The Sun. — London, England, 1846-03-03 00:00:00

--......... !lad not the Noble and Gallant Marquis referred to him, find hlal fault t h at he had not g:ven notice of putting the question e had done to the Noble Earl at th e h ea d o f t h e B oar d o f Con relle (the D u k e of Richmond) did that which was more glae• On th e N o b le Earl laying the papers in relation to s ir rndian af f airs on the table, he (the Duke of Richmond) !‘a whethe r an order or instructions had been given re:Tect • in g the Governor . the General officiating as second in command in armyse,.„. He had not, as alleged, made any attack on the Go -I...''''' General, for whom he entertained feelings of the greatest ni r!,et, but notwithstanding those tee ings he (the Duke of Rich. 7 1 °) could not pass over this most dangerous precedent. It tiZ,lgeneral principle that there should be only one . corn. 14 7'Ing cfficer in the army. In making that observation he led h r from saying anything against the Governor-General ; ttl ut Z n ew begged to state that he most cordially concurred in o r ~ ad fallen from his Noble Friend at the head of the Board liasullen from his Noble Friend that evening, and also that th 3 had fallen from hit Noble Friend, the Gallant Duke, and te e th e b'e Marquis (who had then left his place) with respect li ce , e good conduct and the heroism of those men who had sh o l e ,ngaged in the late splendid battle.—(Chee . rs.) He had di. e e in with the greatest satisfaction that Sir. Henry . Ilar tie:_pad intimated to the army by a general order his inten- Lod e' awarding to the officers, and non-commissioned officers, te earit ivate soldiers of that army a medal, as a f on ._ to those brave men who had the good e Ni l i fie k to participate in the late splendid battle. It i t . "e a medal which would record their unparalleled bra t.,i/eth.lie did hope that her Majesty might be advised to te tt la o Pportunity of ordering a favourable answer to be n * Ra e d rile h el t° a memorial most respectably and . numerously tal i , "Y the war and veteran officers who served in the Yellin the r ul e' , who, he could assure their Lordships, feeling not tl., e jebtest jealousy, but, on the contrary,. highly approving $744.1,111e.ir successors in the very regiments in which they had tsit,,, l ltbo Peninsula should receive medals, but all enter they "One deepest feeling that there could be no reason why tie o : 1 " 0 served in times gone past should now be the excep ktheand not the general rule, having nothing to show except likelo Thew numerous wounds. They stated that they, too, ski p 'en received the thanks of Parliament for the very able, theirl? and h onoura bl e manner i n w hi c h t h ey h a d serve d ifs h o , s l l ° . ,g and th e i r country i n a t i me o f t h e grea t es t d ang er. atkli t - r`" and trusted that their prayers would siot be rejected, the R e must e oktil eard of now request his Noble Friend, the President of ; Control, to consent that the names of the non. lisli e d t !''"ned officers and of the private soldiers should be pub ss,id n o t this country. They were aware t h at many so ldi ers lia kle, et trite, and th a t m any others were incapable in an h e c a Wu co Paign of becoming correspondents. He believed %tee r reet in st a ti ng , that whenever there was a naval Ktstettlent the name o f every p r i va t e mar i ne an d o f e ve r y (11 14 , L aoldier was i nvar i a bl y pu bl is h e d i n th e G aze tt e .— 111 64;"ar.) Such a proceeding might be considered to be s with respect to large armies, where there was a rif ; t a ble loss • but he helieved his Noble Friend (the Duke o raet e o i n gt°n) Would bear him out in saying that the birth ," li lt - every soldier was reeistered in the War-office, and ne k i of their names were made out and sent to the different 'et e laPers f or i nser ti on . Il e was quite sure his Noble t the agree with him, that it was most desirable . to se- kremuse were anxiety and the agonising suspense which the 1 th etn e . atives of those brave men—(Hear, hear)—many ~ l ades tn ' ll t. tbe humbler situations of life were now suffering "mt.. -- 6'n" what was the fate of those whom they loved the e lite 'min his (the Duke of Richmond's) practical experi it ehilst residing in the country, in mixing with the la . bourers tati t "i ghbourhood, he could assure their Lordships that L eer b: e „ttrse would give the greatest satisfaction to the hum ,"iebi " honest fellow. subjects.—(Cheers.) He had thought e leael""l e make this suggestion to his Noble Friend, because , t atl i -- ',: not see, since they admitted this principle with regard ' e tlis o " ee Y , why they sheuld not also carry it out with respect Th e i who served in the army in foreign and distant place?. lik th Rol of ELLENBOROITGH perfectly concurred in L ials ot e , (l been said by the Noble Marquis opposite (the Mar i_4lthu'iOndonderry).- He would not attempt to add anything 70 0 - ' 1 , 1 e5 had from wordshe Noble Duke (Wellington), because ''ss h , -1 ` trial one of apprebation from him—Cheers)— e kso e re valued by the soldiers—(Cheers)—than any b. t , :flentary words whfch might possibly fall from any other eat f e : - (Choers.) But he hoped their closed Lorshipa would forive Lee not, lowing this discussion to without taking . that .h etsPeertunit of expressing the deep gratification with t il l/veal had witnessed the last victory which had been - NC by the army with which he had been so recently con -41%4 end al so of expressing the entire confidence whiah was 41 ) „in them on this as well as on every former occasion, t at t Al e tueir late splendid triumph they had even increased that k e tals s i tl „ t t ': Their success mug be satisfactory to all, and par itisll' e the troops concerned. But when he said . that the h ...N at k elY had done their duty in the most praiseworthy N il" ' " must not forget to add that the native troops had kaii4tekted themselves in a manner quite as satisfactory as that L I P Ar i l d been allude . il to by the Noble Duke, with respect to Ops;J es tY's 62d Regiment.—(Cheerr.) He knew too that gli 6 4 " Governor-General's confidence in those troops had &7 1 01 ) ; er eased by their recent conduct. He (the Earl . of I. 74 l)o °ligh) was extremely satisfied by the manner in which t7 4 e d,.Y' had conducted themselves on this occasion—they . :tat 4 7rnd the most serious privations in the most severe dis :ty.--ileheers.) In their long marches they had scarcely Ltst .4e . t i or water, and they had to bear the M t de structive fire of the enemy. Their con 'aSi wa ‘ certainly entitled to the greatest praise, .goad the opportunity of observing the fidelity of those th e i I ,". rce ours,. he could hear his personal testimony to 2 11 la:_ q bonour and military fidelity of those troops. They N7° encamped within forty miles of the h .h ig le: Z! Period of eighteen mlnths, and throughout t e whole sitet:tue, although they had seen successive crimes,. followed t.: 4l tee donations, until the pay of the Seikh troops had ti_sopel, double the amount of their own, and yet, after those N„: 141 passed the Sutlej, not a single man . had deserted 11.tewours hies shown the slightest inclination to desert Zaits e t w i tnee to colours. He rejoiced in this, not only t " bad been productive of great advantages, but also tic ' t W as th presage of future triumphs, and he knew, , tv that the e y had driven the Seikhs across the . Sutlej, but I. , reis el s would follow them to Lahore. He was induced to 'lath - e ll feelings upon this subject, because he had intimate '4, Se of the troops who had fought this gallant action, `ls more more se because ho felt it was necessary to sustain the itse-c'ti'er-General in the harassing and anxious position which ) o .l i ed, for ho felt that that Gallant Officer required all :eli ss a- Lenance which moral courage might give by the dh;bthat House to-night.—( Cheers. ) Leisi o ",j l of AUCKLAND had but few observations to ad- Mo ti - their Lordshis but he felt the debate should not close tellti k W lL. e xpressing his ' feelings, as he had been 'intimately LI% ke (l with man of the officers of the gallant army to ON ' l 's discussion y referred. He was glad of an opportu- L9eetheaPressing his perfect concurrence in all that his fallen Ztli e e Noble Earl opposite, and was glad to give his assent 'et ke V l lote of thanks to the noble and gallant army who had 11 4 , b l eved this splendid victory. Lilie Pe was then passed siemens dissentien'e. `ith,r'lrity Works (Ireland) Bill was then read a third - •4 Passed. Il kile t r i 'Rills were then advanced a stage, and the House ad- HOUSE OF ICOMMON S, March 2. A, THE INDIAN ARMY. .1 4 th • PEEL—I am about, Sir, to propose that one h ighest rewards that can be bestowed on sue • B.ll,ittlantry shall be conferred by this House. I Z44l lo ' ll '. to propose that the thanks of the k7ire tla House of Parliament of this great shall be offered to the officers, and odoriasLuinit their commanl, who have . . recently, on tli,; a ni the Sutlej, under very trying eircumsta-ces, 17 4 , t i t discipline and valour sustained the reputa rth„ their country, and proved themselves b l it ic of the service to which they belonged. eft4 Out prepared, until interrupted by the Hon. Member for s et t to believe that it could be possible that Englishmen, 1a54f, ) 14 the circumstances of unprovoked aggression which e oe - ' ee l the exertions of these men, who, seeing what their Icatry," was amid their devotion to the interests of their 1044 could sign a petition such as that which now lies on ke 'eli,,°f this House.—(Loud cries of "Hear, hear.") I say, e e t , p it hardly possible that in this country any body of (114 %t "lee found to sign a petition grudging such a vote of 4al4,i', t he 4ndian army as that I am about to propose.— t t ' T .) Sir, the resolution which I intend to propose le„teek,"elt upon any matter puss merely a political nature. I,all e „:mtte with established e—an usage which we • le r ne accustomed to in this country ; the proposition a le to submit will be confined to the acknowledgment Ipy ‘ ll ability, and valour; and those who may be disposed 4 4 „"ere be) to question the policy of the Governor lo°ree 01 India will not be in the slightest rep, e `cnepromised by the vote of thanks I mean 4 44%4' Sir, however I may be convinced of justicethee h l et of ration, and wisdom . which has characterised G t e con oC4rei 'IV Gallant and Right Hon. Friend, the overnor littee,„(4 India, yet I shall studiously abstain, even his the alit-w‘l pl" t n which I shall make, from any reference to his po -I%et;LcYs exc lit such as may be necessary to elucidate the trl3.. ° Aerations in which our arms in India have been *4,6 i s gaged.—(Hear, hear.) Sir, with that country e,% it i mmediately concerned in these military operations, te e — rgittel Position with its government, with its %I v i n t t s or we have become internally acquainted story k ki ; 4 l 'eta last five years. The Punjaub, and the hy e ek ,sele re c ieub, is probably well known to every one whom I th i r4' i ng, from the connexion and relation with the e n . by ,e t ng country of Caubul. The House is well aware 114 11 lish - 4 1 e. ability and energy of Runjeet Singh peace was e eer in that country, and that for many years, through Y and ability, he ruled the destinies of that great ‘u , , Powerful and beneficial manner. But from his le n tp le th et 'en took place in 1839, great changes have ensued. le e jes e l jeer there has bees a series of acts of cruelty and Met. tsi c i oneeouence of the murder of his predecessor by te l,toe ut 4n- hat Government has presented a picture of feel i Netee ;:‘ end debauchery so extravagant, that it might be lie e ,oge , cause a smile were it not instinctive . for those kiiree e ,t`hoorrear which the contemplation of such acts would tie I °lts e n considered in relation to the welfare of so many C o C t llder the control of such a Government. The acts of t oble e n e rr nnent have been mainly directed and controlled by 4 % 1 0 erie' lA' whom Rerijeet Singh had established himself th `b ee „ ° ' his great victory. That power has, since his 4411 1 ,1 c onstantly controlling the civil and military power l ' u lt t e li b t • It is difficult to [peculate upon any of the l i Te • - b eY nave been committed by a Government in such 6: t it appears c'ear that the chief objects he e , luta vernment of that country, and the prin- N i e l te to „ c " proprietors end chiefs in that country, has :%tieeletier ° ° lo a collision with the British army, in s° ti t ' but t o sustain their military reputation or their 11, 4 .4 h o a ' a means of saving themselves from subjection eutious arm , b sacrificing it in a conflict with the T in ha! appear y s too y have been the main object which has e • "uts of t v ie:, and white has guided the decisions of the :iie e ee „ e ,ruskjaub. I well know, however, what was the iteei t ,talti ec Zion. and Gallant Friend, Sir H. Hardinge, in th e ' 0 I, see the Government of India. He made great offsacri ferZnitieiine public duty. He held a prominent place in (Irce te — this country. He was beloved, without re tteenek's heit'r'ltY division, asd he was held in general esteem— / • 44 tit le: foes i n 'Teas well by his political opponents as by his . IN ,causeo3 ffice. He was regarded by the army as its t o P r ttece. ehe was a friend of justice to all ranks. It hie e t 'ti e ' . t° him at aperiod of life when ambition offer IN to le stun than at an p earlier period ;it was proposed to obi e 4 ° th e -n s , his place in the councils of his Sovereign, to te. et e e sail place which he had in seeine that he was the h *h 1, teller -t th he s- respect, to separate himself from that family tl ee , otettwas the f Ak e hie oto perform a public duty, which w th e e r ed his Sovereign and his country, and on- ZtelAt th eee r n° ,l s duties of Governor-General of India. i ts el; hisf an ;tt,n a high military reputation. He went not to ~g the w as to etbtaining victories on the Indian continent; Il ea -rier e e of gath a name in the annals of England as be •osi P e ?ce and promoter of civil . welfare in India ""%t eti `_,Lery vi c e _ S ir, I believe . it was in a great part led bil ae t t ! r and reputation of my . Gallant Friend Il n o t t lit wet. ee oti ° , l . 