The Sun. — London, England, 1852-04-28 00:00:00

<< ur 4 fott 12Vtno : .SUV OFFICE, Seven o' Clock. ••• --..--- INWERIAL PARLIAMENT. (THIS DAY.) HOUSE OF COMMONS. _ Th 3 SPELZER took the Chair 3 few minutes after Tftelve o'clock. PRIVATE BUSINESS. The Patent Sclid Sewage Manure Company Bill was sL)nsidered and agreed to. PETITIONS. EDWARD ELLICE, jun., presented a petition from the University of St. Andrew's against the aboli- Von of University tests. Sir J. WAL USLEY presented several petitions from the metropolis against the Militia Bill. Mr. FREWEN presented a petition from Eastbourne, Sussex, in favour of the preservation of the Crystal Palace. Mr. COBBOLD presented a similar petition from Suffolk. Mr. BLANEY . presented several petitions from dif t&rent parts of the metropolis and the provinces in re.vour of legalising industrial partnerships. Mr. V. SOLI rill presented a petition from North aWpton against tb.3 Militia Bill. . Mr. MONCRUFF presented petitions from Glasgow ibol other plavas in Scotland in favour of the abolition of Uniursity teats, against the grant to Maynooth, and against San day labour in the Post-office. • Mr. H.ASTIE presented a petition from a place in Se9tlancl in favour of the Bill for abolishing University Testa.. COUNTY ELECTIONS EXPENSES BILL. Mt: CHRISTOPHER moved that this Bill be read a second time. The SPEAKER then put the question. Mr. ANSTEY—No, no. The SPEAKER—Does the Hoe. and Learned Mem her divide. Mr. ANSTEY—Ycs. The House then divided, when there appeared— For the second reading • Againat it ... •• • •• • Majority . - There not being forty Members in the division, it had ho effect, and the business was suspended until that num ber entered the House. Mr. CHRISTOPHER said he had no objection to postpone the second reading until there was a larger at tendance of Members. Tho second reading was then postponed. EXPULSION OF BRITISH SUBJECTS BY AUSTRIA. Mr. ANSTEY gave notice that on Tuesday next he would propose a resolution to the effect that the recent expulsion of British subjects called for prompt and ear nett measures on the part of the Government. ENFRANCHISEMENT OF COPYHOLDS. On the motion of Mr. AGLIONBY, the report upon Wit Bill was agreed to. GENERAL ROSAS. Mr. ROEBUCK gave notice that on Friday, on the mition that the Speaker leave the chair, he should ask the Government a question with reference to the Trea -54(7 order issued for the reception of Monsieur Rosas. ABOLITION OF UNIVERSITY TESTS. Mr. AIONCRIEFF moved that the University of Scotland Bill be read a second time. Mr. F. SCOTT WB4 in hopes that the Hon. and Learned Gentleman would have stated some grounds to the House for suggesting the approval of this measure, and he regretted that, in the absence of any grounds being auvaucee, he was compelled to give it his opposi tion. Tais, however, was no new question to the House or to the country. L appeared to him a great misfor tune that a Bill involving a principle in which the people of England anal Scotland took so lively an interest should be submitted to the House without sufficient reasons being shown for its necessity, The petitions in favour of a repeal of these tests. were few and scanty, and tee number of signatures attanhed to them were insigni tiOeint when compered to the extent of the community. tin tie other hand, the petitions which were opposed to the repeal ought to carry great weight with them, not so) much on account of the number of signatures, as from the standing and influence of the peti tioners. He considered thut the House ought to be very careful before it sanctioned any measure spy subversive of the Scotch Universities and the position of the Scotch Church, and detrimental to the education of the youth of Scotland. At the time of the union a contract was made to the effect that no professor, minister, or other functionary should be ap pointed in connexion with the ualtersities of Glasgow, Aberdeen, St. Andrew's, and Edinb urg h, wh o s h ou ld not subscribe the confession of faith of the established religion, and itleir intention o f c onf orm i ng t o the Presbyterian Church. Now he contended Viet a treaty ratified in so solemn a manner should not be set aside but for strong and convincing reasons. He perfectly admitted that university tests were not at all times rigidly enforced, but the object cif imposing them on the professors and instructors of youth was to give some guarantee to the people of Scotland that their children would be imbued with sound religions principles and be brought up in the faith of their forefathers. There was no nation of religionists who did not think it of the greatest importance that the teachers of youth should he attached to the purest form of worship reoognised by the great masa of the community. The practice of imposing tests had existed 150 years in Scotland, and its bene ficial effects had during that period been thoroughly re. cognised. In what country was the education of the people more moral or religions?: Where was there found among the lower orders more signal instaccss el moral worth, and what people had more distinguished themselves by their advance in life in all quarters of the globe? He considered that no institutions were more valuable than the parochial institution in connexion with the Church, by which the people received education. In 1826, iu consequence of some relaxation of these tests, and the rigid interference and control on the part of the municipal authorities of Edinburgh over the university of that city, a royal commission was issued to inquire into the course of education adopted in the University of Scotland. That Commission was com posed of the Earl of Roseberry, the Earl of Aberdeen, Lord Medwyn, Chief Justice Hope, and other distin guished persons, and after considering the subject of university tests they unanimously agreed that they should for the future be rigidly enforced. The report of that Commission, com posed of these able individuals, was directly opposed to the proposal of the Hon. and Learned Member. The Hon. and Learned Member ' when he brought forward his Bill last year, argue d that the Universities in Scot land were not founded with the intention of their being mainly devoted to the education of the Clergy—that they ware no t appendages to the rresbyterian Church of Scotland, and that there was no F' B oVsaity for a professor in those Universities entertain 'nfg'any religious opinion or notions whatever. Now he t:entended that, inasmuch as the Universities of Scot land were not founded mainly for the education of the `r e 'r s tt e l, as the English Universities were, the legislators was carefully instilledt!Lt into the minds of the laity, and Youth of the country s h ou ld have a sound 'n'lt'ral. combined with a religious education.e--(Hear.) `leer° was, i n f ,„ dacati34 r a e ct, in England no parochial system of 50 1 i n so . npera e tio ttY the schoolmaster was appointed to that was theaj th the parish authorities ; whereas t i matn connexion in Scotland, and th e r e was an in the Church. :T ow between th e U n i vers iti es an d to sever that coin:lea:oth° object of this Bill was what ground it was 1 1, and h e wan t e d to k now upon make the change. Was it that the Church haelZ l to !exercised its authorit or was it that the Church had t If this Bill was proposed not rigidly enforced the tests? Pon either of those grounds, he was prepared to controvert th • • enforced* these tests h ld h eposition. Had the Church in all case rigidly the e aye un derstood the motive for introducine but as the Church lied wisely, and judiciouslc,.„' d Bill ; eised its authoritY, the House O ught tograei9usly exer ll.—(Hear. hear.) p t u h w e er d i e ttil e lt iin a h s e e . it rn w l i v a g s e h l t f l o , b r i e ; hesitate before it adopted this B 1 ITIPZ*IISO which could told tha t : wi th merly, ielteCkhillilrOWEL'33w introducen ; t o s n o that really was so, why , have no other effect but to still f tat er Weaken On all grounds then h the Church ?—( Heart) °' Meer hear.) e 6 PPosed the principle of this meesure. , - Then, as re epre they to reduce th e gards the profeesores • . eseea lien of those officials? Certain.Y no., anal as the pro _ f eaajOie of Christianity, as taught by the Es t abl ished Church of Scotland , wa s considered the main qualifi cat i on, he could be no p ar ty to its abolition in the manner pro, posed by the Bill.—(Heir, hear.) But were these t est , vectiller to tho Established Church ? tie believed not, for all the doctrines of the Christian Church required that their collegiate teachers should subscribe to some test of one sort or another, sod if this were not so, he wanted to know what security there would be against the teaching of irreligion and the growth of scepti vism.—(Hear, hear.) It was for this very reason that not only Scotland, but every other C hristian country, insisted that their university professors should give some guarantee of their religions belief, and if the Muse determined to alter that system as regarde d Scotland, he was co nv i nced her Universities would rapidly decline.—(Hear, hear.) If this measure were to pass a very great injury would be inflicted upon the Universities, because it would admit professors into their chairs who were tollowera of no religion at all, and as the prescht was not the time for abolishing any of the oaths estabiiehed by laic, he demanded that the Bill should be then Sill Our.— (ilear, hear.) The Protestant religion of the country was not eo free from attack as to make the peising of steel a Bill safe, and ho would undertake to nito that nothing was more cal 'Mated prernote seeptieiem and irreligion than the zbelitiontof the tests enforced by :he Universities:of Scot al4.----(Rear. hear.) Recent events had served to bring 14 th c htleoti e enemies who were prepared te assail the f England, when the opportunity for doing " alien th e In civau litesent itself ; and he could assure vet couin c ex t 'a_t these enemies were cornparative:y feeble 'nosed " 'vith the enemy which this Bill, if it was , Natalia eo i, ((fear, h e an against the Church of Scetland.