The Sun. — London, England, 1846-04-07 00:00:00

r 11... at noun- t of railway undertakings which had sprung up, nil w!nich were absorbing the capital of the county. 't,t had been proposed that Parliament should not pro ceed with the railway Bills before it without hav ing a meeting of the shareholders of the various lines, so that no Bill should be gone: on with till the sanction of the great majority of the shareholders was obtained. He would propose that no sanction should be given to any railway Bill where, after a meet ing of the shareholders, the Veelse was petitioned by a majority of that meeting, not to allow such Bill to proceed. This would pre - tent many of the schemes whie:h were not likely to ',urn out good speculations, from. being passed. He he i ped her Majesty's Govern ment would give this rtaut matter their fullest eOll - Sir IL PEEL said tleere were few nereons in th a House who could not at first have seen that many of the railways which were e,ouglit ..to he sanctioned were rite profitable speculations,. There had been a spirit of spe culetion tor some tire.° past, but he thought it could not be checked by that '3 o' ise, The speculation in railways was the seine as the - speculation in South American Bonds, and the interference wi.th one would be an interference whir the other. The ex perienee of time would prevent these rail wey sT i soculations from being too largely indulged 111. He thought that there was no greater rig'nt, to interfere with this question than in t'ee ordinary commercial speculations, fur he went on the principle that every person was beat judge of his owi - concerns, and was best competent to inana;; a his owii affairs. At the same time, consider i"fs': the 'extensive powers the House had in railway • pe culatior Is, it was in some measure a party to them. Specut ations of this kind ditfet e• I from the (e - dinery run of speculation in the respect that the Leg i slat ure was called upon to take away and interfere Wit b private property for public purposes, and it ale Pe'ii •ed to him that the House might. therefore, inter- PC , Bi with respect to that species of speculation. As far- as the individuals themselves were concerned, he: had no pity for them, for this sort of speculation uuld never be corn cted except from the per• ' sena' suffering of the party—(Hear, hear)—fur rmany of the speculators diverted their money from - their ordinary courses, and from the trade from which they derived their subsistence. At the commence ment hueletn the part of her Majesty's Government, gave it as his opinion that it might be possible to interfere with this habit by putting a check upon some of the railway Bills. He spoke with considerable hesitation on this subject, as it might be unwise for the House to interfere on this subject. His Hon. Friend the Member for Liver pool called the attention of the House to this subject.. It. would be for the House to consider whether it had the power to interfere indirectly in putting a stop to those railway speculations. It would be in the recollection of the House that a vast number of Bills were projected last year, but after they had been prepared a great change of circumstances took - place ; for instance, the amount of capital became greater than had been anticipated. It appeared that the profits were not likely to be what had been anticipated ; the difficulty of pro curing money had been increased. The hope was entertained dur'in4 the railway fever that money could be had at two and a half per cent. ; but when it came to be applied for it was fore n a impossible to be had even at five per cent. ; and all these e' scumstances had acted very powerfully to deter many from 'engaging further in railway speculation.—( Hear.) As the law 'mow stood in reference to railways, he apprehended the case to be put thus :—a railway was projected—parties took shares and held scrip, and they appointed a provisional com mittee and directors. Well, a great change took place, such a .change as made it desirable on the part of the subscribers to .dissolve the company ; and if it was found that the line would not be a profitable one, or that it would riot be for the benefit of the public to make it, he could not see why there should not be a power in the legislature to dissolve it. In such a case he would ask what test should the House apply in order to ascertain that it was desirable to dissolve the company ? He should say the test would be the feelings of the subscribers.— ( Hear.) If a majority of the subscribers we're of opinion that the company should be dissolved, he could not see why this House should not lend its sanction to such a proceeding. He was aware of some Scotch companies in which the shareholders were a good deal alarmed, when they had heard that their Bills had pssual the Standing Orders' Committee, and they came to the resolution to disoilve the company.—( Hear, hear.) He knew another case in which 100,0 , 0/. had been subscribed, 10,000/. of which had beet. expended in preliminary proceed ings, so that 90,000/. remained vested in Exchequer-bills ; but the directors and subscribers having become convinced that the line would not be a profitable one, they came to a reselu ition to dissolve the company ; but then there was 90,000/. still invested, and in the meantime a few of the subscribers objected to the dissolution of the company. Even supposing the Bill were to fail in the present session, the directors would not be relieved from their obligation to do all in their power to get the scheme sanctioned by the Legislature. He was not aware that the directors had power to dissolve the company, or the shareholders the power to absolve the directors from their obligations, even supposing the Bill had failed to pass the Standing Orders' Committee; and yet it was mani festly for the advantage of the public that such a company should be broken up, and the balance of their subscription' divided among the shareholders ; but a single shareholder might file a Bill in Chancery, and prevent this course being adopted. Now he thought the House ought, with as little delay as possible, to pass a Bill enabling the majority of the shareholders to dissolve the company in the event of their ascertaining that the scheme would not, in the end, prove a profitable undertaking. He should propose, however, that the liability of the directors and the parties to the original agree meat should still remain, and they should become j ointly liable for the debt of any creditor of the company. It might be necessary to have some kind of an official assignee, to see if the balance of the funds were properly appropriated, and the claims of creditors fairly and honourably liquidated. If the House would sanction a hill of this principle, they would en able the majority of the shareholders to break up the company, and prevent the public from incurring the inconvenience of establishing undertakings which held out lie prospect of public advantage, or of yielding any profit to the parties promoting the undertaking, and prevent the majority if the shareholders falling a sacrifice to a few surveyors, solicitors, and engineers, and be at the same time of incalculable advantage. He thought they ought to make some provision that a majority of sub scribers in point of number, and in point of amount of shares held by them, should be taken as a fair and full representation of the opinion of the subscribers at large, and he thought that the parties ought to be allowed to present a petition to Parlia ment, expressing their willingness to withdraw the concern ; and he thought also that Parliament should give th., power to the parties to make that representa tion. There would be no principle of selection or interference, and he believed that if they were to pass such a Bill, it would effectually relieve the money market. He hoped that in the course of to-morrow a full explanation would be given with respect to the subject. Mr. LABOUCHERE had always been of opinion that this matter should be taken up by the Government, and he had felt great disappointment, when the Committee upon this sub ject was appointed at the commencement of the session, that some proposal was not made by the Government to that Com mittee. He regretted very much that the question had not been taken up before by the Government, as an earlier interference would have been more effectual than an interference now. As far as giving facilities to those parties who had embarked in these undertakings to get rid of them, he would have no ob jection, and he thought such a measure would give universal approbation, but if they attempted to go further then they would pursue a course full of embarrassment. It seemed to him that it they rejected a Bill on the ground that it was not right the capital should be so applied, it would be an interference with capital which he thought objectionable. He would not, however, be so wedded to abstract principle as not to censidei the subject, on good cause being shown to kthat effect. lle thought that something was required to be done, but he was of opinion that the scheme proposed by the First Lord of the Treasury was not calculated to have the effect intended by the Right Hon. Baronet. Sir G. CLERK said, with respect to the Committee appointed by the House to fix the amount of capital, that Committee was not authorised tolimit the number of railway Bills to be taken tis session. The Right lionourabie Baronet had taken properly aod . said • that it would be very impolitic to interfer e ? ! ri t i ers of capital. and that nothing degree with the applica bmu::.trir such of the greatest Baronet, thhaatni necessity would justify the Govern f in h te e rt i e m : d ence. Committee, he should have He could aseire the Right Hon. but as he had v,hil, he did not think it worth hisccountry, tr was re ceived any encouragement from his C put this case before the • ' been prepared to re ceived no e ncouragement , to raise any discussion on the . subject.. The ease, however, now in a different position. for in various parts of the especially in Liverpool, there was a strong feeling that so me facility should be given to persons who, in the course of last autumn, had embarked in those schemes, who wer e now convinced and convinced of their folly, of withdrawing from them, care being taken that all agreements entered into by th , m, and all ex penses , • .urred should be discharged. He trusted that the measure alluded to by the Right Hon. Baronet would of such a nature as to carry out the object the petition had, in view, while no injustice would be done to the promoters of any of those schemes who might have been actuated by a wish to further the public good. Mr. WARD said that he thought that the Right Hon. Ba ronet had taken the right view of the subject, and, with all due deference to his Hon. Friend ne a r him , i t was material in the present state of the public mind, that the option should be given to the majori t y of the sharehol d ers, t h a t on theirappliva tiori the Commit t e e should not p roceed w i th their Bill. his Hon. Friend had spoken of provisional directors. He (11r. sa Ward) did not believe that in thr ee y ears such an animal as live provisional director would exist in the three kingdoms. The Committees of the House would be them willing to act on the wishes of the shareholders , when a majority of expressed their opinions that the Bill should not be proceeded with, and he thought that it would have a happy effect on all those large classes of witnesses now connected with the railway interest. Mr. W. PATTEN said that he agreed with the Hon. Gen tleman who haul just spoken, but it must be recollected that the measure would only give power to the company to dissolve itself on the vote of its shareholders. A great maj 'rity of these Bills were under consideration, or in the course of being committed, and an enormous amount of expense was incurred without any power on the part of the shareholders to prevent it. The proposal of the Right Hon. Baronet was well worthy of the attention of the House. He thought it of great importance that it s h ou ld b e k nown to the country, t h at any V i t i o w n i z d esented t o th e H ouse requesting the w i th d rawa l o f referred to the Committee on the Bill ; and it would then have the niu.should its due weight on the consideration whether holuler s e proceeded with or not, and that if the share have du7iestiheecdt.to withdraw a Bill a petition to that end would M r aitt i :o . u S eta T E i V h A l ! I I bre said that the only consideration was, on scrip holders t en suggested that it should be compul sorywhich they were conce r 0 report their opinion