The Sun. — London, England, 1846-04-18 00:00:00

me ns of conferring vast benefits upon the people. - 7 i (Hear.) There was much truth n the observation of the Honourable Gentleman, with respect to the Drainage Act ; it might have been introduced earlier there was no doubt, but it was introduced when the emergency was found to be press ing. There was no truth in the assertion that there had been no opportunity for advances of money under that Act : he was happy to say that there were many already ; and under the Public Works Act from 30,0001. to 40,0001. had already been ex pended.—(Hear, hear.) Works undertaken under this Act he had no doubt would add permanently to the wealth and power of Ireland, and temporary distress would be the means of advancing and securing her pros perity. He was therefore decidedly an advocate of the Pub lic Works Act, es a legitimate means of affording relief. All the recommendations of the Commissioners on the Public Works in Ireland were laid before the Govern ment, and they were then judged by their merits. The Hon. Gentleman had said that an Irish Parliament, and an Irish Government, would have acted in a different spirit with regard to the distress in Ireland. He (Sir J. Graham) really could not think that an Irish Parliament would have acted in a spirit more frank, more generous, or more just, than the British Parliament towards Ireland under the present circumstances. He relied on the feeling of that House ; he relied on the feeling and generosity of the other House of Par liament for such measures as would relieve the wants of the people of Ireland. He was sure that any recommendations for public works would be met in a proper spirit, such, indeed, as the emergency de manded. The Hen. Member in alluding to the landlords of Ireland, told the House that they employed as many labourers on their estates as their fortunes would allow. He considered that a system of parochial relief to the able-bodied labourer would reduce him to the degrad ing position of a pauper—his spirit would be lowered and the tone of society generally deteriorated He did not consider that a proposition of that nature should be entertained without consi derable caution. It has been proposed by another Hon. Member to call an Irish . Parliament as early as possible for the purp ose of considering these matters. The Government were not responsible for not doing so. —(Laughter and cheers.) He did not consider that the great question of reform could any Niger be postponed w i t h justice to Ireland; he thought that an immediate settlement of the question was necessary to alleviate the distress in Ireland. It was not possible to do so out of the public funds. He did hope that they might now pro ceed with the first reading of the Irish Protection to Lift Bill. He did hope that after—he would not say the un necessary delay—that after the five nights' debate which they had already had upon the subject, that Irish Members would allow the first reading to take place, and that they might proceed with the question which now pressed for an immediate decision. He alluded to the proposed measures for reducing the amount of duty upon the importation of foreign corn.—(Hear.) Mr. E. B. ROCHE said, that although he did not concur with the Right Hon. Baronet who had just sat down as to the desirableness of proceeding with the Bill, he would not detain the House at any great length with a view of interrupting its progress. H e did not be lieve that the Government intended doing much for the substantial relief of the people of Ireland. It was quite true that the Right Honourable Baronet had uttered sentiments of commiseration and feeling for the Irish people. The Right Hon. Baronet had also uttered a strong rebuke to the landlords of Ireland for not aiding the Government to the best of their power in relieving the wants of the people. For those sentiments, as far as they went, he (Mr. Roche) thanked him ; but, at the same time, he should be better pleased did he hear the Right Honourable Baronet coming forward as the representative of the Executive Go vernment of this country, and saying that the Go vernment did indeed, in point of fact, intend doing something su b s t an ti a l towards relieving the calamities and distresses of the people, and that it was their intention to provide ample means for sdpply ing the people of Ireland with food. He did not intend to make any allusion to the question between his Hon. Friend the Member for Limerick and the Right Hon. Baronet, as to whether an English or an Irish Parlia ment would do most for the relief of the people of Ire land. He would also refrain from saying anything about the vexata questio of the poor-laws, but this be would say that the Government of this country, if they took upon themselves the government of Ireland, ought to do something more plausible than making plaus ible. and feeling speeches—they ought to do something more substantial for supplyin g t h e p e opl e of Ireland with food. Now the Right Hon. Baronet had thrown himself to a certain extent (if he might use the expres sion) upon the in lulgence of the House with regard to the difficulty which the Government felt in obtaining and introducing' into Ireland food for the people. —( Hear, hear.) The Right Honourable Baronet had told them that there was a great want of machinery in the Government. His Honourable Friend the Member for Limerick had alluded to the mole in which the Indian wheat had been distributed by the offi cer of the Government in the city of Cork. Now, with out imputing to the Government any intention of aggra vating the distress of the people at the present moment. he would, at the same time, tell them that the effects of the acts of the Government, with regard to the distribution of that corn, was to aggravate, in a very serious degree, the distress of the people in the south of Irelard. Now, what were the facts ?—and one fact was better than a thousand arguments. The distress in Cork was very great, and the gentlemen in that city assembled and formed themselves into a relief committee, and elected a secretary. At that time there was a depot in Cork, containing a large supply of Indian meal. An application was made to the secretary of the Relief Committee in Dublin, stating the distress of the people—distress which he (11r. Roche) knew, from his own knowledge, was not exaggerated—and calling upon him to allow a distribution of the Indien meal in depot at certain prices—in fact at cost price. The secretary, after some deli beration, acceded to this request, and a considerable quantity of meal was distributed among the poor of Cork. So far, so good. But when the quantity which they were allowed to distribute was expended they re newed their application to the Secretary in Dublin, and their first letter was unanswered.—(Hear.) On the second application, they received a letter, which :his Hon. Friend had read to the House, and which was written by the Dublin secretary. That letter stated that in point of fact the Government had changed their minds with regard to the distribution of the meal, and that the people of Ireland were to be thrown upon their own resources. The consequence of this was, that an impression went abroad that not only for the present, but fur a long time afterwards, the Government were not prepared to do anything for re. lieving the distresses of the people. Thus, they created a very great discontent amens , the people , of Ireland, because they, in the first instance. raised their hopes by holding out to them, and in part realising, that food would be afforded them at reasonable prices, anti afterwards they turned round and said in effect we have food here, but you shall nut get Tore of it. That course, as he had said, create feeling of dissatisfaction ; but it did even worse, for the speculators in corn in Cork, and Liver pool, and other places, had the opportun'ty of reading this letter, as well as those to whom it wa addressed, and they naturally enough said to themselves this food is to be shut up for some months still ; and they therefore raised the prices of Indian meal. Those prices were raised in consequence of this letter which bad been received from Dublin. Sir J. GRAHAM seemed to express dissent. Mr. ROCHE—The Right Hon. Baronet seemed to express dissent, but he (Mr. Roch: , ) had a painful know ledge of the fact, because he was then in treaty for the purchase of a large amount of Indian meal for his own people in Ireland, and he was aware that it was much higher than it had been a fortnight ago He entreated the Right Honourable Baronet to con3ider the dissatisfaction and discontent that this pitifti. mode of distributing re;ief in Ireland was ere sting among the poorer classes in that country. It was impossible for any man to exaggerate the distre-:s and the want of food that existed in every district it Ireland. He knew himself that in a district of thr county of Cork, which for years past had sup plied the whole of the country with food, at this moment the people were actually consuming for pre sent use the only potatoes they had kept for seed for the following year. He would wish to impress on the Right Hon. Baronet the consideration, that if it were possible for Government to give any supply of India', meal, there never was a time when it would be of s o much importance to the people, as it would allow them to lay up something for the following year. tie hoped he hae misunderstood the Right Honourable Baronet, or that he bad misinterpreted that part of his speech which conveyed to his mind the impression that, in point of fact, the supply of Indian corn in the country was a mere trifle—be could say that it would give him great pleasure. In answer to the Right Honourable Baronet, as far as his individual experience went, the land lords in his part of the country—always exc?pting the absentees—were doing what in their power lay towards relieving the distress, of the surrounding people, but they found that it was almost an impossibility to obtain food for them. He understood everything relating to practical farming. He commenced very young, __ e and he had farmed 1,000 acres before he was nineteen. ll.had since farmed larger quantities of land, and at this mo ment he had the management of from 3,000 to 4,000 acres. Re employed, at a moderate computation, over 400 people. He paid them, but could not give them food, and every one knew that they could not eat the money. It was almost an absolute impossibility to obtain food; in fact, the difficulty was so great, that as soon as he could be free from an important duty which he had to perform, and which he might perform in the course of next week, and perhaps not so soon—(a Hear, hear," from the Opposition)—he should go to Liverpool, in 0r4(7 to obtain a supply of food for his own people. Hrtrusted, therefore, that the Government would im mediately turn their attention to the increase of the store of Indian meal, for it was upon that alone that a great portion of the population depended for their food, nd the obtaining any other kind of food WWI qtAte out of the question. They would understand this when he said that the best description of potatoes cost one shilling per stone, and that ten-pence was commonly given for them, which was altog qher under the mark. The regular price would be threepence for the common sort, and fourpence and five peace for the best. He did not mean to say that the people commonly obtained potatoes at that price, for that price was merely nominal, and if he were to go to a man who had 100 tons in his possession, his answer most probably would be that he did not know whether he had sufficient for his own seed. And this was the case with every portion of Ireland, and he believed that if they were permitted to use their seed potatoes, they would not have three weeks' consumption remaining throughout the country.