The Sun. — London, England, 1837-04-14 00:00:00

such answers as these were received upon matters that were the common topic of discussion, how could it be won dered at that there were 300 gentlemen professing Tory principles on the opposite side of the House.—(Laughter and cheers.) But give to the whole country the means of acquiring information at a cheap and easy rate, and he believ e d not on l y that the Right Hon. Baronet (Sir R. Peel) would come over to that (the Ministerial) side of the House, but that there would not be in the House of Com mons more than ten gentlemen professing Tory principles. --(Hear, hear.) It was impossible with a well-informed peopl e that Toryism could continue to exist for a day.— (Hear, hear.) It was opposed to all the best interests of the country.—(Hear, hear.) What was Toryism ? He would not wait to define it ; but the effects of a kindred principle of policy and action might he seen in the Carlism Of Spain, the Miguelism of Portugal, and the autocratic despotism of Russia and Poland. But to return to the topic immediately under consideration. His Right Hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer thought that the Stamp upon Newspapers improved the character of the Press -- his Right Hon. Friend thought it tended to make the Press respectable. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER had been misunderstood. His argument was this, not that the sta te . pimproved the Press, but that the substitution of a postage d u t y f or a stamp d uty wou ld d epr i ve t h e E ng li s h Pres s of its present character. Sir R. PEEL took the opportunity afforded by the in terruption of the Chancellor of the Exchequer of rising to a point of order. It had often of late occurred to him that they were falling into a bad habit of allowing gentlemen in the midst of a speech to offer explanations which, accor ding to the rules of debate, ought to be deferred until the Speech was concluded.—( Hear.) This practice had a ten dency to i n t errup t th e t ra in of argum en t i n th e m i n d o f th e Speaker, and certainly contributed in no degree to the con venience of the House. The SPEAKER observed that the circumstance to w hich the Right Hon. Baronet referred had frequently given him much pain. He was firmly convinced that the convenience of the House would always be best consulted by adhering with strictness to the fixed and settled rule of d ebate, —(Hear.) Mr. WAKLEY was obliged to his Right Hon. Friend for correcting him. His Right Hon. Friend said that if the Id. stamp were abolished he thought it would deprive the English Press of its present character. Now everybody in the habit of reading the Newspapers knew how private persons and Public characters were often abused, and everybody so cir cumstanced must acknowledge that the present character of the Press required to be changed. By way of illustra tion to this point, he would take the liberty of reading an extract from one of our public journals. They all knew that in poetry the finer qualities of the mind had play. To s how what a stamped Press could do, he would take a spe cimen of the poetry of the Times Newspaper. It was an allusion to the Hon. and Learned Member of that House, whose exertions in the cause of liberty for many years had been indefatigable, and to a great extent successful, and to whom the people of Ireland owed a debt of gratitude that co uld never he discharged. It was headed " The Whig Mission ar y of 1835," and went on in these terms : " Scum condensed of Irish bog Ruffian—coward--demagogue ! Boundless liar—base detractor! Nurse of murder—treason's factor I Of Pope and priest the crouching slave, While thy lips of freedom rave ; Of England's fame the vip'rous hater, Yet wanting courage for a traitor. Ireland's peasants fged thy purse, Still thou art her bane and curse. Tho' thou liv'st an empire's scorn, Lift on high thy brazen horn Every dog shall have his day, This is thine of brutish sway, Mounted on a Premier's back, Lash the Ministerial pack ; At thy nod they hold their places— Crack their sinews—grind their faces. Tho' thy hand bad stabbed their mother, They would fawn arid call thee brother; By their leave pursue thy calling, Rend thy patriot lungs with bawling ; Spout thy filth—effuse thy slime, Slender is in thee no crime. Safe from challange—safe from law— What can curb thy callous jaw ? Who would sue a convict liar ? On a poltroon who would fire? Thou may'st walk in open light, Few will kick thee—none can fight. Then grant the monster leave to roam, Let him slaver out hit foam, Only give him length of string, He'll contrive himself to swing." That was the poetry of the stamped Press.—(Cheers.) He had copied the passage from the Times of the 26th of No veraber, 1835, only a year and a half since ; and in the Times of the 16th December, 1835, only a fortnight after wards, there was this notice to correspondents :—" The verses to King Dan are well imagined, but want polish." -- (Laughter.) So that this was a polished specimen of the poetry of the stamped Press.—(Laughter and "eel's.) From the prose of the same Newspaper he 'night have made made many selections if lie had thought them necessary ; he had merely alluded to the Poetry for the purpose of showing that the stamp at any rate had not produced any great decree of refinement in the Press. He should have thought, indeed, that his Right Honourable Friend the Chancellor of the Exche quer could have testified to that fact himself.—(Hear.) He would now go to another part of the question. He con tended that a free people were entitled to a free Press. He nraintained that a nation was not free where the Press was not free.—(Hear.) The freedom of the Press consisted— not in imposing restraints to prevent breaches of decorum 'shut in punishing those who were actually guilty o viola tions o f decorum in these publications. What said Black atone upon the point ? " Every man has a right to lay What sentiments he pleases before the public—to prohibit this is t o d es t ro y th e freedom of the Press ; but if he pub lish what is mischievous or illegal, he must take the conse quence of his own demerits." Now that passage disclosed ° them in a very few words what in reality constituted a Free Press. But suppose a man in a provincial town to Publish a weekly pamphlet upon any political subjects, or 1 311 , 13 1ie events which he conceived might be useful to the "'lie, before he could do so he must send either to Somer et-house or to the stamp distributor of the district, when a Paper similar to one he then held in his hand, and which he t ad that day received from Somerset-house, was put into his dads, explai n ing to him the nature and extent of the secu tiles that would be required from him. This man might be 411 exceedingly intelligent tradesman or mechanic, but with mat any great pecuniary means. His friends also might be Without pecuniary means. What then was he to do ? Be..lore he can proceed with his publication he must give the t a Pes and r es id ences ; &c., of two persons of respecta intYp who will become surety for him, in the sum of 2001. e ach, for the adverti semen t d u ty, and beyond that he must h ave two o th er sure ti es , i n t h e sum o f 4001. each, to pre vent the p u bli c ati on o f lib e l s ; ma ki ng a lt oge ther a sum of ' l + 2 ool. required for security before he could publish a penny e l ekly political pamphlet.—(Hear, hear.) Yet they were nd that thi s s t a t e o f things, arising out of the odious and t yrannical l aw o f Last year, constituted a free Press, and taat the l aw oug h t not t o b e altered.—(Hear, hear.) The sj:stute of 60 G eo . 111., commonly called the Trash but always been deemed a harsh and tyrannical law ; the Act of last year was infinitely worse. — (Hear.) "et ' the law as it now stood, a man could not publish a of News p a per or political pamphlet without the liability contained in having his house broken into , and ever y ar t icle it seized. There never was such a law in ngland hefore.