of the lines with law to the cwonitshtrudcifiitiroitof the scheme, the proceeding would ned, before permission was given by be attended and compared, it would rYI. If these opinions were gathered sibility, and also tend e ieve Parliament of a great respon from the money market. very considerably to remove a weight Mr. BARING should fe 1 unless a very strong reuone very st rongly disposed t o h es it a t e , rented to limit the capital for: o deed were given, before he con- Mr. B. DENISON was of arts holders resided in different partsopoifnion that, w ere th e share the of the clause would occasion the c ountry, the introduc instance in the cave of th e L ondon great a ine onven i ence ; for holders were spread all over the kinado York line, th e share postereus to call them together at a ritemet,inand it wou l d he pre might give in their opinion that the Bill oinu Tier th a t t h ey ceeded with. It would b e th e i nterest of existi g tto b e pro file promoters of th em t o i n d uceparties who hadlg railways f or new lines from going o n w ith t h em. taken up with Mr. BERNAL was of opinion that it was perfectly possible for any shar e h o ld er t o vo t e b y proxy. T he shar eholders might go is, fore a mag i s t ra t e an d ma k e an affidavit, in any rhdistantigt part, a n d it m i g h t b e transmittedas his vote to any place, how_ ever distant, where the meeting should be held. After a few words from Mr. HODGSON, who brie fl planted th e manner i n which the affairs ex airs o railway companies were wound up, Sir R. PEEL observed that he was before unaequaieted with the mysteries of windin g up. H e wou ld d e f y any man to speak with a n y con l i d ollC9 at this moment of what ought to be adopted with respect to railway affairs ; and the Government incurred no blame in acting in the combined manner they did with respect to these subjects. It would not be wise to inter fere too early, or before the fever had abated. What he pro posed was, that the original shareholders, and those who had sold their interest, should have no voice whatever in the choos ing whether this scheme should be proceeded with or not. He was of opinion, that if a certain number of share holders should present a petition to Parliament set ting forth that it was their opinion that the scheme, if carried out, would not. be beneficial to the public ; in that case he should think it advisable that proceedings in that House with respect to the Bill ought not to be carried any fur ther. It should, however, be clearly understood, that the peti tion so presented should receive the signature of the majority of the shareholders ; and that, at whatever stage of the Bill the petition should be presented, all further proceedings should be immediately stopped, so that it would be unnecessary the Bill should be read a third time. Of course, the original share holders, who had parted with their shares, would not be allowed to have a voice in the matter. It must be observed_ that the directors of the company had no c ertain knowledge who the shareholders of the company were, and therefore, to a great e x t en t, an y co llision between them w ould be prevented, and each would act as a check upon the other. It appeared to him that all parties would carefully look after their own in terest. They would also have a I,eus penitentia, by which they would be enabled, if they thought proper, to be relieved of their responsibility of carrying the project to a termination. He should be very sorry to ex p ress an y objection against the principle of the clause ; but some restrictions with respect to the regulation of the majority of shareholders should be introduced. Mr. Eocis and the CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER made some observations. but in so low a tone that they were quite inaudible in the gallery. Mr. COLLE coy sidered that it was incumbent on the Government to lay down some definite plan by which railway affairs might be regulated. The same difficulty had occurred with reference to gauges, and no distinct plan had been decided on. An important Commission had been investigating this matter upwards of three months, and their report had not yet been produced. He thought that it was highly desirable that Hon. Members should have an opportunity of perusing that report during the Easter recess, and hoped that it would be very shortly laid upon the table. He was very glad that the Right Hon. Baronet had drawn a proper line between shareholders and scripholders. He looked forward to this as a measure which would afford great relief to a considerable portion of the public, and hi trusted it would prove to be such. It would also be very important if it afforded relief from responsibility to those who had signed the deed of register ; of course, after due regard being had to all the just claims of creditors. Lord MORPETH said, he looked upon this Bill as a most prudent arid proper measure ; but it would be well that care should be taken, in all cases where companies were to be dissevered, that the scrip holders had expressed a wish to that effect. Mr. RUTHERFORD said he quite agreed with the Right Honourable Baronet that this was a very necessary measure, but he thought it would be defective unless it contained a clause protecting all parties who had fair and just claims on the Com pany, and to take care that those claims were satisfied before the company could be dissolved. There was also another point of importance to which he would wish to call attention ; it was this—suppose that while a Bill was under investigation before a Committee a number of shareholders should send in a petition praying that the proceedings should not go en any further, what difficulty could this House have in declaring in favour of that petition, before this Bill had passed? This course might be adopted without affecting the liabilities of the parties. Lord GRANVILLE SOMERSET gave notice that he would postpone the third reading of all railway Bills until after Easter. Mr. RICARDO hoped the Bill would provide against men of straw signing the deed of register, and thereby prevent a great deal of fraud. Mr. C. BULLER said he hoped that the House, before it broke up, would adopt a resolution by which the public would be made aware that it was the intention of the Government to propo'e such a measure as this, in order that parties might be prepared to act upon it. In reply to an observation snide by Mr. JOHN ABEL SMITH, which was inaudible in the gallery, Sir H. PEEL said it would be better to abstain from en tering into those details at present ; but it would be advisable to have a clause in the Bill, empowering the Standing Orders' Committee to dissolve a company under the circumstances already stated ; and also a clause requiring that a meeting should be held, at which a majority of the shareholders should declare in favour of dissolving the company. Lord SANDON hoped that no delay would be given to the measure. Mr. J. O'CONNELL would wish to observe, that in refe rence to Irish railway Bills, though a great desire had been manifested to facilitate the passing of them, with a view to giving employment, yet many Bills had been passed towards the carrying out of which not a single step had been taken. He, therefore, hoped that some measure would be introducei by which parties would be compelled to complete a line in a given time after the Bill had been passed.—( Hear, hear.) The motion was then agreed to. Lord SANDON presented a petition from the merchants, bankers, and brokers, in Liverpool, praying the House not to eneourw , e the great excess of railway speculation which had arisen this year. He also presented. on the part of one •f the: Members for the city of London, a petition signed by every member of the Stock-Exchange praying that, with a view of benefiting the general commercial state of the country, those persons who had embarked in railway speculation should have facilities afforded to them of withdrawing from the schemes. NOTICES OF MOTION.—ECCLESIASTICAL RE VENUES IN IRELAND. Mr. ELLIS gave notice of his intention to ask the Right Hon. Baronet the Secretary of State for the Home Depart-. merit, whether it was the intention of Government to take any steps to restrain the Ecclesiastical Commissioners of Ireland front expending the capital of sums of money arising from the ecclesiastical revenues derived from land in that country. Mr. W. COLLETT (who was very imperfectly heard) gave notice that it W 23 his intention, on going into Committee on the Protection to Life Ireland Bill, he would move for a clause to give compensation to the tenant farmers who might be injured by the passing of the Bill. Mr. S. O'BRIEN said that he would postpone his motion for a Select Committee to inquire into the organisation and admi nistration of the constabulary force in Ireland, and of the Dublin police; and also his motion for a Bill to amend the laws relating to grand juries in Ireland. He also gave notice of his intention of moving, after Easter, that an humble address be presented to her Majesty, urging on her consideration that not one of her Majesty's advisers or Ministers of State, was, by a re sidence in the country or in any other way, acquainted with the Irish people, and also that the executive officers of the local Government of Ireland were perfect strangers to Ireland, and yet held situations of the highest responsibility. And under these circumstances it was not surprising that it should be found that in the conduct of those officers there was a disre gard of Irish interest and of Irish feeling ; and also a total want of confidence in those officers on the part of the people. He also gave notice of his intention to move on Thursday next that, with a view to diminish the expense of the railway projects of Ireland, all inquiries into the merits of Irish railways, which had hitherto taken place in this country, should after the present session be allowed to take place in Ireland. PROTECTION TO LIFE IN IRELAND. Sir R. PEEL said that he did not know what probability there was of the House coming to a division that evening, on the first reading of the Bill for the protection of life in Ireland, but supposing that it did net, he would ask of those Hon. Members who had notices for to-morrow to allow the debate to proceed. He did not wish to interfere with the full discussion of the measure, but if the House would allow him to take the discussion on the Corn Bill, a considerable amount of good for the nation might be effected, and if Hon. Members could con clude the discussion that evening, and permit the discussion of the Corn Bill to he proceeded with to-morrow, they would render the nation a most essential service. Mr. S. O'BRIEN said that he could assure the Right Honourable Baronet that every one of the Members on his side of the House felt as deeply as he did the inconvenience suffered by the country from the course taken in the conduct of these Bills. The Right Hon. Baronet, however, hail it in his power to move the adjournment of the debate till after Easter. and to continue the discussion on the Corn Bill. As far as he himself was concerned, he would give way to the discussion on the Corn Bill, but would not in any way facilitate the discussion on the Coercion Bill. 