The Sun. — London, England, 1846-02-13 00:00:00

med by the War as t° 'espect tot rc re engag e° , magress ha the Govern: f o r the pa the cirrobl:, re gulation s. , ous blunde n ' e F the f 0)10. 7521., svO'' ieal roPa c q 10,326,7*-. eir own , o that I t % rmittcd; to, could not re: b le ' :e gr ave 1 , 1 1d be i no 0 be a" k ''' s Llcurael _ f i,40 iten we ;icular AC:r „ and °c of the.ob et 4 pin oni v e au h e ut ld o oulid Point feel Yav e tbe° y THE SUN , LON DON, FRIDA FEBRUARY 18, 1846. Noble Lord, and maintain that the logical deduction, if attempted, would have failed the Right Hon. Baronet on the occas i on. —(Hear.) There had grownup practices of laying on heavy and protective and prohibitory duties ; and Mr. liuskisson, perceiving what branches of manufacture there were which. could safely dispense with them, and n hi c h were more inctunbere.d than as cuter by such, wi t hd rew f rom them the protect i on they joyed. He (Mr. Co!quhoun) did not mean to taaititain that had M r . H us ki sson li ve d until the prese n t moment he a ould have acted on thesame systeni. The Noble Lord the Member for London took exception to an argument put forward by the lion. Member fur Northampton, and asked why should pro teetien be removed from manufacturing produce and tillowed to remain o:t Vee soil. The Noble Lord quoted Mum Smith, to the effect that it was•not alone the right of a state, but was also wise and politic that a state should impose duties on foreign commodities adequate to the taxes which they laid on their o.vn productions. e 40, 4' did that a p p l y i n the present case ? They had an or mous taxi t ti on rest i ng on this country peculiarly, becaus e it arose from the national debt. They were in the habit of putting a duty on foreign produce, ns an ade tliiate eq u i valent ; then why leave manufactures out of the etite g °r -Y ? why, but because it had a natural and ade quate protection. No man could look at the soil of htelferdehire or Lancashire without seeing an "Meet of mineral in it that gave them an vantage over all the rest of the world. grieulture in this country was exposed to seasons to e t :l l a ii t t u - ro e irciouS, more variable, and more severe than any other country in Europe, w . hile the manu tbliee exper o it t: the country had correse ending . advantages. n 43.,t1t the. Right Ilonouieble Baronet rested his case upon lic e Of the last three years, and toappea thiAt a PPrehensien s of the agriculturist, he pointed out th:lthe reduction which had taken place in the imperta -2f., ferei gn cattle had produced high prices, rather how. er f.r uepreseed th e market. The Right Hon. Baronet, ee e , did not see that this argument was against him tnnroryte.heesrsapart of his argument he . said the i s ° e r ev sen ry to cheapen the necessaries of life h Op'The Right Honourable Baronet was, bithever, wroti g in supposing the tariff had produced . the ea. li eu P r ices, for, when the tariff was passed, the impr witt. tut abrpen oad that they .were going to flood country frem all parts of the world, and , the conse ,dilee ;° w a „ a ti s the market was glutted with English pro. in the year afterwards there was a sthiChimited OP L Y. --- (llear, hear.) There was another cause could he Produted these high prices, and one to which ragi ng refer with satisfaction, and without d p calls g h the Right Honourable Baronet's tariff. This hi e s e the !pa effect of stimulating employment and c e u n rn a : Ina d • •" e l abouring classes of this country to _ Pee ll e% trore butcher's meet.— Tear, hear.) No 1 4 ilw art c ?uld urg e that the great development , of 'eei g h,V, la this country depended on any commercial amount of %pie d, un - --it depended on the enormous l' i nrsu e . an d on that system of 1 it open to -dem I ts own. course. (Loud cheerin The h 43 n et for Inverness, himself a free ) trader, 4 414 1 , 1} -411 1 and again called upon us to interfere . 110 14;" a stop to the progress of railway enterprise. tee th - e t the Parliament abstained from such a course, The e,eonsetpitince has been beneficial to the country. 11 lienourable Member for Sunderland (Mr. s tetitt4en), alto has been the architect of con the ter the has contributed greatly to uponc e benefits of the distribution of . capital t . anany stll4 ° „, n ,ntree and he deserved more praise than %tat ' e tther of the House. The Right Honourable h ttwete . Ace " seemed to state that there was no connexion i ht It wat_et•s and the price of. provisions, and the °t t -r • dmade allusion to the speech of e t h, „ • Friend selhbe lietiotirable Baronet, in which he touched bI th e vt rY qnestion how the labourer would be affected lie ll tfc,N ll- law. With a ll th e t a l e nts of the Right Ilon. t hSt 1 11 , an, and his knowledge of the tactics of debate, Il i 'lei e ti ,; (l4 ion to the Right n.a . r.m . c . t's speech, in his " 1 , , w ss lio o mst unhappy and indiecreet, because in l the Right lion: Baronet urged very strongl) tit r qtal (1' the corn-law would limit the employ the o t" labour er , an d wou ld s h a k e the i n t eres t s of fs ili eo urer, b ot h agr i cu l tura l and manufacturing. t e f ,hkt Honourable Friend disposed . i y f i e ar u ts that had been urged against him._ h g av ' e n' ehanged my opinion, there is an en: til l 411...-h,-.l"tel and continued cheers.) But . he . w There Int, not 'n l that there was not an end of it. t ' f end . ' of it because a person was a man w ilt Cher as an orator or as a poet. li f e must t _ at nitkieP teluember that his words are winged shafts, address e ,, t/r 1 ) . . t e ? l , a nY minds—that when urged with all the .na ,'",,h,t,,:„'"ght lion. Friend, these thoughts an . d ern'? tZir npi l ° men • and had a great share in forming •"' sentiments ; and, therefore, w . he s i e l . -t h I ggl. lion ble Baronet, having urged the he 41,44_ °lira li 4l th 3 for many years, .turns his back upon „eY eoul t conceal their surprise.—(Ghee h rs.) 1 ", t 'n 4"43 ,: 411 °‘v him to remind him that his opinions an Man in the country, they stood now very sole oefortithe country, were admitted to be Le i r d y s v er y rgtitrirqits at making h ; tc'werful impression. H a e o . a eourd any not m help 1 411 A Chi'', as his Honourable Friend was speak 's o h 4, these winged shafts had often transfixed I," v iti l) , :i44 nts on the other side of the House. But if he 1,1111'1:4th opinions, they had not. He wished_ t ar y . .°n• Baronet amongst them then to urge the d slid the same opinions which he had now repu i 7 4 1;1 - " ; e lle yrev they did not achieve victory, they ti cte d t b" 4, e er ' gallant contest; and in . their -patdeY would hive the consolation of not having -tiat ti . -. their opinions. Then his Right Hon.. Friend all ew , a 11.14, ti0n f aun to remind him that his view of ne which nobody could deny. pl, t o „.e . ,, t fi" e v i i ,t ll :re w sp ag ec e t s t w o a t a li o ! speech of the Hon. Member e c ilst ee3 that the rate of wages and the price of rieho varied after a certain time. That he (Mr. 11 , 14 / l a e TO believed was true. He believed any gen 'Flst \4.110 looked into political science would say . t). „ 1/l• ‘\4g. , s did not always fall with the price 11.) eit c' e v t '' ', 1 ,, -4 .'s• Perhaps by a repeal of the corn•laws the It' i nittee'" Country would be benefited; but whilst . he that • - could not help stating „,, • th e , fact, be 'l e ',,,"'heu market must be glutted, and conse 4)‘ t° Price of labour would be reduced. This e• . "( 1) in Ireland at the present moment—the . e"°3'crl:„-; that country being deficient of . em th,', and the population gradually increasing. em it if the argument of the Secretary of State— ; I""Ruittents of the Right Honourable Gentleman e e 'ss% ritr a nd sound—if it be true that by the . "'Sri 4- P r oposedwould be displaced—if eeit4 some lands 4 414 dt re would be subjected to straits, then ttn :t-' with the fall in the price of provisions the price e r a e g e ' would fall also.—(ll.ear, hear.) The "e t t ,,iei,', iia Llie agricultural population would be most enib er - ( 'tear, hear.) If the Honourable begtp for Welverbaniptoa were in his place, he e.th remind him that he made an a t al e rai i ssi b o u n . 44l nli 'le ' e effect. Ile 'perfectly -recollected h *fit s et tellingcorn-laws t te k, ‘ g them that the effect 0 , 1 , -en into cultivation one p o o r r t n a of land '" e twiee would be uncultivated. Now that Right e•‘ °l lo,, t '" n etlY the petition of the .1 1 1 e44lde - Gentleman. - Great as would be the ,1 111 l ife p ri ces, the fall in wages would be still lower, Z'Llte'"e c onditien of the co,:ntry would be greatly 141.4t °d• He would take the views of those tpelntentled, that in proportion to the freedom Oven h t• h ' Rini agriculture, trade would be increaeed f',Pr t e - e n•ages of the labouring classes would be e ''dr e e.e o• Ile denied that such a conclusion would What was the cafe with regard to the ',„tki - L ot labour? With all the improvements which , 44 t1 of late received, had wages increased ? itre et ;'se the question he would put to . Right Iron. Gen ie' 11• • ,,,, „lie would put it to the Right Hon. Member Plti"inghant, whether such a result had followed,. : 4 1' Member said, that whereas formerly he sold h 'lle t . l4 for ;16s , he now sold it for Gs.—(llear) an h d e eeanitF' labourer. used to receive for his share in the sp a that article upwards of 75., he now . re ( 41.,, e ()Fitt • . 11)1 ' '4'l3. Is l Non, when his ofßitghhat labourer, r } e 'r r i , en h d e dr Q. Proving the condition..l33 to a I *l lllll' 'll ' il th " ,l ) could not help referring hi *n . 'finPplied by Mr. Horner and Mr. Has v• :`"Q year 1841. He was not going i r e • i th lung statistical details, but the sanetieneef the House, state just one, r r is th ie'llit: e " .... s , o l v what had been the pressure upon • tet et - necessary pressure, it was true, ee - eesa t - , ^ Y ,tompetition, which forced him, not 1 -J ' to t est ae of his own, but from positive_ I , l4o' ? l r je t l l •ed nett the rate of wages. The House would '''stf e ' re thete t , at the statement he would refer to was, ri pe Ives He found,then ' i ji t tl 1,4 -‘,l,,ll,344la'lurerstheill-se • :as had fallen in roq'" 14 5 ,1 1828 to- 1341 fine yarns 4 , 1 1 t h 31 p:r cent., and how was that met ? n ese "° t " spinner's rate of wages 29 per cent. a . ins ehe l3 per cent.—(Hear, i -ce le e h„ el - , sea of workers !qt. era ox h ' er s.) What was • the benefit the manu -71,,t4-'4we? to derive from: a repeal of the hat ‘‘ , . , ord e o r t,„, (Mr. C olquhoun) would tell them ere et eae th gent, , en.en, members of the League. Ae t ,4t ir on t • view w hi c h M r . Wil son , one of cu 25 ofth). the • 11" "niries ters in Scotland, took of this t e5 111 ( i ls eeiit said, that when iron had fallen ' , at e not e e " i w ages had been. reduced 15, and they Wire rho i .‘vtreil further, in consequence of the Ire ela t 'n eat„ nn pertaiion of foreign corn. corn Ai th e s i 4 1) don e that when the duty on foreign r 4ear-NI era "'a) . "'a) . with, he would be able to lower 't hear, by lowering the rate of wages.— Il t "t• G ee ' 4o(1 cheers.) ° What was the opinion 1 4. 341 ( 1 tl i4 V 4 ' who Itzenerly represented Manchester? lfe„ . to I viti e eh batter education, more sober habits, toga ge e , t e.al)"r food, would enable the labourer to taei, this f set e„ r e Comfort. There could be no doubt of 1 (.1,, e,i no onci moment, and he (Mr. Colquhoun) did pe t : th e : t ne to the manufacturers because they ed ti e ,; 4 Qd b y f , , 3 , 4t 9 of w ages.—(near, hear.) They were ly e ; Nap coMpetition—they were obliged to beat l ' elai g .„e 'n t very means in their power—te.ry J ew 'r te abridge their expenses to add to the r the their machinery, bat they were also obliged to t:11 1t. rue w ., tßes of their labourers. If the effect fed, .sure would be to reduce the price t t.. cvil s, )Plovided there were no countervail tha.'t het, if s k ileledged that it wotild.7be a bene nf lec)nntr•• they met the workinz classes of t and told• them that after the repeal th a e 4 t cs a s -c l i t t e n e j l e aw s they would receive the same • . they mould re, then he Colquhoun) affirmed "n meet ti • ' ' ep ee en, er t „ , - them wita a eeiuslome--(Cheering.) f i i ,_eh letd beta for Northampton's eloquent and able p r ' i ? 