—(Hear.) Until last year such a law was Ewholly unknow n in the history of the Press of this country. ear.) Hi s Ri ght H on. F r i en d ( t h e Chancellor of the Eachequer) aff ec t e d to di sapprove of Tory principles ; he ai'vaYs spoke aga i nst t h em , an d against the Tory party ; en d was perfe c tly r i g ht t o d o so . But suppose that that Party should come into office and carry into execution the Principle s whi c h b e condemned, w h at wou ld- b e the fate of the Pre ss t h en?—(Hear.) It was true t h at h e (Mr. _ Wakley) did not much fear the Hon. Gentlemen oppos it e , t _ e .eause he k new t h at t h e en li g h tene d s t a t e o f the public mind would never endure Tory principles.—(Hear, hear.) Hg believed that this was pretty generally felt ; and if rreu the Right Hon. Baronet (Sir R. Peel) should come into him °Mee again, h e (M r . W a kley) should expect to see a good Radical.—Lau titer and cheers.) They had certainly witnessed some extraordinary mutations in public affairs ; and after what he had seen since he had become a Member of the House, he should hardly feel surprised at any c.‘ange that might come about. He would recommend big Righ Hon. Friend to take off the whole tax.—( Hear.) ~..hen t h e m easure was l ast year sent up to the other r iouse a disti a :uished Tory P eer ma d e t hi s remark in re ference to the pen'ny stamp which it was proposed to re tain They may Jo better by sending up a Bill taking off th e duty altogether, :tad by putting aside the compli !•:lted machinery and expensive establishment necessary for the levying a paltry penny tax upon each Newspaper."— lear, hear.) That was a declaration of a Noble and -1-,earned Lord i n the othe r H ouse o f P ar li ament l as t ses vi_!on, an d he (Mr. Wakley) warned the Right Hon. Gen tlemen on the Treasury bench, that if they did not act lPon the recommendation of that Tory Peer, the flon. C t e.ntlemen o pp os it e wou ld t a k e the first opportunity of dot ng so.----(Laughter and cheers.) h fr. WALLACE concurred with the Hon. Member f or Pinshury in his views upon the general subject, and ex- P r essnt: a hope that before the session was over the penny Posti ve .char ge d on t h e d e li very o f l e tters in Lond on an d some othcr places, would be discontinued. Mr- A. TREVOR, nould not contrive how the taking off t '_e_ whole t ax upon Newscepers could be regardnd as an es sential r e li e f i o the burdens of the poilimunity. He CMr. Trevor) was comparatively indifferent upon the subject ; although, for the sake of consistency, he should certainly conceive himself bound to vote against the motion of the Hon. and Learned Member for Bath. He confessed he was surprised, after the length the Government had gone upon the subject, to find them now so excessively mealy mouthed when it was proposed to abolish the little that was left.—( Hear, hear.) It was a perfect insult to common sense and common understanding, to say that a Newspaper was the best medium of knowledge.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. H UME hoped, as they were about to divide upon the question, that he might appeal to the Right Hon. Ba ronet (Sir R. Peel) for his vote.—(A laugh.) The Right Hon. Baronet had heard the speech of the Hon. Member for Finsbury (Mr. Wakley). He should be glad to know whether the Right Hon. Baronet differed in any great degree from the view taken of the subject by the Hon. Member for Finsbury ? Or would the Right Hon. Baronet tell the House that he considered the taxed Press as that moral, highly-improved, and intelligent organ of communication that a Right Hon. Gentleman opposite had once told him it was ?—(Hear, hear.) He (Mr. Hume) did not wish to take off the penny postage ; he only wished to place all the Newspapers in the country in the same situation as that in which three or four of the metropolitan Newspapers stood. In London several papers were published without a stamp for circulation in town and the suburbs of the town, and with a stamp for circulation in the country. Now, he wished the same liberty to be ex tended to every place in the kingdom. He wished that every place in the kingdom should be allowed to publish an unstamped paper for circulation at home, liable to a postage charge of a penny upon each paper that they sent into other parts of the country. He could best explain the advantage of this system by supposing a case. Suppose, then, that in Edinburgh and London there were two papers, each pub lishing one thousand copies, the tax upon that thousand would be 4/. 3s. 6d. Of the thousand published in London 700 copies were sent to Edinburgh, and of the thousand published in Edinburgh 700 were sent to London, leaving to each 300 for home circulation. Now, if his suggestion were acted upon, the tax would fall only upon those that were interchanged, namely, upon 700 ; which at the rate of a penny a piece, would amount to 21. 18s. Gd. That sum, deducted from the 4/. 3s. Gd., left a balance of 1/..55., which was the amount that each place would gain if the proposition were acceded to. At all events it did not be come the present Ministry to allow such an odious machi nery as that established by the law of last year to re main upon the statute-book for the sake of such a paltry tax. Sir R. PEEL—There is something so very seducing in the language of the Hon. Member for Middlesex, and in the kindness with which he expressed his friendship to wards my Hon. Friend the Member for Durham, that I am almost afraid if I remain entirely silent it will be in ferred by the House, and the country generally might suppose, considering the present state of political parties, that there was some secret communication between us— (Laughter)—and that that alliance which the Hon. Gen tleman spoke of between those he called Radicals and the Government was about to be dissolved, and that an al liance was about to be cemented between them and the Conservatives—(Laughter)—therefore I think it necessary to inform the Hon. Gentleman that on the present question I agree with his Majesty's Government, and not with him. —(" No, no," from Mr. Hume.) Yes, I do.—{Laughter.) I beg to assure the House that in saying so I am not guilty of a breach of good faith, nor am I interfering with any communication in progress.—(Renewed laughter.) I understand the Right Hon. Gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer purposes to lay before us documents which shall show the result of the experiment of the last year. The Hon. Gentleman says, because I do not use vituperative language in this House, I must support a mo tion for the removal of the penny stamp from Newspapers. I hope I deserve the compliment of the Hon. Gentleman, but it does not appear to me that there are a great many steps to be filled up in the reasoning before it could be shown that because I do not vituperate I must, therefore, favour the proposition of the Hon. Member for Bath. I hope the compliment of the Hon. Member is just. I wish to discharge my Parliamentary duties, and to express my opinions, without indulging in personalities ; and I cannot help thinking.that if I do set that example, and if every boiy were to follow it, the course of sound argument would not be obstructed by it, nor the character of the House of Commons in any degree lessened.—(Hear, hear.) But I do not know, if I deserve the character of abstaining from vituperation, why I should therefore remove the penny stamp. The Hon. Member for Finsbury should be im partial ; he took a specimen from one Newspaper only. Now I could read to him specimens from other Newspapers, and I think that Hon. Member does but very little discharge his public duty if he does not consult the public Press.