'The SPEAKER said that the Hon. Gentleman should de fer his speech until after the motion for the reading of the order of the day. On the motion that the order of the day he read. Mr. S. O'BRIEN said he did not wish to adept any con cealment in the course he was about to take. It was the bounden duty of the Irish Members to take care that the dis cussion on the Coercion Bill should be a discussion in which the misgovernment of Ireland should be fully canvassed, and that every opportunity should be given for the exposition of the wrongs of the country, and for the suggestion of such measures as would conduce to the removal of those evils which the op nos,tte party s 9 utterly denied. PEEL , said that in permitting, after due 'discussion, the.7. ra s in opportunity t t t o t e r ed o fa speaking firs t t m o e n , i t t h i e n H i t o s n . subsequent Gen tle rfian stages. would of Ri g h SB t i B. OOR 11.' slid that he wi s h e d t o as k a question was th e Gough froinint"nti n. Baron. e had heard a report that it im o li n a of the Government to recall Sir Hugh R. PEEL said He that he eu did d w isoht know o n know o„ rof a whether such reporta report was tr u e? • as t S h ir e one alluded to by the Hon. Member. He had just ad vised Hugh Gough, and thate f sr e oa r iede t e h t dh e i ant h g i w m wi t o oh u u r lrde o gn f aort a d peerage on Sir her M a j esty to ti confer r J e . -c o a , l e lin o g N h N im E . LL P s t h o o t w h e a n C y o i e n r t c e i o n Bill, it was a meas ure w hi c h he n believed wou ld b e i n j u di c i ous for the ends it was inten.i e d to answer ou trages which it pr o p ose d to put down.; it would increase tivise It was a Bill whi c h people wo uld banish from the mind s o f thel s h any feeling for any sympathy w hi c h had been all chanc e o f shown to them. This Bill would never reconcile the difference s between the two countries, but would produce results of a most disastr ou s na ture to the people of Ireland. The p eo ple of Ireland saw s th e y could not look back to any but a mischievous that during the seven centuries of the connexion between countri es, e ration of our Govern ment. It was ti me that the this state of thines should be changed. He believed that the interest of the two c ountries was bound up in the connexion that connexion lie between them, and in the wish to preserve would rather that this mea sure were p ostponed ; and he did not believe that the Government would lose anything by the delay, like a renewal the was there anything to encourage a n y thin g Had the Special Commissi on sent nut by Government offailed, or l th experiment ? Any expense was bet t e r than increasing the bad feeling of the country. If the Government proceeded wit Corn Bill, and adjourned the prese nt measure, they would e be able to try the force of their hands. When the Government at some future period could say that it had tried every remedial measure, and that they had failed, it would find a support from kis ( Mr. O'Connell's) side of the House that it had never calculated on. He was sorry that an accusation had been made against the opponents of the Coercion Bill by a leading journal of that morning, as having offended public opinion. Whatever accusation might be made against them, a great heat of feeling had arisen and would continue throughout the course of this debate, and he had himself been betrayed into some warmth on the question. He certainly could not consent to give up this measure so as to facilitate the Corn Bill. It was his country to which he had to look, and it was for the welfare not of one but of both countries, if this Bill were well considered before it was allowed to pass. Sir R. PEEL said that he was not aware that, on any occa sion, he had been betrayed into any heat on the subject. He had asked the Hon. Members on the other side of the House to allow the orders of the day to have precedence, and had re ceived an answer. He hoped Hon. Gentlemen would proceed to the orders of the day without further delay. Mr. COLLETT would ask the Right Hon. Baronet to what period the House would adjourn for Easter ? The state of the public business required that such an adjournment should be for as short a period as possible. Sir DR LACY EVANS said that he thought that the perti nacity of the Nlembers for Ireland was excusable. Considering the extraordinary nature of the Bill, it was wished to bring before de the House, he thought that Hon. Gentlemen had not mad e it cle ar w h at t h e d eterm i na ti on o f the House was as to the course to he rm his H on . pursued. According to the deteinaiion of sure . Frie n d s on thi s side of the House, neither the mea at all. under discussi on , nor th e C orn Bill, would be advanced After a few words from Mr. C. POWELL, which did noi reach the gallery, Lord MORPETH said, that while this subject was before the House, he could not refrain from reading a letter which he had received from York. It did not bear immediately on the question, but it related to it is some degree. It stated, that pending the decision on the Corn Bill and tariff, trade and pr e s s o w n e , and that ta t a e oflargecod inn s b e t i o r t c d u e y t operatives p a i e n n r d a t a d i vesept:s state edf depending respectable e o x n t r charity,emed cla s The r q uestion pf priority of discussion was not in the least interfered with in this measure ; but he must say, that on the other hand, he the debate. ample means would be given for the termination of Sir R. PEEL said that he would inform the House of the length of time for which he would adjourn the House, from Tursday next, to-morrow (this day). Mr. P. SCROPE could not see any reason why the Coer cion Bill should be proceeded with at once, and the Corn Bill adjourned over Easter. Sir R. PEEL said that it was clear that the House would make no progress if it took the Corn Bill to-morrow; it would be of great advantage to the nation if it was proceeded with at once. He had asked Hon. Gentlemen to pospone their motion for that purpose, and he had received his answer—he did not wish to press the question further. Sir J. GRAHAM saidithat he had offered to Hon. Members that the Bill should be read a first time as a mere matter of courtesy to the other House. Mr. WARD said that the Right Hon. Baronet was under a misconception as to the words he had used, for he had said that he did not ask this first reading as a matter of courtesy between tee two Houses of Legislature, but the time was arrived when it was necessary that the opinion of the House should decide what was to be done on this question. Sir J. GRAHAM said that it bad been remarked that he had wished the first reading of the Bill under protest, but he thought that such a precedent was one from which considerable inconvenience and disorder was likely to arise, and he could not encourage such a principle. Sir W. SOMERVILLE said, if the determination was come to to adjourn the debate, it should be adjourned till some time after Easter. They might then go on with the Commit tee on the Corn Bill to-morrow night. In such a case, they would get through with that Bill before the holidays. If the Government would go un that night, on them rested the re sponsibility. After a few words from Mr. BROWN, in concurrence, Colonel RAWDON suggested that if her Majesty's Govern ment would go on with the Corn Bill, and if Hon. Members who had motions for to-morrow night would give way, as he had no doubt they would, there would be no difficulty in going on. They would then have a free stage before them. If they is ould persist in going on, he would move the order of the day fur the adjourned debate be read that day three months. Mr. C. POWELL inquired whether certain returns, re lating to the outrages committed in the disturbed districts of Ireland, had been received, and were ready for production? Sir J. GRAHAM said he had not yet received all the re turns. Colonel RAWDON said he would move that which he be lieved was more regular than that he intimated to do. He begged leave to move that the other •rders of the day be pro ceeded with Lord AIORPETH hoped the Hon. and Gallant Member would not press his motion, but would allow the debate to pro ceed. Mr. B. ESCOTT said, though opposed to the measure, he could not consent to meet it in such a factious and unusual manner. If the Bill was not taken now, the Corn Bill would not be proceeded with that night, and the evening would be lost. He hoped they would proceed with the debate at once. Mr. J. COLLETT said he shoull wish to hear the case of the Hon. Gentlemen opposite. It must be a bad one else they would not seek to meet the Bill in this unbecoming and left handed manner. Sir R. PEEL was not to be provoked by the course taken. There bad heen a full understanding on all sides that they should that night proceed with the discussion of the Irish Pro tection of Life Bill. He did hope therefore they would be allowed to proceed with the adjourned debate at once. Colonel RAWDON, in deference to the feelings expresssed by lion. Members, would withdraw his amendment. On the order of the day being then read, Mr. CHRISTIE asked a question of the Home Secretary about the poor-laws, the purport of which did not reach the gallery. Sir JAMES GRAHAM replied that he had not heard of the matter referred to, and could not give any answer about it. If notice of motion was given, then he would be prepared to meet it. Mr. M'CARTHY presented a petition from the city of Cork against the Irish Coercion Bill. It was agreed to at a meeting presided over by the Mayor, and signed by about 3,000 most respectable persons. It deplored the state of Ireland, but attributed the outrages that prevailed to agrarian causes and the social condition of Ireland, especially the law relating to landlord and tenant. As the petition was one of great importance, he would give notice that to-morrow he would move that it be printed with the votes. ADJOURNED DEBATE. The adjourned debate was then resumed. Mr. CAREW proceeded to address the House. He did not intend to consume much of their time in stating the reasons why he opposed the present Bill. Had her Majesty's Govern ment come to the House with remedial measures, while they proposed the present measure, they wo u ld h ave had a much stronger case to rely on than the prsent ; the result would have been of a more satisfactory and consistent character. The measures hitherto brought forward, instead of being of an healing character, had been, generally speaking, coercive and oppressive. It could not be denied that a good landlord and tenant law was much wanted for Ireland ; as for a long time the process of dispossessing tenants had been going for ward to a great extent. Evidence had been produced, showing the deplorable results which had followed from this system of clearing land, and the want of security that accordingly ex isted. The Hon. Member here read a number of extracts and documents in illustration of these proceedings in various counties in Ireland, showing that outrages, threatening notices, and all the heartburings that for some time past had charac terised the relationship between landlord and tenant, flowed from the system of eviction. To expect anything like peace and order under such a system was impossible. The state of Ireland in 1832 had been well described in the report of a Commission then al pointed to inquire into it, and yet, though sixteen years had passed away, the case of Ireland was as bad as ever.—( Hear, hear.) The recent report of Lord Devon's Commission amply established this. It had been clearly proved that party had nothing to do with these outrages, but they were entirely of an agrarian character. A Bill to change this system would be of far more effect in healing the evils of Ire land, and in removing outrage, than any number of Bills they could introduce and pass of a coercive character. But this ought not to be all. The religious inequality that prevailed in Leland should also be done away with. Did they ever know any other country where the religion of a minority was the es tablished religion, while the faith of the great body of the people was proscribed, and its votaries called on to support the establishment of the minority. The longer the equitable set tlement of this question was delayed, the greater would be the difficulties of the country. They had in Ireland 6.400,000 Catholics, while the Established Church did not number above 800,000, and the other dissenting bodies about as many more. It was not therefore fur a moment to be borne that the great body of the people should be treated thus. As Mr. Burke truly said, the Church of Ireland was one which the people of the country would not ask the assistance of, either living or dying. That Church had also got to be very unpopular with the people of Ireland, because its bishops had opposed the measure for the national system of education in Ireland. If the present bad been the first Bill on the subject, he might have been disposed to consider it. But it was not so. Not less than seventeen Bills of a similar character had been introduced since the Union.—( Hear, hear.) He would conclede generally by say ing that he did not think the Government were proceeding in the right way to conciliate Ireland, or to command its confi dence. They had departed from the impartiality that charac terised the Marquis of Normanby's Government, and as such, had failed in all they had done to tranquillise that country. The O'CONOR DON said, that after the able and tempe rate speech of the Hon. and Learned Member for Cork (Mr. O'Connell) none could doubt but that the measure was of a most unconstitutional and arbitrary character. Neither had it been shown that the measure had any real connexion with the crimes sought to be suppressed. The Right lion. Gentle man, the Secretary-at-War, had stated that the Bill was mainly a Bill for the protection of the poor, who were subject to be attacked at night, while the rich were shot during the day. From what he (the O'Conor Don) knew of Ireland, the Bill, instead of being a boon, would be looked on as a curse, and operate most injuriously.