The Sun. — London, England, 1837-09-08 00:00:00

MR. O'CONNELL. tate, she certainly approved, places beyond demonstration her wise and benevolent intentions twards Ireland. When I come to suggest the cou o rse I should advise, I beg of the Irish people to recollect these two facts : First—That never yet until the present day was there one English Sovereign who did not hate or despise, or en tertain both sentiments conjointly, towards the Irish peo ple. It should not be disguised, and it would be vain to deny it. Secondly—That we have at length, blessed be God, a Sovereign on the throne free from passions and prejudices against us, and determined to treat us precisely es her Eng- lish and Scotch subjects are treated. It is all we ask or TO THE PEOPLE OF IRELAND. Darrynane Abbey, Sept. 2, 1837. The elections arc ended. The friends of the Queen and of Ireland have gained the victory. Never was there one More honourable to the Irish nation. Once again do the British people owe to the honesty and ratriotinn of Ireland the means of insuring the peaceable ittosiress of political amelioration and improvement ; once 1041 the sacred cause of civil and religious liberty stands deeply indAted to the exertions of the Irish. The Irish carried the Bill to emarcipate the Protestant Dissenters of England ; the Irish carried the Bill to email tiptite the Catholics of both countries ; The Irish carried ‘the English Parliamentary Reform Bill ; the Irish carried ths: Scotch Parliamentary Reform Bill ; the Irish carried the English Municipal Reform Bill ; the Lich carried the Scotet. Municipal Reform Bill ; and now the overwhelm ing maturity of Irish Reformers gibe to the Queen's Go vernment the opportunity to carry through the House of Commons every other measure tending to increase the liberties and - franchises, and to lessen the burdens of the .British people ; and, at the same time, to render the throne secure from the-vile plottings of the interested bigots and peculators, who, under their new name of Conservatives, but with more than the ancient rancour and depravity of Toryism, seek to place the Queen and the nation under the }oke of worse than Hanoverian despotism. Hurrah, then, for the loyal Irish—Hurrah ! Let me not be mistaken—'l do not say that the Irish alone won the battle, nor do I inziouste that the cause of freedom had not numerous and efficie:it friends in En"..;- land, and, above all, in Scotland ; but I do as:.trtp without .exaggeration v that it was the Irish who turned the 4cale of victory, decided the triumphant result, and brought the cause cf Reform to its present prominent and promising desire. Having thus placed the Queen at the head of the com bination favourable to Ireland, I next gratefully rank her Majesty's Ministers in the same category. It is impossible to doubt the sincerity of the teal of Lord Nlulgrave to conduct the administration of public affiirs in Ireland with the strictest impartiality and justice. If the administrative were the only function of government, we should be content as we are ; but however practically use ful, it cannot be permanently so unless legislative ameliora tions are added to administrative usefulness. As to these, can we for a moment doubt the intentions of the Melbourne Administration ? We may, indeed, doubt their power to afford us legislative relief, because the House of Lords stands in the way of every measure in any degree useful to Ireland ; but it is not, I think, possible for human folly, even were human folly accompanied by that which renders it at one and the same time most mischievous, as well as ludicrous—that ►s, " GOOD INTENTIONS"—it is Dot possible, I say, for the worst possible species of human folly to go the length of doubting the purity and sincerity of the desire and determination of the present Ministers to (19 41 1 the good they can for Ireland. indeed if any doubt could arise as to the participation of t h e Queen i n the hitior of f i ord John Russell to Lord Mul grave, there can be none that such latfor was written with the full approbation of the entire cabinet. It was ; at all events, a Ministerial Act, accompanying the re•appointment of the Lord Lieutenant, and detdaratory of the principles on which that re-appointment was made. if ever there was a distinct Ministerial pledge it is to be found i►; that iPtter. Let every honest Irishman say whether it be possible for the most flippant caviller to find OPP single pretence to doubt the anxiety to serve Ireland, and to pleas her on a perfect equality with England and Scotland which pervaded the minds of the Ministry who issued that letter as a declara tion of their sentiments. Besides, Ireland has been, and is, useful to the Ministry. It is their interest, as well as their sacred duty, to he useful to Ireland. Being thus clearly entitled to place the Queen at the head of the friends of justice and of Ireland, we are equally bound to place the Queen's Ministers the next in order amongst these friends. Let it be remembered that we never before saw a Mi nistry who were not disposed rather to join our enemies than to assist us. Nay, every prior Adtnnistration was in fact or in intention the de.i led enemy of the Irish people. The worst of all, perhaps, was the Grey Government, as administered by that weak and silly man, the unfortunate Anglesey, and by that irascible and besotted being, Stanley, They made their appointments to office from the worst of our enemies, and they annihilated the Constitution by enact ing the Coercion Bill. We never before had a friendly .Administration. Next to the Queen and the Ministry, but second to none in reliance, are to be placed the Irish nation. Let this be understood—let it be distinctly understood — I say that we have now in our moral, virtuous, and open combination, the entire Irish nation. In seeking for Catho lic Emancipation we bad with us nine-tenths of the Catholic people at the utmost, and we had a highly respectable and purely patriotic, but not very numerous, portion of our Pro testant fellow-countrymen. But at present the Irish Protestants, in great and in creasing numbers, have joined the patriotic cry of justice to Ireland. We have at present twenty, probably one hun dred, Protestants in the ranks of the friends of Ireland, for one who joined us before Emancipation—and we have the universal Catholic people, who recollect my old cry of peaceful agitation— Hereditary bondsmen ! know ye not, Who would be free themselves must strike the blow ? position. Hurrah, then, for the loyal Irish—Hurrah! Oh, Ireland! Oh, my country! Why should I not re joice at the splendid exhibitions of practical patriotism and publin virtue which you have displayed to the admiring world ? Why,, when I contemplate the mighty workings of that gigantic yet peaceable spirit of love of liberty and of country which I may in my vanity bring myself to be• Bove I contributed something to animate and arouse, why Pay I not console myself with the pleasurable sensations which 'thoughts such as these create, loathe vituperation and calumny poured upon me by the pretended friends and sincere enemies of Ireland. But, alasl ought not every thought of self sink into contemptuous oblivion when the contrast obtrudes on us between the merits and services of 11 - eland on the one hand, and the atrocious and insulting injustice inflicted on her upon the other ? The face of the globe does not present a country which has given such proofs of the highest order of virtues as Ire -laa(l7 or which has suffered such continuous injustice and .sanguinary oppression, and been the victim of such atro cious and unrelenting calumny. Ireland, during the dark ages, when the hordes of barba rians had, throughout Europe, extinguished, in the blood of the former inhabitants, almost all the appearances of an cient civilization and science—and had, in most places, obli terated Christianity even to the name ; during that dark and dismal period Ireland shone a glorious light of litera tura and religion—educated the youths of Britain and of the Continent—and whilst she preserved at home the sacred deposit of Christian truth, sent