The Sun. — London, England, 1852-03-16 00:00:00

that P • arliament need be prolonged.—(Hear.) As regarded Protection, ha could hardly reconcile the various declarations shat had been made, but would accept those of Mr. Walpole, • and avowed himself alike indisposed to the reversal and the Government what they intended to do in a ne w Parliament, but the demand he made was not an unfair one, from those :Who knew they had a majority and he hoped that Ministers -raid not drive the Free-traders to a disagreeable alterna .ave- It was, he reminded the House, not with demonstra en but with a practical issue that they had nnw to do • Th ey had so to act that, in a few months hence, Protection - h bespoken of as a thing that was pas t and gone, upon e deliberate verdict of a nation.—(Hear.) •„, M. B. COCHRANE addressed the Hou se for a few mi '',_44439, but the noise prevented his being d istinctl y heard. He -waft understood to say that Hon. Gentleme n on the opposite aide had ask e d Ministers to explain the principles of their I Mi cy, but had given no answer to the q uestion p ut to them as to the principle on which they gro unded their opposition. .The Hon. member then referred to the conduct of the Noble Lord, the late Prime Minister, when in opposition, and having taunted some of the Liberal party for toe 1 4: ,. / arse they had pursued, refer red s p eciall y to the — "Lath M6mher for Sheffield— the Andrew Marvell of the Ilouse—whom be accused of " daring audacity and fluent 'acerbity," and concluded by declaring that all he could say . : r _as, that he knew no more agreeabl e readin g than the " His of the Whigs," by Roebuck , u nless, p erchance the ".History of Roebuck," by Coppock.—(oh, oh.) He should '.cordially support the Government. Lord PALSIERSTON then rose and said —" I am anxi aus before this debate concludes to state very shortly, and in 4 . e iew words, the view which I, as an invid idual member of this House, take of the present position of Government, and ee of the d u ty w hi c h I think lies upon this House. The R i g ht ' 4o n. Gentlemen who have spoken from the Treasury bench have disclaimed any wish to appeal to the forbearance of this House. I, on the contrary, am willing, on my own :part, and I think the House ought to be willing on its Part to show to them all the forbearance which the peculiar Position in which they have been placed, I think, in the Present state of things entitles them to. Their position is • Perfectly anomalous, and in principle unconstitutional. It is accidental. Therefore, no blame attaches to them, but they are a minority proposing and intending to carry on the • business of th e c ountry in a House of ,Commons in which they form the minority. It is obvious that that state of things could not under ordinary circumstances last for any • period of time whatever. The course which a Government sander those circumstances would have properly to pursue would be, either to advise the Crown to dissolve Parliament and appeal to the country, or to resign office. They have recently been placed in power by the resignation of that party which up to a recent period formed the majority, and still form the majority of this House. A resignation, therefore, would not be consistent with the decision which they formed when they undertook to form an Administra . 1101 i. Now a dissolution at the present moment in the :State of business in this House is avowedly by the consent of all parties an impossibility. The House should, i therefore , give them their forbearance until they can conduct L cn,l? necessary business of the country so as to enable them to ssolve Parliament. They have stated some measures Which they think of importance. With regard to some of ' tnern I entirely agree with my Right Hon. Friend who has a liokfla recently from this bench, but there are one or two :which are of importance, and they must be carried. The 3 lca/lures, whatever- they may be, which they p ro p ose to in troduce for the internal defences of the country, are measures • Peculiarly necessary if a dissolution is to take p lace. The Very fact of a dissolution being in prospect renders it still ire incumbent on them to carry a mea sure of that sort. with regard to eliancery, the prospect of a C hancer y suit is Ot Very encouraging to those who think that an early dis aolution is desirable.—(Laughter.) I say, then, the House *4 , 4 to show forbearance to her M a j est y 's Government, ') eil they shall have carried the necessary business of the e f country to a state in which a dis solution can take place; but I do think that her Majesty's. Government will, an the p r i nc i p l e o f good faith to the House and the tt t nrYs 'on the principle of regard to their own consis s• e ueY , and the principles they have hithert mainained. they will lose no time in taking the o t sense of the • Qountry on the great principle of our commercial policy, Which they have avowed their intention at some time to 2, ": I tee Then, Sir, I think more, that, having take n the sense , '" 0 the country, it is their duty to call Parliament together ' fs, a g ain at an early period, so that in the course of the present e „ n aaon the next House of Commons may ceme to a final de ee',don on this grave question. If this question is to be L'unTeed to hang up until the ordinary meeting` of Parlia ment in the commencement of the ensning,year, it is my firm 7oviction that such a course would be attended with the "tiniest inconvenience to the public interests. And there fore. Sir, it seems to me that the Government ought n ot onl y take the earliest possible opportunity , consiste nt with the course of Parliament.. to dissolve the House of Commons rd appeal to the country; and, further, that there should s • ee a clear understanding between the Governmen t and this ~_- ' °nae. that so soon as in the r e g ular course of thin g s the '" el ► Parliament should be assembled, the sense of that tt a ssemblage should be forthwith taken on this great s . ';, l e ad insp ortan t question.—( Hear, hear.) Sir , what '"e result of a general election will be, I myself can entertain not the slightest doubt ; because I am convinced that the g reat mass of the :intelligence of this country has long ago made up its mind an the question at issue between the two sides of the House. ''(Hear, hear.) It might, no doubt, have been a matter of a rgument tit the time when the sliding scale existed whether 'a compromise might not have been effected in a moderate fixed duty, which might have lasted for many years, and ~' .Satisfied the feelings and interests of all classes of the com . ev„ , I ,:hunity. But it is quite a different thing when the que sti o n !lais been settled and decided six years ago; when the feel -1 f lings. interests, and hopes of the community have been „7 14 dapted to the present state of things.—(Hear, hear.) It is 'quite a different thing to propose that the policy should be reversed, and that a duty should be placed on the food of the , Door.—(Hear, hear.) Sir, I should hope that the untie • ° tied prospect which has been held out to us of the possibility that in a new Parliament that question mig ht not • brought forward, I hope, I say, that that prospect. may be realised, because I would think it a grave and most mu , "tons proposition on the part of the Government to re , :Pose a duty' on the importation of corn , even if th e attem p t dO SO was unsuccessful, firmly believing that the effect of Would be to array the feelings of the poorer classes of the ' • runtry against the superior orders, in a manner that would ,' nlost destructive of that harmony and good feeling which ),„ 7 'aught to prevail between all classes of the people of this land. ~ '(Rear.) I am satisfied that nothing could be more detri -4 natal to the real and true interests of the country, than to • 'tempt to raise the price of food on the poor, in order to add vie w to 'the incomes of the rich. — (Hear.) Sir , the g_ e W which I entertain is strictly this: that the House o f • _‘qrtmons ought to assist the Government in carrying such ! e easures as may be necessary prelim inar y t o the dissolut i o n • ° I Parliament, and that the Government ought to hold them lielyea bound to dissolve as soon as the state of business admits of their doing so, and as soon as the elections are • o . yer th ey oug ht again to assemble Parliament, in order that the controverted questions of commercial policy , on which ‘.. La t e two sides of the House are at variance, should be at once 7 0 mitted to and settled by the decision of the House of `"atimons:=—(Hear, hear.) • , axr. G. BERKELEY contend ed that i nstead of there ; being a greater demand for land than before, as had been aanterted in the course of the debate, the value of landed pro t. VLY had greatly deter i orat ed under the p resent s y stem. With yegard to their West India policy , all that they • red was that slave produce should not be admitted to country on the same terms with the produce of free l abour. _ Mr. M. GIBSON said the question before the House was i l aidently that of urging upon. Government the propriety of l 1: whom, dissolution of Parliament ; and on the part of those 40 r 1 1 , 1re represented he begged most strongly to impress 'Pon the Government the necessity of a speedy appeal to the e9an trY, in order to obtain the verdict they stated they de sired upon the subject of their commercial policy. Lot if he • th properly understood the Chancellor of the Ex ch equer and Home Secretary, they seemed to have c h a l ked out b usiness enough to detain the House until July or August. when he (Mr. Gibson) spoke of a " speedy dissolution," he meant that the House should go through the army and navy a nimates and the Mutiny Bill, and that then the Gavern luent shOuld at -once dissolve Parliament. When a dissolu- . then - took place in June, 1831, the new Parliament on its assembling passed a resolution for taking u p all the private b usiness at the point where it was dr o pp ed by its predeces- Sor; and by following that precede nt on this occasion he t hought the difficulty raised by the Home Secretar y mi g ht , be comple . :ely got rid of. He denied being actuated by tac tious motives; and advised. Honourable Gentlemen who re- Presented the rural districts not to practise again upon the credulity of thelenant-farmers, or to hold th emselves u p as _ , armees' friends; for let them rest assured that though t hey m' ht, that) thet new Parliament, make some effort to show Pc9ar ae had-been honourable, and that they had - maintained a co ns -; • rate fail in theie,tneY in their conduct, they would at any ' l t if they were holt;rnitst to re-impose a duty on corn. And ' giving rise to expectationshenhopes to the tenant-farmers, and fulfil, then, from that they would be unable to were not acting the part of he would say that they the farmers' friends, but doing • all that in them lay to arrest the p rogr ess of agricultural . improvement and conntment among th e occu pying tenants of the land (Ilear, te and Oh), Sir J. TYR LL congratulated Lord John Russell upon the wonderful unanimity which s eem ar e o d un t d o prevail amongst the - Hon. Gentlem en who then sat recollected that it was only a short tim e a g o n'T• m a r: t bl t e Nkh s e t hNe o n f oh h hl i ee s Lord committed the mistake of dismissin g the .colleagues in the Government, and that the • Majesty's Ministers were placed in . their presentue and her lereason of the Noble Lord having dissolved I:7ition Cabinet far want of the necessary amount o f w . that House, he' owned that the combination whieshriPbPparrwOttliesitnn-. I -hefted that night struck him as one of the most extraordi- I e rta rY that had ever occurred in the history of Honourable Gentlemen opposite had endeavoured . to excite - the feelings of the country; but he believed that the good sense of the peeple of England would give her M e ajestra Ministers a fair trial, and that they would not suffer the l *klo Ternment to be displaced by a combination of heteroge - t neous parties.