— &nethe toreat' wa ' s t one thing to relax the tests, and had displayed t '""' tateeeth %curl(' er; and since the Church of the tests, he p rot .isaret lon i n the adminintratios rnada in th e syst em. .. n ° ( I' 4 against any change being forte move as an ameneeLan't bear.) He should there eettond time that day six said the Bill be read a • Mr. 'MONCRIEFF said the se . te e p, not new to the House, for as f -et of the was matter underwent a fall di r „ b ack as 1845 the therefore did not think it nees ss ; euesi cn, and he motion for the second reading With to prefac e the (Hear, hear.) He would, however, no a w ay remark._ growls upon which be proposed 4. explain the sorry THE SUN, that the Government did not see their way to the adoption of this measure, because former Governments had agreed to it, as well as some of those Honourable Gentlemen who now occupied the Treasury bench. He understood that 52 petitions had been presented in favour cf the Bill, and 48 against it, bat these latter did not Come from the people of Scotland, but the Church, while the former came prin cipally from your ceuncils and corporations, a fact which showed pretty conclusively that the people of Scotland were not opposed to the Bill.—(Hear, hear.) Ho knew, indeed. that they had no wish to maintain these tests; they did not value thennhbut. on the con trary, they wished to see them abolished, and as the Church could not enforce them it was ridiculous to tell him that this Bill, if passed, would endanger the stabi lity of the Church. He proposed to do away with a great practical evil, for a religious test which was so religiously disregarded was worthless.—(Hear, hear.) It could only be enforced for the sake of caprice, while it ex cluded those from the Universities whom the framers of the tests had no desire to exclude.—(Hear, hear.) But the tests were:, worthless, because; the Church had not the power to enforce them, nor had it any control; over the professors. (Hear, hear.) All classes of religionists attended the Universitea of Scotland, as there was no domestic or religious discipline observed such as was to be found prevailing in the English Universities, and when the student left the university he was beyond the control of his professor. Now, what was the origin of these tests? Why they were established by two Acts, one pasted in 1690, and the other in 1703, and it would seem the object of these Acts was to exclude Episcopalians from the Universities. I That was certainly the object of the first Act; while in 1703, when the union between the two countries was under discussion, it was urged that England being a supporter of Protestantism, the union would injure the Presbyterianism of Scotland, and the second Act was passed to meet that objection.—(Hear, hear.) It W 23 clear, therefore, that the object of both Acts was to exclude Episcopalians, and the Acts provided that all the professors appointed to Scotch Universities should declare their adhesion to the Presbyterian institution of the coon try. Well, then, the object of this Bill was to modify that Ilaw, which had never been rigidly enforced, and which was openly violated by the Bolingbroke Act shortly after it was enacted.—(Hear, hear.) What had been the effect of the law? Why it had produced more miserable bickerings and dissentious in Scotland than anything else, and he was at a loss to understand upon what ground this remedy for the evil could be resisted.—(Hear, hear.) The law had placed the Church of Scotland in a minority not only with the people, but its followers, many of whom differed with the Church in nothing but this very law.—(Hear, hear.) The law ex cluded at least half of the people from the Universities, notwithstanding that they were sound in doctrine, and he insisted it was not just to maintain those teats. They were the barbarous remains of a less enlightened age; they were of no use whatever, but, on the contrary, inflicted great injuries upon the people, and the House would do well to abolish them.—(Hear, hear.) But it was said it was necessary to preserve these tests for the sake of preventing irreligion and scepticism; but did these tests do that? Certainly not, or many of our most brilliant professors would never have obtained chairs. Indeed, had the tests been rigidly enforced, such men as Forbes and Brewster, who were Episcopa lians and could not take the oaths, would have been precluded from accomplishing the wonders they had done?—(Hear, hear.) Of the eighty professors in the Universities, twenty-four had not subscribed to the tests, while in reference to many recent appoint ments many eminent men, who were sound in doctrine and unblemished in reputation, had been excluded from chairs because the Church authorities sud denly took it into their heads to enforce the tests.—(Hear, hear.) Now, was that a state of things which ought to exist, for the sake of keeping up an old and obsolete law? Well, then, upon these grounds he asked the House to pars this Bill, end to do away with the needless and useless tests.—(Hear, hear.) They might, perhaps, be modified, but that was no reason for rejecting this Bill, while, with regard to the Act of Uuion, these tests could be modified or abolished, as they had served their turn, without in any way violathig the principles contained in the Act of Union.—(fleer.) He therefore thought the time was now come when he might appeal to the House that for the advancement of science and religion those tests should be repealed. Sir R. H. INGLIS said that the Right Hon. and Learned Gentleman had either proved too much or proved nothing at all. Whatever were the numbers of the Es tablished Church of Scotland, they had certain privileges to which they had a right, and he would oppose any attempt to deprive them of them. It was said that they had no right to impose these tests; now he would ask any Roman Catholic gentlemen pre sent whether he would admit into any college which he supported a Presbyterian professor, or any Presbyterian gentleman whether he would admit a Roman Catholic professor? He contended that the superintendence over the education of the people of Scotland was a vested right in the Established Church, and against this he could listen to no petition, however great might be the personal qualities and respectability of these from whom they might proceed. For this rea son he should oppose this Bill. Mr. BETHELL supported the Bill. Mr WALPOLE said that though the Right Ho nourable Gentleman opposite had said that the Bill was opposed by the Government, even before any mem ber of the Government had spoken, it wee still quite true that that was the case, and indeed he could scarcely understand how any Government, whoever they might be, could do anything but oppose this Bill. In the first place, the Bill was a direct violation of a national con tract at the time of the union, which it would now be a breach of faith to interfere with, except on very strong and conclusive reasons. At the time of the union the Commissioners were precluded by the preliminary conditions from interfering with the manner of public worship and with the universities already esta blished in that country. He thought that the ease which had been made out for disturbing the Act of Union was one of the weakest which he had ever heard made out. The Honourable Gentleman opposite had cited the fact, that 24 professorial chairs were now filled by gentlemen who could not take the tests, as an argument for doing away with tests altogether.—(hear, hear)—whereas he took it its a proof that those who had the control over these matters did not put into force the full stringency of the power in their hands when they found that it was not necessary for the purpose of preventing the ingress of persons likely to misuse their position. He had not heard, and he did not know, that; these tests had worked ill with regard to the education of the youth of Scotland—. quite the otheriway, in fact, as far as his knowledge went. Another objection he, had to this Bill was that it was a violation of the Ecclesiastical Establishment of Scotland; and if they did it in this instance they must do it to England and Ireland as well. He had objections to the details of the Bill, and he thought that the second section of the Bill, which went to retain the tests as applied to the theological and church-history chairs, was of itself a proof that the framers cf this Act thought that it was to a certain degree' necessary to fence about with tests the religious education of tho country. For that reason he felt it his duty to oppose this Bill. Mr. ANSTEY supported the second reading of the Bill. He considered the opposition as prompted by the bigots of the Church of Scotland. Mr. EWART said the Bill was necessary, in the first place, because the law had already been violated, and Isecondly, because they had now on l y an uncerta i n tribe nal to regulate these matters. Sir A. CAMPBELL joined issue with the Hon. Member who had just sat down as to the violation of th e treaty of union, which he had said afforded a suffi cient reason for passing the Bill. He did not consider that either the alteration of the representation of Scot land by the Reform Bill, or the alteration of the right of patronage in that country, was an infraction of the treaty. That treaty was made between two independent countries, and any interference with its articles would be a positive violation of good faith. The House could not fail to arrive at the con clusion that the Bill originated with those who opposed the Established Church of Scotland and the church esta blishments generally, and he warned the House against giving its sanction to a principle which, if adopted, would lead to the entire subversion of the established religion of that country. Mr. HUME entered into a statement of the number of students who matriculated at the colleges of Cork and Galway, for the purpose of showing that Roman Catho lics were not afraid to send their sons to seminaries presided over by Protestant professors. He considered that this measure was consistent with the wishes and wants of the majority of th e S co t c h people, who