The Sun. — London, England, 1846-04-28 00:00:00

and able discussion which this measure has undergone in this preliminary state of its progress—as I would fain hope that we are now drawing towards the close of this preliminary debate, I am unwilling to postpone to a more distant period the perform ance of that duty which I feel to be incumbent upon me. Sir, I wish in the first place to explain to the House what were the motives of her Majesty's Government in proposing that the first stage of this Bill should be interposed to :he progress of another Bill of the deepest importance, in my opinion, to the welfare of this country.—(Cheers.) Sir, I assure the House that it was not from any countenance ef an adherence to a mere usage that we felt it to be our duty to propose the first reading of this Bill. What were the circumstances under which this Bill or this subject generally was brought under the consideration of both Houses of Parliament? On the first day of the session in a speech from the throne, the first practical measure which her M tjesty recommended to our consideration was the measure for the purpose of giving, if possible, increased security to life and property In Ireland. —( Hear, hear.) Her Majesty recommended to the consideration of Parliament three or four measures of great importance, the first of which was the calling of the attention of Parliament to the state of Ire land, and particularly with respect to the frequency of the crime of murder, and the necessity of taking some precautions to prevent the frequent recurrence of that crime. What was the answer returned by this House to that speech ? There was an assurance on the part of the House not that it would adopt any measure proposed by the Government, but there was an assurance that this House was deeply impressed with the importance of the object, and that this House would take into its consideration any measures which had for their object the prevention of these evils. The Bill was brought into the other House of Parliament, and it met with very little opposi tion in that House. The Irish Peers, connected by political sentiment with many of the Honourable Gentlemen, felt convinced of the necessity of this or of some such measure, and gave their support to it. I believe that there was no opposition to the principle of th e Bill—no oppe sition, at least, bearing the usual characteristics of an o pp osition. The Bill was sent down to this House. It has been, indeed, uniformly I believe the invariable practice in respect to a mea sure undertaken by the Government—in a measure of this im portance—in a measure recommended to the consideration of Parliament on the first day of the session from the Throne—it has been an invariable usage that any measure brought to this House from the House of Lords—a measure introduced by the Government into this House—to give that measure a first 1-Ton=e of Lords—each Member of that branch of ty. L eg bassure....h a a right to lay a Bill en the table of the u r, w aster of course, to that Bill a first reading is give re No such usage prevails here ; but it is in respect to measures of this description, brought in by Government, recommended from the Throne, and passed by the other branch of the Legislature, it has been the invariable practice to treat the measure in such a manner, and to show such unwillingness to oppose its introduction that the preliminary stage—the first reading—is allowed. Now lam not denying Hon Gentlemen opposite the perfect right to oppose that first reading. lam not implying that they have unduly exercised any privilege which they possess by calling the attention of the House to the general state of Ireland. I am only considering the question whether or no her Majesty'sGoverment would have been justified in the present instance in departing from the course heretofore adopted by Parliament, to ask the House to permit this Bill to lie upon the table of the House without the slightest opposition. Sir, Ido not admit the House of Lords would have any right to ask us to give any measures of theirs a first reading.—( hear, hear.) It was in deference to the House of Lords that we took this course, but of this we felt deeply con vinced, that if we do permit this Bill as recommended by the Throne, as passed by the House of Lords, to lie upon the table without notice, that the representatives of Ireland 'would have accused us, and justly accused us, of offering an insult to that House.—(Hear, hear.) The Bill has been pro posed, certainly, to suspend the ordinary operation of the law. Opposition cheers.) Let us look at the character of it, and the more you insist upon the unconstitutional character of tie Bill, the more you establish the necessity that a Bill of this kind should be introduced by her Majesty's Government. It gives a power to the Lord-Lieutenant to deprive the subject of the liberty which, under all ordinary circumstances, he is entitled to enjoy. And in the consideration of the especial application of this Bill to one part of her Majesty's dominion, would it have been right of the Ministers in a matter of such immense importance to have shown such a total disregard to the principles of that liberty that is proposed to be taken away by this Bill ? I admit that this measure does aim at depriving the subjects of her Majesty in Ireland of some portion of their liberty, but had we propossd a measure of this sort in a different manner to that which we have, we should have been doing a great injus tice towards Ireland, and we should show an indifference to that liberty which we so much value. Sir, I think I need hardly refer to that dangerous surmise which I heard thrown out, that her Majesty's Government had become indifferent to the progress of the Corn Bill, and that they had interposed this discussion, or rather this first reading of the Coercion Bill, with the view of defeating that measure.—(Hear.) But— Mr. B. HAWES—I did not say so. Sir R. PEEL—No, I know the Hon. Gentleman did not say so. but I know that some Hon. Gentleman in the course of this discussion said, not that they themselves thought of, but that it was a veneral impression out of doors.—(Hear, hear.) Sir, I think it is not necessary to re-avow the perfect sincerity of my convictions on this measure —( Hear, hear.) It is suffi cient for me now to state that, from the discussion on this sub ject and from the lapse of time which has now intervened, I am the more strongly convinced of the necessity of that mea sure—( Cheers) —and that it is our wish and object to proceed with that measure.—( Hear, hear.) Sir, I will not deny that even during this debate my opinions upon that subject have undergone a change ; but it is this change—that the restriction which I first believed to be unjust, I now believe to be perni cious—(Cheers) —and that I am only the more determined to pursue the course I then adopted; and in answer to those injurious suspicions I think it is enough to say I shall be,perfectly pre pared—l am prepared to maintain the justice and perfect sin cerity of my course.—(Cheers.) In pursuance of an antique usage, the f rst reading of this Bill was, on the grounds that I have stared, proposed by her Majesty's Government, conceiving that the measure ought not to be delayed for a single day. Sir, I proceed to the consideration of those reasons which have induced her Majesty's Government, with great pain and with sincere confidence, to propose this measure with respect to Ireland.—(Cheers.) Sir, the Honourable Gentleman the Member for the city of Cork, who spoke in the course of this evening, and who made a speech as remarkable for its ability as it was distinguished, for the brevity with which he made the observations—(Cheers) —the Hon. Gentleman did me the favour to express his belief that I have no other dispositions than kindness towards Ireland, but he thought I was overruled by some Member of the Cabinet against my convictions. I assure the Hon. Gentleman that he does me but justice in expressing his belief that I have the sincerest in terest for the welfare and peace of that part of her Majesty's dominions. He does me injustice in stating that he believes that lam overruled by some Member of the Cabinet. If I did not believe that the imperative necessity that required the proposal of some such measure as this for the pur pose of giving protection to life, for the purpose of preventing social disorganization, and the frequency of crime in Ireland, I shoutd not have been a party to theproposition of this measure. Sir, I was struck by an observation of one Hon. Gentleman, a representative of Ireland, anti the Member for Drogheda (Sir Wm. Somerville), with respect to the grounds on which this Bill was proposed, that, in proposing this measure, we were bound to establish facts. He maintains that we have (ailed to show the necessity of this measure. He said that we were bound to show that all the ordinary resources of the law had been exercised—that we had done all we could with the instruments which the institutions of the country placed in our hands—that we were bound to show that the law was not suf ficient for the purpose of preventing these crimes, and that the particular measure which we proposed was not likely to be effec tual for its object. • Ido think that we are bound to esta blish our arguments as far as our proof is available—our argu ment, as far as reason is concerned ; we are bound to bring these three or four facts to the Honourable Gentleman. We are bound to prove that there is at the present moment a ft equency of crime, I speak particularly of the crime of assassination, or climes affecting the public peace. I think we are bound to prove that Ireland is in an unusual position at this moment. We are bound to prove that we have exercised all the means which the ordinary law places at our disposal.— ( Hear, hear.) We are bound to establish an argument on the probability that the measure proposed will conduce to the end in view.—(Cries of ‘‘ Hear, hear," from the Oppositio n .) N o w, Sir, the Hon. Gentleman w h o spoke last has contested the facts—(Hear, hear)—which were introduced by my Right Hon. Friend the Se c re tary of State for the purposeof crimeshnwing that there was at the p res ent period an increase o n Ireland, suc h an increase as justify u s i n proposing thisma . sure.—( He ar, hear.) I don't think th at i t i s necessary merelye to show the increase of crime to justif y this me asure. Our consideration must be directed to the character of the c r i me . Your consid eration must include the possibility of removing that crime by punishment. You must regard, in the first instance the impunity which exists. You must regard the nature of these crimes and the increase which arises from its impunity—(Cheers) —before you come to the conclusio n that • a law of this nature is unjustifia_hle._ Well, now, let u s fi rst Gent leman take the statements of the Hon. who preceded m e , with respect to the frequency of crime. I do not know whether crime has increased in the manner stated, but I will refer the House to the frequbency of c w r h i i m _ o e f or late, I speak of all crime, whether it e th o at th in e res : h lif the ure ot crime, public tranquillity i s in j ured. I speak f p and I will now compare they ear 1843 with the year 1b45. We were most unwilling to apply to the House for any extraordi nary powers. Let us Mite a comparision and show the diffe rence ; and I will read a document. Mr. H A WES— VVhat document is that? Sir R. PEEL—The document before us. I think the Hon. Gentleman referred to the years 1842 ard 1843, and I will read from the document, which 1 believe has been pub lished and previded by the police of Ireland. and has been very recently laid on the table of the House. I will take the crimes of homicide, conspiracy to murder, as saults upon the police and magistrates, alzgravated assaults, de mand or robbery of arms, administering unlawful oaths, sendit g threatening notices, attacking houses, firing dwelling-houses. Those crimes which may exist in any country, such as rob bery, stealing cattle and other things, which may not be con• sidered as indications of the character of the country—l leave them out of the question altogether. I will only take those crimes, the frequency of which is characteristic of a disturbed state of society. I will then read to you a statement of these crimes, they are taken from a report of the constabulary force in Ireland. Ido not know whether it is the same as that to which the Hon. Gentleman who has just sat down has referred. I think it must be the same. Mr. HAWES—It is the same. Sir R. PEEL —Well, then, we will take the two years, 1843 and 1845. There were in the year 1843 1845 Homicides Omsptraet•es to murder ... Assaults upon 3 ... 8 police and magistrates Aggravated assaults Demanding an d robbery of fire-arms 4 1 h 41 9 01 551252434 Administerin g un l awful oaths Sending threatening notices The Hon. Member whosp at any spoke 940 ... 