41741 eentituented upon as being of an ineen s've." had Intended" did not think that his Hon. h e e :te , , to give it such a character. At all shucohpead tchhaatrgnuotltioinghe t made heitr"s eels Ear from treating the manufacturers 44d they avers habit of grinding the poor, he beliel ed ite th iresp ri ,; o gre it sources of the vretelth lev er o e , t -E ,, n g i lod• If he looked to noraing i et. shml-1 up'eoNl Vie mar ufaceoring hr 4 1 9ts , zlnr ae a large maim facturitg town, ‘4lrllit y vto'v Elltti Y cryurse enhanced in value iiry its a t° lvia• If this Pleasure 'were calculated to have the effect of harmonising the different clasSes of this country, then of course it would be beneficial, and he should heartily rejoice in it, He regretted, however, to hear the Noble Lord the Member for London hold out a hope to the labouring classes that this measure would im prove their condition. It might stimulate trade, and have a tendency further to develop manufactures, but he was afraid that one effect-of that would be to keep _down wages. The lion. Member for Northamptonshire (Mr. Stafford O'Brie.a) had said truly, in his aldress the other even ing, that since the national wealth had so much in creased, a considerable depreciation had taken place in the condition of.the working classes ; that, though they might have great influence among the upper and middle auks of ,society, they would find the condition of the labouring classes, gradually getting worse. What they wanted was the taking of direct step , in order to cif. et an improvement. It was not by a commercial code, but by direct and specific ineaeures,, that the condition of the labouring classes was to be aslvaeced. But such was the attachment of Hon. Members on :Op opposite side of the House to their political economy, that when the Noble Lord the Member for Dorsctshire (Lord Ashley) proposed his measure for ,the limitatio3 of the hours 01 employment fur the labouring classes, they reviled at his benevolent endeavourse---(Hearehear.) If they were asked for their support to any measure for the religious instruetion of - th people, or to advance their moral good and social comforts, what -was the answer ? If the Right Hon. Baronet ah the head of the Government were to propOse any scheme of that kind, he would be met by a distinct le fusaLs---(Hear, hear.) The commercial code milt do some good to the manufacturers, but would not advance the condition .of the labouring classes. The country, were it passed, would still be liable to those revulsions, and that distress to which the Right Hon. Baronet referred„in his speech of 1812. There would be the same pericelical visitations, and though capital might abound, without credit it would be unavailing.— (Hear, hear.) They might expect that in years of de ficient harvests the labourers would . Suffer, and not being able to purchase of the manufecturers, general distress would prevail. Even if the corn-laws were aban doned they would still be as much affected by a de ficient harvest as before. They would find, with a good harvest a prosperous trade, and when the harvest was deficient, distress and decline in Lancashire and York shire.—(Hear.). He woeld call the attention of the House to a circular issued by Messrs. Fergusson and Taylor, corn merchants of America, who stated that their experienee went to show that in years of deficient harvest great distress pervaded in the home market. Those gentlemen said that in September last there was an apparent langour or disaster in the first harvest, and that instant the home market began to decline.—(Hear.) Buyers were scarce, and goods were left upon the owners hands. Hon. Members proposed that corn should be brought from abroad to remedy that evil. But if those Hon. Gentlemen would look to the working ot the system, he thought they would find a dif ference in the results in different places. The Hon. Member for Stockport '(Mr. Cobden) had calculated in his speeches (and he admitted that his eel culations woe correct) the amount of produce brought . from the English soil to be 200,000,000. Mr. M‘Cul• loch made a similar calculation. Now, when there came such a year as that of 1838, in which there was a defi riency in the harvest of four per cent., and when there came such a year as 1839, when the deficiency was eight per cent., was it not perfectly clear that they would be taking away from the exchangeable wealth o! the country, an amount varying from 8,000,000 to 6,000,000 ?—(Hear, hear.) That must' be admitted by all parties. Would the green corn from abroad meet that deficiency ? He conceived that it would not. It might aechmplish other objects, but it would certainly not meet the deficiency which would take place after the repeal of the corn-laws. If the aggregate manufactures of this country expected a defence from the aggre gate agriculture of England equivalent to 200,600,000/ a year, there would be a failure to the extent of 8,000,0001 wdrth in the next year, and in the next year to the extent of 16,000,0001. it was perfectly clear that their foreign demand, greatasit might be, Would not meet that deficiency whieh would occur in the home market. Let them write their foreign demand as high as they chose— assuming that after the repeal of the corn-laws they shou'd gain such a development of trade as they antici pated (and which he sincerely wished for them)—still the manufactures of this country would be greater than the aggregate demand of both the home and the foreign markets; and if there were a failure in any one year, as there would be in their home market, they would have the same languor in trade, they would have the same dulness in prices, and the same difficulties fur their labouring population to undergo, and the same pres sure in the homes of the poor of this country.—(Hear.) And, after all, he would assume that they would gain a development of foreign trade, they would still have the same languor and deficiency, produced by a languid and deficient harvest—(Hear, hear)—and that deficiency would entail upon those engaged in nianuractures, and the labouring population generally great privations. And he therefore frankly confessed that he could not join with those who anticipated, as the result of the proposed commercial re laxation, a larger development of manufactures. But while he, on the one hand, did not think that they would escape the difficulties arising from a de ficient harvest, he, on the other hand, did think that they might be bringing upon the country very seri ous difficulties of another kind, to which their attention did not seem to have been directed, but which ho con fessed deserved their best and most deliberate con sideration. W hat, he would ask, was to become of their colonial farmers ? What was the amount which at the present time went to the colonial farmer ? It was a quantity of constantly growing amount, and had at one time increased to 15,000,0001. It was not likely either that sugar or other colonial produce would be long allowed to survive this.—(Hear, bear.) The Hon. Members on the opposite side looked forward with confidence to this side of the House for the accomplish ment of that measure. but if that was going to be done, he would ask how long after it should be accomplished did they expect to keep their other colonial markets?— (Hear.) He had not forgotten that the Hon. Member for Taunton had said that they were likely to lose their colonial markets. Well, then, he (Mr. C.) -would contend that this measure would have that effect. But then there was another and much heavier blow to be inflicted by it. If the effect of the measure was to depreciate agricultural produce, then there would be• a limited demand for other articles in the • home -markets, and the results would be the same-as they:were in 1838, when there was a de ficient harvest from natural causes, and there was also a deficient supply.—(Hear, hear.) He could not look at this measure with that confidence with which other men regarded it. There was another point which he con• eeived made it still more untenable and uncertain. Now, he would like to ask the lion. Member for Wolver hampton, would he go clown to his constituents, and take this law in his hand, as a perfect code c f free-trade laws for the year 1846 ? He 'Noted do no such thing, because it was not a perfect free-trade code, so long as there still remained a protec tive 'duty upon silk, and upon lace, and upon china, and upon metals. Why then was this done? What inter est was there in favour of the farmer in affording pro tection to silk, and to china, and to lace, and to metals? None in the world. Well, then, the argument must be that those articles were not sufficiently strong of them selves to exist without protection.—(hear, hear.) And, surely, if they were not, how much less able was agri cultural produce to endure without protection ? An Hon. Member on the other side of the House said he could conduct a farm in Buckinghamshire with as much profit with free trade for the policy of the coun try as lie could with the highest protection. Well, he heartily wished the Hon. Member would try the experi ment. He would promise him he should have an opportunity of doing so, "Some of his Hon. Friends, he had no doubt, connected with Buckinghamshire, would give him one of their best farms on lease—(Hear and laughter)— which might be for a term as long as the Hon. Member pleased, as long even as in Scotland, and at the lowest rate of rent, and with only one condition—the Hon. Mem ber should show them the ledger at the end of the year, and with this lease be would undertake to say, the advice of the Hon. Gentleman to his friends at the end of the year would be—Close your purses, for the Bucking ham-fields have emptied mine.—(Laughter.) It could nut • be questioned for a moment, that if a man wished for a return for his capital during the existence of free trade he must invest it in manu factures, and not in agriculture.—(Hear, hear.) Before he sat down he was anxious to answer a question respecting those laws. He had no hesitation in saying, that although he opposed the measure generally, he gave to some parts of the measure . his most willing and cordial assent. His opposition to a part of this measure was on the ground that he entertained distrust of the policy of the Right Hon. Baronet. He confessed he did feel distrust, not alone of that, but of other measures introduced by the Right Hon. Gent'e man. He (Mr. Colquhoun) did not mean to say that it would be in the power of any Government to maintain the agricultural interests, and at the same time to continue any longer the present rate of production.—(Opposition cheers.) He (Mr. C.) confessed he should like to see, on a great question of that kind earnest and able arguments used by the Right Hon Gentleman. He spoke in his absence, but he (MrhColquhoun) would say nothing in his absence that ho would not say if he had been pre sent. lie would say that the Honourable Member for Stockport (Mr. Cobden) advocated the measure in an able, a learned, and a talented manner, but he (Mr. Colquhoun) did not take the same view of that measure, great as are ,the authorities against him. He would say, if they acted on the principles of the Reform Bill, they should meet the Reform Bill in spirit. It was quite obvious to every body that they could not maintain their institutions unless they maintained the 'Principles. which brought about that great question.—(llear.) Unless they can be consistent in argutnent—unless they can appeal to great leiter: sts, they could not carry this measure with success. They, in c'intending for mo derate agricultural protection, were not contending for that which was injurious to the manufacturer of this country.—(Cheers from the Opposition.) He (Mr. Colquhoun) - erould give, for the sake of the interests of the country, his earnest support to agricultural pro tection.--(Cheers.) Why, Sir, he heard the Honour ebla Member for Wolverhampton say, no later than the year 1845, that the Right Honourable Baronet was dexterously pleying en that occasion, and that they should take great care, for that the question would be surrendered.