooe point ulerred on the Coestitution by this measure, there is , , . at le Zino, nu . aq. upon which we are all agreed—a Ta ll at they ex 41aje,i,,, misunderstandieg can exist, and that is, that her point urn ((eae,rY,3 present Ministers have changed their opinions.— that before a l. ) Prompted tl' i)eet le measures they proposed, it is quite certain benefit this country more by the question ._ a sa) in hat the House than any which preceded ( near nect ar , i ,a . is the question which we are now called upon to ' consider, 'avohr of—that is the question which 1 shall now 4 4, ~ and Chia ' ' whichupon which I propose to offer some sugges ts 11 use a 1 hope will have the effect of induct g l'ht ab the to hesitate before they accede to the great change Proposed roes.zure will bring about.—(Hear, hear.) , I will endeavour to show this House that the system of pro tection is not the odious system it has been designated. and has been long assumed to be. I pledge myself to meet the argu ments against it on their merits ; and though I may not be able to meet. those arguments with the talents that characterise them, I shall not shrink from the endeavour to do so. But while l presume to offer this consideration to the House, in support of that system, it would be more convenient to notice the arguments that have been offered by her Majesty's Government favour of the changes that are proposed. To clear the course, to illustrate the way ; help me to that end which I aspire to reach, and you will thus facilitate the discus sion very much.—( Hear, hear.) We have been addressed in support of the measures of Government by no less than three ix the Ministers of the Crown ; arid it is but due to the Right H9r. Gentleman at the head of the Ministry—from his position, as also from the more comprehensive statement he made—that perhaps I should in cour tesy, first notice what he said. ( Hear, hear.) The Right Honourable Gentleman affirmed that the greater part of this discussion had been wasted in party and personal attack. I have no wish myself to enter into the subject, nor should I have noticed it had not the Right Hon. Gentleman seemed to entertain ideas different from thus < which influence the gentlemen who sit on these benches. Sir, we have indeed heard from these benches many comments on the conduct of party : but, for my part, I associate different ideas with the rd "party" from those which the Right Hon. Baronet seems to entertain. I do not understand party as anything more than the embodiment of public opinion—( Cries of " Hear, hear.") There are, to be sure, distinctions between political opinions and embodied opinions ; but the embodiment of pub lic opinions, whi they the opinion of the majority or the minority, represented a great section of the community. —( Hear, hear. ) In this country, Sir, where the nation is divided into parties, where great results are brought about by public dis suasion, and by the organisation of material interests, by those agencies of reason and probity, we arrived at a solution of the controversies. This is a beneficial consequence of these agencies ; and however the question may be agitated, the nation yet will find, when the question has once been ' settled by the legitimate exercise of what the Right Honourable Baronet calls " party," but which, in reality, is the national organisation—the nation is content and satisfied, and the ques tion is not again opened.—(Hear, hear.) We do not com plain that the Right Hon. Baronet has changed his opinions— what we complain of is not that he has deterred too much to public opinion, but that he has outraged public opinion.— ( near, hear, cheers, and laughter.) That he has prevented that legitimate action and settlement of the question by the aid of party—that he has aimed at and may achieve a result that may not satisfy the community- is complained of with reason by the great mass of public opinion which we represent, and by whose aid the Right Hon. Baronet was raised into power, arid by whose aid a Parliament was elected that supported him in such power. —(Cries of " Hear, hear," and loud cheers.) If the Noble Lord who represents another section of public opinion—if he and his friends had succeeded in being in the majority, and had settled this question, public opinion would have yielded, because they would believe that the legitimate and constitutional freedom of expression of opinion had been carried into effect. But what they complain of is this—that the question is not settled, nor can it be settled, in a constitu tional manner.—( Hear, hear.) For though we have the spectacle of the Premier surrounded by a majority, who, while they accord him their support, profess in their hearts an aversion to his policy, the public opinion which he professes to represent has not been fairly dealt with.— ( Loud cries of" Hear, hear," from the Protectionists, mingled with " No, no," from all parts of the House.) Sir, when we complain of the Right Hon. Baronet not treating his party fairly, we do not speak of the three hundred gentlemen who sit on the benches at this side of the House.—( Cries of '• Hear, hear") —but we allude to the great party which they represent outside the House.—( Hear, hear.) Now that is the only observation I will make on the subject. I canceive that the Right Hon. Gentleman, in his description of what should be the proper subject of discussion, at once described and indicated the fallacy of his position and the future character of his policy. The Right Hon. Gentleman had said that they were not met to discuss a party question, but to meet an emergency, and to construct a system, if it could be con structed, more complete than it had hitherto been. That is at once the position of the Right Hon. Baronet. At the first step he counsels us to a course which, if we consider it as the policy of a Minister for a foreign country, we could not look upon other wise than as a great mistake. I think if the Noble Lord opposite had to deal with a national emergency, it would have been unwise in him to have said that he had temporary mea sures to meet the emergency, but that he came forward to make a permanent measure to meet it. What shall we say to a Minister who asks us to re-construct our commercial system, and says that we must do it in opposition to what we consider our duty. Will you second the Right Hon. Baronet in such a proposition ?—( Loud cheering from the Ministerial benches.) As regards the present emergency, viz.. the state of Ireland, that is a subject on which I have never spoken without attention or with any levity. What I have spoken of with levity is the feeble policy that has been adopted with regard to it. The great course of policy proposed by the Right Honourable Gentleman is had. That. and some other points I will paws, as will some Members of the Cabinet. I believe that there is no other free-trade Member in the Cabinet—( Hear, hear)—and if there is, perhaps we may be favoured with the opinion of that Member. It is a remarkable circumstance in the present anomalous state of affairs that we have at the same time a protectionist Cabinet and a free-trade Minister. The point 1 wish to press on the at tention of the House is the fallacy under which the Right Hon. Baronet labours in his proposition of changing our commercial system. The Right Hon. Baronet had said that he had wished that the measure should have been proposed by other parties ; but at the same time he informs us that he proposed this measure to the Cabinet long before he felt it necessary to break up that Cabinet.—(Hear, hear.) He states that he proposed this measure, and in consequeuce of the opposition he received, he was induced to break up the Cabinet. How does he reconcile this statement with the assertion that he wished that this measure hadbeen brought. forward by others ?—(Cheers from the Ministerial side.) I will notice the commercial principles on which the Right Hon. Baronet seems to have founded the measure to which I have adverted. With regard to an emergency, the Right Hon. Gen tleman was right to do that which would he considered proper by the constituencies, and which Parliament would recom mend. I am prepared to assist in doing for Ireland all that human .judgment can do, but I do not understand the position of the Right Hon. Gentleman with respect to the subject. It is involved in great obscurity. The Right Hon. Gen tleman says that he was for opening the ports, and then, taking a rapid review of the commercial state of the country, he says, that whenever the ports have been opened the results have been beneficial. He then turned round and told them that it was very well to cheer him for his resolution, he certainly was prepared to open the ports, but he was not prepared to shut them again. The Right Hon. Gentleman was spite preparedtooperi the ports, but he had resolved, in the bottom of his heart, that the present system of the corn-laws should cease.—(Cheers from the Ministerial side.) Compare this fact with the state ment and declaration made by an Hon. Member, not on the hustings, but before the constituency of the Midland Counties. What is the declaration of the Secretary for Ireland? He said that he wished this proposition should be made through another party that was to say that the present Par liament might have gone on and might have had a re newal of its seven years' lease of the Conservative majority, but now his own declaration was premature. .1 am making no charge-1 am throwing out no hints to the Pro tectionist member of the Cabinet, who may rise and express his opinions in the course of the debate; but I want to know whether it was not the foregone conclusion that the Secretary for Ireland was not authorised to make this charge until Par liament was dissolved. The Right Hon. Gentleman, when he first proposed this measure to the House, seemed to found it on the last returns, and took the position which he seemed to adopt in his last speech. He said, " I don't go tion of one branch of industry, the silk trade, all the other branches of industry in the country are flourishing. I have yen- tured these remarks on the silk trade of the country, which 1 will be so seriously affected by the proposed commercial system of the Right Hon. Baronet, and with the impression that it will bring on those engaged in it indelible misery ; and what I have stated is borne out by those who have had ample opportunity of acquiring knowledge, and who are persons of authority and well informed on the subject.—( Hear, hear.) I make these observations, because I think they deserve the fullest consideration from the House; but I am also perfectly willing to admit the principle which the Right Hen. Baronet has established in his last speech. The Right Hon. Baronet says, " We have for the last three years reduced taxation, we have relaxed protection, and the country is in a Opposi tion.) I flouri b s e h l i i n efe s t t h a a te t than this isevtehre."c—as(eC. —(Cheers. tiheiOsapypotshie country is flourishing—( Continued cheers) —because you give us a just, a judicious, and a moderate protection.