The Sun. — London, England, 1846-02-17 00:00:00

l' 11. ; ,-,E 8 U -'., L 0 .N-1:4 ONi r eduction of this measure would be the fact that there would exist throughout the coma/3' a event of confidence in the confeseions of Pliblie men ; and while it wont teed to reduce the standard of public Morality, it wound deprive any Adminisrtation that her Majesty li ght hceeaf:e r fo rm of its best and surest element of strength. h T hey' had be en told in a triumphant tone that they did not attend ir e as the delegates or the mouth-pieces of their constituents, and m e perfectly' agreed with this statement ; but in doing so he perfectly suggst to Honourable Members that they did not set t i l . k.r e as the delegates or mouth-pieces of her Majesty's Alinister ; and if anything could justify the practice .0.1 electors deinamiding pledges from new representatives, it would be ,t e ll . e state of things that then existed in that House. The Right Hon. t:!tronet informed them that the change in his opinions was prin ally caused by the apprehension that a famine would be the con iticnce of the partial failure of the potato crop in Ireland. Now " il e fre a e ld not fur a moment wish to speak with levity upon a subject that ea ted the lives of millions of his fellow countrymen, but lie did tell y that the opinions of the Right Hon. Baronet were not well eiv i e k led, end lie for one did not entertain apprehensions to the same Whitd nt wall him.-(Hear hear.) There was another subject on er h he wished to call the ' attention of this House.- (Hear.) There b°4 o f Mell caning themselves the Anti-Corn-law League, th ,, e lion. G entleman, the First Lord of the Treasury, boasted ne had put down all agitation in this country-(Cheers)-but ei si !heY not collected large sums of money- lied they not it.itto.euted agents through every part of the land-had they not iem ' e,'F, ec ciles, and were they not tampering in the elections it of d tleamers .for that House ?-(llear, hear.) Had they no . t ? co l l ie ec w e as at a ieistet influence the election of \ !embers for that House -- were t i I •now. were these proceedings legal ?-were they henest !t eat leY Just ?-were they fair? And he hoped, if they were inter ment ftre,,',e‘"casures would be taken to put a stop to such improper ee a s had too frequently taken place. He hoped the Govern- Are e „ e "., °aid bring forward a measure which would prevent such le to ` t r ,e aemes in tliture.- (Cheers.) It was not his intention to . rte.! the ex e e pOliey of that measure, which was supporinet free ti•ciee n ! ,it; iee ette tr i t , e of the agriculturists of this country. If trade dial in 'very ot4l i n one article, he did not see why it was not beneficial that n,ier article. It wes well-known by the Right Hon. Baronet n to tilr " r e eioe - th of tobacco would be a most profitable crop in this ttita hitt is f: te- trade rneasre would not allow it to be cu nae„ot 51 re •( th Cheers.) How was u that? Would the Right Honour- Wayiliform them? He said that considerations stood in the the amo w ild the Right Hon. Baronet inform that House what was ok! Ite t !! it , of revenue which would justify free-trade principles? lea doeottrable Baronet had reduced the duty on foreign hops Whi c i i • but lie had looked in vain for a reduction of those duties ti" Pee Pressed so heavily on the agricultural classes. He laud r•eco e that some reduction would take place in the leh at du „ hops, but he a hoped in van -(Cheer.) e th at he eQ e, tnaty the Right Hon. Baronet's h rea d son be for all i that-was s it u o , "as afraid to carry out his own principles?---(Hear.) He the stand there as the advocate of free trade- (as we understood hest n I'leniber)-but be was there to advocate, in an humble and Way , that . 1 , , ulna' justice and protection to . all classes.-(Hear, if „ .1 WaS certain the House would bear lum out when he said, flier Nat protection shout I be taken from agriculture, it should not be nl7telltt towards other interests.-(Hear, hear.) . There was ano tt-° w hich he wished to bring to the mind of the Right Hon. :tit at the heed of Government. He had told them that he tsutrt, calculate' the price of wheat on the passing of the present fight now, should that crop fail to a large extent, would the ti the coe.,". Baronet say on what basis he proposed to settle the 'te_reat"lwattltation ?-(Hear, hear.) They had been told that the credit r "id not he effected • but giving the Right Hon. Baronet te e •or th • itwould not be ine eti e greatest amount of political sagacity, w . TsaY that he might be compelled to carry his measares er- (Hear, hear.) He was aware he of stin th ni e d little t 'a attached to his opinions but me' it ° l 4 s c e 4 , n , sc he believed the measure to be injurious and ~.,etemee t se" the labourer and the artisan-because he believed the ti‘ i 4er Old tend to subvert the present system of society and the - "Illy le de In troductiou of the measure was not suitable, as cer ke, as i, not its proposr-A. laugh)-because of all these ma t s v4 ealse, "ohlt.l give the measure,_perhaps a weak, but decidedly a 4tralr:bl'itLKeP.Po.sltion.-(H• ar, hear.) t s Was e 'ON said that part of the speech of the last Hon. Mem . - at iticq what he could agree with. The Hon. Member had said e lc. ci t e ante' tobacco was taken off it would be of great advau ee elt e eee could notagreewith him, for if the care were te be taken t i l e t t h h er he doubted if the trade could he ied on with any ie '," ha, s a e eo uUtry. The Hon. Member had also alluded to many Posen in support of the present measure, as having done h,.. rert y 'ee they feared that no other Ministry could be formed to 4Q t 4 ft .Ad ministratiou of the country. He (Mr. Dickinson) seer, ot ." 1 , ed his opinion on such a ground. He supported the , 43 1ir" tier Majesty's Go.vernment because he thought it a good ee ee ,"l'd suited to the wants of the country.-(Hear, hear.) qiite, n s' Minds were now made tap on the question Hon. rs „, Ceset ee " ere prepared to take one course or the other. and l' if the lovernment went out upon this measure, a t tit il te e injury would be inflicted on the country. He sel- Zti,,,,,Passed upon thetime of the House; and he now onlyrose t• i i ,ee . e - el yi i° hat returned him to Parliament how far he had e t 7ers CLo.Piniens, and also to give an opportunity to the speech ta,lit-e( Min as they hail muted the members of the Govern . - t ee - , ii keee 4 ,, au ghter.) But it seemed to him that there had been saNc -11„N a tade during that debate perfectly inconsistent with that re. %generosity which should animate Members of that oPatioit,gettr, hear.) He saw that the temper of the House i 4 ht, ut ii ged and he, therefore, abstained from giving any the hustings ' by which he might be held to vote til c)4s eiii favour of agricultural protection. He con ee",_ Pr his opinions had changed, and that he was 174 red te give his cordial vote is favour of the present mea setiti'l?osition cheers.) The reasons which in general seemed 1..01'4 7 1 ;1' hiln most at were,m period in favour of a mainte tCa le e e- `Lte corn -laws, w that he feared that any change in Iv At the result in an injury the poor; and he, for one, thought I,2,t i t i PlY of food should be n as regular as possible, and that it 4 4 4 tr e '. ne xPedient to a country like this to be forced to depend ,'vi ertr Igners for f00.1.-(Prctectionist cheers. He must now, e "... l l lee rs itrceorifess that those reasons had lost much ) of their weight.- p o eri oe ni the Opposi:ion.) It seeme . d to him that the best way t,ttitima geDermanent and regular supplies was to give the greatest It 14' ar: t - Il i t Y fur the supply of corn from as many quarters of the l e they t reln tie different places as posslble.-(Opposition cheers.) eay ere deficient, 'edit or the price should rise to a famine price. re,,,,re the e sure to meet with a sufficiency of food from places r , ".` n icellhere was more favourable to the production o! e e e litti er " ta t in this country. As to the dependence upon fo fere:4'icoel, it was urged that we might sometimes be at war a it c ountries and we should then be in a deplorable condi -14a1,,t4 4p tit to lte l eoUld not conceive that we should ever be so unfortu tr 'e at war with every corn-growing country . in e te , the -- t „kifear, hear.) Ile considered that on the prosperity t e ,7 l krit y ""61her, classes of this countr also depended the e e laY et „ the lower, and by the passing of this measure the pros (7ar,i f _ me )?ro hither classes in this country.-(hear, hear.) lie had t4, dth -4I all tides of t House-from the Noble Lord who had it'd bad -h t e len.Member for Manchester-that it would . e . , ee oetter the repeal of the" coru-laws been immediate li::.Suiqnrtteltuiion, he begged to state that he gathered from tio l eeli:',"°n he had had with his friends in the country, th even ltee4was very general.-(Hear, hear.) 11,, 4 kr . "t Roo. Members rose to address the House on the last - Ntreleg his seat, bat there being loud cries for the new kp' 4 l,l K . ( :RITRCItyr,r, (who was almost inaudible in the gallery) that it Wag not his Intention to detain the Horse ai 401 , 04kb: 1 that important occasion, as there were many othele * -1' " silly point out the injury which that measure would r t • (Hear.) Still he melt lee e,, • !gin • rah cbiss,s in this coun UYing that it was a measure of vast injury to , thc e i „tur e w e were depending for subsistence on land.--(Cheers. ht lle ih t late ' n e i n(' throw out of cultivation the greater quantity of the Is t - 4seiii, ;his country, and would have the effect of depriving 1j,.41r his who were now depending on agriculture e ola • W sUbs stence. 4,,,te he CLAY should say, that in the course of the presen! fa ''een often remindee of an anecdote which was re e;endant in an action, who, not having a case to make, i i zertee s agent that " there were no merits, but abuse time W°gl air OT v, J The question they had then before theist lo ;• slid it i mportance, not alone to that country, but to t. 11.- t4telCe, ill was w as not enough for Gentlemen In the discussion 0. ,. it - teal' s lice ee - ,,,. 1) ,ar e te - or personal recrimination.-(Hear, hear.) To be 4 ch e,til e ,'* v rY amusing-there was nothing more so, or nothing' 4e Was ~ah`.aforth louthr cheers ; and whenever he heard efitvring the House, and inquired what called it forth, qtritu ai n to inforolad that it was a happy hit made by one 14ift th sdri an at another.-(Hear and laughter.) But however tiej"!eti - o l ete to Hen. 3lembere, he could assure them that tecOlea r " e fts eared hoes than they supposed for their recriinini !eat ie near.) one shigle agument . , one important fact, n, 11,,"e'reeis".e. corn -laws should be a ms interned, would be worth all ( ~t e litle ' ,„`e i t i nvective that had been showered.-(Hear, hear.) 11,,,;"aj ti , ti ,"e'n who attacked the Right Hon. Baronet at the head oi flie,'„had C; ovettiment had overdone the thing completely. 411-e• heart) red too much against the Right Hon. Gentleman. - to e t ,atee The Hon. Gentleman, the Member for Somersetehire, le ir ,'"eirt „ tr y fairly the question before the House. He undertook e lt is 'P t ! or e e,"tion. He quoted statistics and the " Blue Book' nee, ( t ee. te t a t i eee s arguments. He defended protection gene:ally. In iete '`"d e e l clneion, the Hon. Member had nut Succeeded. He tli tr il' Y• Ire his reasoning powers and his eloquence were called a n d ail wer e Stated that the community at large were prosperous, ti e kit all linin g ; that blessings in fact were showered down, 4 4 1 . T he Illiese blessings had been showered down under protee tete/ ti!at „ "• :Member said that the House was about to take R as k i'r Protection 7 which the country had become so prosper -14: k there w as no t pro t ec ti on a t a ll ; f o r others there fiN i ast t ie l t and for tile landlords there WWI too much. Now, for 11.,,.'eeti,,,,"Lt? or thirty years, even before the time of Huskiaaun, lle -i d th e ~ had been changing to a gradual reduction. Natter uoll. Gentleman restore the East India monopely ? Would kOt i l ft, r ; lioskissOn's measures? Would he retrace his steps with ete lie . -til l and sugar? If not, with what show of consistency hf theni to proceed no further? Or did he mean tr. Otils shalteie dea cape:thy to the tide of public opinion, and lc b.:'et ete " Pe `,, t, th ou go, and no farther ?" What, he would ask, , t o -:" ? Stated shortly, it was everybody assisting every allittle more than they were able ; it was everybody eve:ty lode- , to n nem I t :1,,,,• 1 ; 101 Yr ) 3 t do something ----seleply their tiff and capital, or everybody cutsid'e‘All . the . th could not be accomplished. g r eat Interests of the community Il k try of protection, and he did not believe that t or proteetiOn ese t ' , fee s , for to naive industry found an echo out of 114 4 poll'l.tlie the principles of tree trade had taken too strong p h , ii„,, country. -.(Hear, hear.) It was only by the promo 1-I:,.tteri!.!,k,:tM.ry, by giving labour and capital a fah. field, and by 14 4 da he ' l e the restrictions of commerce, that the blessings of itY'rrlt;; e „ e olild be obtained; and the best and highest duty of any 41.114(it would be the endeavour to obtain those benefits. The lts e rt ,sep:', ti et had inSisted very much on the competitlea which had 4 .- " L tt l) . T 'i g i ng Up . of late years among the manufacturers. It °st important to throw still more widely epee the door 414. Ali ce increase and thus enable the manufacturers to their 41 ink,„ethe Principal manufacturers export a grea po ion ot khz;ctures, which woUld only bear the same proportional ti *c,citrer tc t as at home. For instance, if a single bale ofclo N ,,:a abroad for sale, it would only obtain a similar price to Ra ys sh at tlit t ' ll ‘ have realised ' in the home market. Was it to be sup- . t ii eete'lutely of necessi the manufacturer (meet should al e' 1, e 4 ,. his ;, ar del . to enable the to the reduced 'ric e, 'est ' n Xiltee• ? The question wa , how was the manufacturer ete ou, kee ,rlahled do compete with foreign markets at the lowest I ,. i lette it or ;',"' was the labourer to be best provided for at a low - etee'' er. ' a ges. Tele Hon. Gentleman opposite had admitted ihIWI el 'sere eke it Drospertev of the country was considerable, but had l o ads by the t° the • eireolation of money and employment. , ii nnUlse which had been given to the construction of Qtie t us e could be no doubt that the employment of capital . iklierehet e o nstructioe tot' railroads had done much toward. rael" l ll4`4 l. t ing of presperitY ; but that prosperity was only e k , 4 41 way w, ere could DO doubt that when the excitement er o 'Mil e *fle e had subside,.', which it would in a very short t e . 4 l s ti . r eeeit ii ,, 4l 'ner and capital were no longer necessary, a con °n would take place, And this temporary prosperity ' the ineesure of the ret Piglet H.on. Baronet would then e. el, has -ral,tabi uthe voi d • andet.• e resource to fill p , et 'ted capital for which there was no longer any call, 0 , 1 e 5, need the labour for the employment of which there telieved that the colonies would also be bene ailil bi ' tn ur e of the Right Hon. Baronet. The Increase in the 4shiscelehe„"eourse lo be carried on between the mother country' : 1 1t e'" litd t ee ource to spite sufficient, without having res 4 10, 1 4Y or „, U PNlStite protection. With respect to the men' or lei tit , ° l , oly of he should bitterly regret to see and allow C, 4l oll o "ity the sugar interest of that colony, in which a very i te "tr ieg 93 ,., tl til ' ar -Vest might be produced. They had seen enough Wie Wi te Me et ; lndies, and he should be sorry to see its if r . ij,,`, l , the East. ..is regarded the general question, if there were any single interest in the country w i p it w as d more than any other in the question of the t 'Mr the Interest o f th e manu f acturers. -(H ear , h oar .) brie en's at 4,ll l ? it al both at home and abroad-the landowners' tit4ig ,e•-(llear, hear.) It was because he considered aRa lacl r est th, yere injurious to the commercial and manufac ,eiett here Wished to see them abrogated. He believed ``..ee d • e hor di d st would not be at all Injured by the proposed Wi t} ; ter thr hink that rents wool I be diminished, agriculture ts y ; iteth't„iec co n , °Wl:tout ofcultivatime. The farmers would not have nQ or wellion with France, with Holland, with Spain. dliet Wee other great nation for it appeared to him kkattlithe ernian,!Petition would be with it t fee`e small districts in the te i „kets gliste r : These were the only places to be dreaded, and ee, his l i te e woeteler, tile cultivator of English ,soil, with the best it:1 1 , 4 %1.1 e ' i nttee r a n : , With markets for his green crap, his eggs, his • t e lit to t big hest prices, with all those advantage% fre,„ t ncet ettvi;:,with Hue Poor serfs of Russia? It appeared . to ttle e ,',? the e,„" - L Tha Peiglish farmer is two thousaed miles serri eti Z- havi ea l!'er of Pe land--separated from him by long rivers , t tu lti d tl - 1 - ` ll is I " ' a nti by all t dindvanta es which would be ' 11 t , 4 Of c ,'h 11 1 , ri nging d e • • g • ie • te ; wn the produce to the port, where It •at itr!taie a , e a P i laced on boayd and exported. The porsida" !titr tl re th th, ", m erit , land approximated - very near to thirt . , te le usaite , er WaS aIIIIIIIIV inereasieg three or four Of wo ,t° hart to be fed He believed that the repeal k 1 . 