1941 ke last seeme d di spose d t o t rea t, I will not say lightl y , but ' rate he seems to consider the offence of issuing threatening ri alzam a os. , an increase ea He o a f r f , r o h m e a 9 r , 4 ' 0 ' f t r o o m 1 9 1 .1 4 1 4 r . should hardly enter the ac notices to be one which here is, howeveerount.— A great n um b er of them may ' be . fabrications. Sir ROBERT PEEL —With all deference to the opinions of the Hon. Member, I think that the increase from 940 to 1,944 is a very serious matter. A threatening not i ce i n fli cts ow to distu r b th e no bodily harm. It is sufficient, however, peace of those who may receive them. I apprehe n d t h at f ew know the amount of misery inflicted by these i notices. P a rti es t who receive these notices are awar e of f i r s qu fa e c o t t , ly th fo a l t low th s e execution of the sentence of vengeance too It may be possible, and I believe it is true, that there m a y b e instances where these notices have been fabricated. I make every induction on that account ; still t h e i ncrease in that offence, couP :fd with the increase in other off ences to which I have referred, is to me a strong proof o f a di seased state of society.—(Hear, hear.) Now, let us take the ether crime—that of attacking houses. In 1843 there were 215 ;in 1845, 483. We will now take the stati - tics of the crime of firing dwelling •houses. There were 87 cases of this class in the year 1843, and in the year 1845 there were 130. Now take the nature of these offences, and the rapid inorease in crimes committed under the head of these offences. and surely I have given an answer to the Honourable Members who attempted to show that crime was less frequent in 1845 than any previous year. So much then for the frequency of crime. There is no language I can use more emphatic upon the subject of these crimes, than the language used by the opponents of this meitsuro. The Hon. Member, speaking of the nature and quality of crime committed •in Ireland, says thaf.he viewed them with horror as indications that the national character of Ireland was undergoing a change. Ha stated that heretofore there had been, on the part of the Irish, a respect to age, and respect for sex, and that helplessness of age, and the character of the sex had always been sufficient to protect the wrong and guide the weak.—( Hear, hear.) What said the Hon. Gentleman upon the question of these atrocities? I fear he said that there is a great change coming over the character of the Irish people. I see that there is no securi , yin age or sex against the most shameful attacks. These crimes were a black stain upon a character which has stood so high in that chival- rous spirit which has distinguished the Irish nation for so long a time. I will take the words of the Hon. Member for Kil kenny. I took them down at the time: he said, "I am over whelmed with disgust and shame at the hideous crimes which have been committed in some parts of Ireland. lam over whelmed with disgust and shame and indescribable sorrow at Are these crimes," and yet these crimes re main unpunished. to t b s e tah fill h h passive e and the Honourable t n awteroeieHazaamreaahslueresmetmo Member of that the not those used by the advocates I have quoted, are as to the effect of crime country with disgust and shame? Thesewoorfdsthewuhiicilh, but the words used by the opponents., . 'me. They are not, how ever,the character of any nation by its en rde in judging of the upon the national character. 1 admit that it is unfair to judge from their nature to be dis H re n g n a d Member then proceeded character of the country. The three afte rbtrho the death two of whom had ora stationed at their house e r m a b u l l e d er period, nf death of the elder one, two policemen to read some particulars respectingreantsbide within a few yards of his o w n house, only reason as and the to protect them. The third one was at length shot when signed for this murder was , that he had taken p ossession of an acre of land adjoining his farm. lf, said the Right Hon. Baronet, you exact allegiance from such persons as these. I do not think that we should be fulfilling the duties of a Go vernment, if we did not afford them protection to pro perty.—( Hear, hear.) The Right Honourable Baronet then referred to the ca , e of the murders of Mr. Lynch, and Mr. Hegin. He also referred to the case of a mining company, who, on the 26th of November last, re ceived a great number of threatening notices, in consequence of which the Directors issued a notice, stating that the works should be suspended, as they did not wish to expose to danger the lives of the workmen employed by them, who had also received threatening notices. The Right Hon. Baronet next proceeded to read the names and occupations of the first twenty which appeared in the report of persons murdered, amounting to 147, between the Ist of February, 1843, and the Ist of February, 1845. From that statement it appeared that a great number of persons murdered were farmers and farmer's wives. Is it not, then, said the Right Hon. Baronet, our duty to afford additional protection to these pasties? The gentleman, or the large farmer can protect themselves in their own houses, but these poorer persons require some additional protection. The Hon. Member for Drogheda said that the onus was upon us to establish the necessity of this measure. I have attempted to show the frequency of the crime, the cha racter, nature, and qualities of these crimes, the injurious effects upon the character of the country, frequent instances of complete impunity with which these crimes were committed, and the fear of giving evidence to magistrates or Courts of Justice, the danger there is that crime will become conta gious, and spread throughout other districts, I do think I have made out a strong case in the character and frequency of the crimes, to do at least no more than this—to consider whether any effectual remedy can be adopted to prevent this state of things.—( Hear, hear.) With reference to the second ques tion, have we exhausted the existing law ? There is an increase in the police force in Ireland amounting to not less than 10,000. I have not heard it stated by any Hon. Member in the course of the debate, that the police force have been improperly dis tributed. Ido not think that any addition to the police force would be of any advantage, nor do I think that that force has been applied in any manner as to require any explanation from the Government But you say that we have not issued a sufficient number of special commissions for the trial of each offence. Why a special commission is a very inefficacious instrument for the prevention of crime ; there is no use in it unless you are pre pared to convict by evidence unimpeachable. But the exist ence of crime is no proof that a special commission should issue. It is not wise to risk a trial upon imperfect evidence, It is not wise to exhibit the inefficacy of the law. It is not wise to demonstrate the frequency of crime without demon strating al'o that it shall meet with sure and certain punish ment ; and unless you can prove the double effect, the fre queney of crime, and the probability of conviction, you do not demonstrate the use of a special commission. It is no consideration of expense which has deterred the Govern ment from resorting to frequent special commissions, and therefore I do not see in one single instance the Government can be made fairly chargeable with not having used every in strument which the occasion and the law placed at their dis posal, for the purpose of bringing a termination to the fright ful catalogue of crimes which exist in I eland. And that was the second point on which explanation was demanded, and now we come to the third.—( Hear, hear. ) What is the probabi lity that this particular measure will be efficacious in its pur pose ? It is a bad thing to show indifference towards constitu tional right when it can be avoided, and the question is—can you show that this as ill not be a superfluous enactment, for, it it is, it is of no avail to put it on the statute book ?—( Hear, hear.) Well, I think I can show that there are urgent reasons for its adoption. Why, what do I find? I find that, in the yeai 1835, you have adopted the very principle of this Bill, and what course shall a Government, responsible for the peace and security of the country, pursue, when it finds, in 1835, the representatives of a country, who are best acquainted with its wants, consented, without remonstrance, to a measure, the principle of which was the same as this ? There are differences, I admit.— (Hear, hear.) An Host. MEMBER—There were differences. Sir R. PEEL—Oh, yes ; I admit them.—(Hear, hear.) Well, then, come let us discuss them. I find an increase of crime, and we do propose that the Lord-Lieutenant shall be empowered to apply this law, and to compel the inhabitants in those districts where crime has been frequent, to keep their homes from sunset to sunrise. But you consented to a law which was the same in 1835, the law which you passed being an amendmeut on a former enactment ; and that law did en able the Lord-Lieutenant to say, on a requisition of the grand jury to the inhabitants of a district, that they should keep their homes from sunset to sunrise, making it a misdemeanour to disobey ; the onus of proving innocence being thrown upon tree accused. Surely your conduct then is not a ground for rejecting the present measure. Well, I will ail,o you credit for being uninfluenced by any change in the persons of the Government. When we find the representatives in Ireland in 1835 consenting to a law, the principle of which is identical with the one we now propose, what are we to do, what are we to suppose? Why, the Hon. Gentleman the Member for Lambeth, in boasting of the effect of a former Government, and the diminishment of crime, forgot that during the whole of that period you had enforced this very enactment. In that case the grand jury had the power of making a pre sentment before the district was proclaimed; but we thought that if we again proposed the same provision, it would be one of the grounds of your objection, and that you would say that it would be a new instrument in the hands of the landlords to carry on the clearance system. Why, is it not better, then, if that is your opinion of Irish landlords, to throw en the Exe cutive Government the entire responsibility of calling this measure into action? Which course is more likely to maintain an amicable relation between the gentry of Ireland and their poorer tenants—which course is more likely to give weight to the decision of the magistrates ? We thought to place the power and the responsibility in the hands of the Government was a great improvement. But you will have an opportunity of proposing additional securi ties. I myself have the strongest impressions that it is in finitely better that the calling this Act into operation shall rest exclusively with the Executive. Well, this measure which you framed in 15.35, you continued on the statute book for a period of five years— Mr. HA W ES—lt was not enforced. Sir R. PEEL—And do we say that it shall come into ope ration ?—( Hear, hear.) We seek the same power, not ne cessarily that it should be exercised. But you argue now that the existence of this power will exasperate the people of Ireland. Why did it not do so in 1835, when, if I recollect rightly, the.e was not even a division on the question of its adoption? Mr. W, S. O'BRIEN--Yes I divided the House. Sir R. PEEL—The Hon. Gentleman divided the House on the question that the Bill, instead of having a duration of five years, should be limited to two.—( Hear, hear.) What was the result? Four divided with the Hon. Member. You per mitted it to pass in 1835, and permitted it to endure for five years without a motion for its erasure from the statute-book. Mr. S. O'BRIEN—I made one for its removal. Sir R. PEEL—And how many divided with you? Two.— (Hear, hear.) The Hon. Member endeavoured to remove this di:graceful statute, this blot on your legislative enactments, and only two Members were found to support him. Now, were not the Government justified in the course which they pursued? Nor do I see how we can be charged with wishing to inflict injury a a wsi c sle o l nutnrisoteb not be w bt h oe i c b et hat called measuredy h in a v to e a o p fpn p er r r o aa v t i e po d enr n n bd l un S tf 3s tthh . raete L e by t ye a u ri s at hope,dthoriat. dormant or insult upo n I re l an d, w h en , i n 1846, we have taken s enemy, it will repress all tou rage and violence. Let us en tertain sanguine hopes that the kno w l e d ge t h at t hi s l aw ex i sts will b e efficacious in futureand I should rejoice if we should be able to dispense with it in a less p er i o d. If i t b e true that there ar e frequent murders committed in any di s tri c t, if i t b e provided th at the family e of the murdered man s h a ll h ave pro vision ma d e for them it n e t have m y a tax being le v i e d on th e vicinage, e a great effect in che c ki ng th ese ev il s ? I t hi n k that we have heard that strangers committed these murder s , but lam a f ra id i n somethat__ strangers are harboured. Well, if y ou tax the district you you will give a great security to the inhabitants, as strangers will not be encouraged when they I know that th e y w ill b e ma d e to pay i f outrages are committed. 