The Sun. — London, England, 1846-06-30 00:00:00

CO T. 7 T CIRCULAR :;•:nert t,i;;I: hare of tho. Queen yesterday morning, crossA from the Ise of Wight in the Fairy, and arrived at his residence in ';Vhitehall Gardens at half put two o'clock in the afternoon. The Right Honourable Baronet was visited after his return to town, by the Earl of Aberdeen, Sir James Graham, and the Charcdlor of the Exchequer. Their Royal Highnesses the Duke and Duchess of Cambridge honoured the performance of the French Plays with their presence yesterday evening. Baron de Moncirvo, Portuguese Minister, transacted business yesterday at the Foreign-office. Mr. French had an interview with Sir George Clerk yesterday at the Office of the Board of Trade. Sir Thomas Fn mantle had an interview with the Chancellor of the Exchequer yesterday, at his official residence in Dowing-street. The Ecclesiastical Commissioners for England had a Committee-meeting yesterday. There were present the Bishops of London, Bangor, Gloucester and Bristol, Oxford, Rochester, Salisbury and Worcester, and the Right lion. H. Hobhouse. Dispatches from the Governor-General of Canada, and also from the Governors of the other North Ame rican provinces, were received yesterday at the Colo nial-office. Dispatches were received on Sunday at the Colonial-office from the Governor of the Cape of . Good Hope. SURREY THEATRE. After a short recess the Surrey Theatre re-opened last evening for the opera season. A complete operatic company, including Madame Albertazzi, Madame Clara Ansel, Miss Betts. Mr. D. W. King, Mr. Clement White, Mr. Weiss, and Mr. H. Horncastle has been engaged. The services of Mr. H. Hughes, Mr. J. T. Johnson, Mrs. W. Daly, and the established favourites of the Surrey dramatic company, have been retained; and the company has been strengthened by the engagements of Mr. OsbaldiAon, Mr. E. F. Saville, Miss Vincent, and that prince of low comedians, Mr. G. Forman. The performances commenced last evening with the opera of Cinderella, with Madame Albertazzi as the heroine ; and never has the delightful music which Rossini has given to La Cenerentola been more beauti fully executed than it was last evening by Madame Al bertazzi. The " Non piu mesta" at the conclusion, was a perfect triumph. Her voice seemed like some exqui sitely attuned instrument on which she could play at will. There was no forcing the voice, no painful attempt at producing effect, and yet the most wonderful effects were produced appa rently without effort. Many a prirna donna uses greater apparent effort to get through a simple ballad , than was exhibited by Madame Albertazzi last evening in the ex ecution of the chef d'auvre of Rossini, and yet never have we heard " Non piu mesta" more exquisitely, more delicately, more correctly given ; the intonation of every note was full, clear, correct, and perfect, and her fioriture was wonderful, not alone for its profuseness, but for its distinctness. No exquisitely attuned instrument could have been more completely under command than was the voice of Madame Albertazzi. The finale was encored as a matter of course, and at the conclusion she was again called before the curtain. She was well sup ported by King as the Prince. Weiss as Dandini, H. Horn castle as the Baron, and G. Forman as Pedro. Forman's dry humour in this last character was irresistible. The operetta of No! followed, and the performances con eluded with Pocock's excellent melodrama of the Miller and his Men. The house was crowded to excess. We had almost forgotten to mention that Mr. Shepherd is the acting manager, and that the orchestral arrange ments arerunder the superintendence of Mr. E. J. Loder. SPORTING INTELLIGENCE. TATTERSA LL'S.—YESTEEDAY. Lest the formidable list of prices given underneath should lead to a false impression as to the extent of business trans acted, we should mention, that although all the horses quoted were backed, Mendicant, My Mary, and The Hero, alone were in any force for the Handicaps. Very little was done on the St. Leger; but it is worthy of remark, that 20 to 1 was offered against Fancy Boy, which would encourage a belief that the injury he received at Newcastle was more serious than was at first supposed. Latest prices :--- LIVERPOOL CUP. 5 to 1 agst Mr. Gully's Mendicant—taken Bto 1 agst Lord G. Btentinck's My Mary—t. aft. offer. 12 to 1 agst Lord Warwick's Yardley—taken 15 to 1 agst Mr. Cranston's Cranebrook 15 to 1 agst Lord Glamis's Satyr 15 to 1 agst Mr. Bowes's As-you-like-it 18 to 1 agst Mr. Skerratt's Intrepid—taken 18 to 1 agst Mr. Haworth's Robin Burns—taken. GOODWOOD STAKIS. 15 to 1 agst Mr. J. Day's The Hero—taken 20 to 1 agst Mr. W. H. Johnstone's Jack Cade 20 to 1 agst Lord Chesterfield's Jenny Wren 25 to 1 agst Lord G. Bentinck's Plenitude 25 to 1 agst Mr. Herbert's Petitioner 30 to 1 agst Sir J. B. Mill's Giantess 30 to 1 agst Mr. Herbert's Orion 30 to 1 agst Mr. O'Brien's Jonathan Wild—taken 33 to 1 agst Mr. Williams's Red Rover 35 to 1 agst Duke of Richmond's Pic Nic 40 to 1 agst Mr. A. Johnstone's Bro. to Sir Henry—t. LEGIIL 6 to 1 agst Mr. W. Scott's Sir Tatton Sykes 7 to 1 agst Mr. Gully's Pyrrhus the First—taken 8 to 1 agst General Shubrick's Brocardo—taken 20 to 1 agst Mr. Meiklam's Fancy Boy. DERBY. 6 to 1 agst Kent's lot—bar Mr. Gratwick's—taken 30 to 1 agst Mr. Payne's Sis. to Cobweb colt 35 to 1 agst Lord Eglinton's Van Tromp 40 to 1 agst Duke of Richmond'. Red Hart—taken 40 to 1 agst Mr. Worley's Old Port 40 to I agst Colonel Peel's King of Naples—taken 45 to 1 agst Lord Stradbroke's Blarpe3sa colt—taken 50 to 1 agst Lord G. Bentinck's Crozier—taken. Sweetmeat and the Ironmaster were put up for sale, yes terday, at Hyde Park• corner, but bought in, the first for 1,250 guineas, and the other for 550 guineas. TO TFIEEDITORTHE SUN. SlR,—Last week I gave a list of the St. Leger illustrious obscures—to-day I will proceed to the analvzation of the " third-rates." First on the list stands Mr. Bowes's fillies Mowerina and Ukraine, both good animals, went well for the Oaks, especially the former, who finished fifth, her owner expecting to win with her; but as she could not manage that, I cannot think she stands any chance of being A 1 for the St. Leger; in fact, I am inclined to believe that neither of Mr. Bowes's fillies will start for that race. Arkwright—His un derstandings too bad for anything above a plate race. Free Lance—This colt possesses good blood, and now and th e n, when least expect ed, wins, proving that there is some thing in him, but not much. Colt by Don John, out of Game Lass—A tolerable nag, but not in regular training. srstades—An incorrigible brute, who will only go when he pleases. Ignis Fatuus—A deceptive light, leading to no good. Titchfield—Splendid blood circulates in this animal, but to no purpose. The Druid—A goodly-looking nag to the eye, and with a light weight on his back may do something, but cannot pass muster as a St. Legerite ; he will probably help to swell the field. Danceaway—An Irish filly by Harkaway ; will not do at any price. Fair Helen —Half-sister to Alice Hawthorn ; is a disgra ce to her parentag e. Tom Tullock—The 2,000 guineas and Derby crack has gone off like a squib, with great noise and little profit. Cuckoo —Will never pipe a " triumphant march" over the St. Leger course ; neither will she start. Malt —May go, hut if she does, it will not be as the pro perty of William Scott. poynton—At one time was in considerable force as an out • eider for the Derby, but his pretensions on the Downs were soon disposed of; his Doncaster pretensions may be sent to the " right-about" in the same manner. Sharston —A two-year-old flyer; but as a three - year -old, worse than Arkwright. Traveller, by Sambo—May start, but will never win. Froth, a colt of Mr. Preston's by Ishmael—Avery myste rious nag, which I know but little about ; it is at present i Ireland, but may probably start for the great northern event; about it I am unable to advise, being in the dark myself. With this animal closes the batch of third-rates. I think anybody may satisfactorily assert that the winner is not .among them. The second class I will bring under my con sideration next week. The racing at Newcastle has let out nothing whatever; the ground was in such a wretched condition after the storm on al o ,aday, that fair racing was entirely out of the question. Fans,'. Boy would have won the Ntli Derby Stakes had he not fiat twice. Many good judges on the course, immediately preceding the race, c onfidently asserted that it was an im possi.bility t:'sr Sir atton to lose. Many think so still, but I am not of the ?Lumber. I verily believe that of hisf Fancy B fa o l y had not fell a secon d time, he would, in spitel, have gone in an easy winner. My fancy nag for the Northumberland Plate was a very good third, and had he not kept so long in the rear might have won ; for when he did leave his horses he came out well enough, but too late. Dolo winning this race, as well as the -North Derby, made him third favourite in the betting for the St. Leger. Grimston's running for the Lottery Stakes nearly raised him to a level with Dolo but his backers were not so confident. The St. Leger bids fair to be a profitable race for the book-makers, there being no less than a dozen nags in the betting, ats, the present moment, under 20 to 1 ; and, moreover, it is a very open race, much more so than the Derby. The Carlisle meeting has three days of moderate sport. On Wednesday the Pen colt and Cranbrook will between then/ win the Claret Stakes. On Thursday the Maid of Motherwell or Susannah will win the Corby Castle Stakes, Belted Will being near the mark. The Cumberland Plate -will have some ac half-dozen starters, with Telemhus or Gl o ssy for winner, Dolo, I presume, not starting.On Friday tint Lottery Stakes to the Peri colt or Philip. '.'he Winchester meeting commences on Wednesday,with the Great Produce Stakes, which M r. Wreford will mos t ass-a, re dly win with Wilderness or Wits- end will i The 0 end w hi c hever he ma y please to st art. riginal Hampshire Stakes pro b a bly have Peti tioner or Leaconfield forw O n Thursday th e Foal Stakes will go to Phoebe colt, Pyrrhus ; the Two-year-old Stakes to the ar Ce olly w So-Nice, or C obweb filly, and the Winchester Stakes to Adela colt or Rosa —I am, Sir , &c ., THE SPIRIT OF THE TURF. 0M..., .