The Sun. — London, England, 1846-02-20 00:00:00

--. es-- --- e - ' ri row upon them? He (Mr. Williams) thought that, instead et the Noble Dukes pursuing such a line of conduct as that Zvharged against them by the Hon. Member for Athlone, they ight much rather to follow the example of the Right Hon. i.::: si e t t y o o p f po s a e, w h o, see i ng the foreign eompetion to which rnbe manufactures of this country were subjected, and seeing the putting the country in such a position as to be able 'rela rneet—(Cries of question, question). He believed that he spesking to the question, and he was surprised that Hon. toeutlemen opposite were so dull and senseless as not to be able I see that he was speaking, to the question.—( Hear, bear, and t a sghters) He thought this was a subject decidedly requiring l,decislon of the 110 use of Comtnons, and he hoped that 1,7. Rouse would give its support to a motion the object of eei .. 4 was to rectify its own position with the country. Ile con th 'ett that itwas only due to the characters of innocent men that ti l e Y,bhould be placed in a position of which they were worthy. %,„..itad expressed his opinion, and he trusted that the House eo u ti uld bear him out in the belief that it was necessary that the 81, tr t!!1e s uld be put in full possession of the eir_cu a ms_tance a s t . ter th at et_'-lisiERT PEEL was somewhat surprisedttis who had had j sEt sa u t 6 a , been introduced by the Hon.. Gentleman_ iiehse.7e.,carooliwsno.f Ile dtd not understand wnat relation the matter e t ,u had to do with the main subject or the debate. He putting the motion on its proper bearing, and th e ° ld not see what necessary relation there was between th e '"'"tten of the Hon. Member and the main discussion of etit e l 'ellin g,' ''tz• the corn-laws. lie believed the Hon. lali e jman had entirely mistaken the position which he had eso upi t tlfs arid he must tell the lion. Gentleman he was most Rations elf mistaken, if he supposed himself liable to any alle 11%' of censur e on account of the course which he had s e hg i ut it his duty to pursue. He was not aware that any eaeor°Putation had been thrown out against him—he was not qeo n a that any corrupt or selfish motives had dictated his line kte •", ° L ts Re could distinctly say, no such feelir.g had ever e r h t •" "us. 110 was not aware that any such motivee had t st intro i mputed to hire. Certain he was that the could w as fe rs er 'ee his conduct at the present moment, y _ Now it 'if th ee ' r uns Irs de s i re t h at t h e P eers s h ou ld ever b e d eprive d rip; Pr ri per i n fl uence in the election of Members of the House hot ren 'ts. House si Porti on o lie h o p e d t h e d ay would never come in which of th e Constitution would be d . eprived 'lPr et , • Ptunate infl uence and he was unable to refrain from imp,, 'l si iig his feelings en ' a sub j ect of so much interest and ii, anc e T, , ~ • e county might have ~,tote d h . • , .ne Lora Lieutenant o . a " 6 tii i s hie to the f ance of his duty, l e ued r e , per orm _ C's s et e Peet and esteem by its performance. and might have -. He might r , ll t 7. eXarople .f improvement to his labourers, and have 1 1 iesitwo-retihead of the loos] society,. not . be his affluence but I._. 'er 'e of "' and n thing' could extinguish the legitimate in -7gree-i; "eh ama that and God forid the day should ~flioneeti real W n h a ' s d ir , tue should not]ave their proper m'cl ex-este—e(llear,ohrteara.n) virtue shouid not have their proper tlear, hear.) They knew that such an influence 4a try' 6,1 they might also think it unparliame . ntary, u a adl ot e c ult of respect for the feeling, or inclination, of their te,.. , will a & NA it aeupt a particular course, and the less the at h) tvereezereising an undue influence was made, the more * as, th re ady to support the feelings of a virtuous landlord. i ,„ e tsrt sc i, 'I; eore, impossible to prevent some influence being Zhisih: fi uut was there any proof before the House that an d ii; w as t l e nee had been exercised ? What were the h rounds s p6 lit sk 6 Honourable Member went?: That t e House l o t 'Pre e t he matter into their consideration ?" If the "r e : i) dere P r o e ci d i t ,. o go upon . grounds like that, there would always When he (Sir Robert e o• similar investigation. 11 irfe -ltile into the House - the Honourable Member was ew t ar h t e e e PY 'of a petition presented by the inhabitants of r repre %si Ilio tt te h - -e Duke o Newcastle, with regard to their 4'f ti l , i Y a d istinguished gentleman. On such foundations_ id 'e d o Ge ti V e l in t ue would be occupied in these discussions. The h. s ted 0 , 3 !IN as proof Sir R. Peel) verily believed, had not oitit,'eli 8,p,, single of any kind—plausible or actual on Pn7, iri a ,. motionan could be founded. He produced no s te. ute g t ,is .., y act of interference ; he produced no proof the hsay to effa any person in power had desired any con -44 'to o (-,,. t ote in favour of any individual. lie had heard 100 M; - s erl tteman was unable to produce any one fact, but e l ll', tt ed ( o ''''le extracts from a weekly paper.. If they were t s ' lab,„ g'' on such authority, there would be no end o it" H o .4. * Now, with respect to Buckinghamshire, his % I to t,Prfurable Friend, the late Secretary for Ireland, felt ,coq - ',, t •° l honour due to his constituents , that it was in to)rly-P°ll him to resign his seat. 'Whether rightly or C s ' il estit'i t t e ,_(Sn R. Peel would would not take upon himself to to 4e lte o . " 41 °Iiseht it was difficult to blame Honourable *s ~ te l in; f° ,' entertaining feelings of this nature. f it her, a e d - 'eat or constitutional point of view, how that to asitted that they were sent there as free agents,_an 15:,,1*4 4 ,„ 111 , bent upon them to be, in general, actuated by m g •-. Qentle•--(Hear, hear.) But they could not blame a k uitt koc risen if a sense of private honour and personal .ee tort li e t hem to overcome these strictly constitutional lu e •fotte,l_ , with regard to his Hon. Friend the late Member tife e t !to ,, e i t u atu t t he believed he was_ sent there by his consti '4l' 4 alp the existing corn-laws, not at the suggestion . Ne ss , th eee e e r r i b. nt acting upon their own . feelings and wishes , eten"a a di ai nlY called upon him to chargesreign his seat when he tki: a% h; S Nition to support a in the corn-laws :. It ,ISS, rl thi s - Ned that the Noble Lord ought to have nisre so I? h e htiuest, because his constituents could turn round le t ' i 'efthi eh ad no right to have given any pledges, hut should ht s t s 4 l th; s e e .troiten to take what course he thought proper, after . ~ke'tadisti"usscussions upon particular measures ; but having lec t ,. i a, t - e net Pledge that he would maintain, or do his best to Nl ' , hi le existi; t corn-laws, there was no other courr *1 11 444° out to accede to the equest of the majority of his N,1, 4* h il ea •---( Hear hear.) On the grounds, therefore, erc is esee is,, ;uated ' he would oppose the present motion. "Je e l,,glit h;" the atmosphere ()sphere of freedom. Peers had a per ' e t wb . . 4 Public meetity7 to express their opinions on the I te 3 l, thei r ,_h Governtreng might think proper to pursn e e s: r se 'ld tt p.7..eantry looked up to them as prope e r h gu t id eo. ,„Ite!'t l l.4 t. r i et right to do so—there could b deprecateohie 11 1 0 ',l l ,ttiti „---( Hear, hear.) He would therefore . l "Letl l °- ° I . any i-npositien on the tree conduet h - ot any s h ,',Y o',lcle belonged to aristocracy Ltls'at eUbr'" home to the noble personages whose names 1/41I' N eie" — b een mentioned, the charge of any improper it s ~e the election of a Member of that house, he would '°ll 4i 4 t ß i kati t ti e , (l to enter into the case hut if it was a vain 'ls INs to b ecause of the belief of Hon. Gentlemen, which 4 rt,, • ,t. So, Per s o eel's) opinion it was, and which was without . f te,, , ,Lies s 0, undation then he 'or one, as he had before said, t'4,,,,,,;'.:ilieel4th,!_e_lu'estions which the Hon. Gentleman had ' " eprecisely the same course now a.! he 'es.tdaptilY Pursued. He believed that the course desired er i r oe tto " by the House would be a most objectionable arid lr hst e ,,,, e l : and he should therefore give it his most deter t' les t . I.IUNID4--( Loud cheers. ) it * ith 'Oa r , •-• tlitl the Mee, would place its If in a most ex hotlt Piet P l e 2 j ' e t ,' , 7 s by the standing order . which it had passed ,i , :qt4 4 ° . th, or f rots rterence of Peers at elections, and the or tit w f esent motion. The Right Hon. Baronet had . th„'See, „aste r s , 1 ' • that Peers had interfered in a s ; te es I I ", c. y notorious . es set %%Jay did the maintam the standing orders? q xi r l t tL e tftte ( . 4) * , Raionet had y said that he would have been i• C ; . .r, 6.ltet t \* 11 'Upport of the motion, had the lion. Member `elletfluseey introduced proofs of Peers' interference. lie I lls t) l e h.._%*',lfilld therefore request his lion. Friend (Mr. o'lri it i el s• r' i i T rl e his motion until he was prepared with C, t 'ltle. r e th "en he was prepared with those proofs, he 'el e I°°. t h . ti of that ~ " is most cordial support. The public ~‘tp,ltilkii they did ex st at the present moment, a num. rSseel-s (sie"'stiluen . which ' were subject to certain in tt'fspe;mlv w s o e i. * h ri . hear ) c — le whichwere a direct violation of the L ee s. ---th it was expected the Reform Bill would have r, i ti Lcted b e ar, hear.) One of the first objects proposed to , t l ro t ,"rfer n Y the Reform Bill was the removal of all impro- . t l lls t , -et ts• e i e h i n the election of Members of the House o; 4 4 ' 0 0' 1 41y ha t 'till had faded in that respect; he would I tl tt r atra er 1 . nnutable man to deny that Peers yet exercised ', * „ . e r „'‘',.._se e . i','lln..a..ry influence in the election of . Members of `qa t '"'nat e d ''' Were many instances in which Members ete,,. to that • and returned to that House, under a system tl 'leV i ne sett,‘:ilich prevailed at the time when borough *neat s' 'n vo gue.—(liear, hear.) It was true the t e es tis, b.. carried to as great 114 ' "t be - ' a extent as . under the ,fateriteightfitits nevertheless, it prevailed to a certain extent. h ee Y e wh en ° t he able to purchase a seat in that House as lt, cede te ed t en a certain sum might insure election, but still s , 4 ° a certain extent • ad it was only by scentbringing laer their attention' that they could induce the to t "sp,,eo tiel _ , e the steps to bring about the reform. Ile h e• tr ier t e ee ° as he 1.84 commenced Is recommending his iTi sk 8 , and bring the subject bete:lel:: es,sier not to press his motio n , a' d y e'• e ilbetuasien nn additional another .oet t , NAUMAN CRAWFORD said k C 44 attention of the House to the abseol iseeative taking steps to remodel the laws had repeatedly u r t e e i a t i necessity hg t e t of SN,°: Members of Parliament, but he did notthink that re:c it t 4; l 4 - d ever occurred in that House which show this '4' l ' *ca 'strongly. Here were charges brought by an H on. tki t p ltS i against certain Members of that House, which Were c ' k ,,' 4, ll . 4 atnre as to demand inquiry by a Committee. He k`ft,!'s ooTan Crawford) naturally thought that when such O) etklrde,rtlade that those implicated in them would have ' t f , tiv,:Nl, t. ',',a4 o wed them, but not one so implicated had got e l tl ee hle t , "ern. What was the House and country to think ilt t i i, hi s eci ee il l d n the part of Hon. Gentlemen? The impres le4ss in th ee , and on the mind of the country, would be, liettileetCe3,*sere true, because if they had been untrue I• e r oe et i th ed ed b in them would have felt it incumbent to deny Oit e k4i, 4 ti n in their power to do so. The Right . Hon. ~2 ti,,kq e • el) had talked about the legitimate right of I, , gt ty;:tht-e'llatever statements they liked and to act as h e at "hl,linCl'er• lie for one had no right to abolish the , it (14: qad i"'Pl• One distinguished Nobleman had said wh h 4 t ight to do what he liked with his own," and L 44 kkt Nan v , Yi,s a , i,l er , h e - ealsviord) was of the same opinion ; ell' ", 1.4, 1 °Net:tea to was, that this right t it NI " t) r ti; nP in terror to those who de .N,, .ov er their lk o s P l ll, At % . subsistence on those who held ‘keciat k i 41 sheet ul order that they might act according to .. a le ,. wb,, h e wished a legitimate right to be main at le t Dish I,`` w as ill, i t . s t li tt % ad been made by a h b e olis e h n ed. However the state • Hon. Member, would sink te l s s ki a,t,4e Public mind, b a y lid t induce ' them to seek reform. '41014, 4 1 5 , d.6'ot represent the eole, but he trusted the 14 .11 4 ,? . *i. 4 teit e ie l t , st r a .. _ut when it would - fairly represent them, 'O 4 VO efel'praetices as those enumerated were l e P ei LL ETer 14 k ot l d, atm ~..;I _ , l he should adopt the suggestions of his St 54 ° se a wa s - ;:, tu drasr his motion. i. g l ilth'AßLi'e,ft w ithdraw n accordingly. li st ! C c t rti „"TiENTARY RETURNS. I N se , a eott e A ( l ). e. for S. copy of the rules and regulations l 'el t '"Se tth Yea s i s ? t ' and an abstract of the operations of the s, sei e ft'l 0 , - ooe its reform ; stating the expense under ke 'tit '', i n ''" arno n 1 slt e tit le ' se l l nt of coin, and the number of each "h 'ate Ited e • 3e ar ; also for a return of the number of ti t) re c , i fe to itS °I. corninitt Ito prison on a charge of 41 1- 4 4 4 . j4t o t u h e e - ir'4 P u o u , re d . tobacco, or - having adulterated t Ztee of J S I. Y, 1844 ',', ° n+ in each of the years ended the sth S*11 1 . ) t he e rl uery I ,l,`ue sth d•y of January, 1545, and the ~4; jot(l'l44 ty ' l •,*° , stating the number of persons con ': . 