1 admit the evil of scarcity to be so intolerable—so impossible to meet by any appeal to benevolence—as to impose the neces sity of considering whether or not something could be done for the purpose of alleviating it. Let us not consider the matter too hastily, and at once come to a conclusion that the principle of the English law, namely, the right to relief is applicable to the state of Ireland. A comprehensive review of the whole case must be taken, the position of those who would have to bear that burden must be taken into aceount, and how little superior they are in society to those who would receive the benefit of that relief. While, therefore, I admit the pressing nature of the care , I would be unwilling, after the discussion the modified poor-law • Ireland, after that has taken place on the difference of opinio n that has been expressed ld I w pause before by the gentle menl who took part in tha t debate, com mitted myself to the opinion that the English poor-law should be established in that country . I u phold as strongly as any min the man, that in no country is it m ore n ecessllr to Ireland ; but, thougainta for h such g reat principles of property than i n is my firm opinion , it is impossible any one to consider at h without a feeling of emoti on the evictions th place there. I find it impossible, h o wever, to app l y a remedyave taken to control the power of the landlords. Even if the Bill brought in by the Hon. Member for Rochdale were p assed into a law, and if it were enacted that the tenant should re ceive full compensation f or the improvements which he had made, that power would curb the landlord in such a manner • as would disable him from proceeding against a pauper u must ex- Yo tenantry who were making no imp rovements. h e cuse me, then, if I think that yo u rely too much for t amelioration of your social condition up on the Executive Go • vernment.—( Hear, hear, and cheers.) You rely too much upon the Government passing laws to effect what yourselves should accomplish.—(Cheers.) My firm belief is that you yourselves have it in your power to apply a remedy. I speak to absentees as well as the resident landlords. By pursuing a course adapted to meet the requirements of the disorganised state of society which prevails, you would be able to effect more than could ever be done by legisla tion. This would do all that any Government could accom plish.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) Is it true that a gentleman in 1838 has purchased from 18,000 to 20,000 acres of land, in one of the wildest parts of Ireland, and said to himself on taking this property, I will act towards my tenants as a landlord should act. I will do my duty to them, and will persevere in my attempts to improve their condition—is it true that he has suc ceeded ?—("liear, hear," from Col. Conolly. ) Is it true that in dealing with this misery, by his perseverance, by his deference at first to the ign orance and • preju d• ices of the people, by the kindly feeling with whi c h h e treated them, a been effected which ha s as t on i s h ed all who have revolutionconsidered a!,5 (Hear, hear, and ch eers .) H as not his property been t • im proved?—(Hear, hear.) H as not h i s rental improved?— d? ( Hear, hear.) My Hon. F r i en d (Colonel con says it is all true.—( Hear, hear, and cheers.) This shows y) that though much may be done by legi s l at i on, the foundation must be laid by a combination of the landl or d s resident :rind Absentee... byfollowing the example of Lord George Hill, in endeavouring to improve the condition of the country. These complaints of the relationship existing between landlords and tenants are not now made for the first time. Dr. Madden, a writer on the state of Ireland, 1737, and who was on intimate terms with the then Lord Chesterfield, gives the followingiadvice to the proprietors and landlords of Ireland. (The Right , Hon. where he describes the tenants' houses as hut and as it were a temporary residence, and ad visesbird's nests, Baronet here quoted several passages from D r . s M a a n d d de m n a s de wo h r k k e , i tion given of re and a the good still amore edks itnodblyuifledeblientgterwihthoutsheseantednabnytst)lh.—isi(mHeeaanrs, t eg h h ink if the hear.) . v ) t a h t cultivate landlords s de l sc a r p e r l w t u h j i which hundred my y e b a e r s o a t ! o o l , p a taendd from I f legislation, r n o not s u n o d n e enwettrohsyuiellsd underconsider whatwhich thatm e measures country labours,e] e best applicable ot t of o ml th reo a el t at w o c .t o a dh u s . cilfaalntedhuleolyartde:dould act towards their tenantry as is done in this country, if they would enter into a noble combination for the purpose of diffusing the greatest amount of good among the people, if they would endeavour to procure accurate informa tion as to the means best adapted to effect that glorious result— if they would follow the example of Lord George Hill, and endeavour to cultivate a more kindly feeling and relation ship with their tenantry the consequence would be that outrage would be put an end to, that peace wo uld pervade the most disturbed districts, that industry would be stimulated and more confidence in the law established, than will ever be the result of any mea sures of legislative enactment. By recognising the principles of moral feeling and benevolent sentiments in their dealings with their tenantry, more good will be effected than will ever result from the operation of laws. I hope I have said nothing in the remarks I have made, to embitter the feel ing with which this debate has been conducted.—( Hear, hear.) All that I have to find fault with is, that being anxious for dis cussion on this measure, they have not proceeded with that discussion without introducing matter foreign to it. They ought, I think, to have proceeded with the debate; they ought not to have delayed it for two days, by introducing, as I think they have done, many Irish questions, which have had no other effect than to cause delay to many other measures of great importance to this country. Ido hope, that having oc cupied so much time upon this question, and having done their duty to their country, they will now allow this question to be read a first time. Ido not question the steps they have taken, but I do think that they may now without injury to their principles. having discharged what they felt to be their duty, permit the sense of the House to be taken on the Bill at this preliminary stage.—(Cheers. ) ' Mr. WYSE would assure the House that he felt with the Right Hon. Baronet, that much time had been occupied with this debate. The question of the corn-laws had been delayed by the introduction of that measure before the House. He could not agree with tl-e Right Hon. Baronet that the Go vernment was entirely free from the blame which attached to the delay complained of in the debate on this question. The Right Hon. Gentleman had attempted to throw the blame of that delay on his (Mr. Wyse's) side of the House. It was for him to have seen what course should have been pursued with regard to the measures occupying the attention of the country. It was for the Government to choose what measure was the most important—the one before the House, or the corn-law measure—for immediate consideration. Having made a selection, they had no right to complain of the opposition met with.—( Hear.) He could not see what discourtesy would be shown to the other House by delaying this Bill, and giving pre cedence to one of greater importance to the country at largo. There was a precedent for delay on a measure emanating in the other House. He would beg to call the attention of the House to the year 1833, when a Bill for the same object as the present was sent down to that House. It was treated in the very same manner. It was matter of surprise, that while the world was looking at the great measure of the Government with regard to our commercial iuterosts, that the interests of the sister country should be so neglected. He agreed with the Right Hon. Baronet that there might arise times when a sus pension of part of the constitutional laws would be necessary. He was not so ignorant as not to know that the first thing to be done, to render society what it ought to be, was to render life and property safe. But the Right Hon. Baronet had not read any report which proved the necessity of such a measure as that before the House.—( Niar, hear.) ( The Hon.'Member then proceeded to read extracts from a re turn he held in his hand, by which it appeared, that in the year 1842 the number of homicides committed in Ireland was 106, while in the year 1845 it amounted to 139.) Now, con sidering the great amount of distress that existed in the coun try at both these periods, he would say that that state of things did not exhibit such an enormous excess of crime as would justify such a suspension of the law as this Bill amounted to. He found, by the same returns, that crime of less magnitude—such as aggravated assault—amounted, in 1842, to 249, while in 1845 they were only 237. He should certainly admit that there was one class of difference—namely, the robbery of arms, which did appear to have been on the in crease, for in 1842 the number of that crime amounted to 160, while in 1845 it amounted to 551 ; but he should here remark, that he did think that such a state of things had been prophe sied upon the introduction of the Arms Bill, when gentlemen made a parade of the amount of arms they possessed. But in re gard to crimes of a less aggravated character, it would be found that there had been a great diminution, such as resistance to the police, and the operation of legal processes, for he found that in the year 1845 they had considerably decreased, as com pared with the year 1842, as had also such crimes as were called offences against property, cattle stealing, &c., greatly diminished. He was, no doubt, compelled to admit that there had been an increase in the number of another class of offences—that which came under the head of threatening letters ; but many of them might have been forged, and under no circumstances were such documents indicative of a wide spread conspiracy against life. But all these crimes were in dicative of the peculiarly unhappy state of the people of Ireland. Now let him compare the state of crime in that country with the state of crime in this. He joined in the re probation of these crimes as cordially as did any other Member of the House, and he was ready to admit that they indicated a departure from the general chivalric character of the Irish people ; but the way to prevent this state of things was by adopting such a course of policy as would make the people sympathize with the law and be ready to act with the police of the country.