---.---•-- .., REPRESEIVTATION OF Pi E WCASTLE-UNDER.LYME, J UNE 27. -Mr. George Granville. Francis Egerton, the eldest son of Lord Francis Egerton, and nephew of the Duke of Suther land, has announced himself, in the following terms, as a candidate for the representation of this borough :—" Having seen in the newspapers a letter addressed to you by one of yoult• prese nt Members , declaring his intention of retiring fror n the representation of your borough in the event of a dissolution of Parliament, I take the liberty of announcing my intention of becoming a candidate for the honour of your tiff tages at the earliest opportunity ; and I shall venture to hop a that the explanation ()filly political views and opinions -will( be such as t o secure for me your Alt bough the political views of the Hon. Candidate cannot be gathered from the above address, it is understood that he will I come forward upon independent principles, irrespective of ;party, adopting the conduct of his noble father as the gtti de of his political life. The high claims of the noble fall tily with which Mr. Eerton is connected—Trentham, the seat , of the Duke of Suthe g rland, being within four miles of New rcastle—are of themselves suticient to insure the Honk Gen tleman's success. :4A.TI3IIDAY. —A white marble b ust cf E TON COLLEG E, ne p pet Gray, sculptured by neuhe, has just been presented to the Col fe by Lord Morpeth, and wa,r , this morning placed in the Upper Scho( 1 with those of William Iv., Wellington, Fox, Canning, Wel lesley, FOrSOTI, North, Pearson, and Granville, all of which, with the except ion of Wllll,un IV., have been presented to the College within the lair rely* mostki• IMP ERIA L PARL TA MEN T. HO Li ::;.E LORDS, June 29. The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat upon the Wool sack a few minutes before Five o'clock. The attenducce of Peers was more numerous than ordinary, and there was also a considerable number of Peeresses in the gallery. Lord BROUGHAM said that he had to put a ques tion to the Noble Lord the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, with respect to some very favourable reports which he had seen in the public prints, regarding our relations with America. These reports were most flat tering, and he had no doubt of their truth. Lord ABERDEEN said that he had been frequently asked by several Peers on the other side of the House, with regard to their policy with the United States, and he felt that those questions were always put with the best possible feeling. With respect to our relations with America, the Prest.lent had sent a message to the Se nate with a direct refusal to agree to the proposition of this country to refer the whole matter to arbitration. Since that proceeding on the part of the President, he (Lord Aberdeen) thought proper to adopt another course, which was to draw up another proposal, and send it to the British Minister. He had that morning received a letter from Mr. Pakenhatu, a portion of which he would read to their Lordships. The letter stated, that in conformity with what he had the honour to say in his dispatch of the 7th instant, he had presented ,to the Senate the message with which he was cheeged, and after a few hours' debate on Wednesday, Thursday, and Friday, the Senate, by a majority of 38 to 12, adopted the resolutions proposed by her Majesty's Government, and advised the President to adopt the terms offered by her Majesty's Government. Mr. Buchanan had sent to him that morning, and had informed itim that the condition.; offered by her Majesty's Government had been accepted by the Government of the United States without the addition or alterawua of one single word.—(Hear, hear.) Gratifying as that intelligence was, he felt it an act of duty and justice, and it was a duty of as much pleasure as justice, to pay his tribute to the friendly and conciliatory course which had been adopted by the United States Minister of this country. He had long known him, and had had reason to respect him in an official capacity some fifteen or sixteen years ago. He was certain that by (.very means in his (the American Minister's) power he had contributed to the present result. He was certain that there was no person in that House or this country who more cordially participated in the satisfaction which they might experience than Mr. IPLane, the American Minister. RESIGNATION OF MINISTERS. The Duke of WELLINGTON—I have to an nounce to your Lordships that her Majesty's servants have tendered to her Majesty their resignation of the offices which they have held in her Majesty's service. In consequence of that, her Majesty has sent for a Noble Lord, with a view to form an early administration of the Government of this country. As the affairs of this country are now, my Lords, this information will probably induce your Lordships to think that it will be desirable to suspend the discussion of those measures which are likely to become measures of controversy in this House until those who have the honour of being her Ma jesty's servants shall have an opportunity of forming their arrangements, and shall be able to come down to this House to transact the public business. One ques tion has been voted for the consideration of this House on Thursday next. My Noble Friend near me has „yen notice of his intention to move the second reading of the Bangor and St. Asa,ph Bishopric Bill on Thurs day, and I submit to my Noble Friend the necessity of postponing the second reading until her Majesty's servants can come down to this House to attend to the discussion upon it, as her Majesty is interested in this measure. There are other measures which will require your Lordships' immediate attention, and one of them may be laid upon the table this day—l mean the short Sugar Bill for the con tinuation of the duties on sugar for one month from the sth of July next, and which it is desirable should pass this House without delay, whoever may be her Majesty's servants. It is desirable that, under these circumstances, I should propose to your Lordships not to adjourn, but to con tinue sitting from day to day for the con sideration and the passing of this measure ; but the consideration of those measures, which must be matters of controversy, should be postponed until the new Government shall be in a position to attend to them. Lord BROUHAM signified his readiness to postpone his motion. The Earl of POWIS also signified a similar inten- The Marquis of LANSDOWNE entirely subscribed to the propriety of the course proposed by the Noble Duke, of postponing for the present all business likely to involve public discussion, and he thought that the Parliament was indebted to her Majesty's Government for keeping in office till the measure respecting the sugar duties be passed. lie would suggest also to the Noble Duke the propriety of dispensing with the standing orders for the purpose of expediting the passing of the measure. METROPOLITAN TERMINI. The Report of the Commissioners of the Metropolitan 'ermini was laid on the table. SUGAR DUTIES BILL. After some delay, the Bill for continuing the Sugar Duties for one month longer was brought up and read a first time. The Duke of BUCCLEUCH gave notice that he should move to-morrow the suspension of the stand ing orders, in order that the Bill may be read a second Their Lordships then adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS, June 29. The SPEAKER took the Chair at Four o'clock, when there was a very large attendance of Members. The Peers' Gallery and the Strangers' Gallery were also very full. REPORTS. The following reports were brought up and agreed to,. and the Bills ordered to be engrossed :—Archbishop of York's Estate Bill—Caledonian Railway (Clydesdale Junction Railway Deviations)—Caledonian Railway (Polloc and Govan and Clydesdale Junction Rail- ways Amatgamation)—Clonmel and Thurles Railway— Cork, Blackrock, and Passage Railway— Cromford Canal—Dublin and Kingstown Extension Railway— Great Southern and Western Railway (Cork Extension) _ _ _ —Huddersfield and Manchester Railway and Canal (Oldham Branch)—Huddersfield and Sheffield and Man