—( Hear, hear.) A great num ber of markets in Ireland were held till a late hour in the day ; and people, if they attended them, could not avoid travelling home after dark. But if this Bill was carried out, it would be impossible for them to attend to their business at all.—( Hear, hear. ) The result would be, that the attacks against parties would be directed in another way than they were at present. In July last he had sat on the grand jury of the county of Ros common, when the state of Ireland was discussed, and a motion made for a petition to the Legislature in favour of a Coercion Bill. lie Imposed the resolution then, and it was stated that the Government would not support a Bill of that kind. In that, it seems, he had been mistaken, as the present Bill would show. He opposed the Bill, because he be lieved it would be the means of aggravating instead of healing the evils of Ireland. Other resources might be easily proposed that would be ;far more effectual; hut now, as ever before, Ireland had been the victim of tardy legislation. What ever measures of a healing character the Government had to vropose, the sooner it did so the better, especially the Land lord and Tenant Bill It was an astonishing, yet a melancholy fact, that whenever Ireland was alluded to from the throne, it ainmertactienshould was in regard to its evils and distress, and not to its prosperity. —( Hear, hear. ) It would be much more satisfactory arid useful to consider the resources of Ireland, and how to develop and apply them in the best manner, than in proposing coercive and irritative measures like the one before them.—( Hear.) Mr. M. MILNES said that in the observations he was about to make he would confine himself strictly to the question, and not launch into the sea of Irish politics. He looked on the Bill before the House as a measure of police merely, and he hoped a very temporary measure of police. And while it was, he thought, required in the present state of Ireland, he hoped other measures for the advancement of the social and moral condition of the country would not be lost sight of. He believed that the Government would be ready to receive any suggestions nretin f ls r eso o mor m e:nteh l fft l eh o eic n fisil Gentlemen opposite calculated to ldmi Honourableuaamrkiduring ng ttes Fißill effective. This r through uT. Secretary s at spirit th at hr e had ijh House s e he n e sfhi statedaw shorn fully concurred in the sentiment of the Right that he would never consent to make Ireland ' again the battle fieldthat t o h f ts p i a 3 r t t l l He hoped it would not be allowed to go forth * had been brought I sward as an insult to Ireland. iwstaesd to meet certain The bitterest enemy of the Government ° oood 7: t u o s n t o a f dm th it at that they g the the lines of party wl c iil nt fo rY r- * had The They done ho d s m u e u c e e h e d to ameliorate give his support to this , ii t e he continuance in force of which temporary. he lt must be recollected that Bill, y oaps e e x ad i smltvecodausli measure be Ireland. fbpolicy, li c y the measure was intended mainly to meet the outrages which were committed at the night time. These outrages were the most difficult to meet, and, nt}ol te t i h rm e fe r o e au f nn o therefore, an foundation that axttthrteahoerydcinot relationrl dy i t a :e li n landlord and tenant. To do that d ( Cheers.) a general change in reer m ad e ie d a v to w t a h s o r s e e qu e i v r .i e is d t . whhe rtain which required inlcahewt between be e ecteThe which object at of p t r b e t s s e n Bille stringent powers for th eir su pp ression. He trusted, however, t that her Majesty's Go vernment would not iuc t u . s n e o a f n w y h undue severity in this matter. There were modifications which might be made in the Bill , in the introhe mshouldeasur bemeasure readywouldbe followed to co-operate. . hoped, however,remedial measures. No English Government could g o on without such measures. No matter what Government was in p ower, the next y ear would extensive be a most important one with respect to the prosperity of Ire land, and he trusted that much time would not elapse before, with the blessing of Providence, they were enabled to wipe away that great stain which rested upon this country with re spect to the past Government of Ireland.--(Cheers.) Mr. D. BROWNE expressed the g ratification which he felt at the moderate tone , and the conciliator y s p irit which had been exhibited by the Hon. Gentleman who had just sat down, and he trusted that her Majesty's Government would follow the example of the Honourable Gentleman, and that they would adopt the course which had been recom mended to them. He (Mr. Brown e ) believed that the re dress of grievances would be the be st remed y and preven tion of that crime which they all so much deplored. The poor man's home, by this Bill, would be rendered a prison, and compared to which the convict's dwelling was a pleasant home. 'rho poor man would never be enabled to return to hislomemithoutlearing that he would be subjected to the espionage which this Bill would give emissaries of the law THE SUN, LONpON, TUESDAY EVENING, APRIL 7, 1846. the power of practising. There was a great deal of prodial ex citement in Ireland, and this had arisen from the system of Go vernment adopted towards that country, and they could never expect that excitement to abate until they removed its cause. The legislation with respect to Ireland, front the time of the union, had been for classes, and not for the people. The different Governments had ranged Protestant against Catholic ; and such was the rancour of the contending parties, that they appeared to forget that they had a country. One of the implied engagements at the time of the union was, that Catholic Emancipation should be granted; and yet, for nine and twenty years, the Catholics were excluded from political rights. The enormities of the monster grievance of Ireland —the State Chnrch—had been continued without any attempt at reformation. He said, while they were advancing science of every description in this country, they were allowing the science of legislation in Ireland to remain stationery. He now came to another branch of the subject, namely, the Coercive Acts passed against Ireland from the time of the union to the period of Catholic Emancipation. For sixteen or seventeen years Ireland was under the restraint of coercive laws—large powers were given to the Lord Lieutenant for the purpose of keeping the people in forceable subjection, and many offences, which had previously been looked at in the light of misde meanours, were made criminal and transportable offences. The system, however, proved unsuccessful, and, discontent still continuing, Catholic Emancipation was tardily conceded, but years elapsed before even that measure was fully carried into effect—( Hear, hear)—while other grievances of a no less extensive and oppressive character were still permitted to exist. The law of landlord and tenant, for instance, was no new source of discontent. It existed in the time of Lord Castlereagh ; and even then the people were driven to acts of lawless outrage and desperation to protect themselves from the tyranny of the landlord, or the cruelty of his agent. A lawless combination, even at this early period, was formed amongst the people, not to oppose or procure the downfal of any existing form of religion or legislation, but to produce a social revolution in the country. It was instituted for the purpose of compelling the landlords of Ireland to adopt one particular principle in the letting of their lands. This grievance, occasioned by the law of landlord and tenant, then, was of no modern creat i on ; on th e contrary, it haaenxyistdeidspofsoirtio d and cruel system. a2 "lhe lY re an w y y n ea to rs; and y e t, u p to the present day , the English G overnment h a d taken no s t e ps, nor evinced tenantry of Ireland. Th e l an dl or d was a ll powerful, and e o o t r h i t i s y baneful could crush his humbl e t enant i n a s ingle moment. This a r s em no ed in ial ere m y e a s s n u d r e s e t was acknowledged by the ablest and largest circulat ing journal in England, and he for one asked the House whether it was not high time that some remedial mea sures should be applied to this system. The Government answered that they intended to bring forward remedial measures, but refused, when called upon, to say what these remedial measures were.—( Hear, hear.) Well. then, he could tell them that this Coercion Bill would fail to have the desired effect. It would in no way stop or reduce the extent of murder in Ireland; and, like all former measures of a coercive tendency, they might rely upon it this Protection for Life Bill, as it was called, would turn out to be utterly useless in abolishing the system it was directed against. If they wanted to insure peace and contentment in Ireland, let them base their Government upon justice, and not attempt to ad minister it through coercive measures. That policy had never succeeded and never would, and Ireland could only be effectu ally governed by laws that were strictly in accordance with the spirit of equity and justice.—( Hear, hear.) There was an other diabolical system existing in Ireland, which ought to be done away with—he alluded to the abominable spy system which existed to a greater extent in Ireland than in any other country in Europe.—( Hear.) It was well known that some of the Government spies had concealed ribbon documents about the persons of unsuspecting individuals, whom they decoyed away from their homes, and by this means succeeded in procuring their conviction for offences which they never committed, and for which they were punished with transpor tation. Again, these spies often resorted to the detestable devices of concealing arms in or about the premises of inno cent and unoffending persons, and afterwards laying informa tions against them for unlawfully having arms in their posses sion.—( Hear, hear.) Nay, similar devices were often resorted to to procure the conviction of innocent parties who were un justly accused of the crime arson, robbery, or murder.— ( Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord, the Member for Lynn (Lord G. Bentinck), had the other night turned up the white of his eyes in pious horror when a statement was made of the mur ders in Ireland, but what had that Noble Lord to say in de fence of the innumerable and cold-blooded murders that had been recently committed in England? The Hon. Member then proceeded to read a list of the murders that had been com mitted in England during the year 1845, one of which was the murder of an old woman by her son, a species of murder which the Hon. Member remarked was not very prevalent in Ireland. —(Hear, hear.) The total number of murders committed in England during the present year was about forty. And yet that year was, according to English journals, a year of unex ampled prosperity. He did not wish to speak offensively of the English people; he was only answering the statements of the Noble Lord the Member for Lynn.—(Hear, hear.) But what would have been the number of murders in England during the past year, if, instead of having been one of unex ampled prosperity, the people had been reduced to the same depths of poverty and misery as were the Irish people at the present moment 7—( Hear, hear.) During even the past three months of the present year, 1846, there had been a long list of the most diabolical murders committed in England, but if the list was read in full, he doubted whether Hon. Gentleman op posite would appear so horror-stricken as they appeared to be the other night.— ( Hear, hear.) Perhaps that arose from their being accustomed to the thing.—( Hear, hear.) Perhaps, like the grave-digger in Hamlet, who said madness was so common amongst those beside him that it did not excite any wonder, murder was so common in England that the English were not surprised at its alarming prevalence in their own land. But, as he said before, he did not intend to use any language of this sort for the pur pose of hurting the feelings of the people of this country. Let the Government give the Irish people institu tions equally to those enjoyed by Englishmen and Scotchmen. Let the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Govern ment come down to the House and tell the Irish Members that he would give them equal franchises.