—(Fleas, hear.) It was on the ground of his feeling for these institutions that he fehliiinself compelled togive his most earnest op position to the measure that the Prime Minister had brought before the House. Now lie felt bound to bear his testimony to the feeling and the prin ciple by which, on this question the Honourable Member for Stockport had been actuated, and which he had manifested during the whole course of the diseu:sion.—(Cheers.) e lie was bound to say that the feeling that that: lion. Member bacl.manifested bad been a strong, an able, and 'an earnest feeling. Now he felt compelled to give to this question his most earnest and honest onosition, but in doing that he was determined that his exposition of the fallacies with which the question had been surrounded should be earnest, unequivocal, and decided, It was well known that his feeling for several Members of the Government, of which the Right Hon. Baronet was at the head, had been both cordial and enduring. And notwithstanding the difference which bad taken place in the Right Honourable Baronet's opinions, he still professed no personal antipathy, for his feelings were those of 4incere friendship and un diminished attachment ; and yet he felt bound us a man, as a Member of that House, and, above all, as a member of a commercial community, although it was a great abrasion of his own personal feelings, to express his de termined, earnest, sincere;' open, and avowed opposi tion to the measure 'Which the Right llonourable Baronet had submitted for their decion; and whilst that Right Honourable Gentleman continued to be the master spirit and the presiding genius of the Cabinet, he must withhold front them anything like adhesion to their policy, or support of any measure they might bring forward. He did not mean to say that this support was to be withheld simply on any matter of tigiicultural protection, but upon those great interests in which the whole of the welfare of the popu lation was involved. He could not help' feeling that this was a matter of the Utmost importance, and he deeply regretted that the Right Hon. Baron( t hod not followed the example of the upright and straightforward conduct of the Hon. Member for Stockport. For his own part, he should give his vo`e on this question, although it Was against the object of the party with vvhorn he was accustomed' to act, 'with a determinate decision, whatever the consequences might I? . , in accordance with the principles lie had always pro fessed, although a disregard of party ,itnight,though futilely, be laid to his charge. (The 'llott Gentleman sat down amid loud and prolonged cheefs 7 both sides of the lieuse.) intaioa 719;.. - Mr. WYNN said, that many of those'4l49blatioad dressed the House had lamented that the 'iittititl&of this question was such as to cause very consid'erable diffir ence of opinion amongst the political" leaders of this country. Although he Might differ from'some of them in his vote, and shenild vote for those Who held his own opinion, yet he felt himself 'divided on this question, which so very much divided the opinions of men in general. lie differed in opinion from a most sespectable meeting of his own consti tuents, but that was a circumstance to which many Members of that House must necessarily be exposed. Ile had had the good fortune to enjoy for fifty years the confidence of his constituency, and ir he had ever departed from their opinion on any paticular question, they had acknowledged that it might be a conscientious matter. Ile was satisfied that he had performed his duty to the country I , )y consulting what lie considered o be its interests rather than the feelings of any parti cular party of the pc rsons whom he represented. He felt that this question put the well-being of the agriculturist and the manufacturer in the balance, and their interests were so much alike that they could not look at one wi,hout considering the other. He had heard speak of the benefit•of leaving a question of this kind to the individuals themselves rather than to the Government. Ile was aware that it had been the policy of the Govern ment to promote laws for the protection of the agricul turists and the manufacturers. Much as he respected the institutions and legislation of our forefathers, there was no point on which he differed from them so much as their practice of meddling with what might be easily ,nanaged by the individuals concerned. When he looked at the regulations relative to agriculture—the limit that was set to the quantity of land to be devoted to pasture or tillage, he was surprised ; and when ho looked at the fact, that the price of wheat was to be regulated by the Lord Treasurer, the Lord Chancellor, or the Lord Chief Justice, he entirely disapproved of it. ft was said that every vessel which brought over wine to this country would also bring over bowed staves.— (Laughter.) It was said that for every butt of wine brought over, ten bowed staves would accompany it. Let them remember that it was not till the close of the reign of James 1. that a permanent change in our commercial policy took place, but it was not till the Administration of Mr. Pitt, that a more generous change took place. About the period of the Union, he first pro pounded his commercial policy. Acting upon his usual policy, he threw aside the prejudices of his pre •lecessors, and brought those principles into law. The best answer he could give to those who questioned the necessity of altering the present state of things was that which the French merchant gave at one time to Colby, when lie inquired, " What can I do for the encouragement of your trade and prosperity ?" the answer was, " to let them alone."—(Hear, and laughter.) He hoped that the Government would carry their mea sures out to a still greater extent. He confessed he should have been better pleased if they had done so. He believed, however, that it could not be done at present, and that so far as it could have been with safety to the country it had been done. The experience, the enterprise, anal the capital of this country would, he believed, obviate the great evils of which the Hon. Member who last addressed the House had spoken. It had been said that the agriculturists could not assist their husbandman as the Manufacturer did his work men, by improved machinery. He could say that so far as his experience and observation went, he differed from that opinion. He thought he saw daily the beneficial iffects of the application of machinery to agriculture.—(Hear, hear.) He saw large proprietors erecting upon their estates machinery for the manu facture of drain tiles. These tiles were sold to the tenant it prime cost. He hoped that this system would be developed to a greater extent. It had also been said that it was not to the interest of this country to depend upon foreign countries fur the supply of c•wn. He was of opinion that was a fallacy. He considered that the Americans would be as anxious to encourage our buy ing their corn as they were anxious to sell it. He thought they would act as the old Dutch merchant, who, in the time of a war between that country and France, was asked why he exported his merchandise there, that if he were told they were in want of sulphur in the lower regions he would send a ship-load of that com modity to the mouth of Acheron, provided he could obtain a sufficient insurance to cover the damage that might be done by the singeing of the sails. He had also known many members of the Anti-Jacobin Clubs who would never refuse to take a glass or a bottle of claret, upon the ground that it would give assistance to the French merchant ; and such, he conceived, would be the state of things even if this country should be dependent for its supply of corn upon foreign countries. He hoped to see the policy which directed those mea sures carried to a greater extent, and with that view he would give the Government every support. Mr. G. HEATHCOTE said, in addressing himself to the present question, be would endeavour to be as brief as possible, He did think that an appearance of consistency was due from public men. When his Hon. Frirnd on this (the Oppo. *Rion) side of the House brought forward measures which he thought injuriousto the agricultural interests he opposed them ; and row, when the Government brought forward measures which he considered iefinitely more injurious, more extensive in the injuries which they wou'd 'abet, he would give them every oppositicn. —(Ministerial cheers.) He begged their attention to the state of thjngs which existed during the last year.. Their manufactories were prosperous, trade was extending itself, and agriculture was beginning to recover itself from the deep and deadly wounds inflicted by the Right Hon. Gentleman. Well, the Government,in this state of things, pro pose a series of measures, accompanied by a change of opinion unparalleled in the record of political terg-rvisation. The Right Hon. Gentleman at the head of the Government had turned out his Noble Friend, because he brought forward a propositien for a fixed duty of 83. But now he came for ward and proposed a fixed duty of 45., and at the end of three years he intends to remove all 'protection from agriculture. He had called this a dangerous experiment. He was justified in so calling it, for it was an experiment that was contrary to the experience of all countries and all time. The Right Hon. Baronet had told us that all history and records of events should be expunged from the annals of England previous to the period of his own Administration. He (Sir. Heathcote) would ask whether the three years' experience of the Right Hon. Baronet would bear him out in proposing to the House the present measure ? He (Mr. Heathcote) was quite ready to admit that there was great prosperity, a diminution of crime and improved condition of morals at present in the country; but he thought those advantages were entirely owing to the in creased employment of labour. l'he cause of this was owing to the nation having expended its capital in a variety of sources where labour was necessary, and especially in the construction of railroads in various parts of the country, and thus improv ing the modes and facilities of conveyance: He would main tain that the country was more indebted to the Hon. Member for Sunderland (Mr. Hudson) for his activity and energy in promoting the construction of railroads, than to any free-trade measures of the Right Hon. Baronet.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) In the year 18 3 9, the Hon. Member f or Kendal down and told the House that the manufacturing interests were in a preposterous condition, and yet wheat had fallen Bs. a quarter. There was an attempt to annihilate the interest of protection, and the followers of the Right Hon. Baronet would find it out when they presented themselves on the hustings at the next election. The Hon. Member for Wiltshire had alluded to what bad taken place in the year 1815, as if that had been the first time. when the corn-laws were to be heard of. Why, the corn-laws and protection to agriculture had been in exist ence for the last two hundred years, and he considered, further, that if an error had been committed in 1815, by forcing up the price of wheat, a still greater error would be committed in 1846 by attempting to abolish them altogether.—(Hear, hear.) He would ask whether there was any strong cause of public necessity to justify the present measure?—(Hear, hear.) He meant, a strong feeling of the public with reference to this sub ject, similar to that which overrun England, previous to the Reform Bill. As far as he knew, all was tolerably peaceable and quiet. The warfare carried on was exclusively a defen sive warfare. When the manufacturers put on the armour of free trade, the agriculturists assumed the whole panoply of protection. The history of the last five or six years, with re spect to elections, was a complete record of defiance of protec tion, and of the strongest failure of the gentlemen who support free trade. Sir. BRIGHT—The West Riding of Yorkshire for instance? Mr. G. HEATH COTE resumed, that was an exception but, besides that, the free trade gentlemen had nothing to boast of at the elections. Why , they had failed in the very heart of free trade. They had failed at Birmingham, at Sunderland, and lastly, they had failed at Wigan.