'eeP in cheque and subjection the enemies l e c d te t 'dread gut the domiuions of the British crown in I %i n or "ifliciently extensive, and while he was op clovers. ev ery z tt z u re i bl e additions to them, he was eetermined pt at aggression on the part of neighbeurieg to t • hc de s ie e ' i r e re]eas to see a native government established shore eleli ee P a * Di e of maintaining its institutions, and res 'leteee Th e , andezbt ordination in the great army of the vee r , &Allur e r and army was composed of men of great PhYs:cal strength, trained to discip- .('HE SUN LON D ON, TUESDAY EVENI NG, MARCH 3, 1846. line and to military habits by European officers of great skill and ability. The wish of my lion. and Gallen Friend was, that a Seikh Government should be established in the Punjaub, by the establishment of a Mussulrnan or any other form of Government. At the same time, although my Gallant Friend was deteetuined to resist every attempt at aggression, end although he refused to entertain every pro pose! that was made to him to interfere in the domestic affairs of the Punjaub—and it mast be remembered that a word from him would have incited rising of the Mussulman inhabitants of the Punjaub against the Seikh Government—my Hon. and Gallant friend up to the last moment continued steadily and determinedly to adhere to his resolution of abstaining from all interference in the domestic affairs of the Punjaub. But my Gallant Friend had to defend, against a licentious and abandoned army, a ter, itery extending over a distance of one hundred miles. It was not the intention of my friend to form anything like a connexion of forces, which would justify a remonstrance on the part of the Lettere Government. My Gallant Friend took that step which he thought most necessary fur the into gists of this country. At Ferozepore is stationed a force of about 8,000 men ; at Loodianah is stationeJ els European regiment, seven regiments of native infantry, ate, t'vo regiments of native cavalry. There are twenty-four fiela guns, and mounted in po-ition at. Ferozepore are thirty-five guns. My Friend intended that this should be the advanced post of the British army, and it was so occupied as to be capable of resisting any attack. At a distance, easterly, of seventy-six miles higher up the Sutlej, at Loodianah, was collected a force of 5,000 men. My Gallant Friend's object was that these two divisions of the army, stationed seventy-six miles from each other, should act on the flank of any army from the Punjaub, which might be intended to in vade the British territory. At a distance, more in the interior at Umballah, was stationed another force of 8,000 men, or at least 7,500. The impression of my Gallant Friend was, that it was improbable that any attack should be made by an army from the Punjaub on the British forces. He knew that no conduct on his part would justify such an attack, and he felt every assurance which could be felt that neither justice nor reason would sanction the inference, that an army from the Punjaub would be mad enough to seek a conflict with the British troops at Loodianah, or at Forozepore. There were good reasons why my Gallant Friend did not for the lastdwo or three years raise an immense British and native army on the.Sutlej. Seeing within a few miles of him an army so free from all restraint, nay Gallant Friend did not consider it safe that his troops should have constantly before their eyes the, bad examples of discipline which they offered. But there were military reasons for not keeping the main body of the army on the left—( Hear) — bank of the Sutlej, as well as political. It was impossible te• say to what point an attack, if aggression were intended, would be directed. On the left bank of the Sutlej are many States which belong to the Punjaub protected by the British Government—in these dominions, are many forts of consider able strength, and between the probable points of attack there were no less than twenty fords which were constantly changing their position, from the nature of the river. My Hon. and Gallant Friend therefore chose to place two strong bviies to guard the Sutlej. The one at Ferozeore, and the sther at Loodianah, and to keep the main body of the army in re serve. His whole force for the purpose of resisting a sudden attack amounted to thirty regiments of native infantry; nine regiments of European infantry ; twelve regiments of native cavalry, and three regiments of European cavalry. I there fore think that the House will consider that the Government took every measure that possibly could be taken to secure success. At an early period of the year, the Governor-General sub mitted to the Council his opinion, that our relations with the Court of Lahore became exceedingly precarious. He sub mitted his opinion that it would be advisable, with reference to Indian interests, that the Governor-General should proceed to the left bank of the Sutlej, to give the necessary directions, which, at the distance of a thousand miles, might not be appro priate. The unanimous opinion of the members of the Coun cil was, that it was necessary for the public interests that he should proceed to the army, and, in conformity with that opi nion, he proceeded in October to join the army. Up to an early period in December, the opinion of Sir Henry Hardiuge was, that there would not be an irruption from the right hank of the Sutlej; and so certain did he feel, that he cherished the expectation that no such thing could take place ; and so far as he could be guided by experience, my lion. and Gallant Friend was perfectly right. In 1843 the Lahore army left Lahore, and went toe ards the Sutlej, and in 1844 returned, but again departed. In 1844, the army, eager for prey or booty, and instigated by the chiefs, contemplated an irruption. The ac counts reached my Hon. and Galland Friend towards the end of November, which led him to look on the rumour as serious. You will find in the papers recently presented to the House, that a letter was written by Major Broadfoot, and addressed to the Commander-in-Chief and the Governor-General, which contained the following passage :—" Sir,—Since I had the honour of waiting on you, I have received Lahore letters of the 18th inst., which state that on the night of the 17th, the chiefs of that army agreed on the following plan of operations :—The army has been divided into seven divisions, four of which are to be employed in an attack on the British territory. It was then determined that four divisions of the Seikh army should make four separate attacks in various portions of the territory. The Durbar considered that they ought not to make an united and concentrated attack, hut they ought to cross the Sutlej at four different places, and each division, consisting of 8,000 or 12,000 men, to make four different and simultaneous attacks on the British possessions. It was on the 7th October (although if the House refer to the dispatches which had been printed, they will see how difficult it was to have foreseen the ultimate decision of the powers at Lahore) they will observe in the account which was written after the con sultation at Lahore, in a letter written by Major Broadfoot, that of the 21st November, to the Ranee, or female regent, one of the chiefs, declared, while the troops were retiring to their villages, that if something was not done he might find his way to Ferozepore. Many of the Seikh army thought that these proceedings would come to nothing.—( The Right Hon. Baronet then referred to other documents showing the proceedings before the battles of Moodkee and Ferozepore.) On the 11th December the British and native troops were in march from Umballah to the banks of the Sutlej. I think the whole proceedings of the Governor-General and the Commander-in-Chief on that day were characterised by the greatest prudence. They marched on the 11th front Umballah, with 7,500 men, to Ferozepore, where they found, through the provident forethought of the Governor-General, abundant supplies, and effected a junction with the troops at Loodianah. They thought it better thus to concentrate their forces and expose Loodianah to some risk rather than to divide the army. They heard then that the whole of the army of the Seikhs, amounting to 50,000 or 60,C30, men had crossed the Sutlej. The expectations of my Hon. and Gallant Friend were justified by the result. There was a force of 7,500 men in Ferozepore. They had but thirty-five heavy guns in their possession at Ferozepore, with the addition of twenty-four smaller pieces ; that was the amount of the Ferozepore army, and it was by means of this small army that Ferozepore was saved. The Seikh army at Loodianah hearing that the Governor-General was advancing with a force from Umballah, determined to direct its attention to Ferozepore, and made a sudden attack upon the British and native forces at Moodkee on the 18th of December, when the men had been marching 150 miles by forced marches, suffering extremely from want of water. Such, however, was the discipline and gallantry of that force, though inferior in number, they repelled the whole of the at tacking force of at least treble the number, and succeeded in capturing seventy odd guns. The Seikh army at Loodianah, thus repulsed by a division of our army which was advancing from Umballah, retired into very formidable intrenchraents, the glacis of which extended in the form of a parallelogram of a mile in length and half a mile in breadth. In the face of that great army, supported by 150 guns of excellent work manship, his Hon. and Gallant Friend and the Commander in-Chief, Sir Hugh Gough, determined to make an attack. They advanced to within three miles of the position of the enemy, and after manoeuvring to the right and the left, in consequence of a previous notice which had been sent to Sir John Littler in the course of the 21st, they obtained an addition of 7,500 men to their army. The Commander-in-Chief and my Gallant Friend, who had previously offered his services as second in command, which services had been cheerfully accepted by the. Commander in- Chief, after effecting this junction with the force of the Pun jaub, held a conference, and the result of that conference was a resolution at once to attack the enemy. The result of that attack proved the valour of the British Indian force its a paramount degree, and the warmest acknowledgements are due to them for their great exertions on that occasion. Sir, I believe the night of the 21st of December was one of the most memorable in the records of this country. The artil lery of the enemy was maintained with great fortitude and energy. The right wing of the British army was led on by the Commander-in-Chief, and the left by my Gal lant Friend, who was second in command. They made the attack during the three remaining hours of daylight, but they had not time to complete the victory, which was afterwards so successfully obtained when the remainder of the army of the Lahore came up to their assistance. The details are given by both Commanders-in-Chief with admirable clearness, but there have been private letters received from the spot, which speak of the action with less formality, and, perhaps, with more force than the dipatches. Perhaps, then, the House will for give me for reading a letter written by my Gallant Friend the Governor-General of India to a member of his own family. The letter commenced by stating that the 21st of December was the most extraordinary day in the life of the writer. He found himself in company with a regiment which has earned for itself immortal fame in the annals of the British army. 1 mean the 80th regiment. His answer to every man was, that we must fight it out; we must attack the enemy vigorously at daybreak, or the honourably in the field. It is hardly neces sary for me to read the letter, as it shows his desire to do jus tice. ( llear, hear.) The Gallant old General who commanded with him says: " During the night I occasionally called to the British soldiers to get up and punish the Seikhs when they came too close or were impudent.—(Laughter.) In the morning we went at it in true English style, and we drove them without a halt from one extremity of the camp to the other. In our passage we took about 40 guns, which were fired on us at 20 paces, and were admirably served. The mournful part of the tale is the loss we have sustained in officers, of whom there are a great many killed. The fire was very heavy from 100 pieces of cannon. The Seikhs were trained by the first French officers, and are most warlike men.