'Ad "° Pald the penalties, the number who ° I " 1 4 al t he no tktli e N I , alt" t h e Weer confined in prison for adultera- N ef Ist ti r Yi 18 44, numbe r of p rsons in prison on the Ist t 'dte e e e Y o• of e arili ° a 'a the Ist day of January, 1845, enact rY, 1 846, for the offence of adulter 11 S J AllO 10% t-qiNi-Nr., 4.11. o.4ti satisfeetorn S it 'll e ` St. he Russ , .-, CONFEDERATION. * • e h l'sLL e n tie 11 4 e" the o e " of her 11f se t o put a question to the . H h o e n. li t , A I: etty soe eenro. t ajeste's Government. He wished_ was reared to lay on the t 11;tifretir btere informationcoofedeYrati, as to the state of affairs '. ; it t h iti t kt til l if li . th ,1:1 EyEtil-,stated.athat he was not prepared at the th; t' is t4olt y te fermation on the subject. There was %V di rise receiving crimmunications from that s - e,,,Sere cult; • nee Of its pre.ent situation—so great t os ep sleiettt lndeed, that up . " t the resent time u. 441 in t i le bo.ad upaortedreceived a - ny °official ittormation . of f't''_'te i to 'l to t h'l° de la Pia' a. They were, therefore, quite le L . _ was 4 : Position of affairs. In conclusion, he begged 1 4 4, 4 PA 'Pre 4 t„it efl.Si th to give any information on the sub tiii*teePPesit `‘ S ION k t oe ti r Il t je h ri p e e wh ethpr egged leave to ask the Right Hon. , ° *l3 ' i tlil r 'ee and a , any convention had been enterer , IS il l , pt„,, ,-r!gland respecting the La Plata? e , l , l ,4 4 l).l, 3 seki ett ' . "e said that he cuuld not give any infor a le t bljs,UßN e , s , ,:t4tot theo'CAN'? DEBATE —CORN -LAWS. t; tele tte. P . res ettt ros e ~__ arid said he had been always a sup hawinmads.of free trade principles tt e nee ti l are eot the cot , ii `T nad not before made any remarks on tiPliekt.l:xth iilomtitart44l,:e4ltt;l7l,;:ileilthrita:wer;:lie?..njoiitifbilr:didarleele:toseasrmnrieddetnvvitt'as not because he had heard ahoTthreiumqpubeastnitonou of y un i c a. a , jou)dhit heard much since those ''Y now fatigled doc . trines wi g th re P gard to ever, gile his o bject improve and mid t„ t hority, THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY the political honour and consistency, which were not to be found in any of the writings of political economists. If he had delayed from taking a part in the debate, he was not pre. vented by any doubts on the expediency of their repeal. It was his fortune to go down into Warwickshire some days ago, and he met a gentleman who was a large grazier in thee part of the country. He met him galloping along the road at a fearful pace. He (Lord Duncan) said to him, "My good friend, where are you going ?" " Oh," said he, " you and Sir Robert Peel have been a-ruining of us all. I read the speech of Mr. Miles—he is the great oracle of us agriculturists.—( Laughter.) He never exaggerates, and he has been a-telling of us that in America there are no less than 5,500,000 men employed in building an ark, in which they will bring over immense quantities of cows and cattle, in order to sell them in the Bristol market —(Laughter)—and he says that American pork will be three-halfpence a pound, while prime pork will be only two pence. Get out of the way, and let me rush into the market." And he did go into the market, and he sold his cattle, which to him was a serious loss. He ( Lord Duncan) met the same agriculturist the other day, and he said to him, " Well, did you sell all your corn in the market ?" He replied, "No, my Lord, I did not." " Why, 1 thought (continued the Noble Lord) that you would have followed the advice of your grew oracle, the Member for Soniersetshire." To this he replied, "Oh, Fee been gammoned by him before, and I'll never be gaiumoned again."— ( Laughter. ) When the Hon. Gentleman the Member for Somerset made his prophecies formerly on this subject, they had not been realised; and for his (Lord Dun can's) pas t he would prefer giving credence to the prophecies of the Right Hon. Baronet opposite to those of the Hon. Gentle- Marl. The Hon. Member for Sunderland proposed to meet the public calamity by a public subscription. His arguments surprised him • more than any other Hon. Gentleman who had addressed the House. He ( Lord Duncan) was accustomed to look upon :the Hon. Gentleman rather as an enemy of the agricuttural interest—( Hear)—and if be expected any man ti be a free-trader it was the Right Hon. Gentleman. —( Great laughter.) He meant the Hon. Gentleman.—( Laughter.) The Hon. Gentleman had said that about the year 1841 or 1842 there was a great commercial depression, and that during the last year a new change had come over them. The Honourable Member for Sunderland contended that the , change had not been owing to the recent alteration in the tariff, but to an over-production of corn in their own country. Now, he was not aware that the price of foreign corn would have any great influence on the English market. He found upon inquiry that whenever foreign corn could be bought for 255. a quarter, that it cauld not be sold in this country for a less price than the corn which was daily sold in the countri markets. He might take the instance of Prussia or Poland, and yet what were the results? Why no difficulty whatever, notwithstanding the outcry had been experienced by the ma nufacturing population. And what was the thing understood under the name of protection? Why that the consumer should pay high prices for the necessaries of life ; and high prices and high rents were accompanied by expensive outlays on the part of the people. Such a system might do very well in times of plenty, but in years of scarcity matters assumed a very dif ferent aspect ; and an evidence Ind been given in the in stance of the potato crop, of which so much had been said. High prices were no benefit to the labourer. The labourer's wages depended on the great cause of supply and demand, and if the demand for labour was to increase in this country, we need not be apprehensive that the proposed measure would materially interfere with them. The rate of wages in England was lower than the rate in America, but in order to have high wages there must be high profits. The efflux of capital caused a competition and a decreased rate of wages, and when that was the case the labourer gradually reduced his food until at length he was brought to the lowest ebb of subsistence; and when such a state of things occurred some interference was necessary. During the last century the landed proprie tors had kept up the price of corn by artificial means. In the years Ib7o and 1690 the price was attempted to be kept up by passing en Act to cause the exportation of corn. The preamble of the Act stated that it was expedient to export the native corn, as it kept up the price to the benefit of the landowners. That was done on the pretence of encouraging agriculture, but it was in reality to increase the price of corn. Fortunately this country, in the year 1790, became an importing country, and the object of the Act was partially defeated. The pro hibitory Act of 1815 had been frequently referred to in the course of the debate. It was in order to afford protec tion to the farmers. He would, with their permission, quote the words of - Mr. Robinson on the subject. Were they the aristocracy of the land, when the country was asking to be led on against foreign competition, to hold back? Such aright be the opinion of the landlords of Buckinghamshire and Sussex, such might be the opinion of lion. Members opposite; but he was proud and happy to say that the landlords in that part of the country with which he was connected were ready and willing to assist the people in this laudable object. He stood there as an independent Member, not to explain any. thing he might have said in or out of that House, to vin dicate a pledge which he had given on the hustings, and one which he hoped had been given by other lion. Members—to support those measures which he believed would he beneficial to the country. Believing that this would be the effect of the measure brought forward by her Majesty's Government—be lieving that it would tend to promote and advance the manu factures of the country—believing, too, that that interest would not be promoted without benefiting agriculture, he far one should give to the measure his honest and humble support. Mr. G. HUDSON said he wished in the strongest terms the rules of the House would allow him to use to contradict the assertion of the Noble Lord, that in the observation he made the other evening he meant to treat lightly with the distress of Ireland.—( Hear, hear.) Having explained thus much, he wished to state that what he did say was, that he thought it was the duty of Government immediately to provide for the distress of Ireland, and that he should be ready to give his support to any measure that might be brought forward for that purpose.—( Cheers. ) Lord DUNCAN said he was delighted to hear that the Hon. Gentleman was ready to support any measure which might be brought forward by her Alajesty'e Government bene ficial to Ireland. But— (Loud cries of " Order, order," in the midst of which the Noble Lord resumed his seat). Jr. THONIPSON said he was ready to confess that this debate had been sufficiently lengthened by Hon. Members, but he hoped that the House would permit him to state the grounds on which he would vote upon this question. —( Hear, hear.) He claimed that indulgence particularly from the circumstance of his having held a seat in that House for more than 26 years—(llear, hear)—during which period he had not been an indifferent observer of those changes which had been made from time to time in reference to the cause of the reduc- Lion of duties upon foreign produce.—( Hear, hear.) He gave his support to the extensive measure which had been intro duced by the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of her Majesty's Government, in the year 1842, for the reduction of those duties. To a portion of that measure he certainly did object, but as a whole he gave it his support. The reason why he objected to a portion of that measure was because he believed that, whilst there was a large sacrifice made, there was no corresponding advantage. —( Hear.) But since that period another very important change had taken place—he meant in reference to the banking: system in England. That House had limited the issues of the Bank of England as well as the circulation of country notes.—( Hear, hear.) It was true that hitherto no inconve nience had been felt, but it must be borne in mind that the times had been peculiarly favourable.—( Hear.) If the mea sures now proposed should be adopted, and if their importations did not exceed their exports, he believed that great injury would result to the country—its fact, he believed that no greater injury could befal it. And was there no alarm of that being the case ? The Right Hen. Baronet hail can didly and fairly stated that he could not hold out any expecta tion to the country that the foreign importers would immediately adopt a more liberal commercial system with respect to this country.