—( Great cheering from the protectionist party.) But the Right Honourable Baronet has, not only in his last, but in all his speeches, and particularly in the late exposition of the Government policy, admitted that it was by this just, this judicious, and this moderate protection that England has flourished. But now he turns round and very calmly says, " I feel bound to acknowledge that I have changed my opinion on the subject of protection—( Cheers from the free traders) ---I am no longer in favour of the principle." (Continued cheering.) But in the whole speech he admitted the advantages of protection — he proved the advantages of a moderate protection.—(Cheers and counter cheers.) Well, perhaps the Right Hon. Baronet contended that the present flourishing state of the country had grown out of free trade and distress.—(Laughter.) Now, Sir, I want to ask the Right Hon. Baronet a very proper and a very important question. Does the Right Hon. Baronet be lieve that he can fright hostile tariffs with free imports?— (Cheers.) Hear, hear, say the disciples of the school of Manchester—a most just cheer. They always maintain they can, and if their principles are right, as I believe they are not, I can easily believe that, their premises being assumed, they have arrived at that conclusion. They believe so; they say, " Let us take care of the imports, and the rest will take care of themselves." But is that the conviction of the Right Honourable Baronet ? For, if it is his conviction, why all his diplomatic annoyances with respect to commercial treaties ? Why does he speak with so much pique and rancour in his speeches of these commercial treaties ? If he believes that he can fight hostile tariffs with free imports, why does he trouble himself with these treaties at all.—(Protectionist cheers.) But if he does not believe that—if his convictions are not those of the school of Manchester, ho is inconsistent in proposing this measure. How can he believe in that principle ? How does he attempt to appear consistent when he tells us, by way of recommendation, that he hopes great things from a good example? But if he believes this thing, a good example is of no u'e whatever.—( Hear, hear.) We must have a clear declara tion from the Cabinet en this important point, because of the principles on which it hinges. We may conclude that the Right Hon. Baronet is not satisfied, for if he is, where is the necessity for the influence of a good example. He tells you that Prussia is already shaking, and he reads you the report of an American Minister to prove the advantages of free trade. Now. I cannot presume to offer an opinion on these Cabinet secrets, after this declaration of the Right Hon. Baronet. It may be possible that America intends to introduce a change in her tariff ; it may be possible, as the Right Ho nourable Baronet tells you, that Prussia is shaking —(Hear)—nay, it may be possible that the French are votaries of free-trade; butj think it my duty to offer the House some facts, from which shall allow you to draw your own conclusions.—(Cheers.) Now, in the first place, we have first the report of Mr. Walker, who has written upon the subject of commerce and the trade of America. Within the last few years this question has excited great inte rest in America, but it is a difficult matter in that country to draw the line of demarcation between conflicting inte rests. But before you can calculate on any modifica tion of the tariff of America, it will be necessary to examine the numbers employed in agriculture and in manufactures. An American gentleman at Liverpool has sent me the last census of the population-1 mean the census of 1840, which I suppose is the last. Now what do you believe—what do you suppose, is the number of the manufacturing opera tives in the Uuitsd States? In 1840, the year in which there was the greatest development of manufacturing energy in that country, the number of opera tives exceeded 800,000—(Hear, hear) —a population exceeding the manufacturing population of the four great staple manu factures of England. Mr. Walker, who is the Secretary to the Treasury, says in his report, that the only in terest concerned is the interest of ten thousand manufactures. But the importance of an interest is to be estimated by the numbers employed. I am not informed what number of persons may be dependent upon these 800,000 operatives, but there is an agricultural com munity situated in the vicinty of those manufactures that is in favour of protection, because that protection gives them the incalculable advantages of this home market. You have to encounter the best organised, and the most nu merous influence in the United States.—(Cheers from the protectionists.) And, unless you are aware of peculiar cir cumstances that influence society in the United States, it is im possible to comprehend what is going on in that country. The other clay, I met a former Minister of the Crown, a most dis tinguished man, and he was much troubled about Oregon. ( Hear, hear.) He remarked upon the changes that were taking place in American opinions, and instanced the speech of Adams, as a furious war speech. All the manufac turing interest in America had become warlike. I am now quoting the language used last night from that report, .• The fact is, after all, that war is the only protection. to manufactures."—( Hear, hear.) In exact proportion as you consult the western community of America you will lose the affections of the great northern States—( Hear, hear) — the states of the coast —the most powerful in that country. I put this to the consideration of the Noble Lord, who has lately visited America, and who favoured us the other night with an account of it.—( Cheers and laughter.) I mean the Noble Lord the Member for the West Riding ; and although he is in opposition, 1 am very glad to see him returned to us.—( Chests ) He entered into many details respecting America ; he gave us pictures of the landscape — (Laughter)—and all I wished more was that he had entered somewhat more into other details, and particularly of that transatlantic melody—(Laughter)—fixing the manner in ' which gentlemen jumped from one side of the table to the other.—(Roars of laughter.) I cannot say a word when told that Prussia is already shaking.—( Hear, hear.) I have been, however, reading a book published in that country, evidently written by a man possessing great influence on public opinion. " We can export, and are ready to export," and he quotes the language of Mr. Baines, and speeches of the Hon. Member for Durham. "We can export at a loss." This wonderful nation can go on exporting at a loss, and s xamp all the markets with which they are connected. Until I hear more detailed accounts of Prussia I shall be extremely sceptical. I am sorry to say that I have read a most melancholy representation from the little state of Mechlinberg and some little states in its vicinity, who have been asked over and over again to join the Zollve rien, who say they have not joined it in consequence of the representations of the English Minister. They now say, after ali our sacrifices, the Zollverien are to have a free import to England, and we are to have no advantages whatever, having been misled by the representations of the English minister, and the best thing we can de is to join the Zollverien, and use what measures we may think calculated to advance the cause of native in dustry. Now, Sir, I turn to t ranee. I must say, that I never in my life listened to anything—even when the Right Hon. Gentleman confessed that he had given up the princi ples of protection—more astounding than the announcement of the Right Hon. Baronet. The prospects he held out are those of a powerful Minister, and not a Manchester party, who say they will fight hostile tariffs by free industry. There are a great many gentlemen who do not ht hostile tariffs by free im- .ts. I say convictions drawn from certain economical principles, when they trace the evils of the country to the restrictions on trade, appealing to the House under a sense of injury for a change in the system ; but the Right Hon. Gentlemen, I conf ess , ought not, nor, in fact, ought the Right Hon. Baronet himself to have addressed us as if they were martyrs, when after all, they were only converts.—( Hear, hear, and laughter.) I forgot however that the Right Hon. Baronet was a disciple of the free trade system in the year 1641, but free-trade princi ples in those days were applied from the opposite side. of the table, and that makes a very material difference. Now the Right Hon. Gentleman the Secretary at War declared, that in discussing this question, the fallacy of cheap bread was entirely discarded by all parti es . N ow th e Right Hon. Baronet the Secretary of Stat e f or th e H ome D e p a rtment, who addressed us the following ni g ht, in answer to a very proper app eal, said that unless the qu es ti on b e f ore th e H ous e was one for giving the people food in suffi c i en t quan titi es , and at as cheap a rate as p tssible, there was no question for them to discuss. How do you reconcile that w ith t h e R ig h t H on . th e Secretary at War's statement.? But la m not surpr i se d a t a slight difference of opinion of this sort prevailing in a confused Cabinet Council. 'I hen came forth the Right Hon. Gentleman the Secretary at War. Ile said, in the first place, "as regards the most im portant interest, this is a comprehensive scheme, and to which I shall myself particularly advert, and that most, important interest is that of agriculture." He said, " What de you fear from free imports—where is your corn to come from?" Now I avoid as much as I possibly can making a corn-law speech, which I dare say many here have already done.—( Hear, hear.) I wish, however, to meet his argument, and deal with comprehensive measures on comprehensive schemes. But at the same time I do not wish to let observations of that kind pass, because I observe there is a coolness of assertion very prevalent on this subject.—(Laughter and cheers from the protectionists. ) I recollect a speech which wee made on this subject by a Noble Lord a Member of Parliament, and that Noble Lord said that if the corn-laws were repealed there would be a rise ef 10a. per quarter in the price of corn. Now I wilt say to the Right Honourable Gentleman the Secretary at War I avoid a discussion in det a il, f or w hi c h we shall have a better opportunity—l s a y, I s peak from as much investigation as I can gi ve , ari d more personal eeperience, believe, of those foreign coun t r i es t h an mos t persons—l mean the corn countries ; and I sa y th ere i s no t the slightest doubt that you may have, when this system is established in this country, any quantity of c orn th at you m ay like.—( Hear.) It is ridiculous to tell me—but you may tell me — that these people have no capital. Th e gent l emen of Mans ester will say so.