4 14y 1,, Ind not I:rodtr`e env very great diminution in the et der adventagee - t :tea which would result would be a more ruler basi • e iinPulBe given to labour, and a much t k , y , tr on 7 i l al , i ; T hese beiJ tor commerce atid manufactures in all . parts ) 1 4 4 t i t t , c Yeti t s ;, an d not nivts would be the result of the ab . rogation of e t " , ' w e O t the „ey fedmaterial diminution in the price ot corn. li ztl, 4l dre wa.s.",stinterest might rest thoroughly satisfied ha i'l a,r n eti th at 7 0 , 111 danger. He should like to lysti...l star _emiy tO acres of English soli was ~0611°' f lw a -eA, j.%.elt..as 10,000 acres in :Poland or giitilpf, the t Vell to this, than that the iirreaSed' value, i: 4, y thebruit wealth of this country 2 The lanaud veb,ser, 4,.,satibihod that gIeI should occur, need IntVe • nn i;•-•-••••og 'without o .ll ll o . p. Gentlemen opposlte tnew . ' Hsu M i n e Prot 9eut!eu risu ect icusts.) l o i r e wBinfuleedesrse.p-eiLttc:i'hae cbrerieiedof is tu !„, , wahoot any opposite knew that they were opposing ii tsineee ii in t t e e s l o a f a s d it . ecese. Let the landowner lay ory . nav e " indue , or let the tenant, by having a Z , r Ir the eirltlvati orient to convert his labour and ea reez Presi),,,te.tiengs lame„ t on of the menet a sufficient remune nit i . of the e.dni b n e t there would be little to fear tae ee ru.i i ew ie consistent advocate He load been all t ri tl ' e Pr r info ; tt w as t *the' ac'tellinacvsa.' e l w rie i t:Fu t Y r ri e n .: e'r advocate for the repeal erefore, unnecessary for him t_wieebolfahasli tgbieadretxotpnibasadieleat piiotenrobstnnuagwchiolttushforwy opposeat6o it, on every occasion of its introduction to the attention of the House. He had the greatest pleasure in pronouncing his entire ap probation of the measure of the Right Hon. Baronet. At present he could only say that he believed the measure was likely to open up to this conntry a greater and more enduring prosperity than it had ever yet enjoyed, and that he should be happy to give it his most cordial and sincere support.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. BUCK, as the representative of one of the most influential districts in ngland, could not allow the present opportunity to pass without addressing a few words to the House. His constituents were of opinion that the measure of the Right Hon. Baronet was both uncalled for and unjust, and were no longer willing to place any confidence in a Government which had so betrayed them.—(Hear.) For his own part he considered that the measure would not influence the agricultural interests more than any other. It was a measure whose effect would be felt by every class in this country.—(Hear.) It was no question with them (the protectionists) whether they should have a sliding scale or a fixed duty.—(Hear.) Ile believed that the measure would be a most severe blow on the industry of the count'. It would be a compulsory Competition on the pert of this country with the cheaper countries of Poland and Russia. When ever wheat had been high, pauperism bad been low, and on the other hand, whenever wheat had been low priced, pauperism had increased. In fact - such was already the result, and those who were acquainted with the state of the cout try in the agricultural districts could testify as to the increase of pauperism of late. He (the Hon. Member) believed that the measure, if carried, would benefit the manufacturer at the same time that it would ruin the agriculturist--(Hear, hear)—asd therefore it was that they, before giving support to the measure, should appeal to the constituency of the country. He did not hesitate to tell the Right Hon Baronet at the head of her Majesty's Government, that in the period from 1829 to 1839, he did not enjoy the confidence of the landed proprietary or the Conservatives of the country. But in 1839 the Right lion. Gentle man raised a cry of danger, urged the necessity of attending to the registry ; he rallied a party ; they placed confidence in him, implicit contidence in his sincerity ; and shortly after, when the Noble Lord, the Member. for Louden, hraught in his free-trade principles, that party turned him out of office, and restored the reins of Government to the Right Hon. Baronet, with a full majority of ninety.—(Rear, hear.) But he defied that Right lion. Gentleman to say that, if he had declared himself a supporter of measures similar to those on wide?! the Noble Lord, the Member for London was defeated, he would then have been elected.—(Hear, hear.) But they now had, that Right Hon. Gentleman coming forward with frccetrade principles, atm he (tile lion. Member) would venture to assert that at least• one third or one-fourth of the farmers of the kingdom would be ruined by the passing of these measures.—(Hear, hear, and " No, no.") In the s atements at' the present Minister, made in Id4l, the utmost coma dei_ce was reposed, and on the faith of their sincerity the landholders expended every farthing of their capital in the improvement ofitheir land ; and what was the result? Why, that they had every year since, and in the present year particularly, nearly doubled the quan tity of produce; notwithstanding which the Right Hon. Gentleman came forward and introduced his measures of free trade.—(A laugh.) Hon. Gentlemen might laugh ; but if they had been at great expense i❑ the improvement of their lands, and were then turned upon in such a manner, at so extraordinary a time as the present, when there existed no reciprocity between them and any one of the continental countries, lie doubted if they would treat so serious and important a subject with such levity.— (Hear, tear.) He had a conversation that morning with a farmer from near Exeter, who cultivated about 500 acres of land, and on his asking him his opinion as to the result of the present measure. he stated that he might on every acre lose a pound and gain a ; and further, that the result would be that he would be compelled to convert his arable and into pasture, and of course deprive a number of labourers of the means of subsistence. —(Hear, hear.) Now, they certainly had a right to ask what was to become of all these persons ? It was a very serious consideration ; and he hoped the Right Hon. Gentleman at the head of the Ministry would give them some explanation on that point. —(llear.) He hoped the present measure would not pass--(Ilear) —and he need not say that, if he could help it, it should not pass.—(Laughter, and hear, hear.) Should it pass, it would be but the commencement of a series of the greatest possible difficulties that ever any Ministry had to contend against. The First Lord of the Treasury told them that they (the agriculturists) were no lo,ger to have protection. Ile (the Hon. Member) called on the Ministry to remove the burdens that pressed on them, and which were acknowledged to be most grievous. The duty had been relaxed on articles of manufacture—why not act similarly by articles of agriculture, and let them grow their tobacco and sugar?—(Hear, hear.) The Ministry might depend on it that the measure would not allay the spirit that existed in the country until they had conceded every act of justice that the landed interest conceived they were entitled to; for he did not believe that any Government, yielding to the clamour of one of the most unconstitu tional societies that ever existed, was entitled to the least commise ration frora the landed proprietary. He called the body an unconsti tutional one. Could it be otherwise than so, when in its ranks were hired alarmists, travelling through the country,' and drawing the most appalling pictures of famine at a moment that Provi . . . dence had blessed them with an abundance, save in the potato crop ; and could he, he repeated, oil it other than unconstitutional ? (Hear, hear, and a laugh.) He sly uld say that the measure woold get a decided negative from him; and he hoped and trusted that every landed proprietor would reflect seriously before he gave his support to her Majesty's Government. Lord HARRY VANE (who was quite inaudible in the gal lery) was understood to say that, although formerly an advocate for reduction of duty on agricultural produce, yet he did not advocate the entire removal of all duty. The Noble Lord then went on to say, that notwithstanding the,hostile tariffs imposed by other countries, the experts of manufactured articles into those countries had considerably increased. He put it to Hon. Gentlemen whether they really believed that they would be furthering the interests of this country by continuing their opposi tion to the present measure. He put it to them whether, taking into account the conversion of many sober-minded men—(Derisive cheers from the protectionists)—men whose direct and immediate in terests might be supposed to lie in the maintenance hf agricultural protection, they thought that they were justified in protracting the present struggle ?—(Heat, hear.) He did not mean to impute to Hou. Gentlemen opposite any unjust motives in their opposition to the proposal of the Right Hon. Baronet, but he submitted that every Member of that House should take into account the general feelings of the country.—(Hear, hear.) When Hon. Gentlemen on the opposite side of the House saw that the most eminent men in the country had declared themselves in favour of this great change, they ought to be convinced that there would be danger in opposing the present measure. The agriculturists of this country ought to look to the manufacturers' as their beat customers. Conenrrent with the prosperity of manufactures would be the pros perity of agriculture. He was anxious thus briefly to state the grounds of his opinions in favour of the present proposal of her Ma jesty's Government. He felt himself bound to vote in opposition to his Hon. Friends on the opposite side of the House, although it would have given him much more pleasure to have given them his support. —(Hear, hear) —and lie was determined to vote for the measure, despite the charges of inconsistency which might be brought against him. He believed that the measure was called for by the circum stances of the country, that it would bring into united action all tiostie parties, and that it would conduce to the peace, contentment, and order of the people of this country.—(Cheers.) Sir JOHN TYRRELL said, feeling as he did that this question had been debated to death—( Laughter) it was with the greatest reluctance that he ventured to trespass upon the indulgence of the House. But he coneratulated the House that, at the expiration of this six nights' debate, the Anti-Corn-law League should have thought proper at last to come to the rescue cif this debate; and it was also a matter of congratulation to hint that they hail not been able, as far as he could ascertain, to show any new arguments or state any new eiese that had not been over and over again brought forward at Covent-garden Theatre.—(Cheers.) But he ascertained from the Hon. Member for alauceester that some rlend of his in the country, when lie applied to him about getting over the difficulty of arranging with his landlord, the Ilon. Member assured him that the price of corn would not be very materially al tered in consequence of the proposed measure.—(Laughter from the protectionist benches,) The Noble Lord the Member fir London, in an early part of the debate, gloated over (which he. had every right to do) the motion of the Hon. Member for Sheffield ( Mr. Ward) about the peculiar burdens of land having been rejected on his (Sir John Tyrrell's) side of the house. The Noble Lord was pleased to impute the most unfair views to Hon. Gentlemen who had resisted that motion. He understood the Noble Lord to say that Hon. Gen tlemen opposed the mother) because they were ashamed of their case and statistics, and that they sheltered themselves under the cry that It was merely a clap-trap motion. Now he (Sir J. Tyrrell) did think it right that the House should be aware of the early history of that case ; and in these days of confession and explanations—(Laughter)—and of political tergiversation—(Continued laughter)—he also should, in his opinion, be permitted to make his confession and explanation.— ( Laughter.) It was perfectly well understood in that house that the ;notion in question was called a clap-trap motion.—(Several Hon. Members of the Opposition, "No, no.") The lion. Member who then had the confidence of the party to which he alluded, felt the force and intention of the motion. The Right Hon. Baronet, now at the the head of the Government, when Hon. Gentlemen cn the same side of the House had his confidence, called thirty or forty Members of the agricultural interest together, and it was then resolved that the 'not' in should be opposcd.—(Laughter.) The Right Hon. Baronet urged an opposition to the molten, on the grounds that it would dis turb the social relations and happiness of the country. He (Sir J. Tyrrell), however, held a different opinion.—(Hear, hear.) The Government, in bringing forward the present measure, thought that they could administer doses of opium into the mouths of Hon. Mem • hers, and delude them into a supeort of the scheme. The Hon. Member then proceeded to complain of the alleged dictation and im perious conduct of those Hon. Members who sat on the same side of the House, who he asserted were scarcely permitted by the Right Hon. Baronet to express their opinions on any subject whilst he was their supposed leader. One would think (said the Hon. Member) that they were as much entitled to express their opinions as the /tight Hon. Baronet. Hon. Members on his side of the House had also a right to complain that the Hon. Member for Wiltshire (Mr. Sidney Herbert) had been put forward to speak in support of the measure, whilst other Right Hon. Members, who were Members of the Government, and much more experienced, had as yet been silent npon the question.—(Bear, hear.) He could perfectly well under stand the policy of the Governm , nt in putting forward that as airing young statesman.—(Laughter.) The policy hi his opinion was this, that, sis he was a deserter it was advisable to put hint in the front ranks. It lied been said that the present proposal was offered as a mat settlement. Now he confessed th at it was quite unreasonable to expect that the agriculturists should accept it as such, for the terms of it were less advantageous than those offered by the lion. Member for Stockport, who, lie was sorry to hear, was unable from indisposition to occupy his seat in the Horse.—(Hear, hear.) Did net Hon. Members expect that If this measure was passed, the Noble Lord, the Member for the City of London, would come forward with a proposal to abolish the differential dutieslon sugar?—(Cheer,.) Had the Hon. Member for Stockport accepted the reins of office which were offered to him a few months ago, he would not have had the courage to propose so bold a scheme as that of the 'light Honourable Baronet. He would have been seized with the delirium tremens. (Laughter.) The Noble Lord the Member for the City of London, who took high ground In Scotland, but was obliged to take oecas:on any to occupy a mole-hill, was also frightened to form an Adminis tration.—(Laughter.) He (Sir John Tyrrell) for one regretted much that the Ilon. Member for Stockport had not taken office—(Bear, hear)--because the plan that he would have proposed would have hem tar more comprehenlare than the present ; it would also have been more intelligible.—(Hear, hem.) 1/eying Prophesleg that the sugar duties would fall on the passing of this measure, he would ven ture to make another prophecy.—(Derisive cheers.) Ile would rather, he would say, beg to allude to a most extraoniary prophecy which had been made by that amiable and talented Divine, the late Dr. Arnold. That Divine said that the Right Honourable Baronet kad a sUleat idea about the currency, but about the r of the Church he had no idea at all.