— ( Hear, hear.) Those reasons amongst others had induced him not to vote for any further measures which had as their object the freedom of trade. —( Hear, hear.) He voted with the Rieht Ho,. Baronet in the fear 1842; but the House would remember that the years anterior to 1842 were marked by great distress. Such was the state of the country in 1842. There had been immense sums annually spent in the construction of railways. The Right lion. Baronet claimed the support of the House in consequence of the partial failure of the potato crop, and the bad quality of those that re mained. There could he no question that the potato crop in Ireland had failed to a great extent, but he was equally sure that every relief would be afforded that it was in the power of the House to give. Could there be any:stronger proof of this than that even in the short time that House had sat Bills to the amount of half a million had been passed to give employment to the people? Wheat and Baur were now falling in price, and he, therefore, did not think the measure of the Government was required. But, suppose there had been good grounds of alarm, why the Government ought to have taken the responsibility on themselves. The Right Hon. Baronet had alluded to what had taken place in the last century about the opening of the ports, but he omitted to mention the ease of 1826. At that time the ports were opened for the importation of oats, barley, and other articles of consumption, and no difficulty was found in the Govern ment of that day getting an Act of indemnity, although pro tection was much higher than at present ; but the importation differed between 1826 and the present time—there was then no Anti-Corn-law League, that unconstitutional body which was seeking to do away with the agricultural body, but which, he believed , did not represent popular feeling: It was said that now there was a perfect understanding be tween the manufacturers and the labouring classes. He would on that point remind the House of the great alteration . in tone and manner evince d b y the League since it was first established. He recollected that three or four years ago the great argument used by Anti-Corn-law manufacturers was, that it wasquite impossible to compete with Switzerland, if they paid the present rate of wages. They then made a contrast of the great difference between the wages paid in Lancashire and Switzerland, and maintained that unless wages were reduced they would be compelled to remove their capital and ma chinery to foreign countries. He, therefore, contended that it was a delusion to t 1 e people to maintain wages at the present rate, if a reduction took place in the price of food. He believed that there never was a period in the history of this country in which the master manufacturers had made such large profits, and in which the labourers were better paid. Within the last few years wages had increased full 30 per cent. Mr. Tidil Pratt had lately published an account of the savings' banks, from which it appeared, in 1841, there were in the United Kingdom 811,205 depositors, representing a capital of 24,475,085/. Three years after, in 1844, the number of depo sitors had increased to 1,012,000, representing a capital of 31,275,6351.. and the average sum for each depositor was 27/. 18s. This amount proved that the country was in a most pro,perous state. In the agricultural districts the deposits of each person averaged 281. ; in the manufacturing districts the average was 301. With such a state of things, why should there be 60 great a change in the Right Hon. Baronet? It was said that to buy in the cheapest and sell in the dearest markets was the policy to be pursued ; but he was of opinion that pro tection was necessary to the agricultural interests of the coun try to enable them to supply any market. If the corn-law s were to be repealed, why not repeal the navigation laws ? Why should not the farmers be allowed to bring their corn to market in those ships which would bring it at the cheapest rate ? He, therefore, could not bring his mind to v o t e i n f avour o f this question. He would like to know what statesman in either Europe .or America, had ever advocated fr e e t ra d e .— ( Hear, hear .) He would like to know in what country of Europe or America free trade existed. —( Hear.) He was ready to admit that, he signed the petition of 1815.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) But still he would like to have an ans wer to his question. Certainly Mr. Webster did not do so, and he was as clever a statesman and as talented a man as he had ever heard of. He would now read an extract from a speech delivered by Mr. Webs ter at Boston in 1845 ; .but be fore he did so, let him remind the House that America had been going on increasing its tariff for several years from 30 to 40, and 50, and even 100 per cent., and no country had made such rapid strides to prosperity as America.—( Hear, hear. ) [The Honourable Member then proceeded to read the extract from the speech, which contained an argu merit to show that prosperity reigned in America, and that this result was attributable to the protection laws.] The Hon. Gentleman having concluded reading the document, observed that he would not trouble the House with any further remarks on that part of the subject. 'The Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Government, on a recent occasion, asked Hon. Gentlemen who sat about him (Mr. Ald. Thompson) whether - they were prepared to retrace their steps with respect to our commercial policy, or whether they intended to remain still or to go forwards? As far as his own opinions, as a single individual were concerned, he certainly was not disposed either to go back or to remain still. He was inclined to go forward, but at the same time he was not able to go along with the Right Hon. Baronet in the path he had chosen. 'I he Right Hon. Baronet had stated that the rental of the land in this ountry in 1815 was estimated at thirty. two millions, and in 1842 it was reckoned at seventy millions, and the Right [lon. Gentleman had endeavoured to infer that the value of rents in 1842 was higher than in 1815 by a difference amount ing to 15 per cent.—(hear.) He (Mr. Alderman Thompson) believed that since 1815 land which had lain waste had been inclosed and improved to the extent of about 15 per cent. upon i;s ancient value, and at a fallen price.—( Hear.) Did the Richt Hon. Baronet mean to contend that thirty millions, the difference of increase, had been employed between 1815 and 1842 without any interest having been received on so large a capital, and that it was included in an additional revenue of five millions? If these items were put together, it would not appear that the Right Hon. Baronet had made out his case with respect to the difference of increase. The argument which the Right Hon. Baronet wished to prove was, that rents had advanced between the years 1815 and 1842. He (Mr. Alderman Thompson) had endeavoured to show that that argument was fallacious, and whether he had succeeded or nor would be for the House to consider. The Hon. Membet for Manchester had asked why the corn trade should not be free ?—why the British merchant should be restrained from embarking in that trade? He would contend that the corn trade was a free trade, nay, it was more than free, it was protected, and had always been unembarrassed. —( Hear, hear.) she Honourable Gentleman had also expressed a wish to know how it was that land had obtained as high a price now as it had formerly obtained? He (Mr. Alderman Thompson) hail made numerous inquiries in various quarters, and had found hat recently no large estate whatever had been said at any time, because of the diffisulty of finding a purchaser.— ( Hear, hear.) Perhaps some Honourable Gentleman in the other side of the House would inform him whether or not such was the case. Although he could not support the present measure, he was free to confess that all his predilections were in favour of the manufacturer. —( Loud cheers from the free-traders.) At a very early pe riod accident has placed him at the head of a very large este alishnient in a manufacturing town, and consequently he was more interested in commerce and manufactures than in land. he Right Hon. Gentleman had a right to expect to hear from him, as he was not disposed to stand still, what were his views. He would advance whenever he saw an opportunity which opened any improvement in the social condition of the ,eople.—( Hear.) The Right Hon. Baronet had been most successful in his financial operations, and possessed a surplus revenue of between three and four millions. In lieu of the imposed alteration in the corn-laws, he (Mr. Alderman Thompson) should advise that the duty upon an article of very general consumption, viz., upon tea, should be reduced. A urge proportion of the labouring classes engaged in manufac tures were consumers of tea and sugar to a great extent, and if the Right Hon. Gentleman had reduced the duty upon tea .0 sixpence per pound, and the duty on sugar to one penny per pound, he would not only have increased the revenue, but would have bestowed at the same time a very great boon on the labouring classes. The duty upon tea amounts to from 150 to 250 per cent., and the people of this country expend nine millions of money for their tea. This expen diture may be classified in the following manner, viz.— four millions are paid to Government for duty, two millions are expended ha freight, dock charges, profits to importer and retailer, and about two millions are paid to the Chinese people. The state of our commercial policy with this nation is the most miserable in the w orld. China is the only country that will admit articles of British manufacture at an ad valorem duty of 5 per cent., and he believed the whole trade of this country was limited to receiving tea in return. The American ' 'rade with China was conducted on adifferent principle. Eng land imported upwards of sixty million pounds of tea from China, while America, which was the next largest importing country, imported twenty millions, and the troy which was imposed on that quantity (lid not amount o one per cent. He would ask why a duty of 100 to 250 per cent. was imposed by this country on tea, while the Chinese ulinitted British manufactures at five per cent., and while the Americans allowed tea to be imported into their country at a mere nominal duty? His opinion was that our trade with China was in a most dangerous position, and required the moat stringent measures to be immediately adopted o prevent any disastrous consequences. He wished to express this opinion with all due deference. The Right Hon Baronet had proposed a reduction in the article of tobacco. With respect to that article, according to a return which was made for that Honse in the year 1844, it appeared that 955 persons had been convicted of smuggling tobacco, an article of a value not exceeding 4d. per pound, and had actually been submitted , o an imprisonment of two months, and in some cases to a con siderably greater extent. t The Hon. Gentleman having briefly alluded to a reduction of duty on soap, expressed a hope that nothing he had said would give offence to the Right lion. Baronet. He could assure the Right Hon. Baronet that no man more highly respected him fa- his talents, and that a strict sense of duty had compelled him to oppose him on this occasion. During the long period he had sat in that House, he had in general given the Right Hon. Baronet his humble support. He deeply regretted that he could not do so now. He had given no pledge, and was under no engagement to his constituency further than that in 1841 he promised his general support to the Government, and it was his intention to have continued it, could he have done so in conformity with his avowed opinions. Sir W. MOLESWORTH said the objections which the Hon. Gentleman had taken to the measure were, that its effects would be disastrous to the labouring classes ; and he went through a series of returns, showing that the condition of the labouring classes for the last few years had been consider ably affected—that when prices were low wages were also low, rod that when wages were high so also were prices. Imme diately previous to the dissolution of the last Parliament he (Sir William Molesworth ) had given notice of motion to • inquire into the differences of the prices of food and - the wages of labour. From the returns then made he found that the wages of labour, especially of skilled tabour, were generally higher when prices were low and when food was cheap. When food was cheap the labouring classes axpended a larger proportion of their earnings in articles of dress and similar manufactures. This caused a greater demand, and consequently there occurred a greater increase, in manufac tures and the other branches of trade. On the contrary, when food was dear, the labouring classes were neces sarily compelled to diminish their purchases of articles of clothing.