-- (Hear, hear.) Mr. OSWALD said that the sp eech of the lion. Baronet 'Who had just sat down had disappointed him very. the' • becau se h e h a d ex pected he should have found a r 3 eele of a plain country gentleman so mething he could u nderstand. He thought that the c ountr y ought tobe Balled upon at the earliest possible mo ment to decide upon the 41 1e 0 rnentous question at present at issue . He thought that ll"s ou. Gentlemen opposite ought to let it he known whether • ;,,_aY meant to palter with the co untr y a s the y were palter , ''%. with their followers. The agriculturists of Scotland had • s urmounted the present crisis ; and be did not see why the a itTicalturists of England should not also surmount it, with , ' 1 , 4 1t the re-enactment of bad. laws, for the maintenance of bad larrning.---(Heae,) k , es ue f , r. NAWDEGATE said if they were in such hot hast e . °r a dissolution, they had it in their own hands—they had 4 Majority in that House. They did not fear delay ; but let ..ineasures first pass which were necessary for the c ountry, a nd let them have their disso lution as soon as the y Il ted- But let provision first Le made for the safety of the country If the Noble Lord insisted upon a dissolution be , • f ore th a t was done, he would risk his character as a states an.la,,, He did not forget what the Rig ht Hon. Baronet (Sir e r aised it had said—that if the quest ion of free trade was 'lulled it might tamper with the loyalty of the army . . They 40 ught no violent measures, but justice to the great interests of the country. They would not be allowed to narrow the question to a fixed duty on corn. Hi s p art y had proved • . anaselves Protectionists of the interests of the poor. : • he ma j o ritiesfor the Factory Bill were of their party. l ee • e i `. l aY had protected the Christian character 'of the State. • ,to Party had proved Protectionists of the Protestantism of b ee _ a State, British iedustr andrish caitl, whether at "we or on the ocean. They did riot p seek to a enrich them .' 'tea at the expense of those they emp lo y ed. These were • e great questions at issue whenever the question of was raised. The Right Hon. Baronet had said ai r corn-laws were abolished, and my rentals had not — 2 l.et ed• Why, as a landholder , I should be ashamed to re.. • hear.) the same rents as the Right Hon . Baronet.—(Hear 6 , , 0 11 4 Had not the Duke of Buccleu ch suffered ? Their • eat farmers and their best labourers were emigrating. The production of corn in the United Kingdom was less in 1851 than_ 1845 by 2,000,000 quarters. He w ould g ive another 'mane* of t h e e ffect of the l a t e p o licy. The exports from THE SUN, Ireland in that year were 7,776,000 quarters,,and in the 140 1 / 4 1 ye , r only 1,100,000 quarters. There ware hard uoont 3,000,000 of quarters less grown last year in the United Kingdom than there was the year before. Let them dissolve if they dare. He had no fear for the result,. Sir A. COCKBURN said he would not follow the Hon. Gentleman who had just sat down. He would for a few moments aVress hinasalf to the question before the Hone, which was protection on the one side, and free trade on the other. It was clear, from the temper of the House, and from the turn the debate had taken, that an immediate appeal to the country was inevitable. The ques tion that hat been put to the Right Hon. Gentleman (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) by his Hon. and Learned Friend was a very simple one, and ought to have been fairly answered by the Right .lion. Gentleman ; and the Right Hon. Gentleman set out with a statement that he would give a frank answer to the question, yet he gave no such an swer, for up to that moment the Government did not say what would be their policy. They, in point of fact, had no policy, and were placing themselves in 'a humiliating and degrading situation•—( Laughter.) Yes, he repeated it, that the Government who went to the country without any fixed principles, of policy it was plech.g itself in a humiliating and degraded position before the country.--(Hear, and a laugh.) It was due to the country that the Government should say what its policy was.. Tie, Home Secretary, who was more ingenuous than the Chancellor of the Exchequer, said that they were not going to change the existing policy of the country as regarded free trade; but that they were only going, to modify, it !-(A laugh.) What did his, Right Hop Friend menu by modification ? He contended .it was the duty of ,the Government to state frankly what was to be their policy, and this had not been done. Mr. BOOKER said he was satisfied that, howeer they might attempt to modify the laws applicable to free trade, he was sure they must get, ere long, rid of these laws alto gether. The Hon. Gentleman read an extract from a pam phlet to show, what he described it to be, the cruel opera tions of the free-trade laws in Ireland. The qUestion was then again put,. that the. Speaker do leave the chair, which was agreed to. SUPPLY—NAVY ESTIMATES. The llouse then went into Committee Mr. BERNAL in the chair. On its being proposed that 39,000 men be the number of seamen and marines employed in the service of the navy for the year 1852-3. Mr. HUME objected to any vote being taken on the sub ject at that late hour (half-past twelve o'clock). Mr. DISRAELI said if the vote were objected to he really must• have quite misunderstood the whole character of the debate of that evening,. for he thought it was the anxious wish of Hon. Gentlemen opposite to pass all those measures which the exigencies of the country required as speedily as possible.— (Cheers.) Imputations had been bestowed upon the Government for attempting to introduce other measures. He thought, therefore, at all events they would allow the Government to take those votes which were deemed essential to the public service. By taking this main vote the Govern ment would then endeavour to go on with the Mutiny Bill which had been so often mentioned during the' evening. It, was in furtherance of the policy which he understood Hon. Gentlemen opposite had in 'view .that this vote was now proposed. Mr. W. WILLIAMS said that if 'this vote were passed iE would in effect amount to the passing of the whole of the navy estimates. Mr. HUME feared the Right Hon. Gentleman was begin ning wrong. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER explained that he did not propose this vote as a rule. It was an ex ception that proved the rule; and he thought that in pro posing it he was only acting in deference to the general wishes of the 11 , aise. Lord J. RUSSELL said he willingly agreed to this vote. He had never concurred in the. rule attempted to .be laid down by his Lion. Friend, that after a particular hour busi neis should not be proceeded with., If ,there were any ob jection to state to the number of 39,000 men, , of course the Committee would be ready to hear it; but he did not think there was any. The,Right Hon. Gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer had been offered to-night the opinions of many Meuibers on the expediency of advising the Crown to a diasolution after the ordinary business should have been gone through. Before Frid a y next, when it was proposed to go into Committee of Supply, the Government might re consider their determination, c oncur in the course suggested that evening, and take such steps as might be necessary, without proceedi• g with the view, of having a protracted session. Tne CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said the Noble Lord only did him justice in supposing that it was both his duty and his pleasure to listen to the sentiments expressed by Gentlemen on both sides, and to defer, as much as possible, to what he considered the predominant feeling. But he was sure the Noble Lord wou d not ask him on the sudden to 'cilne to any decision on this subject.—(" Hear, hear," from ,Lord John Russell.) He had watched carefully the proceedine s of that evening; but when the Noble Lord said all the Government required to do was to propose the measures necessary for the public service, he might tie re minded thet a most important difference had arisen between distinguishei supporters of the Noble Lord .npon the ques tion as to what measures were necessary and what were not.—(A laugh.) For example ,the Noble Lerd the Member for Tiverton who was very guarded in his support, de scribed as of imminent neceeite a measure to establish a militia force. Immediatey unk , r, a leading member of the resuscitated' Anti-Corn-law Leegue denied that con clusion; he di t not look eu that important mea•:. sure as necessary. While he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) readily texpressed his wish to consult the predominant feeling of the Ho Ise, and to give effect to what he conceived to be the general sentiments of Honour able Membens, be thought, it d e sirable, as ae interval must elapse before thg subject recurred, tha t the .Noble Ldrd should'summon his supporters again, and g et them to come to some general agreement on the measures they considered necessary.—(Hear, hear and a laugh.) The Noble Lord, before lecturing him, and expressing readiness to support measures of supply which were necessary, but not measures to waste time, ought to come to an understanding with his friends on the important question as to what measures were necessary and what unnecessary. Lord J. RUSSELL must .explain that he never said any measures brought forwaid had been so to waste time. But he thought there were certain measures which it would be necessary, in the view of a dissolution, to proceed with as soon as possible. There were others which might be brought forward, not with the view of wasting time, but of having the session of the ordinary length, and which were not of an urgent nature. Mr. HUME had wished an opportunity of making some remarks on the distribution of the force to which the vote rel,ted ; nut, if Hon. Members were satisfied, he would not throw any obstacle in the way Of taking the vote. After a few weds trona Mr. W. WILLIAMS, The vote was agreed to. , A vote of 1,469,0541. for wages of seamen and marin es, and naval reserve, having been proposed, Mr. HUME'remal ked that, as he understood giving the vote would facilitate a dissolution—(A laugh)—he should hot throw any difficulty in the way. The vote was then agreed to; as was also 'a vote of 506,5781. for victuals to seamen and marines. The House then resumed.. The Burghs (Scotland) .Bill, the Charitable Dints Bill, and the Copyright Amendment Bill were severally read a second time. SUITORS IN CHANCERY RELIEF (STAMP DUTIES, &e.) BILL The following resolutions were: passed in Conami4ee , and ordered to be reported to-day :- 1. That the fees payable on proceedings in the High Court of Chancery shall be collected by means of stamps. 2. That the following annual salaries shall be payable out of the Consolidates Fund of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, that is to say : To the Lord Chancellor ••• To each of the Lord Justices of the Court of Appeal in Chancery ..,„ ..„ 6,000 To the Vice-Chancellor appointed nn-cler the Act 5 Vic., sees. 1, cap • 5 5 000 .•• ••• ••• To the Vice-Chancellor appointed under the 5,000 . Act 14 and 15 Vie., cap. 4 in lieu of all salaries now payable to such judges respectively. 