were opposed to the continuance of any religious tests in universities. see th e have great Sir G. CLERK' observed that the tests were first im posed to gusrd against the Jacobite party, who wished to eziled family restored to the throne of Scotland. Ile th ee ,h tai toc w ontinne the imposition of the tests ought to that the recommendations of the Royal Com of political►,3 land that thl.different denominations and of every shade o f mealb,„,ra c 9 f igh . t with the House, composed as it was isneeilptens.ts ought not to be abolished. because It was the general opinion in Scot of Scotland they were wit ?hly ,,. link connecting the Universities the tests ~,,,t: the Church,, of that country. When suggestion o f the 'Ojeed, in consequer.ca of the merit, when there ware via , : a time of great excite was occasioned, thotor9itraraission, no dissatisfaction loudo outcries for the redress of all kinds of grievaneve.o_ien the contrary, a disposition duri maintain that form of re- was evinced by the Neither was there re li,gion to which they We l ' t ta l which their forefathers h a d i tjelY attached, and for an y objection to the tests produced by the Reform Bill n g the excitement w hi c h originated the pteSent Rill ~, The movement more recent occasion—he A ll u d ed t to o th k its rise on a sion from the Church in 184.1, which he, great seces rnan, looked upon as one of the most unfortunate as a Scotch melancholy events which had over take_ . and country. lie contended that the people of o P t ile s 'e co in the were justified in availing themTelyes a their an t e l i and en right to prevent perso ns becomin g p r ofessors who would not submit to the discipline of the Church. lie was d e airous that Scotland should maintain tha t proud distinc tion fur learning and science for which it had been so long distinguished, but the effect of the Bill would tend in the other direction. and, besides, he thought it was only tho first step towards a greater alteration in the constitution of their universities and seminaries. He hoped the edu cation of the youth of the country would never be entrusted to the hands of those w h o would not sub3cribo to the belief and great doctrines of the Christian faith. This was only the commencement of a very grave change in the edu cational system of the country as by law established, and, once sanctioned, it would be impossible to maintain the Church of Scotland in its integrity. The Bill WAS LONDON, intended to apply to Scotland, but would be extended to the English Universities, and also to private schools. It was en these grounds that he opposed the Bill. Lord JOHN RUSSELL owned that he had heard nothing which ought to induce him to oppose this Bill. The speech of his Hon. Friend who Lad charge of the Bill, he thought, was unanswerable, and the last speaker had failed to controvert any arguments which had been urged in favour of the Bill.—(Hear, hear.) It was said, indeed, that the law as it now stood was not obeyed, and the House was asked of what use the repeal would be. —(Hear, hear.) And ho was surprised to hear the Right Honourable Gentlemen the Secretary for the Home Department following up the same ar gument, for he for one believed that a law, which was systematically disoheyed, ought no longer to remain in force. In point of fact the law was never enforced at all except in some few individual cases, and in the generality of these eases the law never contemplated touching those individuals. Well, then, ought such a state of things to continue? Ho confessed he was favourable to a change, and nothing which ho had heard in the course of this debate was calculated to alter that opinion. The last speaker told them that the students were not subject:to any test, and the consequence was all classes of religionists were admissible into the Universities, and yet he wanted to impose tests upon the professors who were to teach these stndents.--(Hear, hear.) Such an anomalous state of things was a dis grace to the Legislature; it was both unjust and intole rant, and he owned to a conviction that the House ought at once to put an end to it.—(lleise, hear.) Mr. C. BRUCE insisted that the law ought not lightly to be repealed and done away with.—(hear.) The practical inconvenience was supposed to arise from the existence of these tests, and in the absence of any further reasons for the Bill than those which he had already heard, he must offer his decided opposition to its further progress.—(Hear, hear.) Religion and edu cation should not be separated, and that, he believed, was the opinion of the people of Scotland; and as this Bill would have that effect they were unanimously op posed to it.—(Hear, hear.) Let the House then pay some deference to the opinion of the great body of the people, and agree without more delay to reject this highly objectionable, because irreligious measure. Mr. OSWALD claimed the attention of the House for a short time upon this momentous question. He did not in the least disguise the momentous nature of the sub ject, but in 1843 the House neglected to take advantage of the crisis that then existed to settle this matter, and they had only themselves to blame for the delay which had taken place in the settlement of it.—(Hear, hear.) He had listened attentively to the arguments which had been urged from the Treasury bench against this Bill, and he confessed without hesitation that he had heard nothing which should induce him to reject the Bill.—(Hear, hear.) It was said in the first place that the Bill was opposed to the Act of Union, and in the second that it would endanger the religion of Scotland.--(Hear, hear.) Now he was not lawyer enough to decide upon the first of these objections, but he thought there was nothing in the Act of Union which ought to prevent the House doing justice to the people of Scotland—(Hear, ,hear)—while as to the other objec • tion, he knew that the existence of these tests retarded rather than promoted the interest of religion.—(Hear.) It would have been much better, therefore, if the Go vernment had issued another Commission t 3 inquire into this subject, rather than oppose the Bill.—(llear.) Had the Government taken that course he should have been prepared to support them, more espe cially as it was exceedingly desirable that this session should be shortened as much as possible.— (Hear, hear.) Ho should, however, vote for the Bill, and endeavour at all risks to get rid of a grievance which the people of Scotland could no longer tolerate. The House then divided, when there appeared— For the second reading ... 157 Against it ... 172 Majority against ... The Bill was accordingly thrown out. COLONIAL BISHOPS BILL. Oa the order of the day for the second reading of this Bill, Sir J. PAKINGTON requested that the motion for the second reading of the Bill might he postponed until a future day. Mr. GLADSTONE, who had charge of the Bill, had no objection to postpone the second reading if the House would allow him now to state the object of the Bill. Mr. HORSMAN objected to this, but was called to order, there being no question before the House. Mr. GLADSTONE then rose to move the second reading, and proceeded to state the object of the Bill. It was to enable the Church of England in the colonies, if it could be be legally so designated, to manage its own affairs, subject to certain limitations, which Parliament would have to decide.—(Hear ; hear.) The same privilege was enjoyed by every other church in the colonies, and he hoped the House would eventually see the necessity of conferring a similar power upon the clergy and laity of the Established Colonial Church.—(Efear, hear.) The Bill in no respect trenched upon colonial legisla tures, but if it were thought fit he should be very glad to insert an express clause saving the rights of those legislatures. The Bill, in feet, was not so much a Colonial Bishops Bill, but rather a Bill for the colonial clergy. It proceeded on a great principle which he hoped to see more acted upon in that House, that of leaving the colonies in the uncon trolled management of their own local affairs, whether ecclesiastical or civil. He had not the slightest wish to trench in any degree on the religious liberties of any community, because, even if the gift of civil pre ference in the colonies were offered to what was called the Established Church in this country, ho for one should reject it as a fatal gift, and ono containing a soarce of weakness to the Church herself. Full and perfect equality was the condition which be should desire for the Church in the colonies, and none other. He held in his hand an Act of the Parliament of Canada for the disendowing of certain rectories, in the preamble of which was contained an express declaration that the principle of perfect re ligious equality among all religious denominations was that on which colonial legislation was to he conducted. Now this Act had gone torough the natal formulas, it had been laid on the table of Leh Houses for forty days, and lied, therefore, with the consent of both Houses, received the assent of the Crown, and this House now stood committed, as well us the House of Lords, to the principle of religious equality in the colonies. Ho hoped, therefore, he should have the assent of Hon. Gentlemen in his efforts to establish a system, founded on this principle of religious equality, a system which in his opinion was the only one that could be made to work in the colonies. In 1850 he had introduced a subject of this nature to the atten tion of the House. The ground of his case was that the state of the law in the colonies was so tangled that it was impossible for any ono to understood it and act upon it. The objections which were urged against that Blll—that it was a part of ecclesiastical legislation, that it was partial, that there was no evidence, that by adopting the Bill they would be acting in ignorance of the views of the parties con cerned—were no longer to be applicable to the pre sent Bill.