—( Hear, hear.) Such was the case in this country and in all other well ordered countries,and why should it not be so in Ireland ? Now he saw no disposition on the part of the Government to attempt to deal with this question as it ought to be dealt with. He would beg of the House to re member that on former occasions, when Coercion Bills were in troduced, Committee after Committee were appointed to in quire Into the cause of crime in Ireland, but what was the result ? The Coercion Bills were passed but the re ports of the Committees were allowed to remain inoperative. He would beg the House to remember the many crimes which were committed in Ireland, which were the result of the tithe system. In other times Coercion Bills were passed, but it was not until the tithes had been done away with that the Bill had become operative. The Right Hon. Gentleman opposite had stated that this was no new state of things. No doubt in former times crime also existed in Ire land. Crime caused by the change of religion, and the inva. sion of Cromwell, but more than all, to the operation of the penal code. Ireland contained 8,000,000 of inhabitants, 7,000,000 of whom depended upon agriculture for subsistance, while the vast amount of manufactures in England and Scot land bore no proportion whatever to those in Ireland, for in fact in the latter country there were none. He should also say that there was no justification in his mind for the conduct of some landlords, whoexercised a power over their property con trary to divine intention; but then the Legislature gave him that power, and, therefore the Legislature should regulate it. He had not seen as yet in any of these measures, that any thing beneficial was to be done for Ireland, and would they allow all Europe to aee that under the present state of things nothing ,vas to be done for that country ? The Right Hon. Baronet had admitted that with respect to its internal state that Ireland was now in the same position as she was in 1736. She had been kept in a state of poverty and depression, and was labouring under evils which had arisen during the ascendancy of England, and now when she was unequal to stand on her own resources, he thought that some measures of atonement and reparation were due to her. When the union between the countries was spoken of, ought it not to convey an idea of sympathy and good feeling, and should they not give them aid and assistance? There was a great difference between the amounts of wages given in the two countries, and in Ireland alone the amount of wages varied very much. The Irish labourer could not gain more than 2s. 6d. per week, while the English labourer could gain 10s. per week. There was, as he had said, a similar difference p in a r t t he amount theam ou n o tf given wages in v Is . dipde a r rnioodtuasyp communicationa r exceedts of Ireland, or4 d. for in one while h il ebis want t r p o a f rt s a it pr w o a p s er T h b a e t t w a e r e o n s e thfriosmcouthne try and the various parts of Ireland, and it would be a lt m wo,:r u euf n elb i r, e iey a .r t te i tm o Inte,,hhd therefor r o etl r h hoet se c mub o e u nb l de d aer j 1 t wo beneficial measure if Government could establish that com o w ld he r i h t e liyo g h n r a o o st t u kh h n ee i d d n e g foo f o o r b n r y stu rdiyeeth.classista ncelaboured, n n a i ( d B " the effect of it would be felt by the increased excise, the in creased customs, and, above all, in the increased prosperity of the country. No such measures hive accompanied this coercion measure—no remedy had been provided for the grievances of the people. If any coercion law was necessary, still he would object to this law, for it would not meet the crimes enumerated by the Right Hon. Baronet. It would not prevent daylight assassination or sending threat ening notices by post. Such an end could not be attained by shutting up the peasant during the night, nor was that course likely to establish a more kindly feeling between the upper and the middle classes ; and least of all, would it be likely to give the people a co n fid ence o f th e l aw b y p l ac i ng t h em on a more secure relation with reference to their landlords. The Right Han. Baronet would see that Ireland had come to such a posi tion that she could no longer receive such measures as this, and he hoped that the Right Honourable Baronet would be convinced that any momentary interruption which this Bill had given to the proceedings of the House, did not proceed from any wish for unnecessary delay, but from the anxiety of each Irish Member to declare before the House and the country his feeling on the Bill. He did not apprehend the outbreak of any violent eruption in Ireland, but there was ample room for conciliatory measures, to anticipate such an evil from the disorganised and diseased state of tne people in that country. There could not be a nobler effort of a minister than to relieve a country from the state in which Ireand was at present placed. The Minister who did that would acquire a fame which would never die. Colonel CONOLLY said that he had been directed by the grand jury of the county of Donegal , They looked with h orror on the state of things at present ex isting in Ireland. The duty, magistrates of Donegal had done their and had called on the county Members to support this measure as necessary to the security and well-being of the country. They hoped by this measure ofthe most to suppress some most atrocious and degrading • crimes that ever disgraced any nation in the world. Hon. Gentlemen opposite deplored those crimes, and yet they resisted every effort to stop them. This measure was called for by all the peaceably disposed inhabitants of Ireland. The lower orders in that country had long suffered from a system of menace. This Bill was called an interfe rence with the liberties of the subject, but there was very little liberty in Ireland at present. The people could not carry on their trade ; and, therefore, it was absolutely necessary that the Government should come forward with some strong measure. The system of interference with landlo rds and tenants was ex tensively carried out. The threatening letters referred to were as nothing compared to the acts of vengeance wreak e d on houses, cattle and persons. This was a state of things not to be endured. In supporting the Bill, he did so in obedience to his constituents, as they consid ered it absolutel y necessary. In the amendment which had been proposed, it was stated that the measure did not go to the root of the evil. He agreed in that sentiment, and he believed they would never go to the root of the evil while they tolerated the factious and seditious assemb l y that meets in Dublin. A great deal of the discord that existed in Ireland was attributable to the machinations of this seditious body. He knew of a case in which an elector had his ears cut off because he voted against a repeal candidate. Such was the spirit that prevailed in many parts of Ireland. He did not agree in calling this a Coercion Bill, but it was, as its title st ated, a Bill for the protection of life and property ; and had the Government failed in bringing I. It was a it forward, they would have been highly ermineand to secure t measure r to protect the innocent, punish the guil y, the well-being of society generally. Mr. RICH deprecated the supporters of the Bill, charging Hon. Members on that side of the House with being indiffe rent to the existence of crime in Ireland, because they opposed the Rill. He was convinced that Hon. Members on that side entertained the strongest feelings of horror against the crimes referred to, and only differed from those who supported the Bill as to the mode of putting them down. He considered the Right lion. Baronet, and those who acted with him in support. THE SU.N, LONDON, TUESDAY, MORNING, APRIL 28, _1846. ng this measure, had failed in showing that it would put an end to the crinies'alleged, or that the present laws were ineffi cient for that purpose.—( Hear, hear.) The tranquillity which prevailed during the Whig administration arose from a steady perseverance in well-doing, and administering the law in a kindly and tolerant spirit. Let the Right Hon. Baronet follow this example—let him feed the hungry, and remove some of the glaring causes which produced so much distress and suffer ing in Ireland, and he might depend upon it he would have no necessity to ask the Legislature to assist him with a Coercion Bill. From the oppression to which the poor of Ireland were sub jected sprung the secret conclaves, the murders, the disease and death, which afflicted that unhappy country. Then fol lowed the trials, the false evidence, a nd the revenge on those witnesses ; and these were followed by Castle proclamations and Government assassinations. He scarcely knew whether to pity or to blame the acts of the peasantry of Ireland; he very much feared that their misfortunes were in a great measure attributable to the foolish conduct of a blind Government. Why did they not introduce into Ireland those measures which, for centuries, had proved to be of service to the people of this country ? He felt convinced that it was utterly hopeless to ex pect that the outbreaks in Ireland could be put down by violence. These evils were not to be put down by violence, The Go vernment must go to the root of the evil, if they wished to give peace and prosperity to Ireland. If they wished to put down violence by coercion, they should coerce the coercers— ( Hear, hear)—and prevent those grievous evictions which had taken place. The present Bill was harsh, and tardily intro duced. If there was any necessity for the measure, why was it not introduced before ?—( Hear, hear.) Mr. SONIERS moved the adjournment of the debate. Sir ROBERT PEEL then proposed that the debate be ad journed till Thursday next. The other orders of the day were then proceed with. POLLING PLACES (IRELAND) BILL. Mr. GREGORY moved that the report of this Bill should be received that day six months. He considered the Bill would give a direct encouragement to fraud, perjury, and personation. After a few words from Mr. Caleb Powell, Mr. Smith O'Brien Sir R. Peel, and M r . H. Grattan, the debate was adjourned. Several orders of the day were then disposed of, and the House adjourned at One o'clock. PARLIAMEN TAR Y BUSINESS. (From the Votes and Proceedings of the House of Commons. ) REPORT FROM TIIE SELECT COMMITTEE ON GROUP (No. 29) OF RAILWAY BILLS. RUGBY AND HUNTINGDON RAILWAY BILL. Mr. Labouchere reported from the Select Committee on Group(No. 29) of Railway Bills, to whom several petitions against the Bills comprised in the said group were referred, That in the case of the Rugby and Huntingdon Railway Bill they had heard counsel in support of several of tha said petitions, and had also heard counsel in favour of the Bill, and that they had examined the allegations con tained in the ,preamble of the Bill, but that the same had not been proved to their satisfaction. RAILWAY SHARE MARKETS. BRISTOL, APRIL 25. _. STOCK EXCANGM—The sales are—Birmingham and Glounster 124%—Bristol and South Wales Junction, I—Caledonian, 6%—Mid land, New, 3134—South Wales, I 1-16—Taff Vale, I 34—Dutch Ithenish, 6 1-16. MANCHESTER, APRIL 25. STOCK EXCHANGE.—The sales are—Birkenhead and Holyhead Junction, 1% dis.—Blackburn, Clitheroe, and North Wales, 11 dis. —Chelmsford and Bury, % dis.—Chester and Manchester, Direct, 21s. Gd. dis.—Derby and Crewe, 1% p.—Direct Northern, 1% dis.— Eastern Counties, 21s. Gl.—Exeter and Exmouth, % dis.—Exeter, Yeovil, and Dorchester, 1 dis.—Huddersfield and Sheffield Junction, 3 p.—Liverpool, Ormskirk, and Preston, % p.—Liverpool, Pres ton, Manchester, and Southport, % dis.—London and Manchester (Remington's), 345. Gd. dis.—London and York, 1 dis.—Manchester, Buxton, and Matlock, par—Manchester and Birmingham, Quarters (B), p.—Ditto, ditto (C), 7 9-16 P.—Manchester and Leeds, Fifths, 8% p.—Manchester and Southampton, % dis.—Northumber land and Lancashire, 65. Gd.—North Staffordshire, 475.—Oldham, Birk enhead, &c.,1 dis.—Preston and Wyre, 35—Ditto, Halves (A), 3 p.— Ditto, ditto (B), % p.—Sheffield and Lincolnshire Junction, % dis.— Sheffield and Manchester, Quarters (No. 1), 4% p.—Ditto, ditto (No. 3), Gs.—South Eastern and Dover, Consolidated (No. 3), 1 p. —Ditto, Halves (No. 4), 35. 9d. dis.—West Riding union, 1 % p. LEEDS, APRIL 25. STOCK EXCHANGE.-The Government measure for facilitating the winding-up of railway schemes appears to afford great satisfaction, and has done much already towards restoring confidence and re establishing the share market on a healthy and firm basis. The value of most old stocks has been enhanced since the issue of our last week's circular, especially Eastern Counties, Edinburgh and Glasgows, Brightons, South-Westerns, Midlands, Newcastle and Darlingtons, North British, and Dovers; and the tendency of our market to-day Is again upwards, but with perhaps not quite so much business doing. Many scrip stocks continue to be sold at heavy discounts, as the proposition of Sir Robert Peel affords an op portunity- for the majority of the scripholders in a scheme to insist on its continuance against the will of the minority, without, as was expected, permitting those desirous of withdrawing from the concern to do so en paying their proportionate amount of expenses incurred. Such a clause appears to us desirable before the measure can be said fully to effect the object for which it is intended. The better class of scrip partakes of the improvement manifested in the shares of existing lilies, and among others may be mentioned West Ridings, Eastern Counties (York Extensions), and East Lancashires (No. 2), as having a better appearance on the market. The sales are-Eastern Counties, York Extension, 225. p.-Sheffield and Manchester, Quar ter Shares, 4 p. -East Lancashire, No. 2 (late Accriagton), 325. 6d. p.-Great Griins'cy and Sheffield, 5 dis.-Huddersfield and Manches ter, 1 dis.-Iluddersfleld and Sheffield, 3 1 / 8 p.-Leeds and Bradford, 27 p.-Leeds and Dewsbury, 1% dis.-North British, 5 -Ditto, New Carlisle Branch , 11 p.-Ambergate, Nottingham, and Boston, 255. dis.-Essex and Suffolk, 16s. dis.-Glasgow and Dumfries, 15s. dis.- Lancashire, Yorkshire, and North-Eastern, 275. dis.-Liver peol, Ormskirk, and Preston, p.-London and Manchester (Rem.), 345. dis.-Manchester, Buxton, Matlock, and Midland, 1 p.