3 That the yearly sum of 8001. shall be payable, out ations of the said Consolidated Fund to the secretary Presen sad secretary of commissions of the'peace. oft 4. That compensation shall be made out of the said Con solidated Fund to the persons holding certain offices in the High Court of Chancery, on the abolition of their respective offices. The House adjourned at a few minutes before One o'cicck. £lO,OO O LORDS, HOUSE OF LORDS, March 15. The LORD CHANCELLOR wok bis teat on the Wool sack precisely at Five o'clock. At that time there Was an unusually large number of Peers in attendance, and a large concourse of Peeresses occupied the gallery as signed to their accommodation. The Duke of Welling ton was in his usual place, the cross bench between the eoolsteek and the bar. POLICY OF THE GOVERNMENT. Lord BEAUMONT, in presenting a petition complain ing of the injury inflicted on the country by the uncer tainty which exists as to the intentions of the Govern ment reApecting the law regarding the importation of foreign corn, availed himself of the opportunity to put a question to her Maiest)'s Government'—whether it is or is not their intention :0 recommend to Parliament an alteration of the present policy with respect to the importation of corn as soon as a new Parliament could be -assembled?—(hoar, hear.) He at.ited, as a reason for asking this question, the great uncer tainty, under which the country laboured, and especially the le trading classes, as to tvheit were the intentions of the ..Fiert policy Majesty's Mioisters in reference to the existing question of of free trade in corn. Having bri.fly adverted to the sentiments Lord of the T ly re e a x s p u r r e y se i d n b t y hi t s h H e o N u o s b e le on Etj th rl e protection re on taking office, the Noble Lord (Lord on te e 0118 ' 13 i ,tnorit) complimented Lord Derby cated the question" —l4_ which he had litlio- Noble Lord at the heed complained, however, of the might be whilst in opposiiion. Hoe' Protection to agriculture referredtkat occasion with stating merely contented him se lf 0 1 the Government having that this question the country at some indefinite time, to the decision of taken the more manly and strartielftustt'ad of having propounding frankly what the feeglinorward course of ment were on this all-important gesuaj the Govern the event of an adverse majority in subject, and ill Commons of making a direct and immediate Re of the country. Had the Noble. Lord taken that appeal to course, he (Lord Beaumont) would never have thought it his duty to take the step he was now taking. He charged the Noble Lord with an attempt to call upon the country to agitate this question with the view of founding some ulterior measure on that agitation. That was not the conduct which a true statesman would have pursued, but was rather that of an' agitator out of doors. The only construction he (Lord Beaumont) could put upon that conduct was that the Noble Lord wished to raise a quarrel out of doors, in order that he might stand quietly by and look on. Was not this creating an agi tation out of doors, without there being any prospect of a settlement of the question in Parliamen' ? There was the greatest possible confusion arid difference on this j matter in the sentiments expressed by the members of the Noble Lord's Government on their recent re-elec tiens. The address of the Chancellor of the Exch. quer to the constituency of Bucking' was referred was especial l y mys tical. A`• countervailin g nuty • - ,frequently to in that Right Hon. te • entleman's speech, b ut whether that he it was to be a ss. or a 7s. duty wanted nobody knew.—(A rough.) Now, he (Lord Beaumont) con tended that the country was entitled know distinctly , whether or not it was the intent On intention d of to the Government to propose a fixed dutythe importation of foreign corn. When a man entered two horses for a race he generally knew which was to TUESDAY EVENING, • . 1 4A, l aug h.) Actingea on e- - that- e . peijecipler Friends and enrcelleegur st* , thepG.overnment for the reedit. h e .a., ad Beaumont)rGovernment sheuld state to the thought the. Noble Lord ness with which th ts).s ered to' the call, felt that in the at the head off"tee then state of this country, i n t erna lly and externally' ' - flew '- - - country ought not, and should no t, b e l e ft without a Go country whether he meant to win with a ss. or 7s. duty. vernment.—(Loud cheers.) My Lords, when that division —(Laughter.) The l a bourin g classes throu g hout the took place which was the ostensible cause of the fall country were never in a better position than they were of the late Government—the real cause was very diffe at the present moment. Looking therefore at the rent, and, perhaps, the Noble Earl opposite, whom I see whole interests of the country, the activity taking a note (Earl Grey), m a y in the manufacturing districts, and the advan- cause—(Laughter, and Hear)—when, I say,the late Governs I be somewhat aware of that I togas 330 W enjoyed by the people, whatever were went had been placed in that minority, the Noble Lord at 1 his opinions in the abstract in regard to the burdens the head of the Treasury announced to Parliament, that sub sequently to that decision he had his colleagues as to the propriety of their resignation, or of a dissolution of upon land, he was decid-dly against all reversal of our commercial policy, for in such a reversal he saw Parliament, and that -he h t ecl e coni to the conclusion that great dangers s he saw violent passions raised up, class against class, and that animosity revived which under the circumstances of b expedient.—(Hear, hear.) ' - Inexpedient for whom, my long-slumbered and died away. He considered that if Lords? Inexpedient for the Noble Lord and his —(He a r ,colleagus country a dissolution was in setthe Noble Earl at the head of the Government did not or inexpedient for the interests of the country? a, give a distinct reply to his inquiries he would inflict hear.) I will not so far impute such unworthy motives to great injury upon the country. Lord Beaumont con- the Noble Lord me a re s e to nt ) conclusion I in ust consider that a that diss 0 I h n e t i e a n n d e hisf Parliament eluded by presenting the petition of which he had given or advantage of his colleagues and himself that he looked.— P w P h os a e te t v h e a r tit was to the convenience notice. The Earl of DERBY then• rose and said—My Lords, it a ( t h ht ri a edt looked. — (Hear, m u come e t ear the. presentre constitution of parties—that such a dissolution of results it might have upon will be most satisfactory to myself, and I know it will be equally so to you" Lordships, if I take the short and sum- Parliament was not oely inexpedient, but that it would be teary mode recommended by the I'ioble Baron, who has oc- most dangerous to the interests Then, my Lords, I ask with a cupied an hour and ten minutes of your time with a discur- hat face can any man or body . of "ye s " of men who had declared that dissolution was inex pedient—who had declared that tna them or "no" in reply ; but although I hope not Co occupy so selves to conduct the Governneentw y ho we had advised the much of your. Lordships' time as the Noble Bar on has oc- Queen to send for me to undertake the duties of responsible re unable cupied in putting his question, I confess that I am net-pre- Minister of the Crown—with what face, or upon what pre mature dissolution of Parliament If i At the same time, my Lords, I shall be m oat read y to g ive pared to give him so brief and categorical an answ er as that. text, I say, can any man, body of men, call for a pre or any w condemned; or seek to embarrass that Government which to the Noble Lord and to your Lordship s s uch ex p lanations they know, if they succeeded in ich they themselves had place.—(Loud cheers.) But the Nobledensftr earveeoght plainly and simply b as are consistent with my duty, in regard to the course in- have the means of re-building, or corn-laws buildingoßy aiwnrogen, ought said dh- ttanother oat would .uhn on oiv o ti t i tended to be pursued by her Majeety's Government, as may have been left in the slightest degree of obscurity in the course of the observations which I had the honour to submit t ta his en pa e r n t e ic o u f la t r we qu co es e t r i s o s n ; o e f i t th h to your Lordships a fortnight ago. In doing this it is not now obtained office y the necessary that.l should follow the Noble Lord—and I assure to support have nt declaredth osewho that,eall themselves v el the Protectionist party, him that I have no intention to do so—into the various ar-by which we have mounted to h a t e t n la d e t f salient 1 recommend lese guments with regard to the policy of the corn-laws, office, and in that case he would be the last man to taunt us the course which was pursued in 1846, the inci dents of burdens or of losses which fall upon the ward at the present moment, state landlord, upon the tenant, or upon the labourer. And I shall not be led by the Noble Lord, and I trust that • andwhich Parliament, ourselves declared none of my Noble Friends near me will be led, by anything have • tention of re that we no in commending to Parliament which takes place hereafter on this subject, into a most until anther erParliament has assembled, hear.) I --(Hear e fruitless and unnecessary discussion on the subject of the will ask the Noble Lord to look b ac k corn-laws —( Ministerial cheering.) My Lords, the Noble whena change of Government took andeto placteo the last occasion Lord has certainly not done great justice to his clients ; be- In 1846 the late Sir R. Peel's Government in this country. t was ejected from . cause, although he commenced by stating that he should office by adverse vote upon an an important Irish question, proceed to show to the House the various evils under which which was introduced and supported b y the gentlemen who these petitioners were suffering, the grievances which were succeeded Sir R. Peel in the Ministry- In 1846 a motion in afilictiog them, and the anxieties which deprived them of o tion to the policy of the then Governme n t was carried their repose both by night and by day, yet to the close of successfully against Sir R. Peel. There was the usual inter his speech not one single word was said about the pe- vening period between the fall of the old Ministry and the titioners, and it was not until a question was put by my formation Noble Friend near me, that we even elicited from the Noble under the existing precisely the same as circumstances, Lord Lord who those petitioners were, or what was the founda- J Russellappeared in•the House of . : Commons as First Mi tion of the question of the oble Lord. Well, now, the .ofthe Crown, and stated what those Bills lying on the nister Noble Baron was kind enough to allow me a sight this table of the House were with which he intended to proceed, petition after he had given notice of it. I speak with every those'which he proposed and what were to abandon. On respect of the petitioners. I have no doubt they are men that occasion Lord J. Russell was taunted by one of those of the highest respectability, but undoubtedly in point of u . who is now supporting him_ _ Hon, Members the Hon. Mem numbers they are not exceedingly extensive.—(A laugh.) `e bet for Finsbury, and he was called upon by the House to These, as the Noble Lord has stated, are petitioners who are not confined to a single district, or a single township, but state the principles upon which he intended t o conduct h is the course which he intended to pursue in a certain number of them I find are from the township of Government, and measure. Now I commend to the Snaith, and one or two others from adjoining districts. Well, regard to a articularp , watt the vet now. what is the numerical force of these petitioners who are attention of Noble Lords p by P Lord J. Russell clear and elabo in this state of unparalleled uncertainty? What interests rate answer made then Minister of the c sell, standing in do they represent? What great bulk of property has come the position of First to put such rown. He denied forward to, complain to your Lordships of their unparalleled the right of Parliament the duty of ti s l i e uestions to him, state of anxiety, the agitation into which the country is and he denied that it was He declared Government to thrown, and the total confusion of all agricultural affairs answer them.