abroad through uni "sersal Europe the missionaries by whose piety and labours . the people were converted, the churches and monasteries were rebuilt, and learning and religion restored amongst the "Uations, The gratitude of the new converts readily recog uised the saintly ,virtues of their Irish apostles, and their • :pauses amongst the saints and patrons of numer ous towns anddioceses throughout continental Europe preserve the '• :raeollection of their Irish origin and apostolic virtues. The most famous Universities were established by Irish men. The long-renowned Padua, as well as Paris and Oxford, are indebted for their foundation to Irishmen. The fidelity with which, in latter periods, the Irish People, in despite of the most cruel and continued persecu lions ever inflicted by Christian or Pagan, adhered to "the , faith their fathers held to God," deserves, for its firmness and consistency, the admiration, if not the applause, even of those who differ from us in belief. It was an exhibition of Christian fortitude and perseverance, against every mo tive of worldly interest and human terror—not exceeded, say, I believe not equalled, by any other people on earth. But this unconquerable attachment of the Irish to their owl, faith would be.of little estimation had it been accom panied, or in any way mixed up, with the persecution of others. Since the Protestant religion was made the reli gion of the Sate in Ireland the Catholics have been three times restored to power. But what was their conduct to wards the Protestants? Let me answer in the words of a Protestant historian still living—the author of " The His . story of the Civil Wars of Ireland." Speaking of the , reign of Mary' being the first restoration to power of the • ' Catholics, he says—here are his very words—" The re:to fatiow of the old religion was effected without violence ; No PERSECUTION OF THE PROTESTANTS WAS ATTEMPTED, and several tf the English wholled from the furious zeal if Mary's iwiuisitors FOUND A SAFE RETREAT AMONGST TUE CATHOLICS OF IRELAND. It is but justice to this mak - pied body to add, that on the three occasions (If their obtaining the upper hand, they never injured A SINGLE rEesoN in life or limb for ptojessiny a religion different f um their own." Why do 1 dwell with melancholy pleasure on these bye ; • gone periods of our history ? Because I desire to have it understood that the great political and religious virtues are inherent in the Irish mind ; and that any individual, or even any class that arrogated to itself being the instigator . . of the recent exhibition by the Irish people, of devotion to • religion and liberty, would deserve only scorn and contempt. . I wish, too, to show forth, in the presence of the Wm bitaots of Europe, who have their eyes fixed, end their hopes dependent on the state of British politics, the atro cious an, l unspeakable iniquity of that faction in England, . • • which, led on, alas, by their clergy, clamorously refuse to recognise our services and virtues, or to admit our title to • an equality of civil rights and privileges. The struggle of the vile Tory-Conservative faction in England to continue the reign of partiality and inequality of rights in Ireland—fo re-establish a corrupt and unjust • administration of the laws—to devote once more the Irish peopl e to the emaciating cruelty of a malignant and bigot . • ted party, already loaded with crime, and stained with .. blood—the struggle which the Tery-Conservative faction in England, with ten thousand clergymen swelling their train, and instigating their worst passions, are snaking to trample Ireland once again in the dust, and to restore every iniquity, however sanguinary, every injustice, how ever revolti ng —thi s struggle is to the last degree disgust ing to every man possessing one single particle of integrity or common honesty. Tile English parsons, and lordlings, and landed proprio t ors are in immense multitudes banded together, in order to perpetuate and to aggravate all the sufferings and oppres sions of the Irish people. The spirit of national hostility an d contempt mixes co ngenially with the paltry malignity Of religious bigotry, and all those foul passions combined ',together hav e acqu i re d in England a strength and a vio lence which can be resisted and subdued only by a combi nation of all the friends of civil and religious liberty in both countries and especially by conducting that combination . with the utmost discretion, prudence and wisdom. In order then to discover what it is that discretion de tnatals, prudence requires, and wisdom dictates, let us first understand the details of our position, and estimate accu rately the nature and the power of the combination favour . able to Ireland. s At the head of that combination duty es well as respect . tal inclination Lids me place the Queen. In the first place, she belongs, in the maternal line, to a Tilliy remarkable for good sense. The conduct of her I llustriou s mo th er , during the trying period which has " l apsed since the Princess Victoria became presumpti ve • to the Crown, proves her powerful intellect. The . Duc hess o f K ent w ill n ever get sufficient credit for the tact antif sound dis c retion with which, whilst she never shrunk • i ron obs erv i ng , uno bt rus iv e ly, the line of politics adopted i Ins lifetime by her lamented husband the Duke of Kent , , pie still preserved herself and her daughter perfectly free s tli e workings of any party whatsoever, and from the !l o*t• inevitable tendency of Courts to countenance anti - PoPular and d es p o ti c principles. Her brother, also, the un cle aur of th e Q ueen , di s pl a yed similar good sense, as well b ecame the lifetime of the Princess Charlotte as since he • .t en 'alse King of Belgium. He is, I believe, the most pope otnonarch on the Continent of Europe ; " s ad his true ie refusing to allow a most slanderous press to be s cuted by law, and determining that it should be met b Thy few, Y argument, places him high indeed in the scale of truly w i se w ho have governed the earth. Th u s , i br efre, w e have a right to expect that the Queen, be utiersgtatnodsuticihata family' will have the natural intellect to si rei. she can have no interest in the oppression her th ia"( l , but that, on the contrary, good sense will show her reignhe highest interests of the prosperity and glory of ssarse require that there should not be a different and a dominions. tias til li_„7 t i iis t i c i m of laws in Ireland than ill other portions of econd place, the education the Queen has received • ou have to believe that she must desire that Ireland • net 11 Ye equal justice with England and Scotland. She Is d ld;eecl itte alii prejudices against her Irish subjects. It whleirtleCr time that such prejudices were abandoned every the re gu.etiodlet:sellt:h_oymnirfecdtenhireetsaritnrlyeall,talsv.e at present no existence um) (m.u nate n all the acts of the Queen since she at ascended . the throne, bespeak, trumpet-, (-lone her conviction that justice—equal justice—stiouits L ord l i u to i Irel an d . grave, th e yalr' i l_se; letter of Lord John Pausstll to terms of whiels, if eve did pot die _ Yes, we have now— st—The Queen. 2d—The Queen's Ministers. 