-Mid land and Thirsk Junction, 1 dis.-Northumberland and Lancashire Junction, 16s. 6d. dis.-North Western, 7s. dis.- 'Welsh Midlands, 235. dis.-West Riding Union, 3% -York and Carlisle, 28s. dis. HULL, APRIL 25. (East t s a a n r d e- W .N e l s i t dl ß at i i d d i , ng 4 ) o , l. B 7 - ar N es o , r t3h 1- 0 Northtr yoStTkoaenirdExc 1.1 Bri tish, Carlisle, 365. 3d.-Chelmsford and Bury, Ha. 9d.-East I I Midland Coast, 205.-Hull and Bar nsle y Junction, 235. 3d.-Leicester and Tamworth, 205.-Northampto n Bedford, and Cambrid g e, 245. 30.- -Th e ( North Staffordshire, 41. 75.-South Midland, 415.-West Riding Union, 31. Ils. 6d.-Yorkshire and Glasgow Union, 225. SHEFFIELD, APRIL 25. STOCK EXCRANGE.-The sales are-Grimsby and Sheffield, Exten sion,' 1/. 25.-Ditto, Quarter Sha res, 155.-Ditto, Railwa y and Dock, 2-uddersfield and Sheffield, 10 Y 2 -Derby and Gainsborough, 14s. - Sheffield and Lincolnshire, 18s.-Sheffield, Buxton, Leek, Potteries, and Crewe, 13s. 9d. NEWCASTLE-UPON-TYNE, APRIL 25. STOCK EXCHANGE. — The sales are—Lancashire and North York shire, 19s. dis.—North British, Carlisle, 4 p.—North Staffordshire, 2y p.—Newcastle and Carlisle, 103—Northumberland and Lanca shire, 18s. dis.—Rugby and Huntingdon, 16s. 6d. dis.—West Riding Union, 1 4 p.—York and Carlisle, 265. 6d. dis. EDINBURGH, APRIL 24. STOCK EXCHANGE.-The sales are-Aberdeen, 31.--Aberdeen,Banff, and Elgin, ii. 55.-Airdrie and Bathgate, V.-Arbroath and For far, 271.-Ditto, Half Shares, 151. 10s.-Armagh and Portrush, 10s.-Ayr and Galloway, 11. N.-Ayrshire and Bridge of Weir, 21. U.-Banffshire, IN.-Belfast and County Down, 21.-British and Irish Union, 21. 35.-Caledonlan, 101. 108., ex new,-Ditto, New, 11. 5 5 .-C a ledonian Extension, it. 9c-Caledonian and Dumbarton, 11. 6s. 6d.--Caledonian and Northern Direct, 1/. 17s. 6d.-Carnwath and West Linton, 11. 25.-Chelmsford and Bury, 155.-Clydesdale Junction, 12/.-Cornwall and Devon Central, 1/. 105.-Deeside Rail way, 41.-Direct Northern, 11. IN.-Dublin and Enniskillen, 11. 10s. -Dundee and Arbroath, 391.-Ditto, New, 211.-Dundee and For far Junction, 11. 165.-Dundee and Perth, 15/.-Ditto, Kinross Ex tension, 21.-Eastern Counties Extension, 11. 55.-East Indian Rail way, 9s. 9d.-East of Fife, I/. IN.-East Lothian Central and Tyne Valley Junction, it. ?s.-Edi n b urg h an d Bathgate, 21. Os. 6d.- Edinburgh and Glasgow, 721.-Ditto, Half Shares, 16 /. 5 5. -Ditto, Quarters, 171. 108.-Ditto, ditt o, N ew, la -Edinburgh, Glasgow, and Dumbarton, 19s. 3d.-Edi nburgh an d Leith Atmospheric, 1/. 38. W.-Edinburgh, Leith, a n d G ranton , la-Ditto, Preference, 181 . -Edinburgh and Northern, 41 . B s. 6d . -Ditto, Newport, 10s.-Ditto, Lochgelly, 18s. 3 d. - Edinburgh and Peebles, 1/. 6s. -Edinburgh and Perth, 21. Gs. - Edinburgh, Portobello, and Musselburgh, 1/. 10s. -Forth and Clyde Junction, it. 14s. 6d. -Glasgow and Ayrshire, 701. 10s.-Ditto, N- • Stock 281.-Ditto, Quarter Shares, 171. 10s. -Glasgow Belfast Union, 11. Bs. 6d.-Glasgow, Dumfries, and Car lisle, 11. 135.-Glasgow and Dundee Junction, 1/. 10s. 6d.-Glasgow and Garnkirk, 401. 10 s.-Glasgow General Terminus, 91.-Glasgow and Greenock, 191.-Ditto, New Stock, 101.-Ditto, Preference, IL 155.-Glasgow Harbour Grand Junction, 11. 10s.-Glasgow Har bour Mineral, 1/. 15 5.-Glasgow, Kilmarnock, and Ardrossan, I/. 95.-Glasgow, Strathaven, and Lesmahagow, 21. Is. 6d.-Granton Junction, 108.-Great County Down, 11. 10s.-Great North of Scot land, 11. l Is.-Great North and South Wales, 9s. 4d.-Inverness and Elgin, 1/. Os. 6d.-Lanark and Lothians, 21.-Larne, Belfast, and Ballymena, 1/. Is.-London and Hounslow, 155.-London and Man chester (East.), 31. 5s -London and Manchester (Remington's), 11. -London and York, 11. 10s.-Ditto, Half Shares, 21.-Midland and Eastern Counties, I/.-Newcastle and Berwick, 171. IN.-Moray shire, 1/.-Newry and Londonderry, 1/. 75.-North British, 261.- Ditto, Halves, Si. 5 5.-Ditto, Extension to Carlisle, 11. 145.-Ditto, Extension to Dalkeith, 61.-North Wales, Mineral, 111. New, 21. IN.-Perth aid Crieff Direct, 11.125. 64.-Perth and Inver ness, I/. 105.-Scottish Central, 131. 10s.-Ditto, New, 51. 55.- Scottish Central and Caledonian Junction, 11. 6s -Scottish Grand Junction, 155.-Scottish Midland, 61. 75. W.-Scottish Southern, 11. 13s. 6d.-Shrewsbury and Hereford, 55. -Shrewsbury, Oswestry, and Chester, 1/. 155.-South Midland, 11. 17s. 6d.-Stirling and Dunferm line, it. 165.-Stirling and Midland, 2/.-Strathearn Junction, 11. 2s. 6d.-Surrey Grand Junction, 55.-Tean and Dove Valley, 155.- Wishaw and Coltness, 471. 7s. 61. GLASGOW, Aram 25. STOCK EXCHANGE.-The sales are-Ayr and Galloway, 28s. 6d. -Banffshire, 2 05.-Caledonian Extension, 305.-Caledonian and Ayr shire Junction, 40 5. - Caledonian and Dumbartonshire Junction, 295. 6d.-Carnwath and West Linton, 225. 64.-Cornwall and Devon Cen tral, 325.-Direct Northern, 295.-East Lothian Central and Tyne Valley, 285.-East Indian Railway, 9s. 9d. -Edinburgh and Northern, 4%-Ditto, Lochgelly, 178.-Edinburgh and Peebles, 268.-Forth and Clyde Junction, 355. 6d.-Glasgow General Terminus, 91.- Glasgow and Belfast Union, 345. 6d.-Glasgow, Kilmarnock, and Ayr, New, 301.-Glasgow, Dumfries, and Carlisle, 365. -Glasgow, Kilmarnock, and Ardrossan, 265. 6d.-Kilmarnock and Ayr Direct, 375.-Lanark and Lothians, 415.-Perth and Inverness, 315.-Perth and Crieff, 325. 64.-Scottish Grand Junction, 125.-Scottish South ern, 365.- Slamannan, 251.-Stirling and Dunfermline, 365.-Wishaw and Coltness, 47%. DEPARTURE OF FOREIGN MAILS.—The following The India Mail—The next mail Hong for Gibraltar, Malta, Greece, the lonian Islam's, Egypt, India,2cl of Maynotice was issued on Saturday at the General Post-office, St. Martin s • le-Grand, and the branch offices : —" Kong, and China, will be made up on the morning of the mail to, to be forwarded via Southampton. By the overland closed the Mediterranean, India, &c., rid Marsuilles, In the morning 0t the the 7th of May. Peninsular Mails : The nex t m ail for Coruna, , Vigo, Oporto, Lisbon, Madeira, Cadiz, and Gib ra lt a r, will be made up in the morning of the 27th i n stant t o be f o rwarded by the . Queen steamer, aid S o uth amp t on . N ex t ma il d ue th e M adri th Vans- Madden, the British West Indies, Honduras, Havannan, an d 2d of May, to be for wardedzuela will be made up on the morning of the Next mail due steamer, on the 26th instant. West Indies : The next mans for by the Avon steamer, via Southampton. 'h No ' rth America, ton. America: The next mails il for be ß m rita s up on the Bermuda, and and the United S . ta u tes o , l n f w arded by the Britannia steamer, to ail due, the Caledonia ing of the 4th of May, - i• ~ and Boston. Next m aid Liverpool, Halifax, f m a y. New South Wales : The next mails from the West Indies, Mexico, &c., on the 7th . of May, steamer, on the 16th at Southamp est , to be forwarded by the Berkshire, via the evening of the 30th • ils and Buenos Ayres :—Notice : A mail Madeira, Braz , and New Zealand will be made up on to be Monte Video,forwarded by her Majesty's will be made up for intended to be sent by this conveyance must ship Apollo. All Tatters3l . esty's ship Apollo,' and will be liable her aJ to a be addressed ' By - t, eof 7d. No charge will be made for packet rate rate of posag is ta ctexped to sail from Portsmouth on the 28th papers. The Apollo Next packet due from the Brazils, &c., her Ma- Inst. (to-d y). f G o r r a S v y e d se n n e d y . , South Australia,o brig Penguin, May 29, at Falmouth. Notice : her Majesty's Ma jesty's was expected to sail from Portsmouth for the Island of endeavoured to collect some particulars sitsicpension, this day, the 25th insL" g w e n he rumours of the day. The grand We have re specting the festivities notremoratiou of the coming of age of ord Burghley, eldest son me Marquis of Exeter, which take place on Thursday next, but iTatters have been kept so close up to t a Ge ouly racY i not take place until Stamford races, in July. Between 1,300 and 1,400 invitations have been sent to the tenantry, 700 of whom are to dine on Thursday in a tent (just arrived from London) on the lawn, arid the others at several of the principal inns in the town. The strong ale, brewed immediately after the m th e is et t i i n m g e, o t f h t a h t birth of Lord Burghley, will be tapped. In the afternoon, with the view of affording some amusement to the families of the tenants, Mr. Charles Green will ascend in his balloon. In the evening a bal, to . which about 800 are to be invited, is to be held in the Asse bl e we ar c is a rooms. The Church school children are to be treated, Abut to the Dissenting congregations. The labourer. the; wives and children, are to have a certain quantity of meat ' it , nd ale supplied to them. On Friday the servants of the household are to have From a a ball,Correspondenllt. who wi have the privileg e ofinTi.„ _ ACCIDENT inviting a friend each.— V F ATAL A THE LATE ENT AT HUNGERFORD MARKET PIER.—Mr. W. Baker held an inquest on Saturday evening, at the Crown Inn, High-street, Shadwell, t ouching the death of Mr. F r ederick Hayward, aged 29 years, late a clerk in the service of Messrs. Williams, merchants, of 62, Lowe r Th ames -street. The de ceased was one of the unfortunate persons drowned at Hungerford James's-stairs, Market Pier on Easter Sun on the ay last. His body was pi c k e d up off St. Shadwell, evening of Friday. Th e same witnesses were in attendanceeasat t he previous Inquiry. Nothin g new transpired as to the death, , the accid ent, and the jury returned a verdict of " Accidental , with the foll ow i ng addendum— " The jury recomme nd the directors of the Hu ngerford Market Com- Mpany to exercise greater caution in fut ure in the construction and anagement of their approaches to ste am -boats navigating the river, and plying at their pier.',.. P ARDO N OF A CONVICT. --At the Worcester City Assizes, held in the spring of the year 1844, an aged woman, named • was convicted of uttering counterfeit coin, and was Sarah Rice, transportation sen tenced to seven years' She was accordingly sent. to of her . the hulks, but on account .t. age (upwards of 60), and her bad state of health, the auWorc es thori retserthe.re refused to recei ve h er, and she was returned to the city gaol, where she has remained conduct has been good during her ever since. Her es in a weak state of health the ler incarceration, ( and as she continu es the magistrates of this c ity petitioned the Seem Y tar of State fo r a remission of sentence, and for the y e sterday a free pardprisoner on WU Melnd.---Worcalor , o rs 0001#0. AMERICAN NEWS. FGUR. DAYS LATER. LIVERPOOL, SUNDAY EVENDIG. We have this afternoon received New York and other United States papers of the 4th instant, per the packet-ship Roscius, Captain Eldridge, which arrived here shortly after four o'clock. The news is not of an important character. Up to the time the Roscius left, no tidings of a division in the Senate on the Oregon resolutions had reached New York. At the same time the subject was still debated. On the 31st ult. General Cass had made a very intemperate and warlike speech, in which he castigated some of the leading Senators who disagreed with his opinions, and alluded to Lord Brougham in no very complimentary terms. The fol lowing is an epitome of what passed in the Senate on the 31st ult. : signed The President's a e Bill authorising the a appear p s e l c a l 1 0 - r A re e d s t i a r a i r y t s t G o h l f e ° t b N b a ' o r IS N o r f a A t:l l ; Senatece:tio3i. pur chase M r cass tool: water-rotted o r: hemp tgghoeunv, fieaso oo forcharacter hai nrauttsohttl was rpua support r e otn o too t i fti the h tph e reo n p a e v ry . with a message, informing that body that the President had he would not discuss the question cf the Ame ricandtac3e' title ei s s speecha to i d Senate, and had moreover been very ably and satisfactorily examined and vindicated by the present Secretary of State resolutionproceedings before ef o r o fof no tice. oe would Thatn us e consume s e u o i r n t e o t f h t e r i time e whicho thef egcHitiehese. misrepresentations of his own mo atinvdesm, acts, ariy others. uiid sp Senate in correcting was required of public men in eminent station. General Cass referred, in the course of his remarks, to the speeches of several senators who had preceded him. Alluding to the assertion of one that the debates in Congress were less dignified than those of the British Parliament, he said he knew from personal observation that this was an error. General Cass then read an extract from the speech of Lord Brougham, in 1843, in which he honours Mr. Cass with a torrent of Brummagem scurrility, for his agency in defeating the quintuple alliance. And such indecorous trash, said Mr. Cass, is a specimen of the superior dignity of the British Par liament. He next adverted to the different propositions for compromising this dispute. He could not perceive what