—( Hear, hear.) My friend went from re giment to regiment as they were lying on the ground, keeping sip their spirits and animating them. He placed his son, a boy 18 years of age, in front of the British regiments, in order that they might not fire, but might drive the enemy from his guns by the force of the bayonet. My friend had two sons, one of them was a civilian. He said that the presence of that son disturbed him, and he ordered him to be conveyed to the rear, while the presence of the other, who was an officer, and had a military duty to perform, served only to give him more desperate resolution. When the danger was over, some days after, he took the son, who had been in the battle, and showed him to the Sepoys, that they might see a Governor-General who had lost a hand, and his son, who had lost a leg, and feel that these casualties occurred to the highest as well as to the lowest in the ranks. Sir, as I have stated before, the account of these mili tary operations are given with so much clearness by Sir Hugh Gough and Sir Henry Hardinge, and lam sure they must have been read with much private satisfaction by every Member of the House, that I will not weaken the effect which they have produced by further statements of mine. The pride and satis faction derived from these gallant exploits is no doubt greatly counterbalanced by the regret which we all must experience its reading of the loss of so many men of the highest distinction. We have had the misfortune to lose that Gallant Officer upon whom on many former occasions we have bestowed the highest praise. Sir Robert Sale has closed a long career of military glory by that death which I believe he himself foresaw--a death in the field of battle-- " Felix edam in opportunitate morti,;;" s. . and I do hope that the House will encourage me to hope, by a unanimous expression of its reffaril and admiration for the services and memory of S ir Robertr' Sale, that we may on a future occasion humbly represent to her Majesty, if she shall think fit, to record our admiration of his exploits, and regret for his loss, by a public monument—(Cheers) —that this House will make good the expense of that tribute to his memory. —(Cheers. ) We have also to deplore the loss of General M'Caskill and Major Broadfoot, two of the most eminent men in the service of the country. I will net refer to individuals of lower rank, as it might appear invidious. I can assure their friends that this House and the country will do justice to their memories and their valour, and will testify their feeling at the lose of such eminent men.—( Hear, hear.) I hope the thanks of this House will be conveyed to every regiment and man without exception. —( Hear, hear.) if there were occasions en which the valour of some particular regiments might be specially referred to, I feel the present is not one ; for, considering tho known repu tation, and the severe losses sustained by many -of the regiments on this as on former occasions, I venture to say that a deficiency of a single moment is alto gether put out of recollection by the brilliancy of their former achievements, and the glory of their former services.— ( Hear, hear.) Sir, I am certain that the several regiments engaged in this affair will receive their due reward at the hands of their country—( Hear, hear, and cheers)—and that the House will give to every man its willing thanks.—(Renewed cheering.) Sir, Ido hope there will be an unanimous acquies cence.—( Hear, hear.) I trust I have said nothing that can by any possibility be considered opposed to the political views of any Honourable Gentleman.—(Cheers from both sides of the House.) lam sure there is nothing in the resolution to which any Honourable Gentleman can by possibility object.—( Re newed cheering.) Let us then, whatever may be the political feelings we entertain—let us, I say, keep them in the back ground on the present occasion, and unanimously concur in bearing testimony to the brilliant services of those gallant men who have proved themselves in an eminent degree worthy of their native country.—(lmmense cheering. ) The lives which have been lost would not have been sacrificed in vain. The army engaged in this enterprise constituted one of the greatest defenders of this nation.—( Hear, hear.) When we see what was effected by discipline and by valour, on the 18th, 21st, and 22d of December, we fell increased confidence in those to whom the protection of this country is intrusted. The memory of those men who fell in those engagements, through devotion to their country, will long serve to animate the British army by their example, and to make us proud of that name, which in common we bear with them—to animate us to protect the interests of this great country. ( The Right Hon Baronet sat down amidst loud cheers from both sides of the House. ) Lard JOHN RUSSELL then rose, and said, Sir, agreeing entirely as I do in the resolution which the Right Honourable Baronet proposes to move, I trust the House will allow me the gratification of adding my testimony to the valour of our Indian army. I participate in those feelings which he has expressed in the name of the House, an I trust that the resolution will meet with the unanimous sense of the House—(Cheers)—that we may offer this tribute to the valour of those who have defended our possessions in India, in order that it may be a source of pride to the survivors of those who took part in the en gageinent, and some consolation to their afflicted relations. Sir, with respect to the first part of the Right Hon. Baronet's speech, I certainly cannot pretend to follow it, but I felt assured, when Sir Henry Hardinge accepted the office of Go vernor-General of India—when ho abandoned the honourable position he held in the councils of his Sovereign—when he left the enjoyment and happiness of his home, and from the highest motives—(Cheers)--I felt that the country could place the utmost confidence in him. With respect to the policy of Sir Henry Hardinge, as the Governor-General, with regard to the subject of the Funjeub, it was highly interesting to hear the Right Hon. Gentleman's statements in reference to it ; but as the papers have only been recently published, I think it will be more becoming my position not to refer to it. This I know, if the utmost forbearance is shown, as the utmost forbearance has been shown on this occasion, I may say that the imputation of wanton out rage cannot be applied to—(Cheers)--Sir Henry Hardinge. His fame in war was already established, and his policy, to give no cause of animosity to the neighbouring states was highly honourable to his character ; that policy, however, has exposed the British army in very disproportionate numbers to contests with the army of Lah ire. I can but admire the spirit of the Governor- General and the troops employed under him. They, so far from quailing at the sight of the force, were only fired with a spirit of martial ardour and patriotic enthusiasm. I believe there was not a man of that gallant army who wished for more men from England. Sir, in the subsequent battle of which the Right Hon. Baronet has given so affecting an account from the letter of Sir H. Hardinge, I must say I fol low with delight the troops of our army on that occasion—that occasion where the victory was not obtained through any ad vantage which we have made in civilization, from no superiority of numbers which we heave brought into the field, but it was.by the reliance upon the bearing and the gallantry of the British army, directed by heart and determination so peculiar to the British troops, and to the valour of the native Indian army, which has been so faithful and courageous upon all occa sions. It was by such an army that this victory was achieved. They had the proud satisfaction of knowing that these gallant men could have no hesitation or distrust either in themselves or their commanders, fur the Commander-in-Chief ( Sir Hugh Gough) could not but recollect the brilliant conduct of Sir Henry Hardinge at Albuera, and he ( Sir H. Hardinge) could riot but reflect that at Busaco none was more distin guished for heroism and valour—that no name stands more con spicuous in connexion with that exploit than that of the name of Gough. They must therefore have had the utmost confidence in each other, as well as themselves, when they led their gal lant men to victory. I was glad to hear the allusion which had been made by the Right Hon. Baronet to the con duct of the 62d Regiment. I refuse to believe that any regiment of British soldiers would retire from the conflict upon any other ground save that of the great slaughter which had taken place, and I believe that when there is any task assigned to them which shall not be unequal to their power, they will then maintain the high character which they have before obtained. —( Hear, hear.) I rejoice to hear that mention has been made by the Right Hon. Baronet of his intention to propose an address to this House, enabling her Majesty to cause to be erected a monument to the memory of the Gallant General Sir Robert Sale.—( Loud cheers.) That officer, after the proud distinction he had previously acquired, could not have had a more glorious or more honourable death than the field of battle. —(Loud cheers.) But it were unworthy of us if we did not show that we appreciate such gallant and heroic conduct.— (Continued cheering.) And therefore, with these feelings, I ask for the honour of seconding the resolutions which the Right Hon. Baronet has just proposed, and I trust, as I have already said, that this will be an unanimous vote, and that we shall all know that the qualities of these gallant men, the dangers they have confronted, and the victories they have achieved, have met with a response in the gratitude of an English House of Commons.—( Cheers.) Mr. HUME wished to say a few words, although he could add nothing to what had been so ably stated by the Right Hon. Baronet, except to say that he concurred entirely in the statement the Right Hon. Baronet had made.—( Hear, hear. ) Sir Henry Hardinge was unit illing to throw the troops too far forward lest he should give grounds of attack. If Hun. Members would look at the position in which he was, they would see why he was unable to get all his force together. The Sutlej at the point where the junction of the troops should have taken place was so deep that it could not be forded. The torts on the river were only passable in Decein ber and January. It did not appear to him possible that the tiooes could have been placed in a better position than at Um ballah, where they were placed for the protection of the stores. He said this because be would be very sorry that it should go abroad that any unnecessary sacrifice of life had taken place. He felt as much as any man a disgust for war, but the circum stances in which the country was placed rendered it impos sible to avoid the horrors of war. Wherever war was there misery and trouble must be. If they looked at the circum stances which took place in 1843 and 1044, they would see that great preparations were not made in case of an invasion, and it was wrong for any man in the situation of Governor-General to give occasion for war by great prepara tions, and it was impossible to avoid it when it did come. He would say one word more before he sat down. He hoped and believed that the Members of the House would be unanimous, and he hoped that the House would show due consideration to the families of those who had fallen. He hoped that the Government would use its influence and patronage for those families whose protection had been taken from them. He believed if it could be known, many of those who fell in the battle, deserved equal honour with Sir R. Sale. He would conclude by expressing his cordial concurrence in everything that had fallen trem the Right Hon. Baronet. Sir ROBERT H. INGLIS wished that the Hon. Member for Montrose and the House would recollect that the victory was owing to Providence; that while they thanked the instrument, they should not forget to thank the Supreme Dispenser of all good.—( Hear, hear.) He believed that in the annals of the Roman empire there could be nothing found to equal the immorality and licentiousness of the camp at La hore. The plain, soldierlike style in which the dispatches of Sir Henry Hardinge were written also struck him ( Sir R. Inglis) as falling in the wake of that great man the Duke of Wellington.—( Hear, hear.) For himself he felt the value of such testimonials, and he was certain the House would unani mously concur in awarding it.—( Hear, hear. ) Mr. HOGG said he would not trouble the House with more than one or two remarks, after the very eloquent speeches they had just heard from the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Government, also from the Noble Lord oppo site (Lord John Russell) who had seconded the motion.— (Hear, hear.) He believed that the conflicts of the 19th, 20th, and 21st of December, were among the severest that had ever engaged the valour of British troops; and the dreadful carnage proved the desperation with which the troops on both sides had fought. The British troops did not amount to a third, little more than a fourth, of their adver saries ; deficient in artillery, their guns being little more than half the number of the enemy's, and none of which could be said to be of battery calibre; they advanced under a storm of shells and shot which literally swept away the advance—still they advanced, captured the munitions of the enemy, and finally accomplished their great object. The difficulties that Sir Henry Hardinge had to encounter, as regarded his civil policy, he would abstain from adverting to. But he might be permitted to say, that his course would be easy indeed, if, instead of the treachery and unprovoked attack, the Lahore , Government had openly announced their determination.