—(Hear, hear.) —I do so ; and I cannot but say, after all the expe rience I have had, that I am got so callous that I can read them without my feelings being in the slightest degree dis turbed. lam not, to a very great extent, a reader of the penny Newspapers, but sopietimes persons are so kind as to forward them to me, and I cannot say that I find a penny Newspaper more complimentary than a stamped one. Mr. WAKLEY—There are no penny Newspapers ; there are fourpenny ones. Sir ROBERT PEEL—Are there no penny News papers ? Mr. PHILIP HOWARD—Yes, the Penny Magazine. —(Loud laughter.) Sir ROBERT PEEL—I read the Penny Magazine, and I hope I estimate its value. I find no vituperation in it. There are Newspapers sold for much less than four pence I think. At all events Ido not find Newspapers improved, or polished in their language, whether in verse or prose, in proportion as they decreased in price. Occa sionally I receive publications which have no stamp, and I do not find them more complimentary than those that have. From a combination of all these circumstances I in fer that, supposing we were to remove the stamp, we should note taking any effectual security against vitu peration. think upon the whole, when party spirit runs high, a great deal of vituperation must be necessarily ex pected ; and I do not think it is any very great argument against the fair utility of the Press that you find in it occa sionally a great deal of personal abuse. The Hon. Gentle man, I presume, does not contend that the State should be called upon to give a premium to Newspapers.— [Mr. Hume—No.] But would you not be givini , a premium if you were to take off the stamp-duty, and provide coaches and other conveyances for the distribution of the papers at the public expense ? A very extensive and important experiment has been made by the measure of last year. One effect of that measure has been to do away with what may be called smuggling with respect to Newspapers. The Right Hon. Gentleman is about to favour us with documents which will give us authentic information upon the whole subject. At present my inclination is with the Government ; but when we have got those documents, the question for the re moval of the penny stamp may possibly with more propriety be entertained. Ido not consider a penny stamp in the slightest degree unjust, if you relieve the proprietors and purchasers of them from all charge on account of convey ance. With respect to the metropolis, indeed, it is true that those papers that are only circulated in town do not derive that advantage which those that are sent into the country do. But it is impossible in a general arrangement of this kind to distribute exactly the same measure of favour to every purchaser of a Newspaper. I think the principle of the tax is a just one, and that you have a fair right to levy upon Newspapers an equivalent for the charge of conveyance. Mr. HUME—Hear, hear. Sir R. PEEL.—Then the lion. Gentleman agrees with me ? Mr. HUME.—A stamp postage. • Sir R. PEEL.—If the stamp for postage he made equi valent to the stamp-duty I do not see what the Newspapers would gain. I very much doubt whether the existence of a stamp-duty as at present, with the conveyance of News papers also as at present, is not a greater advantage to News papers than a commutation of the penny stamp for a postage charged, varying, of course, according to the distance. The postage charged upon Newspapers is, I presume, to be in propertion to the expense of conveying them. Well, let us see what would be the effect. The Hon. Member for Finsbury says that the people in the country villages in Devonshire require enlightenment. Now, tl.e charge for enlightening them would be a very heavy one, while the charge for enlightening the inen of Hounslow heath and Barnet would be very light. You will thus ac tually invert the rule, because in the neighbourhood of the metropolis you will have a very small postage duty, while in those villages in Devonshire which the Hon. Gentlemen wants to be made accessible to the light of knowledge, being at a distance of 150 and 200 miles from London, there must be a heavy charge for postage. By charging one postage-stamp—(" Hear, hear," from Mr. Hume)—l beg pardon, one stampt-duty on all Newspapers, you wil! be enlightening the most distant parts of the country, as well as that part near the great centre of civilization, with out making any distinction ►n the charge. I much doubt whether you would not, by the present system, make the extension of knowledge and the promotion of the cause of civilization more easy than by the change proposed. I have thus endeavoured to express my opinion upon the sub ject. I assure the lion. Member for Finsbury that 1 do not agree with him, and that I am not meditating the abo lition of this penny tax. My opinion is strongly made up that this tax ought to be maintained. If the progress of the experiment of last year, and the documents which are to be furnished by the Right Hon. Gentleman, shall lead to the conclusion that the tone of the Press may be improved by the abolition of the penny stamp, that may be the sub ject of subsequent consideration. But I heard nothing in the speech of the Chancellor of the Exchequer to which 1 do not most readily subscribe. Mr. A. TREVOR explained. In allusion to what had fallen from the Hon. Member for Middlesex, he begged to say, that in what he stated he meant to convey that it was a deception on the public to tell them that Newspapers were the only channels of useful knowledge. Mr. C. BULLER, as a quasi Devoniensis, begged leave to inform the Right Hon. Baronet of one little circumstance of which he appeared to be ignorant—namely, that the art of printing was known in Devonshire, and if they were al lowed to carry it on as extensively as they pleased, they would not require the London Press, because the people of Devon had evil enough to set up a Press of their own. He once, indeed, thought that the circulation of the London Press in the provinces was absolutely necessary ; but 11 confessed that things had shaken his opinion on the subject, for he had observed that in every respect—in ability, mode ration, and intelligence, the country Press was infinitely superior to that of Lo Edon. If there we e a penny postage instead of a penny stamp, the provinces would have the ad vantage of obtaining the London Newspapers as easily as they do now, and at the same time of enjoying a cheap Press of their own. He was apprehensive that the Right Hon. Baro net, on rising, was going to declare himself hostile to the re ductioa of the penny stamp ; but at the end of his speech the Right Hon. Baronet gave him (Mr. C. Buller) reason to hope better things. There appeared, however, to be a great split with the party upon that question, for while the Right Hon. Baronet agreed with the Chancellor of the Exche quer that the stamp should be retained, the Hon. Member for Durham in that House, and Lord Lyndhurst in ano ther place, were for doing it away, so that there were two to one against him. It was possible, therefore, when the ; Right Hon. Baronet came into office, the Hon. Member for Durham and the Noble and Learned Lord might make it a condition, in joining his Government, that he should concede to their opinions upon the penny stamp question. --(Laughter.) He (Mr. C. Buller) had listened with great pleasure to the very admirable speech of the Hon. Member for Finsbury, who had explained the question with the greatest force ; but he rather regretted the tone of the Hon. Member's argument. It was not exactly that feeling which he wished always to be adopted when speaking of the intellectual state and education of the people. He was sorry also that the Honourable Member should have talked about the difference between his Majesty's Ministers ant their Radical s ipporters. He (Mr. C. Buller) thought the Hon. Member did them injustice in saying that the Ministers did not support Radical notions, although the Radicals always supported them. This was not a fair way to put the case, because lie must say that the word Radical had changed its meaning of late—(Hear)—and he believed that a great many of the measures which the Ministers now supported, and the language which they now held, would have been Radical a short time ago.