— (Hear, hear, and laughter.) That learned divine also said that the Right Hon, Baronet was also one who would always yield to clamour. The Right Hon. Baronet had stated that he was anxious to have the approbation of posterity. Now lie (Sir J. Tyrrell) confessed his wish to be that posterity might have the opportunity--(Loud laughter from ail gida, of the House) -e that posterity, lie repeated, might soon have the opportunity of expressing their opinion of the Right Hon. Baronet.—(Continued laughter.) He %visited that the Noble Lord, the Member for the City of London and the Bight lion. baronet, in conspiring with the Anti-Corn-law League to at - ,ali4b protection t) agriculture, would recollect a passage in ancient history, which lie would take the liberty of quoting. When Cassius—(Laughter) --,contemplate). the betrayal of Crew, he did not dare to do so until lie had first gained over Brutus to his cause—(Laughter)—and so he (Sir J. Tyrrell) would say that the Right Hen. Baronet would not have dared to propose the present measure until be had first gained the support of the Duke of Wellington.—(Laughter.) It was his sincere conviction that if the House of Commons should proceed to abolish the corn-laws—if the House of Lords should also proeeed to reg stsr a verdict in favour of the present measure, the lower, rural, ani upper classes of this see:nary would be rendered misereble hide@ 1 ; and in carrying it Parliament would show that they were ready to concede any measure which the lawtaseness of anarchists might dic tate. Such a state of things would he peoalleed that neither the present nor any future Government would be able to remedy before the country had suffered incalculable injury.—(Cheers.) Mr. JAMES said that he should support the present measure, said that ho had always voted in (pow of freedom of trade. Is had, therefore. never changed on this esiteetion. With respect, however, to those Hon. Members on the ether (Mialstarial) side of the House, who had recently become converts to free trade, it might well lie said— " Tempera mutantur, et nos =tan - nu in illis." The Hon. Member who had last addressed the House had said that the House might expect an abolition of the sugar duties if this measure passed; but concerning the sugar question, Mr. ill`Gres or had Drought forward ninny able statements, and he clearly showed that the sugar duties and slavery ought to be placed in the same category.—(Hear, hear.) The sooner, therefore, that those duties were abolished the better, for the credit of the country. He was rather desirous, if .the House would favour him with their attention, to refer to the progress of public opinion upon this question. In the year, 1831, he had the honour of seconding a motion for the total repeal of the corn-law, and he found on reference to Hansard that he hail the good fortune to nialie use of several of the arguments which had been so lately used at Manchester, 4441 which were now become so popular. The motion was brought forward by the Lion. Member for Preston, and he had but one solitary Member stipposting hart, the late Member for Bolton. They were opposed by almost every other 3.lember of the House, and the question was carried against them by 4. plajoiity of 194 to 6.—(Dear.) But let them look now at the positiaq. of the question ; it would be carried by htindrete. He did not blame the changes of opinion which had taken place ; he believed those changes to he p&pgsioned by sin cere conviction, but he heartily rejoiced that he was same opinion now that he was when ha first entareci that House, tWeAtY7 six years ago.—( Hear, hear.) He could not agree in the opinion that the agricultural interests would suffer by the passing of ibis measure. He he wed. those sufferings, if there were any, had been grimily kezaggerated, and lie believed that the abolition of the corM.-law v7ould be cowhide, to the well-being of the struggling masses of this deneely.lppulated couotry.—(Hear, hear.) It was. gratifying, however, fur a pahlic man, 3.10 more especially ;for se humble an individual as himself; to knoll" that he lie 3 been able " The applause of listening senators to command.' —(Great laughter, in which the interveniP line was lost.) " To scatter plenty o'er a smiling land, And read their history in A nation's eyes." —(Great laughter and cheers.) What, eould it be believed that fif teen short years ago, this great question could only obtain one mover, one seconder, 'outlive supporters? He should sit down with stating that he would not support any amendment which would endanger the safety of the measure. Several Members here rose to adj.ress the House, but gave way to Sir ROBERT PEEL—Mr. Speaker, two subjects of great import auce have occupied the attention of the House during the present de bate. The one, the manner in which a party should be con ducted ; the other, the measures by which the contingencies of a great public calamity should by mitigated, and the priu ciple by which the commercial policy of a great empire siell for the future be conducted.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) On the first point, the manner in which a party should be conducted, by far the greatest part of the time has' been spent. I don't value its import ance ; but great as it is, surely it is subordinate in the eyes of a people to those other two questions to which I have already al uded —precaution against a great and impending danger, and the prin ciples by which their commercial policy should in future be carried out. On the party question I admit I have little defence to make.— (Hear, hear.) I must admit at once that it is unfortunate that the conduct of these measures—that is so far as the corn-law is con cerned—should have been committed to other hands—to such as had been its consistent advocates. It would have been far preferable that they should have the credit—if any credit there be-L-that they should have the final adjustment of the question. When consulted I said so, and I was prevented from committing it to other hands from the conviction that a part of this empire was threatened with a great calannty, Ido firmly believe that there is impending over us, and that it will come at no remote period, a calamity which all will bitterly deplOre—(Hear, hear)—and I do think that while there was a danger, and while I had hopts of averting it, that It would not be consistent with my duty to my Sovereign, nor my pub lic honour as a man, to evade the difficulty I saw impending.—(Laud cheers from both sides of the House.) While I retained a hope of averting the coming evil, I thought there was a prospect of bringing this question to a successful issue, and I therefore took the earliest opportunity that I could, consistent with a sense of duty, of tender ing my resignation to the Queen, and leaving her Majesty' the Hall opportunity of calling to her counsels other advisers. I offered no opinion as to that choir e. It is the only act which is the personal act of the Sovereign.—(Hear, hear.) It was for the Sovereign to determine on wheat confidence ought to be placed. It became my duty, in consequence of the commands of her Majesty, to ascertain whether those of my colleagues who differed from me were either prepared themselves to form a Go vernment, or whether they were prepared to advise her Majesty on the formation of a Ministry.—(Hear, hear.) Those from whom f differed, and who did not concur with me in the full extent of danger width menaced, or the course of policy I proposed, considered that it would not be for the public interest that they should form a Government, nor were they prepared to advise her Majesty' to call other hands to her counsels. Her Majesty therefore determined to call on the Noble Lord opposite to undertake the duty of forming an Administration. (Hear, hear.) I was relieved from the responsibilities of office. The Noble Lord was sent for, and I firmly believe that he would have been equal to the emergency, and that he would have succeeded had lie undertaken it. In a long course of opposition, I cannot charge myself with having ever said a word disrespectful of the Noble Lord, nor do I recollect anything ever passing between us likely to lead to a remembrance. And when he was sent fbr it was my firm conviction that he would have undertaken the duties of a Government. Under the in.pression tl:at I was in the mere capacity of a private member, and aware of the necessity of a final adjustment of this measure, as well as the difficulties which would surround any man who would undertake the Government, 1 thought it dishonourable not to take those steps which I saw would diminish those embarrassments. I have not one word of complaint to make in reference to the state ment made by the Noble Lord. He read one letter, of which he had a copy, and he referred to one of which he did not receive a copy. His general statements were perfectly correct, but this letter, which has not been made public, is of primary importance, and I feel it my duty to refer to it, in order to show that I deprecated the settlement of this question by my hands.—(Hear, hear.) I think it right to state to the House the course which I pursued. 1. relinquished office on the 6th of December, 1845. I knew.then that those of my colleagu s who differed from me had declined to form a Government. I was aware that it was not done by my advice, and on the Bth of December I considered myself to be in a private capacity, and having given my opinion in the:Cabinet that the question must be adjusted, I wrote the communication to her Majesty, which has been made known to the Noble Lord. On the Bth of December I felt it my duty to make a communication to her Majesty on the subject of the corn-laws—that great question which has been long agitating the public mind. On the Ist November last I advised my colleagues, for the purpose of guarding against approaching contingencies, that I thought it necessary that a suspen eion of the corn-laws should take place. I was then of opinion that a new law respecting those corn-laws should contain the principles of gradual repeal. In a confidential letter to her Majesty, I stated that I was prepared to propose a measure of the kind. I was, at the same time, anxious to remove some of the restrictions which at present are imposed on land. I could not but foresee, in adopting such a course, the difficulties that I had to contend with in accepting office. Up to the present time we have had a prosperous revenue. There have been for the last two or three years a large increase, and I thought there would be less reluctance on the part of any one whe might be my successor to accept office when no increased expenditure had taken place.—(Cheers.) In that letter I informed her Majesty that I would support any measure, no matter by whom introduced, which would have for its object a gradual repeal of the corn-laws.—(Loud cheers from the Oppositioh.) Now, sir, when it is charged upon me that I am robbing others of the credit of this measure—when it is states that I am taking an undue advan tage and reaping a reward which belongs to others, I hope It will be seen that I am not robbing others of the position. which they hold, for it will be seen I was as ready to give my support to the Noble Lord (Russell) as it is boasted he and his party are now ready to give it to me. There was another communication, in which it was proposed to arrange this question. I thought it would look better if no appear ance of an understanding existed between me and the Noble Lord opposite (Russell), and I was under the impression that he would undertake its settlement, and if Ise did I am sure he would not have failed.—(Loud cheers from the Opposition.) I think the Noble Lord most be satisfied that it was my intention to give to the Noble Lord, according to his own views, the same cordial support which it is his boast he now intends to give to me. I believe, after the communica tion which the Noble Lord (Russell) had with her Majesty, he un dertook the formation of a-Government, and I am sure the Noble Lord will admit no act of mine occasioned his failure on that occa sion.—(Cheers.) • So much for the course I have pursued. I never made any inquiry who would constitute the new Ministry ; It was not my duty to do so. My belief was, on that occasion, that there was no difficulty in forming a Ministry, and I was determined to facilitate :this question by my vote, and every infinence which I could use in this llouse.—(Loud cheers.) Now, sir, with respect to the course I have pursued towards those who so long have been my supporters. I admit to thefts, that it is very natural they should feel considerably surprised. I admit the course I am pursuing is at variance with the established principles of that party, Ido ask them, would I make a sacrifice of their support, unless I was influenced by consideration of a high and important nature? My duty to my Sovereign, and my duty to the country, required me to propose a measure of this kind.—( Loud cheers from the Opposition.) Notwithstanding the support which may be withdrawn from me, I will do that party (the protectionists) the justice of saying, that I know no persona more inclined to give a fair and generous support to measures which they deem important to the welfare of the country. This I will say, after having forfeited some of their confidence, but I do not believe that they will deny that I am actuated by honourable motives. But this I must say, that be the conse quences what they may, they cannot rob use of the deep-felt convic tion. that the advice I have given is an advice consistent with the true eNjects which I have always had in view.—(Cheers.) I know what the consequences would be, if I took the advice of other parties ; I know their counselling would be dangerous to the country.— (Cheers.) In Ireland it was necessary to combine for the mainte nance of the existing laws. It would be necessary to do so everywhere else if agricultural protection should be maintained in all its integrity. But to adopt such a course which would render such proceedings necessary would be to abandon the duty which I owe to my Sove reign and to my country. I may say in the ir esent temper of the public mind, in the state of public feeling mad popular opinion with respect to the corn-laws, independent of all other circum stances—independent of the great and pressing calamities which I foresee in Ireland--I could arrive at no other determination than net to vote for she maintenance of the corn-laws If I was to con tinue the duty of 175., it would teach the landed Interest what it may have cost them.— (Cheers.) The Right Hon. Secretary of State for the Home Department was responsible for presereingsurrounding millions from famine, and that responsibility would be dangerously increased by a continuation of tile present corn-laws.—(Cheers.) Now , it is a fact, that in parts of this empire four millions of her Ma jesty's subjects are dependent for their subsistence on a certain article of food. It is difficult to say the extent of the danger--the progress of the disease, and the amount of deficiency that will have to be sup plied; and surely you will make some allowance for those who are charged with the responsibility of this great calamity.— (Hear, hear.) The famine and disease have every pros pect of an increase at the distance of three or four months, and is not the course welave adopted shoold wooneheofehduartyget withtio the country neglect? emtnt I believeandtoour ?;\a'hayti therefore , c ipations ale likely to be realised—a n d it i s r i g h t t h at should knew it. You have, of late, seemed to di s lik e any re 31tpe'l:Irartelttl tO ' nee to letters; and have turned away from every communication; but It is necessary that you should understand the present state of Ireland.—(near, hear.) I cannot attempt to conciliate your confi dence by an eepresslon of regret for the course that I have taken— so far from it, I declare, in the face of this House, that the day of my political life to which I look back with the greatest satisfaction grain.-- (Loud cheers.) The packet was opening myselfo f the th the is the Ist of November, w a h h e o n n l te e r va i s n re c ti o d u r oe to il upon m iul l in sl y einh p g r e i f mary object was to increase the supply of country, and to take precaution against famine. Other a collateral nature, would have flowed from it— in hear ") and, under the circemstances, it would praraveaboosrovpdtuaos advantages, ol i tr b ghs i et i c i si t :ol y aeo o dafr taTiveesbeeefn the best step that could have been adopted. Supposing that our anticipations ha.. been incorrect—supposing we had formed e o f u the l' anticipations e l L i d e a faisehesat,tneshatoer—oelttbselfireivee t fr h o a m t t h he arm gele a r o os d it t yi be'oeunldborne out by the result, was not the measure the only one that could be adopted?