—(Cheers.) He had made it his business to inquire, from h'is own neighbourhood right up to th e mountainous districts, and what he bad just asserted he believed to be the plain fact, namely, that after the con- I sumption of the seed-potatoes then would not remain three week's supply. He hoped the Government would excuse him, for he did not mean to read them a lecture, but he did sincerely trust that they would not lose a moment in applying to America for a sufficient supply of Indian meal. It would be better to do this now than to wait until the eleventh hour, and leave the people of Ireland the sad alternative of lying down by the road side to perish, or of turning round upon the country gentlemen, and taking possession of their property, and committing other outrages of which they and the Go vernment would most bitterly repent. He was the more anxious upon this point, as he saw no promise in the Right Hon. Gentleman's speech, and he could not there fore refrain from remembering an old saying, that soft words butter no parsnips. He trusted, however, that the Government would take some such steps as these which he had recommended. Sir R. PEEL said he could assure the Hon. Gentleman who had just sat down that her Majesty's Government t had hemelancholy very an recently eh oly p t treceivedthe fullest in of Ireland, and he begged t o remind the Hon. Gentleman e had that it was not more than a fortnight ago that the Government were endeavouring to defend themselves from charges of exaggeration upon this subject. The House should also remember that Government had been devoting themselves earnestly to the introduction of measures for the amelioration of this distress ; and with a view to convincing the House that distress did exist, they had ordered certain returns to be laid upon the table ; and when that was done, it was stated to be all exaggeration, while in fact those returns had just been confirmed by the Hon. Gentleman who had just come over from that country.—(Hear, hear.) The charges that the Government were attempting to mitigate that distress, not by practical measures, but by fine speeches, he would meet in this way. No doubt the Government would be highly culpable to pursue such a course ; but he did think they should get credit fur endeavouring to avoid such measures a 3 might perhaps aggravate instead of mitigate those evils.—(Hear, hear.) If by the inter ference of the Government, any measures could be intro duced that would have a practical effect, he would admit that no consideration of a pecuniary nature should weigh for a moment with the Government.—(Hear, hear.) But in such a matter the interference of the Government might have a very injurious effect. He could assure the House that the utmost caution should be exerc'sed by the Government in dealing with such measures, lest by a temporary mitigation of the distress, they might be lay ing the foundation for much greater misery hereafter. — (Hear, hear.) Now, let him take the last observation of the Hon. Gentleman. He said, " for God's sake, send over to America for more Indian corn." Let them take care that they did not interfere with the natural and legitimate supply of this commodity and the exertions of individuals. In the early part of No vember, when no steps were taken in reference to an alteration in the corn.law—when Indian meal was un known—many persons then questioned the authority of the Government to interfere. The Government, how ever, sent out an order, seeing that there was a prohi bitory duty on the article, to bring in a very large quantity of it ; but when Indian meal could be imported at a Is. per quarter, it did not follow that the measure which was wise and expedient in November last would be wise now. The first effect which the pro ceeding would have would be to raise the price of Indian meal, and the second would be embarrassment to the merchant. He mentioned these things as a proof that the Government were influenced, not by an indifference to the necessities of the people, but by a sincere con viction that a compliance with the recommendations made to them would do injury, and aggravate the existing evils. At the present moment oatmeal was one-third higher in price than during the last two or three years, so that by introducing Indian corn they were not driven to subsist on a high priced, but on a generous and moderate priced food. He did trust that the introduction of this corn would give the Irish people a taste for a higher descrip tion of food, and increased industry to obtain it, and, in fact, lay the foundation of a better state of things in Ire land. By preventing the Irish labourer from placing entire dependence on the prevalent Irish food—the watery po• tato—would confer great and lasting good upon them. —(Cheers.) If the Government had announced their in tention of entirely supporting the whole Irish people during the prevalence of the distress now extant in Ire land, they would have done much mischief—more than any step whatever—because they would thereby have in duced benevolent individuals to relax their exertions in behalf of the poor.—(Hear, hear.) If the Government were at once to relieve the Irish clergy of all denomina- Liens, Irish farmers, all abate the labouring classes, who now lent their aid to support the indigent, from the moral obligations imposed upon them, they would have insured all the evils of famine.—(Hear, hear.) It was impossible the Government could support four millions of people. 'the Hon. Gen tleman advised them to be more liberal, and to make a declaration of their means in order to obtain a more ex tended support of the Government measures, and said that many absentee landlords were not performing that duty which resident landlords were performing. He (Sir Robert Peel) thought it unfair to draw this distinc tion, because he knew many absentee landlords who were very generous to the poor.—(Hear, hear.) But if the Government were to express their intention to re lieve the wants of the whole of the suffering Irish peo ple, those who had heretofore relieved their wants would nave excused their moral obligations by saying that the Government bad unlimited means at their com mand, and might, by commissions of inquiry, have full and accurate information with respect to their condition —would thank the Government for relieving them of the responsibility, and they would take proper measures to alleviate their sufferings. This might occur. It would be utterly impossible for them to relieve cases of individual distress occurring in the wilds of Donegal or Mayo, and therefore they must look to all proprietors, resident and non-resident, for support ; and it was not on the Government that the first responsibility rested.— (Hear, hear.) It was only through their aid they could hope to effect any good. It might be very well for the Hon. Gentleman to say that he held him (Sir R. Peel) responsible for every death that occurred. These were dangerous words; they ought not to be made use of ; but they could not make the Government pri marily responsible ; it must rest with those who either are or ought to be resident upon the spot, and upon those especially who, by reason of their non-residence, ought to be more liberal in their contributions. Not by any means wishing to shrink from any responsibility which might be attached to him either officially or individually, he could not allow the responsibility to be attached to an Executive Government which really had no means to effect anything without their aid.—(Hear, hear.) And if the statement was true that the people were eating those potatoes which ought to be preserved for food, was it not a sufficient vindication of the Government for asking a permanent settlement of the corn question? This was his answer to the speech of the Hon. Member for Limerick. He had no wish whatever to say any thing with respect to the Corn Bill during the discu , sion of this measure. He wished the Corn and Coercion Bills to be kept separate and distinct.—(Hear, hear.) On whatever other points Hon. Members might differ he thought that upon this they would be agreed, viz. the necessity of doing something towards giving permanent relief to the people of Ireland. There might be differences of opinion entertained as to the efficacy of the measures which the Government had introduced for the relief of the people of Ireland. He could assure the House that it Ras the wish of her Majesty's Govern ment to meet the wants of the people of Ireland. Day after day and night after night they were occupied with the subject of the present distress in Ireland, and it was their earnest desire that the remedial measures which they had introduced should not b:- ineffectual.—(hear, hear.) It had not been a fear of expense that had dissuaded the Government from bringing forward such measures of relief as had been alluded to by the Hon. Member for Limerick. The fear under which the Government laboured was, that lest their resources might not be sufficiently efficacious ; ;3e could assure the House that it was their anxious wish to relieve, as much as in them lay, the distresses of rho people of Ireland.—(Hear, bear.) Mr. E. B. ROCHE said that the Right Hon. Baronet had niisungerstood him, and bad consequently misrepresented him when quoting his language. He ( Mr. Roche) had not called upon the Government to come forward and support the people of Ireland, nor had he asked them to take upon themselves the entire responsibility of supporting the people of Ireland. The Irish Members did not ask the Government to extend eleemosy nary assistance to the people of Ireland. What he had said was this, that the Government had themselves come forward as the feeders of the Irish people during their present calamitous dis tress, and that having done so they ought not to have stopped halfway. The Government ought to tell the landlords of Ire land for certainty that in Liverpool, or some other places, they could obtain food for the support of their fellow-countrymen. Sir R. PEEL—That is just what I want to have. I want foreign wheat at 4s. per quarter to mix with oats at about ls. 6d. per quarter. Mr. E. B. ROCHE—That may do for another year. Sir R. PEEL—No; but for this year. Mr. CALEB POWELL said that by the Right Hon. reyo measu r esr e were s Baronet's own showing the Government h a d i n t hi s instance' eer.' e l to age a h la d m in il t iaz du p c h e ra d s c e . , e;c . i p v l e ac w e h d en th c e on e ci a l r ia t to bf absolutely nece ssar y.—( H ear , hear.) Why did no t the G vernment press forwa r d th e Corn Bill, instead of introd ucing this coercive measure ? Sir W. SONIEiiiiLLE was exceedingly glad to hear that the Government intended to au gment ris the funds that had been zo a r r . bee l he only thing they raised for the relief of the Irish t h be p so be as d to fi nd em could do would be to impr ov e ployment for the poor. A great deal could rs e be in er t e h i i e s manner. He hoped the report on the state of the h ar bours Ireland would be produced as early as possible, in order that something might be done. Mr. COLLETT wished to make a few remarks on the sub ject under consideration. It was in reference to the finding of employment on the railways proposed to be constructed in Ire land. He did not refer to any of the railway Bills of the pre sent session, but to those passed last year, and especially to two, the Waterford and Limerick and Dundalk and Enniskillen rail ways. These were two excellent lines, but the state of things was such, the cals could not be got, and the works were in consequence delayed. If they could get some assistance by the advan c ement of money on loan, great relief would be afforded. While he was desirous of doing everything he could to meet the wa n t s o f t h e Irish people, he supported the Coercion Bill as a measure necessarily required, but only of a temporary character. M. O'CONNELL would not have addressed the House had nut th e Ri g h t Hon. Baronet (Si r Robert Peel) referred t o the d ifference between hi. H on . Friend (Mr. Smith O'Brien) and him (Mr. O'Connell) on the subject of out door relief. Whatever opinion he had expressed respecting out-door relief, it was quite clear that the present eetev7 relief o oo in personsthe w poor-houses erethat a i n Ireland was altogether i na d a t were relieved by the poor - h ouses at ' present, while there were 2,300,0 00 in a state of destitution . —H e ar, costa r, 9 h o ear. ) The esta bli s hments for these 37,000 persons had,oool. This would show the inadequacy of the system of relief. Still, he thought noth in g could be mo re ruinous to Ireland than a system of out - door relief, i f the Right Hon. Baronet thought proper to propose it, in the present state of Ireland he (Mr. O'Connell) was willing to sacrifice his opinion and support it.—( Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Baronet had also referred to the failure of the drainage system in Ireland, but that was not attributable to the plans of the Government, hut to other causes. He must say the Government had shown every disposition to relieve the condition of Ireland, and that the course they had taken had been fully vindicated that night ; still he thought they had not done enough. The distre s was overwhelming, disturbances had broken out, and might extend so as to render all their future precautions una vailing. They had a fearful period before them; and notwith standing what they had done, they would do well to put in operation the Board of Works, and also to consider whether it would not be well to appoint a Commissioner to inquire into the resident landlords, and the absentees, with the object of rating them On order to meet the present crisis, care Leing taken to discriminate between the two classes of landlords. Their duty would not be performed unless they did everything in their power to counteract the alarming state of things ' • and in doing so, they ought not to despond , as a feeling of that kind going abroad was calculated to do great injury.—(Hear.) Mr. M'CARTHY gave the Government credit for an anxious desire to relieve the wants of Ireland, still he had to complain of the way in which the commissary at Cork had given out relief. He had only supplied Indian corn for a day, and had refused further supplies, or to send it into the interior. He would ask the Right Hon. Baronet if he was aware that Indian meal, when grciund, was liable to fermentation and con sequent loss? He would also press the Right Hon. Baronet for information as to the instructions the commissary at Cork was acting under in withholding the supplies. He was of opinion that the Government should allow Indian corn to be sold at the cost price. Colonel VERNER said that the scarcity described to prevail in the south of Ireland did not exist in that portion of the country in which he had lately been. At the last assizes of the county of Down the grand jury did not consider it neces sary to enforce the provisions of the present Bill, the state of the county not requiring it. He had been in the county of Fermanagh for five weeks, and he had never heard of any scarcity—in fact it was remarked that never since the war was there such a good time for tne paying of rents. Mr. SMITH O'BRIEN wished to explain. He denied that in opposing the Coercion Bill he was delaying the measures for the relief of the people of Ireland. The responsibility of the delay lay with the Ministers, not with him. The Right Hon. Baronet had misunderstood what he said about local rates—he had always contended that the landlords should be compelled to support the destitute, and that a general tax on property was necessary and proper for that purpose. Mr. JOHN O'CONNELL said he rose to call the attention of the Government to a document which had been transmitted to him, and which referred to a point that had not been touched upon. The Hon. Gentleman had read the document in question, which was to the effect that it would not be possible to supply Indian corn meal fast enough to the people, from a deficiency of mill-power in that part of the country. It stated that Sir R. Peel had caused to be purchased 100,000/. worth of Indian corn at the rate of a penny a pound, which made 24,000,0001b5. All that had been imported into Cork was 11,000,0001b5., of which a very small quantity had been dis tributed, the commissary refusing to supply any more at present. In addition to this quantity it was said the only stock at present in England was 45,000 quarters. To give 4,000,000 of people a pound of meal each, 14,825 barrels would be re quired. He (Mr. J. O'Connell) would not pledge himself as to the truth of this statement, but he had received it from a person who knew a good deal of the county of Cork, and con siderably acquainted with the state of the country. He (Mr. J. O'Connell) would say a few words on the general subject. The question was one of great difficulty, and great allowance should be made on bath sides.—( Cries of " Hear, hear.") He gave the Government full credit for an anxious and earnest desire to do the best they could in the present crisis ; and though the present discussion had been deprecated, he thought it would be useful, as it would show the House was not inattentive to the necessities of the case; and that if the Government withheld definite information, it was because they thought such a course would impede useful operations. He was sorry to hear the Right Hon. Baronet say that the introduction of Ir:dian corn would give the people of Ireland a taste for better food. No good would arise if the taste was only given to them for a moment ; the only way to give them a better taste was to provide them with better means. It was poverty that inevitably drove them to inferior food ; give them better means of purchasing food, and they would soon have a taste for it. He had just another remark to make. With respect to what had been said about the importance of the resident landlords in meeting the evils of Ireland, he saw in that a strong argument bearing in favour of a local Parliament. Mr. FITZGERALD said that from the accounts received that day, disturbances had taken place in Tipperary, ( lonmel, and sever,' other towns in Ireland, in which the people had risen and helped themselves out of the bakers' shops. The state of things was so dreadful that the military had been called out, as well as the police employed to suppress the disturbances. He would ask, bad the agents of the Government acted according to instructions in refusing to send food into the interior, so as, by granting a supply, to prevent the occasion of the people resorting to such illegal means. Feeling that political agitation contributed to agrarian out rage, he was anxious to remove all causes or excuse for it. He was anxious to restrict political agitation to all causes which had nothinz to do with personal interests.—( Hear.) It was impossible for a people accustomed to combine against the oppression from oligarchical communities, accustomed to resist the power of authority which in their eyes was backed only by selfish motives. Was it necessary for him to describe the present condition of Ireland ? They lived in a state of feverish and unhealthful excitement, and the consequence was that the people could not resist the temptation to oppose the claims for even legitimate authority. He for one would not be content to rest upon vague promises. Would they give equal rights with themselves ? Would the Right Hon. Baronet consuinate the Emancipation Act ? Would he legislate for that extremity which was fast impending and not wait until that extremity arose ? Would he remove that cause of differenee which was exhibited in the portion of the Anglican Church in Ireland ? That was tl.e base of their national disseverence and of poli tical subservience. Why was it that no Member of the Catholic faith was not possessed of a place in the Cabinet? Was it not true that to be associated with them was a signal for his expulsion from the body to which he properly belonged ? But it was the business of him who was in possession of power to abridge this struggle. The sectarian policy it was that deprived the Government of the national confidence, but if they would ameliorate their political and religious wrongs, they would confederate with them, and act in concert in the repression of outrage and the stop page of agrarian imposition. If they would not, how ever, then the Government must expect that the Irish people would refrain from any such concert, and they would not only not refrain, although by the doing so they might not prevent. but be the cause of the increase of crime. Then as to the Bill itself, he had great objections. He thought that the punish ment of transportation was too great for the offence met by this Bill—an evil which he conceived might be justly met by a longer or shorter period of imprisonment. And, further, as to the expenses of this Bill. Why was it that the tenants on the several estates were to bear an expense to which, in justice, they were in no way liable? He trusted that the House would not accede to the Bill in its present state, because, with. out some sufficient provision for the welfare of the people of Ireland it would in effect be totally inoperative.—( Cheers. ) Mr. CALEB POWELL thought that this Bill would be altogether useless, unless there was some assurance of the re moval of that abuse which rendered the people of Ireland sub servient to the rule of a Church which was abhorrent to their principles, and without the abrogation of which no impartial effect could be produced. He had come to this resolution partly in consequence of the insufficiency cf the evidence which the Government had given for this Bill, and he especially alluded to a certain district in Limerick for the returns of out- rages in that district, although he had moved for them on the 23d of last month, and the officials had not been able to furnish them. Now, with regard to the ease of Sir David Roche. What was the fact ? Why, he had been informed by a gentle man who was in the carriage at the time, that Sir D. Roche had not been fired at at all.— (" But what does Sir D. Roche say ?" from the Treasury Benches.—( Great laughter.) —He believed that Sir D. Roche was lying down in the seat of the carriage at the moment. There cer tainly was an explosion, but no missile struck the carriage— ( Laughter)—and he understood from the people of Limerick themselves that it was a ruse of the agents of the police. Now he would turn to the case of the sailor, who was said to have been beaten to death. Why, as to that, it ap peared that the man was absolutely assailed by two milkmaids, such as those who mixed water and chalk together in Caven dish. square. —( Laughter, ) He knew that it was said that two men had assailed him, and that he was in a dying state, but he had been assured by persons acquainted with all the facts, that there was not a stronger man in the county of Limerick at the present mgpient.—(Laughter from the Slieisterial benches.) Still furthcq., with respect to the alleged violence done upon a man who held land in Tipperary. From what be had heard there was no ground for these assertions, and the Right Hon. Baronet would act upon very insufficient grounds, if he allowed these to influence him in bringing in a Coer cion Bill for any part of Ireland.—( Hear, hear.) There was another case which the Right Hon. Baronet had quoted, as furnishing a ground fbr the introduction of the mea sure. The Right Hen. Baronet had said, that a respectable gentleman, of the name of Wilson, had been obliged to leave his place of residence in the county of Clare, through fear of being made a victim of lawlessness by the tenants around him. He (Mr. Powell) had known Mr. Wilson for many years, and had found him to be a very respectable and intell:gent gentle man, and he really believed that he was of very great service to the district in which he formerly resided. But he (Mr. Powell) felt perfectly certain that that gentleman need enter- , . tain no such fears as had been alluded to by the Right Baronet on his introduction of the measure. There were no reasons why he should not exercise all the legitimate rights of his property in Clare, without entertaining the slightest fear of molestation on the part of the surrounding tenantry. In. deed, he (Mr. Powell) happened to knew, that the causes which induced Mr. Wilson to change his residence were en tirely of a private nature, which he need not mention in that House.