—(Hear, hear.) In consequence of the dimi nution of the demand, large stocks accumulated on the hands of the traders. Manufacturers would decrease their employment of labour, and the wages must necessarily fall. It appeared to him that there was no connexion between low and high prices and wages—but the amount of the wages of labour seemed to consist in the demand for it, in the increased or diminished supply of manufactures. The Hon. Gentleman having alluded to the fears of the protectionists of the effects of the proposed measure, observed that no fitting or more ',roper opportunity could be found than the present for the total repeal of • tke corn-laws. It had been said that thin was not a landlord's question. It appeared to him that if free trade made any difference in the price of land generally, it would be the landlord and not the tenant who would suffer. But he anticipated no such bad results from the measure. Both landlords and tenants would even tually be benefited by the cessation of protection. He admitted, with Hon. Gentlemen opposite, that small farmers without skill and capital would be greatly injured by free trade, but they might depend upon it that the advance of time and improvements in agriculture and manufactures would tend to annihilate, without the aid of free trade, the class of farmers, in whose behalf the Hon. Member for Somersetshire had made so touching an appeal. For it had been discovered—indeed, it was a well-ascertained fact—that with the aid of capital and science production bath in agricul ture and manufactures could he carried on with greater ad vant ge than without them. But it might be imagined that the application of capital and science to the cultivation of the land would tend to annihilate the unskilled and needy farmer, and to diminish the demand for labour. This was, however, a mistake, for in proportion to the increase of capital applied to land, the demand for labour became enhanced ; and it was a well-known fact that if the whole of the land of this country were cultivated, it would be more than sufficient to supply the wants of a larger population than our own, and at a price, too, almost as low as that of any other country in the world. What, then, might be asked, was to become of the man without skill and capital ? for it would be imagined, and properly too, that the man with capital and skill would be enabled to undersell the man who had not those qualities at his command. Why, this—the man without skill and capital must abandon his speculation in farming ; because if they were to give him an artificial pro tection, it would stop the accumulation of capital in the country and retard the progress of improvement. He came now to another branch of the subject, namely, the value of land, and, as a landlord himself, he could state that the profits produced from the land had never been higher than they were at the present moment. But he denied that this result had been caused by protection; and in support of this statement, he would just see w hat was the correct principle of ascertaining the value of land. A piece of land, comparatively speaking barren, might be of more value than another piece of land when comparatively speaking fertile—but this anomalous proposition brought him to the true test of the value of land. The value of land was decided not so much by its fertility as the amount of its sur rounding population ; and when he considered the vast in crease that was taking place in the manufactures of the country, and the increasing demand which was every day becoming more apparent for labour, he could not help thinking that the fears of Hon. Members opposite, and the landed gentry seve rally, on the subject of this measure, were quite unfounded. Why, the manufacturing population of this country was accu mulating every day ; and to meet the demands for food for this increase, science and capital was being applied with greater vigour than ever to land, thus showing that the value of land depended upon the amount of population, and that rents in creased in proportion to the proaperity of manufactures. A great revolution was about to take place in the coun t ry . Com merce was prosperous, and before long railroads would inter sect every part of England. The resources of the country by this means would daily become more developed, and agricul turalask if these districtsdwpooupludlobeesbtorowungsh.t as v i o t w w , e h r e e in w t o o o c ld lose . cohnexion with large an c i rcums t an ces would not advance, rather than retard , the in terests of the landowners? To whom then would they be in debted for these increased advantages?—not tothe capital of the landed interest, but to the accumulation of manufacturers. He had already shown that freedom of trade would still further promote the advance of manufacturing ingenuity ; e an ol d to h r e ist ho t r o e u d ris h h e ed ha w d he sh o ow m n ao th o a fa t c t the r e sinterest a of the sta a te gr o i- f prosperity. For these reasons, if there could be no better, he should deem it his duty to give his cordial support to the motion of the Right Hon. Baronet. Mr. BENNETT would throw aside all feeling of animosity against either the Government or the Hon. Baronet opposite, and in the opposition he should give to the measure before the House, he disclaimed being actuated by any party spirit. He bad always supported tie Right Hon. Baronet as a disinte rested individual not connected with any party, and therefore he was at liberty to say, that the Right Hon. Baronet, having changed his sentiments, had acted most honourably in chang ing his conduet. For his own part, however, he still enter tained the same opinions upon this subject as he did thirty years ago. The Right Hon. Baronet the Secretary of State for the Home Department had expressed his opinion that the object of political economy was to diffuse the greatest amount of happiness amongst the largest number of people. He perfectly agreed with this opinion, and the question for him to consider was, would there be as much hap piness in the country without as there was with protection? It was supposed, or rather he should imagine so, the cheapness of food afforded the greatest amount of happiness to the largest number of people; but he would warn the Government to take care that they did not, in cheapening food, commit the error of creating more severe distress than at present existed in the country. It was admitted on all hands, he believed, that wages depended upon the proportion of the demand to its sup ply, and the Government would do well to consider whether, by their present course of action, they would not lessen the demand without lessening the supply. Now, he main tained that every quarter of wheat brought into this country from a foreign nation would reduce the demand for labour, and he was, consequently, strongly opposed to the removal of restrictions placed on the importation of corn. If they removed protection, he was con vinced that a great proportion of the land of this country would be thrown out of cultivation ; and when they considered that an acre of arable land was equal to four weeks' labour, an acre of meadow land to two weeks, and an acre of pasture to one week, he asked, could this measure do otherwise than re duce the demand for labour without diminishing the supply ? The labourer might suffer most grievously, but what cared the manufacturer? he made his 200,0001. in two years.—(Hear, hear.) For his own part, he had advocated the property-tax many years ago ; he did not ask for the repeal of the malt - tax or any other tax. He was ready to vote that the taxes of the country should be paid by the rich ; to tax the poor was, in his opinion, an injustice.—(Cheers.) If that was the last time , he should have it in his power to address that House, EVEN LNG. FEBRUAII 20 1846. he would honestly and fearlessly say that the rich ought to be urged much more strongly than they were at present to pay the taxation of the country. —Olean s e lie would not use harsh language when speaking of the conduct of the Anti-Corn-law Leaguers, but he would venture to say that they went about the coun try addressing the agricultural labourers in language of the most deceitful kind.—( Protectionist cheers and cries of " No, no," from the Opposition.) They told those deluded people that if the corn-laws were repealed, they would have cheap corn and dear labour. But those two things did not exist together.—(Protectionist cheers.) Cheap corn and cheap labour might, however, exist together.—(Protectionist cheers.) The labourer might be well off if they re leased him from the payment of those burdens under which he at present laboured. But would the Anti-Corn-law Leaguers veee for any proposition which would have for its object the real benefit of the labourer ? whilst the members and lec turers of the League w ere a dd ress i ng agr i cu l tura l labourers, they omitted to tell them that whilst the manufac turers were seeking for foreig n t ra d e they were at t h e same time destroying the home trade.--( Hear, hear.) They did not address them in the same honest terms as he did when he went to speak at agricultural meetings. He spoke to them honestly, because he looked upon them as his friends. —(Protectionist cheers.) B u t t h e manu f acturers consi dered their labourers as mere machines.—(Protee tienist cheers.) They talked to them in no such nonsensi cal terms as he (Mr. Bennett) did in addressing the agricultural labourers.--( Hear, hear.) The Honourable Member for Durh am . ( Mr. B r i g h t ) h a d sa id somet hi ng of the late meetings of agricultural labourers which had been held at Goatacre and one or two other places. Now he ( Mr. Bennett) happened to know something about those meet ings At the Goatacre meeting there were between 300 and 400 people, wed no more; and by whom were they addressed? The Hon. Member for Durham had said that the Anti-Corn law League did not pay their emissaries, but he (Mr. Bennett) knew that they did.—(Loud cheers from the protectionists.) They came in•o his own county, and said they would have a "flare-up" there.—( Hear, hear.) Ihe attempt to have a " flare-up " had been made long since, but it had failed. At the last attempt there was a Mr. Edwards, who, to the best of his (Mr. Bennett's) information —he was not sure whether that information was correct, was a journeyman tailor, at Marl borough. That man attended all the League meetings there ; and at the last meeting he put a labouring man, named Pedlar, in the chair, who made a speech, which was printed at a tremendous length in the organ of the League, whilst the speech which he (Mr. Bennett) had made was completely burked.—( Cheers and laughter.) Edwards admitted that he received a guinea a day for what he did. Where he got it he (Mr. Bennett) did not know. God forbid that it should be from the League.—(Cheers and laughter., That man's business was to get " flare-ups" in the country for the Anti-Corn-law League.—( Hear, hear.) And it appeared that the Hon. Member for Durham was disposed to have a " flare-up" with him (Mr. Bennett). But he believed that the time had come when this deception of the League was about to be brought to an end.—( Protectionists' cheers.) The agricultural labourers were a very intelligent and respectable body of men ; they were men whom he called anti treated as his friends.—( Hear, hear.) And such men could not be deceived much longer. He admitted that at the Goatacre and other such meetings; and, indeed, there might be found in every parish in the country, a set of idle fellows who, for a certain remuneration, would cry out " cheap bread and free trade" for the Anti-Corn-law League, but the agricultural labourers, as a body, were too intelligent and respectable to do any such thing. He believed that the tide amongst that body was turning very rapidly against the advocacy of free trade. He was old enough to remember the excite ment which was caused many years agoin Wiltshire about the property-tax ;at that time he was young, aspiring, and active—he could not bear to see the deception which was practised upon the labourers. There was a meeting held in Salisbury, at which Mr. Hunt and Mr. Cobbett made them selves most active. He (Mr. Bennett) said to a shrewd, re spectable, and elderly gentleman, named Mr. Burton, " We are neglect ing our duty ; here's Hunt and Cobbett upon th e hustings at Salisbury, and they are running down th e pro perty-tax." The object of those ag itators was national bank ruptcy.—(Laughter.) Mr. Burton said, in reply to him, that he (Mr. Bennett) was a fool for taking any notice of them, because the were doing the work of the wealthy against whom they spoke so vociferously and fiercely_ " We,"said he, " have property, whilst those fellows have none, and they are doing our work in running down the property -tax." So he be lieved were the Anti Corn-law Leaguers doing the work of the landowners of the county. There might be at Goatacre and at one or two other places a cry of " Free-trade in corn—sub division of farm—ssmall farms," and the like ; but the poor wretches that made those cries did not know that the " free trade in corn" and " subdivision of farms" would bring ruin upon themselves and the farmers.—( Hear, hear.) A gross deception was practised upon them. The farmer would be the man that would be ruined.—( Hear, hear.) He was the man that would be crushed.—( Hear.) And had not the great manufacturers already crushed the little manufac turers ?