—( Hear, hear.) Let him came down to the House and tell them that he would not tolerate the difference which at present existed between Ireland and England with regard to the church revenues—let him come down and say, that tie e aunt no longer aufFor (if lt• could possibly prevent it) the monstrous anomally which ex isted in Ireland of all the ecclesiastical revenues of the country being handed over to the church of the minority. While in England and Scotland those revenues were appropriated by the church of the majority.—( Cries of " Hear , hear.") He would entreat the Right Hon. Baronet—and he addressed him with diffidence and with the greatest respect, and never had ho used either in that House or elsewhere, as lion. Members on his side of the House would attest—( Hear )—any but the most respectful language concerning the political conduct of that Right lion. Gentleman—he would ask him to look to the state of Ireland, and reflect within his own mind whether coercive measures would tend to tranquillise Ireland ?—( Hear. hear.) Let him look to the anomalous condition of her peo ple, whose history was unexampled in the history of any coun try, while the abundant contents of her granaries were ex ported to this count r y.—( H ear, h ear .) Let him look to the enormous rents whi c h were extorte d from the people for the purpose of swelling th e a b sentee t r ibute, whilst the people were in a state of starvation for want of food and employment. Let him look to the houses of her nobility, which had been desecrated to mean and lowly purposes, her streets deserted, her shopkeepers bankrupt, her custom-house a depot for English merchandise—( Hear, hear)—her exchange a delusion—her bank a monopoly and her very Castle, under the present state of things, a place of despotism. —( Hear, hear.) He would repeat, let the Right lion Baronet look at this state of things, and let bins ask himself whether, by passing this measure, he was doing what was best calcu lated to maintain inviolate the legislative union of England and Ireland.—( Hear, hear.) Let him, if he wished to bring peace to Ireland, pursue an opposite course ; let him, like a great statesman, increase the prosperity rather than irritate the feelings of the people for whom he was appointed to legislate. Let him encourage the introduction of such measures as would form the basis of the peace and prosperity of Ireland. Let him —to use the expression which he had heard used in that House on another occasion—let him unite the philosophy of Watt with the policy of the son of Chatham, and make a Tweed of the Irish Channel. Let him do that, and he would add another laurel to those which already graced his brow.—(Cheers. ) Lord MORPETH said that he had listened with consider • able attention to those lion. Gentlemen who had taken part in this debate, and he was prompted to do so because he had been, on a former occasion, called upon to take a part in the public business of Ireland ; and he would, perhaps, be excused, if he interposed, for a very short time, in the debate now be fore the House,—( Hear, hear.) lie would say for a very short time for many reasons. In the first place, he had no wish to say anything with respect to the general polii.y which he should wish to see pursued to wards Ireland. In the next place, the present state of public business would make him wish to avoid any responsi bility for unnecessarily protracting its further progress.— ( Hear, hear.) But, most of all, the reason which induced him to speak at all on this question was, that he had previously expressed himself most favourably of the Irish character. From his own recollections, he was too sensible of the great difficulties of those who had to a dminister the government of Ireland, and the heavy responsibilities under which they lay with regard to that country ; and he, therefore, naturally shrank trom impeding the measures which the executive au thority at any time, backed by evidence of undeniable effects, might allege to be necessary for the purpose of furthering the peace of her people. He could not but depict to himself the horror which must have possessed the members of the then Government when intelligence reached them of the murder of Lord Norbury. He did net state that case for the purpose of arguing that the rank of the murdered person should make a difference in our sympathies, bat because it happened at a par ticular time, and when he held office under Government. He was quite willing, and quite anxious, to limit the period and the penalties of the present measure, and he would always contend that such measures as these should be strictly in accordance with the exigencies, but lie must say that he could not con scientiously object to this Bill iet . measures of permanent tote. He was ready to admit that it would have be en p refera bl e redressand conciliation had been brought in, either antecedentl y to, or concomitant w ith, measures of harshness and oppres sion.—( Hear, hea r. ) He r e served to himself the right of a full discussion of the details of this measure when it had reached Committee; but he would not take upon himself to refuse, at least, to entertain the proposition to give, for a very limited time, the Queen's Government some at least of those powers which they alleged to be necessary for the safety of human life.—( Hear, hear.) Upon former occasions he had not refrained from bearing his testimony to what he considered himself call ed in a way which was not • many shining qualities in the Irish character--( Hear, hear.) al of the representatives in He had not even refrained, when it was even calculated to give offence—when it differed altogether from the opinions of many of his own countrymen, and even when he had felt him selfut e i upon to speak in favourable terms of the character of the Irish people. iorni called ,hwipt eh u o p p o lt n et t e people—when he anti f d fr v ls o te quite as ready, and more ready, to allow that in .e was many points— in honesty of dealing between man and man, • patience, in resignation almost intolerable, in want and privation—(llear, hear) —there was a pre-eminence of Irish vi rtue, be yond that of any other nation on th e faceof probably Ivor.) And further, his Hon. Friend the earth.—( Hear, his speech, had dwelt upon the number who had just concluded crimes committed in England—( Hear )—and and atrocity of the Mor peth) went with him, and he was ',mi n ). — to nd he ( Lord be quite easy to pick out crimes England g admit that it might their details to those which had been equally horrid in and he would go further, and committed s in Ireland in the Irish murders an absence say that tiiat there was wantonness which characterise d the murders committed i n this country. — (Hear, hear ) Th ere a pp ear ed to be in the murders ry._ com mitted in England an absence of that strong impulse which would seem to excite the generality o f the unhappy individuals that committed m urders in Ir eland.—(llear, hear.) wa s not the number or the guilt of th e Irish , But it rimes much as the system of the Irish crimes, an d the cco, n entailed, and the g eneral insecurity which they sa had qnen to see they with in legislating for Ireland. In connexion with this deoalf the subject, he c ould not fail to be struck with wh a t h a d t b r een impressively stated by the Right Hon. Gentleman the Seere tary-at.War, that what should have most weight with the House in the consideration of this measure was the number of threatening notices, which had increased in Ireland during the last eighteen months to 2320. Why what were those notices which stood hangina over the life of a man? They were notices of terror, and made hli whole existence a fear and • a misery.— Hear, hear.) It might be asked where the details of this Bill calculated to effect their end? He had great doubt whether om(ef s o o pnlau m i:nenic e of them were so.--(Hear, hear,) But he would say let them consider thesis, for in such a state of things he dare not refuse the proposal to legislate altogether.—( Hear.) With respect to the general policy upon which the Government of Ireland ought to be based, he was willing to go as far as most men he believed. He was a party to the introduction of the memorable appropriation clause— ( Hear, hear)—and he stated at the time his opinion that its rejection would be an injustice to the great bulk of the people of Ireland.—( Hear, hear.) At the same time he frankly stated, that that measure of itself was not calculated to give permanent satisfaction to the Irish people.—( Hear, hear.) Whilst he was in office he proposed, us conjunction with his Noble Friend the Member for London, to increase the franchise to the Irish people, and to make them equal in that respect to English and Scotchmen. They also And adt opinions contemplatedn: mose o hns more euletr fw. cordially ovt)ohrby y proposed an adjustment of Irish property, and Irish poverty, e tediUpon formed hpel ennGdwfi calculatedoadoat Government tewi augmenting apem h gno a o medi and it seemed to him that what Ireland wanted in a great s e e e degree was the improvement of the law of landlord and tenant. n p nnse e dtt na ntttwhiohdneoagbutm equitablecdt geto h , hesu e telowd m ftshhrp e elenei a rnsroe s oi tdltuu:etrrni desired produced,. dsners w dsee - md h mt i oe c tg fa h ni het ;vas ittt. h_hbhbleeees an h to e hear.) untenantedr present ) propose t pas was rnoe dypt measureru r u ne e wd t o h tr e ok country and impr ov i ng th e con diti on o f t h e peop l e .—( H ear , sd l t uh i Ministry agn i s ne t s r sde y t voutef oewls onhf detailsi tt e hh h ea he e ont a f ho o t eru r ep e :l : aannn a osdr p ,ow a f r wa t oshne e When, upo n th e one h an d, they had didr hen such a vast area of land they had such immense masses of the people without the means of turning to profitable use the hands and the strength which God had given them, he thought it might be possible, either by the wisdom or kindness of man to devise some means of turning the present state into the ele ments of future benefit to the country.--( Hear, hear.) One more word with reference to the Bill then before the House. Whenever the time should come at which the Bill should arrive at its first reading, as a matter of course a considerable time must elapse before it can reach or pass through its subse quent stages. If in that interval any improvement in the state of crime should take place, from any cause which might be brought into operation, or the exorcise of the ordinary powers of the law, or the exertion of the military and the police—not, I hope, always henceforth to be employed, as they had heard in some of the speeches of Hon. Members—when the verdicts of justice are given fearlessly and righteously— and he saw that the two men who were charged with the murder of Mr. Clarke had been recently ap prehended—(Hear)—if the softened and tempered tone of the discussion in this House—the unanimous language of warrants in which these cowardly assassinations had been branded, not only by the organs of her Majesty's Government, and by the ministers of the gospel, but by the favourites and leaders of the popular mind of Ireland ; if, above all, the beneficient and overtaking hand of Providence shall have checked in any way the career of Irish crime, and shall have restored comparative security to property and life in that country, he then hoped that her Majesty's Government would not consider it at variance with their dignity or their sense of duty to meet this improved manifestation in a corresponding spirit, and to dis pense either with the whole or partial provisions of the Bill now under diacusssion.— ( Hear, hear.) If otherwise, he could only bow to the necessity of the case. He was, however, convinced that for the government of Ireland there was a better way than that.—( Cheers.) He remembered, in the first speech he made within the walls of the then Parliament—he was sorry he could not quote a better authority— it was on the subject of the Repeal of the Catholic Disabilities Bill. He said upon that occasion, " We have made England great, we should now study to make Ireland happy."—( Loud cheers. ) Since that period the greatness of England had gone on ad vancing, it perhaps never culminated to a higher point than at present. All parties will be inclined to agree withthere still remained a vast amount of indebtedness to us to him that make Ireland happy.