—(Loud cheering.) During the latter part of De cember last, and in the beginning of January, there was a temporary suspension of e a ft l e a r rm a . th Ibielev:tebrunsdhaanrceed of food—drat — prza t le t n h t e opinion tsee that wes iliees7reati—and I never put my trust in the existing supplies ; for t et‘ e i r . the opinions I had rece ved from the most eminent men of science, I feared that the time would come when my apprehensions would be realised—that they would be justified by the event. Now, what is the fact? I read this not so much for the vindication of Go vernment as for the guidance of this House. It is cot right that you should lire in ignoranee of the real facts of this ease. The proposal here conveyed is not an absolute suspension, but it is virtually a suspension of the corn-laws. A reduction is proposed upon maize, rice, meal, eons, barley, and oats--wheat only is excepted—and is not that virtually a re moval of the duty on corn. Before you decide on rejecting this measure, c nsider well the reports which even the last day has brought down to you. You have seemed to discredit the reports given by official authorities. Nay, some of you have seemed to believe that public men have been acting In concert to deceive you. I will not read any official reports to you, but simply the letters which the last two snails have brought from Ireland. You will pro. bably remember the name of Sir David Roche, the Member for Limerick. Ile was one of those who thought that the prospect of was exaggerated, and that precaution was unnecessary. f T ain hlhisdeay's mail brought me this letter from bins=" No person was more disposed than I was to look forward with the hope that that part of the potato crop which looked sound before Christmas was safe from the infection, and in answer to a letter from the Lord- Lieutenant of Ireland expressed that hope with great con fidence, but I grieve to say that every day convinces me of my error. Potatoes apparently Sound turn out to have the disease more or less, in an incipient state, and are obliged to be given to the pigs. The Catholic clergy in my neigh bourhood,nmveiaxlteoy out tn otherol n c t c o loio r t i r i l, I ,eoi. n tops l oo e pn4ir o de. f erdoeu t : l e s soe i , tlf la land,ids a d o too l u n kt : itii i is r ;tkas e ott x. cwh p . al r it e .. o tt hh i t t ie s pmoc a ta l a : 2 e tto ehi u sso s ,s e fot d mhbea b ar3 3 de : d If wills me, what must it be with the poor people who have not the convenience of substantial buildings and other adjtmcts to a large farming establishment at their command. In short, when I ride through the country, the rotten potatoes are to be seen thrown by the road-side, and near them a small portion of more sound ones, which there is every reason to fear will share in the general decay. I pray you to look to it at once." Well, I did look to it.—(lmmense cheering from all parts of the House.) That is the account from the county of Limerick. You shall now hear the account from the Queen's County. It is written by an inspector of police, and Mr. Emerson, the clergyman of a parish there :—" We have examined at first the horses of, two families resident on the property of Mr. Cavanagh, and we afterwards extended our inquires to 198 families- We are utterly unable to describe the ex tent to which the destruction has gone on in this part of the country. Many families who have planted sufficient for their ordinary wants, including a portion for seed, have not had a potato for the last month. This is the month of February, and it will be at least five menthe be fore we can receive ally supply in the ordinary natural course. Other families have lost nearly all, and the stock still remaining is totally unfit for hairnets food; in fact they are a mass perfectly disgusting to look at. We have Cxernined many, hut the results are always tie • same—there are no potatoes remaining in the country." These are letters received by me during the last two days. There is another from the county of Waterford, written by Lord Stuart Dacia. "Your Excellency will find the announcement of the alarming fact, that in two districts of the union there are at this early period of the year no less than 300 persons whose stocks of provisions are on the point of becoming extinct, and the disease is making great ravages among the potatoes. Those persons have no hope but from parish assistance. It was the general impression in the district, that a Ow in the price Gl' all kinds of grain would take place before the spring, and that althossgle foreign supplies were bad even now, they would lie far short of meeting the evils of the case ; unless the Government, as far as the interests of Waterfowl kW the surrounding country was con cerned, established corn stores Where the people might be supplied at wholesale prices. The writer was of epinipn that in Yoegl'al, Waterford, Cionmel, and other towns in that part of Ireland, the astabtishepent of these stores would he of the greatest benefit and meld be gesily kapt open, as there was an adequate military force in them all for their pepteption. The next letter I hold in my hand (col - Abetted the Itight Itoll, Bereteet) is from the county of Kerry, and i 3 'wed the 9th of VOrniwy. The gen tleman who writes it wss Slr T11 0 414$ JACels g(-1 , i1P1411 whose statement was entitled to the greatest r espect. Ttle Right Hon. Baronet then read an extract, to the effect that very see iplls ravages had been made in the potato crop by the prevailing diseesp. pe (Sir Thomas Dillon) had gone round the district daring tlia feet ten gays, and he had had every opportunity of hearing and witnessiflii file 441 roetion as Mehl had been made in the potato crop the disease Wes S49l l l l ti Freprid Tepidly, and excited the greatest clarm among ail elasses, as to hew flee 'people were to get a supply of food. The House (resumed the Bight 1 10. NMI will recollect that some time ago a Commission was appointed to si its publin, and to carry out an inquiry as to the extent of the potato dsseage ht a;fferent parts of the country ; that Commission has lately made IfS repot% and thie ;Mehll report embraces every part of Ire hmd, or I may 4) , eveyy electoral dietrct of that country, wi h the eaeopplien of 49. From all fhee l e wiste ee eeptions I have ;veined Oleos has 4 been made. et std 'theie reyeal I find in ` foae e l eA;s3l disiricts the jOss oil 4I ' potato crop has been no: .. a`ll. p ie - tenthi" of" all 'tine produce. That out of ninety-thiee • gosh:less the lees br been not lets than from seven-tenths to eighTelAiths. pU 4 4 2 electoral districts the loss is seven- tenths on the whole crop. In I 6 e ilietedels the failure is six-tenths. In 596 electoral districts a beee one-half pf the ,crop has been destroyed, and in 582 electoral the loss haa beef)ir-eetathe In the idemant of the produce. Then` are tilts iefiirrei Rs, and ile dates 41;(t the m eomiamd ,ii;,;:isa we have reccl44, itIP 441TM/100. hitsO bidoon the establishment of stores Of corn—(Losul cheers)—to be epIZI at 14W prices, Pif 3 1 1 1 P11 in remuneration for labour.—( Renewed sneers.) flgt, though we might eideblisli stores and receive• supplies of foreign grain, to get potato seed roirs foreign countries was next to imeos sible. One-eighth of all the Otitto crop wiae repaired for seed for the ensuiog year. An acre Of landyeattired it tout, or at least three quarters of a ton of potatoes for seed; to that at this rate It would ell of EUrOpe: To require supply which Four9 ,: t .. t , e d T TuEspAY MORNING, FEBRUARY 17, 184&. • :•ieive a supply in that nsaueer is almost Impossible. It is therefore necessary thOt we should look to save a supply of seed from the present crop for the ensuing year.—(Hear.) lint to do this it is necessary to encourage saving from the pt esent crop by the substitution of other supplies of food.---(Hear, hear.) Unless this is done the danger of the corning year may be forgotten by the people. The Government must endeavour to prevent famine and at the same time to preserve a stock of potato-seed for the next year by substi tuting other articles of provisions under wise arrangements, taking potato-seed in exchange.—(Hear, hear, and cheers) If we asked you for large votes of public money, or were we to recommend ap peals to Roman Catholics or to the Established Church ler charitable assistance in order to meet the ease —if we asked you for a vote of from 200,0001. to 300,000/.—how could we stand before you while at the same tune we maintained the duty on corn?—(Cheers.) Such a proceeding on the part of the Government I am sure would not have been tolerated by the House.—(Hear, hear.) How could I have blinked the statement that in Ireland, in 586 electoral districts, seven-tenths of the potato crop were destroyed, in 600 more the crop halt gone, and in some the crop eight-tenths destroyed, and yet have maintained the corn-laws inviolate? Under these circumstances, supposing the persons anxious to ageep up the present system, I do not believe that the conduct of the landed aristocracy would warrant the Government In not proposing that the corn -laws he repealed.—(hear, hear.) Fidelity to the landed interest leads me to that supposition. I would relieve you of the odium of' supposing you would maintain the duty on corn in the lace of such a state of things. In Holland and in Belgium stepsilad been taken at an early period to provide for the coming scarcity. The Belgium Executive Government had taken the pre caution of opening the ports. The Goverotnent of Holland at the beginning of the season, by an order, repealed the ditty on foreign corn, and the Legislative Chambers of that country immediately on meeting (though Belgium is an agricultural' country), unanimously indemnified the Government for what they had done. The report which I have brought betbre your consideration shows that the state of Ireland is worse than any of those count lies; under such circum stances then what course was open for us to propose to the Par liatnent of England, interest ed though it was in agriculture? What but to appear before you, and ask you to support a similar remedy? In every view of the case nothing remained for us but to propose a p u:i l o u n ty it as an un an i mous assent, or at least an aPPa on corll.--(Lotal cries of " Hear, h e a r ," a n d cheer - 1 of ,t' look the cheers.) I come to that pa r t o f the question now—l rejoice in that rently unanimous assent to the course I have propees)l.—(No, no, from the Conservative benches.) If not, I recognise it at least as a very general assent to the policy of a free importation of food to meet the wants of the people.— (Hear, hear.) If so, I ask you to expedite the pasting of those Bills the Government has introduced, so as to enable us to meet the difficulties of the country by every means, by deciding that the duty on every article of provision shall henceforth cease.—(Cheers.) I am only asking you to do that which has been done in other countries, and if I did not do so, I should be c u lLai e •g o e u a n b i l r e y m; , i , t i h t o ta u t r t i t nt a c t r i t e l s if t t s t I,llle,shsi cht o t t r i e l a ia cl:e e r) s - o t o ort t h e e n c i ti n a t e rg re e s d ts m o e f with. A great deal had been sa id about my t reachery to the canoe ofpro tection, about my flinging protection overboard ; and a great deal had bean said about rousing th e B r i t i sh Lion—( Loud laughter)—in maintenanee of the corn-laws,—(ficar, hear.) To all this I can only say I have been guided solely by a sincere desire to advance the best interests of the country, having not only the interests of the many of the people, but also the landed interests steadily in view. If such a measure had not been proposed, would it have been stipulated that no objection would have been made to the present duty ; that maize, and oats, and barley, should not have been admitted duty free, and that wheat would have been maintained at 17s. per quarter? In 1765 there was an ap prehension of famine, and the very first - act of the House was, I think, a foolish one—they preserved a duty, but by the second act they admitted the importation 01 foreign corn duty free. We also were apprehensive of famine, and we determined to admit corn duty free. In 1791 the old law was ab•lished and a new corn-law was established. In 1793 there were apprehensions of a second famine, and notwithstanding the new corn-law the first act on the statute book was to remove all duty on the importation of foreign corn. In 1795 there were again apprehensions of famine, not so severe as we have now reason to dread, but measures were taken to meet it. In 1796 the same remedy was applied, namely the removal of all duties on foreign corn. In 1799 the same course was again pursued, and with these precedents before us, would it be wise ibr Government to pursue a different course than that which was then pursued? Would it be wise to determine on the maintenance of protection? If Govern ment maintained the law as at present enforced, I will ask what de gree of odious would attach to us if we were doing so ? Could we offer any defence for our measures ? It would be impossible. It was on the very same grounds that Government had universally acted in every period, not only when corn was at a 100 s. or 80s. a quarter, but when it was only 60s. The remedy was then, as now, to open the ports. Let it be remembered that there was then no other re medy ; there was no sliding-scale then. When corn was 645., foreign grain was admitted at a duty of 6d. • how, wily did Parliament interfere then? It was in order to give a guarantee that a high duty should not attach to any sudden importation. Well, under those circumstances, I advised, as did three of my colleagues, an immediate suspension of the law. But you ask, what Is it you recommend now ?—b o y your measure the law is not merely suspended. It would be die reputable towards Par liament to recommend a suspension. It wouhl be impossible to eo it. It is not in the power of the Crown now to do that which I invited you at one time to do. lint it may be true that the most fitting time hiss passed away—that may, indeed, be true. It may be true that when we were first informed of the progress of the evil it would have been the better time to avert it. But admitting the necessity for doing so by an order in Council in December, is It not a greater Why it should be done on r," and great cheering.) True, the supply might have been greater then, but w e h ave si x trleiaesolGnt-11 i o s f i t t ,e n b o ru t a a ry n c ?—( r c e r a i s e e s d .f r , e , a i s i sl— , months yet to , come. But you may come to this, you may say maintain the existing law, and make some other provision by in creased facilities for supplying the country, If, therefore, on account of this temporal and unfuncen necessity, we are obliged to refer to precedents, they are in our favour. Reason argues that we should suspend the existing law, bnt it may be said, suspend the existing law for six mouths. What are you then to do? This is a question which any man, having to examine the subject, would be required to consider. But our conviction is strong, that it is utterly impos sible, after establishing perfect freedom of importation for the pe riod of eight months to permit the corn -laws to come into operation at the end of that period. I repeat that my conviction is perfectly strong that such a course would be impracticable. But you say further, give us a temporary suspension, butt give us a guarantee that at the end of eight months the present corn-laws shall be re newed. I say it is impossible to do so. It Is an utter misrepresen tation of the state of public feeling, to suppose it to be probable that after this country for the period of eight months should have tasted freedom from all duties on the importation of food, for Government to renew those restrictions, either by its own principles or by the enactments ef foregone statutes. When you refused the admission of maize in the course of last Session itwas a matter of consideration to my colleagues and myself, whether we should at once suspend the law or rather bring some modified measure. I ad mit that some of you were of opinion that maize should he admitted, but that protection should be kept up upon other things. Do not disregard public opinion on those things --do not slight that feeling—for, depend upon it, that when a question of thiv character is involved, public feeling cannot be disregarded. By the present corn-law, the duty on maize varies with the ditty on 'corn. 1t was desirable to admit maize free of duty, bin as the prices of con) rose the price of maize rose also. Yet it is remarkable that in the last session of Parliament it was proposed by some o: you that maize should be imported duty free, because it was desirable to have it for the feeding of cattle. You think it advisable not to recommend the repeal of the corn-laws, and yet you admit the principle that maize should come its, because such admission will lie for the benefit of the farmer in the feeding of his cattle. But you forget that there are other articles necessary for hman sustenance, upon which you say protected ditties ought to be maintained. - What do you advise us now ? I may assume that it is necessary new that this law should be sus pended. I will 'teatime it is suspended. Would you deliberately advise us, to give:you on the ground of any public or private necessity, a guarantee that the cern-law, at the expiration of eight months should be renewed. Do you not feel that the fact of the suspension would constitute a sew element in the consideration of things ; that the fact of the suspension would give tentbld energy to the agitation at present existing. Would you invite us to fight the battle? What iv the state of the feeling you invite us to oppose, by asking us to gram this renewal? I ask you to look to the public expression, and of the sincerity of which Honourable Members have give, ample proof. Did the Noble Lord, the Member foi Dorsetshire, vacate his seat from any unnecessary motive ? Did Mr. Start, did Mr. Wilson Patten avow their change 01 opinion from any dishonest motive?