—(Cheers. ) Last year the price o f w h eat was 44e. per quarter. The little farmers sold all their wheat at that price because they could not get an y thing more. But . the gre a t f armers that had 4,000 sacks of corn, obtained 765. per quarter. That was done by a rich farmer at Marlborough.—( Hear, hear.) The colonies, which he (Mr. Bennett) looked up on as a port i on of the United Kingdom, would also be ruined by this measure —(Hear, hear)—and the labourers at home, would w o u ld b e screwed down to the lowest point of remuneration. There would also be a very large confiscation of property in this coun try. If the manufacturer found that his business was not re munerating, he had nothing to do but to extinguish his fires and discharge his labourers. But not so with th e l an dl or d — hi s capital was invested in his land, and he must go on whether he was prosperous or not.—(Protectionist cheers.) Whatever might be his loss, he was compelled to stick tehis land. He believed that if the present measure were passed into a law, the price of wheat would he ultimately as low as 40s. per quarter. The manufacturers seem to consider they are safe, but they may be assured that as soon as this measure shall have passed, that the sooner they make up their books, extinguish their fires, and bid adieu to the tall chimnies and crowded factories the better, it would be for them. They might depend upon it there was a time of severe and great distress coming upon them. —( Cheers from the protectionists.) They are already manu facturing more than the world can consume, and foreign nations are rising into competition with them, and bid fair to out-rival them in their supplies of the markets of the world. He would briefly allude to the question of wages. The Anti- Corn-law League maintained that it was the duty of all persons to buy in the cheapest and sell in the dearest market. That prin ciple should be adopted with reference to wages—waves are nre however governed by the farmer they are governed by the demand for labour. He considered that the assertions of the Anti-Corn-law League were a mass of contradictions. To the farmer they said the repeal of the corn laws would not reduce the price of corn. To the labourer it would not affect the price of wages, and to the landlord they said, rents would not be lowered. Such was the conduct of the League.—(" Hear, hear," from the protectionists.) He must say one word with reference to the county he represented, Wiltshire. There is no county better farmed than Wiltshire ; everythi n g i s go i ng o n well, science is doing wonders among them, every man is exerting himself to the utmost, every thing is thriving, and the labourers are employed.—( Hear, hear.) The Hon. Member went on to state that it was a matter of astonish ment to him that so small a circumstance as the partial failure of the potato crop should have been the means of bringing forward such measures at present.— ( Hear, hear.) He had much respect for Hon. Members on both sides of the House; he considered them honest; nor could he impute any dishonourable motives to them. He con sidered it, however, very extraordinary that Hon. Alembers on his side of the House could make:such speeches ; that they could take up such au argument as this, and say—" There must be a Government, but I have more confidence in the Right lion. Baronet on this side of the House, than I have for the Noble Lord the Member for the City of London ; and as there are but two parties, I shall abide by the party on this side." What a lamentable state—continued the Hon. Member—what a misfortune is this !—( Hear, hear.) No man would be more distressed than I should, if there were no party to conduct the affairs of Government ; but I still think that the principles which I advocate would become paramount, even if both parties —the present parties in the State—would form a coalition. The lion. Member concluded by stating that he would oppose the motion. Mr. H. BERKLEY rose, and said that his Hon colleague had advocated sternly and strongly the necessity of protection. He (Mr. Berkley) had noted down some of the lion. Mem ber's remarks. His ( Mr. M. ) had stated that there was no special necessity for the removal of protection, and that he considered protection was a benefit to the country, and to the colonies, as well as to every branch of native industry, and he advocated protection to the utmost possible extent ; and he also severely attacked Hon. ➢lembers who had ventured to change their opinions on that subject. He (Mr. Berkley) thought that his Hon.' Colleague's anger would be abated if he looked to his own. condtict and opinions a short tine since, and compared them with his present course. The Hon, Member, a short time since, had been addressed by his constituency at a public meet ing held in Bristol, the chairman of which w. ote to the Hon. Member, requesting him to support the measures of Govern • ment. H 1• replied to the effect that he could not give his vote in favour of that measure, but did not hesitate to say that he thought it would be better for all parties if the repeal of the corn-laws had been imme diate, instead of the measure proposed by the Government. His colleague said that he had much reluctance in deserting his political leader, but he would ask Mr. Miles, was it not the opinion of the majority of the constituency that be represented—. a majority of that constituency that returned him to Parliament—that free trade principles would be bene ficial to the country.—( Cheers.) It was not for him to say what were the opinions of the constituency when he (Mr. Miles) was returned, but he would say that the con stituency would now return free-traders for the city of Bristol. Look to the important petition which he (Mr. Miles) presented from the county, signed by 18,000 persons. He undertook to state to his Hon. Friend that that petition showed that the population of Bristol were for free trade. He would say this mach for the people of Bristol, that the great moral had not been thrown away upon them—of seeing two of the first statesmen of the day standing forth united against the opinion of his Hon. Friend (Mr. Miles), of whose integrity of purpose and honesty of principle there was no doubt. — ( C he ers.) Of the honest convictions of the Noble Lord the Member for London and the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of her Majesty's Government no one now, he thought, could entertain any doubt, for it was clear the change which had taken place in their opinions was the result of honest c onviction.—( Hear, hear, and cheers. ) With these observations he would conclude by saying, that he would give his hearty support to the measure now brought for ward by her Majesty' Government. Mr. TOLLEMACHE ro se and said that the Hon. Member for Durham (Mr. Bright) thought proper to express his opinions respecting the county of Chester. Perhaps he might be allowed to express his opinions in reply. If the Hon. Gentleman had been as well acquainted with the cultivation of the soil as be was with the manufacture of cotton goods he (Mr. Tollemache) had no doubt but the Hon. Gentleman would be of a very different opinion. The Hon. Member for Durham he believed to be a most determined and decided op- ' ponent of the corn-laws, and well acquainted with manufac turing interests, but he felt that the Hon. Member knew little with regard to agricultural affairs. He (Mr. Tollemache) was intimately connected, both as a landed proprietor and a practical farmer, with the county of Suffolk, and he could say, especially with regard to that county, that agricultural im pi was going on as rapidly as in any other county whatever.—(Cheers from the protec tionists. ) He ( M r . Tolle maehe) believed that the agitation g o t u p b y the Anti-Corn law League owed its influence entirely to the vacillating policy pursued by . her Majesty's Ministers.—( Loud cheers from the protectionists.) He strongly recommended him (Mr. Bright) to make some amends, and vote as he s h ou ld vote , against the free-trade principles of her Majesty's Ministers.— (Laughter from the Opposition.) The Hon. Member spoke of the proud aristocracy of Cheshire ; he (Mr. Tollemache) supposed he meant the term to apply to the protectionists; but he would not further notice the observations. With regard to the Government question before the House the opinions he had long entertained remained unchanged, and, therefore, he felt it his duty to oppose the measure brought forward by her Majesty's Government. If there were a scarcity of food ex i st i ng i n Ireland, he should be most anxious that an effectual remedy should be applied, and that the opening of the ports, for a limited period, should be one of those remedies. If, during that period,' her Majesty's Government pursued a consistent course of policy, he had no fear but that the c orn -l aws would be maintained.—( Protectionist cheers.) He did not attribute the present prosperous condition of the country to any relaxation of protective duties. He believed that it was entirely owing to the great increase consequent upon a succession of successful harvests, the formation of railways and other public works, the increased employment of labourers, and the expenditure of large sums of money. He believed, also, that had no relaxation taken place in protective duties, they would have had much larger revenues. It was his firm belief that it was impossible with free trade principles to obtain remunerating prices for agricultural pro duce.—( Great cheers from the protectionists.) After the policy pursued by her Majesty's Government with respect to agitation in Ireland, it was his painful duty to declare that he could not any longer be one of their supporters. He should support them when he believed they were right, and though he had the greatest possible respect for the. Government as individuals, he had no confidence in them as a Ministry. The change of opinion that had taken place he was perfectly satisfied with, although he did not concur with them. He did not say but that change was caused from honest conviction— but as that change had taken place, he (Mr. Tollemache) thought that the Government were bound, as honest and honourable men, to take the sense of the country, and see what view their constituencies would take of such changes.—( Loud cheers from the protectionists.) He thought the Government were decidedly wrong in holding office without making an appeal to the ccuntry. He could not but fear that they laid themselves open to a charge of making use of their power as a Government to overthrow the principles of free trade. This was a serious charge, and he thought they would have great difficulty to maintain their consistency, but he did h ope and trust that that charge would be satisfactorily answered. He was well aware that this measure was brought forward by a Government professing to be Conservative, but as he knew he was to fall, he should tall with honour to himself, and support those opinions which he had always entertained, and which would never involve di.7grace.—(Great cheering from the Protectionionists. ) Mr. T. S. DUNCOMBE observed that be highly approved of the measures proposed by the Government, and believing that they were of such a nature as would net only do honour to the Minister, but would reflect credit on the Parliament that adopted them ; and, believing the statement made by the Right Hon. Baronet, " that by public opinion, and through the influence of public opinion alone, could he hope to over come the difficulties by which he was surrounded," or contend with the obloquy with which ignorance and bigotry had assailed him—(Loud cheers)—he considered it unbecoming those who did not hold their seats through the nomination of Peers, and who were therefore not removable at pleasure—but who owed their seats to the free choice of the people— on an occasion like this, to give to the Ministry either a silent, jealous, or lukewarm support.—(Hear, hear, and cheering.) Far be it from him to permit—in the few remarks he was about to make—those Hon. Gentlemen on the other side of the House to imagine that he was insensible to the painful and false position in which they were placed, by reason of their inability to keep pace with the changes of opinion which they saw going on around them. It did not be come those on his side of the House to cavil or quarrel with those changes, it was enough to feel grateful for ir, and he for his part admired the ability with which it was carried out.— ( Cheers.) But he would tell there gentlemen for whom he had to express sympathy, that they were not taking the right course to extricate themselves from the position in which they were placed. Why, instead of indulging in every personal abuse, could they not pursue some straightforward and manly course?