chester and Leeds Railways Amalgamation—Killarney Junction Railway—Liverpool and Bury and Manchester and Leeds Railways Amalgamation—Llynvi Valley and South Wales Junction Railway—Mallow and Fermoy Railway—Midland Great Western Railway of Ireland (Liffy Branch and Longford Deviation) New Zealand Company Norfolk Estuary Oldham, Manchester, Liverpool, and Birkenhead Junc tion Railway—Severn Navigation—Sheffield, Ashton under-Lyne, and Manchester Railway, &c., Amalga mation—Stockport Improvement—Waterford, Wexford, Wicklow, and Dublin Junction Railway—Whitehaven and Furness Junction Railway (Whitehaven Extension and Kirksanton Deviation). SHEFFIELD, ROTHERHAM, BARNSLE Y, WAKE FIELD, HUDDERSFIELD, AND GOOLE RAIL WAY BILL. On the motion for the third reading of this Bill, Mr. CAVENDISH moved as an amendment that the Bill be read a third time that day six months. Lord ARUNDEL seconded the motion of his Hon. Friend, as the decision of the Committee had caused the greatest dissatisfaction amongst the coal owners of the north. Mr. LASCELLES supported the third reading of the Bill, as the line was called for by the exigency of the country, and the coal districts in the north. After a few observations from Sir M. Lopez, Lord Seymour, Mr. Entwisle, Mr. Fitzstephen French, Lord Morpeth, Mr. Wortley, Mr. Monckton Milnes, Mr. Bright, Mr. Denison, Mr. Ellice, jun., and Mr. Estcourt, the gallery was ordered to be cleared for a division. On our return the numbers appeared— For the third reading For the amendment 53 Al al ority —93 The Bill was accordingly read a third time and passed EAST LANCASHIRE RAILWAY BILL. This Bill was read a third time andlpassed. COLCHESTER NAVIGATION AND IMPROVE oaroland to England and Scotland, in political and religi ous privileges, sly - gild not be defeated by anyjoalousy and I suspicion on our part. With regard to any question involving the rights and privileges of the people of Ire land, I say distinctly that I think there ought n.ot to be a different rule applied to Ireland to that which is, applied to the people of this country.—(Cheers.) It is impossible for me to say that there should be sub:aitted with regard to Ireland a different rule of action to that which is applied to England.—(Cheers.) Re garding the Executive Administration in Ireland, I think the powers of the Crown should not be exercised so as to occasion any real ground of complaint in regard to religious distinctions. It may be that we may have given of fence in some instances in availing ourselves of the opportunity of appointing Roman Catholics to office—it may be said that we should have taken different means to carry out our policy ; but to that 1 will answer, that I hold it to be the best and wisest policy to carry on the affairs of Government without reference to any differences on religious questions, and that it should make its appointments accordingly. (Cheers.) With regard to the spirit in which legislation must be directed, I must say, for one, I am prepared to co-operate with those who feel for the present social condition of the people of Ire- I land in respect to the tenure of land, and the rela tions of landlord and tenant, and are anxious to remedy the existing state of things.—(Hear, bear.) It may be impossible by legislative enactments to apply an im mediate remedy to the state of things which now exists ; but even if the benefit to be derived from legislation be extremely remote, yet if the benefit be of a permanent character, then I shall feel it to be my duty to support them.—(Hear, hear.) What I have now said applies to the tenure of land ; and, again, with respect to legislation upon matters connected with the relations which at present exist between landlords and tenants. While upholding the rights of property it ought to be our ob- - - - ject to direct our immediate attention to the consi deration of that most important subject.—(Cheers.) There is no determination on our part to consider that question in any other manner than that which is calculated to produce beneficial effects, and in that spirit, and with the • hope of accomplishing that object, I shall be ready to support the Govern ment whieh is to succeed us.—(Loud cheering.) Sir, I have reason to believe the Noble Lord, the Mem ber for the City of London, has been commanded by her Majesty to repair to her Majesty's presence for the purpose of hearing her Majesty's commands upon the subject of forming that Government.—(Hear, hear.) Sir, I presume that the general principle upon which the Government to be formed by the Noble Lord, will—that is as far as its commercial policy is concerned —be to continue the application of those principles, which tend to give us a clear and unrestricted commercial intercourse with other countries. I presume I may confidently expect that that will be their com mercial policy, ar.d, Sir, if it is, I shall feel it to be my duty to give to the Government, with the view of carrying out the execution of that great principle, my most cordial support.—(Cheers.) Sir, I presume her Majesty's Government, acting upon the ex perience of the past, will act upon those principles, notwithstanding that other countries may choose to buy in the dearest market. (Hear, heap) I hope the knowledge of such a fact will prove no discouragement to them to promote great principle of buying in the cheapest and selling rn the dearest market. I hope, too, Sir, they will not for a single moment think of returning to that principle which both they and we have felt the baneful effects of, namely, of haggling with foreign countries, but that they will act in the spirit of independez ce, and take that course which they believe will be conducive to the welfare of the country. — (Hear.) I hope, rather than return to such a syst( m, they will trust in the influence of public opinion on other countries, and they may rely upon it our exam] )le, added to the benefit which we derive from acting upon the opposite principle, will at no remote period in sure the adoption of the principle by other countries. Sir, I shall of course, reserve to myself the course , I shall pursue with reference to the measures which may be proposed by her Majesty's Government until they arc stated to the House. I don't mean by t his hat I shall extend my support to them on evi ry occasion, and that this will overrule the courstt 1 shall adopt on any subject. I generally speak w ith respect to measures having reference to the indus try and commercial policy of the country, and I trust a .ny step which will be taken will be towards the relaxation of restrictions.—(Loud cheers.) I, for one, shall :not urge upon them the hasty or precipitate adi )p -tion of principles, even sound in themselv es, if they are ,likely to injure or cause great disarrangement of our affairs. I shall b ear in mind that great experiments have been ms tde under the present Administration—that the surplus amount of revenue is small—smaller than I could wish it to be, and less in consonance with -the permanent interests of the country ; and therefore, while I offer my cordial support to the g ene•ral principles of commercial policy which hav e re ceived the sanction of Parliament in the present session, I shall not urge them to • any such simultaneous and precipitate adoption of them as may either be injurious to the interests of the country, from special circumstances enti tied to some continued protection; nor shall I urge t hem to any such rash or precipitate measures as can in jure or cause a derangement of the finances of the country. Sir, lam not aware in speaking thus—l am bound to say that I am rather speaking with regard to my own intentions as to the course I shall pursue, than speaking after having had an opportunity of conferring with the Noble Lord as to the measures he should adopt. I can not doubt, however, after the course which the Noble Lord has pursued this ;session that measures of a s i m il ar c h aracter to t h ose I p ro p ose d by the present G overnment w ill meet w i t h his sup port and acquie scence.— ((,heers.) Sir, I do not know that it is necessary I should make any other declaration than this. I wish t o draw no invidious distinctions. I wish to make no unseemly boast, but I cannot surrender power without making at least this observationl•—that I do hope, that during the five years full power teas been committed to our hands, neither the public interests nor the honour of this country have beim di minished.—(Loud cheers.) I think I may say with truth, that during that period the bur dens of taxation have been equalised, and that that pressure which bore unjustly and severely upon various branches of industry has been removed. — (Hear, hear, and cheers.) I think I may say with truth, that many restrictions upon commerce, it ijuriously affecting the trade of this country, have been re moved. — (Continued cheers.) I think I may say that this has been done without at all interfering with l egitimate speculation, without at all paralysing or derang- • _ _ _ in g the commerce of the country. I think I may say with truth, that stability bas been given to the monetary system of this countr3 r.