—(Cheers.) Did Mr. Egerton,. the Member for Cheshire—did Lord Henniker entertain any other than a real change of opinion, and a real conviction that the time was come for a settlement? Did that young Member of tin, House, Sir. Charteris, who has shown as high and noble a spirit as ever animated the breast of an English gentleman, combined with great acuteness, with great promise of excellence—did Mr. Charter's abandon his seat for Gloucestershire from any dishonourable or cor rupt motives? Did Mr. Downey resign his seat through corrupt motives? Why, are not these conclusive proofs that that Minister who had undertaken, after suspension, to guarantee the existing corn laws would have had numerous difficulties to contend with ? But, let us take the course of the present debate— let us take the admis sions, the expressions of opinion of those who have been the loudest in their condemnation of the Government. The first instance is the Member for Huntingdon.—(Cheers.) Well, I confess that I was surprised at some of the opinions maintained by the Hon. Gentleman with respect to the policy of the government.—(Cheers.) Will that Hon. Gentleman follow me in a defence of the existing corn-law after suspension?— (Hear,:hear.) So far from that, the Hon. Gentle man thinks that this is just the time for making a compromise with respect to the corn-laws. That means a new corn-law. He nook abandon me if; after suspension, I sheuld undertake to guarantee the existing corn laws. That is quite clear. He says the time is just arrived ibr a compromise. Why, if ever there was an unfortunate moment for a compromise this is It.—(Cheers.) What is the mean ing of a compromise but a new corn-law ? Aud what is the security for the maintenance of that?—(Opposition cheers.) What could be the security? What says every thin. Gentleman who has appeared on tilt part of the agriculturists ? Why it is this—" What we agriculturist,. wish is permanence as to cont." Well then, can any one who thinks the agricultural interests will be promoted by a permanent system of corn-laws advise a mere alteration of the corn-lasts to take effect after a period of suspension ? I am uow considering that gustier after suspension, and it would be impossible for a prudent man, having the res Pouseoully of Government, to advise the contiouance of the corn-laws. What would be the state of parties? I will only take the loudest and most vigorous advocates for protection. Now. I am truly convinced that it would be impossible to restore the corn laws after a suspension. What says the Hon. Member for Rox burglishire ?—(Citeers.) Ile was the loudest In Ills denunciation. The Hon. Member for Roxburglishire has a curious notion of the relations between the country and its Ministers—and the Minister, the Sovereign. The Hon. Gentleman likens me to a hired advocate a partiettlar counsel who had thrown up his brief. Perhaps the Hon. Gentleman is net aware that the Minister takes an oath, and that constitutes the material difference between his position and that of an advocate. The Minister takes an oath that in all matters to be debated and dis cussed in Council he will truly and unreservedly deliver his opinica according to his heart and conscience —(Hear)—and I apprehend that that obligation constitutes a material difference between his position and that of un advocate.—( Loud cheers.) I will ask the lion. Gen tleman who says he stands here to advocate the old corn-law, ant that I had made a terrible breach in 1842, but that I was hound, at any rate, for considerations of consistency and honour, to maintala the corn-law of 1842—1 will ask what was the admission which the Hon. Gentleman made before he got to the close of his speech ? He said, " I must admit that in my own county - , within the the lase three years, there have been such improvement: mad& in the roads—such introductions of science, and indeed such facilities for producing cheap corn, that my opiniot, 1: that the tints is come when the present cern-law should be al tered."—(Lond Opposition cheers.) Well, I said to the Hon. Gen " Whom are you counsel for ?" Of course, the Hon. Gen- Heinen was perfectly indignant at being supposed to be an advocate for:and one, and he claimed for himself that motive which animated Anchara's troops—lie was the Attorney-General for the human race.—(Cheers and laughter.) Both the Member and the Ministet were counsel, and when I asked him for whom he was counsel, the Hon. Gentleman said, " Counsel ! That is an implitation on ins honour. lam council for the ogriculturists—l am counsel for the commercial interest—l am counsel for the whole country-1 am coun sel for humanity."—(Loud chess and laughter.) All I claim is to be counsel for all the great interests of the country. 1 have obliga tions superiot to any which party engagements impose—namely, to give that advice which is required of rue according to my heart and conscience, and which I believe to be the best for the conntry."— (Cheers.) Well, then, there is the Member for Newcastle-under- Lytle. He Informs me that hereafter, and for ever he must with draw his confidence from nue, and on this ground, that 1 establish no great principle in respect to the corn-laws. Ido not know whether the Hon. Gentleman has shared in my ItilS. fortane, ft read the pamphlet of John Colquhoun.—(G rea t laughter.) lis ill now refer, whit greatrespect, to a Noble Lord who has not yet spoken. I mean the Noble Member for Newark.— (Hear.) But would it be possible for the Government to rely on his support if they had taken the c o urse of ado pting a neer and modified system of corn-laws ?—(ilear , hear.) 1 know not what course h e will Mite with respect to this measure, for. though b e says h e is in favour of a repeal of the corn-lairs, yet he thinks that the present no Parliament is t the one to enact it, igurely that it no sat i sfactory —(lean) The Hon. Member for Maidstone said lie would reason.—(Bear.) ask whether the measure was right or wrong, butt that he would quote extracts from my speeches to show that I was not eon g4, . • ' tent Si r e the question fyr the country is this—ls the measure right er Is ,rolig If it be. right end necessary I call on you to pass • it . if ft be wrong, then withdraye • your confidence from the Government. —(Cheering ) VMS canned justify au adverse vote if you believe that we are rlght.—(eet oieers,) The lion. 31ember the • • Huntingdon is in favour of eontinuation of the for present measure; and Ile further gave me notice that henceforth I cennet colculote op hint as a supporter. I implore of him to visit all ceneeppenes3 • the Mi 1114117 which be !nay think we merit, but , ore now offer to ti II not Mini'? qleAsPI _, 0 e tide country.—( eat•, hear.) if yon believe ili e nle4Oilre he ceo4ry, pass it at the pretest crisis ; butt take any onwrtuilify that rangy !sitar for punish ing the introducers of it.—(ilear, hear.) LI the crone of last year I proposed that a certain duty should be laid on grease, when up rose the same Hon. Gentleman, and insisted there should be a stop-gap— !' pevp! avOont and quit this holy ground I" exclaimed the Hon. 1411ITSP4 — ( Me. MILES— t qui net 4104 from dlity.—(Offier, order.) I wanted to get another day appeintea Sir R. PEEL—I do believe that the Hon. Gentleman, by taking his stand on grease —I do believe that lie has shown eminent quali fications for the position of a leader. He says "he did not shrink fora the duty ;" certainly , f or he w as absent on the night the dlOcuselins on (lie 9 11 e1I i qg tzxis . laugh.) 4.`ow Wit hs'egitial to'tattlei amliiiMt;'t he Oen. I)l t efither oimosed the intiodtiction of foreign cattle'; tkeetuse lie sari it wonia . t'end to - red wee gm Mice of home produce, but the f a c t is the pride has increased tkeKea r ,^44, pull set tV hien. Gentleman voted for the corn-law of 1841; blit'Sti•eituotisly opposed the In T ereiasion of foreign cattle.—(Hear, hear ) And what is hi . the 'lteln:"Vsentlem'ati &we now ? Why, while exulting in having opposed the prohibitory duties Imposed on the admission of foreign cattle into this conntry, lie says, ti) the year 1841, we suffered severely from a defective supply of meat, and l if! con) se pt the ittot silt 111 0 11 ( tis s o 13141: qupthypf sheep haeiogot Saptliqlel hae !Seen ;50,0, 'less than tlfelfaitoyear'nnY eeditio—that the average 004 stiPPIY of ShOp' in the (.onion • markets is 16,500 less, and that the cattle bought in Stilitlifield in consequence of deficient food weighed from 7 to 10 lbs less than in former years, and were extremely lean and ill favoured.—(ilear, hear, and laughter.) Now, in the course of the last six months this efleiencee of 250,000 sheer had been supelied from abroad, and with . „ this fact staling in the face ,ought he not to regret lowing opposti the carrying out of this anti-protective principle:—(hear, hear.) But bow does he think it is now possible for him or me to maintain that law, when from diseases and defective fodder we are often compelled to go abroad for our supplies.—(Hear, hear.) Was it not a strong fact against the motion which the Hon. Member brought forward some time ago to restrict the importation of fo reign cattle, that from the defective food produced by the laud of this country, 250,000 head of sheep were prevented from coining into the English market? Did this not show that it was against the interest of the landowner to restrict the free importation of wholesome and healthy fodder? ' Mr. MILES—My motion was not to prevent the importation of grain. My motion relative to cattle was to tax cattle by the weight, and not by the head. Sir R. PEEL—Whatever the motion of the Hen. Member might have been, his words were that he was disappointed with the work ing of the corn-law, and he wished to Impose a further restriction on the importation of cattle.—( Hear, hear.) Now the Hon. Gentleman must excuse me if I refer to flax ? And what do we learn from the history of flax ? When there was a duty of 10! per ton upon the im portation ef flax, there was a certain parish in the county of Somerset which grew flax, and let us take that parish for drawing our compa risons. In the parish of Cbiselhorough there were 100 acres of land devoted to flax, and the lion. Gentleman says the growth of flax on that land was abandoned.ln consequence of the withdrawal of protection. Now, I ask the Hon. Gentleman at what period was that ? Mr. MILES—At the removal of the last duty. Sir ROBERT PEEL—WeII, then, the last removal of the last duty was oely 2s. per cent. ; the higher duty on flax having been removed in 1824. The duty upon foreign flax in 1821 was 101. per ton. It , xas reduced In 1894 to the nominal duty of 2s. per cent., and i n was removed altogether. Now, by the removal of this duty you say -100 acres of land In the parish of Chisleborough were thrown out of cultivation, and that is what you call withdrawing protection from native industry. But let us see what has taken place in other parte, of this great empire, in censeqttenc, of this withdrawal of protection of native Industry. You will find that the growth of flax in Ireland has become a very flourishing trade since the with drawal of protection. Some _Honourable Members are very fond of taking particular twenties, • and saying, wh.t has been the consequence of your polky. here; and the Hon. Member for Somersetshire had done the same to Chiselborongh, but let ut look at Ireland and see what has taken place there. What Las been the consequence of the withdrawal of protection in that country where manufactures were very much restricted, why you will find that the growth of flax is much more profitable than wheat. IMX without protection affords a better return than wheat with it ; so much for agriculture.—(Hear, hear.) Now what hat become of the manufactuces in Ireland since the withdrawal of protection. Previous to the withdrawal of - protection the importation of cambric into this country from Ireland was is 6,000 to 1,000 from France, New, since the withdrawal of.protection, has there been any increase or not? In the year before the withdrawal of protection, the num bers were 10,000 French, 110,000 Irish.. In the next four years the increase of the Irish importations in London was 300,000. In the next four years from 1838 to 1842, 400,000. And what said the great manufacturers of cambric, in Loudon, who waited on me the other day, when they said ten years since three-fourths of the cambric handkerchiefs introduced into the Loudon market, came from France and four from Ireland ? Since the reduction of the duty, - they state • that three-fourths come from Ireland, and the remaining fourth from France.—(Cheers,) Then, whatever that parish of Chiselborough may have suffered in consequence of this alteration, the culture of flax in Ireland has prospered, and the linen manufacture in that country has long had a degree of prosperity which the most sanguine friends could hardly have expected.—(Cheers.) Well, now, will you restore this duty upon flax?— (Hear.) This debate has chiefly turned on the corn-laws; but it is not necessarily a corn-law debate.—(Hear, hear.) I pro pose that we should go into a Committee of the whole House for the purpose of considering the principles of our commercial policy— (Hear, hear)—and no doubt the corn-law will come before that Com- inittee. But it is perfectly open to you to reject the measure for the corn-law and yet to consent to these measures. Sir, so much has been said on the subject of the corn-laws that I cannot pass it by. tier Majesty's Government have proposed, after the lapse of three years, that the duties upon corn should be repealed, or at least re duced to a nominal duty. I proposed that measure on the part of the Government from a sincere belief that it would be more ac ceptable than any other to the agricultural interest. I proposed it from a belief, not merely chat it would be more accptable to them, but that they would prefer it to immediate repeal. We combined with the measure of the corn-laws—we combined, I say, for en couragement in the improvement of land by advancing money for the purposes of such improvement.—(Cheers.) I certainly thought it would be more probable that with respect to many parts of this country we should be in a much better position to compete with foreigners if the corn-law repeal were postponed to the end of the - „ next three years. I thought there would be more opportunity for arrangements between landlord and tenant.--(Cheers.) BM, above we seriously considered what could be done with respect to hainage, and what advantage could be taken of that proposal of the Govermnent. I certainly also thought that the consideration that Canada has at present, the advantage of a repeal in the admission of her corn compared with the corn of foreigners —I thought that it would be much mere like to be acceptable to Canada and more for the interests of Canada, and that some time should elapse before • their corn came hits competition.— ( Rear, hear.) ft was for that purpose bona fide, and believing the ar rangement upon the whole much better, believing also that it would be more for the advantage of the agriculturists, that, on the part of her Majesty's Government I make that proposal. L'e'ieving it to be the best, it is my intention to adhere to it —(Loud cheers)—that is to say, it is my intention to propose it—(Cheers)—And to use all the means—the legitimate means I can, for the purpose of giving effect to it. But it was intimated the other night by the lion. Gentleman, the Member for Suffolk, that he greatly preferred (speaking en the part of the agricultural body) that he greatly preferred immediate repeal to the measure wtich I have proposed. —(Protectionist cheers.) And .when he uttered that sentiment he turned round to his friends, and it received apparently their general concurrence.