—( Cheers and laughter from the protectionists.) It is h perfectly idle to tell mo they have no road. I dare say the Hon. Gentleman the Member for Durham will persist in saying so ; but this I will say, that there is no fallacy so great as to suppose that the Price of corn will rise when there is an established market in proportion to your deman d. T h e price of corn will fall according to the supply. Certainly at present there is a very limited supply now prevalent in England, and the reason is that the price is high. It is an inevitable rule, however, that corn falls according to the amount of supply. ( Cheers from the protectionists, and expressions of dissent on the Opposition benches.) Nothing pleases me so much as those sneers of Hon. Members opposite, but I am prepared to meet their arguments with reason. If they confute me the House will decide.—(Protectionist cheers.) Now I take the article of tea, which we get only from one country. The increase has advanced from year to year, and from year to year the prices havo fallen. ( Protectionist cheers.) Now look at cotton, I take cotton because there is a great analos y between cotton and corn. I re member—at least I have read a speech which was made during some diseussion on this subject in America, particu larly with respect to the supply of cotton as well as corn the Manchester gentlemen maintained that if the prices in America were greater in the United States, it would be impossible for Lancashire industry to compete with the neutral markets there. It was proved by a pamphlet written by a very distinguished Member of Con gress, that under any circumstances the prices of cotton were less now, 12 cents lower, than they were some years ago. And, as I have seen in a treatise upon political economy— written with as much demonstration as if it were proving a case in mathematics—ever since you have established your trade, with scarcely any interval, the price of cotton has diminished, diminished, diminished, and the price of cotton has been as low as three cents per lb.—(Protectionist cheers.) You can object to my reasoning with respect to corn ; can you refute me about cotton ? When you can, you will have a right to sneer at me.—(Protectionist cheers. ) Well now, Sir, 1 turn to the Right Honourable Gentleman the Secretary at War. In his speech he asks you what is the agitation about the pro posed repeal. What is it ? He quite forgot that it was called a social revolution. Why, the agitation, at which be is sur prised, isabout the repeal of the import duty. Then comes to the House the Secretary of State the night after. He says, " continue to oppose the measur e , an d y ou w ill b r ing upon England anarc h y , misery,_. and ruin.—( Laughter on the Opposition benches). The Right Hon. Gentleman the Secre tary of State was very much alarmed at the end of last year, in cons equence of the deficiency of the potatoes in Ireland. He thought so, however, if we were to believe him in speech. lie also said in consequence of the expected deficiency in the wheat harvest of England. The Right Hon. Gentleman also told us that he was particularly alarmed about that, because he thought it possible that it might bring about a state of affairs similar to that of 1842, in which he assured the House he was much more alarmed than they could possibly anticipate at the time.—(Hear, hear.) Now, Sir, I observe that ever since the Right Honourable Gentleman has been a minister of a Conservative Cabinet, he has failed to bring forward the very expensive measure which has so regularly produced great alarm and great odium in the country.— (Laughter.) The Right Hon. Gentleman has been alarmed, and withdrawn that measure.—( Laughter and cheers.) The Right Hon. Gentleman appears to be overscrupulous. It seems characteristic of the Right Hon. Gentleman that the responsibility of office brings to him, not prudence but panic.— ( Loud laughter and cheers from the protectionists.) And these are the Ministers who turn round to us and say, " You are alarmed at our measures, but you won't suffer at all except from your own panic."--(Laughter.) But they act upon nothing but panics. It is an alarmist Cabinet.—(Load protectionists cheers.) I know not what they may be most like to, but I may say fright is stamped upon their foreheads.--(Loud protectionist cheers)—and it arises either from a deficiency of the food in Ireland, or a superabundance in the suffrages in Lancashire. —(Loud laughter and cheers.) And now, Sir, if I may be permitted, I will meet the question of protection.—( Cheers.) I have not departed from my en gagement.—(Cheers.) I was bound to answer those main arguments that have been offered in favour of the new system. The Noble Lord the Member for the city of London, in his address the other night, the tone of which every one present felt to be equal for the occasion and the subject, touched upon the question of protection in the abstract. He expressed in very classic language the u-ual economical theories upon the subject, which were no doubt very valuable in them selves—(Cheering and laughter)—but never having e ver exerted any influence on the conduct of individuals, and being totally destitute of the power of doing so, all that we can admire in it is the evidence which it offers of the Noble Lord being well read. —( Loud laughter.) Now, Sir, I do not know what Honourable Gentlemen opposite mean— dealing, as we are, with England, and with its particular existing circumstances. Ido not knew what they mean by the term protective system. I do not find in England such protection ; if protection be as they define it, a protection to every branch of native industry, such a system never existed. There was once a commercial system founded upon these prin ciples, defined in all its details, and extremely beneficial in its operations. I mean the colonial system. That was a system which went as far as it could to effect the protection of native industry, and tend to develope its great Power. There was a protection to native industry in England, but that was ancillary to this. I refer to this, in order to see if I can arrive at the point. We always had in England in these good old days a very liberal system of com mercial policies. We have had since then propositions which were not carried into practice. Here was a very general system of commercial intercourse with the whole world at a moderate duty of 10 per cent. This proposal was, however, swamped in the year 1818, by a system of protection called colonial system. The range of our commercial transactions was curtailed by the merchants of England, when compensated by larger profit and more secure markets, which they speedily obtained. I do not say whether this was right or wrong ; but at any rate, the result was that you lost your principal colonies. You were then obliged to lay down principles for your future commercial dealings, but you were too late ; and a large system of commercial policy, having the advantage of being founded upon principles of reciprocity, was then introduced by the first Minister of the Crown. He came down to this House and said to Honourable Members, " You must not adhere to your old principles. We have no longer any great colonies left. You manufacturers of England—and they are by the way the most obstinate, for country gentlen.en are far more facile—(Cheers and laughter) you must come forward and give up your protection." After that, what did Pitt do? He came down to the House, and said, " Gentlemen, I give you a new tariff." He said " Here is a new tariff. Here are terms of interchange and commerce with all the countries in the world. I have entered into treaties with all the great Powers, and have just concluded a commercial treaty with France." Then came your revolutionary war, that upset all ; but Huskisson again brought forward the same measures. Now, Sir, I gave my votes to the Corn Bill of 1842, which was only a part of the tariff then introduced, embodying a moderate system of just protection, which was in complete harmony with the true principles of the universal policy of England. We know what a contrary course would have done in this country, because we have always Spain be fore us as an example and a warning. There is another country, also, where such principles hare been in operation — I moan Turkey. In that country there were some of the finest manufacturers in the world. Up to the year 1812 there were a considerable number of manufacturers still lingering there; they have beon destroyed by the spirit of cimpetition, which has existed in hostile tariffs. Now what was the consequence? There have been the same pernicious results as there had been formerly in Spain. They have had the same aggregation of capital, and the same impoverishment of the people.--( Hear, hear.) The system of moderate pro tection in England is not founded upon abstract principles. I propose now to deal with this question of protection, and I shall look at it from two points. I consider, first, that it is the duty of the Government to legislate in such a manner that the people shall be fully and amply employed. Secondly, that in affording these means of employment you should not give too great a preponderance to any one branch of native industry against protection, for there i i d n en a c rg e n i i n ng favour of it. So far as lam above the other. There is, Sir, a great dculty in dealing t care one farthing about their prima with this question. An Hon. Member had also stated that there was f i c e aewas al ' e ng v pe i r d ' r e a ' nntSL evidences. "le Idel don't . Members on this side might also take Right np this same a r g u m ent, and reply that it was useless to ar g ue in favour of protection, because there was a pri ma f ac i e evi dence admitted to exist in its favour.—(Ch eers an d l aug h ter. ) No i ei t other Members of the Cabinet , had officially announced that these princi p l e s are to be for ever relinquished by them. We so. Ido not attemp t to prove it, but I call upon you (ad dhhnghSejirhe that these principles are beneficial. I say, we ig Hon. Baronet ( Sir Robert Peel) and severa l f ree -trade party) the onu s pro b an di rests upon r hvuato prove that the se p r i nc i p l es are not bene ficial listened to the s p eec h es w hi c h h ave b een you— le. t t r , i i t n Nis sh of e wor' eourse of the debate by Hon. Members, who are also Hon. Members of the League to the speech of the Honourable Member for Manchester (Mr. Gibson.) 1 had not the pleasure to hear the last speech made by the Honourable Member for Durham (Mr. Bright.) I took care however to read it, as I always do the speeches of a gen tleman who takes so prominent a part in the agitation as he does, but I cannot extract from either, or any of them, a single principle to guide me in this maze.