—(Hear, hear.) I allude particularly to the cordial support which was given, without reference to part: distine- tions, V to the measures which I prop , used with regard to the Bank of England, to joint-stock banks, and private banks of this counts y in 1843. Sir, I trust also that the country has not suffered by the reductions which have taken place. There, has been great and considerable reductions made- on the general restrictions in trade. I hope, Sir, that these reductions will be more than compens ated by the increased consumption of the articles u pon which the reductions have taken plaee.—(Cries of "Hear, hear.") I may say that there never was a Govern- nment which had less occasion for usin g anything like prosecutions—there hai been a submi, scion to the laws, and that too at periods when the hi gh price of the necessaries of life caused great s uffering to the poor. I shall allude to one member of the Government, and although he has no, t taken a prominent part in debate, he was one wh o deserved the very highest honour which his country could con fer on him. That member of the Governme at was one, who, with high Christian feelings, wus against resorting to war till he had exhau rted every means to preserve peace.—(Hear, hear.) He could most consistently carry out that prim ciple with out at all neglecting the interests of this c !ountry, and while he had done so, he was ever ready t . o maintain the rights, and privileges, and high how )ar of this country, even at the risk of a war.—(l) (ear, hear.) Sir, I do hope that we leave the foreign rela lions of this country in a satisfactory state—l speak : not only Gf France, but of the other great powers of Europe. There is a confidence in the intention of thlis country, and a real desire on the part of their Govern) rents to co operate with us in the maintenance of peace . It is that mutual confidence in the honour and intend( ms of public men which so much facilitates the preserving of the public tranquillity. We come in contact with them —for instance, with France—in distant parts of Europe, where heated partizans are naturally jealous, and per haps justly jealous of the honour of the it respective countries. Partizans, who must be warn ied with the spirit of jealousy, would, in their anxiety to maintain the waived honour, be the- cause of Y THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY MORNING, JUNE so, 1846: MENT BILL. Sir JOHN GUEST moved that the Committee on the Colchester Navigation and Improvement Bill be revived, and have leave to sit on Thursday next, and that two selected Members form a quorum.—The motion was agreed to. TEMPELsErrAclOoßuEßATNniDovNedENthAatGillt hßeAalnLiWnsAtrYuetßiolnLL. to Mr. o N f v S a e y l s ection to refer the BellmoreTememre thetaed Chairman and Means, and Members to be annihrragmihtatnßeecaray Bill, bring an unopposed added by the Committee o r f Selectiogreed to. COVENTRY, L ENTasETAEIRONR.ABIRWMAINY(..i II AM, A ND This Bill was read third time and passed. WEXFORD, CARLO\NAI.ILANNvDAYD.UBLIN JUNCTION R This Bill was also read a third time and passed. EidnLea S ye E tof G otih A t et ß ohice. DUTIES. woul d the T ohredi probably CHANCELLOR bN t l ie T Dutieshe Bill w w e e e r e th t e h n en re m ad ov e the X ne C cati l d l oi E nrg Q o U o E R said, it third RESIGNATION OF MINISTERS. a ed ihird time r and pefastrisheeodu.6stlegrf The private business having been disposed of, the greatest expectation was manifested for the appeara nce of Sir Robert Peel. The Ilouse never on any occas i on presented such a thronged and animated appe arance , and we observed that several ladies were in the vicinity of the Speaker's gallery. At twenty-three minutes past five o'clock Sir Robert Peel entered the House with an anxious air, and after a few moments' consultation with Sir James Graham, he rose and ad dressed the House as follows: Sir ROBERT PEEL—Sir, I feel it to be my duty to avail myself of the earliest opportunity of notify ing to this House that, in consequence of thei position of her Majesty's Government, and especialy in con ;equence of that vote to which the House came on the night of Thursday last, by which the House refused to give to the Government those powers which they deem necessary for the repression of outrage and the protection of life in Ireland, her Majesty's servants have felt it their duty to tender their resignation to their most gracious Sovereign. The resolution to tender that resignation was the unani mous resolution of her Majesty's servants, adopted with out hesitation. Sir, if I bad any complaint to prefer with respect to the course pursued by the House, this is not the occasion on which I should prefer it. It is im possible to feel that that occasion by which a great change takes place in the councils of a great empire, for weal or for woe, the welfare of many millions of the Queen's subjects in almost all parts of the habitable globe —it is impossible to feel that it is not an important, and, I might almost say, a solemn occasion, and that it is not such an occasion that one ought to avoid preferring any complaints, Sir, such controversy would be ill•suited to the magni tude of the occasion. I must also say that a provocation of any such controversy would be wholly at variance with the feelings which influence me in addressing this House.—(Hear, hear.) This feeling would rather prompt me to acknowledge with gratitude the many occasions on which, speaking of the great bodies in general on this side of the House, at periods antecedent to the present session, I and my colleagues have received their generous and cordial support. This feeling, also, would rather prompt me to acknowledge with gratitude the occasion on which gentlemen opposite, in oblivion of party di&rences, have accorded to her Ma jesty's Government, or the measures of which they approved, a cordial support ; and I trust, Sir, that nothing will escape from me in explaining the course which her Majesty's Government has thought it their duty to pursue, which would run the risk of pro voking those controversies which I deprecate. Sir, her Majesty has been pleased to accept that tender of resignation, and her servants now only hold office until their successors shall have been appointed. Sir, I said that if I had complaints to prefer, this would not be the occasion on which I would prefer them, but I must also say that I did not propose those measures connected with our commercial policy at the commencement of this session, without foreseeing the great probability, whether those measures succeeded or failed, of the dissolution of the Government of this realm. Sir, I rather rejoice that her Majesty's Government has been relieved from any doubt, by the early decision of this House, as to the course which it was their duty to pursue, for I do not hesitate to say that I would not, even if the late vote had been in our favour—l would not, even then, have consented to hold office by the sufferance or permission of any party — (Loud cheers)—believing, as I do, that it is for the public interest, that a Government remaining in power should be enabled to give practical effect to the mea sures which they may believe it necessary to introduce for the public good ; and I do think that, in a position in which her Majesty's Government was placed by the withdrawal—perhaps the natural withdrawal—of the confidence of many of those who had hit:ierto supported them—l do not think it probable that, even if that vote had been in our favour, her Majesty's Government would be enabled, with credit to themselves or with advan tage to the interests of the country, to continue in the administration of public affairs. (Great cheering.) We therefore felt it our duty to ad vise her Majesty to accept our resignations without adopting that alternative which might have been adopted, namely, recommending to the Crown to exer- cise its prerogative and to dissolve the present Parlia ment. We preferred the immediate tendering of our resignations to the adoption of that course. Sir, I do not hesitate to say, speaking with that frankness which I am sure can offend no one, that if her Majesty's Government bad failed in carrying through Parliament, in all their integrity, those measures of commercial policy which it was my duty to recommend, I do not hesitate to say that there was no exertion which I would not have made—(Tremendous cheering)—in order, if not to ensure their success, at least to give the country an opportunity of pronouncing its opinion upon them. In that case I should have felt myself justified in advising her Majesty to the extreme course of dissolving the present Parliament ; but there was no necessity for such a course. Those who dissented from these measure had withdrawn, I am bound to say, their opposition to them ; they had eventually given these measures their consent, and they had therefore passed into a law. Under these circumstances, I do not feel that I should be justified, in order to pass any inferior measure—l say I should not have felt myself justified in advising the Crown to exercise its prerogative, because I feel strongly this, that no Administration is justified in advising the Crown to exercise that prerogative unless there be reason. I shall presume even a strong moral conviction, that in the Parliament succeeding that dissolution the Government will be able to ad- minister the affairs of the country by the sup port of a party sufficiently powerful to enable them to do so with advantage to the public.