—(Cheers.) Now, as I stated before, it is the inten- Hon of the Government to adhere to their proposition.—(Cheers.) They have stated the reason why they Propose it, and why they are inclined to prefer it.—Considering the advantage of the oppor tunity that there will be afforded for an improvement of the land. But I stated this that if the agricultural body are not of opinion that it Is for their advantage—(Protectionist cheers.)—and if they think that immediate repeal will be preferable to the deferred repeal —(Great cheers and laughter on the Opposition benches)—and if they place me in the minority, then the only consideration that I shall bear in mind will be this—What course can I best take to give effect to the law as amended upon your instance?—(Loud and re peated Opposition cheers, and laughter.) I will do all that I can to carry the proposition of the Government.—(Cheers.) I prefer it, and I will persist in believing It to be favourable to the ricultural interest. I do not say what course—speaking for myself I sun to pursue. Sly opinion with respect to the final adjust ment of the corn-laws will remain unaltered, and I shall decidedly prefer immediate repeal to the confusion of the country.—(Cheers.) Sir, it is right carefully to consider what course we should pursue on this question. This I do believe, that the final adj us t ment of this question has become paramount to all other questions.— (Hear, hear, and cheers.) Now, Sir, I was asked in the course of this discussion what price I calculated for corn in the year titer the proposed repeal.—(Hear, hear.) I thought it, too, natural to say that it would be very difficult for me to give a positive answer to that question—that 1 thought the price of corn must be affected by seasons, and by other considerations, and that therefore I could not undertake to give an answer, and I am afraid that past experience induced me to avoid giving any guarantee to any price whatever.— (Laughter, and cries of "Oh, oh.") But this I will say, that I think aothing can be more ruinous than to suppose that the interests of igriculture are necessarily and intimately conitectt,el with the price of wheat.—(Cheers.) Now I will own that I do not anticipate that when the HOU. Gentleman talks of countless miles that are ready to ae cultivated, I will only ask th.p Hon. Gentleman to consider that in Germany there has long been a free trade, and that corn from Egypt smut Odessa is plentifully admitted, subject to a nominal duty. rise price of cora is dependent upon its quality. Corn brought to Haiti front Egypt and Odessa, bears what is there called a fair price of 31s. per quarter. It is stated that the saute corn will bear a ?rice of 10s. less iii the markets of England, on account of Its infe riority ; and, therefore, it is impossible to draw an inference from the merely nominal price of corn, or to ascertain the real value which should be fixed upon that article. I entertain the hope that a re- Mellon in the prise will be caused by a store extended importation. What I want to show, however, is this, that agricultural prosperity :s not necessarily connected with the prices of wheat. It is ad mitted upon all hands that there never was a time when science has teen so much applied to agriculture, or the cost of production so much reduced as for the last three or fou:, years. Now what ;las been . the prices of wheat? We shall sec that it has a natural tendency lo decline inprice.—(Hear, hear.) Now we will just take the decennial period commencing with the year 1805. In 1805, the price of wheat was 81s. 2d. ; 1815, 975, lid. ; 1825,785. id. ; 1835, 565, 7d. ; 1840, 575. 11d. And during the last four years, which have been years of great improvement in agriculture, the price has been only 51s. 10d. So that the price of wheat has fallen :rout 975. 6d. to the comparatively small price of 51s. 108., and yet it IS generally admitted that persons employed in agriculrure are in a slate of greater prosperity than at any period before. And if there should be a still further reduction in prices it will be the result of scientific improvements. The price of wheat, therefore, cannot be taken as a criterion of agricultural pros. derity. There is another circumstance to which I will idso allude. The rental of land. As taken from the returns made to this House, makes the gross rental of land in England, in the year 1815. the sum of 32,500,0001.—the price of wheat for the five years ending 1815 was 102 s. 2d. Now, this is very remarkable, for in the five years ending in 1842 the price of wheat had fallen to 62e. 7d., and the gross rental of England had increased to 37,000,0001., so that, coin cident with price has been the increase of rental.—(Hear, hear.) Wow, I am perfectly ready to admit the benefit which you might with reference to the difference of currency; hut, remember that if you take 10 per cent. off the price of wheat (102 s. 2d.), you must also take 10 per cent. off the amount of rental (32,000,0001.) and still it will leave no question but that concurrent with the great reduction, and since there has been a great increase of agrieulttual • trosperit; .—(Hear, hear.) New I must refer to the speech of tire Hon. Member for Northampton (Stafford O'Brien). No w, what were the arguments he adopted S " Now (says the Hon. Member) lifter these corn-laws shall have passed, the tenant farmer will come so his landlord and he will thus address him. Ile will say to the landlord " I cannot afford to pay the same rent which I have paid hitherto—the bones of my forefathers have been collected in the churchyard of this ancient parish—it is most paintbl for me to think Afquitting the residence of my ancestors, the church of my fore :ethers, and the home of my family, and seek my fortune in a strange place." And it will he remembered that the Hon. Gentleman made A great impression on the House in consequence of the pathetic tone in which the speech was delivered. The Hon. Member then pro posed that the landlords should make a speech to the tenant. He makes him say, "My good fellow"—(roars of laughter) "it is quite rue that your forefathers have lived in this parish, that there has been an intimate relationship between your ancestors and mine, that the principles of free trade are prevailing. I can purchase articles of consumption at a cheaper rate, and I must deal with you upon the same principle. It is quite true that the laud you now occupy pro- - - luces only three quarters, whereas by the application of a little capital and skill it might be made to produce live quarter ,;" and thee is a gentlemen close by who is connected with the Anti-Corn-law League."—(Cheers, and cries of "No, no," from Stafford O'Brien.) It I have not correctly quoted the landlord's speechr E wish the Hon. Member would make the landlord's speech again. (soars of laughter.) The Hon. Member says the gentleman alluded to was not necessarily a member of the League. Well, at any rate, he meant a person with large capital. The landlord proceeds in his speech to the tenant to say he must sell in the dearest market, and must, therefore, give the preference to him (the capitalist). sow, sir, if the Hon. Member will allow me, I will suggest a better speech for the landlord.—(Hear, hear.) "My good fellow"--(Roars woven with the fortunes of my ancestors. It is possible that Istughter)—" your liirefathers have been buried the churchyard a.ijoining your fvrerathers have had their fo;tunes interwoven t afranger may overbid you in the market. Under this protecting law your land, which should produce live quarters, produces only and public opinion will hardly tolerate this, or accede to our desire that no foreign cattle shall be imported. We must therefoee take some measures to increase the production of the land ffom three quarters to five. I have the advantage of the new tariff, and I pro pose to apply that advantage to your assistance.—(Rear, hear.) I will not turn you out; I won't let the manufacturer come in to re- place you. It is my interest as well as yours that the produce of tke land be Increased from three quarters to five. I will lend you ca pital, I will assist you, and let you and your son, to whom this land will descend, keep out this foreign invader, I, by my . _ capital, and you, 1 y - your industry, will remain by the land, and let it be handed dawn to our postertty with all the improvements which we respectively can give it." But if the tenant should say this is a labourers question, I should make hint say in reply to that —" If we make this land produce five quartars instead of three surely more employment would be created, and all this by the application of that saving which the rich shall derive from the ad dressed. This was the questition her Majesty in her speech had said " I recommend you to take into your P4rIY eonsideration whether, benefit of the laud so improved, That was how he should be altera tion might not be made so as to benefit the agriculture and the com mons of the country." The address was so worded as to give no after taking a review of the laws relating to protection, some it would not be advisable to make such further sideration whether p n li o tes t e i n n t u e l l e it i i ) t ro le t d ec to tio ti n ic t i o r reductions in those laws as might be compatible with the interests of pledge en the subject. It said that the [louse would tithe into eon thej n to question at all. I e xpeeted front the early notice which the Hon. Member gave of his intention to move mi amendment, that it would at all the country. How then doyou fulfil that assurance? You refuse logo e hf i li d b e e t e m n e e , t ta w k a e s industry. Now what was the amendment? Why, not a great into consideration. Do you dep;de then agqinst tile admission of lt or l ° U r i a th t 4 n t o t priMeiple was involved in it. You refuse to %Ice the question foreign brandy? yott decide Against the admission of foreign i cti2ig " e 4 st m u e li n t silks? Tlds amendment preceetis so far. The ctqestioll for you to consider, with regard to our coMniercial policy, is, will you advance, or will you peed 9--(Loud cheers.) You perhap s say, you will stand still, which is the' etreet of the amendment—to postpone the consi deration of the subject for the next six months. I sky to thit, that there is no stationary point—to StAn4 04 1 4 to retrograde.—(Cheers.) I do hope that this Parliament, Which passed the law of 1842, w hi c h simplified the Cnetoms, Which consented to a change in the tariff, which passed the Canada Corn Bill, which assented to the tariff of last year. I hope that this llouse will not accede to the proposition got this question lte pestpohed for six months.—;Loud cheer:,.) (1 4, 4i cttl iasue siru,ply was, whether there should be a retaxatien . o.l ditties and of protection, or whether they should restore prohibitory duties and 'increase protection.—(Cheers.) I offer this challenge—l never said that it was upon the experience of the last three years that I was induced to propose the alterations now under consideration of the House, What I said was, that onrieg the last three ITilf4 t Kaye aeon coluchKot IoW prices gret prO4p3.`ity, treat eb.f t tel#4lnt,'ditattiatloti'in crime, impr o ved health, increlisffig ceitatnerce, and that experience of three years has convinced me that cheapness and plenty were the concomitants of relaxation in our prohihitory duties, ant were the foup4tiou of our commercial greanese.—(Loud cheers.) I did not take cpedit to myself fog the tariff. 'What I eald Was, that It was a measure 'Ohicii has eenduced to the general interests of the country. .This is the challenge which I throw out with respect to the tariff. Show me a taxation that on removal did not create some unnecessary approliensipn. I will gp further ; shew me any removal of a taxation that hat not ctintilbeted to thegerieral interest of the country. yfliy; was 'eihamed When I heard of many Of these petitions :wiliest the present nteaSn're, Why, here is a petition sent from the snlpowners. They invoke the wisdom of Parliament to support the general interests of the community, and to prevent all further rash experiments on the mercan tile interests iand l above mi l to continue the timber duties.—and this is a petition from the shipowners—the builders of ships.—(Hear, hear.) Yon reduced the timber duties from 4sts. to 235., and the reduction did not work that injury which the opponents of that reduction would have made out. There is one branch of the timber-trade which required to be improved, and to which good timber ought to be supplied. So trifling was the supply, that, at the present moment, there was not, in one of the greatest maritime ports in the kingdom, a single block of foreign wood of that descrip tion which was the most valitablefor sltip-building. I propose increased facilities for procuring Uinta r, in order that good ships may be built. i relaxed the duties on timber, and with that relaxation ac enormous increase of Canadian timber had taken place, in the same manner as a red uc t ion on the duty on wool caused a vast iiicrea se of the importation j of that article. That reduction Increased the demand for Canadian I limber, in which we are so defficientand which is 50 useful in the . building of ships, that in the port of Liverool was none to be found. no much for that. The Noble Lord the Member for Liverpeol made a long speech about the colonies. What am I proposing? lam not proposing an immediate repeal of everything. lam not proposing that you should sweep away the customs' duty on spirits and oilier artieles.—(Hear, hear, and cheers) I am net for doing away with all protective duties for revenue. With respect to the colonial interests, I know that very great interests are involved. Il'he Noble Lord the Mentber for Liverpool proposed that discrimi nating duties should b e a t once repealed, but it was not his policy to diminish protection, where it was necessary. That was the prin- I eiple of the policy of my Heaourable Friend. What. did we do in 11542? We permitted the colonies to get the produce of this country at a trifling' cost. We said with respect to the colonies, that the pine was come forretaxing those principles of restriction which had marked our policy for many years, and which could not any longer tie maintained, with the sustainment of the liberties of th'e country. Has it injured the colonies? You are wrong to say that the affection to' the colonies for the mother country depends on the, amount of supply. Look at Australia —what is the peat benefit derived from her: I propose to proceed on the path that leads to prosperity and abundance, by gently reducing the protective duties. My Hon. Fnend who spoke on the first night of the debate was very carriages.. —(glean) o pt i or t ipn t; e i e e r removal pnlpit,t;., of t Ile protective ditties on fore le it ca rriages.—(lfear.) I really do not know anything in this. l an kier that there wain duty of a farthing per proposed th t there should be a ette ,,oii,duty of 2d. per yard en Ibreign paper. Why is it that we can hat, - ' b competea i illitieVrdliee competition i p o e , r , wouldjoile hanging—the 7 — th t e l I t e ra p e a .e tt n ernsare stimulus nP a t and consti tution of an Englishman that wouldmlith'u'ingi the talent would increase, properpa Hera. The Hon. Oentleman had g;tid him m t Is in h . the physical consti rizeigit-e t to vot s ild out, of the window or his fbreign m en b i e • from h drawing l I looked a e;vopalfersiet,aidnsdirshate,baeentili :A l ev ige o d u to sacrifice 1011. see a number of he en as alteration made in any protectivetatte drift - ea ilt l i lt e tti l t i a s il'ac ti a li o l r ai T c;:ti t iii iat e7i ye t has not been used—(Laughter)— not been indulged in? In the tariff of 1842, I proposed ' to l let in potatoes at 2s. per cwt., and the prattle, growers of Yorkshire came to me in a body, saying i hat the potato cultivation would be ruined. With regard to hops, in 184 e, I reduced the duty from 81. les to 41. 