3d—The great and good Irish nation. But this is not all! We have a mighty accession of strength in Scotland. The honest and true Reformers of Scotland are with us to a man. There are amongst that shrewd and intelligent people none of those pyebald po liticians whom 1 have so well denominated Tory-Ra dicals. I deserve, I think, a laurel leaf for inventing that name. In England also, we have many and many friends amongst intelligent and just Englishmen. There are, especially in the great towns and cities, many of the English who have overcome their nursery prejudices against the Irish, and who look with scorn at the bigotry which, powerless in argument, is strong only in invective and calumny. is true that the great majority of the agri- cultural electors are our enemies, influenced as they arc by their clergy, who feel, almost without perceiving the im pulse, that they need the legal proscription and the bloody bayonet to sustain that cause which, if it were " the truth of God," ought to be able to sustain itself. To me it is delightful to contemplate a Protestant parson making more than a tacit confession of the conscious inse curity of his religious opinions, when he declares that he fears their overthrow unless injustice shall be continued to be dealt out to Ireland—thus making that iniquity the shield and strength of his faith 1 . Yet such is the scene which in one thousand parishes in England was unblush ingly exhibited during the late elections. The English Protestant Clergy do not perceive what a triumph their conduct affords to the Catholics, or how much that conduct tends to accelerate the progress of _that con tinually increasing accession to the Catholic faith which is now so remarkably conspicuous in England. They are also blind to the inevitable consequences of their conduct in augmenting the number of Protestant Dissenters. But to return to our present prospects. I have shown what our resources are, and what are our prospects of as- - My reply is ready. It is my deliberate and long-con sidered advice to support the Queen's Government upon all possible occasions, and by all pissible means, and to place the most implicit confidence in the intentions and de termination of the Queen. Our duty to Ireland is to rally round the present Mi nisters of the Queen. Our duty to Ireland is to di to o strate our respectful confidence in the first really friendly Sovereign the Irish have ever seen on the British Throne I may be asked whether I advis e that the Minis t r y should be supported at the expense of a dereliction of p rin c i p le, or of an abandonment of me .sures necessary for the peace and prosperity of Ireland Quite the r e verse, I deemit iny3ssible that the Irish Representatives should ever violate principle. For exam ple—should the Ministry in the iteat Session persevere in their unconstitutional measures against the people of Ca nada, I, for one, will upon every dlvision vote against them, as I did in the last Parliament. But short of a violation of princ i ple the M:nistry ought to have our decided support. They will not be able, per haps, to achieve all they desire f.)r Ireland, or may b totally prevented by the House of Lords from doing us any justice —yet as there can be no doubt that they will do all they possibly can to serve Ireland, we mtist not blame them for any failure which may be mised by the pwveF pf their enemies as well as ours. This is, indeed, quite clear, that our enemies cannot pre vent the Ministry from doing much practical good to Ire land whilst they remain in office. rhey will continii!! give us learned and, above all, impartial Judges and Assist ant-Barristers. They will fcii'o t . 4 4 pp tective, from being a 'bigoted and partizan power. They will check and controul some of the tyranny of the magis tracy 1 1 . 0 when Iff)rq c2ll*lti , 410 y %OP Otiiliill4ll pie pu!RiorF pf 41903 vtho qu lit not 41 hp in the commission of the peace, They will ing;e4l§P the Rai - am and cnlarge jiirisdietion of dispassionate and intelligent stipen , ilaty magistrates. They will continue to discountenance party spirit, 401 to ro4'oo }44Y Or4tlo 4s4as -10145 will not repaat. thew wripr,d4y Murders, nor the Orange magistrates be longer able to screen delinquents and cri• minals belonging to their faction. All the offices of tho state will be; as the law intends the, should he, equally opens to all, without any other diAtinction but that; of fitness and capacity. 'Vurbufence will continue to be restrained, and legal redress for injuries will be substituted for the " wild justice of revenge." But, above all, and before all, lot the services of the pre sent Ministry in the cause of the fair and honest education of the people be properly estimated, if it can. I pity the man who thinks he can adequately describe the services upon this subject of the present Ministry to Ireland. Let any man look at what Lord Mulgrave's Government has already achieved in Ireland. The Orangemen of the north are restrained ; few outrages are now committed ty thorn, The Whiteboys of the south arc extinguished or tranquillized. The criminal calendars are nearly blanks, and the gaols are nearly empty. 'nu outrages and crimes of agrarian disturbers, which, with little interruption, for a century disfigured and disgraced Ireland, are no more heard of than if they never existed, or are heard -of only the calumnious fictions 2nd inventions of the Orange Tory-press. All Ireland is being tranquillized and con ciliated i and so much of peace and harmony as now exist have been unknown since the first introduction of British domination. ..... There is no difficulty in seeing that it is the first duty of every honest Irishman to give every possible support to such an administration, even should they be prevented by the Tory faction from carrying into effect the legal ame liorations which we desire and insist upon as our undoubted right. Look at the other side of the picture, and see in what state we should be if the Orange Tories were once more In power. In the first place, we shcluld get from them no legis lative measures of relief—not one. They would bring in no bill to abolish tithes—no bill to reform our corporations —no bill to extend the right to vote, or to disembarrass that right from its present vexatious and oppressive restric tions ; but they would bring in bills to aggravate every existing evil. The Orange Tory faction, if in power once again, would restore their arms to the Orangemen, and allow them again to bathe them will impunity in Catholic blood—would ap point to the Magistracy every fiery partizan who is not at present in the commission—would RE-ORGANISE the police, and stimulate that force to more bloodshed—would encou rage faction, and discountenance every man guilty of any approach to the semblance of liberality. But, above all, would select for the bench (miscalled that of justice) every impetuous, audacious, and brazen-faced partisan, who, at the bar or in Parliament, may distinguish himself by calum nious invecti%a and bigotted hostility to the Catholic people of Ireland. Let us only reflect bit would be the state of security to property or to life if the Orange party had it in their power to nominate a majority of the twelve judges Need I add, that it is the duty of every honest Irish man to abandon selfish cavil, and to use every exertion in his power to prey w the e ,o,luous evil of displacing the present Ministry, and the still grouter and unendurable misery of consigning Ireland to the cruelty and oppres sion—to the partial adMinistration of the law, and the bi gotted regulation of education of the Orange Tory f ile _ tion reeking with the blood of the people, and once again proclaiming, as their organs have so often proclaimed, xx- TERMINATION. Our first duty at rresent is to sustain the Ministry — our second duty is to do all we can to obtain Legislative re li e f —justice for Ireland. Justice to Ireland demands principally these four things : First—An extension of the county constituency to a fie e pound franchise at the utmost—a strict definition of the value of that franchise, and the utmost Laity in rejster- in , the franchise. b Second—To disembarrass the town franchise from all the rate-paying clauses, and to render the registry effectual for the }ear notwithstanding a change of domicile. 