— (Hear, hear.) No man could read the dispatches of Sir Henry Hardinge without feeling satisfied of his anxious desire to maintain a civil policy. —( Hear, hear.) He ( Mr. Hogg) well reco ll ecte d t h e wor d s of his Gallant Friend at the entertainment given him immedi ately previous to his departure. He said—" He was a soldier, and had seen and known the risk and danger of war ; but as he was a lover of peace, they might be sure he would endeavour to maintain it.—( Hear, hear.) They talked of the bank of the Sutlej, but they had no bank. ( Hear, hear.) For nearly '2OO miles on the left bank of the river, comprising nearly 20,000 square m il es , a nd comprising all kinds of people, who were principally under the protection of the Lahore Government, we had only two or three states. It was absurd to talk of " the bank of the Sutlej," because they had not a speck of land as large as the table of the House. Then how did they get possession of Umballah. So long as thete protection throne t he states of the whichhe Lahore e wee re possessed, Govern ment, were safe, but then we never sought any tri bute for end Runjeet which Singh i nwgehr were under on h them. Since 1826, when a great number of those possess ions were conceded to Runjeet Singh, on account of his services to this country, we had had no control over either bank of the Sutlej, or over the adj•ining territory, for nearly a space of 120 miles. We had no ports but Ferozepore and Leo dianah ; and how did they obtain possession of Meerut and Umballah ? But supposing they could have advanced their station, what would have been the result? Even suppose that they had built stations nearer the Sutlej, at a distance of eighty miles, the Seikhs would be at Delhi before it was known at Ferozepore or Loodianah. In the year 1842, the year of the Affghanistan campaign, what was done ? Fortifications were thrown round Ferozepore, the same round Loodianah ; at Umballah barracks were built, and every pre cautionary measure was taken. Did the Governor-General do nothing in the present instance ? It has not, it is title, been blazoned forth in the newspapers. All his measures hare been taken silently and noiselessly, in order that it should not attract public attention• His object was to strengthen the forts, and he did that at a time when the general relief of the army takes place. He did it without giving umbrage to the Seikhs. It was impossible for any person connected with the country to look upon a mutinous army, close to their frontier, without feeling considerable excitement. The Seikhs was an army in a state of mutiny, dictating to their commanders, and exacting from this Treasury whatever amount they choose. It was an alarming example to set before the face of the native army, and the House should know that most prodigal offers had been made to them. Every argument which could address itself to their religious prejudices had been made use of, but in vain —( Hear, hear)—and it was also remarkable that the Seikhs recruited their army to a con siderable extent from the same province as the British did. In that army (the Seikhs) there were friends and relations of many of the Sepoys, and yet despite these temptations, such as no soldiers had ever before been exposed to, they still remained faithful. He did hope that the people of this country would acknowledge with gratitude the services of the British army in India, and he further hoped that the native princes and the natives at large of India, would become sensible of the blessing of English rule, which must bring with it the blessing of English protection. Captain LAYARD said heroic actions were often lost to the pages of history from the want of a post or the negligence of the historian. But the friends of those gallant spirits who had laid down their lives at the shrine of their country, and these gal plat men vvho remain to maintain he honour, need not fear that such would be the case with respect to themselves, when they know and hear of the beautiful and soul-stirring speech in which the Minister of England had brought under the consi deration of the British House of Commons their gallant deeds. They might feel assured that their gallant deeds would ba handed down to posterity. What was the stake we had upon the cast? He believed that had any reverse taken place on that occasion, it would have de stroyed our empire in India. There was not on our side of the Sutlej any force that could in a short time be brought to check as large an army. It must be admitted that both the Native and the British army did their duty on that hard-fought field, and the names of many would go down to posterity on the bright tablet of fame, but while the eye brightened for success, it was dimmed by the recollection of those who had fallen ; and he must mention in terms of regret the death of Sale, and the gallant young Somerset, who had behaved with the hereditary spirit of his race. He would conclude by expressing his firm belief that all the forces, both officers and men, well deserved the most cordial thanks of the House. Sir HOWARD DOUGLAS considered that the victory was a happy cif cumstance, and one extremely gratifying to the country. It was also consolatory to consider that the tremendous sacrifices which had been made of so many eminent men did not result from any aggressive attacks on the part of the Government. He should prove before he sat down that the conduct of Sir Henry Hardinge was perfectly consistent with the strictest rules of tactical and stratagetical science. There was no doubt that his Gallant Friend ( Sir H. Hardinge) had been placed in a very difficult 'position in these engagements, because he had to contend with superior numbers, but he suc ceeded in vanquishing them, for his mind was well stored with all those acquirements which such a position required. He had served in the Peninsula under the Duke of 'Wellington, and was, therefore, well fitted for the position to which he was appointed. A man, placed in a similar position, could .not have acted otherwise. The Honourable Baronet then proceeded to describe the order of the engagements. fhe ordinary establishment of a regiment in India was 1,000 men. Now the 62d Regiment went into action with only 700 men; and when they came within range of the guns of the enemy, in less than ten minutes half the regiment, with seven teen out of twenty-one officers, were shot down, and the regi ment therefere literally broken. Now, he should say, that the reserve troops in the rear should not have been so distant, and that greater care, and more caution should have been observed in the details of these arrangements. The glorious acts and successes of that thy, ought to obliterate for ever the remem brance of any temporary misfortune that might have befallen their arms. He would most cordially give his entire concur rence to the proposed vote of thanks, which he hoped would be carried with the highest acclamation, as a small acknow ledgement of these brilliant successes which had been obtained at the sacrifice of so many gallant lives. Lord EBRINGTON regretted that, on the present occa sion, the Right Hon. mover, and the Hon seconder of the motion, bad altogether omitted all mention of the policy which the Governor-General had pursued previously to his recent distinguished successes. He should, however, most cordially concur in the proposed vote of thanks. The chief purpose for which he had risen was to ask a question of the Right. Hon. the Secretary-at-War, or in his absence, of any other member of the Government, whether any measures had been taken to acquaint the relations of those privates and non-commissioned officers who had been killed in India, with the extent of their loss ? He had had painful experience of the anxiety with which the news from India was looked forward to by the re lations of the officers engaged in the recent conflicts, and being aware that similar anxious feelings must exist in the breasts of the relations of the private soldiers, he had been induced to inquire whether means could not be adopted at once to allay all anxiety on the subject. Lori JOCELYN stated that the usual custom after a battle was to have the names of the privates and non-commissioned officers who had been killed carefully recorded, and the lists prepared and kept at the Horse Guards ; by referring to which place every information would be afforded. Lord EBRINGTON wished to know whether a list of the killed would not be published in the Gazette, or in some other public paper ? Sir ROBERT PEEL observed that it had never been the custom to publish a printed list of the privates and non-com missioned officers who had fallen in battle. Sir JOHN HOBHOUSE believed that such a course was not customary. He did not see, however, any objection to such a course being adopted. It would, in his opinion, be a great consolation to the survivors of the private soldiers to have their names publicly recorded. The names of the officers were published, and why not those of the privates ? The same feel ing among the relations must naturally prevail. It would be unnecessary for him to say a word after• the admirable address of the Right Hon. Baronet. This was one of the great deeds which they had to acknowledge, and in doing honour to the brave men who were participators in the gallant act, they were doing honour to themselves. He was afraid that these deeds were but the commencing struggles of a destructive war, and therefore it would be a great encouragement to the men who were engaged in these actions, and also to those who had the conducting of those difficult affairs, when they found that the Parliament of England took every available means of encouraging them in the arduous career which they had to pursue. Mr MANGLES would most cordially concur in the pro posed vote of thanks. He would do so with the greater cheer fulness, from the successes not having been terminated with a war of aggression or extermination. Mr. WYNN was most anxious that the names of the whole of the British troops should be published. He had al ways thought that they had been deficient in that respect. He had the honour, after the battle of Waterloo, when it was proposed to erect a monument to commemorate that event, to suggest that the name of every man who had fallen in that glorious victory should be re corded. The suggestion was received with universal appro bation. Irrespective of modern times, they had the precedent of antiquity for such a course. In ancient days, after the battle of Maranthon, the conflict of Thermopylm, the names of the conquerors, the dead as well as the living, were recorded in marble, and engraved on enduring brass. The victories which the trrops had obtained in India were an honourable testimo nial to the general conduct of the British troops, and of the attachment of the native troops to their coadjutors ; and he should support the vote of thanks with the greatest cordiality. Dr. 130 WRING did not exactly approve of the manner in which the Right Hon. Baronet had spoken of • the exclusive military policy of the Governor-General. Our political, civil, and commercial interests in India were intimately connected, and he earnestly wished that the principle of encouraging one more than another should not be carried to so great an extent. Sir ROBERT PEEL was understood to say that he had no intention that that principle should be carried to so great an extent. After a few words from Sir C. COLEBROOKE and Sir HOWARD DOUGLAS, Sir DE LACY EVANS thought the names of the officers who had fallen should be recorded in some manner, as should seem most desirable to the House. On reading the resolution proposed by the Right Hon. Baronet, he found that the names of the distinguished officers who had fallen would not appear in the proceedings of the House. He had prepared a resolution to be attached to the original motion, which provided for that omission, and he would n , )vr submit it. It was to the following effect :—" That this House does also highly approve and ac knowledge the distinguished and energetic exertions displayed by the late lamented and gallant officers, General Sir Robert Sale, Major-General Sir John AV Caskill, and the other officers, non-commissioned officers, and privates, who received their deaths, gloriously failing in these honourable actions." He conceived it would be a mark of respect to the memory of the gallant men who had fallen in these actions, that their names should be transmitted throughout the army in the only public record of the transactions which would appear. if his motion should be seconded, he would then appeal to the House, but if it should not be seconded, he trusted that some means should be devised in which the gallant deaths of these brave men might be publicly recorded. Sir ROBERT PEEL said that he had himself prepared a resolution similar in effect to that which had been proposed by the Hon. and Gallant Officer, but on referring to former occa sions he had found that no example of a precedent for such a resolution could be found. In the cases of Trafalgar and Waterloo there existed no such precedent. He thought that it was highly desirable that the usual course should be followed. It would be a matter of deep regret for the survivors of those who had fallen on former occasions, that their names had not been recorded in a similar manner. He hoped, therefore, the Gallant Officer for these reasons would not press his reso•• Lord EBRINGTON merely wished to observe that it was desirable for a list containing the names of the noncommis sioned officers and privates to be prepared as soon as possible. Sir DE LACY EVANS having withdrawn his resolution, The resolutions, which will be found in another column, after a few words from Mr. HUME and Mr. WYNN, were put from the chair and carried with acclamation. CUSTOMS AND CORN IMPORTATION ACT. Upon the order of the day for the House going into Com mittee on the Customs and Corn Importation Act being read, Mr. VILLIERS rose, and stated that it was not his wish to oppose the progress of the present Bill. It was his intention to have proposed his amendment at a later period of the session, and had it not been for various statements which he had heard in the course of the last debate, he would have done so. The House was perfectly aware of the mode in which her Majesty's Government intended to give effect to the measure which it had introduced. The motion of which he had given notice had reference to the mode only. Her Majesty's Ministers have acknowledged the policy of allowing a perfect free trade in all articles of provision, but they have postponed the full application of that principle until the Ist of February, 1849. He believed that those advantages might be extended to the community immediately without danger or inconvenience.