—(Hear, hear.) Thera was a great difference of opinion among lawyers as to whether the ecclesiastical law of this country could be extended to tha colonies; but whatever might be the real strength of the legal power, this was certain, that for all prac tical purposes the ecclesiastical law had no operation whatever in the colonies. There were no ecclesias tical courts in the colonies; nor was he one who would be ready to introduce them there. Efforts, however, had been made to establish such coasts, particularly by the Bishop of Tasmania; but his efforts had re sulted only in an examination by the Dis senters, who objected to these courts, of the very patents under the authority of which the Bishop proposed to establish them, and in the ultimate decision by the law officers of the Crown that tho patent had pretended to give power to the Bishop which her Majesty was not competent to give, and therefore the whole attempt fell to the ground. The whole powers exercised by the bishops in the colo nies was merely arbitrary ; he did not mean it offensively ; but there was no legal authority to back hisjuelgnaents, and he had no means of satisfying the public that justice had been done. This ho thought was not what ought to be the state of the case, and he called on the House to step in and alter it. It was said by some persons that there was a power of appeal from the colonial bishop to the archbishop at home; and with out dwelling on the fact how absurd it was to send a man 16,000 miles for redress, ho himself was not csrtain that there was such a power of appeal. Iu fact one gentle. man, Mr. Wigmore, had travelled the sixteen thou send miles to appeal against Lis Bishop to the late Archbishop of Canterbury, who, however, was obliged to tell him that he had no power because there had been no process. If such was the case with the clergy, it was much worse with the laity, who had no appeal whatever even in cases most extreme in their nature. With respect to the feelings of the colonists themselves on the subject, th ey were we ll aware of the difficulties of their position ; they dis claimed any civil preference whatever, Out of the thirteen dioceses to whi c h hi s B i ll woul d b e extended, eleven of the bishops had ex p resse d t h e i r de cided opinion in public acts, that some provision was necessary to give a more settled and legal position to their powers and operations. The same was the case with the clergy and th e l a i t y i u at opinionle to the same effect, that for the governmentast s even of these dioceses, who had decl are d th e i r of the Chareh some synodical action ought to be given by legislative enactment to the clergy and laity of each diocese. The question was, hew the remedy was to ho applied. Seine advocate the es tablishment of a Parliamentary constitution of the Church in the colonies. He would be the last man to sanction any such establishment, neither did he think the Honse of Commons would sanc tion the introduction of such a scheme, nor the colonists accept it. He himself wished to leave it a matt er f or the colonial legislatures and the members of the Church themselves to settle what should be their mutual rela tions and connexions. The Right Hon. Gentleman concluded by moving the second reading of the Bill. Sir J. PAKINGTON said that after the able speech of the Right Hen. Gentleman the (louse would feel that it would be requisite for him (Sir J. Pakington) to go at 501310 length into this subject. Ho should therefore move the adjournment of the debate. The debate was then adjourned until the 1 9 th of May. The Hou se then adjourned at Six o'clock. FATAL. ACCIDENTS ON THE LANCASHIRE AND 1 ORKSILLUE RAILWAY.—On Saturday evening working man w . as killed at the Middl e t on s t a tion on thi3 He had hocked for Oldham, but ran, am ongst a crowd of pas• sengers, to the d oor of a carriage, , before the train had stopped. The result was that be was pu3bed down between the footboards of the train and the landing stags and crushed to death. A servant of the company, named Richard Walker, was also kille4 the lime uftcruwn at the Miles Plgtim4 rotation. FRANCE. A grand funeral service, in honour of Marshal Gerard, was celebrated on Monday in the church of the lavalides. At eleven o'clock battalions of all the regiments of the garrison, commanded by their Colo nels, a battery of artillery, two squadrons of Municipal Guards and Gendarmes of the Seine, and two ~ qua. drons of Lancers, two battalions of Republican Guards and Gendarmes Mobiles, and a battalion of National Guards, took their station on the espla made, and along the Boulevard, adjoinging the Hotel des lovalides, which they completely surrounded. The National Guards, who performed duty for the first time since their re-organization, obtained the place of honour. At twelve o'clock the religious service commenced, and was chanted by the chaplain of the Invalides, assisted by a numerous clergy, in presence of the staff of the Hotel, the Marshals, the Minister of War, Generals Magnan and Loewestine, the officers of the National Guard and of the regiments of the garrison, &c. The President of the Republic was represented by General Roguet and several of his aides-de-camp. During the cere mony the drums and bands alternately played, and at the elevation of the Host, the whole of the troops outside presented arms. Minute guns were fired un til the conclusion of the service. Among the brilliant uniforms worn at the saloons of Marshal Jerome Bonaparte, was that of Malta, as worn by the Russians, of which the Emperor is the chief, and many of which uniform are seen in the aristocratic Courts of Germany. Amongst the Arab chiefs who are to come to Paris for the fele of the 10th of May arc two Ishalifas and a bachaga, with their suite of forty parsons. The Colonel of the Ist Regiment of Spahis, M. Durrieu, is to ac company him. General Dufour has arrived in Paris from Switzer land. Wo read in the Public:— "General Dufour has just arrived in Paris. It is well known in what high esteem the Prince President holds the iliusLrious General, whose eminent qualities he was enabled to appreciate during his residence in Switzer land. It cannot be forgotten, moreover, that it was General Dufour who removed the difficulties which arose some time since between France and Switzerland on the subject of the presence of refugees in the latter " The last member of the Parliament of Burgundy, e N o l u .tu r illet de St. Pierre, died last week, near Dijon, in his 100th year. ITALY. Prince PASKEWITSCII, Governor-General of Po land, returned to Warsaw on the lath from St. Pe tersburgh. Orders have been given by the police of Warsaw to make preparations for the arrival of the Emperor and Empress of RUSSIA ; the houses in the principal streets are to b e repa i re d and embellished. Eleven refugees h a d b een res t ore d to civil rights, and it was hoped that his MAJESTY Oa his visit would pardon a greater number. MORTALITY in the METROPOLIS. NUMBER OF DEATHS FROM ALL CAUSES REGISTERED IN .. ... THE I VEEK ENDING SATURDAY, APRIL 24 , 1152 . Epidemic, Endemi c , an d C on t ag ious Diseases —. 4 204 Diseases of Un certa i n S eat ... ••• ••• ••• 44 Tubercular Di seases . *" ... Diseases of the B ra i n , N erves , and Senses... ... 1 1 9 28 9 Diseases of the Heart and 13lood-vessels ... ... 33 Diseases of the Lungs, and other Organs of Regpiration ... ... ... ... ... ... 172 Dioceses of the Stomach, Liver, and other Organs of Digestion... •.• ••• .•• •• • 54 ... Diseases of the Kidneys, &c. .., ••• •.• 17 Chihihirth, Diseases of the Uterus, &c. ... ... 8 Diseases of the Joints Bones, and Muscles —. 1e Diseases of the Skin, &c. ..• ••• `" ." 4 llalfcrmationi... ... _ A . ... ••• ••• • rrc mature Birth ... ... ~. ... ... 28 ittrup'ay , 21 011 Ago ziullen ... ... ... ... ... Violence, Privaticn, Cold, and Intemperance ... 20 Causes not specified ... •-• ••• "' "' 7 DEATILS FROM ALL CATISEd ... ... 1,021 Population Deaths In eon's- Deaths Enumerated, sponding week In the 1851. cf 1851. Week. SVe3t Districts... 376,427 . . 169 ••• 148 North Districts.. 490,396 ~. 213 ... 197 Central Districts 393,256 ~. 188 ... 178 East Districts ... 485,522 ... 211 ... 198 South Districts .. 616,635 —. 294 ... 300 WEDNESDAY EV ENING-, APRIL 2B, 1862 CERTIFICATES GRANTED. T. J. Lough, Great S'. Helen's, Bishopagate•street Within, drysalter, certifice.to of the second class—C. W. Lewis, Great St. Helen's, Bi!:hopttute Within, drysalter, certificate of the Second class—J. H. Stulpner, Mark lane, general merchant--J. Amery, Chelmsford, Essex, hotel and livery stable keeper, certificate of the third clues—G. Law, Harrow road. Middlesex, hatter, certifi cate of the third elass—C-"t. Chcothrtes and G. W. Gill, Stroud and Frindsbary, Kent, shipwrights, barge, ship, and boat builders, certificates of the second class—D. Jones, Liverpool, sailmaker, certificate of the second class, six months from the 6th of March last—J. Pile, Monkwearmouth, Durham, shipbuilder, certificate of the third class—E. Lowe, Bristol, toy dealer and turner, certificate of the first class—l. Gardiner, Bristol, saddler and harness maker, certificate of the second class—W. Kirkman, INlancliester, plasterer and painter, certificate of the third class—C. Lucas, R. Wilkinson, and E. Bond, klanchester, and Hayfield, Derby, calico printers, cer tificates of the second class—H. Gladwin, Nottingham, draper, certificate of the second class—G. H. Wilson, Kingston-upon-Hull, merchant, certificate of the third class. T0ta15....,... 2,362,236 1,075 1,021 rvlalea ••• sf - ,9 ••• ••• ••• Fernaliiii ... ••• 119/1 Go. 462 BIRTHS IN THE WEEK. Males ... 