- (Hear, Bear.)o answer that upon those wh ch arises out of this protracted uncertainty? Why, m y questions he would give n articular course i whatever. He refused Lords, the petitioners are just 13 in number—(Laughter)— to pledge himself to, a p and of those relating regard to irn and they thus speak of themselves:—" The humble petition portant • measures of reform, relating to the of the undersigned owners and occupiers of land in the Irish Church. - (Hear.) But the Noble Lord ure relatin went further; county of York " The Noble Earl near me has been kind f or with regard to the meas arkable toexpressions:—" the Church of enough to sum up the extent of the occupation of these yeti- Ireland , he used these T w ex isting ith the I do tioners. One of them, no doubt a highly-respectable not say that I am satisfied state of farmer, occupies 500 acres of land; but the whole 13, things. I may desire t o reduce the revenues of the including that gentleman, own and occupy only to the Protestant Church in Ireland. I may desire h in Ireland. I to endow amount of 1,841 acres. I see that some of them are farmers, the Roman Catholic Churc both tho retain the some of them very respectable gentlemen. Mr. Langley is opinions I have expressed up n o differentse questions ; but one of them; but amongst them I see Mr. J. Wright, the people of England entertain opinions, and I the auctioneer at Snaith, and his occupation is 12 will be guided entirel in iny course by the recorded hear.) opinions And I will not acres; Mr. Pickering, the surgeon of Snaith, is another, of the people of land.—(HearEng which and he occupies twenty acres of land.—(Laughter.) These, pledge myself as to the course the now, hereafter, then, are the petitioners who come before you on the present or at any time I will take in upon its integrityimportant and vital occasion. Now, take the casss.of the surgeon or the auctioneer questions—the maintenance —one occupying 20 and the other 12 acres of land. Take Church in Ireland and the endowment of the Roman Catholic the auctioneer, who is a highly-respectable man, no doubt; Church."—(Hear, hear.) Now, these were the doctrines of I dare say he has made some money in his business as an John Russell in 1846. These were the doctrines in hi e ), and W -- auctioneer ; and no doubt he has a snug little villa, shrub- the Opposition of that day acquiesced, letwillingly ac bery, and kitchen garden, with three or four cows ; and he quiesced. These were the principles; without . or hindrance, lives very comfortably, not on his farm, but on his businessßussell and his Government upon which Lord John as an auctioneer. What is the amount of wheat, I should office in the middle of a session of Parliament. These like to know, which is grown by Mr. Jonathan Wright,. the were the principles upon whi ch the y were p ermitted t o g o auctioneer of Snaith, which is to be deducted from his house, on to the close of the session without any factious interrup his pleasure- grounds, his kitchen-garden, and his lawn—the tions, and to, di s p o se of the business that was pressed up on whole to be taken out of twelve acres of land? Yet that the immediate con sideration of Parliament. My justice Lords, I g e n tleman cannot sleep night nor day. He cannot rest for a ask for' no one measure, I ask but for i siegle hour, oppressed as he is with his grievances, alarths, not t o nire-or my colleagues —but justice to the great in and anxieties?—(Loud laughter.)- eHe cannot tell how to terests of our common cou , ntry.—(Hear hear.) I ask estimate the value of his land; he cannot take a lease; lie not to be precluded from making the_ necessary financial cannot agree upon the covenants which are necessary for arrangements for the public service. I a ask not to be pre conducting his cultivation and his husbandry, because he state of eluded from placing this country in permanent .. . does. not know whether we are not or are going to put he danger ot foreign invasion internal organisation against t . . • on a moderate duty on the importation of corn at some I ask you not_ to permit any-unnece ry sea interruptions to distant and indefinite period. Why, to talk , 'of the post- the progress of public or private businesslor any interference pouernent of the final settlement of this question for a with those useful law reforms which have been already period. of eight, ten, or twelve - months, as interfering so ably sketched out, and upon which the hearts and the .with all the 'operations of. agriculture, ' and preventing minds of the people are fixed.—(Hear.) I call upon you, arrangements between landlords and tentwite; is—without my Lords—indeed, I ought to beg pardon of my Noble and any wish on my part to deprecate or diminish the magni- Learned Friend on the bench below me (Lord Lyndhurst) in tude and importance of an ultimate settlement—to attach an alluding to this subject, because the Noble and Learned Lord exaggerated . and' fictitious importance to . that which the the other day, in dwelling upon these important questions, Noble Lord alone demands, that is, an immediate and cate- made a most able and elaborate statement, in which he gorical explanation of the course which her Majesty's Go- showed all the inconveniences of a dissolution at this period vernment intend to pursue.. Why, in- the cultivation of a of the year. And lam conscious how incapable lam after farm, do you not know. in March, and may you not know in such an eloquent and unanswerable speech to press those November, what is to be the course of proceeding?—what topics upon your consideration, and to enumera te the evils alteration in agriculture would be made by the postponement that must arise from a premature interruption of these pro of any declaration as to what is to be the import duty on a ceedings. If Noble Lards opposite, and Hon. and Right Hon. quarter of foreign wheat P I presume that even at Snaith Gentlemen in the other House of Parliament, have really no they do not sow their wheat in March or April, and that the objection to wait for the pronoucement of the verdict of the cultivation of wheat in that neighbourhood will . not be country, I aska , shere its the anxiety—where is the alarm— affected by a declaration now, rather than at the next where is the uncertainty that are said to prevail in the harvest, of what are the intentions of her Majesty's Go- public mind as to the policy of the existing Government ? vernmett, or, what is of more importance, the intentions ( Hear, hear.) I have already told your Lordships that in of Parliament on this great question.—(Hear, hear.) regard to financial measures Ido not intend to make any Does the Noble Lord suppose, either, that the impo- Proposition that could in any way disturb the present sition of any such duty as could be carried by any GO- state of things. I tell you now, as I have told you before, vernment would produce such an alteration in the refs- that the' next election must finally and conclusively decide tions between landlord and tenant as materially e to interfere the course which we shall take, and that in the m eantime we w ith the arrangemeets whi c h su b s i st b e t wee n them as to shall not propose any measure that could call for such op rent and the covenants under which they hold their land? position as is now threatening us. I shall say no more; but I have not supposed any amount of duty as being the duty if the business of Parliament be interrupted —factiously in that ought to be levied ; but the Noble Lord has taken the terrupted—in this House I have no fear of any such interrup sum of 75., or 55.,, indirectly referring, I think, to what was tion, and I trust that in the other House better cou ncils will s aid in a speech by a Right Hon. Friend of mine in the prevail—but, l'repeat if the Government are to be inter county of Buckingham the other day. Now, lam not rupted by discussions upon mere abstract questions —if the going to speak with regard to the amount of the increase of !lecessary measures waiting for our consideration are to be price Which would be produced in the home market by any impeded in their -progreess—then, I say, the just censure of Possible alteration of the duties on foreign corn. lam not wan cotentry must fall upon the heads of those who have tio .going to re-open the subject upon which a Noble Earl oppo- wantonly interfered in preventing any government being site put a question to me the other 'day, when lie contended carried on. But we are 'told that there is much anxiety, that whatever increase takes place in the prise of corn or alarin, and uncertainty prevailing in the public mind as to other articles in consequence of the imposition of a duty falls the intentions of her Majesty's Ministers. Where ' ask, not only upon the price of that which is imported, but upon are there any indications of such feeling? The country al 3- the whole amount of the produce of the country. What I pears tranquil, peeceable, and contented. —(Hear, hear.) Is contended for then was, and what I contend for now is, that there a more accurate barometer of public apprehension than whatever the duty may be, it is not the whole amount, but a the public funds at this moment? And yet will the Noble small portion of that amount, which must be added to the Lords opposite point out a single moment during price in consequence of the addition of the duty. Take a the whole period in which they held office when the public securities duty of 45., 55., or 75., or whatever you please—let us take, were so steady, or had for instance, that with which we are the most familiar—a shown a greater tendency to advance than at this moment? ss. duty on the import of corn—that is an addition of 4s. to Yet, according_ to th e N o bl e Lord's statement, the coun t r y is the present existing d u ty. N ow , suppose th e u tmost pos- in a perfect Panic.—(H ear, hear.) Now the quest i on o f the ruble extent of the augme n t a ti on o f pr i ce i n thi s country commercial and fin anc i a l concerns of this country i s no t, as consequent upon an increased duty o f 4 s . t o b e Is. 6d. or 2s. the oble Lord seemed to infer. a mere question of the impo a quarter, will any man tell me that to doubt whether that sition or non-imposition o f a moderate duty upo n foreign amount would or would not be imposed, and the subsistence corn, nor is there any q uest i on raised as to the tota l revers al 'of' that doubt for some eight or t en months, could introduce of the policy of the lat e Si r Robert Peel as far as regar d s th e the smallest amount of uncertainty with re and navigation-laws, rd to the rela - imposition of a duty upon foreign corn, or the repea l of the toes of landlord and tenant, and the permanent arrange- or any. of those great measures in the po ments between them? e• (Hear, hear.) My Lords, I ter - lic y of which thou g h Id o not concur, yet I do not des ire to wilily have seen a statement, and I read ,it with some sur- see reversed. I do thi n k , however, that that po li c y h a s prise, which was made by a friend of mi ne th e o ther day, been carried to an unnecessa ry and a dangerous extent. The that he should take care to inform his t enan t s th a t if they N oble Lord himself admits that to one great class of the obtainedduty upon wheat he should immediately put community they have occasioned serious evil, and that much on half,a e crown,J, do not know. whether per acre or per injury has e been suffered by such class, in consequence not quarter, upon their rents. Now I- do not think this is a very only of.th of but also the mode of adoption of the generous course of proceeding. That gentleman is himself Princip les ot free trade. My Lords, I think that other lute a farmer, and an extensive sheep-owner; and he is at this rests have suffered equally with the land, not to the same moment canvassing the city of. Westminster upon the extent, perhaps,_ d but in the same manner. But on that ac groupd of li p extreme liberal principles I—(Loud laughter.) count do I esire to go back upon all legislation of the last Now, I confess that it appears to me the sheep are not the few years? o I recollect perfectly well at the time the only, portion of his property which this gentleman seems measure r the repeal of the navigation-laws was under disposed to fleece.