—(Cheers.) His Noble Friend, the Member for London, had admitted it, and con firmed it. There was no doubt whatever that a large propor tion of the people of this country were opposed to the principles of fr, e trade. In the year 1841, whole consti tuencies, at the time of the elections, passed resolutions in favour of-protection, and now the Parliament elected under the banner of protection, was about to decide in favour of free trade. Looking at the whole state of the case, whether at home or abroad, he felt sati , fied that the principles of free trade could not be adopted either with safety or with honour. —t Hear.) Neither could foreign nations be anode to alter their tariffs until three-fifths of the people of England had been induced to change their opinions. lie would now speak a few words with respect to the famine that was said to threaten the country. As regarded Ireland, he should be happy to render that unhappy country every means of rescuing itself from the portending distress. At a meeting of his own constituents, which had recently been held, he had told them at once that if any measure for the relief of the people of Ireland should be brought forward, he hoped they would allow him to give it his support.—( The pro. posit ion was received with simultaneous cheers of assent.) If, } we epi e r, a measure were to be adopted for the relief of Ire hind, why was it not carried into effect at once? When peo ple, here starvirtg, delap were cruel and dangerous, If local difficulties or distress existed, local remedies should be applied, but do not, because local distress exists, disturb the great laws which regulate a mighty empire ; with respect to the question of famine pervading the whole country, he thought it was contradicted at once, by the prices that were obtained at present. There may be fa mine in the newspapers, and among her Majesty's Ministers, but there was no real famine while the present prices of corn were maintained. ile would now address himself to the ques tion which was immediately before the House, as to the aboli tion of the corn-laws. The corn-laws prevented low prices, to which there was a tendency. If all regulations with regard to price were taken away, there would always be either too much corn or too little. When there was a good harvest, fo reign nations would keep their surplus produce for themselves, and this nation would go without, and be exposed to all the disastrous consequences. In good years, on the contrary, there would be an enormous influx of foreign corn.--(Hear.) The surplus which is l.kely to come under free trade, is ex tremely different from what it is under existing circumstances. Foreign nations at present have a dread at the extreme uncer tainty of the sliding-scale, which prevents them from growing more corn than they can dis:unse of with a profit, but when there was no duty at all to frighten them, there would be a great superfluity. An Hose. MEMBER—Say plenty. Mr. HEATHCOTE continued—Yes, he was for plenty, but not for a wasteful superfluity. He had had the honour, some time since, to represent the town of Boston in Parlia ment, and he found that it was much cheaper to export wheat from Hamburg to London than it was to bring it from Boston to London. It was cheaper, because the wheat was conveyed in foreign ships. He believed that the countries in the north of Europe would undersell the United States in corn. The consequence would be that corn would be purchased from countries who will take nothing but specie in exchange, and your manufactures will be sent to a country who will not re ceive them because you will not take their corn. He did think that when a great experiment Ike the present was about to be tried, the farmers ar.d agriculturists ought to know what they had to expect. He would now read to the House some extracts from tables of the prices of foreign corn which he had prepared about four years ago. From the years 1815 to 1846, in Dant zic c, rn, during twenty-five years, the average appears to be 2es. per quarter, and during the last seven years of tnat 1 eried it was 25s per qnarter. During a period of seven con secutive years in Denmark, the price of corn averaged only lets. per quarter. Now, it might be said that this was because Denmark was a stall country, anti that low prices would be ob tained when there was an abundance. To this he would reply that the price of Denmark was the price of all the North. He would read the prices for the same average of years in different parts. In Prussia, it was 165.; in Cologne, 165.; in Brandenburg, 175.; in Siberia and Pomerania, 175.; in Dardzic, 225.; at St. Petersburgh, 225.; and at Riga, 20s. per quarter. lie would ask what would be the effect of the introduction of foreign corn at these prices? It had been said that the corn-laws of this country were no protection to prices, but he found that while the price of corn at Dantzie 'rose only Bs., the price during the same year in Eng'and was 575. per quarter. They had been told, over and over again, that the corn-laws were of no use. He would refer to the year 1822, during which period great distress existed in the country. The price of wheat then was 445. ; in Denmark at the same time, it was only 18s. In •1835, when great distress was also prevalent, the price in England was 395. ; in Den mark at 19s. ; so that if the corn-laws had not then beer. in existence, the country would have been entirely overrun. He would, in conclusion, beg of those whe took upon ,themselves the responsibility of the present measure, also to take upon themselves the responsibility of its consequences. If he should succeed in throwing out this Bill, ho should think he had achieved something to be proud of. If, on the other hand, he should fail, he should feel satisfied that he had done all that laid in his power in opposing the meaure, to accord with the wishes of his constituents and the best interests of the country. Mr. W. MARTIN was of opinion that the time had now arrived when the interests of the country required that a change should be made in the corn-laws, and that was the only justification he could give for abandoning protection. What regulated the price of corn was the price of the last bushel which they were compelled to import from abroad. He believed that free trade would not materially reduce the price of corn. lie did not believe that they would see, on an ave rage of ten years, the price of wheat imported from abroad at less than 50s. per quarter. It might be said that improve ments would come by degrees, but he would remind the House how slowly improvements came upon agriculture. It was nut so with manufactures, as improvements were continually taking place in them. But in agriculture, if an experiment were tried, it required a great length of time to test its efficacy. This was an additional argument in favour of the Government proposition. Many persons, however, expected that we should be inundated with grain from the United States. Why, the price of wheat in New York, for some years together, was higher than it was in London. The lowest price he had ever heard of in ,the United States was in Michigan, where he understood that it had been grown as low as 255. a quarter, and yet it was a notorious fact, that at the time that was the price of corn in Michigan the price in New York was as high as in London. On these grounds, he felt little alarm as to the probable influx of corn to this country from the United States. He thought it was to our interest to place our trade and com merce on a healthy footing, whether the United States were disposed to follow our example or not. He believed, however, that other nations would be quite ready to follow in our foot steps. He believed that, in the step they were taking, they were laying the foundation of lasting prosperity for their children. Several Hon. Members rose, but there were loud calls for Mr. T. BARING, who said he much regretted that he was compelled to act in opposition to those whom he had hitherto followed, and whose patriotism and stern sense of duty he had always admired. He believed that the present measure was unwise and inconsistent. The arguments upon which the Right Hon. Gentleman rested his change of opinion was to him (Mr. Baring) quite inconclusive.—(Cheers.) Such a measure as the present required time for full and extensive con sideration. If some measure, some temporary measure, were required for the alleviation of distress, that was no reason for the introduction of such a measure as that which was before the House. If the last change in the tariff had been successful, that was an argument in favour of a gradual change, and against such a creeping measure as the present. He did not believe that the prosperity of the last three years had depended solely on the changes in the tariff. It appeared to him that the prosperity of the country had arisen from the activity of trade, and from the advantageous employment of labour, It was important for him to state the relative connexion between the price of food and the rate of wages. He believed that wages might be high and the pri, e of food law, or that the price of ford might be high, and the rate of wages low. There was a large remuneration given for labour in America, and yet food was cheap there.—( Hear, hear.) They had a very low rate of remuneration for labour in Poland, and provisions were not cheap there. That fact proved to him that there was no connexion between the price of food and the price of labour.—(Hear, hear.) If the demand for labour decreased with an increasing population, the result would be that the wages must be regulated accord. ing to the price of food, and the wages would therefore be reduced to that sum of money on which a man could exist. He could not, therefore, see anything in these three years of prosperity, gratifying as they might be—anything to justify a very grand experiment, which would shake the resources of the whole agricultural country ; it would open a future of which none could see the result. No one viewed the calamities that might happen to Ireland with more regret than he did, and he knew that the reports of famine and disease in that country had given great dissatisfaction. If that report was founded on truth, it would cause an influx of provisions there, and there fore they need not fear for Ireland. A special case requires a special remedy--( Hear, hear.) He had undoubtedly heard that the poor Irishman lived solely on Isis crop of potatoes, and if that failed, he had no means of existence. In a case like that he would look to the land cultivators around him for relief ; and by this measure the prosperity of those persons who could afford him relief would be reduced. He regretted to hear the statement of the Secretary for the Home Department—it struck him both with surprise and sorrow.—( Hear.) If ever there was a truly patriotic Minister, he believed that no man was more so than the Right Hon. Baronet, and he would feel it his duty to do all in his power for Ireland. With regard to the scarcity in England", it did not seem to call for a great change in the corn-laws. When the lion. Member for the City of London moved for a return of all the corn in the ports of this nation, there appeared to have been about 430,000 quarters. It struck him (the Hun. Member for London) that this was a very imperfect supply for this country.;but there was at that time in the country, a sufficient stock to last it for two or three months. That fact proved to him (Mr. Baring) that, although the stock • of bonded corn might be small, yet the real supply rested on the stacks and granaries that were in the country. The 430,000 quarters that were then in the ports were now increased to a million quarters, and that showed th a t th e first cry of alarm drew ample supp!ies to this country. It had been proved to him that the potato crop had failed, but he found that the supply of barley and oats had been sufficiently plentiful. They knew that the sliding-scale had failed, because sufficient food could not be introduced. Speculators saw that no advantage could be taken of the sliding-scale, and therefore they had to take ad vantage of the sliding-scale of Ministerial nerves.