759 ••• ••• ••• Fernalas ••• •i• tall 819 Vital 1,608 *ln this number ara included 38 by Scarlatina, 36 by Typhus Fever, and 1 by Diarrhma. THE LONDON GAZETTE, April 27 BANKRUPTS. Joseph David Benjamin, dealer in cigars, Southampton street, Bloomsbury-square, to surrender May 7 and June 11, at one, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Whitmore, official as signee, Basiughal-strdet .Bralnn, Chancery-lane. _ _ . Alfred Mason, ironmonger, Kirnbolton, Huntingdonshire, May 7, at half-pat twelve, and June 11, at twelve, at the Court of Bankruptcy; Cannau, official assignee, Alderman bury ; Skilbeck and Hall, Southampton -buildings, Chancery lane ; Prescott, Stourbridge, Worcestershire. Henry Plummer, jun., wood turner, Golden-lane, St. Luke's, May 3, at eleven, and June 19, at half-past eleven, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Pennell, official assignee, Guildhall-chambers , 13 asinghall.street ; Terrell and Mat thews, Basinghall-street. Nether, Wath-upon - Dearne , Yorkshire, May 7, a n d June 11, John Wood and Edwin Norton, at eleven, at the Leeds District Court. Freeman, official corn millers, Hoyland , assignee, Leeds; Marshall , Barnsley; Bond and Barwick, Leeds. Lund Newham, draper , Sheffield May 15 and 29, at ten, at the Leeds District Court. Freeman, official assignee, Shef (field • S a l e , Worthington, and Ship man, M anc h es t er; G ou ld, Sheffield. Thomas Mill s , grocer, Llanidloes, Montgomeryshire, May 11 and June 7, a t eleven, at th e Li verpool D i str i ct Court. Morgan, official 00l ; Evans and Son, Liver pool. Humphrey Davies , lea ther seller, Liverpool, May 13 and assignee, Liverpool Jane 3, at eleven , a t the Liverpool District Court. Bird, official assignee, Liverpool; Blundell and Sharman, Liver pool. .lames 31‘Coskrie, merchant, Liverpool, May 11, and June 7. at eleven, at the Liverpool District Court. Cazenove, offi cial assignee, Liverp ool ; N eale and Martin, Liverpool. Thomas 7, e ttwelve, Lays at the o n' draper, er, Bury, L ancas hi re, M ay 10 an d June Manchester; Grundy, Bury, Lancashire, DIVIDENDS, official assignee , At the Court, Basinghall-street. rnt r, M L. Samuel, Bu r y -stree t , St. Mary Axe, jeweller, May 14, at half-past twelve-L. Ale xan d er an d W. l3ardgett, 'May 20, at uleveu-A. Ross and J. Ogilvie, ilorsetshire. common 14, at one-W. D. brewer, Argyll-street, army agents, May 18, at twelve. O G l o d oci B r oad-st i r tn ee b t, merchants,e hi iuso In the Country. G. Bailey, Coventry, ribbon manufacturer, May 22, at hall-past ten, at the Court, Birmingham-W. Worley, Smethwick, Staffordshire, licensed victualler, May 18, at half-past eleven, at the Court, Birmingham-S. Mason, Newcastle-under - Lyne , draper, May 19, at half-past eleven, at the Court, Birmingham. PAYMENT OF DIVIDENDS. W. Levy, White's-row, Spitalficlds, maccaroni and vermicelli manufacturer, 45., on Thursday, April 29, and thue following Thursdays, between eleven and two, at t h e office of Mr. Stansfeld, Basinghall-street. W. Nash, Noble-street, City, warehouseman, Is., on Thursday, April 29, and three following Thursdays, between eleven and two, at the cffico of Mr. Stansfeld, Basinghall-street. W. rimming, Fleet-street, law bookseller, 4d., any Wednesday, between eleven and three, at the office of Mr. Whitmore, Basieghall.street, C. C. C. Geary, Colchester, eheesemonger, Is. 70., any Wednesday, between eleven and three, at the office of Mr. Whitmore, Fiaainghall-street. G. Hopkinson, Liverpool, c oac h builder, 2s. t;J. on Wednesday, April 28, or any subseq ue nt Wednesday , between the hours of eleven and two, at the office of Mr. Turner, Liverpool. J. A. Edwards, Liverpool, boarding-house keeper, 7d., on Wednesday, April 28, or any s ubsequent Wed nesda y , between eleven and t wo , at the office of Mr. Turner, Liverpool. G. Pim and S. Pim, Liverpool, corn merchants, is. :d., en Monday, May 3, or any subsequent Monday, between eieveu and two, at tho office of Mr. Bird, Liverpool. G. J. J. Grant, Liverpool, tobacco broker, Is., on Monday, May 3, or any subsequent Monday, between elevr, and two, at tho of of isle. Bird, Liverpool. J. Unsworth, Liverpool, builder, 2i. { 1,, on Wednes day, April :18, or any subsequent Wednesday, be tween eleven and two, at the o ffice of Mr. Morgan, Liverpool. J. Reid, Huddersfield, merc hant, `s•, on Tuesday, April 27, or any subsequent Monday or Tuesday, be tween the hours of eleven and two, at the office of Mr. Hope, Leeds. J. Cummins, Bradford, Yorkshire, linehdraper, is. ed., on Thursday, April 9 9, or any subsequent Thursday, between eleven and two, at the oiltee of Mr. Freeman, Leeds. R. Welsh, Huddersfield, woollen - cloth merchant, 3s. 4d., on Thursday, April 29, and any subsequent Thurs day, between eleven and two, at the office of Mr.. Fre eman, Leeds. NOTICES OF CERTIFICATES. At the Court, Bazinghall-street. 11. Stanley, Gerrard-street, Soho, scrivener and bill broker, May 20, at eleven-G. Betts, Swaffham, Nor folk, draper, May .PJ, at two-n. Hodges, Addington place, Camberwell, coachbuilder, May 19, at two---G. Gull and F. D. Wilson, Old Broad -street, City, Russia brokers May 19, at one-A. Hill, Woodside, Croydon, and Isle of DJgs, Poplar, oil of vitriol manufacturer, May 19, at half-past twelve-G. Senior, Fordingbridge, Southampton, apothecary, May 19, at twelve. In the Country. T. Wilee, nourdean, Gloucestershire, grocer, May 2G, at elev e n, at t h e C ourt, B r i sto l-W- Mao Cann, Li verpool, merchant, May 19, at eleven, at the Court, Liverpool-G. Gillott, Castleford, Yorkshire, grocer, May 25, at eleven, at the Court, Leeds--'T. Footman, Wolverhampton,Stafford, huckster, May 1 9 , at half past eleven, Oil the court, DirtainBlK6 PARTNERSHIPS DISSOLVED. A. Ritchie, J. Mackay, and J. E. Germ4iae, Bristol, timber merchants (so fur as regards J. Mackey)—A. Ritchie and J. Mackay, Liverpool, timber merchants — J. Mackay, H. Mackay, A. F. Mackay, and D. Mackay, Liverpool, coal proprietors (so far as regards J. Mackay) —T. B. Hayward and A B. Hay ward, Liverpool, drapers—J. White, R. White, and A. White, Kings land, drapers (so far as regards R. White) — R. Atkinson and W. Procter. Leeds, joiners and, builders—J. Wilson and J. Smith, Albion-place, King's cross, furniture denlers—T. Swarbriek, R. Popple, and C. Poppies, Groves, Kingston-upon-Hull, cottun-spin ners—J. Owen, W. Matthews, and G. Poulson, Liver pool, tobacco manufacturers—G. P. Harding, J. Dando, Goodes, and S. G nodes, Hatton-garden, manufactu rers of the patent spiral fastenings for buttons, studs, pine, brooches, &c. (so far as regards G. P. Harding and J. Dando)—R. L. Curtis and E. C. Curtin, Strat ford, builders—G. Marriott and E. M. Marriott, Mel ton Mowbray, drapers—C. Crispe and R. Elliott, Tun bridge Wells, linendrapers—W. Roberts and J. J. Thomas. Oawestry, solicitors—G. Bennett, W. Bennett, and E. Sinkins, Kingsbridgo, Devonshire, painters—W. Whitehead and W. Anderson, Limchouse, tailors and drapers—R. Bradley and T. Bradley, Liverpool, licensed victuallers—J. Parkinson and H. H. Green, Kingston upon-Hall, shipbuilders—R. Longdon, F. Longdon, and R. Longdon, jun., Derby, silk hosiers—Mary Dashper and W. R. Dallyn, Torquay, linendrapers. INSOLVENT PETITIONERS. J. Snow, Tranmere, Bebbington, Cheshire, grocer. W. C. Ellis, Great Poungland, Norfolk, farmer. A. J. Dibuale, Hessie, Yorkshire, letter carrier. J. Watkins, Pontypridd, Glamorganshire, shoemaker. S. J. Dart, Cardiff, Glamorganshire, retailer of beer. J. P. Townsend, Cardiff, Glamorganshire, draper. N. Bradley, Cardiff, (3 lamorganshire, chemist. J. Fry, Brinkworth, Wiltshire, butcher. D. Reed, Speldburst, Kent, laud measurer. R. Hewitt, Mears Ashby, Northamptonshire. J. Moore, Hexharo, Northumberland, market gardener. J. Webster, Louth, Lincolnshire, butcher. J. Hunt, Pentmwynydd, Trevithin, Monmouthshire, flannel manufacturer. G M. Cowley, Nottingham, solicitor. .T. Hudson, Margate, grocer. G. Raymond, Dover, Lieutenant in the Royal Nary. T. 1.41. Dreaper, West Derby, Lancashire, corn merchant. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, April 27. ADULTERATION OF COFFEE WITH CHICORY. Lord TORRINGTON rose to present a peti tion, complaining of the operation of the Treasury minute of August, 1810, with respect to the sale of coffee mixed with chicory. The Noble Lord said the subject wits looked upon with great interest by the coffee merchants, and he hoped that the answer which would be given to-night would in a great measure allay their anxiety. All that the petitioner a desired was that instead of the Treasury minute of 1840, now complained of, the regulatiou of the trade might be, with some alight alteration, that of 1832, when chicory was permitted to be sold separately by grocers as chicory, but notices were issued at the same time that the legal penalties would be rigidly enforced if discovered mixed with coffee. In 1840 it appeared that in consequence of memorials from the grocers and dealers in chicory, and also from the circumstance of exceeding high rates then ruling for coffee, together with the disruption of our commercial relations with China advancing the price of tea, an order was issued from the Treasury to the Excise Board, authorising the admixture of chicory with coffee, a duty being maintained on the former of 201. per ton on the kiln-dried, and Gd. per lb. on the powdered root, when imported from abroad. The petitioners did not seek to destroy the consumption of chicory, or to impose any additional duty on it, their chief object was to get rid of the demoralising effects of the present system, by which the'lmperial Government sanctioned the selling of a spurious article for the true one, making honesty in the retailer almost impossible. The peti tioners feared that the industrious classes, now the chief consumers of coffee in England, would cease to use it, finding that it: underwent daily deterioration, and thus would be lost the best part of the English market and to the English mechanic and labourer a pleasant, wholesome, and iuvigorating beverage. If this were the case it was to be feared that the consumption of ardent spirits would be increased. The Noble Earl concluded his speech by calling their Lordships' attention to a memorial lying on the table from the inhabitants of Ceylon to the Right Hun. tbo Secretary of State for the Colonies, re lative to the adulteration of coffee with chicory. The Duke of MONTROSE supported the prayer of the petition just presented, having a similar petition to present himself from certain merchants and planters, as also from a large rnimher of the general inhabitants of Ceylon, They stated that the colony was labouring under very great depression in consequence of the 1847 the t d h u e t duty revenuepreviously had amount of feuds invested in the growth of coffee, as well as the great reduction that had taken place in the chargedprice of upon that article, it. G ra : e s decreased on the article of coffee; adulteration remained and the complaints continued as strong as ever. But the question did not alone confine itself to the adulteration e a c s t bearing which oven chicory itself was largely adulterated; and h e , therefore, should contend that, under the circumstances, all a y ls s o inc i e n of coffee; for the grocers and traders complained that the existence of the Treasury minute was injurious to the revenue.