—(Cheers from the against the principle. They have, however, pr o tectionists.) I cannot find oae solitary, reasonable, ra tionalmade so many many occasions, that pe r- ' objection haps it is not fair to draw con c l us i ons f rom the speeches with which we h ave been favoure d , during the course of this spee ches, upon s e . debate, upon so i m portant and knotty a subject as protection. I have grea t difficulty in :icing so . The difficulty is this, that the case of the An ti-Corn-law League against pr otection has signally failed. It was a ver y curious th in g that the y had been work in g for the l ast seven year s, and that they commenced their a g itat ion with prom isin g cheap bread to the la bourin g clas ses , and they h ave ended that agitation by promising high rents to the landlcrds.— (Great laughter from the protectionists.) 1 cannot certainly understand such promises. I firmly believe that the Anti- Corn-law League, while they thought they were instructing the people, that they were actually educating thorn , selves.—(Great cheering,) I can give sufficient tea suns from reading the manifesto of the Chamber of Commerce in Manchester in the year 1829. I turned the on the returns for the last three years, but, taking a view of believe - you can fig'ports. the commercial state of the country for many years, it will be without shrinking, and I declare most solemnly that it is my seen that a relaxation of the protective duties has effected an conviction, and do speak from as much knowledge of public increase of the imports and exports. It is very agreeable to men in France as generally falls to the experience of any indi hear that fact stated, and if the Right Hon. Baronet was vidual not a Minister—l say that, excepting an occasional making an income-tax, I would not object to the statement of Minister who pleases to conciliate and humour the English Go it, but when a great commercial measure is vernment, Ido not believe that there is an interest or an indi founded on it, it becomes the duty of the House vidual in France that is not in favour of a high restrictive policy. to be very cautious, and to endeavour to trace the probable There is no country in the world where parties are so fierce cause of these measures. There is one cause which has never and so violent as in France. It is not merely a change of Go been mentioned in the course of this debate, and which -would vernments that they look for. There are national parties who account for the increase of trade. I will throw aside the brea•he revolution in their common talk, and who anticipate exuberant harvest, the magnificent railroads, and all works of changes which would make an Englishman shudder. Yet we that nature, and go to one thing that has never been referred find a curious circumstance that not only what are to. It has been acknowledged by every person that the basis called the Conservative party, the commercial aristo of the Right Hon. Baronet's argument was too limited :at first. cracy, but the ultra-republicans— that party whose There was an important agency omitted by the Right Hon. great object—whose struggle is to terminate a dynasty — Baronet in relation to the commercial prosperity , ef this not to get rid of a Sovereign or a Minister, but entirely to country. Nothing effects the imports and the exports of this change the tenure of property , if possible—thatl party is more c • ountry so much as the seasons. I will call your attention opposed to what you call free trade than even the commercial to a case relating to our exports and imports, and aristocracy. There are two interests in that count r y , such will illustrate the principle I am endeavouring working against each other; but both entertaining the to impress upon your minds. Look at the - exports and th e im- conviction that their interests would be injured by ports of the past year. There was a great increase irk the • what N they call the fatal principle of competition. portation of sugar from the Mauritius and tLe East Indira; Taxation can b ß e ar b o r n o ,ep u tl g o h m t aane about in France, nor can a re ono withoutublic principle e, or public . policy be obtained re ports. It is impossible to attribute this great increase in the : traffic to the alteration of the sugar duties. It is to in France y d . contend that the by these means; but neitherovernmheentnorhahvies be accounted for by the abundant crops of sugar Right Hon. his Government has in the Mauritius and the East Indies, and which led to greater had ample opportunities for bringing about a cargoes of that article being imported. Now, while there c G h o a v n had been a great abundance in the sugar crop in the ever availed themselves of it. France has and the Indies, there was a total deficiency of sugar it, nothing h now to get from you, because you have given her as the Havannah. I will now trace the important influence of mue of free trade as she wants; and I maintain that the the seasons on our commercial relations with other measure of of theßight lion. Baronet, like all his former countries. In Russia, sugar refineries depended measures liberal policy, will have no effect of producing a change in France. We have tried this free policy long enough, and if the Right Hon. Baronet i! not prepared to for their supplies on the . 'Ha d va h ana th h e . What then o c f cu ß r u r s e s d ia ? , An Imperial decree was issue y authorising the importation of sugar from England. The adopt hostilertealraixffast,ioanndofa s French ystem o commercial c y ,i principles.ishopelesßs to practical effect of this was, that while there was a large impor. expect any ration of sugar from the Mauritius and the East where do you expect to ex t esm l oo y o ou o r oo tr e a i d g e u b ar y te t r h s is ef fre c e or p n ol m ic e y re ? Indies, on account of the deficiency in the Ha. You will import, you say, , vannab, from which Russia was mainly supplied, from places abroad, and you will get billsto y e th u a p t rh a p m e o s, u e n te t, s y eh ou d the r e was as great increase of exportation from England to sa y , from the Brisails, and to meet those bills, Russia. The imports and exports were thus increased by th e out additional supplies of manufacturers' goods, but you forget influence of the seasons. No one can say that this increase was that you have already supplied the Brazilian p o p ulation with as in consequence of the tariff I know that these details are dry much goods as they require, and if you want to sell more to and uninteresting, but lam bound to enter upon the question them, you must sell more at a great sacrifice. For instance, though I represent a fallen party.—( Hear, hear.) I. - trust I shall if you send a cargo of goods worth a million and a half to the gain the attention of Hon. Gentlemen while I make these Brazils, the Brazilian, people will take as much as statements. Suppose that there had been a deficiency in the they want, and they will take no more without cotton crop of the United States of America, from which we you reduce your prices. Over-supply must always reduce mainly derive our supplies, do you mean to say that the paltry prices, and when prices are lowered by a system of this sort, it reduction you have made in the import duty imposed on cotton will naturally lead to reduce the wages at home. Now, the wool would have led to the great increase of importation system of the Right Hon. Baronet is a comprehensive one. It which has taken place in the present year ? Do you mean to say will not be confined to only one market, and you will find that that there would have been an increase of half a million of this accumulation of supplies will be going on in six or seven bales? No. But that increase must be attributed to the markets, and I want to know if you are prepared to favourable season alone In the wool trade we can also trace meet the effect upon the general distribution of the the influence of season. In fact, in all our great .colonial and precious metals. I confess that I can find nothing foreign imports, cotton, wool, sugar, and caffee, you - will find that in the curre nc y bill of the Ri g ht Hon. Baronet se as o n is a most important consideration.—(Hear .) At the that is calculated to meet this change, for that, in my opinion, risk of wearying the House I wish to make another statement. was a measure got up and framed by the dictates of caution The Right Hon. Baronet referred to what he called the battle rather than experience. How can you meet your of the silk trade, and said that whenever the advocates of free- fixed charges—how can you meet your fixed taxa trade advanced their principles, w e brought forward the case tion—how can you meet everything that is fixed in this of the silk trade. The Hon. Member for War wick alluded country, if there is a general failure of prices abroad, to this subject, and I will make reference to what the Right and a reduction in the value of labour at home? I maintain then Honourable Baronet stated in reference to it. As an illus- that this system of endeavouring toforce sales abroad will have a tration of how the relaxation of the protective system ope- material effect upon the precious metals.—(Cries of " Oh.") rated against it, I will not include in my calculation the I dare say lam wrong, but %ou must recollect that the policy refuse or waste silk imported, and averaging from 6d. to 10d. of a Minister is one thing, and the mode or principle of car e pound; but only the best silk, averaging from I rying it out another. Now, for example, suppose, in carrying 155. to 255. per pound.—( Hear.) I will contrast the out this policy, you send a cargo of goods worth a million and importation of raw silk last year with what lit was in 1824. a half abroad, and receive back a proportionate quantity of he amount imported in 1824 was 4,164,0001b5.; that was foreign grain, what would be the effect ? Why, from under the protective system, twenty-two years ago. In 1844, the causes I have already stated, the labour of England would twenty years after that period, and under a system of relate- receive considerably less than it did before, and as the tion, we imported 4,260,0001b5. This differs from the state- foreigner will not take your goods without a sacrifice on your Inents of the Hight Hon. Gentleman, but I make it upon the an- part, either you will have to make a sacrifice or to pay in thority of those well conversant with the trade. The specie for part of the imported grain. This is the effect of statement of the Right Hon. flaronet is, that under the protec. your comprehensive scheme, an effect which I maintain is tive system, or the former period I referred to, the importa- I inevitable, and I want to know bow you are to fulfil your tion of raw silk was 3.000,000 lbs., and under the sy stem ofl public contracts? Now, Sir, if the Right Hon. Baronet is relaxation, 6,000,000 lbs. ; the Right Hon. Baronet endea- I not prepared in some cases to adopt hostile tariffs vouring to make it appear that an increase had he is not justified in acceding to the claims of the political taken place from 3,009,000 to 6,000,000 per annum. But school of Manchester, and if he is not prepared to adopt hostile supposing an increase had taken place such as described, l tariffs, but nevertheless accedes to the claim of the Manchester cannot the Right Hon. Baronet trace it to the enterprising school, he will create a convulsion in this country which it will energies and perseverance of the people, instead of attributing be difficult to subside. Now, Sir, before I address myself to i• to the principle that regulates commerce?