—(Hear.) The power of dissolution is a great instrument in the hands of a Government, which should be only resorted to under such circumstances as I have alluded to. I think a dissolution should not be taken for the purpose of deciding whether we were justified in proposing those measures of com mercial policy which we had proposed at the . commencement of the session. I do not think that a dissolution even at that time would have been justifiable. ' The only ground upon which we should have advised a dissolution would have been, that we should have been enabled to give effect to those measures which we brought forward. Now, I do not mean a support founded on a feeling of mere temporary sympathy with our situation, or of concurrence upon the great questions of domestic policy, however important they may be I think we should not dissolve without a full assurance, in our own minds that we should have the sup port of those who differ from us upon almost all the questions of public policy, and who were with us upon one question, but that we should have the support of a powerful party, united to us by general ties. I am bound to say, in the general state of division of parties, that I did not entertain that confident hope that the dissolution of Parliament would have given us a majority. I thought also, in common with the rest of my Honourable Colleagues, that after all the excitement which has taken place, after the stagnation which would continue consequent upon our suspending the business of the country, it did appear to us that a dissolution of Parliament was an evil which should not have been allowed to take place.—(Cheers.) We were beaten on a question connected with Ireland. I shall lament having been beaten upon this question, not merely because it was an Irish question, but I should deeply lament our being beaten on a question connected with Ireland, if it should be thought that the measure we proposed for the repression of outrage in Ireland was an indication that her Majesty's servants held any different opinions as to the policy to be pursued towards Ireland from those which I declared towards the close of the last session of Parliament. Those opinions which I then avowed—those opinions which had a practical effect given to them by the Cha ritable Bequests Act, the additional vote for the endow ment of Maynooth—to those opinions both myself and my Hon. Colleagues still subscribe. We brought forward that measure believing that resistance to the contagion of crime and a vigorous re pression by law of those offences which I am sorry to see disgrace some parts of Ireland, was not a measure calculated permanently to improve the social condition of that people, but we thought it was a measure calculated, if taken in conjanction with other measures necessary for the purpose of giving effect to legislative measures of another kind; Parliament has, however, decided dif ferently on that subject. Of that decision I say nothing—l deprecate only any inference being drawn from our conduct, that because we pro posed the measure which some persons call coercion, but which we call a measure for the protection of life to Ireland. I only deprecate, any inference, which would be most unjustifiable That our views as to the policy to be pursued towards Ireland. had undergone any change. Speaking of myself, I do not hesitate to say that there ought to be established in Ireland complete equality— (Loud cheers)—in municipal and political institu tions,—(Cheers.) I say complete equality, as far as it is practicable to carry it out, in the present political and religious aspect of the country.—(Hear, hear.) It may not be possible to carry out completepoolfit the l and religious equality according to the letter to letter, in regard to the franchise, in regard to municipal spirit, and not of the and in regard rights, terms, but it may be do ne according the spirit. But I speak of the to other great quest i ons re lating to Ireland. — (Cheers.) There is a strong d es i re i n the minds of many that the people of Ireland should be placed in possession of th e same po liti ca l and religi ous rights a s t h ose of England and Scotland, and I admit the correctness of the p r inciple. Not only do I admit t h e j ust i ce o f t h e prin ciple, bnt lam of opini on th at a complete assimilation war desolating nations, unless the councils of the great _ _ _ powers of Europe were presided over by those who feel p" ace to be the true interest of a civilised Go verntnent, and who are determined that the heated passions of angry partisans shall not involve the respective countries.—(Hear, hear.) If anything could have induced me to get a decision on the part of this House prematurely, to determine the anxiety of Government, it would have been the re ceipt of the intelligence we have lately had from the United States. That gives the result of our last act. You know that there had been such difference between the countries, that unless they were speedily determined, they would have been the cause of war. The House will probably recollect that after we had offered to the United States conditions which were rejected, the President of the United States sent a message to the House of Con gress of that country, which led to a discussion with re gard to thatconvention which provided for the temporary adjustment of our differences, at least for the temporary avoidance of war, and to enable the two coun- tries jointly to occupy the territory which is called the Oregon territory. We did not hesitate, therefore, to do that which in the present state of that question was most expedient. We did not hesitate to decline renewing any lengthened or protracted negotiation, but to propose at once to bring the proceedings to a termination. A definite proposal was consequently made by us to the President of the United States; and however strongly he might be committed to a contrary policy, he proposed at once to refer our pro posal to the Senate of the United States, and the Senate, acting in the same spirit with which it had been proposed, at once announced the adoption of the terms offered.—(Loud Cheers,) Perhaps from the importance of the subject, as well as from the circumstance that this may be the last day of my addressing you as a Minister, I may be permitted to go into a little detail with respect to the negotiations between the two Governments on this subject.—(Hear, hear.) (The Right Hon. Baronet here read the first article of the convention which was sent over from this Government, and which specified that the 49th parallel of north lati tude should be continued as the boundary between the territory of this country and that of the United States.) The second condition of this engagement related to the navigation of the Columbia river, and in endeavouring to obtain for this country all the rights to which it was justly entitled, they had endeavoured to secure for Great Britain all the benefits of that river, where its course flowed above the 49th parallel ; but in assenting to the regulation which provided for this, the Ministry had intimated to Mr. Pakenham that it was not their intention or desire in any way to interfere with the Government of the United States, either as respected their interests, or in their regulation of the navigation of that river. And this they did in a spirit of frankness and fair dealing, and in a way that should at once assure the Government of the United States of their good faith and support of the honour of this country. (Cheers.) On the very day when he was addressing that House as a Minister, and when he was stating the resignation of the Ministry who had succeeded in ef fecting this agreement, he had the satisfaction of receiving the official letter from Mr. Pakenham, which contained the dispatch confirming the agreement. (Cheers.) Mr. Pakenham, writing on June 13, says to my Noble Friend the Secretary for Foreign Affairs, " My Lord,—ln consequence of your instructions, which came to hand on the 7th, I lost no time in submitting the conditions which they contained to the Secretary of State of the United States, and which were brought under the consideration of the Senate on the 18th of May. After a few hours' deliberation, on each of the three days, Wednesday, Thursday, and Friday, during which it was discussed, that assembly came to a decisios, by a majority of seventy-eight votes, of recommending to the President to accept of the terms proposed by her Majesty's Government." On the next morning Mr. Packenham says that Mr. Buchanan sent for him, and stated that the President had acceded to the wish of the Senate, and had accepted the proposition of her Majesty's Government without the limitation or altera tion of a single word. Thus, by the intervention of these two great men, impelled I believe by nothing but an earnest and disinterested desire to promote the welfare of their several countries, and urged en by the force of public opinion, have brought this great dispute to a close without, I believe, the com promise of the slightest point of honour, and