—(Hear. hear.) . The Earl of DERBY said—l am not disposed to th y e eu s r tro L n o g r e d s . t the case of the fair trader, or on the revenue, or on interests of the colonial planters and merchants; or, been underratebro brought ci t h h te underimportance o our notice, o t, i f c e t , h e e i t s h h e h r j classes of the community who are consumers of coffee, and who while they are parties least able to above all, as bearing on the interests of the poorer in a former session Parliament, that claims I can by no mans accede to the position protect t jacci9eiltvXuraarbele t e h o o n s s e id w er h a o tio h n av r e A ships. Chancellor cf the ' laid down by the late of Exchequer in another plane , • 0 of caveat entptee is applicable to all these the doctrine to the an d that so long a s the rev enue does not suffer it cases,form no pa rt of the duty of the Government t o guar d portion of the public against fraudulent dealers, or any P t ' anno.tion against which from elves.l—u e l - I they ought to protect theint I do not at ad adopt that doctrine. I think, on the cuntrary, it is the duty of the Government, with regard to this as with regard to other articles, to do a ll that in them lies to protect the public from fraud, while they do not at the saute time interfere with the mixture of articles which tiro not in themselves delete • if the public should think fit to . • Inoue,. use them. With regard to chicory, I believe there is no allegation on the part o f anyone that it is an article injurious to health. , man y persons contend that it improves the flavour of coffee. many persons prefer coffee mixed with chicory and if t he y do co the re can be no reason why . they' should not drink the untaxed beverage, rather than the taxed one. I have always thought, however, that the Act to which the Noble Viscount had referred, the Act of the 43d George 111., e. 129, was an Act which went a ve ry long way In the direction which it took, because, as it appears to me, it not only prohibited any fraudulent mixtures, but it prohibited under any circumstances any mixture whatever, and more with a view, I think, to revenue than to any other consideration. It pro hibited the avowed use of articles not purporting to be coffee, but mere substitutes for coffee. My Noble Friend opposite (the Earl of Ripon, we believe), who many years ego held the office of Chancellor of the Exchequer, must recollect that that Act was introduced mainly for the purpose of meeting what was in great vogue at that time—the late Mr. Hunt's roasted corn—which never pretended to be coffee. It was chiefly, therefore, I be lieve, with regard to the revenue that the Act was in troduced. I think the Noble Viscount was hardly quite correct in his statement of the progress of the consump tion of chicory, or of the extent to which he referred the diminution in the consumption of coffee to the operation of rho Treasury minute of the year 1840, because from that year to the year 1846 the consumption, so far from diminishing, had a good deal increased. It amounted to 28,000,0001h5., I think, in the year 1842, and in the and fol lowing years it increase d to 32,000 3 ,00 0 0 , ihso , ..001h3 34,000,0001 W; in the year 1846 it was that time it After 6 ' OO and in 1847 it was 37, 000 , 0001b5. declined to 34,000,000 1 b5. and 32 00 , 000Ihs., and in the year 1850 it was only 31,000,0001hcc30. But there was an g to the latest increaeo in the year 1850; and according sth of April , 1851 , accounts, it appears that from to the sth of April, 1852, there very large increase was principally to be in tile consumption of coffee,which diminution in the duty last attributed, no doabt , to the 1 3f. nn foreign coffee, and from ed. to ,_ i , year—a colonial coil,e. The effect of from 4d. to Oil. on , . tiit reduction of duty has been an increase iti the con sump:ion to a very considerable extent, the consumption amounted to 34,500,0001b5.• an d last year having not ofthat increase took ' 1 200 000 lbs. less than , , 1 c-ffee lonia e •• It is undoubtedly true, however, that with the amount of coffee consumed, there is a large admix tare of chicory and of other kubstancet3. The Noble Viscount stated the admixture of chicory at the enor mous aineunt of 12,000 tons; but from the accounts I have seen, it would appeal that the total amount of chicory consumed in this country is 10,000 tons; and of these about 9,000 tons are used in the adulteration of co ff ee . But these 9,000 tons are raw produce, and in the processes of kiln-drying, roas ti ng, an d gr i n ding, are reduced to about 1,520 tons. I believe that according to the best estimate wnich can be formed that is the amount of cheery which is mixed with coif, e. The total quan tity of the articles mixed with coffee, of which about two-thirds are composed of chicory eud one-third is com posed of other substances, such as beans, roasted corn, some more, some less deleterious—the total quantity of the articles mixed with coffee is about 5,400,0001b5., or about 22,000 or 23,0(30 tons; Mid the less to the I9YQatie by that adulteration, supposi:7.g that coffee to the amount of the other articles employed would be consumed, is about i 60.0001 a year. But you must not rupp , se that t that adulteration could be alwg,ether prohibited the consump tion of coffee would ri;e to a cosap,n:4atinq amount. Nor ought you to conclude that you could altogether co away with the adulteration or admixture 01 chicory with car e; ui cause ciiicury, being en too pet iced, wn= some there is no reason why the c uisumur should not have chio,ry mixed with his c. ur.c if he should thii.k fit. But the point on which I do certainly concur with the Noble Viscount opposite, and with my Noble Friend the Noble Duke behind me, is, that there is no justifica tion for a state, of things which admits of a fraud on the consumer, and of an admixture of ceffee with chicory, which enables the dealer to defraud the revenue by the introduction of an inferior material, and at the same time to defraud the consumer by furnishing him with a spurious instead of a genuine article, and charging tom, nevertheless, the pike at elnch he might pur chase, at all events, en :infaiior sample of the g. naive article. lam told that the process of adulteration has gone on to so great an txient that you are not secure against it even by that means, which might be generally considered to afford a perfect security—namely, buy ing the coffee in the beau; for there are actually imi tations of the coffee bean; so that although you may buy the bean, you may grind for yourself spurious coffee with the most perfect confidence of its being a genuine article. But this security, such as is, is a se curity which is confined to the classes which purchase in large quantities, and are in more easy circumstances. The poor man, who buys his pound or half pound, or quarter pound of coffee, mullt buy it ground, and must be at the mercy or the retail denim as to the article which he purchases. I think this is a question which deserves the consideration of the Treasury, and I do not pretend to justify the minute of the year 1840. It never appeared to me to be capable of being justified, because, for an object not I think in itself very desirable, it un dertook to set aside the special and stringent provisions of an Act of Parliament. The introduction of that minute was not in itself certainly a violation of the law, but it was a great stretch of the powers of those to whom the execution of the law was entrusted; and I think the subject is ono worthy of the consideration of Go vernment. It'rom what I can learn, I am not sure that the mere rescinding of the Treasury minute of the year 1840 would not go somewhat far ther than your Lordships or the country would desire; because the law superseded or suspended by that minute went the length of saying that no person being a dealer in coffee, or other articles which are specified, should have on his premises any article capable of being mixed up with coffee, and if he were to have any such article, even for the purpose of a legitimate mixture, he would be subject to a very heavy penalty. Now I can not help thinking that a medium course might be adopted in this case, and that some check might be put on the unfair mixture of chicory with coffee without in terfering with that mixture which might be desired by the purchaser, and might be perfectly legitimate, al though it might undoubtedly have a tendency to dimi nish the revenue. That to which I think the attention of Parliament and of the Government ought to be di rected is not the bond fide admixture or sale of avowedly mixed articles, thereby doing an injustice to the fair trader, imposing on the defenceless purchaser, and prac tising a fraud on the community at large. Eater tainieg these opinions, I am quite ready to say that although there may be difficulties in the ac tual rescinding of this Treasury minute, yet I do think it is a subject which calls for the atten tion of the Government; and their attention will be given to the best made of restoring a due supervision in the case, not for the purpose of preventing that which may be permitted—namely, the admixture of a harmless material with coffee, but for the purpose of supporting a law which was intended to prevent the fraudulent ad• mixture of a spurious article with coffee, and thereby protecting the humbler class of consumers, and. I hope, affording some advantage to the fair dealer, and also to the colonial producers from whom these petitions have proceeded.