—(Hear, hear.) And yet the Right Hon. Baronet had referred to the case as evidence that the landed gentry of Ireland were driven from their estates in consequence of the lawless state of the peasantry. And even supposing that Mr. Wilson had been obliged to retire from his resi dence in the county of Clrae, from the fears alluded to by the Right Hon. Baronet the Secretary of State for the Home Department, did it follow that other gentlemen should entertain similar fears, and be drives to similar deter minations? He knew many gentlemen of property that lived in the district from which Mr. Wilson had removed, and yet no attacks whatever had been made upon their lives or pro perties, although he must admit that his co-religionists, the Protestant gentry of Ireland, were excessively inclined to pos sess and exercise arbitrary powers over their Roman Catholic fellow-subjects. Ile also knew a gentleman who had made a great fortune by his trade in the city of Limerick ; and in a conversation which he had with him lately, he asked him whe ther he felt the necessity of giving to the magistrates of that district additional coercive powers against the people for the purpose of preserving life and property, when he replied that he certainly did not; that he had not a single fire-arm in his house—and that frequently the bars and windows of his house were left unbolted and open at night, and that he had never suffered either in person or property by any acts of the pea santry.—(Hear, hear.) He believed that the Right Hon. Baronet had admitted that the cases of assassination of the higher classes of society in Ireland were not so numerous nor so shocking as those which had occurred in England. Sir JAMES GRAHAM—I never said that. Mr. POWELL said the Right Hon. Gentleman had said something very like it, or he was very much mistaken. The Right Hon. Baronet would perhaps admit that he had said something to this effect—" Perhaps, after all, th ese eau , of assassination in Ireland are not so very much out of the way, or so very numerous, but then Vie people want to be protected from each other, and that is what our measure is calculated to effect " But where were the petitions of the people praying the House to pass this so-called pr o t ec ti ve measure? The Right Hon. Gentleman, in introducing this measure, made a very sweeping charge against the morality of the people of Ire land. He stated that they were in such a state of social dis organisation that the ordinary law was insufficient to meet their lawless acts. Sir JANIES GRAHAM—I did not say so. Mr. POW ELL—Then why did not the Government leave the people of Ireland to the ordinary operation of the law?— ( Hear, hear.) He really could not feel any gratification in n c o rim so e n s rceof committedadducing arguments of recrimination for the purpose of con• trasting the crimes of the people of Ireland with the outrages con solation to crimes of . equal, and even greater, num tEhningklisthhapteoipflethereltwwearge ber and atrocity committed in this country.—(Hear;hear.) 'in the very Why, was there not a committed hbiymthtoe didthe Prime Minister of that day lobby of that House, and with a measure for the coercion of in Ireland there were down to the House Prime Minister assassinated come the English people? when his Private Secre tarythe Crown propose a similar measure t • 7 n tre Yr es Pans4r, , 411 Or did the present. Prime Minister of was assassipated in the very ceu THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING; APRIL 18 je46. these grounds, therefore, he contended that the Government did not legislate impartially towards the people of Ireland. He could assure the House that if this measure were passed, i'. would completely fail to secure the objects it contemplated. On the contrary, it would only increase the present calamities of Ireland. If its oppressive clauses were enforced, there would certainly be a lamentable reaction. He could also prove, from documents, that the evidence on which the Government had relied in introducing this mea sure was not such as should be received by the Members of that House, and although it had been stated by the Right Honourable Baronet, the Secretary of State for the Home Department that social order in Ireland was completely disorganised, yet when that young man came to be hanged in the front of the New Bailey the populace greeted him with tremendous cheering.— ( Hear, hear.) So much for the statement of the Right Hon. Gentleman as to the immorality of the Irish people. Perhaps the Right Hon. Baronet would, on reflection, see that his as sertion that the people of this country did not exhibit that sympathy for criminals which was manifested in Ireland was altogether untrue. Then, on the Bth of April, it appeared that there had been a case of assassination in the county of Oxford together with several other outrageous crimes, and that the total number of crimes committed in that county since the last assizes was 69. He did not think that the amount of crimes in the county of Limerick would be found to exceed that. But it would be a very invidious and disagreeable task for him to go through the catalogue of English _criminality, to show that the people of Ireland were equally as moral as the people of this country. He was very sorry to find that the Hon. Member for Pomfret was not in his place, because that gentleman had said a few nights ago that this Act was a very harmless one, and that it would not be considered anything more than a tem porary police correctzonelle, and that it was impcssible for any inconvenience to result from it. Now, in such a case as this, what would the Hon. Member for Pomfret think if the Pro testant people of that part of Yorkshire in which he resided were to be handed over to the care of Roman Catholic magis trates? Would he not cry out against the abolition of the British constitution, &c.? Would he not become indignant, and express his feelings against such an nneenstitutional proceeding? And yet this measure proposed to place the Roman Catholics of Ireland in the hands of Protestant magistrates, the ma jority of whom had no sympathy for them.—( Hear, hear.) And yet the Hon. Member had advised her Majesty's Govern ment to pursue their present course. Mr. Shaw Lefevre had, at one time, in that House, stated, when there were disturb • antes amongst the peasantry of England, that the best and most effectual way of suppressing those disturbances was by relieving their wants, not by goading them by coercive mea sures to outrages still more violent.—( Hear.) And could he quote an authority higher than that of the Right Hon. Gen tleman who then occupied the chair of that House ?—( Hear. ) He (Mr. Powell) found that in February, of the present year, there had been disturbances amongst 2,C00 labourers that were engaged in the construction of a railway in Carlisle. Now, if such a thing had occurred in Ireland, most assuredly the people would have pronounced it to be in rebellion. —( Hear, hear.) He would now take the liberty of stating what measures were in his opinion calculated to promote the tranquillity of the people of Ireland. In the first place the people of Ireland should have the laws impartially administered to them ; the Government must not proscribe the constitu tional expression of political opinion in that country. He thought that there was a very ample scope for physical amelioration of the people of Ireland, in the reclamation of waste lands.—( Hear, hear.) He Jelleved that it would bea very easy, and a very immediate mode to relieve the great physical destitution that at present existed in Ireland, and he believed that they would be perfectly justified in making eompulsory powers for the cultivation of those large tracts which were left uncultivated. Then there was another remedy, however, left for them if they would not do these things, and that was the repeal of the legislative union between the two countries.—( Hear, hear.) If they would undertak a to do that, he would undertake to say that it wou'd immediately improve the condition of the people of Ireland.— ( Hear, hear.) But if they were not prepared to do any of these things, would they adopt the other courses which he had suggested for the amelioration of the Irish people ? If they were nut, however, to do any of those things, they might de pend upon it that the people of Ireland would some fine day right themselves. Mr. WARD said that few Members, who were in the House, had had so much experience in Indian corn as himself. He, too, was aware that at a public meeting that had recently been held in Ireland, it was stated that this corn was a slow poison. Now, he had !wed in countries where maize was almost universally used as food by the people, ano he had not known a more wholesome food, nor one more capable of enabling the people to endure fatigue. It was a substantial, nourishing, and wholesome diet, but it bad only one fault. It would keep for any length of time in the grain cart ; when it was ground it sometimes turned sour. If, in each case, it were to induce a slight diarrhoea in Ireland, what would be at once said of the Saxon Government and the Saxon Ministers ? He was happy to say that, at a meeting the other day, a Mr. O'Shea boldly stepped forward, and, in defiance of prejudice, explained the nourishing and wholesome qualities of the food. The ( HANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that with regard to the distribution of the food for the people, as they could not know how to use it themselves ; orders had been sent to the agents in Ireland to select officers for the dis tribution of the fond ; those persons who had lived most in the counties where the food had been used, and who were ac quainted with the manner in which it should be kept so as to insure its soundness. Mr. J. COLLETT presented a petition from the inhabitants of the town of Athlone against the Coercion Bill, and remon strating against the effects of such a measure. THE ADJOURNED DEBATE. On the motion that the Orders of the day LiP read, Mr. J. O'BRIEN said that in rising to address the House on this adjourned .Rebate he had to express his regret that the long and unavoidable discussion which had arisen should have interfered with the progress of those measures of commercial legislation introduced by her Majesty's Government, the speedy adjudication of which he held to be not more essential to trade, to the agricultural interest of the empire, than to the modification of that destitution in Ireland, which was now no longer a matter of speculation but of urgent and unquestionable certainty. He had to regret his absence on a late occasion, when the Right Hon. Gentleman at the head of the Govern ment referred to the Member for Limerick, for he should have offered his testimony in support of the accounts of the distress in Ireland. He should have done so not only on his own know ledge, but on the unsuspected and almost official testimony of the documents which he held in his hand. One was a letter from the high sheriff of the city of Limerick, and the other was an address from the relief committee of the city, bearing the signature of the mayor, the Protestant dean, and the chairman of the poor-law union. With the permission of the House he would read their plain and simple statements. The letters stated that in the city of Limerick the want of food was such that they were not sure that the next moment an outbreak of the people would not take place. The military were kept under arms—a deputation had been sent to Dublin to expre's the state of affairs to the Executive Government there. He felt that he had been almost censurable in not having submitted to the House before these documents, whieh were so strongly illustrative of the wants and necessities of the city which he had mentioned, and in which the south western portion of Ireland so fully participated. It was necessary, with facts such as these before the House, to join wise and humane measures with the present measures of relief introduced by her Majesty's Govern ment. He would also remark how overpowering must be that sense of duty which compelled a considerable proportion of the Members for Ireland to resist those measures which the energy of their country was said to have required—when that resist.. ance was accompanied by the unavoidable delay of the measures for their country's good. That resistanee was not alone the re sult of their own determination, but was fully in accordance with the sentiments of people who would not consent to pur chasesuffering without a parallel I rights by a seeming acqui trained, so unconstitutional, and efosrent s eh o ee ewsxuiert inoperative rfihrepnatdi e:r of fa s s fromtu tihr' their rms political physicala)°lsivitaeire then before the House. He rose to oppese that measure, and as cases of strange suffering and unpunished crime had been demonstrated he telt it to be his duty briefly to state the reasons which