—(Renewed laughter.) But I believe discussion, Iwarned your Lordships against adopting that the example he has set, or has announced his readiness to measure, and amongst cengst other reasons urged by me against set—for Ido rot believe he would do it—is an example your adoptinge 1 said that whatever you did in reference which would not ,be followed by country gentlemen gene. to the imposition of those duties, the principle of that rally.—(Hear, hear ) I grant, however, that this question measure respecting the n avigation-laws if once assented to should remain in abeyance no longer than is absolutely ne- would be final andt. irrevocable, and you could never again cessary.—(Cheers.) I admit that most frankly. But with hope to reverse it. Irepeat the same opinion now.—(Hear, regard to the uncertainty—my Lords, there is a very large hear.) I .do I desire r -° go back to the law of 1846 as party in this country, as is well known, who have declared regards corn. _ do d not desire to go back to the law of 1842. in the most emphatic terms that it is not until the next tiled- 1 desire your Ler sbips and the country to consider—not tion that that uncertainty should be removed—that at the by means of agitation —mot through the agitation next election the question must be settled, and settled deli- of persons who, perhaps, make more noise than nitively, and to that election they refer on their own part, they poSsess influence, who bring down large amounts confident in the atrenghth of their case , but ready to submit of subscriptions upon paper, who have exercised and to the judgment of the country should it be pronounced perhaps still exercise a . most dangerous influence upon a ' against them.—(Hear hear.) So that whether the change Portion o f the communit y , and who may succeed by such of Government had orhad not taken place, that uncertainty influence in creating local apprehensions ;—but I say it is a as to the final deeis hn " f ' the c oun try , and of Parliament question w hich .ought to mibe consider e d b y Par li amen t deli following the country, must have equally remained, but with beratel y and eeldiscussing,y not so much whether a thi s difference, that in consequence of that change 'of Govern - mode of relief might not be adopt e d by imposing a moderate went the period of the duratio n of the unce rtainty wi ll b e dut y upon corn, but whether you will apply your minds, and the dissolution of Parliament, which might not to the reversal of our commercial system, but whether diminished, might not be made in • ' have been postponed for a period of two years, in the ordinary such modifications alleviate the course of things—l trust I need not offer any apology for al- the blow andwhich oiconfess inju sticehave inflicted upon those luding to it—must take place within a period of six or eight interests eey suffered by our recent months from this time.—(Cheers.) Therefore, my Lords, policy.—( hi - 11 ) I have ear, ear..announced frankly my opi sowith regard to the final nions upon this subject, and I believe m far as uncertainty is concerned is with my colleagues coincide ' these views. I expressed ,the. period of that uncertainty , decision of the . (Cheers ) The change of the relief of the farmer, without any extended but diminished.— • s erious difficulties and being incurred not has not taken place upon any expenditure b y the and Government, remember, of the land. And Igo thrown upon other classes, a moderatecountry, impositiori question connected with the subject . d ought to be as short as of duty would produce a large further, and say that the perm made to the country thereby enable other taxation to be taken revenue, and possible, and that the appeal to be would hardl off.—Hear, hear.) ard for the great intrests That such a duty y produce an appreciable ought to be made as early &se reg B I at say further s , that . effect upon the price of food, and that it would thereby be of the country will permit.—(Hear.)no challenge, no diffi- the most just, economical, and for the country the most so far as it depends on me, no taunt, and no mortification to advantageous mode of affording relief.—ru (Hear, hear.) But tufty to. which I may be subjected, me to recommend to at the same time I think that that is a Proposition which no which I may be exposed, shall induce however Minister should bring forward unles s b e ,s, of Parliament,as sure of its my Sovereign that that dissolution place one hour being called for not only by a large majority in Parliament anxious I may be for the decision, shall take t interests bu also by the concurrent opinion deliberatel y expressed sooner than regard to these great and paramoun t look throughout the country.— (Hear, hear.) But, Lords, I renders necessary.—(Loud cheers.) Let me venture to that that is only one portion of a great my which her say back for a moment to the circumstances under it is the duty of the Minister who feels and question—l say thinks with me Majesty's present Government have assumed the Noble Lord . , carefully to deliberate was good enough to so have taken u on them—power. I to devise and calculated to alleviate upon such measures as would correct the es Tension and P have assumed the he thinks best a large portionof the injustice, and to responsibilities and theduties inn ' ffi say' H hear.) The mitigate the distress, of the country. But, of o ce.—( ear, late Government fell by no (Cheers.) I say, that in taking into consideration the course which the Least of all, did the adverse motion of ours.—. Government. ought to pursue under such circumstances they 3' fall by any adverse motion involving as was s uggested by th e the question of protect'Noble Lord MVO ton to the landed interest —(Reiterated are bound -not, months befo • - cheering.) Patiently and steadily we • from site, to fling down some re a definite and fixed have abstained pressing that question in the sha e of proposition as to the precise mode of operations which for the attention of Parliament (dear hear,) protection upon . Lord five or six months to come may give rise to angry agita willear.) The Noble Lor not, I think, venture to say tha't from ion but to commend the cause of the suffering interests, posits to him in this House, or from those who sit op- t t • advocates, but to the calm, deliberate sense of those who sit opposite not to cer tun e They should to his party in the etheL, the-late-Gave (Hear., . ascertain the deliberate _ rnrnent had been the country. — encountered by it factious opposition or t he credo upon the question, .and upon such base by a desire to eject sense of p them from office. By 'what did they fall which they propose as remedies for the ?, fell by those measures their own internal weakness.—(Cheers.) The They • ]aimed of, even though, abstractedly, and in ey fell b their ev - 13 comp confessed and notorious inability to conduct the business '' b e Government might not think them the country.—(Loud cheers.) They fell by the of their. own mind, .t desirable that could be framed, yet such as absence of the most their friends.—(Hear, hear.) They fell by having qu r feel they could ~ carr y into effect with the general r elied' with their colleagues.—(Cheers) They fell by - their a concurrence of- they Parliament , and without raising a ny angry inability to muster 130 gentlernen in the House of Commons feeling. e apprehend that this ls a much more statesmanlike to give them support upon a question which they declared course than t h a t which the Noble Lord opposite suggests — to be fatal to their existen ce . —(G rea t cheering.) My Lords, namely, that of introducing a preposition for the purpose it was under these circumstances that we were called upon of bei negatived, and then . hastily app ea li ng t o the to assume o ffi ce; and I for one , a nd I th ank my- Noble electors for the purpose' of obtaining the judgment of the LONDON, MARCH l6, 1852. eotitstrarsupon , it.—(Hear, hear.) But that is net sate It'is not' the mere question' whether a paltry duty should be 'imposed - upon this or that foreign produce. It is not the whole of the commercial question, great as it is, that is in volved. That is not the question on which I would make an appeal to the country. I intend, my Lords, that that appeal shall be made. I recal with regret and suaprise the proceedings that have taken place not very long ago. I suppose I am bound to make the same circumlocution in speaking of Chesham-place as in speaking of another place. —(Laughter.) I saw, my Lords, with some surprise, that proceedings have recently taken place in Chesham-place which I think bid fair to render the Chesham-place compact a rival to the Lichfield-house compact.—( Laughter.) The Noble Lord who preceded me in office, it appears, had sum moned together a large body of his supporters to consult with them on the course which they ought to take in opposi tion to the existing Government Looking at the circum stances under which the Noble Lora has quitted office, should have hoped that the last object lie would have in view as a statesman and as a patriot was to organise an op position against that Government which circumstances com pelled to succeed him.—(Hear, hear.) I confess that my surprise and regret were much increased when I saw the nature of the association which the Noble Lord has formed for that purpose. I saw on that occasion that the Noble Lord was attended by 168 Members of the House of Com mons. Now, where, I ask, were those 168 Members when the Government fell in consequence of its own weakness ? (Hear. ) Where were those supporters of the Noble Lord and his Government on that occasion ? It appears, that, not being disposed to support the Noble Lord on that trying moment, they absented themselves from attendance,. and although they permitted the Noble Lord's Government to fall, they now willingly join in the cry of raising an Opposition for the mere purpose of thwarting and impeding the course of any future Government. These supporters of the Noble Lord, though they have shown their unwillingness to support their chief as First Minister of the Crown, are quite willing to render, if possible, the existence of any Go vernment impossible.—(Hear, hear.) .1 may be wronging the Noble Lord. I am speaking only from public intel ligence whidh has appeared in papers favourable to the Noble Lord's policy ; but I apprehend that which had passed at that time in Chesham-place is not a matter of secrecy or doubt. It is reported that the Noble Lord has concerted his plan of operations with Sir James Graham on the one side and Mr. Cobden on the other. Sir James Graham, however, was undoubtedly not present. Mr. Cobden, Mr. Bright, Mr. Villiers, Mr. Hume, and one or two other gentlemen appeared to take the principal part in this united assembly.—(Hear, hear.) And in that as sembly the Noble Lord, who was hardly a week out of office—who was the author of the Reform Bill which was laid before Parliament by the assent of his colleagues for the purpose of settling, as he called it, the representation of the country, and who was subseqently called upon by his sup porters to amend that nugatory and absurd Bill which he committed to the consideration of Parliament—this same Noble Lord had no hesitation in stating at that meeting that, if called upon to form another Cabinet, he would do so upon a different and much wider basis than the last.