1 1 ,ird—A complete Corporate Reform emended to all towns of sufficient population or property. Ton: th —The total abolition of the tithe system, and tl.e throwing on the St.lte the providing for the vested ii.terests of the existing Pr-west:int clergy. These are the primary measures to which IrelAnd is en titled, and to the attainment of which, duty to her requires every possible exertion of her representatives. But the Irish representatives are also bound by duty anti inclination to aid the Reform( rs of England and of Scotland. It is now manifest that the Reform Bill has not gone far enough in England or in Scotland. In the first place, take England. The Reform Biil excludes an enormous number of the people of England from the franchise. Can the ex cluded think this right or j•ist ? I should despise them if they bore it patiently. Let them not waste their energies in abusing the Whigs or aidiog the Tories ; but let the mis represented English rally and meet, and form Reform Asso ciations, and signify to Parliament, by their petitions, their demand of the franchise. It seems to me that all the sistance. It is now my duty to point out the obstacles which im. pede the honest views and just intentions of the Court and Ministry towards Ireland. In the first place, there is a body of active virulent bigotry exietin. in England,.. rendered more truculent and more powerful by national antipathy toe the Irish. These feelings combine against us a great majority of the agricul tural population, and many of the inhabitants of the towns. Tile second obstacle to the cause of justice to Ireland is to be found in the strength of the Tory minority in the house of Commons—a minority so large and so hos tile as very much to embarrass the progress of every measure calculated to be useful to the Irish people. There is another paint of view in which this minority is formidah!e. It is this—that if the Tories of the present Parliament be of the same stamp with those of the last, it would•be quite vain for any Irish Reformer to expect justice from a Tory Committee. I may be told that the Committees are sworn, and that they will respect the sanctity of an oath ; to which my reply is that it will be well if Tory Committees in future respect their oaths—but I have known many instances in which former Tory Committees totally disregarded that solemn obligation, and worked the greatest iniquity, without the slightest qualm of conscience. Heaven protect us from Tory Committees ! The third and greatast obstacle to obtaining any one measure useful to Ireland, is the House of Lords. That 1 - louse closed its insults to Ireland in the last session by re fusing to sanction an act of common justice, which had the jnanimous assent of the House of Commons —namely, the g iving en opportunity to the electors of our great towns to poll out their entire number within the five days limited by law—merely to allow our town electors to poll, that was all —yet that simple plain act of common honesty was refused to the Irish people by the House of Lords. Indeed I assert without the hazard of contradiction, that the more useful and the more satisfactory to the people of Ireland any Bill could be proved to be, the more certain would the rejection of that Bill be by the House of Lords. Yet this is called an union of the two countries !!! But this is a subject which remains for subsequent considera tion. Our present business is other, and different. Our present bitsiness is to ascertain the course by which the representatives of the Irish people, aided by the people themselves, may best achieve those political ameliorations by which wsi may be elevated, in the first place, to an equa lity with the people of England and of Scotland, and may, in the next place, best aid the Scotch and English in se curing the benefits already attained, and turning these he• nefits to further and permanent a dvantage. The forces at both sides are these—We have for " Jus tice to Ireland"— The Court. The Ministers. The Irish nation. The majority of the Scotch constituency. The majority of the Engh town constituency. A numerous portion of the county constituency ; being, however, a minority of the whole in the counties. There aro ranged against doing " Justice to Ireland," The Lords. large number, being yet a minority, of the Um.; 0 Commons. •• The majority of the Established Clergy—" Plesbytt. rip"---in Scotland. The overwlielmipg majority of the Dtablisi ed Episcopalian s ' —in ling end, The majority of the county constituency in England. Wh a t, under such circumstances, i s t i :e course w hi c h ti e people of lridarKl ehnqhl ptirsnc ? Wh.t ought to be the conduct of their ltepresentatives people of England may, with the greatest safety, b e em powered to vote for representatives. I deetn it pl int h! y unjust to call upon any man to pay any tax . either dire c tly, or as part of the price of any necessary article, unless that man has a right to vote in the choice of the taxing repro- sentative. When I see one class of Englishot,m coming out of the hands of nature superior in frame and in intellect to any other class, I will then, and not till then, admit that there ought to be a superior or MASTER class, and an inferior or SLAVE class in England, and that the first should be exclu sively entitled to participate in inking the laws, an I that the second should have nothing to do with the laws but to obey them. But this SLAVE class does exist - in England. More s':ame for the English. Our duty will be to vote for every extension of suffrage to the English people. We owe a similar duty to the people of Scotland. The shortening of the duration of Parlia-nent to, at the utmost, three years, will be another duty. But the greatest of all is the Ballot. I must confess, that after the experience of the late elections---4he intimi dation, the bribery, the profl;gacy of the Tories at the late elections, rendering the Reform Bill, in many instances, worse than the old system of direct nomination—after the failure of the Reform Bill, it seem; to me to be scarcely credible that any honest and conscientious man can be an enemy to the Ballot. For my part, I candidly confess' I cannot understand how a man can honestly desire to see the voters freely exercise their right of voting, and yet op pose the Ballot, which, at all events, would leave them quite free to vote as they pleased. It may be said that in enormously large town constituencies the Ballot is not ne cessary ; yet even there -it could do no harm, and would necessarily protect many. It may be said that in very small constituenies—such, for example, as Hartvich—it would not prevent wholesale bribery. But this is a stroll; arse' latent against small oonititnetwies, and nut agalost the Bal lot ; because, is there any doubt that, without the Ballot, bribery prevails in Harwich ? And even then the Ballot would render i • br, her, more difficult to he effected, and more easy to be pros ad, In large constituencies the Ballot would renter bribery almost impossible, and render intimidation quite impossible.l do therefore not hesitate to tell the people of Ireland to put but little faith in any man who 42e1 ncdt ycte fgr ! the Ballot. It is a speei.3s of melancholy cansol.ation to know that the same obstacle which prevents "justice to Ireland" e qually prev ents that "justice to England," w hi c h cons i s ts in the the extension the suffrage, it} the shortening. of Parlia ment, and'the voting freely by4allot—,l mean the house of Lords. There is to be found the impassible imped:ment to every political improvement in gn g httid 4114 Scotland, as wvil as in irelon4, (once tovrified into graniing the Re- THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 8, i 83,. `'orm Rill, it has recovered from its fright, and now the Lords, in theinsolence or secur i ty, an d b ac k e d b y -a large .kt:tforaidable majority in the House of Commons, laugh the people to scorn, and set them at defiance. In their selfish rashness they anticipate the moment of regaining the power of plundering the nation, and repressing just dis content by military execution. What is to be done to overcome this obstacle to the peaceable amelioration of our institutions, What is to b e dune with the House of Lords? That is a question which the British people must answer sooner or later, I heartily wish that the solution of it may be peaceable and bloodless, But, with or without violence it must be an swered, or the British nation must consent to have en graved on their frontlet a word that was never there be fore—.SLAVERY ; for, disguise it as you may, submission to despotic power, and the power of the Lords is despotic—is slavery. It is quite true that some mitigation of the tyranny of the Lards may be obtained by the exercise of the preroga tive, The