—( Prolonged cheering.) Mr. P. SCROPE was not surprised that an Irish discussion should be so discursive as the present had been. He deplored that so mnch attention had been paid to political subjects, which had no connexion whatever with the matter in hand. The attention of the House should be directed to the prevention of crime, and the preservation of life and property in Ireland. The Hon. Member proceeded to read some extracts from minutes of evidence given before the Poor-law Commissioners of Ire land, as tending to illustrate the frightful state of society in that country with referer.ce to agrarian crimes. The Hon. Member then went on to remark upon the anomalous state of Ireland—the inhabitants of that country were remarkable for their social and hospitable feelings—they would share there last potato with their distressed neighbours, but they al ways sheltered and protected the murderer, they looked upon him as a martyr, and considered it their duty to support his surviving relatives. They thought themselves entitled to resist the law of the land, which they considered their enemy rather than their friend. What he urged was, that the law protected property while it abandoned those who lived on the property. The system of extermination—of removing the people off the face of the land—must be put an end to. He wished to know where was to be the limits of that system ? In the present state of the law, if the landowners of an entire county chose to eject the tenants from their respective properties, the law of the land must come to their assistance, though a wide-spread rebellion should be the consequence. He wished, therefore, to see the introduction of a remedy. The Coercion Bill before the House, could not surely be considered a remedy. The Right Hon. the Secretary-at-War said, a few evenings ago what startled him. He said that this Bill would eradicate the evil. Now, in his (Mr. Scrope's) opinion this did not show the Right Hon. Gentleman to be very well ver sant with the evil which he proposed to remedy. He (Mr. Scrope) always had resisted similar measures. In 1835, when a Bill of a like nature was brought forward, he proposed an amendment, and would not consent to its becoming law unless some measure of a conciliatory kind were to accompany it. The Secretary-at-War had also said that bold and ample mea sures were in contemplation for Ireland. He confessed that he did not place much confidence in these promises, and he warned them that the social state of Ireland was in a perilous condition, and every exertion should be made to prevent the smouldering elements from exploding with the most destructive violence. What he would ask, became of those individuals who were ejected? They had no resources, but to perish from want, or from fever, the consequence of want. One point he would wish to add— he denied that these outrages were all connected with land. This I vitro, in his opiniun, d, lunch CVIIIIGLACa with want of employment. Give the people employment—let them secure to them the means of living, and if they did, they would have no grounds whatever for passing Coercion Bills, but they would bind the people by the strongest tics to the Government of the country. How had they altered the condition of the country by the Poor-law Commission? They had done a little by the temporary relief, but nothing was done to alter the condition of the country—nothing was done to do away with the cause of agrarian disturbance which the present measure was sought to affect. The remedy of the Government would, however, fall short of the intended result.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") The duty of the Government was to adopt such a measure as would allow the tenantry to live out of the land which they toiled to bring into cultivation, and render profitable to the landed proprietor.—(Hear, hear.) What caused this agrarian outrage ?—( Hear, hear. ) It was caused by the dread of desti tution which the tenantry had of being turned out of their land by the proprietors of the soil at their will and pleasure, and until this was remedied there could be no hope for the peace and prosperity of Ireland.—(Hear, hear.) In the reign of Henry VIII. coercion was tried, a n d it was an historical fact, that about 70,000 persons were hanged. Did thiechange the state of things? Ever since that period the landed tenure of Ireland had been the cause of more commotion than any other evil with which the country had been afflicted. ( Hear, hear.) He called upon the House to look at the state of Ireland—to judge of the re medies which were called for—and, as they valued the prospe rity of that country, to apply themselves to the real remedy of the state of society in that country. What was it that caused the French revolution? Was it not the encroachments of the nobles, the tyranny of the landed proprietors, backed and for tified by the coercive laws, that paved the way to all the scenes that resulted ?—( Hear, hear.) He warned the House that this state of things could not continue. These coercion Bills could not always repress the just aspirations of a people. In their own day they had revolutions its Prussia, Austria, the north of Poland, and indeed over the whole of the north of Europe. The peasants had been raised from a state of serfdom to the blessings of freedom, and did they think that Irishmen would for ever shut their eyes to these facts? It was impossible for any one to look at the Irish who existed in England, without being convinced of their industry, and he would add their perseverance ; and it was only the system which prevailed in Ireland that repressed these virtues. If they had had a fair modicum of justice from their landlords—if the land tenure had been different—then the writers who were so ready to detail the idlenesses and the apathy of Irishmen would have Lad a different tale to tell. It should be the endeavour of Government to pass measures which would give peace to that country. The Hon. Member then read extracts, exhi biting the state of Ireland at present, and arguing that it was a doubtful question whether the Whiteboyism that unhinged society, or the exterminating system of the landlord, were the greater evil. If they took from the Irish peasantry their plea of poverty, the necessity of dying in ditches as on the estate of Gerrard, from that moment they would secure the alle giance of the Irish people. If they wished to put down agrarian outrages, they had only to give them the means of living. Lord GEORGE BEN TINCK said that he did not wish to express any sympathy with, or any palliation of, the long cata logue of crimes detailed to the House. The difference be tween crime in England and crime in Ireland was, that in England, when crimes were committed, the sympathy of the English people did not go with the criminals.—( Hear, hear.) The crimes- upon which they had to decide were crimes with which the people of Ireland had shown great sympathy, and it was because of the difficulty in detecting these crimes, and bringing the perpetrators to justice, that this difference existed. It appeared to him that her Majesty, in calling the attention of that House to consider of and devise measures for increasing the security to life in Ireland, and the more easily bringing to justice the perpetrators of these crimes of desperate assassination, informed the House that she had, with deep re gret, observed that these crimes had of late become of frequent occurrence in that country. He was prepared to support the first reading of this Bill, the more unconditional it was made ; and it was because he thought that in this measure the House would show mercy, not only to the landlord and to the magis trate, but to the tenantry of Ireland, that he was disposed to support it. When they were charged, and himself in particular charged by the Hon. Gentleman the Member for Wickham, who spoke second in that debate on Friday nightlast, with coming down to the House with only superficial information, and hasty statements, gathered from two or three slips cut out from news papers, he begged leave to say, that in the first instance he re ferred to her Majesty's speech from the throne, and he might also have referred to the answer to that speech from that House, in which they (the Commons of England), humbly assured her Majesty, that they, together with herself, had observed with deep regret the commission of crimes of deliberate assassination in Ireland, and promised obedience to her com mands, when she told the House it was their duty to consider some measure for the snore effectual preservation of life, and the more surely bringing to justice the perpetrators of these crimes. They did promise to her Majesty to give their con sideration to a measure of that description, and he conceived that the honour and good faith of the House of Commons was therefore pledged to a measure of that description. He did not for one consider that either the party around him or he him • se'f were in any way bound to support all the clauses that were retained in this measure. He assured the Hon. Gentle man the Member for Wickham, in answer to the charge he (the Member for Wickham) had brought against him, that he would not have been so anxious to support this measure had it not been that the consideration that it was connected with the corn laws induced him to do so. He was able, both for his:friends around him and himself, to refer to the conduct of their whole lives to prove that they had supported those measures when Government called upon them to du so. He supported the measure of the Government of 1833, of a description similar to the one now before the Howe, and the measure then introduced, and which he then supported, was stronger than the measure then before the House. And he took leave to say that he thought that that measure was more effectual for its purpose than the on? then under the consideration of the House. He believed the measure then introduced, on the 29th January, passed both Houses of Parliament, and received the royal consent. He must say that he did not think it was urging on the House to pass a measure of too great baste, it was announced from the throne on the 22d January, and they bad now reached the 6th April, and still had not read the Bill a first time. He should not go again into a detail of all the crimes committed in Ireland, to shock the feelings of that House which the Right Hon. Gentleman had detailed to the House. He thought when he saw all the great leaders of party supporting the measure elsewhere, it was hardly just to the House, that those on his side of the House should not support -the measure of her Majesty's Ministers. His Hon. Friend, the Member for the West Hiding of Yorkshire, had referred to other remedial measures which he thought should be introduced into that House. He had referred to measures for the extension of municipal franchise, and of Parliamentary franchise in Ireland, and had expressed a desire to see the other franchises in Ireland put on the same - footing with the franchises in England. For himself, he confessed he could not see in what way the extension of political franchise of any description in Ireland would be at all any remedy for the evils proposed to be relieved by this measure. But when his Hon. Friend referred to other matters and said that he thought that the relations between poverty and property in Ireland required some new arrangement, he cordially concurred with his Hon. Friend, when he saw that Ireland, with eight millions of population, re ceived poor relief but to the amount of 256,0001. per annum.—( Hear, hear.) Whilst in England, which with Wales, contained sixteen millions, nearly five millions was spent in succour to the country. He must confess that h e cordially concurred with his Hon. Friend in thinking that th e relation between poverty and property in Ireland required some new arrangement ; he believed that some better provision must be made for the people of Ireland. There was another point immediately connected with this, to which he w ould . take leave to refer, and that was to the system of absente eis m in Ireland. He could not disguise his firm and lawful conviction, that many of the evils of Ireland arose from the sy stem of absent land lords receiving their rents and spending them in another country. He was well aware, that in alluding to these doc trines he was not subscribing to the doctrines of political economy. He was well aware, that according to Mr. ll'Cullock, it made no difference to Ireland whether the landlord spent his money in Dublin, in Bath, or in London, but he confessed he had always been at a loss to understand such doctrine. He believed that the first ingredient in the happiness of a country was, that the gentry, who received the rents, should spend their fortunes amongst the people. He could not help thinking that some arrangements might be made, connected with the levying of the poor-rates in Ireland, in which absenteeism might be made more liable. There was an arrangement in respect to tithes, by which two tithes were levied—the one was the ordinary tithe, and the other was only levied as long as the land remained cu lti va t e d. H e t h oug h t t h at suc h an arrangemen t might be applied to th e p oor - ra t es i n I re l an d, an d a l so to a ll per sons, being landlords,w ho absented themselves horn that country. He was well aware that another remedial measure might be proposed, which, notwithstanding what had been imputed to him by the .Right Hon. Baronet, the Secretary of State for the Home Department, namely, that he was treading up on dangerous ground, and that w h at h e was now saying mi g ht be written in letters of blood i n Ireland — notwithstanding all this, still he would say, that a measure might be introduced of a nature very different from that which was now before the House, and which would be much more likely to have the desired effect in that country.