claim the favourite parallel of 49 degrees had ever any other. His own opinion was, that our claim was good and perfectly tenable up to 54 degrees 40 minutes, and such was the opinion of the President. He then turned to the subject of the necessary augmentation of the army and navy, as defen sive preparation against the hostile designs of Great Britain. He read a letter from General Scott, setting forth the neces sity of an increase in the army, and several other communi cations that have not before been made public. He said he had found no reason to change the opinion he had long before expressed that there was imminent hazard of war between the two countries. He did not attempt to conceal the immense injury that would result to our national interests from such a war, but he showed that the injury to British commerce, and all other interests, would be greater in proportion, as they were more extensive than ours; Mr. Cass and Mr. Calhoun then had a brief conversation upon the probable effects of a war, which was carried on with good feeling. ➢lr. Ashley then took the floor to follow Mr. Cass, but pre vious to commencing his speech, moved that the Senate go into executive session, which was done. - On the day following (April 1), Colonel Benton replied to General Cass, and showed that the treaty of Utrecht, of 1713, gave authority for the extension of 49 west of the Rocky Mountains. On establishing this position, Mr. Hanne gan replied, and dealt some very unmerciful blows upon the Colonel, from whom he said he had learned all he knew as to the United States' title to the Oregon territory as far as the 54th degree. ' . . . - --- - The Senate has been to-day ascene of the greatest interest. Contrary to expectation Mr. Benton came out with a full and explicit definition of his position upon the Oregon ques tion, and his manner of doing it was characteristic. The first business of general interest was Mr. Breese's re solution, the apparent object and real effect of which would be the expulsion of the newspaper correspondents. But, after a brief though uninteresting debate upon the proposi • tion, it was laid over until a more convenient season. Mr. Speight moved that the resolution of notice be at once taken up, though the regular hour for that order of business had not yet arrived. He understood that Mr. Benton de sired to make an explanation in regard toaremark of General Cass yesterday, about the treaty of Utrecht. Mr. Benton rose—He said that yesterday General Cass had avowed that if it could be established, that the line of 30 deg. was established between the possessions of France and England west of the Rocky Mountains to the Ocean, under the treaty of Utrecht, he would withdraw his opposi tion to that line. Now he was ready to prove that such a line was run and established. Mr. Cass had said that Mr. Madison had instructed Mr. Monroe to investigate and ascer tain if that line was so run, and if so, to offer it to Great Bri tain. But, according to General Cass, Mr. Monroe never had made that examination, but had made the offer without taking the trouble to ascertain how the matter stood. Mr. Benton went into a laboured and searching examination of the diplomacy of Mr. Monroe's early time, and of the treaty of Utrecht, and came to the conclusion that the line had been run, and General Cass must take his place among the 49 men. _ Hannegan defended General Cass with great vigour and brilliancy. The Senate went into executive session, and soon after adjourned. In the House of Representatives, the debate upon the Sub- Treasury Bill was continued, and nothing else was done. On the next day (April 2) the debate was resumed by Mr. Ashley, who made a few very important remarks, when General Cass got up and replied at some length to Colonel Benton's remarks of the previous day, and refused to accede to Mr. Benton's principles, inasmuch as he considered the grounds upon which they were laid to be fallacious. An nexed is an outline of the proceedings of what occurred in the Senate on the subject on the day in question, from which it will be seen that Mr. Webster is still exerting himself in favour of peace : Mr. Ashley moved, in the Senate, that the special order of the day, the Oregon question, be taken up, in order, as he remarked, to give the Senator from Michigan, General Cass, an opportunity to reply to the remarks of Mr. Benton, of yesterday. this was agreed to. Gen. Cass commenced by saying that he was surprised at the tone of Mr. B.'s animadversions upon his speech. It had been his misfortune to be twice captured by the enemy, once he had been redeemed by the people of the country he was serving, and this time be hoped to be able to redeem himself from that captivity among the forty-nines, into which the Senator had yesterday consigned him. Gen. Cass then proceeded to answer in detail each of Mr. Benton's strictures, and began by denying that he had com mitted himself to the position which Mr. Benton had as cribed to him. The point of this controversy seems to be, that one party asserts that the line of the forty-ninth paral lel of latitude, established by the treaty of Utrecht between the possessions of France and England in America, applied to the now Oregon territory west of the Rocky Mountains, and the other denies it. General Cass also denies that this line was ever run at all, and Mr. Benton is understood to assert both propositions. General Cass spoke to-day some two hours, confining him self closely to the question, and showing most satis factorily, that the line was intended to stop at the monu tains, and had never actually been run. He read statements from the latest and most authoritative French work on the subject, that of De Mofras, who positively asserts that this line was not run. Mr. Benton rejoined. He said General Cass had now taken a position which was like jumping from the frying pan to the fire. In denying that the line of the treaty of Utrecht had extended beyond the Rocky Mountains, he had denied the existence of any title in the United States to Oregon before the treaty of the Floridas in 1817 ; for by the treaty of 1804, the line of 49th degree was adopted as the boundary between England and the United States, as far as the respective territories of the two powers extended in that direction, in the precise words and meaning of the treaty of Utrecht. Ile could not escape this. He had denied that we had any title but that founded on that Spanish treaty. Mr. Cass might have answered to this by saying that our Commissioners may have assumed that Great Britain had no territory west of the mountains, and that therefore the respective territories alluded to stopped at their eastern base. But Mr. C. did not go into an argument in his reply, but briefly adverted to one or two points made by Mr. B. Mr. 'Webster argued for the authority of the line of Utrecht ; and that if the termination of the 49th parallel was not clearly defined in the terms of the 10th article of said treaty, it was to a great extent confirmed by subse quent acts, based upon said treaty—the lines upon certain maps, for example ; and the line marked upon one of them as established by the treaty, or by the Commissioners, after the peace of Utrecht, making a course from Davis's inlet on the Atlantic sea, down to the 49th degree, &c. The only thing worthy of notice that has occurred in the House of Representatives is the passing of the Sub-Treasury Bill, the first step towards the establishment of a national bank, an institution which the United States stood in great need of. The numbers were—ayes; 124 ; noes, 67. A New .‘ The Bill, as originally reported, contained twenty - seven r i e. ' p rk eet p in a g pe t r h o is f m th ea e s t m th April :_ has the following particulars sections, and covered eighteen foolscap pages. As it to-day passed the House, it provides, in substance, that the rooms in the Treasury buildings prepared and provided for the use of the treasurer of the United States, his assistants, and clerks, and the fire-proof vaults and safes, are constituted and declared to be the Treasury of the United States, the treasurer to keep the public money which shall come to his hands in the Treasury until the same shall be draws there from according to law. The Mint of the United States at Philadelphia, the New Orleans branch, and the vaults and safes thereof ; the rooms at the Custom-houses in New York, Boston, Charleston, St. Louis, heretofore prepared for that purpose, shall be places of safe keeping. Re ceivers-general to be appointed by the President, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, to be located at the places last named. The treasurer of the United States, the treasurer of the Mint of the United States, the trea surers, and those acting as such, of the various branch mints, all collectors of the customs, all surveyors of the customs, acting also as collectors, all receivers-general of public moneys, all receivers of public moneys at the several land offices, and all postmasters, are required to keep safely, without loaning or using, all the public money collected by them, or otherwise at any time placed in their possession and custody, till the same is ordered by the proper department or officer of the Government. The officers appointed to give bonds, which may from time to time be renewed, strength ened and increased ; to make transfers when directed, and it is made lawful for the: secretary of the Treasury to order the same. Examination of books to be made by agents to be selected for that purpose, in addition to checks on the offi cers. Expenses for contingencies, fire-proof safes, &c. allowed, the whole number of clerks to be appointed not to exceed ten ; the aggregate compensation not to exceed eight thousand dollars, nor the compensation of any clerk eight hundred dollars per annum. If any of the officers or those connected with the Post-office Department, shall convert to his own use, or invest in any kind of property or merchandise, or shall loan any portion of the public moneys, the act shall be deemed an embezzlement, and declared a felony, and all persons ad visi:ig or participating in such act, being convicted thereof, shall be sentenced to imprisonment for a term of not less than six months, nor more than ten years, and to a fine equal to the amount of money embezzled. After June 30, 1848, all payments to be made in gold and silver coin only. Drafts are not to be used or thrown into circulation as a paper cur rency, or a medium of exchange. Salary to Receiver- General at New York, 4,000 dolls. ; at Boston, 2,500 dolls. ; at Charleston, 2,500 dolls. • at St. Louis, 2,500 dolls. ; the andousa n in d ei d d ta te rs ex Treasurer of the Mint, 500 ' dolls. additional ; Treasurer of Branch Mint at New Orleans, 500 dolls. additional per annum—no commissions, pay, or perquisites allowed, under penalty of being considered a misde e meanour, punishable by ap propriated for offices, ruses. Gold and sliver ossly to be received payment 14 ult F iN iv iso. th , fine or imprisonment, safes, both.va duties, taxes, public land-, debts, and sums of money ac cruing or becoming due for portages, or otherwise. After October 1, 1846, every officer or agent engaged in making disbursements on account of the United States, or of the General Post-office, shall do so in gold and silver coin only. The Bill to go into effect July 1, 1846. The House then adjourned. A meeting was held at Philadelphia, on the 2d of April, on the subject of the Oregon territory, but very few attended It would appear that the good people of that city are not in favour of war, and ready to compromise the dispute in ques tion. It is important that a city of so much consequence as Philadelphia should thus act, and throw cold water upon the exertions of such firebrands as Cass and Hannegan. THE MURDER TRIAL AT RICHMOND. —The panel of jurors for the trial of Mr. Ritchie was completed on Tues day. The Court requested that the testimony should not be published until the close of the trial. The jury were sworn and the trial commenced on Tuesday afternoon. Mr. P. J. Archer, one of the seconds, surrendered himself for trial, and was admitted to bail in the sum of 12,000 dollars. DUEL BIARVEEN WOMEN.