—(lm mense cheering.) With regard to the alleged statement of the exportation of foreign corn into other countries. What was the case with regard to Holland and Belgium ? About 100,000 quarters were sent there, and an ample supply was still at the disposal of the country. They had been told last year that there would not be a sound potato by Christmas. A small quantity had been sent to Holland and Belgium, and an ample supply could be commanded. The Hon. Baronet at the head of the Government had told them that in Liverpool and other places the price of rice had risen, but a reaction had now taken place, and the price of rice had fallen 25 and even 30 per cent. The public press, or at least that portion of it that opposed the corn-laws, spoke of the starva tion and distress that existed, as connected with them, as it wag their wish to cause a feeling against them—( Hear, hear) —and even the Noble Lord who represented the City of Lon don had adopted that principle for a short time. From the public press, down to a private letter, they were met with the cries of want and distress, but he believed that the greatest want which existed in the country, anti which threatened the most danger, was the want of a Ministry—(Loud cheers from the Treasury side of the house)—and the greatest scarcity was the scarcity of statesmen who could properly govern the affairs of the country—(Continued cheering) —and he was not alone in that opinion. The Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the o n f m Government districts r e e a d s u thesere , that t he a great changes in the landed interest. He said, in answer to a ques sGt o o i tle e w r which had been put to him, that serious apprehen s ions wer e entertained as to th e sad results which would follow in those districts in conseq uence of the deficient harvest, and it was therefore most adv isable to bring in the p resent measure. The Right Hon. Baronet also referred to a document which made a great impression upon his mind, and he (Mr. Baring) must confess that it had a similar effect upon his own mind. That document stated that it was probable that we should be visited 4y the same calamities as this country laboured under in 183 P The Right Hon. Baronet read one extract from that whichto whichsuppo r b t e e d ( h A t i s r . p r u e s a e r n i n t g y ) te w w that portiont would now e t cl a e k c e l i nthe liberty of calling the att ention of the House.— ( Hear, hear, and laughter.) The doc ument to which he referred was a circular ; published by Mes srs. Gibson, Ord and Co., eminent merchants e of Manchester, on the 22d of January last. They stated, in one paragraphe of that document, that although great xi gard to the failure of th e p otato cro l oyet there were not g rounds an ofety the and alarm very just l y existed in the country wi th re for the present very serious excitement. They also stated it to be their candid opinion that it would be a most injudicious plan to open the ports to alleviate apprehended famine—( Mi ntsterial cheers)—because such a step would produce the greatest disarrangement in the home and foreign markets. Such a step, they stated, would be so extravagant and so will, that they would certainly protest against it. —( Hear, hear. ) they said, would he rendered u n s a l ea ble, and the trade Their of t ' lie country would, for a time, be rendered com pletely stagnant. The cause of alarm, they believed, had been most grossly exaggerated, and it was impossible that the de ficiency could be so great as anticipated. The surplus corn that had lain over for the previous years would, in their opi nion, nearly make up for the deficiency.--( Hear, hear.) The Minister had several courses, they said, open to him to alle viate the impending distres s ; but in th eir solemn opinion they believedud openingof the ports would unquestionably be so unexpected a transition, as to some extent to thatt i e embarrass the Government of t he country. — (Ministeri a l cheer;.) Those Gentlemen were not in favour of the corn • d en and laws, but they said that it was their belief that the time had arrived when a change should be mule in the laws affecting the importation of foreign corn.—(Loud Opposition cheers, and much laughter.) They said that the apprehension of the present scarcity had prepared the minds of all men for it.— ( Cheers and laughter.) They believed that provision should be made to the utmost possible extent for the apprehended calamity.—( Continued Opposition cheers and laughter.) They said, however, that they did not advocate a total and imme diate repeal of the corn-laws, but they were afraid that the existing alarm in the minds of men might make the present a proper time for a great reform in those laws. —( Cheers. ) They stated, however, that it would be unjust to the landed interest to create such a revolution in the agricultural policy of the Government as might paralyse the energies and in dustry of the country. They recommended that a moderate fixed duty should be imposed in the first, instance, with a progression to an enitre abolition of all duties.—(Loud laughter and cheers from the Opposition side of the House.) Those parties, therefore, who, be it remem bered, were enemies to the present co.n-laws, recommended not immediate repeal, but a fixed duty. They also stated that the present alarm about the failure of the late harvests had been much exaggerated, and further, they did not believe that the present circumstances of the country called for such a step as the opening of the ports by her Majesty's Government. He (Mr. Baring) referred to the document from which he had read these extracts, because the right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Government had given the stamp of his approbation to it by reading extracts from it when he introduced the present measure. That document showed that the Right Hoe. Baronet would not have been justified in opening the port!, a course which he had proposed to his col leagues in the Cabinet, but which step they, of course, deprecated. (Hear, hear.) For his (Mr. Baring's) own part, he would say, that in his humble opinion it would have been most injudicious to have ()pencil the ports at that period. This country would, in such an event, have exposed itself to the mercies of foreign powers; it would have increased the prosperity .of other countries by putting an end to its own.—( Hear, bear.) Considering the recent relaxation in the tariff, ,he confessed that he did not see how the Right lionourahle eßaronet was justified in bringing forward the present. ,proposal ; which was nothihg less than a most .suddeno and sweeping mea sure.—(Hear, hear.) Perhaps he roighis be allowed to say a word or two upon the general measure, particularly in reference to the strong opinion which had been formerly expressed by the Right Hon. Baronet, as to the importance of a great reserve in the revenue and expenditure. It seemed to him (Mr. Baring), although he did not pretend to any accuracy with respect to the finances of the country, that when the Right Hon. Baronet proposed an augmentation in the expenditure on the charges of the Con solidated Fund—being more than half a million—he should re collect that a great loss wonld arise to the revenue by the abo lition of the duties on the importation of foreigu corn,which must necessarily be made up by the imposition of new taxes, for he could not expect that the loss would be made up by the duties to be received on the anticipated increase of foreign goods hereafter to be imported into this country in censequ nee of the repeal of the corn-laws. He was afraid he had trespassed too long upon the attention of the House— ( Cheers)—but he was anxious to say that he was not one of those who thought that protection ought to be indiscriminately applied to all articles; he conceived that if protection was claimed for any article of industry, a case should be made out to justify its protection. Each interest in his opinion should be treated according to its peculiar circumstances. He believed that in every step the Legislature, in dealing with subjects of this sort, should adopt the principle which had been long ago laid down by Dr. Adam Smith, and which doctrine had been quoted by the Noble Lord the Member for the City of London at some length. The doctrine to which he (Mr. Baring) alluded, was that Government, in legislating in matters of trade, should take care that the abolition of protective duties be made slowly and by gradations: As regarded the corn-law of 1815, he (Mr. Baring) was not one who looked to the present as a final measure—he could not believe in finality in any matters of legislation.—( Hear, hear, and laughter.) But still he thought that there was an understanding that that law had worked well, and that it would not be changed by its own authors.—(Hear, hear.) He would not go into the workings of that law, but he would only say that the Government, in questions of this sort, should, in the words used by the Right Honourable Baronet at the head of the (Government the other night, " act most cautiously and delibe rately." He hoped, too, that the present . measure of the Government would ultimately prove beneficial to this country, but he really could not see why Government should put a check to the confidence of those concerned in the culti ration'of the land. It was impossible to say what would be the result of the present measure. There was nobody to in form the House what would be the amount of foreign corn that would be imported into this country under the proposed measure, and it was also impossible for anybody to protect the price of corn.—( Hear, hear.) In his humble opinion great injury would arise from the sudden change ; it would affect a great interest.—( Hear, hear.) It would shock the confidence of the agriculturists, and destroy stability in every thing connected with the land.—( Hear, hear.) Now, what were the advantages proposed by this measure? Some said that it would cheapen the price of bread ; and if it would not, why bring it' forward ?—( Hear, hear.) He believed that every article Of consumption was by increase of consumption made cheaper. This ,had been the case with respect to the articles of cotton, coffee, tea, and tobacco. The Hon. Baronet had shown himself that the price of wheat had cheapened pro portionally with the increase of consumption and population. Such, he could show by a document which he then held in his band, had been the effect in the 'Western States of Ame rica, and the Right Hon. Gentleman the Secretary for War also showed that a similar result had followed in Ohio. But statements on this head were always very uncertain. He, however, held a document in his hind which was generally believed to be correct, although, for his own part, he did not attach much importance to it That document stated that while the population of that country was 600,000 in 1844, the amount of corn consumed was 3,280,000 quarters; and the amount consumed in 1845 was 6,000,000 quarters, whilst the population: was 7,000,000. So that the tendency in those countries of an increase in the population was to produce an increased consumption of corn. The forma tion of railroads, however, would almost answer the purpose of the present measure, because those means of transit would con siderably decrease the price of corn. If we depended on foreign supplies of corn, it seemed to him that we should be liable to a great rise in the price. They would find that cotton was subject to great fluctuation in price without the opera tion of free trade. In 1836 the price of cotton at Liverpool was 9d., and at the end of March it had risen to Il d., and in the December of that year it was 10Ad. In the commence ment of 1834 it was 10{-,d., and at the close of that year it was Bd. The whole of those fluctuations showed that the varia tions were equivalent to 70 per cent. It was sometimes said that the rate of freight was quite suffic:ent to serve as a guarantee for the protection of corn. Now, what was the case with regard to freight? Freight might be taken at 9s. from Odessa, 2s. from Hamburgh, 4s. from the Baltic, and 6s. from New York to Liverpool, with the addition of two or three shillings to London. It was Bs. from New Orleans, and a further charge of 2s. upon the home producer. From Norfolk the freight was Is. 6d., and Boston 95., and the effect was that corn shipped at Boston would have to pay the same freight as that stripped from Hamburgh. He had to apologise to the House for occupying their attention so long—(Cheers) —but he would solicit the indulgence of the House whilst he stated, that in his opinion there was a strong feeling on the part of many connected with trade that a moderate duty was far preferable to a total abolition of the corn-laws.