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) It was hardly fair, therefore, to say that while the Radicals supported Ministers, Ministers did not support the Radicals. It was fairer, on the whole, to ! , ay that the Ministers had made great progress in Radi calism.—(Cheers from the Ministerial Benches, and iro nical cheers from the Opposition.) Upon this point he thought that rather a harsh tone had been assumed to wards the Ministers. He must confess that, although dif fering from them with respect to the penny stamp duty, he still thought that they had pursued, on the present occa sion, the only course open to them. Much as he himself desired the whole duty repealed last year, yet it would, in his opinion, be an act of levity and inconsistency on the part ofthose to whom was entrusted the management of pub- lic affairs, and such as would not be calculated to excite the confidence of the country if, after determining to retain the penny duty, the Ministers were, the very year after, to re move it.—(Hear, hear.) At the same time he, as an in dependent Member of Parliament, and without the re sponsibility of a Minister of State, was at liberty to express his opinion upon the question ; he would, therefore, say that he thought it was desirable that the penny stamp duty should be removed. Last year, while expressing a wish that the whole of the duty should be abolished, lie ac knowledged that the Right Hon. Gentleman was entitled to great thanks for reducing the Stamp to a penny, and said it would do a great portion of good. But he now found that he was wholly wrong, and was greatly disap pointed in the effect which that reduction had had. It did not appear to have improved the tone of the Newspapers by breaking up the monopoly, or by diffusing political in formation amongst the people. The Right Hon. Gentle man had said that there had been a great increase in the circulation of Newspapers since the reduction of the duty ; but he (Mr. C. Buller) would venture to predict that when the returns were obtained it would appear that that increase had taken place among the Sunday and country Newspapers only. The price of those Papers being only sevenpence a week, the reduction of threepence or fourpence in that price was a very sensible reduction. But the reduction of the expenditure on the daily Newspapers was so trifling that it had not increased their circulation. Last year he expressed his opinion with regard to the talent and character of the daily Press of this country, which had brought down upon him some severe animadversions ; but he could only say that nothing had occurred since the reduction of the Stamp-duty which induced him to think the monopoly of that Press had been effectually broken up, or that the literary characters engaged in the political department of it bad been in the least degree improved. Everything ought to be done to diffuse political knowledge among the people, and lie was astonished that a public man and a statesman should speak so slightly of it. Could any statesman of the present day look at the condition of this great people, and the great mass of working men, armed with vast physical force, and possessing intelligence enough to know what was going on in the political world ; but with little learning, knowledge, or talent, to enable them to form a correct judgment upon political questions, without dreading what might befal this country whenever any future period of excitement should put that mass in motion ? The Government was now experiencing the consequence of this ignorance on the part of the people ; for to what else were to be attributed the prejudices which prevailed upon what was acknowledged by all men of education to be the very best of its measures—he meant the Poor-law Amendment Bill.—(Cheers.) However much the Aris tocracy of this country might be opposed to them upon other points, it was the fact that upon this point the Govern ment had received greater support from the educated classes than he believed any Government could upon any other point whatsoever. He had spoken to many gentlemen of the Tory persuasion—(a laugh),—and he really thought that the good derived from that measure had reconciled them to many other steps which the Government had taken, in spite of their political prejudices. But why did a contrary opinion unhappily prevail among the uneducated, not among the class who were supposed to be the sufferers of that measure, but among those who had just that degree of intelligence which was got from oral communication with the inhabitants of large towns, and who had not the advantage of a cl.e ip Press that could inform their minds, and fill them with good opinions and the correct facts of the case ?—( Hear, hear, hear.) He believed that had a cheap press diffused amongst that class of persons merely the facts of the case, there would have been but little of that ignorant prejudice which had long been one of the greatest obstacles to the good government that existed in this country.—(Cheers.) He should certainly vote in support of the present motion ; and he hoped that though the Chancellor of the Exchequer could not take any further step this session, he would apply himself se riously to, and reflect upon, this subject, seeing that he must gird up his loins for a very sharp race, which the Right lion. Baronet appeared prepared to run.—(Cheers.) Mr. ROEBUCK, having shortly replied, the House divided, when the numbers were— For the motion Against it Majority —39 DISMISSED OFFICERS OF THE NAVY. Sir E. CODRINGTON rose, pursuant' to notice, to bring forward his motion for a return, stating the period at which the names of Commander Edward Edwards, Lieut. Bryant, Lieut. Rowland Milner, Lieut. John Bee, Dr. Thomas Williams, and Surgeon William Boyce, were re moved from the list of the navy, and were deprived of their half-pay, and the reasons for such deprivation. The Hon. and Gallant Admiral went into some details as to the causes alleged by the Admiralty for the removal of those officers from the service, but he was almost totally inau dible. We could understand him to say that the officers in question were prepared, if a court of inquiry were af forded them, to disprove the truth of the alleged charges, and their entire innocence of any charge that could render them unworthy of the situations they had filled in his Ma jesty's service. Of one of these individuals, Mr. Milner, it was alleged that he had borrowed money of a Mr. Solomon Alexander, of Portsea, for which he had given, as security, a power of attorney for the receipt of his half-pay, and had subsequently applied for, and obtained it, himself. He was not at the time entitled to half-pay at all, or if so, he was entitled to a much larger sum. - Neither was he on full pay, for, if he was, the inquiry would have been by Court-Martial. Soon after he did receive some half-pay, and further explanation was subsequently demanded from him by the Admiralty. This demand was made fourteen years after the events took place. He had been deranged. Very naturally, lie did not wish to divulge this circum stance, and he could not be certain as to what took place while in that state ; but upon inquiry he found that, in point of fact, he had never had any transaction with the person who claimed this debt. He offered him, however, 201. not to proceed further, from an unwillingness that the previous state of his mind should be made known. The pretended creditor did not know what the name of the cap tiin of the ship was at the time the debt was said to have been contracted. His ignorance upon this and other ports left no doubt on his mind that Lieutenant Milne' never knew anything of him. He would have prose cuted the Times newspaper for a libel, but he had not the means of defraying the expenses. The next case was that of Lieutenant John Bee. He was promoted in THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDA V. APRIL 14, 1537. 