determined him to give his opposition to the measure professedly intended to ar rest the perpetration of crime, and to achieve those objects which it must be the general and permanent aim of all Govern ments to accomplish, safety to property, and protection to life. Did he believe the measure cap:rble of accomplishing these ob jects, no consideration of temporary unpopularity which might arise from advocacy o f the measure would deter bun from undertaking the responsibility of supporting th e m easure —(Hear,hear)—for such a motive of re s i stance wou ld b e dis reputable and opposed to his principles. What was the measure before the House? Had it been fully, perfectly, and irresisti bly demonstrated by its advocates? No! and what aggravated that reflection was, that this question was but a bad addition to those past remedies whose inability a long and painful experience had rendered manifest. What was the condition of Ireland after centuries of independent legislation, and a century of imperial legislation? It was disturbed, distressed, and perma nently agitated. He could not find any peculiarity in the dis position of the people of Ireland, nor any physical distinction in the country to which they belonged, which throughout cen turies should have been so disastrou s to them and so little pro fitable to the English. Would it not be well, instead of devi sing temporary expedients for the punishment of crime, at once to ascertain and remove the causes tending to it. Tho s e causes were the physical necessities of the people, and the poli tical discontent of the country ; both of these by a mutual and natural effect acting on and exasperating one another. It was impossible to deny that the people of Ireland regard with dis like, and with an evil feeling, the principles of the English Government in Ireland. They looked upon it as Anti-Catholic, and Anti-Irish, which, notwithstanding the Emancipation Act of 1829, excluded them from the favour of the Government, or the confidence of the Crown, and they laboured under the double subjection of an alienated Government and a sectarian ascendancy. He would also refer to the social con dition of the Irish people; it was one of unparalleled suffering and degradation, which emancipated them from all obLgatfOns to the maintenance of laws which offered no facility for the pro tection of property, nor secured even the common necessaries of life. That such a condition of things was an incentive to crime required but little reason to perceive, and that fact was pat ticularly demonstrated by the class and description of per sons on whom the infliction of the law ultimately fell. It was not the opulent farmer, nor the extensive landowner—they did not find them amongst the occupiers of five acres—they were composed of a class, destitute, ignorant and impoverished, who owed no defeience to the institutions of the country, and who had no hope of any possible amelioration of their condition, Would they rescue this class from the temptation to crime, by improving their condition, and by allowing them greater ac commodation, and increasing their comforts, and making it their interest to obey the laws, and uphold the constitution of the country? If he were asked how this was to be achieved, be would refer to those voluminous Committees which for the last twenty years had encumbered the records of the House —exam ples of unavailing inquiry and abortive legislation. He would refer to unoccupied land, is the unsatisfactory rela. twits between landlord and tenant, to the poor-law, which, when properly administered, was the best security for social and political tranquillity, and provided for the wants and welfare of the labouring classes of Ireland. He should refer to the non-resident gentry; nor could he, in his remarks, omit what he knew to be a feeble source of agrarian outrage—the absence of all accessible means of deciding the differences of the people, arising from the tenure of land, or otherwise. These were the measures he would press the Government to adopt coincidently wiih the measures it now proposed to enact for Ireland. Mr. WARD thought the present was really a most disgrace ful state of the House. A great constitutional question was now before it. Several times in the course of the evening he could, had he been so inclined, have called !he attention of the Speaker to the circumstance of there not being forty Members present. He begged to state his reasons why he, as an English man, would not support the present measure. He believed that in Ireland, in one particular class of crime, the sympathies of the people were in favour of the criminal and against the law. They could not get juries to convict, or witnesses to give evi trc4. dence aga i nst the criminal. If, then, they h a d to d ea l w i t h s uch a state of thi ngs as these, he thought that of all times th e present was a time for the House to pause and conf id er to w h at cause t hi s perver t e d morality could bee forward th e worn out and vulgar measure (Idled coercion? ,Why n o t deal with Ireland e open e lis t h h t e e y a ned lw p a r v in s cip t l o bri principles. He did not wish t o saying that those who p ow sa t upuP ti" ()thFr site of the House wh en o indulge in recriminations. He could not help pon . his side inflamed as 'numb as possible the minds of the publie by their expressions of bigotry towards the Irish people. He hoped that Members on hi s side of the House would be more just and act in a better manner upon the rexerit occasion, H . .. . . Terld , T —0 was prepared to support the GO. ment, as he had done upen the Maynooth question, provided they could convince him that this measure would prove effectual. He did not think a measure so unconstitutional as the present could be supported by the Members of this House, unless they were fully persuaded that it would prove effectual. He did not think it would. It would only be carried after more debate than was perhaps desired, and by allowing great changes to be introduced into the measure, and accompanied with measures of a more concilia tory character.—( Hear, hear.) The first vote he gave was in favour of a ooercion Bill, he was wrong in so doing. ..1( Hear, hear.) He had too much faith in the Government at that time. He did not know so much of Ireland at that time as he then did. He did not know how much liberty was cherished on this side of the water, and disregarded on the other side.— (Hear, hear.) He did not know that that Bill was a c. - py of a series of Bills, of which the Bill of 1764, passed in the Irish Parliament, was the first—a Bill in which power was given to magistrates to convict. That Bill was denounced by an emi-, nent legal authority, Chancellor Clair, who called it a mon strous attempt to establish religion by an Act of Parliament. (The Hon. Member then proceeded to read some extracts from " The Correspondence of Edmund Burke," describing the stet.? of the count in 1761 ; also from the speech of Mr. Fitzgib bon, in 1781.) The Bills of 1764 and 1787 were no remedies and the present was not a new Bill—it had been tried before. It had never succeeded. Was that, then, a proper remedy for the Briti-h Parliament to apply in 1846? Were we to say, with the Hon. Member for the University of Dublin, that re !Alien and misery were indigenous to the soil of le land? The Honourable Member for Dorsetshire had said that Irishmen weredeficient in common sense—that they should not be tried by the rules which apply to humanity in general— that they wore, in short, " wretches" unable to manage their estates ! An eminent judge in Irish matters (Mr. Wiggins) had said, that the Irish were only recklese when labour and care were found to be useless.—( Heise, hear.) He thought Irish nature the same as other natures. He did not think that any nation could have borne so much so patiently and so quietly as they had done.—( Hear, hear.) Take any autho rity you please, the commissioner of the Time!, qr stil l , other authority, and yell will gnd crone all that the distress bf that country is moat alerming and severe. Dr. Karnes, in his work on " the Industrial Resources of Ireland," alludes to the great number of small farms in that country. and these small farms were let at * great deal higher rent than farms in England of a similar size. Mr. Wakefield, in 1812, stated that the landlords exacted a larger amount of rent than in any country in the world, There was the case of a large farmer, who stated he never tasted a bit of bread or a bit of butter since he was born, and that numbera were in the same state in that country. The landlotels, in order to raise their rents, perpetually re-value and re-let their estates. and this has led to the worst system of cultivation possible. There are no agreements, no leases, and where the land is improved rents are increased. In eases where bog lands have been re claimed by the industry of their families, their rents have been more than doubled by their landlords, Now, if these circum stances went on, they would have every other agitation in Ire land merging into one against rents.—( Hear, hear.) And he asked them how were they to deal with the evil when it reached that magnitude ? The landlords were not alone to blame. They were the victims of a system. Many of them were but the nominal owners of their estates. Encumbered with all manner of mortgages and settlements they could not improve them if they had the will. Land was often let on leases renewable for ever on the payment of a small fine, and the proprietors lived by letting and sub-letting; but they would find that every removal from the fee-simple ownership was for the worse. There was no other source of employment open to the middle classes. No gentleman would put his son to a profession ; he lived by sub-letting. If that was the state of the farmer, what was the state of the labourer? Why worse, if worse could be—living in wretched hovels, composed of the absolute refuse of the earth—thatched with potato stocks, built of sods.—(" No" from an Hen. Member.) Did the Hon. Gentleman mean to deny the fact, against the evidence of so many witnesses?—did he mean to deny that pigs lived with them, in the same houses —that they lay on straw, without bed-clothes to cover them ? Could he deny these facts, vouched as they were by unimpeach able evidence ? In Lord Devon's report, it was stated that they passed one half of the year dragging sorrow at their heels. And what did Kohl, the German, say ? That when he saw the Leots of Lithuania he conceived that there could not be a race of men more miserable ; but now (in Ireland) he saw a portion of the human race compared to whom the Egyptian Fellah lived in a state of luxury. But in the midst of all these miseries we find the same concurrent tes timony. As to their resignation, and cheerfulness. and sense of religion—a woman to whom he spoke, said that those strug gles were hard, but that God gave them backs to bear the burdens. And those were the people whom they were ealled upon to coerce, and to shut up from sunset to sunrise in order to teach them respect and love for that law, which to them was what the Obek was to the Egyp tian Fellah, distraining his cattle, and serving him with perpetual notices to quit, and coming at last with the military and police to pull down his miserable hovel, and send him adrift upon the world. And this Bill was to put an end to the struggle which existed between the tenant and the landlord. It was a very old struggle. Go back to the be giening of the last century, and you could trace it through every page of the criminal code. lie admitted that the prin.. ciple of intimidation was extending itself in Ireland, and was passing from land to wages. Toe steward could not do justice to his master at present. This was a state of things which could not be endured, and he was perfectly prepared to go with the Government in voting for any measure which would have for its object the introduction of a better state of things, pro. vided they would show him that they intended to reach the cause of the evil as well as the criminal. But what was the present remedy proposed ? Coercion. How did they treat the tithe question? They found that it cost 12,000'. to collect some 801. or M. of rent. Well, they came down with a pro posal that the Church should charge itself with the burden of its own maintenance ; and they did this, and did not show any cowardice in doing it, because they felt that they were law makers, and were bound to make law and justice harmonise, drawing Lod Chatham's distinction. " That law was not right, but that the principles of right were unalterable ; and when law did not accord with them, it was their duty to b: ing the m into conformity." They were law makers, and he thought that they were to blame in arraying a long list of crimes before Par liament to endeavour to enlist its sympathies against the criminals, without going back to the primary cause which led to them. He did not believe that they could remedy them unless they went to the root of the evil. He believed that no thing but a sense of grievous and persevering injustice could band a whole people against the law ; and it could not be denied but that a very large portion of the people in Ireland were banded against it. He believed that the people were a moral people in comparison to them.