—( Hear, hear.) He had moved the present amendment in consistency with the practice of his having done so for a number of years past. It was an amend ment on the preposition of the Government for a total and im mediate repeal of the duties on the importation of foreign corn. There had been ever since the corn-laws had been enacted a large party who had complained of their injustice, and who have been anxious to have those laws repealed. But the ques tion has always been, could these laws be removed immediately without some danger to the country ? It had been urged that there would be much alarm caused to those who had invested their capital on the soil, and who might be alarmed by the con sequences of free trade ; it was feareclth a t th ey m i g h t w i t hd raw their capital, and the community would be injured by a deficient supply. These considerations had great weight with him at first, and had. he not h a d t h e v i ews of may practical people on the subject, he would not have been the instrument of proposing an imme diate abolition of the corn laws.sahou publication, in whi c h i t was state d , abolish th ese protective laws, it In the year 1 843, when he fir s t b roug h t f orward h i s moti on, that if thehe q u e o g Ia t df u r from re would be to the interest of the farmer th at t h at a b ol i tion should be immediate. lie wa s fortified in making the present propo sition of an immediate repeal by a person of high rauk. He alluded to Lord Spencer, who stated that if the law was at once abolished the effect would be that wh ea t wou ld r i se i n price both in this country and abroad, and he did not think an immediate abolition would cause any injury to the farmers. The Earls of Ducie and Radnor had also expressed their opinion that it was the interest of the farmer that the repeal should be immediate, for if the laws were net immediately rep ea l e d the landed proprietor s would still maintain the hope that those laws might not be finally carried into effect ; an d w hil e t hi s state of uncertainty existed with regard to the h o me producer, the foreign grower would see a time when the trade in corn would be free ; he would make his prepara tions according, invest his capital and prepare large supplies for exportation into this country, while the grower would not be prepared for them.—( Hear, hear.) The present Govern ment had most wisely considered it expedient that the trade in corn should be free, and if there has b een any su bj ec t upon which there has been unity of opinion, it has been, that if the corn-laws should be repealed, that that repeal should be total and immediate: 11 !eMbers on the Opposition side have volunteered their opinion on the subject. Very particular friends of the existing corn-laws had lost no time, immediately after the meeting of Parliament to proclaim that an immediate abolition would be to the interest of the farmer. A Noble Duke in the Upp er H ouse, w h o was inti mately acquainted with the interest of the farmer, had lost no time in volunteering his opinion, in favor of a total and imme diate repeal. The lion. Member for Somersetshire ( Mr. Miles) whose pride and whose boast it was that lie was the farmer's friend although there was no noti ce on t lie hook—no thing had been said upon the (pestle!' by Members on that side of the House, yet all would remember the manner in which he declared his desire of the farmers that the repeal should be im mediate. Now he (Mr. Miles) had lived among them, and when he made that statement, he asked lion. Members who sat behind him, if it was not true ; they gave him an unanimous cheer. There was no county which had watched with more jealousy the progress of free trade than that of Lincoln ; but three months since its Honourable Member declared in favour of an immediate repeal, and he (Mr. Villiers) had been expecting him to bring forward some measure in accordance with his opinions. From every quarter, then, they had heard expres sions in favour of its immediate repeal. He did not see why any person sh mld object to the motion which he proposed. What was the opinion of her Majesty's Government? He (Mr. Villiers) did not wish to provoke any unnecessary hos tility to the measure proposed, but he must call the attention of the House to a statement which the Right Hon. Baronet had made. He could gather from that statement that he (Sir Robert Peel) did not entertain much fear from the abolition of the corn-laws. On the let of November he stated that there was a considerable deficiency of food, and he con sidered it necessary in order to remedy it, to abolish the existing corn-laws. He did not rt collect, however, hearing from him that his fears were less at the present time than they were on the Ist of November. Ho considered then that the suspension of the laws were a remedy for those evils; his fears were now, however, as great as at that period. He has satis fied himself that the time has come when the trade in corn should be entirely free; and if the Right Hon. Baronet would look around him, he would see friends on all sides. If he looked to Hon. Members on his side of the House, he wou'd obtain from them their sanction and support. They would tell him there was no ground for alarm ; they have said, as far as im Lesliate abolition was concerned that they are ready for it, and that it might be done safely ; so that they had it on the best authority that the removal of these laws would be attended with no evil. If the Right Hon. Baronet looks to the party on the Opposition side of the House, at tl e head of which is the Noble Lord the Member for the city of Lon Jon, upon whom he may rely for support, upon the question for an immediate repeal—he has expressed his opinion upon the subject. What, then, has the Right Hon. Baronet to fear? Upon which side soeter he looks, he may count his supporters. He stated that he was fearful that if some time were not given to the farmer, a sudden removal would be productive of injury. The Hon. Member for Somersetshire (Mr. Miles) had, however, allayed his fears upon that point. He had told them that there was no ground for fear—that the farmers were ready—that they had no need of his caution. There could be no doubt, that the Right Hon. Baronet himself was in favour of a total and immediate repeal. But having shown that there were no difficulties in the way of his resolution, he would ask if there were no ad vantages to be derived in the immediate repeal. The present year was a peculiar year in its supply of food throughout Europe and this country; this was a point it was impssible to consider. We could not dispense with any supply of food which should be imported into this country. We have notoriously a scarcity in con.equence, of a deficiency in the harvest, and at the same time a considerable increase in the consumption of food in this country ; and there is also a failure of an important article of consumption of food in the country. Under these circumstances it was his opinion that the proposed duty of 4s. might almost amount to a prohibition. Since the present measure had been under discussion, there have been several cargoes of wheat destined for this country which have gone to a neighbouring country ; several cargoes from Odessa, not disposed to wait for the 4s. duty, had gone to Antwerp, for the corn-laws are repealed there, fin Belgium and in Holland ; and this country was always liable to lose its supply of food during the continuance of these laws in times of scarcity. Since Parliament has met, corn had been exported from this country for the Rhenish provinee., where they send their corn down the Rhine to Holland where it is stored at Rotterdam. Now, however, corn was sent from Rotterdam to those places beyond the Rhine which had for merly supplied both Belgium and Holland with corn. They had, therefore, reason to fear that there would be a general scarcity felt in the month of April. that being the month in which the largest importation into this country invariably takes place. He did not know who would be most benefited, or who ought to be most interested, after ail, its the abolition of the corn-laws; but he did think it was not worth while that the people should be exposed to the danger of deficiencies in the supply of corn. —( Hear, hear. ) He thought it would not be just to overlook that part of the question, for he presumed he stated enough to show that the measure would have such a tendency. The Government have secured a certain amount of support for the measure which they had propostd, but it seemed to him that for a similar measure withdrawing all immediate protection, they would win merit and support also. He believed that some of the supporters of the Right Hon. Baronet were giving their sup port to that measure, because they believed that they would relieve themselves from the danger which would be incurred to the measure by their non-adhesion to him ; but he (Mr. Villiers) thought it just to the country to bring forward his amendment, in the hope that an Immediate repeal might take place, for he thought that his amend ment would have most important advantages. Before he sat down, he begged the attention of the House to the considera tion of one effect likely to be produced—he referred to a state ment made by the Hon. Member for Stockport. He stated— and no man, he (Mr. Villiers) believed, doubted that state ment—that they had funds sufficient to procure a repeal of those laws, and that the day they saw those laws abolished—the very day afterit the League would be dissolved. Now he (Mr. Villiers) thought he was not substracting in the least from the great importance—that society had been to the country if he said its disssolution would be of great. advantage.—(Loud cheers. ) He believed that society would be long indebted to the grati tude and admiration of the country for the great benefits it had produced. He considered they had done infinite service to the country, and: that they had gathered round them great moral talent from coviction alone, without ever giving offence to any of the classes which they felt it their duty to oppose.— (Cheers.) But, notwithstanding, he believed there was some danger in such an irregular power existing :in any country— (Loud cheers from the protectionists)—and he thought that that power should cease ; considering their talent, their great energy, their unceasing perseverance, it was well worth the attention of the House whether they should not cease to give cause for the continuation of their agitation, for it may be turned to objects that at present were net con templated. His Hon. Friends the Members for Stockport and Durham were pledged in honour not to cease their ex ertions, and not to give up a single portion of that energy and talent which they possessed, until this object was fully achieved. He did net say that such a resolution ought to be conclusive evidence to induce the Legislature to adopt their opinions, but he thought there were sufficient grounds to do so in the promised prosperity which it would afford. He (Mr. Villiers) therefore, proposed to leave out all the words in the first resolution, after the word " of," for the purpose of adding those words as an amendment, that " all duties on imported corn do now cease and determine." The SPEAKER then put the question, when, Colonel SIBTHORP rose, and said that it was his in tention at an earlier period to have occupied the House if he had an opportunity of doing so, but after what had occurred he should feel it unnecessary to occupy their attention for any length of time on the present occasion. It was very well known what opinion he etertained—(Hear, hear) — with regard to the measure, and he also thought it was very well known what opinion he entertained of those gentlemen at the head of her Majesty's Government, who have dared in the manner they did—the deceitful manner he would add—te venture to bring forward such a measure.—(Loud cheers from the protectionists.) The Hon. Gentleman the Member for Wolverhampton, be (Colonel Sibthorp) hod no hesitation in sayinw, had, during the whole course of his conduct, acted a straightforward, honest, and consistent part in comparison with that of her Majesty's Ministers.—( Cheers.) He never deceived his party—(Cheers)—he had been straightforward in his declaration—he has persevered in his course, and he was bound to say that he gave him credit for the manly course he had pursued, and he wished he could say the same for those who were once his (Col. Sibthorp's) supporters.