which, if it had been continued, might have involved these two great nations, which have sprung from the same race, in a war that would have involved the whole of the civilised world in its horrors—a war which in the course of two months, nay, of one month, would have proved more expensive than the worth of the whole of the district for which the contention would have been excited. Thus, then, have we brought, without the slightest compromise of interest or honour either on the part of the American Government or of her Majesty's Ministers, to a close this great cause of dissension ; and this was done at a time when it was anticipated by the Government of this country that the dis pute in which the Government of the United States were at that time engaged would, in all pro babilty, lead to a war with Mexico. Notwithstanding this anticipation, instructions were sent out to Mr. Paken ham stating that her Majesty's Government had not changed their intention in the slightest degree, and that their desire for the settlement of the dispute was not in the slightest degree altered. Mr. Pakenbam was fully in possession of the sense of his Government, and know ing their sentiments, he had persevered in the spirit in which her Majesty's Ministers had always acted, in bringing this dispute to a termination. Yet he wisely thought that an occurrence of a war with Mexico was not one of those cases to which we had adverted, and therefore most wisely did he tender this offer of peace on his own dis cretion. (Rear, hear.) And let me observe that before we were aware of these hostilities between the United States and Mexico—before we were aware of the reception which this offer on our part would meet with, we tendered to the United States our good offices for the purpose of mediating between them. Sir, I do rejoice that I had the opportunity before surrendering power—(Hear, hear) —that I had the power of giving them . the formal assurance that every cause of quarrel between two great and powerful countries is terminated with honour to the British people.—(Cheers.) Sir, I think I have exe cuted the task which my public duty imposed upon me. I hope I have said nothing which can be misconstrued.—(Hear, hear.) I can say with truth that her Majesty's Government, in proposing those mea sures of commercial policy which have disentitled them to the confidence of many of those who formerly coincided with them, were influenced by no other desire than to consult the interests of the country.—(Hear, hear.) Our object was to avert dangers which we thought were imminent, and to prevent a conflict which would have placed in hostile position two powerful classes. The love of power was not an object, for, as I have said before, I have had not a doubt but the carrying of these measures would be the termination of the existence of the Ministry. Sir, I am not sure that it is an advantage to the public that there should be such a with drawal of confidence from the Government for the time being. I admit that the withdrawal of confidence by many of our friends was the natural result of these measures, and I do think that in proposing measures of that nature, and under such circumstances, it is but natural that Ministers should be charged with incon- sistency. I believe, upon the whole, it is advantageous for this country, and for the general character of public men, that the proposal of measures of that kind under such circumstances should entail that which is supposed to be "a heavy blow and a great discouragement." —(Laughter.) Sir, Ido not complain ; I think that it would be impossible to continua to maintain office under such circumstances.—(Hear, hear.) Sir, I said before. and I said truly, that in proposing these measures I had no wish to rob others of the credit which is justly dne to them, and I must say, with reference to Hon. Gentlemen opposite, as I say to ourselves, that neither of us is the party which is justly entitled to the credit of these measures.—(Hear, h ear.) There has been P. combination of parties, and that combination and the influence of the Government have led to their ultimate success, b ut the name which ought to be associated with the success of these mea sures is not the name either of the Noble Lord the organ of that party opposite—(Hear) —nor is it to mine. The name which ought to be and will be associated with the success of these measures is the name of a man who acting, I believe, from pure and disinterested motives — (Cheers)—has with untiring energy, by appeals to reason enforced by an eloquence—(Hear, hear)—the more to be admired because it was unaffected and unadorned— (lkar, hear)—that name which ought to be associated with the success of these measures is the name of Richard Cobden.—(Tremendous cheering.) Sir, I now close the address which it has been my duty to make to the House, thanking them sincerely for the favour which they have shown to this last act of my official career. Without repining that the power which I have held for the period of five years will be surrendered into the hands of another without complaint, nay, with a more lively recollection of the support and confidence I received from Hon. Members on both sides of the House, I shall leave office I fear ' ' with a name severely censured by many Hon. Members who, on public principle, deeply regret the severance of party men—who deeply regret that severance, not from any interested or personal motives—(Hear, hear) — hut because they believe that the existence of a great party is necessary to the maintenance of &powerful and influential Government in this country.—(Hear, hear.) I shall certainly retire severely censured by many ho nourable men, who, from no interested motives, have ad hered to the principle of protection, as important to the welfare and interests of the country. (Hear.) I shall leave a name execrated by every monopolist who, from less honourable motives maintains protection for his own individual ends—but it may be that I shall leave a name sometimes remembered with expressions of good will in those dwellings which are the abodes of men whose lot it is to labour and to earn their daily bread by the sweat of their brows ; that is, a name re membered with expressions of good will when they shall recruit their strength with abundant and untaxed food— (Cheers)—the sweeter, because it is no longer leavened by a sense of injustice.—(The Right Hon. Baronet then sat down amidst immense cheering which lasted for several minims,) The cheering havineaubsided, Sir R. PEEL again rose, and said that he had re ceived a communication from the Noble Lord who was charged with the formation of her Majesty's Govern ment, and he hoped the House would unanimously agree with the earnest wish expressed by that Noble Lord, that the House at its rising do adjourn until Friday next. Lord PALMERSTON rose, but from th o e b n se u r m va b ti ero s f Members leaving the House hi s open i ng on were but indistinctly heard. He said—Sir, I will abstain from entering upon any discus sion bearing on party differences, or referring to party disputes ; but still I must be allowed to say, that, therefore, it is not to be understood:that I subscribe to everything the Right Hon. Baronet has stated in the course of his address.—(Hear.) The Right Hon. Baronet must not be led away by the feeling which has been manifested by this House to-night, or by the assistance he has received in the carrying of the measures he has recently submitted, that we agree with the policy his Government has previously pursued.— (Hear, hear.) A different opportunity will be afforded to the present one, when I will enter upon that dis cussion. For the present, I wish to state to the House that if I abstain from following the Right Hon. Baronet into the consideration of all the topics connected with his five years' administration, I must not be understood as agreeing with him in the policy he has pursued.—(Hear, hear.) There are many parts of the policy of the Go vernment with which I cannot agree, though I acquiesce with the general recommendation of the House that the discussion of them should be postponed.—(Hear, hear.) But there is one thing in which I do agree. I agree that the Right Hon. Baronet has shown a proper and be coming deference to constitutional principles.