—( Hear, hear.) Crimes against property are peculiar there, and crimes against persons are almost invariably connected with land. He was quite pre pared to adopt strong measures against the crime, but he wished to see the cause of it removed. They found that in Ireland no man could live without land; a man who loses his little holding - there, loses everything. Mr. Lilo recommended certain restrictions on the right of property in Ireland ; he was an advocate for free trade in land, but he considered that Ireland should be excepted. Why, he would ask, was the north of Ireland more quiet than the south? Because it possessed the tenant right. He was not an advocate of that right ; he was aware of its evils. The outgoing tenants often exacted an enormous sum for their interest, but it had its good effect also; it conveyed a feeling of security. He would force the Irish landlord to deal with his tenants as if he hail not the force of England to fall back upon. Now this Bill would give increased power to the landlord ; it enabled every petty magistrate, or his understrapper, to lay held of an ob noxious person, and to get rid of him. He believed that if this Bill were carried, that the clearance system would find in it a most valuable support. He believed that this would be the best cure for absenteeism. The value of a resident landlord could not be overrated. He could show that the resident landlord had metamorphosed a whole district of country. Lord George Hill, in the county Donegal!, had made a great amelioration in the habits of the people with whom he resided, and he had no doubt that if the same system adopted by him were carried on throughout. Ireland, the same results would follow. The book of Dr. Kane, which had been so often quoted in Conc.liation Hall, showed " that it was not the want of capital which was the cause of Ireland's misery. Labour was capital, and intelligence was capital, and if they were properly exercised the same re sults would follow as in England. The fault was not in the country, but in themselves. They wanted industrial know ledge." He ( Mr. Ward) agreed with Dr. Kane. Po litical questions were certainly of great importance. The question of the franchise and the Church ought to be dealt with by every stateman that wished to govern Ireland well, hut political changes could not remove the social evils of Ireland. They must break up the monopoly of the needy landowners, they flaunt endeavour to adjust the relation of landlord and tenant—then and not till then would the people of Ireland be disposed to peace and quietude, and the necessity for such Bills as the present he entirely removed. That was his view of the case, and he saw no other method of dealing with the question. Mr. VERNON SMITH could not agree with the Hon. Gentleman who had just sat down. T hat Gentleman said that other measures of a remedial kind should have preceded this Bill. He did not agree with that opinion, as he thought that both the crimes and the criminals should be suppressed before any thing else was considered. He could not agree either with the Right Hon. Baronet who introduced the Bill, for it appeared from his statement that the powers of the present Bill were to be carried out by the same juries who, according to the Right Hon. Gentleman, were unable to carry out the common law. He (Mr. Smith) expected that some stronger measure would have been proposed after that statement. He considered this measure would have the effect of causing irritation rather than suppressing the outrages which it was directed against. Tae manner in which the measure was brought forward by the Government, as well as the measure itself, he thought ob jectionable. He did not agree with the Hon. Gentleman the Member for Cork, that an adjustment of the representative system would be a remedy for the evils of that country, nor did he think that the Church had anything to do with the outrages. The crimes entirely arose f rom t h e occupat i on o f land. 'he Right Hon. Gentleman (Sir J. Graham) exhibited a dis inclination to touch upon this question in consequence of the excitement it wan likely to produce, but to what purpose he would ask was the landlord and tenant commission issued? When they talked of land it should be remembered what was mixed up with that question. No man would pretend to say—. at least no Member of that House, would pretend to say that the owners of land could carry out their rights, even at the risk of sacrificing life. The tenant system of Ireland was bad in the extreme, and something should be done to alter it.-- (Hear, hear.) How differ ent from the tenant system of this country. In England, when a tenant left his farm, the incoming tenant paid so much to the other for the improve ments. This was the just mode of dealing, with the tenant farmers. It was monstrous that something should not be of fered to alter the state of things in Ireland. It was a country which had all the resources of prosperity, and why were they not brought to bear. 'there was not a book or publication of any sort but contained something regarding the resources of that country. A few days ago he had taken up the Report of the Tid.il Harbour Commissioners, and he did not expect to find anything regarding Ireland, but he had not read far before he found it stated that the port and harbour of Cork had been the victims of half measures.—( Hear, hear.) Notwithstanding the evils and sufferings of the people of that country, he was of opinion that s mething should be done to put down crime, as it at pre- en t existed there. He would not be assisting the Government in putting down that state of things if he were to vote against the first reading of the Bill.—(Hear, hear.) He would vole for the first reading of the measure for the purpose of putting an end to that crime. lie would, however, oppose the Bill in many of the provisions at a future stage ; and he only now voted for it because lie thought that crime should be first put down before the cause of that crime should be redressed. Mr. M. GORE would vote for the measure of her Majesty's Government. It was not to be den ed that there appeared something unconstitutional in such a proceeding, but on the other hand it was too true That they were called upon to put a stop to crimes of the deepest dye. He considered the ab sence of middle men from Ireland, was a great cause of many of its evils. He was as anxious as any one to support the supre macy of the law in Ireland; but he would ask, how could the law be expected to be respected, under the circumstances of Government such as he had instanced. He would say that ten l ong h a d Ireland been the scene of Tarty pgjities and party conflicts, and MO until they were pr4t crl end to, peaee could not be exp ecte d there. lie next proceeded to read extracts from a work recently published, on the state of Ireland, in which was depicted a description of the most harrowing misery in the county of Kul, dare, and other adjacent counties. riceo where ; accordini to cite reilorts of ciirtilo en—e. cieties, it appea re d t h at a strong desire existed amongst the tenantry to improve their condition, if they were on l y en couraged by the la n dl or d s . H e should only speak in favour of the Irishmen who had been engaged in the late battles of the Stith j, in which Irish soldiers had subscribed liberally to the fund made up for the relief of the wounded soldiers in those engagements.—( Hear, hear.) Under all the circumstances he did hope yet to see Ireland made the inde pendent nation she deserved to be.—( Hear, bear. ) They ought to treat the poor man with kindness. They would find the hearts of the people to expand, and there would be no difficulty in governing them? Still, he supported the princip'e of the present Bill, as he was anxious to maintain the su premacy of the law. But, at the same time, he would support any measures that might be devised, calculated to relieve the distresses of the people. Sir W. SOMERVILLE said that whatever dispute might exist about the necessity of the Bill, it could not be denied that the Bill would suspend the constitution, in one part of the empire at least. He was opposed to the first reading of the Pill, and therefore, that he might not be misrepresented, he would give a few reasons why he did so. In proposing t i h v s e , the e inar y laws present Bill, they should, in the first pl ace , prove h existence of the crimes alleged ; second, that the o were not sufficient to meet them ; and, this, that the Bill was calculated to pet an end to the etatn of things complained cf. With regard to the causes that existed, ha deplored their exist ence and extent, especially some of those crimes which were so alien to the true charactee of the Irish people. Still, they were limited to e fees districts, though they proved a great demo ralieatine fq exist, and evidenced a state of things such as he deplored as much es any Member in that House. They were such, however, that Ito thought might have been met by the ordinary course of the law. The Government might have ap pointed a Special Commission to sit upon such crimes in the dis. t urben districts. Such a course had been attended with the best effects elseweere. Better would it have been to appoint such a Commission, and to allow it to sit permanently, if necessary, than to ease; Dill like the present. If the Right Honourable Discs:net thought the Bill was calculated to suppress crime, he was justified in pressing it forward night after night ; but that would not be the case he (Sir Wnliam Somerville) was fully convinced.—( Hear, hear.) The commission of the crime so much complained of—the common crime of assassination— would not be put a stop to by any regulation for keeping parti s is: their houses from sunset to sunrise. Those bent on such crimes would still find means to commit the crimes. He could not consent, from such slender expectancy of success, to arm the Lord Lieutenant with such extraordinary powers. The watching and surveillance would be most vexatious and ex pensive, and it was to be saddled on the poorer classes. The Government might advance the expenses out of the Consoli dated Fund, but they would never get it back again.