—(Loud cheers.) If it was his good fortune to have spoken on this question at an earlier period, he would have produced to the notice of the House some of the speeches made by certain Gentlemen on protection principles, who now seemed to have altered their opinions. In the year 1838, at a dinner which was called the " Peel Banquet," the Right Hon. Baronet thought it right to treat with ridicule the conduct of the Noble Lord the Member for the city of London. At that meeting, among other gen tlemen, the Marquis of Chandos, a leading man and a farmers' friend (then an honourable appellation let him tell them), was in the chair, and there were present Sir R. Peel, Lord Francis Egerton, Lord Lowther, Sir Robert Inglis (and, mark this Gentlemen), Sir James Graham—( Laughter)— Mr. Harris, and Lord G. Somerset. The Right Hon. Baronet then enter tained very different opinions to those which he entertains now, with his 313 supporters.—(Cheers.) Here the Gallant Officers read several portions of the speech delivered br the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of her Majesty's Govern ment, wherein he stated that it was pleasant that the rugged pafh which led to political fame did not prevent him in his journeys of making many friends, and that for some years past he had chiefly laboured for the purpose of forming a great Con servative party for the purpose of arresting revolutionary measures.—( Loud cheers from the protectionists.) Such was the language,continued the Gallant Officer, which was used by the Right Hon. Baronet in the year 1838, when he was enter tained, but perhaps it may be said most truly on this occasion, in vino veritas.—(Laughter.) He (Col. Silsthorp) had en tained ; an opinion of the Right Hon. Baronet of a very different nature to what he entertained at preseht. Perhaps he wanted (with great emphasis) moral courage, and thought it was not expedient to retain those principle:—Tempora mutantur. He himself had at one time the most implicit confidence in the Right Hon. Baronet.—(Cries of " Question, question.") "Oh," continued the Hon. Member, pointing towards the door, "if you are tired you may just walk out."—(Great laughter.) The Secretary for the Home Department had-also been once a protectionist. He (G 1. Sibthorp) did not know how many departments he had been in ; he was in fact a Pro teus, a chameleon, ever varying its colour, and he would serve any Government that would receive him.—(Laughter.) His expression would be. Any port in a storm.—(Laughter.) He (Colonel Sibthorp) would wish to know on what grounds the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Ministry had changed his opinions. If he did so on the belief that there was a deficiency of food, he might not be altogether culpable ; but he considered he had no such reason for changing his opinions.—(Cries of " Question.") He understood there would be a division on the present question, and with regard to which he should say, that though he might be compelled to go into the same lobby with the Right Hon. Baronet, the First Lord of the Treasury, to oppose the amendment of the Hon. Member for Wolverciampteil, yet it was through no regard, affection, or respect for him, or any Gentleman on the Trea sury bench, that he did so.—(Hear, hear, and laughter. ) But of two evils he should choose the lesser.—(Renewed laughter.) He could not conclude without cautioning the Right Hon. Gentleman as to his associates; and again ex pressing his regret that he should break up the party which was prepared to go with him through fire and water in up holding the institutions of the country, the supremacy of the Throne, and the integrity of their own Protestant Church. — (Great laughter.) Lord WORSLEY trusted that the House would allow him a few minutes space while he stated the grounds on which he intended to vote on the present occasion. It had been proposed by the Hon. Member for Wolverhampton that all duty on corn should immediately cease ; whilst the Government were in favour of a sliding scale until the year 1849. Now his im pression was, that if it rested solely between the motion pro posed by the Government and that of the Hon. Member for Wolverhampton, it would be much better that the House should decide in favour of the total and immediate repeal of the corn-laws than that' the country should be kept in a state of suspense. If the simple question were that, he should be inclined to vote for the amendment of the Hon. Member for Wolverhampton; but then, if he were to vote at that side on the present occasion, and if the amendment were carried, he felt he would be precluding himself from the consideration of other amendments which were to be proposed by Honourable Gentlemen —( Hear, hear. ) Ile thought that the proposition of the Right Hon. Baronet of a sliding scale from 103. to 4s. would not answer the expecta tions of the people, but he was satisfied that if they were to have a low fixed duty of ss. on wheat, and 2s. on barley, and 2s. on oats, as proposed by an Hon. Member—this, he thought, wouid meet the wishes of all. He conld not support the amendment of the Hon. Member for Wolverhampton, though if it were a question between him and the Right Hon. Baronet, he would rather support an immediate repeal of those laws. He did not think there was the least chance of carrying the proposition of the Honourable Member for Wolverhampton, but he could not vote for that question, as it would preclude him voting for the following amendment : That in lieu of the duties now payable on the importation of corn, grain, meal, or flour, the product of foreign countries, there shall be paid a fixed duty of five shillings per quarter upon wheat, two shillings and sixpence on barley, and two shil lings on oats; meal and flour in proportion. This amendment he thought far preferable to either the Right Hon. Baronet's measure or the proposition of his Hon, Friend the Member for Wolverhampton. Mr. MILNER GIBSON could not but congratulate his Hon. Friend the Member for Wolverhampton, on the opinion of his Noble Friend who had jest sat down. He could not see, in accordance with that opinion, how it was that the Noble Lord could not support the amendment? It would be said that' the amendment of his Hon. Friend would endanger the measure of his, the Right Hon. Baronet's. He was of opinion that the question of endangering the Government measure was not to be considered, when the great principles of the Right Hon. Baronet's were only proposed to be carried out by the amendment of his Hon. Frier.d.— ( Hear, hear.) He thought the present amendmont was the only one which could meet the views of the First Minister of the Crown. The Right Hon. Baronet had said that his first and most anxious feeling was how he could meet the emergency of preventing a great national calamity. He said in his speech that nothing less than a total repeal of those laws would meet the emergency ; and now that it was pro posed to have an immediate repeal, which could alone meet the emergency, how on the ground of consistency could the sup porters of the Right Hon. Baronet oppose such a measure ? He (Mr. M. Gibson) was satisfied that nothing less than a total and immediate repeal would meet that emergency. If they were to grant a three years' protection, he questioned much that the Right Hon. Baronet would be able to meet the distress which existed, and which by the end of that time would increase. When, as was stated by the Right Hon. Baronet, famine was at hand in Ireland, how could he for one moment think of keeping up a duty on corn ?—(Hear, hear. ) Suppos-ng that it were desirable to give encouragement to the agricultural interest, how could they hope to maintain the duty to the present extent under the present pressing emergency? The duty on oats and barley was 2s. 6d., or 10s. per cent. on the value of the commodity. That was no small duty ; and the prices were such that none could be imported into this country so as to give a profit. Their present duties would cause large quantities of grain to be sent to the foreign markets when every grain of corn was necessary to avert the ca lamity with which the country was threat ened. With regard to the agricultural interest, he thought that it would be benefited by immediate repeal. He did not think that the farmers would eq uire any adjustment. He did not believe th a t t h e farmers cared r pin for the corn law question.—( L aug h ter. ) It struck him as remarkable the tenant-farmer did not seem to care a are one straw about the matter with respect t o its influence elie.. on them, b u t h e believed they were interest e d i n i t as a the Ministerial s id e .) W e l l, P the t y 1 alntatter.—(No, no, from differed on that point.— ( Hear, hear.) He believed that the farmers would be entitled to a reduction of rent b y the withdrawal of protection, and when he came to ask for th a t ! reduction the protectional land lord would answer and say—" Wait until the Ist of Febru ar y, 1849."—( Hear, hear, from t h e O pposition.) The Member ' for Stockport (Mr. Cobden) had said that he did not believe that prices would be materially affected—and by the let of February, 1849, we will sec if their is any necessity for an alteration. The change that would be banging over the agri tural body until 1849 would cause many improvements to be postponed which would be carried into effect if repeal were granted at once. If a man were condemned to he executed that day three years, did they think that he would em ploy his time in constant preparation for eternity? He believed that he would not.—( Laughter.) The man would be calculating how he might best avert the sentence.—(Hear. hear.) The system of protection had been put on its trial befo:e that House, and had been found guilty of high crimes and misdemeanours, and yet all that they asked was rapid and immediate execution.—( Hear, hear.) Every delay was an in justice, for the measure seemed equal to the most pressing emergency of Ireland, and, therefore, he supported, and called on the House to support the motion of his Hon. Friend. Mr. ESCOTT (who rose amidst groans and cries of " Oh, oh") said that he should give his vote according to the prin ciples laid bown by the Noble Member for the city of London on the fir,t night of the debate. If the present measure would be endangered by the motion of his Hon. Friend the Member for Wolverhampton, he would not vote for it, for no one could honour the principle more than he did.—(" Oh, eh," from the Ministerial benches.) If anything occurred that evening to snake him believe that the carrying of the motion of his Hon. Friend the Member for Wolverhampton, would endanger the success of that measure, he would certair ly adopt the prin ciple laid down by the Member for London, and in order to save the measure, he wonld vote against it. The question was whether it was right, under the existing circumstances of this country to raise the price of food to the people by any restriction by protection. In November last he came to the conclusion.—(" Oh, oh," from the Ministerial side.) He begged that Hon. Members would allow him for one moment. In November last he came to the conclusion that any measure that would raise the price of food would be be impolitic. It was at that time his duty to attend a meeting of a large body of his constituents, and he:told them that his opi nion was that the only cause of the ports remaining closed was the fact which he supposed to exist. That there was no Govern • merit responsible for the affairs of the country. The statement of his Right Hon. Friend, made in that House, the other night, fully justified what he had said on that occasion—there was actually no Government responsible for the welfare of the na tion, and the ports could not b e opene d.—(" Oh , o h . ") H e asked, had anything occurred since November which would make the opeuing of the ports of more benefit to the country. The necessity of opening them had increased since that time, and it was in consequence of those circumstances that he would vote in favour of the motion of the Hon. Member for Wolver hampton. He would only say one word more, with respect to what the farmers said. Hon. Gentlemen below him might hoot as much as they pleased ; but he would continue his state ment, The farmers said that they wished to have done with agitation ; there was only one way to get rid of agitation, and that was repeal—immediate and for ever of the corn-laws—and it was a mere delusion to tell the farmers anything else. That course would be for the interest of the people—wanting more food—for the interest and the peace of the country, and for the credit of the House of Commons.—(Laughter.) Mr. R. COLBORNE said, that as he had not occupied the attention of the House on the debate which had previously taken place on the subject of the corn-laws, he would venture to trouble them for a short time. He would give his support to the amendment of the Hon. Member for Wolverhampton. He did not intend to discuss the policy of the change in the corn laws, for he thought it fair to awn that enough had been said already. He would address the House on the amendment. He had given his support to the Right Honourable Baronet, not because he had read speeches of the Right Hon. Baronet, and had heard the able and reasonable principles on which he had clearly proved the efficacy of free trade. He had, however, reserved to himself the perfect right of voting against the Right Honourable Baronet on any measure. He had heard many arguments brought forward in favour of free trade, and in favour of an immediate and total repeal of the corn-laws. He had heard a dissolution of I'arliameut spoken of, but he believed that if such a circumstance took place, it would strengthen their ranks to the injury of the business of the country, If the business was now settled it would be a great advantage, as it would put an end to the agitation that would continue to exist if they retained the duty for three years longer. He could not forget that unless a total and immediate repeal was to take place, the question would be agitated with ten times greater force than before.