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) There now, my Lords, is the position in which her Majesty's present and late Governments stand. The head of the old Government, unable to maintain his place, thinks it not unworthy of his high character and station to associate with those who had before strenuously opposed him, for the purpose of rendering the difficulties of the present Government absolutely insuperable; and he has led the country to suppose that the next Administra tion shall not be a Whig Administration, but one upon a much wider basis.—(Hear, hear.) My Lords, I shall go, then, to the country, when I feel that it is consistent with my duty to my Sovereign and my country to do so, not with any narrow appeal upon a question whether there shall be a duty upon corn or not—that is a question which I leave to the calm and deliberate judgment of the country to determine—(Hear, hear)—that is a question which I leave to the general concurrence of the country, without which I will not bring forward any proposition.— (Hear, hear.) I say, my Lords, I will not flinch Irons the performance of my duty from the fear of any person Or party. If the general sense of the country and Parliament be with me in support of any measure which I believe to be useful, I shall have no hesitation in bringing it forward, but I will not overstrain the influence which may belong to a Government, nor abuse the high position in which my Sove reign has placed me. I will not press the opinions of con stituencies, nor will I, by a bare majority of votes, force on the country a measure against which a great portion of the country may entertain objections. We are quite ready to maintain the institutions of the country, and to afford relief to the suffering .classes. I de sire not to turn away from us the valuable assistance that we may receive from those who agree with us in supporting those various interests, though they may differ from us in the specific mode we may suggest in affording that relief. No, there are higher interests at stake than those I have already alluded to. We are threatened with tar more serious consequences than the result of the impo sition of a 4s. or ss. duty upon corn. It is a question whe ther the government can be carried on at all, not upon what principle it can be carried on. When I appeal to the country I shall appeal to it in such language as this—Will you, be you Free-traders or Protectionists, who value the interests of the country, will you place confidence and give your sup port to a Government which in the hour of peril and danger did not hesitate to take the post when your helmsman had left the helm ? Will you support the Government which is en deavouring to place your country in such a position as will render it perfectly capable of 'resisting any hostile attack, and to maintain the peacri of the world?-(Hear.) Will you support a Government which is determined to uphold the Protestant institutions of this country, and to 'spread to the utmost of their power religious and moral education throughout the land, and which will exert itself, I do not hesitate to say, to oppose a barrier against that current of ' continually encroaching demo cratic influence "which threatens to overwhelm the whole power and property of the country—an influence that is nominally in the hands 'of the masses, but is practically lodged in the 'bands of a few demagogues, who exercise it 'over the unthinking people?—(Hear, hear.) Will you sup port a Government which will preserve inviolate the prero gatives of the Crown, as well as the rights of your,Lordships' Hoists., and the rights of the freely-elected House of Com mons ?—(lfear,,hear:) These are the questions which, when I-go to the country,•l will make the appeal on. 1 will ap peal on behalf of myself and the country, and in the words of the meanest felon in the dock, which are hot unworthy of being uttered by the First Minister of the first Sovereign in 'the world—l elect to be tried by my God and my coun try. (The Noble Lord resumed his seat amid tremendous cheers.) ' Earl GREY next rose, but was for a considerable time in ' audible. He said he thought that the criticism of the Noble Lord upon the' petition just presented was most miserable and quite unworthy of him. The Noble Lord had told them that this question . was merely one of a paltry duty upon corn. If so, why - did the Noble Earl and his party make such great efforts for five years and a half to keep up this cry of protection? They had heretofore described this to be a vital question with their party. Although the Go vernment went out upon the Militia Bill, they felt the greatest regret that the discussion upon the affairs of the Cape had not taken place, for the purpose of affording an opportunity to their lately appointed Under-Se cretary for the Colonies of distinguishing himself (Mr. F. Peel). The late Govisrpment no doubt fell for want of sup port ; and the reason why they could not command it was the objections constantly raised by the Protectionist party in the other House, which had the effect Of arraying against them a formidable party.—(Hear, hear.) He did not con tend that the Opposition had been a factious one ; but it was by adopting tie cry of protection, and bytelling the far mers that the Noble Earl and his friends would restore protection, that the object had been attained. Through the instrumentality of public dinners, and by every practicable means, pains had been taken to convince all persons con nected with land that by the assistance of Noble Lords opposite , protection would be restored. Not two yearasago' the Noble Earl '(Derbi), in answer lOsi deputa tion of farmers, had told them to trust in him, as he knew how , they, could succeed; and, using -.the language once adopted by the Noble Duke at the table (the Duke of Wel lington), he said to them "Up, guards, and at them, and protection would be restored." The Earl of DERBY—I told them to trust to them selves.—(Hear, hear.) Earl GREY (in continuation) —To trust to themselves, but still to rally round the flag of protection. Now what hal been the consequence of holding such language? Why that many of their Lordships, intimately connected with the ,Whig_party, withdrew their support from his (Earl Grey's) 'Noble Friend, avowedly on the ground that the then Government were opposed to protection; and that it was desired to get it back at the hands of the Noble •Earl 'oppo site. ;In the House of Commons the opposition was even still greater. Many who concurred with the late Govern ment on the question of free' s trade, differed with them en other matters; and, on the other , hand, many concurred with the Noble Earl opposite on the sub ject of protection who differed with the 'Govern ment with regard to ether topics. The party to which he (Earl Grey) belonged had been affected by nothing so much as by the stress continually laid upon the restoration to pro tection. In many counties and boroughs persons ready to give a general support to the Government were' prevented coming into Parliament by the opposition offered on the ground of protection ; and by these means the ranks of the Government became weakened, whilst those of their oppo nents acquired strength. But this was not all. By this cry of protection the Noble Earl had kept together a powerful party in the House of Commons. He (Earl Grey) did not say that a factious use had been made of that party, but the Noble Earl .had led it as a very decided and a very eager party. The opponents of the Government not only attacked them on the score of protection, and on commercial ques tions (which he admitted they had a right to de), but they seized upon all foreign, colonial, and domestic questions for eager attack. Attacks, continual and repeated, were not confined to one House of Parliament; and he did net think the Noble Earl—the avowed leader of a great party—would deny that he had directed those attacks. It had been ru moured--indeed, he believed it was no secre t—that the last at tack upen his 'Noble Friend below him (the Earl of Clarendon) had emanated from the Noble Earl opposite, and that the resolution condemnatory of Lord Clarendon, which was Secretary forced upon the unwilling adoption of the Nob e , Secretary for Ireland, had been written by the Noble Earl himself. - The Earl of DERBY—There is no truth in that state ment.— (Hear, hear.) Earl GREY continued—At all events, it was a party move; and it was rumoured that the Noble Earl directed it. For the credit of party and of P arliament, he (Farl rey) rejoiced to find that the motion was rejected by a considerable majority. With regard to the present position of the Noble Earl, it was not fair for him to say that the Government had been forced upon him : it had devolved on him as a conse quence of his successful oppos ition to his predecessor s. It could not, therefore, be contended that the manner in which the Government had been formed constituted se a i on re for departing from the ordinary rules to be d such cases. When an opposition kept together for a considerable period of time by a concurrence of opinion on any particular question, what was the course for such an opposition to take when it found itself triumphant, and called upon to assume th e responsibilities of offic e? Why, naturally, to endeavour when in power to give effect to the views it had expressed when in opposition; and, therefore, o lie shooffice uld have expected that the Noble Earl on coming int h as he said he might an,fke a would last year) would have declared, that, retaining his former opinions, he could not, as anhonest sacrifice of them. Their Lordships that upo rememb er that in February of last year the Noble Earl had at tempted to form an Administration, an d the tempted failure of that attempt he explained to their Lordship s reasons which had guided and the motives which e in al k influenced his conduct. In the speech of the Earl Nobl e ahl e h ( a )n d t h e occasion wa s to be found the followin g passag e in referen ce to agricultural distres s : Ir imposs ible fur me , even if m y conviction s 'were le t :- o s u t l r d oi b ig e t h an they were —it would be im p ossibl e forme, as an honest man, to take office without a full determination to deal with that distress, and endeavour to apply I to it, as a m i n i s t er , effect i ve m easures of relief. My Lo r ds, stated that, if I cou ld so far forget m y s e l f as to sacrifice my own honest con victions, the loss of honour which would be involved in such a c ourse of proceeding would naak 1 v alueless. I said to her lNlajesty tehanltyl services entertained, and than I r etained, the opinion that it m ent,'lf it were impossible to was the duty of the Govern do full justice, at all events to I take steps Owen/kV tigating the injustice under which the owners and occupidr.- of land in this country were suffering. I did not bind my , elf to any specific measure ; but T did state that I would not tak e o ffi ce on any other cond i t i on jthan that of endeavouring, bond fide, to give effect to tray own conviction of the necessity of legislating for the relief of that class of her Majesty's subjects." And a few sentences further on the Noble. Earl proceeded to say:—" I cannot, as an honest man, abandon the attempt to relieve the existing distress by retracing the false step which has been taken, and to remedy the wrong done by the imposi tion of a moderate import duty upon corn." That was the declaration of the Noble Earl last year, ;And protection having been made the lever by which the opposition had acoeded to office, it was right to ask the Noble Earl whether he intended to adhere to his expressed opinions or not.