—( Hear, hear.) The people would be neither able nor willing to pay it; and if soldiers or police were employed to enforce the pay ment, it would tend to make those forces still more unpopular than now, and keep alive bad feeling and irritation. —( Hear. ) They would disgust all their police—all their officers, and for nothing. Well, what would come then? Harra.ssing and vexatious questions, the final effect of which would be the further disgusting of their agents, without h a vi ng effected a single thing. Having on ly h arrasse d the innocent and taken up the men who were only out at night, and made them prove their innocence—their innocence of what ? And could they wonder that the population was bandied together to resist those laws. What had been the conduct of Government on another occa sion ? How did they deal with the Rebecca riots? Did they then suspend the Constitution. In Caermarthen, workhouses were attacked, and peaceable people were obliged to fly the country; the people were armed and drilled at night. But they made no such law. What did they do? They issued a Commission to Inquire, and when they had found oat what grievances the people complained of, they remedied them and the riots ceased. The effect of any legislation they hail adopted had been the immediate removal of ascertained grievances, by means of the most efficient measures in their power. He con sidered that the conduct of the Government in this particular was wrong. They ought not to have lost a moment in endea vouring to carry into effect some of the recommen dations of their Commissioners. The proposal would be a good one, if it was to one po i nt only, namely to redress the grievances of the Irish farmer ; but the principal grievances they had to deal with in Ireland were masses of horror and destitution ' not amongst th e f armers, b ut amongst the labouring class es . He would take this opportunity of saying that he did hope, and hoped sincerely, that the mea sures would be framed to regulate a system of landlord and tenant in Ireland; and that the Government would not be led away from the wants of the labouring and the working classes. These wants were the first great grievances in that country, and were the cause of the agitation. The people of Ireland were surrounded with grievances, and there was not a people on the face of the earth who suffered the same amount of misery, and endured it with the same amount of patience as the people of Ireland. They were steeped in misery, wretchedness, and distress, and they attributed those evils to the effect of the laws and the institution under which they lived. He believed that the people of Ireland were not entirely averse to the exercise of the law—on the contrary, they would be most anxious to avail themselves of it; and as a proof of that, he appealed to the stern manner in which these unfortunate people obeyed the laws which they themselves framed. Ile wished the Hon. Gentleman who hod just sat down could be convinced how necessary was some alteration of the law in Ireland. When he sat on the other side of the House, he had often warned them of the state things would come to if they proceeded as they then did. Ireland was made the scene of party warfare ; every Irish question was made a question, not as to the merit it had with reference to the wants of Ireland, but a question with regard to the existence of one party and another. The question of the Church had been treated in a similar way. What was the case with regard to the Municipal question? 'When her Majesty in that House desired that the municipal rights of Ireland should be placed on an equal footing with those of England, the Right Hon. Gentleman had acquiesced, but he had since said that the municipal rights of Ireland should not be placed as those of England. Let them look at the conduct of Go vernment with regard to the Irish registration. The Govern ment would not wait a week with this measure, as perjury and falsehood were said to be so rife in that country. They now allowed perjury to continue in the manner which they did formerly, and yet there was no registration Bill. Did they think that that sort of thing made no impression in Ire land ? Did they think that this sort of political action could be perpetrated, and make no impression on the people ? For, if they did, p hey were mistaken. He would beg for one moment to consider the consequences of this Bill. Let them do all that they could, still such was the state of that country, they could not relieve it without some radical measure. He begged pardon of the House for the length of the time that he had detained them—.`Cheers)—but he could not conscientiously fulfil his duty withosit stating these opinions, and fie should feel obliged to oppose this Bill in all its stages. Mr. J. COLLETT was obliged to differ from the Hon. Baronet who had just preceded him, and it vas to a certain ex tent. In doing so he was assured that this most atrocious Go vernment Bill would only end in disappointment and regret. In doing so he was only doing his duty, for so long as the Union Bill existed, he could only join his Hon. Friend in be lieving that no relief could be afforded to the Irish people con sistent with law, equity, and justice. He had hitherto opposed any repeal of the Union, but he was now led to believe that it was only in giving a domestic Legislature, that any relief to the miseries of Leland could be aecompl ished.—(Cheers. ) Mr. J. O'CONNELL would wish to move the adjournment of the debate, but was met by loud cries for a eentinuance of the debate, and obeying the impulse, he was bound to say that this was the most outrageous, injurious, and insulting Bill by which Ireland had been threatened.--( Laughter from the Minis terial benches.) During this debate they had had a fair sample of the manner in which the Irish people were to be treated, and he conceived that no better example could have been afforded of the way in which Ireland was to be treated. It had been shown that the attendance of the Irish Members was a mere nullity, and it was an assurance that the Iri,h people had lost all confidence in this Parliament. It was indeed degrading to the Irish Members to attend there, and the only relief was to be obtained from the establishment of a domestic Legislature. He had seen the commonest matter, the treatment of a common Parish matter, bring up a debate of a warmer character than this, while, when an Irish question arose it had not provoked even the respect of a reply. He would, therefore, call upon the Irish Members to second him in the endeavour to obtain a domestic Parliament, for it was evident that it was only in an Irish Parliament that any hope of redress was to he sought.— ( Cheers.) Such being the case, he anticipated but little good from the present discussions, and with the impression that such alone was likely to prove to be advantageous to the country, he should move fen the adjournment of the present debate. Mr. SMITH O'BRIEN considered that the course taken by his Hon. Friend the Member for Kilkenny perfectly justi fiable. During the three nights of the debate upon this ques tion, only two Gentlemen connected with the Government had thought the arguments of those who had spoken against the measure worthy of reply. ( Hear, hear,) This Bill had been opposed by every representative of the districts of Ireland sought to be outlawed, and several of the representatives of England had also entered their protests against it, and yet the Government persisted in pressing the measure forward.— ( Hear, hear.) In common courtesy to the Irish representa tives, the Members of the Government and those who sup ported them ought to hav e re pli e d to their arguments. How - ever, it only furnished one more argument to the words of his Hon. Friend the Member for Kilkenny to the people of a I ) re land for the repeal of the Legislativ e Union. Hear her - Sir R. PEEL s a id h e must leave it to the —( House to . n . dge how far the ac c u sa ti on made by the Honourable Gentleman who had moved the adjournment was just or not. —( Cheers.) He knew of no debate in that House in which there was more respectful attention paid by Hon. Members than had been paid to the arguments advanced by the Irish Members.—( Elear, hear.) The debate had now only been on four hours, for the greater portion of the evening had been occupied in a discussion upon the scarcity at present prevailing in Ireland, and during th a t discussion three C a bi net Ministers, viz. his Right Hon. Friends the Secretary of State for the Home Deportment, and the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and himself, had risen for the purpose of refitting to the arguments of the Irish Members. He believed, too, that every Cabinet Minister (with the exception of one, who was prevented by indis position) was present in council when the subject of the present distress in Ireland was brought before her Majesty's ethr whether Members e Government. H e th ere f ore l e ft it t o th e Hou s et , ? s say v her Maje s ty' s G overnm e n t had treated the with any want of courtesy or any want I f sympathy for the wants of the Irish Huse to say whether the lrish people .—( Cries of " Hear, hear.") He left it to the o Members with ofthe Govern ment had treated the representatives t w o dis respect, when in the course of four ho Government had risen for the purpose of meeting the argu ments which they had advanced? He would ask Hon. Mem berse wh e H th o e u r s e th , they r w e c h ol ie l h ec tet y deb greater l an attentiona debate t li that hadtaken had been p I at: ee in thatpaid to the Speakers, or whether they bad ever heard finer or more generous sentiments than those which had been expressed by Hon. Members who supported the measure?—(Hear, hear. ) Was it then just to say that during the course of that debate they treated the Irish people or their representatives with the slightest disrespect. The English Members had listened with the deepeet interest to the social condi tion of Ireland, and whatever might be their political differences, he ventured to say that they ail enter tained most sincere wi-hes to have the misfortunes of Ireland removed. He left it, therefore, to the Hon. Gentleman to say whether he would still p ers i s t i n hi s mot i on for an adjournment. Mr JOHN O'CONNELL said that he had not charged the Members of the Government with want of y courte, to wards the Iri s h M em b ers . W hat he did complain of was those Hon. Members who generally supported the Go vernment had not thought it worth their while to say anything in reply to the arguments of his Hon. Friends the re onlyPresnnta-j tq urge for fives of Ireland, and they appeared anxious not help expreesing his hope and io wa A r i d r. th E e p i r L e ( c - n E t coercion ,oool d f;enotlfeimrcenianond,thtoat r s e it o o t f t a h represented Hon. the interest l e i t ee progressuuipeo upon w t the Injury inflicted upon the whole country if they persisted in the present course, inasmuch as it would the that measure which was of vital importance to the people of the United Kingdonn—( Hear, hea r .) I n making that appeal to Hon. g ent l emee, h e h oped that he might not be considered to treat; lightly the wants and necessities of Ireland. He had set in that House for thirty years, and he did not think there was any one occasion during that period upon which Irish inte rests came into discussion, when he failed to support what was called a liberal policy towel* that country. Ile, as well as many Hon. Gentlemen eri that side o f th e H ouse, who repro ,,., sented lge , Prl,lispt constituencies, had united their best en neeebore 10 promote the best interests of Ireland, and he hoped, that when h e now entreated the Irish Nerabe tf# 6) per- mit the first reading of this Bill, he would not be acting ince" consistently.---( Hear, hear.) Mr. D. BROWN said, that he could not see how t.l Iri,li Members could he blamed, for the performance of the duties to the Irish people, for opposing this mea , ure. Ths were most anxious to see the Corn Bill progress as rapidly possible, but he could not conceive that for the purpose • faciliting the progress of that measure, they should be calif upon to forsake their duties to the Irish people. When t people of Ireland read the report of this debate, they wo . ' come to the conclusion, that Ministers had not deemed worth their while to enter as fully as became the a into the present condition of Ireland.—(hear, bee x He thought the Irish Members had introduced much mat to indeed, much valuable matter In that debate, and it was n, rious that her Majesty's Government had not answered i t.• ( Hear, hear.) There was not a single newspaper in lrel.at but had said that her Majesty's Government had not answer' one of the arkuments advanced by the Irish Members om ti questior. The Right Hon. B arone t to ld them that he by ob l '•ged them by introducing this measure before Easter. I (Mr. D Brown) thanked him for such an obligation, h what was it ? They have obliged them with the Coercion Be He thanked him for nothing.—( Hear, hear, and laughter . The Right Hon. Baronet told them that they ought to obliged to them for giving them this Bill. Sir R. PEEL—I never said any such thing. Mr. DILLON BRowrc—The Right Hon. Baronet is said it, if not in words in effect; and surely if it was an oblitg ton conferred upon Irelend, it was not too much for him thank the Right Hon. Gentleman for so much kindness a generosity. He was, however, of a different opinion, and would, therefore, move the adjournment of the House. Strangers were then ordered to mithdraw. For the adjournment ....