1826, and struck off the list in September of that year, without inquiry, and without having been'made acquainted with the charges against him. Gir George Cockburn in duced him to accept the situation of gunner. Now, if he was not fit to be a Lieutenant he was not fit to be a gunner, which was a very responsible situation. He accepted it, in the hope that he might be afterwards restored. In the next case, that of Lieutenant Thomas Williams, he got no copy of the case against him till five years after he was struck off the list. He totally denied the charge, and as serted that Collier himself, the solicitor who brought it against him, was also ready now to deny it. The last case was that of Surgeon Wm. Boyce, who was declared a bank rupt in 1817. He owed his agent at the time 561. The Com missioners said that it was to be considered in the seine light as any other debt in his schedule, and lie was accord ingly discharged. He was, however, deprived of his half pay. Why were officers of inferior rank to be subjected to so severe an ordeal, while the Admiralty, as he could prove, entirely overlooked far more serious charges in a higher quarter. He did not impute the blame in these cases to the present Board of Admiralty ; but why should they father the conduct of the former Board ? If lie should be hard driven, he would prove, by cases which would astonish the House, that the rich and the poor were not treated in the same way. He claimed the support of the Noble Lord the Secretary for the Hume Department, who, upon two occasions, when the question of Orange Associations was under consideration, said that no man's case should be decided on without having pre viously given him a hearing. If the Noble Lord did not support him upon this occasion, he would never support the consistency of the Noble Lord in that House. Allu sion had been made, upon a former occasion, to the case of Mr. Booth (as we heard it), a purser, one of the most respectable men in the service. This gentleman had some reason to think that he had not received all to which he was entitled while serving in the Mediterranean under Lord Exmouth. He applied to that Noble Lord for a certificate, who furnished him with one, signed " Ex mouth." He immediately called him back, and sub stituted the word " Pellew." He presented it to Mr. Croker, then Secretary of the Admiralty, who called him back, and said, " This is a forgery, and you are a forger." He was going to knock the Secretary about the head, as would naturally occur to an honourable, high-minded man, were it not that Sir George Cockburn came to his assist ance. He was struck off the list in consequence. Sir Matthew 'White Ridley threatened to bring the matter before the House, and the consequence was that this gen tleman was restored, by an Order in Council. He would also claim the support of the Right Hon. Baronet (Sir J. Graham), who laid down the principle that in cases of this kind ❑o man should be condemned without a hearing. Mr. ROBINSON seconded the motion. If the prerogative in such cases wus exercised with the advice of Ministers, Ministers ought to be responsible. He saw no reason for refusing inquiry except the mere technical one that these officers not being o❑ full pay could not be tried by court-martial. It would be easy to substitute some other tribunal of officers. Mr. C. WOOD opposed the motion. In all the cases mentioned the parties had an opportunity of stating their case before a fair tribunal. That House was not the place to adjudicate them in. He believed it was not denied that the King, by his prerogative, might dismiss officers of the navy and the army. There was this difference between the two branches of the service, that the King delegated the whole of his prerogative to the High Court of Admiralty, but did not do so as re garded the army. The House knew that there was a class of offences qualified under the designation of ungentle manly conduct. When charges of this nature were made against officers on the full pay they were tried by Court Martial. It was not the case as regarded officers on half pay. The Admiralty had the power to dismiss officers on half-pay. He would admit, however, that in all such cases as those alluded to by the Gallant Officer there would be just ground of complaint if no inquiry was made into them, and if the parties were not called upon for explanation. So far as he knew, the fullest and fairest inquiry was made into all the cases now brought before the House. He would refer only to one or two of them. The first case was that of Commander Edwards. He was called upon to state his case. He did so, and the Admiralty was not satisfied. He was, therefore, struck off the list. With re spect to Lieutenant Milner, it was not true that he had no half-pay due to him, when he gave the power of attorney. If his offence had been known soon enough he would have been tried by a Court Martial ; but he had been so long on half-pay that that course could not be resorted to. As to the case of the next mentioned officer, he had not been removed from the service without trial, and the explanation he had given had not been by any means satisfactory.— ( Hear, hear, hear.) With respect to the case of Dr. Williams, it was one which had been so frequently before the House, that he did not consider it necessary to go into it on the present occasion; and in the case of Mr. Bee, to whose correspondence with Sir G. Cockburn allusion had been made, no satisfactory explanation had been afforded the Admiralty to induce them to act differently from the course they had pursued with regard to him. The lion. and Gallant Member had alluded to the case of a Mr. Booth, but he (Mr. Wood) must beg of the House not to take that for a matter of fact which they only knew from the state ment of the party himself.—(Hoar.) Mr. Booth had not been hastily struck off the list. The document supposed to have been forged purported to be a letter from. Lord Ex mouth. Mr. Booth was dismissed on the 24th of March ; on the 29th Lord Exmouth's letter in reply to a communi cation made to him was received by the Admiralty, and the very next day a letter was sent off to pray that his Majesty would be pleased to allow the Admiralty to repair the error and injury they had committed.—( Hear.) Those officers who had been removed from the service had been struck off upon the strength of reports made by officers competent to judge of their cases. They had, he believed all been guilty of swindling in this manner, viz , drawing their half-pay after having given warrants of attorney to other per sons to receive it, or after signing affidavits that they would not receive it. The House had the best se curity as to the competency of the tribunal before whom the conduct of those persons had been examined. (Cries of Hear, hear, and No, no.) Let them look at the case of Mr. Bryant: An important witness, no other than his (Mr. Bryant's) own brother, had come forward, and stated that the evidence he himself had given was false.— (Hear.) The truth of that statement had been ascertained, and on that very ground the officer in question was restored to his former rank.—(Hear,) All the officers who had been removed had been called upon to give explanations of their conduct, and in some cases those given were not sa tisfactory, and in others none had been given at all ; and the natural consequence was their being struck off the list —(Hear, hear)—on the ground that the real effect of grant ing the motion would be a call for the production of all the evidence in the Admiralty for many years back, for the pur pose of retrying these cuses, and as he thought that a fair trial could not be had before a tribunal which he now con sidered incompetent, he should most decidedly oppose it. Mr. AG LIONBY had heard nothing in the arguments of the Hon. Secretary to the Admiralty to warrant his re fusal to produce the Returns moved for.