—(Cheers.) I think the Right Hon. Baronet is right in his opinion, that the present would not have been the proper occa sion to have advised her Majesty to exercise her prero gative in dissolving the House. I quite agree with him, that where a Government stands so divided in its party, that it rests only on a small majority in Parliament, and when there is no rational probability that a dissolution er general election would give a majo rity, I say I quite agree with him in the opinion that it is more fitting to pursue the course which her Majesty's Government have pursued. Sir, there are some parts of the Right Hon. Baronet's speech which gave me the greatest pleasure. I was glad to hear from him those principles which he announced as those by which the government of Ireland should be con ducted. I was indeed glad to hear from the Right lion. Baronet that equal rights, political, civil, and municipal, should be awarded to Ireland, in the same proportion as they were bestowed on England ; and I was glad to hear from him that differences of religious opinion should not debar the employment of men in political situations, for which they are otherwise duly and properly qualified. Were I disposed to treat the speech of the Right Hon. Baronet in a different manner, I might make a few passing remarks, or express my regret that these opinions and sentiments had not been acted on by him in his administration of the affairs of Ireland. Upon the reasons I have stated, I shall not go into the question of the policy of the Government of the Right Hon. Baronet with reference to the Indian em pire, and whether it has, or has not, received the unequi vocal approbation, in all its parts, of Parliament. I will not touch upon another topic alluded to in the speech of the Right Hon. Baronet, but I must be allowed to say that I think the Right Hon. Gentleman did not quite execute the purpose which he announced at the outset of his speech, and that he did not altogether so shape all he had to say as not to afford any ground for difference of opinion. I should have been sorry indeed to have allowed one of the latter topics of the Right Hon. Ba ronet's speech to pass unnoticed without an expression of cordial approbation on my part. The announcement he then made will be received with satisfaction, not only by all Honourable Members of this House, but even in the remotest corners of the empire. I refer to the an nouncement that those unfortunate differences which have sprung up between this country and the United States have been brought to an amicable adjustment. It would, indeed, be the greatest calamity that could befal the civilised world if two great nations, like Eng land and the United States, should be at enmity with each other—two nations whose interests are identical, and whose people stand in the relation of brothers. I am therefore glad to avail myself of this opportunity of stating the degree of satisfaction I experienced when listening to that portion of the Right Hon. Baronet's speech which touched upon the Oregon ques tion.—(Hear, hear.) Sir, the Right Hon. Baronet well said, in conclusion, that the merits of the great com mercial measure which he has succeeded in carrying is not so much due to gentlemen on this side of the House, or to gentlemen who at present occupy the Treasury benches, as to the talent, the ability, the perseverance, the enterprise, and the untiring energy of my Honourable Friend the Member for Stockport.— (Cheers.) The Right Hon. Baronet has paid a just and deserved compliment to Richard Cobden ; and I think the House and the country will look on beyond the point to which the Right Hon. Baronet has directed attention, and see in Richard Cobden, not merely the zealous and enlightened advocate of a great improve ment in our commercial code, but will see in him one of the most distinguishedresults of that greatmeasure of Par liamentary reform carried by this side of the House, and which, in truth, has been the means by which the Right Hon. Baronet has been enabled to carry his own great measure of commercial reform. I was particulary anxious, to express my concurrence in the gen era l senti ment of the Right Hon. Baronet, however I may differ with him on some points, and to take this, the earliest opportunity, of protesting against its being supposed, by my silence, that I was opposed to the policy which the Right Hon. Baronet bad latterly pursued. Mr. lIUME said, as an humble Member of that House, he could not allow that opportunity to pass withouotfstaL ing a word or two upon the policy and s p eech Right Hon. Baronet, wi th whose opinions upon two i mpor tant points of policy he had long d i ffere d . He thought the Right Hon. Baronet had accomplished that which would redound for ever to his character. It would be a source of great gratification to him, in his retirement, to know that he found the country on his coming to power in a state of war, and that he left it in peace—with peace at home and abroad, with the industry of the country freed from commercial restrictions.—(Hear, hear.) He had done as much—nay, he had done more than any of his pre decessors had been able to accomplish. He (Mr. Hume) said, with the most unfeigned delight, that he had con ferred the greatest benefits on his country and on the civilised world. It was on these grounds that he expressed his most unfeigned regret that circum stances should compel him to leave the helm at that hour. He was sure he would retire from power with the regret of millions of his countrymen.—(Cheers from both sides of the House.) He believed no Mi nister ever left office favoured with so much sympathy on the part of the people ; and he would venture to pre dict that those Hon. Members who had consistently op. posed the measures of the Right Hon. Baronet —who would, e a ng d f ur led et he t thitleefnmr before course ele many vs t o hy b e l ey i a ged rshabd t a o offer dapd resistance a()spsteedd adopted, overt,or theirthet there te head, could o e w m s, doubtthe happinesshe had doneand comfort l bperomnootehis power to He himself felt that he defierved fo t ir h nt e o g f re t a h t e est erei people. dt for the patience and for the perseverance he had evinced in his capacity of Minister of the Crown, and he believed the same opinion was entertained by millions of his countrymen. Sir ROBERT INGLIS rose to speak to reply to the motion that the H ouse , at i ts r ising, should adjourni the Right until °a Friday n e xt. There were se S e le PT:A:s n et which he speech of the to , p H"u r r ticularly in the ,w hich he wished to address might but desire in the few words to re fe t r h e e ne H e o u t e s e t h h e e rn_ s h o an u l d I p i r i p t o h s i e m l y s e l a f b s t t o ai t n h e from te eh b ianytechnical question then e b f or e the House—whether it sh ou ld or should not a djourn till Friday next.—(Hear.) He was of opinion that it would be very inconve nient to the private business of th e H ouse, if such an adjournment took place, and therefore, although no public business could be carried on before the formation of the new Ministry, he saw no reason why the private business before the House should be interrupted. As Bills were before the House in which universal interests were involved, and as to-morrow was the day for receiving reports, he considered that they might meet at twelve each day, that the private business might be proceeded with without interruption. Sir ROBERT PEEL said, he might be allowed to say that he made the motion for the adjournment of the House with the perfect concurrence of the Noble Lord (John Russell), but the Noble Lord stated, at the same time, that if it was necessary that the House should sit for the termination of the private business, he should not object to it. Since he spoke he had received a note from the Noble Lord, stating that he had no objection to the House sitting until Friday. Mr. LABOUCHERE considered that if private busi ness, in which parties, perhaps, had some direct interest, were carried on by a thin House, the worst consequences could not fail to ensue. If the Right Hon. Baronet the Vice-President of the Board of Trade (Sir G. Cleric would have the kindness to attend there during the pri vate business, and assist the deliherati.ns of the House with his il.fluenee and authority, such evils might be ob Tioted. it G. CLERIC would do his beat to watch over the private business of the House, but he hoped soon to hue the assistance of some of the Right Hon. Gentlemen opposite.—(Laughter.) No doubt the private business would occupy a great deal of the attention of that House. Mr. GREENE suggested, in order to obviate par tiality, unopposed Bills should be taken. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER had in tended to have followed up the motion his Right Hon. Friend had made to the House, with the consent of the Noble Lot* with a motion that the Railway Commit tees should sit notwithstanding the adjournment of the House, and that all reports should not be takes until Friday.