—( Hear, hear.) Besides, be fore the three years they would have to elect anew Parliament, and the question would create great excitement—(Hear, from the Conservative benches)—therefore he wished it settled at once ; not that he feared the supporters of protection would seand in a better position than they now did, but that the country must be saved the uncertainty, delay, and excitement. It was impossible not to remember the elections that had lately taken place.—(Hear, hear.) They could not forget that the electors of Dorsetsbire had turned out a Noble Lord of great character, and whose benevolence and integrity were well known. It was impossible to forget that the electors of South Notts—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear," from the Conservative benches)—had tu rne d out a Lord of unblemished character and the greatest talent. These were indications of the proceedings that might be expected if this question was kept alive ; and the only probable chance of putting an end to such a state of things was to make the repeal immediate and total. The battle, if fought in a general election, he was satisfied, would terminate in favour of the free traders.—( Hear, hear.) But he was desious of avoiding that battle, and for that reason he considered this House should totally and immediately re peal the corn-laws,—( Hear, hear.) With every cl-sire of acting with the Noble Lord (the Member for the city London (Lord John Russell) he must give his vote in favour of the motion of the Hon. Member for Wolverhampton. There was another point to which he would refer. It had been men tioned in a newspaper that he was an apostate to the principles which he formerly professed. The editor had since made a handsome apology ; still he (Mr. Ridley Colborne) would state that he had never advocated protection. He considered that protection affected landlords alone, and that if there was any loss from the present measure, they would have to hear it. This he believed they were ready to do.—( Hear.) He for merly voted in favour of a fixed duty, and it was still his opinion that a fixed duty could be carried out, but under the circumstances, rather than keep the question in abeyance, and keep the agitation on it alive, he would support total and immediate repeal.—( Hear, hear.) He had heard it stated that it would be inconsistent to repeal the corn-laws un less they applied the same principle to other things. He did not sec this, and he was of opinion that if free trade measures did away with duties on all other kinds of articles as well as corn, so as to meet all our public burdens by direct taxation alone, it ough. to be opposed. He for one in that case whichsetwl he totally opposed to it. But there was another wa y 1 the benefits of free trade were to be obtained — it w as by relax ing the duties on the comforts of the poor a . e — ( it hHear,ad led hear. This had been done already to some extent, d to an increase of revenue, and his only regret was that the relaxa tion did not go far enough, and include o t h er articles, such as tea, coffee and sugar. Theyought to legislate for the labouring man, for the toiling artisans, for the poor men who were working at the loom; and on this account ne was desirous of supporting the repeal of the corn-laws and the relaxation of protective duties generally.--(Cheers.) Mr. GORING, who commenced his address in a tone of voice that was almort inaudible in the gallery, was understood to oppose the motion under consideration. He considered r that the Noble L or d, t h e M em b er for t h e c ity of London (Lord John John Russell) m us t a tt r ib ute hi s f a il u re in carrying out business of the Go vernmen t to the bold manner in which he stated the measures which h forward. But the Right Hon. Baronetn intended to bring had taken a different course. He had adopted more cunning tactics, and by a kind of mesmeric influence, he h a d brought many of the once inde pendent members of that side of the House to be little better than his body-guard. The Right Hon. Baronet the Paymaster of the Forces, and the Right Hon. Baronet the Vice-President of the Board of Trade , h ad stated that this was a mere land lord's question. They now p ut it to the landlords to make this sacr ifice.—( Cries of " Hear, hear.) If this were the reason why they supported the corn-law so long, he him self, if he had supported it for the same reason, would have been thoroughly ashamed of himself. It was not the large landed proprietors who would be injured by the measure; they, by the extended use of machinery, by not employing so many labourers, and by not keeping up so many buildings (for that, after all, was the real source of expense), would be enabled to meet the difficulties created by this measure ; but it was the small landlords whose estates were mortgaged—(lronical cheers from the free-trade benches) —and the small farmers who would be swept from the face of the earth. The Right Hon. Baronet the Secretary of War, stated that if the land were properly cultivated, they might still produce plenty to make up the deficiency; but how would an increased produce at decreased prices affect the tithe-owner? His interests would be alto gether overlooked in the arrangement. He would oppose this measure to the best of his ability, and they who, with himself, did so, would have at least this consolation, that they would know, that nothing had deterred them from doing what they conceived to be their duty. They would not blame themselves with supporting a course which would ultimately ruin a farmer; and this consolation was also given them, that by no folly or cowardice of theirs would the British labourer or the agricul turist be compelled to the misery and degradation of earning a wretched subsistence in the manufacturing towns.—( Cries of " Oh, oh !" from the Liberal benches. ) Mr. BRIGHT would wish to make one or two observations on the speech o the Noble Lord, tile Member lbr South Lincolnshire, with respect to the imposition of a ss. fixed duty. The Noble Lord i, the other evening amused the House by reading long extracts flout flip.- the former speeches cf Members of the Government on this t que e s Perhaps the Noble Lord would have no objection that Bright) should treat the House with an extract from , 11, B spe t you state of his, delivered to his constituents of South Lincolnshire. that something they can compromise can he effected, Lessauiliottyti!ih,a,ct day has gone by, the only final settlement of when agitation is stopped. Some have su of 55., gradually Con of Sir Robert Peel to impose a duty ao. , ion o _ t (111 duty will pposed ti tl e sat it is the intcn getting less, but I say, that nothing but the (Mr. Bright) fully lead s o the settlement e 6 L f o t r h r wt-hgeunesh"..e:so.aiii<,l until there would duty all be no cessation of the agitation of this question , had been abolished, ' and the man n er th ent t o ould t f hi t n h k e d fo iff r e c r e en o t f ly iu n i, l i s ie t have formed but a very m yr is; l ho :re h r r 1, 1 4 a t : t o o k ) el 2, opinion. The Hon. .I..ein_b_ein,_.rd‘..fot)r, thought, referred, IVO; AS 145 (r. PPik" (Cries of " Oh, oh," from the protectionists)—to the incumberanee and the mortgages on landed property. He hoped that the time was not yet come when landed proprietors could come to this House, urg ing as a plea for assistance, their own extravagance and imprudence, and justifying by that means their demand of a law to raise the price of food in order to give them rents for the properties which they were not really worth. He recollected in one of Dickens' works—he believed in the election of a beadle—that placards were issued over the the town, with " Vote for Scroggins and seven small children." So it was with the landlords, they wanted high rents to provide doweries for their daughters.—(Hear, hear.) The question before the House was now exceedingly narrowed—it was not whether they were to have protection or noi, but whether that protection was to be at once abolished, or to linger oil for three years more. He did not like to say anything to her Majesty'S Afinistenit, because in the speeches they had delivered in the course of the last debate he had witnessed so much of honesty and sincerity in the course they now pursued, that he felt unwilling to say anything that might appear as charging them with a falling-off in the duty they owed their country; but he must say this, that the Government had admitted their case, and he believed that there was no man even en the other side of the House who conscientiously retained the opinion that the abolition of the corn-laws at the termination of three year would be superior to the present removal of them. The impendin famine in Ireland was either a reality, or it was not. The Govern ment told them that they were establishing stores for the aeon mulation of corn to be sold at reduced prices. The Righ t Honourable Baronet said that he could not come to that House and ask for a vote of public money, while a duty of 16s. or 17s. was levied on foreign corn. How, he (Mr. Bright) asked, could_ they come to that House, and ask it to vote 500,0001. or 600,0001. to relieve the people of Ireland, while imposing a duty which narrowed the circle from whence they drew theirsupplies, than snaking the price of food dearer? How, he asked, could the house vote that money, and at the same time keep up those restrictions upon the food of the people? The Right Hon. Baronet had well said that he could not allow the inferier grains to be admitted free of duty for the feeding of cattle, while the heavier duty existed on the nobler grain of wheat, which was properly the food of man. He (Mr. Bright) could not understand how the Right Honourable Baronet reconciled this statement of his with his present intention of imposing a duty of from 4s. to 10s., especially In this season of scarcity, when it should (if it ever ought) be admitted free. lie presumed that one of the reasons why delay was given was that the Right lion. Baronet expected in consequence less opposition to his measure. The Right Hon. Baronet would however find that this idea of his was altogether erroneous. Even if it had emanated from the Council of the League it could not have encountered greater opposition than it had already done ; and he believed that no Mem ber in that House was more convinced of the utility of immediate abolition than were some of the Members on the Treasury benches. If it were a farmers' question, as it had been stated to be, why not immediately sett:e it, as the farmers wished it to be done? Few of them would say that three years was better than immediate abolition. Did the Bight Hon. Baronet expect that he would meet with Ices opposition from the Anti-Corn-law League. lie, as a man of the League, would tell the Right Hon. Baronet that that agitation would not be slackened until the (Ines:ion were finally settled by the aboli tion of all duty. They were pledged to go on with the agitation, and still more were they bound to do it from firmly conscientious mo tives. The free-traders in the country were indebted to the Hots. Member for Wolverhampton for the opportunity he had given the House of recording their voted upon the question ; and he could as sure the House that as they had began the agitation so would they continue the good work, until the question were finally and satis factorily settled. Sir It. PEEL said—l presume it is not the wish of the great body of the House that we should continue that debate, which has lasted for twelve days already.