10s. All Kent and Susse-x were in arms, saying that the trade would be injured. What is the fact? Since that time only two cwt. of hops have (wile in, and yet the hop growers had feared the, influx would be so great and inju rious as to throw a great many persons out of employment. Mr. Ituskisson let down the protective duties on silk, and Mr. hiring, the present Lord Ashley, resisted it. to the utmost of his power. He said that hundreds of thousands of poor honest men, knowing nothing whatever of political economy, would be thrown out of employment. lie had said that a d u ty o f thi r t y per cent. was net 'sufficient protection against foreign competition, and that an admis sion of silk at that duty would drive all the workmen from the trade. Mr. Huskisson said, in reply to the clamours raised against his course of proeeedings, " I have been assailed by ungenerous appeals to my feelings, appeals calling on me to commune with my feelings, and asking me if lam not open to the visitations of sorrow. I hope lam not wantingin the duties of a man or a Christian. But at the same time that I entertain these feelings, I have a duty to perform as a. alinister." That was the language of Mr. Huskisson.—(Hear, hear.) He, however, persevered and removed the prohibitory duties. What has been the result? Have the hundreds of thousands of silk manu facturers been thrown out of employment ? Have the poor-rates heefi - burthened further for their support?—(Hear, hear.) Have we net been able to compete with the foreigner?—(Renewed cries of " Hear, hear.") In ten years ending in 1823, the import of raw silk was 19 million pounds, in the ten years following it rose to 30 million pounds, and finally increased to 52 million pounds. Now which was the true phitantropist—he who said, " Keep out French silk, their patterns are superior to ours ; you will never be able to compete with them ; yon will ruin thousands of workmen;" or the Minister who said, " Good God, do you charge me with apathy? I anonot insensible to the miseries of any fellow-men. I have ascertained that Spitalflelds is threatened with devastation by famine. Let me try-whether or net, by brining in the free air of competition, I may not improve the condition of my country." (Great cheers.) Have we been enabled to compete with foreign powers ? Why you have sent more silk manufactures into that country which is said to be the head of the manufacture you have sea in the last year more silk manufactures into France than you exported to the whole world in any year under the old system.—(Cheers.) Now, I can go over the whole of these articles. I can enumerate tholier, silk—l can even refer to inferior articles, and I may men tion one reduction in 1842. In that year we reduced the duty on foreign feathers.—(Laughter.) It seemed to me a small article, made up by an aggregate of small articles—(Contintied laughter)— but a manufacturer came to me and said, "Oh, this is the moet hard-hearted measure you could have passed. It will ruin the fleet, farmer—(Laughter)--I have a house of call for feathers ; the Eng lish farmer is very careless of his feathers, but the Irish farmer duds his profit In their trade. He added, " I take all my feathers lions Ireland. I use 200 tons of feathers, at 20s. a stone. This trade Will - be destroyed. The duty was reduced. Another letter was received, stating that there never was such a stimulue given to their trade as by the reduction. He had been able to import 300 tons from foreign countries, and 150 tons from Ireland, and in stead of 20s. per stone, he had been obliged to pay 225. 10d. He said also, that the greatest demand had been from Cornwall, and the Cornish miner had been enabled, by these feather manufactures, to rest lehnself from the labours of the day, without being obliged to expend the greater part of his earnings. I offer you that chal lenge, that you cannot show me—l won't say some small mann faeture, there may be some which will he injured—but I offer this chal lenge that, looking for the last thirty years, to the re laxation of your Colonial policy—to the relaxation of your protec tive policy at home—l challenge you to produce an Instance In which the consumer has been injured—l challenge you to produce an instance in which the producer has suffered. You have to make your. choice, and vote on this question. It is a question of confidence in the Government. It ought not to be. Reserve that for a separate motion. The question is, will you advance In the path you have hitherto pursued, or will you retrograde.—(Cheers.) Just look at the amount of force you use for the pnrpose of prevent ing smuggling, and don't refuse to consider whether it may not be right to reduce protection on spirits. Reduce the ditty on foreign spirits. I only ask you to reduce the present duty on French brandy to Ids. On English spirits the duty is 9s. lam only asking you to cut up the trade of the smuggler by the roots. I ask you to permit French silks to come in at a duty of 15 per cent. Is it net possible for a beuefleal result to follow this? Thirty per cent. le now levied, and smuggling Is going on. A further reduction in the duty en silk would cruise the manufacture to increase. Vivify your manufaeturers by a spirit of free competion, and see if a beneficial result will not follow. But then you will have to decide by a vote upon this question. Will you advance or will you recede ? What is the policy best sußea to this great commercial empire ? I ask you to look - at the advantages that God awl nature has given you. Look to your geographical position on the confines of Western Europe, the connecting link between the North of Europe and the great continent of America The improvement iu naviga tion and the application of science have brought. you within ten days of St. Petersburgh on the one side, and ten days of New York on the other. Look to your physical advantages. The nerves and sinews of manufactures, iron and coal ahound in this country. Look to.. your acquired advantages —yeti have , ten Hulce the amount of capital possessed by any country in the world. Look to the advantages derived partly from the inert tendency of your °wit character, and partly from a constitution reconciling per fect libertj, with an absence from licentions rules.—(Cheers.) Look to all these things, Look to your physical —your geographical 1 , ( 4.1.. tion. Your physical resources, your capital, and skill, are Immense. You have every advantage. Your powers are beyond any of the ether nations of the giolte.—(Bear, hear.) Anti will you allow it to be said that ether countries on this question are in advance otyoa. There are countries that are so, from whom 1 least expected sueb conduct, an Ito whom I did not refer. I did not refer to Sardinia, where the duty on the importation of foreign graiu has been re pealed. Naples is stated as likely to follow.—(llear, hear.) Prussia is shaken in its present course, and France was desirous of following, the only objection to that course being from the aristocracy of ma nufactures and commerce. The Executive are fully alive to the queetion ' rr but at present a re restra i ned by the parties I referred to in the Chambers ; but the opinion of all sensible men is, that before long, the question will lie settled in favour of a_me'Se liberal system,—(Hear, hear.) The leading men of the 'tallied States give us great encouragement to proceed, anti by cierrylng the measures of the Government we will be strengthening the hands of the party in that country who are desirous of establishing com mercial freedom. But whether these countries act in a liberal com mercial spirit or not —whether or not they relax the principle of pro- Hon, do not punish yourselves because others choose. to do so, For the sake of your country, and to show a good example to other countries ; let the decision of the present debate be in favour of corn inereial freedom.—(Loud cheers.) Let your vote be fir a principle, based, not on three years' experience, but on the experience derived from every rela x ation of protective duties.—(Loud cheers.) Set the glorione example to other nations, and you will force them to follow in your wake; but if even there is an uncertainty in that, pass the measure, and believe me t h at in at doing you wild be t a kin g - that step winch of nil others will be most conducive to your own security—(l;ear, hear, and cheers)--anti at the same time by doing that, will settle a question that will lead to the contentment and happiness and willing obedience of the grest body of the people.—(Loud cheers ) It mast be clear to all, that after the measure is passed, there will be no certainty that pros perity will be generally scoured, or that periods of - distress in the ma nufacturing or agricultural districts may not arise, It will not makes a state of prosperity certain, though it will do much to prevent the recurrence of distress. We shall have no doubt, as before, seasons cf scarcity followingon seasons of plenty, or it may be that a return of manufacturing distress will be coincident with a season of agricultural scarcity. You alt recollect the times of MI and 1842, those are periods that may occur again.—(Hear.) Lee me revive the recollection of those sad years. The memory of the Winters of 1841 and 1842 never can be effaced from my recollection.—(Cheers.) Recollect the course that we pursued on every occasion on which the Sovereign met her Parliament when there was go expression of the deepest sympathy with privation and suffering—recollect that ex pression of the warmest admiration fbr the patience and fortitude with which those sullbeings were borne by the people.— (Load cheers.) Those times may hew gone, the years of plenteousnees may come, and the years of adversity may also come. And if they do come, and If it be our ditty again to express sympathy with suffering, and again to exhort the people to patience, Ido ask every mashers to commune with his own heart, and to ask himself this question:—lf these calamitous Hines do come--If we must express sympathy with suffering—lf we must offer exhortation to fortitude—will it hot he a consolation that we have relea - ed or e - selves, from the heavy respon s ibility o f regu l a ti ng th e supp i lies of food of the people.—(Cheers.) Will not our expressiono o sy t n o m f ath the ,ili. be more Consolatory ?—(Cheers ) Will not the exhorta o . T i le , be ti T t ore org im co pre b es , impressive, i i ,e f e tt es ee l a t.t t . :ll: n s d ant y j o o t a iti ng nl e; ‘ , i •a' , i, :i e ' : d i. ':: ? 3! . _r ,e j , g o :; e t_ e: - - ' —(hear,hear, . t a n n e t i i t c t ipa to ted tl t i i c i • os f e re d o itil e c li•e it t l iratt e t h o e f er' se an l d ,ott r u c t i i n e ° s vec or l e fl e e ry cr i ' D oi ll' ito l e l . end loud cheers.) . Will if not be 5 tlrcai and lasting coilsolation to us to be enabled to say to 8 surieilitgpcople, these are the chastenings of en all-wise and beneficent Providence, sent for soma dreadful slue to ills ho our pride possibly, and convince us of mr nothingness—to awaken us to a sense of our dependent.° ou our God; they are to be borne without murinuritiZ t and the dispensations of Providence have not been aggravated by hlmum institutions which prevent the supply of food.—('he Bight Bon. Baronet resumed his seat amid the loudest ebuering, which lasted for some minutes.) Lord J. MANNERS moved the adjournment of the debate, which was at onee agreed to. COL: NTT WORKS PRESENTMENT DILL (IRELAND). The House then went into Cumulate on the County Works rye. stntinent Bill. r BILL. a i t t i ' L .4 . t s l , werel . o r in which -Mr. Redington, Mr.' F. French, Sir J. Grahadm,ottierrlitioFti.erzmueszer!itro;.)lkiSilampairrti: N an t p he e ) Clements, an to, and the Bill ordered to be reported. Atter some discuesson, agreed THE FISHERY PIERS, Re. On the motion of Sir JAMES GRAHAM, that the Fishery Piers and Harbours (Ireland) Bill be read a thipi time. Mr. WYSE said, that at num Of the harbours the people were so poor as to be unable to get boats to pursue their trade. He suggested that loans slizatid be allowed from the Government for that purpose. Lord CLEMENTS asked why the 5 ,000/., grouted in 1822 for teat purpose, had not.been applied to that purpoee ? Sir J. GRAHAM made some observation in rep y, which we' quite inaudible in the gallery. The third reading of the Drainage (Ireland) Bill was then postponed. The report of the County Works Presentment (Ireland) Advance of 'Money Bill was theh read and arced to. The House adjourned at a Quarter to Two o'clock. WESTMINSTER ELECTION. MEETING OF THE FRIENDS AND SUPPORT ERS OF CAP PAIN ROUS. . - - - I 4 lst evening a Meeting was held in the British Coffee-Louse, Cockspnr,strest, Piccadilly, of the friends and stipporters of Captain Rous, for the purpose of making the necessary preparations for the contest which commences this nay ; but very soon after the ap pointed hour for owing the business of the evening had arrived, it was announced that the meeting would be held in Willis's Room, and thither the assembled crowd rushed, and in a very few minutes the room was crowded to exeess. At about eight o'clock the platform became tilled with the supporters and friends of Captain Rona, who arrived about the same time, and was loudly cheered on making his appearance. Upon the motion of Mr. C. J, Wood, M.P., seconded by Lord E BRUCE, Lord ruNcis EoEwroN, M.P., was called to the chair, amidst loud and general cheering. He commenced his Adilies, to the meeting by assuring his auditors that be bad no wish to occupy their time i.y malting si lengthened speech. Neither did he vvi.%4 i ju be understood that he litood there with any view c. 47 el;erosing any influence he might pe,44ess as a Ntember dr Parliament. Ile merely presented himself now is the capacity of an elector of the borough of Westminster, to can upon his brother electors to return to Parliament his friend Captain whom he could reconmaer i d to then . ' as a representative wc, 11 :1Y... b , r . their choice, though ne'had not the ability or the desire eitilei t : „ l o ,, , , , , ,or or to bully.—(Cheers.) His Hon. Friend belonged to a a P r : oved which he Was an ornament ; a profl:l;sion hi which be ai l , i; of the learned professions; him self as useful to his country As Atty man belongi% t e%lled into the professions; and the fact of his now having t rr dditionsi ser vicerecommend:l- - the Crown in a new capacity. was a s e.. , , icy._ (Cheers.) lle Lion in his favour before an Englisho,ci,o4Ltu.aei:idy. and fairly upon (Lord F. Egerton) would state his „, 01_ 1 w . , c, !!„, Main nous was a sup those measures of the Gover ii n n z , nen . that he was not in any porter ; and here let i Governmeni, and . Old tied hold any office way connected with the - whatever under the Crown, and therefole it was a matter of perfect the Government measures s h ou l d Indifference to hint wAtetper. teed or not, ext.,pg in so tar as he regarded them as b enet i cial to the best wte i v e s of the country ; but thli he would say f or hi s U Oll . - - 4 , Friend Captain Tuns, that he WO9 perfectly eanfident'4l-tartio a l l pointment (amid be made is licit iv,t.. MOM desirable, an pxould prey(' more useful, than that of his hum Friend to that depa tfrient Admiralty to which he had of the been appointed.—(lotd er (Lord F. Egerton) would not detaui the meeting: by ma itle,a p~ecch '•' `~V di._ relative to his own op i n i ons upon the great questionsßOSY gentlemen aromut alit il l m io il uli'l therefore, conye calling upon the a ' quise the resolutioWtEtwaS „ iAttagj sated the country,ill. already well knowi t .—(C heers.) meeting,takiti g he felt the I therrafii trusted to them for th a t purpose. mself soluMr. C. W. HALLETT then cam e t b rward and proposed -the first re tion, In doing so he said, 11aiii of propo,ing a resolution at a public ment of his position; kit how much more had his difticultv been a task enhanced on the present occasion, when he remembered that he WO( placed in the tinenviatle position of being compelled to follow their Chairman, who had so ably and eloquently addressed them.- -(heal', hear.) Having been selected to propose this resolution, he would ask, although an humble individual, What had his Hon. Friend rapt Rous done up to that moment to forfeit the confidence of his con stituents?—( Hear, hear.) He was ready to admit- that Capt. nous had changed his opinions in one respe?t, and this was one .of the charges made against him ; but he would say, that when it had been insinuated against- his Hen. Friend that lie had made this change in his opinions in order to find favour with 'ibe present Ministry and to preettre a place—he would say that such was a base and unthunded calumny, and unworthy of the party by whoa.] General De Lacy Evans was supported. (Cheers.) It was. a well known fact that Captain Roils delivered a sprecli last session in Parliament upon this cplestion, in whiell he _stated very fairly What his sentiments were ; but had not many other men as we'.l a, Captain Potts had reason to qualify their opinems since then upon this ques tion ? (Hear.) Though he (Air. Hallett) was but an humble individual, and therefore his opinions were wit of much importance, still he would say that he had ale - ays honestly given expression to them, anti was as much opposed as any man to restrictive ditties, while at the same time he was equally an enemy to radical and destructive doctrines.