—( Cheers. ) It was not, however, for him to enter into the truth of such a position, but he must say that their opinions were deserving of attention at the present moment.—( Hear, hear.) If the Government ever intended making a satisfactory settlement of this matter, now was the time for doing so. He should certainly see to tranquillity in the country, but he had no desire to see the tranquillity of content.—( Hear, hear, and laughter.) This measure would produce a great shock in the country, and the people could have no confidence in those who took part in public affairs. Na tional blessings were dearly bought at such a lamentable cost as that offered by the Right Hon. Baronet.—( Hear, hear.) Had it been a satisfactory measure he would have had much pleasure in tendering to the Government his cordial support. It was riot a measure calculated to give that satisfaction to the country which ought to be looked for in a measure proposed by the Prune Minister of the Crown. Was it a wise, a politic, or a statesmanlike thing to send a great interest, like the landed interest, from that louse without any confidence in any Go vernment ?—( Hear, hear.) 'Who could doubt that their interest would, by the proposed measure, be seriously injured and their very existence jeopardistel.—(Hear, hear.) Humble as he was, he would venture to say, that while he was in favour of all fair concessions for the freedom of trade, he still thought it both nec-ssary and politic to maintain a moderate protection to agri culture. —( Cheers.) Lord MORPETH said, if the question had been a less im portant one Ile would have hesitated, at so short a period after having resumed his seat in that House, from presenting him self again to their notice, especially when he rose to take that view of the question which, in his judgment, had received nearly all the illustration of which it is capable—everything which the most consummate ability, the most industrious re search, the greatest amount of official authority, and a pro tracted discussion could possibly bring to elucidate the subject. The question had also received many very illustrious additions. The Hon. Member who hail just sat down he knew before to be a friend to free trade in the abstract.— (Cries of " Hear, hear.") But he thought, after his speech of to-night, it would be difficult to discover if, either in abstract, or in detail, he was favouraby disposed to a general relaxation of restrictive duties. Ile has not told us how far he would go, or where he would stop. He (Lord Morpeth) thought that a great interest which had been brought forward in the debate, like the agricultural interest of the country, if there was one course more than another which he deprecated, it was that of being subjected to this constant changing, gradual system of experiments.—( Hear, heir.) The lion. Member has told us that the great want in the preceding autumn was the want of a Minister. Now I think, said the Noble Lord, that want is most sensibly felt by that great and important party of which the Hon. Member is so distinguished an ornament. They have contested every vacant seat in the country, but even still they seemed to be lament ably deficient of a leader and a head.—( No, no, and hear, hear.) If such is not the case, we shall shortly see, when they have displayed their full force anti numbers, anti made the echo of their own opinions responded to in the country, we shall then see a successful, stable Government formed—( Hear) — upon the principles of unditninished protection to agriculture. The Hon. Member for Huntingdon (Mr. Baring) had stated, that the present would be a favourable time to effect a com promise on this subject. I do not know whether he comes down here as the bearer of any overttfres upon the principles of compromise. I can tell the Hon. Member that the opinion, both in the country and in this House is, that the time for a compromise is gone by.—( Hear, hear.) A compromise was once offered—( Hear, hear) —by the party with whose leader I have the proud satisfaction of acting. The Hon. Member must not forget, that at that period the party who now hail him as their honourable ally, rejected all notion of compromise. I feel that the best excuse I can have for offering myself to the attention of the House upon this long discussed arid wide stretching question, which has, as I have already stated, re ceived nearly all the illustration it is capable of, would be to confine my observations to what is special and peculiar in my own opportunities that I have had, and the position which I her!d with respect to it. Since I last had the honour of ad dressing this House I have been a traveller on the North American Continent. I have for two years lived in agricul tural districts in that country, and I have hest and re. gained the representation of the West Riding of Yorkshire, And I consider that the effect of my return as a member for this House, from so large and pepulorts a district as the West Riding c f Yorkshire—as one of the most significant awl signal verdicts which could be given —which has been submitted to the country in the sessions of 1846. But there is only one cir cumstance which seems to me, to require remark with reference to the opinion of the large body of constituents whom I have the honour to represent. 'fhe question which has been brought b.fure them—the projects of the Right. Hon. Baronet at the Bead of her Majesty's G wernment— concerns, as we all know, an iiilini te Variety of articles, besides corn and other previsions.—( hear. ) It ineaai, almost as much with manufactures as with agriculture.—( No, no, and hear.) Members say " No, no ;" I maintain that it meddles as much with many leading branches of manufactures as it does with agriculture. —(No, no.) Well, it meddles as much as it possibly could.—( Hear, hear.) The abolition of protection in one instance is the same, but in another unlike. The repeal of the duties on manufacture is immediate, and upon corn is gra dual.—(hear, hear.) 1 was proceeding to say that. the con stituents, by whese choice, I have the honour to represent, com prise amongst them the largest woollen, worsted, and steel ma nufacturers in the country. It comprises, also, the largest linen manufacturers in the kingdom. It has also large iron and considerable cotton manufacturere. Now, as I have just said, the withdrawal of protection to most of these articles is total and immediate, and, with reference to some other of them, the protection is merely nominal. I might men tion that in the case of the cutlery of Sheffield, knives, scissors, razors, and other articles, for which it has acquired such cele brity, that these articles havebeen imitated on the continent of Europe—the Sheffield mark has been forged, and they have then been introduced andisold in this country as genuine Sheffield manufacture. However this may be, certain it is that not one of these interests—all of them directly affected— yet not one of them, in the whole interval of the fortnight which was allowed for the consideration of this measure—not even in the excitement of some vehement appeals which have been made in the principal cities and manu facturing towns— ( Hear, hear)—not when all the represen tatives of these manufactures were assembled in large numbers before the hustings at Wakefield—not a murmur, not a whisper, or a demur, or a single feeling of disapprobati - n at this re moval of protection was heard to proceed.—( Hear, hear.) The general feeling and the expression was, competition may come, we are prepared to meet it; all we ask is, a fair field and no favour. And why, let me ask, why may not that interest which so often plumes itself as being the most important, the .noblest, and the most English-like occu • pation in the country—why should not that interest take a leaf out of the book of these manufacturers, and consent to be no longer the only interest dependent upon a nation's industry? Now, Sir, with reference to my agricultural residence, and the impressious I have derived from it We have now to learn for the first time during the course of this debate, that ,the land owner pretends to himself, or rather endeavours to persuade himself, that he has not been induced to take the: side he has done for ...Inv eeascn connected vvithshis own:interest—he consi ders himselionly on a par with the manufacturer. He endea vours to persuade himself that be is not induced to take his part u: s er which he agai ns t the corn-laws by any consideration of his own interest, but . it is th e i n t eres t o f his tenants and the agricultural la bboret,s has at heart. It is through the labourer's and by the wound that is inflicted upon him, that be thinks he shall bleed. Now, valuable as I admit the services of tin, agricultural labourer to be, and immense as I consider the obligation on the part of these individuals to assert and to cherish them, I think it, however; neither more nor less than oserlecta a sn any a t c h t e y o f i jiaoersreiet interest v t e n oats a injustice sah to o am ashamed the d special community o'ot beemct iotf at , f largeavou tfavour— or, protec tion.—( Hear, hear.) In the next place, I ques tion if the protection you wish to preserve is not miscalled and misplaced. The Hon. Member for Northamptonshire (Mr. Stafford O'Brien) presented, in his own picturesque and pathetic style, an interview between a landlord and a farmer, whom he represents as being turned off his land and compelled to leave h's farm and home, endeared to him by so many pleasing recollections, because be could not give the same rent as someenterprising ineroter of the Anti-corn-law League. —( Hear, hear.) Mr. STAFFORD O'BRIEN.—No, no. Lord MORPET LI --I thought i understood the Hon. Member to represent the case of a person with more capital, energy, and ability. Mr. STAFFORD O'BRIEN.—I did say so; but he would not necessarily be a Leaguer.--( Hear, hear.) Lord MORPETH.— This argument would not apply, for where they could hitherto buy six quarters of wheat they could now only buy three quarters. The peo ple—the commercial people of this country and the agricul tural labourer, I consider have identical interests, and I say, therefore, that this measure will be a benefit to both. It will hardly be disputed that the real interests and well-being of the agriculturist must defer d on the general prosperity of the country, which has such an effect on the working classes, that with the advance of commercial prosperity, their condition in a like ratio became improved.—(Cheers.) Now, had not the demand for labour always existed in a greater degree in years when corn was cheap than in years when corn was dear? Had it not always been found, that with cheapness of bread, there was an instant demand for labour.—(Cheers.) An lion. Gent. on the opposite side of the House, said, in talking of the three years experience which they have had, that the prospe rity of that time did not arise from the working of the tariff, but that it arose from the activity in railway speculation. Why, the Hun. Member for Rutlandshire, said, that in the year 1839, great prosperity existed (he alluded to the late lamented Member for Kendal), but it must be remembered that 1839 was only the beginning of that activity. What do we find in that very year which we are told was so remarkable for the prosperity of their manufacturers?