Lords are not despots without rational motives ; they desire to continue to quarter their younger sons and connections on the public, and to share as largely as pos- sible in the public purse. Would it not, then, be quite simple to exercise the prerogative in a Atmightforwayd way, by StoPPlitg ail th4se vetiourueo in the else of ev , Lord who sets the queen's Government ao , i •• domands at defiance ? I Betio -- toe pe o ple s u A ° _.l - it would n o t b e diffi fong imp ress i on on t h e f act i ous majo n the heLortis by a de c id e d course o f this &scrip- Ctil2l:i to wi l itst the vacancies thus created would afford strength and support to the friends of popular rights. It is true that the Vhig policy has hitherto been directly the reverse, and they have suffered from it as they ought to suffer but the Court was then adverse, and the alteration in the times demands an alteration in political conduct. The time is come when the Whigs should act sternly to wards their enemies, and firmly by their friends. Atietirr exercise of the prerogative in the creation of 1 4 ;:ers may, if liberally and discreetly managed, help to ob viate coming difficulties. Policy such as this might pre vent, and certainly would postpone a crisis which otherwise must inevitably and speedily arrive, but which cannot be looked to without apprehension of the consequences. One thing is beyond any doubt—that we aro arrived at a period when a union between Reformers of every class is the best, the truest, the only safe policy. Our enemies, the Tory enemies of the reform of any pro fitable abuse, are combined as one man. 'What will be come of us if we are disunited, and jarring, and quarrelling amongst ourselves ? The despotic Tory faction is almost too strong for us even when we are combined ; we have only to disunite in order to do their work, fight their battle, and secure to them the victory. I, therefore, in addressing the people of Ireland, whose public virtue deserves the honour of having the full viol of Tory ealumny and falsehood poured out upon it, and of receiving the praise of the wise Lnd the good in every na tion—in addressing the people of Ireland through the public press, I may, therefore, be permitted to extend my humble ad v i ce t o British Reformers, and to conjure them to unanimity. Let me impress upon their minds, if I can, the folly of dissension. Of what value is it to abuse the Whigs, or to revile them for not having gone far enough in the last Par liament ? What beneficial end can be obtained by quarrel ing with the past, or refusing to take all they will give us if they can ? Shall we get more from the Tories ?—are the Tories disposed to make any concession to Reform ? Clearly not. Why, then, should honest and intelligent men hesitate between those who would give us nothing addi tional—nav, who would, if they could, take away every popular adVantage we have acquired—and those who have already given us much, and are ready, if they can, to give us something more. Believe me it is wretched policy to refuse to assist in obtaining any instalment of the national debt of justice, especially as every portion acquired, how ever small, increases the power to acquire the remainder. I would then, respectfully, but earnestly, press upon all Reformers to combine in support of the present Ministry, and, to enable them, if that be possible, to extend Reform to the utmost length they will go with us, recollecting that tilos,. who refuse to go even the Ministerial length with us are the very persons whom we shall assist into the power of refusing us all, if we do not support the Queen's present Ministers against the unquestionable enemies of all Reform._ If British Reformers 'ef all classes will thus unite—if they would in every county, town, and city, form a re form club or society—if they clamoured by their public meetings, and petitions, for further reform—if they at tended to the registry, and to the correction of erroneous opinion.,, and the refutation of false statements—if, in short, the Reformers were up and stirring against the common enemy—the plundering, peculating, bigotted Tory faction—if, animated by the spirit, not of paltry discon tent or querimonious resentment against the Whigs, but of genuine and high-minded love of Constitutional free dom—the Reformers of all classes would unite in energy, exertion, and combined strength—the proposed advantages of the Reform Bill would be realized—the necessary ame liorations in our institutions would be secured, and the traffickers in corruption, bribery, and bigotry, be banished for ever from power and authority. When I call upon Reformers to support the present Ministry, let me ask them is it nothing - to keep the Qacen out of the hands of our ancient enemies, the Tories ? Is it nothing to keep her mind perfectly free from the poisonous influence of Tory opinions and Tory principles ? Have not all the people of these realms a deep interest in allowing her judgment to be matured in the society of those who recognize popular rights, desire just reforms, and deem sovereign power only a trust for the good of the people ? I return to the people of Ireland. With them I shall have no difficulty in succeeding. They will at once recog ', nice the first duty to our country to be, to give all possible support to the Queen's Ministers. Our second—to demand all our rights, and to accept any instalment we can procure. Our third—to assist the Reformers of every other part of the empire to extend the bounds of civil and religious liberty all over the world. Irishmen! beloved countrym.sn, with wholl or for whom have laboured for near forty ye rs—for whose welfare my heart is as warm, and my spirits as indefatigable and as un daunted as when, with the blood of boyhood boiling in my veins, I commenced my enthusiastic, and not unsuccessful career. Irishmen ! beloved, esteemed countrymen—you who have the germ of every virtue implanted by nature's God—blessed be his holy name—in your hearts and dispositions—you who have so much contributed to obtain political advantages for Scotland and Eng land—you who have been usefully numbered in every battle, but as yet basely deprived of the benefits of your own victories—frisk:nen ! attend. Remember I ant a Repealer—remember I tell you it is my be lief that justice will never be done to you until you have once again a Parliament in College Green and every fact that arises proves more and morn strongly the utter hope lessness of relief from the British Parliament. The strength of the Tory faction in England is biotted hatred of Ire land and the 'fish. The stock in trait! of Toryism in Eng- r:►d is the pride of domination over Ireland.' The result of the recent elections in the English counties, and the garbage of the Press on which the English Tories so fondly gloat—all, all prove that with the good will of Eng land justice w;11 never be attained for Ireland. Irishmen ! Attend—With these convictions deeply im pressed on my mind, I am dou,ly persuaded of the pru dence, the policy. and wisdom of making our_ present ex- hcri'nent. The Queen has declared for tis. Lct us with unhesitating confidence rely on the Queen—nor give the blighteA reason to cause her to alter her benevolent inten- tiont. If it be possible to render the repeal of the Union unnecessary, the Queen will render it so. If she fails, or eauselessly deserts us, what hope can there be but in the Repeal ? . - The Queen's Ministers are our decided friends. They are struggling to render the repeal unnecessary. They have unequivocally admitted that hitherto we have borne an equal share of the burthens—alas ! more than a just share—of the burthens of the Union, without participating in the benefits of political equality. The Queen's Ministers are determined, if they can, to do justice to Ireland. Let us, then, work out our great experiment honestly—by ho nestly and cordially supporting that Ministry who are thus endeavouring to persuade by acts, and not by words, that the repeal is needless. Whatever be the result, my brave, long-suffering, ever faithful, and patriotic countrymen, let us at least demonstrate the. sincerity with which we have offered to abide by a single Legislature if it will do us justice ; and let us leave no doubt of the true-hearted good-wilt with which we co-operate with all those who desire that invaluable result of • our common struggle. One word more and I conclude. lam again the object —the chosen object of variegated and petulant calumny from what ought to be an unexpected quarter. Shall 1 condescend to reply ? Yes, I will in one, and only in nue, sentence—MY LIFE IS MY lIEPLY. I am, beloved fellow-countrymen, And you know I am, Your ever-faithful and devoted servant, DANIEL O'CONNELL. DINNER TO ROBERT STEUART, ESQ., M.P., AT !