—(Hear, hear.) There are many points that arose in that debate, in respect to which I am anxious to offer some explanation ; but I thought it probable that other opportunities would be found for renewing that subject—the second reading for instance, and I thought it would be much better to postpone any statement that I had to make, or any explanation that I might wish to give, until that opportunity, rather than enter upon it now. I will therefore simply confine myself to the question immediately before the House, namely, whether or not it is desirable that the repeal of the duty should be immediate, or whether it should continue, as pro posed by her Majesty's Government, for a period of three years. Now, Sir, I am bound to say, that if we look singly and abstractedly to the emergency which exists in Ireland, I cannot deny that I think that the profitable measure would be the immediate suspension of all duties, if we had no other question to deal with than that. Suppose we take that course which we took in former years—that is to suspend the duty by Act of Parliament for a perion of eight months, until August or September next. There would be the absolute repeal of all duties, or maintenance only of a nominal duty ; but what would Parliament do in the interim? What provision would be made with respect to the period when the suspen sion would expire? Those who contend that the corn-law ought to be immediately repealed would of course be perfectly satisfied with immediate repeal. It would provide for their permanent object, and It would elsa provide for the removal of all duties during the appre hended scarcity in Ireland. But this is not the universal opinion. There are many who think that the corn-law ought not to be repealed. Her Majesty's Government having to deeide on the 20th Dec.,when they were again recalled to power, thought!there would be an opportunity at the same time of making a provision for the emergency in Ireland, and laying the foundation for a settlement of the question. I have frankly amitted that provision should be made for the present emergency; but what her Majesty's Government had to consider on the 20th December, when they were recalled to power, was to provide for the emergency in Ireland, and to lay the foundation for the ultimate settlement of the question, and in the hope of reconciling those two objects, not perhaps completely, but in the best way possi ble, they made the proposal new under the consideration of the House. With respect to the apprehension of a coming scarcity in Ireland, we certainly did not altogether remove the duty on tern, but what we propose is to remove the duty altogether upon Indian corn—to remove altogether the duty on rice ; but that, perhaps, will not immediately effect Ireland. The duty on cattle — and then with respect to the corn duty, which at the present moment is 175., see what that duty is doing—absolutely preventing you from taking out of bond that superior description and quality of wheat which is most important for the purpose of mixing with the inferior descriptions of wheat in this country. I have before me a me morial signed by the whole of the millers in the towns of Newcastle upon-Tyne. They state that generally a bushel of corn in ordinary years is about 62 or 63 lbs. weight, but that in the present year the average wefght is not more than 58 lbs.— that it was of importance that the better quality of wheat should be admitted for the purpose of mixing with the inferior wheat, and they pray for an immediate remission of the duty. But the daty at pre sent is 175., there being a great quantity of inferior wheat poured into the market at a price which allows the duty to be as high as 175., which operates almost as a prohibition to the taking out of bond that quality of wheat which it is of the utmost importance wo should have in order to produce good food. But the present proposal of her Majesty's Government will not remove the duty on wheat altogether, but it will reduce the present duty. It will do more. It will give a guarantee that in no case whatever can the duty rise above 103., and that there must be a rapid fall in price—which we cannot contemplate—in order to bring the duty up to 10s. The maximum duty at present is 20s. The duty under the present proposal of tier Majesty's Government would be 10s. for the maximum, and it is not probable, even if the price should fall to ao extent which is not likely to occur, that the duty will rise higher than ss. or 6s. That is what the proposal of her Majesty's Government does with respect to wheat. Now, with regard to barley, the duty on barley was 7s. The proposal of the Government was merely for a nominal duty, it would not exceed 2s. Bd, The duty upon peas is Gs., under the proposal of Go vernment it would not exceed 2s. ; but in the case of barley and oats, however, there is a different guarantee, that the price should not rise, in the case of barley, above ss. and in the case of oats, above 4s. The duty on rye, at present 85. 6d., under this proposal would be 4s. 6d. The duty on beans is Os. 6d., and it would be nearly the same under the Government proposal. lam speaking now with re gard to the apprehended scarcity in Ireland, but the House will ob serve that the proposal of the Government is no less perfect than it would be if that apprehension was removed. In the present state of public feeling, a feeling that you cannot apply or attribute to this abstracted case of security, I think it would be an inconvenient course at the present moment to propose a suspension of our corn laws for nearly six months, for by a mere suspension we could look to no advancement towards the settlement of the question of the corn-laws. But I think that a mere suspension for six months would, in point of fact, tend to render uncertain and unsatisfactory' the great question, which is, after all, the great question to he con sidered, namely, the footing upon which the corn-laws shall hereafter exist. For my own • part, it is my own opinion, and most decidedly it is for the public interest that the corn-laws should be immediately settled, or that a certain assurance should be g'ven on the part of the Government that at no remote period the duties or imports affecting trade should be re-arranged; and I think that the proposal of her Majesty's Govern ment satisfactorily gives that assurance. I certainly, however, in ferred, from what fell the other night from Hon. Gentlemen on this side of the House, that they were inclined to prefer Immediate repeal to the proposal new before the House. I admit, however, there were some who were not of this opinion; but I think I am right in stating that the Hon. Member for Shropshire preferred immediate repeal. Certainly I was anxious to arrive at the opir ion of those Hon. Members, and from their declarations I gathered it would be more satisfactory had an immediate repeal of the corn-laws been proposed by her Majesty's Government, Her Majesty's Government, how ever, proposed a partial suspension for a period of three years, partly from an impression that it was preferable in itself to imme diate repeal, and partly from the hope that the proposal would be more satisfactory than immediate repeal to those who were connected with the agricultural interests. It was under this impression that immediate repeal was considered by us to be inexpedient. But as it is most decidedly the opinion of the friends of the agricultural interests and the warm supporters of its prosperity, that immediate repeal was preferable to our proposal, we must have been • labouring under a mistake.—(Loud cries of " No, no, we are not in favour of immediate repeal.") Why I cer tainly inferred, from the general assent that was given to the declara tion of the Honourable Member for Somerset, by those who repre sent the agricultural interest arid those who are best acquainted with its feelings, and the best judges of its interests, that they think that immediate repeal is preferable to the suspension of repeal for three years ; and I have no doubt that, by uniting, with Hon. Gentlemen on the opposite side of the House, they would be enabled to carry that proposition.—(Hear, hear.) I must, nevertheless, confess that my opinion is not in favour of immediate repeal, and that our para mount object ought rather to be to lay a foundation for the adjustment of that question. Should, however, the House accept the amend ment in preference to the measure proposed by her Majesty's Go vernment, I shall have little hesitation in adopting it. The amend ment is now in your hand, and it remains for you to choose between it and the Government measure At the same time I must own that my opinion in favour cf the original motion remains un touched. Now, the Hon Gentleman the Member for the city et Durham, threatens us with renewed and continued agitation. lam sorry for it, for I think that agitation on this hiestion'might be most wisely done away with. I will go farther, Ide not think it will be in their power to continue the agitation, and if this war measure was which passed, itwould le t noaatd to. tem Still attempt would a ll i bL rry mad t e ha t t o th d e ls l tr n b . o t t e nt s i e em ttl a e n m h e as nt held out threats, for if there was a general acquiescence in the question, I must say that continued agitation by the Anti-Corn-law League. assurance years, an t d h a t h t a t t h e d a d r u h t i y g upon corn shouldconsidering there ee w a a t s a a period am o f e n t h t a r r e 3 e ' period there would be no duty at all, in comparison with the existing d u ties, I must say I think further agitation would be unnecessary. I must, however, admit that if agita tion is renewed, I should not be able to meet it. The non. Gentleman the Member for the city of Durham tells us that year after year the motion would be made for the absolute and im mediate repeal of the corn-laws. Well, it might be made, and year after year the time would be approaching when absolute and imme diate repeal would take place. I cannot see therefore that mueh in terest would attach to that motion. Besides, if the measure of the Government were carried, a great number of persons would withdraw from the Anti-Corn-law League, and there would be a great number that would say, is not this motion unreasonable considering the difference of opinion which exists upon it, considering that every year and every day is advancing us towards absolute repeal of the duty —or at least a reduction of it to merely a nominal amount? I cannot help thinking, therefore, and considering also that at certain periods the duty during the three years would be much lower than it had hitherto been, that this threatened agitation would be useless, but at all events the agitation would not be of that dangerous character which it has been. Our measure has met with great opposition from members of the protectionist side ; but I can assure the Honse that we brought forward the proposal, partly preferring it to lime- diate repeal, and partly from a sincere desire to consult the wishes and meet the views of those who represent the agricultural interests. If, however, with their assistance this measure be carried—that is to say, if immediate repeal be preferred to the proposal of the Govern ment, it is my intention to accept of the amendment. I intend to do what I can to promote the success of that measure, but I cannot be answerable for the success of the measure— it is quite impossible that I can be.—(Hear, hear.) It is totally impossible that I should answer for the passing of that measure if the motion for immediate repeal is persisted in. Now I prefer that measure to immediate re peal on this ground, that her Majesty's Government has pro posed thither measures connected with the carrying of this measure. Now Hon. Gentlemen object to deferred repeal on the ground that there will be two tariffs—one now and one at the end of three years.—(Hear, hear.) But I do not see how there will be two tariffs. I have a very strong impression that the price of wheat in consequence of this procrastination will be somewhat cheaper —every quarter of wheat that is now sold would be some I s. ed. •r 2s. less than it would be as admitted under the present tariff. There can be no great amount of supply from any part of the world during the present year. I cannot help thinking that there will be a foreign competition from which the English farmer need not fear much. We propose to give encouragement to the drainage and improvement of the land, should this measure be accepted. If it be accepted there will be an opportunity, without much difficulty, of getting money for the improvement ; there will be at least an opportunity on more favourable terms of procuring money for the improvement of indifferent land. I cannot help tl k itrhi g e also end that a f withiiat periodthree y ears th h a e t fore th t e l r a e aml is th t e o tion the hands of landed proprietors will of those three for the improvement of land, kn b er e w be lVg ic e ,reo t i p; a : jeid . a ,! should be in the event petition upon mare favourable terms than years, we shall, I think, be in a position andat to the m t w w e i t e r espect to Canada of a very good harvest. Sir, I believe tha d more acceptable to that it would be more for their advantage, t ea repeal of corn-laws country, and also to America, thatvears than if fil that repeal should be deferred fur thre i e end tidthat foreign corn hear.) These were the rea took place Inenedlately. — (Ilclkait:jesty's Government to make sons which' induced l t ie t r hink that there will that tariff at the this proposition.. cannot so me apprehend. If the foreign grower end of three yea ,4l which c immense advantage after the lapse of three part of the foreign growers that that will • 1 impression on the general ye a rs , he will impression the measure, the result will be the raising of the v'eersycilkenucli mistaken. But I think if there be that years, he will be be the effect o price o f land, and the production of corn by the foreign producer will be increased. New these were the general reasons which appeared sufficient to induce her Majesty's Government to ofp roose this as conducive towards the ultimate and final settlement their another measure—(Hear are b _e(pllreeaferr,rehtart)h —but vitnll will noti do ir this ques tion. They will retain their opinion ; they w ill cont i nue to make their proposals ; they will do all they can for the purpose of g a at ild ll o l n say, tlte what they can to give effect to that m easure ; b ut, of course, t hi s the meantime supporting abandon House is the best judge of the character of the proposition—(Cheers) Mr. PALMER rose amidst much confusion and salts of "Divide. divide." The lion. Member was very indistinct throughout his speech. We understood him to say that the Anti-Corn-law League were the robbers of the agricultural interest ; that the agricultural interest were deserving of their commiseration and good feeling, aril that they should not therefore cry them down as they had done,