—(Hear, hear.) the principle of protection, as a matter of courtesy lam bound If the country has prospered, and I believe it has prospered, it to allude to the speeches which fell from two other Honorable is attributable to the activity of the people, and inde- Gentlemen. Now the first speech is that of the Right pendently of either the protection or free—trade prin. Ho n. Gentleman the Secretar y at War, the speech that ciple.—( hear, hear.) 1 believe the countra not only would, had it been made at the regular time, and under proper has prospered, but will prosper, whatever commercial circumstances, have been received with much' applause. Now principle be in operation ; arid I believe that, with the eacep- I can easily .understand some Gentlemen, who have adopted THE SUN, LON DON, SATURDAY MORNING, FEBRU AR Y 21, 1846. leaves of that document, and found the panacea was not what it is now stated to be, and the parties who drew up that cir cular are the principal members of the Anti-Corn-law League. —(Loud cheering.) Let them read the evidence of some of the most distinguished members of that League, and they would find that Mr. Cobdea's evidence was opposed to his present principles, but he belonged to the school of Gemini.—(Laughter.) 1 consider that the prin ciples we advocate are not entirely hopeless, and therefore it may be useful to prolong this agitation. lam stating a case, and I take that case from their own speeches. They say that protection has two objects, to feed the people and to employ them, and that as protection has failed because we are obliged to import foreign corn we are bound to remove protective du ties on that article. Now, we say, in reply, that we can feed the people and employ them also. That is my answer ; and the question is, have we failed in feeding the people? Now, Sir, we have what we call great facts. We can show, for ex ample, that fifty years ago the people of this country were not much more than one-half its present population. I say, we can feed the population, although it has increased so much. And whilst that is the case, protection cannot be the bane of agriculture, unless the agriculture of England is inferior to the agriculture of other countries.—(Cheers.) Now, I want to know wherethere is a superior system of agriculture to that pursued in England?—( Hear, hear.) Russia had been quoted; but I believe that agricultural mprovement remains in much the same state. Do you mean to eay that the agricultural system of Germany is superior, Or that of Belgium or Tuscany ? It is true, if we take a a small district, there may be a greater amount of produce, but I deny, taking any country, that we are not equal to it in agricultural produc tions. No country with the same breadth of land can certainly support a. popalation of a first-rate state compared with England, I ant sure you will not say it is done in Russia or in Germany—thine miserable struggling states—so much inferior to the real wealth of England. I need not allude to Spain; but I will pass to a country which is nearer to us, and which, in fact, is our rival. 'there was a country with an exuberant soil, blessed by nature, and labouring under none of those disadvantages which pressed upon England. They had no law of primogeniture, no en closures, and no game.—(Loud cheers.) We, under the favour of protection, have contrived to go far beyond that people in agricultural science, and have been able to give them corn at a cheaper rate than they could possibly buy in their own markets, although they were double their number. But then, you say, I want to meet all your argumen's— that there is a deficient application of capital to land.—( Hear, hear.) We moat nage researches, end from s number of facts make our inferences. I say that it is totally impossihle that there is a want of the application of capital, when there is not a man in the colonies, either in India or America, the great event of whose aspirations is not that be should re tiarn to England to spend his hoarded treasures, and become a justice of peace or a deputy-lieutenant.—( Loud cheers. ) Yes, there was not a rean of them who did not dream of quarter ses sions.—( Laughter.) England was, in fact, thegreat metropolis of the world, and all other countries were paying tribute to her. There are two facts which I am afraid we have a right to assume they have clone.—( Hear, hear.) The one, that the corn-law will be repealed, though we will endeavour to pre vent them—( Hear, hear)—and the other, that after the re peal has endured a certain number of years they will be in volved in a foreign war. Now I want Hon. Gentlemen to consider what would be their position if matters should be as they were at the rupture of the treaty of Amiens ? At that time you had a free trade, and for a number of years you received large supplies of corn from the Continent, but when the wit broke out you found the greatest difficulty in obtain ing a supply. It was true that, in the year 1812, we received some corn from Holland and France. But are we to construe that such always will be the case? If we do, we shall fall into a grievous error.—( Hear, hear.) I consider that a reference to those facts is a sufficient answer to the assertion that they would be independent of their colonies should a war break out. Remembering all this—even that a very small quantity of corn was brought from France and Holland—that in 1812 the quartern loaf reached the price of Is. 7d.—when all these cir cumstances occurred, I warn you not to depend on foreign supply. Yet with all this increase of population, England is able to sup ply herself with food.—(Cheers.) I now meet the gentlemen of the League on the second point. They say the system of protection has failed to employ the people. The Right Hon. Gentleman the Secretary of War has touched upon a delicate subject. He says, only cultivate the hills of Wiltshire, and there is sufficient employment for the labouring population. I ask the Right Hon. Gentleman why are the hills of Wiltshire not cultivated ?—( Hear, hear.) It is a legitimate question to ask one whose proudest boast is that he is the representative of that county, and who is the descendant of a family who have long dwelt upon that soil.—( Hear, hear.) You tell me of the sufferings of the people. It is not for me to attempt to diminish the sufferings ; but when you come down with your cool assumptions and daring statements, I call upon you for facts in proof of them.—( Hear, hear.) I ask you to compare the state of the country , before protection existed to what it is under protection, and I say that with an accumulated population we are not in aiworse:conCiition now. —( Hear.) I have read the details of the period of the last revolutionary war, when you had free imports of corn from all the world, and I see nothing dif ferent in your condition then from what it is now. I see no difference but the poor-rates, and less responsibility of pro prietors. You have brought forward the Goatacre meeting in proof of the distress which prevails in the country. The Right Hon. Gentleman also has compared an Hon. Gentleman on this side of the House to Anaaharsis Clooty. Anacharsis Clooty, it is well known, stated at the National Convention that he ap peared there as a deputation from the nations of Europe. The deputation appeared in appropriate costume, and produced a sensation throughout Paris. Now I think the Goatacre meeting might be considered in the same light as the deputation before the National Convention. But it is not my wish to call the attention of the House by an allusion to the Goatacre deputation that would call the at tention of the House, for it is not my wish to do so, from the state of the people of this country. The gentlemen opposite are very fond of painting the wretchedness of the agricultural districts, but if they would come with me into the manufactur ing districts, I could show them such scenes of wretchedness so would throw into the shade the scenes which they have so pathetically described to this House.—( Hear, hear.) Let them come with me into the manufactories at Stockport, and I will *how them the poor heartbroken slaves there.— ( Hear, hear.) I will show them the heart-broken the despairing men—those who, in the depth of their despair, curse the toil-worn life which they cannot quit.—(" Hear, hear," and cheers from the protectionists.) I could also take them to Lancashire, and show them the same state of the manufacturing liberality of this country.—( Hear, hear.) But 1 know that the industry of Lancashire is a noble industry, and I do not wish to underrate it. The manufac turers of that place are fully sensible of their responsibility, but I cannot assent to their assertion that they can alleviate their condition by the diminution of their wages: I should like to know how they will respond to that.—(Hear, hear, and eries of "No, no," from the free-trade side of the House.) The Hon. Members cry " No;" well, then, I will take them on their own ground.—( Hear, hear.) I had some respect for this hour of the night, but the challenge having been thrown 200 years, loelftnshhdateoll out to me, I shall accept it.—( Loud cheering from the Hon. Member's party.) Well, then, I will test that position. Why, you say that the wages of labour was not dependent on the price of corn. How is it, then, that you say, the higher the price of corn the higher was the wages of the labourer ? If your position, which is the position of the Right Hon. Ba ronet, because be has borrowed it from you—( Hear, hear) — if your position be, that the wages of labour depend upon the price of corn, I will just ask you this—Suppose you have an importation from the Baltic of four millions of quarters, then if wages be not increased by the price of corn, why should the con sumption be greater ?—( Hear), Why should more corn be con sumed then than now ? And what effects will the importation of these four millions of quarters have upon the price of corn, or upon the amount of consumption ? Why, the only effect it will have will be, if the consumption be not greater, to dis place a certain amount of labour ; that labour will leave the agricultural districts and go to your districts—the manufacturing districts—and there a fall in the amount of wages must follow.—( Hear, hear.) There is another point to which . 1 would wish to allude, if it had not appeared that I was abusing the patience of the House—( Hear, hear) —but I shall endeavour to condense the few remaining observations I have to make as much as possible. You say if we had a regu lar trade we should have a regular supply. Well, I entirely agree with you there. But suppose the ease of a deficiency in England, then you must get a supply from other countries, which you must pay for in gold—(Hear, hear) — the only difference being, that you must give a bonus for granaries under the present system.