—Recently at New Orleans a challenge to fight a duel passed between Miss Mary Adkins and Miss Turner, the latter accepting and choosing pistols. Recorder Genois, hearing of it, and not appreciating the transports of virtuous and honourable souls, locked up both parties. The above journals come to us freighted with the intelli gence of disasters by freshets. Bridges without number have been swept away—houses carried off—railroads sub merged—embankments overthrown—thousands of acres of land deluged, and property of all kinds destroyed to an im mense amount. In fact, such injury by floods has not oc curred in that country for the last fifty years. The commercial news by this arrival is not important. The Stock Market is rather dull, political affairs keeping the market more from rising than depressing it. It was rumoured that the steam-ship Unicorn was arrived, but nothing certain was known. Nothing had been done in exchanges from the departure of the Hibernia. Quotations were—London, 109ic. to 110 c. ; Paris, sf. 26ic. to sf. 23ic. In Cotton a moderate business was done at steady • Flour was steady at sf. 434 c. to if. 50c. Provisions, and other articles usually imported, were much the same as last reported. LATE AND IMPORTANT FROM MEXICO. (From the New York Evening Post of April 2.) We are indebted to a gentleman who arrived here to-day from Havannah, via Charleston, in the short passage of eight days, for the following important intelligence:— The Juniata arrived at Havannah on the evening of the 22d ult. from Vera Cruz, which place she sailed from the 16th ult., bringing advices up to that day, and by the captain we learn that a great change had taken place in the state of our relations with Mexico. It appears that Paredes had been induced to alter his tone, owing to strong manifestations exhibited against a war with the United states, and that Mr. Slidell, our Mi nister, had been duly notified that the Government were ready to consider propositions he had to make on behalf of our Government, and that there existed no doubt but that the matter would be speedily adjusted. Arista and the troops under his command had pronounced against Paredes and the war party. BRIDPORT ELECTION. TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN. SIR,—To endeavour to prevent the 6:patchwork legis lation by incompetent Members of the House of Commons, and particularly those who deemed the late Member for Bridport worthy of the thanks of the House for calling atten tion to the law relative to controverted elections, I beg to request attention to the inconsistency of the remarks of the late Member for Bridport on Friday evening last, and those of his counsel, Mr. Austin, on Saturday last, before the Brid port Election Committee. Mr. Cochrane asks how it was possible for him to meet objections when he did not even know the witnesses that would be brought against him, and that this opportunity was given to criminals in all tribunals of the country. On Saturday Mr. Austin_ states that he was quite prepared to meet the genera l case of bribery, but he would not go i nto the scrutiny on account of the probability of an early dissolution, and he therefore could not advise the expense. Permit me to say, that neither criminals nor other parties in any action, in any of the tribunals of the country, know what witnesses are to be brought against them, and this ex-legislator for Bridport did not know this, and it really ap pears that other Members were equally ignorant, a deep disgrace both to themselves and their constituents. kr. Austin had the same opportunity of preparing himself, as well as he could have had if the case had been to be tried in any other tribunal in the country. Now for Mr. Cochrane's cant; he said he mentioned this, not so much for his own sake, as for their guidance in future election cases; and afterwards, that his only intention in ris ing, was to submit his case to the House, and to show how the parties who opposed his return to Parliament were disposed to act towards him in the matter. Experience tells the people of Bridport, that until his memory is jogged he forgets very important things. It did not occur to Mr. Cochrane to mention, that he had with regard to the notices of objection, given his opponents as much information as they had given him, and that their notices were exchanged by their agents at the same moment. —Yours obediently, SKY PARLOUR. Bridport, April 26, 1846. MR. SMITH O'BRIEN'S DEFAULT. The Committee of Selection have presented a special re port to the House, printed with Saturday's votes, in which they inform the House, that " having, on the 27th of March last found it expedient, in the performance of their duty, to take the usual preliminary measures for the formation of several Committees on railway Bills, and having given to the Members selected due notice of their appointment, and transmitted to each a copy of the twelfth of the resolutions agreed to by the House on the 12th of February, with a blank form of the declaration therein required, and a request that he would return it with his signature attached,' have to report that they have not received from Mr. Smith O'Brien, a Member of this House, appointed on the above occasion to serve on the Committee to which Group No. 11 was then referred, the aforesaid declaration ; nor have they rec.ived from that Honourable Member any ' excuse which they can deem sufficient;' and that, therefore, in conformity with the sixteenth of the said resolutions it becomes their duty ' to report to the House the name of Mr. William Smith O'Brien as,' in respect of such omissions, a defaulting Member.' " But as the circumstances attendant upon the default of Mr. Smith O'Brien are of a peculiar character, the committee of Selection consider it incumbent upon them to raport spe cially to the House a detail of the facts which have occurred. [Here the correspondence already given in The Sun follows.] The Committee conclude by stating, " having received from ➢ir. Smith O'Brien no excuse that they could deem suffi cient,' nor any intimation of a wish that an arrangement should be made by which his attendance should be post poned to a later period, but, on the contrary, having had im parted to them, in the letter of the ith inst., above alluded to, Mr. Smith O'Brien's desire that his former communica- tions should be considered as announcing his final determina tion not to serve on English and Scotch Private Bills Com mittees,' and, consequently, to decline serving upon the Committee on Group No. 11, which is wholly composed of Scotch Railway Bills ; conceive that they have no alterna tive but to report to the House the non-compliance of Mr. Smith O'Brien with the orders and rules adopted by the House, in conformity with the resolutions agreed to on the 12th of February, 1846." It is said that the arrangements consequent on the death of Sir William Boothby, Receiver.Geueral of Customs, have not yet been eompletod. The salary of the late Receiver-Genera was 1,5001. a year. Her Majesty and his Royal Highness Prince Albert honoured the Italian Opera with their presence on Saturday evening. The royal suite consisted of Lady Portman, the Hon. Miss Napier, Lord Byron, the Hon. Colonel Grey, and Lieutenant-Colonel Sey mour. There were also present her Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent, attended by Lady Augusta Bruce ; her Royal Highness the Duchess of Cambridge, attended by the Baroness Ahlefeldt, the Caron Knesebeck, and Mr. Edmund Mildmay. In the Queen Dow ager's box was his Serene Highness Prince George of Meiningen, attended by Captain Taylor and Mr. Bedford ; his Royal Highness Prince George of Cambridge. Amongst the company also present were the Duke of Wellington, the Marchioness of Douro, and Lord Charles Wellesley ; the Duke and Duchess of Beaufort and the Ladies R. and B. Somerset; Count Esterhazy ; his Excellency the Russian Ambassador and the Baroness Brunnow ; his Excellency the Hano verian Minister, the Baron and Baroness Rothschild, the Dowager Baroness de Rothschild, the Marchioness of Worcester, the .Marquis of Sligo, the Marquis of Clanricarde, the Marquis of An glesea, the Marquis of Westmeath, the Earl of Liverpool, the Earl and Countess of Kinnoul, the Earl and Countess of Wilton, the Countess of Jersey, the Earl of Lonsdale, the Earl of Shelburne, the Count de Noailles, the Count and Countess de Jarnac, the Viscountess Dungannon, the Marquis of Huntley, the Viscount Beresford, the Viscount Duncannon, the Baron Koller, the Viscount Dupplin, Lord Brougham, Lord and Lady Tremlestown, Lady Joddrell, Lady Gar diner, Lord H. Lennox, Lord W. Paget, Lady Villiers, Lady Orford, Lady Pollington, Lord and Lady Macdonald, Lord Ernest Bruce, Lord Suffield, Lady Murray, Lord W. Beresford, Lord W. Graham, Sir 11. Trench, Sir P. Shelley, Sir R. Vyvyan, Sir W. and Lady Molesworth, Sir John Guest, Sir Charles Kent, 'Sir Ralph and Lady Howard, Sir Henry and Lady Meux, Sir John and Lady Corry, Sir A. Barnard, Sir 11. Webb, Si rrnomas Hare, the Non. R. Curzo n, the 'lon. Mrs. Fitzgibbon and the Misses Fitzgibbon , the Hon. Foley, the Hon. Mr. Arbuthnot, Mr. St. John Mildmay, Mr. r e- Mires ton Trelawny, Mrs. Crawsbay, Mrs. Stoddart Douglas, . .1d ennls toun, Mrs. S. Smith, Captain Bathurst, am. Ste. ROYAL BOTANIC SOCIETY, REGENT'S-FARE. At a meeting of Fellows of this Society, held at the gardens, On Saturday (the Duke of Norfolk, E. M., President, in the chair), the following ladies and gentlemen were added to the society :—Lady Caroline Townley, Lady Maria Molyneux, the Duke of Marlborough, Colonel George Smith, Sir Samuel Spry, M.P., Sir Henry Willoughby, Bart., Captain Sir J. It. Rowley, Bart., Dr. Thoma s Il e b erden, Mr. James Penton, and Mr. J. Wells Taylor. Several other gentlemen were proposed, whose election will take place at the next meeting. Some interesting presents of seeds a n d pl ants and additional donation to the conservatory building fund were reported. CONSECRATION OF THE NEW CHURCH, WOKING nAm, BERKs.—TWYFORD, FalDLY.—This edifice, erected at the ex pense of J. Walter, Esq of Bear Wood, Bucks, formerly D.P.or p the county, was con secrated, yesterday, by the Lord Bishop of Ox ford, assisted by severa l of the clergy of the diocese. It is a hand 'e - structure, in the Gothic s tyl e , s it uated in the parish of St. Cathe7inne, about 200 yards from th e d onor ' s residence, and five miles from the village of Twyford. SHOCKING MURDER AT SKIPTON.—On Monday last an inquest was held at Skipton - in-Craven, before Thomas Brown, Esq., on 'view of the body of Mary Rodda, about a year and a half old, the daughter of John Rodda, a labourer. It appears that Rodda is a member of a burial club, and would have been entitled to 2/.los. on the death of his child. Under pretence of killing vermin, he pur. chased some oil of vitriol, which ke poured down the throat of his child whilst she was asleep in the cradle, which caused her death. The jury returned a verdict of "Wilful murder" against the father, who was brought to York Castle on Tuesday, to take his leg fbr the horrid offense at the nest assizes.—lTrialtronas. THE SHEPWEDCKED FISHERMEN AND MARINERS' BENEVOLENT SociXTY.—The annual general meeting of the Ship wrecked Fishermens' Society took plus on Saturday. at the London Tavern, Bishopgate-street, the president, Admiral Sir George Cockburn, M.P., having opened the proceedings in a brief speech, the Secretary read the report. From its contents it appeared that the total number of persons relieved by the society up to the present date were 12,910, of which number there were—widows, 703 ; orphans, 2,150; aged parents, 398 ; shipwrecked persons, 9,091 ; fishermen, heads of families left destitute from storms, 568. During the past year the expenses of management have been very consider ably lessened, relief had been extended by 8001. and upwards, and the permanent resources of the society had been increased by an amount exceeding I,oool.—(Cheers.) The total disbursements for the year amounted to 5,5301. It further appeared that the Great Western, the London and Birmingham, the South-Western, and several other railway companies had handsomely granted to the society a free transit over their railways to the objects of the so ciety's bounty. The report concluded by strongly recommending that a charter of incorporation should be procured. After a few words from Captain Lamont, R.N., the deputy-chairman, and Mr. Millard, who stated that the whole stock of the society now amounted to about 10,0001., the report was adopted. Some routine business having been transacted, a vote of thanks was Passed to the president, and the meetingbroke up. ' IBRAHIM PACHA.