—(Cheers and groans.) Ile was decidedly simporter of tree trade in all its branelies, and it was as the advocate of free trade lie now addressed this ITlceting.----(Cheei's.) There was only one other topic to which he would allude, and it appeaecal to he one on which ltis Gallant Friend Captain hens AN/Cared to have for fei.eil the good opinion of his constituents, and that was, that ha 11:0 aceepted office under the present Government.—(Creat uproar and clamour, amidst which the speaker real the resolution entrusted to him to propose.) Hattie COCHRAN, Esq. M.P., said, in rising to aildre,A the meeting, he dhl trot mean to trespass very pinch on - their attention. But he begged to reeal to them the fact that his father had stosd on a Chimer occasion for Westminster. mei that his (Air. Coltrait's) name was not unknown to the city of Westalinster.—(('beers.) That nanie was a AAVaI aml as such it was independent of private consi derations or private friendship, mid thereby they might understand what had interested hint in I atptain I:olts.—(('heeis and noise.) Ile -- believed drat a tnore aide and :t more h)tturable efficer was not to be found Hine the Gallant Captain. -- (liear,:hear.) lie needed not reeal to them the eircumatances nude)* whielt he brought his ship across the .Ramie. —(Noise and cheers.) It had been very truly remarked that a man gallant in sue WO gallant. M everything; lie did not believe the gallant Captain to he the mart who could stool) to meanness in any one thing.—(Noise, and three cheers Slur Evans.) cotdd , lenc,. in tier Jlaje-i,i Mr. t!oeinant proceeded—The Gallant Officer told them that lie hail and trunhte —tykes many uf' (to.l::lCV:l;3lT A Cie p ini r/ it' k :l— e l'°( a Ci g n:° a ci i —{l i f is u t i''i' S 63r . I °) : f u la rt er 4 3 ' e t i :il . el ever a d opted that course.—(Some delay - wottl regret that they L ai d was dere caused by the gesticulations of a ragged youth, exalted against the opposite wall, and evidently haranguilig iii nivotir of General Fxans.) As free traders, they asked always for fair play. Ile was sorry he did not see am instance of it tii6re. lie hoped th..y ivellid but give hint so much as they Would claim in other instances themselves. Ilia as he had nothing more to say, he would sit down, after seconding the resolution, trusting they would give the Gallant Gentleman their aid on the day of election. The CHAIRMAN then put the following resolution to the meeting, when it was carried by a large majority :—" That this locating are of opinion that the conduct of Captain Roils in Parliament, and his at tention to the local interests of the city, entitle him to the einitidenee of the constituency at large." i Mr. FRI:It:NUN rose, amid m»neli confusion, and said he did net imagine that in any one of the gentlemen there could he any indisposition to hear the remarks of a man like themselves. Ile saw malty other gentlemen in the meeting who were advocates of free trade ; but, though adv o cating, th ese princi ples, they refused to hear th ese who held the seine sentiments. There could be no doubt whatever in the mind of a thoughtful man that at. the present time he could mot speak on any question so its to meet the views of a large assembly; but lie thought the least they could do was to give him a patiant hearing ; and he, as an English man, aeinandeel it. Ile did not mean to detail the meeting • but he would have his say, whether the itteetinlwettld hear, or whether they would disturb. A resolution lied already been put to themert ing, and a show of hands taken neo n it, an d i t had been carried by a large majority. He thought, theretere, that it best became the mi nority to conduct theniselvea bnietly. There was no doubt but that the movement which had taken place had diet•urbeil the parties of this country, and these were fast tending to annihilation. What were they then to d o ? T wo parties had offered themselves candi dates for the city of Weettninstes —(Cries of " Rolls "—"Evans".) He said it WAS 110 triumph which they sought; for the object which they (tile friends of Captain Roils) had in view, was the country's goo!), and if no other object were attained by that great movement, netwithstalidina that it would cause the dissolution of parties, and perhaps division between old friends, he was certain that that would be attained with incalculable advantage. Me did not calculate whether a man was of one party or of another, but whether the man was a faithful repreeentatire of the principles. The question ought not to be who was the man of the largest purse, or who was the man who could expend most words, but who was the man who would expend his best efforts in behalf of his country ; that was the question.--(Cries " Rous," and confusion.) Mr. Freeman then moved the tellowisig resolution:---" That this meeeting pledges itself to use every exertion to secure the return of Captain liens." Colonel Woon, M.P., rose to second the resolution. He said he cheerfully came forward to discharge the task that had been imposed on him. It was not because he honoured the I:silent Captain's powers or his private worth, but because he was a supporter of the Minister of the Sovereign in the undertaking in which he had engaged;-- (Cheers.) Into that ttnaertaking the Eight Hon, 'baronet had not been driven by necessity ; his :Sovereign had imposed it upon him, It seas a question which concerned the interests of the country, it was one that ought to be attained by all parties uniting together for the common prosperity of the nation. It was a measure which considered all interests, and would benefit all; it gave scot* for a fuller development of the powers of the nation, it gave employment to an insTcasing population ; it imehackled their industry from the fetters which had bound it down. Yet those bands had been the protection Which same had talked of, and given to labour. They all knew competition they had to contend with ' from the foreigner. That measure which Sir Robert hail brought in, and hie gallant friend in tended to support, gave them free scope ter the use of their eneagieia to the best advantage against that competition. It gave them, also,. unteatricted trade in the fo o d o f t h e people, and lie (Colonel Wood) heartily swished they might have plenty of it. lie knew the agricul turalists had nothing to say in their own behalf, except a repetition of 1 heir antiquatest notions, ter they could not see when a measure waa really ;or their adeantage. The gentlemen who had nrldressed them before hint hart told them under what circumstances the Gaeta. Captain had brought his ship aersas nigh the St. Lawrence without a rudder._. - (Cheers.) Ile holSted the union jack, spread the sail as the boom, and set the chili s heart for the British eltannel.—(Cheers, and confusion.) Such was it at that moment with Sir Robert Peel, left withoitt a friend. Ile looked- to tile Gallant Captain, Captain Roes, and said—" I know you ore -the friend of my country, I will back you at the risk of anything.---(CereaS eheetin g ,) (The Colonel, pointing to Captain Rolls, contilmeat—lt k the Salta. spirit ; if is the very man.—(Grea( elteering.) Won't yew take on with him ? Come to the aid of the Minister ; come to the aid of the gallant Captain, who, to ausepott the Moister and his me:mire% I hays—" lAM prepered to forfeit anything." Ile (Col, Wool) had i seen blest Minister listening that evenittg with patiece to the pilltle s e, uninteresting, dry, and musty arguments of the agricultitrists, end hearing their taunts. Ile wiebed only that he heital their cheers.— (cheers.) As that 31inieter was • the 'Widmer of the people, the minister who wished to reeolielie all inteeests in one COIIIIIIOII pro,perily—ngricl3:ttrixts, manufacturers, men pants —he asked their aid to the al immieter by giving their aid to his friend.--(Cheers.) Ile hoped they wsulti gire lain their heath* support—(we will)—then th e election would be won - (cheers); lie knew it weeld, ;mil that to the inilepeedent Totes of the electors of Weetininater. Ile seconded the resolution, end sat down, Cantitt Rouse then (tattoo Mrward, and was received with deafening and prolonged applattio, audit Neal. with ditilealty he was heard at all. lie said lie hoped the Inceiina, woula have the kindness to listen to him fur a f s w elements', m order that he might explain the position ";tt present before his coostituents. Much had been Is; stc' en ° ; l atid therefore he was enxioue to avail himself of this. opport:SaltS, of explaining to the electors of Westminster the real ';',,sition in which, he stood in regard to them,—(llear.) lie heti heard it insinuated that lie had accepted office under the present Government from selfish motives. Now - , it would he recollected, that last year, when there was a very string; opposition to commie of the measures of Sir Hobert Peel, he (captain Roue) aloud up in his place in Parliament, and voted hu favour of the admission et' Australian corn into this country upon the same terms as tho s 'e upon wade!' it seas proposed to admit Canadian earn.—(Cheers.) The reason he did so was, that here collected that he recollected that the population of this country re ceived an inn - cute animal's - to the amount el' 400,000, and there fore it would be imp ssible site this country is provide Nei for so enorinons it miss of llama tt being* front its own resources, mid there- Owe it would he necessary to look to 'ether conntries to supply the detteleney.--(lfear, hear.) This he had teld to the Suffolk retinal's, though they were not willing to listen le him ; lint, he convineert them that they conl,l not quietly rest their 11P4144 011 their pillowa at night, so lung as they continued to support a low Whim preertited this cetintry receiving a stalicieney of feed for its people. - (Hear, b e „,, an d dieer...) Ile elso told the taiitlelk farmers, long SilleP, t h at i t was his / - 14111011 then that the duly on foreign curt( should be lowered, and. !Iterative his coustite ems would Tecolleet that his opinions npott this subject were not so new as bail been represented. Hew, then, could env man say that he had eliangell his opinions, and voted with Sir Robert. Peel upon this question surely because he wanted to get into office?—(Hear, hear.) Ile • email not be said to have come round to the views of Sit Robert l'eel, though the old Tory papers had abused hint for having (lotto so, and he certainly hart fallen in for a large share of abuse in the Pon amid the Berael and the Standerd.—(Cheers and damflour ) Now, with regard to hie acceptance of ()Mee, he had but this explanation to toter. Four years ago, when the present °even - intent brought in certain measures, he attacked them as unsuited to the wants of the country. l o s'as „ t x ha c t Ilse way to prootwe oftiee?—(Loud cheers and erict ur f ßobert s no.") He ,}lad invariably voted against the inea ( slirxlt. ,l to he ue Peel when he thonglit these measures were not lm l ie and his ulna service to the country, and one of those I or Tuley as sintelfre aitna (.lxeld cheers.) In reference • the window.tax—(Cheers) to the. fptt thin:lnce 01 t • Wood had tacit ryas i 23111 had also ;given ving he ) 1 taken a prominent part.—(Cliee. re.) i( l s i ‘.°l , ' , lCe their t le i_ l :o l 7 t !l e e n tlli o e ;ll;: dl : l , o 'n i e j d ° ) l l ll ,o ) ; : r s i t r i fi e st o l it i:t e : :l There were 710 suc h d he could not see why they should exist in the Church, and - opposed to them.—(Cheere.) man had a • therotore he was it greeter there tt-a s respect for Sir Itobeit Peel, as statesman, than lie h at l . — (Cheera.) • to t h i l i n ,, g c io re l;: , 1 ; -111'' 7i h ne t e ha a t . 1 7 m lie admired m ei for the useful measuree lie had brought forward for the country, and on that account he would stand by hint. (road cheering,) That statesman had lost many of his Tory sup , ' porters in consequenee of his having brellgili forward these M easures, and therefore it was that lie (Capt. lions) would support him, and not because of the Miserable of he had acceptcd.—(Cheers.) Surely it would not be supposed that. It was for the sake of this office he had accepted it ; this must be quite apparent when it was recollected tlie hat in a few Months there should be a general election.---(llear, hear.) wag therefore, then, warranted in saying that he had made thls„ sacrifice for the public good—(Cheers and confusion.) If in tan take place In the p rosper i ty of the country and the condition of year 19,42 lie had seen it necessary to give his suPport to the agsitul turists, he had, within th e l ast three years, seen so many changes the people...that he also, like :many others, had changed his opinion. —(Cheel's.) When he saw these changes passing bethre his eyes he was compelled to admit the utility of the measures intro aneetl to meet them ; and, theretere, he could not be so lost to all • feeling fer the good of his country as not to support t•hese measures.—• • (Cheers.) Now, then, the question came to this;—Where was the, miser roe but Sit Peel. — (Cheers.) If, then, R ta tiss b :ll f° l: a ' 421 ' 1% k e s t ri l t iti a ti e d a lM o dT Hugestthe a t ;C l e w :: t ? ie other I s H' tim ( iTn u s l t d er d° ll s° a•ve resolved to support Sir Robert • „hi they better do so than by suppeirting him (Captain I ti l l t et a ce n ie:l it eh i co l tw a o m Folic.)—(Lout cheering ) Ile had now been four years connected with the electors of Westminster, and he wintla like to know what measures during that tune he had lent Lis aid to which had „..eit proved detrimentail to the country? — ( cr ingers.) Well, then, whether victorious or beaten in this contest (and victorious list knew he would he) he Ilea the pleasure of being able to say that while he had the honour to represent the City of Westminster, fie had endeavoured to the fullest extent of his humble ability to he as neefitl to them as it was aossible for a representative to lie. — (Cheers.) - The fate of the forthcoming battle depended upon thentselves.--(Clieers.) In 1841 1:p was supported by a proud aristocracy ; but he now looked forward to the suppie t of the, independent men of Westminster.—(Clicering.) lie had fount ainona.t the lower classes men of fine and noble hearts, Eifel upon that he 110 W relied. and if they returned him, they would find him always at his post, and discharaing his duty tot item to the hest °rids shill ty.—(3 real cheering.) CeaTtewoou hoped that the supporters of General Frame would learn from the manner In which the speakers there that eve -our of st, e awl do likewise.. He added a few observations in fasovm vote ning had condutea themselves tosvards the opposing candidate, to go gallant Captain amid great confusion and uproar, the meeting occupy the chair, With three cheers for Captain . of thanks to Lord Francis Egerton for separated. :c:onsenting to ids kindness ntioani, THE ITALIAN IMPOSTOlL—Doniiiiic Surroni, w h o ,- has succeeded in obtaining . alms b ' personating Jr. 3 Jesepi, y Mazaini (whose name is familiar to the public as a sufferer from certain Past-office irregularities), was re-examined at . Marylebone Police-office on Saturday. In addition to the evidence of Mr. Joseph 1 3 1 j u r i . o t e ; . iia 3 r l ie P i9t .. :4)) l i e ch l k l a o es : . : e l s at h reepe nehaar(gfl:lo:atiriiiiler%i: ssitioctecertig:lhdeeffrinsoanheTleft at. his residence one of Mr. liaz 3iliil pamphlets, together with a letter appealin g t M . 3 1) f i r e . ke'l8b Dickens e lite replied leie t e o . th S el l eTt ° e s r il it Italian, and inclosed two sovereigns, which were delivered to the r • • pog t o r was remanded for further examination. The 11)1 - r.kt)vEeTistiktrit[r.]—The E o arl f Aldborough and. tlOl - lowa)'s Pills.—An astounding Cure by this mi racu l ovet Medicine alter every oth er means had failed. See extract vgl his Lord,hip's letter dated Villa Messina, Leghorn, Feb. tl,, y T o e ur Professor Hollow beg to Acquaint y l o B u 43 ;hat " liver and stomaPelhilswlhilaevhe alleffecte d h at m ost ha care ei o o c) o f r Sir,— I a of di C l fa er eu i l n t: fi • al . arbiessenbadab.leitsoigenifecoat),.. ) o n r o o t o e g v ii e . t_th T e i waters eso home and all over the Continent Nay, kku fta n rlsba a d d ort wonderful Pills will cure any diseasA et the liver an d stomac h . _ S old (also Holloway's Ointetr A A) at iProfessor -Holl owa y' s establi s h men t, 244, Strand and,v all . medicine vendors tlaroughott the civilised world, by