—( Hear, hear. ) I have nearly concluded my observations ; I have never been one of those who vindicated our agricultural policy. But now, Sir, I maintain this, and I wish Hon. Gentlemen to bear it in mind, that their cause is not to be attained in this way.—( Hear, hear.) I venture, feebly and slightly to be sure at this hour of the night, to maintain this great principle of high policy in which our system ought to be maintained. I say, without reference to England, that it is the first duty of every Minister, and the first interest of every state to maintain an equal balance between the two great parties—manufacturing and agricultural. 0: on p i :sot the r dt tetheahernaatt order , State.—(i robdn b al y ra n t ac h o sefe affecting the hee r ane e c r a et ,itcnyeehgsos hear.) aaurr s lt .y t ah a i t ef e : s r m lh ao e a gn n pa do-r . —(Hear, hear.) That principle bad been recognised for the last p pa W e b : n l o h i ev t y s i: s c a' we should mod stability epomi people, o t i a p i n l i ec in t further than that. We are bound in England to do more ; and I now repeat what I before stated. I say there are special reasons why you should not only maintain that balance, but that, further, you should give a preponderance—l repeat a prepoderance—( Hear, hear)—to native agricultural princi ples.—( Hear, hear.) I say preponderance, for this reason, that in England you have a territorial constitution. You have thrown upon you the burden of the land, the mainte nance of the Church and State, and the protection of the poor. —(Hear, hear.) You value this territorial constitution, not that it pampers the luxuries, but because you, and those who preceded you, found it the only security for self-government. —(Hear, hear.) My constituents are not of the landlord class, nor are many of them capitalists; they are of the in dustrial class ; and they believe that their material interests are maintained in the maintenance of this system, that will favour native industry, by ensuring at the same time real competition. They believe their political interests are involved ; and I entirely agree with them.—( Hear.) The meaning of this great movement is not only the repeal of the corn-laws, but the transfer of power from one class to another—(" Hear, hear," from the Ministerial benches) — class, distinguished for their intelligence and their wealth—l mean the manufacturers of England. My con science assures me th at I have not been slow to do justice to the intelligence of that class, and I do not envy th e m their deserved prosperity b ut I do regret, that in this age of political regeneration, when all social class to sink under the domination of another, I for one— if this be the end of all struggles—if this be the. great result of power trusted to class interests is only to be rescued from one the efforts of this enlightened age—protest against the igno the foundation will be deep, and the scheme comprehensive, instead of allowing us to fall under such a thraldom—the thral dom of capital and of those who boast of their intelligence minions catastrophe. If there is to be a change, I hope that and are proud of their wealth. If you must find a new force t o maintain the throne a nd the immemorial monarchy of England, I would prefer to find . these invigorating en erg i es i n an enlightened and an enfranchised people. (The Hon. Mem ber sat down amidst immense cheering.) Mr. EDWARD BULLER moved the adjournment of the debate until Monday next.—Agreed to. The House adjourned at Half-past Twelve o'cloek. THE LATE FLEET PareoN.—The whole cf the outer walls of this once famous prison will to-morrow be pulled down ; the bricks, stone, &c., will be sold this day by auc tion by Pullen and Son, the auctioneers ; but, whether sold or not, the. walls will be pulled down. It is not known for what purpose the site will be used, although it is expected that it will he privately sold. WEST INDIA. MAIL.—SOUTHAMPTON, THURSDAY NIGLIT.—The Royal West India mail packet the Tay, due this day, has nut yet arrived ; she may be hourly expected. The weather is very thick, which may prevent her coming up the river to-night, even should she be off the Wight. SCALDED TO DEATH WITH WATER GRUEL.—On Thursday an inquest was held before Mr. Payne, at Guy's Hospital, respecting the death of John Coates, aged seventy-eight years, a pour man, lately living in Little Lant-street, Mint-street. Deceased was taken into the hospital on Monday last, front a lodging-house in the Mint, by two strange men, for a severe scald which he had received by a quantity of gruel falling on his stomach whfle sitting in bed. He gradually became worse, and died on Wednesday morning. Mr. Bills said that he had no doubt the deceased was iu extreme want when he was taken in, and he !was also in a state of great filth, and covered with vermin Death was the result of the scald. The jury returned a verdict, " That the deceased died from a scald, but how recelTul there was no evidence." SPORTING INTELLIGENCE. EPSOM SPRING RACES. The liberality of the Licensed Victuallers of London has enabled the Steward to increase the bonus to the Great Me tropolitan to not less than 3001. The horses must be named on the 2d of March. NORTHAMPTON AND PYTCHLEY HUNT RACES. Handicap of the Great Northamptonshire Stakes of 25 sous. each, 15 ft, and 5 only if declared on the 2d of March. Lothario, 6 yrs, 9st Sib My Mary, 4 yrs, ist Corranna, aged, 9st 3lb Elemi, 5 yrs, ist Discord, aged, Bst 131 b Laird O'Cockpen, 4 yrs, Inheritress, 6 yrs, Bst 131 b 6st 131 b Trueboy, 6 yrs, Bet 81b Best Bower, 5 vrs, 6st 131 b Red Def.:, S yrs, Bst 61b Javelin, 4 yrs, Est 11Ib William le Gros, aged, Sat 4lb Nike filly, 4 yrs, Est 101 b Rowena, 5 yrs, Bst 31b Frill colt, 4 yrs, Est 101 b Yardley, 6 yrs, ast 21b Marian Ramsay, 4 yrs, 6st 101 b Needtlil, 5 yrs, 8A 21b Princess Royal, 4 yrs, Est 81b Refraction, 4 yrs, Sat llh Flawkesbury, 4 yrs, Est Queen of Tyne, aged, Bst Zela, 5 yrs, Est 81b Ma=que, aged, Bst Slipshod, 4 yrs, 6st 81b Miss Elis, 4 yrs, 7st 131 b Arthur, 4 yrs, Est 71b Intrepid, 5 yrs, 7st 131 b Stream, 4 yrs, Est 61b Godfrey, 5 yrs, 7st Illb Dulcet, 4 yrs, 6st 61b Rose ofeashmere,4yrs, ist 111 b Nereus, 4 yrs Est 51b Nautilus, G yrs, 7st 10lb Timbria, 4 yrs, Est 41b Example, 5 yrs, 7st 101 b Secutor, 4 yrs, Est 41b Joe Lovell, 5 yrs, 7st 10Ib. !Jack Cade, 5 yrs, Est 41b What, 6 yrs, 7st 91b Dexterous, 3 yrs, 6st 41b Patriot, 5 yrs, 7st 81b Sir Harry, 4 yrs, 6st Sib Morpeth, 5 yrs, 7st 81b Wild Roe, 4 yrs, Est 21b Extempore, 6 yrs, 7st 81b Correct Card, 4 yrs, Est 21b Is by Velocipede, out of Fair Blackbird, 3 yrs, Sat 121 b Jane, 5 yrs, 7st Blb Mermaid, 3 yrs, sst Illb Roderick, aged, 7st 7111 Astonishment, 3 yrs, sst 101 b Pugilist, 5 yrs, 7st ?lb Marquis of Conyngham, 3 yrs, Young Lochinvar, 6 yrs, ist 71b sst 81b Roper's Daughter, aged, 7st 41b Repeal, 3 yrs, sst 41b Dr. Husband, 5 yrs, 7st 41b Outcast, 3 yrs, Sat 41b Lord Saltoun, 5 yrs, 7st 41b Crmera Obscura, 3 yrs, sst 21b Films, aged, 7st 4th Buttress, 3 yrs, sst Judex, 6 yrs, 7st 41b Tit Bit, 3 yrs, sst Teetotaller, aged, 7st 41b Red Leg, 3 yrs, sst Pythia, 4 yrs, 7st 21b Killi Krankie, 3 yrs, 4st 11lb Mount Charles, 5 yrs, ist 21b Muscatel, 3 yrs, 4st Illb Maynooth, 4 yrs, 7st Ilb Brother to I3eaumont, 3 yrs, Giantess, 4 yrs, 7st 1111 4st 111 b Cataract, 6 yrs, 7st ]lb Peasant, 3 yrs, 4st I Ilb Clumsy, 4 yrs, 7st Amazon, 3 yrs, 4 s t Blb Jenny Wren, 4 yrs, 7st HUNTING APPOINTMENTS. Crawley and Horsham lids., Mon., Lowfleld Heath ; Wed., Clerk's Green ; Frl., Pound Hili-10%. Devon Hds., Mon., Demsford Bridge—ll. Essex Union lids., Wed., Tiptree Meeting House ; Sat., Danbury Park Gate-10?,i. Mr. Horndon'o lids., Mon., :may Cross; Thurs., Chapman Well. Montgomeryshire hds., Tueo., Cock Inn, Fordo.' ; Fri., White Mills, Manafon-10. Ledbury hds., Mon., Bosbury Turnpike ; Fri., Bethel Pit Gate. Atherstone lids., Mon., Three Pots ; Wed., Clifton Campine ; Fri. Ebord ; Sat., Churchever. Essex and Suffolk lids., Tues., Alresford Hail ; Fri., Dodaish. Lord Yarborough's hds., Mon., Claxby Wood ; Wed., Cathie,' Bridge ; Fri., Fox Dales—ll. llolderness lids., Mon., Cavil Hall ; Tues., Lowesthorpe Lodge ; Tkurs., Winestead, at 12 ; Fri., Waiter Hall ; Sat., Eske-10%. Sir T. Sykes lids., Monday, Seltrington House; Wed., the Wind mill, Stockton Forest ; Fri., Galley Gap-10%. Captain Candler's hds., Mon., Old Hills; Wed., Oratsersley ; Fri., Grafton Wood-10}i. Herefordshire hds., Tues., Thructon ; Fri., Tin Hill-10%. Shropshire hds., Mon., Wytheford Wood ; Wed., Platt Mills ; Fri., Chipnal Wood-11. Wheatland hds., Tues, Meadowley ; Fri., Billingsley. Brighton hare., Mon., Patcham ; Wed., Race Course ; Fri., Dyke, Brookside harrs., Men., Newmarket Hill ; Thurs , Teiscombe Tye. linden Mg., Tues., Michelgrove ; Thurs., Washington Common ; Sat., Applecham —ll. United pack, Tues., Spoonhill Wood. Eastbobirne harrs., Mon., Paradise Hill ; Thurs., Wellingdon, Old- Warwickshire hds., Mon., Cubbington Gate ; Tues., Weston Flou~e; Thurs., Rilmerton Village; Fri., Upton House; Sat., Elstone House-101/2. WESTMINSTER ELECTION. TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN. SIR,—As some Liberals (? ) have objected to your article of yesterday, I should be guilty of an act of in ,justice (" He who allows oppression shares the cri me "), if I did not say your article yesterday was most judicious, and your leader to-day a perfect justification. 1 am one of th e oldest Ra dicals in London. At seventeen years of age (thirty-four years ago) I was denounced, and " lost caste," as a Jacobin, before the word Radical was known politically, for in veighing, with the vehemence of youth, against drawing poor men for the militia and pressing them for sailors, to fight for rich men's property. I gloried in the title, though it involved civil martyrdom, and" the old Radical Dr. Webb," is still the same. Radical as I am, I have always opposed political economists and (se-called) free-trade measures, from Peel's Currency Bill to his last and present Corn-law and Tariff, thinking him a " bullion" statesman, whoie only ob ject was to grind down the price of goods, the profits of land lords, farmers, and tradesmen, and, by the new Poor-law, the money and labour wages of the working classes, for the benefit of all fixed incomes, the fundholders, placemen, and pensioners of all sorts With these opinions, I rather wished "Rous" success, as the lesser of two evils. You very consistently prefer " Peel," who can and will carry a broad measure of free trade (quasi), to " Evans" and the Whir, who talk broader but can carry nothing; and therefore the ont-and-out protectionists try to overthrow Peel, which the result of the Westminster election will greatly aid to accom plish. You are also quite right about naval reform. With regard to abstract principles, Liberal or Radical, they were not at issue in this election, or very slightly, as Rous is a Conservative and Evans only a Whig-Radical. The ad dress of the latter said nothing of universal suffrage, or any other Radical or really liberal point. Any Whig, or even Ton-, might have written such an address. The small num berihat voted shows how little the real Liberals cared for either the Gallant General or Captain, and that the electors of 'Westminster have not forgotten " Hobhouse" and " Evans" on the house and Window-tax question. Hoping you may always be as well able to justify your writing as at present, I am, Sir, your constant reader and general admirer, R. T. WEBB, Surgeon. 