—(Hear, from the Opposition.) The Right Hon. Baronet the Secretary of State for the Home Department had, in his (Lord G. Bentinck's) opinion, in in troducing this measure, propounded d octrines which he (Lord G. Bentinck) conceived much more likely, if carried out, to be written in letters of blood in Ireland ; because the Right H on. Baronet had stated that unless he should succeed in carrying his measure for the reduction of the protection upon food, there would be an equal want of protection for life in that country, which was, in fact, saying in other words that unless they had free trade in corn there should be free trade in assassination. Aad what did this argument amount to after all but to this, that crime in Ireland was deemed of such small amount that it was made dependent upon the price of food. He had taken the trouble to examine minutely into the state of crime in the five counties in Ireland which the Right Hon. Baronet had already adduced, and he had found that the amount of crime in those counties in the three months preceding the month of August—a period when provisions were cheap and plentiful—was greater than that which existed during the alleged period of the potato famine. In fact he had found that the number of crimes in those five counties, in the three months preceding the month of August, amounted to 1180, while those committed during the famine period did not exceed 806. What then, he would ask, had the state of crime in Ireland to do with the potato famine, or what justification for Ministers was it to say that unless this House agreed to pass a measure for the repeal of the corn-laws it would be of no use to pass the present Bill. When he saw that such men as Sir David Roche could not re fuse to eject the widow of one of his tenants while her husband was lying dead in the house to gratify a lawless band ; when he found that men who were the best landlords, and who were distinguished for their attachment to the tenants of Ireland, such as the Hoe. Member for Meath, could not walk over their estates without being armed, he thought he and his party were justified in supporting the measure. The Arms Bill of 1834 had been productive of beneficial effects, and this fact alone would hate justified their support of the measure. These were the reasons which induced his Hon. Friends around him to support the measure whilst they were free and open to im prove the details. They did not deem that they were enter taining any measure that would prove tyranical towards the people of Ireland, nor did they deem that in support ing the measure it would be inflicting injury on the Irish people, but they rather thought the measure was absolutely necessary in order to protect Irish improvements of every description, and in order that the hand of industry might not be arrested by the hand of the assassin, and it was fur these reasons that he and his Honourable Friends around him supported this measure.—(Cheers.) Mr. J. O'BRIEN moved the adjournment of the debate. Upon this motion the House divided, when there appeared— For the adjournment Against it Majority against the adjournment —46 On our return to the gallery, we found Sir R. PEEL addressing the House. We understood the Right Hon. Gentleman to consent to the adjournment till this day. Sir W. SOMERVILLE would make one morn appeal to the Government to reconsider this Bill. It was quite clear, from the determination of the Irish Members, that they would not relinquish their privilege of taking their notice before the order of the day. That would put off this measure and the Corn Bill until after Easter, and when they met upon it after Easter there would be a further delay of three or four weeks. lie thought that the best way was at once to propose that the adjournment be to that day three weeks. The measure would lose nothing by the postponement. Sir 11_ PEEL said he had already stated that it was his wish that the debate should he adjourned till to-day, and he would this evening announce on what day he should move that it be resumed, and he hoped that the House would then support him.— ( Hear.) He was quite aware of the great power pos sessed by a minority in opposing a measure, but he considered himself responsible for the delay which might be occasioned by Honourable Gentlemen on the other side of the House. He was not disposed to put an end to the discussion, but he cer tainly should give the Hon. Baronet his decided opposition. Sir W. SOMERVILLE could assure the House that since he had first occupied the House on this question, he had a FJwia fide wish to save, not to waste, the time of the House—( Hear, hear) —and he must therefore deny the right of the Right Hon. Baronet to make use of the expressions which he had concern ing his conduct, both on this and a previous evening, in the course of this debate.—(Cheers.) The Right Hon. Baronet had made use of expressions which he (Sir Wm. Somerville) did not deserve.—( Hear, hear.) If it was the wish of the House, he would at present withdraw the amendment, reserv ing to himself, however, the right to renew it, if he should think fit, this evening.—( Hear, hear.) The amendment was accordingly withdrawn, and the debate adjourned until this evening. _ _ _ __ _ COAL WHIPPERS (PORT OF LONDON) BILL. This Bill then went through Committee. Report to morrow. INSOLVENT DEBTORS' (INDIA) BILL. On the motion of Lord MAHON this Bill was read a second time. He hoped the Right Hon. Baronet would be prepared for the production of the budget, not later than to-morrow. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER wished he could give the Gallant Member as satisfactory a statement of the period when the budget would be brought forward, as he could of the state of the revenue. The Government had an ticipated a surplus revenue of 90,0001., whereas the actual surplus revenue was 1,750,0001. COMMITTEE OF SUPPLY. A vote of 187360Tti00 Exchequer Bills was then agreed to. BANKRUPTCY AND INSOLVENCY LAWS. Mr. HAWES moved that the further consideration of the Bill to amend the laws relating to Bankruptcy and Insolvency be postponed until after Easter. METROPOLITAN RAILWAYS' TERMINI. Mr. P ROTHEROE moved for a copy of the Commission, and Instructions to the Commissioners, on Railroads having or proposing to make stations in the metropolis. lie also wished to ask Sir Robert Peel a question on the extent of the powers of the Commissioners on Railroads having stations in the me tropolis, with a view of ascertaining whether the Commis• sioners will take cognizance of, or interfere with the Bills now before Select Committees of the House of Commons, and espe cially the North Kent Railroad Bill. Sir R. PEEL apprehended that the Commissioners would have no power to interfere with any other part of the railways than those which came within the bounds of the city of Lon don. They would confine themselves exclusively to railway termini within the metropolitan districts. One of the schemes contemplated the removal within the city of London of more houses than was destroyed by the great fire of Lon don. He thought it was a subject, therefore, which called for some supervision on the part of the Commissioners. He considered that it would be better for the Select Com mittee to say whether or not they would reeommend that part of the scheme to be gone into. It certainly was better to ad here to the spirit of the resolution, and not to the letter, as a mistake had crept in. Mr. HAWES thought that that part of the Bill which affected the borough of Southwark should be considered by the Committee, before they made their report. After a few words from Sir Ds LACY EVANS and Mr. MasTEssiais, the motion was agreed to. Sir DE LACY EVANS brought up a Bill to regulate the times of payment of rates and taxes by Parliamentary electors, and to abolish the stamp-duty, on the admission d! freemen. The other orders of the day were then disposed of, and the House adjourned at One o'clock. EMILIA WYNDHAM. BY THE AUTHOR OF " Two OLD MEN'S TALES," " MOUNT SOREL," &c., IN 3 VOLS.— The above work is published this day by Mr. Colburn, and may now be had at all the libraries. Mr. Colbum has also just published the following popular new novels :-2. Con fessions of a Pretty Woman, by Miss Pardoe, authoress of " The City of the Sultan," &c.-3. The Robertses on their Travels, by Mrs. Trollope-4. Peers and Parvenus, by Mrs. Gore-5. The Citizen of Prague, edited by Mary Howitt-6. Sir Roger de Coverlev, a Tale of the Court of Charles 11., by the author of " Maids of Honour," and 7. The Queen of Denmark (Caroline Matilda, sister of George III.), an Histo rical Romance, founded on the private communications of her Majesty's Chamberlain. [ADVERTISEMENT.] —A BAD LEG OF SEVERAL YEARS STANDING CURED BY HOLLOWAY'S OINTMENT AND PILLS.—MY. Turpin t'rowse, Richmond Cottage, Widcombe, Bath, has made a declaration to the following effect :—" That he had been suffering for more than five years with an ulcerated leg, covered with fourteen wounds, and that ho had been a patient at the United Hospital at Bath for three or four years, and that he had also used the sulphur bath every other clay for six months, and all to no purpose, but that he is now perfecely cured after every other means had failed, and by the use of Holloway's Ointment and Pills." Mr. King, chemist, Bath, will vouch for the truth of this extraordinary ease.—Sold by all chemists and at Professor Holloway's Establishment, 244, Strand London. Tam FISHERY.--Since our last, the fishermen of Mount's Bay have had some good catches of mackerel, varying nightly from 500 to 2,000 per boat, which have realised from Os. to 135. per 120. The latter price was ob tained on the day preceding the sailing of the steamers from Ilayle to Bristol. Many cart-leads (in maunds) were taken hence to Hayle, and forwarded to the markets of Bristol, Bath, &a., and we are informe d met a rea dy cone sale at remunerating prices.—hook fish have also bee tinu n very plentiful ; the fishermen at the Quay__ fifty fine to bring ashore from twenty to forty and ri'ell Friday morning, ling and cod per boat nightly. with he numbers several boats left the pier and proceed O e ward, and iu the evening returned each collect to have seen. above stated, and finer fish we never 12Ihs. to 6 ORM. Such a o sea The lints vary in size from about has a Mile or not been for the last forty season for this kind of fis_h! ounesßay tw will be considerably years. The fisheries of M en h an ced when we shall haven railway to the metropolis: ere in the morning may then be sold fish brought ash oi : e the same day.