—why, that part of 33 to 35, and 39 to 41, the amount of employment proves a decrease of 33 per cent., while the price of meat rose to an enormous extent. Why it is so plain a principle that no one now will deny it, that when corn is dear the food of the working class must be proportionally entrenched upon. —( Hear, hear.) I want you to take the most excessive view of this matter—let them bring fewer bags of cotton, and even fewer skins from the farmer, but still they r the protectionists) must bring "grist to their mill." The demands of the working classes are, that they be enabled to buy in the cheapest market , the food which is necessary for their support. But I have no hesitation in saying, that these laws are no pro tection to the agricultural farmer or the agricultural labourer. —(Cheers.) I deny that they arc protected by those legislative enactments. The Noble Lord the Member for Liverpool (Lc rd Sandon) said, that wages varied with the price of bread, whilst the Right Hon. Baronet, the Secretary of State for the Home Department, said that they never varied in anything like the same proportion—that the rate of wages never rose or fell in the same proportion as the price of provisions. But in my own neighbourhood and district, in the memory of the living race, wages have never varied at all—they have al ways been as high as 12s. a week there, as in Northampton shire, and more in harvest.—( Hear, hear.) Well, then, if the agricultural labourer receives fixed wages of 12s. a week, with out its varying according to the price of corn, does it not follow that if, instead of paying Is. Bd. for a stone of flour, he has to pay, as he does now, 2s. 6d. for it—does it not follow, I say, that his weekly earnings must command less of the necessaries and co •s of life—that they must be materially abridged ?—( He(t; •liifir.) Now a difference of 10d. a stone in the price of flour makes a difference to the working man, taking his family at an average of six persons, of 2s. 6d. a week, or 61. 10s. a year—a whole fifth of his income. Now I put it to the House whether we the rich men—we the gentlemen of two meals a day, as the Hon. Member for Northamptonshire puts it—( Hear and a laugh)—should not think a whole fifth of our income a grievous addition to the income-tax.—(Hear, hear.) I feel that the time is come in reference to this question when we have done with papers and figures, and I will not trouble the House but with one more. I have had access to a paper, not drawn up for the purpose of the corn-law, or any ques tion connected with it, but for the purpose of a statistical inquiry in reference to the small agricultural town near which I reside This table shows the proportionate expenditure in the articles of food in three families—the family of the tradesman, the family of the professional- man, and the family cf the working man. I will not trouble the House with the items for butcher's meat, milk, or butter. I will confine myself to flour alone, and I find that this computation was made when flour was 2s. 6d. the stone. I find that the Bill of the tradesman's family was 121.135. being 15 per cent. of the whole expenditure in the year for food. The annual charge of the professional man's family for flour was B'. 18s., being 10 per cent, of his expenditure for food, while the charge of the working man's family, kept with the greatest economy, is 131.45., being a per centage, not of 15 per cent. as in the case of the traesman's family, nor of 10 per cent., as in the case of the professional man'sfamily, but at 48 per cents— ( Hear, hear, and cheers.) Now, how much mcs,e,,,heavy to him is such a deduction from the amount which hesresis lay out on food, than to the class immediately above him, aril& to the class immediately above him, in an infinitely greater degree more heavy than to the more easy circumstanced member of society.—( Hear, hear.) But again, I find that the professional man, living in an economical manner, spends upon every ar ticle of food consumed by his family but one-third of his total income. The food of the tradesman is about one-half of his income. The food of the working labourer is about three fourths of his total income.—( Hear, hear.) What he actually spends on food is 73 per cent., and only 27 per cent. remains for rent, schooling, clubs, and shoes. Therefore, I put it to the House, whether this increase of, 2s. 6d. in his weekly bill for flour does not tend to deprive him, in an inordinate degree, of all the luxuries of life, and of a greater command of meats for the education of his children.--( Hear, and cheers.) There is riot more than a sufficient- quantity of food grown in this country for our present supply—(l think he would be a hardy man who denied that) --it has been computed that there is an addition of 1,060 a day s or 365,000 a year, to our present population ; and I also make bold to assert that there is not, year by year, an addition of 365,000 quar ters of wheat of our native growth. Does it not, then follow that it is most important to procure an additional supply from abroad ; and, considering the condition of the poor, ought not this to be done at the cheapest possible rate?—(Bear, hear.) I do not agree with those who impute it as blame to her Ma jesty's Government, that there has been the exercise of sliding scale on the Ministerial nerves—that they were appalled by the events of last autumn.—( Hear, hear.) The Hon. Mem .aher for Huntingdon (Mr. T. Baring) said, the proposal of the total abolition of the corn-laws had been founded on the neces sity of giving an additional supply of food to Ireland, and he asked—" Has the House ever shown a reluctance to grant relief to that country ? Whatever its Saxon feelings may be, has it ever manifested an indisposition to afford assistance ?" No, it has not ; but I ask, is it fair to tax the generosity of England because it shows a readiness, and is in fact ready, to fly to the relief of Ireland ?—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) This is in contravention of that maxim which I hold to be sound in political as well as in daily life, " Be just before you are gene rous."--( Hear, hear.) Be just to the people cf Ireland, hut he just also to the collective commuriity of the people of Eng land.— ( Cheers.) The Honourable Member fur H ntingdon let t, e says—" You ought not to app l y a pernitinent remedy I to a t err porary ev il. When the evil is temporary and Rica remedy b e t e mporary and local."—( Hea r, hear.) But I say that the peculiarity of the evil in question is this, that it may arise in any year, and that it has arisen repeatedy ; and are WC always to be mocked with these delusions of sliding-scales which do not slide, and restrictive laws which, according to the varying course of the seasons, must be constantly modified or repealed ?—( Loud cheers.) I think it is no reproach to the Right Honourable Gentleman that he has been influenced, in the course which be has adopted, by the state of the seasons.— (Hear, hear.) Finding that his anticipations had been disap. pointed, and 'his calculations baffled, lie was led by the result to change his mind ; but can any one justly be reproached for being disappointed and baffled by that which he can neither c ounteract nor control ?—(llear, hear, and cheers.) I think it no disparagement to free trade, 1 think it the strong est confirmation of the truth of the principle on which it rests, that it follows the law of nature, arid bends to the rules which regulate the courses of the seasons. I may not improperly say of such operation as the poet said of the Roman Emperor, --(I shall endeavour, sir, to quote my Latin somewhat mere correctly than the Hon. Member for Newcastle quoted his) — 'Loud laughter).. " Tibi mittat ab antris N.°lus iratas hyemes tibi militat mther Et congregati veniant in prmlia Tenth" Yes, Sir, 1 think it rather a confirmation of the truth of the . principle that the stars do not fight against it, but that their combinationsargument, would seem to be in its favour. But with respect to this I believe it is established by those who give their special attention to the variations of the weather that the same circumstances of cold or ho!, wet or dry,*.weather arc not found generally to prevail over or to affect the produce of a large surface, se that bread in season, when prices are high in London, may be cheaper in Paris or Vienna ; but, on the con trary, I believe it will be found that a wet or dry season in this country, is compensated for by a season of an opposite cha racter in other pasts of the world, for instance, upon the con tinent of North America. Every one will recollect, for ex ample, that, the season of 1842 was remarkable in England for a warm and even temperature. Now, (luring that year, I hap pened to travel on the eentinent of North America; and we hut weather of the most variable character. Much as 1 had heard of the extreme heat of an American summer, I scarcely experienced " a hot day ;" and every cue told me that it was the coldest season almost ever experienced in the United .Mates; the very reverse of this occurred last year. Last summer, it will be remembered was peculiarly wet and unseasonable in England, whilst on the continent of Ame rica it was, I understand, peculiarly lint —so much so, that I remember reading, in one paper, of a man who died in one of the large cities, from the effects of the excessive heat. l i Now what is the inference to be derived from this? That nut merely the periods of sunset and of sunrise are diffe rent same in different parts of our globe, but that there is i t s h e on the system and compensation as to the sea son, as h return o r e id f ( i f s a r k a n ffi c i s c s t e a d n d w o i t f h l i gohnt t im e l ys that n s w e h t r e e n o r o e l o d u , r a p n a d r t t h o e f attendant bad harvests, we may take comfort in the r, flee ae tie denied moment t cufs need, e ripened distant harvests , Vow, if we repeal the corn -laws and open our polls to foreigni produce, that the rays awohdieh that iuhave b lost t e the superfluity of their growth Ril l be vatted over the oars to atone for our deficiency.—(Cheers.) With reference t the continent of America, on which I just now found my self, I do not wish to allude so much to any statistical deduc tions which my residence there may have induced and enabled me to make, because these have been subjects of frequent discussion, and can be calculated as closely ant appreciated as clearly at a distance as on the actual spot;. though I have felt sometimes that the real site, the actual presence of our own faithful eyes, bring the truth better home to one, than the most laborious collection of documents.— ( Hear, hear.) I have felt this most emphatically when placed in full view of those mighty prairies of the west, which, almost totally without an inhabitant, served in their luxuriant fertility, imploringly to invite the agricul culturist, when, in view of those vast forests above the prairies, which promised (and all experience had verified the promise) that as soon as the axe of the woodman had o nce rung among them, as soon as the log-cutter had put up his cabin, and the smoke from its chimney curled up into the air, fertile crops would take the place of tall trees.—( Hear, hear.) I have felt this in sight of the immense and wonderful valley of the Mis sissippi—that valley which the accomplished De Begueville has described as the most magnificent abode ever foribed by nature for man ; I have felt this, on the St. Lawrence, that mightier volume of fertilising waters than the whole world else pre sents. In all these grand scenes, I have felt that while the distance between them and us must necessarily prevent those extraordinary imports which the panic in the breasts of our protectionists anticipates, yet that still, as a very long time must elapse before that same valley of the Mississippi can number the 200,000,000 of inhabitants, of which it said to be capable, as a very long time must elapse ere those woods cat; be cleared for the cultivation of what they are susceptible. I wish for a moment to mention to the House, before I cease to trespass on its attention, that notwithstanding much that I have heard, and much that 1 have seen, I have not returned from that country with any favourable impressioon of their. moderate tendencies, or their scrupulous attention to good faith.—(Hear, hear.) Nor do I return to my home with any increased repugnance.—(Loud Ministerial cheers.) By which I mean to say any •diminished attachment to the aristocratic, or mixed monarchial principles, which were the elements of our own Constitution.