18, Wyndham-street, Bryanston-square, Feb. 19. MR. HUDSON'S SPEECH. TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN. Sin,—l observe that the King of the Railways has spoken on the corn-law question. It appears to me that if he had devoted to Lindboy Murray a little of the time he took to ascertain the price corn might be at in 1849, the result would have been happier. However, when "he recollects that in 1837 he was able to deliver corn, free or all charges, at 255. per quarter," let him be candid enough (if he should again address the House) to say what kind of corn it was. If lam correctly informed, it was Mediterranean corn, and of such a quality as to be fitter for pigs than human beings. With as little disturbstion to his Majesty's equanimity as possible, I am, he. OLD EBOR. THE DUKE OF NEWCASTLE'S LETTER TO THE INHABITANTS OF SOUTH NOTTINGHAMSHIRE. " Clumber, Feb. 17, 1846. " Gentlemen—ln addressing you on the present occasion, lam quite aware of the unusualness of the proceeding. For the last ten days I have noticed what has been passing in our county with indescribable pain and annoyance. It seems to me that the time has more than arrived when a period ought to be put to the discord which now agitates us. I deeply lament that any member of my family should be the cause of this most unnecessary agitation. I have most deeply to lament it for still more serious reasons than because it creates odious quarrels, feverish convulsions, expense, and ex treme inconvenience among yourselves. " Lord Lincoln has been the deluded victim of bad counsel, and in no instance more conspicuously than in the course which he has pursued upon the present occasion. " Under this influence he has been induced to accept an inferior office, that. his seat may be vacated, and a desperate experiment attempted. lie suddenly appeared among you, before you could be aware of the transaction. He does this, as he tells you, that he may make an appeal from the pro tection meeting to the whole constituency. By this surprise he has been enabled to ascertain the undisguised and almost universal feelings and opinions of this important county. " Doubtless it was expected that the constituency would be found to possess easy consciences, and that the public voice would be raised in favour of free trade, and the other newly-disclosed enormities of Sir Robert Peel's Government, although we have neither asked for nor desire free trade, nor any other vicious and revolutionary system. But why should any one from authority be sent as a Govern ment emissary to force upon us opinions which we hate, and the country hates and deprecates with in dignant hostility,—and why should any on e, fortified with Government means, presume to operate the disgraceful seduc tions which are said to be used upon thist eadoption of the lamentable occa sion—and why are you to be drilled into h ru inous principles and fatal doctrines at which you now natura lly shudder and recoil? O s t u rdy and clear-sighted , and y our phalanx is not_ to be b r oken by bold axioms , artfu l assertions, or an y other evil appliances. "Still, however, the move has been made; and although ' we may justly condemn it as a very great mistake, there may be some shadow of pretence for it, if it were intended by the experiment to test the public opinion. Now, how ever, that it has been in a course of most diligent trial for ten days, that the fullest proof has been elicited, and the result known to be totally adverse to the new doctrines, and. un-• successful to the deceived advocate of them, in the sincerity of my heart, and as a member of the constituency, I suggest to Lord Lincoln the propriety of withdrawing from an use less and to all most painful struggle against a long-tried and approved principle and policy, and at once to restore tran quillity to the county, and the undisturbed possession of its unquestionable convictions. " In the anxious hope that this address may meet with your approval, and that the appeal may not be made in vain, I remain, Gentlemen, your sincere and faithful ser- vant, " NEWCASTLE. W. Dearden, printer, Carlton-street, Nottingham." FASHION.—The neat and elegant white cravat is all the rage at present for dress, and the linen manufacturers upon whom so many thousands of families derive their sup port, already feel the beneficial influence of the fashion. The encouragement thus given hots likewise set to work much in genious mental machinery, endue of the results is a cravat and collar in one piece, arranged and folded so completely as to be capable of adjustment to the neck by the merest tyro. It has been scoured by registration, and is termed the Golden Flax Cravat Cellar, from the fact of its being made of a most exquisitely white and fine description of linen, manu factured from that product. From its peculiar construction, it is very much lighter than the ordinary cravat and collar, and thus possesses, amongst other recommendations, a strong one in favour of its adoption in the ball-room, at soirees, morning concerts, and other crowded assemblies. THE METROPOLITAN POLlCE.—Thursday the ac counts of the Metropolitan Police for the year 1845, presented to Parliament, were printed. The receipts, including a balance in hand of 50,016/. 199. 7d., were 363.3461. 11s. 3d., which sum is ac counted for in various payments, and a balance remaining on the 31st of December, 1845, of 49,7251. 13s. 6d. The total sum paid for the Metropolitan police in the year was 313,6201. 17s. 9d. The secend portion of the return shows the receipts and expen diture on account of the Police Superannuation Fund. The Go vernment Stock, valued at the sterling cost, on the Ist of January, 1845, was 51,5781. 18s. The fines imposed by ma gistrates on drunken persons and for assaults en police-c2p; stables, levied at the police-courts, amounted to 2,1861. 4s. 3d. Thelu Government stock, at the end of the year, 61,3971. is.c9ed-c.ourts. third branch states the receipt and expenditure for the The foes, penalties, and forleiturea levied at the pol t i li c e e p c m l o i applied towards the expense of police-courts in 6,1 and at Great amounted iu the year to 8,8851. 2s. 3d. At Bow-street t ; tbOre WM re ceived 1,0541. 2s. ;at Clerkenwell, 1,0151. lbs• u e t r r ts o'po a i n is d, Marlborongh-street. 1,3301. The total , sump j ai courts was 46,7651. 13s. I Id. On the Ist l o t f oree ws. 4,749, consisting idaefo,rththeenpoumllberce of persons belonging to the Metro of 1 inspecting superintendent , 485 sergeants, and 4,131 constables. 18 P° sluit;eirintendents, 114 inspectors, w i t hdrawal from the Sus- The Duke of Norfolk halls. e u nderstand, support the Go as - Sus sex Protection Society , and i i 1 tlon of ! supp vernment measure for the al. 11 . noboww cease to abuse the-corn-la ws We W his Grace. hat ose a th e free-trade j pity that they s s o o at m ekt uch premature wit on the lroulnid virtues of " entr7 I ,o wa • OPENING OF THE SCOTTISH RIVERS. THE TAT.—The opening of the rivers has been almost a complete failure, from the great floods. But the salmon are taking the advantage of it ; and from appearances above the Bridge of Yeah, the oldest fisher never remem bers seeing so many large salmon ascend the river. We have it from good authority, that the fishermen of the Marquis of Breadalbane at Taymouth_ Castle, under the superintendence of Captai n D. Dewar, caught twenty-four splendid salmon the first day, and the Tay (at the princely domains, is almost alive with salmon passing into Loch Tay in large shoals. The like was seldom or never seen before. The second day was much better, and altogether about sixty salmon were dispatched by steam to London on Wednesday. The effect of the tariff was felt very injuriously by the tacks men at the early part of the season. when high prices used to be obtained; but now the supply from Holland keeps the market down.—Perth Piper. THE Spay.—The salmon-fishing commenced for the sea son on Monday morning ; and we understand that, on that day and Tuesday, the take was in general pretty good. The market-price is at present 2s. 6d. per pound. ()wing to the openness of the weather, but a small quantity of ice has yet, we believe, been secured for the use of the fisheries.—Aber deen Journal. THE NESS.—The salmon-fishing for the season commenced on Monday. Mr. Tait, the enterprising lessee of the Ness fishings, captured four salmons on that day, and four more on Tuesday. They were all sold at 2s. 6d. per pound. From appearances it is expected that the ensuing season will be a pi osperous one. Meantime the river is too high to ensure much success.—lnverness Courier. Tna DOON.—The close season having terminated on Satur day, Monday became the " opening day ;" and such an open• ing day has not been witnessed for many years back.—Ayr Observer. THE TWEED.—The salmon fisheries nortk of the Tweed opened on Monday week.. Those in the Tweed and .uth thereof opened on Monday the 16th ult. The fisheries in the Tweed have never been better protected than during this close time ; and from large quantities offish seen in the bay, the season is expected to be a good one. Owing to the open state of the weather, there has not been as yet a single cart load of ice housed for the use of the fisheries at Berwick. UNIVERSITY INTELLIGENCE. CAMBRIDGE, FEB. 19.—PHILOSOPHICAL SOCIETY.—The lira meeting of this Society for the present term will take place on Monday evening next, at seven o'clock. CHRIST'S COLLEGE.—Christopher Parr Mall, 8.A., has been appointed to an assistant mastership at King Edward's School, Birmingham. CAius COLLEGE. —The Rev. J o hn G ooc h, 8.A., h as just be en elected second master to the Wolverhampton Free Grammar School. ar i S li ch cl o i o . L. Tm The following appointments have taken place : —The Rev. Charles Maitland Long, M.A., of Trinity College, to the rectory of Settrington, Yorkshire ; value 1,045 L The Rev. Henry Almack, D.D ,of St. John's College, the rectory of Fawley, Buckinghamshire ; value 391/. The Rev. Alfred Martell, 8.A., of St. John's College, to the vicarage of Heaton, Herts. ; value 1001. The Rev. Salisbury Dunn, M.A., of St. John's College, to the curacy of Haze leigh, Essex. The Rev. Oswald Marriott, M.A., of St. John's College, to the curacy of Langham, Suffolk. The Rev. John Edward Knipe, M.A., of Clare Hall, to the incumbency of the new church now building on the east side of Charlotte street, Fitzroy-square. The Rev. David Morton, M.A., of Trinity-College, to be one of the domestic chaplains to the Right Hon. Earl Spencer. OXFORD, FEB. 19.