—(Hear, hear.) The real state of the case was, that there had never been any trial at all—( Hear, hear)—at least nothing worthy the name of one. There never was a case of greater hardship and injustice than that of Mr. Rowland Millner. Talk of the honour of the service ! Was it for the honour of the service that the evidence taken before a harsh tribunal like the Admiralty was never laid before the parties accused ? —(Cries of Hear, hear.) The Honourable Gentleman the Secretary to the Admiralty said there had been in all these eases the fullest investigation, and that they had had every opportunity of' clearing themselves. He (Mr. Aglionby) would assert that the investigation had been a secret one—(Hear) —and before a tribunal that exercised the power with which they were invested most harshly. With respect to Mr. Millner, the first notice he ever re ceived from the Admiralty was in a letter from Sir John Barrow. He was accused of having borrowed 121. from one Solomon Alexander on the security of his half-pay, having already drawn that half-pay. If that was really the case, then the sentence passed upon him was a just one. But the allegation was made, let it be remembered, in 1810, and the investigation only took place in 1831. It was proved that Solomon Alexander was a money-lender of the lowest description, and had gone under false names. — (Hear.) Did the Hon. Secretary mean to say that Mr. Millner had ever been personally examined, or that he (Mr. Millner) had ever so much as seen the letter in which he was accused to the Admiralty? Had Alexander been personally examined?—(Hear.) If so, then his (Mr. Aglionby's) observations at once fell to the ground ; but if not, then he would say was it just that an officer should on such weak grounds as these be removed from the service ?—(Cheers.) Mr. Mill ner denied having received his half-pay at the time, • and wrote to the Admiralty to that effect. The reply lie received from Sir J. Barrow was, that he had laid his letter befor e the Lords Commissioners, and that they had autho rised him to say that they could not comply with the re quest contained in it. He wrote again to Sir J. Barrow, requesting at least to see the documents which it was stated had been produced against him, in order that he might say whether the signatures to them were in his own hand wr i t i ng or forgeries. The answer was that his request could n o t be complied with.—(Hear.) He presented a petition to the King, and Sir Herbert Taylor's reply was that, in compliance with his Majesty's order, he had referred the petition to the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty, who finally referred Mr. Millner to their former answer to his communications.—( Hear, hear.) He considered it was the duty of that House to exercise a control over every Court where it could be shown that harshness and injustice had taken place.—(Cheers.) Mr. WOOD had the necessary papers with him upon the point of the half-pay alluded to, but he was sure Mr. Millner was at the time on half-pay, and that, being after wards appointed to the Diudcnz on full pay, and wishing to raise a little money to fit himself out, he applied to Alex ander for a loan, to whom he gave an order to draw his half-pay. Alexander sent the order to his agents in town, and up to the day of his death he swore that the signature was that of Mr. Millner; in addition to which his (Alex ander's) wife had since corroborated his testimony by stat ing that she remembered the circumstance. Mr. Millner, on his return home, kept out of the way so long that the time within ,which he could have been brought to a Court martial passed away before recourse could be had to such a trial.—( Hear.) Mr. RICH ARDS denied that the officer in question had,ever had any trial. The Hon. Gentleman objected to the manner in which one of the gentlemen alluded to had been received by Mr. Croker when Secretary to the Admiralty. Sir L. PARRY said, the returns moved for could not, with any show of justice, be refused. Sir T. TROUBRIDGE denied that injustice, if any had been done, had been inflicted by the present Admi ralty. It was a case of thirty years' standing. He had himself investigated the case, and was satisfied that no in justice bad been done. Mr. O'CONNELL said, that the observations of the Hon. and Gallant Member had fully convinced him of the necessity of some systematic investigation. Major BRUCE said, when it was borne in mind that under the present system the British navy had been raised to be the first service in the world, he thought that they should be very careful before withdrawing its manage ment from the controul of the responsible Ministers of the Crown, and placing it under that of the House of Commons. Mr. A. TREVOR would vote for the motion. After a few , words from Colonel THOMPSON, Mr. D. W. HARVEY urged on the House that suffi cient attention had not been paid to the fact, that the proposer of the motion was himself a Gallant Admiral, who had won high honours in his country's cause, and was therefore a man most unlikely to attempt anything that could operate to the prejudice of the service to which he belonged. He should support the motion. Admiral ADAM called on the House to beware how it interfered with the prerogative of the Crown, which had been given for the benefit of the country. Captain GORDON also opposed the motion. Mr. P. HO WARD supported the motion. Sir E. CODRINGTON, in reply, said that the case of the aggrieved persons loudly called for inquiry. They had not been brought face to face with their accusers. They ought to have had an opportunity afforded them to prove their innocence, if innocent they were.—(Hear.) Now he begged to ask, nay, he thought he was entitled to ask, the Right Hon. Baronet whether, if an officer em ployed the ships of the Government in conveying materials for building a house on speculation, not as his own resi dence, but for sale, he would consider such conduct unbe - - coming an officer or a gentleman ? It would remain to be seen who were the friends of the navy in that House, and who were its enemies. Sir JAMES GRAHAM must deny that he had ever contended that the power vested in the Board of Ad miralty should be exercised in all cases ; but he had said that where the officers of the navy or army—who were not on full pay, were not amenable to the tribunal of a Court-martial—were guilty of conduct that tainted their honour, it was the paramount duty of the Govern ment to strike them off the lists of the service.—(Hear, hear.) This power was of course exercised under re sponsibility, and never called into action unless the case brought against the individual was fully established against him, to the satisfaction of those in whose hands the power was placed.—( Hear.) The Hon. and Gallant Officer had called upon him to define what the conduct was that he considered would be unworthy of an officer and a gentle man. Had the Hon. and Gallant Officer ever presided at a court-martial ? If he had, was it for him to tell the Hon. and Gallant Officer what the conduct was that would be unworthy of an officer and a gentleman ?—(Cheers.) Every man who heard him was as competent to answer the Hon. and Gallant Officer's question as he (Sir James Graham) was, and therefore he must express his surprise at finding that the Hon. and Gallant Officer was so uninformed as to render a definition on the subject necessary.