-lAt7PII. On Wednesday last the friends and supporters of that gentleman entertained him to a public dinner at the Black Bull Inn there. Mr. Haldane occupied the chair, 2,11 whos e r i g h t sat R o b ert S teuart, E sq„ the Rev. Mr. Robson, and pAvid 4pc,w, Lsq., Melrose. On the left of the F4llll-1 wa d tlfe lion. John Elliot, M.P.. Robert Tingle,Esci., of Clifton, and Sir 4 essEst Scott and Wcticittll Th.m3s I ; :inder, o . l llp { evst Tittt, i ,..991P1111Y q fl o t;o te4 t o i l et w ee o t it) 4nd Tha heaio. - 'ter Majesty's Nl:mister@ llgga Mr. STEUART rose amidst loud cheers, and iaid, Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen, &c., connected as, I am with her Majesty' s Mi n i s t ers , w h ose h ea l t h h as b een rece i ve d just now in so flattering a manner, I should be doing v'io knee to my own feelings, and little justice to the feelings of those personages, were I to remain silent— (Groat applause)—and it is an encouragement to me also to thank you in their name for drinking their health in this marked manner, and moreover to find, that in rising to thank you that you had been pleased to greet me with such enthusiastic - applause. After some nbservations upon the different members, Mr. Steuart continued. The dis solution, you are aware, was none of Lord Melbourne's seeking, but brought about by that calamitous event which the nation deplored —namely ; the death of his late Majesty. But those who deeidod in favour of Liberal opinions, and who dispassionately looked at the train of public affairs during the last three years, will be di•posed to admit that Lord Melbourne's Government has a fair claim on the support of the country ; and it is to the iiptn ner in which that claim has been made that I ":;, ti ld now advert. In England, it is true, a majoritu Members have been returned from whom. the 0 peat of support in P- -- " ..."overnment has little to OX• tisajuritu _ -ruamen i t ; but if you will analys' that you will see that tnat to jaority does not compre oend the majority of the population and wealth of the coun try. The majority is comprised of the Members returned by the English counties. Look at all the large trading towns of England, where Liberal Members have been returned. Thirty years ago England returned a majority of Liberal Members ; but the Minister of the day and the House of Peers together, returned a sufficient number of Members • to swamp the misgoverned people of Eggland ; and now the people are told by the Conservatives that they have not acted up to their former spirit. And Scotland, once degraded and politically dead, has come forth to their rescue to advocate liberal measures, and I trust will long be enabled to do so.—(Loud cheering.) Nor can I pass over Ireland, long trampled on, and long submissive and patient under all the insults and sufferings she has en dured. She has now risen up against her bitter foes, and has proved that there is still public spirit and pa triotism sufficient to arouse her to gird on the sword. The intelligent, but uneducated sons of Ireland have indeed been trampled on by the Tories in a manner they will not soon forget, and which requires a great portion of the Chris tian spirit to enable them to forgive.---(Loud cheers.) Ire land felt at the late election that she was struggling not only for her birthright, but for her very existence. When Earl Grey assumed the reins of offle,?: rebellion and bloodshed stalked through the breadth and length of the laud ; but at the late Assizes the Judg,_.s themselves declared the calen dars to be unusually light, and heinous erim,.s we know are now of rare occurrence, while the whole wealth of the coun try is now falling into its proper channels, and in 50 years the prosperity of Ireland will, I trust, have increased in a greater ratio than Scotland has ever done in more than a century. I know that the majority in the House of Com mons is sufficiently strong, backed as it is by the support of the Queen, to carry out all those measures which you look for as the offspring of Reform.—(Loud cheers.) What ever advantages may have arisen from the circumstances of the Tories having been in power for the short period the last time they were in, and I am not aware that any great disadvantages have been permitted to arise, yet this I know, that one great advantage did arise from their being last in office, and that was the confession which Sir R. Peel made in his last speech as Prime Minister of the Government, and in reference to that very sentiment, which I dare say you will all recollect, I ask you to fill a bumper. The circum stance to which I allude was, when Sir It. Peel resigned his place, and when he stated that it was impossib:e to struggle longer, or to think of carrying on the Government, in oppo sition to the small majority which then supported Liberal measures ; and yet the Tories tell us that it is impossible for Lord Melbourne's Government to exist with so small a majority as they have at present. Sir Robert declared also, that it we' through the House of Commons alone that England and Ireland could be governed—and what is the House of Commons but the representatives of the people ? —and what is to be deduced from that speech but this, which he admitted tardily and reluctantly I must confess, that the people alone were the source of all legitimate power ? There are many among you who will remember the - day that drinking of the toast, that tha people is the source of all legitimate power,: would have been a sufficient reason for a man to be held as a person whose company should be shunned ; and it was fortunate, indeed, if he es caped a visit front the Procurator Fiscal. What Sir Robert Peel has admitted, cast many excellent citizens their liber ties and lives.—(Cheers.) I thank God, now, that as a member of the present Government, I can stand up and express the feelings of those who govern the country, and when I can propose that we should now drink to that great principle on which all Govera:nent is loan led, namely, that the people are the source of all legitimate power.— (Drunk with great applause.) The CHAIRMAN—WC arc come to what may be desig nated the principal toast of the (lay, and I hope you will pledge it in an overflowing bumper, The gentleman whose health lam now going to propose is Mr. St!uart, our•ta lented and much respected representative.—( The toast was drunk with the most rapturous applause, which continued for some time.) Mr. STEUART on rising was hailed with loud cheers. After alluding to his connection with the boroughs, and his recce re:urn, the Hon. Member continued—However these means would have been of little avail to my Opponent had they not had recourse to another—l mean that cry in which the present Government, and those who supported them, were said to be leagued against the Church. The cry was, " the Church in danger."—(Loul cheers.) .''iris. was not the first time this cry had been raised ; in the year 1715, the year after George the First ascended the throne, the Whigs being then in power, and the Tories being driven from it, raised the cry of the Church in danger ; and it is rather remarkable that the Tories, who were at one time, opposed to the Protestant estah!ishment, and did every thing in their power to subvert it, should have been the first to raise the cry.—(Cheers.) Whenever they were anxious to gain any advantage in this country, they resorted to this hug-hear cry that the Church was in danger.