-- (Hear, hear.) If the Noble Earl adhered to the opinions just quoted hu(Earl Grey) admitted that he was justified in saying that he could not bring forward such a policy in the present House of Commons. But if he intended to adhere to that policy, and propose it to another Parliament, it was only natural that the precedent of 1841 should be followed, when the Government having been placed in a minority, were told they ought at once to take the sense of the coun try upon the question at issue. Upon a subject of such in tense interest as that now before the country—a subject of moment with all classes, and considered of as vital consequence by the Free-traders, he thought the Noble Earl was bound to follow the course adopted in 1841, and at once to take the sense of the country. on the question of Protection. If he did so no obstruction would be offered by either House of Parliament; but, on the contrary, everything would be done to facilitate the business of the year, in order that the dissolution might speedily be brought about. The Noble Earl said that responsibility would rest on, those who offered obstruction to those great measures which it was the duty of Parliament to consider; Without denying the inconvenience which might arise from . delay, be (Earl (Irey) was still of opinion that such inconve nience must be incurred in order that the opinion of the country on the all-absorbing question of free trade inight be expressed. In 1841 Sir Robert Peel had said that when the days of a Parliament were numbered it was not in a condi tion to consider important measures, and he recommended dissolution and the formation of another as soon - as - possible. In that opinion the Noble Lord at the head of the late Go vernment concurred, after his constitutional scruples were removed ; so that there was a precedent set for taking a similar course at the present moment. ff f her Majesty's present advisers meant to bring for ward the question of protection, they ought to follow the course taken in 1841 and dissolve Parliament. If thy meant to abandon protection, they were bound frankly and t fairly to announce such to be their intention. Whatever reproaches their followers might cast on them for deserting their opinions and disappointing the expectations of their friends, such reproaches would not be lessened, but might be calculated to give infinitely more pain if the Noble Earl evaded the course which his followers had been led to expect from him. Let their Lordships reflect upon the extraordinary position in which the question was placed. The Noble Earl had stated to-night that although he retained his views with regard to protection, he would not attempt to impose •a duty upon corn without the full concurrence of the country —that it was not to be carried by a bare majority—that the consciences of supporters and constituencies should not be violated, but that he would leave the question to be settled by the clear and deliberate voice of the country. Now was there any man of common understanding who did not see that this was giving up the question? As had been said with reference to some bygone subject, could it be settled by such rose-water support as this? Did anybody believe that even with all the vigour which the Noble Earl might bring to bear the re-imposition of any duty on corn could be accomplished without great difficulty? He (Earl Grey) thought that the good sense of the country would reject the reversal of a , policy which had been triumphant for six years. If the Noble Earl meant to give up protection, why did he not say so ?—( Hear, hear.) But the fact was the Noble Earl canvassed the counties in one way and the bo roughs in another. The Right Hon. Gentleman now Chan cellor of the Duchy of Lancaster canvassed the electors of Linconshire pledged to reverse the policy of 1846 ; whilst another Hon. Gentleman canvassed Macclesfield as a deter mined opponent to the corn-laws. In fact, the Noble Earl desired Protectionists to canvass counties, and Free-traders boroughs.—(Hear, hear.) When the friends of the Noble Earl found their expectations falsified, would their com plaints be diminished by a review of the conduct of the Noble Earl and his party during the last five years? Would his supporters in the country be less inclined to complain now they found the qUestion left open? The Noble Earl and his friends had been severe upon the conduct of the late Sir Robert Peel. Now, if Sir Robert Peel was amenable to any blame with respect to the corn laws, it was because prior to 1846, and during the previous discussions, he had withheld his change of opinion. It might either be said that the withholding of an earlier admission' of his conviction of the unsoundness of the corn-law was a want of foresight or a want of candour. Prior to 1846 that was the only charge that could be brought against Sir Robert Peel. Looking at the sacritizes which he made in 1846, at the personal and private ties which he levered, it could only be held that the Right Hon. Baronet was actuated by a sincere desire to act for what he believed to be the good of the country — it might be added, the safety o f the country. No one would now deny that this was a correct judgment upon the motives and conduct of Sir Robert Peel. If the Noble Earl (Derby) were at this moment to abandon protection, if he were to tell the farmers that they had been all a long under a delusion, that they had better awake from their dream and adopt other means for ensuring their prosperity—that protection was an impossibility—did anybody believe that the holding of such language would be i ncons i stent with t h e N o bl e Earl's real opinions? By boldly holding such language to the country the Noble Lord would make the best amends for persistence in a contrary view. The only reproach to which the Noble Earl would be obnoxious now—and to a far greater ex tent than Sir Robert Peel —would be, - that for five years he had knowingly used protection as a political instrument, knowing that ultimately the restoration of protection sapid be impossible. With regard to the Noble Earl's con victions on this subject, he (Earl Grey), looking at his lan guage at public meetings, and to the whole course of his conduct with regard to his party, thought it would be diffi cult to prove a want of foresight. It would be easier to show a want of candour. The presumption against him was increased when he said he abandoned the idea of restoring protection to the farmer, and yet shrunk from adopting the course taken by Sir Robert Peel. If atter five years up holding of protection the Noble Earl now left the matter in doubt he would stand convicted in the estimation of every man of common sense in the country. He (Earl Grey) protested against such wanton playing with the dearest in terests of the country; and ,he_said further, that by thus wilfully and deliberately keeping up the quarrel of protec tion between different classes 'of the community, when the Noble Earl must know in his heart that the contest was really at an end, he was incurring a fearful responsibility; and if the Noble Earl persisted in such a course he (Earl Grey) must express his firm belief that the whole Parlia mentary and political annals of the country would not afford such another instance of public interests being sacrificed to party feeling.---(Hear, hear, from the Opposition.) Lord ABINGER urged that the loss which had accrued to the landed interests by the financial alterations of late years had amounted to not less than thirty millions a year, or about three-fifths of the whole revenue of the country, a vast sum to abstract from one interest. He had privately a rentionstrated with Sir R. Peel against doing such an injury to so large a body of the people. It was impossible to deny that ' , the Blass of labourers in some districts had received benefit by the change, but it was not the less a confiscation because it enabled the people to eat cheap food at the expense of the capitalist. Some evils were so great that it was impossible to remedy them, and in this case all that could be hoped for were palliatives. He would advise the farmers not to promote agitation, but to en deavour to lessen their expenses and meet the evil as they best could. The Marquis of CLANRICARDE said that the remarks of the Noble Lord who had just sat down had pleased, as much as the speech of the Noble Earl (Earl of (Derby) had pained him. The Noble Earl must excuse him for saying that a more unstatesmanlike speech had never been de livered by any man holding office. The Noble Earl's advice to the country was to agitate this question to the full extent on the one side and the other, and then he promised, no matter what the result might be, to act upon the decision to which the country might come. He (the Marquis of Clanricarde) had understood the Noble Earl to say that unless he bad not only a majority in Par liament, but a very general concurrence of the country, he would not attempt a protectionist policy. The Earl of DERBY—The Noble Marquis has misunder stood me. I said as to the question of a duty on corn I do not think it a question which the Government ought to propose, unless satisfied not only that they would be able to carry it by a large majority, but that they would have the gener.,l concurrence of Parliament —( Hear, hear.) I strictly confined it to the duty on corn ,• I did not at all apply the observation to what the Noble Marquis calls " protectionist policy ;" or the doing of that which, under any circum stances, whether of a majority or a minority, I am bound to do, to endeavour to mitigate the distress of the agricultural interest.—(Hear, hear.) The Marquis of CLANRICARDE said, he considered the declaration .equivalent to an abandonment of protection, as it was not at all likely that in favour of its restoration such a general concurrence of opinion would be obtained in and out of Parliament. For his part he deprecated any revision of our commercial or financial policy, which, of course, could only mean an alteration and reversal of it, believing that it had raised the prosperity of the country to an unprecedented height, the result of which was per fect tranquillity; and that he could not at all understand what those perilous circumstances were to which the Noble I Earl had alluded as a reason for not resorting to a dissol u ti on although, no doubt, Parliament would cordially concur in he any proposition to improve the defences of thae revival lh y When, a hen, however, the No o b —u le ldd E id ai a l e vawesikpsehlen for them?dwtl;eraenwre thef o a, mpeti tioignhstagrosaitnsatspsroorteedcthioonw? an agitation which he (the Marquis of Cl anr i carde) did not desire to see restored. The best precede n t s i n eur constitu tional history were in favour of a pr om occ e as at i o o h n an o g f e oaf policy. chan SuchofGovhearndmbeenetni,‘ dis solution on the by Mr. Pitt in 1784, by the Duke of Portland in 1801, and by Lord J. Russell in 1835. The present Government unquestionably held opinions as to our commercial policy utterly opposed to those of their predecessors, change of Government really compelled taken, instead of encouraging on which the verdict of the country ought to be at once so that the a change of policy, playing fast and loose with the an. agitation neither credit able nor successful, f or and the Noble Earl had incurred course, country would not bear for surely he could most mischievous incurred the responsibility of a of suc cess,• that the people would relinquish the benefit they had received from our present commercial policy. The Noble Earl had ridiculed an import duty on corn as of comparatively trivial and not Negic.rtoehnaoteueti questionsvaany y chance im portance. But the Noble Lord (Abinger) had estimated its result as no less a loss to the landlords than 30,000,000/. annually, a ll of which had one into the pockets of the masses of the people and did the Noble expect to per suade th em to giveit up? There could be no rational prospect of that policy being overthrown, and the Noble Earl would have done well to avoid the revival of a use less agitation by a frank abandonment of Protection, which would have redounded as much to his own honour as the advantage of the copntrv. The Earl of HARROW ifY expressed his belief that if the Nobler Lord at the head of the Government attempted in any degree to put a duty on foreign corn h e wou l d damage his Administration. Let the a tax en the food o f th e people would duty be great or sma l l, the It was utterly ,that, for the sak e o f one class in impossible, constituted very abse tritli ii f sn a o t os o u f utt i or 7 h, p wi o m s as imposing parti cular, all the other classes were to sutler the loss and incon venience of having the price of corn raised again. if the farmer could be relieved from those burdens which no doubt pressed uufairly on the landed interest, then let the Noble Earl turn a favourable and intelligent eye in that direction. and the country, which always leaned to the side of justice a nd fair play, would go alon g w i t h hi m, but it would not go with him if he proposed a tax on the food pt the people.