—(Hear.) But, no, they adopted a sort of hypo crite' cant—" We give you every credit for your conscientious ness"—" We are sure you are quite sincere in your change of opinion, but still we have no confidence in you as a Minister." —(" Hear, hear," from Mr. Shaw.) There (continued the Hon. Member) was the Learned Recorder, who called his as sociates and colleagues, " political cowards."—( Loud cheers. ) His words were, " I have no confidence in these political cowards."—(Hear.) Why, then, he (Mr. Duncombe) would say, if it be the case, why did they not come forward and at once move a vote of want of confidence in the Ministers.— (Hear, hear, and cheers.) Such a course would be manly—it would be intelligible—and it would be Par liamentary, because they themselves had pursued it in 1841. What did they then vote ?—and why did they vote ? Because it was proposed to meddle with this very ques tion, viz., the commercial interests of the country. And their vote was to this effect—" That a Government who legislated on such a question ought to possess the confidence of the House." —( Hear, hear.) They moved this, and they carried it. In their address to the Queen on that occasin, they said, " that it was their urgent desire to consult the interests, and promote the welfare of her Majesty's Government; but that her Majesty,s Government should possess the confidence of the House and of the country, and that that confidence was not reposed in her Majesty's present advisers." Well, that was their opinion in 1811. What did they do now ? Why, they said that these gentleman did not possess the confidence of the House or country.—(Hear.) Why, then, he would ask, did they not move a vote of want of confidence? Sir J. TYRRELL—Because you won't support us.— ( Great laughter. ) Mr. DUNCOMBE.—How did the Hon. Gentleman know that ?—(Continued laughter.) What right had he to assume that he would not support such a motion ?—( Hear. ) Sir JOHN TYRRELL—Your party would not.—( Hear. ) Mr. DUNCOMBE continued—He had no party—his party was that of the country—a party which he would never desert. But what did they do? Why, they exhausted themselves in throwing every kind of obloquy and censure upon the Govern ment, and some went so far as to charge the Right Hon. Baronet with treason.—( Hear, hear.) He wanted to know what they would have done under the circumstances in No vember last—how would they have met the emergency ? They had been often urged to state how they would have dealt with those circumstances, but they had never yet explained.— ( Hear, hear, and cheers ) The Right Hon. Baronet explained the course which he proposed to adopt on that occasion, but ob stacles with which they were all acquainted occurred to pre vent him from carrying it out. He then resigned office. He (Mr. D.) would ask them, were they prepared to take the reins of Government when the Right Hon. Baronet gave them up ?—( Hear, hear.) No, they were not. Mr. Gladstone, in his address to the electors of Newark, had stated that the Government of the country was offered to the Noble Lords and Gentlemen who were the advocates of protection, but they refused to accept it.—( Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord on his right was then called upon to construct a Govern • ment, but for some reason or other he failed too.—(Hear and laughter.) He (Mr. Duncombe) supposed that Hon. Gen tlemen opposite would admit, that some kind of Government was necessary. How, he would ask, could the country be go verned under any other circumstances than those under which the Right Hon. Baronet resumed the seals of office. He con sented to accept office untrammelled by the fetters of party, and sustained by public opinion alone. He wished that the Noble Lord ( Lord John Russell) had acted in the same way, and he was quite confident that public opinion would have sus tained him also in carrying out such measures as the exi gencies of the occasion demanded.—( Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Baronet had been taunted with change of principle and even with treason—treason, he would ask, to whom ? Treason to his party, trea son to the people, and treason to his own honour. What does that mean? It meant that the Right Hon. Baronet preferred the interests of the people to those of his party, and the safety of the country to the confusion and misery which was the consequence of adherence to the present system of corn. mercial policy. (Cheers. There was one treason only which the Right Honourable Baronet could be guilty of to his country, and that treason was to vacillate in the course which he had propose I to adopt in the measures at present under the consideration of the House.—(Cheers.) The protectionists, however, said that they had the country with them in the maintenance of protection. He would ask them, where was protection lately in the West Riding of Yorkshire ? Where was protection yesterday in Westminster? Now it did not signify two straws which of the two gentlemen who were candidates on that occasion were returned. It was simply a question of protection. Had a protectionist remained up to his knees eating cabbages in Covent -garden yesterday, he would not have been successful. He knew that a great out cry had been made on the part of the tenant-farmers, and agricultural labourers, and the Hon. Member for Oxford had stated that protection could not be interfered with on the ground that the tithes must be taken care of.—(" Hear, hear," and laughter.) It was a curious circumstance that no sooner was anything for the good of the people proposed in that . House, but some Honourable Gentleman or other got up and said, " Oh, you must take care lest this proposition may interfere with the interests of the Church."—( Hear, hear, and laughter.) He (Mr. Duncombe) was given to un derstand that a cry was got up that the tenant-farmers and the clergy were up in arms against the Ministerial measure. Let the tenant-farmer get vote by ballot, and they would no longer be found voting at the beck of Noble Dukes, but for those measures which were conducive to their own and to the public advantage. The tenant-at-will clause, however, put an end to that, and left them to be influenced by the selfish and tyrannical dictation of the landlords. He contended that the clergy had not the slightest complaint against the measure, and his authority for such an assertion was one which the Right Honourable Baronet (Sir Robert Inglis) would con sider of some weight. The authority to which he referred was the charge of the Bishop of Rochester, which was made in 1837, and reported in the Times news paper at that time. The laws relating to tithes had been ar ranged a short time before, and they had entered into a com pact at that time with the Church that tithes should not be deteriorated by any alterations which might subsequently take place with respect to the corn-laws. It so happened that he ( Mr. Duncombe) had joined with the Hon. Baronet (Sir R. Inglis) in the support of that measure. He had also joined the Han. Baronet on a recent occasion, .when they both op posed the Maynooth grant, but they were influenced by very different motives in taking the same side on those occasions. With respect to the Maynooth grant he (Mr. Duncombe) objected to it because it was opposed to the voluntary principle ; but the Hon. Baronet, because it was distasteful to the feelings of the high Church party.—(Hear, hear.) With respect to the tithes, one motive for the line of conduct which he pursued was that if certain lands were thrown out of cultivation by a change in the corn-laws, those lands would by that measure be saddled with a rent charge. Another reason was because it gave to tithes a prior claim before any other charges. Tithes were no lien on the land before, but by that measure they became a rent charge. (The Hon. Gentleman then read the extracts to which he referred, from the Charge of the Bishop of Ro chester, to the effect that the Tithe Bill was as reasonable a Bill as the clergy could expect, and proceeded to say,) The only argument used by the Honourable Gentleman opposite, to which he thought it necessary to make any allusion, was that drawn from the state of things in 1841 In 1842 the country was in a state of great distress ; agitation was rife, and the people, the poor of this country, were going about without the means of employment, and many occur rences took place which resulted in the punishment of those who had offended through the force of circum stances against the laws. When those dreadful occurrences took place, he told the gentlemen on the other side of the House, that if they were to give the country those mea sures which would do away with that monopoly whieh had so shackled its industry, they would have prevented the results of the great depression of that period. He had himself brought a motion before the House which would have saved the Go vernment from the policy they then adopted. He had told her Majesty's Government to give the country such measures as would prevent the consequence which had taken place. That measure was rejected. The Right Hon. Baronet, instead of adopting his (Mr. Duncombe's) motion, sent down a regiment of the guards and another of artillery. If the Right Hon. Baronet had then proposed such a measure as the present, he need not have sent down his army to quell disturbances simply and solely occasioned by the distress of the people. He would have prevented much, if not all, of that misery and suffering which had taken place. The people of this country were a noble and a generous people ; they were a forgiving people, and they would forgive those acts of the Right Hon. Baronet in the hope that they would benefit by the measure now before the House; and he (Mr. Duncombe) was quite satisfied they would benefit by its results.—( Hear, hear. ) There was one part of the Right Hon. Baronet's speech which was cheering, and that was when, in answering the Hon. Members who had expressed themselves favourable to a total repeal of those laws rather than to accede to the present mea sare, he expressed himself that he was willing with them to repeal them altogether.—(Hear, hear.) Now he could tell them that a part of this measure, which was important and should not he lost sight of, was that which would make the question a law of settlement. If they did not adhere to that part of the measure, it would be a failure altogether.—( Hear, hear.) A report had gone abroad in the manufacturing dis trict, and he hoped it was true, that the protectionists intended to make the law of settlement a future consideration. If they were to do this, there would be such an agitation in the country, that the measure would be of no be nefit at all, and it would not conciliate the people. There was the question of the poor-laws, and he trusted that the Govern- Imerit would make such an alteration in those laws as would make a repeal of the cern-laws a perfect measure.—( Hear.) Not long since it was well known that in Stockport there were persons thrown cut of employment— many of them were Irishmen—and through the poor-laws they had no claim upon that place, and they were sent back to their own country, to which they were almost perfect strangers ; they were entirely disowned, they were quite wretched and unprotected. These poor men were, after having assisted to make the fortunes of great capitalists—( Hear, hear, from the protection party)—they were by these great capitalists sent adrift. Now this was a period when the people were starving through the country, and all this was occasioned by the poor-law. He trusted the Right lion. Baronet would look to this detestable law.—( Hear, hear.) He believed that her Majesty's Government were sincere in this measure, and that they would neglect no important feature of tbeir policy. It was with such views that he would give his most cordial sup port to the measure before the House. He was satisfied that it was calculated to uphold the character of the country, and better its condition. As to the agricultural portion of the House, he believed that when they would consider the real merits of the measure, they would, he believed, see that they were wrong in the errors which they had so long and so pertinaciously adhered to. Sir T. D. ACL AND said he was very thankful for having had the honour to have been so fortunate as to have caught the Speaker's eye from amongst the large number of Hon. Members who had risen at the same moment to address the House, and the reason he felt se was because it afforded him an opportunity of responding to the observations the Hon. Gentleman opposite had thought proper to eddreas to the acricubural Members on this side the House. The agricultural Members had been told by the Hon. Gentleman that they had been a long time in error, and that he hoped they had at length se-n their error on this question. Ito deutst, if tee agricultural Members did see that they were in error, nothing would give them greater satisfaction than to endeavour to amend that error ; and so far from evinc ing a wish to persevere i n i t, they would, ' on the contrary, be foremost in their desire to see carried into effect a measure which it had been said was so fraught with all those blessings which it had been stated it would confer.