—(li ar, hear.) The petitions wore then ordered to lie on the table. PETITIONS. The Duke of ARGYLL presented a petition praying for an abolition of tests in the Scotch universities; also a petition from the borough of Lambeth in favour of the retention of tho Crystal Palace. The Noble Duke stated that in the prayer of the latter petition ho en tirely concurred, The Earl of lIARROWBY prese;itEd a petition from Skipton, in Yorkshire.! in favour of the retention of the Crystal Palace. DRAINAGE (IRELAND). The Earl of ROSSE gave notice that he would on Monday next move tor a Select Committee to icqui!e into the operation of the Acts relating to drainage in Ireland, as administered by the Board of Works. Their Lordship then adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS, April 27. ELECTIVE FRANCHISE. (Continued from our Fourth E Mr. BRIGHT protested against the argument of the Noble Lord the Member for Colchester, that in bring ing forward discussions of this nature they were obstructing the progress of public business, and delaying the dissolution of Parliament. He believed that no Govern ment business could have come on to-night, even suppos ing the motion of the Hon. Member for East Surrey had been withdrawn. The Noble Lord called this a hack neyed subject, but every great question which had been carried had been treated by Hon. Members opposite as hackneyed. He considered the question to be of im portance with reference to the cowing general election, when the country would have to decide upon protec,',ion. He believed that the general feeling in favour of free trade, in boroughs of any population, was extending to county constituencies and he had heard that Hereford and Dorset were likely to elect free-trade candidates. If the constituencies of counties contain •d the same pro portion of population as boroughs did there would no longer be the discrepancy which exited in public opinion with regard to the question of protection. In the West Riding there were 30,000 voters in a population of sou,ooo, and so long as such an anomaly existed there would be peril to the Government, the constitution, aye, and to the very institutions of the country. The great constituencies were almost unanimous against the Mi litia Bill ; and upon country gentlemen, who were first frightened at French corn, and then at French men, would rest the responsibility of the expense that militia would entail. He hailed the present motion as a step i n the direction of that reform which the House had re solved to carry out. Mr. PACKE deprecated the discussion of topics which had no reference to the motion before the House. _(Hear, hear.) With regard to one portion nt the proposal he thought that although one day's polling might be found sufficient in boroughs, and in cases where the voters were within a circle of seven miles, it would be inadequate for counties, to which voters some times had to be brought from all parts of the kingdom. Mr. %VAKLEY asked, if purity was only to be found in counties, why not give them the ballot? If people were not to have a vote, they certainly ought not to be forced to carry a musket. They were called upon to defend their country, but were yet denied the privileges of free men. Mr. BUCK said that, in anticipation of the re mo tion, he had caused inquiries to be made in the large ey swamp e t district he represented, and had fo un d t h at t h creation of 101. householders w ou ld ent i r e proposedmp the 4,000 freeholdera He therefore opposed the motion. Colonel SI3THORP was anxious to extend the fran chise es widely ait was conaissent with safety, and would rather give a s'. franchise to many cities and borough* than the 101. to others. Speaking generally, he Objected to a 101. vote to a county, because it was likely to swamp many important boroughs which now enjoyed the franchise.—(Hear, hear.) • Lord J. RUSALL—Sir, I cannot vote against the present proposition on the ground stated by the Noble Lord the Member for Colchester (Lord John Manners). If the Government were to say they wish fur any parti cular Tuesday, in order to bring forward their measures, and thus secure an early dissolution of Parliament, I do not think any Member would interpose a motion on that day. As the Government, however, have not only not asked fer Tuesdays, but seem reluctantly to take the Thursdays—(On, oh) —I cannot Buy I see any objection to our now discussing a measure of public importance. Then, sir, with regard to the nature of the question itself, it appears to me to be a fair matter fur consideration in this House what shall be the amount of the occupation franchise for counties as we have settled that for towns. The Reform Act contained a clause, introduced by Lord Chandos, although it may originally have been suggested by the Hon. and Gallant Member for Lincoln, by whi c h the county franchise was put at 501. It was proposed also that 81. should be the franchise for Ireland, but that proposal was afterwards objected to by the House of Lords, and the franchise was fi xe d at 12/. Such is the law now in force. In the Bill which - I in troduced in the present year I proposed to reduce h t - AV. franchise to 201. in English counties. Sotha appears to me consistent, not only with thepropositionstit of different Hon. Members, but with measures sanc tioned by Parliament itself, that we should discuss a measure professing to reduce the occupation franchise in counties within this country. But I own it appears t o me, considering the vast imp ortance of framing the re presentation aright, that Parliament should deal with counties and boroughs as a whole, and not separately, and that these franchises should not be altered separately from time to tim e . And here I may say that I cannot differ much from what I utalerstand to be the opinion of the lion. and Learned Solicitor-G e n e r a l opposite (Sir F. Kelly). I understand him to have said that he deems it to be of t h e utmost importance that the question of the commercial policy of the country should be set . tied, and t h at Perliament should not proceed to discuss measures for the reform of the representation until this question had received the judgment which now awaits it. But I entirely differ trom him in the statement that the country is now in a state of ruin owing to those measures called free-trade measures. I also differ from the Right lion. Gentleman the Secre tary for the Colonies iu thinking that the colonies are ruined; and I differ from the lion. Member for Scar borough (Mr. G. F. Young) when he states that the shipping interest is in a state of utter prostration. I believe, on the contrary, that many of these measures will be considered by the new Parliament and by the new House of Commons, with the approbation of the country, to have collectively and individlly tended to promote the prosperity of the couniry, and that Parlia ment will consider it a duty to maintain and extend those measures.—(Hear, hear, from the opposition.) I think it desirable that that great question should rcceivo a solution before we proceed seriously to consider the state of the representation. I was glad to hear from the Noble Lord the Member for Colchester, that the present Government would be ready to coccur in any well-con • nidered measure of reform is the rerf seuta ion; but I hope I did not mi.undereatici him when he appeared to me to say that this was a question very fairly open to the 09114ideroti4u cf thil or au other karlianacat. Whew, howtver, we procePd to settle the great quevtion or commerciA po!icy, which it is so desir,,hlo shi.wd br s'A tied one W;.), or o,hvr, I trust tbstL N hie Lord wdl be disposA to ,tgr , e with nr:, , in the view I take of thi3 porraie question The CHANCELLOR of the EXCH..QUER—Sir. the question to which tee Noble L .:d oppoti.e uedresetd ssems to me io Cie mi,eppre:l , od , a 11 i iro, 5 ° tar Sit, it relates to wra! Las taken it n 1 u y N:tle the Member ;or C ,, le'6esier. I co:quirk . Old e I under state) my Noble Friend to say that the Goveremeet were prepared to concur in any measure for reform in this House — Lord J. RUSSELL—What T said was that I under stood the Noble Lord to say that the Gov, rnment would concur in or take into their c eisideration a welecon entered measure for reform.—(oh, oh.) The CHANCELLOR of the EXCEIEQUER — T o concur in and to take into c:)ris!th-ration tire two very different thinge.—(Hear, hear ) Sit, I should be sorry that any Government would be permitted to exist we ) were not prepared to consider a measure of such impor tance as affected the arratigernent and construction of this Howie. I have so recently addressed this House on the sute. ct of reform, that, cvi n if the sacred hour of the evening was not at hand, I would hesitate to trespass again upon its attention. But I ajn induced to do so new, in order that it may not be considered I am desirous er evading the giving of an opinion upon the question before us, in consequence of the peculiar circumstanc es of the present session of Parliament—(Hear, hear) . " I object to the measure proposed to be brought in by the Hon. Member for Surrey for various reasons. I ob ject to it, in the first place, because it is partial in its character. I entirely agree in opinion with the Noble Lord the Member for London, when he said that lie° representation of the community in this House should be considered upon an extensive scale, an d I am further of opinion that these attempts made every eession to after the constituencies of towns, and to readjust the constituencies of counties, will be found to load to con' elusions most unsatisfactory.—(Hear.) Sir, this i s l l e question which must b e v i ewe d on a muc h l ar ger see"' than that suggested by the Hots. Member for Surrey But I have another objection to this measure. I have often said in this House that it is my sincere convieti! ! in the construction of that memor a bl e l aw , the Bell: 1 11 - Bill of 1832, there was a ver y grea t deficiency. Tuet deficiency was the want of con s id era ti on f or the rige'; of the working classes to the franchise.