—lbrahim Pacha hie arnved • The royal carriages were in waiting at the station Elyse Bourbon. railroad to corsvcy his Highness and suite to the floor which the of t he Orleans Ibraham Pacha occupies the apartment on the The Emperor Napoleon inhabited during the he wn a was to have taken distri bution of prizes in the Egyptian school, w hich arrival in Paris of place a few days ago, was postponed Unto be present. This school, Ibra him Pacha, who had signified his wish , chosen by Mehemet Ali, was which has now 58 pupils from B r eYPt , under the patronage Ma rshal ngofst,thefounded rather more thareldaeynetairely by the Viceroy. Fertwo sonsann oofulnbereaistiMti.; Soult. It at the pupils are two siOsnsgaoPfPltchennietilli adned The Journal des em differences which hitherto divided the two Versailles companies had and that no further diMoulty ''nod =ll,l4tagirmasted, oC W origni Data t.t. way POLICE INTELLIGENCE. GUILDHALL. (Before Alderman Sir G. CARROLL.) William Merritt was charged, upon a summons obtained by Mr. Foster, a reporter occasionally connected with the Morning Post newspaper, and with otherjournals, for cruelty to a horse, the property of Mr. Young, the proprietor of The Sun newspaper. Mr. Childs, solicitor, of the firm of Wire and Childs, attended for the defendant. Mr. Foster was present to con duct his own case. Mr. Childs said—l appear for the defendant—it is a perfectly voluntary appearance. The fact is that the horse ridden by defendant is the property of Mr. Young, the proprietor of The Sun newspaper; although the summons is directed to " the rider of the horse," and therefore, informal, we have chosen to appear. Still it was the duty of the persons taking out the summons to have obtained the rider's name in the best way that he might. Henry Rumsey Foster then came forward. He said, on the evening of Friday, the 17th, about twenty minutes after seven o'clock, I was passing up Fleet-street, and when nearly opposite the end of Chancery-lane—l was passing up on the left hand side of Fleet-street—my attention was drawn to the defendant, who was riding a horse on the off side at a very rapid pace, and the animal was proceeding upon three legs, one of his legs being drawn up under his belly. Mr. Teague, the Chief Clerk—How could he proceed on three legs? Mr. Foster—l could not believe that the animal could so proceed unless I had seen it myself. The defendant was spurring the horse, and occasionally looking back as if to see how the leg looked. I saw that the animal's leg was doubled up, and that the animal was going upon three legs, and I ran after him into the road, I think about 200 yards after passing Chancery-lane. I ran down the middle of the road and caught hold of the bridle, and said that he should not proceed an inch further. Several persons came up, and said that I had acted quite right. The boy came off, and the horse, when he was stopped, put his leg on the ground. While I turned round to ask the persons about me if they would come forward as witnesses, as I in tended to proceed in the case, the lad got upon the horse, and went on again. I ran after him, and again stopped him opposite Bouverie-street. Two . policemen came up at the time.theperson lrsehn ridinga venothrheg of complaint to urge against horse, who said he must reach the Post-office, and I told him to take his bag on, but I would hold the horse till he came back. In, I think, two or three minutes, not more, another boy came up, and he stopped, probably seeing the other boy, and the newspapers he had in charge were sent on to post, and this lad led back the horse to the office. In about half an hour I went to the office, and saw the lad there. I asked his name. He appeared very sorry then, and he said nothing n ez , o t ee wn P a n s i o n g d w uf atruymelfty: to give his name, because he did it e g c as asom o k n pedla i i n ntie as b k u i u n t g it. I said that I felt to complain, bl he d d Finch) the boy's name, but his Pof not T e Sunthink Af h a ru t h . reply wa s, " Mr. Foster, yo__ yourself very officious in this matter." sleseamidt,o"bTehmatakii:gyour statement only ? " The defendant went into the back shop, and Isr no more of him. The publisher then said, " You, as it become you to appear againstrerlrrt.eriellurddoo not think I could not get the name, and I stated the circumstances to Mr. Alderman Gibbs in the morning, who directed the sum mons to be issued in the particular way you find it. Mr. Childs—You are connected with the press, I think ? Mr. Foster—l am. Mr. Childs—You have sent communications to The Sun on previous occasions? Have you not? Mr. Foster—Some years ago ; certainly not within these last three years. Mr. Childs—Do you mean to say that you have addressed no such communication within the last three years? Mr. Foster—No, certainly not. Mr. Childs—What name did you make use of in for warding these communications? Mr. Foster—l have no wish to deny an answer to your inquiry, but I do not see what that has to do with the ease. However, if you wish it, I will answer it. Sir G. CARROLL—I cannot see what the question has to do with the case, unless it to be to show an ill-feeling on the part of complainant. Mr. Childs—Precisely. That is exactly what I mean to show. Mr. Foster—Proceed to show the ill feeling. Mr. Childs—l shall proceed regularly, Mr. Foster. What was the name you used in your communications to The Sun? Mr. Foster—When I first took it on me to follow the profes sion of a reporter, 1 adopted the nom de guerre—l suppose you may term it so—l wrote under the name of Thome, but when I got connected with the Morning Post I dropped it. It ssas well known to all connected with the newspapers that Foster was my name. Mr. Childs—Still you communicated under the name of Thorne ? Mr. Foster—Yes. Mr. Childs—Some of those contributions were rejected, I believe ? Mr. F os t er ( w i th considerable heat)—What a ridiculous question. What has that to do with this ? I Mr. Childs—l did not ask you for a speech, Mr. Foster. Sir G. Camionr..--Answer the question; yes, or no? Mr. Foster—Of Course, some of them were rejected. Mr. Childs—What is the name of the newspaper yon now honour with your support ? Mr. Foster—The Morning Post. Mr. Childs—Are you known as the celebrated " Jenkins" of the Post ?—(Laughter). Mr. Foster—Unless the Magistrate recommends me to answer such questions I shall not do so. Mr. Childs—Oh then, I'll not press it. Mr. Foster—l understood, before I came here, that this system of annoyance would be proceeded with ; but I am determined to do my duty as a member of society— Mr. Childs--You are, of course. You knew, I suppose, that the defendant had come from The Sun office? Mr. Foster—l did not know so to swear to it. I might have pre sumed it. I may mention that this defendant is the same individual who was held to bail in another Court. Mr. Childs—This is most irregular and uncalled for. But I (addressing the Magistrate) am prepared to prove that this is not the same lad who is charged in another case. I cannot understand by what right Mr. Foster makes this statement. Mr. Foster—l have a perfect right. Yon called me " Jen kins."—(Laughter.) Mr. Childs—l did not call you so. I only asked if you were Jenkins.—(Continued laughter.) The complainant sat down. Charles Gatron, 317 City Policeman, observed complainant seize the horse. It was lame. It went on three legs. Mr. Teague could not conceive how a horse could possibly gallop on three legs. Mr. Foster—l assure you that I never saw a horse gallop on three legs before— (Laughter)—but I did see it here. 1 think it was a decided case of cruelty, although I attri bute no blame to the lad, because he was under a sort of obligation to get to the post in time. Mr. Childs, addressing the Bench—Sir, the fact is this. The horse in question left The Sun office in a per fectly sound state on the same evening; but when running, I presume, and the rider also presumes, he met with some accident; touched his footlock, it might be; and although the rider did not know the extent of that accident, he was aware that the horse had stumbled, and it is even in the testimony of Mr. Foster that it was within ten minutes' time of the closing of post, so that there was no time to stop to inquire what the injury (supposing it, not a serious one, and could he suppose it so ?) could be. He was aware that the horse was going on ; we must give him credit, in the absence of any proof to the contrary, that he did not yet know that the horse was seriously hurt, and he knew that he must be in time for post, but immediately that he was stopped we are told that he dismounted, and that the animal placed its foot upon the ground. Mr. Foster—l beg— Mr. Childs—l will not be interrupted, Mr. Foster. We had the statement that when the boy dismounted, the horse put his leg down, and the natural inference which the boy would draw, looking at the animal, and seeing his leg in this position, that the injury could not be verygreat. He said that the horse could go on. His suspicion was that he had only hurt his foot in a trivial manner, and this suspicion was fully confirmed by his going on. What you, Sir, want to know, is whether he was acting in a creel manner, and of this I think there is all absence of proof. I can prove that the horse left The Sun office perfectly sound, and it is for the complainant to disprove it. Now, with reference to Mr. Foster's evidence, the object which I had in view in putting the questions which I did was to show that there was some little matter arising out of previous eircume etwneee which gave a bias to his opiniosue I will say that, if this had been an express from any other of the newspapers, Mr. Foster would not have been so ready in coming forward as the advocate of humanity. He tells us that the lad was exceedingly exemplary in his manner—that there was no complaint of this interference of Mr. Foster's, and therefore it is evident that Mr. Foster's object was to affect the master. He knew that this was an express rider from The Sun newspaper office, and that it was essential he should be at post before half-past seven .oclock, and it would be gratifying a little petty malice a gainst the proprietor of The Sun newspaper to delay th e delivery of his papers. It was clearly evident th at Mr. Foster had acted is but beca use not because he had humanity at heart, his communications had been rejected by this manner , Mr. to deal with the merits of the Y cas ou e. ng. IYasahall ha ve simply wt y hat the horse left The stag-office in good condition, but by some means or other he was injured on the way, and therefore, Sir, I contend that there is no case on which a fine can be properly inflicted, The animal is now perfectly recovered, and the boy on the particular day in question, was not to know that he had been in any way in jured. seriously Sir GEORG'S CARROLL said I wish to have evidence as to the as to the state of the animal now. Mr. Mur do Young was called, and stated that the horse was now perfectly recovered, and that on the evening in question (the 17th instant) it was in a perfectly sound condition. The boy told him on returning, that when near Temple-bar he had felt the horse stumbling ; he went on, however, but feeling tht there was something wrong, he was going to pull up the horse, but could not do so at once, as it was hard- mouthed when Mr. Foster took hold of the bridle. After some further evidence, Sir GEORGE CARROLL said, that looking at all the circum stances of the case, he could not see that the defendant was in fault. There was a very heavy duty incumbent on him to be at the Post-office in time, for it would entail a very heavy grievance on the country readers if their newspapers did not arrive regularly—he felt it a grievance in his own case. The boy, knowing that the horse was sound when he left the office, and seeing when he stopped that the animal placed his leg on the ground, could not be supposed to know that he was seriously injured. and, therefore, he did not think that that was a case for punishment. Time was a most valuable consideration to newspaper proprietors, and they were bound to make the most of it. Mr. Foster said that too little time was given, for he believed that only four minutes were allowed between . The Sun office, in the Strand, and the General P ost. office. The defendant was then discharged. EET MARLBOROUGH-STR . In of fashionable appearance, William Malin', a young was charged with being drunk and causing a disturbance in the pit of the Haymarket Theatre. ,77 of the A division, said he was on P o lice-constable IS 0 . t h ea tre on Saturday night, and about h a lf-p ast d u ty at the n ine o'clock, a disturbance having occurred in the pit, h e wen t he defendant behaving in a riotous and dis ordersthere and found t d offerin to fight an in y one. Witness re y manner, an m to behave himself properly ques t e d hi, bu t as he conti nuedthe ' :flie d to annoy and interrupt audience he took him into custody. Mr. MALTBY asked if the defendant was drunk? The con stable said he was so, most decidedly. Mr. Mammy (to the defendant)—What answer have you to make to this charge? Defendant—l am extremely sorry for having so misconduct d e myself, and I am assured a should not have d one so i f I had not had too much wine. I am generally very orderly, and never before got into a row. Mr. MALTBY (after consulting with Mr. Bishop, the clerk) said that, under the circumstances, he could only deal wi th the case as regard e d th e d e fendant's drunkenness , for wh ich he should fine him bs. expected a sever er The defendant, who evidently d left the Court. punish ment, paid the fine with alacrity, an Sir E. B. Lytton has joined the number of dis. tinginshed FaigWham at present 00,14Hiraing is nu*