—(Great cheer ing.) He was surprised at the reference which the Hon. and Gallant Officer had made to the conduct of a brother officer, who was not present to defend himself against such insinuations as the Hon. and Gallant Officer had thrown out. He was aware of the name of the Gallant Officer to whom the Hon. and Gallant Officer alluded, and it was but right that the House should know that he was an officer not on half, but on full pay. Now, would the Hon. and Gallant Officer have had him (Sir James Graham) exercise the authority of the Board of Admiralty in such a case ? Sir E. CODRINGTON—No, no. Sir J. GRAHAM—If the Gallant Officer referred to had done anything wrong, if he had been guilty of con duct that was unworthy of an officer and a gentleman, be was amenable to a Court•martial—to that tribunal on which the Hon. and Gallant Officer so strongly relied, and from an investigation by which the Gallant Officer in question would not have shrunk had those charges now imputed been preferred against him.—(Cheers.) He must say that it was unworthy of the Hon. and Gallant Officer thus, with out notice and' behind his back, to pronounce such a cen sure on the conduct of a brother officer without at the same ime mentioninc , his name.—(Renewed cheering.) Sir E. COAINGTON was understood, in explana- tion, to speak to the following effect Sir, I mentioned the subject because I had complained to the Right Hon. Baronet himself that men who were not at the battle of Navarino had received two dollars each as prize money for guns fished up after the battle from the Bay of Navarino. —(Laughter.) I made the complaint because the Right Hon. Baronet resisted giving to my men the gratuity I claimed for them for that battle.—(Cries of " Oh, oh," and renewed laughter.) But, Sir, what • did the Right Hon. Baronet do ? Why, he appointed that very officer who did this to supercede me in the command of the Chan nel fleet.—(Loud and long continued cheering.) Sir, the Right Hon. Baronet has taunted me with not having named the officer to whom I alluded, but as I would be incapable to speak that of a gentleman behind his back which I would not say before his face, I have no hesitation whatever in stating that the officer to whom I alluded is Sir Pultney Malcolm.--( Hear, hear, from a few Hon. Members on the Ministerial benches.) I, for one, Sir, disapproved of S:r Pultney Malcolm's conduct, and I think that many men would have been turned out of the service if they had acted in the same way. If any other officer had been tried up on the charge, and it hall been proved against him, I am convinced that this would have been the case. Now, Sir, I hope I have spoken explicitly.—(Hear, hear.) Sir Pult ney Malcolm spoke freely of me, and in doing so he did not speak the truth. I state this, Sir, as a Eta. I think I have spoken explicitly now." Sir J. GRAHAM—The Hon. and Gallant Officer has spoken explicitly now. Sir, I entertain the highest opinion possibly of Sir Pultney Malcolm, and I do not believe that there is a more honourable or gallant officer in the profession to which he belongs.—(Loud cheers.) It is perfectly true that the Hon. and Gallant Officer was superseded in the command of the Channel fleet, and that Sir Pultney Malcolm succeeded him in that command. I admit that I am responsible for having superseded the Hon. and Gallant Officer, and that I did so because I would not listen to - insinuations and charges Which were made in such a manner as the insinuations and charges made to me were made.—(Vehement cheering.) Those who were fully competent to form a correct opinion of the conduct of Sir Pultney Malcolm I consulted, and I now feel it my bounden duty to declare that I totally dis believe the charges brought against him--(Cheers.) Sir, had there been any foundation for those charges might not Sir P. Malcolm have been called upon to answer them be fore that tribunal to which he was at that time amenable ? He never was, and I therefore think it rather hard the Hon. and Gallant Officer should have attempted for 'three years to whisper away his character without mentioning his name, until the Hon. and Gallant Officer fo,und himself driven into a corner.—(Loud and long-cantinued cheering.) Admiral ADAM—Sir, I must say that I also was sur- prised to hear the Hon. and Gallant Admiral behind me prefer such charges against my old and gallant friend Sir Pultney Malcolm. If the Hon. and Gallant Admiral had had charges to bring against my old and esteemed friend, why did he not make them in an open and manly manner, and not by of insinuation ?—(Renewed cheers.) Mr. HUME was opposed to the power which was placed in the hands of the Board of Admiralty. The House then divided. The numbers were— For the motion 46 Against it Majority lO7 Mr. SC ARLETT moved fora return or account of the manner in which the sum of 68,0001., voted in 1835, for the relief of certain persons whose goods were consumed by fire in the Custom-house of Dublin, had been applied. After some observations from the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Mr. O'Connell, and Mr. Baring, the return was ordered. Mr. T. DUNCOMBE moved for a return of copies of all the Parliamentary surveys of Church lands made in 1646, and de . posited by Parliament in the library of manu scripts at Lambeth Palace. The documents to which his motion had reference were lodged, by the authority of that House, in the library at Lambeth ; but he trusted the House would order copies of them to be placed either in its own library, or in some other place where the public could have access to them. Indeed, perhaps the British Museum would be the proper depository for them. He (Mr. Duncombe) had lately occasion to make extracts from these manuscripts, and he was charged six guineas fees on the occasion. —(Hear, hear.) Lord J. RUSSELL thought it was not worth while to go to the expense of making copies of those manuscripts. The public, on paying a small fee, was at lih2rty to inspect and make extracts from them. Mr. HUME said these were documents of great public importance. They be to that House, and a vote of the House could bring them back. Mr. BA INES, in justice to the Archbishop of Canter bury, thought it right to state that he had lately occasion to make extracts from these manuscripts, and he applied to the Archbishop for his permissio❑ to do so, and not only was every facility afforded him, but he was allowed to make extracts ref pecting the valuation of 66 parishes with out any charge whatever.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. G 0 ULBURN thought the expenses of transcribing those manuscripts should not be borne by the Mr. DUNdOM BE—The expense will be only 401. Sir R.-PEEL was of opinion that it would be necessary for his Hon. Friend, in order to lay a Parliamentary ground for the order, to read an extract from the Journals, to show the circumstances under which the documents in question were deposited in Lambeth Palace.—(Hear, bear.) Mr. HUME concurred in the views of the Right Hon. Baronet. After some further conversation it was agreed, on the suggestion of Sir R. PEEL, that the motion should be postponed till to-morrow, in order to afford the Hon. Mem ber an opportunity to examine the Journals of Uhl House. Mr. SANFORD, in pursuance of his motion, called the attention of the House to the case of Thomis Reeves, late surveyor of assessed taxes in the county of Somerset. The Hon. Member complained that this officer was only allowed 241. a-year superannuation allowance, for 17 yearn' service, although his salary amounted to 182/. a-year, and the emoluments to 90/., making a total of 272/. a-year. In fixing the amount of his superannuation allowance the Treasury had refused to take into account the 901. a-ye Ar emoluments. He therefore begged to move for a Select Committee to inquire into the principle on which those al lowances were calculated. Mr. F. BARING had no objection to an inquiry into the operation of this Act, but it would only have the ef fact of opening all the other cases already settled by the Treasury. Sir J. GRAHAM was of opinion that as those officers were exonerated from contributing the 10 percent. on their emoluments towards the superannuation fund they could not complain of injustice.