—(Hear, hear.) Let the Noble E arl s p eak out plainly on the questi on and he w ill lose nothing by it Let the interests of th e country b e placed on no false stake, but let a distinct policy be marked out and the issue would not long remain doubtful.—(Hear, hear.) Lord BEAUMONT said the Noble Earl had not Tgiven a 'direct answer to the question which had been proposed to him, but had indirectly answered it; for it appealed front what he said that protection was to be' abandoned. What effect would this have on the yeomanry of Essex, the far mers of Lincolnshire, or the Protectionists of Bucks? What could they think of all the fine speeches they had heard, and all the subscription's. they had paid to keep up a protection party? The consequence of the course pursued by, the Noble Earl was that, some of his friends might • go to the counties upon protection, and others to the cities upon free trade. This, he contended, was really a most unworthy course on the part of the Government—wantonly agitating the coun try; and setting clasi against class—for no useful object, and with only the feeling, described by . Shakspere at the close of Mark Antony's speech— " Mischief! thou art now afoot ! • • ," And take what course thou wilt !" Lord WODEHOUSE said he was surprised that the Noble Earl; whose character he always thought frank and open, should have taken on this occasion a course neither frank nor open, but most hostile to the interests of the country in commencing.. an agitation for the reversal of that policy which had caused so much prosperity. The present Admi nistration had, when out of office, incessantly attacked the late Governinent, arid on the question of exclUSive burdens on agriculture obtained within fourteen votes a majority. The Earl of DERBY—Hear, bear. Lord WODRHOUSE continued was now believed among the farmers' that the Noble Earl ,intended to restore Protection, and 'nothing could be more dangerous than to abandon 'Abe a great class whose interests bad been ad vocated out of office. , _ . • The Earl of POWIS said , the Noble Lord at the head of the Government an had clearly s h own that the const i tuenc i es would have r certain issue to try, d therefore there was .no ground for the pretension that by not proclaiming now his specific measures he was endeavouring to take the country by surprise. It was no part of_the Noble Lord's intention un duly.to' postpone taking the sense of the country.--(A , Hear," from the Earl of Derby.,) It was sincerely to be hoped that moderate men,would be found in both Houses who would support him in, concluding the business of the session, and thus expediting the period when the general election would takeplace. • Their Lordships then adjourned. SPORTING NOTES. WARWICK SPRING MEETING, &e. TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN. SIR,—My accounts this morning state that the Trial Stakes, run to-day, are a certainty for Koh-i-noor or the Prime Minister; this being the case, an 'investment on the former's chance for the Chester Cup, at the present odds, will be anything but a bad speculation, if for no other purpose than hedging. This " Mountain of Light," which I believe to be the translation of the Persian word " Koh-i-noor," is in splendid form, and may probably turn out to be a second Truth. To-morrow's races commence at half-past one, with a Sweepstakes of 5 sovs. each, 25 added, for three years old and upwards, over the mile course, which, with the Debdale and another stake, closes to-night. The Castle Stakes, over the mile course, will hardly pro duce a race, as KOIDI-NOOR is almost certain to make a walk over it; Black Audrey however is at the seat of action. The Two. Years Old Stakes of 10 soya. each, with bfilad ded, five furlongs, will, in all probability , attract the follow ing to the post:—Colt by Simoon, out of Verbena, Cathe rine lelly,aysisest'erEtoth L el i b zz er y t : a l n d d yl an , 13atnhder.peTrhhaeprsacteheis anything but an open affair, as CATHERINE HAYES and the Stmoom Covr are almost certain to be first and second, and if I put Ethelbert in the third position, I think I shall not be at all wide of the mark. The Great Warwickshire Handicap, out of its thirty-one nominations, has eighteen acceptances, the odd eight of whom will probably comprise the field, namely ;—Doubt, Herbert, Omens, Selin a , Knook Knoll the Suttler Ethel wolf, and Cleveland. A not h er,or two may also go, b ut if , , they do it will be to very little purpose. As I remarked last week, Doubt from the top weights, Cnseus and Knook Knoll from the middle, and Fthelwolf and Cleveland from the light weights, would either frighten the rest out of the field or beat them hollow if they figured in it. The probable list of starters has proved my words to be true. I am by no means so sanguine about l.nook Knoll's chance as his imme diate party are; I think he will run forward, but not turn out the winner. Doubt I consider very dangerous, but as her party are, to use esporting phrase, anything but " sweet' upon her, I must take Lord Lurgan's Cnseus in preference to her. Cleveland's running last year was very so-so, it is reported, however, that he has improved consider ably since then ; if he has, he may perchance bowl ETNEL WOLF and CmErs over; but should he not do so, one of this last-named couple, I fancy, will prove to be the winner. The Steeplechases I shall touch upon to-morrow. The betting this morning, although excessively brisk, re lates for the most part only to to-day's races—the transac tions on which it will be superfluous to give. On to-mor row's events the quotations are as follows :—Great Warwick shire Handicap— 4 to 1 agst Cuteus. 5 to 1 agst Ethelwolf, 5 to 1 agst Cleveland, 6 to 1 agst Knook Knoll, 8 to 1 agst Selina. Two Years Old Stakes-6 to 4 agst Catherine Hayes, 2 to'l taken freely, 3 and 4 to 1 offered egg any other. Castle Stakes --•:: to 1 offered on Koh-i-noor. I am, Sir, yours, &c., THE SPIRIT OF THE TURF. March 16, 1852. SPORTING INTELLIGEN CE. TATTERSALL'S-YESTERDAY. Business was so limited that, in most of our quotations we have been governed by offers; they show an improve ment in Backbiter for the Metropolitan Handicap, in Scarecrow and Besse Homburg for the Chester Cup, and in Augur_and Claverhousbfor the Derby; b-to 1, laid in the morning agat Hobbie Noble to 5001., was offered this afternoon. WARWICK TRIAL STAKES. 2 to 1 agst Mr. E. Phillips'* Koh-i-noor—taken. WARWICK HANDICAP. 5 to 1 agst Lord Lurgan'e Cnwas—taken 8 to 1 agst Mr. H. Stebbings's Knook Knoll WARWICK TWO YRS OLD STAKES. 6 to 4 agst Mr. Wauohope's Catherine Hayes LEAMINGTON STEEPLECHASE. 4 to 1 agst Captain,Forater'i Oscar . NORTHAMPTONSHIRE STAKES. „ . . 6 to 1 agst Mr. Williams's Chief Justice, 5 yrs, 7st 51b 12 to 1 agst Mr. J. Stanley's Storyteller, 4 yrs, 7st 12 to 1 ,agsi fir. (ireville's Cariboo, 5 yea, B st 31 b 14 to.l , agst Mr. J. M. Stanley's Teddington, 4yrs, Bsp 131 b Landgravo and Hesse Homburg are scratched. . METROPOLITAN HANDICAP. 10 to 1 agat General Anson's Backbiter, aged, Bst 31b 20 to 1 agst _Lord Lurgau's Captain Flash, 3 yrs, 4st 121 b 33 to 1 agst Mr. Morris's Haresfoot, 4 yrs, sst 71b Any odds apt Hesse Homburg CHESTER CUP. 20 to 1 agst Mr. Greville's Scarecrow, 3 yrs, 4st 7lb—t 20 to 1 agst Mr.. Pilling's High Sheriff, 3 yrs, sst 61b 33 to 1 agst Duke of Bedford's Hesse Homburg, 4 yrs, 7st—taken 40 to , 1 agst Mr. Pedley's Cossack, aged, 7st 121 b—t 45 to 1 sot Mr. L. Peiliip's liob-i-noor, 3 yrs, sat —take 50 to 1 50 to 1 agit Mr. Hesseltine's Unity, 4 yrs, 6st 41b--1 DERBY. 5 to 1 agst Mr. Merry's Hobbie Noble—taken and afterwards offered 15 to 1 agst Lord Zetland's Augur—take 16 to 1 18 to 1 agst Lord Eglinton's Cla•erhouse—t 20 to 1 20 to 1 agst Lord-Ribblesdale's Kingston—taken 33 to 1 eget Mr. J. Arnold's Little Harry—taken THE COUNTRY MARKETS. The following is the offieial statement of the quantities o f corn, &c., received in the port of London from the ports in E ss ex, from the Bth.March, 1852, to the 13th March, 1852, both inclusive : 11 Mc 4- 1 - • I C l 3 0 0 14' C:) A. I T 4 Colchester Harwich Leigh Maldon I 536 369 671 10891 9i) 620 - - 8 170 128 - - 940 - 145 - 3131 121 - 37411070 CHELMSFORD, MA Ken 12 . —Prices to-day were as follow: — chevalier 55s to 58s ; oats 188 to 25s Wheat, white, 45s to 518 ; red, 39s to 448; barley, 26i to 295; chevalier 28s to 33s ; grinding 21s to 27s ; malt b 5, to 565; to 308; white, 28s to 30s ; boiling, 29s to 325; dun, new ! 26s to 2es ; beans, tick, 26s to 30s harrow ticks, 27s to 31s; mazagan, 248 to 28s. COLCHESTER, MARCH 13.—Wheat, white 46s to 50s; red 429 to 45s ; oats, 20s to 238- beans, ; peas, partridge, 278 maza gan 278 to 28s ; middle and small 30 s to 33s ; p e as, white 348 to 38s, grey, new 28s to 30s ; barley, 30s to 348 per qr. KIRICA DDT, MARCH 13.—The following are the quotations for grain : Oats. 1 25a Od 22a Od 18s Od i imperial, The follow Wheat. Barley. I First 44s Od 295 Od Second 41s Od 28s Od Third 36s Od 24s 6d Oatmeal, per bag of 2801bs HADDINGTON, MARCM 12.—' grain at our market to-day : Wheat. Beans. —s Od —s Od Pea& —5 Od —9 0d —8 Od 315 Cpl. prices of —s Od 30s Od to ing are thi First ..................... 46s Od Second ............ ..... 42 3 4d Third ..........» ...... 34 s Od T o t a l quantity of Wheat i Do. Barley Do. Oats Do. Beans Barley. 37s Od 31s 6d 26s Od Oats. 26s Od 23s Od 20s 03 Beans. 36s 0(1 331 2d 29s 6d 359 sold 194 sold 589 sold 227 sold - . market 883 qrs., do. 228 qrs., do. 699 qrB., do. 245 qrs., COAL BURKE' Prices of Coal per ton at t Bate's West Hartley 12s 6d Buddle's W. Hartley 12s 6d Chester Main 12s 3d Howard's W. it Neth 12s 6d Longridge'sW.Hartley 12s 6d New Tanfield North Percy Hartley l2s 6d 10s Od6d 13s • W ra a nfi lk e e ld rls M p oo rim r B ro n s t e es l 2: 19 9 Od West Wylam .• •• 13 , gd Wylam Wall's End, &c 12s Od 13y1; er Ga 0.1 I B H3ir e eeo l db l vibi a cuny n ni d : 13; 0a market, 1 1 2 3ss ;T.—YEgrzE DAY. the close of the market:— 12s 6d N or thumberland 13s Od Riddell .. •.. 12s 9d W a lker 13s 3d Wharncliffe 14s 6d Belmont Hetton 16s 3 d Rowell l6s 3d O Lambton Plummer 6 6d a Russell'scasscp ...... 15s Od .. 5 Heugh Hall ...... 14s 3d Ig:.;rth Hartlepool,,.... 12s 6d South Kelloe 14s 3d , Hetton Derwentwatcr Hartley 12s 6.1 Nixon's Merthyr and Cardiff ....... &due.) 's Hartley 264 ..... Sold. 88. II01;ow“y's Ointment and I x% l m l enremedy fur Abscesses and Old Wounds. —Fi'll'Elsbl'oaDnoniVasoEsErdewards, a labourer in Portsmouth Dockyard, re ceived a severe hurt in his thigh, about four years back, by a piece of timber falling on him. An abscess formed in conse quence of the injury, which defied the most eminent surgeons to heal, and he was consequently pronounced incurable, and put on the superannuated list with a pension. B e ing now at liberty to try other rem e di es, he commenced using Holloway's Ointment and Pills, which h ave so " e ff ectua lly cured him that Sold s by ta b a l l i l sh m v enders e nt, of 2 44 he enjoys good health, and i s as well a bl e to work as any man. Dispatches were rece i ved yesterday f rom the Governors of Newfoundland and Si erra Leone. medicines, Strand, Condon. and a t way's t Establishment, a t Professor Rollo_ ~ ~''.T