—The Colquitt Clerical Exhibition vs• cant at Brasenose College, has this morning been awarded (after a four days' examination) to Mr. John Harris Back house, scholar of that society. There were seven ciuidi • dates. DEAN IRELAND'S SCROLARSHIP.—The examiners (Dr. Jeune, Rev. R. Hussey, and Rev. E. Massie) appointed by the trustees of Dean Ireland's Foundation, give notice that an examination will be holden in the schools on Monday, the 16th of March, and following days, for the purpose of elect ing a scholar on that foundation. In a congregation holden this morning, the following de grees were conferred, viz.:— MASTER OF ARTS.—Rev, John Joseph Jackson, Exeter College ; Rev. Charles Ward, Exeter College. BACHELOR OF ARTS —Richard James Halke, Worcester College; William John Springett, Wadham College; James Wright Tomkin, Wadham College : Theophilus Jones, Exhibitioner, Brasenose College; John Edward Hill, Christ Church ; George Charles Irving, Christ Church ; Francis Lear, Christ Church ; George Glass liennaway, Christ Church. FOREIGN REFINED SUGAR.—The Lords Commis sioners of her Majesty's Treasury have issued an order permit ting foreign refined sugar to be removed from the bonding houses in London, for the purpose of being crashed for ex portation only, to premises appropriated to that especial purpose, in the St. Katherine and the London Docks ; and the Customs' authorities having had under their consideration this order of their Lordships, as to the most proper means to be adopted for carrying the same into effect, have given directions that the privilege granted by the Treasury is to be carried into effect under the fol lowing regulations, viz. :—That the removal of the sugars do take place either in charge of revenue officers, to accom pany the same to the crashing floors, at the expense of the merchant, or in proper vans, to be provided for that purpose, and secured under the locks of the Crown. That the weight of the sugar intended to be crashed shall in each instance be ascertained at the period of its delivery from the warehouse for removal, and again on the same being packed (after crash. big) fir exportation, in order to guard against any deficien cies that may arise in the transit, or in the operation of crash ing, and to assess the parties on whose requisition such removals took place with the amount of the duties on such defici . . . enciesi That the shipment of the sugar be made direct from the floor where the crashing took place, or from other bonded warehouses in the same docks, and that the same on exportation be described in the cockets and other official documents as foreign refined sugar, in order to guard agai st its introduction abroad as sugar which has been re fined or manufactured in the United Kingdom. This order of the Lords of the Treasury, and the regulations under which it is to be permitted and observed, have been com municated to the several departments, with directions to take care that the same be duly carried into effect from the present time. It may be seen that this order does not allude to sugar imported into this country in a raw state and re fined here for importation, but to sugar of foreign refining or manufacturing, brought in a completely refined or finished state, and which requires to be crashed or pounded for the purpose of suiting particular markets abroad. The importa tion of refined sugar is confined chiefly to Holland, who are our great competitors in that particular branch of trade, although from the high rate of duty attaching, it is for ex portation to foreign markets, and is brought here merely in the way of transit to other foreign countries. PUNCH'S RAILWAY INTELLIGENCE. Among the railways that have complied with the standing orders, is the " John o'Groat and Land's End Junction, with Branches to Ben Lomond and Battersea, and an Extension from Panyer Alley to Peterloo Direct." The standing orders consisted of an order to stand anything that the chairman liked to call for at the bar of the house where the company holds its meetings. We understand that the secretor} , of one of the new lines was upset in a cab with all the plans, which were accordingly thrown out, and the papers are in the position of dropped notices. The traffic on the Kensington Railway, ae taken from the bed-room window of the house opposite, has consisted of a ton and a half of coals and a load of gravel. The pedestrian traffic of boys up and down the line is some what increasing. A dividend has just been declared of the cabbages grown on the bank. The policeman took one halt. and the secretary the other. We are happy to see that there is to be an extension of the line of lettuces, which will be carried further north, till they join the trunk of the old beech-tree at the corner. FALL OF RAIN IN JANUARY AT MANCHESTER.—Last month was one of the wettest Januaries we have had for some years past. The temperature was never below 30 degrees, and so low only on the 2d and sth of the month. The total fall of rain during the month was 8-57 Inches, of which 3.05 inches feel on the last thirteen days of the month. Only in three instances .in the last seventeen yeirs was January last exceeded in the -uantity of rain. In the Ja nuary of 1834 the temperature was remarkably high, never having fallen below 37 degrees; in January, 1835, the principal tall of rain WAS in the two middle weeks of the month, with a high temperature, and very nearly the same quantity fell as inlast month. In 1840 the temperature was high ; and of the total quantity of rain that fell, 1.5 inch fell in the third, and 2.5 inches in the fourth week. In Ja nuary, 1843, the temperature after the second was never below 30 degrees ; and this was the month of the heavy storm ; indeed the month was stormy throughout. On Friday, the 13 th , the violent storm occurred between three and six o'clock M the .. m t d or 3 n . ec . , am at en early hour in the morning the barometer stood and n ine-tenths, of an in t a hi n lea d rte t d e foa ll ry. b i l anm el aney ev y en eaerears in the owr fo dian renoo . n to 27.90, the ch low of es ria t pointn fell knduroiwiing N th A e ß p l‘ fb w lic levees EBC lofrilthe OF n GE,,T S . E . R ArT U . S . re nowned General Tom Thumb , 1 the Trades Hall, at Airdrie. e u portion •f the floor gave way with an —During kllD one of d las p t r ' ec a largeipltated same 300 men, women, and child ren, a li w o ni n a l y crash, night a a distance of fourteen feet. The scene o f con • mingled with the groans ani screechings of m in s t i o on the an room c:xm excitement, bel ein e e w n , t, t h e s uffering and affrighted multitude, can scarcely be imagined. About 1,000 persons were in the ball, but fortunately, and strange to say, no death was occasioned by the accident. One man, Mr. Win. Manley, lamplighter to the town, had a leg broken, and several other parsons, including some of the General's suite, were bruised, but not dangerously. That portion of the floor which fell was the precise spot where the General gave his performances, and which the little fellow had left only two minutes before, and had gone into an ad joining room to change his costume. The table on which be exhi bited fell with the multitude, and was crushed to atoms. We are happy to add that the General took immediate steps for alleviating, in a pecuniary point of view, the injuries of all the sufferers whose circumstances in life would render a loss if time a serious inconve nience to themselves. FRIGHTFUL ACCIDENT IN A PAPER MlLL.—Thurs day afternoon an accident, attended with most frightful results, occurred to a young man, named William Tronter, aged nineteen, which it is feared will terminate fatally. The poor fellow was en gaged in an extensive paper-mill at Footscray, Kent, and whilst cleaning the machinery his left leg slipped hi the cogwheels, and before the mill could be stopped, his left leg was literally crushed tt pieces. He was extricated with some difficulty and removed t') the nearest surgeon's, who advised his immediate conveyance to St. Thomas's Hospital. He was promptly attended by the house-eurgeon, but the injuries he had sustained were so great that it was deemed indispensably necessary to amputate the limb. The poor youth bore the operation with the greatest fortitude, and at eight o'clock hat night he was progressing as favourably as could be expected, RECRUITING IN THE NORTH.—Recruiting parties are now actively engaged in all tke manufacturing towns In Lanca shire, in beating up for recruits, and the bounty having been re cently considerably increased, large numbers are daily joining the ranks. THE LATE ASSASSINATION IN DRUR7-LANE.-011 Thursday forenoon, at eleven o'clock, Mr. H. Close Bedford held an in quiry at the Plough Tavern, Carey-street, Lincoln's Ina-fields, con cerning the death of James Bostock, master brassfeunder, of No. Pitt-place, Drury-lane, who was shot by Thomas Wm. Wicks, his apprentice, early on the morning of Monday last. The evidence ad duced yesterday was precisely the same as that already given in Bow-street police report. The Coroner summed up in a very er g. manner, and the jury, after a short consultation, returned Breda of " Wilful Murder against Thomas Wm. Wicks," who Ls al committed to take his trial for the murder. RUUINL—We are enabled tc set at res t the lhe w v _ e h t ed ve question as to the re-appearance of the prince of t 3 Seal, and his the best authority to announce that his r etirement resolution irrevocable. , 9 „, Q uAent.-Thure- ALARMING FIRE NEAR ST. JA fiorf:atibripmeenters and under takers r e e e a s t the iB to 36, d p a u y k , e li s e t t r w e te,n St. ee James's.ven an d occupation of Messrs. Elmore and Clem ent s, Madame Delacoir. Several takers ; and the upper P laboured to the utmost , iture, was deetroyed, au I by water. Madame Delazoir is said the lower part serlousiy,firn and the flames e e bo tm' ru ut ni n portion etltaken; of the 91tnise°,nwtihthe ..red Na v L Ja —1 he strawberry leaf is the uc: coronet. It is proposed that tide Is have l7 t t i :t e number si gc f t d be altered to the gooseberry, as being more In dicative of the fools t ertai lj n eew : del uke ald s El h d a b v .an e lkattyeeen making of th em . CoURTERFEITING ENGLISH MARKS.—The Messrs. Taylor, of Leicester, England, have ebtaine,d a verdict of 800 dollars against Daniels and Carpenter, in the United States Circuit Court, Boston, for counterfeiting their marks on their " Persian thread," by which the interests of the Messrs. Taylor were injured.—American Paper. FIRE AT SHOREDITCH WORKHOUSE.—Thursday night, shortly atter ten o'clock, considerable alarm was occasioned lit Kluge land-road, in consequence of a fire breaking out in the laundry of Shoraditch workhouse. This portion of the building contained a quantity of linen on the racks, drying, and it is supposed that a por tion must have fallen upon an ironing -stove which stood on the floor, and by that means becoming ignited, the fames would ascend to the top of the compartment. The parish engine was speedily on the i spot, and, with the assistance of the inmates, the fire was fbrtunately extinguished before much damage was done.