—Penzance Gazette. in Bini ngs ,rate-mar.et h The ° duty on oranges amounts to 70,0001. per annum, and on currants to 270,0001. COURT CIRCULAR. The Queen held a Privy Council yesterday afternoon a Buckingham Palace. It was attended by his Royal High ness Prince Albert, the Lord President, the Archbishop Canterbury, the Lord Privy Seal, the Commander-in-Chief,the First Lord of the Treasury, the Secretaries of State for the Home and Colonial Departments, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, the Chancellor of the Duchy of Lanca s t er, the President of the Board of Trade, the Secretary-at-War' the Postmaster-General, the Lord Steward, the Lord Chamber lain, and the Master of the Horse. At the Council the Archbishop of Canterbury was directed to prepare a Form of Thanksgiving for the recent victories in the East Indies. The Hon. William Bathurst was the Clerk to the Council in Waiting. The Queen gave audiences to the Duke of Buccleuch and Sir Robert Peel. The Court was attended by the Marquis of Anglesey, Gold Stick in Waiting ; the Vice• Chamberlain, the Treasurer of the Household. Lord Rivers and Mr. R. Ormsby Gore were the Lord and Groom in Waiting. Her Majesty and her Royal Consort took their usual early walk yesterday. Their Royal Highnesses the Prince of Wales, Prince Alfred, the Princess Royal, and the Princess Alice were taken airings yesterday in the royal gardens. The royal dinner party at Buckingham Palace yesterday included her Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent, the Earl of Jersey, Lady Augusta Bruce, Baroness de Speth, the Iligtt lion. W. E. Gladstone, Hon. and Rev. C. Leslie Courtenay, and Sir George Cooper, Bart. Her Majesty the Queen and Prince Albert examined with much interest the first production of a wonderful shawl-loom, submitted for inspection by Mr. George Smith. The loom has been constructed by Mr. Robert Kerr, of Paisley, so that one man weaves two shawls at the same time. Her Majesty was pleased to give her patronage to this new manufacture, by the purchase _of both the specimens submitted. Her Royal highness the Duchess of Gloucester visited her Majesty the Queen Dowager yesterday, at Marlborough House. Her Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent visited the Duchess of Gloucester yesterday, at Gloucester House. Prince Castelcicala, are Neapolitan Minister, had an inter view with Mr. Secretary Gladstone yesterday, at the Celo nial-oilice. • The Bishop of London bad an interview with the Earl of Dalhousie yesterday, at the Office of the Board of Trade. Mr. John Wood, Chairman of fire Excise, had also an interview with the Noble Earl yesterday. The Bishop of Lichfield had an interview with the Chan cellor of the Exchequer yesterday, at his official residence in Downing-street. Lord'Ashley had also an interview with health, he the Right Hon. Baronet. Sir Geo rge H ayter i s a t presen t a t Falmouth, to which port proceeded severeb yeamer, attack he fortheexrpee-erisetnabcelidshthnreerert,ovefelkiiss ago. The Judicial Committee of the Privy Council sat yester day, and resumed the consideration of the petition of the in habitants of Cape Breton. The Solicitor-General was heard, and the Attorney-General commenced his address. The case was adjourned. COVENT GARDEN THEATRE. PROMENADE CONCERTS. Mr. Allcroft has taken Covent Garden Theatre fur five nights only, for the purpose of giving a series of Promenade Concerts during Passion week. The conductor of these con certs is Signor Negri, and we rejoice once more to see this excellent conductor, to whose exertions the English public are in a great measure indebted for the introduction o Promenade Concerts, resuming his proper place as the conductor of an orchestra. The leaders are Messrs. Thirlwall and Mellon. Among the solo performers are, M. Laurent on the cornet a piston, Mr. Nicholson on the oboe, Mr. Keating on the bassoon, Mr. Hancock on the violoncello, Mr. Carte on the Boehm flute, and Sivori (the first violinist in the world) on the violin. He last night delighted the audience by giving his world-famous solo, "Le Carnival de Venise." In addition to these he has secured the services of Mr. henry Russell, who last night sang " The Ship on Fire," and the " Maniac, " accompanied by himself on the pianoforte. As a matter of course, both songs were enthusiastically encored; but, instead of repeat ing them, Mr. 11. Russell gave us two negro melodies, pre facing them by relating some piquant anecdotes illustrative of" Nigger" life iu the United States. This introduction of vocal music is a great improvement on the ordinary programme of Promenade Concerts, and gives a most agreeable variety to the entertainment. The programme of last night was excellent. After the National Anthem we had a selection from the .211essiall, which was very carefully given, concluded with the magnificent Hallelujah chorus, the chef dwurre of Handel, which was deservedly encored. Pee had of overtures those to Fidaio, to Masienello, to Gmllaume Tell, and to Der Frieschutz, all admirably per formed ; and we had also a fantasia from II Don Giovanni, embracing all the favourite airs of the greatest of the compositions of Mozart. This was perhaps the gem of the evening, and was evidently with all concerned a labour of love. Among the lighter music there were three new compositions by Mr. J. Calcott—a Polka, a Quadrille, and a Mazourka, lively dance exciting compositions, and which prove that we have an English composer, at least, who need not shrink from a com parison with Labitsky, Lanner, Strauss, or Musard. These pieces, composed expressly for these concerts, reflect the highest credit on the taste and musical science of Mr. Cal cott, and were received with the most rapturous enthusiasm. Musard's far-famed "Echo Quadrilles," which were first in troduced to the English public by Signor Negri, were re vived last night, and are as popular as ever; and Mr. Carte gave us a solo on the Boehm flute, consisting of varia tions on the " Huntsman's Chorus," which was one of the most exquisite specimens of flute-playing it has ever been our good fortune to hear. All the difficulties of the instrument were fairly met, and fairly overcome, and the tone throughout was clear, powerful, and yet exquisitely delicate. The House was crowded to suflb cation in every part. Let us hope, that encouraged by his success, Mr. Allcroft will be induced to extend his season beyond the five nights at present announced. Of the success of such an experiment there can be no doubt, for good pro menade concerts (and these are among the very best that have ever been given) have always been the most popular of the Metropolitan amusements. SPORTIN G IN YELLIGENCE. TATTERSALL'g—YESTERDAY. The Subscription-room was crowded until considerably beyond the nsual hour of closing, and, what with the settling for the Metro politan Handicap (which, by the way, would have been much easier had three or four parties been considerate enough to employ some one to pay and receive for them) and speculating on the various events now In the market, was reasonably brisk. The odds laid however, were in several instances so conflicting, that, while be lieving our quotations to be very near the mark, we by no means pledge ourselves for their entire accuracy. The most prominent favourites for the Newmarket Handicap were Corranna, Beaumont, Arthur, and Spur, each having attained the position assigned him below, after a rather liberal outlay. in the early part of the afternoon, at 20 to 1. We did not observe any great inclination to back the leading favourites for the Chester Cup, but Crim. Con., Vitula, and Mermaid were decidedly in favour. The business on this race was flat. Sting and Brocardo were not in demand for the Derby, but the Traverser and Tom Tullock were; the latter at a great improve ment on last week's quotations. The betting also touched upon the Oaks and Two Thousand Guineas Stakes, but did not exhibit any thing like a " feature." Closing prices : NEWMARKET HANDICAP. 13 to 1 agst Mr. G. Moore's Corranna 15 to 1 agst Mr. Copeland's Arthur 16 to 1 agst Mr. J. Clark's Nike filly 16 to 1 agst Mr. Jaques's Spur 16 to 1 agst Lord Albemarle's Beaumont 20 to 1 agst Mr. Death's Thrapston—taken 20 to 1 agst Col. Anson's Rowland 11111 20 to 1 agst Lord G. Bentinck's Marquis of Conyngham—taken 20 to 1 agst Mr. G. Moore's Wolidog 20 to 1 agst Mr. Godwin's Dexterous 22 to I agst Lord Exeter's Wee Pet 22 to 1 agst Mr. King's Young Lochinvar 25 to 1 agst Col. Peel's I am not aware —taken 25 to 1 agst Mr. Freeman's Sir Diggery Diddle 30 to 1 agst Mr. Cuthbert's Queen of the Tyne—taken 39 to 1 agst Mr. Deluce's Rosa 8 to 1 agst Rosa, Nike filly, and Dexterous (all half-bred)—t. CHESTER CUP. 12 to 1 agst Mr. Gully's Weatherbit 12 to 1 agst Mr. A. W. Hill's Sweetmeat 20 to 1 agst Lord Gee. Bentinek's Best Rower 22 to 1 agst Lord Geo. Bentinck's Clumsy 25 to 1 apt Mr. Woffenden's Miss Burns 25 to 1 agst Mr. Dawson's Crim. Con. 25 to 1 agst Mr. Parr's Vitula—taken 30 to 1 agst Sir J. Gerard's Merl:said—taken 50 to 1 agst Mr. Davies's Itedstreak—taken 50 to 1 agst Mr. Wormald's Pedometer—taken 50 to 1 agst Mr. Gully's St. Lawrence—taken 2,000 GUINEAS STAKES• 4 to 1 agst Col. Anson's Logo 8 to 1 agst Mr. W. Scott's Tibthorpe—taken ; 6 to 1 t previously DEILET. 4 to 1 agst Lord E. Russell's kiting 12 to 1 tigst Gen. Shubrick's 13rocardo 23 to I agst Mr. J. O'Brien's The Traverser—taken 25 to 1 agst Colonel Anson's lago OAKS. 25 25 toto ug ag, s st t I 3 ') ir r . d W sf . a S id ei s,t t e t l 's le T s lb T t ohmorpeTullock 7 be I meet Col. Peel's lot 2.5 to 1 agst Mr. Wyatt's Laundry Maid—taken 2 1 0 39 tot o aa''agsg4ttt 3CBfoirrl..CLl;lee:tfllLsnaQcikees'sell}:anaAnntisasuiel—t—ictl—aakkteaeljklien HAMPTON RACES.—YESTEHDAT. Sweepstakes of 10 80V8 each, 5 ft, and 25 added. Two miles. (9 Subs Mr. E. ii:tworth's John Davis, list 71b Air. lllanety'a Moaivsloetoumniiecoanann, Johndl 1 a s t h 7 D l a b laf . .•• • • . •• . (Owner.). Mr. Lowther's llyre.anlan, list 71b • ... .. • ...... •• • • 3 Match, 1.00/., — s* Mr. V S o mi n e th as so y n : ' ' s . Robll.oy, 9st 71b (May), beat Captain Bayly's gr m by Drone, 9st. The Hurdle Stakes of 5 soya. each, and 25 added. Two miles. (le Subs.) Mr. R. Y. Shipley's Brunette, aged, list 71b •••• • • • • (Mr. Roland) I Lord A. Lennox's Barnaby Budge, I Ist 71b ••••• • • • • • .......... 2 Mr. C. Montgomery's Blantyre, I Ist lib •• • ••••••••• • • • • • • • • ' Captain Boyle's Yorkshire Lass, 1 ist 71b ..... The following also started, but were not placed :---Mr. Slade' Symphony, Captain Halkett's Tke Pope, and Captain Brown's Paddy Brunette fell at the first hurdle, but was soon up, caught her horses and won cleverly. llandicap Hurdle Stakes of 10 cove. each, h ft, with 30 added T. ice round and a distance. Captain Barnett's Boxkeeper, list . • • • - • • • • • •• Mr. Williams's Limerick, lOst 101 b.. •• • • ..... Captain Rogers's Wilton, 10st .• . ..... • • . • • • • • • Mr. Aston's Adrian, lOst• Gto cl 4 eve ag r s ly t Bboy half a x h k a eeper ien 2 g t th. to 1 aget Wilton, and 3 to 1 agst Ad r ian Won h A r e S e w mb e e ta w k wi e fo easilyso va e b a y c h 3 , r and R Rowland' laadndde,:Adr e (Owner,) beating Lord Glamis's Bob Booty, 6 yrs, llst aged ,2lb and Mr Siade's Ascot, aged, lOst 111 b. an , i l e a st n 4 3 l b The Scurry Stakes of 3 sovs• each, with a purse added, 12st each A n d e ra m i thi n, el2alst,d(o% e beating he s u m b s r ,. v. 33 - e e c r k u ,s w r o un n b e ?: Saltfish. one The weather was very unfavorable , but the attendance tolerably ood• M au r d . 3Rtro.wklflayd: (Bradley) 1 . ...... 2 - • -----=---,------ ROBBERY ON BOARD HER MAJESTY'S SHIP TRAFAL GAR.—WhiIst the ship was lying at Plymouth, in September last Lieutenant L. C. 11. 'rouge lost a gold repeater watch and gold brcquet chain, the disappearance of which until lately has remained wrapped in mystery. it appears that on the arrival of the ship at Sheerness in November, two privates of the Royal Marines, William Dennis and William Ftrehenchv, iogli,itßailinceed.ofofirtte.t3te•h-deciiiiietainli,rotorauiboiriti,:)ote'lrJiyet:::ial:endopttalhtibece-er settee, during which time Use chain was sold by Dennis for tive shit di watchmaker sl,o s e,i ~ f hisat Dartford purchase that . /o rth; sl l a, : i l ot a L. r L i t : i t .r i . etne h case had been melted hogs to Mr. Stigant, pawnbroker. ceilw.aitilili,oilinmiv,siahleld t 2 l. ti e t : at o c r h t i o )e a . and that the works of the comber. ditoww.asabearteriothirteeted weeks since, watch had been sold to a Jew in lloundsditch. In consequence o atti7erlen:e;otimgait:ltyolgi l:::rittnttohte us sh t i od p, y Li , a e n u d te o n n an s t a T tu o r n d g a e y s w ta e te ;e d b tl r i o a u t g h by e t , hester. Ser gbe* e u s i ; IC :ch e de n t A 3l e :ea l 1, 1 of prise : oa t : : sin A oafg d i i i: N at i rv s a i i on of the m e tropolitanpolice, stated that if the prisoners were remanded he should be enabled to pro and Lieutenant Tonge said he should d uc e the works of the watch, t u Y sto i d e y rmains of his property by the' number a t i n te d then bemaker's t e o t in i l d a e ni n nl e t identify Sergeant Kendell stated that since the pri soners Dennisaccordinglyn c o m n robberies. The prisoners were ly am e c o d nfm unt e i d i I t v h oda at e h N e . MIS the guilty party, but that be had been concerned in other day next. _ . B ;: o C rt A Iy iACCIDENT IN BOW-STREET. --Yesterday evening, after six o'clock, a serious accident occurred at the carrier of Bow-street and Long-acre, to Charles Driscole, a young man eighteen years of age. Ile was running by the side of a cab soliciting a gen. tlemau to purchase a playbill, when his foot slipped, and he fell to the ground. At the moment another cab followed, the horse and. wheels of which passed over (his body, inflicting such extensive in juries that he was removed to the hospital In a most precarious state.