— (Cheers.) I should like to look to the graneds on which they say the Church is in danger ; they tell us it is be cause, we are in leagu e with Mr. O'Connell, and we are yielding to every clamorous cry that comes from the other side of the Irish channel.—( Hear.) They went so far in some of the western counties of England as to say, that Mr. O'Connell, with a whole host of Catholic priests, was corning over to drive from their paris'.►es those pastors who superintended the cure of sous. Extr,ivitgant ns this may appear to you, vet it was not too extravagant to be ❑sed against the simple and ignorant. What is the ground of this charge ? Now we happen to know, because it is the sank! as that which was raised against the Government, that in many parts of Ireland there were parishes with vet y comfortable and portly parsons, but without churches, with out glebes, without maniv_!s, without any resident clergymen, who preyed upon the people by tithe proctors and minion , , who collected their tithes ; but who never attended and performed divine service, and who never looked after the spiritual wants of their parishioners from one year's end to another ; indeed this establishment was sufficiently large for the whole people of the • 'country if they had been unani umusly Protestant. Now when they found, oat of a popu lation of 8,000,000, searecly 1,000,000 were members of - - the Established Church—that so few prosi tes h...d been made to the state religion, it surely was no tn,fair thing to suppose that something more wes required than the Estab lished Church to insure the advancement of :eligion in that country, or t.l promote the cure of p:ople's Fouls. They therefore proposed that a ne.v allocation should be made of the parishes in Ireland—that in every parish where there was one man professing the Protestant reli gion, that that man should not be left without ragions in struction and consolation ; and in those parishes where no Protestant was to be found, anti where no service had been celebrated, that the tithes of that parish should be put in abeyance, and diverted to the purposes of instructing the people in reading, in order that they might be enabled to inquire into those truths which are taught in every parish in Scotland. It was alleged against thorn too, that they were going to overturn the Protestant system, because in the system of education proposed to be conferred on the public, the Bible, they said, was wholly excluded, or only certain portions of it read, as suited the 1 3, pish priesthood. I have no hesitation in stating, that it was to that cry I impute the interruptions to my election in this district—and those who have not the means, us I have, of knowing the plans of Government, can scarcely fail to respect the man who could abandon his political opinions rather than his God and his country.—(immense cheer nig.) But, Gentle men, I trust this idea will soon be expelled—and as truth is mighty, and will prevail, so time will show that we are the real friends of the Church and of religion. And well would it have been for the Church if its Ministers had ab stained from raising the cry which they must have dist:o - Knowing that cry to be false, they must have dis gracefully supported that religion which they professed. * * It is only by the unshaken attachment of the people to the present Administration that all opposition can be overruled, and good government exist in this country. (Immense applause.) It is d struggle not only of the Liberal party and Liberal opinions against intolerance, but it appears to be approaching to something lik e a betwixt the oligarchy and demner4q. On what otherstrug le g ground can we assume that the Hous e o f Lords is op posed to every tneast r , , , ,. pk,posed in the House of Comine;•,:i for the 7...,a;:lieuance and security of the just tights of the i k people ? But I cannot conceive th t. snch short-sighted policy will continue tQ httide direct counsel: of' ITtAwkiti g , the significant these men, 1 dot;ltd, nod Cllr, i "" C " lrt t " 4 tto ritvren , -.: to tie Royal Family awn • - ,oußa •to Aso. ve that the —wet" from that toast one who stands next in the 'v4s IF('"u 11°I. • I. fad faair., Io: der of succession to the Crown.—( Loud cheers.) Gen tletnen, I allude to this for the purpose of remarking what ... ul 1-as been the result of that individual's career. His frst alt on reaching Hanover was to direct an entire revoiu ti )o in the Constitution of that county. He has attempted to repeal that Constitution, but he has been checked by the firmness of the people.—(Hcar, hear.) I ask )ou what is your opinion with regard to the party with whom he was wont to act in this country ? We are told that be has not acted in this way by the advice of any ramp of authority in this cc.intry..but be this as it my, I eboll say this much regarding hint, what, a glgt:t Inticr t 4 slis! Ttitt pill 'int:a Initi.ft" He rook' not holli 6414 that party with hntat he acted aro only rattahl'ed from OP. opan deffio'nttration in repealing that last Olarter of sto, p e litied privileges, the Reform Bill, b' tli fear of pitch which they could h6t flay the fesitg, of t h e p eop le of this country :" aftd -fr it Is only by 'arousing to a :,,cling steady to your colours, fromend showing bold I :iont, that you may bop t() restrain the Tories from ttl, and by prev(tutip.- such an assault on your fiber.. Enrol from that headlong eareo :t1 %V they oiro . t- - ,.-occeiled during the two b.st • Sassivt, of' Parlta.;-ocut Now,: I would say to you, continue to din 11- - ears of the House of Lords your respe c tf u l, h ut r - .nu), demands for all those improvements, and the e x t jn . sion of those civil rights and privileges which yor possess, to the Sister Kingdom of Ireland. I cannot doubt . but. such a course as 1 have stated, if genemlly pursued.,, will effect that which we anxiously desire—reconciliation between the two Houses of Parliament, to such an extent . as .will enable them to act together in concert for the good UT the country. The lion. Gentleman resumed his seat amidst loud and reiterated cheers, REDUCTION OF INTEREST BY THE BANK. We stated yesterday that the Bank of England reduced the rate of interest from five to four per cent., pursuant to the following notice : NOTICE POSTED UP AT THE BANK TO LEND MONEY AT FOUR PER CENT. " The Governor and Company of the Br.,k of England do hereby give notice, that on and after the ith instant, they will be ready to receive applications for loans, upon the deposit of approved Bills of Exchange, not having more than six months to run; such loans to be repid on or before the 20th October next, w ith interest at the rate of 4/. per cent, per annum, and to be for loans of not less than 2,0001. each. " Bank of England, ith September." The following are the opinions of the Morning Papers on the subject. For our own part we certainly coincide with th. reasons assigned by the Morning Post _ _ The commercial classes arc to nave the assistance from the Bmk of England that they Ave been accustomed to have, and the rate of interest at which that assistance is to be gi%en will, for the present, be four per cent. only. Is coming to this arrangement, we have no doubt that the motives of the Bank Directors mill be greatly misconstrued by those who omit no opportunity of assailing them. We may, therefore, as well guard our readers beforehand against such a contin gency, by explaining to them the situation of the .Money Mar ket at the present time. They will then understand precisely the nature of the emergency which the intervention of the Bank of England is intended to meet. It is to he observed that the financial quarter is tow draping to a close, and that the Bank will, from day to day, be in the receipt of the sums of money paid into the Exchequer on account of the Reve- What the aggregate will be is, of course, u neer .: .ain, It may b e suppose d to be about four millions. As seining, then, that such a sum is suddenly withdrawn from circulation, and no part of it returned to the public, how grievon.ly must the trading interests be inconvenienced? _ title. The dividends