—(Hear.) After a few words from Mr. SHAW and Mr. F. FRENCH . , the motion was put and carried. Lord SANDON wished to ask the Right Hon. Baronet the Secretary for the Home Department, whether the Corporation of the City of London intended to take any steps for the improvement of the prisons under their jurisdiction ? Sir J. GRAHAM (as we understood) said that the Corporation of the City of London had adopted some measures witn that view, but he did not know whether they had done all that was desirable. COMMONS INCLOSURE (No. 2) BILL. On the motion of Sir JAMES GRAHAM, this Bill was read a second time, and ordered to be committed oa Friday next. The several Bills on the paper were then postponed, trntil certain days in the next and following week. Several reports were then brought up and ordered to lie upon the table. The House adjourned at Half-past Seven o'clock. MARINE GLUE. Copy " of the report from the senior officer in charge of her Majesty's ship Penelope, to;Admiral Sir C. Ogle, dated the 18th day of May,1846, relative to the ad vantages which have resulted from the application of the Marine Glue to the deck of that vessel, during her service on the coast of Africa ;" and " of the reports of the Committee of Master Shipwrights on the Marine Glue, dated the 11th d ay of January an d t h e 4th day of March 1842." - Her Majesty's Ship Penelope, Portsmouth, 18 May, 1846. • Sir,—ln obedience to the directions contained in your order of this day's date, desiring me to report on Jeffrey's Patent Marine Glue, I have great pleasure is acquainting you, for the information of the Lerds Com missioners of the Admiralty, that after three years' ex perience, two of which were passed on the coast of Africa, I consider it to be admirably adapted for the pur pose of a ship's deck. The deck of this ship has never leaked since it was payed in February 1843, excepting a few places in the port gangway, where the glue was put in in a hurry ; and whereas in other steamers the heat in the vicinity of the boilers, when the steam was up, caused the pitch to melt, so as to require their being caulked in that neigh bourhood several times during the commission, the Penelope has never required caulking in any part near the boilers. _ _ It is, moreover, much cleaner than pitch, and conse quently much better in hot climates, where during the heat of the sun the pitch sticks to the soles of the feet. and is carried about the deck in all directions ; but the marine glue is as hard in hot weather as it is in cold. and therefore does not stick to the feet when walked 'Pop. _ • The only objection seems to be, that the glue does nut adhere to the nail heads ; but I believe that the patentee has remedied that defect since the Penelope was pued, by countersinking the nail heads, and rendering them as perfect as the seams. In recommending this glue, I am sure I am but speak ing the sentiments of Commodore Jones, who, had he been well enough to write himself, would have bestowed upon it a kigher character than I can do. I have, &c. (Signed) JOHN M. D. SMITH, Senior Lieutenant in sharge. Admiral Sir Charles Ogle, Bart., &c. &c. &c. Portsmouth. (Appendix, No, 7.) Woolwich yard, 11th January, 1542. Sir,—Agreeably with the directions contained in Sir J. Barrow's letter of the 7th instant, to take into con sideration the subject of Mr. Jeffrey's new composition tor paying the seams of ships, we have tried several es periments, both with it and pitch, by bringing them under different degrees of temperature, from which we find that the latter, when heated to 120 deg., was found to run considerably, while no perceptible difference was manifested by the caoutchouc ; the same superiority was maintained by the latter when subjected to a tempera ture below the freezing point, and its elasticity increases very much its value in resisting the admission of water when a swelling or shrinking of the wood takes plaee ; this, we consider, would add materially to its advanta ges on the topsides of ships, which are frequently too much disfigured by the pitch running from the seams in hot weather. We therefore recommend, as the best means of fully testing its advantages, that in addition to the experiments now making at Portsmouth, it be tried on the. Monkey_stnam- vessel at this port, by applying it to the seams on the decks, as nearly as possible to the boilers, using pitch on the opposite side, and that a few seams may likewise he payed on the quarter-deck and forecastle, as well as the short stuff between the ports on some new ship ; and we further recommend that the oakum prepared by Mr. Jeffrey, with the same substance, be used in caulking the seams under experiment. (Signed) 0. LANG. T. F. HAWKES. R. BLAKE. J. FINCHAM. J. ATKINS. Captain-Superintendent Sir. F.A.Collier, C.B. _ :(Appendix, No. 8.) Woolwich-yard, March 4, 1842. Sir,—With reference to the directions contained in Sir J. Barrow's letter of the :7th January last, to take into consideration the subject of Mr. Jeffery's composi tion for paying the seams of ships, and to our formic report of the 11th January, stating that we had tried several experiments, from which we were induced to recommend that it be tried on the Monkey steam-vessel, by applying it to the seams of the deck as near u pos sible to the boilers, &c. &c., we now beg to report, that we have since witnessed various other experiments, from which we have become fully convinced, not only of its advantages in paying seams, but of its invaluable properties for other purposes. As a glue, its tenacity has been proved by the wood giving way before the joint ; being impervious to wet, it is well adapted for the purpose of covering the heads of nails, which pitch never effectually did (and which has always been a gret t desideratum), and thereby saving the expense of copper nails ; and from its strongly adhesive and elastic nature, we have reason to believe it would prove of great benefit in joints of masts. timber, and all paying surfaces, in all shakes in timber and plank, for the joints of bulkheads, and various other purposes, where, should it meet our expectatioes, we con sider it will prove one of the mostimportant discovpries, for ship-building purposes, of modern time s .L LANG. (Si g ned) F. F. HAWKES, R. BLAKE. J. FINCLIAM. J. ATKINS. Captain Superintendent Sir F. A. Collier, C. 8,„ H. F. AMEDROZ, Chief Clerk. Admiralty, 23 June, 1846. TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN. Sin,—At the Great Western Railway meeting on Tuesday last, I observe that the following conversation is reported to have taken place :—" Mr. Smithers said he saw i n a pamphlet published under the nom de guarre of s. a, statement that this Company leased the South Wales link Was it so ?—The Chairman said it was not." As this answer is likely to lead to a misconception of th e true state of the case, on the part both of the shareholders of the Great Western and those of the South Wales Railway, and as it is of much importance that both of these parties should know how they really stand in relation to each other, I beg to subjoin the following a b stract of clauses 55 and 14 of 8 and 9 Victoria, cap. 196 (South Wales Railway Act Clause 55—" That it sh a ll b e lawful for the (South Wa les) Company, by or with the consent of three-fifths of the votes o ie f a t s l e i e th C e or s p o a u n tl y i , l s v p a e l c e i s a ) ll r y ai eo v iivened of the proprietors who may be present at a general meeting and brina r che : orte ny rm of past of them, to the Great Wester , . 'nP!TY' t° suc h for the _ purpos e, to l e t or agreed upon." and transfer to the said Great Wes , Clause 56—" Or to sell the said South Wales Railway, whe ther at such rents, and upon such conditions as shall be inut Y n e s al l l4 l y ' tern R a ilway P and privileges in connexion f their nig hts, pow e rs, or C°afrnaL?: comletion thereof, together with all therewith." is here given to the Great Western Railwair It will be see n . that the power to lease and buy the South Wales Railway Company exclusively. I am, Sir, your obedient servant, or ran )b!ofore £ 5. ct. THE CORN BILL.—The news of the passing o f : the t a h n i d s , t as ow m n, ig ba ehxapvreessb,eaebnouatnotinceipoa'tcelodc, keyauessteedrdaas3er• Corn Importation Bill through the House of L or d s reached y °On' general joy. Immediately after the arrival of the glad tidings several banners were hung out from the windows of the League Rooms, Newall's-buildings, two of which bore the served at once to words—" The League triumphant, " and another,—" Free trade with all rapidly the the w d . ' g ' l T r h o u is s disp lay news,and to congreg a t e ' a large number of gazers, who, with smiles on their coun tenances, interchanged congratulations on an event of such deep interest to the whole country, and especially to the inhabitants of this town, who have so largely contributed by their untiring zeal and noble liberality in achieving th e victory. The example of the League was very generally fol lowed, flags and banners being seen waving from the win. dows or roofs of numerous shops, warehouses, and public and private establishments, both in the towns of Manchester and Salford. The Collegiate Church bells, to the surprise of some and the gratification of all, were set ringing, and con . tinued to peal merrily during the day ; whilst in Salford the chimes of Trinity Church testified how much the authorities and inhabitants of that borough participated in the joy caused by the delightful news of final victory.....m ew h eeter itrisesister. A TIPPERARY MAN A NEW ZEALAND C7HIEF.—It is stated that Held, the New Zealand Cbief who has given such opposition to the British authority in that colon y, is a native of the county of Tipperary ; h is real nau.ie is Hickey. He emigrated from Ireland some ' years ago, and was ship wrecked on the coast of New Zealand, and taken into the in terior of the island by a hunting party of the natives, and sold Luis slave to one of the chiefs, who adopted him as his son, got him tatteoed, and gave him his daughter in marriage. On the death of the old chief, his Irish son-in-law was chosen as his successor, on account of his skill in war. Previo - de to his elevation to the high rank he now holds, he changr 3 d his name from Rickey to Heki, the latter harmonizing better With the langrAge of the aborigines.— Tipperary I'm Pros.