—(Hear, hee r T And lam glad to hear the Noble Lord, the author , that same Reform Bill, acknowledge that after long observation he has been i n d uce d to a d o pt t he t opinion—an opinion which he did not at one time C O11• sider with such favour.—(Bear, hear.) W e ll, thee , do not understand if that be admitted a great deficiency in our system of representation, how this measu re 6c) frequently proposed by the Hon. M em b er f or Sur rey , e ,e' meets the case.—(flear. hear.) U n d er our o ld systemhowever, we may choose to consider th ose arrangeulell -I mean the suffrages of freemen. No one can de l l; that the politica! rights of labour were acknowledg` by our old constitution.—(Hear.) While we virtuellis' destroyed those rights, the existing rights were pre';; served; but the fountains which supplied the constil e ll ;:. encics were destroyed; and we virtually terminated se t " tr e political rights of labour which that class enjoyed. i' ° o e I do not went to maintain at this moment, that tbert. were not strong reasons for interfering with the jog arrangements, but I never heard any reason e s :. signed why a more satisfactory al rangement could 0 , 01 , be substituted in its stead. Sir, I trace much of the tree satiitsction that prevails on this question, which eell e ee4s itself painfully felt in regard to th e Ref orm Bill of lee d. —I truce it to that omission to which I have referee Now, what is this remedy offered by those who arrog s t : e e „ to themselves the sole privilege of representing theol" , ing classes, and ot championin g t h eir r i g h ts ? They I'4; pose as a remedy a l urge - measure sniff oge, whi c ". effect amounts to universal suff rage; an d t h e i r remedy 1510 throw the whole power of the country into the bands 0 f mere class, instead of securing a constitution which give ~ to property itiese rights which it deserves to poss es ; and to labour ell those rights it is entitled to enjoe , rights, the recogn;tion of which, both legal and poetics' should be entoiced, and which I believe is one of 111° main causes of the flourishing condition of this countree and of the duration of order, both social and political! (Ilsar, hear.) They, however, propose as a remerlYl measule which is essentially cluss legislation, because if wou ld give political power to a class so ntunerous, se , . asseut ed to, would entirely chaege the co ns tit ut ion ef t' country. Against such a charge lam o pposed, becau e l I think it is one that would alter the cons titution, e nd would produce the most injurious effects u pon the e , f r o tune and condition ot the country,—(Hear, hour.) is no reason why en important question whether an in dustrial franchise may not be invented that would gi e y satislactiori to those who have a cl a im to be repres ents in the legislatio n o t t h e country—that is no re ssoli we should not cons id er an i mportant quest i o n e'c *his character; and this is a p r i nc ipl e w hi c h acknowt e el e g long before the N o bl e L or d ac k now l e d ge d i t , u s del er 'ibe the grave consideration of any man responsible iorthis Government of the country. But now I 1011 , is e so omission, which is now so painfully felt, and is m a d g " much the source of discontent—is it met by th e e n S e e r a- f . o r r e proposed to be introduced by the Hon. el Surrey ? On the contrary, while some persons l e ee complaining that property is too much represent o.f our Constitution, what is the answer of the claitue bte , labour made by the Hon. Member for Surrey o ° B oll school? Why it is that we will represent property e 0 0, more. Sir, I cannot sanction legi s lation so earl" , and as I believe founded upon p r i nc iples so viciet a id say this on the part of myself and my colleagues• e t o ut so before in this Ho use , an d I repeat it DOW t i l l' Pt feelings upon the subject may not be misconceived cep we do not associate an extens i on o f t h e suffreg °l3 j e f we sarily with the extension of d emocra ti c power' was well could see any measure brought forward that vv— if We matured, and not conceived in political fasbi° ll rt i s ane saw a sincere desire manifested to give deserving art with the exercise of the suffrage in a manner consistent Oat the maintenance of these in s tit u tions, the peese ry of which is cf as much interest to artisans es ° eh other class in the country, we would give 511 600. proposition our dispassionate and kind considers ber But the motion of the Honourable g er° te e for Surrey is not of that class, and until se ct , measure is brought forward which I think u lc , the difficulties and exigencies of the case, and theistu fore entitled to the consideration of Parliament , I 1e.1,, ae take my stand on the settlement that exists; not ree , ,,, any superstitions reverence to it, but because I stn posed to the system of, year after year, tampering " e f the constituencies, which at length become a sourceeties, political weakness and of national debility.-01 ,e 0 hear.) It is the interest of all m to uphold existiele wish to maintain good government s en and of all classes fiP , , order, sinless they can bring forward a proposition a . 7 5# general !Ar tie f Gementl satisfaction all will acknowledge is Bards the suffrage that will tend to give "3" l ent ter s e a s t t is a fa n c d ti i o ra n Po a r n ta d ne t ° 7 only source of permanent • lion an" means we have ef directing our attention to lee° Aof genera_ ID upon subjects of of the community, is that the q d : ss a n d tion the we tioa of the franchise 3hould. be reined upon a e ue- , a bas extensive I am not disposed to acknowledge eure the measure of 1842 is open to all the objections been urged against it. I have had the satisfact ion witnesaing the Noble Lord himself recegniso the su t i o fancy of that Act. There is no doubt the oulieeP e n os which I have referred observable in it, but e m eeee s e not as yet heard any p ractical or satisfectorl If pointed tint by which that want could be supplied. g o proposition ot such a kind could be brought f"r e vv e eed which would meet the eifficultiee of the ceee I seee n e listen to it with most reapecoul attention. Let 110 s py . s uppose that on the part ot the Government there " s e bigotted adherence to obsolete forms. Her J~lujes Ministers have only good government of the one ofjocto at heart, and that ' d t t e greatness of this country country. They wish to s ee of tee people increased.—( franchise be only . sought political power aad iiiu:rpeihrte,hlehdepauarrr.i)pdotslhe If the ftphnireoasibpneatr:igtie o.‘f. c saillg comprousisieg for Surrey such a chan ge we must give our nditional sl ed t of exciting political egitatione ofre ueco h respect •e the Hon. Member Opposition.l have too touch eats 0 0 ve one ot this kind. I must, however, describe it tl ° t ee essentially to describe his mo" understand how, unsatisfactory and not calculated to meet of exigencies of the present state of affairs. I can eases noyance and disturbance, and conduce to no satisfact ory if auccessful, it would lead to much or permanent settlement of must give it my oppoeition—not because this is the le°' .00 bPssion of Parliament , but I must meet it 111 Luc ' 8- e0 manner I would meet it under other circumutaila the question. Therefore namely, by my unqualified opposition .—( Hear.) Sir B. HALL rose am idst loud cries of " Divesteer He hoped t h a t, notw i t h s t a nding the sanctity of the Jeesee, which had been referred to, Hon. Members would 0.01.u.e, him to occupy their attention f or only a few mos nent b e (Hear, hear.) At the commencement of the eessi o s l3 ,e9 o ,s read in a paper that the N oble Lord at the head oyetesie present Government bad de clared that one of the tj °bj° a he had in view in taking office w as that there s hoe no further reform in the representation of the Pl e a ee He was, therefore , n ot at all sur p ri sed at the oPewlitiooserl which the Governm ent had g iven to the present I n° WO But what was the scheme which the Right Hell° l3r :str) sd Gentleman opposite (the Chancellor of the Exche r iee s aisei had shadowed forth to them? Was it a reality, °„,,,r of aiitt i t mere ly a miserable claptrap for the hustings? --(ee hear.) Was the Right lion. Gentleman sineel to making the statement which he know would go fort the public? What were the words which the leto - floe. Gentleman had so pointedly used with refer ene dafi' the r epresentation of the people:?—'' The gree t e at ciency of the Act of 1832 w as t h e wan t o f proPe* t ee e . tention to the rights of the working classes." e ‘ Y e all yareel House to collect from that statement that, w" r e e rw arreee liement again assembled, Ministers would bring ° y e Pee a measure for the purpose of extending the ellif se ral e s osi" . 1! the working classes? '• Hear, hear," from the e/ Pbees tion.) Or was it to bo supposed that the Bight Bore s ins tlereau opposite, having veered round to the oPi ni°n n ter" reference to our commercial policy which wer° ise e e a ser tamed on that (the Opposition) side of the 'Thieg thought this was a convenient oppo r t u nity of forward some new c l aptrap in order to gain the i ° o3o o voices of the e l ectors ? If the Right Hon. G en sure was sincere —. if he intend e d t o bring forward Ill e `t a seY to give the franchi se t o t h e wor ki ng c l a sses, lot hi eve) so at oece,—(Heer, hear, from the Oppositio n bele well Let him s a y t h at, in refers rice to this question. re e pi' as with regard to rotes ion he had outgrown ee f e e he Lions he eeterfained six months ago, and that we c oo throw overboard protection he would at on n ce do of forward as a Radical Reformer, as he was ee . ef estore, yore.—(Laughter and cheers from th e u p y .so 1g and cries of " Oh," from the Ministerial bentene be e n tad the Right Hcnourable Gentleman meant thol e , f o rth,. going to give the great franchise he had shadow. lei.or it, he (Sir fcerja.min Halle that the would be most thankful for and would he very glad to find or lienoureole Gentlemanhqd thri,,Ru v ver th e _, u yer -hms In, had expressed to that House over a n d . 60 . Or 141 " again. The Right Hon. Gentleman ha d talked r e eo ps min with gig franchise sfor I