will become payable before the period fixed by the Bank for the reimbursement of their ad vances comes round, and then the sums now about to be issued may with safety be recalled. The current rate of inte rest demanded fur the discount of unexceptionable paper in the open market,- is just now from 3 to 31 per cent , but were the Batik of England to continue to keep their cotters closed against the public, as recommended by the money dealers, we will venture to say that before the payment of the dividend commences, it eould be carried at least 2 per cer.t. higher. It is to obviate this evil, to equalise the rate of interest, and fur the purpose of supplying the legitimate wants of the mer cantile community, that the 13ank Directors feel themselves called upon from time to time to interpose between the mer chant and the capitalist. Without such interposition it is evi chnt the latter would ha left, as is the case in America, to exact his own terms, however extravagant they might be. In addition to the turns of money passing front the Exchequer Lto the hands of the Bank, in payment of duties, there is a large reserve made by Government, and were oo portion of these moneys to come again into circulation before the divi dends become due, the pressure upon the commerce of the country would be greater than could possibly be borne.- 1/lor emg Post. The only variation in form from the last notice of the Lind is this, that the rate is one per cent. lower than tb.: rate for discounts. Nothing could be less called for by the state of the money-market than this proceeding on the part of the Bank, and most people ale at a loss to know what mo tive can be ssigned for it. As the principle is confessedly a bad one, to establish two t ates of interest by the same est.r blishment, in the same market, there was required at least some emergency, or peculiarity in the state of it, to justify the measure, which is et, however, to be discovered. One conjecture ventured on the occasion has been, that the accommodation is chiefly intended for the Bai.k Directors themselves. This is tot meant of them ire an absolute serse as merchants, but as enabling them, with tee arc:.ter facility, to eatry through those arratigemei.ts they made some time back for : , ustairling the great American houses. Connected with those arrangcmvuts there is a large mass of East India and China bills, at long dates, upon which, under all the circumstances, money could per haps only be obtained under such a notice as that just give n at the Bank. For the public it is clearly of no use, and the cause above assigned, if it is really the true one, is a very poor excuse for such a departure from a sound and just system of banking. The resolution of the Bank Directors has tended still further to improve the appearance as well as the price of Consuls, and more business may be reported in consequence. To the surprise of most people, the Bank of England is ready to make advances upon " approved bills of exchange," at the rate of four per cent., being a reduction of one per cent. from the late terms upon which accommodation was rendered. At the regular bill-brokers the charge continues to be from 3 to 31, tier cent., and, if any thing, is on the decline ; so that it is nut at all probable that many applications will even now be made to the Bank. The object of the Directors, in comin g to the present determination, appears altogether strange, fur it has seldom occurred that the notice has been put forth after the shutting of the transfer books for the dividends in_ stcsd of some time previous, as customary. In times of ex treme pressure for money, such a departure from the usual routine could be easily, understood; but, at the present mo ment, when there is a bundance of it, and a great amount which cannot find employment, the conduct of the Bank can nut be so readily explained, unless, indeed, there is a desire to participate in the profits deri.,ed by the discount houses; hut this is frustrated by the high terms on which busil.ess will he trtwacted. Six mouths' bills, which take in the East India paper, is included, bit " Exchequer Bulls, India Bonds, and other ai,proved securities," are again omitted, notwith standing which the resolution was formally transmitted to the Stock Exchange, as if bills ofexchange were dealt in there.— Morning Chronicle. Th- state of commercial affairs has bzen much improved to day by a notice which was issued in the afternoon by the 1)i -rectors of the Bank of Eo7land fir reducing the tale of into• refit on money from 5 to 4 per cent., and for granting► accnrn m• jation by loans of money upon the deposit of approved bills of exchange, to be repaid on or before the 20th of October. It will be observed that the accommodation only extands to bills of exchange, and tAthougl, a strong diversity of opinion exista, as t., the policy of reducing the value of money by the Bank of England. still there cult he no doubt but that essential as sistance will be given to holders of large bills by the course taken by the managers of the corporation. The reduction of the value of money by the Bank of England is of advantage in another point of view, as showing to the mercantile inte rests the coinietion of the Dtrectcrs that their position as ►egards the amount of bullion in the coffers of the establish ment is as favourable as they could desire it to be. No doubt the favourable character of the ad% ices received by the last packet from the United States has had some. influence with the Directors. The reduction of the rate of interest will, in all probability, give fresh life to commercial affairs. The pub lic securities were improved by the issuing of the official notifi. fication._lWorning Advertiser. Considerable interest was created in the monetary and com mercial circles, in consequence of the Bank of England notice. Thus it appears that the Bank of England have reduced their rate of interest from 5 to 4 per cent , and have extended these advances to six months' bills, which. of course, will cover all the paper drawn from China, or the East Indies. It has, how ever, been questioned t% hteher this course, on the part of the .Bank direction, is a prudent one, by many experienced men ; and, as unexceptionable parties can readily obtain loans at from 2+ to 3+ on good security in the market;this determina tion has rather been viewed in the light of an undue interfe rence with the steadiness of the value of money. It is appre hended that it will give an undue stimulus to speculation, and in cotton -wools. one almost un warrante d i s now going on No longer a go th an yester d ay we already see th a t the sales of cotton at Liverpoel amounted to 7.:7100 bales at rather dearer prices, whilst on the other hand we tied that the manufacturers c mplain already that they cannot obtain remunerating prices for their accumulating stocks. It is easy, therefore, to sest that if speculation is now encouraged in imported articles, it t% ill not be long ere it will recoil upon the speculators, and manufacturers also. Wo have always held, and we believe, that it is a maxim with experienced monetary inen, that the less the Bank tampers with the circulating meaium the better for that Corporation and the community at large. There is a wide difference between regulating the currency and sudden expansions or restrictions of it. Altogether, there is a good deal of ;nspicion as to the motives of the Bank direction i n o.fterii;g loans and lowering their rate of interest at th e present time ; and for the sake of the credit of that Corporation i t i t t in the Bank not has given a decided be the speculators, 'ehose heavy - private influence has no voie erompts are falling p to i., b io e u l r io . pod that due, who they may, The Bank not stimulus to the value of Conse:.s, although there has been end 92 for the Account. The vo . y little doing in ,ne British Securities generally. N e e " : ° Ph 'Three-sad- t a - 9 1 -1 1 1 al l‘ f 1 ) °, :r ev dent s . are 991 t a i e and the pre mium upon Exchequer Lillis' is quoted at 47 a 50, and upon India Bonds at 4ti it 40 , ,—Aforniity Herald.