•• Against it ................... •20 Majority 57 On our return to the gallery-- Mr. DILLON BROWN said he would now move the.: journment of the House. Mr. ROCHE said that he would second the motion. He considered it right that this question should not be hurTi through the House. Mr. CALEB POWELL was of opinion that the deb should not be disposed of that night. It was too bad of 1 Majesty's Ministers to put an end to the debate by briwginx ft ward their majority. The SPEAKER_ he Hon. Member had not stated up what he now addressed the House. Mr. CALEB POWELL said he was speaking to the tal tion for the adjournment of the House, which was moved the Hun. Member, who had preceded him. He really thouF it too bad that the Government should strangle the °pipit of the Irish Members by a division ; and for that reason would support the motion of his Hon Friend. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER thought course about to be pursued by Hon. Members at the other s of the House would cause much dif f iculty. That was a cou that would greatly retard most important measures for benefit of Ireland. He felt confident that no one could chat him with not having listened with great attention to the arg ments advanced by Hon. Members differing on this question her Nlaj ,, sty's Ministers. Mr. FITZGERALD supported the adjournment. He not think that the Irish Members were under any obligation the Right Honourable Baronet for the short holidays he h given them. He had also to observe that during the deba on this question the benches on the other side were but v , thinly occupied. Si - r R. PEFL hoped the Hon. Gentleman, who had ji sat down, would not be angry if he did not reply to the spe I he had just made.—(Laughter.) He thought that m tolerance and good feeling should be exhibited towards another. For his own part he could say that had he co . a dered the debate would have come to a close on that night,. would have thought it due to the House and due to the subj e to have spoken on the question. After what had taken pl however, he hoped the House would consent to the propo he would no w ma k e t h at the debate be adjourned to -Mom next.—( Hear, hear.) Mr. D. BROWN felt deeply gratified at what had fall from the Right Hon. Baronet, and expressed the misapr hension which be entertained as to the intentions of the vernment with respect to this Bill. Mr. J. O'CONNELL withdrew the remarks he had mr I in reference to what he supposed to be the designs of I Government. The debate was then adjourned till Mcnday next. RAILWAY DEPOSITS BILL. Sir G. CLERK brought up the report on the Railway posits Bill.—Ordered to lie on the table. COMMONS INCLOSURE BILL. On the motion of Sir J. GRAHAM, this Bill was read' second time. The other orders of the day were then disposed of, and House adjourned at Half-past Twelve o'clock. RAILWAY SHARE MARKETS; 3IANCEIESTER, ..kralL 17. STOCK EXCIIANGE.—The sales are—Birkenhead and Holyli Jun Aieu, 30s. 6d. dis.— Birkenhead, Lancashire, and Cheshire, p.—lllackburn, Clitheroe, and North Western, 1n dis.—Blackt and Preston, 3 p. — Buckinglisin and Bletchingly, dis.—Chet' I Mrd and Bury, 13-16 dis.—Cheater and Manchester Direct, 235. dis.—Eastern Counties,York Extension, % p.—Essex and Safi 1 15s. Gd. dis.—Glasgow and Dumfries, 15-16 dis.- Great Eastern Western, 1 dis.—Huddersfield and Manchester Railway and Cr !I dis.—Leeds, Dewsbury, and Manchester, 14 p.—Liverpool Bury, 5 p.—Ditto, New, 1! , (, p.—Liverpool and Leeds Direct, dis.—Liverpool, Ormskirk, and Preston, 7-16 p.—London and 31 cheater (Remington's), 395. dis. o.—London and York, 225. 6d. di Manchester, Buxton, and Matlock, par— Manchester and Birm ham, Quarters (A), 7% p.—Ditto, ditto (C), p.—Manchester ; Bury Atmospheric, Bs. Gd. dis.—Manchester and Hyde, if t di f Manchester and Leeds, Quarter Shares, 8 p.--Ditto, Fifths, 8U 1 , Northumberland and Lancashire, 1 dis.—North Statlbrdshire, 1 g —North Wales, 3 dis.—North Western, 3-16 dis.—Preston and IN Halves (B), p.—Preston and Wyre Extension, 3s. dis.—Shef. jE Leek, and Crewe, % dis.—Sheffield and Lancashire Junction, 1.4 —.-hetrield and Manchester, Quarters (No. 2), par—Ditto, ditto n 3), 1 4 dis.—Shrewsbury and Birmingham, dis.—South Eton and Dover, Halves, No. 4,9 s. Gd. dis.—Tean and Dove valley, dis. c.—West Riding Union, 255. c. , APRIL 1 STOCK EXCIIANCE.-Th LEEDS e sales are-Eastern Counties, 22 ca sl Ditto, York Extension, 17s. 6d. p. -- Manchester and Leeds, Slat( el Shares, 3 p.-Iluddersfield and Manchester, 2 dis.-Iluddersfieh' Sheffield, p.-Leeds and Bradford, 23- Leeds and Dewsbu p. cash-Newcastle and Berwick, 7a4 p.--North British, New Ca Xli Branch, Bs. p.-London and Portsmouth, 134 dis.-London York, 25 5.-Glasgow and Dumfries, 17s. Gd. dis.-West Riding lJtd 31. 6 5.-Ambergate, Nottingham, and Boston 268. dis.-Bred& Wakefield, and Midla n d, 21 8. dis.-Chelmsford and Bury, t 75.. dis.-Cdtheroe Junction, 265. dis.-Essex and Suffolk, 15s. Grd. (Pis (;rent Eastern and Western, 295. die. - Lancashire a,ud North N o shire, 20s. dis.-Leeds and York, 20s. dis.-Manchester, Bux Matlock, and Midland, Is. dis.-Midland and Thirak Junction, 2 die - Northumberland and Lancashire Junction, 225. dis.-N 0 We tern, Os. dis.-South and Midland Junction, 325. dis.-W Midlands, 255. dis. HULL, APRIL 17. STOCK EXCIIANGE.-The sales are-Blackburn, Darwen, and $ ton, 27, -North British, Carlisle, 335. 6 d.-Ambergate, Notting' ss Boston, &c., 265.-Chelmsford and Bury, lls -Derby and G 51 1 borough, 14s. -Direct Northern, 1 4 -East Coast, 195.-Grin tSI Louth, and Ilorucastle, 225.-Hull and Barnsley Junction, 2 Is Liverpool and Leeds, 21. 7s. 6d.-I ondon and York, 305.-Lo ad and Manchester (Remington's), 17s. 6d.-Nottingham and Mans. la 1 -South Midland, )4 -West Riding Union, 31. Bs. 6d. SHEFFIELD, APRIL 17. STOCK EXCIZANGE.-The sales are-Manchester and Birmirrghlt 7 5 )C-Midland, Sheffield, and Rotherham, 33%--Grimsby ar.d field,; Quarter Shares, 14 1.-Neirc.'astle and Berwick, 18 -Nutting and Mansfield, it. as. Gd.-Sheithld, Buxton, Leek, Pot:eries, Crews, 13s. 6d.-York and Carlisle, 14. NE WCASTL E- UPOI-T YNE, APRIL 17. STJCK EXCHANcE.-Tll,. a -les are-Eastern Counties., 224 -Dig York Extension, 19s. p.- Gl asgow, Dumf. ies, an Carlisle, 21s. di Lancashire and North Yorkshire, ;i dis. - Leicester and Tamwo f -1 dis.-London and York, 1 dis.-North Staffordshire, 38s. P.-N castle and Eerwick, 8)4 p .- Northumberland and Lancashire, dis.-West Riding Union, 14 p • APRIL 17. STOCK EXCUAIIOE.-The sales are -Grand Union (Nottingha P Lynn). 9s. bd.-London and York, 11. 75.-Ditto, Extension, 11, 1 - Newcastle and Berwick, 171 4-Newcastle and Darlington Ex 0 , sons, 5 -North British, Carlisle Extension, 11. 138. 3d. -Rugby 0 . Iluntingdon, 1-Welsh Mi dland, 11. 45.-York and North M idl ',- New (East and West Riding), 8 36 • GLASGOW, APRIL 16. STOCK EXCIUNGE.--1110 8:119'; are -Bridge of Weir, dos.- tish and Irish Union, 40s.- Ctiledonlan, 111. 168.-Caledonlan Ex 1 , sion, 28s.- Caledonian and Ayrshire Junction, 398.--Caledonian Dumbartonshire Jul - lotion, 265. Gd.-Caledonian Direct North ft 358.-East Indian R a il way, Bs. 2d.-Edinburgh and Bathgate, << -Edinburgh and Glasgow, 72 /. - Edinburgh, Glasgow, and D barton, 195, Gd. -Glasgow General Terminus, 8%-Glasgow and BP fast Union, 265. Gd. -Glasgow, Kilmarnock, and Ayr, 701. -Gies} P I Dumfries, and C ar li sle, 328. Gd.-Glasgow, Kilmarnock, and Are to san, 255. - Glasgow and Dundee Junction, 32s -Glasgow [tar; 0 Grand Junction, 2 Gs.-Glasgow Harbour Mineral, 27g. Gd.-G: I North of India, 3s. Gd.-Kilmarnock and Ayr Direct, 345. 61/. Lanark and Lothians, 4 25.-Lesinahagow, 425. 6 , 1.-Scottish Centn 13% -Scottish Grand Junction, 17s. 9d.-Scottish Southern, 345. Scottish Central and Caledonian Junction, 225. Gd. -South Midle 36 5. South and Midland Junction, IBs.-Stirling and Dunfe fit line, 30s. ----- THE WEATHER IN SCOTLAND.—The rain has brou §I milder and more gen i a l weat h er. Monday and yester n were tolerably warm ; but the sky is not without its elm Pt A correspondent in Argyleshire says :—" The weather the last fortnight has been in every instance suitable 1 4 agricultural operations. During the present and past w ee' oat sowing has become general, and in some places say or; fields of potatoes have been planted. We learn from Pe , ro that the favourable weather which prevailed during the lisi two weeks was succeeded, on Sunday last, by rain. It rai re heavily for the most part of the day, accompanied by th der and lightning, and continued up to Monday afternoon, 1 . ) which the soil is so saturated that sowing, in the mean tin.o is at an end.—.Elinbargli Weekly Register. EADVERTISEMENT.J—A CURE FOR DaoßaY By 1161:' LOWAY'S PILLS AND OINTMEMT.—CapfaIII James Eyre of the Coll! pany's service, residing at B ou l ogne, had been tapped thrice eviltt seven months ; twelve quarts of water 'were taken from him etb e time. Notwithstanding these operations he was about falliilB victim to this terrible complaint, when he commenced the rubbing 11 of Holloway's invaluable Ointment, and as effectually as sale if forced into meat ; besides this lie took large doses of his wonde 6 11 , pills, which in nine weeks e ff ected so extraordinary a cure as 11 enable him to walk twenty-five miles in one day. Any unnatt swellings of the body are effectually cured by these celebrated in , 1( 1 '' du 'hardened villains; L le.; cincs. Sold by all medicine vendors ; likewise at Professor Ho V' and his ass oc Pt° nalsg p eA , Ltt,T2lo2) half -past p t r a, a ,s n i) : , eei L sg o pi n le i r o : pard manifested neither fear, religion, nor remorse ; d if!", haranguing the mob, with a lie in his mouth, but it prodito!'' traitors wa LADYy's e' t hanged no effect. Lady Hamilton, whom Lady Malmeshury wet the evening of this day at Lady Abercorit's, after sinczirq°' that she found her &c., said she had gone to see poor Mrs. Despard in the moril", brought back to her. m l u l e ii h s ing—she did not know, her, but she went to comfort her, all bisetttheer cosninsceequtehneceboofdLyohrdadNebLow; having spoken to his character. Lady Hamilton was I' woman --whom Sir William Hamilton fell in with hes when lie began to doat, and married when his dotage confirmed; she is clever and artful, but a sad Malntesbury's Diary. BIR On the 15th inst , at St. Mary A b IIS bott's-terrace, Kensington, 11:1* William Powell, of a daught er. On the 15th inst., in Gloucester -road, Hyde-park, the lady of G. Lousada, Esq., of a son. On the 15th inst.. at Dunstable, Bedfordshire, 11 12 wife of Pearse, Esq., of a son, still-born. On the 15t11 inst., in Up per Stamford-street, the wife of Mr. it— fi e Swinscow, of a daughter. Oa the 15th inst., at Manchester, Mrs. J. Millard, of a . daughter., On the lath inst., at Mil ton -street, Dorset-square, the lady of P Myers, Esq., of a son. On the 16th inc.q., at Sydenham, Kent, Mrs. Samuel Fry. of a sc MARRIED. Ou the lf)th inst., at St. Mary Magdalene, Taunton, by the Fi . t r L James Toogood, Vicar of N or th P e th erton, and Rural Dean, Valli P a .ii Prii.ce, Esq., of Nailer Storey, Somer s et, t o F anny Matia, daughter of William Woodland, Esq., banker, Taunton. o p, On the 14th inst., at Albi on Chapel, Ilan, the Rev. Newman 11 8.A., formerly of Maidstone, to Charlotte, only. daughter of Will; t o Gordon, Esq., 3.1. D., F.L.S., both ()Mull. DIED. In Beaumont-street, Marylebone, Lieuteuant-Colonel Wllllsl Nichol], late of the Bengal army, aged 82. On the 21st of December, at Ferozeshah, Captain rs'Of George Mae, 'd the 29th Regiment. mat On the 10th of February l as t, a t S o b raon, Rabert Hay, -° Brigade to the first division of the army o f th e S ut l a l. On the 29th ult., at Gib ra l tar, C aptain Slr W. Macgr egor, Highlanders. On the Ilth inst., at th e R ec t ory, E ccleston,near Chea t er , Char youn. eat daughte r o f th e Rev. It. Massie. On t he IGth inst., James Brand, Esq., of Blackman-street, Dom u 2, London Printed and Published by 2,EURDO YOUNG, of s° ' I 1 3t Strand, Printer, at The Sun Office, N 0.11 2, S tran d, i n the Preel 00 .11 of the Savoy, in the County of Middl esex, li n t l trikr, 18, 1848. C ,ge, 4:•1