—( Loud cheers.) But I feel that we cannot confront the example of general ease and comfort which prevails among the American people.e--( Hear, hear.) We all know the story of the Irish labourer, who re fused to write home that he had meat three times a day, be cause nobody would believe him. We cannot confront the growing aspirations of our own people—we cannot confront the onward tendencies of the age in which we live, if we do not consent to administer and to work out our aristocratic notions in a more democratic spirit.—(Cheers.) Notwithstanding that implied dissent, I contend that no aristocratic institutions which rest on exclusive privileges will be able to stem the current of the age.—(Cheers.) I contend that there is no aristocratical body which rests on especial interests will escape their certain downfal—(Cheers)—and that no aristocracy, no matter how long descended, can exist with the corn-law when the pressure will come, and that corn-law will be pro hibitory. I think that that will be too hard a strain for any title deed, n' matter how ancient to resist. lam not imputing to the great bulk of the aristocratic party, that any of their members should have a disposition to come out to promote any personal interest that may affect them individually, or to sup port measures for their exclusive benefit. Still they are the interests not of individuals, but of a class which they have been in the habit of keeping prominent in their view. There is a concealed esprit de corps amongst them, and a re fined degree of selfishness which merges itself into generosity, and is easily mistaken for it. When we think that a party with whom we have long acted is likely to be outnumbered in these circumstances, monopoly itself, when it has neared its downfal, will be invested in a kind of sympathy, such as that we feel for the culprit when he stands at bay. But we cannot be permitted, when the general interests of the country are at stake, to indulge in any such misplaced and morbid sympathy. It is part of true patriotism, as well as philosophy, to put the universal, in preference, over the particular. I would, there fore, conjure those who belong to the aristocracy of the country, whether connected by hereditary right or landed property, to rise above any of the especial interests. and to bear their part in the progressive spirit of the age. I grudge to the other side the adhesion of the names of the Marquis of Granby and Lord Clive, for I feel that our aris tocracy has ever marched with that progress, and identified itself with every glorious period recorded in our history. Let them not refuse to bear their part in a settlement which, if not adjusted with them, must be adjusted in spite of them.— ( Hear, hear.) 1 believe they continue to make it an esteemed and honoured party—let them make it as much their pride, as it is their duty, as well as their safety, to be the leaders and not the laggers in the onward march of the British people.—(Loudcheers.) Mr. GA S KELL said that he considered that it was the duty of a public man to maintain a character for consistency.—( Hear. ) Perhaps, without presumption, he might call him his Right lion. Friend.—( Hear, hear.) During the last fourteen years he had supported him, and he would be glad to support him on the present occasion if he could reconcile it. to his idea of duty, but he felt it to be impossible for him to run counter to his own implied engagements, and to his recorded votes.—(Loud cheers.) Notwithstanding the eloquent speeches of the Right lion. Gentlemen the Secretary of State and the Secretary at War, he had yet to learn that this Parliament was elected for the purpose of demolishing all protection to agriculture. In his opinion they had been elected, not only to entertain a total departure from those principles, but even the smallest suspension of that protection which the corn-laws conferred. —(Loud cheers.) He would not enter into the general ques tion. The state of indisposition under which he laboured pre vented him from doing so, and he would not detain the House much longer. He would, however, briefly explain the grounds of the principles which he intended to influence his conduct with regard to this great question. During the last four years, in which he had occupied a seat in that House he had invariably opposed all measures of a similar nature which had been brought forward by the Noble Lord the Member for London, and the Hon. Member for Wolverhampton; and he did so under the guidance of those Members who were now bringing forward measures precisely similar in their tendency. He was always of opinion that Parliament was bound to give a mode rate protection to agriculture, and he was supporting it in that opinion, with some of the greatest men of the present and past generation.—(Loud cheers.) He was supported by Canning, by liuskisson, by Earl Grey, by the Right Hon. Baronet— (Hsar, hear)—by the Noble Lord opposite (Russell), by Lord Ashburton, and others.—(Loud cheers.) He must be for given, therefore, if he said that the impressions made upon it by the Right Honourable Gentleman himself arid others were too strong to be outweighed by the arguments which were now advanced in support of a policy directly the reverse.—(Cheers.) There where other objections which he considered were equally weighty against this measure. He could not help thinking that the Right Hon. Baronet was not the individual to propose, nor the present House of Commons the body to sanction, such an alteration.—( Cheers.) He was ready, however, to admit that the Right Hon: Baronet was actuated by a sense of public interest in the proposition which he had made, and that he had made sacrifices in bringing it forward ; but he had made sacrifices on a former occasion, and the greatest was that in 1829. The present one was the next in importance. With regard to the first, he lost the represen tation of the college of Oxford—(Cheers)—and the confidence of his party. This confidence,however, was afterwards bestowed upon him, but now he has sacrificed that party which he had ever declared to be his own pride.—(Loud cheers.) Nobody could doubt but the great majority of the present Parliament had been elected for the purpose of maintaining the principle of protection to agriculture. He would say, notwithstanding the speech of the Hon. Member for Wakefield, that it appeared to him impossible for a Parliament so constituted, unless com pelled by the strongest, the most cogent, and the most conclu sive reasoning, to concur in the proposal of her Majesty's Go vernment.—( Loud cheers.) It was not the change of the Right lion. Baronet that filled his mind with apprehension, but it was the change of so large a body in that House as would follow in the wake of the Right Hon. Gentle man. And he confessed that such a change was calculated to lead the public to a complete distrust in public men.—(Loud cheers.) It might be asked, why were they not tied down by pledges? Why did they net give pledges? The reason why they were not delegates was because they were trusted.— ( Loud cheers.) For himself, lie could say with truth, highly as he valued the dignity of a Parliamentary representative, much as he prized the sphere of usefulness which that pcsition conferred upon them, he would rather forfeit his seat tomor row than be obliged to give pledges as to the course which on ordinary occasions he should pursue on public questions. But there were implied engagements from which any representative could not deviate without total abandon ment of confidence and a complete forfeiture :of all claims to be considered as the representative of his constituency.— ( Cheers.) His Right lion. Friend the Member for Wiltshire, said that they were not to be considered as mere ambassadors and delegates of local bodies.—(Cheers.) Let that lion. Gentleman take care that the course which he pursued was a course which must inevitably lead to that local delegation, which he repudiated—(Loud cheers)--and to a greater ex tensionbruaehe d o f w that oneprinciple. calculated to Another fill his rn doctrineind with h toba h ec ak 7 b it e ne e s n t astonishment and alarm—a doctrine which was ut the and respect. That doctrine was, d ted floe measure fro Go vernment was strongly a vhca quarter which was usually . r egarded tb w at ith at t hgw h r dissented;h In the speech of the Hon. Member htibsneoselleeoalcienaegs e tatthat s Govern mentup — ppea C r h e e d er tO ) be sanctioned, but if it were generally in that of the Hon. Me considered that it was a doctrine which Member for Inverness, w . r h ieh Liverpool,up o st rt n o n n al ne o sd f a f u rtbhe t ec t i e s°b r gd l on y okic' f et i n t di a n'u l ehP to ea. the independence of Parliamentary men—utterly would b e inconsistent With the usages which Parliament have always been influenced by—that it would have the effect of making them mere agents and local delegates, and be totally at vari ance with the spirit of the Constitution.—(Loud cheers.) There was one other point to which he would call the attention of the House. If those gentlemen who were returned to vote against the principles of the Right lion. Baronet should again present themselves to their constituencies, afterhaving voted contrary to their promises, what shall they have to offer for their breach of trust ?—( Hear, hear.) When the agricultural portion of the country shall be called upon to tender their votes at the hustings, how would they respond to that call ? ( Hear, hear.) Wculd they not reply to that call with feelings of indifference? would they not say that they had no cause to represent —no interest to protect?—(llear, hear.) It was no light thing to show the constituency—it was no light thing to show to the people—that their representatives advocated one set of principles at the hustings, and voted otherwise in the Legislature.—( Cheers.) He had given this subject his most serious consideration—ho had given it his most serious consideration independent of party feelings, and lie had come to the conclusion that this was a measure fraught with the utmost danger to the agricultural in terests of the country.—(Hear, hear.) lie regretted that he was compelled to differ in the most important measure of mo dern times with the Right Ilon. Baronet, but it was with a clear conscience he should vote against the measure.—( Cheers. ) Mr. ROEBUCK—The Honourable Member, who was for sonic time most inaudible to the gallery, was understood to say, that considering the various and conflicting opinions expressed by many Honourable Members on the question before the just. House, he naturally approached it with great difficulty. There was a remark made by the Honourable Gentlema n who had eat down which called for some answer. It mi g ht be tv! proper for those who had made pledges to their constituents cry be recommend the giving up of those seats . It would however, a had retained on such promises. was,lthowthat the people matter of consideration for Parliament toetser well for those Hon. Members to give up the seats which theY of the measures were properly represented by the character as great question in the - which were brought forward. l e lThat he wished to know was if the delegation was nothing?etinge as he did a large constituency the representative. Greatlaughter)—he may have represented in his own person — . debate as to the character ofdelltgawtion. He wished to know the representative of a large lembers, but be was of lion. Npeople, but if he were to have thrown up his seat in that portion of the himself in a very singular_ mariner, so as to excite the laughter w hen conscientiously complicit to differ from his c onstituents, l)iqe i fie would have had to do so long si nce , f o r i t would be remembered , that he had many times voted em trary to their wishes. It was not, the country that called upon lion. Members to resign their seats, it was the cl o se bon ughs. —( Loud cries of " No, no," " Nam e , name .") He hoped. that Hun. ilembers would not cry out " Name," for it so hap pened that he could put Isis fingers on the names of three places. He would say that those who should hereafter read the discussion of this measure, would be surprised at the senti ments expressed by many. The practical statesman who shall come hereafter, will take the prat ical philosophy of legislation and would not be prejudiced by party views. It was a remarkable thine that the Ike.. 13a . onet who had brought forward the yrhaciples tnabia‘ed in the 'l.l.