—(Hear.) After a few words from Mr. HUME, the motion was withdrawn. PRISON DISCIPLINE (SCOTLAND.) Mr. FOX M AULE moved for leave to bring in a Bill to improve the management of prisons and the system of prison discipline in Scotland. In illustration of the defects of the present system, he pointed to the circumstance that the male and female prisonels were confined in one place, and submitted to the care of a gaoler with a salary of 51. per annum. The remainder he eked out by the sale of beer, spirits, and other liquors to the prisoners. He would put the direction into the hands of a Board of Commission ers, and have the executive part looked to by the Inspector- General of prisons, assisted by two persons, to be appointed by the Secretary of State. The proposed mode of pay ment was to be by assessment on the country, taking as an estimate landed and household property. He further pro posed that the Board should lay an annual Report before Parliament, together with an estimate of the expenses for the ensuing year. If these were not questioned in the course of a month, the amount was to be levied on the counties and boroughs in proportion to their wealth and population. The road collectors would serve for a ma chinery to carry the measure into operation. The assess ment in any one year would be limited to 30,0001., and at this calculation, taking the population of Edinburgh as a standard, the impost would not be more than one penny in the pound. He would not trespass further on the House than to move for leave to bring in the Bill. Mr. G. BRUCE cordially concurred in the proposed Bill. Sir W. RAE hoped the measure would be taken up by Government. Lord J. RUSSELL promised that Government wou!d do all in its power to give efficiency to the measure. Mr. A. JOHNSTONE concurred in the principle of ie Bill. The LORD ADVOCATE said that the present system of prison discipline was a disgrace to the country, and he would be most happy to aid in correcting it. Leave was then given to bring in the Bill. Sir A. AGNEW moved fora copy of the correspon dence between the Lords Commissioners of his Majesty's Treasury and the Postmaster-General on the' subject of the detention in London of letters from the country - on the Lord's Day ; and also with reference to any proposals for passing letters through London on the Lord's Day.— Agreed to. Sir A. AGNEW again moved for returns of the Post offices in Great Britain which were kept open on the Lord's Day, with the number of persons employed in each post, and in the duties connected therewith, on the Lord's Day. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER thought that the Hon. Baronet ought nbt to press his ino- Lion, as the fact was a matter of notoriety, and he did not see the use of pressing for the return when the fact was admitted. Sir A. AGNEW said that motions of a similar nature had been made with respect to the metropolis, and he saw no reason why they should not he granted with respect to the country towns. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that there was no objection to the motion on principle, bat when it was admitted that the Post-offices in the country were open on Sundays he did not see what was the use •f such returns. After a few words from Messrs. Borthwick, Forbes, Johnstone, F. Baring, and the Chancellor of the Exche quer (the latter of whom suggested that, if there was a division, there was not a sufficient number of Members pre sent), the Hon. Baronet withdrew his motion for the pre.- sent, and fixed it for that day fortnight. DUBLIN POLICE BILL. Mr. HAMILTON had that day received a petition re specting the Dublin Police Bill, to which he was particu larly anxious to call the attention of the House. Lord MORPETH suggested that, considering the late ness of the hour, it would be better to postpone the consi deration of the petition to this day. The other Orders of the Day were then di:posed of, acid the House adjourned at One o'clock. Some rumours have lately been afloat among the clubs that a certain writer, who unites in his own person the s.'emingly anomalous pursuits of a naval author and an En fish barrister, has, under the name of a singularly gentlemanly title, portrayed the sea-life of a most illustrious personage . Whether there be any truth in this report we cannot at poe sent decide. THE GERMAN PRINCE'S NEW WORK, " SEACI LASSO IN AFRlCA."—Prince Puckler Muskau is the liveliest ..if Princes. He carries about with him everywhere the v.'s; best elements of cheerfulness, sterling good sense, rernarkabi quickness of observation, wit, and a nice perception of the dicrou3. These volumes of his recent travels show that he 1%.-9 lost none of these characteristics. Circumstances have raise• a lively interest at present in all that relates to Algiec The pages of Prince Puckler Muskau furnish us with ant dant entertainment.—Examiner. TRAGICAL EVENT AT STRATFORD.—On W;,:1- nesday morning, between one and two o'clock, William Ho %)s, one of the horse patrol, while on duty near the Pigeons publt c house, Stratford-green, heard screams of " murder," and ..on proceeding to a lane called " Tenfoot-way" he found a female with nothing but her night-dress on, bleeding profusely I% the throat. Hogg inquired who had done it, and the fern Cc, who cou!cl sea-rely articulate, desired him to follow her and sitar, would point the person out. She then proceeded down the I sa a short distance, and entered a house on the left hand side, DC - copied by a jobbing carpenter, named Thomas Cornell. 'll a officer followed her, and on going up stairs found Corn I d lying on a bsil with his throat cut, and his person, as well a s the bed elothes, covered with blood. By this time Johns m, another of the Bow-street patrol, arrived, and perceiving tl ott both the man and the female, whose name is Mary AusCrn, apparently in a dying state, at once proceeded to the house of Mr. Valiance, a surgeon, in Stratford-grove, and havi ag aroused him both returned without any delay. On the ern , 'al of Mr. Valiance a watchman had the female Austin in a con. er of the room. Ile proceeded to bind up the wounds of bot h . and the female, after a few hours, was removed to her !tam' , a who are poor but industrious persons, residing in the viliag e. Cornell during the morning made one or two attempts to t move the strapping and bandages from the wound. The km `sa , who was merely enabled to articulate on Wednesday forenot gave the same account of the tragical affair to both Mr. V; 3- lance and Mr. Pritchard (the Inspector of the patrol.) S hf: stated that on Monday morning Cornell (mine to the how: ol her parents, and requested that she would go and clean ins st his house. She did so, and, as she was about to leave at nig ht, be closed the door and prevented her, and, by his entreati es. she was induced to stop. She also remained the following iy, and at ten o'clock at night they retired to rest. At about rne o'clock Cornell, who seemed very restless, got up, and vt.211 down stairs; and, after remaining absent bout five. inintst es , he returned, and got into bed again. lie had not been. th' • many minutes when he threw his left arm across her fare amt with his right band drew something across her throat. Sli instantly felt the blood trickle down her person, and, cut of bed, endeavoured to fling herself out of a winaovi, I t t was prevented by Cornell. By great exertion she succeed,sa I in getting into the street, leaving Cornell in the room. tell called out for assistance. She denies having had any quart a; with Cornell, and cannot assign any cause for his conduct. I appears, however, that a female who had lived with hint nell) for nearly ten years and passed as his wife, had )eft hi is .about six months ago, taking with her 501. of his mon .4. SI a • • subsequintly returned to him, and, after living on very b terms with him, she a week ago left him a second time, tale, ; 121. more of his money with her. Mr. Valiance continue 3 t attend both parties, who remsin in so precarious a state t' na ; there is but little hope of the recovery of either.