—( Hear.) But his Right Hon. Friend, the Right. Hon. Baronet near him, when he began his speech, by assailing the agricultural body and calling them ungrateful and bigoted, he appeared to have for gotten that when he introduced his measure of 1842 they were amongst the first and most firm of his supporters when th ey began to discern the great truth of its utility, of which they had been deemed so ignorant—( Hear, hear) —and he was one of that unhappy set. But he could assure the Right Hon. Baronet that for the time he ( Sir T. A.) had been in Parliament—during the last thirty years—he had never heard a measure introduced into that House which he had looked upon with greater anxiety than the measure now before the House. He had never been a supporter of excessive protection either in that House or else where, and he welcomed the measure of 1842 as a boon to the country, though it had the effect of reducing the amount of protection that the agriculturists had so long enjoyed.— ( Hear, hear.) He now wished to explain what were the rea sons that operated upon his mind in inducing him to vote as he intended upon this question. When the reduction of 1842 took place, though he was told it was for the benefit of com merce, he did not, when it was once decided upon, make any difficulty about it, or the appending of Canada ; on the con trary, he believed that the Right Hon. Baronet was sincere in his expressions of a desire to benefit the country, and therefore he gave him his support. What was the difference between the position of the Government then and now? Whatever might have been the motives of the Government then, it was quite clear that they now thought they could not consistently discharge their duty to their country so long as they allowed protection to continue.—(Elear, hear.) The position of the farmer now and in 1815 was very different. Up to that time the farmers made fortunes by means of the war prices; but then, on the commencement of the peace, the war prices ceased, and the ruin of the farmer would have been the result bad not the protective laws been enforced for the pro• tection of the agr'culturise. Subsequent to that period—that was in 1822—the protection was diminished to 75., and in 1828 a further reduction was made eter a discussion of the question as to what amount could be considered a remu nerating price to the agriculturist. A price was fixed on them, but it underwent a further reduction in 1842 ; but still the cry was that. these much villified corn laws had not yet bean sufficiently reduced. The speech of his Right Hon. Friend upon this subject was, no doubt, dis tinguished for i's forensic talent, but it had failed to satisfy him as to the expediency of the present measure— ( Hear, hear)—and, therefore, he would ask what other reasons could be adduced for taking such a step? The reasons stated might be deemed by some to have had great excellence ; tut to him they only appeared to possess the merit of putting others in the dark.—( Hear, hear.) It had been stated there were three reasons of policy and one of ' justice for the measure; but his opinion was that the dictum of Mr. Huskisson was the only basis of justification for that restrictive policy which that statesman had deemed necessary, but which he afterwards said could not be defended, though this country ought to be in such a position as not to be de pendent on a foreign country for her supply of food.—( Hear.) It had been said by Mr. Huskisson, " Let corn be ; s cheap as it will, I care not, if it be not of native growth.—( Hear, hear.) The principle on which every Legislature had acted since 1815 had been such as to ensure that amount of protec tion to native agriculture as enabled the country to look to itself and not be exclusively dependent on the foreign market ' for the necessary supply of food.—( Hear, hear.) It was a re markable thing—though he only complained of it for his own satisfaction—that the main and centre spring of the entire movement had not been mentioned, nor even alluded to, in the three very able speeches of the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of her Majesty's Government.—( Hear, hear.) He ( the Hon. Member) fairly owned that he did not possess the wit to discover what the reasons were that altered the previously expressed convictions of the Right Hon. 'Gentleman in the year 1845, when he had avowed himself adverse to such measures throughout his entire career. Even time Noble Lord the Member for London, when he introduced his fatal proposi tion on which his Government was defeated, acknowledged the principle, to a certain extent, of protection.—( Hear, hear.) He, and lion. Gentlemen who agreed in his view of the matter, did not want to shut out corn, nor did they wish to see starva-. tion and famine.—( Hear, hear.) He doubted not they all possessed humanity, but they shoul4 protect their people; there fore he contended that it was humanity, not personal interest, that led them to take the position they (lid on the question. They did not want high duty at a period of high prices, but the time they required it was when the Brice of corn went down. That was the plain matter of fact. They wished to give com petent remuneration fur the investment of capital, which, if not given, the soil would cease to be cultivated. Now, what had they been told by the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of her Majesty's Government ?—why, " that the prosperity of agriculture did not depend on the high price of wheat." That was one of the reasons why the agriculturists above all others should in ju-tice have time given to them. And if a scanty harvest should occur at home with a scanty supply from abroad, at the moment when their estates were going back in their produce, they would find themselves in the very situation which it had been the object of all legislators for the last thirty years to guard against. They might depend on it that the low prices they then enjoyed had arisen from the exer tions of the agriculturist, and if the times and seasons were unfavourable the agriculturists placed their reliance on their favour. Let that be his answer to the Hon. Member for Durham, instead of rendering railing fur railing ; and to the speeches of all others who chose to rail, both in his presence or in his absence. He felt it due to the lion. Member to say, that he had very much improved of late in his way of speaking, and that he used his talent. in a more temperate manner. He (Sir T. Acland) did say that the lion. Member for Durham and others had in the course of the debate indulged in personal reflections and attacks on the great body of the country gentle. men, and had almost imputed to them the consciousness of con tinuing in the policy which eventually led t o misery and starva tion. He said to the Hon. Member, and to all others, that that was his answer to all objectors to the corn-laws, on the ground that they would cause starvation to the labourer in order to benefit the landlords. In the year 1815 the price of wheat was 975. 6d., and if they took the average of the five succeeding years, they would find that the price varied from 104 s. to 105 s. 6d. per quarter all the year round. Under the protective laws the prices descended rapidly, so that in the last four years the price had become us low as Ms. per quarter, so that during the last thirty years the price of corn was reduced more than one-half. That was his answer to all those who accused him of making the bread of the people dear for his own benefit. He would take the average of the im ports during the years 1822, '23, '24, as compared with the im ports in the years 1842, '43,'44. During the first three years the 1 average imports amounted to 35,000,000 of tons per annum, and during the last three years the average of the same imports was no less than 70,000,030 tons per annum. The value of the imports during the years 1822, '23, '24, was 55,000,0001., and during the years 1842, '43, '44, the value of the imports was from 141,000,0001. to 145,000,0001. That showed that the mercantile community had more than doubled their trade. With regard to the shipping imports during the year 1842, they amounted on the whole to 4,50'1,000 tons. Now he would ask what had happened between 1842 and 1846 . to justify the 'change now proposed ?—(Hear. ) matter the Right Hon. Baronet had stated influencing The se r i ous to his present course—the apprehended famine as g dispose of this reason inlreland. He (Sir T. D. Acland) thoug ht as ho su rn re Lh e t very one would agree to. Had the Right Honourab le Baronet in last Novem ber,he when he was apprehensive of coming famine from failure of the potato crop, by an Order in Council opened the ports, and come down to that House the first day of the session, and asked for an indemnity, not a single voice would have been raised against it.—(Hear, hear, and cheers from the Conservative benches.) If he had thus proposed a tempo rary measure, he would have received the unanimous support of the House. He (Sir T. D. Acland) grieved, for the Right Hon. Baronet's own sake, as well as for their sakes, that he had introduced a most litigated question to meet the emergency, instead of acting in this manner. By the course he had taken he had done himself _great injustice. He (Sir T. D. Acland) remembered the Noble Lard the Member for the City of London having placed him. self in a similar difficulty, with regard to the tithe question in Ireland. In attempting to arrange it, he introduced a mode which excited the greatest opposition and ill feeling —he meant the appropriation clause.—(Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Baronet had placed himself in an analogous posi tion. In November last he might have opened the ports, had he wished to have done so, and he (Sir T. D. Acland) was sure the House generally wished he had seen the pro priety of that course. But in making the proposition to do that, it would seem that he had told his colleagues that the opening of the ports involved the reconsideration of the whole laws that related to the importation of food. From that it would seem that the opening of the ports to his (the Right Hon. Baronet's) meaning was a repeal of the corn-laws. That if the ports were once opened they would never be shut again.—(Loud cheers from the Opposition benches.) It was no wonder then that his Right Hon. Friend found only three Members of the Cabinet to support him. What he (Sir 'l'. D. Acland) complained of was, that the Right Hon. Baronet did not separate the two branches of the question, at least in point of time. First, to relieve the immediate distress, and to leave the question of the permanent repeal of the corn-laws to be debated during the sessior. and to allow Parliament to say whether or not the time was come to do away with the corn laws.—(Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Baronet, no doubt, had been much influenced by the apprehended famine in Ireland, and scarcity in this coun try ; still he had not done justice to that House, in not pro posing a measure of relief in which they could have all united with one heart and one mind.—( Hear, hear.) He had one thing more to say, and it was, to ask what this lkw had done for Ireland ? '1 here were 1,000,000 quarters of corn at present in their ports, and why were these not sent to Ireland ? Surely the necessity for this measure could be obviated by such a proceeding. This quantity of cern would give food to 4,000,000 of persons for one quarter of a year. These were his views on the general merits of this law, and he was not prepared to accept it at the hands of the Right Hon. Baronet. He could no[, like him, in three short weeks, learn this new lesson • anti though the Right Hon. Ba ronet might be willing to lead, he (Sir T. Ackland) could not in in principle follow. There were circumstances to be take seriously into account on the other side, but he would retain the opinions that had hitherto guided him, till he we re good to con vinced that another course was calculated to do more snot, . if men were the country. • He was convinced that the agitation that at present existed would be successfullym sure he would be but firm and resolute ; and be e for given if he said that th w to as A a nti- s C et o t r ie n m . lean; League ti s would never have pr ogressed Baronet been true to the question, had the• Righ b t"flone ercepted Government. Ile (-Sir principles on whit* be T. Acland) considered men who could expend their money i n the manner that the supporters of the League did, had no right to complain of the distress that at present pressed upon the country. He had no doubt that if the opinion of the Govern ment had been expressed at an earlier period for or against protection, they should not then be in their present position. When he last met his constituents he told them that he would dispassionately consider this question when it came before the House. lie had Bono so, but he had heard no reason given for the change which had been proposed. He would, however, offer no factious opposition. If that House should sanction the measure by a con'iderable majority, he would offer no further opposition; but if, on the contrary, the division should he a close one, then the sooner the Right Hon. Baronet sent them to the right about the better. Lord ALFRED PAGET had listened with a great deal of attention 'to this debate, and Hon. Gentlemen opposite would forgive him for saying that he thought a great many of them had been a little hard upon the Right Hon. Baronet.--t Hear, hear. )—No doubt they had causes of complaint, but still, whets they came to consider what the Right Hon. Baronet had sacri ficed, he thought they must be convinced that nothing but a sense of public duty could have iniluccil him to have brough t f,rward this measure. The Right lion. Baronet hail had a stroll , . Government, had born supported by a large majority in that House, and yet now, north, east, west, and south, nothing but the renegade Minister was talked abort.—( hear, and laughter.) He thought the Right Hon. Birobet had made as large sacrifices as ever had been made by any public man, and for conscientious motives. The Hon. Gen. tleman who had ju:t spoken had said, that the Noble Lord ( Lord John Russell) was the most proper pers.') to bring this motion forward; and so did he (Lord A. Paget) think. He always supported that Noble Lord, and he hoped long to dos With regard to the measure of the Right Hon. Baronet, he could only say that he should give it his support. He did not, how ever, do so hteause his ophtions had undergone a change, for he had long been attached to the broad principles of the forlorn hope that had been led on by the Hon. Member for Northampton, and he hoped 51 ortly to see the corn-laws repealed altogether. His family derived the:r income entirely from land, and in conclusion he would assure the House that they did not feel any alarm at the mea sure of the Right Hon. Baronet. Mr. B. BINGHAM BARING said the Hon. Member made some allusion to Catholic Emancipation. Now, did the Hon. Member recollect how that measure was carried ? Did he remember that it originated with a small party, and that the Government of the time al lowed the question to convulse the whole nation before they yielded to the pressure from without ? Now, did the Hon. Member wish this question to be carried to that point? if so, he could only assure him, that to gratify his wishes would be endangering property, and sacrificing the best interests of so ciety. Under these circumstances, was it not better for them to settle the question at once, now that it was a mere topic of discussion amongst thinking men ?—( Hear, hear. ) A very large class of agriculturists had themselves declared that protection was unnecessary.—(Loud cheers.) In order that the decision might be unanimous, it was necessary that the House should be unanimous ; otherwise the country Gould not have much confidence in their deliberations. fie hoped, as the House would in a great measure be acting as a judge in its own cause, the Members would act in such a manner upon this question as to gain the credit and esteem of the country.—(Hear, hear.) Their decisions had been hitherto respected, and he trusted tkat Hon. Members would not forfeit the high character which they had hitherto possessed. On the motion of Mr. C. BRUCE, The debate was adjourned till to-morrow. BURGHS (SCOTLAND) BILL. This Bill was read a second time, and ordered to be com mitted. The House adjourned at Twelve o'clock. THE FREE-TRADE CANDIDATES FOR SOUTH LANCASHIRE. A meeting of the Council of the League, and other sub scribers to the League fund, was held at their offices, last Tuesday evening, at which a numerous committee was ap pointed to calvass for the signatures of electors of this division to a requisition to the lion. C. P. Villiers, M.P., and William Brown, Esq., requesting them to become can didates fur the representation of South Lancashire at the next general election. - The following i 3 a copy of the rmnisiton " TO THE HONOURABLE CIIMILES PELHAM. VILLIERS, AND WILLIAM DIZOWN, ESQ. "Gentleman—We, the undersigned, electors of the southern division of the county palatine of Lancaster, re spectfully address you, in the belief that the present is the most suitable period for soliciting you to become candidates fur the representation of this division of the county at the next general election. We are induced to do this from the deliberate conviction that the representation of the vast and varied interests of this important section of the kingdom will be adequately sustained by you; that you will be film in the support of measures founded on the most comprehensive and impartial views of what is necessary for the general good oi all classes of the community ; and that, especially, the prin ciples of free trade will, in their widest signification, their fullest jut egrity,find in von ardent and uncompromising friends. " We make the tender of our rapport to you, Charles Pel ham Villiers, as a testimony of our gratitude and admiration of your persevering advocacy of the total and- immediate repeal of the corn-laws in the House of Commons, continued from vett. to year in the face of obstacles, arising from the selfishness of sane, and the indifference, almost equally cul pable, of others, until your efforts, along with those of your coadjutors. out of doors, raised up throughout the kingdom a spirit and determination which will not subsktle until they have marked this period, to all future time, as the era of commercial reformation. " We make the like tender of our support to you, William Brown, believing that your enlightened views and enlarged experience on commercial subjects eminently qualify you for repre,entiog this portion of the empire—the seat and centre of our manufacturing industry—the very heart where all its pulsations begin ; in addition to which, your having undertaken to contest. the division on a recent occasion, at considerable personal inconvenience, in the belief that, though not successful, yet that certain good would result, gives you a claim to our support, to which we are anxious to respond. " Gentlemen, in the firm persuasion that, should you consent to be put in nomination, you will be triumphantly returned to Parliament, we respectfully pledge ourselves not only to give you our personal support, but to endeavour to secure your return by every other constitutional means in our power, and we fervently hope that the connexion thus fiirmed may be long maintained, by the honourable fulfilment of our respective duties as constituents and representatives.— We are, your flit lint I servant s.—( Here follow signatures. )" ilranche:ter Guar drive. DUTCH AND FLANDERS MAIL. THE HAGUE ; Fit.. 13.—The section of the second Cham ber was engaged yesterday in examining the following pro jects of law :—lst, relative to ships under the Russian flag ; 2d, to the extraordinary grant to the Benevolent Society ; 3d, to the indemnification for the military inundations. To day the section has been engaged in examining the pro jects of law relative to the criminal code. The official journal publishes a royal decree of the 14th of this month finr the calling in and exchanging of ducatoons, and the pieces of 2! f florins, a; well as the subdivisions of this coin. The decree is followed by a resolution of the Minister of Finan.e, dated the 15th February, announcing that an office at the Bank of the Netherlands will be open from the 3d to the ith of March, to receive these pieces, and to give in exchange other kinds of coins now current. The First Chamber • of the States General met yesterday (the 16th) to recommence its sitting, but there not being a sufficient number of Members present, no business could be done. FEc. 8.-Count Nesse!rode arrived here yes terday, on his return from Italy. The Government of Warsaw published the following notice on the sth inst.:- " On account of the prices of all kinds of corn in the king ' dons, and which assures satisfactory profit to the landowner, - and in the apprehension that the exportation of corn may increase the distress of the inhabitants, caused by the failure of the crops in 1845, the Council of Administration has re solved that the exportation of the following articles shall be prohibited till the Ist of July, 1846, viz. :-Rye, barley, flour, buck-wheat, pease, oats, potatos, hay, and straw, along the whole frontier line of the kingdom of Poland, on the one side, and of Prussia, Cracow, and Austria, on the other side; and the importations of the same articles into the kingdom shall be allowed free of duty." BRUSSELS, FEB. 16.-The Chamber commenced to-day the discussion of the budget of the Department of Justice. The first seven chapters were adopted, withoutdabnytratil,ornttarnati debate. Two important reductions,yproppoesneed by discussion Section, were not adopted. t i ) v f ora th h e il f: . th l e chapter, complainedcontaining of the3t ll Setrsi increase of a e l I f r)t e e e d a t a o i e t religious s, and was answered a; f ls in w i e s r t e e d rs, by at w tl i t i e ici lS i li t n h i e ste p r r . o jec T t o- o d f aL w the o r n e e w e a eo s n a : council dary instruction was discussed. The Council will meet again to-morrow to take a final resolution. We hear that from the month of April next all the steamers with mails from the continent, and which now de part from London, will take their departure from the port of Harwich, which will shorten by fou aa r nr. o dt cll ti le N a -e oinn l h io nt u ir r ig s eh t . he voyage to and frThe om Antwerp, R h o a t s te a rd l a o m ng , Ministerial crisis in Belgium. lIAMBURGII BORSENIIALLE, Fss. 14. Austrian 5 per Cents Money, Bank Shares ........... ••••• • • • • Anglo-Russian Loan . ...... ......... LOS Russian 5 per Cent., Hamb. Certificate. 103 Ditto Ist series 1n5cripti0n............ 104 I)itto, Hope and Co., 3d and 4th series•• - Ditto, in Certificate.. •••••••• • • • • • • • • 98 3{ - New 4 per Cent., Hope and Co. • ... 91 Ditto Stieglitz •• • . Spanish New 5 per Cent . .. 203 20 Ditto 3 per Cent ••••••••• • • • • • • • • • - Anglo-Portuguese Loan, 234 per Cent.. Dutch Actual Debt, 2% per Cent ....• 60 Ditto 3 per Cent. • • • • • • ••- Polish New 4 per Cent. Loan, 1844.... 823( Anglo-Danish Loan, 3 per Cent • . 86% 86% • National Bank Shares • .. . . BELGIAN FUNDS.-Bausms, FEB. 17. Actual Debt, 2% per Cent •• •••••••• •• • • - Rothschild's Loan, Five per Cent •••• • • - Loan of Thirty Millions, Four per Cent •• • • - Ditto Three per Cent.. • ..... ••••• • • • • • - Ditto Thirty-seven Millions, ditto •• • • Ditto,ditto,lB4o. • Ditto, ditto, 1842 • • • ••• • • • •• • • •••• • • • • 102% Ditto, 1844................. ..... • 100 Ditto, 1836.. ••.. • • ..... •••• • • • • ..... 97 Ditto, 1838 ..... ••••••.. • • • • • • ... 74% Ditto of the City, 1832 ....... ...... . • 100% Ditto, 1843 • • • • • Bank ofßelg,ium- .. • • •• • •• • • •• • • • • •• • • 836 -Brussels Papers. Feb. 18. DUTCH FUNDS.-AMSTEADAM, FEB. 17. Money. Bills. Actual Debt, 23{ per Cent.. •• .• ..... 60% 61 kitto, 3 per Cent • • •••••• • • • • • ••. 72% 7334 Ditto, 4 per Cent. • Aniort Syndic, 4% per Cent . - 90 Ditto, 331 per Cent •••••••• • • • • • • • • 88g 16434 Commercial Company, 43{ per Cent 164 ~ East India Loan, 4 per Cent ••••• • • • • • 9434 95 22 '5 Exchange on London, at sight ••••• •• • • g el 5 The months. • • • • • • • • • • • " 68 75 On Hamburg!), at sight •• .. 3.S Two months.• ••••••• •• •• •• 35 31 25 -Dutch Papers. Feb. 18. T t. R s LA t N ali F iu ti e li s . D . . 1 : 1 . E . N . rt . . ..t . ,..F . E . 8. 1 1 1 1 2 1 :74 n Loan,C4pprCClUeese Cent, t . t . t . o . ... 173 per 55 Pitt°, 1839 .• ••••••••••• • • • " • • • • • • 1223! Est(allazy's Loan .• • • • • • • • • • •• • • •• • RAILWAYS. The Northern, or Ferdinand 187 Vienna-Milan Shares .•• • 1 1 1 51 24 : 0 1 6 4 :, , :, 104r1 Sienna .. ...... Grosetto ........ ' • • Oldenburg, .• ••••• " • • • 98,17-16 Apenninen -Allgemeine Zeitung, Feb. 14. . _ Dispatches were sent off Yesterday evening from the Co lonial-oflice, for the Lord lligh Commissioner of the lonian Islands, and also for the Governor of /lla . C I